A History of Greece 1000014844 PDF

HISTORY OF GREECE.
THE RIGHT REV. CONNOP

THIRLWAIL,
IK TWO VOLUME
VOL. IL
NEW-YORK:
PUBLISHED BY HARPER Jc
BROTHERS,
N". 83 Cliff-Stiikt.
n,gt.7ccT:G00glc
n,gti7cdT:G00glc
TABLE,
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL,
TO THa "BOOHD Toutm or
THE HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAPTXR zxxvn.
Smrlawolfta'Iaamrtiimt ....
MT Fealtiai if
Sputa
U iIh Pua s( Aatilddn
"*
y"/^*
llKMb"*"-lt"diiiittai" iDd DtaBm-
Ml SputulUnAnncaUFhliu" JaalourefB|"i"
te t"jed uuDst OlnUms
....
IbMdaui lEnamid
*ijOlfnihu
m SpAxta
d"onH Wur
Afviul OLjiillLiia--J1uiAidbB
CaoHqimi PTDCHdiiwa u
Sjiuti"BiptdltlaB
of
Ml TalBDtlu
afuait
OfynUiu" Svcxvd CaBpufn
tee Bl* I""th" TUld Cunpufn
ud ItoUh erf
A(r
"IpolLt
" flLna of Phlim
.....
m DslvU*"
RiActiaiaf PUlH ud
CH)vtl"
CHAPTER XXXVlEt
nw FowvT of
Spvta mJmiMtipf
"
PtioffUaa
Hkd
ftrtSMgrnaum
TtabM L"OBa"jM"rfAwhiM
.
AMiprua
of Ibg T^bu Eiilaa
itDfBptedr
RsTiTal rfOa Alhaidu CoertdmoT" Eijadltim
tf AHrilua ifahut ThaUi
....
Xn amxmSbfâ"m'JAr-i)tia ....
m hMlntuBoCtlwbendBuulatThibH" Haitlo
of Nub" Eipidibim
sfTim("lwiia Wwotfi Iha
ITS YlitDir (f th" Thabui HU
T(fT'*~C*"Bl"^
n" tu HOI U Phi"" Stu* of TEhhIt
IiimrfPfciif HitPlim Ttmij
-irllh
Polydt-
Paua bMinMi Allmi uvl
Sputa" HoMmiha
TTI ra"amd "
Mmnlppu in Cor^ra
Wm Dafiat aziilDsalli"
Di^taca
ofTiaiatliaai"
Eapaditicai
oT
IphicnlH
Damuotiia of
Tbupia
ud FlaCaa
ITl NacotulitHi
Utwaan Athiu aid S|wia" Tna-
tr
of Poacs" Tliabu ticlsiW bom Iba
IWat;
CutnnbTvtBt at Lcactn^VinDiu and Omau
BaitlaarijiDaia
BipadltioB
of Anihidamu" iaioB^ MadUtion
.
CHAPTKR XXXIX.
C"B(iaia
at AlhoDi" Ralinildui(of Mintima
Aillalail Slata o(
Palnpiiiuiiiai
Pnjasltai the nsliinat Anmdia
FotaadatloB of
HacalofHlia
-"
Aicadlaa Goutita-
Btnfrlaa batman tha Facticni at Tana
. . .
ITS
E^^tioD of Anailau-Tlia Theban in Palo-
"M
p"Btana
laradoa of Laeouja"
Dafl(ai
of
Sparta
CoufiiiaEj Dnulwd by Afaailau"Ratiaal of tha
Toaadio^:
of
Haiania"'PapBlatiim c" T'liim
'.
lUoaat of Iha Thabana
Thai nf
Epaaiundaa
and
Palorldai. ,
CHAPTBRXL.
irf
PalopidH
Is
SOT
Tiotorf
of ArciudamaB
" Gmiui Enibai
MI Conftaia at Thabaa"Huid BnadiUoB of
Epaa-
Tymit
of Sii7"i-1"oK^nd
at 'Hiobai
'.
"
AthBDi dani'rvd cf
Oropu
" CorintEi 4a4imb erf
Paaoa" Tha AmhidMina of laooataa
""
M4 Biaca "rfCnnnaa-Baltl* of
Olrm^
Ml Diaocfd iiacaui Iba Areadiaaa" Vjulaal
Ilia irftbaThataai al Taiaa
.
Mt
Cf^tioa
Bfaist ThalMO-Daalfa of Pahndaa-
CHAPTER XU.
Rarlav (rfpaal
Emti
....
Fnapaoli
af Giaaea" HMadoila udar Pofdlesi
n." Aretaelana" A Patna of Iha Aita
Amnitlu 1L" AlaitaDdai II.
...
PhiUp iaill u a
Huatua Ig TTlsbai
Fnilliicum."
Philip'o
Edacation at ThabH
CHAPTBR XLO.
Impoitaaea
of
Au^poUa
I
AHampU
cpfAthaiu ta rvxrm
it
. "
I
MW CharidoBU of Omu " Tiaaotlwiii
Tôliad
at
AmphipoUi
I
Ue
Philip
aiakn War "
AmphipeUa-Saont Nafa-
Philiplaô8i"ga
to
AnvhipaUa" FaQ ef AsqAiP*
UT CntaaUofPrdaa"
Philip fihaiPoUdH Is blra-
Rantal and Growth of thi Alhai
CcnquwroTl^noChaai" Pnâetot Bpai
Alaxaodar of Pbena"
Pinoj
" EBpb]
-Tha Qtaak CatâOitti
of
IpUouaa"
Daath af llBoUiaia
n,gti7cdT:C00glc
ANALYTICAL AND CHBONOLOGICAL TABLE.
Suit .lib bii Duudiiiu" ÎIlIÛ DefMU
14 BpflechiniQi^
llw Lnw of
l^ptinflB"Sf"flchon
Aaphii^tyunic
DscnH
aîait Sparta
lad FbociB
"
DelnhiiT"Mur,LBd.ng"r . . . .
'
KI niiloii..U.-SBUM fatlphi" iii. Wai with Am-
Hh VindioUion of hii Ci
DtlMt uil D"alh
ar"yhi""uj
ofAlaiudtraf
ud Olfiithi
6^"Kt
of tliBAiml
Philippic-
Lair of EubnJu "
Philipboaivj
of
PharUuÂIIun
of Pol-
of Dam'ouhaiiaa i^
Bthilf itf
Ills bglWHii
Philip
T lb* Proticbfim of
["*iii"lhgiio"
.
lonuia-Bii
ortlu
lilUdt
tU luacliDS" Sptach of II
Itt
TCoTjTilhiaiu aak
S"IS fr^m^/lh^' !
Spaochoi
of Damoathenta " Sacocd Embuaj tma
MT
atnra
it"?aaClTfti"" at Dinm
CHAPTER XLrr.
Oleoma" Takea and da
loa-Philip'iFoUoT1!
" Oraticn of DamoatbaDBB (A tha Pnoa
,
-I!
H5 HatotiuiiHU
ia FalopaiiiiHM
- 1!
I" Paitisa al EUa" Alhmi-
Partiaa al Athani
Bip"dit!""i
to
Btf ilUHB of ttia
Tnannb)"
OflAPTER XLVt.
Philip'aExp""il)imto
Sc^tiia . U
pTDcavdion of the
AmnhictjDnlaCcriineil
. .
U
"^-'"
"-'""ica-Philip
aaiiiia
Elaua
' ' '
'"
f PflftCo"Coilrtaai al
UT
Philip^ EkpaditiDD in Palowmiwi
Munagt
mth
CliyatT*"
UiiDs
" Piiodania" Ptninl u
Sga . . .
U
Philip
Mardand "
Supiiacv afuut Oljmpiaa
Philip^
Characlar' '.'.'.'.
U
CHAPTER ZLVIL
AlajJidart BdoatiiB" LaaaUaa ud Ljtimm-
ehea-ATiauHla If
Ptnod of bit luuoQOJw witliAkiuidu" Alai^
DifficulliHof Aluudar^ Poaitio*
'"
Pmpantioiii
CHAPTER XLIX.
M Alauutor
croawa the lUlleromt" nin" . 17
BaiiWIhoGruicin. .
'"
.11
Efhnua .... , . . .
1)
a Casrwliida-
Taiaui" AleuEitai ud hii Ph/d-
Aptnoach
of Dailu" Hanb lo laaaa
.
.11
KuTBiDiau of Uuina" FiaM of BUUa" BiCtIa ct
,'v,
Google'
ANALYTICAL AND
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
CUAFTKR
L.
II of Dulu" AluudaiN Baplj
"
a
Siefe^Tjn""""
I'nifimli
al Duiu"
3l"p
at Gia"Jinu
U Hmicb to EgTpI~Fmiid"Iiini
"ilUHudni
Ouu of Ammon"Onclf
of Ammn
GoTDrnmanl of
^^pl"
Katim to Plun
Hucb thiuugh HwjBlunu
Baule of
GinfmiDBlA ....
sasia!.",
10Hush ud Pluirf Dmn
" AUiimtw utt ant
IÊcbHuu
V
Xkhi Eotuwu"FanKd
Muck to
ShajB"
FlM
I" DtfoU
ud DiUh of Afii I
OUPTER LII.
Ipiril
oT
Olrspiu"
Tke AriiapJuu
11
Iha
ParoiiuiuH"
FaHta
"( Itu
Puu(ta
^ ilig juniuc" Dafeu of lb* SiTlliiiiu
DdntortlHNm
.Doom
o( BeHai
tUm BmbMT" PfcM" 111 ""
"b Raiolt ii 8ii(di"u~AI"miidar iKj"Bit
I Ika Saadlu Roek" Rouni
.
gmaTSpiBBaiiti"
ChuaBt BaiHia .
T^ Coon" DauhurCloitu .
of
Xenipffr^SjdBillino"
DoiaU "
II kckhJ orTlHHn .
PttloDHUk . . . .
CHAPTER Lin.
- . "
j-Mmli to CW"a
.
Ill
K Tht Indlu
N;u"
Alnudor'i Aihnl
timtt
of Dio
BiiluiH
Butle of Iba
Bjimpn"Tr
Abinni" Mush to the Hjdiwita" Suguli
u-
Anlnl u Iha Bjiiliaiii" Tho
Araj
bnt on Ra-
CHAPTER
LV.
Snlqaott-Huv"lu
L"
Tha
MuTUf a Paaat "
of iIk
Am/" HntiByuOiia
1
lEa^^ . . . .
Mt
KnJtw ofhii Ufc
CHAFTBB tVl.
"tape
of Uu'inJiia^.Cosdoiii
naielplunad .
j^^
m
PnjKntlîôr Wu with A
-Ddid
ud
Itipatai. m
"PemMtioa of ft Oi^
" " " .""
IfttTliUla "hr
'
S
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
CHAPTER LTn.
sd Id
EgTjM" lAlhffVH
II Flight nt AnliMtniu" Eumc
Alia UisDi^TnulieiT an
Sahal u
' ' '
Dsilh of AJnlu
id
OJ^mpiu
HBlinT utTiiHrulinii"PuliliwarTlinndinu
-a'taMXuaBtE^.miM" *
Duii^sT
of
Clm^ttv
"
AjJlJpU"'a AmagomflBt
It Eumenei dfifcitfrd, takftiRsfbga
La Non" Ku
SafiwI of All
iDtnjpiei
of DDDudH"Hii Embuar to i
It "And Dulh"
Anlipatar'i
lail WiU,
Polnnrclioii'i
Puhcj"
EkLct of Anidi
18 " nuKina and Nicauor
.
AjTJTfelafAlFiandflT,Son orPalTapsret
don in thi Macadoniu Cuap" Ii at
Sacn^Hd
b; PolyipcrchoD
" Hij Tiial
And SHth" Rcflacuoni on hia
polinoal
MoralcniLiB ttuatl PuLjripaTChiMi
" Slai
Dtuh of Cleitu"
C^tuluioD
of Ml
CHAPTER l.Tin.
Tr"a4;hBr7
of tbe
ATfjmpidB
" TTiiafTi iifPiina
Ptilhon'i
[iilh;ua
tad DHlb" lUtus c(
Jmtiga-
17 EiUTdioa ud OlTmiiaa" I""uh it Airidaiu nu-
ip
aad
EutyJioa ^ " , .
S
nt Daath of
Ol^p l^piat"
Harriaft
tiCCaaaaadar and
ReDanlum of Tbetw J
Nafocialum
bstwaan
AnligaiHia
and hia Rjrala^
II
PnpanliwnfAnlilDnaa ....
I
AjaembLr at Trn "
AjitigoBU uniDaa tha Rt-
riKr-SUUiifQnou
I
14 Snoceaaatof CaiMDdtl" War in Cjinw" Nanl
N""^D^-UwriaFl^ta
in iha Enri^"
111 Enitdilioiiof Danittnua to
Babjlon
" Omsnl
CHAPTER UX.
niMi TIB met ar 111 to tki lanLc or imi
lid rf Pulamiia and Ramwal
t"HainIiliai
"Hor-
cnlaa Pntemlor to Iha l^mnia
.
,t
m TiuBhannalf
maiimi
bj Paljipanbat-PtDl-
N8 tmjr^ Eipsditioo
lOT
Expallad
from At]
- . ,
ialtorT-BoaJlofDsBetrloa
.
"
Siega
of Ealauii id
CTpnu" Saa-llf
hi offSalaait
Expaditionof Antifonai
afwul Eg^pt"
Ha la
a Hia
S^rwilh
Iha Rhodiinai-RIuidatM*!^
br
"" --^" "
npolaad br Saa
,
.U
laoa
viih iba Rhaditia
tba Weat" DeuMthui loilialed
. X
nni and Lrtioachaa . . .
K
Ml
Sjtia"
Ratun of Salaucai linaiIhn Baat .U
Ballls of
[pau"
Daalh of Antjiosnt" FlialU if
Ssmatriui M
Condncl of Iha Alhemaiu Umida Damattina"
Partilion " .
.
M
Kaaolia of Iba Bulla of Ipnu .
U
CHAPTER LX.
"0,9M MafementaofDamaUiui"
ffiiTAliiauiîritb
MS
Raplun
with Silaocma-CaaHndtl't
AtlaBpt
oa
WT Alhina-Demttnu ntotu to Gne"-^)aalk
ofC
"
SMDama
. .
"1
aalvaiBFaaAilifmi"
Trnuf
ofLadian* m
"niraDdera to Dobialnna " DaaMtriaa
anioat Suxla
.... . .
Ut
Ci^
War la Handoiiia-Demairiu in MaindiBU
" Moidatof AleiaLdti IM
tM,
Ml DaBeUina, King
of Uacadonia" Daawtrisa
in Bmola" Focliltoitiaaa( Iba Unaeuii . .
US
sot
LjaJBOachua
and Iha Oalaa "
Lâlm
It of Thabti" DamaUiu al
.
MS
tSa BililaiT
PnpanIioDa-H" ArrOfaaa . .
US
PriThaa inTaAai llaoHloma B"
Fiicblof DamaUiat-Libanliosof Alhtia"
P;t-
Hairaat td the Catta
tTBtlT4 Aulifwoa
(roDala
_,
Tatama to
Epima
VI
Kg PalDpmneana
K
Ha baaiegeaSputa ......
tl
Rslnala " Hii
Atumpt
OD
A^w"
DhA Bl
ChaiaOar of
Pjrthna
"1
CHAPTER LXI.
181 Rite of the
MS
Tjrrtiuirof
AcbBan Laajoa"
lie
eail^Hiilfl7
of the
Laagna . . .
V
IjiaiflCimDa"Aatignniabanefea
Ath-
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
u
OtBDiml ef tb*
Ml Connth
nupriwd
bj An
Ml ItMBpla
of Antu
spn
Rm"^"n
in Epinu . .
ThaDlrRuu
in
Epiiw"
D*
H) Su" KoBU
Em"u^
in Oi
CHAPTER LZn
AiiFiiods"Hia Flu tt Bxtam
Leof^du
dMbrofw) "
Agia
"!
''
V7
Bflf]B|JBf
of the ih"Cl"iMiiita Wu" Annu ud
cHApnm LxiiL
srituFviplt . .
IB RilsUimi with
Foolfx Citi"
Ttx f uliuia (1 FUiiIh" Th*ii
UaiHnift " DoniwhiD ud Sod
no Pnpumdan
tat Wu
BaOttifCttikjm
TUM
"Philip M
It
C^whii Conmmlcm mt
Spun
TtfM" Baginniictt tba Sniil
Dliinitiou
sf Iha Am**" RnolaUcB it Spun
-^jraufuKii^ ......
Ij
noip
banana AiBbivnta " landaa .Attdia"
Warn
Campaitii
m
PalopuiBiDi . .
U
liliifnaa
(f Apallaa 4M
Ca"dacf loliial
PblllpÎ'lulip
at Thamni .
415
Thfl U0ii"drilcpiv ajTBctwl"
Fhibp
in Laoouia
.
4M
Perfldj
of Apellaa"Tha
CcaitpirUT
onuhad .
417
Amu
aamnll
IJMa
MataliyJia- faiMpin Thta-
IT Bau]arifThnili"ni" CouwhofDaBaBiiullia
Phuian ~
WuniBfi
of
AfaUn
"
Tnicj
at
CHAPTER UOV.
m,K.t
PUlif kili^
Nml Tiapantioaa" Ha landa E"-
10 Bamuhal"
Tl^ an takan
bf Ih* Ba-
li
PhillB at MiuiDi" Ba lajiSjifa u ApoQiBia"
InSuBDa of Dasatrin tba Phaiiaa
.
41
11,111
DaatbofAialBa"
Tlu^batwauKivaa^
10 Oparalicu of iha Ronan Plaet .a
tt Vtiiop^MmBrafonai thaAehsBD
Cnnlir" Philip
"t Arfoa"
Hi"
Eipodition
Is Elii .11
M ThnalaiimiFoanin ofhla Alhiii
.
.41
Hii MuraiBHti in PilupimBinia"
FUkvoBaB
Jr Oaiianlc^lhaAsh"a"Laa(iia" Sa"nulatha
D Embaiijr
IM HcmmeTili of Uu RcBan Flaat"
Philip
""
.
ad GB (ha Avua-^T. Qaina"DB FUimniniu
. 441
'"-^-^-
"-ocaaialoTb"aaal7*"*
"B Laavoa " n*
a
"ith
lanm
. Vt
"naofNicw" NabiaatAnai .
4M
,..uuiiinna at Thabaa MT
U7 Battla of
Cjaoet^htlm ItB
n"-MnidnofBne^1a* -
""
- -
A**
IM
CoDplalula
of tha JBUOuat-
CHAPTBR LXV.
la Great" Rabaildi LnlaÂln
. 411
[abit-Flnmiiiinu inndaa Laeooia
. ""
ihlh Nabia" Siefa ot Sputa" Tiaalr
f Flaoiunu" Conatitiuioi at Thaa-
tH
ua oi Mkm Aloliana" Fbilopanian latana
^"usit
" '"
4M
IM The Bpaitu Rjdlaa" Renaval of tba Tnaa vith
theJSB:aiBu 41
IM
Slof*
of Ambrnda"
IVoatr with tha ."toUlu~
Partioa at
Spaita"Rnijlntioa
i
184
Caplnra
ud D"Ih of Philwaman
"
SDbmiaaioiic"M(aaaiiB-Pi"^ afl
Laaiaa "
ia Oiaeoa" q. CMlUulb-
__
lialVaachaiT
CHAPTBKIjm.
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
Tichin al Fintiu onr Li"Bli"-Hii Omtom
on" Coajdiinu uf Ihs Onaki .4'
Encom uCPonaiia-Cimiliiclof \,\mRomu Ev
MB, HT
OraTpDwondbTMatalliii" EaJMôrOnb
Eoibuir oT
julioaSoilui" Critutauif"lallunH
lhoAcli"iD"""".uMR.flia
Tht Mod"ni C
tm
I Wnb
n
ih' Uoagn)ib]r
"' Ah^ndiA
n,gti7cdT:G00glc
HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAPTER XXXVIt.
The
poailion
tn
which
Sparta vaa standiog
at the ead of the
PelopoHneBian war was so
atrong
and
comma nding,
tbat
only a lilUe moderation
and
prudence oa
her
part
seemed to be
wanting
to secure
her donunion
over Greece,
and the
general tranquillily,
for
a long course
of
years.
Yet
nol
many,
as we
have
seen,
bad
passed
before she found herself
engaged
in a
new struggle,
which
at oae
lime tbreateued her
safety,and. even
when most
prospcrouBly
conducted,
added Uitle to her
glory,
and did not
compensate by any
solid
advantage
for the
sac-
rificea which it
required.
It is not
easy
to de-
teimine bow far this result must be ascribed to
errors
of
policy
committed
by
the
Spartan
government,
or to causes
which it could
not control,
or to the nature of the
Constitution,
which
every year changed
the officers of slate who
had the
principal
share in the administration of
aflaira. But after
making
full abatement Tor
nna
voidable adverse circunutaDces, it
can
hardly
be
questioned
that the
Spartans were too
much elated
by succeas,
that
they
overlooked
the bounds of
a
reasonable
ambition,
and
neglected
the
steps
and the instruments
by
which
they
had risen to their
lofty
station. Their
treatment of Athens
was "jearly injudicious.
The
obligation
conferred
by
their resistance to
the wishes of their
allies,who
proposed
the
harshest exercise of the
rights
of
war
against
their fallen
eoem^,
was
cancelled
by
the
sanction
afterward
given
to the atrocities of the
Thirty;
and all the benefit that
migbt
have
been derived from the
support
of that odious
government
was thrown
away by
the
lenity
which
permitted
its
overthrow; yet
in such
a
manner as
neither to excite
an;
feelings
of
gratitude,
nor even
in
any degree
to weaken the
iinpreesion
of their
previous boetilily,
which
was shortly
aller renewed and confirmed
by
the
ungenerous
exaction of the loan
hy
which
they
had endeavoured to avert the revolution. This
unwise fluctuation
was, indeed,
the effect of
a
struggle
between
parlies
at home
;
but it
seems
to have been assumed
by
all
parties
that it
was
impmsible
Athens
ehot^
ever again
become
formidable,
and that she
might safely
be either
trampled on or
Astored
to
independence.
The
war
andertahen
on behalf of the Asiatic
Greeks-seems to have been in itself
a politic as
well
as ar)
bononrable
measure.
But the
Spar- tan
goyenunent
appears
not to have formed
a
clear view of its
own designs,or to have been
blinded
by
inordinate ambition
to
the
danger as
well
as
the
difficulty
of its
enterprises.
Tbe
war,
BO long as
it
was
confined to the
object
of
pnteciing
the Asiath:
colonies,might
have been
both safe and oseftd
to Sparta
;
but
even
for this
tbacd
Vol., n," B
the same time have been embarrassed
by a contest
in Greece
;
and when the views of her
commander
were enlargedto the
conquest
of
Asia,
it became lime to consider
whether, even
ifihe
of
Sparta were adequate
to this
end,
I
accomplished
without the ruin of her
s.
There
was evidentlysome
mia-
calculalion at the outset of the
expedition
of
Agesilaus,
since it
was
found
necessary
to recall
him in the midst of his
triumphs
;
even
if
Sparta
did not involve hersslf in the
unseasonable
quarrel
with her old
allies,
which broke out
in the Corinthian
war, tbrongh
her
own imprudence.
How far this
was
the
case, depends on
a question
which
we cannot now determine. It
is
not clear whether the
animosity
of Thebes
was wholly provoked by
the conduct of the
Spartan government,
or
may
rather be attributed
to
political changes,
which
arose at Thebes
immediately on the close of the
PelopoimesiaD
war
from other
entirely
unknown
causes.
But
at
least
we can banllyacquitSparta
of
an excessive
confidence in her
own strength,
when
we see
her
needlesslybraving
the united bos-
tility
ofthe
principal
powers
to which she owed
her
success
in her recent conflict with
an enemy,
who, though
humbled and
weakened, was
neither conciliated
nor
subdued.
The
peace
of
Aatalcidas,though
it did
not restore
to
Sparta
all that she had lost in the
preceding
interval
subsequent
to the
Pelopoonesian
war, placed
her in a situation in
some
respects
more
advantageous
than that which she stood
in at the
beginning
of this
period.
Athens,
indeed,
was no longer a subject existingonlyby
sufferance of her
aoverPign,
but
was once more
an independent
sod
powerful
stale. She
was,
however,
contined almost
entirely
lo her natural
resources,
and forbidden lo
aspire
to
imperial
rank. Thebes
was irrecoverably
lost
as an
ally.
The
injuries
she had suffered
were so
deep
tbat it
wss scarcelypossible
the breach
between her and
Sparta
could ever be amicably
healed, or
that
a
party
favourable to the
Spartan
interests could
ever prevail
there
so
long as
the state retained its
independence.
But the
injury
bad disarmed the
animosity
which it
provoked,
Thebes
was no longerany- thing
more
than the first of the Bieotian
cities,
and
was
surrounded
by implacable
and
vigilant
enemies,
all connected
by
the firmest ties of interest
with
Sparta- Peloponnesus, now
that
Corinth
was
restored to the aristocratical
patty,
was more
than
ever at the beck of her ancient
mistress,
who thus
saw
herself without
a
rival
in Greece
;
and
so long as her views were confined
to this
range,
the Persian
alliance,though
less
honourable,was likelyto be
more
useful to
berihan that ofthe Asiatic Greeks.
Xenophon,
indeed,
would
appear grossly
to have deceived
himself,or to have endeavoured to mislead his
readers,
If he meant to assert that
Sparta
had
aoquirad any
additional
ôy by
the
peac"
of
10
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Anulcidas
;'
bat ifhb
eipresBion,
as it Beems
it
inajr
do,only importB
that her state waa rendered
much more SouhBhingby
this
tnnsaction,
hla Temark was undoubtedly
Inie.
NeTertheleas,
her new
position,
as we bate
already
obaervMl,was an artificialaud
|"%cari-
OUB cue. What had been done was to dissolve
the
power
of Greece
nearly
into its first elements.
These elements
might
be
again
combined
together,
and directed
againstSparta.
The
singlelegitifaiate object
of her
policy
was
to
keep
them
disunited,
and as far aa
possible
subservient to her. But bath
vigilance
and
moderation were
necessary
for this end. Her
power
would be the more stable the less it was
titi,.
Eveiy
case in which it was
wantonly
and
oppressively exercised,
tended to
spread
general
alarm,
and to rouse a
spirit
or resistance,
which could not
long
want means and
opportunities.
But the
Spartangovernment
was
again
blinded
bj
ambition and
resentment,
and was
temptedbj
the
prospect
of immediate
advantage
to sacrifice all that it had
gainedby
the
peace
of Antalcidas.
A cautious
policy
would have dictated the
expediency
of at least
covering
all acts of
aggression
with some
pretext
derived from the
character which
Sparta
assumed of conservator
of the
peace.
But her
very
first measure was
one for which she did not
pleadany pretence
but her own interests or vindictive
feelings,
and which must have
given
the
greater
um- brage,
as it was
avowedly
the
beginning
of a
series of
retaliations, by
wbicb she
proposed
to
chastise those of her allies who had olTended
her
during
the war.
The firstvictim selected
as an
example
of this
system
was Mantinea,
wluch was obnoxious on account of her demo-
cratical constitution and her attachment to Ar-
gos,
and had not disguised
the reluctance with
whicli she had hitherto served the
Spartan
cause. It
may
be remembered
that,
after the
destruction of the
mora,
Agesilaus
made a forced
march
past
the walls of
Mantinea,
to
spare
his
troops
the mortification of
witnessing
the
joy
which he
expected
to see
expressed
there
at the recent disaster. But it seems that the
only
overt act of
hostility
which couid be alle-
,gedagainst
the Mantincans
was,
that
they
bad
suppliedArgos
with com
during
the war. The
other
grounds
of
complaint
were still
slighter,
and more difficultof
proof;
that
they
had sometimes
evaded their share of service in the
Spar- tan
army,
under false
pretexts,
and had discharged
itsduties with manifest ill-will.These,
however, were considered at
Sparta
as reasons
sufficientto
justify
the demand that the Manti-
neans should throw down their walla
;
and
when
they
refused to
give
this
pledge
of obedience,
preparations
were
immediately
made for
invading
their
territory.
This
invasion,
however
contrary
to the
spirit
of the
peaoe
of
Antalcidas,
does not
appear
to
have violated the Greek international law
;
for
a truce which had been concluded for
thirty
years
between the two states after the battle
of
41S,had, at least
according
to the
Spartan
calculation, expired.
Yet it seems aa if
Agesi- laus
did
not
approve
of the
expedition
;
for he
obtained leave to decline the command on a
*
B"D., v., ], 10, at
Jkmnîfîoi,
wA%
imatianfiot
plea
which can
scarcely
have been more dun
pretext.
The Mantineans had rendered im-
ptutant
services to
Spana
in tbs last Hessenian
war,
which had been conducted
by
his
father,
Archidamus
;
and he aOected to consider this
1
obligation
conferred on bis
family.
It
might
have been
thought
that ifsuch an excuse
was
admitted,
the threatened hostilities
ought
to have been withheld on the same ground.
AgeaipoUa.however,
took ibc
command, though
his father Pausanias was connected
by
lies of
personalfriendship
with the chiels of the dem-
ocratical
party
at
Mantinea,against
whom the
blow was
especially
aimed
;
for the destruction
of the walls would have
placed
them at the
mercy
of
Sparta,
and
consequently
of their
political
adversaries. We learn
through
Diodo-
ruB,
that
theyapplied
to Athens for
succour,
bat
without effect. This is less
surpriaing
than
that
Sparta
should have
sought
and obtained
aid from Thebes. This
fact,indeed,
is not
mentioned either
by Xenophon or Diodorus
;
but
it Is recorded
by Plutarch,*
with details which
seem to leave no room for
doubt,
for he relates
that an
engagement
took
place
between the invaders
and
3ie
Mantineans,
in which the two
great Thebans,
whose names will
soon becomo
familiar to
us,
fighting
side
by side,narrowly
escaped
death. When we remember the disposition
which
prevHJied
at Thebes towards
Sparta
at the lime of the
treaty,
we can
hardly
understand a
proceeding
which seems to
imply
a renewal of the ancient alliance
:
and we are
left to a doubtful
conjecture,
whether Bt Ais
time the fear which the Thebans entertained
of the
Spartan
power
was
stronger
than theii
resentment, or the
party friendly
to
Sparta
had
recovered a
temporary ascendency.
The ba^
tie,however,
is also mentioned
by
Pausanias
it
but
Xenophon only
relates that
Agcsipalis,
finding
that he conld not shake the
enemy's
resolution
by
the
ravages
which he committed in their
territory, proceeded
to invest the
city
with a
trench and a wait. The Mantineans
prepared
to sustain a
siege
;
and aa the last
year's
harvest
had been
unusuallyabundant,
and the
place
was
plentifully victualled, Agesipolis, dreading
the coat and tediousness of a
longblockade,
resorted
to a fresh
expedient.
Tbe
Ophis,a smaU
stream,
but at times swollen to a considerable
size,
flowed
through
the
town,
and
Agesipolia,
takingadvantage
of
an extraordinaryflood,!
raised an
embankment, by
which he forced it
back,
and laid the low
grounds
at the foot aS
the
adjacent
walls under water. Their base- ments,
as well as those of the houses, were
built,as was usual
throughout
Greece, of un- baked
bricks,
and
they
soon
began
to crack and
totter. It
was, according
to Pausanias, by
a
likedevice that Cimon made himself master of
Eion on the
Strymon.
The
besieged, however,
stillheld out
for
a time,
and
propped
up
their
sinking
walls with wooden
buttresses,
and
only
sent an offer of submissiun when
they
found'
that the water was
gainingupon them, so that
longerdelay
would
expose
them to the horfors
of a storm. But
they
were now informed that
the
conquerors
would no
longer
be content with
the
razing
of the walla
; they required
that
Mantinea should cease to exist as a
city,
and
that its
population
should be
dispersedamong
*T"lll|L,*. i.,8,
T.
TRANSACTIONS WITH PHLID8. 11
like four
TJUageeout of which it had been ci
Iccied in the
capital.*
It was too late to di
pule
aboat
any
terms short of death or elave-
ty :
and the
besiegedcapitulated.
The
popular
leaders
expected
no
mercy ;
but PauBaniaa
exerted hia influence with his son in their behalf,
and
tliej
were
permitted
to
go
into exile.
Tbere
were about
sixty
who look the benefit of
'this
indulgence,
and
ae
they
left the
cityalong
e road lined wliti the hostile
troops, Agesipoli
liad
some
difficulty
In
sheltering
them from tb
jage
of their
political
enemies. The conditions
were then executed. The aristocralical Man-
tineans,Xenophon observes,regretted
the destruction
of Iheir
houses,
which
put
Ihem to
the
expense
of
building
new ones.
But
they
were consoled for this loss
by
the
power
which
they
thus
acquired
in the
villages
near which
their estates lay
;
aniJ
theycheerfully
contributed
their
contingents
to the
Spartan
lofies,
Tho
Spartans
aSected to treat each
village
as
a
separate slate,
and on these occasions sent a
different officer
(a zaiagiu)
to each to collect
its forces.
The
only
remark which this transaction draws
from
Xenophun is,that the event
might
serve
as a
warning
not to build a town so that a river
should
run
through
it. We do not know
why
he did not aitd the
altematire,or to build Ihe
walls with more solid
masonry.
But it seems
more
important
to observe that this attack
on
Maniinea
was an act of
mere
open
violence,
and
that,as
Xenophon
does not throw out
any
hint that is
was sanciioned
by
the terms of the
peace
of
Anlalcidas,we have
no reason to
suppose
that the
Sparlans
themselves
pretendedlo
put such a construction on it.t Such
a
pretence
would, indeed,
have been too
glaringly
in-
coDsisteat with their declared
molives;
and it
would have been difficultto show
why, on the
same
principle, Tegea
likewise
was not disaolv-
ed into the nine hamlets of which it
was
originally
composed.
On the other
hand,
it seems
that,by a liberal
iDlerpreCation
of the
treaty,
PlatKa
was held entitled to resume
its
place
among
the Bteotian cities. The remains of the
ancient
people
returned from Athens and Sci-
one to the
glorious
land of tber
forefathers, and
rebuilttheir walls. Whether
Spartapermitted
then
lo retain their connexion with Athens
luay perhaps
be doubted.
t
The
temper
manifested
by
the
Spartan
government
in these
proceedings
held ont encouragement
to
every party throughout
Greece which
was discontented with the state of
things
at
^me,
and desired a
change
cbnaistent with the
interests of
Sparta,to address itself to her for
assistaoce. The lirst
application was made
by
the
exiles of
Phlius,who now
hoped
to be
re-
Wored lo their native
city.They
seem lo have
belonged to the same
party
which
we mentioned
as in
banishment from
Phlius,
when we last
"fi"opirwilof .iihTiiii'lM"Bfrt'frain on'JSo'liBt. Dk^
Am
In., ii
nji
Ihit tlu Muliiicoiu wen midii u mi-
pu" ij(til
mpx)il*ithnt titas. BM nu of ihwa wu
UmntoofBtuiiiiiM.
""t
(I,S,
p. HO) had SM
*""nt^
Uh
tonu Df'iiig
trutT
tguaa
Xîaiam
t Ts
Wuhniuth,
With
(1,1, p.
!
had occasion to notice the afDurs of that little
state ;*
for that was a
party
deemed to be BO
much attached
to
Sparta,
that its adversariea
had
ground
to fear that she
might
exert her
power
in their behalf. But it also
appeals
to
have been
subsequently
reênforced
by
other
exiled adherents of the same
cause;
for
they
claimed
Spartan
aid on the
ground that,
since
their
banishment,
Phlius had ceased to contribute
its
contingents
to the armies of the confed-
erucy,
and had refused to receive the
Spartane
within itswalls.
Theephora were
weU
disposed
to
comply
with their wishes
;
bnt,though
Utey
no
longerthought
fit to exercise the uirbear-
ance which
they
had shown when the
party
now
in
power
intrusted them with the
citadel,
tbtn
assumed an
appearance
of mildness and moderation
which
they
bad
neglected
in Che recent
case of Mantinca. Instead of an
imperious
demand,
they
sent a bland
message, importing
that the exiles
were
friends of
Sparta,
and had
been
guilty
of no
offence,
and
requested
tbeir recall
as a
favour. But after the
example
of Man-
tinea,
tite
government
of Phlius coidd not mie-
tahe the force of this
gentlelanguage;
and it
saw
that its chance of successllil resistance
lo
the will of Soarta was the
slighter,
as the
exiles
had stillleft
many
kinsmen and friends behind
them. It therefore
thought
it safest
to
yield
with a
goodgrace,
and
repealed
the decree
of banishment.
By
the same
decree,however,
their
property
bad been
confiscated,
and it had
been
subsequentlypurchased by privatepersons.
It now became
necessary,
for the sake
of
tranquillity,
to restore it to its late ownera
;
and the method
adopted
for the satisfaction of
all the
parties
concerned was to refund the
price
to the
purchasarsfromthetreasnry.t
All
disputes
which
might
arise oat of the conflict
of old and new claims were to be referred to an
impartial
tribunal.
Though Xenophon gives
no
other instance
of a similar
interference,
tbere
may
have been
some
foundation for the statement of
Diodoroe,
"
who
represents
the
peace
of Antalcidas as the
occasion of a
general
reaction in the slatea
which had
previously acknowledged
the
Spar- tan
supremacy,
attended with the banishment
of
many
friends of
Sparta
who were
afterward
forcibly
restored
by
her
interpoBition,}
But
early
in 38S, the attention of the
Spartangov-
enmient was drawn towards
a more
impartaat
objectby
an
embassy
from the Chalcidian
cities.
Acanthus and
Apolionia.
Their
envoys
came
to sohcit
protection against
the
power
of
Olyn-
thus,
which was
threatening
their
independence.
The Chalcidian
cities,
which seem from the
firsl to have been linked
closelytogetherby
their
common
origin
and
interests,bad, as we
have
seen,
been
brought
into a stillcloser union
by
their
struggle
with Athens. The issue of
the
Peloponnesian
war released them from all
control and
apprehension
with
regard
to their
old mistress and
enemy,
and left them at full
liberty
to
regulate
their
own concerns. Bat
the
struggle
had
begun
with a
great step
towards
the
aggrandizement
of
Olyntbus,
which
henceforth assumed the first
placeamong
Iheni,
"
Vol. j.
Lti[îuta,iiir[|]i-llt),
iwSp^
13 HISTORY OF ORBECB.
and ID tbe
year fonowing
tbe
peace
of
NioisB,
"nber
Btrengthened
beraelf
by
the
acquisitiun
of
Mecybema,* a
port
lown
only
between two
and tbree milea off. It was natural Ibat wilb
tbeae
advastafiea
she should
aspire
to the rank
of an imperialsLate,
and it
appears
that,not
long,
at least,
after the end of the
war,
she had
succeeded in
forming
a confederacy
among
the
kindred
cities,
of which she was
acknowledged
as Ihe head. The terma which she
granted
to them would have been liberal if
they
had
been elites of a
difierenl
origin
from ber own.
Tbey were admitted lo that kind of
political
connexion which the Greeks deaciibed
by
the
word
lympolUy.f
Their citizens
enjoyed
all
the civil
rigbta
of citixens of the
sovereigncity,
Tbey
were
capable
of
acquiringproperty
in
land in the
Otynthianterritory,
and of
allying
tbemselves with
Olynlhian
families
;
bat
tbey
were
excluded (torn all the
political privileges
which were exercised in the
Olynthian
Bsaem-
bly,
and were
compelled
to submit to tbe laws,
and,
it
seems,
also to
adopt
tbe Constitution of
the
ruling
state.
Itwas to be
expected
that sev-
ermlof the Chalcidian towns should
preferpcditt-
cal
Independence
to
any
advantages
that
might
result to them from soch a union with
Olya-
ttin*,even if the state
of
partiescreated no
grounds
of discontent.
If,
as has been
coqjec-
Uuedit Apollonia
was
anciently
considered as
the
capital
of Chalcidlce,her reluctance lo submit
to the
sovereignty
of
Olynthus
may
be the
EDOre easily
understocd. She and Acanthus bad
nsiated tbe
demand,
which the
Olynthians
had
endeavoured to enforce
by
a threat of
war,
that
tbey
ahould
join
their forces to the
army
of tbe
confederacy; and itwas lo avert the execution
"f this threat that the
embassy
was sent.
The
power
of
Olyntbus
had
recently
received
an enormous accession
through
a seriee of
events, vrhich,however,
have been related but
obscurely,
and not without on
appearance
of
contradiction.
Amyntas,
the
prince
to whom
the Macedonian
sceptre
had now descended,
had been defeated in battle
by
tbe
Illyrians,
and found himselffor a time unable to maintain
possession
of his dominions.
According
to Di-
odorua,
in his
despair
he made over a
largepart
of them to
Olynthus,
which continued for some
time to collect the revenues
of the ceded territory,
and when the
king,having,by
an unexpected
turn of
fortune,expelled
his barbarian
enemicB,
demanded it
hack,
refused
to restore
it.
Amyntas,
notwithstanding
bis succesaes
against
the
Illyrians,
found himself unable to
cope
witn the
power
of the
Olynthian
confederacy,
and
applied
for succour to
Spans.
In- deed,
the
language
of Dlodurus would lead us
to conclude that his ambassadors
accompanied
those of the Chalcidian cities
;
but it is difficult
to reconcile this
supposition
with the
speech
which
Xenophon puts
into tbe mouth of the
Acanihian minister. This
speech
also
gives
a
yery
ditferent account ofthe transactions which
had taken
place
between
Amyntas
and the
Olynthians.
It
passes
over the
danger
with
which the
king
bad been Uireatened
by
the
Illyr-
ians in totalsilence,
and
chargesOlynthus
with
"
Thiier"iHlt*,T.,
W.
"^
Bj'coloHl
LmU, Trwnlr "" IfMWm flrtMx,jii., p.
an
attempt
" for whichno motive oi
assigned
" to
engage
the Macedonian towns in
a revolt
against
their
sovereign.
This
atteoipl,
it is
said,was
begun
upon
some of the BmaUer
towns which
lay
nearest to the Chslcidian border,
and had been
graduallypushed farther,
until the
king
was
expelled
from his
capital,
Pella. The truth
probably
lies somewhere between
these
seeminglyconflicting
statements.
PerhapsAmyntas,
when his aSkire seemed dea-
perate,
committed a
part
of his
kingdom
to the
Olynthians,
who
may
have taken
advantage
of
their
temporary possession
to excite a desire
for
republicangovernment
at Pella and in other
cities
;
and. when
Amyntas
claimed his
depos-
ite,
may
have
supported
them in
open
rebellioiL
The Chalcidian
envoys,
after
having
stated
these facts in an
assembly
which was attended
by deputies
from the
principal
states of tbe
Feloponnesianconlbderacy, proceeded
to rouae
the
jealouay
of
Spartaby
a more exact
description
of the
resources, prospects,
and
plana
of
her new rival. The force which
Olynthus was
already
able to
bring
into the fieldwas coaeid-
erable,not less than SOOO
heavy infantry,*
and
a far
greater
nimiber of
largeteers,together
with a
body
of not much less than 1000 horse.
Potidna had
already
acceded to the confeden-
cy,
and the towna of the
adjacentpeninsoU
might
be
expectedsoon to follow her
exanîle;
for,notwithstanding
their extreme aversiun to
the dominion of
Olynthus,they
stood in such
awe of her
power
that
they
bad not ventured to
take
any part
in the
embassy
which was sent to
pluad
the common cause. Several of the
neighbouring
tribes of
independent
ThiBciana had
begun
to
pay
court to her
risinggrcatneaa,
and
their subrnission wonld he the more
importani,
as the extension of her
conquests
in thia
quarter
might
lead to the
acquisition
of Uie
gold
district
of Mount
Pangsum.
With
a well-Glled
treasury,
an
overflowingpopulation,
and abundance
of
ship-timber,
there was
notliing
to
prevent
Olynthus
from
becoming
formidable
by
sea
as well as
by
land. Her ambition
kept
pace
with tbe
growth
of ber
power,
and she was
preparing
to
strengthen
herself
by an
alliance vrith
Thebes and
Athens,
which had
alreadysent
ambassadors to
open
a
negotiation
with her.
But,though
no time was to be
lost,
it was not
too late for
Sparta
to interfere.
If,indeed,the
confederacy
were suflered to last much
longer,
it would become so
firmly
cemented
by
mntual
interest and
habit,throughintermarriages
and
the intermixture of landed
properiy,
that it
might
be
very
difRcuIt to dissolve it. But, at
present,many
of its members were
impatient
of the relation into which
they
had been forced
to enter with
Olynthus,
and would hasten to
break it off
as soon as
they
were assured of
Sparianprotection.
The
Spartan government
afTected to leave
tbe decision of the
question
to its allies
;
but its
inclination to
comply
with the
requeat
of the
Chalcidians was
generally
known, and
many
of
the
deputieswere
eager
to
pay
court to it
by
WAR WITH 0LYNTHU8." SEIZURE OF THE CADMEA.
the influence of
Sparta
was no less msnifest
the
arrangements
which were adopted
for car-
Tjing
this resotution into effect than in the
prop-
oeition itself. The confederates were to be at
liberty
to commute tbe servloea of their contingents
for
monej,
at therate of three
j"ginetan
obola" five Attic " for the fuot
soldier,
and fonr
times as much for the
trooper ;
and
every city
which withheld its
contingent
was to be liable
to forfeit
a stater a daj
for each
man.
The
Chalcidian
envoys, however,
observed that the
levying
or this
army
wonld demand a considerable
time,
while their friends were In want
of immediate snccour
;
and that it would be
belter Rot to wail until the whole should be
collected,
but to send a smaller force" whatever
troops
were then
ready
to march " without delay,
nnder a
Spartan officer,
whose
presence
would animate the
wavering
to resistance,
and
would shake the devotion of those wto had (d-
ready
eubiuitted to
Olynthus. Accordingly,
about 2000 Lacedmnonian
troops
were ordered
to march Ibrthwith under tbe command of Ea-
damidas,
a
Spartan
of some influence
;
for at
bis
departure
he
engaged
the
epbors
to commit
the division which was next to follow from Lar
conia to the
charge
of his brother Phiebidaa.
He himself
proceeded,
without
lingering
on the
road,
to the Chalcidian
peniosnla,
where he was
received at Potida-a,
which he made his headquarters;
and, notwithstanding
the smallness
of bta
Ibroo,
he not
only
carried
on hostilities
acainst
Olynthus,
bnt was able to
spare
some
Mhis men to
garrison
the other towns.
Not
loag
after Phobides set out on his
expedition
;
but hedid
notpursue
his march without
Interruption.
He
stopped
at
Thebes,
and encamped
near the walls. His
pretext
for this
delay
was, perhans,
to obtain a re-enforcement
ftom the
ci^.
But
as it bad so
latelysent envoys
to treat with the
Olynthians,
he can hardly
have
expected
to
suetêd
in this
object,
and
we are therefore led to
suspect
a dilKrent mo-
tivB. Diodonia"
may only
hare
eipreesada
Mspicion,
which was
naturallysuggestedhy
the
ensning events,
when he described Pb"bi-
das
as
acting
upon
secret instructions of the
Spartan
government. Xenopfaonspeaks
as if
he had never heard of such a mmour
;
bnt as
he
assigns
no reason for the
stay
in the
neigh-
boorhood
of
Thebw, even his
account
strength- ens
the
prohabiltty
that Phobidas had been invited
to this
step by
one of the Tboban
parties,
Owugh he
may
not have bad a distinctview of
its
consequences.
Tbe old
oligarchical faction,
which
was inlL'resCed in
maintaining
tlie alliance
with
Sparta,
as ithad
never been
forcibly
dislodged, had not been
vrtiolly deprived
of its
irflnence
by
the revolution which took
place
wwrtly
after the close of the
Peloponnesiaa
*8r. It
was still
strong enough
to
procure
the
appointmentof
Leontiades, one of its
adherents.
to the
high
office of
a
polemarcb,
which
seems
""
have
possessed
mnch
largerpowers
than
were exercised
iiy
the Athenian
atrattgiu.
On
WB other
hand,
the adverse
partyswayed
the
popular
assembly;
and
Ismenias, one of its
leadeiB,
Vi'as the
coDeague,or one of the col-
leagues
" for the number is not certain " of Le- ontiades.
The
negotiation
with
Olynthus
bad
no doubt been the work of this
party,
and it
now carried a decree
forbidding
all Thebans to
join
the
expedition
of Pb"ebidaa. IjeoMiades
had from the first
paid
assiduous court to the
Spartangeneral,
wbom his
rival,IsmeniBs.totally
neêcled,
and
by degrees
established bin"-
self in bis confidence
sufficiently
to venture on
a
proposal
fullof risk to both. He ofltred to
pnt
him in
possession
of the citadel. This
would convert Thebes fiotn a
jealous
rival into
a useful
dependant
of
Sparta
;
its forces wootd
immediately
be at the
disposal
of Phcebidae tbr
the main c^ject of his
expedition ;
and in the
(bean wltile he would have achieved a
eonqueat
farmore
important
than that of
Olynthus
itself.
Xenopbon
remarks "
apparently
to
guardagainst
the doubts which his readers
might
conceive as
Co the
fidelity
of his own Barrative"tbat PftiB-
bidaa was a man who krved a brilliant
exploit
better than bis
life,
bnt that be was not of
a
very calculating
or cautions
temper.
He
seema,
indeed,
to have embraced the oSti without be"-
jtation,
and it was concerted between then
that be should set
forward as if on his
march,
for
wiiich
he had
alreadj;
made
preparations,
but that,at the
proper
junclnre,
Leontiades
ahould overtake
him,
and condoet him and hia
troops
inio the citadel. The
day
selected
was
the
great
fbstivalof
Demeter, the
Theamopbo^
ria,
when the Theban women celebrated the
mystic
rites of the
goddess
in the
Cadmea, as
the citadel was
called fiîm its
supposed
(bund- er,
and the
council,
which
cMntnonly
sat
there,
met near tbe
market-place.
In the stillnessof
a
soltrynoon,
when the
crowd,seeking
shade
and
repose,
bad 1^ the streets almost
empty,
Xieontiadei rode out alter
PhtEbidas,who,
iia-
mediatelychanging
bis line of
march,
Ibllowed
bis
îde
to the
citadel,
and took
posseasion
ol
it wiUioot
opposition.
Leaving
bim there,
Leontiades
proceeded
to
the
council,
where Isannias was
transaetiaf
bnsiness
;
be hade the Donocillora not' to be
slanned because the citadelwas iit the band*
of tbe LacedBmoniaoe,
1^0 were not come
with hostile intanttons tsrwaids
any
of the
peaoeaUe
citlMns. Bnt as tbe law
empeweted
a
polemarcb
to arrest
any
one who
was cbaqie*
able with a
capitaloBbnoe,
be should iiiuD"-
diat^
exereise his
authority,
and commit Is- menias
Co
prison,
as
guilty
of
stirring np
war
;
then,
without farther
parley,
he ordered sotM
of bis
officers,
whom he bad either
brought
with
him,
or had stationed near at hand for the
par-
pose,
with some
aimed
men,
to
seise tfie
prisoner
and
convey
him to the Cadmea. Diodo- nia
speaks
of an tmsucoessful
attempt
made
by
tbe
party
of Ismenias to
dislodge
the
enemy ;
but, according
to
Xenopbon,llwy
were struck
with eonstemation by Uie SOTpiise
of the citadel,
and, as soon as Uie arrest of lunenlas became
known,
about 400 of (li"n
qoitted
the
dty
and took
refiige
in Athens. Ismenias was r^
moved from his
offloe,
and Arehias
sppeiMed
in hia
room;
and leontiades then
repaired
to
Sparta
to oMain tbe sanction of the
Spartan
govemnieDt
Ibr these
proceedings.
They were,
so ftr as the
Spartan general
was a
part;
to them, a grosser
breach of
faith,
and a more pdptble
viiuiuion of n of the
treMy
of
14 HISTORY OF GREECE.
Antakidu than bad
yet
bem witneMed. Ao-
mrdJDglr,
the
inteUi^Qce
wu receiTed at
Sputa
with
ao
appearance
of bb mnch eoncem
"Bd
indJEnation
as Chailea V.
exprewed
at the
VHdence offered
by
his
feaerala
to the
pope.
Bnt when tbs condDct or Phiebidas came to be
diacuBsed,AEeailana
did not- scrapie
to defend
it with a lieedun
worthy
of the boldcHtof the
acmhiata.
According
to
Xenqdion,
he diatinct-
ly
laiddown the
priociiile
that the case was
'
he tried
by
do other rule than that of
eipedie
ej -,
if what bad been done was
against
the i
tereat of
Spaita,
Phtebidas deserved to be
pu
iabed
;
if it was for the
good
of the
atate,
he
waa not bound to wait for orders. The
aimpli
qaeationwu,
whether
Uie;
were gainers01
hMera
by
the tranaactton. Flntaich,
with rea-
"on,
conaiders tliiB
langoage
as inconaiatent
with the
profeaaiong
of a.
highregard
for
jnatice
lAich
Ageailaui
often had in hia mouth
;
but it
does not aeem to afibrd
any ground
for
peetlDg
tiut he
waa privy
to the
plot
befop
AXMOtion. Aa to the
practical conduaioo,
all
donUa-^
any
had been ever felt" were
HMved
t^
the
argumenta
of Leontiadea.
reminded the
Spartans
of the
hoatilitj
which
Mliebes bad
diaplayed
towards them on
every
OocaaioD since the close of the
Peloponnesian
war,
and of the
Jealousj
with which
they
had
Tiewed her
ascendency
in Bieotia. She had
Aow ceased to be formidable to
them, and,
if
they
would but
protect
their
fiienda,
a
scytale
woold at all times be aufflcienC to
procure
what-
erer they
wished Irom her. It
was the
bargain
wbich
they
bad made at Athens with the Thir- ty
;
and
experience
bad not
tanght
tbem that
the
gain
was leas clear than Uie dtahonour.
After their
treatment of
Mantinea,indeed,they
might
think that it would be
folly
to
forego
any
advantage
for the sake of their
reputation.
Their decision aflbrded a new and more
aignal
confirmation of the aasertion made
by
the Athe-
ttiana in the conference
at
Mslos : that
"
of
aD
Btates,Sparta
had most
giaringly
shown
by
her
conduct,
that in her
political
transactions
she measured honour
by inclination,
and
juslice
by aipediency."
But what
gave
a
peculjarfy
Spartan
character to this
proceedingwas,
that
iriiile
they
determined to
keep
the fniits of b-
iqnity, they
aaaumed the office of
avengers
of
wrong.
They
sentenced Phiebidaa to a fine of
10,000drachmas,
and
deposed
him from his
command
;
but instead of
evacuating
the Cad-
niM,
tb^
strengthened
the
garrison,
and
appointed
Lysanoridas,
with two
colleagnea,
in
the room of
Phtebidas,
and sent a conuniaaion
onnposed
of three
Spartanjadges,
and of one
finn each of the eonfedei"te
states,
to sit in
judgment
upon
Ismenlaa. The
chargesbrought
a^nst
bira
were,
that he had
accepted
Per-
""311
gold,
had devoted himself to the interests
of the
barbarian, and,together
with Androdi-
daa,
had been a
principal
mover
of the late
war.
With what
success he defended himself
against
these
allegations,
doea not
appear.
Xenophon
thinks it
enoagh
to
aay,
that he was
tmahle to convince bis
jndgea
that he waa not
a man of
great
and
dangerous
ambition
j
in
other
words,
a formidable
enemy
to
Sparta
; he
was therefore condenmed and
put
to death. Ar-
cliiae
and
Leontiadea,
and tbeir
faction,
remained
maotera
of Thebes under
Spartanpatronage.
By
this
event,
the
Spartangoveminflnt
ma
both
encouraged
and enabled to
prosecute
the
war
againatOlynthua
with increased
activity.
A
requisition
was sent to all the cities of the
Peloponnesianconfederacy
to furnish their contingents
to the force
whicl)
had been voted
bf
the
oongreas
at
Sparta,which,
with the
troops
stilldue from
Lacoola,or aa
many
as could be
sparedthere,were
placed
under the command
of
Teleutias,
the brother of
Agesilaus,
whose
rank and
personalreputation disposed
the allies
to
engage
with
greater
readiness in an expedition,
which,
considered with
regard
to tbeir
own iDtereslB,
most of them must have viewed
either with indifferenceor aversion. The new
government
of
Thebes,
in
particular, displayed
its
gratitude
to
Sparta
and its
respect
for
Ages- ilaus
by
the zeal with which it contributed both
infantiyandcavalry
for thu
purpose
of
sabject-
ing
another
independentcity
to the dominion
of
Sparta. Teleutias, urging
these levies with
all his Influence in the
places
which he
passed
through,
while he maintained the best discipline
among
bia
troops,
advanced with no
great
speed.
Bat he sent notice of his
approach
to
Amyntas, callingupon
him to raise as
many
mercenaries as he
could,
and to
engage
the
neighbouringprincesby
subsidies either to espouse
his
cause,
or at least to remain neutral.
He also sent to Derdas, prince
of
Elymia,representing
the
danger
with which his
principality
was threatened
by
the ambition of
Olynthua,
and
exhorting
him to aid in
repressing
it.
These
applications
were successful,
and before
be arrived at the theatre of
war,
he was
joined
both
by
a
body
of Macedonian
troops,
and
by
Derdas
himself,at the head of about 400
Elym-
tsn
cavalry.
Thus
re-enfonied,
he found himself
strong enough
to advance
immediately
againstOtynthus.
On his march from Potidiea
through
the
Olynthianterritory,
he abstained
from such
ravagea
as
might impede
hia
retreat,
but he met with no
enemy
tillhe had
come
up
close to the
walls,
where the
Olyn- thian
army
waa drawn
up
to receive bim. The
cavalrycharged
his
r^ghtwing,
where the main
body
of his own was
posted,
with auch
vigour,
that even the
infantrybegan
to
give
way 1
and
a
general
rout would,perhaps,
have
ensued,
if
Derdas " whom
Teleutia8,-to
show his
respect
for so nselol an
ally,
and hie admiration of [ha
fine condition of his
men,
had stationed in th"
left,
wbicb he himself commanded in
person
"
had not made a movement towards the
gatea,
which induced the
Olynthians, throngh
fear of
being
cut off from the
town, lo make
a
hasty
retreat. Inthis
they
were
veryroughlyhwidled
by
the
Elymians,
and their whole
army sought
shelter behind their walls, Telentias reared a.
trophy,
and on his return to
Potidwa,ravaged
the
enemy's territory.
This seems to have been
the
principaladvantage
he obtained in this
campaign.
At the end of the
summer he dismissed
his Macedonian and
Eljmian anzilia-
';s,
and (he
Olynthians
then
began
in tbeirturn
make inroads on the allies of
Sparta.
Early
in the
spring
of
38), Teleutias
was
againjoinedby Derdas, who
happenedto have
arrived at
ApoUonia only
a few hoars before a
body
of aoo
Olynthiancavalry,
in one of their
marauding excursions, not aware of hia
pros*
came
up
close
to the
gates
His
appear-
DEATH OF A0ESIF0LI8. 1ft
"Dce,
wben he Mllied fbrtfawith his
hoTM, pot
(hem to
flight,
and he chased them back to
01]m-
thuB with a low of
eighty
men. The
Oljnlhi-
aoB were uow
again oearlj
contined to their
walls,
aDd were able to culliTate but a amall
part
of their
lemtory ;
aod somewhat later in
the aeaaon
Teleutias himself took the
held,Ui
reaew and
complete
the devaalAtious of the
fear
before.
As, however,
he
approached
the
town,
the
OIya;ht(ui oaTalry
come out to meet
him,
and even venluted to cross a river which
separated
them from the
enemj.
Indignant
at
their
presumptioo,
he
hastil;
ordered Ilemoiii-
das,
the commander of his
targeteers,
Co
charge
them at full
speed.
The
OljnlhiaDB,seeing
these
Iroope advancing
Cowards
them, qaieClj
retreated to the other aide of Che
water,
which
the
largeteersimmediatelyforded;
but before
the;
had recovered from the disorder of the
passage
they were attacked and routed
by
the cavalry,
and Tlemonidas himself vraa slain. At
this
Bight
Teleulias
entirely
lost hia
temper,
and
oriterwl a
generalcharge
ofhorse and
foot,
bm
in the heat of the
pursuit
he
inadveitencly approached
so near the walls as lo be within the
range
of the
enemy't
missiles from the battlements.*
This
compelled
him to fall back in
some disorder,
and the
Olynthiaos
took advantage
of the favoor^le moment to
sally
out with
theirwhole force and
charge
the
phalanT.
Te-
leutiashimaelf fell
;
and after hia death his
armr
was
entirely
broken
up,
and
fled,puraaed
with
greatslaughter,
to the nearest
friendly
citieB,
This disaster did not divert
Sparta
from her
object
;
it
only
roused her to tresh exertions.
It
waa now
thoughtnecessary
to send one of
the
kings
to conduct Che war. It
was, perhaps,
known that the
presence
of
Agesilaus
would be
required
nearer home
;
and his
colleagueAge-
sipolia was appointed
to take the command at
Olyntfane,
witli
a council of
thirtySpartans
to
supply
the defects of his
experience.
He levied
a considerable
army
of volunteers " at least
of
troops
BO called" from
Laconia,
and from
several of the allied
stales,as well as
supplies
of
money ;
on
his march
throughThessaly
he
attracted a body
of
cavahy
into his service
;
and when he arrived in
Macedonia,
he was
snp-
portedby Acnyntaa
and Derdas with even
great-
T zeal than
they
had hitherto shown, it
however,
that he did not
begin operutionB
againstOlTntbns
before the
sprint
of the following
year,
880,
when he marched
against
the
city
withont
encountering
an;
serious resist-
aooe,
wasted its
territor;,
and took Torone
by
storm. But in the midst of his
successes be
was
seiaad with a fever,which,
in the course of
"even
days, pot
an end to his
life, at
Aphytis,
in the
peainaula
of
Fallene,
whither he had been
oonveyed
at his own desire,
la
enjoy
the
deep
shade,
and the
clear,
cool
watera,
which he bad
observed near a
temple
of
Dionysas.
His
bod;,
immeraed id hone;,
was carried home for a
royal
burial.
Xenophon
makes a remark
on this
occasion which is meant lo excite our admiration
for the
magnanimity
of
Agesilaus,
but which
is,perhapa,
more
striking
as an iUustration of
the state of
feeUng
which
comfflonly preraiM
between the two
royal
familiesat
Sparta. Ag'
eeilaus,
he
says,
instead of
betrayingany jo;
"
as
might
have been
expected
"
at the death of
hie
rival,*
shed tear* over the
young man,
whom he had
always
found an
agreeable
and
reapectftil companion.
While
Agesipolis
was absent onhislastcam-
psign,Agesilaus
had been
employed
in
rednolng
another of
Sparta's refractory
alliesto
oompletv
suê"tioiL
The exilea who bad been restored
to Phlfoa
complained
that their claims
were not
referredto an
impartial
tribunal
;
for noiie
such,
as
theycontended,
was to be found in the
city
;
and the adverse
]nrt;
would
not submit to foreign
arbitration. It
rejected
their demands with
the
greaterconfidence,
as, having
assisted
Ag-
esipoLs
with a liberal
subsidy,
for which it hml
received his thanks before his
departere,
it
no
longer
felt
any apprehenaion
of
Spartan
interference.
The
exiles,however, appUed
to
Spar- ta
for
redress,
whether before
Agesipolis
set
out on his
expedition
is not clear
;
but it
seems
to have been after his
departure
that the
government
of Phlius ventnred to condemn Qimi
opponents,
who had
gone
without a
public
commission
to
plead
their cause at
Sparta,
to a
penalty.
This
imprudentdisplay
of
animosi^
fnr-
nisbed tboee who were
soliciting
the
interposition
of
Sparta
with fireshmotives and
stronger
argtunenis,
which were seconded
by
the influence
of
Agesilaos,
who had some
personal
and
hereditary
connexions
among
the exiles. The
ephors were induced lo decree an
expeditioa
againstPhlins,
and
Agesilaus
himeelf took the
command. On bis march he was met
by
several
deprecatoT;
embassies fhim the
puty
in
power,
with oflferaof
money
lo
purchase
his
forbearance. But he now remembered his ancient
regard
for
justice,
which he had
fbi|[ottea
in the case of
Phiebidas,
and
declared,
with
great solemnity,
that the
object
of his
expedition
was not to
wrong any one,
but to succour
the
oppressed.
The
envoys
at
lengthprofessed
their readiness to make
any
sacrifice he
required
to avert the invasion. But he answered
that
promises
from men who had
already
broken
their
compact
with their fellow-citizene
would not
satisfy
him
;
he must have soma
more solid
security
;
and that which he insisted
on was
nothing
less than the
occupation
of
the citadel. As
they
refused to
give
him this
proof
of
confidence,
he
proceeded
to
ttesiege
their t"wn. There
were,
however,
several
Spartans
in the
camp, who, not
being
biased-
by
similar
feelings
in favour of the
exilea,
loudly
expressed
their
diBappr(rt"3tion
of an enterprise
undertaken
against
such a
place
aa Phli- us,
which waa able to arm tlOOO
men,
for the
sake of a
tevf
indivldnals. To silence these
murmurs,
Agesilaus
directed his Phliaaian
friends to
give
the most liberal
reception
to all
their follow-citiicDs who
might
be drawn
by
ties
of bloodor
fliendship
to come out and
joindiem;
".cbntXr. in hi" SMO DD
r., 1, la,U, think! Ib.I dui
n-
ITS tn
ft qnmtrvl*hich }uJ BriHii balwvell th" tm
Ungv
ubfvct
of Phliva. But X"BDpbcin mObtdi do ftovbd
19,oflhe iliSbni
.
IhfltiiiJrr'b
putlcalutf
te Pfabu,
ud
im iku Om TutBkn bj
'^
Coogic
IS HIBTOHir OF ORBBCE.
to form them into
companiea,
and
provide
tbem
with anns and tbe meana ol*
military training ;
and,
iftheir own Tunda were not sufficient, not
to hesitate to horrow
money
for that
purposa.
In this manner a
corps
of
refugeesiraa raised,
"xceeding
1000 mea : so well
equipped
and dis- ciplined,
[hat the remanatranls themselves admitted
they
could not desire more aerriceable
comrades
Still, by
dint of
extraordinary abstinence,
patience,
and
courage,
the
besieged
held out for a
year
and
eight
months.
They
husbanded their
slock of
provisions
with such
parsimonyas to
make it last twice the time for which it had
been calculated.
Delphic,
one of the
leading
men,
with a
ban^
of 300 devoted
followers,
maintained order
within,
anooyed
tbe
enemy
with
frequentsallies,
and
repressed
the
diapo-
sition to surrender,
which
began
to manifest itself
as food
grew
scarce and
hope
faint. At
length,however, early
in
379,
Gndiog
their
provisions
entirelyspent, they
were
obliged
to
capitulate, and,
p^hably expecting
to obtain
milder terms from the
ephors
than from
Ageai-
Uue,
tbe
personal
Jriend of the
refugees,tbey
requested
leave to send
envoys
with ofTera of
nnciinditionsl suhmisaion to
Sparta.Agesilaos,
piqued
at the
shght
thus
put upon
his own an-
thority, granted
a safe condnct to theirambas-
sadors. but at the same time exerted all his influence
to be
appointed
arbiter of
th^ terms of
peace,
and in the mean while redoubled his
precautions
to
prevent
the
escl^le
of the besieged.
Nevertheless,Delphio,
and a slave
irho had often shown his
dexterity
in
canying
away arms from the
enemy's camp,
oontrlved
one nightto elude tbe
vigilance
of the senti-
nels,
and
esoaped.
The rest received orders
IVom
Sparta
to submit to such conditions as
Agesilaus
should dictate. His edict
was,
that
lOO commissioners should be
chosen,one lulf
ftom the
reAtgeea,
the other froni lbs
beMeged,*
with
power
to
put
to death or banish as
many
of their fellow-citiieiieaa
Utey
would, and then
to frame a new CoDStitatiOB
;
asd,
before he
Durobed
away,
he
lodgeda
garriaoB
in the citadel,
with
pay
Tot six mont^,to TemaiB nntU
this business should be
accomplished.
It isto
be
hoped
that as much
regard
to
equitywas
abown in tbe selection of the commissioners
as in the nominal
proportion assigned
between
the
oppositeparties.Xenophon
does doi mention
the immediate rssolt
;
but the
permanent
effbclwas to render Phlios a devoted vassal of
Sparta.
In tbe course of the same
year
tlte
Olynthian
war was
brought
to a close
by Polybiades.
who
had been
appointed
to the
supreme
command
aAer Ibe death of
Agesipolis,
and
pressed
the
Olyntbiaasby
sea and
land,until
they
were reduced
by
famine to sue for
peace.
It was
granted
on no harder condition than that
they
should become members of the
Peloponnesian
confederacy,
on the same
footing
of
aubjeclion
to
Sparta
with the rest. The
importance
of
this event could not he
duly
estimated at the
time. It
was, probably,
considered at
Sparta
rw,
.r.dO(i..
""(iii..l".M"ji.,
b* cullt
Dclphina umlai
t/
DtiifH.
Ihiingb ticii
")"cniw!
as a
gloriotis triomph;
and those who viewed
it with different
feelingswere
equally
unable
to
perceive
bow
pregnant
it
waa with calamities
both to her and lo Greeoe.
CHAPTER IV.
Too*, by
a vigorous
and dexterous use of
the
advantages
which she
gained
from the
peace
of
Antalcidas,Sparta
had advanced somo
steps
nearer than ehe had
ever been before
to
a
completesubjugation
of Greece. If her old
rival bad
now recovered her
independence,
Thebes was reduced to a state of
Bubje"-tiOB
like that in which Athena had been held
by
the
Thirty.'
Within the Peninsula the
hostility
of
Argoe
was
counterpoised by
the attachment of
the
newly-restored
Corinthian
oligarchy;
and
the fate of Mantiuea and uf Pblius struck the
smaller states with awe. The
acquisitioo
of
Olyntbus
raised her
reputation no less than it
immediatelystrengthened
ber
power.
To one
who considers the
dangers" at this time completely
veiled from boman
foresight
" which
reallyimpended
over the
liberty
of
Greece,the
estabUshment of the
Spartan
dominion
may
seem to have
been,
as at least the
lightercvit
a desirable event. Such it would
certainly
have been if it coukl have been eShcted ao as
not to excite irritatimiaiMl alarm
;
but the causes
which made the
Spartanascendency
generally
odious rendered it also iuseoure. Pleas
might
be found for tbe
prooeedings
against
Pblius,
and
Mantiuea,ana Olyntbus;
but the
seizure of tbe Cadmea was so
glaringan act
of
iojostiee,
that even at
Sparta,
acoordioa to
Xenophon,no
attempt
was made lo defeod
it,
except
on the score
of
expediency.
It
was,
probably, some consolation to
Spartanprideto
eacribe the reverses
by
which it waa aooo after
deeply
humbled to the
anger
of the
gpia;
and
XenophoD
dhrecta the attention of his readers
'-
Ite manner in whioh
Sparta
fellfrom bar
t
palmy state to one
ol^
degradationnsez-
ampled
in her
ttiatmy,as a atgoalproor
of a
Bupierintsn ding
Providence.
Thebe*,which had
eufl^red the
wrong,
was chosen as the inatro-
ent of divine wrath tor
punishing
the
guilty.
But
though
we would not
neglect
the niOTal
and
religiouB
side of the
subject,
there ars some
others which It will be fitto notice,
and which
Xeniqriion
appears studiously
to have
kept out
of
eight.
Tliebes at this time
possessed two
great men,
not. perhaps,
the first or the last
whom site
produced,
but tbe
only
ones whom
ourse of events
permittejl
to take a
pront-
. part
in tbe aOkirs of Greece, These two
were not more
conspicuous
for their
pur-
sonal
qualities
than for the mutual attachmeut
by
which
they
were
united,notwithstandinga
''
niilarity amounting
almost to a contrast in
'
characters and circumstattces.
Pelopidas
was of noble
birth,
inherited an
ample fortune,
and
enlarged
his connexions
by
an honourable
marriage.
He was
whollypossessed
with an
ardent desire of action and
glory,
conscious of
abiliiiea
equal
to the loftiness of his aims, and
valued the
advantafes
of his rank and wealth
..Cioogic
PYTHAGOREANS AT THEBES." PEL OPID AS AND EPAHINONDAS. 17
Old;
ai
thaj iDJgbt
M Babservient to a
gcner-
OCB ambition,
in which his own elevHtion wti
sot distin^sfaed
frOm his
conntry'agrealneao.
His rriend
Epaminondas
was of a nature Tann- ed
rather for
contemplation
than for action,and
highly
coliivated
\ijphilosophical
atodiea
;
but
it was also one which round a sufficient impulse
to (he most strenuous exertions in the
light
which hia
philoaoidi;
threw on his duties
as a man and a crtiien. He
waa,
it
seema,
of
a
good family,
but was bred and hved in
por-
erty
"
poTerty
not
merely
relative to his birth
and
Btation,
but real and absolute as that of
Socrates
1 but,as itdid not exclude him from
the best
society,
nor from
any opportunity
of
serving
the
atate,
he
appears
to have reckoned
itas one
of the lavourB of fortune which
kept
him free from UBeleaa encumbrances. His mind
had been
chiefly
formed
by
hia intercourse with
Lysis,one of those Italian Greeks who
preaerr-
ed and unfolded the doctrines of
Pylhagoraa,
and who nere induced
by
some
causes,
which
arc now
only
matter for
conjectnre,
to Ax their
residence at Thebes,*
I'he arrival of thcae learned
emigranta
would
have been an event of no slightimportance
if
it had
produced
no other
oftcct
than that of
moulding
the character of
Epaminondas.
But
il seems
probable
that itwas alteoded with consequences
much more exlenbive. and that it
couiribiited not a littleto that
great
turn in the
affairs of Greece which we arc now about to
rehite. We collect from Plutarch's work
on
the Genius of Socrates that these
Pythagoreana
diffused a
general
taste for
philostTphicnl pursuits
among
the llieban
ynu^.
One
tendency
of these netv intellectual habits
may
have been
to soften the Ttaeban
prejudicesagainst
Ath- ens,
DOW the central seat of literature and
philosophy,
and thus to
prepare
for the
hospitable
reception
of tho Athenian exiles,which,
in its
turn,
may
be
supposed
to have
given
a fresh
irapulse to liheral studies at Thebes
;
and this
was an excitement which must have rendered
those who shared itthe more
impnirent
of
Spar- tan
domination,
and Ote mors
indignant
at the
treacherybj
which Thebes had been
subjected
to it. The Tiolence of
Spartaprobably
united
many
Thebatis in the cause of
Uberty
whose
political
sentiments
might
otherwise have
kept
them wide
apArt.
Thnre isno reason for thinking
that the exilos who took
refuge
at Athens
aner the seiaure of the Cadmea
were,
in
gener-
al,partisans
of
democracy. Amon|;them
were
several men of the
highest rank,including
al-
BWBt all who had Ailed the
high
officeof
hippar-
chiu,at master of the
horae,which,at Thebes,
aeems to have been
investeil
by
the old aristo-
cratical inatilutlons with snmewhat of a religious,
as w"1l as a
military
and ctril character.
But
whatever
may
have been their
previoUa
opinionB,they
were now
naturally
led to consider
the
independence
of Thebes as
intimately
connected with the establiahmenl of
papular
gavemnent.
Pelopidas
and
Epaminondas
were attracted
towards each other
by
the secret
sympathy
of
kindred natures
;
that it was no accidental
h
(^MUnt.
p. 10) aiuki iht) lUT
liLi
cause which cemented their
fViendship wm
provedby
the invariable
constancy
with which
It maiatalned itself
through
the course of a
highly
a^tated
publiclife,in which less
congenial
spirits
would have found abundant motives
for
jealousy
and discord.
They
had served together
in the Theban division which had been
sent to
support
the
Spartan
invasion of Manti-
nea," and had
fought
aide
by
side in the
engagement
which has been
already
mentioned as having
taken
place
before the
siege
of that
city.
Their line had
partially given
way,
and
they
were almost eurroanded
by
the
enemy. Pelop- idas
fell, piereed
with
wounda, and
Epaminon- das.
though
he believed him to be
dead,
continued
to shield his
body
until he
himself,havinf
received several
wounda, waa
nearlyoverpow- ered
by Buperior numbers,
when
AgesipoKs
came
up
to his relief. But this
occurrence
might
rather be considered as an indicationof
the
friendship
established between them than
as its
foundation,or as the occasion (h"m which
it derived much additional warmlh.
Epami- nondas
is said to have been the
only
one
among
the friends of
Petopidaa
whom he could not
prevail
on to
accept pecuniary
assistance from
him.
Pelopidas,
on the other
hand,
emulated
hia friend's
poverty
in the
simplicity
ofhls own
habits,though
he took no interest in his
philosophical
pursuits, but,
after the old Theban
fashion,
gave
his leisure to field
sports
and at)i-
On the seizure of the citadel.
Pelopidasjoined
[he
fugitives,
and
accompanied
them to Ath- ens.
Epamioondas
remained at Thebes, probably
not because his
feelings
were undecided,
nor because be
thought
himself secured from
jealousyby
his
poverty
or his
philosophy,
but
because he conceived that to be his
proper post
where he had the best
prospect
of
preventing
violence and bloodshed. He and his
family
keptup
a secret
correspondence
with the refta-
gees.
who were
burning
with
impatience
to re-
m" end take
vengeance
on the
traitors,
and
were stimulated with fresh
eagerness by
all the
accounts which
ihej
received of their
proceedings.
Leontiades and Archias were men of
vei7
different charactere
;
but their
opposila
qualities
seem to have concurred to
aggravate
the burdst) andthe ahame of the
tyranny-^Xen-
ophon
himseir usee the word " which
they ex-
ereiaed with the aid of the
foreigngarrison.
Leontiades was an active and
vigilant party
leader,who devoted hia wbole attention to
public
affairs,
and foond constant
occapation
in
providing
for the
security
of hia
govemmeut.
For
the
designs
of the exiles were
suspected,
and
it was known that
they
had iefl
many
fi-ieods
behind them who would be
ready
to aid Chem
:
and il waa his chief care to
repress
such attempts
from without
by
caution and
severity
at
home. Archias was a man of
vduptuooa
habits,
who desired
power
aa am instroment of
sensual
indulgence.
He
quailed, indeed,
befors
hia more
vigorous
and austere colleague,
but
BliU was able to
gratify
his
passions
with the
dishonour.
of the most
reputable
families. It
was
probably
such
provocations,
rattier Ihaa
any encouragement
which
they
received from
"
Not, H Ptu* (iJL,p. SM" Binunmto Piuhum, ii.,
''Co
Ogle
IS fflSTOHY OF GREECE.
the state of
afftira, that,
towards the end or the
year 37S,ripened
the wishes of the Theban exiles
into a
plan
for the
recovery
of their
city.
The events or tbe
year,
indeed,
were
such
as
might
otherwise have deterred them
;
but
they
seem to have relied on tbe
generaleagerness
of the
population
of Thebes to shake offlhe degrading
yoke,
and
perhaps
had received
promises
of
BUppoti
from their well-wishers in Ath- ens,
It is
possible
thai their moTsmeats
may
have been accelerated
hy
the efforts which their
adversaries made to counteract them. Leonti-
ades had sent private
emissaries lo Athens for
the
purpose
of
taking
off the foremost of tbe
refugeesby
nssassination. But the meditated
blow
only
reached
Androolidas,
and served to
pat
the rest on their
guard.
The
SpartangoT-
emmenl then
endeavoured, by
an
imperioos
mandate in the name
of the
confederacy,
to induce
the Athenians to dismiss their Theban
guests.
But Athens now
requited
the
hoepital-
ity
shown to
Thrasybolus
wi"
eimilar firtDnesa
In resistartceto this deraaod.
Peloptdas
was,
it
seerns,*
the firat to form
the resolution of
exposing
his life in a bold attempt
for the
common cause. But he
easily
found
associates,
among
whom were several
men of tbe firstTheban
families,
eager
to share
the
danger
with him.
They
communicated
their
design
to their friends at Tbebes
;
and
Epaminondaa was
urged
to lend his aid to it.
But he was restrained
by scruples
"
not, perhaps,
simply
of natural
humanity,
or even of
philosophy,
but rather
arising
out of his
Pytha- gorean
religion
" from
engagingactively
in an
enterprise
which could
only
be executed
by
meana of a
tumnlt,
in which it was
likely
that
Bome
innocent Theban blood would be shed.
He would
pot,
it
seems,
have hesitated to
pan-
isfa the IrattorouB
tyrants
without
any legal
forms;
and he could have
depended
on the
calmness and moderation of
Pelopidas
;
but
among
tbe
partners
of his
projectwere some
men of more
fierytemper or less
scrupulous
character, who,
it
was to be
feared,might
seize
the occasion to
revenge
themselves
on their
personal
enemies. 1 He therefore
thought
it
t the U
corns forward until he saw a clear
opportunity
of
promoting
the
pubhc good
without
becoming
"
party
to
any private
wrong.
He
even disana-
ded hia frienda from the
enterprise ; whether
he
propoaed
any
other mode of
accomplishing
its
object
does not
appear ;
but we are informed
Chat he endeavoured to excite the self-conli-
dence of the Theban
youth,
and
encouraged
them lo
try
their
strength
with the LacedKmo-
nians nf the
garrison
in
gymnastic exercises,in
which
tboy
had
commonly
the
advantage,as a
welude to more
serious conRicta. His brother
Cephisias,however, was not checked
by
the
like
scruples,
but entered with ardour into the
undertaking.
Bat the most
important
confederate
of the
party
at Thebes
was
PhyUidas,
who, aceordine
to
XenoiAon, hsTing
been aenl
on some
business to
Athens, instigated
tbe ex-
ttae
attempt,
and
yet
had
so
completely
"-'"
sentiments from tbe
goveminent
ai uoiDB uisi he filledthe
post
of
secretary
to
the
polemarcha,
and insinuated himself into the
especial
favour of Archias
by
a
show of
willingness
to
pander
to his lust.
A
day
was at
length
fixed for the
attempt,
and it was concerted that the main
body
of the
exiles,
beaded
by Plierenicus,
should
post
thent-
selves in the Thriasian
plain"or, perhaps,
should
slowly
advance from "leusis towards
the border " while a small
party
" twelve, according
to Plutarch,
but
according
to Xeno-
phon
no more than
seven "
among
whom
Pelop- idas,
Mellon, Damoclidas,
and
Theopompus
were the moat
conspicuous
for their
rank, if
not for their
zeal,
should make their
way
into
Thebes, and
join
their associates there. Two
of the Athenian
generals, presuming,
it
aeetns,
on the
approbation
of the
people,
and
apprehending
that to
procure
a formal decree for the
purpose
would defeat the
planby publishing
it
to Uie
enemy,
undertook,on
their own
anthorily,
to
marcl^with
an Athenian force to the frontier,
and there to remain in readiness to ano-
cour their
frienda,
as
occasion
might require.
Pelopidas
and his
companioas
assumed the
garh
of
hunters,
and when
ibey
reached Maqnt
Citheron,despatched
a
messenger
to Thebes to
announce their
approach,
and to make
arrangements
for their
reception.*
Charon, one of
their most resolute
partisans,
ofTferedhis
hpose
33 a hiding-place
for
them,
and a rendezvooa
for all the
conspirators,
and their
messenger
returned to
give
them the
necessary
directions.
In the mean while
PhyUidas,
in
expectation
of
the
event,
bad
appointed
the same
evening
for
a
banquet,
which he was lo
give
to Arehias and
Philippus,
one of his
colleagues,
under the
pretext
either of a
publicfestival, tor of
celebrating
the termination of their
year
of
office,which
was now near at hand. And he had
promised
Archias that be would
endeavour,
towards (be
close of the
entertainment,
to
procure
the
presence
of some Theban matrons.
But
aa Leon-
tiodcs would not have
approved
of sach
proceedings,
Archias had desired that he abould
not be invited to their
orgies.
The successor the
enterprise depended veiy
much on the
promptitude
with which it
might
be carried into execution. The
rumours whidk
had reached Thebes of a
plotagainst
the
government
had alarmod the
Spartanhannosls;
and their
anxiety
aeems to have been increased
by
some accounts which
they
received of ainis-
ter omens and
prodigies
that had been
lately
observed.
Lysanoridas
had
even been induced
to set out for Haliartns
on
the
very
day
appointed
fur tbe arrival of the
exiles,
to
perfonn
some
propitiatory
ritea
enjoinedby
a Thebaa
aoothsayer
who waa in Uie
plot.
The forces
of
Thespic were
ordered to be
kspt
id readiness
for
matching
whenever the
Spartan c"ni-
IhmiMir^
ENTERPRISE OF THE EXILES," DELIVERANCE OF THEBES.
manders dionld send for th"m.
hour of action drew
near,
HippoaUienidos,
one
of Ihe
patrioticparty
at Thebes, began
to be
dishearteoed, and was
atnick with the
seeming
abaurdiiy
of the
scheme,
of
dislodging
the foreign
garrisonby
thamasBacTeof afewcitixena.
Wiihout
consultiDgany
of bis associates,he
delermioed to
pot
a
stop
to their
enterprise,
and
despatched
a man
named
Chlidon,
who bad
been
employed
in Mellon's service, to
prevent
hina and hiBComradea Tram
pursuing
Iheir
way.
But the
messenger
himself was detained at
Thebea
by
an
accidental hiadenince
;
and the
little band of exiles,who, as soon as they
crossed Citheron.
took diflerent
roads,
and
thus more easily escaped notice, through
the
inclemency
of tbe weather entered tbe
city
unobserved,
and met
safely
in Ch"ron's
house,
where
they
were joinedby
their
partiSAUS,
UD-
tilthe whole number anwunted to
forty-eight.*
They
had
not
been
long
8ss"nbled
before
they
were threatened with a new
danger.
A
message
came from Archias to sumnaon
Charon
into his
presence.
It seemed
probable
that the
plot
had been discovered
;
and the recent
pn-
siUanimitj
of
Hippoathenidas
directed
general
suspicionagainst
htm as the informer. Charon
obeyed
the
summons,
with little
bope
that he
should see his friends
again,among
whom he
lelt his
yoimg
son as a
hostage
for his own
fidelity.He, however, returned,
and informed
them that Archias and
PhUippus,
whom bs
Ibnnd
already
much excited with
wine,
had
heard that
some
of the exiles were concesled
in the
city,
but the
retort
was so
vague
ti)at
they
had sent for Charon without
any sospi-
cion,merely
to make
inquiries
an
tbe
subject.
'"'"
nfederales were soon after
lyeipo^d
to still
greater peril.
Charon bad
not
longquitted
tbe
presence
of the
polemarchs,
when
a letter was
brought
to Archias from
an
Athenian of the
same
name,
who
was at this
lime
bierophant,communicating
to him almost
all tbe details of the
plot. Happily,
the
pols-
marcb
was now so heated and
stupified by
tbe
debanch, that when the bearer of the letter told
him it related to
importantbusiness,be laid it
uide
unopened,exclaiming.
Let business wait
until
to-morrow
;
and
expressed
his
impatience
for the
appearance
of the female visiters whom
niyllidas had led bim to look for.
This
was tbe moment chosen for the attack.
Mellon and
a few of his
companions were at
the
door,
disguised
either as women or as rev- ellers
;
and
Phyllidas,
on
pretence
of
respect
for
the
delicacy
of the
matrons, had induced
Archiu
to dismias all the attendants. The
conspirators wore then
admitted, and, after a
short
straggle, despatchedArchias,Philippus,
jad
theother
guests.
In the
mean
while
Pelopi-
Das,witbDamoclidas and
Cephisodoms,repaired
*" the
house of
Leontiades,which was
already
Closed for tbe
night.
He himself
was atiU re-
cbniDgattar
a
temperate loeal,
lAile bis wife
*
T"
X.wrT.00
[,.,i,I) dsimbM tho
onupiruort u
"t"
Ih.jianA th" bW. If
ma.
lIidT wtni
pmbibl,
"'."iih
t^ eTid"in8"rflliu4i"cft])""CTb"t"eeiitlnitwc
was
spinningby
his side. With
some
dilBcutty
theygained
admission. He was roused
by
the
noise in time to seize a
weapon,
with which ha
made
a
vigorous resistance,and slew
Cepfaiso-
don(s,
but St
length
fell
by
ihe hand of
Pelopi*
das.
Having
then closed the doors of the
bouse,
and threatened death
to
the inmates if
they
should
open them,
the survivers
proceeded
to that of
Hypales,
another
leading
member of
tbe
government,
who lived close
by.
He mada
his
escape,
but was overtaken and
despatched.
Before tbe death of Archias and bis
coUeaguet
was made
public,Phyllidas
went to the
prison.
where a
number of bis friends were confined
for
political offbnces,and, having
obtained entrance
on
pretence
of
an
order from the
pol"-
marchs, overpowered
the
jailers,
and set tbtt
prisoners
at
liberty.They
found
arma in tbe
publicporticoes
and the armorers'
shops,
and
rushingthrough
the
streets, proclaimed
the fhB
of the
tyrants,
and invited all Thebans
to rise
in tbe canse of freedom.*
During
the
night
the
citizens,
who did not
know what to believe,remained
quiet;
but
Hermippidas
and
Arcesus,
tbe
colleagues
of
Lysanoridas,
who were left in command n( the
citadel,hearing
the
uproar,
sent for succours to
Thespin
and PlatEsa
;
aod the
insurgents
de-
spalchsd
couriers to their friends in Attica. Id
the
morning,
as soon as the events of tlie
night
were
fullyascertained,the
people
were
called
together,
and
Pelopidas
and the other
champions
of freedom,
among
whom
Epaminondaa
now
took his
place,
entered the
assembly
in
solemn
procession, accompanied by
the
priests,
who bore the sscred
symbols
of
suppliants,
and
conjured
the
spectators
to
light
for their hearths
and altars. Tbe exiles were hailed with shouts
of
applauseas the deliverers of their
country
;
and
Pelopidas,Mellon, and Charon were
placed
at the head of the
government
with the title of
Bceotarchs.
which
seems to have been meant te
indicate that Thebes was about to resume her
ancient station
among
thR Dceotian cities. The
whole
military
force of Thebes declared itself
on the side of
independence
;
and wben it was
known that a
body
of
troops
was on its
way
from Plataea to rc-enforce the
garrison,
the
Theban
cavalry
sallied forih to meet them,
and
dispersed
them with some
slaughter.
In tb"
te
of this and the
followingday,
the twe
nian
generals,
who were
waiting
with their
forces on the
frontier,
marched into
Thebes,
and
began
to
co-nperule
with their allies in the
sieg"
'
the citadel.
Xenophon
says
that the
garri-
n was
very
weak,
though
other account*
make itamount lo ISOO,
and even to
G000men..t
But the
troops
which
composed
it were
{trou-
biy,
in
general,
bnt illaflected to the
"erriee';
the assailants offered
large
rewards
to tbe first
who should scale the walls; and the
SpartM
commanders found themselves
compelled
te
propose
terms of
capitulation, which
were
glad-
wu
nndarukiu "nim Uoatodn ud
HnUn I7 Filgî-
du. Andlhiiloukl
thaBm)IK4MlilaKC"iBl. BolXaB-
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Ijrgrantedby
the
besiegera.
The
garrison
was
ulowed to march out with their
anna
;
bat eev-
4ral of the Tbebans who had taken
refuge
among
them were arreated and
put
to death
by
their
exasp^teilcountrymen, who, according
to
Xenophon,
even wreaked their
fury
on the
Ihmiliesof theirTictiius, The
Atheniane,
however,
were humane
enongh
to
interpose,
and
sueeeeded in
sheltering
some from the vengeance
of ttieirenemies.
llie news of the Thehan tnaurrection wu
received at
Sparta
with the vexation which
,
men
commonly experience
when
they
are de-
.
pdved
of the fruits of their
injnstioe.
It vented
itself firston the harmoats who had BUiren-
dered the Cedmea.*
Hermippidas
and Arce-
SDs were
put
to death before
they
returned
home,
and it
seems with
scarcelyany
form of
trial,at Corinth
:
and
Lyeanoridas, tihewise,as
Plutarch leads us to
suppose,
in his
absence.
was condemned to a
penalty
bo
heavy
as to be
equivalent
to a sentence of banishment. -f The
partisans
of the
tyranny,
who were now in their
turn driven into
exile,
roused the
hostility
of
the
Spartangovernment against
the
city
which
bqd
so
audaciously
asserted its
independence,
and an
amiy
was ordered to march
against
Thebes. It
was
expected
that
Agesilaus
would
have taken the command,
but he declined it on
the
plea
that his
age
entitled him to
exemption
from
foreign
service. His real
motive,
Xeno- phon
informs
us, was,
that he shrank liiim the
reproach
which he
apprehended
of
involving
his
country
in war for the
support
of
an odious
cause.
His excuse was
admitted,
and hia col'
league,Cleombrotus,
the brother of
Ageslpolis,
was forced to conduct the
expedition.
He
aeems to have
engaged
in it with
feelings
not
unlike those which his father had shown towards
the Athenians in similar circumstancest
Tbe road into Bceotia
through
Eleulherte
was
tnaided by Cbabrias,the Athenian
general,
at
aie
head of
a
body
of
targeteers.
Cleombrotus
thererore crossed the mountains
by
the
pass
above
PlatKB,
which he found
occupiedby
a
mnall Theban
force,consisting, according
to
Xenophon,
of the liberated
prisoners;
but
they
were cut down almost to a man
by
his
light
troops.
Hs remained
encamped
in the Theban
terriloiy
about sixteen
days,
but so
studiously
abstained from
committing any damage,
that
*
Xiiwiilwii(H.,"
Ir iluuiiv
ths whola raipoimbilit)-.
as
might
hire
lupiw-
iritb FluUrch
;
ud
pirhaia
the cnndmuiiuoii of holh uffi-
"n ilmfficiamlyeiploineil liy
Iho "mtoniinorj imUlion
Modaud vX SfHrtt)"T the recent Ion.
t FlDl.,Fsl.,IS. Hen, icill,mi might
ba
UDptHl
to
"liMht
VBrinlLottin the Damcnr
LyunoridM.arLyHiidriiUi,
to implT
(hut theT
mm
the cbitd*offevdAre.
4 Xeeinhon (II..
i., 1, 14)
nr; elaerlr
dsKrihai Uu b"-
lll*
rHsoreiT
of lbs Cednin, ud U tlM UTint of UiaThi-
On ndi "
point
ha ii
nartidiil^ Iha tx
nliel'
of tba cit(da],and u
,
.
b( b""d (fillmnndR """ Ihg
p
ten were at a loss to nnderstnid w
they
had been at war or at
peace
with the Ttw-
bane. On his
return,
he left
Sphodrise
as har-
most at
Thespis,
with a third
pail
of tbe allied
forces,
and all the
money
he had
brought
fran
home,
and directed him with it to enlist
merce- ries
in his sarvica. He himself descended
tbe seacoast on the Gulf of
Creuais,aoil. as
be
parsaed
his march
along
the mountaio road
towards the Isthmus, was assailed
by
b etona
of wind
so
violent
as to
carry away
a conaidet-
sble
quantity
of arms and
baggage
with tbe
beasts of harden into the sea. It waa considered,
Xenophon says, bj some,
as an omen of
''
e
impendingpolitical tempest.
The
expedition
of
Cleombrotus,
fruitless
u
was with
regard
to the
Tbebans, seems ts
have made an
impressioa
at Athens which
conld not have been
expected,
and which it n
difficult to
explain.
That the wishes of ^le
people
at
large
were
strongly
in favour of Ibe
independence
of Thebes cannot be
questioned.
and, indeed,
had been
distinctly
declared when
Chabrias was sent to
guard
the
pass
of Eleu-
therte. Nevertheless,
aftor the return of Cle-
irotuB,the two
generals
who had aidc^ in
recovery
of the Cadmea were
brought
to
trial
;
one
of them was
put
to death,the olfaer.
'bo did
not
abide the
trial,
waa outlawed. Il
sems
absolutelynecessary
to
snppoae
that
they
had acted without the sanction of the
people,
and
Xenophon
describes their ofi^nce to
have been,
that
they
were
privy
to the
attempt
of the Theban exiles. Yet an orator of the
generationasserts,
that a dccroo was
passed
on the motion of
Cephalus,
a
leading
teaman (rfthis
period,
Ibr
sending
succours
dislodge
the LacedKmonian
garrison.*
If
s was the
case,
we most conclude that the
charge
on
which
they
were condemned
was.
that,by
the
encouragement
which
they
gave
Ki
'
exiies,they
bad drawn Athens into hostib-
againstSparta. According
to
Xenophon,
the
expedition
of Cleranbrotus led the Atheni- ans
for the firsttime to reflect on the
danger
to
which
they
had
exposed
themselves
by
tbeir
breach of Uie
peace,
now that Corinth no
longer
served as a harrier to
protect
them fnxn inv"-
and in the
height
of their ârm
they
odd.
demoed the two unfortunate
generals.
Yet the
character of the Athenians renders it hard to
believe that
they
were
impelled
on this occasion
by mere timidity.
There
waa,
as
may
be
collected fn"m Plutarch,t a
party
at Athens "
the relics of the
oligarchy
" with the
popular
orator Callistra' i^ at its head,
favourable to tbe
oppre:i3orsorT: ';be",
and desirous of
upholding
the
ascendency
of
Sparta.
It had been unabte
'
resist the lirst
irapulae
of the
publicfeeling
behalf of Theban
hbcrty.
Bui when tbe
sympathy
which had been roused
by
the
danger
of the cause had been somewhat weakened
by
iccesB,
it seems as if its adversaries fbnnd
IS to produce
a
tempnraiy reaction,
in
which the two generals
were sacrificed
to
the
of reconciliation with
Sparta,
listurn
in the
public
mind al Athens
gave
great
alarm to the new
government
of Thebes.t
M
bfluvn vT mlettflTfh
THE ATHENUN CONFEDERACY.
fl
I their own
(esourcea,
Ihey
e
cruêd
by
the irresistibleforce or the Pelo-
ponnesianconfederacy.
Tn this
eraergency tbey
may
hare been driven lo a
stratagem
which
was
periiapesuggeated
lo them
by
the well-
known
Tenality
of the
Spartan
character.
Sjitio-
ilnas. the haimoat at Thespix.
had
passed
through
an honounble career of
aoMiorBhip,
but he waa
beliCTed to be
inoapable
of
resisting
a bribe,
vad the e*eo( seemed to
proTe
that he
had been
corruptedby
Theban eauesariea.*
He voa iaduccd to inarch fnxn
Tbespic
aa if
wiihtheiuleiitioaofaurpTisiQgPirEUB,
in which
the
gates
were not
yet
finished.
If,indeed,
be
was, as Plutaicb
represents
him. a nian of
high
ambitioii
and weak
judgment,
it would be con- ceivable
uiat
he waa
aeiied with a desire or
emulating
the esptoil
of
Phiebidas,
and aa he
might
think
more safely,mnce
the Athenians
had been the
aggrMBors.
Hia
meaanrea,
however,
were in IMe case ao
ill
concerted,that
by
daybreak
he had advanced no "nber than the
Thriaaian
plain,
wbere his men are said to have
been struck with
auperstrtioua
terror by a blaie
which seemed to issue from the
tempie
of Eleu-
sia. It was now
manifeatly
tiseless to
proceed;
bnt,
instead of
retreating
as
rapidly
and
quietly
as
possiUe,
he
indulged
his
troops
with havoc
and
plnnder.
In the mean while news had
beea
bronghl
to Athens that a
great army
was
marching against
it
;
and the whole
citywas
up
in arms. It
happened
that three
envoya
had
arrived not
long
before from
Sparta;
and
they
were
immediately
arrested as
privy
to the de-
signe
of their
generala.They, however, not
only
asserted their own innocence,which
they
cuDtended was sufficiently provedby
their
presence
at a
Juncture
when, if
they
had been aware
of the movements of
Sphodrias, they
would certainly
have withdrawn from the
city,
but assured
tbe Athen ians thai
they
would soon receive
aatisTaclion from the l.ac"dsemoaian
govem-
meat, which, they
doubled
not,
would
capitally
punishthe
general
who had taken such a
step
without its orders.
They
were believed,
and
suffered to
depart.
Sphodrias, indeed,
was
recalled, but,not vcti-
turing
to return borne,was tried ip bia absence.
His doom was generally
considered
certain,
being
not
only
merited
by
his
ruhness,
but da-
mantled
bypolicy
to soothe the Athenians
;
and
Siymodes,"ui" of the
envoys
who had held out
ihe
expeolBtion
of his
punishment
at Athens,
was
aoionghisjudges.
He seemed lo have the
less
chance of
escape,
aa be
belongedtu the
party
which was
opposed
to
Agesilaus,
and
had,
perhaps,
on this account been selected
by
Cle-
ombrotua for the command st
TheaplK.
Bui
ilie
character of
Agesilaus
was
distinguished
frum the
ordinaryS^rUa
mould
by
an amiable
iuftneaa,
which he did not
scruple
to
indulge
at
the
public
expense;
and he
was on this occa-
siun assailed on his weak side. His son Ar-
chidamus
was on a rooliog
of afiectionateinti- macy
with
Cleonymus,
the son of
Spbodriaa,
Gsniidu lud tn uof ChuiiD
and the tears of his
yottng
friend induced
hi"
10 intercede with his father in behalf of the culprit.
Agesilaus.though
convinced that
Spho- drias
had not
merely
been
guilty
of
jpipnidenoe,
but had aoldlhe interests of the
slate,
could not
resist bia son's
entreaties,and exerted all hia
influence to save
Spbodriaa,adeging
that it
wouM be hard and unwise to
pul
to death a
man whose
previous
conduct bad been irre- proachable
for
a single
offence. His interest
prevailed,
and
Sphodrias
was
acquitted.
The
report
of the eanctioa thus
given to bia
conduct excited
great indignation
at
AUiens,
where the secret
springs
of the transactioB
were
probablylong
unknown
;
and tbe friends
of Hiebes
eagerly
availed themselves o( it to
urge
the
people
into a close alliance with her.
Active
preparations
were now made for withstanding
the
common enemy.
The fortifications
of Pirnua were
completed;
a new fleet of
a hundred
galleys
waa
puton
the
stocks;'and,
as if the shock had roused lier from her lethargy',
Athens
began
to remember her ancient
maritime
dominion, and to stretch her hands
out to recover it. She at this time
posaesaed
several eminent
generala
and statesmen :
the
ingenious
and
enterprising Iphicratea
;
Chabri-
as,
a kindred
spirit, though
somewhat more
tardy
in
maturing
his
plans,displaying
an energy
borderingupon
raahness in their execution
;
his
young
friend
Phocion,
alreadycapable
of
supplying
the defects of the elder
generalhj
hia
promptness
of decittion and
steady
coolness
of
temper,!
Conon was now
goue.
He
had,
it
seema, escaped,
or had been released from
his Persian
prison,
and ended his
days
in
Cy- prus.]:
The
gratitude
of the .\thenians honoured
him with a brazen statue, the firstthat had
been erected to a citizen emce the time of Har-
modius and
Ariatogeton,aa well as bis friend
Evagoraa,
both in
an
august position, expressive
of titeir
signal
services to tiie
state,near thai
of Zeus tlie
Deliverer.^
He had left a
son,
Timotbeus, who inherited his talanls and vir-
luea,
and was
peculiarly qualified by
his
upright
and amiable
character,even more than
by
hia
abilities,
for
completing
his father's
work,by
the
restoration of the Athenian
empire,
with such
limitations as Ihe altered condition of Greece
now
prescribed.
We do not
exactly
know
on
what
footing
tbe cities recovered for Athena
by
Conon and
Thrasjbulus
were
placed.
It
seems, however, most
probable"especially
aa
Conon is ao
constantly spoken
of as the liberator
of the Greeksll" that
they
retained tbcir independence,
and
only paidreallyvoluntarycon- tributions
for their own
protection
as occaaion
required,
T Afler the
peace
of Antalcidaa their
canaexion wiih Athena was dissolved,and
Spar- ta
appeara
to have taken
possession
ofmost of
them
again.
Several of them were now
weary
of the
impertona
and
oppressive
rule exercised
by ber hsrmoets,
and believed that
Athene^
schooled
by
ber
reverses, might
be more
safely
trusted with
power
than her rival. Chioe
LppBBn
(0 hfe#Bb*BQ SflBnlHja'i aaaiim. Ptu-
"" AgHilnia, M, Montm iha oobiIiirtt Spho-
llf
to smbilkm
at
mkr
;
bw m Pal.,14.idntiU
llwibf *u biiliid
bf tmkiptim.
"
Fsltbioi,ll,,
M t Plsunita,Phoc, I.
I Ltuu.
Ds lioiiii
AiiRinll.,p.
lU.
4 ItoniMlh.,Lfpt.,p.
"", l"t.,
Eng., 4).MO, c.
I I""aiiWh,,Lapl.,p.l1T.DinuGliul a.L"fiiKi"li.,p.tl.
1 fiiMkh (III
.
c.
ril
Hemi
loheatt dltfcniiil ""ff-.'va.
lut at leut it
V"7
bt iaftTrtd From lIlb
fkcililjr with which
tho conTBdoruj w*" "ft"iw"ni
" "" -" """ '-"- -"
w
HISTORY OF GREECE.
tnd
B}rzaiitiuni
firsirevolted from
Sparta,
and
"ou^t
Athenian
protection.They
were followed
by
Rhodes and
Mitytetie,
and these formed
Ibe nucleus or a new confederacy,
which
gradually
embraced
a
great
number of insular
and maritime states. Athena was to
preside;
BO
longer,
however, as a
sofereign,
bpt in the
"pirit
with which Arislides
regulated
the Con-
"tjlution of the
original leaê.
All the mero-
hen were to be
equallyindependent
; they
were
to send
repreaentaCLves
to a
congress*
which
was to be held at Athens,
and in which the
amallest state had
a vote,
and the
greatest,
Athens herself
included,was to have
no more.
This
assembly
was no doubt
empowered
to Ex
Ibe amoont of the contributions,
t which took
the
place
of the old
arbitrary
tribute.
Athens,
however,
was to receive and
dispose
of them.
According
to Diodonis,tone of her firstmeas- ures
WBB to
give
her new allies an earnest of
the
equity
and moderation which were henceforth
to
govern
her conduct towards them,
by
decree which directed the restitution of all the
bnds that had been
parcelled
out
among
her
citizens in the cUmchial colonies,and forbade
all Athenians to
acquire
or cultivate land
o
Attica. We
should,however,
have wished for
tome
higherauthority
than Diodoms to
satisfy
aa,
both that this decree
was not
simplypro- spective,
and how
far,
both
aa to time and
place,
its
retrospective
range
extended. That Athens
had formed
any
new clemchiol establishments
since the
Peloponneaianwar,
as
Diodonis
seems
to stale,f
and
now
gave
them
up, appears
hardly
credible. One
peculiarity
in the Constitution
of the
new confederacywas,
that it waa not
confined to the maritime
states,
hat included
Thebes
among
its members, llie addition of
'
eo
powerful
an
ally
tended to
coonterpoise
the
preponderance
of
Athens,
and thus to secure
the
independence
of the rest.
But it altered
the character of the
confederacy,
as it
implied
the maintenance of a land
force,to which the
contributions of the maritime states were
apjdted,
as
those of Thebes to the con
savy.
The decree
by
which Diodorus
sajs
the
Athenians resolved to raise an
army
of SO.OOO
keavy infantry
and 500
cavalry,
and to
equip
a
fleet of SOO
sail,was most
probably
an act
of
the
congress,
and described the smount of the
nnited forces which itvoted for
carryingon the
For this information w are indebted almost
WboUj
to Diodoms
; Xenophon passes
over
this
important
event in
profound
silence.
Yet,
thongh
Diodorua has
evidently
fallen into
one
of his usual errors
when he refers the
origin
of
the
confederacy
to the interval between the re-
oovery
of the Cadmea and the
attempt
of
Spho-
drias,we shall
probably
not be far mistaken if
we
suppose
that it
was
formed
very
soon
after
the latter event. The
danger
with which
Spar-
la aaw herself threatened
by
the detection of
her maritime
allies,
induced
her,
it is
said,l"oth
lo treat the rest more
mildly,
and to
adopt
a
new system
Ibr (he
regolation
of their contingents.
The whole
confederacywas divided
"
mnMfui,
BII4
tjmtk
ot^tm oolonisa,though
Bovckh
(Li
into ten classes :
Sparta
herself
forming
th"
first,
the Arcadian states the second and
thin],
Elis the
fourth,
the Achieans the
6Ab, Conntb
and
Megara
the sixth, Sicyon,Phlius,and tbe
towns of the
Argohc
Act^ the
seventh, tbe
Acarnaniana the
eighth,
the Phociana and Lo-
crians the ninth
; OlynUius
and the other cities
on the coast of Thrace made
up
tbe tenth. As
to the other details of die new
amngeiDeni
Diodoras is
silent, except
that
one heavy-armed
soldier was deemed
equivalent
to two
ligtit-
armed,
and one
trooper
to four
heavy-amied
;
which
seems to
imply
that each state was
permitted
to determine the
qoaiity
of ita
con^ngent.
After the
acquittal
of
Sphodrias.
the
Spartan
govemmeat prepared
for a fieah
expedition
against
Thebes. The forbearance of Cleom-
brotus bad been viewed with
greatdisapproba- tion
at
Sparta,
and
Ageailaus
was aonr invited
to take the conmiand. He no
longerthoughtit
indecorous to
accept
a commission which
gave
him
an
opportunity, probablyby
no means an-
welcome, of
gratifying
hisoid resentment. His
firstcare was to secure the
passes
of
Cithsron,
and for this
purpose
he took
advantage
of
a war
whioh was at this time carried on between the
Arcadian lovms of Cleitor and
Orchoraenus,* to
which the former
employed
a
body
of
merceni-
Ties. He
bargained
with Cleitor for the
use of
this little
army,
and
as soon as
he had crossed
the
border,
having
fnmished its commander"
the
cmdottiere,as the Italians would call him"
with a month's
pay,
sent him forward to occupy
Citheron with his
troops.
To
protect
Cle- itor
in their
absence, he
enjoined
ibe Orchome-
nians to
suspend
hostilities aa
long
as the expedition
should
last,
and iaaued
a
general
proclamation
that,
if
any city
should attack another
while the
army
of the
confederacywas in tbe
field,
it should be the first
against
which bia
arms should be turned.
HavrngcroasedCiibv-
ron
without
interruption,
he advanced
throagh
Theapia;
to the Theban frontier. He (iwnd tttt
approaches
lo the
plain
of Thebes
on this side
closed
agaioat
him
by
a trench and
palisade,
which were
guarded by
the Theban
cavaby.
But the
enemy
toon lost their
advantage
from
the want of
petaeveringvigilance,
and
Agesila-
UB, having passed through
thsir undefended
Imes,sprrad
havoc
over tbe lertiie
plain,
which
wasjnatwhitefortheharveat.Xenophon
would
lead us to
suppose
that he met with
no farther
opposition,
but withdrew, as soon ss he had
completed
hia
ravages,
for want of
any
other
object.
Other credible
accounts, however, inform
us that his movements were watched
by
Chabriaa at the bead of
an
Athenian
army,
which was sent to the aid of the
Thebans, who
were
commanded
by
the Bteotarch
Gorgidas,s
worthy colleague
of
Pelopidas,
and that at one
time
a battle
waa
expected.
The Athenian
id Theban
troops
were
sdvantageoualyposted
on the
range
of hillstwo miles south of the
city,
yet Ageailaus thought
himself
strong enough
*~
attack them. He first sent bis
targeteen
against them, and,
when these were
repulsed,
advanced to the
charge
with hia
phalanx.
CHABRU5." AGESILAUS.
Chabriae ordered hit men to
keep
the[r
ground,
pointing
their
spears
against
the
enemy,'
and
resting
their shields
upon
one knee
;
Gorgidas
followed his
eiampte.
The attitude was
new,
and indicated a
spirit
which
rnigbt
inalte the
vicloiydoubtful,
and
Agesilaiis thought
it
prudent
CO sound a retreat. The maniEUTie acquired
so much
celebrity
that a statue was af-
terwanl erected to Ghabrias at Athens in the
attitude which he had devised
;
and itseems to
have hastened the
enemy's
retreat from the
Tbehan
territory.Ageeilaus,passingthrougfa
Thespin
on his retarn, helped
the inhabitants
to
repair
their fortificalions,
and
then,
having
left bis client Pbffibidaa there as
harmost,
pursued
his march home.
Phtebidaa,
in the course of the
year, annoyed
the Tbebans so much
by frequentinroads,
that
at
lengthIbey
collected all their forces,and,
under the command of
Gorgidas,
invaded the
territory
of
Thespi^.
But
they
were checked
in their meditated
ravages by
the
activity
of
the
Spartan general,
who hovered about
them,
to cut off all
stra^lers
from the
phalanx
with
his
lighttroops.
They
found their
position
irksome,
and even
dangerous,
and
began
to retreat,
closely
followed
by Fhtebidas,
who
hoped
to
put
them to the rout. But a wood which
lay
on their road forced them to turn
upon
their
pursuer,
and their
cavalry
made a
charge,
in
which Phtebidaa fell
;
and hts
troops,
disheartened
by
their
loss,
fled in disorder
toThcspite.t
This
success
encouraged
the Thebans to renew
their invasion of the
Thespian territory,
and to make
attempts upon
some of the other
Bceolian cities.
Xenophon
observes that in all
these cities an
oligarchical government
had
becD
established,
like that from which Thebes
had
just
been
delivered,
and that
targemigra-
tiooahad taken
place
Jrom
among
the commonalty
to Thebes
;
bo tiiat the friends of
Sparta
were in need of succoor. A new
general
was
sent with a mora " ^wbich was
transported
"across the Corinthian Gulf" to
Thespia,
to bridle
tbe Thebans a littlein the absence of an in-
'ading
army.
Early"a the
following spring(377)Agesilana
again took the field. The commander of the
garrisonat
Tbespiffi had,by
his
orders,
secured
the
pass
of
Citheron,
and he descended to
PlatEa.
It was
expected
that he would thii
time take a different road (rom that
by
which
he bad
entered the
plain
of Thebes (he
year
he-
lore,
and
an intrenchment had been thrown
up
across the vale of tbe
Asopus
at Scolus to arrest
his march. But he deceived the
enemy
into a belief that he meant
again
to
pass through
"Hiespis
;
and
they
abandoned their
position
at
Scolus
to take
up
one near the western border.
He then made a
rapid
march down the
*ale of [he
Asopus,
and
having passed
Scolus
anoppoaed,
lirst
ravaged
the eastern side of the
Thebanterriloryaa
fares the confines of Tana-
'
n""
Mam iM
iponinif itDiiiof Fulimu. ii.,1.
"^"^
lU
phnw. of Dlodonii,I... U, h
ifB^ nj itfar
t
Nc"wlthitBBd]Dg the muT
dimipuiciBi
batweai
^Kiphiiii'i
nunliTE, U.,
T., 4,M,
uul Ihu of
PoLjaniii
-"'Ia. X it
iHiui
probkblf thtl
thflj
rflferto (ba """*"" fw*
ilhElXaiuni"iin.ohaD
iujart
gra,
which was In the hands of a
Irjendly party,
and then marched
along
the
plainwestward,
leaving
the
city
on his
left,
until he reached the
place"
a
pass
named Graosstethos " where the
Thebans were either
waiting
his
approach
from
ThespiE
or
prepared
to
oppose
bis retreat
;
they were,
however, so
stronglyposted,
that he
did not think it
prudent
to
attempt
to
dislodge
them
by force,but,changing
hia
front,
moved
towards the
city.
Alarmed for its
safety
" for
il had been left
very weakly
guarded "
they
hastilyquitted
their
position,
and marched towards
Thebes. On (heir
way
they
fellin with
the
enemy ; but,
after a little
skirmisbiag,
Agesilausretreated,
and
encamped
for the
night
at the
position
which
they
had left. The next
day they
were
encouragedby
this
slight
advantage
to
pursne
him,
but their
lighttroops
were
driven off with considerable loss
by
the
Oiyn-
thian
cavaby,
which was now
serving
in his
army according
to tbe terms of the
treaty.
He
stayed
a short time at
Thespis
to
compose
(he
feuds which were still
raging
there. The oligarchy,
notwithstanding
the LacedKmooian
garrison
and the
migrations
uf the
commonalty,
still
thought
itself
endangeredby
tlio
presence
of the
disaffected,
and wished to rid itself of
them
by
a massacre. Agesilaus
diverted hia
partisans
from this
design,
and induced them
and their adversaries to
give
one another the
security
of oaths of mutual
amnesty. Having
(bus established an
appearance
of
tranquilhty,
he crossed over to
Megara ;
here he met with
an accident " the
bursting
of a
bloodvessel, aa
Xenophon
describes it" which was Vba
beginning
of a
long
illness.
His two
expeditions
had
destroyed
two successive
harvests,
and
scarcitybe^n to be felt
at Thebes. To reheve
it,agents
were sent
with two
galleys
to
purchase
com at
Pegaaw ;
but
Alcetas,
who commanded a
Laced temoniati
garrison
at Oreas, on the
opposite
coast of "a-
biea,having intelligence
of theu
movements,
sent out three
galleys,
which
intercepted
them
un their
return,
and
captnred
their vessels with
about 300 men. Tiie
prisoners
were
lodged
ia
the citadel of Oreus
;
but
they
were so
negli- gently
guarded,
that,
daring
tbe absence of Al- cetas,
who was in the habit of
paying
too frequent
visits to the lower
town, they
contrived
to make themselvef masters uf the
fortress;
and the Lacednmonian force was so small,or
had rendered itself so odions,
that the towns- men
seized this
opportunity
to renounce
their
connexion with
Sparta.
Thus not only
were
(he
ships
and
cargo
recovered,
but a secitte
channel was
opened
fur fresh
supplies.
But the
damage
which the Theban
agricoltuie
suffered from these inroads of
Agesilauswas,
perhaps,
more than compensatedby
^le military
experience
which (he Thebans
gained
from
them.
They
had not, indeed,
been able to
protect
their
territory,
nor had
(hey
ventured to
meet the
enemy
on even
ground,
or
fought
a
regular
battle
;
bnt
they
had not been confined
to their walls
; they
bad
engaged
in
partial
con- flicts
with a LaoedKioonian
army;
they
had
seen it retreat before
them,
and had foond ft
pretextforerectiDg8tTO|diy.
And alltbis wben
opposed
to the ablest conunandei that
Spaita
had ever
possesBed
at the head of the baeea of
hei
newly-augmentedconfedeiacy.They
were
24 HISTORY OF QREECB.
tliQileîning
to ehake off the terror which the
Spartan
name iaapired
;
and itwas not withoat
reaaon thai AgesikuB was
reproacbed
with the
leaaons wbioh he had
given
them.* The
groat
men nho now
conducted their affairs
perceiTed
the
inpartance
of these trialsof
strength
forrous-
iQ{
the
spirit
of their
fellow-citizens,
and made
it their
object
to provide
as
many
as
they
could
with
safety.Among
the
eipediente
to which
the;
resorted for
cherishing
the martial ardour
thus
excited, one,
which is attributed eametines
to
Gorgidas,
sometimes to
Epaminondas,
and
which we
might
almost
suppose
to have been
suggestedby Pythagorean
recollections, was
the institutionof a kind of
military
brother- hood,
consisting
of 300
men,
selected not merely
with
regard
to their
personalqualities,
but
to their matual intimacies.
They
were maintained
in the Cadmea at the
public
expense,
to
be in constant
training
and readiness for action,
and either from thia or from some other
onknown
cause,
acquired
the name of the Sa- cred
Band.
The next
spring(376)
found
Agesitaus
atill
confined to his
chamber,
and Cleombrotus
was
ordered to lake his
place
at the head of the
army,
which was
again
to invade the Theban
territory.
But he
neglected
the
precautions
with which bis
colleague
had secured the
passes
of
Cithteron,
and found them
occupiedby
Tbeban and Athenian
troops.
He sent his
tar-
geteers
to
dislodge
the
enemy,
but
they were
repulsed, routed,
and some
forty
of tUem slain.
He chose to treat the obstacle aa insurmountable,
and led his
army
home. His
conductagain
excited loud murmurs at
Sparta,
not
onlyamong
his
fellow-citizens,
but
among
the
alhes,who,
in a
congress
which was bald there after his
return, complained
that more
energetic
measures
were not
adopted
for
bringing
the war to
a close. No
use.
it was obsenod, was made
of their naval
superiority,
which would enable
Ihem either to atarve Athens into
submission,
or to
transport
an
army
at
any
time to one of
the BcEotisn or Phocian
porta,
so as to attack
Thebes at the
proper
season. This
suggestion
was
adopted;
a fleet of
sixtygalleys
was filled
out,
and
placed
Pollis,
who was instructed to cruise
among
the
Cyo-
lades,
and
intercept
the corn
ships
bound for
PirBus.
Athens, entirely dependant
on
foreign
suppbes,began
to suffer from the blockade.
But she was now able to meet the
enemy
at
aea. A fleet,according
to
Diodorua,
of more
than
eightygalleys,
was
quicklymanned,
and
the command was
assigned
lo Chabrias, For
the
purpose,
it would
seem,
of
forcing
the enemy
to a
battle,
he undertook the
siege
of Nax-
os,
Poliia, coming
up
to relieve
it,
did not decline
an
eogagomcnt.
which,alter a bard
struggle,
in which Phocion
greatlydistinguished
himself,was decided in favour of the Athe- nians.
The
enemy's loss,on the moat moderate
calculation,
aeema to have exceeded
thirtygalleys,
and,
if we
may
believe Diodorus,
would
have been far
greater
if the recollection of Ar-
ginuiai
had not restrained Chabrias from
pur-
Boit,
and induced him to devotP his whole attention
to bU own
people,
who were to be saved
from the wmcke of
eighteenships.
Itie vic-
tary, though,
with
respect
to the numbera en-
"PlBU **",".
gaged,
mucb leai brilliantthan
many
of an earlier
period,
was
pecuharl;
seasonable and important,
not
only
betiause it delivered Athens
from the
danger
of
famine,
but because it encouraged
the
people
in their
hopea
of
regaining
the dominion of the sea ;
for iL was the first
that bad been won by an Athenian fleet"
at
Cnidua Conon commanded a
foreignnavy
"
aiocE iho end of thp,
Peloponnesian
war.
Early
in the
following
year (376) Sparta
renewed
her
preparations
for the invasion of Btso-
tia. But before
tliey
were
completed,
the event
of the battleof NazoB
suggested
to the Thehaxis
that Athens
might
render them much more efficacious
aervicB than
they
had received from
her
troops,
if she would revive the
practice
oT
former
times,
and would send a fleetrouod Pel- oponnesus,
which, threatening
the
enemy
at
home,
would divert him from the meditated expedition.
The
proposal
was
very readilyadopt- ed
;
and Timotbeus was ordered to sail westward
with
sixtygalleys.
It does not
appear
that
he bad
any
more
specificinstructions,or
that be
attempted
to do
any
mischief on the
coasts of LaconiR. He firatbent his course to
Corcyra,and, according
to
Xenophon'a
language,
immediately
made himself master of the
island,
but used his success with
great
moderation,
did not treat it as a
conqueredcountry,
banished
none
of the
citizens,
and made no
change
in the laws. All
thia,perhaps,means
nothing
more than that at his first
appearance
the
Corcyrieanswilhngly
renewed their ancient
exion with
Athens,
and that Timotheus
ot abuse tbeir confidence. He was no less
successful in
Cephallenia
and
Acamania, and
even drew
Alcetaa,king
of the
Molossians,
whose
authority
seenis to have extended over
êat part
of the
Ephot tribes,
into the .\l1ie-
m alhance. He was not, however,
sull'ered
make this
progress
without
interruption.
A
fleet was sent out from
Peloponnesus
to
oppose
him,
under the command of the Laceda^mDîaa
admiral Kicoloohus. He found Timotheus m
the
Bay
of
Alysia
on the Acaroanian
coast, and,
though
he had no more llian
fifty-five galleys,
and
expected
six from
Arabracia,
he did not
hesitate to offer battle. He
was, however,
defeated
:
but it would seem with littleloss
;
for
having
soon afler received llie re-enforcement
from
Aml)racia,
he
again
sailed
up
to
Alyzia,
where Timotheus was
refitting,
and bis challenge
not
beingaccepted,
raised a
trophy
in his
But he was not able
long
to
present
m)
a front
;
for
Timotheus, having repaired
[;"se1:j, and obtained some addition to Lis
force from
Corcyra,put
to sea witli
eevrnty
sail
;
an armament
which the
enemy
could not
repel,
but which the Athenian
general,who, according
to his friendand
culogiiit Isucratea,had
brought
with him
only
thirteen talents from
home,
found it
very
difficultto maintain
;
and
itelligence
of bis successes was
accompa-
with an
apphcalion
fur fresli and
larger
supplies
from the
treasury.
Ilia
expedition, however,
had answered the
purpose
for which the Thebans bad
suggested
It
gave
such
occupation
to
Sparta
as
pre-
ited her this
year
from
renewing
the invasion
of
Bteotia,
and thus enabled them to dhect
their forces
against
the BcEotian
towns, which,
under the sanction of the
peace
of Antakidos
cij:ohbhotus in phocib.
and tbe
patronasie
of
Sparta,
had awerted. their
mdepeodeDce.
These towns recoUod more than
ever
from the dominioa of
Thebea, because,
while tbe Theban
govenueent
bad been ansu-
ming
a mure
popular
character,
tbair inatitu-
tiODS bad become,
under
Spartan
infiuBDCe, more
purelyoligarchical
than before. There were
three
amoDg
them which were viewed at Tbebea
with
peculiaranimoaity,
which
they
returned
with a deadly hatred,
excited
by
the conleats
aad mutual
in;urieBof
many generatJaDS.
Tbeae
were Plateea,ThespiK,
and Orcbomenua
;
and
tfaey
continued lo hold out alter must of the
othera had been
compelled
to renew ih"ir ancient
connexion with Thebes. OrcbomenuB, aa
tbe rooBi
important,
hail received a Lacedtemo-
uian
garrieon
of two morâ.
in tbe
year
376
Pelopidaa,
who was
annually
re-elected to tbe
office of
Bteotatch,hearing
that the
garrison
waa absent on an expedition
into
Locria,conceived
hopes
of
Burpriaipg
the
city.Expecting,
probably,
that succeaa would
depend
more on
tbe
rapidity
of hia movRmenls than on (he force
employed,
he took with bim
only
tbe Sacred
Baad"which had bilberto never been
brought
iiitQaction,eitherby
itaelforas a
separate body,
but bad been distributedover the foremoec ranks
of the Theban armies " and a amall
troop
of
horse. But on his arrivalhe found that a sufficient
force had been sent to
supply
tbe
place
of
the absent
garrisonat Orobomenus,
and that it
would be
prudent
lu retreat. He took the road
which skirted the northeast corner or tbe Co-
paic
l.ake.
and was
marching along
the foot of
the billson the eastern side,about three miles
in a direct line from Orcbomenus, near
Tegyra,
when he was
suddenly
encountered
by
tbe two
moras,
commanded
by
the
polumarcbsGorgo-
leon and
Tbeopompus,
wbicb were
reluming
ftom Locria. Tbe nuiubera of tbe
enemy,
ac-
coTtling
10 tbe
ordinarycompoaition
of the
mora,
must have been three or four times
larger
than
his own
;
and tbe first
impressionproducedon
his followers was
dismay.
He himself did not
despair
;
and when one came
runningup
to bim
with tbe exclamation,
"
We have falleu into the
midst of the
enemy," coollyanswered, "Why
not
they
into tbe midst of us!" He seems to
have relied on the effect of
one desperate
effort
to break
through
the
enemy's
line
;
and
having
first sent his
cavalry
forward (o the
charge,
broughtup
his little
band, formed,according
to
the
^d
Tlieban
practice,
in a
great depth.
It is
doubtful what the issue would have been,
ifthe
two
Spartangenerals
bad not fallen in the first
nnael. This event decided the fortune of tlie
day.
Their
troops, indeed,at first
preserved
BU^cieut
presence
of mind to
open
their
ranks,
so as to afford a
passage
for the Thebana, who,
they supposed,
could not aim at
anything
more
than
making
their
way through.
But
Pelopidaa,
instead of
using
the
opportunity
of
escape,
successively
attacked each division of tbe
enemy,
untilhe had
completely
routed their wbole army.
He did
not. however,
think it
prudent
to
follow
up
his
succeaa,
fearing
that be
might
be
overtaken
by
fresh
troops
from Orchomenua.
The
importance
of this
victory
is not Co be
measured
by
the numbers
engaged. Xenophon,
indeed,passes
over it in total ulence
;
but this
may
be considered as a tacit
testimony
to the
merila of
Pelopidaa.
The battle of
Tegyia
con-
Vol. II." D
tributedmore than
any prerioos
event to raise
the Thebans in their own eatimalion. and tv
abate their fear of
Spartan
valour and
discipline.
It
encouraged
them to bolder
ent^prises,
and
made them more careless of the
support
and
good-will
of ttieir
neighbours,
and less attentive
10 the
appearance
of mildness and moderation
in their treatment of tbeir enemies. In tbe
spring
of 374
tbey
undertook an
expedition
againstPhocis;
from what motive ^whether
merely
to hurt an ally
of
Sparta,or to
revenge
Ihemaelves for assistance which the Pbociaos
had
given
to the Bmotian towns" we are not
informed. The Phocians
applied
for succour to-
Sparta,
and Cleumbrotus was seat with an
aimj,
which he
transported
into their
country across
the Lk)r)ntbian Gulf
Upon
this the Thebans
retreated,
and remained
upon
the defensive
within tbeir own frontier. U was at (his
juncture
that a
warning
voice reached
Sparta,re- vealing
a
danger
which threatened her and tlM
rest of
Greece,
and
which,
it
seems,
neither abe
nor
any
other state had hitherto descried.
The
glimpses
which we have
caught
from
Lime 1j"time in tbe course of this
history
of the
internal stale of
Thessaly,
have shown us that
country, thoughacknowledging
a idnd of
political
unity,
as seldom,
if
ever,
and at tbe
m"Bt
very
imperfectly
united ondei one
government.
A few
great famdies,
wboae
possessionslay
chiefly
aboul
" "
Pliarsalus,
v
ty otlaguiI
at other tii
of
Lariesa,Crannon, and
sometimes able to extend tbeir
everal other towns. Now and
chiels was raised to
the
digni-
tbeiT
authority, even
where
they resided,
waa sbakea
by
civil feuds. At tbe
period
which we have
now reached the
principal
seats of
power
were
no
longer
tbe aame : most of tbe Tbessalian
towns acknowledged
tbe
ascendency
of Pbsrsa-
lus or of Pherte. At tbe close of the
Peh)pon-
"esian
war,
Pbers was under the dominion of
Lycophron.
His elevation
was,
perhaps,connected
with those
struggles against
tbe old aristocracy,
in
which,not
many year?
beroru,
Crilias-
had taken a
part.
He felthimself
strong enough
to aim at
extending
his
power
over the whtde
of
Thessaly;
and
among
the events of the
year
in which Athens
surrendered,Xenophon
records
a
victory
which be
gained
over the Thes-
salians who
apposed bim,
among
whom those
of Larissa were
foremost,
but does
not
mention
any
results that ensued from it. Some tea
years later,at the
breakingout of the Corinth- ian
war,
we find bim still
engaged
in a contest
witli
Larissa,
which was then
subject
to Medi-
us. probably
the head of the Aleuada.
Lyco*
pbron
was
supportedby Sparta,
and Medina
applied
for succours to tbe
confederacy
which
had
just
been formed
against
her. The Theban
Ismenias waa sent to his aid with a
tiody
of
2000
men,
Bteotians and
Argjves,
and enabled
him to make himself miL^ter of
Pbarsalus,
which
was
occupiedby
a Lacidumoniaa
garrison.
Medina is said to have sold all the inhabitants
as slaves. It seems as ifthe success of
Agesi-
laus,
after his return from
Asia, gave
a diSiir-
ent turn to tbe affairs of
Thessaly, Pharsalus,
havingappaieotly
recovered tbe
greaterpart
oT
her
population,
not
onlyTefiaiaed
her
independence,
hut rose to a
' " " "-
a
rival to PberE.
HISTORY OF GREECE.
The
eit7,however, wbb no
Innger
in the
hands or the
Scopada ;
it Has divided between
eootendmg
factions,which, lor the sake of
quiet
and
secnrily.
had resorted to an expedient
less
common in the
history
of the latef Greek re-
pnhlica
thati ithad been in earlier limes.
They
placed
themselves in the
power
of
in
individual
on whom all could
rely.
It
was one of their
fellow-citizens named
Polydamas,
whose
reputation
and virtues attracted and earned this
honour^le confidence. He was intrusted with
the
citadel,
and with the whole administration
of the
publicrevenue. He
discharged
hie trust
with the strictest
integrity
and diainteresied-
Deas, rendering
sn account
every year,
and
sometimes
supplying
the
deficiency
of the revenue
by
advances from his
private
fortune.
At Phera, the
supreme power
had now
passed
into the hands of
Jason,probablyI.ycophron's
son,
as he ts said to have inherited his fnther's
hospitable
relation to
Sparta,
which continued
after his own
political
connexion with her had
ceased. He likewise succeeded to Lycophron's
ambitiou*
views,
but
enlarged
them into twtder
schemes of
aggrandizement,and,
with
superior
genius
and
energy,
possessed
far
ampler
means
of
fulfilling
them.
He
kept
a
standingarm;
of 6000 mercenaries
in his
pay,
all
picked
men,
trained under bis
own
eye
with un
intermitting care,
and attached
to his service both
by
a
judiciousliberality,
and
by
the
respect
and confidence which his character
inspired.
He had
compelled
most of the
Thessalian cities of the firstrank to enter into
alliance with
him,
or,
in other
words, to become
fats
subjects, notwithstanding
the
opposition
of
Pharsalua
;
and his
swaj
was
acknowledgedby
several of the
neighbouring
tribes. Even Al-
cetas, the
king
of
Epinis,
was
leagued
with him
OD the
footing
rather of a vassal tban an
equal.
This success
encouraged
him to
carry
his views
much farther
;
and to whatever
quarter
he looked,
he saw no barrier to his ambition which he
did not feel himself able to surmount. The
first
step
which he had to take was to
acquire
4he titleof
tagus,
and to unite all
Thessalyun- der
his
legitimateauthority.
The force which
Thessal^r
alone was at this time able to furnish
was estimated at 10,000
heavy infantry,
and
flOOO
cavalry.
He
might
then calculate on the
BiUmisaioi) of all the
borderingtribes,
which
would
yield
both an abundant
supply
of
light
troops,
and
regular
tribute. The state of Ma- cedonia
was such as seemed to
give
him a warrant
for
lookingupon
its
resources as his own.
In
those,together
with the Penest
population
"f
Thessaly,
he
perceived
the elements of a na-
ral
power,
which would make him master of
the
Grecian seas. He would
then,perhaps,
be
strong enough
to
cope
with the nnilcd
powers
of
Greece, and the dissensions of the Greek
Mates would render bis
triumph
certain. He
kad
already
formed
an alliance with
Thebes,
^tiefly, perhaps,
because Pharsalus
was
already
connected with
Sparta,Uirough Polydamus,
whose
femily
had
long been attached to the
Spartaninterestbythe bonds of
hospitality.
But
roy
wogld
probably
have inclined him to
pre-
the weaker
side,as that which
was
likely
to
considered her as a rival,whose
friendship
would
only
obstruct the
attcomplishment
of his
designs
for the foundation of a maritime
empire.
As soon as the affairs of Greece should be settled
to his
wish,
a boundless
prospect ofgreat-
ness
Isyopen
before him. The
retreat of the
Ten
Thousand,
and the Asiatic
campaigns
of
Agesilaus,
had
taught
him how
easily
he
might
effect the overthrow of the Peraian
monarchy,
and make himself
master of the East. In himself
he seems to have combined most of the
qualities
and habits
requisite
for such undertakings
as those which were
continoally present
to his
thoughts
: a frame
capable
of
enduring
evet7 hardship;
indefatigable activityand constant
presence
of mind
;
a
thoroughknowledge
of human
nature,
and
perfect
self-control.
One
part
of his vast
plansnow
seemed
ripe
for execution. Pharsalus and the towns which
were still
dependant
on it were the
only
obstA'
cle to the union of
Thessaly
under his rule.
He was
strong enough
to have overcome their
resistance
by
force
;
but
knowing
the character
of
Polydamus,
he believed that his
objectmight
be attained
by
milder
methods, whicb his own
character,no less tban
policy,
led bim to
prefer.
He therefore concluded a truce for the
purpose
of a
personal
conference with
PolydamuB,
and
when
they met, frankly
unfolded his
schemes,
pointedout the means which he
possessed
of
carrying
them into effect,and, on the
ground
of
an irresistible
necessity,urged Polydamus
to
use his influence at Pharsalus to
put
an end to
an
unavailingopposition,
and as Uie reward of
his
co-operation,promised
him a
place only
second to his own in the new order of
things.
Polydamus
met this
proposal
with
equsiopen- ness,
and informed Jason that the main difEcul-
ty
which
prevented
him from
immediately
acceding
to it was his reluctance to abandon his
old
allies,
the
Spartans,against
whom he had no
ground
of
complaint.
Jason
applauded
his
loyalty,
and
gave
him leave to
go
to
Sparta,
and
lay
the whole state of the case before the
government
there,
and then ask if
they
were
prepared
to
protect
Iârsalus from Jason's attacks.
Polydamus accordinglyproceeded
to
Sparta,
where the
subjectwas discussed in a
style
equallyforeign
to that of modem
diplomacy.
He disclosed the
danger
which
threatened,doc
onlyPharsalus,
but the liberties of Greece
;
de~
scribed Jason's
character,plana,
and resources
;
and informed his allies
that,
unless
they
could
send a force sufficient to
encourage
the Thes-
salians to assert their
independence,
it would
be more advisable that
thry
should remain
quiet.
Nothing less,he intimated,than a
Spartan
army,
with a
king
at its head, would answer the
purpose.
The
government
took three
days
to
deliberate
;
and
having
considered the number
of their
troops alreadyengaged
in
foreign
service,
and those which were
required
for the defence
of
Laconia,now that the Athenians had
begun
to threaten their
coasts,they
came to the
conclusion that
they
were not in a condition to
afTord
protection
to their Thessalian
allies,
and
therefore advised
Polydamus
to make the best
terms he couki for himself and for Pharsalus.
He thanked them for their
candour,
and took
their advice. On his return to
Thessaly,
he
begged
Jason to
permit
him to
keep
the citadel
of PhaiBalus for those who tutdcr
" '"'* ** "
RENEWAL OP HOSTILITIES.
"7
hb
costody
;
but
promised
that he would exert
his infloeiiDe with bis rellow-cilizens to induce
Ihem to Pnter into alliance wtlh him,
and that
lieWDDld assist him to obtain the
dignity
of la-
gns.
Jason waa
generoua enough
lo
appreciate
Ibis noble
uprightness,
and llie
compact
waa
MOD Minclnded between them. The result
appeared
in a
genera!pacification,
which imme-
diaiely
rollowed
;
and not
longafter,
Jason was
elmed
taguB,
or assumed the titlewith univer-
sal consent. His lirstcare was to
regulate
the
military
force of the
Country.
He determined
the
contingents
of
infantry
and
cavalry
to be
furnished
by
each of the Thessalian
towns,
and
br his
foreign
allies
;
and he seems to have
raided them to an amount never before
equalled
; for the
army
which he was now able to
bnnj
into the field consisted of not less than
2^.000
heavy-armed,
and more than BOOO cavalry.
As to
lighttroops, Xenophon
observes
that there were
enough
to be a match for the
whole
world, as there waa no
reckoning
the
towns which
supplied
them. For the maintenance
of this
great
establiBiment he revived
tbe tribute which had been
imposed
on the subject
tribes of These Blians
by Scopas,
one of hia
ancient
predecessors.
While this formidable
power
waa
taking
its
Eland at so short a distance from the theatre of
war,
where the stales of Southern Greece were
wasting
tbeir
strength
in fruitless
contest, one
of the
belligereols began
to be desirous of
peace,
not from
any
sense of the common
danger,
but
fiom
weoriDess, disappointment,
and
jealousy.
Alheos foimd that the cost of the
struggle
in
which she had
engaged
in behalf of Thebes fell
chieflyupon
heraelT: her coasts and
shipping
were infested
by privateers
from
.^gina
;
her
citizens harassed
by repeated
calls for
military
"ervice,
and the wealthier burdened
b;
the war-
taxes
;
while the Thebaus refused to contribute
to the
support
of the
navy by
which their terri-
tmy
bad been saved from invasion. It does not
appear
whetber ahe remonstrated with her al-
liM,
bm she tent
envoys
to
Spatta,
and oonolu-
ded a
aeparate peace.
It
was,
however,
destined to be of
very
brief
duration. Two of the
envoys,
according
to in-
Etmctions which
they
had
brought
with them,
BaHed from Laconia as soon as the
treaty
was
"igned,
to
carry
the
intelligence
to Timotheus,
irith orders to return home. On his
passage
along
tbe coast of
Zacynthus,
he
stopped
to land
a
party
of
exiles,who.
having
been
expelledby
their adversaries from the
island,
had
sought
hia
protection.Tbey undoubtedlybelonged
to
the democratical
aide,Ihoogh Diodorus,
with
more than
ordinaryself-contradiction, states
the reveiBG.* Timotheus enabled Ihem to occupy
B
stronghold
near the
city,
and llirnished
them with means of
anooyiug
their adversaries.
The
oligarchical Zacynthians
made
complaints
at
Sparta,
and
Spartan envoys
were sent to
Athena to remonstrate
against
the
proceedings
of Timotheus. Bui
they
obtained no satisfec-
lion there :
the sacrifice of the exiles waa
u Diodivai tlilllUlirda rdBBOfmuid
W"
t^
tha
......
I
pau"
which
wBi bTak"D
throDcn
u^gf TIbMIhiu, nilh llHt whieh wu "aalad"d uu
Ibtial"y
rfCaliJJtimii:-
-' ~ --
thouglit
too dear a price
Ibr
peace ;
and at
Sparta
the refusal waa held a sutficient
ground
for
renewing
the
war,
and a decree
waa made
for
raising
a fleetof
sixtygalleys
from the
principal
mariiimo states of the
confederacy.
A
squadron
of
twenty-
five was
sent,
it
appears,
in
tho autumn of the same
year (374),
under the
commaiul of
Arislocrates, to tbe relief of Za- cynthus,
But
early
in the next
spring
tbe remainder,
or, according
to
Diodorus,
an additional
armament of
sixty-five galleys,
with 1500
mercenaries,
sailed under
Mnaaippus to the
same
quarter,
but with a difiercntdestination.
Tbe main
object
of this
expedition
was to recover
Corcyra,
in
compliance
with the solicita- tions
of a
body
of
refugees,
who had been encouraged
by
the
hope
of
Spartanprotection
to
rise
against
the
populargovernment.
If we
may
believe
Diodorus,this annaroent was
preceded
by
a
squadron
of
twenty-two galleys
under
the command of
Alcidas,
which was avowedly
bound for
Sicily,
but was directed to surprise
the
city
of
Coreyra. Xenophon only
saya
tbal,
before tbe
sailing
of
Mnasippus,
envoya
were sent Irom
Sparta
to
Syracuse
to obuun
aid from
Dionysiua
for the
recovery
of
Corcyra,
as an
objectnot
less
interesting
to him than to
On his
landing
in
Corcyra,Mnasippus
foond
no
enemy
to face him in the field. He
ravaged
the
country,
where he collected a rich
booty,
and then
occupied
an eminence about half a
mile from the
city,
which he thus cut off from
all communication with the rest of the
island,
while his fleet blockaded the
port.
The
Corcy-
rieanB were soon reduced to
greatdistress,
and
sent
envoys
to Athena to
implore
succour
;
and
notwithstanding
the
depressed
state of their
finances,
the Athenians
preparedvigorously
to
contest the
possession
of this
important
island.
A fleet of
sixty
sail waa decreed,and Timotheus
was
appointed
to the command. But as this
fleet could not be
itmnediately manned,
Stesi-
cles was sent before with about 600
targeteers
to
Epinis,
and
King
Alcetas was
requested
lo
afibrd him tbe means of
transporting
them
across the channel to
Corcyra
;
and under fo-
vour of
nightthey
effected Ibeir
entrance
into
the town.* But at first
theyonlyaggravated
the
suflf^rings
of tbe
besieged,by dimirushiDg
their
scanty
stock of
provisions.Many
wet*
driven
by hunger
to make their
escape
from the
city
into the
enemy's camp,
and at
length
these
desertions became so
frequent,
that
Mnasippus
made a
proclamation
that alt
fugitives
should
be sold as slaves. But
as
starving
men were
not lo be
repelled
even
by
this
threat,
be or-
"Di
id DioiiaiudilUr
on p poinlof
Ihii \iad,we
"
coukl ho sort ABtnru thtn tbtt idb" id
htn bMD HDi tD iha ZujnitUuui,
wlw in
HISTORY OF GHBECE.
dered them to be dnren back with
acouigea.
A
part,probably
tbe
bulk,
of these
unbapp;
persona
were slavfia
;
and these were not admilted
within the walls :
many
were starved to death.
MnasippuB
now
began
to look
upon
the
city
as
his own
;
and (he near
prospect
of success unfolded
a
tendency
in his character to that
grCPdi-
ness
and
vTo^nce
which seem to have been
the most common failings
of
Spartan
ofScers.
lliough
he was in do want of
money,
having
received
pecuniary
contributions from several
towns in lieu of their
contingents,
he
began
to
reduce the number of his
mercenary troops,
and
to withhold the
pay
of those which he retained,
apparently,
as Xenophon intimates, with a.
fraudulent
purpose.
The
men were conse-
qoentty
dissatisfied
;
and
by way
of
compensation,
he seenns to have connived at some relaxation
of
discipline.
The
posts were
less
vigi- lantly
guarded,
and
parlies
were more and more
frequentlyseen
scattered over the
country
in
quest
of
plunder.
The
hesioged
watched their
opportunity,
aad
on one of Uiese occasions made
a
sally,
and took and killed several of these
strag- glers.
Mnasippue
hastened to
repel
this attack
with
a
few
troops
whom he had about him,
and
ordered his offiwrs to lead out the mercenaries.
Some of them now ventured to observe that
they
could not
depend
on the obedience of men
who had been
disappointed
of their
pay ;
but
Maaaippus
silenced them with blows.
They
collected their
troops,
but all moved
reluctantly
to action. The
enemy,
however,
gave way
at
their
approach,
and
Mnasippuspursued
them as
far
as the
sepulchralmonuments, which,
as at
Pompeii,
lined the road near the
gates.
Here
they
made a stand, and,mounting
on the
tombs,
assailed their
pursuers
with
missiles,
while re-
enforcements,
issuing
from the
adjacentgates,
fellon the flanks of
Uie
besiegingarmy,
and at
lengthput
the two
wings
to
fli|;ht.Mnasippus,
who was in Ihe
centre,
and
fullyoccupied
with
the
enemy
in
front,
found bimseir
gradually
abandoned,
until there remained
only
a handful
of men about him
to bear Ihe shock of all the
forces
opposedto
him. As soon as he fell,
the
rout
became universal
;
and Ibe
Corcyrâns
might
have made tticmselves masters
of bis
campi
if
they
had not been deterred
by
the multitude
of the
camp-followers,
whom
they
mistook
for efieciive
troops.
Tlits
victory
had the
elTect of
raising
the
siege. Intelligence
came
soon alter,
that
an Athenian armament was
close at
hand,
and it
was
believed that the Cor-
cyrcEans
were on the
point
of
maoning
their
ships
to
join
it.
Hypermencs,
who was
second
in command to
Mnasippus,
embarked his men
with such
liaste,
that not only
a
great part
of
the valuable
booty
which
ihey
had
collected,
but
some of the
side,
were left behind in the
camp.
The fleet then made for Lences,
The Athenian
armament,
which was at this
time off the coast of
Meesenia,
bad been
delayed
by
finanoial
einbarrassmentB,
which led to a
change
in the command. The decree which
bad directed Timotbens
to sail to the relief of
Corcyra
with
sixtygalleys
bad
not
supplied
him
with Ihe
means of
equipping
them
;
and he
found it
necessary,
for this
purpose,
to resort to
the allies of Athens, He sailed from Pirans in
the
spring
to collect men
and
money
Irom the
islands and coasts of the
êan.
This eniise
occupieda long
time. He
seems to have obtained
a re-enforcement from
Bceotia,*
and to
have visited the coasts of Thrace and Macedo-
itia
;
and it
was, perhaps,
on this occasion that
he contracted a
friendship
with
King Amyntas,
from whom be did not
scruple
to receive a
present
of timber for a house which he was
building'
at
Athens, But
as to the main
object
of bis
voyage,
be
appears
to have effected but liitle
;
,
possibly
because the mildness of his char-
'
acler would not allow him to extort what
'
he could not obtain
by gentle
means.
In the
mean while the
people
at
home, not fullyaware
of bis
difficulties,
grew
impatient
;
and he had
rivals who were ready
to
put
the worst construction
on his
proceedings
;
Iphicrates
and
Catlistratus combined their influence
against
him. A considerable
part
of the season was-
spent,
while the
danger
of the
Corcyrcans
grevr
every
day
more
urgent,
and the
people wera
informed that he had advanced
no farther southward
than the island of
Calaurea,
and that the
fleetwas in a state of
mutiny
for want of
pay.t
He was now
formally
accused
by Iphicratea
and Callistratus,and was recalled to answer
their
charges.
But before Ihe trial he was removed
from the command of the
fleet,
which
was conferred
upon Iphicrates,
with
whom,
at
his own
request,
were associated
Callistralus,
though they
had net
previously
been on
good
terms,!
and Chabrias. Several
points
in ibis
transaction are
very
obscure. The trialof
Timotheus was deferred tilllate in the
autuoiD,
when his two
principal
accusers
appear
to have
been absent. It was
signalized by one
remarkable
incident,which lUusirates the character of
the man and of the times. The
Epirotking
Alcetas,
and Jason of
Pherie,
having
heard of
the
peril
of Timotheus,
made
a journeyto Ath- ens
for the
purpose
of
interceding
io his behair.
Tlieylodged
in his house
;
but he was at
this
lime so
poor
"
having,
it
seems, spent
almost
all his
patrimony
in the
public
service " that he
was
obliged
to borrow a small sum of
money,
as well as vessels and
furniture,
for Ibe
reception
of these
distinguished guests.
Their intercession
was of
more avail to him Uian his
own or
his father's services would have been
;
perhaps
even than his
innocence, however
clearly
it
might
have been
proved.
There
wa",
however,
another
motive,equallyforeignto the
merits of the
case,
which
may
have bad some
weight
in his favour. The
King
of Persia
offered him
employment
in
Egypt,
whidi was
at this time in
a state of revolt
;
and the
prospect
of the
advantage
which Athens
might
derive
ttom his interest at Ihe Persian court
might
be
urged
as an
argument
for his
pardon
or acquittal.
Iphicrates, having
been
appointedto Ibe
command,
showed himself either more active or
less
scrupulous
in the
fiittng
out of the
fleet, or
his connexion with Callistratusenabled him
to
obtain more from the
people. Every galley
that could be
found,
and even the Paralus ai^
Salaminia,were
placed
at his
disposal,
under
a
promise
thai he would
soon
send back
manj
"
[DmcMhnHI in
TtHKll.,p.
lin.
NEGOTIATION WITH
SPARTA.
'Others in their room
;
and thus be was enabled
to rasn above
serenty
vessels. He had leasaa
to
expect
tbac be should have to meet the enemy
as soon as be reached
Corcyra
;
but his
cren'a nere in
gteat
want of
training,
and,
the othei
hand,
the
emergency
admitted of
delay. He, however,
contrived to effect his
object,
without
devotingany
lime
exclusively
10 it,by converting
the
voyage
itself into one
continued lesson in the
principal operations
of
naval warfare
;
so that, befora be reached his
destination,
his men had becorao masteis of all
the evolutions on which,
in an ancient
sea-light,
the
victorymainlydepended,and,
at the same
time,
had
acquired
habits of strict
military
discipline.
Whde still00 the coast
of
Pelopon- nesus,
he had heard a
report
of the death of
Mnasippns,
and of the events connected with
it
;
bat il was not until he arrived at
Cephal.
ienia
that he
fblly
ascertained the truth. There
he rested a while,
and
broughtover the whole
island to the Athenian alliance,and then
pi
cccded to
Corcyra,
He had not
long
arrived
there before be received
intelligence
of the
approach
of a
Bâdron
of teu
galleys,
which had
been sent
by Dionysiua
to the aidof his allies.
He
immediately
stationed Ids scouts on the
heights,
80 as to be
apprized,by preconcerted
signals,
of the
enemy's
lirst
appearance
and
subsequentmovements,
and ordered
twenty
of
his
captaii^s to be in
constant
readiness to
put
to sea at a moment's
warning.
Tlie
Syracu-
sans,
unconscious of their
danger,
had landed
on another
part
of the coast. Ono of their commanders,
a Rhodian,
had
urged
his
colleagues
not to
protract
their
stay there,
and set the example
of
embarking.
He
alone,though
he fell
in with the
enemy,
made his
escape.
The
other nine
galleys
were taken
by
the
Athenians,
ivitb all their
crews,
and the admiral
Anippus.
Iphicrates
retnmed in
triumph
to the
town, and,
being
in
great
need of
money, agreed
with his
prisoners
to
accept
a certain
ransom,
for which
the
Corcyrieansgave
him
security.
From
Anip- pus
be
hoped
to extort a
larger
sum
by
the threat
of selling him as a slave
;
but the
Syracusan,
overwhehned
by
his
misfortunes,put
an end to
his own life.
Leaving
the
greaterpart
of his
crews in
Corcyra,
where
they
found
employment
in the labours of
husbandry,
he crossed
over,
with his
militaryforces,to
Acarnania,
which
was divided between the Athenian and the La- cedemonian
interest.' After
having
carried on
the war there with various
success,
he returned
to
Corcyra,
and
sailed,
with his whole
fleet,
which now amounted to about
ninetygalleys,
to Ccphallcnia,
where he
stayed some time,
raising
conitihutions and
meditatingto invade
Laconia and other
parts
of the
enemy's coast,
ifcircumstances should
require
it.
But in the
spring
of 371 a
prospect
of
peace
began
to
open.
Callistratus,
who was much
less in his element in the
camp
than in tlie
popular
assembly,
had returned to Athens with the
consent of
Iphicrates
"
probably
in 87S "
having
undertaken either to
procure
a
supply
of
money
or to bring
about a
peace.
He
himself,as we
have
alreadyseen,
had
been,
from uie
first,
averse to the alliance with Thebes.
Iphicrates,
and, probably,
Cbabrias
also,
wished the
war
in Greece at an end,
became the state of the
Pereian
empire
held
out
ojôrtdnitiea
for
a
much more brilliantand
profitable
service in
the East.
And,
if we
may
believe
Diodorus,*
the Persian
king
was desirous of
terminating
a contest which rendered it more difficult to
obtain Greek auxiliaries for his wan with his
revolted
subjects,
and sent
envoys
to Greece to
declare his wishes.
Xenophoo
makes no mention
of this
embassy,and,indeed,indirectly
contradicts
the
statement,t
but
only points
out
some of the causes which
again
inclined the
Athenians towards
peace. They
had more reason
than
ever to be dissatisfied with the conduct
of the Thebans. While
they
had been exerting
their almost exhausted
strengthagainst
the
common
enemy,
Thebes had been
aggran- dizing
herself, or
gratifying
her
resentment, by
attacks
upon
the old allies of
Athens,
carried
to the utmost extent of vindictive rancour.
The
Pbocians,indeed,
haid been
protectedby
the
arms of
Sparta
;
but,
in the latter
part
of
373,
white
Iphicrates was absent on bis
expedition
to the
west,
Plattea and
Thespiffi
had
been erased from the listof the BiEoiian cities.
The
Plalffians, according
to
Diodorus,
had
signified
an intention of
placing
themselves under
the
protection
of
Athena,
and had even sent, or
were on the
point
of
senjing,
for an Athenian
garrison
;
ano itis
possible
that the movements
of the Thebans
may
have been
quickenedby
the fear of
seeing
their
prey
rescued from their
grasp.
A Theban
army
marched
suddenly
againstPlatiea,
surprised
a
largepart
of the
population
outside the
walla,
and look
many
prisoners
;
and the
town, unprepared
for
aaiege,
and,perhaps,seeing
no
certainty
of succour in
any quarter,
soon
capitulatedon condition that
all the inhabitants should be allowed
to depart
with their moveable
goods. They
took refuge
in
Athens,
and were admitted
to their ancient
privileges ;t
but their
city,esccpt
the sacred
buildings, was
again
levelled with the
ground.
Isocrates on this occasion undertook to
plead
their cause in
a rhetorical
pamphlet,
to which he
gave
the form of a
speech,
in which the
supposed
orator
urges
Che Athenians to interfereand
restore the outcasts to their
town and
territory.
In this declamation the
injury
which
they
had
suffered is described as a
perfidious
violation
of
peace, though
it is admitted that
they
bad declined to enter into that
dependant
connexion with Thebes to which most of the
Bffiotian
towns had submitted.
According
to
this
statement,
the
Thespians
appear
to hare
sustained still
greater wrong,
for
they,
it is
said,
bad
acknowledged
the
authority
of
Thebes,
though only through compulsion.
But their
subjection
did
not aave Ihem from a fate like
that of PlatKa.
They were forced to evaenale
city,
which was also raied to the
ground;
ic main
part
of the inhabitants
appear
to
have
occupied
a
stronghold
named
CeressuB,
situated on a
rocky
spur
of Mount
Helicon,
where
they
maintained themselves. for
soma
years
longer.^
In the
mean
while,
their
com-
to Ae
vrpKtod
oomag
vt kutMii
i tnnAinfc. bmanm,
rr..
30
HISTORY OF GREECE.
plainU
and
rapplicationa helped
to rouse the
Indignation
of the Alheniana
against
Thebea.
The
people
decreed that an embassy
should be
sent to
negotiate
a
peace
with
Sparta;
hot. to
aTotd tbe
appearance
of
breaking
with their
present allies,
invited the Thebans to become
parties
10 the
treaty, Callias,
the torchbearer,
on account of the relation between hia
family
and
Sparta,
was
placed
at the head of tbe embassy
: he was
accompaniedby
six
colleagues,
and
by Callistralus,
who
appears
to haie attended
without the titleof an
ambassador. His
presence
seems to hsTG been
very
mach needed
; for,
of three
speechesreportedby
Xeno-
ption
as delivered on this occasion by
the Athe- nian
enToys.hiB
is the
only
one which was not
grossly
irrelevant and unseasonable. CBlliaa
was
chiefly
anxious lo
impress
his hearers with
a
due sense of hia own
dignity,
and, glancing
slightly
at the events of the
day,grounded
his
argument
in favour of
peace
on the
legends
of
TriptolemUB
and Hercules. He was foUowed
by
Autocles in a
speech
not
equallyabsurd,
but
much more
misplaced,being
fiillof invectives
effainst
the
hypocrisy
or
inconsistency
of the
Spartans, who.
professing
to be the
chaltipions
of
liberty
and
independence,
exerted a
despotic
authority
over their allies,
oppressed
the weaker
cities with
tyrannical governments
of their
own
appointment,
and in tbe seizure of the
Cadmea bad
directly
violated the
treaty
which
they pretended
to enforce :
charges,
no doubl,
very
well
founded,
but
which, so urged
at such
a time, could
only
serve to defeat the
purpose
of the
speaker's
mission
;
and
theymanifestly
producedgeneralsurprise
and
embarrassment,
and
gave great
offence to the
Spartanpart
of
tbe audience.
Callistratus, however, judicious- ly
remedied the eflecta of his
colleague's
indiscretion,
acknowledging
that there had been
faults on both sides which called for mutual
forbearance,
and
endeavouring
to show that
the interests of both
states, properly
understood,
would be best
promotedby
an amicable
agreement
between them on the
footing
which
the
peace
of Antalcidas
professed
to establish.
We
learn,
from an allusionin this
speech,
that
Antalcidas was at this time absent on a mission
to the Persian court
;
and the oraljir thinks
it
necessary
to notice an
insinuation
which,
it
appears,
bad been thrown out
by
some who
were averse to
peace,
that Athens had been
impelled
to these overtures
by
the
apprehension
that Antalcidas
might
return with a
supply
of Persian
gold
for the
prosecutioa
of the
The terms of the
treaty
were then discussed
and
adjusted.
It was
agreed
that the
Spartans
should withdraw their barmosts from the towns
which
they
now
occupied
;
that the armies
should be disbanded
on
both
sides,
and the fleets
laid
up ;
and that
every
stale m Greece should
be left to the
enjoyment
of
independence,
A
clause was added which
providedthat,
if the
treaty
should be
infringed
to the
injury
of
any
of the
contracting parties,
any
of the rest should
be at
liberty, though
not
bound,to aid in obtaining
redress
by
arms. This
article,
of so sinister
an
aspect,
seems to have been inserted chief-
Ij
with a view to Thebes,
and to indicate a suspicion
which
was BOOD
conflnned. The Athe- nian
enibauy
bad been
accompanied
or follow-
ed
by
envoys
from
Thebes,
with
Epamlnondas,
who was
distinguished among
his
counlrymen
by
his
eloquence
no less than
by
his other attainments,
at their head. The
treaty
was ratified
by
the
Spartan government
in the name of
the whole
Peluponneaianconfederal^
;
Athens
and her allies were introduced as distinct
parties
-,
and
so,
according
to
Xcnophon,
the name
of Thebes was at firstinserted without
any
farther
explanation.
But the next
day
the The-
ban
envoys
demanded that it should be
erased,
and the name Breolians substituted in Its sicad.
This
brought
the
question
to a
point.*
A debate
ensued,
m which
Agesllaus
and
Epaminon-
das,
whose
speech
on this occasion seems to
have
gainedgreat celebrity,
took the
principal
parts Agesilausput
an end to it
by a!"k)ng
whether the Thebans would
permit
the Dwo-
tian towns to
ratify
for themselves.
Not, replied
Epaminondas,
until we see the
provincial
towns ofLaconia
annexing
their oaths to the
treaty. Agcsilans
then declared that he would
allow the name of Thebes to stand there op no
other
condition,
and bade them take Ibcir choice.
They persisted
in Iheir
resolution,
and the negotiation
ended with the exclusion of Thebes,
which was thus left
alone,exposed
to the hosiih-
ty
of all
parties.
This result
gave great pleasure
at Athens,where, according
to
Xenophun. liopt's
were entertained that the
penalty
which Thtbes
had incurred
during
the Persian
warst
might
Btil!be exacted.
The Athenians forthwith executed their
part
of the
treaty;
withdrew their
garrisons,
and recalled
IphicratcB, ordering
him to restore aH
that he had taken since the ratification. Tbe
Spartans
also withdrew ilieirharmosta and
sar-
risons
;
but a
question
then
arose,
whether CIc-
ombrotus,who,
it would
seem,
had continued
with his
army
in Phocis from
374,
should be recalled.
Opinions
were divided
on the
subject
in the
Spartan assembly.
A
person
named Pro-
llious seems to have been the
organ
of a moderate
party,
which was desirous that the i:.iiirli-
tions of the
treaty
shouhl bo
faithfully exec u led,
and
pcriiaps
was
secretly
inclined to favour
Thebes. He
proposed
that Cleotnbrotusshould
evacuate Phocis.but that a fund should be raised
by
the
voluntary
contributions of the allies,
to be
deposited
in the
temple at Delphi,
and
that ifthe Thebans
persisted
in their refusallo
acknowledge
the
independence
of tbe Bicotian
towns, an
army
should be collected
against
them
from all the states of the
confederacy
which
might
be
persuaded to concur in the
enterprise.
But the inSuence of
Agesilausprevailed
in the
assembly,
and tliiamotion was
rejected
with
contempt ;
and
Cleombrotus,
who had sent home
for
instroctions,
was directed
immediately
lo
invade
Bisotia,
ifThebes did not withdraw ber
pretensions.
Diodorus
says
that
envoys
were
despatched
to receive her final
answer,
and that
" "
Thebans were called
upon
1
lubfiquDiit U) tba batltiof Hui-
itua "
thou^
he "!"
!""(""
ft i
in Ibg nancjon of Cilbi-
..Ciooglc
CLEOMBROTUS AT LEU CTH A." VISIONS AND OMENS.
not only
to
rcBign
their claims
orsoTereigntjin
Braotia,
but to restore the Plataana and Tbes-
piacB
to llieirhomes. As their determination
remained
unchanged,
Cleombrolus
began
hia
march towanls the Bceotiao frontier. He found
the
pass
nesr Corooea
guardedby
a division of
ibe Thcban forces under
Epaininondas,
and
therefore made a circuitous
maich,
firstcrosa-
ing
the mounlaina so aa to come down
upon
Crcuais,
where he made himself master both
of the town and oftweire Theban
galleys
nhich
were
lying
in the
port,
and then look the road
which leads
up
to the
plain
of
Lcuctra,
where
he
encamped.
The
Thehons, as soon as
the;
heard of hia
movements,
reunited their
forces,
and
occupied
a
risingground
at no
great
distance
over
against
him.
Epaminondas
commanded
as Bi"utarch,
with iix
colleaguea
or the
same title
: Pelupidas
did not fillthat office this
year,
but was
appointed
to the command of the
SacreBBand. The Lacedemonian
army
is aaid
to have consisted of
10,000heavy infantry,
with
1000
horse,
and the usual
complementoftight
troops
:
the Tbebana are said to have been not
more than 6000
strong; but,
perhaps,
in this
estimate their
cavalry
was not included.
Notwithstanding
his
superiority
in
numbers,
Cleombrolus,
it
seems,
would fajn have declined
an
engagement ;
and he had enemies about
him who were on the watch to see whether he
would
give
this decisive
proof
of the
friendly
reelings
which he had
long
been
suspected
of
entertaining
towards the Thebans, His friends
reminded him of the tiofavourable
impression
which had been made at
Spartaby
his conduct
on former occasions, when he abstained from
ravaging
the Theban
territory,
and afterward
Sii9cred himself to be deterred
b;
a
trifling
obstacle
from
invading
it
;
and
they
warned bim
that if he now spared
the
enemy,
he bad nothing
to
expect
but
ignominy
and exile.
By
these
Buggestiuns
he was
goaded
into the resolution
of
oficring battle,though
it does not
appear
from
Xenophon's description
that there
was in this
stepany
of that
temerity
which Ci- cero
imputes
to it. On the
contrary,
it was a
questionwarmly agitatedon the Theban
side,
whether
they
could
prudently
run the risk of an
action.
Xenophun
avoids
mentioning
the name
of
Epamioondas
" which was no doubt
grating
to a
Spartan
ear" and
represents
the decision
to which the Thaban commanders
came,
as the
desperate
choice of men who, having
tasted the
bitterness of
exile,preferred
the
prospect
of
death in battle to that which Dante
feelingly
describes,
of
againeating
a
stranger's bread,
and
pacingup
and down
astraitger's
stairs.*
They
foresaw,
he
says,
that if
they
shrank from
fighting,
the Boeotian towns would declare
against
them
;
Thebes would be
besieged,and, when
provisions failed,
would be surrendered in
spite
of them
by
their own
partisans.
We
learn,
however,
from other
authority
which we have
no reason to
question,
that three
out
of the aev-
eil
Bceotarchs
thought
itsafer to îde the event
of a
siege,
and
proposed
to remove their wives
and children into Attica,and that itwas
chiefly
the influence of
Epaminondaa,
combined with
that
tk
Pelopidas, though
he had no vote in the
U
council of
war,
that decided for immediate
ae-
tion." Whether itwaa the
courage
of
despair,
or a clear-sighted
confidence in their own resources,
by
which
they
were animated,
may,
perhape,
be iDore
safely
collectedfrom the sell
was not
only
the
superior
numbers of the
enemy
that
inspiredapprehension.
Notwith- standing
the success which the Thebans had
obtained in some little
engagements,
as in that
ofTegyra,they
had not shaken offtheir oldawe
of the
Spartan
valour and
discipline ;
and the
chiefs
thought
it
necessair
to resort to some
eitrsordinaiyexpedients
for
raising
the
spirits
of their
troops. Epaminondaa,
it is
said,was
so
scrupulous
a lover of
truth,
that he never
permitted
himself to utter a
falsehood even in
jest.
It
may
not follow that in the defence of
his
country
he would have refused to concur in
a
pious
fraud
;
but at least no such
scruples
were felt
by
his friends and
colleagues.
The
momentous crisis
prepared
the minds of men le
expect
and receive omens and
prodigies ;
and
care was taken that
they
should not be
disappointed,
A
report
was
spread through
the
camp,
that the arms which were
hung
up
in the
temple
of Hercules at Thebes had
suddenly
disappeared,
carried
away by
invisible hands
;
by
tliusc of the ancient
heroes,
it
might
be inferred,
who were
coming
to aid their
people
in the
approachingstruggle.
A stillmore distinct intimation
of
victory
was obtained from the oracular
cave of
Trophonius,
at Lebadea,
which was
consulted,
it is
said,by
order of
Epaminondaa.
t
The
superstitious hopes
of tliemultitude
appear
to have been
strongly
excited
by
a local
legend,
which was revived,
now, perhaps,
for the first
time to become the basis of a favourable
proph-
ecy.
The
plains
of Leuctra
had,
itwas believed,
been the scene of an i-ft of violence,
offered
by
some Lacedsmonians]: to
daughters
of the
land,
who had killed themselves, and were buried
there
;
and their
father,Scedasus, having
in
vain
sought
satisfaction for the
iiûry,
had likewise
destroyedhimself,utteringtmprecatioDS
againstSparta
with his last breath. A
Spartan
exile in the Theban
camp,
named Leandrias,
seems to have assisted
Pelopidas
in
adapting
this
story
to the occasion.
f
He attested that
his
countrymen
bad
long
been warned
by
ora-
cles that their commonwealth was to sufier a
great
visitation of Divine
vengeance
at Ijeuclra
;
but as there were other
places
of that
name,
the
prediction
had been
neglected
as unintelli- gible.
To render its
niteaning clearer.
Scedasus
himself was said to have
appeared
to
Pelopidas
in the
night,
and to have demanded asacrificefor
the tomb of his
daughters
" a human
one,
according
to Plutarch's account,
which has
very
much the
appearance
of a later fictiondevised
t AcconliDj
la Diolanii, it., it,th" umr
'^mt,
that
Iho liiehiiu muit vo" lo JDItilali
lUcsi
in nlrinuiini ot
IhelrfcppTTWchTng-Ticlory. Anwrdi^g
to
Panwpiin, it.,it,
i,they Hera
"r|DJiieitLo nt
np
fc
tn"phy
with tll"ihieM ot
AriitAQiAJiet. Tliii jj
pTobiblf
Lh* verajonwKich wu fkb-
"'DioJm',"'!,'li"T"ie'miM LtÛrm^
fci
. V,
Co
Ogle
HI8T0RT OF GREECE.
Ebaminondas himself 19 said to have
etpress-
ed hta
contempt
Tor omens wbicb forbade a
r"
izeo to defend his
country,
in the
tankage
the
Trojan
hero.* irhe did not disdain the aid
of
superstition,
he
seems,
at least,to haVe employed
some nobler
expedients
for
rousing
the
energies
of his
countrymen.
As there were
'-
the
army troops
from various
parts
of BtEoiia-
among
Ihem, according
to
Pauaaniae,+
a
body
of
Ttieapians
" who,
he had reason to
suspect,
might
be dlBaflecled to the
cause,
he
proclaimed
that an who would were at
liberty
to
quit
the
camp.
All the
Thespians,
and some others,
are said to hare availed themselTeB of this
permission.
The Hiebana he endeavoured to inflame
with
indignationagainst
their
enemy,
to
whom " not
perhaps
without some
exaggeration,
yet neither,probably,
as
Xenophon
himself
seems to indicate, t
without reason
" he imputed
the
design
of
razing
Thebes to the
ground,
destroying
the
males,
and
enslaving
the women
and
children.^
That a
design
was entertained
of
BObjecting
Thebes to the same kind of
pohti-
Cal diasolution which Mantiiica bad
experienced
is attested
by
a
contemporary,
IIas well ns
by
Plutarch and Diodorua
;
and it is
poesible
that
ttie
Spartansmay
have
accompanied
Ibeir last
demands with threats which
justified
the language
of
Epaminondas.T
Xenophon's
account of the bailie seems to
contain littlemore than the
pretences by
which
the
Spartans,
to console themselves for their defeat,
endeavoured to detract as much as
possible
from the skilland valouT of their enemies.
He thinks it worth
notice,
that as Cleombrotiis
neld the last coancil of
war,
which was called
JQBt
before the battle,
towards
noon,
he and
officers were
believed to have been somew
heated with wine
;
and that the
market-people,
and other followers of the
camp, having
been
prevented
from
withdrawing by
the
enemy'
cavalry
and
lighttroops,
caused the number
of the Thebans to
appear
more formidable iha
they really
were. But he attributes the ever
of the battle
chiefly
to the
superiority
of the
Theban
cavalry
over that of the
Spartans,
which
was at this time in a
very
low
condition,being
filled with the substitutes of the wealthier citi-
lens,
whom
they provided
with horses and
arms,
but who were never trained for the ser-
Tice
;
whereas tha Theban
cavalry
had constant
exercise in their
expeditlonaagainst
Or-
chomenus and
Thespin. Hence,
in the skirmish
before the
battle,
the Lacedasmonian cavalry
" which, however,
probably
formed but a
small
part
of that which
belonged
to the Pelo-
poDoesiauarmy
" was
quickly
routed, and in its
retreat created some confriaion in the
phalanx,
which, nearly
at the same time, was
charged
fey
the Theban
in^Dtry.Other writers expressly
ascribe the iasue of the actioa to the
." Diodor.,i".,
SI.
Cmpu* Plitfuf^DwL.,U, Rot,
M
lap.,
Ap. S. t a.,
fi,". tl"
tbna, p.*.
SFBiilii.ii..Sl"t.,i..ll,e.
I laocrmtti.Philip.,p.
81.
AaaitliittiuisrÎnolT-
TH" m
"tfiai9yi,
"i
pDuAo^hwr AvfivHa"i rlivBttttriati
which
bung
over
i'hsbi:!
wu
irrafm diciAûl
titarr'-
tactics of
Epaminondas,'
whom
Xenophon
does
not mention, though
he notices the
great
dis- parity
between the
depth
of the Theban
phalanx
and that of the
enemy.
The Thebans
were formed not leas than
flflydeep:
more
than four times the
depth
of the Lacedtemonian
Une. in which the
enomoty,
of
thirty-six men,
stood in three liles. It was the
object
of
"pam-
inondas to
bring
his mess to bear
upon
the enemy's
rightwing,
where the
Spartans
were
posted
;
and he seems to have sttccpeded in detaching
it from the rtiain
body,
so that it bad to
sustain the whole brunt of the firstonset. Pe-
lopidas.
with his Sacred
Band,
contributed
great-
ly
to the success of this
operation.
The
Spar- tans
did not
longkeep
their
ground
: Xi?nophon
seems anxious to
prove
that
they
were nol immediately
routed. CIcbmbrotus himsclffell early,
but was carried offthe field
alive,though
he
survived but a short time.
Among
the
Sjrartan
officers who
foughtby
his
side,
none distin-
guished
themselves more than
Sphodrias
and
his son
Cleon3Tnu3,
who were both left
amonp
the slain. The
part
of the
Pejoponnesian
army
which had not been
engaged,seeing
the
Spar- tans
give way,
fellback with them
upon
their
camp,
which was on a
risingground,
and
pro-
lertert
by
a trench. Here
they
formed
again,
and the victors made
no
attempt
to force their
intrcnchments.
So ended the battlo of Leuctra "
one of the
most decisive in the
history
of Greece,
Yet,
according
to Xenophon,
the loss of the Lace- demonians
did not exceed 1400
;
and
Diodoms,
who states ii at 4OO0.
has
probably
followed
an
account whi. 'i
greatlyexaggerates
K, even if
it
was meant to include the loss of the
allies,
which
appear*
to have been
very trifling.
But
of this number 4O0 were
Spartans
;
more than
half of all who were
present
in the
army,1
who
were
only
700
;
and no inconsiderable
portion
of the whole
Spartan population.
The Hie-
bans,according
to
Diodoms,
lost
only
900
;
according
to another
author,only forty-seven. t
But these numbers are of no
importance ;
they
had
gained
a clear
victory
in a fair
battle, over
a
regular
Lacedeemonian
army,
mnch more nu-
mcious than their
own,
witti a
kin^
at its head
:
it mattered littlewith how
many
lirea
they
had
purchased
such a
tritunph.
The
Spartans
could
hardly
be
brought
to submit to their
defeat,
and
were desirous
ofretuming
to the fieldto recover
their
slain,
end
prevent
the
euetny
from
raising
atrophy.
But their eommandera
perceivedtha^
even if
they
had
strength
sufficient leftfor snch
an
attempt,
the
temper
indicated
by
their
aHiea,
who were all
manifestly unwilling
to renew the
engagement,
the issue of which some
scareely
aflfectedto
regret,
would render it
verj
danger-
A council of war was held,
in whicE it
.
nnaninouslyagreed
to
acknowledge
the
loss of the battle
by
the usual
application
for
leave to
bury
the slain.
Epaminondas,
it is
said,to
prevent
the
Spartans
fWim
concealing
ixtenC of their
misfortune,required
that
allies should collect their dead first: it
Biodcir., xt;
M-
Ifff
TtriKti
vtftn^ nffu yififwitit-
'
~)iii axrnl In Xuuolun'i
mmini io Aohq ii..M.
lidtwt DKUi Ihu Uh wbolt nunlisr of ibt S|kiUu
irriiad tbi batllt,both u hmu nail
"bi"d,wul"i
DO. t PwoM.,ii.,II,11.
EXPEDITION OF ARCHIDAHUS.
Q thu li It all Uw akin n
vas then
The
messenger
who earned these
tidings
to
Sperta
found the
cityengaged
in the celebration
oT one of its
great
festiiaJa,
the
GynnDopEdia.
The
peo[de
were in the
theatre,
and " chorus
exhibiting.
The
ephors
did not
interrupt
the
perfomiBDCe,
or
abridge
the amusements of (he
day,
and when
thej
commuoicated the names
of the slain to their friends,enjoined
the women
to refiain bom the
customary wailings.
The
spirit
of the old institutions manifested itself
on this occasion in oil its
energy, perhaps
not
without Brans
mixture of
politic
ostentation.
The
onlyatgns
of
grief
and
dejection
which
any
of the
Btrangers
who had been attractedto
Spar
ta
by
the festlTal could have witnessed wgd
shown
by
the few relatives of the eurviveTs whi
appeared
in
poblie
the nest
day
;
the IViendsof
tiie
fidlen
thronged
the streets with the coun- tenances
and mutual
congratalations
of men
who hdA received
joyfullidtngs.
But the
emergency
called for
somethingmore
than a cheerful lace. The defeated
army,
which
was BtUl in the
presence
of
'
my,
could not be considered safe
;
and the whole
remaining
force of the
city
that was
capable
of
foreign
service was ordered to march to its relief.
Two moras had been
kept
at home, together
with the veterans who wanted less thao
five
years
of the tenn of the
military
age.
These were now
called
out,
and even the ciii-
xena who had before been
exempted
from military
dutyby
citii
offices, were directed to
join
them,
AgesJaus
was stillunable to take the
field,
and bis
son,
Archidamus, was
charged
with the command of the
expedition.
The oligarchical
governments
of the
peninsula, feeling
Uiemselvea involved in the
danger
which threatened
the head of the
confederacy,
exerted tliem-
aelves to raise le-euforceinenta for him, Te-
gea.
Mantinea, Corinth,Sicj'oa, Phlius,
and the
Achnaos "
probablyonly
some of their cities"
are mentioned
by Xenophon
as the most zeal-
ons in the cause.
While Arch Idamns waa busied with his
preparations,
the Tbebans were no less
eager
to
profitby
their
victory.Immediately
aAer the
battle
they
had sent a
herald,
crowned as a
messenger
of
good news,
to announce it at
Athens,
and to call
upon
the
people
lo avail
themselves of the
opportunity
which now offered
itselfof
taking
vengeance
for allthe
injuries
they
bad ever suffered from
Sparta.
But to the
feelings
which now
prevailed
at Athens the
contents of this
message
were so
unwelcome,
that the invitation sounded tike
mockei;.
The
council,
which received
it,
did not
disguise
its
displeasure,
and dismissed the herald nut
only
without
anyanswer
tohis
application,
but without
the usual honours of
hospitality.
The The-
bans,at the same time,
solicited succours from
their
ally
the
tagus
of
Thessaly
;
and Jason
very
promptlyoumphed
with their
request, though
with views
vridely
different from those which
suggested
it. He
gave
orders for
manning
a
squadron,
as if itwas his
design
to
proceed
to
BiBOIia
by
sea
;
but
having by
this feint thrown
the Phoctans off their
guard,
he made a forrêd
march
throng
their
country
with a small
body
of
troops
"
according
to
Diodoma,
l"OO
infanliy
Vol. 11." E
'Pau.
'
and 600 horse " which
they
could
easily
hava
stopped,
and arrived without
interruption
at
Leuctra. Here be was
urged by
the I'hebana
to
join
Ihem in an attack,to be made from
opposite
sides,
on the
enemy's position.
But ha
represented
to them the
danger
of
driving
aoch
an
enemy
to
despair,
and so
risking
tbe fruits
of their
gloriousvictory,
and offered his mediation.
With the
Spartan
commanders he had
probably
less
difficulty,
when be
sought
to con-
vinoe them of the
advantages
which
they
would
reap
Iront a convention wbioli would enabto
them to withdraw their disheartened and disaT-
fected
troops
in
safety.
The
friendlyfooting
on which his father had stood towards
Sparts,
and the character of
ptoxeous
by
which b*
himself was stilloonnected with
her,
notwithstanding
his alliance with
Thebea,
gave
a m1-
our of disintereated
good-willto hie advios.
His
object,
as
Xenophon oboerves, was tomaii^
tain B balance between the two states,so as lo"
keep
them both
dependanton himself At the-
requeBt
of the
Spartans,
he concluded an armi- .
stice for them
;
and Uieir
generals
were so-
anxious to take
advantage
of
it,
and so
fearfi^
lest it abonld be broken
by
the
enemy, that,
havinggiven
orders which
expresBod
their intention
of
crossingCithteron, they
set out the
same
evening
in the direction of
Creusis,
and
pursuing
their march all
night
in
great
disorder
and alarm
along
the
rugged
coast road,
reached
the
Megarian town of
^goethena,
where
they
met with ArcbidamuB and a
part
of his forces.
Me wailed there for the rest "
perhaps
to
give
a better air to his retreat " and as soou as
they
arrived marched back to Corintb,
and disbanded
his whole
army.'
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Tnt ill-humour with wbictt the news of the
battle of Leuctra was received at
Athens,seems
to have arisen
merely
out of the old
jealousy
and
animosity
with which the Athenians had
been used to
regard
their northern
neighbours,
and which revived as soon as the affairsof
LiDDi coDOpcLca vif h Ih? burta DTLauGIrm rron thftl*
bM l#flji
gfien
on Xenaphon'a
"ulhohtjr
in the leit.
__ f_,i J ,._ . , .
Ihinngh JiiHi*! m.
Thsbau, whiob be
m^hARli
w bii toicn from Bootii, Bnt
ingli
that
W"M"Uii(,who ii
uaallf
diqHHd la ûa
"UoiaiulT fsaflke* hit
mnncT ;
irtiila
Sduabr, wtdiaat
-
ahbdowof
"narfoDeal.aiid
lads"aafiaoraTatjpniioJplt
r KHind
cTiliaiam, aaiDniM Ih"1 it ii Xenajîm who hv
rcmlj dliiDnaitfUto,whidi, at Iba tlBU whaa hii
hiatoiT
Lw
tiu
Xiiiio|AoiiôanaiiTB,in
iu
leailiiig outliiiea, lnaa
ly ths
miaplfeoiôf Ji
uUsagiM bafnn
""
Thebei became
proaperonB ;
for in the event
itself,
conaidered with
reapect
to tlieirown interests,
Ihej
could have seen
nothing
to deplore
: and
they proceeded
without
delaj
lo
take
advantage
of the shocic which ithad
given
to the influence of
Sparta.
It seems to have
been the
preTailing opinionthroughoutGreece,
and not least at
Sparta
itself, that the
Spaitan
twwer
had sulffered a fatal blow
;
and Xcno-
|dion
intimates that the Athenians were surprised
to find that
any
of the
Peloponnesian
"tates stilladhered to the ancient chief of their
confoderacy.Thej
believed that (he time had
Diow come when Athens
might step
into the
placa
of
Sparta
as
guardian
of the
peace
of
Antaloidas,
and
might
transfer all the advantages
which her rivalhad
reaped
from that title
to herself.
They
therefore assembled a con-
gresB
in their own
city,
to which
they
invited
Sepnties not
only
Irom their old
allies,
but from
an ibie states
of Greece which wero
willing
to
adopt
the
peace
of Antaloidas as the basis of
their mntual relations. It seems to have been
attended
by many,
if not
by
moat members of
the
Peloponnesianconfederacy
;
and the resolution
to which it came in the oath
hy
which
each state was to
ratify
the
compact
was thus
expressed
;
"
I will abide
by
the
treaty
sent
down
by
the
king,
and
by
the decrees of the
Athenians and their
allies, and,
if an attach be
made on
any
of the stales which take this
oath,
I will succour itwith all
my
might."
So that
Athens found herself sble to obtain better security
for the execution of the
treaty
than had
been
given
in the last
congress
held for the tike
Curpose
at
Sparta,
where none
of the
parties
Hd been bound to enforce its ol"servance
by
Bima
;
and
yet
the
engagement
for mutual de-
ftnce aow involved those who entered into it
in
danger
of a contest both witb
Sparta
and
Thebes. Elis would
âdly
bave united ber-
mIT to an association which would
separate,
and
might protect
her tmai
Sparta;
bat ehe
would not
resign
her claims to the
sovereignty
of the
Triphylian
towns. The
congress,
on the
other
hand,
determined that
every town,
small
or
great,
should be alike
independent,
and com-
mlssioneis were sent round lo exact an oath Co
this tttOetfrom the
magistrates
of each state.
It
was taken,Xeni^tbon
says, by
ail but the
Seaai.
We should have been
gladto know which of
the
Peloponnesianstates acceded to this con-
fedency;
but all the information that Xeno-
phoD gives
as to this
pointonly
enables us to
conclude that the Manttueans at least were
of
the number. One of the firsteffbcta of the ttat-
lleof Iûctra seems to have been a revolotion
Vbich overthrew the Manlinean
aristocracy ;
5Bd
the decUratioa of the
congress
at Athens
"
though
it
expressed
the
very
same
principle
on
which the
Spartans
had professed to act
when
they
scattered the Mantineans over their
tonr
villages
"
was now interpreted by
the dem-
ocratical
party
as a license to restore
their
political
unity
and to rebuild their
oity,
and the
work was immediately begun.
The
Spartan
government
feltthat the restoration of Man-
tinea would
prove
to all Greece that itwas no
longer
fonnidable even to its nearest neighbours
;
but,
in its
anxiety
to escape
this humiliation,
it resorted to a step
which stillmore
cleariy betrayed
its
weakness,
and showed how
much it was
dispirited hy
its recent re verse
.
AgesilsuH,
who had now recovered from his iU-
nesa,
was sent to use all his
hereditary
influence
at Mantinea to
stop
the work
;
and he
was
instructed to undertake
that,
if itwas
only
deferred
for the
present,
be would
procure
the
consent
of the
Spartan government,
and
even
some
help
towards
defraying
the
elpense
of
the
building.
He was not allowed to
lay
this
proposal
before the
popularassembly,
hot was
informed (hat the decree of the
people
rendered
it
necessary
to
proceed
without
delay.Though
he felt this
repulse
as a
personala0t"nt,
and
though
it set the
power
of the state at
defiance,
"
s not
thoughtexpedient
at
Sparta
to bave
irse to
arma,
and the
treaty
last concluded
with Athens served as a
plea
for
acquiescence;
for iiwas now admitted that the
independence
of Mantinea had been violated when itwas dismembered
for the sake of the ariBtoerstical
party.
Some of the other Arcadian towns seat
workmen to assist the
Mantineans,
and Elia
contributed three talents to the cost of the fortification.
The new
city
was so constiTicted
as to be secure from such sttacks as bad
proved
fatal to that which it
replaced.*
Peloponnesushad, for some
years,
lieen violently
agitatedby political convulsions,
and had
been the scene of incessant
struggles
between
the two
leadingparties,
the fnends of aristn-
cratical and of democratical instilutions. It
seems that the
principles
on which the
peace
orAntalcidaa was
professedly
founded had encouraged
the
partisans
of
democracy
to
hope
that
they might
establish their
aacendGncy,
wherever
they
were the
strongest,
without
any
obstnietion from
Sparta,
Her conduct towanls
Phlius and Mantinea must bave checked these
hopes; yet they
seem to have revived when
the new confederacy
between Thebes and Ath- ens,
after the
recovery
of the Cadmea and the
revolt of several maritime
states, compelled
Sparta
to observe more moderation towards
her
remaining
allies. In
many places
the
ar-
istocTBtica]
party
was
overpowered,
and sufler-
ed severe relaliation for the
oppression
it had
exercised
during
the
period
of its domination
;
hut these
triumphs
were
only
the
beginning
of
a series of fierce and
bloody
contests. The exiles
were
continually
on the watch for an
opportunity
of
regaining
what
they
had lost,and the
attempt,
whether it succeeded or failed,cotn-
moniy
ended in a massacre. The
oligarchical
exiles of
Phigalea, having
seiwd a fortress near
the town,
surpi
ed it
during
a festival,
while
the multitude " is assembled in the
theatre,
and made a
gri*
it
slaughter
among
the defenceless
crowd.
l]miighthey
were at last forced
to
retreat,
and take
refuge
in
Sparta.
The Co- rinthian
exiles,
who had fboud shelter at
Atôs,
were baffled in a similar
enterprise,
and hilled
one another to avoid
falling
into the hands of
*"Ta"ntl^
HI
tnlf
a nean tia ihs in-
Bl loRiSntiiiiii
i
int nn ef (his
, V,
CIVIL FEUDS." PROJECT OP LYCOHEDES.
the mosite
partf,
which
innnedlalelj
iuBtilti-
ted a
ngDiDus inqairy
at Coriolb,
and condemn'
ed nnmben lo death or exile on the
charge
or
abetting
the
conspiiacy.
Like scenea took
place
at
MegBTB
and
Sicyon. PUiue, more es-
peciaUj,wuoontinitallybarBBBedby
civilfeuds.
The deoiocnttua exiles look
poaMsaion
of a
strcnghold
in iU
nelgthouitiood,
aod colleet"d
a
body
of
meFcenanes,
vith whose aid
they
defeated
Ibeir enemiea in
butle,
and killed300;
but
anerward, hSTing
been
betnyed by
their
anziiiaiies.the;
were
oTeipowered,
600 were
slain,and the rest were
forced to lake
refuge
in
Argoi. Ktgo*
itaelTwasnot an indiBeienI
spectator
of these eTentB. Thoa^ democmcy
had
long
been
finnl;
estaUtafaed
there,
the
Jeal-
cnsy
of the
people
was roased
agninsl
the
class,
which
might
well be
snapected
of wishes hostile
to Die
existinggovernment, but,perhsps,
bad
given
no other ooâioa for a
charge
of
treasonsble
designs.
It
rosy eiaily
be
supposed
that the confluence of deraocntical exiles
from other cities tended lo
keep ap
" slate
cf constant unnsluraj excitement at
Argos;
and there were
demagogues
who took advantage
of it tt"
instigate
the multitude
against
the
wealthier
eitisene, who,
ifwe
may
believe Dio-
dorus, were at last driven into a
conspiracy
for
aelf-defenee
;
but it seems
extremely
doubtful
whether
any
sufficient
proof
of the fact wss
ever obtained. Those on whom
suspicion
first
fell were
put
to the torture
;
Dthers
killed
Ifaem-
selves lo avofd it : at
length
one of the
accueed,
cither to obtain relief from
torment, or with a
motive tike that which
prompted
the confession
of
Andocides,
ofi^red to make a
discovery,
and
infonned
egainstthirty
of the most eminent
citizens, who,
it
seems,
almost withont the form
of a
trial, were
pnt
to death and their
property
confBcated. But this
discknure,
as it
appeared
to confinn the
original charge,
served rather
to inflame than to
allay
the
papularsuspicions,
T^bich were
continnaUyCberished
by
the arts
of the
demagogues.
Arrests were
multiplied,
until the number of the
prisoners
amounted lo
1300
;
and the
popolace,impatient
of lâlde- lays,
arming
itenlf with
clubs,rose
upon
tbem.
and massacred them all. This
bloodyeiecn-
tioa became memonble onder the name of the
tcj/UUitm.*
The
demagogues
who had excited
the
pbrensy
now endeavoured to restrain it
from farther
excesses
;
but the
attempt only
turned it
against
themselves, and
most of them
shared the fate of their victims. Their blood
seemed to
propitiate
the infernal
powers
: the
Same, no
longersupplied
with
fnel,
expired,
and
tranqniUily
was restored. Itmust be considered
as an indication of a remarkable
supe-
Tiority
in the Athenian character and institutions
over those of
Argos.
that,
under similar
circumstances, in the affair of the Hermes
boats, when
religious
and
political
lanaticism
combined their influence to madden the
people,
no BDch
spectacleswere witnessed
at Ath-
n (nrtiTjXv) whieh
bhbv
The
spirit
of
hostility to Sperts,
which had
been let loose in Arcadia
by
tl^
battle of Leuo-
tra, manifested itseir,not
longafter,
in a much
more
importantevent than the restoration of
Mantinea. The chiefs at the
parties oppoeed
to the
Spartan
interest in the
principal
Arcadian
towns concerted a
plan
for
securing
the independence
of
Arcadia,
and for
raising
it to a
higher
rank than it bad hitherto held in Uie
political
system
of Greece. With a
territory
more extensive than
any
other
region
of Pek"-
ponneaus, peopledby a
hardyrace, proud
of its
ancient
origin
and immemorial
possession
of
the
land,
and of its
peculiar relipoustrsditioiu,
Arcadia " the Greek Switzerland " bad never
"sed
any weight
in the
alikira
of the
na-
iion
: the land
only
served as a
thorougfafsre
for hostile
armies,
and sent forth its sons to re.
emit the forces of
foreignpowera
" Greek
or
barbarian " and to shed their blood in
quarreb
in which
they
had no concern. A wieb for a
better state of
thingsmay
have occurred
to
Arcadian
patriots
at an earlier
period; or it
may
have been first
suggestedby
the destnio-
litHiof
Mnntinea.but it was the battle of Lene-
tra that
opened
a
prospect
of
carrying
it into
effect. A Mantinean named
Lycomedes,amaa
of
large
fortune and of the
higheat
birth in his
'"
e
city,
seems to have been either the an-
or the ntost active mover of the
project
which was now
formed,
and which
was at least
partly
executed in the oourse of the same
year
(371).
The
object
was to unite the Arcadian-
people
in one
body,yet
so as not to
destroy
the
independence
of the
particularstates
;
and with
riew it was
proposed lo found a metrop-
.
o institnte a national council which should
be invested with
supreme
authority
in
foreign
afikirs,particularly
with
regard
to
peace
and
~ar,
and lo establish a
military
fiirce for the
otection of the
publicsafety.
The
plan
in itselfwas one which
might
have
presented
itself to a friend of
aristocracy
who
took an interest in the honour and
prosperity
of
Arcadia, as
readily
as to a man of
opposite
political
sentiments. But the arietoeraticalin- terest
in the Arcadian towna
depended upon
Spartanprotection ;
and for
Sparta
no event
was more to be dreaded than one which made
Areadiaunited,powerfiil,Biidindependent.
The
erection of such a state on her nortbern frontier
manifestly
tended to exclude her fi-om all
political
intercourse with the rest of Greece
;
and it
had therefore been a main
object
of her
policy
to
keep
the Arcadian cantons as mnch as
possible
separate
from each other. And
though
there is "o reason to doubt that
Lycomedes,
and those who shared his views, were
tbidty
desirous of
rescuing
their
country
from a
degrading
subjection
to her
imperiousneighboar,
a"d
of
elevating
her loan honourable ststion
among
the Oreek
coairnonweBllhs.
they nndonbtedly
did not overlook the accession (^strength whic"i
would result from this event to tiieir
party
in its
contest with its domestic adversaries. Their
plan
coold not failto be
agreeable
to the Tbe-
bans,jnst
in
pn^rtion as it was
alarming
to
Sparta;
and it
was
very early
communicated
'
Epaminondas. If,indeed,we could
rely
on
ne
expressions
of
a
late Greek
author,according
to their literal
Interpretation,
vre should
suppose
tiiattbe
plan
was Srst conceived
by
HISTORY OP GREECE.
hkn
;"
tmt itmhds rathermore
probable
that he
only
(iMtered itwith his
enccnirngemeDt
and ad-
Tioe,BndleatiiiBaidtotheei:ecutioD. Xenophon
tonehea
upon
this
sabject
nith sTJdent reluc-
UDoe
;
be mentions the civil discord to which
the
project
of the aoion
gave
ri"e id Arcadia,
bnt
BCBTcelj
bints at the iseue of tbe
acniggle;
and we are thus forced to
dependapon
such in-
fbrmation as ia to be
gleaned
from later writers.
and,
after ^, are left in
ignorance
of aeveral
iQteresliDg particalan.
It
appears,
however,
(hat withiD a lew months after the battle of
Leootra,a
meeting
of Arcadiani from all tbe
principal
towns waa
held to deliberate on the
measare
,"
and,
tinderits
decree,
a
bod;
of colonists,
collected from Tarious
qnarteTB,proceeded
to ftiund a new
city,
which waa to be the
seat of the
generalgovernment,
and was called
MemlepoliB,
or
Megalopolis(the
Qreat
City).t
llie aite chosen was on the banks of the
Heliason,a small stream
tribuiaiy
to the
Alphe-
ua,
in the
upper part
of the
plain
" the
on];
one
of considerable extent on the nesleni side of
Arcadia "
through
which the river flows before
it reaches the
gorge
at
Caryteaa
; at a short
distance ittm one of the
passes
leading
into
tbe Tale of the
Eurotas,
but stillnearer to the
bordera of tiie Measenia. The site was
perfect-
^ leTel,resembling
those of
Tegea
and Manti-
nea,
and
strikingly
contraated to those of the
old Arcadian cities. We do not know thnt
Epaminondas waa consulted with
regard
to the
aituation
;
but even if he
was,
it is not certain
that bis choice was determined
by
the advantages
which the
groand
oflbred for
defence,aa,
indeed,none such have
yet
been discoverod in
it. It seems more
probable
that the work waa
begun
in a
sanguine
and conRdenl
spirit,
which
paid
leas
regard
to
strength
than to conveni- ence
of
position,
and believed that
safety
would
be
sufficiently provided
for
by
an
ordinary
fortification.
The
city
was
designed
on a
ver;
larê
scale,
and the
magnitude
of the
public
buildings corresponded
to its extent
;
the theatre
was the most
spacious
in Greece. The
(emlory
annexed to it seems to have been
chiefly composed
of the districts
belonging
to
the Mienalian and Parrbasisn
villages, perhaps
nearly
the aame aa
during
the
Pelapouncsian
war
acknowledged
tbe
sovereignty
of Mantinea,
nntil
they
were restored to
independenceby
die interference of
Sparta
;
but tbe
papulation
was to be
dmwn, not from these
only,
but from
a
great
number of the most ancient Arcadian
towns.
Pausanias
gives a list
ol^
forty
which
were required
to contribute to it. The
greater
part
of them
appear
to have been
entirely
deserted
by
their
inhabitants;
others retained a
remnant of their
population,
but in the condition
of
Tillagessubject
to
Megalopolis,
It is
not
quite
clear whether the
migration
was vol-
notarilyundertaken
byany,
or
they
all
only
submitted
to a decree of the
majority
;
but there
seem to have been few who did not at least
submit
willingly,
and whose attachment to their
native seats was not for the time overcome
by
their
enmity
to
Sparta,
or
by
their
patriotic
"eal,or
by
the
prospect
of the
advantages
cod-
"pMi"Tiii.,"T,l;
i..,H,4.
t
Nicbubru^, "Mtgtl(|"olt",iift"niid
ICsôpolia."
PiiBMiu. ".. n, 4,M trn"iMi *
V*'
*" "'^" *"*"
"
bat b* cbJIbUie dtiaAna
MryaXfmyirai-
nsetsd with the fraitehlM of k
^reat
dty.*
Pour towns
only
"
Lycoa,Tricotom,Lyoosnra.
and
Trapeius~"itber
retracted their
consent,
or refused to sacrifice their inclinations to the
public
will.
They
were
among
the moat ancient
in tiie laud
;
and it is
only
remarkabla
that the same
lepugnanoe
was not more
generally
felt.
Lycoa
and
Tricoloai, however, were
compelled
to
yield,
and their inhabitants were
transferred to
IMegalopolia.
T^pexusttude an
obstinate resistance
;
snd its citixenswho survived
the
atrugê jmfemi qoitting
Iheir iw-
tive land to
chaaging
their abode in
it,
sod
having
foond
means for
embufcin^
(ortbe Enx-
ine,were
hospitably
received as kinsmeu in the
city
of the same name.
Lycosura
" which
boasted of
being
the most ancient
ci^
imder
an " was
glared
out of
respect
to tbe sanctity
of one of its
temples.
The diatriotawhich
thus drained of tlieir
p"^nilatian never recovered
it,
and were left in a
great
measure
uncultivated.
Tbe most
interesiing subject
connected with
this
event,
the conatitotioD under which Arca- dia
wta to be
united,
is
unfortunately
involved
in the
greatestohacurity.Hegalopoliawas the
placeappointed
for tbe deliberation of the supreme
council of the Arcadian
body.
But of
this council we
only
know that itwas comoion-
ly
described
by
the name of the Ten Thousand :
an
appellation
which raiaee a numtrar of
perplexing
questions.
For that it was a
repre*
sentative
assembly,
and was not intended to
consist
only
of
Megalopolttans,
is clear,
both
from the terms in which it is
spoken of,
and
from the nature of the case ; this would have
been a
privilege
which the other cities would
never have conceded to a
colony
formed out of
the most
insignificant townships.
On the other
band,
that bo numerous a
body
should have
been collected either at
stated
times, or aa
often as occasion
required,
from tbe other
parts
of
Arcadia,
is
scarcely
less hard to understand.
Equallystrange
does it
appear,
that no mention
should be found of
any
more aelect aoun
ctl,which,according
10 the uniform
practice
o
the Greek democralical
states,
should have
pri
pared
the business to be transacted
by
the g^
sembly
of the Ten Thousand. These diQic-"t-
tics remain
just
the
same,
whether the nSkae
was U8"l in a
vague
sense for a
great
multitude,
or was
adoptedupon
an estimate,n -dnt
to be more or leas
exact,
of the numbers
'
licta
might
be
broughttogether
for the
punr
j
consultation. But
though
a
is to be found of a smaller oounciL toere is
what
may
tw considered as a trace o'
one,
sufficiently
clear,perhaps,
where the '..iBtence
of
the
thingmightfairly
be
presumed
l!h"m analo- gy
without
any
other evidence.
Among
tbe
buildings
of
Megalopolis,
Pansohaa enumerates
the council-bouse of tbe Ten 1
housand,
which
was called from its fonndet (be Thersilium.
But the remains which
appear by
their
position
to
answer most
neaHy
to tbe
description
of the
Greek
antiquarian, indicate,
as we loam from
tfa""iiiU
di rt
Itfias
i^ iiill
,..
rhi iieo. which. hnviiiTer, ii
adiipUdbj
Nisbuhr (L"l.)
.
"
The popolBiiunot ftitjlownahipiwin fomd to ""Itlf
Ia
MtcalojHîi-^'
ARCADIAN CONSTITUTION." TEGEA.
a roodem tnieller,*
tbat tbe edifice to vbich
tbe;belonged
wu not
deatgaed
Tor tbs meeting
of 10,000 peiBons ;
nor is it
probable,
aa tbe
came author
remarkB,
thai
anj
vw
appropria-
led to that
purpose, except
either the
theatre,
or one
resembling
the Athenian
Pnyx.
We
am therefore inclined to conclude that the
liierBiliDm
was intended lo receiTe a smaller
nuiDber of
deputies,
who were pr(q)erly
the
council of the
great assemblj.
And ifthis was
tbe
case,
it becomes less
important
to
inquire
bow tbe
assembly
was
composed.
On the other
band, it is
possible
that in the enthusiasm
viih which the
undertaking
was
begun,
more
was
expected
than was afterward
performed.
Ten thousand
may
have been the amount of
ibe
arm;
which it was
ptopo"ed
to
kssp
on
foot,
and which was also to constitute the assemblj
for
deciding
on
peace
or
war,
and other
"loestifHtB
of
public
interest.t But the
practice
may
hare
d^red
widely
from this
theory
of
tbe
CoDStitution,though
the name was retained.
Our information is no less defective as to
the ezecDtive
power.
Diodorus calls
Lyco-
medea tbe
general
of the Arcadians
;
but
whether this was the title of the chief
magistrate
of tbe Arcadian
body,
is s
question
which
we cannot resolve. It is
oertaio,however,
that
there wer" other
magistrates,!
who no doubt
presided
in the
great
council, and, perhaps,
composed
tbe Soulier one. The force raised
for the
public
service at the outset seems not
to have exceeded 5000 men
;
tbey
were dis-
tioguishedby
a
peculiarname,
as the
Eparites
" a wonl
probably
of
appropriatemeaning
in
the Arcadian
dialect,
but which we do not find
eijriained.f
Their
ordinary
station was most
likely
fixed at
Megalopolis
;
and if the
conjec-
tnre
jnstproposed
as to the character of the as-
Kiably
of tbe Ten Thousand is well
founded,
it
wD^d
seeirt to follow that
Ihej must have
had Totee in it.
Ten commiBsioners were
appointed
to
superintend
the Srst settlement of the
colony,
aod
were honomed with the titleof fbunders. Two
of
them, Ljfcomedes
and
Opoleas,
were Man-
tineans; two,
Timon and
Proxenus, were leaders
of tbe democratical
party
at
Tegea,
Of
tbe
rest,
two came from
Clitor, two from Mb-
nalus,
and as
many
from the Parrhasian can-
tons.ll As there was reason to
apprehend
that
Spartamight attempt
to
interrupt
the work in
its
beginning,Epaminondas
sent Pammenes,
one of his ablest
officers,
with 1000 cboice
troops,
to
guard
and assist tbe colonists
;
and
hence he aJso
might
be looked
upon
as one of
the fbunders
;
but it does
not
appear
that he
bad the foremost,
much
less,as was sometirues
contended, an exclusive clairu to tbat title.1^ It
was not, however,
at
Hegalopolii
that
any opposition
was oSersd to tbe
andertalung
;
hot
in other
places
violent contests arose between
tbe advocates and the adveiaaries of the new
measure. At Orcbomenus it
seems to have
been viewed with
generalaversion,not
merdf
because of the aristocratical
sscendcocy
in the
government,
but also
on account of the
neigh- bourly
hatred felt towards Mantinea
;
and tbtt
animosity
of the Orchomeniana
was, perhaps,
inflamed
by
tbe loss of three of their
subject
towns, Theisoa, Metbydrium,
and
Teuihia,
which were annexed to the
territory
of the
new
capital.They openly
renounced aU connexion
with the Arcadian
body,
and received
k
garrisoncomposed, according
to
Diodorua,
of
1000
Lacedsemoniaas,
and of 600 Bteolian and
Argirerefugees,
who had been collected
at
Co- rinth
under the command of one
Polytropus,
who would therefore seem to have been a
Spat*
tan
;
but
Xenophon merely
describes them
as
mercenaries. It
was,
however, at
Tegea,
the
chief
seat of
Spartan
aud aristocratical influenoa
founder^ of
Megalopolis, Stasippus
and his
partisans
did not cease to exert their utmost
efforts to counteract the
plan
of tbe
union,
and
to
keep Tegea
in its ancient state of subserv- iency
to
Sparta,or,
as
Xenophon expresses it,
probably
in tbeir
language,
in the
enjoyment
of
its
hereditary
institutions. Proxenus and another
democratical
leader,
named
Callibius,
conscious,though tbey
were outvoted in tbo
oligarchical councils, diat the
majority
of tba
citizens
was on their
side,appealedto arms.
Stasippus,however, was able to meet them
witb an
equalforce,
and an
engagement
ensaed
onlside the
nails,
in which Proxenus was alain
and bis followers
put
to
flighty
but
Stasippus,
who was
by
nature averse to
bloodshed,
would
not suffer tbem to be
pursued. Callibius,
having
collected his scattered
troops,
returned towards
the
city,
and
posting
them close to the
wails,opened
a
negotiation
with his adversaries.
This, however, was
only
a
stratagem
to
gain
time
;
for be was
every
hour
expectinga
re-enforcement which he had aent for from
Mantinea. As soon as it
appeared,some of
his men scaled the walls and threw
open
the
gates. Stasippus
and some of his
party
immediately
quilted
the
cityby
another
road,and,
before
they
were overtaken,reached a temple
of
Artemis,
where
Ihey
barred themselves in.
But their enemies respected
tbe
sanctity
of the
plaue
no more than Greeks
usually
did on such
occasions
;
and
having
induced tbem to surrender,
by assailing
them with missiles from
the
roof,conveyedthem, boutiti, on a
wagon
to
Tegea,where, after a mock
trial,
in which tbe
Mantineans assisted as
judges,theyput
tbem
all to death. Their
survivingpartisans,
to the
number of 800,
fled to
Sparta.
The
safety
of
Sparta
seemed to
require
that
she should not
passively
submit to the blow
thus struck at the last remains of her influence
in Arcadia;
and
among
the
Tegean refugees
were
several
private
friends of
Ageeilaus,
and
HISTORY OF GREECE.
probablj
of oêr
teadiofSpaitans,
who solicit'
"d redreaa and
revenge
againat
the
Mantinean^
tnd thair
political
aidTeiaarieB.
Tbe inierfe'
Tence 61 Mantinea io tbe civil fends
orTegea
was construed as s Tiolation of the
principle
which had been
recognised
in all tbe treaties
concluded since tbe
peace
of
Anlalcidas,
and
Uierefbre alTorded a Tair colour for
taking
up
anna;
and war was
accordinglj
declared
against
Mantinea on Itjisground*
But the
strongest
motira
by
which the
Spartangavemment
was
urged
to this
step,
appiseTs to have been the
necessilf
which it felt for some eflbrt which
ahoold restore confidence and cheerfulness at
borne
;
for.notwithstanding
the heroic countenance
with which the news of the battle of
Leucira had been
received,
it had made an iru-
pression
of
deep despondency,
from wbich the
city
had not
yet
recovered. After tbe return
of tbe defeated
anny,
a
grave question
had
"risen as to the manner in which it should be
treated.
According
to the
precedents
of earlier
times,
the
Spartan
who saved his life
by
flight, was
subject
to the loss of all his civil
privileges,
and to marks of
ignominy;
and we
have seen that it was
thoughtnecessary
to inflict
a
temporary degradation
on the
prisoners
who had surrendered " with the
permission
of
their
superiors
" at
Sphacteria.t
There were
some who held that the dishonour which the
Spartan arma
had incurred at Leuctra could
only
be ef"ced
by
a
rigorous
enforcement of
the ancient martial law. But
Ageailaus,
and
probatdy
most other memhers of ihe
govem-
ment, saw that such
severity
would be oow
very
ill-timed
;
and, according
to Plutarcb,
he
was
empowered
to frame some new
regulations
on this head
; but,
instead of
any
forms! inno-
vatioa,simplyptopoaed
that the law should be
anfi^red to
sleep
for this
once,
without
prejudice
to its
application
on future occasions.] It
was, however, on this account the more desirable
to divert the
thoughts
of the
people
from the
recent disaster
by
a frcsb
expedition ;
and
Ag- eailaus
was now
sufficiently
recovered from hia
illness to take tbe command.
Xenophon
says
(hat he marched with one
mora, probablymeaning only
the
Spartan
division
of his forces. He was
joinedby troops
from
Heraea and
Lepreum,
and sent for
Pol3rtropQS
and his mercenaries from OrchomenuB. In the
mean while the Arcadians bad collected their
forces at Asea, near tbe frontier of
Laconia,
all
bat the
Mantineans,
who did not think it safe
to leave their
cityexposed
to tbe attack of
Poly-
IropuB,and,therefore,
fir^tmarched
against
Or-
chomenus
;
and,thoughthey
were
compelled
to
retire from the town, in their retreat
they
made
a Buccesslbl stand
againstPolytropus.
who was
pursuing
with his
lighttroops,
killed
him, and
made some
slaughter
among
his men. Ageailaus
was at Uiis time
waiting
for him in the small
i,
90,
^cfiAirin
iIiMi
II Itwa ID " dlflWnn
"ion,
wMoli will
(iKillr
Iw BHtlaiwd
. ,.,
IkIIbmI 10
nijHct
thu (hi
(ipninoii
of
AfiHliii
npon-
"d by PlnuirJi biloiiKm
lo thU
DenBun,
m* la
thi*,-whm
nil Btrtiiiil
J
"mr'
' "-
Arcadian town of GutRa,'which he foand
quito
defenceless;
for allthe men
ofmilitary age
were
absent in tlie
camp
at Asea,
and the walls were
in a ruinous conditioiL Vet with
politic generosity
" for
Sparta
needed friends more than
spoil"
he not
onlysparedpersons
and
property,
but even
employed
bis men in
repairing
the
walls. When he heard of tbe deatb of
Poly- tropus,
he continued his march towards Manti- nea,
leaving
the Arcadians in his rear.
They
soon followed in the same track
;
and he
might
have attacked them before
theyjoined
the Man- tineans
: some of his council
urged
him to da
so
;
but he
thought
himself too near
the hostile
city,
or
perhaps,
as Plutarch
says,
wished,
if
possihle,
to avoid a battle,
and therefore suffered
them to form tbe
Junction
unmolested.
He himself was soon after re-eoforced
hy
tb"
lighttroops
from Orchomenus,
and
by
a
squadron
of
cavalry
from Phliua
;
and tbe
enemy
was
strengthened by
a
body
of
Argivea.
Neither
side,however,
was
willing
to Gght
:
Ageailaua,
because his first care was to husband tfaa
strength
of
Sparta;
the Arcadians,
because
they expected
soon to be
Joinedhy
a Theban
army ;
for
they
were informed
by
tbe Eleans
that Thebes had borrowed ten
talents from.
Elis for the
purpose
of the meditated
expedition.
Perhaps
the same
intelligence
increased
the
anxiety
of
AgesilauB
to return home. But
that his retreat
might
not
appear
to be the eSect
of fear,he remained three
days
before Manti- nea,
and
ravaged
the
plain;*
and thenmaiched
back with the utmost
speed.
Stillthe honour
of
Sparta
had been vindicated,
and tbe fallen
spirits
of his
countrymen
wers cheered
by
tha
result of the
expedition.
The Thebans
were,
in fact,advancing
with a.
powerful
army,
and not long
after
Joined
tbe
Arcadians " who
employed
the interval after
the retreat of
Agesilatis
in an
inroad into tha
Herteati
territory"
at Mantinea. The
victory
of Leuctra had so oomiêtelychanged
their
position,
that
they
had now the forces of almost
all northern Greece, except Attica,
at their
command. Even Phocis, though
as hostile as
ever,
was
compelled
to aid them
againat
her
late allies. All tbe Eubcean towns,
the I,ocri-
sns,
both
ofthe east aod west,
the
Acarnanians,
the Trachinian Heraclea,
and tbe Malians,t
contributed to
swell their
army ;
and
Thesealy
IbrniBhed
cavalry
and
targeteers.
Tbe wholo
force now assembled at Mantinea
amounted,
according
to Diodoms,
lo
60,000; according
to
Plutarch,
lo
70,000men,
of whom 40,000 were
heavy-armed-t
The
professedobject
of the
expedition
was to
protect Mantinea, and, as it
now waB no
longer
in
danger,
and the season "
itwas mid winter " was unfavoarable to
military
operations,
several of the Theban commanders
proposed
to return.
Xenophon,
indeed,
who
stillmentions noneof their
great names, represents
[hem as at firstunanimous on this
head,
and as
only
detained
by
the
persuasion
of their
Peloponnesianallies,
who
urged
them to invade
Laconia, But we can more
easily
believe Plu- tarch's
stBlemeot ;
that
Gpaminondas
and Pe-
lopidas,
who were both in command as Bmo-
"PlEtMRh, AM(.,"0,"iWiUiU1ialoDtaiiiw]lli7"nib".
Itmipsg
tu tin Kuliimiii. Ou might laqKct
Au Iw kad
"mil nti nKoni Bum.
t Or, ucordiBi
U Xo., Afa., ii., ", Ealuinft
INVASION OF LACONIA.
tarcha,weie do lew deairoas not to let
slip
such an
oppoitunily
of
crushing
or
humbling
Sparta,and,indeed,
it can
hardlj
be doubted
that
tliey
had
already
conceived the
design
of
a
great
work which
they
eieciited before
they
withdrew from
Peloponnesus.
But it seema
that
Ihcy
had some
difficulty
in
obtaining
the
consent of their
ctdteagues,
who were
disposed
to
eiaggeiate
the obstacles of the Laconian
frantier,
and the lesiatance which
they
had to
expect
when
Ihey
should have crossed it.
They expected
to find all the
passes,
which
were
aaturally
difficult,
stronglyguarded,
and
could not at once reconcile tbemselTes to the
thought
of
seeking
an
enemy,
who till
lately
had been deemed almost
invincible,
in his own
country,
where he would be animated
by
the
strongest
motiveB to
extraordinary
exertions.
Their
apprehcBBions
were
only
overcome when
they
received invitations and asaurancea of
support
from Laconia
itself,
and were encouraged
by
some of the
provincials,
who came for
thai
purpose
to the
camp,
to
expect
that the
appearance
of tbeii
army
would
produce
a
general
revolt of the
subjectpopulalion, which,
it
was said,
had
already
refuaed to
obey
the or-
dera of the
goTemmeot
when ilwas summoned
to the defence of
Sparta. They
were also informed
that ooe of the
principal posses,
which
led
throagbCarys
and Sellasia into the vale
of the
Earolas,was
quiteunguarded;
and some
of the inhabitants of
Caiys
offered themselvsa
aa guides,
and were
ready
lo
pledge
their lives
for the truth of their aaaertioaa. The invasioD
was then
unanimously
resolved
npon.
To distractthe
enemy'sattention,
and to ae-
celerate their own movements, the invaders
divided their forces so as to
penetrate
into La- conia
Bimultaneously by
differentrontes. Xen-
ophon speaksonly
of two divisions,that of the
Thebans,
who were to lake the road which led
through CaryK
into the
valley
of the OCnus,
and
ât
of the
Arcadians,
who were to cross
the border more to the
west,
and (o traverss
the district called Scirilis. But from Diodoru*
we learn that there were two other
divisions,
consisting one of the
Argives,
the other of the
Eleans
;
and
though
he has not
very distinctly
described their lines of
march,
it seems clear
that
Lhey
formed the two
wings
of the
invading
army,
the
Argives making
a circuit which
brought
them
through
the
Thyreatisover Mount
Pamon, the Eleans ooe
by
which
they
were led
into the
upper
vale of the Eurotas.
Sellâ
was the
place
of rendezvous
appointed
for all
the four divisions. The Thebans and the ELe-
ans appear
to have met with
no reEieiance,
The
Argives
found the
passes gnarded b]r
a
body
of
troops, consistingpartly
of Bteotian
refugees,
commanded
by
a
Spartan
named Al- exander,
who, however, was
overpowered,
and
fell with 300 of his men. The
pass
of the Sei-
ritis
might
also have been
occupied,and,
from
its natural
strength,
it was believed that the
Arcadians would never have been able to force
il
;
but
Ischolaus,a
Spartan,
who was
posted
near it at the
village
of
lum,
with a
garrison
of neodamode
troops,
and about 400 of the exiled
Tegeans,
instead of
securing
the
pass,
de-
terroinedtomalcehisstandin the
village,
where
be was aurrounded
by
the
enemy
and
slain,
with almost
every
one of hi* men. The foai
divisions then eSeeled their
Junction
without
farther
opposition,
and after
having.plundered
^nd burned
Sellasia,
descended to the banks
of the
Eurotas,
and
encamped
in a
aanctuary
of
Apollo
at the
entrance of the
plain
of
Sparta.
The next
day they pursued
their march
along
the leftbank of the
river,
which was swollen
by
the winter rains, until
they
reached the
bridge
which crossed it
directly
over
sgaioat
the
city.
A
body
of
heavy-armed,
which
appeared
on the other side,
delerred them Iroa
attempting
the
passage,
and
they proceeded,
still
keeping
the left bank, to
plunder
and destroy
the
dwellings
which were thicklyscat- tered
in the
neighbourhood
of the
capital,
and
which, from
Xenophon'sdescription,
who
sayt
Ihey
were full of
good things,
seem to hav9
been
chiefly
villas of the more
opulent Spar*
tans,
and were
probably
better stored and furnished
than their bouses in the town. It waa
the first time that Gres kindled
by
a hostile army
had ever been seen from
Sparta
since it
bad been in the
possession
of the Dorian raca
;
and the
grief
and consternation excited
by
tho
spectacle
in the women and the elder
part
of
the
men,
were
proportioned not merely
lo it*
strangeness,
but to the
pride
and confidence
with which the traditions of so
many
centuriea
had
taught
them to
regard
their soil aa inviolate,
and their
city,though unwalled, aa impregnable.
The
danger
which threatened the Mate ww
indeed sufficient to have shaken
any
ordinarT
courage.
A handful of
Spartans
was the
only
force that could be
securely
relied on for Um
defence of an
open city,spread
over a
great
extent of
ground,against
the
mighty
host whick
was now
separaled
from it
onlyby
the river.
The
subjectpopulation,
free and servile,was iB
part
at least either in declared
revolt,reftHing
lo
obey
ibo
requisitions
o[ the
goveronient.
or
notoriously
disalTecteti. And the rectdlectioB
of Cinadon's
plotmightsuggest
Bi
the event
proved,
not unfoonded " of di
even
among
the members of Uie
raltng
olua.
But, however faithful
they might
be to one Kt-
olher, the terror of
some,
and the rashness at
others,might
in a moment defeat
eve"7 precaution,
and involve the whole in ruin. In thit
emergency
all
eyes
were turned
upon Agest-
laus. Aa he was
fully
aware of the
danger,M
he
clearlyperceived
the course which could
alone aflbrd a
prospect
of deliverance. To remain
atricily
on the
defensive,and,
in case of
an attack,to take
advantage
of the
inequaiitiea
of the
ground,
and of the
position
of the street*
and
buildings
in the outskirts of the town,
aai
in the mean while to maintain
tranquillity
and
obedience
within,was all that was left to tit
done, and this,
with the means at his
disposal,
demanded allhis abilities. The
Spartans,
when
distributed over the wide
range
which
they
had
to defend,
made so
poor
a show that the
government
Uiougbt
it
neeeasary
lo resort to m
expedient
which had been
adopted
before a"
less
urgent
occasions
;
to arm as
many
of tb*
Helots as could be induced to enlist
by
a
ptofa-
ise of
emancipation;
and
Dotwithatwtding
tka
atrocious
purpose
which had been cloaked
by
a
similar
proposal
informer times,more tban 6000
volunteeia now
presented
tbemaelvea. llkeii
"eivioes were accepted
witb
trepibUBg,
and
em-
C.tn"olc
u HISTORY OF GREECE.
ployed
with continued distrust,
until the anirat
of
some
roreign
auiiliariea
gave
a littlemore
Kcurity
to the
govcrametit.
Not
many days
after,a small force"
probably
less than 6000
strong
" collected from
Corinth,Sicyon,
Pelle-
ne,
Epidaurus,Trixlen, Hermione,
aad
Halia,
JiaTing
been
transported
in successioD over the
Argolio
Gulf la Braain on the coast of
Laconia,
crossed the
monntains, and,
though
the
enemy
was
encamped only
two or three miles
off,!
fta
way
into the
city.
In the mean while the
invading
anny,
having
lavaged
the eastern side of the
plain
tillit i
oTsr
againstAmyclK,
then crossed the
and tnmed its fkint towards
Sparta.
As the
greatest
breadth of the
plain
hea belweea the
river and the fool of
Taygelus,
stillmare
spoil
was found here than on the other aide,
and thii
with the
greaterpart
of the allies was the sin
gle object
of attention. The Theban
generttls
alone
appear
to have been able to
prercat
their
troopa
from
ranging
at
large
in
quest
of
[dunder,
am) to have taken
precaotions against
a
surprise
ftom the
city.
What
Epaminondaa
most desired
was to draw the
enemy
into an
engagement,
and he Issaid to have tried the effect of a tau
'
iiigcbaUenge
on
Ageaitaus,
whose
temper
^
not
alwaysproofagainstprovocation.
But
this occasion he controlled his own
feelings,
and calmed the
general
excitement
by
hia au.
thority
and
example.
When this
attempt
fail.
"d,
and the
si^t
of the devastation committed
fbi three or four
days by
the invaders did
nol
rouse the
Spartans
from their defensive
attitude,
the
cavaliy was ordered to advance towards
the
city,perhaps
in Che
hope
that a skiraiisli
might ensue,
and become the occasion of a
gen-
eral action
;
if.indeed,
we
may
Dot
conjecture
*
deeper design,
and
suppose
that this movement
was concerted with a disaflfecied
party
within,
which at least seems to have seized
tllia
OHMntunitj
of
declaringitself,
in a mann
whii^ at
any
other
juncture,
or without sou
mtderatanding
with ibe
enemy,
would
appear
have been
strangelyimprudent.
The
Spartans
bad " small
body
of
cavalry,very
inferior not
only
in
numbers,
but in
condition,to that of the
allies;
It
was, however,
drawn
up
on the level
"onthof
thecily.
Its
appearance
served rather
to
heighten
than to cbecic the confidence of the
"ssailanta. Bat an
adjacentbnildtng,
which
was eoDseeraied
by
tradition
as tbe house al
Ihe
tutelary Twins,
concealed about 300 of the
yotmg
Spartaninfantry, who,
when tbe
enemy
drew
near,
started from their ambush to
support
the
charge
which was made at the same
time
by
their own
caraliy.
Thia
uoeipected
attack threw the
advancingsquadrons
into con-
ftlsion, and
thou^ they
wore
pursued
but lo a
abort
distance, they
did not
stop
till
they
reached
the Theban
phalanx,
and even a
part
of the
Infantrywere so much alarmed
by
their
flight
as to
begin
a
haaiyretreat, it was
perhaps
on
this
occasion,
while
the allies were
advancing,
that a band of about
200
men,
who had for the
most
part
been
longsuapected by
the
govern-
ment,
occupied
the
Issonum,one of the
heights
on the shirt of the town towards Ihe river. As
they
had received no
orders,itwas evident that
they
were
acting
with treasonable
designs
,
and
"ome
proposed
that
they
shoold be forthwith die-
iodgedby
force.
Agesilaus,hon-ever,thought
it more
prudent,
as the extent
oftheconspiraoy
was not known,
to
try
a milder
course,
and
gcw
ing
up
to the
place
with a
singleattendant,
affected
to believe that
they
had mistaken his
orders,
and directed them to station themselves
in diSbrent
quarters. They obeyed,thinking
that
they
had
escaped
detection
;
but fifteen of
them were arrested
by
the orders of
Agesilaus,
and
put
to death without form of trial in the
night.
The
suppression
of this
attempt may
have led to the
diacovery
of another more dangerous
conspiracy,
in which a number of
Spar- tans
were
implicated.They
were arrested iit
a house where
they
held clandestine
meetings.
The clearer their
guilt,
Ihe more
dangerous
it
probablyappeared
to
bring
them Co trial
;
yet
there was no
power
in the state which could.
legallyput
a
Spartan
to death without one.
Even the
authority
of the
ephots
had never
yet
been carried so far.
TTieydetennined,howcT-
er,
after a consultation with
Ageailaus,
to dis*
pensewith legal
forms,* and the
priaonera were
delivered to a secret execution. The desertions
which took
place
among
the Helots and the La-
conian
troops
were
carefully
concealed from
publicknowledge:
hut this
may
nol indicate
their
frequency,
so much as the
vigilance
of
Agesilaus.
Thereportshrongbttothecamp
ofthe allies
as to the state of
things
in
Sparta
did not encourage
Epaminondas
to
repeal
the
attempt
in
which the
cavalry
had been
repulsed,or to
prolong
hia
stay
in Ihe ncigUmurfiood of the
capital.
He directed his march
southward, and
ravaged
the whole vale ofthe Eurolas as far as
the coast. Some unwalled towns were committed
to the
flames,
and an assault was made
for three successive
days
on
Gythium,
the naval
arsenal of
Sparta,
but without success. If
it was the
design
of
Epaminondas to take advantage
of the discontent which was
supposed
10
prevail
in the
subjectpopulation
towards the
government,
to effect a
permanent revolution,
the devastation committed
by
his
allies,
which
be was
probably
unable to
restrain,must have
Cend"l to counteract it. He was
Joined,
Xen-
ophon says, by
some of the
provincials
;
but the
majority
must have looked
upon
the invaders
as enemies. Their
stay
was
protracted
for
some weeks. At
length
the
Pelopooneaian
trtiopsbegan
to withdraw with their
booty,
leaving
the
country
almost exhausted. The
growing scarcity
of
provisions
and diminotioD
of
numbers,
combined with the
hardships
ofthe
season,
would have admonished
Epaminondas
to retire,even if.as
Xenophoo
would lead his
readers to
suppose,
bis
only business,
alter re-
crossing
the border, had been to marth homeward.
But Ihe
historian, professing
to mention
all the motives which induced the Thebans
to
quitLaconia,
has
carefully suppressed
the main
object
which
Epaminondaa
had in
view,
and
which he
accomplishedduring
bis
stay
in the
peninsula.
He meditated a blow much
nKire
destructive to the
power
and
prosperity
of
Spar-
it
u dificollla BiwipTiUut wbat
parlirulu-itj
cxtuLd b"
beut,
or
luiw
Af"il"yt
nbDaJd Iuts btea iad lo hh *ucli
FOUNDING OP MESSENE.
41
U than the iiiTasion oT her
territory.
His design
was la
deprive
her of
Messenia, to collect
the Mesaenians in the land of tbeir
forefathers,
and to found a new city,
where
theymight
maintain
their
independence.
He had
already
sent
to the various
reglona
in which the remains of
the heroic
people
were scattered,to invite them
10 return to their ancient home. Alter (he
close of Ihe
Feloponnesjanwar,
those who had
found
refuge
in
Naupactus
were
expelledby
their
triom^diant enemy.
A
part
betook themselves
to their kinsmen in
Rhegium
and Mes-
sana
;
but the
greater
number crossed over to
Africa,
in
compliance
with a
timely
invitation
which
they
received from the inhabitants of
HesperiB,
one of the
Cyrenaiccities, who, pressed
by
the aaaaulls of their barbarian
neighboura,
sent to Greece to collect new settlers. Pau-
sanias intimates that some had
already
arrived
in
Peloponnesus,
and were consulted
by Epami-
nondas on the site of the
city
which be was
about 10 build for them." It
is,hdwever,
hardly
credible that he was
himself
undecided on
that
point,
or that he ever turned his
thoughts
with this view to Andania or C"chalJa. Ithome
was recommended at once
by
the moat animating
recollecliooB,
and
by
the
advantages
of its
strong
and central
position
;
and the
weatem
slope
of the
ridge
on which the ancient
stronghold
stood waa selected for the new
city,
Mes-
seno. The foundaliona were laidwith the utmost
aolemnity;
and,
if we
may
tmat Pausa-
Dias,Epaminondaa,
on this
occasion,
did not
disdain to
practise apionsfraud,
fortbe
purpose
of
showing that the
undertaking
was sanctioned
by
the wiU of the
gods.
We read of visions in
which the
priestly
hero Caucon
appeared,
first
to
him,
and then to
Epitelea,
the commander of
the
Argiveforces,
and which led to the discovery
of a metal
roll, on which were inscribed the
liturgical
forms which Caticon was said to have
brought
Irom Eleosia into Messenia. It was
believed to have been buried at Mount Ithome
by Aristomenes,
when be foond that the end
of bis
struggle
was
approaching,
in
confonuity
to an ancient
prophecy,
as a
pledge
vouchaafed
by
the
gods,
on condition that itshould be
kept
secret until the destined hour arrived for the
reatoratioD of his
conotry.
The
name of Aris-
tomenea was invoked with
peculiar veneration,
not
onlyby
the
Hessenians,but
by
the Greeks
of
every
race who took
part
in the
founding
of
the
city;
and the
victory
of Leuctra
was,
now
perhaps
for the first
time,
ascribed to hia
supernatural
interposition. But, chough Epaminon-
das did not
neglect
the aid to be derived fi-om
pioua
and
pstrjotic enthusiasm,
he
at least
paid
equal
attention to all the material means of securing
the duration of his work. The most
judicious
use was made of the natural
advantages
of the
site;
the most
approved
architects of the
day
were
employedupon
the
plan,
and the most
skilful workmen in the execution
;
and the fortifications
of
Messene,which,
some centuries
later,excited the admiration of
Fausanias,are
stillfound to
justify
his
praiseby
the solid and
beautiful
masonry
of the remains which are
yet
standing.
The
population
of the new
capital
undoubtedly
did not consist
wholly
of the Messeuiaos
who were recalledfrom
foreign
lands
by
the in-
*
It^ ",
S.
Vol. n" P
vitation of
Epaminondas
; though
we do not
perceive
so
great
a
dilBculty
as some author*
have fonnd m
adopting
(he statement of Fatt-
sanias,
which leads us to
suppose
that
Uiey
had
already
returned to
Feloponneaus
when the first
stone ofMessene was laid.
This,indeed,would
be
scarcelypossible,
if tbe
design
of building
the
city
had first occurred to the
Theban.
genera]
alter he entered
Feloponnesus
;
but it
seems
probable
that he had been
long
meditating
it,
and
perhaps
he had formed it soon after
the battle of Lauctra, That
event, which waa
generally
considered aa a death-blow to the
Spartanpower, may
have excited
hopes
in the
Messenian Helots of
recovering
their
independence,
and their wishes
may
have been
secretly
communicated to the Theban
government.
The
proceedings
of the Arcadians would confirm
them in their
projects,
and the foundation of
Megalopolismight easQy suggest
Aa
thought
of a new Messenian
ca[Hta]
to
EpatninondaB.
Wo do
not, indeed,venture,
with a modem historian,*
to
interpret
a
vague,
apd
certainly hy- perbolical,
expression
of
Xenophon's,
into an
intimation that a
general
insurrection had taken
place
in Messenia soon alter the battle of Leuc- tra
;
but it
seems
highlyprobable
that the Mes- senian
Helots broke out into
open
revolt aa soon
aa
they
heard of the arrival of the Theban
army
in the
peninsnla,
and that their
envoys
were
among
the most urgent in
excitingEpaminon- das
to invade Laconia.
They
oodoubt contributed
the
largest
ahare to the
population
of Mes- sene
: Whether
they were admitted to a
perfect
equahty
with the
Naupactianexiles,who, as
they
were
singularly
tenacious of their Dorian
dialect and
customs, probably
included
many
Dorian
famibea,
is a dilferent
question.
It
seems at leaat
clear,
from the accounts of Di-
odoms and
Pansaoias,
that
they
were considered
as the core of the
colony,though
the
Spar- tans
alwaya
aflêd to treat the whole as s
mere masa of revolted Helots.f Indeed,
it is
difficultto understand the remark of
Polybiusf
"^that the democratical
equahty
which was established
at a later
period
at Messene
gave
great
oflbnce to the old cltissens"
exceiA
on the
supposition
that tta institutionswere from the
beginning
aristociatical. And " notwithstand-
mg
the
prevalence
of democratical
principles
in
the states of the Theban
confederacy " the distinction
which must have been felt between
men who had been
lately
serfs and men who
had been
alwaysfree,might
have been universally
admitted aa a sufficient
ground
of a
political
inequality
between the two classes. The
Messenian
Gorgus,
whom
Polybius
describes
aa
distinguished
among
his feUow-ciliiens
by
his birth and hia
wealth,as well aa by
the
prizes
"
Heuo. iii
(fat imtf^
fri^V" r*"
ogle
HISTORY OF GBEEOE.
which he
gained
in ibe natiCHisl
games,*
re-
nundHasbjhiaDame
of the son ofArialomeneB,
who led the
colony
u
KbegLum ;
and it
ma;
aafel;
be
presumed
that farailiea which traced
their descent to the
companions
of that hero
and or his
aona,
were viewed in a
very
diflereal
light
from ihosa which had aubmitted
to
the
conqoeror,
aod bad beet)
degraded b; ages
of
eervitude.t
If there was a
pHvileged
class of this kind,
it
probablyenjoyedpeculiaradvantages
in the dis-
Iribution of the
territory. But,
however this
may
have
been,
all the landa which had hither- to
been in the hands of the
Spaitans
now undoubtedly
became the
property
of their oultiva-
toia and the other new settlers. This
portion
probably
included the most valuable
part
of the
inland diatricta. Those which
belonged
to the
subject-freemen,
which
lay cbieBy
near
the
coast, coatinned, peitiape,
to be bsM
on
the
"anae terras as
oiiderthe
precedinggovernment.
But the whole
country
was not
Immediately
recovered
from the dominioa of
Sparta.
Some of
the towns were
guardedby
LaeedsmoDian
gar-
risoDB. Such,atleast,was the case with Asine
;
though
Pauaanias
says
that the
Oryopes
were
pennitt^
to retain it because
they
had rerused
to aid the
Spartans
in the second Messenian
war;I
and therefore we cannot
rely
with
perfect
confidence on a statement " otherwise
probable
enough
" of the
same autlior: that the Nau-
plians,
who
prudentlypropitiated
the new
lords
of the soil with
presents
and
professions
of
loyally,
were leftin
posaession
of Methone.
When the
fortiiicalioDS
ofMessene had been
carried
ao far that the
presence
of the
army
was
no
longerneeded, Epaminondas, leavinga gar-
risoD
there,began
his
march homeward. The
building
of Hessene la so
conpled
with that of
Hegalopotis
in tbe accounts of Diodorus and
Pausaoiaa,
that
we
may, perhaps,
infer that he
did not
pass through
Arcadia without coDtlibu-
ting
some
important
aasislance to the latter
work,
which
was atiliin
progress.
An
enemy,
however,
stillawaited him at the Isthmus. In
their
distress,
the
Spartans
bad
applied
for
suc-
uvtu' to Athens
;
and their ambassadors
were
accompanied by
envoys
from the
Pelopoonesian
alatea which stdl adhered
to
Iheto,
among
whom
those of Connlh and Phlius
appear
to have
sup"
ported
their
request
with the
greatest earnestness.
They appealed to the
generosity,
to the
jealousy, tothe
fears,
and the
hopes
of the Athe- nians.
Some discussion arose in the
assembly
aa to the
right
or
obligation
of interference.
The conduct of the Mantmeans in the civil war
of
Tegea
was
regarded in various
lights
:
by
some as an
unjustifiable aggression,by
others
as a
rightful
defence of the
aggrieved
democrat-
ical
patty ;
and, according
to these different
views, the
Spartan
invasion of
Mantinea, which
had
provokedthe retaliation of the
Arcadians,
was either
condemned
as an
encroachment
on
the
rights
of
an
independentstate,
or vindicated
as an act
psrmiHed, and even
required,by
the
principle
laid down
in the last
congress,
and
"
PdIjIl,irii., to, %.
PRihub],
Um
lan dT "ac](ti:
whiH lUliu It
OlfBTli
It "Hudcmi ^
PagHBiu, "
t rtiibalu', humnr, cipiwML w"
balim. ibt ean"
which, therelbre,
entitled
Sparta
to the aid of
the Athenians. The Corinthian
envoy
observed,
that whatever difference of
opinion
there
might
be on
this
quescLou,
the Thebana
had, at
least,
been
guilty
of an
unprovoked aggression
towairdshis own
city,having,
in their
passage
through
its
territory,
committed various acts of
wanton
hostility.
But there was
already
a
general
disposition
among
the
people,
if not iu favour
of
Sparta,yet strongly
adverse to Thebes.
The
assembly,
after
having
heard tbe ambassadors,
would not listen to
any arguments
on
the
other
side,
but decreed that the whole force of
the commonwealth ahould march to the relief
of
Sparta,
and
appointedIphicrates to the command.
An
army
was
immediately
raised
;
and
the
troops
are described
by Xenophon as so
zealous in tbe
cause,
that
they
murmured because
Iphicrateshalted for
a
few
days at Co- rinth.
But when
they
resumed tbeir march.
expecting,
the historian
saya,
to be led to some
gloriousaction, no
such result ensued. It
seema that
Iphicrates
had
no wish to seek the
enemy,
and
perhaps,having
heard that
Sparta
was
freed from immediate
danger,
be contented
bimseir with
attacking
some
places
in
Arcadia,
either for the sake of
plunder
or in the
hope
that this
diversion might
hasten the
enemy'a
retreat from Laconia. But it does not
appear
that hia
operationsproduced
any
effect
on those
of
theTbebanarmy.*
When
Epaminondas
began
to move towards tbe
Isthmus,
he
posted
himself there to
guard
the
passes
at the south-
em
extremity;
but,
through
aome
oversigiit,
which
Xenophon
notices with evident
surprise,
aa an
extraordinary
failure of hia
militaryskill,
he left the most convenient of them " that on
the side of Ceochres "
open ;
and tbe Thebans
penetrated,
without
any opposition, to the Isth- mus.
A
body
of
cavalry,
which was sent to
observe their
movements,
and
which, Xenophon
says,
was
larger
than Uiat
purpose required,
though
insnfficient for
any
other,approachedso
near as to be drawn into a skirmish,and lost
some men in its retreat. With this hltJe advantage
over oneof the
greatest captains
of the
age,
who commanded the forces of the
only
power
which could now be considered as a rival
to Thebes, Epaminondas
concluded this
memorable
campaign.t
The services which he had rendered to his
country were,
in
general,duly appreciatedby
his
fellow-citizens;
but
they excited,and did
not disarm the
envy
of aome inferior minds
;
and the
expeditionitself, successful as it had
beep,
afforded ihem a
pretext
for
assailing
him.
The
yearly
term lor which he held his office of
BcEotarch had
expired,
it
seems, soon after be
entered
Peloponnesus,
and he and bis
colleagues
Eba
pvjwlilioa
uf
Ij]h"cmei atued Ibe Thehuu ta withdraw
Imin Iftfitre
SpiirtH.
DiDdorQi
(ir.,05)
uyi
that rh"
oppuullf
Uu lue """" LuxniifmiiirletuUlioii.
Xao-
"filion
bu \ctl Ihe nunamrnu at
[pbiCTalriin
fnil oIhcu.
kef
''
Alh"'"'"lS'lfc"'l K^
"'"
"'"'".^''(.'""Er^'*'
frnmj"rrbm|r"ijoî.e
Imn h.iil,.
p"iW, Ih. i^|.
SECOND INVASION OF PELOPONNESUS.
badreUined their
command,
without
any
ex-
grew
unction,
three or foar months
longer.
Od tbis
groond
he and
Pelopidas
were
separately
charged
with a
capital
otience. It was mere-
\j
aD
experiment
to
try
the
strength
of their
jfolaiHy ;
Tor their conduct,
though perhaps
ii
infringed
the letter of Uie
law,was
toanifeatly
iBirairdancewith the will of the
people.
It
ia,
mdeed,
aomewhal
surprising
that (heir adveraa-
nes ^Duld hare Tenlured on such an
attempt.
ud Mi] more (lialthe issue,as we learn front
Huaich, was considered
doubtful,
because Pe-
bpiduwas Gtst
brought
to trial.
Epaminon-
dii.il is
said,
declared himself
willing
to die.
jmridedthe names of
Leuctra. Sparta,
and
Ucssene, and the deeds
by
which his own was
aanected wiih
them, might
be inacribed
upon
Inslomb.
Both, however, were
acquitted
in
ih
most honourable manner
i*
and
Pelopidas,
Img
magpanunous
or more irritable than his
itiilmophical
friead,
who would have
forgiven
Ihebamdesa
display
of malice, aderward erased
the Ibnoa of law tu crash their
principal
CHAPTER XL.
Tai
itiiTmhad
passed
over
Sparta,and,chief-
^Fi
pofaape, throi^h
the
jKudeuce
and
energy
(bplaired
al this critical
junctureby Agesilaus,
^ Mt ber
alanding
erect ;
but it had shaken
t"
power
lo the
centre,
had
stripped
her of the
iireshalf of her
tenitories,
and converted it
Ûd a
atrongfaold
for a foe IVom whom she had
1"
(ipectimplacable
and active
hostility,
and
*)"
pcmessed the means of
offering
her con-
Moil
annoyance.
The
prospect
of the internal
"imden
likely
to be
produced by
the blow
"teb
de["riTed so
many
of her citizens of the
"^
or the
grcat"rp"rtoftheir property,
was
"âat
to excite alarm for the
safety
of her
utiiiutioDs
:
and she stillsaw herself
exposed
"iberecnrrence ofthe same
danger
which had
*fijihreatened her
very
exiatence. The
'tiM lineof her fhtntier was
encompassed by
,^'l*lbecM"i("noiiDoiidu,il u Hid (F(ui.,ii., 1",T|
^
'v
jui^HwQDkl dA
jfD
tbtouh tbeform dT
Toting
bs-
*^
Utr diiaiiHedIha cbmjfi. Cofopan FInlAJch,Itag.
"'"",Ap"i,,,M.
"UKlBEwU, iii., I,p, 111])objecli
lo DodsBll'i
ir-
^DtFftL
uTiha evanta lollcrvnDE
th" batlla of Leoctn
ITm
Hv
ipringof Iha trtlun
LTiinnmi (KS)
W
ibo
"^"nfc-a
"Eîo'b.Tiliu oitSirtw "re.û'
b"
n'*
[T-na
m iht iHT bitvMii
Apnl. 3W, ud
Aim].
MB.
r
1"
""T""" Unw oa Iha
luDmritr
oT Diodonii,who
**""
^
imnoa of Luowi aider
LjrtMtntu.
But tie
Wn"aiiu
unimoDjof Piuuuu.whiiduliiicllin-
^-JakgidiijiiriiaplapstutoilKHdKinihipDfraru-
'w. ad Ibu of Mtmtim Is thi
j"u
nf I"rn"(ai, a
"jj(0
lo
nplua il
my
in " mumer 'hieh ueini
.orjr
i^BraOiiITi iuuiiitlii(,itnimderaund hiD rlcht.thU
^^
" m Mch ""
."ii".
B" of Ih.
.a:!,
iml rf
f!^'
^ """^
nfud
to MoiHiM.U l"ut,niKhiiit
* "*
IWiv thn ikU, "DtDnJincw tba baijtf if Pum-
Tf'
" *
mmt vM Uid l"run tbi unnl at
EpusiiHn-
^
II
*inld itn bna batlar,if
nennr;. DpenI;
id iit-
"^ ""
tWmil^
unaniHiii,
Ihin ii
" n
"ut a ih.
,nr
of
LrwOuni, UuK MCiiu d:
^^
"^
ucoidiBC In hit
rwB,
Iht lalUr hm
^"wblooooodHl; TorluHpinBCtui*
^nkvconu
to uke
pUn
in tlit"iuh ot
*** "
nick ih* am tipiditiiiB wdtd.
t'i;.;;
enemies,
who
mightagain
invite and
support
art
invader;
and within the
peninsula
her allies
were few and feeble.
Beyond
the Isthmu"
there was no
power
to whiah she could look for
efficacious assistance but her ancient rival
;
and one of the firstmeaaiires of the
government,
when Laconia was relieved from the
enemy's
presence,
was to send an
embassy
to
Athens,
tbi the
parpose
of
cementing
the alliance between
the two
states,
and of
concerlmg plans
for mutual defence. The Athenian
council, in
compliance
with the views of the
Peloponnesian
ministers " for
envoys
came from Phtius and
other allied slates "
proposed
a decree to the assembly,
by
which it was lo be declared that the
naval armaments of the
confederacy
were to be
under the control of
Athens,
the land forces to
be oommanded
by Sparta.
This
arrangement,
which was
warmly
recommended
by
the Phlia-
sian
envoy,
seemed at firstto meet with
general
approbation.
But
Cephisodotus, an Atheni- an
orator,
appears
to have
thought
the
opportunity
favourable for the
display
of
superiorsa- gacity,
and, having pointed
out to his felkiw-
citizens that
they
were
placing
themselves under
a
disadvantage
" inasmuch as while
they
would have to serve under
Spartan generals,
none but
Helola,or
subjects
of
Sparta,
would
man the Laconian
contingents
in the alliod
fleets-ê succeeded in
rousing
their
jealousy.
The
proposed
decree was amended,
and tba
command
by
sea and land was
assigned
to each
state
alternately
for five
days.
The
Pelopon- nesian
envoys,
who came invested with full
powers,
and were conscious that
theyappeared
in a character which
was,
in
bet,
that of
snp-
plianta,
were (breed to
acquiesce
in this absurd
diairihution of
authority,
which
manifestly
tended
to defeat the
purposes
for which the alliance
was formed.
In the
spring
of 868
Epaminondas again,
marched at the head of a llieban
army
to invade
Peloponnesus.
The forces of
Athena,
under
Chabrias,
had
alreadyjoined
those of
Spar- ta
and her other allies at the
Isthmus, and, according
to Diodorus,
numbered
20,000
men,
while the Thebans
scarcely
exceeded the third
of that
amount.
Yet the allies
thought
it necessary
to throw
up
an intrenchmcnt across the
Isthmus, between Cenchren and
Lechnum,
and
when the Thebans
encamped
in the
plain,
remained
on the
defensive,
and declined their offer
of battle.
Xenophon,
who
says nothing
of
the
intrenchmenl,
but
only
observes that the
Lacedemonians
occupied
the weakest
position,
on the western side,represents Epaminondas
as first
gaining
a
partialadvantage
over then
by surprise,
and then as
having
been
petmitted
to descend unmolested on the
plain
of
Sicyon,
through
the remlssnesB of the
Spartan
commander,
who
might easily
have defended the
pass.
Diodoros
merely
relates that he forced
the
enemy's
lines.
Having
thus efibcted a
junction
with his
Peloponnesianallies,
he first
led them
againstSicyon
and
Pellene,and,
it
appears,
compelled
both cities to renounce
their
alliance with
Sparta,'
and
then,
to
gratify
Ar-
gos, proceeded
to
ravage
the
territory
of
Epi-
daunis. On his relum to the
isthmus,
be made
ao
attempt upon
Corinth,
which was victorious-
44
HISTORY OF GREECE.
lyrepulsedI17
Chabriie,
and soon after a
Syra-
1
cnun
gquftdron
of
twenlj galleys
Bailed into
LechKum,
nith s
body
a?
bartiarian mercena-
rioH,
Celts and
Iberians,
and a
troop
of about
SAj borse, sent
by Dionysius
to the aid of bis
allies. Thie
cavaliydistinguished
itself above
that of Athens and Corinth in the Bkinuishes
which look
place
while the
enemy
remaioed at
the Isthmus
i
but in tbe course of a few
days
the Thebaos returned
home,
and their allies
disbanded their
troops.
Whether their
departure
was hastened
by
the arrival of the
Syracu-
san re-enforcement " which,
after
havinggained
Bome
trifling advantage
over the
Sicyonians,
itself
returned to
Sicily
in the autmna" ôes not
appear.
It
may
have been the eflect of
jealousy,
wbich was
beginning
to arise between
Thebes and the chief of her
Peloponnesian
con-
tedeiaien. For tbe Arcadians, since
they
bad
been united in one
body,
manifested a new
spirit
of national
pride
and
independence,
which
was
sedulously
oherisbed
by Lycomedes,
who
bade them consider that their
support
was no
less
necessary
to Thebes than it had been to
Sparta,
and
urged
them no
longer
to content
themselves with a subordinate station.
They
eagerly
listened to bis
persnasions,
and
though
no breach
immediately ensued,
it soon became
evident that
Ibey
do
longer
lootced
upon
Thebes
as their
champion
and
guardian,
but rather wished
to show that
they
did not need her aid.
They
made
a
successful
expedition
to the relief of
Argoa against
Chabrias and the
Corinthians,
and another for the
purpose
of
reducing
Asine
in Meseenia, which was
stiltheld
by
a
Lacede- monian
garrison.They seem, indeed,
here to
have failed in their main
object,
but
they
ravaged
the
suburbs,gained
a
victory
over the
garrison,
and slew the
Spartan
oommander.
They
were still
more
fortunate in
an
irruptioa
which
tiiey made into I^conia. where
they
stormed
Peliana in tbe
upper
vale of the
Eurotas, put
the Lacednmonian
garrison, amounting
to about
300, to the
sword,
and carried
away
tbe inhabitants
into
slavery.
No
hardshipsor
difficulties
could
damp
their ardour
;
and
tbey were so
elated with tbe consciousness of their
strength,
that
tbeybegan
to
neglect
not
only
tbe Thebans,
but their other allies
;
and,
instead of
restoring
the
Triphyiian
towns to
Elis,
claimed them as
their
own,
on tbe
ground
that the
Triphylians
regarded
themselves as Arcadians, Thus the
same object
of contention which had caused the
quarrel
between Elis and
Sparta,
now
began
to
estrange
Elis from her
new allies.
Towards the end of the
year
an
attempt
was
made to
bring
about a
general
paci^cation
;
but
the
proposalcame not from
any
of the
belliger-
Bnts,
but from a
quarter
where it
might
have
been
supposed
that the discord of the Greeks
would
l^ve
been viewed with
no
feeling
but
pleasure.
A Greek
ofAbydus,
named
Philiscua,
was
employed
for this
purpose by
Ariobarxa-
nes,
the Persian
satrap
of tbe
Hellespont,
in the
name,
it would
seem,
of
Artaxerxes, though
without
any
commission from the court of Susa.*
Ariobaizanes had his
private
motives for wishing
to serve
Sparta,
and his
agent came
amply
furnished with
money,
as well as clothed with
bin, ))sl
mf
that PhiU
tiie
authority
which the Persian
king
had of late
years
assumed in the affairs of Greece. He
convened a
congress
a( Delphi,
which was attended
by deputies
from the states of both the
confederacies. Whether
Delphi
was cho""n
for tbe
place
of
meetingmerely
to
give greater
solemnity
to tbe occasion,or in tbe
hope
thai
e use
might
be made of the
oracle,
is unc"T-
But
Xenopbon observes,
in a tone of
pi-
reprobation, that,
instead of
refertiag
the
business for which
the;
were assembled to tbe
decision of the
god,they
deliberated on it themselves.
Their consultations
proved
(hiitless:
and
perhapseven the
authority
of the
oracle, if
ithad been
appealedto,
would have be"n unatde
to
compose
the conflict of their adverse interests
and
clashingpretensions.
The
Thebmis
either
absolutely
refused to renounce tbeir
claims of
sovereignty
over tbe Bceotian
cities.
or would
only
consent to do
so on
condition that
Sparta
should
acknowledge
the
independeoes
ofMessenia. lîs demand the
Spartansreject- ed
:
and
Philiscus,affecting
to coosider tbe
Thebans
as the enemies of
peace, dropped
the
character of a
mediator,
and
began
to
levy
troops
for the service of
Sparta.
The Atheni- ans
paid extraordinary
4ourt to Aiiobarxanes.
They
conferred tbe honour of tbeir franchise oa
him and on three of his
sons,
as well as oa nii-
liscus,
who seems to have been a worthless
mibtary adventurer,
who abased the
satrap's
favour to exercise
a
cruel and insolent
tyranny
over
many
of the Greek cities
on the Asiatic
side of the
Hellespont,
and was at length
kiUei
by
two
conspirators
at Lampsacus.*
Thebes had
never
been less inclined to make
concessions
degradiog
to her
dignity
;
for she
bad
lately
been
extending
her influence in a
new
quarter,
to which it will now be
proper
to
call the reader's attention. Alter the battle of
Leuctra,a aeries of revolutions bad taken
)daoe
in
Thessaly,
which made
ait
opening
for The-
ban
intervention,
and
gave
it
great weight
ia
the alfairs of that
country ;
and the
person^
reputation
of the
great
men
who
now
presided
over the
Tbeb^p
councils
procuredrespect
for
the name of Uieir
city
stillfarther to the north
of Greece. Jason's career
had been
abruptly
terminated in the
year
after the
batHo
nf Leuc-
tra, at a
time
when, having Grmly
established
his
authority
in
7'hessaly,
be
was
beginning
to
unfold his ulterior
designs.
He bad
given a
strong
indication of them on his inarch homeward
from
Lcnctra,
when he razed the vralEs of
the Trachinlan
Heraclea,
that it
might
not afford
an
enemy
tbe means of
blockingup
the
pass
of
ThermopyltE.
In the
followingspring
he made
preparations
for
an expedition
towards
the
south,
which excited
general
attention
by
the
novelty
of its avowed
object,
and
gave
occasion
to a
variety
of
conjeclureaas to its real
end. He called
upon
his
subjects
to furnish a
sacrifice for the
approauhingPythian festival;
and it
was
computed that,although
no
district
was heavilyburdened,
their contributions would
amonnt to 1000
oxen,
and 10,000
head of smaller
victims. He at the same
lime ordered
a
levy
of
troops throughoutThessaly,
and declared
his intention of
marching
to
Delphi,
and
presiding
over
the
Pythiangames.
ITie Del-
phians
were so much alarmed at this inlima-
DEATH OF JASON." PELOPIDAS IN THBSSALT.
meddle with Ihe sacred treasures
;
and
they
were
said to hare
receJT^
Ibo sane answer as
had been
giien
on several similar occaaioos "
that the
god
would take cars of hia own.
But
when tbe time drew
near,
haTing
one
daj
re- viewed
bis
caTalry,
and ttien taken his seal in
pobltc
to
give
andieoce to allwho had buainess
to transact with
him,
he was murdered
by
seven
yoQDg men,
who
preleoded
to
appeal
to him
for the aetUement of
aome
private
difltrenceB.
Five of the
conspirators
made their
escape
on
bOTBea which were
wailiog
for them
;
and the
honours which
Ibey
received in moat of Ibe
Greek cittea through
which
theypassed,proved
tbe alarm which had been excited
by
Jason's
ambition.
His
dynasty,however,
survived
him;
and
two of bjs
brother's, Potjdonis
and
Polyphroa
"
one of whom was
suspected
of
having
bad a
hand in the murder " for a short time shared
his
authority
between tbem. But
on a
Journey
which
they
took
together
La
Lariasa,Polydarua
died
anddeoly
in the
night,assassinated, as was
believed,by Polyphron,
who remained sole ta-
gns,
and
by
his administration converted Ihe office
into a
tyranny.
He
put
to death the estimable
Polydamas,
and
eight
other
principal
citizens
of
Pharsalus,
and drove
many
into exile Irom
Larissa.
But,
after
a
reign
of
a
year,
he
was
murdered in his turn
by
his
nephew Alexander,
who, professiog
to
revenge
the death of
Poly-
dorus,
succeeaed to tbe
government,
hut soon
became infamous for his
outrageous cruelty.
He is described as a monster who
delighted
in
torture and
bloodahed,
and who waa restrained
by
no
ties,
divine or human. Like the fabulous
Csneus,
he
paid
divine honours to the
spear
with which he tilled
Polyphron.
The towns of
Melibieaand Scotussa had incurred his resentment,
but deemed themselves secure under the
faithof treaties and
professions
of
amity.
Al- exander
surrounded the
popular assembly
in
"?ach
town at the same time with hia
troops,
and massacred all tbe citizens wlio were
present.
Such atrointics
inspired
all classes of his
subjects
with
terror,
but more
especially
Ihe
ancient
families,
which
might
be considered as
objects
of his
jealousy.
The Aleuadee of Laris- sa,
unable to
resist
him, began
lo look out for
foreign protection
;
and their local
position,
as
well as their
political relations,inclined them
firstto seek it in Macedonia. We abstain for
the
present
from
entering
into
any
account of
the circumstances of that
country,
farther than
IB
necesaary
for the
understanding
of this narrative.
The order of events is not
perfectly
dear; but it seems that
Alexander,
who was
now
on the throne of
Macedon, was invited
by
IheTbeesalianSi
and that he both
complied
with
their
request,
and succeeded even
beyond
Iheir
wishes
;
for he not
only
relieved them for a
lime from their fears of the
tyrant,
who was
ig-
nominiouslyrepulsed
from
Larissa,
but took
possession firstof (bat town,
then of the
citadel,
and afterward of
Crannon,
which he
occupied,
with his
garrisons.
But his
power
Was not
yet
|^^"lf^''^,'nir!if",
0 the
vengeance
of the
tyrant
of
PberB, theyapplied.
for aid lo Thebes, and while
Epaminondas was.
enêd
in the
expediiiou
to
Peloponnesus,
which was last
related,Pelopidaawaaaent iota
Thesaaly.
He waa admitted into
Larissa,and either Ibe
force or the
reputation
which he
brought
vitlt
him so awed
Alexanderi
that he
aoagbt
a
personal
interview with
him,
and seemed at first
wilting
to submit to his mediatkm. But the
discoveries with
regard
to his character and.
conduct to which this
meeting
gave
rise
appear
to have
exasperatedPelopidaa,
whoee
temper
was
warm,
and induced him to vent hi*
Jniiis-
nation in
very severe language,
which made
(he
tyrant
tremble for his
safety.
He broke off"
the
negotiation by
a clandestine
retreat,leaving
Pclopidassupreme
arbiter of the affairsof Thea-
salj,
which he settled on an
apparently
firm
footing.This,however, waa not the
only
honour
he eamed for himself and for his counln
in the course of Ibis
expedilion.
He was invited
into Macedonia
by
the rivals who were
there
contending
for tbe
crown,
and
havingre- stored
tranquillity,
took
thirty
noble Macedonian
boys
as
hostages
for its
maintenance,
and carried
them
away
to Thebes.
Among
them, according
to a statement of Diodorus and Plu- tarch,
which
we shall hereafter have occasion
to examine, was a brother of the
king's,
who
was destined some
years
later to mount Ihe
throne of
Macedon,
and to make a new
epoch,
in the
history
of Greece.
But the order which he bad left established
in
Thessaly
waa not of
long
duration. Soon after
his
return,
fresh
complaints
reached Thebes
ofthe conduct of
Alexander,
and in the couree
of the same
summer, Pel'^pidasagain
set out
to take
cognizance
of Ihein,
accompanied by
Ismenias,a friend of
congenial
character.
They
went in the
quality
of
ambassadorB,
without
any
militarypreparations, relying
on the infiuenca
which
Pelopidashadalreadypeacefully exerted,
or on the forces which
they might
be able to
raise in
Tbessaly
;
but
having unexpectedly
fallen in with the
tyrant,theyimprudentlyput
their
persons
in his
power,*
and he did not
scruple
to throw them into
prison.
He
was,
however,
well aware ofthe
danger
to which hi
exposed
himself
by
this
step
from the resent
ment of
Thebes,
and to avert it,sent an em
baasy.
with
proposals
of
alliance,to Athena
The detention of
Pelopidaa
could not there be
viewed otherwise than as a
happy
event
;
it
was an
importantobject
of Athenian
policy
to
obstruct the
progress
which Thebes had been
making
towaids the dominion of
Theasaly;
Alexander
might prove
a
useful
ally,
and he
seems to have courted the favour of
tbJe
people
'
Tba
impnulvD"
of
PeLipidai"" oaamani
by Pc4ybini^
Tiii.,
I
(ill.,
p.
S, TaBChD.),
IQ "
puaw which, thoujth
it
irvanad, bjr4 whleT whoM bo
blished at home,
and the
danger ,iuri
which tbreatencJ him there seems to have com- '"'P
filledhim to withdraw his
troops
from Thes-
^
saJy,
or,
at
least,
to have
prevented
him from
;""
irl^Ltidwhkh iiifcKiiIiflil
brPlntirchudDiDilorai,
\y.u FDlybiu (11M on U
"J,
ll"4 n) ttflr^
fflSTORY OF GREECE.
1)7
liberalHutwidies. Under these cimunBtan-
ces,
ft IB not
surprising
that his
personal
character
should have been
overlooked,
his
proposals
accepted,
and his innniftcence
requited
irith a statue erected lo his
honour,* as well
as
with
a decree,
which directed Autoctca to
sailwith
thirtygalleya,
and 1000
men,
for his
defence,
when Thebes sent an
arm;
to
avenge
the insultshe had
received,and to recover
her
hero, f The command of an
eipediiion
for such
a
purpose
could have been intrusted to no one
so litl;
as to
Epaminondas,
but hit conduct in
bia last
campaign
in
Peloponnesos
had
given
a
handle for
calumny. According
to Diodorua.t
bis enemies
spreadan opinion
thai he
might
have
pushed
the advantage which he
gained
in
the
passage through
the Isthmus much
farther,
and excited
a
suspicion
that bo had
purposely
spared
the
Spartans; though
we have seen
that,
irwe
may
believe
Xenophon,
his own situation
mightliave
became
embarrassing
if the
lOad had
not been led
upen throng
the
negligence
of the Lacedemonian commander. The
people,however,
were
induced to remove him
from the office of Bsolarch,
and he
accompanied
the
expedition
for his friend's deliverance
as a
private
soldier. Alexander seems to have
made
preparations
for a
vigorous
resistance
;
and his
auperiority
in
cavalry
enabled him to
reduce the
enemy
to such a
scarcity
of
pruvls-
lons,
that the Theban
generals
found them-
aelvea
compelledto retreat
before
they
could
strike
a
blow. But to retreat under such circumstances
was an operation
full of
difllculty
and
danger. Alexander,
re-enforced
by
the
Athenian
troops,
and
by many
Thessatians who
went over to the
prosperous side,hnng upon
tfaeir
rear,
obstructed (heir
march,
and made
great slaughter
among
them with the missiles
of his
lighttroops.
Their condition bad become
desperate,
when
Epaminondaswas
called
upon by
the scddiers to
tê the command. His
tactics,
aided
by the charm and the terror of
bU
name,
saved the whole
anny
frrandestruc-
On his
retnni,
Cleomeuea and
Hypatus,
the
gmeials
to whose
imprudence
the
danger
was
attributed,were
punished
with
a fine,
and
Epaminondas
was reinstated in his
office,
and
in the
esteem and confidence of his fellow -citi-
xens. The
enterprise
was renewed under his
oommand
;
whether in the aame
year
or
early
InSST,
ia not clear. The result
places
the ascendency
of his
genius
or of his
reputation
in a
"very strong light.
The
army
with which he
"was sent into
Thessalywas
probably
not more
formidable than the last. Yet
now, according
to Plutarch,
the
tyrant
offered
no
resistance
;
and
IF^paminondaa
was
only
withheld from crushing
him
by
fear
that,
if he should be driven to
despair,he
might
take his
revenge upon
his
Theban
prisoners. They
had been treated of
late with
greater rigour, probably
after the attempt
fur their deliverance had been baffled,
though
it is difficultto lielieve that the ciliiens
of Phene were at first
permitted
to visit
Pelop-
idas,
and to listen lo his invectives
agamst
their
tyrant.
But it
may
not be too romantic
an incident for this
period
of ancient
history,
that Alexander's
wifcThebe, adaugnter
of Ja-
aon,
obtained
a secret interview with
him,
and
*
niiurck,Psl"iii,.lltDiodon r.,TI.
roused
bj
his exhortations to fiercer
n-
sentment,
and to
purposes
of
vengeance against
her brutal and
profligate
husband. It
was,
therefore,
the
object
of
Epaminondas
to
terrify
the
tyrant,
but not so as lo
goad
bim to a
desperate
resolution
;
and Alexander was so much
alarmed
by
his
preliminaryoperations,
that to
conjure
the
impending
storm he consented to
release his
prisoners, though
in return he oI"-
tained
nothing
more than
a thirty days'
suspen-
on
of hostilities.
It
seems to have been while
Epaminondaa
was absent on this
expedition
that a measure
which he had once
successfully deprecated,
was carried into effect
by
a
party
at
home,
which was either
incapê of his
enlarged
views and humane
feelings,
or
recklessly
lent
itself to a
popularprejudice.Already,
in the
year
after the battle of
Leuctra,a
proposal
had
been made in the Theban
assembly
to
destn^
Orchomenus, once the
sovereign,
long
the
n-
val of
Thebes,
and still
an
object
of
jealousy
both on account of its rank
among
the BiEotian
towns,
and as the chief seat of aristocraiical influence
in Bixotia. But the
people
had been
shamed out of this barbarous
designby
the remonstrances
of
Epaminondas,
who endeavoured
to animate them with sentiments more
worthy
of the
high
station to which their recent
victory
entitled them to
aspire"
The
project,
bow-
ever, was not abandoned
1^
its
authors,as the
passions
which
suggested
it could
only
be laid
in a brief calm
by
tiio voice of reason and humanity.
But
now,
either an accidental combination
of circ imstances favoured its
execution,
or an
atrociui.?
plan
waa
concerted to ensure
ita
success,
and to take
advantage
of the absence
of the man who
alone,perhaps,
wouMhave
been able to frustrate it. A
plot
was disclosed
to the Theban
government
which had been formed,
it was said,by
a
party
of Theban
exiles,to
overturn the democraticalConstitution,
and in
which the nobles, or members of the
equestriaa
order of
Orchomenus,
were to be the
principal
agents.
The
conspirators
intended to take the
opportunity
of a review which was to be held at
Thebes,
and was to be attended
by
300 of the
Orchomcnian
cavalry,
to effect
on ariatocratical
revolution. It is
possible
that the whole
story
may
have been
a
fiction;
and it
seems at leastto
have been
greedily
received
by
the
magistrates
and the
people.
The Orchomenians were arrested
and
brought
before the
assembly,
which
seems to have sat in
Judgment
on the
charge,
and
probably,
without
very
mature
deIil*eralioD,
decided
against
the accused:
theywergallcon-
dcmned to death,and the whole
city
was
involved
in their doom. A Theban
army
was
immediatelysent
againstii,
which rased it
to
the
ground,put
the men to the
sword,
and carried
the women and children
away
into slavery.
t
Epaminondas,
on his return,
did not
suppress
his
grief
at the event,
and ia said to have
declared
that,
if he had been
present,
be would
have
preventedit.t The
precipitation
wiiti
which the
peopleindulged
their evil
passions
in
his absence
may
be considered as the
mocrt
honourable
homage
ever
paidby
a Greek
atate
to the virtue of a citizen.
In the
spring
of
367,aaotiter
body
of anzU-
EMBASSIES TO SUSA. *T
iiiie* MTiTBd tmta
Syraenait
in the Corinthian
Ooir,
and a queBtion
anise u to the manner in
which
tbey
should be
employed.
The Athe-
niuia propiwad
that
they
should be sent into
Tliesaaly,
wbere Alexander
waa, perhaps,
at
this time thrastened
by
the Theban arms
;
but
Spans
had need of tbem for a
purpose
much
pwi"
nrgent,
and a
majority
among
the
depu-
Iks of tbe allied states decided in Tbtout of her
daun.
They wore,
accordingly,
ordered to sail
reund to the coast of
Laconia,
and to
join
an
vny
wfaich was
placed
ArdudamoB. Hts first
object
was the redac-
wa of
Carye,
wfaich seems to hsTB held
out,
pcilMps
under tbe
protection
of a
foreign
gar-
9 the ii II V
stormed,
and
every
man taken in it
put
to the
sTord;
he then crossed the
border,
and
pro-
cceded lo
rarage
tbe
territory
of
Megalopolis
;
(mi on the
approach
of an
Argive-
Arcadia o
amy
retreated westward,
and
encamped
near
ibe Arcadian town of Midea. Here
Cissldas,
lbs coaunaiidBr of the
Syraouaan Buxiliaries,
Edotrned him that the time to which
Dionysius
had limited hia
stay" probablyaccording
to Us
Motiact
with tbe barbarian mercenaries " had
expiied,
and
immediately
set out to return lo
Sparta;
bat he fband tbe
pass through
which
hi2n"d
layoccupiedby a body
of
Messenians,
and was
obliged
to send for aid*to Archi damns.
HaTing
reunited Ibeir
forces,they
marched in
another direction on tbe Laconian
frontier,
but
vere
again intercepted by
the
Argive-
Arcadian
army.
A battle became
inevitable;
and Archid-
aniDS, having
drawn
up
his
troops
on a small
^n,
which
lay
between him and the
enemy,
eihorted his
countrymen
to TtDdicate the an-
cieDt honour of
Sparta,
and to ezert themselves
that
day,
so as to be able once more to meet
tbe
gaae
of their women and children, and old
;nm,
and that of
foreignera,
which had once
bees tamed towards them in
admiration,
with-
nt a bliish. The effect of ihis address was
heightenedbj
some lavourable
omens,
and tbe
^lirit
which it breathed animated his hearers
Willi an
impetDOQB courage,
which in better
tinMHWDold not have been deemed sober enough
ibr
Spanan
warriraa. The
enemy
scarc^y
waited to receive their fnrious onset
;
and the
cavaliy
and Celtic mercenaries made
great
havoc
aimifg
tbe
bgilives.
Of the Lacednmo-
niaiis.
according
to tbe
report
which Archida-
nos sent home,
not a man was killed. This
inaj
bare been a
piece
of
exaggeration,
such
as was conmou enobgh
in
Spartandespatches
;
bat w" could more
easily
believe the fact,than
that Arcbtdamos meant
only
that no
Spartan
bie waa lost.* The loss on the other aide
ap-
fears
to hare been
great,though
it can
scarcely
have amoonted, a" Diodoms
relates,to 10,000
^sn.
The news of the
victory,
which would
oaoe have made but little
impression
at
Spar- ta,
drew tears
of
joj
Irom
Agesilaus,
the aen-
iiotB,
and the
eôre.
But the disaster of the
.Arcadians caused
scarcely
less
pleasure
at
1 kebea and
Elis,
wbere the
spirit
which
they
bad
lately
shown was treated as
arrogance,
aad their anccess was viewed with
jealousy.
The atMUdea It
opposed
to tbe
supremacy
which Thebes aimed at
eatablishing
in Pelo-
paaacsaa,
(mt still
more, perhaps,
the
proceed-
",8["uU,iil I,
t.
m.
ings
of
Philiscos,
bad led tbe lleban
government
to took to another
quaner
for
more eSbcI-
aal means of
securing
ita
preponderance;
and
intelligence
of a
negoliation
which
Sparta
was
carrying
on at tbe Persian
court seemed to require
that some
steps
should be taken to counteract
it. There could be no doubt as to the
person
whQ was best
qnalificd
for such a mis-
aion
;
and
Pclopidas
was no sooner restored to
libeny
than he set out on a
journey
lo
Susa,
accompanied by
lameniaa. Tba fame of the
battle of Leuclra and of the invasion of Laconia
had
precededthem,
and Iheir
progress
through
Ihe Persian
provinces
was a
kina
of
triumph.
At Susa the courtiers
gazed
with admiration on
the
representatives
of the state which had
humbled the
haughty
mistress of
Greece,
whose
victorious arms not
many years
before made
tbeir monarch tremble for hia throne.
Envoys
from
Sparta
and
Athens,
from
Arcadia, Elis,
and
Argos,
met them at the
king's
gate ;
but
Artaieries
distinguished
the Thebans with
peculiar
honours. He had
previously
shown, by
his treatment of
Antalcidas,that his favours
were
dispensed
to
foreigners
m
proportion
to
the
political
infiuence of the states to which
they belonged. Antalcidas,
whom on his first
embassy
be had flattered with marks of most
signalcondescension,
when be
appeared
at tbe
Persian court aller the battle of
Leuctra,met
with such a
supercihouareception,
that be is
said on his return to
Sparta
to have been driven
to soicide
by
the taunts of his enemies.* Eu-
thycles,
who now filled bis
place,
was Indeed
able to claim a littlemore
respect
on tbe
ground
of the recent
victory
of Arcbidamns
;
but even
this served to raise the credit of
Thebes;
for it
had been
gained
over the Arcadians and Ar-
gires,
and seemed to
prove
that
they
could not
conquer
without her
help. They could, therefore,
procure very
little
attention,
and
Timago-
ras,
one of the Athenian
envoys, appeara
to have
discovered that the surest
way
to conciliate the
king'sgood graces
was to side with the The-
bans. The
royalbounty
was
largely
showered
upon
him,
and the
example
of former ambassadors,
perhaps,encouraged
him to
hope
that he
mightenjoy
it with
impunity.
But the
peojile,
exasperatedby
the failure ofhis
mission,
which
he
probably
could not have
brought
to a more
advantageousissue,
wreaked their
disappointment
on him,
and
put
him to
death,
on the impeachment
of his
colieagueLeon,
for an otTence
which
theymight
otherwise have been
eaaily
induced to overlook.
Pelopidas
obtained
everything
that he aaked. One of his
objects
was to
procure
the
king's
sanction for the
independence
ofMessenia
;
another to disami the naval
power
of Athens
;
and thia seems to have been
part
of a
plan
which waa earnestly
entertained
by Epaminondas,
of
transferring
to Thebea the
-
Pirn, Altu.,
is. Bol Iliil
(Mt
of Ibi
Morr
it
Tiiy
dnntjU'ul. ADUJcidu
tfpttl^
from Ih* u"di"U
in Plat,
AgFi.,Sl.tohiiabiHitiDiiiiDribe
tphonitlhe
iTmeirflh*
iniilion in SM,
and
w*
\,m nD hinl of
mhi 8[i"r"o
iia-
bMT
" 8m boKTHI ttiii
7"ar
mt Un.
wiianEalhnU*
'SCS
KtibHl "7
PlEtucli,who.
hnwCTsr
(Art.,"), diillnctlj
Hiu, uliu i"
aqoallrjmbabla,
Ihal hn vu HU tg applr
r Ftniu "ooomn iiDiiiad"tal;r
oft" """ b*ula.
.
1
,
HISTORY OP GREECE.
0 dominion irtiich Athena had
began
to
lecoTer. An article was ioseited in the
nijal
Twcript,bj
which the Athenians were enjoined
to
layup
theirfleet
;
and wben Leon
protested
"gainst
this
partiality,
allthe SAtisraction he received
was the addition of a daase
by
which
they
were
permitted
to
appeal
to the
king,
if
theythoo^t
themselves
aggrievedby
tho in-
jnnotion.
It
may probably
be attributed to the
addrera of
Pelopidaa
that tlie
Arcadians,
whose
political importance,
if ithad been
rightly
estimated,
would have entitled them (o more re-
apeetful
consideration,
were treated as of infe-
nor moment to the Eleans
;
a
alight
which so
deeply
offended their
envoy
Antiochus that he
refuaed to
accept
the
king'spresents,
aod on
Us ratarn to Greece
exposed
the
pompous
weak-
seaa
of the Persian court to the deHsion of his
countrymen. Pelopidas
likewise declined all
the
magnificentpresents
ofiered to him
by
Ar-
taxerxes, retaining only
some
simple
tokens of
regard;
bat in addition to the more solid ad-
TantagBB conveyedby
the
rescript,
the Thebana
were honoured with the title of the
king's
an-
Itwas not,however,
in
Persia,
but in Greece,
that the real success of the
embassy
was to be
proved
i
and the result
disappointed
the
expectations
which
were
raised
by
its
reception
at the
court of Susa. Thebes
hoped
to have
placed
bersetf in the station which
Sparta
bad
occupied
by means of the
peace
of Antslcidas
;
but she
found the Greeks no
longerwilling
to submit to
Persian dictation. The
reportsbrought
back
by
the
envoys
of the slate of the
empire,had,
perliaps, divulged
the
secret,
that the threats of
the
great king
were littlemore than an
empty
sound, A
congress
was held at Thebes,
in
which a Persian
commissioner,having,
with the
usual
solemnity,produced
the
royalseal,
read
the document to which itwas affixed
;
and the
Theban
government
then called
upon
the
deputies
of the other
states,
aa
they
valued the
king'sfavour,to
bind themselves
by
an oath to
comply
with itscontents. All,however, rejected
this
demand,
and observed that
they
were
sent not to
swear,
but to listen to the
king's
message.
Lycomedea,
who was (me of the Ar- cadian
deputies,
look
a
highertone,
and denied
the
right
of Thebes to summon the
congress,
which he
contcndi^dought
to have been held in
that
part
of (ircece which was tho theatre of
war. Tliis
objection provokedan
angry reply,
which induced
Lycomedes
and his
colleagues
to withdraw
abruptly
from the
congress.
The
Tbehans then sent ambassadors to each state
Beparately
with the same demand, hoping
that
as none could be sure of
support
from the
rest,
none would venture to incur their
enmity,
as
well as that of Persia,by
the refusal. But Co-
Tinlh,to which the first
application
was made,
havingrejected
the
oath,
imboldened the other
stales to follow her
example,
and the whole
jBDJect,
concocted with such elaborate
preparations,
fellat once to the
ground.
The
disposition
manifested
by
the Arcadians
rendered it
important
for Thebes to
strengthen
ber
footing
in Acbaia
;
and in the
spring
of 366
Epaminondas
undertook a third
expedition
into
Peloponnesus
for that
purpose.
The Isthmus
wss still
guardedby
Lacedsmonian and Athe- nian
Uoopa ;
but at his
requestFisias,
the Ar
give general,by
a
DifU
maioh msdis hinweif
master of the
pass
near
Cenchren,
and thus ea-
"bled the Theban
army
to enter Acbaia. Oli- garchy
bad
gained
the
ascendency
ia the Achc-
an cities under
Spartan patronage,
and had not
been disturbed
by
the last Theban
invasion,
but
they
remained for the most
part
neutral in tho
contest between Thebesand
Sparta.
The lead-
wg
men now threw themselves on the forbearance
of
Epaminondsa, and,by saaurvaces of
Gdehtyto Thebes,
indneed him to exert his influence
in their behalT to
ptsTeot
a revolntian
which would have driven them intoexile. Hav- ing
taken
secnri^
fbr their
obedience,
and finding,
it
seems,
no other oocasion that
required
his
presence
in the
peninsula,
be marched home.
But the democraticsl
Achatans, and tha Arcadi- ans,
complained
that he had left Acbaia in the
state most favourable to the renewal of L"c"-
dfimoniao
ascendency;
and the
Thebans,
copy- ing
the
example
of
Sparta,
sent harmosts to the
Achtean
cities,
who
instigated
the
commonalty
to
expel
the
oligarchs,
and establish democrati-
cal institutions. This
change,however, was
soon followed
by
a counier-re volution
;
for the
exiles, having
coUecied their
foroes,
found themselves
strong enough
to recover
possession
of
their
cities,
and now
openly
renewed their alliance
with
Sparta,
and
gave great aimayance
to
their Arcadian
neighbours.
At
Sicyon
aflairstook a different
ttim.
There
Euphron,
an able and
enterprising man,
bad cd-
joyed
tho confidence of ibe
Spartangovermnent,
as the leader of the
ohgarchical party,
while the
city
adhered to
Sparta.
We do not knew what
part
he took in the
change
of
policyby
which in
368
Sicyonwent over to the Theban aUiance.
lis constitution seems doi to have
undeôoe
any
formal alteration in
consequence
of thttt
event
;
but il
may
have somewhat aSecled Eu-
phron'a influence,
and he
may
thus have been
led to desire a
revolution which would
place
him
again,though
in a difierent
sttitude,
at the
head of the state. When
Epaminondas
withdrew
from
Achaia,as we have
justseen,
leaving
the
oligarchical govemmenia standing,
the
disaatiafaclion
eipressedby
the Arcadians and
Argiies
at this toleration
appears
to have
suggested
to him the means of
gratifying
his aia-
bition. lie
proposed
to renounce his
connexion
with bis old
friends,
and himself to introduce
democracy
at
Sicyon;
the
only
eflectu"I
security,
as be
pretended,agaioat
the
restoration
of the
Spartandominion,
which he had
long
endured with
impatience,
and would fain
avert
by
any
sacrifice. The Arcadians and Ar-
givesgladly
lent their
aid,
and the revolution
was
quietly
and
easily
eflected.
Euptaronas-
scmbled the
peojrie,
invited Ihem to the
etijoy-
ment of
liberty
and
equality,
and bade them begin
the exercise of their
rights
with the election
of a
college
of
generals.
Five were
chosen.
and he was one of the number. The first advantage
which he took of his office was to
appoint
his own son lo the command of the foreign
mercenaries
employedby
the
stale, and to
gain
as
many
of them as he could to his interest
by
a lavish
expenditure
of the
public
money.
The confidence uf the
people
which he
enjoyed
as the restorer of
freedom,enabled him to re-
sort even to the treasure of the
lemf^
for that
purpose;
and the
charge.
of
Lacamtm, wh;ch
'
v.,tn"olc
MUHDBS OF EUPHRON." OROPUS.
wsB bmaoht
"gwannuuty
of tlie
waaUtty
oiti'
leofi,
jieUed an
ample tupply
of coa"acaimaB.
It
ODly
remaioeii for him la
get
rid of bis colleagues,
and wbeo aoaiB of Ibem had bvea !%-
noted
bj
the
dogger,
and the rest drivea inlo
exile,Eiaptiron,
bein^
left aole
general,
became
,
in aaate aa wellas id
deed the
tyrant
of
Siey-
His
govenunent appears
to Imtb been mijd
|
and
popular,thougb
the want of
money urged
bun to
peraecute
the neb. But
though
he had
atrengthcned
the
. denociacy by
the adnuasion
of
many
new citizens,
amang
whom were several
emancipated alaves,
he lelt (bat his
power
(Cited OD the
support
of bis
alliea,
who had
helped
bim to
lay
ita
foundation,
and he en-
deaToured to
propitiate
tlieir dTour
by
the
Tudineaa with
w)iichbe joined
their
espedi-
iiODa,
and
t^ prcsenta
distributed
among
their
leading
men. So, perhaps,
he conciliated the
Theban hacniMt,
whom he was
obliged
to receive
into the citadel. But his
position
amid
ao
utAaj
conflicting
iDterestswbb too diffituik
u" be
loog
maintained. Wo are unable,
from
the
slhng
of obscure atlusiODs which
Xenopbon
Laa here substituted lor a narrative, to
gather
Ibe nauves which indnced
."Reea,the
general
of the Arcadians, to overthrow hia
authority,
and to restore
oligarcbyat SicyoD.
Bui the
Tjeban hanaoat seems to have concurred in
this
measure,
since he continued to bold the
citadel after the Arcadians bad retired. Eu-
phroa
toade hia
escapa
to tlw
port,and.
Bend- ing
liir
PaauBelua,
the
Spartan
ofliGer who was
commaadiag
at
Corinth,
delivered it
up
to him,
and renewed bia cooBexion with
Sparta,
not
vithout
attempting
to vindioala hia
past
conduct
bj jKEtencea
which did not deceive tboee
triM listeaed to them. Tbia, however, waa not
his last
political aftoaUcy.
The diaoerd which
cuatimMd to
prevail
in
Sioyon
betw"ai bia
ar- tisans
and the
party
which .^neaa had reatored
eaaUedhlm,
with the aidof
a body
of Albanian
aoiilianes,
to
regainpoaseasian
of the town
;
bot.aa the citadel
waa atill
occupiedby
a Tbe-
baa
gairiaon,
ha Tentured on the bold
step
of
gmaf
m
person
to Tbebeo,
with all (he
moaey
be ca"ilil
ocdieot,
in the
hope,by
hia
gold
and
mtrigoes,
to
procore
a
deciiae for
expelling
bis
advensne* uid
re^setabliahing
bis
authority.
Ha
prooeedinCB,bowever, were watched
by
ba
enemies, some of whom fcdlowed him to
Thebes
;
and.
wben
theypwoeived
that he bad
"o ^
ingratiated
hiiBseir
with lb"
leadingmen
aa to have a bir
prospect
of
sueeaaa, ttwy r"-
leved lliiinsiili mi from their.feara
by daspatch-
lag
tum
openly
ia the
Cadaiea,not Ikr "om the
flaee
where the oonacil was aaaembtcd. The
fnpetrators
of this
outrage
were aireated,
and
"ci"
brought
before the couscil far
punishment
tfthe
magiatrates,who, peihapa,sincerely
re-
p"ned
bis death. But
one
of the
culprits,
having
avowed bis share in the
deed,so
forcibly
(ipcaed
tbe cbaracter and conduct of
Euphron
"aa outlawed
tyrant
and
traitor, who had
ag-
pan(ed
bw entit
by
the arts
ofeomiplionwiui
vldch he enoeavoarcd (o screen it from ven-
leaace
" 4hat fata
judgea pronounced
Ibe mur-
toilegiumateact.
The
majari(yofEuphron'a
kJIsw-cttiiensviewed it in a different
light:
H^
stillrevered hiia aa theu-
benefactor, and,
"iat tiannorted hia
bodyto
Sicyon,
inteited
Tot.n.-0
it,with the hocwar* dae t" a bHMa
fiinider.
In
tbe
luarket'place.'
While
Sioyon
aad PeUene
wen
compiled,
by
terror of the Theban
anna,
to forsake tbeD-
old
ally,Pbliua,
where tbe dominant
party
had
moi;e
reason to dread a
revolution,remained
firmly
attached to
Sparta.
It
waa,An
this ao-
count, expoaed
to the
unremittinghostility
of
its more
powerfulneiglibourg,
suffered
great
bardahipB,
end was ollen
placed
in
extreme
peril. Xenophoa" who
extols,not
only
the
courage,
but tbe
constancy
of the
Phliaaiana,
in
which we see httle
beyond
the instinctof eeif-
preaervation
"
dwells,at
greater length
than we
can
apare
for auch a
aubject,
on the adveotaures
in
which,
either alone oi witli tbe aid of a taiall
body
of Athenian
troops,they repulsed
the at-
taoka of tlieir
enemiea,
who ware
instigated
and
seconded
by
their exiled fuUow-citiiena. After
several
atietnpts
oa tbe town end tbe
Mn-itory
bad bcun
baffled,they
were threatened with
still
greater
and more
frequent
annoyance by
llieerection of two tbrtresseson thsrr
frontier,
one called
Tricaranum, whicli was bulk
by
the
Argives
;
tbe other,called
Xbyamia;
which
was
begun by
the
Sicyoiiiana,
but bad not been Qn-
ishcd in the
year
366,
when the
Fhliaslans,
sup-
porti;dby
the Aiheaian
general,
Cbanea, who
had been aent to the r^Viei of
Phliua,
wrested
it froni them, and then carried on tbe Ibrtilica-
tioos as a bulwark (or theraaelvea
againstSicy- on,
While Cbarea was lending
bia aid to diis
work,
be was
suddenly
called
away
to the defence
of Attica ilaelf. The triHiiter town of
Oropus,which, on account of its
poailioo
with
regard
to
Eubiea,wae of
great importance
to
the
Aibeoians,had,some
years belbra,been-re-
RlOMd to them
through
a domeatic revidotion
which drove a number of itscitizens into exile.
The
refugees
found shelter at Erelria,vbich
was at this time under the rule of Thcmiaon
;
and with bis
Itelp they
crosaed the
ohanneV
and
recovered
poaaaaaion
of their
city.t
The whole
*
Than ii Hmfl obacUTitj
"bmt (ba
chnloo^Dfjof Kn-
Xao)ib"'i
aiumtna
ihtjite
npiKH,
mta Diidw*ll,*u
B
Jl
"l[yMlrecud'Mi 1^
iW of hii
"U.Mim"?f
Bb.
C'
jnî
trnnny Mgtm inmcdintAlyifTer Ih" Hcond ^*-
iBTUicB of PsIiuaiiHiii
(108),XmD|ihiH,
who ilii-
tiDclljplum
lU
tngipiiM
"^' thi Ihinl unpum (JH),
DiDdarvB
(x*.,7Q) H b tb"
^^munf
of Eaphion'i tmi-
"V GUI
hmrt
no viiiht
in lUelf whan unnad to boo
phoo'i.Mum fm., S,p. S4I),fullowiiig
Dodwtll,
lupD-
HI Ihil tba
rampaijin agilmi Phlini,deicriBeiJhv X"ii"-
ban Qansundar of SicjoB,
to^^Mcmui
Uw
jnti imudiilf
UiBEhird 4Tpv[itiaiiutEp"BiLri)oUuJntaP"L0|Uiui"iuj,Aild
it tu Til
Ixrrifm
I'
'^jQhEiiji;
"m.,b."ai.-
_.._. ..
.,-.-"- -. - .
KCMMtoflh.
muiner in wbioli EuphrDn [lOîlirBd
Lho
tyrwatj
it iittArlj
incuniLiEpqt with tKa
ILLppnait]!!!!
Ibat tbaie
wu al thH
lien thftth" would hnva TvUtH IhafntaiftnBBe afJnau
11 vii,,), 1,ifilLEcnmd in tlia
Jtu
tiôn (ha Ihiid Tba-
bui
miaaiDn.
Dndnll imtard
B"rtB.
Imo eitcta
dpUBOf
taa Enpfaraniiquidvm coaiiiia, open
tunea Thabauunm,
^lAtânt
BmoUTctiifc aaalna eHat EwQinoadaa, aracadt
ipaflAaaophon.
But 1 am uaa^la (o îacorarin XawfAuB
lifn., Df
Cor-rp.
S3. Jta
auuincj
dapanda on bha ialar-
ptvtatioa
of Xflnophoti'a wonlt,iu., 4,T,^StfivrhM rSr
*HTil"ii.n('"MuX"ftj.
Bnl IHMiM impo"ilila
u,
nijjpoaa
party
ia
Otoimi
itaallL Yat avaa
^hltwar
hai usubhI
50
HISTORT OF GREECE.
diaponUe
fbroe of Athens
immediately
marched
againit
them
i
Chares was
hastily
recalled
;
and it is
probable
that the
Spartan
offiiêrwho
commanded at Corinth waa
requeeted
to co- operate
wLib him. But it
happened that,just
at thia
juncture,
the Laced smonixn
garrison
was dislodged
Irom the
port
of
Sicyonby
the
Sicjonians
and Arcadians
;
and
pertaps
this
occurrence prevented
him IVom
marching,
or
sending
a re-enforoement to assist in the redac- tion
of
Oropus.
The immediate result or the
Athenian
expedition
seems
strange,
and it is
not
clearlyexplainedby
any
of the ancient wri-
teta who mention or
allude to it. The
Oropi-
ans,
alanned at ths
enemy's strength, and,
perhaps,
not
prepared
for a
siege,
appear
to hare
pnqiased
to commit their town to the
keeping
of the Thebans. bb neutrals in this
quarrel,
until
their claims abould have been
peacefully
ad-
JDBtfMl.
The Athenians were induced,chiefly,
it
seems, by
the advice of Chabrias and Callia-
tratQS,to consent to this
compromise,which,
as the Thebans afterward refused
to
give
up
the
place,
contributed to widen ths breach between
the two
states,
and
proved
fatal to one
of its authors
;
but,at the
time,
the
displeasure
of the Athenians vented itself in
reproaches
upon
their
allies,
who had failed them in their
hour of need. This state of their
feelings
soon
became known in
Arcadia,
and
encouragedLy-
comedea. who viewed Athens rather as
the enemy
of Thebes than
as the
ally
of
Sparta,
to
hope
that she
might
be
gained
over to the Ar- cadian
interest. He himself undertook the ne
goliatiou,
and concluded a
separate alliance,
which the Athenian
assembly,notwithstanding
some
scruples
which made it hesitate for a
while,
at last decided
was no
breach of its
engagements
with
Sparta
: she,
it was
argued,
must be concerned no less than Athens to
keep
Arcadia
independent
of Thebes. 'Hiis
was
the laat service which
Lycomedes
rendered
to
Arcadia. Almoat
every
Greek who took
an active
part
in
public
aflkirs
might,
in
any
part
of
Greece,
fall in with
some
deadly
eue-
mies.
Lycomedes, returning
from Athens
by
"ea,
was
landed,
at his own desire,on a
point
of (he
Peloponnesiancoast,
where s
party
of
Arcadian exiles
h^pened
to be
collected,
and
fellbeneath their
daggers.
Though
Athens
professed
to have taken thia
step
without
any
views hostile
to her former
alliea,
hut mther to
promote
one of the
objects
of their
alliance,
ic
was
manifest that it could
not but
change
her relations towards those
among
them in whom the fear of Tbebea was
not so
strong
as their
enmity
to the Arcadians.
Such,
it
seems,
was known to be the case with
Corinth
;
and hence a motion was soon after
made in the Athenian
aasemblyby
one Demo- tion,
thst the
generals
be directed to take
care
that Corinth was not lost to the
people
of Ath- ens.
This
proposition, which,
under
any
other
government,
would have been
kept striclly secret,
created
an alarm which rendered it abor- tive.
The Corinthians
no sooner heard of
it,
than
Ibey
disraiased all the Athenian
troops
who were stationed in various
posts
within
"di]"]
if
"
orilir who hid Hind Ihr'iliclilioubudl* lur
A Intb dBclaiDKlHD on
Iba
lymuty 9j
i\t AllmiMti dtwax-
[
their
territory,
after
havingpaid
all
arreare
3xta
to them
;
and when Chares
soon after
appeared
before Cenchren with a squadron,
and oB^red
bis services to
protect
the
city
from Mme attack
with which he
pretended
to
have heard it
was threatened,
he was
courteouslythanked,
bnt was not
permitted
to enter the harbour.
To
supply
the
place
of the
Athenians,
and
to
guard against
the eflects of their
resentment,
the Corinthians collected
a
body
of mercenaries
;
bnt as this was a bnrden which
they
could not
long endure, they
at the same time
began
to turn their
thoughts
towards
peace,
and, h"ving
ascertained that the Theban
government
was not averse to it,theyrequested
that as
many
of their
present
allies as
might
be
wilhng
to concur
with them
might
be admitted
to a share in the
treaty. Having
obtained leave
to sound
theirallies.they
iirst
applied
to
Sparta.
Tbe
language
of their
envoys,
as its substance
is
reporiedby Xenophon,
breathes
a
feeling
of
tenderness for tbe
pride
and the misfortunes of
their ancient
ally,
wtjch
reminds us of the
friendships
of the heroic
age.
The
Spartans
themselves are called
upon
to
say
whether
they
see
any prospect
of
aafety
for Corinth if
the war should be much
longerprotracted.
The
Corinthians would moat
gladly
see
Sparta
sha-
"
blessings
of
peace
with them
;
but if
_r
not be,
then
they beg
leave to save
themselves from
min,
that at some
future time
they may again
be able to serve
her. Tbe
Spartansresponded
to this delicate
loyalty
with
a
generous
frankness.
Tbey
admitted the urgency
of the
case,
advised the Corinthians
te
make
peace,
and
permitted
their other allies
who were
weary
of the
war to
join
them
;
bat
for
themselves, they
declared
that, whatever
might
befall
them, they
would never
resign
their
claim to Mcssenia,and,
ap long
as this
was
made the condition of
peace,
would
contioae
the
war as
they
could.
An oration is
preservedamong
the worsts
of
Isocrates,
which
appears
to have been written
for this occasion, either to be delivered
by
tbe
princeArchidamns, who is the
supposedspeaks
er,
or as a manifesto to vindicate the
tenacity
with which
Spartadung
to her
allegedright,
now
apparently
the
only
obstacle to a
gencnil
peace.*
In this work her title to Messenia is
grounded
not
merely
on
length
of
possession,
but
on a
donation,by
which the sons of Cres-
phontes,
after the murder of their
father,are
said to have transferred their
rights
to the
SpartanHeracleida,
and which was confirmed
by
the
Belphic
oracle. The new Messentans
are
represented
as a mere hard of
revolted
slaves. The
oration,
as
appears
from
these
arguments,
was
designedchiefly
for
Spartait
hearers or
readers
;
and
a
great part
of it is
occupied
vrith motives for
s perseveringresist- ance
to the demanda of their
enemies, drawn
WEAKNESS OP St'ARTA.
u TeD from tbs
justice
of their
caoae, as Irom
tbe
eiatnpleH
fumistied
by
(he
hialory
of their
own limea,
of
signal
rcTersea and
unexpected
deliverances. But a
project
which
follows,
and
is
proposed
in a tone
of earneatnesa aa
deep
aa
Isocratea
was ever able to
convey by
the silver
chjme
of hla melodioua
eloquence,
seems rather
to have been calculated for other ears. It
sounda like an indirect
threat,lo warn their
enemies not lo drive them to
despair.
Sooner
than submit to the dismemberment of their territory,
Archidamua would
persuade
his coun-
Iryinen
to remove their wives,
and
children,
and
aged parenta,
to some
place
of
shelter,
which
Iheymight easily
find in the Dorian colonies,
and then to abandon
Sparta,
where
they
had
always
lived as in a
camp,
and return to
the lifewhich their forefathers led when
they
issued from Doris to invade
Peloponnesus.
As
an
invadingarray,
without a hoijie,fortiiying
themselTes in an
enemy's territory,
and
spreading
devastation around
tbem, they wonld,
wherever
they appeared,
be irresistible and intolerable
;
and those who now dictated such
insulting
terms would be
glad
to restore Mea-
senla as the
price
of
peace.
It is
singuiar
enongb Ibat,at the end of ao
many
centuries,
Sfwrta
ahould
again
be fouad
borrowing
the
voice of an Altic
achoolmasier,to muse the
courage
of her sons in a new Measenian war
;
and the
change
which she had
undergone
in the
interval
may, perhaps,
be not
improperly
measured
by
tbe distance between (he
poetiy
of
Tynsus
and the rhetoric of lacerates. It
would
aeerp.
Indeed,that,even aince the beginning
of the
Peloponnesian
war,
the taate of
the
Spartanassembly
had been
brought
much
nearer to that of the other
Greelts,
and that the
homely brevity
of the
ephor
Slhenelaidas would
no
longer
have
produced
a like eSecl.'
The
permissiongrantedby Spartawas accepted
by Phlius,
and some o( her other allies.
who sent
envoys along
with those of Corinth
to Thebes. The Theban
government
at firstre- quired
that
they
should
join
its
confederacy;
but
they
remonstrated
against
this
condition,
which,
instead of
relieving
them from the calamities
of
war,
would
only
have turned their
arms in a new
direction,
and
against
their old
ally.
The Theban councils were
awnyed by
men
generuns enough
to
leapect
and to
spare
these
feelings;
and
peace
was
granted
on the
simple
basis of mutual restitution. The
treaty,
however, was not in all
points faithfully
observed
by
the
stronger
side. The Phliasians
restored
Thyamia
to
Sicyon;
but
Tricaranom,
whi(^
belonged
to them, was retained,
first
by
their
lefagees,
and Uien
by
the
Argives,
under
some
barefaced
pretence, which, though
fre-
queotly
summoned, they
would
not submit to
aa
impartial
decision.
Still,
the
practical operation
of the
treaty
was
nearlyequivalent
to a
general peace,
since
Sparta
remained
on the
defensive,
and the
jealousy
which
prevailed
between
Thebes and Arcadia secured her from
danger
of immediate attack. Yet" notwithstanding
tbe
language
put
into the mouth of
Archidamua by
the Attio rhetorician " we find
M
a fact recorded
by Xeno^riion.
which se"ns la
indicate a
degree
of
weakneas,which, it
might
have been
supposed,
must have rendered her
an
easy prey
in her least
powerfulneigbboura.
Though Caiys
had been
taken,Sellasia.near
as
tl
lay
to the
capital, was,
it
seems,
stillin a
state of
open
revolt
;
and it sounds stillmore
strangely,
that it was
finally reduced,
soon after
the
treat)-
was concluded at Thebes, not
by
die
single
force of
Sparta,
but with Uie
co-operation
of a Iresb
body
nf
Syracuaan
auxiliaries sent
by
the
younger
Dionysius,
who had succeeded
his
bther,
and stillmaintained hia
policy
towards
Sparta.
But even after the
recovery
of
Sellasia,
the district of Sciritis,which bad formerly
contributed a
very
usefhl
body
of
tioopa
to the
Spartan
armies, remained,
at least in
greatpart,
hostile.
The
safety
of
Spartadepended
leas on the
strength
of her allies" for she now stood almost
alone" than on the disanion of her enemies.
But the
conflicting
interests of the different
stales, and of the
oppositeparties
in
each,
afibrded her a fair
prospect
of some fa*
vourable
change;
and in the oration whicti haa
just
been mentioned,
the discord and confusion
that
prevailed
in those
parts
of
Peloponnesus
which had renounced their alliance with
Spaita
am
among
the
grounds
of
hope
on which Ar-
chidamns or lacerates insisls. 'ITiis
hope
wa"
in some
degree
fulfilledin the
year
after the
treatyof
Thebes
(385),
when the
jealousy
which
had been
long smouldering
between Elis and
Arcadia burst out into
open
war. It
sprung,
as
wc have
seen,
out of their rival
pretensions
tCf
the
Triphyliantowns,
but it was fostered
l^
their
political
variance
;
for in Ella the oligarchical
party
was now
predominant, while,
in
Arcadia,
the maxims of the
goverrunent,
if
not
tbe
principles
of the
Constitution,
were
strongly
dcmocratical. The first act of overt
lioatility
proceeded
from Elia
;
and it waa connected
with both these causes of mutual
animosity.
A.
party
of Arcadian exilea which had taken
refuge
in
Elis,
with the connivance,and,perhaps,at
the
suggestion
of the
government, surprised
Lasion,
one of tbe
Triphyliantowns,
and a
place
of
greatslrenglh.
The Arcadian
government,
having
in vain
applied
to that of Elis for
restitution, sent an
army
to reduce it. Tbe
Eleana marched to its
relief,
but with a
veiy
small force,consisting chieSy
of two iiands,
described
by Xenophon
as tbe Four Hundred and
"
Three
Hundred,
which seem to have beet"
ned
by
the
oligarchs
out of their own class
I standingguard,perhaps
in imitation of Iba
Sacred Band of Thebes.
They
were mob
put
to
flight,
with a loss of more than SOO
axn, by
the
Arcadians,
who then
pursued
tbeir
inanA,
making
themselves masters of seveial
)dacea
eabjeot
to Elis in their
way.
to
Olyrapia, whera
they
threw
up
an intrenehment on Mount Cro-
ninm, and, having
left a
garrisonthere,proceeded
towards Elis.
They met with no
opposition
until
they
reached the
market-place.
From it
they
were
dislodgedbythe oligarchical
troops,
who earned the honours of
a
tropby
;
but their
presence enconraged
tbe democratical
leaders, on a secret
unrierstanding
with
them,
to seite the citadel. This
attempt,
however,
waa Ukewise liaffled
by
the alertneaa of their
advenaiies,
and
they
were forced to
quit
the
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"^
TVLth ahout too of their adberents. This
panysoonufVernard
took
poMesaioa
of the Ele-
an
Pjlus,
and n-as there
joinedby great
numbers
who flocked in to them from the
capital.
B7
their
perauaBJona
tbe Areailians were induced
to make another inroad into the Glean
territoiy
in the couTee of the same
year.
But
Pellene,
which bad now
again
allied itaelf to
Sparta,
sent a
body
of
troops
Co
guard
the
city,
and the iuTaders contented themseNea with
raTaging
the
plain.
When
Ihey
withdrew,
they
"Dade a forced march into
Aehaia,
and took Olu-
rus, a
placebelonging
to
Pellene,
where
they
collected the whole dcmocratical
party
of the
state,
and fbr some time hanwsed tbe
city
",
bat
the
oligarchB, notwithstanding
the scantiness
of their numbers, at
length
forced them to sor-
reoder the fortress.
Id the
followingspring(364)
the Arcadians
again
inraded Elis. The
Eleans,
in the mean
île,had renewed their alliance with
Sparta,
and B
Spartan
named Soclidaa had been sent to
direct their
militaryoperalions.
It
was, perhaps,
against
his advice that the Etean
general
Andromachus* ventured on
anenga^mcnt
with
the
Arcadians,
in which he was
defeated,
and
Soclidaa was slain. The
Eleans,
now reduced
to
greatdistress,begged Sparta
to make a di-
TeiHion in their
favaur,
and Archidamus was
accordingly
sent into
Arcadia,
where he took
the Utile town of
Cromnus,
in the
neighbour-
bood of
Megalopolis, and,haring
lefla
garrison
there,
returned home. The Areadian
army,
after ithad
ravagedElis,
marehed
against
Crom- nus,
and laid
siege
to it. Archidamns was sent
to its relief,
and
having attempted,
without effect,
to draw off the
heaiegingarmy by
the ra"-
a^
which he inflicted on other
parts
of Arca- dia,
he advanced
upon
Ihe town with the view
of
dislodging
the
enemy
Irom an eminence over
which the line of circumvailalion was carried.
But
having entangled
himself in a disadvajita-
geouB
position,
he was
repulsed,
was himself
^nxiKded,
and lost some of hts
principal
officers.
Id the mean wbOe the Eleans took
advantage
of the retreat of the Arcadians to recovei Pylus
aod another of their
conquered
towns. Tbe
MrriaoD of
Cromnus,
where do
provision
had
Men
made for a
long alege,
fotwd Dteaos of
BOaliing
known to the
govermnent
at bonie that
Aej
cmild not bold out abave ten days
more.f
A "man
body
of tnxm tras sent Ibr their deliv-
fltanoe,
trttichforced ita
wa? by
ni|ht
through
the
intrenchmenta,
and reeaaed afibut about
lOOiWhoBe tightwas arrMtedlntbe
besiegers,
and wbo fellinto theirhands. It
appears,
m"m
Ifae
equal
distribution of these
prisonersamong
tbe
captors
" which, as several of them were
fiMrtans,Xenophon
thinks wotth nocioe" that
lllebea,
Argos,
and Mesaene had contributed
tkeir
oontingentato the Arcadian
army.
The
Arcadians,so soon as
they
hail
recap-
'
H* "" d"KiTJt"sd, "ttnrUu Id Iba
pnaiiil
tuit of ll
Stllniia (m., *,HI, "" i "HiSiis
twajcK"* mitgtin tit
la " Gn*k DwutnM. la Diadiinu
(it., S3) "( fii
"HstioB ofi w^HUw
Tnvxoii
""^ lUiii ptob^lj tl
VHiudtkf In X"ii|itiai.
1 aaaouur a " fnoBnl of CdluduH hi AiIi"bii
z.,"-MS.Ih"
bHiwd
oanrgd
Uu
inulUrenn oTtlu
omdltim thrmgh
" IwTtId"
who,
iL man b"
"apjxaed.i
caind tilliiiamn hidn "imoT^lMHiTig" if m"D"iif 1
"nulm ts "" "BKainl Init of Fimrns. vhicb w
îBMd is Iht
tNBIu
oT JjHdlii u AutcIb u " ttmiii
tared
Cromnus,again
directed theirwhole flJTco
againstElis,and, marching
to
Olympia,
occupied
the sacred
ground.
An
Olympic
festival
was
approaching,
and
they
resolved to
display
their
strength,
and to
mortity
their
enemy
in
the moat aenaibte manner
by celebrating
It under
the
presidency
of
Pisa,
which had not forgotten
its ancient title to this hononr. Its
claim
had, as we have
seen,
been
recognised
former occasion
by Sparta
;
but,though
x'Bs then
very
desirous of
humbling
Elis.
she did not think it
expedient
to commit so important
a trust as tbe care of the national sanctuary,
with all the treasures îch had been
deposited
there
by
the
piety
of so
many gener-
B,
to the mstic inhsbitanlB of a small can-
But the men who were now at the head
of affhire in Arcadia were so far from
being
restrained
by
the same
scniple,
that the
insignificance
of Pisa,as it ensured her subservience to
their views, waa
probably
with them an additional
motive for
settingup
her
aniiqnatedpre- tensions.
Thcshaciowofher oamewasa convenient
cover for the
design
which
theyspem
already
to have formed of
making
use of the
aacred treasure.
Tlie
Eleans,however,
did not
tamely
submit to tbe exclusion
;
but
having
summoned their Achaan allies to their aid,
appeared,
in the midst of the
games,
in battle
array
on the banks of the
Cladaus,
the western
boundary
of the Altis, The Arcadians, who
had been re-enforoed
by
8000
Argives
and 4(K)
Athenian
cavalry,
drew
up
their
troops
within
the sacred
precincts;
and an
engagement ensued,
in which the Eleana routed their enemies.
and
pursued
them nntil
they
were themselves
compelled
to retreat
by
the missiles
dischaiêd
at thetn from the sacred
buildings.During
the
followingnight
the Arcadians were
busily
employed
in
throwingup
an intrenohment to secure
themselves from a fresh attack
;
and the
next
morning
the Eleans, not
deeming
themselves
strong enough
to contend
against
the
advantages
which the
enemy
possessed
in the
ground
and the
brnldinga,
retumed to the
city.
They
had hitherto
passed
for the worst soldiers
in Greece
;
but on this occasloa
they
fbu|ht
with a
spirit
which
Xenophon seems to think
the favouT of the
gods
alone could have inAised
into them.
Somethingmay,
indeed,
have been
due to the
inspiration
of the
place,
where
they
looked
upon
their enemies as
sacrilegious
inlni-
ders
;
but we have
already
noticed another
cause,
which
may
have exerted as favourable
an
induence on their
military
character as the
Sacred Band or *hat of thoThebans.
It was the w- it of
money
to maintain their
standingarmy
that Induced the heads of the
Arcadian
government
to have recourse to the
treasures of the
Olympian temple
; for Xeno- phon,
who had no bias in their
favour,
does not
intimate that
theyapplied
any
part
to their
private
use
;
and
we
may,
therefore,neglect
the
chargebroughtagainst
them
by
Diodorus.* But
it seems that
they might
have
spared
this expense,
if
they
had not chosen to enlist men
whose cirmmBtances did not
permit
them to
serve wlthont
pay,
while cttizensof better coa-
il iaftlidtr,
IsgiUiVnTut
THEBAN VIOLENCE AT TEGEA.
ditioD,
"wtko wrmld have been
willing
to enter
tbe lanks at their own
charge,
were out
called
ouL How far this was the result of democrat-
:cil
jealousy,
which
regarded
the weaJtIiier
dasB with
sospicion,
or of an
opinion
that th"
limes
required men who made war their boIi
tnginess,
and
depended
cq it for their liveli
bood,
is a
questiun
which ne cannut answei
-Ind as little does
Xenopbon ttiTQW
any
light
Bn the motives of (he
opposition,
which
began
im ibe
part
of
Mantinea,to the
pruceectings
of
the
gorerniQent
with
regard
to the sacred treasures.
The avowed
objectionwas,
of
course,
llie
religiousscruple
which
might
be felt
hymen
of all
parties;
but there were
probably
other
springs
at work. A decree was
passed
at
Man-
imea
condemaing
the
sacrilege,
and
directing
ihdt the
money requited
for the
pay
of the Man-
tioean
contingents
should be drawn from the
treasury
of the
city.
The members of the su-
pieDie government,
who were
respoaaible
for
Ae measures thus
reprobated, complained
that
the authora of this decree were
disturbing
the
aaiional union,
summoned them befure the Ten
Thousand, and, as
they
did
not
appear, passed
KDience on them,
and sent a
body
of
troops
to
mest tbcm
;
but the Mantineans shut their
lates against
it. This
example
animated several
members of the national
assembly
to
express
the same sentiments
;
and tho tide now
set in so strongly
this
way,
that the Ten Thou- sand
came to a vote that no more of the sacred
tTEasitre
should be so
employed.
When this
supply
was
stopped,
that
part
of the
soldiery
zhtch
depended
on its
pay
for Bubsistence
quitted
the service,
and their
place was tilled
by
volunteers of a
higher
rank. Tho
change
thus
eStrcted ip the
compositiou
of the
army
alarmed
the
persons
who were liable to be called
to an
ancouut for the
spoliation
of the
Olympian
tem-
pê,
and
they
seat a
warning
to Thebes" which
was, no doubt,
well
grounded,thoughXenophon
aflecisto treat it as a dishonest aitificc" that
Arcadia
was on the
point
of
returning
to the
Spartanalliance,
and could
only
be restrained
by
Tbebaa
ioterierence.
The Theban
govern-
meot
began
to
prepare
for an
expedition
into
Peloponnesus;
but the
party
which now carried
iD before it in the Arcadian
assemblyprevailed
npuD
the Ten Thousand hrst to send an embassy
to Tliebes,
to
deprecate
the threatenrd intcr-
(entiun,
and then to conclude a
peace
with
"lis,
md
to restore
the
Olympiantemple to her.
The
treaty
was ratified, not
onlyby deputies
from an the Arcadian
cantons,
but also
by a
Theban officer,who had been stationed at Te-
gea
with a garrison
of 300 Bieotian
troops.
The
ratiQcalion,per^ps
on this
account,
took
place
at
Tcgea,
aod was celebrated with
gen-
pral
rejoicingsby
the Arcadians. But in the
midst of their
festivity,
the Theban
commander,
Ttu, notwithstanding
his
apparent concurrence,
save that the
peace
must weaken the Theban
inflnence in
Arcadia,
and
was, indeed,designed
for that end, was persuadedby
the Arcadian
magistrates,
who dreaded its effect on their
private
interests to send his
own
men, togeth-
1
tt Kith some ofthe Arcadian
soldiery whi)were [
i:uchod to the
goverameot
which had
supplied
thein with
pay,
to shut the
citygates,
and ar-
mt a
great
number of the
higher
class. The
;i:iuul tlie
prytaneum
were ,"oon
crowded
wjtlk
,
prisoQers.
But as most ofthe Manlineans had
been
induced,by
the shortness ofthe
distance,
to return home
early
in the
day,
very
few of
them were
arrested, though
itwas
against
then
that the blow was
especially
aimed
i yet
thu
outrage
excited no less
indignation
at Mantinea
than if the
hostages
taken from it had beeit
more numerous. The Mahlineans
immediately
called
upon
the other Arcadian towns to
put
themselves in a
posture
of
defence,
and
sent
envoys
to
Tegea
to demand the release of
their
own fellow-c it
liens,
and to
require
that no Ar- cadian
should be
illegally put
to death or
kept
in
prison
-,
oSeringsecurity
for the
appearance
of as
many
as were
charged
with
any offence,
to take their trialbefore the
great
council of
the nation. This firmness alarmed the
Theban,
so that he released all his
prisoners,
and
endeavoured
to
justify
his conduct
by
the
pretence,
naioriously false,
that he had received
information of a
plot
to
betrayTegea to the
Spartans.
The Arcadians would not take their
revenge
into their
own hands,
but sent to Thebes
to
require
that he should bo
capitally punished
for the
outrage.
It
was, indeed,apparently
a breach of
faith,
atid a violationof
justice, scarcely
less
flagraot
than the
occupatioa
of the Cadmea
;
and it is
somewhat
painful
as well as difficnltto believe
that such a man as
Epaminondas
should have
defended the
delinquent,
and have vindicated tho
deed.
AccordingtoXenopbon,
be declared tbiU
the accused officerhad acted iDore
properly
when he arrested the
prisoners
than when he
released them. It was no
less,
he
said,
than
treachery,on the
part
ofthe
Arcadians,to conclude
a
separate peace
without the consent of
the alhea who had
engaged
in the war on their
behalf;
but Thebes
would,
notwithsiandinjt
send an
army
into
Arcadia, to
carry
it on in
cunjunction
with the cantons which still adhered
to her.* The character of
Epaminondas,
stands so much
higher
than that of
as a historian,
that we should have
suspected
some
misrepresentation
in this
slate.
ntent,
if we were not aware that,
among
the
Greeks,
the
strongest
minds and noblest
spirits
"
^
seldom,
if
ever, capable
of
rising
above
prejudices
of a narrow
patriotism,
to which
they
olteu sacrificed
justice
and honour without
shame or remorse. The
language
attributed
to himseemsto
justily
tlie
suspicion
wluch was
loudly expressedby
the Arcadians on (he return
of their
envoys
: that it was iho
object
of
Thebes to reduce
Peloponnesus
to the lowest
stage
of
weakness,
in order the
more easilyto
subject
it to her dominion. Vet
Epaminondas
may
have seen reason to
apprehend
that the
two
great
barriers which he had raised
against
the
power
of
Sparta,
the
independence
of Hes-
seiuaand the
union of
Arcadia,
were
endangered
by
the recent turn of
affairs,
and needed the
presence
of a Theban
army
to secure them. A
generalalarm,however, was awakened
throu^-
lut
Peloponnesus, thoughArgosand Messenia,
'
Bqi i:taHini
qntla
ui
ubitnij umnplian
of Loo'*
\Vntvrrral-GitMekt9, 1.,p. 901),tbxt
Epumnondu
oao-
ioBBd Ihfl
flpoJitlioD of m
Oijaipjiiii tBBiile.
h ii W "
luu
cieu thit hi!
PylkafcnuphibiiMy
naaM bu"
pcliaed bim to
r*fH11 HunJdfB
with ivunnnce, B"t,
]D"4Airer
tb]iinftjhaffeb"D,it d"flBot
apnitlbal
ha wit
xllad
dpDD
(a
tiprtia
an opinion
on (liv
toViiKit,
whioh did
m aOrn ib"
iiMWiQa
of lh" "p"JlUo" into Ptliif
niiiwi
54
HISTORY OP GREECE.
Hnd,
in Arcadia, Megalopolis
and
Tegea,
remained
bound
by
Iheir
peculiar
interesls to
Thebes. The Manlineana took Ihe foremoBt
part
in the
preparaliun
for the
approaching
atruggle.Envoys
were sent to solicitsuccours
against
the threatened invasion,not
only
from
Athens,
but frora
Sparta.
But the
application
to
Sparta
was
accompanied
witb a condition
that the
supreme
cum mand should be exercised
b;
each slate within its own
territory ;
and she
was now content to renew
her connexion with
Arcadia on these
humiliating
terms.
Epaminondas
seems to have felt that Ibe
juncture
was critical for the
ascendency
of
Tbebcs, and that an
cxtraordinaiy
e"brt was
requisite
to break the new hostUe coalition.
The
army
with which be took the field in the
spring
of 382 included the whole force of the
Theban
confederacy,
with the
eiception
of the
Jôoians,
who withheld their
contingent,
alleging
that their alliance with Thebes was
merely defensive,
and did not bind them to assist
her in an attack
upon
foreignstates. But
he was now no
longersupportedby
the
energy
and the counsels of the friend who had hither- to
shared most of his
dangers
and
triumphs.
Thebes had loat
Pelopldas
two
years
before.
I
He fellin battle,
in tbe moment of
rictory.
Da- ring
liiflabsence in
Persia,
the
tyrant
of Phera
had renewed liia attacks on tbe
liberty
of the
Thessatiao
cities,
and had
greatly
extended and
strengthened
his dominion in the
tributary
districts.
After the return of
Pelopidas
to
Greece,
he was
appointed
to conduct afresh
expedition,
which the Thebans were
induced,by
the complaints
of the
Thesaaliansj or
by
their own
jealousy,
to decree
agaiaat
Alexander. But
just
as
be was about to
march, an
eclipse
of the sun
spread
nniversal
dismay
at Thebea
(June 13,
3M). Pelopidas, thoughprobably
littleaffected
by
the omen bimBelr,
did not think it safe to
take the field with
an
army
disheartened
iiyeu-
perstitiouB forebodings,
and
resigning
the ctnn-
mand,
set out for
Theasaly
at the head of about
300
cavalryvolunteers,
and a small
body
of
mercenaries. Ho relied on the
power
of hia
name to unite the Thcssalians
against
the
tyrant,
who he knew
was not safe even in his
own
house. At Pharsalus he collected a force with
wtich be
thought
himself
strongenougb
to seek
his
enemy,
who met him at
CynoscephalE
with
an
aimy
twice as
numerous,
and had
occupied
an advantageousposition
on the
heights
from
which the
place
was named.
Nevertheless,
he
was
dislodged
after a hard
struggle,
and was
slowlyretreating,
when
Pelopidas,
in his
eagerness
for
revenge, pressed
fOTwanl too far beyond
his own hne to force
Alexander,
whom he
saw before
him,
into a
personalcombat,
but before
he could reach him was
overpowered
and
"lain
by
hia
guards.
His
death,however, served
rather to animate than to
dispirit
hia
troops,
w*o
completed
the
victory
which he had
begun,
with the total root and a
greatslau^ter
of
the
enemy.
Tbe most studied honours were
paid
to his remains
by
the Thessalians
-,
and
by
earnest
entreatythey
obtained leave from the The- bans
to
bury
him in Tlieseahan
ground.
His
4eath was soon alter more
fullyavenged by
' '
countrymen-
The
army
which had been at i
placed
under his command
was committed to
Malciies and
Diogiton,
two
generals
not other-
named,
and
tbey
forced the
tyrant,
whose
strength
was'
already
broken
by
the battle of
CynoBcepbalte,
to
resign
his
conquests,
withdraw
his
garrisons
from Phlhiatis and
Magne- sia,
and to enter into a
treaty
with
Thebea, by
which he bound himself to furnish
troops
for
her
service,
in whatever war she
mjghtengage-
Thus the
army
of
Epaminondas was re-ei^
forced
by
a
great
number
ofThessalian auzili-
anes,
in addition to Locrians and EubiEans.
Since the
treaty
with Corinth the
passes
of the
Isthmus were no
longerguarded,
and he
proceeded
without
interruption to Nemea. Her"
be hatted for some
days
in the
hope
of inters
cepling
the
Athenians,
who had not
yet joined
their
PelopoimeBian
allies. This
delay
afforded
time to the Arcadians to collect their forces
at
Mantinea,
and it did not answer its
purpose ;
for the
Athenians,having
been
apprized
of their
danger,
decreed that their
troops
should be
transported by
sea to l^conia. This
was, perhaps,
a feint to deceive tlie
enemy ;
and it induced
Epaminondas
to continue his march to
Tegea.
where he was in the
neighbourhood
of
all his Arcadian
allies,
and his
troops enjoyed
the shelter of a
friendly city. Still,
his situation
soon became
embarrassing,
A limit had
been
prescribed
" we do not know for what reason,
unless it was on account of the harvest "
to the duration of the
expedition
;
and tbe term
was
drawing
near.
Though
on a previousoccasion
he had not been afraid to retain his command
three or four months
beyond
the
legal
period,
he seems now to have
thought
such a
step
impracticable,
and
perhaps
bad cause to
apprehend
that if he
attemptedit,he
might
be abandoned
by
a
great part
of hia northern
troops.
There was also
great
and
continually growing
difficulty
in
providing
for tbe subsistence of
auch an
army ; for,according
to Diodoms.
it
amounted,
alter it had been
joinedby
the Pelo-
ponnesians,
to
30,000
foot and 8000 horae. On
the other hand, it was
necessary,
no less for
the interest of Thebes than for his own
reputation,
that so formidable a host ôuld not have
been
brought
into
Peloponnesus
without effect.
Xenopbon praises
the
judgment
with which be
selected
Tegea
for bis
headquartera ;
but at the
same time
intimates,
that he was
disappointed
in Ihe main
object
of his
expectations,
as bis
presence
did not awe
any
of the hostile stales
into submission
;
and
represents
the resolution
which he
finally adopted
as a sudden
thooght
suggestedby
his
perplexing
situation. It
seems,
however, quiteas probable
that it
waa a
design
which he had
long
before
conceived,
and that
he had
only
been
waiting
at Tegea
for the most
favourable moment to execute it. The
opportunity
which
presented
itself
was,
at least,
one on which he
might
have
reasonably
calcD-
lated. Tbe I.acedKmonian
army,
commanded
by Agesilaus,
waa on its march to
join
the allies
at Mantinea,
and bad taken the road of the
upper
Eurotas
through
Pellana.
Epaminondas
was informed of its
movements,
and when be
learned that it bad
nearly
reached tbe
frontier,
he set out in the dusk of the
evening
from Te- gea,
and
having
marched all
night,
arrived in
the Ibrenoon of the nest
day
before
Sparta.
He
expected
to find It
unguardeo
and defenceless;
bnt,
notwithstanding
the
precantions
wbicb he had used to conceal Ui
intention, A(-
SECOND INVASION OF LACONIA.
66
cBiIaua fasd Teeeived
timelyintelligGnce
or tbe
dinger
from a deseiter, and
appears
to hai
"
turned with a
part
of hia Torces beroie the
mj
arrived. He had at least sent advice to
Aichidainua,
who aeems to have been left at
boote,
and
preparaliona
had been made Tor de-
IcDce. The old tnen and
boye
were
posted
Titli missiles on the roofs of tbe
buildings
in
the skirta of the
city,
and the sTenuBs were
guanledby troops
as far as the scantinesa of
iheir numbers
permitted.Epaminondaa,
however,
crossed the
Eurotas,
and
attempted
to en-
if T the
city
from the northeast. He carried one
of the emineoces nearest the river"
perhaps
Ihalwhich was called the
Acropolis
" and thence
descended
npon
the
Agora,
which
layjust
be-
lav. Bat
Archidamos, at the head ofa chosen
band "
Xenophon says,
fewer than a hundred "
derended its
approaches
with
despemte
valour,
ll
was, perhapa,
at this
juncture
that a
young
Spartan,
Isadaa,
the eon of
Phtsbidas,
with a
fi"im like
a sculpturedApollo,
rushed out of bia
house,
where he had
juat
been
anoinimg
himself
for
exercise,
without
any covering,
but with a
lance in one
hand and
a
sword in'the
other,
and
plunging
into the thickeat of the
fray,
astonished
both friends and
foes,and,
though
he dealt
many
mortal
blows,
did nut receive a wound.
He
was afterward crowned
by
the
ephors
fbr
his
valour,
but mnlcted for the
imprudence
with
rtich he
exposed
his life." Yet his
exploit
sounds less fabulous than that of
Archidamus,
wtio with his hundred men
repulsed
tbe whole
invadingarmy,
though,according
to
Xenophon.
a had not
only
its vast
auperiority
of
numbers,
bn also all the
advantage
of the
ground
in its
farour. We doubt both of these
aBsertions,
which,indeed, seem to be
virtually
contradicted
by
the historian's own admission,
thai when
the
Spartans
advanced a little
beyond
the
pwiad
of the first
encounter, they
were driven
back with losa. The
generalresult, however,
:s
nnquestionable.
The assanlt was baffled
;
and
Epaminoodaa,
not
thinking
it
prudent
to
wait until the
Spartans
should have received the
Mccoora which
theywere
expecting
from Ar- cadia,
determined to retreat.
Having
recross-
"d
Ibie
Eurotas,
and allowed his
troops
a few
baars to refresh
iheroaelves.
and
having
left
a
few horsemen in
ibecamp
to kindle Grea for the
purpose
of
deceiving
the
enemy,
be set out
by
\ae same road,
and made another forced
night
march,
which
brought
him iu the course of the
Kit forenoon to
Tegea.
He had hastened his
retreat,to take advantage
of the absence of the Mantineans and their
ceofederates from their
city.
The
infantry,
after its late
extraordinaryexertions, needed
FFpose ;
but he sent the
cavalry
forward with-
"nt
delay
to Manlinea. The
onlyobject
which
Xenophon assigns
to this
expedition
is
plunder;
and as the harvest had
justbegun,
and the
f*ids were full of cattle and
labourers,as well
u of tbe old and
young
of the free
population,
Ihe
prospect
of
booty
was in itself
sufUcicntly
tempting.
But other writers" who
stjppase
that be moved forward at once with his whole
foice"
represent
him as
aiming
at the
capture
of the
city
itself It aeema
easy
to conceive
thathe bad both
objects
in
view,
and
that,
afler
hi*
in"nlry
had recovered firom its
fatigue,
he
resumed hia march.
Bat,
in the
mean
while,
bis
cavalry
had met with an
unexpected
reaiat-
ance- As soon as the Theban
army
had broken
up
from
Nemea,
the Atheniana abandoned their
purpose
" if
they
ever
really
entertained it" of
sending
their
troops
to Leoonia
by
sea Their
whole force amounted to about "000
men,
and
itwas commanded
by
a
general
named
Hegesil-
ochus, or
Hegesilaos,
nôse
celebrity,
which
would seem to have been considerable m the
books read
by Diodorus,
has
scarcelypreserved
hia name from utter oblivion. The
cavalryap- pear*
to have been about half a
day's
march in
advance
;
for it had
already
taken
up
its
quarters
in Mantinea when that of
Epaminondaa
made ila
inroad;
and it alone ia mentioned
by
Xenophon
: but,according
to other
writera,
the
Athenian
infantry
made its
appearance
in the
distance at the same
juncture*
Tbe
cavalry
sallied out to
protect
the Mantinean fields
;
and
withstanding
the
superior
numbers and high-
reputation
of the Theban and Thessalian
horse,
afler a
hard-foaghtaction,
put
Ihe cne-
'a
Sight:
a
victorywhich,
when we con-
the effect of the
surprise
and tbe
previous
lation on the defeated
side,does not seem
clearly
entitled to the
praise
which
Xenophon
as iflo
prove
his
impartiality"
bestows on it
language
that
migiit
have been
tbonght
in-
apiredhy patriotic
enthusiasm.
nikis second
repulse
rendered it the more
necessary
for
Epaminondaa
to strike some blow
worthy
of his threats and
preparations
before
hia aUotled time
expired;
ao
that,
even if the
enemy
had outnumbered
him,
he must have
been
strongly impelled
to aeek a
general
action.
Hia
forces,however,
weia
so far
superior
as to
afford a
well-grounded hope
of
victory; for,according
to Diodorus,
the hostde
army
amounted
to no more than
30.000
foot and 3000 horse.
And
though
no reliance can be
placed
on thia
stimate,the
proportion
is
proably
not moch
xaggerated.
He had
inspired
his
troops
of
every
name with that ardour and confidence in
their commander
by
which
great generals
form
proud
Arcadians
adopted
the Theban device
of a club on their shields,t It therefore aounda
tittle
strange
that
Xenophon
describes him aa
yielding
with some
degree
of reluctance to the
pressure
of outward
circumatancea.
while the
other side made no
attempt
to avoid an engagement,
but rather waited for it with
eagerness.
Xenophon's languagemight
lead ua to
conjecture
that he had a
presentiment
of hia
approaching
fate
;
but he was used to
say
that
'
desirable death was on a fieldof bat- he
movements of the
Spartana
and
their allies
during
the
operations
of
Epami-
nondas, which we have
jnstdescribed,
are veil-
Xenopbon's
narrative as in a
mist;
and
re even left in doutn whether
Ageailaoa
commanded the Lacedasmonian forcea in Ar- cadia,
for
Xenophon
does not
again
mantitm
his I
count
for Ihe historian's silence than the
king's
absence,
it
may
be considered aa nearly cer-
aflerthe retreat of the Theban
a,
he
t
JirirpAfgrm,
liraXM trsvrit, it Ofrfww fern.
Zmt-
phon'alavntj
hu noinanduB
"
TVtn ""d (fcMaa la
ihi miia] at " oBirni wiilK, wbo nvfcudlT
diKOHH tt"
""
iJiba nuhlMtn. t "tu.,B"(.alIiBp., Ap.
5S
HISTORY OF GRBECE.
BCConipsTuad
tite Arcsdiana who oame t
relief
of
Spnts
back to MiDtineo,
where we
next Sod
tbem, prepared
to
accept
an offi
battle. It
is,however, a dififerent
quei
whether die
aupreme
command of the allied
forces was
assigned
to him
; though
his rank
and
injliiarj' reputation
render this the mast
probablesupposition.*
After
thftengagoment
of
thecaralr;,Epami-
nondas
had,
it
seema,
taken
up
a
poaition
on
the eastern Bide of the
plain
of Mantinea within
riew of the
enemy.
He had made known to
his
troops
his intention of
givingbattle;
and on
the other side there was a like
eipeotalion
of
an immediate contest, which,
itwas
UDirersally
supposed,
would decide the destinies of Greeoe.
But when he
began
to more from his
encampment,
instead of
adTsncitig directly
towards the
enemy,
he turned the bead of his coluion towards
the
Mffnalianrangeofhills,
the western
boundary
of the
plain
of
Tegea,
made a circuitous
xoarch
along
its
skirts,
and at last
again
halted at the foot of the hillsto the west of
Mantinea,so as to Induce the
enemy
to believe
that he meant to
encamp there,
and to avoid
tn
action,
at least for that
day.
The consequence
was,
that their
spirits,
which had been
keptOB the stretch all the
morning by
the
prospect
of the
approachingcombat, relapsed
into
their
ordinarytone,
and their ranks fellout of
fightingorder; and
this,
it
appears,
was the
chief
object
of the evolution. In the mean
while,Epaminondas
made fresh
dispoBitions
for
battle, corresponding
to those of the
enemy,
m
whose
army
the Arcadians
occopled
the
right
wing*,
the Athenians the left
;
the
Spartans
stood next to the
Arcadians,
and the rest of tbe
line was filled
up
with the
Eleans,Achreans,
and other
troops
of inferior
repate, Epami-
nondas formed his
phalanx
in a
figure
which
Zenophon
compares
to the bow of a
galley,
for
the
purpose
of
bearing
on the
right
side of the
enemy'sline,calculating
that a breach made in
itwould decide the fortune of the
day.
He collected
tbe Bceotians and Arcadians in Iront,
and distributed the rest, whom he did not mean
to
bring
into
action,in the back
ground.
The
bulk of his
cavalry
he also fomied into a solid
wedge,
and
strengtliened
it
by sn intermixture
of
lightinfantry,
trained to this kind of service.
This he seems to have destined to act on tbe
same side
against
which he
proposed
to direct
his main attack. But be likewise
posted
a de-
taolunent of horse and foot on aome cminedces
near the
enemy's
left
flank,to
occupy
the attention
of the Athenians. In this order he
again
moved forward to
give
battle. 1'he enemy
hastily
recovered
iheirrunka;but the mood
in which
they
received his onset was no
longer
that of calm or
eager courage.
On the details
of the battle
Xenophon
is
very brief,
Dio-
dorua
redundantly
and
childishly copious; yet
he seems to have read and
spoiled
some better
desoriptiOD.We
may, however,
collect from
botb,
that on
the whole the
jUm
of
Epuunon-
das succeeded in all its
parts.
The AtbeniaDs
were
kept employed,though
in the end
they
were so far victorious over the
troops
immediately
opposed
to
them, as weU as over a
pare
of the
lightinfantry
which fell
upon
them from
the Theban left,as to retain
possession
of the
slain. The
charge
of the Theban and Thessa'
lian
cavalry,
with which the baitle
began,was
completelysuccessful,
and
prepared
for the
deeperimpression
afterward made
by
the shock
of the
pointedphalanx.
But in the moment of
victoryEpaminondas
received a mortal
wound,
and was carried out of the field to a
rising
ground,
from which his
eye,
still
lightedup,
while lifewas
ebbing,by anxiety
for the
issue,
could
range
over the scene of combat. He
would
not,
it is
said,
allow the
weapon,
which
leftin the
wound, to be extracted until he
assured that he had won the
day,
and
eX'
pired
almost
immediately
after. The vanatluns
of tradition as to the hand
by
which he
fell,
prove
the
importance
wbiidk his
contemporaries
attached to the event.
'
Among
the claiinaDis
were a Mantineanâ Spartan,
and a T"ocrian of
AmphiBsa.
The
Spartan's
descendants became
a
privileged family;
the I-ocrian received he-
rcHC honours frranthe Phociana
;
but the Athe- nians,
and the Thebans
themselves,assigned
the deed to
Xenophon'a
son
Gryllua,
who
was
siain in the action, and was honoured
by
the
Mantineans with a
public
funeral and a
statue,
ind
by
his fellow-citizens with a
conspicuous
ilace in a
painting
of tbe battle,
representing
him in the act of
giving
tbe mortal wound
; yet
he served in the Athenian
cavalry,
itis diffi-
t to understand how ho could have encouD-
tered
Epaminondas,
who was at the head of tbe
The has
infantry.
When
Epaminondas fell,
the action was already
decided,
the disorder in tbe
enemy's
line
irretrievable
;
but he leftno one
capable
of
supplying
his
place.
lolbdas and
Daiphantus,two
Theban offiocta whom hs
appears
to have held
high esteem,
were likewise
slain;and,ac-
irdingtoone
of Plutarch's
anecdotea,
when he
lard of their
death,
he observed that it was
"ne for Thebes to rnake
peace.
None
atlempt-
Ito follow
up
the
victory.;
the routed seem to
have fled
only
until
they
found that
titey
were
nut pursued
;
and the Athenians even remained,
masters of a
part
of the field and of the ehitn.
It is
probable, therefore,
that the
carnage. wa"
not much
greater
on the one aide tlian on the
other. Even the
empty
honour of the
bloody
game
was not
undisputed;
both
parties
raised
trophies:
both were forced to send herulds ta
recover their dead.
Xenophon
lets the curiaiik
dro])
on the
field,
and concludes his
history
witb
the observation that
greater
confusion and un- certainty
prevailed
in Greece alter the battle
than before.* Yet itwas not
quite
so fruitless
"d
ignSnn Ihn
palpuU* mituko of Palnwriui "
r,
ohu
Imagiiwd Uiu
ttaj
hid (hi nuthmlT
Eplnu, u ciwd"T DtognH
Jj
"p**''^
""LiSll*
""^
'Hwvft"
"r^rnyoD.ret.
"
IB ainiij,Thii HagenlH*
RESULTS OP THE BATTLB." STATK 07 GREECE. 5T
as he
represents.
It was followed
b^
a
negotiation,
in which (ha Thebans
4nd
Iheir Arcadian
confederates
gained
at least one
advantage
very
important
to
Megalopolis.The;
induced the
allies of
Sparta
to
acknowJedge
the
independence
of
Messenia;
and as
Sparta,swayed by
the CDunseia nf
Agesilaus.
stitirerused to treat
on this
basis,
she was eictaded rrom the
peace
which was mads the
jear
aAor
(361)among
all
the other states. She
had, indeed, tio
reason,
though
thus left
alone,to
apprehend
an immediate
renewal of hostilitiesfrom
any quaner ;
for the
belligerents
were all alike
weary
of
war,
I tuul
any
deliDite
objectsbeyond
the
of tl But
her contest with Thebes had been oae
disasters
;
and the battle of
Mantinee,
in wbioh
she Buflercd a
greater
loss than
any
of her
allies,
extinguishedevery hope,
which she
might
still
have
cherished,
of
recovering
the
position
which
she once
occupied
in Greece. She
had,however,
the consolation to see that none of her rivals
was,
or would be sble to
supplant
her.
The
sceptre had,indeed,
been wrested from her
hands
;
but ithad at the same time been broken
to
pieces.
Thebes
was
obliged
to abandon the
thought
of that
supremacy
for which she had
been
strngghng,
and which seemed at one time
within her
grasp,
and to confine her Tiewa to
the
north,to the
security
of her
sovereignty
in
BiEOtia, and the
strengthening
of her inftuence
in Phticis and
Thessaly.
Not
oecause,
alter the
death of
Fdopidss
and
Epaminondas,
she was
lelt without abfe men to direct her eouaaels and
lead her armies
;
for PammeneB was stillliv- ing,
as
perhaps
were bIso
Gorgidas
and Isme-
i\iaa
i
and itis
probable
that
many
goodoificers,
as well as soldiers,
had been farmed in the Sa- cred
Band
;
the martial
apirit
which had been
roused
by
her
great meo,
and fostered
by
so
many
victories, was not
quenched,
nor was her
ambition moderated
by
the battle of
Mantinea^
but the
events which had
lately
taken
place
must have convinced sU
reflecting
men that it
was no
longerpossible
for
any
state to
bring
all
Peloponnesus
under oae head
;
and that Thebea
had
accnmfriished
the utmost she could now
reasMiably
aim
at,
when she disabled
Sparta
from
aspiring
to
regain
her ancient
suprem-
CHAPTER XLI.
To an enlightened
and
patriotic
Greek the
prospects
of bis
country
must have
appeared
more
gloomy
after the battle of Mantinea than
at
any previousepoch.
The most desirsble of
all conditions for Greece would have
been,
lo
be united in s
confederacy,strong enough
lo
prevent
intestine warfare
among
its
nicmbera,
and so constituted as lo
guardagaitiat
all unnecessary
encroachment on their
independence.
This was the mark towards which the aims of
the nation would have been most wisely
directed.
But
though
the
Amphictyoniee,particularly
that of
Delphi,
afforded not
only
a bint,
but a
groundwork,
which
might
have been
enlarged
and
adapted
to this
purpose ; Chough
(he
Lycian
colonies exhibited an adnirabte
eumpis
of a
Vol. II." H
t
similar anion
;* Ihottgh
the Penian Invasioiw
j
held out a
strong motive,
and a bir
appoitiiDity
for auch an
undertaking
;
itis doubtful whether
the
thought
had ever occurred to a
slu^
Greek
'statesman;
and itis
probsblethat,
ifit had
Bug'
gesled itself, itwould have been
rejected
as a
chimera. The next
good
to this would hava
been the
supremaoy
of some Grecian
state,
powerfulenough
to enforce
peace,
but not lo
crush
liberty.Nearly
such had been that which
Sparta
eieroised over the
Peloponnesisn
confederacy
before the Persian war. And,
for
a
few
yeara
after,lliedivision of
power
between
Sparta
and Athens
might
have seemed to
promise
the attainment of the
blessing,
io a difTersnt
form
indeed,
but in one which aflbrded belter,
seourit;
for freedom than could have been en-
Joyed
under the
sway
of either alone. Bui tb*
restless ambition of Athens soon
destroyed
th9
eqatpoise
on which these
hopee rested,
and
plunged
the nation into
grealer
calamities than
It would
probably
have incurred if all itsstate*
had been left
ahsolntelyindependent
of eactt
other. The
only
benetii which could hnve compensated
for the evils of the
Peloponnesisnwar,
wouM have been the
conviction,
which it
ought
to have
produced,
of the
necessity
of national
union under a mild bul firm federal
government.
But the lessons of the
past
were lost
upon
thoatt
whose conduct wae
chiefly
to determine the future.
Sparta
was not warned
by
the
example
of
Athens;
she
tbrewaway
a
goldenopporta-
niCy
of
establishing
her own
sscendency
oh the'
tranquillity
and
happiness
of
Greece,
forfeited
-
the confidence of her
allies,
and
proved,
for IhM
instruction of those who
might
have fancied
that the misrule which Athens exercised abroad
was oonnected with the
peculiar
character of
her domestic
institutions, that the dominion of
an
oligarchy might
be "itUlmore oppressive
to
its
foreign dependants
Sian that ofa
democracy.
Thebes, in her
turn, even under the sdministra-
tion of
Epominondas
"
thoughprobably
without
any
fault
on his
part
" wasted the
sympathy
and
admiratioQ which she had attracted
by
the
wrongs
she
suffered,
and
by
the
energy
with
which she
avenged them, through
her
tyrannical
treatment of the Bieotian
towns,
and the-
apirit
in which she had interfered in the affair*
of
Peloponnesus.
The time had
passedby
when
tliB
supremacy
of
any
state could either have
been
willingly acknowledgedby
the
rest,
or imposed
upon
them
by
force.
The
hope
of
any
favourable
change
in the
general
condition of Greece wsa now become
fainter than ever. The immediate result lo bo
expected,
unli^ss some extraordinary
interference
should avert it,was,
that she would
graduallywaste her
strengthaway
in a eeries
of domeetic wara. It
was,
however, possible
that this
lingering decay
mi^bt
be
interrupted
by
a sudden
revolution,
whioh
might subject
her either to some native
tyrant,
auch as Ja- son
or
DlonysiuB,
or to a
foreignytike
But at
the time which our history
has now reached,
no
danger
of this kind could be
thought
near
enough
to diaturb that sense of
geaeralsecurity
which had
prevailedever since the Persiaa
wars,
and which
permitted
and
encouraged
each
state and
party
lo concentrate its attention oti
ils
own aîrs,and to look with indifferenceor
p.
sn,101.
\^lc
se HISTORY OF GREECE.
M which did pot affect its
particular
and immediate welfare.
Notwithstanding
the destructiTB
struggles
of bo
many geaera-
tions,
Greece was stillin the
pi-ime
of her
vigour.
The forces which had been
brought
iaio
the field at the battle of
Mautineo,
if
they
had
been
arrayed
oa oae aide,might
have defied
tbe attack of
any power
then known to the
Greeks. Towards whatever aide
they might
turn
their
view,they
could
descry
no reaaona- 1
ble
ground
for
apprehension.
In the
west,
all
theeffoitsof the
Carthaginians
had been baffled
by
the resistance of
Syracuae.
In the
east,
the
Persian
empire
had owed ita
safety
to
the divisions
of the
Greeks,
and their mercenaries formed
the
strength
of ita armies. There
was,
indeed,
a
danger,
and
very
near at hand
;
bnt it
was one which no human
sagacity
could
yet
have
perceived
;
and the
quarter
from which it
arosn
was. perhaps,
the laat to which
a statesman
would have looked for the
enemy
who
-was lo crush the
independence
of Greece. The
state of
Macedonia, the seat of the new
power
,
which was destined
soon (o become so formidable,
bad hitherto been such as but
very slightly
to attract the atteution of the
Greeks,
and
stillless to awaken their fears. Since the close
of the
Peloponneaianwar,
we have but
rarely
found occasion
to
mention it
at
all,and, whenever
ita name baa
occurred,
we have seen it
rather
passively
than
îvely
connected with
Greciaa
politica.
As we are now about to enter
OB a
period
in whicb it will
appear
in a
very
difleronl
point
of
view,
thia will be the fittest
place
for such information
as we are
able to
collect
concerning
the
leading
events
of ita
past
history,
which have not been
yet noticed,
and
which
may
serve to
give
a clearer
insight
into
its condition at the
epoch
which we have ar-
The weaknese of the Macedraiian
monarchy
in tHe
reign
of that Penliccas who filled the
throne
durjpg
the
grealer part
of the
Pelopon- neaian
war " from 454 lo 413" is
betrayed,
not
only by
the feeble resistance which it offered
to
the
Odrysian invasion,but
by
the
duplicity
and
intr*vJesto which Pcrdiccaa found himself
"bl."ed
to resort in his transactions wilh the
leadingstates
of Greece. And
we
learn from
Thucydides,
that at his death the
counliy
was
extremely
deficient in the
means
both of inter-
and of defence. A n
began
with the
reign
of bis successor Arche-
laoB,who, according
to an account which
Tiave no reaaon to
question
oa to the n
facts,*was an
illegitimate son of Perdici
mounted the throne
by violence,
and secured
himself on it
by
the murder of the
rightful heir,
and,
it
seems, by marriage
with bis father's
widow, Cleopatra,*
But the
atrocity
of the
crimes
by
which he
usurped
the crown was
lost in the lustre of his
reign.
He
may
be considered
as
having
laid the foundation of Mace- donia's
Bubacquent greatness,
in the
roads,
walled towns, and
fortresses,
which were liia
principal monuments,
and
by
the establishment
of
a
regular
force of
cavalry
and
infantry,
stronger
than had been maintiiined
by
any
of
his
predecessors.Still, the actual
powerof
his
liingdoni
does
not
appear
to have been
very
considcr^ly enlarged.
For
we
find that he
was fain to terminate a war in which he was
engaged
with Sirras and Arrhabeus "
apparently
the
princes
of
Elymea
and
Lyncestis "
by
bestowing
the hand of one of bis
daughters
on
the
Elymean :t and when
Pjdna,
one
of the
maritime towns on the Thermaic
Gulf,
revolted
from
him,
he reduced it with the aid of
an
Athenian
squadron
commanded
by
Therame-
nes,
and then removed it to a new site between
two and three miles from the
coast,
where he
Iffobably
expected
to bold it more under bis
conlrol.t Nevertheless,
his
reign seems,
od
the
whole,
lo have been
peaceful
and
prosperous
;
and
perhapsby friendly
relations
to
Ath- ens,
which towards tbo close of the
Peloponne-
sian war was no
longer
formidable to him, contributed
to
preserve
that
tranquillity
which
enabled
him not
only
to execute the works which
we
have
mentioned,
but to cultivate the arts
of
peace
beyond
any
of his
predecessors.
It
eeems (o
have been his
objectto
transplant
the
hterature,
the fine
arts,
and even the
philosophy
of
Greece, particulnrly
of
Athens,
into his
kingdom.
He induced
Euripides,
the favourite
poet
of the most refined Athenian
circles, lo take
up
his residence in
Macedonia,
where "lie ended
his
days. Agathon
likewise, a dramatist of
high reputation,
and
Timotbeua, a
celebrated
master of music and of
lyricsong,
were also
among
hie
guests.
It is somewhat
surprising,
flh"ladB.th* foqndn of
^g". *Qd thA
mugmitat
of Ih*
TQjaHIIDV,
WKI ui
"dTBDCIinr "
though "
flenclaid
bj binh
mtatifmmhBfQTeiôneEBinbjwSofnb
Id br PUu
ihoKM IhccuiLitrophe(tf0"flua
^riiliMla, Pol.,T.. 8, niiia]iiirHl wilh PI"Io,n. i.
""" -""
'''tt*''"
nSfiur Im he-n
wrillinTn
It
"
Iht AlhoDnnl eicilfl*^ths
propla
of iS^n^
to nbal.
"D ftDd tuppoTLAd
Ihem in
il,^' wu millrd"
nftturmllx
oagh
for ODB wbo held Lhe i^^ itarn"d Id
profaand
con-
ARCHELAUS." AMYNTAS H.
tot IS a
Tact
snfGcientlyatleatîl,
that SocrBtea
Wi! one
of the
foreipiera
whom he invited
;
perhaps
because he had heard of him
as the
fjy.test and most accomplished
of the Athenian
Miphists.
Socrates, we are informed,
declined
t^Ltlavitation,because he would not lire in a
pbce
where he most
receive benefits which he
could not
requite;
alluding,
it
maj
be, to the
rhancter orArchclaus, of whom he is said to
hire observed,
that he had taken
more pains
lo
ibmish his house than his cnind. Archelaus
lirl
engaged
Zeuxis of
Heraclea. one
of the
nrist famoas
painters
of the
day.
at an
expense
of
nearly
seven talents, to adorn his
palace,
ifhirtidrew
many strangers
to Pe!la
by
the re-
Viitirfitsinagnificence.*
And it
was. perhaps,
Hi"fly
with the view of
attractingforeignera,
inA thus
encouraging
trade and
commerce
^tinGg
hia
subjects,
that he instituted a festival
zril
^mM
in imitation of those of
Olympia,
at
.Lj^. But there is
no reason to believe that
Ur^ refinements of the court
produced any
Vnîblr
eO^t on
the main
body
of the
nation,
irht-h.so
far as we can judge
from the biota
Eirvn by Tbncjdides, seems
hitherto lo have
it*B
very imperfectly
eiviliied.t It
probably
retained ita
simple
habits"
-more nearlyresem-
tl:i^
those of the heroic
ages
than of Greece In
'ê fifth
cantaiy
B.C " as
itoontinued to
apeak
i Mmi-barbBrian dialect,compounded,
it would
appear,
of
Pelasgian
and
lUyrianelements,
with
a miilure of the later Greek. Whatever taste
vas introduced for the
punuits
of
art,acience,
mi
liler3tai",aaema to have been confined to
lie
higber
claaees
;
and
aa
there
are strong
in-
il-cuiona that it was
accompanied
with
great
")mip(iaa
of morals in the court circle,!
it
Iras, perhaps,hîpT
for the
people
that it
was
cot. and emitd not,
be
morawidely
diffibsed. It
Kis
partlybj
Xbe
indnlgenoe
of odious
vices,
t"ioagfa putly
ajao
by
the abnae which he anf-
fen^
Eoriindes
to nuke of his
favour,
that Ar-
FL^rlaos
provoked a conspiracyamong
bia
conT'
ins. by
whom he was mnrdered in the fonr-
Mntb
year
of hia
reign.f
If ArcheteDS moniited the throne in the
man-
KT which has be"n related on the beat
rematning
lotborit;,
we can
the
more easily
anderstand
tow it
happeneA
that his
dynastywaa
of short
"Jomian. He was succeeded
by
Orestes,
appa-
natlyhisyotmgeat
son by Cleopatra, ^ropus,
tt#
young
prince'sguardian,
suifkred
him nomi-
ijUt to reign
four
years,
but then
despatched
liUD,and seised the crown for himself He was
pmbaUj encouraged by
the recollection that his
"anj'g title was
founded
ou a
like
usurpation,
Ai all
events,
we find no need " as there is
no
'-
"(orlcal CTidence " for.the
conjecture
that this
rnuige
of
dynasty
waalhe leaali of
a reaction,
'idertaken
by
a
party
which interest
or preju-
''""" attached to the ancient slate of
things,
introduced
by
Arcbela-
n
1,1AttIkUiu, tbt Hiht of shrUinlian mi djflbHil
:tH nomual nlltri of Mtndoiw. Thu ia toj lamt
US* The
success
of
^ropus
appears
to btve
called forth other more legitimate
claims lo the
throne. He. indeed,
died
a natural
death,
after
a
reign
of six
years :
buthis sonPansanias
waa
assassinated in the
year
of bis accession
by a
representative
of the old
royalramily,Amyntaa
IL,
whose
grandfather,
of the
same
name,
was
a
younger
son
of
King Alexander,
the contemporary
of Xerxes. The
reign
of
Amyntaa,
which
began 394, was
disturbed
by
diaaeters
and vicissitudes which
we have
already
had
occasion to
notice,
and which for
a time threatened
the Existence of Macedonia
as an independent
state. We
may
here add that the II-
lyrians. by
whom he
was expelled
from his dominions
rer^soonafter his
accession,appear
to have
supported
the claims of
a pretender
named
Argieua,! who,
in
fact,
remained in
possession
of the throne for two
years,
at the end
of which
Amyntaa,
with the aid of the Thessa-
Hans " that
is,probably,
of the same
great
faxa-
ilies whom
we
afterward find connected with
the
kings
of Macedonia " regaineda
fooling
in
a
part
of hie territories
;
but it
was not unit!
Sparta
had broken the
power
of
Olynthus
that
he was able to recover the whole. We
are not
distinctly
informed of
any
subsequentirruption
of the
lllyrians
into Macedonia
; yet Amyntaa
muBt have been
again
threatened
by them, and
have felt himself too weak for reaiatance, if,as
Diodorus
relates,
he
consigned
bis
youngest
son
Philip
to them as a
hostage.
And we
would not
reject
this statement because it has
been combined with
one scarcelycredible,
thai
the
lllyrianslodged
their
boatage
at Thebes.
Amyntas
continued to hia death
(370)
in close
alliance with
Sparta;
but he also oulcivated the
friendship
of
Athens, more especially
towards
the eloee of his
reign,
when the interests of
Athens and of
Spartabegan
to concur
in
opposition
to Thebes
;
be
professed
to favour the
claims of the Atheniuis aa
Amphipolis,!
and
took
M
much
pains
to oonciliate the
good-will
of
Iphieratea,
that he ia said to have
adopted
him
as
hia
aon.f
These transutions do not tend to
convey
the
impresaion
that Macedonia wu in
b flouriah-
ing
condition under
Amyntaa.
It is aurronnd-
ed
by powerful enemies,
and ia
only
enabled
lo maintain
a precarious
existence
by foreign
aid. In the
period
which intervened between
his death and the accession of hia
son Philip,
it
lalraured under the evils of
a disputedauoces-
sion and intestine
warfare,
while it was still
threatened
by
the same
formidable
neighboars.
~
Amyntas
letl three
aona, Alexander,Perdiooas,
and
Philip,
then thirteen
yean
old, Alexander
II. had arrived at manhood,
aaaumed the rains
of
government
without
opposition,
and
on the
occasion which drew him, as we have
aeen,
into
Thessaly
to aid his father's old allies
against
the
tyrants
of
Pheree,
discovered
signs
of
an
"
Thii
caDjHtni
Itpa.
not b4Tq lîQl
npcoi
W irhahwli
3a. H"
would.
buHd oarnhnif
kr
89
HISTORY OP GREECE.
erdrnpnaiogspirit.
We are not infortned as to
the
oripn
ol the contest in which he was en-
gagedwith PlolemyorAloniB;
wedonotknow
whether
Ptoleniy
was in
any way
retated to
the
rojalfamily,'
nor whether he laid claim to
the crown
;
t but it seems ciesr tb^ be waa
fatonred
by
the
queen, Eurydioe,
the widowed
j
mother of the three
priBcea. Peitaps
it was
her
qusrrei
that he
espousedagainst
her eldest
son,
whose
death,
when he was
treacherously
"
mardered
by Ptolemy or
his
emissaries]:in the
'
second
year
or bis
reign,
appears
at least not
,
to hare eiciled her resentment
against
tbe assassin.
The account or Diodorus and
Plutarch,
that
Philip
was
amoog
the
hostages
delivered
to
Fek^ldas
when he came to aifaitrsRebetween
|
Alexander and
Ptdemr,
contradiols the testimony
of the
oODlemporar;
orator iEschines,
who relates that
Philipwas stilJin Macedonia
at the time of bis eldest brother's death. The
authority
of
."sehines,indeed,cannot be deemed
conclmive as to all the
particniais
which he
mentions,
aod it
might,therefore,
be
suspected
that he had beeo misinformed with
re^rd
to
the
precise
dat" of the soeue which he describes,
and that it took
place
in tbe
reign
of
Alexander,^
Bat we are inclined to
adopt
Ibis
part
of his
narrative,
as,
on the
whole, most
probable
in
itself, though
it still raises
great
difficulties
as to the occssioit on
which
Philip
was carried
away
to Thebes.
According
to
Plutarch,
after the murder of
Aleiaader,
which
most have
happened very
soon after the ctun-
promise,Pelopidss.
who was in
Tbessaly
on
bis second
expeditionagainst
the
tyrant
of
pW", was iQTitod into Macedonia
by
the
friends of the deceased
king,
and
obUged
Ptol- emy
to enter into an
engagement
to
preserve
the crown for the
yoonger
brothers,
Ptolemy,
it is
said,
gave
fiftyhostages
as a
security
fur
'
the
performance
of his
promise,among
whom
was his own eon PhiloTenas. It
seems more
natnral that
Philip
shoald hare been committed
to tbe
custody
of the
Thebans,
under theee circumstances,
than on
the occasion of the contest
between
Ptcdemy
and Alexander
; especially
if
Eui^dice
was
generally
believed to have been
",er son's murder-
I
with which she is
chargedby
some laterwriters
I
"and ifshe was
suapecled
of a criminal inier-
" course with
Ptolemy : a
suspicion
which
seem*,
I
at
leeat,to have been entertained at a subse-
I
quent period,
and which is
strongly
conHrmcd
by
her
acquiescence
in the morderor's
authority,*
But from .lEschines
we learn
that,soon alter
Alexander's
death,a new
pretender
to the
crown,
named
Pausanies,
appeared
in Macedo- nia,
made himself master of several
towns,
and
was
snpportedby a
very
powerful pariy.
It
happened
that at this
junctureIphicrales
was
on the
coast,
in command of a small
squadrnn
destined to act
againstAmphipolis, Eurydice
sent to him
toraquestaninterview;and,when
he
came, placed
her two sons in the attitude of
suppliants
at his
knees,
and
reminding
him of
the
proofs
of
re^rd
which he had received from
Amyntas, implored
his
protection,Iphicrates
was moved
by
her entreaties to turn his anus
against Pausanias,
and
expelled
him from the
kingdom,
,"schinea
represents Ptolemy as at
this time
regent,
and as one of the
parties
oblig"dby
the intervention of
I]riiicrateB
;
t thus
clKartyindioating
that he made common ttauee
with the
queen.
It is
certainly
difficnitto conceive
how, after this
event,
Pelopidas
could
have been invited into Macedonia in the manner
described
by
Plutarch, But this
difficulty
is
scarcely
a sufficient
ground
for the
supposition
that j"schines wsa mistaken as to
Philip'i
presence
at the Interview with
Iphicrates.t e^
,peciaUy
as the orator himself alludes to
a trca
ty
into which
Ptolemy
afterward entered witt
the Thebans, It
may, therefore,
be safest U
conjecture
that
Pelopidaewas called in
bysomt
frimda of the royal
family
to shield it fron
the
danger
with which it
might
well seem u
he threatened
by Ptolemy's
ambition.
Plolein;
keptpossession
of the
government
three
ytârs
Diodorus
simply
aays
that he
reigned
so
long
probably, however, he never sBsumed
any
othe
title then that of
regent, tbougli
he
may
liav"
had no intention of ever
resigning
his
power
1'
the
rightful
heir. And it was
perhaps
as mud
in
selMefeiice,as to
revenge
his brother's ttiui
der or his mother's
shame, that Pordiocaa ktUe'
him
(364),
Concerning
the
reign
of Penliccas III. \v
B Ibftawl by I""b"U]iDBS, vu mlterwaid uit"- mi. ;]id not ihrur
"inuu. ud kk nktifH Iboaiht it
pniilut
lu nmaia
bii
,
' '
inful
4*BghMn tnihslUru Olnllmi. Ud
wu,
Ihne-
\
foEViniiA
pTobaUj
nurrienid by
tlu fnirodt of Al"
-*pmftpt bjtreata
of Fin*""-
" i-'i"' -",-
PtiijiBr" wbaBh* enildnot
t Bui FlailM (i.,p. W)
It
PERDI00A8 illl.-^PmUP AT THEBES.
"l
"ve
but
Terr
waMrMfbrniatiDa
;
but all tkat
f/e tinovr of bim leads ua to conchide tbat be
xras not
deficient in
spirit
and
ability.
He
re-
tisted the
attemptB
of the Atheoians on
Amphip-
"lis.and
appears
to have
gained
sMue advan-
.a^
OTer them,
either in war or
by negetiatiOQ,
He was alao a
petroo
of arte and
letlen,and,
tke Archelaus,
is aaid to have shown an im-
irudeoc
partlalttf
ror Home of the learned men
vhom be drew to his ooorL We bear that one
Suphraus,
a Eabcean of OreiiB,
acquired
anch
"lluenc" orer him,and so foolishly
abused
it,
IS to exclude
^
guests
"om the
royal
table
vbo oould not contribute to the cooTersation
ly
their scientibc or
philosophical accomplisb-
nents.
Though
there
may
be some
exaggera-
.ion in this
slatemeut,
it seems
osrtain that he
"ecame powerfulenough
to exaite rehement
ndlgnaiton
in some of the courtiers,
and thtt
I was
chiefly
in
rercnge
for (he insolence
nhicb he had shown in his
prosperity
that he
vaa
altsrtrard
put
to death at Oteoa
by
the
Macedonian
general
Parmenio.*
Psrdiccas,
Mwever,
does not
appear
to have
neglected
the
luties of his station. He look the field
aîost
he
lllyrians.
hut was defeated and slam
by
hem in the fiAh
year
of bia
reisa.
He left
an
Qftnt son named
Amyntaa.t
At the time of Ihia event
Philip
was
twenty-
hree
years
of
age.
Diodorns
eupposea
that he
nas stillat Thebes, bot that,on
receiving
io-
"Uigence
of hia brother's death,
he made his
"eape,
and
suddenlyappeared
in Macedonia.
t
:t ia not
difficultto understand how the
atory
nay
have taken this form : a
hostage
eo
impor-
ant. it
might easily
be
supposedby
writers ac-
juainted
with his
subsequenthiatory,
would not
lave been
willingly
surrendered
by
the The-
"ans :
it is
certain,however, (ram better au-
lioriiy,
that he had been
already
restored to
lis
coontr;, and,
it is
probable,early
in the
'cign
of
Perdiocas,
When the Thebans could
lave no motiTe far
detaining
him. Eitrava-
;3nily
aa aonte
modem writers have
indulged
.heir
imagination
with
regard
to the
manner in
vhich hit time was
employed during
bis bo-
ourn at Thebes,
it ia
hard^possible
to over-
rate the
importance
of the
opportunities
tt afforded
him for the
acquisition
of various kinds
of
knowledge,
or (o doubt that he availed hhu-
aelf of them with all the
energy
and
perseverance
which
belonged
to his character. It
ia,
pertaps,
less
pHriiable
that (he house of
Polym-
nis,the fiitber of
"paminondas,
should have
been chosen for hie
residence, aa Dtodoms relates,
than that of
Pammenes, according
to
Plutarch's statement
;"
and the fahle of bis
Pythagorean
studies "
"worthy
of Diodorus " is
below criticism.t But a certain tinctare -of
philosophy
waa at this time deemed almost an
indispensablerequisite
in
a liberal education.
The fame of
Plato,who
had,no doubt,
many
admireiB and
disciplesat litebes, could not
but
engage Philip's
attention and awaken his
curiosity.
We do not undertake to determine
whether the relations
anbsisling
between
Thebes and
Athens, during
his
slay
in
Greece,
wore Bueh as permit us to
suppose
(hat he visited
Athena, or became
personaUy acquainted
with thefounder of (he
Academy;
but i[seema
an almost inevitable
Inference,
fhim a fact attested
b; contemporary evidence,
that some
kind of communication look
place during
this
penod
between Piato and
niUip,
which lm~
presaed
the
philosopher
with a ftvonrable
opinion
of the
pnnce;
and it is not too
bold,
ifit be
not an
indispensable conjecture,
that
Philip's
esteem and admiration for
Aristotle,
of which
he afterward
gave
so remarkable a
pmnf,
had
ita
origin
in an
seqaaintance
fonned at the
same
epoch. Speusippus,
Plato's kinsman and
favourite
scholar,
related
that,
by
Plato's recommendation,
conveyed throughEnphrtens,
Per-
diceas was induced to bestow a
principality, by
wayof appanage,
on his
brother,
who
was,
consequently,
in
possession
of
it,
and in Macedonia
when the throne became vacant. The authority
of
Spensippus
must be deemed autBcient lo
ptaco
the snbstance of this account
" the
grant
itself,
and his uncle's recommendation "
beyond
question-.
nor is there
anything
in the slisbtest
degree improbable,
or
inconsistentwith the
known characters and situation of the
perties,
in
any
one of the
particnlars ; only
it
may
be
necessary
to observe,
that it does not fallow
tiiat
Philip's
retura to Macedonia waa effbcted
throng
Plato's
mediation,or that Plato had
been
previoosly
in
correapondence
with Per-
diccas. The
king
had no reason to be
jealous
of his brother
;%
and after the death of
Ptolemy,
the Thebans, aa we have
alreadyremarked.
*
The Tkbc:
"ipnutof
tMiill/Kd... .
.
wuH"( liBwjm liiioxpodiwUfor
iwHTinriL
trtUonift]
on
iL
lo
hiiDOU on ivi.,
%__
The mthk
LiitbooolTpoiot
o"
tHaOg* at ThoMo"
Phili"'i 1ir"""i"oimll;
u Dio
CLirviMea
'li.,
p. tO,
cho limo 1^
I""mf"tiUDOi,mr^bE bftve tffiirdcd4 Icâflkr
innclivo ^
bin no intvUiffOBE entic irlH tlunk tbiim iniP-
t Ji io
o
morelT
nrtilrarycooj^rLan
of Flfclba'l (i.,p.
m Out Ptiiiip'i
Join
Id obUin the
eo^rronTOTii
of a Mn-
hiu uid PtzdjDCb, which wi
'!p
HISTORY OF OBEEOE.
could not hsTe wiihed to detain him. It
is,
tberefore, probable enoogb
tbftt the term
of
three
jean
afisigaed
to his
stay
at ThebcB,
though
not on the best
authority,
is not far
from the truth. It woald be ths
part
or his life
which ititervened betv-een the
age
of sixteen
and of
twenty.
It
was, undoubtedly,
not the
study
of
philosophy,
either
speculative
or
practical,
that chiefly
occupiedPhilip's
attention
during
this
period.
To the
society
in which il wae
passed
he
may
have been
mainly
indebted for that command
of the Greek
language
which enabled him both
10 write and
Qpeak
itwith a
degree
of ease and
elegance
not inferior to that of the most
practised
oraton of his
day.
But the most
important
advantages
which he
gained
from his
stay
at Thebes were
probably
tlerived Irom the
military
and
political
lessons with which the
conversalion of
generals
and statesmen liho
Epaminondas, Pelopidas,
and their
friends,
could not failto abound. It was
by
them that
the an of war bad been carried to the
hiêat
pcdnt
it had
yet
reached in Greece
; or,
rather,
they,
more particularly
Epaminondaa,
had
given
it a new form,
and the details of their battles
and
campaigns
would be
eagerly
collected
by
an
intelligent
and ambitious
youth.
Thehea
was at this time the
great
centre of
political
movements
" the
point
from which the condition,
interests,
and mntnal relations of the
Greek slates
might
be most distinctly
surveyed.
Here, too, were to be
gained
the clearest
ideas of the state of
parties,
of the nature and
working
of
republican, especially
of democrat-
ical institutions;
here, probably,Philip
learned
many
of those secrets which oAen enabled hiro
to
conquer
without
drawing
the sword. And
as he was placed
in one of the most favourable
positions
for
studying
the Greek
character, so
the need which his situation
imposed on
him
of continual caution and self-controlmust have
served
very greatly
to
sharpen
bis natural sagacity,
and to form the address which he afterward
displayed
in
dealing
with
men,
and winning
tbem for hia ends. What were the impressions
made
upon
his taste and
feelingsby
bis residence at Thebes it would be vain to inquire
;
but it isremarkable that there are
parts
of his
political
conduct which it is not
easy
to
explain, except
on the
supposition
that he viewed
Athens with a certain
degree
at
predilection,
which inclined him, where his own interests
allowed
liberty
of
choice,to favour her at
the
expense
ofher Bceotian rival.
Nature had
giAed
him with almost
every
quality
that could St him for the station whioh
he was
destined to Gil : a frame of eitraordina-
17
icbusiness,
which was no doubt well trained
in the eierciaes of the Theban
paliestras
;
a
noble
person, a commanding
and
prepossesaing
mien, which won
respect
and
inspired
confidence
in all who
^preached him; ready
eloquence,
to which art
only applied
the cultivation
requisite
to
satisfy
the fastidious demands
of a rhetorical
age; quickness
of
observation,
acuteness
of
discernment,
presence
of
mind,
fertility
of
invention,
and
dexterity
in the
management
of men and
things.
There seem to have
been two features in bis
character,
which, in
another
station,
or under different circumsUn-
e"B, might
have
gone
near to lower him into an
Mdinaiy
penon,
bat vrhldi were so oontroDcd
by
his fortune as to contribute not a littleto his
success.
He
appeara
to have been
by
his tem- perament
prone
to almost
every
kind of sensual
pleasure;
but as his hfe
was too
busy
to allow
lim often to
indulge
his
bias,
his occasional ok-
"sseB wore the air of an smiable condcscen-
lion. So his natural humour
would, perhaps,
have led bim too often to
forget
his
dignity
in
his inlercoarse with his inferior*. But to Phil- ip,
the
great king,
the
conqueror,
the restless
pohtician,
these intervals of relaxation
occurred
so rarely,
that
they might strengthen
hia
influence with the
vulgar,
and could never expose
him to
contempt.
From thai he was secured
by
the
energy
of
will,
which made all his
faculties and
accomplishments
of mind and
body,
and even bis
failmgs,
as well as what
may
be called in a lower sense his virtues " his
aflhbility, clemency,
and
generoaity
"
always
subservient to the
purposes
of his
lofty
ambition.
A moral estimate of snch a man's character
is
comprised
in the bare mention of his
rulingpassion,
and cannot be
enlargedby any
investigation
into the motives of
particular
actions
;
and it is
scarcely
worth while to con-
aider him m
sny
other
light
than as sn instrument
of Providence for
fixing
the
destiny
of
na-
'Tbe time had come when all these
qualities
and attainments were to be called forth into action,
and were to be matured in a new and
harder school of
practical experience.
The situation
in which be was
placedby
his brother's
death was one of
great apparentdifficulty
and
danger.
As the nearest kinsman of the
royal
infant,he,
of
course,
immediately
took
charge
of
the
government ;
it is
possible, indeed,
that it
was committed to him
by
Perdiccas when ho
set out on his
expedition.
The throne which he
bad to defend was threatened
by
enemies in
many quarters.
The
lllyriana
had not taken
advantage
of their
victory
to
carry
their arms
farther into the
country.
The main
body,
at
ieaat,
had returned home with their
booty.
But
they
were said to be
collecting
their forces for
a fresh invasion,
and from tbe
language
of Uio-
dorus* it would even seem as if
they
still retained
possession
of some Macedonian districts
or towns
adjacent
to their frontier The western
provinceslay
at their
mercy.
Tbe Pieoni-
ans,
the nearest
neighbours
of Macedonia towards
the
north,
seized the
opportunity
to
make an inroad for
plunder.
At the same time.
the juncture
invited two
pretenders
to
put
forward
their claims to the
crown, or,
rather,to
use them aa a
pretext
for
seizing
it
by
means
of
foreign
aid.
Pansanias,no doubt the competitor
of
Ferdiccaa, who,
aa we have
seen,
had
been
expelledby IphJerates,
obtained
promises
of aid fnun the
King
of
Thrace,perhapsCotys,
whose dominions included most of the maritime
provinces
of the
Odrysianempire;
and he
might
reckon on
findingmany partisans
in
Macedonia,
where be had been so
stronglysupported
but a
few
years
before.
Argteus.loo,
the old adversary
of
Amyntas, appears
to have revived his
pretensions,
unless he hod transmitted them to
a
younger
claimant of the same name.
Argo- ns,
whoever he
may
have
been,
had
gained
the
Atbenians over to his interest
by
a
promise
of
PHIUFS DIFFICULTIES." ATTEMPT OF ARGÛS.
ROHM eoiK)eanoi" with
regard
to
AtntAipcdis,
which had been
during
the iaat
reign
the maia
subject
of contest between the
republic
and
Hucedonia. Mantias,an Atbeaian
general,
had
been sent with a considerable
sqavlron,
and a
force
including
3000
heaiy-aimed,
to
luppoit
him. This WHS lite
aatagonin immediBtely
the must fbrmidaUe,
both as
havingdisciplined
uoopa
at his
command,
and as
beingenabled,
with the
help
of the Athenian
nav;,
to threaten
the moat
importantprofincea,
and the seat uf
gOTemment.
A war with
Athena,
while the
kingdom
WBB
eipused
la so
manj
other enemies,
was of itself
greatly
to be dreaded.
There
waa,
however, one
advantage
which
Philip
drew from his
alarming
and embarraas-
ing position.
The btUb of civil war and foreign
invasion,
with which the
country was
either threatened or
actoallyassailed,
tnmed
a]l
ajres
towards him as the man on whom the
hopes
of the nation realed. The infant
king
was
generallyoveriooked,
and he waa encouraged
immediately
to direct his views
to the
crown,
and was
perh^w regardedbymany
from
the firstas his brother's anccesaor. The law
orauccesion, though,
in
peaceful
limes and ordinary
cases,
it
recognised
the
principle
of lineal
representation,
seems not to have been
more precisely determined,
or,
at
least,more inflexible,
in Macedonia than in the Greek mon- archies
of the Homeric
ages.
Still it
appears
that
Philip
did not 'attempt at once to set his
nephew aside,
or asanme the
regaltitle,
which
wuuld have been
impolitic
while there were two
other
pretenders
to the
crown, powerfully
supported
from withont. But he took his measures,
that,aa soon sa these
competitors
should
be removed,
he
might
execute his
purpo"e
without
opposition.
If we
may
bête
Justin,*
a
prophecy
was circulated, which,
if it was
really
current at thia
period,
muet have been fabricated
by
hia emiasaries with this
object:
ihM
jHactdonia Mkrntld
flourish exceedingly
under one
of
the loru d/Amynlm.
And wc
may
ooliect
from Diodorusf that be waa at
great pains
to
gain
the affections of the
army,
and
frequently
exerted his
eloquence
for this
purpose ; choilgb
the annalist
speaks
of his numerous
harangues
as if
they
were
onlydesigned
to infuse
courage
into his
troops.
The admiration excited
by
this
rare talent
served,at least,to
strengthen
the impression
producedby
his
person
and
manners,
and
by
the
ajlability
with which he
tempered
the strictness of
militarydiscipline.
The forces which he was able to collect
would
probably
have been
scarcely
sufficient to
snstain so
many
dllTercntattacks as now threatened
him at
once,
and his
genius
inclined him
to
try
other means of
averting
the
danger.
The
PROnian
chief,
whose
only
aim
appears
to have
been to enrich hia
people
with
booty,having
partlyaccomplished
his
purpose,
was
easily
induced
by
an
embassy,
which carried
presents
and
promisesto him and his
leading
men,
to
withdraw his
array.
The
King
of
Thrace, a
weak,
Iniurious
prince,
who waa
hardly
master
of his
reason,
was
persuaded,by
a
negotiation
similarlyconducted,to abandon the cause of
Pausanias
;
and this
pretender
had no other
means
ofenrorcinghisclaims.Philip
was thus
left at
liberty
to direct his whole sitenlion to
the Athenians and
Argscs
;
and he woold
giti
ly
have rid himself trf"them
by
hke methods.
It was the
hope
of
recoveringAmphipolis,
not
any
wish to
placeArgcus
on the
throne,that
had induced Athens to interfere
;
and
Philip
seems to have
hoped,by satisfying
her on this
point,
to detach her from the side of his rival.
The
language
of Diodorus would of itself lead
the reader to
suppose
that
Amphipolis
was at
this lime
occupiedby
a Macedonian
garrisen,
and that
Philip,
before hostilities bad been begun
by
the Atheniui armament under
Mantias,
withdrew his
troops
from the
place,
and
publio-
ly
renounced his claims to it.*
Polyenes
still
more
distinctly
intimates that this was Che state
of the case ;t
and if we
may
believe " on stiU
inferior
aulhorilyf
" that
Philip
received diviiko
honours at
Amphipolis
before he became
finally
master of
it,
this
extravagant display
of
gratitude
would seem to
require
the
supposition
of
some solid and
extraordinary
benefit,somethhig,
therefore, beyond a mete verbal
recognition
of
ila
independence.
On the oiher
band, we have
no
express
information,nor
any
other reason to
conjectnre
that Perdiccas had ever became so
far master of
Amphipolis
;
and to
suppose
that
Philipparted
with so
important
a
place,
on tbe
chance of
being
able to recover itas soon as the
immediate
object
of the sacrifice should hava
been
attained,
would be to
imagine
a finesse,
not, indeed,too
deep
for hia character,
bnt still
requiringstronger
evidence than the fact rests
on. A
suspicion, indeed,
xtill
resdilysuggest
itselfto
any
one
acquainted
with Diodorus. that
he has here mentioned the
step
which
Philip
took a iitlle
later,-withregard
to
Amphipoiis,
prematurely.
But it is not at all
unlikelythat,
before
any
blow was struck,
he should have endeavoured
to
depriveArrieus
of Athenian
support
by
a declaration whi^h cost him
nothing.
nor does it seem to have been, even al (ha
time,altogether
ineffectual. Mantiaa, indeed,
arrived at Methone, on ttleThermaic Gulf,with
the
pretender;
but he seeros to have done nothing.
Argsus,
who was
accompanied by
a
number of Macedonian
exiles,hoped
10 find
partisans
in the
country ;
snd it is remarkable that
the
place
where he
expected
lo be most favourably
received waa no other than the ancient
capitalA^gB.
In that direction he set out at
the head of a
body
of mercenaries " whether
collected
by
himself or
broughtby Mantias,
does
not
appear.
Msntias remained at Methone
;
bnt he suffered some of the Athenian
troops
to
accompany
his
allj.
The
attempt
on
jE^b
totally
failed
: no one ventured lo declare htdiself
in the
pretender's
favour
;
and he was so disheartened
by
this
repulse,
that he determined
to retnm to Methone. But In the mean
wUle
Philip
had assembled his forces,
and marched
to cut off the invader's retreat. An
engagement
ensued,
in iriiich
Argoua
was defeated
Willi considerable
loss,
and the remnant
of his
army
forced to take
refuge
on an eminence,
where
they
were sorrounded and reduced to
capitulate
with the
conqueror.
They
obtained
leave to
departunmolested,ihi condition of
giT"-
*
iri.,3,lanim îxdpqsc Tfc
nflmtt, ifitfnir^
'tiT.'^'n.
Phiirp-whita
Bill "l WW wilh
Ita^^
t AriatidM,I.,p.Tlt.DindDtf.
Ok
HI8T0BY OF GSEEOB.
iJDg
up
die eOEilBS. WhMhar
Aifmia
was "oe
of the noniber,or bad fiUlenin the
battle, weare
"iot iufantMi :
bit Dams
appesrs
no mere
in
Among
the
pmonera
taken
by PMltp oo ttus
-DOcaBion weie eome of the Athenian
troope.*
lleBe he detained
only
to
dietinguiah
them
with
peculiar
favoura
;
for ho not only
set them
at libeny,
but made
preaents
to each of tliem
"qiiiTilent
to the
property they
had loet.
They
vere,
of
course,
bound to retnm home
;
and it
ia
probable
than Mantias,
having
no
longerany
minion to execute in
Macedonia,
led his whole
armament
bach to Athena. The
prisonere
were
aocoropanied
or followed
by^nT^ys, bearing
a
letter from
Philip
to the
people,
in which "
probably
with
expostulations
on Iheir
unprovo-
Md
boatility
" be
eipreeaed
hia desire to renew
Ihe
IHendahip
which had subsisted between his
.father and the
republic.
The
sidiject
uf Am-
pbipolia
was not paaeed
over in silence in this
letter
; though,
as we are uncertain what Phil- ip
had before done with
regard
to
it,we are the
iMa able to determine what he now said. The
sequel,however,
leads ua to
suspect
that he did
not eonline his
profesMoua
to the declaration "
now
either firstmade or
repeated
" of bis will-
ingneea
to leave it
independent,
but that he
{brew
out hints Irom which it
might
be
gather-
. ed that he would not be
unwilling
to see it reduced
under the
sovereignty
of Athens. How- ever
this
be,
it ia certain that bis
liberality
towards
the
prisoners
made a
very strong
impression
in his favour on the
assembly,
and inclined
the Athenians to
eipect
all
they
could
desire from the
Iriendlydisposition
of
which,
"ven under such
provocation,
he had
given
so
-atriking
a
{HtMr
Demosthenes intimates that
the
people'sgratitudewas,
at the
moment, sc
lively^
that almost
any
honoura
might
have been
obtained for
Philip.tIf,as
is
probable. Argsus
'was no
longer
in the
way,
there
remain^
no
ftrther obstacle to
peace :
and itwas soon after
concluded,^"parenll7
without
any express
Mipnlationon
either side with
regardto Am-
Philip's victory
raisedthe
spirits
of bis
troops,
which had been cast down
by
the defeat of Fer-
diccBs. The success of his
negotiations
secu-
rod hie
government
from internal
opposition.
But stillit
appeared
to rest on a
merely
preca-
rioas
foundation,so
long
as the
tranquillity
of
the
country might
be said to be
purchased
from
ODe
enemy,
or to be due to the forbearance of
another.
Fortunately
far
bim, just
as he had
Aeed himself from the burden of the Athenian
"War,
Ibo death of
Agis.king
of the
Peoniana,
*fi""ded him an
opportunity
of
invading
Peooia
"t the
juncture
when it was least
capable
of
resisting
bis arms. He defeated the forces
"Which were
broughtagainsthim,
and
compelled
the Pxonians to render him tokens of submission,
which
were, perhaps,chieQy important
a" they
humbled tbe insolence of the
nation,
and
encouraged
the Macedonians to
regard
them-
aelves as ita masters. Bnt a more
formidable
anemy
remained in the
Illyrians,
who hitherto.
" "' " " " "
ns,
had been
pMMB
beloE DOW ill
poaaesaion
of
many
discharge
the duties of his
station,
had reached
an
age
"
ninety,
it is said* " in which the
most restless
spiritsgrow patient
of
repose.
Philip's
fiuccesaea
and
increasing reputation
no
doubt also tended to
dispose
bim towards
peace J
and
hearing
that the Macedonian
prince
was
making preparations
to invade
Illyria.
he endeavoured
to avert the attack
by pacifioover- tures.
The terms be
pnqweed
were, simply,
that each
party
should retain wbat it
possessed.
Philip,however, now
thought
himself
strong
enough
to require
that the
Illyrians
should evacuate
all tbe
territorythey
had
conquered
from
Macedonia. It ia not
quite
clear whether this
demand
comprised only
wbat bad been lost
through
the defeat of
Perdicctts, or earlier oon-
quests
of the
lllynans.
It
was,
however, rejected
;
the
Hlyriankingprepared
to meet the
threatened
invasion,and, notwithstanding
his
advanccid
age,
led his forces bto the Aeld in
person.f According
to Diodorua,
the numbers
of the two armies were
nearlyequal,
and the
heavy infantry
in each amounted to 10.000men.
His
description
of tbe battle seems not to have
been drawn so much as usual from his
imagination,
and
suggests
tbe idea that,on this occasion,
perhaps
for the first
time, Philipput
in
practice
the lessons he had learned firoro bis
Theban
masters,
and
gained
the
victorychiefly
by
a
judioious
concentration of his force and
employment
r"{bis
cavalry
" in which he seems
to have been
uperior
to tbe enemy-~aIUr
the
example
of
Gpaminoadas.
The lose of the 11-
lyiians
is said to have amowited to 7000 men
;
and
they were coapellsd
to
aooept
Uie terms
nf
peace
imposedby
the
ooaqueror.
Thejr
ceded
to Urn all that
theypoeseaaedeast
of the
Lake of Ly^Dus,and thus not
onlygave
him
the oommand of the
principal pass by
which
they
had been used to
penetrate
into Macedo- nia,
but
opened
a
way by
which he
Blight
at
any
time descend,throDgh
their own
lerriloiy,
to the shores of the Adriatic.!
It
may safely
be
presumed that,
after this
brilliant
snccess, Philip
no
longer
beailaled to
assume the
kingly
title. His
usur^^tion
" for
such it
appears
to have
been,aooording
to tbe
laws of Macedon "
wss, however, most
probably
sanctioned
by
the unanimous consent both
of the
army
and the nation. How
secure,
he
felthimself in their affections is manifest frona
his treatment of his
deposednîhew.
He
was
BO little
jealous
of
him, that he
brought
him
tip
at his
court, and,
in
time,
bsitoned the band
of one of his
daughters
on him.^
The transfer
of tbe crown was so
quiet
and noiseless,
that it
seems not to have reached tbe eara
of the Athe- nian
orators
;
whose sHenoe
may,
at
all
erents,
be admitted as a proof
tbat there was nothing
in the transaotiou on whicb
tbej
could
grouod
a
chargeagainstPhilip.
His
victory
over tbe
niyrians
is conneotwl
by
DiodoTus with tbe institution of the Macedo-
tBv $(HTifpiir.in"ii nijritr.
-
pusvB
it
m^T
bfl iDfemd thit be eltluiTfvU
i atitpAin Iha CQiin" of tlw Hnu
jnTr
t
t EoA LiBka.
Northern 0n"c4. ill., p.
SI].
i PoliBUDi (nil..eOJ
mlJilier Kmwiiv.
THE PHA.LANX." tHB ROYAL GUAKD.
ilan phalaiiT.wMclilieissaWiohWEiicfmteil.
The
testimony
of the ancients on thia
point
has
"eon very
confidently rejected
in tnodern
times,
vithout
any good
reason.
We
may,
indeed,
ioubt whether this
body,
as it existed in the
leginning
of
Philip's rRjgn,
diflferedin
any
im-
"orlant
feature from that wliicliwas
already
fa-
niliar to the
Greeks,
or,
at least,
from the The-
lan
phalanx.
But itis another
êstion
nheth-
!r the Macedonian anaies bad aver before been
irganized
on tbia
plan:
and there is
ootliing
to
"revent us frDm
admitting
the alatemeat of
luthors, certainly
better informed than our
"elves,
tbat it was int introdoeed
by Philip.
Vor is there
any
difficulty
in
believing
tbat h
tl the Bamc time majle some
improvements
in
he
arms,
or the atruclure
of the
phalanx,
which
entitled itto its
pecuiiaiepithet,
and liim to the
lonour of an inventor. Both the tactics and
he
discipline
of the
army
seem to have been in
L
very
low stale under hia
predecessors ;
and
his was
perhaps
the main cause of the defeats
.vhich
they
ho ollen
experienced
from the
iieigh-
Kiuring
barbarians.
Philippaidno less atten-
.iOD to the
discipline
than to the
organization
)[ bt3 forces. His reffulationswere strict,
and
"verc enforced with inflexible
severity.
He forbade
the use of
carriaecs,cveo to his
oflicers.
illowed the
cavalryonlya
single
atltindant for
"mch
man,
and for the infantry
but one in common
to
eveiy
ten soldiera,to
carry
the
more
cumbrous
parts
of their
baggage. Examples
of his
rigiddiscipline
have been
preserved.
He
is
reported
to have dismissed
a
distinguished
foreigner
from bis service for
using
a hot bath
"
observing,
it is said, that this was a
luxury
which even the Macedonian women did not allow
themsetvBi " and to have baniabed two of
his
generals
for
having
introduced a
singinggirl
into the
camp.
One
youth
of
high rank,
who
held an office near his
person,
was
punished
with
stripes
for
turning
aside from the line of
march to
quench
hia thtrslat a tavern
;
and another,
who, presumingon his favour with the
king,
had
quitted
the tanks
contrary
to
orders,
was
put
to death, t
There were some other
institutions,
partly
civil, partlymilitary,
which contributed much to'
the
security
of the
monarchy,
and are attributed
by
ancient authors to
Philip;
but their origin
is involved in lilce
obscurity
with that of the
phalanx. According
to some
writers,!
it was
he who firstaccustomed the Macedonian nobility
to send their sons to be educated at his
court, where
tbey performed
menial
services,
l^ke those which were
required
in the feudal
halls from
squires
and
pages
of
gentle
blood.
According
to
otherB,^
the custom was transmitted
from earlier limes
-,
and this
account,
though
resting
on inferior
authority, seems much the
oiore
probable.
Yet there
mayhave
been some
"
Ennukin
"iii Brncr, n" N.,lU, #f"di"TiEiipviiiH,
not lecD imrvhfln mtJGwI. HvimolytttH
hkd wd iha^ Lj-
OBtat
iitndiind Ihn
m^nnnuc
by
ikw
uaonf
th* Lhh-
grtmnd
for
considering PhBtpaa the ad^Kir of
this
usage.
TTie
adfantages
of such
^
connexion
between the
great
families and their sovereign
must
foreibly
have struck
a prince who
had made his
way
to the throne
through
the
struggles
of a
disputedsuccession,and who did
not hold it
by
a
perfectly legitimate
title.
Though
it is
Bcsrcely
conneivable that he couid hare irt-
trodoced such a
practice,
he
may
have extended
and enforced
it,
and
perhaps
made this domestic
service a
necessary step
to the attainment
of
a certain
military
rank. The
royal
household was a school
through
which the
young
noh]es
passed
into the ranks of the
guard,
from which
tbeymight
rise into
posts
^
hoO'
oar,
wbich in the next
reign
became
more val-
itable than the crown oTMacedon itself. How
far the
organiiation
of the
royalguard,
a description
of which
belongsmore properly to a
later
period,
ts to be
regarded
as
Philip's work,
is a
questionsimilarly
doubtful
;
but it is
certain
that itwas in his
reignIt first
acquiredce- lebrity
as a distinct and formidable
corps.
Its
peculiar appellation
"
equivalent
to that of ooh-
SIDES* " as it is the same with which Homer's
chiefs address their
Ibllowers,
may
have descended
from the earliest
ages
of the
monarchy
;
but the
title, importingraoT-coaBADEs,f
which
was
applied
to the
infantry
of the
guard,seems
to be noticed
by
a
contemporary
orator u ifit
"-as of recent invention.!
However
Philip
may
have contributed to the
formation of the Macedonian
phslani
in a mili-
tary
point
of
view, there can
tielittledoubt that
it was he who firstestablished it as a
standing
army.
In the
engagement
with the
lilyriarrs
he
brought,
as we have
seen, upward
of
10,000
3n into the field. This force he
appears
nev-
Ic have disbanded, but
gradually
to have ra-
cTcascd
it,as he extended his
conquests
and
multiplied
bis
resources,
until it
more than
doubled that number. This
measure
ap{"eats
ve been
required
not
merely
for the
objects
of his
ambition,
but for the
security
of the
state,
especially
in
an
age
when
mercenary troops,
who made war theirsole
business,were so
generally
employed;
but it involved
important
political
consequences. It,
in
fact,
converted the
Macedonian
government
into a
military
despotism,
temperedonlyby
the national
spirit
which
the
soldieryretained,
and
by
the
privilegea
which
theyexclusively enjoyed.
The Macedo-
people,
without
any
formal^
detlned con-
ion, perîapa
without
any
written
laws,had
ited a
veiyjarge
share
ofliberty
from the
heroic
ages.
There had been from lime Im- memorial
popularassemblies,
whether held
pe- riodically,
or as occasion
required,
we
catinof
'"
icover,
which,
among
other
rights,
exercised
'isdictionin cases
of
treason;
for this offence
Macedonian could
legally
sulfer death witb-
tsuch a trial It
may, pcriiaps,
be
presumed
p.
!og. Bat it miu ubt ihraugh
miniki Ibu thii oiadi
of AsuiiMiiM. fVn ik" ftnttoxi iT h" binoTT oT PhlUh
in nfnnd bv th* laimnnbM) B Aluaniln iuM*il it
tDiBntb., Ol/iilh,, ii.,
1 17.
HI8T0BY OP OSBBOB.
ttet Ike ehaneter of " tribniulwna not Uie
only
one which these uaembliea awiuned
i
and that
thej
tended in variouB other
ways
to limit the
loyalBulhority.
Their
prerogatives,
whatever
theywere, appear
to haie beea all transferred
to the
army,
wbicb was treated as the
repre-
"eatative of the nation,
and the
king'spleastjre,
unless it
happened
to clash with the will of the
"oldiery, seems to have been no
longersubject
to
any
restraint.
During Philip'sreign,
bow-
ever,
the forms of the
government
retained
mnch of tbe ancient
simplicity,
and a semblance
of freedom
;
and it was
only
on
extraordinary
elic
occasions that he was
distingnisbed
from
subjectsby
the outward
appendages
of
roy-
"Ity.
The
phalanx
was drawn from tbe
body
of tbe
A"emen
;
the
cavalry
and tbe whole of the
royal
guard
were selected from the
higherclasses,
and included all the noble
youths
who had been
"ducaled at court. What was the
origin
of the
Macedonian
nobility,
what were its
privileges
and
distinctions, are
interesting questions
which
we have no means of
answering.
The tendency
of
Philip's
institutions was to attach it more
firmlyto the
throne,
and to raise it
higher
than
before above the mass of the
people.
Mi nobles
were no
longer
dtstm
gins
bed
merely
or
lAieflyby
ijieir
descent,or their
posoessiooa,
but
by
tbe
superior
cultivation of their
minds,
and their
extraordinary proficiency
in such
parts
of Grecian
learning
as were
proper
for warriors
and
statesmen, so that the
king
was able to employ
them not
only
in the fieldand tbe cabinet,
but in tbe moat difficultand delicate
negotiations
with the free states of Greece.
In tbe course of about
a
year
from his brother's
death,Philip
had freed himself from all his
dtMnestic
embarrassments,
and had sealed himself
firmly
on the throne
^
had humbled the most
warlike of his baiRiarian
neighbours,
and had
extended
and
strengthened
his
frontier;
he had
made an honourable
peace
with the
only
Greek
state that waa
capable
of
annoyingbim,
and had
secured the
stability
of his
government by
institutions
which
placed
the whole
strengtb
of
his
kingdom at
his absolute
disposal.
These
were
great things
to have
accoinpliHbed
in so
"liort a time
;
but a
prince
of
four-aiid-iwenty.
who had done so much,
could
not rest satisfied
with BO little.
Macedonia,notwithstanding
its
natural wealth and its
hardy population,
was
stilla
poor
and feeble
kingdom.
On the west
and north side the barbarous
hordes,though
a
Uttle awed
by
the check which some of them
had
recentlysustained,were stillas able aa before,
whenever
opportunity
invited
tbem,
to
pour
"n inexhaustible tide of war into its
provinces.
In tbe
oppositequarters
almost the whole line
ofits
coast was
occupiedbyindependentGreeks,
who
prevented
it from
enjoying
tbe full benefit
of its natural
productions,
and whose
coalition,
not
many years past,
had
nearlyproved
fatal to
its
political being.
Nor did it
requiregreat
sagacity
10
perceive
that the
peace
with Athens
could not last
long
without concessions or acquiescence
such
as the
safety
and honour of
the
country
forbade. Even if no visions of a
distant,
dazzlinggreatness
had
yet begun
to
gleamupon
his
mind,
the
danger?
and obstacles
with which he was
surrounded,were for
Philip
"uffiaientmotives to
action,
and the stale
of
Qnwa "AanM
m|ile noatnfimtaA
tar Aa
most aspiringhopes.
Tbe
enterprises
in
whicli
we have hitherto seen bin
engaged
had been
forced
upon
him in self-defence
;
the
ability
with which he conducted them had, indeed,
raised his
reputation ;
but littleoould be inferred
Irom them as to his character and views.
These
began
to be disclosed in tbe transactions
which we are now about to relate.
CHAPTER XLH.
When the Athenian orators wished to rouso
the
spirit
of their
counti7nien
in their contest
with
Philip,they
sometimes reminded them
that Macedonia had once been
subject
and tributary
to Athens.* This
was, indeed,
a rhetorical
figure,
but
yet
not without a substantia}
meaning ;
nor was
it,
as baa sometimes been
imagined,onlyapplicable
to the state of
things
in the
reign
of one of
Philip's
remote
predecea-
sora. Arrian has
put
a
speech
into the mouth
of Alexander the
Great,
in which he
mentions,
among
the benefits whicb his father had conferred
upon
his
people,that,
instead of
paying
tribute to the
Athenians,
he had reduced thenk
to
depend upon
Macedonian
protection.
t It
seems clear that these
expressions
can
onlyre-
late to the maritime
part
of
Macedonia;
and
even in that sense it is not
easy
to
assign
their
exact value. It is
certain,however,
that Phil- ip,
at the
beginning
of his
reign,
did not
possess
a singleplace
of
any importance
on the coast.
Several maritime towns which had
belonged
to
his
predecessor!
were (hen
subject
to
Athena,
and
probably
contributed to the common fund
of her revived
confederacy.
And
though
it
does
not
appear
that,
after the
Peloponnesian
war,
the .Athenian
government
levied
any
da-
ties in
any foreignport except
at
Byzantium,
still those with which the Macedonian commerce
was burdened in the towns
dependant
on
Athens, might,
in
vague language,
be describeil
as tribute which she received from Macedonia
;
and,
BO
long
as her fleets commanded the
sea,
nothing
could be
directly exported
tyr
importeil
without her
permission,
It
may
easily
be
supposed
that one uf
Philip's
first
objects,
as soon
as he was at leisure to look aroond
him, was to
deliver his
kingdom
from this somewhat degrading
and
very
inconvenient servitude. And
this was no doubt one of the motives which led
him to covet the
possession
of
Amphipolis.
Amphipolis,however, was of the utmost
importance
to him In several other
points
of view.
Its sitnation" at the lower
opening
of the
great
fertile
valley
of the
Strymon
" rendered it
highly
inexpedient
that it should bo left in
breigiT
hands
;
and to the
King
of Macsdon it afibrded
a
passage
into Western
Thrace, by
which ha
waa
enabled
immediately
to
enlarge
bis domia-
iona with a most valuable
conquest.
It
would,
therefore,
be no
uncandid
surmise,even
if
we
had no
express
authority
for Che
fact,
that at
the time
when,
to
pacify
the
Athenians,
he
professed
to abandon hia claims to it,or
actiuUj-
""^ppn,
I"a HiJoB.,
OlyMh,, iU.,4 Hi*dar"N., t IB, Be-
AMPHIPOUa." CHARIDraÛS.
pin 19
hM bdU on it,
he had
Beoretly
deler-
mined to lake the first
oppartunit;
of
making
it
his own. But before we
proceed
to relate the
itepa bj
which be eSected Ihis
design,
it is necessary.
Tor the belter
understanding
or the
position
in which he now stood with
respect
both
to
Amphipolia
and to Athena,to
give
an account
uTUie
attempls
which the AlhenianB bad made
to recover it since the death of
Amyntoa.
Thia
retrospect
is the more important, because,
perhaps,
no
portion
of Grecian
history
has been so
grossly
distorted as IhiH
;
and
apparently
Tor the
purpose
of
attributing
to
Philip
a species
of
merit which was
certainly
the last be would
hare wished to claim.
Erer since Athens had reaumed the character
of aa
imperialstate, Amphipo|i3
had been
one of the
principal objects
of her ambition. Its
ralue for her arose not so much ftom
any
of
those circuoutances in its situatinn which rendered
the
acquisition
of it so
important
to the
King
of
Macedonia, as from the
vicinity
uf the
rast forests which clothed the mountains that
enclose the basin of the
SIrymon,
and afforded
an inexhaustible
supply
of
ship-timber.
Phil- ip's
father, as we have
seen,
had
recognised
her
claim to her
colony,perhaps
the more readily
becanse he knew that the
acknowlodgmetit
would Dot
bring
her one
atep
nearer to the at-
tainmetit of her wishes
;
and he himself was
precludedby
the stale of hia afTaira from ei-
lending
bis views so far. Soon aher hia
death,
or immediately
aAer that of hia son
Alexander,
I|diicrates,
a" has been
alreadyrelated,was en-
ga^
in an
expeditionagainstAmphipolis,
rbicb led him to the coast of
Macedonia,
and
aSbrded him the abave-mentioned
opportunity
of
rendering
an
important
aerrice to the
royal
îly.
The force under his comtnand at this
time waa small, and, according
to .Machines,
had been sent
merely
for the
purpose
of obser-
raCion. It
appears
to have been
very
sooQader
augmented by
the addition of a
body
of mcrce-
aanea
commandetl
by
an adventurer named
Qiandemus, a native of
Oreua,
in
EulMea, one
of those aoldiera of fortune who abounded in
Ihis
period;
a
person
who henceforward blls a
somewhat conspicuouspart
in Grecian
history.
But the
regent Ptolemy,perhaps seeing
Am-
pbipoIiB
in
danger,
did not think himself bound
by
the acts
of
Amyntas,
and
supported
it in its
resistance to the Athenian arms.*
Olyotbus,
vhicb,
in the decline of the
Spartan
power,
had
begim
to lift
op
her head
again,
lent her aid for
ihe same purpose,
and seems to have
acqnired
" preponderating
influence at
Amphipolia.t
At
tiM eud of three
years, during
wluch
Iphicratea
continued in
command, though
it is
probable
that his attention waa
by
no means
exclusively
directed to this
quarter,
he
appears
to have
oiade bnt little
progress
towards the accom-
phsbment
of his main
object.Then, however,
I
ehange soddenly
takes
place
in the
aspect
of
aAirs. We have do
information
as to its
cause*,
and
may
with
equalprobability
con-
Hi T. L.,I. ".
._ .
rtocr.,p. KHIJ.iBtha wardafijffftH
B^
xx*dinr ID BaUcc'i reiill",dail?a)ri isait "f tin
la-
n
nrhKB had iHen divwn rrom thii
pKBafe.
jaetnre
that it was eonnected with
PtoIemT**
death,*or that it arose from
jealousyexcited
by
the conduct of the
Olynthiana,
The language
in which il la related
by DemosUienes,
who is our
onlyauthority,
would incline
us to
adopt
either of these
auppoaitions,
rather Uian
believe that it waa the effect of
any
extraordi-
naty military
auccess obtained
by Iphicratea.
It aeema evident that it was a
change
in the
state of
parties
at
Amphipolis,
and that the
party
which wished well to the Athenians
had,
somehow or other,gained
the
upper
hand. The
result
appears
to have been that the
govemineat
entered into an
engagement
to
put Iphicratea
in
poaaeasion
of the
city,
and
gave hostagea
for
its
performance,
which were delivered to him
by
one
Harpalus,perhaps
the leader of the dominant
party.
Jusl at this
juncture
it
happenedr
through
some turn of
events at
Athens,
the
par- .
liculars of which are unknown to
us,
that
Iphic- ratea
was
sapetseded.
Before h:s
departure
he
consigned
the
hostages
to the care of Char-
idemua
;
hut a decree soon sfter arrived, directing
that
they
should be sent to Athens.
Very
gross partiality
alone could induce
any
one to extract a
chargeagainst
the Athenians
from the fact that
they
wished to secure these
importanthostages,
which had been received
by
their
getieral :t
and this is allwe know of their
conduct in the business. As little
ground
t"
there for the
BUpposition
ihatlhis decree
injured
their interest at
Amphipolis.
It ia
barelypos- sible
that,following
as it did the removal of
Iphicratea,
it
might
raise a
suspicion
that
they
did not mean to observe the terms of the
capitulation.
But it ia
just
as
probable
that a reaction
quiteindependent
of thia cause bad taken
iTingvhirh
(KCoTlum
bo De- af
prÛfacji
ftfUHt ukj
"i tbe
tvîn flonevmed, tten
ttaovgh
lE """ tbm AthiBIBa paDpk-
Thftt ha auclbOTia HZ"-
IflH of truth uid H dHtituM of cudovr ihoiUd bar* bk4
"
"d u nlk of tb* n""K( of
Ih^THl
Sdli'
ir
BO Docloe 1
"t
Amuhipidu amitr Luet
iHU of ihii JnurtHiiigoocumnM
npparttd
br nch
"-
"Utnt nODiDCH u
''Or.
Ihdt.ihI
Philipp.,
p. SI6, t.L
'-
"'"ilipp. "p. DMBorth., p.
JM."
Tbtj ")", hamrtr.
Mfolit. Ia
Dam"Q colm^t^
Cyreu
HISTORY OP GREECE.
e'
ICC at AmphipolU. We, however,
hare
ontj
eo infonnedorihe issue.
Charideniaa, who,
like allmen
of his
profession,
was
always
looking
out
for tbe most
gainfulservice,waa induced
to
giveup
the
hostages
10 the
Amphipol-
itans. He waa no doubl the more
easil;tempted
lo this
piece
of
treachery,
as he had a
proa-
pect, and, perhaps,
had
already
formed the resolution
of
passing
into the service of the Thra-
eian
king.Cotys; though
such had now become
the
imponance
of
mercenary troops
in the wars
of Greece
that,notwithstanding
so
flagrant
an
Kt of
inaubordination,
he
might
stillhave con-
tintiedto receive Athenian
pay.
Timotheos,
whose friends had
probablypro-
eored tbe removal of his ancient rival
Ipbicra-
tes,
had been
a^Minted
to Bccceed him. But
we learn from .fschines that be did not imme-
"ately
take the command on tbe coast of Ma- cedonia,
In the interval the Athenian forces
there were commanded
by
aooiher
general,
"amed
Calliattienes,
who
prosecuted
the war
againstAmphipoljs.
But
Perdiecas,
who had
now
mounted ibe
throne,adopted
Lbe
pulley
of
the
regent Ptolemy,
and
espoused
the cause of
the
Amphipolitana
so
actively
as to become the
leadingparty
in the contest with Athens. iGs-
ehioes
represents
him as
compelled
to
yield
tn
the Athenian
arms;
but the orator himself
throws some doubt on the truth of this state-
Inent
by
the fact which he
eubjoina,
that Catlis-
tbeoes was induced to consent to a
suspension
of hostilities on such
disadvantageousterms,
ttiat
afterward,
when he was
brought
to trial,
"nd
pot
to death,
his
treaty
with Perdiecas waa
commonly supposed
to have been the
principal
fnntive,
if
not the
professedground,
of the sentence.
Timotheus arrived soon after
;
but,
if
the truce had
expired,
he moat have deemed it
bopeless
forthwith to renew the
altempC upon
AmphipoliB.
He
wished,
but was not able to
retain
Charidemus,
who carried
away
his
troops
to
Cotys,
in vesaels with which he had been
"applied fay
the
Athenians, though they
were
BOW at
war, or,
at least,
on a
vety
unfriendly
footing,
with the
King
of Thrace. His defection
contributed,
perhaps,
to induce Timothens
to turn bis attention towards a different
quarter.
Where be had
a
prospect
of
serving
his
country
With more raccess, Diodorus informs ua' that
In
the^rsl
year
of tbe hundred and fourth
Olym- piad,
which was that in which Perdiecas mounted
the throne. Timotheus
besieged
and took
PotidKB and Torone
;
and there Is no reason
to
question
the
correctness
of this dale. It is
Cobable
that at
this time both these towru be-
nged
to
Otynthus,
or were members of her
confederacy;
and we learn from other
authors!
H. It
.,
01. ii
.
"upnw4
(iftp
Voemel on ihii
puian
_.
U thu WIT
HUT
li""otMn
on* WBgftfa*
"nl
jHn
uiliiT
I7 ABrW"*.
""""'^^'^ PinlJiXH
imlj
tct-
"tu hi* liantnuu. B" tnm Ilw
dncriptaonof "Khi-
"" il
"I"p*u*
Ihu
PtMism, me U tbe lim of i
'-
Or^ dHlh, "M
nmly old onaiifh lo hue omm
Mann)'.
It "
ynr*'
Unmuk iW thii
iiungt
1
u bHo iDggwl lot tlia u-
_._, _._"MoJ
TinMhoDh aad
rn"-
iliUml\ea illllio
Imin^M
of ll"" axeigaU
"" ikti MkjMt, ud, iCnetind, wmld cnau iuniUcilih
n that itmm
Philip
who al
MbJaU, aad, iCnetind, "-
"
alaikt UMHjif
thii palal,tttaiMhac hi
that Timotheos was aided in tbe war which he
carried on
againstOlynthus
and the Cbalcidi-
ans
by
Perdiecas. We
must, therefore, conclude
that some Macedonian aaxiliariea
were
among
the forces with which he effected these
conquests, which,
if we
may
believe his admirer
Isocrates,were followed
by
the reduction of all
the Chalcidian towns.* The
policy
of Perdie- cas
in this
transaction,thongh
not
perfectly
clear,
is not ineiphcable.Olynthus.
which in
his father's
reign
had
nearly
become mistresa
of the
kingdom,and, though
humbled
by Sparta,
had
begun
to recover her
strength,
and
probably
to resume her ambitious
designs,may
have
appeared
to him more formidable than Athens
;
and
though
he did not wiah to see the Atheni- ans
in
posseaainn
of
Amphipolis,
he
may
have
been
willing
to assist them in
weakening
tho
old enemies of his house. We find from Dio-
dorus that Timotheus waa called
away
in the
course of the aatne
year
10 the
Hellespont,
and
we know that about a
year
later he was still
fullyoccupiedthere, as we shall soon hare
occasion lo relate.
It
seems to have been
onlj
towanis the end of the
reign
of
Perdiecas,
in
380,
that he commenced his
operationsagainst
Amphipolis. Olynthus,notwithstanding
the
losses she had
suffered,
made
preparations
for
defendingit,
and invited
Charidnmus,
who waa
then, it
appears,
in the Thracian
Cbersonesus,
to enter her service. He
accepted
the
offer,
and embarked his
troops
at Cardia
;
hut in the
passage
fell into tbe hands of
Timotheus, and,
to avoid waree
consequences,
consented
to
serve againstOlynthus.
t Whether Perdiecas
took
any part
in this contest
against
the Athe- nians,
whom
undoubtedly
he did not assist,we
are not informed. We
know, however, that
notwithstanding
the
co-operation
of Charide- mus.
this
expedLtion
of Timothens
totally
failed.
It seems that he Was
surprisedby
the unexpected
appearance
of the
enemy
in
greatljr
superiorforce,
and was fain to set fire to hia
galleys
in the
Strymon,
and to make a
hasty
retreat
by
land.t It is
only by
the
subscqucat
transactions between
Philip
and the Athenians
in the aBhir of
Amphipolis,
which have been already
related,
that we are led to conjeclore
that this last eflbrt of Timotheus was defeated
through
Macedonian
interposition,
and that this
was the immediate cause of the influence,
apparently
supreme,
over
Amphipolis,
which we
find attributed to the Macedonian
government,
whether that of
Philip
or
Argsus,
at tbe death
of Perdiecas.
Such, then,s' far aa we are able to collect it
from the scattei . d and
very
imperfect
accounts
remainingofil"
so events, appears
to have been
the state of alfairs in this
quarter,
when
Philip,
having
relieved himself from tbe ombarrasa-
ments which crowded on him in the onset, waa
no
longer
diverted
by any
more
pressing
cares
"oniplwl
to foood a chuTgfl
odmgnlilude
againjit
tha Atha-
luaVi
i*hMi tn
ropKMiit*
aa iTjfliclinr a RTitvoai iajar^
on Philip taf which wt
ihali
tpoat;ahonlj)
at tha
tt-rf
lima that ht "faa aaahiu^conqaaBti
for Lhtai. Mr- Clinlon,
who now and tbau coiTactt thil wnler*"
ohrDnologkabl
ar"
nai la laai
impoitaalpoiata,
paHai
ovei ihi" oalur in ai-
lanu.
*
iif".'dm5.,4
1IB.
t Itwai in th" ToWge.TXiidi'fcufff.DDt aflarha haij to.
loaJlT aaterfldthe Ojynthian irTTica,that ha wni capLarad
hy
Tlincthaii..
DatnoUh
.
Ariiiocr., t I7^
I INilnnug, ili., 10,B. Wo know i^ IS oAarpanod M
which
[^
tbaj
as ba ralunl.
PHILIP'S WAR wnH AKRHIPOUS-" SECRET TREATY.
Aoin tbe exeoutloa of the
dsmgni
wbiob' be had
itnrnod
againstAmphipi^.
There
were,
however,
three
parties
to be
considered,
from whom,
tbou^
tbeir JntereotB were widelydilferent,
he
migtilapprebeadopposition: Athens, OlfntboB.
and the
people
of
Amphipotis
itself. A coalition
between Atbeos anii
Olyntbus
for the de-
Tence or
Amptiipcdiamigbt
not
only
defeat bis
project,
bat raise
an
insurnioaalable obstacle to
all his unbitions riews
;
and
even
either
singly
might
be able to
sopply Amphipolis
with the
means of eActnal reaiatance. A
difficulty
of
"nolber Und
aioae
from the
footingon
whic
be had bitherto Mood with the
Amphipolitaof
At the time when he declared tbem
indepeutb
ent,
he must have been
regarded
as their
protector
and
ally;
and that
act, even
ifil did
no'
excite their
gratiuide,
cannot have alnted tbei
good-will
towanls biro.
^"t
the
mere
aaeend-
ency
o( his
paity
in the
city,
founded on such
feelings,
was
prob^y
not
enotigfa
to
satieiy
Us
"inos
;
be wished to rale there
aa inaatM',
aad
therefore to establMi hia
anthorityon
the
right
ofconqoeat.
It
was
neoeawiy,
for thU
purpose,
that he aboold break with the
Amphipolitans.
"Whether be lined
any
ailiGcea to
aocoin^dish
this
end,or
the eoOinloD of
partiesspared
him
the Deed of such
a dislngemtonaproceeding,
"nd flmished him with
a
welcome
pretext
for
lioetilitiea, we
do not
pretend
to determine. Di-
odorns
merely
relates that the
Amphipolitans
were alienated from
him,
and lUTorded him
many
handles for war.* lliis statement ts equslty
insistent with either
anppesitim
;
bat that
their
condBot,
whaterer It
may
hare
been,
really
pTOToked
him to atiai^
them,
when
they
woDld otlterwise have been left
muDoleMed, is
BO absnrdttytoo ohildish for
any
bnt
a Anatical
portisaii,
nieh
as Philip
woold hsTe desired lor
a dope,
hot wonld hsTe
deprecatedas i
an
of bis actioDB.
After the
repolsa
of Timotheoa the Athenian
interest at
Amphipolis
most hare sank lower
than
BTer
;
and
even
when the amicable relations
which thoD suhHisted between the
city
and
Macedonia had
ceased,
and made
way
for
unfriendly
dispositions,
ifnot for
open hostility,
etill
it does not
sppear
that the
party
which then became
predominantwas
connected with
jêns.
The
Athenians,as we ^lall
see,
considered
themselTes
a" entirely
exolnded
fhira
the
place,
and bad but littleiminediate
prospect
of
recovering
it
by
their
own snns.
It
is,therefore,
most
probable
thai it was a
party
attacbed to
Olyntbus
that
now prevailed,
and bad drawn
the
city
into the
quarrel
with
Philip.
As
soon
as he bad declared his
pnrp086
of
redncing
it
by
force, the
Olyntbians
were the first
'- ""
-
measures
for
repelling
his
attempt ;
their
own
strength
was
hardly
snSicieai for the
contest, they
sent
envoys
to invite
ê
Athe- nians
to enter into
a league
with them for the
iri.,B.irokAi!
i^nfî.
^nui^
foiBTliar widi the
larigiiieT
'unllr nacfliuTV ui
pcnqt
04c that Ihv worrl
uuu,
in [
-fn Ihe hhioiiu of
iitappis-
Tli"
JiMHgl,
llianAi
"" luK warnnt iha "UMnnt Ihu
'"
Ub
pui^
mdnrH
bs Murdiniui
"ntaiv"""luildiu Of pnui[ii~
he dlT.
pTDNHkil
In Tioloaa Which
at mo ai
tiilwdbfU" h]
- " " " " "
defence of what
appeared
to be their
conunof
interests.'
Tbey
were
probablyeurpriacd
to
find their overtures
abruptlyrejected.
An in-
Irieus which
they
could not huve
suspeclet^
ana which
was carefullyconcealed,
had been
carried
on
for
some
time between Athens and
Philip,
and stifled the uneasiness wbicb the
Athenians would otherwise have felt at the danger
of
Amphipotis. Philip
found
means to
persuade
thein that be did
not intend to keep the
place
;
but,as soon as be bad taken it.to re-
'
them. This
was
the secret of
a negotiation,
concerning
which
our informattoi
would have been stillmore
deficient tban it
is,
if ithad not become
very
celebrated
throngh
the
caution with which it
was wrapped
in
mystery.
We do not know
when, or by
which of the
parties
it
was opened.
It
may
have been
merely
a
continuation of that in which
peace
had beei
last aoDcluded between
them, when
Philiphad
made
professions
with recard [o
Amphipolis
which called for
socne explanationas soon aa
be
began
to threaten it with hie
arms,
De- mosthenes
alludes 10 this famous
secret,!
bbt
only
discloses
so
much of it
as was
necessatT
to convict
Philip
of
fraud : another
veiy
im-
portsnt part
of the transaction which be
sup-
pressea" "M"nscioaa,perhaps,
that it was not
honourable to the Athenians " has
fortDnatel;r
been
preserved
in
a fragment
of
Tbeopompus.t
From bimwe team that
Antiphon
and Charid"-
I sent on an
embassy
to
Philip, avow,
edly
with the
generalpurpose
of
drawing thft
bonds of
amity
closer between bim and the re-
public.jl
Bat
theyhad secret
ioBtruclions,
and
i^parenttylargepowers,
to treat with him foi
Amphipolis.
Without such
authority, theyprobably
would
not have ventured to make such
aa
~
theyare reported
to have made
tohim;
to have
accepted
the
proposal,
ifit
proceeded
from him.
They are
said to have
promised
that,
ifhe would make the Athenians
masters
of
Amphipolis, they
would
put
him in
poa-
session of
Pydna.
Pydna, as we
have
alreadyroeotimed,ha(I
revolted from
Archelaus. and,
when be had
reduced
it to submission with the assistance
1^
the
Athenians,
bad been tranererred
by
him t"
a site
a
littlefarther removed from the
sea.
It
seema
probable
thai the itihabilants took advantage
of the weakness of the Macedonian
government
in the
reign
of
Amjntas,
to shake
offbia
authotity.TThey were
brought
overta
"
Demathini
It gtmnd for
duuufuii
rceljpntibb Ut oca-
70
HISTORY OF 0KEKX;E.
the Atbenian alliance,
itis
said,by ConoD.l
and
perhaps
al the
Bsme
time retomed to their old
msritinie
position.
We
are,
however,
incliued
to
suspect,
for reasons nhich we
have
asrigned
In
a note,
that this
acquisition
was mat-
""
Timolheos.
They
could not have been su
dered to Ibcirancient mastera
by
the Athenians
wilhoot a
grosa
breach of faith
;
and the dis-
povery
of such
a
deaigo
would
probably
have
f
defeated
it,as
it would
immediately
have dis-
solred theii alliancewith Athens
;
and there ia
|H" reason to
suppose
that their Iowd'wbs occupied
by
an
Athenian
garrison.
For
Philip,
~
seaport
so near the confines of
Thessaly
\n
k
point
of
great
moment
;
but bis main
object
was, undoobtedly,
not to
acquire
it
by
such
means,
but to
cajole
the Athenians until he
"hoold have effected the more important
con-
âest
of
Amphipolis.
The
ambassadors,
on their
return, were
permitted
to maJte their
report
secretly
to Ibe Cooncil of Five Hundred. The
people
appear
to have been for
some
time satisfied
with
a
generalassurance,
which was
probably
itselfmade
as
little
public
as
possible,
ftat
Amphijxilis
was to be ceded to them.
There
was
nardlyany price
at which
they
vould not have been
willing
to
purchase
11
;
and therefore about the terms
they
were curious,
bat not
uneasy.
Thus it
was
that the
Olynthian
envoys were dismissed,
and the
Qlynthians
found
that,
if
they
wished to defend Am
phipolis,
ttiey
must
prepare
to sustain a conflict with
Macedonia atone.
Philip,
however, thought
itad-
TJsable to conciliate
them,
and to
purchase
their
"cquiescence,
rather than haiard
a
trial of
"Irength.
The town ofAnlhemua " the situation
of which does not seem to be
yet
welt ascertain-
edt " bad
always
been claimed
by
his
predeces'
I i ud tbkt it wu
*
Bat tk*
oiilf
"QtbcAJ^
lor AU fact li "
povin
in an
"Dpv*
the ftoouat tbnv aitod of Conon'i eiplnitiwith
ttt "i"ui"*irfctiaii ot thoH of l^moCfwiji in liocnI"
(t.
i"-
hkn Dal (HE iiHpTHHd bofon, Ihu thtgoDitna \iiSiims
hu bHB iiilKtilnttdTn Iht duin ]kaU"ri,vhich would
Mf" Iko
ooBifSMt*
tbtn utribDUd to Coaaa to TinDllwiia.
It!" RH lliu Diadonu
|ii*., Mj likgwiH iHntiOQ" " nnm-
btrd("ili"iir1iii!hwani*ioBBniiH ui|iunilfor Albou
tj CoDoailnlitiiniuAablolhukiiUitdoMiutooiluii
nqr
Uu iliilii tlw anno afOtn
oi]i"litioa
Cmca" who
wu ibll in
oomptny
vith Pliuubtxut" viilHd thn cout
of MfeEAloaifc or ThnCfl.
lodged,
hit
deflcnptionftlnott
"uiliidaitil*nppniiiiiin
nf iKit ftct. Tbta, it m loot
uua Ht Iha
pam^
of Diiur^hijo,it oeeio*
ilnE^rv.tony
Ufl Iflut, tliotwh"ii tha onlor'i
purpoae
wm tn i"n*i,rfnf
BOra, tbongbBc
was
probably
at Uii* time in hi" huids
;
the successful
war
in which Peniiecas had
eo-
operated
with Timotheos
againatOlyathns,
it
would certainly
not have been aUowod to retnaii
" ifithad
previoody
heoD in the
ei"aai7'a
power.
He
now
gave
it
up
to the
Olyinhiuu, wte
were so much
gtatifled brlhiamiezpeoled eon-
cession,
that itwoaMbafe been
vaiDloattampt
to
instigate
them
agsinsthiro,
eapeiâllj in
aa
enterprise
of so mudi risicand
diffienltr aa the
defence of
Amphipolis.
He (herelbre
proceeded,
without
inlerrnption,
to
lay aiege
to thi
town. Diodorus would lead
us to
anppoee
that
he achieved the
conquest speedily
" that Ik
made a breach with tua
engines,
and
eo,
afla
a
great slan^teramong
the
troops
which
maD-
ned the
walls,
took it
by
storm
;
bat Uub aeem
to be a too
snmmtry.
if not
an erraneoiis ar-
connt of his
operations.
Frton better
oattaot^
we
know,
that when the
dangerwu felt to be
pressing
at
Amphipolis,
and
no
hope
remained
of
auccooT from
Olynthus,an
embasay,
beaded
by
Hierax and Stratoctea "
whoappeapto
have
been chiefs of the
parly
devoted to tlie Athe- nian
interest" was sent to
Athens,
with
bd ot
ferto surrender the
city
to Ute Athenians.* It
was, perhaps,
to counteract this
appticatim
that
Philipthought
it
expedient
to renew ths
promise
which he had inade to the AtheaiaD
envoysi
in
explicit terms, by
a
letter addressed
to the
people.
t
Yet it
appears
that the
proposals
of the
Amphipolitansmight not )uti
been
rejected
if the attention of the Athenians
had not beet) drawn
away, by events which
we
shall
shortly
have to relate,towards
a diflereat
qnailer.
As it
was, they
cast themselvea
upon
Philip's word,
and allowed him to make himself
master of
Amiîpolis
without
opposition.
Whether,
after
ail,
lieUidk
it,as Diodonu
states, by assault,or, as
Demoetbanes intimates,]:
by
means of
a correspoadeoeewhidi
he
keptup
with his
partisanswithin,
is a
point
which we cannot detenniue, and of amall importance.
No less difficultis itto asoertaiu the
real foundation of the accomits which
we
find
of his treatment of the
tjonquered.
Tlwt of
Diodonis is in itself
highlyprobable
: that he
banished llie citisens who bad
distinguialMd
tbemaelreB
by
their
opposition to his
interests.
t ThiiTftoark itlhrmm oul torlha
pnrpoto ^. "
le
"ttflotiDnofqluIrdediudxH
to l}isq11"t]aii*hvthsrt)lB
Ethomao whicb
wu codod 1^ Philipto lbs OlrntWoBm,
id which hv] be"n on oltj^d
ot coHtfntiin brtwvon than
t"
olTwhiGh"
ODltubordflnof M7idaiiia,b"vtlwA"wr
p.
Ill) ndl.nie
[JVbrltm
Oi-mr, ill,, p. 4H).
aiÂud
'AiSiiaiiiU. WhusuluTalwFDilieDriBiEar As
cl^
Ht
up
by OlTBthM in
" "
wuwilli AthaMibonld Ian. Bnl ksglh of nninua
isr
11 romarlable tiat ULaod iffiip.,
i.,p. IMl,
nli"
ignorana
of Ibn
RiOKTaphj;,
bal wilb a
Oi^kut/mn
tittIM. A
maritimapcajtinaappoaraalanlo
be
rvqoir^d
for Iho Antbamoi wbich
Am^laa
offbrod w
fc
r.
If it waa ai"ita;Dtd tha
^KThinaa
{Da F. L.,p J]
) n
*
Dimoalli..Olnitb.
i.,
p.
.,p.Ug,i.AX"..tS8.
PHILIP'S 8UCCSBS.
hit dealt
mfldljr
with the
rMt. Ifia
b;
an
iDBCriptiOD
Btitl extant
anioag
the ruins
(rf'
Amptupolia,
which records
a
decree of
perpetual
baniahment and caoflscstion of
propeKy
"gainat
Straloclea "
probably
die ambasMttor
"boTs tneotioned " and one Philo,
and their children
;
Bnd tbreatena aU who should
giro
tbem
dielier
id
Ute
city,
or
attempt
to
procure
the
repeal
of the
decree,
with the like
penalty.*
DemoMhenea, on Uie other
hand,
alhides to the
erent in a manner
which
impljeathat,
instead
oT
rewarding
those who bad
betrayed
their fcl-
low-citizens,
he treated them with
great rig^
oar
:t
that he
put
Ihem to death
is,
perhaps,
only a conjecturalexplanation
of the orator's
meaning.!
The fact
may
hare
been,
that he
did not screen them from the
Tengeancs
of their
political
adTeraariea.
The
eonqueat
of
AmphipoUs
did not imme-
dialely
malce
a
breach between him and the
Atheniaas. It remained to be
seen whether
he would
perform
his
promise; but,
accarding
to the secret
compact,
he was not bound to do
10 before he was
pot
in
possessionofPydna.
Whether
any steps
were taken for this
purpose
if the Athenian
gaTemment we do not know.
FhUip,probably,
did
not allow time for them.
He
appears
to have marched
against Pydna
immediately
aner the fall of
Amphipolis,and,
cither
through
terror or
treBchery,^
was
admitted
into the
town.
If the
Pydnaians
had been
taftmied of (he
agreement by
which their independence
was to be
sacrificed,
it would not be
Mrprising
that
they
should hare thrown
open
theirgates.
That he exercised
any unnecessary
"ererity
towards Ihem is
cenainly
not to be be-
li"Ted
on
the
authority
of a rhetorician whc
liTed
many
centuries later
;ll
but itwould not be
incredible
that, at the moment of
occupation,
nme
blood
was
shed in a raililanr or
political
tumult,
which
may
ha*e
given
Demosthenes
occasion for
an
allusion to
Philip's conduct,ex-
Kt)y
like that which be makes
on the
subject
of
Amiîptdia.T He,
of
course,
considered him-
nlf aa no
longer
boupd
by
his
promise;
and it
aeCTw to have been
gi*en
in such terms
that,
though
itrnmisbed the Athenian orators with a
topic
of infective
against
his
duplicity,
it could
"M be
regarded,
even al Athens, as
ground
for
a
demand." The
resentment excited there
by
the
di"appoiJitmeiit
was
probably
the
greater
on
this account : the
people,
so
far
as
itunderstood
ibe
transaction,
feltitselfto hare
been, not
only
injured,
but overreached. It is a little
surprising
that we do not bear that it vented its
anger
upon any
of the
persons
who had conducted
the
negotiation
on its behalf. But
Philip
was
hsneeforih viewed as an
open enemy,
and this
was
the
beginning
"
though
without
any
formal
declaration " of
a state
ofhostiiity
between the
two
powers,
which
was called,
from its
origin,
Ibe
Amphipolitan
War.
Philip
was aware that he could
not hope
any
longer(o
pacify
the Athenians
by words, and
all that he could do was to
gnaid against
tbe
n Ol^nth. i.,
p.
li,
iJubTui lilldla
AEDphJpulil.
elfbcta of tbeir
enmity.
Re
seema to bava
been stillafraid lest a
league
should be formed
against
him between Athens and
Olynthus,
and
resolved to avert the
danger by bestowing another
boon
on the
Olynthians,which aboufd,at
the
same time,strongly
attach them to him and
separate
them more
widely
than
ever
from
Athens. He knew that
theylonged
to
recover
Potidaa,
and
encouraged
[hem to atCach it
by
a
promise
of assistance. It
was held
by an
Athenian
garrison,
but
was forced to
yieldto f
the united forcea of the allies. It
seema as
if
he stillwished it to be believed that he had
not
acted with
any
hostile intentions towards Ath- ens,
and
was desirous of
preservingpeace.
Ha
forced,indeed,
the Athenian settlers to withdraw,
and
put
the
Olynthians
in
possession
of
their lands and houses
;
but he treated the
garrison
in the most gracious
manner,
and sent it
back to Athens. The toss of Potidsa
was the
I
keenly
fell
there,as it must have
depri-
)
great
number of citizens of their whole
property.
An
expedition
was decreed for the
relief of the
place
;
but,
if itwas sent
out,
it
arrived
too late,* Its fall
was
allributed,Uke
that of
Amphipolis
and
Pydna,
ta
treachery.
But
as
this
was a
supposition
which soothed
tbe
people
under such
misfortunes,
and served
as a
plea
to shelter its
servants,
when
they
^lil-
ed in
any undertaking,
from its
displeasure,
it
must be received with caution.
What interval
may
have
elapsed
between the
capture
of
Pynda
and tbacorPotidEeaisa
qaes-
lion
on
which
ebronologers
are at variance. It
would,perhaps,imply
an
extraordinary rapidity
in
Philip's operations
to
suppose
that bath these
places
were taken in the
same
year
with Am- phipolis,
as the narrative of Diodorus
represents,
t On the other
hand,
there is
reason to
believe that the three events came close
upon
one
another,
and
we
therefore find it difficult
Eo
adopta
tradition recorded
by Plutarch,which
would fix the fallof Fotidca in the
earlypart,
or
about the middle of the
year 3H, very near
the
beginning
of the hundred and sisEb
Olym-
Eiad.
Plutarch
relates!that
Philip
had
justta-
en
Potidffia when he received
intelligence
of
three other
happy
events : a
victory
won
by
his
"
DemoMh., t,01rDlh.,t ". 1.
Philipp.,t4l".
Tki Hm
of thcH
jKiwn
II citid
by Sunle.Cmi. Eiorntu,"c., p.
SB9, IDpnie
l)iatth"
licgEof PoIiiIh liiUd
lout,uid ttut
"IDS
Ihml u tmmni an nMisE un u inHm
u ugiiiiiaDllioalt
hiYa brsn
wJc^Had b;
Schfiasrr
(i,,i.p, il). But in lUt
nnwhcre infoibcd thu tbs
Ol7Dllllllu
"niUd Pluilp U
Imke
Fjdu^
uid il H cmuin Ihit
Pjâwu
ukin lisLm
iDluiB Bnuulaiunl
ujF, bat tlul of Pntidita, tbit Pk
PyiiDtnd Puiidn in Ihi ttn of Diodcmii (rri.,B}
we fnr. fnu lb" uixhat.not turn t tnnvtihcr,
(h* aipRuini
^rii I)
lid ri, nHtili wfilut
im
tbiiDhu nnfumt'nt
mvnliDa^
in tht Tul iiolv.
ihii
iinliDriif oTFIutuchitsdiintiud wmba
lent rvaaipn
vrhj
Philip
ihuald h^v4 iel^Jti BO lonv to U-
uak Polidsi kIUfIbe
aptun
nC
Ampbipulim ud Pjdiai,
wbtB il BTidaillrb"uBS hit jbUtM la hi OiTUhu U
Haiii;
wiih Aiban.
HISTORY OP GBEECE.
the birUi of bis eon Alexander, the
prince
who
was la succeed hUn on Ihe
throne,
and to fiU
the
world with hia fanae. Tlio
priM
in the
chariot-race is Dot
unworthy
of
notice,as it
"bowa
rhilip's anxiety
to claim the
privileges
gf a Greek,
and to
acquirereputation
among
the Greeks
by
a kind of
display
suited to the
national taste. Parroenio's
campaignwas evi-
I
dentty
connected with a
league,wbich, according
to Diodorua,was formed
againstPhilip,
in
the first
year
of the hundred and sixth
Olympi- ad,
between the
Kings
of
Illyria, PKonia,
and
lliTace, though
he describes
Philipaa crushing
it
by
an expedition
which he made
against
them
in
person,
while their
preparalioaa were yet
in- complete.
It
may,
however,
be
asked,
if Dio-
donis was mistaken io this
point,
and the victory
was
reallygainedby Parmenio,
what was
the
engagemeot
which
preventedPhilip
Irotn
taking
the field
accordiog
to hia custom. If we
adopt
PlDtarch'a atatemeot, we must,
of
course,
"appose
that he waa occupied
with the
siege
of
Potidaa. But it is not
necessary
to resort to
Utis
explanation,
fur we are ioTormcd
that,soon
afterhe had reduced Potidira,
he undertook another
expedition,
with a
rery important object,
irtiich he seems to have had in view when he
fiiEt meditated the
conqoest
of
Ampbipolia.
Thia was to make himaelT master of the mine
districtof
PangKos,
which
beginson the led
bank of the
Sti^mon,
and had hitherto been in
the
handa,
sometimea of tbe native Thracian
tribes, at
others of the
Thasiaas, or the Athe- nians.
The Thaaians were now in
possession
of the most valuable
portion
of
it,
and,
only
three or foor
years
bôre,
had formed a new
It in a
place
called Crenldea " from its
on a hill
^Munding
with
springe
" in
a plaioat the eaatem foot of
Pangsus,
which it
aroarates ftwa a
part
of tbe
range
of Hi
We do not hear that
Philipthought
itnr
'
to
allege
any pretext
for thia invasion.
Tbasians had
dislodged
one of the tribes of
Hnmus,'
when
Ihey
settled at
Crenides,
he
might
think that so recent an
occupation
con-
teried no titlewbich he was bound to
respect ;
or he
may
have chosen to consider them as al-
Uee of
Athena,
whose
territory might lawfnlly
become his
by right
of
conquest. They
were
not in a
condition to ofier
any
resistance,and
it does Dot
appeartbatany
of them
were
driven
out of their habitations.
They
were
only
com-
peDed
to receive a numerous
colony
of new set-
tiers, probablyMacedonians,wfaom'Philip
sent
to share the tond with them. The
importance
of the
place,
thus
enlarged
into a considerable
oity,
was marked
by
the new name of
Philippi,
with which he honoured it
: a name destined to
become more memorable alter his
kingdom
had
betxime a Roman
province.
The
mines, which had attracted the Thasi-
ans,
he of course seized as crown
property;
and he
employed so much more
skill
or
labour
than had hitherto been
applied
to the
working
of
them,
that
they are said to have
yielded
an
addition of a thousand talents to hia revenue.
This was
probably
the
largestsum which he
drew from
any
one mine. But i
*
1"" Sans, u CooMLtTj HdetTODi
lei.
from such sources. A
single
... , .._
Mygdonia or Bisaltiai had
formerlyproduced a.
talent a
day
to his
ancestor,
Alexander I.* Tlio
mines of
Crenides,
which had
previously
bepii
in
very
low
rcpute,t
must have been distinct
from those of
Dates,t
which were
not, indeed,
very
far distant,but nearer
the
sea,
and were
much earlier celebrated and coveted for their
extraordinary productiveness"
as
they
undoubtedly
were from those of
ScapteHyle,
in which
the
property
of
Thucydides lay.
Datos wns
proverbial
for the
fertility
of its
soil,
for the
richness of its
goldworks,
and for tbe conveni- ence
it offered for
shipbuilding.}
Itseems to
have been first coloniied
by
the Thasians "
whose island stretched across the Pierian Guir
over uitiost it" and afterward
by
the Atheni- ans.
If,AS is
probable,
it was the
same iJiwn
as
Neapolia.ll
it might
be looked
upon
as the
port
of
Crenides,
and there can be littledonbt
that it was seised
by Philip
at the same time.
Philippi
itself was
chieflyvaluable,not on account
of its
goldmines, or of the
adjacent
fhiit-
fol
plain,
but as a
militaiy position
which commanded
the
passes leading
into tbe vale of the
Ncstus,
and so
opened
the
way
to a number of
objects
in the north of the
."gean,
which bad
already
" as the
aetûel
leads us to believe" begun
to inflame
Philip's ambition,
while itsecu- red
those which had been
just acquired
fhiin
the inroads of the Thracian hordes.
Yet,
what has been said
may
be sufficient to show
the
futility
of the
objections
which have beea
raised in modem limes to the uniform tradition
of
antiquity
as to the
briberypractisedby
Phil- ip,
on the
ground
that be did not
possess
means
BOfficient for it.T If be was not rich,
it
was
r"IT. SMLdtkfl.NoRlitniGi
A copi*par
Arrim
{hp mckriK
Apnian,
B.
C,,
id li nlli ie Dun KK
Ci"iiid4", liilwi"il
ft.'l.Tlr.p.Mr"
Is L"ks'"
opDiim INortiisraGn"x, lii..I'- ll
uhn Ihu Nnpirili (p.I"l, ll
)t^..li""Tl"
RETROSPECT." CONQUESTS OF TIMOTHEUS.
onl7
beeanaa his
expenditurewas
Urge.
an not. uideed,
able la fonn
any
estimal
the amoant of hia
revenue
;
but it is evident
that " aalike Ibat of Athens " it rested on a
secure basis,
and was continuaUjiucreaaing
tbrougb
the whole course of his
reign.
It
was,
perhaps,
in these
conqueels
tbat he was engaged
while Pannenio was cocnmandiag
hia forces
againat
the
confederacy
of the northern barbarians.
The eslabliehment of the
military
colony
at
Pbilippimay
have made a
pause
in his
progreas
in this direction.' He b"d
paved
the
way
for future
eonquesta,
which he might
push
as far aa he would
;
but tbe season for
'
bad Dot ajrired.
Iliey
would
only
have '
ted a jealouay
aipoog
the
Greeks,
which
might
injure
his intei'estmore
than
they
could
promote
it.
Greatly
as be had now increased his
power
and his
resources,
be was aware
that he
could
yet
do
nothingagaioatGreece,
and that
he could be
nothing
without Greece. It was in
and
through
Greece that he had to seek the
hiîeat objecta
of bis ambition. He bad to
make Macedonia a
Grecian atats of the first
magnitude,
and then to
try
if itcould
not awal-
h)w
up
the rest. For tbia
purpose,
it
was expedient
that be should wait
quietly
for
an
op-
portunilj
of
iuterlenng
with E^vantage in Gre-
oiaa
a^rs. And so be
appears
to have rested
a irbile from
military enlerpriaes ;
but we
may
be sure that tbe inlerral
was not idlyspent;
it
w"s probably
now that be
began
to lay
the
fbondatiOD of a marine,
for which his recent
conqneeta
aflbrded
aljundantmaterials,not,
perhaps,
in the
tiope
i^
oommanding
the
sea,
but with the riew nf
protecting
bis own coasts
and
commerce,
and of
aimoying
the Athenians.
Here,
for a time,we must
drop
the narratiTe
of bis
actions,
to relate a series of erenls
wluch,
without bis
co-operation,
oontribuled more to
his find
(fiumi^
than
any
of the Tictoriesand
conqueett
which he had liitbsrtoachieved.
That the state of
things
out of which these
events arose
may
be more dearly onderaiood,
it will be
necessary
to
go
back into Ibe
history
of the new
confederacy,
into which Athens had
begun,
aa we have
aeen,
to draw some of her
old alliea in
377,soon after she had
entered,
for the second
time,
into alliance with Thebes
againstSparta.
Tbe states which "rst acceded
to itwere Chios.
Byiaotium,Rhodes,
and
Myt-
ilene.
They appear
to have
joined
it
spontaneously,
disgusted
with tbe treatment they
had
received from
Sparta,
and
remembering
Ibe mild
and
equitable proceedinga
of Conon and Thras-
ybulus,
whose
example they
had reason to
hope
would be followed
by
Conon'a
soti,
aod
by
the
other able men whom
they might expect
to sec
in the command of the Athenian forces. Vie
have seen what care was taken to secure their
confidence
by
the conditions of tbe
league,
which
were
expressly
framed to
guardagainst
the re-
currenca of the old abuses, t The
participation
of Thebes aflbrded
an
additional
aafeguard
^Kir, PUbp., t IT
: "") igiin.t
IM./KiUp
himnlf
ID-
lUai
pnltT ciniri)' ihM lu did nH wui
iLa
natui of
b.rj.in hu
lelBr,t W.
1
aipMllliciii
rsliud
lijTh"-
ST^^Htw
against
the eneroachmenta of the
leading
meri'
time
power.
Tbe
Thebans,bowever, no sooner
saw their
territory
delivered from the
terror
of the
Spartan
invasion than
theybegan
to direct
their attention lo the re-eslabliahment of
ibeir
authority
In
Bceolia,neglected
tbe interests
which
they
had in common with
Athena,
and withheld the contributions which
they
had
paid
for
a time to the
charges
of her
navy,
ihough
it had beeti
employed,
at (heir
request,
for the
purpose
of
effbcling
a diversion in their
'
Tavour. It wuald
seem, therefore,
as if
Uiey
no
longer
wished to be considered as members of
the
coorederacy,
in which
theyoccupied
a subordinate
station,
which
was
probably
from lb*
first
mortirying
to their
pride,
and
only
rendered
tolerable
by
the
temporarypressure
of distress
and
danger.
Yet
when,
after the mo- mentary
peace
of
3T4,
hostilitiesbroke out
afresh between Athens and
Sparta,they
sent a
small
squadronto
joinTimotheus,who,
however,
was to
provide
the
pay
;"
but
soon after
theirconnexion with the Athenian
confederacy
was
entirely
and
finally
dissolved.
The
change
which the battle of I"uctra.made-
in the relative
poaltion
or alt
parties was,
on the-
whole,
very
favourable to the interests of Ath- ens.
Sparta
was humbled and
wealtened,
and
yet
had to bear
nearly
the whole burden of thff
war. Attica
was not
invaded
;
and
as the
ob^
ject
of the Athenian
policy
was
onlyto balance
the
power
of
Tbebes,
it did not
require
or
permit
any very costly
exertions on behalf of
an
ally
who " as
appears
from the
negotiation
which
took
place
after the Theban invasion of Laco-
nia" was stiH
regarded
with
jealousy.When
the
liberty
of Tbebes
was Ihreatened
by Sparta,
after the
recovery
of the
Cadmea,
the Atheni- ans,
who feltthat their own
independencewas
at stake,bad made
extraordinary
efforts and
sacrifices. A new valuation of all
private property
had been
made,
with a view to a more
equablesystem
of taxation :t and
though
the
burdens of the state were increased for a
time,
there can bo no
doubt that tbe result was beneficial
to its Gnances. In
ibc intervalbetween
the battles of Leuctra and
Manlinea, it must
have been
continually gainingstrength,
both at
home and abroad. Its
agriculture
and commerce
experienced
no
interruption,
and th"
confederacy
over which it
presided
received
the addition of several
very importantmem- bers.
Most of these
acquisitions
were due to
Tiinotbeus,
whose
upright
and amiable charac-
tor efl%cted,perhaps,
as
many conquests
as his
military
talents. Tbe
praise
bestowed on hint
by
his friend
Isocralea.twho
accompanied
him
in some of bis
campaigns,
wrote his
despatches,
and
was
munificently
rewarded
by him,^
must be
cautiously interpreted.
But it aflbrda
ground
for
believing
that he used
-- -
violence,
treated
conquered
e
'-' "
UHO wiU of
cosniomîlt
BwcUi'i
HTminblt'
dit-
1 (PaMii;Ec ofAtlwH, It..". 4).
"
t
ViuX.01
In^f J"nj.,tI14-IM. il.ImoaJ^
HISTORY OF GREECE.
bia
jiui^riat,
indDced
manj
citiesnbieb bad
prcTiousI;
been
jll-diaposed
tovarde Athene to
throw
open
their
gates
to birn. There
are,
howerer, two
poiate
as to which we shoeld
hive dsaired some more
particulu
infonnBtioD
(ban Isoeratea has
thought
(itto communical
He extols the
ability displayedhy
Timotheus
"everal
importantcooquests,
which he made
without
auy supplies
from the Athenian treasu-
n
i
but he does not
explain
how this could be
done without violence and
wrong
inflictedsome- where
or other
;
aod he leaves us to
conjecture
that the means were ruroisbed
by pluniler,
or
Jbrced contrihutions levied from the inhabitants
.of the Asiatic
coast. He also
praises
the Ibr-
bearance and
delicacj
with which his hero
treated neutral Greek cities
;
but he has
neglected
to mention under what
pretext
he compelled
those which he
conquered
to
join
the
Athenian
confeileracy.
And we can
onlyans-
"t
that he took
advantage
of their
political
tensions, and, professing
to aide with one
party,
reduced all to submission.
AcoordiDg
to
Isoeratea,
whose calculation is
confinned,as we have
seen, by Dinarchus,
the
amnber of the citieswhich he
brought
into subjection
to Athens amounted to
twenty-four.
j"scbinea,indeed,speaking
without
any apparent
intention of
culogixing Timotheus, asserts
that he
acquiredseventy-five,'
But
as the
whole number of the cities which became
members
of the new
confederacy
is stated
by
Dio-
dorus at
sevemy.t
it must be
supposed
'' ' '
did not exceed
sevenly-flve,
and that the
only
mentioned
Timotheus,
because his
ces were the most celebrated. It
is,bt
certain that
many
were added to the
congress
by
other
generals;
as it is related of Chahrias
^ Demosthenes,!
that be took
seventeen
;
and
we
may.
safely
presume
that
Iphicrates
had
many
similar victories to recount. In the
year
BB2
Timotheus, with tbe
help
of the Persian satrap,
Ariobarzanes,as we shall soon have occasion
to mention
again,
obtained
possession
of
the
Hellesponiinc
towns,
Soatus and Crithote
;
and, according
to
lacerates,
this
acquisition
flrsl
inspired
the Athenians with the
hope
of recovering
tbe whole
peninsula.
It
seenis to have
been not
long
aAer that he laid
sie^
to
Samos,
which bad been
occupiedby
a Persian
garrison,
f
with a fleet of
thirtygalleys,
and with
SOOO
targeteers,
and reduced itto surrender at
tbe end of eleven months.
Isocrates,
who was
present,
and is said to have received a talent
for his share of Iho
spoil,
observes, with admiration,
that he drew the whole
pay
snd subsistence
of his forces
throughout
the
siege
from the
enemy's country.
Of the manner in which he wrested Potzdna
and Torone from
Olynthus,
we have
already
spoken, Isoeratea, we must remark,
does not
notice the
co-operationof Perdiccasi
but
only
inrorms
as
that "fimotheos
defrayed
the whole
expense himself, partly
from hia
pri
vate
"
Do F. L.,1 7J. t n.. M.
t Lwt.. t SO. She (In t B9,nhcTg hs
Hn
AAtDi
...... ".-.^--
ces,
and
partly
flom contributiODS laited in
Thrace,meaning,perhaps.
Thasos and its subject
towns.
We learn from other
intbors, that
one of his
expedients was (o debase the Mace- donian
coin for a
tetnporsry
medium of
ex-
change.*
Whether it was in the interval between
this
conquest
and bis unauccessfol
attempt
upon Amphipolis,
or at an earlier
period,
towards the end of the
reign
of
Amyntas,
tbat
he annexed
Pydna
and Methoae to the Atfaeni-
sn
confederacy
" if we
may
assume that this
was his work "
we canntit determine.
Thebes, though constantly occupied
with tbe
attempt
to establish her
supremacy
in Greece
on tbe rain of
Sparta,
and
tboiighfrequently engaged
with the affairsof Macedonia and Thea-
saty,
was not inattentiveto the
progress
of the
maritime
power
of Athens
;
and
Epaminondas
seems to have Ibrmed the
design,
which
(tar-
haps
his death alone
prevented
him from
executing,
of
transferring
tbe
sovereignly
of the
sea and the islands to his own
city.
Bnl he
probably
would not have conceived this
thought
ifhe had not known that
some
of the
leading
allies
of Athens had
begun
to be
disgusted
wiiii
her,
which
implies
that some of the old
grier-
ancea had been
already
renewed. Diodonu
Bays,
that in tbe
year
before the battleof Man-
tinea he made a
speech
which induced Iho The-
balis to
pass
a decree for the
building
of a hundred
galleys
and an arsenal
;
and it must have
been on this occasion that he ined tbe bold
figure
reportedby fscbines,-!
that the
propjlt^
of the Athenian
Acropolis"the
emblem of the
imperial
state of Athens "
must be transferred
to the Cadmca. The same decree directed that
an
attempt
should be
immediately
made to de"
tach
Chios, Rhodes,
and
ByuDtiuui,
from the
Athenian alliance
;
and
Epaminondas
was
appointed
to the command of a
squadron
destined
to tbat
objeci.t
His force was
strong enough
to
compel
the Athenian
admiral.Laches,
who
had been sent
againsthim,
it is
said,
with a
considerable
armament, to withdraw
;
and Dio-
dorus adds that he induced tbe three
states to
alliance with Thebes.
This,
how-
be
exaggeration
;
otherwise ws
heard
something
about the event
! of the war. Only
with
regardto
ve have other
intimations,to be
mentioned
hereafter,
which
may
be
thoughtto
confirm the statement of Diodorus. But the
death of
Epaminondas
seems to have released
Athena from all fear uf TliebaD
competition.
Perhaps
it also
exposed
her to new
annoyance
I DTtlx mmi ctur-
should hav
and the iss
"
Pol^M
wn.i
ulrtM-
-tiSiiiiiiihiiiurlf
uiM ""iinilu flsurein Ctt".,tI4S,t*
BodXciit' pmr
ri !")( utAox
|iiritj;("-i"'
n'trjr
Ku^clor.
Phil.,"3S: e-fiuiai, . di Bv^vTiar raitpcis
tlhainr lit
.oJ ,","''--
'""-" =---- . - ".
I :
and
onnpvt
Dl
tia
Rhod. Lib. t It.
ALEXANDER OF PHEILB" MERCENARY TROOPS.
'rom BDOther
qnarter;
for in the aanie
year
her
)ld
ally,
Alexander of
Pberv, aa if euie tbat he
ihould not
aeaiu
need her
succour,
tcntured to
it out a
squadron
for
piratical excursions,
with
sbich he took the chief town of the isle ofTe-
los,
and enslaved tbe inhabitaDta
;
and in the
rear following
he not
onlyplundered
same olh-
srs of the
Cyclades,
and laid
siege
to
PeparB'
Jius,but even landed a
body
of
troops
in Attica
taelf,
and seized the
port
of
Panormus, a little
eastward of Simintn. He
was,
it
seems,
defeated
by
the Athenian
admiral,Leosthenea,
ind forced to raise the
siege
of
Peparethus
;
lut he delivered his
troops
which were blocka-
led in
Panomius,
took fire or six of the
enemy's
{alleys,and,imitating
the bold
exploit
of Te-
eutiaa,*
sailed into
Pireus,
landed on tbe
quay,
plundered some
counting-houses, and,
before
Lbeforces of the
citywere raised,
retreated in
lafcty
with the
spoil.
Leosthenea was
charged
A'llh
collusion,
and aentenced to
death,peihaps
[brough
tbe
intrigues
of
Cbarea,
who was
appointed
in his room.t
These
expeditions
of Alexander are signifi-
:;ant in mora than one
point
of Tiew
; partly
as
Jiey
show that Athens
was not so
completely
miatress of the sea as she bad been in former
limes,
and
partly
as an
example
of
piracy
on a
.arge
scale. Ttus was an evil which henceforward
continued to increase
;
but it was connected
with
another,one of the main causes of
the ruin of
Greece,
which has
already
been
slightly noticed,
and will now claim more
particular
attention. We have had
frequent
occasion
to mention the
mercenary bands, which,
from the
beginning
of (his
century,
take a more
and more
prominentpart
in Grecian warfare.
It
was,
no doubt,the
long
continoance of the
Peloponneaian
war and the troubles which en-
Bued" that called them into existence
;t
but it
was not in the wars of Greece alone that
they
found
employment,nor,
itwould
seem,
did these
hold out the
strongesttemptation
to
needy
adventurers
to enter
upon
this course of life.
Higher pay
and richer
plunder
were to be found
in
Asia,
where the disturbed stale of the Persian
empire
created almost continual occasions fbr
(he services of Greek
auxiliaries,
whose
superiority
in arms was
uniyersally
acknowledgeil
by
tbe bartiarians. Hence the number of
persons
who devoted themselves to an
occupation
wbicb
attracted ardent
spirits by
its
dangers
and vicis-
situdes, as well
as tbe more sordid
by
(be
prospect
of
gain
and
pleasure,
was
constancy
increasing.
There was no state which
might
not
carry
on war with such
troops,
if il could
only
Cnd means of
maintaining
them
;
end their
regular
training
and
experience,perhaps,gave
them an
advantageover the native militia of
moat cities.
By Sparta
and
Thebes,
which as-
t
D?cdwu,'".,IM.
Fi"Iriii"u",Ti.,l. W.li"o"d"T-
u 4nvr
llaikadBr,on
vhidi
Polynau BAkta Ui
siduoualy
cultivated the
art
of
war,
and
gioaai-
ed all their
pretensions
to potiticid
pre-emi*
nence on their
militarystrength, they
were
very
sparinglyemployed.
But Athens
began early
(o mate
frequent
use of
them,
and
by degrees
fellinto the
practice
of
employiug
(hem oftener
than her own citiiens,and sometiKtes atone,
Tbe
pernicious
effectsof this
system soon became
manifest in a
variety
of
ways
: a
greater
number of citizens rematDedat
home, not,
however,
engaged
in useful
industry,
but
snbsisling
chieflyon the
pittancesgranted
for their attendance
in the
assembly
and the
tribunais,
and on the
largesses
which
many
of tbe numberless
festivals
brought
with
them, along
with
tbe shows and other
pleasures
of tbe
day
;
and
this was no
doubt the main motive which led
to tbe
preference
of mercenaries for
military
service. On tbe other
hand, these men communicated
their dissolute habits to the citizens
who served in the same
camp,
and thus can-
tritmtedlocorrupt
the
manners of (he
city
more
deeply
than ever. These
may, perhaps,
be considered
aa the most direct causes of that visible
increase of
dissipation
and licenliousneaa
whicH struck a
Greek historian of this
period
in the character of Athenian
society.*
But in
B
political point
of
view,
the most
important
effect
of this
change
of
system
was that which it
produced
on the Athenian
generals,
who collected
and commanded these
mercenary troops
in the service of the commonwealth.
They
were led to consider themselves
very nearly
in
the
same
light
as the men who made tbe collecting
and
commanding
of such forces a
profession,
and to
adopt
their
views, and fuUow
their
example.
The
mercenary
leaders,
whatever
might
be the
variety
of their talents and
characters,
all
perfectly
resembled one another
in one point:they
had broken tbe ties which
bound them to their native cities
;
they
were
under no control,
and bad
nothing
to
hope
and
fear from tbeir fellow-citizens
:
their sole object
was to secure their
independence,
and to
establish themselves in
opulence
and
power
elsewhere. There
wer6 two roads
by
whicli
they
were often able to attain this
object,
Thfl
foreignprinces
into whose service
they
entered
were frequeolly willing
to attach them
to tbeir interests
by
a domes(ic alliance and
an
honourable seLtlement.t Thus it was that
Scuthea would have detained
Xenophon,
offering
him tbe hand of one of his
daughters,
and
one of his moat valuable towns near the coast.t
Several other instances of (bis hind will
shortly
occur to us. Another
very camn]OQ
mode of
accomplishing
their wishes
was,
(o seize some
fortiSed
town,
and to erect a
tyranny
in it. So
Charidemus,
after he had
quitted
the Athenian
service,
crossed over to Asia,
and made himself
master of the towns of
Scepsis,Cebren,
and
Ilium.
4
He was
encouraged
to make this attempt
by
the unsettled state of the
province,
which was an
ofajec(
of contest between two
rival Persian
satraps.
But like
opportunities
were frequently
offered on the coast of
Asia,
which held out the
strongesttemptslions
to
these adventurers
by
the
fertility
of the soil
and (he wealth of the cities. The orators
of
aSSil?:
mSTORY
OP GREECE.
tliia
ace TeprcMQt
encb acta
of Tiolence as having
become an
ordinarypracl
ice. "You
know,"
-
the
speaker
says,
in an oration of Demosthenes
delivered in
352,
"that all these chiefs of mer
cenaries make it their aim to take
poaaessioi
of Greek cities and to rule in them
;
and that
they
go rangingabout,
and
everywhere
ducting
themselTea as (he common enemi"
allwho wish to live in freedom
according
to
theirown laws."* Isocrates
represents
the inhabitants
of the Asiatic coast as the
principal
"ulferers,
and enters into
details,
which show
that the treatment
they
received from the ft"e-
bootera into whose
power they
fellwas
osuall;
marked
by
the foulleat eiceases of wanton
"nd
cruelty.!
It
is,boweveT, barifly possibleto read the
acconnt which the same author,
in a
paaaage
to
which we have referreda few
pages
back,gives
oTthe
esplojis
of
Timotheus,
without
observing
tbal the mail!
poinu
which
distinguished
the
Athenian
general
from such
men as Cbaride-
mu8, were,
ou the one
hand,
his
loyalty
to Ath- ens,
and,on the
other,
the natural
gentleness
and
moderation of bis
character,
which
prevented
bim from
inflicting any
wanton
wrong.
But in
Other
respects
he conducted bis
operations
very
much after the manner of the
mercenary chiefs,
"nd was not
scrupulous
as to the means of finding
pay
fur his
troops.
Itwas to be
supposed
that
other
generals, placed
in a like
aituatiun.would
be much less carefulof the interests of
Athens,
and would
pay
much leaa
regard
to the
feelings
Of the Greelu who
might
be
subject
to their
pleamre. Accordingly, we find that
Iphicrates
and Chabrias
spent
much of their time in foreign
aervica,
and not
only
without
any respect
to the interests of
Athens,
but Bomelimea in direct
opposition
to them. At a time when tt
was
very
desirable for Athens to cultivate the
friendship
of the Persian
king,Chabrias,
without
askingpermission
Irom the
people,accepted
the command of the forces with which the
revolted
Egyptianswere
making war against
him. He was
compelled,indeed,to return
by
a
threatening
decree which was
passed
in compliance
with the
remonstrances of the Persian
court
it
but he was a man of such dissolute
and
expensivehabits,cooti^cted,most
probably,
in hia
campaigns
in the
east, that even
the
liberty
of Athens did
not
satisfy him. and
be resided as much as he was able
abroad.}
Iphicrates ventured stillmore
openly
to
drop
the character of an Athenian
citizen,when it
would have
imposedan inconvenient restraint
upon
him. He not
only
entered mlo the service
of
Colyff
and married one of his
daughters,
but aided him in several acta of
unequivocal
hostility against
his
country.
Yet he was suffered
to retain the rewards which had been bestowed
upon
him for his
past deserts,
apparently
on the same
ground
which rendered the
Athenians so
indulgent to Charidemus.
Chares,
whom we have hithertohad but Utile occasion
to notice,
but who win hereafter be seen
taking
a
very
prominent
part
in the
history
of these
times,
secma to have been inferior in
military
and
political
abilitiesto the three
men justmen- tioned,
and much less under the restraint of
any
motives of
patriotism
or honoor. He wwr
too indolent and too much addicted to
pleaaara
to be
keenly
sensible to the
spur
of
ambition,
and was
perfectly
reckleas as to the choice of
the means
by
which he
migbt gratify
bis inclinations.
Ofhim,aswellaBofTimotheuB,Cha-
brias,'
aiW
Iphicrates,
itwas observed
by
Theo-
porapusiât
he
preferred sojoorning
in
foreign
parts
to
living
at Athens
;
and that
Sigeum,
near the mouth if the
Hellespont, was his ordinary
residence. The
hislonon,indeed,pnts-
thia remark in a
general
form as
applying
to all
the eminent men of
Athens,
and attributesth"
fact to the intractable
temper
of the
peoiê-
But as the
examples
he adduces all
belong
to
this
period
"
except
(hat of
Conon,
which ia
maniieslly irrelevant" we
may
be aUovred to
believe that the cause was not one which had
existed
longbefore,
and at least not in a
slighter
degree,
bat one
peoultar
to this
age ;
and it
may
be most
easily
traced to the
change
which,
we have been
noticing
in the Athenian
milituT"
system.
As the commander of a
mercenair
force,an Athenian
general,
so
long
as he could
keep
his
troops together, possesaaJ
almcwt absolute
authority
as br as bis
power
reached.
As the ohlef witnesses of his condiKt wertt
strangers,
who were
gener^
benefited
by
his
worst
proceedings,
he was seldom lidde to b"
called to account at home, unless he
very groao-
ly betrayed
or thwarted the interests of the
commonwealth. The Athenians were not capable
of
feeling
much concern for the
sufibriags.
of
others,
and were
easily
induced to connive
at a
wrong by
which
they
did not
lose,
still
moreeasilyat
one
by
which
theygained.They
paid
littleheed to the
complaints
of their allie"
long as
their contributions were
regnlarly
brought
in,
stillless to those of
any
other foreigners.
Chares
adopted
an
expedient, which,
absolutelynew,
seems never to havo
been so
largelyemployed
before to obtain hn-
punity
and favour with the
people.
He
spent a
part
of the sums
which he
received,
and which.
ought
either to have been
paid
into the treasury,
or
applied
to the service of the
stale,
to
gain
some of the venal
orators,
and to influence the
proceedings
of the tribunala.*
By
these
arts,
and
by promises
which became
proverbial
from
the readiness with which he m"de and broke
lhem,f
he was enabled to
squander
the
publjo
money
on his disaolute
pleasures,
and stillto
be accounted a useful and
trustyservant of the
commonwealth
.
In a country
like
Greece,
the increase of
pirx-
'
was necessarily
connected with such a military
system
as we have described.
Every
free- booter
was,
or
mi^t easilybecome, a
pirate;
as
Chari"lemuB is said to have
begun
his career
as the
captain
of a
pirate
vessel.} Athens, as
-
ess of (he
sea,
and chief of a
great
mari-
confedoracy,ought
to have removed this
ince,
or at least was bound to
protect
her
allies from it. But her
negligence,
or that of
Handera,
who were themselves often
in a kind of warfare not much mora
legitimate,
p iS'ered it to
gam ground,until, as
we shall bc in the
sequel,
it
acquired
a certain
degree
of
political importance.
I Diaiont, it.,M.
I
l:"twMlHiiu,iriitoer.,t ITIi
ooglc
ABUSES IN THE NAVY." COTYS, n
Tl is
eaxfto
conceive that eat orthiB
of
ibtngsmany
causeB of discontenl
may
have
arisen to alienatethe members of Ibeconfedeni-
cy
from Athens.
Among
tbem we
may
notice
an bIjusc whicb had
crept
into the naval servioe.
It became not unusual for (he citiiens on whoin
the duties of Ihe
trierarchy devolved,to transfer
them 10 those who were
willing
to uoder-
lahc them at the lowest rale.
By
sitcb a bargain
the
trierarch,
who
always
received a certain
sum Trom the
state,might
oHen be a
gain- er,
indegiendently
of the
exemption
he
enjoyed
from
peiBonal
troable and risk,
Theolherpai-
ty
was commonly,
it
seems,
a needy
adveotur
er,
whose
object
it was to
get
alt he could
by
rapine
and extortion. The
trierarchs, indeed,
were liable to be called to account for the misconduct
of their aubstitntefl
;"
but the lawful- ness
of the
practice
seems
hardly
to have been
diapated;
and Ihe cases in which itwas attended
with
danger
to them were not those in which
Ihe 'evils it
produced
fell
upon
the allies of
.Ithens. It
may
well be
supposed
that
tbey
were the more sensitive to
injuries
and
encroachments
on their
rights,
as she was do
longer
the fomid able
power
she had
once been;
and that the
leading
slates watched the manner
in which she observed the
stipulations
of
the
league,
with a jealousyquickenedby
their
sense of their own
importance.
As to
any par-
liciilar
proTocalion, however,
offered to
any
of
tbem, history
is silent
;
it is
chiefly
fhim some
^neral
allusions of IsocratsB thai we are able
to collect that the eiactions of the Athenian
generals,
for Ihs
support
of their
mercenary
troops,
were
among
the
principalcauses of a
war,
which broke out in the
year
887 between
Athens and her
allies,
from whom it took the
name ofthe SocialWar.t But before we enter
upon
the
histary
of this
war,
we must relate
degree
1 It.
and
perhaps
contribdted
hasten its
outbreaking.
Among
all their ancient
possessions,
there
was none to which the AlBeniaos looked with
kc^coer
regret
and
more
anximis
lunging
tlian
to the Thracian Chersonesns
;
and ftom the
time that their maritime
power Began
to revive,
the
recovery
of this
province,
wfich
was still
more
important
with "
view to the commerce
of Ihe Euxine and its
vicinity
to Asia than on
account ofthe
fertility
of its
territory, seems at
least to have divided their attentioa and wishes
with
Amphipolis.
When
Sparta
cesaed to be
able to
protectit.
it
appears
to have become for
the most
part subjectto the
King
of Thraco
;
though SestuB.
and
perhaps
some othertowns.
may
have retained their
independence.
The
re}gn
of
Cotya was frequently
disturbed
by
in- surrections
and revolts," ftct which is sufS-
ciently
accounted for
by
his character. In these
seasons of
danger
he
usually
endeavoured to
conciliate the Athenians
by friendly professions;
and at one time he bo far
gainedtheir confidence,
that
they
honoured him with their franchise,
and even with a crown
of
gokl.
In or
before the
year 36S,T
Miltocythes,
who seems
"
DcD.. I"e Cmn. Tri"., t A, nd fb
t Ilif.li(f".,4MS.
Holim
(Sn),
Matm wu
mi"
to have been a
powerflil
and
popularchieftafB,
revolted from
him,engaged
a
part
of the kiiw-
dom in
rebellion,
and
mê
himself master oia
Btrongfaold
called the Sacred Mountain. He
sent an
embassy
lo Athens,
and offered to
purchase
the aid which he
requestedby
the cession
of the Cbersoneaus. His
proposals
were favourably
received
-,
and it
appears
that the Athe- nian
generalEreophilua,
who was
commanding
off the coast of
Thrace,was ordered to
support
him.
Colys,
alarmed
by
this
confederacy,
addressed
a
letter lo the
Athenians,*
full of fair
promises,
wbich moBl have led Ihem to believe
thai
theymightgain
their
object
from him more
easily
than
Uiey
could from
Miltocythee.,Er-
gophilua
was recalled
;
Aulocles was appointed
in his room
;
and a decree was
passed,
Uie
contents
of which have not been
reported,
but
which
impressedMillocythes
with the
persua-
tbat the Athenians had abandoned his
;.
It
may
have been no other than that
which conferred the
Iranchise,
or other
honours,
Cotys.
Its effect was so to dishearten Mil- locythes,
that he withdrew from the
coateatj
Colys
recovered the Sacred
Mountain,.
where
he found a
great treasure,
and reduced the
e kingdom to obedience. The
Athenians,
ims,
had
not expected,
or dcaircd,
this result
of their decree
;
and
Autocles,
who had
Srobably
only
remained
passive,
was removed
om his command,
and
brought
to trial, on tha
charge
of
having
caused the ruin of
Miltocylhes.
Meno,
and
Timomachus,
who succeeded
him,
"e not able to
repair
the mischief,and a
let-
which Timomachus received from
Coiyst
showed that the Athenians could not reckon on
any
of his
promisee.
In the.ereat rebellion in
which the
principal aatraps
of Western Asia engaged,
about the
year 3BS, against
the Persian
court " wbich,as itis nol immediately
connected
with the alfhirs of
Greece,
we reserve for
particular
notice in another
place
"
Cotys
s to have shown himself hostile lo the revolted
satraps,
not, of
course, throughany
good- will
to their
toaster,
but
probably
because the
Athenians
espoused
their
cause,
and because
the
Hellespontinecities,
which would not acknowledge
his
authority,
bad
placed
themselves
under their
proieclion.
I'his we
may
at least
collect to have been the case with Sestus and
Crithote. With
regard
to
Sestns,
we are ei-
r boo Kiif Calj*,
CWMpho*
""
raplisd. Wby, tIuI
HISTORY OF OREBCE.
Vnaatj
talbrnxi tbat it
belonged
to Ariobana-
nee,
and was
besiegedby Cotyg,
and Ihat he
was
ciimpelled
to raise the
siege
;* and that
Ariobaraanes,to rewanUtie aerrices of Timo-
theuB,put
him into
posseBsion
both or Sestus
andof Crilhole. The
acquisition
of these
pla-
oea
appears
to haie been Tollowed
by
that o[
Elcua. It is added,we know not haw correctly,
[hat Timotheus collected a
lioaly
from the
territories of
Cotya,
which
produced
1200 talents
to the Alheniaji
treasury.
t Such a loss
must hare
aggravated
the
animosity
excited
by
the collision between his inlercsts and llioac of
the Athenians
;
but not
long
alter Sestus was
again
wrested from Athens
by a
levolulion
which bad its
origin
in
Abydus,
where the ruling
party
was always
boatile to her. It aided
the
people
of
Seslus,who,
in the absence of Ti- motheus,
may
hate sufTereii some
provocation
Irom Athenian
officers, to release themselves
fcota her
yoke.
But
they
now found themselves
compelled
to submit to the
authority
of
Cotya,
'nô continued to
prosecute
the war with
vigour
;
and not
being
able to induce his son-in-law
Iphicratesto command his forces in such an
expedition, engaged Charidemus,
who had
just
returned from his adventure in Asia which has
been
alreadymentioned, to assist him in completing
the
conqueat
of the Chersonesus.
Iphic- rates,
alter the
refusal,
found his
position
ao in-
aeciire that he withdrew from hie father-in-law's
dominion,and
having
no reason to
expect
a
very
ikvourable
reception
at Athens, crosaed over to
Lesbos, and took
up
his abode at Antissa.I
Charidemua had invdved himself in a
very
era-
barraasing
aituation in his Asiatic
expedition,
and would neither have been able to
keep
the
towns which he had
siezed,nor to withdraw
from them in
safety,
hut would have fallen into
the hands of the
satrap Anabaaua.
whom he
had deceived
andinjnred,
ifhe had not induced
the
Athcniana,
who were
sending
a
squadron
atidcr
Cephiaodolusto the
Hellespont,^
to mediate
in his
behalf,bj'
a
promise
that he would
lend them his aid to recover the Chersonesus.
He was thus enabled to elTecl his retreat. But
when he
arriveiîn Europe,
instead of
keeping
his
promise,
he turned his arms
against
them
in
conjunction
with
Cotys,
who
proceeded
to
laysiege
to Critbote and Elcus. The result of
these
operations
is not related
;
and it is not
improbable
that
they
were
intemiptedby
the
*
XtmiibaB,A(hI1" ii., t Ui. Sotuwldn, u ifIw kiHw
a(BsntharCMyt,n|9iM( thiatahna bean ttaa Kiôf
PuhlapiElt.
t Napoa, Timth., I. laaentaa 1" qglu lilantibiiiililia
"unii'i *Ml"Hr*, iluiDghNapoa nprcaaBU
itu a pnx^
"f hia hani'i dmntamlad
[latriaMm,Iku "biii hi
Diiijlit
ha had iMXIsndtn Aiubamnaa. ha pratarradmakiiictUa
ca"I Ci-iMii"ni tl Sulaai. W* mal sot ban iaiisSi Imw
Ihu aomuil ii to ba raoonciM with that nf
Damonhnaa,
DaWi.id.
Lib.,tB.
] Wa do nG" colLaottnm Daooalhaiiea,Aiiitocr., k lU,
(nnl^niii...np- lidn tix iif""Js ri" |J""". aaan
elaam
tapracladaiTich
an
utmnption.
niimn
oapa1"laof
ludanUndiDf Eba GiaelL of Deinoatlia-
"aa.
It laivfalhava aatmad "Dparflnviu to atj^rrs Ihal tba
wdarf""ip3"it"ipM*{inp't)iAy. BIM.wliich ban baa!
aa Id
tnaajwtt
Cbaridapiaa
and hi*
troopa
to tba
EaTopa-
!" abaca,'adj aipia"
Iliaoiali a( CbacMaaiaa.
violentdeath of
Cotya,
vUch took
âce
in the
firsthalfof 358,'
If the stories which wore current about
Cotya
may
bo
believed,
he must have been
subject
to
temporaryfitsofphrensy,
which
may
have been
connected, as in the cases of
Cambysea
and
Cleomenes, with the excess to which he
seems
to have
indulged
in the
pleasures
of the table.t
It was his habit in
summer to
range
over the
Thraciau woodlands in search of
shady
haunta
watered
by pleasantstreams,
where he would
encamp,
and
spend
several
days
in
revelry.t
Deep drinkingwas
customary among
the Thra-
cians,
as
among
their northern and southern
neighbours,
and the
quarrels
which
commonly
followed their
long
caniuses were almost
proverbial
4
It was
probably
on such an occasion
that
Cotya
either was heated
by
wine and flat-
into the
delusion,or amused himself witli
assertion,which
might put
the
compia-
cency
of his courtiers to a new test,that he
was the
especial
favourite of the
goddess
Athenej
and some of his
guards,
who did not
humourtbis
fancy,
are said to have
paid
for their
dulncBs with their lives. It is also related
by a.
contemporary,
that in a titof
jealousy
he murdered
his wife in
a most barbarous manner. 11
These stories are
chieflyinteresting,
as
they
mark the character of one of
Philip's
most
powerfulneighboura.
His violence and
cruelty
were,
it
seems,
not conlined to his
own subjects,
whom
they
sometimes
instigated to re-
volt.T They
had fallen" in what
way
we are
not informed " on a citizen
Dr."nuB, a Greek.
town on the TTiracian
coast
;
and
Python
and
Heracleides,the sons of this j^nian, in
revenge
slew
Cotys."
The marderers fled to Ath-
""""Al'^
"ipmwcBa
AnXiddiTb,Dame
Irm'lfa,
Hnd.." (K,
inilicU
ip^rnptrtpfriuOuav
rtafvii
baen ratanad (o aa tha laatiip
_ . ,
't that
tliAytw
"led by biadiwrdamd
iDi..^
ricL that ha vould wait at labia
upna
bia bmthar-
in-law Iphimtn.'* Thay ara inlndncadbj AlhanrDB vitb
the words, 'Avaiar^fii^l* ' " " iiaaiput
Ti t^v
'Ifinp^rcitt
yifiu0#fftrâdfffn,
0rc
AfiroT^ KiTvevf Svyarlaa-
'*
'tig,
ailberm thia
passage
pt
in thai of
Aaarasilndaa, Ut
Tcile tbat tha
Ininif
of
Colyidiaplamd itaglfin
an;-
"afa(rmroifroizilhobnrli".qn"
daKriptionof
tha comic
poet
.
tha
TTjhTTiasa faaat.
capabiaof undeiatnDdina the
fmTfOae
for which Aj
poaaihlatbat
*'
tha daath of tba ratbar of the aaaaaaina
mr
taTO
boen nUTertd io laial ooniM and for
|oat
anaa
"*"
SUaliâlohrmmt "T''b[0""cr,''M;TTi
J.-"""jv,"y
DEATH OF COTYS." CEBBOBLEPTES.
MB,* or,
rather,frmeatei
ihemaalTw there ta
KoeiTS the rewanis wbich
Ibeymighteipect
for
t deed, which, HocordiDg
to (he
ordinary
Oreek
qoiion,
waa
just
and
pious
in
itselT,
and which
had delivered tbe commanwealtb from a formi-
daUe
enemy.
Tbe
avengers
of their
father,
who were also
publicbenefaclatB,were honour-
ed with the franchise,
and with crowns of
gold.
That under such. circomstanceB
they
sboutd
tiaie been well received at Albeos was to be
expected.
It
may
seem a littlemore
eitraordi-
nary
that
Python
should afterward have
gone
over to
Philip,
and have been
admitted,
as he
tppears
to have been,
into bis intimate confidence,!
But (his last
fact,
ifwell established,
would
only
confirm ivbat is
sufficiently proved
by
Aristotle's
aolfaority,
that he was known to
have acted under
provooation
which was uni-
Tenall;thought
to
justify
his
conduct,
and that
Iîlip,
at
least,
can have seen
nothing
blama-
Ue in that of the Athenians.!
The death of
Cotys produced
a
change
in the
aOaiiB of Thrace
very
favourable to the inter-
eats
of Athens, His
kingdimtwas divided, or
at leaat tbe
right
of succession was
disputed,
amoog
three
princes,Berisades,Amadocua,
and
Cereobleptes, who, though
(heir relation to one
anotber ia not
distinctly expressedby any
contemporary
author, may
have been brotbere.all
Jtby
Of
Cersobleptes,
at
leasl
the son of
Colya;
and
that
Cotys
had other at
age ;
it
may
ibeiefore
that
Ihey
should bave been
excladed,
while
"trangers
or more distant relatives were admitted
to a share in the
succession.^Ceisoblep-
lea waa at this time
very young,|lperhaps
motlier.
w that be was
are also informed
of
nearly
the same
thoughtimprobablE
T',6 103,tutfiajriîer ad r6vTti
,
WfQTar, a
boy,tny
mom Ihui
fMtax Lha
DAfl
when Ke cftUi hiiamM
vfipa-
hardly
of
age
to take the
government
into hte
own hands
;
and
Charidemus.
bEing
in
command
of the
forces,
and
probably
master of tbe
prince'sperson,
waa enabled tu assume the e"h-
lire direction of his affairs. An alliance whick
he
formed,
ader tbe
example
of
Iphicrates,
with
tbe
royal family,by marriage
with one of Iba
princesses,* strengthened
his
influence,
and at
tbe same time connected his interests mor"
closely
with those Hf
Cersobleptee.
The Athe- nians,
however, at
first, relyingperhaps
on (he
representations
of
Cepbiaodotus, seem to hava
persuaded
tbemselTcs that he was
onlywaitinf
for an
opportunity
of
fulfilting
bis
promises to
them
;
but
they
were soon undeceived
by bb
attack which he made on a
squadron
wbich
they
had stationed at Perinthus
;
and
thqy
foand
that he was
earnest^
bent on
excluding
tbem
iTom the Cbersonesus. A band of
pirates,
who
appear
to have been aonte
of tboae who wera
sent out
by
Alexander of
PberiE,t
bad occn-
pied
the
promontory
of
Alopeconnesus,
on tha
southeast coast of tbe
peninsula'.
An Athenir
an armament was sent to
besiegethem, not,
of
course,
without the farther
object
of
gaining
a
footingon
the coveted
ground;
but Charidemoat
though
be had
rejectedproposals
which he bad
received from
Alexander,
marched to the relief
of the
pirates,
and
repelled
the Athenian invar
sion.
Cepbiaodotus,
who bad been
appointed
to
the
command, perhaps,chiefly
on account of
his
personalenmity
to
Iphicrates,t
found hinb-
self HO littleable to make head
against
Charide- mus,
that,beingprobably
desirous of the honour
of
recovering
the contested
territory
at
soy
rate,
he consented to a
compromiae,by
wbich it
seems to have been ceded to
Athens,
but under
conditionswhicb rendered the
possession
almost
useless. The
terms, however,
of the
êalj
bave not been
reported-,
we
only
collect their
nature from the fSct ihat
they
excited bo
much
indignation
at Athens that
CephisodotuB
was recalled,brought
to trial and
lined,
and
narrowlyescaped
a sentence of death. Another
general,
named Athenodorus, was sent out to
take the command in bis room. But itia
probable
that he would not have been able to
bring
the
war to a more
prosperou9~issue
iftha stato
of sflTairsbad not been
suddenlychanged by a
remarkable occurrence.
The orator from whom we derive almost aS
Iour information on this
subject
does out enable
us to ascertain either the relation between
Cersobleplea
and Berisades or Amadocus. on
tbe
footing
on which
they
Blood with one ao-
otber. His
language,however, seeme to imply
that,all three
ruled,
with the titleof
king,
in different
parts
of Thrace
;
that
they
were at
peace
with each
other,
but not without mutual
jealousy;
and that the
portion
of
Cerscbleptua,
being
the
largest,
excited the
envy
of the other*.
He, too, may
have coveted their
shares;
but
there is no bint that he considered them as
usurpers
or pretenders.
After the death of
Cotys,
M
Itocythesappears
to have renewed
*
'Eri smrd lUrvt,tti nr^finKft
'I^tfira
r*i art-
rif
Tt*m svnf
Xifli^t, KtfliolMvTH,
W* iwsd aM
Cdlri,or Chandsnioi Ihs
liaSBhlsr
at
OnoblipCH,
Thu
''v,
HISTORY OP 6RBBCB.
Ilia
Bttempti;
bat, loon Bftorthe
treaty
whMi
Ilti"
just
been
mentioned,
he Wds
betrayedby
"ne of his
partisana
inifithe hanila of Cliaride-
mna. Charidemus wiabed to be rid of him, but
did not venture to
put
him to death,and knew
thai his lifewould be
spared
if he was delivered
to
Cersobleptea.
Tbe
reaeon
assigned
for
this
by
Demosthenes leads us to conclude that
capitalprnilshmenls
were as littleknown
among
the Tbracians as
among
the ancient GermanB.'
It is not
customary,
he
aays, among
the Thra-
eians to killone another. Even
hightreason,
it
seems,
was not a
cap
a1 Offence. Charide-
nuB, therefore,intending
to
accomplish
his
purpose
withoDt
any
breach of the national
custom,
sent
Miltocythee,
and his
aon,
who had been
arrested with
hfm, to
Cardia,
where the
ruling
party
was attached to his
interests,
and violently
hostile to Athens. It found that the death
of the
prisoners
would be
agreeable
to Charide-
mna,
and knew that it would
equallydisplease
and
injure
the Athenians. Under the
impulse
"f this double
motive, itwas not satisfied with
a
simpleeiecution, but
despatched
itatwo victims
with ostentatious
cruelly.
This inhnman-
ity,however,
defeated itsend. The
Tlimcians,
among
whom
Miltocytheeprobably
retained
many adherents,were
universally
roused to indignation
by
the
bloodydeed, which
they
im-
Eled,
we do not know how
justly,
to Cersob-
_ites.
His two
rivals,
Berisades and Amado-
"us,
availed themselves of the national
feeling,
and combined their forces
against
him
;
and
Athenudorua seized the
opportunity
to conclude
an alliance with them. Thus
threatened,
Cer-
sobieplus
found himself
compelled
to
accept
the
terms dictated
by
the Athenian
general.They
were : that the
kingdom
should be
equally
divided
among
the three
princes,
and that
they
choold all
concur in
ceding
the Chersonesos to
Athens.
But when the
storm raised
by
the death of
Millocythes
had blown
over, Charidemus.
who
bad ratified the
treaty
in the name of Cersob-
leptes,delayedas
long
as
possible
to execute
that
part
of it which concerned Athens
;
and
Athenodorus,
receiving
no
supplies
from
home,
was forced to disband hia
troops
for want of
My.
He
himself,
however,
stillremained in
Thrace,and,not
long aftei,contracted a domestic
alliancewith
Berisades, like that which
Iphicratea
and Charidemns bad fbrmed with the
fimily
ofCotys.
Chabfisa was now
appointed
tttthe command in the
Hellespont
;
but he arrived
with
only
a
singlegalley.
It
was
thoughl,
perhaps,
that the war was at an end,or that he
would be able to
provide
for
it,as Timotheiis
had so often
done,without
charge
to the slate
This remissness of the Athenians
encouraged
Cbaridemua
openly
to rcnounue the
treaty
which he bad made with Athenodorus, and to
propose
a new one to Chabrias.which Demos- thenes
describes
as stiltmore
disadvantageous
to Athens than that which had been concluded
with
Cephisodotua,The
ground
of this complaint
appears
to have been that the
greater
part
of the revenues of ihe Chersonesus were
reserved to
Cersohleptes.Chahrias. however,
thought
it
prudent
to
arccpt
these
terms,
as he
had
nil means of
enforcing
the
precedingtreaty ;
but It Athene, notwithstanding
hfs
reputatiOB,
and the eflbrts of his
friends,
tbey
were dis- avowed,
and ten commissioners were
appointed
to
proceed
to Hirace, with
insûctions,
if
they
could not
prevail
on
Ceraobleptes to
r"ti^
the
treaty
of
Atbenodoras, to obtain a renewal
of the
engagemenlB
of the two other
princefl,
and to concert measures for
reducing
Cera*-
lepte*
to
complianceby
arms. The comroi*-
sioners found Berisades and Amadocus
very
wiDing
to adhere to the
compact
from which
Ihey
had derived such
great advantages.
Bat
the
negotiation
with
Cersobleptes
was
inotract-
ed without
any
result,
nntil it was
sodd"iily
brought
to a favourable
issue,chiefly,
it
seems,
through
the success which had attended the exertions
of the Athenians in a difTerenl
quarter.
At the firstrevival of the Athenian confederacy,
it was
strengthenedby
the acccessioo of
most of the "ub"ean
citieH,
which
distinguished
themselves above all the rest
by
the zeal
with which
they
entered into it.
Hestitea,m
Oreus,
alone
kept aloof,*throughgratitude
to
Sparta,
which
had,a abort time
before,
delivei^
cd it from the
tyranny
of a
military
adventurer
named
Neogenes,
who had seized the citadel.
ChabrJaa, who was sent to establish the Athe- nian
ascendency
in Eubcea, endeavoured to reduce
the Hestittana to subraisaion
;
but their
resistance was ao obstinate
that,
after
having
ravaged
their
territory
without
efTect,
he was
obliged
to sail
away,
leaving
a
garrison
in a fort
which he had
built
near their
city
to
anni^
them. We do not know whether
they finally
yielded;
but it seems as if the Athenians afterward
ralh'r loat than
gainedground.
We
have seen thut
they
were not able to
prevent
Themisan from
making
hioiaelf master oT-
Eretria,
and that he even
deprived
them or
Oropus.
Cbalcis,too,
bad fallen under the dominion
of a
tyrant,
named
Mnesarehus,
who
wsB likewise hostile to them
;t'
and the island
appears
to have been torn more aa"Imore
by
factiona and civil wara. Such was its condition
at the time when the events last related
were
takingplace
in the Thracian Chersonesus.
Athens doea not
appear
to have interftred In
itsalliiira(krther than was
necessary
to
protect
her own interests and to exclude the intervention
of other
powen.
But the Thebana
now
hoped
to be
^le
to take
advantage
of itsdis- tracted
stale
; they
were invited
by.
some of tho
contendingparties,
and sent a
body
of
troops
ID
their aid. The news of Ihe Theban
expedition
roused the
jealousy
of the Athenians, which
was inflamed
by
the
energetic
eihortatiooa of
Timotheus, who was at this
juncture
at Atb-
cna.t
"
Are
you deliberating (he
is
reported
l"
have
said),
when
you
have the Thebana in thfe
island,
what
you ought
to do? Will
you
not
EXPEDITION TO EUBCBA." CKSION OP THE CHERSONESUS.
"tf(er
the snVilh
jour gaUe^SI Wflljonnot
imBediately
fo
down to Pirsus, and
dragyoai
ihif* oM of dock !" The
peoplecaagbt
bis ar-
door : an araiBnient ttaa decreed
;
but it was
ibond that bo
many
of tbe
wealtlijcitizens,on
whan the diitiea of the
trierarch;
would have
deiulved
sccording
to
law, were, or htd
lately
been,
employed
in otber
expeditions,
that there
ma not a snlficient number left who could be
lefaDy compelled
to undertake tbe
equipment
' -'
"'baveBBelB destined forEu-
Id this
etnerfrency
ê
patriotiamofthe higher
claaoea came to the relief of the state,
in a
Binaer which
prored
that there Mill remained
aneh of the old Athenian
feeling,not qoenched
by
the
prevailiDg
selfiahneu of the
age.
For
tbe first thno la the anniU of the Atlienian
MTy,
several ciiiiens "
among
whom was the
orator Demoethenea,
thotigh
iKitone of the richest
"
TolunUrilypreBented
themselvea lo bear
the
Bxtraordiniry
borden. And the
prepara-
Uona were
urged
with such unwonted
vigour,
j
thn. on the fillh
day
alter the
assembly
was
i
bekl.*
tbe
tmaps
were landed in Eubcea, The I
eipedition,
howerer.waa commanded, it
seems,
|
Bot
by
Tiniothems. but
by Diocles,
with whom
(here is s"me reasno to think Chares was
juin-
ed.f Of the
operations
which followsd we
hiTe bnt
Tery scanty accounts, which,
how-
"*er, agree very
well
together
as to the
general
lesult.
tbongh
there is a
little
appearance
of
variation in the details. The
contemporary
emora,
who
may
be
aupposed
to exhibit
only
tbe
bright
side or the
story, represent
the Athc-
nans as
completelytriumpiiant,
Dioelea as
grantingpennisaiot)
to the Thebans " who,
of
coarse,
had been defeated " to withdraw from
the
ialand,
and the whole as reduced under the
power
of Athena, which
generously
allowed all
tbe cities to retain their free constitutions
;
and
all ftUB as the work of less than
thirtydays.
Bat, according
to Diudorua.the
campaign
was
niDcti lesa bnltiant,
and the issue not
exactly
tbe same. lie
expressly
elates that there was
no
regalar
battle,but
only
skirmiehea and
petty
CHgagenenta.
in which
victory
waa aotnetimea
wiik tbe
AtbenisBs,
sometiraea with the Th^
boBs;
and that at last the
Eabieans, to deliver
tbeir ialand ftom tbe
ravages
of tbe two hostile
armies, agreed
to a
geiteral pacification,
upon
which both the
belligerents
withdrew their for-
ea. Still,
even
according
to this
siateineni,
ilw
advaiitage
wonid have reated with the Atbe-
liBBB
-,
for tbe Thebani had at least been Ibiled
ID their
attempt,
and the stale of the island was
"at )ssB rsTOurable to the interests of Athens
at the dose of the
campaign
than it had been
before. The
apiritdisplayedby
the Athenians
a tbe
expedition
was a
topic
a(
exultation,
with
wtaidi
Ibny
were
fi^jnently
flattered
by
then-
orators " a
proof
how rar" sueb exertions had
WW become with them "
and.
perhaps,
contrib-
"ned more to raise their eontidenee and their
lepntation
than the aocoMs with whicll the ef-
bit
waa crowned.
Whether the
oecnpetion
which tbta contest
gave
to tbe Athetrians
encouraged
Charidemus
"
1""BD")liii".Amlim.,
4 17,iiilAjrroiriv. ."Kh. in
CM., t SS,/" lAfl
î^;.
TluDilr Hami tiipnlti-
t IVwBHh.
c. Arimct.. t "M, UrfBiaiia liteU"ar,
his
treaty
with Ath-
enoaoniB. wb are nai aoie to asceflain. Bnt it
seems that
peace
was no sooner restored in
Enbtea than Char"s
saded, with the armairtent
which had
just
been
employed there,
to the
Hel!espon^
invested with absolute
authorityby
an
extraordinary
commissioQ as
general
aaua-
crater,
and that hia arrival
immediately
changed
the
aapect
of affhirs in that
quarter.
Char- idemus,
again
threatened with a combination
of the forces under Chareaand those of tbe two
rival
kings,
at
length
consented lo the terms
imposed by
the
Athenians, which seent to have
aeiounted to a
simple,
unconditional ceesioi) of
the Cheiaonesus
; only
he waa stillable to
cany
one
vary importantpoint, Cardia, which, by
its
position
on the Isilimtts, was the
koy
to the
peninsnla
on the side "if
Thrace,
retained its
independence,
and
was, consequently,
more
than ever devoted to Charidemus.
Sestns,too,
was not
surrendered,
and continued hostile t*
Athens
;
bnt she waa at
liberty
to enforce hOT
claims to it as she could,
Thoogh
the condaet
ufChaiidemuB.as we have related it" on the aO'
thority, indeed,of a
political adverssry,
whose
statements we have no means of
comparing
with more
impartial
evidence "
appears
to have
been
uniformly
hostile to Athens,
it seems that
he had
partisansamong
the Athenian
orator*,
gained,perhaps,by
arts like those which w
~
recovery
of the Chereoneaiis
;
and he n
warded with the
franchise,
and with a crown
of
honour, as a
public
benefactor.
This
acquisition
appears
to have been made
just
on the eve of the diaaatrous war which
broke oat in the eourae of the aame
year
{367)
between the Atheniana and some of their
principal
alliea.' We have ventured to aurmlae
that it
may
have been connected with tbe
causea of their
rupture;
because it seemB not
improbable
that one of Che immediate occaaions
of the
quarrel may
have arisen from the
appointment
of Chares to the
extraortinaty
command
which he held when he concluded tbe
treaty
wHh
Charidemus,
and an ancient
writer,thoogh
one of
very
doubtful
authority,expressly
aB-
crihea the
origin
of the war to his misconduet.t
Th", i""ud urf d.
hiiD.ID
ihu he wu at " Iw ho* w ""
;
Cut If ha k-i
n-
imdud lumeil hi* anov
ftgunitAmphtpolit.ihcT.bTHkr
DTnuliuiDD.winldhMbiTHMAaic*.
Tha
Atbniiuw.
nthir. It MBa elnr tliM ihs latlwr bu ccnfbiiBdid
iua, ud b*A iJuifalbH bii "
niT
eaafnM) Idn tl tk*
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Bat the eccouats which hare been
preserred
of this Social War are as
acanly,
in
proportion
to its
importance,
as Ihoss of the event which
IB
commonly
known
by
the same name in Ro- man
hislDiy.
One cause of the
obscurity
in
which its
origin
is involved
may
be that it had
been kindled some
years
before,
though
it was
only
now that the flame burst out. The attempt
of
Epaminondaa,alreadymenlioned,
to
detach GhioB, Rhodes,
and
Byzantium
from the
Atheniao
confederacy,
whatever abatement
may
be
required
fur the account which Diodoms
gives
of its
success, impliesthat,even so
early
as Ihe
year
363,
these states were
meditating
a
separation,or,
at least,
that their
jealousy
and
resentment
had in some
way
been
provokedby
the conduct or Athens. In the
year foUowing
we
find the
Byzantianstaking
some
strong
measures to relieve themselves in a time of
scarcity,
which seem to have excited hostile
feelinga
at Athens.
They
detained the corn-
ships
on their
passage
out of the Euxine, and
their
example
was followed
by
Chalcedon and
CyzicuB.
A number of vessels so
freighted,
and
betonginj:
to Athenian
owners,
were
stopped
at the mouth of the Euiiue
by
the dread of
llite
violence,
while the
price
of com was rising
in the Athenian market. This was one of those
injuries
which
every
one felt
;
and one of the
objects
for which the
squadron
which was sent
this
year,
as has been*
related,
under Meno and
Timocbua, to the
Hellespont,
was to
protect
the
shipping.*
It is
hardlypossible
that this
should have been done so as not to leave some
ill-will
rankling
in the minds of the
Byzanliana;
and. indeed, we find that
Ihey repeated
their
aggressions
after Timomachus had succeeded
to the command :f and it
may easily
be imagined
that a
very alightprovocation
or
persuasion
would have auliiced to
impel
them into
open
hostility
to Athens. Under such circumstances,
the
presence
of such a
general
as
Chares,
elated with
success,
and clothed with
unhmilcd
power,
so near at hand, was
very
likely
to widen the breach.
But
though
the
expedition
of
Epaninondas
appears
to have been directed
principally,
if not
solely,
to
Byianiium,
it is not certain that she
took the lead in the
confederacy
formed
against
Athens, or thai she was
urged by any
motives
which she had not in common with most of her
allies. If we are satislied with the information
which we derive from Demosthenes aa to the
causes of the
war,
we must believe that
Chios,
Rhodes,
and
Byzantium
all alike
professed
to
engage
in it in
self-defence,to
guard against
the attacks with which Athens, as
theythought,
was
threatening
iheir
independence. This,
indeed,
would seem to
imply
some
injuries
already
suffered,
but such as fell
indiscriminately
on all. On the other hand,
the same orator
leads
us to
suppose
that it was not
Byzantium,
but
Rhodes, that took the foremost
part
in the
coalition,
and that Rhodes herself did not act
spontaneously,or under the
pressure
of
any
grievance,
but was an instrument in other
hands. The real author of the
war, according
to tbis acconr'
,
*aB Mausolus, the vassal
king.
or
bereditarysatrap
of Oaria.
Mmsolns,
wh"
had inherited an extensive
territory
and Mveral
strong places,
among
which bia
capital
Hali-
camasaua waa well
adapted
to become tbe seat
of a
great
maritime
power,
had conoeirod the
design
of
making
taimself
completeljindepsnd-
enl of the Persjan
coml,
and of
enlarging
his
dominions
on the
Continent,
and
among
the
islands of tbe
.iGgean.
He had sided with the
revolted
satraps
id the rebellion which has been
alreadynoticed,
and
appears
to have taken advantage
of it te
gain
some addition to his territory
in
Lydia,though
be was defeated in an attempt
to make himselfmaster of
Miletus,*
and-
aiso to establi^ his
authority
in some of the
neighbouring
islands. This it was hia aim to
do in
Rhodes, which, however,
he oould
only-
hope
to attain with the
help
of a
party
amonr
the Rhodiana devoted to his interests
;
ana.
auch a
party
could
only gain
the
ascendency
when their connexion with Athens should have-
been dissolved. The
government
of Rhodes
waa at this time democratical
;
bat there
waa,
it
seems,
a
strong oligarchical
Action, which
entered into his views.
Still,their influence
would
scarcely
have been sufficient to efiect.
Uie revohitioQ,
which was the first
step
towards
the
accomphahment
of their
designs,
if the
great
mass of the
people
bad not been
already
alienated from
Athens,
and
impatient
of tbe
dependance
to which it had been
reduced,or
apprehensive
of farther encroachments on its
The rir^t
impulse,then,seems to have
proceeded
either from Rhodes or
Byzantium ;
but
(he motives whicb induced Chios to enter into
the
leagueagainst
Athens
may
likewise be easily
imagined.
It
was, perhaps,
more
exposed
than either
Byzantium or Rhodes to the exactions
and insults of the Athenian
officers, and
had more
grounda
of
complaint.
We
may
also
collect from Demostheneat that about this tine
the
government
fell into the hands of an oligarchical
party,
which no doubt
actively promoted
the
rupture
with Athens. Cos also declared
itself
very
early
on the same side
i
it was one
of the islands which are said to have been subject
10 Mausolus.t HosiilHies
appear
to have
begun
on Ihe
part
of the Athenians with the
siege
of Chios.
According
to Dindorus,
Cba-
bnas was
joined
with Chares in tbe
command.
and conducted the
operations
of the fleet,
which
consisted,
it
seems,
of
sixtysail,4
while the
land forces were led
against
the
cityby
Charea-
Yet we would not
reject
as
altogetherimprob- able
(he statement of
Nepoa,
in which he
may
have followed
Theopompus,
that Chabriae accompanied
tbe armament in a
privatecapacity^
and
only
commanded his own
galley
aa a vol- unteer.
All authors, however, agree
that he
sacrilicedhis life at tbe
very
beginning
of the
siegeby
an imprudentdisplsy
of valour. Ho- led
the
way
into the harbour of Chios,
but was
not immediately
followed
by
the
rest,
and
wb"
overpoweredby
the
enemy.
Tet it seems that
he
might
have saved his
life,
ifhe had chosen to
retreat or to abandon his vessel
;
hat,
with
Spartanobstinacy,
he
preferred
to die sword ilk
"ru-.
Yet Vosmil (tVilii,.
p, 08)
ulnpu
"
til
upv"Dtlv
HrfKt oontidtaDfl.
IMC.
P"4}c1., f
i. t lb.,(!3.
"
PiJr.iio..ri.,B,-l
I Cumpan Diodoroi,
"fES:-i:5*
ilu.
DEATH OF CHABRIAS." CHARES AIDS ARTABAZUS.
hand. Athens Ihua lost one of her ablest
gen-
unlls;
and the immediate
consequence appears
to have been Aat tho
attempt upon
Chios was
defeated,
and tbe alliea became masters of tho
sea.
_
We do not know what became of
Chains,
or what iDteiral
maj
have
elapsed
before the
Athenivis
found it
necessary
to
equip
another
fleet of
sixty
sail,which was commanded
by
Iphicraies
and
Tiinotheas.
These two
generals
had been for some time
reconciled,
and had
cemented their union
by
an alliance between
the daughter
of Timotbeus and
Henestheus,
the
son of
Iphiciatea. According
to
Nepos,
Me-
Destheiis was
appointed
to the
command,
hut
was aided
by
his father and
father-in-law,
who
nominally
serred ander him. It
appears,
however,
from the
seqael,
that
they
mast have held
a
public
and
responsible
office. Still
they
were
nnly
associated with
Chares,
who had not lost
the conSdence of the
people.
In the
following year (3fiA)
Saiiios
appears
to
have been the
principal
ccene of hostilities
;
7iit
itis difficult to determine the
precise
course
which
they
took.
According
to
Diodortis,
the
dlies,
whose fleet amounted to a hundred
sail,
liter
haviag ravaged
I"mnae and
Imbnis,
pro-
;eeded to Santos,
wasted the
country,
and laid
jiege
to the
city;
at the same time
levying
con-
Lributions Irom other islands which adhered to
;ho Athenians
;
but were at
length
called
away
lo the relief of
Byzantium,
which the Athenians
3e8ieg:ed
for the
purpose
of
eObcting
a diver-
1
iion. But other
accounts, not less authentic
I
and
pn"bable,
inform us that Samos likewise had
revolted,
and that its
territorywas
ravagedby
:
Ipbicrates,'
and we are tbns led to
suspect
thai I
Ihc Athenians were diverted from the
siege
of I
Samoa
by
the
operations
of the
enemy
in the
'
north of tbe
jEgean,
However this
may
be,
it I
êms certain that the Athenian commanders
united their forces near the
Hellespont,
within
mch a distance of the
allies,
that
preparations
j
.vcre made on both sides tor a
general
engage-
1
nent. Chares was
eager
for it
;
but on the
day
Ahen he
proposed
to make the
attack,
the state
if the weather induced his
colleagues
to decline
t. This refuaal
produced an
open
breach be^
.ween them
;
and
Chares, we are told
by
Dio-
lonis,
after
baving publiclyprotestedagainst
heir conduct,wrote a letter to the
people,
in
vhich he
charged
them with
treachery.
But
lere the narrative itselfseems to
betray
some
imission
:
for Che mere
postponement
of a bat-
le could
hardly
have bieen
aUeged
as
ground
or such a
charge;
and a
comparison
of anoth-
T account inclines ds to
suppose
that Chares,
hinking,perhaps,
that bis
colleagues
would not
entoretowithhold their
support,
led his division
igAJnat
the
enemy,
and was defeated
;
and
then,
0 screen himself,
laid the blame
on them. I He
lad,as we have
seen, partisansat home, who
rere
alwaysready
to defend his conduct
;
and
1 IB
possible
that the reaJ circnmstances of the
asc,
if he
actually exposed
hiouelf
to a risk
Fhich his
colleaguesshunned,
may
have
given
, specious
colour to the accusation. The re-
nli was that
they
were
recalled,
and were af-
Brward
brought
to trial
;
and Chares was left
ntrusted with the sole
management
of the
war.
Itseems
necessary
to
suppose
that this even!
took
place
in the latter half of 356
;
for the account
givenby
Diodorus uf the manner in which
the contest was
terminated, implies
that there
was an interval of at least several months between
the transactions
just
related and tha
close of the war.
Chares,though
no
longer
restrained
by
the
presence
ofhis
colleagues,
neither
ventured,as it
appears,
to attack the
enemy,
nnr Was able to find subsistence for his
troops by
tbe means which he had hitherto been
used to
employ.
The contributions which tba
islands stillattached to tbe Athenian interest
could
furnish,
had been for the most
part pre- occupied
by
the
allies,
and
they were
stronf
enough
to
protect
the others from his exactions.
From Athens he could
not
expect
a
supplyequal
to his wants
;
and
perhaps
to have
applied
for
it would' have
endangered
his
popularity.
la
this
emergency
he resorted to an
expedient
which was
probably
the best that the case admitted.
The war between Ariabaius and the
satraps
who
acknowledged
the
autboriiy
of
Ochus,
the successor of
Artaierxea,which, as
we have
seen,
had drawn Charidemua over to
Asia,
stillcontinued.
Artaba;us was threatened
by superior
numbers, and stood in
great
need
ofabodyof
Greek
auxiliaries,
whose aid he waa.
willing
to
purchase
at a
highprice.Chares,on
the other
hand,only
wanted a
presentproviaioa
for his
troops,
and a
subsidy
which
might
enable
him allerward to
prosecute
the war. He did
not look to
any political consequences
that
lay
beyond
these immediate
advantages,
and
perhaps
could
hardly
have foreseen llicm. He entered
into the service of
Artabazus, and, according
to Diodorus,soon turned the scale,and
gained
a
victory
which extricated him from his
dangerous position
: success which seems to
imply
that Chares was
by
no means dclicientla
military
talents. The
satrap
fullillcdhis
promise,
and furnished him with a sum of
(uoney
which enabled him to
keep
his forces
together.
IWe are not informed in what manner the allies
'
availed themselves of his absence from the the-
]
atre of war
;
but it does not seem that
they
can
have
profiled by
the
opportunity
for
any purpose
more
important
than that of
infesting
the cora-
'
merccr,Bndsnnoyiiig
the
dependants
of
Athena;
'
for the
proreedin^
of Chares were known to the
I
people,
and were at first
greatlyapplauded.
But
I
the aid which he had
given,
and
might
continue
to
give,
to Artabazus,
had been
represented
(o
the
King
of Persia as so
important,
that he
thought
it
necessary
to send an
embassy
to Ath- ens
to
complain
ofhis conduct.* These com--
plainls
were
probablyaccompanied
with
threats,,
more or less
definite,
that the
kingwould
aafr
port
the confederates with his maritime
power.
Orders were forthwith sent to Chares to break
ofThis connexion with Artabazus. But intelligence
soon after arrived that lite Persian
court
was
fitting
out an armament of 300
galleysto
co-operate
with the enemies of Athens. This
report probably
did not first
suggest
the desire
time have felt the want of
it;
hut it
have convinced them that
they
could
not
carry
on the
war
any longer
without extreme
danger.
Diodorus and another authort intimate tbat
UMy
.J'ogle
made the first advances; biiCwe And tbaE the
conrederales aenC an
embaasy
to Athens ;' and
we can
easily
believe that
they
were littleless
eager
for tbe lenninalion of a
struggle
which
must have cost them
great
sacrifices.
They
seem to have
requirednothing
but the acknowledgment
of their
independence,
and this was
no doabt secured to thern.
We are not inrormed how
many
statea.he-
aides the
principal parlies,
were included in the
treaty ;
but it aeems that Athene must have
lost a
great
number of her most
important
al'
lies
:
for she is said to have retained none but
the less considerable
islands,
and the
amount
of the
yearly
contributions was reduced
to
forty-
five
talenls,twhich, however, may
have been
bnt a
temporary deficiency, arising
from the
pressure
of the war. To her losses of thiskind
in tbe
Ji!gean
waa added one in the
west,
which
must have been as
painful
aa
any ;
one of which
tbe Social War was
probably
rather the occa-
eion than the cauae
;
for it
may
be
pretty
clearly
traced to events which had taken
place
a few
years
before,though
the accounts we have of
them are somewhat obscure. In 3G1 Chares had
been
appointed, as we have
seen,
in the room
of
Lcoathenes,
and soon after was sent " we
know not whether with
any
other
purpose
than
that of
levying
conlnbutions " to
Corcyra.
Since
its connexion with Athens had been renewed,
the island
appears
to have been under demo-
cratical
govemment,
but there
was.
as at allfor- mer
periods,
an
oligarchical party,
which was
now
eager
for a revolution. It would be
hardly
credible,
ifthe
testimony
of ancient writers to
the fact was not confinned
by
the
sequel,
as to
which there ia no
doubt,
tliatthis
party
was encouraged
and abetted
by
Chares in a
conspiracy,
by
which itoverthrew its
adversarios,and,
"Rer much
bloodshed,placed
itself
at the bead
of the
stats.}:
This
change
was ao clearly
adverse
to the intercat of
Athens,
that we can
liardly
attribute the conduct of Charea to
any
other motive than
bribery.
The
new rulen
were not the better
disposed
towards the Atbe-
Dian alliance for the aid which
they
thus received,
and
seem to have taken the
opportunity
aflbrdod
by
the Social War for
renouncing
it.
What had been so tost there could be little
hope
of ever
retrieving.
Tbe wu expenditure
must
also have been burdensome to the finances
of
Athens;
the
damage
inflicted
on Atheni- an
property abroad,by
the
navy
of the allies as
well
as
by confiscation,was
perhaps
stillmor~
severe
;
and
commerce seems to have undei
gone
a
temporary stagnation.
The
city
ia di
scribed at the close of the war as deserted
by
the
foreign
merchants and the resident
aliens.^
These,however, were wounds which time
rnight
heal. But it could not
repair
the loss of the
three
great
commanders, who had revived the
power
of the
cummoawealth,
and
might,
perhaps,
have averted some of its
subsequent
disasters.
The death at Chabrias was
only
matter
for
regret;
but the services of
Iphicrates
"nd Timolheus were sacrificed
by
means as dis-
bonourableas the end
waa unhappy
for tbe state.
Iphicraies
was
broughtto
trial
first,
with Me-
nestheus. The
proseoution
was conducted
by
Aristophon,
a
very eloquentorator, who, in tbn
course of his
long political life,
had himaeif
'
been
seventy-five
times
impeached,
and couid
boast of
having
been as often
acquitted,
and
whose
reputation
renders it somewhat
sivpri-
sing
that he should have become tbe
ooadJBtor
'Chares in an afiatr of thia nature.*
Iphicra.
^defended himself with soldier-like
ehiqiience,
seasoned with saroaatic
wit;
but he
seenu to
have been aware that the
diapoaition
of hie
judgeswas not favourable to him. and to bava
relied on other
means of
averting
the
danger.
We
may
collect from Isocrates that he and Me-
stheus were more concerned for the
aalety
Timotheus than for their own.
They
took
themselves the whole
responsibility
of the
"t command
: Iphicrates
that of tbe
militsry
operations.
Meneatheus that of the administra-
tion ofthe
publicmonoy.t
This boldness would
'--
sufficiently eKplained
ifwe believe that I
phic-
" had secured the
support
of a
body
af
partisans
"
perhaps
tbe members of one of tbe
dubs which still
subaiated,
for various
purposes,
at Athena " that he caused
threatening nimonra
be circulated before tbe
trial,and in the
irae of his
speech, laying
his hand on his
sword,
hinted to hia
judges
that
they might
have cause to
repent
if
they
condemned
him-t
The fact is.that both he and Menestheus were
acquitted
: what follows
appears
to
prove
(hat
they
owed their
escape
to some
exlraordinair
means. Timotheus was afterward
arraigned,
likewise
by Aristophon, on a similar
charge,
for
which, according
to
Isocrates,
there oonld
have been no colour
againsthim,
if his colleagues
were innocent. Yet he was found
guilty,
and oondemned to the enonnous fine of
100 talents. Tbe
capita)
article in the indictment
was,
that he had received bribes from the
Chians and
IUiodians.4
But we cannot dotibt
that
passion,
or
cupidity,
or factious
intrigaes
contributed more to
aggravate
the senteoce
than the
specie
usness
of the
prosecutor'sproob.
Isoorates attributea it to tbe ofienoe whieh Ti- motheus
had
givenby
his
loAy,ungracious
deportment,
and his
neglect
even of the bit arta
by
which other
generalspaid
their court to the
people,
and the
leadingorators,
whom he had
made bis enemiee. This would anconnt for the
conduct of
Aristophon,though
so as to leave a
blot
upon
his character. Timotheus was ana-
ble to
pay
the fine,and retired to
Ckalcis,
where
be dicul nul
long
after. Tiie
injnstioe
of the
sentence was
tacitly acknowledgedby
the
people
after his di ah. His son Cooon waa
permitted
to
com|i
""miso with the
tteasuty
for a
tenth
part
of ine Hue,
in the hoooorable form
of a donation for the
repair
of the walta
reata-
red
by
his
grandfather. U
While the
negotiation
with the aUiee was
pending,
or soon after the
peace,
Isocrates
wrote what we should call a
pamphlet,
in the
form of a
speech.
Intended to bo delivered in
the
assembly
held to deliberate on tbe
treaty.
t DenuMlunti. D" Ci
t Tiecrum, Dt Pu,, 4
M.
'
.AlliaaiBd**d,x
which tu" QuiiUi. ti.irt^.,(l"T. tFdnH.,
tI"iuRli-iBO*BHtk.,tU.
Ps|rciL,"lT.
IN"IMi,TlaM"h.,[ib,l.
/
"ot)!-!!!-
'il^^%
Tbe woA IB
of considerable T4h)e tm "
hiBtori-
ctl document, though
it "flbids less iofonnatioii
than
iDEgbt
baTB bran
expected
from itwitb
regard
to tbe war. IsocratsB was a
rhetorieiaD
t^ proTeMion:
the
framing
of aenisnoes
and
toniiBg
of
periodswas
the
great
bnainea* of his
loQg
life" the
only one
la which he
was
very
anccetsfol
;
in that he attained to the
highest
skill labour could
gtre,
and amasssd
great
wealth
as a teaohsT. But
bii
appean
to have been
a
hearer of
Soomtes, was dtsgnsted
with the
sopbiata,
and had little taste for the
ordinary
subjects
of their
diapotctioos ;
he was tbos led
to
apply
his art to norab and
politloe, not,
like
most of the SoorMic scbool,
in Ifae digcueeion
of
generalprinetplas,
but in
pnotieal preoepls
and oDODsd*. He was the flnl Greek writer
UeTed that
DotUi^
bat tto' weaknees of bis
ToicB and tbe
sfajrveas-and llmidtty
of his efaanc-
ter
iverenled
bim ftom
taking" leadingpart
in
ibe
public
deiwtea.t Bat it is
rmj
doÛM
wfaeifaer
any snength
of
longs or
hwrdneas of
brow could hare rendered discounes snch as
b" has leftacecntaUs to an
Athenian
aaaamhly,
at
least after it liad teamed from Demoatbenea
saw a remedy,
but
seems to hare
given
little
beed whether it
might
not
pro*e
wOTse than
Ibe disease. His
general
notion
was,
union
under
a
ainê chief; which, however,
be wished
to reoaadle wiih
liberty
attd
independence.
How iDwmsistent the
plan
which he
proposed
was
wiib the combination of these
otgecta
will
appear
in the
proper place.
The
advice,however,
which he
giveson the
occasion of the
peace
seems indiapuiably good ;
and
every
Athenian
patriot
must have
regreitad
that tbe
peoplewas so
little
diapasetl
lo fallow
it,
and
that,even in the most
elegant
diction
and the moat
gracefulperiods,
there is not a
charm
strong enough
to eradicate ambition and
cupidity,especially
when confirmed
by long
indulgence,
from tbe human breast. Ita efieet
may
have been somewhat
impairedby
the am-
biiriiity
of the
language
in which it is
coaveyed,
whidi,
he himself
admits,
had a
lepulsive,
par- adoxical
Bound-ll
He exhorts tbe Athenians to
ceaae to aim at the ctHumand of tbe
sea,
and
appeals
to
history,
both tbeir
owu
and
Sparta's.
to
prove
that this
iinMiiiig object
of
cotnpeiition
had
only
been
a source
of the
greatest
calami-
tiee to
every power
that had
aoquired
it. He
had before
spoken
with tbe
btgheetapprobation
of tbe
peace
of
Antalcidaa,so far
as
it
provided
liir the
independence
of the
Gieeks, and had
reoonmended that tbia should be
adoptedas
the
basis of (he
treaty
under discussion ;iso
that it
might
have been
supposed
tbat he wilted to
see
the connexion betwesa Athena and ber allies
toteUy
disaolved.
This, bowcTer,
it
ap-
pean
flcm the
aeqoel,
was not
On the
oontiary,
it is that she
may
be
sgaia
at
the bead of
a confederacyas extensive
as
that
which she bad
presided
over in the
days
of
Aristides* that he desires she should
renoance
the oommand of the
sea.
All tbat he
means hy
the command of the sea is,an unjust
domination,
gronnded
upon
and maintained
by
foroe.
He would have
a confederacy
in which all (ha
memben sbonld be
perfectly free,willingly
sub-
mittiUK
to tbe
snpremacy
of
Athens, paying
none hut
volontarycontributiens,
and
exempt
ftmn allkinds of molestation and eneroachraent.
Hia
proposition, theiefore,
when
distinctly nn-
dersteod,was not so paradoxicalas
it sounded.
It was
nothing
more then had been done when
tbe Athenian
eonfbderacywas
revived
;
and hO
that
waa necoaarj
to
octaiAj
witb his advice
waa to return and adhere to the terms them
laid dcwD.
How,
if tbe
people
bad been reallr
dssirooB of
this,
it
was to recover
tbe codA-
'
deitee of its
alliee,
is
a question
whicfa he does
not disniBS.
Even OS to the
ttkamer
bi whidi those tenna
had been violated,
he afibrds
very seanty
m^
fonuation. He
hints,
Talber than
exprosriya*-
serts,
that the Atheoiens had onffhred their clt-
iaens to
aoquirepnqwrty
in tbe
iânda,ngailwt
Hm
qocit
at least of the
self-denying reaoliHioii,
WywWdi
th^
bad reiKmnced aH clwnohial
poa-
"ea*iani.t He
speaks
also of
arbitrary
ezao-
tiem,
irtdcfa have heen
alivadymentioned,
and
mpTMents
the rihes
as entirety
abaadooed to
the discretion of tbe Athenian
generals,!'
Ha
is,however, mom explicitbb te the domMtie
censes of the
evil,
which, he is aware mnat ba
removed before
any salutarychange oan
ba
made in the
foreignpolicy
of tbe state. The
people
mnut discard ita diahonest
counsellots,
most empii^
men
of
acknowledged probity
both
at home and abroad
;
it must cease
itself to
be
indolent,voluptuous,r^tacioua,ambitioua.
Seedy
of
flattery,
and
impatient
of
reproof.
ard
conditions,
and
certainlysurpassmg
tha
power
at such rhetoric
as
tbat of Isoerales to
bring
to
pass ;
for the old
abuses,
which had
been
repressedby
tbe
pnbliccalunities,
tad
partially reformed,
bad
spnmg up again durinf
the
more tranquil
and
prosperoas
period
thn
followed,
witb fresh
luxiniance,
and in
new,
more
exUavagant,
and odious
shape*.
IIm
city
was again
infested with
a swarm
of
sycophants,
more shameless, active,
and
vesiomaa*,
than in former times. The
needy,
idle
thtung
whioh lived
upon
the fees of
legislation, government,
and
justice,
viewed the men whoso
calnmnioas
diariesgave
it most
opportunities
of
exercising
its
judicial
functions, as
its
greatest
beoefiw^rs.^ The
wealthy
were exposed
to continual vexation
:
Isocrates does not
som-
jie
to assert that
they
led more wretched Uvea
ân the
indigent.
11 Here, however,
his
own
example
shows how
cautiously
his
general
do-
ecriptions
mast be received. He
eomplaisB
much of the
annoyance
which be himself had
suifered from ths
sycopfaaata ;
and
certainty
hia
wealth,
his
inoapacity
for
pnblicapeeking,
bis
eonnexion with
Timotbeus,
and otber distiit-
guished citizens,
and with
foreijQpriucee,
and
MBi.ta. tta, ttoo. f tiM.
M
HISTORY OP GREECE.
Ilia*Towed
polEtical Bentiments,must allbaxe
conspired
to
poioi
him out as one of the most
"ignalobjecta
for their atLactis. Yet id tbE
Binety-tillh jear
of his
age
he eould look back
upon
a
life trf'almost undisturbed
prosperity,
with no other
regret
than that he had been debarred
by
bis natural defects from more active
participation
in
public
bnsinesa.*
So,too,
ilcan
only
he considered
as a
rhetorical
exaggeration
that he
representa
the
vilest,most
profligate,
and senseleaE
demagogues
as the most poi^lar.
Had
things
cooie to this
puss,
no room would
bave been leftfor the inflaence of the able and
uprightmen,
whom we
ahall find for several
years ordinarily taking
the lead in
public
affairs.
Itie real
ground
of this statement was
probably
that the same
decaj
of
publicspirit
which
appeared
in the
growingneglect
of
military
exercises,
and the evasion both of
foreign
and
home
service,betrayed
itself in the
assembly
"
by
the
levity
and haste with which
important
"natters were
often
handled,
and the
applause
with which indecorous sallies of
gayety
wore received.
This want of
earnestness " which,
however,
might easily
seem
greater
than it
really
was in
an Athenian audience "
was a
autqect
of
complaint
with DemOEthenes also.
In this
piece
lacerates notices
an innovatioD,
which
appears
to him
pregnant
with
pemicinua
consequences,
or at least as a
symptom
of de-
feneracy,
but which admits of
being
viewed in
a different
light.
He
speaks
of it in a
way
which shows that he was
only
intent
upon
an
antithesis
;
bat the fact he alludes to is
more
olearty
described and illustrated
b;
Pluiarcb.t
)n earlier times all the
great
men of Athens
combined the characters of the
general
and the
atateeman in one
person.
In the
period
at
which
we
have now
arrived, they
were
beginning
to be
more
and more
separated
from each
other.
Many
of the orators never saw
the
camp i
the
generalsrarely
ascended the bema.
This
practicewaa the
effect, partly
of the
prog-
reaa of
eloquence,
and the wider
range
of rhetorical
studies,!which demanded
longerprep- aration
and
more laborious
exercises,partly
of
the
new
militarysystem, which, as we have
seen,
tended to draw the
generalsaway
from
Athens. Fhocion is remariced as one of the
last Athenians in whom the two characters
were
sliliblended.
According
to modern notions,
this division of
military
and civil duties
might
be
thought
a
great gain
for the service
of the state. Whatever evil
sprang
from it
seems to have arisen from the
corruption
of
the
age.
The
responsibility
both of the
generals
and the ministers " as we
may
call thera "
of the
republic
was
lessened
;
and it
was
easy
for
men like Chares to find
advocates,
apparently
disinterested, to defend all their
proceed.
"ngs.
The
worst abuse connected with it
was,
that
militaryoomroaod
was so
mucb coveted
that,
if we
may
believe
Isocrates,
the election
of
generals was often delonnioed
by
the moat
open bribery. 4
If it were not that we have no hint of
any
negotiation
between Athena and the confcder-
alîbefore Chares bad
provoked
the interven-
) T((^t"?h% nUaciwK-"
AnnoUo
oli"rTM,PoL.,
v.,
4. 4, whan, in tb" wunli .li' ilrci^lat'Si
nWIwr, bi
lH.pb.i."""Il" 1 let.
tioo of the Persian
coort, we
might
have
Bai"-
poeed
that Isocrates wrote this oration before
the threats of Peiaian
hostility
had been heard
of at Athens
;
for he takes no notice of
thecn,
though they
afforded the fairest
opporttmity
of
recommending
his favourite scheme for the ea-
tablishment of
tranquillity
and
prosperity
in
Greece. He touches
onlyby one slight
allusion
on the war
with
Philip
and with
Ceraobleptes,
iu a
way
which
tm^dies
(bal in his
judgment
there was no more
danger
to be
apprehended
from the one
quarter
then the other. Re
con- ceives
that there
was no
essential and
aecessa-
ly otqiM!ti"Mi
between the iyteiesta of either of
these
princes
and those of the
commonwealth,
and
that,
if
they
were
only
convinced of her
pacific
disposition
towards
them, Philip
would
readily resignAmidiipolis,
and
Ceraobleptes
the
Chersonesns, to her,* And his
general
c-on-
cluaion is
that,notwithatanding
the
êat
loea
and
damage
which she had suffered m the So- cial
War,
it would be her
own
fault if she did
not become
more
powerful
and
prosperous
than
ever. Let her
only
abstain from
aggression
and
wrong,
hold herself in readiness for self-defence,
and show herself
willing
to
protect
the
weak
against
the
strong
: justice
would
bring
back
an
age
of
gold,
llie rich would lie relieved
from taxation
;
the
poor
would find
employment
in the arts of
peace ;
the
public
revenues
would be doubled
;
a tide of wealth would flow
into
Piraus;^foreignprinces
would
pay
their
court to her, and would
gladlypurohase
her favour
by
the cession of a
part
of their territories
;
in Thrace alone she would be able to
find
ample
and
undisputedspace
for
any
colonies she
niight
wish to send out :
and the Greeks would look
up
to her with reverence
and
attachment,as to
the
guardian
of their
liberiy
and
rights.
A
picture
unhappily
not more sharply
contrasted with
the
past
and the
present,
than with the
reality
of the future.
CHAPTEE XLIII.
Wa have been used to see the Athenians
making
the most
vigorous
exeriions in the
midst of their
greatest
calamities : we
might
otherwise have been
disposed
to
question
the
accuracy
of the
descriptions
we have received
of the disastrous
consequences
of the Social
War
:
for that war waa
scaroely
at an
end
before
we
find them
againacting
on the offen-
test,apparently
stillrnore arduous and hazard-
ons than that from which
they
had
just
retired
with such
heavy
loss. TTiere is
reason to be-
wbich
they
made
peace
with the allies
they
sent an
expedition againatOlynthus,
aa to which
we are informed that itwas the second occasion
that called forth the services of
voluntary
trier-
archa,
and that a
body
of Athenian
catalry
waa
H Anqglr IBiplTtlut Aliphlfiolit wu ttilliu
CO of
Aibtna,wUeb, M Inci,
"m emunlr nut
t i",W
DEMOSTHENES.
OT
employed
in it :* bets which
imply
" coasid-
eniblc
effort, thou^
we have no account of the
ivsuJtB
;
nor ia the
preciss
ddts weU Bsceitai
ed.
NotwiUiBiinding
the
peace,
the
public
mind
continned to be
agitated by
nmaurs of the Per- sian
preparatioDB ;
and it
appears
that there
were oratora
"
politieiaas,
we
may tuppoae,
of
the Bcbool of laocraiea " who endeaToured to
instigate
the
peoirie
to declare war
agaiaet
Per- sia-
The deliberation of the
assembly
on this
subject
is
chiefly
knowa to ua ai the occasioa
on which Demosthenes
began
bis career as a
statesman with an oration which is stilleitant.
Our attention ia thus Inraed towards this extraordinary
man,
who will hencefoith
occupy
it
more and more
throughout
the
periodcomprised
in this
portion
of our
history,
Demoatbeaea was the son of an Atheni
merchant of the same namSit
who was
among
the wealthier citizens of the middle cIsbh.
B;
the motiier's side liis
blood,according
to Athe- nian
notions,was, perhape,
not so
pnre.
His
maternal
grandfather, Gylon,
had been
charged
with
treason,
as
haviiigbetrayed
the town of
Nymphnum,
in the Tauric
Chersonesus,
to the
enemies of the state. He did not await a trial,
and was condemned to
death,
but (bund
refuge
in the Greeic
principality
on the Cimrocrian
Bosporus,
and received a mark of favour fnim
iiB
ruler,
which
may
have been the reward of
treasonable serrices t the town of
Cepi,
in the
island on the eastern side of the
Bosporus.t
Here he obtained the hand of a rich heiress,
iivho,perhaps
for no other reason than because
she was a
foreigner
and a native of the barbarous
region,
was described at Athens as "
Scythian.
Their two
daughters
were sent with
large portionsto Athens,
where one of
them,
Boscib.PiE.of AI
" m.rd-nilJ",ifl"l.
""viiu tb" DO"t
"ppnnriit*AppalttUnilur "
p"
isiflluTa ba*nfnmlum'iiuUB*fU,[-AphDb.,F
The nord
jntaftewtj
wu but * imali ntt or
-
gElher mh tlut of m-"",which ka umij
on al
iiaiMi ittan
Qflaa't
ilaith.
Cleobula,
married the elder Demoslhenas
:
ground
sufllcieiitfor her son's
political
opponents
to call him s
Scjthian,
and a
bereditaiy
enemy
of his
coanlry. Demosthenes,who, according
to the most
probableopinion,was bom
in the last
year
of the
-ninety-eightb Olympiad,
386,*
lost his father when be was but
seven
years
old,
and
was left,with his mother and
"
younger
sister,under the care of three
guardians,
two of them the next of
kin,
the third
an
intimate friend of the
family, who, according
to
the Attic
law,
continued to administer his affairs
until he had
eompteted
his
eighteenth
year.
It can
aoarcely
be
doubted,though
we
have
only
the slaiemeats on one side,
that
they
grossly
abused their
trust,
and
by waste, embezzlement,
or
mismanagement,
reduced his
ample patrimony,
which
ought
(o have been
freatlyaugmented,
to a
Tory
slender income.
It is little less clear that this
injury,
which
in
ordinary
casea would have been a
misfortune,
was
among
the causes which coatrtbuied moat
to form his character, and to
lay
the foundation
of bis
greatness.
His
bodily
firame was in his
earlyyouth
weak
and
sickly,
and
perhaps
not
capable
of
support- ing
the
iBtigue
of the
ordinarygymnastic exer-
cisea,or his mother's
anxiety
for the health of
her
only
son
prevented
him from
attending
the
palRstra;
for it seems certam that in this respect
his education was
neglected.
It would
lot be
surprising
that a nickname
expressive
of
^Beminacyt
should have been fastened on him
by
his
young companions,
and that it should afterward
have been
interpreted by
his enemies
B
proof
of
unmanly luxury
and vicious hab-
:
especially as.
at a later
period
of
life,
he did
abstain from certain
indulgences
which his
fortune
permitted,
and
perhaps
hia infirmities
required,
but
which, thoughperfectly harmless,
may
have excited
envy,
and were
sufficiently
unusual to afford a subject
for
obloquy.l
For
military
service be
was,
of
course,
the less fitted,
as he wanted the
training by
which
every
Greek citizen was
commonly prepared
for
it,^
and the consciousness of this defect
might
well
have led him to ^rink from it
: possibly, loo,
his
bodily
weakness was
coupled
with some de-
of
timidity
;
though
we have no evidence
can raise more than a faint
suspicion
that
IS deficient in the lowest kind of
courage.
By
these
disadvantages, however,
his
atrong
mind and ardent
spirit
were bent the more resolutely
on the cultivation of his intellectual
powers,
and on the civil
pursuits
which alone
alTorded him a
prospect
of that eminence to
which he must
very early
have felthimself entitled
to
aspire.
It seems probable
that
even
during
his
minority
he conceived
suspicions
of
ihe misconduct of his
guardians,
or was dis-
HISTOBY OF GREECE.
MlMeA with the
trsatmenr
he reoeiTed fimn
them. He
charges
them with
having
defraud-
sd the masters uniLer whom he Uudied of their
(luesi*wbich, however,
did ttot
prevent
him
from
receiving
the best iDstnictiun in the liler-
aij part
of a liberal education.t Whether the
story,
tbat he could not
paj
the
high
price
which Ifiocrales demaiided for his
lesaonB,had
anj
other
fouadation,we cannot detemune.
The account wbich be obtained from his
guard-
iUB,
when he
came
of
age,
must have comin-
ced him ihat he had no
hope
of redreas but
throughlitigation i
and their
abilities, wealth,
and influence rendered them formidable adver-
sarieB. The
very
institution of
legalproceed^
tngs
against
persons
ao
closely
conneciedwith
hia
familyby
blood
or
friendîp,wore an un-
gracwus appearance ;
and the
parties
interested
did not fail to
represent
it as the effect of
unnatural
malignity,
which
they
seem to have
,
expressedb;
anotber
opprobrious epitbet.t
A hard contest
Is;
before
him,
in which he
most have been aware ât the
justice
of his
cause would avail him littlewithout the aid of
foreawc
"kill;
and it was one on
wbich hia
after
Tortnikes mainlydepended.
It
was.
Ihere-
fioe,
for immediate
use,
on the most
pressing
oooaaion,
that he
sharpened
the
weapon
with
which he was to achieve
so
many
memorable
Tictoriea.
This, however, waa not the
only
tnotivB which
urged
bim to the
study
of eloquence.
About tbe same time tbal he became
hia
own
master,
he had been
present
at the trial
in which Cajlistretns defended his conduct in
the affairof
Oropue.
Tbe
impression
made
upm
tbe
youth by
(hat
masterlypleading,
and
by
tbe admiratioa it
en;ited,was liliethat
which the
hearing
of Herodotus la
comn
believed to have
wrought
on
Tbucydidei.
,
was, perhaps,
Uien firstthat Demosthenes felt
that ha too was an orator. There
was,
however,
a wide
interval, not to be sunuounted
without
many years
of laborious
application,
between
the
point
which lie bad attained and the
idealmark whicb he
priûsed
to himself.
"
placed
himself under the direction of Isteus,
advocate of
highreputation,
a scholar of Isoc-
rates,tboagh
in
style
much more
nearly
resembling
Lysias,
To him be
may
have been in
some degree
indebted for tbe
grace,
simplicity,
and
vigour
wbich
are the most
coaspicuoue
quaUties
of his forensic Readings. For this
purpose
he ooold not have found a better model
;
nor
for
any practical end,
any
mucb worse
than Isocrates. Yet he
may
have wished to
obtain the instructions of
so celebrated a master,
and we can
easily
believe
that,
when deterred
by
the
price
which the rhetorician
asXed,
be aliU
diligently
studied his
works.*
There
wu also a
tradition, resting, indeed,on name- less
authority,
that he was for
a
time one of
Plato's
hearers,!!
and the difference of
s^le
would not induce
us to
reject
it
;
but his
acquaintance
" which
may safely
be
presumed^
with the
philooopber's writings
would suffl-
t U i"
mncB
ihit Baoksr.forgMtiBnthi mmiiii'i UUi-
m (Dhi., 4)-"ia
j^ ia ichHicMicJin Kotttm M kttmm
Sdmli. DcnuOfHi ill
SCailmiH, p. g.
I '"')",*
njnr.
.SKh., Di F. L,
1 1".
( CalliMu "B
FlianA, DtBHih,, S.
Cniu* Vii. X
Ont DHi.,p,SM,a. t nmt-Tbam., n. ".
cientlyexplain,
if
any
auoh
esplanationwers
needed, that
lofly
strain of
morality
wbich
per- vades
his
great works,
and which, as
may
be
inferred from the observation of
Fanetiua,* Ita
lirsl ventured to introduce into
speeches
addressed
to Athenian courts and assemblies "
au- diences
which Plato himself would
scarcely
have deemed
worthy oi capable
of
receiving
such sublime truths.
His suit with his
guardians,though
it waa
dehiyed
three
or
four
years
by
their
artifices,
was
finally
decided in hia favour
;
and
though
they
stillevaded the execution of the
judgment,
he
appears
at
length
to have recovered
a coo-
siderable
part
of his
property.
It would otherwise
be difficult to reconcile his own statements
concerning
the
expensivecbarges
which
be undertook in his
youth,
t with bis aocoiut of
the small remnant of his
patrimony
wbiob hia
goardiana
rendered to him. The asaertioa
made
long
after in
general
terns
by
one ofbiH
enemies, tbal be had wasted his
fbituiie,; wb"
probably
drawn flMm tbe defence set
up
by
bia
guardians;
it
may,
at
all
events,
be
safely
pronounced
an
impudent calumny,
for whicti its
authors could
hardly
have
hoped
to
gain
a
plaoe
in
history.
It is refuted
by
the dearest evidence
the case
admits. Not
only
were the
habits of Detaostheoes so
notoriously
abstemi-
oua as to he
made, on that
ground,
a
subject
of
ridicule
by
his
political apponenta,^
hut bia-
earlylife,
for about ten
years
after he
catne
of
age,
was
spent
in a continual
strugê
with difficulties,
and in the most laborious
preparatioa.
for the attainment of the
great objects
of
a noble
ambition.
The
success
with which he had
pleaded
hia
own cause was
eacoursging,
but not
decisive
aa
to his
higherprospects.
The
speeches
which
ho delivered on that ocoseion were deemed
worthy
of his master Iskus,
and
certainlygave
proof
of
no
ordinary
talents. But a different
hind of
eloquence
was
requisite
Ibr the debates
of the
assembly
;
and defects of ntterance and
gesticulalioa
which
might
be overlooked
by
a.
court of
justice
in a
youth claimingredress,
appearedintolerably
offensive in one who
presented
himself as s
public
counsellor. The
reception
he met with on his first
appearance
before
tbe SBsemblcd
people
was such as
might
have stifledthe
hopes
of one leas conscious of
his own
powers.
His articulation wss
imperfect,
hia action disairreeahjp,
his
voice,
natur^-
ly
not
strong,
was ill
managed ;
and
even
bis
style
startled his hearers
by
its
novelty,
and
was
thought
harsh, strained,
and confused. H
Though
not silenced he descended from the
bema In tbe midst of murmurs
and
laughter.
There
were, however, among
his audience
persons
able to discern the merit of the
attempt,
and
friendly enough
to
encourage
and aid him
with useful advice. Old men were stilE
living
who bad heard Pericles in their
boyhood;
and
one of
them,
it is
ssid,
cheered Demoathenea
with an assurance that he reminded him of that
great
orator,
whose fame
appears
to have been
hitherto unrivalled at Athens.
SatyrasalsOr
t DtiMiliiDH. II..
Pbil.,i n, D* p. L.,t tl.(id Iha
Ik* oT Duudai (Luiu, DimsMli., Eihxu.. 4 13)."îE
DEMOSTHENES.
he
player,
an HBuUe and estimaUe
maii, """
"elieved to have directed bis BtientioD u
"-
-
irincipal
bulla of bis elocutim. He ui
hat he
waalad,bikI,
with
unconquet'Bble
i
utiou, set hiaxeelT to tha task of
overeoming
tiis
latum]
impedimeats, correcting
his
ansiiibtly
iBbits,
and
perfecting every organ
sad
facutty
vhich he had to
emidoy
as a,
publicspe^rar.
lie is
reported
to bave withdrawn for a time
roia
society,
to
pursue
his work without inter-
-option;
and we know that be resorted to new
ind
very
irkaooie methods of
masteriag
his
tenooal diaad
vantages.*
These exercises he
MiDtinned nntii be bad
aoquired
a manner of
telivery.
as to which it is sufficientto
say
that
t was
thoa^t bj
his
coDiemporirietwonhy
of
lis
ehtquBDCe,
and that il
ditaingtiiahed
him no
eas above aU bia rivala-t
It WEM Dol, bowever, meraly
to enable him-
"lf toBatis"yUie
eye
and earof
thepoHic
thai
le entered oa this omme of
training.
He had
ett that the
equally
ftstidioaetaste and
jndg-
neot
of
an Athenian
assenldy
demanded moie
:han itbad fDond in bis first
eaasy,
which
prob-
ibij
fellshort
1^
a much
greater
distance of his
"wn idea. He
apjdied
hunself to an assldDODs
ftudy
of all the tbeoretieal woihs he could
pro-
iDTo which could flirniabhhn witb nilee and
linta for the coHivation of his
art,
and itiU
:nore diligently
eonanlted the
great
modela of
zloquenee
in which he
reoofnieed
a Uodred
|enius.
In
ThBcydides
be amware to have
[bund,as we
do,
Uia rtobest mine of
thongbt
and
language;
and the vshie which be set on
his
history
ie ^tested both
bylbe
tradition that
he
copied
it ont
eighttimes,
and conld almoBt
recite it
by heart,}
and
by
the evidence of hie
own
style,notwithstanding
the diffênoe required
by
two kinds of
composition
so com-
êteljdisltnct. In the mean while,
his
pen
was
constantlyemployed
in rbetorical exercises.
Everyquestionsuggested
to him
by
passing
events served him for a
topic
of
discussion,
which called forth the
application
of his attainments
to the real business of life. It
was, perhaps,
as much for the salteof such
practice
as
with a view to
reputation
er the increase of his
fortune,
that he
acceptedemployment
as an advocate,
which,
until be
began
to take an active
part
in
publicaflairs, was offered to him in
abundance. Ifhe viewed these occasions in this
light,
we
might
believe the
scoiy
that be once
furnished each of the adverse
parties
in a cause
with a
speech,
and
yet might
not consider itas
a
very
deep
stain
upon
his honour. His main
occupation, however, was not with
forms,
or
words,
and sentences. The
profession
of an
advocate itself
required
an extensive
range
of
informstion.
Causes, especially,
which related
to contested laws or
decrees,generally
involved
a number of
questions
that called for a
lai^
share of
legal
and
political knowledge.
Ilemoa-
tbenea,
who from the lirstwas
always looking
forward to the widest field of
action,
undonbt-
ly
Dtn-t \i,from DfouathaiiaihioHlf,en
1 g". "[!"""
np
p-81,
91. Cicsn, la
ut fnm l^DOTdidH u fnm IncnlaK,
Vol. IL" M
ediy
did not oontent hhnwlf with the
indispensable
stody
of the Athenian laws and Constitn-
tion,
but bestowed do less earnest attention on
the domestic
aflUirs,
the financial
resources,
and the
foreign
relations of the
commonwealth,
and Ofi
the
political divisions,
powers,
and io-
lerestsaflhereatofGrevce. The state of the
Snances,
and of the naval and
military
estab-
lishmentB of
Athena,
the defects of the
eiisling
system,
and the meam of
correctingthem,
appear
more particolarly
to have
occupied
tain
thoughts.
Socfa was the
proeasa by
whiob ho becanM
confessedly
the
greateM
orator
among
the
people
by
whcHn
etoqnencewas oaltivated as it baa
never since been
by any
nation
u|Mm
earth-
He
brought
itto its
l^hest state
of
perfeotios,
as
Sof^McleB
the
tragicdiamB, by
the baimoni-
.
ouB nnian of ezoeUettMBWhiidi before had on^
existed
iqwrt.
The
qoality
in his
writings
which excited the
highest
admiration of the
in the btter critical
age,
was the Protean vi
saUlity
with îeh be
adapted
his
slyls
ta
every
theme, so as to fnmisb the most
peifeot
examples
of
every
order and hind of
eloquenoe.
They,
wbo understood and fbit the
beauty
of
his
composttiona
in a
degree bayond
the rtaeh
of the most leaned
foreigner,
were aware that,
with all their enthnaiaam of
delist,
they
oould
but
Ihintly
conceive the
tminessioa
which that
which
they
read mast have
producedon tbooe
who heard il animated
by
the voice and action
of the
orator,
when be was
addressing
himself
to real interests and
passions,*This,however,
is a subjecton
which itwould be
foreign
to our
present poipose
to
enlai^.
We will
only
observe
that
Demosthenes,
like
Pericles,never
willingly appeared
befbre his andience widi
any
but the
ripest
fruits of his
privatestudies,
though
he was
quitecapable
of
speaking
on %i"
impulse
of the moment m a manner
worthy
of
his
reputation ;
Uiat he continued to the end of
his career to cnltivate bis art with ombated
dthgence,
and that even in the midst of
public
busmess,
his habits were known to be those Of
a severe
student.
With so
many
claims to admiration on this
side,
he has
left,we will not
say
an
ambiguoua,
but a
disputed
character.t It
would,indeed,
have been
surprising
bad the case been otherwise,
witb a man whose whole lifewas
passed
in the midst of the moat violent
political
atonus
and the most ftiriona
party
strife. His efforts
to defend the liberties of Athena and of Greece
against
a
foreignking
have earned him atill
more virulent attacks in modem times than be
experienced
from the
sycophants
of his own
day,
or from his
personal
enemies. The extreme
scantiness of our
information as to his
privatehistory,and,indeed,
as to the
public
events of his
time,
must always
render it impossible
distinctly
to refute the
imputations
which have been thrown
U|tpn
hts moral north
:
bH that can be said in his defence
is,that,
so
br as can be now ascertained,not one
of them
90 HISTORY OF OREECB.
Testa upon anr
better foundation than
partial
statements or daubtful aunnises
j
'nh'de whatever
we know with
certainty
of hia
public
life
is
good,
and often
great.
That he was free
frotu fhults no one can
suppoae
:
his charecter
was human
;
it was that of a Qreek and an
Athenian,
in a
corrupt
and tarboleni
age,
and
in a
difHraiHand
trying
station. It mast not be
eooipared
with
an; purer
models of Tirtoe than
the moat illustnouB statesmen of hia
country.
From such a
comparison,according
to the Tiew
which he himseif
professed
to take of hia
public
conduct and his
poUlicalaims,
he had no
need to shrink
:
for
many
of Ihem had been
more successful,
but none in an
undertaking
ao
gloriouB
aa that in whioh he failed. Most of
the
grsTer charges
which have been
brought
against
him are
intimately
connected with hia
publicbiatory;
and our
opinion
of the man must
be
mainly regulatedby
the
judgment
we form
"Thim aa a atatennan. If he
trulyrepreaented
the
great object
of bis lifeto he that of
preaerv-
ing
Greece from
fbreigndomination,
and if the
means
b;
which ha strove to
accomplish
this
purpose
were to husband the
resources,
to reuse
the
energiee,
and exalt the character of the
Athenians,
hia own will stand in littleneed of
an
apology. This,however,
ia a queation
which
it would be
premature
now to enter
on,
and
which the
history
must
decide. For the aame
reason,
we shall not here
attempt
to exhibit the
portraits
of
any
of the men who became celebrated
either as his
coadjutors
or hia adversaries,
but shall resume the narrative from which
we have been
digressing.
In the course
of the
precedingyear
Demos- thenes
had exhibited his
powers
in an oration
which tie delivered himself,
in a
public
cause
vrhich excited
great interest,
as it was instituted
for the
repeal
of a law
lately
enacted on the
proposal
of one
Iêptitiea, by
which all
exemptions
from the
expensive
services
technically
termed
liturgin,
that had been
granted
to deserving
citizens,or other
benâctois of the
commonwealth, were abolished,
allauch
grants
were declared
illegal
for the future,
and even to
solicit them for the
people
was forbidden under
a most severe
penalty.
On this occasion De-
moMhenes
appearsdas
the advocate of
Clesip-
pDs,
the
BOO
of
Chabrias,
who was one of the
principalparties
to the
cause,
and
deeply
concerned
in the issne, as the heir" a
very
worthy
one" of hia fatber's
privilegBs.
Demosthenea
ondertook his
pert chiefly,
it
aeema,
out of regard
for hia
family,
but not without a decided
opinion
on tbe
inexpediency
of the law which
he
opposed.
It had been recommended
by I^p-
tines aa a measure of relief to the citizens who
were burdened with the
charge
of the
public
amusements
;
for the
exemptions
in
question
did not extend to the
triersrcby,
or to the war
taiOB. To Demosthenes it
appeared
that the
purpose might
be more equitably, honourably,
and
usefully
answered
by
a fairer distribution
of the burden
; and, in the room of (be
sweeping
abolition of former
grants,
he
proposed
an
inquiry
into the claims of those who
enjoyed
them. The law was
repealed.
We do not
know whether the
proposal
of Demosthenea^^
which would
probably
have disclosed
many
abu-
" -
-|8
sdoptedI
but the
speech,
which i* an
n
"f hi*
oratory,nmst have
raised him
high
in
publicestimation,
and hftTe
inspired
him with confidence to take a
part
in
the debates of the
assembly.
The
oration,however, on the
question
of Ibe
Persian
war,
shows that he waa mach leas intent
on
making
a
display
of
eloquence
than on
ofl^ring
nsefol advioe. It is
oalm,simple,grave,
statesman-like,indioaUng
the outlines of th"
policy
which he ever after continued to recommend.
He
pMnta
out the
dangerto which Ath- ens
would
expose
herself
if,relying
on uncertain
rumonra,
abe sbonld rush into a war id
which Persia
might
he able to combine the other
maritime Greek statea
against
her. Bat be
urges
the
neoessity
that she should immediately
place
herself in a
strong
defensive
posture,
not more
against
tbe attack with which ahe
had been threatened than
against
those which
might
be made on her from other
quartera
which
were
avowedly
hostile. It is a little
surprising
that,though
this ia the
generalpurpose
of the
speech,
the name of
Philip
does not once occur
in
it,
and it contains do distinct aUusion to tbe
war with Macedonia. We
may
infer from this
silence that
Philip'sproceedings,though thej
had
provoked
the resentment of the
Athenians,
had not
yet
excited
any
alarm even in Demos- thenes,
It is likewise remarkable that he
speaks
of
Thebes,
though
the
popularprejudice
had
never been more violent
against
her at Athens
than at thia
period,
in an
extremelymild,re-
apectful, conciliating
tone. But he does not
confine
himself,
like
laocratee,to
vague
general
advice : the contrast between the
practical
statesman, and the
wordy
rhetorician is
strongly
illuatrated in tbe one's
speech
and tbe other's
pamphlet,
which were
produced
at so abort
an interval of
time,
under similar circumstances,
and with vieWa
apparently
not discordant.
Demosthenes
proposes
a
apecific, wetl-digeateil
plan,
which would enable the commonwealth to
equip
ber fleets with the leaat
poeaihledelay,
and,
if
necessary,
to raise ber naval force to
aOO
galleys.
Into the details of this scheme
we need not enter. It waa an
attempt
to remedy
one of the
crying
evtla of the
existing
system,
which will be mentioned hereafUr. We
are not informed whether it was
adopted;
but
the
proposal
of war with Persia was
rejected.
The
occupation
which the Social War
gave
to the Athenians seems to have
prevented
them
from
takingadvantage
of the cession of the
Cheraoneaus
: after that war was ended,
the
losses which
they
had sufibred in it must have
rendered them the more desirous of
extracting
allthe
profit they
could from tbeir
newly-acquired
territory.Accordingly,
in the couree of the
next
year
a body
of cleruchial colonists was
sent to establiBh themselves there. The ancient
claims of Athens to the Cheraonesus
may
have been
thought
to
justify
this
measure,
not-
vrithstanding
the
apparent
contravention of the
terms on which the revived
confederacy
had
been based
: as the
public
necessities overruled
every
other conaideralion of
policy.
Not
only,
however,
did Cardia remain
independent,
hut
Seatua refused to submit, and Chares was ordered
to reduce it to obedience. He
besieged
and took the
town;
and " it
appean
vrilhout
any
instructions,
but
probablyto
gratify
the resentment
which it had
provoked by
a
long
oottrae of
hostility, aa weft aa to make mora
STATE OF EUBCEA." PAHTT VIOLENCE.
Toom
for the Athenfan Mtllers " h"
pnt
to dealt
aU the
males,
and sold tbe women and children.
A. renewal of the ancient
ferocity
which had
contTibuted to (he downfall
of the common-
-wealth in its moat
palm; slate. pecDliarlj
ill-
tkned when it had been so
lately
weakened
by
an unsucceasful
straggle,
and was still
engaged
in one with a most fomiidable
enemy.
Philip
seems to have
kept
aloof fnim the So- cial
War
;
itenabled
him,perhaps,
to eS^t his
conquests
in Thrace with less
interraption
than
hs
might
otherwise have
experieneecl ;
but after
the reduction of Potidsea he
remained,as we
haTB
observed,
for a time
aiipsrentlf inactive,
or
irtiolly occupied
with the internal aflairs of
bis
kingdom.
There
can, however,
be little
doubt that
dnriog
this
pause
in his
military
i
terpnses
his attention was
earnestly
fixed
the events which were
takingplace
in Greet
,
and itwas
probably
because he
anticipated
the
oppominilyntitehthey
would aflbrd him for interference
that he abstained from all movements
which
might
either
employ
his
forces, or
might
draw the
eyes
of the Greeks towards
himself.
Nevertheless,
he did not
neglect
Hn
opportunity
which oHered itself, in the course of
the name
year
in which Demosthenes delivered
his first
pnblic
oration
(3M),
for
gaining
a footing
in the immediate
neighbourhood
of Attica,
snch as
might
for the
present
attract littlenotice,
but
jet might prove very
nsefnl to him in
his futnre
undertakings.
The occasion was
presented by
the troubled state of Eubcea.
Chalcis and
Eretria,
each under the rule M one
of its own citizens,still,
it wouhl
seem,
retained
their ancient
rivalry.
At Chalcis a
dynasty
had been established
by Mnesarchna,
and was
maintained after bis death
by
his sons Callias
and Tanrosthenes
;
at Eretria Themison had
been succeeded " whether
Iramedialely
or oth-
"rwisB we are not informed "
by
Plularchus.
Both Mnesarchus and Themison had manifest-
"icl
hostility
to AUiensj
and their bucccssotb
were
probably
not more
amioablydisposed
towards
her. Callias endeavoured to
strengthen
faiuself
by
aDianoe with
Philip,
who sent a small
body
of
troops
to aid him in his
qaarrel
with the
tyrant orEretria,'orto extend his dominion in
the island. Plutarchna
wae thas led lo
apply
to Athens for
protection
;
and the succours
which bis enemies had received from Macedo- nia
may
have excited a
Jealousy
there favourable
to his
interest,
and it seems thai he had
alao
powerltil
friends there lo
ptead
bis canse.
Tet Demosthenes declared himself
against
the
proposition
of
sending
an
expedition
to his as-
aistancoi thinking
it more
politic
to let tbe fends
of the island take their natural course than lo
engage
in a war which held out little
prospect
of
advantage
to counteihalance the
expense
and the
danger.l
He did not consider Plutar- chna
OS a desirable or
trustworthy ally;
and
seems either lo have
thought
that the manner
in which
Philip
had interfered did
not deserve
much
notice,
or to have
apprehended
that tbe
proposed
intervention of Athens
might
lead to
a
struggle
with him for the
possession
of
Eubtea.
a which the risk would he all on her
aide,
the
ood almost alone Demosthenes,
bowei
FliiuA, Phiic.,IX.
91
r,
and
only
irritated
the
partisans
of Plutarcbus
by
the
attempt.
One of the foremost
among
them was a
persoD
named
Meidias,a man of
great
wealth and in-
lluencG,and of abilitiessufficient at least tc
o take a
part
in
public
He
was united to Plntarcbus
by
the bonds of friendship
and
hoepitalily,
and had been for several
years
an
open enemy
of
Demosthenes, firam a
quarrel
which
appears
to have
grown
out of his
suit with his
guardians.
We have intimations
that at this
period
party
violence ran
very high
at Athens.
Frequent
mention is made of a murder
committed
by
one
AHstarchus, apparently
from
political motives;
and Meidias
attempted
to involve
Demosthenes,
who was connected
with
Aristarchus,
in the same
charge.
We
may
also
gather
from -several fkcts stated
by
Demosthenes,
that
while,
in the admin istralion
of
public aflkirs.the
spirit
of
democracy
waa
levelling
the few barriers of law and custom
by
which it had hitherto been
restrained,
abuses
tolerated
by
which a
large
share of
power
thrown into the hands of an
oligarchical
faction. We
formerlynoticed,as a remarkable
indication of the character and aims of the indi-
J,tbe license assnmed
by
Alcibiades in his
intercourse with his fellow-cittMns
during
tbe
earlypart
of his life. That was s
aingnlar case,
in which an
extraordinary
measure of
popnlar
favour was abased
by
an
extraordinary
man.
But that
Meidias, a
person every way,
except
wealth,
below all
comparison
with
Alcibiadea,
should have ventured on similar
excesses,
as
be
appears
to have
done, can scarcely
be explained
except by
the reliance which he
placed
on the
strength
of bis
party. Demosthenes,
who
appears
at all times to have distinguished
himself
by
the
liberality
of his conlributiooa
both
to tbe amosements of his fellow-ciUsens
and tbe service of the
slate,
had
voluntarily
undertaken
to act as cAoriwiu" -to flimish a chorus
" for his
tribe,at one
of
theDionysiacfostivalB.
While he was
discharging
this
office, Meidiaa,
who had
previonsly
oflbred him several
grow
insults of a more
privatenature,
alrack him
openly
in the theatre in the
preaenco
of the assembled
people,
and tore the rich vestment
which was one of the
ensigns
of his officisl
character. The fact could not be denied
;
and
as the
person
of a
choragus,during
the
performance
of hie
functions,was aacred,
it
exposed
the offender lo the
penalties
of
sacrilege.
De- mosthenes
immediately
commenced a
prosecution
againstMeidias,
and
composed
a
speech
for the
occasion,
which has been preserved,
though
itwas not delivered,
and did not receive
his
finishing
touches
;
for he was induced to
drop
the
proceedings
before
they
came lo the
trial,and to
accept
a sum by
way
of
compro-
:. SO small that itcould
hardly
be viewed
aa
anything
more than an acknowledgment
of the
injury,
'nie conduct of Demosthenes in this
transaction " which, however,
it mast be observed,
was much less
repugnant
to tbe Greek
ideas of honour than to those of chivalrous
nes " cannot be ascribed either to avarice or
forbearance,
which was
wholly foreign
to his
character. It would
seem,
therefore,to have
been the effect of fear
iiîred
by
the
partf
which
supported
Meidias, But we do not know
enough
of the oircumataoces to DTDDOuaoe
bow
C.ooolc
00 HISTORY OP GREECE.
"r it
niBj
have deserred tbe
reproeoh
of
puBiU
lanimity,
Ii
ceitaml; aiqwars
la confirm the
SDBpicion
which ia
suggssledby
other
pssaagM
Id bis
life, that he was
naturally
timid,
and bold
onl;by
an
effort of
reflection, or
under the impulse
of
strong tMliaga.
The event of (he measures which he
opposed
Beems to
prove
the wisdom of his counsels.
An
expedition
was decreed,
and
placed
under
the cDDunuid of
Phocion. perhaps
the ablest
general
yel remaining
la the
republic.
He was
joined
in "uh"eB
by
Plutarcliua
;
but be suSer-
ed bimaelf to be drawn, into a
perilous position
near
Tamyne,
where his
army,
ifdefeated,must
have been
entirely destrojad.
or
compelled
to
sorrender
;
and here be weIs attacked
by
Calli-
aa with,
it
seema,
a
greatlysuperior
force. He.
however,
extricated himself liom Ibis
danger
by
hia
skiilaadpreneDCeof mind,
end
gained
the
victory
in
a
faaid-fuught
battle. But the conduct
of
Plutajchus,
whose raahoeaa
nearly
ruined
his
allies, seems to have excited a
auspi-
cioo,wîch, however, can
hardly
have been
well
founded,
that be bad acted in collusion
with the
enemy.
After the
vicUiry, indeed,
ia
posatUe
that hia views
may
have
underjioae
a
ehange,
and he
may
have
bemyad
an
aliena-
tioiifrofflthe interest of tbe
Atkoniana,which
they
would oonsider
as
treachery.
The fact
ia,
that henceforth Phocion treated him
as on enemy,
expelled
him from
Eretria,
and nude him-
BCJ(
master of
Zaretra,a fortress in a eeotral
position
between the eastern and neatem coasts.
If we believe what Plutarch
adda,
tbat he dja-
misaed the
prisonera
wbo fell into bis baods
there,throng
fen tbtt the
people
ndabt bo induced
by
tbe orators to
pot
them to deotb,we
must
suppose
a state of excitement at Athena,
for
whkd),
unless it
was
pnidoeedby indifDa-
tion
againsta
peffidioua al^,w" oannot acoonat.
AAer the
eqnlaioa
itfPlntarolHis
piâr gov-
enuueut waa restored at Gr"tria
;*
and
peiftapa
tbe Athenian intereat
was at first
predominant.
But it was not long
before
Philip's partisans
began
to show tltemselves there
; nor was the
power
of Athens
completely
established in the
rest of tbe ialatid,
Phocion, indeed,
left it
seeminglj
in
a
tranquil
state
;
but hia
successor
Mtdossus,
who
protnbly
wuited bis
prudence
and
moderation,was
engaged
in fresh hoslili-
ttee,
and conducted then
so
ill
as to fall into
tbe
enemy's
hands, t
We have
neglectedchronological arraoge-
msot in this
part
of our narrative,
in order that
the
hisiorj
of muoh
more
important
ev"
wtiich were al this time
agitating Greece,
and
which took their rise some
years
earlier,
may
be carried forward without
interruption.
The
principal
of these events was a war
whicb broke
out in
3fi7,or 3fi6,between Thebes and
Phocis,
and became
one of the moat memorable in
an-
oient
history,
under the
name
of the Sacred
War. the second to which
thatepithet
had been
aîlied.
With this were ooonected movements
in
Tbasaaly,which
opened
a
passage
for
Philip
into the heart of
Qreeoe, and at
length
made
him tbe master of her
destiiQ.
Tbe Buin
canaea of this Sacied War
are
mors
dearly
asoertained than Ua immediste oc-
CMJOB.
AnimosiV
bad
hJog
been
ranlling
be-
tween Tbebea and Phocis nnfar
a show of
t
PIM.,Flue.,K.
peace
and
amity.
The Phociana had
opvaly
preferred
the alliance of
Sparta
and Athens
as
long
as
they dared,came over to the Tbeban
side with evident
reluctance,as much as
poe-
sible withheld active
co-operation,
and took advantage
of the letter of tbe
treaty
to refuse it
in tbe
campaign
which ended with the battle
of Mantinea. 'Hiat refusal
probably
excited
resentful
feelings,
which
were
only
restrained
by
the
expectation
of
a favourable
opportunity ;
but
they appear
to have been
aggravatedby
subsequent injuries.
The
price
which Thebes
had
paid
for her doubtful
victory
to
the loss of
ber
greatest general
and staiesmaa muat have
revived the
spirit
of all her enemies
;
and it
seems to have
encouraged
the
subject
Bmotian
towns to
attempt
a revolt,
and the Phociana to-
come to their aid
: lor such is the most
probable
interpretation
of Justin's
statement,
that
the
charge against
tbe
Phocians,
which
^Te
rise to the
war,
was that
they
had
ravaged
Bcft-
otia.' And it is
possible
that tbe
step
with
which tbe Thabans
began
tbe fatal
struggle
was
prompted
leas
by revenge
than
by preoau-
tioD,
in the view of
disabling
the Phocians "via.
thus
aaeailing
Tliebee on her tendereat side.
Had
EpamiBO"dsa
atill
guidad
their
counsels,
A^
would
aearcely
have reaorted to soch an.
e^Bdient, As it
was, they
aeem to have
hoped
to obtain alltbe
advantages
of a snaosaaliil
vrar
without bloodshed or risk.
It
was
]aag
since the nama
of the
Anqihictj-
ODio Conneil had been connected with
uy
iia-
portant
events
;
but it stillretained its "ziM'
enoe as a
veneraUe
ehadow,f
and oontinned t"
celebrate its
periodica] meetii^
with barmleaa
sfdemaity,
and
perhaps
to issue dsotees fin:tha
refolation
of mattera
relating
to the
temple
of
Delphi,not devoid of intei"at for tbe littletribea-
whioh,
politically insignifioant,
ceaumMided
a.
great majority
of votes in itad^berationa. Af- ter
the decline of tbe
Spartanpower, they appear
generally
to have submitted to tbe
gut-
duice of
Thebes,
with which several of theak
were united
by
Ibeir common hatred of tbeir
neighbours,
tbe Phocians. The Thebans had
alr^y
made
use
of their
ascendency to obtaiiL
a sentence which condemned
Sparta
to a
peu-
altj
for the seizure of the Cadmea. We do
not know under what
pretext
Ihe-oouncil took
cogniience
of this
oflence, which,though
a foul
breach of
fuith,
was not otherwise connected
with
religion ;
and we
might,
therefore,be led
to
suspect
that it
grounded
ile claim of
Juris- diction
in this
case merely
on
ibe.sounding
titlo
/
which it
sometJineBaEsumed,
of a national
congress.
t Wo
may, perhaps,
infer from Xeno-
phon'ssilence,
tbat these
proceedings
were not
instituted before the death of
Epaminondaa,
wbo would
iHidMbly
have disdained this kind
of
revenge.4
It
may
have eeemed a
good
ex-
"Dt wiih a*
Lufuca
of Diodonu, in., U, Awcdujuii^Hi
BhZjf'^Hbt'w
rn"""k^..'p. Ill,
tiwtlHi
ât^
t^
"idg,HdnUadlMrkilRd"BwvTioirhkAlb"rcali]d
a"
iun
nBUd II Wum." aHma inBctiman
applicHbl*
in whieil Ibaj wraaktd aaA 1ai
"^^ -. -
THE AMPHICTYONS "TREASURES OP DELPHI.
pedient
for
laming
the
obsliuaey
of
Spaila,
twhca she refused to
acknowledge
the
independ-
ecoe of
Messenia,
and auSered henclf on that
account to be excluded from the
genoralpeace.
She
paid
no
regard
to the sentence, which,
after
the battle of
Mantiaea,
there waa none to
eafoTce;
but it
aeeoia to hare
suggested
the
thought
that a like
engine might
be
pointed
with more effect
against
the Phociana.
The;
liad laid IhemaeWea
open
le a
charge
of aacri-
lege,having
taken into cultivation a
portion
of
tbe fiuiiful
plain,
which had been doomed
bj
the decree of the
Amphiclyons,
in the firstSa- cred
War, to lie forever waste. Such, at least,
ia the acoouut of
Diodonis,
which ia confirmed
bj
what we ieam of the
quanela
between
the Phociana and thetr LocHan
neighbotua
oa
boundary questions,coupled
with the aubae-
quent
conduct of the Locriana of
Amphiaaa.*
Thebea did not
put
herself forwatd. but
probably
instigated
some of ^le Thessalian mem-
bera of Ihe council to
prosecute
the Phociana
for this
ofTence,
and
they
were condemned to
pay
a
very
heavy
fine.t As the
delinquents
did not obey
the
judgment,
the council,pn^
ably
It its nesi
toeetiog.
followed it
up by
a
freah
decree,which declai"d that, unless the'
fine was
paid,
the
refractory people
should fbr-
tuit theii
territoiy
to the
god
whom
they
defrauded
of his due. The
language
used seems
to have amoanted to a threat of
reducing
the
Phociana lo the conditiou uf Peoests or Helots,
only autqeot,
not to
privatemasteis,
but to the
temple,.or
the
government
of
Delphi,long,
as
we hate
seen,
tbe hitler
enemy
of Phocis.
Such a sentence was
clearlyjnompted by
the
etata
which could alone have
thwight
itself
able to
carry
it into exeotion
;
and,
under the
same influence,a clause wm added to it,which
threatened
Sparta,
if she
persisted
in her con- tumacy,
with a like
penalty.
If Thebea waa the author of these
proeeed-
ingSi
to farther
eifdaaation
is needed to account
for them
;
nor can it he
naceasary
to
aup-
pose
that ê was impelledby any
other moliTa
than the
proîeot
at
redudug
the PboeiaDS to
sohmiaaion,
and
preventing
them iTom interfering
in the affairsof BcBotia. Yet there were
contemporary politicians
who
charged
the Tbe-
bana with a
deeper
and isore
iniqaitoas design
:
that of
seisiDgDelphi
and
plnndering
the aa-
areal
auapicion
to rest
upon,
and was
anythingmore
than a calamnious fabricationof their enemies.*
But the fiction
itself,
if it was
nothingmore,
seems to indicate that sucb an event coold not
have excited much
surprise;
and. indeed,many
things
had
bappened
which
might
have served
to
prepare
the minds of the Greeks for it. Del- phi
Itself,
it ia
true,
bad never been
directly
threatened,except by
the
Persians,
since the
barbarotis
ages
to which tradition referred the
attempts
of the
PhlegyK,
aad other
impious
enemies of the
Delphicgod.f
But it was in a
period
of
great refinement,yet
before
auper-
stitiou had lost
any
considerable
part
of ila influence,
that Hecatreos advised bis
countrymen
to
apply
the treaaures of the same
gnd
at Bran-
chida to their use in their contest with the
Peiaiana. On the eve of the
Peloponnesian
war,
we have seen that a similar
proposal
was
made
cohcerning
those of
Olympia
and
Delphi
in a
congress
at
Spartaby
the Corinthian
deputies,
though disguised
under the
pretest
of a
loan. Stillmore
recently,
after the foundations
of
religion
and
morality
had been shaken
by
the
speculations
of the
sophists^
and
by
the
crimes,
convulsions,
and calamities of half a
century,
Jason was so
stronglysnspected
of
sacrilegiooa
designsagainst
the
Delphictreasury
that,
perhaps
in the
hope
of
deterringhim,
the oracle
was consulted on the
subject,
and the
god
was
made to
answer,
as of
i^d,that be would tak"
care of his ownt A
party
in Arcadia, with the
tacit sanction of
Thebes,
had
actually
laid violent
hands on the
Olympic treasury.
After such
precedents,
it
required
no
extraordinary
sagacity
to fbrîee that the riches of
Delphi
would
not
long
be
protectedby the*sanctity
of the
place,
if those who were able to seize them
shoi^ ever be
tempted
to the
sacrilege by any
argent
oocaaion.
Such an occasion had now arisen. The Pho- ciana,
ttareateaed
by
the
Amphictyoniedecree,
and t^the
powerful
enemies who were
eager
to execute it.saw the need of a
vigorousetKtrt,
Wh.
uf
Dslphi bf
th
Tlixl
eiMn ")"""
Ip.
13^"honuISm*
FtioniHii. (htltlty, ""' (7ri(
iXin,n-
nAi/mi, wtptttutv
ml
ifljil vM
"^
SSI"
"* ' *"""
,t Tii'l,
f,
".
HISTORY OF GREECE.
and were read; to liateD to bold couasellora.
A man eqnal
to the
emergenc;
seema at this
time to have filleda
high
office in the
common-,
wealth,
Philomelua of Ledon, the son of Tlieo-
timua. He was probablygeneral,
or in Bome
station of
equivalent dignity,
which oui
imperfect
knowledge
of the Phocian constitution does
sembly
which was held to deliberate on the state
of
aBairs,
he
pointed
out the
injustice
oilhe decree,
the enormous
disproportion
between the
penalty
and the
oflence,
and
urged
the necessi.
ty
of resistance. To render it
efTectual.
be
showed that
they
had
only
to assert their ancient
rights,
and take
possession
of
Delphi.
where
they
were entitled to the
presidency
of
the
oracle,
which would enable them to reverse
the
proceedings
of the
Amphictyons.
If
they
would intrust him with t)ie
enterprise,
be
pledged
himself to
bring
it to a
prosperous
issue.
These
assurances
inspired
his hearera with
confidence,
and he was created commander-in-
chief of tbe national
forces,
or,
ifhe before held
Uiat
office,
was now iDvesled witb new and unlimited
authority.
His first
step, according
to Diodoms, was to
proceed
to
Sparta,
and communicate his
plana
to
Archidamus,who,
it is
said,
declined
openly
to sanction
them,
but
promised
all the aid he
could
give,
short of avowed
co-operation,
and
furnished bim with an immediate
aubsidy
of fifteen
talents. If this
account is to be
believed,
itseems an almost unavoidable
inference,
that
Philomelus had
already
formed
designs
which
he had not ventured to disclose to his
countrymen,
but which he so far intimated at
Sparta,
that
Archidamus,notwithstanding
their common
interest,
shrank from the
danger
of an
open
alliance with him. But as itis
probable
that he
did not BulTer
aiy longer
interval tban was absolutely
necessary
to
elapse
between the an- nouncement
of his
purpose
in the Phocian assembly
and the
attempt
to execute it,we are
inclined to
suspect
that the interview with Ar- chidamus
took
place
before he was raised to
the
supreme command,
and that with tbe
supplies
ho
received,
and his
privateresources,
he
made
preparations
which enabled
him,
as
as he had obtained ihe consent of the
people,
to
strike the meditated blow. It
certainly
fell
very
suddenlyon Delphi,and,if ithad been
expected,
might,
it
seems,
have been
easily
warded
off;
for itwas with no more tban 1000 Phocian
pellasts,
and
perhaps
an
equal
number of mercenary
troops,
(hat he marched to
surprise
the
city
"r
Apollo;
and he
appeara
to have met with no
resistance from the mass of the
inhabitants, who,
it
msy
be
supposed
from their manner of
life,
were
among
the least warlike of the Greeks.*
Only the
rulingfamilies,which, apparently
througha traditional connexion with the Thra-
cians of
DauliB,t
bore the name of
Thracide, relying,
perhaps,on the
sanctity
which
they
derived
from the
temple
of which
they
were he-
redilaiy guardians, made an
impotentstruggle,
which
provoked Philomelus to
put
them to
That ho
ever entertained the
thought
death.
"
See
Aihaaau. JT.
-.^J-JLt
of
destroying
the
city,killing
the
men, and ear-
slaving
the women and
children,
is
highly
improbable
:
and littleleae so the account that he
was diverted from this useless
atrocity by
the
intercession of Archidamus.* We
can much.
more
readily
believe
Diodonis,who
represents
him as
cheering
the
Detphiana
with assurances
of
safely.
The Locrians of
Amphissa
were first roused
by
the
news,
and
immediately
marahed to the
deliverance of
Delphi,
but
Ibej
were defeated,
and forced to retreat with
great
loss. After the
victory
Philomelus
proceeded
to
destroy
the
records of the
Amphtctyonicjudgment a|!3iDst
Fhocis.
At the same time,he
publicly
declared
that he did not intend to rob the
temple,
bat
only
to reinstate the
Phocians,
its ancient and
legitimate guardians,
in their
rights.
Yet it
can
scarcely
be doubted that,while be waa
making
these
professions,
he bad
alreadybegun
(o
touch the sacred
treasure,
unless itbe
supposed
that the conliscated
property
of the Thraddc
was sufficientfor his immediate wants. He
certainlyrequired
considerable sums
;
for ha
not
only
continued to enlist freah
mercenaries,
whom he invited
by
the additioa of
one
half to
the
ordinary
pay,
but fortifiedthe
temple
with a
new wall. But be seems at least to have resolved
not to take more than he found absolutely
necessary
for
self-defence,
and to
keep
even
this measure secret as
long
as he coidd. It
was
partly,perhaps,
witb this view
that,
having
raised his forces to the number of
6000,
he invaded
and
ravaged
the Locrian
territory.
In
this
expedition
the
peculiar
chsractcr of the war
began
to
display
itself. Tbe Jjocrians in
some
trifling
engagement
had been leftin
pasaessioii
of a few of the
enemy's
slain
:
and when the
herald came with the usual
application
for their
interment,
refused to
give
them
up, alleging
that,
according
to Greek
usage,
men
guilty
of
sacrilege
were not entitled to funeral ntes. But
Philomelus,having
soon after
gained
a
victory,
and
remaining
maater of the field,
obliged
thciu
to consent to an
exchange
of the dead. He led
his
army
back to
Delphi
laden with the
spoil
of
Locris,
which
may
for some time have
supplied
him with the means of
paying
itat the
enemy's
expense.
The interval of
repose
which followed this
expedition
was
apcnl
in active
preparations
for
war,
which, however,
he conducted so as to
show his intention of
sparing
the
temple
as
long
or as much as
poaaiblc.
He was
evidently
anxious
to avert the odium of
sacrilege
from his
cause,
and had not
yet despaired
of
escaping
it.
It
may, however,
have been less with this view
than to
quiet
the
scniplee
of his own followers
that he determined to
employ
tbe
machinery
of
the oracle
; posaiblj
not much
caring
whether
he
gained
its
authorityin
his
favour,or so shook
it in the
attempt,
as to render it harmless for
the future. He
compelled
the
prophetessby
threats to mount the
tripod,
and
pronounce
a
declaration, importing,
as ne
gather
from Dio- donis,
that all bis
proceedingswere
agreeable .
to the will of the
god,
and
encouraging
him to
persevere, or,
as his
enemies,perhaps,expressed
itin
derision,
to do
as he would. The
oracle
was no doubt couched in more decent
tenns
;
and he
published
itwith
great solemnity
in an
"
P"M,
"e'Stiwic
PHILOMELUS." DANGER OF PHOCIS.
as
""Bemblf
which, thoughchied;composed
of bis
Bokliera and
partisans,
was
probablyopen
to all
the Greeks then
present
at
Delphi,
and
niaj'
have been meant to
represent
an
Amphtctfonic
axUna*
Propilioua
omena likewise were not
wanting,
nor
kept
secret.*
But with these
appeals
to
aaperstition
he
coupled
other lees ambiguous
expedienta
(or
Increasing
the moral
strength
of his cause. He sent
envojs,
caT"-
ftiil; chosen from
among
his
friends,
to allthe
principal
states of
Greece,
Thebes itselfnot excepted,
to defend his conduct.
The;
were instructed
to declare that he had
only
taken
pos-
session of
Delphi
to do
juatice
to Fbocia
;
thai
he badno intention of
epoiliag
the
temple;
that
he was
ready
to
produce
an
inventory
of all its
treasures, minutely describing
their number and
weight,
and to
giie
an account before allGreece
of tus
custody
of them. Id the mean while he
proceeded
to
tery
fresh
troops,
and,to meet hia
growing expenses
without a breach of his recent
declaration,
or,
at least,
to save
appearances,
and at the same time to
punish
his bitterest
enemies, he laid
heavy
contributionson the
wealthy Delphians..
The
Locrians, who bad
hitherto receiTed no
assistance,
still
thought
themselTee able to
cope
with
bim,
and renewed
their inTasion. Another obstinate battle was
fought
near
Delphi,
in which
thej
were completely
routed
-.t
and now
despairing
of the success
of their
solitary eflbrts, seat ambassadors
to Thebea to
implore
succours in the name of
The
reception
which the
eavojs
of Philorae-
lus met with
was,
of
coarse,
determined
t^
the
previous
wishes and interests of the states to
which
they
addressed themselves. But his
moderation and
.
fair
professionsencouraged
those who were favourable to him to declare
themselies without reserve. At Athens and
at
Sparta
he was readilyaccepted
as an
ally;
but at Thebes it is
probable
that his ministers
could
scarcely
obtain an audience,
and
they
were
certainly
dismissed with hostile threats.
Yet itseems as if the
imputation
of
sacrilege
was not
thought
sufficientto escite the
popular
indignation
to the
proper pilch,
and that a
story
was spread
at Thebes of an
outrage
oommitleil
by
some Pbocian on the
person
of a Theban
lady.i
Tbe
request
of the Locrians was
eagerly
granted:
and Tbebes now came forward as
the
principal party
to the
contest, and herself
sent
envoys
to
Theasaly
to rouse not
only
the
ThessaUans, but all the littletnbea in that
quarter
which had a voice in the council,to arm for
the
holy
war. All
obeyed
the summons
;
and
they atone, probably,among
tbe
belligerents
were animaled
by
some
degree
of
religious
leal
i though
with most of them the
Phocians,
not the enemies of the
god,were the real object
of hatred.
Thus, Philomelus saw almost
0"*iSi|)iKWiufInA")- t DiDdnnu, iri.,
1
t Fimiba,l."
p.
143. brin^
4 chu^ of
tanagt
entl
l^ltitt
PhiktDwIiu, which hai
na otbar grotiiAthan " nu
hjspn"TtenlodB4tb,
buT Uut muy of th" Locrivu in Etif
llighl
win cliHvsn"u PhilnoigiuitliiwaLf Bftamnl
wu
the whole of Dotthem Greece
leagnedagainst
bim
;
his enemies surrounded him on alt
sides,
and were
urged
to the utmost exertions
by
the
strongest
motives of
interest,
passion,
and
prejudice,
while Ihtm his allies be could look for
little assistance. Athens, weakened
by
her
Social
War,
and intent on diflferenl
aims, was
not
disposed
to
engage very actively
in a cause
of omiDOOS
aspect,
and not
immediately
touching
her interests.
Sparta
could not but view
the cause as her own
:
bat,
with Messene and
Megalopolis
at her
side,
could
promise little,
and
might
be disabled from
stirring
at all.
There
were,
indeed,some othsr
Peloponnesiaa
states which wished well to the enemies of
Tbebes
i
but no
expectations
of
important
EDO-
cours conld be
safely
Ibuaded on their
friendlj^
dispositions.
Thus, then,
the time had come when one
help
alone remaioed to save tbe Phocians fi^na
destruction.
They
bad need of a
powerfhl
army
to face the
eoofederacy
formed
against
them,
and
they
had
no means of
raisingor
maintainingone,
unless the
god
lent them his
treasures,as be had
alreadygranted
them his
sanction. Philomelus now threw off all disguise.
It
was, indeed,necessary
for his
par-
pose
that itshould be
generally
known that he-
possessed
the
power
of
enriching
allwho
might
enter his service,
and that he woold no
longsr
shrink from
using
it. As soon as it became
notorious that the
temple
treasure was the fund
from which his soldiers ware to draw their
pay,
adventurers flocked to his standard from
every
part
of Greece. That
they
were men of s
worse cbamcter than
any
othera of tbe same
class,
may
be considered as a hostile
exaggeration
;* yet
it is credible
enough
that the
large
pay by
which
they
were
attracted,
and the
cause in which
they fought,
concurred to
promote
a more than
ordinarydegree
of licentious*
ncBB
among
them.
Having
tbiu raised his
forces to
upward
of
10,000,
Philoraelua
again
invaded
I"acris, where the
enemy
had
already
been
joinedby
a
body
of Theban
troops.
Not-
withslanding
the excellence of the Theban cavalry,
he defeated them in a combat of
horse,
and
gained
another
victory
alter
tbey
had been
re-enforced
by
6000 men from
Thessaly.
He
himself soon afterward received a re-enforoe-
ment of 1500
Acbceans;
hut the arrival of a
fresh
army
"
according
to Diodorus, 13,000
sirong-^fromBceoiia,compelledbim,
it
seems,
to take
up
a
position
where he remained for a
time on the defensive.
While the two armies were
encamped
here
at no
great
distance from each
other,
the character
of the war
displayed
itselfin deeds more
atrocious than either
party
had hitherto ventured
on. The
Thebans,
confident in their
strength,
but
perhaps
not so much to
gratify
tbeir hatred as to intimidate the
enemy,
and ts
detiT others from
entering
into the Pbocian
they
had taken in
foragingexcuraiona, and,
having
made a
proclamation
(hat the
Ampbic-
tyons
condemned them to death as abettors of
sacrilege,
massacred them all in cold blood in
the
presence,
it
seems,
of both aroMes. The
soldiers of Philomelus
were,.
as
might
have
been
expected,
not
dismayed,
bat
violently
ex-
'
C'.oogic
HISTORY OF GREECE.
'aapentadbj
this
cnielCy,
and demuided ven-
aeance for tbe blood or tbeir comradea. Relal-
Wion waa
abaolucelynecessaiy
for bis
owb
aafet
J.
Tbe mercenarieB exerted tbeir iitmoal
efibrla lo collect as
man;
priaonera
as
thef
could
:
and FhilomelDS led them all oat to
pul"-
lic
execution,according
U" tbe
example
aet
by
the Tbebina. Tbia meaaiire did
not,
of
caorae,
tend to
allay
the mutual
animoaity,
but it
prevented
the
repetition
of the crime whicb bad
been
perpetrated
in the name of
religion.
We
have no connected account of the
militaryop- erations
wbicb
eneaed,
and cannot determine
the
object
Of tbe moTementa
bj
wbicb the two
anniea w"Te
again brought
into each other's
praBeMM
near the town of Neon or Titborea,
which
tayat tbe ftrata( a
precipice
in one of the
tipper TaUeye
of Pamassua.* Tbe
meeting
is
and to have been
unexpected ;
we
might
con-
jeotire
that PhilooMhiE
was
taking
the moont-
sin road tbr the
purpoae
of
invading
Bceotia,
vhite it waa left
unguarded.
The
enemy
was
far
BUperior
in
nnmbera,
and the
engagement,
"rt)iehfollotredwithout
any previouaarrange-
neni,
ended in the defeat of the Phocians.
PbHometua
himself,
aller
baving fought
with
deaperatavalonr,
and receiTed a number of
woBDda, was hurried
along,
it ia aaid. in the
general
rout
among
the mountain
crags,
and
perished. According
to Diodnms, he fotind his
flight stoppedby
a
precipice,
and threw himself
"rer its
edge.
Pausaniast
gires
a more mar-
"elloM colour to the event
;
as if,by
a
prater-
nunral
inalinct,
he had
sought
the
very
kind of
death
which,by
ancient
custom,
and
by
the decree
of [he
Ampbictyoniccouncil,was the
appointed
penalty
(if
aacrilege ;J
and we find this
Tiew uf the
subject
etilt more
distinctly
expressed
in another
tradition,
that the rock on
which he stood rolled down and crushed him
with its ruins.
4 PerhapaJnstin's simpler
statement,
that he died
fighting
in thetbieheetof the
battle,
may
be not less
deserrlng
of credit.
PhilomehiB,it is
said,was the eldeat of three
brathen:
BndOnomarchus,oneoftheyoanger,ll
commanded
a division of the Pbocian
army.
It seema not to have taken so aetire a
part
in
the battle
as that which was
immediately
under
Philomelus
;
he elfectad a aafe
retreat,
and
collected
many
of the
fugitiTea.
The
victory
was Dot so decided aa to
encourage
the Thebans
to
attempt
Un
reeoTe^
of
Delphi
;
and
Uioj
returned homo to await the effect which the
loss of Philomelus
might produce
on the enemy's
counsels.' Onomarcbua led hia
array
back to
Delphi,
and
immediately
called an assembly
to delitierBle on the state of sfDiirs. A
division,wbich had
probably
existed for some
time before
among
the Fhocians. but had been
suppressedby
the
authority
of
Philomelus,now
came
openly
into
light.
There was a
party
strongly
desirous of
peace ; wiUmg, perhaps,
to
purchaae
it
by
an;
coneeasions not inconsistent
with the national honour and
independence,
and
averse to the
war,
not
merelythmagh
fear of a
disastrona
issue,bat on account of ita
peeuliar
character,
and of the
consequences
which were
to be
apprehended
even from the most ftvours-
ble event. Tliere were no doubt
many
who
were struck with
religious ser^plesby
the
spoliation
of the
temple,
and who
thought,
at
leaat,
thai
nothing
conkl
justiiy
it but the most
urgent
neceaaity.
But there
were, perhaps,
stillmore
who were
jealous
of the
power
which the
war,
if
successfully conducted,was likelyto
place
in
the hands of a
singlefamily,
and
contemplated
with ataroi the
proapect
of a
dynastyresting
on
the
support
of a
greed;
and licentious
foreign
soldiery.
On the other hand, the house of Pliit-
omelus was
strong
in its
hereditaTy
and
newly
acquired
influence,and in the cause itself,for
it still
preserved
the
aspect
of i
just
and noble
resistance lo
oppression;
and whoever else
might hope
for
safety
in submission, the leaders
in such a contest had tio' choice between their
perilous
eminence and a ruinous fell. The
pcpotarfeelii.^
was
probably
with
OntHnarchns;
hie adherents
prevailed,
and be was elected t"
fillthe
place
of the deceased autocrM.
In
military
and
ptditical
talents,in
prudence
and
ener^,
he seems to have been not inferior
ta Philomelm. But he wanted the moderation
and self-command
which, even
through
the
shade of adverse
statemenia, may
be
clearly
traced in the condnct of his
predecessor.
Phil- omelus
was
ready
to sacrifice all that others
held aacred Eo the intereat of the atale.
perbape
to that of his own ambition. But Onomarchns
waa addicted to vicioits
pleasures,
and reckleM
aa to the means of
indulging
in them
;
anid
he
appears,
from the first,to have
ivgarded
the
treasures of the
temple
as a
patrimony
which
be
might spend
aa he
would,
and aa a mine
whieb he needed not fear ever to exhanst. The
common metals of tbe sacred
ofl^nga
fiimisbed
arma
;
tbe
gold
and silver not
onlypay
for hia
troops,
but
presents,
with which he endeav-
aured to
gain partisans,
to conciliate
enemies.
and te
quicken
the zeal i^his friends
throughout
Greece, and with which be did not
scruple to
reward the ministers of hia aenaual
enjoyments.
It was
probably
from him that Chares at one
time received
a
sum,
it is
said,
of
sixtytalents,
with which he
gave
a feast to tbe
people
in
honour of some not
very importantadvantage
gained
over a
body
of
Philip'stroops
:t an ez-
ihiski 11 itMnt Au III* "u*
Ilit ThrlHiia fim ukiiw dh of
ll"ii
SinH
Iks
i)niil"
nf Pli"w. ud ihu
tbey xart
rin*"My
nml br mujoC
Ihi ncnhim tlliH, But thii !"
nm^
i
Theopnupa
in AdHsaoi, ii"..41. rVm " Ib* nli
SIEGE OF METHONG. 97
amide which
ma;
aerre to iUnstTBte the rate at
which the
Delphic
treasures were lavished. At
the same tiinci
hie domestic adminiatralion
as-
Humeil a more
despotic
character than hia
prede-
ceasor's. Philotnolus had treated tbe
Delpbiaoa
with
great rigour;
but
they
were enemiea,
who
bai
only
aubmilted to force,
anil Ibeir
property
might
aeem
less sacred Iban that of tbe
temple;
Onomarchua Tcntured to arrest the
principal
Phociana or the
oppositeparty,
to
put
them to
death,
aad cooGacate their
estates,
whether with
or without tbe forms of a trial,matters little.
Considereil even as the work ofa
faction,still,
under the direction of such a chief,
it amounted
to little less than
an act of
militarydespotism
onder a
thin
disguiae.
The
profusion, however,
witii which he
laviahêd
his
gold,
answered his
immediate ends. It enabled him to recruit hia
amy,
and
probably
to
increase it
;
so that,after
the retreat and
aeparation
of the confederates,
he was able to fall
upon
them
singly
at a
great
advantage.
He invaded both the western and
the
eastern Locrians,
extorted
humiliating
concessions
from those of
Amphiaea.
and took
Thronium,
one
of the
Epicnemediantowns,
and
reduced its
population
to
slavery: Doris,too,
and its little
townships,
he laid
waste with fire
and aword. He then advanced into Bixoiia,
and made bimaelf master
of
OrchomenuB, now,
perhaps,
inhabited
by
a
Theban
catony.
He
next aodertook the
siege
of
Cheronca.
hut
'was
compelled
to raise it
by
the
approach
of
a
Theban
army,
and to retire with some loss inlo
Fbocis.
It was at this
juncture
that
a new
party
entered
into the contest.
Philip'seye
had, no
doubt,
been fixed
on it from the
beginning,
and
lie must aoon have
perceived
that it was
likrJy
to afford him an
opportunity
of
acquiring
an
in-
"aeoce in Greece such as none of his
predecessors
had
possessed
or
aspired
to. It
waa so
"Teuly balanced,
that he
might
throw
a deci-
daive
weight
into either scale. But itwaa
firal
necessary
that he should be
brought
nearer to
the scene of
action,
from vrhich he waa
aepar-
aifld
hy Theasaly
;
and il
happened,through
a
aingularlyopportune
combination of
events,
that,
at tbe
very
time when it was most
important
to him to
gain
an entrance inlo that country,
the
way
was
opened
for him
by
the state
of ita aflhirs. He had
previously
done all that
rested with himaelfforthia
end.
having
removed
the last obstacle that
lay
hetweea bim and (he
ThessaUao frontier. Tbia was the town of
Metltooe,
which had
long
sbowu a
very
hostile
apirit,
and afforded a shelter
to
his
enemies,
which enabled them to
annoy
him
greatly.
He
laid
siege
lo
it,perhaps
so
early
as the
spring
of
8fi3,
but the inhabitants made so
vigorous
a
defence as to
occupy
him for the
greater part
"f
a
year;
and it
seems
he had not
yet
mads
lumaelf master of tbe
place,
when the events
occurred which called for his
presence
in Thes-
saly.
It
waa, perhaps,
a
consequence
of tbe
eagemea*
with which he now
urged
the
attack.
thai be
Deedleealy exposed
himself to dangHV
and received a wound from
an arrow which d"
privedhimof aneye*
Not
longalter,
the âoa
surrendered at discretion, A weaker
prince
might
have been irritated
by
its
loog
resistanoa
and his
personal
hurt.
Philip
did nol lose his
self-coinmand,
and in bta treatment of the besieged
took
a course
equally
removed from imprudent
lenity
and frnm tbe
appearance
of
cruelty. According
to the Greek
usages
of
war,
it waa an instance of
praiseworthy
moderation,
that be
spared
their lives" all but that
of
Aster,
the archer who had aimed at htoi
with
deadly
purpose
" and
permitted
them to
depart.
The town be abandoned to
pillage,
and
then razed it lo the
ground,
and
gave
tbe land
a Macedonian
colony.
Thus the ruad to
Thcssaly
was cleared,
and
expedition
underiakrn at the
request
of the
northern
Thessalians,
the old enemies of the
dynasty
of
Pliere.who had
besought
his aid.
The
tyrant Alexander,
alter
having
made himself
an
objectofgeneral
dread and hatred lo hia
subjects
and to iurcigncrs.
by
his cruelties and
piracies, at last wearied out the
patience,or
excited the
fears,
of his wife
Thebe, a
daughter
of the celebrated Jaaon, She had three balf
brothers,
named
Tisiphonua,Lyeophrun.
and
Pithotaiis, whiiae lives,as well as her
own,
her
husband ia said to have threatened. She waa
a woman of masculine
spirit ;
and one
night,
having
secured his award while he
slept,
and
---loved Ihe fierce
dug
which
usuallyguarded
chamber, she introduced the three
broihera,
whom she
was
forced
lo
urge
to the deed
by
threatening
to alarm the
tyrant,
and stood
by
while
theydespatched
him. His
corpse
lost
contumely;
but the Fhervans
appear
to
ive made
no
attempt
to
free themselves from
Lonarchical
government.
Thebe
gained
tbe
officers of bis
mercenaiy troopsby
threats and
promises,
and induced them to
acknowledge
the
authority
of
Tisiphonus,
whom she
guided
with her counsels, or
exercised her
power
under
his name.t But his
reign
lasted not
long.
Towards the end of
353,
wo find
Lycopbron at
bead of
affairs,
and hear no farther mention
of Thebe. It seems thai the new
dynasty
sooa
became,
if
not so
wantonly cruel, yet
as
arbitrary,
and almost sa
oppreseive,
as Ihat which
jt
supplanted.
We do not know whelher it had
givenany
new
provocatiua
to the Aleuads and
Its other enemies, or whether,
after the death
of
Alexander, who must have
possessed
some
abilitieswith his fearful
energy
of
character,
they
conceived
hopea
of a more prosperous
i"-
"
in a
struggle
with his
successors;
but,at
juncture
we have mentioned,
when tbe
Sacred War had
begtin
to
late a turn
very
ud-
rable to their allies,thay
invited
Philip
to
ise their cause against
Phem. Pbem
it MivT
in Prnluch. Pu., B,it not oa\j fintiga,tm
MPhiLipl
BCfiilM. Ep.ii..4 T.Fiilnoui,
i"
,",
14,
n t)w wancch
of MMkau lLir" tf Pbi
naoftbg
iumjH
wkMh bafsite
fflSTORY OF GREECE.
lud not taken
aoj part
in the Sacred War with
the real of
TheagBly,pertiaps
had
alreadyen- tered
into alliance with the Phocians
;
and it
ia not
improbable
that the Tear of thia confederacy
between theii domestic
enemy
and the
new
power
which was
becoming
ao formidable,
may
have been the motive that induced the
Aleuads to address themselves to
Philip,
whom
Ihey
might otherwise have
jaMly
considered as
a
very
daageroueauxiliary.'
Thia
conjecture
ia coallnned
by
the aabse-
quent
events. As soon as
Philip
entered Thea-
aalj,Lycophron,
itia
said,sent for succocra to
Phocis,
which leems to
imply
a
preyious
compact
for mutual aid. Onomarchua ordered his
yoanger
brother
Phayllus
to
join
him with a
body
of TOOO : a
proof
that the Phocian
array
had been
greatly
increased since the death of
Philomelus.
Philip, however,
defeated
Phayl-
laa,
and
compeUed
him to retreat from Thessa-
ly,
and then made himself master of the un-
portant town of
Pegaste,
the
seaport
ofPherte.
This
conquest,
which cut off the
tyrant's
communication
with the
sea.
rendered his situation
alarming;
and Onomarchua
thought
his alliance
so valuable as a
counterpoise
to the hostility
of
the other Thessalians,that he determined to
bring
allbis forces to his relief,
Philip, who,
it
seems,
had received little
support
from bis Thcs-
salian
allies,
found himself
very
inferior in nnm-
bers to the
enemy.
He did
not, however,
shrink from an
engagement,
but
fought
two
battles,
the
first,
of
course,
with no decided result
;
but iQ the
second,
the
victory
was so clearly
on the side of
Onomarchua,
that the
king
was
with
difficulty
able to eflect his retreat into
Macedonia, t Onomarchus did not
attempt
ta
avail himself of hia success for
any
farther enterprises
in
Tbessaly,but,
leavingLycophron
to recover
Pegaan,
and humble the Aleuads as
he
could,again
carried the war into Bteotia.
A
victory
which he obtained over the Thebans
enabled him to reduce
Coronea,
or induced it
to
open
its
gates
to him
;
but not
long
after he
was called
away by
the
inielligctico
that
Philip
had re-entered
TheHsaly
with a more numerous
army,
and was
preparing
to renew his attack
upon Lycophron,
and
immediately
advanced to
meet him, now at the head of
30,000men.
Phîp
tiad not
only
recruited hia forces in his
own
kingdom,
but on hia
return to Thessaly
had
urged
his alliesto more
vigorous
exertions
in
the common cause
;
and
they
bad so far
complied
with his
demands,
that he could
bring
into the field
20,000 infantry,
and 3000 Thessa-
lian
cavalry.
Now
too, perhaps,
he
thought
it
expedientmore
distinctly
to assume the charao-
'
ir of a
champion
of
religion,
and made his sol-
i
J wreaths of
laurel,tplucked,
per-
haps,
fnm the hallowed
groret
(rf
Tea^, to
mark that
they
wera
going
to
fight
for Ote
god.
Onomarchns, equallystrong
in
inlantry,
âd
only
600
horse,probably
of inferior
qnality.
If
the loss of the battle which ensued was not Uio
conseqnence
of this
deficiency,
it
probably
rendered
the defeat more
decisive,
and more disastrous
to the
vanquished,
'nie Phocians
wets
completely
ron ted,
and as the fieldof battle
was
not far from the coast "
probably
of the
Pagtto-
Kan Gulf" oir which Chares was
cruising
with
an Athenian
sgnadron,
theymostly
Bed towards
the
shore,
ancl
many
of those who reached it
cast
away
their arms and
attempted
to swim to
the
friendly
vessels. Sii thoosand were
slain,
or
perished
in the waters
;
and 3000 were taken.
Onomarchns himself was
among
the
dead
;
but his
body,though
he too is said to
have
plunged
into the
sea,
fellinto the
enemy's
hands.
Philip
ordered it to be fastened to a
cross, and,
ifwe
may
believe
Diodonis,
caosed'
all his
prisoners
to be
drowned, as
guilty
of
sacrilege.
But
Chough
itwould be
likely enough
that his Theesalian allies
might
have
instigated
him to such an
atrocity,
which was sanctioned
by
the decree of the
Amphictyons,
and
by
the
example
of the
Thebans. as it is
not evident
that
policyrequiredit.
and there was in his
case neither
pîon
nor
superstition
to
prompt
it,we cannot bnt
suspect
that the
storymay
have erisea out of a
misunderstanding, by
which the fate of the
prisoners
was confbanded
with that of the
Aigitires
who were driven into
Bythisvictory. Philip
had made himself master
of
Theasaly.Lycophron
and Pilholaus
surrendered
êir
capital
to
him,
bnt
stipnlated
fbr
leave to
depart,
and retired with SOOO mercenaries,
to join
their allies in Phocis.
Philip
wished to be considered as a liberator
;
and ha
restored
popular,or,
at least,republicangor-
emment at Phera
;f
bat he
keptpossession
of
PagasEs
and took
Magnesia,
which bad also belonged
to the
tyrants,
and
occupied
itwith a
garrison.
After
having
thus settled the afihirs
of
Thessaly,
he
began
his march
southwatd,
apparently
with the
design
of
nverpowering
the
remnant of the Phocian
fbrcoa,
and
putting
an
end to the war. But in the mean while,
the
Athenians had been roused
by
the
exigency,
and
prepared
to meet itwith unusual alertness.
The
squadron
under Chares, which was
lying
off the coast near the field of
battle,
had
probably
been sent to
protectPagaste.
hut had arrived
loo late. It would
carry
the news of
Philip's victor?
to Athens,
and tiierewas
erei7
.-J
ejpep[
that he would
speedily
ad-
dictate terms of
peace
to the Athe-
I their alhea. To
avert this
danger,
prornptly equipped
and despatched
to the Malian
Gulf;
and when
Philip
reached
Thermopyln,
he found the
pass strongly
guarded.
It is
possible
that he
might
have
been able to force
it,
and that itwas not fear of
the Athenians that hindered him from
making
the
attempt.
But there is some reason to doubt
that he was desirous of
making an iomiadiBle
end of the war. Had he been
earnestly
intent
this
object,
be would
probably
have followed
"if
nubc'i, m
rf|"""i
rUrfiuSflf^
*"
op
U"
Tiotoi7
with moK nqiiditj.
A
atriiggle
that wu wasting
tbe
Btrength
of Greece
waa
not at
all adverae to bis inteiests
;
it
was, perhaps,
only
at the
request
of the Thessalians
that he had made the moTenunt
which the
Atheniana
anticipated ;
and ha
may
have been
secretly
well
pleased
to find a fair
pieteil
for
desiatiDg
from it. At AtbeoB, however,
the result
of the
eijiedition
to
Thermopyls
was regarded
BB a
happy
deliTsraace aud a
glorious
triumph.
It in some measure
coosoled the
people
for tbe losses and ittsullawhich
they
bad Bufiered not
long
before in seTsral
quarters,
where
they
could least haTo
apprehended
an Bltaok ftom him. He had either fitted out a
naval force of his
owu,
or
having,by
the
capture
of
Pagasie,
become master of that with
which Alexander had so much
annoyed
the
Athenians,
he likewise turned it against
them.
His
galleys
invaded Lemnos and Imbrus
;
and
among
the
spoil,
carried
away
several of the
inhabitants.
They
also
captured
a uninber of
Athenian merchant
vessels,richt;laden,
off
Gemslus, laEi^xea^
ood a littlelater ventured
to
appear
in tbe
bay
of
Marathon,
and made a
prize
of the
Paralus,
which was
lying
there.*
In tbe mean while,
the Phocians had time to
repair
their losses
;
and, aa the sacred
treasury
IS still
rich,lor
they
did not want tbe
means,
ed, It seemB without
opposition,
to succeed
OnomarchuB. He
immediatelybegan
to make
fresh
levies,and, though
he found himself obliged
to raise tbe
pay
of his
troops
to double the
usual
race,
collected a
largebody
of mercena-
ries. He also called
upon
his allies for assistance
i
and as his
applications
were seconded
by
a lavish distribution of
money
or
presents,
not in vain. In the
profusion
both of his
public
and his
personalexpenditure,
be seems to
have
surpassed
his
predecessor.Sparta
sent
1000
men;
3000 came from
Achaiai
but Ath- ens
fumisbed the most liberal succours : an
anny
of fiOOO
infantry
and 100 borse under tbe
command of Nausicles. It was
probably
not
pure anxiety
for the
safety
of the
Phocians,
who,
after
Philip's retreat, were no longer
in im-
mineoc
danger,
that
impelledthe Athenians to
this elfort
;
nor need we
suppose
that it was
suggested by
venal
orators, though Pbayllus
may
have had-
some in his
pay ;
but it
was
manifestly
desirable to maintain Buch
a
body
of
|
troops
at tbe
expense
of the Phocians.
Phayl-
lus soon found himself in a condition to invade
Bceotia
j
and
though
Diodorus describes him as
defeated
by
the Thebans in three successive
battles,
it is remarkable that the account
given
of them
proves
that he
was not
only
able to remain
in
BtEotia, but to
keep advancing
towards
Thebes; forlhe firsttook
place
nearOrchome-
Dus,
the secood on the banks of tbe
Cepbiaus,
the third
near
Coronea. It would
seem as
if
the Thebans bad
only
succeeded
so far
as to
protect
their own land from invasion
;
for
we
nest find
Pbayllus, not
retreating homeward, aa
might
have b"en
expected,
but
marching
into
the
Epicnemcdian Locris,where he is said to
have made himself
master of sllthe
towns ex-
LLUS.
99
cept Natyz,
which he
beaieged. Briber
auj
have contributed to tbe
rapulity
of these
conquests,
as
Naryx
bad
nearly
been
betrayed to
him. Diodorus is
very
confused in his
description
of the rest
of tbe
campaign;
but we
may
perhaps
collect from it thai the Thebans nude
an inroad into
Phocis,
and
having
thus drawn
him with his main force
away
from
Naiyx,
marched
upon
it to raise the
siege.
But his activity
disconcerted their
idans;
he
auddenly
appearedagain
before the
place,
defeated their
"imy,
and then elornked the
town,
which be
raaad to the
ground.
If bis habit of
body
was
sickly,
the
fatigue
of these marches and conn-
lermarcbes
may
have hastened his death
;
te
was carried off in tbe course of the
same year
by
a disease in which his enemies disoemed
tbeSngerofHeaveD.*
His officeseems soarc"-
ly
to tmve been cotisidered
any longer
aa elect- ive
;
it
passed,
as
by inheritance, to PhialMiua,
a son
of
Onomarchus.t
who was stillso
young
as to need a
guardian:
and
Mnaseaa,to whpM
care he was coounitied
by Pbayllus, proawoted
the war as his heutenant. But he was imm
after killed in one of the
nigbt
oooibats which
at this
stage
of tbe war seem to kiave become
very frequent;
and bis ward
then, notwithstanding
his
youth,
took the command in
penon.
Before
Philip's
intervention had b^^ to
alarm them for dieir own
safety,
the Atheni- ans
bad not felt
any
deep
interest in the Sacred
War.
They
looked on without
expectation
of
any
positive
advantMe from
it,
onless it
might
be the
acquisition
of
Orcpus,
and were
onlyanx- ious
that the Thebans
might
not
prevail.
"
Spar- ta
both fetta livelier
sympathy
fortbe
Phocians,
and
was more
immediately
interested in the
contest, not
onlyby
her
fears,
but
by
her
hopes.
It
opened
a
prospect
for her of
recovering
ber
ascendency
in
Pelopanneaus,
and of demolishing
tbe harriers within which she had been
confined
by Epaminondas.
Little
credit,thereforo,
seems due
to a
story
which
was
among
Iha
Bcandah"uB anecdotes collected
byTheopompost
concerning
the Sacred
War,
that Archidamns
the Phocians
by presents
made to himself and
bis
queen
Dinicba.
He, at least,discerned the
interest of
Sparta
too
clearlyto need sach an
impulse.
If the Thebans
were
occupied
at
home, or if she was
supportedby
her northern
allies,
she
might
still
hope
to
reduce,
first
Heg-
I alopolis,
and then Messene, Both these new
1
stations
dependedmainly
on Theban
protection.
The
population
of the Arcadian
city
was ceoa-
posed,
as we have
seen,
of
veiy
diverse elements,
which had been
broughttogetherpartlyr
by
a
temporary political excileiDent,
and
paRlj
by force. There was a
parly,
not inooiiRdera-
blein number and
influence,whi^
eanMsUy
desired to dissolve the
community,
and
to be
restored to the ancient
se^s, where the wealthier
class had
probablyeiyoyedmore
independence
and a
larger
share of
power. Soon after
the battle of Mantinea this
party
had
openly
declared
Hself The
terms of the
treaty
were capable
of a construction favourable to its
wishes.
uL, ( ", M,
t
AcxDrdioi;in Divdmiii,
rri.,18, nhoH
amtwriLy m
and a gnat
number
quilted
tbe town to settle
[
again
in
their nalive canlona. The rest would
not consent to this
migration,
and
attempted
to
bring
them hack
bj
Torce. The matecontents
implored
the
protecliou
of (he
Mantineans,
and
"''""
'"ir
PeloponnesianB
wbo had sided with
tbem in the Is
e
obliged
to call
upon
Thebes for aid. The
Tbebans sent Pammenes,
with 3O0O foot and
300
horse, to
support
them.* It must bare
been the name or Thebes, Blillformidable in
PeloponneauB,
which enabled him with
bo
small
a force to overcome
all resistance. He laid
waste some
of the
refractorytownships,
to
strike terror into the rest, and
linallj compelled
th" seceders to return lo the
capital.
Sparta,
it
seems, kept
aloof from tbe
struggle
: a
sign
of conscious
weakness;
for she
was
principslty
concerned in the resull. But when
the Sacred War
began
lo take a turn unfaTour-
able to Thebes,
she bent ber arms
againstMeg- alopolis,
and, not
finding
her
own
strength
sufficient,
called
on Athens for assistance. Tbe
principle
now
put
forward to
gain
the concurrence
of the Athenians
was,
a
generalrecogni- tion
of ancient
rights.
Elis
was to recover
tbe
part
of
Triphylia
which she claimed
: Phlius,the
fortress of Tricaranum. On the ssme
ground,
Athens would lie entitledlo
Oropus;
and
Spar- ta
tendered ber aid towards the attainment of
this much-coveted
object
of Athenian
policy.
Then it
was represented
that the same
princi-
irie
required
the restoration of
Thespite
and
PlaiRa, which Athens no less
ardentlydesired,
as the surest means of
permanentlyhumbling
and
curbing
Thebes. But the farther consequences
of the
proposal,
(he dissolution of
Meg- alopolis
and the reduction of Messene, as
they
were the
points
whioh
Sparta
had
solely
ii
own view,
she
appears
to have
keptas mu"
poaaihle
out nf
sight.
The MegalopoTitans,
notwilbstanding
their
ooonexion with
Thebes,
ventured to send en-
.Toys
to Athens to
oppose
this
applicalion,
and
to solicitthe Athenians to
espouse
their cause.
Demosthenes
on
this occasion delivered a
;apAeoh
which has been
preserved,
and is in-
4ei"atin^,
as
exhibiting
the view which he toolt
-attfaiatime of Grecian
politics.
He
argues
the
qneatkni
on the
simpleground
of
expediency,
Mt his calculatiom are
entirely
formed on the
ancient
state of
things,only
a
littlemodilied
by
the
passing
events ofthe Sacred War: it
seems
as
ifthe
power
of Macedonia was not at all taken
into the account. He, at the outset, lays
down the
principle
that the interest of Athens
wquired
that both
Spana
and Thebes should be
"veak.t Th4 Biluation of Thebes
was,
at (his
i,very
crilioal,
and the
general
belief in
ft
appeara
to have been that she would
tt WH not IW TSehiw,
bat ih. aUmhiu* wIw """
?"""
n"M
td l$tt^Milit. But it mud "UoliMlr
""^^
to "nbMilnu SiAiiflicfiir'iBitwan.
nnlm w"
"^"'
.""
"mrtoDiadoniluiiHir. Wtmalif"*mmnn,
"
Dtwa-nr
brtbrr
dmMw
li" UM
"^û"
tipWin. Wh" "
sink in the
stitiggle
she was
earryiDg
on.* On
the other hand,
tf
Sparta
succeeded
againstMeg- alopolis,
she would And it less difficult to reduce
Messene;
and this addition
to
her
strength,
when that of Thebes wss
impaired,
would destroy
the balance which Athens mast wish to
preserve.
On these
grounds,
the orator
supported
the
proposal
of alliance with
Megalopolis.
It
seems that it was not carried
;
but neither
was
any help given
to
Sparta,
After the defeat
of Onomarchus, however, the Tbebans were
able to send
a
body
of 4500
infantry
and 600
horse to the aid of the
Megalopolitans,
who
were
likewise
joinedIiy
all the forces of
Argos,
Sicyon.
and Messene. The
Spartans
alao received
a re-enforcement from Phocis of AOOO
fool and IfiOof ihe Thessahan
cavalry,
who had
followed
Lycophron
and Pitholaus from Phers.
The (wo
parties
were now so evenly
balanced
that,
after two
campaigns,
in which several battles
were
fought
"
though,
it
seems,
with little
bloodshed " the
Spartans
consented to a truce
with
Megalopolis,
and the
tranquillity
"f Pelo- ponnesus
was for a
tirao restored.
Philip
was
probably
the less inclined to
pot
an
end to the Sacred
War, as
he had
plane
in.
his mind which would be the more
easily
eie-
CDted the more Ike attention of the Athenians
was
occupied
near
home. It
was
quite
sufficient
for his
purpose
to have
gained
a sure footing
in Greece,
with a
pretext
for interference
which he
might
use at his
pleasure.
There he
aimed at
nothing
more
than
political
ascendency
and control
;
his views of
conquest
were all
directed towards the north and the easlem
coasts of the
.^gean ;
and he had
probably
begun
already
to look
beyond
to
still
more dazzling
prospects.
Before his
eitpedilion
to TUps-
saly
his amicable relationa with
Olynthas
had
ceased,
and she had concluded
an
alliance with
Athens. The cause
of this
change
in her
policy
is not mentioned
by
the extant authors : to
say
that it
was an
effect of the
predominance
of a new
partyexplainsnothing.
We
may,
indeed,
safely
attribute it to
jealousy
of
Philip,
for which there were
ample grounds:
hut there
must have been some
special
occasion
;
and
we have some inducements to conjecture
that
this was no
other than a
conquesi
which he bad
made in Chalcidice,
which
might
well
appear
to
indicate
designsthreatening
the
independence
of the other towns,
his
professions,
that of
Olynthus
herself. We do
not know the
precise
time when he made him-
aelf master of
Apollonis,
but the fact is
mentioned
in a man 't
which indicates that it took
place
at no
loi interval from the
capture
of
Methone
;t
ap
.
the fallof
so
important
a town,
which, it will be remembered,
had resisted
Olynthus
at tbe
height
of her
power,
justified
the
gloomiest
apprehensions,
which
Philip,
it
seems,
took do pains
to remove.
He had
no
longer
the same
motives for
conciliating
tbe
Olynthians,
and,
perhaps,
was not loth to come
to an
open rupture
with them.
They,
however, were not now the immediat*
object
of hia attention. The state
of affhiia in.
Thrace held out an opportunity
to him of nin-
ing
a
footing
there,as he had
just
done in "nMa-
"
t M,
U"
iwwttftMitt
tienfciH nl n"6Nv".
tl"".,iii., Ptul, t H. 0]"K"" fih
M "! MiM*""
CHARIDEMU8.
aal;,periiapsorexlending
bis dominione to Ihe
HeUceprint,
where lie
might
assail Athens in
a
(iul
point,
and anerward
open
a
road to
greater
enterprises.
After the cesBlun of the Cher-
soneeus, Oeraobleptes
had for a lime continued
OD
good
tenns with the
Atheniaos,
and even
ohseqnioOBlj
tourted them
;
kept
in
awe,
as
De- mosthenes
represents,*hy
the
presence
of theit
Ibices in the
Hellespont, where,
it
seems, they
bada
squadron always
stationed
during
the So-
CTal
War, perhaps
also
foreseeing
that
an occasion
might
arise in which he
might
need their
bionr. Such an occasion aroae not
long
after
the end of the
war,
and
perhaps
ahout the same
time that
they
sent their
colony
lo the Cherso-
oesns. Berisades, one of the rival
princes,
died.
leaTing
hia children under the
guardian-
"hip
of AtfaenodoniB. This event relcindied tho
ambitjoa of
Cersobleptes,
and
gave
him
hopes
of
enlarpng
his
territory
at the
etpenae
of the
orphans.
Aihenodoniawaa faithful
to hiatmat.
bat,SB
he was an Athenian ciliien,he
might
be
expected
to
pay
deference to the will of the
ftofie,
if it should be
alrongly
declared
on
the
iide of
Ceraobleptes.Charidemua, as
welt
as
his master,
had endeavoured to
ingratiate
him-
aeir with the
Athenians,
and
appears
to have
Igrmed a
party among
Uie oralors.
throngh
wbom be
prepossessed
the
people
with a
high
opinion
of his talents and
influence,
bo as to in-
doee a
general
belief that he was the man best
ibke to
cope
with
Philip,
and to recover
Amphip-
dis. still the
object
of their anxious
regret.
He bad
ah-eadyreceived
the Athenian
franchise,
aod had been honoured with
a crunn
and other
"Mtks of
popular
Ihvonr. The
expedient
now
devised for the
professedpnrpose
of
atwching
him
more
closely
to the Athenian intereata,was
to
pass
a
decree
declaring
his
person
inviola-
Ue,and
making any
one who should kill him
inKBaMe to
justice
from
every
state in allianoe
with Athens. The decree
was
moved
by
one
Aristoerates, and earned, but was anerwird
nb)ected
to revision
by
an
impeachment
bfongfat against
bim as the author of an
illegal
measare
;
and the
prosecutor,
an obscnre
per-
9"in,
was famished
by
Demosthenes with one
of his most
elaborate orations. It
no
doubt
expresses
the view which the advocate himself
took of the
question
as
aflbcliD^
the
public
in-
loest-
We do not leam frmn it what reasons
Aiislocrates had
assigned
for the
extraordinaiy
lafeguard
which he
proposed
to throw round
the
person
of Charidemua
;
but we collect that
It had been
representedparOy
as the reward of
hia
past
services,
and
partly
as the
price
of others
which
might
be
expected
fhim bim. We
kave
already
seen
the main facts
by
which
DemoetbetieB
proved
that CharideinuB was a
vonhlesa and
dangerous
adventurer
;
he
pointed
out with
great
acuteness the
objections
to
vhich the decree was liable on the
ground
of
law and
justice;
bat the main
question,
in his
new,
waa the efTect which itwas
likely to
produce
on
the Athenian ioteretts in Thrace. He
oioiends that it was meant lo intimidate Aih-
andoTOs,
and the other
genenls
who were serv-
mg
the rivals of
CeraoUeptes,
and woald
prob-
aUy,
if
oonGniwd, overpower
on
opposition,
and
put
him in
poseession
of the whole
kingdom
of
Calys;
in that case tho
Athenians,
who owed
=r., t
It
le Cheraonesus tr
ilylo
is
weakneta,mightspeed"
We are
hardly
able lo
appreciate
the force oT
the
political argument,
or to
judge
of the real
tendency
of the
measure. But the
speech
inci- dentally
mentions
a fact,which would alone be
sufficient to account for the
hostility
of Demos-
tlienea to
Cersobleptes
and his minister. Phil- ip,
it
seems,
on some former
occasion,
probably
in the coarse of the
year
before the decree
was
passed,
had advanced with hia
army
into Thrace
as far as Maronea,
and here was met
by
an
agentofCeraohleptea
with overtures of
alliance,
the
purpose
of
which, according
to Demosthe- nes,
was a combined attack on (be Chersone-
sus,
and would have been carried into eflbot if
Amadocus, whose
territory Philip
wouid
have
had to
cross,
had not refused to
give
him
passage.
There is also an obscure alluaion to a
similar
negotiation,
which had been carried oit
at
the same time with
Pammenes.
the Tbeban
general,
who was then
serving
in Asia under
ArtabazuB
against
tiio Persian
king.*
These
would, indeed,
have been substantial
gnrnnds
for
withholding
confidence from
Cersobleptes
and Cbaridemug. Yet
they
indicated that Phil- ip's
intervention
might
soon render it necessary
for Athens to take some decided
part
in the
contest between Ihe Thracian
princes.
And this
occasion arrived
very
soon alter, hastened
perhaps
by
the issue of the
trial, on which
depended
the
validity
of the decree, and all the measures
connected with it. We
are
not, indeed,
expressly
informed what the isaue
waa
;
hut
(acts which will be hereaRer mentioned render
it
nearly
certain that Demosthenes
failed,
that
the decree
was
confirmed,
and the alliance between
Cersobleptes
and Athens cemented
by
a
new bond. It
was, perhaps,
a
oonsequence
of
this decree that Aniadoeua,
seeing
lbs Atheni- ans
pledged
to the
support
of his
rival,
threw
himself
upon
the
protection
of
Maeedonia.t
and
that
Philip
heQcejbrth
became the declared enemy
of
Cersobleptes,
Soon after his
retun
from
Thessaly,
he set out on an
expeditiont"
Thrace,
which is one of the most obacure
passages
in his
history.
It is
only
from some
vet7
vague
oratorical allusioni we are
able
to
eolleot
that,though
hia
design
of
invading
the Cber-
soncsns was
sufficiently
manifeatad to
^nn
the Adienian
colonists,
be for
some lime found
occupation
fbr his
arms in the
interioT,t
where
he
penetrated, perhaps,
to such a distance from
the coast that no certain
iidelligence
of hia
movements could be
procured
at Athens
;
and
various rumours were
spread,hnntoariag
the
people's
wishes, sometinies of his
death,some-
limes of his iUnesB. An
expedition
which
threateoed the most valuable of the state's foreign
possessions
seemed
only
to furnish
matter
for idle talk.
"rniÂiUdnciii,^Jjp'""]lT"giiiiinCtrH
I
;
tiQlwliich of Ibm
smoOinn, Olrlilh., i.,t IS,n"t i^ MlX^,
n"r
itTllBiS
tOu BuaiXiiai,.
Thfi
en EudlrnlirlD lb*
wu with
ChkUîUi. Iioenla, hoirim, PbUlp.,t
*^
mlmamf, itit^ rillBpioft ttt M"X#r Sttrtrit m^^^
lOS HISTORY OF GREECE.
It Tas at Ihia
juncture,
and nhile tbe
publio
mind was thus
auspentled
between
hope
and
fear,
conacions or "
great dangerhanging
over
il,
bat diameliaed
ateadil;
to consider the tnGHns
of
avertingit,
and
seeking
relieffrom its anxiety
in a forced
credniilf,
that Demoathenes came
forward with the Grat of the orationa
which,
from their exclusive reference to the contest
with
Philip,
received the name of tbe
PhilL|"-
ffi'
"."
It marks a
great
epoch
in the orator's
I
;
for it ia tho firstindication of a
change
which must have taken
place
not
long
before in
bia
political
views. It seema
clear,
as we have
already intimated,
that when he made hia
speech
on the affair of
Megalopolia.
he had not
2retbegun
to look
upon Philip
aa the one
truly
formidabie
enemy
of Athena and of Greece.
An ambitious,reatless,
troubleaome
neighbour,
whose
encroachingspirit required
to be watched
and
checked,
the
kingmost,
of
course,
have
appeared
to him from the
beginning
of tbe trans-
actiona
relating
to
Amphipolia.
But that the
power
of Macedonia was
the element of
prime
moment in the Greek
political system,
that
Philip
could never
endaoger
tbe freedom of the
nation, that the
atmggle
between him and
Athens was not for
power
or hoooor
merely,
but for
life,
waa a conviction which
pnrtiably
never entered hia mind until
Philipbegan
to
t^
a
pan
in tbe Sacred War. Nor oao we
charge
him with
any
lack of
political sagacity
on this
account,
when we reflect how small
were the
beginnings
of
Philip's greatneaa,
and
hovr short a time had
elapsed
aince Macedonia
had been littlemore than a
province
of
Olyn-
tbus. This has not
always
been
duly
conaider-
ed
by
tboae
who, taughtby
the
event,
have condemned
him aa either a fanatic or a traitor,who
hunied hia
coontiT
into a contest which could
hm bat teimioate in her ruin. But the eventa
iriiieh bad
lately happened
had in a
great
measure
opened
his
eyea
to the oztent of the
danger
which now Ihreatened
Athena,
aa
they
had in
fact
entirely changed PhQip'aposition
with re-
BMct to Greece, He had become master of
'rheasalj
-,
itooold
hardly
be
questioned
that he
held tbs scales in the war between Thebes and
Phooia; he had a fleet which was
already
aUe
to
aniNy
and inmlt
Athens,
and he was now
eagaoed
in an expedttioDwhicli,
if it Boeeeed-
ed,mightnot
onlydeprtra
ber of the ChnBoiie-
sua,
hut eatabltdibi"
away
in tbe counuiea on
whieb she
nwinlydepended
for the means of
ndwialeace. DemoetbsDee saw all
this,
like
many
other men
;
and tie also looked round
him,
and obsened the
resoorccs,
and the
spirit
which
Athene
posBeased
for self-defence
;
his merit
was,
that ho neither ahut hia
eyes
to the
danger,
nor viewed it with
indifference, nor sulnniited
to It in
paasivedespair;
but set himself manfully
to face
Ll,
and to wrestle vritb it.
This itwas that
diatinguishcd
him not
only
from the selfish and
time-serving
orators of his
bufkiilillul uf
Thciqiiiniiui
iu liii
deicnptiouof
FhiliiTi
day,
but also from men of
eqnalintegrity
with
himself,
but who were deficient in thu kind "rf'
courage.
There
may
have been others of this
class
among
the
political
adveraaries of Demos- thenes,
but the
only
one whose character has
been transmitted to us in broad and clear out-
linea.and with featurea which cannot be mistaken,
ia Pbocion. Phocion
rose,
it
seems,
from
a rank in
aocieCy
somewhat lower than that to
which Demosthenes
belonged.
Tbetradewfaich
hia father followed was accounted so
mean,
that
Plutarch
thought
il incredible that the son of
such a
peraon
ooold have received so liberal an
education as Phocion
uodoubiedlyenjoyed.
But
neither
poverty
nor low birth would have
prevented
him either from
seeking
or
gaining
admittance
to the school of
Plato,
where hia
d^racter,
naturally simple,candid,
and
upright, yet
mild
and
benevc^nt, was formed
bj philosophical
re-
Hectiontoamoreaustereandngidviriue.
From
the lessons of the
Academy, however,
he derived
not
onlyprinciples
of conduct for his own
guidance,
but likewise views of
society,
which.
thoughthey
did not deter
him,
like hia master,
from
engaging
in aotive
life,inspired
him with
a
deepcontempt
for the
age,
tbe
people,
and the
institutions,
in which hia
destiny
had flsed his
ephero
of action. There
was no doubt much
in the ohhraoter of his
coaiemporanes
to
provoke
Bucb a
feeling ;
but there was
something
too much Uke
pnde
and
peevishness
in the
manner
in which he
disphiyed
it. His
public
deportment
was marked
by
a stem and inflexible
gravity,
which was never known to be relaxed
either into smiles or tears. This
repulsiveex- terior
"
especially
aa it concealed a kind and
generous
heart "
waa
perhaps
a
privilege
of
phi-
losof*iy-,
as was the
oitraordinary simfdicity
ofhis manner of
living,
in which be
adopted
Uip
habita of Socrates. More
questionable
appears
the
prudence
of the sarcastic bitterness with
which he on all occasions
expressed
his
acorn
of the multitude. An
oracle,
it is
said,warned
the
peopleagainst
a man who alfwe was
o;q)o"ed
to the whole
city
;
Phocion claimed the honour
of aucb
aingularity
for himself When one of
his
piopoeals
was received with unnaual
appro-
batjon,
be turned round to his
Irieads,
and asked
whether be had let
anythingescape
him that
waa
wrong.
In his
speeches
he
carefully
avoided
all rhetoricalembiellishmeots, which he bad
learned from Plato-to consider aa a kind of flattery
unwortby
of an honest
man,
and studied
a
sententiona
brevity, which, however, waa so enlivened
with wit and
humour, as often to make
a
deeperimpression
than tbe most elaborate
periods.
It was even observed
by one ofhis adversaries,
(hat Demosthenea was the beat orator,
but Pbocion the moat
powerful speaker.
And Demosthenes
himself,
it is said,trembled
for the effect of hia own
eloquence
when Pho"
cion rose afWr
him, and would
whisper
to liis
friends.
Here comes the hatchet lo
my speech.
Yet, with all tbis
sharpness
of
language
and
roughness
of
manner. Phocion,against
his will,
was a favourite with the
people,
which he despised,
and in return for his
prafesaiona
of disdain
received the most sobd
proofs
of ite esteem.
He
poaacBsed
coHsiderable
military
talents,
which he bad cultivated
by
the side of his
friend Chsbriaa
;
and
though
be never solicited
any
public
employments,
in a
period
when tbe
C.tn"olc
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. in
iêr
offices oTtbe state were more ifaau ever
OTBtad,
and often
purdiMMl b; bnbei7,
he
was
iitT-rtHirtiineBeleetedcefteril.
lathe
awein-
ly, too, as we have
seeo,
be obtained more
nan a
patienthearing,
aed on the
aueagth
of
ia
peraonaJ repulatioo
could
aay maajr tbingi
vith
aafetf
,
which
would
hardly
have been tol-
irated from
any
other mae. A (rUxile,
itmust
"e admitted, lo virtue,
whiob
was, unhappily,
are
;
but
one, sarely,
wbtoh
proves
that the
nen who
paid
it were not absolutely
worthless
ir
hopeleaa.
Yet this was the
suppositionon
t'hicfa PhocioD
throughout
his life
related
his
"oliucal conducl. He did
not, indeed,
withdraw
'mm the eerviv" ofhis
country \
be
discharged
he duties
assigiied
to him
uprightly
and zeal-
)U8ly;
he conciliated the alliesof Athens
by
nild and
just
treatmeiit
;
the counsels which be
jave
to tbe
peiîle
were the
pure
dictates of
lis sincere
convictions,
and
designed
to
promote
itswelfare. But he
sarjydespaired
of the
commonwealth : he did Bot think it
capable
or
tronhy
of
any gteai
effort : he cannived at tbe
jroeaeat
and moat
petaicious
abuses at home,
and
gave
tbe easoUon of tus name to their authors
and
adTocates,
becaose reform could ef-
l^t
no
penoanent good:
amid the evils with
irhich Greece was afflictedand
threatened,
be
saw no better course than to sit
quiet
and wait
for the
flood,
and
patiently
lo bow the head to
it when it came. And thos the austere
philosopher,
the
incorruptible patriot,
became
ijie
bb-
BOCiate of tlje must
profligate
and venal demagogues
and
parasites,
of a Eubulua and a De-
mades,
and the submissivB
subject,
and even
tbe
willingtool,
of a
foreignmaster.
The first
Philippic was llie effusion of a different
spirit,
tbe
language
of a man who would
not lose allwiiboul a
struggle,
who
thought
the
liberty
and honour of Athens stillwell worth a
vigi"ous
effort to save them,
and
hoped
that hia
feUow-cilizens
might
be roused
by
the
emergency
to ejiertioas
worthy
of the cause. He
was
not blind to their
degeDeraoy
;
but he
thought
it
passible
that the
impulse
which Cbtceil them
into an uawoDled course of action
mii^l produce
a
salutary
effect on their moral constitution,
and
mightgive
them
strength
and
energy
to
shake off
some
of the worst abuses of their
political system.
Tbe
speech
contains a
plan
calculated not
only to meet the
impending
dan-
needed
encouragement,
thai it
its
despondency
a
pretext
for ir
haps
stillmore needed to be convinced, that
without a
vigorous change
of raeasures it
ought
not lu cherish
hope.
The orator
dispenses
con-
ttolaiion and
reproof
with
masterly
skill. He
reminds his hearers that not
many years
had
gone by
since
Sparta
was as formidable as Piiil-
ip
had became
;
but
they
had not
quailed
under
he^Buperior power;
they
had ventured to ra-
siBi It,
and had
overcome Stillmore
recently,
Philip
wss the weaker
parly, and,
surrounded
as he was
by enemies, might
well have shrunk
from a conlesl wilh Athena.
Courage
and ac-
tiiitj
bad enabled him to
aggrandise
hiint"eir
nitb
possessions
wrested from her
grasp ;
but
therewas no
divinity
about his
greatness
to exempt
itfrom the common vicissitudes of human
adairs.
If,indeed,they
had
alreadyput
forth
'
elltheir
itrength.
made
oao of aH their meaua
of reaistance,they
would have had cause for
dejection
;
but
they might
cheer themseWes
wilh the remembrance of their
past errors,
if
they
would
only
hencelbith
adopt
a wiser course.
It was thcii tardiness and
negligence
that had
made
Philippowerful;
and as
long
as
they
remained
paaaive,
ho would continue to encroach.
Unless
they
would besiir
themselves, fortune
could do
nothing
for them. Even ifthe
news,
which
they
cau^tso
greedily,
of
Philip's death,
should
prove
true',
itwould avail them
nothing
;
another
Philip
would start
up
in his
place.
Even
ifan
uppiHtuaity
oSbred itselfof
recovering
Am-
phipolis(as they hoped
to do with the aid of
Charidemus],they
would be unfile to
profit by
it.
He tben
proceeds
to unfold hia
plan,
and to
point
out the
particular
defects in their
system
of
wadarc, to which be ascribed their
past
reverses.
The fault had been not so
much that
they
had done
little,
as that
they
had done nothing
at the
right
time.
They
had
alwaya
been
talking
when
they
should have been
acting,
aud
onlybegan
to move when the season for action
was
past.
Like unskilful
boxers,
it was
only
after
they
had received a blow that
they
made
a
stroke at the
quarter
from which it
came.
They
had
always
followed the
enemy's
mote-
menta,
and at a distanoe which rendered it impossible
to counteract them. The
expeditions
which
they
bad sent to the relief of the
places
attacked
by Philip
had all arrived too late-
Why,
but because their
preparations
fortbe defence
of the state were so much worse
regulated
than those
by
which
theyprovided
for the
celebration of
thefeitivals,
on which auoh
enormous
sums were
spent-
There
every
man
knew his
place
and bis
part beforehaiM,
and
therefore allwas executed with
unfailingexact- ness
;
but when an
expedition
was decreed,
there were
queslions
to be
discussed, disputes
to be
settled, ways
and means to be
found,
and
the
preparations
were never
completed
until the
object
was lost. The
remedy
which he
proposes
is,that an armament of
fifty gatleyB
should
be
kept
inconstant readiness for
sailing, together
with
horse-transports,
and that the citizen*
should be
compelledby
law to man them in a
certain
order,
whenever tbeir services
might
be
required.
This was one part
uf his
plan
;
the
other
was,
that a small
squadron
should
ha constantly
ataiioncd at some
point
near the coast
of
Macedonia, as well for the
purpose
of
annoying
the
enemy by
sudden
descents,as to
protect
the Athenian
shipping
from attacks sut^
as it
had
lately
suffered. He desires no more than
ten
galleys
and 2000 soldiers,
with SOO
cavalry,
for this service
;
but then he insists,as on the
most
important
head of his
project,
that one.
fourth of the men should be Athenian citizens
The force he
proposed
would, he was
aware,
appear
contemptiblysmall,
after tbe
great
armaments
winch the orators were used to talk
of,
but it was as
large
as the state of their finances
could then
support,
and not loo small to answer
its end. But the main
point
was that tbe citizens
should not shrink,as
they
had been used
iodo,from military duty,
but should
beginagain,
in
part
at least,lo
fight
their own battles
;
and
that the
military
officers who were elected every
year
should be able to find filler
employment
than tbe
superintendence
of a
t'^
'
or a religions
ceremony.
Unless
every arm;
thej employed
included i
body
of Athenian
troops,
however small
might
be its
proportion
to the
whole, Ihey
eoold hare no
security
for
the conduct of Ihe soldiers
Iheypaid,
or of
any
general,though
a citizen,
thai
they
could
appoint.
The mercenaries would still
plunder
tbeir allres instead of
seeking
[he
enemy ;
and,
if Iheir
pay
was not
regularly rurnished,
would
engage
In a more
profitable service,
and " as had
happened
in the case of Chares towards the end
of the Social War " would force their commander
along
with them.
This was the
argument
which was
likely
to
be most felt
by
his hearers
;
but the orator's
principal
aim in both
parts
of his
planwas, perhaps,
to break the habits of indolence and lui-
nry
which
were fostered
hy
the exclusive employment
of
mercenary forces,
and
gradually
to
inure his fellow-ciiiMna to
military
service.
He
speaks
as a
young
counsellor who is
obliged
delicately to insinuate advice which he knows
to be
onpleaaant,
and
cautiously
to feel bis
way.
Hence,
perhaps,
rather than because means
were
deHcienI,
the inconsiderable
amount of
the
standing
force which he
propoaad
to raise
:
and
yet
he lakes care to add that he means the
time of aervice for the citizens should be short.
On another
very importantsubject " the waste
of the
publicmoney
in shows and feasts" he is
stillmore
guarded.
The
contrast,indeed, which
he
pointsout between the order and
efficacy
nf
the
preparations
for the smusement of the idle,
and the contusion and
delay
of those which
were made for the
safety
of the
state, must
have excited a
feeling
of shame
;
and
when,
after
having
mentioned the
poverty
of the treasury,
he
spoke
of the
great resources of the
people,
the
seeming
contradiction could
scarcely
(ail to
suggest
the
qaealion.
How were those
resources
cmployedl
But this was
very
dangerous
ground.
According
to the ancient
law.
the whole
surplus
of Uie
yearly
revenue left
after the
necessary expenses
of the civiladmin- istration
had been
defrayed,
was in war time
appropriated
to the defence of the commonwealth,
or carried into what was called the
Militaty
Fund. But the men who were
charged
with the administration of the fund destined
for the
public
amusements,
and whose interest
it was to
augment
it as much as
possible,
had
by degrees,
it
seems,
induced Ihe
people
to di-
Tert all thai could be
spared
from the other
branches of
expenditure
into
this,untilat
length
the Tlieoricon swallowed
up
the whole
surplus.
aitd the
supplies
needed for the
purposes
of war
were leftto
depend
on
extraordinary
eonlribu-
lions. But it was reserved for the
demagogue
Enbulus to
perpetuate
this
abuse,
which not
only
drained the resources of the
state,
but retarded
all its
militarymovements,
and was a
main cause of that
frequent
waste of
precious
opportunities which Demosthenes
deplored.
He
was the author of a law which made it a
capital
offince to
piopoee
thai the Theoric fund should
be
applied
to the war
service,or converted into
a
military
fund. This
eipressionwas
probably
choMn
to
giTe
a colour
to the
measure, as if it
was
designedto
guard againstan
innovation,
instead of
establishing one of the most
pemi-
ciooa
tendency.
Not
long
before the firstPhi- lippic
was
delivered,
when
Philip's
enterprises
against
Lemnos and Imbroe had excited alarm
and
indignation
at Athens, one
ApoUodorus, a
member of the Five
Hundred, had carried a
decree
empowering
the
people
lo determine
whether the
surplus
revenue should be thrown
into the
Military
or the TTieoric fund.* Tho
proposition
was so
guarded as lo secure him
from the
capitalpunishment
denounced
by
Uie
law of Enbulus
;
but he was
'impeached
and
flned as the author of an
illegal decree,f
which,
of
course,
became void. The
subject,
therefore,
was one which
required
to he
approached
with the utmost caution
;
and Demosthenes did
as much as
prudence permitted
when he so
clesriy
inthnated his
opinion
and wisbea.
We camiot
speak
with
certainty
of the ini'
mediate effect
producedby
his oration. The
obscurity
which was
hanging
over
Pbilip's
movements
may
have served as a welcome
pretext
for
delay.
But
news which came fitm
the north towards the end of 36S roused the
people
into a mood for
vigorous
efTorts,
Philip,
it was ascertained,
had laid
siege
to a fortreas
called
Hersum, on the
Proponlis, not far from
Perinthus,on the side of
Byzantium.
We
can
only judge
of its
importance
fhnn the alarm
wbich the
intelligence
is said to have excited
at Athens. It
appears
to have been held
by
an
Athenian
garrison;
but it is not clear whether
it was of moment
ebiefly
as a
factory
for oom-
mercial intercourse with the interior of
Thrace,
or on account of its
vicinity
to Ferinthua,which
mayhave
been involved in its
danger.}
Under
the first
impulse
of its
feelings,
the
peofrie
decreed
en armament of
fortygalleys
for the relief
of the
place,
a
generallevy
of the servicea--
Ide citizens under
five-and-forty to embark in
the
expedition,
and an
extraordinaiy war-impost
of
sixty
talents. The
command,
it
seema,
was
assigned
lo the same Charidemus
who, aa we
have
seen,
had been taken under the
pecnliar
protection
of Athens
by
the decree ofAristocra-
tes,
which Demosthenes had
frultleasly opposed.
It
appeara
that this adventurer wished to combine
the
authority
of an Athenian
general
with
that which he
possessed
as the chief counsellor
of
Cersohleptes
; or, beginning
to
apprehend
danger
from
Philip's hOGlility
lo the Tliracian
prince,
desired to secure a retreat for himself
in the favour and confidence of the Athenian
people.
This
may
suffice to
explain
his
presence
at Athens at this
juncture,
without
any
conjectureas to the
particular
buaineas
on
which he had come. The
preparations,
how-
that had been decreed
proceeded slowly as
usual,
the more as the season was unfavourable
; and,
before much
progress
had been
made,
fresh
tidingscame,
which for a time
entirety
suspended
them. A
report
was
againspread,
firstof
Philip's death,
then of his illness. There
may
have been some foundation both for this
and for the earlier rumours of the same kind.
The
king's
health
may
have suflered from
a
wound or a
neglecteddisorder,which more
than once might confine him to his
bed,
and ii^
terrupt
hia
military
openttons. Whether,
how-
"IhNhi
lUd
u i"Tt"iiIll
(ii., Tl JB tk*
-"- "
^-uiBi tl tU
pwby ;
"t
aimVaimmUfnWfTia'naa.,
i,iU.
PHIUP'S INACTION." WAR WITH 0LYNTHU8. lOS
mer,
lie vm Uidb
compelled
to abandon the
aiê
of
HenEaiD, or made hilaself master
of
the
place
while the Athenians were
waiting
Aii
fresh
news,
bo that the
object
was lost before
the
preparations
for the
eipedilion
were ;
ed,
is doubtful. It ia
only
certain tli
spring
and
summer of SSI were
allowed
to
pass
without
an; attempt
to cuunteract
Philip's
r~
Iciprises
in
Thrace, and,as far as wc know,
wtal
inaction,except
that a
bod;
of
troops appears
to have been sent under Nausicles for the
pnitection
of Imbroa. It was oot until the latter
end of
September
that Charidemus
for the
Hellespont.Not,however,
with
forty
plleja,
but with
ten; not with an Athenian
fijTce, but with orders to collect Diercenariea
;
lad
yet,
not with
sixtytalents,
but with life.
Possibly
the title and the
power
were what he
most coTeted
;
and he
may
not hare
regretted
the absence of the Athenian
citizens,
which
ted him at
perfectliberty
to act as he
Still it
may
be
inferred,
from the
of these
snppiies.
that the Athenian
.
in the north were no
longer
considered
mediate
danger;
and,
in
fact,during
the next
two
years Philip'shistory
is a mere
blank,
which we can neither fill
up
nor
satisfactorily
explain.
It is
scarcelyconceiTable that the
"late of his
health,which to
general
was
Tery
mbust,can ha"e
kept
him insctiTe for
any great
pan
of this time.* His Thracian
expedition
"eeou,
indeed,
to have been so far successfol
that,
whea he returaed to his own dnninions,
be carried
away
with him a son of
Cersobleptes
ag a
hostage;l but,even
ifhe had
accomplisb'
ed all that he
thoughtimmediately
desirable in
Thrace,
it
might
have been
expected
that the
war with Athens would have
given
rise to b
~
oecorrenceB
deserving
a
place
in
history,
pecially
as it
appears
that the fleetwhich at-
lended'the
army
on ns march homeward was
ijueatened
by Chares,
who was
cruising,
with
i
sqaadron
of
twenty galleys,
off the coast of
Thrace abbut
Neapolis.
and
was only
delivered
by
a
stratagem
of
Philip.tYet it is not merely
the silence of Diodoms that
proves
he knew
of no
important
events connected with the
Btmggje
between
Pbilip
and Athens in this
period
: the fact
that,
in the course of these two
years,
Phocion was
canying on a war in
Cy- pres
on behalf of the Persian
kingpoints
to the
same conclosion. It
ts confirmed
by
the con-
doct of Demosthenes
himself,
recorded in one
of his extant
speeches,
which was delivered in
wte of these two
years.
After the death of
Housolas the democratical
pany
at Rhodes had
conceived
hopes
of
overthrowing
the
oligarchy,
*nd.it
appears,
had
applied
to Athens for aid.
now of no DtbiT
pttiod
to
'
. _.
.^
.-kj
tha
pnHiic"
of Cbu^
Ih nC Ih* AreMTHtn u inicmnt fiirths dilBfto
nCChwldiiiiflllT
' '
Demosthenes
thoug:ht
it an
optMrtonity.
which,
ought
not to be
neêcted.
for
restoring
the-
Athenian influence in that
island,and seems to
have
hoped
that the
example
of the democratical
Rhodians,
if
they succeeded,
might
shake
the
oligarchical governments
of Chios and Lea-
bos,
which were
the chief obstacles to the renewal
of their alliance with Athens. The
principal
argument
that had been
urged
on the other
side
was,
that the
interfe|ence
of Athens
might
involve her in war either with the Persian
king
"
who,
it
seemsjtiad
taken the
rulingparty
ia
Rhodes under
hf protection
" or with Artemis- ia,
the widow
(f
MaiisoluB,
who now
reigned
alone in Caria. the
orator endeavours to show
that Artemisia
yould
probably
remain
neutral,,
and that the ri" of
provoking
the
kingou^t
not to deter
thef
Athenians
;
and he is thus led
to remark
,^hat'fiere
were
persons
who often
all^ted
t(ftreaf
Philip
wi^
contempt,
while
they repreleiUea
the Persian as a fonaidable
enemy ;
soShat
Me
people,
ifitlistened to Ihese
counsellors,
would take no
precantions against
the
one,
and make no resistance to
any
weteD'
sionsSf the other.
*
Soch a remM could
only
have been made It
a
period
of
comparativerepose,
when no inune-
diale
danger
was
apprehended
from
Philip
;
and
though
the
speech
contains no definite
plan,yetr
as it recommends that the
people
should
vigorously
espouse
the cause of the Rhodian d"-
mocracy,'it impliesthat,
in the orator's
opinion,.
there was at the time no more pressingocca- sion
for the exertion of its
strength.
It is not
improbable
that the state of the Persian
empire,
which had
encouraged
the
hopes
of the democratical
Rhodians,
was also connected with
the
longpause
which
intermpted
the course of
"""""-'-
enterprises against
Athena and Greece..
ig
was
engaged
in a
war,
which he conducted
in
person,
with
Egypt'and
other revolted
provinces;
and when Demosthenes mode
"-"
laat-men tinned
'speech
the issne oflfaeoon-
; ivas
doubtful,
and the Persian throne was
mionly supposed
to be in
great danger.*
That
Philipkept
his
eye
attentively
fix^
on-
the
progress
of these
important
events cannot
'
questioned;
hut
perhaps
he was not a iffere
spectator,ready
to tê
Eidvantage
of
any
sud^
den revolutions the slielter which he
gave
to-
the rebellious
subjects
oftbe Persian
king
raises
'
suspicion
that he
may
have been
previously
secret
correspondence
with them. On the
other
hand,
there is some reason to think that
kingdom
was not
perfectly tranquil
du~
ring
this
period
;
for we hear of three
princes.
of the
royalblood,aons of
Amyntas,
who had
excited his
jealousy,
so that he
put
one of them
death,
and the two others took
refuge
in.
Olynthus.
The shelter which
they
found there
was. according
to Justin,
the occasionof the war which-
'
ingth
broke oat between
Philip
and the
Olynthians,
and ended in their destruction.
'Wiiether
it served him as a
pretext
we cannot
decide
;
but his attack on
Olynthns
had
prob-
^ly
been
long meditated,
and the chief diffi-
-
iltyis,as we have
jostseen,
to
exâin
why-
was so
long delayed. Olynthus,
it
seems,
had renounced her alliance with him before hi*
.
rtt
tit(-W^ntK
'l'i
e
peoale.
TIiom of
id hiii in "
an ally,
1 theûautBi.
But
espeditioQ
to Theaaalj
-,
and tbe
pains
which
he had once lakea to conciliate her
friendship
proTe
that ha could not have viewed her bos-
tilit;
or
eBtrangemenl
with indiflerence. Per-
baps,howBTer, during
tbe two
years
which are
left vacant as to actiona of bia
by Diodonis,
he
was not
onJymaking preparaUons
Tor the execution
of his
design,
but had
actually
entered
upon
it,
and had
begun
to encroach
upon
the
territoriea of the GreeUewiu near his
Irootier,
jet
BO (hat
Olynlbus,tnough disquieted, might
not ihint it
necessary
to
intopose.
If
any
farther
explanation
of his
secKng inactivity
were needed,
it
might
be found In the state of
atfain in
ThBsaaly,which,
thoa^
it did not
yet
demand his
prescncci
wasauabn toaflbrd bim
frequentoccupation,
and to reAite coDStanI
Tigdaoce.
Tbe Tbeasaliaos are
represented
as
a restleaa,luibulent, fickle
|
his
party,
when
ibey
called
did not mean to make him
thei.
his
conduct,
after the
eipulaion^f'tbe tyrants,
soon
began
to awaken tbeir distrust. He con-
tinned to
occupy
Cagean,
and
began
to build
new fortifications ft
Magnesia:
a
strong'inti-
itMliODthat he
consider^
it as
b" ""'n,
and
had no intention of
abaodoning
it. He likewisa
continued to reoeive s
largeportion
of the rev-
ennes
of the
country, which,
it
aiqiears,
had
been ceded to him for a time to meet tbe expenses
of tbe war with Phern. These indications
of
deaigiiH
inconsistent with the
independence
of
Tbessaly
appear
to bave excited nn-
eaaineas,
which vented itselfin
murmurs,
com-
plaints,
and
even remonstrances
;
and he was
obliged
to
pacify
bia discontented allies with
assurances of bia honourable intentions as to
Magnesia,
and with
promises
of farther aid in
the Social War."
There
was, probably,
at
Olynthus,as at Ath- ena,
a
party
which'
diiaded
a war with
bo
fiw-
midabte a
nsigbbonr,hoped
that it
might
be
averted,
and flattered itselfwith the beliefthat
Philip, who bad once shown such disiniereated
friendship,
even now harboured no hostile
purpose
RfraiDst
the
city.
This
parly
had, no doabt,
opposed
the
peace
wiUi
Albeos,
and had laboured,
hHberto with
success,
to
preserve
neutrality
;
for no aUiance bad
yet been concluded
with
Philip's
enemies. We do not even know
whetlier the
receptiongiven
to his two half-
brothers"
supposing
tbe lact
certain"preceded
the
open rupture.
But in 340
Philipbegan
to
manifest bia
designs
in a manner which
nothing
but wilfnl blindness could mistake,
by
an
attack
on one of Iho cities of the Chalcidian confederacy,
which
Olynttauswas
bound both
by
honour
and interest to defend. Diodorus calls tbe
placeGeira,a name olbertriae
unknown,
for
which it lias been
proposed
to substitute tliat
of
Siageira,Aristotle's
birthplace.
The
place
was
evidently
of some
iiniwrtaneo ;
for,
when
. Philip
bad taken
it,
and razed it to tlie
ground,
tbe
terror inspiredby
its fate induced several
of the
neighbouringtowns tA submit without
resistance to the
conqueror.
This
aggression,
which, as far as we
know, was
totallyunpro- voked,
seems to have been considered
by
the
Olyoihiansas manifestly
directed
against
themselves
\
and it
probably
foi a time silenced the
party
which had
HHberto
advocated
neutrality.
had
l^be
An
embassy
was sent to Athens to
propose
an
alliance,
and to
request
succours.
PhQip,
however,
afl'ected
indignation
at the
suspicions
of
the
Olyntbians,
and sent
envoys
to vindicate
hia conduct and exhort them to
peace.
His
object
in this
step was, perhaps,iMt ao mticb
to deceive tbe
people
and
prevent
the alliance
with
Athene, as to
gain
some of the
leading
men
by corruption,
and to aflbrd them a colour
for
openlyespousing
his
cauae;
and it
happened,
opportunely
for sucb a
purpose,
that at this
juncture
tbe affairs of
Tbessaly
rendered his
presence necessary
there.
Pitbolaus,aided,
perhaps,by
the discontent which
prevailed
even
among
the
partisans
of
Macedonia,
had
recovered
possession
of Pher", We
might
almost
snspect Philip
of
having
connived at this
enterprise,
which was in
every nay
moat favourable
to his interests. To
eipel
the intru- der
cost him littlemore than tbe march : Pitbo- laus
seems to have withdrawn at bis
approach
But the service thus rendered to Thessalj,the
danger
which this event
proved
to be still
hanging
over it,
stifledthe murmurs of the Thesaa-
liaas,gave
him a
pretext
for
deferring
the ex.-
ecntion of his
promises,
and for
extending
his
encroachments on their
liberty,
and enabled
bim to
prosecute
his
designsagainstOlynthua
without fear of
interruption
from that
quarter.
Tbe
Olyntbianembassy
was welcomed at
Athena
by
all who Viewed tbe
growth
of Phil- ip's
power
with dread. Ifout of Greece there
was
any
Aate that could
oppose
an effectual
barrier to his
progress,
it was
supposed
to be
Olynthua,
once the mistress of a
great part
of
hia
kingdom,
still
strong
in
herself,
and at the
headof
aconlederacy
which included
thirty-two
of the
neighbouring
Greek
towns, some
of tberu
places
of considerable note.
We can
hardly
adopt
the statementsof DemosUienes, when he
representsOlynthua
as ia a more
flourishing
condition at the
beginning
of the war with
Philip
than she bad been before she was conquered
by Sparta,
*
But stillthere was
enough
in her
past history
and bar
present resources,
seemingly,
to
Justify
tbe
hopes
of tbe Athe- nians,
who were not
yet
able tn estimate the
full diSbrence between Macedonia as it had
been under
Amyntas,
and what it had become
under his son. An idliance with
Olynthus,
lor
offence and defence
againstPhilip,
had for
some time been
regardedby
most Athenian
statesmen as
the best
safeguard
of Athena
;t
nor bad efforts
probably
been
wanting
to secure
it for bar. What had been ao
ardently
desired now
unexpectedly
offered ttsclf
-
there
could be little
question
wlietlier it
ought
to be
accepted.
We hear, indeed,
of
opposilion
made
to the advocates of the
proposed
alliance
by
Dcmsdcs.t a man of no
ordinarytalents,
but
stillmore
distinguished
in the worst times of
Athens
by
a
degree
of
impudence
and
pruHi-
gacy, public
and
private,
which exocpdert "ill
Furmer
examples.
But as we do
not know the
grn"ids
of his
opposition,
it
may
have been di-
reci^j though probably
with the most
perfid'
'
" "
against
the measure
itself,
.
the
plansproposed
for tbe attain-
objecta, .
anes
appears
to lave taken the lead
"II"ll.
UtBOI.
^
t OljallL,.ii.
THE 0LYNTHIAN8." SECOND EMBASSY. itfr
a the debate* which itom on this
qneatlon
: it
ras
agaioBt
him that Demade* made his uaod.
le has leftthree
oratiMu,
delireTed
at dilftrant
imes,
all within a
Tear,
on tbia
anbjoet.
Un-
appilf,
the order in which
theywere prodoced
las beea
long
matter ofa
omUroTerB}'
which la
lOt
7et
settled. Tbie
aacertaintj'
decracis not
little liom tbeii hisloricaj valae
:
for
lliough
be reader
naj
form a decided
opinioo
on tbe
oint,
tbe hiBtorion Cluiiiat conuder hie own a*
eyoad dispute.
We
bImU, honerer,
DOtioe
beir conletita
in ât order nhicb
appears
to
s the most
probable,
but shall hs much as
pm-
ible avoid
restingany
eonclusioni on Ibis aa-
uDoption. .
The oraticn whloh Mem* l" hiTe
een dsliTered on the ooetaioN of the
emboMy
J
wbioh the
Olyntliiana sooght
allianoe with
Lthens,IhoDgb
it
opens
with a
congratulation
n the favour of Heaven shown in Iha
opportn-
icyjuHpr"B"9iled, prooaeds
u if it
wmsdesign-
d to HDimtfa the Atheoieas to a ooniect ftma
ihich
they
ware
disposed
to shnnk
through
"ar of
niitipâoverwhelming
power:
it is
hieflyoccupied
with
a riew of hit
history
and
haraolsr
adapted
to this
purpose.
Yet it i"
ardly
credible
that,at this
junotora,
the mood
lat pievailad
ia the
people
can have been one
f
deapoDdaaoy,
for which there was no
appar-
Ths
it
csnce,
either in ths r*
le ereute of the last two or three
years.
ârs, taowerer,
to whioh the otater pnfoses
to
ddresa
himself,
were in themselrea
very
ree-
ooaUe
;
and the lesa
they
were
really
felt
by
ia
hearera,
tbe more advis"ble he
might
think
.
to
Boegest
them "
not,
of
course,
in ordar to
anqi
their
spirit,
but to rouse them to an eflbrt
'onhy
of tbe
grEsloess
oftiie
straggle.
There
rere
some,
aa hs had obserrsd in his
speech
n the
Hhodisiw,
who were naad to
repivsent
'hilip
as a
despicable antagoniat:
thisheknew
y be a Ihlssand
dangerousway
of
inepinagthis
e"ê with
courage.
He wished that
they
hould
recogaiaePhilip's
power
as
truly
for-
lidaUe,
but that
they
should be convinoed it
ad beoome so
oo^
through
their own remisa-
etK or onwise
policy;
that
they
should t"elieTe
. might
be
overthrown, but not without s eom-
lete
change
in their measores and habits. It
I,
in substance,
the
argnment
of the firstPhi'
ppic.
The
gmetal
eêt is
encoDraging
;
but
le
encoursgement
is
directly
Bubserrient to
ie
practical
exhortation. ItefflostbeDessha-
?d the
hopes
whioli had been awakened
by
the
ilyathianembassy,
but he was aware that their
illiJment
depended
on the manner in which
.Ihens availed herself of the
opportunity,
and
lis was the conclusion to which he
points
iroughOQt
the
speech.
Tho contest is a
hope-
il
one,
because
Philip's power, overgrown
as
. is,
iloeB not rest on secure foundations: his
rtilicea are detected and
spent
: his
promises
nd
professions
can deceive none of hia
tieigb-
iiurs
any longer:
his Thcsaalian allies are
rowing impatient
of his
yoke : even his Mace-
onian
subjects
are
becomingweary
of the bur-
ens which his ambition
imposes
on them
:
his
ersonat character does
not inspire
either love
r
respect
:
his ablest officers are
disgustedby
le
jealousy
which he
betrays
of their
merit,
nd
by
the favour which he shows to the vilest
^rasitee
and the coarsest buffoons. Form- ate,
indeed,
he has
been,
but his
good
fortune
has been the
folly
and
ne^jgence
of the Athe- nians,
and will last as
long.
If
they
would re-
covn* what
they
have
tost,they mutt sbrink
from no saciiSoes,no labours
: their
property,
Iheir
personal
services must be
freely
devoted
to the common weal.
The
speech,however,
contains no
specifin
proposal,
unless it be that an
embassy
ahoold
be aent to
instigate
the Thesealians
against
Phil- ip.
But even this
sug^slion
seems to have
been made
chiefly
for the sake of the condition
annexed to it. Such an
embassy,
he
observes,
will avail
nothing,
nnless it be
supportedby
efforts
whtoh would
prove
that the
people
had at
length
rooaed itself from its
lethargy,
and was
prepared
to exart itaetfto the utmost in behalf
of its allies. The
measure finally adopted
was
far from
correspondiiv
to these
exhortatioiw,
and cannot liav" bean
propoaedby
Demoathe-
nes. The snoeoiiTa decreed consisted in a fleet
of
thirtygalleys, manned, indeed,from
Athena,
but
bearing
no
greatermilitary
force than SOOO
mercenary peltasU.
The
expedition
was
placed
under the cotwusnd of Chares.
'
As to its
issue we hsve no
exprtsa
information
;
it is
only
from the
sequel
that vre find it must hsve
provedaltogetherfiiiitlesa,
and that
Pbilip,
on
his retnni
frura
Thessaly,proeecnced
the war
more
vigorously
than ever
against
tbu Chalcid-
ian
cities, atill,howigrer, abstaining
from the
invaaion of the
Olynthian territory,
and from a
declaration of war
againstOlynthua
itself. His
coaqneacs
did not the
less,on this acooont,
alarm the
Olynthians
for their own
safety;
and
they
sent a second
embaaay
to Athene, to solicit
more eflbctual aneooars.
It is not
clear
whether
any
blame was due or was imputed
Co
Chares
; perhaps
he had done all he
could,
but
found himself
nnable,
with his small land
foroe,
to relieve
any
of the ttaraatened towns
against
Phillies
simy.
On the oUier
hand,
it does not
appear
that be incarred
any
conaiderable
loes,
and tbeiefbre had
protNUy
sent an aceonnt
of
his
operations
to Alhem whieh flattered the
peoplafahopes.
In his oration on the second
embassy,
Detaoatbenea
speaks
as one who was
much lesa ccmfldent than hia
hearers,
and who
dreaded the eS^t which
might
have been
pra-
dueed on them
by
the
language
of
preoeding
speakers,
wbo talked of
puiiiehing Phihp.
He
endeeronrs to convince them that this is not
the tone which befits their
present
circumstances
;
that
theymight
well be satisfied for the
present,
if
they
could
provide
for the
safety
of
their allies,
and that even
their own was in
great danger,
unless
they
would
adopt
some
new and
extraordinary
measures. He thinks
it
necessary
to crave
indulgence
for his boldness,
and a
patienthearing,
before he ventures
10 maiie the
proposition
on which be
grounds
all his own
hopes
of succesB in the contest with
Philip;
not merely
because it was in itself un- popular,
but because itwould
expose
him to the
resentment ofa
powerful
faction
which,
on this
subject,
had the ear of the
assembly.
He does
not name Eubulua, bnt
clearly
describes the
arts
by
which he and hia
party
had
gained
the
people'sfavour,
had enriched ihemeelves at its
expense,
and, by humouring
its love of ease
and
pleasure, kept
it in a
degradingdependanee
V. sd JLixtti" (
"lc
HISTORY OP GREECE.
oa tbeiDselTM. A
regulBtion
made for financial
purposes,
by
which ISOO of the wealthier
oitizens were
divided into
clnsses,
bad
glTen
rise lo
oligarchical
cabals,
of which Demoslhe-
neshad
complainedi[).biaromier speech,
and it
seema that Eubulua Tuund these clasaea conie-
nient inatruiDCDts for his
purposes.
The maxim
of his administration
was,
to
kesp
the
peo-
pie
sBtisGed at home
b/
hia distributionof the
publicmoney,
and to
deprive
it as much as
possible
of all means
of
controUing
the conduct of
its serraats abroad. Works of
more show than
use or cost,
for the ornament of the
city,
were
flûentlyundertaken,
and
were
represented
aa proofs
of
prosperity.
In the mean while all
the
great
interests of the stale. had been
neg-
lecl"d
i
itsmost valuable
poBseBsions
lost
;
ISOO
talents had been wasted in a diaastroos
war;
and the
poorer
citizens,
who were
supposed
to be
chiefly
benefited
by
these
abuses, were
wretched as well as idle In the midst of
luxury
and
splendour.
The
remedy
which the
orator
proposes
is a reviaion of the law of
Eubulus,
and of the other
pemioiona
innorations which
soppcvted
thisdestructive
system.
But
though
be
dialinctlj
urges
the
peojde
to this
atep,
he
contenda that the antbora of those
laws, as
they
had hitheilo
enjoyed
the
popularity arising
from
them, ought
to be forced to undertake
whatever risk
might
be
Deaaasary
in order
procure
their
repeal.
The diffiflence which he
expreaaes
in several
passages
of his
spebtdias to the
power
of hia
eloauence. was too well
grounded.
It was not
e the indolence of the
people,
" of the
prevailing
faction. This
was probably
the occasion
on which Demades
distinguished
bimaelf
by
hia
O]q"osition
to De^
moBthenes. The
question
ttib not whether
ftesh sucoooiB should be sent to
Oljnthns:
on that,as Demoslhenea
observes,
all
were
agreed;
bnt aa to the
ways
and means. It was
still
thought
most convenient to
employ
a mercenary
force of the
same descriptionaa that
which had served under Chares
;
but the number
now added to itnaa
1000,
and 160
cavalry,
with
eighteengalleys
to
slrengthBo
the
fleet,
which
probably
remained on the
same station.
But Chares himself waa recalled,not, as the
sequelproves,
because he had forfeited the
Gdeuce of the
people,
but
apparently
becaase
the
partisans
of Charidemus
thought
this a fair
opportunity
of
giving
him
employment
in a
country
where he was well
known, and where
his services had been
sought
many years
before,
when Timotheus
prevented
him from taking
the command there. He
himself,
it
seems,
was eiillin the
Hellespont
;" but he was called
awaytoputbtmselfattheheadofthe
new expedition.
Concerning
his
campaign
at
Olyn-
tbuB,we are not left so
totally
destitute of in-
formation aa about that of Chares
:
but the few
facta which we learn of it
provoke
rather than
satisfy
our
curiosity.
It
appears
that he made
an
inroad into the
adjacent
districts of Bottiea
and the
peninsula
of Pallene
;
and it is said
that he
ravaged them, as if this had been hia
onlyobject;
which would
imply
that
they were
ah"ady
in the
enemy's possession
;
but in that
case, Olyotbua
must have been
already
besie-
fed.
We
are,
therefore,
led to
suspect
that
"
PhilDclunu,XsfUww
rb Ir
'EUqsirliTf rrfuuYir.
these movements were
designed
lo
repet
the
lions of the
Macedonians,
and
were,
in
degree,
auccesaful
;
for we also hear of
Macedonian
prisoners,
who. at this time bad
fallen into the hands of the
Olynlhians,
with
Derdae, probably
the conmiander, and a man of
rank.' But from the same
authority
we leam
that Charidemus,
while he commanded at
OIjtd-
thus,not onlyindulged
in the most âmelosB
profligacy,
but treated the
Olynthianmagistratea
with an insolence,which,
unless thai whicb we
read was a
solitary example,
must have
given
great
oSence.
It
was, pertiaps.
as well the
indignationex- ited
bj
such conduct as the
progress
of Phil-
I's
arms,
tiiatinduced the
Olynthiansagain
to
apply
to Athens,
with an earnest
request
la
send,not a
mercenary force,
but one
oompooed
of Athenian eitizeos. The
applicutiiwwas
made in t"nns which
implied
Uiat
they
considered
themaelves a* now in ezti"me
danger.
Philip
waa
gainingground,partlyby force,
partlyby corruption,
which had
procured
him
partisans
in
Olyvthus
itself. Before the third
embassy
to Athens,
it
appears
that
they
had
ventured (o
propose negotiation
with the
enemy
itnor ia it certain that
Ihey
had
not canied
this
point,
for we hear of a violent
atnigê
between
them and the friends of
Athens,
which
ended in the
expolsion
or
disgrace
of one of
their
prineipal
adTersaries named
Ap"dlonides,t
and
may
have turned on the
question
of war or
peace I though
if
tbisApollooidGs was thesame
who is elsewhere described as an
emissary
of
Charidemu9,4
his banishment
may
have
proceeded
from a different cause. The AlheaiaM
were now,
it
seems,
for the firsttime sensible
of the
impendingdanger,
and
ready
to listen (o
Demosthenes,
when he told them
they
had to
choose between war before
Olynthus
and "me
at theirown door,and that
they
must no
longer
commit their defence to other
hands,
bat miisl
arm themselves in their own cause. A smdl
force would be of no avail,nor would a
single
armament be suflcient : two
expeditiona
must
be fitted out at the same time,one to
protect
Olynthui,
the other to
attempt
a diveraion
by
the invasion of Macedonia. An
embassy
also
must be sent to cheer and rouse the
CHynthians
of
BDpport,
and thua to coon-
ia (OD
pr"it"
to mdmit "
laqheion
of DLJiUke. Aod gj
M
fxota 1
Oljpth..4
- --
f
..vi, JvtfuAnr,
lEtmîvTif.
doefl tvx
implT
teihI
ApoUmidH vat fiWigti("
,nk kii
M/"tybtJUgUJtan
OlyUtu, *".* man thu Dt-
oTlhtun'^fii
!ht mjjâwa KigLiXn niri".
Eta
f\..
ar "art -whts,
'ha
K/m,
D" F,
l^lTiT^t
St'
atrL
tn
Tiltahhs Irra raiiriic ^lUAikiri,"nd iruiwud. " ISl,
If w liir^li^h ily,^ if in-it
tflfflfo. NtranlidHi.
SIEGE OP OLYNTHUS." PHIUI^ TRIUVPH. lOB
t"raot tlie
pereuaaions
oT tho"e who
might
advise
tliem to
negotiaiewi"h Philip,
aod the arti-
'fices
by
whieh he
might tempi
them to renounce
the alliance with
Athens,
and to throw Ihem-
aelrea
on
hie
mercy.
As to the flnancial
question,
that,in so
preasingbd
emergency,
ia not
of the first
importance.
A (iind must be
provided
: if
they
chose to raise one
by
extraordina-
T7
laiation ratbcr than use that which waa already
at their
disposal,
and which
Ihey spent
upon
their
pleasures,they
must do
as
they
would
;
but the crisis admitted of no
delay.
The
caae itself
spoke no
less
forcibly
than
the
orator. The
people
decreed a. fresh
squadron
of seventeen
galleys, abody
of
SOOObeavy-
anned
infantry,
and 300
ôrve,
all Athenians
:
Cbaridemus,
it
aeems,
waa
snperseded,
and
Cbarea "
perhaps
the oldeat
senentl
that could
be found " was
restored
to the command. This
re-
enforcement
might
have been sufflcient to
sustain,
though
not to end the
war,
if it had
been well
employed,
and the
Olynthians
had
been all true to tbemaelves. But In the
spring
of
348, Philip, having
made himself master
of
Mecybema,
the
port
of
Olynlhus,
as he had of
Torone, by bribery,'
advanced to
lay siege
to
Olynlhus
itself. And
now for the first
lime,
perhaps,
he threw offlhe mask, and declared "
whether in
answer to
any
overtures from the
besieged,
we donotknow " that either
tbey
must
quitOlynlhus, or he Maccdonia.t Twice
they
drew
out
Iheir forces
to
give
him
battle,
but
"were as
often defeated
; yet
even after this
hope
had
failed,they
made
a
vigorousdefence,
and the
besiegers
were often
repulsed
with
great
loss. But
two
men,
who filled
some of
the
higheststations,
Lasibenes and
Euthycra-
tes,
had sold themselves
to
Ptiilip,
and
now concerted
a
plan
for
betraying
the
cily, Lasthenes,
who bad the command of the
cavalry,
under
pretence,
it
seems,
of
s
sally,
contrived to
place
a body
of 500 in such
a
posiliun
that
they
were
forced to
lay
down their
arms.
After this
piece
of
treachery,
it is
probable
he did not return to
Olynlhus
;
hut bis friends who remained there
completed
what he had
begun,
and found
means
of
admitting
the Macedonians into the town.
Possiblythey
had deluded themselves with the
belief that
they
were
avertinggreater evils,
which were
likely
to ensue
upon
a longer
reaist-
ance.
But the
conqueror
had resolved that
OlynthuB
should never more
endanger
or dis-
tatb his
kingdom,
or become a
raUying-point
forhisenemiea. He levelled ttwith the
ground,
and " whether
swayed by
resentment or
policy
" sold the
captive population.
Their lands
served lo raward his
officera, more
especially
the
foreign
advenlurers in his
service,on whom
he bestowed
large
estates, t So the chief ofthe
Chalcidian cities waa
swept
from the earth.
Those which did not share its fate were reduced
to
helplesssubjeclioo ;
and the whole ofthe tri-
Ktite
peninsula,
whieb had so longseparated
cedonia from the
eea,
became
one
of its
Ihirest
provinces.
It baa been
hastily
inferred from
a
strong
ex-
prCBSioD
of
DeoiOBthenea,^
that the traitora
Laathenes and
Eoihycrateawere rnt to
dMth,
or,
at [east,
ss"eroly
treated
by Philip, when
he had no
^rther
need of their aervice. The
real state of the
case is
mor"trti^
indicated
by
one
of Plutarch's
anecdotes,
which
representa
them aa
complaining
to
Philip
that
some of bis
courtiers had called them traitors. The Mace- donians,
he is said to have
replied,
are
blunt,
rough
folks:
they
call
a spade,a spade.
No- thing
worse
appeare
to have befallen them than
the
disappointment
of their ambitious
aims,
in
the utter ruin of the
city
where
tbey
had
probably
hoped
to mk,
and the condition of
eiilea,
with the conscioasneaa that
they
wer"
abhorred
by
the friendsof their
country,
and
despised
' "
B enemies. At Athens
they
were
outlaw-
s
Arthmius of Zelea had been.* Yel
even
decree was afterward reversed. That
the work of Demades ;t It
was reserved
modem historisn to make the stillbolder
attempt
to reinstate
them, as honourable
men,
.
the estimation of
posterity.
The
king
solemnized his
triumph
with
great
magniScence
at Dium, near the border of "nies-
saly,by
the ancient festival in honour of the
Muses,
which Archelaus had ordered after the
model of
Olympia,
and which
Philip
celebrated
un
this
occasion
with
extraordinary
pomp,
of
banquets,
games,
and theatrical en lertai amenta.
Ariists and
spectators
flocked to the
spectacle
from
many parts
uf Greece. All found a hospitable
and
courteous
reception.Philip
entertained
the most
distinguished foreigners
at hie
table,
honoured them with liberal
presents,
won
them
by
the
alfability
and
grace
of his manners.
He
gained
still more
applause
bj an act
of
clemency
which he
performed
at the
request
of
Satyrus,
the
player,
the
early
frientl of Demos- thenes,
who
was one
of his
guests,
and took
opportunity
to intercede in behalf of
a
friend's
daughters,who, though
not
Olynthiaos
by birth,were
among
the
captives
doomed
to
slavery. Philipgranted
the
request,
which
was made before
a numerous
company, though
their father had been one of the murderers of
his brother Atezander.t The
occarrence
la
perhaps chieflyremarkable, as
it
proves
the
rigour
with which the senlenm he had
paased
apon
the
conqueredcitywaa carried into eze-
The
princely
and soldieriike
liberality
which
Philipdisplayed
on sDch occasions was no doubt
congenial
to his nature
;
hot itwhs not the te"i
adapted
to
promote
his
political
ends. It served
as a
public
invitation to
needy
and
unprmoipled
adventurers of
every
class who were able to
serve him, whether with the
sword, or the
tongue
and the
pen.
Men of
a
higher
character
might
be more liable to be seduced
by
tha
address ofthe
giver
than
by
his
gifts.
It
prub-
ably required
no little
strength
of
republican
virtue to withstand Uie
corrupting
influenc""of
Boch a conrt as the Macedonian bad now be-
TheopompuB
baa,
perhaps,esnggeraled
ita
proDigaey;
but if its manners were not so
gross
as be baa
psiniedthem, its
splendour.
Jsiwtl).,
ill.,
Fhil.,t is
; ntjwm., t
"0.
'
Saidx, Ogiiijln, ".,
p.
SIT,eniHiiHd In
DumUhiBH,
P" F. L., t Wf,nra rdr 'OXtrlim Iftiitn., nlU crj
ittti
biîaitm.
Tli" iri"iu
ia
expluoailbj
Dtink4th*-
I
D"iaitli.!l"iP,L.,tllt-t)S.
ThtTuinIiDamÊadi.,
HISTORY OF GREECB.
tijttj,
Md teedoDB
n^t
be ao much Ike
more
BttoaotiTe,
utd
migbt
leoder it tbe more
.. .. ._...
^
reajdencefor a
palrioLio
Greek.*
*
ThourH tb* THw hem
pnwaltd
of FhilipV wu with
fflnuhni v il HbHum Iba iims u
niiptui
U """" Inan
"olnfuUr naiind uMil lua timH.
jvli
"" but nulen
of ttaaf"u
litich
liu
"""fly
u AUau ud tba
BvpVy
u Oljitku,
which
*my
w*ll-iif"iud p"n kngwi |g ba nn
pndiicu
oT "
hilt'-*
iiii"K""*"'""'*
TiMn kn KBa Mliir
pniiU
on which
1. The (UianiHii of Philuohoiiii(ap.I"i"f(.
ol Ann..
"),whoH
ulkonlr
il hi
quBKnad, ccnuidicU,
u cl"r-
t
"""""" """
diHiaaljeoaindicudl.
lavs, ibu tftarApdlgoiiloihxltani t".
LuthiBM WH alKUd comnudB ofAt Iwni (Phil.,ill.. 4
79 : (oAuf 'CAviftW ifiiHX Tfii r*" fihiatSln Inap-
ud Uiu tftaiibii iiipoiiitmeBt " MjriliWamirj
laid
ifiuo/AfvirfKBi.
thoDBB and Eutbycratoi Fo obuio nion fawmrai
niu. Th( aiHRion Ihat
'
Ki o"'th*
dar
te Iba
"!
"Myof Sa^TUithoa|/b CDld 1^
Deooaihenaa. is c"i(Lnn"d
i"r*1"
*""""
aa to tba lUU 'A Ibiaaa impliBilm it.
which
"ua(l)"F.L.,Vua],th*nuBanaioiifiiraueitiuiiiDglhg
CHAPTER XLIV.
It is
peculiarl?
neceasary,
in tbia
period
of
Greek
biBtory,
to
diatinguiah
between the im-
pceaaiOD
made
bjtlie
eventa onibe mind of tb"
reader,
who reviewa tbem at a diatant^ of
maaf ages,
aod that nbicb
they produced
on
tbe chief actoia and their
cootempararies
n
they
occurred. To UB the rail oT
OtjnthB:,
which
c"npleted
the
Bubjugation
ot the CbaJ-
cidian
peninaula,
may
aeem to have decided
Philip's
contest
with
Atheoa,
and
Tirtoally
to
have nude him maatei of Greece.
The"saty
might
be considered as
already
ahaoat a
pror-
ince of Macedonia. Tbe
atmggle
betireeft
Thebes and Phocia had reached such a
poiat,
that the one
party
needed
asaistance,
and llie
other oould oot
hope
to withataod the fom-
with which he was able to
aupport
ita
antagonist.
Then,
if his anna termioated the conflict,
the use to
be made of the
Tictory
would
depend
on bis
will,
and there remained do
Greek state
capable
of
resisting
him. In PeW
oponoesuB
there was a similar diTisioD of
strength
and interests
;
and the aide
on nhkb
he threw his
weif^C
muat
prevail.
He had already
formed a
considerable
mariDe, which.
after tbe
conqoest
of the Chalcidiaa
towns, he
had meana
of
continoal]; augmeniing,
and which
enabled him to threaten and molest the
foreign
possessions
of Athens. The road to Threcr
lay open
to him
;
he had
alreadygained
a
strong footing
there : the riva]
princeswere either
bis humble allies, or enemies who
lay
at
his
mercy.
We see
little
prospect
that the
Greek cities on the
Hellespont
should
lonepre-
aerve their
independence,
or Aihens the Cher-
'
BOuesus,
if it should be his
pleasure
to
expel
her colonists. Even the
principal
cfaannet
through
which she receives the means of sub-
aislence
may
soon be closed
against
her coin-
There waa apparentlyonly
one event whicl.
could
oppose any
serious obstacle to his
prog-
reaa
;
this was a coalition
among
all the
principal
states of
Greece,
directed
againsthim, animated
by
a
spiritcapable
of vigorous cflbrts.
and
guidedby
a master mind. Bui it was nol
their
clashing
interests and mutual
jealou^
alone that rendered such an event
improbahllr
but BtiU
more, perhaps,
the
difficulty
of awaken-
JDg
them to a livelysense
of Iheir
danger.
The
rise of the Macedonian
power
waa loo
receni.
and had
yet
been loo
gradual,
to be at once
gen-
npd"iyw
ig^TatlOD,
tbonvb
ha oaoa Iha mi
fl accoaatiiA brooKhl aût
A
In-Ooi iiijiîiv
M
Xitefrrw^llr
iT-K(
riw"0).neiu,. AriaKalaa
"uS?^
,
" ahake ila credit. The
niijr
s Ibu Dx
i"iirtr
laU
if
DiMmu
iHii
"an ttaii
awn^ ,
ratiow
fMrasfu-aiio/oa iiprciiitit
mf
DtmaMltnn v
F^Simi.wu
iodaid nalucil
enough
for usnoa -i
J .!._
.j|^ laanwd.
and
probably
foaildBha dlflhb^
wk
laAfl-Qa"a
"a to wnta bia own
;
bul D"
..-both. We do nul
diapnta
th"
juljca of iIh
iDEnpanJJTOaulofv pruoannced by
Mr. CLjntoa 1F.1I
.
la
(Adniauia, 1.,p.
lib) JmMi,.
SECURITY OF THE GREEKS. Ill
erallj
riewed in the true
light.
Tbs
Pelopoi
nesiana could
scarcely
see beyond
the
polilics
o
their own
peninaula.
Whatever was
pasaiDg
i
or out of
Greece, was
in their
eyes important
only
as it affected the relatiTe
strength
of
Spar- ta
and her busiile
ueigbbonrg.The;
hraked
npon
the Sacred War with Interest
oiilj so far
as the issue
might
make
Peloponnesus
once
more the theatre of
war
between Thebes and
Sparta,
or
might
rcleaso
Sparta from all fear of
hermostdangerous
rival.
Philip, too,was
deemed
worth notice
merely
aa he
might
be a oaoful
ally,
or
forrajdable
enemy,
to either of the
ci
tendingPeloponitosian parties.
The
tncrcu
power
of his
kingdom
was not
contemplated
bringing
it into
any
new
relation to Greece
a
whole. It
was not so
long
since his father
had owed his throne to the
protection
of
Spar- ta
;
and efeii after the
power against
which she
had defended it was laid in the dust, she coutd
not
easilybring
herself to thini of the son of
Amyntas
as a
patron.
or a nuwCer. The
oaee
_-weB
not
very
disaimilar with Che
parties
immediately
concerned in the Sacred War. The Pho-
cians,indeed,
consoions of the insecure
groond
on which
theystood,
dreaded bis
enmity,though
it was bat
lately
that their forces had met on
equal terms,
aridthat each side bad been
by
turns TictorioQs
;
but
they
did not
wholly
despair
of
propitiating
it
;
for Thebes
might
more
reasonably
excite his
jeakiasy.
On the other
hand,
Thebes
was aware that her
success
depended
on
bis
aid;
that his
opposition
would
defeat allher
plans;
but
more
than this could
scarcely
enter into her calcnlations. Not
many
years
had
gone by
since she had
disposed
of the
Macedonian
sceptre;
stillfewer since ho himself
had been a
hostage
within her walls.
"
Besides these more erident causes of a fiUse
secifrity,
there
were
others,
which
may
have
operated
not the less
forcibly
because
they
were
tnit indistinct
feelings, scarcely
ever reduoed'to
a
shape
in which
they
could becnme
a
subject
of sober reflection. Demosthenea has been
charged
with a
gross
want of
candour,because,
In deliancd of
good
historical
testimony,proving
the Hellen Jc
origin
of the
royalfamily
of Mace- donia,
he sometimes called
Philip
a barbarian.
The
charge
is
childish, aa well
as false,and
can
only
serve to
keep
the real slate of the
case
"of
sight.
Demosthenes
everywherespeaks,
of the
man,
but of the
king,
the chief of the
nation,and attributes itscharacter to him
;
with
perfectjustice
in
respect
of his
subject.'
But
the
very judgment
which was
supposed
to establish
Philip's
Hellenic
descent,
implied
that
his
people
were
oonsidered
as barbrihans His
aacestot had
only
been
acknowledged
aa a
Greek,
because he had been able to make it
appear
that he
was not
by
blood
a Macedonian.t
!i
i4 PtKr tin Oi
nSnamnmrt Et
To oar
prMent porpoM
it is inuaaterU iriieth"
er,
in
Philip's age,
the line which
parted
the Ma-
cedonian from the Greek was narrow or
broad,
whelber there was
any
real
affinity
of
genius
and character between
them, or the resemblance
was
onlyproducedby
a
sUght
varnish of Greek
ciTiliiation
spread
over the surface of a
part
of
Mscedonian
society.
The Greeks had certainly
some reason
fbr
thinkingso,
since
they
saw
that the Macedonian
princes
were
obliged
ta
borrow fVom them the
things
on which
they
prided
themselves
moat,
the works of their fine
arts,
and the skillof tbeir artists,and
that,though
Philipmightgain
a
victory
over them,
he could
not celebrate itas he wished vrithout Uieir
help.
But
we are
here
speakingonly
of the univeival
feeling, or,
if it was no
more,
the
vulgarpreju- dice,*
according
to which the Macedonians were
an Inferior
race,
whose dominion would on that
account, indeed,
be the more odious,but,
until
It had become
inevitable, was
probably
the lea*
apprehended.
With this
pride
of birth there
was
coupled
a
consciousness of national
onity,
still
subsistingnotwithstanding
the discord
which
prevented
union
;
there was still
always
a
possibility that,
whenever an
adequate
occa-
sion should
arise,a
confederacymight
be fbrm-
ed
capable
of
resisting any foreignpower,
as
their forefathers had
repelled
the Persian invasion.
If the forces which met in hostile
conflict
a few
years
before at Mantlnea had been
arrayed
on one
side,
what Macedonian
arm)'
could have faced them 1
Philiphimself,thongh fiiUy
sensible of hi*
own
advantages,certainly
did not think meanlr
of the
strength
which Greece still
possessed
and would have*been
very unwilling,
from
regard
to bis
own safety,
to
provoke
a coalitioa
amony
the
pfindlpal
states which
might
caD it
into action. It seems
eq:mlly
clear that his designs
towards Greece were never hostile,
any
fartherthan his interests required.
We
ought
rather,
perhaps,
to
say
that his
dispositionto- wards
Greece
was
positively friendly,
so far
as
nteresis
permitted.
There
can
be little
doubt .thathe valued himself
upon
his
ancestry,
Ihrouih
which he traced his
pedigreeup
to Her- cules,
not less than
upon
hia
royaldignity.
His
blunt,rough Macedonians, who called a
spade,
a
spade,
made
loyalsubjects
and brave soldiers
;
bat he liked to think of himself
sb a
Grêk
i
and
it^^
not an
extruvagant supposition,
that his iflBect for
Athens, as the centre
of Grncian
art,^pawledge,
and refinement,was
constantlycoufflcracting
the resentment she
provokedby
her determined
hostility.
It is also
nearly
certain that Greece was never the ultimate
end of his ambition. We
cannot, indeed,
pretend
to determine the time when the
great
designs
which he afterward disclosed firsttook
a
definite
shape
in his mind
;
but from the bo-
ginning
of his
reign
so
many
occasions
wer^
continuallyarisingtodTawhis
attentiontowards
the Eaat,that we
may fairly
presume
these de-
, were
in some measure
blended
with his
ctirli est views of
conquest
and
aggmndizement.
But, at least at the
epoch
which we have now
reached, they
must have been
flilly
matured
;
for
(hey
became
shortlyafter,as we shaU
see,
~
subject
of reflectionand discussion,
of earnest
Philip.'
Phiu^,|"lM.
HISTORY OF OBEECE.
desire and o nfidm
npectatioD
to otbera,
who
Buredly
did not either see rarther than
Philip,
or
outBtrip
his wiahes and
bopea.
But (hat he
might enter on ihe
projectedundertaking
with
aalety
and a reaoonabla awurance or Buccesa
-two
things
were
necessarj
: that he should tte
master of the
European
coast or the
Hellespont,
and Ibal Greece should be reduced to such a
state that he
might
haie do hinderance or inter-
rtiptlonID
apprehend
frnm her. Just to this
puint,
ifit could be found,he would hare wiah-
0d lo see her sink
; heyond
this be cannot hare
thought
it
politic
lo
degrade
or hurt her. We
cannot be
surprisedthat,
with such
tIcwb,
he
should haTc
preferred
the
way
of
negotiation,
wheaeTer 11would serve hie
purpose,
to that of
Arms, especially
as he waa conscious of extra,
onliuary
talents for
diplomacy
;
or
that,
notwith-
Mandiug
his success in the war with
Athens,
he
should haie taken the "rst
opportunity,
aêr the
conquest
of
Olynthus,to
signily
his desire of
.peace.
A closer
inspection
of the state of affairs
in Greece
at this time
will,perhaps,
enable
us to understand biilh the moliTes which indu"
ced the Alhenlana
gladly
to liaten to his overtures,
and
some of the
especial temporary purposes
with which he made them.
It waa at Athens thai the national conseious-
jiesB.
fOBtered
by
the inexhaustible recollections
of the Persian
war,
and
by
the
sight
of no leas
glorious
monuments of
genius
and
art,which,
above all uther
trophies,
attested the
superiority
of ihe Ureek over iliebarbarian,was always
moxt
lively,*
Itwaa there,too,
that the extent
of
Philip's
power
waa best understood, aud the
danger
with which his anibition threatened
Greece was moBT
clearly perceived ;
for the encroachments
which he had been
incessantly
making un the Athenian
empire wer^
at once
fruvocatlons
and
warnings. And, accordingly.
It was in Ihe minds of Athenian statesmen that,
while others
thoughtonly
of
deprecating
his
Jiostility
or
coneiliaiing
hl^ favour, the
project
of
a confederacy
for the
purpose
of
barrinR
his
progress
seems lirst to have arisen. In the
oration which we
supposed
to be the last of the
Olynthiacs.
DemostheneB
urged
the
^peden-
cy
of
sendingembaasiea,
wherever there was
a
prospect
of
success,
to
instigate
Ihe other
Greeks
againstPhilip.
Thw advice
appears
to
bave been
generallyapproved,
and
especially
Ader the fallof
Olynthusto bave been
regarded
as the last
remaining
reeoua of the stale. It
was warmly adoptedby
Euftns
and his
party,
"opposed
as
they
were on otmr
queslinns
to De-
JDOBthenes, and
Iheyeven
brought
it forward in
a more definite
ahspe as their own. Hence we
may
infer that the measure was
very popular;
liut
yet
we shall see reason to believe that "u-
bulus did not on this occasion act
merely
in
"oniphance
with the wishes of the
people,
but
I
Aad an
abject
in view which he did not
yel
venture
to unfold,but which he
hoped
to accom-
|)lishby
means of this
proposition.
We find
that his Grsi
atpp
was taken in concert with a
party
at Me^loputis, where, as
migtit
be
expected,
there were itome who" whether
honestly
or
from
impure
motives " desired the aid of
Philip
ID their contest
with
Sparta,
while
others,prob-
"
Oanr 'lAnur'm,,n!
i
.rii
n)"(u/pnt Ulrnn ir icJn
j/tîVie-.i.i.l"i;iii."iih l'iC.i,4b3.
ably
tbe
greater number, preferred
the
man
congenial
and aafei alliance of Athens. iBchaa-
der, a
son, perbape,
uf the celebrated actor Kr-
optolemus,*
seeme to have been sent on a secret
mission into
Arcadia,
and on his
return
made a
report
favourable to the views of Eubc-
lus. The occasion is
memorable, aa the fim
on which
iGschines,
aderward the celebraud
rival of
Demosthenes,
is known to have lakes
a
prominentpart
in
public
aflaira.
.Machines was the son of an boaonrable citi
zen,
Tromea,or Atiometus,
who seems to hare
been connected
by
birth with one of the
moM
illustrious
priestly bouses,but,
after
having
lott
his
properly
in the
Peloponnesian war,
-was forced
to
quit
Athens
during
the
govemment
o^
the
Thirty,
served for a time as a
mercenary
ii
Asia,
and on his return was
forced,
if we
mij
believe
Demosthenes, to seek subsistence ini
somewhat
disreputable occupation.
The on-
lor's
mother,too,appears
to have been forced
bypoverty
to earn her
living
in the service itfa
foreign
form of
superstition,
which was
generally
regarded
as
despicable.Notwithsiandioe
these
disadvantages, j^schines,who 'was
gitt-
ed with an
uncommonly
line
person,
sonoioo!
voice,
and talents
only
inferior to thase of De-
mosthenes
himself.t acquitted
himself honourably
of the
ordinary
duties of a
citizen,
servfd
abroad in several
campaigns,
and soDictinic^
earned tbe
distinguishing
notice of bis crai-
manders. At
home,
it seems that in his
jouiL
he was fain to be sacislied with
very
humble
employment
for his voice and
peraon,
souk-
times in the office of a
publicclerk,Bometimn
as an actor of tbird-rale
parts
in the thealnfti
eotertainmems of rural festivalB. The woib
he has led, however, indisputably
attest the liil-
igence
with which he must have cultivated Im
great
abilities
;
and be must have
found-oppor-
tunities of
displaying
them which recommended
him as an able
coadjutor
to Eubulus
;
the men
readily, perhaps,
as he had
signalized
himself
in the last-mentioned
campaign
in
Eubcca, so
aa to earn
public
bonoura and the esteem of
Phocion. This
may
have been the accideoi
which determined the outset and the dirccUoc
of his
political
career. He undertook the
part
of
introducing
Ischander to the council and the
aasembly,
warned the
peopleagainst
the aitj
by
which
Philip
was extending
hia
secret
in^
ence in
Greece,
and
proposed
that embasaei
should be sent in all directions to counteract
them,
and that allthe Greek states which were
open
to
persuasioQ
should be invited to a eon-
gress
to be held at Athens, to deliberate
on the
meajis
of.proaecuting
the war with
Philip.
This
proposition appears
to have been carried. It
amounted to
nothing
more than an extension of
the
congress
in which the allies of Athens had
been used
regularly
to meet and discuss theu
affairs
j
though possibly
these conBultatiomi bad
been
suspended
since the Social War. Eaba-
*
But """ do not kaow thai lu na hiiHsir
b pIhw. b
LtludsaJlihinlL.sf Ph.,ii
, p. M", tecalnd by
tL
*w-
aaatiatida
Jnnparimffntt.bj
whack 1""vihUhd^
(Da
F
1~ 4 lOjmnilaatlj'
dlodaa u Uia urtaul
prafkniim
tt "a-
cliliMa.
qrym.inSaail Dt Or -canm
tngSHmr^thl
f~t
Clnar'P".
"*' KiamXim
JnuOn-nwaTrtii),
Ithia*
..Coogic
AFFAIRS AT THEBES.
113
]ii3 himseir
proposedan
embass;
to Megalopo- lis,
which was decreed
;
and .Eschines wag
appointed
oae of the
envoya.
Hia task was to
Touse
the Arcadians
againstPhilip,
and he
appeal^
to hare
perfurmed
it with
great energy.
In the account which he
gave
of bis
embasay
on hia
return,
he laboured no Icsa
vehemently
to inflame the
Indignation
of the
Athenians,
by
the
description
of a
piteousspectacle
whicti
iai met hia
eye
on his
jounieyhomeward,
-when he saw one Alreslidas
travelling
with
a herd of
Olynthiancaptives,
about
thirty
women
nnd
boya,
whom he was said to have
brought
from the Macedonian court. The
story gave
occasion for a strain of invective
against
Phil- ip,
in
which,
ifwe believe
Demosthenes,
he did
not
spare
the most
opprohriouaepithets,
and
excited the
people
to demand
justice
from the
Arcadians on the traitors who sold their country
to the hloodttai'iudbarbarian.
"
Whether this mission of iGschinea was attended
with
any
practical
results we are not informed
;
in
general,
as he himself
lestiGea, whatever
attempts
were made to
rally
the Greeks
round Athens
entirely
failed.t But the
proposal
or Eubulus seems to have been connected
ivilh another more
importantobject,
which De-
moslhenea attributes to him, apparently
on
grounda
which rendered the fact notorious An
alliance with
Megalopolis
was
hardly
conaistent
with that
by
which Athens was stillunited with
Sparta.
A
rupture
with
Sparta
seemed a
step
"which must sooner or later lead to a reconciliation
with Thebes
;
and to
promote
an alliance
with Thebes
was,
Demosthenes
asserts, a main
aim of the
policy
of
Eubulus.]: 80 far we see
a
probable
connexion between two well-attested
facts
;
but we are left to
conjecture
for an
explanation
of his ulterior views. It seems
most
likely
that he wished to detach Athens
from the Phociao alliance
;
and he
may
have
boped that,
as the
price
of her aocesaion to the
Thcban
side,
she
might
obtain terms of safe
and honourable
peace
for the
Phociacs,
which
"woiOd
deprive Philip
of all
pretext
for interference.
The alliance with Thebes had
also,as
we leam from the same
authority,
been a fa-
Tourite measure with
Aristophon;
it was the
only political questionon which he and Eubulus
always agreed.He,however,
may
have
thought
it
desirable,simply
as more conformable to the
inslitulioDsof Athens than the connexion with
Sparta,
which
brought
her into conflict with Ar-
gae,
Messene,
and the democratical
states of Pel- oponnesus,
her natural allies. But Demosthenes
himself is
chargedby
Êschines with a
strong
leaning
towards the Tbeban
interest,^
and ia
said to have
betrayed
it at a time when it
was
hardly
safe
openly
to
acknowledgeit,
and even
to have connected himself with Thebes
by
tiesof
publichoapilality.il
His
object
must have related
chiefly
to the contest with
Philip,
and can
scarcely
have been
any
other than to
prevent
the Thebans from
easting
themselves on the
king'sprotection.
He cannot have intended
or have
expected
that the
people
would consent
"
Wpkeit
n n!
iJUimpi. DamcMli..
!"" F.
L.,f MT,
wthmi omtndiiitioii. .^HbisM (I" P. L.,t WdTprnt.
Ir idlQita tha
main
Hct. t Pa F. L.,4
M.
t
Druwb., Da Cor.,4
Wt.
" Da F. L, t 111. i\fd,
,"t iUft "anU B-mnfiB.
It 148,191. Tiiwftt^"ilnntwftIjal*r,rti9"iSaiii*
""fen-P
to sacrifice the Phocianslo the
revenge
of (heir
enetnies. But it
may
have
appeared
lo him
that
Thebes, if the
sovereignly
of Bteol
a was
secured to
her,might
now be
willing
to
idjust
her
quarrel
with Phocis on more
equitable
conditions,
and
perhaps
to cede
Oropus
to
Athena,
as the
rewaiij
of her mediation.
It is at least certain that the turn which the
Sacred War had taken about the lime of the fall
of
Olynthus
was more favourable than ever to
such a
project.
After the death of
Mnaaeas,
the two
principal belligerents
had continued
to
spend
their
strength
in
unavailing
efforts. The
young general.
Phala:cus, conducted the
war,
it
seems,
with no less
ability
than his
predecea-
sors,
but,
like
them,
without
any
decisive success.
Each
party by
turns was victorious in
some
trifling engagements ;
the Phocians maintained
their
footing
in
Breolia,
and continued to
make
attempts
on the towns still
subject
to
Thebes
;
the TTiebans
regularly
invaded and
ravagedPhocis,
but were sometimes attacked
in Uieir
retreat,
and suffered more
damage
than
(hey
had inflicted.
*
It would have been
very
difficultto
explainby
what
means^
they
were
enabled to sustain the cunflicl so
long,
with an
enemy
who had such resources at his
disposal,
if we had nut been informed that
they
received
300 talents from the Persian
king,
as the
price,
partly
of their
forbearance,
and
partly
of tha
succours which
they
sent to him in his
expedition
to
Egypt
,t and we
may
rPisonably
conjecture
that
(hey
bad
reapedsimilar,ifnot
equal
profit
from the
important
services which (heir
general,Pammenes,
rendered some
years
before
to the revolted
satrap
Artabasust Still,
the burden of the war became
every year
more
and more
oppressive,
as the
prospects
of
aggrandizement
with which
they
had entered on
it,
and even their
hopes
of
recovering
the
ground
ihcy
had lost in Bceotia, were dimmed. On
the other
hand,
the
profusion
with which the
treasures of
Delphi
had hitberto been scattered
was
beginning
to
approach
its natural term.
The administration of PhaliEcus
was,
in
proportion
to his
means,
not leas wasteful than
that of bis
predecessors.
4
It
might,
witboat
any greater
misconduct,
have
given
more offence,
if he found himself forced to resort to
precious
and revered relics,
which
they,
in
the midst of abundance,
had been able to
spare.
Yet it is
probable
(hat discontent
arising
from
this cause would have been
easilysliced,
ifthe
pay
of the
soldiery
had continued to flow as
regularly
and
copiously
as at first. But as soon
as murmurs
began
to be heard in tbe
camp,
the
party
in the state which had
opposed
Onomar-
chus before his accession seems to have been
encouraged
to renew its attacks on the
ruling
dynasty,
and was now able to effect a revolution,
PhalKcuB waa charged
with embezzlement,
and with the additional
impiety
of
having
caused excavations to be made in the iomon
sanctuary
of the
temple
for treasures which,on
the
authority
of some Homeric
Ilnea,were be-
lU HISTORY OP GREECE.
liered to
lie buried there. The ihock or
an
etitbqaake,
it wbb reported,
had
put
a
stop
to
the
sacrilegious
search. Phaliecos
was
forced
to abdicate his
office, or to
retire from
Phocis,
and three aew
generals
were
elected in hie
room. This could
scarcely
have
happened unless
be had been abandoned
by
tbe
greaterpart
of his
troops ;
and it is not difficult to collect
how
tbe;
were
tempted
to take
part
with hie
adversaries. It
was
alleged,
it
seems,
thai the
treasure would bavs been stillsufficient for Ibe
pay
of tbe
array,
if it had not been diTerted to
the
private
uses of tbe
general
and his friends.
A severe
inquiry
was inslituted into tbe mods
of ite
application.*
One
Philo,
who bad been
intrusted with the
management
of the
largest
portion,
and waa the
agent employed by
Pha-
Iscus
in bis
sacrilegious
search, was
convicted
of
malversation,and, having
been
put
to the
torture,
disclosed tho names of bis
accomplices.
All
were
obliged
to refund
as
much of the
spoil
as
remained in their
possession,
and then suffered
tbe
punishment
of
sacrilege.
These
proceedings
seem to show that it was
the
object
of (be new
government
to throw the
odium of the
spoliation
of the
temple
as much
as
possible
on their
predecessors.Perhapsthey
wished it to be
supposed
elsewhere that
they
had
always disapproved
of tbe violation of the
sacred treasure
altogether :
but at home
they
can
hardly
have taken such
high ground,
but
must have made
a
iliBiinetion between the legitimate
use for tbe defence of the
state,
and
tbe
sacrilegious waste
for
privategratification.
In the
mean while,
tbe confiscation of tbe
property
ofthe oRenders
yielded
a
supply
which
they
might employ
for the
public
service without
open participation
in their
guilt.
This
change
d* administration
seems to have taken
place
soon after the fallof
Olynlhus;
and it
opened
a
prospect
of
a
speedier
termination of the war
than could have been
expected
from the
dynasty
of Pbaliecus. It
was clear that the new
government,
whether it abandoned
or
renewed
tbe
expedients
hitherto
used,
could not stand
long
in its own
strength;
and there waa reason
to conclude that it would he
glad,
for the sake
of
peace
and
amnesty,
to surrender the Bteo-
tian towns to Tliebcs,
and to make such concessions
with
regard
to the
leinpte as
might satisfy
the demands ofthe Tbessaltans.
Nevertheless,
we do not find that
they
made
or received
any
pacific overtures, ur
that this revolution in Pho- cis
immediately
excited much
attention, or
gave
rise to
any
new pohticat
calculations
at
Atl^ns.
But
by Philip
it
was certainly
not overlooked
;
and it
probably
bad considerable influence
on
tbe
subsequent
course of his
policy.
The
longer
bis war with Athena had
lasted,
nil ii Due
uf thoM
irbltrmT)' nnkei which tlUcc Iho lim-
IB Uut
onghl
U
Hpumu hulwj (roni
riHnuu. It
uy,
Ihs
iBjuirj,
il would
onljprow that Phtluiiiiiluihad mil
h"a foana to bavo amheizlpd
"n^
of thi-RUT*d
ImasurP,
"on to
BuijHCt.
FhilonaJai wu not related in hit
"ul.ccimiti
and tbe heavier Ibe losses she had anstaiued in
it,
the
more,
of
course,
waa
the
resentmeat of
the
people
kindled
against
him
;
and it
seems
that
some
violent
men,
to humour the
prevail'
tng temper,
had threatened
to
impeach
any
one
who should
propose
to
open
a
negotiation
for
peace.* AfterlhefeHofOlynthua.nothingconltl
be
expected
but that be should
press
the
enemy,
over whom bo bad
gained
such a moment'
ous
advantage,
with fresh
vigour.
Unlesa
a
league
could be
brought
about to resist
him, the
very
existence of Athens
might
be threatened.
It
was, therelhre,
with
joyfulsurprisethat,
ia
the
course
of the
following
summer
(347),
the
Atheniana received
intimation,through
several
channels,
that he
was
willing
to treat with them.
According
to
Demosthenes,
itwould
appear
that
the Athenian
prisoners
taken in
Olynthus
afforded
him tbe first
opportunity
of
discloaing
his
pacific dispositions,
t The friends of
somfl
of them
prevailedon tbe
people
to
send
an
agent,
clothed with the character of
an ambassador,
to treat forIbeir ransom
;
and the
player
Aristodemus,
who was known to
Philip
in the
exercise of bis
art,
and
perhspe
bad been
engaged
for the festival al
Dium, was
appointedoa
ment of
^schinea, that the
petition
thus
granted
was
actively supportedby
Demoathenes and
Philocrates,one of tbe orators who were the
chief authors ofthe
ensuing
peace,
we can hardly
doubt that tbe
object
of this
embassy was
purelypolitical,
and that it
was a
consequence
of
some earlier hints which had been received
of
Philip's
intentions. The
first,
according
to
.Îschines,
had been
conveyed by
envoys
from
Eub"Ea,
who
came to treat for theii
own states,
but,as allies of
Macedonia,announced that
they
had been instructed
by Philip
to inform tbe
Athenians that he wished to
adjust
his diOeren-
ces with them. It
may
have been
upon
this
en-
conrsgement
that Aristodemus
was sent, with
the
tacit,
but notorious
object
of
ascertaining
the truth. Before bis
return, however,
it
appeals
that other assurances to tbe same effect
were
received. The
playerNeoptolemus obtained
leave to make
a
journey
to
Macedonia,
under
pretext
of
recovering
a sum which
was
due to him there
;
and be
also,on his
return,
made
a
reportconcerningPhilip,
calculated
to
produce
so favourable
an
impression,
that De- mosthenes
was
convinced,
and the event seems
to have
proved,
that he
was bribed for the
purpose.
Finally,
one
Phryno,having
been
captured
by Philip's
troops,
either
during
the
Olyni-
pian
truce or
during
that which he bad
proclaimed
" in imitation of tbe
Olympic
law " for the
celebration of his festival at
Dium,t induced the
*
Yot it
" bj DO maaju canaib (hat
aran ao mnch
aa this
iaimplltdilkthe lanfuaKa of
farhiaei. Da F. L.. 4
13. It
k*. parha"a,no mun
than
a hTpertwlicaldavcriptiaci of Iha
uvafta decree
fotbiddiDg th" entnitc" of
a harati]fTOU Hi'
MOTIVES OP THE PARTIES. lis
people
to send him back in the
quality
of
BmbsMndor. accompaniedbjCteaiphon,
Ibr the
profeaeedporpoae
of
recovering
the ransom
which had been exacted for his relcaae. Phil- ip
gmnted
hia
request
in the moat
obliging
manner,
reatored the
property
which had been taken
from him, with exctiaes
for tbe mistake of
hie
soldiers,
and dismissed the two
en"oys
with
profeasions
of like
import
to those
already
mentioned.
Froin firstto last the chief donbt felt at Ath- ens
seems to have
been,
whether
Philip
was in
earnest,
and
might
be
safely
trusted. That
peace waa,
at thia
juncture, highly
desirable for
Ihe
republicacarcely
admitted a
question:
and
as soon as it was aseertained that it
might
be
bad, the
people
were unanimous in their will
to obtain it. The war had been one series of
loases and diaasters: notwithstanding
the subsidies
received from
Delphi,
it was
computed
that it had cost 1600
talents,
of which
200,
said
to have been
apent
on the
expedition
to Ther-
mopylte,were, perhaps,
tbe
part
least
unprodt.
ablyemployed,
and ihat ISO
galleys
had been
sent out which had never returned. The Cher-
sonesas,
the
onlyimportantacquisition
that bad
been
made,
had been bo threatened, and was
stillin aOch
danger,
that Ji^scbines
afflrmcil,
probably
not"
wholly
withoot foundation, thai it
bad been abandoned
by
the Athenian colonists.'
For the
Athenians,therefore, even a short aua-
pension
of hostilitiea.not
requiringany
farther
sacrifice,
but
leaving
both
parties
as
they
stood,
would be a clear
gain
-,
and it seemed reasonable
to
presume
that
Philip
did not
expect they
should
purchase
the
peace
which he so freely
offered
by any injurious
or
degrading
concession.
Such were
manifestly
the views of De- mosthenes
himself: however littlehe
might
be
inclined to believe
Philip's professions
of
good- will,
he
thought
it
plainly expedient
to meet his
advances ao far as to discover on what terms
he was willingto treat.
Bpt
the motives which induced
Philip
to wish
for
peace
with Athens were
by
no meana
equally
evidetlt
;
for there can
hardly
have been
any
of his
contemporaries
"
ûnless,perhaps,
Isocra-
tes" who attributed his offers to
pure generosity;
and but few of the more
intelligent
who
really
believed "
though
Demosthenes
professed
to think BO " that the
damage
which his coasts
and commeree suffered from the Athenian cniis-
ers and
privateers
drove him
Ig
this mode of
seeking
relief t On the other
hand, itwould be
ratingPhilip'ssagacity
too
highly
to
suppose
that,
when he firatinvited the Athenians to negotiation,
he
clearly
foresaw the
advantages
which he was to
reap
from it.
Demosthenes,
in a Uter reviewof these
transactions,
ascribed
niilip's oflbra,
not to the
annoyance
which he
Buffered from the Athenian
privateera,
but to
his fear that the
Thebans,
exhauated
by
the
Sacred
War, might
be farced to Eako
refuge
in
the
protection
of Athena. t But even this explanation,
though
it no doubt comes mucb nearer
to the truth than the
other,
is not satisfactory,
unless we take into the account some of
the facts which have been mentioned,
which
E.
ihB
pvtilloauigbl
hb"s kHtmad b
seem to throw the
requisite lighton it. Tbd
weakness of Thebes in itselfwas
certainly
no
reason
why
she should seek an alliance with
Athens, Unless she had some
ground
to expect
that the Athenians would
acknowledge!
and
support
her claim to the
sovereignty
of
fireotia,
itwas more
likely
that She should address
herself to
Philip,
who had
already
declared
himself on her eide. But the connexion
which he saw the Athenians
endeavouring,
not
without an
appearance
of
success,
to form with
Megalopolis,
beside that it interfered with hia
viewa in
Peloponnesus,might
well alarm
him,
as a
step
towarda a reconciliation with Thebeg.
And if about the same time a revolution took
place
in
Phocis,
which
placed
the
supretne
power
in the hands of men who discovered
s
more tractable
spirit,
while it
proved
that a settlement
of the
quarrel
could not be
longdelayed,
this must have
quickened
his
appreheneioiw,
and have aflbrded an additional motive for the
attempt
to divert the Athenians from this
project
by
the
prospect
of
peace.
He
might
forer
see that,
if
they
wet" thus relieved from their
feara of
him. they
would never consent to
any
measure which would
strengthen
the
neighbour
whom
they
stillhaled and dreaded.
Thus, then,to us
Philip's object
may appear
sufficiently mteihgible ;
but itwas
scarcelypossible
that it should be
suspectedby
the mass of
the
Athenians,
or, perhaps,by
theirmoat
sagacious
statesmen,
until it was
partially
revealed
by subsequent
events. Hence
arose,
as we
have
observed,
the distrust with which
they
received
his
friendly messages
as news too
good
to be
believed;
and it
was, piobahlj,
rather to
isfy
the
people
than because
they
were credulous
themselves that the orators
suggested
the
thought,
which was the most
flaltcrjng
to Athe- nian
pride,
that
Philip
was no leas distressed
and weakened
by
the war than Athens,
and
that
peace
was a boon which he solicited from
Athenian
generosity.
It
was. apparently,
to
strengthen
this
persuasion
that Philocrates now
moved a decree,
which was voted unanimously,
that
Philip
should have leave to send a herald
and ambassadors to Athena to treat for
peace.
Notwithstanding
this
unanimity,
there
were,
it
seems,
orators who
thought
this a favourable
opportunity
for a
display
of extraordinary
patriotism,
which could not be betlef
shown than
by professions
of
implacable
an*-.
mosily
towards
Philip.
One
Lycinus
iîpeach-
ed Philocrates aa the author
of
an
illegal
decree
"
assuredlynot because
negotiation
with
Philip
had ever been
expresslyforbidden, but
on the
ordinaryground
of
objectionson the
score of
policy.
The tone taken
seems to have
been, that it was
degrading
to Athens to meet
the advances of the barbarian until ahe had
humbled him stdl
more,
and had
avenged
herself
for the
wrongs
she had Buffered from him.*
Philocrates,
diaabled
by
tbe
slate of hia healtb
from
pleading
his own cause vrithoul assistance,
called in Demosthenes
as his advocate;
proof,undoubtedly,
that Demoethenea
was already
decided in favour of
peace ;
for between
him and Philocrales
" a
man,
it
seems,
of notoriously
profligate
character " there was no
bond of union
except
a
temporaiy
coincidence
a political question-
The defendant
was
"
,"Kbii"n,
Df F. L-," 77.
lis HISTORY OF GREECE.
"cqaitted,
and
Ljcjqiu
did not even
obtai
number of voiea
necessary
to screea him from
th"
penally
of a calumaioos
charge.
Nut
long
afUr,
AriatodeiDus relumeii from his
embassy.
His
report
was anticipated by
ooe of the
prisoners
in irliose behalf he had been
sent, who,
baving
been released without
ransom, brought
an account
of
Philip's
amicable
professions
which waa fully
coofirmed
by Ariatodemua,
wheo he
appeared
before the Five
Hundred,
with the addition that
Philip
bad
expressed,
not
only
much
good-will
towards
Athena,
but a
wish to become her
ally.
Demosthenes
was a
member or this
council,
which had
just
entered
into
office,
and he
proposed
that the honour of
a crown should be bestowed on Arislodemus :
a token of
satisfaction, not
only
with bia conduct,
but with the result of his
embassy.
Sufficient
ground
had now
been laid for the
final
step.
A decree was carried,on the j
tioD of
Philocrales,
for the
appointment
nf
"mbaasadors,
who were to treat with
Philip,
and to desire him to send ambassadors to Ath- ens,
with full
powers.
The
envoys
appointed
were all men of eminence for station or
ability,
or recommended
by
the share
they
had taken
in the
preliminary proceedinga.
Their names
were, Clesiphon, Aristodemus, Phrynon,
lalro-
des, Pbilocrates, Demosthenes, j^scbinos,
Nansicles,Dercylus,
Cimon. With them was
joinedAglaocreon
of
Tenedos, as the
representative
of the allies who held their
congress
at Athens.
The services of Arislodemus were deemed
BO valu^le
[hat,on the motion of
Demosthenes,
envoys
were sent to several cities where he
was
engaged
for the exercise of his
art,
to
tain his release from the
penalties
under which
he had bound himself to
appear
there on the
Such was the
origin
of that famons
negotiation
which some
years
later
gave
occasion to
the two
pleadinp
of ."achineB and his
great
adveraaiT,
who
prosecuted
him for misconduct
is the
diaOhaigB
of bis commission. To these
apeeohea
we are
principally
indebted for our in.
fonnatioa on the iTanaaolions now to be related
;
and
they
abound in details which would
have rendered them even more valuable than
.an ordinaryhistory, if,unhappily,
the
opposite
Tiewe and interests of the orators had
no'
'
both of them to
suppress
or distort the t
and to contradict one another and themselves
in a manner which renders it one of the most
difficulthistorical
problemsto extract a clear
and consistent
story
"om their
conflicting state-
inents. The event so
utterlydisappointed
all
the
hopes
with which tho
negotiation
was
open-
MMiriL Ml of "" "ueirri / The weH-ksawB n-
cf
Mapi"
(Pni/.).
/"
MBwarnAn
"imM to 4ititm
ed
by
the
Athenians, that each feltit
necessary
to disclaim as much as be could of the
part
he look in the
steps
which led
to such a
disastrous result. Demosllienea
charges
fa-
chines with a
corrupt
and treasonable
attempt
to deceive the
people
on a
point
of vital
importance
to its interests. "scbines delends himself
with the
plea
that he shared a common delusion,
from which his accuser was not
eientpt
more than othera.
Demosthenes,
with
reganl
to hia
postbumons reputation
for
patriotism,
might safely
have admitted all thai is
alleged
against
him
by
his
adversaiyon
this
subject;
for,
if
true,
it
provednothing
either
against
liis
honesty,
or even his
sagacity,
but
ordy
Uiat he
had been deceived
by
artifices
through
which it
waa
scarcelypassible
for
any
human discernment
to
penetrate,
and had not discovered
a secret
which no one
suspected.
Here
we see
traces of a weakness which must not be
pallia- ted
as the
iiiGrmity
of a noble
mind,
and which
evidentlybetrayed
him into
disingenuouscon- cealment
of
truth,
ifnot into
positive
falsehood.
Nor, even while we must admire his
eloquence,
can we
sympathize
with the tone in which he
attaclcs his
adversary,
which is in disadvantageous
contrast with the moderation end
dignity
which be
preserves
in bis deliberative
orations.
We
cannot
help suspecting
that he feels less
indignation
than be
expresses ;
and
we see
that he is
accommodating
his
language
to a vicious
moral taste, which
delighted
in virulent
invectives,
and countenanced the widest
departure
from truth for the sake of oratorical effiict.
All this,indeed,
is
equallyapparent on the other
side
;
and, therefore,independently
ofthe
deep
shade
of suspicion
which rests on the
political
honesty
of
jEschines,
wa cannot without
prejn-
dlQe
admit the
gmvcr chargea
which he
brings
against
his
enemy's private
character.
These,
indeed,
would cast an indeliblestain on it
;
but
they
may
be ailmere calumnies
; they
can neither
be
proved
nor refuted. All that we mnat
disapprove
in Demosthenes
belongs,
as we have
alreadyremarked, not
simply
to the
man,
but
to his
country,
his
age,
and the
sphere
in which
he moved.
The commission of the ten
envoys
is
only
described to us in
generalterms; we do not
know the
expectations
with which
they
sat out,
or the instructions which
they
had
received;*
only
itseems that the
people
had been
encouraged
to
hope
that
Philipmight
consent to the
restitution of
Amphipolis.
With
respect
to
Thrace,
the chief
object
must have been the
security
ofthe ( crsonesus.
Cersobleptes was
not an
ally
for .ihoni much
anxiety
could be
felt,except
so jar as hia terrilories
might
be
ildered a^
bulwarks of the Athenian
poa-
ions and the Greek cities on the
Hellespont,
against
Macedonia. But as to the
most interesting
question,
the manner in which the aSaiis
of Thebes and Phocis were to be arfiusted,it is
very
doubtful whether the
people
at
large,
or
COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN PHOCIS.
117
anj
party,
was conscioos of a distincl
plan,or
had rormed more than
generalhopes
or wishes,
irhicb were to remain in
Buspense
until
Philip's
intentions should be discovered. The uncer-
taintj
and confusion which had hitherto
prevailed
on this
subject
had been much
heightened
b;
the new tam which events had taken in
HiDcJs about the same time that the
embass;
WBB decreed.
Throu^
some reaction,the
eausea or which are
encirelj unkpown,
Phale-
ena had been reinstated in his
office,
and had
iBcorered his
power.
Diodorus mentions the
"ct withoDt the
idightest eiplanation,
and does
not
giTe
BO much as a hint to assist
conjecture.'
He
represeots
(he new
goTernment
as
having
mercenaries in abundance atiits
command,
and
aa so
prosperous
in the war that the Thebans
were now forced to
implore
succour from Phil- ip,
who sent some
troops,
but in
very
small
iiiiinbers,t merely
sufficient to show a decent
iatereBt in their cause. That he should not
have sent a
largerforce,
when he was
looking
finward to a
negotiation
with
Athens,
is intelU-
giUe enough ;
but (be total silenoe of the ora-
tots renders the statement of Diodorus on this
iing
the eflects
time
might be,
itwss stillsn indccalion of design,
which must hare excited much attention
at Athens, and, we should have
supposed,
hare
been
eagerly
seized as a handle for
reasoning
or declamation. We next bear of
a defeat
which the Phocians suQ^red at Abe,
where
tbrey
were
buUding
a fortress, perhaps
to carh
the
town,
which^ " ^whether
through religious
associations maintained
by
its
temple,
or from
any
oiêr
cause " was known to be adverse to
the war. But there is no reason to
imagine
that this reverse " which seems to have been
chiefly
memorable because it was attended
vrith an
accidental
conflagration
of the
temple,
where some of ibe Phocian
troops
took
refuge
" at alt shook the credit of the
goveniment.
We
must, therefure,
confine ourselves to the
bare (act that it was forced to
give way,
and
that,
on the eve of its
fall,
it
applied
to the
Athenians for aid,and offered to
pot
them in
poesession
of
Alponus,Throoium,
and
Nicna,
three
places
on the eastern coast,
which com-
mandAd the
pass
of
ThermopylR. They,
of
coarse,
gladly
embraced an ofltr which
placed
"o
important
a barrier in their hands. Proi-
entie,
tbeir
general,
was ordered to take
pes-
aessttin of the towns
;
and a fleet of
fifty galleys,
and a
genera]levy
of cititens under the
age
of
thirty,
was decreed for the
expedition.
I
"ILS
,
M, ihu V
raXi,
li!n-fiL-
'^"^t^'ât: _*7Lit^
ii'lw"^
"E""iw^ftj
lilt1
Whether resistance was apprehended,as tbestt
preparationa
may
seem to indicate,we are not
informed.
Proxenus, however, set out witlis
much smaller
force,but
arrived
too late. He
found the
government changed,
and the three
towns occupiedby
the adherents of Phalecua.
The
envoys
who had Invited [he Athenians
were thrown into
prison
on their
return,
and
Athena was
openly
treated aa an
enemy by
the
restored
general,
and
even insulted in the
persons
of her
heralds,who,
about this
time,
were
proclaiming
the solemn truce of the Eleusinian
mysteries. PhalRcus. however,
had
given
no
farther intimation of the course he meant to
pursue.
The
Athenians, (hough
oflended with
his
conduct,
may
have
distinguished
between
his
party
and the
public
cause
;
and, even if
their resentment was kindled
against
the Pho- cians.
it was
certainly
not
strong enough
to
overpower
their
jealousy
and hatred of Tnebes.
Their
position
between the
belligerents
bad
by
this revolution been rendered mure unsettled
and
perplexing
than before.
So
great
was the
generaleagerness
for the
treaty
at Athens, that the
envoys
did not wait
for the return of a herald,
who had been sent
before them to obtain a safe-conduct,
and who
was
appointed,
it
seems,
to meet them at Orens,
in Eub"Ea
; they
did not even
atop
when
they
reached Oreus, but
immediately
aioased OTer
into
Tbessaly,though
a Macedonian
army od-
derParmeniowas at this time
besieginglulns,
which
lay
on their
way,
and
they
were obliged
to obtain the
general'spermission
to
pass
through
hia lines. It is to the accidental mention
of this
fact,
with which Demosthenes illustrates
the leal shown
by
his
colleagues
on
this
joumej,
that we owe our information
on
Philip's proceedings
in
Thesaaly.
He had undertaken
the
aiege
of
Halus, not,
it
appears,
on
account of
any provocation
which he himself
had
received,
bat because it resisted the claims
of the
Pharsalians,who,
as old enemies of the
tyrants
of
Phera;,were
probably
his firm alliea.
It was one of the wiîcome occasions which the
state of
Thesaalymight frequently
fiimisb him
for armed interference.
Halus, on the other
hand,
had entered into alliance with
Athetis,
but not,
it
seems,
on terras which entitled her
to demand auccoura. He himself remained at
Pella,partly. peiliBpa,
to receive the Athenian
embassy ;
but he was also
making preparations
fur another
expedition
into Thrace. The envoys,
having
met their herald at Larlssa,proceeded
without
delay
to the Macedonian court.
During
tho
journey
it
appears,
trom the reluctant
admission of jGschines, that he and De- mosthenes
were
apparently
on a
footing
of closer
intimacy
with each other than with most
of their
colleagues,
for
only
latrocles and the
Tenedian shared their
repasts, though
each of
the orators is anxious to make it
appear
that
the other made the flratadvances. If we
may
believe .lEachiues,
the main
subject
of their
conferences was
ê claim to
Amphipolis,
as to
whicb, when one of their
colleaguesexpressed
his fears Ihst
Philipmight
have the
advantage
in
argument,
Deinoslhenes boasted that he
should be able to silence
him,
and to induce
IIS HISTORY OF GREECE.
lim to restora
it to Athens. Bui thsre ia reason
to
suspect
that jEsutiiaea* either devised
OT overcharges
this anecdote,to
heighten
the
affect of the scene wbich he next describes,
in
which he endeavours to
place
his
adversary's
be)w.viour in the most odious and
oontemplible
ligtit.
It
is,however,
tram him alone that
we
have
any
account cf the audience in which litemain
bnainesa of the
embass]'appears
to have been
transacted
;
and the ailence of his rival on this
anbject
in some degree
conGrms bia
report,
as
it
proves
that Demostbenes could advance nothing
concerning
ii which he
thought
favourable
to himself or his cause.
On the other
hand,
j^hinea,vrhoee solu
obji:ct
was to eihihil a
eanlraat the most honourable to himself between
bis
advereary'a
conduct and his
own,
has dwelt
on matters eitber
merely personal
or
comparatively
unimportant,
and has
passed
over tbe
Bubslanee of the
negotiation
in total silence. It
bad been
agreed among
the
envoya
that
Ihey
should addreas the
king
in the order of seniority
;
and DemoetbeDes
happened
to be tbe
youngest.
Il therefore fellto the turn or.i"s-
ohines to
speak
before him
-,
and in bia defence
of himself he
reports
what he must havedeem-
ad tbe most
importantpart
of his
speech.
It
was
entirely
confined to the
question
of Am-
idiipolis,
entered at
large
into all the
grounds,
mythicaJ
and
historical, on which the Athenians
rested their
pretensions
to ibe
^dace,
and recounted
the aervices which
Iphicrates
had rendered
to the
royalfamily
alter the death of
Amyntas.
The orator does not intimate that
he touched
upon any
other
subject; yet
De- mosthenes
could afterward assert Ibat he had
not so much as mentioned this :f
but this is
apparently
no more than a violent
exaggeration.
of the admiaaion which Machines afterward
BMde,
that be had not
said all he could on this
head,
which his
adversary
seema to have distorted
into a oonfeasion that he said
nolhing
at
aU
on
it.
At last Demosthenes rose.
We can
easily
believe that the
expectations
both of the
king
and his court had been
highlyexcited,not, as
"schinea
iosinualea, by
what
they
had heard
of bia boastful
proTeasions
on the
journey,
but
by
Ute fame of bis
eloquence,
which
may bj
this time have
begun
to
siêid
over Greece
;
"sd it ia not difficultto
imagine
that his con-
"cioniDesB of the
peculiar
attention which be
drew tcoBi
hearers,who,
be waa
aware,
listened
to him with no
friendly ouriosity,
and ibe anxiety
which he must have felt lo
support
deranged
the whole order of his
thoughts.
Ac- cording
to iGscbines,
after a abort and
very
confused
opening,
he beailated,
grew
more and
more
entbarrasHed,
and at last waa obliged
to
break
od",and.
thoughPhilippolitely encouraged
farnito recollect himself and
proceed,
could not
recover tbe thread of his
spcecb.
The
envoys
were then desired
to withdraw, to allow the
king
time lo consider his answer.
The
only
reason we have for
doubling
tbe
truth of this
elory
ia that
iCBehines,as he himself
avows,
made an
entirely
diSerent
report
on
"
DgF.L.',tlO.
Da^DaF.!...*!!.
I DaF.L.,tM4v
his return
in the
Basembly,
and that he
explains
this contradiction
by
a
pretence
which is utterly
incredible,
and not
very
honourable to him if
believed. After a short
interval, during
which
he
represents
himself as taxed wii^ rashneas
by
Demosthenes for the Ireedom wilh which he
had
pleaded
for the
rights
of the common wealth,
the
envoys
were recalled iolo the
presence-
chamber,
and were addressed
by Philip
in a
longspeech,
in which be noticed all the
(irioci-
palarguments
be bad beard
;
but it was more
especially
la those of Êscbines, according
to
hia own account,
that the
refdy
was
directed
:
to Demosthenes there was
noUiing
to be said.
Ampbipolis,therefore,
we are led lo cODclude,
was the
main,
if not Ihe
only subject
of the
king'a
answer. Yet it was known that
Philip
was on the
point
of
marching
to Thrace
;
and
the
danger
whieh Uireatesed the Cbersonesus
was not
overlooked :
Philippromised
that he
would not invade it until the
queelion
of
peace
or war should have been decided at Athens.
Some discussion also mual have taken
place
on
the
subject
of
Cardia,
since ita
independence
was
expresslyrecognised
in the
subsequent
treaty.
As to the
part
taken
by Aglaocreeo,
we have no information
;
nor as to tbe. nalure ol
the interests which be
represented.
Yet his
presence
aeema to
imply
that one of the
questions
wbich bad been
expected
to aiise related
to the allies of
-Athens,
who were to be included
in the
treaty-
If this
question
was
agitated,
il could
scarcely,
we should
suppose,
have
failed to
bring
the aShirs of Phocis under ooo-
sideration. And the
sequel
appears
to show
that
sometbiog
was said on this
subject, thaugh
Philip
did not nnfokl his views. The ambw-
sadora,on their
departure,
were
charged
with
a letter from him to the pe^de,aDdhepTonited
that bis ministers ahouid
speedily
foltew thehi
to AUieDS.
It was natural to
suppose
that
Demosthenes,
if be had
experienced
ao
mortilyiDg
a failure,
should have been anxious to conceal it. But
the artificewbich .""cbines
representa
him to
have
practised
for that
purpose
on the
journey
bmneward ia so
grosslyimprobable,
that it
iMidg US to
"aq"ect
vitdent
exaggeralipn,
at
least.
In tbe
precedingpart
of bia narrative.
DemMtbenea, wb are ttdd,now endeawured.
1^flattery
aod aflbotatiMi ol eztraordiDary good-
hunonr,
lo
ingratiate
himseir with hie colleagues,
more partimlarly
with iEachines. In
a ooovivial
hour,
when
they
were all
convBr-
sing
on the
subject
of tlieiraudience, be
playfully
alluded to his own enobarraMment, and
expressed
the
highest
admiration for
Philip's
talents and address :
.iKschinea was thus induced
lo make a remark on the
king's
retentive
memory
and
readyeloquence;
and
Cteaiphon,
who was the eldest
among them,
declared that
in the coarse of his lifehe had never met with
a
person
of such
gracious
and
winningmanners,
especially
at the festive board. This
gave
De- mosthenes
an
opportunity
of
challenging
them
to
repeat
these
praises
before the Athenian assembly
:
tbe;
were
simpleenough
to fallinto
ibssnara,
and
engaged
to do
so;
and
Machines,
at the earnest entreaty
of
Demosthenes,
promised
(o report
to the
people
that he too had
spoken
in vindication d
the claim to
Ampbipolis,
and that he himself had
purposely
left
some
HETUBN OF THE ENVOYS.
119
C
of the
sobjecl
inliishuidc:' ax irthia col~
ID
could havB
slopped
Ihe moutlia of tlieir
coIleagueB,
whom DenuwtlieDeB,
if we believe
the
story,
waa about lo
proTokeby a malijaaat
and waQtoa attaclc.l
Tbe ambasaadors on Iheir relum
firstmade
a
sumniary report
of their
proceadings,
and
^-
eented
Philip's
letter to tbe couocil
;
and De-
moathenes, as a meffiber,
moved ilie
ordinary
eomplimeot
of
an honorarychaplet,
and aniovi-
talion to the
pubhctable,accompauying
Ihe motion,
accordingtojEachines,with a
higheulogy
OD the talents and
fidelity
with which allhis col-
leatpies,
aud ^lachiaes in
particular,
had discharged
their commisaion. But when
theyappeared
before the
aaseubly
to
give
a fuller account
of theii
embassy,
where
they
delivered
their
Tepoits
in the order of
seniority, they
were
aurpriaed
to find his tone
entirely
altered. The
praiaeswhich,
in fulfilment of their
imprudent
stipulation, they
bestowed on
Phdip only
afforded
Becaosthcaes an
opportunity
of
decrying
hit
merit " a
topic
more wulcoinK to his audience--
aud in answer to ^scbincs, who, according
to
hiH
promise,
threw a veil over his failure atPella
with some saorificeof hia own
credit,
he denied
Ihe
obligation
with an inaulling remark, that
it was one which it did.not
belong
lo his col-
leûe's
character lo confer
:
he liltedto
display
his
eloqueocc
too well to
part
with a
subject
fur
any
one's sake,
^schmes,
with
reason,
bids
hia beaters observe the
capiicions
inconsistency,
as well as the
perfidious cunning
of his ad-
versaiy;
and we must
add that the conduct im-
puied
to Demosthenes does not
fallwithin the
range
of
ordioaiy
htunan motivas- These unprovoked
aflroBia, ofleredto
persons
on whose
fbrbeaianoe Ms
reptitatiou depended,
were not
necessary
for
any purpose
that Xaa\iiaea aa-
aigus.
Tbe most
Importanlpart
of the business
lor which Ihe
assembly
was called was lell
by
Ihe
preceding speakers
to Demoathenes. It
waa on
his motion Ihal the Macedonian
herald,
who,
it
seems,
had
accompanied
the Athenian
envoya.
was received with the usual
forms,that
a safe-conduct wai
granted
to the
eipecled
am-
baaaadora,
end that two asacmblLes were
appointed
to be beld to decide on the
proposals
of
peace
and
alliance, on two successive
days,
which,
as
they
were known to be
already
on
Uieir
road, were fixed on the
eighteenth
and
nineteenth of the
montli,leaving
an interval of
nine
or ten days,which,
itwas
supposed,
would
be sufGci"nt for the remainder of their
journey.
.fsehincs does not mentioa
any
debate as
having
arisen on the motion
;
and
yet
it seems
to have involved the
onlyquestion
on which
any
diSerencaof
opinion
remained. The
people
had
already
detennined for
peace,
and knew ibe conditions
on which
Philipinsisted;
that it must
abandon its claims to
Auphipolia,
and
recog-
*
TliiaU dtuly Ihe mHiiiDi of ib" loii, 4 U. lltljBn
îtioa to noauiil* ilwiih }M, iU,uul witB
Drmu"ib.,l""
t U
mppun
IbU in V.Jckuui'i line Ihinvirg dosbu
BhSSu.
nise the
independence
of Cardia
;
but it
probft'
blyfelt
much less interest in either of tbeee subjects
Iban in the issiieof the
atruggte
between
Thebes and Phocis.
Jealousy
nf Thebes was
alillthe
pievailiDKpolitical feelingat Athens
;
and
though
Tbebes had been
broughtvery
low
by
the
war,
it was
easy
to foresee that Ihe Pho-
cians could not hold out mucb
longer,
and
that,
if
they
should be forced to
yield,
either
Ihrough
the failureof Ibeir
resources,
or
by Philip's
intervention,
their
enemy might
not
only speedily
recover the Bteotian towns which had been
w rested from
her,
but
might acquire
a
great
addition
to her
power.
Such an event would
put
an end lo all the
hopes
whic'" Uie Athenians
never ceased lo oherish oi
regainingOropus,
would
endanger
their
possessions
in
Eubtea,
and
would leave Thebes
againpredom'nant,
and enable
her to renew her
attempts
lo establish. her
influence in
Peloponnesus.
The Puocian
cause,
therefore,was not lo be abandoned
;
the triumph
of Thebes was to be
prevented
at
any
risk
i
but it waa an
important
and
very
difficult
question,
whether the better
way
of
attaining
the
object
was to make an
open
stand in favour
of tbe Phocians in the
pendingnegotiation,
and
to
gel
them included in the
tfeaiy, or to trust lo
certain
appearances,
which were
thought
tu
por-
"
'a favourable lerraination of Ihe
contest,
orendcr allexertions of the Athenians unnecessary
in Uieir behalf. The decision of this
question
was seen to
depend on Philip's
intentions
with
regard
to tbe
contendingparties
;
but
at .Athena these were atill
onlymatter of conjecture.
If it had been known that he was not
only
hostile to the
Phocians,
but
disposei.
to
promote
the inlcrcals of
ThelKa, then,
if
peace
with him
waa
stillconsidered
desirable,
itwould
at least have been fitthat it should be accompanied
with
every
possibleprecautionagainst
the dreaded
danger.
But
if,on the
contrary,
Philip's
views coincided as to tbe main
point
with those of
Athens,
ifhe was no less
averse
to tlieextension or restoration uf the
power
of
Thebes,
then it
might
be
unnecosaary,
and even
'
litic,
to make
any
stipulations on behalf (tf
is,
and it
might
be
expedient
that her
name
should not be mentioned in the
ireaty.
At
Athens,however, Philip'sdeaigna
could
only
be matter for
very
uncertain
conjecture.
Yet there were indications, which, even if
they
had not been
interpreted by eager wishes,might
have seemed to warrant a
persuasion
that more
I to be
hoped
than to be feared froni him.
'
It
not
appear
that hia interest could be
promo-
by
Ihe
aggiandiiement
of Thebes. On the
contrary,
the same
policy
which induced
hijn,
well as Athens, notwilhatanding
her alliance
th
Sparta,
to take
part
with Messenc. would,
night
be
supposed,
lead him to
protect
the independence
of the inferior Bmotian
towns.
In
the
long
contest between Thebea and Phocis be
had
hithertokeptaloof; for,though
he bad repelled
tbe Phocians from
Thessaly,
he had done
nothing
in behalf of Thebes. The
letter,
loo,
which he had sent
by
Ihe Athenian ambaasadora
contained a
passage,
cited without contradiction
by Demoathenes,
which seemed to favour Ibese
hopes.
It
expresseda
deaire for alliance,u
well as
peace
with
Athena,
and hinted at some
important
benefit which he
designed
lo conftr
'
ir,
as soon as their amicable relationswere
130
HISTORY OF GREECE.
flnnly
cemented. Batnhetherihe
expectation
was reanoiiabte or absurd, we have sufficient
evidence that it exiHted at Athens
;
lor evi
the firal
Philippic
Demosthenes menliona
one or the
rcporta
or the
day.
And the
sequel
will be found to render it
proha.ble
that i
pains
had been taken to
impress
Ihc Athenian
ambassôrs with the eame belief
iluring
thei
stay
in Macedonia. But if such were
Philip"
intentions,
he could not
openly
declare
tbem, s
long
as it was
convenient to him to
keep
up
a.
appearance
of
friendship
with Thebes
;
and t
introduce an article into the
treat)'
which would
force him
prematurely
to disclose
them,
must
have
appeared
to those Athenians who believed
Uiey
were in the secret the
very way
to fms-
trate their own wishes.
Such seem to have been the views with which
Demosthenes himself returned from
Philip's
court,
and
bj
which he waa
governed
in all the
Btepa
which he took to hasten the conclusion of
the
treaty.
He does not venture to acknowledge
the delusion
by
which he had been misled.
paônable as it
was,
because the confession
wDold have
strengthened
his
adversary's plea;
bat his conduct can
hardly
be
explained
on
any
other
supposition.
It
appears
likewise to for-
nish a
key
to the
meaning
of several statements
in which the HtbI orators most directly
contradict
each other and Ihemselvea. ."schinea asserts
tbaitambassadors bad been sent from Ath- ens
into various
parts
of Greece to eicile the
Greeks
againstPhilip,
who had not
yet
retum-
tidwhen he and his
colleagues
reached home.
He makes it the
ground
of a
grave charge
against
Demosthenes, that
by
hia
precipitate
measures he
prevented
the
people
from
waiting
for the return of these
envoys,
and thus
deprived
it of the
advantage
which it would have
gained
if it had treated in
concert with other
states
1
he
app"8la
to a stale
paper,
the exist-
ence of which ia attested
hy
Demosthenes himself,
and which seems at first
sight
caDclnstve
evidence of the Act. The
deputies
of the states
which stilladhered to the Athenian
confederacy
were at this time assembled at Athens
; they
had
pruhably
been summoned for
purposes
connected
with the
treaty;
and, according
to Ma-
cbines,they passed
a resolution in their congress,
in which
they
mentioned that embassies
had been sent to rouse the Greeks to the defence
of their
liberty,
and had not
yet
returned
;
and recommended that when tbe ambassadors
should have
returned,
and have made their reports,
two assemblies should be held to consult
on the
proposedtreaty
with
Philip.
That such
a
congress
was
sitting,
and that it made some
proposalrelating
to the
treaty,
is admitted
by
Demosthenes,
who asserts (hat he
supported
tbe
same measure.
But he denies that
any envoys
had been
sent on the mission mentioned
by
Ma-
chines,which, as he
observes,
would have been
a
piece
of most shameless and useless Ireach-
eiy,
ifthe Athenians
were at the same lime negotiating
for
peace.
Yet in his accusation of
iGschmea one of his
chargesis,that,
after his
return from
Macedonia,be made an ofTensive
speech
in the
presence
of the
envoys
who had
been invited to Athens from various Greek
states,on his own proposal,
made before be had
sold himself to Philip,.fschines.in
answer.
challenges
him to prodnne
the name of
any
one
audi
eoTOj
who waM
present
o:
and is
willing
to stake bis cauae on tnis lacl.
On the
part
of
Demosthenes, however,
tba
seeming
contradiclton
may
be resolved into a
very
slightexaggeration.
The
envoys
of whom
he
speaks
were
probably
not the ministers of
any independent
states, but the
deputies
of the
allies of
Athens,
who were
undoubtedly
in the
city
at the time
;
so that he
mightconsistently
deny
that
any
others were
expected.
But .Ma- chines
likewise,
in the course of the sanm
speech,distinctly
contradicts the statement
which he
pretends
to
prove
by
the
proposition
of the
congress ;
for he defends himself
against
the
charge
of
political apostacy by a
plea,
which
clearlyimpliesthat,
after his
embassy
lo Pelo- ponnesus,
no farther
attempt
had been mada
to
instigate
any
Greek states
againstPhilip.*
It is also clear that he knew of but one resola-
tion of the
congress relating
to this
subject
;
but on another occasion he
gives
a
totally
different
account of its
contents, according
to
which it msde no allusion to
any past
enritas-
sies,but
simplyproposed
that
any
Greek state
might
be admitted to a share in the
treaty
which should
apply
for leave wilhia the next
three months. t Which of these is the otorB
at
report
is a
question
of little
importance
;
(he
greatdifflcully
lies in the fact that the
congress
did make one or other,or
both,
of these
propositions.
That
they
should have
proceeded
from
independentstates in alliance with
Athens,
which
might
wish as
many
others a*
possible
to be associated with Uiein in the
treaty,would, indeed,
be
easy enough
U" imder-
Btand
;
but it is not so deaT wiUi what
otgect
they
could have been made
by
the
d^mtiea
of
the
tributary allies,
who had liule
concern
in the
with
Philip,
or must have wished to see it
brooght
as soon as
possible
lo an end
;
and ir
ncaaure was not their own
spontaoeoaa
.
1 would stillremain to be
explainedbow,
and from what
motive,
it waa
suggested
to
them. We
mi^t, perhaps,
have
suspected
that
(he
design
of its authors was
merely
to invite
some of the northern maritime states " as the
Greek cities on the
Hellespont
" to take
part
in
the
treaty,
both with the view of
protecting
them from
Philip's encroachments,
and to unite
them more
closely
with Athens. But if this
hsd been the
object,some allusion to it would
probably
have been fooud in one of the orators
;
and
certainly
this was not the
subject
which
was at this time
uppermost
in the minds of the
Athenians
;
their attention
was,
we know, more
anxiously
directed to
objects
nearer home : to
the fate of Phocis and of Thebes. We
are,
therefore,
led lo conclude that the real aim of
those who Iramed the resolution of tbe
congress
was no
other than lo invite the Phocians to
share the benefits of the
treaty.
There
may
have been
many
men of all
parties
at Ath- ens
who
thought
this
cxpedien^
and it is
possible
that the
congress
waa
only employed
as
an
instrument to effect their
end,
in what
might
appear
thi" fittest
manner,
on account of tbe
ambiguuus
relation in which Athens had alood
MACEDONIAN EMBASSY. 191-
liTity
of
an ossembl]'
which wm
nsoany
verj
tnsigDiflcanl,
and which
appears
in Ihia instance
to be
moving
out of its
sphere.
If the
congreea
was on this occasion attended
b;
s
Spartar
deputy,
he
might
well think
that,(or the interests
or
Sparta,
itwas
highly
desirable to
place
FhocLS uoder the
prelection
of the
treaty ;
and
the tesolution
may
have been
adoptedon his
Whatever
may
haje been the views of Be-
mostbencs, there can be no donbt as to one
part
of his conduct " that he eierted himself atrenu-
oosly
to
promota peace,
and that he
supported
the
proposal,
which was deemed much more
questionable,
for alliance with
Philip.
Soon
after the
day
of the
assembly
in which he and
his
collcaguea
made their
report,Philip's
am-
baoaadors arrived.
They
were three of the
most eminent
among
the
maoy
able
generals
and statesmen in his service "
Aniipater,
Par-
menio,
and
Eurylochus,
It waa
not,
it
seems,
within the
legitimate
functions of
any
Athenian
magistrate
to
provide
forthe
reception
of
foreign
ambassadors. This
charge
was
usually
undertaken
by some cititcn who was connected
by
the kind of
private
alliance which has been
often mentioned with the state that sent them.
We must
suppose
that the
King
of Macedonia
had DO
proxenuB
at
Athena;
for we find that
Oemoetbenea took
upon
himself allthe ofGce'aof
envoys. They fell, indeed,on him with a c
tain
propriety,
as he was a roember of the CO
cil" it Beems the
only
one " who had been
the late
embassy
to Macedonia. The attentions
which he
paid
to them were the more
conspicuous,
because it
happened
that
they
arrived
jusl
on the eve of the
great Dionysiac
festival. It
might,indeed,
be considered incumbent on him
to
present
them to the
council,
to make the ordinary
motion
by
which
they were invited to
the Beat of honour in the
theatre,
and to conduct
and attend
upon
them there. But itseems
that even in this
respect
he did more than was
necessary
or usual
; though
we need not be-
lieve his
adversary'sassertion,
that there was
anything
so
extravagant
in his civilitiesas to
incur
publicdiaapprohation.
He
himself,
however,
did not
scruple
to avow that be entertained
them,*
and with
extraordinary magnificence.
The Macedonians
prided
themselves on the
splendour
of their
hoapilalliy;
and he
thought
it
proper,
he
says,
to show them that an Athe- nian
citizen could
display
as much
liberality
and
good
taste. But this was
probablyonly
one
of his motives
;
and it can
hardly
be doubted
that It was his
wish,by
these
signal
marks of
reaped,
to
testily
as
strongly
as he could his
anxiety
for
peace.
Of
this,indeed,
ifwe
might
believe his
adversary,t
he had
given
a still
more
strikingproof
in a motion
by
which he
proposed
the
eighthday
of the month for the
deliberation on ttie
treaty;
for this was a festival
of
jEscnlapius,
on which an
aBsemblyhad
never been held before.
The
proceedings
of the two assemblies on the
eighteenth
and nineteenth are so distorted
by
the
contradictory statements of the rival ora-
"
'EUkh.P.L., tMO. BiHndD"iKitsp|MutluCii
rE'
tors,
that it la
hardlypossible
to dhieorer tlM-
real course of the
debates,or the
precise
nalnr"
of the
questions
which were
agitated.
Each
is anxious to shift the odium of the measure
which nas
finally carried,
and of allassociation
with its author Philocraies,
from himself on
the other :
each
represents
himself as
support- ing,
and the other as
opposing,
the
proposition
of the allies. The truth
evidently
liesbetween
them, but
apparently
more on the side of ,"!e-
chines.
By
the
proposition
of the
allies,
the
treaty would,
it
seems,
have been
delayed,
either for three
months, or for an indefinite
time
;
and this was
certainlycontrary
to the
views of Demosthenes. There was room,
indeed,
to
apprehend
that soch a
delay
would afford
Philip
a
pretext
for
invading
the Cherso-
nesus,
which he had not
promised
to
spare
as
long
as it
might
suit the interests of the Athe- nians
to
keep
the
negotiation
in
suspense.
But
the
principsl question
that
arose on the terras
of the
treaty
concerned the Phociane.
Philip's
ambassadors had declared (hat he would not
permit
them or Halus to be included in it
among
the allies of Athena. Hence the orators seem
to have been divided into three
parliea
on this
Bubject.
There were
some,
it
appears,
who-
made this and the other demands of
Philip
"
as
'
the cession of
Amphipolis,
the
recognition
of
(be
independence
of Cardia " a
ground
for-
breahing
offthe
treaty.
It was
probably
to repel
their
attempts
that Machines entered into a
review of the various occasions on which
ib"-
people
had been misled
by
evil counsellor* l"-
rejectadvantageoua
ofTera of
peace,*
and that
Eubulua badethe
assembly
consider how itWB"
to
provide
for the cost of a fresh war.t But,ob
the other
hand,
Philocrates
proposed
not
only
to.
accede to all
Philip'sdemands,
bnt even expressly
to exclude the Fhocians and Haluafrom
the
treaty.
To thisextreme itis
probable
Demos- thenes
and iGschines were both
opposed: and
thus we see bow the
arguments
of each
mi^t
have a double
aspect,
which made it
easy,
witti
some colourofiruth,
to exhibit them in
opposite
lights.
Philocrates found
that,on this
point,
the sense of the
people
was
againsthim,
and he
was
obliged
to
drop
both the names.
Another
difference of
opinion
which divided those who
were in favour of
peace
arose on the
question
of alliance. Êschines
saya
that when the first
day'sassembly
broke
op,
the
generalimpression
was that a
peace
waa to be
concluded,but
that the alliance was to be declined,
and that
the
peace
was to be shared
by every
Greek
state that wished to be included in it
,
and
that the allianee was
only
carried
by
an artifice
of
Demosthenes,
who the next dsy
called
up
Antipater
before the
assembly,and,by
means
of some
preconcertedquestions, persuaded
the
people
that the
peace
could not
safely
be
separated
from the aUiance.t.
Thus both were
decreed,and,
it
appears,
on the temu dictated
by Philip.
HISTORY OF
GREECE^
A
tUotg
inliiMtion that the aSaira of Phocia
were the main
aubjects
of diacuMiao in Ibeae
debatea
ia,that
throughout
Ibem.
according
to
jfachinea,no mention was made of Ceraob-
leplea.
He had at Ihia Lime ao
representative
to
protect
hia interasta at AtbenB. But before
the
daj
came on whicb the
deputiespresent
in
the
congreaa
were to lake the oaths in ratiflca-
tioD oT"e
treaty
to the Macedonian ambasaa-
dora,one Critobulus of
Iiampaacuaappeared
or
liisbehalf
J
and,
in an
aaaembly
in which De-
moatbenes
happened
to
preside,
a motion wae
made that the
treaty
should be ratified
by
hie
envoy, together
with the oEber allies of Athens.
This
motion,
if we believe
jEschines,was carried,
thoughDemostheDes, as
long
as be
safely
could,
reaisied the wiahea of the
aaaembly
;
but
if this was the
caae.
we must
suppoae
that
Philip's
euToya
afterward refused to let Critob-
uluB take the oalb
;
for that he should have
been
preventedby
either of the orators, as eacfa
aasarted of the
other,
sounds
quite
incredible
;
and it is certain that hia name was odt annexed
to the
treaty.
It
appears
that there was
ground
for a
question
whether
Cersobleptes
was entitled to be considered as an
ally
of Ath- ena
;
and,
in
a
letter written some
yeara
aAer-
ward, Philipalleges
that the
envoy
of Cersob- leptes
was
prevented
from
taking
the oath
by
the Athenian
generals,
the board before which
the
treatywas ratified.But the
generals
could
no more than either of ibe orator* have taken
upon
them to decide such a
question, especially
against
the decree of the
ssBembly
: the
objection
must have been raised
by
the
Maceiloniana,
and, perhaps,
was reserved,by
mutual
consent,
to ba discussed in a conference wiih
Philip,
for
which itwas
expected
that an
earlyopportunity
would be
afforded,
when he
signed
the
treaty.
Demosthenes continued his
hospitable
attentions
to the Macedonian ambasaadota as
long
as
they
remained at Athens,and, on their departure,
he. not
onlyprocured
beasts for their
.journey,
but himself
accompanied
tbem a
part
of the
way
on horseback.
"
.
Within a
very
few
days
after
peace
was
de-
- creed, ifnot in the same
aasembly.an embassy
was
appointed
to
proceed
to
Philip's court, to
isceive the ratificationof the
treaty
from bim
and his alliaa. Ten ambasaadora were
again
choaen,
and
certainly
the
greater part, prob-
rablyall,weie the Mme aa bad been sent on the
first
emba""y:t Aglaocreon
also
again
accompanied
tbero,M
the
representative
of the allies.
Demosthenea afterward wished it to he he-
iieved that the debates on the
peace
had raised
such
suspicions
in his mind as to the
integrity
of his farmer
colleagues, especially
Philocraies
and
j""chiDes,
that be would have declined the
"office,
if he had act undertaken to
procure
the
release of some of the Athenian
prisoners
who
were detained in Macedonia.]'j"schines treats
(It of alltbi Mlitr
ipaakgn" i^nruAivtUHur
rv ^|i
"
XietmM
(Clu.,t m
Kji ,lfB^ta,-^ MfMtatB
"
this as an
empty pretest,
because
Philip
bad
never been used to exact ransom for his Athe- nian
prisonersduring
the war
;
and a
promise
had been
given,
in his
name,
that allshould be
released aa soon as
peace
should he concluded.
But it is clear that this related
only
to those
whom be
kept
in his own hands
i
and i^BCliiiies
biinseir admits that,
among
the iDStnicliona of
the second
embassy,
one was to
negotiate
for
the release of the
prisoners.
That Demosthe- nes,
however, was
especially charged
with tbis
commission does not
appear,*though
he affects
to consider itas the
only
husiness for which he
could
justly
be held
responsible ; and,
notwith-
slaoding
Uis vehement
obtestation,
we cannot
believe that he
accepted
his commission with
reluctance,or would
willingly
have
foregone
the
opportunity
of
watching
the
proceedings
of
his
colleagues.
Before their
departure, according
to "schi-
nes,
news arrived from
Thrace,
which
represented
the affairsof
Cersobleptes
as in an utterly
desperate
condition. It was contained in
a
despatch
from
Chares,who,
it
seems, was
still
commanding
a
squadron
near the Helles- pont.
It
was, perhaps,
not
very longbefore.
when
Philip's
intention of
invading
the dominions
of
Ceraobleplea
became known at Athens,
that the
people
had been
obliged
to send in
Bserch of Chares,
with the
singular
message,
that
they wandered,
when
Philip
was on hia
march to the Chersonesua. that
they
had not so
much as been iufornaed where their
general
and
his armament were. Chares had
probably
been
since
observingPhilip'smovements,
and the
first
intelligence
received from him
was,
that
Cersobleptes
had lost his
kingdom,
and that
Philip
had taken
possession
of the Sacred
Mountain,one of the moat importantplaces
in
it. This is the defeoce which jfâchinea
sets
up
againat
his
adversary's charge,
that Cersob-
leples
was ruined
through
his
delays.
He
wishes to
prove
that
nothing
rematned to be
savei^
in tlirace. This, however,
does
not tot-
low from the
language
of Chares, even if he
haa
reported
it
faithfully.
It seems to
imply
nothing
naore than that
Philipwa" rapidly
ad-
Tancing
towards the
conquest
of the
kingdom
;
and this is the
very
ground
on which Ueraos-
(henes
professes
to
l^ve
urged
bis
colleagues
hasten their
departure.
Even ifithad been
) late to
protectCersobleptes,
there
might
have been time to
interpose
between the con-
ir and some of the Greek towns on the
cian coast. Such seems to have been the
generalimpression
at Athens, notwithstanding,
or, perhaps,
in
consequence
of the
intelligence
;
and,on the motion of
Demosthenes,
the couq-
h lefirnd In Uk HOinJ mluay.
whieb ni Ilu
Kiuoo em
okich he cuald
wty, ft fay 'ix' tifrrif
Xlrrm
ittrfXai"iy
Ir naXj;.
Vmoigl
IPyoltg.in
, V,
SECOND EMBASSY." RATIFICATION OF THE TREATY. 123
cG,
irhich had been
empowered
to
giti
instruclions, made an order,on the Ihjrd of Ihe
BEXt month
(April),
that the
eiiToja
should depart
without
(lela;,
and that Froxeniii. who
was
stationed at Oreus,
should
oonveyUiein
~~
iQT
"]aarter
where
the?might
hear
Philip
wi
In obedience to this order
they immediatelj
proceeded
to Oreaa
; but,
inatead of
emberkiag
far Ibe
Hellespont,
whitji, DraooBthenea
saya,
ibej
coald ha"e reached in two or three
days,
tbej
first
lingered
in
Oreua,
and ^"a look
circuitous route to Maoedonia, ao as to ooi
some
ihree-Bitd-twsBly days
in the
joume;'.
When
they
arrired at Pella, Philip
had aut
yet
irurmed froni Thraoe, and
they
atillhad (o wail
nearlv a month tar him there, fschinaa
a
'
pula the waste of
time,
but
pleads
that the (
der of the cooocil did not direct them to
go
Thraoe. This
certainly
looks like
a
paltry
ev
uon,
for
they
were ordered to seek
Pbilipwher-
erer be
might
be Ibnnd
;
and the
leDgth
of the
latcrral seems to oenGrm tbe statements of
Demos'.henes as to tbe
conseqoenees
of their
nêct, or,
at least,to render it
probable
that
crerything
was not lost in Tluace before
they
Kt out from Athena.
Pbflip,
on his
return,
fbond his court crowded
with
enroTs
from all
parts
of Qreece
; among
tbe rest,
firom aU the states
prtnoipally
coneem-
ed in tbe Sacred War
;
from
Thebes, Tbessaly,
Pbocis,
and
Sparta,
It was now
uniiMsally
DoloriaMa that be was about to take
some
deci-
sire
Mep
towarda tbe tnnination of tbe eon-
tatt
;
tSitB
eyes
of allGre"ce ware
anxioosljfix-
#d
upon
his iiMTSnMnte
;
but bis
deaignswere
suil
wrapped
in
iiDpenetraUeobacnrily.
The
Athenian
ambaandora, thou^
the
expreas
object
of their misskin was
onlyto prooure
tbe
raliSeaLion of the
treaty,
and to transact some
Mber buaioeHS cf a formal
nature,
had reoelTed
yronutc
IJu inUrtttM
of
tke
lom-
y
olêr
way
at
A"u
mightJini
op-
^";
and Oie
toeaRiDg
of this oUoae
was
nifficientlj intelligible
at a time when
pqblic
allentuMi was
engrossedby
one
subject.
jEs-
ehioes,boiweTer,
lakes credit to hinuMdf for the
Mgaeity
wiHi whteh he discerned the
secret
object,
whtefa it would MM ha*e been
prodeni
to
intimate mon
dbtitiotly
in (he detaee under
which he and Ua
ooVeagnea
were to aot
j
and
in a conivreBae whieb
they
b^
together
before
tbey
weT" admitted to an andienoe,
be
repie-
seoted to them that it was their
dn^ to
plead
the canae of tbe Bootian
towns,
and to instigate
Phihp against
Thebes. We collect from
his
report
of tbe conTersation which
ensued,
that Demosthenes
[bought nathing
would be
gained by
such an
attempt,
and that it eoold
only
serve to
exasperate
the Thebans. It
was
finally agreed
that each should use his own dia-
cretion io the choice of the
topics
on
which he
addressed the
king.
At the
audience,
according
to
jEschines,
Demosthenes " not abashed
by
his
previous
misfortune "
though
confessedly
the
yoongest,
forced his
colleagues,
notwith-
staitding
the
anfriendly
terms on which he now
flood with them
all,
to allow him to
speak
first.
Bat
we could more
easily
believe the
story
of
his failure on the fi"niieroccasion than what his
adversary
relates of
Ihiai
that he excited the
ridicule of the
by-standera,
and
put
his col-
leagues
to the
btaah,by
a fulsome enameralion
of the
good
olfices be had rendered to
Philip's
ambasaadora at Athens. It
was
certainty not
for such
a
purpose
that he
demanded
the firat
turn, fschines is
probably
more faithfulin
bis
report
of his
own
speech.
It
turned,
it
seems, oa tbe
history
of the
temple
of
Delphi,
and the
Amphictyonic league,
and its
object
was to coavince
Philip
that
by
the destruction
of
TbespiK
and Platsa the Thebans bad violated
the fundamental laws of the
league,
and had
broken the oath which had been handed down
from tbe times of
AtniAictyon
or Acrisius for
tbe
security
of the
Amphiciyooic
cities
against
each other's hostile violence. He
acknowledged
that tbe war with Pbocis
was
just
and
pious
-,
that the
Au^hictyonic
council
ought
to be reinstated
in its ancisnt
authority,
and the authors
of the
sacrilege
" the
guiltyindividuals, not the
state,
if it aurrendered them to
justice"
to be
punished
-,
and he exhorted
Philip
not to sane-
tkin the
injustice
of the
Thebans,whom, moreover,
he
seems to have
charged
with
a design
of
selling
the aacred treasure for themselves.
Excellent
arguments,
no doubt,
for the
purpose
ofenlighteoing Philip's conscience,
but so wide
of
every other,
that when we remember
Ihejr
were
addressed to the
conqueror
of .Methane
and
Olynthus,
the orator's
simplicity
ia almost
e'uDU^ to awaken
a
doubt about hia
bonesty.
For tbe
more
private
scenes which
passed
during
the
embassy's slay
at
Philip's court, ve
oan stilliesa
rely
on the statements of either
orator. DemosibencB accuses
his
colleagues,
especially j"schinea,
of
bribery,
and a treasonable
clandestine
correapondcnce
with
PhUip;
but he
seems to admit that the
chargo
rests
mainlyon
his conBlruction of their sulêquent
conduct.
Philip
did not
ratify
the
treaty
at
Pella,
but induced the Athenian ambassadora
to
ac""mpany
him on his inarch
through
Tbes- saly
as
far
as
Phers. The
pretext
which he
alleged
lor this
delaywas,
that be desired their
mediation between the Pharaalians aikd Halus
;
but his motive
seema
clearly
to have been that
which DemoaUienea
assigns
;
be did not wish
tbam to retom to Athens before he was
ready
to invade Fhocis.* The
place
in which he at
lengthaigaed
the
treaty was, according
to De-
nuMtbenes,one imt at all
proper
for such a solemnity,
but
lavouratde, peihaps,
to his
object
;
acommoninnatPhene.
Here,
it
seems,
he de-
nunded that the Phocians and Halus should be
expressly
excluded from the
treaty ;
and De- mosthenes
says
that his
colleagues
consented
"
nioLcraBtvd Uj
ijpuoae
the
pnrpoH
of lb*
pnpumtiao.'*
Thii
ijDoniicBivoDld indoed bp
ifurpTULng
id tu Athui-
"q",
liriH .EKhJnei isformi ni (Clci, t 631 UiU Domo^
1 warn Ihrin thu
Philip'iuiibuailDn
DvicEJitbaiut f"prt"nU
hii collDDnH
u 4]1 id Philip*!
ia-
terefl;
ud irilll
nûil
to
himself,
he
ttipjilne
Iidw he
"u preTiDbid
fKtffl
eending
lioou
infDnDition,
ddIvh be
h"d cbotan Lo coBvar
ii in
"
Hpumte deifitcch.(F. L.,S
IM.} Wb/
be ehsnfd not h"" niiliinid to taka thU
etep
WW DTDbablyDDt
jet
aware rf Ihe object
of
Philip"!oipedi-
lioa liiveelf; and
thie,
net the actual
pnparmiion,
waa
what
Philipd!!lnd Id tHpiacnI.
Bat on the "oe of kie
"
there iaat leaal H ahanrdilT.
194
HISTORY OP GREECE.
to
accept
the rBtifieation in thta fonn
;
and that
thia was Ihe Tact which Snt roused his
Bnapi'
ciaiiB that
the;
were
.lending
themselvea to
PbiJip
to accomplish
the rain of Phocia,* Phtl'
ip,however,
had Irom tliefirst declared
by
bis
ambassador? that he did not mean to treat with
the Phocians
jt
and
perhaps
he was forced,by
the remonstrances of the Thebana and the Thes-
saliana,
to inaiat
upon
this correction or the
treaty, though
it aeenia
hardly
credible that
the Athenian ambasBadora should have yenlu-
Tcd 10
permit
it
;
so that this Tact did not much
alter the
previotis
slate of
things,
and could
not
be considered as a decisive indication of his de-
ugns.
It is
probable,therefore,
that the
auspi-
ciona of Demosthenes were stillbut
feebly
excited.
He
says,
indeed, that be
proposed a
draught
of a letter to Che
people,
which hta colleagues
rejected,
and that
they
sent another in.
"tead.ftiU
of delusive
representations.
But wf
neither hear what were the contents of his letter,
nor
why
he did not send one
privately
on
Ma own behalf to communtcate his donbta and
fears. He also asserts thai he wished to leave
his
colleagnea,
and to return home
by himself,
and that he had hired a veaael for this
purpose,
bat was oat snflered to embai^
-,
bat
any
one
wbo is familiar with the manner
of the Attic
orators will be inclined to
suspect
that this
may
have been
only
a
strongway
of
eipressing
the fact
that,
after the ratification of the
treaty,
he endeavoured as much as he could to hasten
the
departure
of the
embassy,
and
perhaps
threatened to return alone. We do not know
how
long
it remained at Fhene after
transacted its business
;
but it set (
Athena, where it arrived on the 10th of
June,
about the
same time that
PhUip began
towards
Thennopyla'.
The crisis was near at hand
; yet
Demosthe- nes
contends that there was still time left to
avert it,
if the Athenians and their allieshad not
been blinded to the
dangerby
the
perfidious
arts
of i"schioes. If the Phocians had united their
forces with those of Athena to resist
Philip's
progress,
be would
probably
have been
compelled
to abandon his
attempt ;
hut even an Athe- nian
armament, not
supportedby
the
Phocians,
might
at least have
opposed
a formidable obata-
cle to his
passage.
He
had, however,
taken
e himself
on both
sides,
and
time,to lullthe Athe-
o allure Ihe Phocians
Into submission. The result is much clearer
than the machinations
by
which it was accomplished
: yet,
with
respect
to Athens, even these
are so
plainly
disclosed
by
the concurrent testimony
of the two rival
orators,
that there can be
littledoubt
as to their
general
nature.
The
eavoya,
on their
return, made their re-
enu
nit wipl
ii)s tiftrVS, juititi imt
in^rSllm rsfif
maDLiiB 11"
thuqghbyacojCoRuiarDrtlw
k^
Jwnwtf--cmii
h"f t bean Iha vffiict of "iiitpl" carplcHiwH dt cpfhonpat
i^-
that tha inUnat at Ihfl
Phoc^jia
na tuUlJyniiprofidodfor
iniae
IraaLywilhUicedonia, ahd tbia h" iiuIIGaa
""
far
u
U now that h" imoaUii
nu lU eHS b" "acldiin
aa lliat
aflcoau^ aioia j.
uj
ts"
(I",l(î|ti
ic "u
lar;
wall to bi
1 DamiMh., F. 1_. t
MS, .f'.tr.^f.tiM"
wfMm ilWtti-
port,
as on the former
occasion,
firstto the
coui-
cil and then to the
assembly.
The couticil-
ohamber.
Demosthenes
says,
was
thronged
u ith
spectators ;* perhaps
an unusual indication of
the
publicanxiety;
and he took this earlical
opportunity
of
protesting against
the conduct of
bis
colleagues
;
and,
as be obtained a
patient
heanng,
his
chargesproduced
such an effect
on
the
council,that it withheld Ihe vote of
tbanLs,
and the invitation to the
publictable,
with which
every embassy
on its retarn was
usually
honoured.
The
assembly
was held on the thirteenth
i
and here Jllschinea
was heard first
The
only
diflerence between him and his adversary,
as to the aubslance of his
speech,
relates
to s
point
of
very alight importance, They
perfectly agree
aa to the main foct
:
that allhe
said was
adapted
to raiaa
azpectations
in the
minds of the
people,
whidi
proved completely
fallacious. DemostbeneB assert* that
.Machi- nes
professed
to be
thoroughlyacquainted
with
Philip'sdesigns,
and assured the
people
that
they mightssifely
remain
quiet,
and that wittun a
few
days they
wonld have news
exactly
to their
wish
: TbespiK
and PlatK were to be restored
;
Thebes to be
humbled, deprived
of her sovereignty
over BiEotia,
and even to be called to ac-
connt for the
designsimputed
to her
on the
Delphictemple.
The
Euboeans, too, as he had
learned from one of their ambassadora
at the
court of
Macedonia, were aware thai
Philip
meant to
give
up
their island to Athens as a
satisfiictionfor
Amphipolis.
Not were the benefits
whidi
they were to
expect
from him to
end here : there was still another in
reserve,
which the orator had laboured to obtain for
them,
bnt which he would not
yet
mentionâ
hint,
which no one oould
mistake,at the recovery
of
Ononis. According
to his own account,
i"sînes had
given
no
pledges,
had held out
no
pnnnisea,
bnt bad
simply
related what he
had said
himself,
and what he heard tram others
on his
embassy ;
he had
thought
it hia
duty
to
inform the
people
of all the
reporta
which were
current
among
the Greeks on a
subject
which
BO
deeply
interested Athens. t But in another
pyt
of the same
apeetdi
he tests his defence
on a
very
difisrenC
ground.
He aska
whether,
at Ihe time when he is accused oT
deceiving
the
people,
all Greece was not under the same er-
Torl whether it
was not notonoua that the
Spar-
minister* at the Macedonian court were
confident and
threatening,
the Thebana
deject-
ed and alarmed 1 whether Ihe Thessaliana did
exultingly proclaim
that
Philip's expedition
I nndertaken
only
on their account 1 whetb-
tome
of
Philip's
chief courtiers had not expressly
declared to some of the Athenian am-
the Bteotian cities T and whether itwas not the
universal
expectation
at Athens that he would
humble Thebes 7 That it
was, appeare
certain
;
but another
question
is,
whether it was not
by
vGschines himself that it had been so
widely
ditfused ?
PhJhp
himself was
clearly
much
guarded;
the letter which he sent with
ivoya
on this occasion
was, accordingto
Demosthenes, less
encouraging
than the Ibr-
"
IHT.
t F. L,.ilM, \m.)^tur .
THIRD EMBASSY TO PHILIP." PHAL^CUS. IQS
Taer one. It contained an
apology
(br the da- isy
of the
embassy's return, which he took
upon
hjmself
;
threw oat a hint about the
prisonera,
leading
to
depreciate
Ihe merit of the aerricea
rendered to them
by Demoatbenea,*
and
gare
the moat
obliging
aaaurancea of
good-will,
but
ip
language
which
evidently
meant
Dothiag.
Yet. in Ihe mood which .j^hines had
inspired,
Ecen sncb
professions might
seem to oonfino
bs
report.
Demosthenes
says
that he endeiv-
oored ID vain to awaketi a more aober and caa-
tmos
spirit;
he was heard with
impatience
irhen he declared that he knew
nothing
"boat
the Imth of the
report
made
by
his
colleagues ;
bnt when he addsd that he did
not believe
it,
hia Toice was drowned
by popolarclamoor,
vhich,
aided
by
the taunts of
Machines,
and
the
jests
of
Philocrates,
who said it was no
minder that be and a water-drinker were not
of the same
way
of
thinlcing,
reduced him to silence
;
and the maoiter in whic^ âcbinea
mceiH this assertion cooGnna rather than dia-
proteo
It. The
prospect*
which had been ei-
tijb^tedwere too
dating to bo
readily
exchan-
fEd
for a
reality
very
unwelcome in
itself,
and
imposing
the
neceaaity
of immediate
vigorous
exertion. The
people
rested
complacently
on
ita
tiopes.
The interests of the Fhocians were
sn
object
of subordinate
importance
; provided
Thebes was not exalted
by
their
fall, they might
aalely
be abandoned to
Philip's justice
and
gen-
crosiif.
A decree was carried,on the motion
of
PhUocrates,
in which
Philip
waa
praised
and
thanked,
and the
peace
and alliance were ex-
iF-nded to hia anccesaora
;
and it
was
declared
iliai, unless the PhDoiaaa consented to deliver
up
the
temple
to ita
rightful gnardiana,
the Am-
phictyooa,
Atbens herself would lend her aid to
compel
them. Another
embassy
was immediately
appointed
to
present
this decree to Phil- ip,
and,
it
seems,
to attend the conned of the
.Ymphictyons,which,
it was
expected,
would
afaorlly
be convened to deliberate
on the aSaira
of Phocis. ^BChinea and Demoalhenes
were
both nominated as ambaaaadora
;
but Demos-
ibenes
solemnly
declined the
commission, on a
p(ea
confirmed
b;
his
oath,
as the law ia
nugh
cases
required, .fschines, according
to his
imn
account,
had returned in illhealth from
the second
embassy,and, Chough
he did not decline
the new office,waa unable to set out immediately,
and obtained leave to
stay
behind.
His
adversary
treats this
as a mere
pretext;
and it seems probablethat,
ifDemostheaes had
fooe,
he would not have
stayedat home.
Thus, then, Philip'sabject
was
completely
atiained at
Athens,
and the Phoclans were de-
pnved
of the aid of their nearest end most
powerful
ally.
How tar their deliberations were
Bvayed,
or
their fate
determined,by
these
pro.
rêdings
of the Athenian
assembly,
is still a
ilaiibtful
question,
on which we cannot come to
my
satisfactory
conclusion, because
we are not
nfficienlly acquainted
with tbe state of
parties
in
Phocis,
or with the situation of Phaliecus,
ll suited the
purpose
of Demoathenea to take
BO notice of
him,
but to
represent
allthat he did
B the act of tbe Phoclaa
people,
and aa the ef-
Eactof the
treachery
of iEschines and Ibe ere-
bukdcntsaa haw
XoaiOii (F.L.."
tilalvjitiijiTov
I),
niuirinittfl
dutity
of the Athenians, ^schines contends
that,
before his firat
embassy,
Phalacus had
manifeated his diatrast of
Atbens,
and hia inclination
to
place
confidence in
Philip
;
and the
first
part
of this
assertion,as we have
seen,
was
certainly
true
;
but that he waa at first
iiu"Te
disposed
to trust
Philip
is not so
ctesr.
It
seenu,
indeed, that while
Philip
was on his
marcli towatds
Thermopytv,
the Phociana were
joinedby
a Lacediemnnian
army
commanded
bj
King
Archidamus. Diodorus
aays
that
they
had
sent for these suocoura
;
which
might
be naturally
conjectured,
but is rendered
very
doubtful
by
Ihe
sequel,
A hint of Demoethenea* inclinea us
to believe
that,
when
Philipwas
known to be
preparing
an
expedition to Phocis,
Ihe
Spartans
sent this force either on a secret
understanding
with
him. or on the
strength
of the asanrances
which
they
received of his favoutahle intentions
from their ambassadors at Pella. When
Philip
drew
near,
Archidamus "
possibly
with an honourable
purpose
of
making
the best terms for
the Phociana"
proposed
to Phalecus to
garrison
the frontier towns which commanded tbe
pass
of
TbermopylK.
But Ptaaltecus did not
find bis account in a
plan
which would have deprived
him of the means of
bargaining
for himself;
and it seems that he
rejected
the ofl^
with a
taunting admonitioo,
that it would he
better to look to the
dangers
which threatened
Sparta
at home than to concern himself about
those of Phocia.f
Archidamus,
eiUier conceiv- ing
some
suspicion
of
treachery,
or
seeing
no
prospect
of
serving
tbe
Phocians, withdrew.t
Neveriheless, wa cannot but
suppose
that Pha-
Iraius wished to remain in his
country,
and
to
retain his
dignity,
and that be would not have
rejectedany
aid for this
purpose
which did not
endanger
his
independence.
But when he saw
Philipadvancing,
with the avowed intention of
putting
an end to the
war,
and
reatoring
the
authority
of the
Amphictyon council,
il became
necessary
for him to make hia choice. It
may,
indeed.be
doubted
whether,
ifhe had been sure
of
support
both from
Sparta
and
Athens,
and
bad not been conscious that he had
personallj
alienated both
atalea,
he would have ventured
to
defy
the
power
of
Afacedouia,though
it
appears
that,
after his
restoration,
he had carried
rJvBir(inylnnwj:*l""ti^"* *"'"!(: "hich bu Ikh
:i"iiRnuiil lElo u
ixTilUiDn to Uh
Sputuu Is Ukt Ih
'tad in lelUing
lAi Sacrti War.
t iwtitointTtfabj^ tJ
Tvi "ird0Tit( JeivAZaiiiitai. ul ah
yi. C"l. Reg.) ns' linirc.(jKf h.,D" F. L
,
t 140.:
""
Df
Wcfike'i tdaioiiili"l,J}t M^prfiola,ii
PhtlMQB ("!
Tiipam
If tn
t MTJ
IbjUt a(
i,i,i"i
)"
I
Bpncll, llioogb.XiehliiH,!)*
1 that Ihe ifiirtook pin torn
ii|ip"iiDttd on llH Gnt
HiibHir
to Pbilip. Bu
ptutoblv uiDpL"d to
sp^j
to
Sputa
vrbml b* had
Ted wiik
IBfard
to Alhaol
;
ud itisHd cIht that
litioiiof
AnhiduDV^
t mmfi. Da F. L, apunotlf with tho
186 HISTORY OF GREECK.
on the war m haatii vith uoabated sncceu.
But if be had wavered before,the
proceedings
at Athens aller the Becond
.
erabaas}.as ihey
proved
that he had
nothiag
to
hope
for trom
that
quarter,
nmst have decided him. It was
DOW evident that hie
only
chance of
safetylay
in
timelj
aubmiaaion
;
and even a
purely patn-
otic
feeling might
have deterred htm from
pro-
longing
a uaelera contest. He had
envoys, or,
at
leaet,couriera^
at Athens on the thirteenth
of June, from whom he received
eariy
iDtelli-
gence
of all that took
place
in the
assemhly
on
that
day.
It need not be
sapposed
that he bad
been in
BaBpense np
to that
moment; but tbe
aocMuntB he heard, while
they
satiaGed bia own
mind,
enabled bim to
quiet
the donbta and sbtu-
piea
of
others,
and
perhapa
for the moment to
Tsooncile the
great bndy
of the
people
to the
step
he was aOout to take. He had no doubt
been for Bome time in
negotiation
with
Philip,
and the final
compact
was soon adjosted.
Pha-
Ibcds
was
permitted
to retire with his
troops,
and led SOOO aiercenariea
away
with htm to
seek hia fbrlunee in
Peloponnesus.
He afterward
cTDMed over into
Crete,where,
after several
vicissitudes,
he was killed while
besieging
Cydonia,at some
believed,by
fire which fell
{torn beaven
; according
to other
aceountB, by
one of his owneoldiera.
Philip
took
possession
of
Alponns, Thronium,
and
Nicfea,
and advanced
without
delay
into the heart of Phocis. No
conditions,
it
seems,
had been made on behalf
of the Phocians
;
and
on the
approach
of the
Macedonian
anny.
which was now re-enforced
with Thesaalian and Theban
troops,
most of
the towns surrendered at discretion. There
were,
however, some which,
either irritated
by
the
presence
of their inveterate enemies as
Philip'saliiea,or
instigatedby
some leading
men.
who
may
have had
privategrounds
of
alarm in the consciousness of their
past
conduct,
made a fruitleaa
attempt
at resistance.
They
were taken
by storm,
and nted M the
ground,
and the inhabitants were reduced to
slavery. Philip
himself avows this
proceeding;
and as it was not more
rigoraus
than his treatment
of other
places,
which
gave
him no
greater
provocation,
there is no reason to attribute
It to the influence of the Tbebans or Thessali-
ane. He then
proceededto take
posaession
of
Delphi,
and convened a council of the
Amphic-
lyons,
to sit in
judgment
on those who had incurred
the
guilt
of
sacrilege.
The
tidings
of those
events, which were successively
brought
to
Athena,
roused the
people
from a
pleasing
dream to s bitter
feeling
of disappointment,
fear,
and resentment. It
aecms
that,before
they
learned the decisive
blow,they
received a letter from
Philip,
in which he invited
them to
join
their forces with his. De- mosthenes,
indeed, speaks
of two such letters;
and
pertiaps
that which was
broughtby
the second
embassy
contained such an invitation.
But if
so,
it
appears
from jEschines that
it most have been
repeated
after the
treaty
with
Phalvcus. .fscbines contends
that,
if the
Athenians had
complied
with
it,they might
have counteracted the control which the The-
bans and Tbessaliana exerted over
Pbihp,
and
have enabled him to fulSl the intentions which
"
DunoHbinu caUi thwD
tfiaSus, .^Khinai te-imi-
he bad
intimated,
and
really
entertained
;
bat
that Demosthenes and his
party
excited " sds-
picion
that he meant to aeize the Athenian
troops
as
hostages.*
On lbs other
hand,
De- mosthenes
profeases
to believe
that,even after
Philip
had
penetratedthrough Thermopylie,a
vigorous
elibn
on the
part
of Athens
mieht
have
encouraged
the Phocians to resist him,
and have enabled them to sustain his attacks
until
scarcity
of
provisions,
in a
country
which
had so
long
been the theatre of a
vrasting
war,
would have forced him to retreat.t We
can
hardly
decide which
supposition
is the more
improbable;
but it seems clear that IJie course
which the Athenians
adopted
was the moat unwise
that could have been
suggested
to Ihem.
They
received the first
intelligence,
if not of
Philip's
convention with
Phaiiwius,
at least of
his
hiostUe
inarch
throughPhocia,fr6m
Dercy-
Ifls, one of the
envoys,
who had
proceeded un
their
way
to the Macedonian
camp
aa far as
Chalcis. in
Eubcea,
where
they
heard the
newe,
which seemed to render it
necessary
that
they
should obtain farther instmctione from home.
Dercylus
aeema to have been sent
forward,
and
reaching
Athena on the
twenty-fourth,
found the
people
In
assembly
on aome business
concerning
the arsenal in Pirnns. He
reported,
perhaps
with
some
exaggeration,
the accounts
he had
heard, which seemed to indicate
that
Philip
had declared himself
unreservedly
on the aide of Thebes
i
and it is
probable that
he now made no secret of his intentions aa to
the Bieottan
towns,
if he did not, in the coiirse
of bis
march, compel
aome of them to admit
Theban
garrisons.Still,
if we
may relyon the
narrative of
jEachines,
the newa did not seem
so certain or so decisive as to call for an immediate
demonstration of
poblicfeeling,
or even
to
prevent
the
embassy
from
renewing
its
journey
to attend the council of
Amphictyons ;
and
jEschtnes,having
now recovered his
strength,
did not shrink from the
duly
of
accompanying
them, though
it
compelled
him to witness the
extinction of all the
hopes
which he had. at
least,helped
to raise as to the issue of the war.
Alêr their
departure,
it seems that either the
first
tidings
were conlinned,or new and
more
alarmingreports
received
;
for the
peoplewas
induced to manifest its
grief
and consternation
decree,
which directed all the
preparations
usually
made when a hostile
army
was about to
invade Attica. It ordered the fortresses on the
frontier to be
put
in a state of
defence,
the (br-
tilications of Piratus to be
repaired;
women and
children,
and moveable
property,
to be
brought
within the walls
-,
and that a festival of Hercu-
,
which
usually
took
place
in the
country,
should be celebrated in the
city.
This measure
as no doubt less an effbct of a real
panic
than
burst of
ill-humour,
which it would have been
iser to
suppress.
It aflbrded
Philip
occasion
for
expostulation,
which muat
havf
inflamed the
people'sanger
the
more,
as it admitted of no
-epiy.
He addressed another letter to thein. in
which he
calmlyappriied
thera of the manner
:n which he had
occupiedPhocis,
and the
punishment
he had inflicted on the towns whicli
resisted hitn. He bad heard that
Ihey were
noucli,
b
.
The Kug
mnib.
DOOM OF PHOCIS." ADVANTAGES GAINED BY PHILIP. 137
preparing
to Bocconr the
Phooians,
and wrote
that
the? might spare
tbemselTes bo useless a
labour. It was
hardi;right, just
alter
they
had
made
peace,
lo
go
forth to bailie,especially
as the Phocians were not
comprehended
in Ihe
treai;;
so that all
ihej
would
gain by
their interference
would be the abune of an
unavailing
(ggreNuon.
It aeema
Tory improbable
that
Philip
or his
allies sbouh) have waited Tor the
ordinHiy
time
of an
Amphtctyonicmeeting,
which would not
haic anived before the
auiumn, to
accomplish
theirseTcral ends, TheThebans and Thessa-
lianawere
burning
for
reienge
on the Phocians
;
and
Philip
had an
object
in view,
for the sake
of which he was
willing
to
gratify
their wishes.
The
AnlphictyDnic council,
reinstated in its ancient
aathority
with a force such as it never
belbre had at ita command to execute its decrees.
Grat deliberated on the
penalty
due to tha
impiety
of the Fbociana. Tbe atatea which it
represented
oa this occaaion were all,except
AiheoB,
bitter enemiee of the
conqueredpeople.
But il is remarkable that
among
them all none
exhibited saeh Tiirient
animowty
as the tribes of
Mooot (Eta. Their
deputies, according
to jEs-
diioes,proposed
to inflid the extreme
pnniah-
oteat
of
sacrilê
"
precipitation
from the rock
"on tbe nh"rie adult male
population,
at least
of
some
Phocian towns. .iKschines claims the
merit of
having Buccessfally
inleroededta avert
this
bbiodjsentence,
which
probably
never entered
into tbe minda
ofany
of tbe
leading
meni-
bcrs of the council,
and would not have been
sanctioned
by Philip.
Heir hatred was eatia-
ntd witb a milder
doom, which, as far as was
p""sible,
erased Ihe name of Pbocia from the
Li-tof Greek
states,
and crashed its
independ-
nnce forever. All the Phocian cities
except
Xbm. iweoty-two
in number, were condemned
to he levelled with the
ground,
and tlie
population
to be
dispersed
in
villages
at a certain dis-
tjnce
from each
other,
and none
containing
More than
Gttydwellings.They
were to
pay
a
"early
tribute of
sixty
talents to the
temple
of
LN'lphi,
uMil
they
should have restored the
Ahole amount of the
plunderedtreasure, which
nas estimated " and there was no one to contra)
this valuation " at 10,000 talents,and in Ihe
ntean while
they
were not allowed lo
possess
irma or horses
;
the
persons
who had taken
:lie
principalpart
in the
spoliation
of the
temple.
"iniiwho bad fled Iha
country,
were to be
pur-
.ued and
brought
to
juatice.Finally,
the Pho-
'
ana were
deprived
of all access to the
temple
M of their seat in the
Ampbictyonic
council
;
ind the two votes which
they
had
possessed
wi-'re
tt^DSferred to the
King
of Macedonia and
",i aacixBaon. Sparta
was also
deprived
of
:i'-r share in the
Amphictyonicprivileges
of the
iiiman race.* The hotkour of
presiding
at the
IMhiaa Games was henceforth to be shared
^y Philip
with the Thebans and Tbessaliana.t
Thus, then, Philip
had attained an end which
Ki'h"d
pnibably
been
longsJmingat,
but which
"a" nevertheless of such a nature that it was
not
easy
lor
any
one
else to divine it
;
and this
"a^ the
great
advantage
which contributed
vii)ii"lr|Huaitlni Kl Ihg PjlhJim Uamn
more, perhaps,
than
any
other to his snoceas.
He had littleneed of
any deeper
artifices than
silence and
patience.
While he
kept
aloof
from the chief scene of
action, which
secretly
engaged
the
largest
share of bis atlentioniand
extended his
power
in other
quarters,
ajid suffered
the Greeks to form their
conjeotnree
on
hia
designs,
with
perhaps
no more
encoarago-
ment than a few hints
droppedby
his
generals
and
miniaters,the course of events was
quietly
working
in his favour, and
put
biro in
possession
of all that he desired almost without a
struggle.
Perhaps
he
might
hare
preferred,
if be bad
been
able,to
recognise
the
independence
of the
BiEotlan towns
;
but the
good-will
of Thebes
waa at this
Juncture
more
important
to him
than that of
Athens,
and he could stillwait stmI
be silent. And hence we are led tn doobt
whether, in this transaction,tkc resorted to the
arts of
comtption
which Demosthenes
imputes
to him,
as,
on
the other hand, we see
nothing
clearlyproved
in the conduct of .^schines
up
to this
point
that affbrda a fair
ground
for the
charge
of treasonable oollusion with
Philip.
That he consented,
under such cireumstanoes
as we have mentioned, to
go
on the third
embassy
;
that he
accepted grants
of land from
Philip:*
that henceforth his tone and conduct
with
respect
to Macedonia became so different
from what
they
had been at the time of his
mission into
Peloponnesus
: these
may
aeem to
be
facts,which, coupledtogethar, tsatity atrong-
lyagainst
him
;
and
theydo,indeed, raise suspicions
of his
integrity
which can never be
wholly
removed. But itwould be
unjuat
not to-
observe that tbe
period
was now
approaching,
when
upright
men
might
more and more doubt
the
expediency
of a contest with Macedonia
;
and that il was
peculiarly
difficultfbr a
personal
enemy
of Demosthenes not to feel some
pre-
posaession
for
Philip,
The
object
which
Philip
had
accompliahed
was
important
to him in several
points
of view.
The honour of a seat in the
Amphictyoniccoun-
cil,though
conferred on the
king,
reflected
upon
his
people
: il was
equivnlent
to an act of nat- uralization,
which
wiped
olf the stain of its
semi-barbarian
origin
; tbe Macedonians
might
lienceforward be considered as Grepks. He
probably
also reckoned that it would afford him
pretexts,
occasions, (acilities, for interference,
as
often
as
he
might
desire
it,
in Ihe affairs of
Greece. It
was,
likewise,a
step
towards a
higher object,
which
now,
at least,
stood distinctly
before his
view, as the mark towards
which all his future
enterprises
were to be directed.
He had now a clear
praspecl
that,
at
no
very
distant lime, he should be able to
begin
his meditated attack on the Persian
empire
in.
the name of
Greece,
and wilh all the advan-
tagea
that were to be derived from the consent,
whether real or
apparent,
of the nation. This
prejfct,
which he had
probablylongharbonredF
hadbeenrecentlypresenlecl tohiamindby
Isoc-
rates,
in a
pamphlet
written
dnring
the interval
between the conclusion of the
peace
with
Athens and the end of the Sacred War,
and
addressed lo him in tbe form of an oration,exhorting
him first to
interpose
his
authority
to
HISTORY OF GREECE.
'bring
alMnit a geaera] pacilicatian
in
Greece,
irfaidl would riMlaw as soon aa he had healed
the breachea that
separated
the
leadingstatea.
Thebes and Athens.
Sparta
and
Argoa,
from
one another;
and then to
place
himself at ilie
head of the national
confederacy
for the inva-
"ion of Persia. This national war with Persia
was Ibe
greatthought
whirb haunted Isocrates
almost aU bia
life, thoughperhaps
he took it
up
at first
merely
as a theme for a rhetorical exercise.*
In it he saw the
onlyremedy
for all
tbe evila that afflicted Greece
: a bond of union
between the ambitious rlTala whose discord had
hitherto wasted her
strength
" a channel
by
which the hosts of restless adventurers who
preyed
upon
her resources
might
be drawn off
to more
alluring
fields,
and the
needy
citizens,
whose
poverty
rendered tbem the
resd"
tools
of
political intrigues,
to
foreignsettlements,
where
they
would find an
ample
and secure
prorision,
and
through
which a
portion
of the
-wealth of the East
might
flow into Greece. He
had recommended his
)m)ject
to
public
notice
-on various
very
different occasions. While
Spartawas at the
height
of ber
power,
and, by
the huiniliatlnn of
Olynthus.
was
breaking
down
-one of the barriers which she would sflerward
fladly
have seen
standing
between her and
[acedonia,Isocrates.in an oration
professedly
-designed
to be recited before the
spectators
as-
aembled at the national
games, urged
the ex-
)"edience
of a coalition between
Sparta
and
Athens for a war with Persia.
Again,
aAer
Sparta
had been reduced to the lowest
stage
of
weakness,
when Archidamus had mounted the
tiirone.the rhetorician seems to bave
persuaded
himself,
and
attempted
to
persuade
the
Spar- tan
king,
that the
enterprise
of
pacifying
Greece
and
conquering
Persia did not exceed his means.
But when
Philip's
successes had turned the
eyes
of ali Greece towards
him, Isocrates.too.
could not doubt that this was the hero destined
to execute his favourite
plan.
As
long,
how-
'ever,
as the war lasted betweeo Athens and
Macedonia it would have been
useless,
perhaps,hardlysafe,to
propose
it. The
peace
encouraged
him to
speak
out.
The rhetorician
laysgreat
stress on
Philip's
pretended
descent from
Hercules,as a motive
both
for his
good
offices in behalf of tbe four
states
which in various
ways
had been so close.
Ij
connected with his divine
ancestor, and for
an
ondertaking
in which he would be
emulating
tbe
glory
of that
mightyconqueror.
And Phil- ip,
though
he could not be touched
by
the
argument,
may
not have been insensible to the flattery
implied
in it. But we can belter understand
the force of his
appeal
to
history,
when
be
encourages
Philipby
the
enamples
of
Jason,
Agesilaas,
and the Ten Thousand.
Perhaps,
however, the most remarkable
passage
in the
-whole is one in which he alludes to certain
atispicions
which were current, he
says, among
the
maliipant
or credulous,as to
Philip's
intentions.
There
were
persons,
it
seems,
lovers
"f trouble and
confusion,
who affected to believe,
and others so aenselPss as to be
persuaded
In them, that the
growth
of
Philip's p"wer
was dangerous
to Greece
;
that his
object
wss
to set the Greek states at variance wHb each
other,
in order to reduce thcin allto
aubjection ;
as,
for instance, that he
professed
1o side with
tbe Messenians
againstSparta,
to make himself
master of
Peloponnesus.
laocratea would
hardly
have
deigned
to notice theEC absurd suspicions,
which
Philiphimself,
in his conscions-
ness of the
puritj
of his intentions,might
be
inclined to
despise,
if
they
had not been ao
widelyspreadamong
the multitude
by
the arts
of the
deaigning.
But the
plan
which he has
suggested
of
uniting
Greece and
conquering
Persia is the surest
way
to refnte such calom-
It cannot be doubted that he was
perfectly
in
earnest,
and that he
eipressed
all that he
thought,though
his infatuation
may
seem hardly
credible,
and it is not
easy
to find a
parallel
that would
completely
illustrate its extrava- gance.
The Italian cities in the Middle
Ages
had reason to
rejoice
when an
emperor
who
threatened their liberties could be forced to
embark in a crusade, because it was known
that Buch an
expedition
was
likely
to weaken
his
power.
But
they
would have
suspected
the
sanity
of a citizen who should bave advised
tbem to combine their forces to
put
the Ger- man
emperor
in
possession
of the Greek empire,
as we should that of a modern
politician
who should
propose
a
confederacyamong
tbe
European
states to aid Russia in the
conquest
of
Turkey. Persia,
and India. Isocrates unquestionably
beUeved that
Philip
was sure of
success in the
enterprise
he recommended,
and
that,
when h"-had made himself master of
Asia,
he would stillbe a safe
neighbour
to the Greeks,
and would look
upon
himaelf
only
as llie
general
of their confederate
army.
Nor can it be
said that he
only
erred
through
excessive
confidence
in
Philip's generosity,
for this could
imt
ensure the moderation of his successors. Per- haps
tbe best excuse that can be off'eredfor the
rhetorician
is,
that he could not conceive the
thought
of Greece
subject
to a
foreignmaster.
The
Amphictyonic
decree
relatii^
to Phocis
appears
to have been soon carried into execution,
so far aa was deemed
necessary.
But
ê
may collect, even from Demosthenes,*
that the
condemned cities were not
totally
razed to the
ground,
but
only
their fortificationsdismantled
;
and,possibly,
a small remnant of the
population
was left in each.
According
to Demosthenes.
Thebes was
permitted
to add a
pajl
of Phocis
to her
territory
;
but it is not clear whether
this statement,
which be makes in
very vague
language,
is to be taken in a literal
sense,
or had
any
real foundation, t She, however,
certainly
recovered
Orchomenus, Coronea, Coraee,
and
whatever other
places
she had lust in Bceotia
;
but those of the inhabitants who dreaded her
resentment were-allowed to withdraw: a numerous
body
ofBteotian. as well aa Phocian exiles,
took
refuge
in
Athens,
where their
presence
must have excited
feelingsby
no means
friendly
towards
Philip.He,
however, returned
to Macedonia,
as Diodonis
says,
with a
great
-
For
n "hiAa tjifi Mrw pait.t
PHILIP'S POUCY.
ucoewe
of
Teptitatkin ;
and there nan t
doubt tbat he carried whli him Ihe
praiaes
and
bieaaiDgB
ortlie TheBBalians ami Thebans. who
"ilolled Ihe
grntificalion
of their
Teteiige
and
ambiliun as a work of
piety,
and were blinded,
by
Uie
temporary advantafethe;
had oblaiiied
for
Ihemselvea,
to tbe
irreparable
erilIbev had
braughtupon
Greece.
CHAPTER XLV.
Tm Btate of
publicreeling
in Atbena at the
close of the Phocian war
may
bo
eauly
conceived
,
it was a struggle
between fear and re-
BTsnimeDt, Fear of an
enemy
who had hceu irritated
by
a
long conflict,
had become more
powerful than
ever,
and,
while his fun'ceshid
beea
brought
neaxei to tbe confiiwe of Attica
"
than
Ihey
had e"er before advatieed,bad
given
" fresh
specimen,
in the
political
extinction of
another Grecian
state,
of the fearful
lengths
to
which his
animositymigbt
be
carried,or to
which he
might
even be led
by
the cool calcD-
latiuns of his aubiticua
policy.Resentmeat,
which was so much the keener,
because the injury
that
pro"olt"^
itwas one which afforded
but
slight ground
for
reraooatiance, or even for
"oiDplBiot,
One of the
consequences
Qf
this
elate of
feeling
wBa,that
the
peace Just
concluded,
though
almoat
unl*erBally
admitted to be
neceaaary,
became
generally odious,
and its authors
and
promotois
" tbe Dratora who
proposed
and Tecommended
it,
and the
negotiators
who
brought
it about "
extremelyunpopular.
De- mosthenes,
as one of the ambasssdara who had
been
engaged
in this business,must have shared
the odium to wbioh hla
oolleagues
were exposed
if be had not been able to
separate
bis
case from theirs,
and if the whole tenor of his
past public
life had not exempted
him from all
sospicioBBOf
a
leaning
towarda tbe Macedooian
iniereat.Bat the
part
which he had bitheno
taken in
opposition
to Philip
had been so decided,
and his conduct
throughout
the
negotiation,
as to the main-
points,
so
clearlypatriotic,
thatthe uofoTUinate issue seemed to amirdfreah
proofboth of his
integrity
and
sagacity,
and
served to raise him in the Ibvour and
esteem of
tbe
people.
Philip's policyduring
the
enming period
is
mach more difflcnlito
erplain.
There can be
no
question,
as we have
alreadyseen,
that the
project
of an
expeditionagainst
Persia had
by
(his time been formed in his mind into a settled
plan
:
and we cannot but
ask,Wby
did he not
immedtaiely proceed
to execute itT The
only
Rason tbat can be
assigned
se"ems to be. that
" ~ " "
was not ret,
in :..
.
It
as to the
auSicJency
of the
grouods
which de-
ttnnined tbe ineasurps of so
gT"at
a statesman
and
generalas
Philip.Yet,
when we consider
tbe
Biteot lo which hia inSuence
prevailed
in
Pelopotroesns "
where, if not
absolutelypre- dominant,
H
was at least
atrong enough
lo coun-
Vet. II." R
ateoTaiiTiDa-
ment, except Athens,
with which be bad
just
made,
peace,
that was not devoted to bis ilt-
terest
;
none that would be
expectedactively
to thwart it,we can hardly
relâiQ from thinking
that it wtuild not have been difficultfor
hin,
before he withdrew his forces from Pbo-
cis,to have
procured
the titlewhich be alter-
ward
obtained,to bo conferred on him with
s
fair
appearance
of
unanimity,
and that he
m^bl
afterward have embarked in bis
enterprise
without
fear of a more formidable
opposition
from
d him than be
must have rvdumei on in
any
case tbat it was
possible
to foresee. We
may
at least venture
'
believe that hia
son,
ifbe had Cbuod
himself,
hia aooesaion to the
throne,
in
juat
such a
Bilion,
would not have waited for more "-
rourable eircumalances in the state of Greece :
know that thoae underwhich he
actually
invaded Persia were
by
no means tree from
IRiculty
and
danger.
Either Alexander was
rasli" which the event seems to
disprove
"
or
Philipneedlessly
cautious,
pronounce
would,
in
fact,
be to call hia
aagaRty
very
littlein
question.
His
apprchen-
aiona,
however ill-founded
they
may
have
been,
would
onlyprove
the
great weight
which the
of Athens rotsiaed aller she had loat
90
much of the substance of
power;
for it is clear
that she was the
onlyenShiy
he had in Greece
formidable
enough
to occasion tbe
delay
wliicb
many
preciousyears-
It is less
difficultto account for the course which,
under
this
Buppoacdnecessity,
he
adopted
in tbe next
period
uf his contest with her. We ihall find
' ~
he did not for a
long
time
attempt
to
bring
I an issue
by
a direct
attack,
but
sought
to
ipaas
his
objectby intrigues
and
ncgotia-
s
designed
lo
atrengthan
his
footing
in her
neighbourhood,
and to insnlale her nrare and
more from the other stales of
Greece,
or
by
blows aimed at her distant
possessions,
ber
leoeaaaiy sniqiliei.
Hie motive
for
preferring
this slow and laborioos
process,
even when he stood
"rith
a powerfularmy
within a few
days',or,
rather,
hoars' nurab of
her ttorder,was prahabty
not
any scrapie
abont
breaking
Ihe
peace
justconcluded,or tbe difll-
culty
of
finding
a decent
pretext
for an imme-
diate renewal of hosttlitiee,
bat a sober calcula-
of the risk he should run ifhe invaded her
territory
and laid
siege
to the
city,
of
rallying
the other Greeks around her,
and of
being
at
lengthcompelled
to retire with loss and dishonour.
But
by
this
windingpolioy
a new and
wide field was
opFned
for the exertions of De- mosthenes,
where he "was able to
disjrfay
his
lergy
and talents in a manner
tbe moat
glo-
tas to himself,
and the most nseful to his
country ;
for to
baffle
Philip'smachinations,
to
keep
him at a distance, and
constantly
occupied,
were
objects
within the reach of the orator's
activity
and
eloquence,
and
by
these means
ightpostpone,
and
perhaps
avert,
the com-
"ment
of an
undertaking,
which,
if successful,
would
BUrely
proTO
fatal to the liberties
of Greece.
Within a
year" peih^M
within s few wedts
" after the end of the
war,
two
130
HISTORY OF ORBECE.
feeling
which hw been mentioned u
prevsil-
ing
at AlhenB,
and on the
growing
influence
"nd the
political
views of Demoathenes. The
Pythian
games
were celebrated under the
presidency
of
Phihp
or hia anibasaadors
by
virtue of
the
Ampbictyonic
decree,
which conferred that
hononr on him,
the Thessaliane,
and Bceotians.
to the exclusion of all
tlje
other
Ampbictyonic
atates* On thia occasion,
the Athenians"
perhapa
the moat auperatitious people
of
Greece,
who.
moreover,
prided
themeelvea on Iheir
peculiar
mythical
conneiion with the
Delphic
anii of the aiz archona called Thesmolhetie,
which
tbcy
had been
always
used to send to
TepresenI
tbera at the
spectacle.
The second
tranaaction was this : an embaaay
was aenl to
Athena, consisting
of
Macedonian, Theasalian,
and Bteotian
envoys,
to demand from the Athe-
niana a formal sanction of the decree
by
which
the
King
of Macedon had been admitted a member
of the
Amphiclyonicleague.
'
80
imperfect
is our
acquaintance
both with
the
history
of tbis
period
and with
many
public
tisages
of the Greeks, which were
univ^sally
notorious,
that we are not sure whethertbeae
two occurrences took
place
in the order of time
in which
they
have
jusi
been
related;
for we
know neither the exact date of the
embassy,
norths aeasonofthe
year
at which the
Pythian
games
were beld.t It ia,however, at leaatthe
most probableconjecture
that the omission of
the Alheniana to aend their
envoys
to the
games
was the
very
occasion which
gave
rise
to the
embassy ;f
and it must be owned that
this affair is one of the
examples
which tftndto
conlinii the
opinion
that the
games
were cele-
t fir 'Antt"H tH TUSar, }(
aatflfts
Am
ri)tWb.
Dgmntli., Dit
Cor.,) 180. Sm " Ulll*tract
bj Bithi. Dt
î(k".
vol.!.,19,on which Boeckh
mainly granDda
hii
" in ^Twir pf hit feDtfior" V10W, Brdeekner
hmbb not to
^diil"4, wh"n h"
coQtanJi
that th"
gunea
war* celnbrn.
rijiuly rvDUTta,that Lhs nunner id whieh DflBoathvnaa
tD(|_iy",
"
m lUsdH U" Phibp'aolabrmtion of Itw
gunia
. .
ujnn of Iha (act thnlTlwl-
tian)
milLiatoE*
leouinpuiad
:4"mnii(" " ptipehlenlftike,
'prrwnta
tbe
enbuay
which
gk".
Porimptu
brated either in aammer or autumn ; sraee it
aeems most
likely
that this
departura
of tho
Athenians from their ancient custom was the
firstintimation
they
bad
given
of their
disposition
to
reject
the acta of the
Amphietyonie
council,partial
and violent as its
proceedings
had been.
It waa
evidently heeeaauy
t" oome to a eona"
nion
understanding
on thia'
point
aa aoon a"
possible,
and therefora there ia
do need to
anp-
poae
that
Philip
had
any
farther views in thia
embassy; yet
it i^
probableenough
that be
would not have Leen
displeased
if the Alheni-
BDs had resistedhis
demand,
and had thus
embroiled
themselves in a fresh
quarrel
with their
northern
nclgbboijrB,
and bad aSbrded a
pretext
fbr
treating
them aa contumacious offenders
against
the
mBJeatyoftheAmphictyouLccannciL
It waa well understood at Athena that the
question
importednothing
less than
peace
or war.
Yet so
strong
was tbe
indignation
lelt
against
Philip,
that not
only were
opioiona
divided in
the
assembly,
bnt the
general
sentiment
appears
to have been in favour of a direct refusal. In-'
deed,
if we
may
believe
Demosthenes,* the
onlyspeaker
who ventured to
aupport Philip's
claim waa ."schines.
and he could
hardly
obtain
a
hearing,
and descended froni the bema
amid a tumult of
opprobriona clamour;
hut he
was overheard
remarking
to the Macedonian
amhassadore,
that there were
many
voices to
brawl, bat few hands to
fight.
On the other
hand,
there were orators who
representedttie
required
concession aa a
disgrace, to which the
peopleought
never to submit ou
any
terms
;
and it aeems that this
language
waa received
with
applause.
Demosthenes himself
concurred
with jGschines in his
practical conclusion,
though,
it must be
aoppoaed,
on
widely
different
grounda,
Hia own we know Irom bis oration
On tht
Peace,which be delivered on this
occasion. t In this
apeeeh
we find him
aasn-
ming
a tone of
aotbority
and confidence which
we do not observe in
any
that
preceded
it. He
appeals
to the
proofs
of
foresight
and
pene- tration
which be had
given
in the affair of the
Eubtean
Pluiarchns,
in the debates which led
the
opening
of the
negotiation
with
Philip,
..
iiiga"in aftar I
,
Jfmajt it,aa
.Xachlnaa
parhapafur
iHt/drteatr/)
had doau.
Jaooba (Dvnuathanaa,AUaoCjrvrfA,p. 941)
iiaaiia"
IhHt,
IhssBh Damuatliensl mentioaa
no Hhu
oti)Ktrgr
Ihs
""-
baiarthan th* drmaod iIbbI PMIip.thg annin
uiy han
inada olhar diiw whkh wn* admMwJ bv .Kaehinu.
For,hi
uka, Uu"h .AchiiH* hwl bwn innwail nam
hf
PhiLp,why
ihvnld thia
bsfaprtvantod
him Am nuaiDtHA-
inf th*
"iptditnsj'
of
rsnqpiiainfIHiilipaa an Amphlclv-
"t It BBat ba ounwd that thia wogld l""Tid unlinlT
(B
,1.. ;. -ki-i. .V. .v; J
DaMOalhaoM
("
tbe amificnta oT PI
hat ba
would'han
do
"
,;,
NEGOTIATIONS IN PELOPONNESUS.
m-
"nd in fais
waminga againBt
the detnsion which
had been
practised
on Ihe
people,
when
the;
were made to belisTC thai the war would be
terminated
according
to their wiafaeB
;
claiming,
bowever, no
higher
merit than that his
judgment
had
nexer
been biaaetl
byeomipt
motives.
As to the
subject
then under
dlHCOBsion,be
pre- mised
that, if he recommended the mainte-
aaoce of the
peace,
it was not that he
thought
it
tHlvantageous
or
honoorahle
;
hut it
might
Mmetimea be illto undo what it would have
been better not to hare dona. If c
newed tbe
war, they
ahould take
was not on an
occasion like
this,
which would
gnite other Greek states
with
PhilipagninM
them. To aland out
against
the decree of the
sasemhlj,
which had
usurped
the title of an
AmphicQroniccouncil,
would be
to
challenge
the
hostility
of all who were
parties
to it
;
especially
aa the Thessalians and
HicbanB
were
alreadyexasperatedby
the shel-
ler wliicb Athens had affbrded
to the Phocian
ind Bceocian esilea. Were
they
then, it
might
be
asked,through
fearof
war,
to submit to com-
DaodaT
They
must remember tbat
they
had
made much more
important
secrificeB for the
"ake uf
peace
wiUi
particular
atatea
;
and that
It would be
strangely
absurd
of the
qnestion
appeara
to have
enlightened
and
nlmed tbe
public
mind
:
tbe
assembly
decided
The
scanty
notices
Temsining
of the
hiatory
of this
periodbeingchiefly
rhetorical allusions
"which are often
extremely
Tague,
and were
Mldom meant to
convey
the
simple
truth" do
am
permit
us to follow
Philip's tnoTcments
step
by step.
We
perceive,however, very clearly
that he was
constantly endeavouring
to extend
bis
power
and
influence,
either
by
arms or ne-
piliation.
on
ever^
side of his dominions. We
bear of
expeditions
or
intrigues
directed towards
the north and the
south,
the east and the
west 1
and
thougti
their immediste
objects
were
yiparently widely
remote Irom each
other,they
Mem all to have tendo;! towards one end : that
of
weakening
and
curbingAthens, which,
if
these
projects
had
succeeded,
would at
length
have found herself
completely
enclosed in the
toils before she had rrueived a wound. It la
ptobaUe
that
Philip's
eye
embraced all these
points
at one view,
and that he
was
continually
jmsecDting
his
designs
in
oppositequarters,
tboogb
we
happen
to find tbem mentioned
only
insDccesaion. It is to
Peloponnesusthat our
inentioD is first
directed, as Ihe
scene of a
dip-
kukatic
contest which
portended
a
fiercer
struggle.
Here
Philip
bad
succeeded,almost witb-
Dot an eflbrt,
to the
sway
which Thebes had
woo
through
the victories of
Eparainondaa
;
for
Sparta,
weakened as she
waa,
was still
an
object
of
jealousyto her
neighbours,
whose in-
d^ndeDce she viewed with
a
malignanteye ;
"nd since
Thebes,having
in her turn sunk from
tbe
height
of her
power,
was no
longer
able to
"ffbrd
proteotion
to her
Peloponnesian
allies,
theynaturally
transferred their confidence
to
ibe
King
of
Macedonia, on whose aid
even
Tbebes had been forced to cast herself We
"!" not informed of
any
new occasion of hoitil-
ilieathat anwe between them and
Spaita
im-
mediately
after tbe close of the Phocian
war.
Yet it
appear*
lliat
they fbnnd. or
tliought
themselves in
danger,so as to be led
to cultivate
Philip'sfriendship.
He
espoused
their
cause
without
reserve,
declared himself tba
protector
of
Messenia,
and called
upon
the
Spar- tans
to
renounce.
their claims
upon her; and
when his demand was
rejected "
as it seems to
have
been,in a somewhat
contemptuous lone*
" both
supplied
his allieswith
troops and,moa-
ey,
and announced bis intention of
leadinga
much
latter
force into
PeloponnesuBin
person.t
It
may easily
be
supposed
that these favours
and
promises
rendered him
highlypopular
Ihrougliout
the
confederacy
of whidi
Messene,
Megalopolis,
and
Argoa were tbe
leadingmem- bers,
and that he
was extolled as the friend of
liberty,
the
champion
of the
oppressed.
De-
'
moBlhenes
himself,
in
a
speech
delivered about
-
three
yearrafter
the end of tbe
war,t mentions, -
with
indignation,
that
many
of the Arcadian
commonwealths bad decreed brazen
statues
and crowns in honour of
Pbilip,
and had resolr-
~ '
"he should enter
Pcloponneaus,to admit
nto their towns
;
and that tbe A^ves bad
followed their
eiami^.
These
proceedings,
of
cotirse,
soon becama
known at
Athens,
and excited
no little
anxiety
there. An
embassy
was sent into
Peloponne- sus,
with Demosthenes at its
head,to counter-
.
act the
progress
of the Macedonian influence.
He went to
Messene,and,
it
seems,
to
Argus
;
perhaps
to several other cities. In
one of hi*
It
speeches
be baa
given
a
specimen
of the
ler in which be endeavoured to rouse the
jealousy
of the
PeloponneelansagainstPhibp.
He referred to
Philip's
conduct in the case of
Olyritbus, as a
proof
thai
no reliance could safety
be
placed
on his
professions,
or even his acts .
of
friendship,
which were all meant lo
inveigle
those who trusted to Ibein into
bondage
or ruin.
Whether he
appealed
lo the
example
of the.
Theasalians for the same
purpose
must remain -
doubtful
:
since the
principalfact,
which he
rep--
sents himself to have stated
concerningthem,,
irtainly
occurred later. But it
appears
that he
dwelt much on the bad faith which
Pbiliphad.
shown in his
dealings
with
Athens,
either ia
promises
about
Amphipolis,
or
in those
by.
which he had deceived the
peoplethrough
tbeir-
ambassadors in the
negotiation
for
peace.
Tbe"
al and
necessary
hostility
between a mon^
arch " whether
king
or
tyrant
" and allfree
j^d
1 " 1
goTemmenla,
was also a
tOP'.c
by which
rator strove to alarm
republican
prejudices.
But
though
he affirms
that he was heard with
applause,
be admits that his
warnings
bad
produced
no
practioal effect,
and that
Philipeon-
tinned
after, aa
before,to
enjoy
the
confideiMW
of his
PeloponnesianaUies
;
and
some erobas-
=""-
wtich
were aftervrard
sent with the
sauM
,
wera attended with no better remtt.
Pbilipdid not let these
attemptspas* DDnoti-
ced. Even if he did not deem it
tteoewary
Ibr
his honour to
repel
the
charge
of
perfidy
wbich
""-''
iieen
so
publiclybrought
againsthim, lu
il""d
bj Pltttlrrfi, Dt Ci
1dx3
have
tbought
it a favourable
opportunil]'
tat
displaying,
and
thereby strengthening
his
connexion with
Pelopopnealis.
He sent an embassy
to Athens,
which aeems to have been
beaded
by Python,
who"e
eloqaence
could sni-
tain a
comparisou
with that of DemoBthenes
himself;*
and itwas no douht al
Philip's
inali-
(itiun
that bis
enToys
were accompBoied by
Biose
of Measeno and
Argoo,
The Macedoni-
aaa were instructed to
expostulate
on the
froundless
accusalions
which
had been
brought
against
their
king,
and
formally
to
deny
that he
kad ever broken his word to the Athenians
;
the
Feloponnesianswere to
complaia
of the ooun-
tenance which Atheiu had
given
to the
atiempta
Philippic
of
Demosthenes,
which seems lo have
been we
speech
witii which lie
prefaced
a mo-
tioo for the answer which he
proposed
to
give
to the ambassadora. It is
possible
that more
than one
assembly
was held on the business"
Ane.
perhaps,
lo consider each
subject
" and
tbat on one of theee occasions
Python
vindicated
his master's conduct in a
speech
which De- mosthenes
afterward describes as
bold and vehement,
thoogh
he himself met it with a
reply
wbidi extorted tokens of
approbation
even from
the ministers of
Philip's
allies.t But this was
evidently
not the occasion of the second
Philip- pic.
Hiat is addressed to the
people,
not in re-
|4y
to the
fbreigoers,
bat to (he
Macedonian,
Philippisli^
faction at home, and more
particularly
to
jtlschines, wlio, it
seema,
had
recently
taken
Philip's part,
and hod
supportedPython's
argnmenia
with his
testimony.
Its main tb-
ject
is lo excite the
suspicion
and retenCtnent
of the
Athenians,
on the one hand
against
Phil- ip,
and
on the other
against
the orators who had
aerved as his Jestruments to overreach them.
He contends that the motive which had induced
Philip
to
prefer
the interest of Tbebea lo
that of Athens at the end of the war waa not
the
presence
of a force which raatrained him,
"tilllest
any regard
to
justice
" for he who maintained
the
independence
of Meaaenia
against
Bparta
could not
conaialenlly
aid the Tbebana
in
reducing
the other B"BOtian
towns to
subjection
" It
was,
tbat he
expected
the one state,
if
its own interests were but
secured,
would be
readily
anbservient to his
designsagainst
the
libertiesof
(Jreece,
while he knew that no
pros-
pact
of selfish
advairtage
would ever bribe
Atbeos to
resign
her
gloriousinheritance,
Ifae
foraoMMt
poet
of resistance lo
foreign
attacks
On the national
independeoce.
There were ru-
BHwra afioat of a breach between Thebes and
Philiih and that he inUnded to restore the for-
bOcMuwa
of
Elates;
but itwas
tiotlikely.when
06 adopted
their
quarrel
with
Sparla
as bis
own,
that be sbonld thwart their views nearer home.
All Ais, however,
is but subordinale and intro-
daotory
to the
concludingpaaaogc,
in which the
ontor
lemiads hia bearers of Ihe
disappaint-
ment they
had
suflered,and
ptunts
their indie-
"ation against
its authors. He does not nainB
"ither Pbilocrales or ^Sschines,
but alludes in
B manner which coald sot be mistaken lo the
ribaldiy
with which the one bad silenced his
warniaya,
and to the solemn
aaauranceii,
ur dei-
tntms insinaations.
by
which the other had
"
DMau, ni.,
Sk
"
Da Car.,4 ITl.
quieted
the
people'sapprebenaions.
""
Tbs
mes
who had thus involved the slai" in its
present
embarrasBmenls
ought,"
be
says,
"
to be charged
wi th the taak of
defending
itsconduct
against
those who
questioned
it.
But, at least,ii was
Gt that the
languageby
which
they
had caused
ao much miachier which was not
yet ended,
should not be
Ibrgotten."
It is to be
regretted
thai the
propoaedreply
has not bMn
preserved;
It
probably
contained a manifesto which would
have thrown aomo
U^t
on the
history
of this
period.
The tone of the
speech
leads us to
suppose
that itmade
jio material ooncession
;
there
is
rather,as we ahell
see,
reaaon to believe that
it advanced some new daims
; yet
it ao far
satisfied
Philip
aod his alltea as to avoid an
opCn rupture,
Philip, indeed,
may at this
junctore
hare been
the more easilysatisfied, because be was engaged
in an expedition against
the
lliyrians,
Ibi
which we hear of no motive, aave the inveterate
enmity
between tbe two nations. His ia-
vasion of
lUyria,
however
provoked or ciriaur-
ed,seems to have been
completelyaucceasful,
though
not attended with
any veiy
important
result
;
he
ravaged
the
country,
made himself
master of several
towns, and returned laden
with
booty (B.C.344}.'
It
appe^
lo have
been not long
aAer that a fresh occasion
arose
lo call for his
presence
in
Thessaly.
We
gather
from tbe statements of Demosthenes and
D]Odonjs,t
that either ihe
lamily
of
tyrants, or
the
party
which
supported
thcin in
FherK, had
recovered their
power
there,and,
perhaps,
in
other
towns,
and tbat
Philiponce more marched
to
disludge
them. This he seems to have
eS'cclcd vMi as much ease as at
any
former
time
1
but he also found the circumstances uf
the
country
more favourable than
they
had ever
been before for a new settlement of its
aS'aira,
which was e"lculBied to render it more thor- oughly
subservient to hia
interests, and,indeed,
reduced it
nearly
to a Macedonian
province.
It was
probably
not
long
alter the end of tbe
Phocian war that he fulfilledthe
promise
which
be bad made
during
his cooteat with
Olyntbtis,
of
evacuatingMagnesia.!
There
was, indeed,
no farther
pretext
left for
delay
; yet
this
step
tnay
not
luvo been
purelyvoluntary:
and
it
may
have been
by
some
signs
of
impatience
ap- pearing
among
the Tbessalians that he
was induced
to
gratify
them
by
a boon which seemed
more
spontaneous,
the cession of
Nicva,one of
the frontier towns
nearTlierroopyls,
which had
been aiirrondered
tobimby
Phalscus. We find
an istimatioQ.\" iicb
probably
rests on
good authority,
4
tliaitl, Tliebans had
hoped to be
put
in
poiiscssiun
uf this
place;
and their
disappointment
in this aS'airwas
perhaps
one of tbe
first causes that alienated them from
Philip,
But
though
be
granted
it
nominally
to the Tbes- salians,
it seems tbat he continued to
occupy
it
with a Macedonian
garrison.
II The
great
families
in the north of
Thessaly,
who bad been
his most active
partisans,
cannot have wished
to eaorifice their
country's independencemora
than was necessary
to
purchase
their own security
;
and if.
alter the
subjugation
of
Phocia,
AFFAIRS OF THESSALY" ATTEMPT UPON MEGARA. 133
iiej
had not been threatened vilh
any
fresh
imagerthey might
have
bei^n
to resist the foreign
ascendency
to which
tliGyhail
so
long
sub-
nulled. But tlic revolution at Pherae Inrced
ibetn
again
to eee)( aid from
Philip,
and affbrd-
ti bim nieaiiB a(
establishing
his
sway
on a
irmer basis. After Ihe
expulsion
of (he
tyrant
djnasty,
he did
not, as
before,
leave the
place
upen
to new
attempts
of the same kind,bat
gai-
(isoned the citadel with his own
Iroopa.'
This
measuTe was
probablyvery
unwelcome to those
of the Aleustds who
were dear-sightedenough
ID
perceive
that it
implied
the
permanenl
aub-
]ectk)D
of
Thesaaly
;
and it was followed
by
another,
which seems not to have been carried
wiihout
strong opposition,
nor without the
help
of
oormption
and
intrigues.
Yet it was one
which most have worn a
popularaspect;
for it
was
professedly
a restotation of an ancient order
of
things,
which was ascribed to Aieoas,
the celebrated
prince,
from whom the bouse of
be Aleaada derived its name. The division of
Ote
Goantry
into four
districts,
each of which
was called a Itirat,^subsisted,indeed,still,
but
nther as a
ge"wTaphical
than a
political
arrangement.
Pbiup
revived the distinctionof
the iBtraiarckUt. How far he endeavoured to
reatore theoldJnslilntLons connected with them
eaonot be ascertained
;
but the
principal object
wbich he had in view seems to be disclosed in
asUtement of
Theopompus,
which informs us
thai he
placed
some of the chiefs of the Aleuad
bnioii " of
couise,
his most devoted adherents
" at tbe head of the four
governments.]
Tbree
of tlkese
persons may
be named with tolerable
cenainty
; Eudicua,Simus.4
and
Thrssydcus.
The first two are branded
by
Demosthenes
ss
traitors to their
country ;
and this seems to
have been the main work for
which,
if the
diarge
is well
founded,tbey
sold their services
to
PhUip.
There is an anecdote ia Polyanus^
that,dariag
his
stay
at Larissa,he
attempted,
under
pretence
of
sickness,to draw the Aleuads
to the house wbere he
lodged,
that he
might
make himself master of their
persons 1
hut
that,
baring
received
timely
notice nf his
designs,
they
avoided the snare. The
story may belong
to this
period,
and would accord
very
well with
the other intimations which we meet with of
the state of
things
al this lime in
Thessaly.
The final result is described
by Demosthenes,
perhaps
with no
greateiaggeralion,
as the total
subjection
of tbe land to
Philip,
whom it
sup-
plietl
with eicellent
troops,
and it
secrrts. also,
with a
coosiderable addition to his revenues
i
for. besides the harbour duties and cueloms
which had been
formerlygranted
to
him,Y
and
which he no doubt
retained,we lind that he took
pOBsession
of tbe tribute which Larissa had received,
ever
since the
conquest,
from her subject
PanbKhian cantons.**
t HeTiuicu,Hu^cTAt.,
yiTfafxto'
t HatipttT.,
n. ".
\ Stmaa, bcin^ ompled bj DvmcvthHM vilh
Ewlicui,
vH^nlmbl^
umUnwuM. 4a to EodwBi "od Thrm-
""*""
tkan "
Hpma uaiiM/
ul Hnngi., KGIint
"
^ Bi ThsDBiAipa* tB
AUmbbmb, fl.t
A. ti,whin Tkm-
tfitm
i" and !" km l"n
qipmiUKl rflr i^MJMr rifatrat.
I IT,.
",
B. Bm tlMf* R " iHBn (nr
"apinju
wiih
Baoiuiiu, MjIIidIiiiu, li., p. MS, Uul Iha AlaBHfa iMn
s'n*.'
'
bj niiiip.
It seems to have been whiln lie was stiH occupied
with the affairs nf
Tliesaaly, or, at least,
before he withdrew from the
country,
that ho
made an
sttempi
in another
quarter,which,
ifit
had succeeded, would have
brougbt
him
nearer,
by
a
greatstep,
to one of his
principalobjects.
Megara
was at this
time, as it had
probably
never
ceased to be, divided between rival factions,
which, however, seem not to have been
so turbulent as to
prevent
it from
enjoyinga
highdegree
of
prosperity.'
and there are indications
that its form of
government
was notan-
happilytempered,
t The old
animosiiyagainst
Athens had
perhaps
now in a
great measure
subsided
i Philip, indeed,
had his
adherents,but
there was a
strongpart;
which
opposed Uiera,
and which looked to Athens for
protection,
Tlie
contendinginterests,however, seem nht to
have been
exactly
those of
democracy
tnd aristocracy,
or
oligarchy ; Philip's leadingpartisans
appear
to have been some of the most
powerful
citizens,
who
hoped
with his aid to rise t"
sovereignpower,
which
they
wouki have beem
content to hold under bim.
Ptceodorus,
the
foremost man in
Megara,
in
birth,wealth,
and
reputation, was, according
to
Demosthenes,] at
the head of a
conspiracy
for the
purpose
of
placing
the
city
in
Philip'shands,
and
ifad
opened
a correspondence
with him, in which
he
employed
soother
Megarian,Perilans,as hi*
agent.
Perilaus was
brought
to trial for hi*
unauthoriied
dealings
witii a
foreigncourt,
but
was
Bcguittedthrough
the influence of Ptno-
dorus,who sent him
again
to obtain
a body
of
Macedonian
troops,
wlule he himself
stayed
to
prepaie
(or their
receptionat
Megar",
Tlie
plotappears
to hare been baffled
hy
some nn-
UBuallyTtgorousmeasnreB
ofthe Athenians. It
is difficultto determine whether
an
expedition
which
they
made about this time to their froa-
tier,on the side of
Drymus
and
Panactns.4wat
connected with these movements at
Megara ;R
and
equallyuncertain,rtongh,perhaps,
more
probable,
that it was on this occasion Phncion
was seat, at the
reqnest
of their
Megarian
partisans,
to
guard
the
city.Though
he conM not
it from
treacherywithin,
he took tho
annexed itto tbe
cityby
two
longwalls,
How-
or DsmiMbniH, nfi apvinv
lo!
riltwM( Warienf
|1 finOnl, Aa
Bslonnmi,
p,
4")"
who
\\tB
MroTCi
IM
fanDlnimiHiilBiiniiiKUi* )""""""
nf
Fhili^
mnn U
Mrgui" OKDtiva
llul I)u" Drymui lirga 111*
mwiiiai.Bin of Allin "D(I BontU, like Ftucloi, but of
u" bt tlu
"""(,''
bftilK "
i.i.lMBwl'liT IJ.SS',",17a",
Hms of l""soMh"i" w
nfuL TIh plan """" dws M luva l"Hn alkd AM-
I.
Fhi,.
I., 1,t. Bui HupgenUim liB
AmoiAi,
tAic
r^ iftrfmttlmt.
Etan indtpta^kUr nfihitinlbivitr,
"I laaiBl karil U b^wn IhU I"aH]HMH wsbM hsl*
Co
Ogle
HISTORY OP GREECE.
"Tei tbia
may
be,
the
attempt
of PttEodoras
failed,and
Philip's hopes
in this
quarterwete,
l"r the
time,
fniatrated.
The
object
Tor which he desired to obtain
possession
of
Megaru was, undoubted);,
not
mereJy
to
gain
a
position
wbich would enable
him to
annoy Athena,
but
also,
and
perhaps
principally,
to
open
a communication with Pel- oponnesus.
Having
been defeated od this
side,
he turned his attention to another,
where ho
"aw a
prospect
of
accompliahing
this and several
other
important
purposes
at once. Alcx-
ftnder.the brother of his
queen Olympias,waa,
it
Beema, already
at this time
[B.C.343)
in
possession
of a
part
of
Epirus,
where his uncle
Arymbaa,
or
Arybas,reigned
orer the rest of
the domiaions wiiich
they
inherited from their
common ancestor, Aloctas,
the father of this
Arybas,
and of
Neoptolamus,
the father of Al- exander
and
Olympias.*
But the diatrict of
Cassopia,
which contained three half Greek
cities,
eaid to have been founded
at a
very early
periodby
"[ean
colonists, Bucheta,Pandosia,
Bud
datrea,tdid not
acknowledge
Alexander's
authority,
and lie
bad,
perhaps,soughtPhilip's
aid to reduce it to
aubjectiun.This, at least,
was,
it
appears,
the main avowed
object
of an
expedition
whicb
Philip
made from
'Theasaly
into
EpiruB.
He
ravaged
the
Caasopian
territory,
took tbo three
towns, and
gave
them
up
to hia
kinsoian.t
But his
owo views stretched
much farther. He found a
pretext
" whether in
iuccours
givenby
the Ambracians lo the Cas-
aopiantowns, or in eome other
provocation,
we know not " for
marchingagainst
Ambracia.
The
poaaeaainn
of this
place
would have
opened
the
way
for htm into Acamania and
.*:tolia.
for
lie had entered into
negotiation
with the ."to-
lians,
and had won them over by a
promise
to
aid them in
wreatiagNaupactos
from
the Achc-
anii if
he
might
thus have been enabled to cross
over to the western aide of
Peloponnesusat his
pleasure
j
and there the Iruubled slate of EJis,
at this
time,
affiirdedan excellent
pretext
fbi
The
oligarchical party
in Elis
bad,as we have
aeen.llmamlalned its
ascendency,
notwithstanding
the effortsof its
adversaries,in tbe
strug-
Xle
which took,
âce
not
long
before the battle
of Mantinea. We do not hear of
any
subse-
qaent
revolution which restored the exiled faction
before the time at which we have now ar-
rivM
;
but itseems that
here,as
elsewhere,
tbe
contest of
parties
had
changed
its character
aince the
power
of Macedonia had risen to its
new height.
At
Elis,also,Philip
had
gained
Cisans,
several of
whom,
periiape,
cherished
" similar lotfaoedwbich
appear
to have animated
his adherents at
Megarm.
The
almggle
henceforth
was not so much between
oligarchy
and
democracy,
as between
Phillp'e party
and
those who were
jealous
both of it and of him
Heoco it is
probablemany
citizena had been
forced into exile who did not
belong
to the dem-
ocratical
patty,
while the
government
at home
fetlinto fewer hands. After the death of Pha-
iiecus
in
Crete,a
body
of his mercenaries were
brought
over to
Peloponnesusby
the Elean ref-
ugeea,
to make war on the
oligarchical
rulera.
And
theywould,perhaps,
have been the
atrong-
er
side,
ifthe democratica)
Arcadians,
who
only
saw in them
Philip'senemies,
had not thrown
their
weight
into the
opposite
scale. A battle
waa
fought,
in which tbe exiles were
defeated,
with
great slaughter
of the
mercenaries,
4000
of whom were taken,
and distributed between
the allies. The Arcadians sold their
prisoners
;
the
Eleans,
more irritated as
they
had more lo
fear,
massacred theirs in cold
blood,
under the
pretence
of
puniahing
them for
sacrilege.*
Notwithstanding
this
event,
which established
Philip's predominance
at Elis,
affairs still
continued so unsettled
ther^perhaps
through
the
growing
ambition nf bis
principal partisana
" as to afford an additional occasion for his
presence
in
PEloponneaus.
From this motive
chieHy
he coveted the
acquisitiun
of
Ambracia,
and of
Leucas,
which he likewise
hoped
to
gain
cither
by
arms or
intrigues.
It is
probable
that
bis
expectationswere,
in
a
great measure,
grounded
on the
support
of a faction devoted to
his interests in both
places. They
were,
however,
disappointed, throogh
the
energy
which
now displayed
itsclfin the counsels ofAthena.
An
embassy,
in which a
principal pari
was home
byDemosthenes,
who mentions
Piriycuctus,
He-
gcsippus.Clitomarchus,
and
I.ycurgîs,
as hia
colleagues,
was sent both into
Peloponnesusand
Acamania. t
Tley
were aided in their
negotiations
by
Callias the Eub"Ean,whose motives will
be
explained
hereafter. Their aim was to form
a league
to
repelPhilip's
encroachments
;
and
theybrought
back
largepromises
of contributions,
both in men and
money,
from some of the
Peloponnesianstates,
from
Megara,
and Acar-
nania. As to
Megara.
this was a natural consequence
of tbe turn which events had
lately
taken there. In
Peloponnesus
these assurances
of
support
came
chiefly,
if not
exclusively,
from the
Achteans,
who were doubtless alarmed
by
the
prospect,
of
losingNaupactus.
In Acar-
nania,jealousy
of the ^tolians, and fearof Phil- ip,
probably
combined to
dispose
the whole
people
to enter
heartily
into the
proposed
alliance
;
and to
encourage
them, a
body
of
troops
was
sent from
Athens, chiefly, perhaps,
for tbe da-
fence of
Ambracia, or to secure it
against
domestic
treachery.)
We. do not know whether
it was for the sake of a diversion that another
Athenian
force,
under the command of Aristo-
demas, marched,
as it
seems,
about the samu
time,
into
Thessaly,
and made an
attempt
on
Magnesia,
which was
strongly
censured
by
tha
t
Fbilijqt., iii.,t 85, wbm Wiii^mU. p. ITt. waaU
nu,
Db Cli"Tluri.,4
1^1
ifiivupiainft
liwDO* In OInBpitidnr., i ST,wu,
I
bubiiTB,
Gnt ncHind im
nmnoiiis wilh
Pbtlip'inpniltiaii^ WinitKiki. Ik I9T.
Tba dsU {d ibe iii:hi"ii Pjtludciiiu)
u
(bnouulx
kanwa
'^'"
ATHENIAN NEGOTIATIONS." DISPUTES WITH PHIUP.
oraton of the Maoedoniao
party,
as an
infrac- tion
of the
treaty
wild
Philip. Artatodemua,
howeTer. ihuugh apparentlj
unBUCceBSful in this
enterprise,
was
honoured
oa
bis return with a
crown, OQ
the motion of DeoioatheacB.* He
might
have deserred
it,
ifhis
expedition
serred
to haeten
Philip's
retreat from
Epirua.f
It ia
certain that he was obliged
to
drop
his
deaigns
against
AmbTacia and Lsucaa.
Such
proceedings
aa Ihese,
however
they
might
admit of a diplomaticvindicatioo,
manifestly
tended to
put
an
end
to all
friendly
relations
between the two
powers;
and the
negotiations
which
were
carried on between them
during
the
same
period
had
no
other effect than
to
BggTsvBte
their mutual resentment and distrust.
We
are
unable to determine whether
tlie
anaWQT giren by
ibe Athenians to
Philip's
retnoostrances
induced him to send
Pythoo on
a
fresh
embassy,
to
propose
an adjustment
of
their
diflerences, or
whether this minister had
been iastructed on
the former
ocoasion,
while
he
complained
of the ill
treatment
his
prinCehad
BuflbredTroiD the license wbich the Athenians
gave
to
their
orators,
to declare his
willingness
to accede to
any
reasonable
proposal
for
an
amendment of the last
treaty. Pylbon
oerlain-
ij
executed such
a commissinn,
and the oQ^r
which he made iu
Philip'sname was
received
with
great applause
in the Athenian
assembly,t
The result
was
that an
embassy,
of which He-
gesippuB,an
active
orator
of the anti -Macedoni- an
party,fappears
to have been the
leading
member, waa sent into Macedonia lo conunu-
nicate the demands,
or, at least,
tlic
wishes,
of
the
people
to the
king. They
fell under vari-
ODs beads. One related
to
the old
dispute
about
Amphipolis.
The Athenians
were
advised to
claim it
on
what
seems a grossly sophistical
construction of the article in the
treaty,
which
piDTidedthat each
party
was to keep
all that it
W
at the time. The
oratora
contended that
this did not
entitle
Pbilip
to Ask what was not
his
own,
which
Amphipolis
had
never been,
since it had
always belonged
of
right
to the
Athenians
;
ao
argnment
which would sound
much
more
plausible
in the
Pnyx
than in the
audience chamber
at
Pella
;
and
they proposed,
insteadof the
ctausa,
that lach hate what hi
hoi,
iinovi
ifmiiHt
the IDWnl on the cout at iKc Gulf at
K-
1^
iiliediliim of CbIIim no 1 mnl cnw. nhich duii niAHi
!""
in
iinkinianoufh
to nnliF the
qaciKDn "ei7
douMrul.
t Bui ,(
nif
hitr bMD Mnt Mriier. '"hilo Ph
]ip
na m-
^""r
no
mniiltiiitfrun
Philip
en iliieeabjicl.
I Ont. da HbI"i
,
t
31-
9 H"
wM mLv nicknamed CroMiu, ia BlTneion,
it itvaid.
"etiu
Tidiiai
ID which Iba Alhmiau "DC.entlylied
QD
their
haiT-.^^tDC. Thacrd
.
i..S, \Ylmt iDTiht
ha the Utai
to substitute the
more con"et
phrase,
Aat "aek
have hit num. Another
objectwas to TecOTBr
the
property
which their cititens had lost when
they were expelled
from Potid"a. There
werBS
quered bj Philip
after tbe ratificationof the
treaty at Athens;
another the Thracian Cher-
sonesus.
Not
long
after the end of the
war.
a
colony
of cleruchial settlers had been sent thither
under
Diopithea.*
who remained there in-
Tested with a military
coromaod for their
protection.
Disputes soon arose
between theoi
and tbe
people
of Canlia about the limits of
their
territory.
The
Athenians, indeed,maintained
that Cardia itself
belongedto them, as
included ia the Chersonesus
;
while
Philipac- knowledged
both the
independence
of the Car-
dians,
who
were
hia
allies,and the
validity
of
their claims. Another
topic
of
controversy
arose out
of the littleiriand of
Halonnesus,
situate
in the north of the
"gean,
between Soth
petus
and
Peparethus.
II
was one
of the
fragments
which the Athenians
preserved
of then
maritime
empire,
until
a piratechief,named Sa"-
IratuB,
took
possession
of
it,
and made it the
headquarters
of his
piratical
escursiena. Phil- ip,
whose coasts and
shipping
he
infested, expelled
the
pirates
from their
nest,
and
kept
it in
his
own
hands. The Athenians conceived (hat
these transactions coold not aHect their
right
Co
the
island,
and
that,as soon as
the hostile force
was removed, it
ou^C
lo
have been restored
to
its
legitimatesovereign. Finally,
the amliassa-
dors
were to
require
that
an
article should bs
inserted in the
treaty, recognising
the
libertf
and
independence even of those Greek elates
which
were not included in il
by name,
and
pledging
all who
were parties
to it
lo
defend
them if
they
should be attacked. Tbe main object
of this demand
was clearly
to
restrain Phil- ip's
enterprises, more particularly against
the
Greek cities in the north and the west. But it
is
probable
that the
application
of the princip^
to the Bceotian
towns was not
overlooked.
Philip,
when he
professed
his readiness to
consent to an
amendment of the
Ireaty,
could
hardly
have
expected
lo
receive such
propoaali
as
these
;
and it seems
thathe did not
atteiopt
to
conceal his
displeasure,
but vented it in
a
manner
remarkablyoppositelo
his usual mildness
and
moderallon,
for he is said
to have
banished ihe Athenian
poet
Xenoclides from his
dominions because he entertained Ihe
envoys
in his house
;t
and this is mentioned
by
Qe-
'
mosthenes
as only one
notorious
instance,
among many,
of the
rough
treatment
they
met
with
at
Pella.
Philip,however, sent an embassy
to Alheos in
return, charged
with
a
letter,
in which he discuaaed the Athenian
demanda,
and stated the concessions which be
was
willing
lo make. This
embassy gave
occasion
to
a speech,
wbich has
come
down
among
Iho
works of
DetnoHthenes,as
the
one en
Hatmmt-
MOi,
but is
now,
on
very saliBfactory evidence,
generally
attributed
lo
Hegesippiis, to
which we
owe allour knowledge
of the
contents
of Phil- ip's
letter.
Philip,
it
appears,
first addressed
himself
to Ihe
question
of
Halonnesus,
which
Ihus
suggested
the lille of Ihe oration. Hede-
IM
HISTORY
OF GREECE.
dared htnutf
niUiag
to make a
present
of the
lând
to the Alheniana,
but contended that
Ihe;
had lost their
right
to it when
thej
auAered it
Uf be taken from them
b;
SoBtiatua
;
that be
had made It his own
bjr
a fair
conquest
from an
open enemy ;
and was
ready,
if his claim was
disputed,
lo submit it to artiitration. The orator
endea'oarod to
expose
the
fallacy
of this
argument by
a
supposed
case. If it had been
a
place
on the coast of Atlica that had been
seized
by
the
pirates,
and
Philip
had
dislodged
them,
would be have been entitled to retain a
part
of the Atlic
territory
1 It was a mure
pretence
;
and the
king's
real
object
was lo show
to all Greece that the Athenians were fain to
owe even their maritime
posaesaione
lo Mace- donian
geneioaity.
It w""Qld be littleless dii-
bonour^te
and unwise to consent to the arbi-
tralEca wltich had been
insidiously proposed
with a similar
view, ctbii if there were no
danger
that the atbitratora
might
be
corrupted
by Philip's
bribes.
llieTe
can be no doubt that Ibis
langu^^
tx-
presseda
strong
popularfeeling
of
jealoasynn
a
point
which touched Athenian
pride
moat
sensibly;
and that the
diatinclion,
which became
BO celebrated as to furnish the comic
poets
with a fertile
topic
for
playfulallusions,*
that the island should be not
giom,
bat
rttti"red,
not
aeeeplcd,
but
Tccmertdtfwas not a cavil
suggested
by
the orators. And
so,
when the
speaker
rejects
with
equalscorn,
and on like
gronnds,
another
proposal
contained in the letter for a
combination between
Philip
and the commonwealth
to
guard againstpiratei,
he no doubt
bad an the natural
prejodtees
of hia audience
on his side.
It would seem that
Philip
made no mention
of Potidtea. But it was understood to be with
reference to this
subject
that his ambassadors
were instructed to
propose
certain terms as the
basis of a commercial
treaty.t
ander which the
disputedquestionmight
be
judicially
decided
;
and the orator contends
that,as these terms
wore to be sanctioned
by Philip,they
would
certainly
be so f^med
as, by implication,
to ex-
elude the claims of the Athenian citizens on
the
property they
had lost at
Potidiea, which,
after the fall of
Olynthus,
had
passed
into the
conqneror's
hands.
With
regard
to
Amphipolis,
it
maybe
collected
that
Philip
denied he had ever authorized
his ambassador? to
promise
fbr him that he
would consent to alter the
treaty
in so material
a
point.
He insisted on the
right
he had acquired
by
the
plainlanguage
of the article in
question,
as it then alood. From the orator's
reply,one might conjecture
that the Macedoni- an
envoys
had either
spoken indiscreetly,
or
had overlooked the
slightchange proposedby
the
Athenians,or had not
perceived
its
scope.
The orator endeavours to
prove
that the
original
words could not have the effectof
making
anything
to be
Philip's
which had not been so
before
;
and
refers,
among
other
argumenls,
lo
Philip'sprevious
declaration and
promises
in
confinnBtion of the Athenian titleto
Amphipolis.
The letter
gave
a full
assent to the
proposition
concerning
the
liberty
and
independence
of the Greeks
;
hut the
orator,to
prore
tbe io-
eincerily
of these
professions,
compares
them
with
Phibp's
recent treatment of Phe rs and
the
CassopTsn
cities.
Philiprepeated
the co:li-
pUint
which he had before made
through
his
ambassadors about the
charge
of bad
faitb,aiili
which he was so
often assailed
by
the ALheoizn
orators,
and
again professed
that
nothing
bat
the
people's
want of con"dence in bis
friendty
disposition prevented
him from
proving
it
bj
signal
benefits. The orator reminds hia hearers
of the
promises
contained in a letter
pro-
served in tbe state archives,
which
Philip
had
written before tbe
peace,
and of the maoner in
which he had
performed
them.
The affair of the Thracian towns,
wiiicb,
u
the Atheniaas
maintained,
he bad taken after
the
peace
was
ratified, Philip
offered
to refer to
arbitration
;
but the orator will not listen to
tbe
proposal
of
debatinga
question
which be
coDsiderB as
clearly
settled
by
tbe
atnqilecoca-
pariaon
of dates.
So, too, he
rejecteaa an in-
salt
Philip's
lecammendation that
they
aboold
bring
their differences with the Caidians hefom
an
impartialtribunal,
and his olter to
cotnpri
Cardia to submit to this mode of decision
;
as
if,
be
observes,
Athens was not able to force
the Cardians to do
berjostice.
Yet he admits
that there was a decree of the
petê nniepeid-
ed,
which
recognised
tbe title of the Cardiana
to their
territory,
and that he himself hwl impeached
its
author,Callippos, on Uiia
grmtai
without success.
The nature of Uie notion which was introduced
by
such a
speechmay
be
easilyimagined;
and this most
probably
contained the official
re[^
that
Philip
received. It did not ao mocb
widen
as lay
open
the breach
;
fbr all tbe
sentiments
which the orator delivered had
long
been familiar to the
people,
and
were welt
known to
Philip,
Yet the
frequent
diacusBioD
of such
topics
tended to inflame the
public
irri- tation
;
and this was the effbct of the
struggles
that bad been carried on ever since the
peace
between the two
parties,
which were divided
chiefly
on the
question
of the
pidicy
to be ob-
serred^
towards
Philip.
It
was
nearly
about
this tiihethat the
people's
atlention wab
dee(dy
excited
by
a cause in which the
parties put
forth al! their
strength,
and their two most celebrated
orators their
highest
powers
of eloquence.
This was an
impsachment brought
by
Detnosthcnes
against
Machines for misconduct
and
corruption
in the second
embassy
on
which
they were sent
together
to
Philip's
coort.
It has been seen that a
greatpart
of the second
Pbihppic
was
distinctly pointedagainst
."acht-
nes and
Philocrates,and that the main
object
of the whole was
probablyto rouse the
public
indignation
against
them.
Philocrates,
it
appears,
made no secret of his
corruption,
and
not
only acceptedlarge
sums of
money
and
grants
uf land in Phocia from
Philip,
but displayed
his new resources,
with scandalous ostentation,
in the increased
splendour
of his
style
of
living.*
He was therefore selected as tbe
first
object
of a
legal
prosecution,
which
was
undertaken
by
Hyperidcs,an orator of
great
abiiiiy,
who was
longclosely
attached in
politi-
'iments,
and
perhapsby privste
friend-
Demoslbenes, The Athenian law af-
"
Dm.,
r.
U, t IM, IN.
^SCHIMES AND DEMOSTHENES.
nr
1
vijs
of
bringing
anch an
oflbnder to
jailice
;
but
H;peridesadopted
a
êciea
of indicLment' which
was,
in tbe finsl
tnataDce,
submitied to the
cogniumco
either uf
tbe council of Five
Hundred, or " which was
tbe'coursc he took " of the
people
in
Bsaembly,
aod
always snggeateil
Ibe notion of an offence
either
whollj'
unheard
i^
aod not
yci provided
Ibr.
or
peeuliariT aggravated
in ita ciroumetan-
MB. The
aasembly
entertained the
indictment,
lad.
accDiding
to the
ardinarjpractice,
the
nut step oae,
unlesa it choae to ait in
Judg-
meiit oo the case itielf, to
appoint
another tri-
banal,
aixl to fix the
day
of trial The
accused,
in the mean while,was either oomtntlUxl to
priaoD,
or
compelled
to And sureliea br his
appearance.
Whndi of theae courses was taken
with PbUocratcB we are not informed
; pruba-
My
the Utter
-,
for itaeems that,
notwithstand-
mg
his nncMUOion
aae"ranee,
and the
atieagth
of tbe
party
from which be
might
have looked
ier
protection,
be aroided the trial
by
a Tclnn-
wyewle.t
WbeH thia indictment waa broo^t
befvre
Ibe
aaaembly,
Demoatbenes
openly
dedared
Ihat there wae
only
one
Ihiog
in itwith wbitdi
be was
diaaatisGed
;
and this
waa that it had
been
brongbtagainstPhUoarales,
who was eer-
uiiriy
not ibe sole crimiDitl
among
the ambaa-
ndora
;
aad he called nnon these of his c"d-
ived of his
leaguea
who
diaapprorei
Nooi
thought
(it(o awwer to thia animnona. Tbe
eipressiona
which tbe orMor
reporta
biraaelfto
kaTB uaed an that
oocasiont
atrongly
intimate
thai be bad then
already
oooeeiTed tbe
deaign
of
briaginc
a fonnal
obarce againstbooib
of
them.
Perhaps
he was
only waitieg
for the
opportimity,
which woold be aflinded whenever
"*chiiiea
ûld
appear
before tbe
proper court,
10 render an account of his conduct in the em-
baaay.
Tlie tiB" of
doiag
thiawas left
by
tbe
law "
strsBge
aa it acema to
hia discretion
;
md be
put
it offlor
nearl7
three
years
after the
end of tbe
war, hoping
either to avoid it altogether,
or that the
popular
mood
might
become
more IbTOUrabte to him.
During
this
interval,
bowerer, an incident
appears
to have occurred
which
exposed
him to freah
suspicion
and reproach.
He had been elected to
represent
tbe
interests of the commonwealth in a contest
with tbe Delians
conoeniing
the
superintend-
eoce of their
temple.
Before hia
departureon
thisembaaey"
aa to wbtob we are not snre
whether it was aeat to Deloe or to
Delphi" in-
fbrmation reached Demosthenes that a man
named
Antiphon
waa
lurking
in Pir"us with
tbe intention of
firing
the arseiLal, Demoathe-
nea, having
discovered his
hiding-place,
did not
scruple
to arrest him aod
bring
him before an
aaeembly,
which was
probably
aunimoned in Pi-
rmis
expressly
on this business. He had,
perhaps,
collected
very
littleevidence in
sapport
of tbe
char^,
and
iEachines,protesting luudly
against
tbe
illeg^
violenee he had
used,
induced
tbe
assembly
to dismiss the
culprit,
Sooa
after,
bowerer,
DemoBthenes obtained
atrongerpmaCa
of
Atitiidion's guilt,
which be laid before the
"
1,by
whom he was
againapprehended
t
Jb^H
Uv. CM, t n.
*tbuJn(C....fcyl{
Vol. II." S
f and
broi^ht
before the
aasMob^, whidi, iHaf-
be bad bwn
put
to the
torture,
eondemaed hin
'
1" death. What he
confessed, we do not know
i
much less what he bad done sr
designed
to do.
Demosthenes,
in a
speech
made
many years
after,asserts that be bad
promised Philip
to
set Ere to the arsenal* But itis
possible
that
this was Bimere
suspicion, resting
on no evidence;
and
, accordingly,
we do not find
aay
aU
lusion to the fact in the
Pliilippics,
where it
would have had so
appropriate
a
{dace.
Tha
result,however,waa that the
Areopagus,t"
which the
management
of the Delian hLisiaesa
had been
committed, deprived
.i"schinesof hia
honoitrablc
office, and
appointedHyperides
in
his nwm.
Though,
aa will be seen in the
note,
there is considerable doubi about the date of
tbia
transociion,
itis certain
Ihat,not
]aag
be-
fore be was
brought
to trial
by Demosthenes,
.Machines had Buffered en affront of this
nature,.
and vented his resenttnent
against
hia rival tiL
threUa which be never executed. t
It seems lo have been a
diipntable point
of
law whether tie
aabassadore, who bad beea
sent
twice to
Philip
oa the aBaa of the
peace,,
were liable
to
give
a
separate account at eaolt
embasay. Demoslhenea,at least,asserts,
thai
when be himaelf tendered his account trf'bis-
own oonduet in tbe second
etnbasay,
Machines
contended tbat il
ought not to be
reoeived,.
because be bad
already
obuined a legal
dw-
cbarge
on the
Siu.t when, however,
ibis "b-
jeciionwaa ovemiled,
be
probablythoimU
It
necessaiy
to encounter the
same trial. Tbe
proceedingwas,
in
effect,
a
publicchallenge
to-
any
citizen who wiêd to
trapeach
the conduct
of the
responsible magistrate.
There were tw"
who declared themselves
ready
to accuae JE"-
chiues
:
Demosthenes and Timarchus.
It is
painful
to see such names
coupledtogetlti
er
:
for Timarchua was a man so
recklessly
and
notoriously
addicted to tbe foulest
pleasures
a"
scarcely
to be tolerated
by publicopinion
at Ath- ens,
notwithstanding
its
extreme laxity on suob.
puints,
and as
legally
to have diaaUed binuelf
from
taking
part
in
judicial proceedings
or
political
business. He
was,
nevertheless,a
very
active
oiator,
and had
long
been
engaged
in
pul"-
lic affairs. He had tlirowo himself on the side-
of the Boti-Maeedonian
party,no
doubt becauae
it was the most
popular,
and had
distinguisbad
himself aa a member of the Five Hundr^,
by
a
motion which he
appears
to have
carried,
for a
decree
forbidding
the
eiportaliou
of anne and
marine stores Ibr
Philip's
service under
pain
of
death. It was fortunate for .fechinea to hava
such
an
enemy,
and be availed himself of tlw
exception
which the law allowed him
against
"Jr-Jt^
"
DoCor^tlM.
'onyytîj "a
*ni ioila6-
whm ALkui ma it nr with Philip
tbml AmUpbn
mU tow athni "o
iBttft
is imb sa
tmdtittUiif ; MS
Philip^
pa.niî" in'tha^,
t
D^Kll,
t
mC
m,
13B HISTORY OF GREECE.
his accDBsr.
TinwTchus
was
put upon
bis trial
under a taw of
Solon,
wbich foitade
an;
one
who bad commiued such eieesaes to mount the
bema
: a
proof,by-the-way,
that the case of
TtmarchuB must not be considered as an
indi-
ealjon of a more
corruptage.
It is remarkable
tbat hit
prosecutor
offered no eiidence of the
charge
but
publicnolorietj.
He alludes
slight'
1;
to his
priralegrounds
of
enmity
lowarda tbe
defendant,
and wishes it to be believed thai hie
chief motive was a disinterested concern for
the
public
morals
;
but towards the close of his
speech
he
betrays
the real state of the case
bj
bitter invectives
againstDemosthenes,
who
appeared
as one of the advocates of
Timarchua,
and
by anticipations
of the
charges
with which
be himself waa threatened. He
expects that,
even on the trial of
Timarchua,
Demosthenes
will
attempt
to divert the attenlioa of the court
from the real merit* of the cause to the
peace
made
by
himself and
Philocraies,
and to the
fate of the
Pbootans,
and that
Philip's
name
will be
frequently
introduced to raise a
prejudice
against
him. Yet he does not shrink from
avowing
that he commends
Philip
for his
professions
of
good-will
to the commonwealth :
"
if bis actions
correspond
to his
promises,
he
will afford solid and
ample ground
for
praise."
Timarchua
was disfranchised
;*
and jEscbi-
nes not
onlygained
tbe
advantage
of
silencing
a
hostile
voice,
but
probably
raised
a
strong pre- possession
in his own favour
among
the friends
of
publicdecency
and order. In his defence of
himself,he mentions his
prosecution
ofTimar-
ebuB as an
obligation
conferred on the state.
His own trialcame on not
very long
after. His
q)eech
and that of
DemostheDea,on this occasion,
are
among
the most admirable
specimens
of their
eloquence,
and the most valuable materials
for the
history
of the times. It is in the
latter
point
of view alone that
they
can be noticed
here
;
and to enter into the
argument
would be to
repeal
much of what has bocn already
aaid on the
subject
of tbe two
emWsieB,
It
only
remains to mention the issue. jEschi-
nes was
acquitted,
it is said,by
a
majority
of
only thirty
voles. This
may,
perhaps,
on the
whole,
be
regardedas a
proof
tiiat the
popular
suspicions
were
very strong against
hiro
)
for
bis
party,including
the friends of all the other
ambassadors who were
virtually implicated
in
the
charge,
made the most active efforts to save
bim ; Ihe austere Phocion, and
Eubu!us,'ihe
liberal distributer of the
pubbc money,
united
their influence in his
behalf;
but he
probably
awed his
acquittal,
in
a
great measure,
to bis
ewn talents,
and to the
peculiar
difficultiesof
his
adversary's
case. Demosthenes felt him-
aelf
obliged
not
only
to convict
iGschines,
but
to defend himself He was anxious to clear
himself from tbe
suspicion
of a connexion with
Philocrates, whom, nevertbeless,he,as well as
^Bchines, had
supported
in the measures wbich
led to the
peace J
and,in his accountof the embassies,
it was
necessary,
and
yet
not
easy,
to
represent
himself
as overreached
by
his colleagues,
notwithstanding hia zeal and
vigilanoe,
"B
continuingto act with them when he
no
""(" tt
gnuut
KiBbiUt]'
Ihu
Hugliihiii bHB ""|""iad
fecB H
pnOifU* K mu.
Tin "Unnnu of DuHHiwiiH
longer
trusted
them, as having
wituesBed (tieir
intrigues
and foreseen the result,
though
be ditl
not disclose hia
suspicions
and
forebodings
till
it was too late to avert the
danger.
This
ap-
pears
to have been the cause of the
perplexitj
which strikes
every
reader in his
narrative,and
must have
produced
a no less unfavourable impression
on bis audience,especially
'when contrasted
with the clearness and
apparent simplicity
of the defence. The event
left the two
partiesopposed
to each other as before,
with.
unabated confidence and redoi^led
animositjr.
We muBt now return to
Philip.
The
evenU
which had occurred since the end of the
war,
though they
had
strengthened
his
power,
had
not
brought
him much nearer to the
object
he
had in view in the south of Greece. He l"d
been baffled in his
attempts
to eatablisb a ctno-
munication with
Peloponnesus,
both on the eaat-
ern and
western
side of Greece, and in that
which he made to gain a
footing
in the inmw-
diate
neighbourhood
of Athens.
Only
in Eub"Ba
he had been more successful,
in an
enterprisa
againstEretria,
wbich it will be more convenient
to relate hereafter. Id the mean while h"
had been
building
arsenals and
ships
of war id
his
newly-acquiredports,
and makinir active
preparations
for a naval
expedition.
*
This enlargement
of bis marine was no
doubt
designed
to
promote
his
operations
in tbe north, towards
which he
now began
to turn his chief attention.
Conquests
in this
quarter might
not
onlypre- pare
the
way
for his invasion of
Persia,
but
mi^t
enable him to overeome or overawe the
resistance of Athens. It
appears
to bave been
in the
spring
of 343 that he set out op an expedition
which was professedly
directed
aîinat
Thrace. We are
very
imperfectly acquainted
with the slate of tbat
country
at this time. It
is,however,
certain tbat
Ceraoblepces
had been
gainingstrength,
and had shaken off his
si^jec-
tion to
Philip.
We do not
know what founda*
tion there
may
have been for a statement,
found
only
in
Diodorns.t
that be had
begun
to
annof
the Greek citiea on his
coaats,
and that Philip
marehed
against
him to
protect
them.
Phil^'s
subsequent
conduct towards tbe
principal
of
these towns
renders this account eitremelf
doubtful. It is
possible, however,
that aome-
thing
had
happened
wbich afforded him such a
pretext
for the iuvaaion of Thrace. But it
was
not
againstCerBoblepte*only
that hia
arms
A prince'namedTerns,
who
reigned
in tho
more
northern or western
regions
of
Thrace,
and who had been his
ally
in his war
with Ath- ens,
had,
it
seems,
now beoome hostile to him
it
having perhaps
been induced,by
a sense of
.
their common interest,to anile with
Cersoblep-
tes. Philip
waa thus led to
cany
the war into
the heart of Thrace, where he is said to havo
defeated the barbarians in several
engagements.
But his views were not now
coofincd to victories,
ravages,
and
plunder.
He meditated a
permanent conquest ;
and for this
purpose
not
onlyimposed
a tribute of a tenth of tbe
produce
on the
conqueredterritory,
but also founded
a
number of new towns, or
militarycolonies,
in
tbe
interior.4
But such a
'
"OrUdaHaJm., (I". t.TTi.,T]. t
FUl.,S|"t.,
t "
t l"i"li"na" a. "" trnli himlftisrimstrlnt iliM-
DI0PITHE8." ORATION ON THE CHEBSONESnS. 139
which fe.v Greeks would have been
templed
lo
settle,CTen
by
the oOer of lands and houaea :
ilsounded as
emigration
to the Inland
regions
of
Australia would toa Frenchinau
;
and it seems
(hat he nas driven to some
extraordinary
meaa-
nres
for
peopling
hia new colaniea. Demoslbe-
Des* menlions three
towns, Drongilc,Kabyle,
and
Mastira,as
among
the wretched
places
which
Philip
had been
taking
and
settling
in
Thrace. Aa toone ofthese.KabjleorKalybe,
which stood on the Rlrer Taxus.
and
belonged
to the Astian
tribe,
whose land stietohed to-
wanis
Byzantium,
me are
distinctly
informed
that he
planted
a
colony
there which was
poo-
pled
with the refuse of
aociety.t
And
such.
we
may
infer frora the nickname it derived
trom the character ot its inhabitants
(Ponerop-
oIls,Rogaelown],
must have been the ease
with another
city,
built at the fnot uf
Rhodope,
which he himself honoured with the name of
PhilippopoUs.t
irwe connect these hiats with
Justin's rhetorical
description
of the
tyrannical
TiolcDco with
which,
after the end of the Pho-
ciao
war,
he
transported
his
subjects
into new
seats Bs suited his
pleasure,^
we shall be inclined
to conclude tbat the
population
of these
places
was
composed partly
of
needyvagabonds,
cr eTen
pardonedconvicts,
but
partly,too,
of
the inhabitants of
conquered
Greek
cities,
whom
he tore from their
homes,
and whose
property
he distributed
among
bis officers.ll
Theae
conquests,and,
still
more,
the
measures
taken
by Philip
to secure them, could not
but alarm both the Athenians and the Greek
cities on the
coast, especiaHyByzantium,
which
laynot
very
lar from the borders of the conquered
territory.
If the barbarians were troublesome
neighbours,Philip
was much more to
be dreaded when he
occupied
their land. It
was manifest to
eveiyone
that hia ultimate object
conld not
be
merely
to subdue and colonize
(he wilds of Thrace
;
that this was
but a
step
towanls the reduction of the
powerful
and
opulent
maritiine
towns,
which were ao
important
in a contest either with Persia or Athena, At
Athena,
bQ who were not
blinded
by prejudice
aaw that both the
Bosporus
and the Chersone-
SDS.
and with them the naval
power,
the commerce,
the
very
snbsistenceof the
people,
were
ezpoaed
to iiuminent
danger;
the more so aa
ByxantiuD),
which had been alienated A'om Ath- ens
br
the 3ocial
War, was stillin alliance with
PhQip.
In the mean while,occurrences had taken
ptace
which rendered the condition of the
Chersoneans
peculiarlyalarming. Diopilhea,
who
appears
to have been a well'meaning
and
xealoQs
officer,
but not
very
discreet or
scrupu-
loQB,
had been
engaged
in constant warfare
with
Cardia,
and had collected a
body
of mercenaries
to maintain the
conflict,
for whom he
was
obliged
to
provide,
as well as he
could,in
the
manner which had been
longpractisedby
"
D* Cham., tM, lalA "Biiftaipil u" naratiad^tTm.
\t Ixt Tord HUT jnrliiixillud*lo
Pliilip'i
now aiub-
f Stmt". *ii.,p.
no. Hupsenlis, "" T.
Brx. FI1117,
H. B., It.,
II.
Athenian commanders.
Philip,
alter bis
pro.
posals
for an arbitration had been
rejected, aent
some forces to the aid of the
Cardians;
and
these
troopa
soon found themselves
engaged
in
hostilities with those of
Diopiihes.
The Athe- nian
general,however,
did not confine himself
to the defence of his
colonists,or to
aggression
againstCardia,but,
when
Philip
invaded
Thrace, thought
himself at
libertyactively
to
espouse
the cause oftheThracian
princes,
who
had
both,
it
seems,
been admitted to the Athe- nian
franchise,*
made inroads into the
part
of
Thrace which
Philip
had
conquered,!and,
in
the course of these
expeditions,
committed
sundry
acts of violence on the
property
uid
persons
of Macedonian
subjects,
and even detained
an
envoy,
named
Amphilocus.
who came
to treat with him for the release of the
prisoners,
and forced him to
pay
a
heavy
ransora.t
Philip
sent a
letter, complaining
of these injuries,
which
gave
the
signal
to the orators of
his
party
at Athens
loudly
to denounce the conduct
of
Diopithes,
and to
press
for bis recall
and for the diamiasal of his mercenaries. Some
proposed
to send another
general,
with a force
sufficient to
compel
him to obedience. Demos-
thenes
spoke
on this occasion,not so much in
defence of the
general
aa
against
the
policy
recommended
by
hia adversaries. His oration
is tbat On iht Chcrtonttut. His
object
is to
show that the real
question
which the
people
had to consider
was,
not whether
Diopithes
had
acted well or
ill,
but how
tlicymight
best
guard
against
the
danger
with which
they
were threatened
by Philip's
ambition. He wishes to make
it
appear
tbat
Diopithes
had as much
right
to
assist the Thracians as Philip
to attack them
;
for,though
it was not Attic
ground
that
Philip
had
invaded,
there could be no doubt that he
was
lighting
in Thrace for the
mastery
of Ath- ens.
In other
respects Diopithes
had
only
followed
the
example
of all the Athenian
generals
who bad ever commanded
mercenary troops;
for none had ever
scrupled
to
levy
contribuliona
from the cities of the coast of Asia, But even
ifit were admitted that
Diopithes
had violated
law and
justice,
the
people
could at
any
time
both
put
a
stop
to his misconduct and
punish
him for it
;
but,
in the
present posture
of affairs,
10 disband the
troops
he had
collected,
or
even to weaken his
authority
and credit
by
an
eipression
of their
displeasure,
wotild be to inflict
an irreparable injury
on themselves,
Philip
was then
wintering
in Thrace with a
large
army
;
and he was crediblyreported
lo have sent
for a
great
additional force from Macedonia and
Thesaaly.
As soon as the Etesian winds set
in he
might lay siege
to
Byzantium,
which
would then
assuredly
come to its senses
again,
and call
upon
Athens for succour
;
but if their
armament was withdrawn from the
Hellespont,
and these succours were to be
brought
at that
season from Athena, they might
arrive loo late
;
or,
in the same case,
what was there to
prevent
Philip
from
falling immediately
on the Cherso-
ir,
ad litaiiiD"avrva traaiTart.
ti wJuiovat irratnr' i/ttlrwrir
xpii^y
ijtraHBafvtrt P"
*
Phihjipi,Biriat., k A.
twia,
add to hm rHTkttedthe utiKcnt
"^11^]
ibiful
DOlT th" il tm* nlMB wlm Philipwu
u'" will
Bj^
utinm. t FUlipiii. Ep""^ *
*"
140
HISTORY OP GREECE.
reBUB
" from
carrying
the war into the
neigh-
iMurliiKKi of Atlica,
and
renewing
his
attempts
on
Megara
and Eubten,
where he wns
atreaOy
but tmi
powerfun
Prudence
requiredthat,
instead
of
disbanding
and
dishearteningtroops
of
which
they
had such
urgent
need, they
should
raise more to re-enforce them,
and should
supply
iheir commander with
money,
which would
relieve him from the
necessity
of
eitorting
it
elaewhere.
They ought
to be aware that
Philip
was the
implacableenemy
of a slate to which
all tbe other Greeks
naturally
looked
up
as a
champion
of freedom
;
and
that,
whether far or
near, every
blow he struck was aimed "t Ath- ens.
They
must make
up
their minds to
great
BBcrificesand hard
struggles,
for thia waa tbe
[nee
of
liberty
and
hoDour,
and not
listen to
the slavish counsels of those who
only
calculated
the
expense
of a war. It was
high
time to
make a stand
against
their insidious and rait-
less foe
:
if
they
waited for a declaration of
war from him, they might see him first " as had
been the ca"e with
Olynlhus
and Phene" at
their
gales.
The sum of the orator's advice
is,
that
they
should decree a war-tax, keep
up
their
army
"
correcting,
nevertheiess,
any
abuses
which
they might
discover " aod send ambas-
sadon to
every quarter,
to awaken the other
Greeks to a sense of the common
danger,
and
to obtain all the
help
that could be
procured.
Above
all,they
must restrain the
venality
of their counsellors
by rigorouspunishments,
Tliere
might
then be a chance of better
days
;
otberwise he saw no possibility
of delireranoe,
Diopithes
retained his
command,
and it
may
be
presumed,
after such a mark of bis sovereign's
approbation, was not much more circum- spect
in his conduct. There can be no doubt
that be bad
givan
cause for
justcomplaint,
and
that,
in his invasion of Thrace at least,
if not
in his hostilitieswiUi
Cardia,
he had violated
both the tetter and the
spirit
of tbe
treaty
with
Philip.
The
wisest,aa well as the most honourable
course
would have been to disavow his
proceedings
and remove him from his command.
I^mosthenes, we
may
be
sure,
would
have been
very willing
that an armament should
have been sent under another
gen
Eral to
supply
his
place
;
but he knew tbat a decree to ibia
effectwould
probably
be
only
so far executed
as to disarm
Diopithes,
and to leave tbe Athe- nian
interests near the seat of war
unprotected.
How far be was misled
by
the
fallacy
of his
own
reasoning,
which
appears
to a modern
reader
flagraotly aophistical, we cannot determine.
His
view, however,
of the
perilouspo- sition
of his
country
is not the less
sound,
and
may
be admitted as sn excuse for some indis- tinctness
of ideas as to the
precise
line of
separation
between olfensive and defensive measures.
Philip's movements, during
the
greater
part
of the
year following
tbe
delivery
of this
Speech,
are involved in
great obscurity.
He
did not
make
any
hostile demonstration
against
Byzantium
at the season mentioned
by
Demos-
Iheoes
;
and we are at some loss to
gucaa
how
he was
employed
during
the
greater part
of
341,
unless It was in
providing
for the
security
of his
coDquesls
and
Dewly-formed settlements
in Thrace. No visiblechaiwe
appears
to have
taken
place
in the state ofanaira,when Demm-
tbenes made another
appeal
to the
people,
sim-
ilar
t" that which had been occaaioned
by
tbe'
affair of
Diopithes.
but in a tone of siill
graver
warning
and more
stirring
exhortation. The
object
of this
spfcch
" Ihe third
Philippic
" is
simply
to rouse the Athenians to action. What
may
have been its immediate occasion " whether
an
application
which had been made
by
their
citizens in the Chersonesus for
protection'
"
we do not know. The orator would be sufficiently
urged by-
the
intelligence
of
Philip's
warlike
preparations,
and
by
the
approach
of
the season for a new
campaign.
He sets out with the
startling
assertion
that,
though
in
every assemblythey
had held sinco
the
peace,
Philip'senterprises
had been the
grand subject
of
discussion,
and none could
deny
the
necessity
of
curbing
and
humbling
him,
their affairsconldnot have been in aworaa
condition if ithad been tbe
ei(Hcs8
object
of all
tbeir deliberations to ruin them. For this Uiero
may
have been
many
causes
i
but it was to ba
ascribed
chiefly
to the
orators,who, eithra- be- cause
their inSuence
dependedon Ihe continuance
of
peace
" an allusioni probably,
to Eubulua
" or
throughparty
malice and
jealousy,
laboured
to defend
Philip,
and
represented
Ibose who-
endeavoured to counteract his
designs
aa ths
authors of war. Iftbe
people
looked at action*
rather than
words, tbey
must be convinced that
Philiphad,
in
fact,
been
waging
war
against
them from the
veiy
beginning
of the nominal
peace ;
end
they
bad seen but too
many
ezaio-
ples^-BB
in the
case, among others,
of
Olynthn*
and the Phocians " how little
dependancewas
to be
placed
on his
pacificprofessions.
With.
Athens it was much more bis interest to dissemble
as
long
as their
patience or
credulity
lasted.
Wonderful,indeed,
had been the
growth
of his
power; and,
in tbst distracted state of
Greece,
wbat remained for him to
do,
to main
himself maater of the
whole, was less than be
had
already
done. But still more wooderflil
was the license whicb bad hitherto been
granted
to
him, as if
by
universal consent " such as
had never been assumed
by
either Athens or
Sparta
in tbeirmost
flourisbtng period "
of dealing
with the lives,fortunes. Taws,and
liberty
of Greeks as he would
;
and
this,
which would
have been intolerable even in a Greek
state,
was
permitted
to a
barbarian,
whose
people
bad
always
been accounted vile even
among
barbarians.
This could never have
happened
ifIhe
ancient
spirit
of honour and
patriotism
had
not
so fkr
degenerated
that it bad almost ceased to
be a
reproach
to
publicmen to selland to be sold.
Again,attempts
were made
19
underrate PhiU
ip'spower,
which had been
represented
as less
formidable than that of the Laccdsfraonians
when
they
were at tbe head of the
Peloponne-
sian
confederacy.
These
reasonera forgot
the
differeoce of the times and the modes of warfare
;
the difference between the
militaryoper- ations
of a
league
which could
only keep
its
forces,
all
heavy-armed citizens, together
dn-
ring
a short
summer campaign,
and those of
a.
monarch,
who could take the field at allson-
Bons,
with a host of
lighttroops,
and who
poshed
his
conquests by
means of
gold
and
intrigues,
endues
unknown to the ancient
simplicity
and
virtue. From such an
enemy they
could
only
M oft ST.
ATHENIAN EMBASSIES." SIRGE OF 8ELYHBRIA.
141
t" safe while
theykept
him at " distance,
aitd
took
advantagê
or the nature of bis
coDDtrj,
which
lay
so
pecaliarly open
to the altacka of
a
mariiime
power. They
should take
wanting,
while it
WBB yet time,
from the fate of so
Toaay
cities,
which had
perishedthrough
the readi-
neaa
with which the
people
had lent
an ear to
dishaneit oounsellora. If
they
asked what svaa
to be
done,
his
replywas,
that
they muat try
to unite the Greeks in a eetieral
league against
Philip.They
must
send
embassies, not
only
lo
Peloponneans"
where the last had not been
Irnitlesa " but to Rhodes and Chios
(the
old allies
of
Byzantium],
and
eveti to the Persian
kin(,
who was likewise concerned in
checking
Philip's
progreaB.
Bnt,
above
all,
it
was necessary
that,
while
they
eêd
upon
othera for this
purpose, they
should set them an
example by
their
own
preparatioos,
and should
spare
neither
money,
nor ships,
nor
personal
advice in
a
struggle
in which
they
had
most to
lose,
and in
which it became them to take the lead.
One
part,
at least,
or this advice
appears
to
have been taken. We do not know what other
"mbsssieB
were sent, though
it is
probable
that
Demosthenes
was
employed
at this time in
some of his
many
missions
;
but
a
negotiation
was
certainlyopened
with the Persian-
court,
most
likelythrough
some ofthe
satraps
of West-
em Asia
;* a measure
which afTorded a
topic
lor moch
plausible
declamation to the orators
of the Macedonian
party,
who a^ctcd
lo
talk
"f the Persian
king
as the common
enemy
of
Greece,
t A
passage
in a letter,
which
we
shall
soon have to notice
again,
of
Philip
lo the Athe- nians,
renders it not
improbable
that
Philip
was
induced
by
these
diplomatic
movements to send
another
embassy
to Athens,
which was attended,
at Ilia
request,by
the ministers of all his allies,
for the
purpose,
as he
professed,
of
coming
to an
agreement
abont the Greeks " that
is,per-
hspa,OH nil matters as to which he was at variance
with the Athenians
;
and this
may
have
been the occasion onwhich Demosthenes boasts
of
having
extorted the
approbatiotk
even of the
foreign
oiinisters
by
his confutation of
PytfaoD.t
Philip
mi^t
hope by
this
step
to
gain
credit
with the Oreeka
at
large
for
good intentions,
and to counteract the efforts of the Athenian
envoys. Possibly
it
may
have led him to
delay
the
opening
of the next
campaign.
If
so,
De- mosthenes
accomplished one
of the
objects
which he mentions in the third
Philippic, as
likelyto be attained
by
the
proposed negotiations,
that of
gainingtime, which, as
he observes,
in a contest between a state and one
man, was not
useless.
Nevertheless,as
it
was
easy to foresee that this discussion would end
as
so
many
bad ended
before, there
can
be no
doobt liiat
Philip
both continued his
preparations
wiût
intermi
scion,
and did not let the
aammer
pass
before he
began
the
expedition,
which he
was
known to be
meditating,against
tbe Greek cities north of the
Hellespont.
In
the interval be semis to have sent his fleet to
recover
Haloaoetus from the
Peparethians,
who
had taken
posseasion
of
it,and to
ravage
their
own
island
by way
uT
punishment
for the ohsti-
nacy
with which
they
had refused
to restois
the
other,
and the
prisonersthey
took in it.
They complained
at Athens of the treatmMtt
they
had
suQered,
and
an Athenian
gcneialwm
ordered to make
reprisals
on Macedonia.*
Diodorus concludes bis abort account of
Philip'sexpedition
to Thrace with the
worda,
"
Wherefore the Greek cities
(on
the
Thraciaa
coast),having
been released
fron^
their faara
[of Cersobleptea),
entered with the
greatest
readincaa into alliance with
Philip,
"t In
any
other writer
one
might
be
surprised
to find that
the transaction in
Philip's history,
which he
re-
lates
next,
is thus described
:
"
Philipgrawinf
more and more
powerful,
marched
against
Pe-
rinlhus,
which
was beginningto
oppose
him,
and
to
lean towards the Athenians."!
We
happen,
indeed,
to
know that Perinthus
was not
the firstof these cities
against
which he tnrned
bis
arms
;
that he firstlaid
siege
to
Selymbria,
which
lay
on
the coast of the
Propontis,
between
Perintims and
Byzantium.
But we are
not infonned what was the occasion or
pretext
of his hostilitiea
against
elUior. Both
were
in
alliance with
Byzantium^
but
Philip
had not
yet
come to an
open rupture
wltli the latter
city,
if
we
may relyon a statement of Demos- thenes,
wliich
implies
that he
only
declared
war
against
It
just
before he
besiegedit.^
It
aeems
most
probablethat,as his
expedition
was ud-
douliicdly
viewed
liy
the Greek cities in tbia
quarter
with
very
difTercnl
feelings
from those
which Diodorus attributes
to thenv
they
did
not
rest mere passivespectators
of his
progreaSi
but endeavoured in some
way
or other to
oppose
it,
either
by
succours
ftrnished to tbe
Thracian
princes,
or
by
some
co-operation
with
Diopithcs.
While the
siege
of
Selymbria waa
proceeding,
an Athenian
squadron
of
twenty
4)iips
was sent under the command ofLaotae-
don,
with the avowed
object
of
bringingcum
front the
Hellespont
to
Lemnos,
Pliillp wu
apprized
of its
approach,
and
suspecting
"
per^
haps
with
good ground"
that it
was
designed
to relieve
Selymbria,
ordered his admiral
Arayn-
tas to
intercEipt
it
^
and it was
accordingly
carried
into
a
Macedonian
port.
As the decree
under which Laomedon had sailed related
only
to the
professedpurposeof
his
voyage,
itis
possible
that the seiiure
may
have
appeared
to
the
people
in
general
an
unprovoked outrage,
and
have excited vehement
indignation.Tb"!rcfore,
perhaps,
it
was that Eubulus himself
proposed,
to
send
an embassy
to
Philip,
to
demand satisfaction,
and to learn whether
any
blame wa*
imputed to
Laomedon. Three
envoys were
sent,
who
brought
back a letter from
Philip,
in
which he told the
people
that
they
must be
very
simple
if
they supposed
he
was not aware
that
the
ships
had been sent for the reliefof
Selym- bria,
though
Laomedon had received
no publio
orders to that eRect,and had
only
acted in Be,-
cret concert with some individuals "
magistrates
and
private
citizens" who desired
to
jtio-
dlB a war
by
which
they hoped
to profit.
He
"hill;"pi. eplil,til. tITi., 71. t
)t Cur.," 109,ftaMr ta Oft't M""
iTi.,74.
143
HISTORY OF GREECE.
would reetore
the
Bhips,
and,
ir the Athenian!
would check their evil counBellnrB,
would endeavour,
on his
part,
lo
preserve
the
peace,*
Setymbriaappears
to huve fallen either lo-
wardB the end of 341. or
very early
in the en-
Buingspring;
and
Philip
then
proceeded
to
lay
siege
to
Perinlhua. He
expected, perhaps,
that
this would
prove
an easier
conquest
than
By- zantium,
and would aid him
greatly
in the re-
" duclion of the latter
place.
It
was. however,
extremelystrong by
nature
"
being
builton an
isthmus,
in the form of a theatre,on a series of
terraces
rising
from the
sea.
which washed it
on two aides-" and well fortified.!
The
co-operation
of a fleet waa
necessary
for the
aiege.
and the Macedonian admiral was ordered Co sail
into the
Propontis.
It
was, however,
discovered
or suspected
that the
officer, probably
Chares,
who commanded an Athenian
squadron
in the
Hellespont,
was
preparing,
in concert
with
Diopilhes,
to
oppose
hia
passage through
the straits,
and had called
upon
the
Byxantians
for sid.t
In this
intelligence
or aunniBe. Philip
found a
preleit
for
sending
a
body
of
troops
into the Chersooesus to
protect
(be
passage
of hia fleet
;
and,
of
course,
did not withdraw
them after this had been effected. Perinlhiis,
however,
made an obstinate resistance.
Though
Philip's army
waa too
atVong
to be met in the
field.It
appears
that the
besieged
were not
driven within their walla without a hard
struggle
;4
and when the
engines
had made a breach
in the outer
encloaare which admitted the
Macedonians into the
town, they
had
only
reached the foot of a new
rampart,
loftierand
ihQie solid than the last,
fonned
by
a line of
bouHea
Blanding
on higherground,
and connected
togetherbj
walU carried across
the intervening
atree^;
and this but the lowest
range
in a series
of aimilar barrtera. Never- theless,
Pbihp'ssuperiority
in
numbers, and,
perhaps,
we
may add,
in
artillery
of the newest
invention,might
have enabled him to overcome
all these obstaoles if the
city
had been left to
its own resources.
But it waa
supplied
with
troops
and ammunition
by
the
Byzantiana;
and
the Persian
court,
roused
perhapsby
the
representations
of
Athena,
ordered the
satraps
of
the western coast to make the most sireni
exertions in its
behalf;
and
Philip
could
preveot
them from
inlruducing
a
body
of i
cenaries,together
with
arms, money, provisions,
and stores of all kinds. He now found
tiiedifficullieaof the
undertaking
so much increased,
that he resolved to
try
a new
expedient.
The submission of
Byzantium
would
probably
involve that of
Perinthas,
and was
itselfmuch more important.
He therefore t
vided hiB
army ;
left one half under aome "
his ablest
generids,
to
carry
on the
siege
of Pe-
rinthus,and with the other marched
against
Byzantium.
His
appearance
was
unexpected,
and the
city, having
made
great
eflorta for the
defence of
Perinthua, was but
ill-prepared
to
sustain a
siege.
Yet itwaa not dismayedby
the
king'sthreats,
and refused to purcbaae
its
safety
on the terms he
proposed,
which seem
to have
been,
that it ehoidd en
'
h deftnaife atid
olKoai*e,
with hin.
Philipimmediatelybegan
to invest it on the
land aide,
and
probablybroughtup
a
part
ofhis
val force to blockade its
port.
While
Philip
was thuB
occopledon
the
coast
of
Thrace,
the Athenians had been
gaining
some
iportantadvantages
nearer home. Abonl the
me time that the Macedonian
party
was overpowered
in
Megara,a aimilar taction at Eretna
prevailed
over ita
advetaaries,
and
expelled
them from the
city.
It seems that
they
then
made a stand in
Porthmns,
the Eretrian Pircus
;
for a Macedonian
general, Hipponicua,
who was
int with 1000 mercenaries lo the aid of their
lemies,
razed itswalls to the
groiuid.
Three
of
Philip's partisans, Hipparchus,Automedon,
and
ClitarchuB,
then shared the
government
for a while
among
thera
;
but
repeatedattempts
were made to
dislodgethem,
which induced
Philip
to aend first
Eurylochus,
and afterward
Parmenio,
with fresh re-enforcements. The
supreme power
seems to have remained at laat
with Clitarchns alone.
It has been
alreadymentioned,
that when
lilip
was
threatening Ambracia,
the Athenian
goiiators
in
Peloponnesus
were
aupported
in
their
attempts
to
bring
about a confederacy
against
him
by
Callias of Chslcis Callias,
it
appears,
aimed at
reducing
Eubsa under hia
own
Buthority ; and, as he could not
expect
Fhilip'B
concurrence in Ibis
design,planned
a.
leagueamong
allthe citiesof the tslajd Icr the
protection
of their
independence.They
were
to send their
deputies
to a
congress
in
Chalcis,
where he
mightexpect
that
they
would
be,
in a
great meaaure, subject
to his influence. De- mosthenes
entered intothis
scheme,
which held
prospect
of a
permanent
barrier
against
the Macedonian
aacendency,
and induced the
people
not
only
to consent to
it,
but to transfer
the
yearly
contributions which
they
received
fromEretriaeandOreus toChalcis.
Clilarchus.
it
seems,
wished,notwithstanding
his connexion
with
Philip,
to
keep qn good
terms with
Athens,
and was so far considered as her
ally,
that an
embassy
was sent to him aa well as to
the
people
of
Oreus,to obtain his
compliance;
the
project,
however " which ."Bchines*
repre-
sents aa a
signalproof
of
dishonesty
in Demos-
thenes, because the Athenian
treasury
was lo
lose a revenue of ten talents
through
it" felllo
the
ground
:
perhaps partly
in
conaequenoe
of
a revolution which took
place
not
long
after in
Oreus,
where the Macedonian
faction,
with the
help
of
Parmenio,
became
predominant.
Their
most active
opponent
waa that
EuphrBua,
Pla- to's
scholar,
who has been
already
mentionedt
as a favourite of
Ferdiccas,
and as
havinggiven
great
offence to the Macedonian nobles and
generals by
his
injodicions
zeal for
leamii^.
He ventured to
impeachPhilistides,
tbe leader
of the adverse
faction,
and aome ofhls frionds,
for treason
;
hut
they
were
already
so
powerful,
that
they
were able lo throw him into
prison
aa a mover of sedition. Soon afterParme- nio
appeared
with his forces before the
gates
:
they were opened
lo him
by treachery
;
aitd
Philiatides, with four
colleagues,
assumed the
government.
The disaftectedwere banished
or
put
to death.
Euphrsus,according
lo De- mosthenes,
killed himself: another accoant
"
Ct".,t IIXL
",?.".
.
..Cioogic
EXPEDITION TO EDB(E A. "MACEDONIAN MANIFESTO.
liS
"tBte*
ihat be fell a Tioiim to Pumenio's in-
Telerate hatred.'
ThuB two of the
principal
cities of the ieUnd
were in tbe hands of
Philip's
creatures when
he eel out on hia Tbracian
ezpedilion.
De-
moaihenes. in bia
^pe"cbon tbe atTairof
Diopi-
(hes,reproaches
the Atbemaaa, in the name ol
the other Gnteka, with
supiaeneas
for
allowing
Ibis state uf
thingH
to continue so
long,
while
Philip
was
engaged
at a distante.
the course of the
next aotumn
(341),
be carried
a decree for an
expedition
to Eubcea. Clilar-
chue and
Philiatides, despairing
of
timelj
aid
from
Pbilip,
endearoured to avert tbe
danger
by
nn
embassy
to Athens,
where XatîoBa hd-
tertained tht;ir
envoys
in his
house,
and
perhaps
pleaded
their cause. t But the
expedition
waa
sent,
and under the cotnmand of Phocioo,
who
expelled
tbe
tyrants
from both cities. Yet the
chief merit of this success aeeina to bave been
ascriheti lo Demosthenea,
for he was
honoured
with a
golden
crown
;
and
^schines
blDiself,
by
the
pains
be takes to exhibit Ibe a"bir of
Calliasin the worst Ugbt,seeim tacitly to acknowledge
the value of bia rival's services towards
tbe
recovery
of the islaad. This stroke
was followed
up by
another. A
squadron
under
the command of CaUiaa " whether the Cbaloidi-
is not known " sailed into the Galf of
Pagass,
took all tbe town* on the
coast,
seized the mer-
cbani-ships
bound lor
Macedonia,
and sold the
crews as olavea. Decrees
were pUMd,
Inr
wbich tbe
peoplepraised
him for these
proceM'
ings
;
but it does not seem that
ihey
had been
previouslyautboriied,even
if Callias was indeed
the
general,
and not
simply
an
independent
ally
of the conuoon wealth.
It was now manifest that Ibe name of
peace
coold not be much
longerpreserved
between
two
powers
whose mutool relations and meas-
nrea were so
decidedly
hostile.
Philipprobably
received
intelligence
which convinced him that
a war with Athens was unavoidable
: he cannot
have
supposedthat
reasonings
or
expostulations
could now alter tbe course of tbe Athe- nian
policy; jet,
as it
appears,
witbaut
any
fresh
occasion,
he sent a manifesto,in the form
of a letter,to the
people,complaining
of tbe
acts
by
which
Ihej
had violated the
treaty.
There
can be littledoubt Ihat his
object
in tins
remonstrsnce was
partly
lo
impress
the wtiuto
of Greece with a favourable
opinion
of hia own
good Ihith,patience,
and
moderation,
but
chiefly
to aSbrd materials and
arguments
for the ora-
tots who would
plead
bis cause at Athena,
whose
e"brta, even
thuugb they
should
not
avert Uie
war,
might procure
a
delay,
which at
litis
juncture
would have been
extremely
con-
The
genuinenesa
of Ihia
paper
has been
questioned,
but,
it
seems,
without
any good ground.
It
was
very
likely
drawn
up
by Philiphimself,
and
may
be eonsidered as a fair
specirnen
of the
correctness and
elegance
with whioh he wrote
the
language
;
nor does itcontain
anything
un-
suited
to his
circumstances,
or
unworthy
ofhia
reputation
as a statesman.
He
begins
with a
complaint
that the
many
eti.bassies which he had sent for the mainte-
tlifl.
nance of the
peace
had all
provedIruitless,
and
assigns
this as the reason wbich had determined
him lo exhibit the
injuries
he had mfTer^d rrom
them in one
clear
statement. He firel
alleges
that a herald named Nicias had been carried off*
from bis domiaions lo
Athens,
and that the
people,
instead of
punishing
this
outrage,
had
detained Nicias ten months in
custody,
and had
ordered the letters with which he was
charged
' ~
be read from the bema.'
lliey
had
permit-
sanctioned the inroads made
upon
his
territoiy
by Diopithea,
the aeisure of
Amphilochus,
and
lite
aggrsBsious
of Callias onthecoastof Thes-
saly"
all breaches of the
treaty,and,
in
part,
oT
(he law of
nations,such as
they
tbemselvea
had made a
capital ground
of
implacable
resentment
in their
quarrel
with
Megara.
His
next bead of
complaini
is the
embas^
which bad been sent to invite tbe Persian
king
into a
leagueagainst
him. He reminds them
that not
many years
before,when nimoura were
spread
of
a Persian invasion,
Ihey
had
resolved,
ifitshould be
needful,
to call
upon
him for aid
against
the barbarian. He
attempts
to shame
Ihem
by
the
example
of their
forefathers,
who
had treated the
application
which the Pisistrs-
tids made for Persian
snooours,
as one of tbeir
gravest
ofifences.
Hevindicfltes his
right
to make warnnTerea
"nd
Cersobleptes.
and shows that
Ihey
had no
olsim on the Athenians for assistance, since
CersDhteples
had'notbeen included in the treaty
"
had,
in fact,been
rejected by
their own
generals
when he wished to be admitted into it" -
and Teres had been then in alliance with Ma- cedonia.
They might
as well have
expected
that those who
expelledEvagora"fromCyprus,
and
Dionysiua
from
Sytacuse,
should have
consented
to restore ihsni to
power,
because each
had receivBd the Athenian franchise, as that he
should
give
up
hia
conquests
In
Thrace, merely
because
Ihey
had chosen to
adopt
Teres and
Cersobleptes.
Having
defended his conduct in the aflhint
of Cardia and
Pepareihus.
he
proceeds
to complain
of the hostilities
by
which he had been
compelled
to send his
troops
into the Chersone-
BUB for the
protection
uf his Heel, and lakes
credit to himself for the forbearance he had
irthelesashown to them, when itwas in his
power
to invade their
territory,
and In inflict
great damage
on their
navy,
ifnot lo take tbeir
Tbe instance in which
they
had
perhaps
dis-
playe.1
the most shameful
disregard
even of the
appearance
of
equity,
waa when
thoy
rejected
Ibe
proposals
made
by
his ministers and those
of all his
allies, to secure tbe
independence
of
Kher Greek states. And in this instance
IS evident how
widely
the intercBts of the
people
differed from those of tbeir
orators. To
the
people
it would have been
advantageous
U"
have come to an amicable settlement of this
question
: not so to the orators. To
them, as
he had been iaformed on
good authority,
peace
waa
war,
and war
peace ;
for
they
drew an un- failing
revenue from the
generals,
whom
they
DODj;
them
ni nns încUd In Olrupw :
Ulii llw
,glc
lU
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"ither
"u^'ortedor
thntatened with calamnious
eharEes,
and
gainedpopaJarit}'
as
rriendeorde-
nwcracy by
inceaaant abuse of their mosi eminent
feilow-ci[|z"nB,
and of the moat iUustrious
ftreigners.
He coald. indeed,at a small
peose, easily
hate
stopped
th" inTectives
theae men
againsthimseir,
and have tamed
'
litem into
praise.
Bat be seamed to
parchase
tbe
good-will
of the
people
from such
peraoni
men who were even
shamelesa
enough
to
-claim to
AmphipoIIs,notwiihstsnding
the title
which he inherited (hrni his ancestor Alexander,
who had
conquered
the site of tbe
citydaring
the Peratan
inraaion,
and that which he himself
bad
acquiredhy
the fortune of
war,
and
wbi"h
tfaey
thsBMelTee had conOnned
by
the
lut
treaty.
"These,"
bo
oonohriM, "are the
ebargea
I
have
against3roQ:
and aince
my
forbearance baa
onlyencouraged
yon
to
peraeTere
more
actively
in
your aiêsaions,
and to do allthe barm
you
"an to
me,
I will assert
my
justoaose by
foroe
-Of
arms,
and
appealing
to the
gods
as
my
witnesses,
will
bring
our
controversy
to an
issue."
This
language
amounted tea declaration of
"War,
and
yet
did not absolutelypreclude
frash
negotiations.Deimiethenes,
however,
prevail-
"d on the
people
not to defer
a measure which
tiiey
would slillfind to be unavoidable,when it
could no
lon(!er
be useful to tliem,but to
accept
Philip's ohatlenge
while
they
had so fair a
prospect
of
victory.
He carried a decree which directed
that the column
containing
the
treaty
with
Philip
should be taken
down, that a
fleet
ahould be
equipped,
and all other
preparationa
for war
vigorously
made.' The immediate ob-
jeel
of this
armament
waa,
of
course, to relieve
Byzantium.
BItt
so
deep
had been (he alienation
producedby
tbe Social War between the
two
cities,
that itwas doubtful,as Demoathenee
JBliniates.t whether the
Byiaalians
would consent
to
accept
succours
from Athens. He himself,
it
appears,
undertook
an
enbaasy
forthe
purpose
of
forming an alliance with them.t
Yet, when he had effected this
object,
the fhiil
"f bia
negotiation
had
vrellnjgh
been lost,
tliTOugh
factious
intrigues
and
mismanagement.
Chares had so much interest as to
procure
him-
Hlf to be
appointed
expedition.
It
was
scarcelypossible
to have
made
a more
unhappy
choice
;
for,
besides his
general
defects of character and
capacity,
he
WB8 tbe
very
man who,
above all
othera,
had
provoked
the
enmity
of the
Byzanlians,
and contributed
to kindle the Social
War.4
The curt-
snqnence
was thst allhis
operations
failed : the
^lies to whose aid he was sent dreaded him
aearcely
less than
they
did the
enemy,
and
re-
Itased to receive him
;
and he
employed
bis for-
"ea to exact ietKvolenca " that was the Attic
term for tbis kind of
robberyB
" from the de-
Anceless.
It
may easily
be
snpposed
that
Chares,
in
Ilis
despatches,
laid the Mame of his miscarria-
5
-a on the distrust of the
Bytantians;
and the
thertians were at first almost ss
indignant
at
tfae atlVont
as
when their
troops
were dismissed
'
i Df Civ
.
t 30*. Thnvh lb* cBtsMV Inn vaaiinnai]
vijr
luwe mUii
plan
k li'ile "i1irr. i Et* nu. b. 81.
I DiniQMli..[!"dHTKO.
tU.#".if jiiinficj,jdn".
by
the
Spartans
liom the
siege
of Ithotne.
They
were
inclined fo recall tbejr
forces,and to
leave the
Byzantiansto
their fate
;
but Phocion
pointed
out the real cauae a{ their
failure,and
the
juat
motives which their allies had for sns-
pieioa.
The
peofde
was still
capalde
of listen-
log
to truth,Uiougfa harshlyexpressed.
It decreed
a fresh
armament,
and
appointedPhocion
himself to the
supreme
command. This
appears
to have been
very expeditiously
fitted
ont,
and when
itjohied
the
oSier,theyamount- ed
together
to ISO sail.
They
carried
heavy-
armed
troops,
who were AtfaeniaD
ciliseno,
arais,
and
provisions.Phooion,00 bis arrival
at
Byuntiam, cDoaioped
widuiHt
tbevrallB,and
His
fame,however, bad
gone
before
Um, and it
cbanoed that
Cleon,one "f tbe
leadingcitisens,
had been his bosom
eoaipaaioaat Athnu when
tfaey
Btndied
together
in the
groves
of Acade-
mus. He undertook to answer
for Pbocion's
good faith,
and the Atbenians were admitted
into the
city,
where
they
won universal
good- will
and
esteem, as
well
by
their leal and bra- very
as
by
tlieir
orderly
behaviour.*
Philipwas
forued to raise tbe
aiege
both of
Byzantium
and
Perinthus :t bia
troops
were driven out of the
Ohersonesus
;t
and Phocion not
onlycaptured
several of bis
ships,
but landed on
many parts
of the
coast,expelled
the Macedonian
garrisons
from some of tbe
towns,
and made destructive
inroads into the iatenor. I
none of these be
was
so
severely
wovnded asi to be
obligedto retmm
It was Ion?
since Athens bad seen herveli'
standing
ia
t.i
proud a position.
Her restless
eseaiy,
lotwii^tanding his vfotorious campaigns,
bad been baffled io his ttain
attempts
at
Megara,
in
Eubaa,
and in tbe west of
Orsece,
and had
now been
conqdetely
defeated
in the most
importantenterprise
be bad
yet
an-
dertaken. The
glorywas
almost all bar
own,
though Chios, Coe, Rhodes,
and aocne other
staiea had sent suocoars to Bysantimn. By-
aantinm and Perinthus
expreaaed
their
gralitode
by
a.
jointdscree,
which confierred the
amplest
privileges
of
iaopolityon
tbe
Athenians,
and directed
that a
pvup
of three oolosaal stataes
should be erected in
Byiantium,repreaentiag
the Albeoian
People lecaiving
a crown froin
eacb of the rescued cities
;
and Uiat a solemn
deputation
should be sent to ea^ of tbe four
publicgames
of Greece to
proclaim
the benefits
they
had
received,
and the hoouum with which,
they
had
requited
them. A
goldeD crown,
of
the value of
sixtytalents,
and an altar cottae-
oraled to Gratitude and tbe Athenian
People,
were
decreed
by
tbe colonists of
Ssstns,GIbus,
Madytus,
and
Alopeoonnesus.
It
seems
probable
that the suecesB of the expedition
was,
in
a
great oieaaure,
due to De- mosthenes,
iwt
only
a" tbe mover of the de-
whicb ordered
it,
but still more on ac-
REGULATION OF THE TRIBRARCHY." PHILIP IN 8CVTHU. 14S
count
of a law which he
procnred
to be
passed
nearly
"t the same time,
and which efTccted a
moBi
importaal
reform in the naval service of
AthecB., Down to Ihia time a
regulation
had
Btibsisted.
which aflbrde a remarkable Instance
how, even
under the most
purely
democratical
inatitutioDs,
the
grossestinjustice may
be aa-
thorited
by
the laws in favour of the
wealthy.
The citizens who were
liable to tbe
charges
of
the
Irierarchy
were distribnted into
classes,
each of sixteen
members,
without
an; respect
to difference of fortune.
By
the
existing
law
these sixteen were made to contribute
equally
to the
expense
of one
galley.
Demosthenes
bad
attempted
at an
evher period
to
remedy
this
abase,
which
was,
of
course,
cherished
by
many powerful patrons.
We do not know
whether his
proposal
was rejected, or whether
neans were
found to evade the execution of
^, The evil
seems,
at least,
to have been as
Trying
as
ever,
when the
necessity
of a
vigor-
)us effort in behalf of
Byxantinm
enabled him
:o
carry
his
plan.
Its
object
was to distribute
he whole burden of the
trierarchy
with reference
not to
persons,
but to
property;
so that
he
part
which fellon each contributor should
le in exact
proportion
to his means. Demos-
hencs himself
spoke
with exultation of the
luccess of his measure ;*
and the
chargesby
"hich his adversaries endeavoured to detract
ront his merit are
hardlyintelligible,
and are
ho less
deserving
of
notice,as
they
do not
"
I
impeach
the
equity
and
utility
of the
CHAPTER XLVI.
m.t
A Gbbbx wbo had been
watching
the course
"f
Plulip'B
morementa most have been sar-
lisad to
hear
that,
after
having
raised the
lieges
of
Byzantium
and
Perinthns,on which
le bad
spent
so much time and
money,
if not
[lan;
Uvea
;
after
having
been driven out of
he Cherscmesns
;
and when bis own teiritO'
ies were
nnfl^ngfrom the
enemy's inroads,
ostead of
makiog any attempt
to retaliate on
he
Athenians, as
he had boasted it
waa
al-
rays
in hia
power
to
do,
bis next
enterprise
'ta an expedition against
tbe
Scythians.
The
lotivea
assigned
for this
expedition
seemed
y
no means
urgent.
Atheas,kingoftbeScyth-
ms,
pressed by
the tribes on the banks of the
lannbe,
had
soughtaid,through
the mediation
f the Greeks of
Apollonia,
from
Philip,
and a
ody
of
troops
bad been sent to
support
him.
That the
Scythianpromised,
in return for his
elp,
to
adopt
him as heir to his
throne,
sonnds
ardly
credibie. The
danger,however,
which
hreatened the
Scythians
had .ceased before
heir allies arrived
;
and Atheas sent them
ack with an
insulting message,
by
which he
isclaimed all connexion with
Philip.Philip,
,(333. UnlMi, iadHd, thu
]"
" 43, chu^t D"4VxUll
Dfllj
to
aoMfma
" Blladti ui th"
prop
;h
h"Tiiifn])"u"dl7
itis
said,
then demanded
compensation
fortha
cost of their
march,
which was likewise scof-
Sngly
refused. He was now bent on
revenge ;
and,
after he had withdrawn from
Byiantium,
sent an
embassy
to
Alheas,
with a
requeat
that
be
might
be allowed to erect a statue of Her- cules
at the mouth of the
Danube,
which he had "
vowed
during
the
siege.
The
sagacious
bariui'
rian
replied,
that if tbe statue waa
brought
to
bim he would set it
up,
and would
engage
to
protect it,
but he would not let an
army cross
his
border;
and if
Philip
should
come anderect
it
by force,
he should
Snd,on his
retuni,
that Uib
brass had been melted down to
point
the
Scyth- ian
arrows. On this
challengePhihp
led his
army
across the
Danube,
defeated the
Scythians
by
a
straugem,
and carried
away
an tmmeiise
booty
of
flocks,herds,
and slaves.
The
plam
between the Danube and the Bal- kan
was at this
periodoccupiedby
the Tribal-
lians,
who had been not
long
before forced ont
of their ancient seats in the interior
by
the iron
of the Celts.*
Seeing
that
Philip's
march was encumbered
by
the
spoil, they
demanded
a share as the
price
of his
passagB
through
their
country.
This he
refused,
and a
battle
ensued,
in which he was so
severel;^
wounded that a
reportspreadthrough
the field
of his death
;
and the conatemalion thus caused
in his
army
enabled the
enemy
to carry
off
all the
booty.
The motive to which Jostiu attributes thia
campaignmay,
probablyenough,
have had stnna
weight
with
Philip.
It
is,
that the
expense
of
tbe
siege
had drained his
coffbrs,
and that he
sought
to
replenishthem, partlyby piracy
and
partlyby
the
plunder
of the
Scythians.
What
Justin terms
piracymay
have been
open
and
legitimate
warfare
against
tbe maritime
statea,
particularly
the islands,
which had sided with
Byzantium.
It is said to have recruited bis
finances with the sale of 170
prizes.
But thera
is reason to believe that this
was,
at least,not
the
only
or the cbief motive of his
SCythian
expedition.
Events which took
place
in
Qreeee,
while he waa thus
engaged,
raise a
very strong
suspicion
that hia
principal object
was to divert
the attention of the Greeks for a while front
himself,
and to lullthem into
security
aa to his
designs.
In the
spring
of this
year
(3S9),
.Xschines
had been
appointed,
with three
others,
to
represent
Athens in the
Amphictyonic
counciL
Among
bis
colleagues,
one was that same Mei-
dias who has been
already
mentioned as a violent
enemy
of Demosthenes. The office seems
always
to have been accounted of little
importance
;
and itwas
probably
not
difficultfor
any
party
to fillit with their own
adherents. De-
moslhenes,
who had himself held it some tima
before,intimates that the election of Machines
was effected
by
some
such
intrigues.Diogne-
tus was tbe hieromnemon. Tbrasycles
the third
pylagoras
;
nothing
farther is known of their
political
bias, .fÊchines informs us that, en
their arrival at Delphi.
Meidias and
DiognelUH
were preventedby
iQness from attendingtho
council
;
but that be himself had received notice,
from
persons
wcU
disposed
towards Ath- ens,
that it was the intention
of tbe
deputies
from
Ampbissa
to charge
the Athenians with
"."""'^""CTioglc
U6
HISTORY OF GREECE.
^
proftneneglect
of a
religioiis
eeremoii;^,
and
to
demand thai
tbey
shouM be
pumahed
with
a
fine of
fifty
talents. A new
chapel,
it
seems,
liadbeen built at
Delphi,and,
before it was finished
or consecrated,
tbe Athenians had dedicated
there some
golden
shields"
perhaps
in
tbe
place
of others which bad been removed
'during
the Sacred War " with an
inscription
commemorating
their ancient
victory
over the
Persians and "niebana. j^schines insinuates
that the
Tbebans,
who were affronted
by
this
inscriplioo,
had
instigated
the Locriaus of Am-
phissa
to seize this
pretext
for
graliiying
their
revenge.
Why Ihey
should have chosen (hem
aa Uieir
inslmments,
instead of
directly
exert
ing
their
owa iailiience,
does not
appear.
But
there
was, according
to .fschinea, a
very
strong
motive to withhold tbe Locrians from
making
such an
attach on Athens
;
since,as
he
aaserts, they
were themselves conscious
tliat
they
bad incurred tbe
penalties
of sacrilege,
and had even bribed
Demosthenes,
when
he was sent as
pylsgoras,
and some
of his col-
leaês,
to hnsh
up
the
matter,
and to
espouse
t"cir cause at Athens,
if
they
should be Itareat-
ened with a
prosecution.
It
seems Uiat,after the
subjugation
of the
Phocians.
the Locrians had
taken
poaaession
of the land which had aflbrded the
pretext
for
the Sacred
War,
and continued to cultivate it
for their own
benefit, relying, perhaps,
on the
coDiuvance of tbe states with which
they
had
co-operatedagainat
the common
enemy.
If
they
still dreaded the
enmity
of
Athens,
it
seems
strange
that
they
should have
wantonly
povokcd
it,
and no less so that
they
should
have
thoQghtto screen theraselvea
by bribing
afew of her
Amphictyonicdeputies,.fscbines,
however,himself,accordingto hts own statement,
had not at firstintended to denounce
their
impiety,
but was
only
induced to take this
stepby
an
unexpected provocation.
The bie-
romnemoD,
to whose
office, perhaps,
it would
have
morejiroperlybelonged
to vindicate the
Xthenians In
the business of the
shields,sent
for
him,
and
begged
him to undertake the task.
He had himself
purposed
to do
so,
and had begun
to
plead
with
great earnestness,
when he
was interrupted by
an
Ampbissian deputy,
in
ride
and
intemperatelanguage,telling
the as-
semblj
that
theyought
not to tolerate the name
of the
Athenians,
but to exclude Ihem from the
holy
ground,
as laden with the same curse as
their allies the Phocians,
Then,
jEschines
says,
he could no
longer
contain
himself,
and it
occurred to him to direct the attention of the
audience to the
sacrilegious
cultivation of the
devoted
plain,
studded with rural
buildings,
and
to the
stale of the harbour of
Cirrta,which,
thoughit had been
solemnly
doomed to
perpetual
desolation, was in
completerepair,
and fre- quented
by ships: objects
which were within
Tiew from the
place
oi"
meeting.
He reminded
them of the
dreadfulcurses which had been
pronounced,
after the first Sacred
War, on all
who should either do what the Locrians had
done,or should connive at it. Roused
by
this
appeal,
the council became
impatientto
punish
the
offenders. A
proclamationwas made that
"ery
day, summoning
all the
Delphians
who
were of
mihtary
age,
and not
only
the
freemen,
but
elaves,to meet tbe next
morning
at
day-
1
break,
with
âdes
and
pickaxe*
;
and
notice
was
given
to all the members of tbe council
to lend their aid in behalf of the
god
and his
land.
The next
day,
this
motleycrowd,
headed
by
the
Amphictyons,
marched down to the
sea-
aide,
demolished tbe mole of the
harbour,
and
set fire to the
acljacent
houses. But
as
they
returned from this
piouswork,they
were met
by
the
Locrians,
who had
issued,
with their
whole
force,
from
Amphissa
for the
protection
of their
property,
and
narrowlyescaped
friun
tbeir
vengeance by
a
precipitate fiight
to Del- phi.*
The
day after, Coltyphus,
the
president
of the council "
a Pharsaliant either
by
birth
or settlement " convoked the
Amphictyonicec-
clcaia,
an
assembly composed nearly
of tbe
same
persons
whose lives had been ao
recently
threatened.
There,
says
."schiaes " and this
we can
easily
believe "
many
accusations
were
broughtagainst
tbe
Amphissians.
The concdn-
sion was a decree which fixed a
day
before the
regular
time of the next
meeting,
whOD the
deputieawere
to assemble at
Thennopyls
witb
proposals,
sanctioned
by
the states which aent
them,
for
bringing
tbe
Amphissisosto justice.
Such is the account which JEschines
gave
of
this
tranaaction,
in a
speech,
dehvered several
years
later,
in his own defence. It
seems to
have been his wish to
inspire
his hearers with
a
pious
horror for the
profaneness
of the Locri- ans,
and
yet
to
represent
his own impeaichment
of Uiem as the
salty
of the
moment, when in'
dignation
had thrown him off his
guard.
As to
the
sincerity
of his
piety,
and his
patriotic
sen- sibility,
we are
unable to
judge
;
but BemoB-
thenes
assignsa
reason,
drawn from the absence
of a form
requiredby
the
ordinary
pro- cedure
in
Amphictyonic prosecutions,
for rejecting
the
story
of the
charge
which the Lo- crians
meant to
bringagainst
Athens aa a mere
fiction. It
is,at leaat,an assertion
which,
like
tbe
others,
rests
entirely
on his
own credit.
Nor
was it
easy
to
disprove
his
statement aa
to (he
provocation
he received from tbe Locrian
deputy.
All that is certain
is,
that the consequences
were such as
Philip
must have desired
very
much to
bringabout,
and that fschines
had
previously
incurred a
strong suspicion
of
beingready
to act as his instrument. Nor
was
it difficult to foresee
them,
since
they
were
parilypredictedby
Demosthenes. It
may,
io-
deed,
be
pleadedinbchalfofj^schines,
that the
dispute
with the
Locrians,
which he had excited,
might
have been terminated without Phil- ip's
intervention. But this would
only prove
Uiat,
if there was a plot
to call in
Philip,
he
was
not the
onlyagent employed
in it.
j"schines and his
colleagues,
on their
relmn
to Athens,
laid the decree of the
Amphictyons
before the
people.
He wishes itto be
supposed
that the
measure,
and his account of his own
proceedings,
were received with
generalappro- bation,
and that the
only
dissentient voice
was
that of Demosthenes. From
DemostiieoeB,
ia-
1 Xtehiin sitT,"""..
t IM, mn "TinriUi"u,who
""c"iinn, Cui.. 4
1^.
The AiupluctTcnJeilocn*.
PHILIP GENERAL OF THE AHPHICTY0N8.
1"7
deed, ire kam that be
imniediatelj
excIaiDoed
in the
assembly,
"You are bringing
war inlo
Attica,."3Chinei,an
AfflphicCyonic
war." The
result is
only
related
by ^schinee,
wbo asserta
tbat DemoeUiGDes cot a billto be
clandestiaely
passedby
the Five
Hundred,
whicb be then hud- dled
tbroughUieasaemblyjuat
as ilwas breaking
up,
BO that it became a decree before
any
one was aware of its
contents, enacting
that
the
deputies
sent
by
Athens to the
Arapbiciyon-
ic council should
proceed
to
Theiuiopylie
and
Del[riii
at the season prescribedby bereditary
usage.
He adds that tbere was a clause which "
fortude them to take
any part
in the delibera-
tions,acts,
and
pioceedinga
of the other
deputies
wbo were to assemble at
Thermopylie.
TboQ^, boweTer,
bis statement
may prove
that
an important
measiu^
mi^bc
be so carried at
Albens,
it is certain that it
might
be
repealed
by
a crimioal
proaeoution
of its
autlkor,
which
is not said to have been institutedon tbta occa-
la
obedieDce,however,to thisstden decree,
ibe Atheoian deputies
remained at Athens,
while Uie council held its
extraordinary
meet
iig.
It was attended
by
those of all the other
Hiatea
except Thebes,*
wbtch was neither hds-
tileto
Amidiissa,
noi desirous of a new Sacred
War. War was decreed
against
the
Amphia-
sians,aiid Cottyphuswss appointed
to the com-
maiad
of an
Amphictyonicarmy,
destined to reduce
tbem to obedience.
Heacnntlinglymarcb-
ed with all the forces he ooold ooUeot
against
Ibeir
city.
His
canâign,according
to iSscbi-
aes,
was
prosperous ;
bnt itseems aa ifhe had
owed its anccess mora to Uieir intestiikediscord
than to the
strengtb
of his
army.
They
appear
to have ofiered httle
resistance,
and submitted
to a fine whicb the
An^hiotyDaa
laidaa them,
to be
paid by
iastalmente
;
hut, at the same
time,one
par^,
which was
abaigoi
with the
sacrilege,
was forced to
go
into
exile,
and an-
cttaer,
c^led
by
.fscfaiBes the
Pious,
was restored.
Peibaps
this was
merely
a
feint,
made
(0
gain
time
;
for the AnîeCyonic (broes had
not
long
withdrawn before the exiles were re-
eaUed,
tbe Pious sent into banishment. Tbe
fine remained
unpaid;
bnt,
if we believe De-
nuMtbenes,
the
enterprise totally
failed
through
the
diflieiilty
whicb
Cottypbus
fonad in collecting
an adequate
force.
Daring
these transactions
Philipwas stillen- gaged
in his
Scythianexpedition ;
but he had
prîably
returned to Macedonia before the next
ngidar meeting
of the
Amphietyons,
at whatever
time we
may suppose
this to hsve tahcn
place;
for it is
a disputedquestton,
on whicb
the
language
of the orators throws
scarcelyany
light,
wbeiher the
ordinary
autumnal
meeting
ms held in
33^, or itwas meant that the extra-
ordiDary
one
sbonld be aubstitnted for it
;
so
that tbe next took
pboe
at
Delphi
in the
sprine
of 338, It is
certain,howevn,
that at one of
these seasons Philipwas
elected
general
of the
Amphjetyons, probably
with nnlutiiled
powers,
and
requested
to
carry
the deorcea of the council
into efihet
againstAmphissa-
We
cannot,
iodeed,
draw
aiqr
infeienoe from this fact as to
Ihe dote of Ida
eommiasiMi.
mtieas we
lay
what
0
says
that after his elee-
tionbe forthwith collectedbis
tbroes, and maitft-
ed into Greece. Even ifho bad been elected in
the
autumn, when we consider that he returned
from Thrace
severelywounded, that be had been
tang
absent from his
kingdom,
that his
amy
must have needed some
repose,
and that winter
was
approaching,
itwnuid rather seem
sttai^
if he bad not deferred an
expedition
in which
he was to traverse a mountainous
country la
tbe
ensuingspring. Nevertheless,it
appears,
on the
whole,
moat
probable
that he was not
formally
elected before 338.
Since,however,
he
had
good reason to calculate on this
event,
he
had time
enough
to make his
prepanttions,
so
as to be in readiness
immediatelyto
comply
with the desire of the
.^mphiotyona.
We are here led to touch on another
diqn-
ted
question,
wbtch is more
inportantthan
the one
juet
considered, Diodwos relate*
that,
after the
sieges
of
Byzautium
aikd Perinlluw
were
raised,Philip
made
peace
with tlM Atb"-
nians,
and the other Oreeks irtio had
opposed
him in the war. Tbe reader is
by
this time
aware that such a
statement,
ifit rested on no
other
authority,
would be
eitiem^j qneationa-
ble;and, infact,none oftbeother wrttetsfana
whom we derive our
knowledge
of the
histoij
of these times takes
any
notice of this transaction.
Philocboms' was
evidentlyigmrant
ofit. The two orations of .Machines and 0"-
raoBthenes,
in which
they professto review aU
the
leading
occurrences of this
period,
are silent
about
it,though they
must both hsve taken
an active
part
in the dohberattiHisconcent
ing it,
and it would seem that it must iMve
supplied
tbem with
many toptoe
for mutual ao-
cnsaUon. It can
scarcely
be reeonoiled with
Plutarch's
account,
which we have no other
reason to
question,
of Phooion's
opMîions
after
Che rêf of
Byzantium.
In
fine,
the fact
is in itself
hardly
credible. It is
very
uBliketr
that,at the
juncture
mentioned
by Dtcdoms,
either
party
should have made
proposals
fin
peace.
TbcAthenianswereprobab^'toomucb
elated with their success
;
and for this
very
reason
Philip
would have been
unwilling
to
make the firstadvances. Ittere is
only
one
quarter
from which (he
slightest
coniinnalioa
can be found for the statement of Diodorua.
Certain
state records,
cited at
full
length
in tbe
speech
of
Demoslheiies,
and so apparently
tee-
ognisedby
the
orator himself,
altuds to a
treaty
as still
subsisting
between Athens and
Philip
in the interval between his
retom from Thrace
and bis next
expeditionto Greece.
Attempts
have, indeed,
been made to
explain
these aBo-
sions,
so as to
dispense
with the
supposition
of
a forma]
treaty.
But it seems alike clear that
the
peace
of M6 was considered
on both sides
as
completely
at an end,
and that tbe
language
of
Demosthenes, as to the relations between
the two
powers,
implies
that it
was not renewed
before
Philip's
last
campaign
in Greece. It
only remains, then,
that
we must
reject
the
monaments which contain these allusions aa
apuriouB
;
and
they
are found in
compauy
with
so
many
others,
which
are alio
very sus[a-
cious,t
thst when
opposed
to
every
other au-
'
t At Bni*cbiar
bHibnm^* "4n^*Bsl7iii vfthta
ia u
ippudii to U" irnk- ^luha, i.,
p.
ttl,iihn fRu
Itu dtcnu dud
bj DemaUloBn uu to luul
ispUm
148
HISTORY OF GREBCE.
thority, except
the
solitar; teatimony
nf DjO'
donUi they
cannot be allowed to eland.
The
poiitioa.
then,
of
Philip
towarda the Alhe-
niana at the
beginning
of
3^
was one of
open
boMility.They
were conscious that
they
had
provoked
hii reaentment to the utmoat,
and
"mat have
expected
that he would
give
itTent
"h aoon aa
he coold find a eo"Teiiieni
opporia-
nity,
Therefbre it was that Demosthenea ei-
daimed so loudlyagainst
the iiiBdi"eM or Uie
treBChet^
of
"aehuie",
which threatened Atti- ca
widi an Amphictyonic
war. Without such
apretext Philip,
however
eager
Tor
revenge,
or
li^tBtieiit
of the obstacles which
theyopposed
to hja
plana,would,
it was known,
find it
veiy
difficultto reach them. In an
expeditioQ
di-
neted
avowedly againstAttica,
he could no
longer
retkon on the aid of the two
powers
lAicb had been his main
suiqtort
in (he Pho-
cdan wai. It was doobtful even wbeUier he
eodld
procure
the
general
concuirenca
of the
Theesalians.notwiihstanding
the influence he
had
gained
over
them,
in such an
undertaking.*
It was oertain that the Thebans would view it
with fear and aversion. Since the Phocian war
a great chauge
had taken
place
in the scnti-
luents
with which he was
regarded
at Tliebes.
He
had, indeed,
been a
nsefi^
ally;
but he was
something
more
;
he was a
powerfulprotector.
They
had received an
obligation
which hnmbled
them,
and therefbre
inspired
them rather with
Clonsythan
with
gtatilnde.They
could not
fbel that
they
1^
sunk,
and that be had
liaen into
theirplaee.
Out ofBceotia
they
were
powerieas;
within
it,they
owed their sover-
eion^
to tuB favour. In such a
mood men ea-
ai^
take
oO'ence,
and are
deeply
wounded
by
alightprovocations.
The Thebans had
expected
that Nioa would have been ceded to them
;
Philip,
as we have
seen,
had annexed it to
Thessaly. They
had a claim to
Echtnos,
a
town on the AMlan
Qulf,
or,
aa Demosthenes
intimateB,were aettially
in
poaseasion
of
it;
Phihp
took it
away
from thun.t Theae
injn-
riaa
might not have been
to
grievous
to them
If
Uiey
had
not been inflicted
by
the hand of
their benefhctor. Bat, independently
of
these,
they
were not at all
disposed
to contribute to
hie Ihrtber
aggrandizement,
'nieir old
grudge
againstAtbraa,though
stOl
rankhng,
b^n to
appear
trifling
in
CMnparison
with these
grounds
Of alarm and resentment. They
had
already
givensome intimation of the
policy
which
they
meant to
poraae,
when
theykept
aloof from the
extraordinary nweting
lieldon
the affairofAm-
phieaa.
Tliis
new turn of Theban
polities
had not escaped
cAiservation at Athens. Demosthenes
and his friendswere
eager
to take
advantage
of
it,
and it seems
that even orators who did
not
properlybelong to the anti-Macedonian
party,
and who
only
desired
peace,
were not less
anxious
(or alliance vrith Thebes. t
Several
attempts,
it
appears,
were
made to effectthis
Object
"
some, perhaps,
as soon as it became
known that
Philipwaa appointedgeneral
of the
Amîctyons
" but without
anccess.^
The
"" *
B too cautions
wantonly
to
pro-
iai laliB piKa i
Wioiiwiki, Ibu k :
"
DniMMhtsH,
Da Cot.,*
fp.,ii.,i**
-^
voke bis reaentment
;
and be
probaUy reqnimd
nothing
more ftmn them for the lime Ihan that
they
should not
go
over to the side of Athena.
He knew that he ahould be able to
negotiate
with them to
greater advantage
when he had
I
army
near their frontier.
Very early,then,
in 338 "
perhaps
in
February
he set out on bis march towuda the
south,
with (he
professed
intention of
waging
war with
Amphissa.
In
Tliessaly
his
presence
overawed
all
opposition,
and he
probably
received all the
re-enforcements the
country
could aflbrd. At
ter he had crossed the
ridge
which
aeparated
tbe
territory
of the
Epicnemidian
Locrians from
the vale of the
Ce{duBus,
)iis road rassed
bj
Etatea,
the chief town in the east of
Fhocis,aa
Delphi
in the
west,
and so situate as to com-
~"
\ the defiles which are the
principalen-
e to Phocis and Bceotia from the north.*
now.
instead of
proceedingwestward,
he
took
possession
of
Elatea,
and
immediately
be-
o restore its dismantled fortiGcations. It
an
miequivoca}sign
that his viewa
were
directed,
not towards
Amphissa,
bat towards
BtEotia and Attica.
The news reached Athens
probably
the next
evening.
The
prytanes,
to whom it was Urat
brought,
were at table in their
oouncit-hall,
They instantlyrose,
and
gave
orders betoken-
crisis of
eilraordinary
and inaminenl dan-
Tbe
market-place
was forthwith cleared
of the
petty
traders who
exposed
their wares
there,
and the officers even set fire to their
wicker stalls. Tbe
generals
were
summoned,
the
trumpeter
was ordered to be in attendance
;
but he was
hardly
needed to sound an alarm
through
the
city.t
The
precise
nature
of the
dauger
was
probably
understood
by few;
the
generalopinionwas, perhaps,
that
Philip
was
in fullmarch for Attica, All waited
impatiently
for tlie
moning.
At
daybreak
the Five Hnit-
dred were assembled,
while the
people
flocked
the
Pnyx
;
and the seats were already
filled
a cnrious and anxious
multitude,
before tha
nncil had
gone
through
the
preliminary
fonns
required
to introduce the haatness. At
length
tbe cooncil
entered;
the bearer of the news
was
produced,
and made to
repeat
his
story ;
then followed the herald's
invitation,
Who will
speak
1 An
anumally longpause
ensoed
;
tbe
herald reiterated his
question
;
but no one
came forward out o( the crowd of oratora and
official
persons
present,
until at last Demosthe- nes
mounted the bema.
He himself has
preserved
some
IragnwntB
"^
the
speech
which he made on this
occasion,
or,
rather,an
oalline of its contents. His firstob-
vas to calm tbe
people's
worst fears,
which
^
from the
suspicion
that
Philip
was
aoting
ncert
with the Thebans. He
pointed
out
that,
ifsuch a concert
had existed,
the seizure
Elatea would have beeiu
unnecessary ;
he
would
already
have been on the borders of
At- tica.
There
was,
however,
a faction at Thebes
subservient to his
interests,
and the
object
with
which he had taken
np
bis
threatening poeition
waa to animate his
partisans,
and to strike
terror into those wliom he could not corrupt
or
deceive.
The
coarse,
then,
which it became
Athens to
pursue,
was dear
;
all
feetinga
oC tl-
t PbiUpp.,
iiTt
**" I DnHlluiiiH, Di Car.,4
t
Jaihuea adr. Clei.,t "", IN.
TREATY WITH THEBES. Ufl
-ralr;
and iD-willtomrda Thebea miut bs laid
aside; tbej
innat conaidt aa if lesa for their
own
aafetf
tban for
hen,
wbich naa in mare
immediate
danger.
And firstof
all,they
most
make a
iiefiay
of
slrensth,
wbicb would en-
couiage
Ibe frianda of
libertr at Thebes aa
mnch aa its anemies were elated
bj
the
neigh-
iKHirhDodof the Macedonian
camp.
He
proposed
that tiieirwhtde
Ibme, inftntiy
and
caTalT?,
ahonld maTch ont aa hi aa ElonaiB,and that
ten amtHuaadars Bhonbi be
appointed
to
go
to
lliebes,
who ahonld likewise have a voice in
the conncil of the
generala
with
respect
to the
moTements of the
army.
And the
langnage
of
the ambaaaadon,
when
they
oame to
I^liee,
ahonld be that of men who were not
ukiof
a
favour,
Iwt
irfbring
a benefit. The
propoeal
of
the
einbuay,
at
Imat,
waa
nnanimonalyniapt-
ed,
and the orator himaelf waa riected one of
the
envoys.
We bear of two other decrees
which he
aiq"ears
to hare carried either at this
time or a little
earlier,
when it was known thai
Philipwas on
the
point
of
invading
Qreeoe.
Tbe worka which were
going
on about Ibe
docks and the arsenal were
anspended,
that the
money
employed on them
might
be devoted to
parpoaes
of more
pressingimportanoe;
and
thia meaanre introduced that which Demosthe- nes
had Eo
long
had bt heart
;
the
surplus
which
bad hitherto
t^n swallow^
up 1^
the theor-
ic land was
now,
at last,appropriated
to the
maintenance of the
troops.*
A
body
of
10,000
mercenaries
had,
it
aeema, already
been collected.
'
The
envoys,
no doubt, repaired
to Thehea
without
delay
;
bat
they
found an adverse em-
baeayalreadythere,compoaed
of Macedonian
and Tbeasalian
miniaters,
with those of some
other
states,probably
the littletribea north of
Phocis,
which had
diaplayed
ao much zeal in the
last Sacred
War,
and atill
regardedPbilip
as
ttie
champion
of
religion.They
demanded ei-
Iber the
co-operaMoD
of the Thebaua
agaiaat
Aihena,or,
at least,a free
passage tbrough
Bie-
oiia. Il
waaadifficultquesiion:
and the friends
of Athena had to defend a bold
step,
when
they
proposed
to
defy
a
king
who was
within one or
(WD
daya'
march of the
city,
with an
aim;
of
nearly30,000
men. We
may
well believe that
opiniona were so
nearly
balanced ia the Theban
assembly
that the
eloquence
of Demoathenea
may
have contributed not a little to turn the
"caie. But
perhaps
the
intelligence
which he
brought
of the
vigorouapreparations
which Ath- ena
was
making may
have
weighed
still
more
on the name side. The
terms, also,
of the alliance
proposed
were
very
favourable and honourable
to Thebes. ."achtaea" who has
probably
not
reported
them
quitecorrectly
" makes
them
a
topic
of
reproach
to bis
adversary.t
But
perhapsnothing
more waa conceded than
was
imperstivelyrequired;
and
certainly
it
was no time for
haggling,
either about the ex-
pensea of the
war,
or about claims of
precedence.
iGschinea asserts that the Thet^na
were allowed
hy
the
treaty
to sbare the command
of the naval
force,though
Athens was to
1"ar all the
chargea;
and tha(_the
army
was
placed
entirely
at their
diapoaal
"
evidently
a
gtwa
exaggeration,which, however,
shows
*
nulgdunii is Diimn.,"p. i- td Ai
t
CM., t lU, Ml.
I.,
II.
that Thebea waa to
pay
her own
trt"opa.
A
more
important
article was one which
guaisn-
tiad the
sovereignty
of tbe Bootian towns to
the
Thebans,
and
pledged
the aid of Aihena to
rednce
any
that
might
revolt from them to obe-
Tlie resalt of thia
negotiation
leems to have
changedPhilip's plana.
He did not think it ad*
Tiaable
immediately
to invade the Theban territory,
or to force his
way
into
Attica,
bat resolved
firstto
strengthen
himaelf with ai
enforcements a* he could obtain from Pi
neauB,
and in the mean while to turn his arms
againstAmidussa
;
perhaps
bolh for the
purpose
of
convincing
his allies that be had not
dr"mied the
professedobject
of his
expedition,
and with tbe
bope
that his movements in this
qoartw might
draw the
enemy
into some disadvantageous
position.
If this was his
expectation,
he was not
whollydisappointed.
He immediately
sent a manifesto to his
Peloponn"'
aian
allies, in which he
repreaenled
the causft-
of
religion
as the
onlyone that had moved him
to take ttie
field,
and
requested
their aid.
*
His
application
seems to have been bat
coldlyreceived,
and few
Peloponnesian
auxiliaries
joined
his
army.
On the other
hand,
Athena and
Thebea did not failto send their ministers into
Peloponnesus
to counteract bie
efforts,
and to
obtain succours for themselves.
Tbey appear
to have been rsther more successful,
since we
hearof a
body
of Coriothiantroopsamong
their
forces
;t
and the
Aohataos,
at least,
had
atrong-
er motives for
taking
a
part
in tbe
atmê.t
But it is
probable
ibat most states
keptaloof,
less from indifi^TBnoethan
throngh
fear.
It was not
Philip's
interest,in this state of
flings,
to
bring
the war with
Amphisaa
to a
apeedy
end. The
Amphiasians aought
aasist-
anee from
Athens,
and it
appears
that Demos- thenes
exerted his iuBuence in their behalC
"schines4 alleges
that it was he who, through
corrupt motives,
caused the
10,000 mercenaries,
who were at thia
juncture
so much needed
for the defence of Athens
itself, to be
placed
at their
disposal.
It would
seem,
from a bint
given by Polytenus,!!
that the Atheoian and
Theban
generals,
Ctaares and
Proienus,
had
hoped
to
entanglePhilip
in the defiles
leading
to
Ampbissa,
but thai
Pbilip
drew them out "a
their
positionby
a
stratagem,
and afterward defeated
them, and mode himself master
of the
city.
And (his account is in some degreectm-
Grmed
by .Machines,
who meotiona a defeat
which
the mercenaries suflered at Ampliissa.f
Demoathenea, on the other band,
passing
over
this disaster in
silence,speaks
of two
engagements"
in which the alhed foreeB gainedsome
fO.U psrbfep*not
f"fr
oiilrPtloptauiMuiinuiiliMiM. Philip,he mji,"
Chmo-
ii"
itttrntmi'ABuRi/nc r" ""! BKur/nvc Hal kopivWnc
I Thu tha CorinthiBo did wl ooom ilomi,
nmy
V^*}
Hit Anadlui, *iUir7ntij (olMmaUtii b Xminin'f dU
ifaxInvTa îi4'iaM"v,
"*
(.*"
oWI foi('EXJir.iy
)kw
'tCU^'lM.
Hi!.,",".
lCtM.,H4r.
""
D. Cori.1 "", fiû r*r l'M roB FOrajuB
ml riff
XEivni'vtv.
Tba meulng oTlhiiluiipillielii que"ti""-
Ela
: Iho intniintatiOQ,
hmllltof At Ki"rH,
BM qoil*
iMil-
hcwrr: b" ut "nluitim ii pnl"nMi"
u Ihu nC tha
HISTORY OF GREECE.
tdTanUge
over Philip,
snfflcienl to oeeuioa
pnUio
lejoicings
at Athena,
and to
' ' "' "
i" to renew
his
applicatioD
to failPi
dUea IB BtOlmore preninglanguage.
tion
wi^
'niebea,
where his
party,though
it
bad been Toreed to
yield,
was still
poweiful,
and
might
be strengthened
aa
long
as an avenue
was
keptopen
for bribes or peraaBsions,
Sane
t^ttMBceotaTchslEaBed
to his
side,
or,
at least,
began
to waver as to the
expediency
or
ptoae-
oiSngthewar,* Hiihsrto the union witii Ath-
ana had becm
wondeifuily
cordial. The Athe- nian
troops
had even been leoeired into the
"ity,
and
quartered
in the
houses,
while the
TheiMn
army
was in the
Geld;
and
here,as at
Byxantiam, êy
had shown themaelvea
wonhy
Wh"^ eoDlideiice
by
their
orderly
behaTiaur.t
But DOW
Bymptoms
of
jealousyappeared.
A
body
of
troops,
which bad been
sent, periiapa,
to eonntsract the effect of
Philip'sproposal,
was turned back
by
the Thehan
magistrates. t
Semosthenea,
who bad
probablybegun
to hope
Ibr a decisive
victory,
which
might
secure the
liberty
of
Greece,
became
uneasy,
fschines
describes him as
protesting
with
outrageoi
"letice
againstpeace,
though st Athens il
not yet
been mentioned. Haw itwas that Phil- ip's
attempt biiled,we most not
expect
to
eoTer, .Xschines,
thoD^
he denies with t
that (he
eloqaenoe
of Demosthenes liad
any
share in
bringing
abont the
sUianee,
would
per-
snade us that his clamour dMerred the Theban
government
from
listening to Philip's
overtures.
However it
may
have been that this
danger
was averted,
it
may
have seemed to
prove
the
Becewit;
of
risking
a battle,
while the alliance
whichwsa thus threatened stillsnbsiated. The
milUoiyoOdRoilof
Iba allies
appears
to have resolved
to se^ the
enen^
without
dday,
and
when the Atheniau (brcee next left the
city,
it
was with
a generalexpeetation
of a decisive
mgagetnent.
There
were,
of
eomse, mm;
Arebodings
of
disMier,
and
attempts
w"e made
to arrest the march of the
aimy by enperatitiouB
"ernples.
A fttal accident had eeonnred
dmring
"" "
'as whieh had been
recently
oelsbra-
B
pnôeed
to consult the
Delphic
"iiniKi uH
bO aimster an omen. Demosthenee
MBlMed the motion with an
expression
which
dlcgaata
Machines
by
its
homeliness,
but which
"eems to have
eoaveyed
a
veiy
notoiions
tk
priutut pkiUppiMU. Unqneeiiooably
the
onde
was in
Phflip'a power.
The
sacrifices,
toe, preoedittg
the nareh were
prenonneM'
nopitioiia.
DeraoeOMtiesia said to have
HMMr^
verse,
and the
eiamples
of Periolea
and
E^HUDinondas,
and to have
urged
the i'
partore
of
ê
troops.^
He himself
served,
foot,
inthe ranks. The two armies met in I
plain
of ChBronea
;
a
temple
of
Hercules,
the banka of the litêriver
Htemua, a
tributary
of the
Caphleua,marked,
wbjle it
stood,
tbeen-
eamixnent
of the Greeks
: as an
aged oak,on
the banks of the
Cephieua,
was believed,
in
Plutarch's time,to have overahadowed Alexan- der's
tent.
The
really
bad
omen for Ae
catiae of Athens
and Thebes
was,
that
they
had neither a Peri-
rtes nor an Epaminondas
at the liead of their
"" mnteries w
tol It
was
pr
army.
Ilwbes
poaseased
at this time
no
gen'
eral of suffioientnote to be even roentioied,
except Thei^nes,
wbo is named on^ to be
branded aa a traitor
;*
and the names of
Chares,
LyaielOB,
and
Stratodes,
who oommartded the
Athenians,
could
inspTe
littleOMfldance. In
numbers
theyafqiear
to have at teast
equaled
the
enemy ;t
but
thotigb
ths Saend Band etiU
preserved
its exe^lent
diecqtline
md
apirtt,
the
Athenians,
who had now tn
many years
been
htth; used to
militaiyservice,were ili-matehed
with the Macedanian
veterans,
led
by
their
king,
and
by
the ai^ officers formed in his
school,
and animated
by
the
presence
of the
young
prince Alexander,
whom his hlher In-
inisted with the ooramaiid of one
wieg,where,
however, some of his beet
generals
ilem ate-
tioned at his side. We kn'ow
very
littte
more
of the causes which det"nnined the evrat of
the battle
;
and theae are
amply
sBfBcient to
account for it. If we
may
believe
Potyienna,
Philip
at firstrestrained the ardour of hie
troops,
until the Aiheniana had
spent
much of the
vigour
and
fury
with which
ftey
made their onset. t
Then,
it
appears,
Alexander made a
charge,
which broke the
enemy's tanks,
and decided
the fortune
oftheday.^
The lliebaos seem to
have
kept
Ibeir
ground
longest,
and
probaUy
Buffered moat. The Sacred Band was cut off
to a
man.
but
figbting
where itstood. Demos- thenes
was not a bero of this kind
;
bnt he waa
certainly reptoached
with
cowardice, be"anBe
he
escaped
in the
generalflight, only by
those
wbo wished that he had been left on the field.
Of the Athenians not more than 1000 were alain,
bnt 3000 were taken
prisoners;among
these
Demades
felliniotheenemy'shanda.
11101008
of the ThebuiBlsnot
repoTledinnambeis;
but
the
prisonerawere probably
fewer than Qie
It
was not the amount of these htsBes that
gave
each
importance
to the battle of
Chnronev,
that it bas been
gmerally
etmsidered as Hte
Uow which
pot
an end to the
iitdependence
of
Greece,!!
any
more tbm it waa the loae stts-
tained
ttjSparta
at Leuctra that
deprived
her
of ber
sa^nemaoy.
But the event of thia
day
broke
up
Uie
oonfedency
which bad been formed
againstPhilip,
aa it
proved
Uiat its utmost efforts
could not raise a force sufl^ctentto meet
him,
with
any
cbanoe of
snocess,
in the field.
Each of the ^lied
atales,therefore,was left at
hie
men^.
The eonrtemaiton which the ti-
dinga
(tf^s
disaateicaused et Athens was
probably
greater
than had
ever
been known there
'Dinuohi: II in DeiL, 1 75. Yet it
ippivi
fnim Fin-
It,
Om
TiHIUH (ell in Itu bulle. But
Ii~"g*
fa FcfrtaoM,
rlii., 40,vliich wOl bm
i Diudonu, in., Sii,nn that
Philip,
whoH unr con-
liitBd of DiDn Ibio 10,000rwt ud nol Ini Ihu WOCTlisna
btn. JuHiB.
ii.,
",m tha
toautif,
""" Oat cba Atha-
luu
ana;
ni
iu
imm numanKu. Oa *liat auUmntr
DrDjHn, p.19,BititliiiDgBtniDftlifiallieaat
",00O,ha,
"I Tiwacuua wu
AMktA tiov fftrha meant to
t
Dimtonulin.,H. AlanBdar wai fk Ik*
mm (^
foiei
u ths Ttiibaiu.aad SiK
chargail
Ifaa Sicnd Bud.
o
Ljcoijaac.Laoci., t SO; tun^ra/rt
(Ula
altlB U
maal
rl"
B'" fcrtXiaW
BiI.Td
i*(
-IMJin lit
fwa,
Di
Car-tin. jnWn mirtruir nitfi'tii rii
1
Dam.,!*. lmJXAw'BXA4M.Aca"":f"iL
'^
rd I* 'tM
PREPAHATI0N8 AT ATHENS.
161
"except
"AflrUieIon at
Îgos-potunos.
Two
maruiile
instaneea have been
preserred,
whlcb
may
oerre to illasttate the effect which
tbej
produced
OD difCtreDtmindB. A citizen of
good
eondition, named
Leocrates,
who
aad,
no doubt,
made
preparatioDs
foi
digfac,
when the nen
lived,
collected bis moveable effects and ti
ported
them on board a vessel which was lying
off the coast bound forRhodes. On bis
landing
there he
spread
a
report,
which he
probably
expected
would be HOOD confirmed
by
the
event,
that the
city
was taken,
and Pircus
beiteged.
This wa* not a solitary
case
;
for
we
find that
the
Areopagus,
exertingthe
eitraordinary
authority
which it had often asanmed in aimDar
eaaea,
arrested and
put
to death several
persons
who had
attempted
to
quit
the
city;
and one
Autolyetis
was
brought
to trialand
condemned,
because he had removed hie
family
to a
place
of
safety.
It was even
thoughtneceaaary
to
pass
a decree
subjectingemigration
to the
penalties
of treason ;*
and
Leocrates,
when he returned
borne seven
jeare
afterward,was
capitaUy
impeached
for his
flight.
Isocrates was still
living
at
Athens,
in
good
health,
and in fall
possession
of his
faculties,
although
in his
ninety-ninth year,
when be heard
of the battle. The
tidings
went to his
heart,
and induced him to
put
an end to bia life
by
voluntary
abstinence. f
He
was a sincere
patriot,
notwithstanding
the
pains
he look to forward
Philip's
ambitious
designs.
The event
which had now established a new relation between
his
country
and Macedonia dissolved the
brightvision,on which his
fancy
had so
long
dwelt,
of
a
Greek
war against
Persia under a
Macedonian leader. The tomb of the
wealthy
itetorician was adorned with a
loftycolumn,
"urmoanledbyacolossall^re
of a siren^t an
emblem meant
by
his fHeads to
signify
the fas-
ciaating
power
of his
eloqneace,
and which was
no less
appropriate
with
respect
to the fatalleur
dency
of his
political
counsels.
Athens, however, was not
yet
deserted
by
the ancient
spirit
which had borne her
up
under
BO many
disaster*. In tike first
dismay
of
the ill news an extraordinaryassembly was
summoned,
and a'deeree
passed,
on the nation
of
Hyperides,directing
a seriesof measures for
the defence of the
city. 4
That the Fire Hun- dred
sbonld
go
down Id a
body,armed,
to Pi-
neua, to provide
for the
security
of the
ports.
That
the Women and
children,
and
certain sacred
treasures,
should be
lodged
in Piraeus.II
That the
generals
should have
power
to exact
the
service of all
persona,
whether ciiizesa or
foreigners, to keep guard,
as
they thoughtfit.f
That
the slaves should be
emancipated,
the
resident aliens admitted to the
franchise,
and
(he citiiens who had been
degraded
restored lo
Iheir
privileges."
The
military duty"ât
least
before
the
fugitives
had
begun
lo fiock in from
Chcronea" lellalmost
entirely
on the old
men
;
and it
seems that
envoys
were sent lo
Andros,
Ceos,
Triezen,
and
Epidaurus,as the nearest
'
Lyea^DBB. Loocr.,4 5ft,
Si.
Auti^TCQ*
wu K nwn'
"Hrofiht
AjHp"fiUjPlaluch,Tit"X. Oiu,, LTeniru.
tnuuiu, i.,n,
S.
PlDbOdb,Vit.X. Oru., Inenua,
Stjcin"
c" L"CT,.t ST.
Wat,Ttt.X.
Or.,HnxrldH, f . 8",
A.
^
Lrmj-., ". (qt 1*.
""
Ubinp.,) 41.
friendly places,
to
implore
ai
thenes,
when he came
back,
carried a decree
which
assigned
a sum of ten talents for the
repairing
of the walls and for
a new ditch and
rampart ;
he was
appoiutedto
superintend
the
work,
and laid out three talenta of his
own oit
it.I It was carried on in a
spirit
of
patriotia
devotion : no hand was idle,no
property
waa
spared
;
timber was taken from the
adjacent
groves
or olive
grounds;
stones from the
tomb*,
arms from the
temples,
j Demosthenes had infused
his own
energy
into the
people
;
be and
his
friends,though
he
might naturally
have been
considered,
and was
loudly
denouticed
by
hia
political opponents, aa the author of Uie calamity,
had
never exercised
greater
influence than
in this season uf alarm and distress. He
was,
indeed,
assailed with
repeatedprosecutions,
but
passedtriumidiantly through
alt
;4
and not
long
alter he received the most signal token that
could be
given
of
public
confidence and
ee^
teem : he was
^painted
to deliver the funeral
the aolemo
obsequies
which
wero
celebrated over the citizens who fell at ChKnn
1. On tbe other hand.
Lysicles,
the
general,
IS
brought
to trial and
put
to death for hi*
iduct in the battle. We do not know
wh|r
was
singled
out for
punishment,or whethfv
"
colleagues
did not venture to return
;
but
that his lile
was not sacrificed
to a blind
reseot-
it,
seems
sufficiently provedby
the oharao-
of hia
prosecutor,
the
uptight
and noble-
minded
Lycurgus.
As
long
as it remained unknown what tua
Philip
would make of his
victory,
there wa*
certainly
reason to fear the
worst
;
and ifit ba
that at firsthe
rejected
the
application
of
heralds who came from Lebadea to ask
leave to
bury
the
BUin,H
we
might
suppose
that
wished
to keep
the
vanquisheda
while
is
ipense
as to their fate,
liiat
he should
even
have
forgotten
himsetf for a tioie,on the
sceM
of his
triumph,
intoxicated
by
the
completesuo-
cess which bad
suddenly
crowned the
plans
and
labours of so
many years,
would not be at d
incoDsbtent with hia character. He is said to
have risen from the
banquet
to viaitthe fieldof
thenes. T This anecdote is more credible than
that he
exposed
himself to the rebuke of I)em-
ades
by
his behaviour to his
prisoners."
It
would be absurd to
suppose,
with
Diodorus,
that
such a man as Demadcs,
however the
king
might
be
pleased
at such a moment
with hia
freedom and his
wit,
could have had
any
infiu-
ence over him
;
but it seems that
Philip
did iu"t
disdain
to gain
him for his own ends,
and
to
municate his
designs
to him,
and
employ
as his
agent.
be manner in which he
finally
treated hit
conquered
enemies excited
generalsurprise,
and has
earned,perhaps,
more
praise
than itd"-
serves. He dismissed the Athenian
prisonem
without
ransom,
several of them even newlj
LL.ttl. t.
Dm Cut.,^
M
T OBUoflim iUii-Kieim!nwinrtc
nP Jwrr.
Pla^
hill.,
".
""
Piokni^ m.,
m.
HISTORY OF GREECE.
dothed.
and allwilh their
baggage ;
and sent
Antipater,accompanied,
luatin
says,
byAtez-
ander, to bear tlie bones of their dead whom
he had himBeir
buried,*to Athens,
with oflers
of
peace,
on tenoe sach
as an
Athenian would
Bcarcel;
haie ventared to
propose
to him. The
GommoDWeaJth
was
required,
indeed, to
resign
a
great part
of its
foreignpOBsess ions,perhaps
all but the
Chersonesus, Lemnos, Imbros,
and
SamoB.t
where
a
iTesh clenichial
colony
had
been
planted
after the Social
War,
which rendered
it
an object
of
prime impartanne ;
but it
was
left in undisturbed
possession
of a]l its domestic
resources,
and its
territorywaa even
enlarged by
the addition of
Oropus,
which
Thebes
was now
forced to
resign.
t
The value
of these concessions
was
greatly
enhanced
by
comparison
with the conditions
on
which
peace
was granted
to the Thebana
; they were
obli-
eed to ranaom not
onij
their
prisoners,
but tbeir
dead. Not
onlyOropus,
but the
sovereignty
of
theBteottan
towns was taken from them. Fla-
tsa4
and Orchomenusll were
restored to as
many
as
could be found of their old inhabitants
:
St
least,
filled with
an independentpopulation
implacabiyhoatileto Thebes. She lost not
only
power,
but freedom. She
was compelled
to admit
a Macedonian
garrison
into the
citadel,
and
to recall her exiles. The
government
waa
lodged
in their hands
; a
council of Three Hun- dred
selected from them
waa
invealed with
supreme
authority,
both
legislative
and
judicialT
Some of their adversaries
had, it
appears,
been
put
to death
by Philip'a
orders before tbeir
re-
tom
;
but the rest
might safely
be committed
to the
mercy
of such
a
tribunal. The
scenes
' which took
place
after the former
occupation
of the Cadmea
were no doubt daily renewed.
Bat it
was now more difficultto
find
s place
of
Tefbge,
and there
waa
less
room
for
a hope
of
deliverance.
Philip'streatment of the Athenisue has been
commonly
accounted
magnanimous.
It
may,
indeed,
be said that in them he did honour to
Ihe
mudy
resistance of
open
enemies,
while in
the
case of the Thcbans he
punished treachery
and
ingratitude
;
and
knowing
the
people
to be
ceaerally
hostile to him, crushed the
power
of
ue
state,
and used the faction which
depended
on
him
as the instrument of his
vengeance.
On the other
hand,
it
must be remembered
that,
when this
was done,
he had the leas
reason to
dread the
hostility
of Athens : he
might aafely
conciliate the favour of the Greeks
by a splendid
example
of
lenity
and moderation. It is
not
improbablo
that thia
was the course lo
which he
was
inclined
by
bis own
prcposses'
sions," But had it been
otherwise,
there were
reasons
enough
to deter
so
wary
a prince
from
Tiolent
measures,
which would have driven the
Athenians
to
despair.
He had
probablyvery
early Intelligence
of the
preparations
for defence
which
they
had
begun
while
they expected
an invasion. He
might,indeed,
have
ravaged
**
PdItUiu, v., ]i
Attica,
and have carried on a Decoiean
war
;
but it was by no means
certain (hat be could
make himself
master
of the
city
and
Pirsua;
and
nothing
but a
very
dear
prospect
of immediate
Buecess
could have rendered the
attempt
advisable. The
danger
of a failure,
and
even
the inconvenience ofdelay, were
far
greater
than
the
advantage
to be
reaped
from it. For he
had
now more
brilliant
objects
in view
:
time
was doublyprecious
to him
;
and it would have
been
wantonly
to
tempt
his fortune if
by
loo
grasping a policy
he had raised
nonecessary
hinderances
lo
his
own designs.
His oflers
were gladly,
if not thankfully,accepted
at Athens.
Demades,
who hsd there
the credit of
having disposed
the
king
towards
peace,
and who
appears
to have been sent wilh
.Machines to conclude
it,rose
high
in
popular
favour,though
not so as to counterbalance the
influence of Demosthenes.*
Philip now saw
his road
open
to
Peloponnesus,
and he
proceeded
to
Corinth,
whither he had invited all the
states of Greece to send their
deputies
to bold
a
congress,
as
in the time of the ancient
league
against
Peraia. The avowed
object
of this
assemblage
waa,
indeed,
lo settle the aflîrs of
Cireece,
and to
put
an
end to intestine feuds
bj
the
authority
of
a
supreme
counciL But it
was
well known that
Philip
meant to use
it for the
purposes
of his
enterpriseagainst
Persia. It
was
attended
by
ministers from
every
Greek
state
eicept Sparta,
which eoold not
expect
that
any
measures
would be carried there but
such aa were opposed
to her interests.f At
Athens,
when Demades
proposed
that
they
should take
part
in the
congress,
some
opposition
was
made from
a
quarter
in which it could
hardly
have been looked for.
Phocion,who, aa
a
moderate adherent of the Macedoatan
party,
had
gained
increased
authority
from the
new
turn of
aflaim,
advised the
people
to wait until
they
knew what demands
Philip
would make
an the members of the
confederacy.
His
objections,
however,
were
overruled. The
people
regretted,
when it
was
too
late,
that
they
had
not listened lo his
warnings.!
Their
absence,
however it
might
have displeased
Philip,
would not have thwarted bis
plans.
The
congress
would have been neither
more nor
less
ready
to
comply
with his wishes.
As it
was,
aU hts
proposalswere adopted.
Wat
was declared
against Peraia,
and he was
appointed
to command the national forces with
which it
was waged ;
each stale was to contribute
a
fixed
contingent
of
ships or
men,
according
to the nature of its
resources.^
One
objectonly now
remained to detain
Philip
in
the south of Greece
" to fulfill the
promises
which he had made
some
years
before to his
Peloponnesian allies, to animate them
by
his
presence,
and lo make
Sparta
feel the eHbcts
of his
displeasure.
His march
through
Pelo- ponnesus
was,
for the most
part,
a peaceful,
triumphal
progress.
Hence it
may
be Ibat
ao
few
traces
of it
are
left in
our
historical
fragments.
It is
chieflyby some
casual allusions
in
Polybius
and Paussnias that the fact itself is
PHILIP IN PELOPONNESUS." HIS MARRIAGE.
IM
ueeitained. By
their
ti^t,
we are
juat
eo*-
bM lo
track his course throng
Ai^din iolo
Laconia,
and tben baclc
againaloog
the weat-
em eoast.
The site oa wbich he bad
encamp'
ed,
not [k tntm
Mantioea,
waa remembered io
the time of
Paoaaniaa,*
wben a
apriiig,
near
which ihe
io;al
t"Dt liadbeen
pitched,
was still
named after him. In I^tconia he made a
longer
Bt^,
and had to enoouoter aimte reaiBtance.
The
Eteans,
thoa^fa
they
had not Joined
him at
CbKronea, were induc"l,
either
by
fear or resentment,
to
co-operate
with him in Ihia inva-
siOD.t About the time of the battle of CbBio-
nea,
acconhns
to soow aoconnts on tite same
daj,King Archidamua,
who bad been sent to
the aidof Tarentom
against
the
Lucaniaus,was
alain in
Italy
" an ereat which,though
be died
fighting
with
SpartanTolour,wae attributed to
celestialvenoeance,
because the aniilianea
whom he tooe with him were
moally
I^kociaD
mercenaries,
and shared bia "te.} Spartawaa,
pethape,
a littlethe wvaker for hia
aheenoe,
though
he ooald not have made
any
atand
against
the Maoedonian
aimy,
which waa
probably
re-enfoTCod
by
all the hostile
neighboura
of the state. Philip, however,
appears
not to
have made
any attempt against
the
capital.
His
objectDDdoubtedlywas,
not to crush this
power,
whiob
strenglbened
hia own
by
Ilie
jeal-
ouay
it
inspired,
but to hmnble
it,
and to secure
his allies
against
its ennrooohments. He ad-
Tanced,therefore,
Tavagin^
the
country,
aa far
as the aeaooaat near Gythium,
where Pausani-
as saw a trophy
whiob had been erected for a
victory
obtaimd orerB detachment of his
army.
4
It
appears, however,
that in the end
Sparta
aub-
miited
to the teima whiob he
preaoribed.
Ac- cording
to one
aocooDt,
he did not evacuate her
territory
before be bad contraoted its limits
by
coQcessions which he farced her to make "m
thrtw sides " to Meaaeaia, Megalopolis, Tegea,
and
Argos ;
bnt it seems that he used the con-
peea aa
his instrument in this
partition.il
He
ihen
pursued
his
maiob, throughOlympia
and
Elis, to the lathmua. Here
can be little doubt,
U
least,
that it was on this occasion ibat he
rounded a circular
building,
called the
Philippe-
inn,
wbich was
leug
adoniad
with the statuea
of the Macedonian
prinoea,
within the sacred
preciocta
in which the
Olympic
games
were cel-
ebratedgT
as the
MegBiop"ditaos gate
bis name
loa
portico
in their
market-ptace.*
'
The
western
states, beyond
the
Isthmus, likewise acknowledged
bis
authority
;
the leaders of the
anti-Macedonian
part;
in Acaniania were driven
into
exile,
and Ambracia consented to re-
i%ive
a Macedonian
garrison.ttByzantium
also,
it
seems,
entered into an alliance with
him,which waa littlemore than a decent name
Tor
subjection .tt
Thus crowued witb newhon-
mrs, liaving
overcome every obstacle,
and ea-
lablished lus
power
on the finnest foundation
tP"i".
i.,
88.
u wn Goiidiict*din
rfvh?"?^ It,
irr"Di.,*.,lT,4iv.,9Ci,t"l,9iXf""h"i4Ar,
H"
Vol.. II."
b*'
in
every part
of
Greece,
he
retnmed,
in the
antumn of
338,to Macedonia, to
prepare
for th*
greaterenterprise
on which hia
tboughtawere
now whoUy
bent.
This brilliant
fortune,however,
waa,
before
long,
overcast
by
a ciond of domestic troubles.
Philip,
not less from
temperameet
than
poUcy,
bad
adopted
the Oriental
usage
of
polygamy,
which, thoughrepugnant
to the ancient Grew
manners,
did not in this
age,
as we find from
other
examples,
ahock
publicopinion
io Greece.
Thus, it
seems,
before his
marriage
with
Olym-
pias,
he had formed several matrimonial alliances,
which
might
all contribute to
strengthen
his
political
interests. An
Illyrian princess,
a
Macedonian
lady,apparently
of the
Lyncestian
family,
which had some remote claims to the
throne,
and two from
Thessaly.one a native of
Phem,
the other firom
Larissa,are mentioned
beforeOtmpiaa
in the listof hb wives. AAex
his
marriage
with
Olympias,
be did not
reject
the hand of a Thiwuin
prinoBsa,
which was of-
ftred to him
by
her lather. Id each of tbeae
cases, however,
there waa an an"arent
motive
of
policy,
which
may
have rendered the
presence
of 80
many
rivals more tolerable than it
would otherwise have been to
Olympias,a
woman
of masculine
spirit
and violent
passioos,
and
who, as a
dtoghier
of the honae of
Epiros,
which traced its
pedigree
to Achillea,
do doubt
regarded
herself as far
superioTto Utem all in
rank,
and aa
PbiL'p'a
aole
legitimate
consort.
But after bis return to Macedonia ftom hia vtc-
tonoua
campaign
in
Greece,perhapsearly
in
the
fallowingspring,
he contracted another
union,
for which itdoes not
appear
that he bad
the same eicoee to
plead. Cleopatra,
the niece
of
Attalos,one of his
generals, had,
it
seems,
attraoted him
by
her
beauty.
He
sought
her
band,
and their
nuptials
were celebrated with
the usual fsativities,
in the
palace
at Pella,
where, perhaps,Olympias
was
residing.
This
would not be
stranger
than itis that Alexander
was
present
at the
banquet,
which, according
to the custom of the
court,
was
prolonged
till
both
Philip
and hia
guests
were
very
much
heated with wine. Attalua had
secretly
cher"
ished the
presiunptuous hope
that his nieoe'a
influence over the
kingmight
induce him to alter
the
sQccession,
and to
appoint
a child of
hers heir to the throne. When the wine bad
thrown him ofT his
guard,
be could not reiiaiit
from
disclosing
his wishes,
and called on
lbs
company
lo
pray
that the
gods
wonld crown
the
marriage
of
Philip
and
Cleopatraby
Ihe
birth of a
legitimate
successor lo the
kingdom.
Alexander took dre at this
expression;
and exclaiming,
"
Do
you,
then,
count me a
baatardl"
hurled the
goblet
out of which he was drinking
at Attalus. The hall became a scene of tn-
mult.
Philip
started from bis
ooneh, and,
instead
of
relHiking
Attains,
drew his
sword,
and
mshed at his
son,
but,
before he reached
him,
stnmbled and Ml.
Alexander,
before he withdrew,
is said to have
pointedfo his father,aa
he
lay
on Uie floor,
with a taunt,
"
See the man
who would
pass
over from
Europe
to
Asia
Dp-
set
in
crossing
from one coach to another."*
-
The
quarrel
did net end wiili the tntoxi("tion
of the
evening,
as the offence
which had been
given
to the
prince
was
maeh
deeper
than the
"
Plmt,Al"., t w
U4
HISTOBY OP GREECE.
feMmsntary prorocatun.
He end his mother
quitted
the
kingdom ;
she Atimd shelMr ai
eotm of her brother
Alenixler,who,
after the
death or
Arybaa,
had
succeeded, throogh
Phil"
^'h
inteiTentjDD,to the thtwie
(^
Epims,
having
aapplanted.^BaoideB,
the Inrftalheir. Aitu.-
"DdertoohophiaebodeiiillbrTia.
Itaeemaaa
if both the inotbar and Uie BOn bad oidMvoamd
to khidle a war io theae conntries
against
Phil-
ip.
Of Olfmâsit is
ezôesalymated,*
and
may
be
easilybelieved,
that she
ioaligated
her
brothfii'
to
avenge
her
wrongs
with the sword.
As to the motive of Alexander's
eojouni
in II-
lyria,
there
maj
t"emore room to doubt
;
but it
olearly
seems to have been connected with the
occasion of
a
battle in which
Philip
was about
this time
engaged
with the
lUyriaoe.t
He was
4ri"liged,
at last,
to
employ
the
good
ofBces of a
Corinlbian. named
Demaratus,
to induce his
"on to retnm to Macedonia.!
It was not so
easy
to
appease
Olynipiaa;
and it was most
Uk^ with a view to baffle her
intrigues
that
Pbi^ negotiateda tntttcbbetween his brother-
in-law and UMtr
danghter Cleopatra.
When
Alexander had been
gained by
this
ofler,
his
sister saw tbat abe most defer her
revenge,
and
returned,
apparently
reconciled,to her hus-
buid's court.
Her resentment was
implacable;
Alexander,too,
after his
retora,
stillhartKiiiTed
snspioions
of hia Otlier's intentione with lean
the aide of
lOyria
snd
Epiros,
may
have
been the cauees which
pieventedPhilip
frOHi
eroBStng
over to Asia in
person
in S37
; tlkou^,
if he
wilted
Ibr the arrival of his Oreek
con-
fMeralee,
their tardineBs
might ftally acconnt
ibr the
delay.
But in the oourae of this
year
he
sent over a
body
of
troope
under the command
of
Pannenio, Amyntas,
and
AttalDB,^
wttom, perh^w,
he was gladto Temorre in
'
hODODnUe mannor tnai his oonn to the v
flra coast
of
Asia,to
engage
the Omk eittei
on
his
side,and to serve as a rallying-point
for
altwIm w"re diaaffteted to the Persian
gov-
wmtieDt. This meunre was the more
expedient,
beoause the Persian
coon,
which had
been for
srae time aware of its
danger,might
be
expected,
and
had,
in
fsct,begim
to take
"ome
steps
to avert it
; tiiongh
its
hope sc
to ha"e been rather Io detain
Philip
in
Europe
bj means
of
gcM
and
Intrigues,
which
nught
raise fi"sh enemies
to keep
him
occupied
at
home,
thatk to
atop
hia
passage
into Asia
by
its
militny
or naval tone, lite beneficis) oonse-
quencee
irf* tbfs ntovement appeared
in the
prospect
which it
opened
of
detachinga
very
important
province
ftom the Persian
empire
with-
ont a blow.
Ada,
the
sister, and,
aocordii^
to
a
widely-prevalent
Astatio
usage,
wife of Mri-
ena,
who had succeeded his sister
Artemisia,
the vridow of his elder brother
Mausolos,
in
Caria,
survived her
husband,
and was
appointed
by
bim Ms
sucoesstr : an
arrangement
which
might
somewhat
dtsjjease her Greek
subjects,
but wasnot
atalltEpognanttoUkeideasorthe
Carian
papalatian.ll Ada, however, seenw not
"
Jnithi,ii.,t. t Dtaidani.rrl..V).
to have inherited the masculine
energy
of tiM
elder Arteniisia : she was
deprived
of her dominions,
onlyretaining
the
strong
fortreos of
Alinda, by
her brother Pixodarus.
Still,
the
usurper
fell his
footinginsecnre,
and loaked
about him for
fbrengnsunMirt.
Hehadtoefaooee
between submiaaion to Persia and an alliance
with
Philip
as the
priee
of
protectian
;
he decided
on the latter
messnre, pmbtbtj as that
which held oat the ftiresi
prospect
of
independence,
and
proposed
to
give
his eldest
daughter
to ArridKOs, Philip'sB"a
by
his Larisseaa
wife,Phjlinna,'
a
yonth
of
imbe"^
intellect.
Olympias
was,
or affected to
be,
alarmed
by
this
negotiation;
several of Alexander's
young
eompanions
shared her
suq)icioas,
and their
insinuations
persuaded
him that the intended
marriage
was a
step by
which
Philipdesigned
to raise his half brother to the throne. Under
this
impression,
be
despatched Thessahis, a
Greek
player,
who was
exerdsing
hia pm^s-
eiou at the Macedonian
court,
on a seoret mission
to
Caiia,
to induce PizodaTUa to break off
the match with
Anidmis, a half-witted bas- tard,
and
to transfer his
daughter's
hand to
Alexander himself.
PixodanisjoyfiiUy
accepted
the
prince's
offer. Bat
Philip,having
discovered
the
correspondence,
shamed hia
son
out of his
suspidonaby
an indigasnt
expostn-
lation,
which be addressed to hnn in the
presence
of his
young
fHend,
Parmenio's eon Phi-
lotas,on
the nnworthineee of the conneiioa
which he was aboot to form with
a barbarian
which
so strongly
excited his fbdier's
resentment,
that be wrote to Corinth
to
demand that
'ntessalna shoold be sent to him in
chains,
and
banished five of Alexander's
companions,
Har-
palos,Nean:huB, PhryiôaiPt^demBiiSiandLa-
omedon,
from MacedMiia:f to one of them the
beginning
of a wonderftd devalln. So
paaaed
the
year
337.
Towards the end of die next
spring,Phttip's
preparations
fbr bis Asistlc
expedition
were
fhr advcmcod. He bad sranmoned Oie Oreek
statee to Aimish their
contingents, and, as became
the
general
of the
AmphictyonieCoubcO,
clous. It
only
rematnsd to take the
[tfeoBntion
which be had meditated fbr
securing
the
peace
at hie dominions in his absence
bj
a closer alliance
with the
King
of
Efrirus,
which
might
also soothe
Olympias.
The
day
of the nar-
riage
was fixed,
and
RdUp
determined
to
ode-
brate the ev0nt with the utmost
splendoor.
It
aflbrded
an opportunity,
which he never let
slip,
of
attracting
Oreeks from all
parts
to his
court,
of
das^ng
them
by
his
magnificence.
nm vhlah il mhui Itut FUlto H"ii"d PbiUuK, alxa-
1 PUL, Al"., 10. Arriui,iii., I.
MURDER OF PHILIP." OLYMPUS SUSPECTED.
156
and
wnming
them
by
his
hoBpitalitj.
A solemn
flastiTal " either the national
one
of the
Mnses,
or the
Olympic games
Instituted
by
ATchelaos " waa
proclairaed
to be held in the
ancient
capita),
^gs.
Musical and dramatic
cmiesta were announced,
for which artists of
die
greatest'ceiebrity
were engaged.
Wlien
ihe time arriTed the
city
was crowded with
Btiangera ;
not
onlyguests
invited
bj
the
king
and hia conrtiers,
but
envoys
deputedby
most
of the leading
cities of
Greece,
to honoiir the
Mêmntty,
and to offer
presents,chiefly
crowns
of
gold,
to the
king. Among
the rest Athena
Bent B
crown,
and with it a decree,
which was
poblicly
read
by
Che hsrald,enacting
that
any
mm who should Torm a
designagainstPhilip,
if be fled to Athens,
shonld be
given up.
in
Ae
banquet
which followed Uie
nuptiBls, Philip
desired the
player, Neoptolemus,
to recite some
piece
of
poetiy tqtpropriate
to his
apôaching
expeditfMiagaimt
the Persian
king.
The
play-
" cho^ a
IjTieal piece,
iriiichseemed
atriking-
ty^pUeaMe
to the
pciw"T,
Die
pride,
the
wealth,
nd
limry
of the monarcn who was now threatened
with a sadden bU
;
iteiscr
spoke
of
death,
wfaieb,approachingonseen, by
hidden
paths,
with
Ta.pid step,
cots
off in a moment fu'-reach'
iaghopes."
On the mortow an exhibition was to take
niam in the theatre : it was filled at an
early
hear with
spectators.
The eatertainmentR be-
gu
with a solemn
procSseion,
in
which,
among
oAer treaanrei, were carried
images,
of ex- quisite
wDrkmanahip,
and
gorgeotttty
adorned,
of the twelve
Olympian goda; a thirteenth,
wfaidi seemed to be aomswhat
rmftnely
eiated with
them, tepreaei)t"d Flulip
hir
The a
aof B
lip
himself,
admiring,
aâudlng
midli-
nde tbm annouBoed the
king'sapproach.
Bdvaneed in white robea and
Jealal
ohaplet,
U* eon
ai"dUiel)ride|roamoneithersideafew
paees
behind him. Hie
gaarda
lie had ordered
to
keep
at a
diBtanee,
that all
inighi
have a view
of Ids
peiMB,
and that It mirtit not be
sappoaed
be doubled the aBivanalgoed-winortheOreekB.
Tltie ma the moment
when "
yonng
man
stepped
forth from the
crowd,ran
op
to the kf
and
drawing
a Celtic awonlt from beneafli
gvaaeata.
ôged
it Into his aide.
PbiGp
ftll
dead. The morderar rushed tcpwardatlie
galea
of Ae
town,
wliereboraeB were waitingfor
him.
He waa closelyparaoed by
some
of the
great
eOeeia "f the
royalbody-guard,
bat woald have
BMmoied before
they
had overtaken
hhn,
if his
saadal had not been
caughthy
the
slump
of a
viae,
which
bronghthira
to the
groond.
lathe
fiiattieat of their
passion
bis
pnrsners
deepelcii-
ffls name was
Pausaniaa
:
the nKitive that
npelled
him to the deed
was,
that he had saf-
fRed an
ootrage
firom
Attains,
Ibr "4iioh
Philip
had raftiaad to
give
him satisfaction. So much
we know with
certainty
fnaa the
Qnqueetion-
abte
authority
of
Aristotie.t
who
may
ttave beea
_ _., ,
Hi With Ik* flan"
"m wH "
tutij
Hal
Philip
lud bma wi
m
of TÛfihoniai
" v" " -f - -". " J-.
Ci"",
D" FMo.
'
isoftt
eye
wit ne
he GUed a
post
in the
royalguarda,
as Diodorua
relates,
is not "o certain,
and ia
a
point
of litUe
It
appeals
that he
was a
youth
of
noble
family.*
Tlie
preparationa
made for hia
pe
seemed to
imply
that ho had
aocompli-
aud
grounds
were discovered for
suspecting
that two or three members of the
Lynoea-
family
were
privy
to his intention. It
waa
remembered that he had
once asked ttie
sophist
Hermocrates how one
might
becoDM
most
conspicuous,
and had been answered that
the surest
way
was to take the lifeof the man
who had achieved the
greatestthings.
But the
gravest suspicions
rested on
persons nearer to
the throne" on
Olympiaa
and Alexander. Of
the
guilt
of
Olympias
there could be no doubt,if
we were to believe alltiie stories
reportedity
Justin,
which
appear
to have been current not
long
after Ihe murder
:
that itwas she who
provided
horses for the assassin's
flight
i
that she
placeda goldencrown on his head as he
hung
on the cross
;
thai she caused his
body
to
bi
bumed on the
spot
which contained her hue-
band's
ashes,
and even honoured his
memoiy
with
yearlyrites,
and dedicated the sword with
which he bad stabbed the
king
to Apollo.
But
the firstof these
allegedfacts,
which would be
the
onlyaaequivocalproof
of a criminal
partici'
pation,
can never have rested on
anythingmore
than a
vague
suspicion
;
and Ihe rest only
prove,
what
may,
indera!,
be
easilybelieved,
that
tliU
vindictive woman made do secret of the
joy
she
felt at her husband's death. It
was,
indeed,an
event
which she must have
ardentlylonged
for
;
since it aflbrded her the means of
sating
her
thirstfbr
revenge
in the hlood of
persons
who
were the
objects
of her still deadlier hatred.
She seixed tne earliest
opportunity
of Alexan- der's
absence to marder her rival
Cleopatra,
and
anfnfhnt which she had borne to Philip.t
_ . _ _
of""
Fhih|i'i
lib ttam
"aj
uUhv gf owlit.
[omd Vj PtiivBh,Diodnnu,ud Jiilia
" tow writos of Snihtn OiH", tottllr
IfMlrfttmwyo"
UtatlMirf *" ItH^dcadu mat,
Annidlaf
to tho, Uw dalh cf Fbilip**" u an of
fii-
ftta vennfenat,
ptrHtnltd
b^
tba
yontUu) Puuuuu,
riHa ft
diaislgfjauna,oiiltrfliaaMt ntneleiM jojuiin,
jiabm,
bmn tsM kirnthu thi
WH nut coulliwilIs Iha
imt
oOun i
"niiT,
vhm rank "iitw"nii maty la ll
BaM-iButkdi ; "Dd
"'"" " ~
Taunx mvB,
uid vtt "
biniat,
iii.,Ill
;
Fh
tini,It.,IJ,19; ti.,
I
1 iba
Haa^sua
"hDuM nqnira
bgtur
mDIhorit/
thin Ihm uaDlioiMd in th*
luc wxs. Dioicm (iri.,US)ocl; Hfi.
MatiMv, It
r4(
'OpwrO.,
nloiidim. Jii"in(in.,"),"obai""ililM"di"-
I f Flat.,Almi-,
ID. PsHUlu (Ttii., T,T)
"T"
!'"" """"
150
fflSTORY OF GREECE.
If,then,
we
inquire
how Abuunder ineoired
"he like
"nspicion,
we find Ihat PansaniaB waa
"aid to hare
complained
to hiin of his
wrongs,
and that he
quoted
a tctm of
Euripidea,
which
might
be coaatraed aa sd eihortalion to re-
TengB.*
If the anecdote were authentic,
the
quolalionmight
have been
pointed
at Attains
and
Cleopatra. Beyond this,
it can
only
be
said that
Alexander, aa well aa hia
mother,
bad
been
deeplyprovoked
;
slightgroond
for sach a
preaumplton
even againstOljmpiaa,
but
which,
with
respect
to a character like
hia,
which in-
atinctiTCly
recoiled from
every
species
of haao-
neaa,
we are
hardlypermitted
to mention, t
That he was jealous
of his father's
conquests,
and never regardedh'T",
either
during
his
life,
or after his
death,
with much affection or reverence,
may
be true
;
but
Philip
bad not taken
any greatpaina
to secure his filial
duty.
We
read
among
Plutarch's
anecdotes,
that he one
day
told the
priuce,
that the more
rivals he met
with,among
his other
children,
for the
throne,
the more he
might
owe
it to his own merit
;
but he bade him attend to Aristotle's
precepts,
which would tea"^ him to aToid
many things
which he himself
repented
of
ThuB,
in the
forty-seventh year
of hia a e.the
twenty-fourth
of his
reign,perishedPhilip
of
Hacedon: at the end of one
great stage
of a
pnwpennis career,
near the outset of another
whidi
opened
immeaem^ble room
for
hope,
A
(leatman, certainly, according
to the common
"cale of
princes, though
not a hero like hia
sou,
nor to be tried
by
a
philosophical
model. But
itwas something
great,
thst one who
enjoyed
the
pleasures
of animal existence so
keenly,
(diouldhave encountered so much toiland danger
for
glory
and
empire.
It was something
still
greater,
that one who was so well
acquainted
with the worst sides of human
nature,
and
who so often
profited by them,
should
yet
have
been so
capable
of
sympathy
and esteem.
If
we
charge
him with
duplicity
in his
political
transactiona,
we must remember that he
preferred
the milder
ways
of
gratifying
his ambition
to those of violence and bloodshed
;
that
be at least desired the
reputation
of
mercy
and
humanity.
If he once asked whether a fortreas
was so inaccessible that not even au ass laden
with
gold
could
mount to it,we
may
as well
believe the anecdote which relates of
him,
tbat
he
replied
to his counsellors who
urged
him to
treat Athens with
rigour,they
were
advising
bjn) to destroy
the theatre of hia
glory.t
The
many examples
of
generous
forbearance
reported
in Plutarch's collection of his
apophthegms
cannot be all
groundless
fictions
;
and the less
restraint he set on many
of hia
passions,
the
more amiable
appears, by contrast,
the aelf-con-
trot which he exercised when ho was tempted
tn an
unjustor harsh use of his
power.
He
'
one of the men of whom we wish to know moi
.
whose familiar letteraand conversation most
have been worth
preserving.
But even the history
of his outward lifeis tiKe an ancient
statue,
made
up
of
imperfect
and
ill-adjusted fragments.
He left the task of hi
the
peculiarfielicityof
the
junctureat which
he was removed to make room for one better
fittedfor the work. What he had
done,
his
successor would,perhaps,
not have
accomplished
so well. What he meditated was
probably
much less than his son eSected,
aiid
yet
mora
than he himself would have
broughtto
paas-
If he had
begun
bis
enterprise,
he would most
likely
have done little more than mar
mmoo
iplendjd
pages
in the
history
of the world.
CHAPTER XLVU-
!n. JuUb
(\i., T) oiiIt ralita I
hmoi li"Hlf,
ifW
hMTingkilledh
.p.
""""""
";
p",^";
TJiaboliT. in Ui L"tun).
aTpnaci " m
itiu ta ft rollCDnTiction, pf AJeiuiiAe]
"t
1.,Apojiluli-,
ii.
FioH the remotest
ages
ofPelasgiui
antiquity
down to the time of the Roman
Bnqiire,
the
holy
island of
Samothnce,
tlieseat of
an
Biwfully mysteriousworship,
accounted
equal
to Delphi
in
sanctity,
and an mviolable
asylum,
continued to be visited
by pilgrims,
who went
to be initiMed into tbe rites which were believed
to secure the devotee
against
extraordinary
perils
both
by
sea and
land,and,
in the
later
period,
to fix his
destiny,
after
death,
in
some
brightersphere.
It bad
jnobably
been
always
heM in
great
reverence
by
the Macedo- nian
kings,
as itwas here that the last of them
sought refuge
in the wreck of his fortimes-
Hcie,
itis
said,Philip
firstsaw
Oljmpias,
when
theypartook
at the same time in the Cabirian
mysteries,
and resolved to seek her hand.''
For h'"! such a scene
may
have had httle other
interest
;
but
Olympias seems to have taken
d^ht in such
ceremonies,
and to have
given
herself
up
with fervour to the
impressiontbey
produced.
She loved the fanatical
orgies
celebrated
by
tbe Thracian and Macedonian women
in honour of their
Dionysus,
and is even
said to have introduced
some
of the
syndials
of
this frantic
worship,
the
huge
tame snakes,
which the Bacchanals wreathed round their
necks and
arms,
into her husband's
palace.
It
is a stroke which
agreea
well with the other
features of ber
wild, impetuous
character.
Who can estimate the
degree
in which this
irritable,
uncontroll^le nature
may
have contributed
one element towards that combination
of ardent enthusiasm with the soberest forethought,
which
distinguishes Alexander,peril^,
above
every
man that ever filleda like
station 1
The anecdotes related of Alexander's
boyhood
are chiefiy
remarkable as
indicating
what
may
be
fitly
called a
kinglyspirit,
which not
only
felt conscious that it was bom to command,
and was
impatient
of all
opposition
to
its
will,
but also studied how it
might subject
all
things
and
persons
around it to its own
higher
purposes,
lliie inborn
royalty
of soul
could
hardly
have failed to find its
way
to fame,
had iteven been
originally lodged
in an obscure
comer. But Alexander
grew up
with the full
consciousness of his
high
rank and his
great
destiny.
There is no reason to believe that
Philip
ever wavered in his choice of bis suc-
"
PIM-,*1m.,
I.
ALEXANDER'S EDUCATION." ARISTOTLE. lOT
eessor,
bo br as this
depended
on tumaelf. lo'
deed,
he must have been well
aware that be
coold not
depriveAlexander,
if be sarviTed
him,
of bis
birthrigbt.
The utmost he could
have done would iMve been to malie such dis-
poaitions
as would have Itindled a civil war
after his death. But we are iufonned that he
snnoimced the
prince's
birth in a letter
lo Al-
istotle,
in terms which
implied
that he looked
on him aa his beir.* When the
bojtamed
the
brare
horse,Bucephalus,
which afterward bore
him
through
so
man; battles,
and which no
man in the court had been able Co
mount, Philip
is said to baTe embraced him with tears of
joy,
bidding
him seek a
kingdom worthy
of Mm
:
Macedonia bad not room for him.f He advised
him to cultivate the favour of the
people,
while he was not
responsible
for
any
acts that
might displease
them
;%
and did not even take
it 01 when be heard that the Macedonians called
Alexander their
king,Philip
their
leader.^
Ilie education of
tbe
prince
in his childhood
was placed
under the
Buperintendeoce
of one
of his mother's
kinsineu,
uamed
Leonidas, a
nobleman of austere and
parsimoniouB
character,
who
carefully
retrenched the luxuries
wbicli bis
pupil
would have
enjoyed tbiougb
his mother's
indulgence,
and inured him be- times
to
Spartan-like
babita of hard exercise
and
simple
(ore" Leonidas,
be once said,
when
an Asiatic table was
spread
for
hun,
had
provided
him with the best cooks
i
a
night's
march
before
breakfast,
a
scanty
breakfast to season
his
aupperll
" and checked his inclination to
excess in his
expenditure
; yet
It seems so
as rather to
spur
than curb bis ambition.
"Wait,"
he said to him one
day,
when he
threw more fraukincense than seemed needful
into the
c"nset,
"
until
jou
are master of the
land where it
grows."
When Alexander became
lord of
Asia,
be sent a
hundred talents'
weight
of aiconatjcs to Leonidas,
with a re-
qoeat
that he would no
longergrudge
incense
to tlie
gods.f
Under
Leonidas,
whose discipline
was
thoughtby
a
philosophical
observer
to haTcleft
injurious
traces in his
character,'*
he had another
governor
of a different
turn,
an
Acamanian,
named
Lysimachus,
who recommended
hixQself to the
boy by
a
peculiarspe- cie*
of
flattery,
which touched the
right
chord
in his
fancy
: calling
himself
Pbienix,
the
king
PeleuB,
Alexander Achilles. That the most
Ekdftil masters to be found in Greece were
procured
to instruct him in aU liberal exercises
and studies,
may
be
safelypresumed.
Of his
taste for music and
poetry
we have some
early
intimation:!.
Philip
himself somewhat valued
himself on '.lis
knowledge
of music :ttand when
he entertained the Athenian
ambassadors,
among
whom Demosthenes and if^setuaes
were
present,
Alexander,
who was then about
'
eleven
years old,playedon the
lyie,
and
sung
or recited in concert with another
boy
of tha
same
age,
for the amuBement of the
cou^mi-
ny.'
How much he Uved in Homer's
poetical
world
may
be
partly
inferred from the
story
of
Lysimachusjust
mentioned. It
was,
above
all,
as we know from more distinct
evidence,
the
image
of Achilles that
captivated
bis
boyish
fancy.
But itwaa no common interest that he
took in the
poet's
creation :
ActiilleB, according
to the traditions of his mother's
house,
was his own ancestor. He fell the hero's
blood in his veins.
He, too, preferredglory
to
length
of
days
;
he,too,
knew the
delight
of
a
glowing
and constant
(riendship.
At an
age
when itwould not have been
surprising
if these
bright
visions had so
occapied
his
imagination
as to leave little room for ibe realities of
life,
he found an
opportunity,
in his father's atr-
sence,
of
conversing
with some ambassadors
who had been sent from Persia to the court of
Macedonia.
They
could have told Jiim of
many
wooders of the
gorgeous
East,
which were celebrated
in Greece
i
of the
hanginggardens
and
goldenplane-tree,
and all the state and
splendour
of the
great king.
His
curiosity
was di'
rected to
subjects
of
quite
another kind : it
waa
about the
roads,
the
distances,
the force of the
armies,
the condition of the
provinces,
about
their master's skill in
arms,
that he
questioned
them,
with an
eagerness
which alarmed
them,
it is
said,more than
Philip's sagacity,
of which
they
had heard so much.t
But the
prince,
who was destined to effect
BO
great
a
change
in the state
of the
world,was
to be committed to the care of the man whose
spirit
was not less active and
ambitious,
who
^BO,
in the
range
of his intellectual
conqueats,
had never
been
equalled,
and who found a much
more
lastingempire
in the
aphera
of
thought.
Never,
before or since,
have two
persons,
so
great
in the historicalsense
of the
word.t
been
broughttogether-
" above
all,
in the same relation
" as Alexander and Aristotle. Itis difficult
to
repress
a
curiosity
which it
is,nevertheless,
hardlypossible
to
satisfy,
as to the influence
which the
phQosopher
exerted on hts
pupil'i
mind and character. The
inquiry,however,
would be fhiitless,
unless we firstendeavour to
ascertain tbo limits of their iiUercourse with
each other,
Aristotle's
father,Nicomachus, a native of
Stagira,
one of the towns
destroyedby Philip
in the
Olynthianwar,
was a
physician, employed
in that
capacity,
but also honoured as a
friend,by Philip's father,Amyntas.
Aristotle
and
Philip
were
nearly
of the same
age
: a few
years
only
before
Philip
was sent as a
hostage
to Tliebes,
Aristotle settled at Athens to
pursue
his studies under the
guidance
of Plato. It
is not
improbable
that
they
were acquainted
Plnunih (ALsr,,V): "
puuf a, bj.ths-WL
"o werthrow Wt. WiUiahu'i
conjoDturs
"
Bkn In AjiBalli in Alaiindii'i *u1t tit
nPlat.,K-tL, Ar.,".
ar of Fnitnc the Oml),
iu whkli ha ki
lOS
RISTORY OF GREECE.
with each other iir
Macedonii,
and
that,
nhile
fiicy
ItTcd
BO near to one
another In
Greece,
some
interconrae took
place
between tbe
piince
and the
young
client of his house. This would
be the most
natural
explanation
oraftct otherwise
strange,
that on the birth of
Alexander,
Philip,
in a letter
bj
which he communicated
tbe
tidings
to him.
declared that be thanked the
gods
leaa for the schi
the;
had
giveohiro,
than
Uiat he had been born when he
might
have Aris- totle
for his teacher. The
genuineness
of this
letter
is,indeed,very suspicious;
but the fact
it
impUea,
that
Philip
had
very earlydesigned
to
place
his
son
under Aristotle's
care,
is not
the less credible. Aristotle's
change
of residence,
from Athens to Asia
Minor,
where he
spent
some
years
before he returned to Mace- donia,
may
have
delayed
the execution of this
purpose.
But stiU Alexander was but thirteen
years
old when he became the
philosopher's
pupil;*and,perhaps,
this was an eariier
age
than in
any
other
case
would have been
ripe
for
Buch instructions. For
Barely
what Aristotle
was called to
impart
was not what mirtt have
beeo learned Avm
ordinary
maBterB. Thia
relation
appears
to have subeisted between them
for no more than three succeBsive
years.
It is
a
pleasing,
and not an
improbableconjecturo.t
that
during
this
periodtheyspent
most of their
time at
Stagira,
which
Philip
bad been
induced,
hy
Aristotle's
request,
to
restore,
and where Ite
bftd laid out a kind of
Lyceum,
with
shady
walks,
and atone seats, on
nûnd
belonging
to
a
Ismpie
of the
nymphB.
But Alexander
was
only
sixteen when
Philipset out on
his
expedition
to
Thrace,
from which he
only
returned in
the
autumn of
339,
and he was intnisted with
the
regency
of the
kingdom,probably
uoder tbe
direction of
a
couocil,during
his father's absence.
He
was then,
of
course, occupied
with
affairs of state
;
and in the
course
of this time
a revolt of one of the
conqueredtribes,probably
on the
lUyrianfrontier,
aflbrded an occasion for
Ma first
essay
in the art of war. He reduced
the
inaurgenis,
took their chief
city,expelled
its
inhabitants,and
planted
a new
colonythere,
to which he
gave
the
name
of
Alexandropolia.l
In the interval bclween the battle of Chieronea
and his father's
death,
he was
engaged,
as we
have
seen,
in transactiona
quite
alien from
philosophical
or
literary pursulls.
It is
veiy
doubtful
whether he
saw Aristotle
again
before he
came to the throne. Their
personal
intercourse
roust, at
least,
have been confined to occasional
interviews.
When
we consider the shortness of the
time,
and the
early
age
lo which this
part
of Alexan- der's
education
was
limited, we
might
be inclined
to think that Aristotle's influence
over
his mind and character can
scarcely
have been
very considerable.
Nevertheless,
it
is,at least,
certain that their connexion lasted
longenough
to
impressthe scholar with
a
high degree
of
attachment
and
reverence
for the master" of
whom he used to
say
that he loved him
no less
.than
his father
;
for
to the
one
he owed
life,
to
tbe other the art of
living " and
even
with
some
interestin his
phiiosopbical pursuits.^
It must
be
remembered,on the
one band, that Alexan- der's
facDlties
ripened
with
extraordinary rapid-
'
ApoUodon*
ap.
Dioc,
ity,
as seems to be
proved
by
the trust wbtcb
his father
reposed in him,
and the aflhirs in
which he was
engaged
at the
aê
of siUeeD :
on the other
hand,
that Aristotle also
was
capa-
ble of
doing
much in
a short time with such
a
pupil,
to whom he devoted bis whole attention
:
that his method of
teaching
was
probably
calculated
to
convey
much
knowledge
in a narrow
compass ;
and that no time was consumed in
those
merelyprelimlnaiT
studies which
occupy
BO
large
a
put
of
a modem
course of Lbend
education.
If
we
inquire
what
were
the
peculiar
advantages
which Alexander waalike^ to derive from
such a teacher as Ariatolle,
and which could
not have been
expected
from
any
other of that
day,
we are led to remark
that,as none a[ hia
contemporaries
bad taken in so wide a
compaaa
of
knowledge,
none,
like
him,
had
ranged over
every
intellectual field then
open
to human cari- osity,
with as
lively
an
interest in each
as
if it
had been the
object
of his nndivided
attentioD,
there was niHie who vras less
likelyto
give
anj
partial
bias to his
pupit's
studiea.
And, again,
as there was no man who belter underatood
what
belonged
to
every
station of
hfe,none less
inclined to
exaggerate
the
importance
of hia
own occupations,
it
may safely
be concluded
that all the instruction he
gave
was
adapted
with the most
Judiciousregard
to Alexander's
station and
prospects.
The
boy
came mto his
hands
already
formed
by
the attainments which
were deemed
indispensable
for
every ingenuous
youth
of hia
yesrs.
It
was not cerlaiuly
from
Anstotle that he learned to love
Homer, though
the
copy
of the
Iliad,
which he used lo
placeun- der
his
piliow,
and which he
deposited
in the
precious
casket which he found amid tbe
spoil*
of
DariuB,
had been corrected
by
Aristotle's
hand. Yet his
strong
taste for
resding,
which
made him feel tbe want of a
library
in the midst
of his
conquests,*may
have been both cherished
and directed
by
the man who, so
many
centuries
alter,gave
laws to the
poets
and critics
of
some
of the
moat
potished
nations uf
Europe,
as his talent for
speaking
was,
no doubt,carefully
cultivated
by
this
great
master of acienlifii;
rbetoric.t
If Aristotle himself had
any
scien- tific
bias,
it
was, perhaps,
a
heteditary
one for
tbe studies connected with medicine
; and, accordingly,
we Snd it
expressly
stated,and,
indeed,
proved by facts,
that the
princecaught
some measure of this
predilection
from
him, so
that he afterward
thought
himself
qualified
U"
give
his
opinion
to
physicians
on mailers belonging
to their art.^So he seconded Aristo- tle's
reaearchea in natural
history
with
an ex-
inditure for the
purpose
of
collections,
which
remarkable even
among
the
examples
of his
munificcnce.4
Hese facts
suggest
an
intereat-
ingqueslioD, which, however, we can
bat
propose;
whetherapaasion
for
discovery,
an
eagerness
to
explore
tbe limiia of tbe
world,
was not
combined
as s
distinct motive with bis thirst
for
conquest
and
dominion,
and whether for tbia
he
may
not have beed Urjelyindebted to Aria-
oush
111
n on the
nt^Kl
tddnwid t
'ft
voAb, it protHblr bj
ft
-*
Al"i-
t Pi"it.,Atti.,U.
^ E.
rUay,
S. k,
Tiii.,IT.
ALEXANDER'S DIFnCOLTIES.
l"
Uile'a coDversationt If we
might dependon
the
genuioeoeBS
of two letters which
appear,
at
leaat,
to hare been
carl;
current under the
names
of Alexander and Arista
tie,*we should
conclude that Aristotleadmitted bis
pupil
even
to a knowledge
or hia more abetruae
speculations,
which related to
subjects
that
lay
the
fartheM of all (rom
any
practical application
to
human aSaJrs. Alexander
complaios
that Aris-
lallehad
published
some ofhis works which before
had been reserved for the nse of his hearers,
and bad thus
deprived
him of a distinction
which he had before
enjoyed.
The
replyis,at
least, not
unworthy
of the
philosopher;
he remarks
that the books he had
published
were
still,
in one
sense,
unpublished,
Inasmuch
a" the;
were
inteliigible
to none but his hearers. It
is,
perhaps,
difficultto believe that Aristotle wished
la turn his
pupil's
attention so
earl;
to the
highest
and most
subtle results of
investi^tioos,
v'hich
bad,no doubt,occupied
the
greaterpart
of hislife, But itwould not be incrediblethat
Ihc ambitious
youth
should have desired to be
JDitiaiedin these
philosopbical m;Bteries,
and
bave listened with
eager curiosity
to his master's
solutions of some of the difficultieswhich
tiefound in the nature of
thinga.
It would then
stillbe doubtful whether these questions
led to
iny inquiries concerning
the
objects
of
religious
tieiief
; whether Ariatotle
thought
it
expedient
10
give
his
pupilany
hints of his own
theory
as
lothe divine
nature,
or
taught
him to reconcile
i devout adherence to the traditionalforms of
worship
with the notion of a single
eternal
Tountainof hfe.t We
may
more safelyadopt
the
opinion,
that the
stud;
(u man and of
societ;
Plularcli'B
rhetoric,
when he
îstotle's divisions of
virtue,as
if
the;
were
so
many
qualities
which Alexander
acquired
from bis inalruciions
it
but stillwe need not
:lcay
that the
striking contrasts
through
which
Atistolle endeavours to unfold the nature of
moral excellence
might
not
onl;enlarge
his
pupil's
knowledge
of
maukind,
but
migbt
aid bim
It the
regulation
of his
passions.
And who
îhall
pretend
to estmiate the value of the theo- ries
and
precepts
of
government
which fellinto
iiich
ears from
tfae
author of the
Politics,
illus-
lialed
by
such a stock of
examplesas
he had at
his
command,
in the
history
and constitutionof
158
states,
which Ue had described in theit
minutest details 1
^
It is
pleasingto And it recorded
that stillhe wrote a book on the office
if a
kingexpressly
for Alexander. Neverthe- less,
we have
unquestionable proofthat,
even on
this
head,
the force of nature was
stronger
than,
thatof education. Aristotle's
nation^
prejudices
led him into
ezlravagaut
notions as to the
superiority
of the Hellenic race over the rest of
mankind
;
as if the distinction between Greek
aud barbarian was
nearly
the same as between
luan aod
brute,
person
and
thing
: hence slavery
appearedto him not a
resuil of
injustice
and
crucit;,
hut an unalterable law of
nature, a
f Tli"
phikvoplivT'i otatfTTttlonw
ibt
pi
i
biog. Liert., Ariicoi.
relation
neeeasaiy
to the wdbra of
BociMy.
Hence, too,
he deduced
a
practicalnnniTTii
which he endeavoured to inculcate
upon
tbe
future
conqueror
of
Asia,
that he should treat
tbe Greeks as hia
subjects,
the barbarians
aa
his slaves.* The advice was
contrary
to Alcx-
,ander'a
views and sentiments: it did not suit
(he
position
whiott his consciousness of his own
destiny
led him to asBome. He
acted,we know,
on a directly oppositeprinciple.
We
have, at least,reason to belleva that
Alexander, though
he was but
twenty
years
old
at his father's
death,
bad
learned, thought,
seen,
and done more to fithin" for tbe
place
he waa
to fillthan
many sovereigns
in the full
maturity
of tbeir
age
and
experience.
Like hie
father,
he found
himself,on his accession lo the
throne,
in a situationwhich called forth all (he
powera
of hia
mind,
and all (he
energies
of his charafr-
ter. Macedonia,though nominally
at
peace
with all its
Europeanneighbours,
was surrounded
b; enemies,
who had
nnl;
been forced
by
the
success
of
Philip's arms to dissemble their hostility,
and
mi^ht
be
expectedeagerly
to aeiie
the
opportunity
which seemed to offer
itself,
now that the crown bad devolved
on a strinling,
to shake off a yoke
which
tbey
had endured
with
ill-disguised impatience.
In tbe
kingd"n
itself there were
powerful families,which,
though they
had submitted to the
aacendency
of
Philip's ability
end
fortune,
had not forgotten
the timefi when
the;aspiredto independence,
if not to the
possession
of the throne.
Ainya-
tas,too,
the son of
Perdiccaa,was
still
living,
and
migbt
be
tempted
to assert
his claim. Hieie
was
ground
to apprehendthat,as at Philip's
accesaion,
if th^ or
any
other
pretenders
should start
up,
theymight
be
enabled,by
the
support
of
foreiga
powers,
to tnvidve tbe coim-
tiy
in a civilwar.
It
was
known that tbe court
of Persia waa on the watch to avert the
peril
with which it was threatened
by Philip's
prep,
arations,
and would
spare
no cost for (be
purpose
of
throwingnew
obstacles in bis euceesB-
'The
young king's
fir"l
objectwas to secure
himself at home : the next to overawe his hoe-
tile
neighbours,
and to extort from them such
an
ackowledgment
of his
superiority
as would
place
him in the
position
which his father was
occupying
at (be time of his death. In Mace- donia,
though
there
might
be some
ambitious
and disaffected
nobles,
the mass
of the
people
both
recognised
his
title,
and were
attached to
his
person.
He had won their
hearts,
in his
father's
lifetime, by
bis munificence,
which
was,
perhaps,
a
simple
eflbct of his natural
disposition,
though
it had incurred
PhiUp'scensure,
and
possibly
excited his
jealous;.
They
had
also seen sufficient
proofs
of bis
extraordinaj;
genius
to
satisfy
them (hat he was
worthy
of
the throne. Nevertheless,
it
appears
that there
were some
grounds
for
apprebenaion, which,
for a time,disquieted
Alexander
himself,and,
probabl;,
stillmore his moat faithfulfriendsand
counsellors. As
longas
the motives whichbad
,
impelled
Pausaniaa were unknown " and it
may
have lieen some time before
they
were ascertained"there
was, apparently,
reason to
suspect
that he waa
only
the chief actor or
instrument
ut.,
D, AJ
litit
fiapSipoii
lintriiSt.
Ktgle
IW HISTORY OP GREECE.
of
a oontpiracy
wbich
might
dM
yt"
haxe bc-
oompliBhed
all its
objects.
An
inqiuTy
was in-
stitDted,
and the result Lr said to have
been,
diBt
pioors
were diaeoTeced which
implicated
Heromenes and
Airabana,
two of the
aoi
"
JEmpua
the
Lyncestian,and,
it
seema,
i
other
persons,
in the
plot.
It would be raab to
decide on
the
weight
of eridence wluch
we
htTO not seen. Bat itis difficultto resist a aiu-
pieioD
tiiatit
was not much
stronger
than that
on wbich, as ne
shall find
reason to believe,
seieial
verf
innocent lives
were
sacrificed in
tfaeconise of Alexander's
reign. Alexander,
the brother of the two Ljncesliannobles,
the
foremost,
after the
murder, to offer bis
Tieeslo
thejDDngprince.
He
instantl]'
buckled
on
hia
annour,
and coodncted him aa hia sot-
ereign
to the
palace. Therefore,
it is
said,
though
his innocence was not
clearly
estabtiah-
ed,
his Ufe was
spared. But,
besides the
pre-
Mimptton
which Uiis fact raises in his
favour.
and,conaequenlly,
in favoor of bis
brothers,
it
seems almost incredible that
Pausaoiae,
whose
motive was
revenge
for a
personalinjury,
and
who had resolved to seek it at the risk of his
lifewith his own hand,
should have disclosed
his
deaign
to
persons
who
might betray,
but
eonld
scarcely
liirtber it. Yet it was
given
out
that the murder had been preconcerted, not
only
with these
accomplices,
but with the Per-
aian court or itaomissaries. The fact
may
have
been, that tbe
Lyncestlans
had been
engaged
in
"ome
intrigues
with the Persian
government,
and this
may
have
appeareda
sufficient
ground
lor
charging
them with a share in the
guilt
of
Panaanias. Whatever
may
have been their
crime,
tbeir
pnniahmsBt
answered several
uae-
flil
p"itpoMa
; it aatisfied the
multitnde,
vindicated
Alezander'a own
character,
awed the discontented,
and inflamed
popular
resentment
againat
tbe Creacfaeroos and
cowardly
barbarian.
It
saema that about the
same ihoe,Amyntas,
ton of
Perdiccaa,was
pat
to death
on a charge
of
a
'riot
against
Alezaitder'a life.*
After theae acta of
Jostice,
and after the last
honouTS bad been
paidto hi*
father,
the
king
showed himself in a senerel
assembly
of his
paofile,
and declared hJs intention of
prosecu- ting
his
preilecesaoT's undertakings
with like
vigour,and,
it ia
aald,granted
a
general
immm-
mtj
tmm allburdens
except mihtary
service. t
He dlemfaaed the Greek
envoys
to their homes
with
graciouslangaage,
and with
messages by
which he
requested
each state to maintain the
friendly
relations in which it stood
to his house.
Thollu,Cod.,n, bun Aitlu'i woA, rd
fii
(p.10,B*kt.l.
UTi
of Ctbus, IhU tkt IF
I),
gfnc il n"pila:^
pewitilii
u belieic thit itatanHiit In iD Uunl "iik, am
U( fuidin or tha "lain it thi bulla
of^ Orui'ii^'
Ar.
ites.1.,
IS. Tb" traih
mar
hnia baen thai th* Macsdit
Bat
as he could not
place
much reliaDce on Ute
eBbet of aneh
an exhortation,
his chief
ew
waa to
keep
up
tbe martial
spirit
of
ê
army
by fniqaent
reviews and assiduous
irainio; .
Soon,indeed,
it
appeared
that this
was hi*
only
security.
The news of
Philip's
death had excited a
general
ferment
throughout
Greece. The
rioamy
pnupect, which,
since tbe battle of ChKro-
nea,
mutt bave saddened
ao
many
hearts
: the
thought
that the flower of tbe Grecian
yootlt
were henceforth to abed their blood for the
execution
of
projects
which threatened their
coim-
try
with
perpetualsubjection,
waa
suddenlyex- changed
for the livelieat
hopea
of deliverance
fh"m the
foreigner's power.
In all the
princi-
pal
statea
languagewaa beard,
and
preparations
were
seen, denotinga
dispoaition
to take
advantage
of the
nnexpecledopportunity.
In
selves
ready
to renounce their forced alliance
with Macedonia.
Perhaps
Messenia and
Meg- alopolis
alone adhered to it. In the west moni
decided movements look
place.
Ambraoia expelled
the Macedonian
garrison,
and re-established
itsdemocralical institutions. Tbe Acar-
nanian exiles who bad taken
refuge
in ^tolia
prepared
to return,
and the .ftolians in their
congress
voted succours to reinstate them.
Even
Thebes,notwithstanding
the
presence
of
the
garriaon
in tbe
Cadmea, rose
against
the
oligarchical government.
An
Bssembly waa
held,
wbich
passed
a decree
by
which it resolved
to recover the
citadel,
and to resist
Alexander's claima to the title and
authority
which the
congress
at the lathmus had
oon-
ferred
upon
hia f^her.
Athena,however,
took
the lead in theae
movements, and,indeed,
se^ros
to have been the centre firom which
they pro-
Among
the Athenian
envoys
who had been
sent to
congratulatePhilip
was Charidemus :
whether the Eubaan
adventurer,or the Athe- nian
general
of the
aame
name,
ia
a
doubtftil
point.
He
was,
it
seems,
an intimate
friend,
or,
at
least,
a
pohticelidly
of Demosthenes
;
and,being
at
."gK at the time of
Philip'a death,
lost no time in
despatching
a
courier,
who
was
directed to
carry
the
news to Demosthenes before
he communicated it to
any
one else. It
happened
that the orator
was,
at this
juncture,
mourning
the loss of an
onlydaughter,
who bad
died but
seven daya
before
;
but his
private
sor-
-'wgave way
to
pubUc
cares. He undertook
publish
the
intelligence himself;
and
though
the time
prescribed by
custom for tbe rites due
to the deceased had not
yet expired,
he immediately
laid aside his
weeds, came out dressed
in
white,
with a festivewreath
on
his head and
a
joyfulcountenance,
and waa seen
performing
a solemn sacrifice at one of the
public
altars.
In order to
givegreater
effect to the
momentous
tidings,
the
orator
appears
to have resorted to
a
Btratagcm,
which
proves
that he knew hia
countrymen
to be stillaa
superstitious,
and almost
as credulous as
theywere
in the
days
when PieistraluB rode into AUiens with the
goddesBby
hia side. He
appeared
before the
council of Five
Hundred,
and declared that it
had been Tevealed to him in a drearn
by
Zeus
and
Athene,
that
some
great good waa oboot
DEMOSTHENES.
lOI
"
happen
to the comnion wealth.*
HeueDgere
iDon atler arriTed with the news which fulfiJIed
;he divine annonncement.
It waa
apparently
.he
object
of Domoatbanea, bj
this aitiSce,to
mpresa
the petijAe with his own view of the
;hange
which
Fhitip'e
death had me
tituation and
proapecta
of Athena. It
was,
81
east,
BB bannleas an
impoature
aa waa ever
)ract[9ed
;
and,
it fraud could ever
be
piona,
night
deserve that
epithet. .
The same
purpose
ippeara
in the meaaurea which he afterward
iropoaed
in the
asaembl;.
The eonnctl
bad,
It
leams,
Blread;appointed
a aacrifice to cele-
"nile the
gladtidings: ha now moved that the
leople
Ehould
proclaim
its
joj bj
the like
non;, and, moreover,
thai
religious
honours
"bouIiIbe decreed to the
memory
efPaDsaoiaa.t
This condnct of Dpmoathenea waa
atronglj
ensured
hj
hia
contemporariss
on varioi
[lounds, though
not aa those wbich render
aost
repugnant
to the maxims and
feelings
of
^vilized
society
in modern times. Yet we know
hat,even under the better
light
which we
enjoy,
lot
only
the masaacre of the
Huguenots
was cel-
ibtatedwith
publicrejoicings
and
thanksgivlngB
n the
capital
of Christian
Europe,
but the aa-
aSBinalinnofthePrinceof
Orange,
and that of
lenry
III.
ofFrance,were
openlyappiaoded,
and
talthaaar Gerard and Clement treated aa be-
oea.t
Ferbape,however,
the
plea
of
political
anatlcism cannot
properly
be
alleged
in behalf of
)einosihene9
;
itis much more
probable
that he
ictedon
asobercalcuiationofeipediency.
But
he bead of his
oRendingis,still,
that he suffered
atriolicmotives to
overpower every
other con-
ideralion. It ia remarkable that the
onlything
fhich.^schinea
reprehends
in hia
adveraary'a
lehavionr on this
occaaion,
beside the
forgery
ifthe
dream, is,
that he had
betrayed
snch an-
laioralinaenaibillty
to hia domeslic loss : a re-
Toaoh which Plutarch
justlyrepels
with the
entark,
that ii had
always
been accoonted
iiaiteworthy
to
bary private
affliction in con-
em for the
public
welfare. He hinmelf con-
lemna Demoathenes
on the acore
of
ingratitude
owarda a prince
who bad used his
victory
with
Kch
magnaoimous
forbearance. We
might,
letfaaps, observe,
that
generosity
and
gratitude
lie terma which,
when
apphedto the transac-
iona of states
and
princes
wKh one
another,
"king
rather to the
style
of a manifeato than to
hatof a
history.
Phocion
objected
to the
pro-
loseddemonatrationa of
joy
on two accounts :
irst. becaase such einltation over an
enemy's
leatb
waa
dastardly,
and
then,
because the force
"hichhad won the
day
at Cheronea had
only
"een diminiabed
by
the laaa of
a single
life.
4
Hie last of theae
objectiona was
snrelyeophia-
ioal, and tended to weaken the
first, which,
in
tself, was
certainly
well-founded. He
might.
IvBLh
; but tTiK jlptcbubijI
: u( trap/usaid",lif'
ai
]
aaloiicul
tiaggeiitiaii.
Xi
"aud ihil ithut UlID
pU", wodU hi
Itun,but f"Ur.
I
hfi UMaaro llci.gu.'".SkUb.,
J BBB
inuUlgibl*ihM PlBUith'a lU
, L,p.
1T7),
hurdlj
lumah, nioc..111.
indeed, "irly argue
that the
joy
whi^ tho
Athenians
might
express
would
betray
the leois
which
they
had hitherto
fell,
their averaion for
the
power
to which
they
had submitted
;
would
prove
that their late
presents
and
compliments
to
Philip
were
nothing
but hollow
flatteiy,
covering
real hatred. But who had ever doubted
that thia waa the case !
They
had not even
attempted
to
disguise
their
diapkeaanre
at the
contributions laid on them
by
the
eonnesa. On
the other
hand,
that the loss wtiid) Haeedonu
had sustained
by niitip'e
death was onlyto be
reckoned
aa that of a
ainflesoldier, was manifestly
falae
;
and the best excuse that can be
offered for Demosthenes
ia,
that he wbhed to
place
the event in a different
light
i one which
he
mi^l
well believe ta be the true one. Wa
cannot, indeed,
be sore that be entertained ao
low an
opinion
of Atezander'a abilities aa be
tbougbt
It
expedient
to
profeas; tbough
it
appears
that the
impression
made on him
by
the
yonng
prince,
when he saw him at his "lher'B
court, waa not favourable
;
and on hia
return
from his
embassy
he turned bia
boyishperfono-
ance into ridicule.* It waa true that Alexan- der
had, at least,
acted the
part
of a man better
than himself at Chseronea
;
but his real character
and the
promise
of
greatness
which he
held
out,
could not
yet
be known at Athens.
Perhaps
some
report
of his mnllifsTions atodies
and attainments had been beard
there,
which
aiTorded a handle for Demosthenes to
compare
him with
Margites,
the hero of a
barleaque
poem
attributed to
Homer,
who knew
many
things,
but none well
it and the orator now
ventured to assure the Athenians that
they
had
nothing
to fear from the
yonng kipg,
who wonid
never stir ftota
Macedonia,
but would remain at
;
Fella,dividing
his time between his
peaceful
studies and the
inspection
of
Tiotima,
which
would never permit him to ondertake
any
dan-
Such ii
lever permit hi
axpedilion.t
a would
undoubtedly
h
been .as
presumptuous aa
they
ware fallaojoaB,
if
they
had contained the whde
ground
on
which Demoathenes reeled his
hopes.
But
however he
might
be mistaken as to the char-
r of
Alexander,
he had
seeminglygood rea-
for the inferenosa he drew from the (acts
wbich were known of
Um,
his
age,
and bis
po-
That a
youth
of
twenty,
wbo had auo-
ceeded to a throne vacated
by
a murder,
and
who had ao
many
enemies and rivalsto
fear,
at home and
abroad,
would be able to
ascendency
which his
politic
father
bad with so much
difficulty acquired
over
Greece, might
well aeem
improbableeoough
to
justify
the moat
sanguineexpectations
from
a
vigoroBs.
well- concerted reaistance. There
were,
beaidea,engines
which the orator was
able to set at work
against
him, which were
known
only
to himself,
and which he was
obUged
to
keep secret,
but which
might
rea-
Bonablyatrengtben
hia confidence. He waa in
correspondence
with the Persian
court,
and
had, it
seems,
already
received sums of
money
from
it,to be distribated at his
discretion,
lor
rftfTMTd
Ipra,KarHf i*htiirrmrtitii-nt-Com-
!i E(h.,"L,,
T, Tbs noTT taM
bj
EuiMtliiu
. IMI),*~. SK biTdlT b"ri" baen likes fnw
r inu
hiin bclEnuRlla ilia chincur of Iba
.*."i".,o-,(W.
mSTOBY OF GREECE.
the
pDipoae
of
tbw"rtiDgPbUip'senterprue
agkiMt
A"ia
*
The coDduct of DeoKWlheiiM
in this timneaotiOD " Ifwo coosider that he
caRring on a claadeatine
Degotiation
wilfa s
IwngD state Bgainat
which his
own had de-
dared
war,
to
injure
a
prince
who was tbe
ally
or Athens" cannot be vindicated on the
principles
which
regulate
the intercoiiree of ciTilixed
aatioos in modem times. But how little
Mich
Bcmples
heeded when
Napoleoa'a
d
tera opened
a
pmapeet
of
reatoring
the iode-
pendence
of
Geraan;
!
The
people,however, seem to have retajii-
ed too
lively
a recollection of the eonatemation
which had followed the battle of
Cbnronea,lo
pledge
themselves
hastily
to a
reneW
of the
Cdnteat with Macedonia. Ths
language
of
fadunes inclinea ua to believe that
they
did
not adopt
the motion of Demoathenes wiUi
reject
to P"DBaniu.t' But he
prevailedon them
to Bend
envoys
to
mAnj
of the Greek
stales
with secret instructione,
which were
probably
dictated
by hinuelf;
and to these
agents
V"
DUqr
aacribe a
largo
share in the
proceedingB
boitileto Macedonia,
which have been
already
ralated. Tbe Peraian
gold,
or the
jsomise
of
snbaidiea, may
have
oputed
the
way,
and have
overconw
many
obatacles. There waa another
qnaitar
inwhiob
the AtbMiian emiasariea
might
BtBImore
sÛy
reckon on a friendly reception.
Altaiaa,
AlexaMer'a
personal
enemy,
was ooin-
mattdbg
a
body
of
troops
in Asia. Little en-
oonragement
could be
necessary
to indnce him
V" revolt
against
the
sovereign
whom he had
nnpardonably
offended. A
negotiation
waa
opened
with him
by
means of a letter from De-
mostheoes,
and
nothing,probably,
bat want of
time
prevented
ita
success
;
t
for iH these
plans
and
preparations
were disconcerted and
suppressed
by
the
rapidity
of Alexander's ntcve-
meots. It seema as
if bis elder
counsellors,
who bad been
long
need to Philip's
cautious
polief,
advised him to leave the Greeks totthe
present
to thetnselves,
and not to make
any
attempt
to fores them to obedience until he had
eatablisbed a
good understanding
with the barbarian
tribes on his northern frontier, which,
after
Philip'sdeath,
had
begun
to assume a
threatening aspect.Âlexander,however, saw
that,
ifhe should
adopt
aueh a
oourse,
the work
of bis father's
reignmight
be undone in a few
months
;
he saw that his
presence
was immediately
necessary
in
Greece,
and he
set bis
forces in nwtion without
delay.
Inhis
passage
throughThesaaly.
be endsavoured to conciliate
the
ruling
thmilies
bypromises,
and
byflattering
allnaionato the twofold relation
by
which he
waa connected with them
Ihroogh
bia
paternal
and maternal
anceators,
Hercutea and Achilles,
Thia
appeal
to their
vanity,
seconded
by
a formidable
army,
could not be withstood. All the
concessions that bad been made to
Philip
were
renewed to him
;
their revenues and
troopa
were
idacedat his
disposal. H At
TheimDpylas
""
-"-J the
AmphictyonicCooncil,
per-
"
PluUrch, Drmoith,, M.
DrojMn, p. Bl, "(f"iJ U"
"fB.
"., litalrlm-liarr""J".Smjii ii|i" ÎqlV itmHimr
Mr
'
not. iiMnfan,,tha pta^ mko.
t FhiL,Al.,II.
"
I Juliii, li
,
s.
haps
before the
ordinary
time of the aotumnal
meeting,
with a view to secure the adherence
of the northern tribes which had voles in it
;
and from them,
it
seems,
he received the title
which had been conferred on his father in the
Sacred War.* He then advanced
by rapid
marches to Thebes, where,
as do
preparalions
had
yat
been made to execate the resolution
which had been
precipitately adopted,
his
prea-
ence awed the disaffected into entire submission.
His
approachproduceda Uke effect
at
Athens, The
people
hastened to
ajêase
him
by
an
embassy,
which
they
sent to
apologize
for their late
proceedings,
and to ofl^r him all
the
honours they
had conferred on
Philip.
Demosthenes himself was
appointed
one of tbe
envoys" perhapsthrough
the
intrigues
of his
adversaries
;
and he even proceeded as lar as
Cilhsron,
on his
way
to the Macedonian,
camp.
We do not know whether it was his own reflections
on the
dangers
of hia
mission,
or some
hints which he received as to Aleiander'a in-
tentiOQB,
that inducM him to
find
some excuse
for
turning
back. The rest of^tbe ambasaa-
dors,however, found the
kingready
to
accept
their
excuses and
promises,perhapswere led
to believe that he had never suspected
the
comroonweallb of
any
hostile
designs.Tet,
according
to
Diodoras,
itmost have been aboot
this thite that Attalus"
pMsibly
disheartened
by
tbe
intelliganoe h" received from
Europe
"
determined to
attempt
to make his
peace
with
him, and, as a
proof
of his
sincerity, sent him
the letter of Demosthenea.
Alexander,
however,
does not
appear
to bavo made
any
complaints
to the Athenians on the
subject
;
but he
despatched
a
trusty olfioer,
named
Hecatsus,
over to Asia,
with orders either to arrest At- tains
and
convey
him to
Macedonia,or u"
put
him to death. It seems that
Attûa
bad
so won tbe affections of his
troopa
that Hec-
atssns thought
it safest to have him
secretly
killed.
Alexander had sent
env^
before him to
summon a fresh
congreasat
Corinth. He found
this
assembly
as
obsequious
as that which had
been called
by
his
father,
and was iavesled
by
itwith tbe same titleand
authority
for the
prosecution
of the war with
Persia,as had been bestowed
on
Philip.Sparta
alone either refused
to send
deputies
to the
congress,
or instructed
them to disavow its
proceedings.
She had been
used" such was Blillber
language
" herself
Lo
lake the lead
among
the Gre^s,and would
not
resign
her
heieditary
rank lo anolhert Alex- ander,
perhaps,
smiled at these
pretensions
of
a stale which was
hardly
able to
protectitself,
bol did not think itworth while to
put
its resolution
to the
lest,b;
an invasion of its
territory.
So, too,
the revolt of Ambracia did not
appear
to him
importantenoogh
to detain him ao
long
as would have been
necessary
to crush it. He
even condescended to assure the Ambraciana
that
they
had
only
forestalled his inlenlions
;
that he should of his own accord have restored
their democratical ii
'
, V,
ALEXANDER ON THE DANUBE.
I6B
tnmed to Haoedonia,
with the
hope
that in the
fbllswing spring
he
might
be ab[e to embark Tor
But when the aeaaon for
militar;operations
drew near in
33S, reports
were hcKrd of movements
among
the Thracian tribes and the Tri-
haUisns,
which seemed to render it
necessary,
for the
aecuritj
o[ hia
kingdom during
hia absence,
that he should
epread
the terror of his
amia in that
qaarter
before he
began an
expedition
which would
carry
him
so far
awaj
from
it The Tribaltians had not
oolj
resisted Phil- ip's
passage through
their
territory
with
impunity,
but had
deprived
his
army
of the
booty
collectedin the
Scythiancampaign.
The Thra-
ejana,in whose land be had
planted
hia colonies,
were,
no
doubt,impatient
to ease themselves
of the tribute which he had
imposed
on
them,
and of the
foreignsettlers,
whose
presence
made the
joke
more
galling
;
and those whose
independence
had
only
been
threatened, were
admonished
by
the fate of their
neighbonrs
to
secure themselvea
against
like attacks. The
lUyrians,
too,hereditary
enemies of
Macedonia,
had
begun
to entertain
hopes
of
recovering
the
districtswhi"A had been wrested from them
by
Philip.Early
in the
spiing
Alexander set out
on his march towards the Danube. A small
sqaadronofshipe
of war was ordered to be fitted
out at
Byzantium,
and
to sail
up
the river
lo meet the
army.
In ten
days,having
crossed
the HebruB at Pbilippopolis,
it reached the
foot of the Balkan. Here the Thracians had
eolleeted their fbrces to
guard
the
detilea,
and
were seen intrenched behind their
wagous
on
the summit of the
pass.
As the road which ted
up
to it
was
BTtremelysteep,they
had formed
the
[dan
of
rolling
their
wagons
down on
the
enemy
as
theyadvanced, and then
falling
sn their broken ranka. Alexander
perceived
the
object
of their
preinratlons,
and
provided
against
Xhe
danger.
The
heavy inlantry
was
ordered,
where the
ground permitted,to
open
their files and make
way
for the
wagons ;
wt^t"
this
waa not
practicable,
to throw themselves
forward on the
ground,
and link their shields
together
over their
heads,so that the descend-
mg
masses
might
bound over them. The shock
came and
passed
in a few
moments, leaving
the
men unhurt
;
they
closed their
ranks,
and rose
from the
ground
with
heightened
courage.
The
enemj
were soon
dislodged
from their
poaition
bj
a skilful and
vigorouscharge,leaving
1500
alain
-,
the
Aigitives easilyescaped ;
the
camp,
inwhich w"Te
their wives and
"îldren, fellinto
the hands of the victors.
Having
crossed the mountains without farther
intermptiOQ,
Alexander descended into the
rriballisnc ountry
to the River
Lyginus,*
at a
point
three
days'
mareh from the Dannbe.
Syr-
mus,
the
king
of the
TribaUiana,
had sent Uie
women and children of hia tribe to an
i^nd
of
the Danube which our anthers call
Pauce,and,
m the
enemy's approaeli,
himself look
re^ge
iherewith his immediate
followers,
and several
ifthe
neighbouring
Thracian hordes. But the
Julk of his own
peo;rfe,
when Alexander moved
'orward to overtake
him,
fell back
upon
the
Lyginus,
where the woods near the riveraflbrd-
!d
B. secure
shelter.
Alexander,however,
who
was
apprized
of their
motions,
and was onH.a
day's
march in
advance,
suddenly
T^raced hi"
steps,
and
encamped
on the
plain
skirted
by
tlie
forest.
'
The manoeuvres of his
lighttroop*
drew the
enemy
out of their
lurking-place, aM
Ihey
were then
easily
routed
;
3000 were
slain;
the
fugitives
were
mostly
able to reach the forest,
into which their
purûeia.
as it
was
growing
late,
did not venture to follow them.
Alexatider now resumed his march, and in
three
days
reached the
right
bank of the Dan- ube,
where he found the
galleys
which he expected
from
Byxantium.
If the Danube
waa
not
navigable
for the ancient
galleys
of war
^mve the modem
port
of Galatz* " which list
between the Sereth and the
Pnith,
where Mm
river makes itssudden bend eastward " itwooM
be dimcutt to understand his
previous
movements
unless we
suppose
that,
befbre he met
the
ships,
he had marched for several
day
a
along
the river. On the other
hand,
the
island,or
network of
islands,
formed
by
the Danube
jnst
above
Galati,
would eeem to have
presented
a
very
suitable
place
of retreat for the
fugitives
whom Alexander waa
pursuing.!
In the
galleys,
however, he embarked with a
body
of
heavy-armedinfantry
and
bowmen,
and endear-
oared to effect a
landing
on Pence. But the
current was
strong,
the banks were
steep,
and
lined with
enemies,
who far outnumbered the
detachment which his little
squadron
could contain
:
after some
fruitless
attempts,
he found
himself forced to abandon the
undertaking.
Ha
had also another more
interesting object
in
view. He wished to cross the
greatriver,
the
boundary
of so
many
warlike
tribes,
and to
make
an incursion into the land of the
Getee,
who were now seated either in
Walachia,or,
ifPeuce
lay
lower down, in Moldavia or Bess-
arabia,and whoso
forces,10,000
foot and 400fl
horse,were drawn
up,
as in defiance of
him,
on the
opposite
side. He
himself,
and a
part
of ills
troops,
embarked in the
galleys;
the rest
found a
passage
either in canoes used
tay
the
natives,
of which he collected a
great number,
or on hides slnflM with straw. Under favonr
of
night,they
crossed over nnmolested. and
landed in fields of
standingcom.
This tlu
phalanxlevelled, as it marched
through,
with
its
spears,
the
cavalryft)tk"wing
until
they
reached the
open
ground,
wbere the
enemy,
astonished
and
dismayedby
their
unexpected
appearance,
did not even wait for the first
charga
of the
horse,
but took refuge in their
town,
which
lay
but a few miles off Even this" for
itwas
pooriy
fortified"
they
abandoned at Alex- ander's
approach,
and
taking as
many
as
they
could of the women and children on their her-
ses,
retreated in the wilderness. The towa
was sacked and razed to the
grotmd,
and Alex- ander,
having
sacrificed on the
right
bank of Iba
Danobeto the
gods
whohad
granted
Mm
R
sab
passage,
returned to
hia
eampon
tke other aide.
Here be i"eeived embassies,ttith
sobmiastTa^
or,
at least,pacific overtures,
(nm
Synnns,
and
from
many
of the
independent
nations border^
tng
on the river. Hisohief
objectwaa attaiDed
in the
proof
thus aflbrded of the tenor Inspirtd
"a
iwf"Tiiif
Id " 1VU of
TvAbt
iA lonH ("hoi^
h" u iu imdibiia JB ISM),
pnliliâf
kr C^tn u Unlih,
"'-'""""""
Cooglc
IM HISTORY OF GREECE.
bj
his anus.
Among
Iho Iribea which had
;
been
agilatedby
Ihe
report
of his
expedition]
were Ibe
Celts,
who had
migrated
to the east
i
of the Adriatic*
They
came
proresaedly
to
j
seek his
alliance;perhaps,
in
fact,
rather
to,
aaceitain what
iheymight
have to
apprehend
from him. Aleiander was alruck with their
giganticforms,and.
with some
Belf-complacen-
cy,
asked them what
Ihcy
feared most in the
world. Their
pride
was
equal
to his ambition :
Ibej answered,
"Lest the
sky
should fall."t
All were dismissed willi assurances of frieud-
He now turned his march
westward,
to reach
the borders of
Illyria, through
the
country
of the
Agrianiana
and
FKoniana, on the western side
of the mountains which contain the
springs
of
the Hehrus and the Nestus. On his road he
received advice that
Cleitua, king
of the
Illyri-
ani,
the son of his father's old
enemy,
Gardylis,
was
up
in
arms,
and had
leagued
himself wj'tti
'
Glaucias,king
of the Tautantians. The Auta-
liates, too,through
whose land he had to
pass,
were
ready
to
fdl
on him hi his
way.
From
this last
binderanc",however,
he was relieved
by
his faithful
ally, Langarua,king
of the
Agri-
auians,
who had formed a
personal
attachment
lo him in
Philip's ]ifctime,Badnowcametojoin
him with a
body
of his dioicest
troops,
and undertook
to find sufficient
employment
for the
Autariatea,
who were accounted
by
their
neighbours
an unwarlike tribe in their own
country.
Ho
fulfilledthis
promiseby
an invasion,
which
efiectnally
diverted them from their meditated
attack OD the Macedonian
army.
AJexander
would have rewarded his zeal with the hand of
his sister
Cyoane,
the widow of
Amyntaa
;
but
before the time
came,
Langaruswas cut
offby
aicknees. The
king,however, was thus eaa-
bled to
punuo
his march without obstruction
iq)
the
vijley
of the
Erigon,
towards the
fortrâ
of
FellioD, which, as the
strongestposition
in
the
country,
had been
occupiedby
Cleitos. It
Mood on
high ground,
in the midst of
lady
'
i
hills,
which were also
guarded hy
II-
proaches
of the
place
;
and the barbarians had
"ought
an additional
sa"guard against
the as-
"anlts of the
Macedonians,
in a sacrifice which
Ibey
celebrated on the
hill-tops,
of three
boys,
Ihrea
giris,
and as
many
hjack rams.
Yet all
these
precautions provedfruitless,
and Alexan- der,
after he made hituself master of the
adjacent
hills" where he found
the.
victims of those
liorridrites"
was
proceeding
to invest PeQion
.itself,
when the arrival of
Glaucias,with a nu.
Jnerons
army,
compelled
him to retire,
that he
jcuightprovide
for hia own
safety.
Wc shall
not dwell on the evolutions
by
which ho extricated
himself from a most perilous position.
It
lis SDfficient to mention that he first
penetrated
through
a difficultdefile,
and crossed a river in
the
presence
of an
enemy
greatlysuperior
in
nnmbers,
and three
days
afterward,having
suddenly
returned,
fell
upon
the aUies,
whose
camp
was carelesaly guarded,
in the
night,
and broke
np
their host. Glauciaa fled towards his
"NijU
p.n',ttiiii]nib(ttt"ni
U" *r thv CjEpryfiU^m.
home,
and was pursued hy Alexander, wilfc
greatslaughter,
as fat as the mountains whkk
protected
his territories. Cleitua at first tack
shelter in
Pellion,
but soon
despairing
of hu
own
resources,
set fire to the
fortress,
and retreated
into the dominions of Glaucias.
The accounts which reached Greece of Al- exander's
operations
in these wild and distant
regions were,
it
may
be
supposed,very imperfect
and confused
;
and at
length,during u
interval of which no news was heard of
him,
i
report
of his death
sprung up,
or was etndiomJi
set afloat. It
was,
st
least,
either briief of the
report,
or confidence in the eflect which it wm
likely
to
produce
in
others,
that
seems to hiic
encouraged
a
party
of Thehan
exiles,
in cos-
cert with some of their friends at home, vbe
were no less
impatient
oftheMacedonimn
yoke,
to enter the
cityby night,
and
attempt
a revolution.
They began,
in an
unhappy spirit,
wiiti
the massacre of two officersof the Macedonm
garrison,
whom
they
found in the streets oaa-
ware of the
danger. They
then suinnioned m
assembly,
and
prevailed
on the
people, cbieilT
hy
the
:'troag
assurances which
they
gvie
of
Alexander's
death,to rise in
open
insuirectioa.
and
lay siege
to the Cadmea. The citiieis
who were stillin exile were
recalled,
the slives
enfraaciiised, the ajienstcon
by
new
privileges
Whether Demosthenes had been
previouslyap- prized
of their
design
is
doubtful;
hut when
they
had taken the decisive
step,
be
certaial;
aided them to the utmost of bis
power.
He liir-
nished them with
asubsidy
which enabled them
to
procure
arms for alt who were able to bear
them,*'
many
of
whom, perhaps,
had been deprived
of their
own by
the
oligarchical government,
and he induced the AUieniana to enter
into an alliance with
them,
and to
promise
them
support.
He
himself, probably,
believed the rumour
which he must so
earnestly
have wished
to be true
;
and it
was,
no doubt,
this that im-
boldened the
people,
on his
motion, to decree
an
expedition
in aid of the Thebaas. This decree,
however,was not carried into effect
:
before
the
people
could be
brought actually
to
take the
field, news arrived which
put
a
stop
to
their
preparations.Elis,too,
which seenaa to
have fallen
again
into the hands of the anli-Hi-
cedonian
party,openlyespoused
the cause of
the
Thebans, so far as even to send their (brtea
as far as the
Isthmus,
where
they were
joined
hy
those of some Arcadian states. But hat
their
generals
were
induced to
halt,by
the tidings
which reached them of Alexaoder's re-
He was stillat Pellion when he
beard of the
revolt of Thebes. He knew that unless it wa"
crushed in time it would
probablyspread,
and
he was anxious airaut the
garrison
of the Cad- mea.
He therefore set out
immediately
fat
Bieotia. In seven
days,having
traversed
the
upper provinces
of Macedonia,
and crossed ibc
Cambunian
range
towards its
junction
wi;b
Pindus, he reached Pelinna in
Thessaly.
Sii
days
more
brought
him into Bieotia. So
rapid
were his movements, that,
before the Thebans
had heard that he had
passedThormopylK.
be
had arrived at Onchestus. The authors
o^tbe
insurrection would not at firstlisten to
theynen
of bis
approach; they
gave
out that it
w/mA"
CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF THEBES.
IM
lipater
who commanded ttieMacedonian
aimy;
and then that
Aleiaader,
the son of."ropus,
had been taken for his
royal
iâmeaake. Hut
when the truth was ascerlaiaed,they
Tound the
people
still
willing
to
persevere
in Ibe
struggle,
which had now become ao bopeleas.
Alexao-
der,
on the other
band, wishing
to
give
tbem
time for better
counsele,now moved
slowly
against
the
city,and, even wben he bad encamped
near the foot of the
Cadmea,
which
Ibey
had
encompassed
with a double hne of
ciTcunvallBtioD,
waited some time for
propo-
saU of
peace,
which he was
ready
to
giant
on
very
lenient teima. There was a
strong party
within which was
willing
to submit to his
pleasure,
and
urged
the
people
to cast them-
selves
on his
mercy ;
but the leader* of the re-
voh,who could
expect
none for
tbemselvci,resisted
every
such motion
;
and
as.
besides their
personalinfluence,they
filled most
places
in
the
goveimnenl, they nufaappily prevailed.
It
was tbeir
objectto draw matters to extremities.
When Alexander sent tu demand Phte-
nii and
Prolhjtes,
two of their chiefs,they
demanded
Philotas and
Aniipater
in Teiuni
;
and
when he
proclaimed
an offer uf
pardon
to alt
who shouid snrrender themselves to him,
and
share the common
peace,
Iheymade
a counter-
proclamation(ram the
top
of a
tower,* inviting
allwbo desired Che
independetice
of Greece to
take
part
with them
against
the
tyrant.
These
insults,
and
especially
the
aaimusity
and distrust
which
they implied,put
an end to all
thoughts
of
peace,
and Alexander
reluctantly
prepared
for an assault.
The fate of Thebes
seems,
after
all,
to have
been decided more
by
accident than
by design.
Perdicoas,
who was stationed with his division
in front of the
camp,
not far from the Thcban
ialrencbmenls,
without
waiting
for the
signal,
began
the
attack,
and forced bis
way
into the
"pace
between the
enemy's hnes,
and was followed
by Amyntas, son of
Andromenes,
who
commanded the next division. Alexander was
thus induced to
bringup
the rest of bis forces.
Vet,at first,
be
only
sent in some
hghttroops
to
Ue
support
of the two divisionswhich were engaged
with the
enemy. Wben, however,
Fer-
diccas had
fallen,
severelywounded, as he led
his
men within the second hne of
intrenchments,
and the
Thebans,
who at first had
givenway,
ndlied, and,
in Ibeir
turn, put
the Macedonians
lo
Sight,
be himself advanced to the scene of
combat with the
phalanx,
and fell
upon
them in
ihe midst of the disorder caused
by
the
pursuit.
The; were
instantly routed,
and made for the
nearest
gates
of the
city
in snch confusion that
the
enemy
entered with
them,
and
being
soon
joined
by
the
garrison
of the
Cadmea, made
themselves maatert of the
adjacentpart
of the
city.The
besieged
made a short stand in the
market-place
; but,
when
the;
saw themselves
threatened
on all
sides,
the
cavalry
took to
flight
throughthe
o^îosiugates,
and the rest as
they
could find a
passage.
But few of the foot com-
haianta effected their
escape ;
and the
conqaer-
DTs
glutted
their
rage
with unresisted
slaughter.
It
was not, however, so much from the Macedo- nians,
as from sonte of their
auxiliaries,
that the
Thehana
anCTered the utmost eicesses of hos-
tile
cmelty.
Alexander had
bronght
with him a
'
Piodonu,iTJl.,
9.
body
of Thracians
among
his
lighttroops,
and
he had been re-enforced
by
the Phocians,and
by
all the Bieolian towns hostile to Tbebea,
more
especially by Orchomenus,
ThespiK,
and
PlatKa. The
Thracians,impelledby
their ha- bitual
ferocity,
of which
they
had shown so fearful
a
specimen many years before,
at the
capture
of
Mycalessus,
the
Bteotians,
eager
lo revenge
the
wrongs
they
had endured from Thebes
in the
day
of her
prosperity,
revelled in the usual
hcense of
carnage, pluoder,
and wanton oat-
rages
on those whose
age
and sex left them
most defenceless. The
bloodshed,however,
was restrained
by cupidity,
that the most valo-
able
part
of the
spoilmight
not be lost. The
number of the slaio was estimated at
6000;
that of the
prisoners
at
30,000.
The MacedCK
nians lost about SOO men.
It
only
remained lo fix the linal doom of the
conqueredcity.
Alexander, who had
probablr
made
up
his mitid on it,
referred it to a council
of his
allies,
in which the
represeniativea
of tho
Bceotian
towns took a
leadingpart.
The issue
of their deliberation
might
be
easilyforeseen,
and did not want
plausible reasons to
justify
it.
There was a sentence which bad been
haugiiiK
over Thebea ever since the Persian
war,
in
which she had so
recklessly betrayed
the eaiae
of Grecian
liberty.*
It had never been fbrgot-
ten,
and calls had been heard from time to tune
for its execution.t And the
city
which had to
long
been
permitted,
bj^the
indulgence
of tho
Greeks,lo retain a forfeited
existence,
had nevertheless
been
distinguished by
her merciless
treatment of her
conquered
enemies. In the
case of PlatKa she had Dot
onlyinstigated
the
Spartans
to a cold-blooded
slaughter,
forbidden
by
the
usages
of Greek
warfare,but she had do-
stroyed
a
citywhich, by
its heroic
patriotism,
had earned the
gratitude
of the whole
nation,
and was itselfa monument of the national triumph.
Nor was it
fbrgoltenthat,
when Athens
was at the
mercy
of its
enemies,
she alone had
proposed
to
sweep
it from the face of Oreeoe.
It seems that these old offcncea were
placed
in
the
foreground,
while littlenotice was taken of
the later acts of violence and
oppressionlowarda
the BiEotian
towns,
which were the real
grounda
of their
implacable
resentment. The decree of
the caancil was that the Cadmea should be Ml
standing,
la be
occupiedby
a Macedauian
gar*
rison
;
that the lower
city
should be levelled
with the
ground,
and the
territory, except
Ihe
part
which
beloiêd
to the
temples,
divided
among
the allies
;
the
men, women,
and children,
sold as
slaves,
all but the
priesls
and
priestesses,
end some citizens who stood in
a
relation of
hospitality
to
Philip
or Alexander, or
held the ofUce ofProxenus tuthe slate cfMace-
donia. Under this head were
probably
included
most of Ihe
conqueror'spolitical
adherents.
He made one other
exception,
which was honourable
rather to his taste than his
humanity.
He Aoit
ipare
Ihe houMt
ef Pindana,
and as
many
as were to be found of bis descendants.
The council likewise decreed that Orchomenus
and Platca should be rebuilt. The demolished
buildings
of Thebes
may
have furnished materials
for the restoration of Platna.
It can
hardly
be doubled that
policy
bad s
large
share in this
rigorousmeasure,
and that
'
a" TsL i.,^
tai.
fs""..p."lc
IW
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Utebes was destrojedchiefly
because itwould
not hare been safe to leaie it
standing,
end that
(he
example
of its fate
might
strike ibe rest of
Greece with a wholesome awe. Alexander bim-
self,
in bis
subsequent
treatment of individuBl
Thebans, tacitly acknowledged
that his
severity
bad been carriDd to an extreme
which bordered
apon
cruelty.
But the harsbneBs which be displayed
in this case enabled him to assume the
"ppearanoe
of
magnutimity
and
gentleness
in
others. All the Greek states which had
betrayed
their
hostility
towards him now vied with
one another in
apologies, recantations,
and offers
of submission. A reaction
immediately
took
flace
at Elis in favour of the Macedonian
party:
and in the Arcadian towns which bad sent succours
for the
Thebans,
the anthors of this imprudent
step
were oonderoned to death. The
"tolianB,too,
who had shown some
aymptonis
^disafiection,
sent an
embassy
to
deprecate
the
king'sdispleasure.Athens, however,
had most
leaaoB to dread his
anger,
and strove to avert
it
t? a MTTile
homage,
which at once marks the
dtaracter of the man who
proposedit,
and the
depth
to whioh the
people
had fallen since the
kattle of Chcronea. When the first
fugitives
arrived from
Thebea, the Athenians were cele-
bnting
their
great
Elensinian
mysteries.
All
Oed in coasteraation to the
city,
and removed
their
property
out of the
country
within the
walls. An
assembly
wa"
immediatelycalled,
in
which, on the motion of
Demades,
it wai
decreed that ten
envoys,
the most
acceptabh
that coold be
found,
shoatd be sent to con
Etnlate
Alexander on his safe
return frMn
northern
expedition,
and on the chastise-
maul which he had infliotad on Thebee.
king
disoovered
no dwpleasnre
at this
piece
of
iapDdent iriweqDJonKiesa,
but in
reply
sent a
totterto the
peo]^,demeDdiog
nine of the lead-
iDf
anti-MaoedoDian
orators
and
generals
^
De-
Boatbenea, LycaTga^ Hyperides,Polyenctna,
Oharea,Oharidemua,Epiiialties, Kotimue,
and
KaTOcles, whom be
ohwged
botti with the
tranaactiona whiofa bad led
to the battle of
CluBnmea, and with aU the t
that had aineo boBn
adopted
at Atiiena towards
Ua "tber and
hiUBeU,partienlarly
with the
pinoipal
diare in the ravoll of Tbebea. In the
aaaemblr
which
waa
Md w consider tiiia
te-
qaiaitioii, Bioaion,
it ia
said,
both eotmselled
'
the
people
t" amnender tfae
otgecta
of the
ood-
^"eror'a
roBontineBt or
apprcdieikaions,
and ex-
kofted the elected victima to devote thsmaelvea
ÔBtaneotwIr
lor the
paUie
weal. Demosthe-
lea
ia
repnted to have
quoted
the fable of the
vtdf who caUed on ifaa
aheap
to
givenp
'
doga.
He
people
waverad between thai
Nbutanoe,
oil Demadea
stepped
tbedifficuJty.
He andeitook-^t
Ij
baUeved lor a fee of Ave talmta" to
appease
AleZBitder, and aave Ibe threatened lives. He
fitODd the
king
satiated with the
puj
ef
thei
Thebans,and
diaposed
for an
of
mercy,
which
mi^
aoftan the
impression
it had
produced on the minds of the Oreeks.
He remitted bis demand with
respoct
to idl except
Charidemus, who, perhaps,
had incurred
bis
peculiardispleasure by
his conduot at
Mgm
"Aar
Philip's death,
and who
now embarked for
Aaia,
and
proceeded
to the Persian court.
The
conqoeroT
celebrated his return to Ma-
cedonia
with an Olympic
festival at
MgK,
and
with
games
in honour of the Muses at Diam
in Pieria. The inhabitants of Dium held the
memory
of
Orpheus
in
great reverence,
and
boasted of the
possession
of his bones. At the
time of the
games
it
was reported
that a statue
of the ancient
bard,which, perhaps,
adomsd his
in sweat. Alexander's
Lyciansoothsayer,
Ar-
istanderofTelmisBus,
bade him hail the omen:
it
signified
that the masters of
epic
and
lyric
poetry
should be wearied
by
the talc of his
achievements.* These achievements willnow
itne time "âim
om
undivided attention.
CHAPTER XLIV.
ALsiiHDKB'a invaeion of Asia
might
well
form the
subject
of a
separate worki-t
hot it
belongs
rather to universal
history
than to the
history
of Greece. The
Greeks,indeed,were
deeply
interested in the event
;
but the eflbct
it
produced
on their condition
might
be sufficiently
understood from a
very summary
account
of the transactions
by
means of which it
was
brought
about.
Still,
it was not without
reason that writers of Grecian
historythought
themselves called
upon
to relate this
great
tri-
umiî
of Grecian, arts and arms " for sueh it
was, though they
were
employed by a
pec^le
whom the Greeks themselves did not aoooant
worthy
of their name " which
spread
a Greek
populationover the faireat
proviaces
of
Asia,
and carried the Greek
language,mannera,
and
mode* of
thinking
fi'om the shores of the Me- diterranean
to the banks of the Indus. It ia
now
acateelypenuitted
to one who is traversing
^le same fieldto
depart
from their eum-
pie.
The
reader,bowever,
will not
expect
to
aee thia
aubject
treated hate
even with all Ok
ftdneas of detail*into which we have entered
in other
portioiia
"f our
narrative,
wttid)
were
more easential
parte
of a
hlatory
of Greeoe.
Our aim
moat
be ootdbted to a
aurv^
of the
leading
featnrea of thia ever memoraUe
con-
qneet,
whioh
may
enable na to nnderstand the
spirit
in which itwaa
accomplished,and,
perhaps,
to
judge
of the
deaigittaa
well
u Uie
achievements of the
cooqaeror.
But before we
procead,
it win be
neoeaaarr,
both for the sake of oonnaxiao and to illustrate
the state of the PeraiBii
empire
at the
period
when it waa attacked
by Alexander,
to take
a
review of the
principal events which befell it
during
about half a
century beftire, or from the
time of the
peace
of Antalcidaa.
We have had
oocasion,in a former
part
of
thia
work,tto mention hostilitiesin which
Evag-
oraa of Salamis was
engaged
with Persia in
the
reign
of that Anaxerxes whom
Cyms attempted
to dethrone. It
may
now be
proper
to
say
something more about the ciioumatances
nwhoKtyPwirwa.
Cnii loliistaiik
Ok Mt of AJtiUHlai u Siii
" Vol. 1,
p.
871 7"
EVAG0RA8." CYPRIAN- WAR. 167
under which
Eragoras
roie to
power
at SaJa-
niis. The Greek
princes,
who traced their origin
to Tender,
bttd been
eipelledby
a Phteni-
ciin
chief,who, to Mcore his own
aulhorilr,
acknowledged
himself the vaasal of the Persian
king. ETaftnras,
when he had made himaelf
mister
of
SalaiiiiB,
both restored the ancient
power
and
spJendour
of the
city,îch,
ondei
its Ptmnician
mlers,
had lost its Greek raan-
ners and its marilune
occupations,*
and en-
daaTotired to extend his dominion over the rest
of the island. He anoGesded eo far,
that
only
Amattaus, Soli,
tud Citinm held oat
against
him,
and
they
found themseNes
compelled
to
seek
protection
from ArtaxeneB. He
willingly
promised
them suocoDrs
;
for not
only
had
"e
revolation,by
which his
Cyprian
vassal had
been
detinoned,deprived
him of an
important
island,
but
Eragoras
bad fonuod conneiionB
with (he
King
of
Egypt,and,
it
aeems,
had engaged
in
entei-pisea
which Ihreateaed Phm-
uieia and Cilicia. Artazerxes,therefore,
made
the
cause of the
Cyprian
ctdes
opposed
to
Bmg-
oras his
own,
and ordered the
satraps
of the
nearest maritime
prorincM,
and
Heoatomnus,
the
prince
of Caris,to
prepare
an
expedition
for the tnTsston of
Cyprus.
But these
prepara-
tioDB
appear
to have been
delayedby
his war
with
Sparta
;
and one of tbe reasons which
made the
peace
of Antalcidas welcome to him
was,
Uiat it left him at
liberty
to
prosecute
this
nndertaking,and,
as hie title to Cyprus
was
eiprosslyacknowledged
in the
treaty,
debarred
ETBgoras fnnn all farther suoconrs which he
might
hare obtained from his Greek allies. Af- ter
tbe
peace,
the
preparations
were carried on
with increased
vigour,
and at
length
a
great
atmamenl was
broughttogether;
it is said
ap-
WBTd of
300,000
men and 800
gBUeys,
to which
tbe Ionian cities contributed most
largely,
t
lite
army
was placed
Orontes : the sea force was committed to Teri-
basuB,
onder whom
G""m,
his
eon-in-Iaw, thoogb
with inferior
rank,
seems to have had the chief
direction of the naval
operations.Evagoras,
on the other
hand,
had obtained consideraUe
iucoonre from the
Egyptianking,
Acoris
;
snd
even Heeatomnus
haid
privately
furnished him
with a enbeidy,
which enabled him to take a
largebody
of mercenaries into his
pay.
If wo
may
believe isocrates,!
he had invaded Phe-
ntcia,
and msdehimself master of
Tyre by
force
of arms. His
authority
was
certainly
acknowledged
there,
and in some other Phtenician cities,
and a
Tynan squadron
of
twenty galleys
came to his aid
against
the Persians.^His
fleet, however,
with this addition,amounted
only
to
ninety
sail. Hie native
troops
were
abont 6000 men
;
hot,
besides the mercenaries,
he received re-enfbrcements from
many quar-
tera^"
tbr all who were disaflected to the Per- sian
government
were his natural allies"
among
the
rest,
from a chief who is called
King
of the
Arabians.
Still,
when the Persian armament had crossed
over to
Cyprus,Evagoras
was not in condition
to
cope
with it
openly
either
hy
sea oi
land,
and fbr a thne eonl!ned himself to the object
frf"
hiteroepting
the
enemy's supplies
with
bis cruisers. In this he was so aaccessfiilthat
he rcuJaced them to
great distress,
which earned
a
matioy
in their
camp,
and
compelled
them
to
return,
with their whole
fleet, to Cilicia for a
fresh slock of
proTisions.Meanwhile,
he received
a re-enforcement of
fiftygalleys
(root
Acoris,
and
having
fitted out
sixty
more himself,
thought
himself
strong enough
to risk a
battle. He chose his own time,
and took the
Persians
by sQrprise;
but the
inequality
of
nnmbers
was,
perhaps,
stilltoo
great;
he was
defeated,
and
besieged
in Salamis
by
sea and
land
;
bQt he made his
escape
by night,
with
galleys, leaving
his son
Ptiytagoraa
to
gov-
in his
absence,
and
proceeded
to
Gg^pt
to
press
Aooris for fresh succours. The
Egyp-
''~n,however, seems no
longer
to have trusted
bis
fortune,
and
only
furnished him with
a
scanty supply
of
money,
with which he returned
to Salamis, His affairs
might
now have
seemed
hopeless,
and there can hardly
be a
donbt
that,
'if the
sieê
had been
prosccnted
with due
vigour,
the
city
must have anrrender-
ed at oieeretion.
But,happily
tor
Eragoras,
the
two
satraps
who commanded the Persian for-
tealous
of each
other,
and ea.cb ani-
e credit of
putting
an end to a long
and
expensive
war
;
so
that,
when he made
overtures of
peace
to
Teribaius,they
were
more
favourably
received than the state of his
aShira would have entitled him to
expect.
Ter-
ibaius would have
permitted
him to retain Sal- amis,
on conditioQ that he should
pay
a yearly
tribute,
and
acknowledge
biraselfthe
subject
of
the Persian
king. Evagoras
vras
willing
to accept
M the other conditions,
but would not snb-
mit to this last
clause,
and claimed to be troat-
~
as a
sovereignprince,
the
greatking'sequal
rank and title. This was a concession which
Terfbazua did not venture to make. In th"
meanwhile, however,
Orontes sent secT"t despatches
10 the
court,
in which he
charged
Tbi-
ibazns with wilful remissness in tite
manage-
ment of the
war,
and wift treasonsMe designs.
Artaxerxes,
who was himself about to nBoer-
take an
expedition
in
person
against
the Cadu-
sians,
was alarmed
by
these
inainnationB,
and
ordei"d Orontes to arrest Teiibains,
and send
him a
prisoner
to court. This order Orontes
immediatelyexecuted,
and his rival was de-
tatned in
custody
until the
king's
retnm trout
his
campaign.
He himself succeeded to the
sole command of the armament.
But Teriba-
zus
had made himself
popularamong
the
troops
"as,
indeed, one of (he
charges
laid
against
him
was,
that he had endeavoured to
cormpt
their
loyalty
" and
they
showed so much dissatisfaction
at his
disgrace,
that Orontes feared
he should be
compelled
to abandon the
siege.
He therefore made advances to
Evagoras,
wd
offered him the
possession
of Salamis on the
terms which he himself had
accepted
from Ter-
ibazuB,
Evagoras,
if he bad known tbe state
of
things
in the
enemy's camp, might,perhaps,
have risen in bis demands
;
but he
acquiesced
in these
proposals,
which seemed no less advantageous
and honourable to him than
tbey
were
degrading
to the
majesty
of the Persian
crown,
which had never
before beeo known to
treat on such terms
with a rebel,
aa Evaforas
ma
alyled.
ThUB ended the
Cypriui war.
which lasted ten
years,
and
daring
a
part
of
this time
employed
a
large
abare of the forces
of the Persian
empire againsta
singletown,*
and is said
by
a
contemporary
to have coat
1",000 talents.t This
sum,
indeed, was not
much
more
than the value of the ornaments
which the
great king conetantly
wore about
bia
person ;%
it would
hardly
bare been mieaed
Irom
h^
treasury.
But it
proved
the
incapacity
of the
government
to
wield the resonrces of
the
state.
The
danger
which
hung over
Teribazns
alarmed h:s B0n-iu4aw
Gaos,
and drove him
Into treason
through
fear leat he should himself
be
charged
with it. He
won over
seTcral
of bis
captains,
and entered into
correspond-
ence with the
King
of
Egypt,
and with
^"arta,
for aid
against
his master. This
rebellion,
however, was,
not
tang alter,
stifled
by
his
death" the
work, probably,
of assassins hired
t"y
the court
"
though Tachoe,
one of his offi-
oers,
who succeeded to his
command,
stillmaintained
an
independentfooting
for a short
time,
in
a
fortress which he built on the coast of
Ionia. In the
mean while,Artazerxes,having
jretomed from his
expedition,
ordered Teriba-
sna to be
brought
to
trial,
aad
appointed
three
Fersians,
of the
highestreputation
for
probity,
SB his
judges.
It was not
longbefore,
Uiat one
of those horrible
punishments,
which were
equally
to be dreaded from the
jnstiee
and from
the
caprice
of this barbarous
.government,
had
been inflictedon some of their
predecessors
in
office,
who bad been
flayedalive,
that their
^
akina
mightcover the seat of
justice.
Teriba-
zus obtained an
impartialhearing,
and
com-
'
pletely
refuted the calumnies of his accuser.
He
was
received
again
into the
royalfavour,
and Oronles
was banished "om the court in
disgrace.
llie
recovery
of
Egypt was an abject
which
bad
never
ceased to
occupy
the attention of the
Persian
government
since itsrevolt in the
reign
of
Darius,
the lather of Artaxenes. Before
the
Cyprian
war,
an
expedition
bad been sent
againstit,
under three
gcnerala,
accounted the
ablest in the
king'sservice,Abrocomas,
Ti-
tbranstea,
and Pharnabazus
;
but witli such ill
anccesB,
that the
Egyptianprince
was encouraged
to act on the
offensive,
and to aim at extending
his dominion
over other
provinces
of
the
empire. Acoris, as we have
seen,
waa
ready
to furnish
powerful
aid to the enemies of
Artaxerxes in
every quarter,
and he even entered
into alliance with the Pisidian mountaineers,
who
paid
not even nominal obedience to
the
great king,
and were at alltimes
easily
induced
to
attack bis
more
peacefulsubjects.
"
But
IdDDOtthlDkilcianlblrlHiiieulredrrnmUi
"F. H., ii.,p.
MO.
A(i]"iid.,
c. It: Oa Mc Cw"no" War),
thai the
isi-fiithi htd liken plica
aii
jitn
bcfin the limt
nfaijiairt
luvd^tisImiiim tttfaim
dft4v KtrviHir).
i
Bnt nnctnii u
pron
n
nnngi " Ita, at vhirh he uki
1 Ptat,AjtM.,M.
About the
year 377,
wben it
appears
that Arta-
is was
meditating
s
ft^sfa
attempt upon
Egypt,
Acoris collected a
largebody
of Greeic
mercenaries,
whom he
temptedby
uncommoD-
ly
liberal
pay ;
and, by
the like attraction,he
induced Chahrias to take the command of thean.
Athens, however, was at this time desirous of
keeping
on
good
terms with
Persia,and, on the
complaint
of
Pharnabazus, not
only
ordered
Chabriaa to
quit
the service of
Acoris,
but
promised
to send
Iphicrates
to act with the
king'sgenerals
in the reduction of
Egypt.
An
army
of
200,000 men was
raised for the next
invasion,
which was to be conducted
by
Phar- nabazus,
but was so
longdelayed,
that
Iphicra-
.
who was to
support
him at the head of
20,000
Greek
mereenariea,
could
not help remarking,
in converaation with
him, on tkediJf-
ference between his words and his deeda.
The
reason,"
answered the
satrap,
"
is,
that
am master of
my
words
; my
deeda
depend
upon
the
king."'
The best
plana,
it
aeema,
~~~!re
always
hatde to be
suapeaded
and defeat-
by
the interference of the
cotin, which, as
the case of
Teribazua,
vraa
always open to
insidious
suggeationsagainat
ita moat actire
and faithful servants.
The
army
at
lengthbegan
its march from
ci,
in
Syria(Acre),
the
place
of
rendezrouB,
towards
Egypt,accompaniedby a fleet of 300
galleys
of
war,
200 smaller
vessels,
and iuia-
merable
transports.
Acoris waa no loDgeron
the throne of
Egypt;
but his
succesaor,
Neo-
lanabia,
bad had
ample
time for
preparation,
and
had taken
every
precaution
to socure himself
against
the threatened invasion. Ha had intersected
the
approaches
to his
kingdom
on the
side of Pelusium with
deepditchea,
had laid the
adjacentcountry
under
water,
and barred the
passage
of the canals. The invaders found the
Pelusiae mouth of the river so
stronglyfortified.
that
they
did not venture to make an
attempt
here. But Ptaamabazna and
Ipbicrate*
embaik-
ed with a
body
of
troops,and,landing
at the entrance
of the Mendesian ann wiUi 3000
men,
immediatelyproceeded
to attack the fortress
which
guarded
it, Necianabis sent a small detachment
of his
aimy
to its
relief,
and an engagement
took
place,
in which the
Egyptiane,
overpoweredby
the
superior
numbers of the en
emy,
who were re-enforced from tbeir
vessels,
routed,
and fled towards the
fortress,so
pursued
that the
conquerors
enteredalong
with
them,
made themselves maatere of
it,
and
razed it to the
ground.
litnow a
difference arose between the Per-
genera!
and bis Athenian
colleague.Iphio-
rates
having
heard,
from one of the
prisooera,
that
Memphis
had been left
unguarded,proposed
immediately
to sail
up
to it and
surprise
it.
Pharnabazus did not think it safe to undcrtalte
sucli
an
expedition
until
they
were
joinedby
the
remainder of tbeir
forces;nor
would he
consent
to let
Iphicrates
make the
attempt,though
he
engaged
to take the
city
with his mercenaries
alone. His zeal even
exposed
him to
suspicions
of sinister aima
;
and the
abarpneas
of bin
remonslrances
offended
Pharnabazua,
who
had,
indeed,reasons
for
caution,as the servant of a
jealous
and ill-informed
despot,
which did net
aflkit the Athenian.
During
this
dispute
the
EgTptiBB*
I"*dtima to Mnd a
fumoa
to Meio-
ptan,
and then adraoeed with all their forces
the aaene
of their hite
defeat, wbeiB,thoughi
genenU
battle was fought,ths utare
oT
the
gToand gare
them a
great adTaoiage
OTer the
enemy
in a nomber of
petty
encounters.* At
length,
vhen the sea"on nf the tnuadalion ar-
Tived, HiamabazuB, finding
the
country
inaC'
eeasible,
detormined to abandon the
eoterprise,
and led the annament back to
Syria. Iphicra-
tea, fearing
Conon'a
fate,
took lbs Sral
oppor-
innity
of
escaping
from the Peraian
oamp,
and,
embailing bj night,
sailed
away
to Athena.
Phamabazna, indeed,
laid the blame of the fail-
nre
entirelyupon
hina"
not,perluips,
either ma-
lieioaaly
or
iôrantly,
bat to acreea himself"
and sent minuterato Athens to
complain
of him,
llie
peoplepromised
to
punish
him as he should
appear
to
deserTe,
but
shortly
after
appointed
him to the oonunand of theirown fleet.
Toward* the end of hia
longreign
Artaxerxes
"aw hia throne beeet with
greaterdangeia
than
bad "ver
jet
threatened the Persian
monwchy.
""-"-"â
year 9BII,
the
satraps
of Asia Mi
SpBita,
on the other with
Tachoa,
who had now
BODoeeded Nectanabis in
E^pt. Ariobaizaoes,
"atnp
of
Phrrgia,
Orontea.of
Mysia,Antophro-
dales of
LjaJA,
Datamea of
Cappadocia,
uid
Hanodaa, prince
of
CarU, are mentioned aa the
leading
ntembere of this eealitioii.Mo other
nMtire need be
aoo^t
for this
conspiracy
than
the natoral daaire at these
powerful
chiefs to
take
adTanlage
of the weakness of the
govern'
nrat.
and of the
king's
adyanced
age
and do-
meatie
troaUes,
in order to erect their
prOTi noes
into
independentkingdoms.
Id the case of
Datamea, howerer, we "nd another
eiamide
of
the common eflhcts of a wretched
system.
He
waa a man of
extraordinary abilitiea,
had served
the
king
with the ntnwat
loyalty,
and
might
have bam the tataett bulwark of hia throne.
But the calomnies of aome envioua coartiua
had exeitad the
mapieioM
of Artaxencea
against
him,and Datamea aaw himself
obligedto revolt
to
escape disgrace
and ruin. The insoirection
spreadalong
the whole Asiatic coast of the
HedileTraneBn,
from Ionia to
Egypt.
It
aeems,
indeed,
that the coart
hardly
retained its authority
in SOT of the
provinoe* west of the
Eopbratea.
Half the revenue* of the
empire
oeased to Sow into the
royaltreaauiy.
Its re-
maiaing
forces were ikot sufficient to
snppreas
ibe rebellion.
But,even in this
emergency,
there remained
one
hope
for the
government and, faappUy
for
It,one which it
requiredno exertion of
prudence
or
energy
to realize. liiough it did not know
how
to
preeerve
the
fideUty
of its honest
servants,
it was able to reward the aervices of
traitora. Such were found
among
the confederate
satrapB. Orootes,
who had been inrested
with the
snpreme
command,
and intrusted with
the
treason collected for the
pay
of the mer-
eenariea,on whom
they ohieflyrelied, tempted
by
the
prospect
of
promotion,betrayed
his
biends,
their
towns,
and
troops,
into the
king's
hands. His
example was followed
by
Rfaeo-
ME6.
im
mithres,
wbo had been sent
by
the conliMlerBtea
to
Egypt,
and returned with a
subsidy
of fiOO
talents,
and
"Ay galleys,
which he received
from Tachos. But
immediately
atlerward he
found means to
decoy
several of the
insurgent
chiefs into bis
power,
and sent them in chains
to Artaxerxes. These instances of
treacliery
seem,
either
by
fear or
contagion,
to have dissolved
the
league.
The
rebels,one
by one,
baatened to make their
peace
with the
king,
that
theymight
not be deserted or
betrayedby
their associates.
Datamcs, however, would
never
again
trust himself into the
power
of Ibe
prince-
who hod so iU
requited
bis faithfulser- vices
:
end Artabazus. who commanded the
royal
forces,wa* ordered to invade
Cappadocia.*
But here, too, more
dependance
waa
placedm
treachery
than on arms.
Mithrobtuzane*, a
kinsman of Datamea,
whom he had intrusted
with the command of his
cavalry,was induced
to
go
over to the
enemy.
Datames, however,
oonirived,by
a
stratagem
which showed extr^
ordinal?presence
of
mind, to defeat and
punish
bis
perfidy.
He advanced to attack the
enemy
justat the moment that Mithrobarzaoes was
joiningthem,
and
persuaded
bis
troop*
that the
movements of the
cavalry
had been
preconcerted
with himself.
Oq
the other
band,
their si-
mnltaneona
approach
led Anabizua to
anspeot
a double trea^ry,
and Mithrobarzanea found
himself
repelledby
the Persians. In hia
per-
jêxi^
be turned bis arms against
both
aides,
and f^,with a
great part
of hi*
troop*.
The
remaining
adventures of
Datame8,t so far aa
they
have been
preaerved,
deserve to be
men-
tiooed
here,
because
tfaey
illustratethe character
of the Persian
governmeot.
After he had
been deserted
by
his eldest
son,
and,tt
appeara,
by
most of his
forces,be slill
guarded
the
ap-
proachBB
of his
provinceagainal
the
royal
aimy,
and so harassed
apd
reduced it
by
a series of
actions,
in which the nature of the
ground
always
gave
a
decided
advantage
to his little
band,
^t
Autopbradates,
his former
associate,
who now commanded
againsthim, was obliged
'
invite him to make bis
peace
with the
king
;
.
course,
oa hi* own term*,
which left him
reallyindependent.
The court was
just
so far
sensible of its humiliation as to be still
beot on
the
only
kind of
revenge
which it was able to
take on the rebellious
subject
whom it had reluctantly
pardoned.
It laid continual snares for
his
life,which, however,
be eluded with his
wonted
forethought
and address. At
length,
another traitor of
highrank,Mitbridates,
a son
of his old
ally, AriobarzaQea,was
found
willing
'
undertake the officeof assassin. But itwas
"t
by any
ordinary
means that he could obtain
__cese to Datamea,
who was
constantly
on hia
guBi^.
It was not enough
that be
pretended
to have revolted from the
king,
and to seek an
alliancewith Datames for his
protection.
He
could
only
wia his confidence
by
n series of
hostile
inroads, which,
with the secret sanction
of the
court,
he made into the
Deigbbouring
'
provinces.
When he had infested and
plundered
them for a longtime,
and had
given
a
I of the
spoil
and several
captured
fortress-
"
DiDdsms. MT..
SI.
Nipii^FiIimii ".BHttcu Pii^
I u tha Kna of tki" axamBca.
ud
nji iwlhnf
*bgat
UlKIH.
PolnilDI,Til.,11.T, usIiuiHiilH
to it.
t
XtluadliTNiin,iiidFidipnu,Tii,,ia.
170
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"S to Datames,
Dattmea
began
to beliflTethat
tbe
king,
and acceded to his
propoasl
of a
pri-
Tate conference,
to which
they
were to come
ODanned. The
plare
was Azed
by
Datames
hiniBelfi
bntMithridalescaoaed
aconeWBapODB
to be hidden there
beforehand,
and when thslr
inteiriew was
over, pretending
that he had atill
Boroetbing
to
aay,
killed him with a sword which
he had drawn oat
while bia back was tamed.
This event took
place,perhaps,
under
Ochos,
the SOD of Artaierxea, to whose character this
crooked
policy
was
peculiarly congenial.
Ar-
taxerxes
died in 368, at the
age
of
ainety-fonr,
jet,
it is
said,
of a broken
heart,
the father of
lie cMdren,
three of whom were aocounted
legitimate,
and
capable
of
sneceeding
to tbe
throne. To
prevent
a civil
war,
sach as had
distnrbed tbe
beginning
of his own
refgn,
he
adopted
the
extraordinary
reaolation of
proclaiming
Darios,
tbe
eldest,king
in his own
lifetime,permitting
him (o wear the tiara
upright,
hitherto an eKcluatre
priTjlege
of tbe
reigningprince.
It
waa
cnsiomary
for the successor,
when
appointed
in the
reign
of bia
predecessor,
to name a
present
which he desired
ftom the
sovereign. Darios,on this
occaaion,
made a
request
which
deeply
oflbnded bis father
1 he asked for
Aspasia,
a beautiful
Ionian,
who,
afterthe death of
Gyrus,
bad tieen transferred
from bis harem to his brother's. The
king,indeed,
did not
express
his
dlapleasura by
words;
but he first bade
Aspasia
make her
choice of a master,
and when she decided in
favour of his
sou,
did
not aufler him to
possess
faer
long.
He
appointed
her
priestess
of Anai-
tis,
the
goddessworshippedat Ecbatana,
vrfaom
tbe Greeks
compared
to their
Artemia,
and
Whose miniatera were devoted to
perpelnal
cel- ibacy.
Darius,initated
by
his
disappointtnent,
lent a credulous ear to the
snggeetiOBs
of Teri-
bszas,
whom Artaxerxes bad
provoked by a
similar breach of
promiae,
and who now
per-
nadod the
pruice
thatbe was in
danger
of
being
"npplantedbf
his
Toangesl
brother Ootana.
Thns he
was inatfgMedto
oonapireagainst
bia
"flier*i life
:
but
was betrayedby one of his
Mtranta,
and
put
to
death,
it was
said,by
tbe
Jdoff's band.
"niere now Temained but two buriers between
Ocbns and tbe
Boecesmon,
AriaapM,
the second
legitimate prince,
was
generally
beloved
on account of the mildness of his cbarae-
ter,
and desired
by
the
people
aa their fbture
king.
The favourite oi Artaxerxes himself
was another son named
Arsamea,
wfaoae abilities
made him
donhlyfonnidable.
Ochua,
indeed,
bad a IHend in the
palace,
"1io
snpported
his
interest,
tbe Fiincess
Atossa,
li^tom
her ft-
ther,eitber licensed
by
the
Magtan doctrine,
or
sareleas of all
restraints,
bad added to the number
of his
wives. But he did not
rely
npon
her
influence : he determined to rid himself of bis
two rivals.
Aiiaspcs
he alarmed
by
false
reports
of the
king's
displeaanre,
and threats
against
his
life, nntil he drove him to suicide.
Artaxerxes could
only
bewail his
loss,
and suspect
the cause
;
but he
clung
the more
fondly
to his favourite son. Ochua
now
grew
mote
reckless,and
employed
a son of Teribasns to
despatch
Arsamea. The old
kingsaw himself
bereftof his last
hope,
and suiroooded
by
aa-
"esains : be sank under the shock
;
and
Ocdius,
who also assumed tbe title of
Artaxerxea,
moanted the blood-stained throne. A
geoMBl
massacre of his ftther'a
survivingchildren,and
of all who were connected with
tbem,
oi had in
any way
incurred bia
suspiciona,
was the fitst
aet of his
reign.
Such a charaoter would not have been illsuit- ed
to a station
which,
Bt"ove all
thinga, required
energyand decision,
ifhe bad not provokedenmity
by
his wanton
cruelty.
But
Artabasua,
who had defended hia father's thiooe
against
the rebelliouB
satrapa,
himself raised the atand-
ard of revolt
against
him. Two or three
jeara
before the death of
Artaxerxes,
Tachos had fit-
ted oat a fleet(rftoo
galleys,
had raised an
arm]'
of
SO.OOU'Egyptians,
and had
sent to
Sparta
for
aid,
with
pay
for
10,000mereaiianBi. After Ibe
generalpeace
wbicA followed tbe battle of Man-
tinea,
from which
Sputa
was endnded because
she would not
acknowledge
the
indepesdence
of
Messenla,
she was reduced to s state of dis-
cODtented
feddeneis,
unaUe eitber to give
up
her
projects
of ambition and
revenge,
-or to
move a
atep
towards the eiecution of than.
Only one
prospect
aeemed
open
for her : the
hope
of
relieving
lier
pover^ by
the aubaidiea
of hex Asiatic allies. With this
view,
tbe over-
tnres of the revolted
satrape
had been favom--
ablyreceived,
and the
reqosst
of Tachos
was
readilygranted,Agesilauahima^,
notwilb-
standiog
his odvanoed
age,
snoMiatended tl
levies,
and took the oommand of the
tra^
which inolndsd a thousand
Sparta,
deatined to aervs in
Egypt,*
where b"
ezpeoled
that tbe oondoct of the war would be
entirely
committed to him,
Twlios, however,
bad
engaged Cbabrias,
who was
always ready
bis fleet :
Agerilam
wna
keenly
mortiflsd
by
this
dieappointmoDt ;
and,
It is
said,was alao
wounded, on bis wrlval in
Egypt,bjan indi""
creet
jest
with whkk Taehos
ezpmased
Us
sDipriseat the dimlBsUTe and delbnaed
pemoa
of
so
reaowiwd
" gtnwal.f Asosmsnyftrater
occasions,
be
oUoWed
U"
peraonalfeeliagsto
aObot bis
poUttealnwasiuw. Taoboa, ûnit
bia
advice,
made an
expedition
into
Phaoicia,
leavhig
bia bnHbm* to
govwn
in Us absice.
This
man
seiwd the
otnotMBiirto transfer the
crown to bis own son Neotanabia,
wbo bad se-
oompanied
tbe
king,
his
aande,
into
nonicia.
and bad been
sent In bin at Hit bead of tbe
Egyptianbo"s to rednoe soue dttss of
Syiin
With Bucb
advantages,
NectaDalm soon won
over tbe
army,
and wis
aekitowledfed
aa
king
by
the
people
; his next
object
was to
gain
tbs
Oreek mnroenaries and their lenders
;
and he
his emisssdsa to sound
âlirias
and
Agea-
ilaus. Cbabrias would not desert bis
emplojtr
';
bat
Ageailwu,cloaking
his
rrojndicesundu-
show of
patriotism,
declared that
he,being
not a
privateadventurer,
but sent out on a
public
mission, could
only
consult the interests erf
Sparta,
and would not decide between the rivals
itilhe had received instruGtions fnan hotne.
"
1 hui eatUaai tbi leaout tt
Diodeni*,n., M, b"
- .dUrctaiAr"-,
le.
t TluopDDipui [vtd u
ElTptiu kiilDrimii, Lvnu c/
-"'^
Tubo ipiiki
Onel^
ind'tnf nulGnX
u-
for ha
:" nil) M bm quoMd
tlw
list,"lUtm
tftft
ZcH
e
Motdn, Tt * tr"" pH.
DEATH OF AGESILAUS." REVOLT OF SIDON.
ni
The
answsr
which the
goTernment
made to his
inquiry
left him al full
liberty
to aae his own
diBcretiOD
:
and he
tlienopealyjoioeilNectaaa-
bis with all his merceDariea. Thus
abanduDed,
TachoB Had to Artazerisa, who. hoping
to make
good
ose of him for the
recovery
of
Egypt,gave
him
a
graciousreception.
In the meaa while,however, a new
pretender
anwe in
E^gyp'
'^
dispute
the craAn with Nec-
taaabia. He
appear*
to have been the more
popularcandidate,
far his forces far ouLnumber-
ed those of his rival
;
and be was not without
bopet
of
gainingAgesilaus
over to his side.
Noctanabia hJmself eatertaioed
suspicions
of
hii
ally,which, indeed,
his late conduct too
well
JDBtiGed;
and Plulardi intimates that it
wu chiefly
dread of the shame which would
have attended a second desertion that
prevented
him frook
going
over to the side which for-
Inne mw
seemed to favour. He had not been
able,at first, to
prevail
on
NecCanabis to attack
the
ODemy'a undisciplined
troops
: he was
dis-
nwyed by
their
superiority
in
numbers,
and Buf- fered
bimaelf to be shut
up
and
besieged
in his
eapitAL
A treocb was begun
round it,which,
whon
cwapleted,
would have cut
off all
bope
of
relieC NectanabiB was now
eager
for a battle,
as luB last chance of
stopping
the circumvalla-
tioD; which would soon have forced him to sur-
render,as the
place
was not stocked with
pro-
TiaiOBs for a
siege.
But
Agesilaus,
notwith-
"linriint
the
ezposlulatious
and
reproaches
of
"be
Egyptians,
and the
impatieuoe
of his Greek
tiKifa,
refoaed to Isad them out until the two
"oda oT the trench were onlyseparated
Irom
tmck 9tbei
tqr
an
intervaljust
sufficient
to allow
loan to tbrm them in battle
array.
He
then,
by
akilfiii
maniEavres,
drew the
enemy
into
an
tagagMOât
on this
ground,
where the
greatest
(ut
of their forces wai nselesa,
while the
rest,
cnwdsd
tegHhsr,
were
exposed
to the attack
of hia little
amy,
which
vaa
covered on either
flank
by
the Irenob. The resultwaa a complete
viotory,
whieh aeenred the Ihrooe
to
Nectana'
bis.
Agwilans
tbea aat out bomewaid with
mt
taleata,
wUob ba leoeivad
aa
the reward
"r hia aeTvieea. But he
waa
taken iU in hia
pataa^
a*d died atadeaert
placeon
the coast
"f Alnaa,eaUedlbeUartKHiTofHenelana.
Hia
bady" preaerred
in
wax, as honey
was not to
be
yiBCUTed
"
was
carried to
Sparta
to receive
iia
Tcyalobaequiea.
We have
already
bad oc-
eaaion to notice that Anabawis maintained
hnoaelf ibr a
craiBiderahle
time,though
with
VBiwoa aaomsB, agaiiurt
the
court, chieflyby
.
the
halp
"^
Qreek soldiers and
generals,
as
Cbaraa and Pammenes, and that Ochue waa
"bliged
to threaten Athens,
and to conciliate
Ibîes
by
a
subsidy,
to
deprive
the rebel of
ttxMB reaonrcea.* With a view, no
doubt,
to
strengthen
hia interest
aniong
the
Greeks,
Ar-
tabaans had married a Rhodian
lady,
whose
brotbera.
Mentor and Memnon,
for a time aided
him
actively
in hie
enterprises.
At
length,
however,
his fortune deserted
him,
and he
found himself
obliged
to
flyfromAsia,
and look
refuge
with Memnon at
Pbilip's
court. Mentor
enlCTed into the service of Nectanîs as the
commander of his Greek
troops,
and soon
found
an
opportunity
of
benefiting
his kinsman in a
way
tbal he could least have
expected. Oohus,
"Aitttt.a.lll.
in the
beginning
of his
reign,
renewed the attempts
which had been
so often made for the
recovery
of
Egypt,
but with even worae success
: the generals he
employed
were so
signally
defeated,that he himself incurred the ridicule
of the
Egyptians,
and other
provinceswere encouraged
to follow their
example.
The insolence
and exactions of the Persian
satraps
and
generals,
who had their
headquartersat Sidon
during
the
preparations
for the war with
Egypt,
roused the
city
to an
insurrection,
which
soon
spreadthroughout
Phcenicia. The Sidoniani
not
only
seized and
put
to death
many
of the
Persians who bad
provokedthejrresentment,
snd burned a
magaiine
of fodder which lud
been collected for the next
campaign
in
Egypt,
hut,personallv
to insult (he
king,cut down the
trees of a parli
in the outskirts where his
predecessors
had sumetimes
lodged. They entered
inio alliance with
Nectanabis,
and
tregan
to
build
galleys,
and to
lay
in ammunition and
provisions,
and to assemble
mercenary troops.
Ochus was so much incensed at their
conduct,'
that he resolved
to undertake
an
expedition
against
them in
person,
and, at the same
time,
to
revenge
the ailrontshe had sufl'eredIrom the
Egyptians-
Jn the
mean
while the
example
of PhiEnicia
animated
Cyprus to revolt. The island
was
at
this time divided
among
nine
petty princea,
who had aU
acknowledged
the
sovereignty
of
the Persian
king,
and now
leagued
themselves
together
to assert
their
independence.
Ochus
sent orders to
Idrieus, prince
of
Caria,to collect
an armament,
and
suppress
the
Cyprian
in-
surroctiou
;
and
Idrieus, having
assembled forty
galleys
and SOOD
mercenaries,placed
them
Evagoras,
a
son,
it
appears,
of the
prince
whose actions we have al'
ready relied,and of
Phocion,
who
may, perhaps,
have been induced,
by "iendeh^
for
Evagoras,
to
engage
in this
expedition, whicb
otherwise
must, we should
suppose,
have been
a"Knewhat
repugnant
to his
feelings
and
prin-
ciples.They
landed in
Cyprus,
and found
ao
rioh a booty,
that adventurers trom varlow
quarters,
deairona of a
share,
flocked to their
camp,
and soon doubled the force of their
army.
The
Cypriim princeswere unable to
make head
against
them
;
and after
having
ro-
duced the rest of the island to sabmiesion,they
sot dovra before
Salamia,
which " we know not
through
what vioissitudes " had now
passed
into the hands of
Pnjrtagoraa,
a
relative,
it
seems,
of the
royal
bouse.* Yet
Evagoraa
was not destined to recover
bis
patrimony.
He himself fellunder the
suspicions
of
Ochua,
was first
obliged
to
accept
a
government
in
Asia
by way
of
compensation,and,being
charged
with
some
misconduot in
it,
fl"
' ~
prus,
where be was
arrested and
put
Pnytagoras
was pardoned,
and allowed to retain
Salamis.
While Ochus was
assembling
his forces in
Babylon,
the
insurgents
in Phienicia carried
on
a
successful warfare with the
satraps
of the
neighbouringprovinces,Belcsya
of
Syria,
and
MaxKUs of Cilicia.
Sidon,
like the other Phoe- nician
cities,was governed by
a
magistrate,
'
who "
probably
with
very
limited
authority"
bore the title of
king.
Sidon, Tyre,
and Arn-
1
to
Cv-
o
death.
173
HISTORY OF GREECE.
dUB fonned a
leagne,
which
menui
to hare
ruled the rest of Phcenieia
;
and their
princes
held
regularmeetings
In
Tripolis,
a
joint
colo-
nj,
aa
the
name (Triburg)imports,
of the
three
leading
cities.*
Tennee,
who was now
King
of Sidon,
had received
succours
from
Egypt,constating
of KHKI Greek
soldiers,
under
the command of Mentor the Rhadian, But
though,
with the aid of these auxiliaries,
his
offaira went on
prosperously,
and the
enemy
was not able to
gain
a
footing
in
Phcenieia,
Tennes,
alarmed at the
approach
of
a
great
army
led
by
the
kinghimself,and
perhaps
dis- trusting
his
confederates,
determined to
secure
for himself the
advantages
of the first act
of
treachery.
He
despatched
a
trustjmessenger,
named
Tbessalio,
to
Ochus,
with the offer of
BDrrenderingSidoo,
and
aiding
him in the recovery
of
"g]^, where,
from his
knowledge
of the
country,
his services would be
peculiarly
valuable. Ocbns
joyfully accepted
these
proposals,
which
promised
the fullest
gratification
of his
reveoge against
Sidon
; though
be
was
at first
so
indigaaot
at the demand of the solemn
pledge
" the
king's right
hand " which
Theasaho
was
inslrucc"d to
ask
for,
that he
was on
thepoint
of
patting
him to death. Pni-
denoe,however, got
the better of his
pride,
and
he
gave
the
royal surety,
which had
alwayt
heen held
inviolably
sacred
: as
the
engage-
ment of
a king
whose
people
deemed truth the
first of virtues. Tonnes, before he look this
step,
had made himself
sure
of Mentor's
concurrence,
on
which he reckoned for the
eiecu-
tion of his
design.
When Ochus
appeared
before
Sidon,which,
in the
mean while,
had been
fortifiedwith
a tripletrench,and with
bighei
end
stronger walls,
and
abundantljprovided
with all necessaries for
sustaininga long siege.
Tennes went
out,
on
pretence
of
attending
the
congress
at Tripolis,
vrith
an escort ofSOQm"
probably
mercenaries devoted to his inter)
and
accompanied by
100 of the
principalc
lens as
his
counsellors,leaving
Mentor
guard the
city.t
But when he
approached
the
Persian
camp,
he caused his counsellors to be
arrested,
and delivered them
up
to
Ochus,
who
immediately
ordered them to be
put
to
' "
Tidings
of this event
were,
it
seem.,
carried to the
city
;
and
though
the Sidonians
had been
so resolutely
bent
on
resistance
as to
hum their
ships
to
prevent any
citizen from
seekingsafety
in
flight, they
were so
dismayed
by
the
treachery
of
Tennes,
that
tbcy
descended
to
implore
the
enemy's mercy,
and sent out
500 of their
remaiaiag
chief
men,
with the
ensigns
of
suppliants,
to
the Persian
camp.
When
they
drew
near,
Ochus asked Tennes whether
he
engaged
to
put
him in
posaeasiou
of the
city
;
and, having
received that
commanded the ambassadors to be
quired
them to
open
the
gates.
The citizens
could not
prevent
them from
obeying
this
oi'
der,
which was enforced
by
their
own
chief;
they
could
onlydisappointthe
tyrant's
revenge
by
a
voluntary
death.
By a unanimjus
reso-
Intion,they
set fire to their
houses,
and
perish-
ed
with their wives and childreQ in the flame*.
Instead
of
a
wealthy
and
populouscity,
Ochm
found little
more
than the ashes of
a vast funeral
pyre
containing
the remaiivs of
nMi"
than 40,000 dead. The treasure contained
in
the
conflagration
was so
great
that he sold the
ruins for
a vast sum.
It is
some satisfaction
to know
the
royoiâad,
probably
in Uie first
transports
of his baSIed
rage,
he
put
Tennes to death. Mentor
vras
too
important
an
auxiliary
to be so treated
;
his
troops
were
incorporated
among
the other
of the Persian
army ;
for Ochos
ent
envoys
to all the
principal
Greek
to
levy
soldiers for the
espeditiaa to
Athens and
Sparta
had declined
to
spend
the blood of their citizens in such a
canse.
Bnt Thehes had sent 1000
heavy-
armed under
Lacrates,
and
Argos
fiuniabed
3000 under
a leader named
Nicostratos,
or
extraordinary
bodilystrength
and
prowess, wtakb.
however,
if
he, indeed,wore a
lion's
skin,
and
armed himself with
a clah,
in
mimicry
of Her- cules,
must have been far
greater
than his
^
cretion. Six thousand
more were
contributed
a
the Greek citiea
on
the coast of
Asia,
sad
joined
the Persian
army
soon
after the
e^
tore of Sidon. Ochus then
began
his march
towards
Egypt.
In the
approach
to Pelnsiuin
he lost
a
great
number of
men
in the msrabea
formed
by
the
overflowing
of the
Nile,* according
to Diodorus,through ignorance
of the
country ;
though
it
seems difficultto conceive
how,
in
a
road which the Persian annies had
so
often traversed of
late,
he
can
have been in
want of
guides
; perhaps
the difficulties and
dangers
of the
ûnd
itself
were subject to
variation, Onhis
arrival,
he divided his
Grc^
forces into three
columos,
each
placed
uader
the command of two
generals,
a
Groek and
a
Persian. The first of these
divisions,
which
was
destined to act
againstPelusium,
consisted
of the BiEOtians under
lAcrates,
and
a
great
body
of barbarian
infantry
and
cavalry,
under
Rhosaces, a
Peisian of the
highestrank,a descendant
of
one
of the Seven who
coospirvd
against
the
Magians.
We
are not
distinctly
informed
as to the relation in which these two
officers stood to each other
;
but the
ezpres-
sions used
by
Diodorusl seem to
imply
that the
militaryoperationswere to be conducted
by
Lacrates,subject
to the control of his colleague.
The second division contained the
Argives,
and
was commanded
by
Nicostratos
and
a Persian named
Ariatazanes,
who held
the office of
Eisangeleus,one
of the
highestdig- nities
of the
court. The third
was committed
to
Mentor and the
king's
chief
favourite,
the eunnch
Bôas,
under whom
were
placed
the Asiatic Greeks. The
king himself,
with
the remainder of bis
forces,stayed
behind
to
await the issue of their
operations,
and to
watch the
turn of afikirs. On the other
hand,
Nectanabis had made
active,and. it
seems, jn-
dieious,preparations
for the defence of his
'
T\it
BJfafft.Di"lcinu,in.,40: mgiT^nx^xir^
^"(jittiiK
*yij7|.,
"*""" Jm ri miXtiloitii
0ifa6Ba. But
Stnbo Im
,
p.
in. 'TiiioIidO ]d"" "bt"in
D"nr m Pria-
Ham. Altar Ihi Bartmje Latiud MDontCuiuacmH
INVASION OP EGYPT." SUCCESS OF OCHUS. 173
kingdom.
He bad taken
30,000
Greeks and
many LJbTans
inlo his
pa;,
and had
60,000
Egyptian troops.
The whole eaalem side of
the Delta was
protectedby
a chain of fortresses,
B8 well as
by
new
canals,
and a
great
number
of boats had been collected to guard
the
passages
of the river.
The invaders made their attacic in Ibree di-
rectionn. While the firstdivision remaineil before
Pelnsiun),
Mentor and
Bagoas
marched
southward, along
the
eastern
side of the Delta
towards Bubastus
;
Nicoslratua and Aristaza-
nea, taking Egyptian guides,
whose families
were left behind as
hostagea,
embarked their
troops,
and endeavoored
to find an entrance
through
one
of the more wealem branches of
the river. The
success
of this last
expedition
decided the event of the war.
They
landed
their forces
nnperceived,
and
encamped
within
the Delta
;
were attacked
by
a
body
of Greek
mercenaries tinder
Clinius,
a
Coan,
but defeated
tbem with
great slaughter,
and killedtheir
general.
This disaster
diantaycdNectanabis,
who
imagined
that there was no
longerany
ob-
"
stacle to
prevent
the whole Persian
army
from
penetrating
into the bean of his
kingdom,and,
instead of
advancing
with the main
body
of his
army
to
repelNiooafratus,
fellback
upon
Mem- phis,
Diodorus thinks that he would not have
committed this error
if he had taken
some
Greek
general
for hia
counsellor,
but that the
success with which he had resisted the
preceding
invasion,when he
was aided
by
two experienced
Greek
officers, Diophantua
the Athe- nian,
and Lamina the
Spartan
" names else unknown
" bad elated him with
a
false confidence
in his
own abilities. The effect of this
step
was to dishearten hia best
troops.
Hitherto
Pehisinm had been
vigorouslydefBodad. The
BcEotians, who had
tbonghc
to tê it
by assault
on their first
arrival,
found themselves
repolsedby
a
sally
of the
garrison,
and
obliged
to resort to a surer but tardier mode of
proceeding.
Lacrates diverted the stream which
protected
it into another
channel,
raised a
mound across its
bed,
and then battered the
walls with his
engines.
But the
Greeks, to
whom the defence of the
place
was
intrusted,
Taised
new walla and wooden towers behind
the
breaches,
and continned to Ivht
manfully,
until
they
heard of the retreat of Nectanabis.
They then
thought
themselves
abandoned, and
made
overtures to Lacrates,who
engaged
that
theyshould be allowed to return to Greece
with all their
property.
But
Bagoas,
whom
the
kingsent to take
possession
of the
place,
allowedhis barbarian
troops
tO
plunder
Ihem
a"
they
m^-rhed out
;
and Iâcratee was so indignant
^'. this breach of the
capitulation,
that
he
ordered his
troops
to fall
upon
their allies
and
protect
their
coantrymen. Bagoas
himself
was
obliged
to
fly,
and
complained
of the
conduct of Lacrates to the
king
;
but even the
influenceof the favourite could
not lead Ochus
to overlook the
necessity
of
keepingon
good
terms vrilh his Greek
generals
: ho
reproved
Bagoas,
and
punished
the other offenders with
death.
Biibaatus. on its
huge
brick
terraces,* might
hkewisehave snstained
a
longsiege,
ifits
gates
gad not been
opened
by
fear and
treachery.
Mentor
spread a
reportthrough
his
camp
that
it
was
the
king'spurpose
to
pardon
all who
shoidd surrender their towns to
him.
but that
those who held out should suffer the fate of
Sidon
:
and he connived at the
escape
of hia
Egyptianprisoners,
that
theymight carry
thil
intelligence
to their homes. The
consequenoe
was,
that,as
in all the towns the
garriaona
were
part natives,part Greeks,
each
race became
eager
to
get
the start of the
other,
and
secure the
royaj
favour for itself Hence at
Bubastus the
Egyptiansclandestinely
sent an
envoy
vrith an
o9er of suirender to
Bagoas :
but the Greeks
having
seized
him.
and detected
bis commission, feU
upon
the
Egyptiangar- rison,
and forced
it,
aiter some loss of kUled
and
wounded,
to take
refuge
in
one
quarter
of
the town, *Each
party
then hastened to surrender.
The
Egyptians
called in
Bagoas,
the
Greeks treated with Mentor, There
was,
however,
a
similar
rivalry
between the two
generals
on the Persian side : each desired the hon-
of the
conquest
for himself. Mentor
secretly
encouraged
the Greeks to attack
Bagoas
as soon as he should have entered the
city.
Accordingly,
when he had marched in with
a
part
of his
troops,expecting
no resistance,
the
Greeks
suddenly
shut the
gates,
eut his men to
pieces,
and took him
prisoner.
Mentor had the
~~ ~ '
of
procuring
his
release,
and the
glory
eiving
the surrender of the
city;
and
bj
this device
won
the
friendship
of
Bagoaa
and
the favour of
Ochns,
and thus rose to
posti
which had never
before been conferred on a
Greek. The other foitifisdtowns followed the
example
of Bubastus
;
and
Nectanabis,despairing
of
Memphis
in the midst of so
general
an
abandonment of his
cause, gave
it
up
himself^
and fled into
Ethiopia,
or "
aooording
t
Ochns, having
thus become master of
Egypt
almost without a blow,indulged
his
revenge m
the wDdest ezeesBea of
tyrannical cniet^
and
insoleoee. He
delightedespecially
in wonod-
and
profanation
of their
sepulchres
and
-'--
Even the archives oftiie
temples
be-
easure to
Bagoas.
to whom the
Egyp- tian
priests
afterward
paidlarge
sums for the
sacred records which had been carried
away
--
Persia-t
"
Kiiut, JfiHf,
f.
US.
*
SrvcflHiUip. 4ST,ed.fima. ; hs
kddi,iî^jra
Kal 'OXni-
well-known
lUrr
i" HfiIifIdItBiiUslhlqmOriaUaU.
pi-
i.T'Airred'Tliicr.r,
i
dr"
kqusl Fhilippt
dl
n Island (ncwd th"
oj
litl,ic la
CanfolU,
I,
.._
,
..
Ml from Ihg .CxTpiiui af Vnnu. Ihit Ocbu unk tl
'TntimD
kirÊpriHUUi nJj
prgm
that Ihia il a wriUr "
t Tha recover* of
Egypt a
uai^nwl
IrrPiodonu lo tl
"c
iiîfi
IfPrriia.p, 3)0
mSmi'
Ihii
'di'- ^""
i"
iut*iiy
ieneanalMB "i "dddsi^tlutair-
iU HISTORY OF GREECE
Mentor was rewarded n[tb a
satrapy
nhich
included all tbe weatem coast of Asia Minor.
He also obtained the
pardon
of his brother anU
"f
ArtabsiuB,
whose eleven sons he advanced
ta
biglimihtB[7
rank. This
promation.
bowev-
er,
was no doubt
owing
to the
fear,
rather than
to the
gratitude
of
Oehus. who liad now
begun
to entertain scriona
apprehensions
of
Philip's
designs,
and felt tbe need of an able officer in
this
station,
the rather aa there were stillsome
rnaurgents remaining,
who did not
admowledge
his
Buthoritj.
Mentor waa the better
qualiiied
for Bach a
post,
aa he was not restrained
bj'any
scniples
(eora
promoting
his master's interests.
One
example
of his mode of
proceeding
deserves
notice (rom its connexion with the fortunes of
Aristotle. A
Bitbjmianadventurer,
named Eu-
btilus,
had founded a little
principality on the
coast of
Myiia.including
the
strong
towns of
AtBmeui and
Abbus,
and
at bis death transmitted
itto his favourite servant Hermias, Her-
mias had receivod a liberaleducation at
Athena,
and,
aa a
disciple
of
Plato,
had become
acquainted
with Aristotle. When he had succeeded to
Hie
government
of his little
state,
he invited both
AriKotle and Xenocrales to hia
court,
where
tbejstared
imtilhis misfortniieB
compelledthem
to make a
precipitate flight.
The
independence
of
Hermias
appeared
to insult the
mBJeaty
of
the
empire,
and Mentor determined to
put an
end to it. But he did not think himself
strong
enough
to effect his
purpose
with the forces he
had at bis
disposal,
or
preferred
artifice as the
easier course. He ailfectedto seek the friend-
sbip
of
Hermias,
who was
generous
and snite-
teas,
and
probablyplacedmore confidence m the
Greek than he would have done in a Persian
satrap.
He suSbred himself to be drawn into
an interview with
Mentor,
and was immediately
arrested. Mentor used hia
ring
to accredit
ocnUi
(B.C.346),nbSoh I hlTe
ibtai nndai Ihu
fHI.
Bat in (b
ppmiiimu, wu wnltin foar
jn.
mK"lHcnUi ipsaki
of ituitil
Iff
dflfflftted tha lut imuHiit
i
"oiailbj tbs King of Panli. h i
wbicb OcliDt ianded E^Tptin
pemn
wu ilui of iLi
ocm-
qiiflH. or
iIh iBomln lui,wilh own Ihu MMl
wgl"l
of hioorial
"ccnntr,
mimpnaHUd
lh" bd nliicG bm
Inlwd,
Eirp"i ba
n^
hid bau in " I
itlvayTit KA^K" that
iôf
tbt
paid*
a .ainuGiau ;
"b
rucY tfaiiaai intoI'lint
M^Xaifr almts
fi
Itni
Wrati.
n/mfatKaaediimt ytf
Utaiia Inn
tUf
f ft
tt\tlwTm, Hoi
STOaTiteaf
tn*alroitt i*wo itiiStrat mfirn
bTuBJi,XUm "-! nruri"^"a0iliml
UJfX
aCrcfiamiitiBii
afri
arfaTirriTii JîK
Una. BU, whuanr bbntlM Ii"-
ntaa
ni^bT taka *ith
biatorr
as to dfoiuiiatinnB,it
la im-
pCHbla he eonld hara "rit"a-
"' '- -' *
bslbn
Egfpt hail bteu
cuiqDI
gTOMing
Dndir " bur
a^-
thflrtfrm. that the Taimerr
luar tlun Ht, ltiiiii(!i, aa mr
juBfs
ha
4ao(" in
FhiUp"a
laiur,
Miort rm a.i.. nai
if n
D"f d"pnd
in Ih* lUtn
giiaa
tr ApsUodeinia(11
"Dior.
LHrt.,
AriatM.tbi tlltLIfi of
Ariatotla, iccardiiic
to which
tll"philiiaii[iherw"a
driian from
AUIMnalbrotigfi
th" faU of Haruiu
(Ol,cnii.,4, aC.
H9I, E^rpl
einn
ntia to hiTa
wnlteojnat
hafora tha
aipadilicnof Orbia.
KcM
U
pirnii
ahgold be omitltilig ihu
punn.
tetters
forged
in hia
name,
which indnced the
garrisons
of his fortresses to
open
their
gates
to
the Persian
troops,
and then sent him in chains
to
Ochus,
who
put
him to a cruel death.* Tha
twophiiosophershadjust
time to make their escape
with
Pytbiaa,
the sister of
Hermiaa,
whom
Aristotle
generoual;
married in her
poverty
and
exile
;
and he celebrated the virtue of his da-
ceased friend in an ode which iastillextant.
goaa
ruled in the
upper provinces
willi a
more extensive
authority
than Mentor in
the
West,
with whom he
preserved
a close aUi-
ance,
which contributed to the
power
of each.
Between
them,
it Beents that Ochus retained little
mom than the name of
king,though
wilh
ample
means of
indulging
his ferocious
temper.
He became so odious tbat
Bagoas thought
itex- pedient
to remove him, apparently
not from
any
personalolTfence,
but that he
might
not be anticipated
by other hands. He look him off
1^
poison,
and raised his
youngest son.
Arses, to
the
throne,
bnt
put
to death ^ hia
brothers,
that
the
new Ung might
he the
more
dependantoa
himself.
Arses,however,
showed
aigns
of un-
easineas under this
patronage,
which alarmed
BagoaB,
who caused him to be
murdered,
with
all his
children,
in the third
year
of bis
reign-
The
person
whom he next chose to fillthe vacant
throne was a member of the
royalfamily,
named
Codomannos, a
grandson
of
Ostanes,
the
brother of Artaxerxes
11.,
and had
acquired
some
repntation
for
personal
courage,
ohieflj
IbroQEh
an
exploit
which he had
performed
in
one of the
expeditionsagainst
tbe
Cadusiana,
when he
accepted
a
challenge
from one of their
stoutest warriors,
and slew him in
singlecom- bat.
Thia,however, can
scarcely
have been
the
quahty
which recommended him to Bagoas
;
but
It
is said that
they
bad
previously
been
Iriends,
and
perhaps
there
was nu ulher
prince
of tbe blood on whose
gratitude
he could io
safelyrely.
Codomanous
on his
acceosioii,
which
to"^
place
about the time of
Philip's
death,
assumed the name of Darius. He soon
discovered that
Bagoas,
who
may
have intended
at
length
to mount the throne
bimaelf,designed
that he should Bhaie the fate ofhis last two
predecessors.
A
cup
of
poison
had been
prepared
for him
;
but
having
detected the
plat,
he called
Bagoas
into hia
presence,
and
compelled
him
to drink the
deadlydraught.
This was the kins
" a
popular
and honoured
prince,
who bad (reed
tbe throne fltim a
degradingaubjection,
and was
thought well
qualified
to defend it" who
governed
the Persian
Empire
when Alexander waa
on the
point
of
invading
it.
There an two reflectionswhich are
natnraUj
suggestedby
this sketch of Persian
bistoir.
One
is,
that there was no
longerany
internal
principle
of
unity
in the
monarchy
atîent
to
Keep
It
together.
For
many yeara
it had been
"aved from the diaaolution with which it had
been
constantly threatened,
not
by
the
Etrength
of the
government,
but
by
the
want of
good
faith
and mutnal confidence
among
its most
powerful
subjects;andthesingleadvantage
it
poaaeeaed,
In its
power
of
rewarding
those who
came over
MACEDONIAN ARMY.
175
to ila
side,nught eaailj
be turned
acainst
itself
wheueTer it should be attacked
by
an
enemj
who offered a
laUjiag-poznt
for all
lualeconleatB,
was
Elrong enough
to
protect
tbose vvho
joined
him,
and bad means of
requiting
tlieirserricea.
Tbe
empire cumprehunded
a number of
provinces,
wbicb, though
it claimed dominion ovei
them,
were iohabiled
by perfectly independent
tribes,
which disdajned
even the ahaw of aut"-
mission
;
and others
governedby Miraps,
who
transmitted their
authorityby hereditary
auc-
ccssion,
and held Ihemaelves as well entitled to
it as tbe
greatking
to his throne. Those who
received their
governmenta
IJom the court were
always
ambitiuuB to convert them into similar
Bovcreignties,
and were
encouragedby
the example
of Dumberleas aucceEsfol insurrectiona
;
whileobedience and
loyalljwere never secure
from the fate of rebels and traitora.
Another observation which is not less
forcibly
mipreaaed
on us
by
(hia
retrospect is,
that in aU
his
militaryenterprisea
the FersiaD
king
depended
mjich more on his Greek
mercenaries
and their leaders than
on bis native
troops
and
generals. Still,
as Greece abounded in advea-
turers who were
alwaysready
la enter into his
pay,
it
might
have been
supplied
that tbe military
force oflbe
empire
would have been at least
equal
to
any
that could have been
oppoaed
to it.
But we have also
seen that none of the Persian
kii^
bad
yet
conceived the
thought
of maintaining
a
standingarmy
of Greeks.
They
con-
lenied themselves with occasional
levies,drawn
fttm
many quarters,
and
varying
in uumbeis according
to the
temporary exigency.
It wi
ing
to a like
cause that in Greece itself
tempt
had hitherto been made
to adopt
the
anna
and tactica which cooBtituted the
strength
of the
Hscedoniao-anny.
It istrue that even a Greek
force
aimilarly organised,
in Persian
pay,
would
have been much leas
serviceable, as well
as
trustworthy,
from the utter want of national
spirit,
and the unavoidable
tendency
of such a
soldiery
to consult their own
safety
in
preference
lo Iheir
employer's
interests. But hence
resulted a twofold
advantage
lo the
king
of
Macedonia. He conunanded an
army,
the main
body
of which was drawn from his own
people,
a
hardy
and warlike
race,
and one which had
been
receiving
continual
improvement
structure
and mode of
armour,
was in i
of the
highestdiscipline,
and
physically superior
to
every
Greek
army
of
eqo^
numbers that
could have been
broughtagainst
it. It will be
convenient here to notice tbe
leading
features
in tbe
composition
of the Macedonian
army.
such as itwas when Alexander set out on bis
euedition to Asia.
The main
body,
the
phalanx"or quadruple
phalanx,*
as it
was sometimes
called,to mark
that itwas formed of four
divisions,
each bearing
tbe same name
"
presenUda mass of
18,000
men,
whicli was
distributed,
at least
by
Alexan- der,
into six
brigades
of 3000
each,
formidable
m its
aspect,
and oa gnund
suited to its
operations,
irresistiUe in its attacka. The
phalan-
gite
soldier
wore the usual defensive armour
of the Greek
heavy infantry, helmet,
breast- plate,
and
greaves ;
and almost the whole
front of bis
person
was covered with the
long
shield called the
luyii.
His
weapons
were a
"
irriAn,T"lia, li.
sword,long enough
to enable a man in the
second rank to reach an
enemy
who had
come
to close
quarters
with the comrade who slood
before
him,*
and the celebrated
spesr,
known
by
the Macedonian name lariita,foiir-and-twen-
ty
feet
long.
The
aarissa,when
couched,
projected
eighteen
feet m front of tbe soldier
;
arid
the
space
between the ranks was auch that
tbose of the second rank were
fifteen,
those of
the third
twelve,
those of tbe fourth
nine,
those
of the fifth
six,
and those of the sixth three feet
in advance of tbe firstline
;
so that the man
at the head of the filewas
guarded
on each side
by
tbe
points
of six
apears.t
The
ordinary
depth
of tbe
pbalant
was of sixteen ranks. The
men who stood loo far behind to use their
sa-
rissas,
and
who, therefore,kept
them raised
until
they
advanced to filla vacant
place,
still
added to the
pressure
of the mass. As the efficacy
of tbe
phalanxdependedon its
compact- ness,
and this
again
on tbe
uniformity
of it*
movements,
tbe
greatest
care was taken to select
the best soldiers for the foremost and hindmost
ranks]
" tbe
iramcB,as it
were,
of the
engine.
Tbe bulk and
core of the
phalanxoon-
aisted of Macedonians
;
but itwas
composed
in
part
of
foreigntroops
: these
were,
no
doubt,
Greeks, But the northern
barbarians, lUyrians,
Psonians,Agriariaua,
and
Thraciana,
who were
skilled
in the
use
of
missiles,
fiimished bowmen,
dartsmen,
and
slingers
:
probably,
according
to the
proportion
wbich the masters of
tactics
deemed the moat
eligible,
about half the
number of the
phalanx.
To these was added
another class of
infantry, pecuhar,
in some respects,
to the Macedonian
army, though
the invention
belonged
to
Iphicrates.They were
called
HvFispieTs,because,
like the
phalan- gites,
they
carried the
long
shield
;
but their
spears were shorter,
their swards
longer,
their
armour
lighter.They were thus
iêpared
for
more
rapidmovements,
and did not so much
depend
on the nature of the
ground:they
formed
a
corps
of about 6000 men. The
cavalrywas
similarly distlnguiahed
into three classes
by
its
arms, accoutrements,
and mode of warfare. Its
main
strength
consisted in IfiOO Macedonian and
asmanyThessalianhcavyhorê.
Boththerider
and his horse were cased in
armour;
and his
weapons
seem to have
corresponded
to those
of the
heavyInfantry.Thelightcavalry,ohiefly
used for
skirmishing
and
pursuit,and,
in
part,
armed with tbe
sanssa,
was drawn from the
Thracians and
Psonians,
and was about a third
of the number of tbe
heavy
horse. A smaller
body
of Greek
cavalryprobably
stood in
nearly
the same relation to the other two divisions as
the
hypaspists
to the
heavy
and
hghtinfantry.}
To the
hypaspistsbelonged
tbe
royal
foot
body-guard,
tbe
Ageraa,
or
royalekcort,
and tbe
Argyraspides,
so called from tbe silver oma*
ments with which their
long
shields were enriched.
But the
precise
relation in wbich these
"
Airim, 'rtctia,
Ifl.
f lUd., n.
I ft
ipKiai
at
drvgoou
:
odvr,
wlia fou bt flilhaor
bbinn^ Cj(p*diaAl.
0,
thu tU
17" HISTORY OF GREECE.
bodies stood to each other does not
appear
Ter; dJstinclly
from tbe
descriptions
of the nn-
ciecta. The
rofalhorse-guard
was
composed
of
eight
Macedonian
squadrons,'
filledwith the
sooB of tbe best families. The numbers of eacb
are not ascertained,
but
the?
saem iu all not
much to have exceeded or fallen shoitof athou-
The whole Ibrcewith which Alexander crossed
over into Asia amounted to littlemore than
30,000
foot and 6000 horse. Of the
infantry
only1S,000
were Macedoniana
:
7000 are described
as
allied
troops,
5000 as mercenaries,
collected,perhaps,b;
the subsidies of those
states ^hich did not famish
cootingents
of
men,
Eiperience,however,
bad
proved
that
such ao
army
mightsafelydeiyany
force which
a king
of
P^â had ever
yet brought
into the
field
;
and,
in this
respect,
Alexander
might
.
feel a reasonable confidence of success.
Nor
did the lowststa of his
treasury
at all affect his
prospects
:
it was a
dejiciency
which
might
be
abundantlysuppliedby
the firstfortunate campaign.
There
were,
however, some grounds
Ibr
apprehension,
which
might
have Induced a
more cautious
prince
to hesitate. His marine
was so inferior to that of Persia,
that he had
cause to fear lest his conununication with his
fiwa
kingdom might
be cut off,and lest his hostile
neighboursmight
be
excited,
and
enabled,
by
Persian
succours,
to Invade it in his absence,
Bnt he
justlythoughti
that ifsuch dangers
were allowed to suspend
the execution of
His
plans,theywould
never be
realized;
andhe
wisely
determined to commit himself at
othe of hJ
He would not listen to the advice of his elder
otnmsoUoii,
who wished
him,
before he
qaitted
his
dominions,to
marry,
and leave an heir to
his throne. He felt no misgivings
to
prompt
him to such a
delay.
As the time of his departure
drew
near,
the
greatobjects
of his ambition
engrossed
his mind
as
with a real
presence.
Iôugh
he had
onlyseventy
talents leA
in his
coOers,
he dislribnted almost all the re-
mBLDtng property
of his crown
"
lands,hoases,
and
customs "
among
bis trienda
;
and when he
was
asked
by
Perdiccas what he reserved for
kimself,answered, mi hofki.
CHAPTER XLIX.
EiKLT m tbs
spring
of
334,
Alexander set
ont oDbis march to the
HcUespont,leaving
An-
tipater,
with
an
army
of
1S,D00 infantry
and
ISOO
horse,regent
in
Macedonia,
and to
keep
a
watchful
eye
on the affairs of Greece. Par-
monio, who,
after
Philip'sdeath,
had returned
from
Asia,commanded the
phalanx
under the
king:
his son
Philotas,the Macedonian cavalry,
and another
son,
Nicanor,
the
hypaspiste.
The Thessaiian horse
were placed
under the
command of
Calas,son of
Harpalus;
the Greek
under
Eriguius;
the Thracian and Pffionian
lightcavalry
under
Cassander,son of
Aniipater.
In
iwenlydays
the
amiyrcauhed Sestus,where
a fleet of ISO sail,
including
twenty
Athenian
*
'Uu t SuDlt-Crmj, Eimmtn, f.î,tM.
galleys,
and a
great
number of
tiansports,
bad
been
provided
for its embarcalion. Pannenio
was ordered to superintendthe
passage
of the
main
body
of the
mfanlry,
and of the
cavalry,
to
Abydos,
while Alexander himself
proceeded
to Eleus to sacrifice in the
sanctuary
of Protesi-
tauE,
and to
pray
for a
happierlanding
than had
been voachsafed to that hero on tbe shore of
Asia. Here be also erected an altar to commemorate
his
departure
from
Europe,
and tben
embarking
and
steering
his own
galley,
made
for the harbour on the
oppositecoast,
which
traditionhad fixed
upon
as the
landing-place
of
the AchiKans in the
Trojanwar.
In the middle
of the
Hellesponthe
sacrificed a hull,
and made
libations from a
goldengoblet
to Poseidon and
the Nereids.
jC)
his
galleyapproached
the
land he burled his
spear
into the
ground,
and
leaped
ashore the foremost in his
annonr,
as if
to take solemn
possession
of Asia. Anodier
altar,
dedicated to the
propitious gods,
marked
the
place
of his
landing.
He then
proceeded
a few miles towards the
southeast to visit tbe
vlHage,
which Its inhabitants,
perhaps
with
real,
but
certainly
interested
credulity, gave
out (o be the site of the ancient
city
of
Priam,
where there was a
temide
of
Athene,
and where the altar was shown at
which Priam was said to have been slain
by
Neoptolemus.
Alexander
would,probably,
have
been littleinclined for
antiquarian
researches
if
any
doubt had been
suggested
to him about
the
locality
which has been the
subject
of so
much
controversy;
but he feltan interest in the
scene,
such as no one who ever visited itbefore
or after him could have
experienced.
To
snp-
pose
that the marks of enthusiasm which he
displayed
were
merely,
or
chiefly
the results (rf"
a
politic calculation, designed
to rouse the
spirit
of bis
followers,
and to win the (hvoui of the
Greeks,by connecting
his
expedition
with that
which
was celebratedin their earliest heroic
Boag,*
seems an
opinion
which
places
his character
in H false
light,
and
brings
him down too
near to the level of an
age
in which
poetry
is
entirely
excluded from the
sphere
of war and
politics.He, undoubtedly,
trod the
plain
of
Troy
with the
feeling
that ithad been the scene
of the
exploits
of his
ancestors,
which he was
about to emulate. He sacrificedto
Athene,
dedicated his own
panoply
in her
temple,
and
in its
place
took down some of the arms which
bung there,as the llians
pretended,
frnn the
time of the heroes,
and ever afterward had
them borne before him, b;
some of his
guard,
into his battle-fields. He also
endeavoured,t^
propitiatory rites, to avert the wrath which, as
a descendant of
Neoptolemus.
he
might
dread
from the shade of Priam, But he had not
gone
to
indulge
a frivolous
curiosity
;
and when one
ofthe
villagers
offered to show him the
lyre
of
by
the
ipecUde,
Stjil ku can
I
aJopE
FJqLhe'ft
lOppoB-
utmBmnent of
tLCtorj
frdm Ihe
foiiM,
biuI th"t Lha prini*
gf tb" Wvpla
*t Ujun UtsrdinaUvd. This "" naijrnot
udJjlarlag
nndna w"iflil
Da Iha
auiry
td Diodoraa,xvii,,
HWoHfliH
";ic
lUUM." THE ORANTCUS.
Paris,
he leftHed to look it it
"
He would
gtadlj
hare
gsaed on the rdic if it bad been
that to which Aohillea
atug
the deed* of the
brave." To this hie
greatprogemtor,
be
paid
Si^nm,
be anointed and crowned tbe celnnm
which marked the barrow
ôpposed
to eoniain
the remains of AebiUeB. His moat intimate
ftiend and
inseparable companioD,Hephnstjon,
adorned tbe moDumenl of Patroclos in like
manner.
On ma aocoont
oalj,
he
wu
heard
to
say,
he envied
Achillea,
that his acbieve-
jnents had been eslebrated
by
Homer.
The hietoTian to whom we are
indebted for
the most
ample
and anthentia mfonnation we
poaseas coDeernineAlexander,
Arrian of Nico-
mediB,
takes this occasion to remark,
that in
this
reapeet
Ibe Macedonian hero
had,indeed,
been
singolarlf
nnfortuinte
;
since
even
the
eipedition
of tbe
yonnger Cynis,
and the return
of the Ten
Thonsand,
had been rendered
by Xenophon'e pen
more
renowned than the
inconqiarablygreater
actions which he himself
was about to record. The remaik itself
strikes OS as somewhat
strange,
when we reflect
on tbe immense maas of histoTMal writings
which,
in Anian'a
time,
were still
extant,
relating
In AleKtnder^
reign,
and that
auMnig
the
contempoiBry
authors ^H" treated Ibis subject,
two were eminaotly qnaUfied,bj
their
station and
opportunities,
to do it
juetioe.
Two
of his
geBsrala,
ArisUriniluB and
Ptolemy,
who
held
one
of the
higbestpoets
in tbe
arm;,
and
afterward became
King
of
Egypt,
undertook
the office of
relating
his
conqnesls ;
and
Ihey
both wrote after hia
death,
whan
they
were no
longersubjectto the
atrongeat
of the motiree
that
might
before hare iitdneed them to awatve
from tbe truth. Nor
waa
it withoni
reaaon
that Arriaii bimself observed that
Ftolnnj's
royal dignity
was an
additional
guarantee
of
his
veracity; not, indeed,
beoanse of the keener
senise
of hononr irtiieh it
inspired,
hot
as
more ctxnpletetyeatablishtng
his
iadepîdanae,
and
raising
Um above
petty temptations
to
iBlsehood. It ia
possible
tliat the
literary
at-
taiumeats of Ibeae writers were
very
inferior
to their iDAaas
of
knowledge ;
but if Alexan- der's
achierementB
are now
less known Qua
they dwerve,
it is not
certainly
because he
Wanted
a
bard 1^
Houm',
bat beeanse
they
were
rât"d
by many
of hia historians In a
strain of rhetorical
exaggeration.Hence, according
to Arrian,
no
story
had been oftener
told,or
with more contradictoryatatements.
Even Arifltobnlos and
Ptolemy frequently
differed
from each other.
We, bowerer, must
account it
a
misfortune that their works have
not come
down to ns
; thoi^h
tbe loas
may
have been
owing
to llie
superior
merit of Arri-
Bn's
narrative,
which waa
probably
found a
mure
pleasing ccmpoaition,*
and is
possibly
more valuable than either of then wontd liave
been
by itself;fbrArrian,a soldier,statesman,
and
philosopher,
who
governed
the
province
of
Cappadooia
in the
reign
of
Hadrian,
while he
emulat"i
Xenophon's style,
also exercised a
critical
judgment
on the
diacrepanciea
of his
in
modem reader
amj
be
excused for
regretting
that he baa not the
means
of
deciding
for himself.
Froifa the
plain
of
Troy Alexander tnned
northward to
rejoin
the main
body
of his
army,
which he iound at Atisbe,not Jar ft"m
Abydos.
He then bent his march
along
tbe coast of Um
Propuntis, receiving
in his
way
the su
of
Priapus.*
which
opened
its
gates
taohraent of his forces.
Amynlas, son
of Ar-
rahms, was sent forward witb
some squadroDa
of
li|^
horse to scour
the
cotrntfy,
and ndleet
intelligence
of the
enemy^
movements. The
two
satrâ
whose
proTinaeelayon
the
western
coast, SpilhrldBieB
of
Lydia
and
Ionia,
and
Arsites of
Phrygiaon
the
Hallaspont,
with
ser-
eral other Persian
generals,
and Mei
Khodian,who had snooeeded ti
_ . .
thority
after his
death,
whiob
haiqiened
about
the time of Alexander^
aocesainn,
had
aas^n-
bled
tOfiOO
Greek
meroenaries,
uid about
an
equal
number of native
cavalry,
and
were e"-
caii^"ed
near
the town of
Zelea,on the
right
bank of the Granicue, a amall streem wludl
flows from Honnt Ida mto Ute
Propoatis
to
^
west of
Cyxiooa. Here,
when tbe news arrived
that Alexander bad crossed the
HeDeapcot,
th^
held
a
connoil of
war. Memnen advised
that
they
should avoid a
batUe,
for
which,
with "
such
inferiority
in the nombers of their inihi^
try,they
were not
prepared; and, rebeitinf,
^lonld
lay
waste the
ooontry,
and
even
desfamy
tho
towns
in their line of march. TbawaotoT
ivovtsioiis
woidd
prevent
Alezanderfiom
pnr-
sniiuf them,
and ftom
remaining
wfeevQ be
was.
Itsaema doubdbl whether this
plan,ie"tb"d
been
adopted,
would
here
htd
anj el^ttiM-
yond
that of
Allaying an
engagement.
IleeaM !
soaroely
have been executed
on
such a scats^s
to hinaer Alexander "om
penetratingkrfan*
other route into the interior. But Ute Per-
sians,
who
were
jealous
of Mennon'a
Inflnence,
and
suspected
that he wished to
protract
the
war on
wUeh it
so
mmh
depended.
Bested bis
jsoponl aa degrading
to theu master^
digm^.
Arsites dedsred that tiewould not allow
a ei^-
gle
honse in his
provinoe
to he hnraed
;
and Us
sentimentB were unanimoDdr îpleoded^bis
la detemuBed, therelbre,
to
where,
with
a greatly superioresvslry,thsy
would have the
advantage
of
a
strong posidoa,
Alexander bad advanced
near to the
river,
when his scouta brought
word that the Persian
amy
was drawn
up
on
the other aide
;
and be
immediatelybegan
to form hia
own
in order of
battle. Parmenio advised him to
encamp on
the left bank. The
enemy
would not venture
to remain where
theywere,
from fear of
but-
prise
in
tjie
night;
and Ihua he would be able
to effect his
passage,
without
danger or mo-
Ibetation,
the next morning.
If he shonld attempt
it
then, a repulsemight ensue from the
difficultiesof the
ground,
ominous for his enterprise
and
disheartening to his
troops.
Alex- ander
admitted the force of these
arguments,
consideredfromParmenJo'apoint
of view
;
but
for him what seemed to the old
general
an
objection,
waa
the
strongest
motive for
an
immediate
attack. To be
stoppedby
an
appearance
thu Ilii'ainv,
UH
Qpiinc,
178
HISTORY OF GREECE.
oTdittcnltyuiddanger
at tlte"nita"t of hia
an-
teipriM
was the woist of all
omena
;
and it
wae to no
purposa
that he had crossed the
iDightyHellespont,
ifhe
was now to be detained
bj
a
paltry
brook.
Yet the obstacles
were not
trifling.
The
atream was
in
toany placeseTidentlj
too
deep
to be forded,
and the
opposite
bank
was
high
and
Bteep.
The Peraians had
posted
their cavalry
" the arm on
which
theychiefly
relied "
on
its ed^,Uie Greek mercenaries at some
distance in the
rear.
Alexander had drawn
up
]iia
phalanx
in six diTiuons in the
centre,*
flanked
on the
rightby
the Macedonian and
PreoTuaa
cavalry,
and
by
the
greaterpart
of the
lightinfantry,
on
xhe left
by
the
Thessalian,
Greek,
and Thraeian horse. He committed
the command of the left
wing
to
Paimenio,
and
put
himself at the head of the
right.
He was
Mon
recognisedby
the
enemy
IVom the brill-
iance of hie
armour,
and the
respectfhlatten- tion
of the officers who sorroonded
him;
and
as
they
concluded that the brunt of the attack
wonid be
on the side where he
stood,
th^
strengthened
their left
wing
with some additional
sqnadions
of their bMt
troops.
There
was a short
pause
of silent
expectation
while
the two
armies,
which
were to
begin
the
conflict
for the dominion of
Asia,
stood face to
face,separatedby
a narrow stream. It was
broken
by Alexander, who, having
mounted his
horse and addressed
a
few words of exhorta-
tiOQ t: his nearest
foUowen,
ordered
Amyntas,
son
tl
Arrabteua,
with his
lightcavalry,
and
Socrates,
with a
squadron
of Uie
horae-guar^,
supportedby
a division of the
hypaspists
under
Ptulcniy,
son
ofPhilipit
to advance into the
waêr
;
.he.himself followed at the head of the
phalanx,
to the sound of the
trumpets
and amid
the war
cifes of his
men, moviug
in a
slanting
direction
up
the bed of the
river,tto
prevent
the Persians Irom
taking
bim tn
flajik
on
his
landing.
Amyntas
and
Socrates,
when
they
reached
the
oppostie bank, were
received with a
galling
shower of darts and a
vigorouscharge,against
which
they
had to contend with
very
infsrior
sumbeTS,
and under the
disadvantage
of
gionnd
which was at once lower and less Ann.
Thej
tfinut.iXir"nniluEiii rii
ud Philii
meDdoDljfio
"l*ul in whU HDH Uu Mnsm could bs nid
wap"lîi,
ud
CMTMtioii imeiivi or
riiiii"E,
u Uh "imm (whicA hid
""U0"i""i,i..tllf"niiiA(ASo,i.,SI. iliiHid oflh.
vrwtn,
mfiix" tU^sbXi^Su. Hoophjlu Doou, who
of Ihi
Autiuii,
and
DDUi,
ud Bne udirtl illunnltaiii
ll modtni Qmkl'lî
Biinn,r)c 'Ansrai'nc,t"OI)!, tniu-
Ul"
wfii Till
Aiia nS ttiparas:
uij
in Ihe
note,
it
Xf^potn.
wbtcî waold indetd b" m cdetbe^
pumphnja
oT
j
wer^,
it
SMniB, bar^
tbl* to mainiaiii their
footing
untilAlexander
came
np
to their reLef.
He
immediatelycharged
into the thickest of
'the
fray,
where the
principal
Peraian leaders
were
engaged.
Hia lilbwas at one moment in
imminent
danger.
He had advanced to meet
Mitbridates, a
nobleman allied to
Darius,
who
was
coming op
in front of his
squadron,
and
had
brought
him
to
the
ground
with the shook
of his
spear.
At this instant be received a blow
from RhtEBBcea
on his
helmet,
which broke off
a
part
of the
crest,
and
neariypierced
it.
Hhn,
too,
Alexander unhorsed with
a javelin
wound
in his breast. But while he
was busied with
this
enemy, Spithiidates, coming behind,
had
raised his cimeter
over
hia head for
a
atioke
which would
probably
have deaoendad with
deadly
effect on his shattered
bdmet,
had Dot
Cleitu
E,
the brother of Alexander's
hdim,
Lanics,
intercepted
it
by
a cut
of his
sabre,
which aeV'
ered the Persian's
right
arm
ftom hia
body.'
While the
cavalry
was
thus
engaged,one
division
after another of the
phaluix
eflected
a
landing
:
the
lighttroops
with which the Haee-
dwiian hoise was
interspMBed annoyed
the
enemy greatly
with their missilec
;
aridit
was
found that the
strongjavelin.t
with which the
Macedonian
troopen
oould thrust at the faces
of their
antagonists,
was a
moch
mure efficacious
weapon
than the
dight
dart with which
the Feniiana were armed. Their centre cave
way
to Alexander's
impetuous attack,
irtiich
was sustained
by
still
increasing
numbers
;
and
the disorder
soon
spread
to the extremities of
the
hne,
tillall
were
put
to
flight.Alexander,
however,
did not suffer hia
troops
to
pursne
the
Persian
cavalry
to a
great distance,
bat returned
to attack the
mercenaries,
who had
kept
their
gronnd
rather
through
anusement at the
sudden issue of the first
combat,
than with
any
deliberate
purpoae.
While he moved
against
them with the
phalanx,
he ordered the
cavalry
to attack their flanks and rear. Thus surrounded,
they
were almost all cut to
ineoea
:
very
few
escaped
among
the
wounded,
and
only
3000
were taken
priaonerH.
The loss of the Peraians
amounted
only
to about
a
thousand
i
but it included
a
great
number of their chief officers.
Alexander tost
onlysome five-and-twenty
of his
horse-guards
" who fell
at the first
landing,
and
whom he honoured with brazen
statues, which
were
still
standing
in Arrian's time at
Dium,
the
worhmansbip
of the
king's
favourite
aculp-
tor
Lysippns
"
sixty
of his other
cavalry,
and
Uiirty
of the foot. All these he
interrisd
the next
day
with martial
pomp,
and
granted
an
exemption
from
every
kind of tax and
charge
to their
parents
and children. He visited the wounded
in
person ;
and, while be
inspected
their
wounds,
made
inquiries
which
gave
them a welcome
opportunity
of
relating
their
exploita.
Nor did he
withhold the rites of burial from the
enemy's
dead. But be sent the Greek
prisoners
in
chains to
Macedonia, to be
kept
to farced la-
bonr, as
guilty
of
bearing
arms
against
their
oounlry,
in
contempt
of Uie decree of the
na.-
BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS." EPHESUS. 179
tioM]
eon^rau.
To
Identic
hi* canse in another
manner
with tbat of Greece, he aent 300
suits of Peraian armoar to Athena, to be detil-
oaled to the
tulelarj goddesa
in the
Acropoha,
wiUi an
inscription, expressing
that
thej
bad
been taken from the barbarians of Asia
by
Al^-
ander,
the son of
Phihp,
and the
Greeks,
allbut
the Lacedamonians : a
stigma,
as he could not
bat account it;wlilch,however, Spartamight
aa
jaatij
reckon
among
her titlesof honour. In
the
joj
of his first
victory,
he likewise remembered
nium
;
enriched its little
temple
with
oQerings,
and ordered the
village
to be trana-
formed into a
city,
which be honoured witb extraordinary
privileges
and immunities,
Arsites had
fied,
after tbe
battle,
into
Phryg-
ia
;
but
there,
it was
said,Dverpowered by
grief
and shame
by
the disaster,which he attributed
to hie own
couDsela,
laid violent hands
on himself. Alexander bestowed his
satrapy
on
Galas,encouraged
the
bartarians,
who bad
Hed
to ttte
mountains,
to return to their
homes,
and ordered the tribute to remain an
itsancient
footing.
Parmenio was detached to take
possession
of the
satrap's
residence,Dascylium.
Ttie
kinghiniaelf; beniUnghis
march
southward,
advanced towards Sardis. The news of his victory
prodooed
sdch an eflbct in tbe
capital
of
Lydia,that,
when he had come within
eight
or
nine
liUleaof
it,Hithrines,
the commander of
tbe
garrison,accompuiiedby
the
principal
inhabitants,
met him,
witb a
peaceable
surrender
of the
city,
the
citadel,
and the treasure. He
retained Mithrines on an honourable
footing
near his
penon,
and committed the command
of the citadel to
Pausanias,
an officerof his
guard.
He
appointed
Nicias to
superintend
the
collection of the
revenue,
and
Asander, son of
Philotas,
to the
satrapy
of
Spithridales.
To
conciliate the
Lydians,
be restored their ancient
laws
;
that is,most probably,
abolished all the
i which the
policy
of the Persian
gov-
nposed
on tbem,
when itcrushed
their rebellion after the first
conquest ;* while,
perhaps
to make them more familiar witb Greek
usages,
be ordered a
temple
to be built on the
citadel to
Olympian
Zeus, A
body
of
cavalry
and
lighttroops
were
placed
at the
disposal
of
Asander,
and the
Argivecontingent
was lel\as
a
garrison
in the citadel. Four
days after,
Alexander arrived at
Ephesus. There, too, as
soon as the
tidings
of the battle
arrived,a
body
of merccnariea,
who had been stationed there
1^'
Memnon,
took
ship
with
Amyntes,
eon of Anti-
ochus,a
Macedonian
emigrant,
who had fied bia
coiintrj
to
avoid the effects of the
king's
displeasure,
or because he was
conscious of a share
in
some
of the
plots
formed
against
him.
Ephe-
aoB was
divided between an
oligarchical
and a
democratical
faction,
which seem
nearly
to have
balanced each other. The
oligarchy
had been
sustained
by
the
power
of Persia
:
their adversaries,
therefore,
looked forward with
hope
to
the
impending invasion,
and bad
probably
received
promises
of
support
from
Philip.
Vio- lent
tumults had taken
place,
in which the oligarchs,
aided
by
Memnon's
troops,
had
prevailed,
forced
many
of their
opponents
to leave the
city,
threw dawn a statue of
Philip
which stood
in the
temple,
committed other acts of
sacrilege
there,
and broke
open
tbe tocob of
Heropytbes,
*
8h Tcl.L,p.
HI.
a
greatpopolarleader,
who bad been bnrM m
the
market-place.
A
complete
reaction ensued
on Alexander's arrival :
democracywas formally
restored,
the exiles returned to their
homes,
and the
triumphantpart;
became
eager
for revenge
on their
vanquishedoppressors.
One of
the
oligarchical leaders,
with his son and
nephews,
was
dragged
out of the
saoctuary,
and
stoned to death. Aleiaoder then interfered
to
prevent
farther
btoodsbed,
and forbade
any proceedings
10 be instituted for the
punishment
of
political
offences. The
city
was
permittedto
expend
the tribute which it had before
paidto
the Persian
government
on its new
temple,
whicb was not
yet
finished. At a later
period
he offered to
defray
the whole
expense
of the
boilding,
on condition that his own name should
be inscribed
on itas its founder
: an afier whicit
the
Ephesianswere loo
proud
of this
Jireat
w-
nament of their
city
to
accept,
and dechned vrittt
ingeniousflattery.*
Before his
departure,
he
c"Cebratnd
a
great
sacrifice to the
goddess,
with
a solemn
procession
of bis whole
army
in hatUe
array.
By
like
measures, especiallyby
tbe -
estabUshment of
democracy,
and remission of
tribute,
he endeavoured to
gain
the
good-will
of
all the other Greek cities on the
coast,
whicb
was of
greatimportance
to him at this
Juncture,
while the naval
power
of Persia was stillfbcmi-
dable.
In tbe mean while,
he had received oBbra of
snbmisaion from
Magnesia
and
TraJlos,
in the
vale of the
Meander,
and had aenl Panoenio
forward
to
take
possession
of them. He bad
also,at first, reason to
hope
that Hitetos would
be as
quietly
surrendered to him
;
for
Hegeeis-
tratuB, who commanded the
garrison,
had mada
him tike oflere
by
letter. But the
approach
of
a Persian
armament,
which was on its
way
from
Phtenicia,encouragedHegesi
stratus to
change-
his
intention,
and defend his
post. iNicanoi;-
however,
Alexander's admiral,got
the start
af
the barbarians,
and arrived,with his fleetof 160
galleys,
at
Lad" before
they appeared;
and
Alexander forthwith secured the island,
wbioh
commanded the entrance
of the
port
of
Miletue,
-
withadetachmentof4000men. ThePersiaos,
finding
themselves shut
out, came to
anohor at
Mycal".
Their fleetamounted to 400 sail.
Tet,
notwithslaitding
this
greatinequality,
Parmenio
"
advised the
king
to hazard a sea-fight.
A fie-
'
lory,
he
thought,
would be attended witb U"'
greatest advantages,
while defeat Would
IiM
make the state of bia naval sShira much worse
;
since,as it
was,
the
enemy
were masters of the
sea. An
omen, too,
which he had
observed,
confirmed him in his
opinion,
Alexander
pointed
out to him that it
might
be otherwise interpreted,
and that his
arguments
were not soimd-
erthanhlsrulesofdivioatioo. Ilie
Macedonian
fleet was inferior, not
only
in
number,
bat
m
'nautical skilland
training
to tbe Ph"enioian and
Cypriangalleys
It would be mere foolhardi-
nesB to seek a battle under such
disadvantages
i
and a defeat,
far troia
leaving
him in
nearly
the
same condition as be now stood
in,might
involve
consequences
no less
important
and disastrous
than a
general
insurrection in Greece.
Tbe
eagle
which had been seen to
perch
on the
beach behind the
royalgalleysignified
thai be
"IldidiuKbainDuai
Sambo,ii"., p.
Ml.
Cioogic
ISO HISTORY OF GREECE.
was dMtiBOd to orercome
the Penian
hit;
by
hia
operations
on land.
Hiletas was divided into two distinctcities
by
"n inner
wall,
wbich
appears
to have been mucb
umngerthaDtbe
outer
one,
if,indeed,
what was
called the oocer
city
was not a mere
open
Bub-
uib. Alexander had taken it
by
assault on his
firstarrival,
and then
prepared
to
besiege
the
"ther. The towosmen came to a
compromise
with the
garrison, and,by
mutual
consent, they
deputed
one of the most eminent citizens to the
king,
with an oSii of
ueutolity,
which he re-
jScMd,bidding
them
prepare
to sostain an im-
ine^t"
attack. His
enginery
soon made a
Weacb in the
wall,
which hia
troope
mounted
before the
eyes
of the
Persians,
who were un-
"Ue to relieve their friends
:
for,to cut oW all
duuce of
BQccoar,
Nicaoor had moved
up
to
the month of the inner
harbour,
and laid some
gaDeys
across
it,
aide
by side,so as
eOectually
The CI
the
garrison,
when the
besiegersbegan
to
pour
in
through
the
breach,
fled
towan^
the sea
;
"ome
put
off in
boats,
but foand the harbonr's
mouth closed before
they
reached it
;
airaut 300
Of the mercenaries swam to a
rocky
ialetwithin
the
hartMHir,
and
prepared
to defend tbemaelves
there,
untilAleiinder, admiring
their
courage,
permitted
thsm to
purchase
their lives
by
entering
into bis service. The Persian fleetcon- tinued
for some time moored at
Mycale,
in the
hope
of
drawing
the
enemy
into an
action;
but
"s it was forced to fetch its water from the
mouth of the
Mssndar,
AJexanderordered Phi-
lotas to
proceed
to the
place,
with a body
of infantry
and
cavalry,
and to hinder the
crews
irom
landing.
The fleet
was, couseqaently, obliged
to
go
over to Samoa for
proviaioiu.
It returned,
indeed,shortlyafter,
and
Bttem[Md
to anr-
priM
the Macedoniaaa in the harbour
;
but,
hav-
mg
been foiledin this
attempt,
withdrew from
the ooast of Hiletna.
Alexander now perceired
that Ms fleetwould
be of littleBerrica to hink
wtiile the state of
bia bianms w"b ancb that be conld illbear the
"0Mofit. On the ether hand,
he
boped
to abut
eat
die Panians from allthe
porta
of
Asia,and
thaa to diaaUa Uiem fraro
continuing
their naval
cnaiatioBB. He therefore resolved to dis-
"laa bin fleet, retaining only
a small
squadron,
iriitehinvaded tiieAthenian galleys,
ibr the
truiapartof
Ua
besieging machines,and to con-
ftM lue atteotion to Uie
prosecntion
of the war
on Uw aouthem ooast His first
object
was
theredoolioaof HaUcarnaasus,
where Uie ene-
laj
liAd
now
collected almost all the
strength
which be had
remaining
in this
quarter.
Mem-
non,
who.
alter the battle of the
Granicus,seul
his wife and children as pledjêa
of his
fidelity
to Daîa,and had been invested
by
him with
"iqiremeauUiorityin
the west of Asia,
and with
"- ^
of allbia naval forces,had been
who had married the
daughter
of Pijco-
daraa,
and had aucoeeded him as satrap
of Ca-
ria"
and a Dumeions garrisoa
of Greeks and
harbariaDS,
awaUed the invader's
approach.
They were
aninuued by
the
presence
of two
Atbrniana,Gpkisltes
and
Thraiybulus,
who had
OMne to ofier their services
against
the common
enemy.
Tbo
fleet, too,lying
at the mouth
of the harbonr. was capable
of
renderinggood
service
dnring
a
siege.
The
city,
built
on
heights
which rise
abruptly,
in the raim of a
theatre,
from the
sea. was
naturally strong,
and
bad been
elaboratel;r fortified,
both with walls
and a ditch
forty-five
feet in
width,
and about
half as
many
in
depth,
and contained two citadels,
one on the
heights
at ita
back,
the
other,
celebrated for the
enervatingspring
of Sotma-
cis,
which rose there,al the northern extremity
of the
great
harbour :* a smaller harbour
was sheltered
by
an ialand called Arconne-
Bua,t
which was also a
place
of
great strength.
Alexander, on bis march from Miletns,
made
himself master of all the towns that
lay
between
that
city
and Halicamasens
;
and on his
entrance into Caria he was met
by Ada,
the
widow of
Idrieus,
who snirendeied her Icu^ress
of Alinda to
him, begged
leave to
adopt
him aa
her
son,
and
placed
herself under his
protection.
Ho then advanced towards Halicamas-
Bus,
and
encamped
at about half a mile from
the walls. On the
day
of bis arrival he encountered
a brisk
sally
from the
garrison,
which,
however,
was
easilyrepulsed.
But before he
commenced bis
operationshere, having
received
some offers which led bim to
expect
Ihal he
should
gain
admittance at Myndus, a town
which
laya
few miles westward on Ibe
ooast,
he made an
attempt
on it in the
night,but,not
meeting
with the
promisedsupport
from within,
while succours were introduced
by
sea from
Halicamasaua. he withdrew,
and
apfdied
bim-
seir
wholly to the
siege
of the
capital
He
beganbyfilling up
the ditch,so as to enable
his
engines
and wooden towers to
approacti
the walls. The
besieged
made
many
vigorous
salliesfor the
porpoae
of
setting
fireto the machines,
but were
always repulsed,
end sooie-
timea with
great
loss. Once a mad
attanipt
of
two Macedonian
soldiers,]: who, having
challenged
one another
oyer
their
cups
to a trial
of
valour,
undertook to atorm the citadel on the
land side
aktne, brought
on an
engagameDt,
which was near becoming general,
and
might
have ended in the
capture
of the
city;
for two
towers and the
intervening
wall had been battered
down
by
the
engines
;
hut,
before advantage
was taken of the breach,
the
besieged
built
another brick wall in the form of a crescent
behind it. Twice
they
made a desperateat- tempt
to
destroy
the
cngioes
which Alexander
brought
to
play
on this new wall ; the second
time, at the
instigation
of
Ephialles,
with their
whole force
I
but
they
were defeated with
great
slaut^ter.io wbich
"pbialtes
himself fell
;
and
itwas believed thatAlexander
might
then have
stormed the
place,
but waa induced to
spare
il
fuHvd througil
tbe i[xT1ii"Dce uf tbo twu AtliVHuil. [ will
ngl nuleniliislcidecidiiinillisiinlMliiUnaf
r*
"""'-- -
naEJKtiin,p.
"1.
fiuihaOaiyliluadljrm
, V,
Co
Ogle
HAUCARNASSUS." COAST OF LVCU.
by
the
hope
that it would aoon snTTflndeT. In
fact,
Memnon and Orootobates now despaired
of
defendiog
it much
longer,
and reeolTed to
abandon it. In the dead of the
nightthey
set
^rc to a wooden
toww,
and to some of the
houses and
magaziueanear
the
wall,and,
while
the
oonflagratioa apiMd,
nude their
eacîe,
and crossed oret t^ Cos, where,
it
wems, thejr
had
preTJousl; depoeited
their treasuies.* The
garnsoa
took
reAige,
some in the
citadels, some
in ArconneaOB.
^xander
immediately
enter-
eil the
uitj,
and checked the
progreaa
of the
flames
;
bnt,
as soon as he had beooma master
uf
it,
he razed it to the
ground.
Ke did
not,
however,
think tt worth while to
staj
nntil he
had
dislodged
the
enen;
from their
remaining
strongholde
;
bal
having
committed the
province
to
Ada,
he left
tier,
wiUi about 3000 foot
and 300
horse,
under a Macedonian
officer,
reduce
them.t He himself
porsued
bis march
yong
the south coast of Asia
Minor,
to make
liimself
maeter of the
ports
which
might
har-
lour the Feraian fleet.
Bat
as winter waa now
approaching,
he de-
.ermined,
before ha lelV
Csria,to seiul
a part
"f his
troopa,
who tiad
lately
married when he
let out on hia
expedition,
tuck to
Macedonia,
D
pass
the winter at home. He
gave
the com-
nand of them to three of his
generals,
who
vere themselves in the same
case, directing
hem, on their
return, to
bring
with them
ae
oany
fresh
troope
as
ttiey
coold raiae. The
neasure was
pohlic
aa well aa
gracious
^
for
lis
army
had been much weakened to
sup[riy
"ft
many garrisons
as were
required
for the
onquered
cities
;
and
nothing
was more
Likely
0
promote
the levies in Macedonia than lbs
iresence of the victorious
warriors,
whose re-
urn attested at once his success and hia liber-
hty.
Another officer was sent to collect all
tie
troope
he could in
Peloponneeus.
Panne-
io
waa ordered
to
prooeed,
with the
greater
art
of the
cavalry
and the
baggage,
to
Sardia,
Bd thence into
Phrygia,
where he
himself,
af-
ir he should have traveraed the coast of
Ly-
iaand
Famphylio,designedto meet him in the
In hie march
thiough
Caria be met with
a
Fiortresistance from the
garrison
of the
stioog
irtress
Hyparoa,
and.
according
to
Diodoraa,
inted aside to
puniah
the insolence of the in-
abitants of Marmora in
Penea, who,
rîng,
erhaps,
on the
strength
of their
town,
whidi
tood on a
high
rock
by
the
sea-aide,
bad
ven-
ired to
annoy
the rear of his
army,
and had
"I
only plundered
atHne of the
baggage,
but
illedseveral men. When beaiegeC
they
da-
iQded themselves with
greatobeUoaey,
lod at
ngib
the
young
men set fire to Ute
town, and,
iicing (their
way ttaiovgh
tte
toaatj''a lines,
)ok
refuge
in the
ne^hbouring
moontains.
n his eatraoce into
Lycia,
Tehnusus
oapitula-
:d
; and,
after he had crossed the
Xaathus,he
^ceived the submission of most of the
Lydan
iwns. Phaselis
even presented
him with a
:"ldea
crown,
and the motive which led it to
if
him this honour
may help
to account for
riiU/tr
rH,di9biii
the
ready snbmisaion of the other
LyclaiM.
The
people
of Ffaaselishad BuSbied much Awn
the
incursions of their
neighbours,
the Fiaidian
mountaineeiB,
who had
even taken
up
a fortified
position
in their
terriUny,
for the
purpose
of continual molestation.
They hoped
that
Alexander would deliver them from thu
annoy-
ance,
and
they
were not
diaappoisted
;
fbr,on
his
return from an
expedition, which,notwitb-
standing
the lateness of the season " it
wm
now about mid- winter " he had imdettaken into
I
the
interior, to reduce the
Milyans,
nô inluh-
ited a tract of
Phiygiaon the craifiiie* of Pli^g-
I ia and
Pisidia,'
he took the fort.
He was stillin the
neighbourhood
of
Phaselii,
when he was
appriied
of
a pk4
vrtiichhad boen
formed
against
his life
by hia
nameaake,
the
I
son of
fropuB,
wbrnn he had
appoiDtedto cmn-
'
mand the Tbeaealian
cavalry
in the room
of
Calaa,
the
new
satrap
of the
Helleepontine
Phrygia.
It
^peara
that,
notwithstanding
this
favour,
the
Lyncestian
either oould not
forgive
the
kiog
for the execution of hia two
brothna,
or could not
forget
the uicient
pretensioDS
of
his
femily
to
royaldignity.
He had entered inla
a
negotiation
with the
Persia^ court
throng
the
fugitiveAmyntas,
and Itariua bad aeit
down an
agent
named
Aaisines,
to obtain a aa-
oret interview with him,
and
to oflhr,
if he kitt- ed
hia
BovereigD,
to raise htm to the throne trf'
Macedonia,
or,
at least,
to aid him in the
attempt
to aeoure it,
with a Uiousand talents. Tin
Persian
emissary
had fallen into the hands of
Farmenio,
and revealed hia bnsinesa
;
and Pai-
menio had sent him to the king, Alexander
held a oDunoil
on the
subject,
and
by
its adviee
deapatohed
orders
to Farmenio to arrest thfl
Lyooeetian
and
keep
liim in
custody.
Between Iâselis aod the maritime
plaiaa
of
Pamphylia,
the mountains which form the
aouLhem branch o( Taurus descend
abruptlyoa
the
coBBi, leavingonly a narrow
pasaa^
aleng
the
beach,
aed this never
open
hut m cataa
weatber, or
during
the
prevalenoe
of a norther
W wind. The
promoatory
was called Howt
Climax. At the time wheo AlBxander
waa
about to resnme his march
eastward,
the wind
was
blowing
from the
soutli,
and the
waves
washed the foot of the oliSs, He thereAwe
sent the main
body
of bis
army
over the taowab-
ains to
Peiê,by
a circuitous and difficult
road,t
which, however,
he had ordered to be
previoiia-
ly
cleared
by
his Thraoian
pioneers.
But fbr
himself he
determined,
with a few
followerB,to
try
[he
passage along
the shore ;
danger
a*d
difficulty
had a charm for him which he eooU
scarcely
resist.
Perhaps
the wind had
already
subsided
;
soon
alter it ahiiled to the OMth "
a
change
in whitdi he
recognised
a
special
inter-
Milfu
;
but Drnyno, p. ISA,"ppuioU} osiifoiiadiTu-
mauiii wilh Tibnloiu, uiKruuUui Ihi lul hdIiqci of
stnlKr'i lUrtiKniUi bout,ud IlitnflBdi faultarith Colanal
t
cJc^l''LMi"
(All*Uiiw, B. igoibu tHHi buIhI It
"
Mh
nadmi ID Altiu, i,,H,
xgXuir
"UXw[ u) si
uatpOw.
Thia
wiHiMoautiilfet'8tmbQ.]EiT,, p.9Wt'rpir-
in fvu (wUdi ColiiHl Liaks mdui
tBovMj.f.
mh
ûhiiowBwip. BatUsHotiv*
itnuloBBilis
iM
KajLOmanpt
of ArnuL ud iidJ"b it It
vmtt*^
haw mo nsuiiu, ihowh Ducu, Iutiu tnulAtH
"w
ph nimwK. Ui4Sm*iU^ iM", n kl" mot*
iini Um
aiplwiuiga. zilni)T iM"t M "U"riinKiuib"r
tmiMitt)mtrx UMmatt Ithnr luXmtr uhr, tli
ua^ftt'H.
HISTORY OF GREECE.
position
of the
gods. Yet, according
to Strabo's
anltiors,he found Ihe water stiH
nearly
breast
higb,
and had to wade
through
it for a whole
day.
As he advanced from
Perge,
he
was met
bj
an
cmbasBj
from the
neighbouring
town of
A.BpendUB,
whicb
Uy
a littlefarther eastward,
-near
the mouth of the
Eurymedon, offering
to
acknowledge
his
authority,
but
praying
that
'
"
theymight
not be
compelled
to receive a
Mace- donian
gamson.
This
request
he
granted,
hut.
in
return,
demanded a contribution of
Stly
talents,
and the Ehhute of horses which
they
had
been used to
pay
to Che Persian
king.
These
terms were
accepted,
and Alexander, passing
Aspendus,proceededalong
the coast to
Side,
a
barbariied
colony
of
Cuma,
which he took and
"garrisoned.
The
neighbouring
fortress of
Syl-
Sam be foond
prepared
to
repel
his tirntattack,
and he soon after received
inteUigence
that the
Aspendiana
refused to execute their
engage-
-mentSi
and were
making preparations
to sUB-
^tain a
siege.
He therefore retraced his
steps,
And, to their
surprise, suddenlyappeared
before
their walls.
They hastily
abandoned the lower
town,
and retired into the citadel,
which stood
an a
steep
rock
overhanging
the river, Aleic-
"Dder,
with his
army,
took
up
his
quarters
in
"the bouses below, and the
Aapendiana,
now repenting
of their
levity,
sent another
embassy
to
aue
for
peace.
He
granted it,
but
on
harder
temu, requiring
100 talents and
yeariytribute,
and
exactinghostages
for their
perforroance.
Tben, haviog
returned to
Perge,
be
began
his
inarch towards
Phrygia.
His road led
through
the heart of
Pisidia,
where be was the more desirous of
striking
terror,
as
its fierce and lawless
inhabitants,secure
in their mountain barriers and almost
impregnable
fortreeaes,
had
constantly
defied the
power
of tbe Perwan
government.
Yet be could
not
spare
the time which would have been ne-
COTsary
to reduce all its
strongholds,
Tennes-
"W.
situate
on a
steep
rock,commanding
a nar-
Tnr
pass
which led from Pisidia into
Phrygia,
Upwed
to bim too
strong
to be
attempted.
l"ougli
he had
dislodged
the barbariane from
4he
podUan
which
they
had taken
up
with-
4Mit the
walls,
and made himself master
of the
pasa.
Bnt the rMistance of TermoBsua
pro-
mired for him offersof alliancefrom its
enemy,
Selge,
aTKither of the
principalcities,
which
pnrred ver?
sufal to him. He stoimed
Sa^
alaaaiM, tboogfa,
besides its natnral
atrength,
its
jshabitania were accoonted the moat warlike
"f the Piatdiana
;
and tbi" auccess w
"d
by
the oobtniaiioo of moat of the emaller
towns. He then advanced
bjtha
Lake Aaca-
"ia* to Celtenn,
wheie the
citadel, on an almost
InaeoaBBible
rock,
was
guardedby
a
garrison
of
1000
Cariana,and 100 Oreeka, plac"]
there
by
the
Htrap
of
Phrygia. It,however,
otfered to
"nrrender unless it should be relieved within
sixtydays
;
and Alexander
tbought
beet
oept
these
conditions,
and
having
left
a
body
of
1600 men to observe
it,
and
appointedAnligo-
nus,
eon
of
Philip, to the
importantsatrapy
of
Central
Phrygia,
he
prosecuted
his march t~
Crordium,
where he
W
ordered Parmenio t
Arrian does not
expressly
state the
object
i
this
movement, which,
as
Alexander
designed
.-
n,gj[g f|3ji]je coBgt of
Syria,
involved
uit. It is
hardly
credible that
from
advancingdirectly
into
Cilicia
by
the
difficulty
of
passingthrough
the
mountain
region(Ihe Rugged Cilicia),
which
immediately
follows
Pamphylia;
or that he
marched so far north
merely
for the sake of
better
quarters
to refresh his
troops
in
dnrinff
the remainder of the winter.* TTiere were
other motives which
might
lead him to
penetrate
so far into the interior of Asia
Minor,
and
traverse it in two directions so distant from
the line of march that would have led to the
point
which he had
mainly
in view. He
probably
thought
it
necessary
to eslabliah his authority
in the central
provinces,
so far,at least,as to
break off their relations with the Persian
goV'
meriC, and thus to secure the Greek cities on
western coast from the attacks which
might
have been made on them from this
quarier,
if
the
peninsula,
east of
Lydia,
had remained subject
to
Darius. The central situation of Gordi-
umt also afforded means of easier communication
with
Macedonia,
and which the movementa
of the Persian fleet in
the"gean
rendered
very
desirable,
Wbile it enabled him to
negotiate
on
more
advantageousfooting
with the'
satraps
the
provinces
on the
Euiine, who,
when
they
w him
BO near, might apprehend
an
imraedi-
e
invasion.
Accordingly,
it seems to have
been Irom Gordlum that he sent
Hegelochus
to
the coast,
with orders to
equip
another Beet for
the
protection
of the islands which were threatened
by
the Persians. Here he was
rejoined
by
the
troops
whom he had sent to winter
by
their own hearths,accompanied by
the new
levies,
3000 Macedonian
infantry
and
BSOborae,
300 fi'om
Macedonia,
300 from
Thessaly,
the
rest
from Elis.
Here,also,
he received
an embassy
from
Athens,
which came to
request
that
be would release the Athenian
prisoners
who
had been taken
among
tbe mercenariea in the
battle of the
Granicus,
and had been sent to
Macedonia. Alexander did
not
think it
pm-
dent,
while he was nn the eve of a
decisive
contest
with
Darius,to relax his
severity
towards
the Greeks who took
part
with the
barbariana,
but he
gave
the Athenians leave to renew their
application
at a more
seasonable
jnncture.
Oordiom had
been,
in
very
early times,
the
"eat of the
Phrygiankings,
and was snpposed
to have derived it* name frvm
Gordius,
tbe (a-
ther of tbe more
celebrated Midas, In Uie citadel
wa*
preserved,
with
religious veneration,
a
wagon,
in
which, according
to the tradition
of the
country, Midaa,
with his father and mother,
entered the
town, at a time when the
people,
who were distracted
by
civil
discoid,were
holding
an
assembly. They
bad been islbrmed
by
an
oracle that
a
wagon
should
bring
them
a
king
who should
compose
their strife. The
sudden
appearance
of Midas convinced them
that he
was
the
king
destined for them
;
and
when he had mounted the
throne,
he dedicated
the
wagon
in the citadel
as a
thank-offering
to
the
king
ofthe
gods,who, before his
birth,
had
sent an
eagle
to
ali^t upon
its
yoke,
while
*
Til*" m Fliihrt
t Sra C""]""1 Ltuke-i
liopoUk,whiab.iB tho U
HPflDflltUDB.
In"
Uitr, p.
GORDIUM." TARSUS. lU
.
-Gotdiu w*8 ptoDgfaing, as a
sign
of tbe hoDOQT
leaeired for hie race. Thi*
Isgeod
bad
given
riae lo a
prophecy,
that whoefer ahonld untie
the knot of bark
by
wbicti the
;"dtewu ftstened
tothepolemuatbecomaLordorAaia.
Alexan- der
did not leaTS Gurdium before be had
proved
thai this
prophecy
related to bunaelf. Me went
up
lo the
citadel,
and
separated
the
yoke
from
the
pole.
Whether he loosened the knot
by
drawing
out a
peg,*
or cut it with hia sword,
hia own followers were not
agreed.
But all
the
spectators
were convinced that he had le- gitimately
fulfilledthe
prophecy,
and a storm
of
thunder and
lightning,
which took
place
the
same
night,
removed
every
shadow of doubt on
the
subjeot(833).
He now resamed hie march
eastward,
and at
Ancyra
received an
embassy
fhim
Paphlagonia,
promising
obedienoe on the somewhat
ambigu-
ODs condition that he shtxdd abstain from entering
their
country.
The
subjugation
of this
extensive and
very
monntainaQs
region
wonld
beve detained him much too
long
from the more
imponant objects
which
hf
had in view, and he
therefore conlentod himself with this show of
BDbnuMioii,whieb,at least,heightened,
while it
proved,
the terror inspired by
his
name,
and annexed
Paphlagonia
to the
satrapy
of Calas. As
be advanced
throughCappadocia
towards the
passes
of
Tauins,
he met with no resistance
;
and bis
authority was,
at least
nominally,
acknowledged
to a
great
distance
beyond
^le Ha-
lys,
BO that he could
appointa
satrapofCappado-
(ua,
whose
name,
Sebictas,
indicales that he was
an Asiatic,
and
who, pertiaps,possessed
influence
enou^
to render him a
uae^
ally
in a coun-
try
so impeifec^y
conquered.
Neartbeentrance
of one of the defiles or
gates
which led into the
idains
of Cilioia he
encamped,
on tba aame site
-where
Cyras
had
halted.t
and here he found
that the
pass
was
stronglygnarded.
He there'
fore left Parmenio
be^d
with the
phalanx,
and, takingonly
a
part
of the
lighttroops,
set
ont at nightfall
lo
surprise
tbe
enemy
at the
Gates. His
approach,however, was not un-
perceived;
bnt it
inspired
so much alarm that
the
guards
abandoned their
post :
and at
daybreak,
having
been overtaken
by
the rest of his
iurny,
he be^nto descend into the
plain.
On
his
way
he received
tidings
from
Tarsus,
that
the
satnp
Arsames, baving
heard that he bad
passed
the
Oates,
was abont to
quit
the
city,
which at first bs meant to defend,and,
it was
feared,
would
plunder
it before his
departure.
Hereupon
Aleuukdsi
pushed
forward with his
cavalry
and the
lightest part
of Ihe
infantry
at
full
speed
for Tarsoa,
and
Arsames,
whatever
bis intention
may
have been,Bed, leaving
the
-cityunhart,to
join
the
army
of Darius.
Alexander, on hia arrival at Tarsus,
while
his Uood was still
violenlly
heated
by
these
Cilicla br
th*
jiHi
dsMnlMl
by
Xi
yhoil^
DUA u Dot Trva,
bntBBd
ectraordinary esertkHu,
had Men
tempted
to
idnnge
into the clear and
Ihnpidwaters wT the
Uydnns,
which flowed
througb
the
city.
This
improdenee
was
generallysuppceed
to hava
been the canse of
a fever which seized him immediately
after,*
and which soon became ao
threatening
in its
symptoms
that moat of hia
phyeicianadespaired
ofhis life.
One, however,
an Acamanian named
Philippas,
who stood
high
in hia
confidence,
undertook to
prepare
a medicine
which would relieve him. In the
mean
while,
a letter was
brought
to the
king
bttm
Parmenio,
informing
him of a
report
that Phi-
iippus
bad been
briiied
by
Darius to
poison
him.
êxander,itis
said,
had the letter in hia hand
when the
physiciancame in with the
draught,
and,
giving
it to him,
drank
while be read : "
theatrical
scene,
as Plutarch
nnsuspectiiigty
observes,
but one which would not have been
invented but for snch a character,
and which
Arrian was therefore
induced,thongh doubting-
ly,
to record, t The
remedy,
or Alexander's ei-
cellenl
constitution, prevailed
over the
disease;
but it was
long
before he had
gained
sufficient
strength
to resume
his march. In the
mean
while he sent Parmenio
forward,
with about a
third of the
army,
to
occupy
the nearest of the'
maritime
passes leading
out of Cdicia into
Syria.
He
himself,
when
sufficiently recovered,proceeded
westward with the rest of his forces to
Anchialus,
where he beheld the statue of its
reputedfounder,Sardan^mlus.
the
voluptuous
king,
who
judged so differently
from himself "
as the
Assyrianinscription
on bis monument
and the
figure
itself attested " of the value and
use of life. At
Soli,
where he arrived
next,
he
and aSirded him a fair
ground
f"
contribution of SOO talents. Tet it seems to
have been
onlyan
oligarchical party
that bad
bvooted the Peraians
;
and
perhaps
the
penally
was levied on tiiem alone
;
for he esiabhshed
a democratical
govermnent,
and the
garrison
may
have been needed liK its
security.
Before
he returned to
Tbtsob,
he made an inroad with
a division of bis forces into the mountains of
the
Rugged Cilicia, and,
in the course of seven
days,
reduced their wild
inhabitants, by
fbros
or terror, to submisaion. On his return to
Boli,
he received Ihe
agreeable
tnlellisence th^ Oroo-
tobates bad been
defeated,
in a
hard-fooght
battle,
by Ptolemy
and
Asander,
and that the eita-
lUbnliu.hawmi,
lUrllnUd il
irrielj la fctifu ;
uin KiDiuir, vlio bulud illtha
Crdmu,
cbw br
an
tlu 3d d( Nmamber, iIkLusi 11"i iu "un did
LhmlFD'd
bj
thff iBcm muhinatiou aflHxiTiB,tod iharft-
fDT0 wriuM nul have
glTon
lucH
" prwif
cpfcoodddnc:*in
aaj
of hi* HrTBnLf " ib"
?er^chi04:
which
LhaaurT, if
tniB,di"-
pnnt.
Thii ii" bi*uni"l ftlilio
^rtwnu.
I do not
quiH
nodflnlKDd whtt PanqeiuD hu dniof
,
thftt h" iSoold boC
bbtooom* himpflLfiDftttdoTwrirtTiff. One HVifninCuF-
tiDI. 111., A, how tha
Itory
wKt BinbaltuhBd- Id Amav,!!.,
IM HIBTORY OF OREECK
deVof HalicanuBsoa,
and the other
places
which
be had retained on the coaat of
Caria,
had faU-
en.*
Dariua had
previously
sidbred a maeh
(Tester
loss in tbe death of
MemnoD,
who was
earned off
b;
a suditea
illaeaa,
while
engiged
,
in the
siege
of
Milylens,
which, after
baling
made himself
maater
of Cbios through treachery,
and of the
rest of
I*sbos,
he hM inTCSted
ctoselyby
sea and land.
Alexander,
before he
left Soli,
celebrated the
victor;
of his
generals,
and at the same lime teatified his
gratitude
fbr
hie own convelescence
by a
solemn sacrifice to
"ecuIapiaB,
with a
militaryprocession,
a torch-
rmoe,
and musical and
gymnastic
contests. He
then marched back
toTaisus,and,aending
Phi-
lotas forward,
with the bulk of the
cavalry,
aoroea the Aleian
plain,
himaelf look
a more
ojicuitona route
along
the
coast, throagh
Ma-
gaiaue,
to Mallus,a town which claiined the
Aigive
hero
AmjiJiUochuB as
tUs
ground,
as himself desceni
"eleUa of
Amos,
he boA hei
disorden,ana exempted
it from the tribute
which it had
paidto the Fenian
gorenmient.
At
Uallua,forthe Gist
time,
he receiTed
certain
intQlligenoe
of the
approach
of the
great
Penian
army
commanded
by
Darius in
person.
It
can,
howerer, hardly
be doubted that he
bad
long
before been
apprised
of its move-
menta,
and bad been
expBctiiig
to fhllin with
it .Whether be
delayed
his
departure
from
Ciliain,
in Ae
hope
Ibat the Persian
kingmight
be induced to adraDce tmtil be was drawn into
a disadvantagaoBSposition
within the maunt-
aias,.as was at last the
case,
is a
question
which cannot be decided with
certainty,
but
his
operationB
in Cihcia
undoubtedly
show that
,
if he did not calculate on this result,he was
willing
to take the chance of it. Darius had
advanced fiom
Babylon,according
to Arrian,
at the bead of
600,000 fighting
men,
with the
usual train and
equipage
whicb had ever been
deemed
necessary
to the state of the
great
king
in all his
expeditions.Indeed,
when we
compare
the
description
which Curtioa
givee
at the retinne of Daiius with that which we
read in Herodotus of tbe
procesaion
with which
Xerxes moved from
Sardis,we find reason to
think that the
pomp
and
luxury
of the Persian
coort had been
continuallyincreasing.
The
symbols
of the
Magian religion, also,seem to
lUve been exhibited owre
conspicuously,
and
with
greater nsgniflcence.
An
image
of the
son,
we are informed,glittered
on the
top
of
tbe
royalpavilion.
Tike sacred firewas borne
on eilrer altara at the bead of the
column,
followed
by Magians chanting
their
hymns
;
and
365
youths
01 tbe same caste,
in scarlet
robes,
Mpresenting
the
days
of the
year,
marched be-
fbre tbe sacred chariot. The bands of horse
and foot which escorted the
king's
were dai-
ihng,
as
heretofore,
in their
clothuig
and arms.
They
were followed
by
WO of the
royal
horses.
Then came the
carriages
which contained the
mother, oonaort, and children of Darius,
with
their
attendants,and after these tbe
royal
harem,
almost in
eqaal
number with tbe
prieMa.
Six hundred mules hud 300 camels bore the
treasure. The Persian
grandees
likewise
brought
each his household
along
with him.
Darius had
probablyexpected
to meet Alexan- der
on his road towards the
Buphratea,
in some
of the
plains
eastward of Cilicia. He came
with fidl confidence of
victory,
notwithstanding
tbe
experience
of former
ages,
for
princes
do not
always gain
wisdom from the lessons of
history,
and it is even
possible
that the chron- icles
of Persia bad failed to inform him how
often such
mighty
hosts had been
vauqniebed
by
a
handhil of men.
When the AUieniaiL
Charidemus,
wlio had taken
refuge
at his
court,
ventured to
suggest
to hito that hia
glittering
array
would not strike terror into tbe Msrcedo-
nian
;dialanx,
be
was so
incensed
that,
in the
first
transpoTts
,
of hia
indignation,
he ordered
him to be
pnt
to death. Nevertheless,
he ait
firstlistened to tbe counsel of the Maeedoniau
fugitive, Amyntas,
who advised him to await
Alexander's
approacdi
in a great plain,
two
days'
march bom the
pass
of
Amanua,
which
Arrian,
who describes the
plaee
of bis
eneamp-
roent
onlyby
this
distance,
and
by
tbe obscure
name pf Sochi,
calls the
Assyrian
Qates.
He waastUl at Sochi when Alexander reached
Mallus
:
but he had then been for some tims
in that
position,
and had
grown impatient
of
farther
delay.
He bad
begun
to attribute the
tardiness of his
enemy's
advanee to fear
;
and
when be heard of Alexander's illness si Tar-
sna,
of his
expeditionagainst
tbe weatertL
mountains of
Cihcia,
and of the festivities at
Soli,
he
suspected
that these were hot so
many
pretexts
used to cover his real motive. It was
in vain that
Amynlas
assured him that Alex- ander
would not shrink from
giving
him battle
on
any
field. His courtiers now
easilypersuaded
him that he had
only
to
appear
and
trample
down the Macedonians with his caval-
ry.
He resolved to wait no
longerinactive,
but
to cross the mountains in
quest
of bis hes- itating
foe. On the other
hand,
Alexander
seems to have been convinced that Darius had
adopted
what was
evidently
the wisest
plan,
and
waa
determined not to advanoe
any
farther
westward,
but to
preserve
the
advantage
of a
position
which enabled him to make the
best use of his vast
superiority
in nundiera.
He held acouncUof war at
Melius,and,having
announced the
intelligence
which he had ve-
'ceived,consulted it on the course which he
should take. There
was
but one voice
amons
all
present,
that he should lead them immediately
to seek tbe
enemy.
At Caatahalus,
where
he
encamped
on the second
day
after his departure
from
Mallus,
he waa
joinedby
Patme-
nio, who,
after
having occupied
the nearest
maritime
pass,
had taken
pnseession
of
Issus,
and
then,advancingalong
the
coast,
dislodged
the
barbajianS"probBhlypart
of the
troope
of
Arsamea
" who stillremained
posted
on tbe
l^lls
near the
coast,
and cleared and secured
the whole road as far as tbe second
maritime
pass,
the Qates of
Syria
and Cilicia. At Issua
Alexander left the sli^ and
wounded,
and two
days
after
passed
the
Qatea,
and encainped itot
far from
Myriandrus.
A violent storm
of wind
and
rain,
which oecnrred in the ooorte
ot tbe
FIELD OF BATTLE." ALEXANDER'S ADDRESS.
1S"
Dszt
nigbt,deUTed
hie
march,
md seemB to
havo
preTS"ted
him tma
bûming
tbe ascent
of tha
moDntainB,
which lie would otherwise
hare croesed into the vale of the Oiontce.
Id the mean tune,
Daiins had been
making
a
neatlyparallel
moTement in the
opposite
direction,
on tbe eastern
side of Amanus. He
did not
attempt
to
pasa
the mountains
by
the
BOathern defile,which would have
brought
turn down to
MTriandrus,
either
becaiê
he
knew that the maritime Gates had been occupied
bj
the
enemy,
oi because the. road which
he took led more
directly
into tbe
plains
of Ci-
licio,
where he
expected
to find Alexander still
lingering
;
for larther to tbe north is another
pass,
the Amanio
Gates,
which crosses Ama-
noB a littleabove Issus.
Why
Alexander
neglected
to secure it,or
did not take this road to
Sochi,
ifitwas that which Darius
preferred
as
the
ahortest,
does not
distinctly appear j
and if
it were not for tbe invaUds whom be lelt at
Issna,
his mOTement
along
the coast woLdd
gire some coloox to the
suspicioH
that he had
reeeived informilion which led him to
hope
thai BaiioB was about to
quit
Mb
position
at
Sochi. Even if it were
so,
we
might
stillun-
dBTstand the mixture of
surprise
and
joy
with
'Which,
wbiio detained near Myriandrusby
the
weather,
he received the
tiding*
that the
"
overtake him.
of bis officersto embark in
and
fioceei
towards Isaus
had seen tlie
enemy,
tiiatDariua
would he tielieTe what be eo
eagerly
desired,
Darius,
before he moved from
Sochi,
had sent
his
treaaore,
and a
part
of his
baggage,
with
the
iDperfloous
followers of his
camp,
and the
wives aud children of his
principal officers,
to
Damascus:
yet
he was stillaccompanied by
his mother
Sisjgambis,
his consort Statira,
and bia
children,
two
princesses,
and a son six
years
old. When he had crossed the mount-
aina,
and learned that Alexander had
passed
before him on the road to
Syria,
he immediately
advanced in the same direction. At Is-
sDs he found tbo defenceless Macedonian inva-
Uds,
and was persnadedby
his courtiers to order
them to be
put
to death with cruel tor-
mres.t The nxxt day
liemoved forward until
be Feaefaad tbe
Pinuua,
a small stream descending
between
steep
and
high
banks from
tbe nde of Amanoa to the
sea,
which is here
parted
from the foot of the monnttins
by a narrow
idain.t
Here he
encamped
an the
right
bank of the
river,
and soon discovered that the
n he had
supposed
to be
flying
bell
the w
rather,periuâ,(o
eugfest
to them the
topica
by
which
tbey mi^t
"""'""'*
their men. He
reminded tbem of the
many reasons
they
had
to be confident of
victoryj*
of the victories
which
they
had
alreadygainedover the
same
enemy ;
of the infatuation
by
which Dariua
had been led to
pen up
his
army
in a narrow
space,
where, though
it was
largeenough
for
the evolutions oftl^
phalanx,
ê
greatetput
of his host would be
utterly
useless
;
of the
difTcrcnce between the Medes and
Persians,
who were enervated
by
inveterate habits of
luxury,
and the
hardyMacedonians,
who had
been so
long
inured to martial toils
;
between
slaves and freemen
;
between the
Greelu,
who
fought
fur a wretched hire on the side of the
barbitrians,and those who had
willingly
lent
their aid to the national cause
;
between the
warlike races on the northern ftontier of Ma- cedonia,
and the herds of feeble and timid bar-
bariana,
whom the Persian
king
collected from
the
provinces
which
acknowledged
his authority
;
in
fine,between Alexander himself and
Darius. He also
pointedout the
greatness
of
the
prize
which wss now at stake
;
that
they
were not now to encounter the
satraps
of Da- riua
with a small
body
of
cavalry
and mercenaries,
but Darius
himself,
with an
army
con-
posed
of bis choicest
troops ;
so that
nothing
less than the dominion of Asia
depended on
(he issue of tiie conflict. He added
grateAiI
recollections of their
past exploits,
widi modest
allusions to the share lie
himself
had taken
in all their
dangers
;
aud he
^pealed
to the
example
of the Ten
Thousand, who had trodden
the
ground
where
they
were then standing,
and,
under circumstances so much las*
favourable,
had
successfully
defied tha whole
power
of Persia.
His address was received
with ardent
oon-
unous
request
that he would lead them
against
tbe
enemy
without
delay.
He first sent forward
a small
body
of
cavalry
and bowmen to
ascertain that tbe road was clear,
and
then,
having
sacrificed
by torch-light
on a
neighbouring
hill to the
gods
of the
country,t
set
out,
after the
evening meal,
towards the
Gates,
wliioh he
leach^
about
midnight
;
and,
the
pass
beingsecured,
aUowed his
troops
to repose
there till
morning.
At
daybreak
be resumed
his
march,
at firstin
column,
the
eav^ry
in tbe rear
;
but,as the
groundopened
between
the mountains and the
sea,
gradually
extended
his
front,
luitilhe had drawn
up
his whole army
in battle
array
in the
plain
of the
Pinuns,
where Darius was
TnnVing
bis
dispositions
to
receive him. To
gain
time and detain tbe advancing
enemy,
be had sent a
body
of
30,000-
Alexander, as soon as he had ascertained
the
(act,
assembled his
prineipal
officers to
irepare
them for tbe
approachingbattle,
or
*
Droynn, p. Ifll,
flndi,la Ika Uginaiiig of tha "jw"di
which Anita tecortt"I
"iippow
1b tha "
-'- " "
9d"iE'" a oodJIraiatloaof uia hint
' *
IHm"TlnlMjp"ano*wf aiwiBry.Mi/iiiT"
nn"ixw^
bat af AlaiaHln htaHalt-aridand^
in Ik* aata Bf ihator-
leilaBM. Airian'i ammdiia, iL,T,lMn-AX""a"
'"X"^
of tha (run : ha hxl Dulu whhiB uia'a laiiclli.
t Catiu,UI.,S,M,iAsadda-ntlhT"ft"Ha,|n)MUv,
oavBlrr
and
S0,000 infantiy
across the
rivei,
ordering
the
infantry
to be
puated
at tlie Toot
or the hills which bound the
plain
on the south
side,
and fonn a
bay
as
theyverge
towarda the
sea : 80 thai when the Macedonian
anny
had
entered the
plain,they
were in the rear of its
Tightwing.
On the
right
bantc he found
room
for
60,000
of his best Persian
troops,
who were
distinguished by
the title which the Greeks
-write
Cardaces,*
and for
30,000
Greek mercenaries,
commanded
by Thymondas,
a sod of
Mentor,
who had formed
part
of Memnon's
forces in the
JEgeaa,
but after his death and
the reduction of
Mitytene,
had been ordered to
join
the
royal army. These, as the chief
strength
of his
line,
he
posted
in the
centre,
where
they
would be
opposed
to the Macedo- nian
phalanx. Behind,
the
length
of the
plain
was filledwith the remainder of his
host,
distributed
in masses
according
to their
nations,
but without
any
means of t^ng a
port
in the
flght.
He
himself,
in his state chariot,
according
to invariable Persian
usage,
t"ok bis
place
in the centre of the whole
Gne.
Bnt he had
prepared,
not for
attack,
but for defenc" : he
bad thrown
up
some intrenchments where the
bank was least difiicDlt of ascent
;
a
symptom
of
misgiving
which
greatlyencouraged
the Ma-
":edonians. When his
dispositions
were completed,
he recalled Ms
cavalry
from the other
side of the
river,
and stationed the main
body
in front of his
rightwing,
near the
aea,
the rest
on hia
left,at the fool of the mountains.
Alexander had drawn
up
the
phalanx,
as
usual,
in six divisions in the
centre, taking
the
command of the
rightwing himself,which was
flanked
by
the
hypaspists,
and
by
the Maceda-
nian and Tlessalian
cavalry.
He bad
given
the command of the
infantryon the left to Cra-
"terus,
under
Parmcnio,
who commanded the
whole of the left
wing,
and whom he
charged
to
keep
close to the
shore,
that the
enemy
might
not take him in flank. The
cavalry
of
the
Peloponnesians
and of the other allieswere
stationed at this end of the line. A small
body
of
cavalry
and
lighttroops
were posted
in front
4"f the Persian
division,
which
occupied
the
recess at the foot of the hills. But when Da- rius,
Soding
that the
ground
did not afford suf-
Hcient room for the evolutions of his
cavalry
on
his left
wing,sent it to
join
the main
body
^
the
sea-side,
Alexander also ordered the
Thessalian
cavalry
to move round
by
the back
of the line to
support
Parmenio. And as his
rightwing appeared
to Mm stillin
danger
of
beingoutflanked,he
strengthened
it with two
squadrons
of hia
horee-guanl,
and with some of
the
lighttroops
and Greek
mercenaries,
which
he withdrew from other
parts
of bis line. The
division which he had
opposed
to the Persians
in his
rear had made a
charge
which forced
:it.
m, Tuch., t w a"
KAfit-
meOr vmOmt u thu at lb* Sputu jsaih. Tba dsBsip-
"
D. MuXirtiUt
TuMfmiH. BH nfsr to "
put
of Ihsli
Ir
tnliiiiig, whteiimDciiWd wiDi Iks (Ukhu inBrlainii
hb; bottungrdiu td .filiu
Pumniiu, in Ea-
KS. t^{ wu lU HUH
19 "lucb tlu Pardua
n rtr itlpiinlui (XSn. Thtouniia
(quo-
"UH
puof*)
IHBH u Inn duatWllHii
"
A tboaaud
Kdfitai coiva"l
the
enemy
to retreat to the
higher ground,
where 300 horse were sufficient to watch
them,
and he was thus enabled to
employ
the
li^t
troops
at the
extremrty
of his
rightwing.
His
plan
was firstto attack the
enemy's left,
which was the weakest
part
of the Persian
line,and,
when it was
routed,
to turn
upon
the
right,
which would then be
exposed
on two
sides. He
advanced,
at
first, slowly,
to
preserve
the order of the
phalanx,
to within a short distance
of the river
side,
and rode
up
and
down,
scattering
words of
exhortation,which
were
answered
by
a shout that
expressed
the ooi-
versol
eagerness
for the battle
: but aa soon as
they
had
come within reach of the Persian arrows,
which
instantlybegan
to shower
upon
them, he led the
way
at full
speed
Into tho
water, and in a few minutes was in close combat
with the
enemy.
Their lefl
wing
was almost
immediately
broken
by
the
impetuosity
of
his
charge;
but his own was
exposed
to
great
dangerbj
the
rapidity
of this
movement,
which
in the
passage
of the river disordered the
[riia-
lanx and left a
gap
in its centre.
Thymondas
and hia Greeks took
advantage
of this
opportn-
nity
to make a
vigorous
attack on the divisions to
the
left,
which had been detained
by greater
difficulties
in the
crossing,
and had not been able
to
keep
up
with those on the
right.
National
emulalLoit and
animosityexasperated
the conflict.
The Greeks were
eager
for a
trophy
over the hitherto invincible
phalanx;
the Ma- cedonians,
resolute to maintain their own honour,
and not to fail their
king
and comrades
in the moment of
victory.
The issne
might
have been doubtftil had not Alexander, after
the
enemy's
left was
put
to
flight,
wheeled
round and fallen
upon
the rest of his
line,taking
the mercenaries in flank. But the fonune
of (he
day
was decided
sooner than it wonld
have been
by
the mere efforts of the combatants,
through
tiie
timidity
of
Darius,
who no
sooner
perceived
the ront of Ms
rightwing
than he ordered Me charioteer to turn the
heads of his horses for
flight.
His
cavalry
had
crossed the river to
charge
Partneoio's dins-
ions,
and was
engaged
in an obstinate combat
;
but when it was seen that the
great king
was
quilting
the
field,
and that the mercenaries
were
overpowra^ by Alexander,
it also
gave
way
and
joined
the crowd of
Atgitives, throngfa
which it
vainly
endeavoured to find
a
passage.
The
aspect
of the
i^n
over wMch this vast
moltitQde was
flying
in all
directions,
bnt
chiefly
towards the northern
outlet,
may
be
imagined,
but cannot be
adequately
described in words.
The
carnage among
the
cavalry,
wMch was
encumbered vrith
heavy armour, seems to have
been
greater
in
proportion
than that of the infantry.
It was estimated at more than
10,000
men : 100,000 are said to have fallen in the
whole
;
and we need not
suspect
much
exaggeration
in
Ptolemy's aasertion,
that in the
pursuit
he crossed a
gully
which was
filled
up
with
heaps
of slain. Darius
pushedacross the
plain
in his chariot, until he reached the foot
of the northern hilla
;
he then laid aside his
bow,
his
sMeld,
and his
royalrobe,
and mounted
a horse, which soon carried him out of the
reach of his
pursuers.
His
pusillanimity
on
this occasion seems to belie the
reputation
,
wMch he had
gained
for
personal
valour. Yet
BATTLE OF IS 8 US ."CAPTURE Or CAMASCUS. 187
it ia not difficultto conceiTe that the
courage
nilh
which,
in his
priTsteatation,
he met a single
enemj
in
equaJ combat, might
fail him
vhen he waa act
up
in hie chariot of gtate and
lis
rojol
robea aa
part
of a
militarypageant-
Alexander,though
he had receired a alishl
H'Dund in his
thigh,joined
in the
pursuit
tifl it
uraa too dark to
diatingnlsh
the
objects
before
lim. He could not come
np
with Darius him-
tetf,
who had taken
flight
too
earlf
in the battle,
bnt he
lighted
on the chariot which cou-
:ained his
anna
and his
robe,
and sent them
"ack to the
camp.
On his
return,
he fonnd
;hat the Persian
camp
had been
plunderedby
lis soldiers " and to the
Macedonians, though
.he most valuable
part
of the
baggage
had been
lent to
Damascus,
it must hare seemed to
contain inestimable
treasures " but the
royal
ent,
with all its
furniture,was
reserved for
limself. Front a
bath,prepared
with all the
ippliancea
of Eastern
luxury,
and
ateaming
vith the richest
perfumes,
he
passed
into the
^rgeous
pavilion,
where a
t^le
had been
ipread
as
for the
supper
of Darius. And
now,
"or the first
time,
he leametl
what,
in the
eyes
if hie new
subjects, belonged
to the
dignity
of
,he
great king
in his hours of recreation and
"riTacy,*
But before he
began
to refresh him-
lelf,
aAer the
fatigues
of the
day,
his ears were
(truck
by
the
waUings
of women in an
adjoin-
ng
tent
;
and, on
inquiiy,
be learned that the
notber and wife of
Darius,haTJng
been in-
ibnned that his chariot and
anna were in the
MMsession of the
conquerors,
had concluded
Tbat be had been
slain,
and were
mouming
"var their
supposed
loss. Alexander iminedi-
ttelysent
Leonnatna,one of the
great
ofllcers
whq
bore the titleof
tomaiophyUa
(body-guwil),
4i undeceive
them,
and to assure them that he
lid not mean to
deprive
them of
any part
of
;heir
ornaments,
or of the honours of
royally,
'.\
was no peiBonal enmity,
bnt an honourable
imbitioQ,
that had moved him to make war on
Darius. The Greeks added
a pleasingstory,
which to
many
readers has
conveyed
one of
îr earliest an^
not least correct
impressions
it Alexander's character : that the next mom-
ng
he himself visited the
captiveprincesseff,
Utended
by Heph"stion,wlunn, as there
was
no difference in their
dress,they at first mis-
look for Mm
;
that he sainted
Siaygambis
with
:he title of
mother,
caressed the
young prince,
who,
he observed to his
followers,
showed a
nanlier
spirit
than his
father,
and assured all
"f his
protection
and favour. Tet this auec-
iote,
if
true,
would
scarcely
have been Omitted
joth
by Ptolemy
and Aristobulus
;
and,
per-
laps,
Alexander showed a more delicate
generosity
if he abstained from a visit,wluch,
lowever kind and
condescending
his
language
ind
behaviour,
could not bat
carry
with it
lomething
hke the air of a
triiunph.
It is better attested that his chief attention
vas
devoted,on the
day
after tUe
battle, to the
tare of the wounded and the bnrial of the
dead,
vhich was
splendidly
aoleronized wiUi the at-
endance of the whole
army
drawn
up
in battle
irray ;
that he
publicly praised
and rewarded
J, pirhin,
it tba nudu nf ttittxelu
I
uhin^
notBch, Al
.S),nOr' J", I,
those who had
distinguished
themselves,
aad
made several
promotions amMig
his officen.
Balacrus,son of
Nicanor, was
^pointed
satnqi
of
Cilicia,
and Menes
somatophylax
in bis room-
He also ceJebnited his
victoryby
an act of
grace.
Me remitted
fiftytalents,
which were
stillin
arrear,
of the
penalty
which he had laid
on
Soli,
and restored its
hostages.
Before he
withdrew fixira the field of
battle,
he erected
three altars on the banks of tbe Plnarus to the
same deities"
Zeus,Hercules,
and Athene "
to
whom he bad dedicated those which marked
the
places
of his embareotion and hie
landing
on the
Hellespont-
A new
city,
called
Nicopo-
Ijs,was allerward founded as a more doiaUa
monmnent of the
vietoiy
;
but its site is no
longer
known. That which still
preserves
tbe
coDqueror's
name
(ScanderooDi
the Issie Alex- andria)
was
perhaps
built on a diSfcrent ooca-
He then took the road to Phienieia
;
bnt sent
Parmenio
forward,
with
a small
detachment,
including
the Tbessalian
cavalry,
whom he b"-
lected for this service as a reward for their
good conduct,* to seize the first thiita of his
victory,
tbe treasure
deposited
at Damaseus.
It
included,
besides the
militarychest,
the most
costly
part
of the wardrobe and
ftimiture,
both
of Darius end his chief nobles. With it were
a number of Persian ladies of the
highestra^
with their children and retinues
;
several Per- sians
of the first
quality,
who bad
probably
taken
reliige
there aAer Vba battle
;
and
envoys
of
^mrta
and
Athens,
with two
Thebans,
who
had
accompanied
Daiins
from
Babylon.
Hie
nnmber of
persona
of a lower
class,including
several hundred ministers of
royalluxury
" music
girls, cooks, confectioners, t^plet
weavers,
permmers.
and tbe liket" amounted to
SO.OOO.t
On his
rosd,
Parmenio f^llin with a courier,
who
was
bearing
a letter to Alexander fhim the
governor
of
Damascus, oontaining
an offer U
betray
the treasure into his
hands,
and des
him to send one of his
gei
brought01
Idesiriw
tretsore" a load for 7000 beasta
GangalMS(pactanen),
and the whole train of
persona
of allranks who
had
acoompanied
it.
Pannenio,as if
believing
that
they
had come out with hostile
intentions,
ordered his
cavalry
to
cbsTge
the defenceless
multitude. This was a
signal
for indiscrimi- nate
irinnder,
in which a
greatpart
of the
im-
clous
spoil
was wasted. Bnt
upward
of 3000
talents,together
with the
principal captives"
among
whom were three
danghters
of
Ochos,
three of
Mentor,
Memnon's widow and inftnt
son,
a niece of
Darius,
and the Greek ambaa-
sadore " were
preserved
for the
king.
Darius
had one consolation under this misfortune ;
the traitor was killed
by
a
loyalsubject,
who
abhorred his
perfidy,
and laid his head at the
feet of his
injured
maater.
"Plal.
tt"r.
In
AlbBiiBii",iu1., 87,tivH tht
pn-
" isHe
firW (nUui^t .XMnfirtht.
"
HISTORY OF GREECE.
The
spoil
of Damascus was not tae most
importantadvantage
which Alexandei
reaped
from the battle of Issus. It arerted a
danger
which, notwithstanding
Memnon's
death,
had
continued to
give
him occasion for much uneasiness
i
for he was stillthreatened with a
diversion in his rear " a
generalrising
of the
Greeks,
and an invasion of Macedonia " which
might
have
interrupted, even
if it did
not
finally
defeat,
his
enterprise.
Memnon, on his
deathbed,
had
appointed
his
nephew Pharnabazos,
the aon of
ArtabaioB,
to
succeed him in his covemment nntilthe
king's
pleasure
should b" koown. Pbam^taim sod
AutophiadateaproKcuted
the
aiege
of
Hitylene
with such vigour that the inhabitants
were reduced
to
ctqiitulata,
on the conditions that
ê
mercenariea in their
pay
should be allowed to
depart
;
that
they
shoold
take down the c"l-
mnns which contained their
treaty
with Alex- ander,
and should enter into aUiaoce with Da- rius
on the terms of the
peace
of
Antatcidas,
and should recall their exiled citizens" the
anti-Macedonian
party
" and restore one half
of their confiscated
property.
But the Feraian
general*weie no Booner masters of the
town,
tban
they
intnidnoed a
garrisoD
oommanded
by
an officer of their
own,
created
Diogenes,one
of the
exiles,tyrant,
and levied
arbitrarycon- tributions,
both on Uie
city
and on
opulent
individuals.
PhBmahsnia wis soon after confirmed
by
Darius in the
authority
which he had
received fhtm his
lucle,and,having sent Dat-
ames,
a Persian
officer,
wiUi ten
gaueys,
to the
C^clades,
sailed at the head of one hundred,
with
Autophradates,againstTenedos,
which
was forced to submit on terms
similar to those
which had been
acceptedby Mitylene.
Data-
mes,
however, was
surprised
near
Siphnusby
Proieas,a Macedonian
officer,
who had been
sent by Antipater
to collect
ships
"am Eubcea
and
Peloponnesus,
and was
returning
with fifteen
galleys,
with which he took
eight
out of
the Persian
squadron,
with all their craws.
Datajoes himself
escaped
with two to the main
fleet. Phamabaiua and
Autophradates
then
bent their coarae aoatiiward,
and
having,
in
their
pasaê,
left a
gornson
in
Chios,
where a
pan
of their
navy
wa* Btatioiied, theydeapatch-
ed a
sqnadron
to Cos and
Halicamasea*,
and
themselves,
with one hundred of their fastest
"ailera.
made for
Siphnus.
Here
tbey
received
a visit "om
Agis,king
of
Sparta,
w1m" came in
a
singlegalley
to
request
a subsidy,
and as
largebd armament as
they
could
spare,
for the
purpose orwithdrawtogPeloponnesus
from the
Macedonian alliance. It was at this
juncture
that the news of the battle of Isana was brought
to the fleet, li
immediatelyput
an end to
whatever
plaa*
had been ooneerted for hostile
operations
in Greece, phamabasas sailed bach
with twelve
g^leys
to
Chios,
where he feared
that the
ioteUigeiioe might producea reaction
in "V0UT of Alexander.
Afia
received
thirty
dldnot himself
retnmwiththein;
hesentthem
to bis brother
Agesilaua.
vrbo was at Tcnarus
" a
great place
of rendeivODs for
mercenary
troops
" and directed him to sailwith them to
Crete,
and seeore it for the
Spartan
or anti'
Macedonian interest. He
himself,after aoioe
stay
in the
islands,
followed
Aotophradates to
Halicamassns.
Thus, then,
Alexander had
nothi^
more to
fear on this side for the
present.
But it
was
not the less his foremost
object
to
guardagainst
(he recurrence of this
danger,
and to
deprive
the Persian
government
of all means of
aiding
(he Greeks in their
attempts
for the
recovery
of their
independence.
He saw that if he once
made himself master of Phcenicia and
Zgypt,
the Persians would be deserted
by
the best
part
of their
galleys,
which
were furnished
by
the
Phceniciau
cities,
and would be unable to
repair
the loss. His
authority
would then be undisputed
in all the
provinces
of the
empire west
of the
Euphrates.
DanuB had continued his
fiigbt
without intermission
until be had crossed the river
at
Thapsaous.
where he arrived with about 4000
(iigitiveB,
who had
Buccesaively joined
his
train;
and then first felt bimaelf out of immediate
peril
The rest of the barbarian host
waa
probably,
for the most
part,irretrievably dispersed
;
thou^
Curtius
speaks
of a
body
whic^
was again
collected
by
some of the survivjiiK
generds
in
Ca^padocla,
and which
they
foniid
means of
recruiting by
freab levies in that and
the
adjacentprovinces.
Four of the Greek of-
flcers,Amyutas, Thymondas, Aristomedea,a
Thessalian of
FhtOK,
and
Bianor,an Acama-
nian, with about 8000
mercenaries,taking "
circuitous
rente over the
mountains, came down
to Tripolis, on the coast of
Phcenicia,before
Alexander had
quitted
the fieldof battle. Here
'
they
found the
ships
which had
brought
their
men
from
Lesbos,
and
having
seized as
maoy
as theyrequiredto embark
in,
burned the
rest,
and crossed over to Cyprus, Amyntas,
it
colleagues,
does
not
appear ;
but he
certainly
took the lead in the
enterprise.Sahaces,
the
satrap
of
Egypt,
had
fallen in the battle
;
and
Amyntas, pretending
that
he had a commission from
Darius,gain^
admittance at Peluaium. He then
dropped
the
mask, and
callingon the
EgyptiaiMto shake
off the hated
yoke
of Persia, marched
against
Memphis.
He was
joinedby
a
great
number
of the
natives,
and
Mazaces, the Persian
commander
of
Memphis, having
marched out to
give
him
battle,was defeated,
and farced to
take (diclter behind the walls
;
but the viciorB
were elated with this
success,
and thrown oCT
their
guard. They
suflered themselves (o be
surprisedby
Mazaces, while
dispersed
in
quest
of
booty
in the
ikeighbourbood
of the
city,
and
Amyntas
was slain,
with almosi all his men.
Darius,indeed,
had the force of the
greater
part
of his
empire
still
entire,
and at his command.
The trotniB
of the eastern
satrapies,
includingsome of the most warlike in his dominions,
had
already
been summoned to dte
royal
standard
;
and it was
oiJy
the
lengthof
lime
necessary
for
bringing
them
togeUier
that
seems to have
prevented
him from
marchinc
into Cilicja with this additional eDeumbraiice.
They
were now on their
way
towards
Babyltm
;
and he
migbt expect,
in the course of
a few
LETTER OP DARIUS." PU"XNICIA.
180
monUu,
to see
himaelf at the head of a Mill
BMtTB numeriNis host than be had commanded
at iHna. He
appears
to hare
belieTed,at first,
that Aiexaodsr would follow
up
hie
viciory
without
delayby
an actire
porauil;
and it
was,
perhaps,partly
with the Tiew of
gainingtime,
that be no aooner reached a
place
of
safety
than he
began
to aoond Alexander's
temper by
oTerturea
of
negotiation.Even, however,
if
his
nrmy
bad been
alreadyaaaembled,
he would
certainly
not have been
eager
to renew the
conlesl. He had
probably
not made
up
his
mind as to the ftallextent of the aacrrftoea
which be would snbcnit lo for Ura sake of
peace ;
and he tbereftH" sent two
envoys
to
Alexander " who had now reoidied
Harathos, a
Phienician
city
do the eoast, over aaaiQEt ttie
Isleof Aradus " with a lettar,
couched in terms
which
pledged
him to
nothing,
but
opened
the
way
for a
pacific
diaeoasion. He assumed the
time of reinohsttanoe,
as one who had suffered
an
unprovokedaggreBaion.
He i"niiided Alex- ander
that bia ather bad been on tenns of
peace
and alliance with
Ochus, but,on the
accession
of
Arses,
had commenced
hostilitieB,
without
any jnatcause, againstPersia;
and
that,
since he himself had mounted the throne.
Alexander,
instead of
Bonding
an
embassy
to
lenew the ancient amicable relattons between
the two
kingdoms,
had invaded his
territories,
and foroed him to
wa^
war in self-defence.
He was DOW redneed,Sy
the chance of
war,
to
make a
request
" such, however, as one
kingi
mifht becmniDgly
addreaa to anotber " that
Alexander would reatore his
mother, wife,
and
diildjen. He himself was
willing
to become
AlixBDdeT's friend and
ally,
sod desired Uiat
he would aend ministers with the two Persian
envoya
to treat with biro.
The Persian
envoys
had been iostruetad to
urge
the
reqneat
contained in their maatsT'i
leoer
by
woid of month, Alexander sent
liier-
8i|ipDBakmg
with
tlMoi,chajgad
with a lettei
to Darius,
but with ordars to abstain from oral
commimlcatioiia
an
the
sabjecl.
Tbeletterwas
a kind of
manifwlo,
in whwh he vindtealedthe
justice
of fats
proosediBga by
varioas
raatoo*,
as
good,
at leaal,as the
atroag
are
usually
able to
Sad for
attaching
the weak. He
began
like the
wolfintbafabla. The anceators
of
Daiius had
invaded Macadonia and
Greece,
and he had
been
appointedby
tiw Oreeks theii
general,
and
bad come over to Asia to
avenge
their
wrongs
and hie own. Ochus had furnished succours lo
PerinthuB and the Thradans
againstPhilip.
II
was
through
the mschinations or the Persian
court that
I'bdip
had been murdered
;
and his
death had Inien made a
subject
uf boastful exul-
uiion in iia
public
letters. Darlua himself hod
bten tbe
accomplice
of
Bagoaa
in êtnurderof
Arses,
and bad
usurped
the throne of Persia
;
lie had endeavoured to excite the Oreeks to
war
againstMacedonia,
and bad offered suh-
BJdiea to
Sparta,
and to other
stales,which,
indeed,
had been
acceptedonly by Sparta
;
but
his
agents
bad sucoeeded in
corrupting
many
private persons,
and bad baen
incessantly
la-
booring
to disturb tbe
tranquillity
of Greece.
Hia
invasion,tberefore,
had been undertaken on
jiist grounds.
But since the
gods
had crowned
his orfflB With
victory,
none of those who bad
tmsicd themselves to his
clemeooy
hod found
reason to
regret
their ohMoe.
invited Darius himself to come U
Lord of Asia. He
might
b
pledges
of his
personalsafety,
and
might
then
ask with confidence for his
mother,wife,
and
children,
and for whatever else he conid desire.
In future he must addreaa Alexander as the
King
of
Asia,
in the
style,imM of
an
equal,
but of
a
subject,
or must
eêot
to be treated aa an enemy.
If,however,
be
disputed
hie claim to
sovereignty,
let him wait for hia
coming,
and
try
the event of another coniest. He
might
rest assured that Alexander would seek
him,
wherever he
might
be found.
At MsrathuB Alexander likewise reoeived tho
Greek
envoys
to the Persian
ooiut,
who had
been taken at DaniBBcus :
Enthyclea,
tha
Spar- tan
;
tbe
lliebaDS,ThesealiBcns,son oT Isme-
nias,
and
Bionysodorus,
who had
gainedan
Olympicprize;
and
Iphicrates,
a son of the far
moua
general
of the same name, Tbe Thebans
be
immediatelyreleased,
both in
pity
to
Thebes,
and because it seemed excusable that
men
whom be had
deprived
of their
country
abouhl
seek what aid
they
oonid obtain for themselves
and for itfrom hie enemies. The
high
birth of
Thessaliscas,
and the
Olympic victory
of Dio-
nysodoraa.also,
it is
said,weighed
with him in
their
lavour, though
he did not share tbe admi-
mtion with which
gymaaatio
feats were eom-
-lonlyregarded. Iphicrates
he retained at hia
aon
: but,
both for his
conntry'a
lake and hia
father's, always
treated him in tha moat boa-
DuraUe
manner,
and after hia death
sent
his
booea to his
fhmily
at Athena.
Euthydes,*"
a citiien of
an aTowodly
hostile
state,
who had
no petaonal
claiina
on hia
indulgenoe,
he to
a
while
kofit
in
eoninement, thol^:hnot,
it is
added,
in chains
;
and eveo him be rdeaaed
when his fortune had reaehed "
height
torn
which he
mightaafolydeapiae
sneh enemiea,
Onhisnad to Fbtenieia,
Alexander had bean
mat by Straton,am
of the
King
of
Aradna,
Oe-
rostratus,
whose
territoiy
iuundsd Marathna
and seveial other towns on
the main. Oaroa-
Iratns hhnsel/,
with allthe other Phmnkian and
Cyprian princes,was
serving
in the Persian
fleet,QDderAntjqihndatea,
Yet Stratou
brought
a
golden
orown to the
conqueror,
and surrendered
all the cities in bis father's domioions into
bis hands. As he advancaed from
Maraihus,
ByfaluBcapitulated
to him,
and
SidoD,
where
every
heart burned with hatred of
Persia,
bailed
him BB her deUverer. Thus he
proceeded
without
resistance towards
Tjie.
Aud even from
this
greatcity
he received
s deputation
on his
way,
composed
of the moat illoetrious
citizens,
among
whom was the
king'sbou, bringing
a
golden crown,
and a
present
of
proviHlons
for
the
army,
and
announcing
tjistthe
Tytians
had
resolved to
obey
all his commands.
IS that the
langoage
in which this mes-
conveyed
intimated
something as to
the limits of that obedience which the
Tyrians
willing
to
pay.
It waa not meant that it
should extend so far as
totally
to
resign
their
independence.
This Alexander
probably
understood,
and
nothing
oould
satisfy
him short of
absolute
suhmission,
snd flill
possession
of so
important
s
place.
But he met the oflhra tit
the
Tyrians
as if
they
had been made in the
sense which he
required
;
and bade the
envoys
IBO
HISTOBY
OF GREECE.
apprise
theirfellowîtizeiu that it was his intention
to cross oTer to their
island,
and offer a
"achfice to Melkart,
the Pbtenician
Hercules,
whom he chose to
insider as one with the
hero of
Argos
and Thebes. This
was, perhaps,
the least offensiTe
way
of
bringing
the malter
toan issue;
and it
obliged
the
Tyrianstospeak
their mind more plainly.They
now informed
him that in all other
points
he should find them
ready
to submit to his
pleasure,
but that
they
would not admit either a Persian or a Macedo- nian
within their walla
i
and
they begged
that
he would celebrate the sacrllice which he wished
to otTer in Old
Tyre,
which
lay
on the coast
opposite
to their
island-city,
where their
god
had
another, and, probably,
a much more ancient
sanctuary.
Alexander
indignantly
dismissed
their ambassadors,
and called a
council of his
principal
offlcera,
in which he declared bis intention
of
besieging Tyre,
and
thought
fitto explain
the reasons which rendered this undertaking
necessary,
arduous as it was. He ob-
"erred Uiat itwould be unsafe to invade
Egypt
"0 longM
the Persians commanded the
sea,
and tlMt to adTane" into the
in,terior against
UariDS,
while
Tyre
rnnained neutral or vacil- lating,
and while
Cypms
and
Egypt
were in the
enemy'shanda,
would be to let the war he tians-
ftrradto Greece,
where
Sparta
was openly
hostile,
and Athens
only
withheld from the avowal
of her
enmityby
fear. On the other
hand,
tbe
reduction of
Tyre
would be attended with the
Bubmissiun of all Phtenicia,
and the Phteniciau
fleet,
the
strength
of the Persian
navy,
would
Boon
pass
over to the
power
which
possessed
tbe cities
by
which ithad been
equipped,
and to
which the crews belonged.Cypms
would then
speedilyfkll,
and there would be no farther obstacle
to the
conquest
of
Egypt. They might
then set out for
Babylon,leaving
all secure on
tbe side of
Greece,
and with the
proud
consciousness
that
they
had
already
severed all
the
[trovinces
west of the
Euphrates
from tbe
Persian
Empire.
The motives which indoeed Alexander to
undertake the
siege
of
Tyre
are more evident
than those which led the
Tynans
to
defy
bis
power,
after so
many
of the other Phcenician
cities bad submitted to him. We
cannot,
indeed,
be
Borpnsed
that
they
should not have
been
more willing
than the
people
of
Aspendus
to admit tbe Maoedonians within their walls
;
but
still,
it was
probablysomethingvery
different
from an instinctive love of
independence
that animated tbem to resistance. The main
ground
of their condncc seems to have been
more in the nature
of a commercial calculation
of
expediency.
The issue of the contest between
Alexander and Darius was stilldoubt- ful
; notwithstanding
his
pastsoocess,
the Mace- donian
conqueror might
meet tbe fate of the
younger Cyrus
in some futun fieldof battle.
If the Peraians should ever recoret Uieir lost
proviocea. Tyre might
look forward to the re-
missioo of her
tribute,
the extension of her territory,
and other rewards of her
fidelity shown,
as it would have
been,at so
perilous
a
juncture.
Perhaps
she
even
indulged
a
hope
that
she
might
have the
glory
of
arresting
the invader's
progress,
and of
givinga decisive turn to
tbe war in favour of Darius, In
any esse,
the
T^rianabelieved their
cttyto be
impregnableso
long
as
they
were
superior
st
sea,
and
they
did
not
anticipate
tbe manner in which tbe state of
affairs,
in tbia
respect,
was soon to be
changed.
It is
highlyprobable"though
the fact is not
mentioned
by Arrian,
who touches
very slightly
on tbeir motives " that
they
were
encouraged
by promises
of succour from tbeir
powerful
colony
Carthage,*
which
assiduouslykept
up
her
connexion with her
parent cityby periodical
embassies and
piousofferings.Siill,
it seems
that there was a numerous
party
within whicb
disapproved
of this
policy;
for we are informed
that
many
of the citii^nst dreamed that
Apollo
"
whoBeBtatae, parlof
the
spoilsofGela,ttbey
had received from the
Carthaginians
" had declared
to them that he was about to leave the
city.
And itwas
thoughtnecessary,
either for
the
purpose
of
detaining
the
god,
or of
quieting
the
popularuneasiness,to
adopt
an
expedient
similar to that which
many years
before had
been
employedby
the
Epheeians
in a like emer-
gencyf"
-to fasten the statue of
Apollo,who was
denounced as a friend of Alexander,li
by
a
golden
chain to the altar of Melkait. On the other
band,
Alexander Bcems to have
thought
it
prudent
to raise the
spirits
of his
troopsby
asau-
raneea of divine
assistance,
in an
enteiprise
which
appeared
to
surpass
human
ability.He,
too,
related that he had seen Hen:ules,
in
a
dream,taking
him
by
the
hand,
and
leading
bim
within the walls of his
city;
a
sign,
ss Aria-
tander
intennetedit,
of
suocess, though
in a
Herculean labour.
An
ordinaryconqueror might,indeed,
himself
have needed such assurances lo
encourage
him,
when he was about to attack a
placeso
prepared
for defence as
Tyre
at this time
was,
both
by
nalnre
and art. Tbe island on which tbe
city
stood was separated
fnm the main
by
a channel
half a mile
broad,throughwhich,
in
rough
weather,
the sea rushed with
great
violence.
Tbia strait
waa,
indeed,
shallow
on tbe side of
the Phmnician
coaat,
but near the island became
three fathoms
deep.
Tbe
walls,
which rose
from the
edge
of tbe
cliffs, were 160 feet
high
on the land
side,
and
composed
of
huge
blo^
of
stone,
cemented with mortar. Tbe
citywaa
abrnidaoily
stocked with
provisions
and
mditary
sieres,
contained a number of
copiousaprings,
was filledwith an IndustriooB and
intelligent
popnlation, e^tert
in all the arts of naval wu-
fore,
and
posenssed
IDecbaniats and
engineers
not inferior,
it
seems,
to
any
that were lo be
found in tbe Macedonian
camp. Though
the
greater part
of the
Tyrian
fleet was absent in
the PersisB
Bervice,
there stillremsined a sufficient
number of
galleys
of
war,
and of smaUei
craft,
boU) for the defence of the hartMiur*" for
there were two, one on the
norih,
the other
on
the south side ofthe island" and fbf the
annoyance
of the
enemy.
Alexander bad no naval force which be could
immediatelyoppose
to this. Hie
plan
was soon
formed : he resolved to
carry
a
causeway
through
the
channel,
and when it had reached
the foot of the
walls,
to batter tbem from it
with bis
engines.
To
provide
materiala for the
work,
he demolished the
remainingbuildings
of
"""i.,l"W. tBwnl. L
"""'^"!"*'"*C-?(^";lc
SIEGE OP TYRE.
1"1
Old
Tjre.
Tbe foregU of LibanUB foroisbsd
an
ample supply
of tini1"er.The real
diAcalty
of the
undertaking
was not
perceived
uatil the
dam had been carried halT
w"y
acrosa the water
;
for BO
long
the
depth
iâa
trifling,
Ihe
piles
and
stones were
easily
sunk and
firmly
fixed in the
muddy bottom,
and tbe work was carried on
without hioderance. But
as the
depth
increased,
while the work itselfbecame more and more
laborious and
difficult,
it was at the saê time
exposed
to all the
inlerruptiona
which the besieged
could devise to retard its
proj^ress.
It
DOW caiae within reach af tbe misaileg which
tbey discharged
from the
top
or the walls
;
and
Ihe
Tyrian galleys,taking
their station at a
short
distance,incessantlyannoyed
the workmen,
who were not armed to sustain these
Attacks.
Alexander, hawever, ordered two
wooden towers to be erected near the
extremity
of the
ntole,
covered with
bides,
and surmoont-
ed with
engines,
so as both to shelter the work-
men and to
repel
the assailants. The
Tyrians
DOW
prepared
a more formidable mode of attach.
A horse
transport
was filledwith
dry
twigs
and other
combustibles, over which
they
poured pitch
aod brimstone. In the fore
part
an additional
space
was enclosed,so as to form
s
huge
baaket for the
reception
of these materials,
in the midst of which were fixed two
masts,
which at the end of Ifaeii
yard-armssupported
two caldrons filled with an inflammable
liquid.
Tbe stem was raised
high
above the water
by
means of ballast
heaped
near tbe stem. The
besieged, having
waited for a favourable
breeze,
towed the
ship
behind two
galleys
towards the
mole, and.
when it
cai"e near,
set it on fire,
and,
seconded
by
the
wind,ran it io on the end
a( theniole between the towers. The flames
soon
caught
them; bat Ihe
conSagratioa
did
sot reach its full
height
until the
masts
gave
way,
and
discharged
the
contents of the caldrons
on the
blaiingpile.
To render it the
more
eSectual,
the men on board the
galleys,
from a conveqient distance,
plied
the
towers
with their
arrows,
so as to defeat
every attempt
that was made to
extinguish
the fire, A shoal
of boats now came off ^m
the harbours filled
with
people,
who soon tore
up
the
piles,
and set
fire to all the machines which had
not been
overtaken
by
Ihe flames of the
burningship.
The ruin of the work which had cost so much
time and labour was
completed
in a few hours.
Alexander, however, was not disheartened
: lie
|BVe
orders that a new mole should be
begun,
of
greater
breadth,so as to be
capable
of receiving
more towers,
and that new
engines
sbonid be constructed. But as he now became
aware that,
without some naval force to
oppose
to the
Tyrians,
he should find the difficul-
tieaof the
siegeinsurmountable,
he
repaired
in
petsoD
to Sidon,
with a detaohmenl of
light
troops,
to collect as
many galleys
as he could.
Here he found himself
already
in
possession
of
one of the
advantages
which he had
expected
from the reduction of
Tyre, which,
accruing
earlier than he had
hoped,proved
the main in-
ilniment of his success.
Gprostratus, king
of
Aradus,
and
Enylus
of
Bfbiiis, as soon as
they
heard that he had become
master of itieir
cities, quitted
the Persian
Seel,
wii{i
their
squadrons,
and with a
part
of the
Sidonian
galleys,
so that Alexander was Joined
I
at Sidon
by eighty
sail of Phceaician
ships.
I
About the same time came in ten from
Rbodes,
'
as
many
from
Lycia,
three from Soli and Mel- ius,
and his own victorious
captain,Proteas,
from
Macedonia;
and these were fallowed not
long
after
by
the
Cypriotprinces
with ISO
gal-
leys.
He had now an armament of
nearly
SSO
sail at bis orders. While it went
througha
course of
training
for a
sea-fight,
and while tbe
macbinea were in
pre|)aration,
he made an excursion,
with some
squadrons
of horse and
a
body
of
lighttn"ops,
into the
range
of Anti-
Li
banus,
and
having
reduced the mountaineers
to
submission,
within eleven
days
returned
to
Sidon,where he founds re-enforcement of 4000
Greek
soldiers,
who had been
broughtby
Cle-
ander from
Peloponnesus.
He then set
îl(or
l^re
in line of
battle,himself,as on
shore,
commanding
the
rigblwing,
and Cratorus the
left. The
Tyrians,
it
seems,
expected
bis
approach,
and were
prepared
to meet him
;
but
they
had not heard of the arrivalof tbe Phmoi-
cian and
Cypriangalleys, which, perhaps,they
rather
hoped
to have seen on their
own
side
;
and.
when
they
saw the numbers which be
brought
with
him, tbey gave up
all
hope
of
resistance,
and
only
used their
galleys
to block
up
the mouths of their harbours.
Alexander,
ên
he came
up,
found tbe northern harbour
too well secured to be attacked,
though
he sunk
three of the
enemy's ealleyswhioh
were moored
on the
outside,
and
captured
one which wa"
consecrated to the
totelary god.
Tbe next
day,
be stationed the
Cypriots,
under the coomiand
of
Andromacbus,near the entrance of this harbour,
and the Ptusnicians near the
other,
in the
same
quarter
where his own tent was pitched.
In the mean whde the mole had been restored,
and was
actively
carried forward : mechan- ists
bad been collected in
great
numbers from
Phienicia and
Cyprus,
and had constructed
abundance of
engines,
which were
planted,
some on the
mole,
others on
transports
and the
heavier
galleys.
These
vessels,
at first,
found
the
approachvery
much
impeded by
a bed of
atones which the
besieged
bad carried out into
the sea from the foot of the cliSs
;
and tbe attempts
which tbe Macedonians made to remove
this obstacle were for some time thwarted
by
the
dexterity
and boldness of the
Tyriandivers,
who cut the cables of the
ships
which were anchored
for the
purpose
of
drawing
up
the stones.
Chain cables
were,
at
length,
substituted,
and
the
passage
was then
rapidly
cleared
by
machines,
which raised the stones out of their
bed,
andhurledthemiatotbedeep
water. The walls
were
now
assailed
by
the
engines
on
every
side,
and the contest
grew
closer and hotter
than it had ever been.
Every
contrivance that
ingenuity, quickenedby fear,
could
suggest,
was
tried
by
the
besieged
to ward offtbese attacks.
Very famoua,
in
particular,
was
one,
which is out
the less credible because Arrian's authors seemed
Io have
passed
itover in silence" Ihe invention
of shields filledwith heated
sand,
which
they
were made to
discharge
ui tbe assailants,
and
which, penetrating
between their armour
and their skin, inflicted indescribable tortures.
Still, the means
of attack
keptgrowingon
the resources
of defence.
Dejectionbegan
to spread
within the walls
;
and there were some who
proposed
Io renew a horrid
rite,
which had
long
19S HISTORY OF GREECE.
ftUen into dimse " the wcrifioe of
a
bo;'
or
good
bjnilftoMolocb,
It doe* honour to the
T^rian
KOvemmeDt,
that it did
not either humour this
bloodj"upeiatitlon,
or
gireway
to
despatr
;
it
was polit^,
perhaps
" to check all
tboagbta
of
capitnlation"
rather than
ferocity
that ioduced
it to execute its Macedonian
prisoaera
on the
top
or the
waUs,
and to cast their
bodies,
in the
light
or the
besiegera,
into the
aea
;*
but it di.
rected the
eDeTg7
of tb"
people
to betWr
expedients.
It made a
Tigoroasattempt
to
aurprise
the
Cyprianaqnadron
stationed near the north-
em hHtbour,
and woold have
gained
a
complete
fictoryOTer
it
;
but
Alexander,
having
received
timely
notice of the
sally,
sailed
round,
nnob-
aerred,
turned tbe fortune of the
day,
and Bunk
or took most of the
enemy's ships.
AH
hopes
from oflenaLTe mcBBures were crushed
by
this
blow
;
the
safety
of tbe
citynow rested
chieSy
in tbe
strength
of its walls.
Even
these,
after several fruitless
attempts
had been made in other
quarters,began
to
give
way
on the sOulh side
;
and a breach was
opened,
which Alexander
tried,but did
not
find im-
mediatelypracticable.
Three
days after,
however,
when a calm fiivour"d tbe
approach
of
the
vessels,
he
gave
orders for a
general
attack.
It
was to be made on
allsides
at
once,
to
distract the attentioQ of the
besieged;
and tbe
ieet
was at the same time to sail
vp
to both
the
harbours,
in the
hope
that in the midst of
tbe tnmult it
might
force
an entrance into
one
of tbem. But the main assault
was to be directed
against
the breach that had been
already
formed. The vessels which bore the
engines
were first
brought
up
to
playupon
it,and,
when
it had been
sufficiently wideoeil,were followed
by
two
galleys,
with
landing-boaida
and the
men
who
were to momit tt. One
waa commanded
by Admetne,
and
waa
filledwHh
troops
of tbe
guard,
and in this
Alexander
himself
embarked. The other bore a detaebment of
the
phalanrbelonging
to the dlTision commanded
by
Ctenns. Admelua and his
men were (he
firstto eSeei a
landing,
animated
by
the immediate
preaence
oftheir
king,who,
after he had
paused a
while to observe and animate the exertions
of his
warriors,
himself mounted the
breach. When the Macedonians bad once
gained
a Srro
footing,
the iasne of the
conflict, not-
withstanding
the
desperate
resistance of the
besieged,
did not
long
remain doubtliil. Ad-
metna, indeed,
who led the
way,
was slain
;
but Alexander soon made himself
master of two
towers and the
interveningcurtain,through
which the
troops
from the other vessel
poured
in after
him,
and he then advanced
along
the
walls lo the
royal palace,
which stood
on Ihe
highestground,
that he
might
descend from it
with the
greater
ease into the heart of (he
city.
The
Tyrians.seeing
the wall
taken,
abandoned
their
fortifications,
and collected their forces
in one of the
publicplaces,
where
theygallant- ly
made head
against
their assailants. But, in
the mean
while,both the harbours had been
forced,
their
ships
aonk or
driven
ashore,
and
*the
besiegBrt
landed to
join
their comrades in
the
city.
It
soon became
a scene of unresisted
carnage
and
plunder. Tbe Macedonians,
exasperatedby
the
length
and labours of the
"i. H. CuliWiit., S
siege,
which bad lasted
seven
months,
and
by
the execution of their
comrsdei,sparedsane
that fell into their hands. The
kiiig,
whom the
Greeks call
Azelmicus,
trith the
principal
in-
habitanta and some Carthaginianenvoys
who
had been sent with the usual
oflbrings to
Mel-
kaK,
took
refltge
in bis
sanctuary ;
and these
alone, according
to Arriau, were
exemiited
from the common lot of death or
aiaveir.
It
was an act of
clemency, by
which the
conquer- or
at the same time
displayed
his
piety
to the
god.
Of tbe
rest,
8000
perishedin the first
slaughter,
and
30,000,including
a number of
foreignresidents,
were sold as slaTea,
But,
if
we
may
believe Curtius,IS,(KM
wero
rescued
by
tbe
Sidonians,
who first hid tbem in tbeir
galleys,
and afterward
transported
them to Si-
don, not,
it
must
be
presumed,
without Alex- ander's
connivance or consent.
It sounds incredible that he aboold have ordered
SDOO of tbe
prisoners
to be
crucified,
though
he
might
have inflicted such a
punish-
ment on those who had taken the
leadingpart
in the
butchery
of the Macedonians
;
but,
af-
ter the
king
and tbe
principal
citisens had been
spared,
it is not
easy
to understand
why any
other? should have suffered on this account.
So tei\
Tyre,
the
rich,
and
beamifiil,*
and
proud,
in arts and arms the
queen
of merchant
The
conqueror
celebrated his
Ttctory
god
who had thus fhlflUed his
priHnne,
and.
though
after the labaor of so
many
months,
had
at
lengthbrought
him into his
city.
He dedicated
the
engine
which had first shattered tbe
wall,
and the sacred
galley,
in the
sanotuary
of Mdkart
Tyre
was still
occnpiedas a for-
ancient
prosperity,
whioh U
praaorred
to some
centuries under tbe shade of Uw Romaa
empire
;
and,
after "
long period
of almost Mter
desolation,
seems
again
to be UlUni
op
her
head,though
in a
very
humUe
eoMHion,
in
oOT
days.
But Alexander's
work,
which changed
her island into a
peninanla, pot
an end fbr-
ever to ber
power
and ir'~"
' " ""* '-
her atKsient
greatness.t
We do not know how far the
flelay
which
she
opposed
to the
progress
of the Maoedoniaa
anns engaged
the attention of tbe Persian
court ;
but if Darius
ever
ooncelved
any ht^s
from
it,or ever
thoughtoftakingadvantage
of
it,this can
only
hare been so
long
as his fleet
continupcl to command the sea. When it was
deserted
by
the Phmnioian and
Cypriangalleys,
he had no
longerany
means of
relieving Tyre.
unless
by
an
expedition
over land,
which
certainly
never
entered his
thoughts.
On the contrary,
before the
siege
was ended,
thoughprobably
after Alexander had been
joinedby
the
plus
of
Tjrg. th(iUBliNiii)")"r,w)"D*i"wlil
in ifw,wd
ft
naiD^
TiUa^ : In l"lfl Mr. HdcklngLtm
foaoA it t.
wall-
PHOPOSALS OF DARIUS."JERUSALEM.
Bmndrmaol
mod'hiis
hmiljr,
the
of all the
provincea
west of the
Ei)|diTat
the band of bis
daiigfaterBBnine,*
u conditiaiiB
I
.
DOW of"tti
10,000 joyfulhope
Ibat the rest of Ifae
predictioi
fulfilled
1
and while he himself ranuined Dit-
and
I
dsr the hands of his
surgeoDB,
who found tha
Blow and
difflcult,
be ordered the
enginea
of
peace
and alliance. AJexutder laid these which he had lued at the
siege
of
Tjre,
and
propcnalB
before bia a
icil,
and Panaeuio de- which be had left
theie,
to be
fetched,
and tba
0 have
answered,were
I Parmeoio.
"wn
praepects
stretched iar
beyond
the old
man's'dsairss.and the
acquiaiiion
did not
tempt
him the owre because it
inighl
be made without
"nher toil or
danger.
He
replied
in the
nme atrain aa before. The
gold
and the land
wfaieta Darius oiêred were
uread;
hia own
;
nor wimld he
aecept
a
part
of his treatnres at
hit
empire
inatead of the whole. If he chose
to
marr7
the
princesa,
he did not need her fa-
ther'a consent. If Darius desired to receive
hia
lavonis,
he most come in
person
as a
aup-
îant.
Darina was now convinced that he had
m alteraatiTe beaides submission or another
trialof
strength,
and he
apjilied
his whole attention
to his
miiitaTy preparations.
In tbe emnmer of 39S Alexander set forward
on his maiEh towards
Egypt,accompaniedby
the
fleet,
which he had
;daced
under the ordets
of
Hepbnstion.
But he was stillto be detained
i"y
anotker obstacle in
Syria,
for Darius hod
aotijeets
who ware moK faiuiful to him than be
waa to himmtf. A. eouoch naned Batla.t-who
had the command of
Gaza, near tbe southern
froDtier cd'
PaleBtine, trusting
to the
Btiength
of the
place,
which was buih on an artificial
moimd
rising
out of a sand
j
level
partly
covered
b;
tbe itmndations of the
see,
and Ibitided
with a
very hi^ Wall,having
taken a bodr of
Arabians tnto hia
pay,
and laid in a ilook of
proviaiaiw
anffieiant for a
longsiege,
laaolved
to defimd it Alexander Immediate^ erdned
enginea
to be consbncted for
an
aasauU
;
but
his
e^pnoeia
declared that
they
weve naidde
loinvctf
any
of such
power
a* to make an m"-
pieaaoa
am
walls of "uch
height.
He then or-
dend a monnd to be raised to the foot of Ae
'
widle
on the
aoaUiside,
where
they
were moM
acospeiMo,to "A"d a basis for tiismaduoea
;
and when il had reaidied a anfBcient
height
the
eagineawere bmufatnpto
boKeithem. Ales-
ander bad been
in"ced
to
keep
for
a time ont
of the reach of the
enemy's
missiles
by
his
nothsayer Aristander,
who
discovered,
from
ibe Ml of a sKme which a bird
dropped
on him
irtiilehe was
sacrificing,
chat he should take
the
iâix,
but that his own
person
waa in dan-
^.
The assault,however,
bad not
long
be-
^n
before the
besieged
made a
sally
with
lightedtoTchss,
and set fire to the
machines,
while, having
the
advantage
of the
higher
gmaiMl,they
drove the Macedonians towards
ihe
edge
of tbe tervace. Alexander no
longer
lieeded the
BOothsayer's warning,
bat hastened
up
with his
guard
to
support
them
; and,though
he could not save tbe
sngines,
forced the ene-
ny
back within their walls. Bat
during
the
combat he was wounded
by
a dart from a machine,
which
peBetTated
both
through
shield
"
Culiai, iT.,", 1
;
ud
nnUiEb, D* Alii. F"t
,
II,
B. rmUm h" SULin.
its
'
of amile.* When his
[
1 AccDTdiim
u" Joniiliu.
[deled,
and he himself was
again
able to take
the
field,
he renewed his attats both
by
batter- ing
and
undermining
tbe walls.
Thrice,ne*er-
tlieless,
the assailants were
repulsed
;
but in
tbe fourth
attempt
a
great
breach was
opened,
which enêd them to fixtheir
acaUng
laddors.
Neoptoiemua,
a relativeof the
kingby
the mother's
side,was the first wbo reached the tim :
be was foUowed
by many,
who eoon
opened
the
gatee
from within to their comrades. Yet the
besieged
still
fought
ontil
every
man was
put
to tbe sword
: the women and children
wero
Bcdd. Alexander introduced a new
pcâtioa
into the
place
ftom the
neigfabonring towns,
and used It as a fortress.
A
Jewish tradition
preservedby Josephua,t
related
that,
after the reduction of
Oaxa,
Alex- ander
again
tnmed
northward,
aod mardied to
Jerusalem,
where the
high-priest Jaddas, "om
whom he bad demanded
troops
and a
supply
of
provisions during
tbe
siege
of
Tyre,
had
ventured
lo resist his
wilt,pleading
the
loyal^
which he owed to his lawfol
sovereign,
the
Persian
king.
As he
affiroacbed
the
Ho^
City,
he was met
by
the
greaterpart
of tlie in-
hîtants in Itieirwhite
feastâyrobes,
and
by
the
priests
and
Levies,
with thd
hi^-prieatat ',
their
bead,
in theu aacerdotal vesttoenta. Tba
(aialdeaa* and Fhtenicians " ancient enemiw
to tlie Jewish nane " who
aooompanied
Alex- ander,
hoped
for leave to
phmder
the
^9,
and
to ezeente his
vengeanoe
on Uk
refiaotorjr
high-priest.
Bat Ihe
oonqueior
" like AttiJaat
the
sight
of Leo and his
clergy
"
was aUuA
with
pilous
awe
by
the
apectade,and,lo itm
surprise
ef his
attendants, was seen to adranoe
alone towards the
high-prieat,
and lo bow
as in
adoration before biro. He afterward deolwed
that sneh was the
figure
which he had seen in
a dream at Dinm,
when it bad cheered hn
with a
promise
of snccese in Ilie
enterprise
which be was then mediiktinK-
Haying
beea
thus convinced of the
power
of the
Deity
whom
Jaddus
served,he went
up
to tlie
temple
and
sacrificed
Recording
to the Jewish ritnal
;
honoured
the
priests
with munilicent
gifts,
and the
nation with
extraordinary privileges,
which be
denied to the envious and
maligiMiit
9amaii-
tana, though they pretendedaffinity
with tto
We cannot be
snrprised
that a
story
ao exactly
fitted to
please
Jewish
ears,
that the Sa- maritans,
onlychanging
the scene and
persona,
apidied
it to themseives,
should not be found
IH
HISTORY OF GREECE.
eitheT in Aniui or Curtiui. On tbe otber
liaDd,
it
ceitainl;
u
atrenge,
if tbere
Ibundation for the
story,
that no
"faould have been made
by
our best authors of
"ny
visit of AleiBnder to Jeruaalem.
ArriBn,
indeed,seems to contradict the main fact
related
by JoaephuB;
for he
Bays
that,
after the
fall of
Tyre,
all the cities of
Palestine,
Gaza,
submitted to the
conqueror.
If
eiander'B
appearance
before Jerusalem
have been a
threatening
one
;
and the motive
of his visit would seem to have been
only
the
aatis^tion of a natural
curiosity.Bnt,then,
Josepbus
must have been mistaken as to the
time of the
occurrence,
which must have
happened
either before the
siege
of Gau " as Ar- riBn
may
he
supposed
to intimate-'-or Bome
months later, in the
army's
second
passage
tiiTough
Palestine. It is difficultto decide between
these two
conjectures
;
but in other respects
the
atoi^,
notwithstanding
the silence
of the
Greeks,is
probably
well founded. The
napeet paid by
Aleundnr to the Jewish religion,
and ersD the fiction of the
dream, are
perfect^
eonafstent with his character and
policy,
if
they
do not
stamp
the substance of the
narrative with an
unquestionable
mark of truth.
It is
certain,however,
that
Syria
was left subject
to Andromachue,
who ancceedett Pat-
menio in the
government
of Damascus.
The
siege
of Qaia had
occupied,
it
seems,
three or four months
;
and it
was, perhaps,
not
before
December, 333,
that Alexander
began
his
expedition
to
Egypt.
Here he
mightsafely
reckon not
merely
on an
easy conquest,
but on
an
ardent
reception,
fhnn a
pecê
who burned
(0 (bake off tho Persian
tyruiny,
and had even
wdcomed and
mpported
tbe adventurer
Amyn-
taa. Maueee
himself,as soon as
he heard of
the battle of
Ibbub,
became aware tl
"istance to Alexander would be
useless,
and
met him with a vcduntaiy
submissiDn. At Pe-
Insium he found the
fleet, snd,having
left
a
gBrrison
in the
fortress,
ordered it to
proceed
up
the Nile as far as
Meni|riiis,
while he marched
across the desert. Near
Heliopolis
he
ercisseJ the
river,
and
joined
the fleet at Mem- phis.
Here he conciliated the
Egyptiansby
the honours which he
paid
to alltheir
gods,
especially
to
Apis,
who had been "o
cruelly
insulted
by
the Persian invaders
;
but at the
same time he exhibited a new
spectacle
to the
natives,a musical and
gymnastic contest,
for
which be had collected the most celebrated
artists fhnn all
parts
of Greece. He then em-
bai1"d,
and
dropped
down the western or Ca-
nobie arm of the river to Canobus, to
survey
the
extremity
of tbe Deitn mi that
side,and,
having
sailed roond the Lake
Hareotis,
landed
"n tiie
DBrrow
belt of low
ground
whidi
parts
h freoi the
sea,
and is Bheltered from the vio-
lenoe of ttie northern
gales,
which would otherwise
desblata and overwhelm
it,by
a
long
Tidge
of
Toek,
then
separated
tnm the main- land
bya
channel,nearly
a mile
(seven stades)
broad,
and
fbnning
the Isle of Pharos. On this
site Blood the
village
of
Racotis,where the ancient
kings
of
Egypt
had stationed a
permanent
guard to
protect
this
entrants of their dominions
ttom
adventurets,
especially Greeks,
who
might
visit it for "he sake either of
plunder
or
commerce
;
while,
for
greater
security, they
granted
the
adjacent
districtto a putorattribe;
which
regarded
all
strangers
as enemies. Al- exander's
keen
eye
was
immediately
struck
by
the
advantages
of this
position
for a
city,
which
should become
agreatemporiom
of
commerce,
and
a
hnk between the East and tbe West "
one of the
great objects
which
alreadyoccupi- ed
his mind " while it secured the
possession
of
Egypt
to his
empire,
snd
traoamitt^
the
name of its founder to distant
ages.
He immediately
gave
orders for the
beginning
of the
work,
himself traced the
ouUine,
which was
suggestedby
the natural features of the
ground
itsetr,
and marked the sites of some of the
prin-
ipalbuildings, squares, [ralaces,
and
temples.
iie
two main
streets,
which intersected each
other at
right
angles
in a
great publicplace,
one
traversing
the whole
length
of the
city,
and
forming
a aeries of
magnificent
edifices,
provided
for health and
enjoyment by
a free current
of
air,
and the inundations of the Nile secured
it from the
pernicious
elTects which
would otherwise have arisen Ihjm the
vicinity
of the lake. A
causeway
connected the ial-
and " on which, it is
said,
Alexander at fiint
thonght
of
building
the
city
" with the
main,
and divided the
intervening
basm into two
haibours,
which were
onlyjoinedtogetherby
a canal
near
either end.
By
the continual
aC'
cumnlation of sand,
this isthmus has been so
enlarged,
that it now forms the site of the modem
Alexandria.
Still,
tbere were two defects
In counteibaluice so
many advantages
of sitn-
Btion. The harbour was on both sides difficult
of
entrani*. and there was no other within
a
great
distance either on the east or the west.
This inconvenience could never be
wholy remedied,
though
the
dangerof the
approach
from
tbe sea was afterward much lessened
by
the
erection of a
magnificentbeacon-tower, on a
rock,near the eastern
point
cf
Pharos, which
threw out its
light
to the
distance,
it is
eaid,
of
nearlyIbrty
miles. The other defect
was
the want of water : and for this
ample provision
was made
by
a new canal,
branching
from
tbe Nile,
which
brought
a constant
supply
into
the cisterns over which tbe houses were built.
Yet Alexandria was ihus
placed
at the
mercy
of
every enemy
who could make himself
maa-
' ~
of the
canal,
and
deprive
it of
a main ueces-
j
of life. It was a part
of Alexander's
plan
to
people
the
city
with a mixed
colony
of
Greeks snd
Egyptians,
in which the
prejudices
races might be effaced
by
habitu^
though
Grecian arta and
manners
give
their character to the whole
:
and, therefore,
among
the
temples
of the Gre- cian
gods,
he ordered one to be founded for the
worship
of Isis.
A favourable omen iasaid to have afibrded
presage
of the
prosperity
which awaited the
sw city.
When he was about to trace tbe
course of tbe
walls,no chalk was at hand for
the
purpose,
and it was found
necessary
instead
to make use of
flour,
which
soon attracted
a
large
flock of birds from alt sides to de-
t. Aristander " who
was never at a losa
istrued this incident
as a
sign
of the
which the
city
should
enjoj
and dif- fuse.
That, indeed,
probably
far exceeded its
founder's most
sanguine hopes;
but still less
could he have foreseen
or calculated allthe el-
OASIS OF AMMON.
I"
"neotB (rf*a new intelleetaillife which were
to be there combined,
and the influence which
itwas to exert over the
opiniona
and condition
of a
great part
of the world.
He wa" Btillthus
engaged
when
HegelochoB
"nired with the news that the Peraiana had
been
dislodged
from the last twlds of their
power
in the
"gean.
Tenedoe had reTolted
tram them as aoon u it became eure of Mace- donian
protection.
At Chioa the deuiociaCiual
party
had risen
against
the
government
estab-
lisbed
by
the Peraian
aatrapa,
and had laken
Phamabania himself
priaoner
-,
and aoon after
AiiatonicuB,the
tyrant
of
Methjmna, having
sailed into the
haiboui,
before he had heard of
the recent
revolution,
with some
pirateshipa,
feD into their handa. The crewa were all
put
to death
;
he
himself,together
with the oli-
gaiehicalleadei^nho
had
betrayed
tbe
city
to
the Peraiana, were aent to Alexander to re-
oeive his sentence.
Milylene,too,
where Cha- res,
tbe Athenian
general,
conunanded the
gar.-
riaon, bad been forced to
capitulate,
and the
whole of LeaboB had been recovered.
Hegel-
ochaa bad likewise leftbis
coUeagae,Amphot-
enu,
in
poMesaioD
of
Coa,
wlu"ji
the island-
era had
melj
aiirreiideied. There Phaniaba-
xna bad made bia
eacape
;
but he had
brought
Ute Mber
priaonera
with
him,
among
whom,
beaideB
AriBtonicus,
were several
tyrants
who
had ruled nnder Peraian
patronage.
These
Alexander abandoned to the
mercy
of the citiee
which
tbey
had
governed,
and
they
allsofl'ered
a eroA
death;
tbe Chuins,as both enemies
and
traitors,
he sent under a
strong guard
to a
wretched exile in the
atifliog
island
prison
of
Etephaotiae.
He
was now "m tbe confines of
Egypt
and
Ijbya.
In the
region
which
lay
net
many
days'
march to the
west, as some Greek
legendstold,
Hercules and Pereeua had
puraued
their mar-
velkws
adventures;both, it was believed,
had
coosnlted the oracle of Anunon in the heart of
the
Libyan
wilderness. Alexander
may
have
been deairous of
emnlating
Ihe achierements
of his two heroic aoceators
; or,
if be had not
heard of
them, might
stillhave been attracted
by
the
celebrity
of the
oracle,
and
by
tbe diflj-
eoliy
of
reaching
it. That he
was impelledby
corioaity
about
Its
anawera ie
very
doubtful
;
but itis
highlyprobable
that be did not overlook
ibe
advantage
which he
might
derive from
them.
luwerer
tbey might ran,
and the
mysterious
dignity
with which the
expedition
itaelf
might
invent him in the
eyes
of his
subjects.If,
however,
to these motives for the
enterprise
it
should be
thou^t neceaaary
to add
any
others
of a more intelligible policy,
it
might
be coa-
jsetared
that be also wished to
impressCyrent
"ith
respect
for hia
power,
and
to show that ever
ber aeclnded situation did iwt
place
her
beyond
tbe reach of bis arms. It
may,
at least,
be
pre-
nmed that this was one of the
grounds
which
indnoed him to take the road
along
the
coaat,
to the Oasis of the
temple
of Ammon. Acoord-
mgly,
on hia march to Panetonium be was met
it
abioat
midway by envoys
from
Cyreoe,
who
Imxight
a crown and other
magnificent
pres-
enis
; among
the
rest,some of the
prodnctiona
far which their
country
was most famed^300
war-horses and five chariots.
Tbey
are said to
have
reqosated
him to honour them with his
presence ;
and, if
they
wished to
escape
a
visit.
It waa
certainly safer,as the
examples
oT
Tyre
and
Aspendoa
had abown, to invite than to
deprecate
it. Alter a march of about 300 miles
along
the coast "
perhapsnearly
as far as the
eastern frontier of the
territory
of
Tripoli " ha
appeara
to have taken the direction towards the
aoDlheast,
which leada,in five or six
days
for a
private
caravan,
to the Oaaia. It
was
now,
Ua
the first
time,
that the Macedonians becsme
acquainted
with the face of the
Libyandesen,
its
pathlesssands,
naked
rocks,
burningsky,
and
delusive
images.
That the
journey
should haTS
fumisbed numberless atorieu for the entertaia-
ment of the
camp may easily
be
auîosed.
It
is more difficultto understand how
Alexander
could have been at a lose for
guides
well acquainted
with the
way, as both.
Ptolemy
atid
Arisiobuius
represented ; thoiigh
the one related
that the
perplexity
of the wanderers was n-
lieved
by
two
greatserpents,
wbich
pointedoat
the track,
and were beard even when
they
cooU
not be seen
;
tbe other described two ravens ""
perfonning
the same office. Whether these at*
mere fictions of an idle
fancy,
or cover aoiM
fact which we are not able to ascertain,it is
hardly
worth while to
inquire.'
That the
BnnT
was refreshed with the
extraordina:?
oocnr-
rence of. a shower of rain,
in which it saw a
manifeat
interposition
of the
gods,
cannot raa"
sonably
be doubted. At
length
it deacendel
safely
into the
green,
well-watered,
and
richly-
cultivated
valley,where,
imbosomed in thi"A
woods, stood,
within tbe same enclosure,
tha
palace
of tbe ancient
priestly kings,and,
doe*
by,
the
temple
orAranian.
It was a visit auoh as Ammon had
probably
never before
received,
and the
prieata,
no doubt,
did their
utmoat, both to welcome the
royalpil- grim
with doe
honours, and to
impress
him
with the
highest
veneration for their oracle. Jt
waa
not,
it
aeema,
always
in the
temple
'itself
that answers were
given.
The
god
chose tbn
place
of his revelattona for himself Hia visibto
symbol,
a round disk formed of
preeioasstones,]-
was
placed
in a
goldenship,
from
which,
oa
each
side,hong
sacred vessela of
sdver;
bdA
borne on the shoulders of
eightypdesta,
atteod-
cd
by
a train of
virgins
and matrona.
who
""""
companied
the
procesaion
with sacred
chant%
in whicb
tbey Im^doreda
propitious
and
oertaif
answer, according
to the seeret
impoiss
of-HiB
deity
whicb directed their
steps. By
such
t
procession
Alexander seems to have been
met,
as he
approached
at the head of bis
army,
atri
to have been condncted into the
temple,
wbeis
his
questiona were answered
by
the chief
priesL
What tbeae
questions
and answers were
wn,
pertiaps,
never known to
any
but the InMrioea-
tors. It
is,indeed,
in itself
by
no
means Im- probable
that the
priest
saluted him
as " ban
of divine
origin,
and
promised
him the
empiiv
of the world
;
the address would
not have beea
IM
HISTORY OF GREECE.
nore flittering,
nor
the
pr(q)hBoybolder,
than
tke Greek
ortcles,
which were lesa safe from
expoanre,
had Bomelimes ventured
on.
But it
Ib well atteBled tbat Alexander did
not, at least
at the time,
discloae what he had heard
j
but
merely
dedaied to hia followers thai he had re-
oeived aiieh inawerB as he had
desired,
and
"bowed his satisfaction
by
bis
oBerings
and do-
Ai^tobnlns,
perhapti, onlyexpressed
himself
eajeleasly
when he said that the
army
retamed
b))
Ibe same ronte
;
we cannot hesitate to
prefer
Ptolemy'sstatement,
that it took the direct
road to
Memphis ;
unless, indeed, we
should
adopt
a
anpposilicn
which
might
render the
two accoDDts more
consistent
:
that Alexander
struck
across
the desert in a third direction,
irtiich loads
directly
to the Lake Mareotis.* At
Memphis
he receiTed re-enforcements which
bod been sent to tiim
by Antipater.
and embas-
aies to
present congratulatioiis
or
petitions
from
"everal states of Greece
; among
them,
it
seems,
MO
which
brcnght a
golden crown,
that had
been decreed
by
a
congress
assembled at the
iMbmas on the occasion of the Isthmian
games.
it
DOW
only
remained for him to settle tlie mode
"f administration
by
which
Egypt
was to be
fovemed
in his absence. It
was
his
object
at
once to
gain
the
good-will
of the
Egyptians,
and
to seoare a
)m)vince
so
important,
and
so ea-
"itydefended, Irom the smbition of bis
own
officiTS. The
system
which he eslablisbed
"erred,
in
some
potnta,
as a
model for the
policy
of Rome nnderUie
emperors.
He retained the
ancient diatribution of the
conntry
into the districts
called
nomei,
and
not
onlypenniUed
them
to
be still
goveniedby
the native
magistrates,
the
mrntrtlu,
hot
iriB("d
them ^ under tbe
an-
thority
of two
Egyptians
;
one
of them afterward
rawgned
his
offioe,
and the whole deTOlved
"n
hii
coUeagne.
But
garrisoas
were
statiooed
at
Memphis
and
Pelusiuin,
commanded
by
two
Maoedouiana
;
atid
a body
of mercenaries
was
plaoed
onder the orders of
an
jEtcUan named
liyddaa,
wbowta faimaelfoontrtdled
tpfa
Maee-
.doaian
Bommisaary
and two
Inspectors.
The
^Kaintty oa
Uw
wostem
side of tbe Delta
"
d
to
the eara
of
Apolloi
-tte
east,
utrntxin Arabia, to Cleomenea, an
Egyptian
GreA of Naucratls,
%vho afterward
*'ÎF" unhappily
celebrated fbr hie
rapacity
and financial
strslagerae
-, and he was
appotnt-
led to reeeiTB the tribute oriiected
bj
the
tsm-
SiarobB,
Imt with ordsrs
not to alter that
ar-
"aageoaent.
Still, an
army
was
left under the
oominaBd'of Peocestes and
Balacrus,
and afleet
oader tiut of Polemo. Tbe mnttial
jealonsy
of
tbase officers
was a
sofflcient
pledge
for their
loyalty.
IntteapriDgof
3Slbe set out
from
Memphis
on
his tctam to Pbanicis. At
Tyre
he (bund
his fleet
arrived,
and celebrated another sacrifice
to
Melkart,
and receiTed
an embassy
whicli
had been
brought
over from Athens in the Par-
alns. Jts chief
object was to
obtain tbe re-
-Is^se
of the Athenian
piiaoners
taken
at
the battle
of the Gianlcus
;
and this Alexander now
granted,
with several other
teqaests
which
weK
urged by
the
crew
of the
Paralns,
v
panied
the
envoys
in
a
body.
The a
which
came
from
Peloponnesus
indicaied that
it
was
threatened with
a
commotion
through
the restlessness of
Sparta :
and
Amphotenie
was
ordered
to
lead
a
squadron
to the aid of tbe
Pefoponneaians
who were well aSbcCed towards
the Macedonian
interest,
and the war with Per- sia,
and to recover
Crete from the
Spartans.
A new
fleet of 100 sail
was
ordered to be fitted
out in tbe
ports
of Phtcnicia and
Cyprus
to follow
and re-enfijroe
Amphotems.
whether
on
this occasion Alexander visited Jerusalem is
douUliil
:
but it
seems
that be niad" an expedition
into Samaria to
punish
the
Samaritaoa,
who "
goaded,perhaps,by
illtreatment " had
revolted
against
Andromachus,
had taken him
prisoner,
end birmed him sUve. On Alezan-
der's
apjMTMch,
the authors
orthis
atrocity
were
delivered
up
to him,
and
tranquillity
waa restored.
He then
began
his march towards the
Enphrates,
and before the end of
Augnat
arrived
at
Thapsacns.
A
body
of
troops
bad been sent
forward
to
throw a
bridge
across
the river. Two bad been
begun,
but not
carried
qnhe over,
because Ma-
zcus,
a Persian otSoer,
who had been intrustad
by
Darius witb the defence of the
passage,
waa
posted
with about 8000
cavalry,
two thirds
Greeks." on
the other aide. As
soon, however,
as he heard that Alexander was
app-oacbiog,
MazKus, whose force
seems, indeed, so
small
that itcould
hardly
have been maant to
diepate
the
passage,
but rather to observe the
memy^s
movements, retired,
and tbe
bridges
were
lia-
ished without
inlerTUptian,
When be had
eroea-
ed the
river,
Alexander did not follow Aa route
which
Cyrus
had taken
through
the
MssopMa-
mian dcaert.bat directed his march towards
tbe
northeast,Uirough
a ooontry
which aSbrded
a more
abundant
supply
of food Ibr
man
aad
beast,
and where the
army
had less
to
enffer
tVom the heat of tbe smmner.
On tbe road
some
Peiaian acoats
f^ into Ua bands,
from
whom he teamed Itaat Darius,
wM aa amy
ftr
gieatN
tbui be bad betoe
broogbt
into tbe
field, lay
on
tbe left bank of tiie
Tigris,prepatsd
to
guard
the
passage against
htm. He
now
advanced
at
fidlsDMd lawarda Uie
TlgTis;
but
when he reached
it,
tbtind neitlwr Darin* Unt-
B^nor
any
hostile force,
and Eiet
with
no
other
obstacle in the
crossing
than the
rafsdityaf
the stream. On the leftbank he
gave
his
tnMpe
a few
days'
rest after their forced
niareh,dating
which there ocourrad an
eclipee
of the moon.
Arislander
expounded
it as a
sign
that,
during
i that
month,
the Persian
monarchy
waa
destined
to lose its
power
and
glory;
and when AJevan-
der sacrificed to the
moon,
tbe
sun,
and the
earth, as the
powers
which eonourred to
produce
tbe
portent,
the Tictims
were
found to announce
a victory.
He then marched southward
along
the river, and four
days
after bis reoon-
noiteringpartiesbrought
word that
a
body
""f
r'^sTihinki riiaipily
rip,hi
j,ia6tfifi;i
ii
OAUGAMELA. 197
âTalI7was in
aigbt.
He
nnmedjatelj
drew
ip
his
annj
in order of battle
;
btit, beingpres-
"ntly
isfonaed that the
enemy's cavaliy
then
n
sigbt
did not
appear
to exceed 1000
men,
he
lUshed forward with a
few
squadrons
of his
iwn to meet them.
TTiey
fled at
his
approach,
lut some were overtaken,
and slain or made
irisonera. From these he learned that
Daries,
rith his whole
army,
was
encamped
at no
great
The Persian
king
had
employed
(he
long
in-
erral allowed hiiu
by
Alexander's
operations
iller the battle of Issue lo collect the remain-
ng
strength
of bis
empire,
and he had assem-
lied a host with
which,
if
superiority
of num-
lers could have ensured
success,
he
might
easonably
hare
hoped
to crush his
adversary.
[ was also
composed,
fbrthe most
part,
of more
varlike
troope.
.The
division nhich was most
omiidable,
both fornumbers and martial
quah-
jes,
eoasisted of the
hardy
tribes which inhab-
ted the
plains
on the eastern side of the Cas- pian,
and the
valleys
above Cahul,on the borders
if India.
They
were led
by Bessus,
the
pow-
!rriil
satrap
of Bactria
;
and he was also followed
by a body
of
horse-bowmen,
fumisbed
by
the
BacK,
who wandered in the
valleys
eest of
rransoxiana, and,thoughthey
did not acknowledge
bis
anthorily,willingly joined
hint as aHies
for the sake of
pay
and
plunder.
All the
provinces
between the
Caspian
Sea and the Persian
Gulf,
and from
Syria
and
Cappadocia
Co Ibe :
fnoantains west of the
Indus,
bad
poured
forth
,
iheir choicest warriors. The whole amount
was stated
by
some aathora at a million of foot
and
40,000
horse : this
may
be a
great exaggeration,
but itwas
probably
reduced as moch too
low l^those who reckoned no more than
900,000
infantry.
There
were,
besides,500
scythed
chariots and fifteen
elephantsbrought
from Ibe
'
west of India. With this host Dsrins had encamped
in one of the wide
ptains
between the
Tigris
and the mountains of
Kurdistan,near the
Bumodns, a
tributary
of the
Lycus,
and a village
named
Gangamela (the
camel's
house*),
which should have
given
its name to the battle
foughtnear it,
but was
forced,througha ca-
prii:e,
of which we have
many examples,
to
surrender this distinction to the town of
Arbeia,
which
lay
more than
twenty
miles
ofT,
where
Darius had left his
baggage
and his treasure.
He had been
persuadedby
his eourtiera that his
defeat at Issus was
entirely owing
to the disadvantage
of the
ground,
and he
had,therefore,
rhosen
a fieldon which he
mightfullydisplay
liis
forces,
and where the
enemy
would have
'leithersea nor
mountains to cover his flanks
;
And he had ordered a
large
tract of the
iâin
to
"" cleared and levelled for the evolntions of his
cavalry
and chariots.
Alexander,having
ascertahied the
enemy's
posture,gave
his
army
fonr
days'repose
befbre
he
advanced,
and fortifiedhis
camp ;
intending
to leavs the
invalids,
As
prieoDers,
and the
greater
part
of Ote
baggage
behind him
there.
HiH
HjmmM,
*kHB a" "ml lud It "
that his
troopsmight
march to battlewithout
any nnneeessary
encumbrance. He then set
out Boaa alter
midnight,
that he
iQight
come
up
with the
enemy
by daybreak.
Some hillocks
intercepted
the view of the Persian
camp
nntil'
he had
approached
within three or IVwr miles
of it. He then looked down
upon
the
plain
in
which the
mighty
host was drawn
up
in battle
array.
The centre was
occupied,as usual,
by
Darius
himself,
surrounded
by
his
horse-guard
of a thousand noUe Persians,who were honoured
with the titleof the
royal
kinsmen,
by
the
foot-guard,
which was
distinguished by
the
golden
knobs of its
lances,
nnd
by some other picked
troops.
Behind it was
posteda deep
mass
composed
of
Uiians, Qabyionisns.
and some
adjacent
tribes. In front of the
royal
station
were
ranged
the
elephants
and
lifty
of (he war
chariots;
butoneitherside wasa
bodyofGreck
mercenaries, according
to
Cnrlius, 60,000,*
who
were esteemed the
onlytroopscapable
of withstanding
the Macedonian
phalanx.
At the extremity
of the left
wing,
whirti it was known
wonld be
opposed
to Alexander
hiraself,
who
always
took his station in the
right,were
placed
the Baetrian and
Scythiancxvaln',
with a hundred
chariots
;
on the
right
that of Armenia and
Cappadocia,
which seems lo have stood next to
them in
repntalion,
with
fifty
of the chariots.
The forces of the other nations were drawn
up
successively,
horse and foot
together.
As soon SB he came within
sight
of the
enemy,
Alexander halted and calleda council of
war,
to
propose
the
question
whether he should immediately
oflbrbattle. Most of his officerswished
him to
engage
wilhotit
delay
;
but Parmenio
advised him to
eticamp
on the
spot,and,
befors
he advanced,to
explore
the
ground
on all
sides,
to ascertain that no snares had been laid for
the
cavalry,
and to obtain a more distinct view
of the
enemy's preparations,
Alexander
adapted
this
advice,
and
spent
the rest of the
day
in
riding
over the fleldwith his
cavalryguard
and
a
part
of the
tight
inbntTv, On his
return,
he
again
assembled his
officers,
and addressed
them with a few words of exhortation
; not,
he
said,
so much because he deemed it
necessary
for their own
encouragement
"
they
had
already
given
sufficient
proofs
of
valour,and needed no
incitement " but that
they might
convey
his
words to the divisions under their conunand.
It was to be remembered thst
they
were now
about to
fight, not for the
possession
of
Syria,
or
Phtenicia,
or
Egypt,
bat fbr the entire dominion
of Asia. With such a
prize
before
them,
ih^
had
chiefly
to
urge
the
necessity
of the
strictest
order,
and the utmost
harmony
in every
movement
;
that the silence of the march
must be
deep,
the shoutt and the
war-song
at
the onset
loud and fearful The officers thent-
selves ranst be alert both to receive and oont"
mdnicate their orders. The
universal
feeliof
should
be,
that the issue
dependedon the
manner
in which each man did his
Autf.
When the
king
had retired to Us
tent,
Par- menio
came to him,
it is
said^
with another
jwopoeal: to attaek the Peruan
aitay
in the
r
li*
rf^vK, vUcli iHHUiin unml Ub Ika M"nr
"roaM ut ka aUt to
Mud, Flu.,
R al 1.,
Ap,.
Aln., H.
It "!""" ta han bm " MuhIikiui mtd, IboBBk ttsis
"sic
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"igbt.
Alexaader decl"rcd that he would not
"leal a
victory;
be muat
conquer
openly,
and
fay
a fair trialof
strength.
He could not have
keen
satisfied,
nor could
any victory
have been
deemed decisive,
until he had extorted from
the
vanquished
a confessiun of their
inferiority.
A noctumxl attack
would, as Arriau
observea,
have
exposed
him to the risk of an
ignoble
disaster,
and its
suecoas,
however
complele,
waulil Iwve aUbrded but an
imperfecttriumph.
There was more of
cunning
than ofwigdom in
Parmenio'a
project
;
and Alexander's
reply
"bowed no less
prudence
than
magnanimitj.
He
probably
felt as secure of
victory
as before
the battle of Issus. M'hen his
generals
eame
to his tent the next mominR at
daybreak
to receive
his
orders,they
found him stillin a
profound
sleep,Parmenio,
itis
said,was at
length
Obliged
to rouse him,
and
expressed
bis surprise
that the
king
should have
slept
as well,at
so
critical a
juncture,
as if he bad
justgained
the
victory.
Is itnot as
good
as a
victory,
h as
the
answer,
to have overtaken the
enemy!
His order of battle was. in
general,
similar to
that which he had
adopted
on former
occasioi^s,
from which he never deviated without some
peculiargrounds.
The
phalanx occupied
the
centre in six divisions with the
hypasptsts,
and
the Macedonian
cavalry
under Philotas in tbe
right,
where Alexaoder commanded in
person ;
on tbe left were the Tbessalian
cavahy
and
that of the other allies
;
on this side.Cratenie
eommanded the foot under Fanuenio. Some
bght troops, archers, and dartmen were
posted
ia front oflhe Macedonian
cavalry,
with a
view,
more
particularly,
to ward off the attack of the
chariots. But on this occasion Alexander
thought
it
necessary
to
guardby
a new
precaution
against
the imminent
danger
with which
he was threatened of
being taken in the rear.
For this
purpose
he formed
a second
line,composed
of
some brigades
of the
phalanx
in the
ceotre,'
with a
part
of the
lighttroops,
the
FKonian
cavalry
tmder Aietaa and
Aristo,
and
the
mercenaries,
horse and
foot,
under Meoi-
dag and
Cleander,on the
right,
and on tbe left
the Thracian
infantry
under Sitalcaa" another
division had been left to
guard
the
camp
and
the
prisaners-ûppoiled by
three bodies of
eavuiT,
OdryBJaps,
mercenaries,
and aUies.
Tbe Mnect of tlua
arrangeinent
was to comi'
teract uie preponilerance of the
enemy's
maos-
ea, by
the
rapidmovements of these
lighttroops
in
any
direction in which an
attempt might
be
made to attack the flanks or the rear of the
nain
body
of tbe Macedonian
army.
His whole
force,according
to
Arrian,
amounted to no
more than
40,000
foot and 7000 hoise.t
fntauit.
Hi Ihinki it
pntalilaihu thi P"sn iniT ma
"Bt H nuivgu "" at Im, bKHiH tkan bulloM ban """
lose s UiH lor
"wrmhliin
iL Bal tha lariiiii ik" HMan
"uwi bHl
prati^r
bHB l"|iiut""fMan tha IbK bit-
tojj
or bitbuiaa aaiUiuiaa in hii
aiiiT,
aad Ihu tha He-
"od lua ma
duafl/csmpoHd et than. B" Iha
ail|'
an-
It
was a maxim of Peraian warfare
never ta
encamp
within such a distance of an
enemy
"s
to be
exposed
to the
danger
of
surprise
in the
night;
and
Darius,apprehensive
of such an attack
as Parmenio was said to have
suggested,
had ordered his whole
army
to remain all
night
under arms in order of battle, A bad
prepare
tion,
both of
body
and mind, for the
approaching
combat. The
kiivg, indeed,
issaid to have
passed
along
the line
during
the
nightby
torch- light,
cheerizig
his
troops by
his
presence
and
his words. Yet the
morning
found them not
only
wearied
by
want of
sleep,
but
dispirited
by
the
longanticipation
of the
deadlystruggle.
As the two armies drew near to each
otlwr,
Alexander saw
himselT with tbe extreme
squadrons
of his
rightwing,
in front oflhe Persian
centre,
outflanked
by
the whole
length
of the
enemy's
left
wing.
He
advanced,therefore,by
an
oblique
movement towards the
right,
and
continued stillto move forward in the
same
direction
alter the
Scythiancavalry
had
beguit
to
charge
those which were posted
in front of
his line. The tract which had been cleared
and levelled for the
operations
of the chariots
did not extend much farther on this side
;
he
had
nearly
reached its
limits,when
Darius,
fearing
that this
arm,
on which he
placedgreat
reliance,
would became
useless,
ordered the
Scythian
and Bactrian
cavalry,
which were stationed
in advance of tbe
rest,to wheel round
and take the
enemy
in flank. Alexander first
sent Menidas with the
mercenary squadrons
to
meet this
attack,
and then
seeing
him nearly
overpoweredby auperiornumbers,
ordered
Ariston and his
Pa:anian9,
with Cleander's infantry,
to
support
him. On tbe other
band,
the
rest of the
Scythian
and Bactrian
cavalry
advanced
to the aid of their
comrades,
when
they
began
to
give way,
and a warm
engagement
ensued,
in which the Macedonians with
great
difficulty
maintained their
ground
;
for their
antagonists
were not inferior in
courage,
and
botb men aod borses were clad in armour. It
seems to have been
by
the skilland
precision
of their movements that the Greeks were enabled
firstto sustain their
charge,
and then to
rout them. At the same time the chariots
were set in motion
against
tbe
phalanx.
Da- rius
bad
hoped
that
they
would throw it into
confhsion,
and thus break the flrmeat
part
of
the
enemy's
line
-,
bat
tbey
were met
midway
by
tbe
lighttroops
which had been directed to
watch them. Most of them
were
stopped
or
turned back
by
the loss of their
drivers,
and
those which reached the
phalanxpassed
baiTD-
lesslythrough
the
avenues which it
opened
fbr
then],
and Uien were
easily
secured.
In the mean while the main
body
of the Per- sian
army
was
advancing,
and was near
coming
into action
;
its left
wing
stillstretched far beyond
the head of Alexander's
column, and aa-
"SU"'^
"'"""P'
f""
^^"J^;
îiiSi
IT,thu tb* MuvdHiau
BATTLE OF GAUGAHELA.--THE PURSUIT. IM
"ther
bodr
of
eavabr'
made a moTement
vith the
design
of
taking
him in the rear.
Ac
as was stillin TeBeire with bis
light
horse
he second
line,
and Alexander cow ordered
lim to
charge
these SBsailauts. Another di-
"ision or the Persian
eavalrj
which waa
post-
d Dearer to the centre now
quilted
the ranke
o
join
in the combat with Aretaa. Their
novement left an
opening
in the Persian
tine,
vhich,as Alexander
inatanlly perceived,
aflbrd-
d an
opportunity
for a deciaire attack. He
lunediately
formed his Macedoojan
oaTslr?
ato a
pointed colanm,
and
charging
into the
acant
space,
soon
began
to make havoc
among
be ranks
on hia
left,
which stood between bim
nd Dariua.
Shortlyafter,
the
phalanxcame
:p
and
began
to
preaa
the
enemy
in front with
he irresistible
weight
of their
brieiling
sarissaa.
The
Persians,
and
even their Qrêk mercena-
ies,were unable to withstand the double shock.
"isorder and constemation soon
spreadthrough
heir left
wing,
and Darius aaw the
danger
ap-
TOaching
hia own
person. It,no
doabi,
reali-
ed his secret
forebodings,
and it
appears
that
nd
eager courser,"
made his
way through
the
olumn in the
rear,
and was some miles on the
oad lo
Arbela,
while a
part
of his
troops
were
till
engaged,
and
not withoat a
prospect
of
For,thongb
the left
wing
was soon
utterly
iroken,especially
after Aretaa had
put
the en-
my'a cavalry
to
flight,
the battle seemed for a
"hile to be
taking
a diflferenttnm in other
arts of the field. The Armenian and
Cappa-
locian
caTalry,
on the
enlremity
of the Per-
ian
right,
had turned the left
wing of the Ms-
edonians,
and
began greatly
to distress Par-
nenio. The first
consequence
of their
partial
vccesB
was,
that two divisions on the left of
be
phalanx,
those of Siramias and
Craterns,
rere restrained from
advancing
wilb the rest
0
support
Aleiander's
charge,
and a wide
ireach was thos
opened
in the Macedonian
ine. This
was observed
by
the commanders
"tlhe Indian and Persian
cavalry,
which occu- lted
the centre
immediately
in front of
Dariua,
md
they
directed a Airious
chargethrough
the
Didat of the
phalanx.
But instead of
joining
n the attack on the Macedonian
left,which,
"ad it been thus
snpported,would, perhaps,
lave
put
it
completely
to the
rout,they
did not
*op
until
they
had reached the
camp
on the
lelghbonring heights,
where the Thracians
*ere
keeping
very negligentguard,and,
in im-
igined
security,
were
moslly
unarmed.
They
vDuld have been the less able to defend
iE,as
'he
prisoners, who were
numerous,
took
part
to
:be
almost of their
power
with the
assailants,
ifthe
two divisions of
heavy infantry
in the
''^cond
line, changing
their
front,
had not come
"P to their
relief, and, falling on the Persians
u
theywere busied with
plunder,
killed
many,
xdA
put the rest to
flight.
It
miglit
have
seemed
natural that an
attempt
should have been
"f^^
to rescue the
royalcaptives;
but Ar-
nan'a silence leaves us in some doubt whether
""ey had
not been left behind at the fortified
*wnp.
Yet some authors related that
Sisy-
gambis
reftised to
fly.
The
qneen
" the awat
bsautifol woman in Asia " bad died not
looj
after the battle of Issua in childbed.
Darina,
it is
said,
heard at the
same time of his
loss,
and of the noble treatment and the
magnificent
burial which she had received from tlie
conqueror
;
and, thongb
at first incredulous and
suspicious,
when he was at
length
satisfied
by
the
report
of a faithful
slave,
lifted
up
his bauds
to
heaven,
and
prayed
to
Uromasdes,
that ifhis
kingdom
was to
pass
from
himself,
it
might
be
transferred to Alexander.
Alexander was recalled fhmi the
pursuit
of
the routed Persians and of Darius
by
a message
from
Parmeoio, requestingsuccour,
and
immediatelyhastened,though,
as
may
easily
be
supposed,
very
reluctantly,
with the
cavalry
of his
guard,
towards that
part
of the field.*
But in hia
way
he encountered the
ftigitivea
who bad been
dislodged
from the
camp,
and
who, finding
themselves
intercepted,
made a
furious eflbrt to break
through.
TttB combat
was close and hot.
Sixty
of the Macedonians
fell,
and
Hephteation
and two other
generals
wounded. The loss
on the other side
no
doubt,
much
greater
;
but a
part
of the
Persians forced their
passage through,
and escaped.
Alexander,as he was
coming up
to his
left
wing,
learned that the
gallant
exertions of
the Thessalian
cavalry
had
already
delivered
Parmenio from his
danger; though
their vieto-
ry
was
probablyowing,
in a
great measure,
to
the
dismay
which seised the Persians when
they
beard of their
king'sllighl, especially
as a
report
seems to have
prevailed
of his death.
The rout waa now
complete
in
every part
of
the
field,
and Alexander
again
set out in
par-
suit of Darius, He continued it
as long
as the
lightlasted,
and then halted to rest the men
and horses till
midnight
on the left banks of
the
Lycns (the
Greater
Zab),
while Parmenio
took
possession
of the Persian
camp.
The
{ossage
of the
Lycus
had been more destrae-
tive to the
fugitives
than the swoida of their
pursuers.
The
bridge
was soon bk"cked
up
try
the numbers who made for it as
their
only
nt-
uge.
and the
rest,
in Mind
terror,cast
fheni'
selves into the
rapidstream, and,
encmnbered
with their
armoar,
strove in vain to reach tiie
opposite
bank. At
midnight,
Alexander
m-
somed his
pursuit
of
Darius,
whom be
hoped
to overtalie at Aihela.
There, indeed,
he found
the whole of the
royal
treasure and
baggage;
but Darius himself had continued hia
flight
without
intermiaaion,accompaniedby
the Bae-
trian
cavalry
and a
part
of his
guards,
and
by
about 2C00 Greek
soldiers,
who had
joined
him
1 He had bent his oourse over the
towards the
capital
of Media : "
by
which it waa
scarcelypracticable to
follow him wilb an
army.
Knowing
so littleas we do of the nomben
which Darius
brought
into the field
on this
eventful
day,we can as little
rely
on
any
of
the statements which we find as to the amount
I.,IS,
wilh
"t/agh
Afj
mcnl 1
Alan
tt with llw nnuut ilut Ttrmvao
m]
900
HISTORY OF
GREECE.
of hislMB. But it ia Hmswhat
sdntnauig
that
Arrian,
whose
Judgment
in other
points
is
usually
BO clear,
should have
related,
in a manner
wbicb
betrays
no doubt,
that the Persian
slain amounted to 300,000,
and the
ptiuinera
to
a
still
greater
number,
while the Macedonians
lost ooâbout 100 men.*
This
day, however,
decided the contest,
though
tb'e
escape
of Darius
disappointed one
of the
conqueror's
most cherished
hopes.
Al- exander
was not so
eager
to secure
the
peraon
of Darius
as to
neglect
the more
important
Auits of his
Tictoi7
which
lay
before him in the
southern
provinces
of the
empire
: the
possession
of the
capitals
which contained the im-
raeoae treasures that had been
piledup by
the
Persian
lungs
for
many
generations.
These
might
have been
exposea
to
danger,
if the
news
^^8
own
approach
hod not quickly
followed
that of the battle which
put
an end to tho
aa-
tliority
of the ancient
government.
He thero-
fore
postponed
the
pursuit
of
Darius,
and con-
tinoeo bu march towards
Babjlon.
He had
been
prepared
to
expect resistance,
since Ma-
ssus
hod taken
refuge
there after the battle.
But at DO
great
distance Irom the
city
he was
met
by
the whole
population,
with the
priests
and
magistrates,
and Mazicus himself,
aM Ba-
K^"hane8,
the commander of the
citadel, at their
head, bringing
rich
presents,
and
surrendering
the
city,
Uia
citadel,
and all the treasures it
coatained. Thtis attended,the
conqueror
made
Ms
triumphalentry,
the
army
following
his
chariot, throu^
streets strewed with
flowers,
and lined wiiH silver altars
smidcing
with in-
,
censs,
amid the
songs
of the
priests.Babylon
had never been
welTafibctad
to the
dynasty
of
the
AehBiuenids,
and bad auflbred much from
their
resentment. Xerxes,
in
a
fitof
despotic
Ctqirica.
or instigated by
his
Magians,
had
per- secuted
the
religion
of the Cbaldsans,
and had
polled
down the
temple
of
Belus,
and others,
which had never alterward been restored,but
ramaioed,
in tbeir ruina,monuments of the
tyr-
Kiiny
of the
government,
and motives of animosity
to the
peojJe.
Alexander here found
himself in
a
positionvery
like that which had
been bo
advantageousto him in
Egypt,
and he
made
an
equallyjuUiciuus
use of it.
One of
bis first
Dieaauies,
after he entered the
city, was
to
give
orders ibr the
rebuilding
of the demolished
temples;
and to
place
himself under the
direction of the ChaJdBaPS for the
purpose
of
Bacrificiog
in the most
acceptable
manner to
fielua. At the
same
time,
he
provided
for the
security
of the
capitalby
a
distribution of
powers
accordingto the maxim which the Persian
liings
had once
adopted,
but too often
neglected.
He
appointed
Maueus
satrtip
of
Babylon,
and
ApollodoniB
of
Amphipolis
to command the
Jbrces which he left with him,
but committed
the citadeland the
garrison
" 700 Macedonians
Urd 300 Greeks " to
Agathon,
and
charged
As-
deniodoraswith tbs collection of the tribute.
The
army
was
permitted to
revel for some
timet in the
enjoymentswhich the most splendid
and
voluptuous
of Eastern cities offered in
prafusian
to the bewildered
senses
of tlie
rough
aoldien of the
North,who,
innrad froai itieir'
childhood to
poverty
and
bardship,
foond tham-
selves
suddenlytransported
into Ibe
lap
of
ease
and
luxury.
Alexander
probably
considered this
as a reward due to the
fatigues
which
they
had
latelyundergone
to
place
him on the throne of
the
East;
and he added
a donative from the
treasures of
Babyloa,
wbicb must have amotint'
ed to several thousand talents.
Perhaps
he believed
that this short taste of
pleasure
woold
serve to animate them under the tods and dangers
which
they
had stillto encounter in the remoter
and wilder
regions
of
Asia,by
the
remembrance
of the
delights
which awaited them "m
tbeir return. Nor,
in
fact,
under such
a
leader,
was much
danger
to be
apprehended
from the
efl^t of Ibis
sojourn
un the habits of the common
soldier
;
more
might
be feared from the
change
it was
likely
to make in the views and
characlers of their
chiefs,
who now saw themselves
raised to almoat
inlnoelyrank,
in the
possession
of boundless
wealth,
and somnnded
with allthe instruments of aeosnal
gratifioattOD
the most refined and
intoxicating.
To Alsx-
ander
himself,however,
this interr^
was not
one of indolent
repose ; perhaps
not much
longer
than was
necessary
for
transacting
the various
aftairswhich bad been
accumulating durinc
bis march from the coast of
Syria. BabylaB
itselfwas
chiefly interesting
to
him,
as
he
probably,
at the first
sight
of
it,
oonceived the design
of
making
it the
capital
of his
empire
: a
purpose
for which it
was manifestly adapted
beyond
any
of the other
great
cities of the
EaM,
not BO much
by
the inexbaostible
fertility
"tfita
territory, or
by
the
stren^h
of its
walls,
and the
magnificence
of its
buildings,* as by
tfaeadvan- tages
of its
position,
its
comparativevicinity to
Europe,
and its
mora
immediate cosBexioa
with the
sea,
which " as be
may already
have
divined"
opened
a
passage
to
India,
the remote
goal
of his ambition.
It was about the middle of November when
he set out for 8uaa. Rich as
Babylon was,
its
treasures were
small in
comparison
with
those which were known to have been amassed
in the
palace
at Susa;
and it
had, therefore,
been his lirst
care,
as soon as he
gave up
the
pursuit
of
Darius,to
despatch
one of bis
oSijers,
named
Philoxenua,
to make himself master of
tbem. On Ins road he met a courier,
whoia
Philoxenus bad sent with the
agreeabletidings
that the
satrap
Abulites had surrendered Susa
without
resistance,
and that the whtde of the
treasure was in safe
custody.
In
twenty days
alter bis
departure
from
Babylon
he arrived at
Suaa. The sum which he Ibund here aiDount-
ed to 40.000 talents of uncoined
gold
and
silver,
and 0000 in the
goldpieces
called Darics. The
value of the other
parts
of the
royal
hoard
may
be,
in some
degree,
estimated from the
fact,
tbat
among
the
property
of
Bagoas,
whieh hn
bestowed on
Parmenio,was a
wardrobe wortii
1000 talents. At Suaa had been
preaerved
the
spoils
which Xerxes had carried off from
Greece
; among
them,
the brazen statues oT
HarmodiuB and
Aristogeilon
:
Alexander now
sent them back to Athens,
where Anian
saw
them in the Ceramicns.
Soon after his srrival he received tbe
roren*
foreements which be bad been
expecting
from
"
Btnia,
n" f. to,
TaA.
8USA." THE PERSIAN GATES.
Ennipe. Ttef were oonaDctsd
by Amyntaa,
Km
of
AndnneDes,
and coosiated of 6000 foot
md 600 hoTM from
Macedooia,
8500 Thrscian
ifotand 600
ttOTse,
and WOO
foot,
with SW)
horse,
rom
FelopouDeBus.
The
general
was accom-
laoied
bj SU\j
aoUe Maeedoniaii
^routbs,
to
erve as the
king'spages.
He also
brought
a
ireseat to the
king
fnjm his eistera
;
some ar-
icles of
drees,
the vrork of their own hands
:
"oployiikcat which,
Alezaader now lesTned,
ESS deeiDed
degradingby
the Persian ladies.'
lut
AmynUa was,
it
aeems,
also the bearer of
mportant
news Jrom Greene.
Threatening
lavements had taken
placB
in
PelopODnesos
nder the Influence of
Sparta;
and
Antipaier,
tiough
he was
obliged
to eend bis leTiea to the
noj,
was
preparing
fM a war at hmne. Alez-
Bder DOir sent Henes down to the coast of the
(editerranean, to take the
goTerniuent
of
Syria,
'hiEaicia,
and
Cilicis,
wil^
3000
talenta, part
i which was to be tranamitted to
Antfpater,
ad the rest to be
employed
in the
ooUeeting
of
resh
troope,
which were
cootiDnallj reqoirad
0 lillthe
place
of tboae which were left as
gar-
iaona, or
in
oeoapation
of the
itewlj-eonqnered
ountnea. The airiTal of ttiere-enfarcemenla
nder
Amyntaa
enabled him lo reward the mcM
eseivJagorhis
old soldieiswith
military
eom-
nande : be "coma te hare institnteda new snb-
.ivisionof the
cavalry
in order to
mnhiply
the
lUmber of the
officer*,
and to have
departed
ram the ancient
usage, according
to which,
heywere
always
taken from the distriet which
iiroiahed the
troops,
and to have thrown all
lacee
open
1" merit.t He rewarded Aboliles
rith the
aotrapy
of
SosiuiB,
but
appointed.
irchelaue
general
of its
forcea,
and
Maianii,
aotbet
Macedonian,
eooimaDder of the citadel.
rhen,
having
celebrated the
aeqnisitioa
of Suaa
"ithaacrificM and
games,
leavingSiaygambia
nd
heTgrandcbildrBainibepdaoeoftlwiraa-
estora,
he took the road to
Persepolls, the still
"ate ameient seat
of tite
Aob"meniite,
where
Iteyruled,not aa
conquerors,
but
as heads of
tieir
own nation. Between Uie
plains
of Su-
iana and those of Uie
proper
Peraia liesa mouul-
linous
region,
then inhabited
by
the
Uiiana,
Fho
were in
possession
of a de"le
throogh
vbich the
high
road
passed.
The VHan
mouot-
lineera " for a
part
cultivated the
plain"were
1
poar
bat
hardy race,
which had
never been
'Ubdued;
and the
great king,
when he trar-
illeAfrom his Feieian to bis Susian
capital,
had
"^B'ays been
obligedto
pay
the tribute which
heydemanded. When Alexander entered their
DUQlry,they
sent to inform him that he would
'01 be
permitted
lo
pass
the defile without the
's"id
acknowtedgment.
The Persian
kingshad,
Tobably,
disguised
the weakness
betrayedby
'heir
compliance
with the name of moaidcence
;
JUt
Alexander saw it in its
true Ugbt,
and he
iad
never
yet
wonapasNgab^
any
insUumeal
"nt the
sword.
Stîpresaing
hia
indignation,
be
""e the Uxians meet bin at the
pans,
and le-
-eivetheir dues.
But,
ia the neao
while,set-
iiagout
by Tright
with his
gnard
aad other
piokr
^"A"
duiiuVluil
ia Situu [Bitnptu'ol'
Cnniw},
""ntu
hiri.)njoiud lb*
amf
"t bSÎb
""rati.
h"ri.
Vol.
II.-
ed
troopi,
in dl aboDt
8000,
be stnidc
iîto
a
rugged
track which led into the heart of the
mountaitis,
and the next
morning
fell
suddenly
on the Uxian
villagea,
which he laid
waste,
driving
off the flooka and
herds,
which formed
the chief wealth of the nativsa.and
putting
all
wbo fellinto his hands to the aword. He then
lellCisteius to take
posscssioa
of the
heights,
to which he
expected
the
enemy
would
retreat,
and himself hastened forward to seize the
paas.
The
Uiians, who bad levied all their foicea to
receive the tribute,when
they
eune
up,
found
the Macedonian
anny
posted
on the
strong
ground
in which
they
had
placed
their whole
confidence.
Ilioughthey
were, probably,
far
superior
in
numbera, they
did not venture lo
try
their
strength,
but
immediately
look lo
flight.
Many
were overtaken
by
their
pursuers,
oi^n
perished
among
the
precipices ;
bat a stiU
greater
nnmber,
flying
to the
mountains,
fellinto the
handa of Craterua. The rest sent a
supidiant
enri"asBy
to Alexander
: their
leader,Madates,
bad married a niece of
Siayganîa,
and the
qaeen
mother was induced,
it ia
said,
to intercede
for them.
They
were
permitted
to retais
their
laud,subject
to a
yearly
tribute of
horses,
sheep,
and cattle.
Between the Uxian
defile, or,
as itwas
called,
the Gates of
Sosie,
and
Peraepolis,
ttwro
were two routes, a shorter one over a aucoea-
sion of
lofty, thicjtly-
wooded
mountains,
and aii
easier one over the lower
ground.
This last
was the
royal
road : the
other,at all times difficult,
and in winter
hardlypassable.
Both were
terminated
by
the Persian
Gates,a
pass
still
mare arduous than the
last,
and
occupiedby
a
much more formidable
enemy ;
for here Ario-
baizanes,
the
satrap
of Persia " faithful to his
master,
or ambllious of
itidepeodence
" had intrenched
himself with an
army
of
40,000
fo"t
and
/OOliorse, on the
heights
which encloee the
defile,
and behind a
wall which he had built
across it. Alexander sent Paimenio with the
baggage,
the Thessalian
cavalry,
the merce"
nanea,
and allied
troops,*by
the lower
road,
while he
himself,
with the Macedonian
infantry,
the
cavalry
of the
guard,
and a
part
of the
light
troops,
crossed the
mountaina,
and
encamped
pass.
The next
day
be
made an
attempt
to
penetrateit,
but found the
enetny'Bpositiontoo
strong
to be
forced,
and
was ohhgcd
lo retire to his
camp,
not
without
loss from their
missiles,
and from the stones
which were rolled down on the heads of the as-
saiUnts. His
perplexity
was relieved
by soma
of his
prlBoners, or, according
to another account,
by
a
shepherd,
a
Lycian by birth,
who
offered to
point
out a
way
over the
mountains,
by
which he might
descend on the
enemy's
rear. He now left
Craterua,
with two brigades
of the
infantry,
and a small
body
of
cavalry
asd
bowinen,
in the
camp,
ordering
him to
keep
i^
a
great
nnmber of firesto deceive the
PeraJsns.
i"IS)" AntaslHn
iKduH. tb """ Ihu Panntius
tmopB
BantioDAl in tu
i"zt,
Hid with
Ihu Panntiui
.. ..
___,
uu,
nd iiithtU the Miti lu"i7-
unwd
(ltt"AX" na
rrfariiiiant Bfi'^'
^Xiuim
frn),ud
T"t tMm, UtU Aluudv ui^ wiA Un *fitli*
Hwdcniu ia"otTT"thit it.On
(ihikiu,
th*
lart
oC O*
'
WH Bun kHTilr-HBtd
thu
uj
itkar. S"
td Pumana "" avl with Uu
limT-Hiwt
*b*
I tnis, ud naitlwr uvluu h sstiBic lb"
.C.ooqIc
HISTORY OF GREECE.
aod M soon B9 be ahoaid hear ths
stgnil
of tbi
tmmpets,
whicib were lo announce tbe kinz'i
arrival at tbe
oppoaite
end of ihe
paaa,
to cnaki
an
attempt
to storm tbe naU. He btmself.with
fiMT
bri^dea
of tbe
infantrf
and tbe remainder
of Die
cavalry
and
lighttroope,
followed his
foidea
over the
mounlains, where,
in
many
places,
tbe enow had been drifted to a
great
depth.
At the end of about
eight
milea he di-
Tided hie
forces,
and sent three
brigades,
under
Amyntaa, Philolaa.and
CnnUB,
into tbe
plain.
to throw a
bridgeover a river which croaaed
the road to
Peraepolia,*
He
himself,
with the
brigade
of
Ferdiccaa,
the
hypaapists,
aome
"qnadrons
of
horse,
and the
UghteBt
of the bowmen,
turned to Ibe
ri^t,along
a Btillmore
rugged
path,
which led to the defile. Before
daybreak
he bad reached the Persian
outposts.
Al
the Itrstbe
pot
all the men to the sword. From
the second a few
escaped,
and atiD
more th"m
Ihe
third;
bnt all were bo
panic-struck,
thai
Ibej
fled into the
mountains,
and none
appriied
Ariobananes of the
enemy's approach.
With
the Urat dawn of
day,having
left
Ptolemy
with
9000 men on one of the
heights
above (he Per- sian
camp,
he
appeared
before it below. The
blast of the
cnimpeta
first
gave
notice of his
presence
both to the aatonished
enemy
and to
Craterus,who,
when he heard the
expected
signal, immediately
led his
men to attack the
wall. The
Persians,thua threatened on three
sides,
loat all
self-possession,
abandoned their
fbrtiScations
to Craterua and
Ptolemy,
and
thoughtonly
of
flight.
The
greater part
were
out to
pieces,
or
perished
among
the
precipices.
Ariobananes,
with a lew
horaemen,
made his
escape
into Ihe mountains.
After a short
rest,
Alexander advanced
the
plain
to
rejoin
hie
generals,
who had
by
this
time
completed
the
bridge,and,having
crossed
the
river,proceededby
forced marches towards
Persepolis.
Hie
speedwas
qoieltened by
a letter
which he received
on the road from Tirida-
lea,
the
governor
of the
city, offering
lo surrender
the
treasures,
but
eipresaing
his fears that
he should not be able
long
to
preserve
it from
plunder. As he
approached
the
capital,
he is
"aid
to have been met
by
a multitude of
Greeks,
who had been
transported,
it
aeems,
from Asia
Minort " for what oflfence is not recorded" and
had been
barbarouslymutilated. The fact it-
Mlf, though
omitted
by Arrian,
and used
by
other writers as a
topic
for a rhetorical
ejer-
cise.
is consistent
enough
with Persian
usages
to be
perfectly credible,
and
perhaps
had some
connexion with the events that followed
;
for
Alexander,though
he met with no
resistance,
and found the treasure untouched, permitted
fatasoldiera to
plunder
the
cily,t
which
seems
to have
Burpasaed
both
Babylon
and
Soaa, ib
well in the
opulence
of its inhabiianta as in ths
hoanls of tbe crown.
This had been the
princi-
pal
reservoir "
perbape
because the
pruviuos
was deemed the most secure from invasion"
into which the trlbate of the Eaat had Bowed
from the
beginning
of Ihe
monarehy.
Tike
amount of the
royal
treasure is estimated at
ISOiOOO
talents" a sum which the
anthors,
who
felt themselves constrained to
reportit,
could
not
helpacknowledging
to be almost ina"dible
;
and
yet
we have no reason to
suspect
that it
has been
ver?
much
exaggerated.
It seems to
have been one of the state maxima of the Per*
aian
kings
to draw as littleas
possible
from this
pile
of wealth
;
and it was
probably
their
pride
to be continually
augmenting
it. Tbe
expeoaes
of the conrt and
army,
as
tbey
were
chiefly
defrayed
by
a
system
of
purveyance,
did not require
any greatoutlay
of
money;*
and we have
seen that,oa some oecaaiODS,tbe most
important
preparations were
aDowed to remain
long
suspended,
because the means
of
ptosBctitiiig
them could not he obtained from the
court ;t
while tribute was
rigidly
exacted from tbe satraps,
even for
parts
of their
prDviocea
which
were but
nominallysutqect
to
them,
and which
yielded
no revenue.
t
The
sight
of the mntilaled
Oreeks,
which
must have excited
feelings
of vehement reaent-
ment in the
army, may
have contributed lo inspire
Alexander with ttie
thought
that it became
him to
appear,
in this ancient seat of the
Achaemeuids, as the
avenger
of the
injuries
which,
in tbe
days
of their
prosperity, tiiey
bad
inflicted on Greece,
and more
especially
on
Athens,
and thus to
discbarge
tiie coromiasion
which be had received fram the
congress at
Corinth. Yet there
may
have been aome
ground
for the
story,
which
appears
to have been
more
commonly received,
that he was not in full
poe-
seaaion a( his
judgment when,
in
spite
ofPar-
menio's remonstrances " who
begged
him to
consider that he was about to
spoil
taia
own
property,
and that it would
aeem aa if ba did
not mean to retain hia
conqneata,
and had
only
come to rifleand
ravage
tbe lands
through
which
he
passed
" he set fire with his
own hands to
the
royalâce. Many
tt his
admirera,no
doubt,thought
hia
memory
diaboDoored
by
tbe
tale
that,
at a
banquetgivenby
one of hia
gea-
erats,
when the
gneots
were heated with
wine,
an Athenian courtesan
suêated
the
thought
of this" as she
might naturidly deem it"
glori-
revcDge,
and that tbe
king,starting up
in a
hair-sportive, half-passionate mood,
led the
way,
and hurled the firsttorch into that
magniflcent
and venerable
pile.
But Arrian seems to have
perceived
that such a
sally,
in a convivial mo-
,
would have
betrayed
less weakness than
Ibe deliberate
purpose
of
an act so iMrbaroos
and useless. And
if,ss Plutarcti
asseita,
it
admitted on allhands that he soon
repent-
f the deed, and ordered the
conflagration
to
be
stopped
" that he afterward
regrettedit,
Ar-
himself
observes^
" we ahould be at a loaa
to reconcile auch
levity
with the character
which he
displayed
whenever it was ikot dia~
guisedby intemperance.
"
" (S."Mm
n *" mU M lh"
,
i.,
1
p.
m, IW.
tVal.n.,r.n.
TOMB OP CYRUS." PURSUIT OF DARIUS.
SOS
This Tiolence,if it was the resnlt of aober
leflcctian,
would niso haT" been somewhat
Utange\j
contrasted witli (he reverence which
be stowed for the tomb of
Cynis,
which he visited
at
Paaargadc,
a
city
not far to the southeast
of
Persepolis, built,
it is
said,by
the founder
of tbe
monarchy,
as " monument of his vic-
1017
OTST
Aslyages.* There,
in the midst of
the
paH(,
was a small
lower, containing
his
jolden
coffin
restingoq a
bier,
a table covered
with
drinkingvessels,
tapestry,
and
carpels,
and dresses of
Babylonianworkmanship,
and
jewelledomameDla,
and anns. On the outside
was an
insciiplion
in Persian
characters,
which
declared to whom the
sepulchrebelonged,
and
claimed
respect
for the remeins of the
King
of
Asia. Within the same enclosure waa the
dweQiog
of a
Magian family,which,
ever since
the
leigD
of
Cambyses,
had been
cliarged
with
the care of the tomb. Alexander, when he
came to
Pasargadc.
ordered Aristobuliis to enter
the
Bepulchralchamber, to
inspect
ita condition,
and
repairany injury
which its oroa-
menls
might
have suBered in the course of
time. The
palace
of
Paaargada
also (sontained
a treasure of 6000
talents,
which he carried
Arrian
gives
no bint that Alexander
designed
to
punish
the
people
of Perais for the acts of its
ancient
kings
otherwise than
by
the
conflagra-
tioD of the
palace ;
and it is
veiy
doubtful that
the
pluQdenng
of the
capital
was
premeditated
;
the
disposition
which bad been shown to seize
tbe treasure
might sufficiently account for it.
He
seems to have
respected
national
feelings,
when be
appointedPlirasaortes, son of Khe-
omithreB,satrap
of the
province, though
he left
Tiiidales in the office which he had before
heldit
and intrusted the citadel of
Persepolis
to a Greek.
Thus, in about three
years
and a half aAer
be bad crossed the
Heilespoot,
Alexander had
brokeo the
military
force of the Persian
Empire,
bad made himself
nuster of its richest
provinces,
had sealed himself
on the throne of
^riiis.
His
conquest, indeed, waa not yet complete
;
his rival
not
jet
in his
power.
But he
might
lajrlyaaanme the titleof
King
of
Asia,as
ithad
been home bv
Cyiua
and his successors. What
remained to be done
was,
not so much to assert
bis claim t" it with the
aword,
aa to lake
pos-
srasiOB oC iha test of his dominions
CHAPTER U.
Ama the battle of
Gaugamela,
Darius had
taken the road to Ecbatana. This ancient
capital
of Media contained a considerable
treasure,
and here be
thought
he
might
wait in
safety
for
tbe tarn of events : not without a
hope
that
hkn tHB lataiti l" Di
"t THiU"v"Bi that Tiri^_
-
iniht nvMoT
FUthi ialn",ftijii At-
some accident
mighthappen
to arrest Alexan- der's
progress.
He
calculated,
perhaps,
on the
resistance which
might
be made
by
the
satrap
of
Persia,or
by
the wild tribes on its northwest
border
; partly,too, it
may be, on the
movements which were
beginning
to threaten
Macedonia in Greece. For even after his last
defeat he had received
an
embassy
from
Spar- ta,
which was
accompanied by an Athenian
named
Dropidaa
;
and he had learned that the
nation at
large
was not so blinded
by names
as to share the sentiment of the Corinthian
Demaralus, who,
when he saw Alexandei
seated on
ê throne of the
great king,
is said
to have shed tearsof
joy.
andto have
observed,
that the Greeks who had died before
they
witnessed
that
eight
had lost a
great pleasure;*
as ifit waa a
happiness
for Greece to have the
rreat
kingreigning
at Pella
aa welt as at Susa.
But itseems that he trusted
entirely
to
fortune,
orlo the exertions of others. It is
very
doubUiil
whether he ever entertained the
design
of collecting
a fresh
army
and
meeting
Alexander
again
in the field
; though
Arrian's silence
may
not
prove anythingagainst
the assertions of the
other hiBtorifliiBon this
point,
which
are in
some
degree
confirmed
by
the rumour which
he himself mentions about the
preparations
of
Darius. But his finalresiriutionwas to retreat
before
Alexander,
if he should advance into
Media,
towards the
northeast,lajring
waste tbe
country through
which he
passed,
and to seek
refuge
on the otter side of the Oxus. where he
might hope
that the
conqueror
wo ili ue ixin-
tent to leave him unmolested. Hs Mnt
1^
baggage
and his harem to the
CaspianGates,
one of the
passes
of Mount Elbur?. The force
which he W
gathered at Ecbatana is said
by
Diodorus and Ciirtiusto have amounted to more
than
30,000in"ntry,including
4000
Greeks,
and
3000
cavalry.
Arrian mentions onhr 6000 foot
and 3000 horse as
accompanying
his march.
It is
poasible
that a
part
was sent forward with
the
tiaggage,
and that when he
began
to retreat,
nniobers lefthis standard.
Bûs, bow-
ever,
in whose
satrapy
he
meant to seek shelter,
Barsaentes,
the
satrap
of Arachoaia and
Draiigiana, Nabaizanee,
who bad commanded
the
cavalry
in tbe
rightwing
at the battle of
Issos,
and the
agedArtabazus,loyal
as ever to
the
royalhouse,
stilladhered to
ti'i"
Alexander suffered four months to elapM
before he
again
set out in
pursuit
of Darma.
Plntarch
says
that he wished to reel tis
army.
Yet,
in the course of thie
time,
with a
body
of
cavalry
and
lighttroops,
he made an
expedition,
which lasted
thirtydays,against
the neroe
tribes in the
highlands
of
Perais,
and notwitb*
standing
the obstacles
opposed by
the
rigoor
of the
season, penetrated
into their secluded
valleys,
and reduced them lo submission. If
the site of Ecbatana is
occupiedby Ispahan,!
it seems a little
surprising
that he should have
remained so
long
within a distance which he
could have
traversed,perhaps,
in about twelve
days,
without
any
of the difficulties which te
encountered in his
expeditionagainst
the Fer-
mountaineers. On the other hand,
if Da-
was ss fsr off
as Kamadan,
itis
very eac^
'A,p")^C
to anderstand
wli;
Alexander ahauld have let
the winter
pass
berore be Vesnined his march
with hia whole
amy
towards the northern
mountains of Irak. On his road to Ecbatana,
he turned aside to subdue the
PartPtaceaians,*
one of thp tribes to the north of
Persia,who,
relying
on their
highlandstrongholds,
subsisted
chiefly
on plunder,
and committed the
government
of the
province
to
Oisthrea,son of Ahu-
Lles,
late
satrap
of Susa. When he resumed
his
march,
he received information Chat
Darius,
having
been re-enforced
by
auxiliaries from
Scythia,
and from the
independeutCadusiana,
was about to meet him and to offerbattle. There
seems to be reason to
suspeot
that this
report
may
have been a
stratagem by
which Darius
intended Co
gain
time. AJexauder waa induced
hy
it to leave his
baggage behind,
and faiad- vance
with his
army prepared
fbr action. But
when he had reached the borders of
Media,
he
diecoreied that the
report
he had heard was
unfounded,
and that Darius was bent on flight.
This
intelligence quickened
his
moveinenta,
and
within three
days'
march of Ecbatana he was
met
by Bistbanes,a son of
Ochus,
who informed
him that Darius had set out five
days
before
from the Median
capital
with his litcle
army,
carrying
off the
treasure,
which amoanted to
about 7000 talents.
During
hia
stay
in
Persia,
Alexander had
crflected
a vast number of moles and camels
to
transport
the
treasures of
PerBepolia, where,
after the
disposition
that had been manifested
hy
the
inhabitants,
he did not think
thoy
could
he left in
safety,
to Ecbatana. Even if it was
in his
power
to have reached the
Caspian
Gates
bj
a shorter
road,
it would not he
surprising
that he should have
given
up
the chance of
overtaking
the
fugitiveon that side of the
pass,
that he
might
first enter
Ecbatana,
and
make
arrangements
for the
reception
of so
important
a
deposite.
At Ecbatana he
permitted
the Tlieasidian
cavalry,
and as
many
of the
other allied
troops
as desired
it,to return to
theirhomes. The
ohjectofhiseipedition
had
been so far
attained,
that he had no
longerany
colour for
detaining
them without their consent.
But he invited those who were
willing
to con-
thiue in his service to enter their names in a
roll,
and
many preferred
to remain with him.
The
rest received SOOO talents in addition to
the
pay
which was due to them
EpocQlus
was
appointed
to escort them with a
body
of
cavalry"
for the Thessaliana sold their horses
"
as far as the
coast,
where Menes
was directed
to
provide
for their
passage
to EubiEs. Par-
menio,
who had been leftwith Che
baggage,
was
ordered
to
lodge
the treasure in the citadel of
Ecbatana,
and to commit it to the care of Har-
palus,
under the
guard
of 6000
Macedonians,
some
cavalry,
and
lighttroops.
The Macedo-
niana
were afterward to be
biroight
up
to
rejoin
the
army by Cleitus,
iDâl
BOuadron of the
guard,
who had been detained
by iUnesa
at Susa.
Parmenio,
with a
division
composed of the Grêk
mercenaries.
anlou *.
PilI"K", nunlion^b.
Arriin,
iU.riBrTi
[l"
"uw u (bu dsHTibxl bT
" - . - - .
Thraciana,
and a
fwrt
of the
cavalry, was afterward
to make a circuit
through
the
territory
of
the
Carduaians,
who inhabited the loountainons
region
now called
Dilcm,
and then to
proceei]
along
the shores of the
Caspian
into
Hyrcania-
He
himself,
with the main
trady
of the
army,
advanced
by
forced marches in
pursuit
of Da- rius
Many
of the men and horses sank under
the
fatigue
;
but he abated
nothing
of his
speed
until,having
traversed a
apace
of
^nl
300
miles in eleven
days,
he reached
Rhags,
at Che
distance of
fifty
miles from the Gates.
There,
having
ascertained that Darius had
passed
through,
he
gave up
immediate
pursuit
as
hopeless,
and allowed five
days'
iât
to his
troops. Rapidas
had been his
progress through
Media,
he considered it as
conquered,
and com-
mitted the
satrapy
to a Persian named Oioda-
tes,
whom he had found
imprisoned
in the citadel
of Susa
by
order of Darius. This
appeared
a
sufficient
gtiarantee
of his
fidelity
to hia riew
master. He then advanced in the track of the
fiigitives.
After he had
passed
the
Gates,
ha
laidtn a stock of
provisions,
which he learned
it would be difficult to
procare
in the desert
country
that
lay
before
him,
and had sent out
Cixnns with a
foragingparty,
when two of the
followers of
Darius,
a
Babylonian
named Ba-
gistanes,
and
Antittelus,
Che sod of
Maiicas,
arrived at the
camp,
with
tidings
thai Darini
had been tbrown into chains
by Besaus,Baraa-
entea,
and Nabarzanea.
Besaus and bis
accomplicesbad,
it
seenw.
soon after their maater's fortunes became desperate,
tbrmed the
plan
of
seising
his
person,
with the intention either to deliver him
np
to
Alexander or to
despatchhim, as
might
best
serve their interest. Their
object
was to ae~
cure themselves in the
independentposaeBsian
of their
satrapies ;
and
they boped
either to receive
them as the reward of their
treachery
from
Alexander,
or to be
able,
alter the death
of
Darins,
to icCain them
by
foree. Besaus
was in some
way
connected with the
royal
family,
and thna aaw a
proapect
of
monntin^
Uie vacant throne with the
appearance
of a le-
SlimaCe
Cille. The Baetrian
troops,
wfaich
rmed the
strength
of his little
army,
were devoted
to him
;
but
Patron,
the commander of
the Greek
mercenaries,was the more Meadfast
in his
fidelity
to Darius,as he feared,
above bU
thinoa,
to fall into Alexander's hands
;
and the
loyalty of Artabazus was known to be incorruptible.
The
traitors,therefore,thoo^t
it
necessary
to proceed
with caution. In a couD'
cil which waa held after their
departure
from
Ecbatana,'
Nabarsanea ventured to
propose
that the
kingdiould,
for the
time,resign
his sn-
thority
to BeesuB,
whose
birth,tank,
and in-
Suence iitthe
provinces
where
theymight
expect
to rally
thsir
forces,pointed
him out as
the man best
qualified
to restore the
falling
empire,
Dsrius
was so
indignant
at this
suggestion,
that he drew hta
cimetcr,
and was with
difficulty
restrained from
rushing upon
the
spatjler. But after Besaus and Nahanaoe*
had
withdrawn,
he was induced lo stifle bi"
resentment
by
the counsels of
Artabains,
wbo
_ ,
jîBiij If b*
hU^bm
wtth
him,
that I vB ntpriMd Pipyi^ BhvsM
itHtoric of Ciiitiu ngdkMuil ta
jirniFt
IL
DEATH OP DARIUS.
mw"anrt"d
the
duger
of diMxml in rhe
cimp
at m
jonelBra
whm Alexander vu so close. behind
: aod Um
cewpiratOTS,
vben
ihey
next
a|"-
pearad
in Ibe
TOjii
presence, feignedrepent-
"nee and
sobnuMiixi,
and were
againseeming-
1;
reoeired inlo favour.
But,
in the mean
vhile, tbey
endeavoared to
gain
o*er the rest
of tbe
troops,
and tbeir
deaigna
become known
to Patron and Artabasne. The Greek obtained
"naBdi"BceariMTius,diMloaed
hie
anapiciooe,
and
preesed
tbe
long
to take
Tefttge
in the
Gi"eii
cnnp.
Dsrina,
it n Mid,
der^red
that
be wMdd rattier die
among
hit own
pe"^
than
owe his
aafbtj
to (he
proteetion
of
foreignera ;
Bor
could tbe
perroaafoni
of Anabaaua induce
1 t" ekanoe hia i
n-descatMbyUa
He a
sorrounded
bjr
the
Baotitana,
and
waa oBbred
bj
the oUier
troopg, when, bj
tbe
eanniaDd of
Beaana,
liawas cbained and
placed
el^
aaihorityezoept
the
Greaka,
end Aitabazus
and hia
aona,
who withdrew from the
oamp,
awl tamed aaide out of the
high
road into the
anontains of the
Tapariaoa(Taberistan).
Alexander,
when be beard tbeae
tidiê,
i"-
"rdiatnlyprapncd
liirstill more aetive
par-
Boit
;
ha did not evan wait lor the renon of
CieDna,but,leaving
Ctatana to foUaw with the
annj by gentle
marolMO, aet fbrmrd the aame
evcniDg
with a
part
of tbe
eavdry,including
the
gtuffd,
and a: aelect
body
of tool,whom he
eideicd to take
notfaing
with tkem but two
da^ prorieioaa. Tbey
mardied the whole
aight,
aad did not b^ nntU the n"t
day
at
"oon;
and aAar a ahwt
npato again
aet oat,
eaUinned thair maieh
Ihnragk
the
night,
aad
amved at dayhre^ at tte
plaae
where the fn-
gitires
bad
encamped,
when
tbey
wnre
deaeit-
ad
bf Bagiataoe*.
Hece be waa inbnwd of
the cmtfM that had been taken
by
the Qreafca
and Af tahnana. Hia men and bonee wave tww
aaarlyapeai
wicb
toil,yet
be
pieaaed
toward
without inianuaaUMi for (aother
uighl,
and on
Hn
fbUowiog
noon leaobed a
TillaiP
wfaate the
baibaiiaiia
todenoampad tbad^bcfon.
Ham
he lewnad tbat
ttey
bad detanniaed to
pwaoa
Ihiiii mareh
during
the
nigitt
;
aod it aaenied
hopelesa,
with
tioopa
so
fatigued,
to oreitak*
IheB on the taeoe road.
By uiqiiiry, bowever,
anumg
the
cauntiy peo|de,
he diaeoieied that
there was a erearoad
leading
o*er a deaert,
arid
tiBot, by
whieh he
might gain
upon
them
;
bat hia
infantry
were usable to follow him with
Iha
speed required
lor this last effiirt
;
be therefore
mounted GM of the offioen and beet sol-
dieia a" the
in"ntry
io their
ordinaryannour,
mi
ordori)!^
Nioanor and Attains to
proceed
along
the
high road,
wiib the
bypaepiats
end
Agiianians lightlyeqaifqied, himself,
with bis
little
t"Dd,
took the ahorter route. After another
laborious
night
he came
up,
ijydaybreak,
with tbe
enemy,
wltom he found in aU the disorder
of a
hasty
retreat. Tlie numbers which
ho had
broo^
with him were not known,
and
bia
nnespeot"d preaence spread general
con-
staruation.
Sewcely
any attempt
was made at
lUsialaDca ; the
eonspirUora,
when
they
found
that he waa
ap["oBciung,pressed
Darius Is
Bount a horse,
and
fly
with them. The unhappy
kingnow
preferredAiling
into the hands
of a
genenwa enetny.
On his
refiual, ihey
left
him
mortally
wounded in the
ebsiiot,
and took
to
flight, accompanied by
800 home. He
expired
before Atoisnder saw him. The
oon-
qneror
threw his own cloak orer tbe
coipae.
One of the
msny
kings
who would haie been
happier
and more honoured if
they
had
ncTer
mounted the throne
; yet,
if be had
reigned
in
peaceM times,
he would
probably
have been
esteemed, at least,aa weU able to lUI it as nvM
of his
predecessors
;
and it is
very
donbtfnl
whether
any
of
them,
had
tbey
been in hit
case,
would bare dalended itmore
sucoesafliDy.
None, howerer,
ooold have kwt it mere
inglo-
rionsly;
and,perbapa,
be baa
only gained
the
credit of mildness and
moderalion,becaoae, as
Arrjan obeerres. be had no
opportunity
of showing
his real dianeter in thi"
respect
in a
reign
which was one series of iroabiss and disasten.
As,
attei bis accsasion to the
throne,
he lost
the
reputation
Ua
personalcourage
which he
hod
preTioualyearned,so it was bis "te, aAei
death,
to recover the honours of which he had
been
strippeddnring
his life.* Alexander ordered
bis
body
to be boried in tbe
"epnlehre
of
bia anceetors with
T"âl nwgniflcence,
took
oharge
of tbe edocatiMk of hie
ehildren,
aud
married hia
daughter.
Alexander had
encamped
near the Parthian
city,which, being
a
point
where
many
roada
mei,
bore the
soonding
Greek name of Heou-
lompyhiB[the bondredâled),
probably
not lb(
from
Dam^ban ;
and b"u ha
snared
hia
troops
to rest uDtll
tbey
were rejoinedby
Ihu
main
body,
which he had left under tite con-
maad of Crataius:
IfwemigbtbebeTeCnTtiaa
laiAoa
, . ,
of tbsiT aniTBl in
Gnisoe,
the horaaman laoaived each a
talent,
awl eaeb GMt soldier
a
taMh
put
of that
sum;
bnt these wbo
were wUUug
to atn were ra-
warded wiib a
donatlTe of three talenlB
a man
~that
it,probably
(br tbe
eaTahy,
and for the
infhmry
in
pmponion.
A lettur Aom Alexan- der
to Paimsnlo, quoted by Plittatub,
prorea
tbat he
thought
it
expedient
to
[Kuclaim
that
Ue Uaoadoniaos also were at
liberty
to
depart,
if there were
any
who chose to atNuul"m their
king
iathe nidstef bis Tiotorioos career. His
offer was received with
general
aoclamatioas :
they
wuold follow
h^
into irtialever
port
of
the world he
might
lead them. Their leal was
recompensed
with the treasure
found
among
the
baggage
of Darius.
Yet,
when the auxil-
iaries had lelt him, he found hia
aimy
reduced
to SO.OOO foot and 31MKI horse : to be re-en-
forcetl,indeed,
wUhin no
long
time
by
tbe two
brigades
of tbe
phalanx
which were
waiting
for
the arrival of Cleitus at Eebataoa. lite satrapy
of Pattbia and "
tboiigh
he had not yet
entered it" of
Hyrcania
was bestowed on a
Parthian. Anuninapes,
who had
contributed,
with
Mazacea,
to
open
E^pt
10 the Macedu-
;
butu a usual, waa ateocieted
HISTORY OF GREECE.
a HHcedODJan named
Hepolemus, as
inspector,
or mililary
governor
of the
province.*
He then divided his forces intu three oolumna,
totthe LuvaBJon of
Hyrcania.
With the
lightest
be himself took the shortest,hul most difScuIt
road over the mouDtains on his left. The
cod division he
gave
lo Graterus, with order*
to marcli weaiward into the
territory
of the Ta-
purians,
and both to reduce Che barbariana to
submission, and,
if
possible,
lo make himself
master of Artabazus and the Greeks.
Eriguius,
with the third division and tbe
baggage,
was to
follow tbe easier and more circuitous
road which
led DDttbward lo
Zadracarta"probably
the ute
"r
Sari,
tbe modern
capital
of Mazanderan.
This moimlainuus
region,
which
separates
tbe
great plains
of Khorasan from the fertile valleys
wbicb
open
on the snulh coast of the Cas- pian
Sea, was inhabited
b;
a
fierce
race
of
dependent
barturians,
Alexander,by
the
pidilyofhis
movements "
advancing
wilhafew
lighttroops
before the main
body
of his division
" secured the
passes, yet
the
troops
which followed
him did not eSect their
passage
without
some
difliculty
and loss. In bis
camp
on the
lifer which Curtius calls the Ziobaris,
Diodorua
the Stibceiea.where he rested four
days,
he received
a letter from Nabarzaoes,
who had a]-
TDady
abandoned
Bessus, and now
ofl^red lo
snirender
himself,
ifhe
might
be assured of his
peTBonalsafety.
Alexander
gave
the
royal
pledge
which he
required, considennghim,
perhaps,
as the tool of Bessus, and, therefore,as
beneath his
vengeance.
As he
pursued
his
march,
he was met
by Phrataphemes,
the
satrap
of
Hyrcania,
and
by
aeveral
oif
the
principal
Per- sians
who hsd followed
Darius,
and had made
their
escape
after liis death.
They
had been
faithfulto their
prince,
and found a
gracious
reception
from the
conqueror.
He then
proceeded
towsrds Zadracarta
;
but,
it
seems,
before
he reached it he was rejoinedby
Craterus
"nd
Eriguius.t
Craterus had
overpowered
all
resistance wherever be
passedthrough
tbe laud
of the
Tapurians,
but he had not fallen in with
Artabazus or the Greeks. Soon
after,however,
Artabazus himself came to tbe
camp
with three
irfhis
sons, accompanied by Aulophradntes,the
satrap
of tbe
Tapurians,
and
by deputies
from
the (ireek soldiers. To reward the submission
oTAutophradates,
Alexander
permitted
bim to
retain his
aactapy ;
and he honoured the
loyally
of tbe fenerable
Artabazus,
whom he
keptnear
his own
person,
with tbe most delicate marks
of attention. He himself
usuallyaccompanied
the march of the
army
on
foot
; but,
when attended
by Artabazus, he mounted on horseback.
tiiatthe (dd
man, who was now in his
ninety-.
fifth
year, might
not be ashamed to ride
by
his
Bido. To tbe Greek
deputies,
who wished to
capitulatewith
him, he
gave
a stem answer
j
he would make no stipiilatian
with men who
bad so violated
Uie
duty
which
they
owed to
their
country,
and had
disobeyed
the decrees of
Ihe national
congress. They must throw them-
Mlves
unconditionally on his
mercy,
or most
provide
fe their
safetya*
they
eould.
They
then consented lo surrender at discretion.BBd
at
IJieir request
Alexander seot Andronicus and
Artabazus to conduct the
truups
to bis
camp.
Another fierce tribe remained lo be subdued
on the weslern side of
Hyrcania,
the
Mardiana,
whose seals
appear
lo have
occupied
ibe confines
of Ghilan and
Mezaoderanj
araceof rob- bers,
who
thought
themselves secure in the
midst of the thick forests which clothed the
sides of their
mountains,
and hsd, therefore,
neglected
to
propitiate
tbe
conqueror.
He bad.
indeed,
advanc"l ao far eastward aa to lead
them to
suppose
that he did not intend to attack
their
temtoiy,
which bad
not,
lor a
long
time,
been violated
by
the foot of
an invader. Hia
sudden
appearance,
therefore, struck them with
tbe
greater terror,
and when bis
perseverance
had surmounted tbe natural obstacles of tbe
land,
be bad but littleresistance lo enconuter
from its inhabitants. In the cotu"e of this expedition
Bucephalus
fellinto the
enony's
hands.
Alexander made it known that unleaa his boiaa
was restored to bim,
he would not leaTe tbe
country
until he had extermiDated the whole
population.
Tbe lhi"*t answerod ita
panxMe ;
tbe noble animal wa*
brougbt
back to ita master,
and soon after aii
embassy
came to aniKNUieo
of tbe tribe. Alexaoder
government
of it to
Autophrada-
les,
whom he had
already
intrusted with the
adjacentsatrapy
of
Taporia.
He then returned
lo bis
encampment
on
the road to
Zadracarta,
where be found the Greek
soldiers,
who bad
come to await bis
pleasure,
with the
tnrojt,
who had
accompanied
Dariu* in hie
fli^t,
aod
had afterward followed their
countrymen
JDto
IheTapurianmonntains.
Besides those of
Spar- ta
and
Athens,
there were some from
Sinope
and Chalcedon.
They
met with varions
trBat~
me nt,
according
to the diflerenceof their cases.
The
Spartans
and the Athenians
were placed
in confinement
;
the
envoys
of
Sinope,
which
lay
within the territaries of Che
great king,
and
bad nosbarein tbe national deUberations of the
Greeks, were allowed to
depart;
and the'saina
indulgence
was extended to Heracleides,the
envoy
of
Chalcedon, thongh
not entitled to Ibe
same
iêa.
The soldiers,too,
who bad been in
Ihe service of
Persia,
before the states to which
Ihey belonged
had entered into alliance with
Macedonia, were set at
liberty.
Hie rest were
incorporated
with the
army
oo the same terma
on which
Ibey
bad aerred
Danna,
and were
placed
Andronicns, who
bad interceded in their behalf. Aleundw then
made his
enlry
into
Zadracarta,
where he remained
fifteen
days,
and sdemnised his
tnomph
with sacrificesand
games.
It
was an
interval
of
repose
needed to refresh hie
tnKqn
after tbe
latigues
which
they
bad
latelyundergone,
and
to
prepare
them for the toils and
lunlshipa
of
the
expedition
on which he was now aboat to
lead them into the eastern
provinoea
of tbe em-
ThefartherAlexander advanced into the heart
of
Asia,the mora
cleaiiy
most he have
perceived
the
disproportion
between the Ibroes with wfaioh
he bad achieved his
oxiqoeats,
and the extent
of tbe
territoiT
which be had
anbjectedto his
sway.
For the
purpose,
indeed,
of
victoir,
hi*
army
seemed
sofflciently strong;
end he bad
reason to believe that into whatever new re-
ALEXANDER'S POUCY.
907
gioiui
he
niigbtpenetrate,
he shoQld meet with
"o
fibataoles ip nature wbich be could n~*
"
mount,
sud n"
enenijr
that be could no
power.
But his
object
was not
merely
to
gain
baitlea, and tn trBTerae voat countries,
bat to
found a durable
empire
in the East
;
and for
this end it waa
necessary
that his
authority
"boold be
cheerfully acknowledged by
the in-
habitaots of hie new
dominions;
that
they
thould he
led,as aooo as
possible,
to forget
tbat
Ihey
had been reduced under the
yoke
of a foreigner
;
that bis
goiemiuenf
should
appear
to
tbem a contincation of that to which
lliey
had
been accustomed under their native
princes.
It
wta hencefonh not as the
conqueror,
bat aa the
CDCceiaeoT,
of the
great king,
that he wished to
be
regardedbyhia
Eastern
subjects.
The death
of Darina "
broughtabout,as it had
been, so as
IS )ea*e him without
reproach
"
waa an eTenI
oT inestimable
importance
in this
point
of Tiew.
The
Tacancy
of the throne did
noi, indeed,es-
UUiafa hie titleto the aaccession
;
bnt too
many
iBTolutions had
happened
in
Persia,especially
of Late
years,
ftirmuch offbnce to be taken
at a
duuge
of
dynasty,if,
in other
respecta,
national
prejodiceswere spared.
'Hie
Toluntary
sub-
miBSioa
orATtabaius,wbileiimight
have
great
weight
aa an
example,
showed that
Persians,
the
most devoted to the
royal
house,
might
now acknowledge
Alexander as their
legitimate
bot-
ereign.
The Persian
Mugs themaelveB,though
in the course of two centuries their
authority
had
spread
its roots far and wide
tn the habits
and
feelings
of the
people,
derived their
power
"
except
in the small
province
which
waa
the
cradle of their
dynasty
" liom
conquest,
and in
many parts
of their dominions had been
always
looked
upon
as foreignmasters. Alexander,
therefore,might
well
step
into the
idaee
of
liie
title noder which he ascended the throne
i
was of mach leas
importance
than the
manner
m which he filled it. The
pohcy
dictated
by
his situation
required
that he should
keep
two
objectaconstantly
in view : the one to conciliate
his
subjects,
the other to
impress
them with
reverence for their new ruler. The firstend
waa attained with little
difficulty,
and without
any extraordinary
sacrifices. It was
only
ne-
'
Eessary
tbat all who submitted (o him
ôuld
find
as much
security
for their
persons
and
property
as had been aSbrded
by
the
preceding
(ovemment ;
and,
with alitile
vigilance
and
activity,
it was
easy
to
givemore. The tribute
was left on ita ancient footing
;
all branches of
the administration were coDductod in the same
manner aa before
;
but
tyranny
and
arbitrary
exactioDB were Ukely to be
repressed
in a
greater
degree,
both
by
sovereign
and
by
the
system
of mutual control
which he established for his own
security.
The
ptoviooes
which bordered
on the
predatory
tribes,
which had so
long
been
permitted
to retain
their
independence
in the heart of the empire,
must have had reason to
rejoice
in the
revolution which had transferred the
sceptre
to
a band that could wield the sword. It
was
probably,
at least,as much with a view to conciliate
the
people,
aa to
gain
the
support
of the
great
ramilies "
though,
it wonld be difficult
nicely
to
distinguish
between the two ends
"
that,
aa he left Oreeoe at a
greater
distance
behind
him,
he more and
more
frequently
filled
the vacant
governments
with
Peraians,or allowed
those who submitted to retain their sa-
trapiea;
so that this became at last a rule
from
wUch be seldom deviated. It
operatedcer- tainly
as a
strong
lore to incline those who
were still
wavering
to his side. But this can
scarcely
have been his
principalmotive
; fbr,
after the death of
Dariua.he had less and less
reason to
apprehend
resistance to his
amu,
but
might
well
grow
more and
more anxious
about themeansof
securinghisconqoests;and
he
mightthink,
with
good ground,
that the
sight
of Macedonians
filling
the
higheststations,even
if
they
did not abuse their
power,
was
likelyto
excite
general
discontent.
It 1
,
still T
fcr
Asiatic roler that he should be feared and
reverenced than that he should be loved. It
may
be
thought
that Alexander's wonderful fortune,
and
extraordinary
endowments of bo^
and
mind,
could not fhilto strike the
conquered
with
admiration,
and that no artifice*
ooold be
necessary
to exalt him in their
eyes.
Bnt Alexander
1 discovered that
it
was not
by
snch
meaoa Eastern
royalty
e'
__
attraeted tba veneration of its
subjects.
No
Intrinsie merit
coqld,
in their
estimation,
supply
the
placeoflheporopand splendour
which
they
always
associated with the idea of
greatness.
The
greatking,though
the feeblest and worst
of
men,
waa viewed as a
superiorbeing
so
long
as the laxnriea and ceremonies of
a court wer*
interposed
between him and the rest of mankind
;
bnt no measure of wisdom and virtue
could have obtained the
same reverence tat
tarn
if,
in his dress and
manner of
living,
hO
had descended to a level with other men. It
was, therefore, obeolntelynecessary,
for the
secant
of Alexander's
throne,
that he should
adopt
Ute
prineiide,at least,
of the outward dis-
tmotions,
which had been
always
deemed
essential
to tha
majesty
of his Persian
predecea-
sora
;
tbat be should assume the Eastern
garb,
in which alone some of these distinctions could
appesr ;
tbat he should be anrrounded
by
a
numerous train of state
attendants,
and that
the
simple
fonns of the Macedonian court should
I
be
exchanged
for the strict rules of Persian eti-
'
quette.
The
great king
wore his tiara erect
;
he sat on a raised
seal, on which it whs a
capital
crime in
asubjectto
placehimself;
he was
to be served with certain ceremonies
;
and he
waa to be
approachedonly
with,
peculiar
ob- servances,
which resembled a
religious
adoration,
and
were, periiaps,
derived from a
persuasion
which
theystrongly
tended to confirm,
of
a kind of
divinity
that resided in the
royalper-
HI8T0KY OF GBEBCB.
Alaundar wu not of a obanoler that would
haTe
pennillad
kim to beoonm Ihe ftlave of
moh fonnB
i
but he waa too
prudent
to discaFd
them,
even if
the;
had been,
as, perhaps,Ihey
ware atfirat, repugnant
lo
hiafeebngs.
It waa
Ilia
abject,aa
far aa
poeaible,
lo relieie and
temper
them with Grecian taate
and freedom.
In tbe
camp
be
never
allowed tbem to fetter
hia
movements
;
but,on atate occaaiona,
it
was
bja wish to obaerve all tbe
leadingpoints
of the
Peiaian ceremoniaL But Uieie was a
gi"at
difficulty
in tbe
way,
Waa it to be
expected
that hia Macedonian
noblea,the
partnara
of hia
loUa,
who had been oaed to lenna of famîar
inteicourae with their
prinoea,
abould submit
to a
foreigncustom which
placed
so wide a
diatance iMlween him and theml
or,
on the
Other
hand,was it oonaiatent with bis
dignity
to
diapeue
in theii caee with the marks of re-
apeot
which he exaoted fhiiiihis Persian sub-
It
was a
queetiontaming, indeed,
apon
a
mere form,
but
involving
the moat important
coDsequencea.
The
oomplianoe
of
th.e
Mace-
dontans would reduce
then, outwardly
at least,
to a level with the
oooquered people,
Irom
whom it
was,
no doubt,
their wish to be distinguished
as a
aaperior
race. It is
probable
that
they
viewed all tbe favoura conferred on the
Feraiana with
Jeatooay, aa
rights
withheld fioax
tbamselves,and,
at the
utmost, raloolatitly
nd-
mitled the
etpediency
of aoch eoneeaaioDa.
Still,
tbe hononre bestowed
on
othera eonld not
lower them. But if
Ibey
sabiiiitl"dto tbe oer-
emooy
now
required
fmn
tlMB,
the diatinotion
aa which
theyprided
thenwslTes
waa (Ae"d
;
HOT would
they
be sUe to retain
any
of their
national
privileges
but at tlM
king'sploMOTB;
"very
trace of freedom
oA^ soon be iMt.
There
can be liUle doubt that itWM Ute
TBiy
same ruaon which led Alexaader to aOî aa
nuudi value to the
ceremoDj.
It
waa
hia in-
teotioa to rednoe ell hia
aultjoota
to the
same
Isvalbeneath hitnaelf
;
to
rooognlsemo disttno-
. I.. I,
j
Asiatics,
Cheeka
waa be who stillsDataknd the
monarchy
he had founded. Tbe Maoodonians
had aa much reaaon aa the Persians
to
regard
him as a
being
of a
higher
order.
Still, as these
thoughts
had beNi nouriabed
and unfolded in himself
by
the recent
change
in
hia
fortunes,
it waa not la be
expected
that the
Macedonians could be
easilybroughtto
adopt
these views. Yet it was
only
so far
as
they
were impressed
with
them,
that
Ibey
cculd willingly
aubmil to a
ceremtmy,
which was both degrading
in
itself,
and
mortifying to their national
aelf-complaceocy.
It
seems to have been
for tbe
purpose
of
overconung
their
averaioo,
that
Alexander,
about the same time that he
assumed the
tiara,
and s"ne oUiei
dialinguiah-
ingornaments of tbe
royalattire,* and ordered
his court after the Persian
model,
encouraged
the diffusion of a
report,wliidi,
in
faot, only
expressed
his own conaciousnesa of his extraordinary
geniua
in a
mythicalfonn,
that his
birUi.
aa well
aa
hia
origin,
waa
divine,
liliethat of
Hercules and ."bcub :f the
secret,
which had
been
long keptto
protectOlympias from dishonour,
had tieen revealed to the
king
hinself
by the oracle of
Anunou.^
It
waa, indeed,not
lilcely
that such
a
story
shoukl be
believed, except,
perh^w,
in tbe ardour of
military
enthosi-
"
PlBttidi,iadml (AL, tS).whu Uit AluudH dU
hm
adopi
(hi
tiin,
or Iti*lul allid tk"
mjrjn,v the
]"" Inimin
(ilKCi"^Jte)*kichbricmndtaibtHoliu
fub. Bulit "HuliHlîiMdiUi Ihuta* AhM hm u-
"omHl tba Bmtjm inn, ind
JH
haw Iwbomk to """ lluw
ptrtj
lititwbict in 1^
itodTiIu
i|*a|ili
"rrn
iimrnMj
UmilTpMtrUwpiMinmtiBiaTiif DiadDiw ("ii,',T7),
"" [IV""^M^ irquMin(s,
u Cattlu KM di*(ii"c"-
]j
diKtibu it.n., 0,
patpnniuii
diadi" dittimtan ilbg,
qnla l^rlu bilHitpntI,d}rAt 2i"AfDjc"hvMffdrt 'nr4t",
""" Tin Oifnt*'S"Hn
uU nlU* "Mr lOo
iMitfliwr
jn) nt utiirtc- Hu
niriilinm H*aa M haw Wn du-
tiunijbwl not m nneh ^j ita fuhjoo,4kc*h in tha tiua,
a"bTiucDloDRi"luch AUxudar adoptad.WawaliDf (on
en
anr
other titlethan
personalmerit,
and this
to be maaaured
by
the seal shown in hia aer-
Tice,aadaubjectto hia
own
judgment.
In him
this
was, perhaps,
not the
sim|rie
e^ct
of oidi-
nary
ambition
;
it waa a natural reault of the
view which he XoiA of the relation in which be
stood to his own
people.
The distance which
might seem to
separate
him from them waa so
great,
that
any advantagetheymight
poaaeas
over the
conquered
nations
was.
in
comparison,
loo
trifling to be
regarded.
Tbe Macedonians
were a semi-baibarian
race,
which had
only
been raised tothe station itnow
occupied
among
nations
by
the efforts of its
kings. He, according
lo the traditions of hia
family,
whicb he
flrmlybelieved,was not
onlysprung
from the
purest
Hellenic
blood,
but from a heroic
lineage.
and on both aides traced hia
origin
to tbe father
of the
goda;
and he fell himself to be
worthy
of this
illustriouadpacent. Tbe victorisa which
enabled the
Macedonians
to look down
upon
other naliona aa their inferiors had been his
Waiaalfcal Iba pni|iaDaitT of maakind I
udolHd Bvan whan H iaunarir Ibnm
tarafaiH*ii""an^
latnaa,
and
may
ba
"hieh Uiia^r'hiid'ii"^Tf"**i"" "
t
tiu
nltBf priuipia ia aarii ia divma
st oriunihat U" ilaiir |T*TJadr)u is
raihir af all
Den,
but adsiiuIha ban a
paenllarlrhU
own,
ttlns rotvSam
" Mi. WiUiami
(Alax.,p.
117|hi
lun haen miiltd hj it. lie
wf",
"'
When jlin
Faman kin*),
it oould otilvbe doan bj aeaartii
baoa
oemiiurr,
^
Ihi pnatfo^lhi* aiaartioB.
ta Aow that
he,
IiVfl
thejn.wai a eon of a gud ; th"rtigh Alillil dij nca
" Bin a! Amniin. Plilhe
li.,MT) cmcei'ei Ihit Ihi nla-
Bu it
la loi at aU elaar ihat
hjiuv
""" "haa tha uila
anil enaigu of
mfilljwan siiilii (" alUia Ikair
p"-
MOVEMEI^TS IN GREECE." DEATH OF AGIS.
aoe
uin,
b^
the
iDoat ifnorant
at
{ê
i^vale
wl-
d^rs.
But Mill it
might
aerri;^
a colour for
Ma
claJBis,
wbioh
miglit
rendi "'tbeoi leas te-
Tollinc
to the
feeling
of ftROedoniuiB and
Greeka,
than iT
they
bad rested
meieiyod
bii
pgwer
of
enforcing
tlieta. Tbe bitUr conee-
qDeoces
which flowed from ttua
unbappj
elate
of
things
will
appear
ia tbe
sequel.
Nearly
about tbe Bame
time that Alexaniler
was
engaged
in the
pursoit
of
Darius,
the ",{"
Sain of Greece look a turn which relieved him
from all
anxiety
about the
safety
of Macedonia.
Hia
jHogreâ
had been
aoxioualy
watched
by
ttie
Greeks,
who
regarded
it not
merelyaa a
McceBeioD of
dazzlingachisTements,
but as it
affected the interests of their own
countiy ;
and
they
bad nerer ceased to
hope
that it
migbt
be
arrested
by some disaster,
which would be the
signal
for a
general
insurrectiou
against
Maoe-
draiian
ascendenny.
Before the battle
oflaBua
the
language
of the Persian coLjrtiers was re- echoed
by
the oratori in the Greek assembltea
;
and
Demostbcnes, raistîng
hia wishes for
groimila
of
belief,
asaurud the Athenians that
they
would
soon hear that the Macedonian
anny
1^
been
trampled
down
by
the Persian oavaJ-
ly.
Even alter tbe ascood defeat of
Darius,
hie
cause dill not
appear desperate
in
Greeoe,
and
an
embassy
had been sent, as ive have
seen,
by Sparta,
to solicithis aid for the
preparations
abe was then
making againstAntipater.
It
was,
of
course,
subsidies
only
Itaat
they eipeet-
ed "otn faim
;
but
these,
in a conteat wbioh
was to be decided
chieflyby mercenary troope,
were of
great importance.
In the mean while
she had formed a
confederacy
which embraced
the
greater part
of the
Peloponnesianstates :
Elis and
Achaia,
eicept
Pellene,
and tbe whole
of
Arcadia, escept Megalopolia,
aMeied into
this
league; Argoa
seems to hare
keptaloof,
ud Hesaeniawaa uodoubtedly
hostile. Even
beyond
the Isthmus some states
promised
as-
"istaiice:
probably
those of the West, as the
jGtotiaiis had either
already
incurred Alexan- der's
Tehenent
diapleasuia by
the reduction of
(EoiadB, or were meditatti^ the blow whinh
theji
afterward struck.*
Athens, however,
did
not venture to stu', though Demosthenes, ao-
cordiug
to his
rival,
olaimed the
meriôf
having
been the
principal author of the moTemenls
in
Pelopannesua(t
Alexander's
Aatterii^ presents
may
have concorred with the
garrison
of
the
Gadmea,
to restrain bet from a
step
whiob
WDold have
exposed
her to tbe fate-ofThebes.
The news of Alesaoder'a
progress
in the
East rather
encoutaged
than disheartened the
Pelsponnesiaus,
Tha farther he
advanced,
the
less
probable
itbecame that be would ever return
to Greece
;
the
longerwas the interval allowed
for
some decisive
stroke,
while Macedo- nia
was abandoned to its own
resources,
which
were almost exhausted
by
the incessant demand
of levies for the
anny
in the East.
They
waited
only
for a favourable
opportunity
;
and
this was at
length
afTorded
by
events which
took
place
in the countries north of
Macedonia,
which were subjectlo Alexander.
Zopyrion,
Who bad been
appointed
governor
pf tbe maritime
region
between tbe Balkan and tbe Ban-
nbe,
had
engaged
in a rash
expeditionagainst
"
Ftatocli,Al..W. 1
Xmcbim, Ct",, t ITT.
the
Scythians,
had been deleated and siain
;
and
tbe
greaterpart
of hia
army, 30,000 men,
had
shared his fate,* It
vras, perhaps,
this disaster
that
encouragedMemoon,
the
governor
of
Thrace, to throw off his
allegiance
to Alexan- der,
and to excite the
Thracians,
who vera
tbemaelves
sufficiently impatient
of the
yoke,
to
support
him in his revolt.
t While
Antipater
marched to
suppress
thia
rebellion,
the Pelo-
ponneaianconfederates, thinking
that
they now
saw a juncturehighlypropitiousto tbeir designs,
assembled their
forces,and denlaivd
open
war
against
Macedonia. The
Spartans
first
took the field under their
kingAais,
with the
entire levies of
Laconia,
and a body
of
mercenaries,
and
gained
a decisive
victoiy
over an
army
whioh was
broughtagainst
them
by
Cor-
ragus,
of whom we do
not know whether he
was a .Maoedonian
or an Arcadian leader.! Bat
he
probably
eommanded tbe
troops
of
Megalop-
oils. Afler his
defeat,Agis
was
Joinedby
the
other forces of the
loague,which, including
10,000 mercenaries,
amounted to
30,000
foot
and 2000
horse,
and laid
siege
to
Megalopolis.
He
pressed
itso
closely,
that its fall
was dai^
expected,
when the
news came (hat
Antipat"r
was
advancing
to its relief. When he heard
of the
moTflmeuts
in
Feloponnesds,
be
brong^t
tbe war in Thrace,
where he had
probably
il-
readygainedsoQie
decisive
advantageover
tita
enemy,
to a
speedy
termination
;
and then hastened
southward,
on his raaroh
ooUecting
tbe
forces of all tbe stales whioh stUl adhered to
Macedonia,so that when he arrived in Fele-
ponnesua
he waa at the bead of
40,000 men.
Agia,though
BO much inferior in
numbers,
did
not decline a battle,
and it seems that he skil-
fiilly
endeavoured to
compensate
for the difler-
le
by
the
strength
of his
position,
and that it
I
not untn he was drawn from it in
pursuit
[he
enemy,
that the fortune of the
day
turned
favour of the
Macedonians.^
He
himself,
early
in tbe action,was
severelywounded,and
earned
out
of tbe fiaLd
; but,finding
that
hja
pursuers
were on the
point
of
overtaking
him,
ordered
hintselfto be set down, snd,resung on
one knee,
defended himself to
the last with a
spirit worthy
of
Sparta,
Tbe allieslostbelwesa
5000 and 6000 men
;
Antipater, according
to
the more credibleaccount, more than 8000.
After this
defeat,nothing
remained for tbe
vanquished
but to throw themselves on the conqueror's
mercy.
Antipater,
however,
would not
undertake (o
decide on the conditions of
peace.
To relievehimself from
reBponsibility,
or rather,
perhaps,
in imitation of the
policy
which
Philip
and Alexander bad
adopted
on
similar
occasions,
he assembled a
congress
at Corinth,
and referredthe case of the rebelliousstates to
its
judgment.
The Achteaos and J^loliaiiB
were coadenmed to
pay
a fine of 130 talents to
Megalopolis.
But tbe
congress
itself did not
t^tVl't^'
fl laoralimpcnibihijrthftt the lnlTl"lliDuldh
1 la
hacrdmiiL
Corneal,
bnrevvr, "Jwb
i
OiKkBuna. Wa fiiuliiHimliiciiui
"
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"end in
embus;
to
Alessnder to learn bis
This Uow rireted the chains
forged
at ChRr-
onea, which, however,
were stiU deatined to be
buret
by
more than one
gallant struggle, thoagh
never to be
finally
shaken off
Alexander,
when
he heard of
Antipater's sncceu,
is said to hare
spoliencontempluously
of Iht tallU
of
mici.i
which his lieutenant had been
fighting,
while he
had been
slaughtering oijiiadB,
and
oveminning
Mngdoms;
and while the eveDl continued unknown,
it did not in the sligbteatdegree
inter-
Are with his
operations.
Vet
Antipater's
tic-
tory was, perhaps,
not much less
hardly
won
than either of his own over Darios. Bat from
the distance at which be now
stood,
Greece
nod Macedonia
began
to
appear rery
diminutive
objects.
His little
kingdom was now
chiefly
val-
nahle to him
as a
nursery
of soldiera
;
and the
most
importantadvantage
which he
reaped
from the establishment of his
power
in Greece
was,
that it ensured
a constant succession of
recruits for his
army.
But he had resolved not
to be much
longerdependant
on his
European
dominions for such
supplies.
The
barbanans,
be
believed, only
wanted
training
to become
as
good troops
as the Macedonians
;
and he
gave
orders that
hoys
should be selected from the
hardiest races to be instructed in the Greek
language,
end in the
use of Macedonian
arms.
"
This was the first
step
towards
an interfusion
of
European
and Asiatic
blood,
manners,
and
feelings,
which he
appeare
to bave
contempla-
tCil as the firmest
support
of his throne.
CHAPTER Ul
ALixintiEs'i next
object,
alter the
sabjeclion
of
Hyrcania
had secured a comtuunioation between
the ahorea of the
Caspian
and the interior
provinceson the south aide of the chain of
Elburz,
was to oruah the resistance which he
had to
expect from Beaaua and his
remaining
eonfederatea,and to take
possession
of the
eastern
satrapiesas fsr as the borders of
India,
where
a boundless field
layopen
to his ambition.
The
power
of Bessus
was the most formidable,
as weU
on account of the extent and
resources of the fertileand
populouscountries
which
he.govemed, as because the
adjacent
steppes
of
Tartary,
and the
bi^
table-laud to
the
east of his
province,
both aObrded a
ready
'
refuge
from
pursuit,
and
might again supply
him with
numerous auxiliaries. It
was,
there-
'fore, to this
quarter
that Alexander's attention
*
Dni)wn'iulBiinlloiii(
eslirelj nHmd f" hit ksn,
whw
CBHiiuit. h* ctumi U cgndder u Ui" cm"" at
got
111*
Itapb of
chiminj
Ihi SduUdi
Iwbo,
U
leul,
nn D" " fuun) wiih mm u iCTouh of
Gnta, bt-
was
mainly
I Srected. fnm the
Hyrcantan
capital
he
m^^tW
into the
territory
of the Par-
thyBaos,
or
'p-'Pthlans
" ê
pea[de
vrho were
destined to
\EA"t
so
targe
a
portion
of his empire
from his
successors " which
lay
at the
sonlhemfootof theElbnix.' It must not, however,
be
sDpposed
that he retraced his
stepa.
He,
no doubt,
advanced
slong
the southeast
corner of (he
Caspian,through
Kerkan, and
then crossed the lower
ridges
which
connect
the Elburz with the Indian Caucasus. He tbos
came within the borders of Aria to a
city
called
Susia,most
probablyTous,
ruins of which ars
stillfound
near Meshed,
the modem
capital
at
Persian Kborasan.f Here he was met
by
Sati-
barzanes,
the
satrap
of the
province,
to whom
he restored his
satrapy
as the reward of faia
submission. An
importantally
was thus detached
from Bessus
;
snd
Aria,acknowladgiDg
Alexander's
anthority, parted
Bactria from the
southern
provinces,
two of
which, Drangiana
and
Arachosia,
were
governedby Barsaentea,
one
of the murxierers of Darius. As Alexander
expected
re. enforcements from
Media,
he
ordered
Anazippus
to
accompany
Satlbarzanes
viih
fortyhorse-dartmen,to
prevent any
hoa-
tilitieswhich
might
arise
through
mistake between
the natives and the
troops
wbii^
wers
on their march from the west.
At Susia he received
intelligence
that Bessus
had asmmed the
tiara,
the name
ofArtaxerxes,
and the title
ofKing
of
Asia;
that he bad been
joinedby
a
great
number of
Persisns.had collected
a
powerful
Bar.trian
army,
and
expected
to be re-enforced
by some
of the
Scythian
tribes.
Bessus
was
evidently
aware of the
advantage
which he
might
derive firom the
enaigns
of
royalty
:
and this was a hint which must have
confirmed
Alexander in bis resolution
not to
neglect
them. Hewashere
joinedby
a
parlof
the
troops
from
Ecbatana,including
(he Thessalian
volunteers and other
mercenaries,
horse and
foot,under
Philippus
and
Andromachus,
and wan
rapidlyadvancing
towards the Oins " in the di"
rectiun,
it
seems,
of Meru"Shsh Jehan " when tidings
reached him that Satibarxanee had
put
An-
axippus
and his
party
to death,
and
was
collecting
ejl
the forces of Aria in the
city
of
Artacoana,
with the intention of
joining
Bessus. He had
not supposed
that Alexander would have turned
aside from his route to distuib his
preparations.
But Alexander
instantlyhatted,and, having
ordered Craterus to follow with tiie main
body
of the
phalanx,pushed
forward witb two brigades,
the
lighttroops
and the
cavalry
of ito
guard,by
forced marches towards Artacoana,
At the
unexpected
news of his
approach,
Ssti-
bananes look to
flight,
and
was
deserted
by
most of his
troops.
Artacoana,
which stood on
a
high rock,precipitous on one side,and weU
supplied
witb
water,
did not immediately
open
its
gates ;
and Craterus was ordered to
besiege
"
Sintn, s.,
". VoD Hunmu (Wiimer Jihrtnidwr,
10 a liiiKrUiUoii m
hii
FMifnim
iu Ortnli. iii.,
p.
IIS.
"ml Chonna,
in
PulhTBI v FuThfanc,
which ha m"k"
ID riUnii vntwaid u fu u
Khi(a.
H* dou BM auk in
"t""
AboDl HTiniMn niW N.N.W. oT Hiiit"d,ipa
lbs
Inach g( Ihi Muhxt Rim."" rnw, lOBratm,
p
91"
AHTACOANA."
PHILOTAS. flU
it,
while the
Mng
bimself
pursaed
the
fugilivea
into tbe heart of their mountains. Those who
remained in the
villages
were
spared;
o( the
rest,
few
escaped
deatb or
slaver;.
On bis re-
tnrn to the
camp,
Artacoana surrendered,
and Ar-
saiues,
B
Persian,
was
appointedsatrap
of Aria.
Not
very
far from
Artacoana,jêtprobably
not
BO
oeBrly
on the same site as bas been common-
Ijsuppoaed,
Alexander's
eye
was struck
by
the
cemrai
position
and
extraordinary fertility
of a
plain
on ibe banks of the Arius
(theHeri-rood),
which indoced him to found a
city
tbere for a
Uacedonian
cniony,
to be called
by
his name
(AlexandriaAriorum)
:
under that of
Herat,
it
still
preserves
bis
memory,
and coatitiuee to be
the
great
inland
port
of the
East,*an
emporium
of commerce between (ndia,Persia,
and Tar-
tary.
The
army
then coatinued its march
southward to
Propblhasia(probabJy Furrab,
in
Seislan).
the
capital
of
Drangiana.
Barsaentes
was stillless
prepared
for resistance than Sati-
barxanes,
and ha fled across the mountains into
the
territory
of one
of the Indian
tribes,
on the
borders of bis eastern
satrapy,
Arachosia. But
it seems
that the fame and the terror
of Alex- ander's
arms had
gone
before
him,
for he was
seized
bj
the
Indians,
and sent
to
Alexander,
who
put
him to deatb.
The
army'sstay
at
Prophthaaia
was
rendered,
tmhappily,
memorable
by.
one
of the dark
passages
in Alexander's
history
: the firstcload
that casts a shadow over his heroic character
;
the first
calamity
that imbittered bis hither- to
uninterrupted prosperity.
He discovered
grounds
for
soapecting
that a
conspiracy
had
been formed
against
his
life,
with the
privity,
at least,
of several of bis
principal nobles,
of
some
who held the
highest
offices near bis
person,
and bad been distinguished by
the most
signal
marks of bis favour and confidence
;
among
the
rest, by
Parmenio's son Philotas.
Philotaa was at this time the
only
surviver Of
three brothers who had
accompanied
the
expedition.
Hector,
the
youngest,
had been drowned
in the
Nile,as Alexander
was
descending
the
river,on
his return to
Syria.
He had been
always
much beloved
by
the
king,
who was
oeaiiy
of the same
age,
and was interred, by
his
orders,with
great magnificence.Nicanor,
hypaspists,
died of
a
sudden
illnesa,
while the
army
was
in fullmarch
against
Bcasusi at this
loss,also,
Alexander
expressed
much
grief;but,as his own move-
iDeals admitted of no
delay,
he left
Philotas,
with a
body
of the
cavalry
which he
commanded,
to
pay
the last rites to his brother's remains.
Philotas
hrmself,as the commander of the horse-
guard,
stood
nearer to the
king'sperson
than
any
man
in the
array except,perhaps,
Craterus
and
Hephiestioa.
None hail
enjoyed
a
larger
share of the
royalbounty; nor,
indeed,
would
his
temper,
which was inclined to bonndless
profusion,
and to ostentatious
magnificence,
have been satislied with
any ordinarysupplies.
Nererlheless,
it was
long
since he had
really
poBsessed
Alexander's confidence.
Daringhis
stay
in
Egypt,
Alexander had received secret
infonnationof
language
used
by
Philotas in
private
conversation with a
person
to whom he
thought
he
mightsafely
uabosom himself,
high-
'""
"o his
BOTcreign.
It
was a Greek
*
CbiiMi* la
PonintuV Trtnh, p.
41S.
^1,
one of the
captives
taken
at Damums,*
m whose
company,
while he boasted of bis
own
exploits,
he afl^ted to
speakslightingly
of Al- exander,
as a stripling
who owed alt that ha
bad
acquired
to himselfand his father.! Soma
of these
expressions
had reached the ears Of
Craterus,who,
if not an
enemy,
was a rival
both of the father and the son for Alexan- der's
good graces,
and he
brought
the
girl
secretly
to the
palace,
to tellher
story
to the
king.
It is
painful
to believe that Alexander could
have listened to such
contemptible
information
;
but
Ptolemy
and Ariatobulus
agreedas to Iba
fact that itwas in
Egypt
he conceived the Grat
suspicions
of
Philotas,t
which
appear
to ban
had no other
ground.
Yet
he continued,u
we have
seen,
to
employ
his services in ths
same
high station,
and
outwardly
to honour
him as much as ever with his favour and conS-
dence,while,
from time to time,he received
fresh motives
for
suspicion
and
resentment,
through
the same impure
channel.
Still,
it !"
scarcely
credible that he had hitherto entertained
any
serious doubts about his
loyalty.
He could
not,
in that
case,
have allowed him
to retain a
post
which
gave
constant access to
his
person ;
nor
would be have chosen
Parme-
oio to
superintend
the transport
of the
treasures
which were
accumnlated at
Echatana,
and
to command the forces
by
which
they
were
guarded.
But even
his
respect
for Parmenio
appears
to have been much
abated,especially
amce
the battle of
Gaugamela,
where the old
general,
whose c"
"'" -
'- ""-'
betrayed
some want of
energy
a
From Philotaa he had been
long,
at heart,completely
estranged,
and was
open
to still
mors
unfavourable
impressions
concemiag
him Tlta
offence which ITiilotas had
givenby
the indi"-
cretion of his
language
had been much
aggravated
since Alexander hud
begun
to assume
the Persian
state,
and since a question
had
arisen as to the honours
which be was to receive
from the Macedonians, Philotas,as waa
to be
expected
from his
character,
which wia
frank and
generous,
but
arrogant
and
harah,appears
to have declared himself
strongly
botk
against
the
compliance
required
from them and
the
reasons alleged
for it. Both in
puhKo
and
in
private,
he ridiculed the
story
which was becoming
current,
of the oracle which had Tevelt
ed Alexander's
supernatural
birth.
'
Ifwe
aaj
believe
Curtius,
he had even ventured to
write,
in a letter to the
king,
that he
cangratulated
him on his admission into the number of tba
gods,
but that lie
pitied
those who were doomed
to live under one who was not' content witk
the limits of human nature,
II
was, therefore,
clear that he
might
be
expectedvehemenilj
to
oppose
the
changes
which Alexander wished ta
introduce.
Such was the state of Alexander's
feelinga
towards
Philotas,
when
Dimnus,a Macedonia*
officer,
was
charged,by
a
youth
named Nicom-
achus,
with whom he was on terms of the closest
intimacy,
with a
plotagainst
the
king'*
life. Nicomachus had informed hisbrother Ceb-
4B br AQbiphndmifi DO hn
puHnBo
uch. D, aUx
Fort,il.T. id.li.
, .
t
Pl.UT.h,
u.
...
"d A].,M,
(tAT*n.4^"".
BUnns that Dimnus had
pressed
him to take
Cin
the
conspiracy,and, as an inducement,
named aevera] officera of
high
rank
as
his
Bocomplicea. Cebalinus,
who feared to excite
BUspicion
if he
applied
for an audience of the
king,happened
to meet with Pliilotasat the
TOlace
gate,
and disclosed the
danger
to bim.
Fhilota" entered the
palace,
and had a
long
in-
terriew with
Alexander,
hut did not mention
"he informatioD be bad
received,and,
in answer
to the
inquiries
of
Cebalinua,alleged
that
the
king
had not heen at leisure to attend to
him. Another
daj passed
;
the same
opportunity
oflered
itself;
and
againno use was made
of it. The third
day
was that on which the attempt
was to be made
againat
the
king's
life.
.Cebalinus, Ending
that Fhilatas had not
spoken
to the
king
on the
subject,
addressed himself
to
Metron,
one of the
royalhousehold,
who immediately
carried the
message
to
Aleiander,
though
he
happened
to be then in the hatii.
Cebalinus was
brought
into his
presence,
and,
while he was examined,
orders were
giren
to
arrest Dininus,
Dimnus, howerer,
either killed
himself,
or
struggled
so
violently against
the
officersthat he receiTed a monal wound ftom
Thus,
nhile'his
guilt
seemed to be
proved,
so evidence remained as to the
particulars
of
the
conspiracy,
but such as
might
be
givenby
Nicomachus, a
person
whose character did not
entitlehim to fullcredit.* Bat Alexander now
"discovered that the infonnalion had been re-
"Ceived two
days
before
by Fhilotaa,
and called
upon
him to account for his silence. Philotas
pleaded,
in
excuse,
that the author of the
story
qipeared
to him so
contemptible,
that he did
not
think it fitto be mentioned to the
kitig
;
he
appealed
to the whole tenour of his
past
life in
proof
of his
innocence,
and
begged
the
king,
however
reprehensible
his silence might have
been,
not to
interpret
itas treason. Alexander
wpeared to be satisfiedwith his
apology,
and
c^rod
his hand in token of
forgiveness.
But
he forthwith held a
council,at which Nlcom-
acduia was
introduced,
and
repeated
his sto-
IT-
Philotas was absent
;
and Cratems telEed
the occasion to revive the king's
suspicions
"against
him. He was
supportedby Hephss-
lioQ,Ctsnus,Eriguins,Perdiccas,
and Leonna-
tus
;
and Alexander was
persaaded
that it was
necessary
to arrest Pbikitas,
and to
wring
the
ttnlh from bim. That
evening
Philotas
supped
at the
royal
table
;
but in the
night
his house
"was surrounded
by
armed
men,
who led him a
prisoner
to the
palace.
Guards nere stationed
at the
citygates,
to
prevent
the newa from being
carried to Panaenio. The next
day
the
Macedonian
troops
were
assembled, according
to the forms used when
they
were toconstiiule
a tribunal for the trialof a
capital cause,
as the
represetnative
of the Macedonian
people.
The
corpse
of Dimnus
was exhibited;
the witnesses,
Nicomachus,Cebalinus,
and Metron. were
produced; and,
when
Ihey
had
given
their evidence,
Alexander himself came forward as the
accuser of Philotas. The
speech
which Curtius
puts
into his
mouth, though perhaps
the rhetor-
"
Drnjrm (p.
SS
V
Juffigtittf
"u
dtr EdelscJuar iti
Koenigit^
belong
to the Roman
writer,
may
be considered as
faithfully represanting
the substance of that which he dehvered. We
know,
from the
concurringtestimony
of Ptole- my
and
AristohuIuB.that the
strongest argument
on which the
charge
of treason was
gronnded
was drawn from the
prisoner's
silence
as to the information he had received
from Cebalinus
;
we
may.
therefore,easily
be-
that Alexander endeavoured to
supply
the
deficiency
of this evidence
by
allthe other indications
he could collect of treasonable
designs.
When Philotas was arrested,
it seems that his
papers
were seized,
and that
among
them was
found a letter fKim his
father,
written before
Nicanor's
death,
in which he
gave
some advice
both his
sons,
iîcb,
if it had been ascertained
that
they
were
engaged
in a
conspiracTy,
might
have hcên
interpreted
as a cautious allusion
to it. He Dade them take care firstof
themselves,
then of their
friends;
so,
he adde^
we shall
accomidish
our
purposes.
As to the
nature of these
purposes,
itcontained
no
futher
hint. Yet it seems that Aleiander
produced
this letter as a
proofby
which he himself -was
convinced Aat both Nicanor and Parmesio shared
the treasonable
designs
of Philotas. As to
Philotas
himself,
the
assembly
was reminded
that he had been the intimate friend of the
pretender
Amyntas,
and had been
strongly
suspected
of
having
abetted his
attempt
to ascend
the throne after
Philip's
death
;
and that Atta-
lus,
the
implacableenemy
of all the children of
Olympias,
had married his sister. The insolent,
if not
treasonable
language
in îch be
had been
long
used to speak
of his
sovereign
and
benefactor,
the andacious letter in which
ho had sneered at the oracle,were now fbr the
first time made
pubUc.
Alexander himself
could
DO longer
doubt that his lifewas in danger;
it
only
remained to be seen whether his
faithfulsoidierB,on whose
loyalty
be cast himself,
would shield their
king
tnnn the
daggers
of traitors.
Against
such an
accuser,
a hero who
was
the
idol of his
army,
a
sovereign
on
whose favoor
everyman presentdepended
forwealUiand promotion,
whose lifewas so
precious
that
it could
not be too
dearly
secured
by any
sacrifice, and
that bis
simple
affirmation of his own
apprehensions
might
seem suiBcient
proof
of his
danger.it
must have
gone
hard with
any
defendant. But
Philotas was not even
popular
with the
amy ;
bis character was not amiable : he had made
himself
generally
obnoxious
by
his
overbearing
manners, by
bis invidious
display
of his enormous
wealth,by
the
luxury
in which he indulged
at the
expense
of the soldier's comfort:
often,
when the men were seeking
their
qoar-
tera.
had
they
found the
way
blocked
up by
a
trainof
carriages
laden with the
general's
treae-
urcs;
often had
they
been turned out of tiieir
lodgings
to make room
for hia attendants,
and
even forced to
take a circuitous
path,
that their
noise
might
not
disturb his slumbers. But it
seems
that he had stillmore deeply
wounded
the
feelings
of the
Macedonians
by
another
kind of indiscretion : he did not disguise
his
contempt
for the nationaldialect and manners;
he
professed
lo
know no
language
hut
Greek,
and to need an
interpreter
to converse
with the
soldiers who
onlyspoke
their mother
tongue ;
TItUL OF PHIL0TA5.
S13
he aSected to tre"t the Hacedonians
as no better
Ibaa
barbarians, perhaps claiming
a
pure
Hellenic
origin,
like
Alexander's,
for his own
family;
and, ae if
borrowrng
the tone of De- mosthenes,
insulted Ibeoi with the names of
Phrygians
and
Paphlagonians.*
Such a
per-
Eon,
charged
with
aa atracious crime
by
one
who was as much admired and beloved as he
was baled and
envied,
could not be viewed
with
impartial
eyes ;
though man; may
have
been moved with a
feeling
of
pity
at the reverse
offortuDe
by
which the
man,
whose
pride
Kucely aclcnowledged
hia
king
ae his
superior,
was
brought
before them as a criminal to await
Ml doom Trom them. If there were
any
who
hesitated,
and who watched the effect which
the accusation
producedon others,
their doubts
must have been removed when
CienuB,
the
prisoner'ebrother-in-law,cajhng
him
parricide
and
trsitor,
was seen to take
up
a sl^ne, to set
the
example
of the
punishmeot which,
according
to ancient
usage,
a Macedonian
assembly,
cotnbiiiiDg
the functions of
judge
and eiecu-
tinner,lofllcted,
in such
cases,
with its own
Bat this
Bummary proceeding
would cot have
ratisGed either Alexander or the
prirate
ene-
mtea
of Philotas
;
and it was suspected
that
ibi" buret of
loyalindignation was only a
feint
by
which Ccenus endeavoured to save his kinsman
fironi the faitber
ignominy
and torture
which awaited him. The
kinginterposed,
and
declar"d that the
culprit
should be heard in bis
own defence
;1and, that he might
have the full
benefit of
it,himself,
in the
mean while,
withdrew
from Uie
assembly.
It wonld be of little
importance,
ifwe were
able to ascenaiD how far the
speech
of Pliilolaa
ha" been
faithfully reportedby
Curtius : the arguments
Btiributed to him are
equallystrong,
whether he used them
or notl:
It was not
pretended
that
Dimnus, though
he was said to
have enumerated his
principal accomplices
for
the
very purpose
of
attracting
Nicomachus into
the
plot,
had ever mentioned hia
name,
which
wonld have bad more
weight
than
any
of the
others. He admitted the fact of his
silence,
which alone
garo
a colour of
probability
to the
charge-,
but the
king
himself
had,
at first,
professed
to be satisfied with the
explanation
he
had
given
of it
;
and the utmoet it could
prove,
was some degree
of
imprudence
and remiss-
DCBa, He owned that he had not
thought
a
story
which came to him
through
such a channel
aa the worthless
stripling Nicomachas,
fit
for the
king's
ears
;
It seemed
likely
to
agitate
him with causeless
apprehensions,
and to lead
10 the sacrificeof
many
innocent lives, Alei-
andn himself had
taught
his frienda to be cau-
liona in such matters when be
neglected
Par-
inenio's information about the
physicianPhilip-
" ylwi
tiiii
ghirtn^T.
M BwiHr in wIhsIi
moftn
ko dund
ic th*
p'tatirput
tad i^
MHHMt,
i
JMt luiwM,Mlf IhBTBHWBPllifc",
r r-.
""
jp""
" bmdi or
gs(4
hith u " UMtlu *"n ODgnut-
M;
Bid
;"(
ba (niUM* u
ipaak (a, *M) nf Ik* lasudlJ
pus ;
but,
if he had been
an
accomplice
of Dim- nus,
was it credible that he should have waited
passively
until the
plot
was revealed to others !
that he should not have
stopped
the mouth of
Cebatinus,or have taken
advantage
of the fre8
access which he had to the
king's
person,
to
forestall the disclosure
by
the execution of his
design
! Could he have foreseen the death of
Dimnus, or have believed himself safe while he
lived ? Had he much to
gain,or, rather,
not
everythingto lose,by
the crime which be was
said to have meditated 1 He
possessed,indeed,
considerable
power
and influence
through
tha
station which be occupiednear the
king.
But
was his
popularity
with the
army
such that he
conld have
expected
to rise
higher
when Alex- ander
should be removed 1
From an
impartialtribunal,
which
adopted
the
princi[de,
that a defendant is to be accounted
innocent until he has been
proved
to be
guilty,
there is littledoubt that such
arguments
would
have obtained an
acquittal, though theymight
not
dispel
allthe
auapicions
raised
by
the conduct
of of Pbilotas
But,
before he had concluded
his
defence,
be was
interrupted by
clanw
onra,
which too
cleariy
showed
die
disposition
of his
judges;
and,
at the
end,they
were
ready
10
have torn him to
pieces.
But Aleianderre-
tumed,
and
adjourned
the
assembly
to the
next,
day,
and the
prisoner
was led back to the
palace.
It seems tohave been feltthat such
prools,
though
sufficient " as
they
would have been bad
they
been stjn lighter
" to
procure
the condemnation
of
Philotas,scarcely
aflbrded
a
decent
ground
for a
charge against
the venerable Par-
menio
; nor,
we
may hope,
would Alexander
himself liave
consented,
without some better
evidence, to
sacrifice bis father's old
friend,
tbs
general
to whose assistance
Philip
accotmted
himself must indebted for his
conquests,*
who
had been the guide
of his own
yoath,
the companion
of his victories, who, though
he seldom
saw hia advice followed,was never
weary
of
suggesting
what
appeared
to bim the beat. It
is reasonable to
suppose
that
he,
at least,
desired
to ascertain the truth on this
point,even
though
he
might
not have had fortitude
enongh
to act
upon
it
according
to the dictates of
justice.
According
to the
prejudices
of that
age,
those which then
prevailed
in the most
civi-
liied nation of the earth,
and which have beeii
but
slowly
and
partially dissipated by
the
hght
vfhich we
enjoy,
no evidence was so trualwor-
thy
as that which
was
extracted
by
torture.
Philotas was
reserved for this trial,
Hephns-
tion,Cratenis,
and Ctenus were
appointed
to
preside
at the
question,
while Alexander waited
for the result in another
apartment,
not luo
distant,
it is
said,
to hear the
prisoner's
shrieks.
Philotas
appears
to have
givenway
to the force
of
pain
and
terror sooner
than had been
expected,
and he at last made a confession as ample
and minute as
his tormentors
desired
; yet
it
was a atory
ao
improbable,that,even with-
ont
any
knowledge
of the
previousfacts,
we
should be led to conclude
that,
since his ena-
roies reliiaed to
dictate
it,
he ftanaed it to suit
their wiriiM. The main
thingrequiredwae,
I* lookr
to b* "u*
tu
raSTORY OF GREECE.
(hat it should involve hie
father,
-'
Bit his own goill.
He confessed thai Paime-
"io bad been induced to form a
deaignagaiast
tike
king's
lifebefore ttie death of
Dariua,bj
the
inattgation
of bia friend
Hegelochus,
who
had aince fallen in
battle,
whose
indignation
had beeo excited
bj
Alexander'a claim to divine
hoDoura. While Dariua
lived,
Pannenio
bad not thought
it
prudent
lo remove the
king
:
he himself" for the admission of the
geueral
forpoea
was not deemed
auScient,
unless he
"lao
acknowledged
bis
participation
in the
plot
OfDimnuB " had haatened his measures through
Aai lesthis
falher,who was now
seventy years
M, might
be snatched
away by
death from the
oommand which
placed
the
royal
treasure at
his
diaposal.
The next
day
thia confeasiwi was read belbre
tbe
militaiyassembly,
in the
presence
of Phito-
tas,
and of the
persons
named
by Nicomachua,
Wtaowerealt
deapatchedon
thespot.
Tbe next
BMMt
pressing
care was to
get
rid of Parmenio
belbrehe heu:d of his son'a death. He was at
ttttdiatanoe of between
thirty
and
fortydays'
march; aa euoa as the
news reached
him,
he
night
be
expected
to
revolt,and,
with such
treasure in his
bands,
had means of
doing
much
luirm,ifnot of
ondangeriogAlexandei'a
throne.
Polydamas,one of Farmenio'a intimate
frienda,
was chosen to
carry
an order to
Oleander,
who
Via next in command at
"cbatana,
to
put
hit"
to death.
He
went, leaving
his brochera as
boMBgea, accompaniedby
two euides. Mount.
"d on
dromedaries,they
crossedthe
desert,
and
WTived
at Ecbataaa in eleven
days. Poljda-
mas, entering
the
cityby night,
delivered the
king's
letters to
Oleander,
and the next morning
repaired,
with him and bis
principal oSicors,
to Pannenio's
reaidence,where,
while the old
man was
reading
a letter which had been
forged
for the
purpose
in liieaon'a
name, they
fellui
him, and alew him. His head
Alexander.
Such is tbe account
^ven
by
Curtius of this
toanaaction :
in its
leading
outlixes it bears the
"tasap
of
truth,
and is
perfectly
oonaistent with
flieHttlethat Arrian has
reported
from
Ptolemy
"nd Aristobulus
; though
the Qreek writer
paas-
es over it so
hastily,
that we do not even
know
whether hia authors mentioned the torture.
Iliey,too, probably
related the aSsir as
briefly
aa
possible.
But their narrative carmot have
been
more fkvourable lo Alexander's character.
For Arrian " bo
low,at the
twttom,waa hia estimation
of his hero's virtue" declares himself in
doubt whether he behoved in Parmenio's
suilt,
"
only
felt that hia
own
safetyrequiredbis
death.
And,
in
spit"
of the confession
wrung
fiom
Philotas,
both he and his father
appear
to
have been the victims much more of resentment
and of
policy
than of
suspicion.*Yet,
til
upon
rried lo
[r.WilUun
K](iit
rwi .
barbarous aa ia the
iniquity
of the Whole
transaction,
which
hideously
combines some of the
worst featurea of Greek
democracy
and of East- ern
despotism,
we bare seen
enough
of the unhappy
poailion
in which Alexander was
placed,
to render him an
object
of
pity
rather than of
blaroe
;
and we need not
auppase
that hia
gen-
erouB nature had
already
been
corruptedby
power
and
proaperity.
The
persona
whose conduct
throughout
the aflair strikes ua aa most revolt- ing
are the Macedonian
noblea,especially
Cra-
terns. Certainly
itwaa not
pure
zeal of
loyalty
that led bim to
open
Alezander'a ears to the
wretched information which firstkindled hia re-
aentment
againatPhilolaa,
and ailerward to direct
the tortures
by
which the
BUspicions
he had
instilled into hia master's mind were to be cod-
firmed
; any
more then thia waa the cause of
his
frequentquarrels
with
Hepha-stion.
Of
Hephteation, aa
Alexander's
personal
and dear-
eat
friend,we might
think more
favourably
;
but it is a
supicioua
circumstance,that he was
rewarded with a share of tbe
high
command
which had become vacant
by
the death of Phi-
lotaa. Alexander did not now deem it safe to
commit the whole to one
peraon ;
not even to
his beloved
Heph"stion.
He divided the horse
guards
into two
regiments,
one ofwhich he
gave
to
Hephsslion,
the other to a
peraon
littleless
dear to
him, Cjeilua, aon of
Dropidas.
This division
atrougly
indicates how
deeply
distrust, even of tbe followers whom he admitted
to his closest
intimacy,
bad taken
possea-
sion of his mind. It was tbe
heavyprice
which
he had lo
pay
for his
conquests
: the
penally,
perhaps
we
may
add,
of
auspicions
too
ligbuy
indulged, which, again,
were but the natural result
ofthe artificialand
uneasy position
in which
he had
placed
himself between hie old and his
new
subjecta
;
the
necessityofalieoatingsome
to
galaothers,
or of
attempting
to reconcile all
at the
expense
of truth. It would have been
wiaer,
aa well as more magnanimoua,
ifhe had
refused to listen to the officious tnfoimalion of
Craterus, or,
with the aame
generous
conGdeuce
which be had shown to bis
physician,
had communicated
it to Philotas.
Bin the blood which had been shed called for
DMre. After one traitorliad been
punished,
it
was not fitthat others
equally
criminal should
be
spared.
And now Alexander the
Lynces-
lian,
whose trial bad been hitherto deferred
throughregard
for
Aniipater,
whose
daughter
he had
married,was
brou^l
out ofhis
priaou,
after three
years'confinement,
to answer the
charge
on
which he had been arrested. Tha
hesitation which he
betrmyed,
when thus suddenly
called
upon
for his
defence,was
intetpict-
ed
by
the soldiers aa a
proof
of conscious
gmlt,
and he fellbeneath their
apears.
But Philotas
bad
many
friends of
high
rank in tbe
array, who,
it was
natural to
suppose,
must have been acquainted
with bis
designa,
which could
scarcely
havs* been
accomplished
without their concnr-
Ihiicnun
Uiui ""
nttaity |
itPmtmîa hid cnintMl iMii
i
W, maid not hm ten tha Gm
Tha tint whaa Fumniia "n"
TRIALS FOR TREASON." OLYMPUS. 91S
rence. Among
thew were the
soub of Aedroiii-
enes, AiDjntss,Polemo, Altalua,
entl Sinuni-
as,
who all filled
important
coiomaada. And
the
BUapicioDsuggestedbj
their
tatimacy
wiih
Pbilotas waa cDofiimed
by
the bebavioar of Po- lemo,
(he
joangest,
who )eft the
camp
aa bood
"a be heard of his iileiid'aarrest or torture. His
brotbera;therefore,were
brought
to trial,
in the
same
aaaen^dy,
aocordii^
to
Curtius,
which had
joit
befbre exeetit"d its
Judgmenton Alexander
the
Lyncestian.
The
king
himself
appeared
in
peiBon
aa their
proaecator
;
but as in this case
his
feelings
had not been
strongljexcited,
the
lone of his accusation was
probably
much milder
thao in that of Philotaa. The
grounds
of the
ebarga,
if
cabnly conaidered, were
manifestly
triTolons,
unless it waa
necessaiy to
put every
Mend of Philotaa to deaUi
;
and
Amsmtaa,
who
was first called
upon
for hia
defence,pleaded
their canee so
atajy,
that
th^
were
acquitted.
He
immediatelyreqneeied
that he
might
be al-
lowdd to
go
in aeatch of
Pidemo,
and undertook
to
bring
bim ba^ t" the
camp.
His
request
was
granted,
and ha returned the same
day
with
his
brother,who,
it
seems,
had been unable to
sDiqioTt
the
thought
of
tortures,
from which in-
Boeeoee
afibrded no
security.
Alexander him-
"^was now satisfied as to
Amjntaa,
who soon
after died in his serrice.
Alexander's conduct in this last
proeecution
might
seem worthier of a Tiberius,
if a better
light
had not been thrown on it
by
some facts,
(or the
knowledge
of which we sre
indebted to
Curtina,
and which are
interesting
in other
points
of view.
Amyntas,
when be was sent
to
bring
new levies from Macedonia, bad been
odered
by
the
kiagto execute his commitaiOD
without
any regaid
to the
protection
which
mig^
be
givenby Olympias
to those who were
unwilling
to serve. It seems that Alexander
had been informed
by Antipater
that his mother
had abused her
aiithonty
in this
manner
;
it
was
probably
one of the
many
complaints
which
the
regent
waa
obliged
to make
against
her interference
in afiairs of
state,
from which ber
son's directions
expressly
excluded ber. Much
a" he toved
her,
he knew
enough
of her
temper
to be sore that she would not rest satisfied with
a share of
power, and,therefore,
thought
itbest
to
withhold
it from her
aitogeiher.Still,
her
restless and
haughtyspirit gave
riso to
frequent
Etdlision between her and
Antipater,
whose
complaints
oa(x drew a remark from Alexan- der,
tbat
Antipater
did not know how soon ten
Uwosand letters were blotted out
by
a
single
tear of a mother.
Among
the
conscripts brought
by Arayntas
were some who had taken shelter
in the
palace,
and
wbom,
in obedience to the
king'soidera,
he had
compelledOlympias
to
giveup.
Hence be became an
object
of her resentment,
and she endeavoorod to
prejudice
her
son against
him and his brothers. Itwas not the
ODly
case in which she strove to instil
suspicion
and
jealousy
"
perhapsequallygroundless " into
Alexander's mind. Her
advice,indeed,not to
be so lavish of his favours as to raise his friends
to a level with
princes,* may
seem to bavebeen
dictated
by pure
maternal affection
; yet
it admitted
of an
application
to
Antipater,
which
rea-
.ders the motive
questionable.
It does not seem inconsistent with what has
been related that Alexander's diatmst should
have been extended to hia
soldiers,
or,
at
least,
that he should have wished to discover whether
any
of them had been
tampered
with
by
their
offieers. Anian's silence ia no reason for
re-
jecting
the statetnent of other
writers,
tbat be
adopted
the
expedient,
so Amiliar to the
police
of modem
goTenunenls,
of
opening
theirletters.
Nor, perhaps,ooght
we to
reject
the farther
aceouDi" that be c"dtected the meii
whose
cttr-
respoDdencegave proofs
of discontent in a
separate
corps
" as a
groundless
fiction. This
may
hare been the notorious fact
;
the
opening
of
the letters a
coiyecture
to
explain
it. The
story,
at
least,
deserves
notice,as
indicating a
report
which seems to have been current in the
It
was
probably
late in the autnnm of 330
when Alexander resumed bis march. His object
was
now,
instead of
returning
into the road
to
Meru, In niake himself master of the
passes
of
Paropamisua,
the
high
chain of motmtains
which
separates
Bactria from the
valleys
tbat
open
to the southeast on the basin of the Indus.
First,however, he advanced southward intetiie
lertde
plains
on tbe banks of the
"tymander
(the Hetmund),
which were than inhabited
bj a
peaceful
and industrious
tribe,
the
Ariaspisni,
who,
for the services
they
had rendered to
Cy- rus,
when, on his
expedition
to
Scythia,they
injîed
his
famishing
army
with
provisioos,
had been honoured
by
the
great king
idth the
title of bis benefactors.'
Such beneficence
might
some
day
prove equally
"e vieeable to a
Macedonian
army ;
and it was therefbre
politic
to
encourage
it. Alexander rewarded the boa
pitable
race with a
grant
of additional
territory,
and with some
political privileges,
which are
described under tbe
vague
name of freedom
;
-
but he did not failto
place
them under tbe
gov-
emment of a
sstrap. Here,
it is
said,
he made
a
sojourn
of
sixtydays,which, however,
he can
hardly
have devoted to tbe
regulation
of this
little
province.
But
if,as Curtius
relates,
he
was
joinedshortly
after
by
the
brigades
of the
phalaax
from
Ecbatana,
it
may
be
supposed
that he wailed for their arrival.
During
thi*
interval we findthat be waa stillhaonled
bj
tba
fear of treason. Demetrius,a
somatophyla^
was arrested as an
accompliee
of
Philotas,
and
bis
dignity
was bestowed
on Ptolemy,
the aoa
of
Lagus,
for whom it laidthe foundation of hia
after
greatness.
have been near midvrinter nên he
lut on his
expeditionagainst
Bosana.
to have ascended the
valley
of tbe
Etymaatler,
and so to have
penetrated
into Ara-
choaia,
the eastern satrapy
of Barsaen
tea,
where
be marked the aite of another Alexandria,
which
stillfiouriehes under tbe altered name of Kart-
dabar. The snow laydeep
on
the
mountains,
and
as
he advanced northward the soldiers "at-
fered extreme
hardship
from the
severity
of the
ccdd and the
scarcity
of
provisions.
On bis
T'^
nWOiBdn
dlhgnilliBDilKi"C*^
'
Tliiiw"aUNiio(hli)',
tie HISTORY OF GRKBOE.
TOad he beard that the Arlaiw had been
igaiD
loosed to insuTrectkiQ
)^
Satibananes,
who bad
entered tbe
province
with SOOO horse which he
had received from BeasoB. He
immediately'
Mnt
Erigulus,
CalunaB,
and ArtabazuB " who
was, perhaps,supposed
to
possesa
some inllu-
ence over Ihe
insurgenta
" to
qucH
the revolt
;
and the Failbian
aalnip
Phrataphemes
nas ordered
to
co-operate
with them. In tbe mean
while he arrived at the foot of the
highestpasa
by
which he was to cross the
Paropamisns,
ealted Caucasus
by
the Greeks
{the
Hindoo
"iih),
into the basin of the Oxus. And
here,
perbai"
about
fifty
miles aoithwest Of
Cabal,
he founded another Alexandria
(adCaucaaum),
where he
planted
a
colooy
of Macedonian veterans.
The
province
of the
Paropamisns
waa
oommlltad Co Proexes, a Persian
;
the
jEarrison
of tbe
city
to
Niloxenos,
one of the officersof
his
guard.
The time wbioh he
spent
in these
qnartere
is
not
distinctly
mailed
by
the biatoriajts. Strabo
"ays
that he wintered there,bnt Arrian's lan-
gnage
wonld lead us to
suppose
that he
Btêd
ttiere no
longer
than was
necessary
for the
IbondBtiDn of tbe new city
;
and, as prudence
finbade bim to wait for the season when new
dangers
and difficultieswould have arisen from
the
melting
nf the
snows,
it
may
be
presumed
that he did not let himself be deterred
by
the
. severity
of tbe winter. It
appears
to have been
by
the
pass
which leads
through
tbe ancient
olty
of Bamian that he crossed the Hindoo
Kuh,
thongfa
our authors do not mention
any city
which be found in the heart of the mountains.
Daring
the first
part
of its march the
army
snf-
fered
only
from cold and
fatigne;
but,as
tbe
highlandsbegan
to sink towards the vale of the
OxDB,
and its
progresa
was lass
impeded by
the
depthof
tbe
snow,
it
began
to
eiperience
scar-
oitj
of food, fieasns had not
yet
assembled
threes suffloienlto withstand the
expected
invasion,
and he
placed
his whole confidence on
the natural obstacles .whieb
might
retard it.
Be did
not, however,
trust
entirely
even to
the
mountain barrier which
separated
him from bis
restless
enemy, but,
still fsrther to check bis
progress,
had ordered the whole
country
which
tbe Macedonians were to traverse,between tbs
lower
valleys
of the northern side and the left
bank of tbe
Oxus,
to be laid
completely
waste
;
BO tbst Alexander, as he
descended,
found himself
in an artificial
wilderness,
where he had
eipecte^
an abundant
supply.
The
provisions
of the
camp
were at
lengthentirely spent,
and
itwaa found
necessary
to sacriHee a
part
of Ihe
beasts of burden to
preserve
the lives of tbe
men. Even tblacoarse Are
they
found no wood
10
dress,
and itwas
only
rendered tolerable
by
tiie
silphiom,
which
groms
in
great
abundance
in these
valleys,
and is stilla favourite article
of food
among
the natives. Yet it seeais that
Alexander founded another Alexandria at the
northern foot of the
mountains, to secare both
extremitfes of the
paas.
The
hardahips
of the
march were a littlerelieved at the Bactrian
town of
Drapsacsor
Adrapsa,
where ho allowed
his
troops
some
days
of
repose.
Drapsaca
itself seems to have been situate
among
the
highlands;
for he is said to have
advanced,
after his halt
there,to
Aomus,
which
was not
only
a
largetown, bnt,as its
name im-
ports,
a
fortresa bnflt an a manghef^;
strong,
that Alexander
thonght
fitto leave s
garrison
in
it,though
he had taken it,aa weU
as
DrapMca,
at the firstassault He then
proceeded
to Bactra,probably
the modem
Balk,
which we
might
conclude to have been tben,as
now,
the chief
city
of
Baciria,
if we wore certain
that Dactra
was,
as Slrabo
supposed,
ths
same
place
as
Zariaspa,
which Arrian seema
to
distinguish
from it. In the mean while Bes-
sus had crosaed the
Ozns,
bad burned tbe boats
which carried bis
tioopt over,
and
then,
bending
his
course tovrards Ihe northwest,
bad baited
at Nantaca, probaUy
near the modern Kar-
shi or Nackshah. His Baotiian horse had
^t-
ted his standard when
they
found that be did
not mean to await tbe
enrany'sap;?o8"A,
but
he was
still
accompanied by
soiae poweilal
chiefs,
who were followed
by
a
body
of
Sogdiaa
cavalry,
and
by
the
Dah", one of tbe
Scythtan
tribes. Intellênee
irfhismovansnts had beea
brought
to Alexander
by
one of his
courtierB,
a
Magian
named Cobares,
who thns at
tbe aainB
time showed how littlereliance oould be
placed
on the
loyalty
of the rest. At Bactra be was
rejoinedby Erigsins,
who bad
quelled
the revolt
of tbe Artans. and bad riain Satibananea
himself with his own hands. Bat it seems
that
the
report
which he
brought
of the conduct of
Anames
raised Alexander's
eoBpiciona
of hia
fidelity ;
and he sent Stasanor to atreat him,
and to succeed him in his
satrapy.
That of
Bactria be committed to Arlatiazaa,
but sain-
moned the Bactrian chiefs to a
genmsl
asaem-
Wy,
oT review of their
fbroea,to be held at Za- riaspa
on his retain. As he waa iww
aboot to
cross the Oxos, be dismiaaed
aome
of his Ma- cedonian
Iroopa,
whom their
age
tod infinnl-
ties rendered nnfit for the laborinos service
irtiich avraited the
army
in the
Scythian
deserts,
and the Thessalian
volnnteers,
wliose
march B".
.. ._
their horses had
perished.
Bessus had
probablypassed
the Oxos at Ki"
lif,
where caravans
proceeding
Irom Balk to
Karshi are still
commonly
ferried over.' Tbe
road
along
which Alexander followed his traces
crossed a
atrip
of the
great
desert which
stretches from the
Caspian
towards the skiita
of the
high
table-land which contains the sources
of the Oxus and tbe Jaxartes. That in this
march his
army
was much distressed
by
want
of water
may
be
easily
believed,though
At-
rian's silence
mi|^t
lead us to
suspect
that
CurtiDs has
exaggerated
its
suflbrings.
It
was,
however, one of (he
msny
occssioos in
which Alexander
displayed
that
passive
forli-
tnde which endeared bim to bis soldiers no lesa
than his
contempt
of
danger.
On the last
day^
march,
as
theyapproached
the
river,
he woaU
not
quench
his own thirst until their wants had
been
supplied.
The Oxus was here not
mnt^
lesa than 800
yards wide,i
and there were
neither boats to be
procared
nor materials fot
boitdingany.
There
was,
however, no eoExar
at
hand
to oSet
intemijKion,
and Alexander
transported
his
troops ssfisly
over on the djna
of the tents
BtoliM with atiaw. The
passage
^lt4}"tiiHUditl
Lkaivpmidof
CAPTURE OF BE88US." THE JAXARTES.
S17
d six
dafs.
He then
poêd
aeroea the
attaen aorth at Itie
liver,
towanti
Nautaca, but
on bis
waj
was met
by enroya
froia two or the
chief follotrera of
Beasus,
named
Spitamenea
and
Dataphernes.
Front them he learned that
the
mnirper
had
aheady experiencedtreacheiy
like that vtiich he had
practiaed
towards Da-
mm. He had been eeiied
by Spitamenea
and
Dstapheme*,
who now
eiprea"ed
their readi-
neM to delirer him
up
to Alexander ifhe woald
tend one of hia officersto them with a detachment
of his
army.
He
appointedPtolemy
to
this
eerrice,
with a aelect
body
of
cavalry
and
Ul^t
troops,
and ordered htm to set forward
wiUi the Dtmoet
speed
in
pursuit
of the
fngl-
tirea.
Ptolemy
executed his orders so zeal-
OMly,
that be
perfimceH
amsrchof t^nordirta-
ly stages
\o fonr
days,
and on the fourth reached
tbe
place
where
Spttsmeoea
had
encamped
the
day
before.
Here,
it ii
said,
he discover-
nd that tbe two ohleb were
warorlDg
!" their
pwpoBO
as to the emrrender "f Beaana. Thia
wM, perfaapa,
a oonetolM which he dmr from
their
proeeediDgs;
fin:he
may
Imta
expected
that,
a" be was coming at their
reqaest,they
woDid have waited for Him. But itseems that
tboogh
Beama^was so littleesteemed that no
band wBB
raised in Ub
behalf,they
coold net
depend on
the
willingneaa
of their
troops
to
nbmit to the Maeedonlaiw.
Ptolemy,
there-
(bie,
leftbis
inAuttrybebfnd,
and haateaed for-
waod wttb hi*
caxalryto orertake them. In
tbs eoone of tbe
day
he came to a
TiBage,
or
HsaU
towa,
Borromided
by
a
slightfortification,
wtera ho taaaA that Beasos had hem leftia
tbe
enstody
of
a
Aw aMntu*. Tet it ia not
qaite
ele" whether
tbey
eonsidered themadves
as hia
jaileia
or his
goard*,
for
Ptolemy
thm"fat
it
naeeaaary
to cnetrele the
riUage
with hia
canfay
aad to
negotiate
with the inhabitanta.*
When
tbey
ware assarad that do harm riioald
beftn them if
tbeygare up
Beasas.
they
admitted
him wttbin their
walls,
and be tocA
posses-
"im of the wretched nun who had so
dearly
potchased
the brief
eajoyraeat
of a shadow
(k
SpiumeneB
and
Dataphenes
bad withdrawn
to a abort
distuioe, ashanwd,
it is
said,toap"
pear
in
person
on snch an occasiim. That Ar-
istobntos was miainformed when he
reported
that
tbey
themselvea
brought
Beeans to Ptol- emy
is
anqoestioaablo,
aince the
anthori^
of
Ptcriemy,
here a
ptot
of tbe sTeots
whi"^
he
related,
is above all
snspicion.
But it scenu
piob^lle
that
tbey
wished it to be believed
among
their
countrymen
that
they
had relno-
tantly
sobmitted to the
conqueror
when
tbey
(band that reaistance would be
unavailing,
iriiilefitim Alexander they claimed tbe irtiole
merit of tbe surrender.
Tlieyappear,
hcwev-
er,
to have
accompaniedPtolemy
when he returned
with his
oaptiva
to the
army.
" ' '
sent du
...
t the e t time to in"inire
ia ^lat n
tMim. Th* ondlilMi,
ihu ibo-
l"at, "HU i"t.
tppUisMi
lo lb
Tot. n." E "
army
was to
pam.
When he himself oame
v^
to the
place
in his
chariot,
he
halted,and, aA"r
havingopbraided
the
prisoner
with the treacb-
ery
and
ingratitude
he had shown to
|iia
kiiw
arid
benefoctor,
ordered him to be
scourged,
while a herald
proclaimed
tbe crimes for which
he suffered. He did
not,however,
immediately
put
him to
death,
but committed him to the
custody
of
Oxathres,the brother of
Darius,
and
sent
hin
to
Zariaapa,
the
capital
where he had
latelyappeared
in
royalstate, to be reserved
for a
atijl
more
painAU
and
ignominiotia poniah-
Alexander had now rsached the
deligUfiil
coimtry irrigated by
the waters of the
Kohit"
~"ZeraMan,
the
gold-showering
" which is extolled
in the
descriptions
of Eastern
writera,
whose
praises
are confirmed
by
the
testimony
of
Buropeao
tiaveUeni as one of the
paradiaas
of the world. Its exaberaot
CBrtil^
and
beaovr
have, no doubt,always
made the
deeper
im-
prasalon
ftom the contrast
th^ present
to tbv
drearyaterili^
of the
adjacentdesert,
ia wbkb
the
river,by
tbe Greeks called
Polytimetno-^
term
nearlyequivalent
to its modem
Epithet
"
is
lost,
before it reaches the
Oxos, in the salt
lake of
Dengiz.
Witb the hoTses whicb h9
foond in ita
pastures
he
snpplted
tlie loaaas
which bis
cavalry
had suatained in its march
acToae the
mountains,
and
through
the desert
on both aides of the
Oxus,
and then advanced
to
Haracanda,
tbe
capital
of
Sogdiaoa,which,
througha singular coincidence,
has retained tho
greater
part
of its ancient name in that of a"-
marcano,
which
it,Mvertheleaa,
derived from a
totally
diatinettradition.t He
[daoed
a Uace-
donian'
garrison
in the
citadel;bnt,
it
aaama,
IsA
Spitaniene""though
not witb the titleof
aatrap
" jn
poaaeasioD
of
great authority,probably
aa
governor
of the district which be bad
held under Besans. He then advanced towards
the
northeast,throu^
the hill
coantry
of Ura-
tippa,
or Osrushnaii,and, having
croaaed the
chain which branches westward from (he Ak-
Tagh,
or in which tbe Asferah mountains sink
into tbe
desert,
arrived at the left bank of tho
Jaxartes, probably
not
very
far below
Khojend
;
not. however,
without molestaliou from tbe
nativea,who, suddenly
deaceudin|^
from tba
mountcuns,
fell
upon
the
Macedonians,
whils
dispersed
in
qnest
of
forage,
and carried olT a
number of
prisoneiB.
Alexander
pursued
theaa
into their
fastnesaes,and did not leave their
country
until he had reduced them to sutHtuB-
"ioD,but himself received a Wound from an arrow,
which for aome time confined him to a
litter.
according
to Cnrtins,
ii
irch
thrtragl
soription
does not indicate,
that he came to a
small town where
Xerxea,
on his retum firom
Europe,
had
planted
the
piieats
tmA
people
of
BranchidB,
who had
betrayed
tbe toeaaures ot
tbeir
sanetnary
into hia hands. That tbe Mila-
sian
troops
who served in the Maoedonlan
artDy
should have been
eager
to take
vengeance
frit
'
So c"U"irrDn"Ei"lDk.gi hillock,
-ll"cl"ii"ali"liMB
tbtliTarasdStinURUidlBiber,
p.
1"). ha uclnil us*
wu Ssghd (Intn").In
Bfilwr.p.
inrii.).
1 B"mir"d uauu Ub
eilj
at Saan-. Dionn, ii*w-
inr,
wnma* ita Ihii ttjtaiiuifj
haa bta Mirtentirt"*
SIB
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Q the descendanta of tlieciimi-
dbIs,
maj
be
easily
conceiTed
;
but that Alex- ander
Bhould bave allowed' them Dot
only
to
idtmder
and
deatroj
the
town,
but to massacre
the inhabitants,
Bounds
hardlycredible,though
the
alory
casnot safely
be
rejected
as a
ground-
leM fiction.
Nonb of
Uratippa,on the skirtsof the desert
whieh interrenM between the hills and the
JazBTtea,'
stood
a chain of
fortreases,
seven in
number,
which bad been built within a short
distance of each
other,apparently
for the
purpose
of
protecting Sogdianaagainst
the incursions
of the
Scythian
tribes
;
the
principal
among
them bore a name which the Greeks
translaled into
CyrapolLs,
and which seems to
isdicate that
they
all owed their
origin
to the
ibunder of the Persian
monarchy.
Alexander
leA a small
garrison
in each belbre he advanced
to the left banh of the Jaxartee. He had now
reached the borders ef a vast
region,
the nature
ud exient of which were
very imperfectly
known to the best informed
among
the Greeks,
Hie
only
facta which the Hacedonians were able
to ascertain as to their
position were,
that the
country beyond
the Jaxartes was inhabited
by
a
race of barbarians who resembled the
Scyth- ians
of
Europe,
and that the river
discharged
Its waters into a
great
lake or inland sea. Pob.
aiblythey
also heard the name of Tanaia
among
those
by
which it was known to the tribes of
various
origin
which were seated on its banks.
But, perhaps,
even without this
suggestion,
theymight easily
entertain the
fancy
that this
was the stream which divided
Europe
from
Asia,and,
after a
long
courae
through
the heart
of the
Scythianwilderneaa,
enteiwl the Lake
Maeotis. It was a
persuasiOD
which must have
been
very agreeable
to their
pride
to believe
(hat
they
had traversed the whcrie of Asia in
this
direction,
and it must have soothed theii
better
feelings
to think that
they
were
again
on
the confines of
E"irope.
Alexander could not
have wished to
dispel
this
allnaiM,even
if he
did not take
pains to
enconrage
it
i
but it ia
difflenltto believe that he ahared the
ignorance
out of which it
aiMe,
and that be had not a
goDerally
correct
eoneeption
of the distinction
between the
Caspian
and the
Mnotis,
which
had been
long
understood in Greece. He did
not intend,
for the
present
at
least,
to
puah
hia
conquests beyond
the Jaiartea. There was
nothing
to attract him intothe
Scythian
deserts
while India lav b"hind him
unexplored;
and
even if he had not reached the northern limits
of
Asia,
he
might
well be
content that his empire
Bhould be bounded
on this
aide,
as that of
Oyras
had been. But he wished both to erect
a dtirablemonument of his
expedition,
and to
provide
for the
secant;
of this frontier more
flflbetually
than had been done
by
the seven
fbrtresses
: he therefore selected a site on the
Jaxattes for a new Alexandria. No
place
"eems to
correspond
to this
object
so well as
the anoient
city
of
Khojend,
which lies on Uie
left
bank, at the
pointwhere the river issues
from the
highlands
of
Ferghana,
and
changes
itsoouTse from southwest to northwest
; though
it does not
appear
to have been ever
very
flourishing
" a
consecpience, perhaps,
of itsunwhole-
"ome air'" and the tradition of its Greek
origin
his been
lost,transferred, perhaps,
to Samar-
cand, which stillboasts of Alexander as ila
founder
"
While he was thus
employed,
he received
two
embassies,
one IVom the
Scythiansbeyond
the river" the
Europeans,
as
tliey
were
"êd
by
the Macedonians " and another from a race
in which be
recognised
those Abians whom
Homer bad celebrated as the
justest
of
mankind.
It is not clear whether their name contributed
to
suggest
the
thought
of this
identity,
or whether it was
merely
an inference from the
contrast between their
peseeful
habits and those
of the
predatory
hordes which
belonged
to the
same
family.
StiU less can we
hope
to ascertain
their exact situation
; though
it is most
probable
that
they
were seated in the
upper
valleys
of the
Jaxartes,where,
secured
by
their
mountain
barriers,they
maintained a
quiet
independence.
If their
embassy
struck Alexaii'
der's
imagintUion,
that of the northern
Scythi- ans
eicit^
a
much
deeper
intercM
;
for itwaa
from them that he had most to fear. He sent
some of hia ofEcers back with their
envoys, under
the
pretext
of
cultivating
their
fiiendship,
but with the
parpose
of
gaining
information as
to their
country
and
militarystrength,
whicii
might
be useful to him in some future
eipedi-
In the mean while an insnrrectionbroke out
in his
rear,
which
spreadrapidly
over the newly-conquered
provinces.
It
began
among
tbe
mountaineers of
Uratippa,
who made a sodden
attack on the seven ibitresses, and, having
killed the Macedonian
garrisons, proceededto
strengthen
their
fortifications,
and to
prepare
for a
siege.
But
they
obtained BDeeoars from
the inhabitants of the
Sogdian vaUeys,
where
Spitamenes
and his associktes
possessed
the
chief influeoce
J
and,though they
hsd not
yet
declared themselves
by any open act,
Alexan- der
had reason to believe that the revolt was
caused bvtiieirinstigation.Spitamenes
was a
bold,ambitions,
resUesa
man,
and, tboagh
he
appears
to have met with a graoioDSreception
ttom
Alexander,had,perfaapa, expected
" more
liberal reward for hia
treaêry to Beseus,
and
may
have been
disappointed
becanse fae had
not been
promoted
to the vacant
aatrapy.
He
had not only
ezoited the Sradian* to rrtieDion,
but hful drawn
many
of tiiaBaotrian chie" over
to his side
by
insinuations that the
asaembly
to which
ther
had been summoned was meant
aa a mare for their lives or liberties.
Alexander's first care was to redooe the
seven fbrtreases. He
immedistely
ordered a
nomber of
scaling
ladders to be
provided,
and
sent Craterus, with h detachment, to invest
Cyropolis,
while he himself marched
against
Gaza " a name which seema to survive in the
Desert of
Ghai,
which stretches westward of
Uratippa
to the Sea of Aral " the fortress whi4dk
lay
nearest to the
camp.
It was defended
by
a
mud wall of no
great height,
which was soon
cleared
by
the misailea of the
beaiegers,
and
rapidly
scaled. Alexander ordered all the men
to be
put
to death
;
the women and children "
formed
part
of the
plunder;
the town was reduced
to ashes. He then marched without
delayagainst
the
next,
which was stormed the
same
day,
and underwent like treatment.
Hie
*
Bthw,p.ia-
THE SCYTHIANS." PASSAGE OF THE JAXARTES.
"1"
IbDowiDg morniag
he advanced
apan
a third,
and,
wbUe he assaulted
it,sent the
cavalry
for-
mrd
topFBvenl
the iDhabitantaoftbe ttronext
Irorn
making
tbeir
escape.
The
unhappj
barbarians,
when
Ihey
learned the fate of the
seigbboaringtowns,
firstfrom tbe amoke of the
conflagration,
and then from the
fugitives, quitted
their own lo seek
refiige
in the
mountains,
and, falling
into the handa oC the Macedonian
eavaliy,
were almoat all cut to
pieces. Thus,
in two
dajB,
Alexander had made himself master
of fiveoot of (he seven.
Cyropolis,
which
was now
the next in tua line of
march,
was
both the most
strunglj
fortilied,and held
by
the moBt numerous and warlike
garrison;
consisting
of
15,000 men,
who had thrown Ihem-
selTca into it as the
place
where
thej might
tape to ntalu tbe mast
peiBeveriog
resistance.
Alexander here
brought
up
his
engines
to
play
npOD
the walls on one side,and led tbe
enemy
to believe tbst his sole
object
was to
open
a
breach there. But be had observed
that,
on
another
side,
tbe bed of a torrent wbich
passed
through
the town, and was now dried
up,*
left
a
large
entrance that had neither been filled
up
nor
guarded.
While the attention of the be-
sieg^was
engrossedby
the attacks of the engines,
he
hinuelf,
with a small
body
of
light
tioops,
tuade a
ciicoit, and,
sheltered
by
the
high
banks of the
empty
channel,crept
into the
town unobserved. He
immediately
hastened
to break
open
the nearest
gates.
Tlie barbarians,
however, weia not
dismayed by
the
sight
of the
enemy
within tbeir
walla,
but
boldly
advanced
to
repel
him
;
and a warm
engagement
ensned,
in wbich Alexander was stunned
by
a
heavy stone,
which fellon the
nape ofhtsneck,
and not
only
disabled him for the
moment,
but
lor
some
days
almost
deprived
him of
aigbt.t
The barbarians
were, nevertheless,
forced to
giveway,
and were soon
completelyoverpow- ered
by
a multitude of fi^sh
troops,
who
poured
in
through
the
gates
and
over tbe deserted
walL
Eight
thousand fellin the
carnage
which
followed
;
the rest took shelter in the citadel
;
but, as
it was not supplied
with
water, they,
too,
ware
fain to surrender the next
day.
Their
hrea,
it
seems,
were
spared,as, according
lo
Ptolemy,
were (hose of the seventh
garrison,
which threw itself on the
conqueror'smercy ;
bat all the
prisoners
were
kept
in close confinement,
to be
transported
ODt of the
country.
Short as this contest had
been,
it showed a
spirit
in the barbarians wbich must have led
Alexander to
anticipatea stillfiercer and more
obstinate
struggle
with tbe other
insurgents
;
and it was scarcelyat an
end before he (bund
himself threatened
by
a new
enemy ;
for,on
his retam to bis
camp
on the
Jaxsirtei,
be saw
its
right
bank lined
by
a host of
Scythians,
whom
Arrian
distinguishes
from those to whom the
embassy
had been
sent, as the Asiatic.
They
probablyoccupied
the
country
to tbe northeaat
of the
river,
and differed in blood and
language
from those who
ranged
over tbe
steppes westward,
and to the north of the Sea of Aral and
the
Caspian. They might
think their
independence
endangeredby
ê
risingcity;
but it
seems
*
Ttiia."" J"roj"BnobaeTT*
ot Khotasd, niiiliii ncK lii
-
t Bs
Vluueh
(Dt AL Pi
Hjnuu
Iha (sua atOmoe
M tlul Cjnfioluifi
that
they
had also been
urged by
the
agent*
of
Spitamenes
to make tbeir
appearance
while
the invader
was
occupied
with the insurrection
in the south. At the same
juncturenews arrived
that
Spitamenes
had taken
up arras,
and
was
besieging
tbe Macedonian
garrison
in tbe
citadel of Maracanda. Alexander sent a
detachment
to its
relief, consisting
of 1600 foot
and 800 horse,
all
mercenaries,
with
sixty
of
his
cavalryguard,
under the command of An-
dromachuB, Menedemus,
end Caranus. But be
appointed
his
interpreter, aLycian,
named Phar-
nocbes, to the command of tbe whole
division,
deeming
bira
qualified, by
his
knowledge
of the
language,
and
by
the
dexterity
which he displayed
in his intercourse with tbe
barbarians, to
conduct
an
expedition
in which
more,
it
seems,
was to be
accomplishedby
address (ban
by
force. The new
city"though
itwas
only
twenty
days
since tbe foundations had been laid"
was
by
this time surrounded with a wall
high
enough
to sosiain an attack
;
and he now
planted
a
colony
in
it,composed chiefly
of Greek
and of Macedonian invalids.
Having
then consecrated
it with sacrifices and
games,
be
prepared
to chastise the
Scythians.
They
were confident in ibei/
prowess,
and at
firstattributed the ioaclion of the Macedonians
to the fear which it
inspired.
As
they
shot
tbeir arrows across tbe
river,
which was hei"
not
very broad,they
defied Alexander with barbarian
insolence,
and threatened
that,
if be attempted
to attack
them,
he should leam the
diiference.between the
Scythians
and the effbm-
inate races
which he had hitherto subdued. Al- exander
ordered
pontons
or rafls to be
made,
and the skins of the tents to be
prepared
like
sacrificed to consult the
gods
on the issue of tbe
enterprise.
The victtmswere foundtofbreliode
some disaster
;
and the
king,
it is
said,
notwitli-
Btanding
his
impatience,
did
not, at first, venture
to
neglect
the
omen. But
when, on a second
trial,they
still
presented
a
Ihreateoingaspect,
he declared that he would brave
an; dtmgor
rather than bear the insults of the
Scythians
any longer.
Aristander
calmlyreplied,
that he
could not make a
reportcontrary
to the intiint
tions
given by
the
gods,
to snit Alexandei^
pleasore.
One
mi^t sospeot
soote coUnsloti
between the
king
and his
soothsayer,
if we bo-
lieved,
what Cartios
relates,
that the aacrifioM
suddenlyproredpropitioas.Airian,however,
seems to have read that
they
continned imflk-
vonrsble to the
last,
and that Alexander
embarked
in
spite
of them. It seems more probable,
therefore,
that Aristander,who, no
doubt,
understood the
practical
use of his science as
well as
Xenophon,
wished to divert his master
from
an undertakingwhich,
even
without
any
adverse
omens,
he
might
have
judgedto be
very
dangerous;esoeeialiy
as Alexander had wit yet
quite
recovered from the effects of the blow he
,
had received at
Cyropolis.
And Curtius
gives
strong
warrant for the
conjecture
that he was
Bcti
ng
in concert with
HephKstion,Cratems,
sso
and
GrigniuB,
who all eadeavoored
tlie
king
from his
purpose.
Wban the
pontons
were prepared,
he ordered
the
engine
to be
plantedby
tbe waler'a
edge,
while Uie
troops
were drawn
up along
the bank
ready
to embark. The
Scythians
were
riding
np
and down on the
opposite
side with their
utaal
gesturea
of defiance. At an
appointed
signal,
a
diechaige
of misailea
began,
with an
effect which seema to have amazed and terrified
tbe barbariaos
nearly
as much as the Sre-
mniB
of the
Spaniards
did the natives of the
New World. Several of them were
wounded,
and
one
of their braTesiwarriors fell from his
faorBe,pierced through
botb buckler and corselet.
At Ihia
si^t
the rest retreated out of tbe reach
of tbe
enginesi
and Alexander seized tbe
op-
portuDlly
to begin
the
paaeage.
Ho himself led
the
way.
The oowmea and
slingers
were landed
first,
and
were
ordered to
ply
the
enemy
with
their
missiles,
that
they might
not be aUe to
fan
upon
the
ioTantry
until the whole of the
caval^had crossed over. Ah soon as the
whole
army
had come to land,he sent a small
detachment of
cavalry
to
charge
the
enemy.
But the
ScyUiiana
waited for their
approach,
and
then,Buddenl;wheeUng round,
assailed
their flanks with
a shower of
arrows,
while,by
the
rapidity
of their
moTementa, they
eluded
every
attack.
Alexander,
seeing
his
troopa
engaged
in an
unequalcontest,
advanced with the
nlain
body
of his
horse,interspersed
with the
bowmen and the rest of the
lightinfantry;
and
HISTOKY OF GREECE.
e
uptc
B
squadrons
forward to
charge,
while he
followed at the head of a
column flanked with
the
light
troops.*
Tbe
Scythians,
threatened
by
this secono division,
did
not venture to repeat
tbe evolution on which
theyusuallyrelied,
but which wculd now have
exposed
their Qank
to the
enemy.
As littlewere
tbey
able to sua-
lainthe
charge
with which
tbey
were assailed
in front,
Thej
did not
longkeep
their
ground,
but
sought safety
in
flight., Alexander,
however,
was not to be satisfied with a decided vie-
tory.
He
was bent on
pursuing
them untU the
last nun was slain or taken. He
pressed
forward,
in
spite
of tbe
scorchingheat,
with unabated
speed,
and
only paused
for
a few moments
at a well to slake his
burningthirst.
But the water
proved brackish,or otherwise
noxious,
and he soon
began
to
experience
the
effects of the
draught,
which
compelled
him to
relinquish
tbe
pursuit,
and to
permit
himself to
be carried bacV,in a state of extreme
danger,
to the
camp.
So,
Arrian
observes,
Aristander's
prediction
waa fulfilled
;
and be believed that it
was
only
Alexander's illneas that saved the
Scythians
from eztermiDation. About a thousand
of them were lell on the
Geld,
and 160
taken. The defeat struck the rest of the
people
with
awe.
and Alexander soon after received
an embassy from their
king,or,
as he
was, perhaps,
then
called,
the
kbakhan,offering excusea
for th" hostile
proceedings
of his
countrymen,
which he
represented aa tho acts of a
single
tribe,not authorized
by
the
general consent of
the
nation,
and
professing
himself
willing
to
"
Mr. WilH
submit to Alexander's
pleasure.
AJesanter
graciously accepted
the
apology,
which he could
not
becomingly
have
rejected,
unless he had
followed
up
the war in
Scythia,
for which be
had [
He e
restored the
prisoners
without a ransom. The
fame of such
clemency
and
liberality, coupled
with that of his
victory
over a people
which had
hitherto been deemed
by
its
neighbours
invincible,
attracted tbe
homage
of the
SacK,
who
seem to have
ranged
over the
highlands
to the
west of the chain of Belur
Tlgb,
and behind
their mountain barriers
might
have
thought
themselves secure from his arros. He sent
one
of his officers with their
envoys,
when
they
relumed,
under the same
pretext,
and with die
same
view,
as in the case
of (be
Scythianem-
But his attention was now drawn to another
quarter by
the
tidings
be received of the
corps
which he had sent under the orders of Pbar'
nuches. Before it arrived at Haracanda,
the
garrison
had
successfully repelled
the asMoIts
of
Spitamenes,
and when he heard that another
Maceflonian force was
approaching,
he raised
the
siege
and retreated towards a
city,
which
Arrian does not
name,
but which he describes
as the
capital
of
Sogdiana,
a titlewhich be had
before
given
to Maracanda. This second
capi*
tal,as it
undoubtedly
stood lower down ia the
vale of the
Sogd,may
be now
representedby
Bokhara, Fhamuches and bis
colleagues
hastened
to overtake him,
and continaed to
parsue
him
even
after he bad taken
refuge
in the desert
of Khiva. Here, however,
he was
joinedby
a
body
of 600
horse,
which the
Scythian
tribes of
this
region
sent to his aid when
they
found that
their
country
had been invaded
;
and thus re-
enforced,
he ventured to wait for his
pursuers.
They
came
up
with bioi in a
plain
on the skirta
of the
desert,
which aSbrded
ample room fbr tbe
evolutions in which tbe
Scythiancavalry
ex- celled,
and
which, as we have
seen,
had called
for Alexander's
militaryskill, aa
well
as a superior
Ibrce,
to baffle tbem.
Spitamenes now
employed
them with
complete
success. His
Scytbun allies, eluding
the
charge
of tbe Mace- donian
cavalry,
whose horaea were enfeebled
by
a
laborious march and the
scarcity
of
food,
and, wheeling
round the
phalanx,galled
its
flanks with their
arrows,
and, as often aa
they
were
put
to
flight, returned,
afler a short interval,
to ths attack. It soon became evident that
the
onlyhope
of
safety
for the Macedonians
lay
in a
apeedy
retreat to some place
of
shelter,and
the gener^
resolved to fallback
upon
the
Poly-
timetus,
which offered a
refuge
in the woods
that lined its banks.
They
formed their division
In a hollow
square,
and reached the
river,
thoughpursuedby
the
barbarians,
without much
loss. But it seems that their movements were
not welt concerted,
and that
Phamucfaes,
whose
talents were protiably not
equal
to such
aa
emergency,
did not
possess
sufficientauthority
over his
colleagues.Caranus,
who commanded
the
cavalry,
no sooner saw the river before
hun, than,
without
orders,
and before the rest
were aware of his
intention,
he
pushed
forward
to
gain
the
opposite
bank. When thia
movement
was observed
by
the
infantry,
who were
stillmore
eager
to
escape
from the continual
molestatiea which
they
itect
utterly
unable to
ALEXANDER'S
REVENGE." DOOM OF BE8SUB.
lepel,they
dtd not wail for a command,
but followed
in
disorderi; baste,
and
plunged
into the
water. The
Scythiansperceived
the
adTantage
which was oflfered to them
by
the
enamy'a
mistake,
and,tiiBtsntly dashing
into the
river,attacked
the
fugitives
on all sides. A few
only
had
landed,
and these
were,
for the most
part,
oTcnaken and cut down. The rest were repaired
from the
bank,
which was
high
and
steep,
and
eiposed,
without
defence,
to the
enemy's
arrows. At
lengththe;
all made for
a small
island,which, indeed,
aSbrded tbera
Snn
footing
and the use of their
shields,
but
seems to have been
open
on all sides to the
miBsiles of their assailants. Here almost all
perished:
the few
prisoners
who fellinto the
hands of the barbarians were
pot
lo death in
cold blood.
According
to
Ariatohuhis,who,
however, gave
a diGerent aecoant of the
opera-
tions which led to this result,not more tban 40
borve,
and about 300
fool,
made their
escape
to
bear the mournful
tidings
to Aleiander,
It was the lirstdisaster that had befallen bis
arms,
and be hastened to
wipe
o? the stain.
Spitamenes
had been
encouragedby
his success
to advance
again
on
Maracanda,
and renew the
siege
of the citadel.
Aleiander, by
one of bis
extraordinarymarches, appeared
there
on the
fourth
day
after be had moved from the bank
of the Jaxartes
; but,
on the news of his
approach,
Spitamenesagain
took
to flight,
and retraced
his
steps
towards the desert. Aleiander
puraoeil
bim with ardent
speed,
until he reached
the scene of the recent
carnage,
where he
batted to
pay
the last honours to
tê
remains
"r the slain. But he stilldid not
give
up
the
hope
of
overtakingSpitamenes
before he came
lo the
edge
of the boundless
desert,
into which
itwould have been madness to follow him. He
therefore returned into the vale of the
Poly-
tLnetoB,
and
ravagedit,
as he marched
up
the
ilrer,
in its whole
length
aad
breadth,reducing
the fortressee into which the unfortunate in-
babitants fled for
shelter,
and
putting
to death
all whom he fouDd there as
accomplices
in the
revolt of
Spitamenes.
This is
certainly
one of
the acts of Alexander's lifefor which it is most
difficultto find an eicuse. There
seems to be
no
ground even for the wretched
plea
of necessity
or
policy
which has been
urged
in bis behalf
Both Curtius' and Arrianl alford reasons
loT
believing
tbst the mass of the So^dian
population
was
peaceablydisposed,
and had been
urged
into insurrection
aînst
its will
by
the
influence and arts of
Spitamenes.
The real
notcve of the desolation with which the conqueror
visited this
lovelyregion
can
hardly
be
mistaken. It was
mardfestly
resentment for
Ibe dishonour of bis
aims,
the loss of his
troops,
and the
escape
of
Spitamenes.
He wreaked
his
vengeance
on the
innocent,because he was
not able to reach the
guilty.
But if
anger
is to
be admitted as an eitenualion of such
cruelty,
the most horrible atrocities of a
Jonghiz,
a
Tiraur,or a Nadir,must be accounted venial
offences. It
ought
lalher to be
ackowledged
that
faumanity
was not one of the
qualities
that
f*x^tKrr"
1 T"i! ffaptipntpdUn j|Hi
adorned Alexander's
charaoter,
and that tiw
olemeocy
for which he has been often
praiaed
did
not rest on this
foundation,
bat
was the
result
of less amiable
feelings, even wbbre it
wu
not the eflbct of a mê
calculating polioy.
He
could
not,perhapa,
have Slledthe
part
which he
acted in the
history
of the
worU,
if he had
been
capable
of
letting an emotion of
pityrestrainhim
in the career of bis ambition. In the
narrative
of his
conquests
there is
hardly
room for a moral
reflection on the
miserytbeycaused,
because it
would be
equallyappropriate everywhere. But
he is answerable
as a
man, even to
posteri^,
for all the evil he
wrought
which did not essen- tially
belong
to hie vooation as a
conqueror.''
The
year
339 was now
drawing
to a
dose,
and
as
tranquillity,
or the solitude which conquerors
call
peace,
had been established in
Sog-
aiana,Alexander,
leaving
Peuoolaua with 8000
men as
satrap
of the
province,proceeded
to
take
up
bia
winter-quarters
in
Zariaspa. Here
he was
joinedby
the
satrapsPhrataphemea
and
Stasauor,
who
brought Arsames, the
auspected
satrap
of
Aria,
and
Barzanes,who bad been
appointed
to the
government
of
Parthyna by
Bessus,
with them in chains. About the same
time he received TBênfoTcements of Greek
mercenaries
broughtby
Asander and
Nearchns,
and
of Asiatic
troops,
which had been levied
by
Aa-
clepiodoTus,
tbe
satrap
of
Syria.
The
generals
who had escorted Menes and tbe treasure to
the
coast,
also met him at
Zariaspa.
And now
he held a solemn
council,which was
probabljr
attended not
onlyby
bis own
officers,
but
by
the
Bactrian
chiefi^
to decide
finally
on the fate of
the traitorBessus. He was condemned to be
motitaled,according
to Persian
usage,
in his
nose and
ears,
and then to be oonve^ lo Eo-
bstana,to suffer death in the
presence
of an assembly
of Modes and
Persians,which was to
be called
together
to witness bia
punishment.
There can be littledoubt that Alexander's
mo- tor
this
rigoroustreatment of Bessus was
not so much
indignation
at his
crime,as a politic
regard
for tbe
majesty
of the
throne,
whiob
bad been
outraged
in the
person
of Darius. Ar-
justlycensures his
compliance
with tbe
barbarous
practice
of
superaddingtorture to
death. It
seems, however,to have been
designed
to
gratify
Oxsthres and the other kinsmen of
Darius,
to
whom, accwding
to Curtius and
Diodoiva,the execution was committed. t
Th^
*
Drojnn'i utMnpt ta
t"Uj"ta
Ihv
tmrtehliF
oi Ueu
10 Sogittuil*nii"*Kl
in
na lEsuj- on
Ihe
Oaotinpliyof Ihe Aubuu. p. 911).
MHd
in SugdJuim. (Ijr*of Al.,p.
910.] ludeml.Itaa
HISTORY OP GREECE.
an
uid to have
pot
him to a cruel
deatb,*
and
eren extended tbeir
veogeance
to hia Ureleaa
ivmaiiia,
whioh
(hej carefullyguarded,
tbat
theytni^t
not be torn
by
bird or beast,an es-
"ential
condition, according
to the
Mogian
religion,
or an honourable iotemient.t
During
hia
ataj
at Zarioapa
his ambaseadois
returned from the
country
of the
Euiopean
Scythians,accompanied by Scythianenvoys,
"ent
by
a new
king,
tbe brother of the iaat,nho
bad succeeded lo the throne in the interval after
the first
emhasay. They broughtpreaeots
and a
roesaage
froai their
prince
of even more
friendly import
than that which Alexander had
received from his
predeceaaor.
He
profesoed
Um most unreaervcHl eabmiBBioB lo Alexander's
pleaanre,
and offiaredhia
daughter's
hand as a
êdge
of the doae aUianoe which he wished to
contract with hia
powerfulneighbour.
If Alex- ander
ahouid not think fitto
accept
this
proposal,
he
suggeated
that the
objectmight
be ac-
compliahedby
a union between the
great
men
of the Macedonian court and'the
daughters
of
the
principalScythian
chief!(.
Alexander received
the
envoys
most
graciously,
and assured
them tbat there was no need ofsucha connexion
to cement the
friendship
that subsisted between
him and their
king.
Abont the same time ho received a BtiH more
gratifying proof
of the
impreaaion
made
by
the
lame of bis
victoriea,
and of hia
peraoual
character,
on the
neighbouringbarbarians,
io the
arrival of a
powerful
chief named Pharaamaues,
who is described as
king
of the
Chorasmians,
and wboae
territories,
which
longpreserved
the
name of
Khauream, lay
on the lower Oxus and
the south coast of the Sea of
Aral, probably
comprehending
the whole of the modem khan- ate
of
Khiva,
and
eitending.perbapo,
farther
northward,
between the Aral and the
Caspian.
He came attended
by
a
body
of 1600 horse, not
merely
with
general
oflfersof snbmission and
service, but,
it is
said,
with a distincttender of
his aid for a
particular object
which he himself
"nggeated.
He described his own dominions,
we are
informed,as
borderingon
the land of
the Colchiana and the
Amazons,
and was
ready,
if Alexander
was inclined to make an
expedition
against
those celebrated
races,
both to accompany
him
as bis
guide
and to
supply
hia
bm
pnjadiefli.
.,_"i
lh(t
"
Altai
,-,
H
"oi"T|"dpobliclj
(or failen
ii|i
of tho Piiduu m" u mch cntnifHlbv Iliaiign-
distpiuiiihnMiit
at
Beam), h tbe"a of Ou
Ekiîh
Botjlin
woBld bo. won llioj10 "* k Dako of NoiMk
si NoRhua-
boiUnd
flogdidbf
tbe buds nf Ibg
'
Otancb lb" itrHti etle
'
"boproprialj^ll
Unosto
wbich
tho Poniui kinti
vtr* uaod to inijce
on
ujoftbolr nbjeotovEiDiBebnwalboirdiipleuDrtAi to
Ibo ooHtlan
iueir,itDu bo (gSeint lo oUrns,OiU Ar-
riftobbttoiAloissdor or
sdoptmf
ft bub"riu
Hfo
lb iho
nmilbuU of BoMlft
; Ihlt,"g"dlll|
U Diodomi aitd
CdiUiu, Bhou wu tononit br Ibo Fonli
Hut Alciuidor ODiM not bsn
"C
'
tun of tbo Pmiui br tbo iniBiak
BiQidanr of tboii
Ub^j^mJ
ft-
ulUid^.He, too,
... . " ._." _ _ .
.^^^j^
^ji^
_^^^
inpnwo
army
with
provisions.
It iS difficulthere to
distinguish
between truth and fiction. Tho
mention of tbe Amazons seems
clearly
to
prove
that the
proposals
of Pbarasmanes have not
been
correctly reported.
This
suppoBed
nation
of female warriors was
anobject
of
strong
curiosity
to Alexander's
soldiers,who had been familiar
with the
story
from their
childhood, and,
as
they
advanced towards the
northeast,appear
to have been
continually expecting
to fall
in with them. Hence a
report
became
current,
and found a
place
in the works of the
greater
part
of Alexander's
historians,that,on the
banks of the
Jaxartes,
he had received a visit
from a
queen
of tbe Amazons
;
but the Chores-
mian
Icing,
if he was
acquainted
with the
name,
must have heard it firstfrom the Greeks themselves.
Nor is it
easy
to
explain
how he could
have been ted to describe himself as a neigb~
bour of the
Colchiana,
from whom he knew
himself to be
separatedby
a
great distance,
whether of land or sea. Alexander, also,must
have been
perfectly aware that,
when be moved
eastward from tbe shorea of tbe
Caspian,
lie
was
leaving
the aeata of tbe Colchians farther
and farther behind him.
Still,
it is credible
enough
tbat Phaxasmanea
may
have
proposed
to conduct him round the northern shores of
Euxine. He
himself,perhaps,
had but a
vague
notion of the distance
i
and Alexander must
have
greatly
underrated it ifhe
really
made tba
answer which Arrian attributesto
him,
that ha
must first march into
India,
and so
complete
the
conqnest
of Asia
: be would then
return to
Greece,
and make an expedition
with bis whole
force,
naval as
well
as military,
into the conn-
tries on the Euzine
;
and be desired Pharaama-
nes to keep
himself in readiness then to assist
bim
1
in tbe mean while to maintain
a good
understanding
with Artabazus and the other
satraps
of the
provinces
which
lay
nearest to
his territories. The
planitself, however, which.
this answer indicates is such as we
may very
well believe Alexander to have entertained.
The accounts
remaining
of his nex:t two
campaigns
are
very
confbsed, Neither Cnrtius
nor Arrian enable ua
diatinctly
to follow his
movements.
Arrian
gives
hut a
brief
outline,
dwellingonly
on a few
incidents,
and
evidently
not
strictly adhering
to tbe order of time
;
and
CurizuB mentiona some ^ta which raise a.
Buapicion
tbat tbe Greek author has either
omitted or totallymisrepresented
some
very
importantoperations. According
to hia account,
when Alexander moved from Bactra
or
Zariaspa.
in the
spring
of
8SS,
be crossed tbe
Aiver
Ochns,
and came to a
city
called Har-
ginia,
in the
vicinity
of which he founded six
towns, at a short distance Irom one
another,on
loftybills,
that
they might
tbe more
easily
combine their Ibices for mutual aid to bridle
the disaflbcted
province.
Ifthe Oebna
was, as
is
commonly believed,one of the streams wtdch
flow towards
the
Caspian
from the motmtaina
which form the barrier that
separates
the t^le-
land of Khoraaan from the low coantries south
of the OxuB,
there could be littledoubt that the
name Marginia
is connected with those of Ha]"
giana
and of the River
Hargus,
or
Murghab,
from which the
provincewaa ao
called
: and it
mj^t
be
mpposed
that Atexsiider,
before he
croued ibe
Oxas,
bad made an
expedition
amubward to
quell
some disturbances wbich
bad taken
place
in
Margtana,
and to secure the
communicatioD betweeu Bactria and Asia
bj'
the lower road,
which he had himself
deaigoed
to take before he was diverted from his
purpose
b;
the insorrection of Salibaisanes, But
it ia
OBTtainly
eaaier to believe (hat Cuitius
was
alti^^tbei
mistaken in (his statement than
that Aician either
wholly
omitted to mention
tbeae transactions or described tben" in a raan-
nar which,
but Ibr this hint of the Roman writer,
would have rendered it
impoaaible
to recognise
their real nature.
It
is,besides,
clear
that,dnring
the winter
sojourn
at
Zsriaspa,
Atozaoder's attention was
fully engaged by
the
i"iiB of Bactria and
Sogdiana.
Some of the Bactrisn chiefs stillheld out
against
him
;
and,though
the
greater part
were
kspl quietby
his
presence,
he saw
enough
to
eoovince
him
that he could not
depend
on their
submiaaton
any longer
than
they
were overawed
by
a
superiorforce,at least while
Spitame-
nes waa at hand to excite them l" revolt
-,
and
he teamed
that,iwtwithataDdiiis
his
desolating
lavagea,
the
Sogdiaes
were not reconciled to
hia
yoke,but,intrenching
tbemaelvea in their
"Thia m
FRESH REVOLT IN SOGDIANA." THE BOGDIAN ROCK
SSH
was held
by
a chief named
AruoazeSt
who had
collected a
great number, acconling
to
Curtlus,
30,000,
of his
coontrymen
in it
;
and the
geit-
aial belief that itwaa
impregnable,
had induced
the Bactriau
Oxyartea,
who had been a follow- er
of
BesBUB,
and had either never submitted
tu Alexander " as he did
not, it
aeenis, concoi
iu the
treachery
of
Spilamenea against
Besaua
" or had
again revolted,
to aead his wife and
daughters
to take shelter within its walla. This
was an additional motive to
quicken
Alexan- der's
eagerness
for the
poBseasion
of the
place.
It
was,
like the hill forlresaes of
India,an insulated
rock,precipitouson all
sides,
and
only
aocessible
bya sinê
nanow
path.
Proviaions
bad been laid in
aufficieni,
itwas
thought,
even.
if the
siege
should last two
years.
Alexander
himself,
when be saw it,waa almost inclined
to
despair;
but he
sent Cephas,
the soa of Ajr-
tabazuB, to aummon Arimazes to surrender.
The chief recetved.the
message
with
derision,
and Baked whether Ute Macedonians had
winga.
In no other
way
did it seem
poaaibte
for an enemy
to reach the sammit. The taunt roused
Alexander to a reaolution which he would at
low no obstacle to foil. He
proclaiioed
a reward
of ten talents for the man who should
firstmeant to the
top,
and a sum
proportionate- ly
less for each of the nine who should follow.
The lowest
prize
was to amount to 300 darica.
The moat
agile
and
expert
elimbera in the
armj
Bonn came
forward
as
competitors
for we''th
and honour, to be earned
by
a risk wbich
li"ey
were used to
despise. They provided
Ibenk-
selves with cords, and with a number of the
iron
pegs
with which the tenta were
secured,
and set out in the middle of the
night
toward*
the most
precipitous, and, consequently,
the
most neglected,
side of the rock. The attempt
would,
perhaps,
have been
utterly desperate
if
the ascent had not been rendered eaaier
by
tha
snow which
layon the
ground,
and which had
become bo
solidly frozen,
(hat the
pegs,
when
driven into
it,
could
support
the
weight
of tha
body. Still, more than
thirty
of the adrentu"
era lost their
footing,
and were buried so
deep
in the snow at the foot of the bin, that their
bodies could not afterward be found. Their
more fortunate
companions,
who
gained
the
summit in
safety,
announced their success to
tbeir friends below
by
the
waving
of
flags,
the
signal
which Alexander bad
appointed;
as sixut
as he saw it,
he
again
sent
Cophas
to summon
Arimaxes,
and to
point
out to him that the Ma- cedonians
bad found
wings.
The
sight
of the
enemy
above his
head,
whose
strength
he did
not know,
seems to have
deprived
him of hi"
presence
of
mind,
sod he
hastily
snrrendered
the fortress.
Alexander thoa became master of the
daughters
of
Oxyartea
;
one of
them,
named
Roiana,
was
Burpassiikgly
beautiful,
and made aucb an
impression
on the
conqueror,
that he resolved
to share his throne with her. Arrian
praises
him for the
generosity
he showed to his fair
captive,
over whom he
might
have exercised
the
rights
of
a victorious
enemy.
But Plutartb
DfTimar'aasrlTaiiMdiUiiM; udhawmtil Hlwt IhsplHK
"ll"lKotiiMn, -hicli iiliiddoon ia thg mip
to Bot"^
in
Bactria,
under four
generala,Pulysperchon,
Attahu, Gorgias,
and
Heleager,who, however,
were,
it
seems,
all
placed
under the command
of
Cratenia,* to reduce the
remaining
ineur-
genta,
and to restrain the rest of the
population
6om new
attempts,
and himaelf
proceeded
to
etiMs the Oxua. While he was
encamped
on
its
bank,
its water
being
so loaded with
clay
as
to be
scarcelydrinkable,!
wells were
dug
for a
better
supply,
and fi"m
one,
which was
opened
dose to Alexander's
tent,
there
gushedup
a
ifsing
of
naphtha,
or,
as the
Greû
called
it,
oLt AriBtander waa conaulted on the
prodigy,
sad foretold a
very
laborious,
bat successful
Having passed
the
river,
he divided hia fbr-
oea into five
columns,
one of which he
placed
imder the cotnmand of
Hephasslion,
another
under
Ptolemy,
a third under
Perdiocae,
and
the fotmh under Ccenua and Artabaxos.
They
were directed to traverBO the
country
in va-
lioaa
directions,
and to meet him and the fifth
division at Hamcanda. The chief
object
was
to reduce the
strongholda
in which the inaur-
gents
had taken
refuge;
and there can be little
doubt
that,as usual, he reserved the most arduous
of these
enteiprises
for himself. We
may,
therefore,
here
adoptthe order of
Cunius,
wbo relates that he now marched
against
a
fortress which waa deemed tbe
stropgest
in
tlM
coantry,
ao as to be
distinguished
from the
rest
by
the
simpleappellation
of the
Rock,^
It
m
ibm
suH of Cntanu nilh th"a at tha hvn
iu*,iril., 10,U
;
mid lo it ii daenbwl
bf Buhh,
nutidvnljIiipriiiABOD
thethonn
u"l inalnd of on."" [AVi Die-
(tfllHCupii
"r Kotej^R Dnbnd, k d\i
"S4
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"MiDB to take a more probable
view of the case
when he
eonjectotes
that hia reaolation was
dictated ftot less
bj policj
than
by
inclination.
Hia
maiTlage
with Roxana waa likely
to con-
eiltateher countrTmen,
whosa reaiaCaoce was
the most
obstinate he had
yet
encountered
;
"nd it accorded with the
generalsyatero
which
he bad
adopted
in hia treatment of hie new ;
'
Ejects.
It waa
immediately
attended nith
importantadrantage. Oxyartea,
aa soon ai
heard of the honour which the
king
was al
to confer on hia
family,repaired
to the Mace- donian
camp,
and henceforth
zeaSonafy
exeTt"d
allhis influence in AJexander'a Benice,*
Curtias relatOB that Arlmazes,
hia
kinaman,
aod the
principa] refugees
taken in the
fortress,
were
put
to death
by
the
conqueror ;
bnt it is
very improbabie
that he ahould have
displayed
such
severity
on an occasion which
naturally
fluffgested extraordinarycleDioney.Curtiiis,
in-
"leed,
refers the
capture
of Roxaoa to a difitr-
etent
place,
and therefore hia aocoant of the
treatment of the
vanquished
may
belong
to another
occasion.
Though
the Rock
was
the
strongest
fortreaa in
Sogdiana,
there were otii-
ers in the
highvaDeys
of the
upper
Oxus,
which
appear
stillto have aSbrded ahelter lo eome of
the Bactrian and
Sogdian insurgents.
But
Alexander was not at leisure to advance Either
in thia direotion. Hta
presence
was required
M Haraoanda for the settlement of the
prov-
Inoe,
and to seeiue It
ai^nst
the inroads of
Spltameites.
Thia
gallantchief,
when forced
to take
refuge
in the
desert,
accomoanied
by
a
"mall
body
of
SogdianfugitiTes,
had
only
waited
for a fresh
opportunity
of
renewing
hostili-
tiea
against
the invaders. Aa soon as Alexan- der
had crossed tbe Oiua into
Sogdiana,
having
cotleoted about 600 of tiie
Massagatai,
one
of the
Scythian
tribes who
ranged
over the
Chorasmian
desert,
he made an
irruption
into
Bactria,and
surprised
and cut to
pieoee
a
party
Of 800 Macedonian
cavalry
who were atatiooed
near the
frontier,
and took
Attinas,
their oom-
mander, prisoner.
Fluahed with this
success,
he ventured to advance into the
neighbonrtaood
of
Zariaapa^
and
(hough
he waa not
strong
enough
to attack the
ciiy,
he collected a
large
booty
from the
surraunding
district. Crateras
waa at this time
engaged,
we do not know
how,
elaewhere.
Zariaepa
had been considered so
secure,
that several invalids of the
horse-guard
were left
there,
with
Peithon,
the
governor
of
the
reyalhousehold,
and a
cithar-player
nahied
Aristonicua,protectedonlyby
a
very
small
body
Of
mercenary
cavalry. They had,however, now
recovered so as to be able to bejw arms, Pei- thon
collected all the forces be could
muster,
including
some ofthe
royal
pages,
and,sallying
'
ent
upon
the
enemy,
surprised
theni as they
were
retreating
with their
spoil,
wrested the
"
Hr.Willi"m"(p
"duptiiB
Df Anatic
uncni.
Tin
mimiio, howeHT, l"ieht
iadinlinn
"3
thn polictwhi^
iher
Ihnight Injonniu
id
turn.
Spitamenes
jnade a oircnit,
and laid an
ambush for him on his
road,
into which he fell
;
his littleband made a brave
resistance,
but the
greaterpart
were killed
:
among
them Ariatoni-
cus, figliting
more
manfully,
says
Arrian, than
could have been
expected
from hia
profession.
PeitfaoQ himself waa woundsd and taken
pris-
Cralertu,
when be heard erf' these
events, aet
out in
pursuit
of the
Scythians,
and chased
(hem hack into the
desert,
where
they were
joinedby
a thousand more of their
countryman,
and, aa he still
advanced,
wuted to
give
bim
batlle
i ttieywore,
however, routed,
and left
IfiO of their number on the field
;
but Ctatenia
did not venture to
pursue
them
any
farther :
and thia check
scairêly
counterbalanced (he advantages
they
had
gained.
It waa to be expected
that
Spilamenes
would renew hia attack
in some other
quarter;
for,
among
lbs
tribes of the
desert,more
especially
the Ha*.
sagetR,
who were
always ready
to make war
where
th^
saw a
prospect
of
plunder,
he could
never be in want of
troops.
To take
precan-
tions
against
this
danger
was one of the main
objects
that called Alexander to Marecanda
;
here,
after he had been
rejoined by
hia five
gMi-
erals,
he
proceeded
to
regulate
the internal at
fairsof
thecounlry.
To heal the wounds which
his
vengeance
had inHleted the
year
before,
and
to
provide
for tbe
pennaiient seaurity
of the
provinceagainst
boatile Inroads and internal
disaS^tion,he
directed a number of new cities
to be founded ; aocordingto one statement, no
fewer than twelve.
They were planted
with
colonies,
in which Macedonians or Greeks were
mixed with barbsriaus
; but,
it
seems,
in such
praponioo.
and on aucfa
terms,
aa to
give
a decided
predominance
to the
Eonêan ptqtulation.
Hepheestion
was ordered to
superintend
the establishment
of the new settlers : a baainess
which
required
much
judgment
and caution.
In '
the mean while,
tiie
king
made a
prograss
throngh
the
country
to reduce the
f]"eta
whioh
stillremained in the handa of the
insurgeBts.
In the conrse of this
expeditimi
ha came to a
mysl park,
in a districtwhich Cartina calla Ba-
loria,
where the
game
had remained nntouohed
for more than a
oenlury.
The
anny,
aoooid-
ing
to the custom of an Elastem
chase,
formed
a circle within the
enclosure,
and drove the wild
beasts towards the
centre,
where the
king
and
his noUes
despatched
them. Alexander himself
was attacked
by
a lion of
extraoidinai;
size,and, rejecting
the aid of
Lysimacrtius,
who
would have
interposed
in his
defence,
killed it
with hia own hand. The incident,as Curtius
suspects, tlirough
some
strange perversion
of
the
facts,
gave
rise to a
story
which became
widelycurrent, that
Lysimachus.by
the
king's
orders,
had been
exposed
to a lion. Alexan- der's
achievement earned the
applause
of a
Spartanenvoy
who was
present,
and
exclaimed,
"A brave
struggle, Alexander,
with tbe
royal
beast for the
mastery.
"
But the
MacedonlaD
spectators,
who had shuddered at tbe
danger,
deemed their
king's
lifetoo
prt^cious
to bo risked
in sucha contest,
and a
militaryassembly
was
held on the
subject,which, exercising
a demo-
cratical
privilege
tiiat had
probably
been
long
dormant, decreed that the
king
should not in
futui^ hunt on foot, or without some
of his
CLEITUS." HIS DEATH.
;biefofficers
by
his side. Four thonBand h"ad
if
game
were destroyed
in tbia memorable
;bB8e
:
and Alexander's combat nilh the lion
cas afterward commemorated
by
a
Eroup
of
igures
in bronie whicb Crstenis
deiHcated
at
Delphi.
On the return of the
army
to Maracanda,
Ar-
abazua
begged
leave to
reBign
his
Balrapy
of
lactrja.a
post
too laborious for hia advanced
ge.
Ho was dismissed into an honourable re-
irement,
and Cleituswas
appoiated
to ancceed
im. The new
satrap
bad been ordered lo
pre-
are for his
departure,
and Alexander himself
'as on the
point
of
setting
out on a fresh
expe-
iliontowanls Ibe western frontier of
Sogdiana,
) reduce a mountainous district which was
till
occapiedby
a band of Baclrian exiles.
Tie eve of their
parting
was a
day
which tho
tacedoniana were uaed to solemniie as a
fes-
ival of
Dionysus.
But on this
occasion,
for
inknown
reason.
Alexander aubalilnted
aacriEce in honour of the Dioscuri. The regions
ceremony
was closed,as nsnal.by
a
anqnet,
at which Cleitus was
present,
and
'hich was
immoderatelyprolonged, according
9 a custom which Alexander
certainly
found
Iready prevailing
in his father's court,
and had
0 need to
learn,as Arrian intinaatea,
from the
arbarians.
Among
the
guests
were some
ireek
literaryparasites, poets,
rhetoricians,
Dd
sophists,persons
of little
reputation
at
ome,
who made
up
for the slendemess of their
bilities
by
tbe
grossness
of their
flattery,
with
rhich.
unhappily,
Alexander waa not
disgusted,'
The did not
encourage
it as subservient to his
olitical ends. Three of these adventurers,
Lgis,
an
epic
versifier of
Argos,
Clcon,a Sicel-
)t,and
AJiaxarohuB
of Abdera,
who
professed
lieflexible
philosophy
of hia
countrjrnan
De-
locrilus,
have
escaped
oblivion
through
the
pro- minence
of their baseness. The conversation,
rben it was
growing
late,
fell on the Twin
leroes, whom, aa Euripidesexpressedit,
their
ither Zeus bad made
^s.*
The
courtly
tngues
readily
seized this occasion to dwell
n the
praises
of the more
ilhistrioos hero
tien
preaent,
who,
but for the
envy
which al-
nji
attenda
livingworth,
would have been
"leitus,
whom wine had released from ordtna-
J reserve,
checlted this
profane flattery,
per-
aps
tbe raore readily
because he
perceived
its
ractical
tendency
to favour the establishment
rihe ceremonies which he had
alwaysstrong-
r
apposed.
Me
observed,too,
that it was at
,
lie
expense
of tbe Macedonians,
who had eoa-
ribuiedtheir share to all the
great
achieve-
lenla which were ascribed
solely
to their
king,
'
bu his merits were thus
magnilied.
And he
laoied some verses of
Euripides
which de-
lounced the
injustice
of the custom
by
which
he honour of
every victory
was
commonly
as-
ignedto the general
alone. The remark must
.
lave been offenaive to the
king,
not
merely
rora its
persona]application,
but as
inculcating
I sentiment
directly
adverse to the admission
rhich he wished to introduce. But when his
)wn actions were made the
subject
of a more
nrticolar discnssion in
comparison
with his fa-
Jtefs. and,
in
reply
to the flattererswho
depre-
ToL.II." r 1
i"^4Mtz"*f""'*"' 3b""
ciated
Philip's exploits, Cleitus extolled them
far above his son's, and aa he
rudely
remlrided
him of the battleof the
Granicus,stretched out
his
rightband,exclaiming.
This
hand,
Alezait-
der,
then saved
your
life, the
king
could na
longer
contain his
passion.
He
sprang up
to
rush
upon
Cleitus,but was held back
by soma
of his
friends,
while he called out for his
guarda
to come
and rescue him from the traitors who
were
confining him, as Bessus had Darius In
the mean while,Cleitus,
who did not stillde- sist
from his
provokinglanguage,
was hurried
out of the
banquet
chamber. Alexander was
then released
;
but as bis
fhry
was
only
inflamed
by
tbe short restraint it had
undergone,
he
immediately
snatched a
spear
frxim tbe bands
of a sentinel,and hastened towards the door.
Unhappily,
Cleitus had also recovered his liberty,
and, no less tVantic than the
king,was returning
to the
palace,
and met Alexander, who
was
calling out for the
object
of his
rengeanco,
and, as soon as he
perceivedhim,
thrust tbe
spear through
his
body.
When be saw the brother of his
nurse
I.anici,
the
companion
of his
boyhood,
the
preserrer
of
hia
life,
stretched dead at his
feet,
the donble
intoxication of wine and
rage
was
instantly
overpoweredby
a thrillof remorse. He retired
to bis chamber in an
agony
of
grief,
and throwing
himself on his
bed,
continoed to
repeat
the
names of Cleitus and
Lanicj,whom,
afterher
two sons had been slain in his
aerYice,he had
deprived
of her
only
brother. Tbe murderer of
his
friends, as h"
loudly
called himself"
perhaps
the assassination of nctnenio had
begun
to
appear
to him In its true
light"
he was not
fitto live. For three
daya
he
rBJMled food,
and
"
abandoned himself
wholly
to hia
anguish.
Then,
as its violence
began
to aubaide.
with
tbe abatement of his
bodilystrength,
his frienda
attempted,
with more
success,
to soothe,console,
and rouse him from hts
dejection,
Tho
soolbsayera
bade him submit to the
jost
wrath
of
Dionysus,
who had visited him with a temporary
phrensy,
to manitest his
displeaiare
at the
neglect
of his
festival,
which tbe
king
must celebrate in due form ifhe wished to
propitiate
the
god.
The
army adopted
a leas innocent
artifice for the same
ptrpoae ; they
passed
a resolotion that Cleitus had been
justly
put
to death,
and forbade the interment of hn
remains until (be
king interfhred,
and ordered
him to be buried. The motive of this
servility
maybeadmitted
as a
palliation
for itsbaseness.
There is
nothing
else lo
distinguish
itfrom the
adulation of
Ansxarcbus,
who eipressedthft
same sentiment in a more philosophical
form.
The
poets,
ho
suggested
to Alexander, had
placed
Dici, the
goddess
of
justice,
at the
right
hand of Zeus, to
signify
that whatever be decreed
was
right
"
in like
manner,
whatever was
done
hy
a
greatkingought
to bo deemed
joat,
first
by himself,and. when so
approved,by
all
other men." Alexander's
understanding
was
too sound to be deceived
by
the
obsequionaneaa
of his soldiers, or
by
tbe
sophist's iheologioal
and ethical fallaciea: he
more readily
listened
to the
soothsayers,
and found some
emnfort in
"
ABUunhni bid Iha sanC. il IhH. of fnailjanlim
inf
lh" pHscleli. Hon muT xloptud Ht
spoB
it,bulk
in "lij"
md
poiiOCT,
wb* h"M
.
"- "
JToogT-
HISTORY OF GREECE.
the
thought
Ibat bis Talal burst of
pasaion
the
workjitjof
tbe o"endeil
god; and,
befoi
left
Maracanda,
atoned for hie
paat neglectby
the
celehratioD of the Dionvsiac festiTsI. But
the most efGcaoioos
remeay
for hia
grief
was
Brnpplied by
the carea of
publicbuainesa,
and
the toilsof war.
HephcBtioD
was aent with
a
êtachnent
into
Bactria,
to
provide
for [be sub-
BtateDce
of the
araiy
in ita
winter-quarters.
Anyntaa wag
appointed
to the TacanC
satrapy
efAriabazua. Mezaoder hiraeelf set out on the
expedilioQ
which he had before meditated to-
warda the weatern frontier. The
region
which
be was about to
invade,
which the
Greeks,
perhaps
with a
slight corruption
of its
proper name,
called
Xenippa,'lay,
it
aeema,
on the skirts of a
iâoge
of billa, which rise about ten Dules north
of
Bukhara,rurmiug
from east to west,
and
sli|l
bear
the
name, by
which
the;were then known.
of the Nura Mountains. It
was a
district
abounding
in
villages, as
its soil
was
singularly
fertile. The
natives,fearing
that it
might
be-
ODne
the theatre of
war,
and
might suffer, as
tbevale of the
Sogdtheyear before,
from Atex-
"oder'a
reaentment,
when
they
beard of hia
approach,
compelled
the Bactrian exiles to withdraw.
Amyaias
was sent to
intercept
them
;
but aa their numbers amounted to more than
3000,
aU
mounted,they
ventured
to
attack
htm,
and,
having
taken him
by surprise, long
maintained
a
hard combaL
They were at last
put
to
flight,
and left400
on the fieldof battle,and 300
In the
enemy's
hands
;
but the Macedi
purchased
their
victory
with the loss of
eighty
alain.
and between three and fourhundred
were
wounded. Curtiiis
seems to
say
that the
fugi.
lives
suon aflerwaid submiltsd,
and obtained
pardon
from the
conqueror;
but
perhaps
this
ought
to be ouderstoixi of the inhabitants of
Xenippa,who had stiJl
reason to dread hia dia-
eiasure
on account of the sheltar which
the;
d afforded
to the
refugees.
He then advanced
towarda the
highlands
of
Nura,
or,
as
Cur-
tius writes
it,Naura,
where the
principal
de-
la
occupiedby
a chieftain named
Sysimi-
""*"
aa in
posseasion
of a
strong
for-
itrance.
According
to Curtiua.he
surrendered at the firstaummons :
but as Cur- tiua
has
manifestly
confounded the
capture
of
this fortress with that of
aaotber,lo be mentioned
hereaflei,
we cannot be
sure that he has
not
whollymisrepresented
tbe manner in which
it fellinto Aleiauder's hands. It is
only
certain
that the reduction of this
place
was not attended
with the immediate submission of the
whole canton. Alexander
afterward,taking
the
cavalryonly
with
him,
made one of his
ex-
tnordinacy
marches in
pursuit
of the remain-
ug insuigents,Pbilip,
a
younger
brolber of
LyaimacbOB, to show hia devotion to the
king,
accompanied hira the whole
way
on foot
;
and,
when
theyovertooit the
fugitives, foughtgal- lantly
b;
his side
;
but as soon as the
enemy
was
routed,tank exhauated
by
tbe
effort,
and
expired
in his
master's arms. On his return
to the
camp,
after he had
completelydispersed
the
barbarians,Alexander bad to lament
an-
other
loss,
the death of his brave
general
Eri-
*
Tba
gTHt
muDbn rd bum
thres,who w
guius,
which bad
just
taken
place
:
perhaps an
effect of wounds received in the attjtckof the
fortress. Bis
obsequies,
and those of the
young
soldier,were
celebrated
together.
When this district had been
paciiled, there
remained no
enemy
on fooL in
Sogdiana,diougb,
as
long
as
Spitamenes
lived at
large,
it could
never be secure from invasion. Alexander now
proceeded
with tbe main
body
of his
army
to
Nautaca,where he meant to
spend
the
winter,
leavingCienus,
with a division of horae aod
foot,
in the vale of
Sngd,
to
preserve
the tran-
qnillity
of the
coantry,end,
if
ptrasible,
to dravr
Spitamenesby
some
stratagem
into his
power.
Spitamenes,
as Alexander Imd
expected,
did aot
long
remain
quiet;but,as tbe
sirongholda
of
Sogdiana were now allin the hands of the Ma- cedonians,
he saw no
hope
leftbut in an attack
on
C""nus and his division.
Having
come to
Bagte,
a
strongplace
on
the northwest
frontier,
he
again
collected
a
body
of
cavalry,
about
3OO0,
from the
MassagetK,
and marched
against
Ccc-
nus. A
hard-fought
battle ensued
;
but the Ms-
cedonian tactics and
discipline gained
a decided
victory.
The barbarians
fled, leaving
800 slain
;
the
victors, according
to their own
statement,
lost lesa than
forty.Spitamenea,indeed, escaped,
but his
Sogdian
and Bactrian adherents
iw
began
to view his cause as
desperate,
and
great
number of them deserted him in his
flight,
and surrendered themselves to Cteaus.
The
Scythians,
to console themselves for their
disaster, plundered
the
baggage
of their allies.
Spitamenes,
who still
accompaniedthen],-v/aa
left
wholly
in their
power; tbey
bad little to
hope
for from
him,
and
probably
viewed him
with
an
evil
eye
aa
the author of their calamities,
A
report
soon
reached
them, spread,
perhaps,
for tbe
purpoae by CtEcua,
that Alexan- der
himself
was on the
paint
of
making
an expedition
against
them. To avert
this
danger,
they
cut off the head of
Spitamenes,
and
scôt it
to Alexander* Sofelltheholdest,most
active,
and
perseveringenemy
that Alexander bad
yet
encountered in
Asia;
one of the few men who
had
displayed
a
love of
independence,which
could neither be
seduced nor
overawed.
His
death relieved Alexander from his chief
anxiety
about the countries where he had
now been detained
nearly
two
years ;
though
in the
opper
valleys
of the Oxus there were still some refractory
chiefs,
among
them
Catanes,
who had
been
an
associate of
Spitamenes
in his treachery
to
BesBua,Austanes,
and
Chorienes,
who
still relied on
the
security
afforded
by
that
^8
region. Dataphernes,
who had
taken
refuge among
the
Dabs, neighbours
of
the
MasssgetK,
was sent
by
them in chains to
Alexander, aa soon as
they
heard of the death
of
Spitamenes.
t
GUfiJUGA.TION OF SOGDUNA." CHORIENES'.
997
It wu Alezutder'B
purpose,
as mod o;
EBBMHi permitted
in the
spring
of
SST. to make
"n ezpeditioQagainst
the chiels who stillheld
Mt in tbe eastern higbtands,
sad then imniedi-
Mdy
to
begin
hu maicb towards India. In hie
wiDier-quartera
at Nautaca,
where be was
join-
Mi
b;
CcEDos as soon as he had
discharged
the
moat
importantpart
of his
commission, he made
Tsnous
regulations concerning
the odminiatra-
tjDiiof tbe weatem
proTincee,
which he was
Mon to leave at a stiil
greater
distaace behind
him,
while he
penetrated
into the anknown re-
tions of India,
Already
he had
experienced
the
dificolty
of
maintaining his
authority during
a
long
absence over the remote
parts
of his do-
ninioDs.
Antophradates,
tbe
satiap
of
Tapo-
lia,
had been
repMtedlj
sent for.
and had not
cteyed
tbe snromons.
Phratapttemea
was now
despatched
to arrest him,
and
bring
him to
eoort. Ozodates,
the
satrap
of
Media,
had be-
nafed
a want either of seal or of
loyalty,
and
Atnîatea
was sent to take hia
place;
Stamenes
to succeed to the
satrapy
of
Babylon,
which had
beoooie vacant
by
the decease of Moweas.
9op-
gUs.BpoeiUoa,
and
Menidaa,
were sent to
briag
fioh reen)italh"n Macedonia.
With the first
glaama
of
apring
Alexander
left
NantaoB,
and moved
through
an
Alpine
mad,
in which his
troops
snfiêd extretae hard-
shipe
rrom
tempeatwws weaUicr, cold,fatigue,
and
hanger,
towards a
country
which Arriao
eatis
Partetaceae,
and which
has. therefore,
been
commonly anppoaed
to lieto the south of
Bactria. A
part
of Khoraaan was
undoubtedly
called
by
that
name,
aswell
as the districtwhich
Alexander
cimqnered
on hie
way
from
Persepo-
Uter of ihese abonld be here
sot
only
because Alexander could
not'
have
la^
keaeither of tbeminhis
way
from Naotaca to
Bactrs,but becansa this Pamtacene
appears,
from
Curtina,*to have been situate in the vicinity
of the
Sacs,
whose seats
anquaationably lay
to the east
of Bactria and
Sogdlana.
The
place
of
greatest strength
in this Parstacene wa
bntreas
belonging
to Chorienes.f It stood
I d/
tin innlir. TbsH
" point ofpAO]/lnlowinlFr-^Qftrten.N"
on
it be
"l"i.vlhath"wut)i"iiiiwwtl"irfnntJgr.
ArTJiiii
(it.,
m "Hill aridapilT In illUto to Ihc mUDiHion wbJch be
I,
u
wSl
u Cnlenu, PhiaupDei-
.
Tha
Itntr^^l
J
^piuBHBea.Ai (0
FhnUphanMi tai Suiucr, [ cu
ioMj halp tatfteaaf IhM lh" lui* bMn nunuuiitd bin
"rfiL,4,"".
a
high
insulated
rock,precipitous
on all
siêi^
and
completely
surrounded
by
a
deep rarina,
which served as a natural trench to
guard
tha
approach.
The
grottnd
at the
top appears
to
have been level,
and
capable
of
holdinga cm-
meroue
ganison.
The
onlypath
which led
np
to it was one which had been cut in the
rock,
so as to be of difficult
ascent, even when
net
defended,
and to allow room in its breadth fitt
no more than one man.* It was
necessary
to
fill
np
a
part
of the ravine before the Srst
slap
conid be taken towanis the
storming
of tha
fortress
j
and this was a work
which,to a coio-
mon
eye,
would have
appearedntierly impracticable
;
so
great
was its
depth,so
precipitooa
its sides. But Alexander had resolved to become
master of the
place,
and obstacles
appa.
rentlyas
great
had
alreadyyielded
to such
a
resolution. The sides of the
neighbouring hiBa
were clothed with
fir,
which
supplied
ahnndant
materials.
By means of ladders the
bcsiegen
descended to the foot of the
precipice,
where
they
drove In
plies,
which
they
overlaid with
hunllev,
and then
heaped
up
a
pile
of earth.
The work
advanced, indeed,
bat
slowly,though
the whole
army
was
employed
on it,one half
during
the
day,
under the
eye
of Alexander him-
sBlf.the rest
by night
in three
divisions,
which
relieved each
other,
under
Perdiccas,Leontia-
tns, and
Ptolemy. Yet, at
length,
il rose to
Biicha
h"nght
that the arrowa of the assailanta
reached the
top
of the walls.
Cliorienes,seeing
so much that he had
supposed impossible
alreadyeffected,began
to tremble lest his remaining
del^noes
might
prove equally
unavailing.
He sent a herald to Alexander to
request
a conference with
Oxyartes
;
and the
peraua^
sions and
example
of
Oxyartes
induced him
ta
commit himself to Alexander's
generosity. He
came down with a few of hia inllmate friends
to the
oarap,
was
gtaciouslyreceived,and,while
he himself remained
there,sent some of his
companions
back with orders to the
garrison
t*
surrender tbe fortress. When these orders had
been
obeyed,
the
king
himself went
up
wltk
500 of the
hypaspiets
to view the
place.
Its
strength,
and the
large
stock of
provisiotts
which had been laid
in,proved
either the
confidence
that had been
reposed
in
him,
or tbe
awe he had
inspired ;
and he did not
scruple
ta
reatore the fortress to
Chorienes,
and ta iirve"t
him with the
govemment
of the
surronnHni
district. Chorienes
requited
this
generostw
with a munificent
present
of provisos, sURt
cieni to
supply
the
army
for two months
;
an!
he admitted that this was tKit a tenth
part
oT
the store which he had collected tor the
8feg".
After tlie fall of this
place,
which
was the
key
of the
provinee,
there remained
no
object
his final
prepsrationB
for his
Indian
ezpedKio^
and left
Craterus,
with the
divisions of
Poly-
sperchon.Attains,
and
Alcelas,and 000 of Um
horse-guard,
to
complete
Oie
reduction of Pa-
HISTORY OF GREECE
nataeene,
and to crush Ibe remaina of the iDde-
pendent
part;
ia their laat retreats. Ctaterus
koughl
the two chleCa whn etiJlheld oul to an
"ngagemeiil,
in nhiuh Catanea feil and Austa-
aes wu
lakea
prisoner,
Cuitius
seems to
^leak
or a distinct
expedition
made
by Poly-
gierchon,
in which he oveiran a
region
called
iibaceue.* This has heen
interpreted
as the
country
now called
Badakshan,
which atretcbes
eastward to the foot of the mountains
(the
Be-
kirTigb)
that contain the sources of the Oxub.
But it
seems
doubtful whether Alexander
gave
aaj
comzuission to his lieutenants
beyond
cbat
which Arrian
mentiona,
of
aubdnuig
ibe Bactri-
au
inaurgeata,
and whether
the^
would have
Tentnred on such
operations,
when
Ihey
knew
that he was wailing
for their arriva] to set out
on bis march to In"ua.
They
hod
certainly
not
I nucb time for such
conquests,
aince before the
beginning
of the summer
they
had
already
rejoined
the
grandarmy
at Bactra.
"uring
their
absence,events bad taken
place
e which illustrate the condition of Alexan- der's
court,
and the
footingon whi"di he atood
irtth hia Macedonian nobles. He had detected
another
conspiracyagainst
bis
lire,more certainly
attested than that of
Fhiloias, and
formed
by
perwjoB
whom he could still teas have
suspected
of such a
design.
The
parties
were
Bome of the
royalpages, youthsselected,as has
been
alreadymentioned,
from the noblest Ma- cedonian
families,to be trained in allthe arts
of war and
peace,
which
might
fitthem for the
Itighest commanda,
in the
course
of their attendance
on the
king'sperson.
It was
among
their duties to
keepguwdattbeentnDceof
the
nâl aparUDenU,
to reo"ve the
king's
horse
ftDm the
gruoDU,
and watt on him when he
was
lead;to mooDt,
and to attend him to Ibe chase,
^nierwsro treated in other
respecta
with the
dietmctioD
befittioK
their birth aitd
proapecta,
and
eajojei
the
privilece
of.
sitting
" like the
lUmftn
bo]rs1--"t4able
beforethe
king.
It tiad
happenedthat,at a bnnting-paity, perhaps
on
the road to Bactra,one of tbeoe
youths,
named
"iiiolauB,
beedleadyor
officiously
had hurled
dart at a wUd boar which the
king
was
pre-
paiing
to strike,
Alexander,
vexed and offended,
ordored tbe
youth
to be
punished
with
atnpea,
ia tbe
presence
of the oUier
pages,
and
to
be
deprived
of his botee. The chasttBemenl
ntaj
have beeD merited and not excessive,and
it was
of
a
kind Co which, according
to
custom,
the
pages
weia held to be liable at the
king'
pleasure.
Yet this
power raaj
have been
s
larely
exeroised that the inflictionwas account
ga
grievoosdiagiace,
and Heniiolana
may
not
ve viewed hia own
conduct in Ihe
light
in
which it
appeared
to the
king.
It is certain
titaibe felt
as one
who bad suOêd an atro-
eiouB
injury.
He disclueed his
feelings
to one
trfhis
young
conirsdes,Sostratus,sCinof Amyn-
tns,
and declared that lifewould be in
ble to him without
revenge.
Sostratits
was
easily
led lo share the resentment, or,
at least,
iger,
of one whom he loved
;
and a
[dot
"n
formed between them lo murder the
king.
Su far there is
nothing
to
surprise
ue in
the nairalive. But what followa is
hardly
to be
explained
aa the eflect of
boyishpaBsion
or
sympathy.
Il must have been
through
oUier
that Ibe two frienda induced four other
youths
of their own class,Antipater,
the aon of
Asclepiodorus,
who had been
satrap
of
Syria,
" '
es,
son of
Araeaa, Anticles,son of The-
and
Philotas,
son of
Caraia,
who is de-
aa a Thracian.to become their accom-
plicea.
It aeems incredible that
they
should
have taken
part
in such a
plot
without aome
pretionsgroand
of discontent and ill-willtowards
the
king.
There is no reason to
suppose
that he bad
personally
offended them
;
and we
are therefore
incliped
to
suspect
that their
youthfulindignation
had been kindled
by
tbe
complaints,
which
theymight
often have iteerd
from their elders, of Alexander's
attempts
to
degrade
his nobles to a
level with the
conquered
people,
his
adoption
of Persian
usages,
bis
tyrannical proceedings
in the
case
of Philotas
and Parraenio. There could,
indeed, be
so
doubt that this was the
ease,
if we could
rely
on tbe
report,
that Henoolaus afterward
;dead-
ed these motives in
justification
of bis conduct
;
and even
if this was a rhetorical
iaTention,
it
may trulyexpress
the
feelings
of the
greater
part
of his aasocialee.
Tbe
conspirators
determined te
teke adrsii-
tage
of the
opportunitj
offered
by
their attendance
on tbe
king to effecttheir
purpose.
Ac-
oordiog
to one aoconnt, they
waited until,
in Uie
course
of rotation,they
eltould be si] on
duly
together
at
ni|;ht,
and a month
elapsed
befbre
"
Dnrma,
in liii
pun
O* AUnattfi I
Tarn [Hbtin.
HuTlSS],
|".I"NI).
ii"rn
a"fMt of Hub twff iiunrfanlchicri.hldt.
Pfil"^pfli
fU
1
1(111111110
qiiaBubuaiH ifmllalarLn diuansni tnilafit.
4tiatMM 9ud cmm
r"gmt
bal parhipaLhii wu u kr-
" '--"
U t'ji'IsBU OHH, vroyru
It
rmUrm Kua. "
iBtiiiiB Jbi.,rii., ITS.
this combination took
place;
i
proof,ondonbtedly,
if this was the
lact,
of tbe
tensoity
with which
they clung
to their design.
Arrian,bowever, aimplyrelates,
that
they
agreed,
when the
night
watch fell to
Antipa-
ter's
turn,
to killtbe
king
in hie rieen.
Antip- ater,
it
may
be aupposed,was to admit tbem
into the bedchamber. It
happened,bowever,
that on
this
evening
Alexander remained at table
longer
than usual,and,
after he had retired
from the
banquet-room,
was
induced to return
to it,
and to continue there tbe
greaterpart
of
tbe
night.
There waa a
story,
which was
adopted
by
Aristobulus,
that a Syrianwoman,
who
followed the
camp,
and was
believed "
apparently
because she had lost her senses
" to
poa-
eess tbe
gift
of divination,
and bad
accesa at all
hours to the
royalapaitments.
met him as be
was withdrawing,
and, by
her entreaties,
prevailed
on him to
rejoin
the
company
he had
left. Whatever tbe cause
may
have been,
it ia
certain that he did not
go
to rest
until tbe
guard
had been relieved. The next
day Epimenca,
moved, perhaps,by
the
king's
marvellous escape,
which
might
seem to indicate a divine interposition,
tevealed the
plot
to bis bosom friend
Charicles,
who
immediately
disclosed itto En-
rylocbuB,
another son of Arseaa:
Eurylochoa
carried the information to
Ptdemy,
who
reported
It to the
king.
The
conspiiatora were
arrested,
and all but
Epimenes
" whose lifewas
spared"put
to the tottnie.
It
seems
that
thcij
DETECTION OF THE PLOT." CALLISTHENES.
Hi ttot
deny
their
guilt
; Hennotaus ia said to
iBve gloried
in the deed whtcb he had medito-
"d, wd to have
inveighedagainat
Aleiander't
:ji'aoiiy
in the Macedonian
assembly. They
rere stoned,according
to the more
probable
iccouQt,* b?
the
arm;
: according
lo
another,
beir
puDisbment
was commilted lo their com-
ades,who, to
proTe
their own
loyalty, put
them
0 a cruel death.
But in the cKUeaaions which had been ez-
oitcd from them some other names hail been
nentioned,
sod
among
them that or the
Olyn-
bian
Callisthenes,a
person who, through
the
nisforcune in which he was
Ihuainvolred.prob-
blyacquiredgreater celebrity
than he would
ikve earned
bj
allthe woriu and actions of his
ire. Callisthenes waa one or the men of let-
srs who followed the conrt
;
hut he stood on a
eculi"r
footing
\nth the
king.
He was Aris-
otle's
kinsniaD,
had been edacated
byhim, and,
Iniing
his residence in
Macedonia,
had
probably
"eea the
companion
of Alexander's studies
jt
od it seems to have been
through
Aristotle's
eooEomeadation that he was
permitted
to at-
uih himself to the
expedition.
The
philoso-
her,perhaps,hopod
that in the
camp
and the
Durt be would
acquire
(bat
practical sense
in
'hich he knew hun to be
very
deficient, not*
litbstanding
the success with which he culti-
ated sereral branches of
literature,
and his
reat rhetorical talenL But a more extensiTe
itercourse with men did not render him fitter
IT
locietf
,
but
onlyexpo"ed
the defects of his
haracter,
and at
length
rendered them latal to
imseir. He stillcontinued to be a mere man
f
letlera, but with an
estravagaol
conceit of the
nportance
of his own
pursuits,
and of tho ein-
lence he had attained in them.
Philosophy
vas,
it
aeemei
the
study
which he
professed
s the basis of allhis
literaryaccomplishments;
od he
probablyadopted
Ariatotle'a doctrmea
s lar aa
he was ^le to
comprehend
ttiem.
lothis
faculty
was not that of
an inquirer,
but
fan
espouoder.
His
philosophyonly
furniah-
d him with
subjects
for rhetorical exercises.
1 was
probably
in the same
spirit,
and with no
ligherambition,
that he undertook to record
he
great events
which
were
passing
under liis
lyes ;
and,as one who was mote conversant
fith words than with
things,
he conceived a
'SI?highopinion
of tho merit and value of his
iwn work. It aeems that he was even silly
enough
to ttOBBtthat Alexander's fame
depend-
^
on his
pen,
and that he bad not come to
"eelc
repuuiion
from Alesaoder, but to
spread
UB
reoowa over the world. We
might
uther-
'
Wkich mold bi nugnutuxublj thiian
one,
if the
"lut fnm Aliiuulir to Aiitii"iFt. quoMilb7
FIuluiJi
1Al.,
Iw
II rautinBi/bT
Arrian (tr., 14}Ihmwa UDia inpilniiB
rn Uw
iman: and lU cObt"iltl
tn,
tv tKtthn
luat,vwtj
"^nogi. h IMini hudlr credjblfl tbmL be ihonld hHn
ibiQWDoat BDch yiqUdi thnitfl baron
aTan sQ
inquiry
hwl
"""" md*
u 10 tha
iTDViid
of hia nimuioiu
afminA
Aria-
Ma.
' K~ -a
t Suht lArittoUUa, a. IM) an
Ibui tbia it annuly
maUoned
br PlnUnzh ud Arriui. But naitbar H^larcL
"OT
Amin luia thM CiIUkImiiu n" Alnindar'a hllinr-
"ndmL Thn aalr rslitaIkit CalUobiDM urn
bnuifht
1^ l"IAriiuai. Tba aOm Hacnion ii ns omn Iliu "
^"MlaiiifnacafroBtliiihct. SMkr i" aqnallrii""i"-
nu
whan ha uatns (p-IM), nAnJug
u ArriiD (It..10),
^
Cdliithnv NltarlyNbm" Ihl IBqidtr of Clailna.
"'"i'i tiahnr^r {vUoli dou not IbdIt ut blluniHi)
'j"n,r)wlyn1UM,BM
la Um dauh of
Cletlu. but to
ua
tnsontiflsa irhieh ha bad
Joatnisatiaiud.
wise have
put a
better
sense on anothor
speech,
which is attributed to him: that Alex"ndei'"
divinity
would
rest, not on
the stories
whicb
had been
forged
to
prove it,
hut on bis own history
of his actions.*
Il
may
have been with
a better
feeling, though
not without a mixture of
vanity,
that be
professed
that the chief motive which had
broughthioi
to the court waa the
hc^
that be
might
prevail
on the
kingto rebuild
(Hynthus,
and
restore
the remains of its sacred
population.
It
was a
boon Uke that which Aristotle had obtained
from
Philip;
and to have become the second
founder of his native
city
" a
place
bo mucb
more famous than
Slagira
" would
no doubt
have Dallered his
pride,
as well as have
gratili-
ed his
patriotism.
There are other indications
that he was
keenly
conscioua of his relation to
a
city
which had
once been mistress of a
great
part
of
Macedonia,and bad been
destroyedbj
Philip.Alexander,
it is
said,once requested
him at a
banquet,
where a
great
aumber of his
nobles were
present,
to entertain tho
companj
with a
panegyricon the Macedonians. Cailts-
thenes
complied,
and declaimed with his usuat
fluency.
When he had
perorated,
amid the
applause
of ills
audience,
the
king,quoting
a versa
of
Euripides, observed
that on a fine theme it
was no hard task to
speakwell,
and
challenged
him to
prove
his
ingenuityby an
accusation
of.
the
Macedonians,
which
naigbtpoint
out tha
failings they
had to correct. Alexander
wta,
probably, quite
in
earnest,
and would have been
well
pleased
to have heard the defects of tha
national
character,
and those of hia
greatmen,
faithfully, thoughdelicately exposed.
It was*
step
towards the removal of
prejudices
which
interfered with his
plans.
But Caliistbutes
took
up
this
subject
in a
very
different
spiht
and tone from thai in which he bad handled tha
last. His
panegyric
had been a rhetorical ex-
irctse
;
his second
speech
was a serious iuveo-
ive. He traced the
origin
of
Philip's power
ta
he internal dissensions which had
wasted tha
itreaglh
of
Greece,
and
quoteda verse whidi
contained tha remark that,
wAerc diicerd sr"-
vaiU,
il a read
far
iKe vUitt to hommr. And b*
ptooeedsd
lo
give vent, no doubt, to hia real
sentiments,
in a strain which
surprised
and
deeply
olTended those who had before
applauded
him,
and which Induced the
king
to observa
that he had exhibited to the Macedonians a
spa-
men,
not of his
ability,
but of his illwill.
It is evident that the arts of a courtier wen
those which Callistbsnes had studied
least,
or
which were least
congenial
either to his character
or.
hia national
prejudices ;
and Anias
justly
remarks that,since he bad chosen to liva
~
1 court,
he
ought
to have conformed to il"
mere as far as itwas possible
to do ao wiUi-
personaldegradation.
Still, the blunlnesi
of his
deportment,
and the freedom of his language,
though they provokedenmity,
also inspired
a certain
degree
of
respect,
Hia
company
was
especially soughtby
the
young
Maos-
ilanians
who had
any
taste for
philosophy
or el-
oqaenee,
and
Hermoluts,
in
particular,
waa aa"
uf tboBB who most
frequently
listened to hi*
"
IImgtit.hommr, to bg iibHiTMl.
in faallii* to
Ibaaaa,Ikat tb" haiuiga in wbich AiTiaa
ipeali
own petfonoiu" (i.,IB)might,
wilh
itrj
aligtl ai
HISTORY OF GREECE.
tfECDune. Alexander himself seems to bare
thought
that his
co-operation,
and even hit ae-
quicBceace.might
be o(
gieal use for the
purpose
of
reconciling
the Macedonians to the In-
BOVBtions which he wished to introduce. The
other men of
letten,sopliists, poets,
and rbet-
micianB, particularly Anaxarchus, leadiij
entered
into the
king'sviews,
and otTered their
"ervicee to
promote
tbem. It
was
concerted
"mong
them
that,at a
banquet
in the
palace,
tbe?
should
bring
the
subject
under
discussion,
and should exert alltheir
powers
or
and
persuasion
to overcame the rein
the
Macedonians
with
respect
to the
ceremony
of adoration
;
and it seems to have been amm-
nd, through
the mediation
o(Hephnstion,
that
On
king
should withdraw for a short tune Iram
Us
guests,
on
apleaorbusiness,
andthat
during
bis absence Anaxarchus and the
reat should
propose
tu salute him after the Persian custom
an his return. When the ticne
csme,
and AJ-
"xander had left the
table,
Anaxarchus turned
the conversation on his
great qualities
and
aîevements,
and endeavoured hi convince bis
keareis that it was much more
fitting
for the
Macedonians to
pa?
divine bonours to such a
bem, who was their own
king,
than to stran-
fers,
Ilka
Dionysus
and
Hercules,
whose exploits
were much less admirable
;
and (hat as it
ms certain
that,
whenever he should be taken
fioln
them, they
would honour him as a
god,
il
was f\t more reasonable to treat him with the
same reverence
during
his life than after his
death,
when it would be of no use to him.
The
Boîst'sarguments
were received with
"Uence
by
the
persons
to whom
they
were addressed
;
but CallisthenM undertook
to
refiite
tbem.
and showed
that,according
liatteddoctrines and
praotioe
of the Grenk reli-
fioo,
divine honoun could
only
be bestowed on
a DMrtal
bj
the decree of a god
delivered
through
"B oracle,
and tbat
tbey
had never been center'
nd on
any
one
except,
as in the ease of Hercn-
Im,
after his death. If we
mightdepend
ou îs
paaeage
in Airian's
report
of the
apeeoh
of Cal-
liMheDes,we should infer that the
stoiy
about
Ibt oracle of Ammon had not
yet
been
offlcaally
"BDOtioDed. But such details are the less to be
Mliod
on,
as there were two eooounts of the
oMduot of
Callistbenes, seemingly
both
belong-
iB(
to the same
occasion,
and
quite
distinct,
tMOgh not
abstdutely
inconsiiteot with each
other. That wbiiA ArrUn
gives
as the less
bvatwoithy is,neverthdeas,
eooBimed
by
"
thority quiteas
good
in mkA matters as tbat
Ftêroy or Ariatobolna
;
byCharesirfHitylei
who BUed the
high
olBoe of
Eisangelensat .'
"xandei^
OOOrt,
when it
began
to be modelled
after the Persian
tisage.
Il seems that,
according
to the
arran{[[ement
which had been
previ-
*mtj
made with the Oreek courtiers and the
Persians who were
present,
the
king sent hi
golden
goblet
round
among
hie
guests.
Tbe
arst who received
it,
after be bad drunk,
performed
the Persian
ceremony
of
adoration,
and
was then
permittedto kiss tbe
king.
This
ample
was followed
by
allwho were in the
"rat, and it had been
expected,we do nM know
preciselyon what
grounds,
that Cftllisthenes
waa
prepared
to caoforro with it. When i
came to bis
turn, however, he
drank,
but madi
"0
obeisance,
and
immediately
advanced to kisi
the
king. Alexander,
wbo
happenedto be
conversing
with
HephEStion,
did
not
petceive
tbo
omission
/
but when it was mentioned to him
by
one of his attendants,he turned
away
from
Calltsthenes when be
spproached.
CaUistheooa
was heard to
say
as be
retired,
I am
goingaway
the
poorer
by
a kiss.
Alexander was the morv
indignantat this language
and behaviour, because be was aaanred
by HephKstion
that CaUisihenes had
previously
promised
to
perform
the
oeramony,
TIm
man's character renders it
extremelyimprobable
that be had ever made sucb a
promise,t
for
which,
if be did not mean to
keep it,no aatiS'
factory
reason can be
assigned; thoogfa
itwooU
'
follow (hat
HephBStion
told
a wilfnl ftloe-
hood,
aa Plutarch
suKtoses,
for the
puipoee
of
exasperating
Alesanoer's resentment. He
may
ily
have drawn a
has^
infnence fhmi ibe silence
of
Callistbenes,or ftom
ambignooa expressions
which be used when tbe affairwas
discussed.
Caliisthenes, however, must bare
had
many
enemies,
who were
eager
to widen
the breach between him and the
king,
and who
were not acnipulous
about the meana. To
many
of the Macedonian
generals
tbe whole
tribe of
literary
idleta wbo
hung
about the comt
most hare been
odious,as in the time of Per-
diccaa,even when there was
nothingitÛive
in their manners
;
and Alexander now lent a
willing
ear to tbe insinuations which were addressed
to him from various
quanerv,
and which
were
probably
corroborated
by Hephnation,
who
was
personally
hurt
by
the breach of faitb which
he
imputed
to CalliBtbenes
;
that he was
setting
a
perniciousexample by
bis affectation of independence,
and tvfls
uutilling dangerous
maxima
into the minds of the
youths
who locked to hia
lessons,
and were
captivated by
bis
eloquenoe.
Sucb was the
position
in which Callisthmea
waa standing
when tbe
conapiraey
at tbe
pagea
was discovered.
Snspicioamight naturally
have been awakened
against
him
by
his Ihrnil-
iarity
with Hennolana. Bat it had been RirB-
stalled,as we
have
justseen, by
the
sngge"-
tione of bis eoemies
i
and Alexander was disposed
to believe
everything
tbat could be laid to
his
charge.
A strict
inquirywas instituted into
the
language
which he had used in his
conver- sations
with the
young delinquents
;
and we
cannot
be
surprised
tbat
many expressiona
should bave come to
light
which
appearedcon-
elusive evidence of his
guilt
to one wbo was already
convinced of it Those which
are reported
remind us of the
attempts
which were made
by
the accusers
at Socrates to eonviet him of
treason
against
tbe Athenian commonwealth.
Their
import
could
only
be determined
by
the
occasion and context of tbe discourse,aa to
wbichwe know
nothing.
Taken
by iheniselves,
they
are
entitled to no
weight,except
on the
supposition
that he was
acquainted
with the
plot.
As to this
point,
there is a
seeming
contradiction
in tbe accounts we have
remaining
from the best
anthoritiea, which, however,
it
may
not be
impossible
to clear
up.
Tbe
princi-
"
PrrtytAaip. SSSJ.loalmw hijhem'i iDBSiumuiitT.laltci
DEATH OP CALLISTHENES." INDIA.
m]
object
with nbieh the
routhi
were
pnt
to
he lorlure
appears
to have beea to obtain EOtoe
Qfonaatioa
agaiiiBt CaltUtheaeB,
who had been
ureeted aa sooa aa Ibe
plot
was discoiered;
ind it
roigbt
have been
expected
thai
Hephns-
ion,
who had
managed
tbat
engine
so succeaa-
nll}'
in the case or Philotaa, would have been
ble to draw
anr
caDfesston that he wished from
liese
striplings,
Tet we leam from the
verj
est
autbority
" a letter written
by
Alexander at
lie
time,
and kddreeaed to Craterua and hie col-
laguea*
" 4hat
they
continued to the last to
eny
that
any person
was
privy
to their
design.
In the other
hand,
Arrian mentions
tbat,ao-
ording
to the conourreat
testimony
of Aristo-
ulus and
Ptolemy,they
confeaaed that Callis-
lenes had
instigated
them to the deed. On a
oint
BO much
afieciiugAiexondor's reputation,
le
might reasanablyquestion
the
anthoiity
of
lese two writers,
and we should not
Bcmple
to
sject
their
assertion,
if it
really
contradicted
olh Alexander's own
declaration,
and the uni-
:d evidence of allhis other historians. But it
eems not at all
improbable
that the
instigation
( which
they spoke
consisted
only
in eenti-
lente which
might
have been
very innocently
ttered
by Calhsthenes,
thoughthey
had the ef-
ict of
encouraging
the
conspirators
to
perse-
ere in their
design,
and
might
be construed
bj
is enemiee as intended to
auggest
it.
We have one decisive
proof
bow
inoapaUe
iexander himself
was,
at tbia
tune,
of
forming
rightjudgment
on the
case. It woald have
cen
scarcely credible,
if it was not so well at-
isted,
that hie
prejudiceagainetCallisthenes
as so
strong
as to induce him to harbour a
iispicion
that Aristotle had
some ehare
in his
insman's treason. Plutarch
quotes
a letter of
le
king's
to
Antipater,
in which he
expressed
isresolution to
punuk
the
jophuCf
oJid tho^t who
âtkimout. Even ifthe lettershould be
thought
ispicious,
the fact to which it alludes ie not
\e less certain. The fate of CallistbeneB fur-
shed a subject
for
a variety
of
coaQicting
an-
idotes. Arrian cannot
suppress
his
surprise
lat Ptolemy
and Ariatobulus should diflerteam
le another as to the loode of hia
death,
Dotori-
iisasit must have been.
Ptolemy
related that
B was
put
to the
torture,
and sRerward cru-
,fied.
AristobuluB,
tbat he was carried about
I chains,
and at last died of disease. This last
icoUDt is
placedbeyond disputeby
the testi-
ony
of
Chares,
who adds that the
purpose
for
hich he was
kept
in confinement
was that he
jgfat
be
finally
tried in Aristotle's
presence,
id tbat he died seven months aller in
India,of
loathsome
disease, produced,
il
aeema, by
im-
-isonment in his
corpulent
Ixame.
Hie character ie Dot one which can excite
inch interest in his
behalf,
but it is entitled to
istice. There
appears
to be no reason for re- nting
the almost unanimous
judgment
of an-
quity,
that he was innocent of the offence with
hich he was
charged,
and fell a victim to AJ-
lander's
preconceived
resentment. Some of
Jexander'a modern
apologists
have assumed
lat the ancients were prejudicedin favour of
lallistbenes
by
bis
profession
of
philosopher ;'
-,.AL, K.
""
puliilitjwhlcli
DnirHE
1
as if this had been sufficientto shield Plato
or
Aristotle from
obloqny,
and had net rather ex-
poeed
them to innuineri^le calumnies
;
ir aa if
Anaxarchus, sophistas he
was,
had not been.
branded with merited
infamj.
The transactioa
is
memorable, as it exhibits the
conqueror
of
Asia
calling
in the aid of Greeks
to overcome
tho
mdependent spirit
of bis own
people.
CHAPTER LUL
AvTii the
oonqneat
of the Bactrian
aatn^
there remained
onlyone provinee
of the Pm^
sian
Empire
into which Alexander had not
yet
carried his
amts : It
was that which
tempted
his
curioaity, as well as bis
ambition,peiâp*
more than
any
other.
Already,indeed,
befiin
be crossed the
Paroparaiaua,
be had nude himself
master of
a great pan
of the
conntry
whiA
the Persians called
India,
and
perhaps
had verr
nearly
reached the utmost limits within wtudk
the
authority
of the
great king
was acknovrir-
edged
in the latter
years
of the
mimarcby.
Bat
the
power
uf the firstBarius had
certainly
b"^
extended much farther eastward. It
aeom*
probable
that a
part
of his Indian tnbute wa"
collected in the
Pendjab,
and there is sonM
reason to believe that it was on the
Hydaapel
Scylaxbegan
bis
voyage
of
discovery.*
Aftat
the death of
Darius,
the attention of the Peiv
aian
klnge
was so moch tuned tovarda tlM
west, or distracted
by ware
with their revolted
subjects,
that
they
would
scarcely
have had
leisure for fresh
conquests
in
India,even if
tliv
spirit
of
Cyrus
had lived inhlsauoeasaurt; and
it ie
very
uncartain whetker their territoriM
reached so far as the Indoa. Ttae
greater
part
of the
peninsulawas,
as we see firoroUn. ao^
counts of Herodotus and Cteaias.
utterly
unknown
to the Persians, The India of U"ro^
oius is bounded on the east
by
a
sandy desert,
which,
it
seems,
be believed to be leiminated
by
the
ocean which
gilded
his
eaith,
and wm
inhabited
chiefly by pwstiMBl
and
uthq, e"ea^
itwas
said,caonihaltribes.t Not had
CteaiBS,
during
bis
long refideDcest tbe Peraioa
eon^
heard of the
Gaogea,
or of the oountriea on tta
banks.
,
He
had, indeed,
ooUeotod
many mttn
vellous
repOTia, which must,
for the most pai^
have seemed incradiUe to all
iBtdlig"Dt tirraiat
about the
prodnctions
of India
i
but be betrwa
a total
ignorance
of tbe
peculiar
featnres of u"-
diau
society.
Both be, however,
and Hend"
otug
represent
tba
ooantry,
so far as it waa
known to tbem, as exceeding
rich and
p^Kb
lous. The
Indians,Herodotus obaerfes,am
h"ra" hoDonr itccfKtnwd, ih"l hfl Bi^
fDvnliaioftb*
"HEuu ba
pluiadbujond
i doubt
byld dlMction, nUch
nald hudlT brr* oocnrnd la " fornr. Mi, Willianu )"
dliiillj gntntud
it Ihii
painl.
ud uii.On vky
abaoU IM
pupnluim Itaa whi(^ th
HISTORY OF GREECE.
b^
far the most numerous nice or men we
know :
and Ihe tribute of (be Indian
satrap;
amouDted to a third or the whole that Dariua
leceiTed
;
all,
according
to
him, arising
from
the
gold
foaad in the oanhcm muuntains. But
many
otber
costly
and useful
productioos
of In- dia,
OB cotton, spieea,ivory,
and
preciousstones,
were
veiy
oariy
known in the
west, chiefly,
it
appears,
through
the commercial
activity
of
the FhtEnicians. At the battle ofArtKla the
Greeks for the lirst lime
saw elephants,
which
they
heard bad be"o
brought
from the banks of
the Indas. To Alexander and bis
cotnpanioDs
India
appeared
from
a dislance
as " new worid,
of indefinite
extent,
and
abounding
in wonder?
and riches. Even without
any
other inducement,
he must
eagerly
have desired
to
explore
and subdne it.
Dnriag
the
campaigns
of the last two
years,
he had met with
opportunities
of
gaining
better
iuAirmatiiHi aboni India than
was to be foond
in Herodotus
or
Otesias.
Among
the foOowen
of Beaaos
WIS an
Indian
obief,or leader of
mer-
wnaries,
named
SiareoUus,who,
when Bessns
flU into AlezBDder'B
hands,
Buhmitted to the
oonqneror,
and beoane
Srmly
attached
to
him.
Tbe
aoomiiM wbicb he
gave
of the countries
beyond
the Indus
mi^t
afterward hsTe been
oonfinned
by
an embassywhich Alexander
received
in
Sogdiana,
from
a
prince
whose
name
is written
by
the Greeks
Omphts, or
Mophis,
and who
reignedoxer
the rich tract which in-
terrenes between the
Upper
Indus and tbe
^daspes
(Bebut or Jhelum),
tbe westenimoBt
Of tbe dve
great
tribataries lôm which tbe
wbole eastern basin of tbe
Indtia,
down to tbeir
confluence with
it,
takea Uie
name of the Fend-
jnb.
His
capita]Tazila,from which he is
more
oommonly
entitled
Tazilee,
stood at some
distance
friMtieither
stream,
and
appears
to have
been a
iBjê
and
splendidcity,though
its site
has, perfaapa,
not
yet
beeo discovered.* Tbe
Kingof
Taxila had oOfered his alliance Co Alex- ander,
and
sought
aid from bim acainst
a
pow-
CriUi
neighbour;
and thus Alexander aecertain-
"d Hut
iito
state of
things
in this
part
of India
was
highly
favooiable to bia
projected
invasion.
The distribution of
power
in the
Pendjab
appears
to hareflactUBied as mucli in the earliest
times to which
we can
ascend in its
history,as
itliasin UMoe
nearest to
our own
days.
Cicsias
"poke
of tbe
king
of tbe
IniUans,tas
ifall
India,
"o
far
as
it
was
known to him, was
comprised
imder
a singlemonarchy.
This
king
was an
ally
of
Artaxenea, to whom he
sent
presents,!
hot
not,
it
appears,
aa
tokens of
inferiority.
Hence
we
may
collect that, when Ctesias
wrote, a
great part
of tbe
country
on the Per- sian
frontier
was
anited under
one
powerful
nler. But in its
ordinary
condition it
seems
to haTe been subdirided into a number of small
"tales,wluoh
were not under
kinglygovern- ment,
and its inhabitants
were on
this account
branded,by
tbe
eastRrn Indians,
whose
kings
leigned by
diviue
right,as a lawless
race.f
Through some reroluliona, no record of whidi
has been
preserved,
a
great part
of it
had,
in
Alexander's
time,
fallen under the dominion of
three
princes,
the Taxiles
alreadymentioned,
and two who were kinsmen,
and bore the name
of Poms. The most
powerful
of these was
the
immediate
neighbour
of Taxiles
;
his territories
lay
to the cast of the
Hydaspes.
It
was
against
him that the
KingofTaxila sought
to
atrenglh-
himself
by an
alliance with the Macedonian
conqueror.
TTie accounts
which .\leiander received ctf
the
population
and
resources
of tbe
country
he
about to enter, together
with the
consider-
1
of the
great
length
of time that would be
requisite
for re-enlbrcements to reach him
there,
convinced him of tbe
necessity
nf extraordinary
preparations
for bia Indian
expedition.
But the
European
force which be had at his
dispooal
for this
purpose
can hardly
have
amounted to a
greater
number than be at
flisc
brought over
into Asia
;
for,
besides the manifold
tosses this
pert
of his
army
had suSfered iir
the last two
years,
and the garrisons
and colo-
which had been drawn from
it,
he
thought
it
necessary
lo leave
a
coips
of
10,000 infantiT'
and 3"00 borse in
Bsctria,
under tbe commanf
oftbe
satrap Amyntas.
fet he inarched into In- dia
atthe bead of
130,000
foot and IB.OOO horse.'
ve must
suppose
that
at
least
70,009
were
Asiatic
troop*.
A considerable
part
of
these auxiliaries
were
drawn from Bactria and
L,
and fram tiie nei^bonring
Scythian
hordes
;
and
they
answered the double
porpose
of
Btrengtbaniiig
bis
armj
and of
secaring
the
tranquillity
of the
conqnered
lands from which
they
were
withdrawn. With the same object,
a
largeproportion
of the
boys
who were
taken
fhim their homes to receive Greek
training,
undonbledly
collected in the northeast
provinces. According
to Curtius,
it was
Just
before he set out for India that Alexander ordered
B
levy
of 30.000
youths,
to serve at once
as hostages
and soldiers.
The
sunnner
of 337 had
scarcelybegun,
when
he crossed the mountains
by
a shorter routa
he had taken in the winter of
329,t whicb
brought
bim in ten
days
to Alexandria. Hers
he found
reason to remove
the
governor
whom
ho had leftthere, and,havingappointed
Nicanor
in his
room,
descended the
valley
nf the Cabul
River
to
Nic"a. This,
according
lo the most'
probableconjecture,
was
the new name
which
he
gave
to the
city
otherwise called
Ortospa-
na,
or Cabura, tbe site of the modern
Cabul,
where he made a
sacrifice to Athene, perhaps
place
it under her
protection.
He then advanced
lo the banks of the
Cophen,
the river
formed
by
the confluence of the Cabul River
with the
Pendjshir,
a
largerstream,
which
meets it from the northwest. Here, in
con- formity
to his
summons,
he was met
by Tallies,
and
by
several chiefs from the
country
west of
the Indus, bringingpresents,
such
as were accounted
the must honoumble
;
and, as
he
expressed
a
wish for
elephants,they promised
all-
tbey possessed,
wbicb.
however,
amounted
to
than live-and-twenty.
The
satrapy
of
IT kingly
pmn
MARCH TOWARDS THE INDUS." A0RNE8. S39
(he
ParopamisadB,
wett of Ihs
Cophen.
or
Pendjsbir,
was commiltBd to
Tyriaapes.
Alex- ander
now
divided hia foreei. He sent He-
pbKBtion
and Perdiccas,
with a
strong
diviaion,
accompaniedby
the Indian
chiefs,
down tlie
Tale of the
Cophen
to tlie Indus,to
prepare
a
bridge
for the
paasage
of the
army,
while he
himself directed hia march into the mountain*
north of the
Cophen,
and included between it
and the Indna,* Here
lay
the territories of
three warlike
tribes,
the
Aapaaians
or
Hippa-
sians,Gurteans,
and Assacenians. The
operations
of this
campaign,
which
occupied
the rcat
of the
year,
do not
require
to be related here
with all the
military
details which
belonged
to
Arrian's
aubject.
It seems (hat Alexander was
induced to take the
upper
road,
not so much
because he desired to reduce the mountaineers
la becanee he had learned that it led
through
a
countiy
which was both better
supplied
-with
prorisiOQs, and,
on the
whole, presented
fewer
obstacles
(since
the streams would bo mote
easily
croaaed near their
sources,
while (he cli-
D)a(e WBB more
temperate)
than he was likely
to meet with if he
kept
closer to the leftbank
DftheCophen.t
He firet ascended the
mgged
vale of the
Choes,
which seeios also to have been called
Choaspes
and
Evaaplaby
the Greeks
;
a tribu-
(aiy
of the
Cophen,apparently
the modem Kir
mah,or
Kashgar,
which falls into it at the eastern
foot of the
great
moontain
pile
called the
Khnond,
in which the Caucasus
projects
southward
towards the
Khyber range.
This tale
led into the
territory
of the
Aspaaiana,where,
baTlQgtaken two of the smaller
lowos, leaTiog
Cralerus
to
subdue the
rest
of the southern
iieirict, he himself marohed northward
against'
the
capital, Gorydala,
which atood on Che eastern
bank of the Choea. On his
approach,
the
natives
set fira to their
city,
and fled into the
beart of then; mountaina
;
but
they
were over-
nty
of
ArlgKum,
on the eastern side of (he As-
pasian
territory.
This he also found reduced
to
ashes,
and deserted
by
ita inhabitants
;
and
ndti"C(tnilb/B*aitutiiiidiii""ult. fniiw lookllH
othei.
"hich lâdi fnKn tha Hnthetn
part
o" iha
proriDH
ot B^lLll
irrom
OhoTitul)to Kvidfttur,"nd BcconipTiatiH Ibiimarch
n Us
dari. Th*D" hi nunhtd dp littRinr
Ur^ndili
^"a, and I^"ll dim Iba HiTar Cabul,whtch Iliaandsala
4 tba
ooabmr^,
lan nprBialy that AJaaandar,im bis ra-
""lni,
ctaaaad tliaPanntanuaDa
by
a
rAvrJfr T"mtt Ihan ha
'uich
Knizhl unida India. Thli aiami dtintf a
pma
IW ha did luil
pas IhroDgh
Caudahir oi Qhimi. Aa ha
"U
noia vu
pnblblT
Ihaa imlllaaicabla.
S^luaaar
aa-
"(ai no
Raaoa for Biing Kjaa
al or oau Ghjzai. Nita
"rlAiT,,T., IjimjHcooalryhaiwaentho Cophen ud lbs
Îhlha
Hne Uihlandl IK ohich lafthe towna whuih
"i"
of HiiHi"!i.
*"'
""" ' '"'"'
'
Stnbo,ir..
p.
m, TaBcha. It aaaoi
Baeaaair
(o ia-
~^.
IIh
paaiaca
thai,on anomll of the
aaoeladingaaa-
"", wUch aiaiana Ihi laaani "/"hfAlsuullt imilj Iba
'TV'^
"! would aoam tbat tha
daacnplioaof tha dnnfht
"wakeal wa*fflaaufc(lh* Bfltk of
India, aad nM Ida
""TUlarrfCabB!.
Vol.
II,_G a
as it oommanded an
importantpaas
between
the vale of the Choes and that of the
GurKna,
another
tributary
of the
Cophen (probably
the
Penjkore),
he ordered
Craterua,
who had here
rejoined
the
greatarmy,
to rebuiUi
it,
while he
himself advanced into the interior in
pursuit
of
the
fugitives
He defeated their collected forces,
and
gathered
a vast
booty,including
10,000
captives,
and between three and four hundred
thousand head of
cattle,
from which he selected
some of the linest to be sent into Macedonia.
He
then,
with some
diSlculty,
effectedthe
passage
of the
deep
and
rapidGurKus,
and entered
the
territory
of the Aasacenians,
They
did not
venture to
keep
the
lield,
but trusted to the
strength
of their towns. In
Massaga,
their
capital,
their chief had
prepared
to defend him-
aelf with the aid of 7000 mercenaries from the
Pendjab.
But
when,
after a short
siege,
ha
was killed
by
a dart from an
engine,
the
garrison
capitulated,
and Alexander
accepted
the
surrender of the
place,
on the condition that
the mercenanes should
join
his
army.
Bui
(hey
diaoovered a
degree
of
patriotism
which
he had no[ looked for.
They
were ao averse
from the
thought
of
turning
their arms
against
their
countrymen,
that,having
marched out and
encamped on a bill
by themselvea.they
meditated
making
their
escape
in the
night.
Alexao-
der
was
apprised
of their
design,and,thongti
they
had not
begun
to execute it" with lea*
generosity
than
might
have been
expected
from
him, even if
mercy
waa out of the
qaestion
"
surrounded the hill with his
troops,
and cut
them all to
piecea. Then, holding
the
capita-
lation to have been
broken,
he stormed the defenceless
city,
where the chiefs mother and
daughter
fellinto his hands.
Two
strongholds,
named Ora and
Bazira,remained
to be reduced in the district between
the Gurieus and the Indus
;
and the inhabiianta
of Ora, which
probablylay
farthest
eastward,
had received
promises
of
support
from a
neighbouring
prince
named
Abisares, who, according
to this and the other indications afforded
by
his
proceedings,
must have
reignedover Cashmire,
a
part
of which is said to bear a name of
very
similar sound.
Alexander, however, anticipa
ted the arrival of these succour?
by
the
capture
of
Ora,
where he found aome
elephants;
and
the inhabitants of
Bazira,now
despairing
of
their own
safety,
fled to another
place
of refuge,
which
was deemed
impregnable,
and soon
became crowded with
fugitives
from all
parts
of -the
country.
This was a hill fort on the
right
bank of the
Indos,not far above its
junction
with the
Cophen.
Its Indian name seeme
to have been
eli^hlly
diatorl"d
by
the
Greeks,,
according
to their usual
practice,
into that of
Aornns,
which answered to its
extraordinary
height,
as above the
flight
of a bird. It
was
precipitous
on all
sides,
and acceaaible
onlyby
a
singlepath
cut in the
rock,though
in one direction
it was connected with a
range
of hills
;
but ita summit was an extensive
plain
of frait-
lul
soil,
partly
clothed with
wood,
and contaiiv
ing copioussprings.
Tbe traditions of the
countryconcerning
its insurmountable
strengtb
seem to have
given
occasion to tha fable whicit
spreadthrough
the Macedonian
camp,
that Hai"-
enles himself had assailed it without gnccoae.
Alexander did
not need thia ioduoemnit to ex"
fH
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"ite him to tbe
undertakiag.
The
opinjoo
of
the
nativea,
which had led so
many
to take
ihelter
there,was a aufficieut raotiye. It had
been a
principle,
tn which he owed moat of hia
conquests,
to show that he was nol to be deterred
by any
natural
difficulties;
and he
re-
oolved to make Aomua his own. On his road
soutbwaid. along
the
right
bank of the
Indus,
he
passed
through
the district of
Peucelaoiie,
ao called after its chief
city,Peucela,
which
lay
weal of the
Indus,IhoDgb
it has
giren
its
name to the modem Puckheiee on the
opposite
aide of the river.* Its
ruler,Astea,
whose ter-
litory
stretched southward
beyond
the
Cophen,
had miiintained his
independeoceagainst
He-
Ehestion
and
Perdiccai,
in a
city
which
they
esieged
fur
thirtydays,
on their march eastward.
But he had fallenin the
aiege,
and the
placehaving
been
stormed, was committed to
the care of
SangKus,
one of his
subjects
who
bad revolted from him. Peucela surrendered
to Alexander on bis
passage,
and he
occupied
it with a Macedonian
garrison.
He then ad-
Tanced to a
city
called
EcboUma,
which
lay
very
near to the foot of
Aomus,
and here he
left
Craterus,
with orders to
lay
in a
great
stock
of
provisions ;
for the
reports
be bad beard of
Aornua,thoughthey
did not shake his resolution,
made him doubt whether he
might not be
forced to turn the
siege
into b
blockade.
The
sight
of the
placeitself,
when he encamped
before
it,probablysuggested
no better
hopea.
But he had not
long
arrived at it,
before
he received informatioa of a
rugged
and
difficulttrack that led
up
to the
top
of a
hill,
separatedbya
hollow of no
greatdepth,though
of considerable
width,
from the rock.
By
"
path
he "Bent
Ptolemy,
with a body
of
light
troops,
who reached the summit before he was
noticed
by
the
garrison,
and
immediately,
as he
had been ordered,
threw
op
an
intrenchment,
and
by
a
fire-signal
annonnced bis success to
the
camp
below. The Indians
attempted
hn
Tain to
dislodge
him from hts
position
;
and the
next
day Alexander,by
a hard
struggle,
no^
withstanding
their
vigoroosresistance, joined
hirn there with the rest of the
army.
He now
availed himself of his
superiornumlters,
and
be^n
to
carry
a mound across the hollow. He
took
part
in the work with his own
hands,
and
the whole
army,
animated
by
hts
example
and
exhortations, prosecuted
it with restless assi- duity.
It advanced
at the rate of a
furlong
a
day
;
and on the (barth
day
a small detachment
of Macedonians look
possession
of a little
peak,
which was on a level with the
rock,where,
it
aeems, theywere
protectedby the
missiles with
which the
besieged
were now
continually
as-
"ailed
;
and the
army
redoubted its efforts
to
connect the mound with this
point.
But the
Indiana, astonished at the
intrepidity
with which
a handful of
men had
seized tbis
vantage-ground,
and alarmed
by
the
progress
of the
work,began
to
despair
of
resistance,
and to meditate fli^t.
They
sent
envoys to treat of terms of
capitulation
:
but their intention was
only
to amuse
Alexander until
nightfall,
and then to make
tbeir
escape. He, however, was apprized
of
their
design,
and
permitted
them
partly
to e:~
"cote it. But while
they
were
stealing
out
the
place,
he scaled the deserted wall with
"
SnuU, Muuii
"'
"
Mlji
al
"'wt-rliiij
g.
IV.
part
of his
guard,
entered the
fbrtreaa,
and
chased the
fugitives,
with
greatslaughter,
into
the
plains
below. The
capture
of the
rock,
which had baffledthe assaults of
Hereulea,wa"
celebrated with solemn sacrifices,
and
supplied
a fresh theme for the
eloquence
of
Agis
and
Auaxarchus.
The
govemmenl
of this
important
foTtreas
was committed to
Stsycotlus ;
and the
satrapy
of the
newly-conquered
districtsbetweeo
tlie
Cophen
attd the Indus to Niconor,'' But the
spirit
of the mountaineers was not
yet
suhdaed.
Alexander had
scarcely
leftthe Assacenian territory
before it was roused to revolt
b;
a brother
of the chief who had fallenat
Msssaga ;
and
as soon as be had taken
Aornua,
the
conqueror
retraL'cdhis
steps
into the
mountains, to
suppress
this tHEUnection.-t He was \he morB
anxious to reduce the
rebel,because he was in
possession
of a number of
elephants.
But when
he arrived at the
town
of
Dyrta,
in the insurgent
district,
be found it deserted
by
its inhabitants,
and could not even obtain
any
information
as to the movements of the
fugitives.
He
therefore
despatched
Nearchus and Antiocbus
to scour the
country
towards the
northwest,
while he himself
opened
a
road,
whicb uo
artoy
had ever before
trodden,
to the banks of the In- dus.
On bia
way
he took
some of the
natives,
who informed him that the
maip body
of their
countrymen
had fled into the dominions of Abis-
ates,
but that
they
had left their
elephants
in
the
thickets,on the weal bank of the
river.t
With the aid of native hunters Alexander
captured
the
beasts,
and then built a
fleet,
in which
he
dropped
down the stream to the
bridge
which
had been
prepared
for him
by Hephsstion and
Perdiocas,
where be
arrived,
it
appears,
towards
the end of the
year
3ST.
It was in the course of the
campaign
in the
highlands
between the
Cophen
and the
Indus,
aim,
it
seems,
in the
territory
of tbc
Gursana,
that the Macedonians were stnick with
some
appearances
in the
productions
of the
soil,and
the
manners
of the
natives,
and
probably, also,
by
the sound of some
names,
which reminded
them of the
legends
of
Dionysus,
whose fabn-
lous
conquests
were now so often mentioned
b;
Alexander's
flotterera,
for the
purpose
of ex- alting
the
hving hero,
wham
iheyproposedto
dei^,
above the
god. Euripides, a bold iiuy"-
vator in
many things,had,
in one of bia Gnest
tragedies,
described
the
expedition
of
Dionyans
to the remote east,
and had carried him as 1^
as Bactria,a
greaterdistance,
it
seems,
than
he bad been nude to reach
by any preceding
poet.
But as there was no reason
why
the vic-
loriouB and beneficent careerof the
wine-givinff.
son
of Zeua should have
stoppedthere,
itcould
ihichDroy-
ha laduuid iba lUi
LEGEND OF DIONYSUS." TAXI LES. tu
Otat Alexaoder e"m" to a chr
called
Nyaa,
|
ntich booMed of
DionjniBas its
founder,and,
" BTklenceorthefact.abowed tbeivr
and laurel
which be hod
planted;* a
ai)rtkt
new to the
Macedoouiaa Biace
tbey
had left tbeir native
land. Aod
Dear
the
oitj
waa the iDouiitaiD
Thkh be ttad oained
Meroa,
or Hani,
io mem-
orrorhisDiarreHous
birth. The
Macedouiana,
itis
said,
tnade a
pUgrimase
to the
mouDtaio,
i
wDTe theoiseltea
cbêia
of the
iv;
that
grew ,
inthe thicket*
ob ita
sides,
aod
joyfUljr hymned
"be
hsart-cheeriiig
Power. Alexander aacri-
Sced to his divine
piedecessoi,
and
penoittod
hia
ocdonj,
which is deacribed as an artatacnt-
1
icali"put"lic"
ttDdo* a chief named
Aeoidua,
to I
letWD its
libeny
and lawa-
We have too
man;
inatBocea of the readiness
!
with Wbicb the natives of India have humoured
|
itw
faBtj
of
Europeans
about their
mythology,i
10 be mnch
surptised
that the Gormans should
have adopted
the fable of
Dionjsus,
wbit^
they,
nay
have learned fiom the
qaestiona
of Ihe in-
vadeis,
and have
dexterooslir
lomed to tbetr,
own profit.tAieiander,
Aman
oboervea,
wae
(ratified by
their
story,
-~' " --"--^ - " "-- "^-
IDS,
iDiiBed
by emulation,
would be the more
wiUing
to bear the
faligueB
of the
expedition,
in
which he
purposed
to
pass
the utmost distance
that had been reached
by
the divine
conqueror.
Ifwe
may depend
on this
observatioo,
it would
inive
that he had not
yet thought
of
any
limit
to hia own
progress
within the farUiestbounds
ofthe Eastern woiid.
Aristobulufl
related,
Uiat the
sprieg(836)
had
onlyjustbegun
when
Ajezande^
ended his campaign
in the
mountaiDS; and, according
to Ar-
dbd's
chroDology
" which, however, as will be
seen,
there is some reason to
question
" it can-
oaltlmud IB Hm I"
ry 1.7tia wiiten
, _ ,
", i.,
p.
IM).
thi
imfm
"it Parnatiiu wn onaBrlv Purfwwfof f"^f
Km]
UttmidK^Mtn BanWtiMwd
Hsa niimi la
itw ilMrici af dslK HiiBd. It
fa.hBwnir.niiurlmHB,
'm Indin aphakfr (û BoUn,
p.
141),tbt gnn
""""" It AmClKI, UU wiH^god,
ud i* irna dC
""inliiiiii'i Cilnl. Tlwir nllmjm,
H It hM
(p.SIH),
pm-
iHsbjfa
i^Buititifli
of
gnpvB,
wltd BDilDiiltintAd. It
""
EVWr "BLvnalMff
Ihu Arma Sou w
Nth. ntf m, kovant,
Indmi
nn
bj
CoRtu of Mount M"ik,'
of botiiHxor diish wfno to
gv
not have been later than Hareb vrtien he
croaa-
ed the
Indua,probablya littleabove ita
jono-
tion with the
Copbra.
He ceMirated bis ani-
val on the eastern
bank
by
a solemn
aaorifles,
and soon after met Tazilea,
who bad oone oat,
with his
army
ai"d his
elephants,
to
greet him,
and conduct him to his
capital,
with
profeaakilia
of the moat entire snteniBBion and devotion. It
la
possible, and,indeed,
it muat be
supposed,
if
we foUow
Ariatobnlus,
that be made a
stay
of
oonaiderable
length
at Tazila;*
for
here, ao-
cording
to tbia
author,
he
ezpeiienced
the be-
gbminf
of the summer raina.t
which are not
known to All. in tbe
Pendjab,
before June
or
July.:t
It is certain that be there received an
embassy
from
Abisares,
which was
broughtby
the
prince's
own tnother,
and
by
some of hia
prlnc^Blnobles,aa
well as from another Indian
chief,
named Doxarea. It
appears,
ahso,notwithstanding
Anian's ailence on the
subject,
that he sent an
envoy
to Pomi to demand tribute,
aitd to
say
that he
expected
to be met by
him on his vresiam firomier. The answer
of
Porus breathed defiance
;
he woold meet the
invader at theentrance of hia
kingdom,
bnt in
arms. Bnt about the same
time he received
an
embassy,
of adiObrMit
tenonr,fram
theofh-
er
prince
of that name. Tliia
Porua,
who waa
jeaioaa
of his kinsman'a
power,
and
hoped
to
profit I9
hie "ill, sent ofibrs of submission to the
stranger.
He
was, perfaaiw,
attracted
by
tbe
example
and the
good
Ibrtime of
Tasiiea,
vAoee
hospitality
Alexander
requited
with munificent
Iêsents,
and an enlargonent
of hia
territory,
Io which he
probably
annexed some of the nev-
ty-conqnered
diatrictaweat of the Indus. But
Tazilea nurohased this
advantage
at the
price
of hi*
inoqiendenee
1
for
FhihpptaB
was
appoint-
ed
satrap
nf this
part
of India,
and a Macedoni- an
ganisan
waa stationed In hia
"I^)itaL
It seems to bare been
during
bis
stay
at Tax-
ila that Alexander waa firstenabled to natiiy
hia
cnriosiQr eonevning
the doctrines and
prao-
ticBi of the iDdian noeties. He bad
already
witnaiaMl aomething
aimiltT at
Oorinth,
whera
he fbond
DiogeBealiving
in babtts of
shapUei^
not
unworthy
of the Eattem
gymnostqildsts, m
tbe Greeks called the
eegee
who
exposed
themselves,
almost
naked,
to the
inclemeacj
of tbe
Indian
sk;. He "s reportedto have said
Ihat,
had he not boen
Alexander,
be would have bean
Diogenes.
Tlie
independence
of a man who
had
nothing
to ask of his
royal
visiter hot Utat
be would not stand between bim and tbe
snn,
stniek him
as only
leaa desirable than tbe conquest
of tbe world
;
and he conceived a
tike admiration
for the Indian
quietists,
who manifeaU
ed a kindred
spirit.
Yet their
principles
were
widely
dtflbrent from those of the Greek
phi-
lDso[dier.Diogenes thought
he had attained
the summit of
happiness
when he had contracted
hia animal
enjoymenla
within
the narroweat
compass,
eo
that fortune might
have the smallest
poîble
hold on bim. The Indian ancbur-
ni.t"",iT..p.t",n
roâftArr4vSttai
India ibont tbe bflginiiliia of jmio.but it
0Ott
lator aa wg
adnnnitoaanJilbciiartG."
(ElpblnatDaa.p.lW.)
Abnat
Dtlhi ildoel nnt
begintiiltliasnd ofJoao. p.
130. Il
maf,
anTmentioiirît flood ooHd bf "
tillof rain ia tbi
D"ali of Ih* bidiB,a"dIba Ailua, OS tb* IHllof
FoliTUur.
HISTORY OF QRBECE.
He*
appear
to hare vlawvd tbeir mortal exist-
enoe as "
peiiod
of
truining
for a final releaae
fhun the
body,
which vas the
highestobject
or
tbeir desires,
ind to baTs believed that the
waste and abuse of life was tbe best
preparation
for death.
Alexander,
to whom such
"pectaclea
were
oew,
did
not, perbspa,
suffi-
oiently
reflect that to throw
away
life" whether
in fnTotous
amusements, or useless ajsteri-
ties, or indolent mm iitatiott "
requires
much less
Tifoar
of mind ai"d
energy
of cbarmcier than to
qtend
it in
enterprises
even less arduous and
DoUe than bis own. He wss desirous of car-
lyinfaway
with him some of the Indian
soph-
i"tB as
companions
of Anaxarchns.' Fifteen
Of them were
pursuing
their
contemplatiTe
exercises
in a
grove
near Taxila,
and Onesicritus
waa sent to them with the Ung's invitation.t
It was
rejected
with disdain
by DandamiB,(be
aldeai and head of tbe ecenobites
;
hot one of
Ibem"
by
the Greeks uickDamed
Calannsl"
was indneed,
it is
aaid,by
the
permaalMM
of
lua
Independeiice by
which
hp
incurred tbe eon-
tSDipt
ofhis feOow-induses.
After aolemn sacrifices and
gsmes,
Alexan-
his force* on the left bank
mden to have the veaaela in which the
amy
had oroBBed sawed each into two or three
pie-
oea,
and
tiansported
to the
Hydaspet.
He left
aD his tnralidi at Taxila,
and
strengthened
his
wma
with eoOO
Indiana,
who were commanded
bf
TaxUea in
penon.
On bis mn^ tie foand
a deflle, thiongfa
which hia road
by, occopied
^
a
nephew
ef
Poms,
umed
Spitlacos,
or
l^ltaees.
with a body
of
troopB.4
These he
Mon dispersed,
and
having arrived,
without fkr-
tber
opposition,
on Iberi^t
bankof
theHydas-
pM,
beheld the whole
army
of
Poms,
with between
ROO and 300
elephants,
drawn
op
on the
other
side,
sepsrated
from him
by
a
deep
and
ttpidatreani,which, at the time he reached
It,
was
pcrfaape
littlelees than a mile brosd.H
Me. Tmnlm. It lua b
BuMhl
il("umiM|"iolaliteilutthi]i"n*Bn)imiiu.
Thitnik-
psBlioiiUMUi u
Mfn*
bHi villiihg (ituhiBHt
thtjdu-
cnar Id ih* loa of Indiii, ud with iba b"n itlributtd to
Suduiii, IbU Ii*,no ]"" lliu Aliuidn'. wd " iin of tho
""iniiii
Gad. (Atrju, ril., 1.) On Ihg otbar
hnd,
tbcri
li
H Rwa nf
ur
BuddhiM
pacaliuilr UHMf
thai, Tbt
diniactioibalwoan tha Bnhalna, Iha Gimuin, oi Bod-
dUata,ud iba 9"maiij. or BrmbDin vich^taa, hai bHD
dnriûdagaviiiaiit]T"|iluHdb*LaaHB, Dt liemimllmi
t"aM"w"""hi,"yiltoiC-f"J""
yWoKÛ. Wolck-
"^ Rhni.
Mni.,
nf.
i..whon ha ohnrrea,p. ITS,
dial Iho
titleDf
QyBKwipliiau, ohich waauphod
indlacrlmluIiilT
W rniic* tt both
nlifioM.doaa nat Mcar in
uf
Gmk
siihar bafon Plutarch.
t Uia
proper nava vraa
SiAibh, Plal.,At" A5. Calaniu
ni. It
(uni,
a
eairn("i"iof iha Iitdiu idiuatiinir"F|i"
,
) Pol)wiiu,iT.,J,tl.who
Sim,
faJdsad, no hinl
u (o
At orMnaiirtha oftMii. Bot aa Ihai* cu ba liiiladonbl
Iba SpitHiaonMUiauad tiT Airias,".,
4t"d to plada il
hara, wîb Ttrawmtm.
Iha
imnuaani
of
Spittuiu,who ii deic
""(J"t"[^
n;j|j
IrlAr.onoadad
""
U,I1""
WWhai
irrjanaL.. ....
HiJaapaa.
la anotlmfln
1 niaaBBtpotaBu
Poms had atatioiied
posts
at various
potota
ap
and down the river to watch the
enemy'*
motions,
and Alexander
spent some time re""
onneitering
the
country
on the
right
bank. To
distract the attention of Porne. he divided hi*
army
into several
columns, with which he made
frequent
excursions in various
directions, as if
ancertain where be should
attempt
a
passage-
He then
gave
out that he bad resolved to wait
for the more bvourable
season,
when the
streams should have shrank within their ordinary
beds,and ordered
magaaines
of
provisiona
to be fonned, as fbr a
longsojoom.
It
seem*,
indeed,snrprising
that be did not defer hia expedition
until the end of tite
monsoon,
the nature
and duration of which he must now havo
leatned
from tbe natives. He
may.
It is
true,
have
snspected
their accounts of
exaggeration;
bat
peitaape, also,
be was
enconraged by
tbe
persuBsioa
that his
own
troops
were aUe to
sustain the
iDoIemenoy
of the weather belter
dian
any others,
and
by
the
thon^
that tba
greater
tbe
difficult
of
keeping
the
field,
th"
more likely
that he
might gain
a
passage by
sniprise.
He had
very
soon satisfied
hinwe^
that it would be
utterlyimpracticable to cnnn
oi. lâ
pnTEil laasa lo ba. that At
aacui^
and
RntaijA
nsir Jhvla]
porv,
ar plioa (CiUnl.p. Ml, wan
1 of lit Km rfPanu-M
,, .,...,
at of tha iala^
"'hick
n than fiwBadh* Iha aUasB.
DDIhaodi"hud,Biiiii",
- ""-^--'
ifcBKlaih*|ilw"*ii"
-'-"
"iihIhafiddofbu._,
march
aJoof
Iha rivar *llh tha
a
(smp
fna ilabaaka),ohaaiwa,
" '
1
by
Cwtiaa fia Iha da-
ofththi)^
ifarJad"
ilTamg
thiiiLa
tiiMi.fnm ilu rcfulaact
af CkrlnitMin,
il no* to
prtjnwf
ttotlto
t,to"Jto.a.aA.îJiiy tfityim.Mj
and
9oodtt Kf dtKri^td bg -irrua-
Drayaaa,UDHinc
ViBcaol'ahjpMhoaii,ani boiUiofapoa
tho laH-awDUoud
onojactiiro,
doaa nol baaital* lo
-" ^"^ ' ' "" -^
ud woody ialaad (p.W"). Ba
canaralyapackmi,
ia oaniuia fPZataRh, fViaa
iFttan,
callothr iilaulri MrlXnr, AU M" : i
sii
TFan
lalar 1
1
iS).
vc AhI
l^b"
(p
riirr Bllul M" JiUn
ly fic/ord.
CAMP
ON,
AND PASSAGE OF THE HYDA8PE8.
son
hi the fbeeofthe
enemy,
beeiase the
vet]' algtit
of tbe
elepbants
wouM bave Ibroim bis
caTUiT
into coafnsion. It
only reioBined,tberefbra.to
steal I
passage
at aomo other
point.
Hia moie-
menta were
probably
hastened
by
the iatelli-
gence
tiiat
Abisarea,notwilbetanding
the recent
embassy,
was on tus
way,
with his
anny,
to
join
At the diatance of a
day'a
march aboTe the
camp,
St a bend of the riTer towards the
weat,
where the
prajectinff Tight
bank wte oorered
with
wood, aik island,
also
thickly wooded, parted
the stream. This was the
spot
which Alex-
ander fixed
upon
Ibr
hisBttampt.
Ha oiderad
the veaaela
broagfat
in
pieces
Irnm the Indaa to
be carried to it: the shelter of the wood enabled
the workmen to
pat
them
togetheragain
Doobserred. Skina were alao
provided
to be
Mcffbd with Mraw. In the mean while he en-
deayoared to loll the
enemy's vigilanceby
a
series of false alanas.
Night
after
night
he
nllied forth with his
cavalry,
as
noisily
as
pos-
aibie,
and
poshed
up
or down the river,as ifto
attempt
a
passage.
Poms at firstdrew oat his
^pbaola,
and moved towards the
qaarter
flora
which the damonr
proceeded;
but when the
feint bad been (rileit
vepeated
he ceaaed to attend
to it,
aad did not atirhia
elephama
fbr
any
noise that be
might
hear on the other aide.
Stillfarther to oover bis
plan,
Alexander hoed
the
rightbank,
down to the destined
point
of
entbarcation,
with a series of
poata,
within hearing
of each
other,
who were ordered to
keep
up
an incessant
abonting.
He then leftCrate-
ns,
with a
strong division,
in the
camp,
with
CDden to remaiD there as
king
as he aaw the
etsphanls
on the
iqiposite bank, but.
whsnever
tbâboold be
withdrawn,
to
attempt
the
pas-
aage
wjthoat Iom at time.
Heleager,AltalnB,
and
Gorgisswere posted,
with the mercena-
ries,
horae "nil'
foot,
lower down the
river,
and
were ordered t" oroes over aa soon as
they
atoold see the lodians
engaged
with the
Idog.
Alexander hinselT set out with the flower of
his Macedonian
caralry,
and ibe
Baetriaa,Sog-
dian,
and
Soythiananxiliariea,
in allaboat
5000,
and " aeleet divisionof
heavy
and
light
infan-
gadea
of CMtoa and Ctaniw. He directed his
nartA at * anlBcient distance fnm the river to
bo coDoealed ftom the
enemy'aview,
and aboat
Buoaet artiyed oyer
against
the island.
During
the
night
a violent fallof
ndn, accompaniedby
a terrible thander-atorm,a little
impeded
the
liboors of the men
;
bnt the noise aleo served
to drown the clatter of the axes and bammera,
and all the din of
preparation,
which
might
otherwise
havu reached the
post
on the
opposite
bank.
With the return of
li^t,
the rain had ceased
and the storm was bushed,
and the
troops
were
iounediately
embarked. The
kingbimselC
with
Ptolemy,*Perdiucaa, Lysimachus.
and Seleu-
eos,
the founder of the
Syrian dynasty,went
Illte
bwl maati' lauifkikldbHull
Jl tUtlWT^'
on board a small
galley,
with a
fart
of the
hy^
paapista.
The
woody
laland concealed thor
movementa until,
havingpassedit,tbey wete
within a short distance of the leftbank. Then
first
they
were
perceivedby
the Indiana attp
tioned there, who
immediately
rode off at fnli
speed
to
carry
the
tidings
to their
camp.
In
the mean while Alexander
proceeded
to form
the
cavalry,
which was first landed, and, pot- ting
himself at their
head, began
to advance
fVom tite bank. Bot he soon discovered tbat
be had not
yet
readied the main land-^tbat be
was on aootiier
iriand,seikarated
tnm tt
by
^
ehanBel of no
great
width,
but which titetain
jost
lallea had awoUen into a fbrmidaUa
stream.
A fnrd.however, barelypassable,
was at tennli
discovered,
and the whole diviaion was flnalty
drawn
up
in order of battle. Arriaa seems to
say
that the
infantry
BTaotmted to no more than
two men
;
but
perfaapa
ha meant to
apeakon^
of the two
brigadea
of the
phalanx;*
the whola
of tbe
foot,iBctodlng
the
hypnspiau
and ths
lighttroops,may
have been neaim- SO,O0Q.
Alexander
pushed
fbrward with his
cavalry
and
aoorpeof bowinen,aoofldent that,by
his
siips-
rioriiy
in this
arm,
he should be enabled eithar
to roat the whoie ho"t of
Poms, or, at least,to
keep
it
engaged
imtil the
infontry
came
np
U"
support
him
;
and it seems he was not witboat
hope
tiiatthe
tidings
of his
anexpeotedpaaaaga
might
strike Ibe
enemy
with aach
coostemk'
tion that
tbey
would not wait for hia
eomiag,
and tbat he aboold have
nottung
to do btUM
overtake and
destroy
tbe
thgitivea.
This
hope,however,
war
not fulfilled.Pohm
was notof
aapirit
to be so
eaai^
oveôwerad.
Hia fint
thought,
irtkSDhe reeeived the iniellt"
gence, was that there
might
stillbe time to
come
up
vriththe
enemy
before
they
had completed
their
landing,
and ha
immediately
aeat
one of Ua Boaa,t
with 9000
cavalry
and IM
chariota,
towanlB the
place. Alexander,
irtieB
he irat aaw this
body,
beiiarad that Poraa waa
aivToaohing
with hia whola
army,
and aant the
bane-bowDiea Ibrwnd to reeoanoitar
;
but,aa
soon aa be had aacertained tiierealBtata
of ttaa
caaa,
be
charged
with all hia
cavaliy.
Tlia
Indians
soanmy
waited for the ahoek of thia
greatlyanperior
force. Pour hundred of tbaia
~~
I
în,
and
among
them the
prince
hiia-
The
dtarioia,
which made their
waj
with
greatdifficulty over
ground
whidi tbe rain
bad tcmod into a
swamp,
allfellinto the handa
of the
conqnerots.
Even this dissaler did not bow tbe
couraga
of PorUB
;
but he was
perplexedby
the neces-
sity
of at once
meeting
Alexander's attack,and
defending
the
passage
of the river
against
Cra-
.lerua.
He did
not, however,
hesitate
long;
but,leaving
a
part
of his
elephants
to check
Craterus,
advanced to the decisive conflict with
300 of them, the whole of his
cavalry(about
4000),
300
chariota,
and the bulk of hia inlhn-
,. rigb.
h
" hi. M..1. u ".=
1
-"TTc
HISTORY OP GREECE.
its,
wbi^ tBunnted to aboni
80,000 men. Be- yond
the
"wsmpy
^rouad aevi the riTct, he
IbaDd a tract orsuuly soil,
which now
preaent-
ed a, firm
fooCing.
and h"re he drew
np
hie Tor-
OSB to await Alexander's
approach.
He relied
îed;on hia
elephaats,
which he
placed
in
front of his
line,at intervala of a hundred feet.
Which were filled
up
with
infaDlrf : one half of
the
cavalry
was
p("tedat each
flank,
and tbe
dtajiota in frontof them.
Alexander,
when he came in
aight
of the en-
vaj,
made bjs
cavalryhah, to allow time for
the
infantry
to come
np,
and recover breath,
aftertheir
long
and
quickmarch,
while be bim-
Mlf, observing
the
diapoaition
of the hoetile
Miuy,
decided on hia
plan
of attack. It was
bla
object
to make such use of his
caraby,
in
which hia own
nrength lay,
as to
deprive
"Pa-
nia of alltbe
advantage
he
eîected
Irom his
(dephants,
and from Uie
aapeiior
numbera of
hia foot. He
postedhimaelâs uiual,m tike
(ightwing,
with the main
body
af the
cavalry;
tat Mationed
CceaOB,
with two
aqnadninB,
on
the kft. With hia wonted
sagacity,
he antici-
pMed
that an attack
on
tbe
enany's
left
wing
wooUdrawonttheoaTBliTonthe riditto
protect
it;
and he ordered
Couin*,inUu0 caae,tO'
bll on their rear. Hia own phalanxwas net
to be
broughtup
antiltbe
enemy'a
line shonld
have been throvni into confusion
by
the
charge
of the
cavalry.
Tke event answered hia ei-
pectationB
in
every point.
The horse-bowmen
were first ordered to advance,
and threw the
enemy
into
aonie disorder
by
a diower of ar-
ntwa. Alexander then led
np
the reM of hia
nvaliy
to the
charge,
Tbe Indian
oavalry
of
ths
rightwing was
Immght
op
to Uie reliefof
Oeii
left,
and
waa at Uw same lime taken in
the rear
by 0"eniiB,
and
chafed \tj
Alexander
in front. Hie wttole
body,
in
disorder, Mmght
"helur in the line of the
elephanta,
and the
MnDedonian
phalanx
them adraneed to take ad-
.Tantage
of the
eonfiisiOn,
and to
anpport
Ihedr
oaval^.
Yet the shock of tbe
hnga animala,
M
long
as
they were .under contnd,
made
havoc even in the rmika of the
phalanx,
and
aflbrded time for tbe Indian
cavalry to
Tally.
But when they were driven in
by
a second
charge
of the Uacedonian
horae,
and tbe engagement
was crowded within a narrower
apace,
the
elephanta,pressed on all
sides,began
'
and rinded their
onset,
pUed
ttism with tbeir
missiles, or mutilated their
tranka,
and drove them back
npon
their own
tanks,where, as
long
aa their
atiengthlaated,
thsyspread
havoc and confusion.
'
At
leogtb.
when
many
of them were killed,
and the
rest,
spent
with woimda and
toil,
ceased to be formidable,
Alexander ordered another
general
charge
of boise and foot
;
and Um
Indians,
routed at all
points,
betook themsrivea to
flight.
By
this time
Cratems,and the diviaionson the
ruht
bank,
had eflbcted their
passage i
and,
elâfing
in the
ponnrit
with all tbe
vigour
of
ftesh
troops,
made dreodM
slaughter
among
the
fhgitives.
The nnmber of the daln on the side of the
Indians
amounted,accordingto the
more mod-
erate
aeoonnt in Diodoraa, to ^lant
ia,000.
'
Among
them were two other aons of
Poma,
and the
greater part
of his
principal
offlcers.
Nine thousand
prisoners
were taken,
and
eightyelephants.
The chariots had been all
destroyed, thou^
Anian does not mention tbe
part
which
they
took in the battle. The Iobb
of the HaeedonianB ia
estimated,aa
osnai,
at
onlya few hundreda.*
Poms
himself,
mounted on an elephant,
bad
both directed the moTeroente"tf hia Ibrces,and
gallandj
taken
part
in the action. He had received
a
wonnd in hii ahoolder " hia
body
was
protectedby a
corslet of emrioiu
workmanîip.
which was proofagainat
all mieailes "
yet,
tm-
like
Darius,
aa
long
as
any
of hia
troops kept
their
ground,
he would not retire bma Ute field.
When, however, he saw aO
diaperaed, he, too,
turned his
elephant
for
fli^.
He was a conspicuous
obje":i,
and
eaaily
overtaken
;
and Al- exander,
who had observed and admired tbe
courage
he had ahown in the
battle,desirona
of
saving
hia
life,sent Taxilea to aummoo him
to surrender. But the
sight
of hia old
enemy
only
roQsed his
indiîation
;
Taxiks could not
gain
a
hearing
tor hi*
message,
and
narrowly
eaoaped
a wound.
Alexander,nereithelesB,
oontUiued to send
mBsssngora
after him
;
and
at lengUi,hopeless
of
escue,
and worn witli
fatigue
and
thirst,
he yieldedto the
pBrsna-
slons- of
Meroes, an Indian,one
of his favom-
ites,ali^ted
from hia
elephuit, and,
after har-
a
slaked hia
tbirat,permitted
bimaetf to be
into the
conqneror'apreaenoe.t
All he
would ask of Alexander was to
be bested aa
a
king;
and when Alexander observed that
tbia was no more than a
king
must do for hia
own sake,
end bade him make some
request
for
himselT. his
reply
was
atHl,
that all was included
in this.
His
expectations
could
soaroriy
have
equalled
the
eonqtieror's
muniflcence. He was not
only
rcinstUed in his
royaldignity,
but received
a
large
addition of
territory.
Yet it
was
oertainly not pore
magnanimity,or admiTatton
for hia character,
that determined Aleunder to
this
proceeding.
He was conscious that his
foroes were not snffiolentto enable him to displace
the native
prinoes
eaat of the
Indus,
and
to annex their
territoriea,
in the form of a satrapy,
to bis
eo^re.
Hence the
generosity
he
had shown to Taxilea, But Taxilea him"elf
might have become formidable wiihont a rival
j
and the
onlyway
to secure
the Macedonian ascendency
in the
Pendi^ waa to trim tbe bal-
ance of
power,
t
*
Thia bikztif, uddfdhig
to Arrifta,ivmi fingtitiB 1"i"
DSUli MbdrIusii of tb* uduK Higaui (Apnl
hh) May,
SM).
Hi. CliBtia (dopM u "a*B"]itiiiîj
wbigk Os
lui wmU ba chinnd la lUna, XR. Thi onniAi by
"vliic)! he tiat amiliadlo naUca that bo tina wMld iEdiIn
.nftfhr tba
aniiain
"" IliaiMinulaa banraaa Iha Caiifaiii
ud Iha Indai,
ii
dsulj
poinlaii
ast bi Cigimi. B" il ia
iX icaat
aqoallyairvva
thai Dwien binauf ahK]]!!
adopi
A.rnu^"
dala,
u ifitwsTa ftaaImh all
diAcDhj
: thaa*1i,
inleai thaiulnni oT India bai chsngad HaealliiliaiivrAI-
HE ID
baloni ths UtlLa.cauld ban higua
Id MoBJchioD.
a Iham, Porut,
hoMlaf
oat ti" (ltdluCHni BourLna from
i DrcyaeD. p.
401.coiK^JTet thai AlflTandar DODld d^
nun ""uiM u naki " panpU " hiihl]'
cttilluO aa
Iha [i-
luDi "ub]""
of hii topiia,butcml)
tDOniD
anji
IV"rIha
lafluivau tilJ/cUnitlfc liinoa|"I
tuatt],
hj which, in
pin
I
C.ooolc
MARCH TOWARDS THE HYPHASIS.
AleiandoT,
after hs had buried ht" slain,
Hnd
solemniied his
victory
with hia nsiial
magnifi-
eence,
allowed the main
bod;
of his
nnay
a
moDtfa'a rest, perhaps
in the
capital
of Pofub.
The coDtinuance of the rains wu
probably
the
dlief iQoliTe for this
delay.
But before he
quitted
the acene
of his
tnuinpli,
he iTounded
two cities near the
Hydaspes,
one,
which he
nBfoed
NicBea,near the fieldof
battle,
the other
neai
the
place
where he had crossed the nT"
IhiB be named
Bacephala.
after his
galla
Meed,
which had
sunk,
either under
fatigue
woonda,
in the bonr of
victory.
Craterus w
leftto
snperintend
the
building
of U]e"e cities
;
while Alexander
himself,
with
a
select division
"ifhorse and
foot,
invaded the
territory
of the
GlausR, oi Glausanicn, who
occupied
the rich
Talleys
on the north of the dominions of Fonis.
Itwas a
highlyflourishing
and
populousregion,
tat offered Httle resistance to
Alexander,
who
Issaid to have taken
thirty-seven cities,
containing
less than 6000 inhabitants. AD this
country
he annexed to the
kingdom
of Ponis.
He,
at the same time,
reconciled
Mm,
in
appearance
at least,
with
Taxiles,
who was then
^rmitted
to return to his own
capital.
On his
Rtnni from his
expeditionagainst
the
Glaosn,
Alexander received another
embassy
from Abis-
aies,
which was
againbroughtby
his
brother,
inwhich he renewed his offtrsof
submission,
and,as a
pledge
of his
sincerity,
among
other
presents
sent fortyelephants.
But
Alexander,
who was aware of his crooked and time-serv-
Alexander's
success,
and from the
independent
staleseast of the
Hydraotes. Here, too,
he re- wired
a re-enforcement,
brought by
Phrata-
pheraes,
of the Thracians who had been left
with hJm. On the other
hand, he was informed
by a despatch
from
Siaycottua
that
a
fresh
nvutt had broken out
among
the
Assacenians,
who had killed the
governor
set over them.
Fhilippus
and
lyriaspea were sent with a di-
?i"ion to reduce them to obedience.
Before he resumed his march
eastward,
Al- exander
ordered
a
great quantity
of
ship
timber
to be feQed in the forests on the
upper
(onrBe of the
Hydaspes,
which abound in fir
UKt
cedar,
and Boated down the stream to his
new
cities,
and a fleet to be built for the navigation
of the Indus. He then advanced to the
next
great
river of the
Pendjab,
the
Chenab,
which,
it
seems,
he named
Acesines, to avoid
Qm ainisteromen contained in its Indian
name,*
vhich,
might
attract attention from the
injury
"kioh was done to the boats
by
its
rocky
bed.
He
now dismiased Poms to collect Indian
troofts and
elephants
for his
service,
and leaving
CoenuB,
with his
brigade,
on the
right
bank
fn
guard
the
passage
for the
convoys
which he
""tbiiliiai
U
hiMo[r,"
'
Ciiindniblfha" I)
"KMdii hy il" Ontki.
_ _ _ _ __ -
*i-i-
'Aiû^rtt
at
'iXilariftfaroth
RrtMi, Amu,
expected,set forward with his
tfghtwAtroo^
man
portended
his own rain,
did not ventora
to trust
himself in tbe hands of the
couqaeror,
and had fled
beyond
the
Hydraotes (or
Arao-
tes, the
Ravee),
which
separated
his territories
from those of the
independent
tribes. Alexan- der
sent
Hephnstion
with a
strong
division to
take
possession
of tbe
fhgilive's vacant dominions,
as well as of
any independentterritOTy
that he
might
find west o( the
Hydraotes;
and
ordered thtU
they
should be
snbjected
to the nile
of Porus. On the
right
bank of the
Hydraotes
he found himself not far tVom the confines of
one of [he most warlike of the
independent
B,
who, according
to the Greek form of
their Indian
name,
were called Cathnans.*
Thehr chief
city,Sangala,
seems to have
occn-
piednearly
the same site as the modem
ca[H-
tal of the Seik
monarchy, Lahore,
on a braiuh
of the
Ravee,
near the
edge
of a smafl lake.t
Alexander, on his naarch
up
the
river,
received
or extorted the submission of some other
smaller tribes. As he
approachedSangala,
be
found the Cathteans
strongly
intrenched on an
insulated hiD near the
city,
behind a
triple
bar-
of
wagons.
Sncfa an obstacle could not
long
detain the Macedonians After Alexan- der,
dismounting
from his
horse,
had
pat
him-
self at the head of the
phalanx,
the three lines
were soon forced,and the barbarians took ref^
uge
within their walls. He then invested the
city
on three
sides,and, expecting
that the
enemy
would
attempt to
escape
in the ni^t
across the
lake,
lined its
margin
with his cavalry.
The
attempt
was
made, but,throngti
this
precaution,
withoDt
efibct,
and he
t.ien
proceeded
to
open
a trench between the
city
and the lake. The barbarians still msde another
attempt
to
escape
in the
night,
before
the trench was
completed;
bnt their
design
was
betrayed,
and
Ihey
were
again
driven back
within their
ramparts. Engines
had now been
constmcted ibr
an
assault
;
but before
they
brought
up,
the
Walls,
which were made
of
brick,were
partly
nndermined,
and tbe
place
vas carried
by
storm. A
bloody
camage
on-
lued
;
for the
besieged
had made a
vigorooa
esistance,
and more than ISOO of the besiegers,
including
several
generalofficers,
and the
BomatophylaxLysimachus,
were wounded. Tit
revenge,
17,000
of the barbarians were massacre
; 70,000 were made
prisoners.
Alexan- der
then sent his
secretary,
Eumenes of Car-
flia,to announce his
conquest
to two
neighbouring
cities which had been in alliance with
the
CathEsans,
and to invite them to earn his
clemency by
a
timely
submission
;
but the
fate of
Sangala
had stmck them with such consternation,
that the whole
population
took to
flight,
Alexander tried to overtake
them,
and
up
with a few of the
hindmost,who wet"
)
pieces;
but he was at lengthobliged
to
givenp
the
pursuit.
On his return to SsLgala,
he ra"ed it to the
ground,
and distributedits
territoiy among
the tribes which had submitted
without resistance.
Forns,
who had arrived
ii wd I
HISTORY OF GBBBCE.
4"ring
the
tiege
with ibout 5000 Indiaiu,waa
MBt to
placegarrisonB
in tbeir towns. He
himielfeaatiaued hismarcli towarda the south-
"tst,
and receivedthe aubmiMioa of two
chiefs,
"Aa are
DanMd
bj
the Greeks
Sopeithes
and
Pltegeus,
and then anived on the baiUcs of the
Hrjâais,
or,
rather,
of the atream (bnned
bj
the
junction
of tbe
Hypbaaia(Beiah)
with the
HeBOdnis
(Setledge).
That he came
upon
it
considerablj
below
the confluence aeema deai,
from the meiitioD
of the desert which
la;
between it and the
Oangea.
And here he
had,at length,
reached
tiie fated tenn of his
pragreas
towarda the
eaat.
The causes whioh atiested hia ci
on the western bank of the
Hypliasui
are
Uiifoiiuly
stated
by
Che ancient
historians,
Withstanding
the rhetorical
eiaggeratioDS
for
Whicb the event
furnished such an
ample
dkeme,
to
permit
ui to beheve that
the;
have
been
lotally miBrepresented,
Alexander
had,
"o doubt,long
been undeceiTed aa to the nar-
Nw liraita
which, according
to tbe
geography
of hia
day,
he trnd at first
assignedto India,
"nd to the easlom aide of the earth. The
OOeaa,
wliioh he had once imagined
to be
separated
by
DO
veiy
rast tract from the banks of
tbe
Indus,
had
receded,aa he
advanced,
to
inuaeasDialde distance. He had discovered
tiiat, beyond
the
Hyphaais,
a desert
tensive than ain' he had
yel
crossed
parted
the
flains
of the Five Streams from the
region
watered
by
tbe tributaries of tbe
Ganges,
tiver
mightier
than the Indus
;
that the cou
trj
east
of the
Gangea
was the seat of a great
Winandir, for more powerful
than that of Po- ns,
the utnd of the
Gangarides
and
Prasians,
vhose
king
could
bring
into the field
300,000
Ibot,SD,OM hone,
and several thousands of
alephanta.
That this information rather served
to inflame Alexander's
ouiiosity
and ambition
than to deter him could
scarcely
be donbtad
by
my
one who has
fuUj
entered into his character,
even
ifit had not been
expressly
stated
by
the aneieBts. The
onlyplausible
reason that
bas bsflB allemd for
quMtioning
whether he
himself
willed
and
designed
to
proseoute
his
expedition
in the same duration is
that,by
the
orders he had
given
for the
building
of a fleet
on the
Hydaspos,
he had
already
mîfeated
his
intention of
sailing
down the Indus. That he
kui,indeed,resolved to
explore
the coutse of
this river to its
mouth,
and to make
it,
if
poa-
"Ible,a channel of communication between
India and bis western
dominions,seems sUffi-
eiently
clear. But he
might
stillbave left the
lime when be should
execute this
part
of his
plan
to
depend upon
circumstances. As to
the
probable
result of the
expedition,
ifhe had
advanced towards the
Ganges,
itseems a little
kardj to
apeak
with conHdeace. It is
by
no
"ueana certain that he would bave encountered
any
much
greater
obstacles than be bad al-
raady overcome. The
lung
of tba eastern
tribes is
representedaa an
upstart
and
usurper,*
and Alexander
might
bave been
aided,aa
be had been in the
conquest
of the
Pendjab,by
divisions
among
the natives.
Bui the accounts wych kindled his ardonr
ûngcd tbe Macedonians into sullen
dejectioo,
^hich at
length
broke out into t
- -
*
Cimiu, u.,
3. Diolorm,J
It ia
possible that,
if
they
bad aeen
any
distinct
and certain
goal
before
them, they
would not
have shrunk from tbe
dangers
and difficulties
of a last
enterprise,
however arduous. But
to
set out from a
region
which had once
appear-
ed to them as the
verge
of the habitable world
on a new series of
conquests,
to which
they
coiUd foresee no
termination,
was
enough
to
appal
the most adventurous
spirits.
Their
thoughtsbegan
to revert with uncontrollable
force to their homes in the distant
West, as
they
had reason to fear that
Ihej
were on the
point
of
being
torn from them fbrever
;
for,
even of those who
mightescape
the manifold
dangers
of a fresh
campaign,
how
many might
be doomed
to sit down as
colonists,
and to
spend
the rest of their lives in that
strange
land ! India was a stillmore
hopelessplace
of exile than Bactria and
Sogdiaoa,
where the
Greeks,
who had been
plantedby violence,
were
only
detained
by
terror. These seem to
have been the motives which
weighed most
with the
aimy ;
but tbeir force was undoubtedly
much
aggravatedby
the
extraordinai;
hardîps
it
h^
Buffered,
since it bad crosaed
the
Indus,during
the
rainy
season. It
appears
that a
great many
horses had
perished,
and it
may
be concluded that much aictness had been
caused
among
tbe men
by
their continual en-
campuieats
oa damp,
if not flooded,ground
:
though,
after tbe battle of the
Hydaspea,
a
part,
at least,may
have found slielt"rfor aorae weeks
within the walla of a (own. It does not seem
that
they
bad
experienced
any
scarcity
of
pro
visions;
but tbeir clothes and armour had
been,ID
general,
almoat worn out,
and
many
had been
obligedto
exchange
tbe Greek dress for anch
articles of
clothing
as
they
could find in the
country.
The wish to return became luiver-
sal,
and was soon transformed into
a
Arm
reo-
olution not to
proceed.
It is difficultto
gueas
bow far the
BJgumeDta
by
which Alexander endeavonred to
ovemHoa
the
repugnance
of hia
troops,
aod to animato
them with his own spirit,
resembled
any
of
those which are attributed to him
by
Arrian
and Curtius. But it is
bardlyprobable
that he
tried to
persuade
them that Uie ocean
lay
but
a
short distance
beyond
the
Ganges,
and Uiat he
declared his intention to
circumnavigate
first
India,
and then A"ica
;
or that he
expecle't them
bêve
that bis recent
conquests
would ba
lecure,
unless he
enlarged
his
empire
with the
countries wbicb
lay
to the east, lie threat
which Curtius
puts
into his
mouth, that,
if the
Macedoniana would not follow
him,
he would
throw himself on his Bactrian and
ScylhiaD
luxiliaries,
and make the
expedition
with them
alone,
most
likely misrepreacnta
the tone which
be assumed. But it
ma; easily
be
supposed
that he
expressed
his wishes and
urged
the
army
to
compliance
with
paasionate eloquence.
Not
only,however,
the
feelings
of tbe
troops,
but the
judgment
of his Officers was adverse
tu the
proposedenterprise ;
and
Ccenua,
in
a
speech
which has either been better written
or
more faithfully reported
than the
king's,
exhorted
hjm to abandon his
design.
Alexander
retired
to his tent in
displeasure.
The
next day
aaacmbled the
army,
and made another
attempt
to
overpower
Uieir reluctance.
Aa a
last
experiment,
he declared that he would
..Cioogic
BEGINNING OF THE RETREAT." NAVAL PREPARATIONS. "1
ibree m Maesdonian to
ftocompuij
him
;
he
*aB mm that there would be voluntcere
enough
imoDg;
them for hia
pnrpofle;
the reet
might
return home and
ssj
that
the^
had left their
bag
in the midst of bis enemies. Bnt even
this
*fpealprodnoed
no eGTect, For three
days
he
kept
within his
tsot,
where not evea his
ehief officere were admitted to his
presence,
wailing
for a
change
in the
dispoeition
of the
men.
But the
trtuCtess
which
iMrerailed
in the
camp
conTinced
him,
more
strongl;
than words
conld have
done,
that their determination was
fixed He then felt that it was time to
yield
;
not, perhaps,
without some
pride
in the reflection,
that there was not a man in the
aimy
who
wss
capable
of hia own
contempt
for diiHcnl-
tlesand
dangera.
He
had,however, gone
too
br,
it
seems,
to recede without some other
pielext.
The sacrifices
easilyauppiied
one.
When
they
were found
unpropitioua
to the
passage
of the river,
he called his
conncil,
and declared
his resolDtion to retreat.
It waa received with tears
of
joy
and
grate-
flilshouts
by
the
amy.
Beftire he
quitted
the
Hyphasis,
he ordered twelve colossal altars tu
be built on its banks, and dedicated to the
gods
who had led him tbua far victorious
; then,
after
a solemn eacrifics and
games,
he
began
to
tatrace his
alepe.
The
country
not
yet
dis-
insedof,as far as the
Hyphasis,
was committed
to Ponia. On the AcBsines he found the
city,
which
Hephnstion
had been ordered to
build,
ready
to receive a
colony;
and there he
leftthe dieaUed
mercenaries,
and aa
many
natives
of the
neighbouring
districts as were
willing
to settle there. While he was
engaged
in
preparatioQ
for his
voyage
to the
sea,
he received
another
embassy
from
Abisares,plead-
mg
ilbieM aa an excuse for his
absence,
which
was confirmed
by
the Macedonians
v^
had
been sent to his court. The
embassy
was ac-
eompaniedbj thirtyelephants
and
costiypres- ents.
Araaees,
a chief whose territories
lay
oa the oonflnea of
Abiaarea,
came,
at the same
time,to offer his
snbmiseion,
and
was placed
under the
authority
of his more
powerfuloeigh-
bour,whom Alexander,
though
he had reason
to diatnist his
profeBsiona, thought
it
prudent
CHAPTER LrV.
HowEvaa
reluctantlj
Alexander
may
have
abandoned the immediate
prospect
of farther
conqnesta
and discoveries in the
Eaat,
there
was still
enough
to fiU hia
mind,
and to
gratify
his
passion
for heroic
adventures,
in the enterprise
which he waa next to
begin.
So
vague
had
been,
almost down to this
time,
hia notions
as to the
geography
of the
regions
which he
was to traverse on hia retnrn to
Persia,that,
when he found crocodiles in the
Indus,
he conceived
a
fhncy
that this river was a branch oC
the Nile
;
and this
conjecture
seemed to him
strongly
confirmed when he met with the
lotus,
such as he had seen in
Egypt,
on the hanka of
the Acesines. He even mentioned,
in a letter
to his
mother,
that he believed he had discovered
th" land which contained the
kprings
of
the Nile
;
he
thought that,
in Itseonrae turn
India to
Ethiopia,
it
might
Oow
through
aonw
vast desert,
in which it lost its
origindname.
A tittle
inquiryamong
the natives muat hava
sufficed to correct this error"Which seems to
prove
that he was not well read in
Herodotus,
and that the
expedition
of
Seylax
had clotted
but littleattention In Greece" and that he remained
BO
long ignorant
of the
truth,
shows
how
singly
his views
were, at first,
bent towards
the East.
lite
Beet,which was
probably,
for the most
part,
collected from the
natives,ntunherwl,according
to
Ptolemy,nearly
BOOO vossels of va-
rions
kinds, includingeightygalleys
of war.
Arrian
givesa list of
thirty-three,
wtiich were
nominally
under the command of the
principal
officers of the
army,
most of
whom,
nevertheless,
continued to serve on shore.* As we
The lleet on the
Hydaapes
was now
nearly
ready,
Init Uie two new cities had snfifered so
much from the
rains,
that the
army
was for
some time
employed
in
restoring
them. In the
"Kan while,
Alexander made bis final
arrangement
of the aflairs of the northern
Peodjab,by
whir-h Poms
gained
a fresh addition of lerri-
"OTy,
so that his dominions
included,
it is
said,
tevea nationa and above 'iOOO cities, with, it
"cems,
a titlewliich eatablished his
saperiority
over all tl"echiefs east of the Indus.*
During
the
preparations
for the
voyage
Csnus died
;
more
regretted, prob^ly,by
the
army,
whose
cause he hnd
pleaded,
than
by
the
king.
Alei-
aoder, however,
liononred him with a
magnifi-
eenl Mineral
;
but,
it is
said,
could not fortiear
to remark,
tliat
itwas to little
purpose
Ccenus
had mê that
longspeech,
and shown so much
anxiety
to return to Macedonia, t
"i.
LI.^H
protaKblrtpiWftT
Dot (Ih IihI notablvCo thoM leadeT* who
mn Hwan lut periiapiDO hJMDry wH"vsr"DiaitDkditllf-
UT"d
by fTHi tkag^rUioa
uulfixtAWUl JtlUvrju
AI^
(uJer'd
;
whu TemtmbflT Strabo^
"iiDpCuatt
ibonl Ihftoo-
plDiu liT.,i!,l,tifnlmrit"K3,w"iiln*TatAr$m)iaiaiitr-
rur "Wa,a,ipi}r~^",irlvrico!
ripl'iXHni^ftli
t6 Aar-
lisariydvi TiUfiaus.
incilx^ym
uSMjit),ux! nuBn;b'l
bakm^fwl
tit tbem. bmb
bf
blood "ud
try
eâcfttiov
;
in tbift
Jul
raiptoi,
mute pKiip.LiJi'*-
"-'- ""
Svb?'
S4S
HISTORY OF GRKECE.
lesro fh"ni another author,
that Alexandar'a
flnances were at one lime,
before be leftIndia,
in so low a state that be was
obiiged
to solicit
eontributiona from his friends,it Beenta
yery
probable
that these officers fittedout the ves-
sels at their own
charge.*
The crewt of the
l^gervesaela " the natives, do doubt,
manned
their awn small craft" were
composed partly
of PhcEDicians and
Egyptians,
and
partly
of
Greeks,
from the
isl^ds and coasts
of the
."gffian.
Thecommandof the whole fleet was
intrusted to Nearchua, Alexander divided his
forces into four
corps.
The main
body,
with
about "00
elephants,
was to advance
along
the
eaatem
bank under the command of
Hephaes-
tion. Cratenia was lo lead a smaller division
Of
infantry
and
cavalry
on the
opposite
side of
the river.
Philippue,
with the
troops
of his
Batrapy,
was ordered to take a ctrcuitoua ronte
towards the
point
where the two ether
generals
were to wait for the
deet,
in which the
king
bimself was to embark with the
hypaspiste,
the
bowmen, and a division of his
horse-guard,
in
all 8000 men. On the
morning
of the embarca-
tion,
Alexander
himself,
under the direction
of Mb
soothsayers,
oflered the libations and
prayers
which were deemed fittestto
propitiate
tile
powers
of the Indian
streams, Hydaspes
and (be
impetuousAcesines,
which was soon
to
joinit,
and the
mighty Indus,
which was af'
terward U" receive their united waters.
Among
the
gods
of the West,
Hercnles and Ammon
were mvoked with
especial
devotion
;
then, at
the sound of the
trumpet,
the fleet
began
to
drop
down the river. The most
judicious
arrangements
had been made to
prevent
confii-
Bion,
and to
keep
itsmain
divisions,
the
galleys
of
war,
the horse
transports,
and the vessels
loaded with the
baggage,
at a convenient and
invariable distance from each other. It was a
spectacle
such as the bosom of the
Hydaspes
had never before
witnessed,
nor has it since.
Its
high
banks were crowded with the
natives,
who flocked ft'om all
quarters
with
eager
curiosity
to
gaze,
and
accompanied
the ennament
in its
progress
to some distance before
they
could be satialcdwith [he
sight
of the
stalely
galleys,
the
horses,
the
men,
the
mighty
mass
of vessels
gliding
down in unbroken order
;
and
as
the
adjacent
woods
rang
with the
signals
of
the
boatswains, the measured shouts of the
rowers,
and the
plash
of numberless
oars, keeping
time with
perfectexactness,
the
Indians,
too,
testifiedtheir
delight
in strains of their national
music.
On the third
day
Alexander found
Hephns-
tton
and Craterua
.encamped
at the
place
appointed,
and, having
wailed there two
days,
was
Joinedby Philippus.
He
immediately
sent
Philippusacross to the
Acesines,
with orders
to
pursue
his marcrh
along
its
banks,
while He-
phteslion
and Craterus moved forward in ad-
IliIoitnDiiwliLi:
iiIj-?(Jk^
"rniDiiic
mtumpl
lo which 1 hut ndnrl
"
PluUrch. Enin.,
1
ViafV" 'n/fim
l4" I'.ia SaXaasay, iru
xftnara mis Î'm
r^SamXiiif.A
puHgt
not Dntiijeil
bj
I
Airiu, Ud.,IB.
vance of the fleet on
opposita
aides (rf'the
R7-
daspee.
He
himself,
as he
proceeded,
landed
his
troope
wherever be fonnd a
disfday
of force
necessary
10 extort sQbmission from the
neighbouring
tribes,though
it was with reluctance
Ihal be
spent any
lime in these incursions
;
bo
was anxions,as soon as
possible,
10 reach the
frontiers of the
Mallt,a warlike
race,
from wboDi
he
expected
a
vigorousresistmce,
and whom be
therefore wished to
surprise
betbre
they
had
completed
their
preparations,
and bad been
joinedby
their
allies, particidarly
their south-
em
neigbboura,
the
OxjdracKor Sudracie. la
five
days
he arrived at the second
place
ofren-
dezvous, the confluence of the
Hydaspes
and
the Acesines. His Indian
pilots
had warned
him of the
danger
which the fleet wonid have
to encounter at this
point;yet
it did not escape.
The united rivers were at that time
pent
into a narrow
apace,
where their
conflicting
waters roared and chafed in eddies and
waves,
which, seventeen centuries
later,
still
presented
the
appearance
of an
agitated
sea.*
The
principal
ohstmctions
appear
now to have been
worn
away,
and the
passage
is no
longer
fonm-
dable. But AJexaDder'a
sailoTBwere so much
alarmed or astonished at the sounds wlileb
they
heard,even before
Uiey
reached the
confluence,
that,by
an
involuutaiyimpulse,they
at onoe
rested on their oais
;
and when
they
had entered
it,
the
novelty
of the
spectacle
seems to
have
deprived
tbem oflheir self-camnund, and
to have
prevented
them from
executing
the orders
ihey
received with the
precisionnecessary
In
carry
them
through
in
safety.
The brood
vessels,however,
which were
probably
bailt after
the Indian
fashion,
suffered no
damage,
though they were whirled tonnd
by
the eddies.
But several of the
longgalleys
lost a
great part
of their
oars,
and were much
abatc^^ -.
two
were dssbed
against
each other,
and
entirelj
wrecked,
and
many
of the crews perished.
Ao-
cording
to some
accounts,
Alexander himself
at one time
thought
bis own
galley
so much in
danger,
that he was on the
point
of
jumping
overboard. As the stream widened and
spent
its
violence, a headland on the
right
bank afforded
shelter to the fleet.
While it was
undergoing
the
necessary
rt"-
paira,
Alexander made an expedition
inland
against
Ihe
Sibas,
or Sivaites,so called,un-
doubledly,
from the Indian
deity,
who was the
chief
object
of their
worship.
As
they
were
armed witb clubs,and marked their cattle will"
Ihis
symbol
of their
god,
the
ftacj
of the Mace- donians
transformed ihem into descendants of
the followers of Hercules. t They tliemselves,
of
course,
did
not, on this
account,
submit tbe
more
readily
to the
invader,as Diodorus
represents
",tbut
they
appear
to have heeo
easil7
overawed,
or dialled from
sending
any
mccour
lo their
countrymen
on the other side of the
river
;
and this was the
purpose
for which Al- exander
entered their
terrilory.
On his return
to the
fleet,
be was rejoinedhy
his three
generals,
and
immediately
made his
dispoeilionB
for the
subjugation
of the
Halli.4
od porplflisd
In
"
pmkMT
"
I Newcboi, wbiah hi af]
There can be littledoubt that the
nan
IhiB
people
has been
preserved
in tbat of the
modem
city
of
Multan, though
it lies far bElow
the
junction
of the Chenab and the
Ravee,
while the
tenilorj
of the Malli seems to have
been situate almost
wholly
to the
norlh'of
that
point,
and most of it to have been included between
the two rivers. Hence the
greatestge- ographer
of our
day conjectures
that
thiry
formerly
met a
great way
to the south of their
present
confluence.* The united forces of the
Malli and the Sudrace are estioiated in the accounts
of Diodotus and
Curtius,on the most
moderate
calculation,at 80,000 foal,10,000
horse,
and 700 chariots
;
and, from the mannei
in which
they
are
coupledtogether,
we are
led
to
presume
that,
in this
respect,
there was nfi
great inequality
between them. But the tvc
races were
composed
of
widely
different eJe-
ments;
for the name of one
appears
to have
been derived from that of the Sudra
caste;
and
it is certain that the Brahmins
were
predomi-
nant in the other. We can
easily
understand
why they
did not
intermarry,
and were seldom
il
peace
with each
other,
and that their mutual
hostility
was
onlysuspended by
the common
danger
which
now threatened their
independence.
Yet it
appears
that even this was not
sufficient to overcome the
jealousy
that
prevailed
between
them,
and that their forces were
not
combined,
because
they
could not
agree
in
the choice of a leader. But the Malli them-
selvBs seem to have relied
chiefly
on tbe
strength
of theii fortified
towns,
and on tbe
nslural barriers of their
peninsula,
which wat
protected
towards the north
by
a desert of con-
siderabie extent
; they delayed,at least,to co|.
lect their forces before it was too late.
As it was on the side of the desert that
they
might
be
expected to feel most
secure,
Alexan- der
resolved to etrilte across it
himself,
with
one division of his
army,
into the heart of thei
coontry,
while two other
corps
traversed it i
olher
directions,to
intercept
the retreat of those
wbran be
might
drive before him. One of these
was intrusted to the command uf
HephEslion,
who was sent forward five
days
before the
king
was to
begin
his march
i
the other to
Ptolemy,
who was ordered to wait three
days
after the
bng'8 departure,that he
might meet llie
fugitives
who should
attempt
to
escape
towards
the
north,on the side of the Acesines. To
prevent
the
enemy
ftom
receiving
any succours
ftom the
west,
and from
seekingrefuge
in that
?iarter,
Philippns
aitd his
troops,together
with
olysperchon's brigade,
the horse-howmen and
the
elephants,
were transferred to the
right
bank of the
Hjdaspea,
and
placed
under the
command of
Craterua, who was ordered to
march down towards the
confluence,
and
meet
Nearcbus.who was sent forward three
days
before
with the fleet.
The division which Alexander retained under
Ilia own orders was
composed
of the
light
troopB
best
adapted
to the
rapidmovements
which he meditated. With
this,having
marched
daj
and
night
with
a
very
short intermJs-
iion,
be
appeared,early
on tbe second
morning.
l4 two Aiatittet
fl|ncha,
Ihmah jtI
rIALU. H3
before one of tbe
strongholds,
in
which,as likely
to bo last
attacked,
many
of the natives had
taken
refuge.
A
great
number of them wets
surprised hy
the Macedonian
cavalry
outside
the walls, and unarmed
; many
Mere
put
to the
sword
1
the rest fled into the
town,
which Al- exander
immediately
surrounded with his
horse,
while he waited for the arrival of the
infantry.
When itcame
up,
he
despatchedPerdiccas,at
the head ofhis own
squadron,
and that of Clei-
lus,
with Ilie
Agrlanians,
to invest another oC
the nearest towns,
with orders to abstain from
assault,but to take care tbat none of the in-
hahiunls
escaped
to
spread
the news of Alex- ander's
approach.
He himself
proceeded
to reduce
the first. The
besieged
" whose number
can never have been'
great
" found themaetvea
so much weakened
by
the
slaughter
made ia
the Gelds,tliat
they
soon abandoned the
walla,
and retired Into the citadel
;
but,
notwiLhsland-
ing
their
gallantdefence,this,too, was
speedily
stormed,
and
they
were all
put
to the sword.
As the number of those who
were slain here
was but
SOOO,
the
vanquished
seem to have
earned
quite
as much
giory.
in a better
cause,
as the
conquerors.
Perdiccas soon returned to
the
camp.
He had found the town which ha
was to blockade
entirely
deserted
;
but,hearing
that the inhabitants had not
quitted
it
long,
he
pursued
them at full
speed,
and overtook and
cut down
many ;
the rest
sought
shelter in "
morass,
where he did not venture to follow
them.
Alexander allowed his men a short
rest,
and
then,by
a forced
nightmarch,
reached the
Hy-
draotes at
daybreak.
Here he learned that
many
of the natives had
already
crossed the-
ford,but he came
up
in time to make considerable
slaughter
among
the hindmost,
and instantly
plunging
into the stream, pursued
the
fugitives
on the other side. The
greater part
sought refuge
in an
adjacentfortreBs, which,
however, soon
yielded
to Peithon, who waa
sent to attack
it,
while Alexander marched
against
another town,
which the Greeks describe
as ifIt was inhabited
by
Brahmins
only
:
and these are mentioned as a
different
racfl*
from the Malli who lied to them for shelter.
We
cannot
rely
on the
accuracy
of these state-'
menle;
but it is certain
that,
in this westetmi
border-land of
India,the distinction of
castes
has never been
rigidly observed,
and it is
possible
that,
here and
elsewhere,
a whole
community
of Brahmins
may
have
preserved
the
purity
of their
blood,
while
theyengaged
in all the
necessary occupationswhich,
in
theon',
properly
belonged
to the lower
castes. Vet the
name
may
only designatea
mixed
colony
of
purer
Indian blood than the
great body
of the
Malli,
and their
neighbours,
the
SudracK,
among
whom it is
probable
there was also
some die-
parity
of birth. These Brahmins
were stout
waYriors,
and oflered the most determined
resistance
that Alexander had hitherto
encountered
in this
campaign.
When
they
could
no
longer
defend their walls
against
the
superior
skill of the
besiegers, theyretreated to the citadel
;
and when
this,too,waa
stormed,set fire
the
houses,and almost
all,to the number oT
6000,died, either
fighting
or in the flames.
After a
day's
repose,
lie
advanced into
the
terior,
but found the towns
abandoned,and
M4 HISTORY OF GREECE.
learned that their inhabitantB had fled to the
deaert. So,
after another
day'spauae,
lie sent
Peithon with his
brigade, accompanied b;
a
oquadron
or horse onder
Demetrius,
and some
lighttroops,
back to the
Hydraoles,
with orders
to march
along
Ihe river aide and
intercept
the
fligiliyes,
who
might
have betaken themselves
to the wooda Ihat lined its
banks,
while he himself
proceeded
to the
capital
of the Malli,which,
we thns
perceive,lay
east of the
Hydraotes.
The
reports
he had heard led him to
enpect
,
tiiat he should Gnd it crowded with those who
Iiad
escaped
from the othercitiea,and,perhaps,
that be
might
here
nearly
flnish the
campaign
at one blow
;
but it also was deserted
by
the
Indians on the
ttding:3
of his
approaoh,
and he
ascertained that
they
had crossed the
Hydrao- les,
and were
collectiug
their forces on the
right
bank.
Instantly
he
pushed
forward towards
their
position
with his
cavalry,leaving
the foot
.
to follow. The banks of the
river,
where he
"aw the hostile
army,
it is said
50,000 strong,
drawn
up
to receive
him,
were indeed
high
and
ateep,
so that the MaUi had
thought
them a
MroDger
defence than their walls. But AJex-
'ander scorned such obstacles
:
he waited not
for the
infantry,
but at once dashed into the
stream with his horse
;
and before he had
TCachcd the other
siê,
the
enemy,
who,
however,
were not
fully
aware
of his
weakness,
began
to retreat. When he had overlaken
them,
and
theyperceived
the smallness of the
force
by
which
they
were
pursued,they
made
a stand
;
nor did Alexander
attempt
more than
to detain them
by slightcharges,
untQ the infantry
should have come
up.
So
long only
their
courage
held out
;
at the
appearance
of
the
phalanx
the whole mass took to
flight,
mostly
towards the
strongest
town in the
neighbourhood.
Thither Alexander
pursued
them, cutting
down
many
of the
fugitives,
and
immediately
encircled the
place
with his cav-
aJry,but,
as the
day
was far
spent,
deferred
the assault to the
morrow,
to
give
his wearied
troops
and
jaded
horses a
aliortInterval of re-
fl^shment.
The next
morning
be
began
the attack of the
town on two
sides,havinggiven
the command
tifthe second division ofhisarmif to Perdiccas.
It was
probably
a mere embellishment of the
Mory, suggested by
the event', Ihat he was
Warned
by
a
sootb^yer
of
danger
to his life,
and
urged
to
postpone
the
assault,
but
rejected
the advice with a sneer at
auspices
and
super-
Mition. It is certain
that,
even if he believed
tn such
tilings
leas than he
appears'to
have
done,
he was too
prudent
to disclose his incre-
Hiility,
and so throw
away
an instrument which
a Orsek
generalmight
so uflen find useful.
The
besieged
did not
attempt
to defend the
town',
but retreated within the walls of the citadel,
which must have been
capable
of containing
a
great
multitude. The
king
and his
troops
entered first
through
a
postern,
which
they
opened
with (he hatchet. Perdiccas was later,
though
his men were
onlydelayedby
the difli-
cnlty
or
climbing
over the town
wall
;
but,
as
it was supposed
that all reaistance was
over,
the
scaling-ladders
were
mostly
left behind.
Alexander,
at the foot of the
citadel, eagerly
"
colled for them. Two or three
were
brooght
;
and,seiiing-
the
Brot,
he bunself fixed it
againet
the
wall,
and motmted
foremost,
covered
by
hia
shield. At the
top,
be soon
kilted or throst
away
the Indians who
opposed bim,
nod took
his stand on the wall, which,
it
seems,
-wrts
narrow,
and without battlements. He was followed
by Peucestes, bearing
the shield taken
from the
temple
at Ttion,
and
by Leonnatna,
who both made
good
their ascent
;
as did, on
another
ladder,.'Lbreas,
a veteran of the class
callediJii"bnrir",fromthe
double
pay
with which
their services were rewarded,
and which thns
became also a title of honour. But in the
mean while Alexander stood ss a mark for the
enemy's missQes,
both fifom the nearest to-w-
ers,
and from the
adjacentparts
of the citadel
;
and the
Macedonians, especially
those of his
guard,
alarmed for his
safety,
crowded to the
ladders. Before a filth man had reached the
top,
both the ladders were broken
by
the
wei^t,
and Alexander was thus cut off from
all
prospect
of immediate
aid,
while the enemy,
animated
by
the
hope
of an
easy vicutry,
worth
more than the destruction of an
army,
redoubled tbeir efibrts.
He felt that he could not remain
long
where
he
was,
and that he was
exposing
his
life,
vrith
little
honour, and to no usefU
purpose.
There
were two
ways
of
changing
his
position,
between
which he had to choose. He
might
throw himself down, with
comparativesafety,
among
his
friends,or he
might
descend into
the midst of the
enemy,
where he would at
least,
if not
instantlyoverpowered,
have an
opportunity
of
using
his atms. With littlehesi- tation,
he decided on the last
alternative, and.
by
a
dexteronsly-balanced leap,alighted
nnlmrt
on his
feet,so that he could
immediately
put
himself into a
posture
of defence.
No action of his life seems to have contributed
80 mncb as this adventure to lower the
general
estimation of his
prudence
and
good
sense,
and to
subjecthim,
even in the
opinion
of his warmest admireis,
to the
charge
of
blind,ungovernable,
almost fhintic rashneAa.
Yet to himself it
may
have seemed so natural
and fitas to
be,
in a
manner, necessary i
and it
may
have been as littlethe eflect of a
sudden,
thoughtlessimpulse,
as the
unreflecting
aelf-
devotion of a
martyr,
who feels
that,
to ahriok
from the last
trial,
would be to undo allhis
past
labours and
sUffîngs.
Alexander's
principle,
to which he owed his
conquests,
had
been,
never to recede befbrc
anything
less than
an
inBummuntable obstacle " as to
which he was
used to
judge diflerently
from other men "
least of
all,
before
personaldanger.
He now
but acted on the same
principle,
in a new and
very
hazardous
attempt,
without
any
particular
necessity, indeed,except
that of
preserving
his
own character. But,forAlexander,
could there
be
any
more
pressing
! It
may serve, perhaps,
according
to the reader's
point
of
view, somewhat
to extenuate either his
imprudence
ochis
heroism,
to notice that a similar
exploit
is
related
of a
princely
Gcnuan warrior of the fif- teenth
century.'
The Indians rushed
on,
a host
against a
man,
as havingnothing
to do but to despatch
the
prey
that bad (alieninto their hands. But
AJexandier,
who waa now
partly
sh^teied
by
"
Ruks, Dam
"OB,i.,11.70.
SUBMISSION OF THE MALLF.
9U
tttewiD,
and
also,
It
seems, by
tbe trunk and
iqireailiD^ boughs
of au old tree that
grew
near
it,kepi
his assailants at
ba;
with hia wonted
Tipiur.
Their
chief,
and another
tared within reach of his
sword, paid
for their
rashness with their Jives. Two
more,
before
Ihey
came
quite
so
near,
ha
disabled,
after the
manner
of a Homeric
combat, with stones.
Ttte
rest,
deterred
by
these
exampleB,kept at
a safe distance,
and
only pliad
him with mis-
Biles, which,
if we believe
Corliua,
were mostly
intercepted by
tbe branches under whieh he
itood,leaning
either
against
the trunk or the
waE
By
this lime,however,
he was
joinedby
Peucestes. Leonnatus,
and
Abreaa, who.
it
may
be
EDoposed,
had not been left unmotested before
they leaped
down to defend him. Abreas
Tery
soon received a mortal
wound,
from an
arrow,
in the face
;
and he had
scarcelyfallen,
when another arrow
pierced
Alexander's corselet
and
lodged
itself
deep
in the
right
breast.
Tet he did not
immediately
cease to defend
himselT,but,
after
a short
struggle,fainting
through
loss of
blood,
sank
upon
his shield.
Fencestes and Leonnatus now stood over
him,
and
intercepted
the blows aimed at him
by
the
eotmj.
Both were
wounded,
but not so as to
preveDt
them from
keeping
their
post.
So unequal
a
contest, however,
could not
probably
have lasted much
longer.
It was the most
critical moment of Alexander's life.
Bat in the mean while the Macedonians out-
aide the
wall,
Dot less anxious because
they
coald not witoess his
danger,
had not remained
inactive.
Though
ladders were not at hand,
their
ingenuity,ehatpenedby
the
emergency,
soon found
substitutes.
Some drove
pegs
into
tbe
wall,
which was of
clay,
and so climbed to
the
top.
Others were raised on the shoulders
of their comrades.
All,as fast as
they
effected
their
ascent, leapeddown,
and
rushed,
with
criesof
grief
and
rage,
towards the
place
where
Ihej
saw their
king stretched,seemingly
lifeless,
on the
ground.
The combat soon ceased
to be
merely
defensive on the
part
of the Mace- donians.
A
gate
was forced
open by
some who
had
entered,
and numbers
pouredin,
sufficient
lo overwhelm all reaiatance. The
only
work
DOW
remaining
for them was that of
revenge ;
and this
they
executed so
diligently, by
a
general
massacre
of the
besieged,
that not even a
wranan or a child was
spared.
Alexander, as soon as he was
rescued,
bad
Men
conveyed
to his teol
;
and tbe arrow was
It
length extracted,
whether
by
the
physician
CriUidenius,
or,
as some accounts went, b;
Per-
diecaa,who, itwas
said,by
the
king'scommand,
widened the wound with his
sword, to make a
passage
for tbe barbed steel. But tb" extrac.
Eion was followed
by
so
great
a loss of
bhmd,
that the
patientagain
fainted
;
and w'ben he
lEoovered his
senses,
it was for some time
doolKful whether be oould survive. The first
tidings
of the disaster carried to the
camp,
near
the confluence of the
Hydraotes
aod
Aoegines,
rqireaenled
him as
already
dead
;
and tbe
grief
utd alarm
they
excited in
every
breast were a
tribute of affectionand coufldence which
might
well sooê ibe resenLful
leelicgs
that had been
awmkened in him
by
the
abrupt
tergitnation
of tiijB
campaign
on the
Hyphasis.
The
grief
trfllw
MnewlaBiana,indeed,
wlii"^ broke
out in
a
wailtDgthytspread
with the news
throofti
the
camp,
was
probably
in
great part selfish,
but,even
so, highly
honoured its
object
;
for it
attested what
they
were not slow lo declare in
words,that,
in their
judgment,
he was the oiitv
man in the
army capable
of
leading
them back
safelythrough
the countries which he had
traversed
as a
conqueror.
It
was their
despondency
about their own
seemingly
forlornconditioa
that rendered them backward to believe the
more favourable
reports
which
followed,
that
the
king was still
living,
and that there was
ground
to
hope
for his
recovery.
Even
when
,
a letter from himself announced Iliathe should
soon be
among
them,
there were
many
who
suspected
that it was a mere arti"ce of the
generals
to lulltheirfears.
When bo had
regained
sufficient
strength
to
hear the
gentlestmotion,
he embarked
oa the
Hydraotes,
and
dropped
down towards the confluence,
not
more, perhaps,
to
quiet
the
appro-
of his
troops,
than, as Curtius
suggests,
to crush the
hopes
which
might
have
been conceived from the
same cause
by
the
enemy.
As he
approached
the
camp,
be ordered
the
awning,
under which lie
lay
at tbe stem
of the
galley,
to be removed, and. when close
to the
bank,
stretched out bis hand towards the
crowd who were there
waiting
for
him, still
half
doabting
what
they
so
eagerly
wished.
This
sign
of life was answered
by a general
shout of
joy,
and
every
hand was raised,not
without
tears,
in
gratitude
to
Heaven, or in
greeting
to the
king.
A litter
was brought for
him to the
landing-place,
but he called for
hja
horse
i
when he mounted it,tbe banks and adjacent
woods
rang
with a fresh
peal
of
applause.
At a short distance from his tent he
alighted,
that he
might
be seen to walk
;
and all
pressed
round him to
touch,
if
theycould,
his
hands, or
knees,or clothes
; or,
at least,
ifless
fortunate,
and salute
him,
and to strew his
path
with ffiletsand flowers. The
congratulations
of his officers in the tent were
mingled
with
remonstrances,
as severe as
might
be
ventured,
imprudence.
To these he listened but
impatiently
: as Arrlsn
thought,
because he
knew that
tbey
were
just;perhaps,rather,
be-
he felt that
they
were misapplied,and
le was misunderstood. He was better
pleased
with an old
Braotian,
who cheered him
with tbe
remark,
that men must be
provedby
their deeds
;
adding
a line of
Êscbylus,
rather
itrangely
distorted from its
original meaning,*
D the
effect,
that whoever would
do,
must expect
to sufler.
Wliile he waited here to
complete
his recovery,
he received an
embassy
from the
Malli,
who stillremained In
arms,
and the Sudracte.
envoys,
a hundred or more
of (heir chief
I,persons
of
stalely
form and
mien,
all
riding
in chariots, and clad in hnen robes
em- broidered
with
purple
and
gold,
came with
magniScenlpresents,
to oflbr their entire sub-
the
conqueror. Theyspokeof their
past
resistance not without
dignity,adding
itlon of
Dionysus,
the
only
invader
ny^.
w RaVltmtfiin.by
SI
1
ul nfciv
iftAcn
Lhaffmson Dimw lU
. , -.,
.St. It i" At
tfitrifî fMoc
"
KIxuhb lUpKU ID"7
bm bnn
i
i btlm Urn :
tba mm
jnlaUf,
S46 HISTORY OF GREECE.
who bad ever berore subdued
Ihem,
which
they
knew would be
acceptableto bis
successor.
They
declared themselves
ready
to
gi"e
hostages,
pay
tribute,
and receive a
satrap
at Alex- ander's
pleasure.
He annexed Itieircounlriea
to the
satrapy
of
Philippus, and,
according
to
CuTtius.
imposed
a tribute on them of the same
ainouQt as they
had
paid
to the Arachosians : a
staiement
hardly
consistent either with their
boasts of
independence
or with (heir recorded
actions. For
security,
he deniianded a thousand
of their best
warriors,
either as
hostages,
or,
if
they
were
willing,
to serve in his
army.
Curlius also describes a
magnificentbanquet
"t which
they
were
entertained,
and which
gave
rise to a
single
combat " Hiot without its
aignificance,
if it
really
occurred " between
Dioxippiia,an Athenian, and a Macedonian
named
Corragus,
in which the
Athenian, who
was
practised
in the
games
of
Greece,
armed
onl;
with a club,overcame his
antagonist
in
the
panoply
of the
phalanx,
to [be
great
ilis-
Eleasure
of the
Macedonians,
and of Alexander
iroaelf. The ambassador? soon returned with
a band of a thousand
men,
the flower of their
nalioQ :
they
also
braught,as a free
gift,
fiOO
chariots,
witb some
of
tbe
produce
of their
iadnslry,and,
among
other
rarities,several
tamed Imns and
tigers.Alexander,convinced,
it
seems,
of their
sincerity, accepted
tbe char-
iota,
and dismissed the
hostages.
During
tbis detention he had ordered more
Teasels to be built for the
transport
of his
troops,
and when be felt himself
strung enough
to
prosecute
his
expedition,
embarked with a
larger
force of borac and
foot,
and aailed down
to tbe confluence of the Aceaines with the In- dus,
the southern
extremity
of the
Fendjab.
At tbis
importantpoint
he waited some ^ya
for
Perdiccas,who,
with a
part
of the land
force,
had been
enêd
in tbe
subjugation
of
an
independenttribe,
the
Abastani, or Avas-
thanas. In the interval he received the voluntary
submission of another free
commonwealth,
the
Oasadians,
and fresh additions to his fleet
from the banks of the Acesines. This
point
of
the
Pendjab
he
assigned
as the aouthem limit
of the
satrapy
of
PbiUppus,
whom be ordered
to build a new
city
there. It
was to be well
provided
with arsenals
;
and he
expected,
Ihim
the
peculiaradvantages
of the
site,that itwould
become a
flourishing seat of
conimerce. The
small town of Mtttun
may, perhape,
stand
nearly
in its
place,
but no
vestige
remains of Alei-
ander'a foundation.
During
his
stay
here bo
wa" overtaken
by
his
father-in-law, Oxyartes,
vho
probably
came to inform him of a revolt
which bad broken out
among
the Greek colonists
in
BactrJa,*
and
to
complain
of the misconduct
of
Tyriaspes,
tbe
satrap
of
Paropami-
sus- Tyriaspeswas
deprived
of his
government,
and
Oxyartesreceived it in addition to
his own. We
must, therefore,suspect
an error
in Arrian's statement or
text,
where it is related
that
Oijartes was
appointed,
with
Peithon,
aatrap
of the territories to be
conquered
in the
giTan
In Cutii
"d kr U"*
npttt
i"
Aluudtc'i
lower course of the Indus to tbe
sea. A
bodjr
of
troops, including
allthe Thraciana. was left
with
Phiiippua.
Craterua,with the bulk of the
army
and the
elephants,
was landed on the left
bank of the
Indus,
where the
country opposed
the fewest obstructions to his march
;
and
yet
!his
presence
was needed to overawe the
na-
lives. Alexander himself sailed down to tbe
chief
city
of a
people
whose name is
variously
written :
Arrian calls them
Sogdiana.
He trans-
formed tbcir
capital
into a Greek
colony,
which
he named
Alexandria,
and
probablydesigned
for the residence of his
satrap. Here, too,
he
built an arsenal,
in which he refitted a
part
of
his fleet.
Not
very
far to the south
lay
the terrilories
of a
powerfulprince,
whom the Greek writers
name Musicanus,
from
whom, as he had hitherto
made no overtures,
Alexander bad
reason
to
expect
active resistance. He therefore
urged
the
progress
of hia
fleet,
and reached the frontier
before Musicanus was aware that he had
quitted
the
Sogdiancapital.Dismayed by
the
suddenness of hfs
appearance,
he went forth
to
meet the invader, with
royal presents,
all bis
elephants,
and submissive
acknowledgments
of
his
fault,
which were stillmore
graciously
received,
and
placed
himself and hia
people
at the
conqueror's disposal.
Ale):ander was struck
with admiration
bythe fertility
and
opulence
of
the
country
" which
probably
far
lurpassed
all
the
regions
he had been
traversing
from tbe
north in the luxuriance of ita
vegetation
" and
by
the
capital,
traces of which
may,
perhaps,
still be visible near Bukkur.* He
permitted
Musicanus to retain bis
kingdom,
but ordered
e
fortress to he built in the
city,
under (he
superintendence
of
Craterus,
and to be
occupiedl^
a Macedonian
garrison,
as a
post peculiarly
well
fitted to command the
surroundingcountry.
Westward of the
territory
of Muaicanos
lay
that of a
chief
similarly
named
Oiycanus.
or
PoTticanu8,t
wbo likewise had
keptsuspicious- ly
aloof.
Alexander,
witb
onlya body
of
li^ht
troops
and
cavalry,
marched
against
him witb
his usual
rapidity,
and stormed two of bis
cities,
in one of which
Oxycanus
himself was taken
or slain. After
this,
all the other towns sub-
mttied without resistance. In the
adjacent
highlands,
a chief named
Sambus, who,
it
seems,
had courted tbe
conqueror's
favour
throughjeal- ousy
of
Musicanns,as
Taiiles
through
fear of
Poms,
and had been invested witb the titleof
"
At Biinwi iUdIu (i.,H), in th" miu of Aim, faat
i:D]BhtJ
liiagfdaii," ralad
hj " BnhmiD,
who wm* it^^d
t ThoH
DUDH an ""
etriiiDtD^fal
poolA, Eemptiiif
from Ibo KamiTiff re"hnaii of mLulKm. Mr. WUhum
(|k
"UBtlrlbQBil,
n"t*
tUi^.
IB thiltioMlidia; niÛ
Muilouiiu Biigfaibe
prafMiir
d"crib*d u tbe njth of
Hooih, and Oircamu u (ha njib
of Oncha.'' I u inr'
uinad " aiailir
opiaiiiB
Uiiaii, id.,t, n.
imifDii
""
"" Haam iOBit
bacur aiidano tkmt th* Tniklih lith
U" (Mirer
- - ... - .
MUSICANtJS." PATTALA.
S4T
become
alanned for his
own
safety,
and had
withdrawn frma his
capiul,
Sindomana. Alex-
"Dder,therefore,
advanced
againstit,
but
vaa
received,according
to Arrian, with
every
token
of
subjectionby
the friends ofthe absent
chief,
who
explained
the motive of his
fligbt,
and snr-
lendered his
elephants
and his trcasnre.
Other
anihon had
spoken
of
a
laborious
siege,
and
immensfl
slaughter
of the barbarians, Arrian
oDly
mentions the
capture
of
a town which had
iBTolled
through
the
instigation
of the Brah-
mias,
and that
they
were
put
to death.
The influence of the Btahmins was also
tct?
powerful
in the
kingdom
of Musicanus, and at
lis court. It
seems to have been
always
directed
against
the
Invader,
who had toached
the hallowed soil with
impure feet,
with all the
energy
of
patriotism
inflamed
by religious
zeal.
During
Alexander's
absence,
Musicanus
was
iadoced
by
his
priestly
counseUors to
revolt,
in
an
evil hour for him and them, and for the ill-
Ibed land. Alexander
sent
Peithon,
the
satrap,
with a sufficient force
against
the
king,
who had
probably
no lime to collect an
army.
while he himself overran the
country,
and made
himself master of the
towns, whic||
he either
laied to the
ground,
or curbed with citadels
md
garrisons.
Peithon
brought
Musicanus
a
jjrisoner,
with his
principal
Brahmins
;
and Al- exander,
calculating, as we sre
apt
to
think,
laiber too
coolly
on the efiect of the
spectacle,
mdered them to be crucifiod in the most con-
epicaoos
manner.* We
are
here
unpleasantly
reminded of Cortes and Pizarro.
The
conqaeet
of the Indus
was now
nearly
CMn{dete;
for the chief of
Pattala,
named or
entitled
Maris,!
whose rule extended over the
Lelta of the
Indus,came in
person
to surrender
himself and bis dominions
to
the
conqueror.
He
was
directed
immediately
to return to hia
capital,
and make
preparations
for the
reception
of the armament. Aa no
farther resialance
was
to be
apprehended
down
to the river's
mouth,
Alexander here divided hia
forces,
and ordered
Craterns,
with three
brigades
of the
heavy
in-
lutry,
some
lighttroops,
and the
elephants,
accompanied
hj
the disabled Macedonians who
had received
permiasion
to return to their
native
land,to
tê the road to
Carmania,through
Arachosia and
Drangiaoa. no
doubt
by
the
pasaof
Bolan. He thus
gained
the
advantage
of
conGnning
his
authority
in a
part
of the
em-
fire
hitherto bnt
imperfectlysubdued, while he
lessened the difficalties of his
own march
Uunugh
an
inhospitable region,
and
apared
the
TEterans who
might
have sunk under its hardships.
Ybe
rest
of the land
force,
in two di-
Tisiona,
he
placed
under the command of He-
phKBtion
and
Peithon,
who
were
ordered to
inarch down to Pattala
on
the
opposite
side of
the river
;
and Peiihon
was
charged
with the
task of
settling
colonies in the fortified
towns,
and
paciffing
the
country
on the
way.
He himself
proceeded
with the fleet
;
but before he had
reached the
city
of
Pattala,
which stood like
Tata,
if not
precisely
on
the
same site,at
the
Donbem
point
of the
Delta,
he
was
informed
that the
chief,
in
a
litof
diatrust,
had taken
to
JI.
(J.
S14)
I cjtomc'miud bit
.
flight
with the
greater part
of the inhabitant*.
In
fact,Alexander, on his
arrival,
fbund tlM
city
and its
neighbourhood
almost
utterly
deserted.
He
instantly sent a detachment of bia
lightest troops
in
pursuit
of the
fugitives,
and
wlien
some were
brought
in
prisoners,
bade
them return to their
countrymen,
and invite
them,
with
every
assarance of
safety,
to come
back to their Gelds and
dwellings.
After a
while the
greater part
of the
population
resumed
their
peaceful
labours.
Alexander's firstcare was to
fortify a citadel
in the
town, to form
a harbour, and build docks
snfficient for a
large
fleet. The
superintendence
of these works was committed
to
Heph"s-
tion,
who had
already
arrived. Parties
were
sent into the
neighbouringdistricta,
where there
was a
greatscarcity
of
water, to
digwells,
and
otherwise make
proviaion
for the
passage
of
troops
or
travellers."
They
were
attacked
by
the
natives,
and it
was
found
necessary
to
send
a
stronger
force
to
protect
them,
Nor,itBeema,
could Alexander
procure
a
pilot
at Pattala bT
the
voyage
which he now meditated to the sea
down the western branch of the river.t He,
however,
embarked
as soon as the works had
made some
progress,
in
a squadron
of his l^st-
est-saihnggalleys,
while
Leonnatus,
with c
corps
of BOOO foot and 1000 horse,
began
his
march
along
the same
aide of the Delta. On
the second
day
bis
voyage
was
interruptedby
a
gale,
which,
meeting
tbe
rapid
current of tbe
Indus,
caused
a awell,
in which the
galleys
became
unmanageable.
Most of them were severely
damaged,
many
went to
pieces,
either
afloat,
or after
they
had been run aground.
While the
shipwrights
were
repairing
this dia-
Bster,
Alexander sent a few
lighttroops up
tbe
conntry
in search of natives who
might
serve
as
pilots.
A few
were
token,
well acaaainted
with the
navigation
of the river
;
and,
under
id
ITI., FTi
iliui ibk
I
p"rt
of lbs
idjacent
oonnliT (f*ir{ni^t r"(
wjjjtrim )%)
tD mak mlU, inl u nuti Ihs lud htbilmblo
(alitiumt.
txrgK- DrofMD. biTwanr, detcribet Alixuidai'B oUtct to
tuLTB bwn
nothing
Itii Ihu
*^
I0 fBdliUba tbs DnlniiKlte
betwien Puula ud Ibt aut of ladia,ud u
opn
it te
Aleruuler had a"quiiad aaffldoDt
Irjomution
1
i"}^phj
of ladja la lonn nch a ptuL,or that ba bad
maana
of
axacQIing
it. Th" opanlloa
dHCribod
l"7
^ "
Mild biTB ban naaileatly
but
a
nrr alight
ud ina
"1
bciinning
of neti
an i]aden*Un|. Bnl aa
linli
baLisn Ibat Alaiaadar'a main Dbiict Wll lo
prnnD
tho MUbliahnunt ct a
coniTiMircinl inWreouiaa wi
Wm. llhenruraioapsctlbalAmui'iaridRacIii
rafamd Id Ihe DalU
cr
U Ibe idjacenlahorgi. and I)
c
9iS, HISTORY OF GREECE.
their
gpidance,
be coctinned hie
voyage
to the
sea. Near Ihe mouth,
it stillblen bo hard from
the
aea,
thai ha was fain to take shelter in a
canal
poinieii
out
by
the Indians. Aitd here
the Macedoniane were GrsE astonished
by
the
ebb of the tide,
wbea
they
saw their resEels
Buddeulj
Biranded. Thev were atillmore amazed
and terrified
b;
the
fury
of the reSui " the
peculiar
terror
of the Indian coasts at the
mouths of the
great rircrs,
but so familiar to
the
uattTes,
thai it seems
theygave
the strao-
gen
DO
warning
of it" which shattered the
galleys
which were not
firmly
imbedded in the
mud. After it had been
refitted,
the fleet was
moored at an
island lower
down,
named Cilluta,
wlkere water was
found,
while
Alexander,
with
tbiebeat
sailers, proceeded
Co
explore
the
mouth,
and sooD came
insightof
another island,
which
laybeyond
in the
oceaa;
the
term,
in this direction,
of bis
conquests
and discoveries. That
day
he returned to
Cilluta,
and made solemn
sacrifice, as he
gave out, according
to directions
which he bad received from Ammon.*
On the morrow he touched at the distant
island,
where he celebrated fresh
sacrifices, with different
rites,
to other deities.
Finally,
he
put
oiit to the
open
sea,
that he
might satisfy
himself
nolandlay
within view to the south. Here
he
again
sacrificed to the
sea-god,
whose
proper
realm he had now entered,as
well in Ihank-
fulztesBfor the
prosperous
termination of one
exi"editioi), aa to
propitiate
his favour for that
which was to be next undertaken. The vic-
tiios,
and the
golden
vessels with which he
made the
libations,
were thrown into the sea.
He then returTied
up
the same arm of the Indus
to Pattala.where he found the fortifications of
the citadel
completed,
and Peithon arrived with
a
very satisfacloiy report
of hia
operations.
The works coimected with the barbour were
not
yet finished,and while
theyproceeded,
under
the care of
HepbvBtion,
he
again
embarked
to
BXfioTB
the eastern side of the Delta. He
fovnd that the
river,
before it reached the
sea,
expanded
into a broad
gulf.
Here he left the
greater part
of the
troops,
and all the smaller
TesBdls,
with
LeonnstDs,
and
then,again
entering
the
ocean,
which, on this aide,
opposed
fewer
obstacles to his
passage,
landed on the south
eout of the Delta with a
body
of
horse,
and
surveyed
it to the distance of three
days'
march
westward, sinking
wells at convenient inter-
Tala. He then retomed to his
ships,
and sailed
np
to Pattala,
white a
detachment,
which was
ordered, hkewise, to
dig
for water at
every
halling-ptace,
marched rouod in the same direction.
The
gulf
he had seen
appeared
to him so
importantas a naval
station,
that he once more
visited
it,
ordered docks to be built
there,
and
magnnnes,
where he laid in four months'
provisions
for the
army,
and led
a
garrison
to
pro-
Tbe
immediate
object
of all these
prepara-
,
tlons and
precaationswas to
provide,
as far as
was practicable,
for tbo euccesslul commence-
'
meat of the
voysfc
of
discoveiy,
on which he
had resolved to send a
squadron
from the Indus
to the Persian Qulf That there was an
open
rtrf*
" *"" Emm" ""*""
(B
At tiiara
s/IJU Eulm
sea between the two coasts he coold
now scarcely
doubt,though
the
pa^ssage
might
be difficult
and
dangerous
;
and this was the first
step
towards
the communication which he wished to
establish between India and bis western dominions.
If,however,
we beheve an account
which Arrian
gives,
on the
authority
of Near-
chus himself,
it would seem that,
when Alex-
ander first
appointed
Ncatchus admiral of the
fleet,
he bad either not
yet
matured his
plan,or
did not think fitto disclose it.
Afterward, we
are informed,
he consulted Nearcbus
on tbe
choice of an ofScer to conduct the
voyage
of
discovery. Nearchus,
as,
we should
thinfc,
must have been
expected,
"(Tered to undertake
the commandbinkself
;
and it
appears
that there
was no other man in tbe
army
whom the
king
would
willingly
liave intrusted with it. We
cannot, therefore,
but
suspect
the
sincerity
of
the reluctance which he is said to liave expressed,
to
permit
so valued a friend to embark
on so perilous
an adventure. But he desired
that the offer should be
freely
tttade
by
Near-
cbtis,
for the sake of the confidence with which
it would
uispire
those who were to be
placed
under bis orders.
He himself
was
aboDt to undertake a march
along
tbe same coast,
littleless
dangerous: one
on which, according
to
tradition,
the annies of
Semiramis and
Cyrus
had
perished
almost to s
man
;
and Nearchos believed that he was
partly
stimulated to the
enterpriseby
the
hope
of
outdoing
these celebrated
conquerors.*
We
must, however,
doubt whether he could have
heard of these
legends\a India,even if
they
are
genuine,
and did not rather
springout of his
own
expedition.
It seems clear that he had
no distinct
conception
of the difficultieshe was
about to encounter
;
arkd,particularly,
that he
bad not foreseen the
length
of time he was to
spend
on
ê
road,
which was far
greater
tb"a
a calculation,
founded ou the most exact meae-
uremeat
of the distance,
would have led him to
expect. But,
at
least,
he was not
impelledby
any
childish emulation. He had two
important
objects
in view : to
provide,
as far aa
possible,
for
the
safety
of the
fleet,
and to
explore
and subdue
a side of the
empire
which was hitherto,at
most,
but
nominallysubject
to him.
The
navigation
of the rivers had
employed
about seven months, and
nearly
four
appear
to
have been
spent
in and near Pattala. It was
towards tbe end of
August. 32S,
wlicn the
preparations
were
completed
for the
departure
nf
both armaments. We arc unable tu estimato
the force of
either,
otherwise than
by
an uncertain
approximation. If,however,
Alexander
invaded India with
130,000 men,
since he received
some re. en force men Is there, we can.
hardlybelieve,
after
every
allowance for Uic
numbers lost ot Icfl behind in
garrisons
and
colonies,
and for tbe division under
Cratenis,
that he retained fewer than
60,000
under his
own command. As In the armament under
Nearchus,
we have no other
guide
than the list
prUe
ID NnrdiiH ; whereu it
Knibed to hiiD itie moliia of "ntjUti4i with
id
Cjraa, addmf
,
indnd, oddiv flnoofb,tliU
J
uuuij
fbrMm b("Q' of tb" Bnt
THE MONSOON." DESERT OP GEDROSU.
rths
gaII"TaMiDipped
on the
HjdoapeB.
robabry.
tl drd not include m)
mao;
of that
lara.' It iB nnl
likel;
thM
anj larger
rurce
'ould be
employed
on this service than
might
ppeitr necessary
to
overpower
resistance oa
le coast
;
for it was not undertaken without
;luclance
by
the
men, though
their
spirite
wi
lised
by
the
appointment
of Nearchos. by
the
ireful and even
splendidequipment
of the vea-
;ls,and atill
more, pertiaps, bj
the excareions
hichtbe
king
himself had made into the ocean,
ut Alexander wal now aware of a natural ob-
acle,
the
prevalence
of the southwest raoo-
"n,
which reoderod it
necessary
to
postpons
le
departure
uf Nearcbus. Some weeks were
ill10 coma before the trade-winds would set
I
from the northeast, when
the;
would be
per-
idly
fhvourable for the
voyage.
It
waa not,
Dwever, necessary
that the
army
ahonld wait
"
long,but, pertiape,
rather more
expedient
lat it ahouki
precede
the fleet,
Nearchus,
lerefore, was left at Pittala. while Alexander
31 out on hie return to the West.
The chain of moantains which
descends,
'est of the
Indus,
from the
Paropamisnsto Uie
;a,
was firat to be en"aed
;
he then entered
le
province
of
Lus,
which is surroanded on
iree sides
by loftyranges.
He found it divi-
nl between two
independeottribes,
the Ara-
:teBand the
0rit"8,
who were
aepareced
from
ich other br a river called the Arabius
((he
oorallee.oTKiTerofSonnieany):
names which
mbably
presane
a traceof
an early
settlement
imted
on this coast
t^
ArabiaiM or Pbeeni-
ans. At the
approaoh
of the
invader,
the
rabitea, incapable
of
resiatanoe,yet
disdain-
g Bubmiuion,
Red to the
adjacent
desert
;
and
lexander did not
pursae
them,
for he wished
isorprise
their western
neighbours,
the
Orites,
ho seem to have been the more
powerful
r"ce.
n the
Arahios,
in which he found but little
aier,
be left the bulk of his
army
under the
imnand of
Hephnstion,
and
pushed forward,
ith a select
body
of
troops,
towards the
coast,
here he
designed
to sink wells lor the use of
lefleet. The
coast of the Oritis was dewsribed
r Nearchus
as a barren
tract,
tnhabitsd
by a
ice of
hairy,
half-naked
savages.
But in the
iterior, after a fbroed
night
march across a
isert,
Alexander Ibund a more civilized
peo-
e,
and a weU-cuitivated
region,
which he
'erran with his
oavalry,not, however,
without
formidable rGsiatance
;
for the natives
fought
"Ih
poisoned
arrows,
and
Ptolemy
received a
"ontl which had
nearlyproved
mortal
;
but aa
nidota" revealed,
itwas aaid,to the
king
in a
ream "
was discovered in lime. It is not cer*
'in
whether there was a.
capital
of the
eoontry
nned
Ora, or the
people
lived
wholly
in villa-
M. But the
largest
of
these,
called Ramba-
'*"
^)peaTedto Alexaoder ao
happilysituated,
!*t
he resolTod to
{dant
a
ookmy there,
and
eph"ationwaa
appointed
to
superintend
tbe
"";resiof the new Alexandria. In the mean
hile
Oe
king himself,
with a smalt
body
of
ivslrj
and the
lightertroops,rapidly
advsn-
'
DiniB
{B, 4N1 h" UiMllT n
"iH
t"(nu^r, BM of Iha nasi*
Jl-p,__ -. .
Ill),"f"kw":
"1*1 th* uaik Ibu DnnHB'i
aoolHiHn,
"If bsltaiM U In """ Biii"H,
^7m
nc
ced towards a difficult
pass
in Ha western
numntains, which,
he
learned,was held
bj
ao-
arm;
of Orites and
Gednwians;
but the
mere
tidings
of his
approach
threw the
enem;
into-
such consternation,thst the chiefs of the Orites
came to tbe
camp
and submitted.
They were
directed to exert their influence to restore tranquillity,
and recall Ihe
fugitites
to their dwellings.
He did
not, however, think it sale lo
relyon tbeir
profeasioDB.
He
placedApolloph-
anes over them aa
satrap,
and led
Leonnatus,
with a
body
of
troops,
to wait for the arrival
of
Nearchus, and,
in the
interval,to
proleot
the
riaingoity,
and secure
the obedience of the-
It
was,
periiaps,
the
beginning
of Ociober
when he
penetratedthrough
the
pass
from
which he had driven lbs
enemy
into
Gedrosia,
ihesoutbenMeknii. Tbis wild, fearfal
region
has since been but Uttie
ex|riored by European
travellers
;
but a few of its
general
features
appear
to be well ascertaitted. It is interaectad
with
ranges
of
mountains,some very lofty, run- ning
parallel
to the
coast,
but
commonly not
approocbiBg
itwithin ten or twelve mdes. Ttto
ridgna
themselves ate
nxdiy
and bars
;
the intervening
idatns,
for tbe most
part,
barren
wastes,
here and there furrowed
b; deep
waler-
coHiBea, which, eioepl
in the
rainy
season,
ara
almost
dr;. Still,
the interior
is,
in
general,
laa"
arid and desolate Uian tbe low
ground
on tb"
coast.* Alexander,
when be entered
Gedroeia,.
sent Thoas, with a
pwty
of
borse,to the seaside,
and received an alanaingreport
from him
of the maiittme diatriot'îeh he viaited. H"
had fonnd there
only
a few wretêd
GshaniMn,
living
in
stifling
cabins built of sea-sbelU and
tbe bones of
whaiea,or other
largefishes,
wbioh
served for rafters and
door-posts.Fish,
witb
a small mixture of
meal, was their common
food
;
and even the few
sheep they possessed
had no other. Water
(he;
could
onlyprocure
in small
quaotities,
and
brackish,as
they dug
for it under tbe beach. Hence tbe whole coast
of
Mekran,as far as
Cape Jask,
is called
bj
the
Greeks the land of tbe
Icbthyophaj[ea,
or Fish-
eaters. It must not, however,
be
afippoeed
that the
foregoingdescription
is
api^cableto
the whole
tract, which contains some cultivated
districts, as it
did,no doubt,
in Alexander's
StiL,
the information he received induced
him to sbandoo his
originalintention,
which
was to follow tbe
windings
of tbe
coast,
and be
i" dutinta of
vif"*
HISTORY OF GREECE.
took
a nwre
inUad raoie. Yet it
Bcems
that
hiH line of march wai
seldoni
more
than twn or
three
dafa' journey
from the
aea,
and oflener
within
aigtiE
of it.
The heata in thU
country preTail
from March
to NoTember
;
when Alexander traTeraed it.
they were
stiU
excesaiTe,though beginning
to
subside. To avoid thia
evil,
the
arm; generally
moTed
during
the
night
;
bat it
frequently
happened that,at daybreak,
it
was
atill far from
the next wfttering-idace,
and
waa compelled
to
prolong
ita march tinder the
homing sun,
tor-
mwitedbyincreasingthiist.
The
sandy wastes,
indeed, were
not
always utterly
cheerless.
Their
sterility was
often relieved,
especially,
it
aeems,
on
the eastern side of
Gedroeia,by a
profusion
of aromatic
planta*" myrrh-trees,
firom which the Pfacenician followers of the
camp
loaded their beasts with the
precious
gum,
and
spikenard,which,
when trodden under
fool,
filled the air with ita
fragrance.
The wild
vigour
of nature was
also indicated
by venooMus
reptiles, poisonousplants,
and thorns of
uncommon
strength,
from which the hares could not
"xtricate
tbemselvea,
and which were
found
annoylog even by
the
cavalry.
But far
greater
liardîpa were to be endured when the
army
"ame to wide
plains,
where the sand was fine
and soU
as freshly-fallen snow,
in the
daytime
so
hot
as to
blister tbe
feet,
and driven
by
the
wind into
long ridges.t
On the
top
of Uicse
downs
grew
a
kind of
grass,
which
was a
favourite
lurking-place
for
aerpents.
from which
they
darted forth on
the
unwary passenger.
Here numbers of the beaats sank,
under the
continned toil of
wading through
the
sandy
wavea.
The
carriageswere,
for the moat
part,
broken
up,
as they
could
not
be
dragged through;
so
that,
at
last,no means were left of
conveying
the
sick,or those whose
strength
could not
support
them to the
halting-place.
Wretched
and
hopeless was
tbe condition of those who,
overcome
with
fatigue,lay
down to
aleep,
and,
when
they woke,
found themselves far in Che
rear
;
and the
men, occupied
each with his
own
Duseiy
uid
danger, grew
careless of
one another's
eDfieiinga
and wants.
The
descriptions
of Arrian and SCrabo
might
lead
one to imagine
that
a
great part
of the
march
waa
made
over
such
ground.
Never-
thelesa,
it
seems
certain that Alexander
never
crossed
any part
of the Great
Sandy Desert,
which is bounded
by
the mountains of southern
Mekran,
unless
possibly
for
a
short distance
near
the confines of Gedrosia and Carmenia
"Kerman).
There
may,
however,
have been
some tracts nearer to the
coaal, anaweriivg
to
this
descriptido,though hardly
of
any
considerable
extent, so as not to be avoided
by a
moderate circuit. But
one or two scenes
of
thia kind would leave so
deep
an
impression,
that
thc^
could
not failto
become the
pronunent
feature in
every
narrative.
The
scarcity
of
water was
the
great
and
"
Nîlhiiii of lli" hind ii
n
tniTallan. thangb
tia
pliini Id lo t"
(w^nllf
our-
constantlyrecurringcause
of distreea. Kii"-
bera,
both of men
and
beasts,perished throng
thirst : and at the outset
many
disastera
arose
from the
impatience
with
which,
when
they
came
in
sight
of
water,
the foremost crowded
to it,
several
ceasing
not to drink tUl
they expired.
A still
greater calamity
waa occasioned
by
the
rising
of a small atream, on which tbe
army encamped
for
a night,
which was suddenly
swollen, by a
fall of rain in the distant
ntonn:-
aioa,
into
a mighty flood,* and,
it is said.
drowned
moat of the
women
and
childreii,
and
all tbe
remaining
beasts of
burden,
and carried
away
the whole of the
royal baggage,
and the
arma.of
many
of the soldiers. AAer this
ocnrr-
rence
the
camp
was always pitched
st a
distance
from the
watering-
t^ce. But food
was,
at times, eqaally scarce.
The
country yields
but little
grain: aheep,
it
seems,
are not rare ;
but the flocks would often be driven oot of
reach. It
is,however, interspersed
with
groves
of
date-trees,
which abound
particularly
in the
beds of the
rivers,and, according
to Strabo'i
strong expression,
their fruit
was
the salvabon
of the
army.
Slill,
the
men were Bometima
forced
by hunger
to
slauîter
the beasts of bor-
deo, pretending
that
they
had
periahed
of thirat
on the road
;
and Alexander
was oMig"d to
wink at this
Ucense,
which
indeed,
in the
cm-
lusion of tbe
night marches,
could seldom be
detected.
It
may easily
be
supposed
that tie bore his
fiillshare in the labours and
hardships
of the
expedition.
He
accompanied
his
men dnring
their
longest
marches
on
foot
;
and it
was
perhaps
on one
of these occssions that be
gave
an
example
of
self-command,
which served to animate
their
courage,
while it raised him in their
esteem. After an
unusually long
and hM
march, some
of the
lighttroops,
who had beea
sent in aearcb of
water, hanng
discovered a
little
remaining
in the bed of
a torrent, brongfat
some
in
a helmet, aa
the most niecioas of aU
presents,
to the
king. Alexander, who knew
how
many
longing
eyes
were fixed
on him,
though
he
was
hiinself
parched
and faint with
thirst,poured
the delicious
draught on the
ground.
t Another
time,
when all tbe nutks
of the road had been covered
by
the
sand-drifls,
the
sea was no longer
in
sight,
and tbe
guide*
owned that
they
had lost their
way,
he
set out,
with a
few
horsemen, to aeek the coast. Five
only
remained with him when he reached it.
But
having
diaoovered that there
was here
plenty
of fresh water to be fonnd in the
beach,
he led the
army
to tbe
place,
and for
aeven
days
after marched cloae to the shore. Tbe
barrenness of the
coaat inapired
him with
no
less
anxiety
about the safeôf the fleet than
he felt for the
troops
under bis
own command,
and bis exertions
to
provide
for its vranta were
less
unremitting.
From the first district in
Gedrosia,
where he found
provisionsunusually
abundant,
he ordered all that could be raared
to be
transportedto
the
seaside,
in
package*
sealed with his
own signet.
But the
escort
DESERT OF GEDROSIA." CARMANIA. 351
intrusted with this
conroy
werfi themselves
pteasedby hunger
on the
way,
that
they
wt
campelled
to bre^ the
royalsea],
and to ci
same the whole stock. Another
supply
was
afterward tranamitled under the care of Ore.
tlieiu
;
and, again,Telephus
waa sent wiib a
BDial]
qoantitj
of meal. Parties were also detached
np
the
country
Tor the same
purpose ;
ind the natives were directed to
bring
down
illthatcould be
procured
of
com, dates,
and
Two mouths were
ipeot
in the raarcb fnini
Oia to Pnra,
th"
capital
of Gedrosia.* The
time seecos
great, compared
with the direct
distance, especially
as the
army
was onen
forced to make
very
long
marches from one
ilitiun to
another,
and we hear of none but the
ordisaiy
halta. It la
probable,however, that,
Hough
the road was
only
once
lost,
it was
fenfrally very winding,
since both the
difficulty
of the
ground,
and the
scarcity
of
provisions,
ofliL rendered
a
circuit
necessary.
Even at
PuTB,the
position
of which is
unknown,
Alei-
uder
seems to have allowed his
troops
but a
short
repose
before he advanced into Carmania.
He had sever^ motives to
urge
his
progress
:
to meet
Craterus,
to
gaintidings
of
Nearchus,
lod
perhaps,also,
to
prevent
the disturbances
i^ch were
likely
to arise from
reports
of his
ova
danger,
and to ascertain the state of affhira
in the
provinces
from which he had been so
ViBg
absent. For he had
already
reason to
"aspect
that some of his officers in distant
gov-
cnunenU had abused bis confidence : as at
Pvn be waji induced to remove Apollophanes
for
neglectof
duly ;fthough
it seems that,
before
ae
satrap
learned his
disgrace,
he had
"toned for his fault
by
death on a fieldof ba^
Ue. On the road to Carmania,
Alexander re-
ccired
despatches
from Taxiles and
Poms,
an-
noDnciag
the death of
Abisares,
and of
Phillip-
poF,
who bad been murdered
by
some of his
o"n mercenaries. His Macedonian
guards,
tiowever, hod remained
faithful,
and
punished
Ux
assassins. Alexander directed
Taziles,
Ud
Eudemus,
the commander of the Thraeians
Mt with
Philippus,
to take
charge
of the
province
nntila new
satrap
should have been
ap-
pointed. The son of Abisarea wa* permitted
U BDoceed his father.
In Carmania the
army
found
a delightfiil
iÛngein the face of
oatnre,
and a
striking
wntrast to the Gedrosian wilderness
: a conn-
Itjwhich the ancients descritieas uncommonly
fertile,
abonnding
in
fruit,especially
grapes
ofennordtnary size,t
and watered
by copious
"Ithu t"I !" i"
Pomg,
to
a,^,
,ba Biictil"DTit" country,"
mirht Ham id hoe a
^[ivr
ekJB
;
mod " ifinall
town,
nftmed FthiiTH,liai"iiUen
I Vtt
oMijtmn
tbu thiiAfoi\ii\ihmit wu " dilbnni
"'" htnlirhthmnHniemildliinitnrtitaii
Aldudtl
."îlm'i
OetcnpUuD |ir.,p. J19J nuiiidi
III o( tlia
streams. This
drsrription
is still
applicable to
some districts of
Kerman, though they
are
separated
from each other
by
many
desert
tracts. CrateruB arrived soon
after,
safe and
victorious, having quelled an insurrection in
Arachosia.and
brought
two of the chiefs of the
rebels,
Ordanes and
Zariaspes,
with him in
chains. It is a little
surprising
and
suspicious
that we hear
nothing
of the
hardships
and
dangers
that beset his march :
though,
as his
road,
unless he made an enormous
circuit, lay
across a
part
of the Great
Sandy Desert,
it
might
have been
supposed that,
with the elephants
and the
heavy baggage,
he must have
bad more to encounter than Alexander, Th"
plenty
that now
prevailed
in the
camp
was increased
by
the arrival of a
large
convoy,
brought by Stasanor, aatrap
of
Ariana,
and
Pharismanes, son of the Parthian
satrap
Phrv
taphemes,who,
either in
compliance
wjlh the
king'sorders,or of their own
accord,hearing
of the
dangerous
route he had
taken,*came to
meet him with a
long
train of
camels,
and
other
beasts,
laden with
provisions.
Alexander
distributed all
among
bis
troops.
Their losses
were thus
partlyrepaired,
their wants abun- dantly
supplied
;
their
sufTbrings might
be considered
as at an end. We cannot wonder
that,
the
enjoyment
of
pleasures
fVom which
they
had been so
long debarred, they
abandoned
themselves to some
excesses, perhaps only
following
the
example
of their chiefs and of Alex- ander
himself: and this was
probably
the maJn
ground
of fact for the
exaggeration
of later
"
irs,
who described his march
through
Car*
a as a continued
revel,
in which he imitated
the festive
procession
with which his di-
predecessor
had returned from his Indian
conqueatB.
He was now also
joinedby
three
generals, Cleander,Sitalces,
and
HerBco,t
who
commanded the forces left in Media with Par-
0,
and had
brought
with them the
greater
part
of their
troops. They
too, perhaps,
wiabed
to make a
display
of
loyalleal,
but
they
ware
called
upon
to answer
charges
of
gross
misconduct
;
and Cleander and Sitalces
iqere
in^
mediately
convicted and
put
to death. It
appeared
that
they
had
plunderedtemples, ran- sacked
ancient
tombs,
and sacrificedchehoaonr
of noble families to their lust. If wg
may
believe
Curtius,
Alexander also
put
to deaUi iw
less than 600 of the soldiers,
who had been
their instruments in these acts of violence.
Heraco was afterward condemned on another
similar
charge.
There can be no doubt that in these case*
the
punishment
was deserved. But another
execution is said
by
Curtius to have taken
place
in
Carmania,
for which he
charges
Alexander
with
cruelty.Aspssles,
the
satrap
of the
province,
thou^
he c.ame to meet the
king
on his
arrival,and was at first
graciouslyreceived.
HISTORY OP GREECE.
WM put
to death on b
suspicion
of IressonablB
dsaigna
formed in Alexander's absence.*
This,
Bccordiag
to tbe view entertaioed
by Cuttiue,
and
by
Beveral other
writers,
both ancient' and
modem,
would be Ibe firatiadicatioo of ai
happy change
which was
begioaing
to show
itselfin Alexander's character
: an effect,
either
of his
unioteiTuptedprosperity, or,
as otheis
have conceived,
of the
partial
failure and
disappointment
which he had
experienced
in India.
We need not
stop
to
inquire
which of these
causes is the more
probable,
since the
alleged
effect seems to be
extremely
doabtfui. We
shall, indeed,
meet with other inslances,
in which
there is
ground to
suspect
that be
was not exempt
from
passion,
which hurried him Into
hasty
decisions in (he administratiuQ of
justice
i
but we cannot infer that
any change
had taken
p1ai"
in his character. Ha
spears
to have
been
always quick
in
resentment,
and rather
generous
than either merciftalor
scropoloiMly
jnst.
He was
now,
no doubt,higblyprovoked
by
the
audacity
with which his officers had violated
their
duty
in his
absence,
as ifcertain Ihat
ha would never relnrn,
and was hence inclined
to lend a
favouring
ear to such accusations
;
and his
indignation
was
probablyheightenedby
the
conviction,
which must have been forced on
bim
by
these
occurrences, that,
from the
moment
of bis
death,
had it
happened,
his
vast
flnq"ire
would at once have falleo in
pieces.
Still, cruelty,
in the most odious sense of the
word, wanton iojustioe, was
always foreign
to
hie nature : not liave we
any
proof
that his
temper
had become in other
reqtectsharsher,
or less
even,
than before bis Indian
expedition,t
In the
mean while he
was
in
painM nnoer-
tBinty,
and was giving
way
more and
more to
gloomy thonghts
as to the fate of
Nearrûs
and
the fleet.
They
were at
lengthdispelled by
tidings
that Nearchua had landed on the coast of
Carroania,
within a few
days'
march of tiie
camp.
The bearer of the news was the
governor
of the maritime district in which the
event had occurred. Some of the men
belonging
to the
fleet,
in an excursion
up
the
countiy,
had fallen in with one of Alexander's
soldiers,
and learned from him that the
king
was
encamped
only
five
days'
march from the sea ;
by
him
Neanûs
was brongbt
to the
governor,
who
hastened to the
camp
with the
Joyfultidings.
Alexander sent
party
after
party,
with means
of
oonveyanoe,
for IVearcbus. Sonie of bis mes-
sengOTs
proceeded
but
a short
distance,
and returned
without
intelligence.
Others went farther,
but lost the road. He
began
to
suspect
that he had been
deoeived,
and ordered the
goi-
emw to be arrested.
Meanwbile,
Nearchus
had hauled
op
his vessels on shore, and had
fortified
a naval
camp,
where he Icit the
great-
"
Tha"clDiJiMiMiBdoDMrallfltnHgdaiiumiilbiiT-
Itf
tnlHt thin CTinilu. But Aniu. Ibwuli ha doH IKH
Indict,X, whan hi
lan tbit thi
nlnp
of Gmunii
TiiiiiirrV tart
rpimîi
"i.XHripau.Schniiidir,
ia-
hq'i
pictare
(r. 48d] at thn auUfl oT AlATtndar'a
B
of t(mU) and hcppawu
coaled,"An., tnoi ta
er
part
of his
men,
and set oat with
ArchJas,
his second in
command,
and live or six
companions,
to seek the
king.
On their
way they
met one
of the
parlies
which bad been sent
with horses and
carriages
in search of
them;
but so
great
was the
change
made in their
appearance
by
the
hardships
of the
voyage, that,
even when
theyinquired
the road to the
camp,
Iheywere not
recognisedby
their
countrymei),
until,on the
suggestionofArchias, Ihey
made
themselves known. Some now hastened to In- form
Alexander of their
approach.
When he
heard of the smallness of (heir
number,
be
concluded
Ihat the fleet was lost,
and that
thej
were the
only
survivers. But their arriTal
cleared
up
all
mistakes,
and diflUsed univeraal
joy.
The detailsof the
voyage
would be
foreignto
our
purpose.
Nearchus had been forced to bo-
gin
it before the winds had become
favourable,
by
the
hostility
of the Indians at Pattala
; and,
though
he waited
four-and-twenly days on the
Arabiie
coast,
he afterward lost three al his
vessels in the adverse monsooD, On the coast
of Oritis he met Leonnatus, who,
after Alexan- der's
departure,
had been
obliged
to delend
himself
against
the combined forces of the natives
and their allies. He had
gaineda
great
victory,
with the loss of few men ;
the
satrap
Apollophanes
was
among
the slain. From Le- onnatus,
aocording
to the
king'sorders,
Near- chus
received a
supply
of
corn
sofEcient for teD
days,
and
exchanged
sonie of bis least active
saUors for better men from the
camp
: but it
does
not
appear
that he
lightedupon many
of
the
magazines
destined
by
Alexander for his
"
After manifold
hardships
and
perils,
from
nonsters of the
deep,
the barrenneBs of the
coast,
the
hostility
of tlie
barbarians,
and from
the
timidity anddespondency
of his own
crews,
be at
lengtb,
with the aid of a Gedrosian
pilot,
reached the mouth of the Persian Gulf, when
they
came in
sightofArabia,
Onesicritua " with
what view is not
perfectly
clear"
urged
the admiral
to strike
across,
and steer to the south.
NeambuB, however, prudently
refused to devi- ate
from the
king'sinstructions,
and
finally
landed near the mouth of the River Anamls
(Ibrahim),
not far to the east of the late of Or-
Alexander now ctdebrated these
happy
events
with a solemn
festival, which,
as
usual,was
enlivened
by gymnastic
and musical contests
;
and, perhaps,
the
poets,
who vied with one another
on this
occasion,as well as tho
spectacle
itself,
may
have contributed to the
origin
of the
fables about his Bacchanalian
pomp.
In the triumphal
procession,
Nearchus was the foremost
object
of
congratulation
and
applause.
The
king
then consolted with him as to the remainder
of the
voyage.
Alexander
may
now havA
been in
earnest when he
begged
him
not
expose
himself to farther
danger
and hardship
with the
fleet,
which some other oBieer
might
conduct to the mouth of the
Tigris
;
but
be
gladly
and
thankfully complied
with the admiral's
request,
that he
mi^t be allowed to
complete
the
gloriousundertaking,
which he
had
alreadybrought
to a
point
where it became
comparatively
safe and
easy.
He was accordingly
dismissed with
a small escort. The
state
of (he
country
was still so unsettled,
that he
ALEXANDER IN PBRSIS." HIS PROJECTS. S53
IS attacked on his
way
to the sea
l"7
the Car-
) were in
open
revolt,and had
seized aS the
Blrongliolda. Accordirg
to Ar-
lian.
this insurrection was excited
bjr
the cban-
ges
thai had been made in the
govemioeat
of
the
province
;
for
Sibimius,
who succeeded Ab-
pastes,
had
just
been removed to the
satrapf
of
Gedrosia,
end
Tiepolemuaappointed
in his room.
In his
history,
Arrian does
not niention this
rebellion,
and
perhaps.
Alexander did not think
it
importantenough
to
require
that he ^koold
suppress
itin
person.'
He now divided his Tor-
ces. The main body
be coDnnitted to
Hepbas-
tioD, who,
as it was winter,was ordered to
move
along
the shore of the Persian
Gull;where
the
climate,at this
season,
is
mild,
and
proviS'
ions
plentiful,
and to
join
him at Susa. He
biioself. with a small division of
bght troope
"nd
cavalry,
look the
upper
load
through
Pasat-
gaim
and
Peraepolts.
In
Persia,too,
he Ibund that affairs had
gone
but illin his aliseoce. The
satrap
Phrasaortes
was dead,
and a noble
Persian,
named
OriiiMS,
according
to
Curtius,a descendant of
Cynis,
and a man of
largehereditarypositessions,
had
ventured to assume the
government,
professing,
however,
none but
loyalintentions,
perhaps
beirg
the
only
person
to whom the
province
would
quietly
have submitted
;
and he
came to meet the
king
with a
magnificent
display
of
costlypresents,
Alexander saemfl to
have
betrayed rw
displeasure
at his
usurpation.
but was
exceedingly
incensed
by
the discovery
that the
sepulchre
of
Cyrus,at
Pasargadn,
bad been defaced and
pillaged^
the offender
was not
immediately
named. The
Magiaus
who had the care of the sacred enclosure were
examined and
put
to the
torture, but revealed
nothing.
It was not until the
army
reaidied
Persepolis
that Orxines was
charged
with this
and other acts of
sacrilege,
and with
arbitrary
eieculions
;
and
beingconvicted,
accoiding
to
Arrian, on clear
evidence,was condemned lo
death.
CurtiUB,however,asaerts chat he was
innocent,
and fell
a
victim
to
caUimny
aud court
intrigues ;
and it must be owned
that,
if we
helieve what is said of hts birthand his
wealth,
the
charge
of
sacrilege
seems
scaroely
credible,
especially as the tomb of
Cyrus,
at
leaat,
appears
to have been rifled
by a Macedonian
named
PDlymachos.
Alexander had before resolved
to confer the
satrapy
of Ferris on Feu-
cestes.
whom he had
already,
in
Cannauia,
raised to the
dignity
of
somatuphylax,
as a reward
for his
great
service in India. Peucestee
had also
dislinguiahed
himself in another
way,
not
quite
bo honourable to him, by
the readiness
with Mhich be
adopted
the barbarian usages
:
and wlien he was
appointedsatrap,
he assumed
the Median
dress,began
to
study
the
Persian
language,
and in ail
points
farmed his
court on
the native model.
By
these
proceedings,
he both U'on the hearts of the
people
and
rose in favour wilh his
master. A more
jealous
princemight,perhaps,
have
suspected
him
of ambition^
projects
;
but Alexander was too
well
pleased
with bis
obsequiousness
or dax-
lerity,
and
bi^d
that his
exuBple might
be fbl-
lowed
by
others
among
his Macedonian noUts.
From
Persepolis,
where he oould
not now
view the ruins of llie
palace
without
regret
and
self-reproach " a
sign
that bis belter
feelings
had nut lost their
strength
" he
proceeded,
witb-
out farther
delay,
to meet
Hephmatlon
and
MaarchUB
at Suea,
which he
designed
for the
scene of several
important
transootioiis.
CHAPTER LV,
Alsxikdui
might
now be said to have le-
tumed into Iba heart of his dominions
;
since
the
Indus,
Uie
laxanee,
and the Nils bad become
Macedonian rivers. It was a
question,
at
that time, of
greatimportance
to the whole civ-
iltxed
worU,
what were the
plans
now
floating
in the
hnagiosiion
of the
youtbfo)conqueror,
if
not
yet
reduced to a settled
parpose.
His character
and
past
achievements
natnraUy
excited
an expectation
of
enterprises
stillmore extraordinary.
None, perhaps,
not
absolutely
im-
praoticable,
could be
thought
too
great
for bis
amhition.or loo ardnous for bia adventimMis
spirit;
MHtie of those attrlbnced to him, however,
could
only
have been deemed
probable
by persons
who were
incapable
of
duly
esti-
mating
the
sagacity
and
prudence
which
gtii-
dad even his boldest
andertakings.
It was believed
by many
that he
designed
to oircnm-
navigate
Arabia to (he head of the Red
Sea,
and afterward Africa
;
then,entering
the Mod-
itsmnean
by
the Pillars of Hercules,to
spread
theterMTof krismiie
along
Its
wvetemahorw,
and
dntUy
to
explore
the uortbem
extremily
of the
LakeMwotiBfOMd,
if
posaiUe,
discover a
passage
Into the
Caspian
Sea. TbsM
reports
were not
ahogetber
wUkoat " visible
Ifaiinda-
tlon
: they
seem to have arisen ont of IheHin)-
|ds
fact that Alexander, "n bis retnm from In- dia,
prepaid
to
equip
a fleet on the
Gopliraies,
and sent ordara to Pbcenioia foTTeseels tabe
built there snd
transported
to
Tbapaaena
;
thence to felldown the river to
Babylon,
where
B'hatbmrwas tobe fermed
capable
of containing
leoo
galleys
of war. That a
great
urma-
ment, tbe^fore, was to be ocdleeted for some
operations
'lAich w"r" to begin
in the Persiair
Onlf,was
"uOeieMly
oertain
;
and AiexaiKler
atoo
gave proofe
that hie views were direeted
towird
Arabia,
(or he sent three expeditions to
survey
its
eoaatsrflrst, a
vessel under the command
of
Arehias,
the
companion
of
Nearohus,
who, however.did not even venture to cross
over to the Arabian side of the Persinn
Gulf,
but
slopped
short at one of the islands. An-
drostbenes,
who was
afterward sent ont with
another vessel,did a littlemore " he sailed for
a short
distance-along
the coast. The boldest
of the adventnrt^rs was a Cilioian named Iliero,
who advanced much farther in the same direction;
but his
courage
and
perseverance
were
at
length
overcome
by
tbe vast range
of the
coast,
which exceedfd all his expeolalions ;
and. on his
return, he
reported
that Arabia was
nearly
as
large
as India. Yet it would
seem,
from Arrtan's
account,
that even he bad not
doubled the
cape
seen by
Nearcluu.
SM HISTORY OF GREECE.
It can
hanllj
be
Buppoeed
that Alexander
had resolTed to
atlempt
the
conquest
of Ara- bia
while he was conscious that he knew so
littleabout Ihe nature aod extent af the ceun-
trj.eapeciall)'
as the inrormation
whicji he
might
obtain
as to the intenor cannot hare
been
encouraging.
But it is not the less
probable
that
discoveiy
and
conquest
in this
quarter
were the
objects
which henceforth, to his
death,chiefiyoccupied
hia
tbcughta;
for the
spirit
of
discovery
was here stiuiulated
by
a
clear
prospect ofgreatadrantages
to be derived
ttom a mariiime cnminunication between
E)(ypt
and India. To ascertain whether it was
possible
to
open one,
and to secure it,
ifnot
by
conquests,
at least
by
colonies
planted
on (he Ara- bian
coast, was, a
designcertainly
suited to
Alexander's
genius,
and
worthy
of his ambition
:
and this
appears
to have been the first
destination of the new arcnanient. That
another
expedition
to India had
presented
iiselfto
his mind is
implied
in this
supposition,
but that
itwas ihe immediate
object
of his
preparations
we find no reason to believe. On
any
other
projects
which he
may
have
entertained,
it
would be stillmore idle to
speculate.
For
some time after his
return,
his attention
was
engrossedby
differentcares. From
every
side be continued to receive fresh
complaints
of the excesses committed
by
his
satraps
and
other officers
during
his
absence,
and fresh
proofs
that
many
of them aimed
at
eatablishing
an
independentaulhoritj.
The
indignation
of
Ihe
peoplewas
especially provokedby
the
spoliation
of the sacred
buildings.
It is
probable,
that in almost
every case,
such
outrages
on the
national
feelings proceeded
from Ihe reckless
cupidity
of the
Macedonians,iJioogh
the native
governors may
have abused (heir
powers
as
giDBsly
in other matters. Not
unfrequenlly,
perhaps,they
had connived at the iniscondact
of the Macedonian officersunder their command,
as we
may suapecl
to have been the case
with Oriinea and (he above-mentioned
Polym-
achus,who is described aa a man of
high
rank.
So
Abutites,the
satrap
of
Susa,
and bis son
Oxathres,were
put
to death,itis
said,
for
neglect
of
duly;
it would seem too
hastily,
for
Alexander ran Oxathres
through
the
body
with
bis own sarissa
: but il was the Macedonian
Ueraco who had
plundered
the
temple
at Susa,
Such
proceedings
ntay
have been the main cause
of an insurrection which had broken out in Me- dia,
but was
suppressed hy
the
satrap
Alro-
nttes,
who
brought
its
author,
a Median named
Baryaxes,
and several of his
partisaîB,
to Ps-
sargads,
where
they
suQered death,
Baryaxes
bad assumed the erect
cidaris,
and the titleof
King
of tbe Medes and
Persians, a
step
to which
he was
pnAiablyencoaiagedby
the
popidardis-
content which had been esdted l^the extortion
and JBSolenoe of the
atrangera.
Alexan- der
was stillmore
deeply
wounded
by
another
example
of
disloyalty,
which waa
aggravatedby
foul
ingratitude, and led to
Important
conse-
Wo have
seen,
Uiat before he came to the
throne, some of his friends had been banished
from Macedonia because
they
had taken
Bide in his
quarrel
with hia futher,*
Among
them
waa
Hanmliis.
All were afterward
warded with
highpromotion;Harpalus,
whose
frame was not
sufficiently
rcbnst for
militarr
vice,was intnisted with the office of treas-
r. Yet, a littlebefore the battle of
Issdb.
had Hed to
Greece,having,
no douht, been
guilty
of embezzlement. But even
thisol^Dce
did not
deprive
him of the
king's
favour. Al- exander
not
only
induced him to return
by
a
promise
of
pardon,
but afterward restored him
"-
the trust which he had so
flagrantly abused,
d,on the death of
Mazteus,
raised him to one
of the most
importantposts
in the
empire,
the
Babyloniansatrapy.
The
man,
probably,
beside
the douhtfnl merit of his
earlyservicea.
possessed
some
pleasing
talents which won his
9ter's
partiality
;
and Alexander committed
greater
mistake in this choice tiian in tbe
appointment
of the
Egyptian satrap
Cleome-
Harpalus
was not more
greedy
than lavish
of
money;
and, as the
king's
return from the
far East
grew
more and more
hopeless,
be
threw off all
restraints,
treated (he revenues ot
his rich
province
and all he could
exact
from it
'
s
own,
and
squandered
them in a
loxory
which seems lo have rivalled that of the Per- sian
kings.
We read of Gsh
brought
from the
Persian Gulf for his
(able,*
and of his
atrugiclea
with natnre to fillhia
gardens
at
Babylon
with
exotic
plants.lThese,however,
were his
most
innocent
ideasures.
The
Babylonianswere
forced to Bunender their wives and children to
his boundless
lust,
which
he,
moreover,
in^
dulged
with a
peculiar
kind of
capricious
ostentation.
He sent for
Pylhiooice,
(he most ceU
ehrated of the Athenian
courtesans,
and caused
her to be received at
Babylon
with
royal
honours,
and,
after her
death,erected two mou- lts
to her
memory,
one at
Babylon,
the
other in
Attica,
at a cost of SOO
lalenlst " the
Babylonian
monument in the form of a
temple,
where he ordered her to be
honoured,
under the
title of her
patron goddess,
with sacred rites-
"
r SQCoessor, Olycera,
a native of
Athens,
treated with no less
extravagant
homage,
lodged
her in the
roya]palace
at
Taraus,
dedicated
a bronze statse to her in
Syria by
Ihe
"f hia
own,
and in a
place
where be was
t to erect one of Alexander
himself,
and
forced the
people
to salute her as a
queen.
For
.
her
sake,
and
probably,
likewise, with an
eye
to the need he
might
have of Athenian
protection
in a reverse of
fortune,
he sent a
large
present
of com to the
Athenisns,
who
requited
It with their franchise. An account of these
proceedings
was sent to Alexander
by
the historian
TheopompuB,
in
a letter of which aome
fragments
have been
preserved;f
but Alexan- der
bad
probably
received eartier information
of them from other
quarters.
When
Harpalus
beard of the
king's
safe
return,
and of the severity
with which be had
punished
similar offences,
he
despaired
of
forgiveness,
seized all
ttie
treasure he contd
collect,
which amounttHl to
eOOO
taleuts,
took SOOO n
....
pay,
and, flying
to :
', 'F.t
Ifjwptj
'AAifofJiio"
(VHrrsJfl.
II letlflr ttbodlo t work dt
Thsopompai
It ildifllcalt
u",GoqjflotQr^
C.tn"olc
THE GREEK MERCENARIES." THE NUPTIALS. 869
0 AlhenB, 9 forced,indeed,
oAer
a time, as we shall
see,
to
quiL
the
city;
but
be
stayed
lliere
longenougb,
and was
sufficiently
well
received,
to eicite bitter reseiitmenl in
Alexander's mind
against
the Aibeniana. The
king's
confidence in
Harpalus
was so
strong
te
tbe
last,
that he
imprisonedEphialtes
and CiS'
BUS,
who
brought
the news of his
Bigbl,
as
guilty
of
calumny.*
It was
neoessary
not only
to soothe the
people
by
tbe
punishment
of such oflences,but,
if
possible,
to
prevent
tbeir recurrence. Itseems
to have been for this end that Alexander aent
orders to all bis Asiatic
satraps
to dismiss the
Greek mercenaries whom
they
bad taken into
their
serrice,
in whotn
theyprobably
found their
most willing
inatrumeals for
every
act of violence,
as well aa
encouragement
to
hope
for impunity.
Thai Alexander
really
ieaued this order,
cannot be
doubted,
as we shall hare occasion
hereafter to observe some effects which
resulted from it. It caanot. however,
have been
his intentionto allow these adventurers to roam
at
large
over Asia,
where
tbeymight
be
expected
not
only
to commit nuniberiess disorders, but,
hkewise,
to lend Iheir aid to
every attempt
that
might
be made
against
his
government,
and to
boM out a constant
temptation
to tbe disaffected.
We
have,therefore,
in the case itself, confirmation
of a statement,
otherwise
not resting
on
very highauthority,
that he
designed
to
plant
colonies in Persia with these disbanded
troops-t
The
plan,
indeed,
if It was formed,
aeems to
have
failed,
at least as to tbe
greater
number.
The Greek soldiers, so
long
as
they
could find
employment,were, perhaps,
seldom inclined to
exchange
their
military
habits for
peaceful
occupations,
and, at least,were generaUy
averse
from the
thought
of a settlement so far from
tbeir native land
;
as had been
alreadyproved
by
the
example
of those who had been left in
Bactria,who, not
longafter,
rose
against
the
satrap,
seized tUe citadel of Bactria,
drew a
part
of the natives into theirrevolt and set out in a
body
for
Europe. This, however, only
shows
that there was a
difficulty
to be overcome.
The
project
attributed
by
Fausauiaa to Alexander
is not the less in
perfect harmony
with his
general
policy,
and
appears,
in
fact,as we shall
aee,
to have been
partly
carried into eSecl.
But such
precautions
as these were
barely
sufficient to maintain
tmnquillity
for the
present
;
much more was
needed for the future.
All that he had observed aince hia return
appears
to have
strengthened
his
previous
conviction,
that his
empire,
to be
permanent,
must be
ealablished on a new basis. And at 8usa he
began
a series of
measures, tending,
in their
remote
consequences,
to unite the
conqueror?
with the
conquered,
so as to form a new
people
out of
both,and,
in their immediate
efieots, to
raise a new force,independent
alike of Mace- donian
and of Peraian
prejudices,
and
entirely
subservient to tiisends. The first of t'
measures was a
great
festival,
in which
he, at
the same time,
celebrated bis own
nuptials
with
Stalira, the eldest
daughter
of Darius
(who
it
seema,
took the name of
Arainoet),
and thoee
t
Fkiii!.
i..U,
i, 'Axiuni tfic Itr^t UifvltajiAf-
i Thii it
DruyunîooDjecturs, wîcb Hcma htqipilj
of hia
principal
oSScers with Persian and Me-
ladies of the noblest families. We find
an
lation that some address was needed before
the
preliminaries
could be
arranged;"
and
this,
from the known
tamper
and views of tho
Macedonian
generals,
we can
easily
believe.
Tbe
king'sexample had,no doubt,the
greatest
~ ~
iglit
in
overcoming
the aversion which
they
St have feltto such an alliance. The liberality
with which he
portioned
their brides
oot
of his treasure also had its eflect
;
and their
pride
was flattered
by
the condescension vrith
which he
placed
them on a level with himseir
in the
ceremony. Hephttstion
received the
hand of
Drypetis,
Statira's sister : itwas Alex- ander's
express
wish that bis friend's children
should be related to hia own. Cratems was
wedded to Amaetris. a niece of Darius
;
Per-
diccas to a
daughter
of the
satrap Atropatea;
Ptolemy
and Eumenes to two
daughters
of Ar-
tabams. For Nearchus Alexander chose the
daughter
of Mentor
by Barsine,a mark of dw-
tinguished favour,
since he himself had admitted
the mother to bis
bed,
and
already
had
a
son
byher,
on whom he had bestowed the name
of Hercules,
and who afterward became a competitor
fur the throna. To Selencos he
gave
a
daughter
of the Baclrian chief
Spitamenea.
These are the
only
names recorded
by Arrian,
but the whole number of the officers who followed
the
king'sexample
amounted to
nearly
a
hundred. It was not less
important
for his object
(bat above
10,000
of the
private
Macedoni- ans
had either
already
formed a connexion, or
were now
induced to enter into
one,
with Asi- atic
women.
To render it solemn and
binding,
a listwas taken of their
names,
and a
marriage
portion
was
granted
to each.
The wealth of Asia and the arta of Greece
were
combined to adorn the
spectacle
with a
splendour
and
beautyworthy
of the occasion.
A
gorgeous
pavilion
was erected,probably
on
a
plain
near the
city,capable
of
containing
not
oiily the bridal
party,
but the
guests
whom the
king
bad invited to the
baaquet.t
It was
supported
by pillars sixty
feet
high,glittering
with
gold,silver,
and
preciousstones,
and was
hung
and
spread
with the richest tissues.
Ninety-
two chambers, magnificently Ibmished, were
annexed to the
building
;
and an outer court
appears
to have been enclosed
by
a
paititiou,
likewise
hung
with
costlytapestry,
for the re-
V,
Co
Ogle
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"eption
of the
10,000 newly-marriedsoldiera,
each of whom rei"ived a
golden
Teuel for his
libation,
and of the
alningen
who bad been
drawn
by
btuineaa or
curioaitf
to the court.
In
the
foregroundwithout,tabiea were
spread
for
the rest of the immenBe multitude. The
nuptials
were stêmmied
according
to Persian
usage.
A
separate
seat was assigned
to each
pair
:
all were
ranged
in a
senucircle to the
Tight
and ieft of the
royal
throne. When the
last Itlmtion bad been annoanced
by
a flourish
of
tmmpeta
to the midtttnde
without,
the brides
entered the
iMnquet-hall
and took their
placea.
The
king
first
gave
hie hand to Statira,and sainted
ber as his consort
;
and his
example
was
foHowed
by
the rest. This,
it
eeems. completed
the
nnptiatoeremony.
The festivities lasted
five
days,
which were filled
up
wilti a variety
of entertainments
; among
the rest,
musical
"nd dramatic
performances
of Greek
artists,
and feats- of Indian
juggleia.*
Alexander's
snhjeota
from all
parts
of the
empire
vied with
each other in the
magnificence
of their offer- ings
to the
king
;
and ttie value of the crowns
which ha received on this nccaaion is said to
have antotmied to
10,000
talents.
We
may
here mention another
spectacle
which was exhibited at
Sosa, probably
soon
after the
king'sarrival,not less to the aston-
ialuiMnt of the natives than of the Greeks,
lite Indian
philosopher
Calanus had
aceompa-
nied the
army
thus far.t He had become a
Ikvonrile with
Alexander,
and with several of
his offieen
;
was
frequentlys
guest
at ttie
royaltable,and sometimes even offered
political
advice to the
king.]:
On the road to Susa,
he was visitedfor tbe first
tune, at the
age
of
eeventj-three,
with
eymptonu
of disease. He
diadained,aa
pertiaiM
Ptato would hare done.
Ut anbmit to the nse of medidiie and
ohange
"f diet far the Mke of "
few more
yean
of
"ioUy
Ufe
;
and
TMOlved,
wUle hi* mind was
"tiD dear and his
ipiiitnnhnken,
to
drop
his
mortal
load,
and aMend to a highersphere.
Ke wished to eolemiuie Uiia hia last act ac-
eording
to the ooMom of hia
oonntry,
md re~
quested
the
king
to direct a ftineral
jrile
to be
prepared
fbr him. Alexander endeavonred in
vain to divert him from his
porpose,
and at
last otdered
Pttdemy to make the
necessary
anangements.
When all was
ready,a
mili-
taiy piocetaioa. accompaniedby
the
elephants,
led the
way.
Vessels of
gold
and silver,royal
vestments,
and
precious spices
" Alexander's
presents
to his
departing
friend " were carried
before him to be laid on the
pile,
which was
itself constructed of all manner
of odoriferous
woods.^
A horse of the
Nysnan
breed had
also been
brought
for him
;
but, accarding
to
some accounts,
he was unable to mount it,and
was borne in a litter,
crowned with a
chaplct,
and
singing
his Indian
hymns.
When be
reached the
place,
he distributed the
king's
presents among
the
persons
to whom he hod
been most attached,giving
the bone to
Ly-
simachus,
who bad been used to take
pleasure
in his
conversation,
took leave of bis friends,
and
requested
them to devote the rest of the
day
to convivial mirth. He then mnimted the
pile,
and
gravely
laid himself down in the
sight
of the whale
anny,
which was drawn
up
in a
circle round it, Alexander alone would not be
tempted by curiosity
to witness such an end
of one whom he loved. As soon as the torrh-
'ere
applied
to the
pile,
the
trumpets
sounded, the men raised the
battle-yell,
and
the
elephants
were made to
join
their
sharp
screech.
Every
eye
was
liled on Calanns. but
vas never seen to stir
again.
The funeral
followed,according
to ancient Greek
usage,
by
a horserace,
and
by gymnastic
and musical
contests. Bat his last
request
was
fulfilledin
a manner
which he could
scarcely
have wished,
and which does not
convey
a favourable idea
of Alexander's court. At the
banquet
which
closed the
day
the
king proponed
a
prize
for
the stoutest drinker. It need not be
supposed
that he himself
engaged
in tbe contest
;
but it
proved
almost
immediately
fatal to no less
than
forty-one
of the
competitors,
and Proma-
chns,
the
conqueror,
did not survive his triumph
more than three
days.
It must be confessed
that such a tribute to the
memory
of
Calamia was not more humane than a combat
of
gladiators ;
and,
after this well-attested
fact,
the Macedonians could not
jnsilycomplain
that
any wrong
was done to their character
bj
the
legend
of their drunken march
through
Car-
The
mrptial
featiTal waa a coneeasion
gained
fhnn the Macedonians in favour of the ancient
masters of Asia. It had not been
yielded
without reluctance
;
the
king'shberalily
and condescension, munrnm
were eiciled,
both in the mass
of the
army,
and
among
some of the
newly-marriedofficers,
by
the
preference
which had been
given
to the
Persian ceremonial.
Alexander,
who meditated
innoTations trtiich were
likely
to
give
still
Sreater
ofience to tbe Macedonians, now cn-
savourcd to conciliate them
by
another act
of
royalmunificence,
and
by
the distribution of
rewards to those who had
distinguished
themselves
in the late
expeditions.
He declared
his intention to
pay
the debts of
every
Mace- donian
in the
army ;
and dirrcted that all who
wished to share his
bounty
should
give
in their
names to be
registered.
The offer was at first
very coldlyreceived,
and awakened a suspicion
which indicated an unsound state of
feclmg,
though
it arose in
part
from a
reproving
conscience,
and
might
also be considered as occasioned
by
the incredible amount of the
proffer-
"
.SUM', .nihnriiy(V. H
,
ii., 411 d"i cd( Mm .uB-
DISCONTENT OP THE ARMY." 0PI8.
ed donntiTe. H was generally
believed that
the
king'sobject
was
chiefly
to
gain
infonna-
tioD as to tha state or their
privateaffairs, and,
ftom the debts which
the;
had
contracted,to
fbnn a
judgment
i^hich could not failto be often
unfavourable on the habits and character
of each.
Few, therefore,presented
theni'
selves to enter their names.
Aleluider,
as
soon as he discovered the cause of this
general
backwardness, reproved
them for their unworthy
distrust,
with the remark,
that it was no
more fit that
subjects
should
suspect
tbeir
king
of falsehood than that he should
practise
it
;
and
immediately
ordered tables to be set in
the
camp,
with
heaps
of
g"^d,
where each
might
receive the amount of his debts withont
registering
his name. Thia
generous
confidence
removed all doubts : men of all ranks
docked in with their claims
;
and the
secrecy
was felt as a
greater
favour than the relief.
We bear but of one case in which the
temptation
held out
by
it to fraud was abused. A
veteran named
Antigenea,
who had lost
an
eye
at the
siege
of Perinthns, came to one of
the counters with a man whom he bad induced
to act the
part
of a creditor. The
pretended
debt was
paid
;
but the collasion was soon after
detecMd,
and Alexander
indignantly
banished
Antigenes
from
court,
and
deprived
him
of his command. The shame was more than
the oOeuder could bear
;
and it became evident
that he would not
long
survive it To
prevent
a fatal
issue, wbii^ would have
damped
the
joy
of the
army,
Alexander restored the old
officer to Ma
rank,
and
penuitted
him to
keep
aO he had received.
Tko sum
expendedon this
largess
is said to
have been no lera than
20,000
talents, Aiez-
ander, at the same time,
ttestowed crowns of
gtdd
on several of his
principal officers,
among
whom ate loentioned
Peucestea,Leonnatus,
Nearchns,OneaiCTitus,
and
Mephnstion.
Other
rewards were conferred on a
great
Dumber of
peraons,
in
proportiofl to their rank and services.
But the
popalaiity
which the
king gainedby
these
meaaare* was Kwn to be
Mibjectedto a
hard trial
;
(or it was not
long
after that the
satrap*
who bad the
charge
of the Asiatic
youth
selected some
years
before to be
taught
the Oicek
lanEUage,
and to be trained to war
Bcoordingto
die Macedonian
system, came to
Suaa with a
body
of
30,000
young
soldiers formed
in these
schools,equipped
and armed in the
Hacedonian fashion. Alexander himself was
delighted
with their fine
persons
and martial
beanng,
and with the manner in which
they
executed
their
manicovres,
and
immediately
proceeded
to
incorporate
them with his
army.
The
in"ntry,
it
seems, was,
for the
present,kept
diatinct from the MacedoDian
troops;
but the
cavalry,
which was drawn from Bactria and
Sogdiana,
and other
easiern
provinces,
was admitted
into the aame ranks with the flower of
the Macedonian
nobility.
A filth division of
borae
was formed to receive them
;
and, at the
aame time,
several of the
young
Asiatic nobles
were eurolled in the
escort, a
body
hitherto selected
from the first families UC Macedonia.
These
changes
ronsed the
jealousy
and resentment
of the old
troops
in a much
higherdegree
than
any
of the
king'sprevious
acts. His
adop-
tioD of the dreaa and
usages
of the
conquered
I
Vot. II." K I
people
had
diapleBsed them, because it
indicated
a
purpose
which
they
disliked : the late
alltancea
created,perhaps,
atill
greater diacontent, because
Ib^
stillmore
cleariy
and
directly
tended
to the same
point.
But the new
organization
of the
army
was more than a
tendency;
it
was
not a mere indication, but the first
step
in tba
execution of the
purpose
which had alarmed
them; itwas a
beginning
of destruction to aU
the
privileges they
most valued.
Alexander,
it
was
plain,
wished to be considered
only
as
thiair
sovereign,
no
longer
as their
countiyman.
The muimurs of the
camp probably
did
not
escape
his
notice,
and
may
have induced him
to set out the earlier from
Susa, on a march
which, by
the new
occupation
it
afforded,would,
perhaps,
make the
army forget
ita
supposed
grievances.
He therefore ordered
Hephsstion
to lead the main
body
down to the
coast, \riiile
he
himself,
with the
hypasplsts,
and a flew
squadrons
of horse,embarked on board the fleetwhidi
Nearchua had
bmught
up
the Eulieus to Sun.
Having
fallen down the river as far as the cut
by
which it
is.
connected in the
upper part
of its
course with the
Tigris,
he leftthe vessels which
had suffered most from the
sea,
to enter the
Tigrisby
this
canal,
while with
ê
rest be
sailed down to the
mouth,
and
surveyed
the
coast of the Delta.
Then, again entering
tbs
Tigrisby
another
arm,
he sailed
up
towards the
place
of rendezvous which he had concerted
with
Hephnstion,and,
whea the whole
anna*
ment was once more imited,proceeded,by
slew
marchea,
to
Opts,
His attention on the
way
was
entirely
devoted to the stale of tiiestream
and the
adjacentdistricts;
and he
employed
his
troops
to remove the dikes or bunds
I7
which the ancient
kings
of Persia or
Assyiia
had obstructed the
navigation
;
whether, as he
wished to be believed,
for the
security
of tbeir
dominiona
against
inroada from the
aea, or,
a*
seems niora probable,
for other
purpoaea.
whicli
appeared
to him no
longer
to
require
them.
On bis arrival at Opis,be aaaemUed ths
Hacedonian*,
and
addressiug
them fnm a krfta-
stand,
where
he
was
surrounded
by
his
prino^
palofficsrs,
informed them thst be bad delei-
mined to release from service those
who, by
age
or wounda. had become unfit for the fiel^
and that
they
were at
liberty to return to their
bomes : that itshould be bis care to coake snidt
a provision
for their old
age
as should reodW
their conditioD
happy
and
honoured,
and should
induce others of their
countrymen
to encounter
like
hardships
and
dangers
bit the sake of liks
rewanls. The offer
may
have been made in a
spirit
of real kindneas and
generosity,
but it
was
interpreted by
the Macedonians
according
to the
impression
which bad been lell on them
by
the recent innovations.
They
viewed ic as
a
pretext by
which the
king sought
to rid himself
of veterans whom,
toilwom
aa
theynere^
he would have been
glad
to retain in his service
if he bad not wished to filltheir
places
with barbarian recruits. Tbis
tbougbt
was aa
a torch
applied
to their
pile
of
grievances,
and
kindled their
long-smouldering
resentment into
a blaze, A
cry spreadthrough
the ranks, and
was raised
by
several who stood
immediately
before the
Icing,
"
That he
might
disniiBs them
all,
and
go
(o war with the aid of the
god,
bis
father." It
was
evident
that,though
Uw out-
966
HISTORY OF 0REE:.C".
lH"ak was audden,
the movement bad been
long prepared
: tbat the
dispoiitioa
of the multitude
WBB
ripe
for Tiolence,
and that this tu- muli,
unleas
munediately auppresaed,might,
id
a fevr
momenta,
buret
every barrier,
and cause
irrepaiable
calamities. Alexander met this danger
with aa much
presence
of mind as all others
to which be was
ev^r
exposed.
He was
probably
a little
Btung by
their
taunts, and,perhaps,
hia
indignation
was roused
by
what be
may
bare considered an
ungrateful
return for his
kindness. Arrian thinks
that,
before he became
aooustomed to the
serTilitj
of the barbaiiaos,
be would have treated his Macedoaiatis m such
B ease mors
leniently.
Of this we can
hardly
judge,
as tbe occasion would nut have arisen
;
but. in bis actnal
situation,
the course which he
took was
probably
the
only
one
by
which he
could have averted the
danger,
without the
Menfice of bia will and the loss of his
authority.
He
iiutaiitly leapod
down from tbe
tribune,
followed
by
hw
officers,
and
poioting
to tbe men
whom be had observed moat active in the dts-
tnrbaaoe,
ordered his men to seizethem. Thir- teen
were arrested,
and led
away,
at bis oom-
mand, la immediate exeoation.
At ODce the
uproar
sank into
deep
silence
;
tbe
B}Hrit
of tbe multitude
quailed
before a
stronger
resoluiioo : the
mulioy
was already
cTuihed. It
only
remained to follow
up
the
blow and
secure the
victory.
Alexander re-
Buued his
station,
and
again
addressed the awe-
Bliuck crowd. The
speech
which Arrian has
pat
iau" his mouth for this occasion
may
not
improbably
represent
tbe substance of that
whicb he
really
delivered. It has been much
admired,
and
certainly
its
merit,aa a
piece
of
rbeturic,
is not the less because it cciifines itself
to
topics
on which be could dwell with a
dear
advantage,
avoids all notice of the
point
whicb was the
sole'ground
of
complaint,
and
givesa turn to the
language
of the mutineers
quiteforeign
to their
well-known seniiments.
He reminded them of the bsneUs which his
Ihtber and himself had confened
on
Macedonia,
and the terms in whicb he describes tbe state
from which
Philip
raised it involve a
complete
vindication of the
policy
of the Athenian
party
which resisted Uie
growth
of hia
power,
and oT
tbe
contempt
with which
they regardedhie
people.
He then
spoke
of hia
own
conquests,
of the
scanty
means with which he
began
hia
expedition,
and of the immense
change
it had
made in the forlunea of his followere
;
for allhe
had won was theirs : he had
conquered,not to
enrich
himself,
but them : for himself he reserved
nothing
but the
purple
and (he diadem.
So the
speech dexterously,
and not less
boldly,
assorts, as if
ihey
had been
expected
to believe
Ifaithia
treasury
had been drained
by
hia monif-
toence. He could mure
truly
claim the merit
of
greater personal
riaka and
sufTeringa
than
any
of thera
were able lo
allege,
which, if
they,
and not be, had been the
gainersby
his victories,
woukl
doubtless have been an
argument
of
some
weight. He, however, reminded them
more
pameulariy
of the
splendid
rewards
they
had received for their
nervices, and, finally,
he
bade them
go
and make it known at home that,
after a series of
triumphs
sueh as no
conqueror
had before
achieved,
Ihpy
hud abandoned their
king,
and had
consigned
him to the
guard
of the
barfaarianawhom he sobdoed.
"
Thia
coadact,"
he concludes,
with
emphaticirc"Vi
"
""Ji pev~
baps,
be honom^le in the
jodgment
of
men,
and
pious
in the
eye*
of the
gods. Away
1"
So
saying,
he
hastilyquitted
the
stand,
atieod-
ed
by
bia
great
officersand Ms
guard,
and shut
himself
up
in the
palace,*
where he
neglected
his
ordinaryrefreshments,and,
lor two
days,
refused lo admit even Lis most intimate friends
to hia
presence.
The Maeedoniane might,pMiuf^
have fonnd.
an answer to the
speech,thon^
w" roodi of it
was
indisputably true. The; might
have
pointed
out that itdid
oot at allafibottbe
juatioe
of
their
complaints,
which realsd on the
DhangB
that bad been made in their rdation to the conquered
races
;
and
that,
far fhun
wishing
to
leave their
king
in the hands of the
bartnnaas,
theyonly
felt
uienwelves
aggrieved
beeanse ba
had honoured and trusted tbe barbariana too
much.
But,
for whatever
might
have been said
in their behalf,they
had neither
spokesman
nor
hearer
;
and,
what rendered their oondition still
moro
desperate, they
had no leader.
Thej ro-
mained for some time where the
king
had left
tbem,
in silent consternation and
deep perplexity.
They
were a
bod;
without a head,
unable
either lo act or to deliberate. The
spirit
erf'resistance
had,
it
appear*,
been
entirely
broken
;
they
were
read;
to submit,
and
only
waited to
learn Alexander's intentions. He bad reeolved
In
try
their
obedience,
and to viudieale his own
majesty
to the utmost. On the third dur he
sent for the
principal
Persian officers,and declared
to them his
purpose
to be hereafter
served
by
Asiatic
troops
in the room of the
Macedouians
;
be
asaigned
lo thera their aam-
mands in the
arm;,
which wu to be
organized
on the Maoedonian
model,
and with Macedonian
names. Even the
royal
aaoorts of
tofknliy
nod
cavali;
were to be
oompoaed
wbolhr of Peraiana.
and he selected some
Peraian boUbb to reooive
the titleof bia kinsmen and the
privilege
ofkise-
ing
him.f
When these orden were
publtabed,
they
carried tbe
feelings
which
abread;prevailed
in ihe Macedonian
camp,
to the last eztrem-
iiy
of
anguish
and
dismay.
It seemed aa if the
kingwas in earnest,
and woold take tbem at
tbeii word
;
their own rashness had
brought
down
upon
them the evil whicA
they
di"aded.
No
hope
was led but in the
royaloleiDeDCj.
There needed no consultation,
and
scarcely
a
voice
loexpreastheuniveraalaentiment.
With
one consent
they
rushed to tbe
palace,
and threw
down their arms as
ensigns
of
supplication
before
tbe
galea,entreating
far admission, oAr-
ing
to surrender their evil counsellore and tboae
who had firstuttered tbe seditious cries
forpon-
iahment,
and
declaring
that
they
wotdd not
qniL
the
ttiresbtrid, day
or
night,
until Alexander to)A
compassion
on them.
"
Mr. Willi
ifhy af
incint Ant. p. "!} H-
"
,._
BttW hm bwn DO niT"f("IsBB,"
DltlHB u ofhr
lay froct
of hii UHition. WliDAar
wmB ft tnMurr tbor* it* (loeatianparfvctlr
iouBibto-'
Ofi Ihn
TF^tnld
but ni" Ihi DDfiiTtuiifttQ
ftU"nipt
U
"ftS"
Jt..3, 7] thU
ildac uri
Tin
bim tenia. Thii !" dh mn pnbilil
" aDtiMwiiirh Polynpui d"Beiib"t, perbua
wilh at
rouDdvurk ihsD i djaU"l*il vsouat of AlaiitDd"r
THE RECONCILIATION." ANTIPATEB.
SN
He had
now broagbt
them to the
degree
of
aabausBion nbich he
desired,
and itbecame aate
and seasonable to relent. We
may
be sare tbat
nothing
was farther from bis
thoughta
than to
lose Slush a
body
of
troops,
and to
endanger
the
peace
of Hacedonta
by
an
appearance
of complete
alienation
;
and
perhaps
the
experiment
would have been
impnident
if it had
exposed
him to such hazard. But be
might easily
foresee
the result
;
and, iadeed,
the success of his
first
step
showed tbat it rested with himself to
receive them
again
mio his
aervice,
whsoev-
"r he would,
upon
hia own cercos. Hta
prudence
was no less
oouspicuous
in the manner
of the reconciliation than hiafiimness had been
thnragbout
the
struggle.
It
appears
tbat be did
not let then remain
long
in the attitude of
suppliants,
but came out lo them, as
eager
to for-
^ve,
when be could no
longer
doubt the sinoer-
ily
of their
repenlanoe.
Their downcast looks
"Dd
pitiful
laDMntatioas drew tears " which a
Gieek
easily
shed " from hie own
eyes.
He
prepBFed
to
speak;
hut the sound of
wailing
and
entreaty
did not cease. At
length
a leteran
officer of tiffi
cavalry,
named
Callinea,
ventured
to rentark,
that the
thing
which
inogt
hurt the
MacedoDians
waa,
that the
king
had honoured
Persians with the titleof
kinsmen, and the
privilege
of tbe
kuw,
which no Macedonian bad ever
eqjoyed. Alexander, as if aS^cted
by
their
loyal
jraAousy,
declared that he should henceforth
loi^
npon
all of tbem as his
kinscnen.and
grant
tbeen the
privilege they
ao much coveted. Ac-
eordin^jy,
Callines and several others were
permitted
to kiss him
;
and the whole
body,
takins
np
their
arms,
returned with shouts of
joy
and
pKana
to tbe
camp.
To seal the reconciliation,
Alexander celebrated a
tbaolcagiving-sacrifice,
which was followed
by
a
haaquec.
at which he
entertained SOOO of bii"
troops,
selected for their
personal
rank and merits from the rival nations.
The HacedoDians took the
precedence,
and
were
placedimmediately
round the
king;
tbe
Persians were seated next
;
end then, ti
seems,
without
distinction, the
representatives
of the
ether races. The
religious
riles were directed
by
Greek
soothsayers
and
Magians ;
the
king
and those aroond htm drew their libations from
one bowl
;
and he
accompanied
them with a
prayer
for concord and
community
of
empire
between
the Macedonians and the Persians.
The
discharged
veterans, 10,000
in
number,
were
then dismissed with
every
token of
respect
uid allectioii. Each received a talent over i
ibove his
pay,
calculated to the time of hts
rival in Macedonia. Tbe children bom to th
of Asiatic women,"
Alexander took under his
own
charge
" to
prevent,
as he said,discord in
tbetr famibes "
promising
to train ^lem for soldier*,
and,
vrtien
they
had
grown Dp,
to lead
Aem to Macedonia himself And he hade them
consider it as tbe
atrongest proof
he could
give
of his
regard
for
them,
that be
appointed
Cra-
"tena, the friend who was dear to him as hii
'OWD life,
lo conduct them home. With Crate-
nu he had
joinedPolysperchon
as second in
command,
that do embarrassment
might
if
Craterus,
who was in iH
heahb,
should be detained
on
tite
road. It
was not, ttowever,
aim-
"JtSiS^HLSX]
K* (h*i
ply
for the sake of tbe veterans that Cratenn
was mtrusted with this commission. He bad
received other instructions of at least
equal
importance.
Hs was to
supersedeAntipater
in
the
government
of
Macedonia, and
Antipater
was to conduct the fresh levies to tbe
Sing.
Though
Arrian cautions his rcadera not to
rely
rriters wbo affect to disclose the
most ae-
counsels of
princes,
it can
hardly
be doubted
that
by
this time Alexander's conffdeuce in
Anlipater
bad
begun
to
giveway
to his mother's
continued
accueacions,
and to the
complaint*
which he received from other
persona
againat
the
regent.
If we
may
judge
from the
scaDly
counts
remaining
of
Anlipaler'a private
habita
id
sentiments,
ttiere
was reaaoa to think that
be
disapproved
of
many
of tbe
king'sproceed-
inge.
He is
reported
to liave
remarked,
when
he heard of Parmenio's death :
"
If
Patmento
conspiredagainstAlexander,
who is to be trust-
ed1 If
not,
what is to be dona V' And he
might
be
supposedto be no better satisfiedwith
tbe execution ofhis own son-in-law,
Alexander
the
Lyncestian.
He retained tbe old Macedo- nian
simplicity
in bis dress and manner of living,
to a
degree
which attracted
notice,by
its
contrast with tbe habits of the
age,
and which
must have
appeared
stillmore
slDgidar
when
compared
with tbe
splendour
of Alexander's
court.t The looms of ionia were
kept
in constant
activity
to
supplypurple
robes fortbe courtiers
;t while
Antipater
atill wore a
gament
adorned
only
with a
plain
white border. And
Alexander is said to have observed,
when this
mentioned to bim, tbat,thoughAnlipaler'a.
outaitle was so
homely,
he was all
purple
witlk^
That there was a real foundation for ikS'
ilingopinion
that the
regent
had sunk in-
ibe
hmg's favour,seems clear from tbe bet
that he sent bis son Cassander tu court U defend
his conduct
;
and if
appears
that he bad
also entered into a secret treaty
with tk" iElo-
ins.il
Alexander's attention had also bae*
drawn,
of late,towards the slate of
Greece,
uid
partie-
ulariy
towards Athens,
Nothing had occuired
there that could
fairly
be
inteniieted
as a
sign
of defiance or bostdity;
bat it
aeems
that thia
-
resentment,
kindled
by
the
Hi^
of Harpalns,
-
turned Itself
against
the
peofde anug
whanv
the
IHigitive
had
taught slxAar,
and'that bo
meditêd
a
signalrevenge.
It
may easily
be
conceived tbat be was atill more impatient^
of
every ^pearance
of
oppositiaa
from the
Greeks than from his Maoedoniana, and he
bad
adopted
two
measures,
which left no doiM
as to the
footing
on which the Greeks
wen
henceforth to consider themaelvee aa
standing
with
respect
to
him,
and were oalonialod to
._j .- _ii " :-. ._
Ljg
authority.
oonnt of the
reception
wUoh tbeae
meaaDre*
met with in Greece for a
mibeequent(AapMrj
but
they
must be mentioned
here,
as thej
throw
light
on Alexaader'edianaterand viewa.
One was a
decree,pnbllehedat
the
(Hyinpie
games
(B.C.334),by
which be enjoined
that
allthe exilea who bad been forced to
quit
their
1 Attum.,HI., p.
",
F.
t Pint,,R. "( 1..Ap.. AleL,
IT.
i"L,n.
MO HISTORY OF GREECE.
bHueB for
any
otbei ofTence tban
aacrilege
and
mnrder should be
pennitted
lo return. This
measure was
manifestlydesigned
for the benefit
of that numerous cJass
ofpersons
who had
beea defeated in the
struggles
of the Ureek
Ciea,
and banished
by
their adversaries.
It return would have established the
predominance
of the Macedonian interest in
every
Greek
city
almost as
effectually
as a Macedo-
nian
garrison.
It waa a eirnke of
policy;
the
Klicy
of an
enemy,
who wished to diiide,
that
might
rule. But the other measure looks
more like the act of a
despot,
who would degrade
a
conqueredpeople
that he
might
tram-
[de.upon
them. It was a
requisition,
sent
'
round to the
principal
states of
Greece,
de- manding
divine honours for Alexander, It is
tme that auch
things
were no
longer
looked at
by
the Greeks so
seriously
as
they
bad once
been : there had also been instances in which
bonoura of this kind had been
paid
to
persons
much inferior to Aleiaoder in
dignity
and
power,
as to
Lyaander
;
it
was,
indeed,no more
than
Harpalus
had
exacted,
though
not Irom
Greeks,
for his deceased mistress.
Possibly,
too,
Alexander's
envoys may
have ventured to
allege
the
example
of the Macedonians
;
and
Yeiy probably
be
expected
that the reiuctance
of the Macedonians
might
be softened
by
the
acquiescence
of the Greeks. This last
supposition,
thoogfa
it could
not alter tbe character
of the
measure in tbe
eyes
of those to whom it
was
dictated,
would
certainly present
it in a
lesa odious
light
to na*
After the
departure
of
Craterus,
Alexander
iet out for Ecbatana. The
state of the treasure
and the
country,
which had been so
long
in anch hands as those of Oleander and Sital-
ees,
demanded his attention. It was also a
point
where he might
coUect
information,
and
concert
meaaures,
Wlh
regard
to the
regions
which bounded hie dominiona on the north
along
the coasts of the
CaspianSea,
concerning
which hia
knowledge
waa bitherto
very
im-
pêct.
But no donbt one ofhis main
objects
Tas to
grati^
the Medians
by
a residence of
"ome months in their
splendidcapital,
one of
the
proudeat
citiesof the ancient
world,where
hia Persian
predeceasora
had been used to hold
their court
duringa
part
of the
year.
Their
sojoDm
had been a burdensome honour to their
aubjecta;
for the host which
they brought
with
them waa to be
snpporied
at the
oipcoae
of
tbs
country.!
Alexander's
preaence
was ev-
*
DroTHB {Al.,
f.
SU) (lutnnulr nadicmUa the
polic;
dnLpandiaa tliano Ian procuiooi uitunpiiiin
ihml ihe
tWkH of Iht ordar on thv Gr"flî wu likelj
lo be thii of
Hut tl" "liii|"vtiw2i itmlly
uciEfld
partnk
much own
id sither indiaiwiioD or
eonunpt.
t A loUnSljloma nmini of ths wn)(1it of itiebarisn
lUT bs tgmml rnn the lift,giisn br Fcdjnaiu (it.,1,ail,
af Uh pnnuiau
ited^
maannl
b^
Ihi
gnu king'i
hmu'
hold. The liltPToft" * to hbra Wrn copiad
triim n hn-
"t4 cohmm which Aleiandvr fouM in " tmt h]*co. At
" nMciraaa."n (lar loliea llittit hwluM 400
thecp,
MO
- " "-- - --
g"",
aiopi.
ir'bii"bim"""""
"""'
If mi owa ub-
mockiitktl
erywhere
felt as a
blessing.
In hia
progreaa
through
Media he viewed the
pastures, celebrated,
it
seems,
under the name of the
NysK-
an
plam,
for the number and excellence of the
horses bred in them. The number had
amounted
to 150,000
;
but,throu^
a series of
depredations,
which mark Che disordered
state of
the
province,
it had been reduced
by nearly
two thirds. Here he was met
by Atropates,
the
satrap
of the northwest
part
of
Media, who,
it
seems,
entertained him with a
masquerade
"r a hundred
women,
mounted,
and
equipped
with hatcbeta and short
bucklers,accordingto
the
popular
notion of the Amaxons. Sucb is
Arrian'a
conjecture.
The
fact,whatever it
may
have
been,
gave
rise to a
stoiy
that Alex- ander
here received an
embassy
from the
queen
of the Amazons,
and
promissd
to
pay
her a
visit. There were several other
objectson
this road to attract hia attention in a
leisurely
march : a Bteotian
colonyplantedby Xerxea,
which stillretained a
partial
use of tbe Greek
language,
and the
garden
and
monuments of
Bagbistane,
which traditionaacribed to Semir-
At
Ecbatana,
after he bad
despatcbed
the
most
important
business which awaited him
there, be solemniied the eulumnal featiral of
DioDysua
with
extraordinarymagnifioenee.
The
city
waa crowded with
strangers
who
came to witness the
apectade:
and 3000 artists
are said to have been assembled from
Greece to bear a
part
in it. The
aatrap
Atro- pates
feasted the whole
army ;
and the Mace- donian
officers seem lo have vied with each
other in
courtly
arts.
They put proclamatiooa
into the months of tbe
heralds,breathing,
it is
said,a strain of
flattery,
snch as had
acaroely
been heard
by
tbe Peraiau
kinga.*
One of
these,
which was
preserved
aa a
apedmen
of
insolent
servility ,f but is more remark^le
as
an indication of Alexander's
aontimenta,was
made
by Gorgus,
tbe master of the
armory,
who
presented
him with a crown worth 30O0
gold pieces,
and undertook to furnish
10,000
complete
suits of
armour,
and as
many
mia-
silea of
every
son
proper
for the attack of a
town,
whenever he should
laysiege
to Athens.
Among
the theatrical exhibitions there was
one which, through
the
singularity
of the aub-
'
has
been,
in
part,preserved
from tbeoblir-
n which the rest, with numberless better
things,
have been lost. It was a littledrama
of the satirical classientitletl
Agen,
the
work,
IS was
generallybelieved,
of one
Python,poa-
libly
the
fiyiantian, Philip'ssecretary :t but
there waa alau a
singularreport,
that it
was
written
by
Aiexaoder himaelf. If he did not
even
suggest
the
subject, or
any
of the
scenes,
the
passages
which have been
preaervedwere
certainlydeaigned
to
gratify
hia
feelings.^
BaUimfa.
Allrti-
"" *'
t Aihanaui oMm him Gnt (iiii.,n)h Kmralx, lad
(lêmnl (o."8} i K- 3 I
Bnyftritc.
Osa mighl be in-
hibilidduring Ihs
Diunrimoilabruad on
Ihabanka of tha
Hâap"a.
Sol aa itia oiuin that ihi llis)"i of ItarjMlu
did noL taka
plira bnfiirnAlaxinder'a mtnia fr^tn fiidia,
wonldrvad
XsoffnarorT^nva, vrdanpiHaaalka Afva
ia
haia baaD
patfonnadat Sua.
BpaciolH
"
"'"- '" '
THE AGEN." MOURNING FOR HEPHAJSTION.
S61
Hey
alliidfl to the
flight
of
Harpalus,
who is
i
among
the
customary signs
of a
generalidouth-
meoUoned both
hy
his own
name,
and
by
a
ing
on the death of the Persian
kings;
and it
nickname
significant
of hia moat notorious is certain that he directed one to be observed
throughout
his Asiatic dominions. He also
commanded
that,as was aaual on the same occasions,
the sacred fire should be
quenched
in
all the Persian sanctuariea until the funeral
"was over. For this
preparations
were made
on a
scale of more than
roya!magnificence.
He ordered Perdicoaa to
convey
the
corpse
to
Babylon,
where a
pile
was to be built at the ex-
peose
of
10,000 talents,
and funeral
games,
gymnastic
and
musical,were to be celebrated
with a
splendour
never before witnessed
;
for
which
purpose
all the artists assembled at Ec-
batana were to
repair
to the
capital.
The
courtiers,especially
those who
might
be suspected
to entertain
very
different
feelings,
en-
.
deavoured to
prove
their
sympathy
with the
kingby extraordinary
tokens of veneration for
the
departed
favourite.
Euraenes.
who had
lately
had a violent
quarrel
with
him, which
was
onlycomposed by
the
royalanlhority,
dexterously
set the
example,
and dedicated himself
and his arms to the deceased
; perhaps
an- ticipating
Alexander's wish that
Hephnstion
should receive sacred hononre. He was anxious
that this should be done nnder the sanctimi
of
religiousauthority,
and therefore
sent to
consnil the oracle of Ammon on the
queotion,
whether
Hephsstion
should be
worslîppedu
a hero or a
god.
In the mean
while,
itis
said,
he ordered the sound of music to cea"e
In the
camp.
The division of the
cavalry
wtiich had
t"een commanded
by Hephnstion
was to retain
his
name,
and the officer to whom it was committed
was to be
regardedonly
aa his lieutenant.'
These fantastic
cares,
however,
served but
to oherish his
melancholy,
and his officers en-
deavoared to divert him
by
some fitter
occupation,
which
might
draw him from
Ecbatana,
whera he was
constantly
reminded of his be- reavement.
He at
lengthbegan
to rouse himself,
and
complied
with their wishes. An object
opportunelypresenteditself, which called
him
again
into
action,
and in the manner moat
suited to the
present temper
of hia soul. The
Cossteans,
who inhabited the
highlands
on the
confines of Media and
Persia,were stillun- subdued
;
and, relying
on their mountain
strongholds,
continued,
from thne to
Eime,
to make
predatory
inroads on their
neighbours.Though
it was now the
depth
of
winter,
Alexander set
oDt to
punish
and
quell
them. He divided his
forces into two
columns,
and
gave
the command
of one 10
Ptolemy.
The obstacles
opposed
by
the
country
and the season were such
as he was used to overcome ;
tlis bnrbariana
could dn littleto bar his
progress.
They were
hunted,
like wild
beasts,
into their
lairs,and
every
man
taken
capable
of
bearing
arms waa
put
to the award. It was a sacrifice to the
shade of
Hephnstion,
in which Alexander
mi^t see another resemblanoe
to Achdlsa.
,
It which he had erected
at
Babylon
in honour of
Pythionice,
and tdKhe
largess
of com
by
which he had obtained the
Athenian franchise. The wretched state of
Athens, as if it needed snch benefactions, is
descnbed in a tone of bitter
sarcasm,
which
passes
into that of earnest
hostility,
when one
of the
speakers
otwervea that the com
Glycera's,
but
might perhaps
prove
a
pledge
of
friendship
to those who had rect
it,t There can be no doubt that la these words
the
poet
meant to
speak
Alexander's n
Bat the festival
was
interrupted by
an (
which Alexander felt as Che
greatestcalamity
of his life,
Hephtestion
had been
attacked,
some
days before,by
a
fever,
which at firstdid
not show
any alarmingsymptoms. Trusting
to bia
youth,
and his
stroi^ constitution,
he
had,
it
appears, neglected
the directions of his
phy-
nciaa, and
by
his
imprudence
so inflamed the
disease that it
carrW
him
suddenly
off It
was a
day
which
was to have been devoted to
the
gymnastic
exercises of the
boys,
Alexan- der
was
witnessing
a
footrace,
when a
message
was
brought
to him that
Hephastion
was worse.
He
instantly
hurried to bis frieud'e bedside, but
before he arrived
HepbKstion
had
expired,
Alexander's
grief,though not imbittered
hy
Belf-reproBcb, was
passionate
and violent as
that miicb he showed at the death of CUtus.
TTiere is no evidence that
Hephastion posaeas-
ed
any qualities
that deserved the
preference
with which Alexander
distinguished
him
;
and,
indeed,
there are intimations
that,even in Al- exander's
judgment,
his chief merit was the
devotion and
obsequiousneas
with which he requited
his master's
partiality, t Perhaps,
ifthe
attachment had been
more considerately
formed,
the loss would have been less
keenly
felt
After the first
transports
of
anguish
had subsided,
Alexander
sought
consolation in the extravagant
honours which he
paid
to his
deparied
"vourite,
and in the vain semblance of
grief,
which he forced all
persons
and
things
around
him to
put
on.
We
may
refuse,
with
Arrian,
believe that he was so barbarons and frantic
to
put
the Innoeent
physician
to
death,
and
pall
down the
temple
of
Esculaptus,
if there
was
one,
at Ecbatana. But there is no n
why
we should
question
Plutarch's statei
that he ordered the horses and mules to be
shorn,
and the town-walls to be dismantled
of their
batUements,^
These were
probably
t 'Karlr f (".
Ibi sinihel
^XoXitinilDic
(Ftisih!to Aleuodci) ;
it imihi
lodii,AJeiuHler
ihftrply
rabrthtd Hvphtfarioo,HTiiff
iir
BUI bs mild if h" *"" not ftwtrt thai wiihoat Af^judir
bt vdhU bs Dathhi^,
. ... , 1
o" with the nlDort
cotil"Bip",
pariMjnfirrgettiDf
HISTORY OP GREECE.
He then crossed the
mountains,and,coming
down
upon
the
Tigris,
took the direct road to
Babylon.
At tbe distance of some
Aaya'
maich from
Ihe
city,
he was met
by presages
of
impending
cvlamity,Adeputation
orthe CtialdKan
priests
came to the
camp,
and
requested
a
private
an-
dience.
in which
they
infonned him that their
god
Belus had revealed to them that some danger
threatened him ir ho should st that time
enter Ba}"y!an.
Alexander is said to have replied
with a verse of
Euripides, el^ressing
dis- belief
in divination. But it is certain that the
warning
sank
deep
into bis mind. The state
of his
feelings
was
apt
for
gloomy forebodings;
and there was a
strange harmony
between Ihe
words of the Chaldgeana,
and an intimation
which be had
lately
receired from a Greek
soothsayer
named
Peithagoras.
Peilhasoras
had been
requestedby
bis brother
Apollodorus
" who bad commanded the
troops
lelt at Bab-
yloD
with
MazKUs,
and
though
he had accompanied
the
king
to
Ecbatana,
did not feel
secure
of his favour" to
discover,
ifhe conld.
through
hia
art,
whether the
general
had
anything
to
fear either from Alexander or
Hephsstion.
Ac
answer came from
Babylon that, as to He-
phtestion,
he was safe
:
the victims showed
that the favourite wouJd soon be out of their
way ;
and the next
day Hephestion
died.
Shortlyafter,a like
prediction
came with regard
to Alexander
himself;
and
Apollodorus
was
loyal
or
prudentenough
to disclose it tc
the
kiiig,
who commended him for his
open-
neM, A still more marvellous
story
silerward
found credit
;
that
Calanus,just
before hia
death,had declined to take leave of
Alexander,
B^m^
that he ahould soon meet him at
Baby- lon.
Still, tbe
prieats
found that
they
could
not
induce the
kingto give
up
bis iDlention of vis- iting
ibe
oapitai
of bia
empire,
where
many
im-
Cut
affiurs were to be
transacted,
and em-
ies from remote
parts
of the world
were
awaiting
his arrival.
They
then
urged
him at
leaat not to enter the
city
in the direction in
whioh he wu then
inarching,by
the eastern
gate, so as to have his face turned towards the
oarit west
;
but to isake a circuit,
and enter
from the
i^)posila quarter.
This
mysterious
advice struck Alexander's
fancy
;
he wished to
oomfdy
with
it,and for that
purpoae
altered the
c"ur"e of his
march,
and
proceeded
sou
tanee
aloiif
the bank of the
Euphrates,
ho then fMwd that tbe laksa and
foimed
tv
the iuandaliOBS of tbe ri
we"t of
Babylon
wouU
prove
Ue obstacle. He was stillreluctant
to
neglect
tbs
wuniitg
of the
ChaldnsiiB,
but
yet
not now
indispoaed to listento
Anuarchus,
and the other
philDecqihioal Greeks about
him, who treated
tbe ooeult
science,
and
especially
iu
Babyloni-
aa
pnrfeMors,
with
contempt.
There
was,
hawerer, another motive for
distrust,which
weighed
still
more with him. He had
begun
to conceive a
sospiciouthat his
priestly counsellors
were less
concerned about his
safety
than their owil It
appeared that
they
and
tbelr order had reason to dread the
account to
wblch
they
would
probably
be called
on his
ar-
livaL
Alexander,
before he left
Babylon,
had
ordered tbe
great (empJe,
which
Xenes bad
drawliriied, to be rebuilt
;
the work
was
placed
under tbe
superintendence
'ofthe
priests,
lAo
might
have been
expected
to show the
greateat
zeal for its
accompHehment.
Yet Alexander
had
complained
of tbe remissness with whicb
it was carried
on.
and he had since discovered
the cause. The revenues which had been assigned
by
the
Assyriankings
for the maintenance
of the
temple-worship
were also
managed
by
tbe
priests, and,
while tbe
temple lay
in
ruins,
had been
appliedby
tbemto their
own
use.
TTiey
loiew that Alexander's
preswice
wonld soon
pot
an end to such abases
;
and he
might,therefore,
well doubt that the
oracle,
with which
they attempted
to
delay
his coming,
had bcDn
given by
the
god. we do not
hear that he
suspectedany
collusion between
them and other
persons
at
Babylon; yet
the
example
of
Apollodorus
seems to show that
such a
Buspictun
would
not have been
tmrea-
Bonable.
Thus, then,
he at
length
entered
Babylon,
"t without a secret
misgiving, by
tbe ominoos
quarter,*
The
great ciiyhad, probably, never
before witnessed so
stirring
a scene as was
exhibited
by
tbe crowds now assembled for
various
purposes
within its walls. Nearchits
had
brought
in tbe fleet fVom
Opis ;
tbe vessels
transported
over land from Phcenicia had
come
down from
Thapsacus ;
the harbour was in
progress,
and otbor
ships
were on the stocks in
tbe arsenals of
Babylon itself,
for which Alex- ander
had ordered the
cypress-trees,
the
only
ship-timber
its
territory yielded,to be fellei
Another crowd of workmen and artists
were
busied with
Hcphatslion's
funeral
pile,
and witb
the
preparations
for his
obsequies;
and
never
before bad Alexander's
imperialgreatness
been
so
conspicuouslydisplayed
as in the embassies
from
foreignstates,
which were now in attend-
ance at his court. It
seems,
indeed,that there
was a
disposition
among
some of bia historiaoB
to
exaggerate
the number and
variety
of those
embassies. We
must, perhaps,
pass over, ao
doubtful,
those which aro said to have come"
snrprisiog
tbe Macedonians and Greeks
by
tbe
novelty
and
strangeness
of tbeir names and
garb"from
tbe
European Scythians,
from Cel- tic
and Iberian
tribes,
from
Ethiopia,
and frmn
Carthage,thoughreasons
may
be
assignedwhy
the
Oanbag^niaos,at least,
should have
thou^
it
expedientto
propitiate
the master of Asia and
of
Egypt.
Yet it seems to have been better
"
Thu Aluudu'i num to B4brlcailack
giJacaiMtr ia
3,nuy
DOW
bn conndarHl u inSciaiillr cantin. Vin-
pnqH
tbA iafareoH which
uj anprvjiidloed
nftd"r
M dno fnu lb" oimliiii
RmuEing
Is
si,
thit Mr.
mliHi woald
MilEinlj nt""r h"" lUipnWil it (F. E,,
p.
I),if,Ihroufh htl
Mtriighl
in Lbc
prBnoM
chrooolo-
"
timrinibrirajhtAlelindir 10 TluiU "
yeu
ton ""
oaljd["|X4l
of al
Bab^'lDn.
I plftinLjinpliad is
EMBASSIES." FUNERAL OP HBPHJQSTION. M3
E^Tpt
and
C;r6De" who came to
present
him
"wiih
crowns,
and to
coDgralulate
him on the
conqnest
of
Asia,
and (rom at least three of the
Italian
nations,
the
Brutlians,Lucanians,
and
Tjirbesians.
The
object
of t"ieItalian embassies
is not mentioned
;
(hose ot the Bnittians
and Lucanians
ma;
be
easily
accounted fbr,
since,only
sii or seven
years before,
the conqueror's
kiosinan and
oamesBhe,
Alexander of
"pirus,hadperished
in war with them^ If this
"was their
motive, and, indeed,
whatever
may
have been the interests for the sake of which
they
nndeitook so
long
a
journey,
we
might
have
expected
that their most
powerfulneigb-
boBT would not have been unconcerned Bi"out
the issue of their
negotiations;
and hence we
are
prepared
to
accept
the
testimony
of the su-
tbors who related that
they
were met at
Bsby-
hu
by envoys
from
Rome, though
it was not
conGnDed
by Ptolemy
or
Aristobulns,
and
though
the scene
may appear
to as so memorable
as to have aflbrded
temptation
for fiction
;
for the fact was recorded before the
greatness
of the Roman name
conid have
suggested
the
tboaght.
Strabo mentions en occasion which
might
have led to this
embassy.*
Alexander
" we know not
precisely
when " had sent remonstrances
to the Romans on account of in-
jaries
which his
subjects
had soflered from the
jHrates
of
Aniium,
which was subject
to Rome
;
and the same fact,as Niebuhr
observes,
throws
light
on the
embassy
of the
Tyrrhenians,
the
maritime inbabitaots of "trurja. Most
readers,
perhaps,
will be inclined to
adopt
the
opinion
of that
great
historian on another
question,
"which has been
variously
viewed from
Livy's
days
down to our own.
He thinks that Alex- ander
would
probably
have been satisfied with
such a
supremacy
in
Italyas he had
acquired
in Greece
;
that
no generalconfederacy
would
have been Ibrmed
against
him
by
the flalian
slates;
and that
Rome, single-handed,
could
not
long
have withstood such en
army
as he
oonld have
broughtagainsther,
backed
by
the
forces and treasure of
Greece,Asia,
and Africa.
Among
the embassies were several from
Greek
cities, sent,
some to offer
presents,
some
to seek the
king's
aid or intervention in
public
and
private
aîs, and some to remonsirste
against
the decree for the restoration of the
exiles. To those who came on this last busi-
neaa be
gave
audience after the
rest,probably
to marie his
displeasure
at the
application,
for
he cannot have listened to it
favourably, though
he strove to send all
away
satisfied. To the
others he
gave precedenceaccording
to the
dignity
of their
temples.
So Elis took ibe
lead,
and waa followed
by Delplii
and
Corinth;
hot
the shrine of Ammon was recognised
as second
to
Olyropia.
The
Epidanrians
received an offering
for their
god, though
Alexander added
the
remark,
that
Esculspiusmight
have treated
him better than to suflerhim to lose his dearest
The bonovETs
designed
for
HephKstion con-
*
T,, p.
in lira,lôcliii.).Il a nmnbilAt IbU both
Snnieii (Al.,p. 9M), ud, it laein.Niobuhr hiDwir (ii".,
niv wbom )" uwk. or Altiiniltr
h*
only
nlsuB Ibit ha
ntdg
ODDâlDU
li " letur
(triiXSr
trirrtiM- Tha Tut
"'
-"
''
- - "
h. "liii"N,
Hl;iii"".
tinued to
share,
his earnest attention with
graver
businessT The funeral
pile
was at
length
completed,
and was a marvel of
splendour
such
as the
gorgeous
East had never beheld, A
part
of the wail of
Babylon,
to the
length
of about a
mile,was thrown down to Aimish maleriab
for the basement and the shell of the
building.
It was a
Bqnare tower,
and each side,at least
at the
foot,
measured a stade in breadth ; the
height
was about SOO
feet,
divided into
thir^
stories,
roofed with the trunks of
palm-trees.
The whole of the outside was covered with
groups
of colossal
fignres
and other
ornaments,
all of
gold,ivory,
and other
preeionsmaterials,
and itwas surmounted
by
statues of
sirens,
so
contrived as to emit a
plaintive melody.
All
who courted the
king's
favour contributed Ibeil
ofleringa
to the work
or to tAe
ohsequies.
As
to the
magnificence
of the
concludingcere- mony
of the funeral
games
and
banijuel,
nothing
more need be said than that it corresponded
to the richness nf this
astonishing
work of
art,
which was raised at an
expense
about ten times
exceeding
that of the Parthe- non,*
merely
to be devoured
by
the flames.
Alexander was not of a character to continue
longbrooding
over
melancholythoughts.
4 Ha
appears
now to have resumed his
great plans
with his wonted
energy.
It was about this
time that he sent out the three
expeditions
already
mentioned to
explore
the coast of Arabia.
He was also intent on discoveries In another
quarter.
He was
impressed
with the belief
that the
Caspian
Sea was connected
by
some
outlet at its northern
extremity
with the ocean
which
girded
the
earth,and, perhaps,hoped
that a
passage might
be found
through
this
channel to the coast of India, With this view
he Bent
HeTSctidea,
with a
party
of
shipwrights,
to the shores of the
Caspian
to build
a fleet
which
might
survey
its coasts and ascertain its
limits. In the mean while,
he undertook sn ex-
cutBion from
Babylon
on the
Euphralsa,to inspect
the canal called the
Pallacopas,
wbhdi
branched from it to the southwest,
both frnthv
purpose
of
effecting any improvement
which,
might appear
practicable
in the distributioii of
its waters for the benefit of the
surrounding
country,
and to ascertain the nature of the obstacles
which barred the communication with
Arabia on this
side,t
The
Pallacopas
had been
formed to
discharge
the
superfluous
waters of
the
Euphrates
when
they
rose to their
greatest
height
after the
melting
of the
snows;
and it
then
necessary
to close its
mouth,
that it
[p.sei)"
'"
Wiih HepbiHUoa
hiijonlh
kid iiiok into ik*
t'^'WiUuiu
(Ga"r,
of Abo. Ai.,
p, IT4Ilitein Iwm
, prof*
in tho isatb of ArrinD " wbo Iuahu
sxpnialr
to
(b"darpairvd )
,
Thtt
I,
wGai thaBttai
A luud antil il
ifha kid d*apur
uTii "m tb" un of a
! ba
chmfred
to
drf"w
BWrth
whictia'^hDlinliip
isn IllU ALtludarJi-
364 HISTOEY OF GREECE.
might
not drain Ibe maio atream
;
but, on account
of lbs sodnesa of its
bed,
Ihia "3a an ei-
tiemely
difficult
operation,
wiiitli
coromooly
required
the inceaaant labour of
10,000 men for
Uiree muntha, Alexander turned his
thoughts
to devise a
remedy
for thia
inconvenience,and,
having
found tbat about (liree miles
beyond
the
moutli af the canal the
ground
ud the
right
banh
became Jirm and
rocky,
he determined
pci
Denlly
to
stop up
the ancient
entrance, an
maVe a new cut, which
might
be
more easily
closed at the
proper
aeason. Ho then sa"
down the
Pallacopas
into the lakes which
ceived its
waters,
and examined the chanr
by
which
Ihcy
were connected with each (
er;
on a
part
of the abore his
eye
was struck
by
a
point
which seemed to him well
adapted
for the aite of a
Ibity,
and he ordered one to be
built
there,
which he aflerward
peopled
wi
colony
of Greek mercenaries. The circuit
Urge,
and the
passages
so
intricate,
tbat be
once
separated
for some time from the n
body
of the
squadron.
On his return
throng
this
maxe
of
waters, an accident
occurred,
trifling
in
itselT,
but
sufficiently ominous,
it
seems,
to revive tbe
uaeuy feelings
with which he had
entered
Babylon,
and which had subsided when
besawhimBdf
once more out of
it,and the
predictions
of the Chaldteana
apparently
belied.
Od the
reedymargin
of tbe lake atood here and
there soma
monumenta, tombs,
it was aaid,of
ancient
Assyriankings.
As the
royalgalley,
wbicb Alezsndei steered
himself,passednear
one of
them,
a sudden
gust
of wind carried
away
his causia into the
water,
and
lodged
the
light
diadem which circled it on one of the
reeds that
grew
out of the tomb. One of the
tailors
immediatelyswam offto
recover
it,and,
to
keep
it
dry,placed
It on his own head. Alex- ander
rewarded bim with a
talent, hut,at the
same time,
ordered him to be
flogged
for the
thoughtlessnesswith which he had assuined
the
ensign
of
royalty.
The
diviners,
it is
said,
took the ntatter more
seriously,
and advised the
ling
to avert the omen
by
the infliction of death
on the offender. In later
times,
his
oflence,for
the sake of the
omen,
was ascribed to Scleucus.
On his
retorn he found all the
preparations
for bis intended
expeditionnearlycomplete;
the fleet was
equipped,
and he exercised it fr"
quently
in manixuvres and
rowing-matches
on
lie
Euphrates. Freah
troops
had arrived from
the western
provinces,
and Peucesles
bad
broughtan
army
of
20,000 Persians and a
body
of mountaineers from the CossKan and
Tapyr-
lan
highlands.
The Persians Alexander incorporated
with his Macedonian
infantty;so as in
every
file of eirleen to combine twelve Per- sians
armed with bows or
javelins, with four
heavy-sraiedMacedonians selected from those
who had been rewarded for their
services,
and
taking
the
places
of
honour,
the first three and
the last in the file.And now the
envoys
whom
he had sent to the oracle of Ammon
returned,
with the answer that
HephEstion was to he
worshipped
as a hero
;
ibis was
probably as
'
mnch as Alexander bad
desired;
he immediate-
i
ly proceeded
to
give
effect to tbe
injunction,
and
sent orders to his
aatrap
Cleomenea to
erect two
temples
to the new
bero,one in Alex- andria,
the other on the isle of Pharoa
;
snd be "
was weak
enou^
to add" if the letterwhich I
Arrian
quotes
was
genuine
" tliat, ifCleomensv
did but show himself
diligent
in this
business,
and in the care of Ihe
Egyptiansanctuaries,
all
else that had been, or ahould be
faulty
in bis
administration, should be overlooked : an extraordinary
license,indeed,
unless Alexander
thought
it
prudent
to
temporize
with a man conscious
of
many flagrantoffences,
who bad bo
important
a
province
in bis hands.
Fresh
envoys
had also arrived from Greece
" from what stales we are not informed
" to
render him the divine honours which he had
demanded
/ they
came
crowned,according
to
the custom of
persons
sent on a sacred mission
to a
temple,
offered
golden
crowns to
him,
and saluted him with the title of a
god.
But
Arrian
observes,
with
emphatic simphcity,
he
was now not far from his end
;
it seemed to be
announced
by
another sinister omen : the
kioc
had been busied with the enrolment of the
newly-arrived troops,
in council with hja officers,
who were seated on each aide t^ the
throne
j feelingthirst,
he withdrew to refresU
""' "
3lf;
the council rose for
a time,
and
nooe
len in tbe hall but the attendant eunnchs
:
before he
relumed, a man entered (be
apartment,
moanted the
steps
of the throne,and seated
himselfon it
;
the staves had
probably
beea
kept
motionless
by
amazement when
they
should
have
prevented
htm
; but,
when the deed
was
done,
the
etiquette
of the Persian court forbade
n to
lay
their hands on one who
occupied
seat of
royalty,
and
they
rent their elotbea
beat their breasts in
helpless
consternation.
Tbe man was examined and
put
to the torture
by
Alexander's
orders,
who
suspecteda treasonable
design. According
to some
accounts,
he was a Messenian,
named
Dionysius,
who
had been a
long
time in
prison,
and had
jost
made his
escape.
We
rriay
infer tbat he was
'
of bis
senses. He could
give
no
explana-
I of his
act,
but that it had come into bis
mind
;
hence it seemed the
more
manifest
to
the
soothsayers
that it must be viewed as a
sign
of
impendmg
evil. Alexander himself
probably
so considered
it, and it was the more
alarming,
aa it followed an
many
others
; for,
on his arrival at
Babylon,
he hsd
inquired
of
Peithagoras
as to the nature oflhe tokens which
be had seen in the victims when he was consulted
by
bis brother
;
and when he heard that
the same
part
of the liver was
wanting
in that
which was
inspected
for a revelation of his own
destiny, as
in that which had
suggested
the
pre-
"" -
already
fulfilled
by
the death of
Hephsa-
is said that he did not dissemble the im-
n which the omen made on his mirid.
That he was haunted
by
his
gloomy forebodings
and
superstitious
fancies to the
degree
which
Ptutaroh
describes,is
hardly
credible,unless he
was
alreadyunconsciously
aflected
by
tbe disorder
which
proved
fatal in
him; as,
on the
other
band,
it seems
probable
tbat its secret
germes may
have been cheriahed
hythe deject- ed
stale of his
spirits.
The
same causes
may
have led him to
indulge
more
freely
than usual
in the
pleasures
of the table,while even
slighl
OMENS." ALEXANDER'S LAST ILLN^S.
a
pecQliarl7 dangerous.
From the
]weseace
of the disease,before its
symptoms
had become manirest. we
may. perluipe,
best
eiplain
the behavioor whicb Plutarch attribulcs
Kt bim in the inteniew which he had with
Aatipater'ason, Casaander, shortly
before his
death : a scene which
appears
to have been
attended with
very
important
conaequencea.
Alexander confronted Gaseander with
Antipa-
ter's accnaers
;
and when Cassander treated
their
charges
as
groundlesscalumnies,sternly
interruptedhim,
and asked whether men who
had suffered no
wrong
would have travelledso
"r to
prefer
a calumniouH
charge
? Caaaander
pleaded
that the
greater
the distance from the
scene of the
allegedinjury,
the safer was the
etlQiuny.
Bat the
kingindignantly replied,
that
Cassander showed how well he had studied
Aiistotle's
aophiatry, bj
which
every argument
might
be tnned two
oppositeways,
but tbat it
"booid sTsil
nothing
ifthe
compluntsproved
to
be in
any degree
well founded.
Solar,indeed,we
only
see a
proof
that Alexander retained the
fbllTigoiiTof
bis mind and character.
Plutarch,
howarer,adds,
what is more difficultto believe,
that beeanse
Cassander,at bis first audience,
coold itot
keep
his oounlenance at the
sight
of
the Persian
ceremonial,
which was entirely
new
to him, Alexander seised hini
by
the hair and
dashed hie head
a^nst
the wall. This
may
l|e
a
gross ezaggeration ;
hot that Cassander's re-
ceptiou
was eo hanh and violent aa to leave
ae iiMleUble
impression
of fear and hatred on
hi*
soul,
is
conllrmed,as
strongly
as such a
fact
can be, by
hia
subsequent
conduct.
The
preparations
for the
projectedeampaiga
were now so far
advanced,
that Alexander celebrated
a solemn sacrifice for ita success.
On
this occasion he distributedvictims and wine
among
the
troopsby companies,
that the Hace-
dmiitns and
PeraiuiB,
who had been so
lately
broughttogether, mif^t
be
dispoMd,by
his lii"-
eiabty,
and
by
the season of convivial
enjoyment,
to more cordial uDion.
He, at the same
lime,
eolertained his
principal
officers at a bao-
qoet,
and continued
drinking
with them to a
late honr of the
evening.
As he waa
retiring
to
rest,
he was invited
by
Medius " who,
it
seems,
had of late been admitted to an intimacy
with him
something
tike
Hephtestlon's " to a
revel,which was to be followed
by
a fresh
drinking-bout.
He
complied,
and the
greater
part
of the
night
seems to have been thus
spent.
The
next
evening
he
again banqueted
at the
house of
Medina,
and
again
the carousal
pnilonged
to a
very
late hour. It was at
dose of this
banquet,
ader he had refreshed
himself with a
bath,
that he feltthe
aympti
of fever so
strongly
as to be induced to
sleep
there, llie
grasp
of death was on him, though
his robust frame
yieldedonly
after a haid
struggle
to the
gradualprevalence
of the
malady.
We have a minute and
seeminglycomplete
account of bis laat
illness,
in an official
diary
which Arrian transcribed.
Nevertheless,various
reports,
which it doea not sanction,were
current in ancient
times,
and one of
them,
which ascrlDed hia death to
gross
intemperance,
ha*
always
been
very generally
believed.
Aoother,
which has been as
generallyrejected,
attributed it to a dose of
poison,
contrived
by
Aristotle,conveyed by Cassander,
and admin-
Voi- U." L t
istered
by lollas,
another of
Antipater's
sens,
who filledthe office of
cnp-beerer
to the
king.
As this
report
was undoubtedly
invented
by
Caaaander's
enemies, so the other
may
hava
been first circulated
by
bim and bis
partisans.
It
represents
Alexander as
having
drained
as
enonnoos
cup,
a bowl of Hercules,as it wa"
called,
and as
havinginstantly
sunk as from a
sudden blow. This incident
certainly
would
not have
appeared
on the face of the
journal
;
but neilher does it seem
quite
consistent witb
Alexsnder's
habits,who, according
'""Aristoba-
lua,
drank
chiefly
for the aake of
prolonging"
eonveraation,
nor with other details which havft
been
preservedconcerning
the
banqoet.*
If h"
had been in his usual state of
health,the de- bauch
described in the
journal
would
probably
hare
produced
no effect on him. It
may,
however,
botb have hastened the outbreak
^f
tt"
fever,
and have rendered it fatal. Aristobulu"
related another (act which the
journalpassed'
over in silence
;
that in a
paroxysm
of tbe f"-
ver,
the
patientquenched
hia thint witb a largo-
dranf^t of wine.
It seeow that,
for three or four
days,iboagb
the disease was
making steadyprogress,
bo-
was not sensible of his
danger.
On the morrow
of the first stiaek he fixed the time of departure,
both for the
anny
and the fleet, llie
land force was to move on the fooith
day,
anA
he hinuelf to embark the
day
after. He then
crossed over to the
royalparkon the other side-
of the
river,
and
spent
the next
day ehielly
in
tbs
company
of
Heditis,
but
appointed
to
givo
audience to his
generals
the next
morning.
Daring
the
ni^l
Uie fever
raged
without inter-
mission,yet
he
gave
hi* orders to Nearohns,
and the other
generals,
as ifbe should be
ready
to embark on the
day
after the motrow. Ana
eo,
"om
day
to
day,
as his
strengthdeclined,
he continued to admit them into bis
presence,
and to make fresh
srrangements
for the commencement
of the
expedition.
But on the siztb
day
itwas with
difficulty
that he coidd bear the-
exertion
necessary
for his
customary morning'
aaciiflce.
Stilt,
he retained
hope,or,
at
least,
would not
part
with the show of
it,
but conferred
with bis officers on the
subject
of thtt
voyage.
The next
day,however,
he seema to
have felt that he
was dying,
and ordered himself
to be
conveyed
back from the
park
to the
state
palace;
and
here, when the
generals
were
admitted into his
chamber, they
tbund him stilt
sensible,
but
speechless.
All around him now
began
to
despair;
a report
ran
through
the
army
that he was
already
dead
;
and the
men, partly
to ascertain the
fad,
partly
that
theymight
once more aee him
alive,
insisted on
entering
the
palace. They were-
permitted
to
pass
in succeHsion
through
the
room where he
lay. Though
unable to
speak,
he still
recognisedthem,
and had
strength
enough,
tbou^with
difficulty,
to make
signs
to them with his hands and his
head,
and with
expressiveglances.
II was felt that no hnmaa
aid coald be of
any
avail. Four of the
generals,
Pithon. Attains,Demophon,
and
PeuoeateBr
HISTORY OF QRBECE.
puaed
a
oight
in the
wmple
of
Serepi",*
aoek-
iag
aa oracular Tision,
which
might suggest
i
Temodj.
The
god,
it
BeemB,
was silent, Sele-
uoiu
and two otbera then
iaqaired
at his
shrine,
nhetbei itwould be belter Tor Alexandet to be
btoogfat
into the
temple
as a soppliaDt
for ro- ller.
Ajod DOW a voice was heard from tbs in-
"ennosi
reDesi,
enjoiuiiig
that he ebouid not be
brought,
but should
stay
wheie be was : so it
would be best for him.
.
Soon a"er he bad re-
"eiTed thia answer be
expired.
But if for himself this was the
bappieat
end
of all
earUil;caies,
there was still a
queslioit
ttf
deep importance
to those who surrired hioi :
bow he wished to
dispose
of his
empire.
On
tius
subject, however, nothing
was recorded in
the official
diaty,
or
by Ptolemy
or Ariatobalus.
U seems that he himself had never mentioned
it,
while be was stillable to
express
his
will,
and that oo one else bad ventured to touch
on
it. There were
reports that,
in his last mo-
mecUa,
he was asked nho ôuld succeed
him,
and that he
re)died,
the worthiest : adding,
that
he foresaw
a
great
contest at bis fuaer"L Bat
if this had beMi bis
mind,
be could not bate ut- tered
it. There was
only
one not
credibly attested
by
the
sequel,
which
might
he
interpreted
as an intimation oT his wishes
on this
point.
Juat before he breathed hia
last,
he drew his
ling
from bis
finger
and
gave
it tc Perdiccas,
So
passed
from the earth one of the
greatest
other
bods:
great
above
most,
for what he was
in
himself,and not as
many
who have borne the
tklJe,forwhBtwaBgiveii
tohimioeflect.
Great,
not
merely
in the vast
ooapass
and the
persevering
ardour of his
ambition,nor in the
qualities
by
which he was enabled to
gratify it,
and
to crowd so
many
memorable actions within so
abort a
period,
but in the
course which his ambition
took,in the collateralaims which
enno- bled
and
purified it,so that it ahwMt
grew
ioto
one with the
higbest
of which man is
capriMe,
tiie desire of
knowledge
and the love of
good.
In a word, great
as one of the benefsctors of
hia kind. This
pnise,however,
would be
empty,
unleas it be limited
as truth
requires,
and
hi* claim to it must
depend on the
opinion
we
form of his
designs.
It is not to be
supposedtbst,
in
any
of his
undertakings,
he was animated
by speculative
curiosity,
or
bj
abstract
philanthropy.
If he
"ougbt
to discover
as well as to
conquer,
itwas
because the limits of the known world were too
narrow for his ambition. His maia
object,undoubtedly,
was to found a solid and
flourishing
"mf"ire;
but the means which be
adopted
for
this end were auch as the
highestwisdom and
And,
u (A1,,
p,
J83I hu iiUn
"u Ihu
P\o\emt boiltAt 1
^fJi
Ihin ""
HKiBiHH .StTflii*
atjai
IiiJi
oWif^nu hcto-
as his merit is not the leas becaase so
many
of his works were
swept away by
the inrooda
of
savage
and fanatical
hordes,so it mnst be
remembered that his
untimely death left all
tbat he had
begun unfinished,and
probably
most
of what he meditated unknown
; that be
could
hardly
be said to have
completed
the sob-
jugation
of all the lands
comprised
within the
limits of the Persian
Empire. Still, it cannot be
denied that the immediate
operation
of bis oon-
queste
was bi^y
beneficial to the
conqnered
peo)de.
This would be
true, eveit if the benefit
bad been confined to those
advantages
which
may
seem
purely
nuterial
;
for none were
really
so. The mere circulation of the immensa treao-
ures accumnlated
by
the ancient
rulers,
which
Ale"nder scattered with "ich
unexampled
profusion,
was doubtless attended
by
innumerable
happy
results
; by
a
greU
immediate increase
of the
general
well
being,by
a
salutary
excitement
of
industry
and commercial
activity.
Tbo
spirit
of
commerce,
however, was etillmore directly
roused and
cherished, by
the foundation
of new cities in sitttatioos
peculiarly adapted
to its ends
;
by
the
opening
"f new chamteis at
commnnioation between
opposite
axtremitioa
of the
empire,
and the removal of obstnictiona
"
arising
from the feeUeness and
wanlonDees
of the ancient
government
" which before ito-
peded
it
: by
the confidence
inspiredby
the new
order of
Uiings,
the
growing
oonseiousneas oT
safety,
and
expectation
of
protection
and encouragement,
I"et
any
one
contemplate
the
contrast between the state of Asia under Alex- ander
and the time when
Egypt
waa either in
revolt
BgainstPerns, or visited
by
her irritated
conquerors
with the
punisbment
of
repested
in-
eurrection,
when almost every part
of the
great
monntain-chain which traveiaea
the
length
of
Asia,
from the Mediterraoesn to (be
borders of
India,was
inhabited
by
fierce,independent,
predatory
tribes
;
when the Pereian
kings
tbem-
selvee were
foreed to
pay
tribute before
they
were allowed to
pass
from one
of their
capitals
to another. Let
any
one endeavour to enter
into the
foelinga
with which a Phaanician mar-
chant must have viewed the
change
that took
idace
in the face of the
earth,
when the
Egyp- tian
Alexandria had
begun
to receive and
pooi
out an inexhauatiUe tideof wealth
;
when
Baby- lon
bad becwne B
greatport
;
wben a
passage
was i^ned
bMh
t^sea
and lend between the
Euphrates
aad the Indus
;
when the foreata oil
tbe shores of the
Caspian
had bwm to resound
with the axe and the hanimer. ItwiU then
appear
that this
patt
of tbe ben^ts wUct Bowed
from Alexander's
conquest
oaonot
be
easilyex- aggerated.
And
yet
thia
waa, perbîa,
the Anallast
part
of his
gloiy
:
it was mudi, indeed,ao to cultivate,
enrich,
and
beautify
thia fairest
portion
of the earth
;
itwas
something
more to elevate
the intellectualand moral character of tbe
people
;
and this
was,
in a
great degree,
the
e^^
in a still
greater degree
the
tendency,
of Alex- ander's
measures and institutions. It
may
be
truly
asserted that hia was the firat of tbe
great
monarchieB founded in Asia that
opened
8
prospect
of
progressiveimprovement,
and not
of continual
degradation,
to its
subjects;
it
was the first that contained
anyelement
of
moraland intellectual
prpgrass.
That itdid so
is certain;
bat it hat been
dispated
hov far
this entered into Alexander's intention. We
cannot regard
iiini
aa
entitled
to
much honour
OB this
account,
unless we
admit that the
great tlianght
of liislifewas to unite hia
new
subjects
with the
old,bo as to form one
nation
;
and
that,
for this
purpose,
he wished to raiae
the Asiatics to a
lerel with the
Europeans,
and, according
to the modern
ezprcsaion,
to
ReDeniie Asia. It has been contended that
snch a project
of
amalgamation was too chi- merical
to have been
adopted by a prince
of
Alexaoder'a
sagacity
and
judgment ;
thai he
must liave been too well aware of the obstacles
which
must
always
hare rendered it impossible
for the
new
element to
penetrate
and
assimilate so vast and
heterogeneous
a mass
as the
population
of hia Asiatic dominions
-.
and that we
must, therefore,
consider ttiOBe
of his measures which seem moat
clearly
to
indicate such a
design
as
merely temporsry
expedients
of
a
conciliating policy,
farced
npon
him
by
his relative weakness. It
seems,
how-
erer,
a sufficient
reply
to this
objection
to observe,
that we can
hardly
now determine what
Alexander would have found
practicable
in the
course
of
a
longreign
;
that itthere
were
limits,
in extent and
degree,beyond
which he
himself could not have
hoped
to realize such
an
idea,
it
was
still
an objectworthy
of all his
efbrts
;
and
that,
when we see him
adopting
a
series of measures
clear!;lending
to this
end,
itis reasonable to infer that he had the end in
tiew. It
may
be said that he
planted
Greek
cities in
Asia, merely
as either commercial or
militaryposts,
to fillhis
treasury
or secure
his
possessions
;
that he educated the barbarian
youth
in Greek
schools,merely
to recmit his
"imy;
that he
promoted interraarriages
between
the
Enropeans
and
Asiatics,merely
to
sooUie the conquered nationa. Bnt he cannot
hare been blind
or
indi^rent to the ultimate
teudeacy
of bU theie
*tep*-,
he
nmat
hare
Ibreaeea tbat from each of his
new
eotonieB
the
lanfnaoe, arts,
and
mannera,
tlie whole
gnune
of Greece wonld radiate
throngh
the
adjacentregions,
and would
gradoallyenlight- en,
civilite,
and transfonn their
population;
he mnat haxe
known,
that
by
the domestic ties
whidi be
ibrmed,
and
by
the education of the
yoong,
he
was
raisingup
a
generation
irtuoh
woold be
more
open
to leceire this inflaence.
He
extent to which the interftnion
actually
took
plaee,
and the Asiatics beeame Oredn in
eteiytbine
bnt
blood,was
by
no mema
amall;
if Atexanfler had lived to become the (bonder
of
a peaceflddynasty,
which
might
have
proe-
Moted his
plaiM,
the
changes wrought
would
hare been
incalcabbly
greater.
It is another
question,
whether this cfaAii
irfoai
tonalitywaa,
b aD
respects,
an unmu
good
;
whether,
in tlie old frame of
society,
the
literature,
the
arts, the
manners,
and
evi
perhaps,
in the
specnlativesystems
of the con-
qneredraces,
much was not lost and
destroyed
throDgh
it that
was
worth
preserving;
whether
the new foims were not,
in most
caaea,
de.
''
tate of life and
reahty,an empty
varnish,
apiiitleas
imitation. Still leas should ws v
lore to
maintain that the
infinitely
diversified
combination and confiiaion which ensued be^
tween the
religions
and
mytholagies
of Greece
and Asia was
anything
in itself desirable
; or
that the new rites and
creeds,
which
were
the
progeny
of this unnatural
mixture,were not
often
as
odious and banefUl
as
they were wild
and Ihntastic.
They, atleast,
did not enter into
Alexander's
plans,
who
merely
extended hia
politicprotection
alike to all modes of
worship
and
belief;
and itwould be as
unjust
to
charge
him with their mischievous
consequences, aa
it
seems
(Mso to
repiêent him, on this
account,
as the Precursor of
a better
Liglit,
which, on the
contrarr, (hey contributed, more
than
any
other
cause,
to refract and obseore.
But it became Alexander, aa a
Greek, to tie-
lieve that the
change was, on
the
whole^ highly
beneficial;
and
we,
who
owe so
much of
what is best
among
us to the same
culture,
can hartiy charge
him with blind
partiality.
-
We most rather admire the
greatness
of mind
by
which he rose above the
prejudices
of hia
Macedonians, who,
themselves
foreigners,
indebted
for all thai made them
worthy, or even
capable,
of their
(brtune,
to their Greek eduoa-'
lion,were loth to share it with others whom
Chey
wished to
trample
on as barbarians.
Still,
there is one side on which Alexander's
administration
appears
in
a
much leas favourable
light.
We mast
speak
with caution on
this
subject,
because we are
very imperfectly
acquainted
vricb his
measures,
and he had
scarcely
time to
unfold bis views. Yet it must
be owned that we cannot
perceive
even the
first
lines,
that we catch no hint of
any
poUtl-
cal institutions framed to secure
the future
welfare of his
subjects.
We do not find that
in
any
case he had
begun
to assume the character
of a
lawgiver; though
Arrlan
thought
him sa well entitled to divine honours as Mi- nos
or Theseus. It is
probable, mdeed,
that'
he intended his new colonies,at least,
should
enjoy
aE the
municipal
freedom coustsient
with the maintenanoe of
an
abeolate
govem-
ment.
But we do not know what
"ecuilly
he
bad
provided
fbrtheir
privflegee
;
and he
aeeiiu
to
have left tbe
maea
of the peo^,
in tUa
n-
epect,
DBarir aa it bad been under ila finMT
masters,
llie
onlyimpiovement
which he
ap-
peanr
t" have lntrc"diioedinto the oM
ayaton,
was teTeatwe, patfaapa
to
multiply,
the ebecka
by which, aocording
to the eariiet
poUey
of tba
Penian
kingsthemaelvsa,
theb-
great
olBoera
is
erery prOTinoe
were
enaUed to control obb'
another. Thaae
oheaks,as
he discovered on
hia
TBtom
ftom
India,proved uttaily
ineffectual
At the
protection
of life and
property
;
and
though
he
paaisbed
the ofibndeis with Uie
ntmoat
rigour,
we haarof
nooUierprBcantions
that be took
agahist
tbe lecurrenoe
of audi
abnsea. When he seated himeelf on tiiethrone
of
Darina,
he
assumed,
as
perhaps
was neoes-
aary,
the fhlnen of
despoticsovereignty
that
had been exercised
by
his Persian
predecea-
"ors
;
"id
he, too,
was
reprtfiented by
his satraps,
lltongh
he
might
be able to restrain
them,
it waa to be
expected
thai a successor
of inferior
energy
would be forced to connive
at
their hcense :
fram the
highest
station to
the lowest,
there
was no
permanent safeguard
against
misrule. The condition of the
people
was
bettered
;
but it remained
precarious.
It
must even be admitted
that,
if be raised tbe
Asiatics,
he
brought
down the Macedonians
HISTORY OK GREECE
and the
Greeks,
to meet
them
on
the same
level.
What has been said relates
only
to the effect
which his
conquests produced
in Asia : it is another
question,
how
far
they
were beneficial to
Greece. Some
advantages
she, no doubt,
derived
from them. A bouadless
Geld,
with brilliant
prospects,
was thrown
open
Tor Greek adventurers.
A
part
of the new commerce c'
the East found iu
way
JQto Greek
ports.
Bl
we should seek iu vain for
any
benefits of
higher
order which restUted to Greece from
Alexander's
expedition
;
wliUe, id
many
respects
much more
important,
her condition
was changed
for the worse.
She was treated
no
longer
as an humble and useful
ally
of Ha-
oedonia,
but as a province
of the Persian Em- pire,
aitd Eoade to feel
'her
subJecUoa by
de-
qKitic,
and
apparently
wanton aiul
arrogant
oomiWuidB. And
jet
she had
scarcelybegun
to
taate tlie bitter fruits which she was to
reap
ftom the folfibnent of those splendid
visions
With which Isocrates would have consoled her
lb* the lOM of freedom.
CHAPTER LVI.
Ooa atteoUoD will
now, again,
be
chieflj
oc-
eapied
wilh the aflkirs of Greece. The cod-
sexioD,iDdeed,
between the events which took
plaeethere,
and the oonteeta earned
on by
Alex- ander's
suceeasors in
Asia,
beeomes hence-
fitrwaid M close,
that itwill be
necessary
to
ke^
both
coDitantlyin
view
)
the
latter,
however,
as subordinate to the
proper
subject
of
oar
history.
Before
we turri to it,we innsi
proceed
a* far as the first settlement that was
made of the
great
interests which
were
lelt in
so much confusion and
uncertaintyby
the aud-
dea
vacancy
of the Macedonian throne.
It
may easily
be believed that Alexander's
death was
smcerelydeploredby
all around
him
whose immediate interest was not too
deeply
afibcted
by
it to allow room for
grief.
When
Ibe
royal
paaes,
unable to contain their excitement,
Tushea out of the
palace
with loud wail-
Ings,
and made the event
generallyknown,
the
whole
city
soon
resound^
with the voice of
lamentation. The Macedonians mourned for
their
hero,*
the Fcreians for their
king. Many
and various were the honoars afterward
paid
to Alexander's
memory, by
word and
work,
in
moDumenla and
spectacles,
in smooth verse
and welUnrned
periods
;
bat the most honourable
tribute was oSered
by Sisygambia,
the
mother
^f
Darius.
She,
who had survived the
massacre of her
eightybrothers,
who had been
jnt
to death in one
day by Oohus, the loss of
"U her
children,and the entire downfall of Iter
nee, now,
on the decease of the
enemy
and
ooaqneror
of her
house,
seated herself on the
ground,
covered her head widi a veil,and, notwithstanding
the entreaties of her
grandchil-
g"J
"^
f
''
"f"^"'"-:''
'h""""''" fot
hitio^ refamd
dren,
refused nonrishment
until,on the fiflh
day after,
she
expired.
But even the
genuineregret
of the
common
peoplegave way
almost
immediately
to anxiety
about their own
safety,
and
tq
mutual sus-
piciona.
The Macedontaos
passed
the
ni^
after the
king's
death under arms
-,
as if
feehng
themselves surrounded
by
enemies. The
peaceable
inhabitants of
Babylon,perhaps
with bet-
ler
reason,
dreaded lest their
wealthy city
should become the scene of
roiiitary
tumult
and hcense.
They hardly
ventured to
creep
out of their houses to
gather
news
;
lifted no
lamps
in the
evening,
but watched for the morning
in darkness and
silence,eagerlylistening,
and
trembling at
every
sound
they caught.
The
great officers, Oa whom the
care of the
state chiefly devolved,probablyspent
the same
interval,together
or
apart,
in no less auxionB
delitraration.
By He)diBstion's
death the number
of those who bore the titleof
somatophjlax
was reduced to seven ; Leonnatus,Lysimachus,
Aristonous,Perdiccas,Plolemj
" the
reputed
son of
I^gns,but, according
to a
report
ralber
widely spread,
one of Philip's
bastards,
bis
mother
having
been the
king's
mistress* " Pi-
thon,
and Peucestes. When Alexander
died,
they
were
all in
Babylon.
The next
day they
summoned a council of the other Macedonian
officers, some of whom were but littleinferior
to them iu rank and
infiuecce,to confer on the
greatquestion
of the succession. "Die Boldiers
wished to take
part
in it also
;
and,though
forbidden,
forced ttieir
way
into the
palace,
and
filled the avenues of the
council-haD,
so that
many
witnessed the
proceedings.
There
a
moumfiil
object
met their
eyes,
and revived
the conaciousnesa of their toss
;
the vacant
throne,
on which had been laid the
diadem,
with
the
royal
robes and armour. The
sight
called
forth a fresh burst of
lamentation,which,
however,
was hushed into
deep
silence when Per- diccas
came forth to address the
assembly.
First, t
he
placed
the
ring,
which he bad received
from Alexander in his last
moments,
on the
throne.
"
The
ring,"
he
ssid,
"
was the
royal
signet,
which Alexander had used for the most
important
stale business
:
it had been conunit-
ted to him
by
the
dyingkmg
;
but he
placed
it
at their
disposal
It
was,
however, abeolulely
necessary
for their own
safety,
that
they
should
forthwith elect a
chief
capable
of
guarding
them
against
the
dangers
to which
they
would be exposed
without a head in a hostile land. It was
be
hoped
that in a few
months]:
Roxana
luld
give
them an heir to the throne. In the
mean while,
itwas for thom to choose
by
whom
they
would be
governed."
He had
probably
hoped
that the wish which he so
modestly
dissembled
would have been
auticipaled bj
gen-
eraJ acclamation. But the
meeting
waited for
advice. Nearchus had
a
diflerent
plan
to
propose.
He,
as we have
seen,
had married a
daughter
of Mentor's
widow,
Barsine
;
and
Barsine was also the moUier of a eon
by
Alex-
"
Pi"iwi.,l.,0,t,uid(hac
ckii
huULf
bv bid to Iftvnr o
COUNCIL AT BABYLON." DISCORD IN THE ARMY. SW
inder. He tlierefore
pointed
out to tbe Mace-
loniana,
"that there was no need to wait for the
LDcertaia iiaae of Koiaoa'a
pregnancy
: there
raa ail heir to the throne
alreddy
bom : Her-
iilcs,
thesonof Barame : to him the disdem be-
onged
"
But Nearcliua was the
only
man
prea-
Dt who hud
any
interest in tbis choice. The soU
iers clashed their
apear?
and shields
together
3 toiien of vehemeot dissent
;
and
Ptolemygave
tterajice to their
feelings
on this
point.
"
Nei-
ber Barsine nor Roxana could be mother of a
lince whom the Macedonjana would acknowl-
dge
as their sovereign. Was it to be
borne,
lialthe^
conquerors
of Asia ahould become sub-
wt to the son of a barbarian
captive
1 It was
ettcr that the throne ahould remain
vacant,
nd that the
persons
who had ronoed Alexan-
er'a council of state should continue to have
be
supreme ntanagement
of
aflaiis, deciding
11
questionsby
a
majority
of votes." This
lotion,hovrever, gained
few
partisans
: its
Sect would have been
permanently
to exclude
be
royallamily
from the sucoession : a
step
3r which few were prepared. Thus,
most
liuds were turned towards the advice of Fer-
iccaa
;
for there was a clear disttnctiott be-
ween Baraini) and
Roiana,
Alexander's he- aved
wife,
who was then in the
palace,
while
teutor'B widow had been left with her son at
'ergamum.
It was now the
right
time for
ome friend of Perdiccas to come forward in
is
behalf,
and Aristonoua, perhapsaccording
n
pieriousconcert,
undertook the task. He
bserved
"
that Alexander himself bad
already
ecided who was worthiest to commMid, when,
iviag
cast hie
eyes
round all his friends who
rete at his
bedside,
he
gave
hia
royalsignet
to
'erdiccas.
They
bad
only
to
ratify
Alaxan-
er's choice."
Still,
the
assembly
was not jn-
liaed to invest Perdiccas
alone,
under
any
Ltte,
with
supreme power.
The result of the
rhole deliberation was a sort of
compromise
Btween the
proposals
of
PtolQmy
and Aristo-
ouB.
It seems to have been
decided,
but not
rithout clamorous
opposition, that,
if Roiana
hould bear a
son,
be should succeed to the
brone
;
and
that,
in the mean while,
four
uardians should be
appointed
for the future
rince,to exerciae the
royalauthority
in his
lame. Perdiccas and LeonnatiiB were to
egents
in Asia.
Antipater
and Crateras
The
cavalry
" the aristooralical
portion
of the
imy
"
acquiesced
in the resolution of their
hiefe
;
but itwas
very
illreceived
by
the whole
ody
of the
infantry.
No motive
appears
for
heir
dissatisfaction, except
that
they
had not
leen consulted on the
queatioD,
and that
they
vished to
di.;,poBe
of the crown. Still,
it is nut
:learwhether
they
acted
quite
of their own accord,
or were excited to resistance
by Heleager,
vhu seems to have been
impelled, partlyby
am-
lilion,
and
partlyby personalenmity
to Perdic- cas.
The accounts remaining
of his conduct
ire
contradictory
as to details,
but
agree
in
epresenting
him as the leader and soul of the
"ppositinn.According
to
sortie
authors,
he
(uitled
the council of the officers,
after bitter In-
reclivea
againstPerdiocaa,declaring
that the
peoplewas the true heir of the
monarchy,
and
ilonecould
rightfully dispose
of
it,
and hastened
to
instigate
tiie
soldiei;
to insurrection
ami
plunder.*' According
to
others,
he
was deputed
to
appease
their
discontent,
but took the
opportunity
to inflame it,and
placed
himself at their
head.f We are left
equally
in doubt whether
''
vas he who first
proposed
another
competi-
for the
throne, whose name was soon mentioned
In the
popularassembly.^
This was Ar-
rid"UB,a son of
Philipby
Philinna, a Thessa-
lian
woman,
who is
commonly
described as of
low condition. Arridsus was either
naturally
deficient in
understanding,
or had never recovered
from the e*ffectaof a
potion
said to have
been administered to him
by Olympian,
whom
jealousy
rendered
capable
of
evei7
crime,
4
It
seems that Alexander,
either
throughprudence
or
compassion,
had removed him from Macedo- nia,
though
he had not
thought
hiro fit to be
trusted with
any
command
:
and he was now
in
Babylon.
Most
probablyMaleager,perceiving
that whoever should taise such a
prince
to
the throne would
reign
under his
name, was
the foremost to recommend him as the sole
legitimate
heir. To the
army
Arridcus
tnnat
have been
personally
indifferent
;
but he was
Philip's son,
without
any
mixture of barbarian
blood,and,
which
probablyweighed
more with
them,
he would be
purely
their creature. The
proposal, therefore,
was
agreeable
to their
pride
and their
prejudices,
which were
stronger
than
their
regard
for Alexander
now,
as
they
had
been in hia lifetime. After a short
pause, perbapa,
of
surprise
that a name so seldom beud should
have been
pnt
forward on such an occasioD,all,
as ifsome
happy discovery
had been
made,
broke
out into loud acclamations in favour of ArridB'
us
;
and
Pithon,who,
it seems
"
having apparently
been sent
by
the conncil to soothe them
" endeavoured to show the
folly
of their
choice,
only
incurred their resentment, n
Meleager
was
t Diedgi.,nUI,, t.
"m. but only to wmj
rf
,
i,
B)nptta
iiBtiTfl, wItibid^
them
"- MiltBgaT^ nbaoqueu
cmuode, ntm wucai n
at thu ha nliad ntinlr sb
tha uMltrj, nndan
^Qt *liicllCurtiv giTBBDf hia
Ibuû^
"M bt1i"-
Iha cmiriGil fu
own pro4hbl"- DntTBen,
howervr
".U4itr NmckftlgtrllMHtor'i, i..p.
Jttt.liu jmttj
Jmljii'l
lUMEHnl, IBnUsg MalHfiir
mnpljpTS-
it with that uf Curtiui,Mid
lop""
ihii,while
u
lOadsiUllT
maiiligii"4in
the ueelahl;
of Uh
ind
thaE,beforetheywere joinedhy Mele"gar,thej
hiffheetdegree impnthablej
and Cnrtiiieend Jtt'
laid D" to
"eppo*e
Ibel the asldun toat no
lUr
prh,
iM ftppanatirudoptad 10
priuciple
of oamli
hupli
I hia iwteiiali iDÎher ;
bv( Iba JinDeipia
li one
Ittuok,
uuloriiil; (pplicd10 inch "rilen n thote lii" wlina we
It to ri"1lerlthe hiitoIT
ef Ihie periad,
mull often lud
lul of DiodutLiB,
llut Helaagv
wutJeputed
hrlheeoovil. DToyeaDobjrttathlttbe
eottft-
cilwirald hue aentKMiB mm tmatwanlij ftnon
Whalb-
er
IhoT hid
uT laUDD el the lima 10 diHiut bim dm v"
"mpeu ;
bat ifPilhin wu Joined
wilb him la the eailiun
Sotnwht, U leam weS ta" IbnthI
IknMlTai mb.
"70
HISTORY OF GREECE.
:otbe
deputed
to bring
the
prince _
and,
when he
Mine,
tbey
saluted him
u
uii",
under the new name of
Pbilip.
He
iDnnediBlelj proceeded
to the
palace,
ac-
oompanied by Meleager,
and eacoited
by
the
troops.
The
officers,
it
seems,
were
still in
Gouacil there,
and when
Arridieua
^qveared,
some Btlempt
was laade to teiminate the affair
by
discussion
;
but a" the ohiefi leAiaed to
"anclion the choice of the
infantry, they
soon
ibund themselves threatened with violence,
and obliged
to retire. Arridnus mounted the
throne,
and was iufealed with the
royal
robes.
Ferdiccas had ordered the door of the loam
in
whicA Alexander's
body lay
to be
locked,
and
C
pared
lo
guard
it wiUi 600 chosen
men,
and
was joinedby Ptolemy
at the head of the
royalpage*.
They
were,
however, soon aver-
poweied by auperior
nomberB. The aoktiere
of the adTeiae
party
broke into the chamber
;
blows were
inteiehutged;
Perdiccas himaelf
was attacked with
ouaailea,
and blood was bo-
cinuing
to flow,
when sonw
of Uie aUer
amoi^
tte aaaailanta
interpoaed, and,
takipg
off theur
helmets,entreated Fordiceaa and his Cbllawere
Ur desist from their uselesa reaiatanoe. Their
Baediatioa
put
an end to this
prelode
of the
long
contsBt which was to take
[dace
for Alaian-
der's remsHis.
But the
greater pan
of the
generals,
and the wlKde
body
of the
oavali7,
qnitiad
the
oi?,
aod
enoaiêd
uitaida the
walls. Ferdiccaa did not
yet acocHBpaDy
tbem :
be
h"îed,
it
aeema,
that acone
ohange nugbt
happen
in the diôsitioii
of the
multitude,
which he
might
ntore easily
turn to bia own
advantage
if he
stayed.
But
Meleager,proba-
blyapprehending
the same
thing,
sod
eager
to
astiiiiy
his hatred,urged
the
king
to give an
order for the eieeutian of Perdtocas. This he
oould not obtain : Arridnus
was, perhaps,
timid to Blrike so
great
a blow.
Meleager,
therefore,
was forced to
interpret
the silence of his
royal puppet
as consent,
and sent an armed
baad to the house of
Perdtccis,
with
to
bring
him to the
palace,
or to kill him if he
should resist. Perdiccas had
only
about
leen of the
toyalpages
with him when his door
was beset.
He, however, appeared
on the
threshold with a firm
countenance,
and overawed
those who came to arrest him
by
the' ae-
Tora
dignity
of his looks and his words.
They
probably
did
not
think
Meleager'sautbority
suScieat warrant for the murder of a man o
saeh
high
rank. When
they
had
withdrawn,
he Bod his attendants mounted their
horaea,
and
hastened to the
camp
of theirfriends.
One eminent
pervou
nf their
party,however,
remained in the
city
: Eumenes the
Cardian,
who had
already
decided on the course which
his owa totereats raqnired, and, on this occa-
alon,
gave proof
of the
sagacity
and
dexterity
which afterward carried him
through
so
many
dangers,and even
brought
him so near to the
highest
fortune.
Eiunenes,
in his
tioyhood,
had
attracted
Philip's notice
by
bia
promising
talents
:'
he was
brought
up
at the Macedonian
oourt,
and waa
employedby
Alexander both as
his
principal secretary
and
keeper
ofthe recard"
and in
military
coramanda. He had risen s*
high
in favour with the
king,
that he could eves
venture, on more Uian one oecaaion,
to
quarrel
with
HephKStion;
but,
alter the ftvourite's
death,
hs
laboured,by ingenioua
contrivancee
and
profuseexpense
in bonour of his
meniory,
to remove ^
suspicion
that he viewed the
event wi"i
pleasure.
In tbia
liberality
he showed
Um
greater
aelf-eonuDand, aa be was habit- ually
paraimnnkHia.
Plutarch relates that when
the
leading
officers contributed to the
equipment
of the fleet in India, Eamenes,
whose
share was rated at
300
talents,produced onlj
a hundred, pretending
that it was with
great
difficulty
he had been atrie to
scrape
this snm
together.
Alexander made no reply,
but soon
a"r
ordered his slaves
secretly
to set
fire to
the
secretary's
tent. It was then disoovered
that Eumenes had amassed more
than a tbou-
saud talents.
'
Alexander, however, forgave
hhn, aa be did
Anttgeoea,
and allowed him to
keep
all
;
thangh
be had bimeelf to
regret
the
bws of
many
valuable
papere,
which perished
in the flames.
Sndi a man was Ibrmed for the times -wfaidt
followed Alexander's death. Enmenee felt that
he could
only
be sate in the strifeof
parties
aa
long
as he ooold
guard against
the
jealouBj
to
which a
foreigner
in
hi^
atation waa exposed
among
the Macedonians. He remained, as we
hare
observed,
in
Babyton
after the
flight
at
Perdioeaa,
under the
pretext
that he had no
right
to lake a
pert
is
djapnlesconoeroiDg
the
soooeaakm
; aeoretly,however, purpostag
to
promote
the interests of Perdiccas as (hr as be
conld
;
for he
probablj
(breaaw that this side
would
finsJIy prevail.
He aaaumed the chanu'
ter of a
peacemaker;
and his
seeming
neatr^
itygave greatweight
to his mediation. It was
seconded
by vigorous
meaaores an the
part
of
the seceders.
They began
to
stop
the
supi^jr
of
proviaions,
and to threaten the Great
City
with
famine.
Meleager
found his condition
growing
every day
mere
embarrassing.
He had been
called to acoounl
by
bis own
troops
for the attempt
he had made
against
the life
ofPerdiccaa,
and could
only
shelter himself ur"der the
royal
anthority.
At
length
the soldiers came in a
body
to the
palace,
and demanded that an embassy
should be sent to tfaa
cavalry
with over-
turesof
peace.
Throe
envoys were,
accordingly,
despatched;
and itis remarkable that one of
them was a Theaaalian.another an Arcadian of
Megalopolis;
so that
probably
the
third.
Peri-
laus,
whose
country
is not
mentioned,
waa not
a Macedonian. The
negotiations
which followed
are
reported
too
obscurely
to tie described.
It is said that the
party
of Perdiccas refused to
treat until the authors of the
quarrel
had been
given
up
to
them;
and that this demand excited
a violent tumnlt in the
city,
which was
only
calmed when
Arridnna, displaying
more
vigour
than he bad been believed to
possess,
offered to
resign
the
crown. Yet it does not
appear
that
this condition was
granted.
The terms on
which the
treaty
vras concloded
were,
according
to the most authentic
account, that Arridn- us
should share the
empire
with Roxana'a
child,
if it should be a
boy;*
that
Antipater
should
ii
mBtBil rtin"
bj
"
AmMliiPh.".,M,iDit.tJnXB^M,..r*.J"'^^Wtr
III., ill.ud Nspo^ 'Affiiatm..
"tfiitl'AXSanffavSrliuXXirB'i.ia^
THE COMPACT." THE PARTITION. 37f
cmraiBiid the fi"feeain
Europe
;
ibat Cratenit
should be atthebemdof aSaire in tbe dominioDs
of ArridmiB
;
but titatPerdiccaa should be in-
vealed with the ooromsnd of the
hone-ârda,
the
chilifticliy,
before held
by Hepfatestion,
iu
-which Alexander would
permit
no one to soc-
oeed hiro. This,
it
wwoi,
wu a
post which,
at
the Fenian
coart,
had been
ei|iuTa)enl
to
that of
prime mloiater,or grand
visiei of the
whole
empire,*
It
waa, however, atipnlatod
that
Meleager
abonld be aaaooiBted with Per- diccaa
ui the
regency,
though
with a aubordi-
aate
lank. Of Leonnatua we hear do more u
the
conteDdiBgpaitiet.
The
cavalry
tetuned
to the
city;
tito
phalanx
marohed out to meat
them
)
Perdiceaa and
Heleagei
advanced t""-
iween tbe lineat" salate eadt other a" fHenda
The
troo(M
oa each aide followed their
eumple,
lad were once laon united in one
body.
It
wia, however,iinpoaaiblc,
after what bad
happened,
that Perdicna and
Ueleager
ahoald
ever tniat eaoh other.
Meteagerpnibably
relied
on the
inlantry
Ibr
prelection.
But Per-
diecaa bad now taken
poa*eaaion
of the imbe- cile
king,
who wa* at
paasive
ia hia hands a*
be had been in his
rival's,
and had reaolvad to
Mrike the fiiatblow. Before he
directly
attacked
hia
enemy,
he
thonght
it oeceMa^to deprive
him of the
support
which he
might
findin
the
army;
and he eerana to have devised a
very
subtle
plaa
for this end. He auborned emiasa-
lies to
ciKn[dain
among
the foot soldiers
that,
bydiereoentaTTangenient8,Meleager
had been
devated to an
equahty
with lumaelf
;
not
ap-
paicatly
for the
purpose
of
excitingdiaaontent,
or of
gaining
a
[Nuty among
these
troops,
but to
lead
Meleager
himaelf blindfold into a anare.
jfeleager
waa anon infonned of the
langnage
that had been osed
against
him in tbe
eamp,
and
indignantly eomplained
of itto
Petdiocaa,
whom
he
probaUy anapectedto be ita aecrel author.
Bat Perdiceas waa so
great
a maater t^'diaaim-
Bbtion,
that he
courlet^
lulled his
aiupieiona.
He aflbcted to
aympathtxedeeidy
with hia re-
sentment,
and
proposed
to arrest the
agitators.
It waa agreed
between
them,t
the more
aafely
aad
surely
to eSect their
object,
that tbe whoie
aimy
ahoold be drawn out in the
adjacentplain,
ander the
pretext
of a solemn
histration,
to be
celetwated with the old Macedonian
rites,to
puriiy
itfrom the blood shed in the late anarrel.
The
oaage,
on such oocaaiona,was to
kill
a
dog,
aad to
carry
its
entraila,
divided into two
parta,
to oppositeextremitiee of the
field, ao tbat tbe
army
might
be drawn
up
between
them,
the
pbalaaz
on one aide,
the
cavalry
on the
other.t
^ch,at least,was the order now adaptedby
"o chiefo. On the
appointedday
Perdie-
oaa,
with the
king
at hia
side,plaoed
himself
at
tbe head of tbe
cavalry
and tbe
elephants,
fa-
eing
the
infantry,
which waa eonunaniled
by
Meloager.
After a shoit
pause,
he ordered
them lo advance.
Mcleager'stroopa
were-
alarmed at the
tight
of Uiis
movement,
for
they
now olwerved that tbe
groundwas (hvourable
for tbe
operationa
of the
cavalry,
aad
that,
if
Ih^
ware attacked,they
abonld not be aUe to
make
good
their retreat without
great
lose.
IS
they
received no orders from their
chief,
vera
quite
uncertain as to the
design
of
Perdiccaa, they
remained moCionleBa until a
very
narrow interval was left between the two
liDM. The
king
thai rode
np
with a
eingta
"qoadron,and.having
been
previously
inatroct-
ed
by
the
regent,
demanded that the authors (rf"
the late dissenaions ahoald be
givenup
to
pan-
r^xB^^WnllnuiAc.
I h"i* qnUd
Uu
votdh
tiKmnH
uflHfoimdiiitlunul-
n jiritiible
thU PecdiecH ib-
Iwn ihu, u
Jutiii
mn, he
.
iatrMtiliitmrttaaft.
t DiDWB
(OampM
id muKl thii laB*
with thai d*-
"cnbid bi liTT.Hi, 1,whsn It li Hid thM Iha IiMntuii
wH
oiuiDf
tiimiKith " diim-lglit. But
Lnj
Adh hi
KyihBiih"d^t"i"lHlw"alb*""*B}rr"ail
tlwiBiutrTt
-lick.iidHd, w"dil ba nnalT cndiMa i kv d"" Cui-
Mam hill [bal a
ahuhllflK
wai to (m
part
of Ika oanmo-
preaenoe
of mind to make
any attempt
at
eelf-dBfeoce. Perdiccaatook
advantage
of their
oottatematioD to select aboat 900 ol thoae wba
distinguished
themaelvea ae his adversary's
parUsans,
and
immediately
caused
"
nn to be
trampled
to death
by
die
clephania
the
aight
of the whole
army,
and with tha
apparent
consent
of the
kingwhoaecanaethay
had maintained. After thia
eiecotioo,
Melea- ger
could have no bope'ofsafety
but in
flight.
He waa not arreated on the
field,
bat soon aftar
took
raPiga
in
a
temple
at
Babylon,
where ha
waa
despatdtedby
onler of Perdiceas,
By
this blow the
regent'saolhority
was first- ly
established,aa far as related to the
king
and
die
army.
A more difficulttaak remained. He
waa stillsuiroBnded
by
rivalsas
ambitiooa ai
Meleager,
and more feimdaUe from tbeir ability
and influence. Hia next care was to
astisfy
tknr
pretensions ao as least to weaken himself.
A naw
distributionof the
satrapiee
was settled
bygeneraleontent,,bot, fHobablj,
hi most
poinla
under Ms diraction
;
in
some, at least, we clearly
trace his band. Itwas not
neoeasary
for
any
purpose
to make a total
change;
and tbe
general
principle adopted
seems to have been, ta
retain as
many
as pouible
of the
satrapsap- pointed
by
Alexander in (heir
govemments.
The
provinces
which
la;
near the eastern and
northeast frontier of the
empirewere, probably,
the least coveted, and in these
scarcelyany
al-
teration waa made. Tbero were others, from
which,
as
they
were more desirable,
it
m:gbt
have been more
difficultto
displace
their actual
occupants. Thus,
not
only
waa
Taxiles
permitted
to rule in India,Oiyartes
in the Paro-
pamisns,Pbilippns
in Baclria and
Sogdiana,
Phiataphemea
in Parthia and
Hyrcania,
Stras-
anor in Aria and
Drangiana,
Siburtius in Ara-
choeia and Oedroeia. Tiepolemus
in
Cannania,
hot Penoestes was left in
poasession
of
Persis,
and
Atropates
of Northern
Media,
while the
southern
portion
of that
eotmtry
was
commit-
ted to Pilhon,Bal^lonia
to Arehon, Meaopo-
tamia to Arcbelaus. The moat
important|Mrt
of tbe new
arrangement
was that which related
the
governments
vest of the
Euphrates.
. , __. __._ ,.
J
"
g^
;lc
..C.ooglt
HISTORY
OF GBBBCE.
"oqD[
of his
reputed
connexion with the
Toy^
bnily,
bat also muob belaied Tor hie
pereooal
-qoalitieaby
the
army,
had lized his
eyes
on
Egypt,
and obtained
it,
with the
adjacentre-
.gions
or Arabia and
Libya.
Cleomenei
waa not
removed,
but
placed
under hie orders. Laom-
"don remained in
Syria,
Philotas in Ciiicia,
Asander*' in
Caria,
Menander in
Lydia,
and
AntigonuB
in the
gieat province
which included
Fhrygia Proper, Lycia.
and
Pamphylia. But,
"ince
Lycia
and
Pamphylia are
also said to
have been
given
to
Nearchua, we
may
infer
that he held these
provinces
with
a
subordinate
fanlt : a suspicion
which is confirmed
by
hia
"absequent
relations with
Antigonus.
The Hel-
leapontinePhrygtawaa aaaigned
to
LeoanaCnB,
perhaps
as a compensation
for his share in the
Kfency,
or
for the sake of
removing
him from
court :
and Eumenea, whom Perdiccaa
regarded
as
hia
steadyadherent, was rewarded with
the title of
satrap
over Paphlagonia
and
Oapf
docia. But these
eouDtrJes.
which Alexani
.
bad never subdoed, were stillto be
won by
the
"word Irom their QStive ruler,Ariaralhes,
who
had held tbein
as a hereditary
vassal of Persia.
In
Europe,
the
government
of Macedonia and
Greece,
together
with that of the western coon-
Uies on the coast of the
Adriatic,
which
might
afterward be annexed to the
empire,was to be
divided between
Antipater
and
Cralerua,a
partition
m
which Perdiocas
may
have
aeen a
prospect
of colliaioD between them
likelyto
proniete
his
aseendeney.
Thrace, or
the whole mai'
time
region
lo the northeast of Macedonia,
province
which had never been reduced to trai
nailsubmission,
and where the
Odiystsns
had
lately
been rouaed to revolt
by
their
chieC
Sen-
tliee, was
comtnitted to LysimaohDS, a
warrior
ofirttnfVameandnnflinehinghardihood,
There
"re two other
names
which
might
have been
looked for in this list.
Ariatqnaasmight
have
been
expected
to
occupy
a
prominentplace
in
It,
since he had shown
himself a
dscided
parti-
"an of Perdioeaa
; yet
we hear (tf
no provision
Mida for him. Hence ilbaa beaa
coiqectnied
who
was destined
to act so
great
"
part
in the
history
of
tb" enaning peri"xl
" with the chili-
"rcbywhi^
had beM
assignedto himself;
a
bisfa^honoutaUe
and
important post, indeed,
but one which be
might safelypart with, as it
Muld add little
or oothinl;
Ut the
power
be
poa-
sessed
as
regent.
There still remained
a qnestionon which he
feh it
necessary
to consult the
army,
that he
might
relieve himself from
a dangerous
respon-
"ibih^. Papers
had been found in Alexander's
cabinet,
containing
the outlines of
some vast
IKoJecta.
It would seem that
thej might easily
have been
suppressed;
but it
was known ât
they
oonesponded
in
part
with the instructions
^lich had been
given
to Craterus, and, thero-
^
fi"re, they
could not
aafeiy
be
neglected
without
tiie
generalconsent. Some related to the
equipment
of
agreat armament " a
thousand
galleys,
It is said,
of the
largest
siae" destined Ibr the
t of
Carthage,
and of the whole coast
of Africa
on the Mediterranean
as
hr
as
OuB
Straits,
and those of
Spain
and the
adjacent
maritime
regions,as
far
as Sicily;
for whidi
end a road was to be made
along
the African
shore. Others were
plans
for
new colonies,
to
be
planted
in Asia with
Europeans,
and in Bo-
rope
with Asialics. There were also directiooa
for ail
new temples
to be built in
Europe
" at
Delos, Delphi,Dodona, Dium, Amphipolis,
and
Cjrrbna
" each at the cost of 1500 talents,besides
one
of
eitraordinarymagnificence
to the
goddess
of
Ilium,
and for
a monmnent to hie
father in
Macedonia,
which was to
equal
the
largest
of the
Egyptian pyramids
in its dimeo-
sions. It must be owned Ihst there are aome
points
in these schemes which look
suspicions,
and
which, even
if
they
had crossed Alexan- der's
mind, we
should not have
expected
he
would have committed to
writing.
But ths
part relating
to the
temples can scarcely
have
been
fabricated,
and
was probably
contaioed in
the instructions
given
to Ciatems, The
plan
in interchange
of
population
between "u-
end Asia is also
quite
conformable to the
s
which Alexander discloeed in his liTe-
time.
This, however,
and that of the
expedition
to Africa,
could not
any
longer
have enter-
ito
any
one's
thoughts,
and
might
have
been
silently dropped.
But,
perhape,
Perdiecas
apprehended
that the
sums
destined for the
'
objectsmight
be demanded from him
by
his
coUeagnes. and, therefore,
deemed it advisable
formally
to annul the whole
by
the
blu- est
aathortty.
That be
forged
the
project
or
the
e:q)edition,
to render the real contents or
the
papers
the Leaa
acceptable
to the Macedo- nians,
aeems a
very improbable conjecture.*
All
were
laid before
a mihtary assembly,
and
rejectedas impracticable or
useless.
During
the tumnltnous scenes
which followed
Alexander's
death,
his
body
bad lain in ths
palace
nnburied. There
are
various
reports
aa
"
the
place
selected for its interment. Ae-
irdingto
one,
it was to bave been
tranaportod
the
sanctuary
of
Ammonit
bnt the more
]M"bahleis,
that il
was
determined itshould be
deposited
in the
sepulchie
of his ancestors al
JE^m;tand Aristander the
soothsayer
is said
have declared that it had been revealed to
him,
the land where it rested
was
destined to
er
prosperous
and secure
from
invBsioii.^
which, however, was no more than an ancient
"reek
superstition
as to the virtue of a hero's
relics. Orders
were now given
lo constract a
funeral
car worthy
of these
preciousremains,
id the
general
Arridsus was appointed
to e*-
"rtthera towards the western coast.
While auch honours
were paid
to tbe
conqueror's
corpae,
two of the
livingobjects
of his
alTection fell victims to the
revenge
of Roiana
the ambition of Perdiccas. Roxana, with
the
regent'sconcurrence,
invited Statint and
her sisler
Drypetia
to
Babylon by a friendly
letter,
and when
they
came,
caused them to be
assassinated and
secretly
buried.il In the
"
Be
of time she
was
delivered of
a boy,
who
acknowledged as
partner
uf Arridnus Phil-
STATE OF GREECE." MACEDONIAN PARTY AT ATHENS.
87S
" in the
empire,
and boTe the name
of Alezao-
ier
(Mgaa).
Such was the state of the
empire
in
Asia,
and the attitude in which the
principal persons
itho
might pretend
to a share in itbad been
placed
towards one another,
when Greece became
the scene or a conflict which led to a
fresh series of mumentaus
changes.
Unless the nature of the Greeks could have
been
changed,or their
judgment
blinded
by
the success of the Macedonian
arms,
itwould
have been
impossible
that
they
could
generally
have viewed the
progress
of Alexander's con-
queata
with
complacency.
Even ifithad been
acknowledged
that the
eupremaoy
acquiredby
Phihp [Bight
in itself" at least aa it was eier'
ciaed
by
him and his aon " be a wholesome restraint
on the
apint
of discord which had caused
BO
many
calamities to Greece,
it did not
follow thai
any
Greek
patriot
could look forward
without alarm to the
period
when Ihia
supremacy
should
belong
to a
king
of Macedo- nia
who was slao
master
of Asia. It was at
mch a time not
infatuation,
but dishonest ar-
tifice,to treat the Persian
king
as the
enemy
of Greece,* and to blame Demosthenes for the
secret
negotiations
into which he entered with
the Persian court. The
change
which had ta-
ken
place
in the relations between Greece and
Persia aAer the battle ofSBlamis was as
great
as that which
Europe
has
experienced
in its
lelation tc the Turks since the battle of Le-
paoto.
The
power
of Persia hod beoome one
ef the chief aecuritiee of Greek
liberty.
AJ-
leody,
under a
government
which
profeaeed
to
derive its
authority
ttota the
Amphictyouic
council,
and the assembled
repreaentatives
of
tbe
natian,
and to be the
guardian
of the national
iiMtiUitioiis,
the
people
had been made
to fieelthe value of the
political indepeitdenoe
it
hadkMt.
TbebondagaofThebea.wheattwBs
placed
at the
mercy
of " lawtess
garrisan,
tbe
destruction which followed its
attempt
to te-
kaa"
itself;
the demand for tbe surTender of
the Athenian
orators,
and other arcs
which
will be mentioned
hereafter,were warnings,
which showed what
might
be expected
from
Uie future if the
power
which had beMi thus
exercised should become absolutely
irreoisti-
ble
1
if it should fallinto the
hands of
princes
strangers
to Greece,
and educated in tbe maxims
of Oriental
despotism.
It was not
thiongb
a
paltryjealousy,
but Irora " well-gronnded
anxiety,
that the Athenians willingly
hstened
to Demostheites,
when he
enconraged
them to
believe that tbe invader wotild be overwhelm- ed
1^
tbe eoliected forces of tbe Persian empire.
Tbey may,
notwithstanding,
have regarded
Alexander's
exploits
wiUi admiration,
not tbe less sincere because itwas
reluctantly
yiekled
and seldom
openly expressed.
The
marks of favour
they
received from the conqueror
were more
likely
to bias their
judgment,
but,still,
never induced them for a moment to
consider bia cause aa haTrng anything
in com-
loon with their interests. Her citizens enter-
Jbandiofltbe
pub
wiib It
HOC hifi^r
ibai ItimirSiiril. Â"'fif
rcfl
i4c
rri
tujia
rtifmnt^ms-
Aj ifJUnH awi Ui" IntUainH ta"d ba*
'""^"ii.^
M
the service of his
enemy
with the feel-
thcy
were
engaging
in tliedefence of
their
country.
It is rather
surprising
that when
Agis,encouraged
by
the
great
distance which
separated
Alexander from
Kurupe,by,perhaps,exaggerated
rumours of tbe
dangers
that threatened
Asia,
and
by
tbe disasters which had
befallen the Macedonian arms at
home, ventu-
tll-fated
struggle,
Athens remained
neutraL II
yvas
alterward made a
ground
of
againstDemosthBuea,
tlul he had
advantage
of Ibis occasion to
display
the
hostility
which he
always professed
towards
Alexander. The
event proves
that tM
took the most prudentcourse
;
but his motive*
must remain doubtful. He
was, pcTbape,
restrained,
not
by
his
opimuo
of the
htîekwanosi
the
attempt,
but
by
the
dispositioa
W
peaca
lich be found
prevailing
at home,
whether
the effect of
fear,
or of
jealousy,
or
of
any
other oause.* Had the
people
been readyUi
embark in the
contest,
an orator, probably,
would not have been
wanting
to dntmate Ibem
to it. Bui Demosthenes
may
stilthave
given
secret
encouragement
and aseislanoe to tbe
Peloponnesian
confederates,
and
may
have alluded
to
uiis
when. a("cording
to bis adversary's
report,
he bosated that the leaaue was bii
wori.i The issue of that
struggle,
and tto
news which arrived soon alter of the
great
victoryby
which Alexander had decided the
faXe of the Peraian
monarchy
at
Gaugamela,
"t have
crushed all
hope
at Athens
except
J,
which might
have been
suggestedby
domestic
eiêrience,
that tbe
conqueror's
bound-
leu vnbilion might
stilllead him inte scKne
enterprise beyond
his
strength.
There was, however,
a
party
there whicb
did not dieseinble the interest itfeltin the soo-
oess
of the Macedonian
arms.
Before the battle
of
IssuB,
when Alexander was
commooly
believed to be in
greatdanger,
and Damoetli"-
assured
by
bis
oorrea[iondmts
that he
could not escape
deatniction,
,"aohinea
aajm
that he was himself
continually
taunted
by
lua
rival,
who
einUinglydisplayed
the letters that
conveyed
the
joyfultidings,
with the d"
'
he
betrayed
at the
prospect
of tbe d
which threatened hie friends. jEsdiines wu
the active leader of tbe
Macedoniiin^ P*)^'
all his
hopes
of a final
triumph
over his
pobti-
eal advHMuies were
grounded
on tbe Macedft-
ueeoABoef.
But Phocion, though
Ua
motives were vei7 difihrent,
added all the
weight
of his inflimice la the aanw
side. Hia
sentuDcnts were ao well known,
that Alexan- der
himself treated him as a highly-hononiad
Iriend;
addressed letters to him from
Asia,
with a salutation which he used to no one elae
except Antipater,
and repeatedlypressed
turn
to accept magnilicentpresents. Phocion,
indeed,
constantlyrejected
them
;
and when Al"
exauuer wrote that their
friendship
must cease
if he
persisted
to decline all his offers,*waa
only
moved to intercede in behalf of some pria
oners,
whose
liberty
he
iirmtediately
obtained-
Even
among
the instmcCions which Craterus
"
irPlniuEh'iaiwcdatiitnstDenuilH (Raip.Gar Pr.,
"jwly.
PJst.,Al..W. Plud., 18.
.
iT4
HISTORY OF GREECE.
took with
him, one
is said to have been to
pot
Phocion in
poseeasion
of
an
Asiatic
city,
which
he should aelecl from four thai were to be offered
to him. Air this
maybe
conaidered aa a
pare
tribute of disinterested
rcTerence
for ei-
traordinaiyrirtue,but it was not the less like-
h'
to prodnce
a
powerful
effect on
minds not
formed to
prize
virtue as its own reward, or to
belieTe that it could be so eertcemed
by
others.
The disaster of Chan'onea had held out a
signal
to the enemies of Demosthenes at Ath- ens
to unite Cheir forces
against
him. He had
been assailed,
in the
periodfollowiog
that event
until
Philip's death,by every
kind of
legal
engine
that could be
brought
to bear
upon
him "
by prosecutions
of the most various form and
cûr.
All these
eiperinients
had failed
;
the
people
had honoured him with
more signal
proofs
of its confidence than ho had ever be-
ibrB received
;
ho had never taken a more active
part,
or
exercised
a more
powerfulsway
in
publio
aShirs. Yet it
seems
that after the
Macedonian
arms
had
completelytriumphed,
both in Asia and In
Greece,
"schiDes
thought
the
opportunity
"a favourable for another at-
tempt
of the
same
nature, that he resolved to
collect all the foroe of his
eloquence,
and aH
Ae
strength
of his
party,
for
"
last attadc on
Us
great
rival. He
endeavours, indeed, to
iUeld himself from this
reproach,
and l"om
tte
charge
which he
was conscious
might
be
broughtagainsthim,
that his
main
object
was
to
display
his zeal in Alexander's
service, under
the
flimsypretext
that the indictment had
bee
D
laid before
Philip's
death. This
was true;
bat It was no
less evident that the
cauee bad
been
dropped
for seven or eightyeare,
tnd that
the state of
political
afl^rs alone had
now tn-
dooed him to revive it. This
trial,
the
moat
otlflbtatedof ancient
jdeadings,
the most mem-
onUil" event
in the
history
of
eloquence throogta-
"nt all
past ages,
deserves mention
here,
chiefly
for the
light
it throws on the character and
tamper
of me Athenian tribunals,at a
wtken the
people
is
supposed
to have been
"Ing
towards utter
degeneracy,
bo as t"
ikrdly
any longer
an
object
of historical ii
flat; a time,
it must be remembered,
when the
fest
of Greece was
quailing
beneath the
yoke
of the
stranger,
and his
will,
dictated to the
"o-called national
congress
at Corinth,
was
"Dvereign
and irresistible.
'FttBoccasion of this
prosecutionar
two offices with which Demosthenes had been
mtrusted,
in the
year,
it
seems,
after that of the
battle itfCbaMDnea
(B.C.337).
He had
^ppoinledby
hia tribe to
superintend
the re- pairs
which, according
to a
decree
pro[
himself,the
city
walls were to nnde
work
beingequally
distributed
among
tribes.* At the same tiue. he filled another
post,which,
if
not
among
tlie
highest
"tat", was one of the most
important
"yea
of the
people,
the
treasurerahip
of the
"
Thn dHiH
El
ral
w.
"edm"lj
mAcr Ihe ImIIIfot
theoric
fond,which, as
.fschines tykM
greaC
pains
to
prove,
involved a
large
share in th0
general
control and direction of the Goances-
""
Bth offices he had made a
liberal contribu-
out of his own
property
to the service of
ttate.
On this
ground,
but more
especially
mark of
approbation
for his
public
conduct
11 occasions, a
decree was
passed,
on
th0
ion of his friend
Ctesiphon,
that be should
be
presented
with
a goldencrown,
and that (ho
honour eonferred on him shoold i"e
proclaimed,
the theatre, at the
great Dionysiacfestival,
the time when Athens was
full of
strangen,
came to attendthe
spectacle.
For this de-
j"schinea had indicted
Ctesiphonan having
broken the law in three
points
: first,
be-
"
se
it was
illegal
to crown a
magistrate
be-
',
he had rendered
an account of his oflioe
;
1,
because itwas forbidden to
proclaim
sneh
honour,
when bestowed
by
Ae
people,
in
any
other
place
than the
aBsembly-gronnd
in
the
Pnyr.
but
particularly
to
proclaim
itaa Ctes- iphon
had
proposed
;
and, lastly,
becanse tha
reason
assigned
in the decree, so "r as
related
to the
public
condnct of Demosthenes, was false,
inasmuch
as
he had not
deserved
any
re^rard-
Anuing
these
points,
there was one on
which it
seems
clear that the
charge
of
illegality
was
well
grounded, llioagh
the
saperintondence
'
the
repairswaa,
probably,
not a
magistracy
the
eye
of the taw, which, indeed, forbade
y
one to hold
two at once,
the
treasnrership
of the tbeoric fund
certainly
was
one,
and ooe
to which the law,
which forbade the
orowning
of a
magistrate
stillaccountable, applied
with
peculiar
force. As to the mode of the
proclamation,
it seems doubtful whether the law
on
which the
prosecDtion
rested had not been mod- ified
by another,
which declared that
proclamation
might
be
made, as Ctesiphon proposed,
if
the
people
should
so
decree
;
though
."sebiaes
speciously
contended that ttiis
eicî^n
was
only
meant to relate to orowna
bestowed on
citizen^not
by
the
petqde,
but
by foreign
ataies.
But the tUrd
point,
the truth or
blsehood of the
reason
alleged
in the decree,was that on which,
accordingto the manifest sense uf both the
parties,
of the
court, and of all
present
at the
trial,
the case
really
turned. The
question
at issue
was,
in
substance,
whether Demosthenes had
been a
good
or a bad citizen. It was on this
'
account that the
court was
throngedby
an ez-
traordiuary
conSuz of
spectators,
bath citizens
and
strangers.
Hence tiie
prosecutor,
after a
short discussion of the
drylegalarguments,
enters,
as on his main
subject,
into
a
fiillreview
of the
public
and
private
life of Demosthenes
;
and Dcmostbenes, whose interast it was lo divert
attention from Uie
paints
of
law,
irtiich
were not his
strong ground,
can
scarcely
find
room for them in hie defence of his own
policy
and
proceedings, which,
with bitter attacks
on
his
adversary,occupies
almost the whole of his
The
precedinghistorywill,perhaps,
enable
the
reader,even ifhe should not have read that
speech, to form a
generalconception
of the
principles
on which tbo orator vindicated his
public
conduct. Suffice it here to observe, that
iiis boost
is,
that
throughout
his
political
career
be had
kept
one
objectsteadily
in view " to
strengthen
Athens within and
without,
and to
CAUSE OF THE CROWN.
jnaom
her
indApendence.psrticniBriT agsinvt
lixB
power
and tbe arts of
Phiiip.
Ha owned
tlul h" had failed
;
but itwas after he had done
aU that one man in hU siiaatiaa" a ehizen
commoaweaitb " could do. He had failed
canae in wbich defeat was more
ônons
Ihan
Ticiory
ID
an;
otiier" in a
stniggle
not leas
woitbj
of AtbeDB than IhoM io wbiota her heroic
eitiaeas,
io
past ages,
had earned their lame-
In a word,
the whole orati"H)breatbea the
spirit
of thai
highphiUiaaphywhich,
whether learned
in the BOluMtt
or
(run life, baa cMisoled tbe noblest
of
our kind in
priaODS,
and "o acaflblda,
and
uadereToiyporaociitiMiof adTeraefartnne,
but in the lone
necMaar;
lo
itnpresa
a mized
multitude with
a like
feeling,
and to elevate it
for a while into a
qdiere
aboVe
its own.
""
efleot it
produced
on that moat
auaceptihle
dieace can be but
faintly
conoeired
by
the fioeat
critica in Ibeir closeta. Yet there hare
tainly
been few readera "
perhapa none
those wboae
judgment
haa been
perTsnad bj
prejudioes
" in whom it haa not left a
Btrong
CDUTictionof
theapeafcer'apatnottam,
ifnr~
''
hia
general inlegritj
aitd
political
virUw.
result
was,
that tbe
pnweeulor
not
only
lost bis
cause, hut did oot even riHain a dfth
part
of the
rotea,
and
oonaequently,acetvding
to law. In- curred
a small
peaalty.*
But he seems to have
hia
defeat,
where he must have lived silentand
obscure. He
quiltedAthens,
and crossed over
to Asia with tbe
view,
itia
said,of
seekingprx"-
tectioo from
Alexander,t
through
whose aid
alone he oonld
now
hope
Co
triumph over
hia
adversariea.
When
this
prospect
vaniatasd,he
retired
to Rhodes, where
he
opened
s school
itf
oratory,
which
produceda long
series of vol-
ubie
sophists,
and is considered as (be,origin
of
a new
style
of
eloquence,
leglmically
called
the
Asiatic, which stood iu a relation lo the At- tic
not unlike that of the compuailecapital
to
the Ionic volute,
and was destined to
prevailin
the Bast wherever Ibe Greek
language was
apokea,
down lo the fallof the Romao
Empire.
He died at Samoa,
about nine
yeaia
after Alex- ander,
having
survived both bia
great aatago-
niat and hia friendFbocion,
and
probably
was
preserved, by
his exile,frooi a similar fate.
The
spiritdisplayedby
tbe tribunal which decided
in favour of Demosthenes
on such
grounds
as be
allegedis,at least,as noble
as that of the
lUman
senate audpeople
when
they
went out
h
n:ki"bt h
of
ioSuma
to meet and thank the cofunl
on
his rettnn
from Caontt. But the case
may
seem to exhibit
the Athenian administration of
Justice
inr .
a much less favourable
light.
On one
point,
at
least,
it 18 clear that
Ctesiphou's
decree
waa
contrary
to law. The
attempt
made
by
Demoa-
thenea to
prove
that the
law,
which forbade tm
accountable
magistrate
to be
crowned,
did
not
apply
to his
case,
only
shows tbe
eitrame looao-
neas of
legalreaaoning
wbich waa Uderated ia
Aibeaian courts. Ii
aeema, indeed,to ban. '
been admitted that there had been numenMU
preoedents
for whatever was
illegal
in tbe decree,
as to theeironmataiKeaof
limeandplacA.
But this
onlyprovea
the
laxity
which
prevailed
iu the observance of the lawa. It
appears that,
according
to that
theory
of the Conalilulioii
wbich had been
universallyapproved
and acted -
on in. Che
purest timea,imoiediacely
after ibo
expulsion
of the
thirtytyrants,
the court which
tried tbe author of a decree denounced as
ille-'
gal
waa bound lo
compare
it with the letter
of the
law,
and (o
givejudgment
on the simple
question
of their strict
sgreement.
But it
ia evident thai tbe courts bad afterward assik-
med
greater
froedom
:
and it ia not at all cer-
lain that this was
repugoant
either to tbe
spirit
of the institution or to tbe
practice
of
preceding
ages,
with the
singleexception
of tbe short
period
in which the restoration of the
democracy
awakened
extraordinary jealouay
for Che main-
teosoce
of the laws. The will of the
people,
declared in a decree,
had beea
subjaclei
' "
revision of a tribunal which
n
' ' '
lo
poiseaa
superiormeans ot
cure tbe peoiîtself
against
the
pernicious
con-
sequencea
of
teniporary measurea
into which
it,
might
be
surprised.
This
seeois
to have been
the
generalobject,
to which allothers were
subordinate
;
and for this
purpose
it
might
be
ne-,
cessary
that,
in sucb
cases,
the courts should
be invented with an
amplediscretion,
and should
not be
required
to adhere to tbe letter of tbe
lawa, so as themselves lo oommil
wrong,
or to,
injure
tjje
coumuin wealth. The form of the
proceedings
was such, that a verdict
againat
Ctesipbnu
muat have been
interpreted
asacon-
demnation of Demosthenes
;
and it
waa the deliberate
wiH, and the
^gheat
interestof the
people,
to show that it still honoured the man who
had
not
despaired
of the commonwealth. It
would have been better that tbe
prosecutor
should nol have been able so to embroil the
question
;
but,where he did
so,
it was deaira-
ble that the court should have the
power
to decide
on what itdeemed tbe most
importantpoint.
In the course of Che same
year
was
tried
another
cause,
which is
interesting
iu the
same
point
of view. The occasion
has
been
already
mentioned. In the
eighthyear
after the battle
of
Cheronea,
the
fugitive
Leocrates
returned
to AchenSi
Which he bad deserted in her hour
of
danger,
and resumed the functions of a cili-
! waa
impeached by Lycnrgus.
under
the taw which had been
passedimmediately
after
the
battle,forbidding emigation
Qncler
pain
of death. He
pleaded
that he had set out in ê
business
as a
merchant,
without
of
changing
his abode
;
but hia
sohsequent
conduct belied his
profeasiona.
He
waa
convicted,
and
probably
saObred the
penalty
of his offfence.
,
CiOoqIc
S76
HISTORY OF GREECE.
LycurpiB,
the
proaocutor,
waH one of the few
men then
iiTing
at Athena who cuuld undertake
such a task with
dignitj,
as conacious of a
life
irceproachably spent
in the service of his
country.
Iliere are few Athenian statesracii
of
any BRe
who can bear a
comparison
witlihim:
n"ocion
equalled
hiui in
honesty
and disinter-
Mtedness
;
bittin his
generalcharacter,
and in
lliipoiitical conduct,seems to fallfar below Mm.
I( is
pleasing
and instructive to
contemplato
the
imase
of such a man
;
and it is a
peculiarhap- piness
that his
biography
is less
meager
than
that of most of his celebrated
contemporaries;
the
principal
features of his character stand oat
before ua with sufficient diatinclnesa.
Demoathenes was often
reproached
with a
mixture uf barbarian blood in his reins.
Ly-
mrgui
was a
genuineAthenian,
and his
fainily
irsa one
of the oldest and most illustrious in
Athens. He traced the
origin
of his houae,
which was
diatingaished by
the honourable
ap-
peUation
of the
Eteobutads,*
to the
royal
hero
Erechlheua,
and thus to a divine stock.
By
Tirtae of thup
dwcenl,
hia
familypossessed
an
MrMlitai7prieBlhood
of
Poseidon,
whose wor-
abip,
aa
probably
hia
nature, was
intimately con-
"ected with that of Erechtbcns In the Erech-
thetun,
the
temple
dedicated in
common to the
hero and the
god,
the
portraits
of the ancestors
of
Lycurgus
who had held that office
were
painted
on the walls. He could also bosst of
Mome,
more
trulynoble,whose
memory
was cn-
deaied to the
peopleby
real services.
Lyco-
lAron,
his
grandfather,
had been
put
to death
by
the
Thirty,
and both he and
Lycomedea, another
of the orator's
proganitors,
had been honoured
with a public
funeral.
Lycurgus
had
studied in the achoob both of Plato and Isocra-
tas
;
bat had not laamed Irom the one to with-
dntr (tornactive lifeinto a
visionary world,nor
trom the other to cnltivale
empty
rhetoric at
tfae
ezpensa
of tmth and of hia
country.
His
manly eloquence
breathes a
deep
love and rev-
vnoce
ior what was
truly
Tenerable in
antiqui-
^" his
speechagainstLeocrates,
wliicb is still
extant,
ahowi that he dwelt with a faodneas
boDoming
hia birih and station on the
stirring
iBgsnda
of elder times
;
but his admiration for
litem
had not made him indifier"nt or
unjust
to-
mids those in which he lived. He
possessed
"n ampls hereditary
fortune
;
but ho
lived,
like
FluMMon,
with
Spartan simplicity.
In an
age
of
growing luxury,
he wore the same
garments
tbrongh
auuuner and
winter,and,
like Socra-
tM, was only
seen with sandals on eitraordi-
naiy
occasionB. Yet he had to
struggleagainst
Aa aristocratical habite and
prejudices
of bis
hmiiy.
He waa the author of a law to re-
"tiain the wealthier women from
ahaming
their
poorer neighboursby
the costliness of their
Oqui|iages
in the festive
procession
to Eleusis
;
bat his
own wife was the Eret to break il.t His
ftugality, however,
did not arise from
parsimo-
Hj,
and was confined to his
personal
wants.
He was reproached
with the
hberality
which he
a (V. U.,lui.,M), "|
diB[dayed
towards the various masters of laant-
ing
whom he
employed,
and declared tiiatif b"
could find
any
that would make his auns better
men,
he niould
gladly
pay
them with half fait
fortune. He decoted himself tu
public
life in a
career of
quiet,
unoaientatious but useful actir-
ity.
He was a
powerful,
but not a
readyspeak- er;
like Pericles and
Demosthenes, he
never
willingly
mounted the bema without elaborate
preparation;
and his
writing-
instruments were
constantly placedby
the side ol the
simple
couch
on which be rested,
and from which he
frequently
rose in the
night
to
pursue
his labours. But
to shine in the
popularassembly
was not Uie
object
of bis
studies;
he seems
only
to have
appeared
there on
necessary
or
important occasions.
His
genius
waa
peculiarly
formed for
the
management
of financial
affairs;
and the
economy
of the state was the business of a
largeportion
of hia
public
life. In the latter
part
of
Philip's reign
he was
placed
at the head
revenues,
so far ai
they
were not
appn^riatod
to
particular purposes.
On the adminiatralion of the
person
who
filledit
depended
both the resourcea of th*
ataie,
and the manner in which
they
were
regularly
applied.
The office waa tenable for foiu
years
: a law dictated
by republicanjealousy,
and, it
aeems, proposedby Lycurgus himself,
forbade it to remain
longer
in the same hands.
Yet
Lycurgus was
permitted
ta exercise it*
functions
dnring
twelve successive
years,
selecting
some of his friends for the last two terma
to bear the title. In the coorae of this
period
nearly19,000talents
passedthrough
his hands.t
He is said
to have raised the
ordinaryrevenue
from 600 lu 1300
talents.!
We hear of no expedients
but unwearied
diligenceby
which he
effected this increase. It is
only
as to the u-
phcation
that wo are more
fhUy
informed. It
seems
that the amount and the nature of the
domestic
expenditure were
cominitied,in a
great
degree,
to bis discretion. As the
snrplus
not ro"
quired
for war fellinto the theoric
fund,
whidi
was devoted to the transient
grMificalion
of tlM
people,
it
required
allthe induenoe of the
treasurer
to
apply
as
targe
a sum as
possibleto objects
pernisnently
useful. The
administration
of
Lycurgua
was
distinguished
above
every
other
since Pericles
by
the number of
public
bnild.
inga
which he erected or
completed. Among
his monuments were an
arsenal,an
armory,
a
theatre, a
gymnasium,
a
palEstra,
a stadium.
After the
example
of
Pericles,
he laid
up
a considerable
treasure in the
citadel,
in
images,
vessels,
and ornamenta
of
gokl
and
silver, which, al
I Im Vil.XOr.it j.KullhullK
^ciiiiiIhIiIiokmIw
wiihthi tri
r.jH ALuKhuBiwiw.. iii..ji.4MI)
pnixbletliu^tiiiinTa "hauU M lib
LYCURGU8.
9T7
Ibe Bame time,
Hened to
heigbten
the
splendour
or the Bacred festiTals. It waa in a different
capacity,
nnder a
specialcommission,
that he
bIeo built 400
gallejH,
and fonoed a
great iBag-
aiine of arms. Me
seems,
likewise, to have taken
Periclea Tor his
model,
so tar as the difference'
between their time*
pennitied,
in a con-
tiaual endeavour to raise the character and to
refine tbe taste of the
people.
That lie instituted
a choral contest in honour of his
familygod
Poaeidan.
may
be ascribed to a
personal
motive.
Bat we find his attention
entirely
directed to
more
important
branches of art and literature.
He was the aotbor of a
regulation
" the
precise
nature of which is not
stifficienlly
ascertained
lo be stated here " for the better
management
of the comic drama. But he conferred a more
iBMing
benefit on his
country,
and on ail
poateri-
ty,by
another
measure, designed
to honour and
pTEserre
the
memory
and the works of tbe three
peat tragic
poets
to whom Athens was indebted
for so
largeapart
of her
literary
lame. The
dramas of
Sophocles
and
Euripides,
if not of
.facfaylus,
were still
frequently
exhibited
;
they
were
acknowledgedas the most
perfect
models
of dramatic
poetry ;
but this did not
prevent
them from
undergoing
a fhle similar to that
which has so often belallen the works of our
earlydraiaatiata;theywere frequently interpo-
bted Bsd mutilated
by
tbe actors. Before the
ioTention of tbe
press
this was a serious
exil,
as it
endangered
tbe
very
existence of the original
works. To
remedy it,Lycurgus
caused a
Mw
transcript
or edition to be made of them
bjrpublicauthority,
in
many
cases
probably
from the
manuscripts
of the sutbors, and lo be
depoaited
in the state archives.* The value of
Ibis edition was
provedby
its fate. It was afterward
borrowed
by
one of the Ptolemies to be
dîied
for tbo AJeiandrian
library,
and fifteen
talents frereleft at Athens as a
pledge
for its
itmtitation. The
king,
however, sent back the
copy
instead of the
cuiginal,
and forfeited his
pledge. By
the decree of
Lycurgus,
itwas directed
that the
playera
should conform in their
represeotations
to this authentic edition. The
broDie statues of the three
poets,
which he also
eansed to be
erected,were less durable monuments,
and had become a more trivial dlBtinc-
AQ these works
attest the influence of
Ly- curgus,
while
tbey
show the
spirit
in which it
was exerted. That influence was founded,not
on bis
birth,or wealth,or
eloquence,
or
ability,
bat
aimply
on the confidence which a
jealous
peoplereposed
in his
intp.grity
and
probity.
As
the state intrusted him witli its
revenues, so
private
persons depoaited
their
properly
in his
custody.
When a
piece
of
ground
was
required
Tor his new
stadium,DInias,
its
owner,
made a
present
of it to the
people,
with tbe extraordinary
declaration that be
gave
itfor the sake of
LycuT^s.
His
testimony
was
sought
as the
luost elficacious aid in the courts of
justice.
He was once summoned
by
an
adversary
of
Demosthenes- Demoatbenes said he should
only
ask whether
Lycurgna
would consent to
be
thought
like the
man whom be befriended
*
In hia own
judicialeontaate, whether be
appeared
as
prosecutor
or defendant,hs
always
gained
hia oause. He could venture
aharply
to
rebuke the assembled
people,
when he was in-
temipted
in a
speechby
clamoura of
disapprobation.
When the
philosopher
Xenocraleswa*
seized in the
street, as liable to the alien
lax,
by
one of the farmers of the
customs, Lycurgna
slruok the man with his staff,
and conimilted
him to
prison;
and his conduct iin this occasion
was
univiraally praised
We hear but of
ant case in which he
may
seem lo bare courted
popular
favour
by
a deviation from his
principles
in the
management
of the
public
funds. Ho
,
had convicted a
wealthyman,
named
Diphilus*,
of a
gross
and
very pernicioua
fraud on the
state,
in tbe
working
of the mines at Lauriom.
The offender was
put
to death,
and his whole
estate confiscated,
and
Lycurgnaconsented,
at
least,
to distribute the sum which it
brought
into
the
treasury among
the
people,
as the wboto
produce
of the mines had been distributed before
the time of ThemistDcles. The
general
tendency
of his
measures,
and the
impressim
producedby
bis character, were rather of an
opposite
kind. He
inspired
a
feelingapproach- ing
to
awe. by
his
antique,Spartan-like auster- ity,
as he
publicly
avowed his adimration of the
old
Spartan
maonera. When he was
appointed
to
superintend
the
police
of tbe
city.t
the measures
by
which he cleared it of
rogues
and va- grants
were deemed so
rigorous
as to be compared
with tbe laws of Draco. On the otbn
band, one of hia celebrated enactitienla was ft
provisionagainst
one
of the
groaser
abuses of
tbe slave-trade,
by
which itsometimeB
happened
that free
persona
were told nndef false
pretexts
in the Athenian market.
The account to which
every
Athenian magistrate
was liable
was,
of
course,
moat
rigidlj
exacted from one who tilled such an office as
Lyourgos discharged
for twelve
years
in auc-
ceaalun. He rendered one at the end of each
quadiiennia! period,
eitherin his own
name, oc
in that of the titularminister for whom he acted.
No flaw was ever delected in hia
reckonings,,
and it
appeared
that lie
had,on varioits occa-
sioua,
borrowed between 600 and 700 talenta
for the
publicservice.^
Still,he himself
was
not aatialied with the
ordinaryinspection
to
whi"h his accounts were liable
;
he
jusly
considered
them as one of bis fairest titleslo
grat-"
ilude and
esteem,
and he therefore caused Lhem
10 be inscribed on a monument
which heeiect-
id in the
palKstra
founded
by himself;
and it
appears
that a considerable
part
of this
inscrip-
II libir cf Hirpdiu. L^cargui
wu "ltulirhtD Slnts-
In gmKnlcd
UsauuhenH in
lint girmnd,
"
Pciliip*Om ium
pame
tar wlwm Uumthanaa had
HubAcl tha puUir hownui mMXtionad hj DiDuahoj, D^
tXiftr.
S"UM (11.".. P-"1B) rejncu
ltil"
nnUmi^
1
tgrniuituSinJin^Mhilili" "'^;,^'j'*''"'',"7^^
iiwl
torfciirigoor," Mtnn li"nlli uiMfJwii
"
"iwoli**
t So BcnEkli (i(..
p
IMI inlarpren
Ui" woni" of U" d"-
i9 Dt^SlrttocIn,
which
maj.lwwBTerlcaiBpbvd
wjib tu
iiiaidof " lUpowte
wtaKb h^ iMii c"iaii|Md
Id hii om.
stapm (a.^1
wonM nma iha m-'
" '- "- "" "-
tho" ia
l""
Lift,whiob u" StO.
,glc
578
HISTORY OF GREECE.
tloD his be"n
preserred
to our
da;.*
A shoTt
tinn before hia death " wbicb Beenu u" have
a little
preceded
Alexander's " be is said to
b"Te directed bimgelf to be earned to tbe cotin-
"il-cbBiDber,
and to have
challenged
a freeb
"CTDtin;
of bis whole admiaiBtrauon.t Tbe
OdI;person
who oauie forward to
lay anyUiing
to his
charge
was oae MeDesachmus. whom
he bad
proaecated,
and he now refuted all hia
Crowns, statues,
and a seat at the table of
tbe
Frytanes,
bad been bestowed on him in his
Ufe. Alter his death he was honoured with a
, public
funeral,
and with
a bronze statue near
the ten beroea of the tribes,
aitd the distinction
ke had
enjojed
aa a
guest
of the state was
made
hercdjiary
in his
jamily.
Yet hia sons "
wh"-,it
may
be
suspected
from his
language
on
the occasion
alreadymentioned, were not worthy
of him " were
prosecuted
for some oOeoce
by
the same Menesa:chmae,
who succeeded
Um in his
office,
and it is said that
they
were
nleased from
prisonthrough
the intercesaion
"f Demosthenes
; though
this
msy
hare had
no
Mher foundatioD than tbe close
pcditical,
and
perhapepersonal,friendship
whidi united the
great
orator with
Lycurgua.t
The
fngments
here collected from the
biography
Of a truly
illustrious
man,
who has not
jwierally
attracted all the notice be deserves,
will, perhaps,
not he
thought to
occupy
too
"Dch
roora,
when it is oonsidere4 that
they
are
"cattered over a
periodduring
which the biato-
ry
of Atbens is almost a blank.
They
lead ua
to believe that the lifeof the
people,
at this
pe-
liod,cannot have been
so worthless and
insig~
"Iflcantas we often find it deacribed
;
b
people
Which,
in the midat of a awarm of
profligate poetical
Bdventnren, aycopbaQte,
aad
parasites,
beatowed ita
esteem,
its
eonfiiâoe,
its
highest
hoDours,en too soeh
men,
bo
widelyat
vari-
"DM
with each
oibor,as Phocion and
Lyctu--
fna ;
a peo|^
it
may
be
added,
wbich could
menbenualed
by audiaapeecbaa
that of De-
~
tea in bia
daftnae,^
waa not
buieleaaly
not dead to all
r^
and noble
feelingB,
mti lewly
to aink imo rtiin
throogb
its own in-
tamal feeUeiwM and
leri^. Notwithatanttint
tte TBSt extent oT tiieHacedoniao
ooaqnenta,
and tbe
magtufloeooa
of tbe new dynasties
ivlii^ araae out of Alexander^
onpra,
we DSed
Mt be MihamaJ to
legaid
tbe
strnggle
which
t It !" a
"HMi"
viMbn
iba iwdn vwi an to b
nikBwd fniB OL
1(W,
1
(MIJ, sr fram OL
110.
3
(318)
n" tutei ii SshUi'i apjnioB,acoirdiDg
to wbiah
Lrcw
n" mBld not hin
ooaplMailth* Lul Um u tha luu ul
titd"Ili,ud Snnw^ uiunuU
oa thii nda Hui nan
iwrtniisg thu Dnnn'i (Z.f.d.
Aluitaiiiiinna., Ti.,r
"H1 OS Ihs Mhar. Thii
niiaioa
nmi daD to to eaoAiiiHi
tvtbt"un"iii "*VltX.0r.,p.S4l,C.,fnmr"f Jri
*"*'"(""
f" Im
"p|Hua
to ton (nntHd (ha anpeiiiiMad
wajm
KtiiitDiiad, Uka tha
raal,bj "irtna aHm (Ota
ai
Lffiornitba ^tduuI
of Iha Divaacatin
iwad hii
ehiT^ villi nwtUr aaccaaa
Dlv uAarli t te
("MoM "hasM to Md,
aad litowtoc
va Ba
l"airlo 1(11vkasm "uamHu
M
an Bail finw thm kanttmABF* ArW"",u^
pletect
Uiis
people
made for
libertyaa not less intereai-
ing
than the oontesls of some
ambitioua stridieiB
of fortune for their shares of that rich
^lotL
During
the wboleofhisadmiBiatration, itas
appears
most pitiable, he remaioed in officeto
his death, Lycurgua
bad to oontend against
the
influence of Denudes. This most restless and
shameleaa of all the candidates for
power
that
had hitherto
appeared
at Athens, who,
in condition
and
character,presented
the most cau-
irast to
Lycurgue,"
bad been
appoint-
ma,
immediately
after Demosthenea.
of the theoric fund,
and be
occupied
that station
during
the twelve
followingyears.
The infiuence which he
acquired
rested
on two
grounds,
besides his
wit, fiuency,
and
impudence
;
on his avowed connexion with Mace- donia,
from which some
advantage
bad been
dehved in tbe
negotiations
with
Philip
and AU
exaoder,
and on tbe readineaa wiUi which be
squandered
the
publictnoney
to
gratily
the lowest
tastes of the Athenian
populace.
We
even
find it related that anccours would have been
aent to the
Peloponnesiana
in their
strnggle
with
Alexander,
if ho had not warned the
people
thai
they
must then
forc^
the sum which
he was about to distribute
among
them for an
approaching
festival.1 The
story
in this futm,
indeed,
la
hardly credible,or consistent with
tbe
complaints
wbich were made
against
De- mosthenes
on the same
subject;
but it doea
not tbe less
truly
mark the man's
character,
and the baaia of his
power.
He had, indec^l,
as
we have
seen,
been
prosecuted
with success
by
Lycurgua;
but the result of the oonviction was
probablyonly a fine,wbich he could
easilypay,
and which did not
interrupt
his
political
activity.
In
reputation
he had
nothing
to lose. At
the end of tbe twdve
years
he waa
again
impeached
for tuB condoicl in bia administration.
In bis defence he had tbe lirontto iûm Uie
merit of tbe
blessings
which tbe
people
bad enjoyed
during
tbe
longperiod
of
peace.
It waa
probably
fell that he
might
stillba useful
:
at
least,
ttiatit waa not the time to
poni^
him
;
and be was acquitted.
In the course of the
year preceding
Alezaa-
der's
death,
the stillness and
obsouiity
of Athe- nian
history
were broken, partlyby
tbe new
measurea adopted by
the
conqueror
on his return
"on India with
respect
to Qreeee,
aiid
partlyby
the adventures of
Haipalus,
Alex- ander's
claim of divine honours could not be
viewed in OreeoB with tbe same
feeiii^
whiob
it had excited
amtniK
tbe Tiotorima Hacedo-
niana. To the
peo^,
bowed down
bj
irresistible
necessity
nnder a
foreignyoke,
it was
not a
point
of
great
mmuent under what form
m title the
conqueror,
in tbe
plenitude
of his
power,
chuae to remind thcan of their
satyeo-
tion.
They might
consider the demand aa a
wentmi insult,
but it was m no other sense an
injnry.
There
mi^t
not be
msnj
base
uiou^
to recommend
it,
but ttiere
were, perhaps,
atill
fewer so unwiae aa to think it a fit
gronnd
for
It involved no surrender of reli-
17,IS) M haling laen origiulli"
nmial) : br
PncJu (in PmUi riia.
(x^MniXiK,
of which Iha mtor no
aiafBanilw.-niaSab-Iurkatal,
OaiaT.,iii.,p.S)ai
I
loaf
ton toaa u
DECREE IN FAVOUR OF THE EXILES.
gtoia
faith,BTen in those who were
firm];
attached
to the
popular
creed
;
and the ridicule
for wh:ch it afforded so fair a mark
was,
with
most,
sufficient
revenge
fur its insoleoce. The
Spartan
answer to the
king'senvoys
was
per-
Iispa
the best: "If Alexander will be a
god,
let him."* At Athena there was
aometbing
more of debate on the
question;
yet
it
hardly
oeems that
opinions
were
Hcrioualy
divided on it.
The
motion, as was most
fiting,
was made
by
Semades
;
and even in his
propoaal
be did not
"0
much farther than
Epicratea,
who had ventured
to
say that,
iustead of the nine archons,
the
people
would do well to
appoint
as
many
ambassadors to Alexandcr.t It was
opposed
by
a
young
orator named
Pythcas,
who seems
to have fluctuated
greatly
in his
political
aUi-
ances4 but on one
pccasion,
al
least, expressed
himself
strongly
on the notorious contrast between
the
private
habits of Demadea and De-
moslhenes.i Pytheas,perhaps,
took that view
of the
question
in which it afforded the best
Hubject
for vehement declamation. It was observed
by
the more practical
stateamen that
he was not
yet
of an
age
to give
advice on
matters of such
importance.
He
rcpUed
that
he was older than
Alexander, whom
theypro- posed
to make a
god. Lycurgus appears
to
have
apoken.
with the
severity
suited to his
character,
of
"
the new
god,
from whose temple
none could
depart
without need of
purifica-
tion."H But it does not follow that he wished
to see the demand
rejected.
At
least,
Denia-
des and Demosthenes were
agreedon
the main
point,
and their
language,
as
ikr
as it is
reported,
seems to have been
very
similar. Dema-
des warned the
peoplenot to lose earth while
they
contested the
possession
of heaven
;T
and
I"emosthenes advised them not to contend with
Alexander about celestial hononrs. Yet it is
said
that,OD a
previousoccasion,
he had carried
a motion
forbidding
innovations in the objects
of
publicworship;""
whether with refer
ence to rumours of Alexander's
pretensions
wi
do not know. The
assembly acquiesced
ii
the
king's
demand.
' But the order
relating
to the retnrn of the
exiles awakened much
strongerfeelings, partly
of fear and
partly
of
indignation.
It
spears
that
Alexander,
before he set out on
bis
expedition,
when it was his
objectto conciliatethe
Greeks,
had
engaged by
solemn
compact
with
the national
congress
at Corinth "
perhapsonly
confirming
one before made
by Philip
" not to
interfere with the
existing
ioslitutionaof
any
Greek
state,
bnt to
preserve
them inviolate.
At the time of this
treaty,Measene,
it
seems,
was governed by
a
tyrannicaldynasty,
the
hotise of Philiades. The
tyrants
were afterward
expelled,
but were restored
by
Alexan- der's
intervention,
under the
pretext
that the
treatyrequired
the
governments
then
standing
to be
preserved.
But this
pretence
could not
be
pleaded
in another
case,
when the demo-
cratical
party
at Pellene in Acbaia was
expelled,
their
property
cojiEscated and distributed
among
their
slaves,
and Chsron established as
tyrantby
the
power
of Macedonia,* The tendency
of Alexander's new measure was to effect
a
similar, though
it
might
be a less violent
revolution, wherever Macedonian infiuencewaa
yet completelypredominant,throughout
Greece.
Nicanor, a
Staprite,
bad been sent
down
by
Alexander to
publish
his decree
during
the
games
at
Otympia, Demosthenes, on this
occasion,proposed
himself to fillan officewhich
was
commonly
confined to
unimportant
ceremonies
: to head the
embassy by
which Athena
was
publicly represented
at the national festi-
va],
that he
mi^ht
there discuss the
question,
point
out the
iiyuatice
of the
measure,
and impress
the assembled Greeks with his own sentiments.
For this
purpose
he was sent,
and at
Olympia
httd a
public
debate with
Nicanor,
but
without
any
immediate effect. Nicanor could
only obey
the
king's
orders
;
and there were
some thousands or the exiles and their friends
collected
there,
who listened to the
proclaina-
with
joy.
It was
in the form of
a tetter,
addressed to them in a style
of
imperial
hravi-
"King
Alexander to the exiles from the
eek cities. We were oot the author of
your
ile.but we will restore
you
to your homes,
all but those who are under a curse, I- And
we have written to
Antipater
on the
subject,
that he
ma? compel
those cities which are unwilling
to receive
you,"
Great alarm ensued at Athens
among
those
who had reason to dread the execution of ths
decree. The
people
would not
comply
with
it,
but stilldid not venture openly
to
reject
it. A
middle
course was taken, by
which
time, at
least,
was
gained.
An
embassy
was sent to
Alexander to
deprecate
his interference
;
and
at Babylon
the Athenian
envoys
met those of
several other Greek
states,
who had
come on
the same
business. How far
they
acted in
concert with each other,
and whether
through
the exhortations of
Demosthenes, we are not
informed. There seemed, indeed,to be a
very
faint
hope
that Alexander's
ptirpose
could b"
shaken
by
their
arguments
or entreaties
;
bat
yet
the
event, very
unexpectedlyindeed,showed
that
they
had taken the most
prudent
counsel.
In the mean while there
prevailed
at
home not
only great
anxiety
about the issue
of the
embassy,
but fears for the hnmediato
safety
of the
city,
A
strong twidy
of Athenian
exiles was collected at
Megara,
where
th^
might keep up
a communication with their
friends in Athena,
and would bo furnished with
such aid as
Megara
could afford
;
for.as was
to be
expected
"om the ancient
enmity
between
the two cities,Megara
had
warmly em-
biaced the intereata of
Macedonia,
and had
bestowed its franchise on Alexander,
who
smiled at
the
honour,
but was assured that he
was the first
stranger
who had
ever
received
it since hie ancestor Hercules,! Suspicions
were
entertained of clandestine
meetings
with
lofi
w monlf r : u
in Polyiperch"-.
.did (irili., ") Ihex
"n dnrirbdl a"n
fuUj,t)l4""" '"*( f aWn ) inUt
t
liiitafch. D* Hi. i
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Ae exiles at
Megara ;
and the
Areopagus
was
directed to inTeatigate one,
at least,
ortheae
caaea. Anottier was
brought
forwW
by
De-
mosthenea,
who
was,
however,
induced to
drop
it,probablyby
bia own
clanger,
as well as in.
fonnalion whicli he had received of some designs
against
the arsenal.*
Such was the state of aflairs
at
Atliens when
the
appearance
of
Harpaluagave
rise to fresh
perplexity
and uneasineas,
'
The
precise
time
when lie arrived on the coast of Attica is dilH-
cult to ascertain
;
but it seems most
probable
that it was ailer the return of Demostbenes
ftom
Olympia. Harpalua,
as we have
seen,
carried
away
some 5000 talents,
and had collected
about 6O00 mercenaries. He
must,
therefore,
have crossed the
.Egean
with a little
squadron
;
and it is
probable
that the mmour
of bis
approach
reached Atliens at Icaat some
daya
before bim. He bad reason to
hope
for
a favourable
reception.
He came with his
Athenian
miatreea,
for whose soke he had conferred
a substantial benefit
on ber native
city;
and be had
alreadygained
at least oue friend
there,on whose
iiihuencc
he
may
have founded
great expectations : Charicles,
Phocion'a
son-in-law,
who had descended so low
as to
nndertake the erection of the monument in
honour of
Pythiooic^,
and had received
thirty
talents
by way
of reimburBement. He
might
calculate stillmore
confidently
on the force of
disposed
to risk an
open
quarrel
with Alexan- der,
and
on the
ample
means of
corruption
he
poaaesBed.
These
hopes
were
disappointed,
and,at first,
he
certainly
met with a total repulse.
It seems most
probable
"
though
our
aathora leave thia doubtful " that hia
squadron
was not
permitted
to entei Pirasus. We know
that a debate took
place
on his first
arrival,
that Demosthenes Eulvised the
people
not to
'
receive
him,
aiul that
Pbiloclcs,
tbe
general
in
conmiand at
Munychia,
was ordered to
prevent
hia entrance. Pliilocles,indeed,
appears
aller-
ward to have
disobeyed
tbia order
;t
but it is
probable that he did not
immediately
allow
Harpaluato land. The fullest account nc have
of the
proceedings
of
Harpalua,
on his first
appearance
in tbe roads of
Munydiia,
is contained
in the few words of Diodurus
;tthat,
"
finding
no one to listen to
him,
be left his
mercenaries
at
Tunarus, and,
with a
part
of his
treasure,
came himself to
implore
the
protection
of the
people,"
All the other authors de-
Bcribc him aa
having
arrived but
once,^
and
this is
easilyexplainedif.on hia first
coming,
he was not allowed to land
;
but stillit is
possible
that,even on that
occasion, ho found
an
opportunity
of
distributing
a
part
of his
gold
among some of the
leadingmen. and, perhaps,
may
have concerted with Pbiloclcs that he
should be admitted when he returned with a
*
DrovHn (AiA., p. 934) uii
tlH idnna
plHdir lAuRh.,
t
liflfttod tb"H c1iun" to Îter
H), wUcb
pruTH
Au "oeh
ntp
hlB- And who eui doibt,unit
tbipurhu.
^lod..
inil.
i Bnida Plaunh, PbDC, Dai
diH (Dan., t IIS) trnkt hut
in
ti/t
rtn
'Afnitn urfcXan iml r
single
vesael. The sura which he
brought
back
with him was a littlemore tban 750 talents
:
enough,certainly,
to
buy
the
greater part
of
the venal
orators,
and
many yielded
to the
temptation.
That Dcmadcs " whose avowed maxim it was
to take whatever was offered to him' "
was of
this
number,
can only
appear surprising,
as inconsistent
with bis Macedonian
politics;
but it
would
only
have been so in
any
other man. Pbo-
cion's
son-in-law.too.
did not desert the friend
whom he bad before so
humbly
served
;
and it
is said that
Harpalua
ventured lo solict Phocioa
himself wiih ofTors which
were,
of
course,
re-
jected.t
But the most
interesting question
connected
with this transaction relates to the conduct
of Demosthenes. Whether be was one of
those who
accepted
a bribe from
Harpalaus,
lias
been a
disputedpoint
from hia own
day
to oars.
It will
appear
(ram the
following
narrative that
the evidence cannot be considered
as
quite
con- clusive
on either side
;
all that can be
proved
in bis favour
is,
that tbe more
foUy
tbe facta of
the case are stated,
the more
glaring
are the ab- surdities
and contradict ions involved in the
sup-
positiona
of bis
guUt,
while tbe few facts which
tend that
way may
be
veij
easily
reconciled
with the
supposition
of his innocence.
The
part
which he took in the
pidilic
debates
on the affair is known from
g"iod authority
;
mosUy
from tbat of bis
contempocaries
and accusers.
It is
universally
admitted tbat he was
one of those
who, at the
first, opposed
the reception
of
Harpal
us. After the return of
Harpa-
ius to Athena,
when he had
gained
over aeveral
of the orators to his
side,
envoys
came from
several
quarters,
from
Antipater, fromOlympias,
and,
it
seems,
also from
Phdoienus,
a Macedo- nian,
who filleda
high
oltice in Asia
Minor,!lo
require
that he should be
given up.
Demos- thenes
and Phoclon both resisted Ibis demand
;
and Demosthenes carried a decree,by
which it
was directed that the treasure should bo
lodged
in the
citadel,to be restored to
Alexander,
sad
he himself
was
empowered
to receive it. Its
amount was declared
by Harpaluahimself; but,
out of the 750
talents,no more than 308 remained
in his
possession.
It was clear that
nearly
450
had found their
way
into other
bands.f
Demos- thenes
now caused another decree to be
passed,
by
which the
Areopagus
was directed to investigate
the case
;
and he
proposedthat,
instead
of the
ordinarypenalty
" tenfold the amount of
the bribe"
capital punishment
should be inflicted
on the ot!tûders. A
very rigidinquirywas instituted
: the houses .ifall
suspectedpersons
"
with the
singleexception
of one who had been
just
married " were searched
: the
Areopagus
made its
report againstseveral,
and
among
them
was
Demosthenes himsutf He was the
firstwho was
broughtiotnal,0was tbund
guilty.
m
Biftiiut tbs ^nlpiiwH
of
latur Utritnud u
DnnathBiiaa,
tl
HARPALUS." DEMOSTHENES.
sn
Hid condemned to
pay
fifty
talenla.
Being
un-
d)le to raise (his
aum,
he wae thrown into
irison,
but booq after made his
escape,
and
It must be owned
that,
if we knew no more
han this about ihe
case,
it wouJd
require
a
tronger
faillLthan is
generallyplaced
in the
agauity
and
purity
o( the Athenian tribunals
:" be convinced that he was
guilty.
But it is
at either the
report
of the
Areopagus,
or the
idgment
of the
populartribunal,
that has been
ic chief
ground
of
suspicionagainst
him. It
as been a
story
told
by Plutarch,and,
appa-
intly,
conSrmed
by
a
great
number of conlem-
orary
allusions.
Acconling
lo
Plutarch,*
De-
losllieres at firstwarned the
people
not to re-
elve
Harpalus,
and so involve Ihemaelres in
war with
Alexander, on a
ground
neither ne-
essary
nor
just.
But
a few
days after,
when
n
inventory
was taken of the
treasure,
his
eye
lae struck
by
a
golden goblet
of
very
fine
larkmanship
;
and when
nightcame, Harpalus,
rho had
perceived
bis admiration and
longing
ir
it,sent it to his
house,
full of
goldpieces
to
be amount of
twenty
talents. Ttie next
day
tieorator
appeared
in the
assembly,
whicb met
3 deliberate
on the
subjeot,
with
wrappings
bout liis
neck,and,
when called
upon
to
spciUi,
lade
signs
that he was disabled
by
a sore
iroat. But there were some
present
who al-
eady
knew the
secret,
and the
pretext
was re-
eived with sarcastic allusions to the bribe
I'bich he had taken. It
immediately
became
lie
subject
of
many
bitter
jests;
and when be
fterward
attempted
to defend himself -in the
aserably,
his voice was drowned in a tninult
f
popularindignatioa.
That Plutarch should haxe
adopted
so amu-
inga
story
without
any misgiving,
was to be
xpected.t
But had it not aSecledthe charao.
SI!
ro( ilaihat},whanu Diuucku
(p.ITD) UKitu ihmt
ni mn uiid Iwtirn him. Far nu of lbs sdiiiou
-r\i
Drojaea
refcn
to,
1 "" unatileLo ucorlKiD Iha
poa-
oTDinarofaiuwbjch ha hu tn
viaw,vrnt"" oaljcoa-
n UutitoKr b"
a"lf, 100.1 Ml, irlucliniihtpn-
',
ifil Htood
HWotBHrnloBdiait of nch u Enrvronca,
IS lube eTpWned I17nfennce tfl
p. W, * H,
of
an tar-
trutadlion. Unt vhu ii duiUjd
ii,
Ihil Dlnuclioi
: Uuui one*. iliu.Daisisiiliiiiga iru lli" finl uf Ihe
pet-
found
jiiilly bJUlie AieopiigDe
who
wu brought
to
'-
lOS);
nimfUt
h'lm nil mrf tOt Mxuv irnir
Mf"T" AtjiaoffOtvrir iiadrtrai
vfarot:
and a titUa
nrn, df|"r(rit
ff^riv
il'TliihliiTii
nfi^ (|i"(-
nl lone I of DamoBbnai
p-
14S3)tântnijr ia aaearte
'", tbat in Iha onlio* at Dli
bite is
a
noaac*
whicb ntehlai
lUbeaa
U]eEnItnsd(p.llO]: i
EUT^Mov
TDlfrov ycYtrtjiiitw Ail
*paJr"X"fL
ter of
Demosthenes,we
might
have been
surprised
to find it
repeatedby
modem
writers,
far
more learned and
sagacious
than
Plutarch,witb
BS much conlidenre as if there was
nothing
in
it either
improbable,
or incnnsislent with admitted
facts.' Some of the
slighter
diffieultios
which raiso a doubt about its truth
are,
that De- mosthenes
should have
accepted
a bribe from
Harpalus,
after Ihe decree had been
passedby
which the whole treasure was to be tnken out
of the hands of
Harpalus,
and
committed,
for a
time, to his own
keeping
;
that he should have
selected
a bribe
whrchexposed
him to the
greatest
danger
ofdeiection
:
that his
accuser,
Dinar-
chus,
should not
only
have made no allusionto
the
goblet,
but should mention
twenty
talents
as the whole sum which Demosthenes had received.
That
part
of the anecdote which relates
to the orator's silence is referred
by
another
anthor " who,
in the same
passage, appears
to confound Demosthenes and Demades "
to a
totally
difTerent occasion
;t and, at least,
it seems
impossiblethat,
in
any part
of Ihe
prt"-
eeedings concerningHarpalas,
Demosthenes
should have been driven to
any pretext
for silence,
when he was
expected
to
speak
on the
question.
Even ifhe had nut himself
previously
opposed
the surrender of
Harpalus,
he
might
surely
have done so without
suspicioo,
when
Phocion recommended the same course. After
the decree had been
passed
lo retain the treasure,
this was all that
Harpalus
had to desire
;
and BO far Demosthenes
openlyespoused
bis
eause. There
is,therefore,
no motive that can
easily
be conceived for hta ailence.
Still,
the
scene in the
assemblymay
be
rejected
as aik
immaterial circumstance " as it is in
itself,
though
it has had more
weight
than
any
other
with most readern" and
yet
the
generalfact,
that Demosthenes received a briliefrom
Harpa- lus,
may
be
thought
not the tess credible. And
FhDcioTi,
who had lalen
nocbini
hAit aa waU a" ta tba pabbr
]""""..
*
hrojmB(A].,p. i31) leialaa Iha
atoiy,
ion lo which he aUodoa iNleb.
.|p(.
Mmeun, i..p. t9!j,by
wl
n
iuotber bc
HISTORY OF GREECE.
of the
transBctioB,
which
j
confirmed or set aside
hj
1 some
reapecu,
fulier,we find it related
that, though
he at Brat
opposed
the admission
of
Harpalua,
he was aAerward
induced, by
a
bribe of a thouaaad darics.to
change
sidea,and,
when the Athenians wished to
give Harpalus
up
to
Antipater,
dissuaded them from this
step,
but
proposed
that the treasure should be
lodged
]q the citadel.
One
point
is
indisputably clear,
that Demos-
thenes,
whether bribed or not,
did noc
change
"ides,
unless Phocion did bo too. His
conduct,
from the
beginning
to the end of the
affklr, is,
at
least,perfectly
consistent with
itself,and
with the
oourse
which has
appeared
to most ob-
eerveiB in later
times,
as it did to him and
Fhocion,at once Ibe safest and the most honourable.
So
that,
even
if itwere certain that
fae was
justlycondemned,
he would stillbe en-
tillcdlo the benefit of an
excuse,
similar to thai
iriiich has been
alleged
in "vour of some celebrated
English patriots
of the seventeentb
century,
who labour under a like
imputation.'
But tbe
reputation
orDemosthenes has not been
leftin
quite
so
precarious
a state. A fact was
brought
to
light
" we know not
precisely
how
long
after"
which,
at least)
counterbalances
Boch a
presumption
as
is raised
against
him
by
the
judicial
decision.
Harpalus,
notwithstand-
isg
ttieefforts of Demostbenes and Phocion in
his
behalf,was committed to
prison,
to swait
Aleiaoder's
pleasure.He, however,
made bis
Mcape,
returned to Tsnarus, and Uience crossed
over with his
troops,
and the rest of his
treasure, to Crete. Here he was assassinated
bj Thimbrftn,one
of bis confidential officers.
Hie steward fled to
Rhodes,
where be was
"eiied
by
order of
Pbilozenus,
and forced to dis-
dUmb tha
names of those who had
accepted
bribes from his master. The list
was sent to
Athens,"Dd the
name
of Demosthenes "
though
Ptiiloxenus is said to have beeit his
personal
eoemy"
did not
appear
in it.f
As to the trial
itself,
it must be observed that
the
inquiry
made
by
the
Areopagus,though
De- mostbenes
had offered to stake his life
on the
result,was but a
preliminaryproceeding,
and
thst its
jadgment was
nearly
in the nature ofa
findingby
a
grandjury
: it was afterward to be
.-t
of 1500 com-
II
may easily
be
imaginedthat,in
such a
case,
unless the evidence offered had
been
utterlycolouijess,
the
Areopagus
would
not be inclined to take
on
itself the
responsibility
of an
acquittal ; yel,
in tbe
speech
whi(^
Dinarchus wrote for
one of tbe
prosecutora,
the
whole stress of the
argument
is made to rest,
not on the nature of the evidence which had
been
brought,
but
partly
on the
authority
of that
venerable
tribunal,
and
partly
on
general
invectives
against
the defendant. Dmarchua tacitly
admits that the evidence was not
quitecon- clusive,
and that (he truth
might
be
more
ftil^
discovered if tbe slaves of
Harpalus,
who had
been carried to
Alexander,
should be sent down
10 be examined at Athens. We
have, indeed,
ground
to believe that tbe
onlyapparent
foundation
of tbe
charge was,
that Demoslbenea
had
neglected
some of the
precautions
which it
was
thought
incumbent
on
him to have taken to
relieve himself from
responsibility,
and Uiat it
arose from the vexation which was
generally
felt
at the
escape
of
Harpalus.*
That extraor-
binaryengines
were set at Work to
prticure
bis
uondemnatioo,
appears
from the listof his
accusers,
among
whom, besides
Himemns,
Patttt-
cles,Meneaechmus, the
persecutor
of
Lycur-
gua
and
Stratocles,who rivalledDemadea in
impudence
and
profiigacy,
we find the
names of
Pjlheaa
and
Hyperides,
both
previously
his
pariisans.
The
speech
of Dinsrcbus enables
us, also,to
perceive
the nature of the influence
which was eiened
against
Dflmosthones. Di-
narchus,indeed,
inainuatPs that Demosthenes
was at bottom in the Macedonian ioterest
;
be
wishes to
givea turn to the mission to
Olym-
pia,
as if it
proved
the orator's credit with Alex- ander
;
he
accuses him and his friend
Polyeuc-
secret
understanding
with Demades.
not on
this account that be
rr^presenu
the
safety
of the state as involved in the
issue
trial;
he
plainly
intimateB that a war
with Alexander win be the
conseqaence
of
an
acquitial.t
It
was, apparetitly, to
givegreateqr
Uiis
argimient
thai the
proaeonton
brought
Demosthenes to trial first. Few of
those who were denounced
by
the
Ajeopagna
-e
acquitted ;
t)ut we lieai of
one
Aristogei-
who
escaped,thoogb
bis case
airongly
ra-
tembled that of Demosthenes. On tbe otber
band,
Demadea was
convicted,
hut eiuier
was
very lightly fined,
or
neglected
to
pay
tbe
penalty
;
and he
remalued,
withotit
any
dimjnotian
of his
influence, at Athens. All those indications
lead us to the oonclasioa that Demoa-
thenes fella victim to
political intrigues,
whidi
derived theirchief
strength
from tbe critical
po-
sition in which Athens
was
placedby
her
re-
sistauce to Alexander's decree fttrthe
restgrk-
tiou of the exiles.
Another
charge,
of
a
very
different
kind,
which
seems not to have occurred to
any
of the
ancients,
has been
broughtagainst
him for his
:0!uI^
nlMra
r-i.
fiuiqiuiui yfrt
Ttt
riij
iyitu.
ttory. It
uiwan uwL i/Diu
ixnnl nod ptoMlila "
DEMOSTHENES." ATHENIAN PREPARATIONS.
condocl MB a stateBniBD in this eftkir. It hii
been
alleged*that,
unless he was
prepared
Ibr
oiKiDali"ed
submission to
Macedonia,
he
ought
to have seized the
opportunity presentedbjtt
arriTal of
Harpalus,
and to have adTl"ed t^
people
to receiTo him with
open arms,
and i
make use of his treasure and his
troops
Tor
war with Aiejtander. It does
not.
howeve
seem
necesaarj
to oonclode Itiat the faculties
of DeraostheneB bad been weakened
byage
because
he did not seethe need of either of these
altematiTcs. It
might
be a sufGcienl
to
say,
that a
war,
undertaken for
Harpalus
and
his stolen
treasure, would have
exposed
the
Atfaenians lo the
charge
of
Injustice
and wanton
aggression
;
it would have
deprived
them
of all claim lo the
sympathy
of the other Greeks
in their
quarrel
with Alexander.
Such, in fact,
is the
groiUMt
which Demosthenes himself is
reporled to have taken in hii first advice on
the
question
;
and the event
proved
that there
was no
necessity
for the sacrifice either of liberty
or of honoar. The Athenians did
not
po!
lute themselves
by
a conneiion
withHarpatua
and
they
suffered
no detriment from the want
either of his treasure or of his mercenaries it
the war which soon after broke out.
This,
indeed,
Demosthenes could not have foreseen
.
but alill it
seems hard to
char^
a statesman
with
incapacity
because he
dS
not
perceive
that it was
imposaiblehonesty
coulfl be the
best
policy
in a case where the event
proved
"
lobe so.
And
yet
it
appears
that Demosthenes had n"
concealed from himaelf
or from the
people,
that
" war
might
arise which would ilemand
" '"
ordinary
sacrifices. He had
spoken
of
casion which
might require
that
they
should
melt down the ornaments
of the
women,
their
âte,
and even allthe treastire of the
temples.
t
This
emer^ncy
can have been no other than
that which
might
be looked for if Aleiander
"bould not be
persuadedby
their
envoys
to re- voke
or
modify
this edict for the return of the
exiles. One effect which
they
tod to
apprehend
fioni it
was,
that their colonists who hod
been taot
planted
in
Samus,
would be forced to
resign
their
possessions
lolbe (amilieaof their
Ibrmer
owners. But (here was also reason to
feartbsl it
might
lead to a state of
things
like
tlie
tyranny
of the
Tltirty
;
disputesmust
hare
arisen,
which would have affbrded a
pretext
for
llieiDtroduetioQ of a Macedonian
garrison
into
the
cityi
there would have been no
security
either for
public
or
privaterights
but the moderation
of a
powerfulparty,
irritated
by
the remembrance
of
past sufferings,
and resolved at
any price
to
guard against
them for the future.
It
may,
at
least,
be
presumed
that tvhen Demos-
ttienes
spoke
of such sacrificesas
have been
just
mentioned,
his hearers must have feltthat the
occasion
waaworthjofthera.
That this was the
pieiailing impression
at
.Athens,
isboth
expressly
asserted
by Curtius,t
and seems to be
proved
by
the burst of
popolarfeeling
which took
place
there
inmiedialely
on the news of Alexander's
death
;
and we
may
easilybelieve.
Justin's
statement.^
that the
publication
of his edict in
ftvourof the exiles led
many
other states
openly
to avow their resolution to maintain their
*
Bt DrOTHH. At..B.
i Diaucisi,
f.
M.
..,",8.
libertyby
arms. Tboae in whieh thia asnti-
ment was
strongestmight
BtiQ well
try
the ef-
f^t of
negMiatian
before
they
resorted to m
attempt seemingly
so
desperats.
It is a diSbreat
qosmion,
which the
meagar
accounts that have been
preserved
of thMS
times leave in
great obeoority,
whether
any
preparBtioiis
for war had
actually
been made
at Athens before Alexander'a death. It oan
hardly
be
au^qtosed
that
any
such
meaaorea
were taken until the
envo:^,
who had been
sent to remonstrate with
Mm, returned from
Babylon;
and
the
interval between Uteir t"-
turn and the arrival of the news of his deatt
cannot have been
very long.
Yet that hi thia
interval,
at
least,something
wa" done with B
view lo a
war,
which was believed to be impending,
may
be
regarded
as
nearly
certain.*
For it was at ibis time that a division of the
mercenaries,
who had been disbanded
by
the
satraps
in
compliance
with Alexander's orders,
was
brought
over to
Europe by
the Athe- nian
Leoethenes. t Leosthenes himself had
been for a time in Alexander's
service,^
and
though
still
young,
had
gained
a
highreputation
;
but it seems that he had
quitted
it in
disgust,^
and had
already
returned to
Athens,
and that he went over to Asia to collect
a*
many
aa he oould of the disbanded
troops,
vrbom he landed at
Cape
Ts-narus. It
can
hardly
be
supposed
that be did this without
some ulterior
object;
and his connexion
with
Hyperides
" the chief of the Anti-Macedonian
party,
after Demosthenea had withdrawn " and
his
subsequent proceedings,scarcely
leavo
iDom to doubt that the
object
was to hare a
force in readiness to resist
Antipater
if he
should
attempt
to enforce Alexander's edict.
When the news of Alexander's death reacbed
Athens,
Phocion and Demades
professed
to
disbelieve the
report.
Demades bade the
people
not to listen to it
;
such a
corpse
would
long
belbre have filled the woiid with ita
odour. Phocion desired them to have
patience
;
and,
when
many
Toioea asseverated
the truth of the
report,
replied,
""
If he is dead
to-day,
be will still be dead
to-morrow,
and
'
day,
BO that we
may
deliberate at our
and the more
securely."
Bnt their
"ancea ifere
disregarded.
The council
of Five Hundred held a
meeting
with eloaed
doors
;
and Leosthenes was
commiaaionod
immediately
to
engage
the
troops
at
TBnams,
TLasgli
Gmirt (Aiial"l[m,p.tWIbuognHalrlian
ifllD
ma nror ("
Qiia
pout by
m aD4eliniuim of Uioi^
Tiow
ikAm BtMta
^
thiD"""t
JLÛU
"""m
ia labiUQM
parTectljcomt:!: uid than ia do "ei^ht in
Dl^nen'l
1^
gniBtat (Al.,p.
M7|. Diilift" thtnliiMKHtof DnuHte-
imiioHl Id uiBiM tbt vmi^ ta
" "
htJfim.
GrrndBTt 1Ana]*tt.,p.m) nnwcu til
'----
"lafoaadod L*o"tbsnH "llb L"vî
,ipni^"-îiiv.' H" !"dwnbed bjr'Plntlnih' (PhoiC,
' - -'
..
Tin hul. hnwovnr. bean lift " oiddwir
Ibi )niBt
it
Till*,
ill-AJat
.,
1,'SI, ".
rviiE
mtmia,mm ippiiin
tiaa " "tnr* nud br Qnont
""-"-"
I""- "-"""" C.ocwTc
384 HISTORY OP OREECB.
aboat 8000
men,
bat
secretlj,
and in Mb own
name,
that
Antipalermight
not
suspect
the
purpose,
and that the
people might
have the
more time for other
preparations.
ConQitna-
tion of the fact was received
Bbortl;
after from
the mouth of
eyewitneeses,
who had beeo
present
at
Babylon
when it took
place.
As soon as all doubt on this
point
was removed,
there was an end of hesitation and
"ecrecy.
The
popularfeeling
burst
forth,
like
B flood
longpent up.
Phocion and the orators
of the Macedonian
party
endeavoured in vain
to stem it. Their
tnflnencQ
was
gone ;
as
Demades,
before
long,experienced
to his cost.
None were listened to but those who recommended
the most decided and
vigorous
measures.
Hyperides
and
Polyeuctua,
the
early
eoadjutors
of
Demosthenes, were now
among
the foremost to
propose
such
aa,
if he had
been
present,
he would
certainly
have
approved.
It was
reaolved,
without
delay,
to
send a
supply
of arms and
money
to lêostbe'
nea for hia levies at
Tcnarus,
with directions
no
loDger
to make a secret of the
object
for
which
they
were destined. The remainder of
the treasures of
Harpalua,
and the
penaltiea
which had t"eeD
recovered,
fUraished the
mesna. It was
very important,
now that a
proapect was once more
opened
of a
general
confederacy
among
the Greeks for
a
national
cause,
that Athens should
immediately
make
her determination known as
widely
aa
poasi-
Ue.
By
another
decree,
the
people
declared
itself
ready
to assert the
liberty
of
Greece,
and to deliver the cities which were held
by
Macedonian
garrisons:
for this
purpose,
a fleet
was to be
equîped
of
forty
trireme
galleya,
and 300 of the
largersize,
with four banks of
oan. All the citiiens under
forty
years
of
age
were to
aim;
thoae ofsevan tribea to
prepare
for
foreignservice,
the rest to remain at home
for the defence of Attica.
Lastly,
envoya
were
appointed
to the
principal
states of
Greece,to announce that Athena was
again,
as in the
days
of her ancient
glory,
about to
place
herself in the "ont of the battle with the
oommoQ
enemy,
and to set her last
resources,
men, money,
and
ships,
on the venture
;
and
to eihort all who wished for
independenceto
follow her
eian^le.
The success of the Athenian
negotiations
appears
not to have been so
great
in
Pelopon-
nesUB aa in the northern
states,
though
tlieae
were
eiposed
to the
enemy's
first attacks.
Sparta,Arcadia,
and
Achnia, kept
aloof from
the
struggle
to the end
;
whether restrained
by jealousy
of
Athena, or
by
the remembrance
of the laat tmfortunate
contest with Macedo- nia,
Messene, Elis,Sicyon,Phlius, Epidau-
ms,
TrcBien, and
Argos,joined
the confederacy
;
but
even of
these,
several
appear
to
have held back until
they
were
encouragedby
tbe first
Buccesa of the other allies. In North-
em Greece, Leosthenea himself was one of
the most active and successful
envoys.
As
soon aa he had
completed
the
equipment
of
bis levies at
Ttenanis,leavingthem,
it
peems,
under the command of an inferior
officer, he
vrent over to .,4;tolia.He found the
.*:toliana,
who had been alarmed and incensed
by
Alex- ander's
threats about
CEniadce,
heartily
inclined
to the national
cause, and obtained
a
promise
of 7000 men.
He then
proceeded
ta
solicit aid from
Locris,Phocis,
and others of
Ihe
neighbouring
states, .ymost
everywhere,
from Ihe border? of Macedonia to Attica, a,
good spiritprevaQed.
The
Thessaljans,
indeed,
did
not
immediately
declare
themselves,
but
probablygave
private
asaurances of their
favourable
disposition.
Pelinna is mentioned
as the
only
town in the north of
Thessaty
which did
not, sooner or later,enter into the
league;
and Thebes in Pthiotis. In tbe Tale
of the
Sperchetus,
the towns of Matea anO Her-
aclea alone refused their aid. But the Dolo-
pians,
the mountaineers of
(Eta,
all the towns
of
Doris,Carystos
in
Eubtea,
the Locrians and
Phocians,
many
of the tribes in the westent
valleys
of
Pindus,
as the
jGnianians, Alyue-
ana,
and
Athamantians,
the Leucadians,
and a.
part,
at least, it
seema.
of the
Acamanians,
aent their
contingents.
Even from
beyond
tbe
borders of
Greece,
the allies received some
auxiliariea
:
from the Molossian chief,Aryp-
tteus, who, however,
afterward deserted and
betrayedthem, and,
in
very
amall
noniber,
from
lUyria
and Thrace. But the
policyby
which TTiebea had been
destroyed,
and its territory
divided
among
the Bceotian
towns,
was
now attended with an effect more disastroiis
to Greece than the
conqueror
could have foreseen.
It was known that the success of the
Greeks would be followed
by
the restoration
of Tbebea
:
the Theban exiles
probably
formed
a
strong body
in the Greek
army ;
afid
hence
the
Bootiana,though
aurronnded on all aidea
by
the forces of the
confederacy,zealously
adhered
to the Macedonian
cause,
which was
that of their
privateinterest,
and their inveterate
hatred to the fallen
city.
The movementa of Leosthenes,
before the
opening
of the
campaign,
are
very imperfectly
reportedby
our extant authors. It
might
be
supposed,
from the manner in which
tbey
are
described
by
Diodorus,that he never returned
to Athens.
This, however,
is
highlyimproba- ble
in
itself;
and it seems to be Indicated
l^
Plutarch's anecdotes that he came back at the
head of the
troops
he had
collected,
and that he
had to encounter strenuous
opposition
froia
Phocion and
others,who dreaded the sacriUces
and risk of the war. The
language
attributed
to Phocion
may
serve to eshibil the
temper
and
views of his
party, though
we need not adopt
the assertion of
Diodorus,that this
party
included
all the men of
property
in Athens. Pho- cion
atTecled to sneer at the
young
general,
who
spoke
in a
high
and confident strain of hia
performances
and
prospects.
"
Your
speeches,
young
man,"
he
said,
"are like
cypress-trees,
stalely
and
loAy,
but
bearing
no fruit."
And
when Leosthenea was
provoked
to ask,
what
beneSt Athens had
reaped
from Phocion'a
gen- eralship
during
tbe
many years
that he had
borne the
title,
"
It has been no small
one,"
he
replied,
"
that our fellow-citizena have been
buried in their own
graves."Again,Hyperidea
asked
him,
When he would advise the Atheoi-
aoB Id
go
to war
' "
Whenever," was the an
swer,
"I' shall see the
young willing
to
keep
their
ranks,the rich to contribute their
money,
and the orators to abstain from that of the
public."
The
armament collected
by leosthenea,
which excited
general
adpitretion,
pirodaeedno
HOPES OF THE ATHENIANS.
such effect on PhociOD
;
and nbeu he was
ask-
Gil whal be
thought
of the
preparatioagnow,
he
replied
that
they
were well
enough
for a single
heat, but that he feared for the end of the
race, seeing
that the
city
had no more
money,
or
ships,
or
men, to
carrj
on the contest with,
if these should be tost.*
Diodorus,apparentlyfollowing
the
opinion
of
an author who considered Phocion aa
representing
the wisdom and
foresight
of
Qreeoe, or
who
judged
of the
undertaking
trom Ihe
event,
asserts that the most
inteiligent
Greeks condemned
the rashness of the
Athenians,
who
had not even taken a lesson from the fate of
Thebes, but,
in their
eagerness
for
glory,
heed- less
of
consequences,
had rushed intoa
premature
and
uonecessaij
conflictwith an
irresistible
power. If,however,
it is once admitted
that it was desirable fbr Greece to shake off
the Macedonian
yoke"
and
this,according
to
Diodonis.
rtone of those
intelligent
Greeks was
base
eoaugfa
to
den;
" it seems that
someAing
may
be said to vindicate Ihe Athenians from
the
charge
of extreme
impmdence.
It
may
be admitted
that,
in this
case,
aa in moet others,
th^
were
guided
rather
by
an instinctive
love of freedom than
by
sober calculations of
expedience,
aa the
Rhodians,who, on the news
of Alexander's
ileath,immediatelyexpelled
the
Macedonian
garriaon
from their
city
;
but Pho- cion
himselfcould not
point
out
any
time when
they might
make the
attempt
with a fairer
prospect
of success. He conid
only
tannt ihe
peo|Jewith their
presumed
unfitnesa for
any
great enterprisei a sneer which, so far as it
contained
any
truth,
would be
always equally
true,
but
which,
aa.applied
to the
question,
was
triumphantly
reffated
by
the event. But the
deeper
the admiiation and the fear with which
the Greeks bad been
inpreaaedtry
Atexandar'a
genius
sod
liiruiDe,
the more exoosable was it
that
they
ahoald believe his
premature
death
would be
immediately
followed
by
the total dis-
"olution of his
huge empirti.
The news of bis
death must have been
accompanied by
some
aecounti, probablyexaggerated,
of the subsequent
tamults and
beginning
of a civil
wrt
at
Bab)lon
;
and even the
compoeition,by
which
the throne was to be shared between
an
idiot
and
an infant
yet noboni,
did not hold out much
promise
of
permanent tianqniliity.
The more
waa known oC the character of Alexander's
principal officers,
ê less
likelymust it have
seemed that
they
would
acquieaCe
in such an
adjustment.
It
waa to be
expeeied
that
they
would be too much
occupied
with their own
contests for
power
to be able to afford aid to
Antipater,even if there were not some who
found it suitrd tlieirinterest to
ally
themselves
viih
the lireeks. Macedonia itself" ^most
drainedof its
militarypopulationby
Alexander's
incessant demands*" -bad never been
weaker,
never more threatened
by
iia northern and
Western
neighbours.
It was not
extravagant
to
hope
(hat Ihe war
might
be ended in one
short
campaign,
which would raise Greece to
t^
rank of an
independent
and formidable
*
lBVit.X.Or,I]MiH"*HntiiMntiinil"iufe(F"ntna
power.
The
singidarcombination of circumstances
through
which this was frustrated
proved
that it had not been
rashly
conceived,
Antipater
received the
tidings
of Alexander's
death " to him nn mournfal
event "
nearly
at
the same time with those of the
movements in
Greece. His situation was one of
great
difficulty
and
danger;
and it
appears
that he sent an
embassy
to soothe the
Athenians, and to
persuade
them to
peace ;
for it was
probablyon
this occasion
tiiat,
when his
envoys
extolled
the mildness of hia
character,Hyperidss answered.
We do not went a mild
master.* An- tipater
can
only
have
hoped
to
gain
time
bythia
step,
and he
greatly
needed it. The whole
force
immediatelyat his
disposal
was smafl,
and,
if he marched
againstGreece,
it wonid be
necessary
to leave a
part
of it for the
protection
of Macedonia. He had no clear
prospect
of
aid but from one
quarter,
and that a distant
one
;
for
Crateraa,
with his
army
of
veterana,
had advanced no Ivrther than Cilicia
; and,
however
he
might
be induced to
quicken
bis
march,
it would be
long
before he could reach Ihe theatre
of war. Nevertheless,Antipater
determined
not to wait for
re-enforcements,nor to
remain on the
defensive,
but lo seek the
enemy.
The force which he was able to
bring
into the
field amounted to no more than
13,000
fool
and 600 horse.
It,might
aeem that he, rather
than the Athenians,was
actingrashly,when,
with so small an
army,
he ventured to invada
Greece
;
and
perhaps
he relied somewhat too
confidently
on the
superiority
of Ihe Macedoni- an
discipline
and
tactics,
and on Ihe recollection
ofhia
victory
over
Agia.
It
must, however,
be
observed that he calculated on (he
support
at
the
Thesaaliane,
and
probably
of some other
northern state*
;
and tw
miî hope,by
a
rapid
had ei41ecled ita
fonea,
or,
at least,to
prevent
It flom
receiving
fresh acceesion* of
elrength.
He had also ordered
Sippas,
whom he left to
supply
hia
place
in Macedonia, to
levy troopa
with the utmost
diligence,
and
may
have expected
to be
speedily
re-enforced
tyj
ibese re-
oraits.t His coffers were well
Slled,
for he had
received a
largesupply
of treasure Irom Alex- ander
;
and the fleet which had
brought
it
over,
consisting
of 110
galleys,
remained with
him,
and was now ordered to attend the
operation*
of the
army.
Thermopyle
was ihe
placeappoinled
for the
rendezvous of the allies" a
positionby
which
they
were enablEd lo cover their own
territory,
and to
prevent
a
junction
between the
enemy
and the BtEolians. It is not clear whether it
ought
to be considered as an effect of the tardiness
which Demosthenes so often
complained
of,that Ihe
contingents
of the northern
state*
were assembled before the Athenian
troops
had
begun
their march. Lsosthenes had
joined
them with bis meTcenaries,and,
perhaps,
with
all the
Peloponnesian
levies. He was elected
commander- m -chief,not more
in honour of Ath- ens
than on account of the confidence which
waa
reposed
in his abilities,! The Alheniaiw
"
VIE. X. Or., HxparidM,
p.
Uft,A,,*t Jiiîi
xfm-nt
t Thai Ihsr w*n nut nnnnd ts b* iiHd"t. a DonHS
ntinieiiu. p.
lil.'n lb"
Jefvnce
""{M*red"iim. "rm Hi
1 Fwuuuu, i.,U,
y
HISTORY OF GREECE.
could
flpara
bo more than 6000
inrantry
and
600
oavaliT,
or AUic
iroopa:
to Ibese
tbe}^
added SOOO merceoanes.
But now the B"eu-
tuns, encouraged,perhaps, by
(he
tidings
of
Antipaler'E approach,
coUeoted their forcea to
oppoBa
the
passage
orthis little
amy,
aod en-
oamped
near Platca, no doubt in
very
superior
DumbeTS,
to watch the
paaaea
oi Cithaeron.
Leoalheoee,apprizedOC
their movement, haat-
MMd with a divisionof his
troops
u" the reliefof
Ilia
DDuntiymen,
eOecled a
juuciion
with
them,
and
gave
battle to the
enemy.
He
gained
a
oompleteviotory,
raised a
trophy,
and
returned,
with this
happy
ooiea of more importantauc-
Antipater
was
joined
on bis march
bj
a
"trong body
of Tbesaalian
cavalry,
under Meno
d^
Phftraalaa,
which
gave
him,
in thia
arm,
a
decided
advantage
over the alliea. He drew
np
hia foroea,
it
seems,
in the vale of the
Sper-
Qli^na,and offered battie. Leoatbenes did not
wait to
be attacked. It is
poasible
that he
Bu;
bave bad a Mcrat understanding
witii the
TIieaBBliaD
geneial.
But liis
Bitny
waa 80,000
"tnu^ ;
and it
tnay
have been the
sigbt
of his
aupeTKH-
force tbat fixed Meno's
wavering
tn-
dination. Tbe fortune of the
day
was decided
by
the Thessalian
cavalry,
which went over in
Ae heat of the battle to the Greeka.* We are
DM
informed what loss
Antipatcr
sufifersd
;
but
he dkt not think it safe to
attempt
to retreat
throoi^ Theaaaly.
He looked about for the
"earen place
of
refuge,
and threw himaelf into
the town of Lamia, which stood in a
strong po-
"itioa on tbe aoutli side of Mount
Othrys,
about
three mttea from the
aea, began
to
repair
the
Ibrtificattoita,
and laid in a
sun"ly
of arms and
nroviaioiu,
furnished
perhaps by
the Seet.
Hii
onlyremaininghope was.
that he
might
be
able to sustain a aiege
until auccours should
arrire. Leosthcnee
inuDediately proceeded
to
fimily
a
camp
near the
town, arid,
after
having
in vain
challenged
tbe
enemy
to a freah engagement,
made several
attempts
to take it
by
asMult. But the
place
was too
strong,
the
gar-
riaon too numeroos
;
the assailants were repulsed
with the lose of
many
lives
;
and at
length
he found himaelf
obliged
to turn the
siege
into a blodcade,
Aotipater
had no reason to be much asbamed
of his
defeat,nor the Oreeks to be
very proud
of their
victory;
but it
everjnvhereprodnoed
a
great
effect on the
public
mind. It was the
AtM
advantage
that had been
gained
for
many
Cars
over the Macedonian
arms,
which trere
ginning,perhaps,
to t"e
thought
invincible
;
and it had
certainly
reduced an
enemy,
late the
master of
Greece, to a state of extreme dis-
treas and
danger.
At Athens tbe news was
received with boundless exultation
;
the streets
were
thronged
with festal
prncessions;
the
idtara smoked with continued sacrifices of
Amkagivlng. The orators who had advocated
tbe war loudly
triumphed
in the
seeming
fulfilment
of their
sangume predictiom.
Phocton
idene,perhaps,
among
those who wished well
to I their
country,
would take no
part
in the uni-
Tersal
joy,
and did not
suppress
his
gloomy
forebodings.
As the
gladtidinga
flowvd
in,
be
bitterly asked,
"
When shall we have done conquering^"
And when he was asked whether
he
could
have desired better success for nmi-
self,replied,"No;
but better counsels."'
The
coi^dence
of the
people
was' raised to its
utmost
height by
an
embassy
from
Antipater,
by
which be sued for
peace.
We are not in-
foimed what terms he
proposed
;
but his overtures
were
probably
treated as a
sign
of despair.
The
people
looked
upon
him as
already
in their
power,
and demanded that he should
surrender at discrelion.t Yet
they
did not relax
their
efforts,
but made u"e of the
advantage
they
had
gained
to
procure
additionat
strength
for the common cause.
Polyeuctus
was sent
with other
envoys
into
Peloponnesus,
to rouse
tbe states wbich bad hitherto remained neutral
to action. Here be was
opposedby aome
of the traitors whom Athens bad
lately
cast ont
from her bosom
;
but be was
second
by
the
voluntary
exertions of his old
ooUeague
De- mosthenes.
As soon SB AJexandw's deaib relesaed the
Atheniaiu from tbe restrmnt which his
power
bad
imposed
on them, tbe orators of the Mace- donian
party,deprived
of tbe
foreignst^
"m
which
they
had hitherto
leaned,
Mok nnder
the
contempt
and
indignation
of tbe
people,
and aeveral of them
paid
the
penalty
of their
former insolence and baseneae. Demades
waa.
perhaps,
most
mildly
treated in
proportionto
his offences. Tbe remendHranoe trf' some
good
offices which he had rendraed to his
country
m
times of
calamitymight plead
in his
behalf;
his
very impudence
rendered his
servility
lesa
odious
;
since,at least,
he could not be
charged
with
-treachery
or dissimulation;
and his extraordinary
talenta,
in which he (bd not acknowledge
even Demoathenea as his
superior,}.
had more than their due
wei^t
with such a
people
as the Athenians. Yet he was
bron^t
to trial on several indictmientB
; among others,
as the author of die decree which otmfiBrred
divine honoura od Aleunder,
fbr whiiA he was
condemned to a fine of ten
talents;avery
trifling
sum for his means
;
espeoiallyif, as
seems
pnriubls,
the
penalty
which be had in-
cuTTBd for the bribe be todk from
Harpalna
had
been remitted. Bdt the most
important
efltect
of the sentences
passed
on hfm
appear
to have
been,
that he was
partially dnfranehised,so as
to be made
incapable
of
taking part
in
pnbtic
afihtrs. The bronse statues, also,with wIimA,
he had been
honoured,
and the
citydiagraccd.^
were, melted
down, and
^plied
to
purposes
the most
expresatve
of
ooirtempt
and
loathing
for the
origmal.jlHe, however,
remained at
Athens m tbe
eqiojmeDt
of bis
iO-gotten
wealth,waiting
tillUie
aocomîahment
of Pho-
cion's denunciationa should raise him once
more out of his
ignoaiiiuonsobaaurity,
and
should
compel
the
people
to listen to Ms voice.
The
timeservingPytheas,
the
proeecutor
Of
Demosthenes,
and the
wittyglutton
Callime-
don,T
who bad been accuaed
by
Demoathenea
"
Pint,,Pb"
,
U. Tioul.,a. t I"iiid"",nliu 18.
) Plat.,Demijslli., 10,11.Dipluiwd br Pnn. lUtP.Gvr.,
T.
4 Driai.')"iu,I""iiir""h..eiM.
II
n"urch,Il"ip.Cn,Pr.,3T,ri"vci^""iJ""(M|"/("ra)
""rî"i"aBii
KiiitK. from hit r"m"rit" ")icll""ti
(.ÎhmiBui,In.,3T.1 H"
tnCimgvd
U Iha
Stltf,
" clDb sf
DKMOSTHENES IN PELOPONNESUS 28T
if
a
ti'easonable
coireapondenco with the
ex-
les at
Megara, were
also convicted, we
know
101 on
what
charges,
and
were obliged,
either
J
sentence oTIEBDishnient,or to
escape
worae
Tils,to
quit
Alhens.
They nov
threw aside
he mask,
openly
entered into the serrice of
f
acedooia,
and
were employed by Antipater
to
ounteract the inflnence of the Athenian
en-
oys
in
Peloponnesus
with all the
power
of
icir
oratory.
Dcinostbcnes had not resigned
himself
so
Dnlenledly as
jEschines
to
perpetual
exile.
;
was, per^pa, a weakness,
but
one
which
oes not lower htm in
our esteem,
that he met
le
tbougbt
of it with less
courage
than that of
eath. He
lingered raounrfiilly,we are told,
nd
impalienlly waiting
for
a
change
which he
Dold
scarcely have hoped lo
see,
an
the coast
f
TrcezcB, or
the chfft of
jEgina,*
where he
Duld still
gaze
on Athens,
and
might
distin-
uish
many
scene*
which recalled the recoUec-
on
of his
most
glorious days. Sometimes,
it
1 said,
he
gave
vent to his
grief
in bitter
com-
iainta.
which would have been worthier of
'hocion
;
as when, fixinghia
eye
on
the
Acrop-
tis,
he
was
heard to
eiclaim,
"
Goddess,
'hat favourites hast thou chosen ! the
owl,
le
serpent,
and the Athenian
people."
The
oung
men who
sought
his
society,
he would
'ani to
shun that
public
life which he had too
tte discovered to be beset with
fear,
and
envy,
oddanger, worse
than death itself But when
e
heard of the
successes
of
Leosthenes,
when
B learned that an
Athenian
embassy was ma-
ing
the circuit of
Peloponnesus
to aitvocate
le cause
of national
independence,
and that it
"ss
thwarted
at every step by Antipater"
ireliags,
his
despondency
and resentment van
lied
i
he
quitted
bis
retreat, joined the
en
ays,
and
accMnpanied
tbam to the end of their
lission. To hmi it owed its
most
important
isults. He
repelled
the calumnies of
Pytbeas,
bo
was
not ashamed to resort to general
in-
ectivea
against
Athens for the service of his
mployer.f
Tbe Arcadian
congress
was
the
lost celebrated
scene
of their contests
;
and
e arc
informed that Demosthenes not onlj
vercame Pytheaa
in
debate,
but
prevailed on
le Arcadians to
abandon the Macedonian alli-
nce.t
It does not
appear,
however,
thai
they
inl
any
succours to their
countrymen.^
Bui
icyon, Argos,
and
even
Corinth
are
mention-
1
among
the slates
which
were broo^t over
) the
league by
hia
eloquence,
II
There
may
be
an error as to some
of these
ames
;
but that bis
activity
and
success
have
at, on
the wbole. been
exaggerated,
is
proved
f
the
consequences
which ensued to
himself.
The
pcopk' was
touched with
gratitude
and ad-
-"--'-
by
the
repoii
of his leal and his
ser-
His
kinsman, Demon, look
advantage
of tbe
general feelinglo
propose
a
decree for
his recall. It
was passed,
and not in the form
of
grace,
but of
a respectful
invitation.
was
sent, by publicauthority,lo
bring
from the
place
of his
sojourn.
When
it relumed with him
to Pirteus,a solemn
pro-
"
êaded
by
the
magistrates
and the
me down to
greet
him,
and lo escort
him back
to tbe
city.
He
now again
raised hts
hands-_perbaps to the
goddess
whom he had
unjustlyreproached " and
congiatulaied
himself
turn so
much
happier
than tbatof Alci-
as it was tbe elTecI of the free
good
will
fellow-citjzens,not
extorted from their
fears. It
was,
indeed, a day
of
glory so
pure
"
not to be effaced
by a
thousand scandaloDs
anecdotes
" that he might gladly
have consented
to the
price
which he alterward
paid
for it. Tbe
penalty to which he bad been condemned stiD
remained to be
discharged ;
and it
was one
of
those
obligationswhich,
it
seems,
could not be
legally
cancelled. But Demon contrived
an
expedient lo
reconcile law and
equity.
He
carried
a
decree
by
which
lUty
talents
were assigned
to Demosthenes from the
treasury,
nominally
to defray the cost
of
an altar,
which
was
snaually
adorned at the
public expense
fur one
"the festivals.
But
these
brightgleams of joy and
hope were
ion to be overcast.
The Greeks had been
dorious in the first
stage
of the
race,
but that
which
was to decide the contest still
remained,
and it
was
destined to be
a
series of
reverses.
Antipater's
fortune had sunk
lo
the lowest
point;
itWBs
now to be
gradually gaining
the
ascendant. The first disasler which befell the
Greek
cause was tbe death of Leosthenes,
Antipater
had directed a sally against
the besiegers,
who
were employed
in the work of cir-
cumvallation. A
sharp
combat took
place ;t
and
Leosthenes, hasteniug up
lo the
support
of
Ihaiiiiil Dnwa ilna not iiiiluD how it
luppsned
Ihat
thg msll or DaDiDHbana wu diWad " loni u
bs
nip-
wu On iMMm. H* t*ll(
w,
mdMd" Ibanrt irttkHt
TniiTidvitaMiuwdafaJutDaBiMW
ows
putT,
whuUi,
ho
^"
"* *"""
WInl, Itau, aitber daligvd or flullr pmnnd
HISTORY OF GREECE.
hie
men,
was
atrucli on ibe hpad
by
a i
from an
engine,
fellsenseless, and
was
carried
back to Ihe
camp,
wbere he died,
litethird
day
after. He
was buried. Diudorous
says,
heroic honours
;
but it Joes not
appear
th
Ibis
reaped
be was
distinguished
from the i
ciiiKens who had fallen in the
war,
and
afterward interred with the usual
punjp
ii
same gruund
which oonlained the
sepulchres
of
the ancient heroes. The funeral oration wi
delivered
by Hyperidea.
Diodorus
thought
iocredible that this task should hare been
s
signed
lo him,
unless in the absence of Demos- thenes,
But Demosthenes had
discharged
il
on a
Ibrmer occasion
;
the honour
might
seem
inore pmperl;
due to
Hyperidea,
both
as a
principal
mover
of the
war,
and
on account of hia
close
intimacy
with Leoathenca.* Even in eloquence
he
w.aB
esteemed
by
hia
oontetapora-
ries little inferior to
Demosthenes
;
and he
seems lo have been roused
by
the
theme.
by
the
presence
of the
great
master,
whom be
liad beard in Ebe
same place,
lo an
eltraonli-
lary
display
of his art A
fragment
has been
spared
"
one
of tbe
very
few that remain of liie
works " whicb
seems lo
have
belonged
to
Ibis
speech,
and is not
unworthy
of th" admiration
it excited. It oAers consolation to the aurvi-
Ters m
the deathless
glorôf
their lost friends,
which was sufficieDt to
compcoaate
for
length
ofdays,
and for
every blessing
of life. It
was
diiGcult
to
Hay anything
new on
such
a
topic,
but the
concluding
sentence is remarkable.
"
If
death isaa the stoteof those who have not been
bom, they
are released from
disease,
and
grief,
and from all the accidents to which the lifeof
man
is liable
;
but
if,as we
suppose,
there
remain
in the unseen world
sense,
and
oapacity
of divine favour, none oan
have
a
belter title
to
It than those who have vindioated Ibe
profaned
majesty
of tbe
gods."
If this
was an
aUusion
to Alexander's
impiat;,
it can
only
be said that
hnguage,
whicb would have
appearedextrava- gant
in
a
political ditousaion,might very
well
suit this kind of aaored
orator;.
It renwined to be oonaidered who ahould take
tiie
place
of Lwiatbenes. The
choice,we find,
was left without
dispute
to Athens. It
seems
idmost incredible that
an;
should have
thought
of PhocioD
; yet
we are informed that there
was a
strong disposition
lo
appoint
him. His
political opponents dreaded,
with
reason,
to see
"ucb a trust committed to a man
who avowed
"neb sentiments. One of them
ironically pro-
leased
thai,
as an
old
(i'iend,
he could not con-
"ent to
expose
so
precious
a lifeto such
a
risk.
Phocion disclaimed bis
acquaintance,
but thanked
him for bis
good
offices.
Anliphilus,
ayoung
man
who had
acquiredbighreputation
for courage
and
militaryskill,
received the command.
pToaching
for the relief of
Antipalcr.
Leonna-
tns bad come down to lake
puesession
of his
aatrapy,
with instructions from Perdiceas to
aid Euinenes in the
conquest
of
Cappaducia
-,
tor it was
known
that Ariaraihes would mit be
easilyoverpowered;
and
Antigonus
was direct-
-""
-3
co-operate
with them lor that
purpose.
"---
r,
had
higheraims,
and
paid
no at-
He,
howeve
] (D* Pnt, Am
.
II "1lItiol
tention to the
regent's
orders. Tbe
bopes
of
Eumenes,
ibcrefoio. realed
wholly
on
I"ooiia-
tus, who, when he
came to the
Hellespuul,
stiU
professed
his intention to undertake tlie
expedition.
But,
if he was ever
in earnest al"oul
this
enterprise,
he was soon diverted from it
bj
other
projects.
He had entered into
a secret
correspondence
wiib
Olympias,who.
bfiag
ie
open enmity
with
Antipatet,
and
very
nuich dU-
salialicd with tbe recent
arrangements,
desired
lo form
an alliance, through
her
daughter
Cleo- patra,
the widowed
queen
of
Kpirus,
with
some
one
powerfulenough
to
protect
her interesta.
The
history
of such
aegotiations
is seldom ac- curately
known
^
itonlyappearstbatLeounatus
received
a
letter from
Cleopatra,
in whicb she
promised
him her band if be
came to Pella
;*
with a
sufficient
force,
it must be
supposed,to
overpower
Antipster,
and to secure
.tbe
throne
of Macedonia for himself. He
was a man
of
sanguinetemper,
as
well
as
of
towering
ambition,
and
eagerlygrasped
at tbe o1T6r. Wbile
he
was occupied
with this
scheme,
but
was
still
believed to be
preparing
for tbe
expedition
againstAriaratbes,
he received
a
message
from
Antipdier,
now
blocked
up
in
Lamia,
to
implore
his
speediest
succour,
Antipater's
eovoj
had
probably
been chosen
on account of bis
personal
enmity
to Eumenes. It was
Hecatseus,
the
tyrant
of
Cardia,against
whom Eumenes
was
known to have exerted all his influence with
Alexander,though
without
eSoct
;
and be
waa
empowered
to o9et tbe hand of
one
of
Antipa- ter's
daughierst
to Leonnatus. Eumenes
endeavoured
lo dissuade Leonnatus from
compliance
with Ibis
request ;
and
professed to consider
his own life
as
in
danger
from tbe
enmitj
ofAaiipater
andHecatcus, Leonnatus therr-
'' -
thought
be
might safely
trust him with tbe
Ini.,Bum..
I.
If,BDiHTHniudisolNli^., i^p.
Mmuwd.
in hil HiUOTIFsf Utniî (PkoUns, tM, k.
u follow tliM h" wu mltukiii. Bat ntm* tb* pla^
t
AooDTdiiif
10 Diodena
(mJL.t HI, AslipBUr,
bi
K mc (i" HuMlniii, nut m mitlv,
wt"
hid i
18
FhtfgititUf "iUra" ri.
in thfl bwl of on* of liii
lUa^ten.
Ud IH labMitnud
ft.rrtiu'rf'PCiM'u.
Bw'^ji
i"n ID
P^"lini(p. MHIIHil. thUlhc
WriFi^riini
lu
.."Iiii liHl befljn hHn hrld Hnl
bf CtiME, lod "fttrs
Dtmiirhiu, 1.
CnrmiUritii fini
smbuay
which Ijiih
In
"ptatimS.
t.,1Icoiiim fjoiia^jil. ii" irfii i
BATTLE WITH LE ON NATUS." NAVAL WAR.
"ecret, let him
see
Cleopitra'Bletters,
and as-
tured him thai bis intentions were
nothing
lesa
iban
friendly
to
Antipater.
But Ibe
project
did
not at all suit the views of Eumenes. who aaiv
Ibal he should
probably
foifeit his
satiapy
with
Ihe
patronage
of Perdiccas
;
and fell no confi-
ilenee in the
impetuous
character of Leonnatus.
He, therefore, made bis
escape
by night,
accompanied
only by
300 horse and 200 anned
slates,
wiih his
treasure,
which amounted to
5000 talents,
and fled to Perdiccas,
whose favour
be aecured
by
this
proof
of
fidelity.
Leonnaiua bad now no choicp lefl. It
was
in
Macedonia alone that be could
hope
to establish
hnnsell'. But it seems that he
thought
it necessary
for his own sake firstto
quell
the insur-
lectiuti of the Greeks,
and then to rid himself
of
Antipaler.
He therefore crossed
over to
Europe,
and marcbed towards the theatre of
war. In Macedonia he added a
largebody
of
troops
to his
army,
which then numbered
no
less than 20,000
foot and 2500 horse. When
Anlipbilns
heard of the
approach
of this formidable
force,be_
immediatelyperceived
tbal the
siege
must
be raised
;
and he
seems to have
taken his measures with
great Judgment
and
energy.
He fired his
camp,
sent the
baggage
and all his useless
people
to Meliliea,a town
on the
Enipeus,
which
lay near his road,
and
hiniself, crossing
the chain of
Othrya,
advanced
with his unencumbered
troc^s
to meet Leon- natus,
before he-could be
joinedby Aniipater.
Since the
beginning
of the
siege
of
Lamia,
the
army
of the allies had been much weakened
through
some
of those causes which
commonly
paralyze
the movements of such confederacies.
Before the death of
Leoslhenes,
the ^tiiliana
had obtained leave from him to return home for
a time, on aome
plea,
which Diodorus
only
describes
by
the
vagueexpression
mUional
affairs'
We
are
left
entirely
to
conjecture
as to ita nature
and
urgency ;
but the lerfn seems
equally
lo exclude the
supposition
of
a festival.tand of
a hostile inroad,:twhich
might
otherwise have
been
probable
motives
;
whtle il
perfectly
suits
the occasion of an
assembly
held for the election
of
magistrates,
and the ttansaction of other
publicbusiness.^
There is
no reason to suspect
the ."tol]ans either of lukewarmnesa
or
jealousy.
Leostbenea himself
may
have believed
that
they might
be
spared
for a time, as
the blockade conld be carried
on
without them.
But he was also
compelled
to aUow
many
of
his other
troops
to withdraw.
They
too had,
if not
publicbuaineas,private
concerns lo call
them home,
and
they willingly
believed thai
the end of the contest was
alreadysecured,
and could not be
endangered by
their absence
Whether
any
others arrived from
Peloponnesus
to
supply
their
place,
does not
appear ;
but the
army
which
Aniiphilus
led into
Thessaly
was
still
superior,by
2000 foot and 1000
horse,
lo
that of Leonnalua.
The
part
of
Thessaly
where the
two armies
p-s.
'''"
(N"ch
III.,
13.
met is not mentioned
;
it Is
only
described
aa
a
plain
skirted
by hills,
and
containingsome
marshy ground.
It must have been thai which
is crossed
by
the
high
road from
Macedonia,
between the Peneus and the
Enlpcus.
The
strength
of the Greeks
lay
in their
cavitlry,
which included 2000
Thessalians, the finest
troops
of the kind then tu be foand. Leonna- tus,
however, whose
gallantry
la better attested
than his
judgment,
did
not hesitate to
engagn
them with his Macedonian
horse, which, in
deed, was more numerous than the Theasaliane
alone,and
may
have been
so much
superior
in
his
opinion
to that uf the other
Greeks, as to
render the
inequality
but
trifling.
He
placed
himself St its
head,
and
charged
wiUi his wonted
valour
;
but,
sAer
a
sharpcombat,
his
troops
were
broken and
put
lo
flight,
and driven into
the marsh, where he himself
fell,
pierced
with
many
woonds. His
body
was
rescued,
and carried
to the
camp.
The
infantry
on
both sides
appear
to have taken
no
part
in the action
;
bat
when the
victoryvxs
decided,and I.,eonnatu8
had fallen,the cnmrnandp-- of the
phalanx judged
it
prudent
to decline
a battle,and drew off hia
troops
to the
higherground,
where
they
would
bi! safe from the attacks of the
cavalry.
The
Thessalians made
some fruitleaa
attempts
to
disturb them
:
but the Greeks remaioed masters
of the
field,
and erected their
trophy;
Ihe
third which
they
h"d won since the
beginning
of the war.
To
Antipater,however,
the loss which he
solTered
through
the defeat of Leonnatus was
"more than
compensated by
the
advantage
he
gained
from the death of
a
formidable
rival,*
though
he
may
not have known the whole
ex-
lent of his
danger.
He had followed the march
of the Greeks, and,it
seems,
was at no
great
distance
when the battle look
place;
for the next
day
he effected a
junction
with the
army
of Le- onnatus,
which
Immediatelyaclcnowledged
hin
as
ita chief. He
now saw
himself at the head
of
a
foree before which the
allies,
hut for the
superiority
of their
cavalry,
would not have
been able
to
stand.
Still, such was the terror
inspiredby
the Thessalian
horse, that he did
not venture to descend into the
plain
;
and he
had
probablyalready
received
intelligence
of
the
approach
of CrateiTW. He therefore advanced
along
the
higherground on the skirts
of the
plain
towards the borders of Macedonia, t
Antlphilua
and Meno could
only
walch hia movements,
and made
rto
attempt
to obstruct tbero,
but remained in the central vale of
Thessaly.
In the mean while the
Athenians,
who bad
undertaken the whole burden of the war on
the
sea,
had been defeated
on
what
they
were used
to consider as their own element. Diodorus
has
probably
confounded several
things
In his
,
brief account of Ibis naval war.
If
we
may
'
trust him,
the Macedonian fleet had been raised,
by
some re-en
foreemcnt of which he
gives
no account, lo 840
sail;
the
precise
number
which was lo have been
equippedby
the Athe-
niatia,according
to
their decree
;
while the fleet
with which
they finally put
to sea
consisted of
no more
than ITO
galleys.
The
part
of this
"
Ss jQtUis,nil., S, IS, Ancipiur . " .
nont Ltounui
liMiiui ""
: iniijjpo
111 BmDlimi tublnHiin, ot Tim oius m-
fflSTOEY OF GREECE.
MateUMnt wfaich Telates to the Maeedoniaas ia
cettainl]' very ampiciona.'
Bot when we remember
Um
"trength
of the naval armaments
which had been eent out
by
tbe Atheoians daring
the
PelopoDDesJaDwar,
tbo efibrt whioti
they
made on this oocaaioB
appears,
even ao-
eoidinf
to thii
aoeonnt, very gieat.
And
yet
the manner in which Diodoiua
ezprewe*
him-
"eir raiaee a
anafiieion
that the decree
may
have be"n carried into ftall eflbct. The Maee-
(tontiUH,
he
eaye, being
maaters of the
eea,
the
Atlienians,
in
ajldition
to the
êya
which
they
bad
before,
fitted oat others,so ttiatin all
they
amounted to 170. And he then retatea
that the Macedonian
admiral,Clitna,
with his
340
sail,gainod
two victonaa over the Atheni-
ana,
who were commanded
by Eetion,
and destroyed
a
great
number of Ibeir
ataipe.
The
scene
of both Uieie
aea-figfats
is laid
by
Diodo-
lUB near the
Ecliinadea,
t^t
is,
off the coast of
Italia. But it is certain that one of
them, at
least,
took
place
in the
jEgeaiinear Amorgna,
one
of the
Cycladea.t
It
aeems to have been
.
on this occaaion Uiat Stratocles had the
impudence
to amnse the
people
with false
tidings
of
a
treatvictory,
and to
say,
when the truth was
aseertained,
that
tbey
owed him two
daya
of
r^
joicing-IClitUB,
according
to
Fiutarch,
celebrated
the bdttle of
Amorgua
wiih
extravagant
vanity;assuming
the
name of
Poseidon,
and
the trident. The
victory, therefore, cannot have
been so
trifling
as
Plutarchhimself
represents
it
:4
and
we
roay suspect
that it was now the
Athenians,
having,by
fresh
exertions,
collected
170
galleys,again sought
the
enemy,
and suffered
a second
defeat, probably
stillon the
eastern
Hide of
Greece,which, in so critical
a
posture
of
affairs,
the Maccdooian admiral is not
likelyto have
quitted
for the coast of ^lEtolia.ll
On
every supposition
the
Athenians,
in this
pan
of the
contest, displayed
a
degree
of
spirit
nod
perseverance quiteworthy
of their best
times
;
and tke few
glimpses
which we catch
of their
proceedings
at home ôw
them,
in a
aimilar
Ijght.
it bad been with
great difficulty
that
Phocion,as
general,
had restrained theoi
tma
an incursion into IkeoCia. He would not
nndenake itwithout a
levy
of allthe men left
wider
M"ty.
Soon
after,
when the Macedoni-
*
DlDTWB (Nt^lif-
I
n
BIl I,.. A ^ ; .,..
H OmHrfa
"
'w
JmuiM*, ")
rpteiHU ifitu. PcAui, ho
flu Ally ftuBdUilin
Tat lllilItari
wu "
atumT
nr i
irtiloliir.pi""wdhfn.
^ '
IftoynB (L.p, ea"otiMM " rtr*
hoM, ud, I tbii
BiiiaifiiiM that
Cliioi,tfter hii
"icurr nsu An
" ans had become masten of the
aea,
a
sqoadm
was sent,
with a
strong body
of
troops,
Mace- donians
as well as mercenaries,
under the command
of
Micio,to invade Attica. He did
not
DOW refuse to aeoond Uia
geneixl ardour,
bitt
led
as
Btrong
a
linve
""
oould be mustered to
meet the
enemy,
frtm bod landed
on the easteni
coast, not far from
Marvthon,
and
waa overmn-
ning
the
country.
Fiutarch baa
reported
some
pointedsayings
of
I^meion,aB delivered on thii
occasion,
which seem to show that there wm
more leal than
disciplineamon^
his
troopi.
When advice was obtruded
on him, he remarked,
that there were
many genmals,
but
few soldier*. Leosthenes and
Antiphituswere,
perhape,
more fortunate in the men
they
commanded
i
for
we
do not find that
they
hsd
any
canse to
complain,
or
they
may
have been less
addicted to sarcastic
apeecfaea.
But Phocioa
himself cannot have been
very
ill served
:
At
the
enemy
was defeated,
and driren back to hi*
ahipa
with
greatloaa,
and Hicio was left
among
the alain. So that
eren
thia naTa]
war, dioogti
It
probatdy
inHittad a severe
injoryon the Athe- nians,
terminated in a manner which reminded
them of better
days.
Not
longafter,
the
aspect
of aflSiirsin The*-
salywas
againchanged by
the arrival of Crate-
rus. He had
brought,
besides the velerani,
4000
heavy-armed,
1000 Persian bowmen and
alingera,
and 1600
cavalry.
He
prob^ly
entered
Theasalyby
one of Uie weetem
passes,
as
tillswas the direction which
Antipaior
had
taken. When
they
had
joined
their forces,
GraieruB
resigned
the
supreme
command to ba
colleague.They
then marched down into the
plain,
where the allies
were
poBled,
and encamped
near the banks Af the Penens. The
Macedonian
army
now amounted to between
40,000 and
60,000 heavy infantry,
3000 light
troops,
and 6000
cavalry.
The Greeks were
little more than half as numeroas
;
lor the
^tolians had not returned to the
camp,
and
few re-enforcements had arrived to
make
up
for the
deficiency.They
hsd
fought
the laii
time with
32,000
(bot :
tbey
had now S6,000.
The
cavalry,thoiigh
now inferiorin nocnber to
that of the
erveray,
was atilltheir main strenglb
and their sole
bope. Diodorus.
very
confosed-
ly,
mentions a
apirit
of insubordination
whicli
arose
among
them from the decrease of their
numbers. We
may easily
believe that
their
commanders found it difficultto
keep
them to-
geUier,
after bo
many desertioos,
in the
presence
of so formidable an
enemy.
It mast have
seemed slmost
intolerably batxl.
that
they
were
to
fightat such reariiilodds in behalf of tboM
who bad
shamefully
abandoned them.
Hm (it-
nation of the
generals
became
every
day
niMe
embarrassing. When
Antipater
drew out
hi*
forces to
offbr
battle, they
declined it (or some
days,
still
hoping
that
theymight
be rejoined
bj
those who had left
them, or
might
receive
fierii
succours,
which
had,no doubt,
been
eameslly
solicited. But the
approach
of Cratenra
liao
probably
induced all who were
lukewarm
or
wavering lo
regard
the contest as
hopeless.
Xo re-enforcements arrired
:
and itbecame
e'-
ident to
AnliphiluB
and Meno that iheyronst
hazard a battle,or soon be desfrted by
the
crealer part
of their
troopa,
Meno still
relied
much,
and
not without
reaaon,
on
his
Tiessa-
DISSOLUTION OP THE LEAGUE.
901
tim horse.
They
tborsfiireTeaolred to
socept
Aatipater'*challeogB.
Tbe
engagemeat
took
plaoe
on the
jiain
o(
Cnuinon,a littleto the
west or the road between Ijarissa tod Fbarea-
lOB,*not "T from the foot of a
ittoKe
of low
hills which Btretch aeroBs from the
Enipeoato
the PeneoB. It
began,
as
before,
with the
cai-
alr7.
fThat of the Hacedoniaiis was
probably
cooiinanded
by CiBtems,
but it
waa
stilluoable
to
cope
with the Thesaaliana
;
and the event
of the
day might
have been similar to that in
irtiieb ZjeoDiiaius
fell,
if the MaMdoniaiis had
"MM aow had the
advantage
of two able and experienced
generals,.\ntipater,
who was at the
bead of the
phalanx,
when he saw hia hone
giTiag way,
fell
upon
the
enemy's infantry.
They
êre
quite
onable to sustain the
shock,
byt still were so
ablycommaitded,
that
they
retreated in
good
order to the
adjacenthigh
grouiMl,
and there took
up
a
position
from which
the Macedonians
vainlyattempted
in
dislodge
them. ~We seem to collectfrom this
fact,
thai Al-
exaoder was stillmore foitunate in his enemies
than in his officers. But
Meno, perceiving
the
letreal of his
infantry,
did
not venture to
pro-
kiDg
the
combat,
in which he was on the
point
of
gaming
a decided
victory
: be drew off his
troops,
and the Macedonians remained
everywhere
masters of the Geld.
The Greeks had not lost
more
than SOO men
;t
but
though
the toss was
trifling,
it
suit of a defeat
;
and
this,
in sucb
cea,
was inevitably
fatal to their cause. An-
ti;riiilas and Meno conferred
together
on the
courae now to be
adopted;
whether itwas better
tc wait where
they were,
on the faiat
hope
of a rf'eiiforcentent,
which
might
enable tbem
ag"i::
to meet the
enemy
in the
field,
bat with
gTSBt
Uuzwi
of fresh desertions
j
or should
iaake "t-~'ûres to
Antipater,
while
they
were
Mill at the bead of a formidable
army.
Diodo-
iis iDtiioated
ihaMheyieluctanlly yielded
to the
mergeocy
.! they thought
themselvea forced
"
negoliate.U."happi1y,
in this fieldthe
enemy
hey
had to deal wl^h was stillmore an over-
natch tbi them than lu the other.
Antipater
at
tace saw that an opportunity
was
presented
to
Mm of
dissolving
the
confederacy
without an-
other blow. When tii^(-reek heralds came to
him with
proposaJs
of
ji-.a.ce,
he declared tbat
he woold enter into no
treaty
with the confed- eral?,
but was
vrilling
to receive
envoys
from
the alliedstales
aeparate^.
He knew Uiat this
would be an irreaiKiible
temptationto each to
renounce the common
cauaii,
tbat it
might
make
the better terms fur itsell. But to hasten their
resolution,
he and Cratarus laid
siege
to some
of the Thessalian
towns, among
me rest to
Pharsatus,
which the allies 'vere
compelled
to
abandon to their fate. This
["oof
of weakness,
and the
danger
which extorted
it,overpowered
allrehicUuce in the inferiorstates of the confederacy.
One after another sent its
envoys
to
the Macedonian
camp,
and submitted to the
terms dictated
by Antipater,
which were unexpectedly
mild. Their
lenity
attracted those who
still
hesitated,
and in a abaii time ^ had Ufl
down their arms.
The two states which had excited and
gni-
ded the insurrection now remained
exposed to
the
conqueror'svengeance,
unable to aflhrd
any
help
to one another
;
unable,
bad their forces
been
united,
to offiir
any
resistance to him.
Athena,
as she had been first and last in the
field,
had reason to
apprehend
the first
aUack,
and the moat
rigorous
Iteaiment.
Antipater
advanced
from
Thess^y
into
Bteotia,
with the
avowedobjectoflayingsiege
to
thecity;'and,
as his fleetcommanded the
sea,
there
speared
no
prospect
of
deliverance, or of relieffrom the
miseries of a
protracted
blockade,
except
iti
timely
submission. The
onlyhope
of
any
lata
milder than death or
slavery
rested on
Antipa-
ter's
mercy ;
but from
a man who had boasted
of his
clemency,
who bad
Justexperienced
Boeh
vicLEsitudes of
fortune,
this was not an uniBft-
sonable
ground
of confidence. Pbocion now
had the
melancholypleasure
of
exerting
the in-
Quence he had
gainedby
his
ton"
connexion witk
the enemies of hia
country
in her behalf For
the readiness he showed on this
occasion, we
may
well
forgive
his
gentlereproach,
that ifshe
had followed hia
counsels,
she would not have
needed bia aid
i
aa,intruth,
ifê had followed
those of
Lycidaa,
in the Peraian
wat',t
she wouU
not have become an
object
of
envy
and
hatred,
and
would,perhaps,
never have been
subject
to
a Macedonian master. The honour of his mediation
be shared with
Dcmades, to whom the
eyes
of allwere fir^tturned in this
emergency.
While the storm of war was
rolling
towards
the frontiers of
Attica,
Demades sat
aloof,
like
Acbilles,
an unconcerned
apectator,brooding
over his
dishonour,
and could
only
be induced
to
interpose by
entreatiesand
gills.
He was a
disfranchised
man,
who had no
right
to offer his
advice. But he was not inexorable
;
and when
his IVanchise was restored to
him, proposed
a
decree,
which was immediatelycarried,
to send
envoys,
Phocion and himself in the
number,
with full
powers
to
Antipater.They
found tha
Macedonian
army encamped
on the site of
Thebea,
and
preparing
to invade Attica. Pbs-
cion's first
requestwas,
that
Antipater
would
not move forward,
but would conclude the trea"
ty
where he was. Cratems
IhoQ|{fat
that Pbo*
cion asked
too much,
when he deairedthat
thejr
should
spare
their
enemies,
and continue to burden
their friends. But
Antipater, taking
him
by
the
hand,gently
insisted; We mnat
grant
this favour to Phocion. He would
not, howev^
er,
listen even to Pbocion on
any
other
pcrinl^
and would be
satisfiedwithoothingbut
absotnltt
submission. The
Athenians,
he
observed,
had
demanded no less from him when he aued fv
peace.
With thisanswer the
envoys
retnraedi
niQnt",iii.,]i.989.
"ra Ihu 300 wan AUunluu ;
br that
: ih"t Pintuiu. cii.,10,i,
mnu ths
p."T".
u bm bMB mJiUd tnUa
wilti% nflvlsnvip ofate-
fiiie- ln\iLX.Or.Hto
"lUr hf hud ukei FhtiKlni, tknat-
Ijmuecturea.
but reiktetin hia leic
tiulUur AlbwuBBB
whilfllu wuMiil nTkHnly-udl)"!'
I1"" iimni
tbnv
i'I'.mMi,
"Y,
.l^^.-r.l.'"
Itn'-wliii'ociur" nr IV WKiti*-
.'i .,,ii.~i.-r^Mf fbiPCi^.SCaT.cogldlm*-
ogle
HISTORY or GREECE.
Ilie
people
could not recede
;
for thei^had no
refuge.
Another
embassy
was
immedlateiy
despatched,
with Pliocion al its liead.but inclit-
ding
B neiv
envoj,
whoae
character,
it was
hoped,might
mttke a Tavoarable
impression
on
Antipaler
: the
philosopherXenocrates,
of wliom
Plutarch
sajs,
that there wbb no
degree
of in-
BOlence and
cruelty
ivhtcb would
not,
it was
aupposed,giveway
before his
presence.
An-
tipater
was neither insolent nor rrael
;
but he
i*as not a man lo
give
up
a solid
advantage
for
Ibe sake of a
philosopbcT ;
even ifhe bad not a
pnvaie
dislike to Xenocrates,
and did not wish
to show tus
displeasure
at the treatment of his
friend
Arislntle, who bad been forced to withdraw
from Athens soon allerAleiander's
death,
on a
charge
of
impiety,
which was
probably
a
pretext
for ttiose who hated and feared him on
account of his
intimacy
and
correspondence
with
Anlipater;though
itwould not fallow that there
was
any
foundation for the
story
that Xenoc-
rates was Aristotle's
enemy, Antipaler,
however,
is
reported
lo have behaved to him with
studied
rudeness, to have withheld from him
the
ordinary
salutation with whicti he received
tbe other
envoys,
and to have
interrupted
him
so often in hia
speech,
as at last to
compel
him
to desist,* Xenocrates is said to have observed,
that he considered it as an honour to be so
treated
byAntipater,
when he was about to deal
so
harshly
with Athens. The terms
finally
granted,
on which the Athenians were to be admitted
into
amity
and alliance with
Macedonia,
were,
that
they
should deliver
np
a number of
their obnoxious
orators,including
Demosthenes
and
Hyperides
;
that
they
should limit their
franeluBC
by
a standard of
property;
that
they
should receive a
garrison
in
Munychia,
and
pay
B sum of
money
for the cost of the war. Xen- ocrates
is said to have been tbe
only
person
who murmured at these
conditions,
and to have
remarked,
that
they
were raildfor
slaves,
oppressive
for freemen. His
colleagues professed
to be
delighted
with their moderation
; only
Irith
regard
to the
garrison,
Phoclon
thought
proper
to intercede. But when
Antipater
asked
him whether he would
engage
for the observ-
Bnce of the
peace
without
it,he did not venture
mpntjonej do
other coodkCKm
Hi
Atbeoi,"ad thfet bn ihnnteaed
Tenjeoim "f^'^*'
^^b ""!'
immediately
to
rei^y.
While he
panscd,
CaUim-
cdon, the
exile,
started
up,
and said,
"
And if
he should talk so
idly,
will
you, Antipater,
trust
him,
and
change your purpooe
V All the articles
were
acceptedby
the
plenipotentiaries
and
ralLiied
by
the
people:
and boon alter the Ma- cedonian
garrison
marohed into
Munychia,
In
setilo the
inierprelalion
of those which had
not
been
precisely
defined.
It was remarked, as a contrast which
aggravated
the
present misery
and
dejection,
that
the entrance of the
foreigntroops
took
place
on
the
day
of the
mystic procession
to Eleusis;
the same on which, according
to the Atlic legend
in the Persian
war,
when Attica was
abandoned to the barbarians,
the
mystic
sbont.
raised
by uoeartlily voices,
had announced the
approaching
destruction of tbe invader. The
presence
of the Macedonian
garrison,
however.
was
chieflygalling,
as it
constantly
reniiaded
the
people
of its servitude. There was no reason
immediately
to
apprehendany
of the outnt-
ges
which Thebes had
suflered,
while it was
occupiedby Philip's troops ;
for the command
at
Munychia
had been
given
to
Menyllus,
a man
of humane
disposition,
and one of Phocion's
friends,
perhapsappomted
at bis
request.
The
clause in the
treaty relating
to the
change
which was to be made in tbe
Constitution,
had
probably
been
expressed,
al first,
in
general
terms,
and its
import,
or
Antipaier'sdesign,
only
fixed when the time came to
carry
it into
execution. If we
might lay stress on the language
in which Plutarch
reports it,we should
be led to conclude that the Athenians had been
induced to
expect
a revival of the ancient Itm-
ited
democracy, perhaps as it existed in the
time of
Solon,
by
which the
poorest wonid,
indeed,
havB been excluded from several offices
but not from the
privileges
which
they
exercised
in the
assembly
and the courts of
justice.
Hopeless
as the condition of the
peoplewas,
it
seems doubtful whether
thoy
woold have ratified
the
treaty
if
they
had known beforehand
how
Antipaler
understood it on this
point,*
The new
regulation
which he decreed sonnded
very
moderate, If not
necessary
or
Just;
but its
practical
effect
was,
that
neariy
two thirds of
the citizens were disfranchised,
and
many
liana-
ported
out of Greece. It
provided
that
a
qualification
of SOOO drachmas should be
required
from
every
citizen,
and ilus has been commonly
understood as the entire amount of
propeTly
of
every
kind to be
possessed by
each. If Ibis
was the
case,
itremains an
inexplicable mystery"
one to which the
great
master of this subject
resigns
himself as in
despairt
" that out of
21,000
persons
then
exercising
tbe
Iranchise,
Ijft of X-nwrtlM
withAi
niipjwt
ii
buiF
U Thi^lns. Diugonn nlxlii that Xinorntrt, ivh
WH bovilrilby *nti|"lBI
U" hi.
labia,ud
Kplifd
In lb
""H" of UlyiiM
to
Cirto,
which
"
nlmMd
rtniipnln-
Ihi
rchy
kj h covi'rninenl luunilcd on ilLt-
.
the
qiimliaii"r"mi to imrty Ihst,
- " " '" '
"Vi ftuihiH
- lincliimi of
pnpenj.
T
"|b"vu..lh"
AlUu
C
.
I
Hi^/U
no
k^Mf ^""'il
iTâlihn^MO^"'-
1 . chnnifi.
Lrul of
l3]
eu one
mjmpllh/
irilh tin AUwni-
, |iiii
lie-
dniiwTHl b7 f"n"riliti(ninltugfeniimi.
Hch ki
L
I
ctptioD
of iho
aampllin oTlh* Athniu itils." ItHcnu
, ûite
aa ponibls Eu
fo beyondlh" traUi on thi" ntêet u
I t Bonlih, Stuuh., iv.,3.
Cosipua Iv.,".
THE CAPITULATION." PURSUIT OF THE ORATORS.
no more than 9000 could be found
possessing
that earn, tl would follow that IS,000 were
livingnearly
in the condition of Lazzaroni
;
for
it
appears
that the intcrrat of SOOO
drachmas,
at the
highestordinaryrale,
would have been
scarcely
Buflicienl to
purchase
the mere neces-
eariea of lifefor a man who had no
family
to
support.
We
may,
indeed,
suppose, though
no
pause bas been
assigned
for the
faet,
that the
distribution of
property
had become
very
unequal
at Athens,
while its
general
amount had
been much reduced. And
yet,
the accounts
ire have
remaining
of the administration of
Ly-
curgus
do not
suggest
the idea of
generalpoverty,
but rather of
growing prosperity.
Since
that lime to Alexander's death the
state
had
enjoyed uninterrupted peace.
The visions of
Uocraies,
who had
represented
the
conquest
of Persia as the
beginning
of a
goldenage
for
Greece, had,
in this
respect,
been
fully
realized.
.\
part
of the treasures of the Kast
had,
in
fact,
crossed the
jflgean,
and it
might
have been
supposed
that Athens would have shared this
benefit,
and still
more,
that which flowed from
the increased
activityimparted
to commerce
Sy
Alexander's
conquests.
It is true that such
diSiculties could not resist one well-allested
fact. But the main fact un which the
question
hpre
depends
is not attested at all. Wo axe
not informed how the
Inquisition
was made,
nor what
objects
it Included " whether,
for in-
Tlance,
it took account of the
profits
derived
from
any
occupation
which needed
onlya
very
email
capital
" nor whether it related lo the
i" hole or
only
a
pari
" that which was liable to
'.aialion " of each ci'tizen's
property.
It has
been
thought,by
a highauthority,
a fatal
objec-
iii"nto this last
supposition
that, in this
case,
ihe standard of
property
would have been loo
high
'
But, at least,
it would not have been
100
high
for
Anilpater's
views
;
and that which
he is
commonly
believed to have estabJished
would not even have answered the
purpose
which
might
have been
thought
the
only
rea-
innable
ground
for the innovation : to
provide
ibateverj'one
who retained the franchise should
possess
some independentmeans of decent sub-
To the disfranchised citizens
Antipater
offered
a town and districtin Thrace. We are
not iDformed where it
lay,
but it
may easily
be
supposed
that it was not a maritime
position,
and therefore could not have been
regarded
as
3 desirable settlement. It does not
appear
that
any
were
compelled
to
migrate;
but the offer
seems Id show that
Antipater
wished to remove
as
many
as he could withoul a
display
of
force
;
and the
prospect
at hiHne was
gloomy
enough
lo induce
many
to embrace Ihia altema-
tlce. A
great
number of a
higher
class wore
formally
banished.
It
speaks
well for the 9000 who remained in
possession
of the franchise,that
Antipater
still
thonght
the
garrison
at
Munycbia
a
necessary
precaution;
but if his
onlyobject
had been te-
"
BoicUi, ii.,3.
t Dindonn
(inii.,IS)
lari
thai tJitT"O nir^ttd.
Ir
t)u*hwJ bHB Uiv
4H,
Ita*nSs
0ov"ofiiyuit
waulil ba
only
tb" Dl"eikl
tufntga.
Bui jl
" dav rrom
Flalurb, Fhoc.,
curity,
it
might
have been
supposed
that the
presence
of the
troops
would have been a sulE-
cient
prateeiion
for those who
were
disposed
for
peace.
At
least,
aller these
measures there
was left no
plea
of
necessity
to excuse his demand
for the blood of the men who had
guided
the
public
counsels.
Alexander,indeed,had
called for such a sacrifice,
but under
very
different
circumstances
;
when il
might
have
seemed
requisite
for his
safety;
it was the
only
one he asked
;
and stillhe had been induced
to
dispense
with it. We can
hardlyacquit
Antipater
of tlie
charge
of a
cowardy
revenge.
If
policyrequired
that resistance to Macedonia
should be treated as a
crime,exile,
when return
appeared
so
hopeless, might
have seemed
a sufficient
punishment. And,
from the
manner
in which the aenteocc was
executed,
it is
but too clear that it was not
merely
a concession
which he made tu the
rancour
which his
Athefiian
hirelings
bore to the
sufierers, though
it is
likelyenough
that
Pytbeaa,
and Callime-
don.
and Demades
encouragedhim.
in this instance
loo,
to adhere to his
purpose.
Il would
have been
pleasing
to find that Pliocion had attempted
to divert him from it
;
especially
if he
himself
had,on former
occasions,
been
protected
bythe eloquence
of Demosthenes.
*
In other
cases he
procuredpardon
for eonne who had
been condemned lo banishment
by Antipater,
or
prevailed
on him to remit the
severest
part
of the
penalty,
and lo let the exiles remain in
Greece. It is
plain,
from tlieae
instances, though
they were not needed tu show it.what the real
character of the new Cuostitution
was;
and
we are Ihe less
tempted
to
speculateon the
meaning
of
Diodorus. when he
says
that the
. 9000 were
governed by
the laws of Solon. It
seems that Ihe contribution which had been
mentioned in the
treaty
was not
immediately
exacted
; perhaps
was
purposely
reserved at
an additional
security
for their
good
behaviour.
The
question
about Santos was referred to the
king'scouncil,and, by
order of
Perdiccas,
the
Athenian colonists were soon after
expelled
from their
possessions.
The
republic,
it
appears,
was also
deprived
of
Lcnmus, Imbra^
and
ScyruB.
Demosthenes and his
partners
in misfortune
had retired from the
city
before the Mace- donian
garrisonarrived,yet hardly
so soon
as it was heard that
Antipater
was on his
march
against
Athens
;+
for we are informed
that when he demanded
them, Uemocharea,
the
nephew
of
Demosthenes,
made an
eflbrt,
more honourable to his
feelings
than his
Judg- ment,
to induce the
people
lu resist,and, to
animate the
speclatora,
entered the
assembly
in armour. It is doubtful whether this was
before the return of the second
embassy ;
but
then Demades
proposed
a
decree,
which wa*
passed
as a part
of Ihe
treaty,condcnming
Antipater'e
victims to death.
They
had certainly
escaped
before
they
could i" arrested
under this decree
;t
and their fiiat
place
of
"
So Nepga, PhscuB, ii.,1. Tm ihu ia nihn hud I*
Mlaie.
_
t Ai Plnlanli
rcpmeiin, Flioc., M, ud DgmcMh., M.
Thi"
my
miiii b" Unai Dnnsn't cmjKlnn.
bat
ansot,
1 Ibiok.ha adBiittedla "nilir"i(b
lb" aIkiiiiiii1 IwTa """"
1 IlippunfmuArnubiFluXiiurp. W.b.}llutth"
wen
ulnulr
In "pu
whn tlw dun* "u pHHi
HISTORY
OF GRICECB.
lefUs'!
wQB
jEfina,
Here
Hyperiiies,
a man.
certainly,according
ta Ihe aceounla which have
come
clown to
ua,
not estim^le in his
private
ofaarar^ter,
but one who had never
descended
to
any political apoatacy,
and who had never
been
pollutedby
Macedonian
gold,besought
DemostheneB to
forgive
hii
temporary
es-
traimc'ment,
thus
apparently
acknowiedging
the
ii^jiistice
of the
charge
he had
hroughtagainst
him,
and look a last farewell of him. With
them were Ariatonicue,
and
HimerEcns,
also
oneof the accusers of
DemoBthenea,
and brother
(rf*DemelrioB the
Phalerian,
who
waa
destined
soon to rise to a bad eminence in the
hlElory
of Atbens.* As the
dangergrew
more
pressing,
the friendB
parted,seekingseparate
asylumB.
Aristonicus and Himereus took shelter
in the "aceum.
Kyperides,
it
seems,
first
"onghl refuge
at the altar of Poseidon in the
same island,
but afterward
passed
over to Pel- oponnesus,
and fled to the
temple
of Demeter
at Hermiooe.f once deemed a shrine of awflil
"anclity.
Demosthenes chose the
BBnctuary
Of Poseidon in the isle of
Calaurea,near
Trce-
"en. There remained
no
hope
of
safety
for
the
fugitives
but in the
proteclion
of the
gods.
But
AntipBter
had taken his measures to render
even
this
safeguard
miav
ailing.
It was not in Athens alone that
Antipaler
parsned
the friends of
liberty
to death. To
carry
out his
pnrposc,
he had
engaged
the services
of a band of
men,
who,
from their infa-
moas
occupation,acquired
the titleof the Ex-
TLE-HUNTERs. The leader of this
pack
was an
Italian Greek of
Thurii,
named Archias. He
had been a
player,
and
afterward,
it
seems,
had
studied,perh^Hi practised,
rhetoric
;
but we
find no trace that he was connected with
any
political party
in
Greece, where, indeed, as a
fbreigner,
he could
scarcely
have been admitted
into one.
He served
probably
for
nothing
but his hire
; yet
he
displayedas much seal in
his eomraission as ifhe had been
Instigated by
privateenmity.
He was attended on his circuit
by
a
gnard
of
Thracians, and,
with their
assistance,dragged
most of the Athenian exiles,
whom, as the
piey
for which his master
most
longed,
he had undertaken to seixe himself,
fhim the altars to which he fonnd them
clinging.Aristonicua, Himereus,
and
Hyper-
ides
were
conveyed
to
Antipater,
who waa
then at Corinth or CleonR,
and the first
two,
at least,were
immediatelypat
to death.
Hy-
peiides,according
to the
more
authentic
re-
port,t
was reserved to be executed in Mace- donia.
But all seem to have
agreed
that
Antipater
was not satisfied with his
blood,
but
ordered his
tongue
to be first cut out. and his
remains
to be cast to the
dogs.
His
bones,
however,were secretly
rescued
by
one of his
kinsmen, and carried to Athens,
where
they
were buried in the
grave
of his fathers.
DemoHthenes
calmly
awaited the
coming
of
Archias in Uie temrie at
Calaurea,
well kiww-
ing
that he should
not be sheltered
by
the
sanctity
of the
place,
nai
prepared
for hia end.
t So
Suidu, iHniiDiilTInltirinfimiiidtbu tiOrniPLo-
tvrJi (Dtmnrih,,18]"ir
tli" mttuiT uT ^1. X.
Or,,n. MV,
whgnnluniUinifrgnitliaiUIiKiiflht^.
t OfHanDipiiai,
Vit. Z.
Or.,
f.
U", B.
He had
dreamed,
it is
said,
the
night
before
that ho was
contending
with Archias in a tra
gicpart;
that the
Judgment
of the
spectalan
was
in his
favour,
hut that he lost lê
prize,
because he had not been furnished with the
outward
requisites
of the exhibition : an
apt
illustration,
at least,
of his failure in the rod
contest,
which was the task of his life. When
Archias came to the door of the
temple
with
bis
satelliles,
he found Demosthenes seated.
He,
at "rBt,
addressed him in
language
of friendly
persuasion,
to
inveigle
him out of his retreat,
and offered to intercede with
Antipaler
in his behalf. Demosthenes listened for a
time in silence to his bland
professions,
but at
lengthreplied:
"
Archias,
you
never won me
by yonr acting,
nor will
you
now
by toot
promisee."
When the
player
found that he
was
detected,
he
flungaway
the
maak,
and
threatened in
eamest. "Now,"
said Demos- thenes,
"
you speak
from the Macedonian
tripod;
before
yon
were only acting:
wait k
litUe,
tillI have written a letterto
my
triends
St home." And he took a roll,as to write,
and, as waa his wont
when he waa
engaged
in
composition,put
the end of the reed to his
mouth and bit
it;
he then covered his face
with hia
robe,
and bowed tiishead.
According
to anmher
report,
he waa seen to take something
out
of a
piece
of
hnen,
and
pnt
it into
hia mouth : Ihe Thracians
imagined
that it
was
gold-
In
one
way
or other,
he had swallowed
a
poison
which he had
kept
for this
use.
When he had remained
some
time in this
attitude,
the
barbarians,thinking
that he was
lingering throughfear,began
to taunt him with
cowardioe
;
and
Archias, going
up
to him,
urged
htm to
rise,
and
repeated
hia offers of
mediation. Demosthenes
now fett the
poison
in his veins
: he uncovered his
face,roae,
and,
fixing
his
eyes
on the dissembler,said,
"
It is
time for
you,
Arcliiaa,
to finish the
part
of
Creon,
and to cast
my body
to the
dogs.
I
qoitthy sanctuary, Poseidon,
still
breathing;
thoogh Antipater
and the Macedonians have
not
spared
even it from
pollution."
So
saying,
he moved with
faltering step
towards tbs
door,
but had
scarcelypassed
the
altar,
when
ho fellwiUi a
groan,
and breathed his last.
His end would
undoubtedly
have been mors
trulyheroic,though
not m the
sight
of his own
generation,
if he hod braved the insults and
torture which awaited him. But he most not
be
judged by a
view of life which had never
'
been
presented
to him
: according
to his
own,
it
must have seemed base to submit to the enemy
whom he had hitlierto
defied,
for the sake
of a few
days
more of
ignominious
wrclched-
neas. .\nd even on
the
principles
of a
higher
philosophy,
he
might
think that the
gods,
who
were not able to
protect him,
had
"scbarged
him from their
service,
and
permitted
him to
withdraw from a
post
which be could no
longer
defend. The ancients
saw
the
finger
of Heav- en
in the fate of the vile instruments of bis
destniclton. That of Demades will be afterward
related : Archias ended his
days
in extreme
indigence,
under the
weight
of universal
contempt.
It
was later before Athens was
permitted
to do
justice
to the services of bei
great cititen, who, indeed,
had
never
lost btf
esteem. The time M lengthcsme
whei. hv
ANTIPATER IN ^TOLU." END OF THE WAK/
Dsiêw
Demochares
might aafel;
propose
a
decree, by
which the
honoui^ftbe prytaneum,
and of the foremost seal at
publicspectacles,
ytere
granted
to hia
descendants,
and
a bronae
statue was
erected in the
agora
to himself. It
bore an
inscription, coTTespondiag
in its
import
to the dream wbidi be
was
eaid
to have had
at
Calauiea. Had but the
tlrmfiA
of t\yarm,
Demoathenet, equalUd Iky ipini,
nmer teouid
Grtecc havt n,nk mtda tlit
fotrigner'tyoke.
The
statue itself
was believed,
in Ptutaich's
time,
to bare confirmed the
generalperauRsion
of tua innocence
as to the
onlycharge
which
ever threw a shade on the
purity
of his
political
cbaracter,* The honours
paid
to his memory
were not confined to Athens. A monument
was erected to him in the
sanctuary
where he
died
1
and both at Calaurea,
and in other
parts
"f
Greece,
he
continned,
down to the
age
of
Hadrian,
and
probably
as
long
as the
memory
of the
past
surrived
there,
to receive maru
of
publicTereieoce
approaching
to Uie
worship
of
a bero.f
We
are not
informed bow far
Antipater
advanced
into
FeloponaeBUB.
At
Corinth,
it is
not
improbable
that be
may
have assembled the
mock
congress,
and
again
have used its name
in the title of his
despotic
edicts. His
presence
was not needed to enforce submiasion to his
pleaoure.
Alter he had sated his
vengeance,
and struck the disaffected with
awe,
he retum-
ed to
Macedonia, accompanied by Cracerus,
whose
friendship
he
secured, against
the Ju-
trigues
of
Oljmpias and
liisother
enemies, by
the hand of his
daughter,Phila,the most amiable
and estimable
person
of his
family.
But
very
soon after the
ouptials,
as the
year
was
now
verging
to a
close,
the two chiefs set out
on an
expeditionagainst
the
."tolians,
the
only
state
of the late
confederacy
which bad not
submitted to the
conqueror.
Tbe
army
witb
which he invaded ."toUa consisted of
30,000
foot and 3500 horse
; an irresistible
force,
the utmost eflbrts of the ."tohans could
only
raise
10,000
men,
at least of
heavy infantry,
for
the defence of tbeir hearths. But
they
were
mountaineers, not
wanting
in self-coniideDce "
there
was,
indeed,
rather too much of
a
Bis-
cayan
vein in their character " and
they
relied
BtiU
more,
and with better
reason, on the dbU-
ral barriera and fastnesses
by
which their
rugged
country
seemed to be formed for a home of
liberty.They
made no
attempt
to
propitiate
the
invader, thonghwholly
unable to withstand
him in the field. In this
sense
of
security
we
probablyperceive
the main cause which led
Uiem
to
abandon theirallies in the latter
part
of
the
war.
They
now forsook all their towns in
the
open country,
and
transported
theirfamihes
and moveable
property
from alt
quarters
to the
unpregnablestrongholds
which crowned the
summits of their
highest
hills. The Mace-
doniaDs made
some
attempts
to storm these
fortresses, but
they
had do .Alexander at their
head,and
theywere everywhere'
repulsed
with
great
loss. But a more terrible
danger
threatened
the .fiolians.
They had.expect^
that
ryof
A" (oM
i7u~nitei,PUn.. N. H-j
the
enemy
would withdraw befere
wintar,
whioh
in tbeir
highlands
is often
very rigoroua,
had
set in. But the Macedonian
generals,though
not men of
impetuous
energy,
were not to be
diverted from their
purposes by
such
difficulties,
from
wtiicb,
in
laot,
the
enemy
had more to fear
than
they. Antipater,
it
seems,
relumed to
Macedonia,
where his
presence might
be
necessary
to watch the turn of aflalrsin
Asia,
and
even to secure himself
against
the
royalfsmily
j
but CrateruB
remained,
with the
greaterpart
of
the
army,
io
."tolia,
and
order^
his men to
prepare
for
a
winter in the field. Amid "ort
and
snow,
he continued in his
position
at tha
foot of tbe hills on which the
enemy
had taken
refuge.
Cut off from all
supplies,
and
even destitute
of
fnel,they
soon beganto
experience
tlie
sharpestgripe
of cold and
hunger.
A miserable
deauiseemed their inevitable
lot,
unleu
they
either descended fiom their
belgbts
and
.
jpted
saoh terms of
peace
as
the viadiotive
and irritatedfoe
mi^t
be
wining
to
grant
YM
from this strait
they
were
extricated^^^
tbe
Athenians
might,peiiiaps,
have
been,
if
tbey
had stood
a
siege*
" \n the turn
whic^
aflaiiB
were
taking
in Asia. The events to which
they
owed their deliverance will be related in the
next chapter. Antipater
found it
neceaaary
to
withdraw bis
troops
from
."tolia,
that he
miît
employ
them
against
a more formidable
enemy-
The jt;to1ians were probablysurprised
at
Xia
moderation which he showed in the conditions
of
peace
unexpectedly
offered to
them) and,
perhaps,through ignorance
of the
cause,
lostan
opportunity
of
vengeance,
which
they might
have inflictedon his
retreating
host.
They werB
left,
it
seems,
in
completeindependence.Antip- ater
and Cralerus
were
probably
the more
liberal in their
offers,
because
they
had secretly
agreed)as soon as
they
should have the
means,
to
transport
the whole "toIiaD nation
into a remote
region
of Asja.t Such a measnre
would
certainly
have been in the
spirit,
it
m^
even have been in the
letter,
of A'
poBtbmnous
commentaries.
CHAPTER LTD.
Wi must now resome
the nanative which
we dropped
at tbe
partition
of the
emjnre,
and
distribution of the
provinces
that immsdisle-
ly
followed Alexander's death,
and relate the
events
which led to the residi mentioned at tbe
close of tbe
precedingchapter,
and
were
prsf-
nant with other more naomentous
conseqnenoea.
One of the firstoccurrences
whioh maned the
sdministration of Perdicoas aftei he had established
himself in the
regency,
was a
wound
which he inflictedon Greece m a distant corner
of Asia
: a triumph
of the Maoedcmian
anas,
memorable rather because it
prsvenled
than b"-
cause it
produced
an
important
change
in the
course of
affairs,
but whioh serves Io Qlnatrate
his
character,as
well
as
the
footing on
wbiob be
HISTORY OP GREECE.
Btood. Wbile the
Btnifgle
which wo have seen
brought
lo'Bucti B dlBastroiu iasuc was
just
be-
gianiag
ia
Greece,
and the stales which took
part
in it could with
difficully
raise a force suf-
licient to maintain
it,a
body
of
Greeks,who,
if
they
had been
present
in their native
land,
would
probably
have thrown their whole
weight
into the same scale,
and
might
have turned it
decisively on the side of
freedom,
was suddenly
swept
from the earth. The Greek colonials
whom Alexander bad
planted
in the new cities
which he founded in the eaatem
satrapiea,
bad
only
been detained
by
fear
diLring
his life in
what
they
considered as a miserable exile.
None, probably,
of the Greek adventurers who
Bought
their fortune in
Aleiaqder'a
wars,
had
anjotherthought
than to return aa Boon as
they
could,
with their
earnings
and
plunder,
to settle
in Greece.
None, assuredly,
could have been
induced
by anything
but
compulsion
to lix their
abode on the banks of the
laxartes,
or in the
highvalteyB
of the
Paropamisus,
or on the skirls
of the Persian deserts. None could have consented
to renounce their
liberty
for
life,
and to
condemn themselves to
perpetaal
banishment.
Even before Alexander's
death,
some had betrayed
the
feelings which, as afterward
appeared,
animated them all. We have
already
noticed
a revolt which broke out in
Baciria, on the false
rumour occasioned
probablyby
the wound he
received in Muttan. It is from Curtius alone
that we learn
any
of the
details,
and his narrative
is not
quite
clear. He
represents
the insurrection
as
arising
out of a
sedition,
for which
he
assigns
no
cause,
but in which blood was
shed,
and which
urged them,tbrongh
fear of
punishment,
to
open
rebellion. But he also
mentions that tbeir
leader,Athenodorus.
though
he assumed tbo titleof
king,
had no other motive
than the desire of
returning
to his
country.
The
mutineers,
if
theyought
to be su called "
for their end seema lo have been
only
to exercise
an
indisputableright
" made themselves
masters of the citadel at
Baciria,
and drew a
part
of the native
population
into the revolt.
AUienodoms was nuidered
by
one of his offi-
cers,
who
aspired
to the
command,
and
who,
after some scenes of
military tumult,
led a
body
of 8000 out of
Bactria,
and marched towards
Europe.
Curtius
eays
that he reached home
with them;
and il is
possible
that
they were
BOwngtbetroopacollectedbyLeostbeDes.Sut,
from the
language
of
Uiodorus,'
it seems more
probable
that
they
wandered about in the
East,
untilAlexander's death became the
aignal
for a
general
insurrection
among
their
countrymen,
who had been
unpatiently suffering
a like confinement.
As the
intelligence spread
from one
colony
to
another,
a concert was formed
among
those
who
longed
for freedom
;
they
at length united
their
forces,
and elected
Fhilo, an .^nianian,
for tbeir leader. Their numbers amounted to
more
than
30,000 foot and 3000 horse ; an
army
mnch
larger
than
Antipaler.
aa we have
seen,
was able to
bringagainst
the allies at the beginning
of the Lamian
war : all men inured to
araiB
by long
service in Alexander's cam.
paigns,
Perdiccas was
justlyalarmed at tbe
tidings
of this
movement, and
yet had no foroe
which he could
inuoediately dispose
of auffl-
"
iviiL,7.
cient to
suppress
it. He could
onlyspare
30OO
foot and SOO
horsBt
at least of bis
Macedonians,
who were
draughtedby
lot from his
army
r
these, according
to Diodorus,by
their own
choice,
be
placed
Pithon.
who
eagerly
coveted the commission which lie
saw
might
enable him to make himself independent
of the
regent,
Perdiccas
suspected
'
his
views,
and met them with a
sanguinary
precaution
;
be ordered that no
quarter
should
he
given
to the
insurgents,
and that the
spoil
should be abandoned to his
troops.
With Pithon
he sent instructionsto the
satraps
of the eastern
provinces
to fumiaU bim with
10,000
foot
and SOOO horse. With these forces Pithon
marched
against
the
insurgents
;
but,
before
an
engagement
look
place,
he found means to corrupt
one of (heir ohieis, an jf^nianiaD. named
Lipodorus,
who commanded a division of 3000
loea.
During
the
action,at a critical
moment,
the traitor
dr^w
off his whole
brigade
to an adjacent
height;
his dieseition created a
panic
among
tbe
rest,
and the Macedonians remained
masters of the field, Pithon now
thought
that
the season had arrived for [he
accomplishment
of his
privatedesign,
which was to draw the-
Greeka
by gentle
treatment into his own service
;
he invited them to
lay
down their
arms,
under the most solemn assurances tliat
thej
should be
permitted
to return in
safety
to their
several settlements
;
but
when, on the fhiUi of
bis
oath,tliey
had
placed
themselves in his
pow
-
er,
the
Macedonians,encouragedby
the order
of
Perdiccas,
and
greedy
of the
promisedapoil,
fell
upon
(hem
by surprise
and butchered them
all. No acts of a brutal
soldiery
can excite surprise,
hardlyindignation : the whole
guilt
of
this atrocious massacre rests with
Perdiccas,
who bad contrived il in cold blood,* Pithoir
returned to
him,deeplydisappointed,
hut dis-
sembhng
his
resentment.
It
was not
rery long"
before the hour of retribution came.
About the same time that
Antipater
waa extricated
from his
dangerousposition
at I..aniia
by Leonnatus,Perdiccas,accompanied by
the
titular
sovereign,
set out on his march to Asia
Minor, His Unit
objectwas to establish Eo-
menea in his
satrapy,
Artaraihes had collected
an
army
of natives and
foreignauxiliaries,
amounting
m allto
30,000
foot and
16,000
horse.
But one so
composed
could not withstand
troop*
like those of Perdiccas, Ariarathes was defeated
and taken
prisoner,
with his whole "m-
ily.
The rathless
conqueror
ordered them all
to be
put
to a cruel and
ignominious
death
:
ib
was indeed that which Alexander had inflicted
on Musicanns
;
but in that case the harbaritv
was in some
degree palliatedby
the
revolt
which
provokedit,
and
by
the
policy
of a leni*
ble
warning,
Eumenes then received
qnieb
possession
of
Cappadocia,
but stillcontinued
t"
accompany
bis
patron.
Perdiccas next manned-
into Fisidia en another
bloodybusiness,
for
which, indeed,
he had a fairer
plea,
but which
stillafforded fresh indications uf bis ferocioos
MOVEMENTS OF PERDIOC AS. "PTOLEMY. 897
nature. Balac"r,
who had been
appointedby
.Uexander
general
and
satrap,
lo aubdue and
govern
the
province,
had been killed
by
Ihe na-
tirea :" Whether in the firal
struggle
for freedom,
or in a
subsequenl
inanrrection,
does not
appear,
t A severe
pun
ishrnent
might
be necea-
sarj.
Perdiccas decreed that none aboutiJ auf-
6ce but the utter destruction of iwn cities,
I-a-
landa and
Isaura,
which had the chief share in
Ihe reaistance to Balacer. Laranda wasstorm-
ed, aJI the men
put
to the
sword,
their families
reduced to
slavery,
and the town razed to the
ground. Isaura,a
alrong'. large,
and
opulent
city,
made a more
vigorous
defence. For two
days
its
hardypopulation,
with a
great
sacrifice
of
life,
repelled
ihe assaults of the
besiegers ;
but on the third
day
the Isaurians found their
numbers so much
reduced,that,seeing
themselves
unable t" hold out much
longer,
and
tnowing
what
they
had to
expect
from the
mercy
of
Perdiccaa,they
resolved on a
deed
shich
might
have been called barbarous,
ifthat
epithet
did not more
properlybelong
to their
enemy
:
they
shut
up
their wives and
children,
set fire to their
houses,
and threw all the treasure
tliey
could collect into the flames. At the
sight
of the
conflagraiton
Perdiccas renewed
the
assault,expecting
little
resistance,
and was
iurprised
to find the walls defended with the
same
spirit
as before,
while the
city
was bum-
iug
After
they
had once more
forced the enemy
to
retire,
the Isaurians threw themselves
into the flames which had consumed all that
naa dear to them. The Macedonians entered
the next
day,
and found
only
a mass of smo- king
ruins
;
but,
when
they
had
quenched
the
fire, were slillable to rake out a rich
booty
of
yuldand silver.
From Pisidia Perdiccas
marched,
it
appears,
mio
Cilicia,
where he was at a
nearlyequal
didiance from the
points
on which his attention
na^ now
chiefly
bent
;
white he remained
here,
he sent Eumenes,
nominally
to his own satrapy,
but
on a mission
reallyconcerning
the bor- dering
province
of
.Armenia,
where
Neoptole-
aiiis,
a man of
high
birth and
rank,
who was either
satrap,
or held a
military
command there,
seemed to be
endeavouring
to make himself independent
;
he was not, hovyever, prepared
for
resistance,
and
quietiy
submitted to
Eumenes,
who hunnoured his
arrogance
and
vanity
with
great
address. On this
occasion,
Eumenes be-
sm to discover that he could not
safelyrely
on
tiisMacedonian
troops,who, proud
and intractable
towards their own
generals,
were
peculiarly
impatient
of obedience to a forejgncllief
;
he therefore determined to raise a body
of cavalry
in his own
province,
and in a short
time,
br the
promise
of
extraordinary privileges,
collected
6300 volunteers,
and
broughtthem, by
sedulous
training
and the
spur
of
emulation,into
such condition as to extort the admiration of
Ihe Macedonians themselves. I
Perdiccas
having
thus settled the more urgent
atfairs of the
empire,
was at foU leisure to
directbis undivided attention to his
private
interests.
He could not feel himself
secure,
stiU
less see his
way open
to the
great
end of his
alki of ihs
iwMHit;
Vol.*?!." P%'
riCtoT
ambition,
while he was Borroonded
by so
many
powerful
rivals. There were two who had al,-
ready
shown that
they
were not
disposed
to
submit to
him,
"ven in his character of
regent.
Antigonus,
as we have
seen,
had
disregarded
his orden in the ease of EuneDes
;
and Ptol.
emy
had
given
more than one indication of the
light
in which be viewed bis
satrapy,or, rather,
had taken several
atepe
U) erect it into au in-
dependent
and
powerfulkingdom.
One of the
firstacts of his
gOTenuoeot
was to
put
to desth
Cleomenes,
wbo had, indeed,
deserved this
punishment
tothi*
rapacity
and
tyraany,
but
sufTered it because
Ptolemy
considered him as
a creature of Perdiccas.* The fruits of the ex.
tortion which Cleomenes had
prsctised
with
extraordinary ingenuity
for
many yeara
fellinto
Ptolemy's
bands.
They
amounted to BOOO tal"
ents,t and enabled him to collect a
strongarmy
of
mercenaries,as well as to
gainmany
friends
by
his mnnificence. The current
story
of his
illegitimate
birth was continued
by
the
royal
liberality
of his
nature,
which
delighted
in acta
of
bonnty;
and a
saying
is attributed to him,
worthy
of Alexander : Chat it was better to
make rich than to he rich.t He had not been
long
in
possession
of
Egypt
before an
opportunity
offered
itself,
which he
readilyseised,to
msjie
another most
importantacquisition.
We
have seen that
Harpalus
was asaasainated id
Crete
by
one of bis officers named
Thimbron,
who thus became master of his treasure and
his
troops.
With these he crossed over to
Africa,
emhraoed the cause of a
party
which
had been exiled from
Cyrene,
and made war
with the
city.
Alter
many
vicissitudes of fortune,
he seemed at last to be on the
point
of
attaining
his
object.
He defeated the
Cyrenn-
ans m battle,cut ofl"their communication with
their
port,
and reduced them to
great
distress.
The
scarcity
gave
nse to a
sedition,
m whi"di
moat of the
wealthy
citizens were
expelled.
They, perhaps,belonged
to the
party
which '
Thimbron
profeaeed
to befriend
;
for some
sought
his
protection.Others, perhaps,
dis-
I
trasting
the reckless
adventurer, appliedto
I
Ptolemy
for aid.
Ptolemy
sent them
back,
with
a
squadron
of
ships
and a
strongbody
of
troops,
under the commsnd of
Ophelias.
On their arrival,
the exiles in Thimbron's
camp
attempted
to
join
them in the
night,
but were
detected and
cut to
pieces;
while the
party
in the
city,to
save themselves from their
countrymen,
entered
into alliance with Thimbron. But he was
defeated and taken
prisonerby OpheUas,
and
given
Dp
to the
vengeance
of the inhabitants
of
Teucheira,whose tovm he had taken
during
the war.
Most of the
Cyrenaic
cities now submitted
to Oiîellas
;
but fresh disturbances
which ensued induced
Ptolemy
to make an
expedition
in
person
to
Cyrene.
His
measures
established
perfecttranquillity,
and he
might
now consider this rich
country
as a
provinoe
of
Egypt.
In another transaction of less moment be
had come more directly
into collision with Per- diccas,
and had stillmore
plainly
disclosed his
Iaspiring;n"tension8.
It had been resolved in
' "~
B oouncU of
Babylon,
as has been
mentioned.
transport
Alexander's remains to
jGgc
{
and.
L-"^^
..
V.H.,iii
t Duidmu,iT
HISTORY OF GBEECe.
e
of the
prepmtion*
and
with the ramnuiid of the eaocnt. It
majr
be
nupected
that thi*
anrangtment
had been coa-
trived
by Ptolemy
;
tm Arridmu was his friend,
mnd it enabled hunbotii ta
coi"eea)h^
puipou
aa
long
aa waa needfiil,
and then
eaail;
to effect
it. Ilie Amenl eai wu a woaderful
ditpUy
ot art and
magnifieepee,gUtteiingftma Ihe
vaulted roof to the vheela with
onamaiite of
masMTB
gold,
and of tbe wwt elabonte woA-
manahip.
It waa drawn
by eighty-four mulea,
and more than
a
year
wu occupied
in the
jooi-
ney
from
BabyloD to Syria.
At
Damaacua,
it
qtpeara
that
a contest aroee between AnidEtw
ud
PoletHo,an ofioer in the Mvriee of Per-
diccH,
about the
place
of deatination.
with
great diffioolty, and, acoording
i
aooonnte,
onh
by
loree of
arma,
that Arnd"a*
waa able to keqi poneaaioii
of hia
charge.*
He
may
hare been aided
by Ptolemy,
who ii
said to hare advanced
ae ftr as
Syria
with hia
army
to meet the venerable relics.t They
were first earned to
Hempbis,
and then to
AlesandriaJ where
they
were
Anallydeposit- ed
in a
cemetery
wiUiin the
precdneta
of the
palae",
wliieta
was aAerwaid the
burial-place
There could be no
peace
between Perdiccas
and
a man who showed himself ea fit for a
throne,
and
ao
detennined and able to monnt
it. Both had
long
foreseen that their relative
positions
oonld
only
be determined
by
s
war,
and both had been
endeavouring
to
fortify
themselves
by alliances,partioolsrly
with An-
ttpater.Per^ccas, itis
said,
before he felt himself
estaUisbed in the
regency,
had solicited
the hand of
Antqtater'sdangUer,
Niewa : the
tDaniage
tre"^
was
ooBoluaed,and,
when he
osme
down into Asia
Minor,
NicBa waa sent
tomeethim.^ But,
in the mean while,a
change
had taken
place
in hia
prospects
;
they
reaidied
to the throne of
Macedcnia,
and lo Alexander's
whole
empire,now dmred between a
simpleton
and
an
infant,
who
might
be
easily
removed.
Antipeter's
alliaBoe
mi^trather obstruct than
promote
his
deMgna, while a connexion with
, .
__,
srecently
fbnned between
Antipater
and Craienia raoba-
Uy strengthened
his resohition. He had made
pnqwSals
for
Clecîatra'a band to
Otympias,
ô had been forced to retireinto
Epirus,
but
waa
eager
(o return and
revenge
heraelf on
Antipater.
She
was do lees
wil^ to
grant
it
to Perdiccas than to Leomutus, and sent the
lirincesB
over to Aaia to accelerate the
nego-
tialion.ll Perdiccas now deliberated with his
brother Alcetas and Eomenee which he should
accept. Alcetas
was
fearfulof a
rapture
with
Antipater,
and advised his brother to fulfilhis
engagement with NicKa.
Enmenes,
who dreaded
a coalitionbetween
Antipater
and
Perdlccaf,
to which he
might
himself be
sacrificed,
took
the other tide.
Perdiccaa,however,
chose
a
middle
couree,
best suited to liisbeartless snd
lailhleaa nature :
he resolved to
give
bis
hai)d
Id
Nicsa,
but to keep
up
a
correspondf^nce
with
Cleopatra,
and to discard her rival
as soon
a" it was
safe lo
drop
the mask of
friendship
with
Antipater,
In the mean while he made
another sacrifice nut less
grateful
to her and
to
Olympiaa,
who hated with all her soul
eveij
Oiember of
Phillip's family,except
her
own
children.
Cynan^,Philip's daughter,
whom he
had married to hia
nephew Amyntaa,
had refused,
since hia death,to
accept
the hand of another,
and bad lived In
retirement,occupied
with (he education of her
onlychild,Adea, or,
as she was
afterward
called,EorydiM.
She
waa
herself
a woman
of masculine character
and
hahita, delighting
in
campe
and
battle-fields,
irtiMe abe sometimes
gave proof
of her
prow-
MS.
She had
aoqnired
this taste (torn ber
mother,
the
IDynan piinceasAodata,
who
seems
only
to tuve foUowed the customa of
her
country,
when elw trained her daushtcr to
martial exeroiseB ; and she educated
Eurydiee
in bka manner.* Eniydice
was now of
mar-
liageaUe
age;
and
Cynanl
resolved to unite
her to the
young king.
She entered into no
previous
n^îations
" which, Indeed,
would
have been
unpracticable,
since the meaatire
I
equallyopposed
to the interests of
Anlipa-
and of Perdiccas "
but,relyingentirelyon
her
personalinfiuence,
determiited
to
pass
over
into
Asia,
collected a sufficient
guard
to force
her
way
through
B
bodyoftroope
whom
Antip- ater
had sent to intercept
her at the
crossing
of
IheStiymon,
and arrived
safelyon
the other
aide of the
Hellcspoot.
She
waa proceeding,
it
appeuB,
towards the
camp
of
Perdiccas,in
the
hope
of
gaining
his
army
to her
cause,
when
'' ~
sent Aicetaa,
with a dlviaion of bis
forces,
stopher,
and
put
her to death.t
She
was
taken
prisoner,
but not daunted
by
the
sight
of
the armed host which soirounded her
;
and she
bohllyreproached
Alcetas with his
ingratitude.
t Bj
Phitiidalpbiii, if
tîm
wrilflTOoolvdiBf
Stntn
u la
Ptisiiii,
p.
TO,a.
The MaMdoniaae were
moved with
compassion
and
respect
for
Philip'sdaughter
;
but their
fierceleader,
insensible both to
pity
and
ahaine,
executed his brother's orders.
Eurydiee
was
spared
;
for itwould not have been safe to destroy
her^ the
sympathy
of the Macedonians
had been too
strongly
excited on
behalf of her
mother
;
and
Perdiocas,
to stilltheir
murmtin,
and make her subservient to his
ends,consent-
1 to
marry
her to the
yoimg king.
Ho. had
now,
he
believed,
secured
Antipa-
r's
acquiescence,
and bad
only
to rid himself
of
Antigonus,
and to crush
Plolemy,
Anti^
nue be
hoped
to
eusuare,
and
gentlyoomplam-
ing
of bis
insubordination,
summoned him to
give
an account of bis conduct before an impartial
tribunal. But AntiKOnus was aware of
bis
designsagainst
himsellTand of his
intrigues
with
Cleopatra.
He met his artifices with
politic
dissimalation,
and
publiclyprofessed
himself
ready to answer
any charges
that
might
be
broughtagainsthim,
while he
secretly
maile
preparations
for
flight.
With his
young
son
Demetrius,
he embarked in some
of the Attic
Ships
which bad been
brought
into one
of the
OPERATIONS OF EUMENES. 909
Ionian
porta,
and crossed over to
Europe
seek
Afltipater.
Prom hjm
Antipater
learned
the
treachery
of
Perdiccas,
and the
danger
with
which he himself was threatened. This was
the motive which induced him to make
peace
with the
^tobans,
that he
might
direct his
ama
againsl
the more formidable
enemy
in
Asia. At the same time, he sent
envcTS
to
Ptolemy
to renew their ancient
friendship,
and
to contract a closer alhanc"
against
their common
foe,
which was to be cemented with the
hand of
Anlipater'sdaughterGurydice.
The
flight
of
Antigonua
convinced Perdiccas
that he must
prepare
for immediate war with
Aotipater.
and he now "ent Eomenes to Sardis
with
presents
for
Cleopatra,
and
a
message
that he had resolved to send Nicsa back to
her
father,
and to
gne
his hand to the
prin-
eess. Menander. the
satrap
of
Lydis,
who
appears
to haTe been
secretly
djiêcted
to
P"dicces, conveyed intelligence
of this transaction
to
AntigonUB.
It confirmed the tmth
of his
report,
and added an
impulse
of
personal
TeaentmenI to
Antip^ter's jealousy
of his
powerful
rival. Perdiccas soon heard of his
preparations,
and found that he most now decide
whether he would march in
person against
Antipaler,
or
againstPtolemy,for it had become
necessai7
to
wage
war with both at the
same time. He held a council in Cihcia on
this momentous
question,
in which the
arguments
on each side were
maturely
disccssed.
There
was,
on the one hand, the
advantage
which
might
be derived (rom the influence of
Olympias
and the
royalname,
if the war were
carried into Macedonia
;
on the
other,
the fear
that,
in the mean while. Ptolemy might make
himself master of Western Asia,* Perdiccas
determined to attack
Ptolemy first,
and to
commit the defence of Asia to i^nmenee. His
motive for this choice
may
have
been,
that he
considered
Ptolemy
as the more formidable
enemy,
and
hoped
that
Antipatermight
be detained
in
Europe,
or
prevented
from
making
much
progress,
until the war should be terminated
in
Egypt-
But it
may
also be
suspected,
that he did not feel secure as to the
disposition
of his
troops,
and did not care to risk his
own
person against
the
reputation
of
Antipa- ter
and the
popularity
of
Craterus,
until the
additional force which he
might
acijuire
by
the
conquest
of
Egypt
should enable hmi to overpower
all
opposition.
For the warwith
Antip- ater
and
Craterus,
his
colleagues
in the re-
Sency,
was
likely
to be viewed
by
the Mace-
"niana in a
very
different
light
from one
waged against
a
simplesatrap,
who had diso-
Iteyed
the
royal
commands. It was a contest
in which even the moat
completesuccess,
the
destruction of his
rivals,
would be attended
with much odium and
danger.
This
danger
was,
for the
present
at least,
shifted on Eume-
nes,
whose distrust of
Antipater
rendered him
worthy
of
perfect
confidence,
and who had already
displayedmilitary
talents not inferior to
those of Perdiccas himself. Eumenes,
therefore,
was invested with a
command which, it
"eema,
extended over the whole of Asia Ml-
Lor. AlcetBs and
Neoptolemua
were joined
with
him,
but in an inferior rank. His in-
0 militaryoperationsappear
to
have left the
management
of the war
entirely
to his
discretion,
with the
single
limitation,
that he was not to
can?
it
over into
Europe,
but to
resist,
as he
oould,
the threatened in-
The difficulties which Enmenes had
to encounter,
after the
departure
ot
Perdiccas, were
even
greater
than the
regent
ooold
easily
have
foreseen. It seemed as if he would
hardly
be
able to retain
any
of hie forces about him. He
had sent a detachineiit to Monre ibe
passage
of the
Hellespont;
but its commander was induced,
by a
message
firom
Antipater
and Cra- terus,
to allow tbem to land their forces without
any
obstmction, Alcetas declared
that,
knowii^
what he did of the
temper
of the
Macedonians,
their
respect
for
Antipater,
and
love for
Crateitis,
he would not nndertake to
lead them
against
the
enemy, Neoptolerooa,
who had
always
been
jealous
of
Eumeses,
and
afibcted to consider hon as a mers man of letters,
not fitto command
sidiliers,
entered into
a secret
correspondence
with
Antipater,
Eo-
menes himself
was,
at the same time,solicited
by Antipater's envoys
to
betray
his trust
; they
urged
him to be reconciled to
Antipater,
and
not to draw tbe sword
against
his old friend
Craterus
\ they promised
that he sbould not
only
retain the
provincesassigned
to him
by
Perdiccas.
but should receive an addition of
territory,
and be
placedat the head of a
larger
army.
He answered that he would not
lay
aside his ancient
enmity
to
Antipater
at a time
when he saw
.Antipater breaking
with his old
friends
;
that for
Craterus,
he was
ready
to
his efforts to reconcQe
him,
on
equitable
IS,
with Perdiccas
;
but that he would
resist
their
aggression,
and would sacrifice his
hfe rather than his honour. The
treachery
of
NeoptolemuB
did not
longeaoape
his
vigilance ;
and
NeoptolemuB, finding
himself
delected,
threw off the mask and drew
up
his
troopa,
who
eagerly
embraced his
cause,
to offer bat-
".n
engagement
took
place,
in which Eo*
gained
the
victory;
but he owed it
entirely
to his
Cappadocianeavaliy,
which turned
the fortune of the
day
when it had been
tieaiiy
lost
by
the
infantry.
He made himself master
of their
camp,
and
compelled
the Macedonian
phalanx
to
lay
down their arms and enter into
his service.
Neoptolemua
himself
escaped,
and
joined
Antij^ter
with about 300 horse.
His
report, notwithstanding
bis
defeat,
was,
on the whole, encouraging;
for he declared
his
belief,
that the mere
sight
of Cratenw
would induce the Macedonians to come over
a
body.
This confidence
proved
fatal
both to Craterus and to himself
Antipa-
-,
who was
impatient
to overtake
Perdiocas,
to unite his forces with
Ptolemy,sent Cra-
..-us and
Neoptolemos against Eumenea,
while he himself pursued
his march towards
CUicia,
Neoptolemus
had not
exagfferated
the
popn-
larity
of Craterus
among
the Macedonians.
Eurnenes himself was so well aware of it,that,
when he heard of their
approach,
he did
not
ire to disclose the truth even to his offi-
hut
gave
out that
Neoptolemus
was com-
iccompaniedby
a general
named
Pigres,
at"thehead of some Cappadocian
and
Paphla-
gonianhorse.
Unthemomingoftheday
when
HISTORY OF GREECE.
M expected
their
appearance,
lieendeavoured
to cheer his men wilh the
deacription
of a
dream, by
which he
professed
to have received
a clear intimatioo
orTictor;
the
nighl
before
:
an artifice,
it
seems,
to which he resorted on
other occasions, and which is related so as to
tm^y.that
he was well informed of all that
passed
in the
enemy's camp,* Still,
the
great
difficultj.
which would have drlTen most other
loen to despair,waa,
how the
presence
of Cra-
tetua could be eoncealed from hia
army,
when
he atumld be
MtnaUy
Id their
sight.
Even for
ftla
porpoM,
bowever,
he deTised an
expedient,
whkh was perfectly
successfiil. He bar!
learned befbrdiuid in which
wing
Craterus
ooromanded,
and on this aide he stationed two
|
teigades
of
earalry,composed
of
Thracians, i
Paphlap"niana,
and other
barbarians,
under
the command of an Asiatic,named Phamaba-
ns,
and
Phtenix, " Greek of
Tenedos,
who
mvbably
did not know Craterus
by sight,
lliese he ordered to
charge,
as soon as the
enemy
should
appear,
wilh the utmost
vigour,
so as to allow bim no time to wheel
about,
and not to listen to
any parley
if a herald
should be sent towards them. His instruc-
tions were
obeyed.
From the brow of an eminence,
which afforded the first view of the
enemy, they poured
down
furiously
to attack
Craterus, He was astonished at the
rapidity
of the
onset, began
to believe that he had been
deceived
by Neoptolemus,yet
bared his
head,
that he
might
be more
easilyrecognised,
wbile
he
advanced,
with his wonted
courage,
to encounter
their
charge.
In the combat which
ensued,
after
many
feata of
prowess,
he was
piercedthrough
the side
by
a Thracian,
and
"onk (h"m his horse. For some time he
lay
unheeded in a
lingeringagooy ;
he was at
leogthrecognisedby
an officer of
Eumenes.
named
Gorgias,
who
placeda guard
round him
to
protect
him. Meanwhile
EumeneSi
with a
"elect escort of 300
horse, charged
the enemy's
rightwing,
where
Neoptulemus
bad
posted
hunself. As
sooji
as
they perceived
each
other, they engaged,
both
thirsting
for
rereoge,
in
deadly
conflict. 'When their hor-
see met, they dropped
the
reins,
seized each
otiier'abauds,
and fell
struggling
to the
ground.
Eumenee rose first,and twice woanded his
adversary
;
the second blow stretched
him,
seemingly lifeless,at his feet. The victor
proceeded,according
to the old
savage
custom,
to tear otC his armour
;
but, as he bent
over the
body, Neoptolemus, collecting
his
failing streogth,pierced
him in the
groin;yet
with a hand
alreadyumierved, so that the
wound did not
prove
fatal.
Gumenes, though
he had received three others in tbe
atniggle,
waa stillable to mouut his
horse, and,
after
He had
etripped
hia alain
enemy,
rode off towards
the other
wing, ignorant
of the event
whiob had there decided the fortune of the
iM^
in hia fovour. He now learned the fate
of
Craterus,was conducted to the
place
where
he
lay,
aod found him still
breathing,
and in
KMasion
of his
senses. He
d!i(monnted
from
horse,
took his
dying
friend
tenderlyby
the
hand, and,
with tears and bitter invectives
"gainst
the
treachery
of
Neoptolemus,bewail-
*HBt,KuM,t. ItwuidiiFUdlo(h"ueHr'"wuch-
ed the hard
destiny
which had
bronght him
into this fatal conflict with his old comrade.
Hitherto the
cavalry
alone had been
engaged,
and. after the death of the two
chiefs,
their
broken
squadrons
took
refuge
behind tbe
phalanx,
Eumenes,
faint from his
wounds,
and hoping
to
reap
the fruits of
victory
without farther
bloodshed,
called off bis
troops
from the
pursuit
bj
the sound of tbe
trumpet,
reared bis
trophy,
and buried the slain. He then
sent to
propose
a
parley
with the defeated
enemy,
invited all
who would to
join
his
army,
but
permitted
those
who
might
refuse to return whence
they
came.
All
accepted
his
offbrs, and,
after the oaths had
îcen
interchanged,
obtained leave to seek
provisions
in some of the
adjacentvillagesbetoie
Ihey
entered his
camp ;
but in the course of the
followingnightthey
marched
away by
stealth
to
rejoinAntipaler,
Eumenes made an
attempt
to overtake them
;
but his
bodily
weakness and
their excellent
discipline compelled
him to
give
up
the
pursuit,
and
they
effected their
Junction
witb
Antipater
in
safety.
Eumenes had
gained
a brilliant
victory,
which raised his
reputation
for
ingenuity
and hardihood to the
highest
pitch
;
but he was doomed to
pay dearly
for it.
Not
onlywere
the defeated
troops
inflamed with
the fiercest resentment
by
the humiliation
they
had
suffered,
and the loss of their favourite
leader,
but even
among
his own the
prevailing
feeling
was one of shame and
indignation,
which
vented itself in
deep
murmurs
againat
the
upstart
foreigner, who, by an
impudent artifice,
had
employed
the arms of the Macedonians
themselves to destroy
their most iilustrioua
general. And,
in the mean white,events had
taken
place
in another
quarter,
which
deprived
him of the rewards be had
reason to
expect
from Perdiccaa.
Ptolemy,awaiting
the
approach
of the invading
army
at Peiusium,
had taken
every precaution
to
strengthen
the natural defences
which render
Egypt
so difficult of
access on
this side. He had fortified
every
assailable
point,
and bad laid in
ample storea of ammunition.
The
regent, however,
when he
arrived,
soon
discovered that be had other diBlculties to
encounter besides tliose which the nature of
the
country
and hia
enemy's preparationspla- ced
in his
way. Already,
on his
march, a
great
number of his officersand men had deserted to
Antipater;*
and he
thought
it
advisable,when
he reached
Felusiuro.t
to
begin
with an
appeal
to the sense of the
army
on the
justice
of his
cause. He called a
generalassembly,aud,
it
seems,
summoned
Ptolemy
to defend bis conduct.
We
cannot
believe that
Ptolemy
appeared
there in
person,
though
Anian seems to
have related so ;t
but it is not
improbable
that
Ptolemy
sent one of bis friends to
represent
him. Perdiccas
perceived
that his accusation
made a less favourable
impression
on the
army
than
Ptolemy's
vindication of
himself,
and that
he had
nothing
to
rely
on but the success of his
arms. Every
accidental disaster which befell
*
Jii*Lin.i1i,, B,l,wl ADIipfttnoigrvrtlini
an/ngiabu
I
tlapaylxTaiiwi OjuauaH Ucîinl
J*"
Afrdm
niui
"Fh".,Tt. l). praytta"i.,IM) ooiidadu fn
ATTEMPTS TO CROSS THE NILE. 301
him in hia
Operations"
aa the
borstirig
of
a ca- i
be retuctanl to
lay
down their
ami*. He there-
nal which he had
begun
to clear out"
aggrava-
[
fore ordered all to
reliirn, as
beat
they
miaht
tDd the discontent which
prevailedamong
hia I
Some, who were
unable to swim, or saw cor-
iroops,
and desertLons
grew
more and
more |tain death in t]ie
attempt,
or
who
gladly
seiied
Irequenl. Heresolved,therefore,tomakeanat-
j
(he
opportunity
of
desenion, escaped
to the
tempt
to cross
the river at a pointseveral miles
eoetoys camp.
The
sirnngest
and most
eipert
above PelusLum
; and,
having
set out in the
1
swimmers wiih
great difficully
made
good their
eTening,
carefully
concealing
his
object
from
|passage ;
but the less robust and skilfuleither
bis own officers,
that the
enemy might
not be
"
sank,,eihauated
by
their
eflbrts.or were car-
appnzedofit,
after a forced
march,
arrived the
I
ried down the
stream,
to meet a stiU
more
next
morningatafordofthoNile.overagainst
dreadful death. The
scaly
monsters
of the
a fortress named Camel's Wall. After
a
short
I
Nile, attracted by
(he
prey,
flocked irishoals to
interval of
repose,
he ordered the
elephants
to the
place.
From the shore the
specialora
could
be led
over,
followed
by
a
train wiih
scaling-
1
see the water tinged
with the blood of their
ladders,
and
by
the
lighttroops
destined for the
comrades,
could see their limbs oraahed by
assault of the
place,
and a select
body
of cav- those horrible
jaws,
could hear their shrieks
aliy
to
interceptany succoura that
might
be |
without the
power
of
stirring
for their relief
sent lo It. Ptolemy,however,
had learned or i Wien this scene was at an end,
and there
-ispecWd
the aim of his
movement,
and was |waa leisure lo ealoulate the
losa,
it was ascertained
that 3000 were missmg,
and one half of
already
within the fortress before the
enemy
had reached the foot of the walls. His arrival
was announced
by
a flourishof
trumpets,
and
by
the shouts of the
garrison,
and he took bis
stand,
surrounded
by
his
officers, on the
top
of
the battlements at the
water's edge.
Perdic-
cas, nevertheless, directed that the assault
number was
believed to luve been devoured
by
the crocodiles.
Among
them were some
officers of
high
rank. The
thought
which most
deeply
imbittered the
grief
of the survivera
was,
that the sacrifice of lifehad been
perfectly
' """- """""""
"self ss
;
that so
many
brave men had
perished
"
should
proceed.
It waa carried
on
with
great ; by
a
fate at once
cruel and
ignoble.
From this
vigour
the whole
day long by suocessive divis-
kind of
sympathy
it was an
easy
transition
LODs,
which relieved
one another
;
but all their which led the mournera to vehement
indigna-
efforta were defeated
by
the
patient
resolution tion
against
the author of the
calamity.
Per-
of ihe
besieged,who,
thoughcomparallveiy
few diccas had
always
been disliked,
while he was
in number,
had the
advantage
of a
strong po-
feared
;
he
began
now to
be
despised
aa an in-
-sition,
and were animated
by
the
eiample
of
cautious
general,
or
detested as one reckless
Pioleroy,
whom
they saw
exposing
his own
about the lives of his men.
The
contrast
person
in the
place
of
greatest danger,
and dis- which,
of
laie,they
had so often been led to
playingextraordinary prowess.
draw between their
stem, imperious,
inhuman
In the
evening
Perdiceat recalled the assail- chief,
and his mad and affable
competitor,
was
ants to the
camp,
convinced that the
attempt
now renewed,
more
than ever to
the disadvan-
was hopeless.
He
seems to have felt that his tage
of Perdiccaa
;
and
Ptolemy heightened
adversary'sgenius
and
spirit
were
superior
to
the
impression already
made in his
favour,by
tiis
own,
and that he had no
prospect
of eflect- an act
of
prudentgenerosity.
He collected as
ing
hia
objectunless be could elude
Ptolemy's many
of the remains of those who
had
perish-
Tigilance.
In the
followingnight
he
again
ed as
could be recovered from the river,and,
broke
up
his
camp,
and marched towards Mem-
[
after he had burned them with the usual solem-
phis,designing
to
transport
his
army
to the
',
nity
in his own
camp,
sent their bones to their
great
island there,
formed
by
the Nile,before
Ptolemy
should be aware of his intention. Be- tween
the island and the east hank the river
was fotdahle
;
but the water in the middle
was
up
to the soldier's
chin,
and Ihe
current so
strong
that the
men could
scarcelykeep
their
footing.
There
was, however, no
enemy
on
the
other side to
oppose
iheir
passage ;
and, lo render
it
easier,
Perdicoas ordered the
elephants
lo he
ranged
above the
ford,so as to break the
force of the
stream,
and the
cavalry
to cross
bek"w
it,so that
theymight
lend assistance to
any
who should be carried out
of their
depth,
lo Ibis
manner one division crossed over safely
;
but now arose an unforeseen
impediment
10
the
passage
of the rest. The sand at the
bottom,
stirred
up by
the
trampling
of so
many
feet of beasts and
men,
was at
length
carried
avi-ay by
the
stream,
so
that the foni was no I
longerpracticable.
As the cause was not im- 1
medialelysuspected,
the
change
was altributed
j
lo a sudden
rising
of the
river,
and this
persuasion
heightened
the
general
conatemalion.
Those who
had
already
crossed
were not in
sufficient numbers to defend themselves
against
Ptolemy,
who
might soon be
expected
to
ap.
pear ;
and Ferdiccas knew that
they
would not
friends. Tlie
sight
irritated theu*
rage against
Perdiccas,
and
pleaded
more powerfully
than
words in
Ptolemy's
behalf Perdiccas,
it
seems,
attempted
to
check the
mutiny
which he saw
rising
in his
army
by severity;
but it waa too
late either to conciliate or overawe
the discontented.
A
great
number of his ollicera
were
estranged
from him,
and
openly
accused
him : the
phalans
testified its
judgment by
threatening
clamours. Pithon,
who had never
forgotten
the
bloody stratagem by
which ho
had been baffled and
dishonoured,
look the lead
in the
conspiracy,
which was
shared
by
about
a hundred
more, among
whom were Antigenes
and Seleucus. The
cavalry
adhered
longest
to
the
regent's
side
;
but it was
also
partlywon,
and
Pithon,
with those whom
he had
gained,
proceeded
to
the tent
of Perdiccas.
Antigenes
struck the first blow;
atler a short
struggle,
he
fell,piercedby
their sarissas.*
Thus was
the
world delivered from a man
who,
in the course
of a
short
career,
had
HISTORY OF GREECE.
shown htauelf
citableofarerycnnie
to which
amhiUnn
can
inMigBW ;
had
alTesdj
shed tor- rents
of innocent
Mood,
and did not shrink
from the baaest murder more than irora
open
iDBBsacre.
That audi a man did not sneered
in bis contest for
power
with such an adver-
aaiy
as
Ptolemy,
can hanUy
be considered
otherwise than a* a gainto hnmanitir
; though
PeidiocaB,
ifbe had seated
himaeU'secarelj'
on
a thnne, might,perhaps,
have
reigned
as mildly
aa
bis rival. His death
immediatelypat
an
ffltdto the civil war. Ptolemy,who, pertgaps,
was not a
stiaoger
to the
plot,
came the next
day
to the
camp,
and addressed the Macedo- nians
in vmdication of himself. The affect of
his
speech
was
enfoTcad
by
a
supply
of
provis-
ioDS,
which
theygreatly
needed, and hia infln-
ence was soon bo
firmly
establiahed in the
royalarmy,
that iie was invited to asamne the
office which Perdiccas had left vacant. Ptol- emy,
however,
had the
prudence
to be satisfied
for the
present
with the
possession
of his rich
province.
He
saw that the title of
regent
would contribute
nothing
to his
independence,
and
might
involve
him in troublesome and dangerous
quarrels.
He therefore declined the
offer,
and turned the choice of the
army
on
Pitbon ami the
generalArridcus,
who were
both now his
friends,
and not
likely
ever to become
dangerous
rivals.
Only
two
days
alter the death of
Perdiccas,
the news arrived of the
great victory
which
Eumenes had
gained
over
Neoptolemua
and
Cratenis,
and of their death. Two
ilaya
earlier
this
intelligence toight
have l"een useful to
Perdiccas,though
it could
hardly
hare e:itri-
cated him from tiia
embarrassment,
or have
decided the contest in his favour. It
now
only
inflamed the hatred of the Macedonians
against
him and his friends.
They immediatelyput
to
death several of his
adherents, and, in their
luiy,
did not even
spare
hia sisler
Atalante,
the
wife of his
admiral.
Attains
;
and
they
condemned
Eumenee and
fifty
or his
principal
otn-
cers, includingAlcetas,
the brother of Perdic- cas,
to the same
punishment.
Attains, when
he heard of these
proceedings,
sailed
away
from
Pelusium,
and made for
Tyre, Here,
though
it seems bis broiher's fate was
already
known,
he was
cordially
received
by
the commander
Vf the
garrison,
a Macedonian named
ATchelauB,
who
put
him in
poesesaiun
of the
city,
and of the
treasure, amounting
to 800 talents,
which had been
deposited
there
by
Per- diccas.
At
Tyre
he remained for a lime,to
collect as
many
of hia brother's friends as
should be able to make their
escape
frum
Egypt,
and to concert Aiture
operations
in his
own defence.
For the interests of Greece the fall of Per- diccas
was, perhaps,
to be
regretted.
As a master,
indeed,he was as much to be dreaded as
an;
of his rivals
;
but he
might
have
proved
a
powerful
and useful
ally.
Pausanias observes
that, through
the
treachery
of Demades and
his party,
the Atheniana were terrified into a
premature
surrender of their freedom, which
they might
have
preserved
if
they
had been
aware of the
dangCT
that threatened
Antipater,
which wnuld aoun have forced bim to leave
Greece unmoleated.* This remark is con-
*~iii.,
10,4.
Smied
by
the events which followed. Perdic- cas
had sent
agents
into Greece, who concluded
an alliance between him and the .f^tolians
;
and when
Antipater
had
passed
over into
Asia,
the jStolians
again
collected their
force*,
13,000
foot and 800 hone, who, under their
general
Aleâder " the
military
chief of the
nation
" first invaded the
territory
of
Amphis-
sa,
and,thongh they
were not able to
râee
the
capital,
took several of the
towns,
and then
marched into
Thessaly. They were met on
their
way by
the Maoedonian
generalPolycles
;
but,
in a batUe which
ensued,
he was defeated
and
slain,
and the sale or ransom of the .Mace- donian
prisoners
appears
to have
yielded a
considerable
booty.
In
Tbeaaaly,they
were
still
warmly
aided
by Meuo, through
whosa
influence the
greater part
of the Thesealian
towna were
induced to
engage
in the new war
;
and the
army
of the
confederates, including,
it
seems,
some mercenaries,
amounted to
25,000
horae and 1600 foot.
Again,
the
power
of
Macedonia was unable to withstand even this
smalt
portion
of the force which
Greece,
if
united, might
have
brought
into the field.
Polyspeichon,
who had been leA at the head
of the
government
in
Macedonia, was
obliged
to resort to
negotiation
and
intiignes,
to divide
before he could
conquer.
The
Acamaniana,
the ancient enemies of their southern
neigh-
houra, were
induced to make a diversion in
-Etolia
;
and the .lEtolians were
obliged
to
withdraw their native
troops
from
Ttieasaly,
and to return to defend their homea.
They,
indeed, soon drove the Acamaniana out of
their
country ;
but while
they
were thus employed,
Polysperchon
marched mto
Thessaly,
and
gave
battle to Meno. He was
probably
now
greatlysuperior
in
numbers, gained
a de-
iîaive
victory,
and Meno himself was
among
the slain. The whole of
Thessaly
sutsnitted
without farther resistance to the
conqueror.
Alter the
pacification
of
Memphis,
Pithon and
Atridsua relumed with their
royalcharge
ioto
Syria,
to
join
their forces with those of
Antipa- ter,
on whom,
alter
Ptolemy
had declined the
regency,
the
power
of Perdiccas
really
devolved.
They
sent
measengera
to hasten bis coming,
and also to summon
Antigonus
from
Cy- prus,
where he
was, perhaps,raising
a naval
armament for the defence of
Egypt.
The two
new
regiments,
on their march into
Syria,
found
tiieirsituation
growing every day
more embarrassing.
They
had not to deal with an imbe- cile
prince,
who
passively
lent his name to every
meaaure that was
prescribed
to him, but
with an enterprising young queen,
ambitions of
power,
who ioherited her mother's hatred of
Antipater.
and who
htqied,
before he arrived,to
make herself
independent
of his
authority.
She
had
quailed
before Ihe
commanding energy
of
Perdiccas
;
bnl she entertained no such fear of
Pitbon and Arrideua
;
and clainied her share
in all the deliberations
of
"îe council.
Th^.
indeed,repelled
her
pretenaions,
and declared
that,until
Aotipatej
and
Antigonus came, they
would continue to exercise the
supreme
authority,
B(il she did not cease to
intrigue
with the
army,
in which she had
acquiredgreat
influence
bêr
birth and character. She had
also,
it seeui
\
entered into a
negotiation
wilh Atta- ins
;
and he
was induced,by
the
prospect
of a
PABTinON OF TRIFAKADISV8." POSITION OF EUMENES. 303
eoanter-nmhitioa, to
qnitl^re,
and to
i]
in the Maoedonian
camp.
Soch wa" the
of
things
wbi^
Antipater
fimnd when he
joined
"he
regenta
at the towtiof
ParadiBua,in-TripaT-
adisns, in
Upper Syria,
It was ta him Uiat sH demanda were now to
be addressed. The Macedonians of the
rojsl
army,
who bad serred in the
Baat,
claimed the
pa;
and rewards which had been
promised
to
ihem
by
Alesander.
Antipater
did not Tenture
to refnse.
but
profesaed
that be most firat inquire
into the state of the
royaJtreasury,
and
would Itien endeaTonr to
aatisi^
them to tbe nt-
DKnt
of his
power.
This answer
might,perhaps,
hBTS
appeased
them,
if their discontent
hod not been tomented
by
the arta of
Enrydiee
and Attains
;*
hat the
qneen
aelsed the
pretext
to excite tbe
JropatieDt saldleryagainst
him.
She
iiaraiigaed
then in a
speech
which had
been
ccnnpoe^
for her
by Asclepiodoma,
who
filled the ofltee
held,
ander
Alexander, by
Eu-
menes;
Attains seconded her with his elo-
qnence ; they
were listened to with nniveraal
applause,
and a tumultaons scene ensned,
from
which
Antipater,
who had ventured aJmoBt
alone into tbe
camp,
escaped,
with
great
risk of
his
life, through
the mediation of
Antigonna
and
Selencos, to his own
troopa.t
The intercee-
sors themselves were
Tiolently
threatened.
The
cavalry,however,
declared itselfin his favour
;
and its
leading
officers
successfully
ex-
prted tbeir inflneooe ta restore
tranquilhty.
We know no more of Uie
steps through
which
.^niipater
was iavssted
by
the
army
with the
supreme power ;
bat Attalus
disappeara
" having
retarned,
it
seems,
to
Tyre
"
Eurydice
is
silenced
;
and
Antipater
is
permitted
to make
sncti
changes
as he
thonght
St in tbe distribn-
lion of the
provincea.
.\raong
the
partioulaTs
of this new
arrangement,
which is celebrated as the
partition
of
Triparadiana,
a few
only
need be here mentioned.
Ptolemy
not
only
retained
Egypt,
which
was now looked
upon
aa
hia own
by right
of
conquest,
but was also invested with allthe ter-
litoriea which he had
acquired, or
might
con-
qnar,
to the weat of bit
provinee.
Seleueus received
the
aatrapy
of
Babylon;
and
Antigonns
was rewarded with that of
Snsiana,
for the
share he had taken in the revolt
against
Per-
diccas. About three thousand of tbe
most tur"
bolent of tbe
Macedonians,
who
bekmged to
tbe claM
distinguished by
the title of
Argyras-
pids,
ftom th^T silTeT
îelda,were placedun- der
his
orders,to serve as an escort lor the
tieasore
which be waa directed to
bring
down
from Sosa. Arridnas was appointedto the
HeUespoatiDB Phiygia
;
Antigonua was reinstated
in bis old
provinee,
and was also
promoted
amy
which had
served under
Ferdiccas,
and
charged
with the
eate of the
royalpersonages,
and with the
pros-
l^^mrthtiw,
Di*
.
/"^""h.^'*t"
"niJl^JJ.
Dnwn taJiH to
DMIea,
bni vhieh I ein
naij err'ain "
t ArIu, Phnt.,f.ll.b. Pul^^nnt
bu dniHtf
Vp
Ifa
MafT
inlet"
Hntiiem
of
Anligonui,i".,(l, i.
lecntkm
of tbe war
against
Eamenes.
TiteoiiiJ
'
precaution
whiefa
Antipater
took to
prevent any
abuse of thisvast
power
wmi which he iotnwt-
ed
a man who, though de^y
indebted to
Um^
bad not
given
him
any
clear
proofb
of attachment,
was to
place
his son
Cassander,
with the
title of
chiliarcb,at the head of tbe
cavalry.
He ako conferred the rank of
eomatophylax
on
Autolycus,Amyntas,
a brother of
Peoceetes,
Ptolemteua,
and
Alexander,
the eon of his friend
Pfdyaperchon.
These he
had,probably, reason
to consider as
persons
devoted to himself Tbe
approbation
with which bis
measures were received
is described aa most
bvely
and trniver-
aal.
They wore, indeed,an
appearance
of moderation
and disttAerestedness
wonhy
of his
eon-
anmmale
pntdenoe.
He then set out with
hia
own
troops
ui his return to
Macedonia,taking
the road
throaghLydiato the
Hellespont
;
while
Antigonns,
it
seem",
marched into bis own satrapy,
to waike
preparations
for the war
against
Eumenes.
It was a
greatchange
that the rcvolutiota
which badtuen
place
in the
government
of the
empire
made in the
poaition
of Eumeaes. He
had been hitherto
uniformlycontending
on the
side of
legitimate authority;
ifhe was attaidied
to
Perdiccas,
it was not as to bis
patron,
but
as
to tbe lawful
regent;
ifbe was
opposed
to An- tipater,
it was not as to his
privateenemy,
bnt
as to one who had taken
np
arms'
against
bis
sovereign.
This was the
onlyfooling
on
which,
as a
foreigner,
be could stand with
safety
in tbe
midst of the civil wars of the Macedonians.
Now the state
ofthingson
which be had
gnnind-
ed his
hopes
was
complelelj
reversed. All the
titlesbehind wbich he had shielded himselfwere
turned as
weapons against
him
;
the court was
in the hands of hia worst
enemy ;
he was himself
outlawed and
proscribed
in tbe name of his
Boverelgn
; every step
be took in his own defence
eipoaed
him
to tbe
charge
of treason and
rebellion;
be was left to
dependentirelyon
the
adherents be could
preserve
or
gainby
his
personal
influence
;
and this waa much shaken
by
the connexion with
Peidiccae,
which had been
his main
support.
On the other
hand,
he maintained
hia
correspondence
with tbe
royalfamily
of
Macedonia,
which
gave
aonie coloiir of
legits
imacy
to his
proceedings.
He was stillat the
bead ofa
strong
and victorious
anny ;
and there
were other adherents of
Perdiccaa,prMcribed
like
himself,
ftmn whom he
mi^t expect pow-
erflil aid.
Alcetaa,thoafrii
he had refosed to
lead hia division
againstCratenw,
seemed now
to have no
proqiect
of
aafety
bat in union widk
bim
;
and AttalQs,
after hia ratnm tram Tri-
paradisue,
had collected a body
of
10,000
fbot
and 800 horse. Tbe combhiation of all these
forces with hie own
might
have enabled him to
defy
an attack. But both Alcetae and
Attalus,
besides that
Ibeyprobably
shared tbe
common
jealousy
of
bira,
and had
always
aobmitted impatiently
to his
command,
had each hie
separate
views
:
and the
plana
which
they
had formed
for theirown
security
and
aggrandisement
were
- " " "
ofhiacODcarrence. Theahn
of Attalus
was,
it
seeroa,
to establish hims^
with hib fleet adQ
nnny
in some maritime aet-
tlement, Alcetaa
hoped
to find a
permanent
relhge
In
Pisidia,
and to become,
in
bet, master
of the
province.
With this
view,
he had
.'taken
greatpaios
to rifffaeethe recollection of
hia brother's
eruelt;,
and to conciliate tbe
good-
"will of the natives
by liberality,
marks of ilis"
-tinctinn,
and affable demeanour.
By
these
arts.
be so won the affectione of Ibe
mountaineers,
that
they
were
ready
to
lay
down their lives for
hiin. Still,
it
appears
that he had
opened
a
communicatioQ witlt Attalus,
and that
they
had
concerted
a
plan
for mutual
co-operation.
Their
project
seems to have been,to make themaeli
masters of a
part
of the southern coast of Asia
Minor,so as to
provide
a retreat for either in
case of
need,
and to enable them
readily
to take
-advantage
ol^
any
new turn of
affairs,
whether
in Asia or
Europe.
It was towards Rhodes and
the
opposite
coast of Caria that Attalus direct-
' ed his first
altempts;
but he was
repulsedby
tlie
Khodians, and,
it
seems,
defeated in a ses-
fight.
We hear no more ofbie naval armament ;
perhaps
his loss in the battle had been so
great,
that he did not think bimaeif able to
keep
the
sea
;
and he
certainly joined
hia land force with
that of Alcetas.
It was about this time that
Antipater
arrived
in
Lydia.
It
may
be concluded that the forces
"of
EumBQCS, Alcelas, and Attalus combined,
might
have obstructed his
march,
and have
placed
him in
great peril,
since Eumenes
thought
himself alone
strong enough,
on account
of the
superiority
of his
cavalry,
to en-
.countei him,
and advanced aa far as Sardia to
offer Irattlein tbe
adjacentplain.
He
was,
however,
induced to withdraw
by
tbe
persuasions
of
Cleopatra,
who was stillat
Sardia,
and
feared that the movements of Eumenes
might
be
imputed
to her
instigation,
and that she
might
fall the first victim of
Antipater's
vengeance.
She had reason for such
anxiety
;
Antipater,
when he arrived at Sardis,leproacb-
"d her with the countenance ahe had shown to
Perdiccas and Eumenes. It seeroa that she
was obliged
to defend herself in
public;
and
she met the accusation with
counter-charges,
-and cleared herself
so ably,
that
Antipater
tbought
it
prudent
to let the matter drop,
and
" fbimal reconciliation took
place
between
them.
Though
Eumenes
was
stillat no
great
distance, Antipater
did not feel confidence
enough
in the
strength
of his
army
to seek
an
engagement
with him
;
and hia attention
was
now drawn towards the movements
of Alcetas
and Attains. We do not know either the
precise
object
or scene of their
operations;
but
Antipater
ordered Asander,
the
satrap
of
Caria,
to
stop
their
progress.
The result was an engagement,
in
which, though
tbe fortune of the
day
indined but iittioon either
side,
it
finally
rested with them. Still, Eomenes, though
he
invited them
by an embassy,
could not
prevail
on them to
join
him.
They, perhaps,thought
themselves safe in Pisidia,especially
as Aa-
tigonus
had now led the
royal array
into
Phrygia.
"
Antipater
did
not proceed
from Sardis directly
on his march towards the
Hellespont.
He was induced,it
seems,
by
letters which he
received
from Cassander and
Antigonus,
to de- viate
from liis route in order to meet them in
Phrygia. Antigonus complained
of Oassan-
der's insabordination
;
Cassander
charged
An-
tigonns
with ambitious designs,
and in hia next
interview with his lather,stronglyurged
him
not to leaTB so
great
a trust in bands whicli
mightsoon be tamed
against
himself
Antip- ater,
though
he
openly
censured his son for
his want of deference to 1)ie commander-in-
chief,was not the less indued with his
sitspt-
cions. His confidence
was,
indeed, in
soiiii-
degree
revived
by
the
respectful address,
and
tlie
seeming
honour and
probity
of
Antigonus;
but sLiil, before he resumed bis
march, he msili
some
changes
in his
previous arrangements
He determined to
carry
tbe
royal
person!^
with him to Macedonia. This he seems to
have
regarded
as a sufficient
precautionagainst
the
rivalry
of
Antiganus.
On the other hand.
to ensure his success
againat
Eumenes. lie is
said to liave transferred to bis command
a
largepart
of the ibrcea which he had
tnoupbt
from
Europe
" between 8000 and 9000 Macedo- nians,
and
cavalry,
or
lighttroops,
in
equal
number.' But he retained
seventy, bemg
one
half of the
elephants,
which had never
yet
been
seen in
Europe,
for himself. One motive for
the
extraordinaiy hberality
with which
Antip- ater
weakened his own
ainiy
to
strengthen
that of
Antigonus,may
have b^n that he found
himself unable to
satisfy
the demands of his
men
;
whether for
arrears
of
pay,
or for a donative
which he
may
have
promised
to
keep
them in
good
humour at
Triparadisus.
The
supply
of treasure which he had received from
Alexander bad been exhausted in the subsequent
wars,
and the Macedonians
were
again
growing
clamorous. It was with
difficulty
he
could
quiet
them with an assurance that hf
would
satisfy
them when
they
reached
Abydos.
There he embarked
clandestinely
in the
nighi
with the
princes,and, having
creased
over lo
the
Chersonesus, repaired
to
Lysimachus,who
was in the
neighbourhood.
The
army
followed
him across the
Hellespont, but,
overawed
perhapsby Lysimachus,
did not venture immediately
to
urge
its claim
;
otherwise,the man
who had
just
been
disposing
of the whole
empire
might
have returned to his
own
province
a defenceless
fugitive.
It was late in the
year
331 before he left
Asia. Bumenes fixed bis winter
quarters
at
Celnnn,
and
Antigonus
in
some
other
part
of
I, Phot.,Ta,
b,
DroTiaiii
rwfS, irrainHanUir t
rrpm-
1b vbjch cejlunlr UVKIr u.
of iho
rojiil
"nnr,
T" ihii
Mt, it "Mini U h"a
ni;
linla
weight,
iliio
I tiHftthovgbtitpovubla ibkL
C.ooolc
EUMENES AT NOBA." ANTIGONUS IN J'lSIDIA. 306
Phrygia.
In the
followingapringAntigonuB
opened
the
campaign.
Eumenes was
superior
in
cavalry,
and did not fear to meet the
enemy
in
open
combat on even gronnd
;
bnl he was
'
continual
danger
trom his own
troops,
and
series or
stratagems
and contrivances was n
eessarj
to
provide
them with
pay,
to seen
their
fidelity,
and to baffle the
attempts
of the
enemy,
who was constantly tampering
with
them. A
price
of UX) talents was set on his
head,
and the reward was
published
in his own
camp
by
written notices. But his Macedoni-
uis bad aaffieient sense of hononr to resent
this base
temptation,
and
tbey
decreed that a
guard
of a
thousand select men should be
appointed
to
protect
him. Still, Antigonus
con-
tinaed to rest his
hopes mainly
on
treachery,
and this at
length
eObCled his
object.
He first
induced a
general,
named
Perdiccas,
to desert
with a divisioB of 3000 foot and BOO horse
;
Imt,through
the
activity
of
Eumenes, the traitor
was
oTertahen and
punished,
with his
principal
abettors,
and the
troops
won
by clemency
to
return to their
duty.
A second Birailar
attempt
IHt)Ted
more successful.
Eumeneshadencamp-
ed in una of the broad
plains
of southern
Cappa-
doda,
where there was
ample
space
for the evo-
htioRB of his
cavalry,
and
confidently expected
th"
enemy's approach.
But
Antigonus
had
carcHpt"d
one of his
oflloere,
named
Apolloo-
ides,
who oommanded a
brigade
of horse
;
he
deserted in the midst of the
battle,
with the
KlMile of his
division,
and his
treachery
decided
iite
day
in faToar of
Antigonus.
Eumenes lost
BOM men
and alt his
baggage. He, however,
not
only
eluded the
enemy's pnranit,
but
by
a
deneroua eounteimarch returned to the field
of
battle,
where he
encamped
and
paid
the last
bononTS to the
slain, employing
the ticaber of
the
dwellings
in the
adjacentvillages
for the
funeral
piles,
and raised
separate
barrows over
the remams of the officers and men " monuments
of his hardihood and
presence
of
mind,
which excited the admiration of
Antigonus.
bimself when he
againpassed
that
way.
The
other that Eninenes once had an opportunity
of
making
himself master of the whole of the
enemy's baggage,
which would have enriched
Ilia
troops
with an immense
booty.
Ha feared
that the
possession
of such
weaithwould render
them
eager
to
quit
his toilsome and
perilous
service, sent secret
warning,
under the
pretext
of
privatefriendship,
to Menander, the
general
who had been leftin
charge
of the
baggage,
and enabled him to withdraw into an un- assailable
position.
This
seemingly
generous
action excited the
gratitude
of the Macedoni-
anir,
whose wives and children it had saved
from
slavery
and dishonour,
till
Antigonus
pointed
out to them that Eumenes had
spared
them
only
that he
might
not encumber himself.
At
length,
however. Eumenes himself, after
an unanccessfnl
attempt
to
escape
into Anne-
nia,seeing
his ranks thinned by frequent
desertions,
thought
it best to
put
an end to this
life of
perpetualwandering,fatigue,
and hair- breadth
escapes,
which could lead to no useful
result,
and he recommended to the
greaterpart
of his men to return to their homes and wait
lor better times. He reserved
only
SOO horse
and 300
heavy-armed,
with which he took ref-
Vol. II."
Q "
uge
in the
impregnate
fortress of
Nora,
oii the
confines of
Lycaonia
and
Cappadocia.*
It
was
a rock,not more than about two stadia in cir- cumference
at the
top.
and
precipitous
on aH
sides,containing
a
copiousspring
of
water,
and
a well-filled
magazine
uf
grain
and
salt,
but no
other hind of
provisions Seeing
that
many
of
his friends were
dismayed by
the
prospect
of
the
dreary imprtsonment
which awaited them
during
a
longsiege
in such a
place,
he
permitted
them to
depart,
and dismissed them witb
eipreaaiona
of the
kindest
regard. Antigonoa
soon surrounded the
place
with his
army,
and
invested it with a double line of circumvalla-
tion.
But,
as he could
scarcelysuppose
that
Eumenes could intend to sustain a
siege,
he
invited him to a
parley.
Eumenes would neither
treat with tum as his
superior,
nor consent
to Gome down, until he had received his
brother Ptolemnus as a
hostage.
He then
repaired
to his
camp,
and
they
embraced each
other with the
cordiality
of old frienda. But
when
they began
to discuss
conditions,En-
meiee insisted on
nothing
less than the restitution
of his
satrapy,
and of all the
grants
be
had received from Perdiccaa. The
by-standsn
were astonished at such demands
fi^m
a man
whose situation seemed so
hopeless;
and An- tigonus,
desiring
to leave an
opening
for fhtura
negotiation, promised
to refer them to AdUm-
ter,
and sent him bach to the fortress. The
Macedonians crowded about
him,
eager
to
gaaa
on tite
extraordinary persoD
whrae
name, unw
the death of
Craterus,
was in
every
month.
They were surprisedto
see,
not the frame of
sturdywarrior,worn with toil and
hardships,
ut a
figure
of the most delicate
symmetry,
eeminglyin
all the freshness of
youth,
f with
gentle
and
engagingaspect.
The
impatience
of their
curiosity
alarmed
Antigonus
for his
safety;
he ordered them to
keep
at a
distance,
and at last,throwing
his arm round the waist
of EoroeDee,
conducted
him,througha
passage
formed
by
his
guards,
to the foot of the fortress.
He then lefta force sufficient
olose^
to blockade the
place,
and marched
away
to
crush the
remaining
fHenda of Perdiccas.
His
army
was
strengthenedby
a
great part
of the
troops
of
Eumenes, so that it now
amounted to 40,000
foot and 7000 horse. His
only
care now was to
prevent
the
enemy's
escape.
By
a forced
march, he reached the borders
of Pisidiain seven
days,and,arriving
thos
unexpectedly,
was enabled to
occupy
a
pass
which
might
have been
easily
secured. Alce-
tas and Attains were
encamped
in the
plain
below.
Their
army
numbered no less than
16,000
foot and 000 horse. Alcetas made a
desperal*
ir (/wTBiv
(iimij*
,
re fdilowed k aiiTDW palliCDDilBCtI
.n." IltvldimiDoto. "ThaaiUt
"rilh Dn^n*!
coajMtun),
mm u iHn lilU*
lifuffc
la? .nnfJHrftt. PIB., Enm.,
11. Hi
"",
HISTORY OF GREECE.
BttBinpt
to dislodge
Itie
enetaj
(nxa the
beighta,
but was
repuleed,
and with
difficulty
effected
hit retreat ttuoDgti
tbe bostile
cavalry,
with
which
AntigonusdeaceDded
to cut him oflTiom
the maia
body.
He bad
scarcely
time lo Tonn
hJa tine of battle berore the
enemy
poared
down
in an
irresistible
mass,
with the
advantage
of
higherground.
Terror and ooafuaion
spread
through
bis
ranka,
and excluded
eveiy
thought
but that of
flight.ALtalua,
with
Polerao,
Do-
cimuB,
and several others of his chief
officers,
was taken
prisoner.
Tbe bulk of the
fugitives
laid down their
arms,
and consenled to enter
the service of
Antigonus.
But Alcetas,
with
bis
guards,
some slaves whom he had
armed,'
and 6000 of bis
trusty Fisidians,
made
good
hia
a Tenaeaaus.
.
Antigonusimmediately
"id to
encamp
near tbe
piace,
which
was BO
strongas to
defy
the assault of the most
numerous
host. He
only
desired to become
master
of the
person
of
Alcetas,
and sent to
demand bim. Tbe elder Pisidians had no wish
to
endanger
iheir
city
for tbe aake of a
single
"tianger;
bat tbe
young
warriors who had
aerved under Alcetas refused lo surrender bim.
bade hint
rdy
on their
devotion,
and resolved
to defend him to the lut.t The old men now
sent a private
message
lo
Antigonus,promising
to deliver
up
Alcetas,
alive or dead.if be would
draw the
younger
citizens out of the town
by
a
feigned
attack. When .thishad been
done,
they
fell
upon
Alcetas,who was left without
any guard
bilthis slaves. To avoid
capture,
he
slew
himself;
and bis
body,placed
on a
couch,
was carried out to Antigonus,
who ordered it
to be
mutilated, and, at the end of three
days,
marched
away.
The
young
Pisidians,
in the
first
transports
of their
indignation,
resolved to
firethe
town, and,,retiring to tbe
mountains,to
ravage
the
open countiy,
which
acknowledged
the
authority
of
Antigonus; and,though they
were direrted from ibis
design,they
did not
oease to infest (his
territory by marauding
ex-
oursions. Tbe
body
of
Alcetas,
which had been
lefl
unburied,they
bonoured with a
splendid
fllneral.
By
the tetult "^ this
campaign,Antigonus
was
bFOagbta
great step
nearer to tbe end of his
ambition. His
array
was now raised lo GO.OOO
foot and
10,000
horse
;
and there was no limit
to the aaoib"i8
by
which he
might
augment
it
by means
of the treasures which it
placed
at his
disiioeal.
He saw do
power
in Asia that could
Tesiat such a force,
and
might safely,
whenever
be
would, lay
aside tbe character of a
subject,
and
profess
the
independence
which he
actually
posaessad,
and which he was
fully
resolved to
Baintain. Yet a
lingeringfeeling
of
gratitude
"nd
respect
for
Antipatermight
have Induced
him to dissemble his
designs
some time
longer.
But all hts
scruples
were removed
by
intelli-
geoce,
which he received before he hsd re-
"
naOut.aoioi., i"". F."M,
iji
hictoTT
fvul.i..p.
S39)
ding
ta
DiDT-
S3S). net-, how-
passed
the borders of
Fisida,
of
Antipater^
death,
and
especially
of tbe state in which he
bad left tbe .ofiairsof Macedonia.
Antipater
had been carried off
by
the combined eflects of
age
and disease. His death
gave
occasion to
very important
levolutiona both in Asia and in
Greece.
Alter the
peace,
which Ae Athenians bad
por-
cbased so
dearly,
tbe
city
remained as
tranquil
Bs Phocion himself could have desired. The
business of the
publicassembly,
and of the
courtsof
justice,
seldom
interrupted
the
private
affairs of the 9000 citiiens ; when
they met,
they
were no longeragitatedby
tbe declaiua-
liona of
any brawling
orators.* The rnost simple
expression
of Pbocion's
opinion,
or of the
judgment
of his
good
friend
Menyllus,was aut
Gcient lo decide
every question,Athess. in
ber more turbulent
days,
bod witnessed
many
combinations between orators and
generals
for
political purposes ;
but few in which there bad
beeo so
complete an
understanding
between the
parties,none so
efficacious,
as this. Hie own
independence
and
dignity,however. Phocioa
maintamed
unimpaired.
He would oeitber accept
any presents,
such as he had declined
when offered
by Alexander, from
Menyllus,or
Antipater,
for
himself,nor
permit
his son Pho-
CUB to receive
any.
So that it was remarked
by Antipaterthat,
of his two Athenian
friends,
he could neither
prevail
on Phooioa to
take,
nor satiate Densades
by giving.
Phocion t"i-
tured even to resist
Aiitipater's will,
when be
was required
to beoome himself the instrament
of some
unseemlyntessure, and
sternly
observed,
tbsi
Antipater
could not have him at once
fora friend ukd a fiatlerer. If tbere was
anything
lo disturii the
complaoeMg'
with which
Phocion
contemplated
this calm and
orderly
state of
afiairs,
it
was, perhaps,
the
petulance
of
Demades, who,
like a
satyr by
the side of a
heroic
person,
would be
committingsome ex- travagance,
or making some
roguishspeech,
which tended to
destroy
the illusion of bis
graver
friend's administration. He not
only
took
pleasure in an ostentatious
display
of his ill-
wealth, but was
proud
of tbe
corruptioa
When he celebrated
tbe
marriage
of hia bastanl Deroeas.be observed
that the
wedding-feast
was furnished
by
kings
and nilers. Another time be bad undertaken
to
defray
Ihe
expense
of a chorus, and, as
the law forbade the
employing
of
foreignper- formers,
under the
penalty
of a thousand dracb-
raas for each, Demades
produced
a chorus consisting
of a hundred
foreigners,
and eibibiied
the amount of the
penalties
"
a sum sufficient
to have
preservedfilly
citizens from
transportation"with
them in the orchestrs. It
waa,
perhaps,during
this
period,
which seemed
to
realize Plato's ideal of a commonwealth
governed
by
a
philosopher,
thst Demades
proposed
lo Phocion to introduce tbe
Spartan diacipline
at Athens,
and offered bimself to draw
up
and
recommend a decree for that
purpose.
"A
Kl advocate, indeed,''
Phocion
observed, "for
Spartan
fare,and the inslilulions of
Lycurgus,
with that rich
cloak,
and that scent of
perfumes.
'"t
At bottom,
however,
Demades was not entire-
") trt[ff,nf
"::Fw;"g
DEMADES." CASSANDEB'S DISSIMULATION.
lyittufM
wHhPhocion'ft
ascendency.Thoagh
be
eiutêd
all the license he could
wish,
liia
impartance
in the stat". and.
canseqaentl;,
hia
opponunitieB
of
enrichinghimself,were not
such ai he could have desired. We
may
collect
frmn the aliore-
quotedsaying
nf
Aniipater,
that Demades was
continually applying
to bim
far
money,
and did not
always
obtain as much
"" be asked.
Accordingly,
when the movements
and
partial success of Perdiccas
appeared
to bold out a
prospect
of a revolution
ip
Gi"eae.
Demades tahied his
eyes
towards bim
aa a
patron,
who
might
have
greater
need of
his aid. and therefore wonid
probably
pay
more
Uberally
than
Antipater.
He
resolved,
at all
ereoiA,
to
provide
for his own
safely, so as not
to be invotved in
Antipater's
fail
;
and sent a
lettAT to Ferdiccas. in which he
urged
him to
a|i|nar
and aave Greece, which uai (innging
by
"" dd roUeit tknad* The time iras at hand
when hia
policy
and tiiswit
were Va oost him
dear.
It
migtat
li"ve boon
enppoaed
that the
govern-
meiA eatvblislied
by
Ffaocion
was,
at ieast,
per-
factij
eonfbrmaltle to thewiêsoftbe oitiEeae
whoae frHnefaise had been
spared. They
were
DOW
plagoed by
no
ijcophaDts,
taxed for no
wars,
Ind no enteneinnients to
provide
for a
imngTy
innltitDde. Yet the
garrison
at
Muny-
cbia,
wbich secQi"d the contiauaooe of these
UesaingB,
was au
eyesore
to Ihem.
They
desired
to be rid of
it,
aa
eagerly
aa if
they
had
been
impatient
of the
gorernment
which it
supported
;
and Phoeion
was
repeatedlynrged
to
exeit hi* interestwjtb
Antipater
for its removal
as be had tndaoed him hitherto to
postpone
the exaction of the aom
mpoeed
on tbem at
the
peace.
niocioQ,however,
declined
to undertake
an
embassy
in which he neither
expected
nor wished to succeed. A call was then
made on DemadM, as the
peraeo
next
i[|
InSa-
eace with
Antipater: it was an
oppMtunitjr
for
eaming
a bribe,and in an evil liour he
accepted
the commiaskiD, and eet oat tai
Macedonia,ae-
eompanied b;
hia
aon Demeas.
They
found
Antipater
in the laat
stage
of his
disorder,
bat
jrK fltnmg enough
to
give
audience to the am-
bsBsadoT,
and
willing,perbapa,
to
enjoy
his
eonfinion in the scene which was
prepared
for
Urn.
Antipater
waa in
possession
of the letter
" wbieh liad been found
among
the
papers
of
Perdiceaa in which Demadea had at once betrayed
Hid ridiooled liis beuefactor. He was
iDttodueed into
Antipater's presence,
aitd
permitted
to nnlUd hia
business,and
urged
the
petition
of the Athenians with his wonted bold-
Dosa.
Antipater,
it
m"Im,
did not
deign
to answer
him
;
not an AtlMnian named Dinarchus,
who, aa a ftiend of
Fliooion,had, perhaps,
been
seol to
oppoae
his
ap^catioa,
became his ac-
eBBor,
lie
btal letter was
probablyprodoeed,
""d
DOW,
for the firsttime in his
life,
bis
impa-
dence
may
have fhtled bim. He and his son
were led
away by Antipater's giiards
to s dnn-
geon.
It is not
qnite
dear whether
Antipater
bimaelf bad doonied tliem to death
:
it
was. at
least,
Cassander who direclad the execution.
^*nwnwfr CArriftD, P"iul., p. TO,a. FluUTCh, DcmnLh
3îlei(*ixnnte1^.Ph"r.,M.)
W
Ihoni
""r" u Ix g
He ordered Demeas to be
put
to death flrat; to
was
piercedby
the swords of the soldiers in-
mediately
under his father's
eye.
so that Ua
blood
sprinkled
the old man's robe
;
and tiien
Demades, having
witnessed this end of one who
was. perhaps,
the
only being
he
loved,
after ha
had been loaded with
reproachesby
Cassander
for his
treachery
and
ingratiiude,
underwent
a
like fate :* a termination which
might
have
appeared
almost too
tragical
for so
contemptiUe
a life,
if he had not been the man who. to serve
Antipater, proposed
tliedecree wbieh sentenoad
so
many
belter men to death.
It
may. probably,
be collected from the sbam
which Cassander is said to have taken ia tUa
scene,
that he had
already,dnnng
the tatter
part
of hia latber's illness,begun
to eieroiaa
some of the functions ofthe
government, wkieh,
as he
expected,
was
shortly
to devolve on bita.
He
was,
at least,no less
surpTiBed
than mortified
when
Antipater.
on the
point
of
death,
declared
his will lo be.
that
Polyaperchon
sboidd
sncoeed lo the
regency,
and that bis son sbouM
continue m the subordinate station of chiliat"h.
Antipater's
motive in Ibis
arrangement is,
iit-
deed,
by
no means
evident.
Polysperchon
was
no
way
related to him
;
and, though
much respected
by
the Macedonians aa one of the oldest
generals
of Alexander's
wars, can never, aa
Che
seqnel shows,
have earned the
repuuaioa
of eminent
ability,
while Cassander bad
already
given
sufflcient
proofs
of hia
energy
and talents.
We can
hardly
conclude otherwise Iban (hat
his father distrnsled his cbsiaeier and
temper,
which were certainly
far from
amiable, and,
perhaps,
had
already
made him
unpopularlA
Macedonia,
and were
likely
to lead hira to an
immediate
rvptiire
with
Antigonus.
whom he
had
alreadyprovoked.
Vet Caasander was not
wanting
in self-oommand. He diRsembled his
indignation, pretended
to
resign
himself to his
father's
pleasure,
and withdrew islo the caatt-
try,
with a few intimate
friends,
under the
pretext
ofthe
chase,
in which be seemed to liavB
forgotten
the affairs ofthe state. But the lime
ostensibly
devoted to hia
hunting-parties waa
really
spent
in earnest conference witit his
friends on the
subject
whicb
engrossed
bia
thoughts.
He
acquainted
them with his reao-
lution to recover what he considered as his
patrimony,
and
engaged them, by largepromises,
to embrace his
cause. At the same time, he
sent secret
agents
to
Ptolemy,
who had, fttia-
ably,already
married his sister,to renew tbejr
friendship
and
imploresuccours,
and
particularly
to
reqnest
that he would send a naval
force to the
Hellespont
from Phianieja
;
for, trat
long
aAer the transactions at
Triparadisus,
Ptolemy
had sent Nicsnder, one of his
gener-
als,
with
an
army,
into
Syria:
the
satrap
I"-
omedon, who had
rejectedPtolemy'soffers,!
had fallen into Nicanor's hands,
and the whole
province
had submitted lo hira.t The
part
of
Asia which contained allthe elements of a maritime
power
in the
greatest
abundance was
I, Phot.,TO,(. Flale lb,PhM.
nsdon "ft"n"ud
iLciwrdiDf to
AgftdunhidM,PtolAmjiiuioiHd
Jcruslvpi is
3D8 HISTORY OF GREECE.
thus annexed to Egjpt
;
and the
manner
in
which thia inraluable
acquisition
was madn
proved,
more clearly
than
ever,
that to Ptol- emy,
al
least,
the
imperialgovernment,
the titles
and decrees of the
regents,
were mere
empty
Bounds.
Uassander,
at the same time, endeavoured,
by
means
of his
agents,
lo imcrest other
leadingpersons,
and some
foreign
cities,in his
behalf.
Among
the
precautions
which he tooh
to secure his interests,one was to send a
trusty
adherent,
named Nicanor, to succeed
Menylhis
in the command of
Munychia.
Nicanor arrived
before the news of
Antipater's
death had been
Teceived at Athena,
and look
possession
of
Munychia
without
opposition.
When the ti.
dingswere
made
public,
loud
murmurs arose
"gainst
PhocLon, as
having
connived at the de-
,
ception;
and the
sosptcion
was confirmed
by
'.his
intimacy
with
Nicanor,
thoiigb he stillex- erted
bia influence with him in behalf of his
fellow-citizens,
and
eTen
induced
him,
among
Other
popular
acts, to
accept
the office of
president
at one of Iheir
publicgames.
In Mace- donia,
Cassander aaw no
prospect
of
forming
a
party powerfulenough
to withstand
Polyaper-
chon, who was generally
esteemed
-.
and,
Ihere-
")ra,
while be continued to lull
auspicioo,
made
preparations
for a
clandestine
flight.
He
re-
"eiTed a
favoarable answer from
Ptolemy :
but
it
was
Irom
Antigonus
that he deiermined first
to seek
protection, though
he
gave
him no notice
of his
intention,
well
knowing
that he woald
not BofTer the reiDembrance of their
quarrel
to
-OQtweigh
the
grounds
of
policy
which must in-
.doce him to
espouse
the eanse of
PolysperehoD'a
enemy.
Antigonoano sooner
heard of Antipater's
death than he
proceeded,
with a
steady
band,
to
grasp
the
prize
which
lay
before htm. His
immediate
object
was to secure
himself in the
possession
of Asia Minor before
Polyaperehon
ooold collect his forces to interfere with htm
;
and his firat
step
for thia end was to
attempt
lo
draw Eumenes over to bis side.
Eumencs,
indeed,
was
apparentlypowerless,
and in a condition
more
desperate
than ever.
He waa still
bbckaded at
Nora,
without
any prospect
of
relief.
It was
only
bv
estraordonary expedients,
snggeatedby
his Iruitliil
genius,
that he bad
kept
the bodies and
spirits
of hia followers from
"inking
under the
privations
and
hardships
which
they
had been
suffering during
a
year's
siege.
The
ground
afforded no room for the
accustomed exercisea of the
men,
slillless for
those of the horses. For the latter he contrived
a
substitute,
which
wassmong
the most celebrated
examples
of his
never-failing ingenuity.
He caused the heads of the horses to be raised
by Topea
fastened to the roof of the
stable,
so
that their fore feet
barely
touched the
ground.
In this
uneasy positionthey
were
lashed from
behind
by
the
grooms,
until the
struggle,
which
strained
every limb,
had
produced
allthe effects
of a hard ride. For the men he set
apart
a
room, onc-and-twenty
feet
long,
where he directed
Ihem lo walk,
graduallyquickening
their
pace,
so as to ciimhine exercise with
an
ment.
He received them all
by
turns a
own table,
and
though
he had
nothing
but the
oomroon
fare to set before
them,
he seasoned
the
plain,
unvaried meal
by
his cbecrfu] and
lively
conversation. At the end of the
year
both horses and
m
and as
ready
for at
the fortress.
Antigonus
had formed
a jtstestimate of the
ejttraordinary
abilities of Eumenes. He knew
that,
if hi; recovered his
liberty,
he
might
in a
few
daya
become a
formidable
adversary
;
and
that the
siege might
be raised
by succour?
from
Homc
quarter
or other. He
would,
perhaps,
before have
granted
the terms which
Eumenes
demanded,
if he had not been re-
slraincd
by regard
to
Antipater'a enmity.
He
now sent
Hterenymua
of
Cardia,
a fHend of
Eumenes,
who afterward wrote the
history
of
his
life,to solicit his
alliance,
and to
propose
an
agreement, by which, on
that condition
alone,
Eumenea was to recover
his
province.
and all the other
gifts
which he had received
fiTira Perdiccaa. The
agreement
waa drawn
L
writing
: it mentioned the
roy^ family,
for form's
sake,
at the
beginning;
but the
pledge
of
fidelity
was to be
given
to
Antigonus
alone, Eumenes afTaoted to consider this as
reraight
: he inserted the names of
Olym-
pias
and the
princes,
and made the
treat;
to
run as a
promise
of
allegiance
to thein. and to
Antigonusonly
as
acting
in their behalf. Tlie
Macedonians unanimouidy
approved
of the alteration,
and, not
suspecting
that it was contrary
to their
goncral's
wishes,
took the oath
from Eumenes end allowed him to
depart.
In
a short time he had collected a number of his
old
troops,
who were
atiilscattered over the
country,
and had a
body
of more than SOW
horse under his standard. In the mean while
the
agreement
waa sent back to be ratified
by
Antigonns,who,
when it was too late, despatched
his orders to continue the blockade,
with a
sharp
rebuke to
those who had
accepted
the amendment of his
proposals.
He had not waited for the issue of thia
negotiation,
but had
already
turned his aima
a^nst
the
satrape
of the weatem coast. Amdnns
had aflhrded him a wrtcomo
pretext, bj
an un-
aqceessfilattempt
to make himaelf Blaster of
CyzicuB. Antigonua came,
as to its
relief,a
littletoo late to
seiie it for
himself,
and dien
required
ArridisuB to
reaign
his
satrapy.
ArridK-
ua
answered him with
open
defiance,
threw
gar-
risona into the
principal
tovms of bis
province,
and sent a
body
of
troops
to raise the
siege
of
Nora.
Antigonus
detached a
division of his
army againat
him,
and marched in
person
with
the rest into
Lydia,
where Cleitus,Antipater's
admiral,
had been appointed
in the room of
Menander by
the
partition
of
Triparadisos.
Cleitus likewise
garrisoned
hia chief
cities,
and
then sailed
away
with his
fleet,
which contained
the
captured
Athenian vesaels,
to Macedo- nia,
to warn
Polysperchon. Antigonua,
however,
took
Epheaus by
assault,
with some aid
from within,just
in time to seize four
gsUejs
which
pot
into the harbour, having
on bomrd
600 talents,
which
they
were conveying
from
Oilicia,
where the treasure brought
lÂntigo-
nea from Susa had been
deposited
in the fortress
of Quinda,
for "he
supply
of the
royal
cotTers. He
calmly
declared that he needed it
for his own
levies. While he waa
engaged
in
the reduction of the other
Lydian
towns,
Cas-
sander,
having
crossed the
Hellespont,
arrived
at hie
camp,
and
beaougbt
his
protection.
An-
OFFERS TO EUMENES." PROSPECTS OF GREECE.
tigonos
received
him, as the son of his bene-
Taclor,
with the wannest welcome,
and
readily
promised
to
supply
him wilh
ships
and men to
fiadicate bis
rights.
No event could have
been more seasonable than one which enabled
hiiQ to
keep Polysperchoafullyemployed
in
Europe,
while he himself established Ms do-
Polyeperchon
was well aware
of the atonn
which threatened him from the East. He saw
Illsmeans reduced,throughAntipater's impm-
ilent
"MHi"dence,
to the
posseeaion
of Macedo-
oia,
and a title which was
every day loaing
more of its
power
over
publicopinion.
It was
a time when no aid was to be
despised.
There
were three
quarters
to which he
might
look for
support,
and he addressed himself to each
withont
delay.
The name of
Olympias
had
great weight
in
Macedonia,
and wherever else
Alexander's
memory
was revered,
Polysper-
cbon saw that she might be a
useful
ally
te
Mm, not only against
Cassander, but
against
Eurydice,who, as ahe had submitted reluc-
faoUy
to
Antipater,
would
prc^bly
be
eager
to shake off the
authority
of his e
or. He must have been aware that he had
himself
something
to
apprehend
from the ambition
of
Olympias,
but
miffht
think
that,
in the
presence
of so
many
common enemies,
their
joint
interests would
keep
them
closely
united.
He therefore wrote to invite her to leave
Epi-
rus,
aind to come and take
charge
of her infant
graodsoa.
Still more efficacious assistance
was to be
expected
from Euraenes
;
and to
him, also,
he addressed
a
letter in the
king's
oame, exhorting
him to
persevere
in
hostility
10
Antigonus,
now in
open
revolt,
and
to adhere
to the
royal cause.
It left hirn to choose
whetiier he would
join
the
regent
in Macedo-
oia. ami share his
office,or would
prosecute
ihe war with
Antigonos
inAsia. It confirmed
ailthe
grants
that had been made to him
by
Perdiccas,
and
appointed
him to the command
of the
king's
forces in the East. He was also
lafomied that orders had been sent to
Antige-
nes and Teutamus to
put
him in
possession
of
the treasure which
they
had
brought
from Su-
aa,
and to
placethemselves,
with their
troops,
under his command
;
and he was
empowered
lo take 500 talents for his own
use,
to indem-
mly
him for his
past
losses.
Folysperchon
ulfeied,
if
necessary,
to
go
over to Asia ia
person
with the
royalfamily,
and all the forces
lie could raise to
support
him. About the
aaiae
time,
Eumenes received a letter from
Olympias,
also
entreatinghim,
in the name of
his ancient
loyalty,
to take Alexander's infant
sun under his
protection ^
and she
requested
his advjce on
Polysperchon'sproposals
to herself.
He did
not need these
pressingappeals
to his honour to determine the course which
he should take. He had seen it
clearly
from
the
beginning
:
nothing
had occurred to
change
his views
;
the recent events confirmed them.
We need
not
doubt that he was
sincerely
attached
to the
royal house, to which he owed
hi*
fortunes;
that he was not indifferent to
the
reputation
of
gratitude
and
constancy,
which he must have forfeitedif he bad acted a
different
part.
But it
happened
that his
personal
interest,as he had the
good
sense to un-
dîd'unU
it,
ciiucurrcd with tliese motives. To
Antigonus
be well knew that he could never
appear
in
any
other
light
than that of a tool,to ba
laid aside or broken when it had doae its work.
The
greater
his
services,the
deeper
the
jealousy
they
would
awaken; the
higherAntigo- nus
might
rise
throughthem,
the more unwilling
be would be to own Euinenes as hia benefactor.
To the
royalfamily
he came as a friend
in need:
they might acknowledge
and reward
the merits of a faithful servant without humil-
iaiion
; they would, probably,always require
his
support,
and under the shadow of their
name tie
might
occupy
a station which, as a
foreigner,
he could not
saft'ly aspire
to on
any
other aide. He answered
Polysperchon
with
promises
of zealous assistance.
Olympias
be
advised to wait for the
present
in
Epirus,
until
she saw what turn the war took.
If,however,
she could not control her desire to return to
Macedonia,
ho warned her to
forgetpast injuries,
and to use her
power
with the
greatest
lenity.
It
was,
no
doubt,
because he knew how
littlecoDunand she had over her
passions
that
he dissuaded her from the
step
(o which he
saw she was
strongly
inchned.
The third
quarter
towards which
Polysper- chon
turned his
eyes
m this
emergency
was
Greece. Ttis was a
sign
of a new epoch
in
Grecian
history.
It was the
opening
of a
prospect
that Greece
might
stillrecover so muck
political importance
as
would,
at least,ensure
her
independence.
This
was an
advantage
reasonably
to be
expected
from the inevitable
dissolutionwhich awaited Alexander's colossal
empire,
and from the
struggles
which could
not fail to ensue
among
hia successors. It
was not
beyond hope
or likelihoodtliatGreece
imghc
bocome the arbiter of these contests.
Her
position,
and the force which she was still
able to raise,
enabled
her,
if the scales should
be
nearlybalanced,to throw in a
weight
which
would make either
preponderate. If,aa waa
most
probable,
these contests should terminate
in the
permanent
establishment of several rival
states, she, though
the least
powerful,might
rank
among
them on terms of
perfectequality,
and
might
be as
effectually
secured
by
thell
mutual
jealousy
as
any
sovereign
in the Euro- pean
system ;
no member of which can be said
to
enjoy
mure than a like
precariousindepend- ence,
as none could resist a
generalcoalition,
and
many
have no other
securityagainst
the
encroaclimenls of their
neighbours.
It is a
great
mistake to consider the
poLticalhistorj
of Greece aa at an end when she was once
compelled
to submit to the Macedonian
yoke.
The events of the last half
century
alone
ought
to
preclude
snch an error. If she did not recover
the
position
in which she stood when
Philip
mounted the throne of
Macedon,
it
waa
not because her
strength
waa exhausted, nor
because she was surrounded
by
too
powerful
neighbours;
not even because events which
might
have
proved
favourable to her interasta
took an adverse turn
;
but
chiefly
because she
wanted an
eye
to see her new
position
and relations,
and a hand to
collect, husband,
and
employ
her
remainingresources. It
imparts ft
kind of
tragic
interest to the
history
of
Greece,
which is
hardly
to be found in that of
any
other
fallen
nation,
to observe that she sank almost
unconscioualy
while she still
possessed
the
HISTORY OF GREECE.
BeuB
of
deliversnce,
and that the
inaigbt
and
the eflbrt came too late to be of
any
avail,
"Tea if
ther
had been attended with immediate
It
was a
singular
effect of
Poly
ape
rohon'a
I
aituation Ihat,
though
he had aucceetled to An-
tipater'a authority,
and had been
placed
in it
by
kis
chiitce,aa a friend whom he valued and
IcuBted mare than his own
eon,
he could
only
maintain himself
by
the closest union with his
|
peal
of all his measures. The
power
which
Antipater
had
acquired
in
Greece, though
ha
had
nominally
recovered it in behalf of his sovereigns,
was
really
reserved to himself and his
Almily.
He had committed the command of
the
gartisonedplaces
to his
pergonal
adherents;
anditwasnottothercgent,
but
toAntip-;
ater, that the Greek
parties
whom he favoured
felt themselves indebted for their
triumph
over
their adversaries. It was
not. therefore,
to Po-
lysperehon,
whose office
gave
him
no
claims
on
them,
but to
Cassander,
their
patron'sson,
that
they
transferred their
goodwill.Polysperchon
"aw that the
onlyway by
which he could
hope
to wroat Greece out of Cassander's hands, and
to turn its arms
againsthim, was to reverse
Antipater's policy,
and to overthrow all that be
had eatabliahed there. The
royalauthority
was
atill
aufilcienily strong
to effect
a revolotian,
which would
[riaee
the
government
of the
prin-
eipal
Greek cities in the hands of
men who
would be no less
firmly
attached tohimaelf than
their adversaries
were
by hereditary
connexion
to Cassander. He was
encouraged
in his design
by
the
envoys
of several
states,or
representatives
of the exiled
parties,
who
were then
at the Macedonian court :
some, perhaps,
having
come before
Antipater's
death to obtain
a
Telsxation of their
condition,
such as the Athe-
siane had
requested;
others
may
have been attracted
by
the
prospect
of
a
change
which that
avent
opened.
Ail
were
graciously
received
by
the
regent,
and obtained his
promise
that the
detnocralical
institutionsshnoldbe
every
where
teslored
;
and he sent them back to Greece
with
a
royalrescript
to that ellfect. This edict
ran is the
name of the
King
Anideas
Philip;
it
began
with
a
declaration of tbe
good
will
irtiich,
after the
example
of his
predecessors,
ke bore to the
Greeks,
and asserted that be had
"o sooner mounted the throne than he sent di-
K"îons to all the Greek citiesfor the restora-
tion of
peace,
and the re-establishment of the
oonstitnlions
by
which
Uiey
had been
governed
inihe time of his thther
Philip.
It then toached
TB^
delicatelyon the
imprudence
with
which,
î)e he was at a
great distance,a
part
of the
BBtion had
engaged
in war with Macedonia
;
it
"pt*e
io a tone of
sympathy
of the harsh ireal-
ment which
they
had suffered from the
royal
generals,
to whom alone (his
severitywas to be
impDted,
The
king
was now
ready
to heal the
wonnda
they
had
inflicted, to restore
harmony,
and the
political institutions which had sDbaist-
ed in the
reigns
of his father and of Alexander
;
and he decreed that all the Greek citiiens who
had been
transportedor banished
by
his
gen-
erala from the time of Alexander's
passage
to
Asia " nnlCBs there were
any
of them condemned
fcr homicide
or aacrilege " shonU be
permitted
to return to their homea and to
enjoy
alltheir
property.
A
part
of the
Hegalopolitanexiles,
and all those of
Amphiaaa,Tricca,
Fbarcadoo,
and
Heraclsa,were
excepted
from this amnu-
ty ;
for the
real, a daywas fixed as the term of
their banishment. This
part
of the decree
provided
for the overthrow of all the
oligaichical
govemmsnts
founded
byAntqtaier.
A
following
clause directed Chat if there were
any
forms of
govemmenl
which
Philip
or Alexander them-
selvsa had abolished aa
contrary
to their in-
tereals,
these cases also should now be laid before
the
king,
that lie
might
make such
regulations
as
should
seam
expedient
both for his
own
advantage
and that of the cities ooncerDod.
Tbe Athenians were to be
replaced
in the
condition
in which
they
stood under
Philip
and
Alexander
;
even Samoa, Philip's gift,
wa" restored
to them :
onlyOropus
was to remain independent.
In return lur these
favoura, the
kingrequired
that the Greeks shoald
pass
a decree
in the national
congress forhiddiog
all hostility
and adverse
practicesagainsthicaself, under
penally
of bauishmcnt and confiscation
on
the offenders and thsir
posterity.
The direction
of the whole business was committed to
Polysperchon
;
and the edict conelnded in the
imperial
strain :
'"
Ye
then,as we before wrote
to
yon, ohey
him
;
for we shall
permit
none to
neglect
our commands."
Such
was the
languagedesigned
for the
public
ear
;
it could not he
pleasing
to
any patriotic
Greek : this was not the
way
in
which, whatever
might
be his
party,
he could have wished
to see
Antipater's
measures
abolished. It ivas
an exercise,
and a formal assertion of the Mace- donian
sovereignty.
Yet the effect
mi^t
have
been
advantageous,
iftbe Macedonian
garrisons
had been
withdrawn,
and
things
had been left
in other
respects
to take their natural
course.
This, indeed,
would
probably
not have been
peaceable
or bloodless,
bat would not have been
attended with the evils which ensued
through
Polysperchon
's intervention. His
objectwas
to loosen hia hold
on Greeoe as litlieaa
poesi-
ble,
and to excite a violent reaction
against
tte
partisans
of
Antipater.
He Iheiefbte wrote to
Argos
and to other
eities,direetioK that tbe
persons
who had held Aa "Aief staUon in tbe
oligarchical govemmenta
Bhonld be
pmiished
with
death,or exile uid eonllseation
;
and he
announced,
in
a lettM to the
Aibeniana,
that
tbe
king
had reetored the
democracy,
and exhorted
them to retvrn to their
horeditaiy
ittsti-
tnlioQB. In the
nwan while,
he
prepared
to aurch
into Greeoe to
give
eSbot to his
measores,
and
sent his
son
Alexander ItHward into Attica with
a
body
of
troops,
to
dislodge
Nioanor Irom Mn-
nychia,
and to
niahe
himseir maater of AlbeiM.
There his letter had roused an
impatient
desire
in the
people
to M themselves
immediately
of
the
foreigngarrison;
and
theyrequired
Nics-
nor to withdraw. The force under his command
was
hardlystrongenongh
to
repel
an attack,
and he therefore amused them with
evasive
answers, while he
secretly
introduced fresh
troops
into
Mnnychia,
and collected others in
Salamts. To
gaintime,
he consented,on Pho-
cion'B
undertaking
for his
safety,
to attend
a
meeting
of the council which was
held in Pi-
rteus
;
but
Dereyllns,
who was in command
there,
had laid
a
plan
to arrest him,
and he
waa onlyîpriEod
of it in time to effecthis
"e-
REVOLUTION AT ATHENS." PHOCION BEFORE PHILIP.
"ap".
lliisbreietiof
"itli,
it
tppeBTS.Wflsheld
to be
justified by
ths infarmBtioD which had
been receired of hia
perfidious designsagainat
tfa"
city
;
and PbcxHon was
reprcmched
beoaoBe
Ike had not conearred in it. He declared thai
he would rather suffer than do a
wrong,
but
profisssed
to
disbelieve the
reports
which he
beanl of Nicanor's
projMls.
These
reports
gained strength every day ; tbf popular
ferment
increased
;
assemblies were
repeatedly
held on the
subject;
a decree was
passed
on
the niotioii of
Philomedes, that all the citizens
ahould arm and bo in immediate readiness to
obey
PhocioD's ordera,
Fhocion, however, cdd-
tinued to
express
entire confidence in
Nicanor,
"od took no
precautionsagainst
the attack
wbicb was
generallyexpected.
The event
justified
the
suspicions
which he
disregarded.
Ni- canor
brought
over his
troops
from
Salamis,
"ad
anrpruiBd
Pirene in the
night. Phocion,
and two other friends of
Nicanor, were sent to
EecDonatrate with him
;
but he now hade the
Atheniana addreaa themselves
to
CasBander,
whine officerhe was : he woidd take
no
steps
witbont Cassander's
commands.
A letter bod
already
been sent to
Polysper-
draa,urging
him to hasten to the relief of the
eity
;
but,
before either he or his son
arrived,
ooe was received from
Olympiss,
in which she
conunanded Nicanor to restore
Munychia
and
PirauB to the Athenians. It diffbsed universal
joy
among
tbe
people,
who bad heard that
OlympiBB
was about to return to Macedonia to
raemna her anoteot
authority,
and to undertake
tbe
guardianship
of her
grandson ;
theyhoped
that itwould awe Nicanor into
compliance,
and
that
Uiey
should
quietly
recover their
liberty.
Nicanor himself affiled to treat it with respect,
and
proroised
to withdraw his
Rvops,
fan continued to invent
pretexts
for
delay.
Af-
fiuTS weffi in this
slate when Alexander
appeared
with his forces before tbe walls
;
he wan
aecompuiMl by
a
great
nomber of the Atbe-
niao
exiiet,
but aba
by
a mixed nbble of Mran-
gen
and diafraiiDhiaed
citiMns,
who
hoped to
take
adTaatage
of the tamultnous reactloa
whicdi
might
be
expected: some to recover their
loat
i^Tiiegea, ethers to aBsutne a title
which,
-at this
juncture,was not
likely
to be
dispqted.
Tet for a
few
daya they
remained
tranquil,
not
denbtiag
that Alexander
was come to enforce
tbe Bxecolion of the
royaledict,
and that Nica"
aar
wodd
ahortly
he
compelled
to retire. It
^peart,
mdeed,
that
they proceeded
imme-
4iatel7to bold an
assembly,
in which Phocion
was depoaad
from bis
office,
but tiiatai" other
laeaames were taken
againsthim,
and that he
was
left at
litierty
to have several interviews
with Alexander
;
in these, it is said,be
repre-
"mted to hitn that he could not
safelydepend
ODtbe
Atheniana,nnlesB he
occupiedMunyohia
and Piratia with his own
troops.
But-there
can be littledoabt that this was Alexander's de-
d that he acted
according
to hi* father's instnictions. The
suspicions
c
tbe
people
were aoon awakened
by
his conduct.
Re held
lapeated
conferences with
Nicanor,to
which no Atbentans were admitted. Their object
was divined,
and Phocion
was denounced
as the author of the
plot.
The
vengeance
which
bad been
long gatheringnow burst
upon
him,
and
Agnooidescharged
him with treason. This
"11
was the
signal
for the most notorious of
Anttp-
aier's
partisans
to
quit
the
city.
Calhinedon,
and others of his
stamp,
did not think thein-
selves safe witbin the reach of
Polyeperchon
;
but Phccion,
and several of bis
friends, sought
refuge
in Alexander's
camp ; they
were
graciously
received
by him, and furnished with letters,
by
which he reciHomended them to his father's
protection,
as men an whose
fidelity
he
might rely.
Folysperchon
had entered Phocls with liU
army,
accompanied by Philip.
He
was encamped
at the
village
of
Pharygn,*
when ha
received bis son's letiers from Phocion and dte
partners
of his
misfortune,and,
at the saoM
lime,an
embassy
from
Athens,
headed
by Ag-
noptdee,
which bad-been
sent to aecitoe them
and to claim relief from the
presence
of the
garrison.
A throne was set under a
golden
canopy
for
Philip,
as the
judge
of the
cause,
and be took his
seal,
surrounded
by
his
council,
in which
Folysperchonreallypresided.
Di-
narcbus the
Corinthian,Antipaler's
chief
agent
in
Peloponnesns,
who had left Athens with
Phocion " it is said out of
regard
for
him, but,
perhaps,
also
hoping
to find shelter
by
his side
" snd had been detained
by
illness fbr some
days
at Elatea, no sooner
presented
himself
than
Folysperchon
ordered him to be led
aw^
to torture and
execution;
he then
gave
bu".
dience to the Atheniana
;
their
pleadingssoon
rose into a storm of clamorous
invectives,
in
which all order was lost,
until
Agnonidesstep- ped
forward with the
proposal,
"
Put us allint"
one
cage,t
and send us back to be tried at Ath- ens."
The
king
smiled at the
image,
which
was ludicrously appropriate
to the scene
before
bim; but, in
compliance
with the wish of the
Macedonians,
who formed the outer circle,
and
who, thoaghperfectly
indifferent to the
parties,
found amusement in their contention,
the ani-
bassadors were ordered to
proceed
with their
aocnsation In due form.
Fotyapercbon
listened
to tbem
withevident
partialily ;
bat when Pbo-
clon
began
his
defence,interrupted
him so
often
and i"
mdely,
that at
length
he
indignantly
struck tbe
ground
with his stalT and
spoke
no
more.
Hegemon,
another of the
aocused,ventured
to
appeal
to
Folysperchonhimself,as n
witness of the
good
will he had
alwajra
bonM
to the
people,
but
Folysperchonangrily
exclaim-
ed,
"
Have done
calnmniatiog
me to the
king."
And
Philip
started from his seat to strike at
the audacious slanderer with his lance
;
Poly-
sperebon,however,
eeiied his
arm,
and,
to
prevent
any
farther
indecency,
broke
up
the council.
The result of his deliberation
was,
to send
.
Fhocion and his friends as
prisoners, iguomfn-
iously
bound on
wagons,
to Athens,
that
Uiey
might
receive their final
judgment
from the
The
onlyprobable
motive which can be assigned
for
Folysperchon
's conduct in thistrann-
acEioD,
is ooe which involves a
degreeo(
baseness
and
cruelty
not common even
among
ths
Macedonian
generals
of this
age.
but of which
he atlerward
proved
himself
fuDy capable.
It
"
Slimtw,ii.,4M, Pluwich (Ph"., 3J) cilli II " "lll"i"
of PhDcU. ItlUod CO the un of Ihn iDctonl Tirphi.
t r(t*(d)'(l"", Ptal.,Mum., n. In AlbollBai (lii.,H
wa nW ihu
LruodClius
onlsnd TelMpburui iultMlStmt
319
HISTORY OP GREECB.
'WBs impossible
that be could entertain
an; personal
reaentmeol
against
Phociun lor hia adbo-
retice to
Antipater,
or that ho cuuld Teei ibe
sllghteal
inlurest m the
quarrel
of llieAthenian
parties.
Ha
had,
besides, been assured
b;
his
son that Phocion was
willing
to submit to his
government,
as he liad done lo
Antipater's,
and
would
probably
serce him with
equal
zeal. It
was,
therefoie,apparently
without the
slightest
bias or
passion,
on the cook'sl eatculalion of
policy,
that he
consigned
Phocion to the Tate
which was
prepared,according
to his own express
commands,
for all the most eminent of
Antipater'spartisans.
The
point,however,
which seems most
strongly
to mark the nature
of his conduct
is,
IbaC the
gain
which be could
expect
from Phocion's death
was,
at the
utmost,
,
Teiy
small,and,
on the whole,
doubtful. Dio-
dorus,indeed,attempts
to connect hm sacrifice
of Phocion with a resolution which he is said to
have formed on the
subject
of the
garrison
in
FirieuB, He had
now,
Diodorus
believes, abandoned
his
original
purpose,
which was to occupy
itwith bis own
troops,
as too
flagrantly
in-
oonsiBtent with his recent
publicprofessions.
But no information which could have been
preserved
as to
Polysperchon's
intentions could
convince us that,
while he was
every day
expecting
an attack from Caseander in this
quarter,
he meant to leave Firsus in the bands of
the Atheoians when he had wrested itfrom Ni'
canor.
Nor,
in that
case,
could there have been
any
need of another sacrifice to
propitiate
their
good
will. !t is far more
probable
thatbecause,
on the
contrary,
be had determined (o retain
posseBsioD
of the
place,
and thus to
disappoint
and irritatethe
Athenians,
he resolved to soothe
them with the blood of victims which cost him
nothing.
Yet it
might
have seemed that even
Phocion's
enemies,
alter their first
resentment
had
subsided,must have honoured bim
more,
if
he had sheltered the man whose virtues had won
the
respect
of Aiexander and
Antipater,
and
even of hie
political
adversaries. But
respect
for virtue or for misfortune was a
feeling
ti
which
Polysperchon
was
always
a
stranger
.
and in a Oreek
they probably
excited the brutal
soldier's
especialcontempt.
And
yet
itmust be owned that our own
ayai-
pathy
with Phocion's fate is not a littleweak- ened
by
the
thought
that such were the rulers
nnder whose dominion ha bad himself
edlybowed,
and whom he had aided with allhis
influence to
impose
their
yoke
on his
country
that be bad offered his aervices for the samr
purpose
to the
very
man who
now,
for the
chance of a
trifling advantage,exposed
hiir
insult and doomed bim to
death. It
was,
deed,an
ungratefulrequital
of bis faithful
taohment lo the Macedonian cause
;
but he had
scarcely
a
right
to
complain
of it. It
was I
hia own consent that he had become
subject
the fbreiguer's
pleasure
;
he had
sieadfasUy
discouraged
every attempt
which otbera had made
to deliver Greece from such
dependance
;
1
had
acquiesced"
itisto be feared epprovin^y-
iiithe condemnation of Demosthenes and other
enemies of
Antipater.
We
can
hardly
consider
ft as other than a justretribution that be was
I. "'"
^ atiout to iufler for his adherence
ipater,at the
instigation of
Antipater'
niend and sueceaaor.
Cleilua was ordered to escort the
prisoners
Athens. Pbocion was
accompaniedby
four
friends:
Nicocles,
the most intimate
ofall.Thu-
dippun,Hcgemua.
and
Pythocles.
While tho
carriage
in which
tlicy
were chained
slowly
roll'
ed
through
the sutwrb
Ceramicus,eiposing'
them to ttie
gaze
of some
pitying,
hut of more
threatening
and
exulting spectatora,
the
Ihealrer
which had been
appointedas the
(dace
of an assembly
Biînmtnied to decide their
doom, was
gradually
filled. No care was taken lo exclude
those who had no
right
to sit in
judgment
there
;
the seats were crowded with the mixed
multitude which had followed Alexander to Ath-
even
women,
it is said,were admitted.
""
IS,
no
doubt,
tbe
objeci
of Phocion's
private
liesto render the
approaching
acene as dis- orderly
and
noisy
as
possible
;
and the
mtruders,
who were safest in tumult, were
likely
to bt"
the most clamorous.
But.without
any
artificial
excitement, most breasts
alresdy
burned with
indignation
and the thirst of
vengeaaoe against
Phocion and bis associates.
B;
the exiles An- tipater's
friend was
regarded
aa the antfaor of
their
calamity
;
by moU of tboae who bad remained
under his adroioistntiaiibe was suspected
of a treasonable
eorrespcindeaoe
with'
Nicanor,
which had defeated their
hopes
of deliverance
from a
gaUing
efaain. Soch was the
prevailingdisposition
of the
assembly,
whea
Cleitus entered the theatre with his
chuge.
He firstread a letter from tbe
king,
-which declared
that,
in his
judgment,
the
pdaanerawere
guilty
of treason
;
but as tbe Alhenians were
now free and
independent,
he committod the
case to their decision. Cleitus lemafned as a
simplespectator
of the
proceedings, though
bis
presence,
after such a
letter,
could not but affect
them. A friend of Phocion's csme forwsnl
to
propose
that,
since so
grave
a business had
been referred to them
by
the
king,
the
strangers
and slaves should withdraw. But this motion
was lost in an
outcry, raised,no doubt,chiefly
by
the
persons
whom it
concerned,againat
tho
(jigarcbs, the enemies of the
people.
The accusers
were then
heard,
in silence or with
applause,
while
they
traced allthe evils which had
befallen tbe
city
since the Lamian war " the
banishment of so
many citizens,
the death of se
many
illustrious
orators, tbe loss of their ancient
institutions,
the continued
presence
of th"
foreign garriaun
" to Phucian's
intrigues.
When
tbe lime came for the defence,
Phocion made
several fruitless
attempts to obtsin a
bearing.
His voice was drowned in a tumult of hostUe
Bounds. At
length,
in one of tbe short intervals
which broke the
uproar,
he was heanl lo
say,
that aa to himaclf,he
gave up
hia
plea
and
resigned
himself to death: he
only
desired to
intercede for his innocent friends. He was as
littlelistened to in their behalf as others who-
generously
came forward U" defend him At
lengthAgnonides
mounted Ihe bema, and
renewing
Ihe foulest
uiquity
of the
proceedings
which followed the battle of
Aiginuse,produced
a decree which he bad
prepared,directitig'
that the
people
should decide
by
show of hand"
whether the
prisoners
were
guilty
or not,
and
that,
if the show of hands waa againsttheoir.
they
should be
put
to death.
""K^7!^f^
DEATH OF PHOCION."HEGALOPOLIS.
SIS
The
temper already
raanireated
by
the assem-
iAj
'was soch that a man waa found more impudent
than
Agnonides,
who veniured lo
Bug-
gest
aa an amendment that Phncion sliiiuldbe
put
to death wi'h torture. This was too much
for
Agnonides,especially
as he saw that Cleilus
was
disgusted;
he therefore
rejected
the
proposal,
observing
that such a death wuuld be (it
for a wretch like Callimedon. if he should fall
into their
hands,
but IhRt aa to Phciciaa,
he
would move
nothing
of the kind. "You do
well," a voice exclaimed;
"for if we should
torture Phocton. what shall we do to
you
V
Very few, however, entertained,
or,
at least,
ventured (o
express,
such senlinienta. The decree
was
carried,
and at the show of hands the
spectators
itwe "a one man to
give
their verdicl
against
the
priaonere.Many
even crowned
themaelveB before the
act, as for a
joyful
solemnity.
Sentence of death was likewise
passed
against
several absent
persons ; among
them
were Demetrias the
Pbalerian,CalUmedoo,
and
Cbaricles.
On bis
way
to the
prison,
Phocton suffered
BOtue
gross
insults from the
populace
with meek-
DBss and
dignrty.Though
the
day
was a
holy-
day,
and
[narked by an
equestrianprocession,
the sentence was
unmediately
executed, Pho-
cion met his end with the
playful
composure
sod
gentleequanimily
of Socrates. He endeav'
oned to cheer bts
(eUow-suatrers,
and as the
strongestproof
of
(Hendahip, permitted
Nieoeles
to drink the hemlock before him. When he was
laked if he had
any message
for his son Pho-
cos,
"Only,"
he
said,
"not to bear a
grudge
"gainst
the Athenians." As the
draughtpre- pared
proved
not sufficient for
alt,
and the
jail- er
demanded to be
paid
for a firesh
supply,
he
desired one of his rriends to
satisiy
the
man,
observing,
that Athens was a
place
where one
cookl not even die for
nothing.
Hw
body,according
to law in cases of trea-
"on,
was carried to the waste
gronnd
on the
eoofines between
Megaria
and
Attica,where,as
his friends did not venture to take
part
in the
funeral,it received the last offlces from the
hands of
hirelings
and
strangers.
His bones
were coUecled
by
a
Megarian
woman. When
the
angry passions
of Ihe
people
had subsided,
the remembrance of his virtues revived.
His boaes were
brought
back to Athens and
publiclyinterred,
and a bronze stelue was erected
to his
memory. Agnonldea
was condemned
to death
by
a
papularassembly,
and two of bis
other
accuser*, having
been Ibond to
quit
the
city,
were overtaken
by
the
vengeance
of Pho-
eus. These wer" effects of a
change
rather in
the times than in the
opinions
of men. But the
more the Athenians
resigned
themselves to the
prospect
of
permaaenC subjectionlo
foreignrule,
the better
they were
disposed
to revere the
character of Fhocion,
Had he lived in an eariier
period,
he
might
have served his
country,
like
Nicias,
with un-
BDlhed honour. In a later
age,
he
might
have
passed
his lifein
peacefhiobscnriiy.
His lot
(ellon dark and tronhted
times,
when it was
diOenlt to act with
dignity,
uid the best
p^riot
might
be inclined to
despair.
But be
despaired,
and
yet
aet"d.
,He despaired, not
merely
ofbia
ooantry,
which
any
one
may innocently do,
bat
alao for
her,
whieh na man haa
a haht to do.
.
Vol, n." R "
He would have forced her to
despair
of herselC.
He resisted
every attempt
that was made
by
bolder and more
sanguinepatriots
to restore her
independence.
He did not withdraw from
public
iiie
;
he acted as the tool of his
country's
enemies,
as the servant of a
foreignmaster; con*
tent lo
mitigate
the
pressure-
of the
degrading
yoke
which he had
helped
to
impose. Towards
the close ofhis lifehe desceoded lower and lower,
coDBtaat
only
in his
opposition
to whatever
bore the
aspect
of freedom. The fellow v
'
spat
on him in his
way
ti
s, perhaps,
a more estimable
person
than the man tc
whom he would have surrendered Athens
as
well as himself He led a character
politically
worse than doubtful
-.
one which his
private
worth alone redeems from the
infamy
that
clings
to the names of a Callimedon and a Demades
:
a
warning
to all who
may
be
placed
in like circumstances,
to shun his
example,
whether
they
value their own
peace,
or the esteem of
poa-
While the Athenians were
expectinghelp
from
Polysperchon,
and Alexander was
nôti-
ating
with Nicanor.
Cassander
appeared
in the
roa("
with a fleet of
thirty-five gnlleys, having
on board 4000
men,
furnished
by Aniigonus.
He was
immediately
admitted
by
Nicanor into
Ibe
harbour,
and suBered to take
possession
of
Pimus. But
Nicanor, who seems to have had.
some
privateviews,
continued to
occupy
Mu-
nychia
with the
troops
which he had
bieiy engaged
in his service. On this intelligence
Poly- sperchon
advanced into
Attica,
and
encamped
close to Piraiis. His
army
amounted to 34,000
foot,30,000
of whom were
Macedonians,a
thousand
hotse,
and
sixty-fiveelephants.
He
made some
attempts
on Pirnus.
but found the
fortificationstoo
strong
lo
permitany hope
of
insufficient for the maintenance of so
large
a
force. He therefore lefta
bodyoftroops
under
the command of his
son,
and
hinuelf,
with the
bulk of his
army,
marebed into
Pcloponnesoa,
to second the elforts of his
partisans,
and
especially
to reduce
Megalopolis,
which
openly
de-
(iedthe
royajauthority,
and embraced the cause
of Cassander. At Connth he convoked a congress
of
deputies,
lo receive the
acknowledgment
of
subjection
which
was called
alliance,
and
sent his
envoys
to the states which submitted
to him to enforce the execution of his
orders. Under their
direction,
the adherents
of the
oligarchical governments were,
in most
places,
condemned to death or banishment. Bnt
the resistance of
Megalopolis
demanded his-
own
presence,
and
military
force to overpower
it;
and he
pursued
his march to lay siege
to-
the
city.
There, through
an unhappy
combination oT
ancient
prejudices
with
party
interests, Aotipa-
ter's cause had become
reallypopular.
We
have seen that
Megalopolis
refiiaed to
join
the
national
confederacy
in the Lamian war. It
had
always
shown a
strong
attachment to Ma- cedonia,
for it WBB indebted to
Philip
for th"
humiliaTioa of
SparU,
Uw
object
of its invete^
ate, tmplaoableenini^. Polybins*very utijusl-
ly,
tboorii with a Bitara)
partiality,
censure*
DemootbeiiM for the bitternesswith wbicb he
reviled tbe leaders of the Macedonian
pwty
int
"
fr. Ub.,
iTiL
OIC
3" HISTORY OP GREECE.
Iifogakqiifln
at trahors to tlie cause of Greece.
The bislorian
represent!
the orstoi as biinded
by
hia Athenian
patriottBin ;
but
certainly
tbe
Tiens of the
Macedonning
Arcadian atatesnten
nere not
larger
or
clearer,when, in their
jeal-
omj
and tatred of their
neighbours, they
overlooked
the
danger
which threatened Greece
from a
foreignpower ; thoughPhilip,
secure of
their attactiment to him,
did not think it neces-
sat;
to introduce hia
garrisons
into their cities.
Theee
feelings
continued to animate the Area.
dians, after
they
bad become more
glaringly
un-
xeasooable and irreeoDcilable with the nationa]
interests. Their devotion was
sacceBsirely
transferred from
Philip
to Alexander,
from Al- exander
to
Aniipaier,
as the
regent
of Macedo- nia.
Aniipaier
had
atrengthened
it
by personal
ties. Yet there can be littledoubt that itwould
have descended to
Polyaperchon
as his
legiti-
dient
everywhere
to introduce a vioienl
change
in the
existing
order of
things.
But the
leading
DiflD,
who saw their fortunes and lives threatened
by
his
measures,
as tbeir
government
bad
hitherto been in accordance with the
strongest
popularfeelings, mighteasilypersuade
the
people
that tbeir
safetyagainatSparta depended
on their
fidelity
to CaBsander. It was
probably
throngh
these caasee thai
Polysperchon,
when
he
appeared
before
MegalDpolis,(bund, not a
city
divided between two factions,
but a whole
populationunanimonalj
resolved to reaist him
to tbe last
gasp.
They
iiad made the most
Tigoroos
and
jndi-
cloua
preparatioDS
for defence,
had removed
their
property
out of the
country
into tbe
city,
bad enrolled the
citixens, aliens,
and
slaves,capable
of
service,
and found that
they
amounted
to
lfi,000men,
who were distributed, acctmling
to their varioua
qnaliGcations,
for tbe
purpooea
of labour or
militaryduty.
The fortificatlona
were
repaired,
and
strengthened
with a new
dficb and
rampart
;
arm* and
enjpitee
were fab-
lioatsd with
onremittiDgBcttTity;
an ottoer,
nanted
Damia,
who bad aerved under AIezai"-
der,was appointed
to oomntand.
PolyBperehoa,
havingencamped
befors One
city,proceededto
assail it with all tiM
enginea
and contiivanoes
known in hia time. Ha
brougbt
up
wooden
towen, higher
than the
walla,
whteb
pooied
lowers of miMiles on tbe
besieged.
But the
"apm
atladt seem* to have been
eliieOj deaigned
to dlv"rt tbeir attentioD Gram a
mine,
iniiota
he, at tbe same tios,began
to
carry
andei the
walk. Whsaitbad advanced ftr
enongh.
fire
ina set to the
prope
whidi
aupported
the
roof,
and it fell in with a tremendous crash. The
breach thus effected tncladed tlnee of the largest
towers,
with the
interveningparts
of tbe
wall. Even this
disaater, however,
did not
.shake the resoloiion of the oiiizens
;
a
remedy
was
immediately
devised and
applied.
Tbeir
forces were divided into two
parts;
and while
titeone
bodyrepelled
the aasailantawlio mounted
the
breaoh,
the rest
tiegan
to build a new
wall behind it, Tbe
rain,which,
of
itself,
ob-
atnicted the advance of the Macedonians, was
defended until the
approach
of
nightcompelled
Polyspercbon
lo
sound
a retreat.
During
the
night
the now works were carried on with unwearied
zeal. The next
day Polyspercbon
proceeded
to clear the
ground
of tbe niinSito
open
a
passage
for the
elephants,
whose
streogtb
would, be
expected,
bear down all resistance.
Damis was aware of hia
design,
and
prepared
to meet it with a
stratagem suggested
to him
by
hi*
familiarity
with the nature
of the elephants.
He caused doors set with
spikes,
the
pointsupward,
lo be laid in the
opening,
covered
with a thin
layer
of earth. Tbe
way
waa
leftclear in
front,but a
strongbody
of dartmen
and bowmen were stationed in eadi
dank, with
engines
for tbe
discharge
of more
powerful
missiles.
Tbe beast* were
blindly
dnven into the
snare. At the same time that their feet were
eotangled
In the
sjnkes,they
were assailed fitnn
each side
by
tbe iron shower. Maddened
by
paio,
and
mostly losing
their
drivers,theyspent
their
strength
in
attempts
to
escape,
which
only
succetMled so far a* to
spread
confoaioo and
havoc in the ranks behind
them. Several of
the beat were left dead
;
a still
greater
number
wasentirely
disabled
;
and those which sufered
lesa
injury
did tbe more to their frienda.
This
repulse,
while it
deprivedPolyspercbon
of a valuable
pan
of his
force,discouraged
him
from the renewal of the ssaault. The
poesee-
aion of
Megalopolis
did not seem an
object
worth
tbe
delay
which it was
likelyto cost if he remained
there in
person,
while he had so
many
active enemies iu his rear. Tbe
im^H^sstonso
eigtial
a failure
mi^
make on the minds of tbe
Greeks he
appesra not to have heeded.
He,
however,
lefta division of hia
army
to blockade
the
place,
and marched
away
wUh the main
body
to concert measures for tbe
protection
of
Macedonia,
which was threatened
by
Caatandbr
and
Antigonns.
He had reaaon lo
apprebend
that
AnttgonuB might attempt
to invade Mace- donia
from the
north,
and be theteihra aent hia
fleet,
under tbe
comnwDdufCleitaB.to tbe ooBBt
of
Thraoe,
with
with tbe
satrap
uge,
with a
body
of trec^,in tbe
Brtbynlan
townofCios. CleitiMaaaed into tbe
Fnqwntts,
redooed several
placeson IbeAeiMio
coast,
and
was
joinedby
Anridain. But
Oaaeander,heai^
tng
of thia
expeditioa, sent NtoaKW
againat
him
with his
squadrao,
which was JDereasod to nm"
than a hundred sail
by
tbe
remainingsbipa
"rf
Antigonns.
A battle took
|dacenear Byzan-
titun,
in wluch Cleitus
gaineda brilliaM victory
;
seventeen of the
enemy's
veesris "ei"
sunk,
and
fortytaken,
with alltbeir erewa
;
the
rest
took
leflige
in tbe barbonr of ObaloedmL
But the oonfldenett
eofeadetedlijr
tbia
ttioiBph
turned it into the oaeaaion of a fatal disaater.
Cleitaa drew
np
hi* fleet
on the
Baiapeanritora
in fhncied
aecvity.
But
Antigcnns,
oo the tidings
of the lost
baltie, came to Chaleedon,
and
surprised
tbe victor*
by
a
etratafem
aomediinc
like
Lysaoder'sat
jEgoe-petami.
Be
pteowed
transports
from
Bytantium,
in which he sent
over a
body
of
troops
in the
night
with
oi^ra
to attack tbe
camp
of Cleilua a Ultie before
daybreak,
and directed Mioanor to aail
across with
the remnant of his
fleet,
so as to arrive el the
same time oB^ the coast. Both tbeee
operatiooa
were
completely
successful. The
troops
of
Cleitns on shore were thrown into confusion
by
the sudden attaci;,and fled to their
ahips,
leaving
tfaetr
baggage
and
priaonera
in the enemy's
hands.
They
bad
scarcely
embarked before
Nicanor's fleet waa seen
approaobiag.
It
TREATY WITH CAS8ANDEE
Sl"
An
npoo
them while
they
were bIlIIin
disorder,
and
totally
routed them.
All,except
the idmi-
lal's
galley,
were
captured
with their
crewa.
CteitusbtniBeirescapedonljforthe
tioM. When
ba TBacbed a
place
of
Bafetyon the coast of
Tfaraoe,
he
quiiwd
hia
Teasel,
to return to Ma-
codoaia over laad. Bnt on bis
way
he fell in
with some soldiers "it
Lysimachus,
who slew
hjin,
either for the sake of
plunder,
or as their
iiibR"t'b
eneiuy.
In the mean while
Polysperchon's
affhirs
were
not QMire
proBpeimiB
in the south. His defeat
at
Megalopolis
shook the confidence of his ad-
bereots in
Greece,
and in
many
cities ted to a
caonter-reTohitiotiinfaToorofOassBnder, This
was the effci^ it
produced
at Athens. It bad
beeoiDe clear tliat
Poiysperchon
was less than
erer able lo deliver and
protect
the
city,
and
that to remain in alliance with hint,while Caa-
sander was master of
PirEEoa,
would
subject
it
to the evils of a
lingeringsiege,
to (he ruin of
jta
commerce,
and lo constant
danger
from surprise
and
treachery.ToCassander.onttieother
band,
it was
important,
for the sake of hia infla-
eooe in the rest of
Greece,
to make Athens entirely
bis
own,
by
fair
means. At
length,
one
of hi*
leadingpartisans
ventured to
propose
that a negotiation
should be
opened
with him.
Hie iDOIlon
gave
rise to a violent debate
;
but
the
adTSBtsges
of
peaee
were so evident,that
an
embassy
was decreed to treat with Cassan-
der. The terms he oBered
might appear
liberal
when
compared
witb those which hia (hther
had dictated. Yet the diffbrenoe was rather in
sound than in
substance,so (hr as the freedom
of the
people
was concerned. The
Athenians,
becoming
friends and nlliea of
Caaaaoder,were
to be restored to the
possession
of their
city,
tketr
territory,
their
revenues,
and
ships
;
but
Cassander was to continue to
oceupy Mnnychia
with a
garrison
until he ahonld have
brought
the wsr to an end
.
The Constitution
was to be
altered
only
In two
pointa.
A
qualification
of
property
waa
againrequired
for the franchiae
;
bat it was reduced to Uie hsif of the amoHni
"sed
by ADttpaler.
Another article
stipulated
that the
people
ahonld receive a
govsnior,
under
the title of
guardian
of the
city,'
elected
byCasaander. raocionbad,
in
(act,tboogfa
not
in
name,
exercised snch
authohty
nnder
Antip-
uer ;t aitd,indeed,so
long
as the Macedonian
garriBOcremained,
this was a
very alight
addi-
tiond eneraachment on
liberty.
The
person
whom CaBBBoder chose for this officewas De-
metrina,son of
Phanoatratna,
the Phalerran
;
perhaps
aa ooe who waa well
suited,
both
by
his character and his
privaterelationa,
to act as
mediatOT between
theeontendingparties.
His
firotherHimersna was one
of Uie orators
pnt
to death
by Antipaler,!though
he bimself had
been
recently
forced to
fly
the
city,
as one of
Antipater'a
adherents. He
had,besides,
the
rep-
otation of a
philosoirtier, aimirie
in his
habits,
moderate in his
desires,a lover of literature
sad the arts. In one
point
Cassander's forbearance
vFas
oonapicnauB,
from its contrast
with the conduct both of his father and of P(jy-
"
't-ipMinitr^ wtkiaii,DiDdor.,xnii.,1i.
t Diodor..jciii., 04.
h r^ rSt lAuk
Ap\ivhx^f^-
i la what UiDai wt t.n to ijDdtnUqd tb" EpiplmiEft
sperehon.
He demanded no sacrificesto
polley
or
revenge ;
no decrees of death
or banishment
against
his
political
or
peraenal
enemies.
This
treaty
with Cassander forms an
epoch
of some
importance
in the
history
of Athens
;
and it invites us to
pause
for
a few
moments, to
rRfleeton the destinies and
prospects
of Greece.
So
far,indeed,as
they depended
on tliose of
Athens, they
were darker than erer. She
wa*
about to sink under a
tyranny
more
degrading
and
corrupting
than
any
she had hitherto experienced
: one which tended to make her
more
and more
familiar with the dominion of a
foreign
master, more
willing
to
purchasetranquillity at
tbe
expense ofliberty
end honour. But for the
nation the (Uture was not without its
bright
side. It
was,
indeed,impossible
for tbe moat
sagaoioas
to have foreseen the work which
Cassander was destined to
accomplish
: thai he
Wis about to
revenge
the ruin
of
her ft"edain
in a manner from which her own
humanity
would have recoiled. Bnt it was
apparent
that
a
separation
was
going
forward between Mace- donia
and the Asiatic
provinces
of Alexander's
empire: that Thrace waa
becoming
a distinct,
independentslate, from which Greece had little
to
fear,
and much to
hope.
There
waa gmund
to believe that the time
might
not be far flistant
when the ruler of Macedonia
might
find an
equal
alliance with Greece
necessary
to hie
safety,
and when it
might
even be desirable for her
that he should be a man
of
energy
and talents
like
Cassander,
rather than one
sg
feeble and
contemptible asPolysperchon.
Even,
apart
from
these
calculations,
the slnrious resistance which
Megalopolis
alone bad
opposed
tn the whole
power
of Macedonia,
might
well iiave stirred
every
Greek bosom with
joy
and
hope.
It
proved
that the nation had not
yet very deeply
degenerated
from her heroic anceators
;
that
she was still
worthy
of her
bright
inheritance
of fame :
it showed what her united
strength
might
Blilleflhct if it was roused for a common
cause,
if a
deliverer should
step
forth
superior
to the
pettyjealansy,
to tbe narrow
ambition,
which liad so
long
divided and wasted
it,
and
capable
of
controllmg
and
directing
it to a
worthy
end. The
event,however,depended
on
the issue of the
stru^le
between Cassander
and
Poiysperchon,
and of that in which Aa-
tigonua
was about to
engage
with his rivals in
the
East,
and then on the
position
in which the
conquerors might
be
jiaoed
towards one aa-
CHAPTER LYin.
" oiSBitniB'a ooDirpinoit ov
t 811 1.0.
VfaiLM
AntigoDua
was
engaged,
as we hare
seen,
on the western coast of
Asia,
Eumenes
had availed himself of the leisurethua afforded
him to take
posaesaion
of tbe
authority
with
which he was invested
by Poiysperchon.
It
was a task of infinite
dilSculty
and
danger.
He
was soon forced to
quitCappadocia,by
tbe arrival
ofMenander and a
body
of
troops,
sent iit
pursuit
of
hirabvAntigonus.By
a foiced march
he cnmsed the
Taurua,
and in Ciliciamet An-
3ie
HISTOnr OF GREECE.
tigenea
and Tcutamus.
They
submitted to the
royd tuaadate,
and received him wiili
respect
as commander-in-chief The
jealousy
of the
Macedonians was subdued
by
admiration ofhis
genius,
and
bysympalliy
wlLb itie
strange
vicia-
situdes of his rortune. Ttie
guardians
of the
treasury
at Quinda
also surrendered it to his
disposal Still,
he saw himself surrounded
by
officers of
highspirit
and ambitious
views,
who
looked
upon
lliemBeWeE as
personallysuperior
to the
rcreigner
whom accident had
placed
above them, and
by troops,proud
of their services,
spoiledby
license and
flattery, impatient
of
discipline
and suburdi nation. He
perceived
that their
fidelity
could
only
be secured
by
the
most studied show of moderation and
hamitity ;
that tie
mtisc
keep
his
personalpretensions
as
much as
possible
in the
background,
and
put
forward the
legitimate authority,
in the name
of Whicli he claimed their obedience. Ho therefore
declared at once that he would not accept
the 600 lalenta which had been
assigned
to bim
for the
supply
of his own wants. He had none
which
requiredso
large
a sum :
he had no
private
aims ; be was
merely
the servant of the
royalfamily,
and had
reluctantly
nndertaken the
difficultolBce with which be had been intrusted.
The more
effectually to
suppress
the
spirit
of
rivaliy
and
discord,
he
pretended
to have been
favoured with a dream,
in which he had seeu
Alexander,as when
alive,airayed
in the ensigns
of
royalty,
seated in hia
tent,
and
despatching
affairs of state
;
and he
proposed
that
they
shoald erect a
magnificent tent,
should
place
a
golden
throne in the centre, on which should be
laid a
diadem,sceptre,
and
royalapparel,
and
that there
Ihej
should transact business :
the
presence
of the
departedking.
All
pleased
with the
thought;
and in this fons the
councils were held. Eachofthe
generals,
when
iie entered the
tent,
burned incense on an altar
in front of the tbrmie,
and adored Alexander
a
god,
and then took bis
place
on one of the
seats which were
ranged
on each side of the
throne. The
awe of an invisible
presence
we
felt,
in some
measure, by
those who thus met
and the multitude was
prepared
to revere ordei
which issued from a [jace where
they migl
seem to be
suggestedby
Alexander
himself,
while
Eumenes, without
prejudice
to bis authority
and
inSnence,could,on these
occasions,
prepervc
the
appearance
of
perfectequality
with
his officers.
While he declined the
royalbounty
for himself,
he made free use of the Ireasores at Quinda
for the
public
service. He sent his friends to
levy troops
in the
neighbouringprovinces
of
Asia
Minor,
and in
Syria,Phcenicia,
and
Cyprus,
with oflers of
largepay,
which drew
many
Greeks,as well as Asiatics,
under his standard.
In a short time he had collected
10,000
foot and
2000 horse
;
so that,
with the
Argyraspids
and
the
troops
which he
brought
with
him,
his
army
may
have fallen
not far short of
20,000men.
Bolh
Ptolemy and
Antlgonus
were alarmed
at the
progress
which be
appeared
to be
making,
and
both,nearly
at the same
time, set
similar
enginesat work
against
him.
Ptotcmy
sailed
in
person
with an armament to
Cape Zcpbyrium
near the mouth of the
Calycadnus.
in Cilicia
and, while he
stayedthere,sent a
message
ti
the
generals
of the Argyraspids,
urging
them
army ;
utd another to the commanders at
Quinda, protesting against
their surrender of
the treasure,
and
offering
his
protection
to them
if
they
would resist the demands of Eumenes.
Ptolemy,however, inspired
neither fear nor re-
spect
sufficient to counterbalance the
royal
authority,
and no attention was
paid
to his messages.
Antigonus
sent a confidential
agent,
named
Philutaa,to the
camp
of
Eumenes, with
a letter addressed to the
Argyraspids
themselves,
and
to the other Macedonians iii his aer*
accompaniedby thirty
Macedonians, selected
for their
volubility
and
address,
with is-
timiB to
engage Anltgnes
and Teutamos.
and as
many
more as
they
could,
by
bribes and
promises,
in a
conspiracyagainst
their chief.
Teutamua
grasped
at their
iriTcrs,
and tried to
persuade
his
colleagues
to concur with turn.
But
Antlgenes
bad a clearer view of their common
interest,
and convinced Teutamua that it
was not Eumenes, a
foreigner,
who would never
venture to
injurethem,
but
Antigonus,
whoaa
ambition was
ready
to level all before
it,
that
should be the
object
of their
jealousy.
The letter
broughtby
Philotas
was read to the soldiers
in (he- absence of
Eumenes, and, st first,
produced
a
strong impression
on their minds. It
exhorted them
immediately
to arrest
Eumenes,
and
put
him to death, and threatened that otherwise
AntigonoB
would march
against
them wilti
all his
forces,
to
punish
their disobedience.
But when Eumenes
appeared
and read the letter,
he made a
speech
which
dissipated
their
fears,
confirmed their
loyalty
to the
royalbouse,
and
strengthened
their attachment to himself.
The
occurrence,
however,
admonished liim to
quicken
hia
preparations
for war. He
soon
after marched into Phcenicia to collect a
fleet,
which
might
secure the command of the sea for
Polysperchon,
and enable him to
transport
bis
Ibrces into
Asia,
to meet
Antigonus
whenever
be would. Another
object
of this movement
was,
it
seems,
to wrest
Syria
from
Ptolemy.
But before he had
accomplishedeither,be found
himself
compelled
to
quit
the coast and to retire
into the
upper
provinces,by
the
approach
of
Antigonus
himself. He had received a warning
in the loss of a
squadron
of Phoenician vessels
which waa bringingtreasure to him from
Quinda.
It was mooicd near Cape Roasus,
when the fleet of
Antigonus
was seen
sailing'
by,
adorned with the
trophies
of the recent victory
over CleituB.
Sosigenes,
the commander
of the
squadron,
was on shore
wailing
for a
calmer sea.
The Phceniciau sailors
plundered
the
treasure,
and surrendered their
ships
to the
enemy.*
After his
victory
near
Byzantium,Antigonus
no
lunger
entertained
any
fear of an attack froia
Polysperchon.
Itwas not bis interest immediste-
ly
to decide the contest for the
possession
of
-Macedonia,hut rather to let the two
parlies
spend
their
strength
and waste its
resources;
and since Cassander
appeared
now to be
quite
able to maintain his own
cause,
there was do
farther need of his
presence
near the Helles- pont.
The
preparations
of Eumenes were assuming
a
threatening aspect ;
and after the fail-
"
Polr"o^
IV
ogle
PITHON AND SELEUCUS." ANTIGONUS AT SUSA. SIT
"re of the
attempt
made
ihnnigbPbilotua, Ad-
tigookis
selected
20,000 inranlry
and 4000 cavalry
from the
mass
of his
Torccs,
and advanced
wjlh (be utmost
apead
iuto Cilicia. He
came,
however, too late to overtake
Eumenea, who
had
already set out on liis march towards the
Eupbraiea. Antigonus
Ibliawed him into Meeo-
potomU,
and Ibere
put
bis
array
inio winter
quartera.
Eutnenes toek
up
bia in
Babylonia,*
and entered into
negotiation
with 8eleucu" and
Pithun,
who were both at Babylon,
to
perauade
ihem to
join
in tbe defence of the
royal
authority
againstAntigonus. They profeaaed
tliem-
aelves
ready
to serve the
royal bouse,
but declared
that
they
would never submit to the or-
dera or
Eumenes,
a condemned criminal
;
and
the;
sent an
envoy
to
Antigenes
and the
Argy-
raspids.calling
on them to
depoae
him from bis
command. But tbe
fidelity
of the Macedonians
seemed oow so
secure,
that such
atlempta only
afforded a fresh
opportunity
for the
dispiaj
of
their zeal in his behalf. When the aeaaon
permitted,
he resumed bia march eastward. Hia
first
objectwaa to
gam
Suss,
and make bimaelf
master of the (reaaurea
remaining
there. At
tbe
passage
of the
Tigris
he encountered aome
reaistaace from Seleucus and
Pitbon,tbougli
their forces were not sufficient to meet liim in
open
battle. But while be
lay
on the nestem
Bide,they
cut the bank of a canal and flooded
his
cunp.
He waa reduced to
greatdanger
and
distreaa until he diaoovered tbe bed of
another,
which he cleared
out,
and thua drew off tha
waters. Seleucus waa now anxious to delirer
bis
province
from this formidable
enemy,
and
consented to a
truce,
that he
might
cross the
liver without molesiatioD
: at the same time,be
^prized Antigonus
of the
event,
and
nrged
him
to advance without
delay,
before the
satraps
of
the
upper provincea
shoijd
have
brought
their
forces down into his
territory.
This coalitionof tbe eaatem
aatrapa,againat
which Seleucus
sought
the aid of
Antigonus,
had been caused
by
Pithon'a indiscreet amhi"
tion. He had
put to death
Philippus,
tha satrap
of
Parthia, and had
^^Muted
hia
own
brother,Eudamiu,
in his room. This fiolent
proceeding,
while it
hatriyed
his
aspiring view*,
alarmed all the
aUrapa
who had been
jdaoed
imder bia
aothoiiQrby
the
partition
of
Trqwrlf
disus.
Tbe;
formed a
leagueagainathim,
debated
him in
battla,
and drove him ont of Par- thia.
Even in his own
province,Media, be did
not feel
aecure,
and bad
repaired
to
Babylonto
engage
Seleucus in his interest. It
is not clear
why
Seleucus
espoused
bis
cause,
and still
leas
why Aotigonua
declared himself on the
same
aide;
since neither Piifaon nor Seleucus was
strong
enonn,, to
oppose
him, and,b;
a diSbr-
ent
course,
he
might
have
deprived
Eumenea
of
many powerful
alliea. Enmenaa bad trana-
milted the
royal
letlera to the
satraps,
who will-
injjiy promisedobedience,and,according
to his
dirpctiotiSi advanced lo meet him in Susiana.
The
principal
confederates were Peucesies, the
sairap
of Persia, Foieino of
Carmania, Sibur-
tius of
AracbOBlB, Oxyartes
of
Paropamisua,
who had sent his
contingent
under the command
of
Androbazua, Stasander of Aria and
Drangiana,
who also
broughtabodyof
Bactrian
troops,
and
Eudamus, who,
atler Alexander's
death,
had assaasinated
Porua,
and made himself
master of lîO
elephants.
Eumenes thua
found himself
joinedby
an
array
of little less
than
20,000
foot and 6000 horse,
besides the elephants
which Eudamns had
brought
with him.
But in
proportion
to the
megnttude
of this re-
enforcement was tbe
difficulty
of
preserving
harmony
and subordination
among
the leaders.
Feucestes,who, as tbe
highest
in rank, and aa
governor
of the
province
which famished the
largestamount of
troops,
had hitherto held the
chief
command, was not
willing
lo
resigniti
and
Antigenea,
as the leader of the
vetersna
who had shared the
glory
of all Alexandar'a
conquests,
would not
acknowledge a
superior.
Eumenea could not venture to
orge
bis own
pretensions,
and had needof
allhisdexteritrto
prevent
a fatal
rupture
between tbem. He n-
Borted to his old
expedient,
and
persuaded
thsm
not to elect
any
one commaDder'io."hief.hat to-
deliberate
together,
with the ceremonies before
adopted,
as in Alexander's
presencer
Tber"
was,
however, one
importantadvantage
which
he reserved for himself.
Xenophilus,
the
governor
of the citadel at Snsa, complied
with tbe
royal orders,
which directed that Eumenea
alone should
dispose
of tbe treasure. From
this he drew six mooths'
pay
for ClieMacedooi-
ana,
while tbe
aatrapa
mainlaii"ed their own
troops,
and eecnred the attachment of Bad^
mua
b;
a
grant
of 800
talents,
nomin^tjr
to d"-
fray
the
expense
of Uie
elephants,
which were
deemed
an arm of
peculiarimportance.
The
intelligence
of Uieir anion induced An- tigonus,
who was on tbe
point
of
setting
out in
pursuit
of
Eumenes, to wait some time
lon^
in
Mesopotamia, to atnngtfaen
himself with
ftesh teviea. He then nuirdied to Babylon,
"nd
hsTing
conclnded an kUiance with Pitbon
and
Selenous,
and
joined
their
troops
to his
arm;,
crossed the
Tigris,
ind advanced to"
wards Suso.
Eumenes,
when he heard of his
approach,prevailed
on tbe confederates to retreat,
and to take
up
a
position
behind the Pa-
sitigris, extending
their lines as far as the coast.
To defend this
longrange
of
country,
he induced
Feuceates to send for an additional
body
of
10,000
bowmen from
Persia,
which is said to
have been collected in a
surprisingly
short time
by
a chain of oral
signals.
On his arrival at
Susa, Antigonus
bestowed the
salrap;
on Sele- ucus,
and, as Xenophilus
refused to surrender
the
citadel,
lefl bim with a
body
of
troops
to
beaiege it,
while he himself marched forward to
the
Cciprales.
The river was not fordable
;
and
he could collect but few
transports.
In these
he sent a division of hia
array
across, hut,
he-
fore he could
join
It with the main
body,
it was
attacked
hy Eumenes. aiid
ciimpletely
routed.
The
fugitives
crowded into the boats,which
sank ander their
weight
""
numbers
periahod
in
318 HISTORY OP GnBBCE.
tha Tirta : 4000 were fonMd to "aTrender. This
dtiaBtei indaced
Antiganus
to fallback on (he
EulBUB
:
oud he lost so
raaay
of his men oa itie
march, through
the heat of the
weather,
that
be resolved tu
change
his
route, and
proceed
to
Ecbaiaaa,
with the
hope,
it
aeeina.
that the con~
federacymight
be broken
up by
the danger which
threatened the eastern
pruvinceB.
I'd avoid
the
heat,
he took the shortest road,
which led
tbrougb
the Coasxan
highlands,
but soBered
great loas,
and
narrowly escaped dealructian,
fitim the attacks of the siill
unconqoered
mountaineers.
So
many
of the horses and other beasts
bad
perished
in this
march, that he was
obliged
to send Pitbon to collect a fresh
supjriy
from the
iledian
pastures.
His EAen bad
begun
to murmur
at the
hardshipsthey
bad
nodergvne,
but
were soothed
by
his
liberality,
when
Python
re-
tunied, bringiog
not
only
a namber of beasts
saScient to
repair
their
losses,
but 600 talents
collected for the
royal
revenue.
His
movement, as he had
foreae"D,
created
perplexity
and discord
among
the aUies. 'An-
tigenes,
snd Eumenea
hiiatelf,
with all who
had followed them from the
West, thought
it
most 'adviaabte to return and take
advantage
of his ^"9enae in the rasritime
provinces.
But
the
satrapa,
who were
alarmed for their own
paesessioDS,
refused to leave them
exposed
to
Oe
enemy ;
and
Eumenes,
seeing
that,unless
he
oomplied
with their wishes, the
confederaey
would be
dissolved,
cooaented to maroh into
Persis. On their arrival at
Fervspnlis,
the
"irmy
was entertained
by
Peuoesles with a sao-
rifiee in honour of
Philip
snd
Alexander,
to
whom altars were erected
by
the side of those
of the
gods,
and a
magnificentbanquet,
which
"o woo their hearts,(hat
Eumenes, to
preserve
bis owu inBuence,forged
a letter,which be
pTB-
tended to have received from
Oronles,
satrap
of
Armenia, a friendof
Peuoesles,announcing
that
Olympias tiad
returned to Macedonia with
her
grandson,
that Cassander was slain, and
that
Polyspercbonhad crossed over into
,
with an
army,
and was
already
in
Cappadi
All
eyes
were now turned with
respect
and
anxiety
towards
Eumenes, as the future dis- penser
of
royal
favours and
puniahmenta;
and
he made
nse of this
impressiontu
bring
Sibar-
tiue,
the moat intimate friend of
Peucestes,to
trial,
and forced him to
fly
for his life. Eume- nes,
howeveT. won the
good
will of Peucestes
by friendly
words and
liSaral
promises
;
and,
to
secure the attaobment of the officers whom he
most
suspected,pretendedto be in want
money,
and borrowed
large
sums of them
the
king'sname.
In the midst of these festivitiesand
rejoicings
for
imaginarysuooess,
the
enemy
was almosl
forgotten, when
tiding*
came that
Antigonua
was on his march towards Persis. Eumenes
carried a resolution lo advance end
give
him
battle. On
the
road,
he was seised with illness,
the
eflect,
it is
eaid,
of unusual
intemperance
at a
hanqnelwhich he
gave,
as
if
to vie
with Peucestes : he was
obliged
lo halt for
some
days,
in
great danger,
and remained so
weak that he lethimself be carried in a litter
the
rear,
white Peucestes and
Anligenes
coi..
manded in his stead. But when the
enemy
suddenlycame in
sight,
the foremost ranks of
the cobimn
halted,and, groundingtheir i
refused to
proceed
unti) Gumenea aboold
pot
himself at
tfeeir
head. When he learned what
had
happened,
be ordered himself to be transported
with the utmost
speed
to the front,
and
as he
approached,causing
the curtains of his
litterto be withdrawn on each side,waved his
hand towards them.
They,
in
return, greeted
with shouts and the clash of their
arms,
and
loudlyexpressed
their
eagerness
to meet
the
enemy,
and he
immediatelybegan
la form
his line of battle.
Antigonus,
who had heard
of his illness,and had
quickened
bis march to
take
advanfl^
of
it,
when he observed the dispositions
that had been made to receive
him,
and saw the litter
moving
Irom one
wing
to the
other,
remarked to his
friends,
with the loud
lau^
with which he
usuallyaceotnpaaied
his
good things,
"
The
enemy's
tactics seem to be
in that
litter;"
but he
immediately
gave
the
signal
for
retreat,* and look
up
a
strongposition
behind
a ravine intersected
by
a rtver. Eameoes
encamped
not far olf on the other side. Nei- ther
general
rentored to
begin
the atta"A,
and
they
remained several
days
inactive t
During
"
is interval
Antigonus
made another
attempt
gain
over (he
hostile
Macedonians and their
chiefs,
by promises
tlul the
satraps
should re-
their
provinces,
and that the men EhouM
snt hack to Hieir
country
with honour and
largedonativee,or should be taken into ttisown
"ervice. The
Macedonians, however,
etill adhered
finnly
to
Eumenes,
who
exposed
the
perfidy
of bis
adversary's
ofiers
by
tbe faWe of the
lion,who was
persuaded
to
put
with hie teeth
and claws.
Antigonus
now found
itneceHsaryto-decamp,
as both armies were
suKring
from
scarcity
of
provisions.
Eumenes divined that hie intentioa
was to reach
Gabiene, a distriot of
Elymais,
hitberto untouched,
and
capable
of
eupfriying
all his wants. He himaelf had the same object,
and
gained
tbe start of
Antigonus by a
stratagem,
but afterward let himself be deceived
ID his
turn,
and was
obliged
to
give
battle.
Their forces were
prettyequally
balanced : Alt-
tigonus
was
stronger
in
cavalry,
Eumenes had
a
greater
number of
elephants.
But after a
day's
hard
fighting,
in which
Demetrius,
tbe
"on of
Antigonus,
lai the first time headed a
brigade
of
horse, no decisive
advantage
had
been
gained
on either side, Tbe number of
killed and wounded
was. indeed,greater
on that
of
Antigonus
;
end there
prevailed
in his
Eurmj
a
general
conscionanesa of defeat. Tet he was
aUe toretumfirstto the fieldand
bur7
bis
dead,
because Enmenes could not
prevail
on bis men
to
encamp
at a distance from their
baggage,
so
tliat he found it
necessary
to
apply
to
Aitigo-
nos.
as
oonqueror,
for leave to
barj
his slain.
But the
troops
of
Antigonus
were an disheartened,
that he resolved to
resignpossession
of
Gabiene to the
enemy,
and to lalu
up
his
quarters
in a distant
part
of
Media,
and he detained
the berald of Eumenes until be bad finished the
preparations
for bis retreat.t Enmenea did not
think it
prudent
lo
pursue
him. as bis own men
needed refreshment and
repose;
and aAer a
magnificeot
interment of his
slain,in which tbe
Hb Hcrtm to Imcrtvnolhinr ef Pin-
1, luwrTir, ipi"ui
lo tw
tilljhM-
hti..Ill,,
a.
PeljvBU, ir.,t,l".
STRATAGEM OF ANTIGONUS." THE BATTLE. St9
baemnaw
widow of
an Indian officermoanted the funeral
pile,
be raarcbed into Gabiene.and
put
his
armj
into e"Dtoniiiente for the winter.
The
part
uf Media in which
Antigonas
wintered
was within nine
dajs'
march of Gabiene
bj
the most
direct road
;
but ibia road led
thiougb
an arid desert.
Antigonus,
howeyer.
resolved to
attempt
to
surprise
the
enemy.
He
set out in the
depth
of
winter,havingsptead
the belief that Armenia was the
nbject
of his
expedition,
and
haxing
ordered the men to
provide
theinselTes with victuals for ten
days,rMdj
dreea"d. To ensure
aecrecy,
he forbade them to
kindle fires
during
the
night.
But the
aeverit;
of Uie cold forced Ihera to
neglect
tbia
prohibition,
and when
tbej
were within three or four
i"j"'
march of their
dettinatioD,
the
camp-ftrea
betrayed
their
approach.
The
lidinga
were carried
with the utmost
speed,by
oouriera mounted
eo dromedaiies, to the
headquarters
of the
dlied
aatrapa,
and
plunged
tbena into conster-
BBtion. It eeemed certain that
Antigonoa
would ftU
upon
them before
they
could collect
their
troope
from the
villages
where
they
were
cantoned,
which were
spread
over a
great
extent
of
ooantty,
Peoeeates
prcfMMed
to retreat
to the
oppositeeztremity
of the
province,
where
tbeymight,
at
lesst,
reassemble a
part
of tiieit
fiwce before the
enemy
came
up.
Euiuenes
ahme
preaerred
bis
presence
of
mind,
and waa
ready
with
an expedient
to
'
ey.
He saw
that the tnov
Penoeatea was likelyto be
tal diovolntion of the
confederacy,
and he on-
dertook to
stop
the
progresa
of
Antigonuslong
enongta
to aflbrd them time to
bring
all tlteir
troops together.
The desert tract which Ad-
tigDDus
waa
croMing,
in
great part level,was
boonded on the aide of Oabiene
by a tidge
of
high
bills. On their smnmita Eumenes eaoaed
a number oflirea W be
lighted,
ao ""
to|"eeeiit
tlie
appearaoee
of a
great enoatuptuent.
The
biaxe
was seen ftr and wide
;
and
Antigovus
was warned Utat his
approach
had been dieoo*-
"ed,UKl
that the
enemy appealed
to be-eseen-
bled in Ibll force to receive bim. Ae he did not
ventme to
ezpoae
hia
wayworn troops
to the
chance of an
engagement,
he turned aside out
of tbe
dBserl,
and halted some
daya
to refresh
them.
During
this
interval,Eumenes fortified
kla
camp,
laid in
an abundant stock of
provia-
iooa,
and was rejoinedby
hia whole force except
the
elephaota, wbicb, however,
ataa reaeb-
ed the
eamp
in
nfe^, notwithntaoding an ai-
tnnpt
which
AniigonuB
made to
intmcept
them.
lite
two armies renvunod
only a few
daya
within a abort distance of
eacb
other before
theyjoined
battle. Eumenes now had a
great
advantage
in numbers. His
infantry
amounted
to near 37,000 men
;
that of
Antigonus to no
BM"e than
83,000.
But the
cavalry
of
Anltgo-
nu was
nearly 10,000 strong;
that of Eu- menes
scarcely
exceeded 6000. The
spirit
of
his
army
was excellent. But on tbe eve of the
battle he
discovered,through
the information
of Endamas and another
officer,who, as hia
creditors,
felt an interest in his
safety,
that the
principalsatraps,
at the
instigation
of
Antig-
cnea and
Teutamua,
inflamed with
jealousy,
stronger
than
ever,
of his
growing popularity,
bad resolved to
get
rid of bira as soon as he
should have won them B
victoryover Antigo-
nus.
He
had,
it
seems,
a fbw friends whom he
still
trusted,
and with them be is said
to have
deliberated whether he should not abandon hia
faithless associates" ~a herd of wild
beasts,aa
he
justly
called them*--"Dd even to have made
his
will,
and burned such of his
papera
as
might
involve the writers in
danger
afler his death.
But it seems that he at last determined to commit
himself to the
good
will of tbe
troope,
who
manifested
extraonlinary
leal. The
Argyraa-
pids,notwithstanding
their
age.
believed,themselves,
and were
commonly
believed to be Bt
most invincible. Just before the signal waa
raised for the
onset, Antigeoes
ordered
a horse- man
to ride
up
within
hearing
of that
part
of
the
enemy's
line where the Macedonians were
stationed,
and to admonish Ihem that
they
were about to
begin
an unnatural combat
mth
their fathers
;
the veterana to whom
Philip
and Alexander owed all their
oonqoestB,
and
who would stillshow themselves
worthy
of the
renown
they
had earned in ao
many
gloriona
fields. This address made siHiie
impreflaion
on the
ttoope
of
Antigonus; muimure wen
beard
among
them,
which ahnwad that
they
painfuDy
feltita truth
;
while,
on tbe other
side"
the men
loudly
demanded to be led
against
tbe
AiitigoDiiB had collected the main
etrengtfa
of his
cavalry
in the
rightwing,
where be commanded
in
peraon
with hia son Demetrius. To
meet this
disposition,
Gumenee
strengthened
his leftwith the beat
part
of his
cavalry
and et
ephante.andtheAigyraspida,
and took hie
at".
tion
there,together
with moat of th^
satraps.
His
ri^t
wing
be
placed
under the coramuid
of
PhiUppua,
with orders to avoid an
engagement,
W
to wait the iasue of that which was
to
begin
on his
right.
The event of the
battle,
however,
waa not determined either
by
tbe
tactics of the
generals,
or
by
the valour of the
men,
but
by
the nature of the
ground
on which
they fought.
It was a
plain,
covered with
fine,
loose sand, partly
covered with a salt
cniQt;
and the
trampling
of the horsea and men soon
raised a cloud of duet,
through
which no
object
oould be discerned at more than a few
yarda
diatanoe. It is not
quite
dear whether it waa
to
escape
Aom this
annoyance,
and to
gain
a
part
of the fieldwhere he
might
see the
enen^
better,or from want of
spirit,
or with a treacli"
erous
purpose,
that Peuceetes did not
wait to
receive the
diarge
of
Antigonos,
but wheeled
off with hia division of
cavtdry,
which amounted
to 1600 men.
Eumenes, thongh
so much
weakened, maintained the
unequal
combat for
a time, but at lengthwas forced to retreat,and
moved oS' in good order to the
right,
to
re-en.^
force bimaelf with the
troops
of
Philippus,
which were not
yet engaged.
But in the
mean
while Antigonus
had obtained a more
impoi^
tant advantagethrough
the dust which darkened
the air. He was
enabled to send
some se"
lect
squadrons
of horse ronnd to the
enemy'a
camp,
aa
under cover of
night. They
reached
it unobeerved,
routed the
troope
which had
been left to
ârd
it,
and made themselvei
mastera of aD it
contained,
which included the
wives and children of the
Argyraspids,
and aU
the
earnings
of their
long
services. The Ar-
3S0 HISTORY OP GREECE.
grnuipida
snstained their
reputation
in the hut-
tie
;
and, although
Diodonis must be
exagger- ating
their
exploits
whnn he
says
that
they
killed 6000 of the
enemy,
and
yet
did not lose
a man, thfl suecefls of the
infantry
of Eiunenes
"was
probably
due
chiefly
to them. But when
the combat of the
cavalry
was
decided,Antig-
onus divided his into two
bodies,
and
while,
with one
of
them, he himself walched the
nravements of
Euraenes,
he sent Pithon with
tlie rest U"
chaise
the
Argyraspids. They,
however,
gave
proof
of their wonied coolness
and
soldiership ; though they
had no horse to
protect them, they
formed themselves into a
"qoare,
which Pithon found himself oneble to
force,
and retired in
safety
from the field
;
and
then discovered the
irreparable
loss
they
had
"uRercd.
Wlien
night
had
parted
the
combatants,
Eu-
Tuenes and the
satraps
held
a cooncil of war.
Eumenes wished to renew the battle the next
day,obsHrring
that their
infantry
had be"n victorious,
and
even the
cavalry
had not been defeated.
But the
satraps,thinking
this too
great
" risk,proposed
to retreat into the
upper provinces.
Both
parties
adhered to their
opinions,
"nd the council broke
Qp
without
any
decision.
There
was,
however, a third
party,
which
they
had not
consulted,
but which soon made its
"entiments known. TTie
Argyraspids
were fu-
liouB at the
discovery
of their
loss,indignant
at the conduct of
Peuceates,
which seemed to
fcave
deprived
them of the
victory,
wten itwas
already
in their
hands, incapable
of
any thought
fcul the immediate
recovery
of their families
and
property.
When
they
learned the
subject
on which the cnuncil had been
divided,they
londly
declared
that,
while all that was dear to
them
was in the
enemy's
power,
they
would
neither
fighlnor retreat :
"
What bad
thpy
any
longer
either to
hope
or to fear V AU
feelings
of
loyalty
and honour were now
extinguished
;
the
onlyexpedient
that seemed to he left to
them was to
applyto
Antigonus
for the restitution
of what
they
had lost,
Teotamas,
who
had
always
been inclined to
change sides,and
now
probably
saw no other
way
to
preserve
his
authority,
himself
opened a secret
negotiation
with
Antigonus, Antigonus was
willing
"ot
only
to
grant
Iheir
request,
hot to confer
other favours on them if
they
would enter into
bis
service,
and deliver Eumenes into his
hands. These
terras were
accepted,
and the
Argyraspidsprepared
to execute theii treacherous
purpose.
A number of them entered the
tent of Eumenes
together,
under various
pretexts,
wrested his
dagger
from
him,
overpowered
him,
and fastened his hands behind his
back with his own belt."
Antigonus
was immediately
appriied
of the
event,
and sent an
officer named Nieanor to take
possession
of
the
prisoner.
He
earnestlyentreated, it is
aaid,
that he
might
be allowed to die. either
by
their hands or
by
his
own,
before he was surrendered
to the
enemy ;
on
that
condition,
he
was
ready
to
acquit
them of the
guilt
of treachery
;
but he could
not obtain even this last favour.
Antigonus,
who had not
dropped
all
hope
of
engaging
him in his own
service,
ordered
him to be commitlert to the closest cus-
tody
until his fate should be detemfned-
When the
question
was dismissed in the
conii'
ell,
two voices
only pleaded
for his
life;hia
old friend
Nearchus,
and the
young
Demetriua,
who was
capable
of admiration for a noble adversary.
Nor. perhaps,
was
Antigonus
himself,
though,
it is said, violently
incensed
against
the
prisoner,entirely
callous to such
feelings ;
hut in him
they
were
speedily
overpowered
by
the remonstrances of hie other
generals,
who, each
regarding
Eumenes
as a
rival,pressed
for his execution,
and
even
threatened,
if he were
spared,
to
quit
the service
of
Antigonus.
The
army,
ton,
or at least
the wretches who had
betrayedhim, began
to
be clamorous for his life
;*
and
Antigonuswaa
forced to
giveway.
He was stillso reluctant
to shed the blood of the man who had once
been his
fHend, that,
with cruel
superstition,
he ordered his food to be withdrawn. Bnt as
the
camp
was broken
up
two or three
daya
after,the
prisoner
was despatched,
before he
sank under the lomienta
of
hunger,
either
by
command of
Antigonus
or to
salis^
sonie moT"
jealousor more
merciM
enemy.
So
perished,
in the
forty-fifth year
of hia
age,
the ablest and
best of Alexander's
survivingcaptains
;
if we
ought
not rather V"
say,
the
only
one wtio united
very
eminent abilities with a character eo-
titled to
respect.
His talents and
teal,
with
which he
might
have conferred
important
benefits
on his
conntry,
were
wasted in the service
of
foreignere,
who could never
forgive
the
superiority
of a Greek. It not
only
interfered
with the ambitious views of his
rivals,
but
shocked the
self-complacency
"
always
strongest
in the most haTbarons and worthless races
" with which a nation of
military boors,
intoxicated
with the
good
fortune which had mada
them the instruments of
great achievements,
regarded
itself as the first
peo|de
on the earUi.
No
opposition,
It
seems, was offered
by
the
rest of the
army
to the
mutiny
of the
Argyras- pids
;
and tile "urreDder of Enmenea was
presently
followed
by
the sabmisnon
of
almoat aU
the allied
satraps
and their forces- Peucestes
was
among
the firstto fUl in with the
cintent,
and
joinedAntigonus
with hia
10,000
Peiaiana.
The blame of their resistance
was,
of
course,
thrown
upon
Eumenes
;
and
Antigonus
receiv.
Bd their excuses
graciously;
be
exceirtedonly
a few,
who had shown either
personal
attachment
to Eumenes or
hostility
to himself An-
tigenes
had excited his
specialresentment, as
the man who had baffled his
early attempts
to
corrupt
the
Ai^raspids.
He was
now, by
order
of
Antigonus,
cast into a
pit,
and bamed
"
e. Eudamus, Celbanus,
and some others,
e likewise condemned to death. Thnswas
league
of the eastern
satraps suppressed,
and the
royal
house lost the
only
man who had
shown a true devotion to its
cause,
and
able
efTectually
to
support
it.
Antigonns
now
only
to make use of the
advantage
he
had
gained,quietly
to remove all the obstacles
which still
opposed
the
accompiishmeni
of hia
He soon quitted
Oabiene to take
up
hia
quav- ers
for the rest of the winter near Ecbatana,
nd cantoned his
army
in the northern dis-
ricis of
Media, chiefly
in the
territory
of
TITHON." FLIGHT OF SELEUCUS.
RJngK.
While it remHiDftl here,
he receiTed
udbnBation tint Pittian wu
endeavouring,by
a free diMribntion of
nioney,
to draw as
mnay
a" be could of the acattered dirinonB into faia
own
serylee,
and was
meditating
" sudden attack
npoB
him. He disaembled his
purpose,
aflbctsd to treat the
leportB
he received with
indignation,as
foil;
assared of Pitbon'R fidelity,
and
putdicjy
announced his intention to
leave the
satrap
of Media in the station he had
before
ocfmpied
" the
mperintendence
of the
eastern
proTincea.
When be had allowed snf'
ficienl time for his
language
to reach Pitbon's
"ar,
he wrote to a
"prize
him that he was on
the
point
of
letuming
to the
West,
and deaiied
his immediate
presence,
to confer with him on
ad"iis of tlie
highest
moment. Pithon feL
blindly
into ttie snare
;
he
came, expeeUng,
according
to the information he had received
from hiB
frienda, that be was to be invested
with the
goremment
of the East. But Antis-
ooas
brought
bim to trial before his
council,
and caiued him to be condemned and immediately
pttt
to death. The
satrapy
of Media he
coDunitted to
OnmtobateB, a natire of the
country,
and
appointedHippoatratus
to the
tnilitarT
command with a
body
of 3000 Asiatic
troops.
He then collected bis
forces,and,
proceeding
to Ecbatana, took
possession
of I
tressare
tetnalDingtbare,
which amoanted
GOOD
talents,and set out on his mareh to P
sepolis.
While be was on the
road,a feeble
attempt
was made
by
two
generals,Meleagei
and
Mentetas,
nito had
engaged
in Pithon'i
plot,
to excite an insurrection in
Media, and
theynearlysurprised
the
camp
of the
new satrap
and
HippostratUB
;
but the revolt was soon
sappreased,
and the leaders
punished
with
death.
In
PetaiB,Antigonnswas rsceived with
royal
hoDonre, and be held a coancil to deliberate
"o the distributiim of the
eastern
provinces
Moat oTtiie
more distant he
thought
it
prudent
to leave in the hands of tbe
satraps
who had
hitherto beld
tbem,
who could
only
have been
lemoved
by
Ibree
;
and he sent for Siburtius
Awn
Aranhosia,as assured of his attachment
by
his
enmity
to
Eumenea,
confirmed him in
tlie
possession
of bis
satrapy,
and
[daced
the
moat turbulent of the
Argyraspids
under hit command,
with secret instructions to
employ
them,
by
small
parties
at a time, in services which
would enenre their deetmction. This number
included the men to whom he had been
chiefly
indebted Ibr the snrrender of
Enmenes,
who
thus received the
Jqbi recompense
of their
treachery.
Penis was too
important
a
ptov-
ioce to t"eleft in the hands of a man so pcûlar
among
the
natives,
and so
aepiring,
as Peaces-
tea.
Antigonus
removed
him; and. when the
peopleloudlyexpressed
its
discontent,
and an
officer named
Thespius
bad the boldness to
represent
their
wishes,
he
put Thespius
to deaui,
and
appointedAsclepiodoms
to the
government,
leaving
a auffldent force under his conunand.
Peucestea,
whom be carried
away
with
him,
he
BDotfaedwith
hopes
which
were probably
never
fiilfilled.We bear
no tnore of bis
name,
and
can
onlyconjeotnre
bis (Me. On the banks of
the
Pasitigris
be met
Xeiwpbfliis,
who had aur-
lendered to SaleuniM.
Anlitonos
reeeiMd htm
with a show of
tevoar,
not
feeUngaeoiire of his
Vol. II." S a
object
utttilhe bad advaneed to
Sua.
ud had
lafeen
possession
of tbe tieaaoie. It stiUiMjtai-
ded tbe eetebrated tree of
pure gold,
and
uthBr
precious
works of art, which were vatned at
16,000 talents
;
aad the
crowns,
anf c iicr
pres
ents,together
wiUb
spoil
irtiieb liad In-'-
lodged
there,
amounted to fiOOO mom
;
sc that,with
what he had
brought
from
Eebuarat,
he finind
himself
maater
of
36,000 talents.
CarriagM
and camels were oollectedto
convey
the wlrale
to tbe western coast,
and
Antigonus,leaving
Aspisas,
a native,
aatrap
of
Snsiana. porsoad
his marofa with itto
Babylon.
SeieueuB,
probablyby
his
orders,
had
pmi-
ously
retained to
Babylon,where, stifling
the
resentment and
snspician
which be moat bare
felt,
he received the eonaueror vritb
magDi"cent
presents,
and
entertained
bis whole
army.
H"
boped
todisann bis
jealoney, but,perhaps,
rather
strengthened
It,
hj
his munificence
; Antigo- nus
resolved to rid himself of a man whose Mt
ents and
spirit, together
wtth the influence he
had
acqairedby
his mildness and
liberality, rendered
him a Ibrtnidable rival. He called him
to account for his administration of the
revenues
of his
province, Seleucns,reflrctiug on
Pitboa's fate,augured
that which was
deaigned
for himself. He
publicly
remonstrated
against
the
requisilion
of
Antigonns,ailing
that Im
owed no account of a
province
whidi he bad
received,by
the vote of the
army,
as a reward
for his services under Alexander. Tbe disao^
he saw the
dangerincreasing,
and made bis aa-
cape. Accompanied onlyby fifty hiirsemen,he
took the mad to
Egypt,
lo throw himseli
on
Ptolemy'sprotection.Antigonus
at firet
rejoiced
at his
flight,
which, while itlellthe
satrapy
vacant, spared
him the necessity
of violent
measures
against
a wan universally
beloved.
But bia fears were soon awêned.
it is
said,
by
a
prediction
of the
Cbatdnana,
who foretold
that the
Aigitive,
ifhe
escaped,
waa deatlned to
beccnae master of Asia,
and
Antigonus
to loss
his lifein battlewith hint. The
jNxipbeey, par-
bafia,
was forged
sAer the event
;
but
AaUgo-
nua ordered bim to he
paraaed
when it
was too
late to overtake
him,
w"d dismissed Blitorfiom
the command he held in
Mesopotamia,becsnae
he had not exerted himself to arrest the
fiigi-
tive
;* unless,indeed,
this
was a
pretext
for the
removal of ao officer whom he could not Iraal.
Seleuoua was reserved to "
destiny.Pithon,the son ol
eiander had leftin
*
that, ere
long,
he ahould i:
whole
empire
under bis role,events had
oooor-
red in
Europe
which, though they
raised
op
a
new rival to resist his
pretensions,
also seemed
to clear the
way
for his ambition. It
appean
tbat
Polysperchon,
when be returned to Mace- donia,
after his diaastrons
attempt
on
Mega]"ip-
"riis,
wiUi an
army
much reduced in
numbara,
and a atlU
greater
diminution of bis
military
and
political repntatioB,
found himaelf no
longar
able,
without asaiatance,to witbatandthe machinations
of
Euiydice.
Her ii
~
"Awi-,aTT-.i".
.glc
HI8T0RT OF GREECE.
antborjty,
and shs had
begun
to form a
party
Macedonia wfaicb would enable her to exercise
it,
aild to Ml
Polysperchonwholly
aside. It
may
be
inferred,
from the
coTrespondence
between
Pol^perchon
and
Olympias,
and from
the letter
of
Olympiasto Eumenca, that the life
of Roxana'B child was believed to be in
danger
fhMD
Eurydicei
and it Is
probable
that,before
Polysperdion
made bis
expedition
to Greece,
he had sent both motber and
son
into
Epima,
to seek
protectioQ
from
Olympias. Eurydice's
proceedingsnow rendered
a
decliiTe
step
necessary.
He had
still, indeed,
the
snny
at his
ccnamand, but he did not vsntute so far,to try
ita
fidelity, as to make
an
attack
on
the
young
qoeen
in his
own name. It
was
only
under
that of
Olympias
that he could
hope
to overthrow
her
inflnence.
Olympias.
who had always
been
eager
to Tetum to Macedonia, and
]iad
only
been restrained
by
her distnAt of
Poly-
spercbon,
conld besitata no lonoer when she
aaw her
grandsonexpelled
flmm his
patrimony
by one whom she hated as the
granddaughter
of
one
of her rivals. Sbe
acceptedPolysper-
ehon's
propoeals;
and it was
agreed
that he
should march into
Epirua,
and conduct her and
the
young prince to Macedonia. Her
nephew.
i"acides,king
of
Epiros,promiaed
to
join
him
with his forces. These
preparations
did not
escape Eurydice'anotice
;
but ahe resolved to
meet force with force. She was
already,
it
aeems.
in
correspondence
with
Cassander. and
ahe now
urged
hira to come
immediately
to her
aid. But Cassander
was at
this time in Pelo-
ponnesns. endeavouringto recover what
Poly-
aperchon
had
gainedthere,and
was not able to
leave it
bo soon as
Euiydica'a
emergency
re-
qDired. She,however, had so far
strengthened
ber
party
in
Macedonia,that she
was
able to
laise an
army
with which sbe conld venture to
encounter the united forces of
Polysperchon
and .fâcides.
They
found her
encamped
near the Maeedo-.
nian town of Eire, and she did not decline
a
battle. The two armies
were drawn
up
in battle
amty,
and
Eurydice
was seen in front of her
line,
completely
armed in the Macedonian fashion,
forming
and
animating
her
troops
Yet it
appears
that
no combat ensued. Before the
signal
was
given,Olympias
came
forward,
it i"
~
aaid. with
an
air of sacred
phreney,
and accompanied
with the instruments of Bacchanalian
processions.*
It is not difficult to conceive
that the Macedonians of her rival'a
army
were
BO Bwe-Btnick,as
well
by
her
unearthlyaspect
"s by
the recollection of her
dignity,
that
they
Ooold nut be
brought
to raise their hands
against
her.
tîlip was
immediatelytaken,
with allhis
retinue.
Eurydiceescaped
from the field,accompanied
hyPolycles,
the
only
one
of her council
that remained fsithful to her, and fled towards
Amphipolis,designing,
no doubt, to
proceed
to the
Hellespont:
but sbe
was
arrested
on the
way,
and delivered
up
to
her rival.
Olympias
was not satisfied with a common re-
YBngp
on
her two
prisoners ;
she determined
to mHlf Uiem tasto the bitterness of death in
hing-[iri"trarted tortures,
and immured them
botb in a dungeon
built for the
purpose,
with
onlyone n
food. Int
. ._..,_,
but then,
finding
that the MacwioDiana were
disgoaCedby
this refinemeni of
cruelty,
sbe
or-
dered Ibe Tbracians who
guarded
them to despatch
Philip,
For
Eurydice
she stillreserved
what she
thought
a
bitterer death. The
yoong
queen
had not auflered ber
e|Hrit
to be bowed
by
her revoraes. She
spoke aa
boldly
as
ever,
and asserted her
right
to the throne. While
her husband's
bleedingcorpse lay
st her
feet,
she received
a
message
from
Olympias,
with a
sword, a cord, and a
cup
of hemlock,
bidding
her choose which ahe would. She
spoke only
to
pray
that like
presents might
one
day
b"
bronght
to
Olympias;
then, havingpaid
such
offices as the circumatsnces
permitted
to her
dead husband, she
unclasped
her own
girdle,
and with it
put
an end to her life.
OlympiaB
next
gave
loose to ber
vengeance againat
the
lamily
of
Antipater.Nicaoor, one of his
sooa.
fellinto ber
hands,
aod
was
pnt
to death
;
and
she now propagated
the
report
that Alexando-
had been
poisonedby
loUaa,wbow lonib she
demolished. Even these victims did not aati-
Bte her
;
she selected
a
hundred of Caaaander's
friends,all men of
high rank,
and oondemned
them to death,
it
aeems,
wilbont
any
form of
trial. The advice of Eumenes was
forgotten;
and the eObcta which be foreaaw soon attended
this rerJdeaa
indnlgetkoe
of her fetociooa
passions.
Cassander
was
still in
Peloponneans,
ea^m-
ged
in the
siege
of
Tegea,
wbenhe received
m-
teUigence, perhaps
at the same time, of the return
and
victory
of
Olympias,
and of her
bloody
dealinga
with her
royalprisoners,
and with bis
own family
and friends. His
own
appetite
for
revenge
was as keen as bers. He had not forgotten
tiie affronts he had aufiered from Alex- ander
;
but this last
injury
forced him imoiedi-
ately
to
lay
aside
every
other care but that of
vengeance.
Though Polysperchon
's
sod,
Alex- ander,
was in
Peloponnesus,ready
to take advantage
of his absence, and
many
citiea,which
had
recently
embraced his
alliance,
looked to
him for
protection,
he raised the
siege
of
Tegea,
and set out for Macedonia.
Polysperchon
and
Olympias expected
his
coming,
and had taken
precautions
to aecure Macedonia from invaaion.
They
had
engaged
the
jEtolians,
who
were
led
to
espouse
têir
cause, partlyby
the recolleo
tion of
Antipaler'senmity,
and
portlyby
the
private
influence of
Polyaperohon,
to
occupy
the
pass
of
Thermopyls ;
and
Palyaperchoa
himself crossed the mountains at the southern
frontier,
and took
ap
a
position
in PerrfaBbis.
Cassander did
not waste his
strength
in an attempt
to
dislodge
the .^tolians from
Ilermop-
ylsi.
He collected a number of small
cr^
from Eîbcea and
Locris,
and
transported
his
anny
across
Uie Maliac Gulf into
Thessaly.
There he divided it into two main
bodies,one
of which he
sent,
Callas,
into
Perrhnbia,
with orders
to
keep Polyaper-
cbon
employed,while,
with the
other,
he himself
pursued
his march towards the
nearest
pass.
This
maniEuvre
entirely
disconcerted
the
plans
of
Polysperchon
and
Olympias,
who
had believed that Macedonia was safe as
long
aa Polysperchon
retained his
position
in Thes-
aaly. Olympias,when ii
was too
late,seat
0LYMPIA8 IN PYDNA." HB" SURRENDER.
aone tifMrn to Miza the
pus
of
Tempe,
to-
"wanls whioh Casaander
was
moving ;
it was
already occupiedby
a detachmeDt nhicfa he had
pushed
forward under the oommand of Deiniaa.
She now saw herself in imminent
danger;
and.
appointing
Aristonoui to meet Caesander with
the forcea which
Polyaperchon
had left in Ma- cedonia,
she took
refuge
in
P;rdna,
with a
great
HDinber of
royal
and noble
persona, among
whom,
heaidea Roiana and the
fnung prince,
nrere Theaaalonice,one of
Philip's daughlera,
and Deidamia, the
daughter
of
âcidea.
She
was attended
by
a
very
amall
force,chiefly
the
houaehold
troope,
and
by
Ihe renainder of Ibe
elephants;
nor was the town
supplied
with
pro-
Tisions for a
long siege. She, however, resolved
to remain there, not doubting
that buc-
coura wonM soon be
bronght
to her in abundance
by sea,
both frum Macedonia and Qreece.
CasBBnder, having
crossed the
mountaina,
moved
directly apon Pydna,
He drew a trench
round the town from sea to
sea,
and sent for
ships, engines,
and ammunition, to
besiege
it
both
by
land and sea.
While he was thus engaged,
he learned that facides was
preparing
to
bring
succouTs froDi
Epims.
He therefore
sent Atarrhias,
with a division of hie
anny,
to
occupy
the
pasees
between
Epirus
and Mace- donia.
The
Epirots
felt no interest in the expedition
,
and br(Ae out into
open
mutiny;
so
that iGacides wiia compelled
to make a
inocla-
mation, bj
which all who desired it were allowed
to return to their homes
;
and so
many
availed themselres of this
permission
that the
Icing
(bund himself
imable,
with hia
remaining
forces, to make head
againat
Atarrhias. Even
the
loyalty
of his
peaoefUl
sabjects
was undermined
by
the seditions
language
of the men
who had
qnitted
his
camp.
A national assem-
bly
was held,
in
which, by
a
proceeding
never
before heard of in the
luatory
of
Epirus,
the
king
was declared to have fnrfeited his crown.
It was transferred to the
family
of
Neoptole-
naB,
a remote branch of the
royal
line.
Pyr-
rhua. the infant son of
Êacides,was with
great
difficulty
and
danger preserved
from the
par-
Buit of his
enamiea,
and
conveyed
to the court
of
Olsucias,Mng
of
Illyria,
who afforded him
shelter. The authors of the rerolutiun made
a treaty
with
Cassander,
who sent
Lyciscus
to act as
regent
in
Epirus,
whioh thus became
devoted to hia interest. The
partisans
of
Olympias
m Macedonia, who before watered
between
hope
and
fear,
were so dishesrtened
by
this event that
they dropped
the
preparations
which
they
were
making
to come to her
assistance
;
and she was aooD after
deprived
of her last
remaininghope by
the
intelligence
thai the
greater part
of
Polysperchon'a troops
had been seduced
by
Callas to abandon their
chief,who was
obliged
to take
ahelter,with
the few who adhered to him, in the Perrhie-
bian town
of
Naiium,
where he was
closely
blockaded
by
the
enemy.
The
aspiring woman.
so lately
absolute mistress of
Macedonia, was
left WLthout a
prospect
of
relief,exposed
to
the attack of her
implacable
foe.
The
season,
however, waa so far advanced
that Cassander found it
impractlcahio
to
pru-
etcd
hy
the
way
of
assault,
and contented himself
wi'th
maintaining
a strictblockade. In the
oourac
of the winter the
scarcity
of
provisions
begaji
to be
severely
felt
by
the
besi"ed,and
soon allthe horrors of famine
appearea
IB their
most terrible form. The soldieia were reduced
to a
scanty
ration
;
the
elephants
were fed on
sawdust,
and
graduallypinedaway ;
the horses
and beasts of burden were
slaughtered
for the
sake of their flesh. The riders were not
permitted
to share the common allowance,
and
they,
and at
length
more and more of the other
soldiers,perished
of
hunger.
The barbarian*
betook themselves to the bodies of the
dead;
the streets were encumbered with
corpses.
which the snrviTers
scarcely
retained
strength
ot
spirit
either to
bury
or to throw over tbe
walls. The hideous
spectacle
and the noisome
stench diffused universal
despondency.
De- sertions
became
frequent,
and allwho
repaired
to tbe
camp
of the
besiegerswere gracjoualy
received
by Cassander,
who sent them Ui their
homes,
where
they spread
the
report
of the
desperate
condition of
Olympias,
which extinguished
every
hope
thai
might
have animated
her
partisans
to make an
attempt
fbr her deliverance.
As the
apringadvanced,
and the
famine
grew every day
more
pressing,
tbe sol-
diers assembled roimd the
palace,
and called
upon her,
since she was no
longer
able to
ai^
port them, to
permit
them to
depart.
She was
obliged
to
comply
with their
demand,
and
at
length
saw herself so
generally
abandoned that
she concerted measures for her own
escape.
A
galley
was
prepared
to
carry
her
away
mtlt
her friends
;
but,
before
they
had
embarked,
Cassander was
^prized
of her
design,sailed
into the harbour,
and tooX the vessel.* Sbs
was now reduced to utter
despair,
and
sent to.
negotiate
with the
conqueror.
He, at first, insisted
that sbe should surrender at discretion,,
but at
length
consented to
protnise
that ber
life should be
spared.
He knew that when he
had ODce made himself master of hei
person,
this condition would not
long
stand in the
way
of his
revenge.
After the fall of
Pydna,
all Macedonia submitted
to him
except Pella,
whioh
was
bdd
by
MonimuB,
and
Amphipolis,
to which Aristonoos
had retired with a considerable
body
of
troops,
Monimus, however,
surrendered at Casaaoder's
-
first Bummons, Aristonous was inclined to-
hold
out,
for he had
recentlygaineda victory'
over Cassander's
generalCrateuas,and,
having
besieged
him in the Bisaltian
town
of B*-.
dys,
had
compelled
him to
captttilate an oon-
dition that he ahould
lay
down hia
anas. He
still
hoped
for succours either fmn
Enmenes,
of whose
death,
which
happened
in the
preceding
winter,
he had
not
yet heard, or from
lempEcd by Cuundar, trha pmvailvd op Ih
nrrj'
Lli#]elt"r
iq
which
Voijwpcrt^wnBiliacttdbhv
qatn
llm
lanlum, OlymjaiM nuind
lijnifhllo[he
iialor-"nl",
cinbluca hatniQ thr. ud Iha
itruiiwi bf
la ubtt
dvTtvsJraneipUJ to dmt bu
ytiv
TTc
HISTORY OP GREECE.
ftdyspercbonor Alexander. CaBBander,
however,
forced
Olympias
to Bend him an order to
Murendei,
and witb this he
complied,
on a
Btip-
nlation for bia
personalsa.rety ;
but Caasander,
who was
jealous
of his
rani
and
influenoe,
eluded the fulfilmenC of the
treaty,
and
instigated
Bome of the
family
of
Crateuas,
who resented
their kinButan's
diagraci^,
to
put
him to
"Diere were
stillsome difficulties to over-
oome before he could wreak his
vengeance
on
Olympia*.
He did not think it safe
openly
to
violate the
pled^
which he had
given
: the
C'ty
of the Macedonians
might
be revived
by
IT miafortunea. He
thought
il
necessary,
at
least,to ohtain the sanction of his
anny,
and
Tishad that ahe
might
herself furnish him with
a
pretext
for her destruction. The first
object
ke
easilyaccompliahed.
The kinsmen of the
mmerous victims whom
Olympias
had sacri-
fced to her hatred of Cassander
readily
undertook
to accuse her in a
generalaaaembly
;
and
aa
she wBB absent,
and had no one to
plead
for
tker,
she waa condemned to death.
Still,
this
sentence did not release Casaander from his
engagement,
and he endeavoured to
inveigle
her into a
step by
which she would forfeit the
benefit of it. He sent some of his friends to
her with a
privatemeaaage,
affected to be
touched with
compaaBion
for her
wretchedness,
and to
apprehend
that he should not be able to
Crotect
her from the
fviry
of the
army,
which
ad condemned her to death
;
he therefore offered
to
prepare
a
galley
in which she
might
make her
escape
to Athens. His
planwas.
if
she feU into the
snare,
to have her killed at
"ea,
and
thus,
whils he satisfied his
hatred,to
shift the
imputation
of breach of faith on her.
Olympias,however,
whether
suspecting
fraud,
or confident in the infiuenoe which she believed
herself
still to retain over the
Macedonians,
declined the
proposal.
All that she asked fbr
waa a fair trialbefore s
national
aaaenibly,
in
wliidh ahe
might
be heard in her own defence.
Caaaander became alarmed lest he should be
obli|[ed by
the voice of the
people
to
grant
thia
deroand. He waa reaolved not to incur the
danger
which would arise fWim the
publicap- pearance
of the
aged
queen
aa a prisoner
and a
suppliant
befere the multitude
;
he therefore
sent a
pvVf
of aoldieis" SOO men whom be ae-
lected as the moat
willing
to render him
any
service "
to sorround the
palace
and
despatch
her
Olympias
received
warning
that ahe must
prepare
for death. She
put
on her
royalrobes,
and came forward,leaning
on two of her women,
to meet the soldiers. Even
thej
were so
bverpoweredby
the
majesty
of her
presence,
and
by
the niunberleas
great
recollections attached
to her
name,
that
they
could not
bring
themselvcB to execute Casaander's order. He
was
obliged
to commit the deed of blood to tho
persons
who had accused her,
and who were
eager enough
for
revenge
te undertake itthem- selves.
She submitted to her fate with un- bending
firmness,
neither
shrinking
from their
Bworda nor
uttering
a word
unworthy
of her
birth and fortunes.'
^rthus ai
nfiBct,
"
of Macedonia :
against
ailother claimants in his own
mdepend*
ent
posseBsion.
It
was,
however, not
more,
perhaps,
with this
view,
than to
gratify
his
hatred of Alexander, that he reaolved to rid
himself of Roxana and her aon. But Ihia was
a
step
which demanded
great
caution. The
scenes which had
lately
tajcen
placeproved
the
veneration of the Macedonians for Alexander's
memory.
It was still UDCfnain how
thej
might
receive the
tidings
of the death of
Olym-
)ias,
and itwould not have been safe immedi-
Ltety
to fallow
up
the murder of his mother
with that of his widow and chihL It seemed
prudent,also,to wait for
inteliigenee
of the
course which events were
taking
in the East
before he ventured on this decisive measam.
He therefore removed Roxana and the
young
prince
to the citadel of
Amphipolis.
whit^ Ite
committed to a
trusty
officer named Glaucias.
He, at the same time,
dismissed the
pages
and
officere who had before attended thev. and or-
that
they
should be treated as
privateper-
Thia was a sufficient declaration of hia
exclude Alezander'a son from the
throne
;
and his
partisansprobably repealed
all the
arguments
that had ever been
uti{ed
against
the
prince's
title. But
still,
be
repaired
one more
legitimate
for
himself,
which could
only
be
acquiredby
an aliiance with the
royal
house. For this
purpose
he fixed his
eyes
hi
Philip'sdaughter
Theasalonice, who,
thoufih
her claims conid not be considered
equal
to
those of
Cleopatra,might
atm serve to reconcile
the nation to hie rule. Their
marriage
was celebrated not
long
after the Burrender of
Pydna,
and it was in honour of this
priitccsa,
and
probably
in the course of the same
spring,
that Casaander founded the
city
whi^ so
long-
bore her name at the head of the Thermaic
OuH;
as it was at this time that he founded
one named after himself,Caaaandrea,
in the
peninaula
of
PaUone,
which he
peopted
with
emigrants
from Potidea and other
neighbouring
cities,
and with a considerable number of
fanulies vrhich had survived the rain of
Olyn-
thua. He conId have taken no measures more
tending
to
nwiltiply
hie
personaladherents,
and
to accualom the
peo[de
to view him aa the
successor of their anoient
piinoea. Snob was
the character which he
ptiblidy asanmed. and
in this
capacity
he ordered tiieremains of Ea-
rydice,Philip,
and
Cynane
to be buried in the
royalsepulchre
at
"gK.
and honoured their
memory
with funeral
games.
He waa now again at
liberty
to tnra his attention
towards
Greece,
where the atate of affairs
called for hia
presence.
Alexander had
taken
advantage
ofhis
departure
from
Pelopon-
neauB to draw several citiesinto his own alliance,
and to seiie aeveral
strong positions.
Folysperchon himself,
when ho heard of the
death of
Olympias.
and saw that his cause was
irretrievably lo^t,
for the
present,
in
Macedonia,
escaped
from
Naiium, and.
jpining."acides,
took
refuge
with him in jElolia.where he
possessed
some
personalinfluence,derived, it
seems, from family
connexions.* It was hieh-
ly
desirable for CaBsander to crash these
rivals.
*
DiDdcToa,Il
,
FMiuiu
"., M) ralli I in a
'
Md
I7
TMm ft
LfrMpld., V,
.C.ooqIc
RESTORATION OF THEBES.
nd to muce Unwelf mMter of Greeca. before
e Bbould be
awailed, as he
mi^t expect
to be
]
any case,
from auother
quarter. He,
there-
"re, Btrengthensd
hia
army
with new levies in
lacedonia,
and
early
in the aummer of 816 get
ut on his maroh to
Peloponneaus.
He foui
liennopylnagaingnuded by
the
iGtolians,
and
ita now
obliged
to force a
pasaage. Though
tiesettlement of
Peloponneaus
was his main
ibject,
there waa another of
great importance
^hich detained him for some time in Botolia.
lis
position
rendered it
expedient
for bim
Twbeie,
as much as
possible,
to
gain
tbe
good
rillof thoae whom he wished to
govern,
and to
ignaliza
the
begioning
of his
reign
by
r~'
" '
eneGcenoe. It seems to have been bis
STite a
comparison
between his own conduct
od that of
bispredeoesBOTsonpoints
in which
I would turn in his favour
;
and it was
proba-
ly,
in
part,
this motive which induced him to
esolve on the restoration of Thebes, The di
traction of that ancient
city
had excited
get
ral
sympathy
in
Greece,notwitbetanding
the
laolence with which it bad abused its
pros-
erity.
To
repair
the
injur;
which bad been
iflicted
by
the Macedonian arms was a work
fliutnanity
and
generosity, likoiy
to he
gen-
nllyapproved
and admired. But Cassaoder,
nbably.
had some more
special
motives and
Dds. To rehoild what Alexander had de-
troyed,
and to annul the decree
by
which he
aA doomed the site of Thebes to desolation,
las,
in itself,an
undertaking
that interested his
ersonal
feelioga.
In a
purelypolitical point
if
view,
there was much to recommend it. The
keolian
towns, indeed,
which had
rejoiced
in
he fallof
Thohes,
and were stillin
possession
ifher
territory, might
feel themselves
iiûred
ly it,
and would no
longer
be so
warmly
at-
aehed to the Macedonian
government
as
they
"ad been.
But, on
the other hand, Thebes,
vhich
might again outweigh
tbem
all,
would
"e
entirely devoted, not
merely
to Macedonia,
lotto the house of her benefactor. She would
lelp
to secure the submission of Athens
; and,
ibore
all,
the
Peloponneaianstates,
which re-
ainsd their
jealousy
of
Sparta,
would hail the
^vent with exultation.
On his arrival in
B"eotia,
Cassander assem-
iled
a
coni^ss
of
deputies
from the Bteotian
owns, informed them of his
design,
and
con-
lesceuded
to
request
their consent. We do
iM know what
arguments
or motives he used,
ir
whether he obtained more than a nominal
Daient,
which conld not
prudently
have been
withheld.When Uiis
dilScuity was removed,
K directed that the work should be
begun.
n"B
Tfaebanexiles returned,to settle
again
on
lie
hallowed
ground
;
but
they
had
only
per-
nission
to
occupy
it
;
Caasander did not
supply
hem with the
means,
and tbe
undertakingwas
^
beyond the reach of their broken fortuoes.
iwwiure, however, were
broughc
to tbem from
"Uier
qusrters.
with a leai
which,
while it
inves the
policy
of Oassaader's
plan,
makes
X
regret that the
spirit
which
displayed
itself
"0
noblyon this oocasion had not
prevailed
'(Ore uniformly
among
the Greeks, The Athe-
iiane
were foremost
among
those vrtioountrib-
'ted
to the work
; they
built the
greater part
"itbe
wall ; a
generous
exertion,certainly,
in
'^'i^ of a
peonte
whose ancestors had been
I their bitterest
enemies,
and who had no claims
upon
them but such as anise out of their
common
origin,
and tbe service which Thebes had
rendered to the national cause in the
struggle
with Macedonia.
Megalopolis
and Jileseene
also remembered that
they
owed their existence
to Thebes,
and testified tbeir
gratitude bj
pecuniary
aid. Contributions were sent eien
from the Greek cities of
Sicily
and
Italy.
The
Thebans were conscious of iheir Bltered
position
i
they
no
longeraspired
to dominion over
tbeir Bceotian
neighbours,
but solicited admission
into the
league,
which was headed
by
their
ancient
enemies,
the
Platieans,
and sent their
sacrifice with the rest to the festival of the
great
Disdala,
which wascelebrated
every sixtyyears,
to commemorate the interval
during
which Pla-
Ia9a
lay
desolate.*
From Bteoiia Csssaodcr advanced towards
Peloponnesus.
When be arrived at Athens,
he
foand that Alexander had fortiliedthe
Isthmue,
so as to render the
approachextremely
difficult
on this side.
He, nevertheless,proceeded
as
Dlr aa
Megara,
hut
there,having,perhaps,more
accarately
ascertained the
strength
of the enemy's
position,
be caused rafts to be
prepared
for
the
elephants,
and
transports
for the
troops,
with
which he crossed over to
Epidaums.
He then
marched
toArgoG,
and induced itto renounce its
alliance with Alexander. Hermionetoo submitted
to bim, either
now,
or a
littlelater. One it
surprised
to hear that the chiefresistance which
he had to encounter was
in Messenia. Before
he could reduce Ithome,
he (bund himself obliged
to retire.
Doubtless,intelligence
which he
had received from tbe East seemed to render
it
necessary
for him to return with all
speed,
to
secure his more
important
interests in Mace- donia.
Alexander remained in his
position
at
Isthmus,
but could not
prevent
Caasander
from
passing
his
lines,
and declined a battle.
Cassander left
Molycus,
with 2000
men,
to occupy
the
passes
of Geranea,
and
pursued
bis
march northward.
Anligoniis,
it
appears,
before he left
Babylon,
sent
envoys
to
Ptolemy,Cassander,
and
Lysim-
achus, fonnally
to
acquaint
them with his success,
and to
express
his
hopes
that Iheir alliance
with him
migiit
continue
uninterrupted.
To- wards
tbe end of the autumn
of 318 he arrived
at Mallus in Cilicia, and distributed his
army
in
winter
quarters.
The treasures at Quinda, still
amounting
to
10,000talents,
were
delivered
up
~-
bim
;
and he found that the
ordinary
revs-
es at the
provincesalreadysubject
to him
might
he estimated at
11,000
talents. In the
mean while Seleucus had reached
Egypt,
and
was, perhaaa,
the first to
apprize
its ruler of
the
danger
he had to
apprehend
from tiie enormous
power
and the
grasping
ambition of An-
tigonus. Ptolemy
hastened to
fortify
himself
by
a closer alliance with the men whose
safely
was now inseparably
connected with his own.
Lysimacbus
had
by
this time
firmly
established
himself in Thrace, though
still
exposed
to for-
lidahle attacks from his northern
neighbours,
render
important
assistance.
Intb eof A
sprung up
in Asia Minor. Asander,the satrap
of Caria. had extended bis dominion far and
wide, and had
nearly
made himself maater of
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Ckppadocia. Thef
and CasBitider were eaiily
""itnced to send ibeir
earoja
to
atxompuaj
tkoae of
Plolemy
and Seleccus on a common
"mbaesy
lo
Antigonus.
In the
spring
of 315,
die ambassadors met
Antigonus
on hia march
into
Upper Syria,
and communicated to bim the
demands which
they
were inatnicted to make.
Tbe'a
masters
claimed
a share in the fruita of
lus
success,
to which
they
had
all,
"easore,
contributed.
They propoaed
that the
Hellespoaiine Phrygia
ahould be annexed to I'
ntrapy
of
LysimBchua,
that Asander ahotild
"ODfirmed in the
possession
of
Lycia
and
Cap-
^docia,
Ptolemy
in that of
Syria, including
Fbcenicia,that
Babylonia
should be restored to
Seleucus,and that the treasures which
Anligo-
SOS had
brought
from the East should be
equaliy
"hared
among
sll. We hear of no demand on
Ihe
part
of Cassander
;
he
was,
no doubt,
setia-
fied with the
possession
of Macedonia am'
Greece.
Antigonusreplied
with a mixture oi
acorn and
indignation,*
and
particulariy
badi
tbe
Egyptian
envoys
inform
Ptolemy
that he
would be
ready
to meet him. The allies
probably
did not wait for his answer to moke ihe
most active
preparations
for the
conteat,
which
theymust have foreseen to be inevitable. An- tigonus,
ader hia declaration of
war,
immediately
took meaaurea to
keep
his less formidable
rivals
fiUlyemployed,
while he himself
main force
againstPtolemy.
He sent an
agent
to
Cyprus,
and others to Rhodes, to secure the
alliance of Iheae
islands,
which was of
great
importance
for the creation of the marine,
which waa one of hia
principalobjects.
He
"em his
nephew, Ptolemaus, with a
strong
body
of
troops,
into
Csppsdociato raiae the
siege
of
Amisus,
which was
defending
itaclf
"gainstAsander. with instructions afterward to
proceedto the
Hellespont
to
guard
the
passage
"gainat
Cassander and
Lysimacbus. He,
-*
the same time, providedoccupation
for Ci
Mnder in
Europe
;
he
deapatehed
Arisiodemos
with a thousand talents to
Peloponnesus,
treat with Alexander and
Folysperchon,
and
levytroopa,
which
might
enable them to
carry
on the war
againat
the common
enemy ;
and
be
gave
directions for the establishment of
.
"liainof
signals
and
post-stationa,
to muntaiL
the readieai commiuiicalion with the eastern
provinces.
He then
parsned
his march to Phtenicis.
The
operation
on wlucb the success of his
plansmainly depended was to make himself
mutei of its
ports,
and to form a
navy
which
should
give
him the command of the sea.
"
had littterefistance to
apprehend
in the ct
tty;
but
Ptolemy
had carried
away
allthe
ships
and
seamen he bund there into
Egypt.
The
"idea of
Libanns,however, yielded
an tnex-
hauatible
supply
of
limber,
and the
population
of Pho"nicia fhmished abundance of the beat
mariners.
Tyre
alone he found
occupiedby
an
Egyptiangarrison
-,
and
havingencamped
over
against it,
while he made
preparations
for a
siege,
he sent for the
PhtEoician
kings,
and the
ofHocra who commsnded in
Syria,
and
gave
his
onlers for the
building of
ships,
and the collection
of
magazines
of com for a
year'a
consump-
tioD. Three
dockyardswere
speedily
eatab-
Ilahed in Phoenicia" at
Trip"riia.
Byblus,
and
*
Appiaii, BjT.,a, cbuKtinitieAUj,
inj^âdtarr^t-
Sldon " a foDrth en
the coast of
Cilkiia, to
which the timber was
brought
down from Taa-
nis,
and another in
Rhodes,
where his
envoy
had obtained the
people's
consent.
Eight
thousand
men were keptemployed
in ibe foresla
of Libanus alone, and a thousand team of cattle
conveyed
the timber to the coast. While
these
preparations
were
going on,
as
Antigo- nus
layencamped
near l^re,a fleet of a hundred
sail, magnificently equipped,
and
executing
its manceurres with the
greatestcelerity, appeared
in the road. It was commanded
by
Se-
jeucus, who was on his
wsy
from
Egypt
to tbe
^gean,
and took the
opportunity
to make this
display
of his oavsl
power
in the
enemy's sight
It excited
general
uneasiness in the
csmp
of
Antigonus,especially among
those of his allies
who inhabited towns on the coast. What, they
asked,would the
greatest
land force avail to
protect
them from
ravages
and
annoy
snce
while the
enemy
was msster of the sea 1 An- tigonus
bade bis fi-iends
keep
up
their
spirits
;
before the summer was over he would
put
to
sea with "00 sail In
Cyprus
his ministers
found
Nicocreon,king
of
Salamis,
and most of
the other
princesalreadygainedby Ptolemy ;
four
only,
and those
among
tbe least
powerful,
entered into alliance with
Antigonus.
While
his works were proceeding
for the
siege
of
Tyre, leaving
Andronicua with 3000 men to
superintend
and
protect ihem,
he made an ex.
peditlonsouthward,
took
Joppa
and Gaxa
by
storm, incorporated
the
garrisons
with his army,
and left
troopa
of his own in their roooi.
In Asia Minor the success of his arms was
more
rapid.
Ptolemaus
compelled
Asander's
general.Asclepiodorus.
to abandon the
siege
of
Amisus,
and to evacuate
Gappadocia.
He
then marched into
Biibynis,
where the
king
Zibcetes,
either as an
ally
of the
enemy,
or for
his
privateaggrandisement,
had laid
siege
to
Astacus and Chalcedon. He, too, was forced
to
yield,
aitd to
join
tbe cities he bad attained
in alliance with
Antigonus.
From
Bithynia
Ptolemvns was called, by
pressing
orders Irnn
his
uocte,to hasten la proleet
Ionia and
Lydia,
whidh were
threatened
by
Seleneus. He foand
SeteucDS
engaged
in tbe
siege
of
Erythraa
;
his
arrival indnosd him not
only
to raise the
si^,
but to witiidraw from the coast. He saifed
away
to
Cyprus,
where the state of alTbirs
was
sufficiently
critical to render his
preseece
desirable.
No
enemy
now was left in Asia Minor
but
Asander,
who was
nesriy
reduced within
tbe bmits of his own
province,
where he
might
soon find himself attacked both
by
land and eea.
In
Greece,
Aristodemas executed hie com-
ission no
less
ably
and
sncceeafully.
He
first sailed to
Laconia,
and at
Sparts,
where
Casaander was viewed as a
hereditary enemy,
obtained the sanction of the
government
far his
levies,
which soon amounted to 8000 men.
Potysperohon
came over
from"tolia,it9eera^
to treat with him and his son. Alexander
was
persuBdedtOmakeavoyagetoniiBnioia.
for the
purpose
of a oonference with
Antigonus,
while
the old man
remained at the bead of the
army.
deeply
humbled
by
his
reverses,
that
:ed to
accept
the titleof
general
of
Peloponnesus
from
Antigonus.
On Alexander's
arrival at the
camp
before
Tyre, Antigonqs,
having
eonclnded a
treaty
with
him,
ealled an
ASSEMBLY AT TYRE." STATE OP GREECE.
3V7
MMmitdji
U" which not only
the soldiers,but
aU the
Btran^ra
io the
camp
were admitted.
It wa" hia wish to
give
the
greatest posaible
Botoriety
to its
proceedings,
as
they
were designed
to make an
impreasion
favourable to tiis
caoso on the
publicmind,
both in Asia and Ku-
tope.
He himself
harangued
the
muttilude,
and
recounted Cassander's misdeeds.
Among
them
he ennmcrated not
onl;
the murder
ofOlym-
pias,
hie treatment of Roiana and the
young
king,
the Tiolence with which be had obtained
the hand of
Thesaalanice,
and his
assumption
of
sovereignpower
in
Macedonia, but also hia
new aettlements in Pallene and Bceotia. It
was to dishonour the
memory
of
Philip
and Al- exander,
that he had invited the
Olynthians,
Macedonia's inveterate enemies, into the
city
which bore his own
name,
and had rebuilt
Thebm.
Having
thus roused the
tudignation
of
hi Macedonian
hearers,
he
proposeda resolu-
lion, to be
adoptedby
the
anny, by
Which Cas-
under was declared an
enemy,
unless be should
releaas Roxanaandlhe
prince,
shonld
pulldown
bis new cities,and,in alt
rsspects,pay
due oho'
dience to
Antigonus,
the lawful commander of
the force* and
regent
of the
empire.
This latter
title be seems never to have assumed be-
Ibre. It was to lie
regarded
as a new
dignity
conferred on him
by
the vote of the
army,
to
enable him to
prolect
the
royslfamily;
and he
would
probably
not have
adopted
it if the
confederacy
formed
against
bim had been less formidable,
and he had not
thoaght
it
expedient
to
fix the
stigma
of rebellion and treason on bia
rivals,
and 10
give
an air of
legitimacy
to his
own cause,
without which he
might
have found
itdifficultto maintam his
authority
in the
upper
provinces.
It was
chiefly
to them, and to the
satraps
who stillrevered tbe
royalname,
or considered
it as their
onlysafeguardagainst
hia
ambition,
that this
part
of the decree was ad-
dreseed. Another
part
related to Greece. It
declared that alt the Greek states should be restored
to
liberty
and
independence: no Greek
cityany longer
held
by
a
foreigngarrison.
The
abject
of this concession waa clear
enough.
Polyspercbon
had tned to win Greece.
by
a
demooratical revolution
: Csssander,by
an oligarchical
reaction.
Antigonns
would outbid
them both,
and attract Greeks of all
parties
to
his side
by
the sound most
pleasing
to
every
Greek ear.
The
assemblypassed
tbe resolution,
and
Antigonus
sent
copies
of it to all
quarters
where it was likely
to
promote
his ends.
He then dismissed Alexander with a
present
of
GOO talents,
and with
hopes,
which no
one,
it
seems,
knew better bow to
suggest
without
any
distinct
promise.
Ptolemy
endeavoured to counteract the effect
cf the
decree,
so far as it rehited lo
Greece,by
another,
in which he held out a like
promise.
This imitation
might help
to
destroy
any
illusion
that bad been created
by
the
original,
as it
became
doubly
evident that each was
only
meant to serve a
temporary purpose.
Bui the
prospect
which the new turn of events
opened
for Greece
was,
as to the immediate
future,
gloomier
than ever. The
unhappy
country
seemed destined to be the theatre of endless
wars,
in which
party
rancour was combined
with the
hostility
of
tbrqigners to
spread
bloodshed
and desolation over its whole surface.
The rivals were all alike
strangers,
in
feeling
and inlereats.to Greece
;
and their forces
were
so
evenly
balanced as lo ensure
many
destructive
alternations of
success,
while il
was
impOB-
sible to foresee the issue of (he
struggle.
For
a
Greek,
who had the
good
of hia
country at
heart,
there was no motive to
preferone side
to
another,except
that a
partition
of Alexan- der's
empire
was a
very
desirable
event, as
H
fostered
hopes
of national
independence,
which
would be lojt if the whole should be united in
the hsnds of
Antigonus.
On the other
band,
the
power
of Cassander
might seem no
less
fatal to
liberty.
Yet it was difficultto remain
neutral,
and a state which took sucb
a position
was, perhaps,exposed
lo
greater dangers
than
if it had
activelyengaged
in the contest. To
fight,
or be
trampledon, were the
only
alterna- tives.
Two
frightful examples
of the calanii-
ties with which this
period
eould
not fail to
abound oecoried in the
course of about a
year
alter Cassander's last-mentioned return to Ma- cedonia.
He had lefta man named
Apollonides
in command of the
garrison
at
Argos.
Apol^
lonidea had found an
opportunity
to
surprise
StymphatuB;
but while he waa absent on thia
expedition,
the
party
in
Argos
adverse to Cas- sander
invited Alexander to come and take
possession
of the
city,
which
they promised
to
surrender to bim.
Relyingon bis
support,they
openly
declared
themselves,and. it
seems, appointed
600 of their number as the new demo-
cratical council.
Alexander,however, delayed,
and
Apollonides. having
been
apprized
of the
revelation,
reached
Arôs
before him. He
found the council assembled in the
Prytaneum,
and
having
barred their
egress,
set fire to the
building
: the Five Hundred
perished
in the
flames. The rest of the
party
were more mildly
punished
with death or banishment. The
conduct of
Apollonidea
seems to us inhuman
;
but Uiera were few
among
tbe
leading
Macedo- nians
of the
period
who bad a
right
to
reproach
him with it,or who would not have
approved
of it
;
and jtis
onlysurprising
that a man endowed
with BO much
energy
of will" in that
age commonly
admitted
as a substitute for
everj
good quality
" should not have risen
higher
among
hia kindred
spirits.
The other
occurrence,
which aflbrds a mel'
ancholy
ilhistration ofthe state of
Greece, was
one ofthe
conaequencea
which arose out of the
measures
taken
by
Cassander to counteract the
operations
of Arislodemus.
Cassander,
when
he heard of his arrival in
Peloponnesus,
and of
the success of his
levies,hoped,
at first,to be
able to detach
Polyspercbon
and Alexander
from the cahse of
Antigonus, They,
as we
have
seen,
were
gained
over
by
Aristodemus
;
and Casssnder found il
necessary
to make
another
expedition
into
Peloponnesus,
In his
passage
through
B"EOtia,be halted for some time
at Thehee to aid the Thebana in tbe
completion
of their fortifications,
and
havingravaged
the
Corinthian
territory,
and taken two forts which
were
occupiedby
Alexander's
garrisons
near
the Isthmus, be advanced
against
the Arcadian
OrchomenuB. Aller
some
ineffectual
attempts
lo take it
by assault,
he was
admitted
by
hia
partisans
: Alexander's friends
sought
shelter
in Ihe
temple
of Artemis. Their enemies obtained
Cassander's leave to deal with them as
H1BT0K7 OF GRGKCB.
eaAi
would. All ware turn rrontthe
sanctuarr,
__ put
to death.
Cassaoder moved forward into
Messenia,
where,
it will be
rememberej,
he had been
obliged,
the
year
before,to leave Ithome in the
posgession
of Alexander's
troops.
He "bs Btill
aoable to reduce it. His
presence,
it
seems,
was
againrequired
in Macedonia. On his return
IhroughArcadia,he
appoioted
Damia
gov-
emor
of
Megalopolis,
and
presided
at the Nf mean
games
in
Argolis.
But he had no sooner
departed
than Alexander and Arislodeuius resumed
their
operations against
the
Peloponne-
sian cities which favoured his cause. He
again
had recourse to
negotiation
with
Alexander,
who,
shut out from
largervicwa.only
deaired
an independentposition
in Greece. Cassander
now sent Prepelauato tnrite him to abandon
Antigonus,
with the oOer of the same title
which bad been
recently
conferred on his
father,
and of a force auSciont to maintain hia authority
in
PelopoDnesns.
Alexander
accepted
thia
proposal,
and declared himself for Oaaaauder.
We are not
expresaly
informed that
Poljsper-
chon acceded to the
treaty;
but it
appeare
that
be waa DOW coneidered as Caasander's
ally,
and
be continued ta
occupy
Corinth with a
strong
body
of
troops.
Aristodemus, howcTor,
who had retired into
.ftolia,prevailedon the ftoliaas to
espouse
the cause of
Antigonua,and, crossing
the Co- rinthian
Gulf with his
mercenaries,
renewed
the war
succeaafuUy
in Eha and
Acbaia,
where
he was aided
bj
the
Impreasion
which the decree
of
Antigonua
had
producedon the towns
occupiedby
Caasander'a
garriaons.
Soon
after,
Alexander was assassinated
at
Sicyon;
but his
widow
Cratesipolis, a woman of
royalspirit,
who bad won the hearts of the soldiers
by
her
liberality, kept
the
troopstogether, suppressed
a revolt which broke
out at
Sicyon,
and held
the reina of
governnient
with a
vigorous
hand.
Casaander,
it
seems, thought
ber and
Polysper-
chon able to
uphold
his Interests in
Peloponne-
BUa,
and made an.
expedition
into ."tolia and
Acamania,
where he
persuaded
the Acarnani-
ans,
for the
purpose
of more eSectual union
against
their southern
neighbours,
lo concentrate
their scattered
population
in three
cities,
and lea
Lyciscuswith a
body
of
troops
lo
protect
iliem. He then marched northward
against
the
lUyriaokingGlaucias,whom he had inef- fectually
tempted,by
the bribe of 300
talents,
to
deliver
up
the infant
Pyrrbus,defeated him in
battle,
and
compelled
him to enter intoa
treaty,
by
which he
engagednot to molest Caasander's
allies.
Then, having
Srsl reduced and
gerri-
"oned
Epidamnua,
he returned to Macedonia.
Having
secured his dominions
by
theae barriers
on the western
side,
be was at leisure lo
turn his attention towards
Asia,
and it was ur- gently
claimed
by
the
danger
which now threatened
hun
from that
quarter. Antigonua,
eager
to
complete(he
conquest
of
Phrenicia,
and to
be at liberty for other
enlarpriaee,
as soon as
be had collected
a sufficieot
squadron,proceeded
to blockake tbe
hajbours of
Tyre.
The
gar-
riaon,however,
beU
oat fifteen
monttia,
and
though,
at
last,compelled by
famina to
capitn-
late,obtained honourable
terms, b"ing
allowed
to
departwith their
baggage.
While he was
oocn^
with tbe
aiagerPlolemy bad been en-
deavouring
to extend his influanca in
Cyprus,
which,
alter the lou of
Pbtenicia,was
doubly
important
to bim. In the first
year
of the war
(316),
he sent 3000 auxiliaries lo
support
his
allyNicocreon,
and in the
followingspring
fitted
out a
largerartnamenl,
destiniKl
partly
for
the same
purpose.
It consisted of iOO
galleys,
commanded
by Polyclitus,
and
10,000 mercenaries
nnder an Athenian leader named
MjTTui-
don
;
but the whole was
placed
under the orders
of
Ptolemy's
brother Mcnelaus.
At
Cyprus they
found Seleucus with hia
fleet,
and concerted the
plan
of the
campaign
willt
him. It was resolved to send
Polyclitua
with
HAy galleya
to
Peloponnesus,
where itwas
supposed
that Alexander and
Polyspercbou
wei"
still
acting
on behalf of
Antigonus;
MyrinidOD,
with his
troops,
to Caria,
to the relief of Asan-
der,
who was
pressedby
Piolenueua
;
and that
Seleucus and Menelaus should
remain,
with Ibo
rest of the fieet, at
Cyprus,
to
carry
on the war
against
the
pnncea
who bad alhed tbemaelve*
with
Antigonus.
Two of them were foroed to
submit:
t^pithus
and
Ceryniawerv
taken
by
storm;
but Citium made aa obstinate resistance.
Polyclitus
sailed to CenchreK, and
there,
bearing
of Alexander's alliance with
Cassander,
and
seeing
no
employment
for his
squadron,
aet
sail for the coast of
Pamphylia,
where he heard
that a fleet,
commanded
by Tbeodotua,
the admiral
of
Antigonus,
was on its
voyage
from
Patara
eastward,protectedby
a
body
of
troopv
under
Perilaus,
which moved
along
the shore.
Polychtus
laid an ambuscade for the land
iorce,
and either killed or
captured
tbe
whole,
and
took Perilans himself
prisoner.
With bis
squadron,
which he had concealed from view behind
an
adjacentpromontory, he,
at the same time,
attacked the
enemy,
aa
they
were about to land
to anccour their friendson shore,and took all
tbeir
ships,
with a
great part
of the
crews,
with
which he returned
triuniphantly
to
Cyprus,
and
then to
Egypt,
where
Ptolemy munificently
rewarded
bis
exploit.
This occurrence led to a
negotiation
Detween
Ptolemy
and
Antigonua,
who sent to ransom Perilaus and some of the
other
prisoners,and,
it
seems,
instructed hia
envoys
lo
propose
a
personal
interview with
Ptolemy,
who was then at
Peluaium. It took
place
on the confines of
Egypt
and
Syria,
but
we hear no mora of it than that it was bmkea
off,because
Antigonus
wouU not consent to
Ptolemy's
demands.
After the reduction of
Tyre,Antigonna
found
himself in
possession
of a
powerful
navy,
though
it fell
very
far short of the nnmbera he hadtaflc-
ed of With re-enforcemonta from Rhodes and
the
Hellespont,
and some which he found in the
ports
of
Tyre,
it amounted to 240 vessels of various
sizes;
among
which were
ninety
of four
banks of
oaiv,
ten of
five,
and as
many
often.
The increase of dimensions in the
ship*
employed
in naval warfare
corresponded
to the
enlarged
scale of the contests carried on in thia
age,
and to the
growing
attention
paid
to math- ematics
and to mechanical inventiona. He reserved
a squadron
of
fifty sail,
which he
designed
to send to
PeliqMnnesus.
The rest be
placed
nnder tbe command of his
nephew, Dioscorides,
and directed him lo croiae about the coasta
and
lalands where he
might
deero hia
pi
..Cioogic
NBGOTIATIONB." ANTIOONVS IN PHRYGIA.
CueandM-
wm" aware that Ibe
preparations
(f
Antigonus
would berore
long
be directed
tgainî
biraaelT
;
that
aa
soon,
U lea"t.as liehad
snbilued the resiatance which waa 8li[)
opposed
tn him in Asia
Mmor. he would
probabl;
make
an atlactc on Macedonia. He
tfaerelbre, on hie
leiurn rrom his
ex^diiion
to
lUfria,seat
Prep-
elaus with a bodfdr
troops
to
Caria,
tulbe aid
of
Asander,
aod
required
hia two
governors
at
AUi^ns,
Demetrius and
Dionysius,
to
equip
a
squadron
of
twenty galleys
for the
recovery
of
LeiniHis.
Tliey obeyed
liie
order,
and
appoint-
pd Aristoteles U" the comniand of the
expedition.
Seleucus deemed the
objectHuBicienlly impor-
uni 10 call for his own
preseucB,
He
joined
Anstotelea with his fleet. Yet
they
could not
pieiatl on the Lemnians to abandon the
cause
ofAaiigonns,
which
theyprobablyregardedas
Umi of their own
independence
; iheypreferred
in we their
territoryravaged,
and their town
iniested. Seleucus then sailed
away
to Coe,
lei'ing Aristoteies to conduct the
siege.
But
Dioarorides, hearing
of hia
departure, sailedto
Imidoi. The
superiority
of his force
muat
lure rendered resisianoe
hopelesB. Aristoteles
tuTDKlf
escaped,
but most of the
ships,
with
Ibeir
crews,
fellinto the
enemy's
hands. It was
1^
la (he aDtumii before
Prepelaus
arriied in'
lâria and united his forces with those ofAsan-
1
PtolemKos,
BUppoaing
that
they
would
operations
before the
spring,retired
into
winter-qnartera
i
the
earlier,
it
seems,
t"jii"ehe had
lately
lost hia
father, and wish-
cd
to celehraie his
obsequies. They sent a di-
'itioD of 8000 foot and SOOO
horse,
under "n-
polemus, to
surprise
him.
He, howerer. was
intnei
hy some deserters of the
enemy's ap-
pnnch, eoUected
nearly
an
equal
force from the
"eveu
cantonments,
fell
on the
camp
of Eu-
POleiBUS
at
midnight,
took him
prisoner,
and
fonxdhiatroopslosurreiiderthmweiii'es. With
"^
eecorrence the second
year
of the
war
(Hided.
Amigonus,on the
whole,
had hitherto been
pining ground and
strength;
for the saccesses
ofPtotemj
and Casssnder
were not to bo compared
iu
irapoTtance
with his
conquests
in
Syria
"id
Asia
Minor
;
and as hia resources were al-
"not
inexhaustible, he
might
calculate on the
Mnlmual
growth
both of bis
militarr
and naval
f"^. But his marine had not
yet,
it
seems,
"wwsred
hia
expectations.
More time
was
ûiiite
to enable him to wrest the command
jit
the
sea from
Ptolemy.
We have
aeen that
Diwcondoa,
though
it
appears
that he bad with
niin
the bulk of bis uncle's
navy,
had not ven-
"f"l
to aliaek
Seleucus.or to
attempt
to ro-
^TC
Umnos, before he heard that Selencus
MdaaiiBd
away.
Yet hia numben cannot hare
"ii
iiferior
to the
enemy's:
and il must be
'?JP""ed
that hia crews wanted the
practice
of
^
aailora
whom
Ptolemy
had
brought
fn"m
f^nicia.
At all
events, Aniigonussaw that
Mwas
not
yet
in a condition to attack
Ptolemy
^hieown
dominions with
any hope
of
success,
ne
determined
to turn his arms in
peraon
"plait
Cassander and
Lysimachus.
to
put
an
"M to the
war in
Caiia,and
carry
it over into
Sf^-
When
he had become master of Ma-
**"!"
and
Greece,it was
probable
that Ptole-
Wjuens
wonid not be able to rasieihim much
With these
views,
it
appean,
he
rMolved,wt
the end of
311, to take
up
hiswinter-qnarters in
hia old
province,Phrygia.
He led Demetrius in
Phtenicia to watch
Ptoleray'a movements, with
an
army
of about
12,000
foot and 6000
horae,
and 40
elephants,
but
appointed
four
experienced
oQicers " Nearchus, Pithon,the
satrap
of
Babylon,
who had
recently
come down
to Phcs*
nicia,Andronicus,
and
Philippus " to aid him
with their counseU. In bis first
attempt
to
cross Mount
Taurus,
he lost a number of
men,
and
was
farced to retreat
through
a
heavy
fall
of anew. But
having
waited for more favourable
weather,
he cleared the defiles and took
np
bis
quarters
for the rest of the winter at Celn-
DK. In the
spring
be sent for his fleet from
Phosnicia,
and on its
passage
it fell in with
a
Macedonian
squadron
of
thirty-six sail,
which
had, perhaps,
been sent to the aasiatance of
Asander,
and
captured
the wbole. The 6nt
operations
of the
campaign
on the land
wen
directed
against
Asander
;
but at the same timo
an opportunity
seemed to
present
itself for an
attack on Lysimachus,
who was threatened
bj
a formidable
confederacy
of the Greek cities in
the westero coast of the Kuiine. Ilwas
begun
by Callatia,
which had
expelled
the Macedonian
garrison.
This
example
waa followed
by Istria,
Odessns,
and other
adjacenttowns,
and
they
formed an alliance with several of their Tht"-
cian and
Scythianneigbbouia. Lysimachas,
however,
crossed the Balkan, recovered Odea-
sos and Istria.and,
after
having
defeated
aa
armyoTThracians
and
Scythians,
who were advancing
to the relief of their
allies,
laid
siege
to
Callatia.
Antlgonns
sent a
fleet under
Lyo"Hi,
and a land farce commanded
by Pauaanlas,to
the aid of the
besieged,
and induced the
Odrj-
sian
king.Senthes,to revolt from
Lysimachus,
andtooccupythe passes
aftbe Balkan.
Lysim- achus.
however, leaving
a sufficient force at
Callatia,
marched
rapidly
with tlie main
body
towards the
Bosporus,
where Pausaniaa had
encamped.
He
dislodged
the Thracians from
the defiles,and soon
atler carried
a
strong position
illwhich Pansanias bad intreecbed him*
self,
killed
the
general,
and forced aH bis
trotqm
to Bunender. A
part
of them entered into bis
After this
check,Antigoaus
resumed hie original
plan
for tbe overthrow of CasMnder's
power
in Greece. He now sent
Telesphome,
with a
squadron
of
"fly
sail and a
strong
land
force,to PeloponnesuB,
with instructions to expel
aU Alexander's
garrisons,
and to leave (he
cities in
perfectliberty.
Tbe
Greeks,
whatever
Uiey
may
have
thou^t
as to the motives of
this
proceeding,
seem to have been
willingto
take
advantage
of it. In a short time all the
eitiea of
Peloponneaus
were
free from
fiireiga
tyranny, except Sicyon
and Corinth, where Cra-
tesipolis
and
Polysperchan
were
strong enough
to
defy
both assault and
intrigue.
In tbe mean
while Asander was so vigorouslypressedby
Antigonus,
that he submitted to a
treaty,
1^
which he consented to surrender all his
troops,
to restore allthe Greek cities of his
province
to
independenoe,
and to
accept
Caria as a
grant
from
Antigonus.
He
gave
his brother as a hostage,
but soon
after
repented
of bis
concassion*,
recovered his brother out of
custody,
and
sent
to
implore
aid from
Pttdeany
and Selettoos. An-
SM HISTORY OF GREECE.
UfOQaa,indignant
at thii breach of
faith,
sent
M ainument,
under Medius and Doctmus, to
dislodge
all hia
ganiBoas
from the cities on the
CM*1
;
and while
tbey
reduced
Miletas,
he himself
alonned
Tralles,
and laid
aiege
to Caunua,
laaoB,
in the
mean time,
Bubiuitted toPtoleniK-
UB. The whole
province,
it
aeema,
was
nearly
in hia hands, when his attentiun was diverted
finm it
by
the moTementa or Casaander. Be- fore
CaanuB
fell, though
he had sent for the fleet
under Medina to
co-operate
in the
siege,
he
received
an
embaasy
from Che vidians and Bce-
otians. The iEloliana
were
in
great
distresB.
Oasaander's
general,Phiiippus,
had been directed
to iDvade ^tolia
;
but while he was ravaging
the
counlry, hearing
that âcides had
re-
torned to
Epirus.
had remounted the throne,and
uaembled a
strongarmy
to succour the "toli-
UB,
he advanced to meet
bim,
defeated him
with
great slaughter,
and took a number of his
principal partisans,
whom he sent to Cassander.
,/BncideB,however,
collected the wrecks of hia
simy, joined
the
^lolians, and
againgave
battle
to
Phitippus.
but
was once oiore
routed,
and
"lain. The ^tolians abandoned (heir unforti-
lled
cities,
and retired with their families to
tlnir
fastnesBea.
and sent the
embassj
to An-
tigonns.
The
BtEotians,who had
probably
nev-
or
fbrglven
Cassander for the restoration of
Thebes, were
encouraged,by
the
repeated
dec-
laraliona of
AnIigonuB,
to
hope
that
theymight
DOW
safelyde^
his
power. Antigonus
concluded
a
treaty
with both. But
we are
surprised
to hear that
very shortly
after he
proceeded
la
the
Hellespont,
and had
a conference with Cas-
under
on terms of
peace.
Perhaps
his
m
will be best
explainedby
the
paciScation
which
aetaallj
took
place
a
year
or two after. He
eonld
scarcelyexpect
that Cassaoder would be-
eonie tiis
ally,
unleas he
were
allowed to retain
possession
of
Greece,
which
Antigonus
had
gaged
to make free. The
negotiation
must
have been
a feint to answer a
temporary purpose
;
it
was, however, soon broken
off,
and
Cassander determined to sscare his hold on
Greece
by
a
fresh
expedition.
To have returned
to
Macedonia,
collected an
"tmy,
and invaded Greece
by land,would, perhaps,
have
required
too much
time,or
have left
Macedonia too weak. His immediate
object
was to make himseir
master of
Enbcaa,
which
was
eapecially importantto him on account of
its
vicinityto
Thessaly,B(Eotia"and
Attica
;
and for tbia he
seems lo have
thought
that the
"m^ Ibrce he had with him at the
Hellespont
would suffice. It
was with a
squadron
of
no
more than
thirtygalleys
that he sailed
lo
lay
siegeto Oreoa. Cbalcis
nas
alreadyoccnpied
by
his
troops.
He commenced his
operalions
so
vigorously,
that the
placewas on the
point
"f
falling into his
hands,
when
Telesphorua
arrived
with
twenty galleys
and a thousand men
Asm
Peloponnesus,
and
soon
after
Medius, with
A
fleet of
a hundred
sail,
from Asia. Cassander
"
wasnowaasailedinhistum. The
enemy
burned
a
part
of hia
ships
which were
blockading
Uie
harlfonr,
and all would have been lost if
th^
had not been
protectedby succours which
arrived firom Attica. With these he was still
aUe to make head
against
the
enemy.
Bui in
the
course
of the
summer, Antigonussent Ptol-
"nMua,
with 6000 loot and MO
horse,
and a re-
enfbrcement of
fiftyifalleys,
to Medina.
Hiey
were
accompanied by
ten
galleys
. which tlie
Rhodiana had been induced to furniah for what
they
considered as the cause of freedom. Ptol-
emnUB
entered the
Euripua,
it
seems,
from the
south, was
joinedby
a
body
of Bmocian
tmopa,
drew
away
the fleet from
Oreuf,
and threatened
Chalcisjso that Cassander
was
forced lo
raise the
siege
of
Oreus,
and to move towards
Chaleis.
Antigonus,
in the mean while,
advanced
towards the
HelleBponC,
and sent for (he
fleet under
Medina,
to cross over
into
Europe
and invade Macedonia. This
dangercompelled
Cassander to relum to his dominions. He left
his brother PI eistarch ub in command at
Cbalcis,
and marched back
oter
iand to Macedonia. On
his
way
he look
Oropus by storm, engaged
Thebes to abandon the BtEotian
confederacy.
and the Bteotian towna themseives to consent
to a Iruce with bini.
Anligonns.
however, was
compelled
to abandon his
projected
expedition,
because the
Byiantians.
iôm
he had invited
to
joinhim, were
induced,by
the
representations
of
LysimachuB,
to remain neutral. Tho
season,
too, was now so far
advanced,
that be
thought
it
prudent
to retire into
winter-quarters.
After Cassander'B
retreat,
Ptolemnus took Chal- eis,
where, to
prove
the
sincerity
of bis uncie'a
profeasiona.
he leftno
garrison,
bat
engaged
the
Kretrians and
Carystians
in alliance with
him,
and raarcbed into Attica. The Athenians had
alreadyopened
a secret negotiation
with An- tigonus;
and when the forces of Ptolemsos
approached
the
city,expressed
their
1eeV\oga
in
a
manner
which induced Demetrius the Pbalerian
to make
a tnice with
him,
and to send
envoys
to treat with
Antigonus.
Ptolemsus then
marched
northward,
took the
Cadmea,
and left
it in the bauds of the
Thebans,
and then, in like
manner,
liberated the Phocian and Locrian
towns from the
foreignyoke.
While these events were
taking place
in
Greece,Ptolemy,havingsuppressedan
JDsni-
rection in
Cyrene,
made
an expadilion
in
person
to
Cyprus,puniêd Pygmalion,
irtio had
been
treating
with
Antigonot,
vriUi
deatli,made
himself
master
of most of the cities whleb
were
Biill
wavering,
and leftNieoereon
as
his benten-
ant in the
government
of the island. Ha then
sailed
along
the coast of
Syria
and
CiUcia,
made
incursions into the
interior,
took and
plundered
several of the towns in
Upper Syria,and, lastly,
having
reduced Mallosand
ravaged
the
adjacent
country,
retired with the
booty
to his
ships,
and
sailed
away
to
CypreB.
Demetriua
waa roused
by
this
intelligence,
leftPithon in Phienicia with
the
elephants
and
heavy infantry,
and made
a
forced march into Cilicia with hia
cavalry
and
lighttroops.
He
came too
late lo overtake Ptol- emy,
and lost most of his horses
through
the
rapidity
of his movements and the lateness of
'e season
(313).
In the
followingspringPtolemy,encooraged
by
his late
success
and
urgedby
Seleucns. determined
to undertake the
conqnest
of CcbIo-
Syria.
He advanced to the
neighbourhood
of
Oaza, with
an
army
of 18,000
foot and 4000
horse,partlyMacedoniana,partlymercenaries,
and
with,
it
seems, a
far
greater
number of
Egyptiantroops.
Demetrins
quickly
collected
bis forces lo meet him. His council adviaed
not to venture a
battle,
in his father's ab-
SBLEUCU8 IN BABYLON. 3S1
sence, against
bo fonnidable an
enem; ;
Demetrius, boiling
with
youthful impatii
dUregardeil
Iheir admoniiioni and
inspired
his
troops
witli his own ardour. Thus the battle
ot Gaza was
fought.
His Dumbera
appear
ti
b"ve been
yerj
inferior to those of tbe
enem;
but, notwithstanding
ttie valour he
displayed
at the head of his
cavalir,
his
elephants,
which he had much
relied,beingentangled
the
spikes
of an iron
palisade
invented
by
Ptol*
emy
for the
occasion,
beeame the
principal
canse
of bta total defeat. Hia toss amounted
to 5000
slain, among
whom were Pitbon and
other officers of
highrank,
and BOOO
prisoneni.
Gaza, where he had left
iiis
baggage,
while it
opened
its
gates
to his
cavalry
on his
retreat,
ieU into the hands of the
pursuingenemy.
He
himself
escaped
to Azotus,
and sent a herald to
ask
permission
to
bury
hia dead. The
conquerors
not
onlygranted
this
request,
but restored
allthe
baggage
of hia household and the
distingoished prisoners,
without
ransom;
i
teoDslyadding,
that it was not for tbe sal
these
thingsthey
had
quarrelled
nith
Antigonus,
but because he had refused to share hia conquests
with the allies who bad borne their
part
io hia wars with Perdiccas and
Eumenes,
and
had
DDJDsltydeprived
Seleucus of his
satrapy.
Ptolemy proceeded
to reduce the Pbcenician
cities,one after anoUier, while Demetrius, having
retired 1o
Tripolis,
called on bis father to
retam,
with the nttnoat
speed,
to his
aid,
and
collected his
troops
from the tnote distant
gar-
Antigonus
afitcted to be littleeoneemed
by
Ptolemy'svictory, won,
as he
said,over a beard- less
bo;
;
ere
long
be should have to contend
with men
;
and he soon had the
pleasure
to
hear that bis son had
surprisedPtolemy's
genera],
Cillas,near
Myua
in
Upper Syria,
and had
taken him
prisoner,
with 7000 men.
Demetri- us,
not to be outdone in
geoeroaity,
sent CiUaa,
and several of hia
friends,
back to
Ploletnj
without
ranaom;
almost the
onlyexamples
of
a chivalrouB
spirit
which
gleam through
Ibia
dark scene of fierce and treacherous warfare
;
thODgh Ptolemy
also earned the
praise
of ei-
trsoînary magnanimityby
his mild treatment
of
Androntcus,who,
as
governor
of
Tyre,
bad
grosriy
insulted
him,
and afterward fellinto his
hands. But tbe
victory
of Gaza led to another
event,
which
proved,
io the
end,
fatal to
Antig-
oDOB. Seleucus now
thought
that the time had
arrived when he might recover bis
satrapy
of
Babylon. Ptolemy
mmished himvrttb no more
than SCO foot and 200 horse lor this
enterprise
;
but be relied on his
popularity
at Babylon,
and
OD the omens and
prophecies
which had announced
bis
high
fbrtune. He was
ready,
it is
said,
to have undertaken it alone. His confidence
was
brilliantiy justified by
tbe event. On
hia
march
throughMesopotamia,
he
strengthened
his littlehand with a
part
of the Macedo- nian
colonists at Carrie
;
and as he entered his
old
satrapy,
the natives flocked to him fi-om 911
quarters.
The news of the battle of Gaza and
of Filhon's
death,no doubt,
contributed much
Io his success. Tbe force left in
Babylon
appears
to have been small
;
and
Polyarcbus,
one
cf the officers of
Antignnus.
went over to him
vfith a thousand men. Those who remained
faithful
toAntigonoa
found resistance
hopeless.
and took
refuge
in one of ine two citadels, when
Diphilus.
the commander, held out for some
time. Seleucus, however, took it
by slonn,
and found in it
many
of his servants and frienda
who had been confined there alter his
flight.
Before,however,
he had time to assemble
any
great force,
he beard that
Nicanor,
the
militai;
governor
of Media, was on his march
against
bim,
with an
army
of
10,000
foot and 7000
horse, collected from Media and Persis. Se- leucus,
with as much boldness as he showed in
the outset of bis
adventure,
advanced to meet
himwitbnomore than 3000 foot and 400 horse.
He
trusted,
it
seems, partly
to
stratagem,
and
partly
io the inclination of Nicanor's
troops
in
his favour. In
fact,
having
crossed the
Tigris,
and
kept
hia little
army
concealed from view
'
: the
enemy approached,
he
surprised
Hi-
r's
camp
in the
night:
and when
Evagms,
the
satrap
of
Persis.had fallen in the tumult
that
ensued, tbe Persian
troops,
and a
groat
number of the rest "
partly,
it is said,
through
fear,
and
partlythrough
the offbnce which An- us
had
given
them "
passed
over to hia
Nicanor,fearing
lest he himself should
be delivered
up
to
Seleucus,
fled with a few
ipanions
across the desert. That alter this
:ory,
Seleucus soon made himself master of
Media, Susiana,
and some
adjacentprovinces,
which
probablycomprehended Persia,seems
easy enough
to understand
; especially
when
we remember that the Persians had been
deeply
oflbnded
by
Anti^nus,
and that Seleucus had
been
satrap
of Susiana a aufficient time to endear
himself (o some of the
inhabitants,
and to
iderhis
winning
character
generally
known.
Soon after he bad received the news of his
son's
victory
at
Myus, Antigonua
moved to
join
him in
Syria. Ptolemy
deliberated whether he
should
remain,
and risk a
battle,
or retire into
Egypt.
His council decided for the safer course.
He carried
away
allthe treasure be could
find,
and on his retreat dismantled Aci
(Acre),Jop-
pa.
Samaria,
and Gaza,
Thus,
without a
blow,
Antigonua
was
again
in
possession
of
Syria
;
but undercircumstancea bow altered from thoae
which he had left it ! He was then
master
of the East
;
now it was donbtful whether hia
aulbority
was
acknowledged
in
a
singlepror-
"
beyond
tbe
Euphrates,
It
was, however,
" time after bis return to
Syria
before ha
informed of this
change
in tbe
posture
of
bis affairs. While be
might,perhaps,
bare
prevented
it,
he was
employing
his forcea in an
ipedition against
the Arabiane of Pstra. His
object
was, probably,
to strikea
blow at the c/na-
meree of
Egypt,
which received the
spices
of
Arabia
through
the tribe which he attacked.*
But his
design,
ttbatever it
may
have been, wu
foiled
by
the
patient
valour of the children of the
Desert.
Demetrius,
who conducted tbe
expedition,
was
obliged
to make an
inglorious retreat,
and
precious
time was
irredeemablylost.
Soon after his return lettera arrived trom Nicft-
und some of the other
governors
of tbe
eastern
provinces, announcing
the events which
had occurred there. The
accounts Ibey gave
of the
rapid
progresa
of Seleucus must have
surprised
and
perplexedAntigonua.
It wu
probably
witli a twofold
motive,
to ascertain tbo
'
itale o(
aHairs,
and to make a
display
oil
i" HiJlliu [udali-fHCbicbu
dei DnKhii
HISTORY OF OSBECE.
Mnngth
whidi
might
Mrre to
1ce"pop
his
rep-
Dtation in the West, that,early
in 3U. be sent
Dwneiriua with an
army
of
nearly20,000 men
to recover
Babylon,
bat wiih instruclionB to
tum as Boon aa he should haie reduced the
province
to ohedience. Patrocles,who had
been left
by
Seleucua
gavernor
of
Babylon,
with a
very
small
force,
was
obliged
to
quit
the
capilalon his
approach.
Demelrius. however,
found both the citadels
prepared
to sustain a
siege.
He
very
shortly
took
one of them
;
but
the oiher held oat until he
thought
it
necessary
to return to
Syria.
He led Archeiaue with
6000 men lo
prosecute
the
siege,
and to maintain
hiB father's
authority
in the
province;
but
the license which he
gave
lo his
troops
to enrich
themselves with the
spoil
of the
country,
while it
strengthened
the interest of
Seleucua,
ôwed that he himself considered his
posses-
While these
importantevents were
taking
place
in the
East,
the slate of Greece remained
unchanged.
The
only
occurrence we Und recorded
in the interval
is,
that
Telesphoms,
jealOQs
of the
superior
rank and
authority
of
FtolemKUB,
lenoonced the service of
Antigonus.
With somewhat
capricioushonesty,
he sent
back the
squadron
with which he had been intrusted,
but
kept
all the
troops
he could
persuade
to share his
fortunes,
and commenced a
predatory
warfare oo bis own account. Before
his treason was fcuown he made himself master
of
Elis.
in the name of
Aniigonus,
and fortified
the citadel and
garrisoned
the
port,Cyl-
lene. He next
proceeded
to
Olympia, plundered
the
temple,
and levied fresh mercenaries.
H" had tbus laid the foundation of a little
prin-
dpality.
Bat
Ptolemsns, as soon as he heard
of his
proceedings,
marched iulo
Petoponnesua,
took and used the new fortress at Elis"
where,
itaeems,
he found the
spoil
of
Olympia,
which
he restored to the
temple
" and recovered
Cyl-
lene.
Here, again,
he adhered to the
principles
whioh his nncle
professed,
and
replaced
the Eleana in the unrestricted
enjoyment
of
their
city,pott,
and
territory.
Cassander had not been able to make
any
fresh
attempt
to
regain
the
footing
he had lost
in Greece. He had been
occupiedby a war in
Epirus,
occasioned
by
the accession of Alcetas
to the
throne,
and
by
an
expeditionagainstAp-
ollonia,which,
with the aid of (he
Corcyrsnns,
bad
expelled
bis
garrison,
and formed an aUt-
ame with the
Illyrian king,
Glauciaa,
Epidam-
nns had also revolted
;
and the
Apnlloniales
had Gidlected an
army,
with which
they
ventured
to
give
him battle when he
appeared
before
their walls.
They gained
the
day, though,
it
seems,
not
any very
decided
advantage;
but it
waa
sufficient,
with the lateness of the
season,
to induce Cassander to return to Macedonia.
After his
departure,
Leucas also called in aid
fhm
Corcyie,and freed herself from his
garri-
The state of affair*in 811 was such aa
might
nitorally
incline the
belligerents
towards aces
sation of hostilities. The
principal
of Ibeui had
sn"ared checks and losses which rendered their
prospects
more than ever doubtful. It
seems.
however, lo have boeo Cassander who made
the first overturea of
peace : and
perhaps
he
now
accepted
the terms which he had
rejected
In tile
negotiationat the
HeDespoat i at
least,
the conditions of the
treaty
were most unfavourable
to him,
and such as be could not havs
meant to fulfil But after his reverses on tha
coast of the Adriatic,be
might
wish to
gain
lime for fresh
preparations,
and to
strengthen
Macedonia before he resumed the
struggle
(br
Greece. The motives of
Antigonus appear
clearlyenough
Irom the
treaty
itself. It
was
agreed
that Cassander should retain bis an~
Ihonty
in
Enrope,
with the titleof
Strategus,
until (be
young king
Alexander came of
age.
Lyslmachus
was confirmed in the
possession
of
Thrace, Ptolemy
in that of
Egypt
and the adjacent
regions
eastward and westward. The
government
of all Asia was
assigned
to
Antig- onus,
and the Greeks were declared
independent.
The
great
concession made to
Antigonus,
at a time when so
large
a
part
of Asia had actually
slipped
from his
grasp,
and the omiasion
of the name of Seleucus. have been
thought
to
cast
suspicion
on the
report
which DiMtoms
gives
of the
treaty.
But we do not know in
what sense the
authority
of
Antigonus
id Asia.
was
acknowledged by
the other
parties;
and
theymay
have twen the mote
willing
to
eolBrge
bis
title,
the more
they
were )ed
by
the conquests
of Seleucus to
hope
that he would never
be able lo eidbrce it. That Seleucus was not
mentioned seems to
show,
that as
ADtigonoB
was
probablyunwilling
to
recj^gnise any
of his
pretensions,
so his allies
might
not like to limit
them. It
was, perhaps,idkiefly
the
prospect
of
the aid which
might,
in the course of some
time,
be
expected
lixnn
him,
that iodnced
Ptolemy
and
Lysimacbusto enter into the
treaty.
With
An- tigonus
the
principal
motive
may
have been tbn
article
relating
lo Greece. If he could have
prevailed
on the other
partiea
to execute it,
and
to withdraw their
garrisons
from
Athens,
Co- rinth,
SIcyon,
and whatever other towns
they
BiiU
held,
he would have
acquired
a
great
increase
of
reputation,
and would have been able
to resume the war
against
Cassander with a
considerable
advantage.
Whether the views of the
contracting partiea
were such or not,
the
treaty
waa coticluded
without
any
sincere intention on
any
side to
execute it,
and with
dispositions
wbicb rendered
itcertain that the
peace
would be of no long
duratioiL
CHAPTER LIX.
The
treaty
of 311 was ahnost
immediately
followed
by a tragical event,
which
may
be considered
as the natural
conseqnence
of one of its
conditions. Prom the
beginning
of the war the
young
king
Alexander and his mother had been
kept
in close
custody
at
Amphipolis,
wilhont the
attenduice
befitting
their rank.
Cassander, by
this
treatment,
had
given
sulScient evidence of
his ultimate intentions with
regard lo them.
He
probablyonly
waited until the Macedonians
should have been reconcQed to the
spectacle
of
their
degradation,
and have
forgottentbem, to
rid himself of them forever. The
declaration,
however, wbi^
Antigonus
made in their ""
MURDEB OF BOXANA AND HER 80N." HERCULES.
3B3
Toar on hia return from the
EaM,
b"j
have
revived the
hope*
of Oune wlio were
sfiU "t-
uched to the
royal
houBO
;
and the
trealf,
ivhich
solemnlyrecop^sed
Alexander's tit'
the
crown,
must hfne excited stillmore
guine eipeetalions.
The
young prince
DOW about
sixteen,
the
age
at which his father
had beeo intrusted with Uie
government
of the
state and the command of armies. His
partisans
openlyexpressed
tbeir wiaii to see him
immediately
released from coafinemeat and
placed
on the (lirone. That
Ihey
were instigated
to this
iiOudiciooa display
of their
loyalty,
which,
without
any
benefit to its
object,
could not bat alarm
Caasander,
and
put
him on
his
guard,byany
secret machinations of
Anligo-
nns,
seems a
very
needless
conjecture;" Antig-
oans
might safelyanticipate
that the terms of
the
treaty
would
produce
this effect,and he
was
probably
able to divine its remoter conae-
qnences.
Caasander hesitated no
longer.
He
ordered
Glauciaa,
with all
possible
secrecy,
to
murder Roxana and her
son,
and to conceal
their bodies. The
deed, however,
could not
remain
long
unknown. That it
gave
the
highest
jdeasuie
to Cassander's
rivals,
who saw
him loaded with all the
infiuny,
while
thej
reaped
the fmits of his
cnme, might
have been
easilysupposed,
even if Diodorus had not expressly
asserted it.t It is
only
remarkable
that none
of them
appeal
to have made
any
show of regret or
indigiution,
much leas were
induced to diaaolve the
treaty
and take
up
arms
"gainst
the murderer.
The DccaaioD which led to the renewal of
hoetUitie* wasof a
very
difitrent kind. It
was
connected with a breach which took
place
between
Antigonas
and his
nephew
Ptolemcus.
What
grounds
of
oomplaint
Ptolemnus had
against
his uncle has not been recorded
;
but
il seems more
probaUe
that he had been disappointed
in his
privateviews,
than that he
took so deep
an interest in the
independence
of tbe Greeks as to
quarrel
with
Antigonuson
their account.!
Had that been the
case,
he
would
hardly
have connected himself with Cas-
mider,
whose alliance he
songht
at the same
time that he revolted from his uncle. He had
It in his
power
to do
great injuryto
Antigo-
"UB
;
for
Phfenii,
whom he bad left in command
at the
Helleapont,
was his devoted
friend,
and Ptolenueus now sent a
body
of
troops
to
TB-enforce
him,
and exhorted him to
keep
pos-
aession of the fortresses and cities of the Hel-
lespontinesatrapy,
and to
pay
no
regard
to the
orders of
Antigonus.
The rivals of
Antigonns
could not view this event with indifference
;
and
Ptolemy
considered it as a favouraUe
op-
pnrtunity
lur an
attempt
to
deprive
him of the
cities on the coast of
Asia,
and of the islands
which were
aubjecl
to him, and thus at once
to weaken his maritime
power
and to shut him
out from Macedonia and Greece. The
treaty
;"'"rded a fair
pretext;
it had declared that
the Greek cities were to be restored to independence
; yet
a
year
had
elapsed
" it waa now
SlO^^^^d
still
Antigonus
had not withdrawn
any
of his
garrisons
bom the towns on the
I (4 h*
nutg
nth" too Tu ta
1,p.
ad),Uul lh" KU^rini
coast
of Asia or from the islands.
Antigooas,
perliaps,
had
scarcelyUiought
of
any
others
but tliose of
Proper
Greece.
Ptolemy,
however,
now sent a
squadron
under Leonulas
to the
western coast
of
Cilicia,to
dislodge
the
garrisons
of
Antigonus
from the maritime
towns,
and at the same time,by
means of his
envoys,
endeavoured to unite those which
lay
in the
territories of Cassander and
Lyaimachus
in the
cause of freedooL
Antigonus
sent hia
younger
son
PhilippusagainstPhcenix,
and Demetrius
to
Cilicia,
where he defeated
Ptolemy'scom- manders,
and recovered the
places
which had
fallen into their hands.
The revolt of PlolemKUS and
Phianix,
and
Ptolemy'senterprise,
would
probably
be sufficient
to
explainwhy Aniigoniis
made no attempt
to arrest the
progress
of Seleucus in the
Bast,even if this had been one of the
purpoaea
for which be concluded the
treaty.
That he
should have so far relied on it as
immediately
to set out on an expeditionagainstSeleucus.
as has been
conjectured,*
is in itself
highly
improbable
;
even if it were
possible
that Diodo- rus
should have
passed
over such an event in
total
silence,
the murder of Alexander moot
have warned him that the
peace
was not likely
to last
long,
and that he
was
in more
danger
than ever from Cassander, But it was
apparently
towards Macedonia that his attention
was
iccesaantly
directed
;
and Alexander's
death seems to have
suggested
a projectI7
which he
hoped
to overthrow
Cassander,
and
for which be
bad, perhaps,begun
to make
prap-
antions soon after he
heu^
of that event.
The
young prince
Hercules was atiil
living
at
Pergamus
with hia mother Barsine,
During
the lives of Arridaua
Phihp
and Alexander
jlDguB,
he had no
pretensions
to the throne that
could render him an
object
of
jealousy
or notice.
But he
might
now be conaidered as Uie
rightful
heir
;
he had
claims,at least,which,
in the
eyes
of all
loyalMaoedoniana, must have
appearedincomparablystronger
than those of
Cassander,
and he
might,tfanefore,
ba set
up
against
hiin with the foirest
proMiect
of
bqc-
cesB, This
engine,however,was in the bank
of
Antigonus,
and could
scarcely
have been
employed by any
one without hia concurrence.
Yet it is Dot
Antigonus,
but Po^-
sperehon,
hitherto Cassander's
ally,
who
appears
as the maintainer of the
rights
of Her-
culee.
Polysperchon,
we are informed, sent
for him from
Pergamos,
and exerted his interest
in Macedonia and "toha in hia behalf
so
successfully,
that he collected an
army
of
S0,000
foot and 1000 horse. Even if the
plan
had been his
own,
he would
probably
have
communicated it to
Antigonus;
and ho
was,
perhaps,
no more than his secret
agent.
This
supposition
is a littleconfirmed
by
the
facility
ith which
Polysperchon
abandoned his
enterprise
He had advanced with the
prince
to the
sa of
Trampya,
in the district of
Stymphtea,
the southwest border of
Macedonia,
where
own
patrimony layit
when Cassander met
him. The two armies were
encamped
not far
from each other
;
and
Cassander,
alarmed at
Dnncq (i.,p. 8W1, who flbdt
"
eaUbmmlioa "" hit
iKtnn inAinu,[sd"U."DdPi"lr"n.,ti., ",). Bu
fiRvd to ft dilbrinttpo^ t THt" "d l^roc^k, tO%t
the indioatjoneof
popularfeeling
be
perceived,
'Which led hjiu to fear that he ahould be deserted
by
hie own
troops,
made secret overtures
to
PoljBpArchon; representtDg
to h.
he snccoeded in his
enterprise,
be woald sink
into a
pnvate
station as
the
yonng
king's
ser-
Tanlj
and
aSering,
if he would
change
sides,
not
anljr
to restore all hia
privatepossessions
in
Macedonia, but to share his own
authority
with
him,
and to send him with an
army
to
take the
government
of
Peloponnesus. Poly-
"perchon,
whose conduct towards Phocion
ivoved
that he was a
stranger
to
every feeling
of
honour,having
calculated the
profit
of tiia
beachery,
consented to sacrifice his
word,
and
caused him to be either
poisoned*
or Mi
gledt
at a
banquet. Cassander,
it
seeme,
warded him with a hundred
talents,as an i
nest of fiiture
f^vourSi
and ftimished htm with
a small
body
of
troops
for the
recovery
of Pel- oponnesus
;
but he was not able to
penetrate
thronghBteotia,
and was forced to winter in
Locris- We have the satisfaction to know
that he never
enjoyedany
of the
great
rewards
irtiich had been
promised
for his crime. Hi
baseness almost reconciles db with Cassander'
eaergy,
ruthless and reckless as it was. W
have, indeed,
no reason to think Cassander
worse man than
any
of his rivals
;
and hi
most atrocious deeds admit of more
pallialiar
,
(hun the
impulse
of ambition and
revenge,
than
they
coold have
pleaded
for some
of
tbeirs.
When
we find Seiencus and
Ptolemy
diatia-
gnished
for their mildnras end
humanity.
i1
mnst not be
snppoaed
thnt
they,any
more than
Cassander,would have
^rupled
to commit
any
crime which their tntercrt
might
aeem to re-
qtiire.
Of
this,
in
Ptolpmy'scase, we have
a
proof
in the transactinrs if the same
year.
About the same time ihat
Poiysperchon
was
marching againstCaeinnder,
he madr an expedition
to the coast of
Lycia,
to
pmsi'cute
hia
eflbrts in the
cause of Grerjen
independence.
As he moved westward with his Okpi. he took
several
towns, and at Cog sent for
Ptolemvus,
vrtio was still
at Chslcis,to
join him, and
first received him
very graciously ;
hut as
endeavoured to
ingratiate
himswlf with the
principal Egyptianofficers
by
bis conversation
and
presents,
he soon roused the
suBpiciona
of
his new
ally,who, dreading
his
enterprising
spirit,
arrested and
put
him to
death,
and incorporated
his
troops
with his
own farces.
With like
vigour,having
heard that Nicocles
was
engaged
in a
privatecorrespondence
with
Antigonus,
he ordered him and his brothers to
be
put
to death wiUioot farther
inquiry.A
tragicscene ensued. After the death of Nic- ocles,
liiswife.
AxioChea, killedher
daughters,
and then
herself,having
Srst
persuaded
her
sisters-in-lawto follow her
example ;
and his
brothers
finally
set fire to the
palace,
and died
by
their
own hands.
Demetrius had been sent
by
his father to
check
Ptolemy's
progress,
and
compelled
him
to raise the
siege
of
Halicamassns, when it
was on
the
pointoffalling into his hands. Yel
we find
Ptolemy,
in
308, again
on the coast of
Caria,at
Myndus ;
and thence he
sailed,without
any
opposition,
to the Isthmus of Corinth,
*
Accndlrf
to TttliPI. ""!
Putuiu, it, T,t
t F1au"ti,t)iVil,PuiL,4.
On hia
ptastge
be (breed the
troopa
of
Antigo- nus
to evscnate the Isle of
Androa,
and sood
after his arrival induoed
Cratesipolis,
we knoiw
not
by
what
motives,
to deliver
np
Corinth and
Sicyon
to him. It was
only by
a
atratag^n,
practised
on her own
troops,
that she wss aUe
to effect her
purpose. They
were ready
to defend
the Acrocorinlhas. and, perhaps,
would
have refused to surrender it
;
but she
pretended
to send for re-enforcements from
Sicyan,
and introdoced
Ptolemy'sUxx^js
as the succours
she
expected.
She herself retired lo PatrK.
Ptolemy,
it
seems,
now
hoped
to nnite the Pel-
opannesians
in a
voluniaiy
alliance with hhn-
self,and
prevailed
on them to
agree
to a
supply
of
provisions
and
money
for the
su^Mrrt
of
his
troops.
But the
engagement
was
foreign
to their habits,and
perhapsthey began
to donbt
whether
they
were not sbovt to
expend
their
resources leas for their own defence than to fix
them under the rule of a
stranger;
and when
the time came
they
shrank from the fnlfilnwDC
of their contract. Ptolemy
saw that he could
rrat
rely
on their
good will,
and entered into a
new alliance with Cassander, on the conditior)
that each should retain the
places
he
poeaeased.
He left
garrisons
in Corinth and
SicyoD,
asd
sailed back to
Egypt.
At the aame time be
was
engaged
in an
intrigue,
which indicated
other
designs,tlireatening.
not
only
to
Antigo- nus,
but to Cassander. He bad been
negotiating
for a noion with
Cleopatra,
whose
alliance.
as she was almost the last
surviving
brunch of
the
royalhouse,
would have
given
him ns
good
a titleas
any
one now could claim to tlic throne
of Macedonia. She
was, probably, wciity
of her
long
confinement at Sardis,
and
accpted
lbs
ofibr of bis hand
as
her sole
remaining
chaitce
of
liberty
and
power.
She made no secret of
her
designs,
but
openly
set out from Sardis to
embark for
Egypt. Antigonus
was
apprized
of
her
movements,
and ordered his
governor
of
Sardis to arrest her. Soon after,fresh instructions
arrived,
in
compliance
with which the
governor
cnused her to he assassinated
by some
of hff women
Anligonoa,
to veil his
own
in the infnmnus
traniiaction, pnnished
the
wrcfched creaiurrB with death, and honoured
ns (ifhis
unhappy
victim with a
roy"l
filnera]. We
niEiy
judge
of the
sincerity
of the
indignetiun
ho imd
expressed
st Caasaoder's
proceedings,
Yi't
Antigonus
was
confessedly
one of (hf belter Hnd more noUe-minded of AJ-
now thought
it time to make
a more vir-
altempt
to wrest Qreece out of the hands
of
Ptolemy
and
Cassander,
and thus to
open
another easier road into Macedonia, Demetri-
ivas
eager
to undertake the
enterprise.
He
t a youth
of ardent
spirit,
of
livelyimagina-
I.
of inordinate
passions
:
divided,through-
bis hfp,between ambition and (he loVe of
isure.
siike
insatiable and
ungovernable
in
h.the Alcibiades of his
age.
In the midst
of hia
public
and
privateoccupations,
he found
'
severer studies,and,
if he had
not
teaman and a
soldier,he
might
bare
been renowned as the most
expert meclianician
of bis time. He
dplighled
in the invention ol
extraordinaTyengines,
which exhibited at once
the
grandeur
of his
conceptions
and the
ingenuity
and skillwith which he could
carry
them
DEMETRIUS THE PHALERIAN.
into eSfecL He was
captiiatedby
the
thought
of
beouming
the benefactor and
patroD,
rather
than the iDaater of Greece. Athens
especially
BttTBcied him
by
its
name,
and
by
the charac'
ter of the
people,
in so
many pointscongenial
with his own. He
aspired
to the
glory
of ac-
conipliahing
their
delivemnce.
of
winning
their
alTeclion,
of
ruling
over them with their free
consent.
Early
in the summer of 307 he set
sail from
Gpheaue,
with an armament of SSO
sail,a
great
store of
ammunition,,
and a treao-
nre of 5000
talents,
and steered direct for Ath-
It was now more than ten
years
that Athens
had remained under the
goremnient
of Deme- trius
the
Phalerian.who,
under the modest title
of
guardian,
with the Macedonian
garrison,
and
the fear of Cassander to
support him,
in fact
exercised unlimited
authority.
The accounts
which remain of his adminiatraiion would be
perplexing
from Ihe
appearance
of contradiction
they present,
if tbe
length
of the
period
during
which his rule lasted did not enable us
to reconcile them, Demetrius was of
very low,
if not of servile
origin;* yet
he
was liberally
educated,
was a hearer of Aristotle's schnbir.
TheophrasluB,
and
diligently
cultiiated rhi't-
oric.criticism, historical
learning,
and
political
philosophy.
He was an
agreeablespeaker,
an
elegant
and Toluminous writer. It
was, perhaps,
by
his
literal? pursuits
that be first
rec-
he
copied
ont the Iliad and
Odyssey
with his
own band, and could
repeat
almost
every
verse
;
and one of tbe meaaures of Dematrius was to
reyive the
public
racitationof the Horoeiic
poems
in a new form.-f For some time after his
elevation to
power,
be
aiqjears
to have wielded
it
moderately
and
wisely.
It seema aa if be
aspired
to emulate Solon and Ptsiatratua. He
introduced,indeed, no fundamental
changes
into the
Constitution,
but
preserved
its
forma,
while he enacted
many
laws,
of which Cicero
and other
impartial judgesspeak
with
great approbation.
He adorned the
city
with
useful,
if
not
magnificenthuildinga -.t
he raised the
public
reventie to the same amount
(1300 talents)
as ithad reached
during
the administration of
Lycurgds.
A
very surprisingproof
of the
general
prosperity
which Athens
enjoyedunder hi*
sway^
is nflbrded
by
a census which he took
of the
population, probably
in the
year
of his
archonship,309,
from which it
appeared
that
Attica contained
31,000 freemen. 10,000
resident
alieiks,
and the
prodigious
number of
400,000
slaves. The
31,000 must have incln-
iHlorb!^^
ded all tbe citiiens who
were daharred from
the eiercise of their franchise
by
the want of
the
requisite qualification
: their
proportion
to
the rest is not stated
: but. since 12,000 were
excluded
by Anlipater'sregulation,
the number
of slaves
possessedby
the
remaining
0000 citizens,
and
by
the aliens,mast beve been eooT'
mous: o"A much less,
it would
seem. Ihut
twenty
to each. It is remarkable that
aumplir-
ary
laws were
among
the acts of
Demetrius,
which we find mentioned. He limited the
number of
guests
at feasts,*and, to check the
excessive
magnifioence
which waa
displaysd
by
the
wealthy
at funerals,
ordered them to ba
celebrated before
daylight.
He himself
appears
to have retained the
earlysimplicity
of hi*
habits and the
philosophical frugality
of hia
meals,even after he had risen to his
high
"(""
tion,but, probably,
not for
any long
time
A
very
different
picture
is drawn of the
man
and his administration
by
other bands.l but
apparently
with
equalfidelity.
The time
cama
when be
began
to devote but a small
part
of
the
publicrevenue,
wbich all
passedthrou^
his
bands,
to
publicpurposes,
and
squanderad
the rest in
extravagantluxury.
In the costliness
of his
ordinarybanquris
he
surpassed
Uw
Mucedonian
grandees;
in their
exquiajt"
ele-
^'ance,
the effeminate
prioces
of
Cyprus
and
Pbtenicia. It was reniHrked that even the
floors of h\s rooms were adorned
by
skilliilart-
ista;
that his
guests
nr^re sprinkled
with
precious
ointments
:
that Ihe
superfluity
of hia
table enabled his cook" tbe most celebrated of
hia
day" to
purchase
three
large
houses. He
betrayed
a ridiculous
vanityby
the attentioa
which he
paid
to hia
personalappearanoe.
The
disciple
of
Theopbrastua
was not ashamed to
colour his hair,to
piiiiit
his cheeks, to wear an
artificialsmile
;
and.
uiiliappUf,
(his weakneaa
was connected with stnaual
passions,
which he
indulged
without
reserve,
at the
expense,
not
only
of his own
dignity,
but of the
peace
and
honour of faia
subjects.
He became, not
only
in the
political,
but m the moral
sense, tyrant
of Athena.
It is not difficultto account for the
change.
It was the natural effect of tbe sudden
acquist
tion of
power
and wealth on a man uf un.loci-
ded
character,who had, probably,
lancieil himself
a
pbilosopher
while he seemed destined le
an humble
station,
hut found his desires swell
with the
growth
of bis fortune. There
was,
however, another cause which contributed to
stiflebis better
dispositioDs,
and to make him
more and
more
indilTerent to the esteem
of the
wise and
good.
The forbearance and discretion
which he showed at the outset
probably
won
the hearts of tbe Athenians,
notwithstanding
the
prejudioethey
may
have felt
agsiast
him as Cassander's creature. They repaid
bin
with
extravagant
tokens of admiratioa and
gratitude.
Honours of allkinds had become so
common,
that
only very gross exaggerattua
oould render them
sifiuifieBnt.
Some
parasite
of the
assembly
desired a new distinction for
the benefactor of Athens ; he
proposed
to ereet
as
many
statues in honour of him as there were
, V,
Co
Ogle
S36 HISTORY OF GREECE.
dayaln
tb"
jnai;
and,
in less than 300
days,
8t0 broMe sLstues, mostly eqneatrian,
or
rep-
TsaentiDf
him in a cli"riot.atiested the
popular
eolbuaiaam. That it soon eiMled, and in time
waa followed
by oppositeaenliments,
may
easily
be conceived
;
aa
easily,
that while this
ehange
was
takingplace,
the Toice of
flattery
gnv
louder than
STer,
and that his
Tanity
and
Ticea were humoured with more eludied obse-
îoosneas. So,
in the
year
when be filledthe
offloeorsrchOB " the ninth orhis
government"
"a he headed the
Dionysiacprocession,
the
poet
wbo fairiiahedthe
hymn
of thB chorus cetebra-
tad bia iUustTioQB birth and the
dazzling
radi- ance
of Us
aapect.
When this kind of intoxication
waa added to that of
pleasure,
it is no
wouder that he
forgot
himself more and
more,
and wallowed in the foulest
depths
of sensual- ity.
Yet,
in one
very importantpoint,
he continued
to the last to deserve
praise
: his admin-
iUration
appears
to have been
quite
free from
the stain of
cruelty;
he
continoed,
it
seems,
to
exercise his
authoritymildly,
even alter he had
baoome conacioua that the
people
were
weary
of it.* We have
already
seen that
Ibeyeager- ly
liatetiad
to
tbepnHiiiaes
of
Antigonus,
enter-
Ad into
a weret correapondence
with
him, and,
vhen
Ibey
were
encouragedby
Ibe
presence
of
hi*
BBnenL Plolenuaoa,
did not conceal their
with for bia
alllaDee,
and (breed the
Phalerian,
at leaM
aeeatlndr,to
yield
to it.
Ttaqrwere,
Uereliire,quiteready
to receive
the aon ttf'
AMljfoDns
with the heartiest wel-
aouM
; tboogti
hta
apjnarance
was so littleei-
Cted,
that
aaqnadron
of
twenty galleys,
which
"entfonrara is advance of the main
fleet,
in
At diraction of Salamia, was taken for one of
Pttrieiny's,
and he found the barbonrs all
open.t
He aoterad
Plrmu, and,
when he was within
hearing
of the mnltttmla that lined the
shore,
otderad the
trumpat
to aonnd
a signal
for si-
lataee atMl attention. The herald then
proclaimed
tbat bis fittherbad aent bim to liberate Ath- ena,
to
azpel
the
foreigngarrison,
and to restore
the laws and ancient Constitution. It
may easily
be
iniagined
that this annoaneement
was hcani with Ibe liveliest
pleasureby
the
gieat
maaa of the Athenian
speotatore.
The
acooants of Diodoms and Plotarrh seem hardly
to be reconciled with eaeh other as to the
opposition
which be had to enooonter. Ac-
oording
to Diodorus,
the Pbslerian made an attempt
to defend
Pirvus,
but was soon
obliged
to retire into the
upper
city.
Plularcfa
says
lliat his
troops
received his rival's
proclamation
with shouts of
applause,
lowered their
"hields, and invited him lo land
;
and thst (he
Phalerian forthwith sent
envoys
lo treat with
Uie
conqueror.
It is certain that he soon became
anxious
only
for bis own
safely,
surrendered
the
city,
and
departed
under an oMvin of
bia rival's
Iroopa
to Thebea,
which he liimaelf
ciiose as
il^place
of his retreat.
This
was the
end of hts
political career.
He afterward found
"heller,
patronage,
and naeful
occupation
at Al- exandria,
under the Grat
Ptolemy,
whom he did
"at
long
aurvive.
At Athens, after Ms
departure,
be waa for-
allyimpeached
end uandeoined to death. The
inlence was executed an the 360
slalues,
hich were destroyed
with
every
mark of
ignominy
; yet
one waa preserved
in the
Acrop-
dis,at the
request
of
Demetrius,*
who did not
ibare the
popular
rcaentroent
against
his nanic-
sake.
in
imitation of the
proceedings
uhich
(bllowed the
expulsion
of the
Thirty
Tyrants,
eriod uf the laie
tyranny
was
destgnaied
itselffelt in
a
very
wide circle of the Pha-
lerian's
political
friends. Even the comic
poet
Menander was involved in
great danger by
bia
patronage,
and waa
only
delivered
through
lUe
intercession of
Teleaphorus,
the
nephew
ofAn-
tigonus.
It also extended to a class of
persons
ho
might
have been
supposed
stillmore se-
jre from the effects of a political
revolution.
.
law was
passed
"
proposedby
one
Sophocles,
in of
Amphicleides
"
farbiddingany pbikiso-
.
ber, under
pain
of
death,to
open
a school al
Athens without the
permission
of the senate
id
people.)
There can be little doubt thai
is measure waa aimed
chiefly
at
Theophraa-
s,
the master of
Demetrius,
wbo bad distinguished
him with
extrsordinary
maika of fa-
-"
". The influence of
Theophrastus.
whose
iples
are said to have amounted to the number
of 2000 at one
time,
was not
contemptible;
:t ia
probable
that the
philosophere,
who
were
mostlyforeigners,
were
generallyregard- ed
"
notwithstanding
the noble
example
of Xe-
nocrates " aa
devoted to the Macedonian
ascendency.
II must have been on this
ground
that
Demochares, who,
in these evil
times,
showed himself
not
unworthy
of his illuetnous
uncle,
lent his
support
to the measure. The
immediate elTecl
was,
that allthe
philosopher*
quilted
Athens. Their absence
was,
no doubt,
felt
Bs a privation
and
a losa. It waa like the
suppression
of a university.
In the
course
of
a
year Sophocles
was
impeached
as the author
of an
illegal proposition, and,though
defended
by
Demochares, was convicted,and sentenced
to a
penalty
of five talenta. The law was consequently
repealed,
and the
philosophers
re-
Dionysius
was not so
easily
induced to surrender
Munychia
as the Phalerian had been to
abandon Athens
;
he sustained a
siege
of some
days,
but the
place
was at lengthstormed,
his
troops
laid down their
arma,
and he himself
was taken
prisoner.
If we believe
Plutarch.
I"emetrius refused lo enter Athens until It
should have been
completely
restored to
liberty
by
the fsilof
Munychia,
and
during
the
inlervi
occupiedby
the
siege,
made himself master
of
Megdra. which,
it
seems,
was
only
saved from
plunderby
the intercession of the Athenians.
Possibly
he
may
have invested
Megara,
and
theo have relumed lu reduce
Munychia.
He
dismantled its fortifications, and then went
up
to the
city
and
presented
himself before Uie assembled
people.
He announced to them that
henceforth their ancient Conslilution was ro-
alored, and,
in his father's na
. .
thein a
present
of
ISO.OOO
buataels of a
timber for 100
galleys.
We cannot wanoer
at the transports
with which his address waa
^,
D"IHI .Phil.
FLATTERY OF DEMBTBIUS." HIS RECAXL.
received
;
especiallj
as in ihe
champion
or freedom,
the
might;chief,
who bad come witb so
formidable an armament lo eiecute his
generous
purpose, the;
befaeid a
young
hero of noble
person,
of
princelycarriage,
and a countenance
m which
grace, dignity,
and
spirit
were
blended with a
peculiarcharm,
which no
painter
of
tlieagewas
able
toporlray. Unhappily,
the
gratitude
and admiratiun of the
people
found
sordid and mischievous
interpreters,
who vied
with each other in new
devices of
abject
and
fulsome
flattery,
which
degraded
those who of-
lered
it,
and threw ridicule on its
object.
It
was littlethat Demetriua and hia father were
DOW saluted with tbe title of
kings,which,
though they
had never claimed
it,
so
properly
belonged
to them
;
that two new
tril)ea,
the
Demetrias and the
Antigoniaa,
were added to
the ten
which derived their names from the
old Attic beroea,
and that the council was
correspondingly enlarged
to the number of 600
;
(hat the name of the month
Mitoychmn
waa
altered lo Demetrion, one of the
days
called
Demetrias
;
and " as it was known that the
young prince
loved to trace a resemblance between
his own
person
and character and those
of the
voluptuousconqueror Dionysus
" the
name of the Demotria substituted for that of
the
Dionyaia.
It was not much that the divine
honours,
which Alexander had so
rudely
exacted,were now
freely
conferred on
Deme- trius
and
Antigonus.
It was
somettuDg
more
that
they
were consecrated under the titleof
lineSaviour Gods
;
that it was decreed a
priest
should be
appointed
every year
to minister at
their
altars,
with a solemn
procession, sacrifice,
and
games,
and that bis name aholild bs inserted
in all stale records and
private
contracts to
mark the
date,
instead of the arcbon's
j
that
their
images
should be woven in the
peplus
borne in the Fanaihenaic
procession, together
with those of Ute
tutelary
deities
;
tiiU the
^t
where Demetrias had first
alighted
from his
etarioC,
when he entered the
city,
ahould be
hallowed
by
an ahar dedicated" with an
epithet,
before
aKn^riated
to the ehief of the
giHla
ai Loxd of the Thnnderttolt" to the Descend- ing
Demetrius.
Stratocles, who,
on this
oooa-
sion,
taaked his
ingenuity to
exhibitthe utmost
Client of servile
impudence,
ddded the
piopo-
ul,that allambassadors sent to Demetritis and
Antigtmua
should bear the same sacred title
which had hitherto been
given
to the
envoys
who ooududad tbe
pablic
sacrificesto the
Olym- pic
and
Pytitiaa
gîes.This,indeed,
was an
bonimr which hul
already
been bestowed on
Alexander,
aod Stratocles was
obliged
lo
yield
tbe
palm
of baseness to another
orator,
who
moved that Demetrins.aa often aa he visited
Athens,
should be entertained with the sacred
pomp
ordained for the
reception
of
Dionysus
awl
Demeter,
and that a reward should be assigned
to the
person
who should celebrate the
festivalwith the
greatestmagnificence.3titl,
the inventive
genius
of the
time-serving parasites
did not
flag,
and afterward
suggested
still
deeper
strains of adulation.
It coold not be
expected
that
any
opposition
"taouldbe offeredto such
proposals ;
nor need
itbe doubted that
they were,
at first,
carried
with a certain
degree
of sincere enthnsiae
They
were not the less
pemiciolls
in their
Vol. H." U o
)n the character of the
people
and of De- metrius,
and on the cause of
freedom,
whiah
theybrought
into
contempt. Demeiriua,bew-
responded
to them
by
fresh marks of hon-
tnd
favour,
and adhered to the prlnci^
which he
professed
at the
beginning
of his enterprise.
He listened to the mediation of Uis
Atlieniana^-one which reflects some honour
tm
their
generosity
" in behalf of
Megara,protected
it from the violence of his soldierswhen
they
were about to
plunderit,
and left it with'
out a
garrison.
From
Megara
he set out, ao-
companiedonlyby
a few
lighttroops,
on an expedition,
which
may
be called
romantic,after
the Greek
fashion,to
pay
a visit to
Cratesipo-
lia,
attracted
by
the fame of her
beauty.
He
ordered
a tent to be
pitched
for Ihe
interview,
which,
it
seems,
she had
granted
at a distance
from his
camp,
but was surprised by
a detach-
'
from
Ptolemy'sgarnaon
at Sicytra
or Co- rinth,
and
narrowlyescaped.
After hia
retura
to
Athens,
lo the
great detighl
of tbe Athe-
'
ins,
he solemnized his
marriage
with
Euryd-
;,
a descendant of Miltiades,
and the widow
of
Ophelias,
one of
Ptolemy's
officerswho hod
fallen the
year
before in Africa.
Nothing
seems
to have occurred to
alienate tbe aflectionsof the
peoêfrom him while he temauied at
Athena
;
but,
in the course of a few months, he wi*
called
away
from this scene
of
cheap
and doubtful
glory
to a new field of harder oonieUa, by
orders from his father.
Antigonns had,
in the mean while,
been "i-
gaged m a
peacefulattempt
to perpetuate
hia
name by
the foundation of a new cityon
tbe
Orontes,
which be
called
Antigonia.
Here be
received the Athenian
envoys,
who cane to lay
the honours which had been decreed lo him at
his
feet,
and to solicit the fulfilmentof the
promises
made
by
his son as lo the aan and
timber. He
granted
all their
reqaeata,
and added
a stillmore
acceptable preseot,
ê tale ol
Imbros,
the ancient
possessioii
of the otûBOn-
wealth. But itseems that he was now alam-
ed
by inielligeace
of
Ptcdemy's
naval
prep"r"-
'
ns,
and
bylhe
firm hohlwhicb hehadgaiaed
Cyprus,
and determined to make an
^rt
to
est the islandfrom bim. He therefore ordered
Demetrius to
arrange
tbe aSkirs of Orseoe
sail
away
with all
speed
to tbe
conquest
of
Cy- prus.
Demetrius was
loth to abandon the oa"
reer which ha bad
just
so britllanUybegun.
But his ofllMtioDaitd reverence
for his father-"
the best feature in his obarooler
"
always
overpowered
every
other
feeling.
Before hia departure
he made an tnefiectual
atleropt
to bribe
Cleoniiias, Ptolemy's
commander, to evacuate
Corinth and
Sicyon,
and
early
in 806 sailed
away
with his armament to tbe coast of Caria.
Here he invited the fUiodiiuis to Uice a
part
in
the war
againstPtolemy ;
but Iheir
commerce
depended
too nuich on their conneiion with
Egypt
to render such a step
advisable
;
and
they
adhered to the
neutralily
which
they
had
hitherto observed. Demetrius,dissembling
hia
resentment, proceeded
towards
CiUt"a,
and having
re-enforc^
his armament with fresh
ships
and
men,
saded across to Cyprus.
His
amiy
consistedof
15,000
foot and 400 horse
;
his
fleet,
besides the
transports,
amounted to about ISO
saU of
ships
of war ; all,
it
appeaia,
Of a Biu
.
..Cioogic
HI8TORV OF GREECE.
miknowii in the
apclent
Gre^
warfare,
and
MTenl
capable
of
containing
between 3000 and
3000 men.
Demetrius
deliehted
in the contri-
Tance of melhods
bj
which these enonnouB ma-
chiitei
might
be moved with the
greatest ease,
M as to be
equal
in
speed
to the
lighter
Tea- sels.
HaTing
drawn hia fleet on sliore near
Carpasia,leaving
a sufficient foiee to
protect it,
he marched towards Salamis, where Meneiaus
awaited him with a fleet of
sixtysail,
and all
the forces he had been able la collect from his
garrisons
in the island. His nnmbers were not
mDch inferior to those of
Demetrius,
and he
Tenlured a
battle,
in
which, however, he was
defeated with
great loss,
and
immediately
began
to
prepare against
a
siege,
while he sent for
"necDurs to
Egypt.
DemetriUB
proceeded
to inreat Salamis
by
"ea and land
;
but the
place
was
vigorously
defended,
and after he had etfecied a breach in
the
wall,
his machines were flred in the
night
by
the
enemy ;
and before he had
repaired
this
loss,
he heard that
Ptolemy
himself had come
from
Egypt
with
an annament of 140
gaUeya,
and
transportsbearingnot less than
10,000
troopt. Ptolemy,
on his arriva! at
Citium,
about
twenty
mHea from
Salamis,sent overland to
Menetans,
orderinghim,
if
possible,
to send out
hia
galleys
to
Join
the fleet
;
but DemetriUB anticipated
this
movement, and when he sailed to
meet
Ptolemy,
left
ten of his
larger
vessels under
Antiathenes to block
up
the mouth of the
haihoDT.
Rolemy
had set aail
by night,hoping
to
surprise
the
enemy ;
bnt at
daybreak
he saw
them drawn
np
for action. The
contending
forces were so
nearlyequal to each
other,
that
the two chiefs
interchanged
messages
of scorn-
Ail defiance :
Ptolemy,bidding
Demetrius sail
tway
if hedid not wish to be overwiiclmed, and
Demetrius
olTfering
(o
pennit
his rival to withdraw
on condition that he would
give up
Co- rinth
and
Sicyon.
The battle which ensued
was one of the moat memorable in the
history
of ancient naval
warfare,as well on account of
the forces
engaged,
as for (he skill and valour
of the combatants. Demetrius
gained
a com-
Iôtevictory.Ptolemy
himself
escaped,
it is
said,with
onlyeightgalleys:
alUhe rest of bis
fleet was either
destroyed
or taken. Almost all
Ua
transports
and vessels o(
burden,
with the
troops,
the
arms,
the
engines,
the
treasure,
and
a multitude of
persons
who
accompanied
the
expedition,
fellinto tho
enemy's
hands. Mene- iaus
had
complied
with
Ptolemy'sorders,
and
"ent out his
squadron
Menietiue,who,
after a hard
struggle,
forced
Antislhenes to retire and seek shelter Irom the
land force. But he
came too late to take
a
share in the battle
;
and we
may suspect,
did
not
escape quit"unmolested,as Diodorus
represents.
According
to another
account,
Mene- iaus
himself fled with
Ptolemy,*
but it seems
to be better attested that he, not
longafUr,ca-
pilulBtud,
and surrendered
SnlamiB,
with allhis
ships
and
men,
to Demetrius.
Demetrius,on this
occasion,Sisplayedthe
generosity
which had hitherto
tempered
hia
hostility
towards
Ptolemy.
He sent bach his
brother Meneiaus, his son
Leontiscus,
and
several other
prieoners
of
rank,
together
with
his
privatebaggage,
and hoosehold servants*
"
retaining,however,
his
mistress, Lomio,
a celebrated
courtesan,
who soon
acquired
a
pernicious
and
degrading
influence over the conqueror
" and
honourably
interred the
enemy's
slain. He also sent 1200
complete
suits of
armour, at once a
trophy
and a
present,
to the
Athenians, t At the same time,
he
despatched
Arislodemus the
Milesian,to
carry
the
tidings
of this
signalvictory
to his
father,who, aware
of
Ptolemy'smovements, was
wailing
with
painfulanxiety
for the result.
Aristoderaus,
when he ncared the
land,cast anchor,
and
put
off in a aklff to the
shore,
and
proceeded
alone
towards the
palace
of
Antigonus,who, hearing
of his
arrival,sent some of his attendants to
meet him and learn the news. But the wily
Greek
preserved
an obstinate
sQence,
and advanced
slowly,
with
composed countenance,
in
the midst of the
inquiringcrowd,
towards the
palacegale,
where
Antigonushimself,no
longer
able to control his
impatience,
had come out to
meet him.
Aristodemus,
when he drew
near,
addressed him in a loud
voice,
with the salutation
:
"
Hail
',
King Antigonus
: we have defeated
Ptolemy
in a
sea-light,
and are masters
of
Cyprus,
and have taken near 17,000 prisoners."
Antigonus
breathed
lighter,
sod
playfully
threatened that the
messenger,
who had
kept
him so
long
on
tenter-hooks, should,
in Ins
turn,
wait for his reward. The title,however,
with which Aristodemua had
greeted
him was
not the least
agreeablepart
of his
speech.
t He
had
long,
as both Aristodemus and the Atheni- ans
knew, designed
to assume it. It
had,
indeed,
become almost
necessary
to
place
him on
an
equality
with
Seleucus,
who had
alreadyreceived
it
mm the
barbarians,though
he did not
exact it from the Greeks.
Aniigonuathought
his son's
victory
a fit occasion to unite the
name with the substance of
kinglypower,
and
now
solernnly
assumed the
diadem,
and
conferred
the same
dignity
on Demetrius, whom
he
mgarded
as the
partner
of his throne. The
intercoqrse between the father and the
Eon,
from first
to
last,presented
the
pleasing
spectacle
of lender
affection,playfulfamiliarity,
without breadi of filial
respect,
and unbounded
mutual confidenee. The
example
of
Antigonus
was
immediately
followed
by Ptolemy
" whose
"" "
were
eaget to show that
theyluere
"
Polyinui (I I,T),
wh".
THE NEW KINGS." RETREAT PROM EGVPT.
nol diBbsartened
bj
his defeat " and aoon after
bjrL;BiniBehus
and Seleucus.
Cassandcr,also,
was
saluted wtlh the title
by
his
subjects,
but
did not
adopt
it in bia own letters. Tbe title
seems to have made no
change
in tbe babilsof
any
a[ the new
kings,
at least in their inler-
coarse with the Greeks,' In
fact,
it
onlypro- claimed
wbat
every
one knew
before,that
they
held their domiAions in tbeii own
right,
and
ackaowledged
no
eupertor.
Casaander,Foly-
spercbon,
and
Anligoniu,
luid removed
every
pretender
ta a more
legitimateroyally.
The
accurreoce,
however, visibly
marks the new
period
which had suoceeded to that in which
Alexander's saccessore were
struggling
with
each other in the dame of his
empire
and his
boose
;
and it was a httle relief to the world
that,
if it was stillto be tonuented
by
their sm-
bitioa,
it was no
longer
to be iosulted
by
their
empty
professions,
and Chat
they
no
longer
affected
to be
aaything
more or less than was
equal
to their real
glrength.
AutigonuB,
elated
by
his son's
victory,
believed
that the time had
come,
when he
might
crush
Ptolemy,
and resolved to mvade
Egypt
witbont
delay.
He sent
for Demetrius from
Cypios,
and collected bis forces at
Antigonia.
He himself
look the command of the
amy,
which was
Mmpooed
of
80,000 foot,8000 horse,
and 89
dephants
: Demetrius was to conduct the
fleet,
ISO
ships
of war and 100
transports,
loaded
with ammunition, along
the coast of
Syria.
It
was the
b^nniug
of October before
Ihey
set
out,
and tbe naasters
tri'thefleet warned
Anlig-
onin to
expect
a
change
of weather at the setting
of the Pleiades,
which was
onlyeightdays
later. But be
hoped,by
the
rapidity
of his
movements, to
surprise Ptolemy,end,reproach-
ing
them with
cowardice,
gave
orders to
pro-
c^^d.
At Oaaa he ordered his
troops
to
provide
themselves with food for ten
days,
and loaded
great
nnmber of
camels,
which had been col
lected for him
by
tbe
neighbouriogArabs,
with
com.
From Oaza Demetrius
pursued
his course
for a few
days
in a
calm,
tbe svifter
galleys
towing
the
transports.
But the
predictions
which
ADtigonus
had
slighted
were exactly
fulfilled.
The fleet was
dispersed,
and suffered
great damage, by
a
gale
from tbe north,
Whicb
many
of the
transports
were lost
;
si
eral of tbe war
galleys
were driven ashore
the
snampy
coast near the
city
of
Raphia,
and
those which weathered the
storm,
and made
Ibeir
way
as far as Mount Caains. not far rrom
tbe mouth of the Nile,were obliged
to remain
at anchor
there,as
it was
impossible
to effect
a
landing
tlut"ii^
the surf Nor would itother- wise
have been safe on a hostile coast.
Still,
three of the
larger
were
lost,
with almost all
their
crews,
and the rest were reduced to
great
distress aad alarm,as their
supply
of water was
spent,
while it was uncertain how
longthey
might
be
kept
at sea.
The wind abated in
time,
and soon
dtor
the
army appeared
to
protect
their
landing,
and to afford tbem needflil
freahment.
But the difflcnKiaaof the
enterprise
were i
to come.
Ptolemy
was as woU
prepared
defence as be had been
against
Perdiccas. The
rewards which he offered attiBcted
many
'
"
!" " msiwB, H
nnudi, Dgmeti,,
IT,
serterefrom the
enemyscamp. Antigonuawaa
lable to cross the
Nile,
and Demetrius waa
'pulsed
in two
attempts,
which he made at
different
points,
to enter it,and,
after
havioK
suffered fresh loss and
damage
from another
north
gale,returned,
with
great difficulty, to
the eastern coast to
join
his father.
Antigonoa
had calculated on the effect of a sudden,well-
combined attack
;
it had failed in all
poinis,
and
as not
prepared
for a
longer
stay
in the
enemy's country.
His
provisions
both for
meit
and beasts were
nearly
consumed
;
and it can
have been
only
to save
appearances
that he aT-
fected to ask the
opinion
of his
council,
whether
would be better to
remam,
or to defer the
conquest
of
Egypt
to a more favourable season.
They
were unanimous in (he recommendation
to retreat with all
possiblespeed,
and he
may
have
thought
himself fortunate when tbe re-
ains of the
army
and
navy
were
brought
back
safetyto Syria. Ptolemy
celebrated his second
deliverance,
which seemed to ensure hint
againata recarrence of this
danger,by
sacrifl-
~~
and
feastings,
and wrote to comrauoicate
success,
which
nearly
counterbalanced (he
loss of
Cyprus,to his
aUies,Seleucus,Lysimar-
chus,
and Caasander.
It was
partly
to console himself for this disaster,
and
partly
to
punish
the Rhodians for
their retiisal to
co-operate
with Demetrius in
the invasion of
Cyprus,
that
Antigonus
now
re-.
solved to reduce them to
subjection.
Tbe
changes
which bad taken
place
in the cont-
merce of the
world,
in
consequence
of Aleialt-
der's
conqnoats,especially through
the foundation
of ^zandria,
had,
it
seems,
been
peculiarly
favourable to the
prosperity
of Rhodes.
It had now for
many years enjoyed
untnter-
mpled peace.
After Alexander's
death,
tbe
Macedonianganieou
was
expelled,
and tt seema
that no attempt
had afterward been made ta
compel
the Rhodians to receive another. Their
friendship
was courted
by
all the rivals who
contended for (he
empire.
Their
government
was a
polityhighly
extolled
by
the ancienta for
the wisdom of its institutions. Tbe
rulers,
at
least,
bad the
prudence
to conciliate the
poorer
class,
which was not
permittedto share their
poUtlcal privileges, by
a liberal
provision
for its
wants. This
was not an
expedient
to serve a
"
temporary purpose ;
it was a hereditary
usagBf
by
which the
wealthy
had
alwayscontributed,
in
a mannar unknown to most other Greek
cities, U"
therehef of the
indigent.
Thus
exempt, partly
through
a
happy
combination of
circumstances,
partlythrough
their own
prudence and moderation,
from the evils of war and civil
discord,tha
Rhodians had
actively cultivatedallthe resources
of their fertileisland and their
geographical
poailioo.
All the
arts, both of
peace
and
war,
were carried to the
highestpoint
of
pertbction
among
them that
they anywhere reached in
this
age.
The
magnificence
of the
public
buildings
which adorned the
citywas
hardlyequal- led
in
any part
of Greece. The
masterpiecsa
of
sculpture
and
painting
which
they
could boaat
of
preserved
and
enlargedthe ancient
glory,
celebrated
by Pindar,
of works that seemed ta
live and move. But it was more
especially
in
those which
belonged
to the defence of the
city
and the extension of its maniime
power
tbttt
the
government displayedits
activity
and fora-
HISTORY OP GREECE.
thoughl.
No other Greek
city
could exbibit
arsenBla, armories, magaiines,
and
engines,
comparable
to those of Rhodes. The
vigilant
attention
paid
to (he
naiy
was indicated
by
"
law
forbidding
tbe common
people,
under
pain
of
death,
to enter the
dockyards.'
It had lieen
conlinualiy gainingstrength
with the eilension
of trade
-,
and the Rhodiaas had felt themselves
^le
to
undenaiiu
alone the task of
suppressing
the
pirates
who had
long
infested th* Grecian
waters,
and who
appear
to have
grown
more
numerous
and insolent in the confusion which
followed Alexander's death
;
and
they had,
in a
greatmeasure,
cleared tbe sea of this
pest.
In the congests of Alexander's successors
it
had been tbe
object
of their
policy
to
preserve
neutrality. They had,indeed,
the
greatest
need
, ,
of
Ptolemy'sfriendship ;
for itn^s from
Egypt
they
drew their chief
supply
of
com.
and with
Alexandria that
they
carried on their most
profitable
coimnerce
;
bat
theyhad.also,reason
10 fear the
enmity
of
Antigonus,
and had en-
deavoured, aa we have
seen,
to conciliate him
by readycompliance
with
allhis demands for
tbe furtherance of his naval
ptcparaticns.
Af- ter
their refusal to aid Demetrius
against
Ptol- emy,
Antigonus
sent a
squadron
to
intercept
all
Teasels
sailing
between Rhodes and
Egypt ;
and when the Rhodians forced it to withdraw,
interpreted
this defensive
measure as a declaration
of
war,
and threatened them with his vengeance.
In the
spring
of 30S ha
prepared
to
execute these
threats,
and collected an arma-
tnent for the
siege
of the
city.
It was in vain
that the Rhodians
attempted
to soothe him
by
flattering decrees,
that
they humbly besought
bim not to force them to break their
treaty
with
Ptolemy,
who had never
injured
them. Their
envoys
were dismissed witb
a stern
reply,
and
brought
back
so
alarming
a
description
of the
preparations
of
Demetrius,
who
wa
with the
expedition, that,
for
a time
ness of the
government gave way ;
they
offered
to submit,
and to join
Antigonus
m his wr
againstPtolemy. When, however,
Demetrii
demanded
a
hundred of the
principal
cittzei
"s hostages,
and that bis fleet should be admitted
into the
harbour,they
saw that
they
must
expect,
not an ally,
bat a master,
and
prepared
forthe
inevit^le
struggle.They sent enibas-
"ies to
Ptolemy,Lysioiiichua, and Casaander,
for
succour, and,
in the mean while,
called forth
alltheir domestic lesauroea. Besides their
own
Citizens, they
aimed
as
many
as
they
could of
ite resident
aliens;
and
compelled
those who
Were not able or
willing
to serve to
quit
the
city.
The number enlisted" SOOO citizens and
1000
strangers"
seems smaller than
might
have
been
expected.
But it must be remembered
that the
poorer
class was
employed
in tbe
navy.
On the other hand, arms were
given,
also,
to the slaves " whose number is not reported
" and it was decreed that those who
distinguished
themselves should be
emancipated,
and tbe
pricepaid
to their
owners
by
the
treasury
-, and the wise and beautiflU Athenian
law " by
which those who fellin battle were
honoured with a
publicfuner^,
theii
parents
and children maintaiaed at the
expense
of the
State, theirdaughtersportioned,
and tbe
orphan
"
SMbo, ST., "
IW, TaiHte,
youths,
when
they
came lo
age, presented
eaeb
suit of
armour,
and crowned at the Dio-
festival" was
adapted,
as an
extraordi-
I,
for this
emergency.
All ranks
lalud with
equalardour,
and vied with
each other in
voluntarycontributions,
of
money,
""
or labour,
to the common cause. Detne-
crOBsed over from the
port
of
Loryma,
on
oast of
Caria,
with an armament thai almost
covered the
intervening
channel
: 200
ships
of
war,
more than 170
transports,bearing neaiiy
40,oi|)0
infantry,
besides a
body
of
cavalry,
and
of the
pirateslatelyconqueredby
the Rbodi-
whom he bad taken into his
service,
and
mmense store of
arms
and
engines;
attended
by
abont 1000 vessels laden with
pn"-
vlaions. He
encamped nearly
within bowshot
of the
walls,fetling
the
trees,
and
demoliîng
the
buildings
in the
outskirts,to fonn
a
triple
palisade
round his
camp,
and constructed a
harbour cloae to the
great port,
sofllcienl
intain his
huge
fleet. One of his first
opens
was to send
a detaohment,consisting
chiefly
of the
pir*tos,
whose bitter
enmity
rendered
them fittest for this
service,lo
spread
devastation over tbe island.
So
began
thia
uege
of
Rhodes, not less meni'
orable thui those of 1480 and 1639 for the
energy
dis(dayed
on
both sides
; perhaps
more
interesting
as the successful
struggle
of a free
people against
a
fearfhUysuperiorphysical
force. The details
might
have filled an entertaining
volume. Demetrius Srst directed his
attack on the side of the
baiboiir.heping
to exclude
the
enemy
from the sea. He made himself
master of the
point
of the mole, where he
landed 400 of his
troops,
aitdthen
prooeeded
to
batter the walls witb stones of eoonnons
weight,
hurled
by
his terrible
floatingenginee.
But
Ihougb,
after
an
Bssadl which laMed
eightdays,
he effected a breach,
he
was
repulsed
with
so
much loss and
damage
as to be forced to retire
into his own harbour to
repair
his ahattered
vessels and machioes. After an interval of
seven
days
he renewed the attack.
Again
bis
floating
batteries
playedupon
tbe wall
: otheia
kept
the
ships
of the
besieged
at a distance
by
a shower of
fire,
while a
palisade,
covered
tq*
plates
of
Iron,
mounted on a
strong raft,
warded
off their misaQes. Tbe
danger
was
preasing
:
the
prytaoes
made a fresh
appeal
to the
qiirit
of their
oountiymen,
which was met witb new
enthusiasm. A band of volunteers manned
three of the best
ships,
and
put out, as on a for- lorn
hope,
to attack tbe iron
pabaade,
and the
floating
machines behind it. Aflei
a
hard cotB-
bat,
their
desperate
valour forced its
way
throughevery obstacle,
sank three of the engines,
took one of his
ships,
and
put
the rest to
flight.
His
admiral,Exeoestus,with
some
other
ufficers,waa wounded,
and made
prisoiieT,
Demetrius caused another machine to be constructed,
of thrice the
height
and breadth oftha
farmer. But it
was
sunk
by
a
sudden
gale
as
it waa moving
towanis the iBOUth of the harbour,
and the
besieged
took
advantage
of the
confusion which ensued to make
a
aally,by
which
they
recovered the
point
of the
mole,
and
forced the 400 men led there to
lay
down their
arms. Shortly
after this
victory,they
were
farther cheered
by
the arrival of a ro-enforoe-
nwnt
irf160
men
"mi
Ci"t",
and SOD
sent b;
SIEGE OF HHODES.
341
Pulemj',put];
citJMna of their
own,
who had
BDtered into bis
aervice.
Tbeee disasters " whtcb
probsbl)'
could not
hsTs beeo
repaired
before the
approach
or winter
would have rendered it
impossibleto renew
the
attempt on tbe harbour " detenoined Ueme-
liius lo
change
his
plan
of
operatiooB,
and lo
auault the
city
on tbe land
side,
where be
would be lass
subjectlo
aischBuces,
would
have fewer obstacles to
encounter,
and
might
gire
free
range
to bla boldest
oonceiîons.
Ac-
oordinglj,
bis
preparations
for the second
stage
of tbe
siege
wera on a scale lar
aurpassiug
all
Hut he had hiUierto devised. With the assiB^
ance of an Athenian
engineer,
named
Epioia-
ehus,
he now built hia celebrated
machine,
called,
with
a
jvngnostio
which
happilyfailed,tbe
Uelepolis(citytaker).
It was a
square
wooden
tower of 160 feet
high,
divided into nii
MunmunicBling by
stain with each i
fhmiabed with
apertures
in front for the dis-
oharge
of misailea of
every
kind. The three
"xpoaed
sides
were sheathed with ti
~'
tower moved on
eightwheels, so coj
lo admit of
a
change
in its direction. When it
was Btorod and manned for
action,the labour
of 8400 ineD " the
sljongcst
in the
camp
"
was
required
to set itin motioa. Tbe
Helepolis
had
two
worthy companions
in a
pair
of
tattering-
rams,
each 150 feet
long,
and
requiring
1000
nnn to
propel it,
and armed with a beak like
that of
a
riup
of war.
Thirty
thousand work-
awn were
einpioyed
in these
preparations,
which
may easily
be
aupposed to have
occupied
the
g)"aier pan
of the winter. In the mean while,
the
beaiegedwere no less
activelyengaged
in
measures of
precautionagaioel
the
impending
danger. They
built a new inner
wall,parallel
to thai which was
threatened, and, having no
other
materials,polled
down their theatre and
the
adjacenthouses,
and even some of their
tempin,
not without a solemn vow to restore
them in better
condition,
if tbe
city
was
pre-
During
this interval
they
sent out nine
galleys
lo
intercept
the
transports
which were
bringingproviaionscnr ammunition for tbe be-
Biegeia.
The
squadron
divided itselfinto
three,
which cruised in varioua directions
;
all did
great damage
to the
enemy,
and returned with
valuable
prues. Among
these
was a
galley
containing
a
quantity
of
royal apparel,
with
other
presents
and letters from Pbila to her
husband.
Menedemua,
the
captor, sent the
pracioos
cargo
to
Ptolemy
;
and
Demetrius,
it
is
said,complained
that the
letters, ai least,
had
not been delivered to him
; for,notwithstanding
the lenible eamestnesa of the
condict,the feeling
which
prevailed
between tbe
parlieswas
lather one of
generous rivalry
than of
implacable
animosity. Demetrius,as he made his
approaches,
had
found,
in one of the
suburtw,a
picture
of
Piotogenea,paintedby
order of tbe
Mate. It had
oocupied
the artist seven
years,
and
only
wanted the
"nisliing
touches. The
KhodiBDs sent an
embassy,
not to
recover,
but
to intercede fc" the
picture;
and I"emetrius answered,
that he would rather
destroy
his father's
statuea. On the otber
band, a
proposal
which
was made in the Rhodian
assembly,
to
pull
down the statues of Demetrius and
Anligonus,
was,
it is
said.Indignantly rejected
; nor was
(my change
made in the honours
paidto them
before the war.
At
length,
in tbe
springar304,
the
Helepolis
and its
gigantic
escort were
ready
to take tbe
field. A
space
of
neatly
half a mile wide was
levelled for their
approach:
and,together,they
faced a
part
of the wall whicli included sereit
towers. Tbe
Rhodians,
it is
eaid,
had been
persuadedby an
engineer
of
Aradus, named
Callias,
that he would be
able,by
a contrivance
which he exhibited to them in a model, to
can^
away any
of the
enemy's engines
and hoist rt
aver the wall into the
city
;
and
they
were even
induced to diamiaa their state
engineer, Diogne-
tus,
and lo
appoint
Callias in his room. But he
was now
obliged
to confess that to
transport
the
Uelepolisthrough
the air was an undertaking
beyond
his means
Diognetus,
we an,
informed,
resumed bis
station,
and contented
himself vrith an
attempt
lo convert the
ground
over which the
ponderous
machines were to
pass
into a
swamp.'
But the
delay
thus caused
appears,
at least,not to bave lasted
long.
De- metrius,
however,
did not
relysolely
on his bat- tering
engines;
before
they
were
bronghlup,
he
bâo a
mine,
which
might
have
spared
hint
farther
trouble,
iftbe
besieged
had not been
apprized
ofit
by
a
deserter,
when ithad been carried
very
nearly
into the
cily. They
immediately
dug
a trench
parallel
to the wall which
was in
danger,
and
opened
a countermins,
which arrested the
enemy's progress.
Dcme-
triua
attempted
to bribe tbe
Milesian,Athe-
nagoras,
who commanded in the
countermine,
10
admit hia
troops
into the
cily
;
but
Athenagoraa
disclosed his
overtures to the
Rliodians,
and
enabled them to
capture
an officer of
high
rank
who was sent to examine the
passage.
Tbe
lin
hope
of
Demetrius, therefore,
stillrested
the'eSto of his machines.
They
were beginning
to shake the walls,
when an
embassy
came from Cnidus to offer its mediation
;
and
Demetrius consented lo a
suspensinn
of hostili-
Ibe
negotiation proved
fruitless
: the
assault was
renewed,
and one of the
strongest
'
I. At Ibis crisis the
publicdcspond-
a littlerelieved
by
the arrival of
a
supply
of com from
Ptnlemy,Cassander,
and
Lysimacbus.
Tbe
besieged
made an
attempt
in the
night
to firethe
enemy's engines,which,
though
it
failed,
did
greittdamage
to them;
id,
white
they
were under
repair,
built a third
ner wall in the form ofa
crescent,
and
opened
new trench to cover
the
part
which had fallen
. During
this interval their
spirits
were
again
raised
by
a naval
victory,
in which
they
ca^
tured several vessels of the
pirates,
and their
chief,
Timocles. But the assault was soon r".
newed, and tbe breach
widened,
so thai Deme- trius
began
to consider it
practicable, though
be
' - ' -"
'"-en able lo
dislodge
the
besieged
from
hjeh remained
standing
in the midst
of the ruins. At Ibis
juncturethey
received a
supply
of
corn,
and a re-enforeemenl of
men,
from
Ptolemy; and, nearly
at tbe
time,
an
embassy
came to the
camp
oT
Deraeiriua,
of more Ihan
fifty envoys,
sent tw
Athens
anil
other Greek
slates, to induce him
make
peace
with the Rhodians. It would be
unjust
to
suppose
that the
gallant
efTorte of Ihs
,glc
349
HISTORY OF GREECE.
flhodlans excited no
sTOipathT
in
Greece,
and
snggesled
no reflections on the
independence
which was to be
protectedby
the
Jwsiegcr
of Rhodes. Bui the main
motive,as
srell
as
the
pretext,
of the
embBBsy, appear?
fiave
been the state of
Greece, which,
in t
absence of itsdeliverer,was
again
threatened
by
Cassander.
Possibly
il was also known that
their mediation would not be
unacceptable
Bemelrius. It is
probable
that he had
already
4Mnceived
strongmisgiTings
as to the issue of
)]isenterprise,
and
regretted
that he had embarked
in
it,
and would have been content to
withdraw from it if he could have done
so
with-
4"ut distionour. He therefore consented to a
truce for the
purpose
of
negotiation ;
but still
his demands were
higher
than the Rhodians
'could
grant,
and the
treaty was again
bmken
olf. Demetrius then
prepared
for what be
probably
foresaw would be his last
attempt,
to
take the
cityby
atorm. He made itin the
night,
trusting
rather to the elTect of
surprise
than to
ôrce.
His
plan
was to distract the attention
of the
besiegedby
a ilemonslration of
a
general
attack on the aide both of the land and tl
while a select
body
of about ISOO
troops,
Alcimus and Manilas,
havingapproached
under
cover of the
night,
made their entrance
through
the breach. The
plan
succeeded
so far,that
Alcimus and Manlias
penetrated
into the
city,
and took
up
a
positionon the site of the demolished
tliestre,
while erica of alarm crossed
each other in all directions. We know
not
whom in
particular
the hononr
belongs,
that
remained calm in the midst nf the
tumult,
pi
ceiyed the
enemy's design,
and sent orders
all
quarters
to
keep
the
men to their
posts
the
walls,
while a select
band,
reserved fbr
such
emergencies,
and
now
re-enforced,
by
the
Egyptian auxiliaries, engaged
the division of
Alcimus and Mantias. A bard combat
ensued,
which
grew
more and more
unequal,
as the
Rhodians were
couCinualljt strengthenedby
fresh
succours,
while none came to the
enemy.
Tlie assailants were at
length
forced to
retreat,
and
most of them
were
killed
or
taken. Their
two leaders themselves
were
among
the
slain,
though Alcimus,an
Epirot
of
giganticstrength,
wore B
corselet of
Cypriansteel,
which was
proof against
a dart from a
catapult.
The
Rhodians lost their
pi^tanisDemoteles,
perhaps
the hero to whose
presence
of mind
they
were
"
"'""ory.
is repulse,Deit
the s:
"
But if he was not
weary
of it
himself,
his father
perceived
that it was
interfering
with
more
important objects,
and
might
lead to disastrous
consequences \
and he directed his eon
to make
peace
on the best terms he could.
Demetrius
only
waited for
an
opportunity,
and
one was soon after
prescntcii by
the arrival of
envoys
from
Ptolemy
and the jEtoli
with
a
"
purpose.
Ptolemy"
a
friendly
motive " counselled the
Hhodians to
accept any
tolerable conditions
ftom
Autigonua. The .^lolians
appear
to
have been
impelledby
their
hostility to Cas-
Mnder. Both the
parties,
perhaps,
made
some
concessions which
they
bad before refused.
The Rhodians were allowed
to retain their In-
êpcDdence, the sole occasion of the
long
struggle.They consented, indeed,
to enter
into alliance with
Antigonus,
but were neither
to receive a
garrison
nor to be forced to
join
in
any eipedittonagainstPtolemy.
On the
other hand, they
v/en to deliver a hundred
hostages,
whom Demetrius
might select,except
persoTu
in office. This
was not the demand
which had roused their resistance, De-
melrius retired from the
siege
in which be had
now been
engaged
a
whole
year,
after
an immense
loss of treasure and life,without
any
compensation
but the
equivocal
titleof Polior-
celes
[thebesieger) ; though
it was more
properly
applied
to him than the name of
Helepoln
to his baffled
engine.
To the Rhodians there
remained the consciouBnesa of heroic efforts
in a noble
cause,
crowned with
glorious
success
;
and the
pleasingduty
to fulfil their
vows to the
gods
and
testify
their
gratitude
to
their benefactors. The theatre and
temjdet
rose
again
in more than their former
beautyi
statues were
erected in honour of Caasander
and
I.ysimachus.
To
Ptolemysomething
more
was
felt to be due. It is
onlyaurprising
that
the Athenian
flattery
of Demetrius did not divert
them from the
tbou^t ;
but
they
obtained
permission
from the oracle of Araraon to confer
divine honours on
Ptolemy,
and
consecra*
ted
a
piece
of
ground
enclosed
by
a portico,under
the name
of the Ptolemmmi. Their concluding
transaction with Demetrius was a singular
exchange
of
courtesy.
Before he sailed
away, theyrequested,and,
it
seems, ohtained
some of his
engines,
as monnments of his
power,
and "
though
this
may
have been
only
in their
thoughts
" of their own
gallantry.
While Demetrius was
wasting
his time and
strengthagainstRhodes,
Cassander had been
making great progress
in the
conquest
of
northern
Greece,
and obtained
posaessiun
of Co- rinth,
which he
consigned
to the oare of
Prep-
elaus,
and had laid
siege
to Athens
;
and
Polysperchon
had recovered the
greater part
of
Achats, Arcadia,
and
Argolis.
Demetrius
only
waited to collect his
forces,and, soling
direct to Euhcea,
entered the
Gnripus
with a
fleet of 330 aai^"
including, perh^M,
the transports
" and
a numerous
army.
He
expelled
the BcBotian
garrison
from
Cbalcis,and
pursued
Cassander,who, on the news of his
approach,
had raised the
siege
of Athens and
retreated
northward as far
as the
Spereheins.
Near
Thermopylte,
it
seems, an action took
place
between
them,
in which CasauideT was
'
"ealed,
Heraclea surrendered to the
conqaer-
and 6000 Macedonians deserted
to him. On
return he received the submission ofthe Ba-
otian
towns,
and
as he entered
Attioa,
reduced
Phyl*
and
Panactum,
which were stillheld
by
Cassander's
garrisons.
These
were the
presents
"
perhaps
not less
acceptable
than the
rom
and timber " with which he
greeted
the Athcni-
If his
presence
did not awaken the same
feelingsas before,
it
was
hailed with
an
appearance
of even warmer enthusiasm. It
was,
indeed,
difficultto invent
new honours for him
which could seem
greater
than those he had
alreadyreceived;
but the ftaticrers
imagined
that he
might
be
gratilied
with the
profanation
of what stillremained most venerable in the
eyes
of the
people;
and it
was decreed that
the
Opisthodomus,
the hinder c^ of Ibc fn-
DEH"TRIU8 IN PBLOPONNESUS.
348
1 his
lodging.
But tbe chaim of
nOTslty
was
paat
;
and be began
U" be Bickened with tbe incense so
prodi-
giUj
oflered. It
might
seem
impossibleto in-
anJt a
people
vhich had so far lost all
respect
for
itself;
and
Demetrius,pertiap",
did not
think that he was
giving
offence when he
made the freest ose of its
hospilalitj,
and
pol~
lated the sacred
dwelling by scenes of the
coarsest debauchery.
The most notorious
courtesans of tbe
day
were the most
decent,
the least iufamoas of the inmates with whom
be shared the
temple
of th^
Tirgingoddess,
his
elder
sister,as he was used to call her
;
and it
seemed as if the
people
did not shudder at this
desecration of their
Holy
of Holies. On the
contrary,
(he men who assumed to be its organs
went still a
step farther,
and
proposed
temples,
and
iibsttans,and
pissns,
for his fa-
TOunte mistresses and hja vilest
parasites ;
a
species
of
flattety, howeTer,
in which the The-
l"iis,
it
seems,
had
already
led the
way.*
De-
metrios himself
was anrprised
rather than
pleasedat the eioess of their
servility.
It hurt
bis self-.
complacency
to find hunselfthe champion
and
protector
of so
degenerate
a race
;
and he was heard to
complain that,
in his
day,
there was no Athenian left who
possessedany
Tigonr
or
dignity
of soul.
Yel indications were not
wanting
which
"ni^t
have convinced him that
feelings
still
BurrtTed on which he wss
recklessly trampling,
and which, though theymight
be
stifled,
did not
cease to suffer
;
that there were men stillwor- thy
of tbe name of
AUienians, who were
pain- fully
conscious of the
publio ignominy.
A
yoiith
named
Clesnetus,
whose father had in-
cmred
apenaltyof fifty talents,
obtained a written
order irom Demetrina that it should be remitted.
The order was
obeyed; yet
for a mo.
Dient
the
spirit
of the
people
seemed to revive,
and a decree was
passed
that no citizen should
present
a letter ^m Demetrius.
Soon,
however,
it became known that tbe
king
had es-
preeaed
vehement
indignation
at this faint outbreak
of Ibe
manly spirit
which he affected to
regret,
and Stratocles fiew to his
post.
He
alaimed (he
people
with a
picture
of the eonse-
quenoes
that
might
follow from this rash
step,
"nd
proem'sd
a decree, by
which its aathors
irere evndenmed to death or banishment,
with
" dedaiatiDn which
recognised
the
principle
of
Anazarchus
;
that whatever
King
Demetrius
should command was
agresabte
to
piety
and
justice.
There were stillsome bold
enough
to
say
that Stratocles must be out of his
sen^s
to
propose
such
extravagant
decrees.
Demoehares " who knew tliathe was richl
warded
by
Demetrius for his infamous ser
" remarked that he would not be in his senses
ifhe were notout of thcm.t This sarcasm "
a creature of Demetrius, touching,
as it
did,
secret of slate
policy,
could not be
forgiven;
pretext
was soon found on which he hunself
was condemned to exile.
80 the winter
passedaway ;
with the n
of
spring (303)
Demetrius started with his
wmti
alacrity
from the
lap
of
pleasure,
and
*
AtbaiiMit,vi.,M.
t Plimch, Dmmt.. H.
ptlmn iihr'Sr (IiiiSMhtm.
Idka Ihi aviiic HHiib^d to TbunatoclM
: ttniUyiiB' Sr ti
îatvAsÂa-
again
took the field. His first
objectwas lo
recover
Peloponnesus
from
Cassander,Poly-
sperchon,,andPtolemy,
The order of his
operations
is
subject
to much
doubt;
but ft
seems most
probable
that his first
attempts
were directed
against Sicyoo
and Corinth-
He had
already,
the
year
before,
made hiiD-
self master of
CenchreK,
snd this seems to
have
suggesteda
stratagemby
which he sai~
prisedSicyoo.
It
appears
that he advanced to
some distance
beyond
the
Isthmus,
and then
retreated with the main
army
to
Cenchrea,
where he seemed to abandon himself
entirely
to
pleasure.
But he had lell a
body
of
mercenaries
under
Diodorus,
with orders to move
suddenly
on
Sicyon
from
the
side of Pellene
\
the
fleet,or
squadron,
which
lay
in the Corin- thian
Gulf,was
directed,at tbe same
time,
to
appear
before the
harbour;'
and he
himself^
after a
proper
interval,set out with the rest of
his forces to
support
them.
Diodorus,by
a
sudden
nightattack,
had taken the lower
city;
but the
garrison
made
good
their retreat lo the
citadel. Sol
withstanding
its
strength,
the
go"-
emor, Philippus,
either terrified
by
the besieger's
engines
or won
by
his
gold,surres-
dered to Demetrius on condition that the
garrison
should be allowed to return to
Egypt.
Demetrius then
persuaded
the mhabitaots to
abandon tbe lower
town,
and to transfer their
dwellings
to the table-mount on which the citadel
stood,whioh,
from the
steepness
of its
sides,
afforded the
advantages
of a natural
stronghold,
while the abundance of
water,
and
the elevated
position,
rendered ita more
agreeable
residence. Demetrius razed the old town
to the
ground,
and the new one was carried
rapidly
forward
by
the labour of bis
troops.
It
was for some time called al^r him
Demetrias,
and the inhabitants,delighted
with tbe
change
in their
situation,
for which
theywillingly
resigned
the
dangerous neighbourhood
of the
sea,
honoured him with annual
games
and sacrifiOM
as their founder. Their
gratitude was the livelier,
as he leftno
garrison
behind htm. He that
turned bis arms
against
Corinth. Here he bad
partisanswithin,one of whom admitted hi*
troops by nightthrough
a
postern
into the
ci^.
The
garrison
continued to hold the two citadels,
Ihe
Sisypheum
and the
Acrooorinthus;
but when he had stormed the
Sisypheum,Prep-
elaus,despairing,
it is
said,
of
resistance,
or
using
this
pretext
to cover the bribe he
accepted.!
surrendered tbe
impregnable
Acrocorin-
thuB on the same terms which had been
granted
to the
garrison
at
Sicyon.
His conduct was
on
every
supposition
dishonourable
; yet
he
appears
to have retained bis master's confidence,
Corinth was a
point
of too much importance
to be risked for the sake of a name
;
and Demetrius
probablysuggested
the
request
of the Corinthians,
which he most
reodilr
granted,
that liewould
occupy
it with his
tro"^
until he should have ended the war with Cas-
saêr.
After the fall of these
places,Polj-
sperchon's garrisons
were soon dislodged
"4 HISTORY OF GREECE.
ftom the Aehtian towns. At
.ilgimn,
Strom-
WchuB, the commander, and
eighty
of
Poly-
"perchon'8partisaiiB
were
put
to a cruel
death,
for which Strombichas aJone
appears
to have
gfivenprovocationby
an
insulting
defiance of
the
conqueror.
His
operations
were
equally
auccegsful in Arcadia, where Manlinea alone
offfercd
resistance,
and ia
Argolia.
At
Argos
he made a
long stay,
not
only
to celebrate the
Ilenean
games,
bul to solemnize his
raarriage
with the PrincesB
Deidamia,
whose brother
Pyrrhus
had been restored
by
Glaucias to the
tlu'one of
Epims, and,
as Caasander's mortal
with
Obey
the directions which ho had recniTed from
his father before he last
quitted
Greece
;
and
he collected an
assembly
of
depulzes
at Co- rinth,
which,
in its
nnmbers, presented
the
appearance
of a national
eongreea.
It inveated
Urn with the tillewhich had been bestowed on
Philip
and Alexander at the same
jdace,
and
voted a
body
of
troopa
for hU war with Caa-
Ae the time
spent
in these
tTansactions,
and
the order in which
they
succeeded each
other,
cannot be
clearlyascertained,*so (he
opera-
tiona of
Demetrins,immediately
after the con-
greaa,
which seems to have concluded his campaign
in
Peloponnesus,
are involved in
great
obacurity.
It would have seemed allowable to
presume
that be returned to Athens for the
winter with Deidamia
;
but we lind him elsewhere
so
early
in the
ensuingspring,
and
apparently
on bis return from a distant
(quarter,
that
it is difBciilt to believe he had been there
only
ttmonth or two before. Yet it is
nearly
certain
that,
in the interval between the autumn of 803
and the
spring
of
802,
he made an
expedition
to the
west of
Greece,
which was in some
way
"onneeted with the affairs of Leucas and Cor-
"yra,
end was in
part
directed
against
the JEUt-
lians,
notwithstanding
the alliance which he
had
so
lately
contracted with them.t We
know, indeed,
that
Corcyra
had
lately
fallen
into the hands of the
Spartan adventurer,
Cle-
onymns, who had been sent
by
the
parent
state
to aid Tarentum in her wars with ibe Lucani-
Bns and the Romans
;
and Demetrius
may
have
been
templedby
the
opportunity
of
efTecling
its
deliverance,
and thus
eatabJishing
his influence
there. His
rupture
with the ^tollans
may
have
arisen out of his
recent alliance with
Epirua
;
and
perhaps
stich
an occasion would offer the
beat
explanation
of an
expedition undertaken at
"nch a
aeaaon.
and
at a lime when he was
pre-
1
paring
to decide hie conlest with Cassander for
'
the
possesaion
of Macedonia. However this
"ay be,
towards the end of
March,302,we find
kkn
aîn
on his
way
to
Athens, and announ-
"fag
his
Bpjmat*
in a letter to the
people
with
a"
extraordinary demand,
which shows that the
ImprEMionwhich had been made
on him
during
his seoond visit had not been weakened
by
bis
"bsenee,and that he had learned to
expect
as
the
price
of
freedom,unlimited
compliance
with
S;
HU
[H., IDS,lU) "lr nlUei
Uh odupT
pomli IB " niT
admitted to their last
stage ;
and he now re-
qneated
that the whole
might
he
despatched
in
the course of the next
month,
after which be
designed
to sat out on his
expedition
to Mace- donia.
There were two difficultiesin the
way
^
the
mysteries
called the
lesser,at which the in- itiations
took
place,
were celebrated in the month
Antheaterion,nearlyanswering
to
February
;
the
greater,
in Boedromion, or
September,
when
another
step
was taken
by
the candidate
;
bat
between Ihia and the
last,
which introduceil
h im to the
eôpliia
" the fbll
possession
of all
the secrets hidden in the i^cesses of the
mystic
sanctuary
from
profane curiosity
"
a
year's
probation
was
requiredby
the
law,
which had hitherto
been held sacred. But it had
already
been
decreed that the wiU of Demetrius was the
only
measure of
piety
and
justice;
and StraWcles
lighted
on an
expedient
to reconcile it even
with the letter of the law in most
points.
The
next month was called
Maaychion ;
bat
a decree
might change
its name to
Anthesterion,
and when Demetrius had been
initiated,
it
might,by
the same
power,
be tianaformed into
Boidromion,
and such a candidate
might
well
be allowed to
pass
at once from the seoond degree
to the last. This motion was carried,notwithstanding
the
opposition
of the obief minister
of the
mysteries,
the Torchbearer
Pythodo-
rua.
Demetrius,on his
entrance, was rscaived
with all the bonoors that could have bem p^
to a
present deity
;
incense,garlands,libatiOB),
aacred
hymns,
and dances. One of the
poems
sung
on this occasion
by a chorus has
happily
been
preserved;
less
remarkable,perhaps,
for
the
profanenesa
of its
flattery,
in which it could
not
go beyond Stratocles,
than for the boldness
with which it avows an utter disbeliefof the
whole established
system
of
religion.
"
The
other
gods
are either far
away.
Or their eara
B
lacking,
Or else
they
are not,or
they
heed not
.
Thee we see before us : No tbrm of wood
stone, but flesh and Uood :" and it
pmeeeds
pray,
that he would
grantpeaoe
to the
woiid,
and
punish
the
rapacious
ftoliana,
who had
now
begun
to infest the distant
coaala of Greece.
If,
after these
hononrs,
and the fruition of the
myaticvision,
Demetrius laid a tax of 260 talents
oti Athens,and,when itwas
collected,
distributed
it
among
his mistresses for their dreas-
ing-tables,*
or if he
permitted
them to extort
money
in his
name,
we
cannot, perhaps,oen-
Bure him as
ungrateful;
hut we
may resaoua-
hly
be
surprised
that he
ônld
stillhave
thought
that be retained some claims on the
gratitude
oflhejVthenians.
In the meui while Cassander
was aware of
the
dangur
that threatened him : he knew that
Demetrius,having
made himself master of
Greece,meant to
bring
allhis forces to bear on
Macedonia,
and he felthimself unable to resist
the attack. Yet. before he
prepared
for
defence,
he resolved to
try
the effect of an
appeal
to the
moderatifHi or
prudence
of
Antigtmus,
and sent
to
propose
terms of
peace.
Tba aoawar was
dictated
by
Ibe consciousness of an
OTttWdm-
ing
power
:
"
Cassander
must aubmit to the
pleasure
of
Anligonus/'
there could be no
peace
between than on
any
otiier terros. But Oss-
"
"i(
ifUli'ii, n"K.,Dun., IT.
DEMETRIUS IN THESSALY.
Bander bad not sunk so kiw, and, perfiaps,
had
cmly
made the
eTperiment,
that he
might
hare
B better claim to tbR aid of hia allies. Me in-
Tited
Lyaimachns
to a conference,
and
thej
sent a common
embassy
lo
Ptolemy
and SeleU'
CHS,
to
represent
the
danger
with which allalike
were threatened
by
the
arTogant
ambition of
Antigonas,who,
once maatn of
Macedonia,
would be able to
overpower erery
rival. But
the
enemy
was too near lo let them wait lor
foreignsuccours,
and
they
concerted a
plan
for
a diTersion,which
niightparalyze
the movements
of Demetrius. It was
agreed
that
Ly-
simachuB sbonld cross over into
Asia,
with a
division of Caasander's
forces,
under
Prepelatis,
added to his
own,
to
carry
on an offensive war
with
Anligonue,
while, with the
rest,
Cassan-
der advanced to check the
progress
of Deme- trius.
In the
spring
of
90S, Lysimachus
exe-
eiited his
part
of the
treaty,and,
having
crossed
the
Hellespont,began
a series of
operations
in
Asia
Minor,
the reanlt of which will be heresf-
ter related. Casiander moved into
Thessaly,
and sent a detachment forward to
occupy
Tber-
mopyla;.
Demetriss had
already
assembled his land
and sea forces at Chalcis,
and now sailed into
the Gidf of
PagasR,
and made himself master
"rfLarissa
Cremastd,
and several
places
in the
south of
Tfaessaly.
Cassonder
strengthened
the
garrisons
of Phern and the Pthiotic
Thebes,
and was stillat the head of an
army
of
nearly
*O,0OO
foot BDd 1000 bor"e. That of Qemelri-
BS was
nearly
donWe this number. The eon-
lingents
of the Grecian states foimed its main
strength,amoonting
to
25,000
men
;
the remainder
was
composed
of BOOO Macedonians,
15,000 mercenaries,
SOOO
lighttroops, chiefly
the
piratea
who had served him in the war with
Rhodes,
and ISOO boree. The two armies re-
nutned
long encamped
in face of each other.
Casaander,
Irom the sense of his
weakness,
most have wished to avoid an
eiâgement
bat Demetrius, with fiitaland
inexplicable
re
miaaneas,
did not
attempt
to force him from his
position
:
both,we are told,
waited for
tidings
from Asia,
where,
it was seen,
the
struggle
must
finalty
be decided.' Domelnus was invi-
ftppanntlr "
S3.
Ieticoiviihan
iireiiitiblj- lupetior
fu?ce. THe
"upoj
of DeuMtTJui, kaw"ver,wuQirinr,it niuat t" niiwml
BilhaU.OODliiBii
tomiihidbjdn-Fn.
When,
thee
lA a pTK"diiif
p"fa
(17U;,Drjjtf
n
raprtKiui
Uu stUbi ui
Grtvx u
KariD^
lott aioiDatall
ptiUlicBl
imponanci?,
and
fleTvBB About wbAt tbfl Gnekl nld,
it ^nu moni^ thair an-
"Uplolf
the cinlialmn nblck wutaht iwiitd orer into
Ab", u Diilitai)' )"""
in xte ilrugsleof
ptlio-,
M
iitjecM
fbr thm
pomeBan
of
power
now and Ihoo to bealow Iho
po-
titiealmliDB oT rnfldam
;'*
thji murk tnlltt l"" ftT^Dtly con-
thai no one tUta was of ilielfur loofflr
pohticillj^
iiupor.
tEDL. Bat
though
in tbii
HDH th* n man it
trriB,
it
" ono
an men llkfll;
to niiltailIhan
ad tlu aide in -wbich tb
sat pnlinoal
im-
nd
bj Uis Macwdosi-
ted
by 8
party
at Pherss t" take
possession
of
the
town,
and
marchingagainst
it with a division
of hia
fcrrcee, compelledCaasjnder'egarri- son
to evacuate the citadel. This was the
only
use he made of his
army
in
Thessaly, Lysim- achus
began
his
campaign
with
great
success
on the coast of the
Propontis, and, having re-
dnced several of the
principal towns, sent
Prep-
elaus to overmn jEoUb and Ionia. He
prepared
to
besiegeAhydos,
but a re-enforcement
sent to its aid
by
Demetrius induced him to
abandon this
design,
and he
qui,ttsd
tho coast
to
complete
the
conquest
of
the'HeileBpnntino
Phrygit,
and then marched
againstSynnada,
which was held
by Docimus. the
general
of An-
tigonua,
and contained
largemagazines
and a
considerable treasure. Ha
prevailed
on Dooi-
mus to come over to his side,and thus became
master of this
important
fortress. In the mean
time
Prepelaus
had advanced to
Ephesua,
which
surrendered withoot reeistanco. Here be tbund
and released the Rhodian
hostages,
who had
been left there
by
Demetrios. He did
not impose
a
garrison
in the
oity,
bat bnmed al) 11m
ships
in the
barbonr,
which were useless while
the
enemy
commanded the sea. Tecs and
O^
ophon
likewise
yielded
to him
;
but
EryUine
and ClaKomenn received iqccouib from Deine-
triua,
which enabled them to
repel
his
attacka,
and,
havingravaged
their territories,
he moved
against
Sardia. Hera Phcenii imitated the example
of
Docimus, and surrendered the town
;
but its
impregnable
citadel wa" commanded
by
Philippus,
who remained faitlifulto
AnCigonne.
Antigonus
was stillat his new
ctîtai
on the
Orontes,
in
profonndBecoiity,
and had made
great preparatiONS
to celebrate the
completion
of^his
work with
magnificent games,
when
he received the
unexpected tidings
that
Ly- simachus
bad crossed the
HeUespont.
He
immediately
broke
u["lhe
teatival,and,
dismiaa-
.
ing
the
competitors
and the artiste he had collected
with
loytlpresents,
hastened to the defence
of his dominions. He moved
by
forced
marches into
Cilieia,
and at Tarsua
gave
three
months'
pay
in advance to his
troops,
and drew
8000 talents from the
treasury
at Quinda. He
then crossed the
Taurvs,
and entered
Cappa-
docia. The
approach
of
Lyaimachus
had excited
a
general
revolt in the
Upper Phrygia
and
Lycaonia,
but the
presence
of
Antigonus
reduced
both
provinces
to obedience
;
and
Ly-
simachDs determined to wait for the arrivalof
SeleiicuB,
to take
up
a
strongly
fortified
position,
and remain on the defensive.
AntigoDUs
came
np,
and
having vainly
endeavoured to
draw him into an
engagement, began
to intercept
hia
Buppliea.Lysimachus
was forced to
decamp,
and
by
a forced march of some
fifty
miles reached the fruitful
plain
of
DorylKum,
on the banks of the Thimbrea and the
Sanga-
rioa,where he
again
intrenched himself. But
he
waspursued by Antigonus,who, finding
that
be stilldeclined a battle,proceeded
to enolo"e
his
camp
with lines of circumvallaiion. I"y-
simachue, failing
in all liis
attempta
to obatroct
the
progress
of the
enemy's works,
and
seeing
himaelf threatened with famine, took
advantage
au HISTORY OF GREECE.
Af B
Btomiy night
to
withdraw
aoobserved,
and
oroased Ibe mountaina
into
Bithynia. Antigo-
nuB,
when he discoTered his
escape,
attempted
to
overtake him
bj
a diSerent
route,
which
tT"varsed the
plains
north of the
Sangarius.
But it was now late in the autumn :
beay;
rains broke
up
the
roads,
and
subjectod
his
troops
to
great hardships
and losses
;
ao that
he found himself
obliged
to abandon the
pui-
Buit,
and to retire into
winter-quarters,
doubt-
leea in some
part
of
Phrygia.
He had
hoped
to strike a decisive blow before the arrival of
Seleucus,
who was so far on bis
way
from the
East that be
might
be
expected
to
appear
on
tbe theatre of war
very
early
in the
following
spring.
He had now reason to fear that his
forces would be
unequal
to the
approaching
eonteat,
and he therefore sent a
message
to
Demetrius,directing
him to come over to Asia,
with allhia
forces,
without
delaj. Lysimacbus
xooh
up
hie
winieT-qnartera
in tbe
pkin
of Sa'
Ion,
in tbe interior of
Bithynia,
which was
famed for its rich
pastures,*
and he entered
into a coanexion witb
Heraclea,
which enabled
him to draw abundant
suites
from the
coast of the Euxine. Heraclea was at this
time
governed by
Amaatria,
wbom Cratcrus,
on hifl
marriage
witb
Fhila,
had transferred to
its
tyrantDionysiua.t
Her character, no less
than her
position,
rendered her alliance extremely
desirable for
Lysimachus;
und be solicited
aad obtained her hand.
Demetrius, as soon as he received his father's
orders,
which
probably
amved not
long
after he had taken
Phers,
entered into
negotiation
with
Casaander,
and concluded a
treaty,
which, however, was not to be valid tinless il
should be ratified
by Antigonus.
Hia
object
was to
prevent
Caasander from
profiting by
his
absence
;
and one of tbe articles
provided
that
all Greek
cities,aa well in
Europe
as in
Asia,
"bonld remain
independent, Casaander,
who
only
wished to be delivered as soon as posaible
fima tbe
presence
of his formidable
enemy,
assented
to his
proposals;
and Demetrius,
when
be had collected a sufficient number of transports,
embarked with all his
troops
for Asia.
He directed his courae to
Ephesus,and,
hav-
ing encamped
near the walls,soon compelled
the town to
submit,
and the
garrison
to evacuate
the
citadel,which,
in
apite
of the recent
treaty,
he
occupied
with his own
troops.
He
then marched towards the
Hellespont,
and recovered
most of the
places
which had fallen
into
the hands of
Lysimacbus ;
and
proceeding
to the mouth of the
Euxine,
\eH 3000 men in a
iortified
camp,
with a
sqnadron
of
thirtygalleys,
Co secure the
passage,
and
immediately
afterward distributed the remainder of his
army
in
winler-qnartera
among
the
Hellespontine
Oitiea. Casaander no sooner saw tbe field
":Jear than he
began
to recover the
places
which he had lost in
Thessaly
: at the same
Ume,
he sent hia brother Pleistarchus,
with
1S,000
foot and SOO
horse,
to tbe aid of
Lyaim-
aehua, Pleistarchus marched U) the
Bospo-
TUB, but, finding
it
guarded by
the
aquadron
left
by Demetrius, ho
proceeded
to Odeasus,
and collected
transports to
carry
his
troopa
orer to Heraclea. But
being
unable to
procure
a
aufficicntmimber of
vesscle,
he divided his
'
'
SMui, iji., p.
Mi. t M"iu"a
If. Fkot.,
p. SM,
*.
army
into three
bodies,
which unbariced in
succession,
himself
accompanying
the last.
The first
only
arrived in
safety
;
the second
was
intercepted by
the
aquadron
of the
Bospo-
rua
;
and the third was overtaken near the
coast of Asia
by
a
storm,
in which the
greater
pan
were lost. The
galley
in which Pleistar-
cbus himself sailed was
wrecked,
and be nar-
rowly escaped
on a
plank.
After a short repose
at
Heraclea,
he
repaired
to the winter-
quarters
of
Lysimachus.
During
these transactions
Ptolemy
had not
been inactive
;
but
though
he had
readilyprom- ised
bis aid to Caseander and
Lyaimachua,
he
showed littleconcern for their interests.
He,
indeed,
made an
expedition
into
Syria,
when
Antigonus
had left
it,
but
only
that be
might
reduce it under bis own dominion. He had
Ctelo-Syria,
and was
engaged
in the
siege
of
Sidon,
when a
report
was
spread
that
Lysimachus
and Seleucus bad
been defeated
by Antigonus,
and had retreated
(o Heraclea,
and that
Antigonna
was on his
march towards
Syria.
One
might
be inclined
to
suspect
that
Ptolemy
himself had
forged
ibis
news,
for the sake of a
pretext
under which he
might decently
return to
Egypt.
The season
was
probably
so far advanced that he could
not
hope
to make liimaclf master of Sidon that
year,
and he
clearly
wished to
keep
aloof from
the
great struggle
which was about to taks
place,
and to reserve himself witb undiminish- ed
tbrces for the
conqueror.
He therefore
pretended
to be deceived
by
the false
alarm,
hastily
concluded an armistice for four months
with the
Sidoniana,and,having
lelt
garrisons
in the
conquered cities,
returned to bis own
The
eyes
of men were now bent most anxiously
on the movements of Seleucus.
During
the interval which had
elapsed
since hia return
to
Babylon,
he had
subjected
to hia nile all the
provinces
of Alexander's
empire
east of tbe
Euphrates,and,
it
aeems,
had
penetrated
into
India even
beyond
the limits which Alexander
had reached. But this
great expedition
waa
destined to be known to u* only
from its rtt-
sults.
Scarcely
a
single
fact
relating
to it has
been
preserved
from oblivion. We
l"im,
however,
that in India be was engaged
in war with
a
powerfulprince
named
Sandrocottus,
who
from an obscure condition had become the ruler
of a
mighty empire,
but that he afterward
contracted an alliance with
him, as the
price
of which he received five hondred
eleplunts.
It is
probable
Ibat he ceded all the
conquest*
made either
by
Alexander or himself,east of
the
Indus,
and even the
territory lying
between
the
upper
Indus and the
mountains,
to bis new
ally,
whose
friendship
was
likely,
at this
period,
to be more useful to him than Uie
poB-
scssion of those recaote
provinces.
He foresaw
that,on his return to the
West,
he should
be foreed to stake all he had
acquired
in a
struggle
with
Antigonus;
and the
embassy
of
Casaander and
Lysimachus
can have done no
more than
quicken
his movements.
We do
not know where it found him
;
but it was already
winter,
and
perhaps
the
year
301,
when
lieentered
Cappadocia,
where he halted to wail
for the
spring,havingprovided
his
troops
with
Btroua tents to winter in the field. He
came
BATTLE OF IPSUS." rLlGHT OF DEMETRIUS. 317
it(he head or
S0,000 foot,13,000 horse,
4B0
"tephanta,
and more than a hundred war-
ihariols.
Yet it
appears
that alone tiewould not have
"een able to withstand the united Torcee of Dc-
aetrms and
Antigonua,
and that it could not
lave been difficultfor them to
prevent
his
unction with
Lysimachus,on which the isaue
if the nest
campaign
woiild
mainlydcp^d.
rhc loss of the
remaining
books of Diodorus
SBTcs UB
whoUj
uninfonned aa to the movements
of the
belligerenta
hefore the
aummer,
fhcn we find
Lysimachus
and Seleucua toother,
and
ofltring
battle to
Antigontts
and
)cnietrias. If we
might
venture to refer a
tiatagem
of
Seleucua,reportedliyPolyanua,*
Fhich has been
supposed
to
belong
to an
ezpe-
ilion of
Antigonus,
of which we find no trace
1
history,
to this
period,
we
might conjecture
hat,
before Demetriaa
joined
hia
father,
Seleu-
us had
gained
aome
advantage
over
Antigo-
us, which, though
of no moment in
itself,
pened
a
passage
for
Lysimachus
to unite hia
"rces with those of hia
ally.
It
waa, however,
ear the littletown of
Ipsua,
in
Phiygta,
thu
le decisive battle took
place.
The combined
)rce9 of Seleucua and
Lysimachus
included
1,000foot,
and Dot less,
it
seems,
than
12,500
urse,
besides the
elephants
and the war-char- ts.
Those of the rival
kings numbered
1,000 foot,10,000 horae,
and "75
elephanta.
lemetriua
was
accompaniedby
the
joung
king
r
Tlpirua,
who had come as a
fugitive
to hia
amp, having
been driven from hia dominions
y
a revolt which broke out " kindled
possibly
f
the
intrigues
of Cassander "
while,
believ-
ig
his
authorityfirmlyestablished,
he was on
visit at the court of
Glaucias,
to be
present
I a
marriage
ot one of the
roy^family.
Antigonus
was now
eightyyears
old
; yet
ie
vigour,
both of hia
body
and bis
mind, was
ut little
impaired.
He had been wont to
speak
'ilh
contempt
of the coalition farmed
againat
im
;
it was a
flight
of
sparrows,
which he
-ould scatter with a
ainglo
cast of a atone
and
je aound of his voice. He disdained to resort
) the
arts
of
negotiation, by
which he
might,
erhaps,
have
separated
them with a still
slight-
r effort,
if he would have condescended to hold
ut the lure of moderate concessions to each,
lut ho could not bear to
part
with the
thought
'hich he had so
longcherished,
and once had
0
nearly realized,
of a universal
monarchy,
'et
now,
on
the eve of the momentous
conflict,
e felt hia
haughtyspirit weighed
down
by
fore-
odings,
which he
betmyed by
a marked
change
1 his air and demeanour.
Hitherto,
in the
resence of an
enemy,
his loud
voice,
hia
h^h
inguage,
his
readyjests,
had been used t"
pire
his
troops
with his own
never-railing
dcnce. Now he waa observed to be
thoughl-
il.
grave,
seldom
breaking
silence. He even
resented Demetrius tn the
army
as his succesa-
r, and,
for the firsttime in his
life,
admitted
im to secret consultations in his tent " an tndi-
ation that he,
who had never before disclosed
is
plana
unlit he
gave
hia orders,now felthim-
clf in want of advice.
Demetrius,too,
in the
light
before the
battle,
had an
inauspicious
then declared that he waa
going
over 10 (he enemy.
On the
morning
of the eventful
day,
An- tigonus,
as he
stepped
out of hia tent to see Us
line formed,
stumbled and fell
prostrate.
"When
he bad recovered
himself,
be Ufled his hands to
heaven,
and
implored
the
gods
to
give
him victory,
or death before he was conscious of defeat
The battle seems to have been decided chiefly
through
the
impetuosity
of Demetrius and
the mass of the
enemy's eiephants.
He had
routed the
cavalryopposed
to him,
which
waa
headed
by Antiochus,
tba son of Selencua.
While he whs
engaged
in the
pursuit,
the ele"
phants
moved
forward,
and
interposedan inv
penetrable
mass between him and the
phalanx.
SeleQcuB seized the
opportunity
to hover with
ider of his horse on the
flank,
which
Eposed,
never
coming
to a
charge,
but
repeating
his
threatening
demonstrations nntil
'
had thrown itinto disorder. It would seem
ifhe must have had some secret
intelligence,
which led him to
expect
the result that ensued.
"
wing
broke
away
from the
reat,
and came
r to his side. This desertion
spread
terror
conflision
among
the ranks.
Pyrrhusgave
the first
proofs
of the
impetuous
valour which
; afterward
displayed
in so
many
happierfielda,
id,
for a time,thought
himself victorious
;
but
the
day
was
irrecoverably
ioat. He was hurried
along
in the
generalflight.
The
prayer
of
Antigonus
seemed to have been heard. He
still
kept
his
ground,
after he had been desert-
i
hy
all but a few of his officers. As the
ene-
ly
came
up,
one of his attendanta
exclaimed.
It is
against
you,
sir,they
are
making."
Why,
who
else,"replied
the old
man,
"
should
be the mark 7 But Demetrius will
soon be here
to the rescue." While he looked round him in
vain for his
son,
a shower of darts
fell,
and
many pierced
him at once with mortal wounds.
His followers
fled,
all but a Larissean named
Thorax, who remained
by
the
corpse.
It was
interred
by
the victoie with
royalobsequies.
Deraetrics made his
escape
from the
Geld,
accompaniedby Pyrrhus,
with
40,000
foot and
6000 horse,
and directed his march with the
ntmost speed
towards
Epbesos,
The
Ephe-
sians
trembled,lest,
at a time when he had
such urgent
need of
money,
he should be
tempted
by
the treasures of their
temple.
But it
seems that he did not feel himself
yet
driven to
such an expedient,
and was only
anxious that
the
sacrilege
ahould not be committed
by
his
soldiers without benefit to himself; and. on
this account,
put
them
immediately
on board
the
fleet,
which
lay
in the
harbour,
and sailed
away, leaving
a garrison
under the command
of
theEphesian
Diodonis.* His firstcare was
the
discharge
of a
piousduty,which,however,
happened
to coincide with his interest. His
mottier,Stratouicc,
had been left
by Antigo- nus
at Tarsus
;
and there was also a treasure
whicli
might
stillbe saved from the enemy's
hands. He therefore made for Cilicia,
took his mother and the treasure on board,
and
carried them over to
Cyprus,
where his wife
Phila was residing, t He was of too
sanguine
"
ProiMhl)'
IhB t
loand
bj Fiilj*-
mp\iyni
in tbe mtwk an Sietod,ji
dffdbdl^,
nil'
t Diodo", lu., Eolog.i.,
p,
"".
,
s
'^
94S HISTORY OF GREECE.
"
temper,
and had too
high
an
opinion
of his
own
merit to be
easilycast
down
by any
re-
Tsrae
of fortune. He hioked to Greece aa still
bis
own,
and as ground
where he
might
maintain
an
independentposition
until an
opportunity
should occur for new
enterprises.
He
theref'irebent his course to Athens
;
there he
had li?fla
part
ofhis
fleet,including
a
galley
of
thirteen banks of
oars,
the remains of his treasure,
and his wife Deidamia
;
and its siluation
was the most
opportune
for
any
movcratnis
which his
prospects might require.But,
before
he reached (he coast of
Carta,
he received
intelligence
Ihal Diodorus had
agreed,
for a
bribe of
Sflytalents,to
betrayEphesus
to
Ly-
ainaaotius. He therefore steered, with a
part
orhn
fleet,
towards
Ephesus,and, leaving
the
test at anchor behind the nearest headland,
made for the mouth of the harbour with a single
galley,
in which a
trusty officer,named Ni-
canor, appeared
aa
commander,
wbile he himself
remaioed below. Nicanor invited Diodorus
to a conference on the
subject
of iiie
garrison,
as if
apprized
of his
design,
and
tlispased
lo second
it. Diodorus came to the
ship's
side in a
'
boat
;
Dem"triua then made bis
appearance,
sank the
boat,
and took all the crew
prisonerB.
and,landing,
secured
possesBion
of the
place.*
He now struck
across the
JEgean
towards At- tica
i but,
before he reached
it,
be was desti-
Ded to a bitter
disappointment.
As he
passed
tbrou^
the
Cyclades,
he was met
by
Atlienian
envoys,
who
begged
him not to
proceed
towards
Athena,
since the
people
had decreed that none
of the
kings
should be admitted within the
city,
and had escorted his wife
Deidamia,
with all
the honours due to her
highstation,to
Megara.
This
Irealmeot,
we are informed,
wounded De- metrius
more
deeply
than
any
of his late disasters
;
be had borne them with
serenity
and
cheerfulness;
but he was almost stunned
by
this
unexpectedblow,
and could
scarcely
recover
composure enoiigh
to send an answer
suited lo his altered
circumstances,
which did
not
permit
him to resent
it,gentlycomplaining
of their
conduct,
and
requesting
that
they
would
restore his
ships.
This
request
was
granted;
and he
proceeded
to the
Isthmus,
where he
found thai the event of the battle had
produced
as unfavourable an effect on the state of his affairs
in
Peloponnesus
as it had at Athens.
Alt that can
surpriseus in the transaction is
the
degree
to which he must have been bliudcd
by
inordinate
vanity,
when he
expected a different
reception
from the Athenians. It would
seem as ifhe had
forgotten everything
that had
occurred since the time when he first
presented
himself as the liberator of Athens and of Greece
;
or,
aa Plutarch
suggests,
that he remembered
only
the honours he had
received,
and not the
manner in which he had
requited
them. If the
Albcnians had deserved lo be treated as the vilest
ofhis slaves
;
if
they
had oOered their necks
before he
trampled on thero
;
if the
servility
which
disgracedthem was
properly
to be
attributed
to the sentiments of the whole
people,
and not to the arts of a few of his own
parasites,
how could he betieTS that a
people
so
utterly
degraded
should be
citable
of such
generous
constancy as to adhere to him in his fallenfor-
tnnes ! If
tbey
atill retained so much
virtue,
and if the old Athenian
spirit
was not
altogetb
er extinct,it was
certainly
not a
friendly
welcome,
but rather the
language
of
indignation,
scorn,
and
loathing,
which be would have ex
pected
ifhe had ever viewed his
uwq
.conduct
in its true
light.
The beliaviour of the Atheni
ans was in
every respect
wise and
becoming,
^ndmigbt
have been called noble if it had been
less
prudent.
After tlie
battle,
itremained ft* the
conquer
ora to divide the
spoil.
The dominions of An
tigunus
were
actually
in the hands of Seleucus
Had
I.ysimachus,
and
they
alone had achiet'cd
the
victory.
It does not
appear
that
tbey
consulted
either of their allies on the
partition,
though
it seems that
Ibey
obtained the assent
of Cassauder.
They agreed
to share all that
AntigonuB
had
possessed
between themselves.
It is not clear on what
principle
the line of de- marcation
was drawn,
nor is it
possible
to trace
it. But the
greater part
of Asia Minor was
givento
I.ysimachus.
Tbe
portion
of Seleucus
included not
only
the whole
country
between
the coast of
Syria
and tbe
Euphrates,
but
also,
it
seems, apart
of
Phrygia
and of
Cappadpcia.*
Cilicia was assigned w Cassander's brother
Pleistarchua. With
regard
to
Syria,however,
a
difficulty
remained, Tbe
greater psrt
of it
had,
as we have
seen,
been
conquered bj
Ptolemy
: Tê
and Sidon alone were still occupied
by
the
garrisons
of
Antigonos. Ptolemy
had at least as
good
a
right
as his
ally
to all
that he
possessed; though
we do not find sufficient
ground
lo believe that
Syria
had been ceded
to him
by Seleucus,
before tbe last
campaign,
as the
price
ofhis
assistance,by
formal
treaty.
f
Seleucus,however, began
to take
possessian
of
it,
and when
Ptolemypressed
his
(daims, Te~
turned an
answer,
mild in
sound,
but Ibreateu-
ing
in its
import,
to the effect that for the
present,
out of
regard
to their
friendship,
he would
take no farther
steps,
but at a future time would
consider how he should deal with bis firiend9,
whose views of
aggrandizement
interfered with
his interests ;t
and it
appears
that
Ptolemy
was induced to withdraw his
opposition.
There
were,
however,
also some native
princes,
who had taken
advantage
of the contests
between the Macedonian chiefs to establish their
authority
over extensive territories in tbe west
of Asia. Ardoatea was masterof Armenia,
with
the title of
king;
so independent,
that he not
only
gave
shelter lo Ariaratheg,
the son of the
Cappadocian prince
who was
put
to death
by
Perdiccas,but while tbe
struggle
between An-
tigoous
and Seleucus was in
suspense,
enabled
him to recover his
hereditary dominions.f
At
an earlier
period,Mithridates,
the
son
of Ario-
Eajpliui
niuliuiiilon
ri-poTted
lijPoJrbiui(t..BT),irhLch
.. Ti.,p. 43): iitfutfiZvoirfftfriil4ipara\n
rtl
mSi
E^/iIu( J(d li).
^Ma,
KvtoB
tapi.^
fiiih
rtkitpayuavABUn (K Droyson rtbOflfor ttXutfiayusvi^t
"
them,
not It a (hieU, bat " fntD4lfpToviaa i
uul
vjpputfl
Ihfttit wu ilie iDUnboii of Salencni Id
fin C;j"iu
lo
t INuxlartu,lui., Eclof.Hi,,p. SIT,
^.
RESULTS OP THE BATTLE." LYSIMACHUS.
bentaeg,
who traced his descent from the
tojbI
bmise of
Peraia,
had lived for a time imdai the
prolection
of
Aatiganus,
as the
companion
of
his son. It
appears
that be
betrayedaspiring
liewB, which excited his
patron'sJealousy,
and
it is said that a dream,
the natural effect of
such
auspicious,
determined
Antigonus,who,
aa we see Irotu the
hiatoij
of
Seleucus,was
not free from
superstitioni to
despatch
him.
But be disclosed
1^
purpose
to Demetrius,who
was
generous enough
to
give timely warning
to Itisfriend* Mithridatee made his
escape
to
PxphlagDnia,
on the Pontic
Cappadocis,
and
became the fonnder of the
dynasty
which defied
and shook the
power
of Rome. He after-
wsrd,
it
seems,
submitted to
Antigonus,
and
was
permitted
to
possess
some districts near
the
Prttpontis
;
and here the fate which he had
atoided overtook bim. When
Lysimachus
crossed over into
Asia, Mithridatea,
as was to
be
expected,espoused
his
canse,
and fell
by
the hands of
assassins,
employed
either
by
An- tigonus
or Demetrius, His son succeeded to
biB dominions, t Both
Lysimachus
and Seleu- cus
were too much
engaged
with other aSsira
to disturb
any
of these
powerfulneighbouis.
So far as
regards Asia,
the battle of
Ipaos
most be conaidered as a disastrous event. Not
because it transferred the
power
of
Antigonus
LDUJ difierent
hands, nor because itwould have
been more desirable that he should have tri-
imiphed
over Seleucus. But the new distri-
bulion of
territory
led to caiamitous oonse-
quences,
which
might,pertups,
otherwise have
been averted. If the
empiie
of Seleucus had
remained coa"oBd between the Indus and the
Euphrates,
it
mighl
have aubGlsted much
longer,
at least,aa a barrier
against
the inroads of
the
barbarians,
wtra at last obliterated bU the
traces of
European
dvilization Ml there
bj
Alexander and his saeoeaaors. Bat
shortly
after his
victory,
Seleneas founded his new
capital
on the
Orontea,called,
after his
father,
Autioohia,peopling
it with the inhabitants of
Antigonia.J
It became the re"dence of his
dyiissty,
and
grew,
while their vast
empire
dwindled into the
Syrianmonarchy.
For the
prospects
of
Greece,on the other
hand,
the fallof
Antlgonm
must
dearly
be accounted
an
advantage,
so far as the eSeet was
to dism^nber his
terriloTy,
and to distribute it
so that the most
powerfiil
of Ms sueceseora
was at the
greatest
distaoee. It was a
gain
that Macedonia was left an
Independenttang-
dom within its ancient
Ihnits,
and bounded on
the north
by
a atate of
auperiorstrength.
II
does not
appear
that
any compact
was made
between Caso^.nder and his alliesas to the
possession
of Uruece. It was
probably
underslood
that be should
keep
whatever he
mightacquire
there. It
msy
be doubted whether the fonres
of
Oreece,
if
they
had been united and well directed,
would
not have been
quite
sufficient at
this tine to
cope
with those of Macedonia.
Nor is it
likely
thnl
any
of Cassander's allies
would have interfered to
promote
his
aggrandizement.
But the
only
man who oouM have
united the
Greeks, as a free
people,
in resistance
to
Macedonia,was Demetrius. If he had
been
worthy
of the
opportumty
which now of-
"
Pin.. DiumB,,
4.
t Dwdot., u.,
HI.
I Sinbi',m,, p. at,
Tiaakii.
fered
itself, a new era
might
bare
opened
fin
Greece. But he had forfeited the confldenco
of the nation : no Greek who loved hia
country
could care much whether he or Casauider
might prevail.
AL that was certain
was,
that
Greece must
shortly
become the scene of a
fresh
contest,
in which ber
strength
would be
wasted,
without a chance of reward or even
the illnsionof
bop".
CHAITER LX,
BTthe event of
thebattteoflpaustbealttM,
who had been imited
by
titeircommMi
enmi^
to
Antigonoa,
were tranafbrmed into
jeakma
rivals. Tlielr
stnig^
with him was no sooner
decided than the
clashing
interests of Ptol- emy
and Seleucus threatened an muoeillate
rupture,
which was averted,indeed,
but so ""
to leave neither
party secure,
and one of them
dee^yoffended. It was clear that the
pooses-
sion of
Syria
must be a
subject
of
perpetual
contest between the two states. On the other
hand,Lysimachus
had reason to be satia"ed"
if it was in the nature of amWtion to be ao "
with the rich
acquisition
which had ^len to
his share
;
but he coold feel no confidence in
the moderation of bis
powerfulneighbour,
and
might
well
suspect
that Seleucus wooU en-
doavonr to resume so important
a conceaaion
on the firat
opportunity.
In the
eyea
both of
Lysimachos
and
Ptolemy,
Seleuena had
step-
pod
into the
place
of
AnIigonuB;
and
they
soon
gave
publicproof
of the
Jealousy
with which
they regardedhim, by
a new allience whitA
they
contracted with one another.
Lysiiaa-
chus, although
he had so lately
married Amaa-
tria,
and
h^
children
by
a former
wife, an
Odiysian princess
"
among
whcnn tiie
eldest,
Aga^lee,waa a
you*
of
gnat pnxniM"
TBceiredtbehand of
Arsiaoe,Ptolemys
daa^
ter
by
BerAuce. It seems that be would wiB-
ingly
have retained Amaatris,*
wham he sin-
cer^y
lovod and esteemsd,
bnt she was too
bigh-apirited
to endure the
preaence
of a rival,
ai^retired to Heraclea,
which ê coBtinaed
to
govern,
during
the
minority
of ber
sooa,
with admirable
ability.
It was a sacrifice of
the domeatac afiections to reasons
of
B(at",
doBtiaed
by
a tragical
retritaitionto
prove
fatal,
not
only
to the
faappmaaa
of
Lysimachna,
bnt to his thitme and his life.
Selmcus, Botwithstanding
his
superiorpow- er,
could not be indifierentto tiiis
coalition,
which was
erideoUy formed
agunat
him. It
was to he
expected
that he should endeavour
to strengthen
bimaelf by
a new allianee
;
but
itmust have excited generalsurprisethat,
for
this
pm'pose,
his choice fell
upon
Demetrius,
whose fonnnes, as v"e see from tbe turn
whkh
his affairs had taken in Greece, most men considered
as irretrievably
rained. Not
so,
however,
Demetrius himself He had already
experienced
and witnossed too many atrango "
viclsaitodes to be
deeplydejectedby
his late
reverse.
He had seen hia father a
fbgitive,
seekingprotection
from Antipater. and,
within
'
M"mam .p, FtM., p. sat,
b.
Jl^
HISTORY OP GREECE.
a
yeiT
after,
in oondition to contend Tor the
dmninion of Asia. Seleucus had {eliea as low
before he rose to an equal height,
snd owed
much less to others. Demetrius was not
yet
reduced to the situation of a
suppliant
-.
he still
retained some
fragments
of his lost
power,
together
with anabated confidence in
hunself,
and seems to have been anxious to show that
he had not
givenhimselfup
to
despair.Though
he was too weak either to
attempt
to recover
Athens, or to
protect
his intereats in the Pelo-
ponneauB,
ho ventured to assume the offensive
against
one of hia moat
powerful
adversaries.
In the
spring
of
300, leavingPyrrhus
at the
Isthmus,
he made an
expedition
with his fleet
to the Thraciaa
Chersoueaus,
and
ravaged
the
coast,
which
I.ysimachua
was unable to defend.
TTie immediate
object
of this movement
may
have been to enrich the
troops
with
plunder,
and to
keep up
their
spirits ;
but Demetrius
probablywished,
at the same time, to draw
attention on
himself,
to show that he still
pos-
aessed means
of
annoying
his enemies
;
and
he moEt have been aware that an attack on
LyaimachoB
would
giveno
offence to Seleucus.
Still,
it must have been with no less
surpriae
than
pleasure
that he soon alter received an
MnbBsay, by
which Seleucus asked the hand
of
Stratonice,
the
daughter
of Demetrius and
Phila,
for
himself; though
his
heir-apparent,
Antiochns, might
have seemed a fitterconsort
fbr the
bloomingprincess.
Since it is evident
that the
object
of the
proposed
alliance waa to
counteract that which had been formed between
Ptolemy
and
Lysimachus,
it
might,perhaps,
have been
expected
that he should rather
have addressed himself to
Cassander,
whose
power
waa far
greater,
and whose interest coincided
with his own no less than that of De-
metrms. But it la
probable
that Cassander
WBB, too
closely
connected with
Lysimachua,
e*en if
negotiations
had not
already
been aet
on foot for the
marriages
which took
place
not
many years later,
between
Antipater,
Caaaan-
der'B second
son,
and
Eurydice,
the
daughter
of
LyaimachuB,
and between
Alciander,
the
yoongest
of the Macedonian
princes,
and
Ly-
sandra,Ptolemy'sdaughterby Eurydice. But,
moreover,
Seleucus
may
have
thought
Deme-
trins better able to secure his
object,
on ao-
oonnt of bis
fleet,
and his
possession
of
Cyprus
and the Phteoician
towns,
which he stilloccu- pied
with his
garrisons;*
while
a man in such
circumstances was
likely
to
prove
a more obsequious
ally
than the
King
of Macedonia.
Demetrius
joyfully accepted
the brilliant
offer,
and sailed with his whole
fleet,accompanied
by
hia
daughter,
towards
Syria.
On hia
passage,
he landed " it is said
merely
to obtain
the
necessary
supplies
" at several
places
on
the
coast of Cilicia. But
Pleistarchua. taking
mnbrage at this intrusion on bis
territory,
retired
to
Macedonia,
to
complain
to his brother
of the
league
into which Seleucus was
entering
vritb the common
enemy.
Demetrius took ad-
Tantage
of his absence
to make himself master
of
Quinda,
where he found 1200 talents still
remaining;
and, having
been
joinedby Pliila,
proceeded
to Rhosaus in
Syria.
There he was
met
by Seleucus,
who first
entertained him in
his
camp,
and then, more
fullyto show their
'
Dindonu,ni. JUaf- i.,p.
481.
mt., D.^.,".
perfect
mutual
confldeoce,
went on board his
father-in-law's
galley
as his
gnest.
These festivities were followed
by
many
grave
conferences on their common affairs
;
but their discussions and
arrangements,
of
which it is
probablevery
little waa
publicly
known at the time, are now concealed from
our
curiosityby
an
impenetrable
veil. The
only point
which we are able to discern with
any
degree
of clearness
is,
that it was the object
of Seleucus to avoid a
rupture
with the
rival
powers.
For this
purpose,
while Pliila
was sent to pacify
her brother,
he
brought
about an alliance between
Ptolemy
and Deme- trius,
which was to be cemented
by
a match
between Demetrius and
Ptolen^y'sdaughter,
Ptolemaie
;
uid
Pyrrbus,
whose sister Deida-
mia followed her husband to
Syria,
but died
not
longafter,was sent to the court of Alex- andria
as a
security
for the execution of the
treaty.
But its terms "
thoaghthey may
hare
been more definite and
important
than Plii~
tarch
represents,
are
entirely
unknown to
us;-
and the modem
conjectures
on the
subject
are-
BO uncertain as to be
barely
worth mentioning.'
The
part
of the transaction most (fiffi"
cult to comprehend is.
that Seleucus shsuld
have
promoted
an alliance which
martfeatly
tended to render Demetrius less
dependtmt
on'
him. But he
may
have
thought
that this danger
waa counterbalanced
by
the maintenance
of
peace,
which he must have needed fbr the
settlement of bis new state, and
by
the
prospect
that the connexion into which
Ptolemy
now entered with Demetrius would weaken
that in which he stood with
Lysimachas.
For
Ptolemy
it was a clear
gain,
that be could not
onlyhope
to detach Demetnus from the interests
of
Seleucus,
but was
put
in
possessiou
of
a
hostage,
whose title to the
kingdom
of
Epi-
ruB
might
be used as an instnmenl for
acquiring
influence over the afi^rm of Macedonia
and Greece. We are told that
Pyrrhus
took
pains
to
ingratiate
himself with
Ptolemy,
and
for that
purpose asaiduoualypaid
his court to
Berenice.
Perhaps
it
might
have been
said,
with
equaltruih,
that
Ptolemy
strove to win
the
young
king'siriendshipby kindness,
and
singled
hun out to receive the hand of Anti- gone,
Berenice's
daughterby
her former hns-
band
Fhilippus,
not more on account of his
merit than to wrre his own
political
views.
For an interral of two or three
yeara
after
this
treaty,
we are no better informed as to the
proceedings
of the
parties
than as to their
com-
l; inpTofafctilfl do4i it
"pPAV
fut DcflietniH ioiikti in
m
laz lluiloM of
S)Ti",
wilhool
knowiDg in wh"t tit iodem-
w"
Cjprai
Ihml Snlnoeui Inlendodlo rrdo w
Ptoleio)-.
POUCY OF PTOLEMY." OLYMPIODOBUS.
3"I
pacta
or intentions.* So
long,
it
appears, they
continued in tha same relations to one another.
Demetrius,who, immediately
after the
treaty,
bad
occupiedCilicia,
nas
pennitted
to retain
DndiBlurbed
possession
of it.
Apparently,
Ptol- emy
and Seleucus were engaged
with their domestic
alfoira
:
and it seemg lo have been dn-
liag
thia
period
that Cassander mode an unsuccessful
attempt
to recover
Carcyra,
and was
compelled
to retire
by
the
Syracusan tyrant,
AÊhoclea,
with Che loss oralmost
all
the
ships
be had
emploj^d
in the
expedition.
t Seleucus
may
have
thooght
it
eipedient
to
temporize until
he satv wbat measuTes CasMnder would
adopt
on the
complaint
of Pleieiarchue
;
but lie
certainly
never intended to have Demetrius for
a
permanent neighbour,
or to leave either Cili- cia
or the Phcenician
ports
in his hands. Par-
haps
he
expected
thai Demetrius
his
inability
to contend with the maj
East,wonid
resign
them ai (he first
But,
if
so,
when at
lengththey
came to an explanation
on the
subject,
he found that be had
deceived himself He Brst
attempted
to induce
Demetrius to
accept
a sum of
tnoney
as a compensation
fbr Cilicia. Demetrius declined the
bargain.
He
then,
in an
angry
lone, demanded
Tyre
and
Sidon,as
appertaining
to his own dominions.
Demetrius denied his
title,
and
strengthened
the
garrisons
of the
towns,
declaring
that,not if he had tost ten thousand
Selds like
Ipsus,
would he consent to
pay
at
inch a rate for his son-in-law. The conduct of
lid,was
commonly regarded
as
s,
and be did not deem it
expedient
immediately
to enfbrce his claims
by
any
warlike
movements. Bot henceforth there was an
open
breach between him and his fatlier-in-
bw.
Demetrius was not on this account the less
ready
lo embark in a new
enterprise, though
it
was one which drew him
away
from the
only
reabn he
possessed,
while it was threatened
by
the ambition of at least one
powerfulneighbour.
He still
kept
hie
eye
fixed on Greece, and
especially
on Athens
;
and the state of affairsthere
seemed to him noiv to
open
a fairer
prospect
of
retrieving
his losses.
Cassander,also,
had been
endeavouring
to re-estaUiah his
authoritythere,
bnt without saccesa. After his failurein Cor-
cyra,
he had undertaken an
expedition
to
Greece, had,
it
seems,
made hinoself master of
Phocis,at least of
Elatea,
and had invaded At- tica.
The
power
of Athens was not sufficient
to
ri^pel
him without aaaislance
;
but she still
possessed
a man
of considerable
political
and
militarytalents,
who was a zealous friend of
liberty.
Her
general,Olympiodorus,
sailed to
."ioiia" the
journey
overland
would,
it
seems,
have been
exposed
to too
many
riaks " and
prevailed
on the j"toliansto send succours to Ath- ens.
The arrivalof these forces induced Cas-
'
Thil intcrrfclis
odIj
cnllKtod rnm tba
hfMorr
of Da-
C.IM) faUawibim. Bui if lb"
"i
gander to withdraw his
army
ftom Attica
;" anA
not
longafter,
it
seems,
Elatea revolted
from
him,
and was enabled,
by
the aid of
Olympio- dorus,
to hold out
against
his
atlacka.t He did
not, however,
abandon bis
designaon
Athens,
but conceived a
hope
that be
might
attain his
end
by
an easier,though,perhaps,
slower
course.
Lachares,
the
popular
leader of the
day,was ut
ambitious,greedy,
and
unprincipled adventurer,
and was
persuaded by
Cassander lo
aspireto-
the station which bad been
occuped by
Deme- trius
the
Phalerian.]:
He
now became a secret
adherent of the Macedonian
interest,
while be
wailed for
an
opportunity
of
espousing
ilmore
openly,
and of
risingthrough
itto
power.
This
juncture,
when the AlbenianH were incensed
againstCassander,and had stilllo
apprehenda
repetition
of his
attempt,
seems to have been
Ihat which DemeCriue considered so favourable
to his
hopes,
tii"til
eticouraged
him to make an
expedilion
for the
recovery
of Athene.
4
It
was
probably
in the
spring
of 897 that be
set sail with a formidable armament
;
but off
the coast of Attica he was overtaken
by
a
slono,
in which the
greater part
of hia
ahipe
were
wrecked,
and
many
Uvea were lo"t. After thie
disasterhe no
longer
ventured to
present
himself
at the mouth of the
Pirnns,
bat sent crdeni
for the
equipment
of a new fleet in the eastern
ports, and, in the mean while, having
made
some hostile demonstraliona in Attica with little
effect,
marched into
Peloponnesua, to redoce
the towns which had revolted from him. Th"
onlyplace
named
among
those which be threatened
is
Messene,
where hia assaulis were repulsed,
and he received a
dangerous
woond-
He
recovered,however,
in time to attack some
other towns more
successfully ;
and these
operations
probablyoccupied
the remainder of the
year.
In the course of ihe
following
winter an
event took
place
which made an
important
change
in the face of affairs. Cassander was
carried off
by
a disease which
popular
tradilioa
represented
as a stroke of Divine
vengeance
for
his atrocious
crimes,!!
but which is
a^
described
as an
ordinaryconsnmption
:T he was succeeded
by
hie eldest son
Philip.
The return of Demetrius to
Greece,
and his
hostilities in
Attica,
appear,
as
might
be expected,
to have
changed
the
disposition
of the
Athenians with
regard
to Macedonia, and,
perhaps,
gave
rise to new divisions
among
them-
By a
largeparty
be was hated and feared more
t!an Cassander, This
party
seems to have been
headed
by Demochares,
who had
probablyre- turned
from his exile,as soon as be beard of
tbe battle of
Ipaus.
We find him
displaying
great
activity
in a war which was once, BO
doubt,
well known under the nanie of the Four
Years' War
1
bat for which itis now somewhat
difficultto
assign
a
place
in
history.
II
is,
how-
US
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"Ter, neaii;
ceitain that it
beloaga
to thia
period;*
and it
may
hare inciurlecithe contest with
Casaander. as
well
as that which
immediately
Ibllowed with
Demetrius,
and thus have ended
"with the surrender of Iho
city.
We hear of
no
negotiations
between the Athenians and Cas-
Sander after the
re-appeanince
of Demetrius
;
but we learn that Dcmocharea
was sent on on
"mbaBay
to
Lysimachua,
and obtBlnad a
anbaidj
of
thirty
talents from
him;
and that he carried
a
decree fur an
embassy
to
Ptolemy,
who sent
fitlytaleDtSii-and,
it
seems, promises
of farther
support.
There is also some
ground
to belieTe
that Demoohsres
went on a
like mission to
Philip,
Cassander'H
successor
: though
the be-
hariDur
imputed
to him on this
occasion
is nC-
lerly
incredible.
t
Phdip'sreign
lasted
only
finir
mouths
;
but,as
he died
at Elatea,4
it
may
be
iofened that he
was engaged
in the
prnsecatioD
of hia father's
plans.
He
was
succeeded
by
his
younger
brother, Antipater.
It
was
pertaaps
about the same time,
in the
spring
of
396,
that
Demetnus
was preparing
to
lay siege
to Ath- ens.
The
city
had been well
provided
with the
means
of defence under the direction of De-
mochares;
the walls bad been
repaired,
an
arsenal
am)riy
stored with ammuniiinn
;
he did not cease to seek aid from without. He
concluded
a
treaty
of
peace
and alliance with
the
Bteotians,and headed an
embassy
to the
joong king,Autipater,
from wbom he received
a
subsidy
of
twenty
talents. II But the subsistence
of the Athenians still
depended on continual
supplies
from abroad. Demetrius
ravaged
the
country
from Eleasis to
Rhamnus,
and
pro-
" -'-' -~ "-"" ""
-e the
cityby
sea and land.
I mncb btf, I Ihiak, bHn
tititfaclorjljr
ahown bi
ID in u iniole ob Uin wtt in Ibi
Ztiudirift f.
i
bisuoumckii/), IBX. BUiliadiScnltlDCmcei.f
u th* ad "^ Vit. X Or.,
I
Di.,I3"" hiniig teen
I
babrûdflii
were
indl^Dut.
U" ThanilM SDhan, [nddinf
10 th"B, Sauea
fltidsDll^ inppoHd
Aloiuidtr^
father
i%T6 bflon the htn of hit
Itory,
whifh, indoed,tbita hii
mcLvr
j
but Cben Dflmootimm. tli"
tiBphaiv
of Dtnuvthv-
ir, mijht orinmlly
:o
Philip,Cuauilii^
id
bnitll
foUf.
iA tka c"a of
l"Diiiucîatva, not
aaiy
He
put
to death the
owner
and Boaster of
a vessel
laden with
corn,
which
they attempted to
bnng
into the
harbour;
and ibis
seventy
deterred
most
private
adventurers from such attempts.
summer an
tlgyp-
tian fleet of 160 sail
appeared
in the Saiuuic
Gulf,
and excited
hopes
of
more
elTectual relief.*
It
wa"
but
a
short
gleam
ofsunsbine. Soon after
Demetrius received re-enforcements from
Cy- prus
and
Peloponnesus,
which raised his fleet
to
300
sail,
and
compelled
the
Egyptians to seek
safety
in
flight.
Meanwhile the
citywas
agitatedh;
the strife
of
parlies,
whose views
or
pretexts are now
onlymatter for
conjecture.
Wo
know,
however,
that it aflbrded Lachaies
an
opportunity
of
executing
his
lung-cherishod deeign,
and that
ha became absolute
master
of Athens. Oe-
mocliareB.who was oot a man to truckle
to the
tyrant,
was driven into exile,t The
usuiper
was
probÎy supportedby a body
of
mercenaries
;
but he
was
still
exposed to constant danger
both from within and from without.
Poly-
tenuB relates!that Demetrius obtained
aims lor
a Lhousand
men
from
a
party
in
Pirsus, undai
the
pretext
that
they
were to be
employed
against
Lachares. The
story seems
almost
lo
imply
that PirsuB
was
in the hands of ihii
party,
and that
they
were
expecting
re-enforce-
menta. Tbe
extraordinarycrueltyimputed to
Laofaares^
may
be attributed to bis
uneMy position
in the midst of
so
many enemies. Yet
he
appears
to have been
more inramous for
sacrilege
than for bloodshed. He
evidently
saw
that he could not retain his
power long,
and
used itfor tbe roost soidid ends. He
plundered
the
temples,
and
stripped
the statue in tbe Par- thenon
of its
preciousornaments. As the blockade
continued,
tbe
price
of the
comoKin necoe-
'
s
of life
rose to a height wbiob
placed
tbem
f the reach of all but tbe
wealiby.
Aa
a
specimen
of the
suAbrings
of tbe
beeieced,w"
~âd of
a contest between
a {aiitotand
son for
dead
mouse.
"picunu, wbo
was at tins time
living
at
Athens, ae the head of
a. philOBOphical
society,
shared
a oertain nnmber of beans
among
the members fta their
daily
meal, I The
pa-
tienoe with which the Athenians subnuttad
to
such
privationsmay
serve as a measure of the
dread and aversion
they
felt for
Demetrius, In
fact,they
bad
passed a decree
making
it a
cap-
'
Dioyeiii(Zoilachriftf.
turn Ihu Itiiiwu Uu I
u iMk u, Epinu.
'Th.l"":rt"a,a.a..d"e-i
"113'
'
^"'
1^
ftndDni,and wh tb"
_
,
T, S. Bui
foljmii
MTJaeom.
^
ai^nalynufi in
""
."t
"f"'''""
"""l^)'^'^^f \^P
DEMETRIUS MARCHES AGAINST SPARTA.
803
ever,
he taken into account. Tbere
were,
no
doubt,
many
wbo
were
eager
to be
delivered,
at
eny rale,
Troni his
tyranny.
It aeems that at
length
he himself round his
positioninaupporta-
ble or untenable.* He stole out in a rustic disguise
throQgb
a
poGtem,
and then mounted a
fcorse which was
waiting
for him at a short dia-
tancc. He is said to have
droppedgoldpieces
on hia
road,
and thns to have detained a
party
of
light
horae who were sent in
pursuit
of him.
He arrlTed
safely
at Thebea,
where he foaud
shelter,as
in
an
allied
city.tFerhapa
a
part
of
his
sacrilegious plunder
bad been
alreadylodged
Afier his
departure
the
gatea
were immediately
tfarown
open
to Demetrius,and
an embassy
sent to
propitiate him, thoogh
with little
hope
of a fovourable
hearing.
The
conqueror
was not vindictive
;
and he resolved to astonish
the
peoplel"y
a
display
of
magnanimity,
which
was also
likelyto
promote
his interests in
Greece, He ordered them to assemble in the
tiieatre;
the avenues were
occnpied,
and the
stage
lined with his
guards.
While tbe audience
sat in
tremblingsuspense,
Demetrius
made bis
eppearunee
at the entrance
commonly
asaigned
to the
principal personage
of
a drama,
and
came
forward to the front of the
stage.
It
was to have been
expected
that a
harangue
(nilof bitter
reproaches
would introduce
some
tragic
scene. But bis lirstwords
dispelled
these
apprehensions.
He
complained
of their coodnct
towards
him,
but in the mildeat
terms,
and the
gentlesttone,
aa if
only
to asaure
them of his
forgiveness
;
and, as a
seal of
reconciliatioD,
promised
a donation of
com,
and the re-estab-
bshment of their democratical institutions
-,
and
when one
of hia bearera coirected
a
grammsti-
eal error which he committed in his
haTangue,
be
expressed
his
gratitude
for the leaaon
by
a
blieral additi(m to his
present.
t It
may eaaily
be conceived that the roost
practised
orators
canU
hardly
find
languagestrongenough
to express
the
gratitude
and admiration excited
by
this
speech.
But the
transports
of the
specta-
tora wore
probably
a little
cooled,
when Dromo-
clides,who,
at
least,
luidersteod the mind of
Demetrhis,proposed
that Pirmus and
Munychia
ahonld be
placed
in his hands. The motion
was,
of
course,
carried
by
acclamation
;
bat De-
metrias,
as we shall
see,
did not
long
remain
ratiaGed with this mark of confidence.
We have seen
that,
in his last
campaign
in
Peloponnesus,
he had been
repulaed
from Mes-
"ene. It is therefore not
surprising that,
when
he had made himself
master
of
Athens,
he
should have returned to
complete
tbe
conquest
of the
peninsula.
But instead of
Messene,
we
fiiidthat
Sparta
is now the
object
of bis attack
;
and no cause is
assigned
for the fact.
Sparta
was at this time
so weak,
and had
kept
so care-
foU;
aloof from alltbe contests which bad dis-
tDibed Greece aince Alexander's
death,
that il
is
improbable
she should have otTered
any provocation
to
Demetrius, She
had,however, shown
her determination to
preserve
her
independence;
and it seems that
during
Casaander's invasion
of
Peloponnesus
in
S17,
the
Spattans
had "!"
ready,
for the first
time,begnn
to
fortify
some
points
of their
city.* Possibly
Demetrius bad
demanded
some
tokens
of submission which
they
refused. t
They were,
at
leas),aware trf
bis
design
before he had advanced
very far,
and
made such
preparationsas
they
could for defence.
King Archidamus,a
nephew
of
Agia,
who fellin the battle with
Antipatcr, was sent
with an
army,
which must have been almoei
entirelycomposed
of the
subjectclasses,or
mercenariea,
to meet the
invaders,
and fell in
with them
near Mantinea.]:
The two aroiies
were
separated
from one anotber
by
a
woody
hill,
a
spur
of the
Lyctean
range.
Detnetrins
set fire to the
wood, and. while
a
north wind
drove the flamea
against
the
enemy,
made a
charge
which threw them into
confnsion.f
Ar- chidamus
retreated with the remainder of his
forces to
protect Laconia,
and the
Spartans,
'
expecting
an
immediate
invasion,hastily
threw
up
same
additional intrenchments round the
capital.Still,
they
ventured on another action
in the immediate
neighbourhood
of
Sparta,
but
were
again
defeated with the loss of 300 slain
and 500
prisoners
;
and the chief
hope they
had
now left was in the
strength
of Iheir
newly-
raised
ramparts. Against
the
besieger
such
defences oould not bare availed tbem
long.
But at the moment when the
success
of Deme- trius
seemed almost
certain,
be was called
Bwayby intelligence
which
opened
the
prospect
of
a much more
importantconquest
in another
quarter.
eastern
poesessions
between them.
Ploleiny,
at
least,
was
permitted
to
conquer
Cypnu
;
which was tbe
easier,
aa Demctrins had draws
off all the navat forces be could raise there fbr
Itie
siege
of Athens
;
and tbere can be litUe
doubt that
SeleucuB,at the
sane time,
made
himself master of all he coold wrest from hia
father'in-iaw
on the main land.
They peibapa
invited
Lysimachns"
be,
at
leaat,
took the
opportunity
" to reduce tbe towns which stillbe- longed
to Demetrius
on the coast of Asia Minor.
According
to
Plutarch,
Demetrius heard of afl
these losses at the same
time,just
'as
Sputa
was on the
point
of
falling
;
and tbe news from
Cyprus
touched his
personalfeelings ;
Ibr his
mother and children were
besiegedby Ptolemy
in
Salamis,
the
onlyplace
in the island which
stillheld out.
Nevertheless,
il is
quite
Incred- ible
that tbia
intelligence
had
any
eftect on his
movements. It
was,
no doubt,
the
change
which had taken
place
In the atate of al"irs in
Macedonia that induced him
suddenly
to iHâk
up
his
camp
on the Eurotas.
Alexander,Antipater's younger tirother, waa
the favourite of their
mother,Thessalonice, and,
perhaps,
waa
encouragedby
her to
aspire
to
'
whU Fmw
I
Fodrma, uL.,T,
]. PiauiiH
(1., U, T) thoiithi
(hit
W mi BiiDdBTAd oD Ihii
joaru/.
t l"tonvo MiflTH thml.vilbmC
kftmifbeen thraatenod
'
cad
bf Fioltniir'i iurtiguion
to
t
DriyHD
bailflTH
th
HISTORY OF GREECE.
tbe
throne,or,
at leut,to Oie
poaseBaion
of a
priaoelyappanage ;
for it aeems that fas had
glaliiH',
and adhersDla to
support
them.
Antip-
ater,
in a St of
ra^,
Tor do
advantage
could be
hoped
rn"m auch a crime,
murdered bis mother
with his own hand. Yet it
appears
that the
deed excited so littlehorror
among
bis
aubjecta,
that he
might
hare continued to
reign,
ifAlex- ander,
who saw himself unable to maintain hia
IbotiDg
in
Macedonia,
bad not called in
foreign
ud. He oould
expect
none fh"m
Thrace,
since
Antlpater
had married the
daughter
of
Ly
aima-
idiua
;
and this rendered it the more
neoeaaar;
to aorik it ebewbere. There were two other
quarters
which he
might apply
to.
Pyrrbus
badnowregainedthethmneof Epinie.,
Hehad
been furnished with
troope
and
money b;
PuA-
"ity,
about the same time that Demetriua
was
engaged
in the
siege
of
AUiens,
and had first
compiled Neoptolemus
to share the
kingdom
with him,and then
got
rid of his
liral, who, as
be
gave out,
bad
plottedagainst
hia life. To
bim, now master of an undiTided
reahn,
Alex- ander
addKsaed himaelf in his
need;
but that
be
might
have a donUe
hopeto lean
tm,
be sent
an
emboaay
for the same
porpoae
to Demetrius,
I^nhus
waa the nearest at hand,
and
consent-
W to march
againatAnUpater,
but on condition
tbtt Alexander ehotildcede to bim a
laê
extent
of
territory, apparentlyIncluding
all the
eonqiKSte
that bad been made
by
Caaaander
on
the side of
jEtolia,together
with a
portion
of
Haoedonia itself.' The
young princegranted
this
highpricethrough
fearof
LysmiacbuB,
and
becauee Demetriua waa too much
occupiedby
bia aflafra in (Jreeoe to
eomp^ immediately
with bis
request.Antipaterwas unsble to resist
the
iDTader,and,
it
appears,
tried in vain to
"vert his
hostility by
an offer of 300 talents.
Livimaebus waa at
this time
enga^
in a war
with the
Getea,
which
preTented
him from in- terposing
in behalf of his
son-in-law,otherwise
than
by
an inefTectual
,
attempt
to deceive
Pyr-
ifaus. He
forged
a letter to bim in
Ptolemy's
name, recommending
bim to
accept Antipater's
ofibr. But
Pyrrhus
detected the fraud
by
the
peeting
of the letter,which,
instead of the af-
MeiiODaie form
always
used
by Pttdemy
in their
oorrespondenoe,
"
The FmJut ft"kit
Sen,"
ran,
in oouit
style,
"
KingPtoltmg
lo
King Pyrrlau."
Still, Lrsimachuswas anxious for
peace,
which
I^TrhoB,having seconqiliahed
b" immediate
objects,was
wiUingtg
grant.
But the ratification
was
prevented,
it is
SMd, by
a sinister
omen.
It
appears, nevertheless,
that
Antipater
waa permittedto retain a
part
of Macedonia, t
Nothing
could better anit the interests of
Pyr-
rbna than such a
partition
of the
neighbonring
"
nat. PyirtL,
t.
A"anllii(
to Niilmhrt anniduiim,
'^J 5'"(#"i"i'.
"1 '"" ILiMWm. TfityîUtfUi (ill.,
p. 49)1,Engl,tr,,
nbm Honiiiiw ud DaiiiiUiytluyiM b*
trmmwcdl.
^ ^
t Thii it
diaiualr
lUUd br
Jatlin,in,, 1,19
;
it
pn-
lum mgstrti^ th. notioa of u uMndtnt Anns
rcf^,
rieu-lTimpliedIn PHiwrch'j
Mtntiii, FTrrhoi,B,conpl"d
wllh
DoButr.,3T. N" would il ia
euj
Hhermn to "i-
pliinthe UHitioB of Fmuiiiu
In.,T,S)
lli"t
AnlipUer
wu dcthnnud by Deiuuiiim-
Dixi/Eeu relieinam oa the
slpnuisD
rinifnrj)pattitif
In ihe
fngwint
of Sjudii-
n",
ni. Ha ilu IsUtm Uut
AnlipiUT lied lvie" la
du ooart rf
LjBmKhni,
on" befine
Pjrrhm. ind
uriin
beTon DeDCtnu, Tbia
nppiHitiailleemi mt InuL unne-
hingdom.
Alexander remaiaod b
session of tbe rest.
This must have been the
intelligence
whic^
called Demetrius so
suddenly
away
from
Spar
ta : not the first
application
which he received
trma
Alexander,
but the news that
Pyrrfaoi
had entered Macedonia. He had
probably
not
been informed ofthe
negotiation
between
Pyr-
rhus and
Alexander, or he would have instantly
broken off
every
affairthat detained him in
Greece,
rather than
resign
such an
opportunity
ofaggrandizeroenttotheiCingofEpiruBiWhom,
since the death of
Deidamia,
he could
only
consider as his
rival,
and the devoted
ally
irf
bia
enemy, Ptolemy. Feigning
hiniself uncoo-
acious that his aid was no
longer
needed or
desired,
he advanced without
delay,
ao aa even
to
give
his retreat from
Sparta
the
appearance
of a
di^t,'
tu the Irontiers of Macedonia- Al- exander,
alarmed and nncertain about his designs,
marched with allbis forces to meet him,
and received him at Dinm as an honoured'
guest,yet
so as
clearlyenough
to
betray
the
uneasiness he feltat the
iinwScome
visit. De- metrius
was
privately
informed that his
royal
boat intended to assassinate him at a banquet.
He
provided
for hia own
safety,
but diseemUed
his
suspicions,
and the nest day,{Heteuding
to
have received
newa
of
some movementa ia
Greece,
which forced hira to hasten his
return,
make
preparations
for hia
departure-
There, as his
enemieagave
out after hia
death,
he
hoped
stillto execute his murderona
design:
but,
that he
might
not awaken
suspicionby
aa
appearance
of
distrust,
suffered himself to be
forestalled. It is certain that he
accepted aa
invitation from
Demetrius,and,
aa be was leaving
the
banquet!ng-room,
was cut down
b;
ths
giurds
whom Demetrius bad
poel"d
there foi
the
purpose, together
with several of hii
friends. One of th"n is said to have acknoiri-
edged
that Demetrius ha"t
gained
the start of
them
only by a
singleday
: but
a fact so improbable
cannot
safely
be admitted on sudi
suspicioustestimony.
It was
night
when the deed waa
perpetrated,
and the newa filledthe Macedonian
oamp
with
alarm and tumult until the
rooniing,
when a
message
was brought
fnnn
Dematiiua,by
which
he
expressed
his desire to address the
army,
and to
give
an account of hia conduct. He not
only
vindicated itto the aatisfactioa of the military
aaaembly,
but made so Javourable an impression
on his
hearers,}that,inefeiring
him
"
PalTsniii, ir.,rii.,IS, Htn la u
mrvBilT ahloBg
od in*cructiT"flumple,to Bhaw haw
dangaiou
n a to
Tuund an
ibferenn u (o
flhroaulof^
n A*
naauK
"*-
[.,onder B.C. m) pVu'n
the
liegt
a! Alheu bj
Dema-'
DEMETRIUS IN B(EOTIA.
S6S
to the
puTJcide,
and
haTingno
other
competitor
before
Ibeni,they
elected him to fillthe va-
BKDl
throne,
and he letarncd to Macedonia at
Iheir bead. The choice of the
army
was
ap-
proTeilby
the
great
mass
of the
people,
who
bad aerer much sfTection for the
bloodthirsty
Casxander, or
any
or his
family,
and least of
an ôuid wish to be
governed by Antipater.
Whatever titlehia
grandfather,
tbeir old
governor,
had to their
regard,
was inherited
by
the
noble-minded
Pbila,
and thus devolved
upon
ber husband and their son
Anligonns,
suma-
med
Gonatas,*
who was now a
youthcapable
of
bearingaims,
and had
accompanied
his father
in this
expedition.Antipater, probablyfinding
himself
generallyabandoned,
and
having
no
hope
of
gaininganything
I"om
Demetrius,
either
by
arme or negotiation,
fled to the court of
Lysimachns,
But
Lyaimacbos,
who was now
engaged
more
earnestly
than ever with his
preparationsagainst
his northern
neighboora,
was glad
to make
peace
with
Demetrius,and,
it
seems, compelled
his son-in-law to renounce
his claim to the
part
of Macedonia which had
been
assignedto him in the
treaty
with
Pyr-
rhns-t Thus, seven
years
after the battle of
Ipsua,
and
just
at the time when he saw himself
deprived
of the last remnants of his
patrimony
in the
Bast,
Demetrius had
acquired
a
ikew kingdom,
in which he bad never been able
to set his foot while his father's
power
was at
bis command. Attheaame
time,
he heard that
Ptolemy
had lieen
generous enough
to let his
oxither and cliildren
depart
with munificent
preseuta,
atler
they
had falleninto his hands at
Salamis. It
might
be considered as an
additional
favour of fortune that Seleucus bad
given
up
the beautiful Stratonice to his
heir-apparent,
Antiochus,
whose life
appeared
to be in
danger tlkrougb
the violence of his
passion
for
his
mother-in-law,
and
reserving
the
government
of the
provinces
west of the
Euphrates
Ibr
himself,
had committed the rest of bis vast
enqiire
to his
son.
It remained for Demetrius to
complete
the
"abjugatlon
of
Greece,
and to unite it
liimly
with his new dominions. This was the more
necessary,
as he had a formidable rival in
Pyr-
tbua,
who would be
ready
to seize whatever he
might
leave
unoccupied. Thessaly,
it
seems,
"s little more than a
province
of
Macedonia,
forthwith
acknowledged
his
authority
Bnt the
BcEOtiaus had not submitted to
him,
and we
may
colleGt
that,
after his retreat from Laco-
nia,they
had ente^d into
treaty
with
Sparta,
and had been
encouragedby promises
of
Spar- tan
succours to assert their
independence.
But
Demetrius
surprised
them
by
the
rapidity
of
bis movements. He sent a herald before him
with a declaration of war
;
but the
day
after
the Btsotarchs received it at Orchomenus,
be
himaelf
encamped at ChKronea.t In their con-
n AfpaiW
Irtt "loOMBM.
, "
"! eiavkm.
fnm am Tho*-
" of G"ual
(mil*!*
El^' Bji.,
i. %},when
"^T-ijvwi
him to dun bemboni m tawijlit op.
AM
Ibiamm
qqjtfl
HpnlxblBMNiebnbnfiODjectqivdiHiiH
^Mftmi,
p.
an),
"u
Iba apUitna d"ind 6u "
put
"(ki""iiMQr,ftar"w--
" ' L" -ki-k "~nt..
I'filpil'.TTll^'Tl
'ffm.
"lUA
part*
HuadaaiB, qua
"temation
they
sued for
peace,
which he
gmat-
ed on moderate terms.
Hoping,perhaps,
that
he had secured tbeir
fidrlity by
his
generosity,
he exacted no other
pledge,and,
it
appears,
returned
immediately
to
Macedonia,
where
there was no doubt much to demand his
presence,
especially
as the affairs of
Lysimachus
were in a critical
poaition.But,shortly
after
his
departure,
the Bceatians were induced to
revolt
by
Ibe arrival of a
Spartan army, commanded
by Cleonymus.
the uncle of the
king
Areus. The
Spartangovernment probably
hoped
that the reaiatance of Bceotia
might protect
itsown
territory
from a second
invasion,wiuch
it had reason to
apprehend
as soon as Deme- trius
should be at leisure. A citizenof Thes-
pite,
named Pisis,who
possessed
the
power
without the name of a t^nt,also excited hia
cotuitTymen
to renew the
struggle.
But
the^
soon foimd that
they
had misreckoned tbeir
means.
Demetrius returned with a powerful
army,
forced
Cleonymus
to
withers
w,
and laid
siege
to Thebes. The retreat of the
Spartans
struck their allies with
dismay,
and
theyagain
snbmicted to the
conqueror. Lachares,
who
had hitlierto remained at Thebes,
liidhimself
for some
days
when the
citysurrendered,
and
then made lua
escape
to
Delphi.*
Demetrius
used his
victory
with
great moderation,though
he did not
again
trust the
loyalty
of the Bieo-
tians.
Only
fourteen of the
principal
authors
of the revolt sufTered
punishment;t
but he
exacted
heavycontributions,
and threw
garrisons
into their
cities,
and
appointedHieronymus
of
Cardia,
the
historian,
governor-
general
of B"e-
otia.
Pisis,
who fellinto his hands,
he treated
with
unexpectedlenity, leaving
him in full
possession
of his former
authority
at lliespiw,
with the titleof
polemarch.t
It was
perhaps
the Bieotian insurrection
that led Demetrius to take a new
precantion
for the
security
of Athens,
and it was pro6-
ablynow4" at least not
later" that he fortified
an eminence called the Museum,
within the
walls of the
city,
and
lodged
a
garrison
there
under the command of Heraclidcs.
Polyeenus
relates a
plot
laid
by
the Athenian
generals
to
uitroduce a
body
of Athenian
troops
into the
city,
to killHeraclides
and
overpower
the
garrison.
But it was
defeated
through
the defection
of
a
Carian leader of
mercenaries,
named
Hierocles,
who disclosed it to Heraclides,
aal
enabled him to
destroy
all the
cons{diatora.|
It seema
dear that this occurred afterthe Mu- seum
had been
fortified,
and the
attempt
waa "
nacnrsi
result of the resentment which must
have been awakened in the Athenians
by
lbs
tictoTj
which ba iJliidadu
- ., -
qutod
in Uia lul hU. Tlie
diDnllTahaiiig
fnm Ihe ra-
null nf
PotTiniB,irirttit
rtfl
ntt Atilay,lamiiu tha
HISTORY OF GREECK.
conduct of Demclrius. On tbe other
hand,
it
ia not improbable
that the evidence wbicti it
gave
of tbeir
spirit may
have been the occasion
whitrh induced bim to recall a number ofAIhe-
nian exiles. As
Dinarchus,
the
enemy
of De- mosthenes,
was one of
them,
and
they
are said
to have owed their restoration to the influence
of
Tbeophrastua,'
it
may
be concluded that
they
all
belon^d
to tbe
oligarchical party
which
bad
opposed
Demetrius when he
appeared
as
the
champion oriit"eTty,
but in which he
might
expect
to find bis firmest
supporters,
as soon
"s he had
proved
his resolution to
adopt
tbe
maxima of
Cassander,
and to
govern
Athens
by militaryforce.f
When he had
completed
the
conquest
of Bteo-
tia.
he returned to Macedonia. There can be
littledoubt that tie would have
pursued
his
march into
Peloponnesus,
to take
revenge
on
Sparta
for the receut
provocation,
and to ac-
oomplish
what he bad been
obliged
to leave mi-
finished,
had not tbe state of aflairsintheuotth
more
uigenlty
demaoded bis attention. Itwas
not
long
after that
Lyaimaehus
set out on au
expedition,
which Demetrius must have watched
with
great anxiety,
as its issue could not
but
materially
affect his own
prospects.
Its
object
was to decide tbe contest
which had
now been carried on for some
years
between
the Greek
kingdom
of Thrace and the
great
Thracian
tribe,
called the Getes. This division
of tbe
race had,
it
seems,
been driven eastward
ftom its
seat on tbe
right
of the Dauube
by
an
irruption
of the
TdbaUians,
who were them-
"elves
making
way
for the Gauls.
t The Getes
then established themselves in the
country
on
the Dorthweet shore of the
Euxine,
which had
once been
occupiedby
the
Scythians,
whose
great empire
had been
long
dissolved into a
number of
feeble,disunited hordes. In their
new territories
they
had become formidable
neighbouis
to the Greek
princes
of the Taurio
Chersonesus
(Crimea)
;
for the
Thracian,
Ari-
phames,
who
supportedEuraeJus,one of these
princes,
with an
army
of
23,000
foot and
SO,OODhorse,
in a war
against
his brothers for
the succession,seems
to have been
king
of
tbe Getes.
4 They were now
governedby
one
named
Dromiohates,under whom their
power
appears
to have reached its
greatestheight,
and
"whoso noble character would
impressus with
a
favonrable
opinion
of his
subjects,
if it was
not evident that be was as much
superior
to
his own
peopleas
he
was to most of the contemporary
kings. LysimachuB,we know
not
bow
long
after the battle of
Ipsus,
bad eiicnd-
fidhis dominions on the northeast fronticTat
the
expense
of the Oetes
;
but his eldest
son,
Agatbocles,
had afterward fallen into the enemy's
hands. Dromichtetes sent the
young
prince
back with
presents
to bis
father,hoping
that
Lysimachus
would meet this
generosity
by
restitutionaai forbearance. But
Lysin
(ûs
probably
attributed conduct so foreign
his own character and to the maxims of the
age,
to tbe fear which the barbarian feltof his
"
Pint.,X. Orml.,p. SSO.D,
Diinri.,Diuich..
1.
t Thii u
Dto^n'i eDnib"ut"ii(i., t".M8),uilinZim-
Mnnuiii'i ZidlKlirift,
ISMj"
188.
t Ni*l"lu.
KL
Sohr,, ]""
tn, whoa ho lud "b hi! miDd
"
ftugc
t(
Appiu rllljT., ", whicli ha hu nbrnd a
"towhen. (HiM.orRr"n",ii.,|i."js,"i"i.n.i
t DMiit.,ii.,St.Nxbuhi,
D. ".,p.^l.
power,
and was
onlycnrouraged
by
il to
pros-
ccutc his
plans
of
conquest.
He invaded the
country
of the Gcics with an
army,
it is
said,
of
100,000men, accompaniedby Clearehiis,
tbe
eldest son of
Amastris,*who, no doubt,brought
a
body
of
Irpops
from Heraclea.
But, tmslini
to the
guidance
of a Thracian who
prelendec)
to have deserted to
bim,
he suffered hirnselt to
be drawn into a
position where, to avoid starving,
he was fain to surrender with all bis forces,
t Dromichretes received his
royalprisoner
with more than chivalrous
courtesy,
saluted
bim with the name of
father,
and
respectfully
conducted him to the Gete
city
of Elia. There
the barbarians were clamorous for
vengeance
on an
enemy
who had shown himself dead to
all sense both of
justice
and
gratitude.Still,
DromichtEles soothed
them,
and
representing
to them that
they
would
gain nothing by
tbe
death of
Lysimachus,
whose dominions would
probably
be
occupiedby
a more
powerfulsdg-
lor,
hut that if
they spared
him
they might
ivcr all
they
had
lost,
he obtained theii
sent to treat him as he himself
thought
fit.
first made
inquiries
among
the
prisoners
after the
principal
courtiers and attendants of
Lysiroachus,
and restored them to their
places
about their master's
person. Then,
on occa-
of a
sacrifice,
he invited
Lysimachus
and
his nobles to a
banquet,
where he also entertained
the
pereons
of
highest
rank
among
the
barbarians But he had ordered
preparations
to be made so as to exhibit the Macedonian
luxury
and the Thracian
simplicity
in the most
glaring
contrast with each other. While on
one side of the hall the
prisoners,
stretched on
couches adorned ^vith the rich furniture found
among
the
spoil,
were
sumptuously regaled,
and drank from
gold
and silver
vessels,the conquerors
lay
over
agajust
them on coarae mat- ting,
partook
of their usual
bomely fare,
and
drank out of horns or wooden
cups.
Towards
the close of the
feast,
DromichEetes asked bis
guest
which
style
of entertainment he
prefer-
red,
end took occasioti to
point
out to him the
folly
of his
aggressionon an
enemy
who had
BO Uttlclo loose.
Lysimachus might
weUtbink
himself fortunate to receive no severer lesson.
He
gladly
consented to cede all that he
possessed
east of the
Danube,
and oflered tbe
choice of his
daughters
to his
generous
moni- tor,
who
replaced
the diadem on his
brow,
and
dismissed him and his chief officers with
presents.
t
Clearchus remained some time
longer
a
captive,
but
tie,too, was afterward released
at the intercession of
Lysimachus.^
The news of the defeat and
capture
of
Ly- simachus
soon reached Macedonia,
and Deme- trius
hastened to take
advantage
of it. He
inarched into
Ttiraee,and,
it
appears,
made
tiiloself
master of Sestus.
Lachaies,
who had
taken
refuge
in the dominions of
Lysimachus,
happeneillo tie in the
town,
and when it surrendered
lay
concealed for some
daya,
and then
made hie
escape
m feniale
disguise,
under a
black
veil,
as ono of the mourners at a
funeral,
and fled to
Lysimachia,ll the new
capital
founded
by Lysimachus on the Isthmus near Gardia.
"
Himnoi
ip. Ph"^ p. tH, ^ tA BOk.
DEMETRIUS AT ATHENS.
367
But DemetriOB was
(mddenlj
arrested in his
career of
conquoat by mte)li);eiice
from two
opposite
qaartera.
He
heard,
it
aeeme, nearly
at
the same lime that Bceotia had
again
revolted
from
him,
and that
Lysimachus
had recovered
his
liberty,
and was on his
way
homeward.
The
conquest
of Thrace must have been an
(Aject
of far
greater
moment to him than the
rednction of the Bteotian
towns,
in which he
could not have
expected
to find much
difficulty,
and which was the less
pressing,
as he had
left
Antigonas
with a force
sufficient, as the
event proved,
to
quell
the insurrection without
him. It is therefore a little
surprising
that
he shoidd have suffered himself to be diverted
from
h^
enterprise.
But
perhaps
he
apprehended
that if he
persevered,
be
might
have
not
onlyLysimachus,
but his new
ally,
the
kin^
of the
Getes,
upon
his hands
;
and still
more,
that he
might
be attaclced
by Pyrrtius.This,
and not his resentment
against
the
Bieotians,
was probably
the motive that induced him to
decamp
from the
Chersonetius,
and to march
with all
speed
southward. When he arrived
in Bceotia,
he found that the
insurgents
had al-
rfiady
been defeated
by Anti^nus,
and he im-
mediately
laid
siege
to Thebes. There ean be
littledoubt that the Bmotians had been
secretly
stimulated
by Pjrrhus
to their
attempt,
which
would otherwise have been
desperately
rash
;
and he now made a diversion in their favour.
He
invaded
and overran
Thessaly,
and advanced
as far as
Thermopile. Dcmetrins,
leaving
his son to conduct the
siege,
hastened to
meet him. His
army
must have been
very
strong ;
for he not
onlycompelledPyrrhus
to
retreat into
Epims,
but was able to leave a
Torps
of
10,000
foot and 1000 horse for the
protection
of
Thessaly,
and then returned
toproa-
eciite the
siege.
The
Thebans, now deiq)air-
iog
of
forgiveness,
made an obstinate resistance.
Demetrius fomd it
necessary
to resort
to the nse of his
hoge Helepolis,
lathe mean
while he ordered
repeatedassaults,
in which
he loat so
many
of his
men,
that
Antigonus
remonstrated
with his father on the needless
sacrifice of life. The answer was character- istic,
"
Why, my son,
should that concern yon
1
Have
you
to
pay
the deadT"
He, however,
exposed
his own
person
to animate the assail*
ants,
and received a severe wound in his neck.
The
siegeappears
to have lasted the
greater
part
of a
year ;
in 890 the
place
surrendered at
discretion. Alter so
many provocations,
the
besieged
had reason to
expect
the most
rigor-
one treatment
; yet
the
conqueror
again
eon-
tented himself with a
very
lenient
vengeance.
Some thirteen were
put
to death
;
a few banished,
and an
amnesty proclaimed
for the rest.*
It was the
year
of tbe
Pythian
games,
and
wa" rendered memorable
by
an innovation
with
respect
to them,
which illustrates the
character,
if not the
policy
of Demetrius. At
1|m"time when the
games
were to be celebrated
at
Delphi,
the
passes
of tbe road Irom Athens
to Delphiwere
occupiedby
the
.JStolians,
who.
it
seems, were in alliance with
Pyrrhus;
so
that the sacred
embassy, usually
sent
by
the
Atbenians to attend the festival, could not safely
UDdertake the
journey.
Demetrius could
^,p.4BI,oiil]rt"Anbnd-
prabably
have furnished it with a snfflcientes- cort,
both to have cleared the road of all obstacles,
and to have
guardedagainstinterruption
during
tbe
games ;
but he
preferredto celebrate
them at Athens, not on Ihc
groDnd
of the temporary
emergency,
but
declaring
that the
city
where
ApoUo
was
worshipped,
under a title
which
implied
the
antiquity
of its devotion to
the
god,
was the fittestof all
places
for his festival.
Demetrius
may
have wished to
grattiy
the
vanity
of the Athenians: it is clear
that,
in this
proceieding,
he assumed the functions of the
Amphictyonic
Council.*
Nevertheless,
the
conduct
of the jEtolians
rendered it
necessary,
for the
reputation
of hia
aims,
that he should chastise them
;
and itwas
also time to retaliate
upon Pyrrhns
for his late
invasion of
Thessaly,
and to wrest from hint
the Macedonian
provinces
which he stillretained.
Demetrius had
perhaps
another
motive,
which will be
presently mentioned,
for an
expedition
to the West
;
and itwas no
longer
a matter
of choice with him whether he should bestir
himself or remain
quiet.
He had
placed
hint-
self in a aituatian which demanded a continual
of fresh
enterprises.
FromUiettroe
asion to the throne of
Maeedouia,
it
seems that it had been his constant
object
to
increase his
military
and naval
power
to an ex"
tent
adequate
to the vast
projects
which that
unexpected
turn of fortune
probably
first
suggested
to bim
;
for he now aspii^to
nothing
less than the
recovery
of his father's
empire
"
an
attempt
which he well knew must
bring
him
into a conflict with the combined forcea
ofLy-
simachuB, Ptolemy,
and
Seleuens,even if
Pyr- rhus
should have been
previously
subdued. Ha
had raised an
army quite
oQt of
proportion
to the
ordinary
resources of his
kingdom,
and it waa
not onlykepton. foot,
but
coniinnally growing.
One
consequence was,
that his
government
bs-
osme a
pure
militarydespotism,
and tiiat be
was
quiteindependent
of the
good
will of the
people,
and
depended entirely
on the
anny;
another
was,
that he was
obhged
to lind employment
for his
troops,
both to relieve Ui
treasury,
and to
guard againatthe disorders
arising
from the leisure of the
camp.
In the
spring,then,
of
389,
he invaded
jf^tolia,
and after
he had
ravaged
the
country,
left hia
general,
Pantaochus,
with a
strong
division to curb the
JGtolians,
while he himself marched into
Epirus.
In the mean while.Pyrrhus,foreseeing
that his
own territory
would otherwise be the next seat
of
war,
had moved to succour his allies. The
two armies,however, happened
to take different
roads,so that
nearly
at the same time De- metrius
arrived in
Epirus,Pyrrhus
in jEtolia.
FaDCanchus did not decline a battle
;
and,
as he
was distinguished
above all the
generals
of
Demetrius for
strength
and
courage,
seized tbe
opportunity
to
display
his
personalprowess
against
a
royal
foe. Before the
engagemeat
began,
he came fbrward and
challengesPyrrhus
to a
single
combat.
Pyrrhus,
in
pemon
and in
spirit
no nnwortiiy
descendant of Achilles,
disdained
all
scruples,
whether of
usage
or
pni-
denee,
and advanced to the encounter.
He
received
a
wound,
but
gave
two,
and would have
slain hia
antagonist
ifhe had not beeik rescued
by
his friends. The
Epirots
were Miimated
by
'
inat.,I""a.,M
iO|i_'
358
HISTORY OP QRBBCE
the eV^Dt or the combat
;
the
enemy
diBheart-
ened,aBwellbrtheBbBenceoftheirconuiuade)'
zs
by
its cause. In the
end,PjrrhuBgaineJ
a
eoraptete victory,
and took 5000
prisoners : the
Bomber of the alain is not menltonpd.
and
perhaps
he
thought
it
pnitiont
to
epare
the lives
of the MacedonianB
as saach as
posaible.
llut
the
advantage
which he
reaped
TrotD hid buc-
eess extended much farllier. The Macedoni- ans
who had witnessed his
exploits
were struck
with
admiration,
and
perhaps
found some sol-
aoe for their defeat in the
pmises
thev bestowed
on the
conqueror.
"
He
waa,
indeed,a soldier,
worthy
lo command soldiers : the
only
king
of the
age
ia whom there could be traced
any
likeness to the
great
Alexander. Pynî
revived this
image by
the fireand
vigour
of his
movemeuts in the fieldof battle
;
the rest
only
mimicked the
hero,
whose title
they assumed,
in their
desieanour,
and in the
trappings
and
"tate of
royalty."
It waa a
comparisonpocu-
Uoilydangerous
for their own
sovereign,
whose
arrogauce
and love of ostentation bad
grown
more inordinate than
eiander's throne.
DemBtrina found i..
..
Epims,
and
ravaged
and
plundered
there et hia
pteavnre.
He made no
attempt
to seek
Pyr-
liins,most
probably
because he was
occupied
with another easier and more
agreeable
conquest.
PyrrbUB
had lost his
queen Antiôna,
and alter her
death,according
to the dow
prevailing
usage
of Greek
princes,
married three
wives
;
all,
it
seems,
for the sake of advauta-
(eoua
allianceB. One was a
Pnonlan.
another
an
lUyrjanprincess;
and to these he added La-
nasaa,
the
daughter
of
Agathocles,
with whom
be received
Corcyra as ber
portion.
But the
pride
of the Greek
prinoeBs
was aoon wounded
by the atteotjon u4iieh he oontinued to
pay to
liisbarbarian wives. She
quittedbim,
and
retired
to
Coroyra,
where the looked
out for so
"ppartUDity
of
revenge.
She knew ibat she
inqtbt
reckon on the Mrnea of
Demetrius,
and
invited bim to take
poeeession
of ber
person
and of the island. How welcome ench
an
ofier
muat have,
been to him
nay
be
gathered
from
flie feet
that,
when Un
Spartan Cleonymos
made himself
master of
Corcyra,*
boUt Deme- trius
and Cassander courted hit
alliance.t As
Cleonymua was known to entertain hostile de-
"igDB BgainaAgatbocles,
it
may
be
sufqiosed
that the relation*which bad bitheito sobeiated
between Demetriui and the Sicilian
tyrant
had
been ftr "om
friendly.
But about tbia time
Afathoclea
sent hia
eon,
vrbo bore the Iktbev^
"ame, to Demetrins,to oonohide an alhance
witfahun. Demetrius reeeived the
yoQng prince
irith the
highestbonouiB,
invested him with a
royalrobe,
and
sent him back with
splendid
Kaate,
accompaniedby
one of his own court-
named
Oxythemis,
who
waa
puUid]'
char- ted
with the
ratificationof the
treaty,
tut was
"eowUyliHtnietedr--'^""
-" - - '" "
ovriiiehiit
to obaerve the Btate of
Sicily,
,
Demetrio* bad cast bis
eye,
B
pnze whidi
mijgbt,
perbape,one
day
_~~._:
hia. How te tbia
negotiation was cim-
"ected with Lamsaa'a ofibr doea not
appear ;
t
Siodiir., B,
IM.
but it must have been on the o
"
expedition
to
Epirue
that DMuetrius
complied
with ber invitation, and made lumseif
maaMi
of
Corcyra.
In the
following year
Demetrius was attacked
by
a
dangerousillness,
and while he
lay
sick
at Pelia,PyrrhuB
made an
irruption
into bis
kingdom,
overran it almost
entirely,
and advanced
as far as Edessa.
Demetrius,howevM,
recovered iti
time,
and when be was able la
take the field, boou
expelled
the invader.
SliU,
the continuance of the war with
Pyrrhus
offered
little
prospect
of
advantage,and,
as
appeared
from the events of the late
campaign,might
lead to disaatrouB
consequences.
It was
only
in Asia that he could
hope
to find a fieldwor- thy
of his
ambition,
wliere he
mi^t rely
on the
constant attachment of bis
troops,
so
long
as
fortune favoured his
eulerpn^^
He therefore
concluded a trace with
Pyrrhus,
that he
might
be able to devote his whole attention to
the
preparations
which he waa
making
for his
expedition
to the East.
They were now
very
far
advanced,
and were on a scale
proportioned
to the
magnitude
of the
object
he had in view.
To the fleet of 300 sail with which he had besieged
Athens he had added 300 new
ahipa,
built under hia
peraonalsuperintendenceal
Aliens, Corinth,Cbalcis,
and Pella
;
all
large,
and several of
extraordinaiydimensione, jet
capable
of
easy
and
quick
movatDonts.' Be- sides
the force
necessary
to man this
fleet,he
had collected an
anny
of
nearly100,000 foot
and
18,000
horse. It is difficultto
imagine
how
he found mesns to
equip
this
huge
armament
;
and ithas seemed an inevitable conclusion that
he
muat have drained the resoaroes of Macedo- nia
and
Greece,
and have laid almost intolerable
burdens on his
aabject8;tyet
we do not
find thismentioned
among
the causes of their
discontent, nntarch
onlyspeaks
of hia lax-
ury
and
magnifioeooe
;
particularly
of the the-
Blrioal
splendour
vrrth which he adorned his
persoa,^
and of the Asiatic seclusion in which
he affected to
keep
himself concealed from
puh-
he
view,
of the
difficulty
which suiters found in
reaching
the
royal
presence,
and of the airo-
gance
and harshness with whidi
they
were received.
On this head the
biographer
relates ao
anecdote which indicatee a diaregard
of
pidilic
opinionborderingon infacuatiiMi
: one
day,as
Demetrius came out of the
palace,
he
was ob-
aerved to be DTeaateraooesB than usual
;
and a
crowd of
petjiionera ep|Hiiaehed
to
present
their
memorials
;
he
gathered
(hem in his nantle
and
proceeded,
Ibllowed
by
the anxious
throng,
'-
"le
bridge,
and there threw them all
over
the ASUS. This conduct was the more
offensive
to the
Macedonians,
because
they
had
Lnlvsli (Dim., U) olHma, tl"t
|ill^r"
-I Utow
ud iLltHn buti vC nam Km nawri knatm bmlan. Ba
piwHdi
lo
nmuk, tlul in naltmj FbilnatoT'i itau nl
hj (man fullyduntM bjCillinDU {n
Albu.,
t.,Vt)
litlthu th* Uaiulwi
*
B"kk.)wH nmd
bj
INO ihd.
'
nuy
b" formed of the nvraben
" Utaalnui. whii^ bamtwa, mm
pnBUV
i""*
"IiIt
aquipiKd. t DnrHa, i.,
a. 001.
a
whioE
coDijius
I"nh" in
Alhaiinui,zii.,SO, who.
HUuiw of Uh toioB udolkunuii
"_
ijnlii.iao^liafoabuI
hht buahad. Doiii ipaki h
: iSHHUiiu iMd
aur
Kicliu kit miln"
PYBRHUS IN HACEDOMA" DBMBTRIUS
DETHRONED.
BCTer
been nsed to it in Qieitnilera. Old men
Tcmembcred the readiness and
aSabilitj
with
irblch
Philip
had been wont to listen to aU
classes or his
people;
tlie
simplicity
with wbich
he and Alexander maintained their
dignity
:
more
recently, Antipatcr
had retained the habits
of
a
fragalcitizen,
while heVielded
a much
greater
power
than Demetrius
now
possessed.
The less was itto be
endured,
that this
opaiart,
"wba was bom a
subject,
should asaume the
pomp
and stale of
a
Persian despot.
It
nouJd, perhaps,
be
attribntmg
too
deep
a
policy
to Demetrius to
suppose
tl^the meant
to dazzle and awe the Macedonians
;
but it
seems that he did not become
aware,
until it
was too
late,
how
deeply
and
widely
bis conduct
had excited
disgust
and
contempt.
The
armj
itself could not love or
respect
a
prince
of such a character,
who
kept
his soldiers at
sach a distance,
and
whose
ordinary
habits
were so remote from the Treedam and
plain- ness
of the
camp.
If Demetrias had been conscious
of his
danger,
he would have
seen an
additional motive to hasten his
preparations
fbr
the
enterprise
in which he was about to venture
bis all on the
struggle
for universal
empire.
It
bad become the ^t
expedientby
which he
could
hope
to secure what be
alreadypossessed.
But the
jealousy
of bis rivals
was alarmed
by
bis
extiaoTdinai7
exertions
;
and
they
determined
not to wait until be should
carry
the
war
into their dominions.
Seleucua,Ptolemy,
and
LjEimachuB
renewed their
leaguQ
with one another
againsthim,
and sent
ambâadors
to remonstrate
with
PyrrhuB
on
the
impohtic
engagement
be had contracted with tbe common
enemy. They
warned him of tbe
danger
to
Wbich he wonld be
exposed
if he snOered De- metrius
quietly
to execute his
plans
of oon-
SueaC,
and reminded him of the
injory
and dis-
onour he had
lately
sustained in the loss of
Corcyra
and Lanassa.* Hs
was
easily
induced
to break bis
treaty
with
Demetrius,
and to
join
tbe confederates.
They
fell
Dpon
Mm while he
waa still
engaged
in his
preparations.
In the
spring
of 3S7
Ptolemy appeared
with a
great
annament
off the ooaet of
Greece,
and invited
tbe Greek citiesto revolt. We do not know
tbe nature of his
operations,
or
with what degree
of success
theywere immeiJiately
attended.
It is
most
probable
that the Greeks watt- ed
for the issue of the contest which had be-
i;nn
in Macedonia
;
for,nearly
at Ibe same
time,LysimachuB
invaded the
upper provinces,
and,
it
seeniB,
Amphip-
olia
throng
the
treachery
of
Andragatbus,
the
officer who commanded there for Demelriua
:t
and ^lile Demetrius
was on the road to meet
him, tidings
came that
Pyrrhus
bad
penetrated
into the heart of the lower
cotmtry,
and had
Benea,
where he fixed
bin
headquarters,
and sent out detachments to
reduce other
places.
The
intelligence
excited
a tumult of
îef
and
indigaatioQ
in the Mace- donian
camp.
The men were alarmed for the
safety
of their
property
and their families
; they
broke out
into loud
complaints
and invectives
"
Tlstanli.F^nfa.,10. Dem.
'
"^D
Dtuthh IU p. Sia,113)
"""*"" "~
3f AmpbjpoUf )i ud t)H nniiDD of
[fdaikft
PdIjihl.,
i'
against
their
king,
and threatened to
qiiit
bit
standard and return to theirhomes. Bat there
were
nmiours,
and
perhapsvoices,which
apprized
him that it
was their intention to
go
over
to
LysimachuB.
The name of
Lysimaehus,
AI"
oiander's old
companion,
was itself of
power-
fiilattraction to the Macedonians
;
and he had
with him their exiled
prince,
bis
son-in-law,
who was
ready
to renew
his
pretenaiona
to the
throne. Demetrius had reason to fear
that,
if
he advanced
farther,
he
might soon find himself
deserted
by
hia
troops.
He therefore resolved
to retract his
steps,
and to seek
Pyr- rhus,
for be
was not
yet
aware how complete^
he had lost the affectiona which be liad di"-
dalned to concihate
:
he did
not
suspect
Ute
feeling
which
prevailed
in his
army
in favour
of the
Epirot,
and beUeved that
every
bosom
glowed
with
indignation against
the
foreign
invader.
But when he drew
near to
Bercea,
he
was soon undeceived. The
conqueror
had treated
his
captives
with kindness
;
he had won aU
hearts
by
his condescension
;
numbed of the
Berceans flocked to the
camp
of Demetrius
;
'
and the
report
which
theyspread
of the aA-
bility
and
^neroaity of
Pyrrhus
e"Hifirmed the
impression
which bad been made
during
the
campaign
in .^tolia
by
his heroic valour and
soldier-like
bearing,
and excited a generalen- thusiasm
in his behalf. He himself
emfJoyed
secret
emissaries, who, assuming
the cbaracter
of
Macedonians,
exhorted the soldiers to seise
tbe favourable
moment,
and
get
rid of their
vain,haughty,oppressivedespot.*
The flame
thus
^ned, soon
burst forthwith uncontrollable
violence. When
Pyrrhusapproached
at the
bead of his
army,
bis
enemy's troops
were
prepared
to receive him
as
their benefactor. All
eyes
were turned in search of the hero
;
for
a
time
they
cohld not find
bim,
becanse he had
taken off his helmet
;
but when be bad
put
it
on
again,
and enabled them to
recc^nise
bun
t^
the
lofly
crest and the horns at its
sides,
the
Macedooians
quitted
their
ranks,
and came tno-
ningup
to ask
him,as
their
chief,
br tbe
pase-
word.
Many seeing
that his attendants
woie
gariands
of
oak-Ieavee,
crowned tbemselves In
like
manner.
Demetrias
quicklyperceived
that
all
was
lost. Of those who were near him,
some bade him
begone,telling
him that theMa-
rudety
with threats and
reproaches.
It
was
clear that his
onlyhope
of
safety
Iot In
flight.
He retured to his
tent,exchanged
Us
sorseous robes for a dark
mantle,
laidaside Ui
diadem,
and stole out of the
camp.
His do-
parlnre
became the
signs!
for
generalconltw
sion,
and
a
struggle
took
place
hr the
plunder
of the
royal
tent. But the tumult
was sm-
pressedby
the arrival of
Fyrrhua,
and the Ma- cedonian
soldiers unanimously
saluted him ""
their
king. Lysimaehus,however,
had not ta-
ken
up
arms merely
to
aggrandizePyrrhus
;
he
claimed
a share in the fruitsof the
victory
fbt
himself,
and
Pyrrhua
was
obliged
to consent to
a
partition
of Macedonia, t Antipater
novr
thought
that the time bad
come
for
urging
his
claims
;
but his
father-in-law,
who had
piotsot-
ed the
parricide, put
the
pretender
to dewb.
"PUi,I"; ^11.
i
Flu.,rmk, tt.
HISTORY OF GREECE.
"nd even
confined
Eurjdice,
becans
pleaded
fbi her huabaod.*
,
Thua,
aAer a
reign
of Mvan
;eara,
Demetrius
disscendedImu the tbruue of Macedonia as
"nddeoljas he had mounted it. He Grst touk
refuge
in
Caasandrea,
where,
it
aeems,
Phila
was residing.
The
generous
woman could nol
bear to see him
again
reduced to the condition
of a
fugitive,
and,despiiiring
of belter
daj's,
eaded ber
life
by poison.
But Demetrius always
round it easier to
gain
than to
keep.
He
could not use or bear prosperity -,
but
adversity
braced his
nerves,
roused his
energy,
brought
all his talents into action
;
so
Ih;
er;
fallwas followed
by
a rebound. From Cas-
Siiidrea he
passed
into
Greece, where,
when
he marched
againat
Lyaiinacbus,
he had left
hia BOD. But,
it
seems,
before he was joined
by Antigonus,
he entered Thebes, with few at
teodants,
and none
of the
eosigaa
of
royalty
.
and he
thought
it
expedient
to conciliate
lê
Tbebans
by
(he restitutionof the
political privileges
which
they
had lost after their last re-
Tolt.t His
ganiflOos,
however, remained faith-
Ail to him
; Antigonus,
no doubt,
had a
body
of
troops
under his
command,
and before
long
(he
royal
adventurer saw himself
again
at the head
of a little
army.
Not,however,
in time to save
Athena. As
soon,
probably,
as the revolulii"u
in Macedonia was
known
there,a few brave
men,
with
Oljmpiodorus
at their
head.
to make another
struggle
for
liberty.
The
peo-
|de
answered to (heir call
i young
and old flocked
to their standard. The
garrison
of the Mu-
"enm came out to
ijuell
the
insurrection,
but
was defeated, and driven into the fortress. It
was
immediately
atormed. Leocrilus made his
name
memorable as the firstwho mounted the
wall and
leaped
into (he
place,
where he fellin
the conibat. Pireus and
Munycbia
wero
also
recovered
nearly
at the same timet The
peo-
jik
celebrated ila
victoryby
the abolitionof the
IHiesthood
instituted in honour of
Antigonus
and
Demetrius,
and the restorationof the ancient
practice by
which the chief of tlioArchons
gave
his name to the
ycac,^
Dut tlieaccounts
which were soon after received of the
growing
strength
of Demetrius
began
to
inspirenew
fears
; and, as Ptolemy
had withdrawn from
the coast
of
Greece, an
embassy
was decreed
to obtain aid from
Fyrrhus.
In the
mean while
the
spirits
of the Athenians were raised
by
another
victory,
achieved under the command of
Olympiodorus,over a division of the
enemy,!!
which had made an inroad into the
plain
of
Eleusis.T
With no other force than he conld
raise in Eleusis
itself,
he
put
the invaders to
flight.Demetrius,however, soon
after
appeared
with his
army,
and
closelyinvestedthe
city.We are informed that the Athenians sent
an
embassyto
him,
with the
philosopher
Crates
at its
head,who, by entreaty
or
argument,
induced
him
to withdraw his fbrces." No eloquence
or
reasoning
of ail the
philosophers
in
Greece conld have
produced
such an effect on
t PluL. D*m.,
M,
"hin n ikmld han
eîKtod
""
_
I
Onjtm (L,SIS)cenJKtnru
Hut ii
"STÊnas'
Bom Iks MBQvdonlka nmioa tt Gfriuth-
1 rsu, i.,M, 1.
"
Plu.,D.K.,
Dcmetrios. He must hare found it
neoesaaij
to raise the
siege;
and it was most probaUj
the
approach
of
Pyrrhus
that forced him to decamp.
Pyrrhua,
in
fact,complied
with the request
of the
Athenians,
and came to
Athens,
where ha went
up
to the
Acropohs
and sacrificed
to the
goddess.
But it
appears
that it did
not suit his
plans
at thia
juncture,
when his
footing
in Macedonia was not qni(esecure,
to
entangle
himself in the affairs of Greece. He
thanked the Athenians for their
confidence,
but
advised them not to admit
any
kingagain
within
(heir walls.* Demetrius was
equallyunwilling
to
spend
his time and
strength
in a contest with
Pyrrhus,as be was
stillresolved lo
try
hia fortune
on the other side of (he
^gnan.
Both
parties, therefore,were disposed
U)
peace ;
and
they
concluded a
treaty,
the terms
of which are
not recorded
;
but it is
probable
that Demetrius
resigned
bis
pretensions
to
Macedonia,on condition
that
Pyrrhus
should not interfere with bis
" "
"in Greece.
iuB
now collected his
flael,
and eio-
barked with no more than
11,000
foot and
a
small
body
of
cavalry,leaving
Greece to the
care of
Antigonus,
and ateered for Miletns.
His
enterprise
would have been
desperately
rash if he had relied on this slender force
;
but
he seems
to have
had
reason to
hope
that be
might
excite a
general
insurrection in his favour
in the Asiatic dominions of
Lysimachus,
whose
rapacityhad,perhaps,
rendered him odious to
his
sidjects.
On his arrival at
Miletus,
he
found there
I'tolcmy'squeen
Enrydicc,
and
her
daughterPtolemais,
whose band bad beea
promised
to him thirteen
years
before in tho
treaty
concluded
through
the mediation of Se-
leucus. The
marriage
was now
celebrated,
and
afforded some
encouragement,
if not
auppoit,
to Demetrius in the
campaign
which he
opened
immediately
after.t At the outset he mads
a rapid
progress ;
several
importantplaces,
among
them Sardis
itself, either
yielded
to hia
arms,
or willingly
submitted to him
;
some of
the
generals
of
Lysimachuswent over to him
with the
troops
and
treasure
intrusted to them.
But tbc arrival of
Agathocles,
the son of
Ly- simachus,
whom hia father sent with
an
army
to meet the
invader,
altered the state of affairs.
Agalhocles
was so
superior
in numbers that
Demetrius did not venture to
givebattle,
and
determined to seek another theatre of war.
Ho
conceived the
seeminglyextravagant project
of
penetrating
into the eastern
provinces
of
Seleucns. He believed
ibat,
if he could reach
Armenia,
he
might
bid defiance to all his ene-
and
might
next invade Media and rouse
insurrection. So littleof
foresight
and
calculation
appears
in this
plan,
thai itinclines
ipcct
that Demetrius
must have been
attracted towards
tbe East
chiefly by
the recollection
of his
father's
conquests,
and of tha
great
revolution which Seleucns had so
rapidly
"
Plat.,Pynh., I!.
DEMETRIUS IN CIUCIA." HIS CAPTIVITY.
381
i there with
even Hlenderer means than
he himself now had at Mb command. He
theiefore took the roail towards
Ftarygia, and,
it
seems,
advaaced Tar
enough
easlwanl to
suggest
a
svBpicion
of his
design
to his
aim^,
^rbich was not
disposed
to share his adventoTea
in those remote
regioDs.
But be was
closely
followed
by Agathoclea,and, though
he was
commoDly
victorious when he could draw the
enemy
into a skirmish,they stopped
his fora- ging
parties,
and reduced him U"
great
distress.
He also lost a
great
numher of men in the
paa-
sa^
of the
Lycos,
which he
attempted
at a
point
where tha river wu not Ibrdable for in-
fentiy,relying
on his
heavy cavalryto break
the force of the
rapid
corrent.* In time the
scarcitygave
rise to a
disease,
which carried
off some additional
thooaands,
and
compelled
him to
aeek,
not a new fieldof
conquest,
but
shelter from the
pursuit
of
Agathocles.
He retraced
hi? steps,
and crossed the mountains
into
Cilicia,
where he hsited at Tbibub
;
and
Agathocles
did not
pursue
him
beyond
the frontier
of his father's
dominions, but ooBtented
himself with the
precautionsrequisite
to
prevent
him from
releasing
the defilesof Tbuiub.
Demetrins did not now wish to
provoke
8e-
leacus, and, orgentlyas his
troops
neêd
ra-
freûnent,
abBtained from the
Buppliea
which
the
country yielded
until he had
appealed
to the
king'sgenerosity.
He wrote a
long
and
moving
letter to
Selencus,who
was, at first,
tooched
with
ptly,
and ordered his
generals
to aflbrd
royal
entertainment to
Demetrius,
and abundant
sabsistenoe to his
anny.
But the remonstrances
of
Patrocles, one of his most
tmsty
counsellors,
who
represented
to him the
danger
he would incur if he should harbour a man of
such restless ambition in such
desperate
cir-
camstanGCS,
induced him to
change
hie views
and measures. He himself
marched,
with a
powerful army,
into
Cilicia,
and withdrew the
supplies
which he had
granted. Demetrins,
in
alarm, retreated to a
strong position
at the foot
of Tanms,
and
again
addressed
Seleucus,requesting
that he would either allow him to take
possession
of some
territory
now
occupiedby
independent barbarians, or maintain his
army
in Cilicia
during
the winter. This
proposal
strengthened
the
saspicions
which had been
awakened in Seleucus
;
he offered to let Deme- trius
pass
two months of the winter in
Calaonia,
but demanded his
principal
ofGcers bb
hostages,
and at the same time
proceeded
to secure the
passages
leading
to
Syria.
Demetrius now no
longerscrupledto treat him as an
enemy,
made
marauding
inroads into the
country,
and
engaged
bim in several
eligfal actions,
with constant
"necess. He soon obtained
a more
important
advantage, having
made himself master of a
pass
which
gave
him
entrance into
Syria.
His
troops
were
inspired
with new confidence in
their leader
;
he himself
began
to recall the
dreams of
conquest
which' had floated before
him while he was stillon the throne of Mace- donia,
and looked
upon
himself as
engaged
in a
contest for no less a
prize
than the dominion of
Asia. On the other
hand, Seleucas,
notwithstanding
his
great advantage
of numerical
strwigth,
could not but
secietly acknowledge
the
ascendency
of his rival's
genius,
and dread
Tot.H.-
*
PoItho, It.,T,It.
.
some sadden tarn of fortune in his Ihvour. Ha
began
to
regret
that he had
rejected
the ofitnr
of assiBtonae which he had received "um
L]^
Bimachus,
and did not dare to run the risk of a
battle
single-handed.
It
is,indeed,
stilldonbt-
jiilwhat the issue of the
contest might hava
been,
bad not Demetrius been seized
bya dia"
order which threatened his
life,
confined him
for several
weeks,
and reduced bim to a stata
of extreme weakness.
Duringthis
interval(tf
inaction his men deserted him in
great
nnm-
bers,
either to return to their homes or to
join
the
enemy ;
and when he was
again
able to
take the
field,
he found
only
the wreck of
aa
army
remaining.
With this it was no
longer
practicable
to advanoe into
Syria,
and he set
out in the
opposite
direction, as ifitwas his intention
to return to Cihcia
;
but,suddenlyturn- ing
eastward,by
a
night
maicU he
gaiiwd
the
pass
of
Amanas,
and
fell,plundering
and ravaging,
on the
plains
of
Cytihestis.
Here he was soon overtaken
by
Seletieas. He
made an
attempt
la
surprise
the
enemy's
canw
in the
night;
and he
might
have succeeded if
he bad not been deterred
by
a
stratagem
of Se- leucus,
who, having
been warned in time
bj
some deserters,
ordered the
trumpets
to
sound,
a fireto be kindled at
every tent,
and the
men
to raise a shout,as
if
prepared
for defence.*
The next
day
the
Syriananny
came
up
to attack
him. He directed a movement
against
one
wing,
and threw itinto some disorder
;
but
when Seleucus had
pushed
forward on the other
side
through
a hollow
way,
with a select
body
of
troops
and
eightelephants, and, baring
his
head,
railed
upon
the
mercenaries,
who
formed tlie main
strength
of
Demetnoa, to
abandon a
famishingadventurer,
and enter the
service of a
king
who had treasure to
satisfy
all
their
desires,they
with one accord Uid down
their
arms,
and
âted
him as their master.t
Demetrius fled,
with a few attendants
;
but,
after
a
few
days'wandering
io the forest at the
foot of the mountains,
and an ineffectual attempt
to
escape
scross them to the
coast,
he
was induced
by
his friends to surrender himself
to Seleueua, Seleacus
was,
at first,
tncli"
ned to treat
him rather as a friendthan a
prisoner
;
but when he aaw his own
courtiers, encouraged
by
this sbow of
favour,flocking
round
the fallen
prince,
his
jealousyrevived,
and be
removed him to the
SyrianChersooesus,
where
he ordered him to be
kept,
under a
strongguard,
at one of the
royal
residences, with entertainment
suited to his rank,
but confined within the
park
annexed to the
palace.
For some time the
captive
retained his wonted
spirit,
and
perhaps
his
hopes.
He sent directions
to his
son,
and to the commanders of
hia
garrisons
in
Qreece,
to
pay
no attention te
any
letters which
they might
receive in hia
name,
nor even to hia seal,
but to maintaia
their
posts
as if he were
dead,
and his
rights
had
passed
to his suocessor.
Antigonu",
on
this occasion,noblydisplayed
the filialaffeo-
tion which
honourably
diBtinguiahed
this
family
above most of the
princely
houseB of the
age.
He
earnestly
solicitedhis father's
liberation.
Bud induced several cities and
soTeretgns"
their names are not
recorded" to
support
hia
"
nnt.,htm., 40. Fair" u, iv.,".".
,
^P[n.,Dm.,ia. PcdfiDU,ii.,""
In
1
1^"
HISTORY OF GREECE.
mqueM.
He erea offered,
in
retnra, to deliver
Qp
all the
places
he still
held,
and to aurreDder
hu own
penon
in his TaUier'a etead. The con-
dmt of
Lfsimachus was u base aa this was
BMieiouB
After the
departaie
of Demetrius
tmat Europe,
he had
instigatedPyrrhua
to
braak bis
treaty
with
him, to invade
Thessaly,
and to eadeevout tu wrest rrom him all he
pos-
sesaed in Greece. Aa aoon b" he heard that
the afiaiia of Demetrius were
iiretrievably
ruined,*
he
suddenly
turned bis anna against
i^nrhna,surprised
and defeated him near Edes-
sa,
and, having
cut off bia
aupplies, prevailed
on
tiie
prinoipal
Hacedoniana to renounce their allegiance
to a master whose aoceatorB had,
of
c4d,
been the
aubjects
of their
kings. Pyrrhus,
aeeing
the defection
spread,thought
it
prudent
to withdraw into
EpiniB,f
and
thus,
after a
reign
of seven mouths, jielded
hia share of the
kingdom
to bis rivaL
StiL,LyBimachus
did
not think himBolf secure so
longas Demetrius
lived,
and ia
reported
to have
temptedSeleucus,
by an
oflhr of SOOO
talents,to
put
his
priaoner
to death-l
SeieucuB
indignantly rejected
the
propmal, obsetviug
to the ambassadors that
Iheir master wished him. not
only
to break his
word,
but to stain hia handa with the blood of a
kinaman. He even
professedan intention to
*et Oemetriua at hberty,
and restore him to his
kingdom.4
and that he
oiily
waited for the arrival
of Antiodiin and 3tratoiiice from
Babylon,
Out
they ml^
have the
pleasure
of
ezecu-
Mag
thl* act of
graee;ll
but it is
very
doubtful
iriiBtherhe
really
entertained
any
such
purpose.
PeoMtriua
lingered
two
years
in
confinement,
"nd never saw his
royaldaughteragain.
At
"rat he waa able to find
amuBement the
tjiase,
foe which the
park
affiwled
ample
room.
But, by degreea,
he
grew weary
of tbia
pastime,
"nd,abotting
hnnsQlf
up
in the
palace,
and n
-
lecting
all
bodilyexercise,soughtrefuge
from
thoagtii, or a scdace for the
misery
of
hope
de-
ftrrad,
in the
pleasureB
of the taUe and in ia-
t^mpanoBe,
to which he bad not before been
addicted. The
operation
oT theae combined
"anaos bioogtat
tua aetiTe and
strangely'^beck-
"rad lifoto a
prematnie
the B"T-ti
"rderMhii a
goldenam,
to Oreece.
Antigoous
met the v"Mel whiirii
broofht
them as It cHMoed the
iBgean,
took thb
nm on board his
own gaUey,
the
largest
of the
ieet,
and retamed with it to Corinth,
where it
waa reeeivedwith foneral
pomp.
It waa final-
b
tranaported
to Dttoetrias,a
cityrecently
fooDded on
the Oulf of
Pagaso, on the site of
bdcna,
and
peopled
froai the "iiaU towns ou
Iheooaat.
After the death of Demetrioa there remained
liDt
two
oompetitora
for
power
of Alexander's
immediate
succesaars
;
for the
King
of
Egypt
had
already
abdicated his throne in favour of
"
,V".X,rtiaiilmlilU"itiiaf^mrfl"\
Bat
s Dnn.) ud Paifkrty (Ewb., Aia. i..Ml,
uuiH(L,lD,S}lbu t DfayHD(i.,6ie}aolI"u"iiMiF(
"jUifvaum
oiutfld hu (bniHwiththcMfl
AnMU Ibu Ihli li
1^
Fioniilu i
t Diada",
ni. PIM^ Dan. 91.
iDHdoni, Hi.
Kai^n"
M rîtoiXifiiiacvi
"fii. inBt.,i"u.,ai. bmm.
Ptolemy,
afterward named
Phlladriphiu.
Iiii
son by
Berenice. His motive far Ibis
stepn*
not
merely
bis
passionate
fondness for Bere- nice.
It
was, apparently,
with
good
reiaoDtha
he
preferred
her son to the
legitimate
beir, an-
other
Ptolemy,
his son
by Eurydice,who,
rras
the reckless violence of his character wbidi
his
subsequentconduct
diacloses,acquired,
u
Hamilcar
and
Bâzet,
the
epithet
of Ceiaiuuit
(theThunderholt).*
The court of
Egypt
"M
no
longer
a safe
place
for the
prince
who bad
been excluded from the
succession,
and be Id
with bis
younger
brother,Meleager;
but be
soughtshelter,not, as
mi^t
have been
eiged-
ed,
Ihim
Seleucns,
but "am
Lysimachus.
U
seems that be
thought
he had less to iiai
from his rival's
sister,Queen Arainoe,
tlianto
hope
from
Lysandra,who,
after Alenniiert
death,
had married the Thraciao heir-appareiit,
AgaUioclea.
He was hospiubly
receired,
iDii
gained
the favour and coofidence of Aiôe
beraelf,
whoso influence he found all-poweiM
with the old
kiog.
Still no breach ftdkwed
on this account between
Lysimachus
and Ibt
Ptolemies
: on the
contrary,
a new
aSiiMt
was
concluded between the
royal
lamiliei,
through
the
marriage
of the
young
Kiof
^
Egypt
with the
princess
Arsinoe,
the sisler
b
Agathoclea. Ptolemy,
the
lather,
died wiiiio
^Mut two
yeora
after he bad resigned
Qw
Seleucus and
Lyaimaohos might
also lian
remained at
peace
to the end of their
livot
which were now
drawing
near to
their n"lii"
term,
if none bm
pohtical
causes
of boaliliir
had arisen betweco them. Lysimscbns,
la
deed,
had of late
greatly
extended his Eunpw
dominions;for,
about the same
time thU M
drove .Demetrina out of Uacedonia,
he
Ireaclt
erooaly
made himsdf master
of Fffiooia,
turuV
entered it as the
^y
of
Ariston,
the lawfiil m
of the deceased
King
Autoteon.t
InAsi",lo^
he had found an opportaniqr
of "ilarguig
mi
territory,
and to him a no leas inlarestuV
"-
jecl"4îleiushing
his cofihra. Amattni
w
be"n
put
to death
by
her two mds, Clstn^
and
Oxatlire*
who
were pnAabtf
jsaloua
rt
her inflMBce. It ia reauAoUe,
that
Oufifi
Lysinuuû, aa ho was ainoerely'""^Z
Amastria,
deeired to
avenge
her
unidar.bsdu
Mt
thinkit
neeeaaary
to |mf"a*
hia
sbhot^
of the
pajTicida,
but oouiived to pua
m";
taoce into Hersolea under the mad
ih ovate
ship.
Hethenpatthemurderentodeautv
took
poaaeasioB
of their treasorea.
"Bipuow-
ted the
people
of Reradea to
revive
tbwnk
publican
inatitatioDS. On his return, "f
.Jr;
with warm adminUion of the ptooft
wlu"
"
"
H"UH
"p. Flue.,p. m, b.,MidnM* M?f?L
^l.'7-gtmdla, ".ho
cullSw"lf ""irj
(Hamne.
"|".
Phot,
p.
m, b.,
BOk.), n"
*"
"SLb
C.rm"iiBHo hii
iM.,
Jiwip,
ni., S,
" ""
""
""^
t Pol/wi., ir.,II, ). Bat I ihould
""
"^t^
Sîd ta find
hiS^
s^.
:
itifj^'fj';
a
wtra^t tM,
am lii "nt nf
Po!t""" ?R"i ,Tl,l.
"snbM ttu plKo rimplT ""
ziM"" "
A '^Sr'h '^ *"
MURDER OP AGATHOCLES." BATTLE OF CORUPEUION.
bad
seoD,
in the cities ruled
by
Amastiia, of the
piosperily
which
Ihey
hail
enjoyed
under her
gOTemmeDt ;
sod Arainoe took occasion lo m"-
Ecitthat he would mot her the
newly-
conquered
prinoipalily.
He
reluctaetJy rompbed
with
ber
reqaeat,
and ahe sent one of her creatures
aa
govenwr
to Heraciea,
which he
oppressed
and
plnodered.* Still,
these
acquisitiona
were
not
of B nature lo eicite the
jealousy
of Seleu'
CU9 : Ljsinisûa,
in "âia ambitioa eeeios to
bave become aubordiiiatato avarice,
and who
vaa iratcbed
by
two hostile nei^bours
in
Greece and
Eptros,
could not have been a for-
iTiiitaKiutint to the master of tii" East. Bat
a domestic
tragedy,
which ehodk the tfaione of
LysiiDaohBB,
awalEened
hcêt
of
conquest
that
bad
long
slumbered ia the bosom of
Satencna,
and
gate
occasion to a war which
prored
lUal
lobotb.
Arsinoe,
when ebe obtained
posaesaion
of
Heracleai probablydesignedchiefly to strengthen
berself with a Tiew to a ftrther and more
impoTtaiitobject.
Herhoaband'a adTsnced
age
filledber with
anxiety
for the
iffoapects
of her
children,
and abe
resolred,
if she
could,to
pat
Agaifaoclee
out of the
way
before the throne
became vacant. That she had cooeeiTBd'
a
criminal
passiou
for
him,
and was
disappointed
Ibnm^
his
aeruplea,
is
bardly
credible. If
ther" waa
any
ground
for this
report,
it
may
have been tbat she
imputed
such advances to
bim.t Sat it is certain that she induced
Ly-
simaehuB to
regard
his eldest son aa an
enemy,
aod to eonsent to hia
death4 They feared,it
seems,
to use
open
*loleiice,foT
the
prince
was
genervHy
behtTed
;
but,
after an iaeflbotualat- tempt
to
poisonhim, tbey
threw him into
prison,
and it is said tbat
Fttdeoity
OMauDua despatched
him Uiere with his
own hand.) Ly-
sandra fled with bei
cIhUtmi,aecocnpaiuedby
Aleiander,
the brothei of
Agatteclee,to Seleu-
cits,
and
ira|doredbiBinterTeatiiiD.|t
Re learn'
ed tbat the deed bad excited nmvaraal
indigna'
tioD
among
the
aubjeola
of
LyBimachns,
and
that
they
were
ripe
far rebellicm. Ha alao received
a
meaaage
Iron
PbiletMiiu, EOTemor
of
the fintreaa of
PergaimH,
where
Lysimochns
had
depositeda treame of MMW
talenta, who,
"u tbe
prinee'sdeath,being
alarmed fin hia
own safeqr,as Arainoe was avowedly hia enemy,
and
attemptedto deprive
bin of his maa-
ter'e caiilSdenoe,T oUbred,
ifSdeoeua wooU invade
tbe
eOQiitry,
to
put
him id
poaaasakm
of
the
place,
and of all the treasoie itoontalned.**
Selenens was
tenqitedIqt
the
proapeet
thus
opened
to htm,
and not
mentj
beoanae it
promised
a
great
addition to hia
emisTe.
He secretly
yearned
to aee his native Itmd
again,
and he
could mow
only
return to it as
conqueror
and
Uof.
He resolved to make war on
Ljsim-
aoboa. The
King
of Thrace was
apprized
of
moa,
u-
",, p. MS-
n.. i."10,3,Un )( hrfa'lm'. i. r. X.
M (nil.,p.
"U)
njt
^Y"^-^ "^" "^ JvfAin
i
iDon
(ftp.Phol.,
p. w. b.) ripmaitf
him u id-
=""""
thTinlaDthundafliiiHii (forwUah haidl;
the
danger
which threatened liim. It is aakt
that he crossed over into Asia to
anticipate
Ae
attack which be
expected,
and that he
begaa
boBtilities with Seleucus
;
but il is
probable
tbat he aimed at
nothiug
more than to
stop
the
progress
of dlsafiection in his Asiatic dominions,
and to
put
himself in a
posture
of defence.
It was believed tbat he
discovered,
when itwaa
too
late,
the falsehood of the chaives which
had been
broughtagainst
his aon.'
But he bad
alienated the most
trustworthy
of his
famify
and his
servants, and,
if he had learned the
Irutb,was
obliged
to dissemble his
feelings.
He left Arsinoe
inpoeseeeion
of alt her
power:
perhaps
with the
authority
of
regent.
The im"
pottantcity
of Caaaandrea
was
entirely
in her
bands,having,apparently,
been
assigned
to her
as a
place
of
refugeagainst
a
change
of Un- tune.
It
seems,
also,
that
Ptolemy
Cerannus
accompanied
Ljîmachus
on hia
expedition,
and remained with him to its cIobb. All the
details of the
struggle
which ensued betvraen
Uie two rivalsare lost
;
its terminatton
only
ia
known. A battle
was
fought(B.C.X81) at a
place
called tbe
plain
of
Coma, in westers
Phrygiat
" a name which
now
conveys
no information
to us
" in which
Lysimachaswas defeated,
and slain
by
a man of Heraciea named
Halacon.t According to some accounts, hia
corpse,
which
lay
for
many days neêcted,
aed
only guardedby
his failhiol
dog
from tho wolvefl
and
vultures,
was foand and interred
by
Tho- rax,
a Pharsalian.
According
to
others,
hi*
aon Alexander obtained
permission,
not without
some
(qqiosition
on the
part
of
Lyaandra,
to
convey
il lo the Thracian
Chersooeeus,
where the inhabitants of
Lysimachia
received
it with tbe honours due to the foander of their
cKy,
and
deposited
it in their
principal temple,
to which
theygave
the name of the
Lysimacb-
eom.*
There had
scarcely
been a moment ainoe
Alexander's death when it
appeared more
Ukeiy
that allthe
provinces
of his
empiremight
fall into a
single
hand than alter this event
Seleucus
might safely
calculate that the whole
kingdom
of
Lysimachna
would sobmit
to him
without
reaiotance, except
such a"
plight
be
made
by inivate adventurers,at insulated
points.
So it seems to have been aSterthe da-
ciatve batUe tbat
Theodotus,
tbe
govsmar
ik
Sardla,
refhaed to surreiider tbe
citadel,
which
OOntsined a conaiderHhle treasure. But wh""
Seleueus had set a
price
of 100 taleata on his
bead,distnurting
the
fidehty
of his
InKqia,
he
opened
the
gates
to the
conqueror.
H Ceraunns
likewise threw himself on the
generosity
of
Seleucus,
who not
only
received Urn vrilh kindness,
as the son of hia old
friend,
but
promised
to reetore him to the throne, his
birthright,
of
which he had been
deprivedby
his father's
unjust
peitiality.T
It was an
opportunky
for in-
f Appiu, S71.,
M.
"
Pin, 1.,10,1.
6 AjipianTsyr.,
M.
j-muHDisj (i., lu, a; osicnDfla uw
mb u litTiitetwcwecn Cudli ud
Ptayt,
The UtUtj
f thi
dog
wu ealebnud sniiBrfa la isna u u iltuilnitlia
D FaiTOi.,!'.,0,4.
prDûn
belisiia tliU Uiii occumd
vibn ths diful ot
LjMiHADbiK.
Bal ft
ittoafpnanB^.
ion tu the
PoaLimij
BHrnt to be nued bf t^
pnaaftc*
it
Ephnoi (FslTn.,Till., ST]U tha tisH sT hw
a.
'l\^
HISTORY OP GREECE.
terference which
might
kindle
a
civil
war
in
Egypt,
and make Ihe
ally
of the supceasfnl
claimant the real master of thn
kingdom.
He
"o
little
anticipated any
resistance in ihe Euro- pean
dnminiona of
Lysimachus,
that,
without
any apparent necessity,
he aulfered more than
a\x months to
elapse
after the battle* before he
proceeded
to
take
possession
of them. It is
said to have been his intention to
resign
all
the Asiatic
provinces
to AntiochD3,t
and to end
Ids
days
in Macedonia. But a diflerent
destiny
awaited him.
If
Ptolemy
Ceraanus consented to mnrder
Agathoclea,
it was
not,
as the event clearly
proves,
with a view to
promote
the interest of
his aiBter and her children. It ia
probablethat,
before the death of
Lysimachua,
he had
already
conceived the ambitious
project
which he af'
terward executed,
and that he looked
upon
Agathoclea
aa the
only
formidable obstacle between
himself and the throne. He would
not,
perhaps,
have Buffered the old
king
to stand
much
longer
in his
way.
As he was utterly
insensible to all restraints of
piety, honour,
and
gratitude,
the
victory
of Seleucus would not
have
changed
hia
design,
and
might seem,
in
some
respects,
to
open
a fairer
prospect
of success,
as it was now an invader,not the
rigbt-
ftal
sovereign,
whom he had to
supplant.
The
recklesB
daring,
from which he derived his si
name,
was in him
coupled
with an
equal
met
"re of
canning
and
forethought;
and,
bold
the stroke was
by
which he
hoped
to win the
crown,
he seems to have taken all the
precau-
tioDS
prudence
could
suggest
to
guard againat
miscarriage.
He
had, probably,
a
strong party
of adherents in
Thrace,
with whom he
"
Certed hia
meaanres,
and, perhaps,
had
gainedaome of the officers of
Seleucua,
among
whom there
might
be several to whom the
proposedchange
in the residence of the court
was not
acceptable.
Seleucua
havingtransported
his
army
across
the
Hellespont,
marched towards
Lysimachia.
On the
road, not far,
it
seems,
from the
city,
was an ancient
altar,erected,according
to
tlie
traditions of the
country,
either
by
the
Argo- nauts
or
by
the heroeswho
besiegedTroy,and,
tnm whichever
origin,
named
Argoa,
It was
a name " as was at least afterward
generally
believed " of ill
omen to
Seleucua,
who is said
to have been warned
by
an oracle to beware
Of
Argoa.
But the altar attracted his notice
by
its size and
conspicuousposition,
and' he
stopped
to
examine
it,
and to learn its
history.
While he was
listening
to the tale of the anti-
quarianSi
he received a mortal wound in the
back from
Ptolemy Ceraunns,!
who immediately
mounted a horse,
and rode to
Lysimachia.
Here he was welcomed as the
avenger
of
I.y-
sbnachuB,
and
immediately
assiimE^the diadem
as his
successor,
and relumed with a brili-
iant escort to the
camp.f
It does not
appear
that he had collected
any
military
force
-,
"
rather Und
intimationsthat he needed no bu
protection.
Yel it ia
certainly
somewhat si
prising
that the man who had
justbasely
i
sassinated a
great
and revered monarch
the head of his victorioos
aimy
^Kinld h"*s
ventured to
present
himself to the
troops
whom
he had so
deprived
of their leader. The
result,
however, waa ttiathe was
received,
if not ivlth
"vour, at least without
any
determined reaist.
ance,
and waa
proclaimedkingby
the
army
of
Seleucus. One account mentions that it
yield-
necessity,
the nature of which is not ex-
plained
:"
another,
that the
acquiescence
of
the Boldiera waa
purchased by
tbe
permissioik
which
they
received to
plundertheroyal
treasure
t Each seems lo
imply
that the
loyalty
which
was so
easilyoverpowered
was not
very-
ardent. But if
a
considerable
portion
of th0
iroopa
had
originally t"e1onged
to the
array
of
Lysimachua,
aad had been
compelled
to follow
the
conqueror,
the transaction would be
quit"
'
itelligible.
The assassin found himself in
posaessioD
or
powerfularmy,
a considerable nnmtier of elephants,
and a fleet which included a
squadron
of vessels of
extraordinary
bulk from Heraclea.
The
European
dominions of
Lysimachns,
north
of
Macedonia,
aubmitted to him without an attempt
at resistance
;
and the state of afftursla
other
quarters
was
singularly
favourable to the
measures which he took for the
security
of hia
throne. Antiocbus would have been
urged,
l"oth
by
his interests and liis
feelings,
to
avengs
his father's murder
;
but he was
fullyoccupied
with the defence of his vast inheritance
against
variety
of oOoer enemies.! TTie
King
of
jypi
was
easilypersuaded
to let his broltier
enjoy
a distant
kingdom,
on the condition whicb
he
proposed
of
resigning
his claims to tba
Egyptian
crown.
Pyirhus
would have been
his moat formidable rival.
But, just
at this
juncture,
his ambition was
engroesodby
ths
prospect
of
conquest
in the
West,
and he waa
only
anxious to obtain a re-enforcement for hia
Italian
expedition,
and to
provide
for tbe safety
of hia
hereditary
dominions
dnriog
his ab"
sence. Cerauons won htm
by
the ofier of both
these
advantages.
He
placed
6000 fool,4000
horse,
and 60
elephants
at hia
disposal,
nominally
for the term of two
years ;
and
having
induced him to
accept
his
daughter's
hand as a
pledge
of his
good faith,
took
Epims
nnder his
protection. 4
And thus he was enabled to
deiy
the
hostili^
of a fourth
rival,
whom he could
neither soothe
nor
bribe.
Antigonua
was no
longer
a
potentate ;
but he was atiU
master of
some
strong places
in
Greece,
and of a fleet
;
and the lower the ebb of his
fortune,
the more
eager
he waa to seize the
opporMmity,
which
seemed to be ofFfered
by
the recent
revolotioB,
of
recovering
the throne of Macedonia. He
was forced,indeed,to
consignapart
of his
navy
to
Pyrrhus,
as the
price
of hia
neutrality.
But
he felt himself
strongenough,
with the remainder,
to venture on an cx[^lion
against
Ce-
raanus.
whom he
hoped
to lind
unprepared.
The Thiacian
fleet,however, met
iiim before
he could eOect a
landing
on the coast of Mace- donia,
and, chieflythrough
the
overpowermg
aize of the Heraclean
vessels,or the skillof
their
seamen, gained a decisive
victoiy,
and
compelled
lum to retire to Bceotia.
During
hia
"
lutia, Tiil.,a. PurtiiHueii dnni
H(.ten.
t
ApIau^
Srt.,da.
i, lS,t.
irisVK TsAAiicnXfai"t. d "ri
MOVEMENTS IN GREECE." PERFIDY OP CERAUNUS. 3S"
absence events had occurred in Greece which
rendered bis
position
less secure and com-
nuuiding
than it bad
preTioiuly
been there,
fiparta
had mtde an effort to
engage
all the
principal
Btates of Greece in a
conrederac^r
for
the maintenance of their freedom. The undertaking
was notoriooslj
directed
against
the
poorer
of
Antigoao*; though
its firstavowed
object
was
apparently
but
very remotely
con-
nei^ted with its real aim. An
expedition
was
sent,
underthecommandof
KingAieus, against
the
./Gtolians,
who were in alliance with An-
tipinus,
and were also in
possession
of the sa-
(Med land of Cirrha,
Areus, however, was
surprised,
while he was
ravaging
their
fields,
by a fonali band of
."lolians,
and
put
to
flight
with
ereat
loss. Thia defeat seema to have
pat
an end to the
Spartanproject
of
a
general
anion
among
the Greeks
;
but itdid not
prevent
Sparta
herself tmn
protecntiitg
hoetilities
against Antigonoa,
whose
garrisonwas,
it
seems,
itot long
after
dislodged
from Tiazea
by
a
Spartan
fence under
deonymus,
the unde
of Arena, But the most
important
result of the
moTements which followed the death of Seleu-
cus Traa the foundation of the Achtean
League,
to which we
shall return in Che next
chapter.
Macedonia submitted without resistance to
the
(Mnqueror
as soon as he
appearedUiere,*
and Antiochus no
longer
hesitated to mmclude
a treaty
of
peace
with the successfnl
usurper.t
He vras now near the summit of his fortune
;
only
one
stroke
was
wanting
to fill
op
the
measure
of his
prosperity
and Ma crimes. So
long
drea with her
ohildTen,
whose titleto the
crown was at least laon legitimate
than his
own.
be eeold not fed
perlhcily secure. Vet
he did not ventare on an
open
attack
;
lor be
place,
inqmttant
as it
was,
tfaan of the
persona
It contained,
who
might
have eluded his
grasp
if ha had
attempted
to rednee it
by
force. He
therefore reserved to
oompass
tua
objectby
treachery
;
thoegfa,
to
gain
the confidence of
Arsinoe,
whose
aocomplice
he had
been,
who
boUt knew
him,
and was
herself
"
stranger
to
all
acmês
of
conscieitce, honour,
and hnmato-
ity,
was
apparently
as belles*a
project
as he
had erer
yet
formed. He was aUe, however,
lo interest her
ambitioti, and,
perhaps,
her
van-
ity,
in
opposition
to her sober
judgmeDt
and
nauiTal
suspicions.
He invited her to share his
throne,
and held out a
prospect
of a more remote
saecession for her
cMldren, to
whom,
in
the mean while,
he would be as a
guardian
;
and he
reqoeated
her to send one of her friends
to
receive such assurances as she
might
desire
of his
sincerity.
It
was,
no
doubt,
with tor- menting
misgivings
and
forebodings
that she
consented to treat with htm
;
but the fear of
provoking
him
by
the
aiîearance
of
distrust,
combined with her wishss and
hopes,prevailed,
aoA she comniisaioned a minister,
riamed Chlo-
dion,to witness the ratification of his oflbrs and
professions.
To hhu
Ptolemy eagerly
exhibited
wiiBtever sanctions the moat
holyplaces,
the
!s,
and the moat
awliil
forms of
Arsiwoa could
no
longer
decline
an
interview
imtv
with her brother
;
and her fsars were so Ikr
quietedby
his
language
and demeanour
that,
notwithstanding
the
warnings
of her eldest
son,
Ptolemsns,
she
finally
consented to the marriage.
The
nuptials
were celebrated with
royal
magnificence :
and when she had been crowned
and saluted as
queen,
in the
presence
of the
army,
all her
remaining
doubts were
silenced,
and she seemed
only
anxious to atone for her
past
mistrust
by proofs
of unreserved confidence.
She invited her husband to take
poa-
session of Cassandrea,aud made
preparaôns
to receive him with
every sign
of festive welcome.
Her two
younger sons, Lysimachus
and
Philip,
came out,
with
chaplets
on
their
heads,
to meet him. The
eldeat,
after
having
ineSbct-
uall;
warned his mother, fled,
it
ajqiears,
to the
king
of the Dardaniaaa. Ceraunus loaded the
boys
with caresses until his
troops
had entered
the
gate,
and then
gave
orders to seize the citadel,
and to
put
hia two
nephews,
the elder of
whom was bnt sixteen,to death.
They were
maasacred in Ehetr mother's arms
;
and she was
not even
permitted
to
bury
them. She herself
"
neglected
rather than
spared
"
was dragged,
it is
said,out of Che
city,
but
vras suffered to
retire,
with two
attendants,
to Samotbrace.*
She was
yet
destined to shAre the throne of
Itwith her
younger brother,Fhiladelphus.t
iraunns did not
enjoy
the fiît of all theae
crimes much
longer
than a
year
and a half,
during
which he had to
de^nd
his dominion*
against
the Dardanian
king,
who had
given
shelter to the son of
Lysimachus.t
He was
then
dôived at once ot his
kingdom
and his
life
by
a sudden
oslamity,
which the
ancients,
with a
rightfeeling, regardedas a stroke of
Divine
Tengeance ;
the
rather,as be seemed to
hsve
axpOMd
himself to lus fate with
an ialtt-
lution which
might
well be considered as
judicial,
thODgh
itwas a natuial result of the sue-
ceaa wliiciihad attended him in so
man;
criminal
entennwe.
llie
inuptioa
of the
Oanls,
which
innduced
this and other momeDtoo*
changes
in the aOiurs both of Macedonia and "f
Greece,might,indeed,
have been
anticipated,
without
any
uncommon reach of
sagaci^, by
any one
wbiMe
political
boriam was not bonna-
ed
t^
the limitsof civiliied
societym the West
;
for it
appears
that Celtic tribes bad been
long
in
posseaamn
of the countries
on
the eastern
side of the
Adriatic,
tnm which the invaders
isBoed,
and had been
engaged
in continual warfare
with their
neighbours,
which
kept
them
as
averse as
they
h^
ever been from habits of
peacetiil industry,
and
as
impatient
of
any
fixed
abode. Their
presence
in
regions
not
vei7
remote
from Macedonia had been announced
by
the
embassy
which Alexander had received on
the banks of the Danube
;
and their
moveroents,
though scarcely
heard of
beyond
their immediate
vicinity,
were
probably
felt as far as the
Bart-
whtu hi "u siatdind bj
OnniiiH, ihs msM h"n im
HBid,
wilh luir Afluliih
duiwiur, mns
lioffnlu-
fiiaOIA-
rioo,ladApflbdent
nl
p"noDfc]"tinctiont. DnyHD (iL,p.
241)ii44tijic" pNTlitinl
matiTH" the cUisv of Aranot qb
"dsqTut*
ta the
luppmad
sOeDt.
1 Prdng. Ins., iWp.,uir. BaUnn quo]
C*nDii"i" III Mutdnnii cgn Mooi
-"" '
Fulsmw,
Lf
UDiactaiAlio hilHiit.
cgn MiaiD (MgBUBiat lUrrto,
M
366
. .
Lrsimaohns. But
amj
wen too far ont of
mght
to attrmet Dolice
in the HeQenki world
;
and the atoim bunt
upon
it not the lev
anddenlT
beeaiue it had been
long gathering.
Tbe immediaie ooouion of
tbie
mOTemeDt, or the caneea which removed
the hinderanoeB that had hitherto
prerentedit,
lie
bejood
the reach of
history.
Cerannae hiin-
"elT first reoeiTod
warning
of hie
danger
from
the
king
of the
Dardanians,* wiio,though
be
bad been but a ahort time before at war
with
Un, regarded
it ae ao presaing,
and ao threat-
ening to hie own safety,
that be at tbe same
line oflbred him a boi^
of 30.000 aoxiliaiiea.
In the blindnaaa of
ignoranoe,
or the conAd"ioe
of
ptoepcmia
widtedneaa,CaramHiB diadainM-
U
rcijerted
this
otter, trealing
itas
degrading
to
Ue boDonr of hia
kingdoni,
to
sappOBe
that Ha-
eedonia oonld need the
^HMection
of tbe Darda-
Biana
agaieetanchanenemj.t
It was not
long
brtbre he reeeiTed mote direet intimatioo of tbe
tfftoteii
of the
Celta,
flwu an
embaaay
which
Ibeysent to him with
propoeal*
for
peaoe,
ifhe
was wfllingto
porehaae
it
by
tribute. Their
oêet,
it
appears,
was not ao much
oonqneat
as
Blopder;
and
they
woold have been conlent to
onni the Macedoniao
treasury
without a blow.
Cer"imns attributedtheir OTettnree to fear,
and
leptiedby
an
anogaat mesaage. biddingthan,
if
they
wiabed for
peace,
send him their chiefs
aa
hoatagea,
and
Itj
down theii
anna.
Thia
laagnage
wonld have been not
unworthy
of a
hiî-epirited piinoe,
reaolred to risk all for liberty
and
bonour,
ifhe had been better
acquaint-
ed with the force which he
defied,and had not
BO rashlyneglected
tltemeans of defence which
the
fHendship
of the Dardauiao
king
would liave
enabled him to command. As it
was,
it
only
served to
quicken
tlie
steps
of the
invaders,
who. threatening
that he abould eoon learn
wlkether their offer of
peace
more concerned
their
safety
or his
own.
advanced wittiDnt delay,
and, in the course of a few
days,began
to
pour
into Macedonia. We have littleinformation,
eitlier as to his
preparations
or his move-
"lenta,
iMaides the
simple
fact that he met them
in the AeM. It
seems that,thoughgreaUy
ont-
DDBbered, he
engagedpreoiaturely, against
the
"dviee of bis
frienda,
before be had collected all
bis foroes.t He
probably
relied on the
strength
of the
p'"'*"''
and the abow of hi*
elephants,
but found theae
adraatageamore tlian connter-
haUBoad
by
that whlob tbe Celta derived liom
tke
impetooahy
of tbeir
onset,
and tbe
Btrange-
neaa
t^
their
a^wct
and mode of
iSgîting.
He
waa
defeated,
and
having
been thrown
by
Uie
elephantm
wbi^ be
rode,
fell into the eite-
HISTORY OF GREECE.
thaa ilu
ita
gf Al"ud", aaspM
"iU iba "Hit Uiit
"
riMeUDB(BA"lAEB" HOHOTNIOl' ATFPAI, Tmna
(Jwwtrwpm'i ZittMcllrifl, int.
No. 1S4I ku. wHt, hii
""ul
tiiiky,
ilitimi" i-lfnt nf
j
"f tacRtaioiT,
Lhi-
-'^'- ' -
Hwuiu ni tMH
*" iilSHHIIf
"
jBiiUB
lll" imi
K"
lutlr
)""
fl baiter aipiiiud
b;
hi
my'a hands,and was
preecntlydeapatchad
;
ae-
I
otmling
to one of tbe more authentic
aeeoante,
lorn to
pieces, aa
ifin a eoniest
among
tlie
captors
for the
omamaua of bis
peraon.*
Hi*
bead was atniok
oft
and carried about the "eid
on tbe
point
of B lance,to heiîientbe
consternation
of his
army,
which ia said to have been
ao
completelyrouted,
that almost all were
ala^
or taken.t
(B.C.S80.)I
After thia blew the
open country
was at the
mercy
of the
conqnems,
who
ravaged
and
plundered
it as far as the borders of
Theaaaly;
and
"
detaduneot made a
devastating
imeed
into tlievale of the Pencils. Bat
they
wanted
skilland
patience
for the
aiege
of fortified
places,
ao ttiatthe Macedonians were aecnre within
the walls of their
cities,
and gradu^ regained
courage.
The reins of
government
were
aucceseively
aeixed
by Meleager,
(be
brother of
Cerannus,
who heU them on^two
months,
and
by Antipaler,
a
neiêw
of Caiaaa-
der,
who aeems to have dethroned bis
frede-
cessor,
but did not retain
poaeeasim
for nteie
than
forty-five days.4
How his
reign
w
minated does not
qipear;
but we
~
that there were
many oompetnoTs
lor we
throne
among
the noble
bmiliea,l|
whose era-
testa must have
aggravMed
tbe
geaetBl
coofo-
sion and distress. A man at lengthqipeaied
who Stowed himself
capable
of
eommaiid, yet
moderate in bis ambilieB
;
a iHMemaii nained
Soathenes,!^
He collected
a body
of
troops,
and obtained some
advantages
over tbe
enemy,
who
probsUy
believed tbemselvee secure from
all farther
attempts
at reaistauce. And
tl^
check seems to have indneed them to wiUi-
draw the sooner Ironi the
coontry,
where then
was
now, perhapa,
bat littleleft to
tempt
tbeir
cupiditj.
Sostbenes
was Bshited
king by
his
ajmy ;
but he declined the titlewhk^ be had
BO well earned,and
only
desired his Mddiets to
swear obedience to hiia aa their
general.
The Cells
returned.
It would
seem,
to the
country
from which
they
had set out on their
expedition.
But littlereliance can be
placed
on the accounts which have reaobed us of
any
transactionB that
passed
at the baok of tbS
theatre of
war,
which were
probably
but
very
imperfectly
known in Greece at the time. So
it is difficultto
say
what
degree
of truth there
may
be in the
statement,
that the
Celts,at tbe
outset,
divided theirforoe iatothree
bodies,one
of
"which,under the oeraniand of a chief Bamed
BelgiuBor Bolgins,was destined fvr the invasion
of Macedonia
;
the
seooad,
under Breo-
nns,
directed
against
P"oaia
i
aad the third,
under Cerelbrius,against
Thraoe and the Tii-
balliana. For the
same account
repnaeuts
Brennns as at
home when
Belgins
returned
fKNQ his Macedonian
expedition,
ami aa exerting
^ his influence and address to render fais
countiymen
dissalisfied with the conduct of
Belgins,
and to obtain the command of a
pow-
erfiU
army,
which he undertook to
bring
back
laden with the
apoils
of
Greece,
which be de-
"T7tr-t-r-
CELTIC INVASION." DEFENCE OF THBRMOPTLJ:.
36?
"eribed "B
of iueMiinable tbIds
"
Tfaia
object,
"1 leaat,
be
acoomtriisbed ;
nnd the fbrce vhich
be led
was
estimated at 160,000 foot,
and
dNMt 90,000 CBTab7,
with tite addition of two
moanted ftrihrwera to eacb oiTalier. A ctalief
named Acichorins is aometimes dencrjbed
a
his
ctêaûe,
bat seeniB
to baTe held
onl^
sidmrdinate rank. It ia in Daidania that his
boet Gret
appear?
in motion
;
and here a
qaai-
rel is said to have taken
placeamong
tho com-
mandera,
which indnoed two of
them,
Leono-
rina and LntatiOB,to
separate
from
Brennus,
and to
lead the
troopB
onder their
orders, a
bodj
of
34,000 men,
into Thrace.t
where
the;
will
soon
afain
eDg:a^
onr
attention. Brennus
pursued
his march into Macedonia, and
began
to
raToge
the
conntr?,
which could have
re-
eo*ei"d bnt IHtie from the etibcte of the
preceding
invaiion. Soathenes ventnred to take
the field
against
him
;
bat he
seema to have
mtscaiculated his
atrengtb.
The Macedonians
were
totallydefeated,
and farced to aeek ahel'
ter behind their
ramparts ;
and Brennoe
con-
tiniied to waste and
spoil
withont
restitance,
nntil he
thought
it time to seek the richer
booty
which he
expected
to find in
Oreece.t
Tfae
ravages
irtiich his
arm;
committed in
its
progrees through Theesatj
warned the
Ore^s
ali"Bh
that,
from the
enemy
who
was
now approaching,
it
was not
inglorioue aubjeo-
tiun that
they
had to
expect
as the alternative
of
victory,
but death or miseries far
more
dreadrhl,
Aecardin^,
on this occasion we
and
none
of the
wavering,
the
Inkewanimeaa,
or the
treachery,
which tarnished the
glory
of
Ihetr anceatora
in the Persian war. All
private
interests and
feelingawere
absorbed
t^
the
nrgency
and fearfiiloess of the
common
danger.
On the other hand,
the
preparations
for
meeting
tbe invader were
confined to the
states north of the Isthmus,
thoagh
it
appears
that the MeasenianB would have taken
a
part
in the
Btraggle,
if the
Spartans
had consented
to
grant
Ibem a truce
4
As the Celts had
no
fleet,
tfae
Peloponnesians,
it is
said,
believed
that
they
should be
sufGciently
secured
by a
waU across
the Isthmus. fl It
must, however,
be remembered that
Peloponnesuswas
almost
entirely
in (he
possession,
or
under the infln-
enee
of
Anttgonus,
who
was,
no
doubt,only
concerned to husband his
resonrces as moch
as
possible.
He
was induced, indeed,
appa*
rently
at the instance of the
Athenians,to send
a
body
of BOO
men,
under the command of Aris-
todemos,
to their
aid,perhaps only following
the
example
of
Antiochns,
who sent
precisely
(be
same
number under Telesarchns. One
can hardly
attribute
any
better motive
to ei-
(tendibli. TbuofpG
tber than the wish to save
appearanees.
llio
lAange
which bad taken
place
in the state of
Greece since the
days
of Salamie and Plat"a
waa
etrorigly
marked
by
the
proportions
ia
which the northern
states contributed to the
fbroe raised for their common defence, Bied-
tia furnished
10,000 beavy-annnd
foot and fiOO
horae;
Pbocisasmanycavahyand
3000
heavy
infantry
;
the eastern Locriana 700
foot,
and
Megara
400 foot. But the
largestcontingent,
tncloding
both horse and
foot,heavy
and
tight-
armed, was ttiat of the ^totians. Athena
could
only bring
1000
heavy
annsd uid 6M
cavalry
into the field
;
but allthe
galleys
fitfiir
servjee " the namber is not stated"
were sent
take their station in the Malian
Oolf,
to
support
(he
operations
of the
army.
Old recollec-
tiona,
which in the
presence
of such
a
danger
"Onld have
more
than
ordinaryinfloenoe,aeem
to have induced tbe aUles to
assign
the
ao-
preme
command to (he Athenian
general
Cal-
It was resolved to deftnd
every
tenable
po-
n
in ^nt of
Thermopyl",
wtere the
army
assembled,
and
as aoon as
it
was ascertained
that the Celtic host had reached tha
foot of Homit
Othrys,
a
thousand
lightinfantry
and
a
body
of
cavalry
were detached to
guard
the
passage
of tfae
Sperofaeins, and, having
do-
stroyed
the
bridges,encamped
on
the
right
bank.
Brennns,however, was not deficient in
iry
skill. He sent a division of
10,000
selecting
the talleBt and the most
expert
mars, to oroM
the river in the
night
at
the lower
part
where it
spread
over a marsh.
The
Greeks,
when
thejleuned
tiiatthe
enen^
had e(bol"d the
passage,
retreated to their
camp,
and Brennns ordered tbe inhabitanta tf
the
country
to
repair
the
bridges,
a
task which
'
they wiUin^y performed,
to be rehored tha
sooner from the
presence
of the invader. He
then
pushed
forward without
delay against
Heraclea,
which had
now
become
an jEtoliaii
city,having
been
compelled
the
year
before to
join
tbe
^lolion
league.
The ."tolians defended
it as their
own,
and
easilyrepulsed
the
unskilfiil
assailants,though they
ooald not
pro-
'"'
the fields from
plunder
and
havoc; nor
the
place
of snfficient
importance
to divert
Brennus from his main
object,
even
if he bad
fairer
prospect
of success. He waa
eager
to
dislodge
the Greeks from
Thermopy-
Ite.
and,
it
seems,
advanced
as
confidently
as
Xerxes had done to the attack. The onset of
the Celts
was
probably
more furious than that
of tho Persians bad
been,
and
perhaps
not lees
orderly.
Bnt the nombers of the eombatants
were now more nearlyequal,
and the
changes
which had taken
place
in the nature of tha
ground
on which
they fought operated
In fa-
of the
Greeks,
for the Athenians
were
with Plubs
"ii,, p W). who,
mth (tillltw
,
witlloM
iMnninn mil ""on,
tilnlfcri tlw
, ....
linrd
bj Li-tfiiTYtfiu., Ifli.trnmtbt bwrninf "4 tk* aid
"Tlhs
eipsilTliiiii
of Brsnnni. That SalKeufouwH
obIt
itiaird. hui "litn.u i" lUMd bj
W. A. J. SidimidE (Du
OUarhr
PirjMnui.
lUria.
JfH.,l'..t,p S19l,if
pnbiUf
siles,
and
thus,
at
least,
eootribnted
very
maia-
riallyto the
victary
of their
coiutrymen,
even
if the
report
that
they
lifaewiaedistinguished
themselves
by
their valotir above aU the oUiei
Greeks
on shore,
is to be
set
down to the
partiality
of the auUior from whom we have
received
it.f The asBOilanta
were at
length
foi-
llenic
world
;
and
the sWmi
worm ;
ouu
luu -7- , -
B
suddenly
becauBB
it
bB*
'
reB^l,or
the omms
which
'"'"^?" \^co",",
^
.
ertthCCB
that
had hitherto pteventeA
it,
"o
^^ ^
C.
'"^r,% -^
rf'-i-ii^
'S'
^
'^
,dthe
n"oh
or hUtotj.
C."m"
"^ iftet
thi"
"""
3.;X'.%fi- %
%\'--.
h hot .
.hon
thh.
botm
.t wo
;*
1S. deiaolCTM(i%\\t_%".
V
S,si\'wj;r"5";.uiii.".i";^;vril%\V^^^^
IS
of
ignorance,
o
ime
before
at '"
""
^C,
"
detaohiii"^^J'
i^ 4a*-"^
"
prtilectionoftheD"rda-(brolMv^
^
%
^
"
*
% -
-
. - --
.
,nemy,+
It wm wK long
morf,
|
*
%
^^%i\^
v
1
*"-
*
BdirectrntimaUonorihe cWa^" ^
V\
4 " 1 "--
^
':
'
froniaaembas87
which
1^1$^^,%
"si.'^^^V'V-^
. s
'""
confidence
cw,
""
""J
^
*3 %
V*^ V"^
perouH
wickednew.
CerMmna
disdiinful-
ui
t^ ^
s
%^%\
%'^
"Mi thia offer,treating
itb" degrading
to
8"^
^ f 3-aW
"i'?
^. "1
,onr
of his kingdom,
to
suppose
tbst
Ma- \
were 'j
?,^-i% %""
icouldneedllkeortileotionoftheD"rda-(nto"\;-"
^ 3 ^
=
he received more
oh of the Celts,
BDt 10 him with
p
'illing
to
poichMO
1
it
appBBiB,was
not
IT
1
Bod
they
would
.
the Macedonian treuuiT
ans attrihoted their
I
by
an
arragaD
r
wished for
pet
Mages,
and iky
ige
wodld have
^ted
prince,
r
"d
hononr,
ifbe
li the force whi
hlyneglected
th"
Bndsbipof
tbeD
iJ.
in I
___
to
MaaeioaiJt
Iher
as
to_
//
twaidea iW
'
ieW. If
"
ed. hf
*'lM-
,03
ail.
ening
that
'/'U's't*'
.own,
th^ beganto
i".
"
"ftrr.n"
Wl"n,i""ji^
'
"l.on
of
OMhoa,
",n|"j
^
',."" ;^'ST
'""" the
oamn
K
'",
hastened
homeward-
hntthT-iî
^-'^Â-ir.sr,;*:
n,gti7cdT:G00glc
i'i-^.%
\
ATTACK ON DELPHI." RETREAT OF THE CELTS,
the
nme
gnnind,
and tbe
proaigiM
iMfVeaed en botb
oooMitHM
"^
*"" later
raponiMDhtBMiBg
We are informed
and declared that
V"3
this
"j^
îUa"d
by an
oanhqnakt,
^
'. and
Inongtit
down
huge
A * trf the
asttilaniB, by
a
'"'-%^-^
V
''""""mw"""M"ed
,\ *\
*% % 'appeni"Dceofoeta".
"''\'^,'*:i"'^''"-
"*
V"in"
ttiem. Bot
the
gildetl atatues which
thej saw steunrnv
from tbe terraces of
Delphivrere of solid
gold.*
Et
may
be doobted whether he himself
waa
aware of the loaa which the
treasury
had snflfer-
ed in the Phocic
war. The
assiilanls,who,
in
general,were
easily
deterred
by
slieht obata
cles in sDoh
operations,
were
repnlsed
and dis
beattaned.
Fragments of rock rolled
down
from the
top
of the dim contiibnted
to theu
'''itandoonatenatlon. A sudden
changeat
her to froet aod
anew,
and the ellbcls of
sotftit IbllowMI
by
warcity,
and
by
diseaM
ariainKeat of
both,began to thin their
ranka,
and datenained BreDnna to abandon the
hope-
leM
aDtenniae.
'
The order for retreat waa to
tbe Oreeka a
aignal
for a series of
attacks, wHh
which
they
oontinned to harass the
enemy as
^
M tbe
camp
at
TheimopylK, where a di-
notion
nleft K
-
may, the
aupetaaiural
dement
"ybaaiKit
eo dia"iiredit
aa whr"
.-fc,f*i.*"
""1
"""e
a3
eonnezioD cf
a that
BreumM,
when he
"
r
the
PleMna, was adrii
t to
proeeed
without
del^
tti""i"
.r*^,*^ Ddl*L B"t either heoanM he
j;^
that
hwtrw^ needed
re""ritmenô^
^"in8n
Brat
to
gorge
theoMelTea with the
Z^S
"^
'"""
and
bamleta,
wbera lane
"^rfewn
Md
wine
had,
it is
said,
been
J^Wj^
iBft.
in tbe
iwan white,
tbe
ap-
"r:"."
"""
ratfwere
Iwtified,
and
jwepara-
S,mî?
*^ "w ""wwl
adTantah
ctfall
iTtKr*" "*,'""""nce
aflbrded
by
tto natnre
jL"1"T^ When Uie CeUa adTanoed to
btDK"?:
^ *^"
"cenl
eicesaes,
so as to
^-
Brennas.
we are told,
endBSTonred to
"""'"
their
rapacityby
the aseeniott that
Emuuil
liaattd
bî iliEilu
alter tbe
retreat
began,oidy
) the confusion and to retard
the nureh "" tbe
Celta,while the namben and
the ooDfideiHM of tbe Oreeka were
growfof
fitn
*ti to
d^. Bremina,who had been woondad
"fbm
nalpbi,
issaid to hare
destroyedbioMelf
^so^
tbe
reaeniment of his
oomrtrymen :t
ôtobonnB,
who snoeeeded to tbe een-
to have
pat
his aick and wounded
to
and to have abandoned bis
baâge
ta
..e his retreat. No estimate can be
aafUy
rmed of """ amonnt of tbe lo"* BDstained
1^
the Celta In their
passage
IhroogbOreeoe and
""
'-nil. But tha
assertion,with wbidi
r
oar anthora round the
tide,
that
th^
It off to a man,
U a
patriotic ezanen-
tioa,almoM
as
groaa
as tbe fielionawith which
the Roman
historiana, to aeTO the national hon-
onr, disgdiaed
tbe iMD0 of the Celtic
expeditieii
igainetRome. Weara infbriMdthat
ooepMt
"M tbe boat of
Br"nniia, oomniaoded
I7 a
diieT
named
Bathanattaa,4 naobed Uw banks of the
Danube, near
Ha coofltienae with the
BaTe,R
while
another,
under
Oomontorina,was
stroeg
eiKNi^ to eSbct a
aetUement,
and to eetabUah
an
independentkingdom,
with a
capital
named
TrtfliintheiQarittniepartofThi"oe.1 Audit
"a
probable
that the bands of Celtic
adTentmen^
whom we shallflad a few
yeara
later in Maee-
donia and
Eplma,
and in tbe
pay
of Greek
priDcee, were a remnant of tbe same body.**
Tbe DMBt
inqyortantimmediate efict
pre-
dtwed
00 Oreeoe
by
the Celtic invasion
waa,
pertiapa,
that it raised the
lefotation
and the
oonfldeaee of the
Alotiana, who claimed the
largeat
share In the iaaiieirfthe
war,
and cbn-
ished the recollection of their
exploits
with al-
'
as much
self-complacency as tbe Athe-
I that of their victories over the
Perstana.
They
dedicated
a
trophy,
and a statue
repis-
aentingjEtolia, as an armed
hnoine, at
Delphi,
for a
perpetual
memorial of the
vengeance lb"7
t F"i",.i.."3,ll:Jailtn, nit.,S,COB Mann nhtRBSl
\m Doi
poiHL t Diatonu. ixii.
t AihonBU, Ti,,tS. 2(Dia,boii*flTar fl"i"DflUfcAn, p-
rS) think! il Bon
pnhiMi Ihil fialluuliiii
mi Ika
UcT who flM M tillC"lu into IllniL
I Jnitin,iiaL, 3.
1 Prily Win, n.,
". n"i"b.Bti.,T")uc.
""
DMrmtKh ICiltiH.
li^.
p.
aU) w"iM "ni" k Hto
tcorvhieh !h
liuirRu("lTiiiiil")un,"iif/iiU?i(Mitfi"
HISTORY OP GREECE.
oed to retreat with
great
lou
;
aa
man?
were
trodd"n under fi"ot
b;
oae another or aank in
the tnorasa m were elain
by
the
enemj.
Of
th" Greeks,
Airt;only
are aaid to bave fallen
The
Cells,
whether from
pride
or care-
leaaneas,
neither
aought pBrmiaaiou
nor made
any attempt
to
bury
their dead.
Brenniis allowed uix
days
to
past
without
any
movement. On the aeveuth he aent a detachment
to
explore
the
steep
and
nanow road
wbich led
through
the
goi^
of the
Asopua,
near the ruiue of
Trachis,
acroaa Mount CEta.
A
secondaryobject
was to
gratiiy
his
troops
with the
plunder
of a
temple
of
Athene,
which
"tood on a
height
above the
pass.
Bat the
Celts found it
guarded by
a
body
of
Greeka,
Telesarchns,
and were
repulsed,though
the
Syriangeneral
fellin the
combat. The
leading
olEcera uf the Celtic
army
now
began
Iheniaelvea to
deapond
about
the isaue of the
expedition.
Brennua reaolved
to
attempt
a diveraion,which,
if
auoceaafnl,
would, at the aame time,
giveemirioyment
to a
Krt
of bia own
forces,
and weahen the
enemy,
! ordered a division of
40,000
men,
under the
oomnuuid of Combutia and
Oreatoriua,
to re-
cnwB the
Spercheina,and, ascending
U" valley,
to make
an inroad into .ftolia. He
hoped
that the
."tolians,
who formed so main a
part
of the allied
army,
would withdraw to the defence
of their own
country.
His
plan was
faithfully executed,
and
provedcompletflly soo-
oeasful. The invaders made themaelves mas-
tera of
CalUum,
(he town nearest to tiie eaat-
em border
ofjGtolia,
and committed the moat
horrible atrocities on the defenoeleaa
population,
not,perhaps,
more to
indulge
the instincts
of
savage nature,
or in
revenge
for theirrecent
defeats,
than in
compliance
with the instruc-
tjona
they
had
received,
and with a view to
strike
terror into the
."toliana,
and to call those
of them who were
encamped
at
Thermopylc
to the
protection
of theirhomes.
This,indeed,
was
the immediate efitot of their
barbarity
,
hot
they
had not foreseen how tite remoter
eonaeqiieDoes
wonM ellbct their own aafety.
Whra
they
had
eztermnuted.the inhabitaiils
and had set Are to the
town, theybegan
to r".
treat with the
booty
;
but
they
found the
road,
itselfmountainous and
difficult,
beset with en-
emiea
burning
for
revenge.
When the
tidings
of the deatniction of Calhnm reached Ther-
moiylm,
the jGtoUaua
qnitted
Uie
camp
in a
body
and hastened homeward
;
but the whole
mass of the d"toUan
population, inchiding
even
the
women,
had also risen in arms and
ponred
in
upon
the
retreating
invaders
;
and
they
bad
been
joinedby
a
body
of
heavy-armed
Ach"-
ans from Fatrte.* The Celts
fought
with their
usual
fury,
and
bf
their
superiority
of Dumbera
bore down
every
obstacle
opposed
to them in
dose
combat
;
but
they
sufiered so much from
the showers of mis^s,to which their flanks
were
continoally exposed
in the
defiles,that
not haif of
them waa believed to have reached
Ibe
camp.
In the
mean while,however,
the
path
aoroBs
the
faigheat ridge
of
Callidromua, by
which the
Persians had been led to the destructioa of
Leonidas,
had been
betrayed
to Brennua
by
the
people
of Heraclea and the
.iGnianians, whose
territoiy
it
traversed,
who were so
impatient
to
be dehvered from the evils inflicted on them
bj
the
neighbourhood
of the barbarian
army,
that
theyscrupled
not to
purchase
a
temporary
and
partial
relief
at the
expense
of the rest of
Greece. And it even
appears,
aa will be seen
a littlefarther
on,
that a number of fnianian
and Thessalian adventurers associated them-
selvea with the invadera. Brennos
accepted
their
profferedguidance
with
joy,and,leaving
Acichorius with the main
body,put
bimaelf at
the head of
40,000
of bis beat
troops
for the
passage
of the mountain.* A
body
of Phociana
had been
posted,
aa in the Persian
war,
to
guaid
tbe descent on the
opposite
aide
;
but a mist
concealed the
approach
of the
Celta,so that
they
had all ihe
advantage
of a sudden attack.
The
Phocians,Devertbeless,
made a
gallant
re-
aiatance,
but were at length
forced to
give way,
and haatened forward to apprize
their allies of
the
impendingdanger.
The
warning
c"rae in
time to
afford them an
opportunity
of
escape ;
for to have
attempted
resistance would have
been but a uaeleaa sacrificeof the
atrength
and
hopes
of Greece.
They
found
refugeon
board
the Athenian
galleys, and,as theywere landed,
dispemedto their homes,
Brennns,aeoording
to one statement, poraued
his
march,
eager
for the
apoil
of
Delphi,
with-
out
waiting,
for
Acichoriua,
wh"Hn he had order'
ed to follow him as aoon as
the
pass
was clear.
But as we find that the force with which he attacked
Delidii
conaiatad of
66.000 nien.t
it
seems that there muat have been some farther
concert between the two
chiafa,
and it ia not
improbablethat,
after Brennus bad received a
re-enforcement,they agreed
to take diffeimit
lioea of
march,
and to meet at
Delphi: a
plan
which seCDied a more tiNUdant
anpply
of
pn"-
visiona,
and held out the
prospect
of richer
booty.
Bot Brennns arrived first
;
the
progreas
of Aeichorina
waa retarded
by
the
persevering
vengeance
of tbe
.Xtohana,
tiiio
hung npcHi
bis
rear, cutting
off the
stTagglera,
and
seiaing
every
opportunity ofimpedimentandannoyance.
The
force aaaembled for the defence of
Delphi, composed
chiefly
of
Phocians,Locriana,
and "toli-
ans,
did
not,
after it had received its last acces-
sione,
exceed 4000 men. The accounts remaining
to us of the events which enaued are aa
fuD
of wonders as
the
description given by
Herodotus of tbe disasters which befell the
.
tha pnvailjaac^pioo
Koai, i.,f. mj.
But liiUBrnmui i.
.
as lud liiaHH nnoi, u
ii nuiDUiiMil by Schmidt {!""
runt,,p.
M) ud
DrojHB,
mut b" dwitd,
until Hnu Int-
ui ntanu
""?"""
tua
uy
whlofa hai* T"t b""n arod.'oui,
u "hnr Hut ailtlw diBUi oC tlw umtin in vlueli Bmi-
I
(V*tr
i^fjiWud"-- Ihu
CtohrwiM,
in-
Aoclwrinaûy
km a" lo"
pi
H of III*
dtUr
odlHl Bii|i",
ATTACK ON DELPHI." KETRE AT OF THE CELTS.
IS grooMl,
aod Um
iRVdi|iee
T"petitioa
of the Mrlieroiie. We an infonned
liM the onole wm eooMilted,
and decUred that
the
god
would
protect
his
saBOtDar; ;
and that
tbe
proraiaB
was flilfiDed
by an
eaitbqnake,*
ivbieh Tsnl the
rooka,
and
brDught
down
huge
wa^ci "o the bead* of the
aaaaitanla,bjr
a
tentpost,
in which
maar
or them were MOBamed
by
th"
Bghtning,
and
b;
the
appearance
of celestial
wairien,
who
fimgfatagainat
thKa. Bnt
(his "" DO
proof
that IbMe marTeUons incideata
"of tfaalat"r
atai7
ara iim"l7
Sctiona borrowed
by
The
peovlahad
beo
teoK,
and iMa
diqMiMd
to
nqieet
a anpematonl
SattMTfotatiua on
any
ooraaioa. TIw aeeuM of
tte BMMd War bad aba t"Dded to weaken Ute
.wteteot nnrenee iar the orwde and the temple,
whiah had been
ae eprair
and
repeatedly
.irmfaTd
with
hnpunit;.
Bn(
Delphi
was atill
-GMnmoBlj ragaidedaa
bol^
croand,
and'"" fa-
ewuvd,
at
tiiiiea,
with a Dnine
preaence.
Tbe
mBeinfanuMe of the loeal Inditiona wmU ba
tnulUj
awakened m tbe Uttle band irtiofahad
derroted UmeU to the defence of flie
(enfte
"vrUla it awaited the
eneKjr'eapproach,
and
anight readilyanfBeat
Um
bopo
il
DivinB aa"
aiataniTi
,
aadUtegDaidlanaoflheotaclewoald
"aC Beâet
any
of Um
ptooa arta whidi had
bean
|"attia"iil on tbe Uu oecaafoiw
hy
tbeir
jiBaeecaaoTi,to eberNb aad directtba entbaai-
atma of tbeir
ehanôns.
We
may, tbeielbre,
""aaitj
aeooul fhr ttM riaaof a
geniiine popular
lMaidmitbeaab}eGt.t
B" tUa aa it
nay,
tba
a"ipematnra!
element
""r Uu
M"(7
baa not ao diafignrod
it aa
wholly
to ooMOal tbe real eowae and conneiion of the
"AVflBta. It aeema that
Bremms,
when he ar-
lived iD tbe
Tall^
c" the
Pleiatiu,was admed
by
hia Oraek
gnideat
to
proceed
wiUMiat
delay
to the attadt of
Delphi.
Bat either beoanae he
(bvaght
that hia
troops
needed
renâhment,
or
IwewiBe he was unable to raatrainthem,
he
per-
anitted them firstto
gorge
themaelTes with the
ploDder
of tbe fiunu
a^
btunleta,
where
large
stores
of com and wine
had,
it is
said,
been
jMrpoa^
left. In the mean while,
the
np-
ja-oacbeaofthecitywere fortified, and
prepaia-
tioas made to take Um otmost ad*
aotage
of all
the meana of lesiitanee alfbrded
by
tbe nators
"f the
Ermnd.
When the OeUs advanced to
the
aaaaalt, they were, peihaps,atopiSed
and
hewildered
by
tiwir recent
eicaaaes,
ao as to
be more than
nauallyanaoeptible
of
aupeiatitioiiB
terrors. Bremins,
ws are told,
endeavonred to
atimnlate their
rapacityby
tliie
asBartion that
the
gilded
atatuea whieh
Ibey
aaw
gleaming
ftom tbe terraces of
Delphiwere of solid
gold.*
It
may
he doobted whether he himself
was
aware
ttftha kns which the
treasury
had airb- ed
in the Phocic war. The
assailants, who,
in
general,
were
easily
deterred
by
stistitobsta
clea in stfch
operations, were
repalscd
and dis
beanened.
Fragments
of
rock
rolled down
fmn the
top
of the cMOis contributed
to theii
defeat and umateniation, A sudden
changeol
weather to froet and
anew,
and the efifectsof
surleit fidlowed
by scarcity,
and
by
diseaae
arisioK
oat of
both,began to thhi their
ranla,
nod determined Brennua to abandoo tbe
hope*
leaa
enterpriaa.
'
The order for retreat was to
tbe Greeks a aignal
lor a seriesof
attacks, with
irtiicb
tbey
eontinned to harass tiw
enemy
aa
br as tbe
camp
at
ThermopylB,
where a di-
Tiaioa bad been left to
guard
tbe
booty.
Ute
juBOtioB
with
Aoieborina,which seema to hate
taken
place
eoMi after tbe retreat
bqcaa,oiriy
SMTod lo inneaae the oonfiiaioo and to retud
the mareb of tbe
Celts,while the nnmbera and
tbe oonfidenee ofthe Greeka were
growing
fnm
dqr to day. Breanna,
who bad been wonnded
beli"ro
Delfdii,
it said to have destnêd UmaA
eqw
the
resentment of his
coontiymen ;t
heiehorins,
who succeeded to the eom-
I,to have
put
bis aide and w"iMDded to
death,t
and to tisTeabandoned hia
baggage
ta
seeare his retivat No ealimate can be aalh^
fcrmed of Um amount 4rf the loaa sUBtaJned 1^
the Celts in their
paasage
through
Greeoe and
Macedonia. Bnt the
asaertion,
with which
of our BUthoTB round the
tale,
that
tbey
cat off to a
man,
is a
patriotic exaggeia-
almoet as
gross
as tbe fictiona with which
tlieRoatan
bistoiiaoa, to aave the national bon-
diamised the taaoc of the Celtic
expedition
"
Mt Borne. We are informed that one
put
of tba boat of
Bieonas,
eommauded bnra chief
nanMd
Batbanatina,}
reached the banks of Aa
Dannbe, near ita eonflnenee with tbe
8a"e,l
wliile
another,
under
Coraontorias, was
atrODC
dependentkingdom,
with a
capital
named
Trie,
ia the maritime
part
of Thraoe.f And it
is
probable
that the bands of Celtic
adventuren^
whom we shall And a few
years
later in Mace- donia
and
E^ms,
and hi the
pay
of GreA
^-"""BB, wore a remnant of the same
body.**
e most
important
immediate efffeot
produced
on Qreeoe
by
the Celtie invaaiDU
wia,
peihape,
that it raised tbe
repoiation
and tba
oonfldettce of the
Ateliaoa,
wlia daimed tba
largest
share in the Isana of the
war,
and dter-
ished the recollection of their
oiploita
with almost
aa much
self^complaceocy
as the Athe- nians
that of their Ticloriea over the Persians.
Tbey
dedicated a
trophy,
and a atatue
representing
iEtolia,as an armed
heroine,at Delphi,
for a
perpetual
memorial ofthe
Tcngeance tbey
Indinflicladon
th"deitroj"r"of
CsUiaiQ.* But
tbe
concequenca
whicb moat
deeply
and
per-
maneDtlj
aOected the state
of
tireece, and of
the ancient
world,WM
iberaatoratioaorAnlig-
onos to the ttirune of
Macedtmia,
which took
place
witbin a few montlis alter the retreat of
BreoDUs, (bough
he
woa
destined
yet
to
eiperi-
ence
maoy
viciisitudeB of fortune before the
final eslabliBbment of his
dynasty.
The death
of
Sostbeoes,
who remained, it
aeema, only
about
eight
months at the head of
"fl'airB,t
ich
tbe
country exposed
to the miserieB of
anarchy
and civil war. We find mention of severai ol^-
Knie pretendera
to the
ciown, among
whom
.
Antipaler, probably
the
same who had been expelled
by
SoBthenea,
appears
to have
gained
ihe
ascendency;
Tor it is between him and
Antig-
onUB that the last
struggle
takes
[riaca.Antig-
onns
overpowered
him with the aid of
a body
of Celtic
mercenaries,
whoas chief is iwmed
BideiiuB,
and who
are reprMentad aa accompanied
by
their wires and cbildrea.
Aotigoao*
M reported
to have
compelledthem, by
a stratagem,
to
aocept
less thaa
they
demanded as the
reward of their services
;]
but be now
appears
as
undisputed
master "^ Manedonia
(B.C.378),
with
a powerful
army
and fleet,
elejriiaols,
and
a
great
treasure
;
and we next 6nd him
engaged
id
war,
and
concluding
an honoorable
peace,
.
vrith
AuUoohoa.^
In Uiis war he aided with
Nicomedee,
kin^
of
Bithynia,
whose dominions
Aotioebna bad mvaded to rsvence
the loss of
an
army
which,
with iu
gvneial,Patroclea,bad
bMDcntttf in aoambasêby
theBithynians.
Nicomedts, likewise,
obtained the sid erf"the
,
.
Cetta,who, as we
have
seen,
bad followed
lieonoriiMand Lotaiins
to
the
coaat
of
Thrace,
where
they
oantinned
to
ravage
the
territory
of
Byaantinm
and other Greek ciLiea,
and to
levy
WKitribations, until,with the
co-operation
of
Ificomedea, they
effect^td their
pasMge
in
ABia.S It
was, perhaps,
the
treaty
which Ht
onedea mwchided with
them, hy
which
they
bonnd IhcmselTea to a
perpetualalliance,
de-
fijnsiie Mid oOhnaive, with him. bis descend-
aats,
and oonledentes,
that induced Aniiochu*
10 avoid a ooaOict and come to terms, hy
which
.
ha
probably
renoniwed his
hopelesspretensions
both to Bithynia
and Macedonia. The Celts
.
lAcmi Nioauedes
broughtover continued
long
lo
t^
a
very
active
part
in tbe wars of west-
. "ra AMo, alwayseager
for
pay
and
plunder,
and
" tenor lo the
peacefulpopulation,
but often
WillJiigly lending
their aid to
protect
the free-
ipta of the eitiea
against
tbe
neighbouring
kia(a,Tand, finally, occupied
a territory
oi
"
k SoMhinu. Bnl Si:hnJdI {Dtt OIKtdW PxpUnu,
]
Vn, H9I hu
panted
nil lb* "nr mnd lU pratablquriini
Ikl
(BnmpHil
of SoMhw m diriiM loIirHa li
^pifia THi*.
SdimidI
iiippiiMa
tlmt ilit
norciy
i
Schwll (Ou Ott, Pt,
p.
Stt]HiipHx
ItH
p"a
u" ti*x
kHB iBKliiiW baton itBtinmu M "m frm Cn" (i
Hwlaaii BnL iL ii diScott
te noadla ibim
iDinBiin
JV^n 'wxftr artrfijlt.
I HnuoD, P.M7, b,
8lnbs,iH.,
1^
Halya,
to whidi
theygave
tbe
iianM of
QriatU,
where
theyorganiiMl
their
states vritb
peculiar,
and,
it would
seem, not iU-cootrived inaiita-
If
we
might rely
on
the
sequel
of Justin's
inatiTc,which, however,
ia
subject
to
strong
suspicions
of
great inaccora^
aiid
confiisioa,
Antigonus
had not
long
returned to Macedonia
before be was threatened with invasion
hy another
body
of
Celts,who are described
as
pan
of the
army
of
reserve
left
by
Brennus when
he set out on
his Iktal
expedition,
to
guard
tha
frontier of tbe nation.
They are said to have
sent
envoys
to
Antigonus
with a demand of
tribute
as the
price
of
peace,
and to have been
'
excited rather than
discouragedby
the
reports
they
received of the
treasures,
which the
king
imprudentlydisplayed,
of his
eletdkants,
and
his
military
and naval
preparations.Thoo^
their
oumbeis, according
to
Justin,
did not exceed
16,000 foot and 3000
horse, Antigonns.
not venturingto meet ihem in
open
field,abao-
donad hia
canqt
at their
afîroach,
but aOer-
ward
Burpriaad
them as
they
were
engaged
in
tbe
plunder
of his
vessels,
and defeated than
with
great slaughter.tNow, at least,he was
left in undisturbed
possession
of his
thtnae,
though probablyfullyoccupied
with tJM ne-
ceasary proviaiona
for its
stabihty
and aecuri-
ty,
until the letum of
Pyirhos
from his Italian
expedition
threatened him with new
danceia.
It was
during
this interval that he wraMod
Caasandiea from its
tyrant Apollodoma^
"'"V
havinggained
the oonfidenoe of his fellow-citj-
lena
by
his
profeaaionB
o(
an
ardent i"al for
liberty,
seized tbe
government
with the b^
of
a
band of
conspiratorB,
wkoHi he it said
to
have
pledged
in
a
draught
"rfhuman bloo4-
Yet it
aiîeare
that bis
tyranny was,
at first,
exercised
only
at the
expense
of the
rich,
aiKl
for the benefit of the
poor.
But.it
waa mnia-
lained
by
a
body-guard
of
Celts,who were tbe
ready
instnunents of
every
cruelty
;
and tbe
pOBseasion
of absolute
power
seems to have
tempted
bint to the worst abose pf it.
Antig- onns
beaieged
tbe
city
for ten months, and, at
last,
made himself master of it
onlyby
treaic^-
ery i
for which he
employed
the
agency
of
a
piratecaptain
named
Ameinias, who insinuated
himself into the
tyrant'sconfidence,
and thus
found means lo introduce tbe
enemy
within tbe
walls.t
Pyrrhus
landed in
Epirus
in
374, after
an absence
of six
years,
with no more than (WOO
foot and 600
horse,
and without tbe means ot
maintaining
even this small
force,unleaa at tbo
expense
of some
cnemyi
He bad never been
less inelined for
repose
than after the series
of
diaappoinnnents
he had
experienced
In tbe
West,
where he had
signally displ^red
hia military
talents and his
personalprowess,
and had
always
shown himself
superior
to his fortune.
He could not now heutate as to tbe
quarter
towards which he should turn his arms. Ma- cedonia
tempted
his ambition,
and
Anligonnt
had
provoked
bis
resentment, or,
at
least,
furnished
a
pretext
for
hostility, by
a recent re-
fhsal to aid him with
troops
or
money
for his
llrUDB,'!;
c,
t
ioBin. iiT.,t; Dmnai (HaHn.,
ii
thil ta bmn bHE tlit
ricUry
cmr lb* 1w
CLE0NTHU8." PYRRHUS BEFORE "tPARTA.
S7I
RatOuiWur.t After
a
Aort InMmlef
nvt 1w
Arm^l;
declared
mr
"gaiuM Aiiti(ODiii
IbrtbwiUi (bDowed
up
ha threat
bj
the
BiOD of Macedonia. He had
atrengtbeiied
bis
litDc
aimj
'witti
a
body
of Celtia
nwrcetutTr
and the fint
object
of bis
operetioiis
wu
pli
der, which
was probahlj
all be could
promioe
tbem. Bat before
AntigonuB
was
prepared
to
Bieet him,
he had made hiroaelf master of
seT-
erri
large
towns in
Upper Haoedonia,
and had
indnoed
a
coips
of SCiOOMacedonian
troops
to
go
over to hnn.
Still,AntigDiinawas,
it
appeals,
at the head of
gnatljrsuperiornnmtwr?,
8Bd,
in addition to his
phalanx
and his ele-
lAants,
be had
a
strong body
of
Celts,
notwith-
"tandtwg
his recent hMtilitiee with their
coun-
trfoten,
id his
pa?. Pyrrims,howCTer, snli-
"ipated
hn
approach,
and
by ntBans,
it would
siiiiiii.
of
a
circnitaQfl
march,
pise
his
annj,
near the issue of a
defile,
with
a
sadden attack
on
the rear.t Notwithaland-
iag
the
generalconAisioii,however,
the
Celts,
_. _ -. . .i_ , _ . .
^
tigoroua
man nan aeeo
stationed in
,
rtofdwcolinnn,werBaaTrendered
by
their leaders.
Pyrrtuis
then adianeed
upon
ibe
phdmuc,
wbkdi ms not
only
fhll of disor-
Ser and
constemMioR,
biU
very
ill
disposed
to
Mcnfiee itself tor the aake of
Anii"0DD8,
who
lad
DO
daiB
on Qie
reapeot
or alliictionof his
*"op* compai^de
to those of his
adTcrsory,
fke Arat warrior of the
age,
who
wu,
more-
erer, favourably
remendiered
as
the
prince
who
led deliTered Macedonia Aom the insolent
tyr-
ôij
of Demetrins. It weald be not an
im-
"loMble KDiniae that there had been
imsrioiis-
ffsome
correspoDdencc
between
Pyrrhus
and
the
principal
Macedonian
officers.
No
attempt
was
made to strike a blow : on the firstinvita- tion
wbei^
strstcbing
out liis
hand,
he called
aem
by
their
names, thsy
went over to hnn,
and
were
followed
by
all their
men.
Antigo-
nna
made his
escape
to the
eeacoast,
where
hie
remaining
force wak sufficient to retain
'nessalonica and
a
few other
places
in their
obedience. A fresh
army
of Celtic
merceoa-
lies,
which be found
means to
collect,
enabled
him
soon to renew
the
struggle
;
but he
was
againentirely
defeated
by Ptolem"us,
the
son
"rPyrrlins,
and became far
some
time
a fugitive
outcast, wandering
ftom one
hiding-place
lo
tnother,
attended
by
no more
than
seven
followers,
\rtiile the whole of Macedonia and
Tbeoaaly
submitted to his
rival,
vtho
now sent
fbr his
son Helenas and his friend Milo froia
Tarentmn. The
Teputatkin
of the Celtic
arms
waa at this time
so
high
in
Greece,
that
Pyr- rhus
esteemed the
victory
he had
gained
over
them no
slight
addition to his
renown,
and
eommemoiated it
by
an
inscription
on the
spoils
"f the bald
Gadi,
Which he dedicated in
a temple
of
Athene,
between Phem and Larissa.
And he
even
seemed lo set
a higher
value
on
the services of his Celtic mercenaries than on
the attachment of his
new aubjects.
A Celtic
garrison,
which he left at
"ge,
broke
open
the
"epntchree
of the Macedonian
kings
in search
of
plonder,
and
wantonly
scattered their
bonea.t Pyrrhus
took
no
notica of this out-
rage,
a
aign,periutpo,
that he would havs
been
likelyto lose
hb
new
kingdom as
easdy
as
he had
won it,even
if lie had been
eDO"
ceasful in the
expedition
which closed his bis-
""7,-
Cleomeaes 11,
,
king
of
Sparta,son of Cleom'
bnitua,
who fell at Leuclra,survived Acnrta-
tus,
the eldest of his two
sons,
who left
a son
named Areus behind him. On the death of
Cleomenea,
the succession to the throne
was
disputed
between
CloonyrauH,
his
youn^r son,
and
Arena,
the
repreuentativo
of
Acrotatns. "
I'he
Uerusia, to which the
questionwaa
referred,
decided in favour of
Areus,
cither
on
tlie
simple ground
of
right,
or because bis
nn^
had
betrayed
indicaliona of character ^rtiich
awakened distruBt.* The
cphors,however,
endeavoured
to soothe his
disappointmentby
high
honours and
important militarycom- mands,
t and when an
application
was made
}"r
the Tarentincs for
a
Spaitan general
to con-
their war
against
the
Lucanians,
he
was
appointed
to this
service,t which
gratified
bb
ambition while it removed him into
a
hind of
honourable exile. His
career,
as a
leader of
mercenaries in
Italy
and
Sicily,
was neither
gloriousDor foriunate,
and he returned to
ârtawithoQt
any
increase of
reputation,
but
less than
ever
disposed
to rest satisfiedwM)
a
privatecondition,or
to conform to
Spartan
habits.
Still, however,
he
was
honoured and
employedas before,though
Areus had
longar- rived
Bt
maturity,
and ho
might,perhaps,
have
reconciled hioiBelf to his lot if his
feelings
had
been wounded
by
a fresh
ii^jury
from the
e
quBiter
which
was
the
origiu
of his for-
humiliation. Hia
young
wi^,
Chelidonis,
not
diaguise
hci
preference
of
Acrotatus,
Eton
of
Areus,
and the domestic dishonour
of
Cleonymus was
notorious
over
all
Spaita.
This afiront seemed to fill
up
the
measure
of
his
wrongs,
and detennined him to run
aH risk
,
for the satisfaction of his ambition and hie
revenge.
His
eyes
were
naturally
turned to-
wai^
Pyrrhus,
whose adventures bore
soma
Tesemblance to his
own,
and
as soon as
the
contest for the throne of Macedonia seemed ta
be decided in favour of the
Epirot,Cteonymoa
appeared
in his
camp
and
uiêd
him
to
make
war
upon Sparla, Pyrrhus
waa
easilypersuaded
to
engage
in
an enterprise
wliich
opea-
fieldof action with
a
prospect
of
eaej
conquests,
and which seemed
necessary
ttt
complete
his
victoryby
the reduction of tba
places
stillheld for
Antigonus
in Greece. In
the
year
373 he marched into
Peloponnesn
with
an
aimy
of
S5,000 foot,
3000
horse,
anfl
S4
elephants.
The arrival of this
great force,
which it
speared impossible
to resist,no donbt
excited
many hopes
and fears in the Grecian
Btatcs. Embassies from
Athena, Adhsa,
and
Messina,repaired
to hia
camp.f
His
profea-
,
sions
were
moderate and
specioust
the
objeet
of bis
expeditionwas merely
to restore tto
freedom of the cities which
were held in subjection
bj Antigonus.
Even when he bad advanced
as far
as Megalopolis,
and
envoys
came
from
Sparta
lo ascertam hia
intentions,
he stOI
held similar
"__.'"
send his
younger
sons b
^tartan discipline'
It
was
nselesB lo
qups
tioD hia
Binceritf ;
but it seems
hardlyposaibli
that the
Spartans
could have been deceived
by
mch
artiliceB. eren if he had not been accam-
puiiedby Cleonymua.
He no sooner
crowed
the border tban he laid aside the mask.
tvch.
in his
Life,saya
that he
immediately
began
to
tavsfe
the
country,
and that when
tbe
envoys,
who
accompaniedhim, eipostula-
led with him on tlio
unprovoked aggression,
which bad not been
precededby
the usual declaration
of
war,
he
only
retorted with a sneer
on the
Spartan
disaimulatiou. But elsewhere
Plutarch relates that he
required
the
Spartans
to receive
Cleonymua aa
their
l[ing,t
and it
"eeniB to have been the threat with which he
socomparued
this demaDd that drew forth the
nfij
which Plutarch
reports
in the Laconian
dialect,
"
If
you
are a
god,
we are safe in our
JBnoceace
;
if
a
man, you
are not invincible."
Tha invasion had been so little
foreseen,
that
not
only
had no
preparations
been made for the
'
dobnce of the
capital,
bnt
King
Areus himself
was absent in Crete. Tbe
city
bad been
par-
tiall7
fortifiedin its wars with Cassander and
Demetrius,
but was still
open
at seveml
points,
and tbe
popolatinn was
thia.
Cleonjmus urged
Pyirhuato attack it
immediatelyon bis arrival
:
and it
seems
probaUe
that tbe
attempt
would
faave succeeded. Tbe (Henda of
Cleonymus feh
"o littledoubt of his
speed;rerioration,
thathis
house
was
prepared
Ibr tbe
reoeptiom
of his
royal
protector. Pyrrhua
himself
rejected'
his ul-
Tioe
only
because he
thought
his
conquest
secure,
aikd did
not
wish to- see
it suDied with
tdoodahed and
pillage.
Ho
encamped
for the
night,expectingto maVe
a
peaoefulentrr
the
next day.
It
was, perhapa,mainl;
tbe
preaence
M"
Cleonymus,
the dread of his
vengesnoe,
that
decided liis
countrymen
on a
desperate
resist-
"Dce.
Acrotatus,
who hsd most to fear from
him, filledbis father's
place.
It
was at first
pvpoaed
to send the women
away
to Crete
,-
bat
they
retained all the
spirit
of ancient times
with increased
influence,
derived fhim
enor-
Inousweallh- Arch
idamia,the motherof Acro- tatus,
and the richest heiress in
Sparta,
is said
to have entered the Gerusia with adrawn sword
to remonstrate
against
the resolution. It was
Vitbdrawn,
and the women earned their share
mt the
dangerby
their eiertions ia the hour of
"eed. A ditch had been
begun on the side fa-
"ing
tbe
enemy's camp, 'niey
laboured
at it
I
tbeiDae[ve8 during
the
night,
while tbe men
^laied
and recruited their
strength
for the
ap-
liroachingstruggle.
At each end of the ditch
was formed a barricadsof
wagons
bnried
up
to
the axles in tbe
ground,cbicdy
as a
rampart
against
the
elephants, t
The next
day Pyirhus
siiTaDced
to
liie
assault,
aa to a
conquest
which
bad become
more
difficult,
but not less certain.
He
was, however,
unable to forco the
passage
of the
ditch;
and his w"n Plolemvo*,
wtaocn he
had ordered to breakthrou^
tbe barricade with
a detachment of Ganla and Chaonian
picked
troope,
was
r^Milsed
with
greU
loaa
by
Aciola-
tuB and a haudfhl of
Spartans. Spvta
had
seen
another
gloriousday;
but it
was parchaaedby
a aacrifioe of life which weakened tbe
hiêB,
tbough
Ttotthe
courage,
of the surviverB.
P;n^"i*
himaelf bad beoome so far anxioas
about the reeulL that a dream which ba bad ia
the
night,
and which seemed to him
prmnisiDg.
raised his
apirita,
and he related it wiib
great
satisfactionta hia friends
;
botwhenhia aooth-
eayer
sufgntMl a
diflfarent
inteqnetatioa.
be ^
fectedto make
light
of
omena,
and
iffUaAihe
celebrated liiM of tbe
Iliad, which
oipraiiiii
the
same
genaraos aenthMnt, i" Umaelf, tbou^
nana
of bie
eantemponriea wem to bsTe been
teeaexenqrt
front
sapmatitioa.
At
daybreak
the
RseaUt was renewed. Tbe efibita "f tiie
aa-
aailanta w"n
again
directed towards tbe ditcfc.
which was now
partly
fUM with
aim
and
ooqM-
es
;
but
apparentlynot ao
nnKb wjib
a view Vt
croasit,Batodiv"tt
tbe attention
oflbabaaiegad,
whjlo
Pyntaiia
made
an
atten^t
to firoe
aa entrance
at anolber
point.
And it
aoMW "" if tbi*
would have anoceeded tfbe bad not been thrown
by
hia
borae,
which waa wonaded
an be was
mounting
a
steep
bank.
Haring
been
repolaad
tbtougb
this
accident,
be
gave
oiden to
pot
a
stop
to tbe
aiaatdtipetbapa,
beeaone ha hwL
been too much hart
t^
UHbU to eoadaot it in
peraon;
but be also
expectedIbatUtebeaini^
who seemed reduced
br
kiaaea and wawada
to
the Icwt
stage
of
weakneea,
woidd
dioit|yotSa
terms of auTrender. But the reward uT tbeit
fortitudewas now at hand.
Amebiia^
prabatly
pirate
who wnnwmded fat
Aniifftmu at
Corinth,
made bia
appenanoe
with a
body "f
Argtve
anxiiiatiee,* and a
_ _ _
rivod with MOO men (hwn Crete. The HtMae-
I,
too,thoughthey
had been
willing, na we
.
to treat with
Pyirhns,sent
aoecoDiB, onao-
liciled,
to theirold
enemy.f
Tbe
ramparts were
now BO well
manned,
tbat tbe old men aad the
women wbo had
hnvelj expoeedthemacdrea in
the
most dangeronsaitnations,
whila
tbqr mtf-
plied
their warriota with
weapone
and
land,
might
retnm to their homea.
Pyrtbns
did not
immedialeljabaBdoabra ea-
terprise,
because it bad become ao mooh mnn
diljicult
;
bnt after s
"
Onl..
PjtT., it. Dtothb fiL,p. I"0,n. ") oImttm,
utitcmn oUeriin to Ait ncoaal aT 11i"
hiigsipi
^
Bat who
"nppnn
lliU
Pjntu "iHctnl U bo IwlKTadI
t A|iophlh(fn. L"" AuinXXlht.In Prrrk.. H. [k"
"Bnr ii ituud MuArii-i^- '- '-
link
ia Um MMPMr V
Vludiii
ihi'rtiuh.nhi
neoacile wiih Platueli'i tacriptii
which be
waar^nihed
necessary
to shin his
quarters,
and
began to nr-
age
the
country,profbasiitg
his intenwm to winter
there. But it seems doubtftal wbelber this
was ever
his real
design,
asbemnat
try
this tjms
have heard that
Antigonns,
wIm had
again eol-
It., i.,1!,"
.1
IhOT IK BM a.
riallru SfttU, hid HI nwciiU* rifttHd u
xiut Uhb t
tna,
dImii
Ihcîraiild
hin ioiiuiltlH illiHl
timjiotip-
p"
tba Cflitk invuiDfu ]r.howevtr,it tha
Un^t^ of
JirijoiKd chl"S;r by
tht
prrioniil
inflnoBM
11rClM117mt11.11
wnlil U 1"M ba
InUUunhLt Ihil IbtT
nidbt
dniia to
pR-
TdU hia mUimliDO. whirh,
lo btDOglil alwQt,wooM han
iiMica Ib4
nucit^ (I.,13,6)
in whiA Paniuuu fiiitan-
ihs luppdiiliiB Ihil
Ihty
"!" when Iha ilut" wm
BHtir
'
DEATH OF PYBRHUS." HIS CHARACTER.
373
I army, wm on
bia march lowtrda Pek"-
At this
junctura
an inviiaiion from
Aipw,
where Aristeas
sought
hi
"gaiDot
a rival named
Ariaii(ipus,
*aai"d
by AntigoouB,
a"brded hin at leaat a Tair
eohuirforacbaiigeofplaa.
He fortbwiih
began
hia nmich to
ArgoB.
Tbe
Spartansprobably
le-
prded
it
aa a retreat,
and Areua
occupied
one
of tbe
psBBes
on
the road wilh
an
ambuscade.
A oombat enaaed,
in vhich
Fyrihiu
loal not
odIj
a cODBiderable QombeT of bia rear
guard,
but his son Plidemsus,
the
one who most re-
"embled him in
proweaa
and valour. He
aven-
gti
hia death
on tbe field
; and,
after
having
edebratad hia
obooquiea
with
ftplendid games,
proooeded
witbant fartber
iDtemipCimL
When
.ha readwd tbe
iriaio
of
AigM,
he ftmnd that Ad-
tiffoniHwaaalreadjencamped
on one
of the ad-
}aeMt hBJghte;
and be endeavoured
by
an in-
aaltiiic Dtaaaage
to
provolra
bim to a
batUe,
which
Antigonaacalmly
deelioed. There
was,
it
aaeiaa,
a
mederate
party
in
Argoa,
or a nnm-
bar of eitisMIB
belonging
to neither of Om
cod-
ieadiBg"stiaBa,andde*irous"fNviDgthe city
ftma tha
yoka
of
"
Ibreignpiinoe. Throoi^
th"ii inflneDoa
envoys
ware aent boUk to
Pyr-
rtea and
AntigMne,
with tbe
raqoBM
tbat
they
woold wiibdraw th"r
force*,and
pamtit
Uie
city
""
pceeerve
a
irieadlyneutrality.Aotigoiuu,
jeritapaknowing Ariatippna
to b" the
atronger,
""iaanted,
aed oAbrad to d^vai hia
ton aa a
hmtage. Pynlwa
did not reftue,but woold
give
"Q êdse.
Ariateaa had
pnimiaed
to introduce
biatitiope
within the walla.
Aooordingly, a gate
waa
opMied
for bim in tbe
ntgbt,throagh
wbich
im Cettie
ttoopa
nude their
way
into tbe mar-
. ket-plaoe
nnotaaerved.
PyrrhualiiniBelf
Allow- ed
with
a
part
of the
elepitanta, leaving
faia
aon
IManns witb tbe balk of the fbioea
mi
tbe out-
aide,to await brtber ordera.
Tha entrance of
the
etepbants,
which would not
paw tbroogfa
dM
fBl"w"y
nntil their towera were
taken
down,
waa attended with
delay
and
confuaion,
which
"
length
alarmed the
alumbeiing
inbabitoeti.
The eitixena
were soon in
amia,
and aeat to An-
lifnnaB
for
aucomu-. In (he
mean
while
they
were
joinedby Areus, who had firilowed close
at the heels of
Pyrrhus
niifa Cretan and
Spar-
tah lighttroops. Anugonua
advanced
near to
tko walls,
and sent hia
son
Halcyoneua,
with a
ttrong detaidiment,
into Uke
city,
but
hioiiMir
re-
aained witbont. After the
itigbt
had been
spent
IB wild
tomnlt,
aimlete
HrugiêB,
and random
Uow^
tha
dawning liglit
enabled
Pyrrhus to
poroeive
that all the
atrangeatpoaitimks
in the
eity
were aeoorelyoconpiedby
tha
enrany,
and
he daemed it advisable to retreat. But
fearing
that aome obstruction
might again
occur in tbe
MiTOw gateway,
whiob
might
now
be attended
with disastrous
conaequeoces,
he sent orders
M Helenus to break down
a
part
of the
walls,
-and to
protect
the
egrasa
of the
troops
from
BMleatation.
Thioogh some
mistake in the delivery
of tbe
message, Helenus. instead of
opening
a fresh
passage,
advanced wilh bis best
tiaops
and tbe remainder of tbe
elephants
to tbe
same
gateway
towards which the tide of the
te-
neat was
roiling^
The
confusion created
by
the confluence
was stilt
more
embroiled
by
the
bll of one
elephant,
and the
ungovernable
wild-
aeas
of another.
Every avenue
leading
to the
gate
was choked
by
a solid
living
mass,
which
could
only
stir as one
body. Pyrrhus,on horseback,
was
in the
rear,
in a somewhat mora
opea
space,
endeavouring
to ward off tbe
pressure
of
the
enemy.
The Arsive women were lookinc
down on the
throng
from the
bouse-tops
;
and
one
of
them, seeingPyrrhusturning
on her
son
who had wounded
him,
raised
a
ponderous
tile
witb both
hands,
and hurled it with
so trne an
aim that it fell
on the back of the
king's
bead.
According
to the
Argivelegend,
it
was the
goddess
Demeter
herself,
in bumau
form,
who had
dealt the fatal stroke.* Stunned
by
tbe
blow,
he sank from bis horse
;
and
though
he had. taken
the
precaution
to divest bis helmet of its
diadem,
he
was
recognisedby
some soldiers of
Antigonus,
who
draped
him
aside,
and severed
his head from liis
body. Halcyoneus,
who
was
at hand,
took
possession
of tbe
bleedingtrojdiy,
carried it
to
his
fattier, who
was
seated
among
his
Jriends,
and threw itdown
at^his
feet, An- tigonus
had
enough
of
goodfeeling
ordiscaMin
to be ashamed of his son's ferocious exultation.
He hid his
(ace,
if not his
tears,
with Ma
aun- tie,
ordered tbe remains of his illustrionsrival
*
to be honoured with
fitting obseauiea,
and received
Helenus
more
tike
a
friend than
a
prisoner.
Tbe
Argives
are
reported
to bave interred
the hero's bones in tlie
temple
of
DMuatar,
which Paiisanias seems to
say was
erected for
the
pnrpose
near the
place
where he felLt
IiMloriouB
as was this termination of
a ea-
er
Tikethat of
Pyrrtms,
tbe
closing
scene of
his life
was not without
some
points
of
rasem-
blance to its
general
character. He
was, ud-
doubtedly, one
of the nobler
qiirila
of his
age,
though
itwould
seem that it could bave bean
only
in one which
was familiarwith atrocious
crimes that be could have
gained
the
reputation
of unsullied
virtue,more
particularly
of
City,
which WB find attached to hi*
nama.^
I eztraordinaiy
prowess,
sneb
aa
revived
the
image
of tha heroic
war"re,
he combined
many qualities
of a
great captain,
and
was
thougbtby
some to be
superioreven to Alex- ander
in
militaryan.4
But his whole life
waa
only
a series of
unconnected,mostly
abor-
,
enterprises,
but
might
be
regarded,
vriUi
"ect to
himself,as one
ill-concerted, per-
Led,
and boetlesa adventure. From b^n-
j
to end be was the
sport,not so much ot
fortune,aa
of desires witbout
measure or
plui,
I
impetuous
but inconstsnt will Hia
ru- ing
passion
was lass ambition than Uie love of
action
;
and he
seems to have valued
oonqueat
tufunJputicaUrir
St
ir'.Sa M iJf
oft^y.
'--"-" " " ' " " " '-
374
HISTORY OF GREECE.
chief!;
becaoM il
opened new fieldsof battle.
But viewed u subservient to
bighcrends,
botb
his lifeand his death were memorable and important.
He contributed (a adjust
the balance
of
power among
Alexander's successors in the
"Wesl, He exercised the Koman arms with a
liarder trial than
the;
had eier before undergone
;
and
inspired
ihc
people
with a conG-
dertce in its own
strength
which nerved it Tor
the
struggle
with
Carthage,
and
prepared
it for
the
mastery
of the world. His death forms a
momentous
epoch
in Grecian
hislor;,
as it tcft
the fieldclear for the final contest between the
Ubert;
of Greece and the
power
of
Macedon,
which
w" 0DI7
lermiDated
bj
tbe min of both.
CHAPTER LXI.
Tsi'appearance
of
AntigaDus
with an
amy
berore
Argos implies
a series of events which
are
scarcely
noticed
by any
of the authors who
have
preservedfragments
of the
history
of this
period.
Pausanias
says
the
iiKist,
when he
mentions
that,
while
Pyrrhus
was
occupied
with the invasion of
Greece,Antigonua
recovered
the Macedonian ciiies.
Pyrrbus,as we
have
seen,
had
given
some ofience to the national
feelings,
and even witbout auch an ooca.
sion it would nol have been
aurprising
that a
revoIutioD should have taken
placeduring
his
abaenee. But the
recovery
of
places
in Mace- donia
cannot hare been the firstor chief
object
that
engaged
the attention of
Antigonua.
For
the
present
all be wanted was an
army
to enable
him to meet hU rival in
Oreece,
and in Uiis
periodnothing
was easier than to raise one.
There were
everywhere military
adventurers
ready
to flock to
any
standard which held out
a
prospect
of
prey
or
plunder.
It is
probable
that,
as soon as he Lad collected a sufficient
tone,
he
began
his
march, reserving
the settlement
of Macedonia for his future leisure. After
the foilof
Pyrrhvis,
the
greaterpart
of his
army,
which was
chieflycomposed
of
Mncedonians.
seems 10 have
passed
into the service of
Anlig-
ODUS. But he did not find it so
easy
to recover
the hold trhich he had lost
during
his recent
"dveraily
in
PeloponnesuB,
where his infloence
must
have been
violently shaken,
first
by
the
disaster which
deprived
him of his
throne, and
then
by
the
appearance
of his viclorious
enemy.
And here he could
not, consistently
with his
previouspolicy
and
profeasiuns, resort in all
cases to
oprn
force for the
accomplishment
of
kis ends. He had ruled under the titleof a
protector
and
ally.
Whether ho introduced
a
garrison
or established a
tyrant,
il was
probably
always under the
pretext
of
providing
for the
aecurity
and
tranijuilliiy
of the
city.
Flourish- ing
as the slate of his aRkirs had now become.
ilwould stillnot hare been
prudent
immediately
to
adopt
a dilTcient
system,
and to claim the
rights
of a mMitr. The
spirit
which
Sparta
had
displayed
in the late
war,
and the attitude
offtolia. were aildiiiuna]motivsa furcaution.
But a course ofdissimnlaiionand
rntrigus
could
only
bo
pursued slowly;and,
accordingly,
it
appears
that
Antigonus was detained
"
loog
while,perhaps
untQ tate in (he
fiilIoiriiig)tit
{373).by
the aflhiia of
Pekiiionaenia,
befon k
returned to Macedonia.
He could not
auapect
that a
power
which m
at this time
silently growing
in a comer of 1^
peninsula
was destined to become a (brraidiUi
adveisaiy
to his house. Yet seven
yean
hid
now
elapsed
since the
origin
of a new tDgrnl
craey among
the towrvs of
Achaii,
whidi A
ready comprehended
the whole of that lanl
This Achnan
League,
which became so cel*-
brated,
and earned the
melancholy
honMir of
giving
a name to the whole of
Greece,
wtei t
was reduced into a Roman
province,
whs taDsd
ed on the recollections of eariier
times,
bDivn
called into
beingby
the wants and misensi ^
the
period
in which it arose. After the "Mi
ticn of monarchical
government,
the ddconled-
eracy
had
subsisted,with few vicissilula of
fortune,
and little
change
of
condition,
ouilth*
reign
UT Alexander ThB (doM
briDiiat
e|"d
in itsobscure
historywas that in wbiofaitiBS-
diation was
songbt,
andila institationsadopltd,
by
ita
powerful
colonies in
Italy;*
IbeiMatiD-
glorioua,
that irfthe Persian invasion,wtav
either from selfish indiSbreoce or
piltful
biinl
towards
Sparta,
it
kept
aloof from the oatiootl
Btrug^
for freedom. Its inaction at tack t
crisis leil the
deeper
stain
Dpon
itsboDOor,
bs-
cause,
in the ooone of the
PekqMBaeaiu
*"!,
it
submitted,00 doaht
leij
KlnetaDtly,
to
ibt
Dorian
allianee.t'niebiatoiyofthalwardnn
the
laxity
of the ooton which then
sntaiM'
anuing
the memberB ofthe
League,
for v" U
Pellene at one time
takingpart
witii
Sfn,
while the rest remained aeutral,t
and atiaoib-
er,
Patrs alone
waiml}
eapoosing
the came
"^
Alhens.4
It
displayeda more
geMroni
s|ir"
o tbesi
enoe at Charonea,
but suflfereda
loss whiok'
continued to t"^ for
many years.
Conhned to a narrow tract
of not
exnbemtlj
fertile
land,between tberooantainsandlhoMi,
with few commercial
adTanta|M,tbe
A("b*i"
never attained to
any great
ahare
ofeither(n^
lie or
privatewetdtb,
and
were,
uu Ihiiaocotrt
probably,
the mwe
exempt
Avoa Iha erili
"
faction, and enabled to retain a
simîcitf
""
manners and
equality
of fmiansa,
which
otar
ished the
spirit,
as well aa
preserved
the lona.
"
their democraticai Conatitution
1
Ibougb,
wU*
we find the destruction of Heliee,
"hich
'J*
overthrown
by
an
earthquake,
and
overwhetow
by
the
sea,
in the
year
873 B.C.,
sttrihrtMle
the
sacrilegiona
murder of
so[qiliuit*
"ho W
been
torn from an altar,!! we perceive
a ff^f-
torn of
some violent
political art^tto*''^
reign
of
Aleunder, PeUene was eatraagM
mm
the
Leagw, having
fhDen Dnder the
d*"'"'"^
a
tyrant
named
ChBron,
of whom we
orir^""^
that he
gained
an
eitraordinaty
nnmbci
" P"-
zes in the
wrestling-ma
tches at
the 0)yB"F"'
gamee.T
Hewas
supported
bytbeMacewwa
influence, and hence Pcllsno
kept
"'""''
''"'"JS:
struggle
which ended with the disastrous
but"
ofMantinca,**
and was exempt
from
thfl
p(*""
ly
which the
conquerors
imposed
on
th*
"*''
AchEBu
towns,
which alltook
part
with Spu^-
t lb, ".,""; VOL
III.,p. ui.
trf^âl^
t n..,rii., !7.T,
"
Alt, ^
"*
THE ACIUIAN LEAGUE. sn
This seooDd
blow,falling
npon
tbem befofe
thsy
had recovered from thai of
ChKronea,
leftthem
BO weak thai
they
could not stir in the LatnUn
nar, tbongh
thair he"rla wer"
undciubtodly
with
Iheir
countrymen,
as the name of
Chciloa,
also
a wrestler, was
longpreserved
in hononrable
nmembrance
among
Ihem. as that of tbs
only
Achcan wbo served in the aUied
anny.*
The
pcdicy
of Alexander'a raecessora in Macedonia
was
coDtinually bent,ao far as Achaia attracted
tbeir
attention,on
effecting
the diseolutiun of
the
Leagne
;
andUiiswork,
whmh waasnccess-
fullybegun by
Caaaaoder and
Demelriua, was
aooomplished'by AntigonusGonatas,
who had
at
length
the
pleasorD
lo see
every
town either
occnpiedby
bis
troops,
or
subject
to the
tyranny
of ooe ofbia creaturea.l The laller of Iheae
MiDditioDa
WBB, perbape.
that which best suited
his
interest,
but it most have been
by
far the
most
grievous
to the
euSbrers,as the
smallneaa
of the towns rondered it the more difficultto
eiude the
daapot's obaerration.
and their
poTCr-
tf
rendered hia exactiona the more
oppressiTC.
The
misery
had
probably
becMime almoet
insup- portable,
when the conTiilBion which followed
tbe death
irfLysiinadiiw
in Macedonia
opened
aproq"ectofdeli*flnnee
t
aDditseemaiobaTe
been
inatinetirely
feH that this could
only
be
ofibeted
by
the reTiTtl of the ancient union.
The
example
was set
by
Pairs and
l^nne, the
two maritime towns nearest to the western
bcvder.
and was
speedily
followed
by
Tritaea
and
Pharc, titeir
nei^bours
in the interior.
The oonfederationtrflheto four towns waa not,
it
appears,
tbe result of
any
formal
negotiation,
as we are informed that it was not
regulated
byany
written
cranpaet.t
Itwas
probably
con-
BidCTied
simply
as a restoration of the okl slate
of
things
which had been
violently interrapted
I7 foreign
intervention. Five
yeata
after,the
League waa
joinedbj .lEgium,
which
expelled
the Macedonian
garrison,
and
by Bora, which
pat
its
tyrant
to death. The acceamonof
jGgi.
iim wss the more
important, because,
after the
deatrnction of
Hellce,
the
ordinary
asaemblies
Mid festivals of the
League
had been transferred
to
"giam,f
and ita
territory
had been
enlarged
by
that of its fallen
neighbour.
A
temple
had
been oonsecixled there to Zeoa,
under the title
of
Homagyrias (theAesembler),probably
with
reference to these
iQeetlngs, though
in later
times a local
legend
traced tbe
origin
of the
epithet
to the
Trojanwar.H A column was now
erected,
inscribed with the names of the eon-
federate
towns, and, perhaps,
with the eoadi-
tions of their union. The Lst was almost immediately
increased
by
the addition of
Cerynea,
where the
tyrantIseas,havingf
tbe
examine
of
finra before his
eyes,
and
finding
hiinsetf
nearly
eBCompassed by
hostile
neighbours,
abdicaled
his
authority,
and
having
obtained
security
fmra
the
Aehsans, annexed his town to tiie
Leê.
There now remained
only three, Leontium,
Xgin,
and
Pellene,to
conifdete
the number
which had been left after the losa of Heljce
;
far
Olenus,which was once one of tbe
twelve,
had,
it
seems,
been
already
abandoned
by
its
"
PlU., "
leapu
codtanliu nntii
11
lVwi.,Ti]..nVHrtHi
t
PolTb.,ii.,
4
Afi om,
I prmcip^DArtmrin
lb.,a.
hiTs bdcu Oh litl*
inbabitanta
1*
and the aoeenion of Uiete thiM
was not
longdelayed.
Tbe Constitution 1^ tbe new
Leatpie
than became
fixed in its main
outline,though
it subsequently
underwent some
slightchanges,
which will be noticed hereafter. It
appeara
to
have differed from that of the old
League
chiefly
in two
points.
The t"ond of union was
drawnclosertbanbefore. No
township
was
per-
milled to make war or
peace,t
or to enter into
any
negotiation
with
foreign
states
apart
ftiMn
the entire
body; though
each
appears
to have
retained the unfettered
management
of ita internal
afikirs. And
now it
seems,
for the flnt
time, two officers,
with the title of
itrattgut, .
but with functions
partly
civil and
partly
military,
were
placed
at the head of the federal
government.
To tfaom vraa
added a
aeoretarj
of state
(grammaiau), probably
as in the old
League,
and a
council
of ten
dcnduTgu,which,
as it answers to tbe number of the AchKan
towns,
may
also ha*e subsisted under tbe MiBB
name in the former
period, t
Tbe federal
sovereignty
resided in the
general
aEsenibly,^
which was beld
repilarly
twwe
a
year.
Toit
belonged
the election of the fisd-
ernl
magistrates,
IIthe federal
legislation,
and
the decision of all tiio
great questions, n
of
war, peace,
and
alliances, 00lm^cted with tiM
affaira of the
league.
In this
aaB"nUyef"y
AchKan who had
completed
the
age
of
thirtyf
had a vote,
and was allowed to speak;"
vbA
in this franchise the democratical charactei of
the (institution
mainly
consisted. There
were,
however,arrangements biy
which the slure of
the
sovereignty,
which conid be exercised
by
any privatocitizen,was reduced wilhiu a nar- '
"
P0I7I..
i
p. IS4,mhiUÎb''
llGoiWiK.T"is
i'J4an(ftf"" ti*
idlimtwt, f. HO, k*
HTI,
unlnn. (il'AwiuD'aUiwdtAijnr.
Bm
Pum,
11.. IB,I,
Irl
xp*"
iiiciiafn^t
Idlntii' M ittmlMt
fiirTi"p,
IS?)"
i" L""giiAWB* Hun onlyluat
comiag
i
mlleg^
b7 TUtmnE, p.
"T8,u In
iSa
Ja. fk II oUifRl,
of
coaiH,
to ti
" AlruiAr) kud^
lLo
bainfI thonfli tt
lit ilu
pii"iliiliM
MU,
B. IMl, IMl,
j^M-
r. (uiiili.,Xt
OkllTtUn
bswIbooTllwAaiMt
W. itt
Saiekb,1,p.1].
TiltaitniKp.SKiuij'H.lwiL
., ..
Ihi Biinhn un. fu^Bmr
bnr IbM of A* Aal
.lipibHlbMiindiicnl by
Qm Ina oT Uiliis*ud
nu. Sckon
(p.W| iun"H(, WTimtoblj',
Uul IW lira
Emnli
oT Oa naw Lnfaa aopplnd
Iha plkaa at Ika twa
'
'aaiai, iacXinfa, milfitr ; ud,
"caiTdls|
to Mia-
u.,p.",a.Mi,iytfi.
Bal Tiumuni
(p.
Mt) (fvM
nm ciplmuiiDD
iK (bw w"4 in
Pdrb.,
nii.. t,
0.
Iiatt]i*damiDTna had ttiaamUalTa rirbtM
wnff-
(inc nndidalaa tot the cbiaf
mfinncT,
ia InftnW katt
b* Schm {p. M, n. 4)
and I"n"an lii., p.
Ml), ftva "
p^^Hga
of
tAjltut(UTiil.,
").im
"bieli a" BaMwi ia
OB of aarttuDcbgL a prima afncoani
of una pa**iM
Mnitalt 10
pnauta
tkt alaUuui at oanain
paisaBi
tl
'^'?^l"",
ini., 9,t.
**
Xir.,
If^^M-
t!* HISTORY OF GREECE.
jnirar compass
than
might appear
on k
aaper-
ficialriew. The time aiJuwed lo one
aaaembly
for the transaction of
any
business was limited
by
law lo three
days.*
A
specialgeoeral
semblyt
could
only
be conTofced
1^
the
loagis-
tnUes,
(he
generala,
and
demiargea: no matters
could be
brought
forward of which notice
bad itot been
preiiooslypublished;t nur a
measora
proposed
without the concurreuce
amajority
of the
presidiDgmagistrates. 4
The
value of each citizen's vote seems to have
b"eD still farther limited
by
the manner
which the Totes were taken.
Every question
was decided,not
by
an abaolule
majority
of the
citisens
jKesent,
but
by
that of the
towns,
raembeii of the
Leagne.llThus, as Niebuhr
obserres.T
the
generalassemblywas a
repre-
aentatiTe one. Each town bad aa much
wngfat
IB the
Bssetnbly,
if hot one of its citizens
was
presant,asif
it
sentit8"h"4epopalabon.
But
iftharebe room for a doubt miMber this was
tka
eaae
with
regard
to the
gsDeralaaacmbly,
there
can hardly
be
any
aa to the
T^TOMiita-
ti*e chanctcT of Ibe
greatcooneil,**
which we
find
vecupying
an intennediate
ptaoe
between
the
geaeralasscooUy
and the
ooUegeef nugis-
aad Ibe
powers
of this
body
are,
unfintunalely,
veiy scanty.
We do oot know eitlieiwhat ita
nVmber
was,
or whether it coniintied
always
the aame
;
but it seems clear that,at a later
period,
it cannot hate been less than ISO.tt
AH aAira of
great
moment
appear
to ^ve
pawed thtoo^
the eoancil before
they
were
SDbmitted to the
generalassembly;t}
and itis
probable
that the result of ita detiberationa
oaalnbnMd;
at
leoat,
very
roateriaDyto determine
the flnalissue, lliere wen also
cases
in wliieh itacted as a committee of the assembly,
and,
as it
aeema,
was authoiiied to decide
finally on the
questions
which came before it.
If,
fitan this
point
of
view,
the deinocratical
character of the Achsan
Leagne appears
tempered
by
a difierent
element,
we are led to a
likeooDChisiOD when we oboerre the
tendency
of its institutione
to
increase the
poiitiaal
inltu-
_. .
.
. ._
jd tb* sIImw with tbt Rmua.
Ihniha iitlTnSiiMHllTrllhi1riii na tlwl nniiii"clii
.
tliM
di
HffiilivdiUH
wan sat mwiand "f th*
BKMin
if ik"
BHnn, ihoofh
iW dkd not shms lo oamr in it.
Bîiwfilaaiiaf
trnmiim
ftn yrfaUt
)imd iMtmi-
jnimtami rtlttitttti, it
rfm
t fmitamt,fait iicntaH
^^^
""_ u T.
r UT
noB "knbt oa in.
In.K.lhN. BatBalw"i"^vitiii"|p.n")tliulki*c
OB^*);
WM
anpand B( d"li"U". il
nttulr unUubla,
""
BhM. Tb* m hmhIi, wUah omri b"t ono*
[Foljib., Iimii.,9, 1",Mm, u liH. bHI
xviinl
U " )"
BiKataiii
bodr ; pnitelilT tliolicatdsaui"ii"
of tha dou-
unud ttaa Mbor maciSmtH.
*7'
fcaasao, "d 190 aiâm, futibo
MupQao
of paviac aal*.
riana tho B"U wiifc iha iMn" iFolTb,niii., 7) ;
a
t" "liwrthrnaii.btT
IHI = 10X 11,
"^Sa!d"*baS
t*rtlyb.,li.,tlt.
'"'
ence of
property.
The existeitce of swh iff
influence in the eonncils of the
Leag"e i"too
apparent,
in the courso of its
histoiy,to ba
disputed;
and
yet
it was aeither the effect of
a
pecuniaryqualification
attached to the eia-
cise of the franchise,nor do
we find
any
intimation
that the mode of
taking
tbe votes was
regulated
with a view to this
object.*
It
seeots,
rather,to have been the natnial inevitable
effect of the circumstances
by
irilii^ttas-
federal
govenunent
was distinguiabad
fnm
that of a
singlecity.
Aa the Le^^
apiead,
a
longer
and
longerjourney
was
necoseiij
for
the
greaterpart
of those who bad the
right
of
votingtoattendtlieaBsembly Bt."gium. This,
of
itself,
would
operate
as a limocratical rs-
"trictioQ on the exercise of the
tnatkke;
it
would ezoltide most citiMus of Uie lomt
class. In the
colle^
of
magiatrates
and the
great council,
and tbe federal eowta
of
jiis-
tice,1u
moreof theirtime woB devoted to ifae
perfinmaiHie
of Iheii oficiai
dutiea,
wealth
would
piepoBderate
still
more
;
for,as w*
know (o have been the eue with râidu
th*
conndl,so we have reason to believe tiai "'
aalaiywas annexed to
any
of tbeae
places.
If the revival of the
LMgne
had bem itfa-
red
only
six or seven
years,
that
is,
antil (be
death of
Pyirhos,
it is
probable
that
Anttgonas-
wonld have stifled the
riaingpower
ia itain- fancy
i
but ithad now aoqnired
anoh a ooBsiat-
ency
that he conld
only
have overwheloMd it
by
an exertion of
force,
which,at
this
jnao'
tore,
while
so many
other more
important
af-
birs remained unsettled,
he
migbt
not
deoa
advisable. AAer be had taken anoh maasorw
as qqwued to he most
mrgeatl;y leqnind
far
the fnitherance or
seonrity
of lus interests in
Peloponnesus,
it became
high
time lo torn
his
attention towards
Macedonia,
the nlher ai
some events seem to have taken
i^sc^
ostr
the weatem frontier of his
kingdom,
whicb hs*
could not but view with uneaainess.
IîrtBS-
had been succeeded on the tbrone of
Epuus
by
his son Alexander,
who Boon
gave
[mof
of
talents and a
spirit
not
unworthy
of his father.
He
appears
scarcely
to have mounted
ti"
throne before he was
ennfed
in a war
wiihr
MonunioB,
vrtko
had, ptxbapu,
hoped
to
find'
Epiras
defenoelesa. We have no
mlbnaitioB'
aa to the issue of tbe
war,
bnt there U
gmiw
to believe that it waa not unfavoorable to
Al- exander.
He
probably
foresaw
that,
aoonsr
or later,
be should be
engaged
in a
conflict
with
Antigonns,
and therelbrs
son^
""-
strengthen
himself
by
an alliance
with
1^
îiîans,
which
waa, apparently,
oemeatedby
act of
iiqnBtice,
in whioh
they
weie
jut- 's.
We learn tbe bet
only
from a
biisf s^
3 in
Polyhius,
trtio mentiaAB that Aleiaiw'
divided Acamania with them.}
No date is
t tnm an
npniiia""ir'piBt..' ?liilcp., T, "*".*;
ulIhT
Achnn who mmi ii Iha oanliT
m
'"""J^
I /liXiurawvpt*i n^Qc
"' ifÂirttn, It w*"U """
*^
|(L]
AU no fn-f^
"a fnfîoTon'lUai
rifi^K
"ba fodenl trituaili wai
adultu"hln"in'wluchiii^MFi" Uil"aJ*"J"
laiHa of PornBni,
...
,!.,"".Julia [iniii.,I).U"idaihiKd"auacllfU"
ARISTOTIHUS."SIEGE OF ATHENS. "77
oBigned to Uiis traDSMtion
; but,
fn"i athsr
lets,
it
ina;beiiireiTed
that it took
pUce "rei7
KTlj'
in hia
reign. AntigoBW
must have riew-
d both tbe
partUioii
and the alUanoo with
reat
diaquietude.
The
feeling
wliich anbaiit-
d at this time between him and the ^tolians
1 indicated
b;
another ocearrence which be-
tngs
to this
period
cr his
reign,
and which
Ibo illuBtntea the nature or the
aBcendency
îch its waa endeaTooring
to estai"liah in
ireecs. With Us aid an
Elean named Aris-
itimus had made himself master of
Elis,
rbcre his
power
was upheldby
a band ofmer-
enarieat
whose leaders
were permitted
to in-
ulge
their brutal
paasioiw
in the most atro-
ioua
outrages
ODtheperaonaof
Ibecitiuits.*
le
put many
of the
principal
citiienato
death,
nd forced MO inla exile.
Tbey
took
relbga
a jEtolia,
and the jEtoliana intareeded wtth
he
tyrant
for tbo release of their wives and
hildreo,
whom
they
bad left behind. He
signed compliance,
bat
only
to
aggraTate
the
aiaery
of the euflerera
by
fresh exoaaaes of
lyuna
and
cruelty.
His
tyranny, howerer,
tated bat five
or
six months : the exiles in-
renched themselves in a
stionghtdd
itamed
Lmymone,
to
carry
ao war
against
him.
Cra-
gruB
n"aicbed Irom
Corintti,
where be com-
nonded in tbe
name
of his half-brother
Antig-
nus,
with
a
ationg
fi"ce to his
asaJMaace,
nd advanced
a*
teraaOtympia.
Buthecame
M
late
;
for a
conapiney
had been formed
i(ainsrt
the
tyraikt
within the
oity,
and he wsa
wapatched
as he
clnog
to
an
ahar.
Cyhm,
"ho,
under the mask of
friendship,
had taken
iie
principalpart
in the
plot,
was honoured
iritha statue at
Olympia.by
the JCtolians.t
The state i^MaMdonia,
exhausted
by along
MTies of deatmclire
wars,
and threatened
by
in able and
entetpiialag neighbom',
will
flilly
acconnt for Uie interral of three
or four
yaara
irhich
elapsed
before
Aotlgonusagain
makes
Ilia
appearance
in Oreece. He leinned with
a
leet and
army,
and with imdissembled
designs
if
conquaat,though
it is
probable
that he did
MX
proceed
to execute them
so
abinptly,
uid
with
so
Uttle show of
pretext,
as ia
represented
\"j
the acoounta which remain to ua of hia expedition.
They bring him at once to the
niege
of
Athens,
while
an GgvpUan armament, eom-
mandsd
by Ptolemy'sadmiral,Patroclus,
and
a
lAcedBntonian
anny
mtder
King Areus, are
combined to
protect
".} The
presence
of the
t^jptianfleet in the Greek walera
may
have
been the
ocoaaiwi,
rather than the
conaeqaenoe
or the
siege. Sputa
coald not bnt feelthat her
own
independence
was
threatened,
and that she
was
fighting
her
own
battle in Attica. Bnt
)MtiiAreas and Patrodoa
were much more
careM
to guard
themselves than to relieve the
AtheDiana.
Patrochia,
who had intrenobed
I,
Dt HoL Tin., Mfju al M"r"r"t Th*
dT thMa imil'iiliii, Luiixm,iodiauo liti m.
W
"^ t^mm
mor*
aaa fm IuIt.
ri., 1*,1 1.
CoBFU* *., S, 1,wbm
Crloa
ii
I nnuk Iliabio*;
irlucb Plutuî Htln'
M nyliRtnt) wf mat to liavB knows.
himself on a littleisland,which afterward bore
his
name,
near Ilie Atiic
coast, over
against
Laurinm,*
offered to second the
operations
of
the liOcedKnionian
anny
with his
own
troops
on
the main land if Areus would sttack the enemy.
But
Areus, tbough
his
men,
it is
said,
were
eager
for
combat,
did not ventore to risk
lives which
Sparta
could so ill
spare,
and
might
so soon
need for ber
own defence,
without
a
clearer
prospect
of
victory.
Even when
an
op-
porlunily presented
itselfof
attacking
the
eno-
my
at the
greatestpossibleadvantage,no use-
was made of it. A
mutiny.-itseems,
had broken
out
among
the Celtic mercenaries in the
service of
AulifODUs,
who had either been
posted
at
megara,
or bad taken
up a position there,
and
Xnligonus tbMght
it
necaasaiT
to nareh
against
thiemwith the bulk of his Awcea. Tbe
small
body
which he leftto
gnaid
his
camp
before
Athens
might,
it is
supposed,
bare beeik
easilyoverpowwed,
if it bad been attacked
b^
the allies. But it
appears
that th^made
ne-
attempt
either to storm the
camp
or to
imped*
his
operationsagainst
(he Celts,who am
represented
as
baring
made such
a deteimined n-
sistaaca thst
they
first slew their wives and
children,
and then
perished, fighting,
to the laM
man.t
Antigonus
returned to his
headquarters
miindested
;
aiKl
soon
after
Arena,
whose
pro-
Tisioos
were exhausted,
withdrew hia
armr
IVom
Attica,
and htroclos sailed
away, per*
haps to
eatiblish his maater's
authMity,
witb
leas coat and
danger,
in other
parts
of the
."g""
an. But tbe
Athenians,Ihooj^
thns abandoned,
and
seemin(^ybetrayed
(^their
allies,
did
not lose
coursge. They
sustained the
aiege-
with a
patience
and
vigourworthy
irfthe ancient
times
;
and
Antigonus
was so
exasperatedb;
their
resistance,
that he not
railyravaged
tha
country,
but set fire to (he celebrated
temple
of
Poseidon at Colonus,
and to the sacred
grova
in which it
alood-I
llie
war
with
Antigonus
lasted six or seven
years j but,
aa he invested
the
city
both
by sea
and
land,they
could
not,,
by
any
dint of
resolution,
have hekl out so lone
ifthe
siege
had not been at times
iniemipteo,
so as to enable them to introdooe suwlies.
And, though
this is not
expresslyrelated, wa
find
that,
on two oooasions,Antigonnswas called
away
from Athens
during
the
course
of tba
war.
As to one
of these
movemeMs, we
only
know that it terminated in a battle,fought
with,
a Lacedemonian
army,
near Corinth,
in which
Areas " who
may
have been ronsed to moia-
zealous exertions
h;
Ute murmoiB of his fellow-
citizens" losthis Ufb
;4
and we find that about
~ie same time he was
engaged
iu hostilities
'ithAlexander,BonofCraIerus,wbo
had
prob.
ably
succeeded his father in tbe
government
.
]l
WH,
BD dc
it
" iBBt IhD "r'^biiUiM] uiimrt "f (ill ud In to 1"-
lisma (Phrluoku u. AAn., vU.,H. wUah iaitimm
'
-lalf
iUarpntod: t
Marnufntiit
kA
fvH tUrft-
.Hr^WurrWor.
But
ika
iuurntuw
"""" M
mlâtÔB.I"rarHn'i(ll,,p.lll)(MaaUiB|il7thWîr"
imrht ba HBiTiAiit to aJMu. Not i( it tintr Ibii rdv
:.i,CcBjiuaBnumai, Aikvu-FioTnnu, Inurp*)-
3"
HISTORY OP GREECE.
"of Corintb.
and wai at one time narter oT
"ub"Ea.' The other diTersion
probably
compelled
him to raise the
siege
Tor a mach
longer
interral. Alexander of
Epjrua
made an inroad
into
Macedonia;*
and
Antigonus,
when he
marched
ajâinst
the
invader,was deserted
by
his
Iroops,and,
for a
time,
had lost
possession
of his throne. There ia
nothing
lo indicate
lioiT
long
Ihe
struggle
lasted
;
but the finalre-
coveiy
of his
kingdom
is ascribed to his
son,
DemetriuB,!
who is said to have defeated Alex- ander
in a battle
fought
at a
place
called Der-
dia,4
and afterward to have made himself master
of
Epinis.
while Alexander took
refoge
in
Acamania,
probably
in the
part
which be had
annexed lo his dominions,
Demetrias,
however,
could not secore his
conquest;
how
long
he retained it we are not informed
:
but Alex- ander
is said to have been restored
by
the re-
net of his
snbjects,
and with the aid afhis al-
Ues,
who were
probably
the lEtolians.
And,
as we bear of no farther hoalilitiea between
tiim and
Antigonus,
it seems not
improbable
that the war
was,
about the same
time,
terminated
bj
a
treat)'.
Aa soon as this
danger
had
passedby,Antig-
omiB proceeded
to renew the
siege
of
Athens,
and he i" said to bare
abridged
it
by
an artifice,
which
PolyKDOB thoughtworthy
of "
place
in
faia coUection of
stratagemsj
He
granted
a
MapeiMion
of
hostilities; Polynnns
calls it a
])etce;
and withdrew hia forces,as the seed- time
was
approaching,
in the
year
363. The
Athenians took
advantage
of the
opportunity
to
SOW
their
land,
but
neglected
to
lay
in a fresh
supply
of
com, calculating
that their
remaining
"took would suffice until the next harvest. But
before the com was
ripe,Antigonusagain
invaded
Attica,and invested the
city,which,
having now
spent
all its
provieions,
was compelled
to submit to hia
pleasure,
and to receive
a Macedonian
^rrison
in the
Museum, Pirxus,
Hnnychia,Sunimn,
and Salamia. It
may
easi-
J'
be
supposed
that the citizens who had most
istinguidted
themselves
by
their zeal in the
caoM of
independencewere forced to
quit
their
country.
One of these
exiles,
named Chre-
monides,
who
appears
to have taken so
prominent
a
part
m the defence of the
city,
that the
war was sometimes
called,
from
him, the Chre-
monidean,
found shelter and fkvonr at the court
. ,
i^t. Bojo) "bu
DcmttriiiM,
tarn.
Dnytta (ii.,
p.
tl4) rrjem thii iumr
It!"QouAriMrd br tu iadntnunt Autbontr of the Knoa-
aiu Eoariia (d,
p. MD,
Irm whlrh *g lun Uw "m" i"f
thaplu(),b""iHihlaD"iietriuwu'"-
"-._""
imivaiifllul
ilrlnln
of
Alexandria,
and was afl"rwatd hitraaled
with the command of an Egyptian
leet.* Ath- ena,
reduced lo extreme weakness
by
her
long,
unequalstruggle,
and
deprived
of her most ao-
tive and
patriotic cittiens,
ceased lobe an object
worthy
of the
conqueror's jealousy
;
and he revealed
the lowest
depth
of hnmiliaiion to whidi
she had ever
yet sunk,when, some
years
afterward,
he
voluntarily
withdrew his
garrison
from
the
city,retaining, however,
those which be
had stationed in the other Attic fortresses. Yet
'
is reason to believe that he, at the same
took the
precaution
of
demolishing
the
long
walls. TTie Athenians, after
Uiey
bad
gained
this semWence of
liberty,
were stillanx-
to show their
loyalty
to
Antigonus,
and to
'ince him that his confidence
was iMit misplaced.
It
was, apparf nilj,
with this view th^
theydeposited
the
keys
of the
city
with the
phi-
losoiêrZeno,
who had
spent
tlie
greater part
of a
long
life at Athens,
and was revered aa the
head of the Stoic school. But it is
pmbaUe
that this would not have been deemed a snffi-
cient motive for such an extraordinary
marki4^
public
esteem towards a foreigrier,
ifhe had neC
also
enjoyed
the favour of
Antigonus,
who not
onlyprofessed
the
highest
admiration for the
philosopher,
bot affected to treat him as an intimate
friend, and,
alter his
death,
induced the
Athenians to inter
btm,
at the
public
sxpenie^
among
their heroes in the Ceramicaa. ZeiM
deserved this hononr so well,
that it is to be regretted
it should not have been more "esiy conferred,
and that his
monument,
in
feet,
attested
Ihe
subjection
of Athens rather than the merti
of the
philosopher,
t
1
litftil
whifJiDrvTiui'i Imtbi
liltorr
l^n of Bucb
k nudrfi LI4I potihinf1hh tbu tui
I
ulant far combmitioL uid
dvicriptin
ia
nqiuTBd
IB
99L Uvm
wich
ID
Bii of
frotmhilUr- TSlkI,
botat* Iks
bHagoremcd bj independviit n1"n,
vha could
bs^
(dmitud OD tl" men
p. M.c),
wuIhIGtIll("n""'t"lH(8lnbv
p. 6S,Owir.|.
If lbs
c4ii)Bi1ijjvb^ irtiA
Dved 10 flipliin ibmr idffnbtr is wit la bt ad-
mi
niiar to
inpne,
with Scbfiba iDit OK-
"mflrmig
n Aam.,p. M. thcnih ha doB
ivnniiod
by PjtbansiiuamoBf
ths
Ijniiti
of 40" Dr^
in
bnlxiiu (h(l Iha iH-tiilil
off Co lUiliM to
b^
FIb-
lane of thii war
; nol, hovrtT"r, u ui^rl^t hiTO b""n ia-
pnad.
betwMn ABtifonaa
and
Fnlroelna,
bBI "m n mflk
on txtwrdinarr brpotkoaii- Hb
anppoaaa
Ibal tha am-
.4Ifont at Aniigonni
wai "" infarioito that of Patnclaa
that h" did sot wnlnre to riak
an
auacflnent,
tnl amr~
Ikritm that,
" bii raluB (na Macadoain, barlif "otia-
pâd Ibal Pbiladalpbat
laoald aand- a Ta^nkroaBaBl la
bia BdiBinl,ha aailad ta lalanaaC It,
aad
(aiMd
"
iMotr
irAaEnptilnaBaliffCoa.DiDTaanananavniDlate-'
lala (l^llB,
n. IW *tal ûndu a-"
" "-= -
I aflarthU irtikh ba
Draytaa
BiakeB tbt C^fana
wieaB war n
oaffia
m ao",lb"ieai"*""
''""" "^'-^ '-"
sina ta ZaiW^ daalk; lor dnrinff
lb
Lntipmu
codd sot hava aenl Tknao (
I mnoMadrbtltliaTi
. i"."
aanat owa h"'-'
"itbaWa
TitwofUia
aii
THE ACnJBA.fi LEAGUE." AKATUS
m
After the
eonqoeat
of
Athena,
the
hietorjr
of
GteecB
preEsnts
BlmoBt an utter blank for a
period
of about ten
jeara,
during
which we hear of
only
two opcurrenees worth
recording.
Wc
find that
Sparta
was
engaged
in a war with
Ariatodemus, the
tyrant
of
Mfgalopolia.
in th
"ourse of which
Acratalua,
the eon of Areu:
fell in battle,leaving
his
queen pregnant
of a
heir to his
crown,
who was bam after hi
death
;" an event which must have
strenjfther
ed the
power
of Ariatodemus, and,
consequent-
ij,the MacBclonian intereat in
Peloponnesus.
During
the same interral,an
importantchange
took
place
in the Conslilalian of the Achcan
League.
A
singlemagistrate
waa
appointed
ID the room of
two, to the
auprcme
command
It is not
quitecertain,though probable,
that e
new office,
that of
hipparch(commander
of the
horse),
was substituled for the one which was
thus abolished. t We also find mer
Tice-general,t
but without
anj
account of the
mode of his
appointment,
or of the relation
which he stood to his chief That hia office
was not one of
very hightrust,may
be inferred
from' the fact
thai,in case of the
general's
death,
itwas not he, bnt the
general's
immediate
predecessor,
who
stepped
into his
place.*
Bnt the effect
was to invest one
person, during
hie
year
of
office,
with the undivided confidence
"f the
Leafpie.
To him
waa
intrusted the common
seal. He convened itsassemblies at home;
te
negotiated
with
foreignpowers
in Ita name
;
he wielded its
military
force in the field with
absolnle,though
not
irresponsible authority.
It
-was 8
change
which aeema to indicatea
heightened
cnnsciousneas of the federal
anion,
and a
disposition
to render the action of the
League
more
vigorous
and uniform. The man who
was first honoured with this
dignity
waa Mar-
ens of
Cerynea,who. befbre his native town
bad
joined
the
League,
had devoted himself to
Its
service,
and commanded its forces in the
expeditionby
which Bura was delivered from
its
tyrantj
There waa
nothing,however,
in
this innoralion
that, apparently,
Stored the
character of the
confederacy, nothing
that disclosed
any
ambitions
views, or aeemed to
por- tend
an
approachingenlargement
of its
sphere;
and
though Antigonusprobablykept as
eye
"
which was no doubt far from a friendlyone "
on ilB
movements,
he could
scarcely
discover
anything
to excite
alarm,or to afford a
preteit
lor
boBtihty, though,
as we know
nothing
of the
tnannor in which he was himself
occupied
daring
this
period,
no inference
can be drawn from
his
apparent
inaction. The
League must have
appeared
now to have attained ita full
growth
:
it had
acquired
an extent and
consistency
which, most
likely,
far exceeded both the de-
laiTBitod with iha k"T* "T A'
cilT (IMDf.
Lurt..
n)..")
" iBinnipantilTllu mal
pisbiUi.
Thu ibi Athaniui
ble. If
ii"ct"'rJrtîi"lb.t 2"dy"Ili./"^?l^
the eT*CQmtiDi] nf tho
cily,one
DitE-"iInthoT be laeliiiHla
"napKt
Ihil
" canpllnvpl paid to bim hr order of
AvtiffH
"u had tmn uinbetMl In tha Athminsi. Dnwn ii-
Uchu. psrhepi,
too ninch weiilll to Iho EfTnclof 7."7io't
phtlM^bj DC
the
m-Lgin
aC the wu-. Chre
menidH, not-
wilheundinfbu
inElniBfj
wflh Zun.
luj
bftw b*ei bD
laitrBiiagthe cnn-lmeii of Pn-uuiu a h:"!iiii"îcl.
"ul Till..
17,
1
ulN.t r ScKdid.
p.
".
.iIUm.^.I!. Ccarui'.U t lta4.,il-t,l.
I
p^b,l..,4",U
' '
sigiw
and the
hopes
of tbiwe nba
bcfan Ite
work of restoration.
TetilBoolleetiTestreBglh,
as I^ntarch
observes,waa
notsqaaitothuofoa*
considerable
city,
and it is
very
doublfsl whether
it would ever have
emerged
from the obaoa-
rily
to which it seemed to be
destined,withoot
that
peculiar
combination of oiroarastaDOM
which connected it wiili the Ibrtnnes of Aratua.
Sicyon.
his
biithplaoe,
after a
period
ofcott-
fusion which followed the overthrow of the old
Dorian
aristocracy,
had
again
fallen under tha
dominion of
tyrants,*
but men
widelydifiering
in their character from the ancient
ruleis,
who,
under the same title,
exercised a mild and
popular
authority,
which
they
tranamitted
peaoea-
bljthrough
suceeasive
generationa.
Those later
adventuTCTB,
who
rapidlysupplantedona
another,seem to have maintained their
power,
whether
they
seized it for
themselvea,or wera
indebted for itto Macedonian
aid,by
a
aystam
of lertor which rendered their abort
TaÎM
equally
miserable and odious.
Death,i"r axQa,
or
conhscation,were the lot of their principil
adversaries, and,
when their own time
oame,
of their adherents. After tha dawnfiiU of ana
of these
tyrants,
named
Cleon,an
attempt
waa
made to
put
an end to this state of
ttinga.
Twv
of the most eminent
citiiene,
Titnaohdea
and,
Clinias,were
appointed,
under what
title, or
with what
powers,
we are not
informed,
hat far
the
purpose
of
restoring
order and
prwervlaf
libeity.
Some
degree
of
traitquilUty
had baas
re-established, when Uts death oT TimooHdaa
leftthe whole burden of their ardnotu fliMiioM
lodevolve
upon
his
colleague,
locethar with dl
the
danger
with which
they
had hitherto iUald"
ed one another. The
oppoittmitj was
sated
by
a man named Abaotides lo motder
Cliain^
aud make himself roaster of the
city.
Tha
family
and friends of Clinias were the flistob- jects
of the
tyrant'sjealousy
;
aome wan
pot
'-
death,
otheis saved themselvea
by flight
J son Araius, at this time
onlyseven
yean
,
wsB
especially
marked for deatnutioa. !"
I
generalconfusion,
the child
escaped
fivm
his father's
house,
and wanderad fbr
soma
tiiM
alone throosh the
city.
His fsther'e li
soughtrefoge
in t
him there until she feund means of
sending
him
to
ArgDs,
where Clinias had
many
friends, wha
took the
orphan
under their
protection, and,
it
would
seem, some
property,
which TSDilsnd
dependent
of their
bounty.
Hera ba
spent
the next thirteen
years
of his lilh.whila
several fresh revolutions took
jriaea
at Siojoo.
Abantides,
like
many
bad
men
of that
ami
took
a
lively
interest in
philostîcalspaouatioaa,
and he was killed in the
Agora hyaband
of
oa"-
splratoia,
who fell
upon
him while he waa
engaged
in a leanied cotiTersation with the dialeotia
phikwopher Arlstoteles,
who had himsdf laid
tbeplot.Buithetjrannyremainedintbebmda
of hia father
Paseas,
lulil
he,too, wm aiaaa-
sinated
by
one Nioocles,
who
atq^Mdinto bia
|daee. Aratns, as he
grew np
towaids maa-
bood. applied
himself
more lo the exeraiaea of
the
body
than of the mind. He submiUad M
the
training
of a
competitor
for
gymnastie
bOD-
ouis,
and carried off
some priaoa
in tha
pnUia
Etbd in hia
staluss,
the
Ihaughtful
and
"
Hal.,At.,1.
r of
Abantides;
the
haj
BISTOBY OP GR""CE.
fi(nified
mian of tba "istesnun and th"
general
did not
iltogelber
conceal the traces of hit ew-
h
familiirity
with tbe
diwipUne
of the
palestra.
It
maj
be that bs did not
merelyindulge
a nat-
snl wish to
joiprof
e lite
Bdvantage*
of a lobuat
and
agileframe,or even kxA forward BO much to
"ka need which Im
mightexpect
to find
on
great
oeeaswna for an
extraordinBir ospncilj
of bodily
ezenioD and
endnrance,as he desired
to
dnde the
jealoiHir
ct bi" eneinias
h;
the teni-
Hanoe of frivolDus
pursuits,
and of a
vulgar
."nation. 'Diis
part
of hia
histor;may
st^-
eianUyezidain
two lestures which were afterward
HUM
prominent
in his chaiaeier
:
hia ab-
borrMiee of
tyraDny,
which
seenia to have been
-
1 1.: .... .
iiumainp,^
of
timidity Mebng;
and a
aingnliiooaibinalitm
of
timidity
"nd
hardihood,
which
pendezed
hia
admirers,
and aSbrdad
n
frnitAilUieoieof
ingenioasspM-
datkms
|" the anoient hiateriaiiBand
philoso-
ybR*.*
H" waa bold in the
dark,reaolotein
aB ambgsoade,datmtcd
by no obatacle or dan-
9Mr
wbicb he had to encounter aloiM,or with a
of
invention, were al
finMka bim in
open day,
Md at tiw bead irfan
army.
At tbe aeeeaakm of
Nieocdea,he
vraa
ahont
twenty yaan
of
age.
He
had,no doubt,king
*"A
iqiaa
the
thoo^
of
an
attempt
to deliver
Md raoover
BJcyon
;
and the sum of aAira
lader tiw
new
govanuneat appeared
lo be
very
fevirandde for sn^ an
trndeitaUng.
Ntoodes
waa,
it
aeema, moie nnpapnlBT
than hia
prede-
"laiois, and tba
maunrea
by
whidi be atnve
I* Mmre hi* dominiao rendered it atill
more
Antignna, wbo had
probeUjrproiacted
tbe
fcMiae of
Ahwitidea,kept
aloof from the
usurper
who had overthrown it
;
and
AnUis,
lor a time,
hoped
that be
might
be
induced,eapeoially aa
Qinias had been oonneotad
by fliendiy
relaiieoa
wttb tbe
royal"inily,t to aid him in his snter-
priaa.
BotAntiRonosMMddpttcenoeoiifidence
iB
an inexperienced
yoMh,
and couh)
only
have
"OBaawted to nse hira
aa an iflstrunwnt
;
and
tUs
certainly not with a view
to restore
liberty
at
Sieron.
Vet he
thought
it advisable to
"^'^
~"Hh
pitMnisea, which, however,
a deceive
;
and
faided
by
hia
penonal
quaiilies, .
Ihem he
Mm
tqieitad
hia
pKjeeta.
But he
Smnd
very
few wtio
were
either ao aealoos for
Ibe ewse or ao
willingto
relyupon
his
jadg-
"Mnt aa to eater
heartily
into his
plans.
In- deed,
hia
most aotive aaaociates
were two exile*
of
MegakiMllB,Eoderousand
Demophanea,
wbo afterward became celebtated
fwmany
important
aervice* ta tbe
cause offraedom. His
Arat
thongbtwaa to aeixB some
stronghold
in
tba
territory
of
Sioyon,
from whiidi to
cany
on
"Plut.,4r.,".P"lyb,lT.,i,
I Plul., Jlj.,
t.
Open war against
the
tynnt ;
bat he waa
iadn^
ced to abandon this acheme
by
informatioa
which he received from a citiionwhf*
had oa-
capecl
rrom
prison,
and had made hia
way
over
tbe
city
wall at a
part
where it rose to no
great
heigbt
on ibe
outside,
and was
nearly
on a level
with the
ground
within. This
discovery
suggested
an
undertaking
stillmore
congenial
to the character of Aiatua
;
he resolved to attempt,
with a small band of
loUowen, to surprise
Iha
cityby
nt^ht.
Plutarch's
deacnption
of the
preparatioa"
which he made for tua
expedition
eaata a
atrong
lighton
the condition of Greece in theae times.
We are reminded of the
incture
which llin-
cydides
drawa of it in the
jês
acceding
tho
settlement of ii*
population.Society,
in it*
higheststage
of refinement,bad rela;"edlni"
tbe wildne*sai"d disorder
(rfitainfknej.
Ar"-
tue found it
eaay
to providearm*
without awft-
keningsu^noioo
:
for it wa* a time,
the
biogra-
lîerobserves,
whan everybodywaa engaged
in
maffinimg
adveuuirea and mutual
tncur-
eiona. The
"ealing-Iaddera,
made ao as to h(r
taken to
pieces,
were
suppliedby
one of ttw
exiles,
wtm
gained
hia
living by
the constniction
of
machinery.
The
Aigive
frienda of Aratw
contributed each ten men from their own
housa-
holds.
Hehimselfwaaabletoarmthirtyalave*.
And ID make
up
the number which be
thonî
neceasary,
he contracted with
Zencfhilua,
ft
noted
captain
of
robben, for the
aerviees
(rf*
m
tew of his
tioop,
who were led to baliera that
the
objectwas
to
cany
off
some hMseabelont-
ing
to
Antigonus. They were
directed to
go
out in small scattered
parties,
and to assemble'
at the TowBi of
Polygnotua,
a point on
tba
road to Nemea. The
ladders, packed
in
boxes,
were sent forward in
wagons.
The chief hin-
-
derance in the
attempt lo scale the wall unobserved
was apprehended
firem the
dogs keptby
a
gardener,
who lived in a lone bouae
on tb*
outside,
not far from tbs
place
where the lad-
dera
were to be fixed. To foreetallthis danger,
Aratua bad
despatched
his Iriend
Cephi-
sia* with four
cororadea,
who
were to arrive at
the
house,
after the
dty galea
were shut,in ths
garb
of common
iravelleia, and,
under Ibe
pretext
of
seekinghgepjtality, were lo aecure tbe
man
aod bis
dogs.
Some farther
precaution*
were still
necessary
to tlirow Nicoclea olT hj"
guard;
for he had been led to
subnet
that-
Eomething
was meditated
againsthim, and b"
was
known lo have sent
apiea
to Argo* lo watcb
the movements
of AratuB. To blind
then,
Ara-
appeared
in the
morning
in tbe nenal
place*
jHiUicreaort,
went home aooompanied by
aoma
young
men wbo ware
used to ahaie hi*
convivial
hour*,
and made
eonqncnous prepai*-
tiona for
a
banquet
The
apie*were deceived,
and,
aa soon as the
repast
waa finished,
he
proceeded
to
join
his friends at the
place
of rea-
dezTOtu. At Nemea he discloeed his real object
to the whole
band. and. by
dbt of
promisee
and
entreaties, prevailed
on tbem to abani
the
perilous
adventure. He
regulated
the marck
so a*
to have Uie benefit of a
bright
moon om
tbe road,
and to reach
Sicjon just
"
SURPRISE OF 8ICV0N.
diSTcnU;
thai Ajratus could nov
pennade
his
followeiB to
peiaeTere ;
and Ilieir Teluclanro
-was juBtiGedby
the imminent
danger
in which
they
were
placedbj
the
vigilance
of the
dogs,
irbicb
keptup
an incessant
barking
at the beela
of the
part;
that was aent forward under the
orders ofEodemus to applyihe
ladders and explore
the
wall,
while Aralos ToUowed
alowly
"with the maia
body.
When the ladders were
fixed,
those who moanted toremost were
reiy
nearly
diseorered
by
two parties
of the
patrol
-vrhicb
passed
in
oppoaite
directions soon alter
one another. FinaUy,
after
Aiatna, hating
been
sppriied
that allwas
seenre,
bad reached the
fbot of lbs
wall,a
grett bound,
which waa
kepi
in the nearest tower, having
been at
length
roused
by
the
barking
of the smaller
dogs,joined
in with it so
loadly
as to attract the attention
of a sentry beyond
;
bm as his
master,
wben
called
upon
to accoant for the
nnse,
attribnted
it to the recent passing
of the
patrol,
the followers
of
Aratos,
who overbeaid (he oonversB'
(ion,
concloded that he roitsthave been
gained
to "*our their
enter^se,
and
began
to meant
the ladders with revived
spirits,
tt
was now
near daybreak,
and the ladders wonid
only
bear
the
weight
of one man at a lime. When
laitj
had reached tbe
top,
Aratna himsfetTfoDowed
;
arid, having
waited for but a
very
ftw
mora,
hastened to the
tyrasi's house,
and to the
guard-
loomofhismerceoarytroops;
theywereovef-
powered
and secmvd witboot
Uoodshed,
bttt
Kicocles made his
escape
by a
sabterraneMis
passage.
Arstuanowsent roond to tfaehooNs
of hi* ftiendsto aQnonnee his
presence
and KK-
"ese,
and tbe
tiding!soon
spreadthrough
tbe
"ity. By daybreak
tbe theatre was filled
by aa
anxJons and corions crowd
;
b" as soon as the
herald had
proclaimed
that
Aratits,
the son of
Clinias,
Invited his fellow-citizens to assert
tbeir
freedom,
the mnttituds rmtiDd to set fire
to the
tyrant's
house. He Are
was soon ei-
tioguisbedby
tbe exertions of the soldieis and
the discreeter
citizens,
but allthe
property
of
the
tyrant
was abandoned to
pillage.
The
glory
of this
ezidoit
was not stained
by
a Bingledrop
of
blood,
eitherdarins or afterthe
atniggle.
But the flm meatnre
of
Aratns
waa^
to recallthe
exiles,
and this act oTjDstieewas
attended with
consequences
which threatened
the state with fVesh cOnvuMons. Amid the
tevaluirone of half a
centnry,during
which SL-
cyon
had been
subject
to a succession of
tyrants,
the number of the exiles had
grown
to
nearly
400. The influence of Aratus was able to re-
Jtrain them,
aftertheir
return,
from the indal-
gence
of
animosity
and
revenge against
their
political
adversaries
;
but he couM not hinder
them from
claiming
their confiscated
property,
the
greaterpart
of which had now
passed
into
the hands of owners who had
long enjoyed
it
under various titles derived from
inheritance,
contract,
or other lawfiil modes of transfer.
He endeavoured in vain to mediate between
the
contendingparties
: none would aiirrender
or
compromise
their
rights
-.
attempts
were
made to
dislodge
the
possesson
from their
lands and houses
by
faroe:. there was reason to
dread, not only
that scenes of violence would
frequently
disturb the
puMic tranquillity,
but
that the hatred and
jealousy
which
were nour*
ished
1^
Ibeta eiHitesU
might spon
undo all
that had
just
been so
happHy
elfeettd
;
fitrAa-
-
tigonus
was al hand, and OD the "rateh to take
advantage
of tbeir dissensions. He waa
probably
not a little
displeased
to see that an im-
dertaking
fVom which be badwitiiheld his aid
had been
aocomplisbed
witkeot
tt: both the iift-
mediate result and tbe
tendency
of t^ example
were adverM to his
interMts,
and iben
could be no doubt that be WO"ld ba
wiUiiv
to
support any
one who
promised10 stdiJMt
St-
cyon
to his
antbority,
OT to
govom
itas his on"-
tore. llie
danger,
from witfaia and Inat without,
appearedto Aratna
aopnaalBg.lhathewM
induced to lock to tbe oearsM
qnaiter
Sot aa-
eistanee,
and tbe AchKan
Leagne pnaeateAa
pntspeet
of
ready
and
lealoas,
if not
very pM-
erful
help.
Its
procaedings, ptiaeiidn,
and im-
BtituttoDS were sncb as to
M"age
his
Itrcly
sympathy
and
approbatimi.
H" and tt w"ra to-
boariog
in tbe tema eanse :
it
was
aatnal aad
eiîent
that
they
abonld oombinD thair
atrength.Snob,we are iafbrmed
by Ptatusi^
who bad read tbe ntemolm whirit Antna kA
of bis own life, won tbe BBotlves wbidi led boai
teot of tbe
embarraaaingpoaMtn
la i
AratOB fbund lilmsnlfpbimd at thk
joM
__ .
If he bad been able la extrioate htiMalf fitiatt
immedialelyIqr
the
expedient
wUcdi he
laaltr
less than of his natlrs
eity.
oes nnder wtiic^ the anion t"
nted,perhaps,mainlyto fix tha terms on wUsb
it was eHfeeted^
Greatly
as
tbe
power
at Si-
cyon
exceeded that of
every
OM
of tbe
AohMM
towns,
It claimed no superionnr
or
piinla^
but was admitted on a
footiDg
of perfeet
mmI-
ity;
it obuined one vote In the oowiails U Iha
to tbe
Laagae
for m
was
afterward (bilaw"d in o
reason existed
;
and
so
ftr
as K detemuMa taa
ooarae wtileh was ptwrned
ia the
seqnel,
it
aay
be ooostdered aa the
ortgia
of
many
edamities
which
subaeqaeatly
afflicted
Greece,
and haat"
It does not even
appear
that,
eidier in
e"n-
seqaenee
of the aooessioB of
Sicyoa,
or at
any
lubseqoent period,any obsngew
-*' '- ''-'
!onstitDtion of tbe federal magi*
emment. The number of the w
to tbe
last,
to have been limited to
ten,
and that
of the conncil
always
to have retained its
migi-
nal
proportion
to that of the Acbnan towns.
Hence, atrange
as it
appears,
we are
led to
conclude that the
places
in both these boards
continued to be filled
by
Acbteaos. This occasion
suggests
anotber
interesting question,
on
which our information is not sufficiently
full to
precludea
greatvariety
of
opinions.*Polybin*
*
Tinminm
(p.
ST)}tat Bokon (^ TS)"ntnd (a Iha
HISTORY OF GRBSCE.
tBtkniB,lirtiidiillhis
time,
when ibe
League
bad
naJebMl
its
largestoompasB,
prevailedthrough-
Mlt
ita wbole extent. All the
Peloponnesians,
1m
Bays,
then ua"d the aame laws,
weighla,
meaanrDB, money,
the came
msgietratea,
coun-
cillorB,
and
judgeB,*'
This Matemenl is evi-
drntl;qoiie
connatent with the
suppoaition
that Uie indjTidual Btates of the
League were,
DATcrtlieless,
allowed to retain their own laws.
"ugJMrates,
and
political
ioatitutloDsof
every
kind
i
and aa it ia DoWrioaB that this was the
"Baa with
ngard
to aome of the
thing*
which
FoljrbiD* aDnain'atea,t
it was most priibafaly ao
U to alt the real Vet tbia
passage
aeema
nafnlrto
ban
iropmased
aonie modern wriiere
with the belief that the
League
ialeTfered to as-
"'"""'*
tbe institutions of all the states incor-
pmaMd
ia it to its own
;
but there is neither
"Maon nor anthMity
to
support
tbia conclusion.
'
It
i^
inde"d,
tai^ly
probable
that democrallcal
liKtiiationa,
vaati Tarjoos fonna and modiGoa.'
tioiN,ware eataUished
throughout
tiie
League,
Mi
eselndJDg,
bnt atillleaa
enforcing,
tbe in-
iD"Doe of
prnperty.}
But thiskind of unlfiinn-
itjmight
well ariaa wiUumt
any
direct inter-
poaiiion ;
and wben we oenaider that in
eveiy
Onek
dtj
tbam was a
powerfiil
denMoralical
put^,
itwill be clear that tbe
triumph
of demo-
.
natieal
prtneiplea
was aara.
in
"veînstance,
"ilbar to
pieoade
or to fellow tbe unioD witb
thsLeagaa.
AraMs Umadf was raised
by
this tranaac-
'
tidB to the
bighaatdepaa
of
reputation
and
popilantyamoag
tbe Adwans, and estabUshed
"Brndefeasttiledaimtotbeirgratitade:
and the
"oJastj
with which he aubmitled to their
laws,
'
axdMrndasapriTateaoMierin tbaircavBlry,
'
vhatbercalonlatedotnotiWaaadmirablyadapt- ed
10
etTeagtben
Ms iidueaoe over them. A
s^kply
of
fi*""itd-tvren^
talents,which about
' Uus' time he received irom
Ptolemy,
while it
I araved the valne which the
king
attached to
his
frieodatiiiK
enablBd him to relieve
aome
of
his
poorer feUow-citiiena,
and thus to secure
tMr adtetiODs in favour of the new
govem-
. nant. It
ma;
alao have
suggested
to him the
pOMibili^
Of a
TCniBdy
tor the diaorders with
irhicb the
pratansloiia
of the restored eiiles
"antioaed to threaten die
ci^-
He resolved to
Mil to
Alesaadria,
and
to
stdicit
a
larger
dooa-
tkn,
wbi^
mi^t
aOord the means of an ami-
MUeadJoatment
without a sacrifice from either
party.
Ke bad oot
neglected
to cultivate the
ilvear of hia
royal
benefactor
by
such returns
'
as bs was able to make for hie
bounty;
and it
happened to have been in hia
power
lo
gratify
OH of
Pudemy^
tastes at little cost. The
SUôniao sehoid of
paintingwas at
Ihia time
"liU oelebrUed in
Greece,not
only
for eminent
IwtH
(p.1371,
I" DnvHB iaIkUhI M tolin*
(U..p. "t).
to take some leaeoBa from the
Sieyoniaumas- ters.
During
the dominion of the
tyrants,
the
school had
prodmeedmany
valuable
works,several
of which were tributes of
flattery
to Iba
rulerof the
day ;
and one of these was sn beaii'
tiful,
thai AralU3 waa induced to
exempt
it from.
the
general
deBlruction to which he doomed all
Huch memorials of the
public
dishonour. It
was the
strongestproof
he could
give
of bis
Jisceming
love fur the art
;
and his
good
taate
enabled him to
take full
advanta^
of the
opportunities
presented
to him
by
bis
position
to
enrich
Ptolemy's gallery
with
a
number of
choice
masterpieces.
His
voyage
to Alexandria was not accom*
pli"hed
without
many
personal
risks and hard-
ebips.
Mia vease! was driven
by
a
gale
on the
coast
of
Hydrea.*
where it was
aeiaed
by an
officer who commanded there for
Antigoaoa,
while he concealed himBsIf,
witb a
singlefriend,
in a
wood. It was afterward a Roman vessel
which, chancing
lo touch there, afTorded him
the means of
escape.
It was bound (or
Syria
;
but AraluB,
it
seema,
did not think himself safe
in tbe dominions of Antiocbua,
and
prevailed
on tbe master to land him on tbe coast of
Caria,
where be had stillto wait
long
before be cooU
Ind a
passage
to
Egypt
Those
perilous
a^
ventures,
encountered for so noUe an objecl,
mi^t
plead
with
Ptolemy
in hia behalf. It ia
certain that his
presence
confirmed the favourable
impreaaioiia
which had been made on tbe
king by
their
correspondence;
and the result
of hia visit was
a,BUbBidy
of 150
talents, fyitj
of which he
immediately
carried borne with
him
;
the rest waa tiansmittedin soccessivv
paymeata.
With this sum
be was able to sau
isfy
every
claim lo the confiscated
property,
tar
which one of tbe
parties
in each case vraa
easily
iniluc43ii to
accept
a
pecotiiary
equivaleot.
But
still,
tbe settlement of so
many
controver-
siea,
many
of which must
have been reoderod.
very
intricate
by lapse
of time and
perplexity
of
titles,
must have been a most laborious and
ditflcultwork. The
people
testified the unlimited
confidence which
theyreposed
in Ara-
tus when
they
created him sole aibilrator with
fall
power. He, on the other
huid,to
place
hia
moderation and diainterestedncsB
beyond aos-
picion,
deolioed this invidiaas
honour, anj
oauaed fifteen other cttiiens
to
be
joined
with
him in
th^
eommisaioa. The
arrangement
was
at last eflPected in a manner which seems ta
have
given
universal satisfaction,
and to havs
healed
every
breach. The services of Aratua
were acknowledgedby
tbe
people
with
publio
honoura,andbythe
exiles with a bronie
statue,
which bore an inscription expreaaive
of their
admiration for bis
courage
and
justice,
and of
their
gratitude
to the deliverer,
who had restored
them to their
homes,
and had beatowed
equality
of
lighta
and
orderlygovernment
on hia
country.!
The fame of tMs
peaceful
acbieve-
Ar., It, Hk 'AâC- Dit"rHB.(".,
311, 1
--nr
ibBttiiiadHcriptiai
assal vvit Akdi.-.
SIGYON TRANQUILLIZED." ASATUS GBNKIUL.
1 wmtA,
Md
0 dnraUe tWi
bnua,
bj
tha
pan
of Cioera, wbo, having
laanied Iha
ralue ol^BOdi men
Iqr
bitiar
experience,
amid
IbB
deith-Btrugglea
of Roman
liberty,
extols
tbe conduct of AratoB wiitt the
eqniTocal
enlo-
gj,
which, however,
he meant for Um
bighett,
that ao
great
a man deserved to hare l"een bom
a Roman.* The
right
of Antus to aucb
prniie
baa.indeed,
been
questioned
on the
ground
that
in tbia toBlance the courae
prsBcnbed
by
the
pmest patriotismeiictlr
coincided with that
which he wpuld
hare
pursued
if he had aimed
at
nothing
but the
promotion
of hie own influ-
oce
nnd
repulation.f
It
might
be
enough
to
OBJ
that Cicero was
{iraiBiug
the
#tî"mi)i"
;
bu,
in an
age
when moat men Anmd iteasier
to rtae to
power through
wrong
and
Wolenee,
there waa
enrej;
no small merit
in
tbe draiee
of
lightmeans,
efen for a like end
;
nor will it
Ib"ow that Aratos was not in earnest with his
patiiatiain,
becauae, as we shall
find,
he was
aot
always capable
of
sacrificing
his
penonal
aKbition to the
pi^liti good.
The terms on which he stood with
Airtigonas
may
be odtected from the
foreffnmg
nairattTe.
He had been forced to conceal blDUMf fhtm Iha
king'soffioer,
and bis vesael had been aeiaad as
n
enemy's property. Yet,
after bit return
r
Ihm
"pypl. Aotigooua
afibcted to coart bis
Aieadship,
not with
any hope or deaire of
gain-
iag it,
bat to ihrow
auepicionon Aiatns,
and
fmtioularly
to awaken
Ptolemj's jealmiay.
Fhm
CoTuth, where it seems he had taken
up
' his reaidence for a ticne,to watch the
progress
"f the
Leagne,
be
occaeionall;
sent some little
fraaents
to Aratus
;
and at
table,
when
guests
.
wBB
present
who would be sure to
report
bis
wunle, ho
profesaedto admire the
yonng
man's
disaemment,
who had detected the WMkneas
which was eoTered from
ordinary
eyes
Iqr
the
IheUrical
pomp
and
splendour
of the
Egyptian
eourt,
and had now timiwn himself without re-
"arre
into the arma of a more
trustworthyally,
ne artilScs
appears
to have
produced
no eObct
at
Sicyon;
but it succeeded so far aa to
inspire
Plolemy
with a
temporary
distrust of Aratus.
Antigonus
himself can
hardly
bavs
expected
any "ery important
results from it
\
and it is
prabaUe
that he
was at this time
endeavouring
to
accompliah
his main end in a
very
diflereat
manner
;
for it is to this
period
that it aeems
necessary
to refer a
treaty,
which is
more than
OBoa mentioned
by Potybius,tthough
unfortu-
aatoly
without a dale,concluded between An-
^gonus
and the .i"to]ians,with a view to the
dumemherment of the Achnan
League.
It
was not before the aoceaaion of
Sicyon
that the
League
could have
appearedso formidable as
to give
occasion to soch a
compact ;
oor do we
Wl
any
earliertrace of
hostlLity
between
^lo-
lia and the
League.
Tbe .flolians
had,
indeed,
as we have
seen,
made
an
attempt
an
Sicyon;
and
this,
when
Sicyon
had become
ita^Mttr*
Kriigtt,p. L4).
Ha
hbdi hi think Erna nur-
nômit^
raqoLnîkii Amrm ihoiildb^T* tipond
himtvLf
t^Mkm.
" *
t ii.,U,"jU,liu.,H!T
I,
might
b
le boSy
in
have inndTed them ig
with the
boSy
in which it w.
llMy
are said to have made tL.
.
to
AntigonuB,probably
in the interralbetween
the revolntioa at
Sicyon
and the
year
in whidk
Aratna was for the Brat time raised to the supreme
commaikl. It was in
"44,
in the
iwenty-
aiath
year
of his
age,
that be first Sited the of-
lice of General ofthe
League;
and all his military
operationa
in this
year,
of which theio
remaina
any
record,were directed
against
tha
"loliana. The
accounts
lell to ua of these
operations
are
very scanty
and unconnected. It
is
only
leUted that he
ravaged
tbe
territory
of
Calydon
and the Ozdian
Locris,
which at thin
time
belonged
to the
ftaliana,
and that hs
marched into
Bâotia,
with an
amy
of
IO,OW
men,
to succmr tbe
Btaotians,
who were in
alliance with tbe
League against
the same
common
enemy.
But this
beginning
of bis
military
career was a little
ominous,
for he arrived
loo late
:
the Bnotiana had been datnt-
ed at Chcmnea,
and had hist 1000
men,
and
tbe BcEOtarcb AhiocrUus.*
They immodiatdy
abandoned tbe
League,
and attached theoh
stives to tbe "tolians
;
and their
potdicspirit
was so brolten
by
this disaster itut
they
eoidi
hanlly
ever be
again
tmiaed to take
any part
is
iheaSaiisofGreeoe.t How far tbia BoHitiaK
alliincB was
designedby
Aratna to oondai^
balance that of
Antigonns
with the .ftriiasn
oan only
ha surmised. But thne is one inAi-
enes which
may
Us dnwn from faia
campaign
in Northern Greece that
may
serve to noMr**
a
seeming difficulty.
Even if
Antigoona
wm
not at thia time
engagedby treaty
to
co-opersto
with the
""tolians,
it
may
seem
strang"
that
be should have taken no
advantage
of tiM absence
of the Achwan fbroea ftom Ibeir
oonnti)^
But Um moreBMnts of Aratna indicate that A"-
tigonns
waa not at thia time in
poasBssion
of
Corinth. The Isthmus was
evidentlyopen,
and
tbia
agreea
with what we learn Awn otber as"
Dountaof the atote
of
tbinga
there.
The
posaessim
of Corinth had
ahrays
been
regardedby
the Macedonian
princesaa an object
of tbe
highestimportanoe
wiUi a view tn
the command of
Peloponneaos. Antigonun"
probably
when he set out on his nnancceasAtf
expedition againstPtolemy
Cerannns'-bad intrusted
it to his half-broiher
Cratems,
tha bok
of Alezander'e
gmeial
of tbe same
nsme^
ant
of
Antipatefadaogbter
Phila. But Cntarns
seema to have been
eneonragedby
the revsisM
of
Antigonusto treat tha
|dace
aa his
own,
and^
it
appears,
kept
it in hia hands until bis
death.t
Yet hia relations to
Antigtinus
were not alvmv
avowedly
hostde
;
as
may
he collected from tbv
fact,
that in the last war with
Pyrriinn
th"
MBcedonian
general
Ameinlas is desoribed an
bringing
succoura to
Sparta
ftom Cminth. Bit
"
Pim., Ar
riilttd frcfnAD;lraiiii.
_. ...
iDfemd fnni PLuunh, Da Pni. A
HISTORY OF GREECE.
k dooa not foUtnr that
Antigoniu
had recorar-
ed
poeseBaioii
of tha
eitadei,
utd the
aequel
deailf
indicBteB that this could
not hsTQ been
the ewe
;
for
Cratsnis,on his
death, ms
aneeeeded in the eommand of the
placeby
his
"on Alexaader,
who waa likeinae
mdependeat,
thon^
he
Ilia]'
hare been on
fnendiy
temu
wiihliiB.rojralkiiiaiiiaii,
aiidereii
haTeprofea-
Md obedienoe to his
aathortty,
with no more
real mtaniBakn than
man;
a fimdal raaaal or
Tmkiab
pacha,
ahwlnte msBter of hn
pmrinoe,
haa
îeUisd
to bia nimiinal
aoYereign,
while be
retaiDed the
a^le
ct a
aniqect,
and
peribimed
-"etaof ovtwaid
homage. AcoordiBfly,wehaie
aeen Antigonna
at Corinth,eanyiag
m liiain'
nigaea againet
Atatoa
;
,
..
id
thepngeet
of
wreating
ConnUi front
him,
bnt that be waa direrted fnHD
tfaia
deaignbj'Alezanda''a Tohmtair
aeoesaiOD
t* Hie
League,*bywhioh
he mat have
opuily
leMNmaed all oonnexion with
.Ûigmnia.
It
ma anMieUlj
thia allianee with Alexander
that enabled Aiatna to esecnte tbe
operatieM
iriiidibate been related ao boUlj
and
bbAIjp.
"d,
"f
poiaon,
adminiateied to him
throng
tbe
"(ntriTaiMeofAntigoiiiia-.t
and
certdnl;
there
ia
Mthinf
ia tha âraotei of
Antigomia
to repel
ttaja
anqricion,
and mnch in hia
aaheeqvatt
pnweedin^
to
rnggeat
or eonfinn it. Alex-
aadn^
widow, Nic"a,
retained
poaBeaakm
of
the (brtteoa
j
and
AntipHiiia
at onoe sent hia
"m J"eiBetiiDa,thoiighit
eeemabehod
already
jnanied
Stratonice,
tbe
danîter
of AntkiehaB
4Seier,
aa a aniter for her hand. The difftar-
pMt
bei
prima"
iendei"d
her,peAapa,
the
men
iên
to the iUnaioM of ftmale
vanity.t
Abe
"eeepted
the
young prinoe'a H.wHng otCeia,
and
AatiaamiB
himself came to Corinth to eel-
niqrtials
with
rojal spleDdour.
igb to retain
vnotinlbiHi-
it of
any "tqinl"-
ttet in the
maniage contract;
botnowidiwaa
axpnoMd byAntigmBBtliat
ooold awaken her
wmfieioai.
All earei of state seemed to have
been bwiidted from the mind of the
delisted
Atber,
lAo "H only
intmt on
providing
aenc-
oeaaion of entertainiiieiita fyt
Ae
object
of hie
aaa'a ohoiee. A mnsloal
pericmnancewis to
"to
placo
in the
theatre,
which Niceea con-
aeoted to
grece
with her
ineeenoe.
She waa
COBVCTed
with
royal
Mate in
a
simiptaonB
lit-'
ter,aooaHDpaniedby Antigiwiia
himself. But
"t the
point
where the road turned off towards
-the
gateof
the
eitadei,
he
quitted
the train and
haaMned
up
to the
Airtiess,
which he found
"aieleatdrguarded;
a
great part
of the
garri-
aon waa
among
tiie
qectators
below. He
gainedadmittance " it
appears
without a
atnig-
ê"
for a force sufficient to secnure
poiaession
of tlie
plaee.f
He is said to have
displayed
pnul
of htiing f
Btunbodîit "nnvHKTlrwrtaiDibBt lb
"T
mul hEia
bxnTvl ""n".u PluUn-Ji
I
bnlUHthUlksianridiiafallati Ai'
t Iln
p"
""""
far lb*
tM-
ItNin
immoderatajoyattfaeaBocesaofthisdt
.
stratagem,
tuul to have cel^rated it wiA
lO*-
elry
ill
beoommg
his
age
and station. Tbe
marriage,
it
may
eaai];
be supposediwaa InO-
ken
off;
and we bear no more of Nicca.
IfAraCns bad been led to conoeiTe the
thoogbt
of an
attempt opon
CoiinUi wbite it
waa biid
by Alexander,
tbere was now
mneb
stronger
motivea to
urge
bim to the
undertaking.
Bat
he oould
hardlyhope
or wish to
cany
it into
execution until be waa
again
in oflke
;
sad,
aeeotding
lo athndamsKtal articleof the rtrrhai
an Cona^tntion, tbe
aniHwne
magiMmcy
oeaU
uM he heU
by
tbe Muae
peiaon
fbr two aao-
ceaaive
yeara.
At the end of Ibe
pa-aanribed
interval he waa
re-elected,
and tbe
oppeatt-
nity
for viiich be was oonstaatlyon the wicA
soon preaented
itself Three
teotbata,Syrfaa
Oreeka,
bad
piUbred
from tbe
royaltreasnre at
Corintb,and one of
them,
nabied
Ersinia,
oaae
to
Steyon
from time to time to
exouBge
their
plunderat the huose of
a
banker well known.
toAiatu.
TliTougfa
thischannel Arataaleara-
ed that Uiere was an ooeeanble
point
in tbe
wall ct tbe citadel
;
and
Erginnn,having
ea-
giged
the ooncurrenoe of a fourth toother wbo
served in tbe
gairiaoo,
undertook to eondaet
Aiatns to the
[daoe
where the waU was no
mora than AAeen foet
high.
Tbe brotbtn demanded
a
large
reward.
Sixty
taleata ware to
be
deposited
witb the
baakCT,to be
paid
lo theai
in (be event of
auooeaa
;
and even in the etae
of
Ailnie,
if
theycached,
each was to rae^va
a hoosa and a talent. Aatas oooU not imaie-
diately
raiss eo larae a sum,
and was (breed to
fled^
bis
plate
and hia wife's
oraamente, pw-
obasing,aa
Plutarch
observes,
(be
privilege
of
a
perflons
adventoM for the lood of his ooan-
try,
at a
price
which it
wonld
have been no-
ooonted
magnannnona
to
nqeot
if tt bad been
oBfared aaabribe. When the time came whiA
bad been fixed far the
attempt, leavinf
Os
main
body
of hia tbrcea under
aiiaa,
be
pimwed-
ed with 400
men,
few of whom
were
in tbe
aecret,
towards Corinth. As
theyapproaobed
the
wall,
tbe
ligfat
of the foil
moon,
lAieh wooU
have THodered conoealment almost
iIl^NMaildB,
was intercepted by
olonds which rose
fromuis
sea. Several other
piopitiouB
drcumstaiMea
oontribated to hia
auooeaa, diongfa
he t^
earned it
I7
his
ooorage.
Ergiiros,wiUieev^
othuB,di^nised aa
wayfarers,gained
MrtiaMe
at a
gate
and
overpowered
the
gnard,
wbila
AratuB,
with
only
a hundred of hia
men,
scaled
ifsljluOKIsd frsm it
bejinilIh* fia thml Ai
or(;oriiiih,*liiDlilitlui) bMlbniA Aln-
"'
''ilDinlir.Bui ikiiit bb u "U tbe
qaa.
b4 cbftncMT cf Antrnmaa. Tht uuB
1 li. ...1 f.i.i.
"
^
B"ua rf
"
ARATUS AT CORINTH." ATTEMPTS UPON ARGOS.
3"
tke wall,
awl adnaeed toward* the tatadel
with the
aeB}iiif4addera, ordering
tbe rest
foHow. But
on his
vt^ through
the town 1
fcO in with a patrol, one
of whom
eeoaped,
and
"OOD rataed a geiteral
alarm.
AntiganDB
had iatnuted the
place
to three
^neiala.
The commBnd of the Acroooriathua
be hod
Miigned
to
PeruBus,
who had been the
preceptor
of his sou
Halcyoneiu,
Init Beenm to
hare had no better titleto hit conAdeitce than
that he had been educated
by Zeno, to whoin
ha at fiiu belMtfed u a slave,
and wboee ten- ets
be afterward
pnîMMd
to
expound.
The
dmice would
not, peihafM,
have been a
Tei;
happj one,
eren if
philoao^y
hod been a anf-
ttieat
qnlillealloti
br such
a
poet;
for Per-
"cna is said to have
conpM
lofwe lubits witii
fata
rigid
doettines.*
Hiamihtai?
science
was,
it
maj easi^
be
Imagined,
no lese
pnrdj
theo-
ArchsUuiBO inded tbeh if the forcee
in the knrar
town,
where the third
general,
Tbeophrastns,aeema to have held
aomt
post
nnder him.
Aretaw"again
ia*i"in"d t^ the
moon,
which bnd"
throogh
the clouds aa he
was
entangled
in the most intricate
port
of the
aweni " reached the waU of the dtadd
aafeljr,
and was soon
engaged
in a hard combat with
the
ganison.
As mm as the alarm wu raised,
-ATchelaas,linding
that the citadel was at-
taeked,
hastdned with til his forces in that dl-
iwtion. Bat he chanced to
light
on the 800
AdiKBna, who,
unable to find the track of their
comrades,
had cowered behind a
projeclion
of
the rock.
They now
sprang
out as from an
ambnscBde,
and
completely
routed and
dispersed
his
troops.
Bot
the;
were recalled from
the
pursuitby Erginns
to the saccour of Ara-
tUE,
and their arrival decided the
struggle.By
aanrise be was in
poBsesaion
or the
fortreaa,
md the forces which had followed him from
Sicyon, making
their
appearance
at the same
time, were
joyfully
admitted into the lower
town
by
the
CorinthianB,
who
helped
to
capture
the
royal
Boldiera. Archelaus himself
was
taken,
b^
was afterward released
byAra-
tns.
Theophrafitus
refuaed lo abandon his
post,
and was
put
to death. The
ôsopher
made bis
escape during
the
combat,
and fled
to Cenchrev, He
returned,
it
seems,
to the
goTemment
of hia achool
;
but he used to admit
that Aratus had
taught
him to
quealion
the
truth of hla master's
dogma;
that the wise man
is the
only general.
When order was
restored,
and the
people
assembled
in the
theatre,
Aratus came down lo
address them. There was a diShrence of
opinion
among
the ancients as to hia
powers
of
ora-
toiy;
but,
whaierer
theywere,
we
may
easily
coneeiTe
that,
when he stood on the
stage,
vis-
'
iUy jaded by
the
fatigues
of the
night,
and
wailed,
resting
on his
spear,
until the
applause
of the
spectators
bad
subsided,
his silence was
more eloquent
than the
speech
which followed.
Since the battle of
Cbsronea,
the Corinthians
had never
beep
in
possession
of the
Iteys
of
m u it lUHbaMd a bia
bjrJ"toytci
theirown
city.
These Aratus now restond to
them
;
and he
easilypersuaded
them to enter
into the Achnan
League,
to which alone
tfa^
could look for
protection.
The
Achaans,
however,
continued to
occupy
the
citadel,
irbn"
theykept a
garrison
of 400
heavy-anDsd,and
a
pack
of
fifty honnds,
and as
many huotsmeoi
a commtm
precaution,
it
seems, againstsur-
Ttais
great acquisttioBcqiensdan almost
bonndless
pmspeot
of farther
oonqueeta.
Oaa
of its Urat fruitawaa the
snmnder
of Ledi"-
um,
where a
royalsqnadroB
of
five-and-twnqr
galleya
fell inte the hands af the
eonqneron.
Aratus was sot riow to follow
up
his advaa-
tage. Hegara,Tnaxen,
and
^ndaum jolsad
the
League
In tbe
codtm of the same
year;
and ha onwusd his achievemeata Inr
an
eê-
ditionto
Attica,
in the oontse of which he ravaged
Salamis before the
ejes
of tbe Haoedonlan
ganuoa.
He had
pTobaUy hoped
that tlw
Atbeniaas would dodare tikemaelvea Id bfarftb
vrntr; and,thoughthey
did not
stir,
he leleasad
aU his Athenian
prisonera
without
ransom,
in
the
hope
of
preserving
their
good
wiU for soma
"""
Another
nwasnre.whidiw
iague
at hia sv
lass seif-conAdence than m
"anieoted afl"r such a
inonced itto conclude an aUiance wtth P
niiladelphaa, by
which the
king was dt
comuiander-in-îef
of all its
forces,
b
land and sea. The
Aebaana,however,
had no
reason to fear
any
encroachment on their Inde- pendence
from so remote an
ally;
and
they
might
think the tiUe which
they
oonlhrred on
him, thoogb
it
appeared
to detract a littlefrom
their national
honour, not too
high
a
price
for
the subetantisl benefit which
theymight
derive
from his subsidies and Heets in the
struggle
which
they
had to
expect
with
Antigonus.
The
event seems to have
provedthat,
with
regard
to
Ptolemy,they
had as little
ground
for
hope
as for fear. He was neither formidable
as a
protector,
nor usend as an
ally.
But the honour
of the. tcheans was less
endangeredby
hia
friendship
than that of Aratus
himaelf,
who accepted
a
yearlypension
of siz talents from his
royalpatron.
To liberate the
Peloponnesian
cities from
their
tyrants,
and to
incorporate
them with the
League,
continued to bo the
great object
of his
policy;
and
Argos,
as well on accaant of its
position
and
importance,
as of his own
personal
connexion with
it,
excited an interest in him
littleshort of that which he had feltfor the recovery
of his native
city. Ariatippns, who,
alter the death of
Pyrrhus,was,
it
may
be
snp-
posed,
established in the
government
under
Macedonian
protection,
had been succeeded
by
Aristomachne, pnAably
his son. If he
was already
master of
Argos
when Aratus delivered
Sicyon,
he had since become more
vigilant
end
suspicious
;
for he had
prohibited
the
possession
of arms to liiecitizens under severe
penalties.
Nevertheless,
Aratus fonnd
means both to set
a
conspiracyon foot
against
him in
Argos,
and
to
supply
the
consptrators
with
weapons.
A
quarrel
which arose
amftng
them led la the disclosure
of the
plot,
and
probably
saved the
tyrant's
lire. It must be observed that Aristom-
achos
was not at war with the
heagat.
U
wa^
"implp
as a
tjrrant
that he was marked for as-
siaaination. Even ths
piincipls
which bad
Ionic
ên
generallj
admitted in the Greek
pohlics,
that a
tyrant
was the
pablic
enemy
of
all hia
aubjeets,
U not aufficient to
justify
the
dbndnot of Araiua in this
attempt.
Either
'
Bhut his
eyes
to the beseneasof
tbedeed,
or
had
persoaded
himself that a
EyTanlought
to
regarded
aa a monster,
who had 'forfeited all
claims to
protection
under the common laws of
civilized
aooiely.
Some of the
pernicious
con-
"equencea
of thia maxiro soon became
apparent.
Aristomachna was killed
ahortly
after
by
his
alavea
;
perhapa
not without the
privity
of
Aratua.
though
he claimed no share in the exploit
;
bat ho waa quietly
ancceeded
bj
a second
Arislippua, HKWt likelygrandson
of the
fint. This
man,
Phitareh obaorres. eieeeded
his
predecessor
in
cnielty,
no doubt from the
same cause which drove him to the moat
pitiable
precaQttona
for the
security
of his
person,
Arattis
hoped
to find
Argoa
ia
confusion,
and
Uie cilisens
ready
to riae
againat
the
tyrannical
government ;
and he
immediatelymarched,
with as
many
Achnan
troops
as he oould colled
at the moment, to take
advantage
of the
opportunity.
But the
Argives.cowed,
or brokeD
to to the
yoke,
did not answer to hia
appeal,
and
he waa
compelled
to retreat. The
ooly
jrame-
diaie reault of thia
expedition was,
that it liiT-
Diabed
Aristippua
with a
justground
of com-
[daintagainst
the Aohcsna,
which was referred
to the STbitratioQ of Mantinea
;
whether ac-
coiîng
to
previoustreaty,or a
apecial
agreement,
la not certain. But neither
Aratus,
nor
any
one
else,appeared
on the
part
of the
League
;
and
judgment
was
given
for
Arislip-
puB. though
with a
merely
nominal mulct,
Ariatjppus. however, waa now induced to enter
into alliance with
Anligonua,
and
openly
to
declare himself the
enemy
of the
League :
and
he retaliated on Aratus
by
several
attempts
at
aasassi nation,illwliich he is said to have been
aided
by
the
king.*
Plutarch attributesthe escape
of Aratus to his
poptilarity,
and contrasts
his
security
with the
tyrant's
wretched anxiety
; but,aa he had
wiUullyprovoked
the danger,
be was
probablyalwaya
on hia
guard
He continued for
many years
trying
fi^sh
expedients,
fiom time to time, for the accom-
pliahmenl
of his end
;
and once he was
very
nearlymaster of
Argos.
He had acaled the
wall in the
night
with a few
followers,
and had
overpowered
the
guard
;
and the next
day
he
kept
bis
ground against
the
tyrant'ssuperior
force,
though
himself
severelywounded,
until
the
evening.
But the
Argives
looked on " as
Plutarch
observes,probably
in the worda of
Aratus himself" as
quietly
and
impartially as
if
they
bad been
sitting
as
judges
at the Nemean
games I
and Aratus was so
discouragedby
their
apparent
apathy,being
also in want of
water,
and disabled
by
his
wound, that he
gave up
the
allr"mpi
and
withdrew-,
while the
tyrantthought
hiinscir in such
danger,
that he had made
prep-
aruniins for
Bigbt.
But
Ariatippus,
with the
eiLi-j;|ition
of his
secret machinations
against
the lifeof
Arslos, seems to have remained entirety
on the defensive
;
and
Antigonua
him-
V
; pcrSaiKonly
self,through
causes which are nowhere explained,
took no
direcUy
hostile
meaauree
against
the
League
to the end of hia life. But
it waa
probably
at his
instigation
that the
jGtoIiana,
in the
year
341,
when Aratus was ia
office for the third
time,
reaolved to invade PeV
oponnesns.
They
were,
however, no doubt
willingenough,
without such
incitement,
to nv
tallaie on the Achaeans for the
ravages
which
Aratus had inflicted on their
territory
in his
first
year
of office.
Otherwise,
it would be a
little
surprising
that
they
did not wait for a
Macedonian re-enforoement before
tbcj
took
the field. Their
preparations
were on such a
scale aa to excite both attention and alarm
among
the Achnana; and the forces of the
League
did not seem sufficient for its defence.
It is on Ibis occasion that we first have
any
trustworthy
account of its relations with
Spar- ta.*
An alhance waa
alreadysubsisting
between
the two slates,
of what date we know
not ;t perhapamerely
a delensive
one, against
their common
enemy
Antigonua,
and his
alliea,
the .""tolians. Arstus wrote to the
ephora
to
claim assistance
:t and, from causes which will
be hereafter
eiplaioed,
there was a
general
disposition
at
Sparta,independent
of
any a[^)re-
hension of
danger,
to
comply
with his
reqnisi-
lion. Hie
young
king,Agia FV.,
comnuiiided
the foioe which waa aeni to join
the Acfa"aB
army.
In the council of
war,
which waa held
after his
arrival,
he
w"rm]y
Moonded (be wish
which
prevailedamong
the
Adiaans,
to meet
the
enemy
at the nonhem
approadiea
of the
Isthmus. Aratus alone,
it
seems, opposed
this
plan,
and would not consent to riskths fortunes
of the
League,
withont
necessity,
on tbe eveat
of a battle. He does not
appear
to have disclosed
any plan
of
operationa ;
aM it ia not
certain that he had formed one. Bat he
may
have foreseen that the j"tolians,
if allowed to
enter the
peninsula,
would be
betrayed
into
some incautious movement by
their
eagerness
for
plunder;
and, aa (he harvest had been already
secured,
he
persuadedhiipself
that no
serious evil was to be
apprehended
from their
inroad.
4
But alesatinM
general
wouldscarce-
ly
have ventured on auoh a manttane. The
council,though
none were oonvinced
by
hia
argumenta,
yieldedto
hia
authority;
but b"
had to sustain a storm
of
raproach
and ridicola
from bis own
people;
and
Agis,surprised
and,
indignant
at conduct which looked so diucIl
like
pnsillanimity, and, perhaps,conatdering
his
presence
as useless if no battle was to be-
fought,
returned home, II The
event, howevert
seemed to jnstify
the
policy
of
Aratus, and,
perhaps,gained
him more credit for
sagacity
than he deserTcd. The ."toIians,
meeting
"
Porn
IIio till lirtl.
rLucu"p.B4J
Droytan tci
tii4def"^vhicii, im
th
u perhar*eou hided Ih'
I
.
AgifcII.
Hd bu illin;ud Dnq^'D lii.,
f
Nil
Uvklf
ika
Lfly"msga cwndurlnuj
b" BAdaiDBd
ItJ
tuft
fepju^
hcDBioa of thfl n*o]iitiaav7ptiBciplM prt*"il"nBm
thp
SpuMD umf.
But it ""mi' (uLir ta onann IfaitAfii
"" '
ai# nqoMUillMTt u villidnw.
I CiOO';;lc
DEMETRIUS 1I.~-ARATUS INVADES ATTICA. S8T-
"lffi
w"
miatance st tbe lathmiui,
marched
into Achaia.
Having
traiersed the
torritorj
of
BicyuD,thej
feJI
upon
the littleUwd of Pel-
leae,
which was
quiteun;"epBred
foT
defence,
lod made themselTcs maeters of it at the first
Muult. But while
they were
engaged
io
plunder,
an
alarm
waa
giren
that the Achcan
armj
"aa approaching,
and tieforethe
greater pari
kad relumed to their
ranks,tbej
were
attacked
bfAratua,
who
easily
routed then, and
pursued
.
Ibem JQlo the town,
Thej
lost 700
men,
and
Inttil;
retraced their
steps
homevrard.
Antig-
"DUR""s so litt)eable Io
support
his
allies, that,
afterthis
failure,
he conduded a truce with the
XchBsns,
which lasted
lo
tbe end of hia life
;
tiKMgb
Arams
/lid
not
scruple
to violate it
by
an
attempt
to
aurpriaePimua,
the
obloquy
of
which he
rainly
eudeavoured to shift
upon
the
Bjrriaa Erginua,
who
was
oouuloualy
but his
ThedetUh of
AntigonuaGonataB,
which
hap-
peied
in
339, produced
a
change
in the slate
if
aîrs,
which seemed at firat
highly
favoura-
Ue Io the intereats of Ibe
League,as the Achtc-
us were now
freed from
dajtger
both on the
tideof "toIia and of
Macedonia,
and
were left
at
libertj
to
gain ground
in
Peloponnesus,
hav-
hg nothingto
apprehend
from
without,except
the influence of Macedonian
gold, Antigonua
VIS eooceeded
by
his son Demetrius
II.,
who
"eema to have inherited his father's ambition
lad his
policy,
if
not
his
energy
and his talents
;
fa tbe
accounts
remaining
of his
reign
are so
raoty,
that
they
have
suggestedentirelyoppo-
Hle TiewB of bis character and
capacity
to
different
observers. In
"ct,
Ibe
only
transactions
in
which
we know him
to have been
personally
engaged,dnring
tbe
period
oT ten
years
for
vtuch he
occupied
tbe
throne, are an
eipedi-
tioBinto
Greece,
which
was,
at least,
pqnially
(DMessflil,
and a war with the
Dardaiiians,
in
vliiehhe
was defeated,
and
perhaps
lost hia
"fe.*
This
certainly
does not
convey
the idea
â
very
able or
enterprising prince;
but. un-
leas we knew much more than we
do,
both of
the
difficnitiea which he
may
have had to contend
with and of the
extent of hia
success,
it
would be unsafe
to
pronounce any
judgment on
w. It is
highlyprobable,though
there is
no
ttaiiiKi evidence of tbe
fact,
that the Dardani-
^
and
perhaps
some other barbarian
tribes,
"jiquieled his northern frontier in the
early
Pirtof his
reign.
Yet, soon after he came to
tl)e
throne, he involved himself in
a war
with
""
JIUdiana, at the same lime that he incuned
""
enmity
of the
Syriancourt. Alexander of
^piiTa died,leaving
Iwo
sons, Pynbns
and
noleoueuB, and a
daughter,Phthia, to the care
Mhis
widow
Oiympias,
who
governed
the
king-
"i for
some
years
as
regent,
Ou Iha death
""
Aniigonus. the ^loiians seem to have at-
templed
to wrest
from her that
portion
of Acar-
"''"ia
which
ihey
had ceded to her deceased
BBBtaod.
Oiympiassoughtprotection
from De-
Uetrius, and indocad him to
accept
his
dau(jh-
'*^"
hand,
though
hia
qneen
Stratonice
was
Mill
linng,
and,
aa he must have
foreseen,not
"a
charactw
to
brook such
an
insult. She in-
HMally
wHhdt^w
Io the court of her
nephew,
Wlenctis
Calllnicus, and endeavoured
to
engage
him in a war with her husband.* The
namo
of
Demetrius, however,
did not deter the jEio-
liana from the
proaecution
of their
design,
anil
it seems
that he waa too much
occupied
with
his other enemies to lend
any
effectual assistance
to hia motfaer-in-law. But the Acamani-
anathemselves
were
strongly
averse to a union,
wbii^ would
subject
them
to
the
sovereignty
of
a people
whom
they
had
long
been used to
account inferiorto themselves. In their distress
they
turned their
eyes
towards
Rome,
which had
recently brought
her firat
great
struggle
with
Carthage
to a
triumphant
close.
The Acaraanian
envoys,
it
seems,
dexterously
employed
tbe fable of Romc'a
Trojan origin
to
flatter the
vanity
of the
great familiea,
and to
recommend their soil, on
the
ground
that the
Acsrnaniana alone
among
the Greeka bad
kept
aloof from the
expeditionagainstTroy.f
It
was
probably
the first time
Ihey
had ever
boaMad of the omission of their
name
in the
Homeric
catalogue.
Hie senate did not need
this
argument
as a motive,
for since the war
with
Pyrrhus
it must have
begun
to look acrosa
the
Adriatic,
but found it useful as a
pretext
tor interference,
in a case where it would
bava
been bard to devise
any
other
;
and
a
Romaa
embassy,
the Srst that
appeared
in
Greece,
called
upon
the ftolians to evacuate tbe territory
of a
people
which had remained neutral ia
the
Trojan
war. It was a
specimen
of
diplomacy
which
might
well have alarmed all the
Greek
stales
which could not
plead
the same
titleto tbe favour of Rome, The jEtolians
are
said to have dismissed the
envoys
with
an arrogant
and
insultiagreply.!
and to have made
a
fresh inroad into
Acarnania,
io order to display
their
contempt
for tbe Roman iuiercession.
They
could do so for the timd with
impunity.
The
junctnre
bad not arrived for Rome to mediate
with the a word.
When the .ftolians had broken with Mace- donia,
their interests became more accordant
with those of the Achnans
;
and as
Pontaleon,
who waa at this lime at the head of the JEta-
lian
government, willingly
met the overtures
of
Aratua, a
treaty
of
alliance,
offensive and
defenaire,
was soon
concluded between the
two
powers.^
The .iEtoliana
appear
to bava
reaped
almost all the benefit of this alliance.
The Achzans are said to have rendered them
very importantservices,IIbut
gained nothing
for themselves north of the
Isthmus,
and tha
if^toliaua could
not
have
prevented
the
acquisitions
which
they
made wilhin
Peloponnesus.
It is not certain whether the
.^tolians,during
this
period,
extended their dominion on tbe
eastern side of Greece
;
but there are
indications
that
they
were
endeatooring
to do so
;
and it is
most
probable
that
they
now made
themselvea masters of some of tbe Thessalian
towns,
which
we
find afterward in their handa.
It
was, apparently,
in the south of
TheasaJy
that Aralus was defeated
by
a Macedonian
general
named
Bithys.T
He tetnmed
safe,
io
sea HISTORY OF GREECE.
neat haste,to Corinth,
bnt wu so
general);
belieTed to have been either killed or tsken
prisoner,
that
Diogenes,
the Macedonisn commander
in
Pirs^ns,
sent a letter to Corinth lo
demand the restituliaB of the
fortress,as if,
after such a loss,
the Ach"ans eoold no
tonger
Iiope
to retain it
:
and Demetrius himself despatched
a vessel Ut fetch (he
supposedpris- oner.
If Aratus had reason to be
gratified
with snch
(TOors
that he was
universall;
acknowledged
to be the son] of the
Lesgue,
the
same occasion afforded a diahMiteningspeci-
tuen of Athenian
lerii;or aeirilitr.
The ni-
ntonr of his death was bailed at Athens with
jmblic
demonstrations of
jof
,
as if h" had been
a hostile
tTTint.
It
was,
no doubt,
in
despair
of
deliTerance,
and to flatterthe
conqueror,
whoso
joke
aeemed now fixed more
firmly
than
ever,
that this eibifailion was made
;
but
BtillIt
was
unDBcesaar)' ;
and
Aratns,
itis
said,
waa so much wonnded
bj it,
that he invaded
Attica,* and advanced as far as the snburl)s of
Athens,
whore he had it in his
power
to inflict
irreparable damage
on the sacred
groves
and
bniMinge,
the
pride
aad
delight
of the citiicns.
Bnt he suffered his
anger
to be soothed
by
the
Athenian
elo"iuence,
and left the
oountry
un- banned.
If
Thessalywas the theatre of
war,
where
Aratne was defeated
by Bithya,
Bmotia must
then have been stiO in alliance with the j"to-
Ijans. But it was indoced to abandon
them,
and to submit to
Macedonia,by
the terror of
an
army
which Demetriua commanded in
per-
son.t
ê hear
nothing
more of this
expedition.
But this result indicates that the Mace- donian
ascendencywas finnly
established on
this side of
Greece, as far as the Isthmus.
Hence it is not ['mprobable that,
in the course
of this
campaign,
Demetrius carried his amu
into
^lEtolia, though
tittle reliance can be
placedon a
passage
of
Strabo,
which has been
supposed
to
prove
the
fact.]:
There is stillleas
appearance
of
any
evidence that he
penetrated
within
Peloponnesus. 4 There,
it
seeme,
he
only
endeavoured to counteract the
progress
h 4eUiii. Thn"
nifiorDwi
"
Plot,,Ai
IT of Bith" ""
miHn,
w"i aiuj*
Tbeul;,
dJAlwuldnad
by
Lhi di
r little)h "u
1 t'olrb^
. _.. ,.
Ti" hili"bitanliof PiBunm w"
ri"D ^mitisi,"
^T"^(Vr"t
Xlr^LtS. "t^,
it "
a^riB.
BMh
Onf
kb and Schoin
(p.411)preferiha TFid-
iilfAM#XiiEoQ. But whils
DtojpksBlleqiaa Ihjs cpiLlutu
u indioliaa aC Iha brJUint "sn"Bi whirh "mat^flvent-
(nd*d Iha uu uf Dgawniiu "ii.,
p.
441},Sdiom
lupimi
thai itwu ^vcD tDhiiAiAderiaiciii,i"Baccodnt nf th4 Intn
which banfloTid
thnn^hihsconagpauortbaftalJiiDaiD
ThiHilj.
Bafcm " decila which of thtie vi*in it (he
nnra probnUa,
it
lufht ba dcainbls la ba fuiaiahad vitb
uuthn
BiampJa
of a"ch aa BHIhal in Grfviaa hiitarj.
4 Ibnnm
(li., p.4U)|cliuiDgIg lbs
nadiDg MutMlinr
I (ii., B,
9},mvaciqrea
Ibal Danictciiu mada
_ar St HaaCuHii. Ba
qwaka cfiba nadinr An-
vj
wbii^ wonM claail* tafarcba tnat lo tha
ini"Fol7b.,ii.,a7. nu., AT"N),uaiiaiiMft-
"
"ia Iha raaiiafsfBshkcr*!Parii MS.
sions,
with which he
snpported
the
tyiUi,
against
whom Aratna maintained his
conlol
with
onremittingactivi^.Havini
been baffled
in all his
attempts
to tak" Ariatwma
by
mr-
prise,
he at
length
determined to Driag
hjm H
fair trial of
strength, and, marching
in'
'
neaihr sacnred
by
the valoor of U*
tm^t.
He, bowever,soon aAer made
op,
in tons
meaaare,
for bis
military
faihiie
by
a
diîOMtie
conqtiest.
He indnoed CImhub to
join
ttc
League
;
the more easily, perhaps,as,
notwitli-
standing
its
inaigniticanoe,
it
Teguded
Ann
as a rival who had
usmped
its
ligUi.
fm
Cleonn also claimed the
piesideacy
at ths Ne-
mean
games,
and
now,
under shetter of Ua
Achtean
arms,
oace more enjoyed
that hDiiDcr,
But the
Argivea
celebrated them at the t"ae
time in their own
city,
and Uie
oompetiton
who
appeared
there
tnight
well thinktbcB-
selvee entitled to the usual
privik^
of mIs-
conduct for their n'
'" * ' "'^
der of Arutus
;
a
piece
of orud
mjnttife,
n
which Plutarch sees
nothing
but bis stem
1"
tred of
tyranny. Aristippus,
however,
in tw
eagerness
to recover
Cleonn,
was sboitlj
if-
tenvard
surprisedby Aiatns,
who had eoteitd
the town in the
night,
while he was
bcUe^fdM
have marched in another direction. The Ai-
gives
were
pnt
to
flight
and
hotlypniiiM
and the
tyrant
himself was oveitakeiim
slain near
MycenK.
Yet his death
produced
no
immediate visible
advantage
to the
I^sg"i"-
whether
through
remisanesa on the
pwt
of
Aratus we know not
;
but a second AiiaWUt
achuB
immediately
assumed the vacant government,
and found
time,
before the conqueriM
anny
arrived,
to introduce a
body
of Macfido-
nian
troops
into
Argos ;
so
tbat,tluingh
AraiiVi
continuing
the
pnrsuit,
effected ui
CDlfflnce
into the
city,
none
of the citizens,
on
"r1ioM
support
he had
reckoned,
ventured to dedite
themselves in his
favour,
and ho was couîellM
to retire.
Aristomaehos,
it
seems,
miSe
U*
a
pretext
for
putting eighty
of the prind["
citiscns to
death,'
and his
authority
was wrao
establiahedaBfirmlyas
tbat of
hispredeoesKK.
The failof
Aristippus,
however,
waa
stlepd-
ed with a
consequence pprhaps
even more iw;
porlant
than the
acquisition
of
Argos
itsw
wonld have
been,if,
as both Plutareh and
P^
ins
appear
to intimate,t
it
mainly
eontriW"
to induce
Lydiades,tyrant
of
Megalopdifc
W
abdicate his
usurped anthority,
Mid to
wuj*
the
city
to the Achiean
Iêagne.
Ancordiii|"
Plutarch's authors,
he had been impeUed
bj
youthful
ambition to seiie the
tyranny
w
'W
fair
prize'
of a
gcnerona
emnlation ;
bnl
"*
BucresB of
Aratiis,
while itrendered
bis^
llJî
"
Polyb.,ii.,
60. Il ia
DM, perhajn,
abaolul
thut Ibia w Lba ocisiiiia U wbcli ftlftiiua
all
rai, tlia
iomniinoi.t
of Anaiomachaa II.
f.'f^S
of Plalaich (At.,M) and
Polybiaa
ate ptifccMT
""^
with one aaolber,
ud the
oipnniDiii nafiriJtB*"''
"T
Tufanairni.
tctm
cleanly
u "1" ;!"
Insium"'"*'
"
''*^t"?^^^^f(^'*
WAR IN ACAKNANIA." THE ILLVRUN8 IN EPIRUS. 389
Am
craiT
^ looni inMcmv, opened
his
076*
lo aMen
uau,
a"d fiied hiia with a more vir-
Inou* riiiliy-* But, perhaps,
somB other
euMS,
more
cbMely
oonnected with Arcadian
fabttc*, mar
have concoTred to
produoe
tliia
luatt. It
wBB
probably
not
long
before this
"nat thai LaoowA waa iuraded
tân ^toliaa
KiBj,
which was acoou^Miied by Spartan
ex-
Sea,penetratedas far
aa T"nanim,
where it
ffaitidered
the temple
of
PeeeidOB,rsTifed
the
wmtry,
and,
after an wMueceaaful
att^npt od
Bpirta,
retntated with an immense
booty,
in-
cniding, aooordii^
to Rutarch,BO.DOO capttree
tfUie free LwoBiaa population.
Unfortunate-
ij, ttda
peat "zpedition
is
only
known to as
tkjanih
casnal allDuons,
wlucli afford no
Bfiua
of
aaceitaiBing
either ita
prectaa
date
tt the
eauBM
which
gave
riae to it.f But
tfaaieare rBosoiiB
whioh inoline as to believe
Sai it
nay
be most probably
iêned to the
felthalf of the reign
of
Do"etriaa,
and that
ikoDtthe
aama
time aeTenl Arcadian towns,
T"(ea,Phigaleai, OrchomeoH, perhape eren
llHtitea, wblob we find afterward in die
poa-
Mstin of the
iEluriiaaa, were
indaoed to ci"-
Mct tlwaaselTea with their
confedemc;.
Thia
wold, at least,
bSTe bera
liluly
U alaim Lyd-
iidat
is awh as tbe more
diatant
qwrations
If AntOB. Bat he
naturaBj preferred
the
icbaan
to the .ftoUan
Leaguo, aa in the
fanar he had the
praêot
of tbe
highest
ImMiit,from which he would have been e"-
tUcd
17
the jGiolian
Constitution,according
)" whioh
none
but îcliaoa were
eligible
to
Hie
snpreene dignity.
Whan tbe
reigD
of Demetrius naa Yerginf
to
ih
doae,the iEtoliaBswere
stillintent on the
(tafoeal
of Acamaoia
;
and
Demetrins, though
"iMDs to
protect
the Acamaaians, was
pre-
laatod, either
by
tbe renewal of his war with
In
Dardaniana,or by soma other
nnexplained
*a*se,from
marching
in
peraoii
to their aid.
ne
Acaraaniau town of Medeon was
beaieged
tjtie
"t(diana,and,
ftlteran
obatinate leeisl-
"Ke, was on the
point
of
yielding,
when tbe
Brnan
kiB(Agron
was indoced,by
a
aubeidy
ran
Demetriua,to send an armaiDent to ita
nlief.
While the ."tolian chielb were
dispa-
^^.Mhiiuli of iîi-Tlwiwriod^lW'inithiilai
\*V 'Wf* U nwnnoiid batui thu ut
aihtr In i_-
"""u"Pln.,CI"B-ia,lS. naturh'tillnmsnthi
"^tt in
^
"^ fod Ajvtna ii Itut nrprinag
oa thii
It Iha nlnn at ImbHu (A"ii,IBJ.
r'miHU that,h h
" "- - ""
sailed homo laden witli
Bpuil.
the
lUyrianawaa attended with
very iu^rartant
conaequenoea.
Their
kingAgron
waa bo elated
with the
Tictory
which hia
people
had saiU'
ed
over an enemy so formidBUe
aa the j"toli"
aoa,
that he rikauaoned himself to an ^Lceaa of
intemperanee,which
soon
put
an end
to his
life. He
waa
anooeeded
by
hia
qneen Tmis,
who waa led" whether
by
evil counwUon
or
by
her
ewn ignorance
and
vani^^to believa
that
ahe
might safely
enrich herself and ber
subjects
with the
apoil
of
orery
coast aooeasi-
Ue
to the
lUyrianboats.
Acoordingly,
she not
onlygrantedan nnlimited liceose of
]dimdeTto
her
pritateera,
hut
sent out an
annament,
with
instnictione lo her offieera to treat
every
ooaaC
as an
ennny'a
cooutiv.* This
expeditiontook
place
towanis the end of the
reign
of Demairi-
us,
after a rsToloiian had been efliBctedin ^-
rus, by
which the monarchical form of
goTem-
ment was aboliahed,and
demooraoy natihlish
ed m itsstead. The
yonng kii^ Pyrrhns
died
early,hut,aocordinglo one
author,
after ha
had
poisoned
his
mother,t
and
waa auooeeded
by
hia brother
PtolsmBaa, who waa
treai^m-
onsly
slain iriiila
engaged
in
an eipeditioa
which was
anwnatly
undertalien
against
the
.^toliana.
(HynqHsa,aeoordingto another M-
count,
sank into the
gran
ondei the straks oT
ber double
bereaTement-t Then now remained
only one of tbe
royalfhinity
in
Gîroa,
lbs
Princess
Deidamia,}who, however,
showed a
manly as well aa
royal
rairit. She took
poa-
aeaaion of
Ambiada,
and did not diaaemble her
intention of
puniahing
the murderers "f Ptota-
m"ua. Bat
theywere oonnected with
a
powerful
party, perhaps,alao, aupporled by
tha
."toliana,
who b"d
profitedby
their orims-
The
couutiy
waa threatened with a civil
war,
and Deidamia shrank from the contest. She
entered into a
treaty
with the
insurgenta,
awl
reoouQced her claima to the
throueS on coodi-
the oecuritiea which ahe took for Uw"
of the
treaty
did net
guard
her
person
fron
treachery
and violence. She waa forced to
take
refuge
in a
temple,
and
was there nrar-.
dered at the altar
by a man
nani"d
Milo,
whose
bands were beUeved to have been
already
stained with the blood of his own mother.
It was not
long
after thia event that Tenia's
piratical expedition
took
place.
It
was bent,
at the
outset, against
the coasts of Elia ami
Meaeenia,
nbich the
lUyriana
had before frequently
visited for the like
parpoae.
But tha
commander, having
touched,for
a
anpidy
of
provis)oiis,atthecoaat ofEpirtis,
neerlbe
city
of
Phceniee,
found
an OHMriunity
to make hiia-
aelf maater of the
place.
The
demooraticAl
government
had
imprudently
intiuated it to ti
body
of Celtic
mercenaries,
who had alternately
served the
Caithaginiana
and Romana in the
first Punic
war, but,
at the end of
it,weta
p.FtiW.,l".SM,s. ;
*
Poljti., i.,4.
(
Jonin
(E.
".r"slli
bar LuduiiL Th" In* b^
inHRTtd t; PolTBiini {viii., H) nad Paukaiw (iT."
.T FoljvHi n. *.).
hi
T^
Til
i"Jlfrw
a)
rC
nA bar
HISTORY OP ORBBCB.
tnoBportedby
the Romans ont of
Italj.
kb men
who had
proTcd,by repealed
acts of
treachery
and
aacrilege.
that
Ihey acknowledged
no ties
ikumBD
or dJTine.
They
now
betrayed
PhiE-
nice to the
lUyriana,
who, as itwas the
strongest
and wealthiest
city
in
Epiros,
found a
richer
booty
than had often fallen into their
hands. The
Epirots
collected all their forces
to wrest Iheir chief town from the
invadera,
who retained
poasesainn
of it
; but, through
want of
foresight
and
militarydiscipline, ihey
were defeated near
Phsnice,
while the
Illyrii
general,Sccrdilaidaa,
entered Chaonia with
freah force of 6000 men. They now implored
aucconr from the ^toliana and
AchsHns,
and
the allies sent an
anny
to their relief. No battle,
however, ensued,
as the
Itlyrian
forces
were recalled
by Teula, who was threatened
with revolt at home.
They
made temis wilh
the
fîrots,
to whom
they
restored the
city,
with all the free
inhabitants,
but were allowed
to
carry
off the
slaves,
and
everything
else
that it contained. Alter their
departure,
the
Epirots,dreading,perhaps,
a fresh attach from
the same
quarter
more than
any
other
danger,
and
seeing
the AcamaniaDs sale under
niyriau
protection,
entered into alliance with Teuta.
The
depredations
committed
by
the
lUyrians
on Italianmercbant vessels
daring
the
stay
of
tlwir amMnwDt at Phcsnice
gave
ocoasion to
tlw
emhes^ by
which the Romans demanded
reinTatton,
and lo the
expedition
" the first in
which
they
crossed the Adriatic "
by
wbich
they avenged
the murder of their ambassador.
Bat,
while
thcj
were
making
their
preparations,
Teuta, delighted
with the
spdil
of Phce-
nice,
fitted oat another more
powerful
anna-
inent
for a fresh eicuraiou. It failed in an attempt
on
E[Hdamnas,
and
proceeded
to
lay
eiege
to
Corcyra.
The
Corcyreans,
whose
embassy
was
accompaniedby envoys
from
Epi-
damnuB and
ApoUonia,
sou^t
protection
from
the .^toliana and Achnans
;
and an ActiEan
oûadron
of ten
galleys
was sent to raise the
Biege ;
but it was defeated
by
the
lUyrians,
whose fleet was
strengthenedby
seven Acar-
nanian
gaUeys,
Four of the Achiean
ships
were boarded and
capturedby
the
pirates,
and
a fifthaunlc ^th its whole
crew, among
whom
was Marcus of
Cerynea,
the
man irtio,
next to
Aiatns,
had rendered the most
important
ser-
vicea to the
League. Corcyra,now
despairing
of
succour, capitulated soon after,
and received
an
Illyrian garrison,
commanded
by
Deme-
trlas of
Pharos,an adventurer,who afterward
acquirednotorietyby
his restless and reckless
ambition. On the
appearance
of the Roman
Iteetsent
againstTeuta,
both the
Coreyreana
and
Demetrius,
who had in some
way
lost the
"!aeen's confidence,opened
a
negotiation
with
the
consul,
Cn.
Fulvius,and,
when he arrived,
delivered
up
the
city
and the
Illyrian garrison
to him.
Corcyraplaced
itselfunder the
protection
of
Rome,
and Demetrius
guided
the
Roman
army
into
Illyria,
and when Teuta had
"ubmitted,received,it is
said,
the
largestpor- tion
of her dismembered
kingdom
as the reward
of hi*
treachery.*The
sol,
A.
PoBtnmlm, seat
enroya
boti Is fln
.l^tolians and the
AchKans,
to annoniiM lie
HuccGSa of the Roman arms
against
the cod-
mon
enemy ;
and the account which
Potjbin
gives
or this
embassy
" the
first, as be belin-
ed, that the Romans had sent lo Greec"'-a!
least
proves
that there was no resenlnienloi
jealousy
on either sidet The
envoys eiplaii-
ed the motives which had induced Rome
lo
take
up
arms
againat
the
lUyrians,
relatedibe
chastisement which had been inflictedon lata,
and read a
copy
of the
treaty
concluded
with her. The article in which the Grwki
were most concerned
waa,
that the
lUyriisi
were forbidden henccforUi to saU south of dn
Lissus with mora Uian two boat* at " time,
and those not
equipped
for war. The
lUrriM
piracy
had
spread
so much terror
along
iba
western coasts of
Greece, that the Romua
were entitled to the
gratitude
of the natioD,
and the
obligation
seems to have been adtsoiri-
edged by
both the confederate states.
AsMker
embassy
was sent to Corinth and Athui.
The Corinthians hononred the Romana vtk
the
privilege
of
participation
in the lithaiiii
games,!
a boon not without its
valne,
u H
seemed to
imply
a
recognition
of nationilif
finily.
The Athenians
granted
their franctin
and the
right
of initiationin the Eietwiiin
mysteries. 4"
About this tims Demetrins
died,|
afteris*'
ing
Buffered a defeat from the DardminHll
perhaps
on the fieldof battle. He leftis od;
his kinsman
Antigonus
" a son
of DecDdtriDi
the
Handsome, son of Demetrius I.and VKk-
mais " who was
distinguishedby
an eplM
which
satirically expressod
a fealnrs ii ta
character,
by
which he afterward beewt
known to the Greeks as one forward to pn"
isa,
but stack to
perform: hence he
inointd
the nickname of Doson
(about
to give).
T"*
he
discharged
his duties toiwds his
wi^ wiii
strict
integrity
-,
and
diou^
be married
Chn-
seis,the widow of Demetrins
II.,
and had eliH-
dren
by her,"' he continued to treat Phihp"
his own
Bon,
and
rightful
heir to tbo thnM
though,
it
seems,
without
any
intention
a!n-
signing
itto htm
during
his own lifetime.
Ik
death of Demetrius II, was attended wilh important
changea
in the mutual relatioos ofli"
Greek
states,
and the administration ofAsti|-
onua
Doson ia the moat critical
period
ia \la
portign
of Greek
history.
'*
N"bohi (fc,
Sobr.,p. MS) fiH Uu diSnillr,
** *
gmilhilpBlrbiumfhtthsIiiiinauiVMJiBUnd"
iror more Ibu ft
ctntQrr
mSler Am
arvat,
"! t^ RV
i"di"1]Hi wu ftttfliidpd ttithBD [Hult.
t Polrh.,ii.,II, t IW
.
ii.,
*
n,g
-ccT'CoOgIc
SPAHTA." HER WEAKNESS. 391
CHAPTER LXn.
SiKCK the dose of her disastrous
struggle
vith
Thebes,
which
deprived
her of the fairest
portion
of her
territory,
and left her
jnsalated,
and
b^"t
with hostile
neighhours,Sparta
has
taken Utile share in the affairs of Greece. It
is but Beldam,
and do
extraordinary occasions,
(hat "vfe bare seen her
name
menliooed. The
part, however,
which we find her
acting
on
these occasions is an honourable
one,
and worthy
of her ancient renown : a
struggle
for the
national
independence,
such as that in which
Agis
III.
feU,
or a
gaUant
resistance in her
own defence,
such as she
opposed
to the
superior
forces of Demetrius and
Pyrrhus.
She
appears,
indeed,
to have discarded all ambitious
views,
to have buried all
thoughts
of her
old
supremacy,
and to have
adopteda
merely
defeDsive
policy;
but her
patriotism,
her sense
of
honour,
ani her love of
liberty,
seem to have
anryiTed.
I"iiring
the
period
on which we are now
about to
enter,
she
again,
for a
time,
fiUe Che
moot
prominentplace
among
the Greek
state*,
and is
engaged
in a contest for the
mastery
of
Peloponnesus
;
and we
are,
in
consequence,
enaHed to learn
Eomcthing
of the course of
ber iotemal
history,
which was
intimately
connected
with this
change
in her
pohtics]
attitude.
meee events were
preparedby
others which
occurred several
years
earlier,
in the
reign
of
AntigOQOs Gonatas,
hut which we have re-
eervod for this
place,
that
they might
not in-
tarrupt
the
progress
nf the
narrative,
and
might
not be
separated
from their more
important
We have seen that,so l^r back as the
year
399 B.C.,
when
Sparta
was
apparently
at the
smnmit of her
prosperity
and
power,
ahe
was,
nevertheless,
threatened with a
bloody
revelation,
which
was, perhaps,only
averted
by
a
timely
accidental
disoovery.
But the causes
which
provoked
Cinadon's
plotwere not removed
by
its violent
suppression.
It does not
appear
that
any attempt
had since been made
to
remedy
the evil
;
and it had been
greatly
aggravated,
not
only by
the continued
operation
of the same
caases,
but
by
an innovation
"obeequently
introduced into the law which
TCgulated
the distribution of
property.
Ae-
cordiug
to the ancient
law,
the head of a
Spar- tan
family
was
only
tenant for lifeof his
portion
of
laud,
and had no
power
to alter the order
of eoccession
by
which it descended after his
death to the
person
who
represented
bim. We
sre not informed what
provisionwas made
by
law or
usage
for the
cases,
which must have
become not oucororooo even before the end of
the
PeloponnesianWar,
in which a
portion
was left vacant
by
the extinction of the
family.
Itwould seem that the
arrangement
most ac-
eordant with the
principles
of the
Constitution,
and hest
adapted
to
promote
the common
weal,
would have been to transfer such lands to the
yotuiger
branchea of other families. But we
do D"t bear of
any
stich rale or
practice ;
and
tbe fact* which have come to our
knowledge
lender it more
probable
that the
vacant por-
tiinw wera
diqôaed
of in a
way
maoh Icm
beneficial to the
elate,
and went to uiereaae
the wealth of the rich and
powerful,
rather
than to
supply
the wants of the
poorer
citizens.
But the
inequality
of fortunes which would
thus
grow
in
proportion
as the
population
dfr-
creased, was
very
much
augmented
after
a
change
had been made io the
law, hy
which all
restraints on the alienation of land were removed,
and
every
Spartan
was enabled,either
in his lifetime or
by
his
will,to
convey
his
whole estate
away
from his own
family
to
strangers.
This innovation " which must
ijava
been
precededby
a
generalchange
of sentiment
with
regard
to the ancient institutions "
was elTccled
hy
a
rhelra,
which was
proposed
hy
an
ephor
named
Epiiadcus,a
man,
itis
said,
of
great inSuence,
and of a stem, imperioua
character,who, having
been
displeasedby
hia
son,
wished to
deprive
him of his
patrimony.
The anecdote
is,
of
course,
much less certaia
than the fact which it is
supposed
to explain.
Such a measDie could not have bcsQ carried
if there had not been a
disposition generally
prevailing
to take
advantage
of it.* What
Epitadeus
is said to have
designed
out of iU-
will towards his
son,
other
parents may
hara
done under the
pressure
of
poverty,
or in coio-
pliance
with the
importunity
of
graspingneigh'
hours. It is
only by
the
imagination
that wa
can trace the
working
of tbe new law
j
but the
final result is
distinctly
recorded. As the ruling
caste dwindled
away,
its
property
was
accumulated in fewer and fewer
hands,
until st
length
the number of the
Spartans
did not exceed
700,
and of
these, only
about 100
posseaa-
ed
apiece
of
land,or
anymeans
of
independent
and honourable subsistence. One
peculiar
and
important
feature in this stale of
Spartan
society
was the extent of female
ascendency.
Ac- cording
to
Aristotle,
two fifths of tbe
land,
evco in his
days,belongedto woraen-t
When the state had thus shrunk
up
into an
oligarchy
of 100
persons,
all that in former
tunes constituted the
Btrength
of
Spaita
was
gone.
It is difficultto conceive how even ths
outward form was preserved,
how
tranquiUitj
was maintained at home,
and
why attemptt
like thai of Cinadon's were not
frequently
repeated,
or were never successful. All the
vigi,
lance and
energy
of the
government
must, oua
would think,have been needed for its own security.
For
any vigorous
intervention in the
affiiirs of
Greece,
any
effort to
regain
the
spirit
of the ancient institutioos had n
in all its
purity,
it could have availed
nothing,
when tbe
body
which it should have animated
was so
nearly
wasted
away.
But the
spirit
languished
as the
body decayed.
The
conâat
between the extremes
of wealth and
poverty
was rendered more
glaringby
the
luxuiy
whiob
had, at the same time,
taken the
place
of the
primitivesimplicity among
those who had the
means of
indulging
in it. This
change
of
manners
seems,
indeed, to have
crept
into
Sparta
somewhat later than it became vieibla
Enta
forqoantiiMiiit ibi nuat of tliaapaaltoa*"""""
'PlnumhtoilMtawofBpiuiltM.
( ",-,,-,,, I,-,
f pBi.,u.,a,|i.u,ao(tiUiv.
Vi(.X""ÎC
HISTORY OP GREECE.
,
in the rest of
Greece,
vhere it wbh rapidl;
I
spread br
the intercourse which Alexander's
conquests
opened
with the East
;
for the
reiip
I
of Areas is
representedas the
period
of its
! coninnencement.*
He and his
son Acrotatus,
it is
said,
"rst affected to imitate ths
voluptu- ousness
of the
foreign
courts
;
but the fashion
which
thej
introduced was so eagerlyfollowed,
that their mode of
living
seemed
frugal
and
homely
when
compared
with the refinements
of
privateSpartans
in the next
generation.
Then,
the
plain
fare and
simplegarniture
of
the common meals were exchanged
for delicate
Tiands,
soft
couches,fragrant
and
precious
ointments,
and the other dericcs of the modern
luxury. And,
while the
wealthy
shook off
the restraintsof the ancient
discipline,
the bulk
of the citizens were preventedby poverty
Irom
eompl^rtig
with its
regulHtionSi
and
were unable
to exercise the
privileges
to which
they
were
entitled
by
their
birth,
aud thus
practical-
trdegraded
to an inferior rank.
To such a
pass
had matters been
brought
when
Agis
IV. succeeded to the throne of the
Eurypontids,
tlie sixth of the line from the
eODqneror Agesilaos.
He was under
twenty
'
M the time of his
accession,
and had been
abrsed in the
lap
of ease and
luxury by
bis
mother,Agesistrata,
and his
grandmother,
Ar-
ehjdamia,
the wealthiest of the
Spartan
ladies.
He himself inherited an
ample patrimony
in
lBi)d,
nith a treasure of SOO talents. But it is
QOt
surprising,
nor is
any particular
occasion
needed to account for the
fact,
that a high-
minded
youth
should not have been satisfied
with the honours or pleasures
of such a station.
t
Tradition still
preserved
the
memory
of
Sparta'sdeparted greatness,
and
enough
was
retained of the forms of her ancient life
to
suggest
a
saddening comparison
between
Ibe
past
and the
present.
The
more vividly
the
miages
of other
days rose
upon
his
mind,
the more impatient
he would become of his
own shadowy,inactive, inglorious royalty,
with
hs vain
titles, vacant leisure,or trivoloua occupations.
But, without some
great change
in the state of
Sparta,
he could not
hope
to see
any fieldopenea
to him for honourable exer-
tioQ. It was
absolutelynecessary,
not
only
that the ancient
discipline
should be in some
measure
restored,
and the ancient
spirit
in
some degree revived,
hut that
a new people
should be
formed,
for such a discipline
and
Mirit to work
upon,
A more
comprehensive
Ma)i, embracing
the whole free
population
of
Laconia,
and
removing
all
political
di8tin";tions
Which raised
one class in it above
another,
either never entered the mind of
Agis,or
appeared
to
him
impracticableor inexpedient.
411
that he aimed at
was,
as
nearly
as
possible
to
bring
back the stale of
things
which was
"upposed to have existed before the
conquest
of
Messenia,to restore the institutions of
Ly-
curgustotheirprimilive vigour. This,indeed,
was a
sufficiently
difflcnlt
undertaking
" as
much
so, perhaps,as a more complete
revolu-
*
ni;1inb" up. Athn., It.,
p.
MS.
t II
"msa BijuU]"Hpiiliuiiu u ina^JM
wilb Selmtii
ff.ni tliu k" n" ilimiilaud
trf(b( mnllecEion g( liii
EucsUor
laeiiliiia, u Is iDnioH wiih Kintiim (io
ma-t srclu".,i".,p.
ITl)UiU "iatnuluUm
wu kig-
bj a" luu or AiUu. Bat tbt turn
najuiBn
i*
tion would have been" one in which he had ta
expect powerful
and vehement
opposition.
His
colleague, Leonidas,the son of the traitor Ct"-
onymua, who,
when Acrotatus fell in
battle.
became the
guardian
of his infant
child,and
had succeeded to the throne on the death of
his
ward, was so little
disposed
to favour such
attempts
at
reformation,that,having spent
a
êat
part
of hia life in Asiatic
courts,
be bad
introduced new reSQcments of
luxury
at
Spar- ta.
With Leonidas stood the elder
citizens,
whose habits had been formed under the modem
laxity,
and who shrank from a return to
the
severity
of the
primitivediscipline,
andth"
wealthy
women,
who dreaded ths
lose,
'not
only
of their luxurious
enjoyments,
but of the
respect
and influence which accrued to them
from their
largepossessions.
On the other
hand,
with allwho had
more to
gala
than to
lose
bya revolution,
with the
yonng,
the
needy,
the
ambitious,
and with as
many at had their
cDODtry's
welfare and
dignity
U
heart,
1I10
project
of a reform was popular,
and die
royal
authority, though veiy
feeble for
erdinaiypar-
poses,
when
(daced
at the bead of
a
party,
made
an addition of incalculable
nDportance
to
its
strength.
If we could
relyon some accoonts delivered
to us by Pausanias,we should be led to believe
that he endeavoured " as Cleomenoa afterward
" to
prepare
the
way
for his meditated
political
changes
b^
a series of
militaryoperationsr
for we read m Pausanias of unsuccessful attempts
which he
Diade on Pelleue* and
Hâ-
lopoliSgt
and of a
great
battle in which be was
defeated
by
Aratus near Mantinea-t But
some
of these accounts are
liableto
strong suspicion
on other
grounds,
and it seems
hardlypossible
AchKftn Lmtiu (which lonh pLaoa unt vmi
iMtb vf
A^},
Aiii Lan
liein
bi Mwmloiiivii,
I
MU"d tv jmiiD it
by
K hnmcana which
iemnji
. .
In nlusUal
Asu
wa
, .
ibudlfnprwd
thai LTdiidHluil
almtt'
"hdiuted hii IrnuT. (Cmpin Tjii.,IB,t, wHk nii.,
IT,1.) But, OB Iha otlHr huif,B Btidi Hm """ A"nh
ii it to balim ilut Plmuch "aaU bin puHd armt mtA
u ttcDl U laid lilaiiea.BcMwiii ud ProjMn, iulwd,
rmlimd Ihit Ai militUT amrt oT
A|h
did w* "iiMr lata
conh! BKt it wiUvHE islnion H Ik* Aat* of kUr at
bf^rMi^,
- - .
M
pHtpSHlf
h""
,.
._
f"
thTiasV
Aiii,il
"
"
tbeUfoof Amu. "
iViniT,
in bu (Anil Ti
",
"B," "[î" ViiM
u Bueh ID tUi hsnl* "" ID tlH d"lJi"r-
--""
of F*llu". Ii iMn cbu thw PlniuEh fcaad aa
'obivfnphy
of ArvEoi. Th*
(ipidilloi of hii horo,tkM h" wimld
AGIS AND HW riUENSS." ABFOftM AT SPARTA.
Oat
anj
of ^them eoold hare been
knovD, or,
Kt least,
beJieTed
b;
Plutaicb,
when ht; wrote
IU0 lives of
Agis
and
Aralus,
and Psuaanias is
not an
withor entitled to much confidence,
Agis,
in tbe warmih and
opeanees
of
a
youtb-
fiilheart,engrossed
with
a new
and
great idea,
aeems to bava heiiered that he
might safelyrely
on tbe
goodneaa
of his
cause,
and that the object
which
appeared
to himaelT so noble and
attractive could not fail to excite
equal
interest
ia otheia. He
aeenui,
from the
first,
to ha*e
nude
no secret
of his
intentiona.as
in his dress
lad mode of
living
he
strictly
observed the
îmitiye nile,trusting
that be ebould be able
fo eUbct bis
purpoae
withont either artificeor
"ioleBce,
to which his
geDeTOiu
and
(entle
nature
was almost equally
averse.* And, in fact,
tbe aucc"aaaf his endeavours to inthse his 000-
Tictions and wishe" into other
bosoms,
was
ap-
parenlly greater
than could bare been
leasona-
nl7 expected.
Tlvee
persons
of ibe
greatest
vei^t
ftmoDif
the elder
citizens,
bis mother's
hntber, Agesilaiu,
a man
of fluent
sj"eech,
a
deaWBdoiit of tbe celebrated Lysander,who
bora the Mune namie,
and inherited much of his
"i"eestoi*sreputation
and
inSuence,
and Man-
droolîdas,
who is described
as surpassing
all
the Greeks of bis
sge
in
dexterity
and boldoess
fat the
mnnas^'t^'''
"*'afi"irs, were
induced to
mtCT inlo the
joang
king's views,
and seconded
liis
enterprise
with
a
great
show of zeal The
'
I
of
Agesitaos,though
he affected to
yield
iT
bi^ militaryreputati
ftaallsee,
became
perfecOy
clear. Those of
Ly-
"ander
and Mandiocleidas are not so manifest.
Itseems probable
that
theywere
chiefly
atiract-
"d
b][
the
prospect
of
power, hoping
to take the
lead mthe new
order of
things
which
theynuEbt
help
to establish. But with tbe ladies of bis
"TnilyAgis was
still
more decidedlysuccess- ful,
AAer a
short
opposition,
which was over-
eome,
in
part,by
the
arguments
of
Agesilaus,
he Eo eom^tcly
iospired
them with tiis own
eothusiasm,
that
they
coaeent"d to
every
sacri-
"ce of their
personalioterests,
and laboured
to
gain
converts to tbe
cau"e among
others of
theireez
and rank, Tbe
party
adverse to re-
"na
ralliedround
Leooidas,
and
prepared
for
a
streaooQS
resistance
to
the
measures
of Ans
1
But bis adherents
were so numerous
that lie-
midas soatoely
ventured
openly
to declare himself,
thOD^ he
"ednlousl]' stroye to undermioe
Un cfdlesgne's
influence
by secret calummes,
elMnpng
him with the
design
of
overthrowing
die Coiutitntion, and
purchasing a
tyranoy
with
the bribes which he oObred to the
poor
out of
the fortunesof tbe licfa.
Tbe first
step
taken
by Agis
towards the
ac-
emn^lishmeot
of his
objectwas to
procure
the
eleeuon of
Lysander among
the next
ephors.
He then
proceeded
to introdnce
a
rhetra,
which
eQmjgehenited
his whole
plan
of reform. All
"i.**?*
"""
I*!""
r^JMlyot
iahudlr
nwT4 Hipeeti Ihat hij
V iMsoa (gifOMttiMiissiktbuih wiik nkich it hu IHU
4niwn, it"umi "" fkiitQ vpimAar it u hi vddiLiaiulob.
Jkôd
vt thoat (KlHnrii* Bat aupiGioiii
hcennU of tui
debts
were to be cancelled
; tbe whole
tmritiaT
to be divided into two
parts: one, oom[Hising
tbe vole of
Sparta
and some
adjacentdistricts,
to be
parcelled
into 4500
equal
shares lor
as
many Spartans;
Ibe other into
16,000,
6a
ae
many
Laconlans capable
of
military
service.
The number of tbe
Spartans
to be made
up
by
an
extension of Ibe
highest
fraacbiBe to natives
or foreigners
of free
birth,Uberal
education,
and
fitting personalqualifications,
to be distributed
into
companies
for the
publicmeals,
and to be
inured to tbe observance of the ancient disci'
phne.
Before the rhetra became
a law, it
was oe-
cessai;
that itshould
pass
tbroo^
the
Geroia,
a body in which the enemies of refbim were
predominant,
but which
was
ntiorallyoantions,
and not inaeeessible to the
iniduenee
"f pnbjie
opinion.
The advocates of the
measure,
tbne-
fore,
hoped
to
sway
the deliberalions of tBe
council
m
its favour
bya previooaappeal
to the
popularassembly,
and
by
some other,peAaps,
less honest euiedients.
Oracles,
old and
new,
were produced,coQUlning admonitions
against
the accumulation of wealth aSd in bvour of
equality,
and
were urged b7 Lysand^,
who
called tbe
assembly together,
and
by Handro-
cleidas and Agesilans,
in
support
M the
projected
change*.
After
them, Agis beaded Uw
same cause
in
a
short
speech,
but
one
fiillof
weighty matter, being,indeed,
itself not eilB[^
a speech,
but
an act
;
for be declared bis ioten'
tion to make
an
unreserved surrender ef his
property
to tbe state
;
tbe lands to be
sobjected
to the
proposed
division
;
the
money,
it
seemSr
to be
paid
into tbe
publictreaBUi7
: and be
announced
ttiat the other members of his
Ismily,
who, together,possessed
a
larige portion
of
tb"
wealth of
Sparta,
as
well
as many
of
hiafhenda,
bad consented to make
a
like
saodfice to tba
common weaL It
may
be
easilyimagined
tbat
such
a proof
of disinterested
patriotism,
wott)^
of the ancient virtue,wsa
received with
great
applauseby an asseinbly
coasistingchiefly
of
persons
who were to be
peiBonaUy
beiteSted
by
the
gift.
It
dispelled
aU
suspicions
ae
to the
koB without the credit of
a
aacrifice.
Bnt,as-
it
was
necessary
to
bring
Ibrward
some
argO'
meats more
in accordance with the feelingsof
bis bearers than his real motives would liav"
been,
he took the
gniuad
of
s
friend to the Con- stitution,
and
an
admirer of
Ljcurgna,
and as^
ed
Agis
whether their
great
legislator
bad
ever
made
any
provision
for the
cancelling
of
debta,
or
for the admission of foreigoerato tbe fraa-
cbise" he who had deemed it
necessary
to keep
the
city
free from tbe
presence
of
strangera.
It
was not
difficultfor
Agis
to
expose
the
soph- istry
of this
appealto antiquity, and to show
that his reform was perfectly
consistent with
tbe
principles
of
Lycuigus,
who couU
qM
hav"
meaut
tbe
Spartans
to contract
debts when h"
forbade them to
possess money,
and whose aim
was not so
much to exclude tbe
persone
of fcf-
eignen
as to
guard against
tbe
contagion
of
BISTORT or GREECE.
vrertookea
bj
Leooidaa,
wbo had been
brnught
up
abroad, and liad alliedhimseir
by marriage
la a SyriaDsatrap.
Bui he had la deal with
oppODcnts
who were not lo be moved
by arini-
menla,
and their interest
prevailed
in the Ge-
rusia,tbuugh
not without a hard
struggle;
the
rhetra was Iost
by
a
single
vote.
His friends, however,
were men not to be
iislicartened
by
a defeat which was so
nearly
B victory;
it
only
induced them lo aet other en-
Bines at work.
Tbey
determined lo remove
Leonidas,
who was the main
strength
of ibe
adverse
party,
out of the
way ;
and that
part
of his
privatehistory
which had afforded uc(;a-
Bton Tor
Agis's
sarcastic allusion acemed to
flirnishthem with the means
of
effecting
their
purpose
in a
constilutionai nianaei.
Leonidas
bad,
itifact,married the
daughter
ofan
Asiatic,
Ike
governor
of one of the
provinces
of Seleu-
euB, by
whom he had two
cliiidren
:
it was
only
when, having
lost his wife's
affection,
he found
bis sitoation
grow
irksome,that he had returned
reluctantly
to
Sparta.Lysander
now instructed
Ilia adherenta
y
revive the recollection of an
ancient
law,
which forbade a Hcraclcid to raar-
i;
a
foreigner,
and even made him liable to
capitalpiinishmBnt
if he took
up
a fixed residence
in a
foreign
land. When the
public
mind
liad been
dulyprepared
for the
agitaiion
of the
reslion,
Lysander
himself
brought
it forward
the
way
most
likely
to raise a
strong prejudice
against
Leonidaa,
According
to a cuatom
irtiich muBt have arisen in
very
remote
antiqui-
a
the
ephors
met once
every
nine
years
on a
ar
but moonless
night,
to observe the heav-
ens in silence. If
a meteor was seen to shoot
"cross the
sky,
it was
inferred that the
kings
liad incurred the
displeasure
a( the
gods,
and
Ibey
were
suspended
from their functions until
tiiey
were absolved
by
a favourable oracle from
Delphior
Olympia.
The custom had
prohably
been
long
a mere
ceremony ;
but
Lysander
now
Aond
a use for it. He declared that he had beheld
the
aigD,and,proceeding
to
interpret
it
by
the "et9 which had
recently
become the subject
of earnest diacnssion,
he
brought
Leonidas
lo trial for a breach of the
law,
and at the same
tinie iodoccd
Cleombrotua,
who had narried
Ibe
kind's
danghter,Chilonis, and
anoeession,
to claim the throne, 1
tidpatmg
an onfavourable decision and a
rigor*
VOB ^qilicatioo
of the
law,
took
refuge
in the
nnetaary
of the Braien
House, where he waa
joinedt^
Chilonis. In his aheence be was
VmdeiDDed,
and the
sceptre,
which he was
pro-
Mitnced to have
forfeited, was transferrea to
'Cteombrotaa.
But bis
partiaana
did not
give
up
the contest
The official
year
waa
drawing
to a close
;
and
"t ilw next election of
ephoritheywere
aUe lo
-411the board with their own adherents. The
*ew
ephoraimmediately
took Leonidaa tmdar
their
protectkHi,
and
irapeaohedLysander
and
U androcleidaa aa the authors of
HIegal
and rev-
vlutioiiaiy
maasures. It was
evidently
a crisis
"which eiled for some
vigorous
stroke to
pre-
Tent the ruin of their
cause,
and
theypersuaded
Ibe
hiugs
to assert what
they
maintained
' '
tiieir
legitimate authorityover the
epbi
aemblod their
friends, compelled
the
ephon to
re.
and
appointed
a new board,which inclu.
Agcsilaus,
in their
room. Thej
then
pro-
. .
led to arm the
younger
citizens,and to release
the
prisoners.
Their
opponents
now could
only hope
to save their
lives,
and
espeeled a
generalmassacre,
Leonidas
fled,
and he owed
bis
safety
to the
generosity
of
Agis,who. finding
that
Agcsilaua
had
despatched
emiBsariea
pursuit
uf
him,
to
put
liim lo death sent an
:ôrtto conduct hiio to
Tcgea,
The movement
3 not stained ivilh a
singledrop
of blood.
It
was,
no
doubt,
with reluctance that
Agis
laented to resort to such violent
proceedings;
hut it now
only
remained to
reap
the fruits of
them. All resistance was
quelled;
and if the
rbetra had been
againproposed,
it would
prob-
have been carried in the council without
opposilion.
But
Agis
now let himself be
guided
'""
the counsels of
Ageailaua,
which were the
ire
agreeable
to him, aa
they
wore the
appearance
of forbearance and moderation.
Ag-
esilaua had been induced to take the side of reform,
neither
by
any
patriotic feeling,
nor
bytba
persuasions
of his son
Hippomedon,
who was
sincerely
attached to it, but
by
the
prospect
which itheld out of
relieving
him from a
load
of debts which encumbered his estate
;
and h*
now
easilyplayedupon
the
young king's
simplicity
and
ineiperience.
He
auggested
to him
that it would be hesl to
proceedgraduallyto- wards
the
accomplishment
of his
designs,
and
not to
attempt
to introduce so
many startling
changes
at once. Let him firat conciliate that
class of citizens which was
groaning
under tha
burden of debt
by a general
release
;
he
might
then
hope
more
easily
to
carry
the more obnoi-
innovation wliidi related to the division of
the land.
Agesilaus
gave
such a
specious
colour
to this
proposal,
that even
Lysander
waa
deceived,
aiid
assented lo il.
By
an edict,
it
would
seen,
of the
e^hors,
all creditors who
""'d written securities for their
money
were
iged
to
bring
them into the
market-place,
where
Ihey
were
piled
in a
heap,
and committed
lo the flamea. As
they burned,Ageailaua
eioltingly declared,
that he had never beheld
a brighter
blaze or a
purer
Grs.
By
the
great
mass of the
spectalors
It had
probably
beea
viewed with
pleasureonly
because
theyregard- ed
11 as an earnest of the boon which
they
expected
for themselves, A loud
cry
was soon
raised Tor the division of the
land,
and both the
kings urged Agesilaus
to
gratify
the wiab of
the
people,
and to finish their work.
Ho,
however,
evaded their
request,
and devised sncceuivs
pretexts
for continued
delay,
until be was r*-
Ueved from their
importunity by
a turn of
atTkirs,
which has been
already
related. Itwas al Hii"
juncture
that Aratus
applied
to
Sparta
for aid to
reaiat the threaieaed invasion of the iBtoliana.
Ageailauagladly
seconded this
call,which waa
dool^r
WBlconw to kirn,aa
it aflbrded a fra^
pretest
lor
delay,
and treed him froin the
pree-
enee of the
penons
who
were most xealoaa and
active in
pressing
the claim which he wished lo
elude.
Agta,
as wa have
seen,
waa aent at tha
head of an
army
to the lathmua. Hie discipline
of bis
troops,vrho,believing
their IhrtunM
aacared at home, and
regarding
him as their
baaeftotiir,-paid
the most
punotari
obedienoe to
hia ordan axoited
great
admiration
alon^
the
ARREST AND EXECDTIO^ OF AGI8.
irbole line of thctr march
;
and itwas no Usa
genera1t7acknowledged,
tbat ho himself
prevented
a
completeimage
of a
Spartanking
of
Uie old
times,sharing
with his men the toilsand
hardnhipa
of the
camp,
sod not to he
dialinguisli-
ed Tram the
private
soldier either in his arms oi
his fare,'though
there were
many
who dreaded
his
presence,
as
hkely
lo
spread
a
revolutionary
contagion,and,perhaps,
Aratus himself was not
altogether
free from such
anxiety,
and henee
IflSB
disposed
to
regret
the
departure
of his al-
But
during
liisabsence the state of aflairshad
nndergone
on unhappy change
at
Sparta. Ag-
esilauB had cast aside
erciy
restraint of decency,
and abstained from no kind of
gainfulIniguj-
tj
for which his office aSbrded colour or
opportunity.
For the sake of some fraudulent advantage,
he had eren intercalated an additional
month In the
year.
Cleombrotus he treated
with
open contempt ;
and he aSected to account
Agis worthy
of
respect,
nolas a
king,
but
only
aa
his kinsman.
Growing
conscious, however,
that
be had
provokedgeneralindignatioQ,
and
appre-
bensive that the
patience
of the
peoplemight
"oon
be
spent,
he took a band of armed followers
into his
pay.
This was the first
step
towards
formal
tyranny;
and he seemed resolved
faifollow It
np ;
for,perhaps
to sound the
public
feeling,
he caused a
report
to be circulated that
bs meant to continue in office another
year.
It
"eems to have been at the time when the fer-
tnent
excited
by
these
proceedings
had
nearly
Teached ita
height
that
Agis
returned from his
expedition.
Itwas too late to avert the conse-
ôenceB
of his uncle's misconduct. The adverse
party
look
advantage
of the
genera]
disgust
and
disappointment
which it had caused to
effect a counter-revolution,
while the
poorer
ctt-
iaeus,who, perhaps,were led to believe that
Ihey
had been deceived
by Agia,
looked on either
with
unconcern,
or with a vindictive
joy.
Leonidas was
openly
recalled and reinstated in
bia
dignity.Agis
and
Cleombrotus,
abandoned
br their
friends,
took f better,the former in the
Brazen
House,
ihe latter in the
temple
or Posei- don.
The chief
offender.Agesilaus,
was allowed
to escape
into exile
through
the intercession
of hJB
aon,
who was
universally
loved and es-
leemed-t
The
revenge
of Leouidas was first
directed
againstCleombrotus. whose
hostility
towards one who stood in
so near a relation to
Lim, appeared
to
partake
of
Ingratitnde
and im-
pjety.
Yet be suffered himself to be overcome
by
the
supplication
ofhle heroic
daughter,
and
peiinitted
her husband to
quit
the
country.
But
Chilonis,
as in her father's
adversity
she had
jriiared
his
danger
and mourned for bis
absence,
and breathed
nothing
but
displeasure against
his
triumphantrival,so now, notwithstanding
his
entreaties,
she
accompanied
her dethroned hos-
band,
whom ahe could neither love nor
eaieem,
in his exile.
4
Agis
had no snch advocate to
plead
in bla b^
half,
and be had
provoked
more
implacableen- mity
in the
persons
whose interests he bad as-
Baiied,-Jnproportion
as bis aims were
higher
and hia virtue
purer:
Iieonidas at firsttried to
draw him out of his
asylum by
fair wonis
;
it
was well known that be had been misled
by
the
arts of
Agcsilaus;
his error was
forgiven,
and
he would be allowed to retain his
dignity.
Bat
finding
that
Agis
would not trust his
professions,
he had recourse to another device. Me had removed
allIhe
ephors.
and filledtheir
places
with
liisown crealures,
smong
whom was a sordid
wretch named
Amphares,
who was on a fooling
of some
intimacy
with
Agis
and his
familf,
and
having recently
borrowed some
drinking-
vessels.
and other
things
of
great value,
from
Agesistrala. hoped
that,in the
calamity
wbiob
now threatened the
roy^lhouse,
he ahonld
h()
able 10 retain them as his own
property.
This
man,
with two of his
associates,
named D^
mochares and
ArcesilauB,
who were likewise on
familiar terms with
Agis,
visited him in tus
retreat,
and sometimes escorted him to a bath at
some diatance from the
temple.
On one of these
occasions,having
concerted their
measures^
they
seized
him,
and
dragged
him to
prison.
Here the
ephois
assembled some of the
oouncil,
their devoted
partisans,
and constituted themselves
a tribunal to sitin
Judgment on the
king.
The trialseems to have been as
irregular
as tbQ
court was
illegal.By way
of
accusation,
to
was called
upon
to defend
himself;
and
as
hi
disdained to
plead
before such
judges,
he wB"
asked,first,
whether he had been forced intothft
steps
which he had taken
by
Lysarider and
A|^
esilaus. He
replied,
that he had acted wllhont
any
compulsion,
but
following
Ihe
example
Of
Lycurgus,
and
aiming
to revive his institatiau.
The
next
questionwas,
whether he
repented
of
his
conduct,
and when he declared that he feUns
regret
forbia
gloriousundertaking,
however It
tal its issue
might
be to himself,
he woa forthwith
condemned to death. A
Spartanking,
limited
as was his
authority,
was invested with ft
kind of
sanctity
in the
eyes
of the
people,
whs
saw in him a lineal descendant of
Henwlefc
The officers of
justice,
and even the aoMiersof'
the
government,
did not venture to
lay
hand*
on
Agis,
and Demochares waa
obliged
himself
to
drag
him to the chamber of execution,wheTB
he waa immediatelystrangled.
He maintaiood
the same calm and noble
bearing
to hie last nm-
ments,
and consoled an attendant who bewail- ed
his
fate,
with Ihe
remark,
that he waa mil
superior
to his mnrderers.
The execution was hastened,
becanse hit
mother and
grandmother
had come to Ihe
pris-
doors,
and were
loudlydemanding
that bo
should be allowed a
hearing
in the
assembly
of
the
people,
the
only
constitutional tribanalbr
such a cause. A crowd was
gathering
rouDd
them,
and to
prevent
a
lumult,Ampharea,
still
wearing
the mask of
friendship,
invited them M
' -
r.
aod see
Agis.
It would seem that
Ibey
(Agli,IS)d"w tUi
1WK
of hn unitli* bcm
tlf-
Urc)iiu.ud
thjttthiihiiLoriiDwumUiar t"ifivd vfvEH^
iîng
bia Iânt
(oae
whicli t)u Htlwr of gtrfiniB"i hi"
dilplaTVd In "
nrr
tniiHiit
dntrMl
Kn
Unly, (njikiB^
"
-ôm,
ud
pcniEBlvlr of ubiliniia Imimmnltmtlt
:t"Ti ID
tiTikjuf utiuliofu,"U tail would towd ""
d fur
lliiMliaDing
Ilia Uuth of
ut guanlU ftltin rf
imti.i, "or
di"i ii BBik ImtrtUt th*
itMnl ""
Uwrit/
tt
Fh/lushu.
HI^tVBY OF GREECE.
bid bMtt ntvolrad"" hi* for
Ibqrwere
trial
Aêsuirau,
who niflered
iMt,
ifiarbav.
ia(
laid hei moUirer'a
coipse
bj
Iha cid" of ber
MD,
oAâd bw neck to the cord wiib tbs
put-
iMWiib, Jfay
if hiJ """
gaedto
Sparia.
The main motive of this atrocious
biucher;
aeemi to bave been
policy
ratber tbao
revenge,
M Ibe thiee bodiea were
eipoaed
to
publicview,
Wkd tbe
period
wbieb ensued wu
evideatly
"
leiôf terror,
in wbicb it waa
danseraus
tobe-
bw tbe
"Utfiteet d^ree
of
Bjatpaihy
witb tbe
"nfibieie. Leonidu contiaiied to
goTem
without
ft
coUewui
Ibe fint instanoe of the kind
B tbe
amialBoT
Sparta. Aichidamue,Aîa'a
bother,
bad fled
lo Heaaeoe. Tbe jomîdqf'a
vidow, Igiatie,
and tbeiriuraiit
son,
were
leA
to tbe
Diercy
of tbeir enemiea. But aa
Aîatia
Kaa a
iroakb^
beireee,
Leonidaa
tboaibt
it ad-
vlaableto nute ber io
nurrlace
with bia
own
tbe poaaeaaioD
ofbei
ioEtaiie,
and tbe
ciuUmIj
oTtbe
riîtfnl
beir to tbe throne of tbe ProcUda.
He bimaelT ruled with tbe aid of
a
merceear?
Jbrce;
jet,
not aa an absolute
soTueiga,
but as
tbe bead,
if
not rather aa the mioister of the
oliipidi)',
which had
em;4ojed
bim to crush (he
project
of reform. He was content witb
a
hfs
ofeaae and luzuij,
and
wiDing
to lethie fiienda
tpw
and
eojffj
aa tbCT were able. Hie
pow-
orM citiiena
onireaaed
the
weak,
and embev-
Bled tbe
piblieproperqr
with
Impunity
;
and
tlieiilicenae
waa tiia man Iree from all
re-
atiaintaof fear sod
ahame, as, accordingto the
spirit
whicb
oeounonlypreraiU
in such
times,
uiy
appealto tbe
pinciples
of law and justice
BU^ expoae
one who Teotured on itto the sua-
ficion
of
reToIationaiT views,
and ostentatious
Defect
of the ancient
discipline
would be ro-
garded
as a
sign
of zealous attachment to the
cause of order and
good gOTernment.
All
public
spirit
and sense of DatioDol honour seemed
la be extinct. Tbe coaata of Laconia were in-
eoltedb; UIjriaBpirates
;
and wben tbe
J:to-
Jiuis,
in the
expedition alreadymentioned,
bad
Viietly
carried off theirricb
boo^,
the leas of
ao
many capUyea
was treated aa a happyriddance.
fDie
gofemmeDl,
oonsciona tbat It
was
hated
b;
}taaBbiecls,BccountedtbeweakneBaoftbecaun'
tiy
as
its
atreDgth,
and dreaded tbe
growth
of its
popnlationmore tban a hostileinrasiou. Nev-
ertbeleaa, con^te
and secure aa the
trinmph
of
tbe
oliguchy
seemed to be,
(he lastwords of
Ijde
were
not, even with
regard
to Uie
success
ofbia
causa, altogetber an
empty
boast,
and the
dying
prayer
of
AgesistTata did
not
wholly
fall
te
tbe nowid
;
and tbe
expedientby
whicb Le- onidaa
ud
tbougbtto atrenMhen his
dynaaty,
and to
perpetuate
tbe
aaoendeney
of his
party,
prored
the oecasion of tbe orerttuvw of both.
Tbongh
Agiatia
bad been
bronght into the
bouae
of
Cleomenes,
who
was then
very young,
"hnoat aa a
captive,
and never ceased to abhor
Ua blber,a sincere and warm aOection soon
flprangvp
between
them,
which waa not weakened
By
tbat with which she
clung
to the mem-
efy
of ber deceased
husband,
and wbichahe did
Bot
attempt
to dissemble. On tbe
contrary,
ber recoUeotions of
Agia became a bond of
vaion,aa well as a
topic
of
frequentcenverea-
tion between ber and Cleomenes. He listened
?"iUtB warm intereat aa ahe dwelt with
eotbusi-
aam oo the coadael and views of Ibe iIi-"M
prince,
wbioh be had, no doubt,
been used to
hear
grossly
calumniated. The coutraat be.
tween that
pure
and heroic character and tbe
baseness of bis
enemies,
between his
tragical
calamity
and tbeir inaoleot
praeperity,
could not
but rouse
atroag
emotioiu m a
generona spirit.
These
impreaaions
were
atrengtbenedby
les-
soos
in the atoioal
pbiloeopby
whicb he received
from a
diaci|de
of
Cleantlwa,Spbcraa
of
CNbia,*
who had "zed bis residence in
Sparta.
Philos- ophy
had been littlestudied there so
long as it
was practically
enforced
;
but as discipline w"s
relaxed,
and manners became more
oormpt,
the
austere doctiii^ of the moat
rigid
school seem
to have
come
into
TOgue
in the
higher
inrtJes
as a braoeh of
politelearaing
and
a liberalao-
comidiabmeot,
and tliere ia no nason wtir
Leonidaa hlm"elf
may
nothsTe derived as
mnt^
amoaement from the atoical
specnlatioDa
of
SphsTKB, as AntigOQua
Gonatas from tboee
of bis master. But it coold
scarcely
have occurred
to bim to
imagine
tbat bia eon wu
capable
of
treating
sncb tbinn
eerionely,
and
that diaoourses about virtue and
bqtpineaamigfat
help
to mould his character and to fix hla destiny.
The
result,however,
was,
tbat tbe
thoughts
and
images
witb which Ibe
young
prince'e
mind
was iranriabed
during
tbe latter
part
"f his fiiiher's
life, were aneb aa
diaposed
him to tread in the
steps
of
Agis.
In S86 Leonidaa
died,
and Cleomenea ano-
ceeded to the throne. He oonld
now
bettar
sur^
vey
bis
proapecta,measmre bia
leaonroee,
and
decide
upoQ
bis coune of action. His aitnatioB
appearedto him Utile belter tban an irksoma
and
degrading
confinement. He Iboud himself
utterlywithout
weight
or
authority
at home.
The
ephors,
tbe
organs
of tbe
oligarcfay,
gov-
eraed the state witb nnlbnited
sway,
and regarded
bim as tbeir minister. Their
policy,
which aimed at
nothingbeyond
the
preaerva-
tiou of domestic
tranquillity,
and tolerated all
insults rather than diaw the
aword,seemed to
condemn him to
peipetualinaction, aa well aa
Sparta
to continual dishonour. His
raflectioB*
soon
led bim to the conchision that
Ibe
otdr
remedy
for the disorders of the state waa a revolution
such as
Agta
had
meditated,
and Um
onlyquestionremainingwas,
how he
might
follow
the
example
of
Agis
with
greater aafetf
and fkirer
hopes
of
success. It was difficult
to
find a friend to whom be coold
safely
unbosom
his views or wishes. One named
XenBrea,
with whom be bad lived ou that
pecidiar
footing
of
intimacy
which
was ssnctioned and
regulated
by
the
Spartaninstitutiooa,
had also beea
well
acquainted
with
Agis,
and frtan him Cleom- enea
endeavoured to
gather
the moat exact
information
as to the
steps by
which
Agis
bad
proceeded
towards the execution erf"bia
Elans,
untiltbe insatiable
curiosity
witb which
e inquired
after these details awakened ths
suspicions
of
Xeaare8.wba not o^ychided fain
sharply
for his
imprudence,
which aeemed to
border oh
phrenay,but,though be
kept
the dan-
geroua secret,
henceforward shunned bis aa-
cielj.
This was a sufflcient
vrarning
to Cleom-
"-
conceal his
designs
untilan
opportuni^
should
present
itselffor
si e
decisive o""t"-
"
K) BmaeBlrv, PIiL,
m,
nib Urn
iimwflBn
.,
CL,1 IbosHH Lam., il
CLEOMBNES."MOVEMENTif OF ARATUS. StT
BBDt,
and be becmM coiiTipced that auob
Sportnnit;
ww not
likelj
to Brrive UDtil he
DoU see him"e1f at the head nf an
annjr
abroad.
During
the
reign
of
QemetriDs,
hovr-
CTei,
no evCDtB
occurred
to force the
SportaD
goTemmeiit
to
engage
in
militaty cmeratioDa, or
to call CleMnenes
acrOM
the
fnintieTi
and the
"oIy titaaga
which took
place
in hia
position
"eema to haTe IweD
that,07
the death
orEurj-
"'-""""'".
the
eon
oT
Agis,
ellthe ftanctioiiBof
tajMf
were bodi
reallj
futd
nominall;
centred
in Una. With
regard
to
an^
object
which he
could bB*e hid
imniediatel}' in view,
this event
w"a
^^laTentlyof veryLttle
iniportaacetohim.
Yet it beeaiaa the niHiiid 01 an impatatim
irtudi hat thrown
"
itA ahade
over
Us char-
aotar 1 he was reportedto hare
pmsoned
tlie
diild-
Pansaniae,
who has
preaerred
thi*aitee-
dote,seeme to hare Amnd itin the Memoira of
AraUia. But
even
ifitrested
on better auihor-
iiy
than tliatof
a
mortal
vtemj,
we mightfairly
ivject
it
aa incredible. It
ma;
be admitted that
Clnorrenea wai not acRipaloua
in the choice of
Bwana
for the attainment of an
object
which in-
teraeted bis ambilioa
-,
but the murder of a
child,
who liad been
placed
under his
protection,
and whom be liad bd littlereason to fear,was a
TiUBDy
which
seema
iDCongmooa
with oil the
known elemenla of hia
cheraoler,
incODiiatenl
with the aflectiouaie iutercoune in which he
lived to the last with
Agiatia,
and
hanU;
intelli-
gitde
on
auy
calculations of
policy
1
for the
Inotber of
Agia,
the next heir to the
throne,
end
a more forniidable
liTBl,was still
Lving
at
After the death of Deinetrina aflhirstook a
turn more farourable to the views of
Cleomeoes,
aa
the
progress
which the Achnan
League
then
made in
Peloptnaesnabrought
it into coUiaion
with
Sparta.
Tbe
beginning
of
a new reign
in Macedonia
nstoUy
set the
Beighboimog
nations in
motion,
and a
regency
aflbrded a more than
ordinary
lamptatioD
to
aggression. Antigonus
Doson
waa a
long
time
rallyoccupied
with the defence
of the
kingdom
and the establishment of his own
aatbority.
He had at once to guard
hia froa-
tiers
agaiDBt
the
DsrdaOians,
and to
suppress
an
iBBDiTeclion in
Tbessaly,which, however,
ap-
pean
to have enabled the ^tolians (o make
litemaelTes masters of several Theasalian
towns
;
and
even aAer he bad
quelled
tbe
Ibreign
eaenQ',
and had reduced his rebellious
aubjMts
te
obedienoe,
be stillfound himself
threatened at home
by populartumults,or
by
the tnachinalions of a
party
which refused to
acknowledge
him as
king.'
But when this
danger
had
passndby,
and led him at leisure to
paraue
sehemee of
conquest,
hia attention
was
flireeted, not towsids
Greece,
but Asia
:
for we
nest
find him
eiiâged
in
a
maritime
expedition
te that
quarter,
the
object
and results of which
we can
ooly
collect from the fact that be is
""id to have subdued Caiia. But
we learn
that,
at the
period
of this
expedition,
Bteolia
was no
longersubjeotto Macedonia, though
there was
'
a
wrong party
there which
espoused
the Mace-
denisD
interest,
while
Thebea,stilt,
it
seems,
Tetainingaome feeling
of ber aocieot
dignity,
adhered to the canse of
independence.
The
veaeels of
Antigonus
were
stranded,through
'
an extraordinary
ebb of the
tide,on
the
coast
of Bffiolia: a
general
alarm was
spread
that he
had come to overrun the
country,
and
Neon,
the
commander of the Bteotian
caTalrj,repaired
to
the
spot
with allthe horse he could
muster. Rb
found tbe Maoedoniaoa m embarrassed with
their
disaster,
that he
ml^t
hare attacked them
at a
great advantage
1
and he was considered
at Thebes as
enlpable, because, being
himself h
leader ot tlie HaeedoniaD
party,
m snflhred
them to
proceedon
their
voyage
without molestation.
Antigonus
himself
felt,
and
aubeeqnent-
ly acknowledged,
tbe
obligation
nnder whlA
he was
placedby
Neon's forbearance.
While,then,
his forces
were thus
employed,
Aratns
was
leftat
liberty
to extend the Indti-
ence of the Acbnan Leaene In the
South,
and
itaadversaries oonld no
longerexpect suppoit
fVom Macedonia. The Athenians were
the mat
to seize the
opportunity
of
deliverance, and,
when
they
beard of the death of
Demetrioa,
called
upon
Ar"tus to aid them in tbe
Tecovety
of their
independence. Though
itwas not his
year
of
office,
and he was weakened
by
a
long
illness,
he
immediately
caused himself to be
conveyed to a litterto Athena.
Qiogenea,
tbe
MaoeuonlBQ commander in
Attica,
deemed hia
'
own
position
so insecure,
that be entered into
negotiation
with the
Athenians,
and at lengUi
consented,
for 160
talents,
of which
twenty wera
contribated
bj
Aratua as a free
gift
to the
city,*
to withdraw allthe Macedonian
garrisons
ftoOi
Attica.
ThoDgh Athens did not become a mem- -
ber of the
Leagne,
this event greatly
raised
the
reputatioo
of tiie
Achnans,
and disheartened
the adherents of Macedonia
tbroughoot
Peloponnesus, "gina. Hermione, and PhlitiB
forthwith eotcrcd the
League;
and
soon after
Aratus
accompEisbed
the
object
which he had
so
longdesired,
and which had cost him so
many
fruitless
efforts,
the
acquisition
of
Argos.
ArlB-
tomachua, seeing
himself cut off from all
h"^
of Macedonian
auccours,
and the AchKans
gaining
ground
in
Argolis
and
Arcadia,
now listened
to the
proposasofAraiuB,
and declared himself
willing
to join
the
League on certain condi-
tiouB.
'.
One of these
was,
that he should receive
fifty
talents for the
payment
of the mercenariea
whom he'was to
disband
;
and,perhaps,
it
was
also
stipulated
that ho should succeed Amtua
at the end of his next
year
of ofBce.
'While,
however,
Aralus was
making provision
for the
performance
of his
part
of the
contract, Lydi-
ades,who was at this time chief
magistrate
of
tbe
League,
sad ill
pleased
to see so
important
a business transacted
b; aoother,
took the negotiation
into his own hands,and,persuading
Aristomachus that he could not safely
trust a
man who wae
the
implacableenemy
of all
tyrants,
undertook to conduct the aSair himself in
the Achean
assembly.
But his interference
only
served to aflbrd a fresh and remarkable
illustration of the
sll-ponerful
ioBuencc of
Aratus, as
wcU as
of the
jealousy
with which
he
guarded
it. For he
prevailed on
the Achaans
to
reject
the
treaty
when it was proposedby
Lydiades,
and soon afterward to
ratify
it,
when
he was
again
induced to sanction it with his
+
"
PIm.Ar., 34. Pionn
t FlUhs
[ii.,p. I") n
plin
until thi
fDUomiif
jn
HISTORY OF QRREGE.
Aftar M"
great
an oooewion to the
poner
of
tlie
League,
AratuB
might
not unreasonabl;
be-
lieTB that lo exleod it over the reat
of Pelo-
pomiesuB
would
prove
Iho lesa difficult
part
of
hia
uodenahing;
for
tliaugli,
besidca
Sparta,
Measenia,
and Glis,and aome of the Arcadian
"ommoaweallhB,
atillremained
independent,
it
was
probable
that the
example
of
Sparta
would
detemune the
polic;
of the other stales
;
and the
weakceas and
supiocness
of her
goTemment
aflbrded
ground
for
hope
that ahe would not
offer
any lerj
obstinate or
Tigoroua
reaistance
to his
designs.
"uch
hopeswere, perhaps,
en-
"ouragedbj
the exiled
partisane
of
Agis;
and
Cleomenea had not
yet givenproof
of a char-
aeter or tolcnta such as to render hini a formidable
antagoniat
to an experienced
statesman.
Ho*erthele"8,
there were inHurmounta-
Ma obstacles to a Toluatary
anion between
Etaartaand the
League,
and it aoon became
ident that Aralue was not the man to m
power
her reluctance
by
force. The
friendly
letationawhich subsisted between the two
gOT-
emmenta in the
reign
of
Agis TV.,had,
per-
hape,
been first
iniermptedby
the invaaion
Which
Sparta
had suffered from the .iGtolians
while
they
were in alliance with the Achcans.
But the accession of her inveterate
enemy
Hâlopolia
to the
League probablyproduct
a far wider
alienation,
if
not
open
hostility.
Then, eren
if the
Spartan pride
could have
"nbniilled to be
placed
on a level with tbe
Achcan
townships,
and to
obey
the
requisitions
at an AehKan
magiatrate,
aCich a connexion
with dentocratical inatitutioos would not have
been welcome to a
grasping
and
jealoui
oligarchy.
Thos Cleomenes found the
diBposition
"r tbe
ephors
and tlie
mling
class
perlectly
in
accordance with tue own viewa on this
point;
and
they
believed them aelves
forced,by regard
to their own
safety,
into the war which he de-
aired as "
step
towards the oveitfaraw of their
The
plan
of Aratua
was,
it
seems,
to make
himself master of the Arcadian towns which
still
kept
aloof Irum the Achnan
League,
and
thus to reduce
Sparta
lo a state
of total isola- tion,
in which she
might
be compelledto ac-
eept
bis
terms, as tbe
onlymeans of
avoiding
contiunat
danger
and
annoyance ;
and the
Spar-
Ian
government
felt that it was
necesaary
to
make a stand
against
htm in Arcadia. The
irst occasion of direct collision seems to have
been affiirded
by
three of the
towns, which, es
we have
seen,
had attached Ibemaelves to the
^tolian
League;
Orchomenus, Tegea,
and
Uantinea. In each of tbem tliors
appears
to
have been a strong party
adverse to the ^^to-
Uan
alliance,
which was
encouraged
and aided
by
Cleomenes and the
Spartan government;
and all three about the same time renounced
that
alliance,
and entered into the strictest
onion with
Sparta.
As this
acquisitioa
was
made at tbe
expense
of the
.ftolians, they
alone could have reason to 'complain
of it.
But, though usuallyvery ready
to vindicate
dUKvndbrilnicMir, n*"aeliiT"i,li"nnr.iii
tbeir
rights, theynot
only
snbDUtted
patlentlj
lo
the losa of these
importantplaces,
but formally
ceded them
to
Sparta.
The motive oT
their forbearance
was the
jealousythey
now
feltof the
progress
which the Achnan
Leagoa
was
making
in
Pcloponnesos
;
for
as,
on the
death of
Demetrius,
the common
danger
wbii^
kept
the two
powers
united had
ceased,
their
alliance was converted into hoatile
rivalry.
It
is
probable, too,
that at this
juncture
tbe Xti"-
liauB found fnll
employment
for their forces in
Thessaly,
and were on that account the
mora
willing
to
resign
tbeir
pretensions
to the three
towns,
BO as at once to
strengthen
the defencee
of
Sparta
and to embroil her with the Acbnan
League.
Tbe result
fully
uiswered their expectations.
We do not know what
pretext
AratuB
alleged
for hia interference. He
might,
indeed,
claim
possession
of Mantinea with
some colour of
right,
ifit had once
belonged
to
tbe Achsans
;
but no snch reason was
applicable
to the case of
Tegea
or Orchomenus. Yet
it
appears
that before he bad
any aggreaaioii
i"
complain
of on the
part
of the
Spartangovern- ment,
he
was
preparing
to make himself master
of both these towns
by
a nocturnal
atirpriao.
Cleomenes,
it
aeema,
had received
intelligenea
of his
deaigns;
and he now obtained lanTe of
the
ephors
to make a movement which was
judged
necaosai?
for the
sacnrity
of Laeonia.
He
was directed to take
possession
of a
place
called
theAthenKom,
in the district sf Bîna,
or
Belemina,
which commanded one of tbo
passes leading
into
Laeonia,
but was claimed
by hegalopolis as
belonging
to her
territory.*
The
occupation
of this
post,
which is
r^tre-
sentad
by Poljbiua
as an act of
wanton
a^
gression,
marks the
beginning
of tbe Cleomenw
War.
Cleomenea fortified the
strongholdod tbe
fiwttier without
interruption,
and
neariy
at
tlia
same time Aratus tnade hia
attempt
to
surprise
Tegea
and Orchomenus. It foiled as to botk
through
the cowardice of hia
partisans
within
;
and Cieomeaes insulted his
disappointmentby
tauntingletter,
in which he aflbcted to ift-
gun-e,
with
friendly concern,
after the
purpoett
of his
night's
march
Aratus,
in
reply,professed
that the
object
of his
expedition
had been
to
prevent
the fortification of Belbina
;
bnt b*
bad no answer to make when he was
requested
to
explain
the use of the torches and
scaling-
ladders with wtiich he had
providedhimaelC
"
I is aaid to have
laughed
at tbe
retort,
and
have asked
Democratea,one of the I^ce-
d^montan
exiles,
what kind of
youth
this CI"-
aenes was, Democratea
only
warned
him,
ifhe had
any designsupon Sparta,
to hasten
tbcm before this
game-chicken'a
spurs
werw
grown."
Tbe
ephors,wishing
to confine themselves
to defensive
measures, and,
if
poaaiblek
avoid a
war,
soon recalled
Cleomenes,
wh"
advajiced into Arcadia with a few htmdred
men.
ButAratns,on his return lo AchKa, as-
aembled tbe council of the
League,
and
represented
the seizure of Belbina in auch a
ligfat le
to Induce tb"n to declare
war againstSjWTta,
) sanction his own veir
qnestionaUA
proceedings.
The reduction of
C^hy*
in Ar- cadia
was the
only
other achieTement
by
whicb
he
signaliaed
his
year
ef oflfae.
' '
-t'.fifwlc.
ARATQ8 SURPBISES HANTINEA.
...
WBB UIZIODB to
tKTTj
the war into Laconis
;
and
perhaps
it
was UiB
report
of bis
iateDtiooa,rather than
the iDcoesB
of Aratue at CaphjK,
that aJanned
the
Spartan government,
and led it
a^^n
lo
send out
Cleomenes.
who made himself master
of the Arcadian town of
Meth;driiim,
and
OTerran a
part
of
Argolis.
His forces amount.
ed to less than bOOO men
;
and AratomachuB
BOW took the Geld with
30,000
foot and IDOO
horve. Yet
Aratua,
when he waa consulted
by
Ariatomaehus on hia
projectedespeditioa,
wrote " for he waa
ataying
at Athena " to dia-
nade him from
it,
and advised him to "Toid an
engagement
with Cleomenea. But
as
AriBtom-
"ehus (xmld not reconcile himself to such inao-
Im^,
he came to the
camp
to direct the
oper-
atione of the
earopaignby
hia counsels
;
and
when Cleomenea
uneipectedt;presented
him-
"elf and oStred
battle,near Palantium,
he
per-
"naded Ariatomaehus to decline
it,
and to retreat
before an
enemj
who did not number a
qnarter
of hia force. It is difficultto decide
whether
timidityor jealousy
had the
larger
riuire in the motives of Aratus on this occasion.
But the result was so
flagrantly
dis-
gtaoeful
to the Achnan
arma,
that all his indu-
taite was needed to soothe the
indignation
which it rouaed
against
him
at home,
Lydi-
adea
openly
accus^
him.
and became hia oom-
petitor
at the next election,which, however,
waa carried,
as
usual,
in his favour.
For the twelfth
lime,then,
he had the forces
tf the Achcan
League at his
disposal.
Bat the
events of the next
campaign,
as the
reaponai-
fajlity
now rested
exclusively
with
him, only
Mrved to exhibit
more glaring
evidence of his
HuUtary incapacity,
and even to throw a sus-
S'doD
of much worse
failings
on his character.
e
opened
it with an
expedition
into
EUs,
where, perhaps,
he
thought
himself less in danger
iToni
Spartan
interference. The
Eleans,
however, applied
to
Sparta
for
aid,
which the
ephora,
however indifferent
they might feel,
"ould not
decently
refuse
; especjiilly
as the
late brilliaat success of Cleotnenes had
begiin
(o revive the old sense of national honour.
He had reminded the
people
of a
saying
of one
of their ancient
kings
;
that
Spartans
never
Baked about their
enemies,
bow
many,
but
where
th^
are
;
and he soon iUustrated it
by
a
fresb achievement
;
for he
came up
with the
Achaan
army
on its march
homeward, near
the foot of Mount
Lycnum,
and
gaineda com-
;detevictory.
It waa ao
utterlyrouted, that
for sane
daya
Aratus himself was believed to
have fallen. But be bad
escaped
from the
field,
and took
advantage
of the
report
to strike one
of those clandestine blows to which he owed
"o much of hia fortune and hia
reputation.
Having
collected some of hia scattered
troops,
he led them
againstManlinea,which,
being
unprepared
lo resist this
naexpectedattack,
fell
into his bands. He
protected
the town from
pillage, though
after its revolt from the Acbnan
League, Polybiua
thinks it had no reason to
expect
such
clemeccy
;
but.to secure its fidelity
for tbe
future,
lie
compelled
itto receive an
Achsan
garrison,
and to admit the resident foreigners
to the franchise
;
and it
seems
probable
that he
provided
for these new ciliiens at
tbs
ezpenaa
of tho"e who had shown them-
selves
iDost adverse to the Aelusso iaterett.
By
this
conquest be,
no
doubt,
in sotne
degreo
repaired
his credit
;
but itis not
easy
to understand
all tbe
consequencoe
which Hutarch attributes
to it. He
represenla
it aa
having
caused so much
discouragement
at
Sparta,
that
Cleomenes could no
longer
obtain leave to
prosecute
offensive
operations againatthe enemy.
It
may,
however,
have furnished the
ephora
with a
pretext,
which
they
before wanted,
for
restraining
h^
ardour
;
and it aeems
that their
opposition
turned his
thooghts
with
redoubled
eagerness
towards his
long-cheriab-
ed
projects
of revolution. Yet the
step
vrtiich
he next
took ia not one which could have been
expected
as most
cleaii;^
adapted
to forward
such a
design.
We are informad
fay
Plutarch
that he invited
Archidamus,
the exiled brother
of
Agis.
to return to
Sparta,thinking,
itis
said,
that with the
support
of a
colleague
he shouU
be better able to balance the
authority
of Iha
ephora.
It is
certainly
difficult to reconcila
this with all we
know as to the character and
Bcbemea of
Cleomenes,
and hence the
seijuel
naturallysuggests suspicion,
that bia
object
was not to uU in an
ally,
but to ridhimself of
a riTBl;
for Archidamus waa put
to death,ae-
eording
to Plutarch,as soon as be entered th"
city. Poljbius*
would fix the
guilt
of this.
entirelyon Cleomenes;
and re-
Nicagona,
the friend
_._._.._.
Sparta,thongh
be t
himself allowed to
departnnhurt,
conceived
bitter hatred and thirst of
Tnngeance
against
Cleomenes,which, as we shall
see,
he was afterward
enabled to
gratify.
Plutarch,on the
other
band,represents
itaa notorious that th"
deed was perpetrated by
the
party
which had
aotbing
but
Tengeance
to look for from tha
family
of
Agia;
bat whether with tbe consent
of Cleomenes ia a questionwhich,
as it
wa"
deputed among
hia
contemporariea,
must air
ways
remain doubtful. Tbe reasons which
would incline us to
acquit
him of the murder of
Eurydamidas,are,
for tbe most
part,equally;
applicable
to this transaction. The
Iraacherj
and baseness which would be
implii^cl
in tha
recallof
ArchidamuBjif
itwaameanl as a snare
for hia deatruction,were apparentlyquite
foreign
to the nature of Cloomenen,
and no adequate
motive is
assigned
for them in this case
;
the
juncture
was not one likely
lo awaken hi"
jealousy
or fear of
Archidainus,
and it
might
auggeit
the thought
that he should find the
brother of
Agia
a useful asaociaie in a
atnig^
with the
ephora.
He had been
endeavooring
to form a
partyi
at
Sparta,
and his mother, Cratesictea,a woman
worthy
of her
son,
not
only
exerted all her
influence to
promote
hia
designs,
but wa"
thought
to have
givrn
her band to a second
husband, a mnn of
great reputation
and influ-
encp,
named
Megistonous,only
that she
mij^t.
gain
him for her son's cause. But CI' ctiPikes.
saw that,
before he could effect his
ohjfct,
be
must be
again
at tbe heail of an
army.
Tba
ephors,
whether from
timidity
or distrust,
wished Id
keep
him at home
;
but their
cupidity
was too
strong
for iheir
prudence,
and
they
c;^
";ic
HISTORY OP GREECE.
let thenuelTes be bribed to send him out on a
freah
expedition,
vhicb
proved
honourable to
Sparta,
but fatal to themselres. He flretmade
hinuelf master of the border town of
Leuctra,
and when Aratvs marched to protect Megalop- olis,
advanced to a
place
called
Ladocea,
in the
Imroediate neighbonihood
of tbe
city.*
Id an
engagement
Which
took
place
ahnoat under the
Gin
walla,
the Acluean
lighttroops
at Giat
famed
the
advantage
over the
enemy.
But
Aretna refnaed to follow it
up,
and
kept
the
main
body
of bia
army
motrooleaa behind the
bed of a toirent, Lydiadea,having
in vain
urged
hiin
to action,put
himself at the head of
the
cavaby,
and
by
a
vigorons
chai^
broke
the
Sparian
left
tvbg
and
put
Itto
dwot,
hot in
tlm beat of
pvrantt
was entangledm
difflenH
ground,
where he waa anrroDnded and alain.
After hia death the
cavalryfled,and, fiUing
back
apon
the
phalanx,
threw it into
"aoider,
which waa the oceaaion of its entire defeat.
Cleomenes aent the boi^
of
Lydiadeato Meg-
idopolia,
adorned with
a
purple
robe aod
a
gar-
bnd,
while Aranis retnmed to Aehaia luoid
the imiramra of hie
troo)n,
to
give
an aeconnt
oC his eondnct in the
asaembly
at
."gimn.
The
patience
of the
people
aeemed to be exhausted,
and tbe
generalfeelingwaa ao atrong
againsthim,
that a decree waa
paaaed
which
declared " ifit is
accnratelyreported
" that the
I.eagne
would no
longer supply
him with
money
or
troops
for the
war,
bul that he must
carry
it
on,
if be
would,
at hia own
charge.
It sounds like a resolution to
give up
the
war,
but it was
probaUy only
meant as a vote
of want of confidence in AiatOs. Yet the
people
may,
by
this
time,
well have
begun
to be
weary
of such a waatefol
contest,
for which it
wnold have been difficultto
assignany worthy
"Aject.
That the
Leagae
eonld make
any
material
progress,
in
opposition
to
Sparta,
had
now,
at leaat,
become
utterlyhopeless: there
was eleatly
more room to
approhenda aeries
of disasters which
might endanger
its
very
ex.-
Istenee
;
and
though
Cleomenee
might
wish for
the continuance M the
war,
the
Spartan
government
had shown itaelf
strongly
inclined to
peace,
and
would,no doubt,gladly
have
accepted
any
reasonable terms. The
assembly plainly
intimated,by'itaresolution,
that it did not re-
Erd
the war as undertaken on the
part
of the
ague
in
self-defence,
but aa an
attempt
to
carry
oat a
project
of
Aratua, which,
whatever
might
have l"een ita
merits,
toe event had
proved
to be
impracticable.
Tet no ono seems to have ventured to call
for a diseosMon of this
question,
which was the
only one
of real interest to the
people,
and the
influence of Aratns was too
firmly
established
to be shaken
by
an
expression
of
passingdisap-
Cbation,
which was
forgotten
as aoou as the
ling
had subsided. He
thought,
iiia
said,at
flrat,
of
throwing
up
the seal of
office, as if ho
bad
bceninjnredby
the vote of
censure,
but,on
calmer reflection,
judged
it wiser to retain his
dignity,
and to
attempt
to retrieve his honour.
Before his
year expired
he
again
took the
field,
and,
in the
neighbourhood
of
Orchomenos,
defeated
a
body
of Lacedamionian
troops,
and
Hegistonouswaa among
hia
priaonera, hut,
it
"
T4 Aaltiva uMxfn. PidftNin,ii.,91,ud
Piu,
l^w
months,
events took
place
at
Sparta
whidt
removed the
object
for which Aratus waa atri-
ving
" the extension of the
League
over Pelo- ponnesus
" farther than ever from hta reach.
Cleomeoea had been
inspired
With fVesh confidence
by
hia
victory
at
Ladocea,
and he now
ventured to disclose his
projects
to
Hegisto-
noQS,
and
engaged
hia
concurrence,
and after-
wardthatof twoorthreeotherfrienda.
Helelt,
and
theybelieved,that,
to enable him to restore
Sparta's
ancient ascende
.
was wanting
but to reform hi
emancipate
the
royalauthority
from the control
of the
ephora.
He
mi^
well
think,haTiD(
eflboted BO much with such
scanty meana,
in
spite
of ao
many
hinderancea,
there was nothing
which he
might
not
accomplish
when the
fttfceof tbe renovated
nation,
a
reallySpartan
,
should be
placedat
his imfetlered
com-
A dream related to
him
by
ooe of the
ephors,who, as be
slept
in the oracular
temple
of
Paaiphs!,
saw four of their
seata
removed
from their
place
of
aeaalon,
and heard a voice
aaying,
Thit it
lettforSparta,
was reported
to
have confirmed his
resolntioa,
and to have
quickened
his movements.
Again
he marched
i(toArcadia,
with
an
army composed
io
part
of
mercenaries,
and in
part
of that class of citizens
from which be had to
expect
tbe most aciiva
resistance to his measures. Traversing
Arca- dia
with
great rapidity
in various directions,
he
reditced Heraa and
Alssa,
victualledOrchome-
nus,
and threatened Mantinea. The
Spartans
were,
at
last,
so
fatigued
with
long
marches
and
countermarohes,
that
they
were
glad
to be
left behind in
Arcadia,
when he returned for
an
interval to lâconia.* On his
way
homeward,
Cleomenes revealed his
design
to a few
trusty
followers,
and
regulated
bis maroh so as to reach
Sparta
about the time when the
ephors
were
sitting
down to
supper.
Enrydides
was sent
forward to obtain admission into their
presence,
under
pretence
of a
message
from the
army,
and while
they
were
listening
to hia
report,
some of the other
conspirators,
with a
few soldiers,
rushed in and fell
upon
them. Pour of
the
ephors
wero
massacred
:
the
fldh,
named
Agcsilaus,having
been lelt
among
them
apparently
lifeless,
afterward recovered
strength
enough
to crawl into an adjacentsanctuary.
About ten other
persons
lost their lives at the
same time iu defence of the
ephors.
No other
blood was shed,
and
Agesilanshimselfwas
spared,
when he came out of his
place
of shelter the
next morning.
AH who
would,
were allowed
to leave the
cityduring
the
night,
and itis
prol"-
able that
many
took
advantage
of this
permia-
At
daybreak,
Cleomenes snmmoned
an assembly
of the
people.
Two indications of tbe
recent revolution met theirview in the market-
"
DTnfMma(ISft) coduitei tbu lh" dufu which tlinu-
"nsd OrctioiiUDUi wu the roal moliit of III*eiTwIlliM tl
fuctlx,
wiljnh iE
wu "aoaur^|td t" nqdHiUka bv hw mh-
"ence,
ud Ih" uptiviljof MasntoODiu, ftadta which th"
REVOLUTION AT 8PAHTA. 401
lace : a table wu ezhitrited
ooDtalainjt
tbe
lames nf
eight;
citiiena who were
enjoined
to
eave tbe
country,
and four or tbe seata or the
iphors
were removeil,
the fifth
being
leftto be
ccupiedby
Cleomenea.* He now came forward
to vindicate bis
conduct,
end to
explain
lisintenlions. He went back,
it
appears,
to
he
origin
of the
cphoralty,
with a view to abow
hat the
power
claimed
t^
the
epboia
in later
imea bad been
acquiredthroughasiirpalion.
Phe office
itself,
he
aaaerted,was onknown to
he
primitiveConalitution,
in which tbe sn-
ireme
authority
was Tested in the
kings
and
he
gerusia
;
and it was
iHily
after lbs Mssse-
lian war that the
kings
had
begun
to
appoint
iScers,
under the titleof
ephors,
to
discharge
lome
of their fonolions in their absence. Theee
I'icegerBnta
and servsnte of the
kingsbad, in
ûrte *{
time,
erected themselves into a dia-
inct,iadependent,
and
permanent tribanal,
and
lul
enlarged
their
Jurisdiction by
a seriee of
mcroachmenta,
until
it oreriaid all the other
nagistraciee
in the state. The
memory
of the
ipboTAsteropus,
who bad introduced some of
he most
important
of these
innovations,
was
lomparatirely recent.
It was
onlyby degrses
hat the
ephoTB
had aasnroed the
right
of sum-
nooing
the
kings
before thern
;
that it had not
"sen
always TMognised,appeared
from Ibe
isage
of modem
times,
accordins to which the
Jngs were only
bound to attendon the third
nnimona. Still,
this
power,
unconstitutional
ind exorbitant as it
waa, might,
for the sake of
ranquillity,
have been
tolerated,
ifit had been
iiercised with
moderation,
and wiib some regard
to the
poblicgood;
but when it waa abu-
ted,as it had
latelybeen, by ephors
who took
ipan
them to banish their
kings,
and to
put
them
"0 death without
trial,
and who established a
!y9lem
of terror to
prevent
measures of reform,
A'hich
were
indiapcnaably necessary
br the
honour and
well-being
of
Sparta,t
itcould be en-
lured no
longer.Happy
should he have
tht)ugbt
bimself if the evils under which the
country
;roaned
" the
luxury
and
extortion,
and the inequality
of
fortunes,
which waa the source of
m tbe rest " could have been corrected
by any
niilder
remedy ;
but the use of
force,
in extreme
âses,
had been sanctioned
by
the
example
of
LycurguBhimself,
the more as he waa but a
private
person
when be
appealed
to arms against
KingCharilaus. It had now become
necessary
to
resort to the like means to
overpower
the
resistanceof the adversaries of
refonn;
but no
needlessviolence had been
employed,
no
greater
severity
exercised than the
publicaafety
required.
He then
proceeded
lo unfold his
plan,
which,
in ita
leading
features,
wap
the same as
âd
been
proposedby Agis.
All debts were to
lie
cancelled
;
so
that ihe creditors,
whose se-
cunlies had been
destroyed,
seem to have been
t
Hvn.if
DrojHn'aODBiKtfTni
wm vflnrcKim]*d,"1iOQld
allowed to revive tlieireJains
;
tbe land was
to be
equallydivided,
and a new rollof oitisene
;d,to include the
foreigners who. on strict
linalion,
should be found
worthy
of the
franchise. When the honour of
Sparta
should
have been intrusted la a sufficient number of
armed
citizens, they
would not
again
see her
territory
insulted
by Illyrian
or ."tolian in-
The
cancelling
of the debts
was, perhmB,
oon-
Bidered
Mily
as tbe enforcement of tbe law
passedb; Agia.
IliediTiaionorthe lands
waa,
it
seems,
nude lo wear the
appwranM
of
a
voIanttiT
sacrifice on the
put
of tbooe who
posMsaed
more than tbe
legal
meaanre. C3e-
omenes himself set the
exampleby
the smroii-
der of his own
patrimony,
and
this,
it is
said,
followed first
byMegistoooos
and his other
friends,
and afterward
by
allthe other citiiena.
In the
distribution,
a
portion
waa allotted to
each of tbe exiles
;
snd Cleomenes announced
that
they
would allbe
permitted
to return when
tranquillity
should have been
firmly
established.
AAer the eoralmenl was
completed,
the
Spar- tan
infantry
amounted to fiOOO men
;
and Clo-
omenea introdoced
some changes
in lis
weaprnw
and
armour,
in
particular by
the anbstitntiMi of
tbe aarissa for the old Grecian
spear,
whicb
brought
itnearer to the character of the Mace- donian
pbalinx.
At the
same,
time he
dihgent-
lyapplied
himself to restore the ancient
system
of education and
discipline,
a task in which
he is said to have received much aasistance
from the
philosopher
Sphtarua
;
a proof
that ha
did not rigorou^
conlioe himself to the traditional
details,
but took the
opportunity
to efleet
many
seasonable
improvements.
The abolitioa
of the
ephorelty
was not the
only
innovation
which Cleomenes made in tbe Constitulion.
It
appears
that he likewise,
in some
way,
altered
the character or contracted the
powers
of the
gerusia:
and he is said to have
changed
'9
name,
and to have substituted
adescripliMi
iferring
to the subdivisions ofthe tribes which
the council was supposed
to
represeat.t
But
the fact so stated is not
easilyexplaiited
)
for
he
evidently
studied to
preserve
the forms of
antiquity,
whenever
they
did not thwart his
purposes
:
and it rosta on the
authority
of a writer
who was
very
liable to error. Another of
bis measures was
certainly
an
infringement
of
the Constitution,
though
itwas one of which the
oligarchy, which,
after the murder of
Agia,
had
permitted
one
king
to
reign
without a
colleague.
"
An "U"i" vbick mini plmiiil;
to indiau thu iha
nrioil gf Uin MloliHa inruiu wu sot m kin( pUHd
H
t Punt.,:i., B,I,it rfcfrotTikyifrtalat
omMwttwm-
T"^(
rJ Xirm
UT^nioivarr'aiTOii.
Ttii rna^div
Paiuuiu
win, u ba i" lutxi ID
ihfl
ttn,
ud m it
vliniUod bj
Hnslter
lUor.,
1
1.,p. IS3,Bnfl.tr..
M
fi.).
getka
wiib tiltwniiii.
ind
lliu,fa tfur lln mtoT*-
liin dT Ibi
ifibonhf*.
th" chief of tha
warpurtim
cnalinnsd
lina whalkiT Ihii 1i whil Piansiu BMniit id
mj.
5ri^
C.oogic
va
HISTORY OF GREECE.
b"dnorighttocoiuplaio.
SinootheBoiiBorAm-
toidemusbhared tbe
royal
aSice between tbem,
there had never been two
kiagi
of the same
house at a time. Cleamenes now filledthe
vacant throne orihe Proclids with hia hrulher
Euolides. ir ttiis
proceeding
was not to be
justified by
the
legend
which traced the
origin
of the two
royul
houses tu one ancealor,
it
waa,
at ieaat,a proof
that Cleomenes did not aim
at
despoticpower,
and it was more in
harmony,
both with that aocieni
precedent,
and with the
spirit
or the
ConstitutioD,
than the undiiided
monarchy,
in which the enemies of refoim had
"o
longacquiesced.
Snch waa the revolution which was
repre-
aented
by Polybiue,*
and
by
other writera, both
aooient and
modem, as a subversion of the
hereditary
Ibnu of
goverameDt,
and a trana-
Ibnnatioa of the
legitimateroyalty
into what
the Oieefca called a
tyranny. By
others it has
been
regardedas a salutary
and
temperate
m-
tuna,
conducted with
great
moderation on con-
atitutional
principles,
aad
preaeiring
as much
both of the sabaUnoe and the form of the na'
tkmal institutions as was consistent with the
main
end,
the
security
and welfare of the state.
It can hardly
be denied that the "et8 aflbrd
aome
colour to each of these
opinions
;
the
oaae
is one which,
liiceall
political ctianges
not
eKeted
by strictly
lef^
means, presents
an
ambiguous aspect ;
but the view taken
by
Po-
^rbiuB,
whose
prejudices deprive
him of all aa-
tbority
on
this
question, appears
to be the more
Barrow
and
superficial,
and to exhttiit least of
the real character of the
tranaactioD,
while it
ia
groedy niûotso larashlnTolvasany jadg-
nant on the rootives and intenttoni of Cleom-
"ne".
The easenoe of
fyrosnjr.
in the Greek
sense,
is Oie
usurpation
of
aitiitrary power
in
a state which had been
previouslygoverned
I9
law
i
and it must be
admitted,
on the one
hand,
not
only
that the means
by
which Cle- omenes
compassed
his ends were violent and
illegal, but,also,
that the
power
which he ac-
qniredby
the revolution
was,
in one
point
of
Tiew,
very neariy
absolute
; as,
after he hail
abolished the
ephoralty, placed
his brother on
the
throne,
and formed an
anny
of cititens de-
TOted to his
interest, there was no one in
Sitar-
ta who could counteract his will.
But, on the
other hand,
it must be
considered,
that however
littlefoundation there
may
have been in
authentic records or tradition fijrhie assertions
as to the
origin
of (he
ephcraJty,
and
though
the
oRce was probably,
in some form or other, as
old as the Dorian
conquest,
still,in later
limes,
it had
unquestionably
assumpd a new character
aod
place,
and had
usurpedprerogativea
unknown
to the
earlyConstitution,
which rendered
It an Irresistible
engine
of an
oppressive
and
baneful
oligarchical
domination. Whether it
would have been
possible
to retain the office
and to reduce its
authority
within moderate
bounds,
may
be
doubtful,
but Clcomenea had
good grounds
for the view which he took of
it,
It.fa
^"li|
as an ezcreaeenca Whieb moat be
amputated
before
the slate could be restored to a
bealthj
condition. Nor is there
any
reason for
ques- tioning
the
sincenly
of his
conviction,
that he
was
merelyreviving
the
royalty
of the
primitive
ages
in the
peculiar
form which it hsd assumed
at
Sparta,exempt, loileed,
from the restraint 10
which it had been so
long subjectedby
Lbs
growth
of the
power
which had
gradually
en- croached
upon
Its
rights,
but
yet
not an unlimited
sovereignty-
He ruled over a free and
willingpeople,
in which there was
only one dis-
aflbcted
party,
the
oligarchy
which he bad overthrown.
They, indeed,pretending
to consider
themselves as the slate, might consistently
treat him as a tyrant,
for
they
siibmilled to him
onlythrough
fear. But his main
strengthlay
in his
Sparlsnphalanx,
the citliens who composed
the
popularassemUy,
and over this
body
he could
possess
no other dominion than the legitimate
iuBiience which be derived from ihîr
gratitude,
admiration, and confidence. Aa be
had thrown his
private
wealth into the coranMrn
stock,
BO in his
person
and whole manner of
living,
both in the
camp
and at home, by
a simplicity
and
frugality
which were
pertectly
free
from all
tinge
of
afTeotaiion,
he
presented a
mode) of a
Spartanking,onlydistingoished
from
the beat of the old times
by
the
advantag*
which he
may
have
gained
from his
pfaitosopfai-
oal education.
The
tidings
of the revolultan at
Sparta
were
received
by
Aratus and his friends with a mixture
of
hope
and alarm.
They hoped
that it
might
prove
the
beginning
of a long aeries of
Civil
commotions,
which
mightkeep
Cleomenes
occupied
at home. On the other hand,
the
cancelling
of debts and
repartition
of the aoil excited
their
fears,
lest the
contagion
of this
pernicious
example
should reach the multitude itt
the Achiean
towns,
and
impel
tbem to like enterprises,
or incline tbpm to seek alliance with
Sparta.
Arams owpd a
greatpan
of his
reputation
to the
prudent
forbearance with which he
had
respected
tbe
rights
of
property
si
Sicyon
afler the return uf the exilea. The revolutionary
measures of Cleomenes were
utteriy
repugnant
to his nature and his
principles :
and there
can bo httle doubt that
they
did not
merely
serve as a
pretext
fbr that
hostility
to
Sparta
which he carried tu such a fatal
extreme, but
reaUy
contributed to
hciHhten
it. His
sympa- thies
were all on the side of the defeated oligarchy
;
in his
eyes
ilie
Spartan king was a
demagogue,
who had made himself a
tyrant ;
as
itwas in these colouia that his character came-
down to Pulybius.
The winter,
including
the
beginning
of
SM,.
had
probably
been
occupied
at
Sparta
with the
remodelling
of ihe state.
E^rly
in the
spring.
not long
iiefore
Hyperhatas.
(lie successor uf
Aratus, went out of offiee,Cleumenes, anxious
to dash all
hopes
which his enemies
might
have
built un the
supposed
cunlinuaiice of internal
disorders of
Sparta,
and to
prove
that the recent
changes
hail not tendi'd in alMte the ardour
or to relax the
iliseipliiie
of bis
troops.*
invaded
the
territory
of
MegHlupiilis.
where he in-
Iticled much
daniaee,
and collecli-d a
great
booty.
The
Megalopiilitans,
who had suffered
(p.]ili
BATTLE OF HECATCMIB-EON." INTRIPUES OP ARATUS. "3-
le precedingoampaigm.
ofter-
Aohab,
wbera tbe
goTeminent
Telt ilseir ioae-
'
cure,
and tbe
people
had no more hean for the
war. To enoour^ hia
paitiaaiMby
a
stgnal
diaplajofbiaauperiority
in
tbefiehl, Cieomeaea,
bavine found a
company
of
playera
an
their road
rram
Measene,
cawed a
temporary
theatre to
be
erected,
and entertained bia
army
with a
dramatic exhibition
; thoitgfa,
in
general,
his
oaiBp
was
distiDgniahed by
tbe absence of all
EriToIoue and
enervating
amusements,
while
every
other in Oreeee. no leaa than in Mace- donia
or Aais,waa follnwed
t"y
a train o( muai-
and
danoera,jnggien
aiid bnfibooa. He
'" -""--
-fliinp-"-
mm of tfaeir nwrtjal emciai
Hia
oommandinf
anittide aeeme to hare
pn"-
daesd the efifectMhich he deairod at Hantinea.
Thors tbe
party
adveraa to tbe Achaan con-
nexloo inTlied him to recorer
poaaeaaioo
of tbe
town
;
and in eonoeit with them he
aurpnaed
It in the
night,
and
OTanrpowerad
the Aehaean
SrriaOD,
which waa almoBt
atlputlolheawwd.
"
Polybiaa.
who obooaea to oTariook tbe dia-
tinetioD of
psrtim
in thn
albir,
tbe efndoct of
tbe
Hanlineaqa
appeara
to be inarited
by
the
fwlaai
treachery
and
ingntitodei*
but tboee
ttihtm who hailed Cleemenea
aa
the leatoier
ef tbeir l""a and CoaatitDtion oould
not
be
con-
"noHe
of
any great obligation
to the Acbvaoa.
After a few boors' rest he set oat
again
for
Tegea,
and
by
e chcaitooa taarah tbroarii the
west of Arcadia and
Elia,penetnted
into
Acbaia.
Hyperbatas.
who waa directed in all
hie MOTementa
byAratua.t
took
up
bis
position,
with the
laiêst
fttrce he could
mnsier, at a
|)laee
called
HeoatorobKOn, near tbe weatern
extremity
of the
ooontry,
and Cleomenea "
raably,
as
it
waa
thought
"
placed
himaelf between
the town of
Lyme
and the
enemy's
camp.
But bia
object
waa to force a battle,
and
be
gained
a
completelictory.
Ite immediaie
fruit
waa
the reduction of
a
place
called
Langon.t
whieb he leatored to the
Eleanaj but, in the
mean while,
he
opened
a
negotiation
with the
AclueaD
League,
which
promised
much more
"mportant adrantagea.
It is not
quite
clear
whether be had
already,
befbre tbe
battle,
made
overtoiea to the Achaan
goverament,
which
had been
rejectedthroogh
Ute Inflneikceof Ara- ms,
bat hia aim muat have been
long
well understood.
It
aeema to have been almost nni-
Teraaltyexpected,
and.
perbapa,very geaerally
desired,
thai allthe
Peloponneaian
atatea ahould
be united in one
body ;
the
onlûeation
was,
whether tbe union waa to taJce
place
under
Acbiean or under
Spartan
supremacy ;
whether
Sparta
was to be annexed to the Achsan
League,
or tbe Achtean
League
to
Sparta.
The
t PloL, Chn.,
14,'Afinm
ti nSr fn tfdnt-
t Plul., Cleimi..14, IwMtir ml
Mrrwri,
Dterm
(p.MU),
"iih Mima Itil..I,p.
318) (Bd Sctianuu
(p.It.J,
wprMB*
itm to ha ft niBUkt
"""* """"" "'"" "'
v.Tall"ARnrH"if
Qim
fatd Um for liltnnlaliou
aocccae
of Cleomenee bad now made Itevident
that,
if he entered the
League,
it muat be on
his own tenna.
Those which he offered after
the battle
appear
to have been moderate,
thou^
we have no information as to the details. Il is
not clear on what
footiogSparta
was to be
placed
with
regard
to the League
;
but,
for himself,
Cleomenes demanded to be
acknowledged
as its chief. Plutarch
speaks
of this
as if it
were to have been a mere titleof
honour,
in re-
tum for which he held out the
prospect
of
many
solid
advantagea
to the Acbnans.* Bui there
can be no
doubt that it
impliednothing
leas than
that the forces of the
League
should be
placed
at hia
diapoaal,
with
powers
as Urge aa those
which had been exercised
by Aratus,
and without
even
the
same degree
of
responsibility.
Hie national
feeling
of the Achtean race
might
be wounded
by
aucb a
concession to a
Dorian
prince.
But there was no
great danger
lest
ft
S("aitan king
ahould abuse
it,
either
by unnece"^
Bsry
wara undertaken to
gratify
his own smbi~
tion,
or
by
wanton
aggreBSion
on
public
or
individual
liberty.
The coalition
or
alliance with
Sparta,
at least,promised
an
immediate
oeaaa-
tion of that
haraaaing
petty
warfare in
wtvich
the
atrength
of the
League
had been so
long
wasted
;
and if Cleoiaenes
was to be feared as
a
protector,
be waa
certainly
not less formidable
as an enemy.
This view of the
question
prevailed
in thisAclwan council. The Achsan
minister*
were inatrncted to
accept
the
king's
proposals,
to conclude
a truce with
him,
and tn.
invite him to attend an
assembly
lo
be beU
near
-^rgoa,
in which the
treaty
waa to be ratified.
But an illneaa, the effectof
c]
tigne
and
an imprudentdraught
of w
. _.
pelled
him to
postpone
his
journey
lo
Argos,
and lo return for a time to
Sparta. He,
how~
ever,
ao
fully
relied on the
promises
be bad re~
ceived, that,as one of the
slipulalions
of thO'
cDuventioD waa the release of his
prisoners,
beset
tbe
principal
of them
at liberty
forthwith.
This accidental
delaywaa, apparently,
the occasion
of
great
calamities. It afforded time
to
Aralua for
intrigues,by
which he was enabled,
to
put
an
end to all
prospecta
of
peace.
Aratos,
when he
began
tbe
war, probably
considered
Sparta aa an
easy conquesl.
Ha
waa not
prepared
to find a formidable
antagonist
in the
young king,
and could not
expect
that the
people
which had
tamely
submitted lo
tbe inroada of the
lllyrians
and .^toliana would.
olTer
any
eflectaalresistance to the
arms
of tbe-
Achnan
League.
But he bad been
very
eooiw
nndeceived
;
and bo had
long ago
foreboded
such a
criaia
as
bad
now arrived,
and bad
pon- dered
tbe course he should take when Ibe emergency
arose. The resolution which he
finally
adopted
waa one which even now we cannot
read of for the ftrat lime without the same kiod
of
painfulaurprise
which we feel when
a man
wbom we have hitherto eateemed has committed
a disbononrahle action. Il
was no other
than
at once to undo tbe
great
work of bia
public
life,
to call the
king
'ofMacedonia into Pel-
oponneaua,
aa an ally
and
protector against
Cle- omenes.
And this resolution he formed
con-
lûedly with a clear
inxigbt
into the conse-
qneoeea
which were
likely
to result fVom thia
atep, a
fullview of the
danger
with which it
HISTORY OF GREEOE.
threatened the libcnies of Greece. The
stnig-
gle
which Ihia dclenni nation cost him
ma;
be,
in some
meaaure,
estimated
by
the
perplexitjr
which
Polybinsbelraya
in hie
attempt
to defend
il. The
pica
which Aratua set
up
in bis memoirs,
and which is
arged by
the historian,
hii
apologiai
and
admirer,
is
necessity.
But it ii
admitied that he had reconciled htmseir to tl"e
thought,
had harboured the
purpose,
befure the
necessity
existed
;
and this
supposednecessity
was.
after
all, only
the creature of his own""'
it was but his want
of
self-command,
bis
pacity
for a
great sacrifice,
which led him to
lay
down as a first
principle
ol*
action,
inviolable as
the laws of
nature,
that Cleocoenes must be resisted
to the last,
and tbat
any
alternative was
lobe
preferred
to
compliance
with his demands.
We
can,
indeed,veryeasily
conceive how
deeply
mortifying
anch
compliance
would have been
to Aratus
;
how much il would have cost him
to retire from
publichfe,
baffled and humbled,
and from the shade of his forced seclusion to
witness the
triumph
of his
young
rival. These
arc considerations which
may
welt
disposeus,
wiih
Plutarch,to view his condnct with more
of
pity
than of
indignation,
ai an examine
of
ordinary
human weakness
;
but
they
must
be
discarded when an
attempt
is made to vindicate
his
policy
on the
ground
taken
by Polybius,
as not
unworthy
of a patriotic
statesman. We
can,
then, only inquire
whether the ambition
of Cleomencs thieaiened
Greene, or even the
Acbnan
League,
with
any dangers
so fearful
as wore to be
apprehended
from the reatoraiion
of Macedonian
ascendency;
and this is a
question
on which Aradis can
hardly
have been bo
far blinded
by passion
as to mistake the truth.
Nothing
is mure remarkable,
in the account
givenl^-Polybius
of the
steps bywhicb
Aratus
was led to the
practical
result of his deliberations,
than the
]ilaceassigned
lo the ,"(oUans.
The
importance
of the
figure
which
they
make
in the historian's vindication of his
hero,
stands
in most
strange
and
suspicious
contrast to the
paucity
and
insignificance
of ihe actions which
he Bltribules lo them
during
the same
period.
According
to
Ihisstalement, a coalition between
the ftolinns and
Spartans was the
origioal
cause of the
war,
and firstinduced Aratus to
believe that the
safety
of the Achsao
Leagi:e
was endongeredby
the
enterprises
of Cleom-
enes. Yet the
onlyproof
he
alleges
of the existence
of such a
confederacyis,that the "u"-
lians surrendered their claims to the three Ar- cadian
towns which had abandoned their alliance,
and had connected themselves with
Spar- ta
:
and it is not
pretended
that
they
ever sent
a
BLDgle
man into
Peloponnesus
to the aid of
Cleomenea,or that
they
in
any way interposed
in bis behalf otherwise than
by
one demonstration,
to be mentioned in the
sequel,
which came
very late,
and was
totally
useless. Another
statemenT, equallyquestionable,
and which
proves
as
little, is,that the ."tolians
opened
a
negotiation
with
^ntigonus
Doaon in the
hope
of
engaging
him in a war
against
the
Ach"ean
League,
with a view to the
partition
of its
territory-
Whatever their
projects
may
have
been,
not
only
were these never realiteed,
but the
only part
which
they actually
took in
the wu was a declaration of hostile intentions
tDwirda Macedonia. It
nuat,therefore,
be
pro-
nounced
an utterly
hollow
pretext,whBimm
informed
by Polybina
that fear of the jEloliun
drove Aratus to the
ttougbt
of an
aUiaiicewiii
Aatigonus.
The
precisejuncture
when Aiatiis took Ibt
lint
step
towards the execution of his
dcsip
is not
distinctly
marked in the namtive of Po- lybius;
but ilsBems
tohavsbeensDbsequeDtUi
the
opening
of the
campaigo
in which CIsm-
enes flrsitook the Geld after the revoiutioait
Sparta.
It was
probably
while he was
ntiffai
the
terriloiy
of
Megalopolis
without resiatsiK*
that Aratus
concert
a
plan
with two ofitiet-
izens,Nicophanes
and
Cercidas,
bis old Insnd^
for an
embaasy
lo Macedonia, lo soand
Aiifip-
nuB. At bis
Buggeslionthey
were appoiMl
envoys
to the Achsean
council,
and
havuit
"i^
tained its
permission,proceeded
to the tl"i"
donlan court.
They
received their inatniciiMi
from
Antns,
who faroished them with the u-
gnmeniB
which h"
judged
beat
adapted
lo
makg
an
impressionon
Antigomu.
The subHisce
of tbem baa been
preservedby Pol"rt"nt:
ud
none, cenainly,
eotild
have been devisedMa
suited to the
purpose
of
convincing
and
pa-
soading
the
king.
It is
only snrpriiing
tbil
Aratus,
while he
Buêated them,
shouldu*
have felt that
they
were so
many
roasons
rtie*
ought
to have deiened
him, as a potrialic
Ontt,
from the
prosecution
of his
attempt.
The m-
voys
were to
represent
the
danger
which m
iropenduig
over the Achcan
League
from Ihs
insatiable ambition uf the /Etolians and CImid-
ones,
who were banded
againstit,
and is poisl
cut that if the confederaleB were
allowedto
overpower
the
League,
and Cleomenes becow
master
of
Peloponnesus,they
wootd soos
ei-
tend their
conquests
into northern Greece,
mi
roust at
length
come into mortal oanflict
"ill"
Macedonia. It was
for the
king
to
couidei
whether it suited his interest better to fi^t
Iv
battle with Cleomenes for the command
"f
Greece in
Peloponnesus,
with the Achaaai
and Bteotians on his
side,or to stake hisluof'
dom on the issue of e contest
against
the
unilo^
forces of jEtolia and
Bceotia,
the AehaiaM
ud
the
Lacedemonians,
in
Thesaaly.
it w",
indeed,
a
simple
calculation
;
and when the envoys
added,
tbat if the ^liltoliansremainedquie,
as
they
affected to do then, the Acheeana
iroold
' -'"
out as
long
as
they
could without
asMi-
i,but
iffortune
provedadverse,
or the
J^
I took
part againstthem, they
would
Umh
call
upon
him fur
timelysuccour,
Antigoii""
' '
nothing
more to wish than that
they
mig^'
_.
.1 find themselves
compelled
to impkne
^
protection.Nothing,however,
could be nwto
agrecabha
to him than that
they
should
prevwos-
ly
waste thert own and their
enemy's
strength.
since
they
would then be the more
willing
l"|
accept
his terms. Indeed,
as if lo remofe
lU
doubt on
this
head,Aratus expressly
undertoot
to provide
the am|jeat securities,
and the
niu|
solid
proofs
he could desire of
gratitude
for"
favours.
,
Ttat
Antigonus
received these proposals
"""
joy,
and dismissed the
envoys
with the ""*"
est assurances
of bis
good will,hardly
needs
W
be related. He sent a letter with them.
""
dressed to the
people
of
Megalopolis,
in
mu^
promised,
if it wae also the
wish
of *"
Achwans,
to march lo their aid. 'Hie np"*'
INTRIGUKS OF ABiLTUS." CLEOHENBS AT ARGOS.
"I5
wbitdi
Ibey
tDsda on their Tetum o( Itae
king':
laTour"ble
diapoaition,
made such an
impres-
lion ai Megalopolis, wbere, ever since the lirae
of
Pbilip,
there bat!
always
been a
strong
friendly
feeling
towai^B
Macedoaia,tbal
tbey
were im-
medialelyconmiisBioDed
lo
repair
to the AcbK-
an asaembly,
and to coll
upon
the
League to
"elicit the Macsdoniaa succoum without
delay.
AratQS. we are told,wae
delighted
to learn that
Antigonna
was
wiiling
to
forget
the
injury
whicb his house bad sustained in the lose of
Ibe
AerooortnlhiiB,
and nu less
pleased
that (he
iidour of Ibe
Megalopolitans
released bim from
the
responsibility
of an
experiment
which he
feltto be
extremely
hasardoua
;
no blame could
aow be attached to htm ifit should
happen
(bat
AntigoDOB
crushed the
liberty
which be was in-
ntad to
protect
Hehad
only
to moderate tbeir
impatieDoe,
while he commended their zeal
;
aod be eshorled the
people
to
persevere
as
long
M
thej
could in their unassisted
exertions,
and
only
if fortune frowned
upon
them to betake
Ihenueltea to the
promiaed
aid.
Though
AraluB bad been able to obtain the
HDCtion of the Aohiean council for this
nego-
littion,
itis not to bo
supposed
that the
meaaure
was
generallypopular
in Atâia, The
erents
whicb followed
prove
that it waa carried
by
a
comparatively
amall
Ihough powerfulparty,
cbiefljtluongb
the influence of
Megalopolis,
tad the
regara
which was felt to be due lo her
Mrviees aod aacrifioos in the common cause.
Hot
only
waa there a
strong
inclioatioD in fa-
nmT
of Cleomenea
among
the lower
classes,
"ho
boped,
under bis
protection,
to obtain re-
"ease from their
debts,
and a new
agrarianlaw,
bat
many
of
tbe leadingmen dreaded Macedo-
"ian intervention, were
impatient
of tbe
pre-
ponderanoe
of
Aratus,
and
wilting
to
acquiesce
in the
sapremacy
of
Sparta. According
to a
Hage
which had never before been
interrupted
since Aiatus firstGlled the office of
general,
he
ibouid have succeeded
Hypetbatas.
But he
solemnly
dechned it,and the election fell on
Thuoxenua.
Accordingto Plutarch, he wished
itto be believed that bia refusal was the effect
"f tba resentment be retained for the affront he
had Bufiered alter his defeat
at I^docea,
hut his
real tnotive was well known lo be his
despondency
as to tbe
prospects
of the
League,
produced
by
Ibe battle of HecatombKum. Bui
even
if we must infer from this that Aratus
hiudMlf
alleged
the
pretext
mentioned
by
Plu-
Uaoh,
it would stillbe
probable
that be meant
to intimate his conviction that the resources
"f tha
Lesgnewere
no
longer
sufficientto
carry
on tbe
struggle,
and that the time had come
when it was
neeessary
to claim the
promised
aid of
Antigonns.
Bat
though
h" exerted the
"ost "trenooas
efibrta to counteract the over-
tores of Cleomenes. bo could not
prevent
the
eaoclnsioo of the
preliminaries already
related
;
and if (êomenes had been able
immediately
to
alteiMi the
assemblyat
Argos,
it is
probable
that he would have found it
willing
to accede
to hia ttima. Bnt
during
the interval in which
be was detained at home
by
hia
illnesa,
Aratus
appears
to have recovered his
ascendency,
and
foond meana to avert the
pacification
which
threatened his interests. He
immediately
sent
his own
son,
the
yonnger Aratus,to
Antigonue,
apparently
without
any
other
authority, to con-
dude the
negotiation
which had been
opened
by
tbe
Megalopotttan
envoys.
All was now ad-
justed
between them
except
one
point,
whicti
it was still
necessary
to leave
open
for some
time
longer, Aniigonusrequired
the restitution
of the
Acrocorinthus,as the
price
of his
assistance
;
and Aratus himself was
quite
willing
to consent to this condition
;
but he conld
not undertake that even his influence would
prevail
on the Achcans
to surrender the Co- rinthians,
whom
they
had
encouraged
to revolt
from
Macedonia,
into iho hands of their old
masters. It waa therefore
arrangedthat,
while
Aratus waited for
an
opportunity
of
accompliah'
mg
this
object, Aniigonus
ahouid
complete
hia
proparalions, so as to be in readiness to
begin
his marcb at the first
summons. All that remained
was to
bring
about a
rupture
with
Spar- ta,
and this he effected
by
a stroke of
policy,
in
which he waa aided
by
the
Spsrlanking's
impetuous
temper.
When Cleomenes had recovered
from his
illness,
he
set out for
Argoa
to
meet the Achnan
asaemhly,
which had beea
convened there
according
to Ihe
agreement.
But
on his road be received a
message reqneat-
ing
him to leave his
troops
behind ^m, and to
come
alone,
or, according
to another
aceoaet,
with a small train
;* hostageswere ofl^red for
his
security.f
The
message
seems to havs
been so
contrived, as at once to
betray
distrust
and to awaken
suspicions
of
treachery.
Cle-
omeoea took fire at the
aflront, aent a letter
to Ihe
assembly,containing
bitter invectives
againstAratus,
who
replied
in a similar
strain,
and
despatched
a berald to
jEgium
with a declaration
of
war,
which be followed
up by
tbe
lion
of
Achaia,
where be
surprised
Pellene.
Several towns in the
adjacentpart
of Arcadia
aubraitted to him without
resistance,
and the
government
received
inieliigence
which led it
' -
ipprehendthat,even in
Sicyon
and
Corinth,
had
partisans
who were
plotting
to dehver
those cities into hia
power.
To
suppress
thia
attempt,
it withdrew the
cavalry
and
merce-
ies from
Argos.at the time when the Neme-
games
were about to be celebrated there.t
Cleomenes took
advantage
of their absence to
mBrch
suddenly
upon
Argos,
where he
surprised
tbe
quarter contiguous
to the citadel in tbe
night,
and the
appearance
of hia
army
amid tiM
confusion of the festival created such consternation,
that tbe
cityimmediatelycapilulated,
entered inte alliancewith
Sparta,
aôwledg-
ing
Geomenea as in chief,
gave twenty
boeta-
gea
for its
fidelity,
and received a Lacedanw-
nian
garrison,
Cleomenes
waa unfortunately
induced,by
the
assurances of
Hegistonons,t*
dispense
with the
precaniionof Iwnishing
mnuo
of the citizens who were
notoriously
adverae
to
tbe new order of
things. Ariaioinaohna.wbn
had
joined
Iho Achcan
League
with
reluotaiMav
and
probably
entertained
friendlyfeelingsto- wards
Aratus,
declared himself
on the side of
Sparta.
But
perhaps
the surrender
may
bavo
been hastened
chiefly by
the democratical
party,
"'hich at
Argos,
as
elsewhere,
desired a
change
Dnvion Audi in tbiilUUiHiit
(jOT.d. 4SJ.
"
"ii"ijn]iiiguPliiL,(;i"(a,.l7,umiuiru
jpiciogalTiut*, it it tbtt dC A* bU
t Ttbnuy, S.C. t
,
..Cioogic
4M
HISTORY OF GRBECE.
in the distribution of
properfy,
like that which
had taken
place
at
Sparta,
and
hoped
to eflect
it with the coanlenance of Cltoaienes,* 'ITie
submission, howerer. of the
city,
which, for so
roan; ages,
had lieen
Sparta's
moat fannitlable
rival,
added tnuuh to the
reputation
of his
arma,
and itwaa aoon followed
liythat
of ell the other
towns of the
Argolicpeninsula.
Aralus
hoped
to arrest the
progress
of the defection,
which
was
spreading
with
alanningrapidity
among
the
membera of the
League,by rigoroua
measures.
He seems to have
accompanied
the
troops
which were sent from
Argos
to
Sicyan,
anned
with unlimited
authority
to
proceedagainst
the
peraras
auspected
of treasonable
correspond-
enoe with
CleomeDes,
and he
put many
of them
todeatb. He Iben
proceeded
to institute n like
inTeotigation
at Corinth
;
but here ttiedisafTbc-
lion to the AehKan
froTemment
was bo
genera),
and the
people
so much
exasperatedagainst
faim,
that when
intelligence
amved of the events
which had taken
place at
Argos,
wi
attempt
was made to seiie
him,
which he
only
eluded
by
eztraordiiury presence
of mind.
Being
ajamied
io time
by
their
angry
cries and
threatening
yeMores,
as he waa about to enter the theatre
IB which
they
were
assembled,
he
calmly
bade
thsni wait until be had
given
bis horse in
charge
to srane
one,
and so
reaching
the
gate,
after a
hastywarning
to the coounander of the
citadel,
rode
away,
ftoon
hotlypnrsued,
and with
very
few
companinns,
to
Siryon.t
The Corinthians
immediately sent "
deputation
to surrender
their
oily
to
CJeomenes,
whom it
scarcely
consoled
lor the escu)e ofAnitna. Bat as soon as
he had
ewnpleted
the
conquest
of
Argolis,
he
"DBTched to Corinth,
and
proceeded
to blockade
the AontoorinUius.
An
saeemblywas held soon after at
Sicyon,
though
very
thinlyattended,
in which Aiatus
waa created
Mnilegns antocrator,
an eitraor-
diaary
office
previously
nnknoim to the Achn-
an Constitution,
which most have been
nearly
equivalent
to the Roman
dictatoiahip.
It
was
apparently
a ibnnal
latificatioQ, or
prolonga*
tion,
oC the
irresponsibls authority
which he
tiad received
or
assumed for the
purpose
of
keeping
down the diaaflected
party.
Bnt
now,
perbapM
for the first
lime,
a
guard was formed
by
the citizens for the
protection
of his
person.
k
was, apparently,
difficult
to
approach
more
closely
to the
position
of a
tyrant,
orto show
that the name with which he affected to brand
Cleomenes waa less
îtîcable
to himself.
Cleomenea for a time abstained from farther
boatilitiee,
and Cried
every expedient
to concil'
inte his
rival,
and to induce him to cede the
poBsesaion
of the Acrocorinthus. He
carefîllj
preserved
the
property
of Aratus at Corinth
UDtouohed, while he sent his uncle
Megisto-
sous,
and
BMesseniannBmedTrJpylus,t
orTri-
^mailiis,4 auccessivciy,
to
negotiate
with him.
They were instructed to offferhim a
pension
of twelve talents " double the amount of that
Which he received from
Ptolemy
" and
even to
pfopoM
that the
garrison
of tbe Aorocorinthua
shouH be
composed
in
partonly
of
Spariaos,
and
partly
of Achaian
troops.
But
as to tha
claim of the
supreme dignity
and
comn!iaiid,tK)
concession was made on
thepartofCleomfnea;
and this was-
probably
the demand
moat Dfleo-
sive to Aratus,
and the main obstacle which
rendered the
negotiation
fruitless.He remnm-
ed
infleiiWe,covering
his refusal with lbs
vague pretest,
"
that droum stances were not
in his
power,
but,rather,
he in the
paver
of
circnmstances,"which
might,indeed,be truest
in the sense that he had
gone
too far to recede.
Such
language
at
length
convinced CleDmeoei
that he had
nothing
to
eipect
from ovennrej
of
peace.
He
indignantly
took the
Mi, rvi-
aged
the
territory
of
Sicyon,
and
encamped
before its walla. No doubt could now be k"
in tbe mind of Anttua as to the course
wfaick
he would
pursue.
AU his
hopes
were heme-
forth centred in
Antlgonas,
But
stiEl,
be did
not venture to take the final irrevocable
atep,
to
engage
fbr the admiasion of a Mscedonim
gamson
into the Acrocorinthus,
without a tM*
of the Achiaan
assembly;
and it seems to bars
been for Uio
purpose
of
showing
that ha wm
willing
to
try
all other
resources,
befon ta
threw himself on Macedonian
protection,
Ihit
he sent
envoys
to solicit succotn* from tha
j"tolians and from Athena.* Tbe
embaisjla
jGtolia, Folybias
passes
over in sitenee
;
talit
is not
more'
at variance with tlietononr
trfUs
argument
in vindication of Aratus than
otbn
facts which he relates. It
was,
as moat lian
been
foreseen,
unsaccessAil
;
and the "\rMut
might consistently
decline to vitriatetha net'
trality
which
they
had hitherto observed intba
contest between
Sparta
and the Aehmia.
The
Athenians,
whose assistance would haw
been
utterlyunavailing, were,
it is said,
not
unmindnil of their
obliplions
to Arattni
M
wore restrained
by
Euclides and MioiD,thetM
leading
orators of the time, from a dispbôf
gratitude
which vroold have been alike oaeltn
and
impolitic,
t
While Cleomenea
lay
with his
amy
belbra
Sicyon,an
aaaemhly
was held at "gintn,
whiek
Aratus waa aummoned to attend.t
The JMt-
uey exposed
him to
great
riek of Miag
inn
the
enemy's
hands
;
and
Plutarch,drawing,
ao
doabt,
from his
memoira, represents
the voiii-
en and children at
Sicyon
as endeavouriiil
""
detain him
by
tbe nuBt moving
entreaties;
M
he made bia
way, acoompaniea by
his son in
ten
Mends, through
tite
Spartan
Unas to tha
coast, where he embaitod and arrived laMj
at
.fgium.
The business for wkicta lbs b"-
semldy
was convened ia not distinclly
MIsd.
It seema
probable
that the rieetionof tha
otdi-
naiy general
had
already
taken
place.
Tinoi-
enns,
a
atea^ putiaan
of Aratua. waa tp"
inofik";
but
perhapsone object
of the tsMin-
bly
was to oonfitm the
extraordinary
antbtnitT
with which Aratus had been invsatad at
Sef-
on. The chief
autiject
of deliberation,
is*-
ever,
was
undoubtedly
the
negotiation
"W
Antigonua;
and Aratus now finind the
mMD-
biywiUing
to take tbe last
atep,
I"e
tcmi"
(ii.,^""
liisrwil fran Ibiir
parpoai
U llu /,"h,iitmimmi
"^
Sucliiti,
uilluitinti
IB Pluiircb"!
ng 1^^^
ANTIGONUS AT THE ISTHMUS." RETOLT OF ARGOS. 4tfr
flf hononr
bjr
which he himaelf had bitberto
bwn
testrained,
had been removed
by
the re-
Tolt of the Corinthtana
;
and bis influence
seeFoa to bare
gainedstrength
id
proportion
as
the
Leagne
bad shrunk wilhin its
original
limits.
A decree was
passed
thai
Anligonua
should be
put
in
posseGsiou
of the Acrocorin'
thus
;
and (be son of Aiatus and bis
Sicjonian
friends,who
accompanied
hint to
"giuin,
were
ênt to conclude the
treaty,
to
urge
the
king
to
begin
his
march,
and to retuaut with him as
lioaiages
until the
proposedsecurity
should be
delivered into his hands. The
decree,when
ii became known at Corinth,
excited vehement
indignation
there
:
the
populacepillaged
the
house of
Aralus,
and the
oBBembly
of the
people
bestowed it on Cleomenea. Cleomenes
immediatcl;
withdrew his forces from the
reighbonrhiMd
of
Sicyon,
alter
havingravaged
Its
territory,*
and
began
to
fortify'the
pass
between
the Acrocorinthusand the
part
of the
Oneisn
range
which
guards
the southeast extremity
of tbe Isthmus.f
Antigonns
had collected bia
forces,
and
vaa
waiting
on his soathem (rentier for the sujn-
jnons to march
: as soon as be received the
cmbaaay,
he sent to
prepare
the AchKaos for
his
coming,
and set out for tbe Isthmus. The
only interruption
he Ibtmd
on bis road was iu-
lerpoaed by
the
.fttdiana,
who threatened to
slop
bim if he should
attranpt
to
pass thiwigh
'HtenaopylB. Thsy might,psrhap*,
bare an-
nojed
him more seriously
if
they
had not thus
put
him on his
gnard;
but tbe
only
effect of
their threat was a
slight
inconveaience and
delay.
He
transported
his
army
across the
Maliao Gulf into
Eubcea,
and thence
again
to
tbe main
land,so as to avoid the
pass.
The
j"toluM made no other demonstiatioD of hostility,
and sent no aid to Cleomenes.
Antigo- nns
found the Isthmus so
stronglyguarded
that
he at once
renounced aU
hope
of
forcing
his
way
through
tbe
Spartan tntrenchments,
and
iay
for
aome
time
encamped
at the foot of
MoDBt
Geranea,revolving
various
projects
for
effecting
his entrance
into tbe
peninsula at
aome other
point.
In the
mean while
Aratos,
accompanied bj
tbe
Demiorges,
crossed over
to
Pegs,
at the northwest comer of the Co-
rinthiu
Gulf,
and bad bis first interview with
AotigoDUB.
He is said
to have felt some uu-
cBsiaess as to his
reception;
but he was soon
reassured
by
the
king'saffability
and marked
attention to
himaelf,
and was confirmed in the
conviction which had first
encouraged
htm to
look towards
Macedonia,
that
princea
make
tbcir
interest,not their
feelings,
tbe measure
both of their
enmity
and their
friendship :
his
recent services to
Antigonusmight
well be allowed
to
outweigh
the old
injury
done to the
royal
bouse. But it
seemed,
at
first,
as iftheir
schemes would be disconcerted
by
the
foresight
and
vigilance
of Cleomenes.
Antigonns
made
an
attempt
in the
night
to turn his lines on tbe
side of
I^beom, but was repulsed
with some
loss. He then
began
to entertain a
project
of
transporting
his
troops
to the coast of
Sicyon,
from the headland of
Herffium,
the nearest
*
Pluc, ClHia.,
it. Tba
ffitiXur
m
t FolA [D. rolrh,[s. i.\S,a\a6!lr
X*M*I
(t)
rttpv
l4r /imi
point
of the Isthmus. But it would
prObablf
have been diffictiltto
escape observation,ana
the
landing
at so sboit a distance from the
enemy's
camp
would have
exposed
him to
great
danger,
and
transports
for so
large a force
were not
easily
found. On the other
hand, he
foresaw that the
deficiency
of
supplies
would
not
peimit
him to remain
long
in his
present
position.
But he was
nneipecledly
relieved
from his
perplexityby an
opportune
revolution
which broke out in
Argoa,
and
efl^cted
a
diversion
in bis favour.
The
people,
or
the democratical
party
at Ar-
gos,
had
expected,
as we have
seen,
that the
ascendency
of the
Spartan
tnterest would be
attended with measures of
confiJMMtion
which
would beneftt them at the
expense
of the
opulent.
But these
hopes were soon discovered
to be fallacions. Cleomenes did not mean to
assume tbe character of a
demagogue
in foreign
cities,or to
apply
the same violeut
remedy
which be bad deemed
necessary
for the disorders
of
Sparta,
to all other cases. The disappointment
excited
generaldiscontent; and
a man named
Arisloteles,encouragedbj
the
vicinity
of the Maeedonians, and
apparently
in
cottcert with
Aratus,
reused the multitude to
insurrection,
and
began
an
attack
on the Lac"-
dtemoniao
garrison
id tbe
citadel,
while he sent
to
Sicyon
for succours. Timoxenns immediately
marched
to
bis aid with tbe Aehxan
troops
tindei hie
coromand,
and Aratua arhred
not
lo"s
after witli 1600
Macedonians,
whom
he had obtained from
Antigonus,
and had
brought
over the Satonic GiUr to
Epidaurus.
On tbe firstintellisenceof the
revolt,
Cleome- nes
despatchedMegislonous
" irhose
imptu-
dent confidence in the
disposition
of the Ar-
gives
bad misled him into his
ill-judged lenity
" with 3000 men to
Argos ;
he himself remained
in his intrenchmenls to criieervB
Antig- onus,
and,
for the
encouragement
of the Co- rinthians,
affected to
speak
of the insurrection
as a
triflmg
tumult ofa few turbulent
persons.
But
Megistonuus
was slain, soon after he
reached Arsos,
in an
attempt
to recover
possession
of uie
city;
and the
garrison,
rednced
Eo almost the last
extremity,
sent courier after
courier to
Cleomenes to solicit
support. Ap- prehending
that tbe loss of
Argus
would expose
Sparta
to tbe
danger
of
a
hostile
inroad,
and
believing
that
nothing
less than the
display
of his wbole force would be sufficient to
guard
against it,
he abandoned bis intrencbments
and marched into
Argoiis.
But the sacrifice
came too late to retrieve what bad been
lost,
and
onlycompleted
tbe ruin of bis
prospects.
It threw
open
the
gates
of
Peloponnesus
to the
enemy,
who took
possession
of Corinth and
the Acrocorinthus without reaiatsnce. In the
meanwhile Cleomenes forced bis
way
into the
Larissa,
and effected a junction
with his
troops,
who stillheld out there,
and
even made
himself master
of an adjacentquarter
of the
city.
But while the issue of the
struggle
was
yet
doubtful,the Macedonian arms were seen
glittering
on the
heights,
and the
cavalrypush- ing
forward at full
speed across
the
plain.
Cleomenes did not feel himself
strong eaongh
10 risk an
engagement
near a hostile
city,
and
therefore sounded a retreat,
evacuated Uis
:citadel,
and took the road
through
Mantinaa to
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Tegea,
vhich ha readied
unmolested,
but not
before he bad been deserted
by
a
pait
of his
Peloponnesiantrou|w.
At
Tegea
he was met
b; tidings
of b domestic
calamity,
the death
uf hia noble-minded wife
Agiatis,
whose ioJlu-
ence bad so
greatly
contributed to form hia
character,
and to induce him to
spurn inglori-
otis ease for a life of toiland
danger,
which he
could
not
regret
oven in the midst of the mis-
foitunea which darkened its close. His oflec-
tiOD for her had been ao
strong that,
when bia
aims were roost snccesaful,
he could not endure
to be
long
absent trom
Sparta.
But be coo-
trolled hia
feelings
with stoical
'
diieetionsfor
putliugTegea
in a atate of de-
fBocB.
Coatinuing
Ua march
during
the
night,
ha readied
Spartaearly
the next
morning,
and
sOer be had
paid
the la"t offices lo
Agiatia,
tuned his
thoughtson the
posture
of his af-
"in. In the calculation of Ms means of defence,
he found himself most embairassed
by
duancial
difficulties,
and foresaw that it would
be eaaier to raise an
anny
that
might cope
with the
enemy
than to
keep
it in the field,
Tbere was
onlyone
quarter
in whidi be had a
prospect
of assistance to extricate him from
this strait.
Ptolemy Euergctea
had withdrawn
his
pension
from
Aratua, as soon as it was
known that he had attached himself to
Antigo-
nui,
and waa
willing
to
support
Cleomenes
by
subsidies in his conflict with Macedonia. But
the accounts which had reached him of the
character of the
Spartankingwere,
it
seems,
not such as to
inspire
him with
perfect
confl-
denf'e in his
steadfastness,
and be therefore
required,
as the condition of his
assistance,
that Cleomenes should send his mother and
ohildren Ui Alexandria aa
hostages.
It was
only
after a bard
struggle
with his
feelings
that
Cleomenes could
bring
himself to disclose this
demand to his
mother,
hut she recei*ed it with
the
spirit
of a
Spartanmatron,
cbided him for
his
hesitation,
and bade him
instantly
send
her wherever bcr
preaenco
would bo most serviceable
to
Sparta. Preparationswere forthwith
mode for her
departure,and, when
they
were
completed, Cleomenes escorted
her,at
the head of bis
troom, to the
place
of embar-
cotion at TKcaruB. Before she went on
board,
Ihey
retired to the
temple
of
Poseidan,
to interchange
a
parting
embrace
;
and the
mother,
irtio,
in her old
age,
was
going
to be thrown
on the
mercy
of
strangers
in
a distant
land,
is
"aid to have exhorted her
son to master bis
coaotions,
and to
preserve
the
composure
which befitted a
king
of
Sparta.
Itithe mean while, the
progress
of
Anligonus
was a series of
easy triumphs.
In
Argos
the
peoide
elected Aratua to the office of
Strategua,
and,on his
motion, granted
all the
property
of
Ifae
persons who were now branded with the
name of
tyrants
and traitors to the
King
of Ma- cedonia.
Ariatomachus,it
seems, escaped
out
of
Argos,
but fellinto the hands of his enemiea
"t Cenphree,where bo was
put
to death
by
the
order,or with the sanction of
Aralus,and,
aa it
was
rumoured,
alter the inflictionof
torture,
Which, however,Poiybius
denies.* All the other
towns of
Argoliasubmicted, without rcsiat-
ance.
to the
conqueror,
who than marched into
Arcadia,
and as far as the borders of
tj""*'
where he
dislodged
tbc
Spartangarrisons
fmnt
Belemna and
j"gys,
and
consigned
the fortresses
to the
custody
of the
Megalopolilans.
Hs
attempted
no farther
aggression
on the
territory
of
Sparta,and,
it
seems,
made no assauU ua
any
of the Arcadian
towns,
but
proceeded
to
iEgium,
where he was to meet a
general
assembly
of the Aclueans. It
may easily
be
aup-
posed
that this
assembly
was not less
ready
to
comply
with hia demarida than that which liid
invited him into Greece. The title which )isd
been refused to Cleomenes was conferred w
Antigonus,
and with such additionsas
entirely
to
d^troy
the
independeoce
of the
League,
lod
almost to eS^ce its character. He was declared
chief of all the
alliea,*
which can
onlyai^
nify
that the Acbeaiu were henoeforth to be
members of
a
great coolederacy,indudinf
all
the other Greek elates which were in aUisace
with
Macedonia,
among
which
Epiras,Pboci*,
Bieotia, Acamania,
and
Thessalyare
allerwthl
named, t If the
League migbt
be considered as
still
retaining a distinct
existence,
it seemi lo
have been
only
for the
purpoea
of
ineressisg
its burdens. It
charged
itadf with the
pay
and
maintenance of the Macedonian
troopa,
while it
renounced the
right
of
sending
ao embassy,
or
even addressinga letter to
any
other
piiuce,.
witttmitthe consent of
Antigonus. AaUgonas
WBs noi content with the sabaianoe tf
power.
but exercised it in a manner whicb showed that
be looked
upon
his new alliesas lua subjecii,,
and bad not
forgotten
that
they
had been his
'
enemies. He restored tbe statues of the
ly-
rania at
Argos,
and ordered those which
had
been erected at Corinth to the liberators
of the
city
to be
pulleddown,
all hot that of Aratui,
who interceded in vain for those of his friends.
The
AchKans, on their
part,
would
hardly
rest
satisfied with the
ordinary
tokens of
respect
lo his
royaldignity,
but
paid
their court
(a
with boiMnrs rather
belonging
to a god.
Sicyon
took the
lead,
and celebrated bis srrinl
when he came as the
gaest
of
Aratua,
with tac-
riftces, processions,
and
games.
lie othR
towns followed tbe exam^.
Festivali wei9
dedicated to
him,
and
called,
after him,
lbs An-
tigoneai
and Aralus
thought
hiooselfoUiged
l"
appear
on these occasions with the
festira
wreath, conducting
tbe sacrifice and leadiog
the
pnau
in honour of a man whose
chinetsi
he lell
painted,
in hia
Memoirs,
in
veiy
dirk
colours.!
Alter the
assembly
at "gtum.
An- tigonus
closed the
campaign,
and took
up
bis
'"inter-quarters
in
Sicyon
and Corinth.
Early
in the next
spring
he
opened
a
Irsn
campaign
with the
siege
of
Tegea,
which
wm
soon forced lo
surrender;
and he then advanced
towards Ihe frontierof Laoouia,
where
ba
foundCleomenes,prepared
todefend the
pissea.
But,
after
some tiiDe
spent
in frnicleasattemfl*
hia
enemy's poaition,
he
was
indueed to re-
n
northward,by
information that the (ani-
I of Orchomenus had marched to join
tl"*
bgoad (a MscedDiui
"
ii,M,8,
imlwtTI.
ttolyb.,!"
.. IS, mrtrl d(rl" 'Am)vMr
FALL OF MANTINEA." CLBOMfiNES AT MEGALOPOLIS.
niiy
of Cleomenea. He
iminediatcly proceed-
1
d to attack the einost
unguarded town,
and
ook It
b; Btorm,
and
gave
it
up
to
pillage.
It
va3
too uaerul a
conquest,
for tke access
wbicb
I
gave
to the interior ortbe
peninsula,
to be ts-
tored lu tha Achreans,
and it was bencefonb
ccupiedby
a MacadoDian
garrisoD,
Mantinoa
ras the next
object
of
attack,
and was soon re-
uced in like manner. It,also,was abandoned
0
plunder,
and allthe citizens sold into
slavery
:
.
lenieut
punishnncDt,
in the
judgment
of Po-
rbius,
for the
ingratitude
it had ahowii to the
Ichsans,
whom he
regards
as tbe
protectoia
ifits
liberty,
a
%ht
in which
they certainly
id not
appear
to thoM who roee
agaiDM
them.
Hie
diapeo[ried citywaa placedby
tite
eonquer-
1 n the
ditpoMl
of
Argos,
which decreed that
I colony
shmild be sent to tako
posseMion
of it
loder tbe
auapioM
of AtUdb. The occasion
he
DBDM m
the
Indy
MantiiKa.* " as itwas de-
cribed in the Horoeno
catalogue
" was eichan-
icd
for that of
Antigonea" a symbol
of its
rain,
LOd of tbe hnmijiatiaa of Greece.
Antigonua
WW turned bis arms
against
tbe western aide
f
Arcadia,
where Hema and
Tilphosa
submit-
ed to him withont resistance
;
and this
o his
part,
tbe last aebteTement of this
isigo.
He forthwith retomed to attend the
tchsan
aseeinbly
at
.fgion,
sent bia Macedo-
ilaa
troops
back to thw
homes,
and
pnt
the
est into
winteiûarters.
It
seems erident that be was not al all
eager
o
bring
tbe war to a close,
whether because
le believed that hia own influence in
PelopoD-
MBUB
wDuid be
strengthenedby
the
delay
" ai
:heAchKsns would be mare
compliant
and sub-
nissive while the issue was
yet
ia
suspense"
"r
hoped
that the resources of
Sparta
wonid
soon be
spent,
and Cleomenes forced to
resign
the
unequal
conlest.t Cleomenes, indeed,
ihrown back
upon
Laeonia,
Ibund It
extremely
difficult
to maintain a force
capable
of
reaisting
Lbe
master of Macedonia and of the
greaterpart
Qf Greece.
Notwithstandhig
the
pledges
he
liad
giTen,
it does not
appear
that he received
lay
QDQBiderable subsidiea from the court of
Alexandria,!
where the ministers of
Antigonus
exerted their nUnost efibrta to counteract hi
^^dication,
and seem to have
spread
a
repoi
that he was negotiating
with the Acbsani
and
playinga dooUe
âme,
bo tbat hia mother
wrote to exhort
hjn",
ifhe (bond means of con-
dndingm hononrmble
peace,
not to sacrifice
""- '-"
'I of
Sputa throu^ anxiety
for the
'
tUmnhn
ifrttalir-
D.,li.,(WT.
t
DiiJTHii
If.
HI) t"dM" thu AilifSBU wH mi^f
wil
FiclvBijihoold iw
wnfj
of
nppl^jiif
CltoBwiwi
wnh
nIvdiH, or ihonld Iw* hmv^ mdncM \o BbBsdor
UB. But ifMm
mi
liiinliey, it naini
"uut*
tint hi
*8"M !""" r"iwt"d
itpW
H Ih* lit irtf In
wi^t
n
PK"
"bonijr
to
rap
in
Iruiu,
ud (Iwiildbin
kmÛ
ibi
"wmrui tl OlMNBH bwl ban in lh" "H(hU*" d((n"
""vund Amth Plînr*!i"tnim, vkiiik,ucctding
b
DnTHD
If.M),
ABii|ii"H
fiaehmiiti
U no 1"h " pbn
Bight
hop* thUFulBBJ woslil not la ilila19 nffunl
oIt with Phitarcli'irlÂnswc nl yiUit mfRtvn
ti"i(
^hMt,
r. r.
X.(CI,,sf,
csBIAred
"itll
Pulfl).,
it
safety
of an old wmnan and a child. It does
not
appear,
however, that Cleomenes even entered
into such
negotiations
alter the arrival of
Antigonus
in
Peloponnesus,*
and it is certain
that he never allowed the
threateningaspect
afhis affairs to abate bia
courage
or relax bis
energy.
To tbe last,he
neglected
no
expedient,
lost no
opportuoity,
shrank fttaa no venture
that
promisedany advantage.
To recruit
his
finances,
he allowed 6000 Helots to
pnr-
cbase their
emancipation
for five minas
apiece-,
and thus raised SOO talents
;t
and
perhaps
'
of this number
organiied
a
body
of 3000
I,
armed after the Macedonian
fashion,
like
the
troops
which were
distinguished by
Ibeir
white bucklers. In tbe course of this
snmmer,
had
very
nearly
made himself master of*
Megalopolisby surprise,^ and, as soon as An- tigonus
had dismissed his
troops
to their win-
ter-qaarters,
he renewed the
attempt,
and with-
better fortune.
Polybiusadopted
a
report
thaf
he was aided
by
the
treachery
of some Messe-
eiiles who were
residing
in the
city,
anil'
opened
a
gate
in the
night-time.
But itseems,
questionable
whether he was indebted to
anything
but the
prudence
with which be concerted
his
meaaurea,
end the
promptitude
and secrecy
with which
they
were executed,
for tho'
snccess of his
enterprise.
The
greatcompasa.
of the walls rendered it difficultto man thent
with a
populationthinned,as that of
Megalop- olis
had been,
by
several disastrous battles in
''
" "
irse of the war. The latenesa of th"
.
and, perhaps,
the success with which
they
bad
repelled
his former
attempt,
seem to
have thrown the citizens off their
guard.
Cle-
ordered his
troops
to
provide
themselves
with victuals for a march of five
days,
and took
tbe road to Sellasia,as if with the
design
of invading
Argolis:
but be soon turned bis front
in another direction,
and came down into the
territory
of
Megalopolis, where,
after a short
rest for the
eveningmeal,
he
pursued
his march
doring
the
night,
until he came near to the
city.
He then sent forward an officer,
named Pan-
leuB,
with a small
detachment, to take
possession
of a
part
of the walls which was known to
be the least
carefully guarded.
Panleus met
with little
resistance, and,by
tbe time that CIs-
amenes came
up
with the main
body,
had demolished
some of the defences to
open
a_pas-
"age
for tliem
;
and the whole
arm;
had eflect-
ed its entrance before tbe alarm had becoms
genera]among
the inhabitants. Tbe bulk oT
the citizens,as soon as the
danger
was discov-
ered,
fled with their
families,
and as much of
Ik OL M"gftlopa1ii
'WM4 "
whiefanilillMthUDf.
t Plll^ Clwn..
U.
which ttrtuDlrdoei ir
1
Pol"b!rS.
ThB il
ev"at in thii
pDKa^
"
n (ii.,IB,lii'"ut
nit One). Digmn i
lerinllortriiillbtika
u ihDw Ihit the 1" which
lie
In which
PolvLiol
ipilb
itAetniOBi^
BISTORT OF GRGECB.
"h)er
aplritB,
headed
bf PtailapceiiMn,
the Km
of
Oraugi",
mada a
gallant
aUnd
against
(he enemy,
and, ihougb they
could not diolodgehim,
kept
him so king
employed
as to enable the fugitives
to
withdraw without molestation,
and
sfierward
made
good
their owd retreat,leaving
"jiilf
a few of their number
priaooera.
Among
these were two men irf the highest
reputation
anil influence in the
city,
named
Ly-
saodridaa and Thearidas.
They, accnrdiog
to
Plutarch,prevailed
on Cleoraenea to
try pacific
measures with their A [law-citizens, and undertook
thenuelTes,accompaniedby
a
Spartan
herald,
to
cany
bis overtures to Messene. But he
probably
needed little
persuaaioD
to
satisfy
him
that itwas mucb more
desirableto detach
Meg- alopolis
Cam the Acbaan alhance than to
wreak
t^
vengeance
on ita deserted
bnOdtngs.
He
restrained
his
troops
from all aeta of
pillage
-With the most
scrupulousrigonr
until the telum
"of the
envoya. They
invited their fellow-citi-
leoB to return to their homaa on the condition
-of
renouncing
their connexion with the Aehnan
League,
and
entering
into (dlianca with
Sparta.
We
cannot
think so
highly
of the
magnanimity
-ofthe
people
who
rejected
this
offer,aa Folybi'
ua would
persuade
his readera to do. It
was
not
only
one which must
have shocked their
deep-rootedhereditaryprejudices againstSpar- ta,
but,
when Antigonus waa so
near,
with a
(brce so far
sQperioTtu that of Cleomenes at hii
command,
had littleto recommend It on the
"coTe
of
prudence. Yet,
if we
might
believe
Plutarch,
there waa a
very
strong
inclination
among
them to
accept
the
proposal,
and
they
were only
diverted from it
by
the remonstrances
of
Pbilopsmen,
who worked
upon
their
anti-Spartan feelingaby
the remark
that,
while
-Cleomenea offered to restore the
city
to Ihetn,
I
bis real
object
was to malie himself master of
them as well as of the
city. Phylarehus,
a better
authority, and, on this
point,
confirmed
by
Polybius,
described the
temper
of the
Megalo-
poliCansas so violently
adverse to
all
terms
of
CLcification,
that
they
woultl not evea hear tbe
tter of Cleomenes read to the end,
and
were
near
stoning
the bearers. There waa
probably
somethingirritating
in the
manner
in which
tlie
proposal
was
rejected
as well as in the
jeclion
itself
Cleomenes, as soon as he
ceived the
report
of the
envoys,
collected
the
booty
he could find in the
city,
and then
pro.
ceeded to
lay
it in ruins,
with such elaborate
Itoslilily as, according
to
Polybius,
to
extinguish
all
hcq"e
that it would be
ever again
inhabited.
The value of Ihe
plunder
"
strangely
eiaggera-
4ed
by Ptiytarchua"
was not,
it
seems,
sufficient
to aflbrd
any
material relief to Cleomenes in
Mstiiiauclaldincnlties.* After this stroke of
vengeance
he marched back to
Sparta.
We have mentioned a name
which will
ap-
peaz very ftequently
and
prominently
in the
sequel;
that of a man whoae character reflects
some hntre on the decline of Greek
independence,
snd who
was entitled, by
an
admiring
Raman,
the last of the Greeka.t
Hia char-
-
Dni7Hii,1"H"ir (SSI),i:
"poil
u sue uhatM
In,.K),
atf
t Pint.,Philoi.,1 1 Tltlialtlt :
isli Ihtt Iht bMitrmllKlBd
t"t
aeema,
indeed,to have been east ratbsr
the Roman than the Grecian mould. It ia
t one to
which we must look for
any great
eleTatim. either of mind or
spirlLyet
not with-
moral
dignity,
and
(ticiting
soma interest
by
the simpTlciiy.
ener^,
and
perseverance
'"
which it waa bent on the
pursuit
of an
lAject,
on the whole,
pertiaps,
as virtnous and
noble as the circumstances of that
aeP
coald
have
suggested
to the ambition of a Greek.
Philopiamen
lost his
father,one of the most
distinguished
citizens of
Megalopolis,
at an
earlyage ;
but he
grew up
to manhood under
the care of affectionate and able
guardians
:
first,
his Ihther'a moat intimate
fHend, a
Man-
tinean exile,named Oleander
;
and aflarwaiJ
two of
hia
mMt celebrated feUow-citizeDs,
Ee-
demos and
Demopbanas,* men who,
as w"
hare
seen,
combined the
study
of the Academ-
io
philosophy
with a warm interest in the
po-
titioalmovements of their
day,
and who had
contributed tbeir aid to deliver bMh their nativB
city
aod
Sicyon
from
tyrannicalgovernment.
Their lessons and counsels
may
have
helpttd
Ut
guide
him in (be choice wbicb be aaems to
have made
very early,
and to which be atead-
taatlyadhered,
of alifeof
unremrttingbwdatitp
and labour in the
poliiieal
and
militai7
oareer
which the state
of Greece
opened
for bim.
The
example
of
Epamiaoadaa
" the kero whoaa
meoKny
was
dearest and most
saerad to
svmt
citizen of
Megalopcdia"
ehone
as a
poleatar
on
his
path,though
ho was
tbooghi
to raaambta
his
great
model rather in the ateraer than the
more amiaUe features of hia oharaoter. Prom
his
boyhood
he disclosed a
remaitable fondneaa
and
aptness
for martial exercises and
militaTy
studies; and
though
his excellence in the ao-
complishoienlB
of the
paUsstra
was ancb
a*,
in
the
judgment
of hia
friends,
lo
promise
snocesa
in the
contests
of the
publicgames,
be renounced
tbs
prospect
" so
tempting
to most of bis
coantrymsD
" with
contempt,
when he beeame
aware
that the
training
of the athlete was utterly
imMncUaUe with the bslritaof the
camp.
As aoon as he bad readied tbe
age
of
military
service,
he
diatingutahed
himself in the inroads
which were
frequently
made into
Laoonia, ett-
deavouringalways
to be the ftaremoet m the
advance and the last in the ratreat. In Iba intervals
left
by
theae duties he divided his time
between civil
business,liCerBrystodies.hos-
bandry,
and the
chase,atill, however,kaeping
bis main end
steadily
in view. He
eonmon^
left the
city
towards
evening
for a (arm wbioh
be
posaeesed
two or three miles off,whora be
rose
early
to take a
part
in Ute laboaia of the
field,
until
private
or
puUic ei^Bgamanta
oafled
bim baok to
Megalofxriis.
The cuhlvMion of
bis estate was reganledby
bim not
merely
aa
a healthyexereise,
hut
aa
tbe meaiM of aeoo-
riog
bia
political independence.
Hia fhvourite
readipg
was such as bore
directly
on his chief
pursuit
: the Tactics of
Evangelus
or tha His- tory
of Alexander's
Campaigns.
Prom tbe
W(nls of
frtiiloeophera
and
poets
he drew as
much as
might
serve tbe
purpose
of a
general
and
a statesman. The
image
of war waa constantly
in his mind. On his
journeys,every
turn of the road or
change
in tbe face of the
PHILOPQSHBN."HOVEHENTB OF CLEOMENES.
411
ountry aoggested id him a militar;problcin
'tiich he u'ould dtscnss witb his
compBoions.
?ading
him to consider the evolutions which
he nature of the
ground
would have
required
r be had found himself there at Ihe head of an
.tray
in
presence
of an
enemy. Philopampn
vaa
thirty years
old when
Megalopolis
waa ta-
:en
by
Cleomencs
;
and we can
easily
under-
itaDd bow intolerable the
thought
of a
compo-
lition with the Ticiorious
enemy
muat have
jeen to such a
spirit,
and how he burned for
in
opportunity
of
retrieving possession
of his
tiome with the
sviord,
and of
arenging
itsruin
""
Sparta.
The
news
of the fallof
Megalopolis
reached
Arataa while the AobKana were assembled at
j"gium,
and be annoanced the disaster from
the
bema,
after a
pauae,
as of unutterable
grief,
during
which he covered his face nith his
cloak.' But it seems that the
assembly,
as
if
stunned
by
the
calamity,
broke
up
without
any
deliberation on th^measures to be
adopted
in
consequence
of the erent.
They
were, perhaps,
left
expressly,
or
by
tacit
understanding,
to the
judgmeot
of
Autigooue.
In
fact,he forthwith
gave
orders for the re-assembiins of bis
troops
from their
winter-quarters.
Bot this
was
prubabi; designedonly
to evince his
sympathy.
Hia order?
were slowlyexecuted,
and
1"erore
any
force had come
logelher,
aa the enemy
had retired from
Arcadia,no
object
remained
for
militaryuperaliona.
He therefore coun- termanded
the
movement,
and
proceeded,
with
a amall
body
or
mercenaries,to
Argos,
where
lie took
up
his residence for the winter.
Tbe
eye
of Cleomenea was
upon him, and,
"Brly
in the
following spring,
he took
advantage
of bis
enemy's position
to make a movement,
which was bold
enough
to be
generallyregard- ed
by
his
conlemporariesas desperately
hazardous,
but is
acknowledged by Polybiusito
have
been
very
Judicioualy
calculated as welt ae cora-
idetely
successful. He made an inroad into
Argolis,
and
ravaged
the
plain,
where the com
waa
yet green,
aa far as the
city
walls. He
foresaw
that,
if
Antigonns
should be induced
by
the
impatience
of the
Argives
to march out and
give battle,
be should be almost sure to
guin
an
important,perhaps
a deciaive
victory.
On
the other
hand,
ifhe should be allowed
to waste
the
country
wilbout
opposition,
discontent and
dejection
nould
ensue within the
city:
in either
ease he should raise the
rrputation
of hie
anna and the
spirit
of his
people.
Tha e"enl
"
DiSTwi (StTi" al botliAnttfimi ud Amu
. . ... ._-
_TK| dIT
ofVllpHUMU
wl
on
tlu. ka oniH bm liifaad ut "" "Uiiliiu;.
AiUu^ one wouM not
VgMy
Ihink Ilim rspiMo c
!" Mt til
-":"!'_?
pnuniiii,
fnm UT itluki at nlHiisl iîei
answered to his
ecpectalions, though
the ra-
Bull was less
hnportant
than he had
hoped.
Antigonus
did not move. The
Argites
murmured
loudlyat his
inaction,
and even
thronged
the
gates
of his
lodging,elatnoroualr
de- manding
that he would either
protect
their fields
or
resign
his command to his abler rival. Ho
turned a deaf ear to their
taunts,
and let Iha
tumult
spend
itself in
empty
noise Cleome-
nes,
when hia
provisions were
exhausted,
led
his
army
back to
Sparta.
So far all is
perfectly intellfgfble :
but Plu- tarch
relates another
eipedilion
of Cleomenea
in the same
direction,
but undertaken under
widely
different circumstances. The truth of
his narrative
seems to have been never
questioned
by
modem writers
;" yet
it is so difficult
to
understand,
that the
more we consider it the
more we are inclined to
reject
it as
incredible,
and to attribute it
to mistake.
According
to
this
statement, aoon after the
return of Cleom- enea
to
Sparta,Antigonus having
assembled
hia
forces,
marched to
Tegea
with the
design
of
invading
Laconia.
Cleomenea,
when ha
heard that the
enemy
was so near his
frontier,
led hia
army by
a different road into
Argolis,
where he committed
great
devastation, havinj
provided
bis
troops
with
large
wooden sworda
to beat down Ihe
standing
com. Some of bis
officers wished to set fire to the
gymnasium
of
CylnrabiB.
a
place
hallowed
by
sevens sacred
monuments;
but he forbade this
mischief,with
an
intimation,
it is
said,
of
regret
for the damage
which be had been
provoked
to inflict
oa
Megalopolis.
AntigonUs,
on tho other
hand,
finding
that he had it in his
power
to enter
Laconia without
opposition, and, probaUy,
to
make himself master of
Sparta,immediately
marched back to
Aigns,
and
occupied
all tbe
passes by
which the
enemy might
have effected
hia retreat. Cleomenea aflbcted
to set him
at
defiance,
sent heralds to
request
the
keys
of the
famous
temple
of
Here,
between
Aqâ
and
Mycene,
that he
might
sacriflce there beforo
his
departure, and, havingperformed
tbe sacrifice
on the
outside,
took the road to
Phlius,
crossed Mount
OligjTlus,
where he had to force
hia
way through
a defile
guarded by
Macedo- nian
troops,and,having
come down
near
Or-
chomenns, returned to
Spartaby
tbe
high
road
to Mantinea and
Tegea,
without
encountering
any
other obstacle.
We can
hardlyhelpsuapeclrng
that nutarck
mast have referred two different narratives of
the same
eipeditionto two distinct
occasions,
foliowiogPolybius
in tbe one and
Phylarchus
in the other.
Polybius
is
quite
silent about Iha
second invasion of
Argolis, which, afler his
remarks
on tbe
policy
of the
first,
he could
scarcely
have failed to
mention,
if he had heard
ît
;
and his own narrative of the events immediately
ensuing
seems inconsistent with the
suppo-
HISTORY OF GREECE.
According
to
Polj^bi
ooUecled his
army
in Itaa
bnginaiiig
uf llie
met, opened
the
campaign
with the invoaii
LaroDJa;
and
Cleomenes,
iDBlead of
attempting
any
divenioo,
bent all his
thoughts
toward)
"
(uardiog
of the
pasaea
oa lliefrontier, so t
IH"veot
the
eneray
from
penetrating
into
..
vale of the Eurotaa.
Expecting
that
Aniigonua
vould take tlioroad which led
through
Sellaaia
dowD the
valley
of the
(Enus, having
fortitied
the other
pasaea,
chieflyby
ditches and felled
tieea,
ao aa not to be
obligedmaterially
to
weaken bis
army
for their "rencc, ho advan-
Nd with aU hie
forces,
about
20,000
mea,
to
occupy
a atroDg poailioa
on the
(Enus, near Sel- laaia,
where the stream flowed belweeo two
hillsnamed Evas and
OJympus,
which weri
pailed
Innn each other
by a
small level. Hi
strengthened
his
position by
a trench and
pati
"ade,
statioDed his brother
Euclidas,
with om
division of the
infantry, on Mount
Evas,
while
be hinuelT
eacamped,
with the Sower
Lacedemonian
troops
and the mercenai
Olympus,
and covered the
caning
betwi
two hiUa with hia
cavalry.
In this
posture
he
was found
by Antlgonua,
whoae
army
number-
ad
80,000,composed
of
Macedonians,Illyrians,
under Demetrius of
Pharos;
Acamaniana and
Cretans
;
Peloponneaiana,
among
whom
Meg- alopolis
flirnisheda thousand foot and a
botly
of
horse,
which was commanded,
it
aeema, by
Phibeffiinen,
and mercenaries.
Antigonus,
havingencamped
bills,
behind
a
rivulet,
the
Gorgylus,tributary
to the
"Enu",
wailed sevet^
daya
in the
hope
of dis-
eovering
some weak
point
in the
enemy's
lines.
But
Cleomenes,
as
Polybiusadmits,
had ao
skilfclly
availed himself of all the
advantages
af the
ground,
that his
adversarywas at
length
forced to renounce the
thought
of a
surprise,
ud
prepared
to stake his fortunes on a fair trial
of
strength.
Phylarchus
had related
that,
about ten days
before the
battle, an
envoy
from Alexandria arrived
in the
Spartan camp
to announce that
Ptolemy
would
grant
do farther subsidies to
Cleomenes,
and advised him to make
peace
with
Anligonus;
and it was
by
this
measage,
"eoording
to
Pbylarchua,
that
Cleomenes, whose
treasury
was exhausted,
and who feared that
tte
iMêiess
condition of his finances
might
wwa become fcnowu to hia
troops, was induced
lo liak an
engagement,
when, in
consequence
of
events
which were
takingplace
in a ilisUnt
quarter,
a delay
of a few
daya
would have
relieved him from danger,
and have realored
hie
aaeendeney
in
Peloponneaos. Polybius,
though
he mKitioiis this statement
only
to expose
the
inoonaistency
of
Pbylarchua,
who had
repreaentod
the
spoil
of
Megalopotiaas amounting
to 6D00
talents, seems afterward in some
d^ree to ooafimt
it,aa he
says
that both
parties
detennined
to
joinbatUe; ystbisowo
description
seema to show that Cleomenes remained
as
long as
he coald on the defensive.
His Bocount of the battle differs
very widely
ftom that which Plutarch
reports
from
Phy-
larchos.
who bad
imputed
its loss
to the treach-
1
ery
of a
Spartan
officer named
Damoieles,who
lyagainstAntigonus. Polybiui
other hand,
ascribes the event
partly
to the sagacity
and
energy
of
Pbilopcemcn
and the valour
of tbe Achiean
cavalry,
but in a still
greater
degree
to the
incapacity
of
Euclidas,
which
proved
fata! firstto
himself,
and then to Cleom- enes.
His narrative
auggeals
no
suspicion
of
treacheiy,
and it
seeras,
in all
respects,
th"
more
truatwoilby.
In the earlier
part
of the
day Pbiloptcmeo
had tbe merit of
making
b
charge
at the head of the
Megatopolitan
cavalry
without
orders,
which aaved the
wing
of the
army
on the side of Mount Evas from total defeat.
His
BOperiorofficer,
when he
pointedoat
the
emergency,
had refused to move until he
saw a preconcertedsignal,Philopcsmen
was
afterward
praised
for thia seasonable breach of
discipUneby Antigonus,
who said that his cautious
general
had acted likea stripling,
the
Meg-
alopolitan youth
like an experienced generaL
Euclidas committed the error of
waiting
on tbe
brow of tbe hiltto sustain the
enemy's attack,
and thus lost all the bene"t of his
vantage
ground,
which would have enabled him to
charge
them before
they
reached the
top
with orer-
powehng
eOect. Hia division was driven bacjc
with
great staagbter
over the
precipices
on the
other side of
tl^
hilt,
and he himself alain. In
le mean
wbile,
the Lacedaemonian
carBbj
'as
beginniog
to
give way
to tbe
AchKaos,
'ho
fell,Polybius
saya,
that the whole contest
'as for their
liberty,
and were
animated
by
the
example
of
PhilopiEmen,who,
when his horse
had been killed under
him,
continued to fighton
foot,and did
not even
retire(torn tbe l!eldwhen
both bis
thighs
had been transfixed
by
a javelin-
'" "
iw, according
to
Polybius,
that Cleont-
:ing
himself in
danger
of
being
surrounded
by
the victorious
enemy,
resolved on a
last efliirtto retrieve tbe fortune of tbe
day,
and
quitted
bis intrenchnents to
charge
the
.Macedonian
phalanx,
which was commamled
by Antigonus bimself,and,
on account of the
narrowness of tbe
ground,
was formed in twice
the
ordinarydepth.
The
Spartan
valour
atrovs
in vain to break this
impenetrable
masa,
and
was at
length,
after a hard
straggle,over-
wbebned
by
its
weight.
The
alaughter
which
followed Was terribfe,
but ia
probably
exaggerated,
when it is
said,
that out of 6000 LacedK-
than ZOO are said to have
escaped. Cleomenes, seeing
all
tost,quitted
the
field,
and
hastened,accompaniedby
a few
Sparta.
Here ha exhoiled his
coQntiymen not to think of
irritaltng
the conqueror
by
a nselssa
attempt
at reaistonoe
;
ba
bimself,thoogh
imal^ to
stay,
would
still,
whether in life
or death,devote hims^ to the
service of
Sparta.
While his
companions
rested
and refreshed
themselves,
he went into tus
house,
bnt wouM neittier sit down nor slake tiie
thirst. He stood for
awhile, as lost in
thought,
leaning
his brow on his aim as be
stayed
it
Xinat
s
pillar,
and
then,
with tbe friends wbe
Bred to
htm, proceededto Gythium,
where
he embarked in a vessel which had been
provided
for the
ooDtingency,
and sailed
away
fiv
Alexandria.
If be bad
delayed
his
departure
for a few
days
deceived Cleomenes
by
false
information, which
'
longer
he
might
have returned
safely
to hia
cap-
DEATH OP ANTIGCWUS.
ital,md, parhapB,
ban
kept ptmeamoa
of bia
throoe.* Tbe
conqoeror
prooeeded to
Sparta,
where be was
submiMiToiynceiTed.
and used
his
Tjotory
with a
lenity
aod moderation which
PolybiaBextolsasaproofoTiaagnuiiitiitjr.
Bnt
tbe
opposite
course would hsre besn no less
"ni(Nditic
than cruet : nor had he suflsred
any
proTocation
which conld incits him to tread
hard on the necks of the fallen. He can hare
felt no resentment eTcn
againstCleoroenes,
whom in his heart he roust have esteemed in- comparably
above Aritus. But he seems to
hare taken the measures best catoulated to
pre-
Ttmt
Sparta
from eier
risingagain.
He is said
to hsTa restored her ancient iam and Consii-
tntion. The exact meaninK
of thta
phrase
is
not
explainedby
the writera who nae it
;t
but
one of the maaaurea to which It refera
was,
nndonbtedly,
the revival of tbe
qiboralty
: and
it is most
pobaHe
that ibis whs
accompanied
by othns,lodnding
the recall of the
exiles,
and
a reeornition
of tbeir title to
property
which
badpaMed
into other
hands,
all
tending
tooier-
throw the work of
Cleomenes, to restore the
abmes of the ancient
system,
and to sow the
seeds of
perjtetaal
discord. Bnt in the coune
-of a
very
few
dayaAntigonns
was called
sway
from
Sparta
and Jtom Greece
by intelligence
that tbe
IHyrisna
bad invaded Macedonia. It
seems,
indeed,according
to the more
probable
meaning
of an obscure
passage
of
Potybins,
that be left his Theban friend
Brachyllas,
the
bead of the house of
Neon,
governor
of
Spar- ta
itperbsps.
as we bear
nothing
more of
htm,
(inly
to remain there until the new order of
tbinesshoald be established. On bis road northward
ho halted at
Tcgea,
where be is said likewise
to have re-estabtishctl the
hereditary polity,
that
is,no doubt,
the
ascendency
of a
party
favourable to the Macedonian
interest,
and then
proceeded
to
Argos.
Here he arriicd
just
in
time to be
present
it tbe celebration of the
Nemcan
games,
where Ite was
greeted
as well
by
the Achean
I-oagueas
by
its
separate
cities,
with an the
bomago pertaining,
as
Polybius
ex-
presses
it,to immortal
^lory
and honour. We
ma;
judge
of the adulation which was now of.
"fered to him
by
the
compliments
which he had
received before the decisive
victory. Leaving
a body
of
troops
under tbe command ofTaurlon
to
preserve tranquillity
in
Peloponnesus,
he
hastened his march homeward. He faand the
IlljiHans
still[n
Macedonia,
and broo^tit them
to an
engagement,
in which he
gaineda com*
pletevictory.
Bnt the
germe
of a
wasting
disease
was,
it
seems, alreadylodged
in his
fratne.i
and the exertion of his voice
during
the battle
so weakened his
lungs,
that he sank into an illness,
which,
in the course of a few
months, car*
ried him to tbe
grave.
He w
his
nephew
and
adopted
son, I-niup
iii.,
nowa
yoDth
of
aevanteen, for wbsm be
appoiniadby
hia will a coudcU of
miaiaten, aitd the
]"1nei-
pal
officera of tbe court and
Brmy,
and la/t directions
for the adtainislrailan
of'^bia
Idngdotn.
Mis intentions towards him
were
uodonbtadl)'
good,tbongh
be was
singnlariy
nnfottunata tn
tbe choice of the men whom he
plaoed
about
bis
person ;
and he showed hia
anxie^
for bis
welfare,as well as for tba
perpetuity
ol'^bia
own
work, when,
in his last
iUoosa,
be sent him into
Peloponnesus
with instructions
to oonoiliate the
friendship
of Aratus.*
Before
we reaame the thread of Qreiân bto-
toiy,
it will be convenient to
anticipai*
the
coarse of
evmita, that the leader
nay
be eaa-
bled to fiiUov the adventores of Cteoiaraet,
without lartber
interrtiption, to their doae.
Having
touched
at
Cythan,
ud afterwHd at
another island named
iGgialea
" where nnlanlk
supposes
him to have
beian
urged by
one of Us
companions
to
put
an end to tus lifbf" be
enas-
ed over to the
coast of
Cyiena,and
was ea-
corted
by Ptolemy's
offloersto Alexandria. His
deportment
and converaation
by degrees
Im- pressed
Ptolemy
with so fhvioarabtaan
optnieit
of his cbsTBcter and
abiltties,
that he
promiaed
to aid him with
abips and
money
towKsds tbe
recovery
of his
kingdom,and,
in the metu
while,
assigned
a
yeailypension
of
twenty-four
talents
for his maintenance. A
very
small
part
of this allowance was needed to
supply
the
wants of Cleomenes and his
ftiends,
who retained
tbeir
Spartan
habits
;
and with the surplus
he endeavoured to secure the
good
will of
the Greek
refugees
who had
emigrsted
to
Ewpt.
Bnt these
prospeots
were soon overcast
bytbe
death of
Ptolemy Euergetes,
who was succeeded
by
his son
Philopator,
a weak and dissolute
prince,
addicted to the most shamefbl
vices,
though
not destitute of
literary
tastes and talents,
t and,
like
AntigonusGonatas,a
patron
of
the stoical
philosophy.^
He was
seldom,
it is
said,entirely
sober
;
and the
gravest occupation
of hia most lucid intervals
was,
to celebrate
the
mysticorgies
of some
Egyptian superstition.
The
government
of his
kingdom
he abandoned
to his mistress
Agatboclea,
her brother
.^gathocles,
and her infamous mother CEnanthe.
A man of this cast could not but feel an instinctive
aversion to a Cleoroenes
; yet.
at the beginning
ofbis
reign,
an occasion arose in
which,
finding
himself iu
danger,
he was
willingto
make use of the
stranger'smilitary
talents.
He ilresded his half-brother
Magna,
who
was
supportedby
tbe interest of his mother Bere-
Wl IDs lUUf BftutUA,!!
tin BMnl. FlMha (ii,.
p.
IM, and 1X8) inttnmu it ""(
ThsbH
(bal irnniHuiij
Aetcriliiof Bmrtiylluu i Nu".
dosiull Si:h"n,Bi"cbu[|u.i.,p. lU1,B.19),llulRro)^
IU,
at
SpiRi. t nil.. Oleon.,IB,
M.
)1) liu
.rl7
IT
js5IX"v.
li.,
liii.. at.
"" " " ""' " """-
t Dour. Imtrt..Tii..ITT. The nuia
Sphnoi
wbo k"d
^ven
loiaoiu la ClHiiHDes,
UMptad
Ihn
kiiLT"
iaTilalion
to AlexKiuinK,wbich
Chriviippiie ipon prudniiLrd"liii"d
(Di". Lhm., Til,,163). PlDlaniiuiuwl himtelf wiili
tba Suic. u FrHliric II.with fau Fnich
ptiiliwiihin.
binli,AthiiL,,Tiii,, p. IM, a.),
id "nks Um
Dwa'ttaîha
"I4 HISTORY OP GBBBCK.
g
th"
Hldieiy.
In this
was called in to aid the
ki^
with his caanaala.
Ptolemy
and hii min-
Mtere had,indsed.already
made
up
their minds
"ni"oepaiDt,tbat UagsawaR
to be
despatched.
Hie
only qneslion
on which
they
wished tu
eoiMiittOle"HBei"eawa",
how tiiis
purpose might
bemoMnfeiyaoooiDfdished.Cleomenes.
how-
flw, betrayed
bU
ignorance
of the court
bjihe
Hmpierrawrh,
thai itwould be better for Ptol-
"My
if he had more brothera to
uphoM
his
throee
;
and wImd
Soaibiua,
the chief tAiour-
tte,pointed
ant the
danger
to ba
annrehended
fiom the
waveringfidelity
of the
meTDenniea,
H kmf
aa
Magae lt*ed,be bade tbem diamiss
all
anueqr
on that
aoore,
as he would under-
tafceto uswer
for smne 4000 of the number
:
PalepoaaeBlanB
and CreMna. who would be
Mady
to act at hta
beck,
and woeld
easily
otst-
pwror
the
Syriao
and Carian
troopa.
Thia aa-
"oraBoe, Uwugh
not unwelcome at the
lime,
"lak
deep
iota the minda of the
king
and hia
MOftien, and reodeTed Cleoiaenea himself an
otiject
(f
jeakMiaj
and
aaapieion,
vrbiob his de-
BleaiMMT,
"BiBi but
waiehAil,
did
not
tend to allay.
Canymf
hi*
deepthov^la
and
high
aims
caoalaatly
abottt with himia tbemidatofartlT-
oImh and lioentjooB
eoart,
he aeemed to tbem
Ifltaa iioo
prowling
aboot a sbeepfbtd.
He smu
pereeWed
tiist be moat
reaiga
all
bope
of the BBaiatanee irtiiob had been
prom-
iMd
by
the lata
king.
But when he learned
the etate af adbira in Greece which followed
tba daaUi of
Antifonoa,
be was
eager
to be al-
kKTCd to
dapait,aoeompanied only by
the
ftinda whom he had
brought
with hint. Even
*Ui
faqueM,howerer,
be
urged
in vaia. Ptol- emy
himself waa too niacb
occupiedby
hie rev-
cte aDd bia denXton to attend lo ii
;
and Soei-
fcne
thought
it
dangeroas
to
pan
with a nun
who knew
eo
naeh of Um seeietsof the twurt
attd the weakneas of the
kingdmn,
and who
Mi|ht
BOOB
be in oondition to lake
adTantage
brought
a stilldarker cloud over his
proepecta.
Ntcagoraa
the Meaaenian arrired at Alexandria
with a
cargo
of horses for the
royal
atablea.
Acoording
to
Polybius,Nicagoras,
while he
panted
for
revenge
on Cteomenea for the death
ofArchidainDs,*professed
to be
deeply
indebted
to him for the forbearance shown on that
occasion towarda himself. On hm
landing,
he
met Cleomenea,
with two of his fneniU, waUc-
ing on the
quay, and,
after
a friendlygree^
mg,
Cleomenea,having inquired
irtkat he had
brought,
observed that a
tro"^
of miniona or
moaic
giria
would have been better euited to
the
preaentking'staste,
Nicagoras
took the
flrat
opportunity
to
report
thia sarcasm to So-
sibina.
who, hating
discovered bia
animosity
against
the
man whom he himself hat"d and
feared,
induced
him, by
bribes and
promisea,
before be aat aaO,to write a letter,c
Cleomenea with a
deaignapon
Cyrene.*
letter waa ahown to
nolony, and,
under the
douUe exoitentent of
anger
and
alarm, yet
partly,
it
arnnia.
reetratBed
by
ahame or oUier
fears,
he ordered Cleameneaiand his (rieDds to
be confined in a
Uuigebanae, though,
in other
reapects,
treated as before.
Still, Cleomenea,
who,
it
leema,
waa not hiformed of the oanae
of his
imprisonment,regarded
it for a tkne as
merely
a
temporary
effect of the
king'scapri- cious
diqdeasnte.
But
aa aooidBntBl
fUsooveiy
oonvinoed him that his
keeper*
did
u"t mesn
ever te release him "om hia
cagv,
and that if
he was to
regain
his
liberty,
it could
cmly
be
by eome
hardy
itroke in which be mnst riak aU.
The
atteiapt
which he
finally
nude
waa,
indeed,
one in which it waa
impoaaiUe
for
any
reaaonable man to
sipeot
soccees
;
and it
seems,
more tiian
any
ether act ctfhia
life,to
have
anbjeoted
him to the
reproach
of a wild
tonerity;
but it
may
mwe
probably
be aaortiied:
to the
impatienoe
of
despair,
which
prefarred
death to the
pioloiêtion
of
oaptivil^,
and
cau^
at
any
chanoeof deliveraneoassolear
gun.
Haviiw elniled the
vigilaaoe
of hia
guards,
while
Ptolenywas
absent oa aaexeni-
aion to
Canopua,
he made a sally
into the
"treeta with his
friends,
Ihiiteee in
muuber,
allwith drawn
ewotda,
and raised tte
ray
of
liberty.
"Hte Alexandrian
populaee
atared and
appluded,
as at a aeeee on the
atê,
but with
as little
ihou^
of
taking
any part
in the
action.
The
Spaftana
killed the ""v"moi of the
eity,
and utother
ooortier,
but afteran ine^ct-
ual
attempt
to break
epen
the
prison
in the
citadel, finding
ihemaelvea
nnjveinally shtuioed,
they
abandoned their lorlani
hope,
aitdturned
their award*
against
their own heart*. Pan-
teas,
the deaiest of the
king'afriend*, oonaent-
ed,at hi*
request,
to survive untilhe saw that
the others had breathed their last
Ptolemy,
the deceased to be
put
to death
;
and the
young
wife of PanieuB is said to have
paid
the like
pious
offices to Crateaicfea,
who was forced to
witness the
butchery
of her two
grandaons,
sa
Cleomenea had received from her husband.
The
body
of Cleomenea was
flayed
and
himg
on a
cross,
until,
if we
may
believe
Plutarch,
an
extraordinary
occurrence awakened Ptole- my's
anperatitiouB
fears,
gave
occasion lor
new
expiatory
rites in the
palace,
and induced
the Alexaodriaoa to venerate Cleomeoes aa a
Such, indeed,
he
was,
when measured with
them, Aa we turn from Uiem to the
proper
subject
of this
hiatoiy,
we feel,aa it
wercr
that we are
beginningagain
to breathe a health- ier
atmoephere
;
and we
carry away
a atranglh-
ened conviction
that,great as were the evil*
which Greece snSer"d from the
iU-.regulated
passion
for
liberty,
it was still better
living
-
j
there than under the
sceptre
of the Ptolemies
|h
.
"
among
a
people
vriio can hardly
be said to
have a
history
in
any higher
sense than a herd
of
animals,alwaysprone,
unless when
goaded
into
fury.
"
nM^CItm.K. fiilTfcimv,IH^MtolMa"""-
n,g
-ccT'GoOgIc
THE JSTOLUN IXUBVE. 415-
CHAPTER UUH.
ArTBR Ibe terminatioii of tbe Cleome"ie
Par,
Greece
aijoyoi" short [nlerral of
gen-
ral
Iranqaillit;.
The aUtes "rtii"dihad takea
part
in the recent contaat needed
repoae ;
nd the
Achnana, Uiongh they were now rid
r their fomiidabla
sntaganiat,
were mot the
nni at libert"r to
Mgage
id
on;
fre"h enter-
riaea without the oonseBt of the muter to
rboao dominkiD
thej
had been
cubjeotedby
lieselfish and
ahon-ughled polio;
of Aratns.
'broughontPekipatinesiia milharr
papara-
one and Duutial
le
pe"q)leietor___
_
,
eioe
:
the
H"^lepoIitana
began
gain
amid the miM of their
eity.t
The death of
Antij^tnua)Hwliicedno Hwne-
iate visible
ebange
m the state
of affaira
;
but
et it
may
be oonaidered
a*
tbe
nwD cause of
le inoveuieiita which
ensuedi
uid which ooon
Aer involved Graaoe in another waaleful and
alaroitooB
war. Tbe oocaBion "f this
new
tnicglearose, indeed, at a
great
distanoe
wn
Macedonia,
witbont
an;
iatervention of
"9 Macedoaian
fovemnoent,
and
aaemingly
)uld not have been atlnided with sncb coB'
equences,
ifthe restraint hitherto
ii^waed "n
Mse who
were desirous of chaoie
by
the
bility
and lucceas of
Antigonus
had not been
athdrawQ. When hia
aoeptrepassed
into tbe
anda of a
boy
of
seventuen,
tbe jEtolikas be-
eTed tbEit
they
had
nothing
to
apprehend
en
le Bide of
Macedonia, and
readily
followed
M first
impulse
which
they
bad received from
irbulent and ambitious leaden, who
wished.
"r
privateends, to disturb the
quiet
ofOreeoe.
As the internal stale of i^tolia throws some
ghl
on the
origin
of these
movemente,
and is
luslntted
by them,
this
may
be a convenient
lace for a
generalsurvey
of its
political con-
lilutionandsocial relations. The msin
points
'hich have been
preserved
to ua
by
incidcntat
oiLcea of the ancrient writers lie
We
a a the
ep3 by
which the
primitive
monarchical form
r
government
was
exchanged
for that which
'f find established in the
period
we have now
lached. The title of
king
was retained in
ne
district,
that of the
Agrteans,
down to the
'Bloponnesian War.t In the
reign
of
Philip
I.
united in a democratical
confederacy
lonwealth
;4
anil it is
probable
that no
Iher
polity
subsisted in
an;
of the towns
;
but
I clear what
degree
of
indepcndei
'
Q
preserved
in its internal admi
""
xta, p. IM, Hd BoMk^
d^-'lataî'v^jT'
tniton, nor.
Indeed,
is it
qnilo
"i"rt*inthai it
ia mora ooneot to consider tbe whole
bod; b"
a leasua ikan as a
ain^ tepnUic.
It aeenw
that the union of the ftolians
waa
atilleloser
than that of the Aohwans
;
that there was a
deeper
conaaiousncss of national
unity,
and a
greater
concentration of
power
in the national
governmiuit.
Tbe
great
council of the
natim,
called the
PaoBtolicon,
in which it is
probabb
all freemen who had reached the
age
of thir^
had a voice,waa assembled once a
year,
at the
autunmal
equinox,atTharmus, for tbe election
of
mogistrBteB.general legislaUou,
and tie
decision of all
great
national
questions,
more
especially
thoho which related to tronsactiona
witb
foreign
states. We find no indication of
any
olber
ordinarygeneral assembly;
but
there was another deliberative
body,
called thiD
Apoaletes
" a name which
saggesta
that it
wi|b
a
council of
deputies " which anwara to have
been
permanent, though
we de not know
whether it held
regularsiltinga,
or waa on^;
convoked
aa
ocoasion
required.
It
was ao
di|'
nierouB,
that a committee of
thirtymight
be
drawn from it for the tiansaotiac of
speoiti'
business.* Tbe chief
magistrate,
who brae
the title of
atrategus, waa
aanuall;electedr
presided
in the
BBsemblies.
r")rsaenled
the
sovereignty
of die
people,
and
diapoeed
of it"
militarrforoe. His
offioe, aolbiw nucb a
pee-
e,
conferred
great power ;
aad tbera is
m
ication that it
waa viewed with Bome degrae
of
jealous;,
for it
seema that be waa not allowed
to
speak
in the
assembly
oa a
question
of
war or
peace.l
A commander of the
cavali;
(llipparchus)
served under him in the
field,
and
perhapa
filledhis
place,
when
necessary,
at
home. A chief
secretaiyt was
also eleeted'
annually.
The .lEtolianastillretained their
predator
hobita,
which
Thucydides
had
pointed
out to
his
contemporaries
as an illuatration of tba-
primitive
semibarbaroos manners of Greece.
The
niggedneaa
of their
land,
the
strength
of
their mountain
fastnesaea,
the
vicinity
of still
wilder tribes in tbe
north,
concurred with the-
hardy,reckless,
self-confident character of the
i nabU fftbiiMei, pro^blf rrlyiBfda
"i'ir"M^tn"7n Polrb*.
ii.. IJ. But
thai ho mfalook Ibeie IblTtjBT tlls^
4" HTSTORT or GREKCS.
in. "
pudw
fmp\c,
to
pnveat awf Aaage
ia this
part
of
tfaeir
beredttofy iiBagee. Thej
were atin a nation
of freebouten and
pirntea.
Plander was
to them what
eloquence
or mosic was to other
GreiHaa lacea " their
atoilj,
tbeir
baaineaa,
their
êaanre,
their
pride.*
In*tbeiT msrvul-
"
Hcaiaiona
the; apared nothing. Ther
w little
regard
to the
SMWtitr
of tlie
Uiinx*
iDdptMea
wliicb were moat rerered in Greece
aa
if
tite;
had
proTesMd
a different
rdigioD
;
jet
we ha*e do reason to belieTe tliat
thej
were Areer (rom
anpetBlition
Uian tlteir nwra
dviliied
neigUtonrB,
One of the
conaeqaenees
of thia
appetite
for
phinderwaa,
that ttedemo-
"Wieal character of the jiltoUaa inatitntiaiM
iraa in no amaU
degreetonperedlij
tlie inlla-
CBoe which the
chiiefa
who look the )ead in
a"di
expeditions
natnr^ly
aoqniied
orer titeij
ftflowera,
and tlie
weight
which
tlie;
thna
SaiB"d
hi the eooDeila of tlie nation. Bnt it
-neMua tliBt
they
foond it
neceaaarjr
to cnatain
-Ae
popnlantr
which
tlier
earned in the
fors;
^ the ezereiae
ofHberalitr
airf
boqiitality at
kome,
on which
the; IreqiienilT apent
more
than their aliare of tbe
bimty,
and tbus were
ttfteninduced to look to
predator;
eicarsioiu
aa tbe readieet means of
repairing
tbeir damaged
fottnnea.
Manf
of the
leading
men
po"-
aeaeed tMnaeB at ThermuB,
which
Ibey
adorned
with
greatmagnificencei
and, al the lime of
"the ammal
electiona,the; appear
lo liave Tied
with
one another in the
splendoar
of their en-
tertainmenta
; for.thoogh tbej
had made ao
Utde
progreas
in cirilizatioD,
the .ftolians
were not at all betiind tite other Greeks in
loxnir.
An ancient author
expreaal;connects
their
eager pnraurt
of
{deasure
wHh their contempt
of deaih.t
The; were wiDing,
it
seeroa,
to crowd the
eojo^rments
for which alone
the;
TRhied
life,by profuseexpeoditare,
into a nar- :
TOW
compass.
The
sanctuary
of
Apollo
at
Tliennns was adorned with a multitude of
atatues, works, indeed,
of
foreignschools,
bnt
not the less
gratifjring
to the national
vanit;
as a
displaj
of wealth and refinement
;
and
thoae
;earl; meetings
were
probabl;
not in-
fferioT in exhibKions of
art, particulari;
dramatic
and musical
entertainments,to
an;
ofthe
kind which were celebrated in the rest of
Greece.^
It
aeemi
that
nearl;
as soon aa the national
Uiion was
firmi;cemeatcd,
the flolians
began
io aim at
extending
their
power
and
enlarging
-their
territor;.
One of the earliest occasions
on which
they a^jear acting
aa one
bod;,
is
that on which
the; acquired Naupactns
from
tbe Aelisans
;
and
tbe;neTer afterward omitted
an;
opportunit;
of
gaininggroand upon
Iheir
neighlwurs,
until,elated
by
ê success
with which
tbey
had defended themselves
against
their Macedonian and Celtic
invaders,
jmd
encouraged by
the weakness of the other
iKates,
iheyaspired
to take the lead in Grecian
poliiics.
Their
conquests,
aa we hare
already
*
Hiiiami Trriui,Dih.
i
a
fur
JmjwrLlvlity by bit m
t iU"''"'""''ll"
"P- """"". "ii.,5"- Air.
Til \Kwar
Im^lTiparlxni,irpttMmrat. h
Where,
in
process
of tine,
ih^
made tbna-
seWes masters of
Loeria,Pbooa, Bmotta. aod
parts
of Acamania,
Epims,
and
Tbeaaaly,
and
assumed the entire control of tbe
Delîicora- cle
and
Amphictyoar.* Tbey
aba aoBexed
BOBO
PâpODDeaiaB
oiliea to tbeir domiaioBs
;
and we afterward find act
only
tbe lalaad of
CephaDeaia,
bat
plaMa
at a
ficat
dislaaee ft
tbeir bontiar"citiea of Thrace and Aaia Md
relatioa. Thai in nMat e
ci
compalaiOB,
aa in
eaptesaly
related with regard
IO tba Traebiaiaa
Hen"dea,t eaa
hardly
'
doMUed, bnt,rtfber,
whether then is salE-
with tbe Achsans lo atlvh Haelf to tbe Xlioh-
an
Leagne ;t
and thia win no
doabt
tme,
in
the limited seiute
whiefa the hiatorian'a un-
menl
required.
But whether thia
aceeasnn
took
place,
as
appears
moat
probaUe,
at i"ut,
with
regard
to
Tegea
and Orcbomenna, in tba
coarse of the
expedition
in whtrA the ^toliana-
swept Laconia, or after
Megalopcdis
had become
a member of the Aehsan
confederacy,
on either
sumMMilion
motives
may
be
BOggeBted
tor it
quite
distinct liiMn a
praferenoegrounded
on the character of the ."toIian
Laagua.f
In
more distant
dependancies,
anch aa
Lysi-
bia
on the
Hellespont,
and Cioa
on the
em coast of tiie
Propentia,P
tbe
olqect
was
either
protection
from more dreaded
neigb-
bonrs,or
secuTiiyagainst
the
piratical
incursions
of tbe ^tolians
themselves,
who wero
not least formidable lo those who had nOTcr in-
jared
them. We know that the
people
of Cios
were
glad
to
plead
their
mythical
cormozion
with
Manpactus,
after it bad ftllen into the
bands of the
.iGIolians, to obtain
exemption
from the attacks of j"tolian
prirateera jT
and
we
ma;
ctrilectfrom tbe
inscription
which records
this
transaction,
tbat the Italians not
nnfroquently
abased the
power they
had
uaurp-
ed over the
temple
al Delphi,
and the name of
the
Amphictyoniocouncil,
which
they
had
appropriated
to themselves,to
give
a
legal,
and
even a
religions
colour to their
aggressions.
Even Teos
thought
it worth while lo send
an
embassy
to Thennus to conclude a
treaty
of
the closest
amity,
which
providedagainat
the
violation of its
city
and
territory,**
These ez-
'
Plnl.,DomeCr., 40, Pglvb,,IT., 19,
8. Sw Bfeki,
Corp.InKr,". IBM,
t Fiuu., I., to,
". Oi AhiAil nnJiia n*s 'Hm-
t ii.,ST, 1. Briidinar [in ZimtnuMi'i
Ztitxlrift.
t"T, |".!"", n. T) "pR"u
ft ikHibt
u to Ilia rtcu bni
ODlr ntm (0
nut.,Aral,,II,A
U
[jHrluipi3S),when 1
can And
uolhiof
inn iHuuilUnt with the uuHion -d
Poljlnji,
mock Ten
cipilil*of oieitbnnnW hi"
nDihorjij.
ni[ Kliout,fifiixiiiSlr ifiiiii-
T^tirrctft, ii/rft
tffr'a\So
ffic^^fu ta"iif."i AtrwXi*
ovrtitr
Tui
Kci'wr.
-"'
{Sort. \aa-, b. tult.
Lj MvgaJolHriu.
.
_..p.IiijK(.,ii.,n,M_
PHlGALfiA." ATOUAN AGORESSIONS. 417
anqilea
UlaitraU tb" mode in whiah the MtoH-
ans ga[De*l
adherents to tbcu
League oa
the
Continent of GTeece. On the
wbole,
ooiwiib-
"UiMltag
Uwir
impeUiouacourage
and
slardy
lava of
freedom,
it aeeroa that
tbey
were never
either Uked M
letpecledby
the other Greeks
:
thej
were
regarded,bb theywere, aa a half-
(uvilised
race
;
and even
ifthe Achaean
League
bad not been in tbeir
way,
would
probably
never
have been uble to extend their own bo aa lo
embrace the whole nation.
Another
interestiiig question
relalea ta the
terms on which
they
admitted new inenibera
o their
body.
So littleinformation has been
orded to us
by
the ancient authors oa this
point,
that
Toom
has been leftfor
directly
opfo-
site
opioioDBon Um
enbjectamong
iDOderowri-
tciB, some of whom
represent
the relation as
"H"e of subordination end
dependance,*
while
others
suppoae
the newly-inooiporateil mem-
bere to have been reoeived on a
footing
of
psr-
lect
eqnatity,t
aod to have
enjoyedevery imvi-
lega
of Italian
cilizMw,
with the
singleeicep-
tion,
that none bol Qative ."toUans were
eligible
to the
supreme dignity.
The truth seems
to lie
midway.
It is
nearly
certain that the
term
tyaifolUi/,
which is most
frequently
used
to
deacribe the condition of the
newly-admitted
states, was
apphed
to a
great variety
of
very
diflereat relations. That the
general
assemblies
were sometimes held
beyond
the borders
of
."tolia,as at
Nanpactus,Heraolea,
and
Hy-
pata, undoubtedly
raises a
strong preaumption
that the ciLizeuB of those towns âred allthe
political
franchiBes of ^tolians
;
but itwould
be rash to conclude that thiswas the case with
all,even if there were not evidence
that,
in
soma instances,at leaBt,
the relation was one
of
simplesubjection,!
and the
payment
of trib-
nte enforced
by
the constant
presence
of an
."toliau
garrison, f
Such
ai^tears
to have been the
case
with the
Arcadian town of
Fbigalea.
which was situated
near the
tight
bank of the
Neda,
close to the
borders of
Triphylia
and
Meseenia,
and not
many
milea from the coast. As it was thus
easily
accessible to ê
.ftolians,
it
layvery
commodiously
for the
prosecution
of
any
designs
which
theymight
form
sgainst
the southern
part
of
PeloponneEua,
and
might
serve as
a
starting-point
for their ioroadja, and a
place
of
refuge
where
theymightdepoaite
tbeir
booty.
We can
onlyconjeotare
when the connexion
began ;
bnt,at the death of
AotigODusDoson,
we find itunder the
protection
of the
jEtolians,
and
fumiahin^
them with a
pretext
for enter-
s which mvolved Greece in a fresh
"ne of those whicb received the
name
ol
Social.
Sj'fc'JL
wu excluded fma th
crt which wer"
midjarfvtty i^ Alrw^f tiit"aiiriia(t
t
FiilA.(u. "-),i^faipfmn,iiopt^tr'vt-
FUth*
(U.,p. hTJ flii^BLhiiuide u t caiumiuuDa iiuJDuatiDD
^
thsu(li
it utut
(p.
UO. n. lube une
eiprtiuum
in the
pnpaal
amdr U Ihi Bltnu (Pullb,.i".,84) u ui
nJoiit-
"ion IhMlhle wme Iha cmudiui
I" uf Ibi lUieenrMuctUni*.
Vot. II." Geo
We sre not informed what
dangerwas
supposed
to threaten
Pliigalea;
but
very
sooa after
Philip's accession,Dorimachiis. the son of
Nieostratus, was sent thither
avowedij
to
provide
for the
security
of the
city,but,as Polybi-
ua intimates,
with secret instructions to observe
the slate of aSairs in
PelopiHinesus.
DorimachuB was a man
of noble
parentage
in
the .ftoliau sense
;
for his father had made
himself notorious as one of the leaders of
an
expedition,
in which the
.'Etoliana,
in time of
peace,
fell
upon
the Bteotians at
Coronea,
while
they
were assembled for the celebration of their
national
festival,
and
phtndered
the
tûple
of
Athena
Itouia, one of the most ancient and ven- erated
sanctnartes in Greece. Dorimachus was
not a degenerateson
of such a lather,and,
thongti
young,
had
inspired
bis
countrymen
with confidence in hia
disposition
and
capacity
to emulate the achievements of Nieostratus.
He had not been
long at
Fbigalea
before he
waa
joinedby
a band of
adventurers, whom
Polybius
describes
simply
aa
pirates,
and
who, therefore,
probably
flocked to him from the coast of "lis,
where the ."tolian
privateersalways
fouud
harbour.
DurimachUB, deeming
it his first
duty
to
provide
for bis
hungryfollowers,encouragRd
them to cross the
Neda,
and
carry
oOT the cattle
from the Measenian
paalures,though
the Me"-
EeniaoH were at this time in alliance with the
^lollans. The freebooters soon extended their
depredations
so for as to break
open
the Mes-
aenian larm-hoaaea in the
night,
and
complainls
were addroBsed to Dorimachus
by
the Messeoi-
an
government.
Ab be himself received a share
of the
spoil,
he
delayed
for some time to return
any
answer
;
but at
length,being
pressed
by
a
succession of ex
postulating embassies,
he
promised
to
go
to Mesaene,
and
investigate
the alleged
grievances.
But
when,
on his
arrival,
the
iiquredpartiesapplied
to him,
instead of
redress or
excuses, tbey
met with insult and
iavectives.
During
his
stay
in
Messene,
the
publicindignation
was exasperatedby
a freah
outrage
of the
pirates,
who attacked a
farm in
the
neighbourhood
of the
city,
killedseveral of
the inmates who defended their master's
pn^
erty,
and carried
away
the rest of the slaves
and the cattle. The Messenian
ephon
now
summoned Dorimachus to
appear
before the
council of the
magistrates,
where the
ephor
Sciron
proposed
to detain him until he should
give
satislaction. This
proposal,
which was
received with
general
assent
by
the
assembly,
produced
a vehement altercation between bim
and
Dorimachus,
in the course of which he
threw out a sarcasm which
deeplystung
the
.jEloUan.
In the end Dorimachus was allowed
to
depart,
on an
engagement
that
compensation
should be made for the
wrong
which had been
done
;
but be relumed heme bent on
revenge.
Still,a privatequarrelprovoked by
such Out- rageous
aggression
on his own
part,
did not
seem to bim a
ground
on which he could
appeal
to the
sympatliy
of the nation. But he was
able to wield the
power
of the state for his
purpose
without a
public
disclosure of his motives.
The
Slrategua
Ariston was bis
kinsman,
and
beingpreventedby
illhealth from
tailing
the
field,
liad
devolved the cares of his office on
Dorimachus and anotherof his
kinsmen,
named
Scopas.
All,therefore,
tliatporiwachusneedi
4ie HISTORY OF GREECE.
ed wu to
gain
over Scopat to his vrewe
PolTbiuBsupposes
that
Scopas
was won
by
tbe
proapect
ota rich
bcolj
in
Messeniit,
which bad
been
long exempt
from hostile
rsTages,
while
Philip's youth
and the weakness or the Achi
ans
remoTed all fear of
consequences,
i
mnoh
might
be inferrei! from tbe events whicb
ansued
-,
and it can
only
be
regarded
as i
inference,
when the historian
adds,
that the
two chieb,
without
consulting
either the
tional council or even the
Apocleles.
and
only
in concert with a few of tbeir
privatefriends,
reaolved to make war on Meesenia, Epirua,
Achaia,Acamania,
and
Macedonia, at once. It
it
very
doubtful that
they
formed
any
such
plan
of
war;
but it
appears
that
theygave
license
and
encoatagement
to a series of hostile
sg-
CreBsiODSon
allthese
stales,
without either legal
authority
or colourable
pretext.
The JGtolian
privateers
sallied forth in alldi- rections,
and
brought
in a Macedonian merchant-vessel,
captured
off
Cythera,
whicb was
Bold as a lawful
prize,together
with the whole
îp's
cranpaoy.
Btit some other
operations
of
warlike
aspect,
which took
[riace
at the same
time,
could
only
be
regarded
as acts of the
government.
Vessels were borrowed fnnn the Ce-
pballenians,
with which descents were made on
the coast of
Gpirus
;
and
an
attempt
to
ampme
tbe Acamanian town
ofThyiVDm
in the
night,
which had been concerted with some of the in-
habitaats, only failed,it
seems, throughsome
mischance. We do not so
clearlyperceive
tbe
abject
of another movement which
Polybiusat- tributes
to DorimachuB and
Scopas.
He
says
that,by
their
direction, a small
body
ar."toliBns
raade their
way
clandestinely throaghPolopon-
tiesDs,
and seized a
stronghold,
called
Clarium,
in tbe
territory
of
Megalopolis,
where
they
established
a market for tbe
booty
whicb
they
collected
from the
country
round
;
but
they were
Jorced,
in the course of
a few
days,
to surrender
to
Timoxenus,
the
general
of the Acheans,
and
Taurion,
who united their forces to
besiege
(he
place.
It
might
have seemed that this inroad
would
probablyput
the
Peloponnestans
on
their
guard,
and thus interfere with the mala
design
of the ftolian leaders
;
but it
appears
that no farther notice was taken of it
;
and Do-
rtmachus and
Scopas proceeded
to strike the
blow which was their chief aim.
Having
waited
until the
year
of Timoxenus had
nearly
ei-
[ored,so that he could not be
expected
to undertake
an expedition
which
might
last much
longer
than his command,
tbey
assembled the
whole force of .illoliaat
Rhium,
where the O-
phallenian
vessels and
a
great
number of
transports
were
in readiness to
carry
it across the
atiaits,
and
having
landed on the
oppositepoint,
directed
their march
through
the
territory
of
Titrm,Tritsa,
and
Phare,
towards Messenia.
Tbey afl^cted, however, to disciaira hostile intentions
towards the
Acbnans,
but
probably
made no serious
attempt
to restrain the nation-
d
propensity,
and the track of the
army was
matked
by
havoc and
depredation
as far as Pblg-
alea.
They
then invaded
Messenia, where
they
nwt with iM reeiBtance,and found the wealth
ttecimiulated
during a
h)ng
peace exposed to
their
rapadty.
While
they
vrere
gorgingthemselves with
phnidsr,
tb" Mutant met
jbr
the election of
their
magiMrateis
ai
"gium,
and Antiw
was
elected,as osnal,
to succeed Timosenna. la
this
assembly
Messenian
deputiesappeared to
imploreprotection;
and load
complaintawere
beard ftinn the cantons whicb bad eullbivd lôm
the
passage
of the .Xlolians
;
but tbe insult
ol^
fered to the natiimal
Wtiiwr)
exeitad stillwarm- er
indignation.
A decree was
carried, by
which
the
general
was
empowered
to roaster all the
forces of the
League,
and to march to the aiit
of the MesseniaoB. Farther deliberation
was
reserved nntil tbe nation should be assembled
under anns. Aratus,
who was
probably
the
mover of this
decree,
was
eager
for its Irainedi-
ate execution. But Timoienus was the les"
inclined to
begin
a
campaign
when be bad but
a
very
few
days
to reouin in
office, a" be felt
littleramfidence in Ibe Achnan
iroops,
which
had not
only
lost much oftlteir
military
habilv
and
discipline
ainee the end of the last
war,
but
had never sbowa tb" same apiril
since
thery
began
to
depend on Macedonian
protection.*
He
was
ready,however, to
rengn
bia
authority
to.
Aratus,
and Aratus did ntit
scruple
to- asaume-
the command five
days
before be wa"
lesgally
entitled to it
;
and
having
received the common-
seal from
Timoxenus,
issued orders to the cities
of the
Leagae
to arm their
eontingenta,
and-
send tbem fbrifawith to Megtitqwiis.liere,
when (he
aimy
was e"rilected.
the Messeniair
depotiesajqwared
to renew their entreaties for
snccoar,
to whkh
tbey
now added tbe
refjuesr
that
theymight
be admitted into alliuMe witli
the Achcans. This
part
of their
petition
was
rejected, as the Achcans were not at
liberty
to"
contract
any
new alliance without the oonsent
of Macedonia
;
but succour was
promised
to-
ibem, on the condition that the
envoys
WDuld
"end their
sons
as hostages
to
Sparta,
for
a security
that the Msssenians would not make
peace
with the ."tolians without the sanetioo-
ottbB
AchB"ans';
for
Sparta
bad not
yet
disclosed
anyhoetileintentions,
and had
sent her contingent
into tbe
field, though
it
kept
akraf from,
the Achtsan
army,
as if
watching
the issue.
Having
taken this
precaution,
Aratus sent a.
message
to the jEtolian
eommanders,
rcquiriog
them to withdraw their forces from
Messenia,.
and 10 abstain from
setting
foot on the Aduean-
territory
in their retreat, Dorimachus and Sco-
pas,
who were now
chiefly
snxions to
carry
away
their
spoil
in
safety,
t
promised compliance,
and
immediately
wrote to Aristo to send
the
transports
to Uie isle of
Pheias,
off the coasr
of
Elis,to be in readiness fur the emharcaiion"
of the
troops,
and two
days
aflerwaid
begaif
their march in that
direction.!
Aratus,
deceived
by
their
pmfesaions,hastily
smissed the bulk of his
forces,retatning only*
tt 4tt
BwtiagrHiHwtwKTitfwt,
"
dittbt
ibtj bvt ornEi
ludbjPolTluiiV
ihf
fTO"E".
1= """"
U""T
DEFEAT OF ARATUS." CYNilTHA.
419
MM fiwtand SM
Lone, together
wHb the wax-
iliarics nnder
Tanrion,
ntth which he took the
road to Patne, intending
to obserre the move-
ments of the Êtolians. Ttae JItoItan
generala,
as
Polybiiui
himaeir
believed, apprehended
that
he
designed
to attack them
during
the confiision
or the embarcation
;
and
they
were thus,
it
appears,
induced to
cbange
their
plan.* Thej
"ent the
booty
lo the coast oC
EUa,
under the
eacoTt of B delBchment which
the;
ordered to
meet them at
Rhtmn,
and then
by
a audden
change
in their line of march moved towards
Otympia ;
but
hearing
that the Achsans had
advanced northwanl as far as Clitor,so that
they
conld not
hope
to embark at Rhinm wilh-
oat molestation,they
resolved to watch for a
broarable
opportunity
ibr a battle with Aratns,
With thia view
theyencamped
at
Methydrium
;
and
Aratna,
nhen he learned that
they
were so
near,
moved aonthwBTd into the
plain
of Ca-
a"e.
The ."to1iaa commandeTs then adran-
towards
CaphyB, eicpecting
a battle,
and
confident of
victory
-,
but
they
were daunted
when
they
observed the
strength
of the
poaition
which Aratns had taken
up,
and were
proceeding
to enter the defiles of Mount
Oligyrtus,
when
Arstus,
who
might
have attacked thsm to ad-
Tantage
on even grouad,
drew them into an engagement
in such a manner as to enose
every
portion
ofhls
army
in succession to the certain-
tj
of defeat. It was
totally muted,
and would,
Mrhapa,
have been
destroyed
ifthe
vicinity
of
Capbys
and OrcbomeauB had not affijrdedref- uge
to the
nigitivea.
The
Megalopolitans,
who
had marched in fiillforce to
join
the
Achxans,
arrived in time
lo bury
the slain
;
while the victors,
quietlypursuing
Uieir
way
towards the
northeast,
after
having
made an unsuccessful
attempt
on Pellene,
and
ravaged
the
territory
of
Sicyon,
retnmed home
by
the Isthmus.
Tbs errors which Aralus bad committed in
this short
campaign
were so
many
and
gross,
that
Polybius
is led into a digression to
explain
how BO
great
a man could be
capable
of
iblly,
such,
the historian
says,
as could not be surpassed.
An
assembly
of the
League
was held
soon afterhis
return, in which he found himself
the
object
of
generalindignation
as the author
of the recent disaster
;
and his adveraariesdid
not failto
point
out how much the faultof his
illegal usurpation
was
aggravatedby
the remembrance
of the
many
similar calamiticH which he
had drawn
upon
the state
by
his
military
incapacity.
Still,
his influence
waa so
predominant,
that,though
he conld not venture
altogether
to
vindicate his
conduct,by
an
appeal
to the indulgence
of hia
audience,on the iround of former
services,
he
completely
turned the current of
publicfeeling
in his
favouT,
and
gained
the assent
of the
assembly
to all hia measures. It
decreed that an
embassy
should be sent to Phil- ip,
and the other
allies,
to call for succour
against
the
.Italians,
and lo
propose
that ihe Messcui-
ana should he admitted into the
confederacy;
and
that,
in the mean while,
the
grneraj
should
raise an
army
of 5000 foot and 600 horse for Ihe
protection
of
Mesaenia,
and should fix the con-
"
Pot^biat'i
Koont oT their imnminU, ulwithiiiDd-
tingenta
of
Sparta
and Meaaene. Each was to
famish SAOO foot and SGO horse
:
bo that Aralua
wonld have had at his
dispoaal
s
standingarmy
of
10,000
foot and 1000
horse, a force which
might
have seemed
adequate,
without
foreign
aid, lo
gnard PeliîonQeauaagainat
invasion
Irom j"tolia. Bat Aratoa
may
idreadj have be-
^n
to dialmst the
ftdelity
of
Sparta
;
and thia
IS the best ezease that can be offered for thia
second invitationof Macedonian interfereoee in
the aflaira of Greece. An .Etolian
asaembljr
was held aboat the aame time,which, aa if
unconscious
of
any wrong,
declared its
purpose
to
remain at
peace
with the Laced smonians and
Messenians,
and all other
atatea,
hot to make
war on the Achnans if
thcyshotild
admit iha
Messenians into their alliance : a threat which
Polybiua
eonsideraaa
glaringly
inconsistentwith
their
pacific language,
bat which
expraMed
their
restdationio resistthe extMiaionof the AcfaaO'
Macedonian
Leagne.
This waa now the
point
on which the
qiieaUon
of
peace
or war tamed
;
and the Macedonian
government, whan,
in OMI-
junction,
it
aeems,
with the other
allias,
it
adopted
Ihe
propossl
of the Achnans with
regard
lo
Meaaene, virtually
decided for
war
; yet thejr
did not treat the
paat aggresaiona
of the jGtoli-
ans as a grannd
for active
hostility,
bat
proclaimed
their intention to continue
at
peace
whh tliem.
The
."tolians, however,
still
thought
it better
to act as if
war
had been declared than to declare
itto words.
They
entered into secrrt negotiations
with
Sparts,
and
they
took the earliest
opportunity
to make a
fresh inroad into Pet-
oponnesus.
An
lllyrian
ohief named Scerdilai-
das, who,
with Demetrius of
Pharos,
in
spite
of
their
treaty
with
Rome,
had made an
expedition
with
ninety gaileya
towards the scuih, after
a fruitless
attempt
on
Pylos,
had
parted
frotn
his associate,and,
while Demetrius with
GIty
galleys
msde for the
Cyclsdes,sailing
homeward
with the rest,
touched at
Naupactue.
Do-
riraachuB and
Scopas,who, throughinleltigenco
with a faction in Ihe Arcadian town of
Cyan-
tha.hoped
to become masters of it,engaged
the
Illyrian,
for a share of the
spoil,
to aid them iR
tbeir
enterprise.
CynKIha
was
unhappilydistingnishad among
the Arcadian cities
by
the
long prevalonoe
of
internal
discord,
and the
sanguinary
ezcesaea
of
party rage
with which it had been afflicted.
Polybiua,
in one of his most
pleasing
snd in-
stniclivB
digressions,
traces *is
singular
ferocity
of the
Cynethians
to their
neglect
of the
institutions which
chiefly
contributed to soften
and elevate the character of their
countrymen,
early
instruction in sacred
music,
and the ft*.
quent
celebration of
religious
fe."livals.
Afi^
along
series of
convulsions,always
accompanied
with
massacres, banishmeGta,
and confis- cations,
one
of the
parties, havingexpelled
its
antagonists,
committed the
guard
of the
city
to
an Acb"an
garrison.
Bnt
growing,perhapa,
impatient
of Ibis
burden, they
afterward ac-
Sted
the overtares of the
exiles,
and
permit-
them to return, with the sanction of tha
AchKans, who withdrew tiieir
troops.
The
exiles,however,
who were about 300 in
number,
w
a take
advantage
of
th^
perfidy
"0 HISTORY OF GREECE.
that Dorimachiis and
Seopss
united their for-
cea with those o( ScerdiloidaB.
Thej
inarched
across Achaia. and
arriving
at
Cjnietha
id the
nigbt.
were admitted
by
some of the
conspiia-
tora,
and soon made themselres maaterB
of
the town.
They
then
immediatelybegan
an
JndiBCTinunate
mRsaacre,
in which tlieiifrienda
were the iiratvictims
;
elU who were
snspecied
of
concealingproperty
were
put
to thetortiue.
When
they
bad finished the work of
pillage,
they proceeded
to attack a oelebrated
temple
of Artemis at Lusi, between
Cynntlia
and Cli-
tor, bnt allowed themselTea to be
propitiated
by
a
portion
of the aacred
tceaaure,
the more
willingly
as
the?
were about to moke an attempt
on Clitor.
Having
been
repalaedby
tbe
Clilorians,they began
their
retreat,
collected
fi"sh
booty
than the
temple
lande M Loei,set
fire to
CynEtha,
and emtwrked at Rhinm with
their
plunder,
which
theybrought
home
aaftiy.
DuriiiK
tbeir
stay
in
Araadia,
Aratn* lutd sent
to Bolidt gnccDuia Irom
nuKii,
and in the mean
while had BMemUed the fiiroeof tbe
I-eague,
and called
npon Sparta
and Maasenia for their
contiDgents. Spatta
sent
only
a handful of
men to save
appearances. Still, he
might
have
attacked the invaders on
many points
of their
march with the
prospect
of an
easy
victory
;
bnt,as if to
compensate
for his recent
temerity
by
an
equaldegree
of
inertness,
he suffered
them to
pass
tuunoleated. Tanrion was more
active
;
he
prevailed
on Demetrius,
who had
been chased from the
Cyeladesby
the Rhodi-
ans,
and had
put
into
CcachrsK, to
transport
his
galleys
aciosa the
Isthmus,
and
intercept
the
^toliana;
but he arrived two
days
too
late,
Philip,too, set his
army
in motion as
soon as he received the summons of Aratus
;
hot he did not reach Corinth until the emergency
was
past.
He, however,
invited all the
allies to send
deputies
to hold a
congress
with
him at Corintl),
and in tbe mean wliile advanced
to
Tegea
for the
purpose
of
restoring
tranquillity
at
Sparta,
which had been
lately
the
scene of violent tumults. The
great body
of
the
Spartans,notwithstanding
the
changes
introduced
by Anilgonus,
retained allthe
feelings
of
animosity
to wurds "Macedonia and tlieAcbe-
ans wbicb had been infiised into them
by
Cle-
omenes.
They eagerlylonged
and
hoped
for
the return of their
hero, and,
as
long
as he
lived,kept
the throne
vacant, or,
rather,
treated
it
as
filled.
They
viewed tbe
proceedings
of
the ftolians with secret
sympathy,
and
only
waited for an
opportunity
of
declaring
Ihem-
aelves. Three of the
ephors,
who were la-
touratale to the alliance with
^^tolia,fearing
that
they might
be denounced
by
their colleague
Adeimantus, caused him to be murdered,
with several other
partisans
of tbe Mace- donian
interest,
and
immediately
sent
envoys
to
pacifyPhilip,
who met them as he was
crossing
Mount
Parthenius,
and directed that
oommissloners should be
appointed by
the
ephors
to confer with htm at
Tegea.
Ten
were
despatchedaccordingly,
with Omias at
their
head,
and
pleaded
the cause of their
party
in the
royalcouncil,endeavouring
to throw
the blame of the late commotion
on Adeiman- tus,
and to soothe
Philipby
the
strongest prol^
eatations of
fidehty.
But when
they
bad withdrawn,
the Toioea of the couooil
were unaoi-
monsly
raised
against
the
Spartans,though
opinions
wore divided as to tbe measure of
punishment
which it deserved. ITiere were
some who advised
Philip
to make an
example
of
Sparta,
as Alexander had of Thebes.
TiiB
cider and more discreet counsellors
thought
that it would be sufficientto
punish
and remove
the authors of the
tumult,
and to lodga
all the functions of the
government
in tbe
hands of the
oi^tosite party.
But the
young
king
carried his fbrbeajancefar
beyond
even
this decree of
lenity.
He laid down the broad
pnnciplethat,
as chief of tbe
League,
he had
no ri^tto interfere,
otherwise than
by remon-
stranoe or
advice,
in the domestic concerns of
any
of the allied
states,so
long
as
they
did not
affect the
general
interestsof tbe
confederacy.
It would be
strange,
he
observed,
if the
Spar- tans,
now that
"ey profesaed
unshaken at'
taebinent
to the common
cause,
ahoukt receive
hwsher bvatment from him tbaa from hia father
(Antigmms),
who had
glared
them while
they
were
open
enemies. He
accordin^y
dis-
miMed the
Spartanminister*,
and sent
Tetm-
UB,
ODB of his
friends, along
with
them, to exhort
the
people
to Bteadfastuess,
and to receive
oaths of
fidelity
from the
government.
Po-
lybtuasupposes
that
Phihp's language was
prompted by
Aratua
;
and no doubt it expressed
the ""HT'Tti
which be must have wished
to see observed
by
his
powerfulally.
But
Phihp
was of the
age
to wliich
popularitj
is
most
attractive,
and a liberal sentiment most
congenial.
He then returned to Corinth,where he found
the
deputies
of the allies
waiting
bia
arrival,
and
immediatelyopened
the
congress.
Grerr
state had to
complain
of some
injury
from the
^tolians, and war was
unanimonsly
decreed
against
them. The
decree,however, not
ooljr
set forth their recent
aggressions,
but declared
the resolution of the
League
to recover whatever
territory
or
city,bi^longing
to any of the
aDies,they
had
conquered
since the death of
Demetrius,Rulip's
father
;
to restore allwho
had been
compelled
to enter into the relation
of
sympoUty
with them to entire
independence,
and to reinstate tbe
Amphictyonic
council under
its ancient laws in the control over the
temple
at
Delphi,
which
they
had
usurped.
Such, Poiybiusremarks, was the formal beginning
of the Social War
;
and
envoya
wem
sent in tbe name of the
congress to
procure
the ratificationof the decree from each of the
confederatea. Yet
Philip
addressed a letter to
the
^tolians,
in which he declared himself still
willing
to listen to
any plea
which
they might
have to
allege
lor their
conduct,
but warned
tbem that
they
must not think to shelter themselves
from
just
retaliationunder the
pretence
that their
aggressions
were the acta of individuals,
not of the state. To this letter he received
an
answer,
proposinga conference at
Rhirnn. The offer was made with the belief
that itwould not be
accepted.
But when the
"tahan chiefs found that
Philip
was
ready
to
meet them, they
retracted their
proposal,
oit
the
pretext
that
Ihcy
could not treat with him
until
they
were authorized
by
the
great
council
of the nation. It met
very
soon after for the
annual election
; but,
as
if to show bow littla
was to
be
expected
fma ita sense of
justice,
it
X
DISPOSITIONS OP THE AI.LIE8." LYCUHGUS KING OF SPARTA. 431
yoimgeT citizeiu,
who were
eager
for
change,
conaeated to
grant
an audience to
Macbstas,
the
omoy.
Yet,
in the
aascndily,
U"e lecoUec-
tion of the evda inflicted on the
country by
tha
jEtolian
iDTaaion,
which some of the elder
ipealierB
contrasted with the forhearanoe of
Antigonus,
turned the current of
public
feeling
against
hia
proposals.
The Macedonian alliance
was coufinned,
and the
envoy
diamisMd.
But this failnre aeeraa
only
to hare
ioatigatod
the leaden of the
diaappoini"d
part^
to balder
and more deeiaiTeineasore*. A
festival,
which
celebrated with an anaed
prooetaioD
of
/onager
otttEena to tiie Bracen
Houae, and
with a aaerifioe
paifanned
there
by
the
aphoia,.
afforded
an opportonity,
which
they
aelied
not
the lesa
willingly
becanse it involved Uie
profanation
of a
BOnetaaiy
hitherto
regained
aa inviolably
aacred.
They engaged
aone of their
ycning partlaans
to
fail
upon
the
ephors
whUa
they
were buaied witb the sacrifice. All were
murdered
i
aad the terror
inspiredby
this deed
qneUedallresiBtancetotheconBpiratorB.
Soma
menberaaf the nraaia were
patio death;
all
who had
"tpfoma
the ."tolian
envoy
in the aat
aemhiy
were banished,
and the
eptrarate SIM
with
men devoted to ihe
party,
vbo made it
their Grat buaiaeta tO: take meaanies for oon-
duding an
alliancA with the i"tolians. Madta*
taa,
who had not yet,
it
aeema,
reached
heme,
was recalled
;
and in the mean while
roralty
waa
reatored,yet
not with a strict adherence
to the constitutional order of successioiL Tb"
place
of CleomeDes, indeed,was filled
by
the
legitimate heir,
Ageaipolia,
a
grandson
of Cler
ombrotuB,
the
rival
of Leonidaa. He was under
age,
and hw uncle Cteomooea waa appointed
his
guardiBQ;
so that it waa evident the
whole business of the
royal
office
would,
for
some lime,
devolve on his
colleague.
But in
the houae of Procles, though
the murdered
ArchidamuB had left two
sons,
who were still
living,
as
well aa others of the same line,a
named
Lycurgus,
who had no
lawfiil
title,
raised to the throne.
Polybiua
intimates
thai he was not even an Heradeid,
and
repre-
" notoriouB that he
purchased
his ele-
a bribe of a talent to each of tba
ephors.
But itis
probable
that the chief
groimil
of their
preferencewas,
that
they
couJd
relj
on his devotion to the interests of their
party.
Machatss
then,oa his return to
Sparta,
found
the
objects
of his mission
accomplished,
and
bad
only
lo exhort his friends to close the door
against
reconciliationwith their late allies
by
an
early
commencement of hostihties.
Lycur- gus
accordingly
made an
irruption
soon
after
into
Argolis,
where he
surprised
several
town*
on the coast,
and then
proceeded
to
laysieg"
to the AtheuKum,
the fortress which CleomC'
nes bad seized at the
beginning
of the laat
war. Hschatas,
on his
way
home, persuaded
the Eleana to follow the
example
of
Sparta.
Such was the state
of affairs in Greece when
Aratus went out of office,
and
was
sacceeded
by
his
son,
who bore his father's
name,
bat
seems to have been endowed with no
great
share of his abilities. The Achsan
League,
surrounded
by
active enemies,
had no ally
nearer
than Macedonia to whom it could look
for effectual aid
;
and its own resources had
been
very
much reduced
by
ita exertions in tha
,_j,
the aaaeciate of
Donmachos,
with the chief
magistracy.
The Aohsan as-
"erobly,
which was held abont the same time
at ."gium,
ratifiedthe decree of the
owigTess
t Corinth,
and
proclaimedpublic
license of
")riBBla
against
the jEloIians.
Philipappear-
d at this
assembly,
and addressed it in a
long
apeeeh,
which waa received with
great ap-
plaose,
and a vote was passed by
which all
the honours conferred on his
predecessors
were revived in bis "voQr. He then relumed
to Macedonia to make
piîamtioBaduring
the
winter for tba
envuing oampBign, leaving
a
sông
impression
(rfhia
ability
and modeiwim
on the minds of the Gredu. It was already
eieai that he
possessedexUaordinarr
talents
and
activity,
and that he was
quiteequal
lo
th"
government
of bis
lungdonL
In the conrse
of the winter he not
only
ordered fresh levies.
and took measures to secure hia northwest
firontier
sgoinat
his barbariui
neighboura,
but
ventured to seek an interview with Scerdilai-
das in hts own dominions. The
lllyrian prinoe
had been defraiKled
by
the ."tolians of hia
ahareof die
booty
which he had
helped
lowin.
Be
waa,
thetetbre,
well diwoaed to meet Phil- ip's
advances, pleaaed
with the oonfidenee
placed
in hifl
generosity,
and
easily
induced to
becmne the
aUy
of
Macedonia,
and to
engage,
for a
yearlysubsidy
of
twenty talents,to mue
war on the .Xtoltuis with a
squadroa
of
thirty
galleys.
The result of the embaaaiee sent in the name
"f the
congress
to receive the ratiAcation of
the decree showed how
large
a
part
of the
burden and risk of the war would fall on Mace- donia.
The Acamaniana alone seem to have
pledged
themselves
honestly
and without
serve to the common cause, though
none had
80 much reason to dread the
enmity
of the
."tolians. The
Epirots,thoughthey
likewise
ratifiedthe
decree,passed
a resolution not to
hîn
hostilities until
Philip
should have set
the
example ;
and
they represented
to f""
."tolian
envoys
that
they
were determined
remain at
peace.
Even the MessenianB,though
the war had arisen in their
defence,
declined
to enter into it
immediately. They
were
gov-
eined
by an oligarchical party,
which consider'
ed this
policy
aa the best calculated to secure
their
possessions
from the
danger
of another
JEtoliAn invasion
;
and informed the
envoys
"f the
League
that
they
would not declare war
mail Pbigidea,
which now enabled the j"toli-
ans to iuest their
border,
should have been
taken from them. At
Sparta
the ministera of
the
congresB
were dismissed without an an
swer : a
sign,Fc4ybiusthought,
of
perplexity
,
but which seems
rather to indicate that the
.
adverse
parties
balanced each other. New
ephora
came into office not
long after,
who
were disposed to maintain the alliance with
Muiedonia
;
but it seems that about
time the death of Cleomenes became known,
and encouraged
the leaders of the
oppo!
party
to
make a fresh
attempt.
At their
qneat,
an .^tolian
envoy
was sent to
Sparta;
aod they
then called
upon
the
ephors
to introduce
him to the
assembly
of the
people,
and lo
fiU
up
the
vacancy
of the throne. The
ephors
reserved the
question
of the succession for fu-
tiire consideration,
hut
fearingto irritate
the
4M
Cleomenk) War. !
who served it in that war had never received
theit full
pay,
and, conseqaently,
tbe new
general
round it difficultto draw others into the
Berries.
Philip
toolc the field
early
in the
apring,
with an
army
of
15,000
foot and 800
horse,
and tnarchcd from
Tliessaly
into
Epims
with the
design
at
invading"tolia;
a movement
by
which,
if he had executed it without
delay,
be
would,
aa
Polybiusbelieved,soon
have
brought
tbe wai to a close. But he
yielded
to the solicitation of the
Epirota,
who wished
to become mastera of
Ambracia,
and laid
Bicge
to
AmbracuB,
a
place
of
great atrength
in
the
vicinity
of that
city
;
and the time which
ho thuB WBBted was employed by
the ."tolians
to tbe best
advantage,
both with a view to de-
ftuce and offence. Dorimachtis,indeed,waa
repulsed,
with some loss,
in an
attempt
on
vEgira,Ibrongh
the
greedinesa
with which his
troops
feU on the ûnder.Bat the "tolian
generalEuripidaa,
who had been sent to take
the command of the Elean
fbrcet,ravaged
the
north of Achaia with
impunity,
and fortified an
ancient
stronghold
called Teichos,îearCape
Araxos,
which enabled him to infest the territories
of
Dyme, Pharn,
and Triuea with con-
tional inroads. Tbe
people
of these three cantons,
after
having repeatedlyapplied
for succour
to their
general
without eS$ct, resolved to
withdraw their contributions firom the
League,
ftndtoapplythemto
the maintenance of a
body
of mercenaiiea for their own
protection.
Thus
the
Leaê
seemed to be in
danger
of internal
dteolution,
while it was moat
vigorously
assailed
fnm without.
Polybinscharges
the
TODnfer
Aralns with
suirineikess
and
negle"t;
bat hia
position
would
probably
have been embarrassing,
even to a man
of
extraordinary en-
mSTORY OF GREECE.
Wliilt /hile
Philiplay
before
Ambiacue, Scopaa,
with the bulk of the ^tolian
forces,
marched
through Thessaly
into
Pieria,and,
alter having
ravaged
the
plaincountry,
advanced
against
Dium, the Macedonian
Otympta.
The inhabitants
abandc.ied the town at his
approach,
and he found
nothing
but the
buildings
whereon
to wreak hia
fury.
These, whether
private
dwellingsor
publicmonuments,
he
destroyed
or defaced
;
he dismantled the walls,demolished
the
gymnasium,
set fire to the
precincts
of
tike sacred
ground
where tbe
games
were celebrated,
statelygalleries
or cloisters
richly
adorned with choice works of
art. and threw
down all the slaluea of the Macedonian
kings.
In ."tali8 this barbarous
outrage
was
regarded
as a
glorioustriumph,provingthat,
while their
own land remained
untouched,no
enemy's
country was secure from their victorious
anns.
Philip
received the
mortifyingintelligence
while he was still detained before
Ambracus.
which he
otdycompelled
to
capitulate by
eit-
traordinaryexertions at the end of
fortydays,
the
garrison.
BOO
jEtolians,being
allowed to
retire. He then delivered
posaeasion
of the
town to the
Epirols,and
proceeded through
Acamania,
where he waa
joinedby
the Acar-
nanian
contingent.
2000 foot and 200 horse.
hito ."to1ia.
Here,
after
some
slight
advantages,
he
encamped
on the Aohelous
near Stra- tus,
and
ravaged
the
adjacent
conntry.
He
wasthns
occupied,
when Achean
envoys
came
to
request
that he woiOd Tttskea divernot is
their favour
by
the invasion of
Ells,
where his
army
would find
ample booty. Professing
to
require
time toi delihoratioa on this
proposal,
and, keeping
the
envoys by
his
aide,
he mD""l
forward towards the southern
coast, by
Ms-
tropolia, Conope,
and
Ithorea, leaving
the tows
of
Metropolis
and
Ithorea,
which were deserted
at his
approach,
in
niins,
and
wasting
thg
country through
which he
passed,
until he
came to
P^Hninm.astrong place,
which he toot
by storm, and, having
razed it to the
ground,
carried
away
the materials of the houses vitii
a view to the
aiege
of fEniads. The lEtolitm
had made
preparations
to defend the citadel"jf
(Eniade, but,
after the fallof P"aninm, aliaD-
doned it in terror. Philip, perceiving
the man-
ifold
advantages
of its
position,
both sa a
place
of embarcation for
Peloponnesus,
and with t
view to
operations
in
.^tolia,having
firstmids
himself master of El'teus, another fortress o"
the
Calydoniancoast, waa
proceeding
la (at-
tifyCEniadR,
and to connect the
haiboni,by
a
wall,
with the
citadel,
when he was InteirupMil
by
the news that the Dardanians were collecting
their forces to invade Macedonia
during
his absence. He
immediately
dismissed tbe
Achean
envoys
with a
promise that,as soog
as he
h^d provided
for the
safety
of his
kioj-
dom,]ie
wotdd endeavour to succour his alliea,
and then set oat for Macedonia
by
the aanu
road which he had taken southward. At tlie
mouth of the Ambrscian GuJf he fell in with
DemetriuB the Pharian,
who had been drinn
out of
niyriaby
.înilius
Paulus,
and had made
his
escape
with a few
galleys.*
He was kindly
,
received
by Philip,
who directed him to
pre-
'
ceed to Corinth,
and thence
repairby
land to
his court. He himself reached Pells befbn
the Dardanians had entered Macedonia, and,
thongh they
were near the
border,they
were
so much alarmed
by
the news of hia relnin,
that
they
abandoned their
enterprise
and dia-
banded their forces.
Tîilip,
likewise, finding
that the
danger
waa
past.
disnriBsed his
troops
to their homes for the
vintage,
and fixedtu"
own residence for the rest of the
sununer
U
Larissa.
At the next election of the jEtolian map*
irates
Scopas
was succeeded
by
his friendDo-
rimachns,
who
signalized
the
beginning
of hit
administration
by
an achievement like thai
which had
gainedso much renown for his
predecessor.
He made an
expedition
into Epinia.
in the course of
which,
among
other acts
of
wanton havoc, he
destroyed
the
temple
of Bo-
dona. Afler this the season seemnl too
far
advanced for
miIitBi7operations:
and neither
"riends nor foes
expected
that
Philip
would
alit
again
before the
spring.
But when he took
np
his
quarters
at Larisaa he
appears
to hare
meditated a movement which was
quite
at variance
with the common rules of Grecian
wai-
fare,but,on that
very account,
afforded
the
fairer
pnwpect
of brilliantsuccesa. Hesetoni
from Larissa,in the
depth
of winter,
with "
small
force,3000
heavy-anned,
SOOO
targeteeis,
300 Cretan
bowmen,
and 400 horse
;
and, taking
the route
of
Euhcea.Locris,
and Bceatia,
"
PolTb..lii..!",
8.
Arumnl. uil"id (ir..St,4).
te
(""i.,") nlitu (bu lie
tmpod (ii'i
nMOr
-xrvr'""-
PHILIP IN PELOPONNKSUSÂPELLES. "S8
ArriTod at Oorintb before
anj
nunonr of bin
"p-
proacli
bad reached
Peloponneaiu. Harjog
ordered the
citjgales
to be
closed,
and the
roads
abicUy guarded,
to
prevent
the
ttdln^
fiom
passing
to the
enemy,
he next
day
sent
for Aratns from
SicnroD,
aad at the same time,
by letters,appointeda
day
oa wtiich the
gen-
eial should meet him with the Torcea or the
League
at
Caphyn.
After hia conferencii with
AratiLB he continued hia
march,
aod
encamped
in the
territory
of Phlius. 11
happened
that
the "tolian
general,Euripidas,
who had lixed
his
quarters
at
Psophis
in
Arcadia,
had chosen
the same
time for an inroad into the
territory
al
Sicyon
with a
body
of about SOOO meo. He
bad
passed
the Macedonian
ancampment
in the
night,
and was about to cross the
Sicyooiau
border the next
morning,
when he learned
Jtulip'svicinity
from some
foragers
who feU
into his hands.
Keeping
his
discoiery
to himself,
he
gave
immediate orders for
retreat,
hoping,by a forced
march, again
to
pass
the
MacedoDiaa
army
before it had entered the
jiUiu
of
Slymphalua,
so aa to return
by
Phenea
to
Psophis
onobserTed. But he was deceived
hy
his catculalion,
and fellia with the
enemy
in the
passes
of Mount
Apelaurus,
between
Phlius and
Stymphalns. Seeing
that an engagement
was unavoidable,
and
believing
defeat
certain,he
basely
abandoned his
men,
and
"9C^"ed
with a few horsemen over the mountains
to
Psophis.
His
troops,
whom he had not
even warned of their
danger,
and
who, at first
sight,
mistook the Macedonians for
AchKans,
were
completely routed,
1200
taken,
and al-
moet all the rest slain. The fame of this victor;
was,
to moat of the
Peloponnesians,
the
first
report
which
they
had heard of
Philip's
At
Caph^
he was joinedby
the
younger
Aratus and about 4000 AChaans, and
indulged
bis
troops,
who had suffered
great hardebips
amid the
deep
snowa of Mount
Oligyrtus,
with
-two
days'
rest
;
and then
proceeded
to
laysiege
to
Psophis.
The
place,
situate at the conflu-
"!nce of two
rapidstreams,
Aroanius and
Ery-
manlhuB, was so
strong,
both
by
nature and
art,
that
Philip
seems to have owed his
success,
in
agreat measure,
to the boldness of the
attempt.
When he had stormed the
town,
the citadel
capitulated.
The Elean
garrison
was allowed
-to
depart,
and
Euripidasto return to iEtolia.
Philip
then assembled the
Achcans, and,
having
pointed
out the
importance
of the
place,
de-
Jivered it into their
possession
as a token of
Ills
good
will. Tu this favour he
shortly
alter
added the cession of
Lasium,
which he found
'evacuated
by
the Eleans. After a short
repose
at Olympia,
he advanced into the vale of
Zlis,to
coDect the
booty
which it offered in
greater
abundance than
any
other districtof
Greece. The Eleans stillretained their love
of niial
porsiiita,
and all the wealth of the
people
was
spread
over the face of the
country
;
.and the
attempt
which
they
made to secure it
only
enabled the
enemy
to take
possession
o{
it the more
easily
and
quickly.
A
great
multi-
tode of
husbandmen,
with their flocks and
hards,
and other moveable
riches,sought
refuge
in a
Btronghold
called
Thalams,
which
waa
deemed
impregnate,
and was defended
by
two hundred mercenaries under the Elcao
goMffa)AmphidamaB.
Bnt when
Philip
had
overcomo tbe difGoulties of the first
approach,
Amphidamas
surrendered the
sooner, as be
cuuld maintain no control
ovier
audi a
motley
mass. The
coEiqueror
carried
away
more than
0000
captives,
besides cattle without number
;
aod the
canifi
was so encumbered with
booty,
that he was
obliged,
on that
account, to hasten
his return to
Olympia.
An
expeditionwhich
he next undertook
againstTriphylia
was no
less
successful,though Uorimachua,at the request
of the
Eleans,
had sent Phihdas with
600 ftolians to their aid. Alter the reduction
of
Aliphera,
the
Triphyiian
towns
opened
their
gates
to the
king,ao. that.
he had made himself
master of tho whole
country
in the course of
six
days.
The
Phigaieans,
who had
begun
to
feel their connexion with
^tolia
burdensome,
now took
up
arms
against
the
pirates, sad,
having
oompelled
them to
retire,
surrendered their
city
to
Philip.
The hinderancc which had
kept
Messenia neutral was thus removed. As
Philip
moved forward to
Megalopolis,
the
Spartan*
believed that
they
should be the next to feel
his
presence ;
they
evacuated the Athenaum
and razed it to the ground, and
began
to remove
their
property
irom the
country
into the
city.
Yet an
attempt
which had been made
just
before to effect a counter-revolution had
aignally
failed. One
Chilon,a man of the
royal
blood,who believed that he bad been
urqustly
excluded from the throne which was
usurpod
by LycuTgus,
formed a
conspiracy,
into whidi
be drew two hundred
associates,to overtunt
the
government.
His firstmeasure was to
put
to death all the
epbors
as
they
sal at
table^-a
fitretributionfor the crime
by
which
they
had
risen to
power"
and he then
proceeded
with
like intention to the house of bis rival
;
but
LycurguB
was concealed
by
his
neighbours,
and
escaped
to the frontier.
Chilon,
whose
hopea
were dashed
by
this
failure,
now
onlyperse- vered
because it waa too late to recede
;
and
he
shortly
found
that,though
he was able to
get
rid of a fe'w more of his
enemies,
he could
not
gain
a
single
new friend to his cause
;
even
the
proposal
of a new
agrarianlaw, on which
he
chiefly relied, as the
engineby
which Cleom-
enes had
accomplished
liis
ends,
produced
no
effect on the multitude. It seems to have been
felt that he
representeda
party
which was directly
opposed
to the
policy
of
Cleomenos,
and
which leaned on Macedonia for
support,
Ao-
cordingly,
when he found it
necessary
to fly
from
tiparta,
he took
refuge
in Achaia.
Pliilip,
however,
did not think it
advisable,at this
juncture,
to invade
Laconia,
but
proceeded
to
pass
the rest of the winter at
Argoa.
While be was thus successful in all his
on-
derlakinge,
and was
unfolding
audi extraordinary
talents,
hands were at work
spinnioji
a
web of
intrigues
around him,which, as itthick- ened,
threatened lo fetter his
activity
and to
tnar hia
prospects. Antigonus,by
hia
will,
had
assigned
the
principal place
in his council
to
Apelles,
an ambitious,overbearingman,
who
waa
willingenough
to
promote
his master's
iiv-
terests so
long
as his own influence waa supreme
in the cabinet,
but
impatient
of a
riTal,
and
capable
of
sacrificing
every
principle
ofbon-
otir and
duty
lo
pride
and
jealousy.Apelle*
viewed the course of eventain Gree"
" '"
v.,
Greece,aa
oo";rc
was
probably
viewed
by every
MaoedoBiin
alaLesiDBn,
aa
aflording
an
opportiinltj
for reducing
Greece to
complets subjection ; and,
whea he
accompaniedPhilip
into
Peloponnesus,
be mads Ithis aim to accustom the Achsans to
the same atate of
dependance
and
acknuwledg-
meut of
inreriority
lo which the Thesaalians
had
alreadyaubmiUed, thoughthnj
stillretained
the forma of
a free
Constitution,
and even
kkoked down
on the
Macedonians,
as subjects
of a
monarchy,
with some
degree
of
contempt.
In the
prosecutioa
of this
plan,
he
encouraged
the Macedonians to turn the Achisans out of
their
quartersi
and lo
deprive
them of their share
Af the
booty,
and tieendeavoured to break liieir
"ptrlt by
the inflictionof
corporealpunishments
for
every slight
fault.
DuringPhilip's
last bo-
jouni at
Otynipra,
eoitie of the AchRans had
oom|dained
of this conduct to Aratus, who reported
tlieir
grievanoes
to the
king,
and
Philip
had
prembed to
pratect them,
and bad
enjoined
-
Apellea
to desist from all encroachments on
thair
rights
aad od the
authority
of Uie Achnan
gnenl
ApeUes
now
regarded
Aratoa as his
enemy,
and endeavoured both to
estrange
the
king
ftrom him and to andermine his infuence
among
faia
oonnlrymen.
He
sought
oat and caressed
kia
polHt(wladversaries,
and
represented
to
PUllp that,so
long
as he followed the advice
ot AJatne, he n-ould obtain
nothing
from the
AolHsans
beyond
the letterof the
treaty;
but
ifhe would be
guidedby
different
counsels,
and
sappon
the
oppositepany,
he would be able to
make use of the
Petoponnesiansat his
pleasure,
Hiiiipquiteagreed
with his minister as to the
desimbleness of the
end,
and
adopted
his
sug-
geetions
as to the means. At the next e!ec-
tiMi,
under colour of an
eipeditionagainst
the
Eleans,
he
stoppedat
."gium
on his
way,
and.
by
secret induenoe, caused
Ttmoienus, the
friend of
Aratus,
lo be
rejected,
and
Eperatns,
"
man, Hccordingtn
Polybiua,
of small
abilities,
bot
pertiaps
a aealous
partisan,,
to be elected
general.
He then continued his march westward,
and
encamped
before
Teichos,
Which the
Elean
garrison,
not
venturing
to stand a
siege,
presentlysurrendered,and, having
restored it
to the
DymKans,
he made an inroad into the
territor?
of
Elis,and returned to
Dyme
with
a
greatbooty.
Apelles
had been
unremitting
io his endeavours
to
inspire
the
king
with a distrust of Ara- tus,
and,shortly
afterthe
election,
he had found
a
pretext
for
a new and bolder
calumny.
Am-
{diidamns,
the Elean
general,
who was taken
SiwDer
at Thalamte, when he was
brought
to
lympia,
had obtained an aodience of
Philip,
ana
oadertook,
if he was allowed to return
bome, lo
negotiate
an alliance between Elis
and
Macedonia.
Philip
was thus induced lo
release him without
lamtora,
and
empowered
him to make
very
liberal oftbrsto his
countrymen.
But it
appeared
that ho had
greatly
over- rated
his inRoenee
or his
powers
of
perauaaion,
Jbr,
instead of
gaining
their assent to his
proposals,
he became an
ohje'-i of their
suspicions.
Apellesimputed
this failure
to the artificesof
Aratus,who,
he
pretended,
had
secretly
warned
Amphidamus
to beware how he
endangered
the
iMependence
of
Peloponnesus
by
such an
addition
to the
power
of
Macedonia. This
charge
he ventured to
repeat
in
RiOip's
pros-
ence when confronted with Aratus, who, as he
was unable
immediately
to
prove
his
innocence,
could
onlyreqtiest
the
king
lo
suspend
his
jndg-
"ment ontil he should have rnore
fully investiga- ted
the truth.
During Philip'sstay
at
Dyme
the truth came to
ligtal.
The recent invaaioD
had excited the
suspicion
of the Eleans
against
Amphidamus,
and a
design
was formed to arrest
him,
and to send him In chains to jEtoIia
;
but,having
discovered his
danger
in
lime,
he
fled to
Dyme,
and Aratus
immediatelybegged
Philip
to ezsnune him on
the alluatioiiB of
Apelles,
His statement convinced
niilip
that
the
charge bniagbtagainst
Aratus was
utterly
groundless.
This
discoverr,
while it revived
the
king's
confidence in Aratns,
shook that
which he had hitherto
reposed
in the author of
the detected
calumny,
and he soon
found other
reasons Jbr
deeper
distrust of bis minister.
EperatuB
had
scarcely
entered
upon
his oIGce
before it became manifeat
that,
eKher from
want of
energy
or of
credit,
he would
never be
able to fhrther his
patron's
viewa.
PbiHp was
in need of
money
and
proviaions
for the
pay
and maintenance of hia
army,
and he caaaed
an
assembly
to be held at ."gium,
in the
hojie
of
obtaining
a
supply.
But, aa the new
gener^
possessed
no
weight,
and that of Aratus and
hia
party
waa thrown into the
oppositescale,
the
assembly
ahowed no disposition to roeet
the
king's
wishes. He now
perceived
the error
into which he had been drawn
by
the eoon-
sels of
Apelles, and,having
induced the
government
to transfer the
assembly
to
Sicyen,he,
in the mean
while,
made overtures for b reconciliation
with Aratus and bis
son,
expressed
his
regret
for the
steps
into which he had been misled
by Apelles,
and solicited the renewal of
tiieir
friendship
and
good
offices. Hs aoou
reaped
the fruits of this condescension. When
the influence of Aratus was exerted in his favour,
the
assemblydisplayed
the utmost readiness
to
comply
with his
requests.
It
granted
an immediate
subsidy
of
l^fty
talents as three
months'
pay
for his
army,
and a
largesnpiriy
of
com,
and decreed
that,
for the future,he should
receive seventeen talents a month as
long
as
he shonld
carry
on the war in
Peloponnesua.
He now resolved to
equip
a fleet,as the most
eflbctualinstrument of
armoyance
to the enemy,
who would neither be able to
guard
themselves
nor to succour one another
against
attacks
l"om the
seaside,
which couM never be
foreseen. He therefore collected alt the naval
forces of the
Leagne,together
with his
own,
at
Lechsum,
and
exercis^
his Macedonians in
nautical
evolutions,
until he had rendered them
expert
in all the
operations
of naval warfare.
But,
in the mean white. Applies,seeing
his
credit
declining,
and
despairing
of
recovering
his master's confidence,
resotved to break the
power
which he was no
longer
allowed to wield,
and to thwart
every plan adopted
without his
concurrence, hoping,
it
seems, that,by
a series
of failures and disasters.
Philipmight
be compelled
to abandon himself to his
guidance.
Among
the other
great
officers whom
Antigo-
nuB had
appointedby
his
wilt,two,
Leonlius
and
Megaleas,
were
entirely
devoted to his interests,
and, by
malicious insinuations,he bad
alienated
Philip
from the other
two,
Taurioa
CONSPIRACY AGAINST nnLIP."HE TAKES THERHTJ8.
and
Alexander,the cootmaTuIer of the
guard,
and bad caused them to be romovoi! from their
posts.
Leontiua and
Megalcas
entered into bis
achemeB. and it was concerted
among
thera
that
ApeQes should,on some
pietcic,
retire to
Chalcis,
and
intercept
all
supplies
which the
king
had to
espect
from the
north,
while his
two
associates,
remainingby
the
king'sside,
"hoold take
every opportaaity
of
batSing
hia en-
"nie firat
operatimis
of the fleet were directed
againstCephaUenia,
which had
long
been
the arsenal that
sapplied
the .^tolians with
most of the Teasels tjie; used for their
expeditions.
As wen on this account as for the con-
Tenienees of his
position,
it was an
oliject
of
the
highestimportance
to
Philip,
who set
about
the
conquest
of the island with the
siege
of
Palai,
which contained
largemagazines
of
com.
Here, according
to bis
previousreqoisilion,
he
was met
b;
re-enforcements from
Messenia,
Acamania, Epirus,
and
niyria.
The town was
accessible
only
on one side,
where there was a
"mall
plain, on which
he stationed bis
engines
and
lighttroops,
so as to coTer the
operations
of hia milters. When
they
had undermined the
wan to the
length of two
fiirlongs,
he feltso
"nre of
Tictory
toat he went
np
in
person
to call
npon
the
besiegedto surrender. On their refusal,
he ordered the
props
on which the wail was
lasting
to be fired. It
immediatelylell, and he
"ent
Leonthia,
with his
targeteers.
to mount the
breach. Bat the
traitor,
faithful
to his compact
with
Apelles,
found
means,
with the half
of some of his officerswhom he had
previously
coimpted,
thrice in succession to check and
embarrass his
troops,
after
theyhad gained
the
top
of the broken
wall,
and
were on the
point
of
pouring
into the
city.
In the
end,they
were
repulsed
with
severe loss
;
and
Philip,seeing
"ymptoms
of
treachery
which he could not with
rertaintif trace to
theiraource,
raised the
siege,
and fbr the
present
abandoned his
designs
on
the island.
While he
lay
before
Pais:,Lycnrgus
invaded
Uesaenia,
and Dorimachus made an
irruption
into
Thesaaly
with one half of the JEXoHao forces
to divert him from his
purpose.
The Acar-
nanians now sent
envoys
to advise him to'invade
"UAa
during
the absence of Dorimachua
;
while the Mcssemans
implored
his
protection,
and
pointedout to him
that,during
the continuance
of the summer winds, he conid reach
Hflssenia in a
day
from
Ccphallenia.
But
they
aeesoed to have overlooked that he
might
be
detained in Messenia
by
the same caose
through
tlie aamiDer.
Leontias and his
aasociatcB,
who
dearly
foresaw Uiia
reaalt,
forthisreason warmly
aupported
the
propoad
of the Mesaenians.
But
AratOB, with
aaperior
force of
argument,
maintained the
opjioarte (pinion,
and
urged
him
not to
neglect
so fairan
opportunity
of over-
nmning
"Mia widioDt resistance.
Hiilip,
who
bad
alreadybegun
to distrust
Leontius, sdopted
the advice of
Aratns,and, having
directed
"p-
eratDB to succour the Messenians.
transported
hia vessels
across the Leucadian
Isthmus,
and
sailed to
Limnea,
in the southeast comer of
the Gulf of Amhracia. Here he was
joinedby
the whole farc" of
Acamania. eager
to
avenge
the
repeatedinjuries
wbich
(hey
had suffered
from the ftoliane. The
Epirots,
who were
Vol. II." H
b h
Tlie main
object
of the
expedition was to surprise
Thermus.
Leaving
a sufficient force at
Limntea to
guard
the
baggage,Philipset out in
the
evening,and,by
a
longnightmarch, reached
the
Achelous, between
Conape
and
Stratus,
at
daybreak. Leontias,
who knew that the
sue- .
cess of the
expeditiondepended
on
rapidity
of
movement, wishing
to
gain
time for the JBtoli-
ans,
would have
persuadedPhilip
to allow Ms
troops
an intervalof
repose ;
but Aratos
coitjtt-
red him not to risk the loss of the
goldenoppor- tunity
by
any
needless
delay;
ana
Philip,
now
mote and more
disgusted
with
Leontiua,cidbb-
ed the
Acheloiis,
and
pursued
hia march irith-
out intermission,wasting
the
countrythrough
which he
paaaed,
until he reached
Metafia,
a
town on the western edge
of the Lake Tncho-
nis,
atwut seven or
eight
miles lirom Thermus.
It had been abandoned
by
the
"tolians,
and )io
occupied
it with 6O0 men far the
security
of his
rear. The
approach
to ThenoLts from
Metapa
was a series of defiles
overhung
with rocka and
thick woods
;
and for the last three or four
miles,beginning
from the
village
of
Pamphia,
the road ran
along
a. narrow
oreat,
with
precipices
on each
side,
until it
opened on a
am^
elevated
plain,
where stood
"nienaus,
the citadel
of.îolia.
Philip,using
every precantioit
of a
wai7 general,though
he saw no
enemy,
and
leavini!
another detachment at
Pamphia,
arrived at Themms
long
before
nightfall.
The
jEtolians,
who had never
Ihonght
that he would
venture so far into the heart of their
country,
and had no time to make
preparations
for defence,
had abandoned the
place,
but had not removed
any
of itstreasures. The
plunder
of th"
houses and of the
neighbonringvillages occupied
the remainder of the
day.
The next
morning
the
invaders,having
eclei^ted the most valuable-
part
ofthe
spoil,
burned all that
they
could not
carry off,among
the rest IS,
000 suits of
armour,
which were Ibund in the
public
armories. So-
far,Poiybiusremarks, they
conformed to the-
rules of civilized warfare. But Itefore
they
quitted
the
place,
to retaliate for the destruction
of Diura and
Dodona,theyset fire to the-
sacred
buildings,
and levelled tfaem with the
ffround,
defac^
allthe works of
art,
and threw
down the
statues,
which were not fewer thaa
two
thousand,sparingonly
those of the
gods-
from total min.
Poiybius
condemns this imitation
of a bad
example
as not less
impolitic
thaa
sacrilegious
and barbarous
;
and no doubt Phil- ip
lost an
opportunity
for a
display
of
generosity,
which would have
greatly
raised hia
reputation
and
atrengthened
his
power ;
bat thisact
of
vengeance
was
probably
the main
object
of
his
expedition,
and there is no reason to attribute
any very important
share in
it,as the historian
suggests,*
to the influence of Demetrius
the
niarian,or,
on the other
band,to suppose-
that Aratus viewed itwith mudt
regret.
Phil- ip
professed,
at least,to regard
himself as Iha
minister of Divine retribution
;
and
many
parts-
of the blackened ruins were inscribed with a
line
composed by
his foster-brother, Sarous,sort
ofChrysogonns,
in wbich the flames that scath-
ed Thermus were
wittily
described as a boll of
"P"l7l..,t.,li;*ii.,14ju.,".
4sa HISTORY OF GR"ECB.
the
god
whose
sanctoaij
had been
pror"ned
at
When this was
accompHaheil
he set out on
his retreat. In the mean while the iCtolian
general,Alexander,
had assembled
a
hody
of
3000
men,
with
which, aa aoon as the Maeedo-
nians
began
to descend Trom the table-land or
'
Thennus,
he attacked their
rear;
but he was
drawn into
an ambuseade,
and
totally
defeated
;
and
Philip, havingdestroyed
Pamphia
and
Metapa,brought
his
army
out of the defilesin
safety,
and
encamped
near Acrs, not far from
the western bank of the Achclous. The next
day
he
laiaged
the
counliy
about
Conope,
and
on the third marched
up
the
vale,
and crossed
the river
near
Stratus,
where he made a short
halt,having
beard thnt an j"to1ian force of
about 4400 men was assembled in the
town,
and
hoping
to draw it into an
engagement.
Bat no
enemy appeared
nnlil the
rear
of his
colnmnbad
passed
the
town,
when it
was ehai-
sed
by
the .i"tolian
cavalry,
aided
by
a
body
of
Cretan bowmen. 'This
attack,however, was
soon
repelled
;
and the
army, pursuing
its
toarch without farther
raolestatiaa,
arrived
safelyat the
camp
at Limncea. Here he celebrated
a
thanksgiving aacrifiee,
and
gave
a
ban-
guet
to his
principal
officers,
LeOQtiue and
Megaleaswere so
deeply
dis-
appomted
and
dejectedby
ilgeirmaater'a tri-
vmph,
that
they
could not even assume a
decent
degree
of cheerfulness at
table,
and attracted
the
king'sattention
by
the contrast
which he
perceived
between their behaviour
and that of bis other
guests.
The fumes of the
wine at
length
thawed their
reserve and raised
their
courage,
without
restoring
their
good-humour.
When the enlertainmeut was
over,
they
waylaid
Aratus as he was
returning
to bis
tent,
and assailed
bim,
firstwith
invectives,
and then
with stones. A crowd
gathered
round
them,
and a scene of confusion ensued. The noise
reached the
king's
ear,
aud he sent to learn the
cause of the
uproar.
Leonlius
disappeared
^
but
Megaleas,
and
one Crinon,who had taken
part
with
him,
were summoned into the
royal
presence,
and
sharplyrepriaianded.But,
instead
of
oBeringan
apology,they
so
far
forgot
themselves as to declare their
porposa
of
ra-
vcnging
themselves
on Aratus.
Philip,
incensed
at their
insolence,
ordered them to find
anrety
for the
payment
of
twenty talents,and,
in the mean
while,
to be taken into
custody.
The next
day
he sent for
Aratus,
and
promised
to
give
him satisfactionfor the insult be bad
received. X.coQttus
came,
soon alter,to the
royaltent,
with
some
of his
targeteers,
think-
ing to strike terror into the
young king,
and
Asked who bad
presumed
to
arrest
Megaleas.
But when
Philip
replied,
in
a firni
tone,
that it
had been done byhia
own order,
he waa cowed,
and
witlidrew, onlyuttering
an
angry
mur-
mtir. On his
voyage
back to
Corinth,Philip
touched al
Lencas,
and remained there two
days,
to
give
lime for the sale of the
booty,
and,during
thia
interval, broughtMegaleas
and
Crinon to trial before
a council of his friends.
Aratus came forward
as the
acenser,
not
only
'
'O^ r( Ah dI BO^t itirrm. II cu
huiIJj
li
established his
chargeby proof
and
teetimonT,
though
it is difficultto conceive how he could
have found evidence of such a secret
compact.
The
court, however, waa satisfied,
and unanimously
condemned the
prisoners.Crinon,
being
unable,
it
seems,
to
pay
the
penalty,
remained
in conGncmcnt.
Megaleas
was released
on the
undertaking
of Leontiue to become
his
surety.
In the mean while,
Dorimachus had
entirely
failed in his
expedition
to
Thessaly,
where ha
found
Chrysogonus
and Petrane so well
prepared
to receive him,
Ibat he did not venture, to
descend into tba
plains.
As soon as he heard
of
Philip'sinuption
into
.^tolia,be hastened
back to
defend his
country,
but found the enemy
gone.
Lycurgus
had eSecled
as
little in
Messeoia
;
and, though
he afterward made himself
master of the town of
Tegea,
he was unable
to take the
citadel,
to which all the inhabitants
had retired.
Philip,
on his arrivaJ at
Corinth,inunediatelydespatched
couriers to
summon
the
Peloponneaian
allies to meet him
al Tegea
within three
days,and, setting
forward
the next
rooming,
reached
Tegea hj
the
way
of
Argos
on the second
evening.
Here b"
was Joinedby
the AchEan forces under tba
command of
Aratus, and,
aflar a
night'srest,
resumed his march towards Laconia. To
conceal
his movements
from the
enemy,
he look a
circuitous route through
a wild
country,and,
on
the fourth
day,
came
down into the vale of
tbe
Enrotas,
and encamped at AmyclK,
to the
amazement
of tbe
Spartans,
who bad
only just
heard of the destruction of
Thermus,
and bad
begun
to think of
sendingLycurgus
to succour
the ."to1ians. He then
raragea
the
countiy
downward to the coast of the Laconian
Gulf,
and,
after an
unsuecesaful
attempt
on
Asine,
extended his incursions
as
far as TKnaiua on
the
one side,
and
Boin,
near Malea, on tbe
other. In the mean
while,Lycurgus
had intercepted
a
hody
of
Measenians,who, having arrived
too late at Tegea,were making
their
way
to
join
the Macedonian
army
over the mountains
of the eastern coast,
and
compelled
tbem
to retreat
with the loss of their horscaand
baggage.
Elated
by
this
success,
on
his
return to
Sparta
he resolved to make a
stand
against
Philip,
when he ahoukl
pass by Sparta
on his
way
back. For ttaia
purpose
he
occupied
the
heights
of the
Menelaion,
which rise above the
eastern bank of the river
opposite
the
city,
with
SOOO
men,
and ordered the
remaining
force* of
Sparta
to be in
readiness,
on a
preconcerted
signal, to be drawn
up
on
the
apace
between
the
city
and the western bank
;
and,
tbe more
effectuaQy
to obstnicl the
enemy's passage
on
that aide of the
river,be,by
means of " dam,
laid the low
grounds
under water. Philip,
bow^
ever, dislodged
bim from his
position,
worsted
the
Spartancavalry
which threatened hi*
rear,
and
brought
his whole
army
safelythrou^
the
pass,
and
encamped
for tbe
night
a
quarter
of
a
miie above the
city.
On bis road tu
Tegea
he
halted,to
survey
the field of
battle,near Sella-
eia,and oflbred a sacrifice on the summit both
of
Olympus
and Evan. On his return to Co- rinth
he found
envoys
from Rhodes and
Chios,
who had been sent to olfer their mediation for
the
purpose
of
terminating
Uie
war,
which the
islanders
probably
found detrimental to theii
TREACHERY OP APBLLES." THE CONSPIRACY CRUSHED. 497
coTDrnerce, He
prottssî
htmself
iiapoaei
for
peace,
and
encouraged
them to addresB themselves
to the .Stoliatin
;
but in his heart he wae
bent on the continuance of the
war,
from which
he had
reaped
honoar and
profit,
and he was
now
meditating
an
expedition
into Phncis. from
vhich he
anticipated
some
important
advantages.
While he was
making
his
preparations
for this
expedition
at tiechâm. a violent mutiny
broke ont at Corinth
among
the
troops
under
the command of Leontius and his associates,
who had
taught
(hem to believe that
Ihej
vere
wronged
in (he diatribnlion of the
spoil.
They plundered
the
lodgings
of the
king'aprin- cipal
iriends.and
even broke into the
royal
Tcaidence.
Philip, hearing
of the
tutnuU,
hastened
back (ironi
Lechteam, and, by jndicions
management,
vestored
tranquillity,
but
carefully
concealed his
knowledge
of the
origin
and au-
tbomof the distnrbaDce.
The
conapiralorB,
defeated in this
attempt,
flaw no
proapeet
of
recovering
their
footingat
"ODrt wttboat the aid of
Apelles,and, by
repeated
messages,
at
length
induced him to re-
'
ttim from Chalcia. He was not aware how far
lie had himself lost
gronnd
in
Phillp's.cnnfi-
-denoe
during
his absence. He bad been so
'
"uccescfbl in his endeavours to cutoff the
supplies
of the
royal treaauTT, that the
king
was
sometimes forced to
pledge
his
plate
for the
Btibsiatenee of his household.
Philip
more than
suspected
the cause of these
emharrasamenta,
and he had also been
deeply
olfendcd
by
the
arrogance
of
Apelles,who, representing
himself
as the realhead of the
gOTernmcnt,
and (he
fonntain of all
authority,
drew the administration
of affairs
entirely
to himself. The
king's
officen in Macedonia and
Thessaly
addressed
iTiemselves to him for inatructions
;
and the
Oreek dties
assigneda more
prominentplace
in iberr
honorary
decrees to him than, to Phil- ip
himself,
Aratus,Ico,
did not failto take ad-
"vantage
of his
enemy's indiscretion,
and to in-
Hame the
king'sresentment
against
bim. Phil- ip,
however,
had so
steadily
dissembled his
feelings,
that
ApeHea
returned to court under a
loll
persuasion
that his
presence
would at once
lealore the credit of his friends. To
give
the
greater weight
to his first
appearance, theypro- cured
that he should he met on his
entry
into
Corinth
by
a
great concourse of officers and
soldiers,and,
thus
escorted,he
repaired
immediately
to the
palace;
but,
instead of
seeing
the
gates
thrown
open
to him, as in times
past,
he
was
informed
by
one of the
attendants that
the
kingwas not at leisure to
give
him audience.
He withdrew in
surprise
and
perplex-
ity
;
and the ardour of his followers
was ao
rapidly
chilled
by
the firstbreath of
royai
displeasure,
that,
before he reached his
lodgings,
be was abandoned
by
all hut hia own
iîenials.
Philip
stilladmitted him now and then to his
table,
and treated him with some show of respect,
bnl excluded him from his counsels and
familial intercoarse.
Megaleasnow, seeing
bia
laat
hope extinguished,
made his
eacspe during
the
king's
absence in
Phocis,
and fled
to Ath- ens,
and, not
being
allowed to remain
there,
took
refuge
at Tbebes,
Philip,
on his
return,
having
firsttaken the
precaution
to send the
largeteers
on some
pretext
into
Triphylia, aa-
der the command
ofTaurion,
ordered
Leontiiu,
as the
surety
of
MegalMs, to be thrown Into
prison.
The
tsrgeteers.
at his
instigstion, sent
some of their number to the
king,
with a request,
in
very
free
language,that,if their commander
was arrested for
any
offence,be
might
not be
brought
to trial in their absence
;
and
offered,
if he was
imprisonedon the
gronnd
of
hia
suretyship,
to redeem his
pledgeby
their
own contributions. But
Philip
was so much
exasperatedby
their
interference,
that he forlli-
with ordered Leontius to be
put
to death.
In the
mean while,
the Rhodian and Chian
envoys
had induced the ifltaltansto
accept
their
mediation,to conclude a truce of
Ihir^
days,
and to
appoint
a
day
for a conference with
Philip
at Rhium,
Philip, on their
report,
ratified
the
truce,
and summoned a
congress
of the
allies to meet him at Patrte, Here letters
were
broDgbt
to
him,
which had been
intercepted
in
Phocis,
addressed to the i"tolians
by Hegaleaa,
in which the writer exhorted them to
persevere
in the
war,
describing Philip's
finances
as
qvtile
exhausted,
and
assailing
his character with bitter
invectives. It is not clear whether
Philip
was able to trace these letters to
Apelles.or
made use of them as a
pretext against
biiu
;
hut he
immediatelysent him.
with hia son and
another intimate
friend,
under a
guard
of soldiers,
to
Corinth,
whore all three were short^
afler
put
to death. About the same
time.
Me- galeas,
having
been arrested
by Philip's
ordera
at Tliebes,
and sued for the
penally,
laid violent
hands on himself Tlieae
executions,xfhich
crashed a dangerousconspiracy,
and thus
rendered
Philip
more farmidable than ever to hii
lemies,
nevertheless
put
a
stop
to the
negoti-
ion for
peace.
The
.,"toIians,
who bad before
been
eager
to terminate the
war,
which
had
begun
to
press very
hard
upon them,
when
they
heard of these
occurrences, conceived
hopes
that the
punishment
of
persons
so
high
command
might give
rise to discontent and
mutiny
in the Macedonian
army,
and
they
were
thus induced to
put
ofTlhe conference
at
Rhium.
Philipgladly
seized this
pretext to break ofi"the
treaty,and, having
exhorted the
deputies
who
came to attend the
congress
to bend all their
thoughts
to the
prosecution
of the
war,
retiim-
' '
I Corinth and dismissed his Maceilonian
troops
to their homes for the winter. He himself
embarked at
Cenohrere,
and sailed
through
the
Euripus
to Demetrius, Here he
brought
Ptolemasus,
the
only survivingassociate of
Leontius,to trial before a Macedonian assetft-
bly,
which condemned him to death. He waa
thus
finally
extricated from a
greatdanger,
hot
not, perhaps,
without
sufleringdeep
and laat-
ing injury.
If
any
share is to be
assigned
to
outward circumstances in the
development
of
character,none can be conceived which
couid have tended more to stifle
every iogenn-
feeling.
and to harden and
corrupt
hia
heart,
than the detection of such foul
treachery
in
the
guardians
of his
jrouth,
the men wbo bad
been the earliest
objects
of his
esteem
and
confidence.
After his
departure,
the Achttans suffered
much from the incursions of the "leBDS and
.ftolians, against
Mliich
Eperatiis
was unaMo
provide
any
dcfetKC, The
cities,finding
themselves
unproleoled,
became
tardy
and irregular
in theirconlributions
;
the
troc^beiag
HISTORY OP GBEECE.
oftan (weed to wait
long
for their
pey,
were not
vAno
in the
aerviee,
sail the itkercenaries, at
last, quitlcd
itallooetber.
Polybius
still
lays
the
whole blame on Epe/aiua;*
we
might
other-
-wiae
Buspect
that
tie
was
embarEaMed
by
the
opposition
of Aratua and faia
party,
aod would
have done more if he had been better
supplied
wilh the ainewB of war.
The
Spaitana
did not
move during
the winter
;
for
Lycurgus,having
inourred the
Hupiciona
of the
ephors,
had been
compelled
to
ij,
and took
refuge
in ^toba.
Eperattia
was
aacoeeded in office
by
Aratua
;
and the Achcana
immediately
recovered their
apiiits
for the
proeecution
of the war.
The
aaaembly
decreed to maintain meroenariaa to
the nombw of 8000 foot and dOO horae,
with
8300
tioopi
of the
League,
of which 600 fool
aod BO horie were to be raised
by MegalopoUe,
and u
many
b; Aigoa.
It waa
also reaotved
thai three
galleya
shoaM eraise about the cooat
of
Argolis,
and bb
many
in the Ckninthian Gulf.
In the mean
while,I^nrgns
bad been recalled
by
the
ephora,
who
b^
ateertained the
ground-
leasnesa of their
nispicioiu,
and concerted
meaanrea
with
Pyntiaa,
the "tolian
Keoeral
who cominaDded in
Elia,
for combined
operations
in Hetaenia.
Aratua,having
diacovered
vaded Masaenia,
and made hiioMir
master
of
Calamc,
he waa nnahle to edect a juootioa
with
Pyirhias,
and was
obliged
to return to
Sparta.
Aratna now
prevailed
on the Mesao-
nians and Taurion,
who aeema U" have been
leMored to his
command,
to
keep
a small force
in the fieldfor the
protection
of the interior of the
peidnsula
aninst the
Spartans,
while the main
amy
of the
League
was to be
employed against
the ."totians and Eleana in the jionh of Acbaia.
Boring
his
stay
at
Megalopolis,
be
accompliahed
another
object
not less
important
for the seca-
Tity
of Arcadia.
Megalopolis, justrising
out of
itamina,
waa divided bet ween two
parties;one,
which incduded the
poorer
class,requiring
that
the
compass
of the walla should be
contracted,
"o aa to be both
completed
and defended wilh
lew
difficulty,
and that the
wealthy
citizens
should giveup
a
tbiid of their lands for tbe
support
of a
body
of new aettlers. But the
opulent
woold neither
part
with their
posscsaions,
noT coBseot to reduce the dimensions of the
great city.
Violent
disputes
bad also arisen
about a code of laws which had been framed
for them
by Prytanie,
a
Peripatetic philosopher,
whom
Antigonus
had
appointedas their
legia-
lator, Aratua.
under
a
decree
of tbe Achean
aaaembly,
undertook tbe
adjustment
of these
dilferencea, a task for which he was
eminently
well
qualified,
and in which be
appears
to have
"atlafied both
partiea,
but the terms of the ci
pact
which he concluded between them are
related
by Polyhiua.perhapa
because
they
bad
been iDscribed
on a column which was erected
Bear
the altar of Veata in one of the
public
bnildinga
of hia native
city.t
"tT.,"l".
'OiUfm,
or (MoonliBr
M Wol-'-
' " -"
nuiBgi *A.fpipioif
vaiL
Xhdpt
'A"riUm.
It
wu tba UBpl*
of
CnBgid. Wflulut balw
itu-Ti'
Jf
Zt*t 'OjJfmx, tb* gad sf
Tbe war was now
carried
on
oy
the AducasB
with UDUBuai
vigour
and
success,
both
by
IibiI
and sea. They defeetedEuripidaa, who, allte
requeat
of the Eleans,
bad been sent to
replace
Pyrrhias.
invaded and
ravagedElis,and,
after
another
victory,
carried ofl'their
booty
in
aafety.
The merit of these achievementa, liowever,te-
longed,'
not to Arattw,
but to his
heutenaot,
Lycua
of Pharn. The Ach"an adrairalmade
several
capturea
from the
enemy
in the Corin- thian
Gulf,
landed hia
troops
on the coast sf
.Etolia,
waated tbe
country,
and wonted Ika
.f^tolians in two
engagemîts )
ao that As
League
seemed now well aids to maintain the
war
wiltioat HacsdoniaD
asaistance,Ihaa^
there was no
prospect
that itwould in this
vvj
be
brought
to a cloae until the
"tre4g1h
of m
belligerenta
should be ezhansled.
Philip,
ia
the mean while,
had made himself master if
Bytazota,
the
cbiefcit?
of
Pconia,
which
gavo
him the cammaBd of the
passes by
which tbe
DardanianB wera
used to
penetrate
intoHaoe-
(lonia,
and thua relieTed him.
fma the tear of
invaaion m
that qnaitai.
He then ccdleotedil
his Macedonian
foroea,
and marched into Tbes-
saly,
where he waa foiled in an attempt
m
Melita,t
but
proceededto laysiege
to tbe PhUu-
an Thebes,
for which he bad been
making
w-
tive
preparalionBduring
the winter. It vu
aliU in tbe hands of the
."toliaas,
and enabUd
them,
at their
pleaaure,
to make inroads iato
the most fertile
regions
of
Tbessaly.
He art
with a atout resistance untd he had Ihraan
down a
part
of the wall
by
a mine,
and hit
troops
were on the
poiot
of
mounting
Iks
breach. The
boaieged
then aurrenderod;
u4
Philip
took this
opportunity to convince allwtw
still doubted of tbe
treacheryby
which,
villi
ptecieety
similar
advantagesi
he had been repulse
before Pale He reduced allthe inhabitants
to
slavery,planted
a Macedonian coloiy
in their
room,
and
exchanged
the name
of
Thebes for
Pbilippopolia.
Here he
received
another
embaaay
from Cbioa and Rhodes,
wbciw
envoys
were now accompaniedby
othsra from
Byzantium,
and
Ptolemy Philopator,
wilh n-
newed offers of mediation. Ho
repealeil
hi"
former
pacific professions,
and sent them avaf
to sound the Êtolians
;
but,
in bis heart,
yat'
aa littleas ever inclined to
peace.
The object
on which he was now
immediately
bent ira* t"
chastise and bumble
ScerdUaidas,who. having
been oflbnded
by some omissions in tbe
payment
of hia
stipulatedsubsidy,
bad seal
"
Bquadron,which,
before its hoaliJe
purpose
was
Buspected,captured
four Corinthian
''""^
and
afterwaTQ,cratsing
between Leucas
and
Malea,
infested the
coast,
and attacked aH U"e
merchant
ahips
that fell in hia
way.
PtiMp
equipped
an armament,
in the
hope
of overt^
king
the
Illyriana, but,having
missed thfln,
returned
to the lathmus, aeiit hia
larger
vetw
round
by
Malea to the Corinthian Gulf,
aw
caused the
rest to be
transported
over
landX"
"d
ij t^stDB,Sybuf*,
ud
MstuponnB,
wh"
Iktf
Mf"
l"l*dih"r DooIMinii)'OK Uk
AjAmta "udel lMjti".""
"").
wu ilxi dfdickud u
Zrii
'OfifLiei.
Du
"ff'^^
of lb" mdiDi "Oooo/ou n""!
Ijjilelwinf(Gttaici''
*;
AduudtnBMi^.
p.
M, n- S),
UiU Ibg woniip
rfIh" l"
WH tmxi^ OHT
fnin
Hallw,m uifUnvivaiiuIrr,
""'"
1
Ha mnlnd (iilur btlbn or ifteiIk* ii"(Xik"u"I
f''
(PolTb
,
T.,
"?
; "., 1S1,ud bitmliot
li""i !""""
""
EVENTS IN ITALY." NEGOTIATIONS.
IM
Wbile tbB Greeks
were wMtiog
their
Btrongth
in these booUees
atnigâ, IUI7
wu the tbea-
tre
of tbe ooitleit on the iteue of wbich tbair
fiiureooiditHm
depended.
Tbat their intoreatt
moM be
deeplj
alfeoted
by
tlia conflictwhich
had be"D
lately
lenewed between the mo
ât
pmren
of the
West,
could not but bo evident
to
eTei7
inteOitent
Onek. Whea HaoDibal
' "
B
AIpe,
it becune
_ .
Btisis
wtw
tpptoM
o bare been
cntty
"bea a Mow I
etraek.wUeh, apanrentlj, tcTe a deeisiTe ad-
vntafe
to one 01 the
parties
OU e*en a few
of tb0
iBDre thoQghtfat
Oneks boeame eo for
sHwiUe ef the
intpoitaneeof the erenta which
-veie
paaatoa on
Hte cUier nde oT (he Adriatie,
a* to ftet the
littlenaw,
Ihe
naeleaeneBe,
and
the
lUlr
of the fenda
bjirttioli their
ctMntry
"
" torn and draiMd oT its raeonnea.
While
IS TlewinK the
games
at Argoo,
he re-
raofthe bettleof
niraqnuene.
in
ftiends wtw
"eeompaniadjiiffl
to
Afgoe,
and had
'^--ittygainod the
hitbtetplaea
in his
To Urn ahwe be sbowed tbo let-
in inmnotion of
aeorecy ;
and in his
enbeeqnent
det^ratioaa
on the new
aspect
of
n"ira, he auflhred himself to be
(nldedby
the
Phaiiaa's ooonsels. DeuMtrins was entirely
hsnt
on two objeeta: be waa
eagw
to
reTenge
himself on the
Romans,
and to lecovBi
his ter-
litary
in
lUyrta;snd, aa he
Kgarded Philip
only
aa his
tool,
the advice be
gave
was tbai
which was dictated
by
his own
passions
and
ioteraei. He
niged
the
kingtodroptbe^tolian
war,
and to turn his attention ftom
Oreece,
wbioh was
alnady subfectto him,
to the
great
Vroopecta
of
eonqnest
and ^ny irtiichwere
now
opened
to him in
lUyiia
and
Italy.
The
diaaater which had beDUlen the Koooan sims
iOTlted him to the
great
theatre of war.
If
Pbiltp
had consolted a less selliBh or iotei^
"Bied
adTiser,
the
qoestionmightnot
have been
il,but
into which scale he should throw Us sw(Bd,
and
whether it
might
not be ealer for him to aid die
weaker side than to helpto crush
it,
and to establish
thepredominanceofitaantagoniat.
Bat
peihapePhilip
wonld
scarcely
haTC listened to
such a
BuggcBtion.
Hie course
proposedby
De-
metrins was Che most
agreeable
to his
temper,
and,
apperentlj,
the best suited to bis inlereat.
It held out the
temptation
of immediate
gain.
By an
attempt
to balance the two parties
he
might only
incur the
enmity
of both. If either
Was to
preTail,
be had leas to fear from the one
whoee seat of
empire was the more
distant;
and it waa much safer to reckon on Rome's
weakness ttian on ber
gratitude.He. however,
at once
adopted
the views of Demetrius, but,
without
disclosing
his real
ntotife,
held a council
of his
friends,
and
proposed
the
question
of
ipeacD
with the
Jltolians.
Aratus himself was
willing
to
put
on end to the
war,
which ho
oould not
expect
to conclude on more
faTonra-
fale terma than at 3 time when the Achnan
arms were ever^bera
proqyerous.
The rest
"riha council
prob^y
saw and
yielded
to the
king's
wishes. Without
waiting
for the
envoys
of the
mediatingstates, be
despatched
a Nan-
pactianprisoner,
named
Cleonieas,
to
open
the
negotiation
with the .Stolians.
They were
now
heartily
tired of the
war,
and
eagerlyac- cepted
his overtures. He himaelf
proceededto
PanormuB, on the
coast opoosileNaopactns,
and smmnoned a
eongreaa
Mthe allies to meet
him there. After the
ooogreaa
bad
mat, aa
embassy,
beaded
by
Aratoa and
Tanrion,wb"
sent over to Naupactua,
where the i^ltîan*
were aaeemUed,
and ."toliaii
envoys
cama to
reqnaat Plulipto erase over and condode lbs
tmty
in
pemou.
He
aceordinglrtnnaponad
his forces aoroos the
guU;
and
enoampod
at s
distODoe of twoor
thraemileafTHnNaapMtns.
Tie
negotiation
then
proaeoded i^Mlj,fee
boOi
partieawere equally
dasirooa of
poMO.
Philip
prapoMd,
as ttiebasia of the
beaty,
that
each aboBld retain lAat itthen
peeaeased: tlw
MltAiMn*
readDyaaaented,
and it
only
then r""
matned to oome to a mntiiiil nttdentandhv oa
Ihe ooDstmetioa of this
prindpla
and Its
application
in detail.
Many
oanfemMas
wen bald
for this
MTpOM,
and,on
tbo lint of these
oeca-
aioiH,a Nairoairtiaanamed
Agelaaa
ia
repatted
to have addreseed
a memorable
warning
to
PUCp
and the asaemUed ministera. He
m"
minded them that there never bad bean a tiroB
,.
hen the Qreeka bad not
great
need of
onion,
and reaaon to be
vary
tha^diil
to the
gods,if^
by
their combined
oxerttons,they
oould
protect
tbeoMelves
against
the intni of the borbariana.
Bat the
dangerwas now visibleand imminent.
It eoold not be
supposed
that either Rome
at
Carthage,
if viotorioiuin their
presenteonteat,
wonld retoain content with the
poasessioo
"(
Italy
and
Sidty.
Aa the
safety
of the Qreeka
dqiended
on their
onion,so Philip'sseonrtty
lay
in the
good
will and oonfidence of thtt
Greeks,
and it was bis interest not to consuma
their
strength,
bot, on the
contrary, to cherish
it as the firmest defence of his throne. If he
was bent on
conqnmt, Italypreseoted
an
ample
field for his ambition. Let him reserve his
qoarrels
with the Greeks for a seaaon of
greater
leisure,but,
above
all,
let him take
care to
keep
the
power
of
warring
and
treating
with
them in his own hand
;
for if the
cloi^
then
gathering
in the West should ooce lower nmo
Oreece,
itwas to be feared that there wonM bo
an
end forever lo their child's
play
of hoatilitiaa
and
negotiations,
and
they
would wish in vala
to recall the tnna when
peace
and
war,
or
a^
other
subject
of
pabliodeliberation, waa in their
These
warnings
would have
coma too
late,
even if
they
had
producedmore than a momen- tary
impression;,
bot it is doubtful whether
they
were attended with
any practical eflfect,
except
so
far as
they happened
10 coincide with
the
temporaryviewB
and
feelings
of the hearera.
Ageôawas
afterward raised to the
highest
dignity
in the state
j
bat in this choice his
countrymen
probablyexpressed
the need
tbey
bad felt of the
peace
which he
helped
to cim"-
elude,
rather than dieir aense of hia
politicel
sagacity.Philip
look hia advice eo lar as it
tallied with his
pracoooelveddesigna;
but did
not let it move him one
step
towaida a men
liberaloonrae of
pottoy.
..
,
, V,
mSTORV
OP ORGECe.
CHAPTER
LXVI.
Grrbcb was now permitted
to e^joj
another
dwrt interval
ofrepoae,
while
Philip
ratnrned
to Macedonia,
where hia
preaenoe
waa
needad
to
protect
hia northwest frontier acainat the
inroada of Scerdilaidaa. Ha waa fblljr ooca-
pied
in tbia
qnarterdaring
the reat of the auin-
mat
of
SI7, and,
in the
ensoingwinter,
he in-
ereaaad his
navy
with 300 new gBlle;B,
built
on
the
lUjrian
model. In the
^ring
he embarked
hia
forces,
and Bailed roond
Pelopon-
"eana
into the Adriatio.
Though Italr
waa
up-
peinwat
in hia
thougbta,
ao aa to hauot hta
dteama,
be
thought
it
neceaaarr,
before be
oraaaad the channel,
to aecure hia dominiona
"lore eflectuall; agiiiaat
Soerdilatdaa,
and for
this
porpoae
reaolved to
make an
expedUioa
to
the ooaat
of
lUyria.
He
eipeotad,
it
aeeina,
that Ilie Roniana would aend luccountoSoer-
dilaidaa,
aa,
in
bet,
the
Illrrian,
wbsD ha beaid
of
Fhilip'a
maritiiaB
preptuationa,
had
requeat-
ad tbem to do
;
and tu therefbre waitM for
a""ie time between
Cephallenia
and Lenoaa
la wcertain the moTenwDta
of the Roman
fleet.
But,having
learoed that itwaa atiU at
when he Teoeired advice that Roman
galley
bad been aeeu at
Rhegium
boond for
Apollonia.
BeliBTiiig
that the whale Roman fleet waa at
band,
be
gave
immediate oiden tor
retreat,
and,
as if chaaed
by
a
victorioua
enemy, pnahed
fiHward
day
and
nigbt,
untilhe reached
Cephal-
and the Romu people
;
and
having
been oonr--
teovalyentertained,
and sent
ftirwafd
by
Ae
prator,
found meana to
escape
from hia
oacoit,
and to reach Hannibal's
qnaitere
at
Capua.
He there
negotiated
a treaty,
which is
rspoited
by Livy,*
and transcribed,apparently
in
AiU,
t^
PolybiuB;t
but tbe Roman histonan's report
diflbrs
easentially
from the
copy
preserved
by
the Greeic author;
and it ia
probable
Uiat
false aecoonta of the aiticlea were drcnlsted
by
the Rinaan
govemnieni,
for the
pntpose
of
inflainingpnUic
reaentment against Philip.
It
was a treaty
of
friendship, tiaterni^,
and id-
liance,
oAnaive and defenaiTe,
betmen tbo
Carthaginians
and their allieson the one put,
and the Haoedonians and the otber
Greeka,
their allies, on
the other
;
and it
stipnlued
that
Philip
should aid tbe
CarthaginiaDa
in their
war with the
Romans,
and
that,
whan this
ahould be
brought
to a
the Romana ahould
n"
their
poaaeasiona
on the eastern sHe o( tns
Adriatic,
and should restore
all that
they
bad
takwn from Demetrius of niaros :
die Caitfaa-
nn^na
mre to soooonr Philip
uainst t'
Romans,
and all other enemiea. It
aniea:
tlierelbre,
that he bad i
thoBgbta
of
oonqoeat
in the
West,
and
snly
wished to be
relieved 6tMa the restraints
which Rtnne had laid on hia ambition
;
but it
is not clear what
advantage
he was to derive
from the
treaty
: wliereas,aocordinffto
other
reports,Oreeee, Epins,
and the a
.
The
pi
dbya
a squadron
of
only ._._
taehed from the fleet at Lilyhmm. Phihp,
however,
after a
Mboit
stay,
to colour bia
fli^t
with some
pretence
of aflaiia to be tranaacied
in
Peloponnesus,
returned to Macedonia,
and
îpears
to have remained inactive
during
tbe
reat of the
year.
In the meanwhile the battle
of CannK seemed to have
extinguished
the
last
hopes
of Rome.
Philip's
aid was beoome
BO much the less
important
to the
conquerors ;
and if he had
ever
expected
conceaaions of
leirilory
in
Italy,
as tbe
price
of his
alliance,
be could DO longer
flatter himaelf with such a
ptoapect. Yet, aceordisg to
Livy,'
it wa"
only
after he bad received the
tidings
of this
third
great
dinater of the Roman aims that
be resolved on sending envoys
to Hannibal.
But
it
aeems hardly
credible that there should
not have been, aome
previouacorreepondence
between
them,
and the
difficulty
of
eluding
detection
might perhaps
account for the
lengtb
of tbe
delay,
and for
Philip's apparent aupine-
nesa. Now, however,
towards tbe end of the
^
year
B.C.
31S,
he sent an
embassy,
with Xe-
nophanes,
an Athenian, at its
head,to conclude
a treaty
with the
Carthaginians.
The
envoys
landed
safely
in tbe south of
Italy,
but were
stDn"ed
in
Ajtulia,
on their road to
Capua, by
Roman
soldiora,
who led them to the
camp
of
II.Valeriua Lsvinns,
the
prKtor.
Here Xc-
nophanes pretended
that he
waa on his
way
to
RMse, to conclude an alliance between
Fbilip
I
aîeais.
Three
Carthaginianenvoys
were aent with Xe-
nophanee
when he returned
;
but the
ship
in
which
they
sailed was captoredby
a Roman
sqoadron,
which waa guarding
Uie coast of
Calabria.
Xenophanes
endeavoured to deceive
the Rwnan oommander
by
a
repetition
of bia fbnner artifice
;
hot the
presenoe
of tbe
CarthagiDians
led to a iKaoovery
of the
truth,
and the
envoys
were sent,
vrith afltheir
papers,
to
Rome. The senate imsMsdialely
resolved
not to wait for a Macedonian invaaion. A
fleet of
fifty
sail waa ordered to watcb
Philip's
movemeDt)
;
and the
prntor,
M.
Valerius,was
directed,
if occaaion should
afpeu,
to cross
over to Macedonia,
and endeavour to find employment
for the
king
at home. In the
mean-
'
PHILIP BEFORE APOLLONIA." DEATH OF ARATUS. 437
while,bowsTCT, Pbllip
learned the diBwrter of
Im
nnbaBBy
from a
ship
which
escaped
when
they
were taken
;
but as he did not exen
know
the resnlt of the
negotiation,
he waa
(Aliged
to
KDd a fresh
embaatj
to Hannibal
;
and,Ihoagfa
it executed its eoroniiaeioD
auoceMnilly,
the
nnnnMr
"3I6)
was
spent
before it retnrned to
Macedonia. We hear of no
mttitaiyoperations
(mdertûn
by Philip
this
Tear.
But he
paid
a
nut lo
P^ponneaas,
with what view does
Dot
appear, accompanied bj
Demetrius the
Fbarian
;
and on this occasion we learn bow
littlehe had imbibed the liberal
principiea
of
AgelaiiB.
Discord bad
grown
so fierce between
the aristocraticaland the democcstical
party
It
UessKie,
that it threU"ned to break oat
into
open
violence.
Aratus, again
for the sii-
leenth time General of the
League,
was on his
road lo
Messene,
with his
son,
to
preserve
tranqnaiity
and heal the breach. But
Philip
"rrived the
dsj belbre,
and
tecretly
ftnned the
lUme,
artiag
the
magistrates
whether
they
had
BO taws to eontr"ri tl^
mnltittide,
and Ab den-
oeratica]leaders irttether
they
had not bands
io
reatst
tyrants.
Thns
instigêd,
the
party
is
power provoked
its adversaries
by injndi-
ooua
severity,
and a tumnlt
ensned,
in whidi all
the
magistrates
and abnat SOO
privatepersons
*ere massacred. It seems to have soon be-
*Bd,even after it had taken
plac",
instead of
okleavoaring
to reconcile the
contending
parlies,
he
manifestly
did his utmost to irritate
ikeir
mutual
animosity.
Aratus and his son
vere
deeplydisgusted
with this
conduct,
and
"^younger,
who had hitherto treated
Philip
vith the affection of an elder friend towards
U amiable
youth,gave
vent to his
indignation
n bitter
reproaches,
addressed to him in the
^Mtre.
Philip
was
evidentlystung,
but fbr-
"e
to
reply,
and
proceeded
with the elder
Aratusand Demetrius
to
sacrifice
on the sum-
"iulof Itbome, At the usual
inspection
of the
Bntrails,
he consulted his two advisers,whether
a
seemed
to be the will of the
gods
that he
"uld
keep
the
citadel,or restore it to the
Messenians.
The Pharian bade him
interpret
the
omens as a
king,
and hold the ox
by
both
''"'ug.
Thekingunderstood
the allusion to the
'wo
Bttongbolds
which commanded the
penin-
"", and entreated
Aratus,
who remained
long
""ent,to deliver his
opinions.
At
length
be
ramnded
the
king
that he had not
tbongbt
it
''^'^"sary to seize the mountain holds of
Crete,
w
B"sot!a, or Phocis,or Acamania,
but had
"i"rlo found itsufficient in those lands to se-
'"n the
affection and confidence of the
people,
tad he
would never
gainany stronger
fortress
"an
thosein
Peloponnesus, Philip, though
he
must
have been conscious that this truth was
"p longer
seasonable,
still retained so much
'"tie
or
respect
for
Aratua,
that he
dropped,
""'the
time,
his half-formed treacherous
proj-
f^
But
Aratus felt that his influence was
*Jt,
and he
kept
henceforth more and
more
""Of
froTi
the court
;
and the next
Bumroer,
"|Mn
Philip undertook a fresh
expeditioa
to the
"^t
of
Illyria,
declined to
accompany
him.*
rhilip'a
object
in this
expedition
was to
^^himselfmaster of
Apollonia
and
OricBm,
the
possession
of which he seems to have
n-'
garded
as an
indispensable preliminary
to the
invasion of
Italy.
He had sailed
np
the Aous"
with 120
galleys,
had taken Oricum
by assaulir
and was
besiegingApollonia,
when the
pretor,
M.
Valerius,
to Whom the
people
of Oricum
had sent for
succour,
anirei on the coast.
He
immediately
recovered
Oricum,
and a detachment
of SOOO
men.
which he sent to
Apol- lonia,
surprised
the Macedonian
camp
in the
night,
and as Valerius
immediatelybrought
np
his fleet to the mouth of the
river,Philip
was
forced to bum his
ships
and retreat over
land,
leaving
his
baggage,ammunition,
and
a
great
part
of
the arms of his
troops
in the
enemy's
hands. Sucb was the issue of his firsttrial of
strength
with Rome. In the interval of leisaro
left
by
this
disaster,
he
aîn
turned his
thoo^ts
to
Peloponnesus.
Whatever
impression
had been made on his mind
t^
the maiimr
of AratOB bad been eShced
by
the
suggestions
of
Demetrins,
who was
always by
his side.
As if
repenting
of his
weakness,
he sent
De- metrius
to
surprise
Messene
;
but the
attempt
failed,
and Demetrius himself was slain,* His
genius,however, seemed ever after to
preside'
in
Philip's councils,
for it
was,
in
fact,not unlike
Philip'sown,
Polybius
seems to have-
greatlyexaggerated
the influence which this
adventurer eiercised on the
young king's
character,
and Plutarch saw more of the
troth,
when he
supposed
that the
germes
of all the
vices which rendered the man so odious were-
only concealed in the
boy,
and waited for time
and
0|q)0rtnnity
to unfold
lhcm,f though
Plu- tarch
appears
also to
exaggerate,
when he
represents
Philipas.
even
in tiis
early
years,
only
restrained
by
fear Irom the full
indulgence
of
his evil nature ;t
it
was,
no
doubt,constanUy
gainingslrength.
and not
merely brought
ta
light,
but cherished and matured
by prosperity^
and
power, flattery
and bad councils.
But.
when he had stifled his sense of
decency
and
honour,
and thrown off his
respect
for
public-
opinion,
his
progress
in crime became
fearfnlly
rapid.
To
revenge
himself
on the Messenians
for his
disappointment
and for the loss of his-
favourite,
he
ravaged
their
territory,
and Ara- tus
did not
suppress
his
displeasure.
He had
also discovered that
Philip
had abused his son's-
hospitality
to
corrupt
bis
wife,
and it was
perhaps
chiefly on
(his account that
Philip
resolveif
to silence his remonstrances. He found
s
ready
instrument in
Taurion,
who undertook
to remove
Aratus,
as his master
proposed,by
slow
poison.^
It took effect while he wa"
filling
the office of
general
for the seventeenth
time. The
symptoms
seemed to him to
betray
the
cause
of his
disorder,
and he referred it at
once to its
author,
but he
only
once disclosef
bis
anspicions
to a.
trustyattendant, observing,,
as he noticed one of the tokens of the
poison,
"
This is the reward of
my (riendship
for
*
PdTb,, fii., 19.
ihkt of
Appuji,
i"bi
dguh bT lbs Ronuiu, t Ar.,
1
1 Pofyb., nil,,
14,
nm., Ar., M.
irtti h" """! indipcDifBDcanTunii
"pnufiDCe njlb RnoM, On (h* otki
LDthnTtl^ flnallrDotwaif
hf
li"fii"7XttT-
tonfinstd
bj thtopjaioaat iLfr
HISTOBV Of OBEBeE.
Pliilip."
H"waB
aebHtied,Polybiuacemarka,*
of
Philip'B iugralituile.
But tlus shame wa"
probably
blended witli a more or less distinct
coDsciauanesa of those fatal errors
b;
which
he bad himself suuk in the esteem of all re-
Heeling
men. He uiiild
scarcely
but feel that
Ptiilip
coutd
Dot haiB been
imgratelul,
if he
himBelf had not been
culpabljimprudent,
and
had
not
saciifioedtbeweUara of his
country
to
pet^ paaaiona.
That ha Aould
perishthrough
the STta of t)M man whom he had bo faithfuU;
served,w"s a kind of retributionwhich
might
well hare awakflned both abame and remorse.
His
coimtiTiiien,howeTer,
remembered
onJj
bis ancient eeTTioM. Hi* remains were cwt-
vejed
from
jfiginm,
where he
died,to his Da- tive
city,
which earneatlyclaimed them. Both
law and a deefdy-rooted superstition
forbade
the
buiying
of a
corpse
within the walla
;
but
an oracle was
brou^t
from
Delphi,
which waa
understood aa an
iqjunction
to treat the re-
mains of Axatus aa the relioa of a
tiero,
and
tbeywere interred with feslife
pomp
in an ea-
cloaure dedicated to him a* the founder of the
city,
aitd one of its
tutelarypowers.
The
day
on which be had delivered it from its
tyrants,
as
well aa that of his birth,were commemorated
by yearlysacrificea,
for which a
priestwas
asaigiied to
him,
uid these ntea were still
celebrated,
thoiuh with diminished
splendour,
in the time of
Plutarch,
three centuries after
his
death,when his
poaterity
were stilldwell-
iug
in
Sicyon
and Fellens.
Valerius,
with s
ain^ legion
and a fleet of
"llyships,keptPhilipoccupied,
while the Ro- mans
were
recoveringground
in
Italy.
Until
the tidehad
beguD
to
turn,
allGreece remained
in
suspense.
Even the
."tolians, though as
iHistile as ever to
Philip,
and now
again
weary
of
peace,
did not venture 1" declare
"^selTes.
But after the faU of
Syiacnse
and
Capua,
Vale-
liiis, havingpreTioudy
sounded
Scopaa
andDo-
nmachus,
induced then) to aumokon an assembly,
which be attended in
person,
and whicli he
persuaded
to conclude an alliance, offensiveand
defenaive,with Rome, Ehs and
Sparta,
Scer-
dilaidasand his sou PleuratuB,tand Attalus of
Fergamus, were included in the
treaty as their
^lies. The
conquered
towns and
territory
were
to belongto them,
the
qioil
to the Jlomaus
;
and it wae
expresslystipulated
that Acamania
should be reduced under their dominion.
They
then declared war
againstPhilip,
and the Ro-
nians
began
to execute their
part
of the coo-
(tact,though
the
year
(3U)
was now
drawing
to a
close.
They
made themselves masters of
Zacynthua
all but the citadel of the
town,
and
wrested CEniada and Nazos from the Acama-
nians
;
and
having
delivered all
up
to their allies,
returned to
Corcyra. Philip
bad
lên
up
his
quarters
for the winter at Fella when thia
news reached
him,
and as he
eipected
that his
presence
would be
required
in Greece
early
in
the
following
spring,
he
immediately
took the
field
again
to striketerror into bis western and
northern
neighbours.
Afteran
expedition
into
Illyria,
in which he advanced as
fiir
as
Apollo-
nla,
he returned eastward to the borders of
B) dnchlhd
mi
tht aoa at S"
:
Tbessaly,
where he left4000
man under Per.
B"us to
guard
the
pass
of
Tempo,
and then
'
marched northward to invade the
territory
of
the
MKdiaoa,
a tribe la the interior of
Thrace,
wtio were used to infest his frontier
during
his
absence from home. He had laid
siege
to their
chief
city,Jampborina,
when Acamanian envoys
came to his
camp
to
implore
his succour
against
the .^lolians,who, hearing
of bis Thra-
cian
expedition,
had collected all their forces
under
Scopas
for the
conqnest
of Acaroania.
In the mean while,however,
tbe Acamaaiana
49paaed a firm oountenance to their
enemy's
ai^Miior force.
They
sent their
wives,children,
and men
past sixty
into
Epims
;
the rest bound
themselves
by
oath to
conquer
or
die,
pronoon-
ced tenible
imprecations
on all Acamaniaoa
who should harbour a fugitive
from tbe
army,
and
adjured
the
Epirots
not to receive
dds,
but,
should fortnne
prove
adverse,to inter the slain
ia a oonunon
grave,
with an
inscription
recording
that
they
bad fallen in defeoce of their
country against
the violence of the .i"tolians.'
Thus
prepared,they
marched to the border to
await the
enemy's
aroroacb. But the Italian
leaders
began
to doubt whether itwould be safe
to drive men who showed such a
spiritto ex-
tremilicB
",
and when
they
heard that
Philip
was on his march to succour the
Acamaniana,
they
abandoned their
enterprise.
The
king
had
advanced
by
forced marches south of
Dium,
when he was informed of their
retreat,
and he
then returned to Fella for the rest of the winter-
Early
in the next spring(310}
Lcvinus sailed
into the Corinthian
Gulf,
and combined his forces
with those of tbe
."toIians,
to
besiege
the
Locrian town of
Anticyra
;
and when itsurren- dered,
disposed
of the
place
and the
booty
according
to the terms of the
treaty.
He was
called
away
immediately
after
by tidings
that
he bad been elected
consul,
and P.
Sulpicius
Galba
appointedto succeed him
;
and on bis
return to Rome he advised that the
legion
should be
withdrawn, as tbe fleet would
su]Sce
to secure the coast of
ItalyagainstFhilip,
who
was now occupied
with a war nearer home.
Galba found himself indeed
strong enough
lor
this
purpose,
and for
aggresaion
on
Philip's
defenceless
allies, though
not for
any
more important
operations. .
He made his
appearance
on
the eastern coast of
Greece, conquered
i"gina,and,having
carried off the inhabitants
as
slaves, put
tbe .Italiansin
possession
of it.t
But their united forces were not
able to raise
the
siogeofEchinus,
which surrendered to Phil- ip
after
they
had been defeated in an assault on
Ihe Macedonian
camp.l
The
presence
of the
Romans
only
served to keep
the balance
even,
which would otherwise have inclined in Phil- ip's
favour. The war in other
respects
assumed
Ihe character of that which had been termioa-
ted
by
Ihe
treaty
of
Naupactus. Spartawas
again
induced to side with her
own allies,
though now under a
didbrent leader.
Lycur-
guB,
who bad Boon forced his
young
colleague
Agesipolis
lo
go
into
exile,
hod been succeeded
by
another
usurper
named
Machanidas,
tboufh
he had left a son
of tender
years,
Pelnps,
who
seems to have been
permitted
to retain a shadow
of
royally.
The Achseans
again
found
in.,8,9, 1 ibu.,ii.,
a
PHlLOPtEMEN." PHILIP AT ARGOS. 4U
Ihemaetves
exposed to the descents of tbe
."lo)iBns on their
coasts,
while Machanidas and
the Eleaoa
pieaaed
them on the land aide
;
and
in the
year
209
they
were bo much distressed
by
these
attscks,
that
they
were
obliged
1
licitaid from
Philip,
Yet
they
now
poaaessed
an
adraittage
which
they
had not
enjoyeit
tbe last war :
they
had a man
amon^
them "
pable
of
seeing
and
drawing
forth their
military
strength,
aswell as of
conducting
it in the field.
Pfailoptcmen
had
returned,
aftera
longabsence,
to hia native
city.
AAer the battle of Sellasia
he had declined tbe offers of
AntigoDus,
who
irould hare taken him into hia serrice.* He
wiahed to
enlarge
hi*
militaty esperisDce,
but
not to caerifice hia
penonalindependeDce-,
and
be therefore
preferredseekingemployment
i
Crete,
which waa at thia time
agitatedby
_
civil warbetvreenCnoaansaDd
Lyttus,
in which
all the other citieBofthe island took
part.
Cnoa-
soa was in alliance with the
j"toliana,
and obtained
jEtolian anccotir
;
and when the Social
War broke
out,
her enemies addressed Ihem-
selres to
Philip
aitd the
Achsana,
who admitted
them into their alliance and furnished them
with
troops.
The
contest thus became
mately
connected with that which waa carried
on Bt the same cime in Greece
;
and
Ihmigh
Ptiiloptemenonlysought
far a school of war
there can be little doubt which aide he choee
,
and in the end the whole island
was bronght
over to the Achno-Macedonian
confederacy.t
Philopcemen.however,
seems not to hare re-
tamed to Greece ao soon as
tranquillity
was
restored io
Crete,
but to have remained abroad
until the time when tbe Achteans
began to be
harassed
by
the attacka of Machaoidas. His
reputation
had
precededhim,
and at the next
election he was
appointed
commaDder of the
Achsan
cavalry.
He found
this,as allother
parts
of the
army,
in a
very
dcfecliie condition.
The wealthier
citizens, though
bound
by
lawto
personal
aervice in the
cavalry,
had been allowed,
ttirough
connivance of tbe
magistrates
who
precededPhilopcemen,
to evade the
performance
of their
duty,t
and
they
had been
used to send substitutes
wretchedlymounted,
unpractised,
and timid. He
immediately
a^
plied
his attention to
remedy
this abuse.
By
the exertion of hia
authority,
combined with
personalinfluence,
he induced tbe
youths
of
the
higher
class 1o serve in
peraon,
excited
their zeal and
emulation,
and in the course of a
short
time, by training
and
exercise,formed
Ihem into a
well-organized body,
which executed
all iiB
movements with
easy
and
orderly
promptitude.Philipcomplied
the more
readily
with the
request
of tbe
AchEans, aa Attalus of
Pergamns. on whom the
/CtoSians,by
sn ex-
tmordinary decree,
had conferred the title of
their chief
magistrate,
was
reportedto be on
the
point
of
crossing
over to
Europe.
On his
march
throughThessaly
he found
an "lolian
army
at Lamia,
re-enforced
by
auxiliariea furnished
by Attains,
and 1000 Romans
sent
by
Gnlba,4
Pynhia^,
who
had been
appointed
either
colleague
or lieutcn-
1 Ibul.,J . Plot, Ptiilar..
T
t P"ilyb., .ii"
ant to the
King
of
Pergamus,* lliey
were
worsted, however,
in two
enzagements,
and
forced to take shelter behind the walla of La- mia,
while
Philip
advanced to Phalara on tlM
Malian Gulf Here he waa met
byenvoya
from
Ptolemy, Rhodes, Chios, and
Athens,
who
came to offer their
mediation',
and tbe ."to-
lians themselves were so far moved
by
the re-
monstrancea of the
envoys,
who
pointed
out
the imminent
daofferwith which the
liberty
of
Greece
waa threatened
by
Roman
interference,
that
they
had
engagedAmynander,
chief of the
Athenian*, to
negotiate
on their behalf A
truce was concluded for
thirtydays,
within
which a
day
was fixed for anAchEasassemUr
at
j"giQin. Philip
then continued his
mai^
southward,and,having
left a
punton
at Chal-
eis In
Eubtea,to
protect
it
againstAttalus,
proceeded
with a KnaU escort of
cavalry
and
U^
troops
10
Argoe,
where he was honoured with
the
presideoce
of the Heman and Nemeon
games expresslyon
the
ground
of his
Argive
descent
: a
delicate
piece
of
flattery,
which assumed
his connexion with the ancient line of
the Macedonian
kings: a relation whioh he
Ibndtyclaimed,
but could
hardiy
prove.
After
the celebration of the
Hersa,
he
repaired
to the
congress
at
.lEgtum.t But,
in the mean while,
the views of
ê
.Etotians had been
changed
by
the arrival of Attains at
jEgina,
and of the
Roman fleet at
Naupactus.They
now took the
tone of
conquerors,
and demanded the realitn-
tion of
Pylos
to the
Messenians,
and cesaions
of
territory
for the Romans and their
Dlyrian
allies.
Philipindignantly
broke off the
ne^
tiatioo,
and
leaving
4O00 men for the
protection
of the
AchEeans,
returned to
Argos
to celebrate
the Nemean festival. But in the midst of this
entertainment,
be was called
away by
the tidings
that
Galba,having
crossed over from
Naupactus,
was
ravaging
the coast between
Sicyon
and Corinth.
Tie
immediatelypat
himself
at the head of his
cavalry,ordering
the infantry
to
follow,
and hastened to
repel
the in-
vasioD,surprised
the Romans while
theywere
spread
over the
country
and encumbered with
spoil,
and drove
them,
with some loss,to their
ships.
He then returned to
enjoy
the
gloiy
of
his
victory,
and to finish the celebration of tha
games
at
Argoa.
He was stillfond of Iheshad-
ow of
popularity,
thoui^
he cared littlefor real
aflectionand esteem. To
gratify
the
multitude,
id aside the diadem and the
purple,
and assumed
the
garb
of a
private
citizen
;
but,at the
same time,
he
indulged
his
passions
in the most
tyrannical
license
;
and where the arts of se- duction
were
unavailing,
forced husbands and
parents
to aacrifice the honour of their families
to his lust. He hsd
already
carried offthe wife
of the
younger
Aratns into
Macedonia,
and had
murdered her husband
by drugs
which
deprived
'"'m of his
reason.
Soon after tbe festival he set out od an ex-
^dition
against Etis,
which had received an
"tolian
garrison
within itswalls.
Philiphoped
to
expel
the .lEtolians,
and
again to enrich hia
army
with the
spoil
of that fertile
region.
At
Qyme
he was
jomed by
the Achaan forces
iin-
lAt.,an.,3D. Dorm
Pjnlm,^raai"i
lama tr
'""-
^"ftlW^
4H
HISTORY OF GREECE.
der UiB General
Cjdiades
Bud
Philopamen.
Nsiu the banks of the
I.arisua,
the oonfine of
Elia and AchaJa,they
(bund the
enemy
waiting
toi
tbem,
and
a sharp
akinnish of
cavalry
en-
Boed,
Id which
Philoptemen
slew ths Etean
oommandeT
Damophantus
with hia own hand.
The JDvadera met with no farther reeistance
until
the?
reached the
gates
of "Ub
:
but
they
were not aware that Galba had landed at Cyl-
lene,
and had entered the
city
with 40(X) mea
The
presence
of the Romans was
only
discoT-
OTsd aAer an
engagement
had
begun
between
the jGtolians and the Macedonian
lighttroops.
It
was too late to retreat,
and
Philipcharged
the Romans at the head of bis
caTalry.
His
hone
waa
killed under
him,
and he
narrowly
escapedbeing
made
prisoner,
but
fought
brave-
Ijonfoot
until the combat became too unequal,
"ud he was
forced to mount another horse and
quit
the Held. Vet the
enemy
had not gained
any
ndnntage
which
tempted
them to
seek a
fresh
eagagement.
He marched the next
day
"gainst
the
stronghold
where most of the
eoontiy peopto
bad taken
tetage
with their
cattle,
carried it at the first
assault,
and foand
4000
pereona
and
20,000
head of cattle within.
Whils he was
dividing
this
spoQ,
he received
tidings
of revolt in his own dominions,
and of
flmatening
movements
among
the Dardanians,
and hastened back to the
north,leaving
MiOO
men for the
protection
of the Achnana. It
turned oat that the Dardanians had been en-
oonraged
to invade Macedonia
by
a rumom- of
his death, arising
out of an accident,through
v^ch
one
of the omaraents of his hehnet having
been broken
off,
had follen into (he hands
of an Mtoi\a.n,
who had sent it Ut Scerdilaidas.
After his
departure,
Galba sailed eastward to
join
Attains at
"gina,
which the .iGtolians
made over to their
royalally
for
thirtytalents,*
and the Achasana
found themselves
strong
enough
to invade Messenla.
and
gained
a victory
over Uie Eleans and
j^totians
near Mes-
Tbe
prospect
which
opened
on
Philip
with
the
followingspring(208)
was more threatening
than
any
that had
presented
itselfsince his
Mcession to the throne. A storm
seemed to
be
gathering
in
every quarter
of his horizon.
IDs enemies,
either
by
concert or coincidence,
were
preparing
to attack htm at once on
every
"ssailaUe
point,
Qalba and Attains, having
wintered
together
at
^gina,
sailed to Lemnos
with a fleet of
sixtypentereme galleys,
of
irtiich
twenty-five
were Roman,
and were
vis-
iUy meditating
a blow on some of his maritime
possessions,
while the J^tolians resumed their
operations
with redoubled
activity
in the West.
Philip
had assembled his forces at Larissa,
and took
up
hie
quarters
at Demetrias, as the
most convenient station for
watching
the enemy's
movements,
and here he received
alarm;
1m and
importunate
embassies from all his
alues. The Achnana
again
needed
succonr,
liMr Machanidas had taken the field with a
Ibree which, it
seems,
turned the scale decidedly
against
them. The
neighbours
of the
."toliana,especially
the
Acanianians,
were
suffering
from their
inroads,
and
they
were
fortifying
the
pass
of
Tbermopylc
with a
fosse
and
rampart.
At the same
time,the
Illyrians
"
NrtL, uii.,M"^
and MndisiiB were
stirring
to invade Macedo*
nia in his
absence,
and the hostile fleet had
crossed
over to
Peparathus,
its
troops
were
iging
the
island,
and its chief town wss
hardly
able to hold ont. It was on this side
that the
danger
seemed moet
pressing,
for it
~ ~
s clear that Attalue and Galba were aiming
attack
on Eubifa,
the loss of which would
have almost
entirely
shut out the
King
of Ma-
oedonia from the south of Greece.
Philip
dismissed
allthe
envoys
with
cheeringpromiaes,
his first care was to send
troops
into
Pcp-
arethus and
Bceotia,
and to
strengthen
the
garrison
of Chalcis. He himself
proceeded
t"
Scotussa, to
put
himself at the head of his
army,
and moved
by
forced marches
upon
Her-
aotea,hoping
to
surprise
Attains and an ."to-
lian
assembly
which had been convened there
to confer with their
royalally.
But he arriTod.
loo late for this
purpose, and,havingravaged.
the Malian
plain,
rotreatad to Scotassa,
where
he left his
army
and returned with his saoort
to Demetrias. Not
knowing
what
point
wouU
soonest
require
hia
presence,
be ordered beacons
to be erected on conspicnonsheights
in,
Phocis,Eubisa,
and
PepareCbus,
and a watch-
'
er on Mount
Tisscus,at the entranoe af
bay
of
Pagass, so as to eomraanieate the
earliest
intelUgenee
of the
enemy's approach.
The allied fleet had moved from
PepareUiua.
Nicna, on the Malian
coast,
and thenoe
CTosaed over to the north of
Eubsa, to
lay
Orens. Altalus was to invest it on
the land
side,
the Romans from the ssa
; butr
before
they began
the
assault,they gained
Plator,
the commander of the Macedonian
gar*
risen,who
betrayed
the town into their handa.
He
interceded,however,
for the
garrisOQ,
which
was sent
by
sea to Demetrias
:
he himself
entered the service of Attains. The Ro- mans
plundered
the town.
"Rirough
Plater's
treachery,
the beacons had not informed
Philip,
of the
danger
of Oreus until it would have
been too late to relieve
it,even if he had
been able to send succours
by
sea. But when,
he learned that Chalcis was
threatened,
he in*
stantlyrejoined
hia
army
at
Scotussa,
ami
marched southward with almost incredible rapidity,
forcing
his
way through
the .^tolian
intrenchments at
Thermopyls,
and
reaching:
Elatee the same
day. But, in the mean while,
the Roman
general had abandoned the enterprise
of
Chucis, where the road was
dangerous,
the town
strong
and well
garrisoned,
and
the officers faithfulto their
master, as
hope-
lass,
and had sailed back to
Cynus,
the
port-
of
Opus.
The
city
surrendered at the first
eight
of the
enemy,
and
was
abandoned
by
Galba ts the Asiatic
troops, as a
compensation
for the
plunder
of Oreus
;
and Attains was.
nearlysurprised
hero
by Philip,
while he lingered
10 extort
money
from the
principal
citizens.
He was soon after recalled to Asia
by
intelligenoe
that hia dominions had been invaded
by
hia
neighbour,
Pruaias of
Bythiitia,
and
SulpiciuB,
on his
departure,
retreated to
j"gi-
na. Philip,
after the
conquest
of two or three
places
held
by
the j^tolians,
proceeded
to Ha-
lea,
where he had
appointed
a
meeting
with
the
envoys
of
Ptolemy
and the
Rhodians, who
had been
renewing
their
attempts
at mediation
in the J:toIian
wsembly at Beradea. Bat
PHILIP'S MOVEMENTS." PHILOPCBHEN'S REFORM.
the Gonferenoa wai ioMmipMd by
m report
that Miichaaiilas "aa
prepariog
to anack
Olym-
piaduiiugltaecelebratiODorihegainea.
Philip,
m^r
to
tppear
as the
protector
of the national
aoleamilj,
diamisMd the
enToya
with
profea-
sk"na of Ub desire Tor
peace,
and aet forward
towanU EUa.* But when he arriTed id Arca- dia,
tw fouad that
Maehantdaa,
alarmed
b;
the
i^Kirt
of hie
approaoh,
hed retnmed to Sparta.
He himselT
prooeeded
to
jEgimn,
to meet a
ooogieae
of the AchBana
;
aod he aeeins to
]ia*e felt it
itecoBaary,
not
only
to auiniUe bis
alUee 1^ exaggeiaied
Btatemenla of hii re-
Mnt aneceBS,
but to
atrengthea
their attach-
Ktent
by
some ooDceaaions of
territory.He,
at leaat,lecoptiaed
the claim of the Achnana
to Tiii^lia
and
Hema,
and that of
Megalop-
oile
to Alipheta.-t
He had
expected
to
find
at
"giiim
a Carthanniaii fleet which had been
broo^t
to hia aid the
year
before,}
and had
"eat a aqoadrOD
to
join
it in the Corinthian
QidT.^
Bnt the
Carthaginianadmiral,
hBTina
burd that Attaloa and the Raaians had
1^
whhiB the
golf,
had lailed
aw^
to the eoast
"f Aeanania.
He, neveitheleeB,
oroeaed over
with aix AehMan
gaUeya
to
Antioyra,
where
he Arand hia own
aqnadron,and,
after a de-
acent (or the
pnrpeae
of
plunder
on the coast
of
"ttdia,
aailed to Corinth
;
and, lending
hia
land foreea home
throughBootia,
rstamed
by
aea to
Demetriaa,
and thenoe to
Macedonia,
wbere he waa
occupiedduring
tbe reat of the
year
with the cbaatiaemcnt of the
Dardaoiaaa,
Bod with the
enlargement
ofhia
navy,
for which
he
placed
100 war
galleys
on the stocks at
Caasandrea.
Tbe ftoliana
would,
it
aeema,
have been
willing,
after the
departure
of
Attains,
to aban'
don the
war,
in which
they
had
gainedno ad-
Tsntace adequate
to their eObrts
;
bnt Galba
eludea their wiahea under tbe
idea
that be bad
no auUiority
to treat for
peace,
while,
in a se-
cret deapatch,
be
represented
to tbe senate
that the iotersat of Rome
required
the contin-
nanoe of the war in Greece. The senate is
said to bare fortidden them to treat,
and to
hare sent a re-enfbrcement to their
ud,
with
which
they
made themselves mastera of Am-
Inaeia.ll But it
appears
that these
iWii
tnuj
wiLb Philip(Lii.,
were soon recalled,
and that for two
yean
after
tbe .lEtoliana were left to
carry
on tbe
war
alone.
The;
would
acorcely
have been able
to maintain it ao long
if
Philip
had not been
freqaenlly
diTertsd from tbem
by
the
hostility
of his bwbetiaD
neighbours; for,during
this
interval,
the
energy
of
PbUojKemen
infused
new vigour
into tbe Achnan
League,
and delivered
it from its most formidable
enemy.
At tbe election which followed next after
the
campaign just related,Philopcemeu
was
raised, for uie
firat
time,
to the office of
general.*
As t)w Buocess
of tbe reforms which
he had introduced In tbe
cavalry
bad contribo-
ted
mainly
to his
elevation,
it both
enoouraged
him to undertake still
greater changes,
and
served to smooth the
way
for them. As
a
Greek,jealous
of
liberty,
as a
patriotic
citixea
of the Actusan
League,
and as a soldier
pas- sionately
fond of hie
ait,
he had reason to be
very
mucb dissatioGed with die
existing
stata
ofthiag*. HelbuidtbeAcbsaiis,tlion^lbe]i
1 . " ._.
TeWea.
to a.
which
they might
have
repelledb.
.
exertions,
and
purchasingsuoooors,
which
kept
them
subject
to Macedonia, by
aubaidiea whieb.
ought
to have contributed to the
aumwit
of
tbeir own armies.
Though
almost
always
at
war, tb^
had aot become a
militarypeople..
Tbeir chief
strengthlay
in their
nwrcenai^
force,which,tbougb a heavy
burden on Hwir-
resources,
sometime* failedtham in the hour
of
need,
and waa never quitetnwtworthy
in tbft
service of a free state. This defect was intimately
connected with tbe
personalqualitioa
of the man who had for so
many years
exercised
almost abeolute
sway
over their
councils.
Aratus,
himself destitute of
military
talenta
and martial
spirit,
was neither
capable
nor desirous
of
training
a, nation of soldiers. For
the extension of the
League,
he reliedon
bold
stratagems,
deilerous
negotiations,
or simid"
corruption
;
and be was content to meet
everj
exigency
aa it arose
by
eu"A
expedients
as necessity
suggested.
'Hie men who filled thsr
chief
magistracyduring
the same
period,
in the-
alternate
years,
were
mostlf
his friends and'
creatures,
withont either
ahUityor
cbaraeter
adequate
la the
conception
of
a ditrerent
qs--
tem. The habits of the Acbmui citizenswer"
totallyforeignto a milituy
life
-,
the;
had ""
keen taste for luxurious
eiyoymeDts,
and weiA-
much addicted to frivolous ostentation in dresA
and
furniture, b;
which
many
were led into ex*
penditure
whicli exceeded their mean*. These
tastes
the;
carried with them into the
camp,
while
Ibeyregarded
its service as an irksome
task,
and
grudged
whatever
they
were
obliged
to
lay
out on tbeir martial accoutrementa.
Philopcemen
saw that to raise bis
eouiitr;mea
to the
place
which
theyought
to
occupy among
tbe states of
Greece,
it
was
necessa^
both to
inorganixe
the
army
and to
cbai^
tha wbola
course of their social
usages, tastes,
ud fe"d-
~~
. (p.m, a.
4M HISTORY OF GREECE.
inp.
The former of th"e
objects
was
by
ftr
the least difficult: it
onlyreqntred
the conseiit
of the
assembjr
to his
scheme,
and a fen
moDtha'
trainins,
tc
carry
it hrto eBect. The
latter would ha*e seemed
hepeleaa
to another
man,
and could
only
hare been
acoomplirited
by
the
peraoDal
influence of one in whran his
fbUow-citiiena felt
pride
aa weD as confldenee.
PhilopcBineD
achiered both with
stngnlerease,
and in a aurprisingty
short tiine. He Mbsti-
ShteUa for the
light
v^pmenta'
of the AchcaD
tnbntiy,
and trauied it to tbe chiee
anay
and
mmôated
erohitions of Uie Macedonian
phalanx.
At the aame thne that he obtained teave
to introduce thia
changCihe,by aajnglespeech,
tBrned tbe current
of
publicopinion
and aenti-
meni into a new channel. He
exposed
tbe ef-
Ibmiaacy
of that
lumry
in whtofa the
wealthy
youtha
had been nsed
to Tie with one
another,
and
poinled
their emolatioD to diflbrent
objects,
ia irtiioh
peraonaldis^y
weald be sMOciated
with tlie ideaa of
(oil,bardahip,danger,patriotic
aaerifioeo, doty,
and
glory,
and
eo would
be neither
enemting nor fiitile. When tbe
point
of honour waa onoe
ahilled,
the baUta
oftikc rich anderwant a ruiid
change. They
bân
to take
pride
in the
a|Nendour
of
militaiy
"quipments,
and to ourtail their other
eipen-
MS,
tiiU
tbey
niiriit niake a better
appearance
"t Uie teriew. Ttieir
plate
waa aent to the
onieiUe, to be
employed
in the deooralion of
aniia
aiid
eaparisons.
No arta were so much
in
tequeet
as those which rainiBtered to Ibe
pomp
and Inaire of war. It waa thoi^t
ridio-
nloiia to be seen
ricbly
attired
except
on tbe
parvde.
Philopcnnen
took can that tbeae ez-
bibitiona abould wM be
an
empty show,
but
"ocompanied
with a constant
invgiess
in the
knowledge
and
practice
of
a"rfdienWp.
He
went Toond tbe cities of tbe
Leagueto
nwpect
and exereise their
contingenta,
ud to asiiiiate
them
br
hia exhortatioBa and hia
exainpte.
In
the course of lesa than
eig^t
montlM he had
Armed
on army,
with wtUch he was
ready
to
take the field
against
Machanidaa.
The
Spartan
chief bad entered Arcadia with
a
foimidaUe force,and
expected
to overrun
Tegsa
that the Achsana had aasemtded tbeir
ftroes at Mantinea,
and he
hastened,
tbe next
day,
to meet tbem
there,
with full confidence
of a deciniTe
Tictoiy,
which would make hitfi
master of
PdoponneaoB.
The core of his
army
was a LaoedBmonian
phalanx,
armed and t"r-
ganiied
like that of tbe Atdueans
;
but he had
also a
attoQg body
of meroeDBriea in hia service.
Stioh were
alao the
gioaterpart
of Phil-
fitreea before
Mantinea,so as to
place
his
pha-
tanx brtiind a trench which erosecd the middle
oftbeiâin,
with the
lightinlhntry
in one wine
and the eaValry tn the other. The
piogreaa
of
nitilaiy
art ta marked
1^
a
feature
which does
not appear
in the
description
of the eaiiier hat.
"md DB both aidci (Pol., li.,
_ "
unitifHOf TucntsD. II
VB oolj " HUH
tai " ngciei of Iihvt omln. 9ttph.
Mrînol lie nic Ml^ XPt"!^ tnmttn ntAAB.
orougnt enginea
far the
discharge
of
heavy
missiles,which he
di^nsed
at intervals
along
the whole front of hia
hne,
to
|day
upon
the
enemy
and throw them into
confusion before the eneoanter
began.
I%il-
opsmeo
forestalled the eflbct of the
aTtiUeryby
a
charge
of hia Taieatine
oanlry,
tiltkdiled to
a generalengagement
between tbe meroenaries
of hodi sides. Those of Machmidaa soon
showed tberoselTes
soperiorto their
antagonists,
not only
in
aunher,
bat in
conditian,
ud
at
Iragtb pot
(bam (o
fli^r
and
Ptriybim
points
out that no other readt was to bars
beea
expoeted,
where tbe oombatants on ths
one side
tbngfat
Ihr a master
irtto woold he
Bure
stwajsto need,
and
must, fhtntan, reward
their eeirieea
;
while those on Oe other
knew
tliat,
the more deciMTe Ifaelr
Tiotoiy,
the
eartier
Utey
woald be
diseiiarBed.*
Mftobani-
das, however,
inatead of
fUlowing
np
this si
-
witti an attack oi
- - " -'
_ .
bsyond
the tali of
battle. In the mean while,niilopnmen,
baring
changed
the
position
ofhis
jdialaax
to meet
the new
emergency,
waited nntil tbe LaeedB-
moniaus,
eager
to
CMnfHete
the
victoiy
which
they
saw
began,
moved ftnward to oroas tbe
ditch,iriiicb,on their
side,
oflbred an
easy
descent,
and was at this time
nearly dry.
While their ranks were diaoidered
by
this
operation
and
by
tbe
difficotty
of tiie
aaoent,
nul-
owsmeo oharaed, and rtmlod diem with
great
riauîteT,
aniT
was alreadyoompleielymaster
of the
field,
when Macfasnidas ntwned from
the
poisaitand found hunsetf
intoreepted.
Af- ter
a f^tiess
attempt
to out his
way tbiou^
the
enemy,
at tbe
paaaage
of a bridge,
he waa
overtaken
by niilopoBmon,
who alow bim with
Ilia own huid aa he waa
apurring
hia hone
aoToss the ditch. His head was cut off ant
shown to tbe
oDnquerors,
to animate them in
the
pursuit,
which
was
continued
as ^ as Te-
gea,
where, having
carried tbe town award in
band, they
baited for the
night:
Ponr tbonsaad
'
emonians were left on tbe field of
battle,
still
greater number, together
with all
i"
l" wu
|"M HToHtr.
[Iman
fnl MlliiaD sT lbs Vatieui Pnc".
sf
PolTk,p.
tt,
9i Mii^ onniftil u to tiiB efaiaialis^
"""" """
t Aa ii"" TMui*/*,d.,
IL kw bMB N
END OF THE WAR." LEGISLATION OF SCOPAS. 13T
8
biMage
ant
e AoMMiUt 1
I,
fenii I* of
the AoluMiUt whoM toae wa"
uiAiDf.
He
next
d^r Philopteoitn Môyed
the
plesauTe
of
enosnqiuig
oa tttebanks of the E^mtsi
;
and,
ttioDgh
be did not vaoUiTe to "Uack
SpaTU,
he
carried his
raTsges
t" Ike larlbeat eomer
of
After this
vidoTy,
the AehKani stood in no
need of Macedonian
succours,
thoudi Hwhau-
tdaa waa aoon aiUrmad saeeeeded
bj
aootb-
er
uamper
named
Nabia,
nhe
became,
in time,
as fuimidable aa hie
pradeccaser,
and a much
more odiona
tynnt
;
""d
Philip,
wben be was
lea at iMBUM
by hia
IHyrian
and Thraeiao
BciîbaaiB,
Doutd
Unit hi* aima
agaiiwt
the
MtatiMom withent
iuem^kw.
We h"*e but
aeantj
and
fnmeBitry BOtiees of hia
opeia-
tioaa
agawat
them
;
but it
aiveara
thttfhe
wraated Ambncia fhim
then,*
and made at
leaat one
expeditlMi
into tbe heMt of their
eeantiy.
He had
feined Amynander
to his
wterost bj
the oeaaion of the islMid of
Zaeyn-
thDB,t
and waa Uuu eoabled.te lead hia foreee
iperpait
"
'
inroad! he
again
Id his
aaenl^Woa
davaat-
" in the
aaactuai7
of
ApaUa.t
Th" "to-
lina, apparantly
deaertad bath
hj
AUahis and
' "
'leearDeauydMiioDaof Buoa,
began u
and of tMir
"
"esotiation with
Philip,
and
aceqHed
Ite tenns
whuh ha
jn^soribed.Tb^ were,
no doubt,
modeTsto
enou^ if,aa
Livy intimatea,
ho
knew or
soapeêd
tliat
tbe Romana WMe en
the
point
of
aending
a (reah
armament to the
jEtfdiaaa. The
treaty
had
aoareely
been con-
(daded,
when the
proeonBul,
P.
Semproniua,
bnught
orer a fleet of 3G
gaUeya,10,000 foot,
awl 1000
hotae,and,
finding
that he had erri-
lad too late for hia main
object,
aailed 1"
Dyr-
lachinm,
and endeaTouTed to ronae the
adja*
cent lUyrian
tribes
agaowt
Macedonia
;
but,
"eeing
that hia forces were not suffioient to
meet Philip
in the
field,
and that he could not
induce the .ftoliane to break the recent
treaty,
be listened to the
propoeals
of the
Epirota, who,
being
IhemaelTea
weary
of the
war,
assumed
the character of
mediatora,
and at
lengthpre- vailed
on
Philip
and the
proconaul
to come to
a ctmference at Phteuice,
which
wan attended
by Amynander
and the
Epirot
and Acanianian
Sempronina
demanded tbe oes-
e
parta
of
myria
to tbe
Romans,
Oieaa
eonditiona,
wbicb were t" be
subject
to
the aanaU's
qiprobatiou,Philip
couaented.
The abaent allies ofeaeh
party
were induded
in the
treaty
: on
Philip'a part,
the
Adicans,
BnoUans,
and
Hkesaaliasa,
^"^
Pnisias of
Bithynia
;
on that of
Rome,
the
Eleana,
Mea-
aemans,
and
AUienians, Nabia,Pleumtua,
and
Attains. To
these,
in hononi of the
legendby
irtiich iitB Komana traced their
ongin
to Aaia,
"aa added the name of Iliiun. A tmce
of two
montha waa
granted
to allow time for an em-
basay
to
Rome,
where the
aenate,
inteiU on tbe
approaching
crisis of the
struggle
with Car-
thage,
and
hnawing
that H would MeT" be tao
late to
reopen
the diBcueaton with
Philip, adopted
the
treaty,
aad It waa ratified
by
the ui
moua
auflhifea
of the tribes. Tbe ."to'
who had been the atandwst alliea of R
and tbe chief auflerersin her a
ed over in the
treaty
in an ouunoiu
which showed that she considered aU ber oU"
ligations
towards them as caooeiJed I
claim of
independeBee.
For
a
fbw
yeara
after the battle of M
Greeoa
ramained
tranquil.
The."toliaciawem
liiUyoooupied
with ueir domeatic
eoDoenM.
Tbe
longBeiwa
of
wars
in whk^
Uiay
had baa"
engaged bal,
it
aeems,
enriched
aasa, bM,
while it
impovenabed
tiM state, had rvinad
moat ni*ue fortunea;
for whaterar
gain
it
yieVledto aoeeeaaAil adventurers waa c"na"-
mod
by
the
growing prodigality
of thebr main
at
living.
Tbe two
ehiab who, to
gntlQp
Ibair
'
itien, badriaaged
ite b"-
_U
waiB,
iWiBflChoa
nad
Soopai,wen
aemeches deeplyisrebad n
'
lAen, t^
tbe
peaoe, tb^
w"M
nt
th^
owB
eMsmnbered
paliiiwa
niea,they
sfpear
to have itmxMi to n nmr
kind of
spaliaUooi
whtefa
Ukoy
earned on milBr
the tbnae of Uw.
Through
the
iBtrigBes
"f "
party,
wbi^
cn^rebmded
aS who wm" in
Ue enbanaaaMnl with
thanaelna,tbey
mo*
investedwith an eatraordinaTy
eofamiaawn to
the laws. The
history
of a
' ' " '
"
Appiu.
Hu., t.
if (
lii^ludnUiÊrwiiid
there can be littledoubt that
they chiety
""w-
cemed the lelatian between debtor and cowli-
and tbe cbwacter of tbe men
rendera it
easy
to conceive the uae
they
would main af
soch an opportunity
;
espeoially
as we are !"-
foimed that one
main
object
wbicb
Soopaa
bad
in view in the exeoution of bis task waa to ae-
eore his election to the chief
maîatra^.*
In
this,however,
he was disqipomted,
and ba
then
quitted
bis
country
to seek his fortane at
Alezaudria,
where be waa admitted into tha
king's
service on very
liberal
terms,
but aAar-
ward lost his treasure
and his lifethroodi Ua
insatiable
rîaoity.
In
jEtoUa,
his
kgiBiatien
gave
occasion to civil discord,
whi^
frequently
broke out in
open
virience and bloodahed.
In
PGloponneaUB,
the "n" of
Philopcsmaii
was sufficient,
lor a time,to
rc^RCaa ai^
indi-
nation which
might
exist
among
the eBsmiaa
of the Aohmns lo diaturb tbe
peaoa.
At Ibe
Nemean fbativilwhioh next followed his
great
victmy,being
a aeoend time
general,
be exhibited
his
pfaalaBX
uaid tbe adnuration and
m^.
planae
of the sasMibled Graeka,
and waa
grm-
ed in the theatre aa the
pMeMor
of Oieeian
libOTty.
A renown ae
pore
aeema to have excited
Philip's envy
and hatred
;
and be
waa,
at least,generally
believed to bare aubomed
emiMariee to take
away
the lifeof
PhilopMuan
by
the method whieh he bad
practiaedag"nat
Aratna,
but tbe
plot
was" we are not
inibrmad
bow" detected and bafted.t A mere mmoor,
which
ôved
to
be
gronndlesa,
of bis
approadi
is said to have atrnok such tenor into a
B"a""
tian
army
which was on
the
point
of
asianltint
Megara,
that it
precipitately
retreated,leaving
ita
scaling-ladders
ftsteoed to Uie wall*. la
"
Pdjfc"jiii.,
I,t
i jviiL.,
JM8.
I .
t Flit.,
niiisv., IS. Jhui, nl.,
4J^
K
438
HISTORY OP GREECE.
tiiemean whOa, bowarer, a power
"a"
growing
up
at Sputa,
of a kind whkih had
aoaraelir
been
"Ter befure witnused in Oreoco. Ws are nut
iDforroed
b;
what means Nabia aeiied the tb-
"aiit Ihraoe
-,
bui
they were probablj
like those
hy
whicb he maintained himself in it. One or
his first acta waa to
despatcli Pelope,*
whom
Machsnidas had suSfered to
preserve
a title
irhich
kept
up
aonie resemblance to the ancient
fonn of
Spartan royally,
and thue
gave
a show
"f
legitimacy
to his
goremment.
Nabis
reigned,
aa withoDt a
coitesgne,
ao without
any
atTec-
tation of
respect
for the ancient Constitution.
He had
emancipated
a
great
nundier of slajes
"T Helota,
and had made " new
diatribationof
knd in their taToor. Btit it was not ob their
vnppOTt
that be
ehieBy
relied. He had ooUeet-
"da
body
of meroenaiies from Uie vilest refiiae
Xifaooiety.
The wofat
eriminala,
tha ittostdes-
.perateontlawa,
foond an
asylam
at
Spaita,
a
feoantifhl
patTon,
and a
gracioua
master in
Nabis,
and were
preferred
as hia
gnards
end
the ministers of hie will.t The eitiieos most
'
eminent for birth and wealUi were either
put
to
'death or drifen into
exile,
and their wires and
Aitonea tranaferred to the
tjrant's
lavouritaa.
They were not aafe even in
exile,
but were
"iftenmnrdered
Iqr
hia
emissariea,
even in the
cities where
tfaey
had taken
refhge.
Those
who remaJDed at
Sparta
were anhjectto inces-
"uit ezaetions and to
exqniutelortnres,
if
they
'
mre auspected
of
poeseasing
more than
they
disolDeed,
or reftased to
comply
with his de-
nunda.t He aeema to have Talaed
power
chieflyas an instrument for
amaasiogwealth,
and he tnmed
Sparta
into a nest of
inrates
and
He the c
'
of
Crete,
and received a share of their
booty
;
' "nd be
sent out
gangs
of
villains,
irtio roamed
ttnugh Peloponnesna,waylîng
and mnider-
Ingtravellera,
nnd
plnodering
housea and tem-
piM,
and divided Ibe
spoils
with their master,
when he had eanied on this
system
for two or
Hiree
yeara
he
grew
bolder from
impanity,
and
began
to meditate
greaterenterprisea,
A
pretext
was
easily
found. One of his most valu-
aUe horses had been carried off
by
some B"xo-
lians,who, being
overtaksn at
Megalopolis,
sp-
pealed
to the
magiatrates,
when their
pursoers
would have
dragged
them
away,
and were
pro-
tsDted tnm their violence,
Nabis,
under colour
"tf'
retaliation,
made inroads into the
territory
of
Megalopolis, which, however,
did not imraedi-
"
ate^r pnxa\ie
boslilities on the side of tbe
'
AehRans. He seems thus to have been encouraged
to make an
sttetnpt
which no one
oonU have
Ibreaeen,as it was directed
against
'
an
ally
fVcm whom be had received no
provoca-
tloB. He
anrprieedMeesene,
and made himself
tnaaler of the town.
PhilopCNnen
at this time
' Wed no office,
and be could not
prevailon the
"enerat,Lysippne,
to march to tbe relief of
Meaaene,
which
appeared
to him to be irrecov-
-"rably
lost.
But, by
his
privateinSuence,
he
eolleoiedthe
fbrcesorHegalopolis
and ted them
into Messenis, and
Nabis,hearing
of his
ap-
proscb,
evacuated the
town
by
the
opposite
I IM., s. 1 PBljb., "iu.,(,
7
1 iw.. 11.
I n" hid rnnlnwr 1 "rin
ninvHniiaf kii wifc
Amgv
which
cluisd
UK "pOVrtrlaiu
nnbniM, ud ftinwrhriB
gate,
and made a
hasty
retreat intc Lnoaaia.*
In bis third
year
of
olSce,Philiqmraen,having
aesembled the forces of the
League
with
great
secrecy
at
Tegea,!
led them to the borders of
Laconia, where he drew the
tyranl'a
mercenaries
into an ambuscade,
and defeated them.
with
greatslaughter,
so that Nidiis did not venture
beyond
the frontier for the rest of that
In the
mean while,
tiie contest between the
two
great poweia
of the West was decided
by
the battle of
Zama,
and the senate was left at
leisure to turn its attention towards the afTairs
of Greece.
Philip,
as
mighteasily
be
supposed,
bad watched tbe
approach
of the criais which
so ehweâfl^ctedhis interests with
deep
ani-
ietj.
But his oondnct
during
this interval
"eems atrangely
at variance,not
only
with ths
dictatea of an
enlightenedpolicy,
but with the
plainest
msxims of common
prudence.
He
knew that the
enmity
of the Romans contiDoed
unabated,
sod that itwas not in bis
power
to
conciliate them unless
by unqualified
sabmis-
sion. But this was no resson why
be ahould
provoke
them
by
demonstraitons of
hostili^,
which ccDld neither hurt them nor benefit himself.
Yet this be did. He sent a
body
of 4000
men,
Sopater,
a Maee-
donitn of the
highestrank,beingdistantly
connected
with Ibe
royalftmily,
to
join
the Car- thaginian
annj
in
Aftica,together
vritb a
aap-
ply
of
money,!
and be eeene not to have tlt-
Btalned Oom
petty aggreeaioiM
on bis
neigh-
boun who were in alliance with Rome, Com-
plainta
on these hesds were
brought against
him before the
senate,
which sent three
envoys
to remonstrate with
him,
and M.
Aureliua,one
of the
three,stayed
in
Greece,
under the
pretext
of
protecting
the sUiesof tbe
republic,
andollea
engaged
in
open
combat with
Philip's
offioeia.
It
might,indeed,
be
suspected,
if
Philip
bsd
shown more discretion in other
respects,
that
these
qoarrelahad,
from the
first,
been foment- ed
by
Roman
intrigues.
After the battle of
Zama,
when a Macedonian
embassy
cane to
Rome with a
reply
to tbe senate's remonstrances,
the senate declared its
approbation
of
the conduct of
Aurelins,and
sternlyrejected
the
king'sexcnses,
with the Ibrest :
*"
He vras
seekingwar,
and,
ifhe
persisted,
he would boob
find it," He had
reason,
indeed,to
expect it,
even
though
he had taken the ntmost
(ains
to
avoid
it,
and therefore
prudencerttqoircd
that
he should
employ
Ibe interrsl of
peace
in ths
most active
preparations
kingdom.
But instesd of
this,he
provokednew
enemies,
and embarked in fresh wars and
expeditions,
which, even if
successdil,
would have
yielded
but little
advantage
to bint in his
conflict
with
Rome, and he formed
plans
of
aggrandizement
which were
merely visionary, so
long
as the issue of that conflictremained hb-
certain. The death of
Ptolemy Philopator,
whose
heir,Epipbsnes,was a child four or five
yesra
old,opened
a
prospect
which so inflamed
tbe ambiiion of
Philip
and Antiochos of
Syria,
that
they
entered into a
compact
to divide his
"
Flut,, Philop..
It.
Peljtt.,im.. It, 17. Phihiu
(i."M, lb]
mt'u of
t "ET""tlHi
: iiV'BB' tn"ntiK.
ud liii..M, 5.
HlwitK i'6twiyin.
t Folrb.,rri.,
M. MuiK (S|"iM, iii.,I,
p.
101) hu
"rmwDuity uainad thii Hntwca la th* aup^ra at lh"
jw
IM } Lit.,ui ,!",II.
PHILIP AND ANTI0CHU8." BATTLE OF CHIOS. 4S"
ominions between (hem. It wes agreed
that
LRtiochuB should lake
posseiuinn
of
Egjpt
and
iypriia,
and
Philip
of
Cjrene,
and all the con-
aests of
Ptolemy Euergetea
in Ionia and the
'jcladea,
and that
tbe;
should aid one another
a effpct these
conquesla.
Pliilip
seems lo hare
hoped Ibit,
befora he
hould have a war tvilh Rome on his
hands,
he
light
eaiabliah his
aacendency
in the
Êân,
0 as to i}ar the Roman fleets fmm the eastern
oasts of his dominions
;
bat
though perfectlj
eckless of honour and
giMd
faith in the means
rhich he chose to
compass
this
end,
he
appears
0 have miscalculated his
streogth,
and the lor-
Lious
policy
lo which he trusted for snccess
cly
led him into
dangers
and diflicnltieBwhich
le would otherwise have avoided. The two
Teat [uaritime
powers
which stood in the
way
r his
design
were Attatus and Rhodes. Atta-
iis wa" a rival and an
enemy,
and the breach
etwecn the two Itings
had been widened
by
'hilip's
alliance with Fruaias of
Bithynia,
who
lad married his
daughter.
The Rhodians were
";
no means hostile to
Philip,
and hod
given
ufficient
proof
that
tfaej
would not
willingly
LEve sacriGced him to the Romana. Sutitwas
lear thai
they
and
Atlalus,
if either were at-
acked,
would defend each other.
Philip,
how-
ver,
resolved to force the Rhodians into a war
rjth
him,
while he inflicted a
heavy
blow on
hair marine
by
an act of
perfidious aggression.
le had men in his service who were
capable
"f
every
crime.
Replaced a
squadron
of
twenty
alleys
under the command of the
^lolian,
)ic"archus,with
general
orders to
levy
conlri-
'Utions
among
the islands of the
"geaD,
and
o treat all
trading
vessels
as lawful
prjies,
and
rith
special
instructions to aid the Cretan
plates
against
the
Rhodians,
who had been
ibliged
to declare war on Ihem for the
proten-
ion of their commerce.* The
spirit
in which
)icsarchus executed his coimnission
may
be
;athcredfrom hla
practice
of erecting iwo
altars,
olmpiety
and
Lawlessness,at the
places
where
is anchored.! Yet this was the most
open
and
lOn Durable
part
of
Philip's scheme,
and itserved
0 cover a fouler
device,
which he intrusted to
.nother
very
fit
agent,
IheTareniine Heraclides.
rhis
man,
who haviiu
attempted
first to sell
lisnative
cityto the
Romans, and then to be-
ray
the Romans to
Hanmbal,
had been forced
0
fly
from
Italy.t
had been admitted
hj Philip
0 a
degree
of favour and conlJdence tike that
thich he had
formerlygranted
to Demetrius
he
Fharian, and, by
calumnious
accosations,
le had induced the
king
to
put
fire of his
prin-
ipal
comicillora to
death.f
Hence there were
ome who attributed the
corruption
of
Philip's
haracter to
Heraclides,]!
and
with,perhaps,
as
auch reason as those who referred it to De-
netrius. In each case Philiponly
attached him-
clf to a congenial
adviser. Heraclides tinder-
ook to
destroy
the Rhodian
navy
in a
way
voTthy
of his
reputation.
He renewed the
itralagem
of
Zopyrus,
and
pretendedto seek
efuse at Rhodes from
Fhihp'acruelty.
The
Ihodiana
were not
blindlycredulous,
but their
luapicione
were lulled to rest
by
the
sight
ifa letter of
Philipto the
Cretans,producedby
he
fugitive,
in which he undertook to make
t Poljb.,IT
war on the Rhodians.
Having
Ihtn
pined
their
confidence,
Heraclides
only
wailed fbr the
first
windy night,
and then set fire to the arsenal,
and made his
escape
in a boat.*' The cod-
Bagralion
did
great damage
;
bat it was not
bj
a stroke of this kind that a niae
enemy
would
have
thoDgbt
to crush such a
power
as Rhodes.
Yet the Rhodians were slow to declare war
againstPhilip,
and
they
continued lo hesitate
even after another
aiâl specimen
of bis bad
faiib and
rapacity.
He bad reduced the towns
of
Lysimachia,Chalcedon,
and
CiuB, thongh
they
were all in alliance with the
jGtoliatts,
and carried olTlbe inhabitanls as slaves. Clns
he sacked in the
presence
of the
envoys
of several
Greek
cities,who had come to intercede
for
it,
and the news was
brought
to Rhodea at
the time when a Macedonian ambassador was
harangning
the Rhodians
on
his master's
magnanimous
forbearance towards the
conquered
ejty.t
He afterward treated Thaaoa in the
aame
manner,
alter it had camtulated vrith
his
general,
Metrodon".t The Rhodians
now
made
prcparationa
for war
;
but
yet
hostilities
were
begun
almost without their consent
by
their brave
admiral,Theophiliscos,
and it was
not until the first blow had been Blruck llut
they applied
themselves in earnest to the
contest,
and induced Attains to comhine his tanxn
with theirs.
Philip
had taken
Samoa,
and
was
besieging
Chios,where he made
a (hlitlesa attempt
to excite the slaves to
revolt, 4
when the
fleets of the allies
appeared
in
superior
nnm-
He
attempted
to
escape
to Samoa,
but
deed,
to claim the
Tictory,
because he h
forced Atlalns to run his
galleyashore,
and to
leave it in the
enemy's
hands
;
but he declinod
a aecond combat when it was offhred to
him,
Boonafter,hylhecombinedlleetB.
TheRhodian
admiral died of his wounds the next
day,
aikd it
was, perhaps,
this event thai turned the foitnoe
of the war for some time in
Philip's
favour.
The allies
parted
their
fleets,
and the Rhodians
were defeated ofTLade.T This
Tictoi;
enabl"d
Philip
to make himself master of Samoa and
Chios,
and
probably
of several other
placeson
the coast
of
Ionia,**
and to invade the dominions
of
Attains,
where he committed much use-
leas havoc on sacred
buildings
and worka of art
in the
neighbourhood
of
Pergamui,
but
throDgb
the
precautiona
which had been taken
1^
At-
talus,
found it difficult
to provide
for the anb-
sistence ofhia
troops.
t+ Ha aftsrward
Bgaln
t n"id.,M.
"
FslTEii.,T., n, a. Pelfb.,1
t INHrb.,IT,,
U.
1
jDia.,"w
t Pill.,D( Hoi. ViR.,X"". Ha UmitKl
IlMBwtUi tt*
vfkr of
Jib*t^
Kut ^îr But*E9' ttith.
Aentdiiifto
.,
14, 11. LiTT (mi., 14^ ""
- - '
Ibi RbDilIU
uUun,
3
"dqiHd tlieamBn'
tIftlliBiuil,
whoo PolTbiD
""
Aiû, Umc.,
i.
ft PMFti.,in.,
1. Bat IhitfnAnI
ij^Han
tnhaniK
plwd.
ThullKiiiTHiiiBi/ihiaiiiiuBiauiirAIULlHn
nl"H|"Dt
to tbt liuilta of Chica ud Lulu, wv te utn-
hv hn fliimplfl, indiHvd iltlakiHto
bepn
heauiitiH
"fiaiA
tîlip ( Schnm. p. "l, B.
9).
but jsrhiH Hall um dtai-
liTslr tnm Etiilip'i fltm.(Pnlrb..iTii,,t)
Ihit Atulu
ud
HISTORY OF OREBOE.
raomd
aoothwud,
and
ravaeed
the
territorr
of
Um Rhodiani oa (bo loain
land,
and made bun-
self maater of acTeial
lowoa,
bnt when tae
wmild bafe Tetanad to
Europe,
found himaelf
Uookaded
1^
Attalna and tiie
Bliadiaii*,
who
bad
agaiD
united tboir
annamenta,
and ha waa
compelled
to winter In
Caria,mucb giraitened
for
proTisions,
and in
êat
uuiety
abon
aafety
of bis own damintons.* He aitricated
bimaelf, however,
fiom this
smbarraaaiagpua
tioo,early
in Ibe next
apiing(B.C.200},by
atraugem.
He sent an Egyptian
to tbe em
my,
wbo, pretending
lo hat"
deaerlAd,
infonned
tben that
Philip
waa
preparingto
engage
Ibe
next
day.
Tbe
report
waa coofiimed
by an on-
oetuUmunber of fire*which
weraligUed
in the
Haoedonian
camp daring
the
night.
The blockading
aquadronwaa recalled to make
preparation
fiw the
battle,
and in tbe
DMHrningPbilip
vaafkr out at aeB,tand,thoagfapnraaMbyAt-
tBhM and tbe
Rbodiana,
arrived
aafely
in Mace-
It waa
highlinM,
for Rome bad
already
declared
war
against
hint Tbe
aenate had dia-
cloaed ita intentionsor
disposition, even before
tbe coDcIuaion of Ibe
peace
with
Carthage,
and
needed no Ireeb motive to atimulate
ijie
spirit
of
conqueat
and domination in the whole
body,
, .
adenoe before tbe battle""*Zaina. Yet
..
waa gladto find more of
theae,
and to receive
IVeah
complaintaagainst
bim tram ita
alliea,
for
tbe Koman
people,
which waa
ultimately to decide
tbe
question
of war or
peace,
bad not alto-
feUier
the same interestswith tbe men wbo
commanded its
armies,
governed
ita
prorincea,
and conducted ita
negotiations
: itwaa
juatat
this lime
weary
of
war,
and
loaged for an interval
of
repose.
Tbe
senate, therefore,
gave
willingaudience to the
envoya
of Attalus and
tbe
Rbodiaas,when
they
came to
report
Phil-
fp'Baggresaiona ; and, thcugb
it
rejected
tbe
petition
of the
.,"tolians, who aolicited
a renewal
of their
alliance,
it
carefully
treasured
np
their
complaintsagainstPhilip.^
Another
grouod
of
quarrel
still
more acoîtable was
tack
Dpu
ARaln tafbn Oh
mH-tgla. Bm hat
nrfcd
Ui
lano fHwilnm
(Lit.,
u^
,
IS),ud XniUoi Tinull
"dMtltkifKI.
Cinnptn. hnwmr. Pslfb.,iTi.,M. Th
TuiBU
Vncmui Hi
Fulrbim(p.1091,In "[irlr*
nvn
XhWmi i4tn")Hr
A^ HDux'n nl
ra*t
ii"r'Mill
unUwroiMu.Thff' ArnWrnMrv
nrf
" "'"-
f
Ciri.
"*|i|iun{MI].""" u inlimua IkU
l"*
Imttl*of
U"i*
pr"d*rikM ("
Cbjgi,od Lnht admi A)) aoBdii-
"f ttui XMbn
pnm
m bJAL 'nw ooj* "UF-
. ..-jHilalhemdnKrUHiiuUMialkHiv.
B with thuwlwh wa and nlwa L"i;inl"ls
(no.
supplied
by
the
AtfaeniaiM,
and
they
eanwd tbr
uiUîKr diatiBclionof
auggeating
tbe immsdi-
ale occasion of the war. Two
young
Aeama-
ntana,
wbo, through ignoraoea
of tba sacred
obaerTanoea,
bad entered tbe
temple
at Eleusis
during
the celebration of the
mysteriea,
had
been
discovered,
and
though
there was no doubt
aa to Ibe innocence of their
error,
were
put
to
death
by
tbe
prieata.
Their
coontrymen
were
indignant
at this
cruelty,
and
preTsiled
on Phil- ip
to furnish them with a
body
of Macedonian
troops,
with which
they
overran Attica,
and returned
laden with
ipoil.*
Henceforth tbe Athe- nians,
who,
it
seems,
bad
steadily
leaisted aU
Phibji's
overtures.t
were
incessantly
baiaased
by
Haoedonian
prtvateen
flrom
Cb^cis
and
by
inroada ftma Corinth,and
ibeyw"n threaten-
"d with another
iovasiao, against
which
they
soughtprotection at Rome,
lAere their
eoyoji
received
the tfaankaof the aanata fortheir cooi-
ageona Bdelity.
But the views of the Rmnan
government were, perhaps,
most efibetnally
(br-
warded
by
the aceounta received Aom H. Aire-
liua of
Philip's miliUry
and naval
preparatinna,
and of his movemeots in the
JSgean.
The despatch
described
Philipas a second
PyrrtLoa,
equallyambitious,
and much more formid^de.
and
nrged
tbe
neeeaaity
of
forestaning
his designs
upon
Italyby
the invasion of Macedonia.
This was a compuison
which
might
work
opoa
tbe
feelings
of the comitia
;
and it
proved
very
nseflil to the senate
;
(br when tbe var wiik
PhOipwas proposedt^
the
eonsol,
P.
Snlpidua
Oalba,to whose lot the
iôvtnce
of Maoedonia
bad
fallen,
it
was,
at Bnt, rejectedby
a
great
majority
of the
centuries,
and itwas
only
when
the
coQsnl,
in a second
comitia,
inaistiiu on the
examine
of
Pyrrhus,argued
diat tbe
onlyquestion
left
was,
wbether
ê
war
should be
waged
in Macedonia or in
Italy,
that tbe
people,
unable
to detect the
fallacy,
gave
a
ralutitant
a*-
Attalus and tbe Rhodian
admiral,
when
Ih^
followed
Pbitip
to
Europe,
made first far
"ff-
na,
and as
they happenedto arrive there at tbe
time when three Roman
envoya,
who wen oa.
their
way
to
Alexandria, were stayingat
Atb'
ens,
Attalus crossed over to Pirmia,
and was
received
by
the Athenians with
extravaguit
adulation : a new tribe was created to bear his
name,
and tbe Athenian IVanchlse or isopolilT
was conferred on tbe Rhodian
peoirie.
Attalus
declined
prcaenting
himaelf
b^re
the aaaem-
bly
on the
plea
of
modesty
;
but addressed a letter
to the
petmle,
in whidi he recounted tba
benefita he had bestowed on them,
and exhorted
them
to declare war
igainstPbilip.
Itwas
not
yet
known that Rome bad deebred war
;
and the Roman
envoys
sent a
meaaage
to
Phil-
ip'agener^,Nioanor,
who bad made an
inroad
into
AtUea,
and had advanced near to tbe city
gatea,bidding
him inform hia
master that,
ifhA
would have
peace
with
Rome,
he
mnat
aMaiu
fhHn hoatilities
against
the
Greeka,
and mtut
make such
compensation
to Altaloa as
tbooU
''-
awarded
by
an
impartial
tribunal.
Tbis
isage
had induced nicanor to withdraw
bis
troopa.lTettheAtheniana,withatleastl)ieU-
cit
sanctiM) of the Reman
envoya,
declared
war
"UtT.x.
UiatflM
C'.oogic
PHIUP AT ABYDOS." BEFORE ATHENS. 441
ir tlwir
"eoarity.
Tbs Rhodjane niM
Avajr
to Rhode*, onlyotM^Mlling
the wlaads
which
1^
Ml their
patneei
all bat
A^nia,
Pa- nts,
and
Cjthnoa,to rahmit to tbem. AthUiu
lingeredkiDg
in uttor inaction at Mgio", wut-
ing
the resultof an
embway
which he had sent
to the
jEtoliuis,
but whieh oonld not nam
then) to take
up
anna. Id the meaa while,
Philipwas leftat
Uberty
to
etrengUien
himself
by
new
conqneats.
On his return to Macedo- nia,
be had aent Philodea,
with a small
fone,
to
ravage Auioa,
while be cwidiiciad u exna-
and,aftarhariiig
nined
hitheito
oceafHeoby
Plolamy'a
auiiaona
regim,
laid
aiege
ta Abydoa. Tl)eAbydeDea,
lain that
ted,
but
Philiprequired
them to Enneni.__
_.
diacretiOD.
Being
thna driTSn to
deapoir, lliey
dsTotcd tbenuelves to destruction
;
and the
conqueror,
when he took
poesessioa
of Sie
city,
found hardly a
liring
person
in it bsaidea the
women and children.
During
the
aiegs,
Jd.
^mffina,
one of the three
enniy*
who were
proceeding
to
Alexaiidria, was
deputedby
bia
colleagnea
to
repairto Pbilip'a
camp,
and re-
nonatrated with him in a tone to which the
king's
ear was not yet accuatomed,repeating
the demands which bad been before
oonreyed
lo him
throughNicanor,
with an addition in fa-
Tonr of
Ptolemy
and the Rhodians.
Philipre- torted
with
a sarcastic
defiance,
which he had
no reason to
regret,as,
an his return to Hace-
donia, he learned that the Roman consul had
already
landed in
Epiius.
It was late in the
tmnmer when Qalba
arriTed,and,having
taken
up
hia own
qnarters
at
Apallouia,
he sent a
sqoadron
detached from the fleet which was
stationed,
nndea' L.
Apuslius,at Corcyra,
under
the command of C. Claudius
Centbo,
for the
proiectioD
of Attica. Claudins not
only
chased
the
enemy's piivateers
fiom the Attic
coast,
but,sailingby night
up
the
Euripus,surprised
Chaleis,
made
s
greatslaughter
of the
gairison
and the
hibsbitants, aet fire to the
magazines
and
armory,
broke
open
the
prison,
threw down
the
kin^B statnes,
and carried off n rich
booty.
His forcewas not soffioientto retain
possession
of the
{dace,
unless he had withdrawn that
which WBB needed for the defence of Attica.
Tet the abandomnent of Chalcia did
not enable
bim to eecnn Attica
;
and the eTOs which he
drew
upon
it
were
greater
than
any
Ihuu which
he had hithnrto
preserved
it.
Phil^ was at Demetrias when he received
intelUgeDoe
of the disasterwhieh befhll Chaleis
;
and he
hiunediately set out with SDOO foot and
300
horse,in the
hope
of
surprising
the Ro- mans
there. But
as, notwithstanding
the ra-
pidin
of his
roanft,
he found
nothing
but the
smokingruins,
hii nest
thought
wsa to rethliate
by
a like blow
;
and.leavinga
few of bis men
to
bury
the
dead,
he continued his march with
equal speed
towards Athens. He would
probably
have succeeded in his
attempt,
ifthe move-
Pent of his column had
not been descried
by
a
Vol. n." K I
*
Fgljl)., Hi.,
t7
aeirtiaelOma a wateh4ower, wb" ran IbrwwS
and Tomed the
city
fiom Its
midnight
slnmbers.
Philipcame
up
a few boora later,yet
befbro
daybreak
;
and
peroeiving lights
and other
aigna
tbat Ua
approach
had been
diaoovarad,
baited
to lethis
troops
take
bresth,purposing
stilltO'
try
the event of
sn open
assaDlt. But when he
ad vanned
along
tbs broad
oauaeway
which tad
from the
city
to the
Academy,
the
gate
was
,
thrown
open,
and the
Athenian*,
with a
body
of
,
raenmuuiee and sane Pergameniaasoziliarira,
came forth in battle
array. Philip,
however,
charging
them with
great fhry
at tbe head of
bts
cavalry,
aooD forced thsm to take shelter
behind th"r walla. He then
eaemped
in Um
ootAirtat
and
pKweeded
to wnak hia
veageaiMM
on tha Atheaian*,a*
he had
indnlgaditatThar-
mas and
Pergwuw.
Ha
deatnqwd
or dehoad
an the mnniDWrta
of
reUgim
and of
an,
aU Hw
aaored and
ptesaantptaees
which adonad Ui"
aubnifa*. Tbe
Academy,
Um
lo'eaam,
and
Cj-
noeaige*.
with their
templa*,aahoala,grovaar
and
gardena,were all vnmtai with fira. Nat
even the
aepalchres
were spared.
The oat
few milaa farther
off;sad,
afteran nnaucneaa-
fnl
attempt
to
surpriseEleuai*,proeeBdedIft
Corinth,
and
aoddenty
made bia
appearanoe
at
Areoa in an
assembly
of the
Acboans,
whioh
bsd bean convoked to delibemte on means oT
dafenoe
against
Nabia.
PhilopcEmen
had been sncoeeded in hia tMoa
by Cycliades,
aman not
only
of
very
inferior abilities,
but of
very
different
views, beingrârd-
ed BB a devoted partisan
of
Philip.
It
was
ap-
parently
on this
account,
and not through
impatience
of a
private
station,or for want of
saOcient
occupation
at
borne,
that
Philopomeo,
at the
request
of the
Gortynisns,
made another
voyage
to Crete,
and undertook the command
of their force*.* His absence
enoonraged
Na-
bia to renew hi*
aggreaaionaon
Hegalopolis.
which he reduced to aiicb diabcas
qr
lUs incessant
inroads,
that the inhabttaota wen "in
to sow tbe
open apoces
within the wall* to
ward off famine. The AcbNaa
aiB^
bad bee"
disbanded,
and it waa
neeeaaary,
before aoo-
cour could be sent to
Megalopolis,
lo Ax thft-
contingentaoftheseveralcitiaa. Philip
ofliirad
to take the whole
charge
on himself,
and not
oidy
to drive the
enemy
back into his own territory,
but to
carry
the war into Laconia. Tfaw
proposal
was received wilb
great spplsuaev
bot the
gratitude
of tbe
aasembly
was cooled
when
Philipadded,
that he ^tonU
expect
th"
Acbaan*,
while be
protected
dmn
againat
N"-
bis,to aerre
in tbe garriaoiwat Corinth aad in
EHbcea. It aeemea
dear tbat his
olgectwaa*
to
employ
the Achsan forces so a* lo have
them
completely
in hia
power,
and to involv*
the
League
in bis contest wiUi Rome.t
But
even bis friends seem not to have been
willmg
to
go
this
length
in hi* cauae. An Aîcaa .
embassy
had been sent
eaiiier in the
year
to
'
Rhodes, to offer its mediation between him
and tbe
Rbodians,who, however,
were forlnd-
den to
accept
it
by
tbe Roman
envoya.l:
Thia
was,
perhaps,
the
greatest
efforttbat hia Acluc-
u
paitisBni
eoold vontnn oa
in hie Atout
;
CjrdiadesIhoagbt
it sareat not to
provoke
a
diaciUBioo,
but
alleging
that be had no
power
'
to
propoae any
other
queMion
than that which
tliey
were met to coitBider,
alter a decree had
been
passed
Tor the
levy
of
troops against
Na-
bis,
dismissed the
assembly. Phiiip.having
only
collected a
few Tolunteera in
PeJoponne-
au9,
returned into Attica. There he was
joined
by
Pbilocles, who
had,
it
seems,
taken
up
his
. headquarters
in Eubiea. But after some Truit-
less
attempts
on Eleueis,
the
Piraus,
and Ath-
"ens itself, they again
divided their
fbrces,
and
-carriedthe same
kind of devastation which had
'beeBrecenllyexercised
within
sight
of the
city,
tbioogti
the whole
length
and breadth of Atti- ca,
le*elling
and
burning
all the rural eanctua-
Ties,
Ibe
temples
of the
demes, which, though
leas
sumptuoosly
adorned than those of the
capital,
were
mostly
of still more venerable
antiquity, having
been founded before Athens
bad become the centre of the united
state,
and
"enriched with
many precious
works of art.'
"When no more
subjects
could be found for bis
terbaroas
rage
to wotlt
upon, Philip
returned
to Macedonia.
In the mean while Galba,
stUl
remaining
him-
aetr near the
coast,
had sent
Apustina
with a
'
part
of his forces mto the
npper valley
of the
Apeua,
and the IJeutenant had taken several
-towns, ravaged
the Macedonian
border,
and
defeated a
bodj
of Macedonian
troops,
and
had
returned,
laden with
booty,
to the consul's
-"ainp.
The success of this
expedition
eacoui-
aged
the Dardanian and
lUyrianprinces,
and
tha Athamanian
Amynander,
to
ot^r
their ser-
"Tjces. Galbasent
Apustius
back to the fleet at
Corcjra,
with orders to
join
Attalus at
j^gina.
He himself seems to have
delayedopening
the
campaign
in
person
until he had made
an attempt
to
engage
the jEtoliaos on his side. The
"enete was no
longer
averse to receive them
into alliance,and
Amynander
was directed to
exert his influence to animate them aoainst
Philip.
But the "taUan
assemhly,
whidi vas
beld soon after to debate tbe
question
of war
"r
peace,
and was attended
by Macedonian.
Roman,
and Athenian
envoys,
came to no decision,
a result which seems
quiteintelligible,
when we consider tiow littleeither of the belligerents
had done to earn the confidence of
the .Italians,
without the cause
reportedby
lArj,
that
Damocritus,
the
presiding magistrate,
had been
corruptedby
Macedonian
gold.
The
neutrality
of the
.^tolians, however,
was,
at this
juncture,
of
great
moment to
Philip.
"Who had to
expect
an attach,
which would
try
"biB
strength
to the
utmost,
from the Roman
-army
and their
Illyrian allies,
on the
landside.
while the Roman
fleet,
with Attalus and the
Rhodians,
threatened
his
eastern coast. He
Intrusted the armament which he had collected
at Demetrias,
and the defence of the maritime
region,
to Heraclidea
;
sent a
body
of
troops,
nomiually
under the command of hia son Per-
seos,
a
hoy
of
twelve,but with a council of ofll-
oers at his
side,
to
occupy
the
passes
ttirough
which tbe Dardanians were used to
penetrate
into
Macedonia,
and then devoted his whole at-
"
Lit.,HE.. W. AiiMido
Ufa
sf
Iban, niidic Ih*
"""
SmtllH. IkU Iknll wn laiiM itiitfitifm r^ HXi
"" iiXaxit
tention to
preparatioDB
for resiatanee to tlieRo- man
invaaioD. While be was atill
aasenihling
his
forces,
Galba had taken the fiehl. He bad
taken a circuitous
route, perhaps
with the view
of
effecting
a
junction
with the Dardanians.
which
brought
him into tbe
upper
valleys
of
the basin of the Axiue,
where
Philip
first fell
in with him.
Philip, however,
declined a battle,
but
thought
it
necessary
to send for the
division under
Perseus,
and thus to
open
the
passes
to the Dardanians. The
consul,though
superior
in the
field,
did not venture to
push
forward towards the eaatcm coast of Macedo- nia,
but overran the central
highlands,
where
he found it difficult to
provide
for the subsistence
of his
troops,
and he
finally
returned to
hia
winter-quarters
at
ApoUonia,
without
any
much more
importantadvantage
than tbe
con-
Siuest
of a few towns. Siili,
he had been nni-
ormly successful,
and had worsted tbe
enemy
in two or three
engagements
of
cavalry;
the
Dardanians,too,
with the
Illyrians
under Plen-
ratus,
had taken tbe
opportunity
to invade
Macedonia; and, as
Attelus and the Roman
fleet were at the same time
threatening
Eu-
bcea, Philip's
situation seemed less
hopeful
than at the
beginning
of the
campaign.
This
aspect
of his afaira
put
an end to the hesitation
of the ."lolians;
and Damocritus himself
now
stronglyurged
them to
join
the victorious
side,and to
press upon
their
fallingally.
They
forthwith declared war
againstPhihp,
and,
in
conjunctioo
with
Amynander,
inpaded
Thessaly,
where
they
stormed and sacked
some towns, and, againstAmynaoder's
advice,
spread
over the level
country
in
quest
of
boo^,as if
perfectly
secure from attack. Yet
an
enemy
was close at hand. Galba'a retreat
had induced the Dardanians to betake themselves
homeward,
and
Philip,having
aent a
body
of
lightinfantry
and
cavalry
under Athe-
nagoras
to harass their
rear,
hastened into
Tbeasaly,
where he
aurpriaed
the
"toliaas, as
they
were
encamped
in the
plain
near the town
of Pharcadon.
Amynander
had taken the
precaution
of
intrenching
himself on
risingground.
He was thus enabled to afford
a
refuge
to his
allies,
when
they
were farced to abandon their
camp ;
aud when
they tied,paalcstruck,
the
next
night,
he
guided
them over the mountains,
80 as to
ûde'
the
enemy's pursuit,
into
"toha.
Athenagorus
likewise executed his
commission
successfully, though
the
good order
in which the Dardanians' conducted their
retreat secured them from much loss. Sooo
afterward the number of
Philip's
enemies was
reduced
b^ a cause in which he had no share,
but which
produced
the eBbcl of a diveraion in
his favour.
Scopas
returned from Alexandria
with a
largo
sum
of
money,
and an Dnlimited
commission to levy troops
in lEtolia for tbe
king
of
Egj'pt.
He raised 6000
men,
horse
and
foot,
and would have carried
away more,
if he had not been checked
by
the Temonatian-
ces of
Damocritus,who,
either from
patriotic
anriely,
or because
Scopas
had not bribed
him,
interposed
hia
warnings
and
authority
to
prevent
the
country
from
being
drained of all its
citizens of
militaryage.
Apuatius,
with the
fleet,joined
Attalus at
Cape Scylleum
on the coast of
Argolis,
and
they
then aailed
together
into PirKuo. The
THE ROMAN FLEET." PL AMININUS. 4"
Athenians, now released fhun allfsar of
Phiiip,
gave
vent to their
anger
in
a decree,
b;
nhich
they
condemned him to
perpetualignominy
and
"
execration,
while
thejheaped
honours no leaa
.extravagant
on their
protectors.
The course
of the combined
fleets,
which were re-enforced
7ilh twenty lllyrian boats,
and
subseqi
They conquered
An.
Atob,
and made descents
on Eiibcea,
but failed
in an
attempt
on
Cythnus,
and were
repulsed,
with considerable
loss,
from Cassandrea, Acan- thus,
which
they
stormed and
sacked, was the
extreme
point
which
they
reached.
They
then
Tetunied, heavily
laden with
booty,
to
Eubcea,
and aAer a conference with
an
.fItoUan em-
baaay at Heraclea,
from which Attains and the
^tiîana
departed
in mniual
displeasure,
laid
sie^
to Oreus,
which
yielded
after
an
obstinate
resistance. Tliis was their
last,
as
their mast
important conquest. Here, as
in aU other
cases,
the town was given
up
to Attains,
the
spoil
and
captives
to the Romans. As
by
this
tiiKe the autumnal
equinox
was
approaching,
ApustJua
returned
by
Malea to
Corcyra;
and
Attalus,
after
having
celebrated the Eleusinian
. mysteries,passed
over to
Asia,
and the Rhodi-
aiiB to their island.
In the division of the
provinces
at Rome in
the
beginning
of tbe
year,
Macedonia had fallen
to the consd P. ViUius
Tumulus.
It was late
in the antamn when he
arrived,
and before he
,
took
up
his
quarters
for the winter at
Corcyra,
he
was
occupied
with the
suppression
of a
dan-
^rouB
mutiny
which had broken out in the army.
It had been far
some
time
gathering
to a
head,
and had
perhaps contributed,
in some
degree,
to retard the
progress
of his
predecessor.
About SOOO of bis
troopa,
who,
after the
battle of
Zama, had been
transported
to
Sicily,
and thence to Macedonia as volunteers, complained
that
they
had been embarked
against
their
will,
and
tomulCuously
demanded their
discharge.
The consul
appeased
the disturi)-
ance by
a
promisethat,
if
they
returned to their
doty,
he would
lay
their
case before tbe senate.
Fhjlip,
towards Uie cloae of the
year,
had undertaken
the
aiege
of
Thaumaei,a town
strongly
situated near the defilesof Mount
Othrys;
but was
compelled
to abandon it
by
the
vigorous
sallies of
a
body
of .Italians who threw
themselves into the
place. During
the
be sent an embassy
to the Acheeana to i
their
yearly
oath of
fidelity, and, at the same
lime,
to conciliate them
by
a fresh
promise
of
the cession of
Tripbylia
and Hersa, to which
he now added Orebomenua.* He also
thought
it
expedient
to aachfice his
profligate
minister,
HeraclidcB,
to tbe
publicindignation,
and
threw him into
prison,
to the
great
Joy
of all
his
subjects,!
In the mean whQe he carried
on
his
militarypreparations
with
unremitting
activity, liceping
his
troops
in constant exer.
ciae
during
the winter
;
and
early
in the following
spring
sent
Athenagoras
with the
light
infantry
into
Chaonia,to
occupy
the defiles near
Antigonea.
He himself followed a few
days,
afler with the main
body,and,havingcarefully
inspected
the features of the
country,
resoli
ed to
fortify a position
on the River
Amui,
vritere
it flows between two
high bills,jEropus
and
Aanaus, leavingonly
room for a narrow road
on ooe bank. He had not been
longencamped
here before Villius came over from
Corcyra,
juided
to
the
pass
by Charops,an
Epirot
of
great influence, who,
almost alone
among
his
countrymen,
had declared himself
a
partisan
of the Romans.*
Having
viewed the
enemy's positioo,
he held a council of
war on
the
question,
whether he should
"ttempt
t"
force his
way through
the
defile,or should
take the
more
circuitous route
by
which his
"r had invaded Macedonia the
year
before. The deliberation
occupied
several
days
;
and he
was
stillin
perpleTcily,
when he
received advice that the consul T.
Quinctios
Flamininos, to whom the
province
of MacedO'
oia had been
assigned,
had
already
etxwsed
over to
Coreyra.
Flamininus bad
mounted,hy
one
step,
frtm
the
tedtleahip
to the
cotksulship,
notwithatand-
ing
the
protest
of two tribunes
againata nov-
eliy
which
they regarded
both
as
dugeroHB
and
illegal.
He had not yet comjdeted
bfa
thirtieth
year,
and had
performedno
very
important
services,
either
military
or civU
;
tboogh
'
the
government
of Tarentom,
and the aettlft-
...eut of two
colonies,
he had
displayed
talenta
for business which
might prove
that he
was
qualilied
for
higher
offices. It must have been
chiefly
to his manners and address that ha
owed his
extraordinary
elevation. He was a
Roman of the new school,which
stadied to
soften the
homely roughness
of tbe (^d Italian
character,
and to adapt
the forms of Roman society
to the altered relations of the state. He
was conversant with the Greek
language,
now
an
indispensable
instrument for
a
Roman statesman,
who looked
beyond
the narrow
fleld ol
the old Italian
politics
into the new
sphere
of
war and
negotiation
now
opened
for tbe Roman
arms and
diplomacy
among
the nations and
princes
of the East, and who was ambitious of
conducting
the affkiraof the commonwealth la
these
regions.
A
happier
lot for Rome had
rarely
fallen than that
by
which the Maoedoni-
an war was
committed to Flamininus. II waa
a
work which
required
such
a
man,
and which
probably
would never
have
prospered
in tba
hands
by
which itbad hitherto been carried on.
Much
was
felt to be
wanting
for the fhlfilment
of the omen
which Galba had
reported
to tbe
senate
;
that a
laurel bad
spnmg up
in the ateni
of one of hia
galleys.t
The contest with Phil- ip,
which had now occupied
two
succesalTO
consols,
had
scarcely
been
brought
a
step
near-
er a decision,
and was even beginning
to assume
a more threateningaspect;
for an embassy
bad come from Attalus to annonnce
that
his dominions had been invaded
by Antioehns,
and to
request
the senate
either to send a force
sufficient to
protect
him,
or to
permit
him to
employ
hia
own
fleet and
troops
for tbe defence
of bis
kingdom.
The senate did not choose to
provoke
Anliochus at such a
juncture.
It declined
to send succour to Attalus,against
a
prince
who was
the ênd and
ally
of the Ro- man
people,
but left him at
liberty
to uae his
own forces as he
thought
fit,
and
promised
to
i..II. Ut.,ii
HISTORY OF GREECE.
'
I
'with AnlMcIiuH in his behalf. A 1if the
conquerors
had not been obatTncted in
re-"nforcemeat of 8000 foot and 800 horae
thcpuTauilbytlienature
of
thegrouod. PluUp
was decreed for the
army
of
Macedonia,
and halted at a few miles' distance,
to collect tbe
Flamininns selected them
among
the veterans
fugitives,
and found
only
SOOO
missing.
With
wbo had served in
Spain
or Africa. He also
prevailedon the senate to
appoint
his brother
Lncins to the command of the fleet. Instead
of
staying
at Rome,
like his
predeoessors,
enjoy
the civilhonours of his
office,
until the
season for warfare was
spent,
he embarked
o
Epirus,
and hast-
)n the
Aous,
wli
d
TiUiua,and,' while he waited
the reM of hia
tioope,
deliberated with his council
on the
plan
of his Aitore
operations.
If he
took the mlei and more circuitous
route,
it
was probable
that another summer would be
wasted in marches and
countennarches,
in
reaping
the harvest of the
hi^:iliind
valleys,
and in
trifling engagements.
He therefore de-
leimioed on the more arduoua and
dangerous
attempt,
which
promised
the
greatest
advantages
la case of
success,
and bent all his
thoughta
towards
forcing
the
enemy's position.
But to see what Aas most desirable was
noch easier than to find
means
of
accomplishing
it. He remained
fortydays
in
presence
of
the
enemy
without
any
decisive movemej
Philip
conceived the
hope
that hs
might put
end to the war
by negotiation ; and,through
the intervention of the
EpitDtmagistrates,
interview took
place
between him and the c
"nl on the bdnka of the
river,at a
point
where
it was "o narrow that
they
could hoar one another
tiom the
opposite
sides. The substance
of the consul's demands
was,
that he should
withdraw his
garrisons
ttom the Greek
towns,
and make restitutionor
reparation
for his
ag-
gresajona.
''And
Philipprofessed
himself not
unwiOing to resign
his own
conquests.
Bui
when
theyproceededto details,
and Flamininua
began
wUh a demand of
liberty
for the Thes-
safians, Philipindignantly
broke olT the conference,
exclaiming,
"
Wliat harder terms would
you impose
if 1 were
conquered
!" The neit
day
the Romans made a
vigorous
assault on
the
enemy,
but
gained
no
ground
;
and
they
must
protnbly
have abandoned the
attempt
if
a berdsnun,sent
by Charops,
had not offered
to show a
pathby
which
theymight
reach the
SDmmit of the
dê
in the rear of the Macedo- nians.
Flamminus sent a
tribune,
wiUi 4000
men,
to foBow the
riiepberd'a guidance,
with
the
requisite pracaations againsttreachery,
and
with instructions to
signifr
theirarrival on the
heightsby
a bonfire,ana on a
preconcerted
aignal
to "II
upon
the
enemy.
The detach-
nent, marching onlyby night,
and
reposing
in
the
daytime,made ttm circuit in
two
days.
On the third
morning
a column of smoke an-
nonnced their
presence,
and Flamininns
gave
orders for a
general
assault. The Macedoni-
Biu,
who advanced to meet it,were driven into
their intrenchments
;
but the
advantagewas,
as usual,
on their
aide,
when the Romans had
entereit into the
defile, until,
after the consul
raised the
appointedsignal, they
found them-
selvee attacked from behind. A
generalpanic
immediately
ensued
;
the whole
army
took to
flight,
and would have been
utterlydestroyed
the rest he took the road to
Thessaly.
He
expected
that the Romans would
speedily
follow him thither
;
and, as he did not venture
to await their
coming,
determined to deprive
them, as far aa
possible,
of the fruits of
their
victory.This,
at least,was the
pretext
under which he
plimdered
and
destroyed
several
Thessalian
towns,
after
havingcompelled
the inhabitants to
quit
their homes with as
much of their
property
as
they
could
cany
away.
At
Pherc, however,
the
gates
were
abut
against
him
;
and,fearing
to be overtaken
by
the
Romans,
be made no farther
attempt
on
it,
but retreated into Macedonia. 7^ success
of Flamininns had roused the jEtolians
and
Antynander,
and
they,too,
invaded Thes- saly
at the same
time,though
with
separata
forces
;
the .Xlolians
apparently
with a view
merely
to plunder
;
Amynander
to the eon-
quest
of
Gomphi
and some other
strong places
adjacent
to hia own territory.
In the
mean
while Flamininua had traversed
Epirus,where,
'
rithstanding
the dissAbction wfaicb had
" betrayedby
the
peo^
towards
Rome,
he
ed their fields,
ami,
sîng
for
Amynander
guide acroBs the motmlains,
entered Thes- saly
fn"m the northwest. Re stndied to
exhibit
a contrast to
Philip's
barbarous
policy, trf
the care which he took to restrain lus
titiops
from all wanton
outrages,and,
instead of
Uving
at the
expense
of theTbessalians, sent over to
Ambracia for a
supply
of
com,
which he had
previously
ordered to be
brou^C
from
Corcyra.
Yet several of the Iowbb
which were delended
by
Macedonian
garrisons
ofiered a
vigorous,
and some a successfiil,
resistance. He vras occupied
for a
long
time with the
siege
of Atrax
"
the
Feneus, and, at last,was constrain-
to abandon it as
hopeless.
He then
passed
) Fhocis,where,
for the sake of easier c("ii-
nication with the Corinthian
Qulf,
he designed
to fix bis
winter-quarters.
For this
purpose
he made himself master of
Anticyn,
which he selected for his
magazines;
and
several
other small towns
yielded
to him witt lit-
resistance
;
but Elatca set htm at defiance,
and sustained a
siege.
He was BtiU
lying
before it when the cause of Rome received
a
weighty
access In
Pelopounesos.
While the consul remained
encamped
on tli"
banks of the
Aous,
his brother
Locins,having
succeeded
Apustius
in the command of ths
fleet,
had sailedround
Males,
and arrived
at
Pirteus at about the same time that Attains and.
the Rhodian admiral
Agesimbrotns,
irtio tAd
combined their fbrces near
Aodros,began
the
siege
of Ereiria. Luoias soon after
joined
them there. The Macedonian
garrisonkept
the town in
awe,
but after Philocles had be"a
repulsed
in an
attempt
to re-enforce it from
Chalcis,
could not
prevent
overtures of
capitulation
being
made to Attalue. While Uimo
which soon aftersurrendered. Tbe town contained
httle
treasure, except
works of
srt,
in
which itwas
uncommonly
rich.
Carrstuaca- pitulated
a
few
dayslater,
the Macedonian
gar-
C'.oo";lc
ASSEMBLY AT SICYON.
ison
being
lUowed to
depart
at a fixed nm-
om,
without their
anns,
and the allied fleets
hen sailed to Cencdirece,
and made
prepara-
tons for the
siege
of Corinth, But before
the;
pened
the
siege,
it was
thought
adTisahle to
lake an
attempt
10
gain over the Achstaa
"ague,
and,
with the oonoal's
apiirobBtioa,
an
niba"i7composed,
of
enTO^B repreMDling
the
tiree
îed
powers
and
Athens, wu sent to
icron,
where an aMeabif was held to receive
3elrpropoaall.
AnibMaBdarsfToni
Philip
were
lao
present.
"Die
put;
whiA
esponaed
the
Loman InMreat
amoDg
the Aohwans had al-
9Bdy
so Ou
prerailed,
that
CjcUadea
had been
[aeedontan
oounexian,*._
, .
n
open
ood MAhnn
purtjaan
oT
I of the
peojde
,
.
._"_
--
nost
eqnnBj'di-
ided
on the
eubject.
It nre rise to
diepntea
D violent as to diatnih um
peace
of IhmiUes
nd to imbitter all the
êaauree
of aooial in-
iTwmne. It was the
standingtopic
of oon-
enation In
every companT',
the
great
matter
"T cowottntion in
eveiT
fandtr-rortbeqmv-
ion was one which
deeply
afibcted not only
liewelfare of Ute
atate,
but the
aaftty
of
every
itisen,
and itwas one of which the moei eu-
ghlened
and
patriotic etatesraen,
the most ex-
mpt
from
prejudice
and
passion,might
lake
pposite
views.
Philip
was in
poeeesaion.
The
riumph
of the Romans was
by
no raeans oer-
lin,especially
if Antiochos should throw his
rei^t
into the
opposite
scale.
They might
be
itcei to abandon theiralliesto
the reeentinent
f the
King
of
Macedonia,
who wonid be the
Mire ofl^nded
bj
the defection of tbe
Aohteana,
s be had of late been
striving
to conciliate
tietr
good
wis
byapanUneoos
eoneeeshnis
;
and
ttle as he was entitled either to their confi-
ence or their
gratitiide,
to tnrn aceiDst him
vitboot
any
firesh
provocation
in his hoar of
anger, wore tbe
appeaisDce
of
treachery
and
asenesB. Least of allwas it
possible
to fore-
ee whether Roman
protection
would
prove
less
enlensome than Macedonian dominion. No
FOnder that the Achnans felt Ukemselvea in a
trait
;
but Uie manner in which
th^ betr^red
heir
perplexity, according
to
IJvy'sdeaorip-
ion,
was ahnoBt ladicrons. Tbe AM
day
of
be
aasemUy
was occupied
with Hie
speeches
ifthe
envoys.
A diSbrence
might
be ooserved
etween tbe tone of the Koatans and their al- ios,
and that of
PhSip'sambeaaador,
Cleome-
on. The Romans
urged
the
League
not
only
D enter into their
alliance,
hot to take an ac-
ive
part
in the
war,
and held
oot tbe restora-
ion of Corinth as a
recompense.
Cleomedon
aked so
fiunlly
for
support,
as
made itevident
Hat hie master hoped
for
nothing
more than
eutraltty
on the
inrt
of the Acboaos. The
ext
day,
when the usual invitationhad been
iven
by
the
herald,no orator rose to address
he
assembly.
It was
in vain that Aristenus,
s
president,
endeavoured to excite a debate ;
ot a murmur was heard
among
the mnltitude.
irislRniis then undertook to
plead
the cause
of
êRoniaiM himself.
HeiosisledchienyonPhil-
"'smanifest
inferiority
aud hie
inabUity
to
pro-
9Ct the AchKsns if
tlwy
should b" attacked
by
'Ln^mli., 18. Fiilrb.,11 u,
1.
the allied
fleets,
while Nabis
prened
tbem inthe
interior of the
peninsula.
Even ibis
speech,
however, producedonly
confused
murmnrs aad
contention,
but no
regular
debate. The demi- urges
themselves,
to whom it
belonged
to
pot
the
question,
were
equally
divided : five declared
their intention to take the votes of the
assembly
on the alliauoe with Rome
;
the other
five
pnnested against
this
imweeding
sb a
bieBCh of the
law,by
which It was ftntMden
that
my
measnre adverse to the sUiaDoe with
miip
eboold be eiUier
[Mvpoeedby
the
magia"
trates or decreed br tbe
assembly.
Hie net of
ttie
day
was
apent
m vhflent bat ftnitleaaalter-
oationa. On tfae
third,
wtien
ttelnrnqnirad
that the decree "bonld be
moved, oae
of the
ptMeetors,
"riiaw resohtion had
givenway
t"
bis father^
threats,went over to the ReDM
party,
and tbe
Ksneral
aenae of the
aaecab^
now showed itselfso
clearly
on the
same side,
Aat,
before (he
qneatkn
was
pal
to tbe
Tole,
benefits whiidi
Philip
had
leeently
oenfenad on
Dyme, baring
nnaamed ite ekiaena ftou the
maetere to vniom
they
had been sold after the
town waa taken
by
the
Romans,
Bod his
aup"
posed
descent
tioin
an
Argive atook,
and hia
manifold relations of
ftiendship
Bnd
hoapitalttjr
with
Argive families,
Itraished reasiKis fivr
their conduct which vrere admitted to be soflU
eient
even by
the Romana and their
partisans.
Tbe decree of nllianeewith Attaloa and the
Rbodians vras then carried fctdiwith : the al-
lianee with Rome was
on^
defenred tnUfl the
;
requisite
sanction of the Roman
pei^
eonld
be obtained. In the mean
while,
itwas deenod
that all the foroee of the
Leaffoe
riiooldmarch
to the aid of L.
Qninctlae, who,
baTine taken
CenchretE,was now
layingriege
to Corllltb.
He had reckon ed
on a
dlvlMon
between the Co- rinthians
and tbe Macedonian
garriaon.
Bat
tbe cltiEens and tbe soldiers
appeared
to be animated
by
one
spirit,
as if
defending
their oom-
mon
country.
And he was also deceived in bin
calenlations as to the
strength
of the
garrieoa.
its^ which,
besides the Oreeke and Haosde-
nians,.
included a
great
nambei of Italian d"'
setters,who, having
the fisarof an ignomlniotN
death before their
eyee,
fought
with denteiat*
toTj;
and when it had been re-enforced
by "
bod;
of leoo men
broughtby Philooles,
Allahu
advised Lncius to nbaadon the
hopeleaa
entcf
prise
-
the Roman
dung
to it a little
lenger,
but at last,seeiag
the obalades to be
plajnl;r
insQimountaUe,
raised tbe
siege,
and returned
to winter at
Corcyra.
Tbe
consul,
about the
same time,
made himself maater of Elatea
;
but,on
the other
hand, PhilocleB,
after tbe relief
of
Corinth,
WBB invited to
Argosby
tbe Msce*
donian
party,
and had
anrpriaed
Luissa in tbe
night.
There was " garrieoa
of fiOO AehKAiM
in the
town,
commanded by
the
Dymean
JEn"-
sidamua, who, at first,
made
some show of te-
siatanoe,
but
seeing
himself far outnumbered,
he
accepted
the
permission
olTered
by
Pldlodee
for hia
troops
to
depart.
He himself reHiaed to
abandon his
post,and,
with a few followerB who
remained
by
hia
side,perished
in a riiower of
misailea. , . ,
.
..C.ooglc
HISTORY OF GREECB.
Alter Dm election of th" ooosol* for (be eo-
sningfMr,
the frienda of Flamininiis exerted
alltheir inflaenoe to
preheat
htm from
beinx
"apeneded by
either of the new consuls,
and
thraugh
the ioterceukia of two tribunes,
the
console were induoed to Hubmit tbeir claims lo
tba
plcomre
of the
eenate,
which decided that
kaaboold retain his commaDd until " auocesBor
"hoold be
appointed
in tua
room,
and that both
the eoDMilB
ônld
remain that
year
in
Italy.
re-ealbmement of 6000 foot and 800 borse i
dMreed tar his
army,
and 3000 for the
fleet,
whioh wss
also to remain under his brother's
eoaunand. Before Titus linew that his wishes
Itad been thus
grati"ed,
and while he wa
the point
of
beaie^pg
the citadel of
Opus,
where
ka had be^ admitted into tlieton
Iqr
u
~~~
twntieal
party,though
the .ftoliana bad
inrioinly
inTlted
by
their
adTeraarlea,
he re-
"MTed a proposal
from
Philip,
who was wintering
at Demetrias, to
appoint
time and
place
for
aa
latarview. Flamininaa desired,
above all
tUnga,
tbe liononr of
teimioating
the war
;
and
being
nocertain bow
long
his command
might
last,wiUioglyeomplied
with the
king'srequeet.
Itaf met on Um coast near Nicoa,
in the Mbi-
liaa
QulT,
Flaminiaas
accompaniedbyAmjnsD-
4"r,Diwyaodoras, an
envoy
from
Attains,
the
Rhodian admiral
Ageaimbrotu*,PlwBneas,
the
Jtolian
atrategiM,
and seToral of hia
conntry-
wuam,
and the Achieans, Aiietanua and Xeno-
|bon,
Philui
only biinging
wi\h
him,
besides
Ua two Macedonian
aeeretariea,
the Aduean
Mile
Cycliadea,
and
BrachyUaa,
hia
leading
jWTtiaan
in Boeotia. Flaminiaus stood on the
beaoh
;
the
king at tbe
prow
of hie
galley,
declining
to land,on the
plea
of diatrust towards
the .fAoliaus.
Philip, though
he
was Uie
only
"peakeion
his own side,
siiowed himself
more
than a malob forallhis adTersaries in Uie management
of his
eaose, onlyindulging
his hu-
BOOT in aatoaatio salliesand retorts more
freely
than was
thought
to beseem his
dignity.*
The
nam articlein the conditions
requiredby
the
Komans
was,
that he should withdraw hia
gar-
liacma from all the Greek cities
; they
also demanded
that he should deliver
up
the
prisoners
and
deserters,restore the
places
in
Illyria
Which he bad taken since the
tresly
of
Epirus,
and all tbo"e
belongiug
to
Ptolemy
which he
had
conqnered
since the death of
Philopalor,
"at each of the other allied states had its
sep-
aiaie oomplaints
and
demands, which,
with
Ailip'erephes,occupied
the
greater part
of
Ibe
day,and,
towards
evening,
it was
agreed
fhstthey
should set
down in
writing
the terms
whioh
they
insisted
on,
and that tbe conference
ibonld be renewed at the
same place
the next
morning.
But on the
morrow he did not
appear
before the
afternoon, pretending
lo have
Men
perplexedby
the
difficulty
of the demands
made on
him,
but
apparentlywishing
to avoid
fresh
altercation, and then
proposed
a
private
JBlerview with
Flamininus,to which the Roman
consented. The
result,however,
did not satis.
ly
any
of the
allies,
and the conference was
againadjonmed. At the third
meetingPhilip
oitaioed
leave to send an
embassy
to
Itomc,
and a two moniha' armistice for that
purpose ;
but
aa the
price
of this
favour,
lie
was
obliged
immediately
to withdraw all his
garrisons
from
"
Pgljb., !?".,I,ML
LJv,,mu.,tt.
Phocis and Loeris. FIsmininus and tlw allien
likewise sent
envoys
to wstch the
proceedings
of the
king's
ministers at Rome,
and to
pat
the
senate on ita
guard against
them. These envoys
obtained an audience at Rome beltee Phil- ip's
ambataadora,
and
they
drew the senate's.
attention
chiefly
to one
point: ttiat Greece
could never be
reallyindependent
so
long as
Cbalcis,Corinth,
and Demetrias remained in
Philip's
bands.
Thesewere, as he himself wa"
used
insultingly
to call
them,
the fetters of
Greece,
and she could not stir a limb while
Peloponnesus
was commanded
by
the
garrisoa
of
Corinth,
the central
provinces
threatened
from
Chalois,
and
Thessaly
overawed
by
a force
stationed at Demetrias.* The seuata seised
this
handle,
and
stoppedPhilip's ontor at the
beginning
of his
qieechby
the
qnestioB,
whether
his
maater was
read;
to evacuate Corinth,
Cbalcis,
and Demetiiaa
;
and when it
njipeBred
that the ambassadors had received no instroo-
tioQS on this
head,they
were
roughly
diamiss-
ed. The terms on
wliitji
peace
should be
granted
were left lo tbe discretion of
Flamininus,
who, finding
the senate so readyto meet hia
wishes,
declined a ft"sh interview with
Philip,,
and declared that he would reoeire no
embasay
from him which did not
lay
dovm ss the basis,
of the
negotiation
the entire
emandpatioa
of
winter,Philipreceived,
anotber
mortifying
intimation of the
o^nion,
which
generallyprevailed
in Greece aa to the.
issue of the contest. Now that the crisia of
his
destiny
seemed to be
approaching,
he could
ill
Sparc
the force which
might
be
necessary ta
defend
Argos ;
and
he,
no doubt,thought
he had
devised a
happyexpedient
for
relieving
himself
from this
burden,
while he secnred
a useful
ally,
when he instructed Philocles to commit
Argos
to the
custody
of
Nabis,
to bo restored if
his arms should
prosper,
aud to hint that the
kiogwas
wiLIing
lo
give
some of his
daughteia
in
marriage
to the
tyrant's
sons. Nobis,aa thib
occasion,
conducted himself in a manner worthy
of his
leputalioD.
He at first affected to
decline the
proposal
unless the
Argivee
should
consent to the transfer. But when in theit
publicBsaembl; they rejected
his
protection
with the
strongestexpressions
of
loathing
and
horror,having
now a sufficient liandle for hia
purpose,
he
immediately
closed with the overtures
of
Philocles,
and was admitted
by night
into the
city.
A few of tbe
opulent
citizens
made their
escape
in the
tumult,
and
only
lost
their
pn^rty,
which was
immediately
confiscated.
The rest were not
only
robbed of bU
their
gold
and
silver,
but
compelled
to raise
large
sums
by
fear of
torture,
which was inflicted
on all who hesitated or were
suspected
oC
concealing
their wealth.
Having
thus sustained
tyrant,
he
proceeded
to
play
(he
part
of a
demagogue,
and called an assembly,
in which he
proposed
a decree for the
cancelling
of
debts,
and the redistribution of
the land. It was a repetilion
of the
process
bj
which he had made himself master of
Sparta.
FLAUININUS AT THEBES." BATTLE OF CYNOCBPHALjE.
4i7
It
oulf
remiined for him to aeenra hi*
aoquiai-
'
lion
by
anolher
piece
or
perfidy.
He aent en-
rays
to
open
a
negotiation
with FlamiaiauH
and with
Altalus,axid imilad tbem to an intcr-
Tiew at
Arg03.
It took
place
at a littledistanca
from the
city.
The Roman
required
that Na-
biB ahould maie
peace
with the Acbsaas and
send Buziliaries
agaiastPhilip.
Nabis consented
so far as to
gnat
a truce for four
mouths,
and ba
supplied
the
proconsul
with 600 of his
Cretans. But
though
be
professed
to baie come
to
Argoe
a* its
protector,
at the
request
of the
people,
Attains could
not indues
him
to wiLh-
draw bis
troops,
that
ibeymightfreelj
declare
their mind. lielefl a
garriaon
in the
city,
and
on bis retum to
Sparta
sent bis wife to
Argos
to
ooinplete
the
spoliation
which be bad
begun.
Apegm
was
worthy
of such a cmisort
)
and her
dJMimulation,avarice,
and
cruelty
were not un-
Siljrepresentedbyttieengine
of toitnre which
NabiB bad MtitriTed in b^
image.
She aom-
Boned tbs
Argivewomen of the
higher
data
into
ber^neeence,anddidnot let
tbemgonntil,
by
threat* or
torments,
abe bad
stripped
them of
eTeT7omunentoftbeirpenons.* Flamininus,
OD hia
way
back to bia
winter-qotrters, stopped
at the
gate
of Corinth to show his Cretans as a
proof
of the
tyrant's
defection
;
and
havfaig
in-
Titad Pbiioclea to ui
interriew,
b" foand that
eren hia
fidelity
was
beginning
tn
warer,
and
that he was
watching
the turn of eventa for a
fitteraeason to
betray
hie trust.
There were now
only
two states soalh of
Tbennopyle
which had not declared them-
selvea inltiToiirofRome; AoamaniaandBcM-
lia. The
Acamantans, portlyibrongh
their
teoM of
honour,parthrthrough
their
enmityto
the
^:t(riians, adhered
to Philipto the last In
B"otia Thebes
was the
stronghold
of the Ma- cedonian
interest. The Tbeten
paitiaans
of
Maoedonia,at firat
a
very
small
faction,with
BiachyUaa,
the chief of the bcuae of
Neon, at
their
bead,had,
under the
proiectien
of
Antigo-
nns Doson and
Philip,
become masters a{ the
Mate.
They kept
the
people
in
good
humour
by largesses
from the
treasury,
and
by
conni-
Tanee at theirtransgressions of tbs law, wbile
Ihej
ihemselTes eluded all
inquiry
intotheir ad-
otiniatratian,
and
spent
their fbrtnnea in a oon-
linoal roaod of
(easting.
Itwas this wretched
nai" of
things
which bad induced the
Mc^rians
toretom to their connexion with the Aehsans
;
and the Bceotian force whioh was sent to recover
Megara was scared
away,
as we have
seen,
by
the
mere ramoor of
Philop"Bmen's
ap-
proach.t
When the Romans bad established
theniaelTea Id the heart of
Greece, and aaemed
to be on the
point
of
bnnging
their contest with
Philipto a sueceaaful
close,
his
partisansat
Thebes were in a stillharder strait than the
Achnans had been before their last decision,
Tbey
could
not bring
themselves to renounce
the
advantages
ithich
ibsy
owed
to Maoedonian
therefore,to be allowed to remain nentral
; but,
in their
attempt
to
escape
between two
opposite
dangers,theywere to
unhappy
as to fall
into both without the merit or honour of either.
"
So r'"ljV"^Twii.,n. Birr hit altUi iii^cHs-
MoiuiUtMwwids.
t Poljb.,
n.,
"-"
They were neither constant to
Philip,
nor acquired
the favour of
Rome,
but were
betrayeS'
by
their own
duplicity
into the hands of Plami*
ninuB.
Having
caused a
generalassembly
of
the Bteotians to be summoned to the
capital,
he
marched from Elalea with 2000
legionaries,
and.
encamped
five miles from Thebes. The next
day,accompaniedby
Attalua and
by
the ministers
of the allied
states,
he advanced towards,
the
city,ordering
iho
troops
to follow at the
in-'
terval of
a mile. At half
way
he was met
by
the Bceotarch
Antipbilus,
with whom he engaged
in
friendly cooversalion,
but alackensC
his
pace
as
they
drew
near to the
city,
to let
his men overtake him. In the bustle of his
en-,
trance,
their
approach
was not
peroeived
until
it,
was too late
to exclude them. He was thn"
master of
Thebes,
and the
assembly
which
was
held the next
day
could
only
exhibit the vaia
serablanoe of free consultation. Attains
opeeed.
the
proMedings
with a speech
in fikvoor of.
Rome,
but the exertion caused a fitof
paralj-.'
sit,
in which tiewas cairied
away
fVom the aa-
sembly,
awl which,
though
not
immediately
f"~
tal,be did
not aarvive
many
months. The decree,
however,
of alliance with Rome waa eais
Tied without a dissentient voice
;
and Flamini-
luiB could thus turn all
his
thou^tsto the
a|"-
proaching
oonleat without
any
anxiety
as la
the
part
of Greece which be would leave bebin"
him when be next marched
againstPhilip.
Early
in Uie
spring
of
I9T,Philip
assenUedL
his forces at Dium for the decisive conflict. If
itbad been
possibleto elode itmuch
longer,
ther
delay
would
only
have exhausted all the
i*-
somves whioh affoided bim a hope
o( auccew.
Even
now the
population
of his
kingdom
had
"oshiuak
during
the
long
series of wars waged
by
bim and his
ancestora,
that he waa obliged
to fill
np
the muster-rolls with
boys
of
sixtean.
and veterans
paat
tbe
age
of
military
aerTice.
He therefore resolved to
give
battle in the
plain*.
ofThesaaly,
where he would have the advantage
of favourable
ground,
and bis
kingdom
tot
fallback
upon.
Flamininns was detained two-
or three
days
on his march northward at Thei^
mopyln,
while an iEtolian
assembly,
held at.
Haradea, waa debatingon the amoont of th"
force which it should aend to him. On tbft-
borders of
Tbessaly
he waa Joinedby
3000 fbofc
and 400 horse under
Phaneas,
and after an uft-
snooeasnil
attempt
on the PthioticThebes, en-
oamped
about aiz miles from Phene.
Philip
had
already
advanced to
Lariasa,and,
as soon
as be heard of the
enemy's position,
maicheA
to meet him. While the two armiea
layoear
Phene, a skirmish of
cavalry
took
place,in
which the jGtolians were victorious. But the.
ground
about the sutnirbs of
Phers. being
thiot^
lyplanted
and intersected with walla, waa ilL
suited for the
operations
of either
army ;
and
the two commanders,
as if in
concert, moved
at the aaiike tinM towards the
territory
of 8oe-
tnssa,
attracted
by
tbe
ooni,
which was justripe..
Without
anyinteDigence
of each other's move-
roenta
theyencamped on
opposite
sides of
".
ridge,called,
from acme
rocky summits, Cy-:
nocephaln (the
Do^'-heads).
This was tbei
field of the battle which decided the fate of the
Macedonian
monarchy.*
The two armies were about
equal
in nam-'
"
Fpljti., iTiii., 1-1".
Liv.,iBiil.,"-l".,|
.
HISTORY OF GREECE.
bers
;
the Macedonian
pbalsnx
consisted of
10,000men,
to which were added 7000
light
infantry
and !tOOO
caTBlry,
The Romans had
the
adfantageby
the number or the ^tolian
feoiBe. It waa the flrsttime that an
opportunity
had occoired for the
phalani
and the
legion
to measDre their
strengthBgainst
each
other,
and the
empire
of the civiliied world
depended
on the remilt.
Yet, to a superticiiil observation,
4t
might
aeem that on thia occasion a blind
flhuice had interfered to
jnerent
pnison.
On the
morning
of the
bBttle,
the
noond was
covered
by
so thick a
mist,
that
ndlip,
thinkiBg
it
impotalble
that
any
action
MvU lake
âeetiiUd^,
had eent oat
-AHmtiy,
and dlsooTer the enemy's position,
All
in with one wUeh he bad
posted"n the heiottfa
'- "
~it
onsned,
in
which the Romai which the Roman*
fray,
when the .ftoliana
and tnmed the fbrtune of the
fight.Philip
was obliged
to send his
cavalry,
and the
great-
"r
pan
of his
lightin"ntry,
to
support
the firat
detachment,
and their arrival
againcbanfed
the scene.
The Romans were
dislodged
from
the
heighta,
and driven down into On
plain,
"nd
they
wonid have be"n
completely
routed
if
they
had not been
protectedby
the jGtolian
Vtmtay,
whiiA la admitted
by Polybius
to have
been Ibe beat in Greece for service of this
kind. Flaminimu now deemed it
necessary
to
Ining np
the
legionaries,
who
quiektfput
the
MacedoQianH to
flight.
In the mean wliile
Philip
had been
indnced,by exaggerated
accounts
of the first successes obtained
t^
his
troops,
to aet the
iriialanx
in motion. Tet it
was
only
a
pan
of it that was
brought
into
action.
Ramolantly,
and
against
bis better
jtidgment,misliUng,as he deolarsd,both the
âOB
and ttte
time,
he nevertheless,
in
compliance
with the
iroporRmity
of his
officers,
hastened
fbiward with the
rightwing,
that be
might
not loee the
suppoeed
lavmiraUe
juncture,
ordering
VM rest to follow as
qnicUy
as
possible.
And tiiis
rightwing,
which reached
Ae
top
of the
heights
In time to
protect
the
fhgitives,
who were driven l"ack
by
the ad-
"ancs of the
legionaries,
was
eompletriy
vio-
torious over the left of
tlie
Roman
army.
I^
Roman arms ooold make no
impression
on that
Aedge
of
apeare,
ten of which were
pointed
against
each soldier.* The Macedonians also
atood
on the
highergronnd,
and after the Urat
abode,
irtdoh waa
aooompanied
with a tretnen-
dotis riMMt of both
anmea,
continued to
gain
40 the
retreating
fiie. Flamininus soon
perceived
that the
day
waa lost on tiiis
]"an
of lite
"eld. Bat the reet of the
phalanx,
which was
just appealing
on the
heights,
had
fcrmed,and was
impeded by
the am
of the
gronnd.
While it was stillin tnis confusion,
the Roman
general,having
first sent
the
elephants
to increase the
disorder, charged
it with the whole of bis force
not previously
engaged
;
and
as the
phalanx,
if not irrMiati-
He,
was utterly helpless,
it
was
p"senily
nnted,
and the Romans had ontv to
shagMei
their defenceless enemies. One divisionraised
its sarissas in token of snrrender
;
but as the
Romans did not understand the
sign,
it ttti
only
the more
exposed
to their attaok
;
lad
Qninctina, thongh
he discovered the
errnr,
conld
not, or would
not, prevent
the
carnage.
Tlte
victory
was
completedby
the
promptnoa
of a Roman
tribane.who,
without
orders,
like
Philoptemen
at Sellasia,charged
the Mace-
donian
rightwing
in the
rear.
UnaUe to
change
its
fnmt,
and
seeing
the
enemy,
win
had hitherto been
retreating
befwe
it,now
making a stand,
it could
an^
aedi
safety
it
flight.Philip, havingllrst,
with a few fMlow-
era,
asoended
an eminence,
Grttm
whidi, a" the
miat had now rallad
away,
be ooEild
survey
Ae
fieUefbatUe,
and
having
satisfiedhimself tbit
Ae
day was irreooveiaUykm,
rode off at M
speed
towvds
Tempa
;
and
havliâlopped
lor
one day at Gonni,to otdleet aa mair
of "l"e
(tagitives
aa could overtake
him,
and
haviig
seat to Lariasa to deatn^
hia
papeia
tbere,
pursued
hia
way
into Maeedoata. On hi*
sids
8000 were slain,
BOOO made
priaoaen.
Tha
leas of the Romans was estimated at do moie
than 700.
Such waa the issae of tiie battle of
Cyno-
oephalE
;
and it
might seem,
aa has been
observed,
at first
aigbt,
raUier a work of ebaace,
prodneedby
an
eztraordinaiy
ec"tbinaiion
of
fortuitous
circumatancea,
than a
proof
of
say
intrinaic
auperlority
of the one
army
over
the
other. And eo it
appears
to have been eom-
mon
among
the Greeks to attribute the suoeeai
of the Romans to fonune. But
Polybiaa
hai
pointed
oat
very clearly
that the
very
essence
of the
advantage
whirfi the
legion
had owr
the
phalanx lay
in this : that there was
""
much room iu all
militaryopeniifoti
tm tbe
intervention of fortoitoua circumstances.
The
efficacy
of the
phalanx was,
in
fact,mer^
conventionsl
;
it
depended on
certain con^
tione,which no
general
could command,
sad
oo events which none could foraaee. It was,
therefore,no match for a force which couU
readilyadapt
itself to
every
positiott
and amei'
gency.
Philip
lost the battle
only
as
bs tnii*
have done in
every
other
case,
uoieas his enemy
had allowed him to chooee his own
time
and
gronnd.
The
Romans, on their raturu tnm the
pv^
salt,proceeded
to
tdnnder
tbe Macedonian
camp ;
bnt th" found that tbe ftoliaa*
bad
already
carried off the
greater part
of
ito
booty;
and
tbc^-
were the more
onbnded
witb
tbe
greediness
of their
allies, as
the J"oliu
OBVtdrymight
have done much barm to
tbe
flyingenemy,
and, peihqia,mi^
have
otst-
taken the
king
himaelf. The mutrours
îcb
le from this oircomatanoe
were a
preluiie
nore serioos differences. The jGw*ana,"
have
seen,
had done
good
service
in
tlie
earlier
part
of the battle
;
but
they
claiinetl
li-
moat the whole
glory
of the
victory
:
and iw
Roman
general
himself wae
deeply
displeiMd
irae venea
vrhicb cireidated
tbioagb
in*
.
.,
in which the Btine of the ifiiolian*
*^
foremost,
and he and hia
anny
weie
^**"''^
if
they
bed taken a subordinate
part
in
"le
work' There waa another atUl deeper
grww
*
Rbi.,no*-, 9.
I
NEGOTIATION." MUBDE" OF BBACHYLLAS.
if offence. The AtoliAiH had
pretaoeioDa
vhich were at vaiionce with ihe inMreete of
lotae : and FlaminiuuB soon made tbem feel
he
cbange
which had taken
pUce
ia their re-
ationa with
him,
from the oiament that he had
to farther use to make of them. At Lariasa
te was met
by
three
eoroys
from
Phdip,
who
ame to wk the
ordinarytruoe
foi the burial
if the alain, and leave to aend an
embassy
to
he Roman
cantp.
Flanuninus
granted
a truce
or lifleeii
days,
and conBented to admit
Philip
o a conference at
Tempe, adding
an encour-
^ng message,
which
gave sreat
oRence to
be Xltohana,who
comptainod
thai
they
had
lot been consulted,aa
they
used to be
on
all
aatters Ifeforethe
battle,
and threw out iosin-
lations that the Roman
general
waa
making
dTasBes to the
king
from
corrupt
motives. A
ew days
before that which had been fixed for
he
eonferenoe,
Flantininus held a council to
onsider the
tenng
of
peace
which should be
emanded. The iGtolians would hear of
none,
ut
urged
him to fcrflow
Dp
the
victory,
until
"bill])
should be
despatched,
or driven out of
is
kingdom: sn occasion which Fiamininus
id not
neglect,
to
eidaige
on the
generosity
rith which Rome was wont to treat tier van-
uishcd enemies,
Amynander iooocentiyex-
reseed a
hope
that the
terms would be such
8 would enable him to maintain
hineeif
gainstPhilip,
aêi the
departure
of the Ro-
lans. At the conference
Philip
cut off all dis-
ute at the outset, by a declaration that he ac-
epted
all the conditions which had been
pie-
iouslyprescilbedto him
by
the Romans and
heir
allies,
and was
ready
to sulmut to the
ecree of the senate on other
points.
But an
jigry
altercation ensned between Fiamininus
jid the
/GtoUana,
who demanded the restitii-
ion of tbeii Thessalian
towns,
while the Ro-
nan refused to
give up any
which hod
opened
heir
gatea
to him : Ptbiotic
Thebes,
which had
leen taken
by
force after It had refused t
tirrender, theymight
deal with as
the;
would.
L truce of four montha
waa concluded with
'hilip,
who was
required
to
pay
300 talents
mmediately,
and to deliver his son Demetrius
ad some of his friends as
boMagea
;
bnt the
noney
and
hoatageawere to be restored t
lim if the
treaty
should be broken offat Rome.
It was not
any magnaubnons feeling,
but the
hreateningmovements of Anliochus Uiat had
endered Fiamininus
unwilling
to
push Philip
o extremities
;
and Ihe same canse made the
enate anxious to terminate the Macedonian
Far.
Notwithstanding,therefore,
the
opposi-
ion of the new
consuls,
each of whom wished
or the Macedonian
proviuce,
the
peace was
ecrned and confirmed
by
the comitia "f the
ribes. The heads of the
treaty were imbodied
a an ordinance of the
senate,
and tea coomis-
ionera
were
appointed,according
(o eslab-
ishod
usage,
to
carry
it into
effect,
and to
onsult with Fiamininus on some
pointa
which
re re left to their discretion.
The battle of
Cynocepbabe put
an end to
he resistance of the Acamaniana. Their
uaKistrates
and
leadingmen had
yieldedb
olicitaliona of L.
Quinctius, or saw i
learly
than the
common
people
that it
Vol.
if"
Ll'
r-K.
tif.. i,11-11.
the
power
of Rome
;
and
they
held a
congress
at
Leucas,
in which
a
decree waa
passed
in the
name,
but without
the
authority,
of the
nation,
Ibr alliancewith
the Romans. But this decree
was soon after
indignantly
annulled
by
the
people,
and its
authors
called to
account, though pardoned on
acknowledgment
of their offence.
Luciua,ae
soon as he heard of this
reaction,
sailed
from
Corcyra
and laid
siegeto Leucas, which mads
a
long
and most
gallaat resistance,though exr
posed
to attack both
by
sea and
land,and
oo^
Burrendered after the
enemy
had been treacherously
admitted into the citadel. A lew
day*
after,
the contest was decided in
IlieBsaly,
and
the rest
of the Acarnanian towns submitted to
the
conquETors.
About the same time the
AchBana,
under
their
general,Nicostratus,gained
a
victory
over Androsthenes,
the commander Of
Cotintk,
which d^Lvered the Achtean
territory
from the
ravages
which it had
previously
suffered fron
the
garrison;andabodyof AchRanaoxilianes
aided the Rhodjans to recover the
greaterpart
of the Pertca.
Philip
himself did
not remain
inactive after his defeat
;
but when the Darda-
niana,auppoaing
that
they might
now insult
him with
impunity,
made an inroad into Mace-
dooia,
he
hastily
collected a small
army,
fell
upon
them
suddenlynear Stobi,
and chased
them,
with
great slaughter,
out of his domiu-
Towards the close of the
year
Ihe
tranquillity
of Qreece was
shahtly
disturbed
by
some
struggles
of the two fiteotian
factions,
which
kept
up
their contest after that of their
patrons
had
ceased. Nut witlistan
ding
the alliance whioh
had been concluded with
Rome, a number
at
Bceotians
fought
on
Philip's
side at
Cynoceph-
alB,
Brachyllos
)
and
he,
with
many
others of
them, waa
among
the
prisoners.Fiamininus,however, to oonoiUate
the Bteotians,
consented to release them
;
but
he could not soothe their
hostility by
thia favour,
which
they
affected to ascribe to
Philip's
intercession
;
and
Brachyllas,
on his
retuto,
was elected Bceotarch. The chiefs of the
opposite
party,
who had
promoted
the alliance
with RjDOie.
began
to be
uneasy
ahnat the
lot
which awaited them when their adversario*
should be no
longer
overawed
by
the
vicinity
of a Roman
army,
and
they
consulted Fiamini- nus
on the
expediency
of
removing Brachyllas.
Fiamininus weuld not meddle with such a
transaction himself,
but advised them to
speak
to the .Italian
general,
Aiexamenee.
By
him
they
were furnished with six
men,
three JEii"-
Uans and three Italians,
who killed
BraolijUis
M ha was returning
home at
night
with soma
dissolute
companions
from a feast. But the
contrivers of the murder were afterward detected,
and one of thera waa
put
to
death,
after
he had been examiood
by torture,
in which
i"
probably
disclosed the connivance of Fiamini- nus.
The
discpvery inspired
alt claases of tha
Bieotians with mortal hatred towards the Ro- mans
;
and as they
did not venture to exhibit
it
openly,they
wreaked it
by
a
series of
cowardly
assassinations on the individual Roman
soldiers who
haniened
to
pass
through
BiBOtia.
When, at
length,
search waa made
by
the orda:
"
"u,"="j,im
.wic-
of
Flamininui,
MM
corpses
were f
elear
signs
of violent
death,at the
tbe Lake
Copais.
Flaniminua demanded the
deliTerj
of the murderers, and
imposed
it contribution
of liOO tiJcnts on tha Bceotions.
When
Ihey
offered excuses inslead of
compliance,
he invaded the
country,
and laid
siege
to
Acraphia
and
Coronea,
the
tonus nearest to
the
principal scenes of bloodshed. The BceO'
tians now were
readjr
to submit,
but could
only
otilain
forgivenessthrough
the intereeasion of
the Achauns and the
Athenians,
and on condition
of
surrendering
the
guilty,
and
paying
a
floe of
thirty
talents.
By
the decree of the senate which was
brooght
bjr
(he
ten commiasionera,
peace
was granted
to Philipon the
following
terms : allthe
Greeks,
botb in
Eompe
and
Asia,were to he free,and
^verned
by
their own laws
;
but with
one
very
importani exception.
Tê districla
subject
'
Philip,
and the (owns held
by
his
garrisoi
were to be delivered
up
to the Romans before
the next Isthmian
games.
Yet this
exception,
s^n.was
so qualiêd,
that several towns were
named which he was
immqdiatflylo
evacuate,
and to reatow to absoluto freedom. These
were
EuTomua, Pec'asa,Bargylia,
and laasus in Ca- rta,
Abydus,Thssoe,Myrina,
and
Perinthiis,
all
, places
far remote from Greece. Titus was to
write toPrusiBsof
Bithynia,
in the
name of the
"enate, on behalf of Cioa. Within the
tinu
Philip
was to surrender all the Koman
prisoners
and deserters, snd his
ships
of
except
five boats and bis state
galley,
a
huge
and useless vessel
;
and he was to
pay
1000 tal-
ente, one half
immediately,
the rest
by
insial-
These
articlea, aocordingto
Poiybius,
diObaftd
nniveraal
jnythroughoutGreece,
except among
tho .flolians
: they
alone
complainedthat the
libertyannourtced
by
the decree was a mei"
name,
destituteof
reality.Polybiua
attributes
theae
cnmplainls
to iheir
resentment, yet
he
admits thai
Iheywere not without
plausibility
;
and
though
the
sagacity
of the .*:to!iana
may
have been
quickenedby
their
diaappainlment,
itis
probablethat their
suspicinnswere shared
by many
who had not the
courage
to
express
them.
They observed that, since the
towns
which
Philipwas to set at
liberty were
named,
itwas clear thai those which he was to deliver
Xto
the Romans
were not included in the same
ss.ortoenjoylheaamefreedom;
andamong
IhesB, besides Oreus and
Ereiria, were
Chalcis,
DemetriBB,and Corinth. It
was, therefore,evident
that the
fitieti
of Greece were not to tie
nnlocked,
but
only
to be transferred
to the
grasp
of a
stronger
hand.
Polybius,
with a breach
of candour into which he is often
betrayedby
his ill-willtowards the
."totians, treats these
objections as mere verbal cavils and
exaggera- tions.
But it is certain that the .*;toliansnot
onlyput
a fair construction on the
language
of
the
decree,
hut
penetratedthe intentionsof tha
aenate. The
senate meant to
keep
these important
places
in its
own
possession
; not, indeed,
so moch
throughdiatrast of the
Greeks,
B" for the sake of
precaution
against
Antiochus.
It had
not, however,
finallydetermined this
point,
biitleft it to the decision of the comniis-
sioDers after consuttation with
FlamininuB
;
for
tbera was room for hetiution
a* to the
eqteiU-
enoy
of the meaaure. If.on the ona
htnd,
it
was
dangerous
to leave these
placesexposed
to
attack from Antiochus. it was also unsafe,il
such a
juncture,
to forfeitthe confidence and alienate
the
good
will of the Greeks. Tbe
question
ttecame the
subject
of a
long
and warm d^
hate between Flamininus and the comraiBaio*.
era,
who were inclined to
carry
out the senate'*
original design
in
every part.
But PlaminiDDt
so
stronglypleaded
the
necessity
of
slopping
the mouths of the JEMans. and of
makingpMd
the
professions
which the Romans had so
êa
held out to their
alliea,
that tho coromissionei*
yielded,
on some
poinla.
to his
opinion.
It wis
settled thai Corinth should be
immediately
il"
livered
up
to tbe
Achasans, according
lo tbt
terms of their late
treaty
with
Rome,
but that
the
Acrocorinthus, Chalcis,
and Demetrin
shonld be retained
by
Roman
garrisons.
Livy
supposes
it to hsve been
expressly
declsred ii
the decree of the
council, that this
occupatios
should be
merelytemporary,
to last
only
as long
as the movements of Antiochus
ahou'ld afliin
cause for
anxiety;
but
Polybiua
is silentai le
any
such reslriction.*
These deliberations took
place
at Corinilc
and the Anal decision ofthecommiasionenwai
to be
published
at the Isthmian festival,
whiek-
was now near at hand. It
wa" attended by
a*
unusual concourse of
Greeks,
anxious to leara
the fate of their
country,
and the use
which tha
Romans would make of their
victoiy.
This wit
the
subject
which
engrossed
all oonversaliaA
and various
conjectures
were formed abnni
it
i
hut the
prevailingopinion,
as
reportedby
Po-
lybiDs.f seems not lo have differed
very
widelT
fhim thai of the floiians. When tbe
apect"-
tora were assembled, before the
games
bsgtn
after silence had been bidden
by
tbe
soDnd
of
the
trumpet, proclamation
was made
by
a herald
that the Roman
senate, and Titas Qutncti-
us, having
overcome
King Philip
and tbe
Ma- cedonians,
giveliberty
lo the Corinthians,
Pho-
ciana,Locrians,Eub"eans, Acbcans of Phlhia,
Magnetos.Thessalians,
and PerrhEbians,
nillt
exemption
from
garrisons
and tribute,
and permission
to
govern
themselves
by
their
heredi-
lary
laws. The
catalogue
included
every
part
of Greece which had hitherto been occupied
liy
Philip;
and the
proclamation
was in subatanecF
as it was sometimes
described,a
declsraliajt
that the
independence
of Greece was
restored.
So it was underatood
by
those who
heard
Jt.
A about of
joy rent tbe
air,snch,
that
l"in"
which were
flying
over ihe heads of the
malli-
are said to have
dropped
lo the ground;
and the herald was
obliged
to
repeat
the
prn^
lamation,as well for Ihe sake of those
who
had
It hcarxl it
dialinclly,
aa because the rest
cculd
iareely
believe the evidence of their senses.
The shout then rose
again
stilllouder than
before
;
tho
spectacle
which followed
passed
unheeded:
the whole
assembly
was occupied
wiw
one
thought
and one
feeling.
Titus,as be
withdrew
at the end of the
games,
was
ahnoal
slillea
by
the
throngwhichcrowdedabout
him, logM*
and
applaud,
to
grasp
his
hands,
and
sheer
garlands
and filletson his head. Yet we
nV
suspect
that tbe
pressnre
which he
fontMl
ino"
painflil was that of undeserved
gratitu"l"
;
"
"PBl7b.,rtii.,".
liv,îl(t,î Ij^*
"*"-""
TREATY OF PEACE." ANTIOCH US THE GREAT.
. 4S1
be probaUr tboDghl
much less
highly
of bis own
MTVices tban
Polybiua,
wbo does qoc
scnipls
lo
observe
tbar,eiiraTagnnt
aa the
display
of
grat'
ibide
mightBeem,
it fellahortoftbe
obligation
;
a reflection so
glaringly
wide of the
tiutb,
that
ITS can
hardlyeipJainit,ao as not to
question
either his
jndgmsnt
or his
sincerity.
The en-
thnslasm of the multitude waa more excuaahle,
w
they
could not foresee all tbe
adTsnta^
wtitcb the Komans were lo
reap
from their Tto-
toiT
over
Philip,
and either did not
yet
know
that
they
had resolved to
keep
tbe fetters of
Greece in their
hands,or believed that tbia waa
only
a
tempoTary measure,
and a
necessary
jrecsntion.
But the
joy
of tbe more
considier-
"te
might
have been
damped by
tbe
thought
that EDch a boon conld
only
be bestowed
Sya
master who waa able to reanme it al his
pleas-
tnv.
After tbe festiTsI,Flamininos and tbe com-
miMioners
proceeded
to
adjust
the other affairs
which were eonunitted to their discretion. The
envoys
of Antiochus were dismissed with a
peremptary tnjmiction
to their
master,
lo evac-
nale
allthe Asiatic cities which bad
belonged
eitber t" Philipor to Ptolemy,
and to abstain
from anreMion on those which retained their
iDdependence, and,
abave all,not to
pass
over
in
person,
or to send forces into
Europe;
but it
waa annonnced that' some of the ten would
shortly
seek an interview with the
king.
The
province
of
Orestis,
which had revolted from
Philipduring
the
war,
waa declared
independent,
and bs was thus,
to his bitter
ntortificatton,
prevented
from
takingrevenge
for iie
disloyal-
xj.'
Tbe
niyrian
districta of
Lychnisand Par-
Ihi,
which had been
subject
to
Philip,
were
given
to Pleuialua.
Thessaly
was,
as fax as
poaaible,
dismembered
;
the PerihKbians. Dolopes.
and
Magnetea were detached from it as
independent
states
;
Phthiotis, however, was annexed
to
it,
with the
exception
of Thebes and Pharea-
hw. Tbe claims of the jEtoliana to Pharsalus
and to Leuca* were referred tn tbe senate
;
but
ibey
were
permitted
to renew
their former re-
latMns with Phocis and Locria.
Corinth,
Tri-
phylia,
and Herca
were restored lo the Acba"-
ans. The commisaloners wished to bestow
OreoB and Eretria
on Eumenes,
who had auc-
eeeded his father Attains on the throne of Per-
gamas,
but,on the remonstrance of
Flamininns,
tbe
question was referred to the
senate,
which
decided that these
towns, logether
wiih
Carys-
tiis,
should be restored to
liberty.
Valerius An-
ties,a writer of
very
slightauiborily,
related
that,by
the
original
decree of the
aenale, "gi-
BB,
which Attains bad
pnrchased
from the "to-
bans,
and the
elephants,
were
given
to his son
of tbe same name
;
and that the Alheniaas
were rewarded with the
lordship
of
Paros,
Im-
bros,Deloa, and
Scyros.t Nothing
but the ai-
leoce o(
Polybius
throws a
doubt on either fact.
Hie commissioners then
parted
lo undertake
various missims. Cn.
Cornelius,who was sent
to
Philip,prevailedon him,
that he
might
nol
seem to be
reserving
himself for
Antiochus,lo
sue for alliance and
amiiywiih
Rome. Come-
lins
next
proceeded
to the ."tnlian
assembly
ai Thetmus
;
but he was there received with
eomplaintB,tipbraidings,
and
reproaches,
which
t Ibid.,J
u.,n.
grew,
at last,so violent that he
Ihought
it safbst
to decline
discussion,
and to advise them to
send an
embaaay
to
Rome,
where
Ibey
wuuld
be sure to obtain satisfaction of all reasonable
demands. So ended the Macedonian
war,
wilb
a
plentiful sowing
of the
dragon's
teeth.
CHAPTER LXV.
AHTiocaoB,
the son of Seleucus
Callinicoat
and tbe eiith from the founder of his
dynasty,
sumamed
by
bis
contemporaries
the
Great,
was, perhaps,
eminent in
energy
and
abihtj
above
most
of his
line,though ceruiinly
not
comparable
in this
respect
to bis ancestor the
Conqueror.
He seems to have owed that title
"
which, however, imported
littlein
an
age
ao
lavish ofeuch
distinctions,
thalbis
grandfather,
a vile and odious
prince,
waa sumamed the
God "
chied;
to the contrast between the low
state into which the
Syrian monarchy
had fallen
when he ascended the throne, and that to
which he
finally
raised
it,
but
especially
to his
expedition
for the
recovery
of the
eastern
provinces,
which had been
t^n
from it
by the
Parthian and Bactrian
kings,
an
expedition
which, by
its
extent, duration,
and
dazzling
success, might,
to a degenerate race,
recall the
achievements of tbe Macedonian
conqueror.
'
He seeroB to have been elated with the sounding
epithet,*
and to have
forgotten
how
largely
he was indebted for his
triumphs
to the imbe-
cility
of his
Egyptian neighbours;
and in aa
evil hour he conceived the
project
of
enlarging
the bounds of hia
empire,
until it should include
all the
conqueata
made
by
the firstSo-
leucuB after his
victory
over
Ljsiiaachus.
In
the
prosecution
of this
undertaking,
he crossed
the
Hellespont
in the
spring
of
196,
and made
himself master of the Thracian
Chersooesus^
and
being
struck with Ihe
advantageous
sita
of
Lyainiacbia,
which had been ruined
by
tho
Thracians atler
Philip
had withdrawn hia
troops,
he determined to rebuild
it,
and make
It the
capital
of his
Europeandominions,
which
he intended should
comprehend
the whole
kingdom
of
Lyeimachua.l
While this work
was
goingon,
he collectedas many
as be could
of the old inhabitants,
many
of whom he rai"-
somed from
slavery,
and invitednew colonists
J
He was thus
employed
when L.
Cornelius,
who had been sent by
the senate to mediata
between him and
Ptolenty,
and tiirceot !*;e
commissioners who had
just
been
regulating
the affaiiB of
Greece, came to
Lysimachia.
They
were amicably
received and
hospitably
45S HISTORY OF 6REB0B.
entertaiaed. But wlien
they required
him to
restoro the
conquests
he hid made rrom Ptol-
em;
and
Philip,
and itemanded an
explanation
of the
purpoBe
for which he had come o"Pr to
Europe,
he
firmlyrejected
their
dictation,re-
roinded them that Rome had no mora to do
with Asia than he with
ItaJj,
aod aaserted bis
claim 10 the
European
as well aa the Asiatic
possessiona
of
Lysimachua.
The
conference,
which had been carried on in a
very high
and
"harp
tone on iMth sides,was
abruptly
broken
"ff
by
a false nimour
of the death of the
young
feing
of
Egypt)
which induced Antioctius to return
to Asia, leaving
his son Seleucus at Lys-
fmachia. The
commissioners, on their return
to
Rome,
mode a report
which
pt"par"d
the
senate for an approaching
war with
Syria,and,
at the same time,
directed ita attention to the
hostile
temper
of the iGtoiians and the independent
attitude of Nabia.
The
only
doubt with
refardto Itabis
was,
whether there was
any
sufficient
pretert
for
a
declaration of war against
htm
;
and it
appeared
so difficultto find
one,
that it was decided
to refer the
qnealion
of war or
peace
to Flam-
ininns. As soon as thia decree of the senate
reached
him,
he anmrnoned a
congress
of the
alliesat Corinth,and,professing
that he shonld
be
entirelyguidedby
their
wishes,
bade them
consider whether
they
would have
Argoa
left
in the
power
of Nabis. tt âa a matter in
which Rome had no
concern, except
so far as
It interfered with the
liberty
of
Greece,
and
tiiUB
impaired
the
glory
of her work. The
Athenian
deputies
extolled the Roman
magna-
niniLty,
with some
reflections on the
malignity
of its detractors : an
allusion which roused the
Cohans,
against
whom it was
pointed.They
had been
deeply
offended
by
the result of Iheir
last
embassy
to Rome,
where the
senate, as if
to
aggravate injury
with
insult,
referred their
claims
again
to their
adversary
Flamininus.*
They
now
inveighedagainst
tlui meanneas of
the Athenians, complained
of the
wrong by
which
they
were defrauded of Echiaiu and
PharsaluB,
and taxed the Romans with dissimulation
and
hypocrisy. "They pretended
to
be the liberators of
Greece,
and
yet
hrid it in
its old fetters.
Argos
and Nobis were
only
pretexts
to corer
tiiecontinued
presence
of
Iheir
army.
Let the
legions
be embarked for
Italy,
and the A^toUang would undertake that
Nahis should withdraw his
garriaon
from Ar-
gos."
The troth would
only
have
displeased
the Romans
:
the boast
disgusted
the other
aJlieB. The Achaean general,AristKnus,
declaimed
bitterly against
the
jGtolians,
and in-
treated Flamintnns not to leave
Peloponnesus
until he tiad secured it
against
their
a^gres-
Bions. Tîe rest of the
deputiesjoined
m the
same strain,
and the war
against
Nabis was
nnanlmously
decreed,
Flamininus,having
sent for his
troops
from
Elatea,
marched
againstArgos,
and
at Cleonie
was joinedby
Ariatienus with
an Achcan
army
tri"
10,006
foot and 1000 horse. Nabis had
committed
the command of the
garriaon
at
Argos
to Ms wife's brother
Pythagoras,
who
WBs also his son-in-law,and he made the best
prvparations
for its defence. He
sapprossed
- -
1
which was
prematurely
at-
"
Liti"iBiiii.,uii,
of the cititens on flw
sp-
{nuBch
of the
l^mans,
and no ftrtfaer bovs-
meat took
place
within when Fiamininaa
ea-
camped
in the suburbs.
Finding
Dm
hups
disappointed,
be called a coonoil to driibsnce
on a
siege.
Ail the Greek
officers,exccjii
Arist"nu9,thoogfat
tiiat,as
Argos
was Um occasion
of the
war,
the first
operations
of lt"
army
sho[^d be directed
against
it But Hiis-
ininus
adopted
the advice of
Anstcnm, to
carry
the war into the
snemy's oogntry, sad,
having reaped or
xrasted the harvest i" Uib
plain
of
Aôe,
he marelied to the borden of
Laconis,
vriiere lie waited some time for a is-
eufoTcenieiitwhich he
especMd
frooi
Philip,
and for a
supply
of
p
* * " " " " '-'
ordered the
Pelo[
He was
joinedby
IBOO K
Thesaalian
horse,
and
by
a amneioiis iotj
of LaoedBiaoniau
exiles,with
Agesipob
u
their head. Abont the same
time,
his brottasr
Lucius had sailed into the Gnlf of Laecw
witli
fbrtygalleys,
and EumeDes aitdUm Bho-
diaiu
were
appioaching
with tlieir oombist'
Nabis,liowe"er,
did mot stasto
despair,though
bis whole font
) no mora
th^
IS,OOD men,
beiag
oomposed
of SOOO
Cretans,
3000 other nur-
ceosries,
and
10,000 Laeonian
troops.
Hb
strengthened
the defences of his
eapitsl
vilt
a new ditch and
rampart,
and stnok nKiw
into his
subjectsby
the arrest of
eighty
m*-
pectedcitiiens,
whom he
put
to death the fbl-
towing night,
and
by
the execntian of soax
Helots,who were
durged
with
having
altennl-
ed to desert. When the
RiMDana,
^viiif
da-
scended the vsle of the CEnus to Uie buAs ti
the
Enrotas, were
proceeding
to
pilch
tlieir
camp
within a short distuiee from Spsrts,
they were thrown into
great
coafkisionby
i
sudden
charge
of the
tyrant's
auiiliariea,
WIb
were
only repeUed by
the adrance of the
I*-
gionariea,
and the nan
day,
when the Rocsn
column,
moving southward,
had
passed
the
city,
Nabis
again
sallied out and f^
upon
if
rear with his mercenaries
;
but Ibe Roedh*,
who
anticipated
an
attack,
dtifted their
frost
so
rapidly,
and in such
good order,
that,
sA*''
an obstinate
cmnbai,
lie was
pot
to
flight,
t^
the Achsana
were enabled,by
tbeir
koDWlsdgB
of the
ground,
to
intercept
or overtake
mt^
of the
fhgitives
before
tliey
coald
gain
ths ci?
gate.
Flamininus then
ravaged
the adjaMil
plain
without Arther
interruptioa,
sad
altst-
ward continued his devastations down
to the
seacoast.
In the
mean while,Lucius,
after he had liken
BCTeral df the snoaller towns on
tbe
soiA
laid
siege
to
Gythinm,
the anenal of
^P*'*^*
populous
and well-fortilled
city
;
and.
ai w-
menes and tbe Rbodians arrived
about
tke
same
time,
the works mode
npid
pngrMi
Two
officers, Oorgopas
and
Dezagoridaa,
ewn-
maoded the
[dace
with
equal
aatifority.
D"^'
agaridas.
when defence seeuMd
hopeleu,
opM-
ed s olandeatine
aorrespondence
with
""
Roman
general,
but
was
detected
and
put
K
death
by
his
ooUeague.
But he, too,
wai
n-
duced to
despair,
when Titos came up
^''
*
body
of 4000 men to
snniort
the besi^MSi
and he aurrendered on c"mditi"m
Ati the gV'
rison ahould be allowed to withdnw,
Suu,
WAR WITH NABIB.
"Imm^
hs had been le-eaferned
by
lOOO mer-
Mnariee and 3000
Ai^vea
under
Pytbtgoras,
who bad isft
Argoa
under the
oherge
of Timoc-
ratea, an AchBui, when he heaiS of the foil
of
Gythinm, bân
to think liis situation desperate,
and aent
Pytbegwas
to solicitan
interview
with Flaminimis. Thi"
teqoeat
was
frairted ;
and
the]'met,
with a few attendants
on eaob side,
in the
jdaiu
of
Spaita.
In the
oooloreiKieiaa reportedby Livy,
the
strength
sf tke
aigumeBt
seems to bare been on the
aide of Nabia
;
for it
was diffionltto
poiot
out
uj ehaoie
that bad taken
plaoeto aflbrd a
joA croond
for
boetiliiy againat
him since the
d^
wlien Flamiainua
accepted
his aid
against
Philip.
The Roman had Uien
TirtuBlly,
if
not
eqreaalf, reoogniaed
his
title,not only
to
Sputa,
bat to
Argoa-
The answer which the
Roman histortan
pnia
into the moath of hia
aotudiyman
is
ha]41yintelligiUe,
but
apparently
qnta
inconsiateot whh the feta Kcorded
bj
the hialotlan. FlamiBDOa is nade to deny
fhKt the RoHians had eoDtnctad
any
frinidabip
or
aUianoc with
Nabia,
and tlwB to
allege
the
Meaaene,
hie allianee with
Phil^
and his
pita-
oea, aagrouDda
of
war;
but the
validiqr
of all
theae
grounds manifestlydepended oo
the
unth of an asaeitioa
whicb,
if Livy'snarratiTe
ia to be
belisTed, waa
notonoosly
false. Flam-
ininna,bowcTer, waa in a
position
in which it
might
be oonaiderei] aa a condeeceasion to
MaaoD even on
false
premises.
AnstcoBS
laere ingemioiisly
exhorted Nsbis to abdicate
bis
powar.
and reminded bim of
many tyrants
who had descendad oT their own accord to a
privateatation,
"id had afterward lived in
safety
and honour
among
their fellow-oitiieiia.
Bat Nabis had not so nsed his
power
that he
could feotore to
resign
it. The conference
waa adjourned
to the
morrow,
and then Nabis
offered to eracute
Argoa,
and to
give
up
his
piisoaera
and deserters
;
if the Romans had
any
otber demands to auie,he desired that
they might
be set down in
writing,
tiiat he
might
deliberate on them with hia frienda. A
truoe was
granted,during
which Flaraininua
conferred with his alliee
on the
question
of
peaee.
At first, tbey
were
all
oowilling
that it
should be
granted
to him on
any
terms
;
and
FlamininuB,
who had
private
motives for desiring
it"
chiedy
the fear that he
might
other,
wise be
superseded
berore he had
brought
the
war to a
cloae " could not
bring
ihem over t
-
bis miml imtil be had
frightened
them with
pmp"ot
of the
heavy
conUibutioaa which he
rhniP'' be
obliged
to
lay
on tbem for the
support
of the
army
if be was forced to undertake
the
sie^
of
Sparta,
which he
represented
as
likely
to laat
thniu^
the winter. He
was
then allowed to
preaoribe
terms of
peace.
Tlwy
wer"
aaffioiently
hard. One of Uie more
BBportant
artiolea
provided
fbr tbe diamember-
mentofLaconia.
Oythimn
and tbe other mari-
tiaae towns were to ha sevetad from tbe dominion
of Nabis,aa
independent
allies of Rome.
He was also to
give
up
all the towns which he
pasaeesed
in Crete to the Romana,
and to
"
render his whole
navy, retainingonly
boats. He was
stdcUy
confined to Iâconia,
and forbidden even there to build or fortify,
well SB to Biaius war
But he was
leftabsolute
master ot
Spana,
and
ilyprovmioa
introduced in favour of tha
exiles was an article
by
which their
property,
which inchided the
emancipatedaiaves,
their
children,
and
as many
oftbeir wives
as wisbed
to share their
fortimee,were to
be restored to
them. Nabis was to
pay
IDO talents immediately,
and 400 more
by
instalments in ei^
years.
A aix months' tiuoe was to be
granted
'
r an
embsasy
to Rome.
Nobis,hovrever,
found the uonditions
iaaap-
portable, espeoialty
thoee which
deprived
biia
of his maritime
posaeaaioaa.
which were tbs
chief soDice of his
wealth,
snd furnished tba
lin
strength
of his
army.
The article of re*-
niion to the exiles
waa no leae
disagreeatdo
the
great
maas of bis craatuies and
depend-
ants,
and the mereenariea dreaded the end of a
profitatde oeenpation.
Nabis iniomed ths
geft-
sral
discontent,
and the Romans warn aooa
ap"
prised,by
a lanawnl of
hostHitiM,
that the n*-
gotiation
waa broken off Flaminiana now aav
himaelf
oUiged
tomake an
attenqtieaSpana;
biK his
olyeet
etiU
waa,
it
seams,
rather
to tar-
rify
tbe
qrrani
into aobmiasmn than to make
himself master oftbe
eby.
He sent for alltba
orews
of tbe three allied
fleets,
and when
ttwjr
arrived his whole force amovnled to no lesa
than
60,6M.
With this multitnde he sDrrouod-
ed the
city,
and ordered a
generalaaaauU,
wfaila
three divisions of bis best
troopa
ware
led
against
three
qoarlers
in whitli the forttio^
tiims bad not been
cmnpleted.
The
city
would
have been carried at these
points
if
Pyihagoita
bad not set lira to the
a4iaeentfaousesi
and
tbtu
compdled
tba asaailanta to luttte. Tha
main
pnrpDseofFlamininn*,however,
had been
answered
;
lor,three
days
after.Nahis aent bis
son-in-law to
implorepeace.
It was granted
on
the
same
conditions which had been before
prescribed : the
money
was
paid,
and
hoatagea,
including
a son
of
Nabis.
delivered. In tbe
mean while,
tba
Argives,having
heard of tha
tyrant's danger,
rose and
expelled
his
garriaen.
Flaroininas arrived at Argos,
soon
alVar,
witb
bis victorious
anny,
and was invited to
preaida
at the Nemean
restiTal,wbidi, having
been
omitted in the
season
of
pobUo dietreaa. waa
now
celebrated in honour oftbe
reoentd^vo^
aace (B.C.195).
Tbe
liberty
of
Argoa waa
solemnly proclaimedby
a
herald
during
tite
games,
and tbe uaiveraal
joy
was
onlyallayed
by
one reflection,
which afforded fresh
matter
for the invidious insinuations of tbe
.ftollans,
that Rome itiU saaciioned and
upheld
tbe
tyranny
of Nabis, while tbe
rightful
beii of the
Spartan
throne
was
allowed to remain in exiio.
Tbe senate ratified the
treaty
with
Nabis,
and resolved to withdraw its
army
from
Greece,
and its
garrisons
from the Greek
towns, eitiier
moved
by
tbe influeuoe of
Flamininua, or
b"-
cause the
good
win of the Greeks and tha honour
of Rome
appMred
more
important
than the
advantage
which wduU be derived from the
continued
oeenpation
of these
places
in a war
with
Antioohua,
which was
still, indeed,expected
aa much aa
ever,
but with more
eagerness
than
anxiety.
Tbe
repntalion
of Flamini-
nus,
aa
the
paUon
of
Greece, required
thia
measure to enaUe him to
complete
bis
taak,
lie his mission with lustre.
During
after hia
campaign
ia
Laecmja,he
4H
HISTORY OF GREECE.
remBined at Elatea,occupied
with tbe settlement
or the internfllaffairs of the Greek
oicieg,
in which tbe Macedonian interest had bithertc
been
predominant;
and i1
had, probably,
been
everywfaBre
bo much
abused,
that he
might
"eom 10 be
merelyredresBingwrongs
and
protecting
liberty,
while he torned the scale in favour
of Rome. In the
spring
he summoned
the
deputies
of all the alUed cities to
Corinth,
where, as he took his
leave,
he recounted the
benefits which
they
owed to the
Romans,
to
hia
iiredeceaaoTB,
and to himself;
Tindicaied
the
peace
wtlb Nsbis aa
necessary
to save
"pait"
from destruction
;
and announced that
he was on the
point
of
returning
to
Italy,
with
his whole
array ;
tbat he ahould
immediately
pot
the Achieans in
posseasion
of tbe Acroco-
linthns
;
and
that,
nithin ten
days,they
would
bear that tbe Roman
garrisons
had been withdrawn
from Demelrias and Chalcis.
They
would then know what credit to
give
in future
to the
charges
of the .ftoliana. He concluded
trilh an exhortation to use tbeir
libertysoberly
and
discreetly;
to cherish concord both between
city
and
city,
and within
each,
and to
Bhow themselves
worthy
of the boon bestowed
on them
by
the Roman
people
;
remembering
that,though
their freedom had been won
for
tbem
by
the
anna,
and restored to them
by
tbe
(ood
faith of a
foreignpower,
it could
only
be
preservedby
their own care. It
was,
no doubt,
an earnest and
fi-iendly warning,
and it drew
tears from the
audience,
which aflbcted the
apeaker
himself. After a short
pause,
he added
"
partingrequest,
that
they
would collect aa
many
Roman citizens as
they
could find
living
among
them in
slavery,
and send them aAer
him, wjtbin two morlbs,
into
Tbessaiy.
This
was
gladlypromised,
and the number redeemed
in
A"âia
alone
amounted to 1900,
and cost the
Achxans 100 talents. Before the
assembly
was dismissed,
it saw the
gsTrison
descend
bom (he citadel end march out of the
city.
Flamlninus followed
it,
amid acclamations of
Citnde
from the
Greeks,
and took the road Co
ea. He tiien sent his
lieutenant, Ap,
Clau- dius,
with all the forces,to Oricum, there to
wait for
him,
and
proceeded
to Eubisa,
where
he withdrew the Roman
garrisons,
not
only
from
Cbaleia,
but
froEi)
Oreus and
Eretria,and,
in a
oongresa
of Eubcean
deputies, repeated
the
advice which he had
given
at Corinth. He
next
passed
on to Demetrias,where,
while be
withdrew the
garrison,
he seems to have taken
nessores to aecnre
the
ascendency
ofthe
par-
tiaans of Rome
;
and be
probably,
at tbe same
time,regulated
the federal CoDstitation of the
Magnetos,
who henceforth have a
magistrate
attheir
head,with the titleof
Magnetarch.
Hia
last work was to restore order and
tranquillity
id
ThesBBly,
which he found in extreme oon-
ftsion. The character of the
people
is de-
"eribed as turbulent and
unsteady,and,
under
the Mscedonian
government,
which
superseded
the forma of tbeir ancient Conatitntion. but sub-
BtitQted no definite
system
in its
room,* they
seem to have
experienced
the evils of
anarchy
and
despotismby
turns. t Tbe
object
of Flami-
"inus
appftara
to have been to assimilate tba
I
Thessalian Constitution to that of tbe Aehtu
. League,establishing
a
perfectequality
with 're-
1
gard
to the election of the federal
msgislralM
and the administration of
public
affbirs:'for
this waa ths feature in the Acbisan Constit^
tion
which,
as it tended most to limit the
power
of ths
League,
best suited the views of
Rome. But the
polity
which he iattoduml
into tbe cities
approached
nearer to that of
Rome itself: it was what the Greeks calleda
timoeraoy,
an
oligarchy
founded on
the buls
of
property.t
The
government
waa
lod^
io
a senate, or conncil of the wealthier citiieiia.
and
a pecuniaryqnalihcation
was required
br
the exercise of
judicial
functions,
Eveiy
oligarchical
party throughout
Greeee
regarded
Rome as Its
patron.
J It
was,
no doubt,lo reliance
on the
efllcacy
of these measures
forlbs
security
of the Roman interest that he bad advised
the withdrswing
of the
troops ;
tnt be
knew that Rome bad
nothing
to lâi if he
sbonld be deceived in his calculations. He
then
proceeded
to embark at Oricnm,
withhli
ransomed
coantrymen,
and returned to
Italy
to
receive the honours of a
triumph,
which
few
Roman
generals
ever deserved belter. Hia
conduct in Greece is entitled to
nearly
sa higb
praise
as il was possible
(or him to earn
in
such a station. He
probably
n"ver
finra moment
lost
sight
of the
"gnaadiwiiteBt
of Rome,
as the mark to which aU his aims were
directed.
But hia
policy
was as liberal as was e""-
sistent with this
object
;
and, aa
appean
fitiia
the
opposition
which he encountered,
few sf
bis
contemporaries were
capshle
of
equal
moderation
or
generoeity.
He
would, possibly,
not
have shrunk from
any
violence or fraud which
he deemed
necessary
for the est^lisbment
of
tbe Roman
ascendency
in Greece
;
but he n"
willing,
and even desirous,
that tbe Greeks
should
enjoy
the
largest
meaanr^
of
prosperi^
and
apparent
freedom tbat coold coexist
with
real
dependence on
the will or Rome. Tte
part
of his conduct which it
is,perhaps,
most
difficult
entirely
to
justify, even from this
point
of
view,
IS that vrtiich relates to Nabis,
wtaon
he seems
purposely
to have lett as a thom
is
the side of the
Achsans,
while he committed
the maritime towns of Laconia to their
pmtac-
tion,though
itwas
easy
lo foresee that the result
would be a fresh coDisInn between them.
The jEtoliaos were ready
to
give
the neoes-
sary impulse.
In their contest with PbHip.
thou^
it arose out of their own aggressioaa,
the .ftolians
might,
with some colour of truth,
represent
themselves as champions
of the national
independence.
Tbeir connexion with
Rome
might,perhaps,
be defended on
the
plet
of a
supposednecessity, though
no fair excose
conid
tie
ol!bred for the
iniquitous compact
into
which
they
entered with her. But
they
were
now about lo set Greece in a flame,
withoot
any assignabls
motive but luat of
power
and
gain,jealousy
ofthe
AchBana,
and resentmenl
against
the Romans.
They
waited for a lime,
alter the
departure
of
Flamininua,
in the
hope
that it would be a
aignal
for the enemies
of
Rome to enter tbe var"
'-'-" '"- """"
but,
when
"
Niibsl
InU
lurul
liuliiiT
9f
TbMHlj.
JITOUAN INTRIGUES." WAR WITH NABIS. 465
the;
found chat all Tcmaioed
quiet,the;
held
an
asaembly
tt
Naupactus. and,by
the advice
"of their
genera!,Thoaa,
resolved lo do their utmost
to kindle
a
fresh
war.
They
sent
envoys
at the same
time to Antiachus. Philip,
and Na-
Ihs. to work
upon
the BDibition or
revenge
of
"ach
by appropriatearguments.
Anliochus
wan,
indeed, meditating
war,
and he had
now
Hannibal at hia
aide,to
urge
and direct him
;
tint the
season
for the commencement of hos-
lilitiea
againatRomehad
not
yet
arrived. Phil- ip
had
bought
his
experience
too
dearl;
to let
himself be drawn
bo soon intp a alrufgleao
much
more
hopeless
than the last.
Nabis,as
he
was more
impatient
of the condition to
which he hajl been
reduced, yielded
more
easily
to the
peiBuasions
of the
^tolian
envoy,
and
began immediately to make
attempts
for the
recovery
of the maritime
tovras, gaining
some
of the
leading
men
by bribes,
and
removtnK
those who adhered to the Roman
cause
hy
as-
BBBsination,and,finally,
laid
siege
to
Gylhium.
The
Achseana, aa
protectors
of these
towns,
while
the;
remonstrated with
Nabis, sent a
body
of
aqxilieriesto
Gythimn,
and
envoys
lo
Rome.
Philoptcmen
had
now retnmed from
Crete. Hia absence at a period
when hia
services
were
supposed
to be
required
for the defence
of his
country
had
given
so
mnch offence
at
Megalopolis,
that a decree waa
ver; nearly
carried for
depriving
htm ofthe franchise
;
and
this dishonour
was
only
averted
through
the
interpocition
of
AristBBiu,
(he
general
of the
ijetgae,who,
though afterward, at least,
opposed
to
PhtlopÊinen
in his
political views,
was
induced to intercede iti his behalf We
are
toformed that
Pliilopamen
was moved,
by
Tesenunent for this
aSront, to aid severel of the
BQbject
Arcadian towns in
an
attempt
which
the;
made to deliver themselves from their
dependence on Megalopolis.*
The motive assign^
for this
step
is
certainly too
petty
far
"och
a man
;
but
wo
do not find
any
reason to
believe that this
was a
democratical measure.f
Tf these towns were
admitted into the
League,
it
was,
most
probably, Phitipcemen'aobject
simply
to counterbalance the
preponderance
of
the old Achttan
lowtis, as we
shall lind hira afterward
the author of another innovation mani-
I^tl; designed
for that end.
Now, however,
he was again general
of the
League.
But
though
Nsbis, while he
vigorouslypressed
the
aiege
of
Gythium.
made inroads into the Acbn-
an territories,
it
was not
thought prudent
to
nndertafce
an;
offensive
operations against
him
Pint., Philop.,t).
So h i"
nprocnbid bj NHoch
(FiiI;taDi.
p.
IT),
who
i"d wftb Fhi1cp|"it"iiî
nilitBry
""TanLian* chat tkaj
at
hiapoliliHl
plau
;" Ihat
It, m other
wohli.wB
htffl
Htiafmctnry avidancfl
reniiUnini tt lo their real Bt"ure.
U np'lli Toid.
'rh'i'utlle iorlof^Kilneh ilXl"5
Oeu of iba wDifc
it,
itilthe senate's
pleasure
should be known.
fen when
they
learned, on the return of their
envoys,
that the senate had directed the
prstor,
A.
Atilius,to
carry
succours to their Laconian
allies,they
would not eome lo
any
resolution
until
they
had consulted their
patron
Plamini-
nuB. They
then held
a
counoU at
Sicyon.
It
seemed evident thai
Gythium
and the whole
coast would be lost unless
measures were
speedily
taken to check the
progress
of Nabis
;
and these would have been voted
unanimously
if
a
letter of FlamininuB had not been
read,
in
which he advised them to wait for the
prstor's
arrival. The
opinions
of the
assembly
were
then divided.
Phllopcemen
declined to
express
wn,
hut declared himself
ready
to eiecuto
decree,
whether it
were
for
peace
or
war.'
This
was
construed
as a
sulScient
guarantee:
decreed,
and the time and mode of
conducting
it left to hia discretion.
Philopce-
men
himself would
willingly
have waited for
the Roman fleet
;
but the
danger
of
Gythium
seemed to admit of
no
delay,
and there
was
iCtle
hope
that
any
relief could be
brou^l
to it
unless
by
sea.
He
resolved,therefore, though
totally
destitute of
knowledge or
experience
id
marine
affairs,
to
attempt
a
navul
expedition
for that
purpose.
The Achsan
navy
was not
Strang;
but
Niibia,having so
lately
surrendered
all his
ships
to the
Romans,
had
only
bi
~ ~
cunstanl exereise.
Philop"Emen
had heai^ of
a large galley
of
war,
which
was
laid
up
at
"gium, and, believing
that it would be a valuable
accession to his
fleet,ordered it to be
manned,
and
placed
it under the command of
Tiso,
the Acheean admiral
;
but he
seems to
have
forgotten
that it had been
capturedeight;
;ears
before,*
and he was not informed that ita'
timbers
were
utterlydecayed.
Yet it
perfonn-
ed the
voyage
to the Gulf of
Laconia,
and led
the
way
with
gallantport against
(he
enemy:
but,
at the first shock which it received from
one
of the
tyrant'a
new ships,
it went to
pieces,
and the whole
crew was taken. The
rest,
dia-
mayed by
the fate of their
admiral,
took to
flight,
and did not
stop
till
ihey
reached Pairs.
Happily,Philopcemen was on
board
one
of the
smaller vessels. He was not disheartened
b;
a
failure which detracted
nothing
either from
his
military
or
nautical
reputation,
but
was onl;
stimulated to set all the
resources
of bis art in
action
against
the
tyrant.
He
soon after,
with
a detactiment of
lighttroops, surprised
a
divia"
ion of the
enemy
which
was
slatiooed
a little
to the easl of
Gythium,
set fire to the
camp,
which
was
formed
chiefly
of huts of
reed,
and
made
a
great slaughter
)
and, having ravaged
a
part
of
Laconia, proceeded
lo
Tegea,
where "
he assembled all hia forces snd sunmioiied
a
council,
which
was
attended
by
ministers from
Epirus
and .^carnania. He
now resolved,a"
the last
expedient
fur the relief of
Gythium,
to
t forty
yr
tinX"
4S6
HISTORY OF GREECE.
niarcli
againstSparla;
but. on the
very day
wbeo he crossed the
border,Gjribiuin was taken
by ftssault,
and
Nabis, baviag
tDlbrmation
or hie moTements,
baslencd la
occupy
a
pass'
by
wbicb he
expected
be would descend into
the vale of the Euralas.
Philopieineii, though
taken
by surprise,
and at a
great disadTantage,
not
only
extricated himself
by
a skrlful
ma-
D"euTte Irom bis
periloussituaticin,
but drew
tiie
enemy
into an ambuscade,
scattered his
whole
army
on the
mountains,and,
havingpost- ed
some of his own
troops
on two or tbe roads
which led to
Sparta,Intercepted
so
great
a
number of the
fugitiveB,
that
hardly
a fourth
Sirt
was belieied to have
escaped.
Nabis no
inger
ventured to stir
beyond
the walls
;
and
Philopiemen,havingravaged
Laconia for about
thirtydays,
returned
home,
with the
gloiy
of
a victory,
which his
admiringcountrymen
were
inclined to
prefer
to all tbe achievements of
FlaraiainuB himsclf.f
Flaraininus,
in tbe mean while,
bad returned
to Greece, having
been sent as
envoy,
with
three
colleagues,
to counteract tbe macbina-
tiona of the
Êtoliana,
and to
keep
the other
Greeks steadfast in the Roman alliance. He is
said to have been so much offended
by
the
comparison
drawn between himself and
Philop-
vmen,
that he
interposed
hia
authority
for the
protection
of
Nabia,
and
granted
him a irucot
Bol,
however
capable
Flamininna
may
have been
of anch
jealousy,
there are
strong reasons,
be-
aides
Livy'ssilence,
for
donbting
that ho betrayed
it in this manner. His mission
required
tiiathe should
carefully
conceal
any displeasure
which he
might
feel towards the
Acheans,
and
it ia related Uiat he relied on their
hostility
to
Nabis
as a
pledge
of their
friendly disposition
towards Rome.
4
Nor does it
appear
Ibat the
supposed
truce could have had
any object;
for
itis not
probable
that
PhilopiEroen
would have
nndertaken the
siege
of
Sparta,
which Flami- ninna,
with
60,000 men at hia
command,
bad
treated aa so arduous an
enterprise.
The war
"eetns
only
to have been intermitted
through
tbe weakness of
Nabis,who. however, made repeated
applications
to the ."tolians for Bucconr.
The four Roman
envoys,
after a
very
short
stay
in
Achaia, proceedednorthward, Uirough
Athens and
Chalcia,to attend a council of the
Theasaliana.
They
appear
to have
ipet
with
no
symptoms
of disaOection until
they
came to
Ilemetrias,
where an
assembly
of the
Magneles
was convoked to meet them. Here
they
found
that great alarm bad been
spreadby
a
report
that Dcmetrias was to be restored to
Philip ;
and on this
ground
or
pretext
several of
tne
leadingmen, among
whom was the
Magnelareh
Eurylochus,
had declared themselves in favour
of the .C]toliBas. The
envoys
did not venture
either lo
acknowledge
or
deny
the truth of the
report\
for it seems
clear,
and it is even intimated
by Livy,
that the
senate, to
prevent
a
nnlon between
Philip
and
Antiocbns,
had not
only
released the Prince
Demetrius,
and remi^
ted tbe arrears of tbe Macedonian
tribute,but
had, at
least,
held out a
hope
10
Philip
that ho
T,Pyn-M"
hms'i'iiiif^' ',l^^t^m^'x'Pî Bf'Til^.,',"i9, vith
vhicli ilII kidIouihM
tijH"n". Ep.,i",,],p
40!.
t Lll..Di"" M. IMiit.,Phllap., It; IkaDib lun
should recover
Demetrias. The
envoys,
thna-
fure,were obliged to elude the
inquiries
mi
complaints
of
Eurylocbus
and his
party
on Ihts
head, by
the recital of
past services,
and oitier
irrelevant
topics,
which
produced
little
itnpies-
sioo on their hearers
;
and
when,
in the coursa
of the debate,Eurylochus
ventured to observe
that even then Demetrias was free
only
ia
semblance,
but
reallysubject
to the beck of the
Romans,* there were
many assentingmurmurs,
though
tbe
envoys
and their adherents assumed
a tonaof
indignant
astonishment. The Roman
interest
was,
indeed,so
strong that,
when Iha
assembly
broke
up,
Eurylocbustliougbt
it
pru-
dent to make bis
escape
from tbe
city,
and took
refuge in .^tolia.
About this time
Thoas,
the ^tolian ambassador
who had been sent to Antiocbns, returned,
accompanied by Menippus,
an
envoy
fran
tbe
Syrianking.
An
assembly
was
summoned
to
give
them
audience,and,
in the mean while,
they
circulated
extravagant
accounts of the fa"
ces and treasure of Antiochua.
Quini:liu$,
who had
agents
in
.Xtolia, by
whom ho was informed
of
^
that took
placethere,sent an
Athe- nian
embassy
lo
plead
the cause of Rome in the
assembly;
but the
popularfeelingwas so stiong
againstit,
that the
assembly
could
hardly
be
persuaded
to
admit the Romans themsfdves la a
bearing. Quincttna, however,
availed himself
of thia
permission,
not
with
any
eipeotalico
of
preservingpeace,
but with the view to fiilbs
blame of the war on the JEtolians. This en*
he
accompliahed;
fbr
theypassed a
decree
in
his
presence, inviting
Antiochus to come
and
emancipate
Greece
;
and when he asked
fora
copy
of this
decree,Damocrilua,
the
genetal,
replied
that he could not then attend to
bis n-
quest,
but would
shortlypublish
the decree
from the .iltolian
camp
on the Tiber.
It """
the absurd
vanity
of tbe ^tolians,
rather
than-
the violence of their
resentment,
that precipita- ted
the war
in
a manner
very advantageous
tot
Home.
Having
now thrown off all reserve,
they
wished to strike some
important
blow
before
Antiochus arrived to share their gloty.
"
was resolved,
in tbe council of the Apoclelf,
to make an
attempt
on the same day
on
De- metrias,
Chakis,
and
Sparta.
At
Demcln"
the
enterprise
succeeded.
Diodes,
to whom
it
was intrusted,having been appointed
to
escort
Eurylocbus,
who had been recalled from
ewle.
took
possession
of the
cilyby
means
of a
stratagem
like that which had made Flamininus
master
of Thebes. But st Chalcis,
the partisans
of Rome called in the Eretrians and Caryswns
to their
aid,
and
presented
such a
front to
Tho- as,
who waa sent,
with a small anny,
to
""''
prisethem,
that he was
obliged
to
retire,
concealing
hia
dlaappoinlment
under
professions
ol
friendly
intentiona. At
Sparta
the plan
'"I
succeaafully executed,
but its suthors,
^''"'fl
the blmd
greedtneBs
of their
agents,
'"*'.
.,
frtiitof their
iniquity,
which was reaped
by
tkew
enemies,
while
they
tliemselvea only
reiauiM
the
guilt
and shame of a foul crime.
,
,^
_.
Nabis,
aa has been
said,
had
importuneo
tn"
for
succour,
to enable bim to
carry
on
the
"
into which
they
had
urged
him.
AUittiB"""
was now
sent,
wlBi 1000 foot and
30
chotea
""l'rrftf\jT?'
DEATH OF NABIS." HETOLT OF DBMETRIAS.
horsemen,
wtio were instructed
bj Damocritoa,
in the eooncEl of the
Apocleles,
to execute whatever
onler
theymight
receive from their commander,
hcnrever
Btrange
and
perilous
it
might
seem.
Aleiameniis,on his arrival at
Sparta,
represented
Antiochns
as aheadjon
hia
wa;lo
Greece,
and exhorted Nabis (o exercise hia
troops,
that
they might
bo
ready
lo bear their
part
in the
grest
contest which was now
approaching,
AccordiD|Iy,
reviews were frequently
held in the
plam
near the
city,
at which
Nabis waa
only
attended
by
a few
horsemen,
and Alexamenus made ithis
practicefrequent*
]](
to ride off lo one
wing,
where the ^lolian
troopa
were
posted,as jf to
inspectchem,
and
then to haaten bach to the
tyrant's
side. Hav- ing
thus
goardedagainst
all
auspinion
of his design,
one day,
when he had reminded his hnrae-
men of their tecret inatmctions,
he bade them
fcdiow him with their
apeats
couched,
and imitate
his
exampie.
He then
charged Nabis,
'wIm waa riding
up
to
him,
and threw him on
the
ground,
where he was sooa despatched.
Sefore the
tyrant's goerds,
who were
posted
in
the centre of the
line,
had recovered from their
"unaaemeDt, Alexaoienas had
quitted
the
Held,
wKh all the
'Gto)ians,lo
tnke
possession
of the
palace.
It now
only
remained to invite aB who
wore averse to
lyninnj
lo declare
themselves,
and the -"UHianB would soon have been hailed
by
the multitude as the liberators of
Sparta.
But the leader and his men followed their national
instinct
;
while he ranaacked the
palace,
they began
to
ptnnder
the
city.
At
length,
indignation
armed the
people
with
courage
(o collect
their forces in defence of their
property.
Ttiej
fonnd a
boy
of the
royalblood,
who had
been
brooghtop among
the
tyrant'schildren,
and
having
aet him on horseback as a
rallying-
point,
fen
upon
the
spoilers.
Aleiamenos was
ItiDed in the
palace;
most of hia
troops,
within
the
precincts
of the Brazen
Hoose, to which
they
fled aa an
aaylum.
The few who
escaped
out of LaconJa were stopped on their
way
Ihnngh Arcadia,and sold as slaves.
Philopie-
men,
as Boon as he heard of Iheae
events,
hastened
to
Sparta,
which he foand in
great
confu-
eion
; end, having
assembled the
principal
citizens,
persnadetl
them to enter into the Achtean
League.
The arrival of
Alilius,
with a fleetof
twenty-fourgreat galleys,
at
Gythinm,
coulrib-
nted to overcome all
opposition.
The
League
received an accession which Aiatns had scarcely
dared lo
hope
for.
ARsr the
repnlae
of the ."[olians from Chal- ets,
Qoinctius
sailed into the
Euripus,
where he
met Eomenes of
Pergnmus,
who
strengthened
the
farrlaoB
with 600 of his
troops,
and
proceeded
to
Athena,
while the Roman
envoys
continued
their
voyage
to Demetrias.
They hoped
that the failm" of the recent
attempt
on Chel-
CLS would tend to inclinethe
Maguetes
to renew
the ollianee with Rome.
Tillius,one of their
number, was sent forward to sound the
disposition
of the
people
at
Demetrias,
while Euno-
mas,
the Thesaalian
general,
waa directed to
assemble all the forces of
Thessaly
to encourage
the
partisans
of Rome, But Villius waa
not
allowed to enter the harbour of
Demetrias,
and,
after an
angr^
altercationwith
Euryluchus.
was obtigedto
rejoin
bis
colleagues,
wlio sailed
back to Corinih.
Vol. II." M h n
ra^h counaets.
and induced bim to
begin
tbo-
contest he had so
long
meditated without sufficient
preparation,
and in a manner moat disadvantageous
to himself He had
alreadyshown,
by
bis treatment of
Hannibal,
how
largely
ho-
had been indebted to fortune for his
past
sun-
cesaes,
and he was now about lo
prove
still
moie
clearly
how
unequal
he waa to the
great
de-
signs
which he had conceived.
Hannibal,
driven
out of
Carthageby
the
jealousy
of the Ro- mans,
had taken
refuge
at his court
;
for a war
with
Rome, the tnistiest and ablest of counsel
lois
;
bringing
imbitlered hatred of their
common
enemy,
with
enlarged experience
and
knowledge
both of her
strength
and ber weakness,
wantingonly
the means which Antiochna.
'assessed in
abundance,
to
annoy
and distress
ir,
if
not to
bring
ber once more into mortal
peril.
He ashed for 100
galleys, 10,000 foot,
and 1000 horse. With Ibis armainent be undertook
to rouse
Carthage
to
revolt,to invadfr
Italy,
and
keep
the Romans
employed,
while An-
tiochos took
possession
of
Greece,
and threatened
to cross the Adriatic. Antiochos had fbr
a time
adopted
this
plan,
and Hannibal sent an
emissaiytoCarthage
to concert measures vriHt
his friends. His
projects,
of which various
rumour*
had reached Rome from time to
time,
seem to have alarmed the senate much moi"
than the
power
of
Antiochus;
and it
waa, apparently,
on this account that,
alter the
return
of Flamiuinus from
Greece,
P.
Sutpicius
and P.
ViUins were sent to the
Syrian
courL Anti-
ochua had fixed hia residence at
Ephesus,but,
when the
enT"^
arrived,
was
engaged
in ait
expedition
to Pisidia
; and, during
his
absence,
they
held
frequent
conferences with Hannibal.
These
meetings,
when
reported
to
Antiochus,.
inspiredhim, as the Romans
designed,
with.
distrust ol hia
guest,*
who
waa,
for a
time,excluded
from hia councils,
and seems never entirely
to have recovered his confidence. But
the real cause
ofhia alienation
appears
to have-
been,
that he could not
help
seeing
that,notwithstanding
bis title,Hannibal was the
greater
man;
andhe
willingtylent aneartotheGreeka,
who flattered and deceived him. The
project
of the
expedition
to
Italywas not laid
aside,
but it was reserved as a
sohject
Ibr maturer deliberation
;
and itwas the less
necessary
lo decide
upon
it
immediately,as the farces which
he had been
collecting
in the eastern
proTliK"".
were still at a distance,
and on the weatem
coast of Asia he had not
yet
been able to overpower
the resistance of
Smyrna, Alexandria,
TroBs,
and
Lampsacus,
which he wished to se-
cnre before he
passed
over to
Earope.
He was-
thus
wavering
when
Thoas,
the
jEtoliao,
cam"
to annonnce
the revolt of
Demetrias,
and
to
nrge
him to
go
over lo Greece without
delay.
All
Greece,
llioaB made him
believe,was
readj
to welcome hun
;
the ."tolJans and
Sparta
wers
already
in arms
; Philip
was
onlywaiting
Ibr
his arrival to declare
himself;
for the
present,
be needed no
greater
force than he had
already
with him.
This, however, was the
very
force-
'.. 141Of
n raffHunibsi, it "
tas HISTORY OF GRKBCE.
" it
amounted,at least, to no more than that"
"which Hannibal
reqnired
for his
propoaed
eipo-
diiion.
Thoas,therefore,
endeavoured to dis-
"uade the
kiDg
from thin
project;
and,
b;
insinuations
which revived bis
jealousy
of Han- nibal,
induced him to
drop
it
altogether, and,
without
any
farther
preparatiuns,
at once to
cross over lo
Europe.
Antiochus,having
firstsacrificed at Ilium,aa
if to
appease
Rome's
tutelary deity,embarked,
-with no more than 10,000 foot,
EOO horse, and
six
elephants,
in a fleetof 100
galleys,
of which
only forty
were
completelydecked,
and 200
transpnrlB.
He made fnr the Gulf of
Pagasn,
Bod waa received at Demelriaa with
great Joy
ly Eurylochus
and his
party.
Ha soon ader
proceeded
with a thousand men to Lamia, to attend
an
assembly
of the "tolians,in which he
was created commander-in-chief oflhe national
forces,
with uncontrolled
authority,'
and
thirty
of the
Apocletcs
were
appointed
to assist him
-with Iheir counsels. It was resolved to
begin
operations
with a fresh
attempt
on Chalcis,
"Where itwas
thought
bis
presence
would overcome
all
opposition.
He therefore set out with
the force which he had
brought
from Demetri-
na,
and a small
body
of
iGtolians, and,having
encamped
at
Salganeuson the
Euripua,
crossed
ever, accompaniei]by
his ."tolian
counsellorB,
to Chalcis. The
magiatrstes
and chief
fnen
of
the
city,among
whom Mictio and
Xenoclides,
the leaders of the Raman
party,
were foremost,
wentout to meet him,
and a conference ensued
between a select number on each side. It was
conducted in a
friendly lone, as ths ."tolians
afTected to
regard
alliance with
Anliochus,
who
liad
only
come to restore
liberty
to Greece, as
conaiatent with the
friendship
of the Romans.
But
Mictio,
who was tliechief
speaker
on the
oUier
side,
declared that the
people
of Chalcis,
JD common with all
Greece, alreadyenjoyed
perfectliberty,
for which
they
were indebted
to the
Romans,
without whose sanction
they
would neither conclude
any
fresh alliance, nor
Teceive
any
foreigners
within their walls. With
this
answer,
as he waa not
prepared
to use
/oroe,
AntiochuB was
obliged
to return to De-
metrias. It was then determined to
try
the
elTect of
negotiation
with the Acbcans and Bce-
olians,
and with the
king
of the Athamanians,
Amynander,
a weak
man,
was
easilygained,
through
his wife's brother
Philippus,
a native
ofMegalopolis.
but of Macedonian
family,
which
claimed descent from the
great
Alexander
;
and
Ihe
jElolians,huntourtng
him in this
preten-
flioo, prevailed
on him to draw
Amy
nander into
an alliance with Antiochus, The Bceotians
were well known to be illaflecled towards
"Rome,
and the answer
theygave
to the
application
" that
Ihey
would deliberate when the
ling
himself ahould have come into Bieotia "
was
equivalent toconsent- With the
Achsans,
on the
contrary,
(here was no
apparent ground
to
hope
for
succeaa.
but the
supposition
of
per-
eonai
rivalry
and
animosity
between
PbUopce-
men and
Flamininus,which, even if il existed,
could not have
produced
any
such result.
Flamininus himself was
present
at the assembly
which was held in
..Ggium
to
give
audience
to the
envoys
of Antiochus and the .^tolians.
ig
tliadtwpjr fipan
Appiu, Sft.,
IS
(u
made,
both
by
land and
sea,
to overwhelm hia
enemies, and
pompously
enumerated the various
distant nations which were to swell hi*
countless host. All that
they
asked, however,
of the AchKans was
neutrality.
Flamininui
ridiculed(heir bombast with some humour,
and
pointed
out the
glaring
contrast between ths
might;
armaments which
they
had
described,
and the
paltry
force with which Antiochus bad
actually
landed in Greece. Il
was,
indeed.
h loo small to
ana lo the test,
slightest hesitation,
resolved that
they
and the
Roman
people
would have both frienda and enemies
in
common,
and declared war
against
Antiochus andthe
.^toliana, though
the Ro- mans
themselves bad not
yet
done so.
Ibey
also,at the
request
of
Quinctius, sent fiOO men
for the
protection
of
Chalcis,
and as manylo
Piraus
i
for Antiocbus had found
partisans
at
Athens,
who were
endeavouring
to draw Ihe
needy
multitude over lo his side
by
the
prospect
of
royallargesses,
and the aêreotsof
Rome
thought
it
necessary
to .send for
Quinc- tius,
whose
presence,
with that oflhe AchBsn
troops,quelled
the
spirit
of
diaaSection,
and
ApoUodoTUB,
who bad Ibmeuted
it,
was condemned
to banishment.
Anliochus,
when he
heard of the vote of the
AchBans, sent
his
general,
Menippus,
with aOOO
men,
and his whoie
fleet under
Folyxpnidas.
lo
intercept
allsac-
conrs destined for
Chalcis,and,a few
days
alter,
followed them with 6000 men of his own,
snd
as
many
jElolians aa he could collect at
Lamia.
They
did not arrive until the Achcan troops,
with some auxiliariesfurnished
by
Eumena*,
had been
safely
conducted into the town by
Xenoclides
;
but
Mictio,
who bad been sent
to
request
an addilional re-enforcement
from
Quinctius,
and had obtained 600 Romans,*
on
his return found the road to Aulis barred t^
Menippus,
and be therefore tnrned aside to
Delium.
Here,
before
they
found means
ofet*
barking
for
Eubma,
while the men
wandered
about,Bome in the sacred
grove,
otheis
for
forage
in the
adjacentSelds,apprehending
no
hostility,
as war had not
yet
been
begun,
or
declared,
and
believing
themselvea shelteredby
the
sanctity
of the
place,
which possessed
the
privilege
of an asylum.Ihey
were suddenly
attacked
byMenippus,
and almost allcut 10 piece*
or taken. A few
escaped
with Miclio
in "
amall
transport.
The Romans
hardly
regretted
a loss which enabled them to exclaim
sC^'"^
Antiochus
as
the
aggressor;
and the
Greeks
thought
it an illomen that be had
begun
(be
war with an act of
sacrilege. t
To him,
bo*'
ever,
it
may
not have been useless,as,
on
hi"
next
summons,
when he arrived at
Aulis,
no^
withstanding
the remonstrances of Mictio
and
Xenoclides,
the Chalcidians
opened
their
gat^
him
;
and their
example
waa followed by
all
the other towns in the island.
At Chalcis he received an
embassy
from
^-
, JB,
headed
hy
ibe ssme Cliarops
who
had
before
stood almost alone on the side of
die
IW-
The
Epirols,
in
cauliously-goaried
afl"
, V,
PROPOSAL
OP HANNIBAL." BATTLE OF THERHOPYLjC!.
"omewliBt
perplexedlangaage,
intimBted that
Ihey
would
gladly
admit him into their hirboura
and towns if he
brought
a fleet and an
army
to
nrolecl them
;
but
Ijing
so near as
they
did to
Italy, they
could not Tcnturs sooner to declare
themseliea in his favour. The Gleans,
professing
to fear an invasion from the Achnans,
Boliciled
aid,
and a
body
of 1000 men was sent
for their defence.
Antigchiw
himself then repaired
lo
Thebes,
where he was
watmly
welcomed,
and. though
he stillaflbcted
only
to ask
that the Bceotians should receive him into their
an iancelwithout
prejudico
to their connexion
with
Rome, a decree was
passed
which amounted
to a declaration of war
against
her. He
tben returned to Demetrias,
where he held a
council with the jEtolian commissioners and
Amynander,
at which
Hannibal,
whom he had
Dot for a
long
time before called in to lahe a
share in his
deliberations,
was likewise
present.
The
qnestion
for discnssion
was,
whether
an
attempt
should be made lo
gain
the Thessa-
Hans, and,
all
being
unanimous on this
point,
"înions
were
only
divided as lo the time and
manner of the
enterprise:
some
thought
it best
to
try
the eflect of
negotiation,
others,to make
adisplay
of
force;
whether
immediately,
or not
before the
spring,
was another
question.
Han- nibal
had remained silent
;
but when bis advice
was asked,
he
pointed
out the
futility
of all that
the
king
had hitherto done in
Greece,
and of
the measure which was then the
subject
of debate
;
how littleit
imported
towards the lâue
of the
war.
whether he had the Thessaliana or
"ay
other Greeks " who would
always
be with
the
strongest
"
on his side
;
how
great
a mistake
he had committed when he came over with
so small a force,trusting
to the
promises
of the
."tolians
;
that the
only
power
on that side of
the Adriatic which coald either serre or
injure
bim
materially
was Macedonia. The sum of
bis advice
was,
thai his forces should be
brought
over as
early
as
possible
from Asia
;
that
Philip
Bhoald either be won
hy persuasion, or,
if he
adhered to the
Romans,
should be
kept
occupied
in his own dominions
by attacks,
which
Seleacns
might
make from
Lysimachia,
on his
northeast frontier
;
that one division of the
Syr- ian
fleet should infest the south coast of
Italy,
While (he rest was stationed at
Corcyra,
aad
Autiochus
himself,with allhis land
forces,took
up
a position
in
Epirus,threatening,
and
always
ready,
if occasion
required,
to
pass
over into
ll^.
Iliifl
was, indeed,
the
plan
which the Romans
dreaded,
and
against
which
they
had been
endeavouring
to shield themselves
by timely
precautions.
But AntiochUB and hjs other counsellors
were too
jealous
of the
sagacity
which
-exposed
their
shortsightedness
to
profitby it,
snd the
only
result of Hannibal's advice
was,
that
Putyxenidas
was sent to hasten the
passage
ofthe armament
from Asia. Gavin's were
"ent to the Thessalian
asaemby
at
Larissa,
while Antiochus moved
against
Pherv
,
where
be was joinedby Amynander
and the .^tolians.
Here be committed a fatal mistake. He sent a
body
of 2000 men to collect the bones of the
slain at
Cynoccphals,
and interred them with
mignilicenCobsequies,
and he
assigned
the
commend in ttiis
expedition
(o
Philippus,
the
pretender
to the Macedouian
crown,
a cdioioe
'
which
probably
rendered this invidious osien-
tation of
sympathy doubly
offfeusive lo
Pliil:[i.
He had hitherto
wavered,
and had taken no decisive
step,
but he now invited the Roman
pra-
pTKtor,
M.
BshiuB,who was
wintering
with his
army
at
Apollonia,
to a conference,that
Ihcy
might
concert measures to check ibe
progress
of Antiochus in
Tfaessaly.Antiochus,
when
the Thesealians
rejected
hi*
overtures,
made
himself master of Pherai and
Scotuasa,
and
several other towns, and
procooOed
to
laysiege
to Larissa
;
but he let bimselfbe srared
away
by
tho
stratagem
of
Ap. Claudius,who,
after
the
meeting
between Bebius and
Philip,
was
sent with a smalt detachment into
Thessaty,
and led the
enemy
to believe that the whole
allied
army
was
approaching,
Antiochus took
up
his
winter-quarters
at Chatcis,thai he
might
gratify
the
passioh
he had conceived for the
daaghterofone
ofthe citizens,and
havingmar- ried
her,BB if he had no
weightier
buaineaa o
His
officera,
following
hie
example,
laidai-.
military
cares and exercises,and when the
army
was reassembled in the
spring,
it was found
that,
in the
long
interval of ease and
luxury,
discipline
had been dissolved,and the babiu of
the
camp
were almost
forgotten,
so that Phil-
ap"emen
was heard to
regret
that be was not at
this time
general
of the Achteans,to have surprised
and cut down the
Syrians,
as
theyroved
from tavern to tavern.* His first
operation
was
an
expedition to Acarnania,where,
through
the
treachery
of two
leadingmen,
whom he bad
corraptedby bribes,
he
gainedpossession
of
Mediou
:
but while he was
besiegingThyrium,
he
was
alarmed
by
a
report
that the consul, M.
AciliuB
Glahrio,
had entered
Thessaly
with hi"
army,
and he
immediately
hastened back to
Chalcis.
BKbiuB and
Philip
had
pieviously
united their
forces,and were
recovering
tlie Thessalian
towns which had submitted to Antiochus and
the
Athamanians,
when the consul arrived. Oq
his
appearance
all
opposition
ceased. The
pretenderPhilippus
surrendered to
him, and,
after
having
suffered the
mockery
of his
rival,
sent in chains to Rome,
Philip
won the
will of tlieAthamanian
prisonersby
mild
treatment,
and
through
them, having
dismissed
them to their
homes, soon
alter made himself
master of Athamania.
Amynander
fled with
his
ramily
lo Ambracia. While
Philip
was thus
occupied
with his own interests,
he
permitted
the consul to advance without him to the vale
of the
SpercheuB,
and
afterward,
either
being
detained
by illness, or
feigning it,
did not overtake
him until the crisiswas
past. Antiochus,
as the
enemy
approached,
sent
messenger
afier
messenger
to Polyrenidas,
lo hasten the
passage
of his forces from Asia
;
but with so ht"
tie
edbct,
that when the Roman
army,
about
40,000strong,
had
nearly
reached
TheimopylK,
he had
only10,000
foot and 600 horse to
bring
against
them. The
^tolians,too,
failed him
almost
entirely
in his hour of need.
Onlysome
4000 could be induced to take
part
in the
unequal
conflict.
These,
after he had intrenched
himself with a double
rampart,fosse,
and w^
C.oogic
460 HISTORY OP GREECIS.
in
Thennopyls,
he sent to
prelectHypata
and
Heracles
againsl
the Romans
;
but the consul,
havJDgrsTaêd
their fields,
encamped
near the
Bea,
and the ^tolians threw tliemeelTes
sraclea. Antiochiw now
dsBpaiehed
a i
aenger
to then) to
request
that,at least,the;
wciuld
guard
the
path
over the
monatain,
that
he
mightnotBDRbrthe
Tate or Leonidas without
Me
glory. Only
half of them
complied
with
this
request,and,dividing
themselrea into three
bodies,occupied
the summits
CsUidramus,
Hhoduntia,and Tichins. The consul sent two
Of
hia
tribunes,
M. Fartitis Cato and L. Vale-
rias
Flaccus,
with 3000
men,
to
dislodgethem,
while he
attempted
to force
tha
pa**
below.
This he wonld
probaUynever b"Te
"ceooqiliah-
"d,aa the force oTAniiochus waa saffloientto
defend his fortifleationa
i
hot in thebest of the
eonBlct,Cato, hsTing eDrprieed
the fioUosa
on Ctffldromae,
and driven ihem fVom their
post, appeared
with hia
troops, chasing
them
' before
him, on the
heights
in the
rear
of the
Syrians.
As soon aa this was
perceived,
panicspreadthrough
the host of Antiocfaos
;
a
threw down their arms and fled. Antiochus
himself did not
atop
antil he reached
Elatea,
"nd
then,
with as
manj
foDowera aa he coold
coDect,proceeded
toOhalcis. But the Roman
cavalry
made such havoc
among
the
Itagitives,
that not more than SOO are said to have
Mcaped.
The whole loss of the Romans waa eatimated
at 200. The JEtolians in Heraclea took the
opportunity
to attack the
camp
of the
conqner-
ora in their
ahaence,
and were not
repulsed
without loss
on the
part
of the Romans. The
conenl
now marched towarda
Chalcia,recr"
ingon his
way
the aubmisaion and
tleprecati
ot the revolted Phocian and Boiotian
towns,
which he treated with
clemency.
On his
approach,
Antiochus embarked for Aaia with hia
Eubcea,*
the
onlypermanent acquisition
he had
made in Greece. The island auhmitted without
resistance to the
conqueror, who, at the in-
tcrcessioD of
Flamininns,spared
even Chaleis.
The Italians were thus left to maintain the
contest, which
they
had so
rashly
and
prematurely
begun,
alone.
Yet, hopelessas it now
appeared,
their
pride
did not
permit
them immediately
to abandon
it,
and
theyrejected
the
consul's
overtures,
when he summoned them
to surrender
Heraclea,and to throw themselves
on the
clemency
of Rome, Heraclea
anatalned a
siege
which lasted
nearlya
month,
dnrinB which the assault was continued
night
and
day
without intermission. At the same
time
Philip,
who hnd met the consul on hia return
fnnti Baotia with
congratulations
and ex-
casea for his absence. laid
siege
to Lamia,
Bat when Heraclea had
fallen,Acilins desired
him
to
desist,as the
Romaos, who had wtm
the
victory, were entitled to its fruits. Yet he
did not himself
turn hia arms
against
Lamia
;
Ibr there now seemed
a
prospect
that the
war
would be
soon ended. A few
days
betore the
capture
of
Heraetea,an jGtohan
council,ss-
"emUed
at Hypaia,had decreed to saad an ent-
bassyto Antiochoa,to
requestthat,
ifhe coold
not imitiediately
pass over
again,
with all his
forces,
into
Greece,
he would
support
diem in
the
straggle
with aobsidieB et"d
iroopa.
Bat
"
ttljb., n.,
a. Afin CIn-,"}, EMcq.
the loss of Heraclea sunk their
spirits, and,
before
they
had received an answer from An- tiochus,
they
sent
envoys
to the consul to sue
for
peace.
He
granted
an armistice of ten
days,
and sent his
lieutenant,
Vêrius
Flaccus,
hack with them to
Hjpata,.Here, when
tbey
would have
pleaded
their ancient
services,
Flaccns bade them consider all such claims
as forfeited
by
their recent
injuriesto the Ro- mans,
and advised them to confine thccoselies
to the
language
of humble
supplication.They
believed that
they
were
following
hii advica
when
they passed a decree
by
which
they
oom-
mitted themaetves to the Rranan Fiira. Bat
th^
had
adopted
a
phiaae
of tho Roman inter-
natioHl law under a miatricen notion of it*
'
meaning ;
and while
tbey
aappoaed
that
they
had
idaced
themselvea under the
aafeguard
u
the Rotaan hononr and
piety
aa
siqiidiants, they
had
unconsciauBly
surrendered at diacrelioo.
The
consul, however, expounded
the
phraee
very
lucidly
to tlieir
envoys
when
they
came
to him with the ieci^
;
for when
they
heiits-
ted to
giveup Amynander
and aome other obnoxious
persons
whom he
demanded,
he onler-
ed them to be
put
in cbains
;
and it waa only
through
the intercession of Flaccus thai
tb^
were aUowed to return to consult with Ibeir
countr^nnen
at
Hypata.
There vehement in-
dienation was excited
by
the
report
of the coa-
sill's hebaviunr,aa well
as by
the unreamia-
bteneas of hie demands
;
and, ae
it
happened
that at this
juncturea
aupply
of
nuoey
was
brou^ to them from Antiochus
by
one of their
envoys, together
with
cheering promises
and
dazaliogdescriptions
of the
king's
preparations,
they
resolved to hold out stul loonr before
they
threw themselves
on the Romin
fauh.
But
they
seemed to have no spirit
leA
for
any
other than defensive
hostility ;
awl
when Acilius crossed Mount Corax
to heaiege
Naupactus,they neglected
the
opportunity
of
attacking
hia
army,
which was
heavily
laden
with
baggage,
on a most difficult
road,
where
they might,prohahly,
have
repelled
the invaders
with a defeat not less disastrous than the
Athenians had
formerly
suffered in the same
region. Nanpactos,however,
made a vigorous
defenco,
and as the
garrisonwas stroiiger
than
at Heraclea,after the consul had been lying
before it two
months,
it was stillin a coa-
ditiiHito
occupy
hint much
longer.
In ihs
mean while,Phdip waa
making conqneMs
in
Thessaly
and the
adjacentregiona.
He bid
obtained
pennission
ôtn
the
consul,
when beset
out frCKn
Naupactus,to recover the places
whic^ had revolted from the Roaune. Dem"-
trias,fearii^
the
veêanoe
of the Romaos,
had
opened
its
gatM
to biro,notwittwiandiag
the efforts of
Eurylochus,
who slew himself aa
the Macedoniam entered. The soldiers
and
vessels of Antiocôs were allowed to deput
Philip
then
proceeded
to reduce the towns
which bad not
yielded
in
Dolopia,Aperantia,
and Perrh"bia. His
progress
did not eseape
the
observation of
FlamiBinus,
and fhrniahedhim,
least,
with a
pretext
for
interposition
in behalf
of the
"toIiana,who, when he came
orar
Naupactus,eantesUyimplored
his iateroes-
"n.
They liad,indeed, littleclaim to
bis
good
offices,but it
belonged
to his cbaraclei,
"
patrm
of
Greece,to extend his ôtecttok
PHILOPOHEN AT SPABTA."INFLUENCE OF FLAMININUS.
Ml
to thHO. He tberafbn drew the consul's U-
tenticMi to
Philip's acquieitione,
and
persuadefl
him to
giant
a tmoe to the
JGIoliana,
that
they
might
BGixi an
embassy
to sue for
peace
at
K"nae. A
stop
was thos
pot
to the
progress
"f the Macedonian aims.
Acilioa raised the
sinflT,
and sent his
aim;
into
Phocis,
while he
aoomnpanied
Qainctins to "gmin,
wliere
tbejr
had busineB* to transact with the Acbean as-
mmtitj.
The
expedition
of Astiocboe had
apperentl;
anjoKited the interests of the
AchcaDs, aa the
PelopcnineBian
states which still
kept
aloof
frMn the
League
were induced to declare
IhniiimiliiII on bis aide,
and thus aflbsded a
Vrewzl
for the renewal of hostilities
against
Iham. Indeed,
if ere
maj
tnut Plutarch,*
aeoae moTements in favour of Anttochus look
fiace,
or seemed to be tfanatened in Achaia it-
aelf,at Patrc,Xpam,
and
Corinth,eo that be-
Ibte the bottle of
llianiuf^,
Aciliua
thought
It
BeceaMry
to aend Cats to maiRtain
tranquil'
lity
there. Ilia more certain that
Sparta
ûtw-
"d a
dispoaitkui
to reroK,
and that
Diophaaes,
the Achnan
general,
aened Oie oecaaion to
Bake wi
expedition
into Laoonia.
Diophanea
'waa
not,
it
appears,
so devoted a
pailtsan
of
lUnne as Ariataenua
;
but he was a
personal
liTal of
FbilopcemeD, though
itwas in his school
be had
aoquuvd
all his
militai;experience
:t
be was
eager
fi"r
repatatiiw,
and
hoped,
with
1ht aanetion of Ibe
Romans,
to
gainimportant
adTantasea for the Lsacoe. It was in rain
that
Phflt^Msmen prirald]'
remonstrated with
-faim,
and
pointed
out
that,
at a
jwicture
when
the comteat between Antiodme and th" RO'
mans was still
pending
in
Greece,
it would bs
more
prudent
for the Achcans
qnietlj
to await
Uie isBue.t Siophanes
was coufhraed In hia
design ky
the
approbation
of
Flamiainus,
who
aooompanied
him into Laconia.
Philopiemen
then ventured on a
verr
bold
step.
He hastened
to
8parta,
and
compoeed
the disturbances
wbitA bad broken out
there,bf
his
authoiitf,
"nd
by wamingt
of the
approachingdanger
;
mo that,
when the Achnan
armj
arrived,tbere
was no
appearance
of
any
commotion to
jnatify
bostQe
meaauree,
and tteiUier
Kophanes
nor
Flamininus entered the
ci^.
This is
probablj
all that we are to mtdentand when it is said
that he shM the
gates agaiMt them.f
The
Spartans
betiersd that
PhUc^Msmsn
had deliv-
"red them from a
great
câmity,
and
they
wished to show their
gratitudeby
a
present
of
ISO
talents,
the sum which bad been
brou^t
into the
treaenry by
the sale of tbe
property
at
Nabia. But
Timolaua,
whom
they
aent with
tbia oAbr to
Megalopolis,
waa so struck
by
the
"implicity
of
Philopcemen's
domestic
hsbits,
and tbe
dignity
of bis
conversation,
that he
"ould set aununon
eourage
to deliver his mes-
"age
until be was aent a third time.
Iîlopce-
eieo,
who was
superior
to allsuch
temptations;
though
he declined tbe offer,
did not
neglect
tbe
opportunity
it afforded of
strengtbening
his
He went to
Sparta,
and advised
??tS^.
njii.,10,'4
1 nl., T.
t iwbOkurc,not.,u. "
them to
tfan
su^
gifts
for their
enemies o"d
bad
men,
whose mouths
they might atop 1^
bribes,
hut not to
attempt
to
corrupt
and degrade
men of
honour,
who wore already
tb^
friends.
Tbe
flight
of
Antiochufl, though
it did not
produoeaiQrgieat change
in tbe state of affairs
in
PeloponiMsua,was attended
by
a sensible
alteration in the tone and
deportment
of the
Romana towatds their Greek
allies,
and removed
all doubt
as to the
position
which the
itiiB were bencefoitb to
occupy.
But
though no reasonable man
amoag
them could
any knger hope
for absolute
iadependeno",
much
might
turn on tbe attitude whioh
they
Cained in their tranaactioaa with the
snpe-
tior
power.
There wera two extremes between
which it was poasibleand advirHble to
: on the One hand, an ezceea of
servility,
which,
while it
degraded
the national etaaiao-
ter.wonld
invite iaaottand
oppreaaion;as tba
other,an afihotationof defiaijice, whitA wwU
"ui]y provokeresentment,
and
plunge
tbmn into
Dtter nun. One of theae txtrioaim
was
iep"-
aented
byAriatauus,
who did not
seniideopear
ly
to reoommeud unreaerved
oompiiaivo with
the will of the Romana in
every
point, phik
opoemon,
who saw
quite
as
clearly
that the
powt
er of
Kome was
iireaiatible,
nevertheleaB in-
dignaqtlyrejected
theae slavish
maxima,
and
ebajply
censured tbeir
author,who,
he
said,
was
precipitating
the
deatiny
of Qreece. Ha
aaw that there was a mean whioh oombined
honour with
safety,
and that the natian wonld
not snfler the worse treatment tfit showed a
) of itsown
dignity
while it
acknowledged
the
majesty
c^ Ropie.*
Diophanea,on tb*
other
hand,se^ns to have cberisbed extras"-
gant hopes,
and to have deceived himself with
a vain reliance on the forbearsnce of the Ro- mans.
He believed that the time was now
come to force Elis and Messenia to enter into
the
League,
The
Eleana,
when
they
were
Bummoned,
retraned an evasive
answer, prom-
ning
that
they
would conaider tbe
proposal
when tbe
Syriantroops
still
remaining
in Glis
had been diamiaaed. Tbe Meaaeaians to^ no
other notice of the
reqnisition than to
prqiare
for war. But when Diophaneabegan
to nr*
age
tbeir
territoiy,
and to threaten
Meaaans,
they
sent to Flamininus,
who waa then at
Chat
cis,oObring
to surrender to the Romans. He
hastened to
Hagalopolia,
and ordered
Dio)dia-
nes
immediately
to raise tbe
aje^
and OOSM
to him
;
and when
theymet, bavmg gentlyre- proved
him for
engaging
in such an
eitfeiphae
without his
sanction,
bade him diaband his
forces. He, however, enjoined
the Meaaeniaae
to
jncîrpoiate
themselves with tbe Acbvan
League,
and lo recall their eidlea
;
bot
gave
them leave to
apply
to him if
tbey
wUdted for
any irdalgence
or security. Diophanea
had
attempted
to maXe another
acquiution
for the
League. Zacynthna,
when
Philip
oeded it to
Amynander
as the
price
of his
alliance,
had
been committed to tbe
charge
of a Sicilian
named Hierocles, who,
when he heard of the
defeat of Antiochus.
agreed
with
Dioânes
to
deliver it
up
to the AehKans. But the Ro- mans
new
put
in their claim to tbe
laland,
and
*""";;
t;ooglc
HISTORY
OP flREECB.
"aid tbat it wu not for the benefit of
IMi^dia'
nea and the Achsans ^lat their
legions
had
fought
at ThennopjiB. Oiophanes
ventured
to vindicate hia own conduct and the
righte
of
the
League,
but there were
many
voices in the
A"diieaQ
connoil,
among
them, no doubt,
tbat
of
Ari8t"siias,
whkh condemned his
pertinacity,
and
proposed
Co submit tbe
question
(o the
judgment
of Flaroininua. Flamininus,
on tbia
oocasiOD,compared
the
I.eague
to a tortoise,
which is safe
enl;
so
long
as it
keeps
within
hs shell : so the Achcana would be in
danger
"5 soon as
thejbegan
to
sallTbeyondPelopon-
OBSiu.
The
League
drew id ita
head,
and the
Mand was
givenup
to the Romans,
The
Spanins
who showed themselves so
gniBfai
to
Pbilopcemen
seem to have been
only
a
party,
and not a
very
numerous or
powerful
party.
It was
probably
the same whioh
bad been
placed
at the head of aflhirs
by
Phil-
ttfoaaea:
when he flratunited
Spoita
with the
Aetaan
Leagoe,and,having
lost ita ascend-
encrinthereaetionprodnoedibyihe
arrival of
AuUoohns,
was restored to power,
as we have
"een, tbroaghPhilopiEmen's
intervention. Bnt
a* aoon as the
danger
was
past,
itsadveraorieB
appear
to have recovered Iheir
supeiiority,
and
one of their first
measnree was an inlHngement
at once of the Conatitutien of tbe Acluean
League,
and of tbe
treaty
between the A"^b-
aaa and
Rome,
which
provided
Chat no embas-
"y
should be received at Kome from
any
of the
Kates,
members of Itie
League,apart
from tbe
entire
body.* They, nolwitbalanding,
sent rai-
TOya
to
request
tbe aenate to release their hostages,
and to restore the maritime towns to
the dominion of
Sparta.
One of their com-
nUints with
regard
to these towns
was, that,
so
nog
as
they
were abut out from their
coast,
tiwy
could not
convenienUy
send aml)asaadars
'to RoiBe, though by
the Acbs^n
Constitutioa,
which had been affirmed
by
tbe
treaty,they
were forbidden to do so. But tbe motive which
rendered them most anxious to recover these
placeswas,
that
they
afforded a
refuge
fur tbe
exiles. The return of the exiles was what all
claases at
Sparta,except
the
party
which was
IKOteeted1^ Philopramen,
most dreaded,as it
waa likelylo be attended
by
a revolution,
in
whidk tbe greater
part
of the new eitizena admitted
\xj
tba
tyrants
would have been in danger
of
losing
tlteir
property,
their
ftanobise,
and their
personal
freedom. The main
object
of the
embas^
to Rome
waa,
apparently,
(o
avert this
oalamity,
and it is
probable
that the
exiles at the same time sent
envoys
to
support
their claims thete. The seoate reserved the
petition
as to the
hostages
for farther consideration,!
but,some time
after,
released all of
them
except
the son of
Nabis,
who
would,
pei-
bapSi
^so have been sent back if he had not
been carried ctf
by sickness.^
The
question
as
to the towns itreferredto the decision of Flam-
ininuB and bis
ooUeagues
: onthe
subject
of the
exiles it
seems to have anawered with studied
ambiguity,ezptesaingsurprise
that
they
were
not recalled to their
homes,
now that
Sparta
was once more free. This waa the business
on which Flamininus came with Glabrio to
."gium,
after the
siege
of
Naupactus
had been
"
Pua, 'ii.,9, i. t p"ini.,i
raised. The cause of On exyes w
viewed with favour
by
the Romsn
9
as tliat of an
oligarchical party,
ana loeo m-
toration could not failto
produce li"[Deat
"-
casions for Roman interrentitw-
Pfailopoan
also wished to
bring
it
aboat,
Inu Ibi a
vny
different
end;
to rcdnoe
Sparta
iato more es*.
pletedepeodance
on the
Leagoe ;'
and be
pn-
vailed
an
tbe council to
reject
tlte
isquMi
of
Flamininus and the
consul,
when
ttaey
ialan-
ded inbehalf oftheeziles.t Hie caae oTEtai
was discussed at tbe same time. The Etens
no
longer
relosed to enter into the
Leagne,
M
theydesired,
itis
said,to be admitted on tta
own
applicatioD.
rather than
through
the ata-
vention oftbeKomanB.t
But it
may
have keca
the
jealousy
of tbe ind"iendeiit
party asMsg
the Adueana which doebned tbat mMrvaiaaa
in this
case,
as in that of tbe exiles. Tfan","
last,
tbe vrorfc
begunby
Aratns was conpleicd^
the whole
peoinsulawaa
onUed in
tfaeLeaf"^
but tbe tuna
vrtMU it duu reached ila
gicaioi
compass
of territorialezleni waa tbe
kegis.
ning
of a period
in vrtiiehit oootiaiied lo descend
from one degree
of humiliation ta a-
oUier,
ontil it ssnk into total
mbjectioa
W i
foreignyoke.
The
^toljan
envoys, though
flanuninos,
aii
had retuioed tc Rome, plewded
in their bebiK
fonnd tbe
majority
of Ute senate i^lmlantll^
and,
alUr a warm debate,
vrhich lasted sennt
days, they
were bidden to ehooae "iw
t" vtv
conditions : to suirender at diaeretion,
01 a
pay
1000 talents,
and to adaiowledae
the alba
and enemies of Rome as their owil Wbci
they
heaitated between the extinction of theii
freedom and a burden which
they
oooM sol
aupport,
and
attempted
to make
ntipiiLs*!" ',
they were sternly
dismissed. Oq the leton
of their
envoys,
the JEXdHauB,
tau^t by eif"-
rienoe,
secuied the
passes
of Mount Com;
and
Acilius,finding
that he could
not safety
return to
Naupactus,suddenly
marched
agauul
Lamia,
wliicb he stormed in the course
of two
days.
He then sat down before
Ampfatasa,
sd^
was still
occupied
with the
aiege,
when be wu
supersededby
the new consul,
L.
Scipio,
irte
came, accompanied by
bis brother Africanas,
to
carry
on the war with Antiochua in Asa.
With such an object
before
them, they
had ""
mind to be detained
by
an lElolian town
;
asl
theygladlyaccepted
the mediation of tbe Atto-
Eiians,
who interceded in behalf of tbe .lEloli-
ans.
Yet
they
could nol relax the
rigoui
at
tbe terms which had been
preacrîed
at Rome,
and the ."toUane were
persuaded by
Uku
Athenian friends once more to solicit a Eruee.
that
theymight againimplore
tbe
clemency
of
the senate. The
Scipioswillingly granted
six.
months for this
experiment,
and tliea
prooeed-
ed on their march to the East
Philip,
-vioa
tbe senate bad
gratified by
the release of lii"
son
Demetrius,
bad
alreadyprepared
roads,
bridges,
and
magazines,
for the
passage
of Um
Roman
umy throng
Haoedonia and Thiace,
and be escorted itin
person
as "i as the Hel- lespont.
He was rewarded for his
loyalty
4
the remission of the remainder of his tribste.
Before the issue of the
contest with Asli-
liii., )L
..C.oogk
SIEGE OF AMBRACIA." INNOVATION OP PHILOP(BMBN.
MS
ochuB became known in
Greece,
the ftoliana.
though they
had
sent an
embtway
to
Rome,
"
rashlycreilitjns, as it
seemB,
a tudiout or the
defeat of the Roman
Bimy
id Asia,*
resumed
hoatilitiee
agaiastPhilip,
restored
Amyuander
to his
dominionB,
recovered
Ampbllochia
and
Apemntia,
and droie the Macedonians oat of
Dolopia.t
Tbese unToitanate
conqueata
reached
the eara of the senate while the iGtolian
envoya
were slill in
Rome,
and inflamed the
Tesentment
which
theyprovokedby
their
inju-
diciona
language. They were dismiaaed,
with
notice that an jGtolian
embassy
which
ôald
come to Rome
nnaccoinpaniedby
a Roman
comnUsaioner would be treated as enemiea.t
The
tidJDga
ofthe battle of
Magnesia
had struck
the .ftoliana with
dismay: the answer of the
aenate
plunged
them into
deapair,
as
tbey
learned,
at the aame time,that the new consul,
H.
Tulnoa
Nobilior,had crossed over to
Apollo-
nia. In their
terror, they
entreated the Rho-
dians and Athenians to intercede for Ibem with
the
senate, and, notwitbataoding
the recent
prohibition,
sent a fresh
embassy,which,
how-
erer,
was
intercepted by
ttie
Epirota
be/bre
it
reached
Italy. 4
Fuliioa
began
bis
operations
with the
siege
of
Ambracia,
which
was in union
with the iEtoUan League. The Ambracians
tbenwelves afterward
alleged
that
they
were
ready
to
subnut,
but
compiled, by unprovoked
hostility,
lo ck"s" their
gates against
him.|l
They
reeelred a re-enforoemetit of 1600 .,Eto-
liaus,
and defended tbemselres with
perseve-
Tiagcourage.
The consul
might,peibaps,
have
been fbrced to raise the
siege
if Ihe Italians
had been able to
employ
alltheir foices for the
relief of Ambracia
;
but
they were
obliged,
at
the same time,to
guard
their coast
against
the
combined attacks of the
Htyrians
and
Achnans,
aod to
repel
the
Macedonians, who,
under the
command of
Philip'sson Perseus,
had laid
aiege
to
Amphilocbia.
Thus
pressed
on three
aidea,they
resolved to end the
unequal
conflict
"t
any price. Through
the intercession of
AaynBoder,
who had aubmitled to the
Romans,
and the more
powerful
inSneoce of C.
Valerius,
the consul's
half-brother,
and a son of that Lk-
vinns who concluded the first
treaty
with the
.^tolians,
they
obtained an abatement of the
tribute which had been demanded
by
the senate
to BOO
talents,
of which
they
were to
pay
300
immediately,
and the rest
by
instalments
in six
years.
The Ambracians
had,
with some
difficulty,
been induced to
aurrender,by
the
fneaiiy
advice of their ancient
guest Amynan-
der. The
cit^
waa
stripped
of all its worka of
art,
with which it was
richly
adorned
during
the
period
when it waa the residence of
Pyr-
ihna,
but ensured no other
injuryi^
and Uie
eonqneror'eClemency
was
acknowledgedby
a
deerae of a golden crown of the value of ISO
talents. C. Valerius
accompanied
the jEtoIian
envoys
to
Rome,
where
tbey
(bond that a Ma-
eedonian
etnhassy
was
endeavouring
to
prcjn-
dioe the senate
against
them. But
perhaps
Plulip'sanimosity
may
ta littlehave
injured
their
oanse,
aa it was
probably
aided
by
the el-
oquence
of the Rhndian and Athenian
orstora
who
pleaded
in Iticirbehalf. The senate
apparently
grantedpeace
because no
greater
advantage
could have been
expected
from a continuance
of the
war,
and it waa not even desirable
entirely
to crush a
people
bo hostile to
Philip.
By
the aiticles ofthe
treaty they became, with
regard to their
foreignrelations, mere vassals
of
Rome,
and
were bound to serve in her wars.
They
renounced their title lo all the
possessions
which had been taken from them sinca
the
consulship
of L.
Quincttus
Flamininus and
Cn. Domitins Abenobaiiius.* (Eniadn and its
territory
was annexed to Acamania.
CephiU-
lenia was
expressly
excluded from the beneSI
of the
treaty;
for the senate was determined
to take
posaeaaion
of
thia,aa
ofthe other Ionian
islands. No
change
was made in the articls
relating
to the
tri,bute.
Thus ended the resistance
of the "tolians : and their humiliation
ongbt
to have been imbtttered
by
the rededioD
that
they
deserved their fate
;
that their
pdlicf
had been
unifotmly
at once selfish, iniqnitons,.
and
ehorl-sighted
;
and that
they
had contributed
more than
any
other
people,by
their blind
rapacity
and reckless
ambition,to hasten a"t
aggravate
the
deâdation
of Greece, t
After the aubmiasion of the
jEtollans,
Pnlvina
crossed over to
Cephallenia,
and summoned
the four towns of the island to aiirreoder AIT
obeyed,
and
gave
the
hostages
demanded
1^
the Fonaul. But the
people
of
Same,
excited
report
that the Romana intended to diai
placethem,
flew lo
aima,
and cloacd their
gatesi
They
held out fur four months
;
and itwas
onlj
after
lliey
had been reduced to a handftil of
men,
weakened
by
wounds and
fatigue,
that the town
was stormed.
From
Cephallenia,
when the
conquest was
completed,
the consul
passed
over into Pekf
ponnesua,
to settle some diOerences in which
he had been
requested
to
interpose
his author-"
ity. Fhilopiemen
wns now
sgnin
at the head
of the
League
-.
and he had taken Uie
oppsrtn-
ity
to introduce a
change
of some
importance
I its laws. As an Airadian,
he could feel nrr
sympathy
in favour of
any
exclasive
privileges
ofthe old AchBan towns,
and he now proptêd
to aboliali that which had hitherto been
vajnyoA
by "ginm,
as the
plsce
of
assembly,
and ""
share ibis
advantage
in rotation
among
all Iba
cities of the
League.
t For the same reason
that
if^giumloudlyprotestedagainst
this inne*
vation,
it was received with
great complacency
by
the other cities.
Philopcemen
had summoned
an
assembly
for the discnssion nf hi*.
ure to
ArgoB,
and
notwithstanding
the
op-
poeition
of the
demiDiges,
who
attempted ti^
iranafer it to
.iGgium,
it
appeared
so
clearly
that
they
could not collect one there,
that Fulviua
himself,thouj^
he vriahed to thwart
Philopte.
waa
obliged
to
attend at
Argoa,
and h"
found the
general
inclination
aoatrongin
favour
of the
proposal,
that he
thoi^t
it best to
give'
way.
His dislittsto it seems to indicate
that,
in his
judgment
at least,
it tended to
promale-
the Blidiility and
prosperity
of the
League,
Buc
'
Pol^liiiim lldi..It],ud,
"ftar
him, Lify
(lunii.,N),
hBv" BliulBftmiBtmiB in Ihfl
pnuamrn
of
QainctiuB.
t 1 do Bol jatkt thflH T"inftlklwlUuat hnvioff w"i|;b"l
th*
atmpu
Khjcli imw IiuIt bun mtd*
bj
PUiba utt
tOm wriMn (u Nibauh, Pa^Mu)
to nUisa Ilu DOHlnin
tf
~Uilisiiiin 1 binr
liiht. t Smmlt,f.XI.
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Ikia
presence
was requiredby
another atill
gra-
Ter question.
The
Spartans,growing
more and
more
impatient
of tbe rcBtrainL
imposed
on them
by
the
viciaity
oftbe exiles and the losa of their
maritime
towns, surprised
one of these lawns
named
Las,
in the
nigbt. Thejr
were soon dislodged
by
the inhabitants
;
but (he
sltempt
so
roucb alarmed the other towns on the
coast,
and
Uie
exiles,
tliat
they complaioed
of the
aggcea-
sion to the Acbsans. On the motion of Philo-
svemcu
envoys
were sent to
Sparta,
witb a dec-
Uiatioa tbal the AcbKBus would consider their
tieaty
with
Sparta
as dissolved,
unless the
Spar- tans
BorreDdered the authois and abettors of
the attack on Las. This demand roused both
"DdignatiOD
and alarm at
Sparta,
whero it teas
viewed not
onlyas an insult,
but as a
prelude
to the restoration of the exiles.
Thirty
of the
jMity
which had been
supportedby Phklopcemen
-were
put
to
death,
and the
aaaembly
of the
peo-
jde
decreed to renounce
the connexion with the
JLchsana,
and to send an embassy
to
Fulvius,
with an oSfer to surrender to the Romans.
When the AcbBcen
envoys brought
iMck a re'
sort of these
proceedings,
the Achean assembly
uunimously
decre^
war
againstSparta;
tiutthe "eason was too far advanced for the
fiommencement
of
regular
hostilities. Fulvius
caused aa
aaaembly
to bo convoked at
EUs,
where ha
ezpreaaed
himaeLf so aa to foster the
bopes
of eaoh
party,
but
eqjotned
both to abstain
from war until
thej
should hare consult-
"d the senate.
Each, accordingly,
sent an em-
baasy
to Rome. That of the
Achnans, to which
the Spartan
exiles likewise committed their
"ause,
was conducted
by Lycortss,
the father
"f Polybius,
the
historian, a
partisan
of Philo-
pcemen,
and
by
his rival
Diophanea,
who bad
retaioed tnxn Asia with a
great
increase of
rep-
tltatioa,
Iram brilliant
exploits
which he had
achieved in the Roman service
against
Anti-
oduis,
at the head of tbe Acbssan auxiliaries.
The
envoys
did not act in concert with each
other. Di^haneawaa
willing
to refer the whole
diapnte
to the arbitrationof the senate.
Lycor-
tM iuaisledon tlie
rights
of the
League.
The
"Beats
dismissed both
partiea
with an answer
$o
Iramed that each
might
oonstiuo itaa
suited
iiaown intereat. The Achsuns understood it
M a
permission
to deal as
they
would will)
"parta.
PhilopoHneawa* re-eleated (or the
(bUcwiag
fear,
aM
in the
spring
led an
anny
to
Compa-
"ium,
"m tbe froMiers of
Laconia,
where the
Spartan
exiles flocked lo his
camp.
He sent a
aeeaige
to
Sparta,repeating
the demand for
the suirender of tbe
aggreMore,
aonie
of whom
Jm named,
but wtlti a.
promise
that
they
should
bave a iair thaL On Ute faith of this
promise,
Ummo who were demanded
by name repaired
to
tbe AChsaD
camp, acoompaniedbymany
friends
and advocates. But
aa theyapproacbedtbej
were
assailed
by
the
exiles,
firatwith invectives,
and at
tength
with
personal
violeiice.
Tbe
aav(7"
and
Pbilopaemen
endeavoured in
vain to all^r
the
tumult,in which the Achuna,
iaatigatedby
the
exiles,
took an active
part
against
the
Spartans.
Seventeen were arrest-
"d and
put
to death on the
spot,
and
sixty-three
more the next day,
aftera mock trial in which
tbeir enemies were judgea.
Those who re-
nained in the
city
were "o cowed
by
this
exe-
culioD that
they
oSbred no resistance to the
orders of
Pbilopcemcn.
Ho
required
that tbe
walls of
Spana
should be razed
;
all the
foreign
mercenaries who had served under the
tyrants
sent out of
Laconia;
that all who had been
emancipated by
the
tyrants
should leave the
country
before a certain
day,
under
pain
of
being
seized and sold for slaves
;
and that the lawa
and
discipline
of
Lycurgus
should be
abolished,
and the Actuean institutionsestablished in their
room.' It would
seem,
from
Livy'sdescription,
that tbe restoration of the exiles was not exacted
luilQ the other demands were so far ruMlled
(bat the
city
was left
completely
defenceless.
It was decreed in
an
assembly
which was held
at Tegea : and
as,
at the same time,intelligence
was received that
apumber
of the disfranchised
citizens,
instead of
quitting Laconia,
were lurking
in the
country, FhiloptEmen
was directed to
return with a
body
of
lighttroops,
and seize as
many
aa he could find. He took about
3000,
who were all
sold,
and with the
produce
of tbe
sale a colonnade at
Megalopolis,
which had been
in ruins since the lime of
Cleomenes,was rebuilt.
The debated
territory
of Belemna was
likewise re-annexed lo
Megalopolis.
These
measures were undoubtedlyaiûat,tyrannical,
cruel,
and
impolitic.They
violated tbe wisest
maxims which
PbQopcemen
himaelf had
adopted,
and which he
appears
to have abaerved Is
alinoet
every
other
case;
for
they
afforded a
freah occasion for Roman inloi^reace, whioh
itshould have been tbe chief aim of
every
Greek
statesman as much as
possible
to prevent. But
it seems as if the
feelings
of the
Megalop"ditan
were too
strong
for bis
ordinary
moderation and
prudence,
and blinded bim to ibe real ebaracter
and
tendency
of bis measures. He could not
resist the
temptation
of
so signala
triumph
over the old
enemy
of his
counlry,
of such ample
retaliationfor tbe
iiuunes
it bad suffered
from Cleomenes.
The
surprise
which
may
be felt at tbe boldness
of these meaaurea is somewhat
abated,
when we find that at this time tbe most
powerful
princes
of tbe East in alliancewilb tbe Ro- mans
courted tbe
friendship
of tbe
Adueans,
snd were
esger
to
purchase
it
by ccetly
presents.
While
PbiIop"Eineo
found it
necessary
to
send an embassy to Rome,
beaded
by an
Elteao
named
Nicodemos, to
apoloâe
for tbe recent
transactions in
Laconia,
he mtrodooed into tbe
Achcantsaemblyan envoy
from
PtolemyEpi|^
anes,
who came to solicita renewal of the a
cieut alUance between
An
embassy,
headed
h;
Alexandria, to
negotiate
a fresh
treaty,
^\'bea
this
embassy returned,Pbiloptemen
had tteea
succeeded iu office
by Aristtenus,
the leader of
the
oppositeparty.
Lycartaswas
accompanied
by
ambassadtHS from
Ptolemy,
snd in the
same
assembly
in which
they
were admitted to an
audience,
ministera likewise
appeared
Irom En-
menes and Seleuce*
Fbilopalor,
who had
just
succeeded Auliochns on (be ^rone of
Syria.
Tbe
Egyptiansbrought
a
present
of 6000 auiis
of
armour,
and 800 talents of
copper money.
But the ratificationof the
treat;
was
postponed,
and Ariatamus
gained
a
triumph
over his ad-
by
the
discoverythat,
whereaa several
es of alliance bad been concluded at va-
'
Pint,,rtiilap,,
K.
Lit.,
inrtit "-tL
BHBASStliS
TO THE ACHÂN LEAGUE.
4K"
lieuB timeE between the two
powers
on diverse
(wnditioDa. it had been
neglecled,
io the recent
negotiation,
to deternnoe wbLch of Uiete was to
be relieved. Tbe
envoys
of Eumenes were in-
sttucled to oaer ilie sum of 1^ talents for a
"iDgularpDTpose.
It was to be
put
out to interest,
and the
produce
was to be
applied
to tbe
paymeat
of "alaries to the membeis oftbe Acbn-
an cooncil. But
ApoHonidas
of
Sicyon,
one of
FbilopceiDen's party, warmly protesteda;
sinst
the
accepUDca
of a donative which be denounced
BB an odious
bribe,desinned
to exttO'
guiah
the freedom of their future deliberations.
The feelinn of the
"asembly
were stillfoithsr
turned asunst EinnenM
by an înptaa,
who
lemjnded itthat his utiTe islandwaa Mill occupied
by
the
King
of
Pevgamua. ThemagDi"-
cent
freoant
wta indigoaiit^ rejeoed,
and
a
decree waa paaaed,Iqr
which allsuch honours
eonferFed on Eomanee aa were illegal
and an-
seemly
were ab"dished.*
Seleneae,likewise,
desired the renewal of the allisiieenhioh bad
aubsiated between his houae and tlu
AchBsns,
and aS%r"d a
Bquailnin
of tan
galleys
of
war to
the
League.
But towarda him the
assembly
aaemned
an equallydigniSed
attitude. The si-
Jianoe was accepted,
the
present
refbsed. It
seems clear that these
princesmopt
have expected
some
advantage
from the oonnexion
which
theywere ao auioua to form with the
league,though
what itwas we can
hardly
conjecture,
unless
that,as will be seen
hereafter,
oceauons someiimes aroae in which Achvan
troops miît
render them
important
aervice in
Iheir waia.t But tbe
tendency
of such scenes
waa undoubtedlyto
encourage
and
atrengthan
the
party
which
wished, as lar aa
possible,
to
preserve
the tone and demeanour of
iodepend-
"iice in the nalional transectiona with the Ro-
But
every
fresh transection between Rome
"nd the
I"eagae
contributed more and more to
4ispel
M iUuaiona aa to the real
footingon
which
thej
stood with aaob other. Immedi- ately
afterthe laat ren"hitionat 8[nita,a Lece-
dsmenian
embaa^ broughtcomplaintsto Rrane
-againat Pbitopomen'atqipressive measures,
and
the
conaul,
M. ."iaitJtiB
Lepidos,
addreaaed a
letter to tbe
Achvans, expreaaing
hla
disapprobation
of their
proceedings.PbUDpomen,
in
"i"iseqaenoe,
sent Nioodemna to Roma,
and be
Tetnmed and made hia
report
at tbe s"ne time
Chat tbe
Ibreign
emhaasies
joat
mentioned were
"dmitted to an aodienoe in ê Aelusan
aasem-
My.
Bnt while
Philop"emenwas etiU in
office,
be was foreed to lend hia sanction and
support
1o another encroachment of tbe Roman senate
-on
tbe
independence
of Greece.
Zenxippna,
tbe author of the asaasaination of
BrachyllaB,
liad been
longendeavouring
to
accomplish
his
retnn) rron exile
through
tbe iniereat of Flam-
ininos,
and the senate was at
length
induced
to aend an older for his restoration. He had
not
yet
been
formally
convicted of the
murder,
because, through
the
iolriguea
of the
ruling
party,
there had been a
aospension
of forensic
business in Bteotia for
five-and-twenty years.!
But his enemies now hurried two
indictments,
which had been
long
laid
agaliuthim,one for
a
BBcrilegioua embezalemenl,
the other for the
murder aC
Bracbyllas, through
their
remaining
"Pd7l..,miii.,T. tn
Vol. 11.^-14
" a
t IM, n
stages,
and when the order of tlieseDBte
arrived,
they
were able lo
plead
the senience which bad
just
been
passed
on
him, us a
ground
for declining
to
obey
the senale's order. Tbe
senate,
however,
paid
no
icgsrd
to this
excuse,
and
ordered tbe Jiîolians and Acbcans to restore
Zeuitippus ;
and alter
friendly
exhoilatioDB had
proved ineflectual, Pbtlopcemenwas
obliged
to
resort lo measures which would have led to a
war if tbe aenaie liad
thought
fitto insist
on
the execution of its mandate.'
Tbe answer which Nicodemue had
brought
from Rome
signified
tliesenate's
disapprobation
of the treatment which
Sparta
had
suffered,
bnt
intimated no intention of
lepealing
the aotsof
the
league.
Not
long after,however,
the
Achaans were called to account for their oon-
duct
by Q. Ccciltus
Metellua,
who had been
sent with two
colleaguespn
an
embassy
to
Macedonia,
and seems to have been instriMsted
to
inspect
the condition of
Pelopouneaus,aOer
ha had finished his more
importantbuaioesawtUi
Philip.
AriatsnuH convened a
meeting
of the
Acluean
magistrates
at
Argus,
where Meiellu"
censured the course which had been
adopted
towarda
Sparta,
and
urged
tham to redress the
wrongwhich
had been done. Arise enus remained
sileut, as
havingno vindication to offer
;
but
Diophanea openly
condemned the
measnrea "f
Phiiopmmen.notmly with
regard
to
Sparta,
but
loMeasenia. Metellus.beins
tbuasupported.be-
came more rehement intiisdemands. ButPhita-
piemenand
his frienda vindicated their
proceedings,
and the senseof tbe
majority
waa on tbeir
aide. Meiellus then called
upon themagistiatM
to eonvoke a
generalaasemblyj
but
being
unable
to show
any
inatructiona from the senate which
he had to
communicate,
be was informed (bat
tbe law did not
permit
them to
comply
with hia
request.
Me
withdrew,
deeply
mortified and
displeased,
and would not even receive tbe
written answer whjcb was tendered to him.t
As it was
easy
to foresee what kind of
report
he would make at Rome, tbe AchKsna
aent an
embassy,
beaded
by Apollonides,
to
explain
and
defend their conduct. But their
envoys
not
only
had to encounter the accusations of Me-
telluB,
but found themselves
opposed by
the
Spartan
exUes
themselves,
whom
Pbilopsmen
had restored. Tbe exilee had not wiahed to
see
their
coutttty
reduoed to soeh a state of
behileaaaeBs and
abject dependanoe
on the
Acbaan
League as bad been the result "f
Riilapcemen'smeasures,
and
they
had aent
two (tftheir number, Arous and
Alcibiades, to
coratdain
to the senate. As a fresh
embasqr,
with
Apphis
ClaQdiuB at its
head,
had
just
been
aôintwl
to visit
Macedonia,
it
was diioetad
lo
proceed
to Greece,
and there to arbitratethe
dispute
about
Sparta.
Tbe senate
accepted
the
excuse ofibred
by
the Achcan
envoys
for the
deniid of the
assembly
to
Metellns,
bnt
required
that the law should be altered for the
future,bo
that a Roman ambassador
might
never, be
again
subject
to a similar refusal.
AristKnus had been succeeded in office
bj
Lycortaa
when
Ap.
Claudius conducted
th"
embassy
to Macedonia
;
and,
before be came
into
Greece,
the Achsan
general
beM an assembly
to
jnrepare
tbe
puUio
mind fw his r"-
"PoWlk,
t IM,u 11.,10-lS. Ut.,h
HISTORY OP GREECE.
Mption.
He or his
friendspointed
the
indtgna-
lion of the
Hsaemblyagainst
t)ie
Spartan
eiilea.
mora
especially
the two who had
represented
them at Rome,
and a decree was tumuliuousiy
passed hy
which Areus and Alcibiades were
condemned to death. A Tew
days ofler,Appius
Ctaadius and hie
colleagues
amved in
Pelopon-
nesue,
and an
assembly
was called at Chtor,
in
Arcadia,to receive tfaem
;
but, to the
dism"y
of the
Ach"ane, they
came accompanied by
Areus and Alcibisdes.
Appiue
went over tbe
BUne heads of
complaint
which Metellua had
dwelt on the
year
belbre
;
the massacre at
Compaaium,
the
dismantling
of the
walla,
the
abolitionof the old
Spartan
inBtitations.
I.y-
OotUfl,aa belonged
to his offloe,
and his
politi-
eal
ooaoexions,
undertook to
leply.
If
Livy
foand
any good authority
for the
argnments
which be
pnta
into his
month,
he ventored on
acme alluaions Co
passages
in Roman
history,
which it would hate been more
prudent
to have
avoided,
and
exposed
lbs
inoonaiatency
of the
senate's interrention in sncta a case with the
liberty
which had been
proclaimed
at the lath-
mian
gunea.*
But he took his stand on
giound
whieh seems less solid. He
alleged
that reli'
gion
ftrbade the Acbaans to rescind acts which
had been oonlinned
by
an oatli,
and recorded
on maaimiente of atone for
perpetual
remem-
braoee.
ThereiBnowrongarfolJywhichmight
not be made
irrevocable,
if such
Bcruplea
were
to be admitted. If the Ach"ans bad sworn to
perpetuate injualice,
the
impiety
waa in the
oath,not in the breach of it.
Appiua,howeTer,
disdained to
reason,
and would
only
ad vise the
Achcaiu to
comply
while
they
oould with
a
good
grace,
and not to wait until
they
were
forced to
yield.
The
assemblygroaned
at the
threat,
but felt chat it was not to be defied.
The
religiotjs sanction, howeTer,
stillafforded
"ome shelter to the national
dignity.
The Ro- mans
were
requested
to make what
changes
they
would in tlie state of
Sparta,
but not to
compel
the AchKans to incur the
guilt
of
perju- ry.
The
only
concession
immediately
made to
Appius
was the
repeal
of the decree
paised
againat
Areus and Aicibiades. All other
points
were
again
referred to the decision of the s"k-
"te, and fresh embassies were aent to Rome.
both from the
League
and from
Sparta.
From
Sparta
the senate received oiinistBrB who
represented
thecUims of four distinct
parties, t The
eiiles were divided
among
themselres. One
body,
which had the
prince Ageaipolis
at its
head,
claimed the entire reatitution of ttieiran-
oient
poBseaeiona.
The
rest, amotig
whom
were Areus and
Aicibiades,
would have been
oenteDt to recover a
portion
of tbeir
property,
to the value of one talent. There
waa a third
party,
which desired (he re-establishment of
Che order of
things
which had been settled ju
Sparta
before the late violent
changes,
hut so
ae to
preseriQ
the union with the Achtean
League.
Whether it was adverse to the ex-
jtcB,
or
only
wished
to see the walls rebuilt,and
the laws "rf
Lycurgua revived,
does not
clearly
appear.
A fourth
deputationrepresented
those
wbc had been condemned to death or banishment
by
Itie decree vf the Achsan
assembly,
and
prayed
that
they might
he restored to iheir
country,
ITie senate referred these intricate
u-,M. t F"il;b., 1
I.,*.
controversies te a committee
composed
of
Flamininus,Metellua,
and
AppiusClaudius,
all
more or less
unfriendly
to
Philupcemen
and the-
Acliaana. There
were, however, two
points
nn which the four
parties
seemed to be
agreed.
None aaked Co be
separated
from the Achaan
League ;
and the
petition
of those who wished
to have their condemnatioo reversed was not
repugnant
to the claims of
any
of the rest. At
the
suggestion
of Flamininus,an
agreement
waa
drawn
up, including
these two articles
only,
and
was subscribed
hy
all the
Spartan deputies.
It
was then
proposed
to the Achsan
envoy
Xe-
narehna,who, not seelne how to
reject
the one
and
accept
the other,
JiKewise
put
his seal Uf
the whole. But the
question
of
property was
led
undecided,probably
becauae it was seen ti"
be of much
greater
moment
for the
tranquillity)
of
Sparta, Sparta,
in
fact,
became soon after
the scene of fresh commotian. in which the
original
exiles were
againexpelled,
aod
Age-
sipolis
was alaln
by pirates
aa be was on hie
voyage
to
Italy,
with other
envoys,
for tlie
pur-
pose
of another
appeal
to the senate.*
When FlamioiDue annexed MeaseDia to th"
Achttan
League,
be had
encouraged
the Mes-
senians to seek
protection
or redress from
Rome,
if
they
should be
oppresaedby
the
Achoun
govemmentt
It had been the
policy"
of
PhilopiBmen
to strengthen
tbe
popolai'
party
at Messeoe, as of
principles most
oangenul
ta
the Constitution of the
League.
The
measures
which he had tainn for this
purpoes
were otm-
demned, as we have
seen, by
his
ptdilical
opponents
in the Ach"an
eounnla;
and it waa
by-
thia time well Itnown that he was not viewed
with a favourable
eye
at Rome. The
oligsrcli-
ical faction was thus stimulated to make
an
effort to recover iu
power
under Roman
patronage,
and aent Dinucrates,one of its
leading
men,
and a
personalenemy
of
Philap"EmeR,to
plead
its cauae before the senate. He arrived
m Rome at the time when Q. Marcius
Philip-
pus
had
just
been
appointed
ambassador to
Macedooia and Greece, and Flamintnua to PrU'
Bias of
Dithynia.
He had
fonnerly
insinuated
hlmaelf into (be
intimacy
and favour of Flamini- nus,
though
hie character and habits could
only
inspire
the Roman with
contempt ;t
but he waa-
not the less useful as a
political
insmiiDent.
Flamininus entered into hia
views,
and when he
sailed for
Greece,
on hia
way
to
Asia,
toot
Dinocnites with him. On his arrival at Nan-
pactua,
he wrote to the Ach"an
magistrates
to-
summon an
assembly. Pbilopcemen
was imw-
general
for the
eighth
lime. He waa aware-
of the
object
for which Flamininus desired an
audience
;
but he also knew that he had received
no inBtructions with
regardto Greece.
He, therefore,replied
tliathe would call an assembly
if Titus would atale the business which
he had to
bring
before it
-,
since the law did
not
permit
an
assemtdy
to be summoned without
'. notice. No answer cocld be devised to
objection,
and Flamininus
proceeded
ou
his
journey
without
having
been able to eflfect
anything
either for Dinocraies or the
newly
expelled Spartao exiles,
who had likewise
reckoned on
hia'patronage 4 Dinocratos,
how-
*
Pi"^k.',"'i'
I LlT",II
ir. phSlnik
DEATH OP PHILOPtEMEN." WAR WITH MESSENE. "3
ever, thoonkdisaiînted.
was not
diMOVnged.
He had
pinbably
received issDiances of
sap-
port
from Plamininas,
and
jierhBpa
had
previously
concerted raeunrea with his
partiBana,
which he did not Ihink U sal^ to dêr,or Tor
which he eouW not
eipeet
a ftircr
opportunity,
eince
Philopienien
was
lying
sick of " fever al
ArgOB.''
On his return to MeBsene,
he eO"cted
a revololion,by
which the
goTeiument
was
ptaced
in the hands of his faction.
Iê;
piv-
daimed Messenia
independent
of the Achnan
ijEagMe,
and made
preparatiana
for the defence
of the
country. Pbilapcemen,
as bood as he
heard theae
tidings, de"p"tctied I.ycortas,
with
all the forcea at his
dispoaal,
into Messenia.
Bat not
withstandingJiisillneaa,
and
though
be
waa now in the kaventieth
year
of his
age,
he
ooald not bear the confinement of a aick room
at BQCh a
jnnoture,
and a
day
or two after set
out fbr
Megalopîs,
whidi he reached in one
day.
Here he collected a Email
body
of the
Megatopolitancavalry,
and
pushed
on to overtake
Lyeortaa.Dinocrates,however,
had taken
auch
preeantiona
to secure the
passes
leading
into
Messenia,
that
Lycortaswas not able to
Jbrce bis
way through.
We want the details
which would have
explained
how it was that
Phikipceaien
neither met him on hia
letreai,
nor was checked
bf
the same obstacle.
Livy
Bays
that hia
objectwas to relieve
Corone,
which bad not yielded,
and was threatened
by
the
enemy.
-t He advanced near to Messene,
and worsted Dinoontes in a skirmish,
b"it waa
Boon forced to retreat
by
the arrival of a fresh
body
of Meaaenian
Iroopa;
and while he exerted
himself
beyond
his
strength,
and ezpioecd
liimeeir to the brunt of the
enemy's chai^,
'
eover the rear of his little
squadron,
he w
thrown from bis
horse, and,being
stunned
the
faD,
was taken and led in
triumph
to Mea-
sene.
Dinocrales and his
party,
to
gratify
the
curiosity
of the multitude,exhibited him for a
abort time in the
theatre,
but
apprehending
that
the
spectacle
was
likely
to rouse the
public
aympathy
in behalf of Iheir noble
prisoner,they
harried him
away
to their council
chamber,
and
theo threw him into a
dungeon
called the Ti
nry,
a
pit
with
only
one
openiDg,
a hole at the
top,
which was sectued
by
a
heavy
slab of a
Here he was
kept
in chains tillthe
moi
when his
enemiea, alarmed,
it
seems,
by
the
indications which
they peroeived
of
popular
feeling
in hia
favonr,
held another secret council,
in which it
was resolved to
despatch
him.
An eiecntioner was sent with a
cup
of
poison;
and
PhflopiEmen,
when he had learned that
Ly- cortas
was safe,
and that the
Megalopolitan
cavalry
had
escaped,cilmly
swallowed the fatal
draught.
The laal
great
man whom Oreece
produced,
or fbr whom she could have found
any
St employment.
Even he came too late to do more
than
giveproof
of
abilities, by which,
in a different
age,
he
might
have rendered more important
services to his
country.
We can hardly
help thinking
that the
part
he had to auatam
nila^. IS (of UiBser
Slur
iMli !ili"
InPK
K"iiii"(i"
mtimMHiY. Cckmii,or Ciriaa-
Piu, it.,M, 8
: T* K"^
better suited to the
genius
of
Aratus,
and
that,if he bad lived
earlier,
the
iudopendence
uf Greece
might
not have
expired
so soon.
The
tidings
of his death excited vehement
grief
and
indignationthroughout
the
league,
except
in the small
party
oi liis
political
adversaries
;
for
PhilopcemBn
was not
only
the
pride
*
B nation as the
greatest,
indeed,the
only
very
able commander ithad to boast
of;
he also
possessed
its confidence and
esteem, as he
represented
its
feelings
and wishes. An assembly
was immediately
summoned to
Megalopolis,
where the
petqile
manifested their
feelingsby
the election of
Ljcortas
lo
supply
his
place
;
and there would
probably
have been no hesita-
ir disputeas to the immediate
adoptionol!
nost active measures for
avenging
his
death,
had it not
happened that,at Ibis
juncture,
Q.
Marcius arrived in
Peloponneaas
on hia
relum from Macedonia. It
appears
that he was
present
when the decree of war
against
Messe- nia
was
broughtforward,
and he endeavoured
to divert the AchKans from their
purpose,
and
to induce them to wait nntil
they
had consulted.
Che senate. But the
Bsaembly
was not in a
temper
to take this
advice,even if it had
be-.
lieved that it
might
obtain satiefaclion at Roote.
War was declared,
and
liycortasimmediately
invaded Messenia with an
overpowering
fbrce,
and
ravaged
it with vindictive
animoaily.
It
was,
however,
thought
advisable to send an
embassy
to Rome to
propitiate
the senate.
The
Spartanexiles,
and the
party
now in
pos-
seaalon of the
city,
also renewed their
apphca-
tions. But Harcios returned about the same
time,
and the
policy
of the senate was
determined
by
his
report
and advice. He
suggested
that a
slight
hint of the senate's
displeasure
towards
the Achsans would
encourage Sparta
to
make common cause with Messene,
and then
the
I"eague
wotild be
glad
to
place
itself under
Roman
protection.Accordingly,
the
agents
of
the
Spartangovernment
were informed that the-
senate
bad
already
done all in its
powei
for
them, and did not consider the business as one-
which concerned it
any
lunger.
The Acbsao
envoys requestedthat,
if
they might
not
hope
for aid from
Rome, according
to the terma of
the alliance,
in their war with
Messene,
tho
-
senate would at least
prevent
arms or
provisions
from
being
Wugbt to the
enemy
out of
Italy.
The senate did not even notice this request,
but declared that the Achcans must not
be
surprised, thougliSparta,
or Corinth,or Ar-
goa
should revolt from tbe
league,
if Uie Ro- mans
did not regard
this as their
concern,;
an.
answer which,
as
Polybius observes,* wa"
equivalent
to a proclamation
of a license to'all
members of the
Iêague
to dissolve their
connexion
with it. The Achrean
envoya, however,
were
detained at Rome,
until it should be seen
what Inm events touk in Messenia.
The olisarchical government
at Messene was
neither alue to resist the
enemy
in the
Geld,nor
was it
strong
at home. For some
time,indeed.
it
suppressed
the murmurs of the
peopleby
terror,
and declined the
profTcrcd
mediation uf tho
Bc-otians, But at
length
the
general
discon-
.
tent,
under the
sofTering producedby
a war carried
on 10 aerve the interest of a small
faction,
broke onl in demauda which the ttileradid not
"
niv.,
ID.
HISTORY OF GREECE.
Tcnture ta resJBt. Dinocrates and hia fHcndi
retired to their
houies,
while the
BBsemblj'
of
the
people,rollowing
the advice or some of tlie
elder citizen* and of the Bceotian
envoys,
who
had not
yet quitted
Measenc.
appointed
atcbas*
sadora to
Lycorlaa,
to sue for
purdOD
and
peace
Lycortaaprescribed
three conditions : that the
authors of the revolt and of
Philoptemen's
death
should be
given up
to him
;
that ell other
per-
BOUs and muttGrt should be
subject
to the decision
of the national
assembly;
and that tbe citadel
should be
immediately
mrrendered. Ai
none
but the
oligarchical party
had
anything
to
dread from the
vengeance
oftbeAcheana,
these
tenns were
gladlyaccepted. Lyoortas,
when
he had
garriaoned
the
citadel,
entered the
city,
and cheered the Messenians with a
promise
of
lenient treatment,
but he sent orders to allwho
had taken a
part
in the oondemnatioo of Fhilo-
pcemen
to
put
an end to tbeii own live*. Di-
uoCTutes had
already
killed himself There
were others,
it
seems,
whose cases wens reserved
for the
o^nizance
of tha Achssan assembly.*
The
body of
Philopamon was burned,
and his bones were carried in solemn
procession
to
Megalopolis.
The om which contained
them was borne
by Polybius
the historian,
and was abnost hidden under the load of
gsrlands
and fiUeta which
were showered
npoo
It. At
Megalopolis
the remains were
magoiA-
cently
interred with heroic
honoQra.t and, ae-
cording
to Plutarch,
Messenisn
prisonerawere
atoned to death at his
grave.
If this is
true,
they
must have been the wretches
who, as
Plutarch also
relates,
but without confirmation
from
PolybiuB,proposed
to
put
him to death
It
happened
to be the time Ibr one of the ordinary
Achsan
assemblies,
and
Megalopolis
"was the
place
of
meeting.}
)n this
assembly
tbe Mesaenians were readmitted into theAche-
an League.
But the towns of
Thoria, Abia,
and Pbam were
separated
frmn
MeMene,
and
constituted distinct members of the
Leagne.4
Tbe Achnan
envoys
now returned frooi
Rome,
and with an answer
very
diflferentfrom that
which
they
had at lirat tecoived there. The
senate, as soon as it learned that the AdiKans
did
not
need its
aid,
descended to the
menn-
ness of
declaring
that it had taken
measures to
prevent
the
exportation
of aims and
provisions
from
Italy
to Messene.
Lycortassoon after
convened another
assâblyat
Sicyon,
to decide
on (he relations which should subsist between
Sparta
and the
League.
The
questionseems
to have
been,
whetbierthe
League
should recognise
the
party
which had
expelled
the exiles
as the
legitimate government
of
Sparta.
The
senate, by
the evasive answer with which it
had dismissed the
Spartan
envoys,
seemed to
have
droppedthe cause of the
exiles,
and to
have left the Achvans at
liberty
to act as
they
would.
Lycortastook
advantage
of this
supposed
permissionto
peraaade
the
assemblyto
acknowledgeSpartaas a member of the
League,
and,notwithstanding
the
opposition
of
Diopha-
nes,
a decree was
passed
to that
effect,
but on
the condition that those of the exiles who had
"
F^Tt., ui"., "" RnL, Phiiof.,11. Piuu., tiii..
ui..,il!!i
not shown thenuelvea hostile to t!
should be recalled. Tbe
senate,
which was
again consnlled,
seemed to
acquiesce
in this
arrangement, though
it wrote a letter to tbe
Achmois in favour of the exiles.
But, as the
Ach"ao
etivoy,
on his return, represented
this
letter as written
merely
to
get
rid of their im-
portaaity. no
farther notice was taken of the
reoommendatioD so
long
as
Lycortas
remained
in office.* Tbe
senate, however, probably
foresaw
tbat itwould serve as a
ho"^ whereon to
bang
fresh
intrigues.
In the mean while tbe
League enjoyed
a abort interval of
repoae,
ia
whioh it
mi^tB"em to have recovered its
dignity
and
indepegdenoe.
The administtalioa at
home was at once
mild and
vijptrous.
Tti"
Messenians were
,
relieved
by an
exemptioa
(him taxes for three
years,
as a
oanpeaaatioa
for the
damage
their
eoantiT
had
aiiirered
daring
the war.t The AcbKan
general
exercised
a wholesome
anperintendence aver
tbe internal
aAirs of
Sparta.
A
yonng
man
of low
vigin,
named
CliEroD,
who had beea tbe
agent
of tbe
SpartanaproBcribedby Philopoemen
at Roaw,
seemed to be
treading
in the
steps
of the
tyrants.
He bad
anqnired
sufficientinBueime
to
carry
an enactment, by
which the
propeitj
which had been led even
by
Machanidas and
Nabis la the female relativea and ehildran of
tbe exiles who ramaioed at ^nna was confiscated,
and
diatribated
in a capricioDsmanner
amoDf
(he
indigent
multitude. He next obtained
son"e office whioh
placed
the
publio
revenues
at hia
disposal,
and
misapplied
them to
Atrther his own ends, and, finally,
when
an attempt
was made
by
aome of the aitixena to
bring
his malversation to
light,
he suborned
assassins
to murder tbe diief
manager
of tbe in-
^niry
in
open day. Lycortashereupon
nwde a
journey
to
Sparta,
caosed ChBn"n to be
broaght
to
trial, convicted,and tbrown into
prison,
and
directed the
investigation
to be earned
on,
and
the confiscated
property
to be restored to tba
Amilies of tbe exiles.t
It was about the same time that the
Leagaa
received a fresh
"mbaBsy
from
PtolemyEpipba-
nes,
with the offerof a
aqnadron
of ten
gaUeys
conqdeielyrigged.
The
qnestion
of tba aUi-
anoe,
which had been left in
suapenae, aeeaiB
to have been
droppedby
taoit
ccoaent, as of so
auHDCnt. All the entU of both
parties
wwe
satisfied,
it
appears,
by
the nuiolenaaee of mo-
tnal good nMerstandiDg. The
aasembtj ao-
eepteatheking'soflbr, though
it had before dr-
eUaed a similar
one
from
SefaocDa, and
îpoint-
ed
Lycortas,
hia
am Ptdybius,
and
Antus, a
grandson
of the
first, enn^
to
Alexandria,1"
retom thanks for the former
proaent,
ud lo
tatie
charge
of tbe
ahips.
Bat before
they aet
ont news arrived of
Piotoray's death,wbicdi,as
hii
successor, Philomelor,was a child of six
years old,pnt
a
stop
to tlie
embassy.(
There was
onlycue safeguardbj
whioh Ifae
Achasan
League
bad hitherto been
protected
"
PlJ,b..X4
t Poljb.,vCT-i Sitrpnt^j nfoninf to ihe
duBMj
ritevipas Etrm^Mpdti H Itkfl nwiiul of the nlifrvi
YalTfTuBh
(
A^Kh,
p. m,
a. 1),witkMB "
|h"
^
""S?=^"'"
EMBASSY OF CALLICRATES. 46"
Mnate the
s]r|[ht"M
Inuch of
any
mBgiiBni-
a
feeling,
which
might
have indncec it to
BOr becauM itviewed the eftortaof the Greeks
to
preaerve
a shadow of
independence
with
contemptuoiie
indiRerenee, It wa
mth
QMhiDg
short of their absotate sabmissiOQ
to its
despoticwill,
and no impulse
of
,
gCDerosity
diverted it for a inonieiit from Ihe
prosecution
of this
purpose.
But even these
sreat inaaters of
polilica] deception
eoutd do
MTiee
anj
artifice
by
which
they
contd
per"nadi
tiieRoman
people,
as
they
bad with
reganl
to
Pbilip
and
Antiochus,
that the Aehsan
Leaê
waa an object
of alarm to
Rome, or Uiat
anything
bad taken
place
in Greece to
provoke
hostility,
or to
require
the Jnterrention of a Roman
army. They
had also a character of cnodera-
lioo to
BUfitain,
which was of
great
use in
negotiation
with
foreignpowers,
and wbich itwould
not bare tieen
prudentlighUj
to
forîl
by
openactofwantontyianny.
The
senate,
thera-
iore,
in itstransactions with the Achtean
League,
was confined
to the exercise of its
diplomatic
arts,
in which it
probablysurpassedevery
cabinet,
whether of the ancient or the modem
world. Its
aim,wbich it
keptsteadily
in
view,
was to foster diviaions in
Peloponnesus,
and tc
aflbrd as much
encouragem^t
and
support
ae
U could with
decency
to tW enemies of the
Leasoe.
Still, so
longas this
van
the*
case,
couM
hardly
be said that the
liberty
of Greece
waa
merelyprecarious.
An Achnan
statesmaD
j
had
ground
to stand
od, where, by circumspec- tion
and
address,
he
mighthope,
notwithstanding
Ihe
opposition
of the senate, to
keep
hia
footing
with hononr and
advantageto hia country.
As
longas he avoided directcollision with
the
senate,
treated it with
respect,
and
'
ed from all acta that couM aSisrd a
provocation
or
pretext
for
hostility,
he
might safely
and
fimtly
inaiston
any pleas
with which the lawa
and Constitution of the
League might
fumiah
him The
success, however,
of this
peaceful
reaiatance would
dependon the
unanimity
with
which he waa
aupportedby
the
great body
of
the
people. Hitherto,aa we have
seen,
the
patriotic party,
that of
PbOopcemen
and
Lycor-
tas, had a decided
preponderauoe
in the
coon-
cilB of the
League over those
who, possibly
with
uprightintentions, argued
for unreserved obe-
Ateuce to
every
intimation of the senate's
pl"
ure. But
now,
in the
year
180, a
ehange
gins,
a new
epoch opens
in the
history
of the
downfall of the
League,which ia marked
by
the
appearance
of Callicrates.
In this
year Lycortaswas succeeded in office
by HyperbatuB,
a
partisan
of Aristtenus
and
INophanes. The new
general,
with what
motive does not
appear,
but
probably
at the in-
etigUion
of
Callicrates, recalled the attention
of the AchBan
assembly
to the letter which
the
senate had written the
year
before in favour
of tlw
Spartan
exiles.
Lycortas
contended
tliatthe
seoate, though willing
to succour the
unfortunate as far aa
justicepermitted,
could
not wiah to force the Aclieeans to violate a religions
engagement,
and that it would desist
mna it*
aûication ifit
was iDformed that the
thing
it deeired was inconsistent with the tt^-
dsmental
laws,
solemn
oatfaa,and
puhlioreo-
ords of the Lûue.
Mypeibatos
and Caliio-
rates reooonnraided
simpleutii(UBlified oompli-
ance with Ihe wishes of the senate. Bu
as a
question
had been raised t* to the senate's real
mind,
it was reaotved to aend
aa
mAoeqr
to
Rome, to
explain
the
groonds
stated
by Lycor- tas,
which
compelled
the AchKaa* to
disobey
the senale'a
iDJanctions on this
point.
CaOio-
ratea himself was
appointed
to this
embaasy,
perhaps
under the belief that his
ptdrtical priit-
ciples
would
give
the
greater weight
to th"
plea
which he was instiacted to maintain.
With him were associated Lîidaaof
Meg"-
lopolia,
and
Aratu,
both
pnilMMy
fiisDdi af
Lycortas,
But when
they were admitted to
an audience at
Rome, GaHiorates,
instead of
pleading
the cause of his
countrymen,
oDhred
hia best advioe to their enemies. ""The
senate,"
he
said,
"
had
only
itselfto blame if the
Greeks did not
obey
all its commands. There
were in
every citymen
enough
who were willing
to inculcate the
necessity
of submission to
Rome,
bnt
they
Deeded
encoaragement
snd
support.
The cause of their
adversaries,
irho
apjkaled to the laws and federal
compacts
"f
the
League,
waa the more national and
popa-
lar,
and wonld
alwaya prevail
with the multitude,
unless the senate would show some cotiB-
tenance to the other side." Callierates himself
afforded a fair
sample
of the
goodly
crop
of
traitora, sycophants,
and
sophists
whieli
might
be
expected
to
springnp
in Greece tra- der
the sunshine of Roman
patronage.
The
senate
adopted
his
advice,
and issued a rescript,
calculated to silence the
patriotic party
in the
Iâgne,
and tu invite all who coveted
power
and influence to follow his
examfde.
It
repeated
the
injunction
to restore the exiles,
and
proposed
Callicratea as a model which
all Achsan statesmen would do well to imitate.
But,
at the same
time,
letters were sent
to most of the northern
states,to the jfitoli-
ana and
Epirots,
to the
Atheniana,Beotians,
and
Acamanians, exhorting
them to lend their
aid towards the same
object.
It would not be
for want of
encouragement
from Rome if
they
did not come into collision with the
Achaeans,
and it was
probablyonly
their weakness that
prevented
this rceult.
Callicratea,
on his return,
could show that his adversaries had mis-
represeated
the senate's mind,
and that he
enjoyed
itsentire confidence.
He,
of
course,
did
not make an exact
report
of the advice he had
giventothe3enate,ihongh.if
ithad been heard
by
his
coUeagnes,
it is not clear how he couM
have concealed
it,
as he ia said to have dooe.
But
through
the influence which be thus
acquired,
with the
help
of
corruption,
for which he
may
have been
au)^lied
with means at
Rome,
he
carried his election to the office of
general,
and
the Srst measure of his administration was to
store the exiles both to
Sparta
and Messene.*
Polybiushas, perhaps,assigned
too much
iportance
to the
embassy
of CallicrBles. His
lusiona to the Roman
generosity, compassion,
and love of
justice,might
have been
properly
inlroduf"d in a
speech
of
Lycortas,
but are
quite
out of
place
in
ahistory;
and itwould be
absurd to
suppose
that the
senate needed " les-
"
Filjb.,
r
.,1-3.
470
HISTORY OF GR""CE.
-aon from OaUicnte* in state policy.
It bad
already
ôwn in nniDberiMS inatanres,
like
-those of
Zeuxippiu
and
Dinocrates,
that it was
thorangUy
cOBTeraant wiUi the maxima whicb
he taia down. NeTerthdesa,
it
may
be true
that,through
the
treacliery
of
CallicrateB, a
regular
correspondence
and coiuieiJoD was first
established between the Roman
govemment
and the
party
in the Aohnan
League,
which
was
willing
to become the cool of the
stranger,
for the sake of
securing
its awn
aacendeni^y
at
home : the senate waa encouraged
to
adopta
more
imperioua
tone
and harsher
measures,
"nd the defences
by
which the
patriots
endeav-
oured to avert or retard the ruin of the
League
were more
rapidlyswept away.
CHAPTER LXVL
Thi
Romans, as we have
seen,
had treated
.
Philip
with some
degree
of forbearance
so
long
as they
had
anything
to
h(^
or to fear from
.
him. To aoothe him after the affront he had
auSbred when he was
compelled
to abandon
the
siege
of
Lamia,
he had been
permittedtn
make Mnae
petty conquests
in Têsaalv
and
.
the
adjacentregions.
The release of bis son
and the remiasion of the tribute concurred
with lus distrust of Antiochus and the .lEloU-
ans,
to retain him on the Roman aide until the
contest with the
Syrianmonarchy
was decided
.
by
the battle of
Magnesia.
But he had learned
by very costlyexperience
that no reliance
,
could be
placed
on the moderation of Rome
;
[
and, after the concluaion of the
peace,
he bad
bent all his
thoughts
towards
repairing
his losses,
and
increaaitig
the internal
strength
of his
kingdom.
He
began
to recruit its exliausted
pojmlation
as well
by regulations tending
to encourage
the erowtb of
families,as
by large
draugBts
of Thracian colonists whom he trans- planted
to Macedonia
;
and strove to
replenish
his
treasury,
both
by
Ihe
improvement
of
ail
the branches of his
ordinaryrevenue,
and with
the
prtidnce
of the mines
; resnming
old works
which had been
interrupted,
and
opening
others
in
many
places
before untried. On the other'
hand, the Romans could feel no confidence in '
a
prince
whom
they
had so
deeplyinjured.
It
was
notwithontmisgiving
that the
Scipios
committed
themselves to Ms
guidance
in their
march to tlie
Hellespont
;
and when Manlius
was attacked
by
the Thracian tribes
on liisre- turn
from
Asia, there was a
strong suspicion
that
they
had been
secretlyinstigated by
Phil- ip.*
It is not certain that in these
measures
'.
be aimed
at
anythingbeyond
his own
security;
i
though
he was no doubt
eager
for
revenge,
atid "
wouM have sciied
any opportunity
of
seeking
'"
itwith a tolerable
prospect
of suoccna. Butin
'
the
eyes
of the Roman
senate,preparations
for'
aelf-dcfencc.andawislifor
independence,were
I
sufficientevidence of hostile intentions in a
I
neighbouringsovereign;
and the more flour-
1
iahing
the state of his
dominions,the
more it
'
eiciled the Soman
cupidity
and ambition. The
senate
only
wanted a
preieW
for a fresh
war
with
Philip,
and soon made it known that it
was
willing
to receive
complaintsagainst
him.
Envoys
from
Eumenes,
and from others of his
neighbours
who had claims or
grievances
to
allegeagainsthim,
found
an attentive and favourable
audience at Rome
;
and
though
Phil- ip
also sent an
embassy
to vindicate hia
rights
before the
senate,
three
commissioners,
L. Cv-
cilius
MeteUus,
M. BKhius
Tomphilua,
and Ti,
Sempronius,
were
appointed
to
go
and decide
the
question
alter
they
should have heard his
own defence of himself. There was a twofold
advantage
in this course : the
certainly
of hu-
mlhation to
Philip,
and the Ukelihood that he
would be
betrayedby indignation
into
some indiscretion.
The three commissioners firstheld
their court near Tempe,
and the King of Mace- donia
came before them to
plead
his
cause
against
the
Thessalians, Perrhebians, Mag- netos,
and
Athamanians,
who claimed the restitution
of the
places
which he had
occupied
in
their
territory. They
were the
conquests
which
he had made with the
express
consent of Acil-
ius. But a cavil was now devised to elude this
title
;
and the commissioners decided that he
must evacuate
all these
possessions,
and con-
fine himself to the ancient limits of Macedonia.
In the heat of the
controversy,Philipdropped
an
angry
word,
which was
carefiilly
treasured
by
the Romans: Iht tut lun had nol
yet
ttl.
He^waa
next
obliged
to
appear
before them at
Thessalonica,
to answer
for
some addiliona
which he had made to his
territory
on the
coast
of Thrace. There he had made himself
master
of .^nuB and Maronea after the
Syrian garrisons
had been withdrawn
;
and
Eumenes, to
whom the senate had
grantedLysimachia and
the Thracian Chersoncsus.
pretended
that these
towns had been included in the
grant. Philip,
while he denied this
assertion,seems to have
taken this occasion to
complain
of the treatment
he bad suffered from the Romans. Tbe
commissioners reserved the
question
of
right
for the
cognisance
of the senate, but
required
that the Macedonian
garrisons
should be with-
dran-n from the Thracian towns
;
and on their
return to
Rome,
the senate sent another embassy,
with
Ap.
Claudius at its head, to see
whether their orders had been
obeyed,
and to
clear the Thracian coast of Macedonian
tro"T)a
The
object
of this interference was
plainlynot
so much to weaken
Philip
as to
gall
and irritate
him
;
to
provoke
him to some rash
ste^
which
might
aflbrd a decent colour fur
a
decuF
ration of war. And such was its effect
;
for
Philip, having
been
apprized
of the senate's decision
before the arrival
ofAp.
Claudius,wreaked
his
vengeance
on the inhabitants of Maroneti
by
a
bloody
massacre,
which he afterward tried
to
represent
as the result of their own intestine
dissensions. But a% the Roman
envoys
declared
themselves dissatisfied with this statement,
he
thought
it
necessary
to send his
son
Demetrius to Rome, to
plead
in his
behalf,
or
deprecate
the senate's
displeasure.
In the
mean while he made an
expedition
into
Tlrace,
under
the
pretext
of
succouring
the
B3'"anlians,
defeated the Thracians in
battle,
and took
prisoner
one
of their chiefs named Amadocus.
The arrivalof Demetrius seems to have
suff-
DEMETRIUS AT ROME." HIS DEATH. 471
getted
a oaw jdao
lo llis senate
;
for it
can
hardly
be
supposed
that it did not foresee the
coDseqnences
of its behaviour towards him.
It received ^""\ with the most
graciousbenig-
ni^
: when he
appeared
to be
perplexedby
the
iDuItiplicily
or
complaintsbrouglitagainst
his
father " for,as
the ecnate's
disposition
became
more notorious,
the number of
Philip's
accusers
rapidly
increased " he
was
called
upon
to
read the
private
instructions which he had
brought
with him
;
and thus the senate heard
many comments on
the
unjust
and insdent con-
"Juct of its
envoys
which
Philip
had not intended
for its
ears.
The
answer
which it
gave
to
Demetrius
was (ituned in terms the most
grat-
iJying
to
him,
but
calculated,
in the same degree,
to wound his father's
feelings.
The
senate
consented,
for bis
sake,
to overlook much
which it could not
approve,
end would not otherwise
have
endured,
in his father's conduct
;
it
reposed
entire coniSdencein the
friendritip
and honoQr of Demetrius
:
it knew that his
heart remained
a
hostage
at
Rome,
after his
person
had been restored to his father : to show
Its
regard
for
him,
it would send
envoys
to
Macedonia,
that
past
omissions
might
be
sup-
jdied
in
an amicable
way.
And itwished Phil- ip
should understand that he owed this indulgence
entirely
to his
son.
There can be no doubt that
every phrase
in
this
answer was
calculated for the effect which
it
produced.
Whether smbitious
hopes
were
-directly
infused into the mind of the
young
prince
during
his
stay
at Rome, we
do not
linow
;
bot the senate's
language
was
of itself
sufficient,
and
was
apparentlydesigned,to
suggest
them
i
and,
even if it failed to
corrupt
De- metrius,
eould not but excite ihe
jealousy
of
his elder brother. There
was
thus
a
fair
pros-
Ciet
of a feud in
Philip's family,
which
might
odJe a civil
war,
and was almost
sure to af-
'fbrd
some
fresh occasion for Roman interference.
Livy
admits thai
Demetrius,
on his
return
home,
showed hiniselfelated
by
the
senate's
favour,
and that it was
generally
believed
'among
the
conimon
people
in Macedonia that
the Romans would
place
him on the throne after
his father's death.* At the
same
time,
m-
right
was thus threatened,
Philip
found himself
reduced to
depend,
as it
were,
on
the
patronage
"rhia
younger son,
and
deprived
ofhis authority
OD the
question
of the succession to the
-crown.
But his
jealousy
and resentment were
much inflamed
by
the arrival of the Roman envoys,
who
not only
exacted the
performance
of
.allthe
injunctions
which he had
previously
received,
but
brought
fresh
requisitions
from the
.senate,
which he
obeyed,indeed,to avoid affording
a
pretext
for
war,
but wjth the bitterer
vexation,
as he observed that Demetrius
passed
more
ofhia lime in the
society
of the
envoys
-than at court. Whether Demetrius
was
realiy
as
Innocent
as
be
appears
in
Livy'spathetic
narrative,must remain a secret to
us;
but his
-conduct aObided
a
ground
for
suspicion,
and
Fhilip
had reason lo look
upon
a son who was
a filvouritewith the senate as an
enemy
and a
Iraitor. His distniat of Demcltius
grew
with
1. FioU., S.
his haired of the
Romans,
and both
are
said to
have been fostered
by
the artifices of
Perseus,
and the
principalcourliers,who,
penîving
Philip's
alienation from his
younger son,
took
part
with the
heir-apparent.
Bui
Demetrius,at
least,
lent a handle lo their machinations
by
the
unguarded
warmth with which he defended the
Romans whenever
they
were attacked in bis
presence.
He
was now,
it
seems,
eiclnded
from the council in all deliberations
relating
to
Rome, or to the
negotiations
which
Philip
was
carrying
on " as the senate
gave out,
with hostile
designsagainstItaly
" with several barbarian
tribes in the north. A luslration of the
army,'
and sham
fight,
in which the two
princes
commanded
the
oppositesides,
led to some scenes
00
which Perseus founded
a
charge,
that his
brother had made
an
attempt
aînst
his life.
Demetrius,
il
seems,
convinced his father ofhis
innocence on tbts head
;
but
Phiiip
sent two envoys,
Philocles and
Apelles,
to
llome,
with
secret
instructions to
inquire
into the troth ofan-
other accusation which Perseus had
brought
againsthim,
that he had disclosed his ambitious
designs
to Flamininus and other Romans. In
the mean while the
king
made
an
expedition
into the wilds of Thrace, professedly
for the
purpose
of
ascending
the
highest
summit of the
Ballian,
which was
reported
to command a view
reaching
on
Uie
one
side to the
Euxlne,
and
on
Ihe other to the Adriatic
;
but
undoubtedly
he
did not undertake this laborious
march, wtiich
was not
altogether
free Irom
danger,merely
to
gratify
his
curiosity'
It is
bigiily
probable
that
he
really
entertained the
project
attributed to
him
by
the
Remans,
of
inducing
some
of (he
northern barbarians to make an
irruption
into
Italy,
and that this
journey
to the Balkan was
in
some
way
connected with that
plan.
He
took Perseus
along
with
him,
but left Demetri- us
behind,
under the colour of
parental
tenderness,
at Riobi,
and directed
Didas,
the
governor
of
Pteonia,
to escort him lo Macedonia, Didas
had been
secretlygainedby Perseus,
and inain-
uBted himself into the confidence of the
young
prince
to
betray
him. He
soon
after
reported,
whether
truly
or
falsely
we car
onlyconjecture,
that Demetrius was
meditating
to
escape
into
Italy,
and had solicitedhis aid
;
Philip
hastened
his return lo
investigate
this matler, but remained
in
suspense
until his
envoys
returned from
Rome. He had chosen Philocles and
Apelles
for this
commission,
because he believed them
to be
impartial
between the brothers. But
they.
too, were
devoted to Perseus, and, among
otb'
er
calumninns
impostures,brought
a
forged
letter
purporting
lobe addressed to
Philip by
Flam- ininus.
so
composed
as to
imply
the
reality
of
allthat had been
impnicd
to Demetrius, while
It deprecated
his father's
displeasure.
Herodo-
rus,
the most intimate friend of
Demetrius,was
pat
to the
rack,
aiK died under Ihe
torture,
bnt
no
information could be extorted from biro.
Philip,
however, was now
convinced of hi*
,
son's
guilt, and,
it is
supposed,
instructed Didas
secreily
to
despatch
him. Demetrius was
poisoned
at a banquet,
and his
dying
exclamations
against
his murderers were stifled with tmul
vzolence. Philip
did not
long
survive this
event,
and his end was
hastened
by
remorse
and
anguish
at the
discovery
that bis son hadboenlbe
victim uf
a
conspiracy,
and that the
pretended
letteroT Flamininua was a forgery.
The fraud
was detected,
it
appears,
an as to leave no mon
for
duubt,[hrougli
tlie exertions of tbe
king'.
couBln,Antigonus,
a
nephew
uf
Antigonus
Bo- son.
Fcraeua henceforth
kept at a distance
from the
court,
but
having
no fear of a
rival,
WB3 indifierent about his father's
reseotment.
Philip, now doublyirritated,
conceived the design
of
transferring
the succession to
Antigo- nus,
aod endeavoured to recummend him to the
acceptance
of the Macedonians
;
but he waa
overtaken
by
death at
Amphipolis,
while
Antig- onus
was
reluruing
from an
embassy
on which
be had been sent to invito the
Bastarniana,*
Aom
beyond
the Danube, to invade and setUe
in tbe Liod of the Dardaniana. The
king'sphy-
glctan,as soon as be
perceived
the
ajraiptoms
of his
approachingagouy,
sent notice to Perse- us,
who was thus enabled to take
possession
of
the throne without resistance
;
and one of the
firstacts of his
reign
was to
put Antigonusto
death.
Philip
lefthis
kingdom
in a condition to
defy
any
powKr
but that of Rome
;
with an abundant
population,
a well-filled
treasury,
an
army
of
30,000
foot and 6000 horse, and
largemagazines
of
aims and
ptovisioits.
It remained to be
seen
what use would be made of these
prepaTailons,
and into what hands
they
would
finally
pass.
PeiseuB,
with the
crown,
had inherited all the
motives of
enmity
which had subsisted between
Jiisfather and tlieRomans,
together
with a
large
addition on bis own account. Ro
must have
I"ltthat tbe war which had been averted
through
the mediation of Demetrius was now inevitable
;
and hifi
policy
was
entirely
directed to two objects
: to
hold himself in readiness for the impending
struggle,
and to defer it as longas
possible.
As
long
as his eierttons were
required
for no other
purpose
than
this,
be
displayed
a
degree
of
energy
and
prudence
which seemed
worthy
of bis station. But
though
his character
bM
undoubtedly
been
misrepresentedthrough
JuMtile
prejudices
and wilful
calumny,
and he
was
probably
neither so odious not so
despicable
as itsuited the senate's interest to have him
d"*cribed,f
he was
cloariy
stillless
equal
to a
oontest with Rome than his father
;
and notwithstanding
the
sympathy
which we cannot refuse
to the
justice
of his
cause,
we can feel none
with the man.
It is true that he seems to have
been free from some
of his father's vices
;t
but
it
was, perhaps,
because his own were ofeu
opposite
kind. He was
temperate,
and addicted
to no liceatiouB
pleasures
;
so that either on
this
iccoimt,
or because,
like his
ancestor, An-
tigirans,
he took some interest in the
speculations
of the schools,he is termed
by
the author
wbo has led the moat favourable
description
of
his
aharaoter,a
philosopher.^
On the other
IrahllKl.Sc^r"p.
"orAbjGlubal
"'.p- MO,
n
that
thtj
*im mDM
jirobaUj"
nT"il
nc
hand,
he is
charged
with a Wind and
abject
love
of
money
for itsown sake
;
and so
many gtariog
instances of this
failing
are recorded in his history,
that it is
impassible
to consider them all
as malicious inventions.' He was
apparently
deficient in
moral,
if not in
personal,courage.
His dread of the Romans stimulated him to
vigorous
exertions,so
long
as
they
were at a distance
;'
but
seems to have
deprived
bim of bis
presence
of mind when
they
came in
sight.
The
worst acts
imputed
to him
appear
to have
been the effect of this
timidity.
We have no
reason to believe that he was inclined to wanton
cruelty,
or
inordinately passionate
or vindic^
tive
;
but he was
probably
as
unscrupulous
as
his father about the choice of means for the accomplishment
of his
designs,
and
never shrank
from the
perpetration
of
a safe and useflilcrime-
Still,
when
compared
with most of the
contem-
poraiy kings,
ho almost rises into a hero
;
and
his misdeeds are few and
light,
if
weighed
against
the enormous guilt contracted
during
the same
periodby
the Romait
senate. t
The firstmeasmvs of his
administration,
af^
ter he bad established himself on the
throne,
were,
indeed,extremelyjudicious,
and calculated
to
suggest
the best
hopes
of hia
government.
Heremittsdallarrearsof debt due io the
crowiir
and released all who had been thrown into
prison
for offences
against
his father
;
and be
pub-
iisbed an
amnesty
for those Macedonians wbo
had fled from the
pursuit
of the
law, wheUier io
puUio
or
privatecauses,
and invited them to re-
turn to their
homes,
with
promises
of
security
for their
persons
and
property.
As he csased
this act of
grace
to be recorded in the
temples
of
Dolus,Delphi,
and
Coronea,
his
liberahty
and
clemency
became no less
generally
known to
the Greeks than
among
his own
subjects-t
Soon alter his accession he found himself compelled,
in
self-defence,
to make war on a Thra-
"
PlathffImboon
an LnEgvm. Khodei wid
P"rfkiniii, 871U
and Kg^rp*.J
-ut nrnL thai tht piw^ which hB hM
-""---
_
rt (^ tbJi
prupontLiA
mn ml comirjaiuan
_r^l/b.; iiTT.,
S. Sehcrn
(^.
"") ni"d""tui
"lilH niid
cmO^wi
i
mod llw una AAnw
iwtptpîitvMi,
inU ""
no (nnibrvr tciiiiJi)" J^'
"!"bamc Mvri, "Mn B"
HitlwriisdKiliiabtUiUIlMpaniiiiidiaenMmM
Mi-
MEASUREB ANI" ALLIANCES OF PERSEUS. 473-
cimn chiaf nameil
Abrnpolii,
who had made
bd
inroad on the mines of
Pangnoni,
and not
only
repelled
hie
aggressions,
but made himself
master of his territories. "Die
cnnqaest may
have
streiiglfaened
bis northern frontier
;
but
it
exposed
him to
danger
on another aide
;
for
'
Abfupriis
WM an
ally
of Rome.* He
hiatened,
'
hoiterer,to aTert this
danger hy
an
embassy,
whi^ be sent to renew the
treaty
which the
Romans had concluded with bis father. The
aflkirof
Abrapolis
was notoTGrloolied
;
the Mo-
cedooiaa
eDvoys
were instructed to Tindicate
their master's
proceedings ;
hnt the senate tooh
care not to bind itself
byanydistinctsdmissioiif
It Tiewed Persetw as a
prey,
on which it re-
sDlTed to ftsten as mod as an
opprntonejunc-
tnrearriTed;
bnttbeetatoof itsaflbirs wasnot
at this time snch that itcould
eonvenienity embark
in a war with Macedonia
;
nor had it hith-
eno
any
suffleient
provocation
to
allege.
It
therefore
tacitly
reserrcd the
subject
of
Abnipo-
JiB sa a fhtore
ground
of
complaint, anil,
En the
reoeiTedhim
father.t
Penens did
not let himself be tolledinto a
Alse
securityby
the bvoorabie result of this negotiation,
or relax his endeavours to
provide
as be best
might against
the
impending
storm.
He CQlltrated the relationsof
Iriendahip
into
which
Phihp
had entered with several of Uie
Tbiscian,myrian,
and CeKic tribea ;I and the
OdryBian king,Cotys,
who ia described as sn
intelligent, active,
and estimable
prince.f
became
his
steadyally.Philip's plan
for the ex-
teimiDatioo of the Dardanians bad been icter-
mpled by
bis death. The
Bastamians,
who
were on their march
through Thrace,
when
they
received
tidings
of that
event,
began
to
comtoit disorders which
provoked
the
hostility
of the Thraclan
tribes,
and the
greater part
were
forced to return acroaa the Danube.
Thirty
thousand of
them, however, are aaid to
have
penetrated
into
Dardenia,n
and
perhaps
these were aAerward re-enforced
by
fresh bands
of their
countrymen. They
made war on the
DardaniBOB,
in concert with the ScOrdiscans,a
kindred
race,
and some of their Thracien
neighbours,
and
seem,
for some time at least,to have
pressedvery
hard
upon
them. Tbis war became
a fresh
subject
of
complaintagainst
Per-
sens at Rome. The
senate,
under what
pretext
we know
not, was continually sending
envoys
to
ex|rfore
the stale of
Macedonia,
and
was thus firstinformed of the war. Arterward
it received au
embassy
from the
Dardanians,
who were joinedby
the
Thessalians, soliciting
protection,
and
attribnting
the invasion of their
territory
to the
itistigation
of Persens.T The
senate
appointed
commissioners to ascertain the
fact,
and Perseus was
obliged
to send fresh envoys
to defend him from thia
chai^,
and to
deny
that he had
any
share in the
enterprise
of the Baalamians. It was true that it had
' been
planned
and set in motion
hy Philip,
llie
senate waived this
qoestion,
and contented it
Midir evtggantv
tbt
imponaaH
of tlm-vtr. Fnmhin
Ivmfftflr, w" Itsm thtt Atnpol]i"u kiiii;Dftlie Sianju
Cr.
8ln^.itl.,]i.
M".
Diodota., Eic"
f.
sn.
jLiT., il.,M.
1 Mjb.,
mS.,".
Yol- II." O o o
self with a
grave
admonition to the
king
to be-
very
careflilto avoid all
appearances
(tfan ia-
IVingemenc
of the
treaty.'
The
warningpob-
ably
served to
quick";n
his
vigilance
and acttvi-
ty.
His
agents appear
to have been
bnoyia
every quarter
from which he could
expect any
accession of
strength
or
reputation.
He had
fonned a connexion with the
lUyrianking,
Gen-
tias.
perhaps
at the same time that he adbrded ",
shelter to some
consptrators
who had killed Ar-
thetams,anoth^ Itlyrisn
chieftain,who was aa
ally
of
liome. He was also
rîorted
to havo
sent ministers to
Carthage;
and, as die Car- thaginians
were,
at this
time,
almost driven to-
despairby
the senate's
p"Tfldjaoa
connivancet
with Masmissa's
unrelenting boati]l^,t
the report
may
have been well
Ibmded, Ibougfa
it
rests on no better evidence dkan the aasertiott
of Roman
envoys,t
and answered the donble-
purpose
of s
eharge
aînsl
Oarthage
and
against
Perseus. But it is oertsin that his al-
i coveted
by
several of the Aslalio
^
Pnieias of
Bithynia,
and Seileticu"
Philopator
of
Syria,thoagfal
themselves lb*o"ir-
ed when he
granted
bis irttlerto the
one,
and "
having,
it was
said,put
to death a fortner wM)-
"
accepted
the other's
daughter
in
msrHage.
They evidentlyrârded
Macedonia as 8
bel-
wark
against
die encroBchlnents of
Rome;
nil
the liee Greek cities of Asia looked to Persena
with like
feelings
Even tfae
RJiodiana,thoi^
they
had
nominally
received a large
trad of
continental
territory
as the reward of their services
in the war
with
Antlodiue,
and bad not
yet Ihlly
discovered bow littlereason
they
had
to he
grateful
for it,paid
their conrt to him iit
a
very signal
manner.
They
lent their
galleys-
.
to
convey
the
Syrianprincess
Laodice to Mace-
donia,4
and were rewarded
1^
a
present
of tim-
ber for their fleet,as well as
by
other
royal
gills.
On the same occasion,
Perseus received
innumerable embassies of
congratulation,
accompanied
with
pressnts.
In
Greece, too.
he had a fair
prospect
of recovering
the influenne which his father had lost.
The
good
wishes of
every
Greek,eicopt
Ihos*
who had either
sold,or were reedy
to mD themselves
to the Romans, were on bis side. In
MUA'm end
Thesealy
the
generalpoverty,
caused
by
the calamities of war and the Roman exactions,
had
given
rise to a
struggle
of
parties
which,
in
iEtolia,
was attended wiUi terrible-
scenes of hkfodshed.ll The
irealthy,
wlio
aggravated
the dtstress of their
eomitrên
by
usnrions
extorttons,hoped
for
protectiob
froia
the Romans;
tbe
Indigent,
who eonU
only
expect
relief
throughsweeping
and violent changes
in the diatribation of
property,.
seem to have-
turned their
eyes
towards Perseus as tbeir
friend.^ In Bteotia fear alone
prevented
hi"
partisans
from
openlydeelarit)g
Ihemselvea
;
tbe
feelings
of the
people
were
everywherir
474
^th him.
HISTORY OF OREECB.
II
wu, no doubt,
to Rnimatebis
weii-tiriBDerB
by
"
displij
of bis
power
and bi
moderation tbat, in
174,
be made
an
ezpEvlilin
into Ibe heart of Greece. Tbe
Dolopians,
wh
had been allowed to remain
sabject
to Macedr
ntan rule,
bad
revolted,
and
put
hia
goTemor
t
a
cruel death.*
They
would then have
appealed
10 Rome, but Peraeua invaded their
country,
"od rûced them to eubmiasion
;
and
then,
pretendingsome
religiousscruples,
marched
acroas tbe
range
of (Eta to
Delphi,aod,
after a
sojourn
of three
dajrsthere,
returned home
through Tbesaaly,leaving
a
very
favourable
impresstouby
the excellent
discipline
which
b"^
enforced
Ihiouôut
his march. t He
was m"~'
anxious to draw the Ach"aas into
friendly
bliona with him
;
but
as,
in the warmth of their
zeal for tfaa
Romans, they
had
pasaed
a decree
V" exclude all Macedonians from their terrilo-
hee,
it
waa not ea^
to
gain access to them.
Tlw
Mparalioii, however,
thus made between
ifae two
alatn,
bad been attended with
aMMM
terj amkoying
to tbe
AcbKaoa,
who
no remedy
wbea their
runaway
Blaves took
nfoge
in Macedonia. Perseus
now
collected
as
many
of these
fugitives
as he could
God,
and
wrote a tetter,
in which he offered to restore
them to Ibeir
owiteia,
but,at tbe
same time,
reminded
the Adwatu that it rested with Ibem-
.""Itc" to
guard against
losses of the
aame kind
for tbe future. Tbe letter
waa read in the
AehKBU
aaaembly by Xenarchus,
the
general,
40d
a
motion
waa
founded
up"n
it for the
re-
jteal
of Uie
inhospitable decree,
but
was
rejected
Ihrbn^
the influence of
CaUicrates,
who
Tepreaented
Persmia
as on
the
ere of
a war
with Rome.
Livy supposes
that
some offence
waa
taken beoause
an
embassy
was not sent
with the
letter;
and
so,
it
appears,
Peraeua
himself had been infotmed: but when he sent
envoys
to
repair
thia
omission,they
could uot
obtain
an audience.!
The
senate continued to send ambassadors
scroBB
the
Adriatic,to
inspect
the state of affairs
in Macedonia and
Greece, to
keep
tbe
Greeks
quiet,
and to collectinformation
against
Perseus.
Nothing waa
done
to relieve the
misery
of the ."i"uiana
;
but
hostageswere taken
Gram the
contendingparties,
and
lodged at
Coriath,so as to
jdace
both
more tban
ever
in
the
power
of tbe Romans
4
In
Thesaalysome- thing
was
done
to
mitigate
the
evil; by
the
authority
of tbe Roman
envoy,
the rate of io-
lereat was reduced,and a
longterm allowed for
the
payment
of debts
by yearly
instalments.
II
The Achaans " that
is,
Callicrates and bis
parly
"
were praised
for the firmness with which
they
had adhered to the decree which interdicted
commerce
with Macedonia "
a
declaration
of
enmity
to Perseus which
might
serve at
"nce to irritate
him,
and to give countenance
U
the Achoan
partisans
of
Rome.T But,
in
B"Eotia,the Maoedonian
party gained
the ascendency,
and concluded
a
treaty
of alliance
with
Perseus,copies
of which
were
preserved
at
TTiehes,Delphi,and Deloa." Two leaders
of the
oppositefaction, Evercas and
Callicritna,
were
despatched
on their
return from
Rome,
aad this violenoe
was
laid to the
charge
of Per- aeua.*
The Roman
envoys reported
that tlier
had found it difficult to obtain an audien":e of
bim,
but
pretended
to have
observed,
not
onl;
that he
was
preparing
for
war,
but
on
tbe
poinL
of
beginning
hOBtililies.l Yet
he, too, coaiin-
ued to send embassies to
Rome,
with
apokigies
for his
proceedings,
which
were received,
ii
seems,
by
tbe aenale,
with
apparent acqnies-
Tbe
rupture
waa hastened
by
the efforts o!
Eumenea. He
was
either
so
blinded
by
ambition
or
animosity
that he did not
perceive
bo"r
much hia
own
safetydepended
on
that of.Per-
seus, or,
believing
the war to
be
inevitable,
desired
to
pay
hia court to the senate by
advice
which met its inclinations. In the
year
171,
he
came
in
person
to Rome,
for Ibe
purpose
of
desoribing
the formidable
prepaiatioas,
eiten-
sive
alliances,
and hostile acta of Perseus,
and
warned the senate
that,
if it remained
passive
much
longer,
itwould have to contend with him
foe the
possession
of
Italy.
Thia alarm ftf.inva-
sion,
which had done
good
service when a
^-
lext was wanted for the firstMacedonian war,
would
now
have been a
littletoo stale,
as
""ll
as absurd,
in the mouth of
a
Roman
;
but,
coni-
ing
from a
foreignprince,
it had
a more plauii-
ble sound. In the whole of his
speech,
as it-
portedby Livy,
there is
only
one
wlwlesonie
troth,
which he
hardly
ventured to
intimate,
but which he
might
be the mote willing
to
iti"-
cloae,as
it tended to enhance tbe merit ofhis
own
loyally;
this
was,
that Perseus owed
his
popularity
to the hatred
everywhere
fell towards
the
Romans.^ Envoys
had
come
at
ibe
same
time from
Macedonia,Rhodes,
and nunf
ofthe Asiatic
cities;
for the
journey
of Eunie-
ncs
bad raised
a
^neral
expectation
of smm
important
result. But the senate
would not
i^
low the Macedonians to be confronted
with
hjm;
arid
Harpalus,
the chief of the embaMJ^
finding
his audience steeled
by
their prejudicei
against
all bis
arguments,
i" said to have
been
provoked
to use
language
which sounded
li"e
defiance. The Rhodlans fared
no
better,
thoufh
they
were
permitted
to
plead
with Eumenee ;
their
complaintsagainst
him
only
seeoied
to
strengthen
the senate's
preposaessions
in hu
favour. He
departed
with the
highest
honoon
it could bestow
on a
stranger,among
which in
ensign
of Roman
magistracy,
the cumle
chau,
~'Bs
accounted tbe chief.
Still, nothing
that he had
allegedagainst
Per-
us waa
thoughtworthy
to be
published,
at
tlie
ne,
as a ground
for war.
He
was
destined
lo
accomplish
his intention in
a manner
^kicli
be
bad neither foreseen
nor
wished " at
the w-
pense
of
pereonalsuffering
and danger.
Ini
hisrelumtoAsia, hepaidaviaittoDetpbi;
""""'
between Cirriia and the
temple,
be was
waj'
laid,
and
nearly
kilted
by heavy
slonei
wnicll
were rolled down on
him from the
lop
of a
ira"
under which he
waa passing.
The
asMilanla.
said to have been four in number,
made
Ibcir
escape
to the
top
of
ParLiassua,
and the rojai
"
Ll... Appian, Use.,i
ASSAULTS ON BUHBNES." BOHAN EMBASSIES.
476
guards
oalildnot OTertnka Ibem
; hat,aoooidiag
CO tbe noman
storj,they
were sood diacnvered
to haTe been emiaaariea of
Peraent,oae
Ei
der,
B Cretan oflicer in his
Borvjoe,
and three
Maeedoniana,
who had been reconmended
by
letters from the
king
(o tbe
hoapitaltty
of
Trealthy Delphianlady
named Praio. She be
self
WBfl,
soon sAer,
broDght
to Rome
by
one c
tbe Roman
enroya
who had beea lacC sent I
Macedonia, and,
of
course,
confirmed the
charge
against
Peiaeua
;
for her eiidence waa heard
and
reportedbybie
enemies.
But,at the same
time,
the senate received infbrtnation of a atill
finder
plot,
conirived
by
the same
nnscmpulons
file. One
Rsramius, or Evennios, a
principal
citizen of
Brandasiatn,
was
brongbt
to Rome
'With
Pram,
and related that he had been Boli-
"ited
bj
PerseoB to
poison
the Roman eom-
manders and
envoys,
who
usuallylodged
at his
botise when
they
embarfced "t Bmndnaiun).
This last
story
is so
improbable
in itseV as to
throw additional doubt od the
former,which,
though Btrange,
ja
appareothr
better attested
;
-as the inaiD
fact,
the aasauk
on
Enmenes,
is
nnqnestioaable,
and not otherwise accounted
lor.
Revenge might,certainly,
have
impelled
Persene lo stieh a
deed,though
we should
liave
expected
that he woold have chosen a
means to
compass
his end. The other
charge
is
hardly
credible. If Perseus was
capable
of
tbe
attempts imputed
to
him,
the senate
was,
at leaat,eqasllycapable
of as vile a
calumny.
The
stories,true or false,were moat
happily
suited to its
purpose,
and far better fittedto
work on the
publicmind,
and to excite
general
indignation
aninst
Peiaeus.than
any
enumeration
of
bispoiiticaltransgresfiiona. According- ly,
war with Macedonia
was now resolved
on,
and
prepatationa
fcrit were
immediatelybepin,
though
it was not to be
fonnally
declared until
theêaraller, on accoantofa
quarrel
in which
the senate was involved with the
consuls,
C.
Popilina
and P. jEliua, Orders
were
given
for
a
levy
of
troops
to be earned over to
Epims,
to
occupy
tbe towns on the
coast,
and aecnri
safe
landing
for tbe consul to whose
provii
Mstônia
might
fall. In the mean
while,
a
bsssadors
were scot to demand
reparation
from
Feraeos, and,
in case of
refusal,
to renounce
his
Aiendship
and alliance. He had been already
appriwd by Harpalus
of the senate's
temper,
which rendered it evident that
peace
could not laat much
longer,
aud we
may
therefore
easily
believe that he was
earnestly
en-
eaged
in
preparations
tingdoni.
Bat the
envoys,
on their
return,
not
only
described his warlike
altitude,
but
reported
that he had
replied
to them in a atrsin of re-
;ffoach
and defiance
;
had declared that he do
longer
considered himself bound
by
the
treaty
which his father had made with
Rome,
and
would consent to none unless on terms of
"quality;and,
when
they
renounced bis alliance,
ordered them to
quit
his dominions in
three
days.
After such a scene it
might
have been
sup-
poeedtha^be must have abandoned all
thougbta
of
peace.
But wo find the case to have been
so far
otherwise,
that he lost whatever advantages
he
might
bare derived fmn tbe forward
Elate of his
preparations, through
his anxious
desire and cieduloua
hopea
of
averting
the ut-
evitatto war. We
have, therefore,strong raa-
"DD to
suspect
that his
language
was
violently
exaggerated
and
pervertedby
the
envoys, even
if the answer which
they pretended
to have
received fnm him was not a mere
forgery.
It
is,at least,certain,
from tbe admission of the
Roman historian himself, that the senate's
transactions withPeraeus in the course of tito
year preceding
tbe commencement of the
war
were a tissue of the most
disgraceful frauds,
and
perhaps
the
extraonlinary
inconsistencies
which
perplex
this
part
of
Liyy'a
narratiTe
.
may
have arisen from his
unwilliii,gness
to unfold
the full extent of the senate's
duphcity.
As soon as the conauls of the
ensuingyear,
P.
Licinius
Ciassua,
and C, Cassias
Longinus.
entered into office,the decree of war was carried
through
the comitia. The
province
of
Macedonia fellto Crassus,
and the new leviaa
were proMcuied
with tiieutmost
aotiviiy.
But
earlier in tbe
year
17",
the
prator,
Cn. Sitan-
iue,'
had eroeaed over to Epiros
with MOO foot
and 300
hone, encamped
in tbe
territory
of
Apollonia,
and thrown
garriaoBS
into Mvenl
placesnear
the weatem border of
MacAdonis;
and,nearly
at tbe same time,
five commissioii-
ers,
Q. Marcins,
A.
Atilius,
a PoblinB,
and
a
ServluB Comeltua Lenlulus,and L.
Deeimim,
were sent into Greece.
Marcins,
it most be
observed,
was connected, by
an
hereditary
r""
tation of
hospitality,
with the
royal
bouse of
Macedon.
Thej
were escorted as far as Cor-
cyra by
a thoustnd men
;
and
then, having
arranged
their various destinations with one
another,
divided the escort into three
parties.
But,
before
they separated,they
received a
letter from
Perseus, inquiring,
it is
said,
for
what
purpose
tbe Roniane had
broughttroops
over to
Greece,
and
occupied
towns there
i
but
they
dismissed the
messenger
with d verbal
answer,
that it was for the
security
of tbe
towns themselves.
They
then set out on their
several missions : Decimus to the
lUyrianking
Gentius,
who was still
wavering
between Rome
and Macedonia
;
the two Comehuses to Pelo- ponnesus,
where
they
made a circuit of the
principal towns, exhortingall,
without distino-
[ion,
to maintain the
loyslty
to Rome whi"di
they
had shown in her wars with
Philip
and
Antiochus : a concision of dissimilsr
oases,
which is said to have
given great
offence to
the
AchKans,
who found
their
long
and
steady
attachment to the Roman
cause, they
stood no
higher
in the estimation
of Uie Romans than the Eleans and Mesee-
who had sided with
Antiochus,
and had
It account been annexed
against
their
I the AchnBD
League, Possibly
it
was
meant that
they
should be reminded that the
latest services alone
posaessedany
value in
the
eyes
of the Romans. Marcius and Atilins
passed
over to
Epirus,
where
they prevailed
the
assembly
to send 400 men for the
pro-
tion of Orestis.
and then
proceededthrough
.dolia,
where
they only stayed
to see
Lycia-
cuB,
n
partisan
of
Rome,
elected in the room
of the deceased
general,
into
Thcssaly.
Here
"
seemed, at
first,
that
they
had
nothing
to do
It to
exchange professions
of
friendship
with
the Thessaliaus
;
hut it soon became clear
that their mission had a farther and more important
object. Perseus,
who was at
Diura,
476 HUOTORY OF GREECE.
h"*Td thai Marcitw. the son of Ma fotiter'i
friend,was at LariBsa. lie cdnceired a
hope
that,throngti
his
interen,the
neRotiation
with
Rome
might
be renewed with
a fairer
prospect
of
soccesB.
and sent to
request
a
peraonal
conference
with him. Marciua
encouraged
this
hope,
and intimated that be had come for that
Tery purpose,
but
pnt
off the inteiriew oi
plea
of
indiapoEition.
The
meeting
at
lengfth
took
place
on the banks of the Peneoa
;
and,
as Perseus wished for a fresh
hearing
before
the
senate, Mareiin, aa if he was
granting
great faionr,
consented to a
trnce,
that U
kingmight
send ambassadors to Rorne. Iûs
his hands were tied for the interrn] that was
"
csmpleto
the Romsn
prepwa-
is
1
and Ibis wu the
object
whkh Marctos
nad ID Tiew,
and
probably
the main end of his
From
Uteaaalir,
he and AtiMos
proceeded
to
-BcBotia.
Thej
had
already,on tlwir arriTal in
TheaaalT,
been ihet
by
Btsotian
depvtiee, who,
beinf npbnided
with the aUiance which had
been eonehuM witli
Persena,had
represented
it ai the work of a faction beaded
by Iioienias,
and aa carried
against
the will of several townships.
Mareius took this occasion to hint that
be dioiUd soon diseoier which of the towns
"o"kl daim tbe benefit of this
excuse,
as
they
wonld be at
liberty
to take measures each for
iteelf. The eHiMt of tbis hint bow became
TlatUe ; it had
produoed
a
general anxiety
anKMtgUkeBcMtian
towns to sever their cauee
"ofn that of the federal Bteotiaa
body,
and to
plaoe
Aenuelvea
indiTiduaily
under Roman
protection.
The Roman eomnissionera fixed
themadvee at
Chalcia,to receive the embassies
of the
towns. They were
aceompanied
by a band of Tbeban
exiles,
who had been recently
"atidemned in a
struggle
for office with
lamenias,one of the new Bceotarchs.' lame-
nias himself came to
Chalcis,
and
proposed
that the Btedtian nation should submit in a
body ta the Romana. Bat thie
proposal
was
dbectlycontrary
to the views of
Mareius,who
aimed at Uie dissolntionof the B"eotian
League
;
and
therelbre,
while he
gave
a most gracious
ree^tkm
to the
deputies
of those
towns which
""ie
wmiDg
!" entar
separate^
into the same
relation to
Rome,
he treated Ismenias with
"oA banhneaa and
contumely
as
encouraged
bis eneoaie* to attack
hiip,
and he was
obliged
to seek shelter ftom their
furyat the tribiuul
of the Homams. In the
mean while a fresh
contest took
plaoe at Thebes,
in whitdi the
Haeedonian
party was
supportedby
an influx
of
strangeiB
Irom Coronea aod
Haliartus,
bat
it ead"d in the
con^te trinmph
of their ad-
veraariea. like friendsof lameaiaa
were
foroed
to
wiiMraw,
and fled to
Chalcis, while decrees
were
paaaed for a
separatetreaty
with
Rome,
and tbe
reatorationof the exiles. Thus the
objectorMaicios
was
completely
attained: the
B"M)tiaa
confederacywas broken
iî;
itstowns
became
severallyaubject
to Rome
;
Ismenias
and oUters of bis
party
were
put
to death.
Neon, tbe head of the hoose of
Brachyllas,
fled
to Macedonia. The commissioners
next
pni-
oeeded to
Pelopoimssus,while Ser. Cornelius
took their
place
at Chalcis
;
and the
Actasaos,
at Ihoir
desire,
sent 1000
men, to serve at once
Cornelius to Rome.' When
they
made then-
report
in the senate,
and boasted of the ma-
nieuvre
by
which
they
had fettered ibe
"êta'
tions of
Perseus, a few of the elder
aenotors
were startled,not at tliebasensBS of tUir cunning,
but at
the distrust which it seemed to-
imply
in the
superiority
of the R"iitaa arms.
The
majority,however, applauded
their coo-
duct,
and
they
were sent back to Greece "
Mareius with full
powers
to act aa
tuigbt
appear
e^wdient,
Atilios to
occupy
Luissa witk
3000
Dien,
whom lie was to take from Skrinius.
The
envoys
of
Perseus,
who came about ttie
same
timo,t
were,
for the sake of
decency,
admitted to an audience
;
but the
oitly
answer
vouchsafed
to their
arguments
and
deprcca-
tiona was an order to them and all tkeir countrymen
residing
in Rome to leave the-
city
ifat
same
day,
and
Italy
within
thirty.!
Peiaeua
was not more suooeasAil in tbe other embas-
sies which he sent
during
this
interval,
which.
he
might
have
employed
to dialodgs tbe Ro- mans
from the coast of
Epirus,
and to
guard
against
the
impending
invasion. From tha
Rhodians he could not obtain even the
promise
of their mediation
;
for
they
had been visited
a littleearlier
by
a
Roman
embassy,
which had
decided their fluctuation in favour of Roma.
On the other
hand,
in
Bceotia,
Coronea and
Haliartus still
clung
to him,
and
implored
his
aid
against
Thebes
-,
but he felt
himselfobliged
to refuse their
request,
that be
miffht
not
breaJt the truce.
Liciuius set out from Rome at the
beginning
of
June,ITl,
and
appeaxa
to have landed wiib
his
army
in
Epirus
about the same time that
Perseus learned from his
envoys
the trick
by
which he had been cheated of a
golden
opportunity.
Yet be had councillors who still advised
htm to sue for
peace,
and,
if
possible,
to
purchase
it either
by
tribute or
by
cession of
territory;
and he would
probably
have been
glad
to do
BO,
if be could but have
hoped
to
re a
portion
of bis
kingdom against,
the
encroacbmeots of Roman ambition. It was in
spirit
of
desperateresolution,rather than irf
cheerful
courage,
that he at
length
threw him-
aelf
on hie own
resources,
and
yet they were-
such as no former
king
of
Macedon,
since Al- exander,
had ever
possessed: an
army
of
nnl
xuhOh. Lit.,lUi.. 44, IHIDcipk}
bumu. YH W
ha
pnmailj
nUud
(e.U)
tut ibi
|mui
C. Lacntiu
. .
.whiah It MX ttaoliUtlv i"-
tbe
Iftogna^
dT
Poljbiui.
t Compuv Ut., Till., to,40.
t r"ijk,ixni.,7. Liv.,iJil.,48.Diodis
B"H u lb* bMfaunK o^Xna,uri ID.
." wKT nad bsea
altBadjotonui"viiiwKt wu
"be
lanph
of BellDm. ud whicb na tbui ordrrrd
ooifiition
uywhtn m
"MMi/i
ud hM* nfamd t]uA le Iw
VICTORY OF PERSEUS.
.*n
9,000
fbot and 4000 horse, including
i
pha-
'
inic of
30,000,
and all
troops
inured to service,
lith stores and
treasure sufficientfor Llie
sup-
ly
of its wants for ten
yeai".*
Tbe Macedo-
equixiDg
them to
provideoarriages
for
mnuinition.
Having
collected all Lis
forces,
e marcbed into
TheasBly,
made himself mas-
tr of
some towns in the north,
and
finally
"ok
up
a strong
and commadiaus
positionat
fcurium, near
tbe foot of O"aa. But be
neg-
scted to
occupy
the
pasaes
between
Epints
ud
Thesaaiy,
where bo
might easily
have
Lopped
the
enemy'sprogress,
sud wuidd
prob-
bly
have dorcated hun with
great slaughter,
liciniuawas allowed to
penetrate,unmolested,
uuu^h
tike
highlands
of
Atliamania, with an
"ny
mferior m
numbers,
and
consisting
moet-
' of raw recruits. In his
camp,
on the Peue-
a,
be was joinedby Bumen^
and his brother
.ttaluB,
with 4000 foot and 1000
horse,
and
Keivcd other re-cuforcemei^s which raised
le whole
amount
of his forces
nearly
to an
quality
with that of the
enemy.
Yet for some
me he shrank from aa
eogageraent,
and suf-
"cd tbe fields of Phern to be
ravaged,
before
e would
accept
the
challenge
which Perseus
3peat"dly
offered. An action at
length
took
lace,
in which tbe Macedonian
cavalry
was
ictorious,
snd the Komana lost2400 slain and
DO
prisoners.
But tbe timid
or treacherous
ouncils of Evander " the Cretan whom he
'as said to have
employed
for the
attempt on
DC tifo of Eumenes"
prevented
him from fol-
iwing up
this
advantafre,
and
probably
saved
le Roman
army
from total discomfiture. The
onaul
thought
it
necessary,
for the
safety
of
is
camp,
to transfer itto thjDother aide of the
'eneuB in the
night,
and
then,to console his
roopa,
shifted the blame of the disaster on the
Btolians,
who were the
first,
it wss
alleged,
I turn their backs. This account of the mat-
3r not
only
saved the credit of the Roman
nns,
but served as a
pretext
on which three
Btohan
officers,
who were
supposed
to be ad-
erse to the Roman interest,were sent to
laly, to undergo
a trialon the
charge
oftreach-
ry.t
But not even
victory
could animate tbe
ontage
of Perseus. lu the midst of bis tri-
mph
ne still
quailed
under the
ascendency
of
be
genius
of
Rome, and let tumself be
pcrsua-
ed to solioit
peace
trom his
vanquished
ene-
iy,
on the same terms to whioh his father
ad submitted after he had lost the battle of
lynocephabe.
But his
pusillanimitywas
ardlyequalto the Roman
arrogance.
Licin-
is, b;
the advice of his
council, replied,
that
'erseus could
only
obtain
peace by
uncondi-
ional submission to the
will.
of (he senate.
^ven this
repulse
did not rouse his
pride
or
lis
resentment,
but
only
niged him into lower
lepths
of
dishonour,
and induoed him to mate
arger offers,which were rejected
with ittflei-
ble disdain. WTien he found
every
humiiia*
ion
fiuillcM, be resumed his hostile
position. t
The
campaign
ended without
any
other
impor-
ant eveot. The
Romans, on one occasion,
claimed
a
alightadvantage
; but,on the
whole,
"
Ln.,
;ll^l
ilji., II.
they
remained on the defensive untilPersetis
led his
army
back to Macedonia for the winter.
But such
a negotiationmight
well have
appeared
to Ihem
equivalent
to a
victory.
Nevertheless,
Ibe
report
of their defeat contributed
to
aggravate
the calamities of Qreeoe
by
the eucourasement which it
gave
to the
partisans
of Macedonia. It seems to have caused
a reaction at Thebes,
which restored their ascendency
there.
Haliartus,
with the aid of a
re-enforcement from
Ccrunea,
defended itself
obstinately against
the
pnetor
C. Lucretius,
who commanded the Roman
fleet,
but was at
length stormed, pillaged,
and razed to the
gioand.
The old men and children were mostly
put
to the sword
:
the
garrison
was sold as
slaves. He then marched
againstThebes,
which
Buirendered without
resistance,
and was do-
liveted
up
to the elites and their faction. Their
adversaries were
probably
all condemned to
.
death
or banishment, as their
property
is said
to have been confiscated
"
The IliebaDS
were
now harBBsed
by
the
hostility
of
Coronea,
which
alone,
of all the Boeotian
towns,
stilladhered to
Perseus,
and on their
entreaty,
the
consul,after
he had recovered a few
places
in
Tbessaly,
and
had lelt the
greater
part
of his forcesin winter-
quarters there,marched with the rest into Bceo-
tia.t We
gather
from
an incidental
allusion,^
that he made himself master of Coronea
by
a
capitulation,
which be broke to
indulge
his
cruelty
and avarice
;
that he
put
the
leading
men to death,
and
sijd
the rest as slaves
;
and
we know that he treated several other
towns,
the
names
of which
are not recorded,
in like
manner. The
prstor
Lucretius carried his rapacity
still
farther,
and did not even
spare
the
stanchest allies of
Rome, against
whom he
at Antium with statues and
pictures,
and abandoned
the
property
and
persons
of the citizeos
to the
outragea
of his lawless
marines,
wboia
he
quartered
in their houses. Another mode
of
oppressionpractised by
tbe Roman command'
ers is illustrated
by
tbe
example
of Atheni,
The Athenians sent the
largest
miliiai^
and naval
force which
they
were able to furnish to the
aid of tbe Romans
;
but the consul and
prnitoc
fiectined their
services,
and demanded a
laTRft
quantity
of
com, though
Attica itself
depended
on tbe
impuriation
of
foreigngrain
for its biiI"-
sisteace.f
Tbe Greeks mred
no better tba
next
year,
when Licinluswas succeeded
by
ths
new consul A.
Hostilins,
and L. Horlensios
took the command of the fleet. Hortensiusfrt-
lowed the
example
of his
predecessor
at Ghal-
cla,
and
having treacherously
stormed Abdeik
during
a
truce,gave
it
up
to
pillage,
and exercised
the like
cruelty
towards the inhabitants
as those of Coronea bad suflbredtroaiLiciniui.
Complaints were
brought
lo Rome
by
the injured
Greeks,
and the senate showed Itself
willing
to
interfere, aitd,
as far as
possible,
to
redress tbe
wrong.
It
reprimandedHortensius,
ordered the enslaved citizens of Coronea and
Abdera to be
restored to freedom,
and called
Lucretiusto account.
He was
brought
to trial
by
the
tribunes,
and condemned lo a
heavy
fine.
But the love of
justice
had
very
littleshare ia
"
Lit., t IIjM.,.1.1., r,
I
tIM.1.
)'^!C
478 HISTORY OP QREEOB.
anf
of these
proceedings-They were
sppa-
Tenily
connected with the it!saccesB which attended
the Koman anna
during
the first iwo
years
of Ihe
war,
which seemed to render it ad-
Ttaable to soothe thn Greeks
by
the correctioo
of some of Ihe more
flagrant
abueee under which
the;
were
groaning.
A
great part
of
Epirus
had
been driveo to revolt
by
the
Bjstem
which the
setiate
had
adopted
at the
suggestion
of Gallic-
rates. There it had a stillmore
proSigale
in-
Btrumcnt of its
tyranny
in the
person
of Cha-
rops,
a
grandson
of the man of the Mme name
who
distinguished
himself
by
his attachment to
tbe RomaD interest in the first Macedonian
war.
The
younger
Charops
was sent to Rome
hy
his
grandfather
after his father's
death,
in
his
boyhood,
lo learn the Latin
langaage,
and
contneted an
acquaintance
with
many
of the
principal
Romans. On his return to
Epirus
he
endeavoured to
puali
his
way, by arrogant pre-
tensioos and base
intrigues,
to the head of af-
ftirai
and the war with Perseus
gave
him an
opportunity
of
exciting
the senate's
jealousy
against
the rivals whom he wished to
supplant,
whom he accused of a
leaning
to the Macedo- nian
interest. The
charge
was the more
)dau-
aible,
as the
leading
men of the
oppositeparty,
Cephslus
and
Antinous,had been on terms of
friendship
with the
royal
honse of Macedon.
Bat the course of
policy
which
they
had
pur-
Boed was that
pnident
and honourable mien
which it had been the aim of
Philoptemen
and
Lyoortas
to
preserve
in the councils of the
Aichaan
League, They
were aware of the"al-
umnies with which
Charops
was
assailing them,
but,
conscious of their
innocence,
believed for a
time that
they might defy
his mahce. But
when
Ihey
saw the ."tDlian officers sent as
culprits
to
Italy, theythought
it no
longer
safe
to trust themselves in the
power
of the Ro- mans,
and
openly
went over to Peraeus.* A
plotwas laid
by
some of their
partisans
foraeiz-
)ttg
HostiliuB on his
way throughEpinis,
and
givjA^
him
up
to Perseus
;
and the consul
only
escaped
through
an accidental
chan^
in his
plans.i
He
displayed
as little
capacity
or energy
as his
predecessor
in the
prosecution
of
the
war,
was
repulsed
in an
attempt
which he
made to
penetrate
into
Elymiotis,
and
aner^
ward remained on ibi defensive in
Thessaly,
and
acknowledged
the
enemy's superiorityby
declining a lultlc. Perseus not
only
made himself
master of several towns in
Thessaly,
but
found leisure for an expeditionagainst
the Dar-
danians,
defeated them with
great slaughter,
and carried off much
booty.!
He was even encouraged
by
the
supineness
of the
pmtor,
who
seenis to have been much more intent on the
plunder
of his allies than on the
annoyance
of
the
enemy,
to make an attack on the Roman
fleet
at Oreua,
where he took or sank a
great
nDmt"er of
transports
and several
galleys
of
The accounts which the senate continued to
receive of the conduct of its ofGcers in Greece
induced it to issue a decree,by
which it forbade
any
one to furnish
supplies
for the
purposes
of war at the
requisition
of the Reman
"P"dib.,inlt.,IS. Li".,illii.,18. D"j.,En.,i".
t PloL, iCim]. hall., t.
Ut., ilili, !".
I nu.,
AniL
PailL,
t.
quaners
at Larissa,
and sent C.
Popillins
and
Cn. Octavius to
publish
it in Greece.
They
carried it first to Thebes,
and then roond the
cities of
Peloponnesus,
which had
probably
all
suffered from
arbitrary
exactions. But irtiile
Ihejdisplayed
this
pnxjfof
the senate's clemency
and
kindness,they dropped
several intimi-
tions of their
displeasure
at Ihe conduct of men
who.
in their
hearts,
were hostile to Rome, and,
under the
pretence
of moderation and discrs'
tion,were
onlywaiting
tbr an
opportunity
nf
declaring
themselves
against
her. It was well
understood that these hmts were
pointedagainit
Lycortas,Archon.
and
Polybius;
and it was
supposed
that the
envc^s
had
designedIbrmally
to accuse them in the
assembly
at
Xâm.
But
they
could Hai no colonrable
grounil
fbr
any chaife,
atnl,perhaps,perceived
that the
temper
of the
assembly
was not favourable Id
such an
attempt. They
then
passed
over to
."tolia,where,
in an
'aasembly
ht^d at
Thy- mus,
they
endeavoured to obtain
hostages
fiont
llie
patty
which was
suspected
of diraflMioit
to the Roman cause
;
and in this demand they
were
supported,
not
onlyby Lyciseas,
bat by
Thoas,
who had now the baseness to iBstigale
the Romans
against
the men
through
whose intercession
he had been released afterhe hsd
been delivered
up by
Antiochus. But Ihe
popular
feelingdisplayed
itself so
stronglyagainst
his
treachery
and
ingratitude,
that the envoy*
thought
it
prudent
to waive their demand
In
Acamania,
which
they
visited
next,
their
partisans
ventured on a stillbolder
attempt,
and
exhorted them to introduce Roman
gsrrisoni
into the towns as a
security against
the macbi-
oationa of the Macedonian
party ;
but the aversion
which the
people
manifested to the measure
induced them to abandon
it,
and they
it-
turned to Larissa without
having
aocomplished
any
other
object,
t As their mission was
one
of
conciliation,
and the
juncturerequired
an exhibition
o{
gentleness
and ôibearance.
It was
not difficult10 foresee what would be the fals
of the Greeks
as soon as the motives
which l^d
Ihe senate to
spare
them should have ceased
to
operate.
In the
depth
of the
winter,
when the snow
lay
BO
deep
on the Cambunian hiUs as to
be an
insurmountable barrier
against
an invading
army,
Perseus undertook an
eipedition
into
D-
lyria, chiefiy
with a view to draw Genlius
i"""
his alliance. In the field his
operations
wrre
successful : he made hiraselfmasler of
Bsveral
strong places,
and advanced near to
the
frontier
of the dominions of Gentirs
;
but the negotiation
which he then
proceeded
to open
wilh
the
lllyrian king
was
long protracted
without
any
eflfect,
though Gentins,
from the
fits':
^^
claied himself
willing
to make war on
the
Ro-
IDS,
because Perseus could not bring
himwlf
spare
the
subsidy
which he
required.
After
i return to Macedonia,
he made another
laborious
expedition
into "Ui\ia. There
SiraiM
would have
opened
its
gates
to him,
**"
'"J
principal
ciiixen,
Arehidamus,
had bean
goanM
into revolt
by
the calumnious accusations
oi
Lyciscos
and
Thoas,as
Cephalusby
those
of
Charops
;
bat C.
PopilMin.who had beeaj^
TIMIDITY OF PERSEUS. tn
by
ae
eonsol,
wHh 1000
men. to
Ambracia,
having
received
intelligeQce
from the
opposite
party
of the
approach
of
Pencua,
arriTed in
time to save Stratus,
and to
prevent
the ^to-
lian
^neral,
Dinarchua, rrom
joining
the Ma- cedonian
army
with all the
troops
under his
command.
Aperantia,however, wae induced,
thmagh
the
inflaeneeorArchidatnus.to
aubmit
to PeraeuB, as
would
probably
have been the
case
with alt the rest of
.ôlia,
but for the
timely
intervention of
PopiUjua. During
the
aame time, the Macedonian
general,Clevaa,
ODocecsTDlly
defended the revolted
Epirota
agaiuM a
Roman
anny
under
Ap. Claudius,
and
forced him to retire,
with
loss,
into
Illyria
Early
rn the
spring
of 169 Hostilins
waa su-
peisededby
the new consul,Q.
Marcius Philip-
pua, wbobroughtaTe-enforcemeDt
of SOOOmen
to the
army. Marcius, notwithstanding
his advanced
age
and
unwieldy peison,* eeems to
have been a man
of
greater energy
than either
of his
predeceBBors
in the cDiamand
;
and he
wan most
probably
stimulated hv the
impa-
tiet"c"wbich had been excited at Rome
by
the
kwg
oontinaaDce of (be
war to more vigorous
eflbrta. As
toon aa
be had
put
himself
at the
bead of the
amrria Thessatv,
be resolved lo
penetrate
into Macedonia. The
pass ofTempe
was BO strongly
fortified
as to
preclude
all
attempts
Dn
that aide. Hia choice
lay
between
the diS^rent
passes
of the
mountains,
all difficult,
even ifno resistance should be offered
by
the
enenay,
and,
if
defended,extremelydanger-
otis.
He selected the eastern route,
which led
over
Mount
Olympos,
down lo the aeacoast of
Pieria,
where Perseus himself waa
encamped,
near Dinm, He had been
apprized
ofthe con-
sol's
design,though not of ihe route which be
meautto take,
and he hadsent
abodyoflS.OOO
men,
under
Hippias.lo
occupy
the
heights
of
Olympus,
and
10,000 lightinfantry
to the
pass
over ibe Cambunian
range.
But these
precautions
teemed to have exhausted all his
powers
of
thought
and action. He remained on the
coast
awaiting
the
issue,which,
by
a
slight
ex-
BTtioD of
fbresigbt
and
alertness,
he
might
have
determined in hia
own
favour.
Hippias
maintained
his
grounil,
and
a desultory
combat was
carried on between the
lightinfantry
of each
fbr two
dajrs, during
which
Perseus, who was
not more than twelve miles from the
scene
of
action,might
have
come
up
with fresh
troops,
,
which would
probably
have forced the Romans
to a
disastrous retreat. Bat instead of
this,
Marcius, having
left a
body
of 4000
men to observe
Hippias,
wae allowed to descend
by a
ravine of indescribable
difficulty,
where
a
handful
of men
might
have
destroyed
his whole army.
This
was
only
the firstof a aeries of fatal
errors, by
which Perseus threw
away
the fairest
opportunities
and marred the
brightest prospects.
When Maroius had
come down
safely
into the
plain,
his aituation wsa still
extremely
perilous.
He
waa enclosed in
a narrow
space
between the monntains and the
sea.
Retreat
was vtterlyhopeless,
and
a
very slight
fortification
would have rendered the
king'sposition
at Dium
impregnable.
The
consul,therefore,
moat have remained motionless
as longas
the
enemy
ehose to
keep guard over him,and,
in
the mean while,depended
fi"raubaistence en-
tirely on
the
fleet,
that
is,on
the weather and
the
season,
and before even the first
necessary
supply
could arrive would have been reduced
to extreme distress. From Jhis embarrassment,
however,
he was
immediately
extricated
by
the infatuation of
Perseus,who,
seiied with
a panic
at the
approach
of the
Romans,
abandoned
himself to
despair
at the
very
moment
when
an
abler
general
would have conceived'
the mast
sanguinehopes
of
a
decisive advantage.
He not
only
abandoned
Dinm, after having
removed tbe
gilt
atatoes on board the
fleet,
and fcH back
upon Pydna,
but withdrew all tho
pirrtsons
which
guarded
the
strongholds
of
Tempe,
and sent Nicias,
his
treasurer,
to Pel-
la,
with orders to sink all his
treasures deposited
there in the
lake,*
and Andronicns to Thes-
salonica,
with a commission to bum the arsenal.
Maroius advanced to the distance of two
days'
maroh
beyondDium, hardlybelieving
that
a place
so rich and
strong
could have been
abandoned to him nnlesB with
a
view to some
stratagem
;
but the
scarcity
of
provisions compelled
him to retreat to Dium, and afterward Ur
Phila. The fleet
brodght no sui^ly,
and his
army
would have starved if it had
not been
seasonably
relieved
by
the com found in the
evacuated fortresses of
Tempe,
This retro- grade
movement a little revived the
courage
of Perseus. He
again
took
poasession
of
Dium,
'
and
encamped
five mitea to the
south,on the
left bank of the river
Eaipeua.
Re
now
began
to be ashamed of his
cowardice,
and to wish
to
conceal it. He accused the
generals,
whom he
bad recalled from their
posts,
of
throwing
open.
tbe
pastes
to the
enemy.
Andronicns had
wisely
deferred the execution of his frantic
order.
The treasure had been thrown into the
lake,
but
was mostly
recovered
by diving
;
aai
Perseus is said to have
put
the
divers,
as wel^
as Nicon and .A.ndronieuE, to death,
in the
hope
of
covering
his own
disgrace.
Tbe Roman
fieet,
under the
prater,
C. Marcius
Pigulus,
who
was accompanied by Eumenes,
made
unsuccessful
attempts
on Thessalonica, Cassandrea.
andTorone
;
and
a
division of the
army,
which
had been sent
by
the consul lo
besiege
Meli-
IxEa,
was
put
to flightby
the Macedonian
general,
Euphranor,
who,
though
he had but S(iW"
men unaer his command, was
likewise able t"
protect
Demelrias and its
territory against
the
fleet which
lay
at lalcus. The armies
on bottt
sides went soon after into
winter-quarters;
and at the end of the third
campaign,
notwitb^
Btandihg
the
folly
of
Perseus,
tbe Romans liait
onlygained
a
footing
on the threshold of Mace- donia,
without
any
clear
prospect
that
they
would be able to advance
a
step
farther, Mar- cius
himself,when a
Rbodian
embassy came to-
his
camp
at Heracieum,
with
congratulations
on hia
BuccesB,
auggested
to the
envoys
that
their
government
would do well lo offer its
mediation between the
belligerent
powers.
This intimation
encouraged
the Macedonian
party
at Rhodes, as a proof
that the Romans
themselves did not consider their alHiirs
as
prosperous ;
and the
consequence was,
that
an
embassy waa aent to
Rome,
which tendered ita-
"
Lir.,xltv.,10. GuuB ID mm dsjiri
PeU". Diodo-
HISTORY OF GBEEOE.
TDediation io
baughtf
and almoat
threatening
lercDB. Polybius
belieTes tbet Marciue,expecting
that the war
would
soon be
brought
to a
triumphaDt
issue
againstPeraeua,
desired to
embroiJ the Rhodians in a
quarrel
with
Rome,
and to rurnish a
preinxi
Toi hoalile
proceedings
towards them.* There can be no doubt Ihal
Ite was
quitecapable
of such
perfldious
cunning
;
but it
may
be
questioned
whether he Telt
ao much confidence
as to the
approaching
ler-
ininatioD of the
war,
and would not hare wish-
Ad that
peace
should be
granted
to Peraeua before
he was himself
superseded.
"ven Eume-
iws began
to warer in his
loyallyto the Ro-
mani.
He entered into a
privatenegoiiatioo
wiUk
Perseus,
and went so far as to cooKut to
accept
a
subsidy
from
him, possiblyhoping
to
"TeiTeach him,
and to avoid
any
overt act
of
hostility
towards Rome
;
but the
treaty
was
broken oB" because Perseus would not
part
with
his
gold.t
This wretched
parsimony
was sttU
more
conspicuouslydisplayed
in two other
transactions,nearlyat the same time. Ho had
at
length
made
up
his mind to
purchase
the aid
'Of Qentius at the
pries
which the
Blyrian
demanded,
300 talente. The
hostages
were Jnter-
-changed,
and the
treaty solemnly
ratified
by
Perseus in the
presence
o( the Macedonian
cavalry,
whom he wished to
encourage by
the
intelligenoe
of this
important
alliance. Ten
talents were sent to Gcntius as an earnest
;
the
rest was sealed in the
presence
of his
envoys,
to
be
conveyedto him
by
Macedonian
bearers,
who
were directed
b;
Perseus to wail,
when
they
reached the
frontier,
for farther orders.
Oentiiu now embarked
frankly
in the
cause,
"nd not
only
sent ambassadors to
accompany
those of Perseus to Rhodes, but threw two Ro-
inan
envoys
into
prison. Peraeua,
as soon as
be heard that his
ally
had thus
broken,past
all
hope
of
reparation,
with the
Romans,
retained
ttie rest
ci'
thesubaidy.t
In like
manner,
he
lost the serrices of an
army
of
S0,000
Bastai-
nians,
whom he
might
have taken into his
pay.
Ihe
baiâin
was concluded
;
the Celts advanced
vrithin five
or
sii
days'
march of his
camp,
when
Perseus, unable to endure the sacrifice
of so much
treasure, even for the sake of a
kingdom,
resolved to
engage only
fiOOO of the
cavahy ;
but,as he did not send the
stipulated
sold even for
these,
the Celtic chief
indigoaat-
ly
marched
away.
At
Rome, though
no
apprebensionwas felt
aa to the hnal issue of the Maoedoaian
war,
its
state at the end of the third
year
was not re-
carded as
promising
-,
and L, ^milius PauUu*
was raised for the second time to the
consulaLe,
"With a
generalhope
that his tried abilitieswould
bring
the contest to a
speedyclose,though
the
province
was not
assigned
to him, as Plutarch
Telates,4 but, apparently at
least,
fellto liim
by
lot.II He
himself,sAer his
election,
ceased
oommissionera to be sent to
inspect
the condition
of the
arrqy,
and their
report
of it was not
at all
cheering.
A
levy
of
14,000
fool and 1300
horse was decreed to
jp-enforqe
it. He set
aut from Rome with Cn.
Octavius,
who
oom-
manded the fleet,on the firstof
April;
arrived
St
Gorcyraon
the same day on whidi he sailed
from Bmndusium
;
Sve
days after,
celebrated
a sacrifice at
Delphi,
and in five more had
reached the
camp
in Pieria.* His soldierB,
who bad been accustomed to
great
llcea3e,t
soon learned,by
the
regulations
which he introduced,
that
litey
bad now a general
as well
as a consul at their
bead;t
and Perseus no
longer
felt himself safe behind the
Enipeus
when he
saw the Roman
camp
moved forward,
to the
opposite
bank. The terror with which
he was
inspiredby
the fame of Paullus wu
aoon
heightenedbytidings
thai whatever
hopes
he had built on his alliance with Gentius had
fallento the
ground.
After a war of not more
than
twenty
or thirtydaya,
Gcolius
beiitg
besieged
in his
capital,
Scodia, surrendered to the
prastor Anicius,
and was carried,
with all his
family,
to Rome, to adorn his
triumph,having
received ten taleals as the
price
of hts thiooe
and his
hberty. Perseus,however,
did ool
neglect
the
precautions
which his situation required.
He fortified his
position
on the
Enip- eus
;
detached a body
of
caf
alt;
to
protect
the
coast of Macedonia from the
operations
of the
Roman
fleet,
which had entered the Gulf of
Thessalonica
;
and seot
6000 men to
guard
the
northern
pass
of
Oiympos at Petra,which
opened
a
way
near
the
highest
summit of the mountain,
the
Pythium,by
which an
enemy might
descend to the
plains
in his rear. This
was,
indeed,
the
danger
which he had most reason
to
provideagainst;
for PauUus, baringweigh- ed
all the modes of attack
by
which he
might,
attempt
to
dislodge
the
enemy
from his
position,
finally
decided on this. He sent
P.
Sciô
Nasica,accompanied by
bis eldest
son,
Fahms
Maxtmua,
with SOOO
men,
to force this
pass,
while he
occupied
the attention of Perseus with
a aeries of asssultson his intrenchments. Nas- ica.
alter a
long
circuit, surprised
the Macedo- nians
at Petra,
and drove Ihem down before
him
;
and
Perseus, at bis
ai^roach,hastily
abandoned his
position,
and retreated towards
Pydna,
where the
consul,having
been
joined
by Nasica, came
up
vrith him the same
day,
but deferred
giving
battle until
the morrow.
An
eclipse
of the
moon,
which look
[dace
in
the
night,
filled the Maoedooians with
superstitious
terror :
the Rinnans had a tribune in
(heir
army
who was able to
predict
and
explain
it. Perseus,
"
though
with Uauk
misgivmgs,
yieldedto the advice of bis friemja,who es-
horted him to risk an
engagemeBl:
be could
not but
pereeive
that farther retreat would be
attended with the
dispenion
of his forces and
the loss of his
kingdom.
The next
day (Juna
S3,
B.C.
i6S) a short combat decided the fate
of the Macedonian
monarchy.
The
power
of
the
phalanx
was
againtried,
under circnntstan-
ces the moat
advantageous
to it,
and
again
failed,
through
the same causes Vhich occasioned
tbe loss of the battle of
Cynocephala.
Vic- torious
on Ihe level
ground,
itfellinto disorder
when ithad advanced
upon
the
retreating caemy
to tbe foot of the hills,
where it couU no
longer
preserve
Ibc evenness
of its front and Ihe
com- pactness
of its
mass,
and
opened
i
t
Ll(.,^liT.,
SI.
PlsL, JSoU.
Full., 13. Dlods
l""alh
Pnll.,10,
0(ji
Unmc (Xfî rtrlrdti.
*
Ut., vliT.,
17. DadnBldB
mtUmfi*
HCttn
plaAOil
OTjbeiH .....
"MiitiBMiadflBK*r^L
t I.IT., IIt.,U.
t Ptal..."mlL Pnll., I). Ut., iIit.,1
iprdtaUtnf
BATTLE OF PYDN A." SURRENDER OF PERSEUS.
"1
^Mssa^s through
ila nnks for the
leônaiiea,
who rushed in la an almoat nnteaialcd
slaughter.
The Blain on the Macedonian side are
eaid
to h"ve Braininled to 20,000
; upward
of 10,000
were made
priaonera
:
Ihe Komana lost scarcely
100 men.
Penens look little
pari
in the
battle, aa tbe Romans
gave
out,
through
cowardice
;
bin it
appears
Ibat he bad received a
Iddc from a bona the
day before,
which compelled
htm to uM a litter.* It is certain,however,
that,as BOOn as the rout
began,
be left
the field with the
esTalrj,
which remained uu-
touched,
and fled lowaida Pelta, He waa aoon
deaerted
b;
hia Macedonian
followers,and,
even
at
Pella,
fiioDdthat he
was no longerobeyed bj
his
mrigecti.
In tbefiratmoreroeDtof
hispas-
aioD,
be killedtwo oflloeraoThis booaebotd with
bis own hand,
and oontinued his
flight
with no
attendants beudes the
rajral page*
bnt three
Ibreigneis"
ETandar the
Cretan,neon tbe B"e-
Otian,
and tbe ""tcdian Archidaatw" With fiOO
Cretans, whoae attaohinent waa oa\j
reiained
hy permimion to phmdor
the
rcTBlplate,
which
Peraeas aRerward recovered timn them
by
a
diegrac^l
triok. At
Amphipcdis
he saot three
"persons
of low
rank,
tbe onW
tneaaengers
he
"conld
find,
with a letter to Pwillua,
bat
only
.stayedUmg enooih to emhsA tbe treasure de-
iposited there,and sailedwith itdown tbe
Stry-
iBon to
Galepaos,
and tbence to Samothrace.
. Little
loyalty
coold seem doe to suofaa
king,
eren if bis fartODea bad been lass
deîeiate.
The whole of Macedonia sabmitted immediate-
jy
wititoat resistance to the
conqueror.
The
JtMnan fleet soon
pursaed
the
royalfngitiTe to
.âmothrace. But Oetaviua
spared
the sanctity
of tbe
BsylDm,
and
on^
demanded
Erander,
"s a man whose bands were stained with the
Uood of
Eumenee,
and Persena was said to
hare
despBtehedhim, to
prevent
a discloenre
of bis own
guilt.
Bnt be sullbredbtns^tobe
overreached
by
another
Cretan,
who
engaged
to
convey
him to tbe coast of
Ttarace,
where be
hoped
to find
refugeat
the
court of
Cotys;
bnt
"ailed
away
without
bim, as soon as his treas-
ttie had iMen
pot
on board. He then hid biui-
aelf in a nook oftbe
temple,
nutil his
remaining
.aerrants had been
temptedby
a
promise
of free
pardon
to surrender
themselves,
snd his
toude-
er children bad been
betrayed
into the hsnoa
"of Octaviua
by
tbe friend who had
charge
of
them. He then
gave
himself
up,
with his eldest
son, Philip,
to tbe
pmtor,
and was immediately
conducted to the consnl's
camp.
He was
courteously
received
by
tbe
conqueror,
bnt is
.said to bare finfeitedtbe
respect
which would
have been
paid
to his
rank, bj
tbe
abjectneaa
"of bis demesotwr
; though
he was
thought
to
have been
guilty
of
eztravsgant presomption,
when, in the letter nbicb he wrote immediato-
Jy
after bis
defeat,
he retained the titleof
king.
About the aame time that these events were
taking]dace
in
Macedonia,Aniciita,after the
subjugationonilyria.
marched into
Epirua.
At
PfaauolB,where Ihe
plot
had been laid for tbe
seizure of Ihe
consul,Hoslilius, tliewliole
population
went out to meet bim wllb tbe
ensigns
of
suppliants.
All tbe other towns of
Epirus
submitted likewise nitbout resistance :
oiUy
in
foiu',
in
Molossis,nas there so much as an
appearance
of
hesitation, which was the effect of
Vol. II," P
1
the
presence
of
Cephelus,
and some other lead-
~~~
of the Macedonian
party.*
But thisobsta-
was soon removed
by
their execution ot
voluntarydeath,
and these towns also
sarren*
dered without
any opposition.
Anicius distributed
hia
troopsamong
the
principal citiea,
and left the nhc4e
country perfectly tranquB,
when he returned to
Illyria to meet the five
eommisaionen who were sent from Rome li"
regulate
ila aflairs.
A commiaaion of
ten was
appointed,
ju
uiual,
to settle those of Macedonia. In the
anrnmsr
of
167, before the arrival of the
coomiisBionen,
PauUoB,accompanied by
his second
son,
Ute
Aiture
conqoeror
of
Carthage
and
Nomaatia,
and
by AtheMMis,a biMher of
Eumenee, made
atoarinGTe"e"; MotiriaiaBypoliUealoliêel,
-
bat
simidy
to
gratil^
the
coriosi^
ora
stimger,
wbo waa ftmiliar with Greek
Uteratore,
end
whose bouse at Rome was fullof Gredt ibeto-
ricians,
and artiats.and masters of allUndefer
the education of hia aona. He
went to view
Uie monuments of
art, scenes
celebrêd
in U"
loiy
or ftble,or hallowed
by religion
: to oem-
pare
Phidias with Homer.f It was not ooN
Athena and
Sparta,Sicyon
and
Argos,
and
E^
dauToa,Corinth,
and
f^mpia
that attracted hia
attention : the
oomparatively
obecnre abrioea
of Lebadea and On^Hwwere not witbont tMr
interest for the Roman
augur,
who
was no Im"
exact in the observance of tbe sacerdotal litnat
than in the maintenance of
mihlarydiscipline,!
but sacrificed at
Olympia
before the woA of
Phidias with as much devotion
as in Ibe Cari"
tol. He did
not, indeed,whollylay
aside am
tDBjeaty
of the
proconsul;
at Delphi
he t"dered
'
bis own statues to be
placed
on the
pedeotalt
which bad been erected fi" those of Pereeva.
But he made no inqoiiies
into
recent potitieal
iransections,
and
displayed
his
power wieffy
hi
sctaofbeneBcence;for,
amid so
many
inanni^
als at ancient
prosperity,
be
everywhere
fooad
signs
of
preseut poverty
and
distress,
and tbe
vast manunesof con and oil which had lallM
into hia hands in Hacedonla enabled hintto r""
Ueve the
indigence
of tbe Greeks
by
liberallai-
gesses.^
His visit to Greece is a jdeiuii^
i^^
lian
episode
in
a liledividedbetween the aenaU
and tiie
camp ;
and it is characteristio of tiw
beginning
of " new
period,being,as fsr as w"
know,
the firstever
paid
to thd
country
fin'soeh
It would have been
happy
for Greaoe if her
destiniea had now
depended on Hie will of
Paulina. But he was the minister
i^
a
system
by
which the
rapaciousoUgBichy,
which wielded
the Roman
legiooa, was enaUed to treat the
lairest
portion
of tbeciviltied worid
aaiupngr,
and, as it
grew
bolder with
auoeesa,
beeaae
more and more callous to shame and remorse
in tbe
prosecution
of its
iniquitoua ends,
whloh
it
scarcelydeigned
to cover with the tbresdban
mantle of its demure
bypoorisy.
Such men aa
Q.
MarciuB and C,
Fopillins were now tbe filteat
agenla
for ita work. A acene occurred to Paul*
luB,as he
passedthroughTbessalyon his telum
to Macedonia,
which exhibited a
slight prelude
to the miteriea which Greece was lo endure
under the absaluta
aacendenc;
of [his
system.
He was met
by
a multitude of j"lolians in the
gaib
o{
suppliants,
who related that
Lyciscus
and aootber of hia
paitj, having
obtained a
body
of
Iroopa
from a Koman
officer,
had aur-
TouDded the council-
room,
had
put
550 of their
exponents
to death,
forced others into
exile,
and taken
possession
of the
propcity
both of
the dead and the banished, Paullus could
only
bid tbe
auppliantsrepair
to
Amphipalia,
where
,
he wa" to
arrange
the aOairs of his
province
in
concert with the ten commiBainnera,
who had
alreadyarriTedinMacedonia. Tbey
bad
bfoughC
With them the outlines of a
decree,*which,
when the details had been
adjusted,was
aoi-
emnly published
fivm the
proconsular
tribunal
at
Amphipoiis,
in the
presence
of a
great
concourse
of
people;
lirstrecited in Latin
by
Paui-
lua,
and then in a Qreek translation
by
tbe
pro-
prxtor
Octaviua.
By
its
proviaiona
Macedonia
was
divided into four
districts, to which
Amphip-
(^,
Thessaloiiica,PeUa,
and
Pelagonia
were
"oaigned
as
capitals.They
were to be
governed
each
by
its own councils and
magistrates,
and were to be not
only independent
of each
olber,
but
separated
from each other
by
the
strictest
prohibition
of mutual
iutercourse,
both
of
intermarriage
and of contracts for the
acqui-
"ition of land or houses, beyond
the border
wiibinwbich either of the
parties
dwelt.f Even
tbe
importation
of aalt was forbidden, as wcU
u the
working
of
gold
and silver mines " to
guard against
the abuses which were admitted
to be
inseparable
from tbe administrelion of
UteM
royalties
on the Roman
systemt
" and the
felling
of
ahip-timber.
Aa the three
regions
Whi^ bordered on tbe territories of barbarian
uibea were
expresslypermitted
to
keep gani-
Mna
for the
protection
of their
frontiers,
the
nas
of arms for
any
other
purpoae
seema to
have been
tacitly,
if not
expressty.
interdicted
,
A tribute of 100
taloats,one halfof the amount
of the taxation under the
royalgDvernment,
wu reserved for the Romans. Whether the
bordana of the
people
were
lightened
to the
same extent, or the diOerence waa more than
aual
to the increased
expense
of tbe
quadruple
miniatrslion,has
been, perttaps. justlyques-
tiooed.^
The most
important
benelits conferred
on the
conquered
nation were
exemption
from
the rule of a Roman
magistraie
and the
rapacity
frf" Roman farmers of the revenue "
which,
buw-
ever,
was
only
a
precarious
and
temporary
boon
" and a new code of
laws, compiled
under the
care of Paailus
himself,
and therefore
proha-
Uj
framed on
equitableprinciples,
and
wisely
adapted
to the condition or the
country,
as it is
Mid to have stood the test
orexperieuce.That,
nevertheless,
the decree was received with
daep
discontent
hy every
Macedonian who retained
any degree
of national
feeling,
may
be
eaaiJyanpposed
;
and we
hardly
know whether
Iiivy
is in
earnest,
when he affects to correct
the error of those who
complained
of the dismemberment
of their
country,
not
aware,
he
thinks,how
adequate
each
regionwas to UiA-
supply
of Its own wants. The
Jealousy
of Ihe
senate, however, was not
satisfiedwith thsw
precautions.
Tbe
government
of each
regioa
was committed to an
oligarchical
council
,*
and
to secure an election of its members conformable
lo tbe interest of
Rome,
all the Macedoni- ans
who had held
any
office in the
king's
ler-
vice were ordered,
under
pain
of
death,
to
go
with their children who had
paaaed
the
age
of
fifteen lo
Italy.
The
authority
of the commissioners was not
confined to Macedonia.
They
were invested
with an unlimited
juriadiction
over alt
pohtical
causes in
Greece,
and even beyond
the sbores
of
Europe ;
for
they
seat one of their number
to raze the town of Anlissa in Lesbos to lbs
ground,
and to remove its whtde
population
to
Metbymna,
because it had received a Macedo- nian
admiral in its
port,
and
supphed
hi" fleM
with
provisions.Every part pf
their inslrao-
liona seema to have breathed the same spirit
of vindictive
cruelty,
and
insolent,
shameleas
tyranny ;
or they
were directed to follow tbe
counsels of
Callicrates, Charops,andLyciicui.
From all
parts
of Greece the
principal
trailon
and
sycophants
Socked lo their tribunal,
forn"
state ventnred lo send
any repreaentatives
but
the men who had been most forward on
the
side of Rome.
FroiaAchBia,CaUicntea,
Aiii-
lodamua, Agesiaa,
and
Philippus;
from Bceo-
tia, MnasippOB
;
from
Acamania,
Cbranea ;
from
Epirui,Charopa
and Nknaa
;
"rom "u"-
lia,
Lyciscus
and
Tisippua
" the authors of tto
recent massacre
"
are named
among
the men
who came to share the
trimnph
of the Romans,
and to direct their
persecutionagainst
tbe best
and most patriotic
of their fellow-cauntiymen.
Faullus saw and
despised
the baseoesa oftheie
miscreants,
and would not have sacrificedbet- ter
men to their malice
;
but his was only
ons
voice
against
ten i Hia
colleagues
were
better
Informed as to the intentions of the seaatSr
and knew that Callicratcs and
Charops pcssesa-
ed, aa
they deserved,
its eniiro confideacs.
The manner in which
they
decided on the caaa
of the .lEtoliana. who had been the victims
of
the recent
violence,
removed all doubt as t"
the course which
they
meant to
pursne,
aud
encouraged
their
partisans
to
lay
aside
all
shame and reserve. No
inquiry
was
made ei'
cept
as to the
political principles
of the aclois-
and the sufferers.T
Tbe
bloodshed,
the banishment,
and the confiscation, were all sanctioned
and ratified
; only
Bebiua was pronounced
tO'
have been in
fault,
when he tent his soldiers
for such a
purpose.
Still,even."tolia was
not
deemed to be
yet sufficiently purged
from
dis-
afiection.
There, as well as in Acamania,
Epi-
ms,
Bceotia,
and
Achaia, as tbe commissioa-
ers were assured
hy
their Greek advisers,
there
were
still
many
covert enemies of Rome.
and"
until this
party
was everywhere
crushed,
ana
the
ascendency
of the decided advocates
of
the Roman
supremacy firmly
established,
tbsie
could be no
security
for the
pubhc loyalty
and
traitquiUity.
Lists of the
suspected
citizens
were
drawn
up by
their adversaries,
and leticw
were
despatched
in the name of the proconsul
*
Ut.. lit,,33,
SiDiloni,
qa"
S/ntdna
nmt-
SPOLIATION OF EPIRUS." POLYBtUS.
to
.Ctolia,*Acarnania,'Efina,
and
Bicotla,
eommanding
them all to
proceed
to Rome to
take Ibeir trial. With tbe Acheans it was
tboQgbtprudent
to
adapt
a didferent
course,
for
it was doubled whether
they might
submit bo
quietly
to such an
order
; especially
aa no
pa-
pen
had beea discovered in the Macedonian
archives to
implicateany
of their
proscribet!
ejtizeos in the
charge
of
correspoodeuce
with
,
Perseus. Two of the
commiasioners,
C. Clan-
'
diuB and Co.
Domitius,were seat to
Pelopoone-
SQS,
to
accomplish
their
object
without
danger
of tumult or
uppositian.
la the mean wbjle,
toi a
specimen
of the
justice
which awaited
Ibe
acouaed,
Neon the
Bceotian,
and Andron-
icoa tbe
jEtoliao,were beheaded :
Neon, aa
the aulhor of Uie alliance with Perseus
;
An-
AronicuB,
because he had followed his father to
tbe war
against
the Romans.
When these affairs had been
transacted,
after
having
celebrated
magnificent gamea
al Am-
phipolis,
in which the
spoils
of the Macedonian
BOnarchj,
which were about to be
transported
to
Rome,
formed the most splendidpart
of the
spectacle,
PauUua set out for
Epirus.
On his
HTival at Passaro,
he sent for ten of the
principal
ciliiena from each of
aeventy towns,
aiOBtljr
of the
Holossians.t
which had been involved
in the revolt of
Cephalua,
or in
a sus-
îoo
of
disloyalty to Rome,
and ordered that
tbe
gold
and silver of
every
town should he
collected and
brought
forth into the
public
place.
Adetachment of soldiers
was then "ent
faito
each,
in such ordor that allwere occupied
precisely
at the same time
;
and at the same
bouT,at a
preconcertedsignal,were all
given
"p
to
pillage.
The
intaabitanta,
whoae fears
had been
previously
lulled
by
an intimation
that the
garrisons
were to be
withdrawn,! were
earned
away
as slave*. A hundred and
filly
thousand human
beings
were thus at one blow
torn from their homes and reduced into the
lowest
depth
of wretchedness. The
produce
of the
spoilwas divided
among
tbe
troops.^
The
guilt
of this atrocious wicKcdness rests
with liie
senate, by
whose
express
command
it was
perpetrated.PauUus, though
a severe
exBCter of
discipline,
who threw the deBeiters
under the feet of hts
elephants,
IIwas of an affectionate
and
gentlenature,
softened
by study,
Inclined to
contemplation, deeply
sensible of
tbe
instability
of
niortalgreatness,
and shrinking
with
religioUB
awe from wanton
oppression
of a
vanquished
enemy,
as be showed when,
after his
triumph,
he interceded for
Perseus,
and
procured
bis release from the
dungeon
tu
which he bad been
mercilesslyconsigned.T
That such a man should have been made the
instrument of such a
deed,
may
be numbered
t Lii.,iIt.,
M.
Appinn (111., 0) uj" (her wtn
imn-
t Flucuch. "a"iL PhII., ". ud Lixy, il".,14,fiillow
^^PlBMKh,
."mai.
Pull., 3T. Diodcna. Fi
rf banariui*,wlia ki "in br
dppnviu
hia rf
thM u killedutnaalf,
"rrl?niph
h* ibDiildinn
among
the most melancholyexainês
of wit-
itary
servitude.
That the conduct of the Roman
government
towards the Achsans
may
be belter
appreci- ated,
we must resume the thread which W0
dropped
after an account
of the
embassy
of
PopiJlius and Octavius, The threats thrown
out
by
the
envoys against
the neutral or moderate
party,
induced the men of all shades oT
political opinion,
who
might regard
tbcmseiveer
as affected
hy them, to hold a conference on
the common
danger
and the means of
avoiding-
it.
Lycortas
stilladhered to the view which
he had before taken of the course which it be*
came them to
pursue
: to
keep
aloof from a
contest in which
they
could not wish
success
to either
party,
but least to that which it woulil
have been madness to provokeby
direct
opposition.
There were others who
agreed
yîtt
him as to the
necessity
of this
neutrality,
but
thought
it desirable to
present
an attitude of
firmer resistance to the slavish and
mercenary
faction which was
voady
to surrender
everything
to Rome. The
majority,however, re"'
membering
tbe intimations which
they
h^
m*
lately
heard from the Roman
envoys, thought
that
theyought
so far to
yield
to circumstances
as to avoid
givingany
handle for
calumnT-
to their advareecies. Oo this side were Ar-
chon,Polybius,
and Xenon ; and
Archon,
aa ther
representative
of this
opinion,
was
promotedtof
the chief
magistracy, Polybius
to the commsnil
of the
cavalry.
An
opportunity
was
very
soon
afforded for an indication of the
policy
whi^
they
had
adopted,by
the arrival of
envoys
from
Attains,
who came to solicittbe restoration of
his brother's honours
;
and in this suit
they
were
supportedby Polybius,
who obtained a.
decree for tbe restitution of all such honours-
to Eumenes as were not either
illegal
or degrading
to the Achieans.* Wlien Marcius bait
taken the command of tbe Roman
army
id
Thessaly,
a more decided movement was made
in the same direction. A decree was
passed
to
place
all the forces of the
League
at the-
consul's
disposal,
and an
embassy
was sent to
him,
with
Polybius
al its
head, to learn hi"
pleasure
on the
subject.
When this
embassy
arrived in
Thessaly,
Marcius was
just
on the-
point
of
crossing
the
mountains,
and
Potybiuv
did not obtain an audience from Mm until h"f
had effectedhis descent into Pieria.
He,
however,
then declined the
offer,
as
having
no need
of additional
forces,which, indeed,
in that critical
position
would
probably
have increased his'
difficulties.
Polybius
sent his
colleagues
home
with this
answer,
hot remained himself in ttie-
Roman
camp
until Marcius learned that
Ap-
Claudius,
who commanded in
lUyria
with "
very
smalt
army,
which had been weakened
by
3 disaster m the
precedingcampaign,!
had
applied
to the Acheans for a re-enforcement of
5000 auxiliaries, Marcius now sent
PolybtuB
to
PeioponnesuB,
with
private
inatructionB to
prevent
his
countrymen
from
complying
with.
the callof
Apptus. Polybiusprofesses
to doabt
whether his
object
was,
as he
pretended,to
relieve tbe
Achteans, or to thwart
Appius,
ct"-
identlybelieving
the latter to have been bis
real motive. But
itmightnot
be
animpnAabte
"
Fdljb.,
n 1..0,T. WliV,îiw
484
or unjust
bi
HISTORY OK GREECE,
le Ihat he also wished (d
entrap
" a,
refuBal,
wbich
miglit
alter-
ward be used an " groand
of accusation
against
them
1
and
thua,
wbea the detnand or
Appiua
was
brought
before the Acbsan
assembly,
Po-
tjbiua
fouud himself
placed
in a
very
embarrassing
position: on the one
hand,
nut
feeling
himseff
al
liberty
to revea] the instructions
which he liad received from Marcius
;
on the
other,fearing
tu incur the
appearance
of
opposition
to the interests of Rome. To extricate
himself from
tîs
dilemma, he
appealed
to the
recent ordinance,
which forbade
compliance
with such
requieilions
uiJeas
authorized
by
the
senate. Tiie
question
was
conscqueutly
referred
to the
consul,who,
of
course,
dacided
accoidinj
to the tenmi of the ordinance
;
and
thtis the
appearance
of entire submission to
the win of the senate was
preaerTed,though
Folybius
was conscious that be had
probably
given
mortal offence to
Ap,
Claudius.*
In this affair the moderate
independentparty
had avoided all
collision, not
only
with
Rome,
but even with Callicratea
: but before Marcius
had been
superseded,
another transaction occurred,
in which Calhcrates found an
opportunity
of
displaying
his
servility, and,perhaps,
a
handle
againat
his adversaries. The Ptotc-
laies,
Phllometer
and his
brother,Eucrgetes
II.,or
Fhyscon,having composed
their diflcr-
ences,
needed
protectionagainst
Antiochus
Epipbanea,
and sent
envoys
to obtain a
body
of auxiliaries from the Achaana.
They
asked
for 1000 foot and SOO
horse,
and desired that
Polybiusmight
have the command of the car-
tliy,
and that the whole
might
be under the
orders of
Lycortas.
This
request
was
opposed
by Callicrates,
on the
pretext that,
so
long
as
the contest with Perseus remained
un(iecided,
the Achsans
ought
to
keep
all their forces at
home, to be at the
disposal
of the Romans in
case of need.
Polybius
reminded the assembly
that the consul had declined their
profltred
aid,
and
that,
ifitwere otherwise,a state which
could
bring40,000 men into the
field,might
well
spare
a handful for the service of
an
old
ally.
The discussion was
adjourned
at the instance
of Callicrateson a
point
of
legalform,
and bt the interval,it
appears,
he called in the
aid of Marcius
;
for when the
subject
was
brought
before another
assembly,
in which he
Eroposed
that,
instead of
sendingsuccours,
the
eaeue
should tender its mediation between
the Ptolemies and
Antiochua,
when the motion
at
Lycortas
was on the
point
of
beingcarried,
a courier anived with a letter from
Marcius,
in which he exhorted the
Acheeans,
in con- formity
vriththe wish of the
senate,
to endear-
Onr to reconcile the
kings.
This was a mere
pretext ;
foi the
attempts
which had been made
by the aenata itselffor the same
purpose
had
bitherto failed. But itanswered the end of silencing
the
party
of
Lycortas. Envoys
were
appointed
to act as mediators,
and the
Egyp- tian
ambusadors then
produced
a letter trom
their toasters,
which was
only
to bo delivered
if their first
request
should be
rejected,
soliciting
that
Lycortas
and
Polybiusmight
be sent
to Egypt,to
aid them with their counsels in
the war. The celebrated circle of
PopiUlas
"pdjFlfc
X i., 10,II.
precluded
the need of this or
any
other assist-
Such
appears
to have been the entire
amount
of
provocation
and
ground
for
jealousy
that
bad been
given
to Rome
by any party
in the
League,
before the arrival of the two commis-
sioaers,
C. Claudius and Cn. Domitius. Wa
may,
therefore,
but
faintly
conceive the mixturs
of astonishment and
indignation
with wbirtt
the Ach"an
assembly,
summoned to receive
them,
listened to their
demands,
when
they
alleged
that there were some
powerful
men who
hsui contributed, both
by supplies
of
money
and
in other
ways,
to the aid of
Perseus,
in the
war,
and
required
that
they
should all be condemned
to death. After sentence had been
pronounced,
the commissioners would
publish
the names of the criminals. The
assembly,
however, was not
yet
so broken to the
yoke
as
to submit to such an
outrageousmockery
of
justice,
and called
upon
them finrtto name the
accused.
TTieywere not disconcerted
by
this repulse,
and, at the
snggcstion
of
Callicrates,
declared
that all who had filledthe office of
general
since the
beginning
of the war were involved
in the
charge.
Xeno now came forward
to assert his innocence
;
but he was
betrayed
by
the warmth of his
feebngs
into an
imprudent
offer.
He, too,
had been in that office
;
but had never either done
wrong
to the Ro- mans,
or shown favour to Perseos : and this
he was
ready
to maintain either before
an
AchKan,
or even a Roman tribunal. The Ro- mans
caughtat this
undertaXing,
and
required
that all the accused should
go
to be tried at
Rome.t
Xeno's offer served as a
pretext
to
cover tbe fear which induced the
assembly
to
consent to this
tyrannical
demand
;
if,indeed,
its consent was asked
;
for we
know
only
the
result. Calbcrates drew
up
a listof more than
1000
names,
of course
including
all
who, by
station or character,
had
any
title to his fear
or his hatred " the best and
purest portion
of
the nation. All were
forced
to
embark for
Italy, and, on their
arrival,
instead of
beingpnt
upon
their
trial,were, by
order of the
senate,
distributed
among
the Etruscan towns.
Only
Polybius
was
permitted
to find a home in the
house of
Paultus,^ having probably
becoms
known to him or his sons
in Greece. Here he
contracted an intimate
friendship
with
Scipio
JImQianus,
the (hture
conqueror
of
Carthage
and
Numantia,
wbich enabled him to render
added much to the value of his
history,though
its inflnence on the tone and
spirit
of his narrative
may
not have been
always
favourable to
an unreserved exhibition of the truth.
The men who had been carried
away
from
Peloponnesus
were not a faction,
bat
represented
the
feelings,
and were
accompanied by
tlie
good
wishes of the whole nation. Great
anxiety,therefore,
was felt about their fat",
which,
for a time, was believed to
depend
on
the event of the
expected
trial. But When
yearafleryear
rolled
by,
end
nothing
more was
heard of them than that
they
were stilldetain- ed
in the Italian
cities,
and it was no
longer
possible
to
suppose
that the senate
bad been
preventedby
the
pressnre
of other businesB
"
PolT*.,nil., B-IO. t P"""-i*U-,W-
CHAROPS." CALUCRATES.
406
from
takingcogniunce
of tbeir
cause, an embassy
was Bent to Kome to
request
that
Ibey
might
be
brought
to trial. The
senate,
in iU
answer,
affected to be
surprised
that the Achfe-
ans
should make such a
request
with
regard
to
pcraons
whom
they
themaetves had
already
eondemned* A freah
embasay,therefore, was
Bt-nt,
in the
year
164, to correct this mistake,
to inform (he senate that the
prisoDers
had never been either
condemued,
or even
heard,by
their
countrymen,
and to
pray
that
they might
not be left to waste their lives in
coiUiuement without a trial
;
and
thai,
if the
senate
itaelfwas not at leisure to ait in
judgment
on
them,
it would commit the
inquiry
to
the Achnane, who would endeavour to conduct
itwith,the Btrictesi
impartiality.
This
proposal
drove the senate out of its last
subterfuge,
and extorted a declaration of itainteatious od
the
subject.
It dismissed the
envoys
with the
answer,
that it did not seem to it
expedient,
either for the interest or the Romans or of the
Greeks,
that the
priaoners
should relnmliome.
This
decision,
while it crushed the
hopes
of
alt
patriotic Achsaos, inspiredCalltcratea,
and
all the other creatures
of Roman tnAoence
throughoutGreece,
with fresh coofideoce.t
The insolence of
Charops now
began
to break
through
every
restraint which either fear or the
sense
of
decency
had hitherto
imposed
on his
cruelty
and
rapacity
;
and he established a
tyranny
in
Epirus
similar to that of
Nabia,
but
with the
difference,
that his favour with the
senate
supplied
the
place
of
foreignmerce- naries,
ana secured tbe
unresisting
submisaion
of his
countrynien
to his
despotic
will. For a
time he contented himself with a series of
murders,perpetrated through
his emissaries an
some of the wealthier
citizens,
oflea in the
face of
day,
and in
publicplaces,
either in the
cities or on the
high roads,as well as in their
own houses
-,
and followed
by
the confiscation
of their whole
properly
to his use. He afterward
ventured on a more
sweeping measure,
and
published
a list,including
aU the most
opulent
Epirots
of both
sexes,
as condemned to
banishment. It
was,
however,
soon
generally
UDderstood that this was
only
intended as a
new mode of
spoliation,
and that the
proscribed
mi^t
make
privatebargains
with
Charops
for
leave to remain in
Epirus,
While he himself
drew
large
sums from the
men,
as the
price
of
this
induJgence,
the women wore directed to
address themselves to his mother
Philotis,!in
whom he found as
willing
and able a
coadju-
irixin the work of
rapine
as
Apega
bad
proved
to Nabis, But when he bad obuined all that
could be extorted from them
by
the fesr of exile,
he nevertheless accused them before the
assembly
of disafiection to
Rome, and, by
in- timidation
or
corruption,
caused them to be
condemned to deaU;. As
they mo"tly
made
their
escape,
he
thought
it
necessaiy
to exert
all his interest to obtain a ratificationof his
proceedings
from the
senate,
and for this
purpose
undertook a
journey
to Rome,
well fur-
msbed with
money, which,
it
seems,
was already
known to
possess great
inflaenee over
the deliberations of that
assembly.
Two doors,
"
Piirh.,.
-Emilius Paullus
nor M. J5milius
Lepidus,
then
chief
pontiff
and firstof the
senate,
would let
him enter their houses
;
and it is
probable
that
the
protector
of
Polybiusactivelyopposed
his
application to the senate. The result
was,
thM
he was dismissed with the answer that the
senate would instruct
envoys
of its
own to in*
quire
into the
case,
,
Charops
feltthat such
aa
answer was
equivalent
to an
expression
of disapprobation,
and that itwonld
give
a
dangerous
shock to his
authority
at home
;
and im
therefore
suppressed
it on his
return,
and substituted
another conformable to bis
wiahea;
k
fraud which we can
hardlysuppose
he would
hare ventured on if he had. not received
privat"
iotimation from his
patrons
that he
might
do
so with
impunity,
and that the threatened io-
vestigation
was
merely
a colour to save
^"-
pearances. Still,
this
repulse
seems to har"
operated
aa a check
upon
his
conduct, whicb
kept
him within bounds
short,at least,
ot hia,
previous
excesses,
and somewhat alleviated
the
miser;
of the
peoplesubject
to hia rule
;,
and as he died a few
years
after at Brundo-
aium,on bis
way
to or from
Romef
it
may
bo
inferred that he continued to
regard
Us
position
as insecnrs. He bad
proluibly-
done so
much to afflictand exhaust
Epirus,
that
even
the
jealousy
of the senate was satisfied with
the
degree
of weakness to which it was now
reduced,
and believed that the time had come
wben it
might interpose
its
protection
without
fear of
restoringstrength
sufficient for
any
independent
movement. An
embassy
sent from
Epirusto Roma in the
year
after hia
death,
received
a
promise
that the
commissioners,
who
were about to
proceed
to
lllyria,
should be fHi-
nished with instructions for tbe
regulation
of
affairs in
Epirus.
The state of
thingswas, perhaps,
not
very
different in
,"tolia,Acamania,
and
BtBotia,
though
none of the
partisans
of
Rome,
wba
held rule
there, equalledCharops in,ferocitj
and recklessness. But still it was a
happy
riddance,
and the
beginning
of
quieter
times
for
."tolia,
when the
bloodthirstyLyctscua
came to his end
;
and
nearly at the same tima
Acamania
was delivered fiom
Chremee,
and
Bteotia from
Mnasippus.
Each had so abused
his
power
that his death was a
public
blessing,
and attended with a
salutarychange
in
the Btate of afihirs.' Callicrates survived all
these kindred
spirits,
and retained his ascendency
to the end of his life. He was
probably
as
unscrupulous,shameless,
and
greedy
as
any
of
them,
and would have shrunk front
no
kind of
outrage
which he could commit
with
safety. But, notwithstanding
the Ro-
tikan
patronage,
his
power
was limited
by
tlM
spirit
which stillanimated the Achnan
League,
and which bad a
force still
at its commaitd
by
no means
contem^ble
in
itself, thoughquite
incapable
of
sostaining
"
struggle
asamst R("iie.
The removal of hia adversanes did not screen
him from the most
galling
marks of
general
loathing
and
contempt,
which he did not dare
to resent. He found himself shunned in
public
places
as an infection,
and beard himself hoot- ed
as a traitor
by
the
boys
in the
Btreeta.t
t llnd.
ui.,
K
U "i,n
Ob du aOm
btai,
w
Even in the
atBcmUj,
where he conid wield
the terrora of Roman
tcngeance
to OTerawe
opposition,
he was not
omnipotent.
He could
not
prevent
a series of embassies from
bein((
Bcnt to Rome to solicit the release of tlie
tires. It
may,
however,
have
been,
in
[
owing
to his counteraetion that these
attcmpls
were eo
long
unsucccsBrui. Direct
atlacka,
therefore,on the
persons
or
property
of his fellow-citizens,
such as
Charops
and
Lysiscus
might
venture
on,
were
beyond
the means of
CaUieralea
;
and the
advantages
which be derived
from his
infamy
seem to have consisted
chiefly
in the
price
which he received for the
"iercise of his influence.
Soon after the senate had declared i
ttons with
regard
to the detained Achi
.sospicions
were directed
againstEumenes,
and
it was induced to send C.
Sulpicius
Gallus and
M.
SergiuB
to Asia to
investigate
the
charges
which had been laid
againsthim, or to collect
materials for future accusations
;
and it in-
stTucted them to visit Greece on their
way,
and telle
cognizance
of the
dispute
which was
"tiU
agitated
between
Sparta
and
Megalopolis
Jibont their confines.*
According
to Pauaa-
niss,a like
question
had been revived between
"parta
and
Argos.l
But whatever conirover-
Bies of this nature
may
have been
brought
be-
fdre
him, Gallus,
it
seems, thought
them all beneath
his
notice,
and referred them to the decision
of
Callicrates,an
opportunity
which his
ilelegate probably
did not
neglect,
to enrich himself
at the
expense
of
one or both the
panics.
Callus,however,
had received some other more
secret
inatmctions,
which he could
only
cxe-
"cute
by
the exarcise of hii own
authority.
He
was directed to take
measures for
detaching
as
many places
as he cotild from the AchKan
League.
Yet within
Peloponnesus
he seems
to have fonnd no occasion or
pretext
for
any
"et of
dismemberment,
and we
only
hear that
he
gave
an encouragingreception
to the ."toli-
SBS of
Pleuron,
when
they
came to him with a
petition
that their connexion with the AchEeans
might
be
severed,
and
permitted
them tu send
an
embassy
for thai
purpose
to the
senate,
which
finaUy
decided in their
favour.]:
The
conduct of Gallus towards Eumenes in
Asia,
as
(tescribed
by Polybius,^ josttfies
the belief
ibzi
there is no
exaggeration
in the account
given,
in
generalterms, by
Fausaniasof the
arrogance
with which he treated the Greeks. To
mortify
and humble them
by
all means in his
power
was
probably
a
part
of his
insiroclions,
and he
"otdd not execute this conunission belter than
bf conferring
honours and favours on Calltc-
Bot
so
long
as the exiles were detained in
Italy,
the voice of Callicrates seems to have
been sufflcient lo decide all
queslions
of
public
policy
in the AchEean
assembly.
In the
year
198, on the occasion of
a war
which had broken
4hU between Crete and
Rhodes,
envoys
from
"achisland cametosolicit Bid from the Achcans.
"When both aides had been
heard,
the inclination
of the
assemblymanifestly
leaned in favonr
oTIUiodes, But Callicratesthen
rose,
and
put
an ond to the
debate,
with lbs
simple
declaim-
tion that the Achcans
ought
not either lo
wage
war or send succours without the sanction of
Rome.* On such
questions
he was listened to
aa the
organ
of the
senate,
and the
speaker's
unpopularity
did
not at all lessen the
weight
of
his counsels.
Yet, justly
odious as ho
was,
the time was at
hand when bis
countrymen
found reason to look
back with
regret
on the
period
of his
sway,
and
might
be
tempted
to believe thai
they
could
not
have followed wiser
guidance.
At the end of
seventeen
years
after their
transportation
to
Italy, when, through
a
variety
of
causes, which,
however,
might
all be traced to the sickness of
hope deferred,
the
original
number had shrank
from above IIHK) to below
300,
the exiles
were
permitted
to return to
Peloponnesus.
The
"n-
bassies which had been aent to intercede for
Ihem, after the senate had refused to
grant
tbem a trial,
had waived all
pleas
of
right,
and
confined thetnselves to the
language
of humblest
supplication,
but with no belter effect. The
senate would not even consent to the relsase
of
Polybius
and Stmlius. when this was made
the
object
of a specialrequesl.t
It
was not
before the
year
154 that
any
indications oonld
be discerned of a more favourable
disposition
at Rome.
Opinions
were then so divided
on
the
subjectthat,
when the
question
was
debated,
if the
presidingprstor,
A. Postumius,
had not
been
adverse
to the exiles,
there would have
been a
majority
in their favour.^ Yet, twg
years
after,another
suppliantembassy
was dismissed
with
anoiherperemploryrefoaai.^
The
Roman friends of
Polybiuswere,
it
seems,
too
well
acquainted
with the views and
temper
of
the senate to intercede
directly,
even
in his behalf.
It was not until
long
after the death of
Paullus that a
prrupect
was
opened
to enooor-
age
them to
mê
any attempt
in behalf of the
whole
body
of his fellow-sufTerers. But in the
year
161, when the
question
was raised
once
more, Scipio
jGmilianus exerted his interest
with the censor Cato,
whose son
had married
their side
-.
and Cato's
authority
turned the
scale in their favour. It
was, however, only
after a
longdebate,
and then
by
an
appeal,
not
to the
justice
or the
humanity
of the
senate,
but
to the Roman
pride.
"
Have we
nothing
better
to do,"
he
ashed,
"than lo be
deliberating a
whole
day
abont a few old
Greeks,
whether
they
shall be
put
in the
grave
here or in tbeir
own
country
1" But when the restoration was
decreed,
and
Polybiusproceeded
to solicit Ca- to's
intercession for an
additional
boon,
that he
and his
friends
might
be reinstated in all the
privileges
which
they
had
enjoyed
belbre thob
deportation,
the old man warned
him,
with s
smile,
not to venture back into the cave of the-
Cyclops
for the sake of
any
trifles which he
ight
have left behind there. N
It seems clear,
from this anthentic account,
that the senate was
taken
by sarprise,
and
shamed out of its
jealousy,
and
granted
the indulgence
which had been so
longimportunatelT
mplored
in mere indifl^rence end
contempt.
[f it had foreseen the results which were to
;a^s"'i."-
RETURN OF THE EXILES." CONDITION OF ATHENS. 487
rorst
calamity
that c
Ve have to
deplore
tt
fork of
Poljbius
ount of the charai
org
whom hem
nsue
from the return or the
exiles,
it would
lost
prohablj
havfaconeented to it
sooner;
but
hey
n-cre such as itwas hardlypossible
to cal-
ulate,*
Among
the reslored were some whose
ireseuce in Greece
was,
at this
juncture,
the
luld befall (heir
country,
the loss of (hat
part
of the
I which he
gave
a
full ae-
er and
history
of the
men,
lee Diffiua and
Damocritua,
ilcainenes,Theodec(es,'andArchicrate3.t
But
ram the terms in which he
speaks
of them in
he extant
fragmenls,
and from the facts ra-
orded of (hem. we
may
collect that
they were,
ike
BO
many
who have been
placed
In similar
ircumstancea, men who bad learned
nothing
nd
forgotnothing
in their
exile,
who came back
luming
with haired and thirst of
vengeance,
lOt
only against
the
Romans,
bat
against
all
rhom
theyregardedas
frienda of
Rome,
bent
in
sadaEing
this
vengeance
at
any
cost,
but
|nileincapable
of a sober estimate of the means
hey possessed
of
compassing
(heir end. There
vere, probably,
several
among
them who had
"een carried
away
lo
Italy
when
(hey
were
just
'Dteiing
OD
publiclife.t
In the seclusion of (he
talian (owns
they
could
gain
bnt httle
political
experience
;
and the
longindulgence
of
matig-
lant
passions,
the dreams of ambitioD and re-
renge,
with which
they beguiled
their tedious
loura.
the
perpetual
fluc(uaiions t"e[ween
san-
;uiiie hopes
and listtesa
despondency,
common
o men in such a situation,
could
only
tend to
weaken and distort their natural
judgment.
iVhen to allthis it is
added, that
(hey
were as
nercenaryand unprincipled as Catlicratea him.
lelf,
it will be evident thai
Ihey were even still
ess fitted than he lo direct the councils of the
lation,
and that
nothing
but min waa to be ex-
lected from the
predominance
of their influ-
:nee.
Poljbiusalso
revisited Greece for alime.
n the first
year
of the thlnl Punic
war,
he was
lummoned to attend (he consul Manilins at
Lily-
icum
;
but when he reached
Corcyra,having
'eceived
intelligence
of the snbmiaaion of the
iârthaginiana,
he relumed to
Peloponnesus, 4
)0t, however,
it
appears,
to make
a
longstay
here. He
probably
found that his
intimacy
with
Scipio,
and (he favour
by
which he bad
been
distinguished at Rome, were ho
many
barriers
which
intercepted
his
prospects
of honour,
authority,
and useful
activity
in his Qatiie land.
Passibly
he abandoned hijnself too soon lo despair,
was too
eager
to return (0 the
society
of
his Roman
friends,
and lo the great thentre
where he had
an
opportunity
of
witnessing,
from the most favourable
position,
the' moat
momentous scenes in (he
his(ory
of
mankiod,
to record which was the main business of his
life. He
may
have deceived himself wi(h the
belief that he wis
likely
to be more uaefbl
to
his
country
in
Italy
than at home.
Perhaps
he
would have acted
a more
generooa part
if he
had remained in
Peloponnesusto
support
the
patriotic
efibrta of his friend Stratius. His
proper placemay
have been at Corinth,
whea
be
was Blacding
before
Carthage. But,
besides
that he
may again
have been
obeying
order*
from
Rome,
we can
onlysay,
that in him Booh
devotion to a sinkingcause
would have been
singularly magnanimous;
(here
appears
not tbe
smallest likelihood that it would have
produced
any
sensible eflfecton the coone of
events.
The
closing
scenes in the
history
of the Ach"-
an
League are represented
as
having
been la-
troduced
by
a transaction in which Atbena bora
a
principal part,
and wbioh is
chiefly
remailLa-
ble
as an illustration of the state into which that
city
had now
sunk Even before the disastrooa
war in which i(a
terrilory
suflered
so macb ftmn
Philip's
merciless
ravages.
Ithad been driveD to
seek occasional relief from the
growing pressure
of
poverty
at the hands of the eaatam
princes,particularly
the
Ptolemies,
whoee mii-
nilicence it endeavoured (o adract and
requite
by
the most
profuse
and
exquisitedalleiy.*
The
policy
of
Euryclides
and
Micio, who directed
its affairs
during
several
years
of
Phil^t's
reign,
seems to have consisted almost
wholly
in
such
mendicancy.
I(b connexion with
Rome,
which set ll(tlevalue on its choicest hononn
and roost soundingphrases,
was rather burdsn-
sorae than
profitable.Aceording
to Valerius
Andas, indeed, the senate had rewarded it for
its
loyalty
at the end of the first Maeodoniaa
war
by
tbe
grant
of
Paros, Imbros,Qeloe,
and
Scyros.t
But the fact is
questionable, aa we
learn from
PoIybius,t
that after the teimination
of the war with
Perseus,they
sent an
embas^
to Rome to ask for Delos and I"emnos. Tbe
same
envoys
were instructed to intercede for
the
people
of Hahartus
;
but,
if
they
found the
senate inexorable,
then to
beg
thu the
territery
of Haliartua
might
be annexed to Attica, The
senate rejected
the fint of these
petitions,
but
granted
the
territory
of
Haliarlusf
and the two
islands
: and,
in answer to the remonstrmooeB
of the
Delians,
decreed that
they
should
mignle
with all llieir moveable
property
to Aobaii.ll
They
were there admitted to the
Irancbise,
and
the Athenians were compelledby
the senate to
adjust
the differences which arose out of tbe
(ransfer
according
(o the Achsan laws. The
senate, at the same time,
declared Delos a (t"e
port,
and was thus enabled to strike a luiDuns
a..
11.
c. V.l.,
p.
W7.
rtiE fwAAov A
s 7iv'A\itfrUfixi-
HISTORY OF GREECE.
488
Uow U tbe commerco
and revenues of Rhodea.'
But the
possess
ion of
Delas,
and the
sovereignty
of Lemnos, could iiut afliird
any very important
reliefto tbe
poverty
of
AlbeiiB;
and in tbe
jev
166 the
public
distress was su
urgent
there,
that tbe
people
was
persuaded,by
some advisers,
it
seenns.
less
scrupulous
and discreet than
Micio Bud
Euryciides.
to reaort lo an
exiraordi-
narj runedy.
An
eipe"lition
was undertaken
egauietOijopua,
which was surprised
and
plundered.
Tbe
Oropianscomplained
of this outrage
to the senate,
wbich was
indignant
at such
eneroaohuHQt on its
monopoly
of
rapine,
and
directed the
Sicyonians
to
lay
a mulct on tbe
Albeniana,proportioned
to the
damage
done to
Oropus.
No advocates
appeared
in behalf of
Albens at Steyon,
and the sentence ioiposed
llieenormous
penalty
of 600 talents. The eX'
travaganoe
of this
sum,
wbetlier as
compared
Witb the ralae of ibe
spoil
carriedoff from Oro-
pusi
or
with the resources of
Athens,
may
bn
the better
estimated Ifwe reraenber that Po-
lybJOB
calculates the amount of all tbe
booQ'
IJMrad
by
Cleomenes in
Megaltqx^
at 300 tat-
snts,
and that no more than 600 were
exacted
by
tbe Romans themselves,
in the atmost bitterness
of their
anger,
from all."tolia. It was
to obtain a remission,
or
mitigation,
of this
penalty
that the Athenians sent tbe celebrated em-
bwsygf
the three
philosojdiere
to Rome: tbe
Stoic
Dtogenea,
the
Peripatetic Critolaus,f
and
CameBdee,
the founder of the third Academic
aobooL If
thay
were not
profoundthinkers,
Ibej were,
in their various
styles,among
the
mast
eloquent
talkers of the
day.
Yet it is
probabletliey
would
scarcely
have been selected
for such a mission if their success had depended
entirelyon the
iiapression
which their
pleadingmight
mahe on the senate. But it
was
known that there was now a
large
circle
amonf
the
highest
tamilies of
Rome,
in which
tlM
ClmchiDglogic
of
Diogenes,
the ethical
par- adoses
of
Critolaus,
who maintained that
pleas-
jm was an evil,]: and the
speculntive impartiality
of Carneades " whose roost intimate scholar
oould never discover what
opinion
he
really
held on
anyquestion,4as
there was none which
be could not maintain with
equalplausibility
"
would be received with
avidity
and
delight.
Tbe
envoys,
in
fact,
found numerous
patrons
"nd admirers at Rome. On their firstintroduc- tion
to the senate,
their
speeches
were transla- ted
by
a
senator,
C.
Acilius,
who also
supported
tbeir enit in his own
person ;!(
and while their
oanse remained
pending,
esch of
them,
but especially
Carneades,
drew crowds of the
young
mbilityto tbeir
private
exhibitions of
philosoph-
iMl HtetoricT
Calo was
deeplydispleased
and
"larmed
by
tbe
reports
he heard of the fascina-
tka which
they
were exertingon tbe Roman
youth;
and in his
place
in the senate he cen-
Bm^d tbe
msgistrstes,
who had allowed a set
*^" il|*" drrVl
Tf"i,":)"v. TbtinmaBtMmuU-
nw.
Sm BosrJlti. \lh,
SluUh,, lit.,S) lai tank fm
itiwthi Fuilo. (Plal.
nifBttadi tmiA
per
oAUbBniBa nxbdi lock
nu
of men to be
waiting
so
long
for the
despatdi-
of their
business,
who were able to
gainassent
to whatever
proposition they
would.* It
was
not, however,
we must
observe,
the matter of
their
discourses,nor the indifferencewith which
Carneades,
aller he had descanted in
praise
of
justiceone
day,
showed on the next that a*
much
might
be as well said
againstit,t
that
gave
oflence to the old
censor,
who had himself
unconsciously
imbibed the
priaciplea
of Fo-
lus,Thrasymacbus,
and
Gorgiae.
to his heart's
core,
bad never been able to
perceive
a distinc-
tiou between
might
and
right, justiceandeipe-
diency,t
and
thought
itno bad
argument
for lbs
destruction of
Carthage,
that the African
figs
were so
large
and
good.4
The
danger
which
be dreaded
was,
lest the
growing
entbusiaaoi
for
foreign
literature and arta should
supersede
the old ftalian tastes and modes of
thinking,
and the
young
Romans should be diverted from
the business of the forum or the
camp by a
passion
for frivolous
disputations.
The success
of the
philosophers
in tbe
object
of their
embassy
was
greater
in
appearance
than in nt-
ality.n
The
senate, indeed,
reduced the
peaaltr
to 100 talents
;
but it must have been known
that even this was much more than it
waa in
the
power
of Athens to raise. Nor
was itever
paid. By meatis
of a
negotiation,
which is related
in a manner not
perfectly
intelligible to
us,
the Athenians
prevailed
on the
people
of
Oropus,
not
only
to
forego
the
compensatioa
which had been awarded to
them,
hut to
accept
an Albenian
garrison,
and to
givehostagesto
the Athenians
4
oaeondjtionthat,if tbeysluNild
create
any
fresh
ground
of
complaint
to the Oro- pians,
the
garrison
shouU be withdrawn and
the
hostages
restored. i^
In the
year following
the return of the exiles
this case arose. The Athenian
garrisoncom- mitted
some
outrage
on tbe
townspeo|de,
who
demanded tbe restitution
of tbe
hostage*,
and
the evacuation of their town. This the Athe- nians
refused to
grant,
but offered to
punish
tba
oflenders, Tbe
Oropiansapplied.
to the Ach""
an
League
for redress
;
but the Achnan
assembly,
which had no
authority
over either
party,
and bore no illwill to Athens,
declined to interfere.
A
Spartan
named Mennlcidas
was,
at
this
time,
chief
magistrate
of the
League,and
his character seems to have been so notorious
as to
encoursge
the
Oropisns
to
tamper
with
him. For a bribe of ten talents he undertcNdc
to
espouse
tbeir cause :
and that he
might
bo
able to execute his
engagement,
he
promised
five talents to Callierates as the
price
of bis
assistance. The influence of
Callicralea, we
find,
stillcontinued
unimpaired,
and be carried
" decree to send succours to Oropus.
Tbo
Athenians,however, no sooner beard of tt thaa
they
made another
expedition
to
Oropus,again
pillaged
the town,
and then withdrew their
gar^
t Lutuliai, Div, Tut, 1
I Aoemdiiifta .Sliu (T, n
Tapi role"Fufnicxt,dI
r*
ai"iV.î
""psitir^
ORIGIN OP THE ACHflAN WAR." WAR IN MACEDONIA.
riaOD. The tiro asaoclalea then
ariFed
tbe in-
vasioD ofAtiLca,
bul met with
oppusition.
it is
saitl.
from the Lacedaunoniaa
troops,
which in-
duced tbein to desist and disband their forces.
Menalcidas,though
he had reodered do seivice
to the
Oropiarts.
exacted
payment
of his bribe
;
but when he had isceived
it,
defrauded Callicra-
tea of his share,
CaHicrates,
in
revenge, brought
a
capitalchargeagaiastMenalcidas,
when he
had
gone
oul of
office, as
having
endeavoured
to persuade
the Romans to detach
Sparta
from
the AchKan
League.
Menalcidas found himself
in so much linger, that he
thought
it ns-
cesaaiy
to
purchase
the
protection
of hi* suc-
cesaor Disus with a brit"eof three
talents,
and
with his
help escaped
condemnation. But be
was so generalif
odious,
that Dieeus inctured
aoch
obloquj through
his
interference,and,
according
to
Pausanias,
it was to divert
public
attention from this
subject
that be
pushed
the
Achcans into violent measures
egaiuatSputa,
whicb,
in ibe
end,
involved the
League
ina dual
Struggle
with Ro"me,*
The occasion seems to have
beep
furnished
bj an appeal
which the
Spartan*
made to the
"eoata acainet the decision of CaUiorUes on
tlie boundary dispute.
The
answer they
had
received
was,
that
they
must submit to the decree
of the Achnan
aasemhly
in all matters
not involvingqaestiona
of life
or
death. But
DicQS
misrepreseDted
Ibia
answer,
snd
persuaded
the assembly that it was invested with an
unlimited
jurJadiction over
Sparta;
and,
when
the
Spartansproposed
to ascertain the fad
by
a reference to the
senate, charged
them with
an infringement
of the fundamental articleof
the
Constitution,
which forbade
any
of the united
states to tend an
embassy
to a
foreign
power
without the sanction of the whole
body.
On this
ground
wai was declared
againstthere,
and DiKUB made
preparations
for the invasion
of Laconia. Conscious of their
inability
to re-
aiat,
they
sent embassies to the
principal
cities
of Ibe
League
to
deprecate
(he Ibreatened attack,
and endeavoured to
propitiate
DiKus him-
telf;
but
every
city
declared itself bound to
obey
the orders of the
general
when be called
for its
contingent.
And Oicus
professed
that
be was not
going
to make war on
Sparta,
hut
on the men who disturbed ber
tranquillity.
On
tbia hint the
gerusiainquired
the
namea
of the
indtTidnals who were the
objects
of his hostility,
and he tent in a list of
four-and-twenty
of
the
principal
men in
Sparta. They adopted
the
saaaciouB
proposal
of
Agasisthenes,
who advised
them to seek
refuge
at Rome,
with fullcon- fidence
that
they
would
soon be restored
by
the
senate. After their
departurethey
were eoo-
denmed to death
by
a
Spartantribonalt
and
the Achnans sent Callicratest and Diana to
Rome to
oppoae
their restoration. Callicrataa
feU ill,
and died on the road,at a
juncturewhen,
for the firsttime in bis life, ho
might
have done
some
service to his
country ; though
the nature
of his relatitms to
Dirus is too obscure to
permit
more than a
very
uncertain
conjecture
on
tbia
point;
but it ia not improbable
that he
migbt
have checked the violence,
and have
ooimtaracledtbeintrignesorhisradleague.
At
Rome, Dicus found Menalcidas his chief
antagonist
i though
he does not seem to have beea
oncof the
twenty-four;
and
a warm altercation
arose between them in the senate. But tba
answer which
they
carried back declanid that
the
senate was about to send
envoys
to decida
the
dispute
between
Sparta
and the AohMtn
League.
This
embassy,however, delayed
ita
appearance
somewhat
long,and,
in the mean
while,
both Diaaus and
.Menalcidas, having,perhaps,
been themselves the
dupes
of the senate's
equivocation,
deceived their
countrymen
yiilh
a false
report
of their success, Disiaa
gave
out
that the
Spartans
had been
enjoinedto
obey
the AchKans in all
thing*
;
Menalcidaa,tw
they
were to be detached flmu the Aoh"B
League,*
Thus the Achvana were eDCoaraged
10 renew
hostilities,
the
Spaitanato ventme
In the
mean while a fieeh war had brokeit
out in
Macedonia,
where
AadriMoa, a
yomic^
man of low
birth,a native,
it is
said,
of Adra-
myttium,giving
himself out to be a son of Psr-
seus,
whom he resembled in his
peTs"Hi,f
and
assuming
the name of
Philip,
bad been nnim-
saUy Bi^nowtedged
as
king.
We are the lsa"
BurfH'ised at his
success,
when we obaerre (hat
Macedonia bad been the scene of oontinnaldia-
orders and tumults ever sioM the establishment
of s
republican government;
and we can baidly
doubt that the senate foreaaw and deawneo
this effect of the new Constitîon. llireD
years
after the battleof
Pydna,
Raman
envoys-
were sent to
inspect
the state of
Macedonia^
because,
as
Polybiusremarks,
the Macndoni'
ans, being
unused to a democratical and
representative
government,
were divided into fao-
lions.t Two
years
after,
we find a Macedoaian,
named
Damasippus.who,
after
having
massacred
the members of one
of the
legislative
councils,
had Bed with his wife and
children,sailing
in the same
galley
with a Roman
envoy ;iand,
if we
might rely
on an insulated
statement,
of
uncertain
anthority.
we should be led to Infer
that^
in the
year
B,C,
1G8,
at least
one important
change
was introduced into the intemnl
adnunistration of
Macedonia;
for we are informed
that the
mines, the
closing
of which had
been considered aa indiapensabls
for the
prea-
ervation of
tranqaillity,
then
began
to be worked
again,
II In the sanke
year
in which the-
Achnan ezilas returned
,a
Macedonian embaa-
sy
had beea sent to Rome to
request
that JBu^
ianus
might
be
appointed
oommlssiotiertolMai
their dissensions.T
It
was natural,thra"lbi".
that
any
pretender
who held out a
proapect
of
internal
peace,
together
with the reatomtion of
the monarchy,
should be hailed
by
all
parties
"
P*a("ni., IS.
I Zoauu, ii. tt. li*..EpiM-,
lUi. Fknt, iL, 14.
EiwiiiiUIiidliuiniillppi.Ftndii-Fhiliiipunaldtu: fitb-
Mj
1 (ootwliii
" "-'' """ """ ' '--'
K'
n'^Û'nt'to'Pbiii^tiMirriM^
nam. FnoPdrD-.
EntVi
mM
"uppflaMl
Lbar* thai b" Wl iiiBff Omi Phifipi
PUGp^HkKm
...
"
u" "rftha
pna*-
".
luuUi la Mmdiiius
uo
HISTORY OP GREECE.
\rith an
eager
welDome.
Andriscai,or,
u the
Romans
c^led
him, Paeudo-PhiJippiis,
appears
to have been endowed with
qualities
which he
could
scarcely
have inherited from ihe father
'wôln he claiioed,
and wliich rendered him
worthier of the throne than
any
son of Perseus
'would
prohahl;
have been. But Ihe accounte
remaining
of his actions are bo
scanty,
thai we
may
be in
danger
of
overrating
his abUitiea.
Having
failed in hie first
attempt
to excite an
inBurrecIion in Macedonia,he had dcd to
Sjria
to solicitaid from Demetrius Soter
)
but
by
tiira
'Was sent as a
prisoner
to Rome. The senate
"t think him worth notice,or was not loath
lernn
bim to
depart.
He collected
a band of adven-
tDTere,
drew several towns east of the
Stiymon
over to his aide,
and
strengthened
himself
by
alliances with the Tbracian
(nbes,
which
supplied
him with a
largebody
of aoxiliaries.with
which he made himself master of
Macedonia,
And adTaoced into
Thessaly.*
The
senate, at
first, thought
it sufficient to send
Scipio
Nasica
to
qnell
the revolt
by
a
peaceable
intervention
,t
bat soon learned ât the
danger
had
grown
se-
rtoua. Nasica collected an Achean
force,!
inarched into
Thessaly,
and
compelled
Andris-
cuB to retreat into
Macedonia,
and
kept
him occupied
there until he was relieved
by
the arri-
Tai
of a Roman
army
nnder the
prstor,
P. Ju-
ventiuB Thalna. A battle
ensued,
in which
Tlialna was defeated and
slain,
and Andriscus
again
invaded
ThesBaly.
The next
year
the
prnter,
Q,
Csicilius
Metellus,was sent
against
him with a
stranger
forL-e. Melellus arrived
in Macedonia
nearly
at the same time that
Damocritns,
who had succeeded Diteus as
general,
was
preparing
to invade Laconia. At this
ianctiire
a Roman
embassy
was on its
way
to
Asia,and, at the desire of
Metellus,
endeavonr-
"d to
prevent
hostilities in
Peloponnesus,
and
VTged
the Achaians to wait for the commisaion-
CTB who were
coming
from Rome to
compose
"beir
dispote
with the
Spartans.
Damocrilus,
bowever, paid
no heed to their
advice,but,as
aoon Bs
ihey
were
gone,
marched into Laoonia.
The
Spartansgave
him battle
with,
it
seems,
"very
inferior
numbeiB,
and were defeated,with
the loss of IDOO of their beat
troops.
It was
gen-
-eralty
believed
that,
if Damocritus had followed
up
his
victory
with due
activity,
he would have
Sparta,
and at the close
of his official
year
he was
brought
to trialon a
charge
of
treachery,
and condemned to a fine of
fiftytalents,which, as he was unable to
pay it,
force dhim to
go
into exile. He was Bucceeded
ia office
by
Dieus.
In the meanwhile the war in Macedonia was
broughtto an end.
AltalusofPergamuBbrought
a fleet to second the
operations
of the Roman
army,
and
Andriscus,beingobliged
to
provide
for tiie defence of his
coast,
fellback
on Mace- donia.
Near
Pydoa,bowever, he defeated the
"
P"Mi" En. Vu., B. 44S.
tUfarl ric M r"r Hon-
t Ur..
Eput,
1.
T^hhJii
vam H illui
inwian
"nn M "enpare PHuds-P)iiliii|iiB tsIIm Mr
l*fM"
Rs-
MaoMir Pi.^,Eu. VU.. P.44T.
"t^r2!ai
rpSf^
Roman
eavalry,
but was afterward iDdnend to
divide his forces into two
oorpe,
which were
separately
routed
by
Metellus. Andriscus escaped
into
Thrace,
where he collected another
army,
with which he
againgave
battle to the
Romans,
but lost the
day,
eud.
having
taken
refuge
with a Thracian chief named
Byzes,
was
delivered
up
to Metellus* While he wailed in
Macedonia for the arrival of the commisaion-
crs who were to reduce it into a
provinoe,
Dirus was
preparing
to
prosecute
the war with
Sparta;
but,being
warned
by
Metellna to desist,
promised
to
suspend
hostilitiea until the
expected
mediators should arrive. But if he
observed the letter of this
promise,
he broke it
in
substance,
for be introduced Achnan
troops
into the Laconian towns in ibe
vicinity
of
Spar- ta,
which,
it
seems,
continued to inrest the country
by frequent
inroads. The
Spartans
were
driven
by
their distress to an
expedient
like
that to which the Athenians had resorted in the
case of
OropuB
:
they surprised
and
plundered
the border town of lasus. But as this was a
palpable
breach of the
armistice,
and
an act of
direct disobedience to the
injunctions
of Hete4-
lus,they
soon
repented
of their
rashness,
and
Menaloidas,
who had drawn them into the nn-
dertakiag,
was so alarmed at the
prospect
of
the
consequences,
that he
put
aa
end to his
own
life
by poison.
t
The
embassy
which was to restore
traiM]ail"
lity
to Greece seems to have been
purpoeelj
delayed
untd the end of the Macedonian
war,
when it
might safely
assume a tone of abaolute
authority,
which would
hardly
have been
prudent
while Andriscus was stillfonnidable. It
arrived in
Peloponnesus
while Di"us waa in
office,
and the chief
commissioner,
M. Anrelius
Orestes,
called a
meeting
of the Achean ma-
gistTstes
to Corinth,
and
plainly
informed tbem
that the senate
did not think it
right
that either
Sparta
or Corinth itself should
any longer
be
comprehended
in the Achean
League,
but desired
that
Argos
and Heraclea io
Trachis,
and
the Arcadian
Orchomenus.
ahoold be restored
to
independence,being
of diflercat
origin
and
late accessions to the
League.
In other
words,
the
League
was to be reduced to its
primitive
Btste,
when it included
only
the Achnan towns.
The Achaean
magistrates
were so
indignant
at
this
demand,
that
they
did
not even wait until
Orestes had ended bis
speech,
but rushed ool
into
the'streets,
and
hastily
Bummoned an assembly,
to which
they
commnntcated the
proposal
which
they
had
just
beard. It roused a
fiirious burst of
popularresentment, which,
however, was directed
against
Ihe
Spartaaseo-
jouming
in Corinth. As
many
of them as oonM
be found were arrested,
and some of them were
draggedaway
from the house of Orestes himself.
It was in vain that he
espoelulated
with
the
multitude,
and warned them that
theywere
omring wrong
and insult to Romans. All who
had liMn
seiied.
and who
proved
to be
Spar- tans,
were,
a few
daysafter,
thrown into
prison.
Orestes himBelf and his
colleaguesnsrrowly
escapedviolence.]:
On their return to Rome
they complained,
with much
exaggeration,
of
the treatment they
had
received,
which
they
maliciously represented
as the effect of delil"
rii., U.
Eiut., I. Fhraa, ".,
I
u.,?i".,M. rolri,a iii.,L
CRITOLAUS.
rate aontriTancc. The senate
appointeda
"osh
embaasj,
with Julius Sextua at its
head,
lit instrucied him to use the miJdest
language
f
friondly admonition,
and
on!j
(a
require
salis-
tclion (roTa the authore or the
outrages.
Po-
fbius would consider this as a
proof
that the
bjectof
the insirurtions
given
to Orestes
was,
ot lo break the
League,
but
merely
to
frighten
nd liumhie the Achsana
;
thou^
there were
amo,
he
observps,
who
regarded
this forbear-
nee as mere
dissimulation, adopted
bceausc
le
warwithCarthagewasstillunGnishcd.
He
imself
proresses
to belieTe that the Romans
rishcd to
spare
the
Achcana,
and
only
sought
J
inspire
them with a wholesome terror.*
But
liis
supposition
is
utterlyinconsistent,
both
'ith the character of the senate and witli the
olicy
ithad hitherto
parsned
towards the AchK-
na,
aa well as towanla the other states of
ireece. The diBSolution of the
League
was
tie
object
to which its measures had ))een
mg
tending,
and it
iniglil easily
foresee that
liesudden
change
in itatoue would be so mis-
iterpreted
as to
give
occasion to some freab
idiscretion,
which
mijhl
aflbrd a fair
pretext
"r
greaterseverity.
Alter the
departure
of
Orestes,
the Acheans
ad sent Thearidas at the head of an
embassy
3 ofTbr an
apology
for the scene which had la-
en
place
at Corinth. Their
envoys
met Stx-
us on their
way
to
Rome, and,at his
desire,
re"
jmed with him lo
Peloponnesus.
Diaus had
aw been succeeded in office
by Crilolaus,an
qualljvioleiit
and
imprudent
enemy
of
Rome,
nd no less bent on
widening
the
breach,
in
rhich he
probably
believed all hia
hopes
of au-
borily
and
influence,
and even hia
personal
afety,
to
depend.
The
pacific language
of the
ComaoB in the
assembly
at ."giumwaa
treated
y
him and his
partisans
aa a
symptom
of fear.
Tie
senate, theysupposed,
or endeavoured to
"rsuade the
multitude,
felt itself embarrassed
y
the Celliberian and
Carthaginianwars,
and
herefore wished to avoid a
almggle
with the
Lchzans. It
mnat also have been
imagined
hat the state of Macedonia was not
yet
auffl-
ienttytranquil
to
permit
Metellus to
employ
is
troops elsewhere,and,
in
fact,
alter the over-
hrow of
Andriscua,a fresh
pretender,
named
Licxander,
started
up, calling
himself a son of
'erscus,
and estabtiahed himself for a time on
le banks of the
Nestua,
but was
forced lo
ty
efure Metellus intoDardania. Acourteousan-
wer,
however,was
given
lo Sextos. Theari-
as was directed lo
proceed
on his misaion lo
.ome
;
but the Roman
envoys
were invited to
conference al
Tegea
for the
pnrpose
of ad-
usling
Ihe
dispute
with
Sparta.
Scxlus and
is
colleaguesaccordinglyrepaired
to
Tegea,
'here
they
were met
by Spartan
miniatcra
-,
ut after
they
had been
kept longwaiting
for
ie arrivalof the
Achsans,
Critolaus came al-
lost alone,
and after an interview with Ihc
partans,
informed Sestua that he had
no au-
lority
to decide on such
questions,
but that he
'ouldrefer them lo the next
regularassenbly,
liich was to be held at Ihe end of six months,
extus saw that a
plan
had been laid to de-
eive and alfront
him. and
immediately
sel out
n his return to
Iialy.
His
report
seems to
ave induced the senate lo decree war trilh
the AchDian
League. Critolaus, in the mean
while,was
exerting
his utmost eflbrta to hasten
the
rupture.
In the course of the winter he
made a circuit
through
the
principal towns,
to
inflame the
paasions
of Ihe
peopleagainst
the
Romans and the
Spartans,by,perhaps,partial
and
exaggeratedaccounts oftbe conference at
Tegea ;
and he won the moat numerous dass
of the
community
to his aide
by
an order which
must have been a
great
strain of the
preroga-
tivea of hia
office,
that the
magistrates
should
suspend
all
legalproceedings
for the
recovery
of debts until the war should be
brought
to a
Metellus had
hoped
to follow
up
the
conquest
of Macedonia with the
pacification
of
Greece,
id the
intelligence
which he
received of the
lurse which aflTairswere
caking
in
Peloponne-
BQB induced him
to send four of his officers to
attend the Achsan assetnbiy at
Coiinih,and,
if
possible, altay
the ferment which had been
excited
by
Critolaus.
They were
instructed,
it
appears,
to
repeat
ihe
gentlewarnings and advice
of Sextus. But the
popular
îiw
had
now been so
strongly
roused
against
Heme,
that their smooth
phrasesonly
served lo foed
the
flame,
and
Ihey
were
obliged
to retire uoid
the
jeers
and
hootinga
of the
multitude,
and
were even
bespattered
with mud as
Iheypassed
through
the streets. t
Polybius,indeed,
intimates
that Critolaus was
chieflysupportedby
the lowest of the
populace,
and
by
(be
soldiery.t
This
was, no doubt,so far
true,
thai those who
had most to lose were least
willing
to
expooa
themselves to the risk of a war with
Rome,
and
moat
clearlyperceived
the
danger.
But titers
is no reason tu believe thai the hatred towards
Rome was confined lo
any
dass
;
and
Polybius
himself observes that allthe citiesof the
League
were
infatuaied,
but Corinth most
generally
and
deeply. 4
Critolana took this occasion to deliver
an inflammatoryharangue,
in which he
inveigh- ed
against
the
Romans,
threw out hints that he
had received
promises
of assistance from foreign
powers,
and told the
peoplethat,
if
Ihey
were men. they
would be in no want
of
allies,
nor,
if
weaklinp,
of maslcrs.!! He set Ihe
uouucil,T
which
attempted
to restrain
him, at
defiance,
and declared thai be feared neither
ta nor Itome,
but
only
the traitors who
in
correspondence
with the
enemy
and
divulged
the secrets of the stale.
By
such
arts
he carried a decree of
war,
nomin^ly, as
Po- lybius
observes,
with
Sparta,
but
reallyagainst
Rome. It was in itself
equivalent
to an assertion
of the absolute
independence
of the
League^
and
by
another decree the
general
whs invested
with unlimiled
authorily;
and it was thas left
to the discretion of Crilolaus to conduct
operations
in the
way
which he
might
think best calculated
lo
provoke
boatitilieswith the Romans.
Such
appears
to have been the use whicli he
made of his
enlarged
powers.
Wken he took
the field in the
spring
of
146,
it was to
marcU,
not againatSparta,
but northward lo the vale
i XHTtiii;4,
S
: Riviuiih
M^v^
al nJUiE,VKmhUl
itloi v^rrd rut t ~"
KofirBlur.
I U.
I., tS: 'EoiiiirMpitSui'.tttinftninii nt-
udx";
li' f Sripor'^'(U""""ni",Mii, p. W, iiifAn-
4 T^
fb
yiftvaln,
nntalily,
u I ban
ilrudr
ob-
nrnd, A" DaBiirp*.
S"
atfi,p.
KB.
Am
HISTOitY OF GASBCB.
of the
SperobeoB,
where he laid
siege
to Hera-
dea,
which had renouaced ila connexion with
the Aohnan
League,
or refused lo enter into it
This movement eeem* to have beeo uoderlakei
in the
hope
of
exciting
a
general
revolt in Bceo-
tia and Enboa. The Thiebana,
apparently
under
the
preswua
of the
general
poverty,
had
nude iiUMds into the lerritorieB of their
neigh'
bonra,
and had been condemned
by
Metelliu u
pay
three
fines,one to the
Fhocians,
another tc
the
EutKEBns,
the third to the Locrians of Am-
pbissa.*
In their
misery
and
despair, they
had
promised
to
join
Crllolaua with alltheir forces,
and the Baotarcli
Pytheas,
who seems to have
hftd
some privategrounds
of
alarm,
had instigated
the AdiKans to the war.
Whether Chat-
oia was urged by any stronger
motive thaa the
remembraBce of the
oppression
ithad sulTered
fioMithe
Romans, we are not inlonned
;
but il
BCM a
body
of aiuiliarieato the Acheean
army.
Ilwas nonkitownlhettheoaauDajwlof tlie for-
MB dMtined for the war with the Achteans hail
tosa
anigned
to the eaaSDl L.
Mummius,
who
wai ei^wetedsliortly
to arrive in Greece. As
Ifatelbia
was,
on this
account,
more an
tban ever to bring
the Ach"aDS to terma,
night reuooably expect that,
when such a
MiMm wae gathering
over their
heads, they
WOnld be ntore wilting
to listen to his over-
tarea. He
again
sent to assure them that
they
Med Dot despair
of
pardon,
if
they
would
even
BOW comity
with the
injuiictions
of the Romans
wtaioh had been
conveyed
to them
by Orestes,
and abwidou their connexion with
Sparta,
and
the other cities which it bad been
proposed
to
Mpaiale
from the
League.! Critolaus,
however,
had
gone
too far lo recede with
safety,
and
remained InAexible.
According to Fausanias,
Metellus had
begun
his march from Macedonia
at the same time that his
envoys
set out on
their
mission,
and he
was, therefore,probably
already
in
Thessaly
when he met them on
their
letom.
He is said to bare advanced with
auch a|Med,
that he had
already
crossed the
Spsrct^nabefore the Achaeana were
apprized
M his
approach.
Their leader was
then seized
with oonateniBtion
equal
to bis
previous
temer-
i^,
artd not
only
raised the
siege
of
Heraclea,
but did not even venture to malce a stand at
niermopylffi.
Yet he allowed himself to be
overtaken
a littlesouth of the
pass,
near Scar-
phea:
hia forces were there
entirelybroken,
and he himself
disappeared,
and was never
beard of more.t The
victors,advaaciog
to
ChEsronea,fell in with 1000
Arcadians,who
were
returning
to
Peloponnesus,having
march-
M as far as
Elatea to
joinCritolaus,
when
they
beaid of his
defeat,
and cat them allto
ptocea.f
dtniHriiiif OiutH,H"hnib(J (c.]",I).
t fuiM, {fiL,13,4) vappuw
hiia ut ht.'nbftendrownod.
Zqduu (ix.,Si) nu
lillllllj KttrokAav Kteivrot.
from
Lit.,BpiK.,lii., it vould MB ibu 1"
mpBd rma the
UUl*: CriloluH TJiian lilii ioiirt"im miKiili. Bnlthsn
uudlhilufDiaD.
The
country through
which Metellna
poraued
his march towards the Isthmus
was a scene
of
desolation, misery,
and
dismay,
for which
Polyblus
can
hardly
find
expressions
suScieul-
lystrong, though
he sets before us itieiuhatii-
lants of the towns
quitting
their homes to wan- der
in the mouulains
;
uambers
takingrefuga
from their fears and
sufferings
in suicide
;
others
attempting
to
provide
for their
own Btklf
by voluntary
information
against
their
neigti-
hours, or to
propitiate
the
conqneror by
the
must
abject
hamiliatiau. Thebes was Ibttnd
entirely
deserted
; and,thoughMetellus would
not let the
fugitives
be
pursued,
many
must
hare
perished,
from
hunger
and
hardstups,
in
the trackless wilds to which
they
fled.
iTtlie-
as
escaped,
with his
family,
to
Peloponnesus.
*
Id the mean
while,
Disus had taken the
place
of
Critolaus, by
virtue of the law which
providedthat,on tLe death of the general,
his
predecessor
should
resnme
the command until
an
assembly
was held for a new eleotioa.
Die-
us
was,
no doubt,awai" that resistance was utterly
unavailing;
but as the mildest late tis
had to
expect,
if he fellinto the
power
of tha
Romans,
was
perpetualexile,
he was
resolred
to bold out to the last. He
immediatelj
scat
Alcamenes,one of bis
partisaoe,
with 4OO0 men
10
occupy Megara,
and himself
proceeded
U"
Argos
to
superintend
the
levy
of fresh
troops.
He ordered all freemen of
militaryage
to
appear
in arms at
Corinth,
and 12.000
houiehold
slaves to be set at
liberty,
and
equipped
forIha
field Bt the
expense
of their masters
i
and raised
lajrge
sums,
under the name of voUmtary
coDtributions,
from the
opulent,compettiiig
th"
women to
part
with the ornaments of their
persons.
t As those who were called
upon
lo make
these sacrifices knew that
they
must be
friiit-
less,
and had not the same motives for despair
as Dicus,they obeyed
his orders with r"lDC-
tance, especially as he showed
grest
partialily
in the assessment of the
emancipated
slaves,
and
frequently
eluded
them,
for the
whole
amount of the new levies,including
the
free"l-
men, appears
never to have eicenied 14.000
foot and 600 horse. EL's and Messenia,
which
had never been well alfected towards
the
League, now
openly kept
aloof Even
Iba
township
of
Tcnea,
in the
territory
of Corinlt,
is said to have revolted from the Goriathiara,
and to have
joined
the
Romans,
who aderwini
rewarded it for its
desertion.}:Before
Di"s"
Corinth,B council was held there by
the
vice-general, Soaicrates,
in which itwas
resolved
to
attempt negotiation
with
Metdlus;
and
Andronidas, Archippus,
and
Lagius
war'
sent to his
headquarters.HeWBBeagertolermi'
nate the war on
any
terms consistent
with
iba
dignity
of
Rome,
and not
only
dismissed
tbsnt
with fair
promises,
but sent Philo,a
Theasalian,
with similar
proposals
to Corinth. In the mean
while he advanced towards the Isthmus.
Al- io
bis
approach,
made
a hasty
retreat
from
Megara,
and the
cityopened
its gatwW
th"H ArvAuH nvTt ided bv Di-a
I
"hik PdI.,il..
.
11,10]IHIIH 10.
,
ud
pat
to doMh
bj
}b
TUt ToiiMtn hid uothrr aim 6a
lie
taioar
"{t^
'
Itirr pnMDdid
lo 1m
ofTiqisnSTifii, Fu).,
ii.:"i*'
DESTRUCTION OP CORINTH.
the Romans. But the arriTal of Disns at Co- rinth
eilinguished
all
hopes
of accominodation.
He vaa
conlimiFd in his office
b^the asxembtj,
and so prejudiced
llie
peopleagainBt
the
enroys,
by charges
of treasonable
correspondence
with
the
enemy, that,
on their
retnm, they
were ar-
Tested,
and
dragged
to
prison
with Ihc
greatest
indignities.
Philo was admitted to an audience,
and
Stratins,now an
oM
man, earnestly
im-
be included in the benefit of
any treaty,
he
tinned
inexorable,
and
urged
the
people
to violent
tneasDres against
tua adTerenries. Ha
caused Sosicrates to be condemned to death
for the
pari
he bad taken in the
negotiatioa
nith
Metellus,
and endeavoured to extort a
confession of
îlt
tnan him
bytonare,
under
which he
expired,BBserting
his innocence to
the last. The
envoys
woiud have suffered a
nice fale.bnt the cruet treatment of Sosicrates
produced
a reaction in their
faTour,
and two of
them
propitiated
DIkus with bribes
;
for,gloomy
as
his
prospects were,
he was nol the less intent
on
every
opportunity
of sordid
gain.
Such was ihe stale of aflkiis when Munnnius
arrived at the
Istbmua,accompaniedby
Ores- tes,
who seems to have come to see
vengeance
exacted for the aOronta he had endured. Mum-
mios
immediately
sent Metellus bach to Mace-
donia with his
army.
Hia own
forces,
when
they
were all
assembled,
amonnled to
S3,(H"0
foot and 3S00
horse,
besides Cretan bowmen
and a
body
of auxiliaries sent
by Attalue,
under
the command of his
geuerfiI,PhilopiEmen.
The
Bontana felt
so secure
In the consciousness of
their
superiority,
that
they
let their advanced
posts
be
surprisedby
the
enemy,
who carried
away
600 shields
i
the last
trophies
of
independent
Greece. DisEus was so elated
by
this trifling
victory,
that he
immediately
led his
troops
"ut to battle. Mummius
readilyaccepted
the
challenge.*
The Achffian
cavalry,
all
belonging
to that class which was adverse to the meaa-
urea of
Dieus,
did not even wait for the
charge
"f the
Romans,
bullied at the
beginning
of the
battle. The
infantry, though discouragedby
this
desertion, kept
their
ground bravely,
until
they
were attacked in their
flanks,
which should
have been
protectedby
the
cavalry.
The
slaughter
was
probably
not
very great,
as the
field of battle was not Ikr fVom Corinth
;
and
Grbaps
tha
citymight,
as Pauaauiaa
thought,
ve been allowed to
capitulate
ifit had stood
a siege.
But it
may
have been better for Greece
that her
agony
came soon to an end; and, according
to
Potybiua,
the
Baying
in
every
one's
mouth
was,
"If we had not been ruined be-
times,we
should
not have been saved."! Dic-
ns,
whether he had last all
presence
of
mind,
"r feltthat he could not retain his
authority
during
a
siege,
did not
attempt
to take shelter in
Corinth, but
broaght
the first
tidings
of the disaster
to Megalopolis,
and
having
hilled his wife
OVTT "wu
ti^
apoit,
aDd placfd thfir wiral btuI ohij.
,B oo th"
toj.
o( A.
"" ""'" - -- - "- -
ncted
ticWTj,
hsou
tduia
[p.
161)iaui
With his own
hand,
awallffWfld
a draoglit
ef
pot-
son.* The
ftigitives
who
escapsd
from the battle
quitted
Corinth the same
nigbl,togeth"rwtth
the
greater part
of the inhabitanta, Muminias
had not
expected
so
easy
a
oonqoeat, and.
though
informed that the
gates
were
open, snqiecliDg
some
stratagem,
suffered an entire
day to
pus
before he marched into the
city. Though no
resistance was offered,allthe men flnmdwitblK
the walls were
put
to the sWord
;
the
womn
and children were reBerred Kir sale
;
and when
bH itstreasDres had been carried
away,
on "
signal
pven
by
blast of the
tnmpel
tfao
city
waa
DODsignedto the fames. So,
ftia
said,
the "eii"
atehadex]M""8lydecr"ed.f
Bnt
vengeanee
tbr
the insotts offered to the Romafi
mmyi
waa
probablymore the
pretext
than the motive for
this
cruelty. { ltwas,atIeBsl,nDleMaeTiBe,iB
the
eyes
of the Roman
soHien,
ttai
Coiinth
was
the richest
city
of Greece.
Secrody
iBj
olhar
was adorned with so
man; preciesaworta
tt
art. Mummiua himself bM as Utile m At
them as
any
of his
men,
who made diee-MMOd*
of tbe finest
master-pieeea
of
patBting;^
bnt be
knew that sneh
thingswere hlgUy
VidMd
^
others,
and he therefore
preserred
theae vAieb
were acconnted the ehoieeat to
emb^Mi
Ida
triumph
;
stipulating
with the contractors who
undertook to
transport
them to ftaly,
that
Ihey
should
replace
allthat
might
be loM on the
pas-
ssge
with new
pieces
of
eqnal
worth.l Tboaa
of inferior note he sent as a
present
to Atttfos.
It seems to have been
chiefly by
this Indifllir-
ence that he earned the
praise
of disinteieated-
nesB which is bestowed on
him,
not
onlyby
Un
Roman
writers,
but
by Po1ybias,T
and it BBsma
stillmore
questionable
how far he waa entitled
to the character of
lenity,
which is attributed to
him
by
the same historian,
whose narrative of
these events in Ihe extant
fragmenta
somettaw
aounda rather official than hlatorieBl. Befim
the arrivalof the ten commissloneTs,
who
weia
sent in the Bntnmn to
regulate
the state of
Greece,
he made a circuit in
Pelopomweue
to
Inflict
punishment
on the cities and
perscms
that
had taken an active share in the war. Hia
walls of all such towns were
dismantled,
and
their whole
pc^nlation
disarmed.
""
The adherents
of Dietis were sentenced to death or
IT tddi that he "
-RrfU
"
nolftti "rmnl- Cld.,
Pro
Laj. Mu., ft:
Land
qind VTmnt
ippellitiiumiMdi. Campue Clc, Dt OE., 1.,11
; iii.,
"" im.uri "" ih..
oMnieT
(jp,Stnlj.,Tiii.. p. S"}, na
"nd wu
pQfttwed by
Attfelu u
s"."'vt.':
ar-
tha
kf^
m. Din Chrn-
inittiuM of hk
1 il.,II. IJT..,Epit.,liU.,ibaI"ii"Bai"lBiiiai""raiBiiifl.
ok,
ii.,at : luliam "a"
qua
r
"
Pii".,ili.. ia,9. Tliumul
1,1) nhich
npnaaate
all Iha m
IwTt unirtd
At
iiiiK tiaatwBL
. Cic.,Da
HISTOBY OF ORBECB.
exile,
and Ibcur
property
eonfiaoeted
;
and the
AcbKBiu " that
ia,
tbe cities whicb had contributed
lo the war " were
condeumed to
pay
SOO
taleots to
Sparta.
The
greaterpart
of the Co-
rialhian
territory
was annoxed to
Sicyon,
which
undertook tbe
Buperinlendeoce
of the IsthmiaD
featival.* Mummiua afterward maruhed northward
to deal like retributioa
among
Ihe Insur-
BeatB
or Bceotia and KuUea. He raxed Thebeg
BDd Chalcia "
or,
at least,
their waJIs " to tbe
groundj
cendemDed the B"Eotiana and Eubte-
ana
"
or,
more
probably,
tboee cities alone " to
pay
100 tatenta to Heraclea,
which
they
had
belped
to
besiege
-,
and at Chalcis be shed so
much blood of the
principal citiuna.
that Po~
Ifbius
tkiniaeU'can only
reconcile hJa conduct
with (he
supposed
mildneas of his character
by
the
BUgcestion
that he waa
urged by
his council
to nnwooted
seTerity.l
It reotained for the ten cotDmisstonera, according
to the insttucliona of the
senate,
to Si
tke fiiture condition of the
conquered
nation.
All
Greece,
as far as Macedonia
and.Epirua,
was ooDstituted a Roman
province;
and Achaia
emoyed
the
melancholy
distinctionof
giving
its
name to the whole. t But the senate's
jealousy
was not aatisliedwith tbe formal eatabtishment
oTita
sovereignty;
ithad also decreed a series
of
regulations tending,
aa much as
possible,
to re-
"Irict
every
kind of union and intercourae
among
tbe
Greeks,
and to reduce them to the lowest
stage
of weakneaa and
degradation.
All federal
aseembliea,
all democratical
polities,
were
abolished,
and tbe
government
of each
city
committed
to a magistracy,
for which a certain
amount
of
property
was
required
as a
qualification.
No one mightacqoire
land in
any part
of
Ihe
province
bot
ât
in which bis franchise
lay.
The delaila of this
outline,
and all
temporary
neuVTBafw tbe aettlemeut of the
country,
were
leftto the discretion of Mummiua and the Ten
;
and Polybius,
who
appears
to have arrived in
Greece soon after tbe fallof
Corinth.^was now
able,
in some
degree,
to alleviate the
calamity
wUoh be had found it
impossible
tu avert
;
and
pwbapa
it would not have tieen
equally
in his
power
U" tender such services Co his
country-
"len
ifhe bad been
previoualy
leas
alienated,at
p.
Sei. Fini.
* il..
Il',
4,
it.
Zoimm,
II,.' 31. Td Dite 'R^Xitvii^
Ttl nrhiu'liM'S'Upius Mfomiitiair
"^ '--
:hnlU(^
HOlld
taJrJTOti J
it'ifnt of
ii
least in
appearanoa,
IhRD the oatiooal cause.
Aa the intimate friend of tbe
conqueror
of Car- thage,
he was treated with tike
bigbeatrespect
and
coofidence;
and be
employed
his infloenca
so aa to win the esteem and
gratitude
of his fel-
loW'Citizena. He refuaed to
accept any portion,
of the
property
of Disua
;
and induced bis
friends,fur the most
part,
to abstain from
par-
cbasing
that whicb had been confiscated in other
cases
;
and it seems
probable
that it was
rather to his intercession than to Uie
mercy
of
the liomaos that the wives and children of tbs
condemned were indebted for the
permissioti
they
received to retain tbe
property
of their htte-
bands and fathers. A Roman, whom he either
did not
deign,
or did not think it
prudent,
to
name, urged
the commiastonera
lo extend the
inquiaitioawtiichtbey
were
carrying
on
against
the
AchKans,
who had shown themselves enemies
of
Rome, even to thoee who bad been
long
dead
; and. on this
ground,
botli lo remove tba
statues of
Philopiemen,
and to abolish the
oom-
memoraiive rites with which he waa atillhon- oured,
Polybius
was
obliged
to treat the
diarga
" which
really
did more bonoor to the
memory
of bin
countryman
than
any
statue " aa a calumny
;
but ha was able to
prove,
to the satislactioa
of the
commissioners,
that
Iîlapoenien's
opposition
to the measures of the Romana had
never
exceeded the limits of mild and
reapectfal
remonstrance, Not
only
were hia
remaininf
statues
permitted
lo
atand,
but Ihoee which bad
been
already
carried
away
lo Acarnania fbr
"m-
barcation,one of the
mythicalAchftna,
of Ara-
tUB, and of
Pbilopcemeu"
perhaps
the most valued
as works of art" were reatored to
Pekipon-
nesua.' Mummiua
himself,
when sated with
bloodshed and
rapine,
showed a
disposition
to
conciliate the
vanquished.
Before bis
departure,
though
he had removed the statue oTthe
IstbiniaQ
Poseidon,to dedicate it" in
groas
violation
of
religious propriety
" in the
lem[de
oT
J
uptter
at Rome,t
he
repaired
the
damage
which
had been dune to the
publicbuildings
on the Isih-
mus,
adorned the
templea
of
Olympia
and Del- phi,
and made a circuit round the
principal
Greek
cities lo receive tokens of their gratilude.j
PoIybiuB
rendered other services to his
ooan-
try
which
were
clearly
more solid and
important,
though
we are not
sufficiently
infonnad
as 10 ttieir
precise
nature
fully
to
appreciate
them. We tearu from Pauaanias that ha
framed
political
institutions and laws for Ihe
cilics of the Achnan
Confederacy,}
and he
himaelf relates that he was directed
by
the
cnmmisaionera,
when
they
were on the
point
of
departinghomeward,
in the
spring
afler th9
fall of
Corinth,to make a circuit round th"
cities,
for the
purpose
of
determining
doubtful
poinlB,
until the
people
should have become
familiar with the Constitution and Ihe
lawa.l
riKiii-iSlaf r"" IJdMr fc JtMifM-
t FnlA.il., II. hi"..
T., 10,
S
{ H, t,"d 8.
mrOtttr,n^
'Pwo'ca ttmra afrai IIiUCi^
ifm
"*.
I tl.,10 1 M^x^
"t nniAinr IxMi r^ n^kiriJ^
nl nit
"4iuii(,TbH* tam. ikanrnn, wtn
isw,
ud wan
pnb-
lUr
thiH of wUgh Fausnlu
niiiti
LEGISLATION OF POLYBIUS." GREECE UNDER THE ROMANS. 4W
It would
ueBta,
titantan,
that he draw
sp
the
laws aad ronna of
municipal
gov ernmeDt,
of
which Panaanias
speokB,
in tbe oourse of the
(Hreceding
winter. We do not know whal cit^
ie" Bhajred the benefil of hia
legislation,
Tor
which the Macedooiao code of^milina Paul-
" the aenate'a decree, elrictly oligarchical..
and,
in thia
reapect,
no alteration aeema ever
to hsTe been
gianladby
the Koman
gorern-
meaL But,
in some other
pointa,
tho
rigour
of its
original reguleCiona wa",
a few
jeara
afterward,
greatly
leUixed. The Gne"
imposed
on tho A"Si8eanB,
and on the Bteotians and Eu-
biBBna,
were remitted
;
the reatraJnta on inter-
coorae and commerce were withdrawn
;
and
the
fedu^
nniona,
whicli had been abotiahed,
ware revived,* There can be no doubt but
that thia
indulgence
waa obtained
through
the
Btterceaajon of
Polybiua,
and Uie infuence of
hia friend ."milianua.t An
inaciiptioQ
on the
base of a elBtne erected to
Polybiuaby
his
gratefulcountrymen
at Megalopolia,
recorded
hia extMiaive
travela,
the eervicea be bad rendered
to the Romana in their
wars,
and the
"ucoeea
of hia
mediation,by
which
hie
had
appeased
their reaentment
againat
the Greeks.
An
inscription on another atatae declared that
Greece would not have fallenif ahehad
always
foUowed the
advice
of
Polybiua,
and that,
alter
br fdl,
she had found auccour through
him
alone.^ TheRomauB.iDtheir officiallanguage,
seem to Iutc described thia renewal of tbe old
Iorai" aa a reatoration of
liberty
to Greece.4
"
Flu., Ti".,it,
10:
SinUfa
HnL Krt iniiUmMtr
t Plnt^ B"p.,
a"- PnK,, IR. IToAiiliHml IIarsiTi",
r
j
Znijianc liinff tfit
"(rglfJirf^laris larfliaiiiff
t
Hoi.
rtii.,U, IT. PaMiu liiniU (Hil,
p. 4H)
jT)f. ttlftfUIEfir" mtif ntr
^fayiiinHjm4"ii(iir iXvA-
tN. 1M". BdhUi ud RoK,
p.
MB. An iuaiyUoE
fosvl UBDM
Iha niw of
Dteh kj
Mr. HmUiu, mud n-
KBMd t" bin Id llii libniT uT
TrrnitjCcILigB,Cltabrii^ :
"
laitsi fiom (lia pnEDunl,
Q^gitiai
MiiTmoi. Q. F..
Id
dafTH
proinbla, tliml t
whom the
prnoomnl
hmi
Ha,
mrt ihs
cOTl^reu
" ia" i.*ftffui, ddl mtvoBQ it VDvm*
impcviblB
(o
Biplun
Ulb elUualod to Lbs ruUtrDtJDn of lib.
.rj
imioin: si mj! KiASdum
mttffoi
axy Mlhip. ba
in'lho
itjt
of Pumniu (Tii.,M. 4).
Thim I'nMrplioo
[^
.ifrj. "EW4' 'P"!""!" i-ffirBfoSf
J.i-iy'Ovro),
Zinbi.HB (C"Kh.
G^buJuidi,
p.
MS),lbml
Achiii
wu
)L[ul'i^'iiditniiia""(Aahaii,wlucli|b*'MiT, "Mdrfnl
But even ifthe
monrnnent,
in which tbia Bounds
ingphrase
appeara
to be
appliedto
it,
did not
itaeU" illustrate the
vigilance
with which the
exercise of
political
freedom was checked
by
the
provincial government,
we
might
be
surs
that these revived confederations answered
no
other
purpose
than that of
affording an odo"-
"iuD for some
periodical festivals,
and
aoma
cmpt)'titles,
soothing,
perhaps,tn the
fbelings
of the
people,
but without the
slighteat
tifmtit
on their welfare. The end of tbe Aclueait
war waa the last
stage
of the
lingering
proceea
by
which Home enclosed her viaim in tha
coils of her insidious
diplomacy,
covered il
with the slime of her
ayoophanta
and
hireUnge,
crushed it when it
began
to
struggle,
and thea
calmjjpreyed
upon
its vitals.
_
We have
brought
the
political hiatory
of ancient
Greece down to a
point
which
m^
btt
fitly regarded
as its close
-.
since,
in tbe ctaan-
ges
which afterward befell the
country,
the
people
remained
nearlypassive,
Tho erent*
of the Mithridatic
war,
in which the Adueaoa
and
Lacedatmoniaus,
and ail Bceotia
except
TheapiK,are said to have declared themselvea
againstRome,
and the
royal
aimj
in Greece
received a re-enforcement of LacedKOWiiaik
and Achean
troopa,* might
serve to indicate
that the national
apirit was not
whollyeztinctr
or that the Roman donunion was felt to be intolerably
oppressive.
But Athena
certainly no
more deaerved
Sylla'sbloody
vengeance
for
the resistance into which she
was forced
by
the
tyranny
of Athenio than for the
oredulitj
with wliich she had listened to his
lyingproni'
isea. In another
point
of
view, however,
it
will not be
foreign
to tbe
plan
of this work ti"'
take a brief
survey
of the fortunes of Greeo*
after ita
incorporation
with the Roman
empira.
No historical factis more
clearly
ascertained
than that from this
epoch
the nation was ooo-
tinuallywaating away. Strabo,
who visited
Greece but a littlemore than a
century
later
(B.C.29f).
found desolation
everywhere prevailing.
Besides bis
special
enumeration of
ruined towns and deserted
sites,
and his emphatic
silence as to Ihe
present,
while he ex-.
plores
the faint
vestiges
or doubtftil traditiona-
of the
past,
the
deacription
of almost
eveiT'
region
furnishes occasion for some
general
remarkillustratingtberaeiancfaoly
truth. Mes-
aenia
was,
forthe most
part,
deserted
\
and th"-
population
of Laconia
very scanty
in
comparison
with its ancient condition
;
for,
beaidea-
Sparla.
it contained but
thirty
small
towns,
ia
the room of the hundred for which it had onca
been celebrated.
t
Of Arcadia itwas not worth
while to
say much,
on account of its utter de^
cay. 4
There
waa
scarcelyany part
of the land
in
tillage,
but vast sheep-wallis,
and abundant
pasture
for herds of
cattle,especially
borsea
i
"fttni
la
Fcljbiai
mnl HHntuf
J ihii iDlf
rpr"tation
of hii wnfdt,.
t viii., p.
VA:
'K'XrAcfv^tvFK T^niydtrvn-ixn rt ui
J|Aij""vi"i
iatanipil,.ftnîrîpi, til,"lDiiF iWr-
I, tip xOut M rur crvHxi^''"Ufixr (fstM^tn . .
.
n)iirix"VrDirwfrfnrrntaXiMnoir.
-.qXq
4W HISTORY OF GREECE.
and 9D the BOlitude of jGtolia and Aeaniania
had becoms no leaa favonndile to the
rearing
of boraea than
Theaaaly.
Both Acamaoia and
^tolia,
be
repeats-elaewbere,
are now
utlerlj
iTorn out and exhanated
;
aa are
many
of the
"theT nations.* Of the towna of Doris scarcely
a trace was left: the caae waa the same
with the jEnianea.t Thebes had sunk to an
tnsiîficanltillage
;
and the other Boottan
cities in
proportion,
that
is,as be elsewhere
explainahimself,they
were reduced to ruins
.and
names,
all but
Tanagra
and
Tbespiee,
ivhich,compared
with the othera, were tolerably
well
preeerred.!:Thessaly
would fumiah
a
long
list of celebrated
names,
but few of its
towtis retained their
earlyimportance;
Laria-
"a more than
any
other.
4
It has been
osiul,
in BW"dani
timea,to attribute
this decline of
population
to the loss of in-
.dependence
;
to tiie withering
infloenoe of a
Ibreifnjoke
;
in a word,
to Roman miarule.
And it wonU be
bold,
aod
probably
an error,
to
assert that it was wholly
unconnected with
the natare of the
go"eninien(
to which Greece
Iras
eubjeetaa a Roman
province.
It is too
well known what that
goTemment
was : how
celdom tt
was uprightlyadntiniatered,)!
how
"BBily,
tten in the
puresthands,
it became the
'^nstrimKnl
of
oppression
.T The
ordinaiybur-
dens
were
lleaTy,
The fisherman of
Qyarns,
"who wa* sent ambassador to
Augustus,
to
complain
that a tax of 160 drachitiaa was laid
vpon
his
island,
which could
hardlypay
two
thirds of that
sum,**
af^rded but a
specimen
"r a common
grievance.
Greece waa not ex-
"mpt
fivm those abuses which
provohed
the
massacre of the Romans in Asia at
the out-
fcreak of the Mithrldatic war ;tt and,even if
"we had no
express
iDformation on the
subject,
we
mi^t
have concluded that itdid not
escape
the stillmore
oppressivearbitrary
exactions
"of
corraptmagiatratea
and their
greedy
ofEcera.
"Who does
not
know,"
Cicero
aakB,tt
"that
Ihe Achnans
pay
a
large
sum
yearly
to L.
Piso T" It was notorious that he had received
100 talentsfrom
them,
besides
plunder
and extortion
of other kinds.
M
The
picture
which
p.
MOi Nsy! iih ttt u nlim
^W'^ft.
_ . _.
t ii.,p.,
4M :
Qf^rmrn bUvrifwr lUi
^vfi
illW(,
JiUi
tojais HioUfot
Tixinr
wil^tisi.ui
iXXtu il w"ltt
.iMXiyaT,
i\"r
Ta^rfll
td eumdi' ttnu F inn);
nrfi-
.-ftttwnrfit
iahat
i:ptrlliiryat.
P,4III: Ktri î^ nta-
nn(9lni"l] rSv BoufTwr nlXwr
naiTiymYfa-
rir i'
"Him
iftiwuitat JHliurraXAoitat.
t ii.,p.4)D: THr îtai,
iXlftieiUnii rt
wirpiH
S-
of txiroi airijftit'P
Irrqitritirh
Cicerv draws of the evils inflicted
by
him
upon
Greece
is,no donbt, rhetorically overcharged,
but it is one of utter
impoverishment,
exhaus- tion,
and rain.* And here we
may
remain that
the
privileges
of the free cities included in the
province
affbrded no
securityagainst
the
rapacity
and
oppression
of a Piso or a Verres. The
Iâcedsmonians,
Strabo
obaerreB,wer"
peculiarly
favoured,
and remained
free,paying
nothing
but
voluntary offeringa.t
Bat these
were
among
the most burdensome
imposts;t
and so Athens, which
enjoyed
the like immu- nity,
vraa nevertheless,accordingto Gieeto's
phrase,
torn lo
piecesby
Piso. To this it
must be
added,
tluttthe
oligarchical
institatiODB
everywhere
established " and even Athens was
fon;ed ao to
quality
her
democracy
that littio
more than the name seems to havs been
leftt
" tended to
promiite
the accumulation of
property
in few hands
;
as we read that the whole
island of
CephaUenia was
subject
to
C. Aato-
nins as his
privMe
estate.H
NeveithelesB,
it seeots certahi
that,
when
these are
representedas the main cauaea of the
dedine of
population
in
Greece,
which followed
the loss of her
independence,
their
importance
has been
greatlyexsêrated,
wlrile
others,
mnch more efficacious,
have been overtooked
or
disparaged.For, on the other
hand,
it is
clear that thia decline did not
begin
at that
epoch,
but had been
going
on for
many generations
before. A
comparison
of the foroes
broul^t
into the fieldto meet the Celtic invaaion
by
the
states of nortbeni Greece with tboee wbidi
they
famished in the Persian
war,
wonld be
sufficient to
prove
the bet with
regard
to them
;
while, as to
Peloponneaas,
it is
"prwaly attested
by Polybiua,
who does not eenipleto declare
that,
in the
period
of the Cleomenic
war,
it had been
utterly
wasted.lT
PolyliiuB is,
indeed,
in this
passage, speaking
of the financial
resourcesof Ihe
Peluponnesians;
but the
cause
which he
assigns
for their
decay
ia
maiufesUy
one
by
which the
population
muet have tmea
aflhcted in
proportion.
He attributea it to foreign
invaaion and intestine warfare." The
Icnig
continaanoe of deetroctive wars is,also,
the
caoae
assignedbj
Strabo for the desolation
which he beheld.
Yet,
in his
time, Petopoo-
nesus and the
greater part
of northern Greece
had
enjoyed
a
century
of
aninlemipted
peace
and
tianquillily.
This shows that the evil
lay
deeper
than the
ravages
of war. And we have
now the evidence of
Polybiuattthat,
in the
po-
*
Fil.,to, Achli* "ihaa"U: Tlinnlit null.: Ik*-
rtba AthfiiB
: Locri,Pbocii,
Baotii eiuli.
t Tiii.,p.SBSi 'KriîBiicaii SiaftfimH
lal
f/uimlXli-
4
Slnln. indul (i..,p.
NS).
(ir" T""a!" jmfaitMr-
TicaUraA('l^"i4"parn,u/FL'ihf îfAaFdVT^faAraMfiinalroir
al
n)r
AiDflifliai. Bal
Appiu
(Mittuld.,30]KUndn lo
tbn niirictioiu
impoaad oo Lhem
by
Iha Rowii ttter Ihi
fniKjaDaL.
vrtiicliwor" rraewBd "
pTotftUy "iLb incrtuvl
rfour
"
hy StU*; bui! thn
rocorerj
of the dcnDcncT
(ni"
Sti^Kpiriar iftuiriptaulM-ovti """" "w
of the bftitabald
qui
lo Iham
hy Athonis (Kaidoo.
"p. Alhra.,r., ^S.51J. So
Lhnu, 1"" Alhtruion StutiiPoIiIIodiihI* t.b Achiici Fo-
I Sljaln,I., p.
*a
: Tift SXnr
rî
^Tfuoi
Inn, it
CAUSES OF DEPOPULATION. 407
od either
(nunedlately precedJng
or immedl-
ie!feubaequent
to the establiahment of the
Oman
government
" a
period
which he do-
sriheB aa one of concord and
comparatiTepros-
erity,*
when the wornida which had been in-
icted on the
peninsula
"were
begmning
to beal
-even then the
population
was
rapidly
shrink-
ig, throngh
canaes
quiteindependent
of
any
iternal
agency,
and
intimately
connected with
le moral character and habits af the
society
self. He is
giving
an
example
of a case in
-hich it
was
anneeeMaryU
eonmili an oracle.
For
instance,"
he obeeiVes,
"
in our times all
Ireece has been afflictedwith a fiiilnreof ofl"-
pring;
in a word,
with * scarerty
of
men ;t bo
lat die cities have been left desolate and the
ind waste
;
though
we have not been visited
itber with a series oT wars or with
epidemic
iseases. Would it
not,"
he
asks,
"
be absurd
t send to
inquire
of the oracles
by
what mesns
ur numbers
may
be
increased,
and
our cities
ecome more
BouTishing,
when the cause is
lanifest,
and the
remedy rests with oatselres t
'or when men sive tbemselres
up
to
ease,
and
omfort,
and
indolence,
and would neither mar-
y
nor rear children bom out
ofmarriage,
or,
at
lost,only
one or two,
in order to leave these
Ich,
and to
bringthemup inlnnry,
the evil soon
pread,iroperceplibly,
bnt with
rapidgrowth;
It when there was
only
a child or two in a
unily
for war or disease to
carry off,
the inev-
table
consequence was,
that houses were lell
esolate,
and
cities,by degrees,
became like
eserted hives.I And there is no need to con-
ult the
gods
about the mode of deliverance
ram this evil
;
for
an;
man would tell as that
he fir^t
thing
we hare to do is to
change
our
labits,
or,
at all
events,
to enact laws
compell-
ng parents
to rear their children
"f
AVe
see,
then, the evilwas not that Uie stream
if
population
WHS
violently absorbed,
but [hat it
lowed
feebly,
becanse there was an inflnence
t work which tended to
dry ap
the
^ntain-
lead.
Mairiagea
were rare and
unfrnitfiil,
hrough
the
prevalence
of indifferenceor aver-
ion towards the doties and
enjoyments
of do-
nestic life. The historian traces this
nnhealthy
tale of
feeling
to a taste for
luxuiy
and esten-
Btion, But this
explanation,
nbi^ eooU
only
pply
to the
wealthy,aeenu
by
do means ade-
nate to the result. The real cause stmch
eeper,
and was much more
widely spread.
)ef"eribed in
generalterms,
it waa a want of
everence for the order of
nature,
for the natn-
al revelation of thewill of
Ood;
andthesauc-
ion of in"oticide was
by
do means the most
r the most loatbsMne form in
it!taV
tiiSrII
t(.W'""i
lOV. nai iq*
mfnani
niflrna to ia laib 1MB DOU tnowi
wmlla
loTnAXDMn OmrefawS,
""
trd n iraBE llr
lUiiiAliriirjcat i^tUsi
Aai niHffaiH.
tattif
ttrt nXf
lav
ffbTDî'
inpjitintr felc ofrr
Xoi/utOyrtftordvrur.
t Tair
Mfiiim (l(iX(("i"lB'tai fOutrftôrin' *"
a}
Badufftar vmrptui^ntiinot H BnMulytgi/ aAtt raaa^
\ tltnm I)Ha tita nt rliofaBc Tttrmt mBAintv "i
TarnA"rrw
9fUV"l,
raxBX
"kaA tJ nuto
at^qafr-
tt.
tip
\ii^Jtrpc H ^liv,to^TW hi rdv "titrtfAxMSf"
hIbvi
lit Iflifmt, n) MaSinp M r"r Âirmr
rd
*ftr"ii
rti
4rJ"
rninouMTjftwiti nil niXnt linaiiD^tHtitinvrtit.
'
Mc"ivn
III',
itrolii'liniv iitraiignm rJr ;qX",1
which itmanifested iUelf' This
cer which had been for
many gei
ing
into the life of Greece. The
progress
of
luxury
which followed Alexander's
conqueals
no doubl
qnickened
and extended its
ravages,
and the
subsequentptdilical changes probably
contributed to
heighten
its
effbcts. though
no
others could have remedied or
materially
checked
the mischief The
despondencyprodncedby
a
single
overthrow drove the
Bnotlaos, as Po-
lybius
informs
us.f
IdIo a round of seDSoal dis-
sipstlon,
in which all
duties,
both
pnblie
and
private,
were
utterly negjected;
and we cannot
doubt (hat the far heavier
deapair
which
weigh-
ed
upon
the
spirit
of the entire nation,when at
length
it(elt its
chains,
and saw itselrbestrid- den
by
tbe Rnnan
Coloeens,was
everywhere,
in
some degree,
atteikled with like
conseqoeB-
ces.
Tbe
more active and
hopefblmigrated
to
seek
em^doymeot,wealth,
and
reputation
in It- aly
or the East,
How
little
the Tioes of Ike Rmnan
government
had to do with the decrease of
popolatim
in Oieeee beeomoa stillmore
apparent
as we
bdlow it*
oMine tbrough
the
history
of the "m-
IHre.
Tike
ehait|9
ftom
repobtioan to monandii-
cal inatilntloaa
waa,
in
gennal,
benelielilto
the
proTinoea,
and
eapedally
to Gree
e,
whidt
was not
only exempt
ftîm the
danger
of arbitrary
Ofqwession,
bat was
diatiiiguiihedbymaBy
marks
i^
imperial
lavonr. Within tiie
space
of
" few
years,
about the
beginning
of this
period,
three new colonies animated tbe south coast
His
great
rivalrestored
Corinth,and.
ifhe bad
lived
longer,
would
perhapa
have mened a oft-
nal
throngh
the lalhmus.
Thoagh
the commerce,
which, at the MI of
Corinth,
had been
diverted to DelM,4
and afterward
diîeraedby
the MKhiidatio
war, may
not hare
whollyre-
tamed into its ancient
(thannd,
atiU there
can
be no
qoeation
that the
advantages
of thisresto- ration
were
very largely
fait
throaghant
Greece.
Augustus
fbonded anoUier
populous
Koman colony
at Patrs,
which
onjajed
the
privilege*
of
a free
clty.llNicopolia, indeed,was nlbsr de-
aigned
aa a monaraent of his
victory
than to
promote
tbe
proaperity
of Greece
;
for it was
pecqded
from tbe
decayedtawna of the
a4"aceat
regiona,
and the efl^ was to tum Aeanmiia
and JEUlit into a wifcteraeM.f Athens, Urn,
had soon
repaired
the loss it auflbred
through
Sylla'amassacre, though
FirtHS did
not rise
out of itaruins.
""
But IfaeAthenian
pqwlation
was
recTuiled,
aa it had
hmg been,
ay
tbe lavish
grant
or
cheap
saleof the ftandiise.
Itwas
like the
galley
of
Thesene,retaining nothing
bnt
the name and semblance of tbe oU Athenian
peotde,
wiihont
any
real nalaral
identity
of
Vol. II
"y
rf^rrtt
In rptitnt
riiût^^t^.
"
aerr. "iLnaBB, fio. ma
hit., a-.
4"B
HISTOBV OF GSEECE.
race;
ao that it was ao exksgeration
whin Pi-
8D called it a
Jomble
of diverB natioDS.* Tlie
povert;,
indeiid, of Cbe
city,
which had beeo a
main causa of its unfortunate acceBsioQ to the
aide of MithridateSit
still
CDDtioaed,
and was
but
slightly
relieTed
by
the
bounty
of benefactors
like
Ponponius
and Herodes
Atticus,or
eve["
by
the
growing
influx of
wealthy
Btnn-
gera
who came to
pursue
ihetorical or
philo-
Bophical
studies there. While its
splendour
was increased
by
the
magni"ceot
atructures
added to it
by
Hadrian and
Herodes, perhaps
tike
larserpart
of the freemen were never
quite
Mcure of their
daily
meal.
Still,
the
good
will
of the
earlyemperors
was
unequivocally
manifested.
Tbey seem always to baie lent a
fa-
TODraUe ear to the
complsiiila
and
petitions
of
the
prorinee;t
and Nero went so
^
as to re-
wvd the Greeks Ibr their sitilfnl
flattery
of bis
muaical talents
byan
entira and
gweral
exratp-
tioB from
provincialgoTemment,
which
may
ksTe
oonqtraMted
for tits
pnMMa
be exacted
ftum Uteiii.4 The
Greeks,
it ia
said,
abased
their itew
priTilages
by
disoMd and luinDlu,
"nd
Vespawin
lertored the
pmoMWular
admin-
iMntioit, and,
sbore
all,
tbe tribute" wbich
was,
perliaps,
his real motire " with the
remark,
that
tt^j
had
forgotten
the use of
liberty.
II But it
is erident
that,
on the
whole,
from the
reign
of
Augustus
Ui that or
Trqan,
the increase of
the
popolatioDwas not checked
by oppression
or
by any calamity. Vet,at the end of this
period,
we find Plutarch
detîsg
that Greece
had shared man
Jajeelj
xbaa
any
ether ooun-
try
in the
genenl
faUure ot
populatioit
which
bad been eausad
by
the
wai* and civiloonHiota
of former tintBaover dmoat allthe worid if ao
that it could tben
haidly
fbnueh 3000
heavy-
armed
soldiers,
the nuinber raised
by Megara
aloDS loT the PersiaB war
;
and
bis
aaaertion is
oonfinDed
by
tbe
pictures
drawn
by
another oon-
temporary
witness of the desolation wbiob had
overaimad
some of itsmost fertile
regions.*
"
In times when the
present
was so void end
chMrieas,
the fiitnreso dark and
hopeleaa,
it
waa
natural diat men should asek consolation
IB the
past,
even
though
it had been less full,
than was
the
ease
among
the
Greeks,
of
power
and
bean^, pniaperity
and
glory.
Nor was it
ncecssaiy, then,
to evtriieits
images by
learned
toil out c/t the dott of libraries or archives.
The -trMe land was
covered witiiits monu-
mants bt the most fiuittleea
productions
of human
genius
and art. There was no
region
so
deaolata, no comer so secloded,as to be deati-
tnteof Ihem. Even
therapacity
of thsRomana
ooold not exhaust tbese treasures..
Though
la was said to have filled
Italy
with
^
scolpturea
which be cairiad
away,
itis
probable
thai,
in the immense multitude which
remained,
their
absence,
in
point
of number,
might
be
scarcelyperceived.
If Nero robbed
Delphi
of 500 statues,*
there
might
atillbe more than
2000 left Uiere.t The
expressive
silence of
these memonala waa interpreted by legends
which lived in tbe mind and the heart or the
people;
and so long as
any
inhabitants remained
in a
place,
a
guide
was to be found
thorough- ly
versed in this traditional lore. The
town
of
Panopeus,
at tbe northern foot of
Parnassus,
though
celebrated
by
Homer as a royal
resi-
dence4
had been
reduced,
when it was visited
by FausHuias, to a misErubie
assemblage
of
huts,
in which the traveller could find
nothing
to deserve the name of a city,
as it contained
neither an archive nor a
gymnasium,
nor a theatre,
nor a
market-place,
nor a fountain;
but
the
peojde
remembered tliat
they
were not of
Phociao,
but of
Pblegyan origin: Uiey
could
show the
grave
whicb covered tbe vast builtof
the
great Tityus,
and remnants of the
clay
out
of which Prometheus bad moulded the human
race.)
Relics of like
antiquity
were at the
same
periodreverently
treasured in most
parte
ofGreece.ll The
memoiy
of the
past
was still
more effectually preservedby
a
great variety
of
festivals,
gaines.
publicsacrifices,
and other
reilgious
solemnities. After the extinction of
the national
independence,
the battle of PlatKa
did
not cease to be commemorated
by
tbe Feast
of
Liberty;T as, notwithsiaoding
tbe abseoco-
of all
political interests,
the rorms of deliberation
were
kept np
in the
Amphiotyooie,**
the
A^"an, niocian,tt
and BiaotiBo eoiuieils.lt
Tbe
bellies,
both of
(he
mythical
and historical
age,
were stillhonoured with
aitniTersat;
rites :
Aratusf}
and
DenuMthenes.illl
and the slain at
Maratbon,ff no less than
Ajax**'
and Acbil-
lea.ttt Temenus,Ut Phon)oeaB,âi"d
Helam-
pus.lllill
Tha
religion
of the
Greeks,
which vras so intimately
connected with almost alltheir social
{Measures,
and their most
iD^tortant a"irs,
had
never lostits hold on
thegreatbody
of tbe nation.
WehearmuohofibeobsngewTotigbt
in
the state of
religiona feelingby
the
speculations
of tbe
s"îats,
and tbe laterkindred
philosoph-
iDBl8chiMls,by
the
ftequeitt examples
of sacri-
lejpousviolenoe, by
the
progress
of
luxury,
and
the
growing con"ptioa
of manaarB. But the
. - " ,
ir, Ui
5 De l)ef.0r.,8: Tm ,",ljtaif'ifft ..."Xdm"
'"BluClu7".,VtiimUi.
SH"iiiKii]IrT.I.,p.m,ItwA,
Brfji.,
p.
11
:
Ofx
i Ibni*
fcî*" f-l^^rrMK,
**%
"
Piu.
I., T, 1.
I So.
ths hoDU at
Faôpa [Paoi..ni.,11. ]],
of AmB
("iii.,
i,
S,uidMI,8),
u/Lmmlii., M.
S),Itu bMd of
lliduK
In,.", S).uid ktr but ("iii., 4T, S|,th" ikii of
QtfiMtwii^t
TtEaiis
. ,
ifb iwi iltdanti ^K"iut avtlmetfof^vajj-
ti ix-r 84. 1. Ja tha bactWT bt Ibe Ihniiui Athsli*-
k rlt mutt ntitit hraida s[bevtnl liiitro.
M^nut^,_Ar.,
U. II FHj..ii.,ll,S.lti.,n.4.
IllL,'U, t.
'"
tlH*i" "I'Ar#"'
I.,K, t.
REUGIOMT." SCLAVONIC SETTLERS. 4D9
effect!
large
cirele of the
higher
eluHa. With the
conupon peo|dePagknlem continued,probaMj
A
long
aa
it nboUtad it "U, to be
not
i that
tliBj
oiKiU hear the
piping
of Pan on the
top
of Men-
aloa.'l' The natiMial
miafbttnoe*,u
tiitj
led
the Ghveka to
cling
the more
toaHj
to ttieir
teinllectionn at the
past,
tended to
atrengthen
the inlnenca of the aU
religion,
and rendered
them tin lea*
diapoaed
to admit a new faith
which ahooked their
patriotic pride,
and dia"
pelledmanj pleaaitig illnsions, while it isn
coanter to all their taatM and
baiiita,
and deprived
thraa of
tbeirpfiDoipaleq)oyiiienU.
Ao~
cordingt;,
it aeema that
ChriatiuiitT.
notwith-
atsnding
Ute oonMilationa it oArad tbr all Uiat
it took
away,
made
very
dew
^rogreaa
beyond
the ciliea io which it
was first
planted
;
and its
ascendeitcr waa not finnlf
eatabtiabed
long
before
the
beginning
of "
period
in which a aeriee
of new
ca"mitiea
threatened the
very
exist'
ence of the nation.
Tbe reanlt of the Peraiaa
inraaion,
in the
mind of tbe victorioiu
people,was a feeling
of
exaltingaelfHSonfldence,
which fbatered the development
of an ita
powers
and i"aonrces. The
terror of the Celtic inroad was (bUowed
by
a
senae
of
securityearned,
in a
greatlaeainie, by
an honourable
struggle.
Far differentwas the
impression
left
by
the
inuption
of
Alaric,
when
Oieece
wae,
at
length,
deh"ered from his
presence.
The
progress
of the barbarians had been
st"^"pedby
no resistance before
they
reached
(he utmost limits of the land.
They retreated,
indeed,
before
Stilicho,
but not brolien or dis- comfited,
canying
off all their
tiooty
to take un-
distnibed
poaaesaiOQ
of
another,not a distent
province.
It was
long,indeed,
before the
Greeks
experienced
a
repetition
of this
calamity,
but henceforth
they
lived in the consciouBnesa
that
they
were
continually exposed
to it.
They
neither had
strength
to defend
themselves,nor
could
rely
on their rulers for
protection.
Hie
safety
of Greece
waa one of the last
objects
which
occupied
the attention of the court of Con-
Btantinople.
In the utter
nncertaintj
how aoon
afresh invader
might
tread in the
steps
Of
Alaric,
every
rumour of the
movements
oif
the hordes
which
ancceaoively
crosaed the Danube
might
well
spread
alarm even in tbe remotest comera
of
Peloponneaua.
The direction which
they
night
take could be as little calculated as the
course of
lightning.
Who could have foreseen
that Attila and Theodoric would be diverted
from their
career to fall
upon
other
prey
? that
Genseric,
after bis
repulse
before
Tenarus,
would not renew his invasion
"
that the
Bulga- rians
would be BO
long
detained
by
die
plunder
of the northern
provinces
1 In the
reign
of Jus- tinian
the advances of the barbarians became
more and mon
threatening,
and in (he
year
MO
Northern Greece was
again
devastated
by
a
mixed
swarm
of Huna and other
equally
ferocious
apoilerB, chiefly
of tbe Sclavonic race.
The
adengtheited
Ibttifications of (he
Isthmus,
indeed,withstood this
flood, thoaghIbey
could
not sheHer the
Peloponnesians
from tbe earth-
qnakes
and the
pea(ilence which,during
Ibia
nnhap^ period,were
coistantlywasting
the
scanty
remains of the Hdlenic
population
whidi
had
escaped
or Bturvited tbe inroads of tbe
bi"-
barians, Justinian's enormouB hne of fortresses
revealed the imminence of the
danger,
but
could not
long
avert it. In the conrse of tbe
seventh and
eighth-centuries
the worst forebodings
were
revised
: after
msny
transient in-
curaions,
the
country
waa
permanentlyoccnpied
by
Sclavonic setUeta. The extent of the trans- formation
which ensued is most
clearlyproved
by
the number of the new names which succeeded
to those of the ancient
geography.
Bnt
itisalso dsMribed
by historiansin tertne which
have
suggested
the bdief that the native
papa-
lotion waa
nttetlyswept aw^,
and (hat the
modem Greeks are the deseendants of bsriw-
tribes whi^
snbaeqnently
became
subject
Byzantine
raisaionaries and Anatolian colonists:
and such is tbe
obscurity
which
hangs over the
final
destiny
of the most renowned nation of the
earth,
(hat it Is much easier to show the weak-
neaa of the
grounds on which this
bypotbesia
has been reared than to
prove
that it is
veiy
wide of the truth.*
i.,T. l.,"^8.
uahor nf EhiihnMbtfli (FdU
ns) BMiilr
Ini)ân .
|"-
1.,
n.,
ID lis wUch 111. Am
imiliTHl
SiDfidgn.Aiiclillllia,
nl
t4" 'CAMte idfn . . . imMirrtt twmm n)
wrf.
nAfVtnt)
;
m littarof "
purluvb (f CaWutinDpIg ii lb
_ __ _
Jm Oim.
_. ._, . _..,
iriiidiIk* Ann ua idd to hiv*
mnipiid
PalooiBHiw
'
"IS
nan bwlon lit*Jalinnm of nin" "d SOT i bI
^vaffBvhr
aiiri
*VuiuUid" Mat
CncRiBtiiw
PotphfrDfanltaa (dfl
Lwa trma tha
faoftapbical n
._ ..._ .V "
.
"j"
r-
took placein tbi*
jw-
.
Bit than Iha allW
Albaalan ImiBlantiiA
FaUmaimjm dao is-
ef (be di] diataota
orjba
In-
alHt cimlaiiu aU Oiaak n
the nila. On Iba
ijiier
li
. ._ .., ._
iisl obnmr (Brasilia, Millluitngc* ttUr Oriici^tilmti,
lii., p. O:" who, bowoTir,
adniU l"ol Iho
(mt salontj
of
th" ancwat popnJatim wu cxtiqialad
in tba aavantli Had
"ightli
oaatQnoa " ecnealTiia Ibat tha moAata Gnek lut-
rnaga
aihibitia chandoT {jncaadlnUa Hilb
Fallsaanyai^
nrpiXbeaiaofjcaorifiii.Anotbar impartialand lotallinnt
tnTollar,
whna
jqdgldaiit
CWTiaa nitb jt all tb* vaight
tbal CBB
ba daiind IniDi aa acciiimla
ksovltdga at Otnau,
b^^huitnaandai ilia (BrtsdiUd, ttrittn in OriicJM-
iBii,Vomda.
p. ml.),aliaanH,
"
Ihu (ba nodeni Onaka
raaanMa IbaiT iinlalbata.tba Hallanaa,hi Ibair naninl
aodowHanta, tliaii
bilnga,
tbair form and
pfaTalonomT,
nneh kura
dknal/
than could bnn baan airpactaa.**It
abnU sat ba (giiottaIbit Ika
piiBltlva
Hallaia tra
np-
naantad aa
baaring
a
vary
annU
profHttKB
In
point
of
nuv^
ban U Ibn aailior
jH^latioii
: tfaongb,
on tbe otbar band.
to balHTa that tb"
jnal
m
poKloa
of tha 3claT"
80O
HISTORY OF GREBCE.
The diacusaion of this
snbjecl
would be alto-
'
sacli an inuetrions
origin.
But atill, itfsweD
,_
.
r
beyond
ihe limits of this
work,
and the
queation
hss been Huded to
only
for the sake
of one
concluding
remark.
We have lived to wilreaa a momorabte and
happj
coincidence. The
prtigtration
of Greece
under the Turkish
yoke
was
intimately
connected
with the revival of the
study
of Greek
literaturein the west of
Europe.
The
opening
of a new era for
philology,
even more
important
than that of tbe Glleenth
century,
one
which has
already
added mor" to our knowledge
of the old Grecian world than had been
S
linediathethree
precedingcenturiea,
has been
llowed
by
the
emancipation
of tbe Greeks
Awn tbeir
bondage,
and was
certainly
not with-
"at ita share in the
preparation
of that
glcrioua
"""," The better the free Greeks become
aoqnainted
with the
people
from which
they
believe titemselvea
sprung,
the mora
unwilling
they mast
be to
part
with the
persuasion
of
*
Sh Jieota,Vtno. Schi.,a.
"., p.
IH-IM.
that
tbey
should remember that their titleto the
sympathy
of civilized
Europe,
and to the rich
inheritance of their land and their
language,
does not reat on their
descent,
bat has been
earned
by strugglea
and sacrifices of their
own.
eqnal
to
any
recorded in
history
:
alruggles
and
sacrifices, however,
in which their Alhanisn
brathren, who make no
pretensions
to such a
descent,
bore their full share. And it
might,
perhaps,
be a. leas
burdensome,
and
yet equally
animating
conaciousness of ttieir retstioa to
their
great predeceaaorB,
if
they
were content
to
regardthem, not aa anoeston,
whom
they
represent,
and whom
they may,
tberafore,
ba
expected
to resemble and
emidate,
but
aimply
as
departedbeneraeton,
whose
isenMRT they
are bound to
cherish,
while
tbey
snjoythiBirb^
quests,
but not BO a* eitfaer to overlook their
errors snd
fanlts,or to attain after ths excellence
of a mould which the
power
that formed
it
aFpeara
to have broken.
n,gti7cdT:G00glc
APPENDIX
TO THE SECOND VOLUME.
rsd m
Ihs oocuian nf
"
fnih
(mbiH;r
ttan
O^nthi
rn Uiim
pout,
u well v on Iha
olhir,opToirmidiArt %
M""
wbo
BgxvB
Da ths ooa qnuckn m^j
uka rîpiHita
nd
A* to iha OMuiai,
It Heiu dtir Ilut!Dicie7t"tii,
wli-_
" "xiatt M AmiP.,
o.
101
fiui ]'jpIfxnra KgUifiix"!
f
'
""{tJi it;'OXsrSn' ptiiSdat iwimiîi 'A^valii"r
1iildchoToi wen cnntod M lithUu
xluntrntioDi of iMaoMhanH, vid Umt
l"HcliM
lo
comiiiaiid
to thiH dntlai
nppou'thuL ud IL wm Mil ilaHnnilIwlin UT iDc-
onn
hKl l""i"ml. Thii DpuiiM hn ban idinud brA-
I- BaektPT, Ui" uitlidrof orronl Tiliublo woru ca D"-
DoRbsDH, MHlbT-
"
muluion of Dm
nithdUHwitknUthna.
6i
.
lU (UoiioB,ndi u Bight ban bHB aipadot on tha
.rmrj nppoBJtiiAIn tin lut tfrD
oratlou,
whkheTar IbaT
"eic,
to fucconn ftlraidj aaiU^ It aevim aTidnDt,indeed,
.hftiif Ihu
ti^madt
bu
uj
forea, it uptut compal dh
idopttbe niH oBDlotiaa with nnid lo illthitc, Ni
t
BU7
b* dificnltto aicplniB
bow il
happfntrd^
if u
e^t
litioahad baan not
aaljdvTvad.
but aent,
tbat thir onl
ihonld ban mada bo loaDtioiiof it,when be via
ni^
ipokan
aa ifBUI
buid, ifBotdi" daena bad bean
i
bja liteiiceoa thii nbfacl,wbn
IT vhKb alnlieaoaa aa tba iraalal on tbit ainonliaB ia
IIK aiinEH
iBpnbaUlitT
Ibu SnutbnBa "u"ld bn*
made threeapaeohaabalmaD tba ftnt and aacoDd
aBbaiaj
of tha CNTnluuia,iriiila, u Iha oecaaloa of tha aaond en-
buir, mu, aocgcdiDf
to PbibnAarna,theiidiBnaa waa
Boch analtr
iiXOtflimr rf nXtfiv),
lod altar tba thiid,
oben thedengarhad baooiDa alillmm
pmaliig,
aithar be
did net ipiakat all,or bia (tnacbathm not baan praaarn
at lean, of tha Ihna waa delimtad oa tba oeiaaif of ma
Ihrea
epocha
ef du war dwvibad br PhilochorV- ^lie
pnanmpdm appaaia
to baoobllnnad vtaan waooDadar their
Didei d(
Di"TaiiiB.
Tbeae
indeed be mueh loMa (dtabla, if Iha eana of tba deln
wu lllefear which the Atheniane antaltainad af PblUp'a
vanllT
Impn^bla, thai Iha more
pMilj
tba
a[ie*di,
if
deliiired to baattn the eaadinfof bd aiMiUDa
preiiooilj
Tbe
AiheniBm, in flMirontaat a
"naD
dilatorr and remiee,and letalipbhut
bet weha"e oonaeoq to think that thiawaa i.
of
timiduj;.
Their
ordiaarj boil,wa know,
wai oua of
ia tbairwar wttb bim, itwould be etmnn that
b""ldhat* natniiiadtbaa fciM niipiirtlai iha
thaj bad bd long deaired (o draw orai
at tbe epeeohm ii.aa
ItofpthetindepofUlnnl
of it. If all the three "i
Tbe
lueationaa
Miha
Bietaiuaia,
ar to placotbe BeB" factain
a aew
pointof
.
ifUna waa tba
caae,
tba laaltwo
apeKbea mifbl b*
derod aa
np|ilaiiienta"7
ta tba fiiil. wbicb
might
en-
3Ba- But if the three maohai
wan dalinred on flia
ieu deactibadby PhilatAania.npc^ the need and rba
"
""eta
irrnringmore nd Taora
praiaing-
from the be-
^ tha eikdof the pariod,wa
natnnllj expect
ti"
onloi^ toae
ooTRapDBdin;
to the altered ilala of
rhii ia the Tiew
hf which I bare been detanninad
of the order of
Dn^lua.
.be
precediagjmn
of Ihiavolame
wna eept to tba
fciechaer, entitled J^wtr PJaN
S/aaf(a,
Ooettiuea, JBD, which
food cntidem. Bat tha aotluir h
jecl,p.lit,wbicb aeemi to n" to
i
iiloij
af
Phllt|i, bj
gnit
deal of
ear which he
inipiEed.
Now the
aappoiiii
had ennaed a delaf
of the meditated ein
ir^.t
iijialHohabia
ditatecf einadiilo
id
it,
aa I
iiaic
"]
if
FbiHp'egnatneaa
w
I7lagprnti
ilaalfto the otaliT mere
natanlljr,
whas Iha
aoalaat
bagoi hj Olntbaa bad
jut eâiKd
a
prtâet
of
rettieriiif what bad
beaaloatthiDHrh natbaKlivaBDe,lhaii
afkatUik
jmaiiedhad
baea "mnloiidad, and thecnwiBr
diinaaa of the
OlTnlhianathnalened Atiianabanalf *lS
alillaion inmiitent
daafar.
After eilbet of tha olbar "-
tiosB.tbiavoaldhaTefbniadBii'"
^-'"- *"
"-'"""|falorilBoli)Kt:
w""
""
laetadapinucfthaAt
npreaaata
llrdeelana
in III.
(H.,D.1
aad in
,...
.
.rd"'0î"at"rn^""^.Jd"JK'j|"M-
aalai. Tha
daaenptioii
of tAa
prtttatjiutclm
which fa)-.
'
"ithaCntaaaaa(aia,(lM"nara)r(rnXM(#ran(-
'âiXlh^ra.Tha eaeaadprcoeedawith thaworda.
s^nfri:
aalfbom thihpr,anna.
Vi,Ibe firat it 11 iboe Doticed
:
nOr*. la tha
aecood,
vSv
aT/itdJ( ivriv iîr.%inpm
t"vr
IhtaM^crfd^f
^r.p.
Until irrtxn
ri rl*
inl of
iPT
Bjtd
hvpn iJn d
b("r Oiiil.îrcorgigmgi
"mtlBiclilt EttUiatM.
ml
I, I. w,.
p.
TeSl"Ihn I
"'
'.
tiiitf
inciiroXej
603 HISTORY
if^r mnif tcnmAt ibddIi man lHu Ihs
Ituâ^
of
thmUAoa AiluPB. if aut ftnd
"nj("]riiHii"
ihDakl b"
pr
itr
Wtffa wrifilU,
ttlflStlttJt " KMtrpiaJt)
IIDUM
BN, facinnr, hi npiKHd that I anndn (hn*
poJBi(a ft
duianBl
oooclniuia, Thaj luva bHB lurs
pTo"
IfTDfliu]
4^
mj own ofiJBhm. Hdw llutba
ôaHkB
itiLJu
IrvnhBnBffMtnlinDfhLlaaiatufôCoijdBcUifBifik'
" -"
ta
anrj
om who li*t illlaqflBiBMlwith Uu liunl
iho
sanuani^.
U mwU ba
tuftelalif
naBMUuni Ib
a" who boMi Uw Tiow hn* sdiipMil to "" cnftlaniih*i
hihuuTlnd Bt Iba
Dnth,
"" itOB
hudljFb* iliBHilUut
iiib Ihs
Dppanta
Kbk' Tfat
HAfW judgment
of DunrvvB,
vhich Dut htro bo lol
fA
uo
drwwBUIig.
fdtfil d tritlnlmm
mi-
jteu
l;. r. iUAUt]8Ul,wh"H opiBioDdoBTVOBiuttcohoth
for Ih*
nonlij
of Iho
thoaghtud Ik Ihe oUbonu duou-
thiHctndoiubuBTaioiUJaBBdbjniiluchonBfadAmiBp, 0)
m
BUI,
not bT th*
plfBthlUB,
hot
br
Umii bUiu Iho
clndxl. It
oBBa mo iDoi aftor Iho M OJfubiu
oiBbBH)'.
thai Philoeharu apaika of il
am
aTiruf
ahou Iho aana
tlna
: niil rit oiriv xftnv-
1^ Chilcidianahad boao
tm aiuotod \"jFbilTp; ud Ol/nthu, luliTlthalaBdiBi
hia
pMoaluioDa,
both udad thoin with hac limn
"",
thinkuv harvojfin daafor,appliod
to AcbeBa fur alLmwa
"Bdascunr. Whik Uh AihuiaBa ibland ihoJrhalp,
iha
ChBhwIioiia, ladiBf
thoiBialna "" Bad bncb
ft
hi id hj
iha war-Baal *" aBbaaqr
of Ihalr own for tba pu-
nisa. ThiB wbs th* ocsaeicn of th* bn
OIjiuUbo (IIL,
!"."I
Bad biilh Chans and Chaildamaa wen Bnl W the
thoalta id
war,
Chani to
jmlKl
Iha Chalddiaa
towsa,
CliaiidBHaaMiataitbBalguaninBaBiaud PaUaaa,
irhwh von than
wnpiad bj
tho HacadowBBBt aad auihl
ttwnfun bo
nfaidod
ai a nan of Uaeodoaia, *kidi Do-
wiMhaBn ftnpwd to iataifa.ta iha laoan whih, Pbi%,
boiat calM
aw^ bj'
tba aSain t"
ThHBalj,
iBBtoa
paan
witblbaOlTiUhiaiio.*hiilhBabi*aktbolilaanewllh Alk-
"aa-, hatvbsD.ahianlaTBftvaTWMaljliiihafUlvir-
lnta|iriii((MB),hB
naawB hk hoatJUtiaa
aiawt
tba Chal-
aIiBBMllJ"hBBBnBaWiihMtUBiB(aia,aadDowialhaBaa
daliroiBIho aaoo^
(XralUae(I.,D.),Upnaaada tha Atba-
Tha OljBihiaiiaeasdunUMr oahaaCT lot
aiwidr,
vbieh
flKb Iha lltaniiliiaUM wiDi
soDOLHa
bj
aow
ati^t
BBDoaaaaa of CharidoBU. aid dnamiBK ataoot
tnakfaiaf
Philtfi.
ThianadMoaaaiiiBofltethudOlTii"ivXU.,
IBIBBCm
"lal^l bitlB*! "tthaliti
nlhootlfl^liaitatfChakUin. Tho
... . . .
.goaidond Sawtothor Phikaharai "'-^
not haTB daanibad Olnlhu br tha oxiOMaioa ZaXxi
.^ 1-1 a^._
That k* "
iAt to
tc
'
"dVrZii
pT4H.
~it'thi
ftcsaFUhdi
oooidond iaiABthor Philoahgni
Biffat
"d
Olrnlhu b7
tho oipmaioa
ZaXxiJiw
That k* H^
do ao laaaa olaar(TOO fna
IB Cslwl
Loaho,ftotWm
fta",
"nlaa to bo aiM whalhac
aaj
oh
--'-Bhhohadiii-'"
-
that Iha aeoind
paaaaga aunoBB t
howoTor, odnooina that tha aUnaiaB
WDida
i^nUfiv,
boi in Iha dalo i
J*S'
"m; -CMoMk
.Blatod ia Ibo fim
oitn-^
d
(rtj.tT.[i yjôw)
ta-
"
.
Thaoajm'
" " '
biaa}
mlaht aot bo futod (km Ihat nS tho flnl
b; aa m-
larral of at Joan a mooth "rtwot Haaoror, ilioovidaat
that theu oTania, whalanr Ihajwon,
fbllawed tho ai"
'-"" '--
-"-iraa,nsDtiiBMl in Bia Sn"
iitratt,
which
in
pncodad
thai wiaadad br (Aarido-
UM* WDoU ba a Habaan ""
OlTBliiBiiiiDt
lanaatBd br aaf Muhaaax.
SSIaaiaBB, hawonr,
hat b( laui mdand """ nhnlila
agrrinlo^
imt
"/
hJBMT I* tha hat iBBIlis of Ub aa-
aaj,
whsn ha
ponB
oat bow Iho aoeoBBt
(inn bf
Doaoo-
tbonoa,
of the aaocaan fanlahod br tha AtKiahaa ""
O^nthB,
mar
ba rasoaeikd with that tt Phjiockoni.
T. î
BBoaliaof BftT tnniaia, WfM "ganonaiiaB,
aaa. PUlodunaaf W nirnH
(I(4-1M-IT),
(WXhfMDt], aad MM hanranssJeilfana,
oomoaofcataliy,
180 iBtwaariai,
am XeAtba-
'hich naamd tha ibuq triiaaaalint ai
lainiAad bj
-"- '" ' """"
I
up
tho 1
aiod thtm- DoBOalbaaaa apoaha
of Iho Athooia
tho
laasi;
and in tbBasamorUionaf thoahip"h.u_r._'
abl7
iKiltod IboBO whioh aiilad li Iha bat
aipaditiim,rf-
thaihocaiita ihifwora nan
tmapcni.
or boeaBia ilioThal
haau alnadr agiplgr"'
""" "'""anda" Btwhidi Snt Bailad
" ocDbioe tho loeoiula (ma tifAlBiaa-
"f Iha
opanlioia
iaunadialolTpraeadlBC
tba battltofIhdi, and XoLaphDa'a deacripdoik
of tho laarn
of
Cjn*
OBt of Cilicia into
Sjiia,
w""-
"""- "" " "
bot to
apoah
of Iha co
^ '
oiialLoaho (Joonial I Tmu in Aaia HIbot,
p.
M8) ob-
oaoi Loan (Jonniai oi " 'luii la Aaia
ibibot, p. ";
(
aama,
"
Snabo, FlolonT.and tho Sudlaanna
agn*
Ib i
Biinfftwo nia
m- paaaai
forUfiad with a wall aad
fiim
Iho haad of Iho lalf(ofIhuI, aaoalr,
tba Gala oT Aa.-
Boa,
which was in Cilicia,sod tho CiliciaaCalfc which
fofmod Iho diviaioiibaiwaan Svria aad CiUoia- Tho
poai-
tion of 1"th of Ihoao pjla haa haan aictRaiBad: tha Bora-
oia or ABaaia,
boiwsoa
Ajta
aad Bajta, at iht aonhwni
or inaoTMt ommitj
of tho
(Olf,b- 14 rnXoniry
tol
titd^
aa tho ScadiaiBia haa wall daartihad It ;
tho sootb-
Ola HI
Cilician, hatwaaa BajAa
aad laliondoittn, not Ibt
froiB,if Bdt
oiacUât,
Iho plaeawhon Pococko and ochal
"aodoiB Innllan oboanid aoaa niu Tnlnil}
knowa
bf
tho naaia ^ Iho FiUan of JonsL Tbo Pasa of BaUtlL
kadina ftoB lakondorta vror tho
aHBntaJa
into tha
ptahi
i"
Antiuek, wia a thinl mla, whioh haa heah woll didiafiilah-
"d hjPtalaaiT fin ilioolhor
two,
oad waa
Joatlf
caOod
iho Oala ef
STria."
Cotooal Laaka llieslirncaida
to n-
fUo aa apiaka
of
IbjorKoBMlTa aa to Slnhe^ '*/" -tAt
*inUii,Hd in tho non
pan add^
"Than waa a loarth
9
pjla,
wai platwl
oni also allBdea to
caa (at mo aiga n
'Tna,
inon
Hiog gaij
two ivnuw
dindoa
^ two
proiinoaa
i ûi Sâa
"
Cilicia
aqoa-
I diwlia dindit/ Tho othorpasa to wkich ha atindea
I that of BaiUa."
" aifhl BBoD, thsnAm.
Ihal all waa clou m lliiamh-
joeli
bnt Ibo fan ia,thai Iho poailica
of tha
pjla
which
"-" "
IU"k*(a7a baaboaa ooMri*M*i kenroiaiilj-
doubt-
.J " !" nnukahU. Ihat
una
of tho Iraiollon U
^^
I of Iho HiaWr cf
l""
Bipa-
hlaiBad tbo
opwicQ
neatiaa'
ponlioB
of
lho_aoBthan
ai
Xaaopkon'i linr Ktrm, which flowad batwoon tha aUoa
in tho JIaibrir, aad thinks thai tha Caatk of JIsAu,
i^di
Ha"v Raaaall (llli..
ditniof
CfTaa,p.U)
od
bf
Cobnol Loaho as u tas
poniioa
ot ino i
pjl*"XoBophoa'aOatoaofSTTiaaad
C.
ami l1" KamuDt Xnuiidillli,
lad thi kal
ltt3iMTWJimp
C. Nitbulu, in tbe Uiinl lalumi o( hii
Intili,jnlilii
1S3?t llflBlii
a' û
put
of tha covt u foUowi,
p.
1
-.-"s
balow
bj
tbs
IB iku
iiDUUt
"" "DhI On Pillin dC
Jddu;
ud thi
"uun CkiiKiuu hni " Wgnd Ibu it wu ke"
-"-
pnnlut
ou nmiud
ipgn
ilK diT land b"
ihi Sik.'
111.Suuuii (Joann.
p.
ini lUo obwriM, in I
"aiFtkn of hiiynnisj from Piu
(Biyu, Fiiu) u
dnnuB,
"
AX Ik* Buth mil (n iho nuna of " cwis, nr
asBiiaillT aiuuud u lbs Amtoftkaiwuituiu, which ban
"pnmiDUa
Uh mm, aad B"r it,
on "
pntMCIu polal
of
lud, Ihs nmuu of a aonof skaliik,iMianauy amdant.
AX Of malfth nil* a naall bat rtfU
riTar,
vHh
lU^
aad
\igk baoka,aoawariiiff
lb* deaeripbRa firaa b^ Airiu of
iba Piaanar
aad abnal baJf a aula Finbar. Iht
frafoaBeB
'''"Laiajr
wiUalnUiDC leLDtb"ae*^*' Wa bh that Iha riyar
wb^Vb.
E
lUiai lauti
jOT
RaavaU baLiaTaa ta ba
'
"
_r
nair biBHlf,
p.
IM, btlitnd Zaaopbim'a
I
tdtrvQl
wbii^ deacaada down (be ratiu* i
tba Porba
Synie
clna* u Piu, and on tbe
/opajf
bf/iBffajIhu '
faaUorrcmw arlutr
of. "B*t,"ba pnoHda,
"'la
ilh and aaat Df (be la(UT "" ban mo daUaa,wUdi
arc 1ba*e allndcU to DBdar Ibe daainatiDii
if
Spit
""" '""- -* " ""- '"
"d S(raita cf Amaaai. Tbi dn
Tba otgactitai
paUi^
U" 8"!
Xr^meir^MThai*^'
mToee"!!
Idle,wbaa bl"
yianrnj
waa pobiljihiJ"iB (ba
feUooiuf
IHT be
proper
LB tb!e place to add a word
raipactlbf
'"
daaanDLioQ uf tha ainii vhicl
" ' '
D TBan after Cmu. ll.,""^.."..^"
."
itJj
aM
a AjCIe,
Unsfb aliDBtTD
jiin
after Crxu.
tbat kiad c/ froqad vbidi wogld
Btthedi:
Sd^mui
beiBi partlcolmrt)'
. .
1,aad otkan; ftir
.
10*,
BouL (f (b* BiTar Mabanj, the nni
It
ap
br " Darnm tiact of hilli,wbicb bae c
Ba
abrdpt
deacaat to tha
eea,
and an tba
BooqLain of Amaoaa, wbirb learea ool*
ia (be aatnra of a
"*i(f.
bat
"- '
foolaadtba aea.
cod caaid of
ID deacand frrmi tba hiUi,beiTif
conihiad to a
very
aamiw
I taka it foi graalad Iba nadei li bwbt* (hat,ttt (he
jaaaaa
aia nqnirad, tmi marltine, (hniii(hwhieb (b* nd
M onluf Cilicia lalo
Sjria Bloagtha ooaicaad two laland,
which cmaaed tba ndga of M oual
Amaaaa, aad of which
tha me laj
Is (ha
aarik
of tha athar. So far (h* BsMeBli
__j__j
i_j mgjîp
jHHitioiL
of tbaoB
jHasafl,
id
alTDadfKivea abow tb
vmrianca
1^
opidiona,
liia
BDTtbani a
n. Iboqgli Cnrtiiii,iii-i 7, T,ma
between Maltui and laeu' *"
,
rn Cape or Denif I
Sipu. wbich ia mentiooei) br all Iiaipllen mbn ban
paia-
ad itiiimad, and ii deaciitMd br Mr.
Kinneir.p.
'*'
atCaeta-
litMdbYMi
ra,
""
Tbeac* we directed ont n
anielopei,wlieTiwe anterad a".--..
,,"
?,
clothedwith lbirl(CD"ewmd and
erarirrflflBa-
wa paned
uiâr
aji nrrb of an old
oalewaj,
ba
paia
eipanded liamedjatelrwhan we btd
gate,
Old
anerifeotle drmntof abootainila
a BBnsw bell, haTinttl" Ovtf of Beaidenin
lit lâji
"r
il|1it bald,(Bl at flia fbstaf tha hJDa aaar
ba rained Iowa of Ana."
Aeooidliflr, Celoaal
ua
aiap
10 bia Tanr IB lata
Miibv,IdaMile* Dc
^-b tbe
P]Fto
A-
-'" - --
" tha aoflhen noarid
Dia who
iaapnu Cotonal Laaka'a
map,
at nadi Mr. Xia-
aaii^ acoowl of hie "n"B
)aann, aad Ala "a to airiaiB
what Alnaadar waa
ititg at MrtiBBAna if hi) a^
WBB to aaak Duioa ia
Sjria;
and tUa dillcaltTia
fa-
tienlari;
f iBTiaiaeaafdiBf
ID Mr, KbiBtti^ bnotheaiB, thM
Daiiu ereaaed ABHina
bf
the Pais af Didlui,wblU A)n-
aadai la" at
HfriaBdnia. H
BarpailiapB
b* Aaerwd,that
.. J.-. ....
-i,-^-- II
Yliiliii
iiiaiiiile.
IlliiMia
Dariae,
Bad tbaih* coliBWd bit maieh aieactba oom Ib
tha hoiwthat the
aaey
weald
maa the BWOBtalBB Sat
boaa*
Bv
h"n bBBB, ba kad
HI,
wbaa Ih euH la MtM-
ed
daelfB
of
vanMat bf
Uh HaiBBt lead la
aaebt,wUeb,
a"Dn]iB(
ts t(r.Eiaiair^
hnDtliatia, woold hna baaa ta
BbjIbb: aoi tbauh IMoT RaBBdl atd CakMd Laaln
w"" aw"n that k wiB aat
br tUa. hat hr a BoniwiB
paa
of Abbbib IhM Dariaa aatand CiUda, Ihair 1 1 i il
..
-J hat haB" tbit IbbbmiBi' mt
antalr niatalaHl
by
Hr.
WIDiaH, in
ii,
Xmmj
" tha
QeDnîhr
af tha Aaabaaii. Ha onetlna (a. fin that
Ihebataarfliniaaiid Cillda wen Ktaal* at tk* Pbb af
Danir
Sapi ;
Oat tbiB waa tba
paai gsnatad hr Alan-
d*T la tha
ijfhtbafan tha iMth
;
that thu lawa af tW
"
Bi*Btioaed
bj Cieare,
the e(b*r batar Oat hr
aa Bioaad tbt luiaataiBa!aad
thttlli.
Kl"-
(hmuhlUhiB, iBBtaad ("
taUac
Iha
Bpp*i"rOB"br Mtaailk
wenlf kBT* haad tha EM of banle abant faar wlaa
la (ha
aeatbwaal af lb* deUa. Hr. WilBaa*
iteiaHtiaabom
naaoubrba31eTlB"
that aa mad aiiitad tbnnah tha Pasa
ofBailaa ia tha titaa af Alenadar ! and he
h^
Piaa la
ba lb* Baden
rapiweBtatna
of
Hrriaadna,
aad lafan to
a
Bap
of
SfTia,publiBbadbj Anawaailth, aositnetad ae-
aadiBf
Id actSBl abaerntioa* af Captiia Cony,
ia wMA
I All
hTpMhaeit
wvaU it-
nl^
,M la Aleiaadat^
y*
n of
Btin
eOR
^naattea
-a DBampniw of tba Deailr
Kap" BBVBi* (a
thai whiiA AiMa (tiaa af lb* aaaa (SBa-
piad bj
Alanader ia lb* at^bl bafbia tb* bald*, Bad BOO
uXeDapbaiiîd'tbeOanaof S7i"BaadCIMala,lhta
^
rhkh wa ttad of tba
eoutry
baniaaa
Baiaa lad Saaa-
danaa. Mt. WOllaBt, bowanr. inaiBliiwBOaoalT "" Mr.
Kisaeir^ aateiMoB tut tkere if "*
"0lla
*r MiaUaia H"
-
tn
Aft
ft fk"d"faea, takaa aa wKlaa of INer
lanâbaimtiaHoatbiaaMfaBt. H*otaemtta.|t|)
"a dtffialike that af Da^r ar Can CapB,
la tJi*
iB-
oaUwithlt.'
Thil,hDweTar,d*p*adBoa
IkaatiM-
of a BUBBB at Iba benaa, "Uh
Hr. WimaBB aa-
(.
paihapa hhIibUt aaaach,hil wllkaot aaaaalhatttr
Mr. Kiuefr,lAOB OH ahaold ha"a anaaWd "* BBB-
lifbahadBaaaaH. AaiAar patat
wfooh Mr. WOU
leoUicad t* BOHBe iltb* eiteuaea of a BBittet MM
)aoa*lbannaaDaBUBadK^nBad(h*aila"f Hal-
nia, hawrrar, ji agtaa aifOHaianiaM Ibe
hjpeth-
bat (olr a
Bab)Bct
*f
puttilg,
whifli
Bifkt eaaaa to
""
iifTifn
-iiiiB.Bikkii illi laiii fin
ban lahaa plaeaaiMa dH
Aiftof Ali""
n la BBOIher
dMoBttT,
whiok
la,tt
iMiatU
BtoiMad,
..".
IhoBfb
aat a Ibtalobfactiiia.
Tba
poeiliaawMefc
Mr. WilHaaa aa^nt to Hnânlra laat ntuiwa wi(h (h*
"IB
el Sirabo and holaBT,whs
'
the
andnTappwa
u" Ihalabwtt U" rn
l^pathait*,
I aa
paipaae
af piethwthai the eita at the aadaat euital af
tMia
la aeaaidad,aai,
ai BUM BOkotan han
baliarad, br
HISTORY OP OREBCE.
Hmnlm.biil bj lipihu.
Ileusol be
nppDHd Iliit"
b" tiu "hDiru Oal ittdliu
nrj hipplr
mth Ih* tccuaiii
K'"4D
bj DiodoTui (u"., IV)
of ;kianunJi at Ad:]boiiub
"tt (lu
DHghbourliood
of 3oj" to Ecbiiuim" tad witb tha
liai Mainwl tij"
DudonH
(iii.,"Sj for Um mucb oi Ad-
tifSBU
fioa fcilMUM to PtnMulii. I "kt not
117
ihu
thus "" tbt oalr
ufumntc
vnioh fi** % cuIqut to (hu
kypndiiua,but Uwj
hsk u "" Uu
itronfut.
ThuH
Wkieh
m dnwn friw tlw swntw of Alaiuder ua. I
IbiBk,"lugHku {
uu doM lit,WiUJuu
obuh Hi. WiLUuivu
udaiibMiU^
will Kauiaud'. lai-
dm of
Cbuu,
In bii
Itusmri', uutlsil Irsftiu
lUfual.
nuatioDAfecitT,
K*)''U"^,w1ignwH"I"iipl"af
Axunuft,
in TJjjpaiMadia, uiHtHa
t^nu
fntt
ApobtunL
Thu
dHRipticM, lod ia bn diipgUil
b^HrTWiUiuu. Bu" u
peua
" pUi4 ttiare
ipellAd
Kuumwur
^
uu] wh"D ve
know
Ibal tFiu
pkjCo.
which liabvui
lony-flTS
miln from Hwdi-
"
tKH'il'
r"" "tf
protability,
if not uppToaflbing
mif,
tbit
BhuIdob, lliiRjr-timi
duIm
to th* "HUkma of Kuncnwur, ga tbt mm
hat at nmt,
with a
bi|^ Hipondicolar
nek
utlftDjaU/ ""wthwl, and
"ikiUiiicKiliinntibw
afiiisHr
ID bo of tho am*
ago
and
chanaui aa tbnae of
PtnapnlU
(bm Kinnair,Momov,
p.
taif
1S7
;
and Ker ForUr, ji.,p. 1^ fcpjl-j, Tepraaanla
In-
aUlue of SBULirtrniiand a pilUr,thoDfh
tbii
may
not
tn
Ut Baaiiaan ia
likiwiao, aa
appoaad,
the Mount Bagia-
"---" "
""' " ' "--' "- -- " -lioB
of
twelira
atadiaiii
bad
bf
Koi Porui, Ti
nano*ari
a higb dagroA ot
uaaoiiinu
07
AtT r-ontr in-i I
hlocAiiBf
Vala of Karmaaabah.
ptUseid atnaK Uut [ onr
bad ianUHi oa 1 a"'""
wiiniBl7Gfliafad
trtaa wbifl
i.,s. W), IhM in tba Foiiaii nd
k: "
""-jnu) haaamTwkHaiakaBthaBlwi*
tialiU-
,
"S^
...
ainiiflaiwUknl wilUn, aad ii aatiafao-
toriLyaipluDed bj Kmnair*aa aHudinfftn lbs onrhunB^
"iaiai"otKiiit)ia"iik(alooiTS[itiaB
J
Bafiatu, lheîa"
tf
lac
fardia."
Tbia
aoniacmn, "rar)'
asa moir
" --
vttarij
lumaUa. Bnt that
tfi,
nnlan. ia ths
tbo aaiH BafiaCandm^ ia
auaafflBfljr probabta ;
a
lam"
wbo, aa ba
qipaaJa
to
1.1.
" S?C|
rla,Dariui
apon
[a^WfUana
Kaitioa whicli ii
motalj giUgitraia
: that tho eipsdi-
affainat
tha Uordi, mentioned hj Gartini.r., 0| was
ume u thata"niaatlhoPhirm4Cieapoken
of hr
Arrian,
divreaiiDn o( aallnown
duratioD,
in tbe manrh to BcbUana.
Tha
Lairitorj, tbarflfare, at Ctiat tjme oecupied bj
tha Pa-
nilaCB.
mul bare Iwa lituntebetween Pa ma
Ftoimi
and
Matdilaf
aurthnf Poriepolii, Droraea placaa
ibem in tho
a rranndlalaaaaumptioD,
and that than !" aa liltletrauAf
/"7. othelwiaa Artian wnnld lii?e Bentionod it." And n
I
fniia Panepoljl
to Edialana occupisil
liilsan
dnja.
"CiS.;
lu^ "Timourpnrtilde
China lo"in"t
.
lar.
I'an TDJ llStbJnne, HOT).
II
put
"ahu
(MoharTJ^niej. r'lX^m.
iuft. Il
appeara,
howevor,
^wn tha
bsBD
Tarj
mucb laa
rmpii.
Ur. Wil!
fratnitoualf)
ttial lUoiandar'a Bkarch
poaa
tbat hu jnta of
marcbingmapei
"iBtan,
aad Uud he oonld Ttrr
wait hi
tanca balwaan
Peroepolia
aad lapahanin iwaire
oaj^
And h"n a ^naatioo
miibt ba raiaad,vbetlwr il ia aad-
ible that Altundar ahoold ban raBiaiBadfine smtba as
Darioa,
oraB ifho did
MC, dntin|
that tina,Biain an
oipa-
ditioB,
aa Hr. WiUiaaaa
anppoaao,
toaratdi tha Donh
; aiidp.
go tha nlhai
hasd,
irtiolhoTitia
pnbaMo
that Duiaa lihaald
hM" taktn
vp
hiaraaidance aftor Ibe baula ao Baar to Par-
anidia. Thu egHMantina miÂtpnhapo ba lUrir
ifipo-
waiuiimilhai.obH"iiBlinoaodMi.
Wil]iaiaB"with acon-
Tiolioii, dcpandiBC
ok inanl (nHinda u
(trmf
aa if
gnniid-
ad aa adantillsdodaclioBa, thaihad Haaiartaa ba"o Bcba-
Lana,
AJaxander WQold navar hava anroaGbad it,but
bf
a.
enaa-foad bara Gained
at loaat two
dayi'
manb
oinai
the
TojalfugiliTa."
p.
IT. Thia coaaidanliaa wae,
that AIu-
ander. wbea time dava' manhdiataat frtm BcbalBBai
haatd
of tbe
eacape
rt Danui 6n dan bafora in tha diivstioB of
Ibe Caapian
Galea. But it
maj-
bo daiibtad wbethai Alai-
andat'iohanotat iaaoiaoaaaiataatwithth"iwita"hiebha
ia(anaralli
belirrad to ban takaa aa lb. WilUaau
iuppo-
aaa.
UmBatbonBHBharadthatlh8cniBa-i"dw"1d bete
tniataad a
pan
of tho Onal Salt I"aian ^ that Aleaandar
imU aot har* kaowa the aiacl dinetion at Iha nanth of
Dahaa. who had the cihoioaailharof
cnain^
Iha chain of
of Iha
Caapiaa
,
01 of akiitiBgIhe nmtb-
Bt ; Ihatbo mijht
niob to IWI into Iha
would ba lun of tncUnf thsftafiti"
'"
*'^y
nUagt pru flipa/wt.
ii
fanj
miln auntb of It-
loiior,Jouccef. p.
IX-iKh On the other band,
thirty
mllaa (Mlh of
Penepolii(Kinnoir,
p.
T9J ;
"' ' " - --"'---*--"
---\BjiAl.piaia-
,
lli*t""
cmuM BMwd to ]n"
miftitnadsr It tdnalil* ftrUn
u. Acaodjiic la Iba eamaoB
t^
outa
^
wUeb hi
pvKiKd
Duioi,
( thii Hi. Williuu itfiUj mn
;
bach* lw" liMii liK^
iDngh la llnd"
pMMf*
i*htn Stnbo, aiMiit
ApaUada-
huie, ud enfiullT nllailRbigeiLH 30*
luiK of the
Cuplu
GUh.
llr.Villiuii^
W;
he
FooUj obeeTTei of Alaiudei*! muchi
"
In alareL
lyi
he isu"ed sWn
plaoedb/
Stnbo ebnl lUnr bIIh
"uth 4/ the Caepiu
OetUtUd, "OBHoqenllj, DDt la M eiii-
.unded with Ihe Anbiu Be/,
non thu
atlj
mflei u the
jnbiTud of them." Itwh, iadnit," nMiin nf lllii at
eaih la Iba
kjpotbaî;
aaJ nnvUJ mnctioD
.
As niMuad ariOo woald
car- er
u !u u the
Cupiu
Gue" uhI Rtu-
"iiMri-In talTiiifrfi wiÔr Karrlww^lcS'ritj^', nt
" xifut,
fm
Tli Mnelac Mtrifw).
Can
UT
ana who
nowi
the liliiatieii
g/ tin TapTnuu
dmU whalbu this
hagv via noMh oraoDtlLiif tba Cufiu Qataal
The
jmiins^
of Tobiu rim the
T^gtii
llmuih EctnlHU
" Rban, CDiQcidiikfwith Iba lioa oT Iijclora'a
ItloaTBTj,
lightalio hare aaemad
ttrj
diKcnll to raeocf Qa with iha
ad lba"T lua to ui owd.
...
I piucaad 10 Balica Umb, I wiD )iw obaim tint
Ir- WilliaiDa baa
ttrj
daitaravaij
eeothTtd to Bitnvt av-
.ranoa'HarcaUlau, vhi^^ban
aiawaaJ
bj
""
"d'oeau
n
the Dihar nil*
,
woold ajKieaz loto diradlr eroaaad Id it.
.mmiknu., iijn..t,]", daaciibaa BcbWu. "a nt yaiaiw
/sn/f
u nrrii lit* Snwunlennt. Oh mmld bar* Ihmiht
lit io tbia
ittcnH"m lb* aiUalkn tt (he lint Jmmn
-aa mora
likolf
to Ihrm
lijtht apon
Out of Ecbklaiu tban
le
lamlsrr
of Ilia SriD-MadiMa,
Iha
pneta*
enaH af
iffienit
Id ucBTtaJa. New Stnte, li.,p. tM,
TaocE., de-
:nbei Mmiat JaaouBD u a (TeatmauiiIilD
atiinethl Caa-
lan Gitil
i" tbe lallhand
Idfetlilyabllfru" Kanlaia
"i\atIr
ipinrlff, juAaiifunr'latirior).Tbs name it-
ilf
flDlliciaikllj proTBa
Ibat it vaa ia Iba north of Modiit.
le authuiiiea
which^rour
hi" hypolheiii,bacvua
"
Flat
inj
eipteodj aaaana Ibal
Sjio-Media
waa Iha aautbam
laiicmf Madia, nuinf panllal
withFetiia." Now tbia
Tferanceto
PtolemyiaaapD"Aed
of the almoat imifbra
I
ariaiienl. Ptolem)',
oh
jiiat
before de-
1 partanl
icmrd-
iioi (ol i
Mftirit xti/ul,
ooiiclwln hii "const at Ma- in
"ilh the wotda ieImil' Ui|" ii)"IIiiwMi 4 TvfaimiLi.
hia Mr. Wiliiama csUt DipreaalT
uaaiting
thai SyroH*-
ittuthe aouibam diairictof Media. Plolemjheta
aaji
J a.n at
Sjro-Madia
Ifaon he
might
ban uid oC Medii
'tha"M.ût'5aai"i"iiia'"aîutl; lurke
iiii""
of the
iucciincy
t nan numtiDBao.
_".
w{o]iiitl"("iî*itlt
ihilMt.
V/imia
larl)
Unci "H. Aa
I
hin a
o
po(u out MhaT isaluk'
. .. . IhitlhamMJnjFwhlDh.
ixaiâ%
IS Arrjaa,bnti SDt at
OpU, nail/
happeiud,
a*
I"iadan"nluea,*iSiuai udha tndaanni* ta diaw thai
tUa
appaaa
fkia Iho woda wUeb Airiai hlmaolf,Tii,, 10.
Ml Ms Aluudai^ mouh, and which Mr. WHVum.
p.
n. tiudalaa aa Mlowa: "Oa, ud unomiEa that after
Alexaadar,
jovr
Luf .,- - ^
had baaa HJalrccadacted
b/
jvg
to Sua,
jaa
Oire deaaitad him.' Mr. Williaiu
ptlnla
Iba wad Oan i" lulic^but,t an aftild,
ut br iha aaiH
parpoae
that worda an aa paulad in oar trutdalioa af tJia
Bible;for " tUa woid (km the whsja i" hia
aifaaent
depoada, aiad
r*l
then ia
Dothiiif uawniaf
10 it ia A^
tiai-a laiL who
aiaudji aaja dc di latea
Jnnr'l'irc
da*-
htimt
laxuSt.
Tbl taaaea
whj Boaa. aad not Opia,ia
' ' ~"
In Iha otbriul woald have in-
bat hia aoldien had baaa IB the
painl
of
karlaf
him aa ua flratratnra 10 Snaa.
"_
_.".._, uoicMta hia Bavy "Kb aa '"ttaapt la
I amn that han
poUall;
prerailadao Ihi*
"
,
laatlwathBaaaadi"aR:^''aadit iriawa"
Um-'lobHlD Witt Folrbiia.'lUa asuaibililj b, bow-
...... _,_. "
J. ^
^j^,
Y^" t," aparad if ha
pUBHeTTftaaMUof
Oaleuhôf
PalTMiuufi4-
\m: "Madia la eadrelad with Oreciu ciliei aiW the
el
of Alezaader, ia order la gîard
it
afmiiut
the
naifb-
rtnr barfaaiiua,
with the
aieîCiai
ef Ecbatanl, It
(ahonU be Ihti
cily,
atni)la plaeed id Ihe nonhani
fana
"i Aria (" ulaprinl,pnbaHj, fiirMedial, hvi it liea una
im orerhanfBj
thoae
pane
of Alia which an reiiad Msotia
"id tbe Euiue.'' And ha Ihaa pnmdi
la
ahaina,
Ihu
"if thii
paaâffl
ha not deplonblT corrqpCed,it
pnraa
dial
Polrhioa mual ban bead lotalljr
inoaat of Ihe
ffeofraphj'
of
Upper
Alia, (or 00 do
aaiiptM
laliEada of eoaamelioB
oaa
il be allowed thai the E^ntaai enn of nulaniT wu
pitfed near, or ovrriiDU.
the diitilcli ronod the Mieotli
"Id the Euiine." The phran which Mr. Witliiu mu-
)ai" Itti
ruar, gr eecrtswt,
iatainirei ;
bsl be leaiBi tn
tuie nrerlmked the mouiu el Polibiae,which, if Ecbat-
""" \m.j
ia the mitthwfit oTMedia,
("
neithei aninloiriiiibta
nor abaoid. Ba'in(
menlioBed ths Gnah dtiaa whiehhal
beat!
pUntad
imgd Madia I? Alauadn^ dinecieB oa av
euait at Ihe
aaifhboDriicbaibariisa,he dlMiBiniahaa
Ee-
halau aa Iba aiHHeat
euiial
(|Jwl"ciar ifJMh H4fai"}.
hut dneiibaa ilwith rafannes to Ihe lani* peiltiea]
ofejeer
which he had notlead ia Ihe eaie of the Greek citiea. It
]ar in the WHlh of
Media,
aod
waa opwaed
la the ionada
(rftbfl bartlKnaBI iôu tiie aide of Iba ItfBetia aid the Bui-
ine. Thialhaliere tobethemeaiuogofMcurai. IVitrb-
iia
"T
bBTa been
lhiiikiii(
of the Hicient eroptioiief iha
ScTlhiaoi;
bit,ai all
aniU,
the wold doee sol
uaeeaaril}
Mr.WUian
ploctada
to ebaam:
"
That itia either a
loinptidnef lienor a laiatakd^ die aaiheT.iiatidanl
(nathaeibaaniaBthleuiTcomparedwilhlhaiaap.''
New
wbatiathiahinoiTl
AccoidliftoMr.WtUiau,iilithii,
which be laeana tot 1 niaalatioa of hl;biga :
-
Anaca*
aipected that Antiochu vovhl have nached RrJiatana,hat
that ha wostd nut
dare,
at the held of aa
1*i|ean
aiBjr,
M
adnnoe thnaib the deeait which bwdend
apea
it." Now
nadaa ia at a
oaat
dtateaaa (ran it. H
eanet,
J,
atand OB Ihe ailaat Bohatuia. Saehialhanft-
aoalngwhichMr. Waiiaaiabaildaomhiepaaaaia.aBdTWT
,, " ' " ' -
-'iieljiiaflladfaiMSatBiiKeaa*
doaa u. la e. H ha dracrlbaB
nlaadoor of F-*-"
"
and thai
nil Mr. WilUama Inialiue.
""
and Ihuca
proeaeda,
c U, 'Eatt
Stnbo'a tun comia nelt. Mr, WiUiami dg
he wai amuuDieJ with the tme
poaitioo
not. Hot.,
for iuXKIce.
ii
"
paaM"o
-hi
"ahan ;
"'
Media, torthe looel
part,
11 high an
Bi RhagB and the Caiclai Uatsi,
and Ibiinca lo Matiana
nd 10 the north
,
and no othei
Caapian Gatee,
Itii
Iha Caapian Cuae, Ainiiig
tbe eeat (wert T)
of the Gnat
Doaert,and
joining
that
pMt
of M"a( Zagme
which
Bepa"
atei Media from Penia. iiwaa aoTer
dovbted bat
bf
the
"hallow and blaidanngPinlierton."
Let m Ihen lom ftom
ihia aballow blunderer ta the Dneh ten,
which deambae
theee au"I"u ta tlit nil tf Edna"aa,
and wa ihall 9nd
that the oordi which Hi, Wdliania id
tranilaUa an rl
-
lafanlHnlrt:
ihemomlainiwhiohb*
Amirblloil
VI (o tooK mr EOHHU in m
T"r7
aiaervDi
quartvt
rrom Ib-
A"Uiu Iha HianH
W
Uh Buplinieiud tht
"niM,
ii
Bid(Ii,,p.lN,'rucb.)lalMiiarthaiwllsiillii(liiEci-
bUUh
A|r*il,Slntio(ITl,,p.ltt,Tmiieh.)c]MlFaLTc1ei-
tm,
who Hid thtl tha hicheaiiioDnuiD"ir""iD Ihtuntli-
HISTORY OF OHBECE.
Hoimt JiK
L" npQOTtda
doM oot
dfiilf^to lh" ""
,- .- --
tiut
*'
than t"v
pungti cleul/
iDdiata
lun ban u Eebuiu Kiatwiuir-
- "'-- -
MHRtBlB*,*' IDd OwB h* pItlMlU
CUM* ~"r Iki tRon IkM han
]
"r the lut tm lliniinnil fun."
"
Hh
laeii^Hn
daHzibt ih"* dilo of i^ uiu of
ZibUuLtba
H"Uu,IhiPiniu.Hd U" arriu." Ts
lUa Ua Mr. WOUuu adda luuthtr,
"
u Estiuuu bsiWHB
Iba Ticm ud t)w BiHmuiu u Ihi
tMl, la tha tMuit of
ibi Coni.' nil iithtt Egb*tui whkb Plnunh "m-
UiM (Ul.,m u "
plus
i"
Bdrrkola wlun* lb"i m "
"princ
or
tn,
ud Ur. WilUiBi Ixilian* ibu ttlaUm auu
vhigfi Abdihiiu bhbI
(uiiL,
0. tt) whan Iv BOaband
TiAalau wllk Nboi, AiMa, ud Owutaak, laav
tha
oUaa of AdIikHH
1
ud iH ~ikaa vt oTAâw
hnutlia-
" to atpteiiia
uaiaca
of Btnbo
(Ii., p. ]", Tuch.) wUcb
kti ban Iboulil U abow tbat BnloadHua
pluad Eotaal-
u"uarijlB Iba auM laUtada"lUi dibabud "ba Caqd-
riaiu,at da aibjar t troUTanC ^ qui pahia al at mntrriF.
Mr.
Kiimali^daaciipliaB ("aaKilr,B.n)rfthl Kalab SoT-
faad
petftca)' agraai
vilb CbanfMdiB*a
;
bat ba iddr
"' A
d"p ud mnutle
(leu,
(nattci|ip"d
b*
hifb ud b
TDckL and aboal tirva nlLaiabdahalfnMftb,iapa
tbia lortnaalniai tba KMoJi Siicnab{ViiaBaBBaics
Ssbnb), ona
of Iba
laOfMIud
liuisb'a
danripUgg gl Iha Bab-
nmncilad with iba othar
two,
if
. aasaplaG^.
hitnttiakmBtfotiror
par-
Cto
Dteam" vbal
BMUng
but (ha anthoaiaaB lAJcb
rad
bjpcptbaaia luplraa oonld bi~~
' "
tba/alltalliitDlbaaai
"u Iba IvD
paaaairaa
o"
Stnbo,wbiak,
Bila,claarii iahcaa that Uiara nnal ba^
aai aoBawluira in tha
riciuitj
of Iha no
balaiK ii uaatiaiisd
ij
itaaltTwiUtiHil
aof
djatliiniatiiii
"pilbal
a"
marli,u;
othartbu tha famoaa eapiôf H(
dusanbi mannl? Coald PulfdaKaa, 01
'
ha Idlmrad, i[ be
ni
bioMlf Inor
HbifbiB
Inef UaraadanbidaiiarbaaidiiûdwbHib ItaarinnJd
ba nta In ooafoiud wiib anotbar,ooa of tha mo^ oalebih-
tal aitieaof Aala,and in a imnUydiBamt
poaitioBI
Than an
aOaarpoiauiBÎIr. WiDiaaa'aaiiVBanl
par^
hi4âquHj
vubiarabla.
tba Niaon Plain
appaa
ilmoldiulbo diOealti
".,
Iba tumir hwiltnt (il-" p-
Ml. Taiuta.), oompan
Dhidona (iTii.,IID) aad Aniu
(tu.,It),elaat!"
p
'
" Kasu Plua "b"cb Alaiudar tiawad m
Eiia
a Niaon Plain
appaarlaiaaailramalTacqdiiitlca];
aad
mold lul bo diOeolt u ahow that Strabo'a
dHcTipdgn of
aiupA'twrit-
-' - "' --"'"" " --
iodor.
(nii..
"I tba Kacu !
u
Ecbauuli^
Rdeat to Hnra that Et
apaiiof
BbDWiaf wbai
1j it(u
bardlj
ba donbcad IbM tba nad b^vbich Alai-
aadar aianbad ma ftnn ta Pananotia
waa (bat wbl4 ia
BO Bisntalr daaoiibad bj ChaiaMdie, III., M, it baa naln-
Eiatrii. (lir.WiUiaaaliDMakutbodibaBaaalaiof
thaawH. ItdBaaaWaanldaCaWhrflbaPnniiMrhBt
AilVJU(Cai"l^lhauhltwHalaacâdKalab-l-IN*a-Sa
W.thaCiatlid'thaWbhaD"
u,ln"l|M"io"lanwl
hawavai, a
difinalâh"t tba anot
poalUiB
Df tba Oual,
if HanBdar^ attain ("
latdâa aeBlana
aTqit*aLpatHab*.
b^3"!'i2
a Iba a.B. aMa. Thia ta
wituonl
UOQM,
tba
paia
nHiiliOBad
bj
Ani
wnlan under tbo
ippallatim
of tha Panlu
If,than,Iba K"alii Iba paadolHidadbTj
wbat naa did h* Baka of tba Ealahî-Safldf bow naa a
hu^nad ibalJknian'a aaiboRuadauooalianef Iba
pa-
f^li.T f..tn.M n/ tiii. Mi".Ttrf.l. fii.T.iii 1
HovdidAlai-
andai^
TicUnr
at Iba Paaa Ml bin i" piaaiw'ia if thia
plaaa,Thioh
aaauradlj
ba did boI leava Id tba
aaeATâ
haadaT Iam uaaUa to auwar Oaaa
âathni,ud manly
Ihnw thaa dqI Ce
pxaaoCa
fotbaa isqtiiET.
1 obaatva tbaf
Ur. Lmi, ii hia
I"
"tfAulaal
Paiala,
latiutaa
a doobt
?^J?
annaata aiwitbarranarii. 1 bava eallad tba
aapaOa
tba modan Baadauir. EdidiutkaBv
tbara waa a denbt aa la Ibjipaisl lUI I aaw Iba
fallvviat
niaarfc in a
papnlai
woili of,I baiiara,a laamad aatber
(Bavat Biislaaaaff tba Hiddla Ana, la tha
Libraryof Ed-
uitainiicKanladia, p.
11")7Âwd-oA^wlat had a
dika ocmaOSBlsd amaa Iba Rinr Kur, uar tba nina of
ParaapoUa.
Ilwaa oalladtha Sn"d-A_aar (Prinea'aDAa}.
"npiiaed
UBadii
Itaatr. Wa mul
aot,
tba
la Rnobh a ladr aiBfinc
Cain Bod niU,bajoii
Nanr waa
rid/enli
ranaik Mitainlr woold not
qntllim,
Band Emit, at tba aame tima tbat be a
of iha name.
"
Tli* creitaat,'' ba ofaae
Tiii.,p.
Ill),
"of "U IboriTenof Pan
for diaticctieo'ilake alio called Band E
Dika." Whkt, in fact,
oimld be more natorai uah w att-
inata
Iha river
br
Iba noma of ibis remarhabla objectT
So,aa Babei infanna
oa,
tbe nnr of Samaieaad "na ailed
Ibe Kobik, tna a biUoch nur Ihnt citj.
1 will add Von
Rasunar"B nmark, thai tba Oraakl calM tha lini of Pai^
ipijil Iba AIan^
Ibat of
PalugHla
tha
C}nm. which
I
Ihe Km. aiactlT
nhen Paraia,biit
.the Piinca'a
IV. na
n OMaiflBC that " Bactilu ehiaf aaold ban
anjnhinlto
do with Sifdiaiia, or abtnldhura InokadAr a
laft^banad
tba Dma. whaa tba PannaBlalia,with illHuunita and ta-
oaaaaa, ptaaaalad
a ulnnl ratml br Iha iBanvan iMina.
B* ia,
ttwafoia, atraflT innlinadlahalian thai Iba nek
Baorikwbaia Bmbaâaaa
It
(il.,p. Ma/Tudi.,tbat
la,
Iba Ku of
Sjaiattbraa)-
"
If.ibarefoTa," ha coaelDdea,
"
ilwaa iB Baflila,
Ibara cu ba bo doiM tbat Itwaa the
aaaa bill-lbitraaa wkicb waa eaanind bjiTtounr
prannBa
Is bia
aipaditioB
isU Isdla,lod tba
daacripliin
cf which
uiwan aiaeth U the Rook of Otynm. Aaniaf
la
Aa bsdltion af iba latlna,il bad baas
baaiif
ad In tbIh
br tha
(iHl
Iftandar.'
Tba aanltT
which Hi. WlUaaia han ntea aeaaia ai-
aaadlB4r ibf
bl
;
lor
asi^
itwu natnril
asovgh
tbal Oi-
nitaa abavidooaauilblaiWilf
lo tba
prstaetioB of u
aOr
la a
maartal)^
ftnu fonrem, tboagh ilhmmianad to bo
Bonhaf Iba Ona. Botbii
conjaclnn
ai
taitapmlina.if
IIwaa ta Baonia, about wbich he thinta Ibere
can ba bo
docdx,
ia aitnuiwitlT improbabla.
The hiU-fennaa be
allndaa toiaao othar tiiu Ibat of Eitnaror Keiun, d"-
icribad
h^
Chanfeddin, ir..1. A
(liiin
al Ihe
map,
aad
Mr. WilUaoa al" Ihinbe Ibat Ihe Malrlnia nf
CartlH,
I..ID,
ia Naniana,
and hia Oehna Iha
tad)an, BBd that,
aa oa
nod Iha Parauca and ttia Mardl
coDCinuailrnn-
osdad wilh each
Mher,
it
ua^ Ibixlj
ba InfcttedIbal tha
607.
^1 arpedituq to Hufiutt. thit
ecejvecar*
if
vxw"y
dB'
unbla. Wluamr hn nwl Ilia
danipUou
ctf Silu ii
Fnaai'i KhmiUi Appodix,
p. [I
"nipUoD
ctf Silu i
J,fbO.,whicb
naj'
\
ornmnd whli"
ft
liH M llx
.
Clunniia. No
dHBiip-
ippbcaU*
lo tlu Rock of Chtritm
H, Jan dHim u ba
BiitiMd,
tliu HuiU-
ipondii, p.
)M) "" iIh cQiiaf
nlr
of F"r-
,
ueonlliif
u Waddjuun'i aai " Bitar,
OwHt (faio AJl-h.
n,gti7cdT:G00glc
n,gti7cdT:G00glc
INDEX.
AMIIH. UH, 1.,
TO.
JtmmUim,
ih*
tjTut
of
Bktdh,
tli*crultiH ud doth if,
Ualumi,ck
InMhuu, ii.,
Ml.
Atidnm,l^git"sf,".,1M.
Aiitmnm, frincm
at
aAmin,fl.,m,nf,tn,Ml.
Sw
CHiMk7liia"a,*M.
niii
"1.
OH
iWAHaut"i'(a"il(,i.,
Ml.
Ab^^HlnpiifSiia^.,iaI.
Bii ilnb,
U.,
IM.
l.b]rdlH,
HtfB Hf,!!., Ml.
DO fifliartBu"T
!."
W7.
jiis, " Ixn, iti"mltJ bj Ftslu
Em^ ii., ""1.
Annin,
tlw
PtqilHl,(.,
Ml.
Akshi. Tiisi,which, untlm vil
into th" Imhii.ii., "il,
fa.
Aebun, tiu provliH*cf,
" "*'
Ihi Boau Suui.Mt.
Bmbuardf CdliciUu, ud
ip-
Bnaohin* dnirqCB]!of tb" L"Bf^,
iA. EJInrtB c^ Rams
ukn"kilu|"nniirihiL""C".4W. S"n" d"lMin
mi uuut Ih* Iûu, Wl. FtH illCoiisth,ud iha
"^ aTlba AohHO
nr,
tM.
JldiHÛis.l.M.
AUiiuKwgr,wl[hFhilir,"HiBiHbi7
G^tentiDBi,ii.,431. R"["r to "Ach" a LnpH" asd
MtiYof, i.,r.
_
Jldi,
qqt"n
of Cuim, Ii,
idK,"id(nrDfIdil*ui,
,
hawu f*B*n1, 1.,^, tM.
AdiHtu, king of (hi Maluiiuii, 1,,
101,
AdBinlHntiBi of
FiHdii, 1.,Ill
AdnnrniiiD,!)!*
town "(.,"[.
AdMtw, i..IN.
Adrimlk Ba, ibt,i.,
M.
AdiutiLfH fuiud
br
rtdUp,ii.,
ItT.
fv tht rtlud, i.,n.
Xtctm. tlH
tYnnt, i.,
MD.
X^ndm "^
Kplnii)th* fmihir irf
PjrTThuf, il.,MS. VSfht
of,inla .Xutit, IM. lUniMd hi" Ihnu, b" (Uhcud
"Ad bIud
bj Philima,
r^
JUtem^^y--
"
'"
"
'"
XalM.Uiif
gfColc) S^.
MftM sh, tu, I.,n.
."|HI, i.,
ti.
.K|al"ii",(h(,i.,".
lu,
lU
iliudiif,
TTiD,
IN, IT
... _. ,
tha,i.,Ml.
Mfit^tt,
Iki
mirar,
i, HI.
jflpiiL, kipfoTArfiia,!., idt.
ffiHB, tnli*oTltw,1.,M.
.SmPocuoi, haute oK
I.,48$.
.Xhu, ilw Amdiu ftHial. ii.,M.
.AoUboi, Hflv hiMffT at tk*. i" Ml
'
fi"iiîiM,".,a.
.Solu
im
U* H" M " dhWoB oTlk* OiHk Mtk^l., W.
JpTtonfMiiinii.i.. 140.
.XT("u,UH"irilHiadiiite,U.,M.
JtBUnMTiT,T4. BsbMn
gf,
to
Amdk,
111. hnd
of,oa Um fawKU
aaf
otiideahnnaB
PUfipaada"",
IIS. Hii aaiwH to tha ihaiwai InatU
""""' Wa kr
DMthiaw.lll). HI* Mon i^ Ih* HI
PUllB,IM.
lit""
"-" "
"ODUttal.in. L.
"
Conad, ii.,tl*,"t
LB
M"^"^
*"" Ward..
niiHd uniiwt tlua br ih* jgllaaa
uafaa,
UP. Than
aawtiaBciu with
Fhibp,
ii,
DiapaiiBaaa
of Iha
alBaa,
4U. Saacaaa af Ihairgaaazal*,
4X3. Thair aaaallT la-
ndadlvndJip,41".
Tliamaa Mtwad, aad Ih* auad
baiMivi lM"d, a. Tiaaai a^ naaaai of Ihrit
wn,
IWt
nilll|iaii"iaianiiMliiif
iiiaa.
IM Tat^mUm
aflhaSaiil*IWu,j". ThaiBlaliaaaaBlaTtattiatnatr
offMBTa Hd dafoaaiiawith S"a, 4M. Thaii BihtaiT
aaHattoH, iL Th" hb*w Ihali alUaaea with PhUa,
or.
LaglikUaa af Doiiauahaa and
aeapaa,
i". Da-
fiaaaad at*!* "" tha
anatir,
tt.
n*|r daidn* w"
aialaal
PhiUp,
441. Thaii hmitilaa """
-' -
rfFlanlaiiiiB"iaaOi
" "" "
of Hanclaa, 4M.
ticK oT thair awrnn at
br tha
aaaua,
4U.
fiaatad
br
Raiaa,
ib.
AAin ofSaana, i.,IM.
A"ln of Awd^
it.,
in.
Afaaiada,
dauhtar of Alni
Afanita, andvoc* of.i.,411.
AâtbarehQB,
tha fnt
paiataf
of
aaaaair
acagdlag
i-uIbiof baaar
penpactna, i.,
110.
Apthinin.
Ihi Corinlhiu adiaiTi], i..
1T4.
Afatborlaj.ihaHHoCLTiimaolioi.ii.iUl. Hiac^
"runii
Daaialnni, li..JW. Mudai of,iL,Mt.
IMMa
tW Ait"*t(
n ika butk
of Cmwa,
MS.
ttlOiilwi
A* gpMBii
toffmuijlm
Atmaaim,
Kt.
cUiMi
W
" " " '
Iba "r*ditis
lOt bj Ipuu "f
HuliHa,
ii.,
II. H" (xptditioii
ifiiiwt
FUIh,
IS.
HiiaipBlllioB*i^Bi(Th"bu,ll.
CrwiM*
Ih* SfHOB
amMmner,
M Bia daUk,
ITl.
Af"ipiili*,kiii("i('LM*dii
' "* '-"
._i_ij..t-
ID "pun,
514.
T^
nU iiUBit
Wialiim.
li.,ii
.Ifii,
Uu (f Spun,
i.,
lis.
_
e]ii4M
" nx
wllk Aim,
Ml.
InU Ik* CîHU b"lnl,4M.
Ihakadof
Iki Mntimmlii
butt,
4
"iih AkAildK
4U.
WMelllW-A
nKKW.
HiadMhiHa.
*"l^
Ik* koua,
i.,
IM.
An and
AldMaiia, L,
MA.
lllilli.liai
iiflki Miiliâai.
ii
,
U
"-"-
Îkai
"" liTba)
Md NMaMmia,
U..
IM.
Hia
a"hlamUi*TPaidiaiaa,tte.
Hi
pati
Cnan^,
B vl FUtn.
u 4"ath,d.
Hli d"fs
In lAtaia
tai*,a.
Hto "Hta HVikiilT,
NT.
Hk fiial
*PP**nBea
ia fabUo
lili,
M. Bb aanoriw
u
aauîi.
Itiiil iiiikartiaiaiiil"iiiliniiii|
Il
|6aa^.
HiaiafcaM
talk* ainaucalo
Main
Ckaifad
with tmfiaiti
tka iabUMudaciaa a(aiaatllia
HltUMnaatotktAtkaaiaaaiaaBUTdailBf
tbalabala
M Ika airadlUanla
SMil]i,4IS.
C(ai(aaagawl
kiia.
tU.
HI* trialjm("C
U aa inMklU
|iahD""".
Sam-
"aiHdWAlkutaataBdkJaDial,lia.
Putkwdiarn*
'
Maisi(Uai,4^
Rariawjf
Ih* lOTWdlin*
MaiaM kua,
W
S"Mbb"
if daatk ^lA
aaaa kin,
ad Ui
ptqp-
- -
. "" - . "-- "
T, 6"
^
aiirniani
ii"tk* a^jiitiiki
ajOi TtantMaa^
0.
lUnaiu
ta Bawia,
tM. Amiti
I hy TiMiiianiaa.
a"J
"*" TriaMimi
"aidl%
"M.
KAau
hi* .aaiBa
1* Gla-
aana".tt. Hla"r|"aditi"Bt*Jii"tAkr]u,4A.
Kafii-
a" Innli^
lb* tnatj'
uda
witk Ik* CkalcaJMlaiM,
tm. Katuaa HAtteaa.tl.
Iiiiiiiriim
iiMBialli
ii
ekiaf ef "" eoBBinaaUk
balk br kad and ih,
4W.
Bla anaditiea
to BlaialL 411^
B*B""d
frea kk aaa-
piBai.a",MS.
r.Tit
Aln,plaiaaor,l.."".
Alaotaa,
klv "" EpinM,
U.,
te.
llnamii,
""
triba* a(,i.,
41.
Alaiu,
Tarin*
aoooaau
(rfika aaau bxirkkkka
aeUnad
lb*iitlaatiifC"ialh,i.
lis.
Alag**,
(k* aalabnud
^rJBM
ftia wbaa
Ik* tHH*
af A*
Aliaad*
diiind itanaiH, I.,
170
1
U.,
IN.
AlaUKlir
and Ariatod*.
li" IM.
Alaiadii
Ika Spaitaa,
ii.,
M.
AlanadarifPhm.ii.,
a,n.
m.
fi-H-i
j-,
7S. MoidarDCK.
Alanadar
if BuTua,
daalkaf. Ii.,
JSt.
Afanadarlk*
Aîa*
"l*Aala
and dara Pulfslaa
is Tkt^
Uial at .S|"a,
1(0. Sit* "
ITS. blan Iêia-aad
Df tbaTr^-
--" -
"""
ttr,d.,n
AaafdrKa* rfkMb"y
,
_
",]".
rariodofkauuneaa
wiikAiiMt1*,U"
Di"a]liHiifkB^Btim,IM
Hb
.in.
Hii anaditiw
vIdTIiw,
IB.
Ik* Ctlu,
JMTCaMani Uuba^
'"*"
dmia wUi ui "7m^
ft..
in lb* bull* of Giaueaa,
[B1.
Coupncf
lyauil
bii lib,
_
t_..i.
ID*
inifldoi* oC
aftar
Ibaltttarif PuiK,
I,
IM.
lh*b*nl"D^ni,lgT.
Hi
IB).
HoUra*
wbieb
Indwd
bim Id udulibi
df
^yiai
IWv ffaiam
tb* Hfa
itfGala,
IfO.
ad,
A Javiib
tnditfoB
ralaiji*
tnbiaBazek
]*",
it. Bia nlua
u FkmicU.
IH. Hia nnwt
if
Danna,
IW.
Bia triiuifkaiU
uiUT
1""" Babjlc^
Mdt
EatBi P*ti*piiIiB,aBd
laU In with bia ovb
kanda ta Ikw
tufwl
palaaa,
SOS. Baranaoa
wbick
b* ibewa id IW
UmbikCmt,m.
Hia*aicttla*DbdaalbalfaidtaH,
KM. Muj
of.Wrr.
M). Couinoj
afaiaM
bia lift,
111. Comb
Ibfwaid
kiHalf
aa tk* a"u*T*f Phikiaa,
11). Bia*âdili"a)^M(BMaH,llt.
HusHiaiea
"oqaaUlk*
wnltia Sii(diaaa,SlS-
Hia aaiMit
witk Ika
AiuCnSc7tUua,lll).
lad*ftal*dbTtbaBc7ûia,HI.
Hia
ftvasfl*,
ih. Hia iaIemBw
witk Fbaramianaa,
SL
Hia
mBfTiBf*
with a^"p-,
su. Hia co^lail
wiik a licsv.
m. DaicripliiaiifbiBeaiinal
Ibiattma,!!}.
Hian-
laona
foi tb" BBldai
of CLitu,
tt, Coiniiacj
agwa^
Uftitn. DMaclifii*rih*|iliilaadpuiiakBiuaf
tb*
itpiiBtDn,
U. Hia qiiaiT*!
wilh CaUiHbaM*.
"
ontpintor*t
laaptiac
ita(
" ,","
ailM,
"i. Sacrila*
M Atbiu
at Ifksa,
Ika
Hia'
aanb
in lb*
IndaalT^ Hia avian
of
li"andi'Aci^
"u,
tM.
Tab**
Diaar alaâua,
it. Baackia tba la-
daa aad bnildi a Baal,
ik. ait
flaU"nn
coaRpan
kim fa"-
Dignaaa
Ka ika alnilarilT
af Ibar tediaa
tnuanlia,
il.
SaocUeaa
to Bacdma
at Nyaa,
W.
Sal* af hli upadi-
Ilgaacnaa
Ika ladiia.it.
Hit imiitatka
Is Pgna,
O.
Croaaea
Ika Hydaapsa,
tld.
Hii Tictdrr
oral- Fma,
SXL
IM. Raiutaui
huaaalf
in kii kisgdoiB,
US,
t3". Ra-
dne*!
tba Cilhiniia,
tSS.
Hit isnar
saalwud daa*.
at th* eDodDiiMi
at lbs BnibuiB wiib
lb* Handn*,
or
So[ladgi.MO,M[.
Kia indignaliog
in B*^
kk eiB-
qaaata"aatn("d)D"ajtaraliidiab)r
bia acldiazj
nfnaiBf
'notb* SaBna,MO.
Hia (pint
br fulbar
dia-
"
,MI,Mj.
HiaDiaukaaiu(iiBtcifEaac*a
aBTaii".H"^MI,
M).
Hian
I"Taphr,
MS,
MI.
Flaat
BiKti
altara IB
Ika "di, aad
ai"..HI,MI.
r--!^-
"
H7daq"*a,Stt.
I
li,SU,
MS. BtT
cûl,144^Mfc
Ealan Sotdiiu:
Iba [adBa,M.
E
Ua
raooTviy,
MS,
Oxjowua,
*sd nkaa
hia citiaa
Bicanoi
ud aoma
BnhBioa
ta
" HBâaata
oa (ka Luwir ladsa,
.
Bqliina
Ik* Dalu o[ (he la-
laltolba aaa,
i*. Baciiflcaa
to
raiiaea
and docka,
and aiwa Ik*
"ditiinto th*
PaniaD Galf u Na- if
Saajiramja.
ti. Amoaat
aC hia
a. ThaOrilHiB
INDEX.
nun dumiua,Ul. Pauu
udisdslfenni,19I,t".
utKu*. md tciid* hin c
Inpr
if Pinii on PeuuBsa, SU. I
criH,uul Rhi ga Ih* BuplintH,
"1
dtiBH AbnlitH. ud
lU)*
OiMkiea
IH, [imuTBHioB of Ihi MtdH n"
ijua,S3r Am
".'
At San hi c
hi MfedBi mppnaed, it. Ha
ptr-
numr,
IM, MO. Bia pslicfof
(uiLiDclha Ma"daiuw"dPamuiiiUi"(",
JBB. îi
DSpIiili villiSutirLUl, lis. Hii ni
ligi Buiiu, US.
TIm rD]"lMnl, it. Bii liri"B
to Um
"xuj.iSt,
Bf
nowt ciowMof gold uiibii apuiM,
MT
^
-
"----
tiw^
tniDed "ccordjdtu Iha Mucedoai
" ,j ,
"
He
iniTiji
th"
Tifxii
ind Iki DilU oiUi Nuitlliu, it.
iLiBUBiog
Iha
TM"lta""
too.
. ._
niK la
npanads AnUtHUri
ii. Hb MoiiBt iIm Grseiu
"ut"u"nallA"l[liviulwdritiini,lM,3(W.
BHdi-
cm la tliu obwot,IK. Aid ta ntT dinaa hciunn Is
hiBHlf,we, re. H"npu"MEû*iw,3M. FtniT-
ilka inMada una liu ntDn ftm bdiL it, Hii Itiaf
Ibi Iha laa ofêphMioB.
Ml, M. Bia "ipi"Ii"
aiainn the
riiinaiii.
Mi. la nntd
by
th* ChiUiaia
K'oalaiiat
tovnUr BuO'loUtMt. AAd bjr
tha Kuthaam
Ltlufon*,it. Th* kisf hwilMM, ;ral
auan tha eilj,
It. Dtugf hlaratDBM BibjloBTtt. B-"
"' "
Bama, wad ftoB swr aatiiinaid Iha ""
EaU, )", "U. CI
snaDi,
W. Hia n
-"
-iij. lirtnm.anililiiTh.lirt
TTf I
taih,
MS. Dian of thadmBia
M^ HafmTahiariniiiriiiHlbll
~ ' '
"t3*^"iBaUa"d.Mt,N7.
"tfiKnhip,M7. Biaaduii^
la,Uula adranuta
OB aUkv hia
miisuit. NMiUwcinr.it.
'
anabUalanlwi'
ue
Aiiauct, m,
an. laobbu ca Iha Macadoalaii n
"nl"uki"dae"*aa,M8. DiaaonMal af thaaahlian,!)
A kiof dwaas, it. Tha
emiiHl
Mmaa Paidioaai"
MolaMi, ITl. Pmitniif Iha innMai of Iha aiaHL_
ft. or Alanadai^
)Jua,
ITl. Hit bad* oidand ta ba
onia^
to Iha
npnlahn af tb* MaaaJaaiaii
Unfa at
"Urm, it. Tha faaanl
cai,
MS.
Conajwl by
tha
"
crd Arridania ta
Duummu. S. Fiu% d
"-
PtolaiiviiIha oanaUn gf th*
"
' "
Faithar aUuIoiii
u,
tli.
jUaundar JBfua,
" "' '
,
SalOcattoD of,176.
Iho UtaadoBiu "
nnlw,u.,"7S,S7t. iBBrimadiiilb
aandci.
ni,". Who enaaa Ihia
^
Alaiandar,
aOD ot PolrnHRhon,
aaoampa
bafor* Athooa,i
" II. Ha funifiaa Iha lathaiiu,tSS. Dafouda Ilhu
annul CataapjWr,13". la aaaHainalod at Sicjia,i
Hii mikiv
Cntoiipolij,
it,
Aleiauilai,iiicniKic
at
PTTttmaas
Iha Ihlw* of
"jui
A^fl^Hhtor,TaODter
btothar of
AAdpater,bj
tha aid I
Iliaalum at lb* appnaah
of Damatrino. it. Ueata ai
ncaiiMhlmhoBGanblratDiDni,
it. Madiulaa hi*a
Alliaa,diapoBitHn*of tha,ii.,
AUie*. naolauou of
tha,ii.,
Alphaua. Iba
ri"*r,I.,M.
Altaa', Iha
lung,i.,
Jo.
Alyba,
tha
couoiry
kiiig'"fSaidia,i.,SU.
a,
a
cilj-
of
CmoMf i.,
nft
I. umtKT
of ih*.
1.,
W.
ia,aifct of,lU MI. TaiT
id oniil*
at,iL,iU, Ml, W, Ml,
Mt.
AHipnam,
um VFwa at,
i^
i*i.
Amphiala, capa of,
i-^
IT.
Anphiaraaa, the
Ai|^te propbat,
AuphiotjonioDDaTedarvTr I.- 1'
apajtm aul Phoda,ii.,n.
if,
tîaC
Anphipolii,
oitv
of,i.,SI
tei"r"aoa,.ii.,M,76.
AnphMTy^
ropulad
ftthar of Hajcnlat,L, Tt.
Amynlu,
kiaa of Maaadwiia. J.,3M. Conaentati
anaaalofllaiiu. IM.
Lmjiital
II.of
Mioadaii, ii.
iB,i-l_.
idaefUic,iq").
ABfthaoa, lennd af,i,,fit,
Aueharali, I.,Ul.
AxcioriiiB,
aakiij' "" L,
MI.
Aoaiihljatiia, i..
W.
*
i.,
87. Taaecaofhli
"alK
hlia,HI.
'---'Spaitî.,l".
"ba"l
Auiibiiia.Ih* Ipaitu adsiinU i,,M7.
.
HIa "afaal n
I of Rhaaiimi,I.,"71,
Ml.
(TuTÛi-Dphr,
L,lu,
Ul.
"a,i.,"RrTai"alat"lii*ÎlaBflV.a
lnprfnBaBlof,417.
L_^_
_
ana
hia
fiiaada,
A. PnaacntKd of,SIJ. Hia
aanhaaaj
to
ABÎX"a
oalonT at Lahadaa. i..IVT.
'
i,u"itteerofDaBalTiai,hi*ln"k"7,li.,M".
Aadnva, th* Rtwaaa kiiw,i.,M.
Aadriaeaa,hia uanatiaia at tha aanaBa ivwar in Uaaa-
doaiajLlM. dia
oulilaiTontacicaia,MO, Bia bin-
aioB af
Thaaaalr, it. B* dabau Iha Koaiaii
ut*^,
O.
fiainc biiuaalf
smoaBM,
b* "acaii** iabi Thno*. ISO.
Asdnclea, Uh of Uwâ,
i.,
U"
Aftdndaa, Iha
iW^fÔaiU,
aMariutin " L,in.
AadnaaohUB, Iha "leaa
panaral,
iL,51.
Aadnpoaipiia,cakHir of.at Labadoa, i^
IVTV
Andna, tha iûdri,
i.,IM.
AadzoBtheoaa,
rajtfa
at,IL,BOl-
AiugTUB,th* liver,i.,
Oft.
Anippoa, tha
Sjiaeuaat a., M.
-
-'idw,lhepeaceof,i.,S7ailL,lD.
MM. b SHt into
a fit
and
la,
daain of
PloleBjr
Jm I
10 of SopLodea,i,,lUk
Aatlimila ob Iha On
-JSrJSis
iiiTaaiaaof Umaia, 411.
.. . .
Biionasiia than, 411. Hia
death,'
hia adaiaadn,
Phitia III.,
'
Btinnu CuuUia, il.,Uik.
.
of Mandmiia, no. Hia defeat of tha Calta,
ooma Caaaandna trom Iho
tjranlApdJadmu,
it. I
iaatuckodbrP^trtina.anddafeiiud,
171.
Sialaii(w
"ubnut,fTB. Braala
fi^hnriDf
hia ^"'^
*^*
"""~"- ~-'
ef Philip,iaapnutad
, ,. j_ ^
' "- -
".,IM, m. Ha liaa fraia A*
'
"nniia,
MS.
WatwJjiti]
of FhiTflabT
Ob~the
daaSt
sis
"IrfbiiiniT,lot. Sii
"IUun-ithAiitipiUr,SM,
Rh oocnlitn ealhtoiiHt
of An"Miiiiir,SO" Hla
siapuia âiBM Eibuh, "1T.
Tinta
Sim,
A. Hit
"tnticm*
ininH Bwnaih SIS,
IIV. DafHU hJB, ud usmudi him u 1M KhtiiI, and
Kt
u
d*uli,II*,no. D"di"d
nfat,ni,IW,RT,
"
iHiT.
MS. SiiUnH
n"7|J"ud"]mi,ni),
Ul.
On hta miin fton tha Eut,
b* (tadim for Alaiudar
"fti"
Ukd
RnaiAt I3t, 3tt. Ht* dtapilt*with hii
Baphew Flalgaiiaiu,
it. Ha iunda
EfTpt,
3S*. Hk
" DenHtriiH bedtcH Bbndn. and ii
npolaadiMO,
Ml Hit eûl
ABtignia
" tha Onnlo,
M9. Hia
cubpaJfB BfaiiiMLyaiBaehiBft,
t^ Hit nllul coadoct
U At bull* of Inu, whtn ha iiilaia,Mb
AncuMDidu ud hit brMbn Akniii Ikt
pott, i.,I9S.
AiiliKhii,tomidad b" Salaoeu (a Uw Omua, ii.,Ml.
AaDochiiL Iha Atbanian "ui"nl, L, 471- Hia dharHttr,
a. Slain la l)ittMll(i3NoIillDI,4Tr.
J"li"hiia,ann"HdthsOnal.Uaf
rfSnla,U,,UI. Ria
pt^tataltanîutmftn.tt.
Ha
i^Mb
(ta dk-
ttlLa "" Uh RiBiH MtfiMMdnt. 4H. Hfa dHni sa
S"KS,"8. CeBsnoBtMtf liDMiUUai,tt. CanBdl
u DoMriB, 4St. Hii*dnB"gaPbaT",". Caltln-
Ooa of bii
uuTtet*
u Ckdnii, t(. GaiHnldiiiiilDtaHaa
Bulla of
ThtiB^Tl"i "a. BiTaimjn"i"d, ti. Ha
ulark* tin
Aiii,
it. Efocu of Ui daputura
ne Ibr
""aanl ItHbuiB Oraaea,ii,,Ml.
kadpatar, ii..
ill.IT*. IntantiaD uf
n)v"adiii(
bim 1b
HaeadoBla br
Cnuru,
IH. Sii naiinaala la b" Alai-
mWr, it, Chltaa da"lbi/tbikliic,blapinreT"9n(bind
StbaoDBBcilafttia
vaTa(Briîia.". OBlkaHn
Alaiudar'ilaciwa.baaaB'
'
"
Hia
pToapiritta
af 1
"taa,
vbo WH alain in Theaaalr, IflO. " i
KiUi Cnun, kg iMalM "
fistOT
orn Ha
canaa Oa aubniaiiiB of Iba Latria,
ML 1
tar, n". Bia
ncaption
of Iha Alba
'
HibeHBda uanhaiRlDlbaAlba-
, .. ipaetaafasBan,i". Biad"baI,cH
rhich ha lakaa
rafafa
al lîiua, MO,
ML Hia lUiasoa
Alheaa
to,
it. Hia saaanraa U
- -- ...
airibaa and
pal*
Un Aibaidaa gnfasa u daub, TO,
IM.
lajiaiiail b7AarifiBiuuidI"aiialriiia,SKI,Mi. Hapn-
Hi(Mbrinraf(iutFanllaou,tl. Saada Cimtarna and
naortalannaafaiaalEananat,
tt. Ha
piwaada
to Pan-
diata In Snia, aai iainnatad with tba atnraBa aalbai-
%10l.
1aianeoKiliUioa U Saidia oitt Claq^Mra,
.
Hia ntnni to tba HaOaapoot, "l. Sia iliaordai
likalyto
puTB
teal,
UT. Damadaa rapainto AnQpaUr
aftai
intriîoi;m ttiFquae of Ferdiocaa,
and ia bV him
cait Into a
doBKVon.
it- At hia death ha
îvanta FdIj.
BparchoD
loiucnad hiai in Ihr
nfan^vit.
CoDtaUl^t
Taaolta fram tbii will of
Ancipatar.WT,
308. Bo
anc-
OHda kia bnUiat Philip in tba
pmnuimt,
IH. Ha
"antsia hia moUutr. 3M- Hii
kinffdom
Joradad tnr
P)rT-
aader,i". Oa tba daaiK
ofÂliTu"".
and *Iactl"i to
Iba
oovaraigiBtT
of
Damatriiu,
ha
ropaiia
to tba ooatt ctf
Angina
caswandi iha Ciarb ronfaderataa U laaJa oa
the dtatb of Lasathtiwa,ii.,
V". Defaala Lacamuaa In
Tbtlaalji
MS.
ladalsalsdb^ AnUpatai
al Cnnnin, Kl.
Ho tTVMia with Ih*
nfaot,
BM tha nmkfadarataa lajdowa
thaii
aima,
MI.
AnTina,'îa'iHaiiaticB of
BociUaa, i.,m.
Aocoaa,
Indian
hihflirt. Okaa br AlalnlllaT,U.,HI, IM.
Apallaa,intri^naaof,
anloat
Philip,ii.,U4.Tîacharrof,
VI. FoTfeiu the
kint'aoooMtBa, il. Baal la Coriuh
Apbidiw, tha
towi,
i.,' 149.
Apbtca, Iba bartogr of,1-,V8.
Apbrkaa or BiTi. tha AManarJaa,il., Hi.
AphndiaiB. tho buqaal, ii.,
IB.
AphTodil*,tFBflaof,I
,
so.
Apoclatea,tba," Coaacil gf Dapuja*
aacnf
Utt lEtdi-
ana,
II
,
*ia.
Apadotiana,niba (f,1.,M.
Apollo,i.,
h.
ApoUodorat,
a aiandiaT of Iha Pira Haadnd, 11.,101.
AptAlodorna,a enpnia of Alakand*r% LL,
Ml.
Apolloma,aiofoof,by Philip, ii.,411.
Afwltoudaa irBDBiaioaal)"aipol]ad
hen im
gnat amf, i.,
AjMtkaidaabuna tha Fiia Hmdiad or eeiudl tf Aitea,
Ap^hthafaiataLaooaica,i..Ml.
dealb,Ul,tM.
"a,
Iha Emlina
UbianaT^trib
Ife,it. Traha cf
int,T(.'*'n'i. ^
all
partMa,
it. Ha ia
appoinladnnanl of tha AFtaaaa
Uagna,
U". Ha
aotpnaaa Corinth,184, M9. Ho oh-
taisa Kwatiim of tb*
dij,
Ml.
AlHsipta apoa Aifoa,
it. Fartbrr
aipadiUOH,
at. Ha ianlaa Albca.
feO.
FanharAtuiaplaapoa Ait"a,it.Hia numaaua in Iha
aoath,N7, HianaaliufluaotistbeAchBin LaafiHiii.
Ha li dalaalodV
daooniea,
Ml. Hia
daiit"v~
i"-
ln|naa,4tl.
Raaina tba tHlt f" Snuant Aou
a''ilaraU, l"^.
I
hiaaon, 411. U
"
rtl itf t^
ArhwB Laajrna,li.,411. Ha
aocmpaniaa
Philipin bll
eipaditiona,
411. Ha laina Iha
kinfôon-
Maan, 4M, Conoaiioa diôatU aiana paila^Thilip^
eondun, 411.
Atuna, capa of,I-,
Aichidainiu,Unf
of Spatta,L,
tOO. Hia adrica to iba aa-
aambly donof
Iha dabala aa Iha aabjaotof Iha Cwinthi-
an
war,
Sfl. Hia addriB to tht
araij
U Iba bvainniaa
of tba war with Athtaa, SM. Hia
nato(iaIiia"
with Iha
Plataaiu,198. Hia
aitnonllnaij aipadioBtu tba
aia(a
Anbidamna, Iba " i"
Afaailaai,opadiUin gf; U.,It
Aof, U.
rt,!.,
I
Anhipaluro, Iba Oiaak, i,,ST.
liaaIba
fonniaaslof Babrlnla,II.,1T
a Sioal
chief,Ua aOiaBca with Aa Alh
Anna,
hiof^bla
nBaiiuaaafal
aipadilkaafainaC
tha M
Aliadaa,
tU,ii, ITI.
At(Biu Bitanpla
la BooBt Iha ibnaa itf
HamOoa,IL,M
Ai(ulhcuH,
Iha l^naâa kiof
,
I.,IH.
9a of,S71. .FTrf.lT**-' Ia
-
ifaaaatic aipadltioa,tafaadof,L,TT. Ralialoi
WDTkofthalMaed.TS. ttahiMancal fauulnlii
eoanoiiga wiiE
ibtTn^wnr, 80^
I.,
W. Plain oMk Tbaial
ritb iUa,Mi; and wiih
Spaita,
Hwav "" uH policyof, it.
Daa|ar of. 401.
rarolatioa, 400.
Baniiq|ofIhaPmanooiaud
liecoeDcll if tba Pin HmiAad
at,il., MT. On-
"Ui,
m. AunM d AiMu
""",
Mi. SiloiHHB
of laMHtH,
W. fU'iHl oC,W^"f."" of,hT N*-
.
1JbutT of,Hltmnly jHUlUHa
"^ ""-
ii.,)ie. T)tijK~
"
*Br"
AiwruiiH,
ii.,in. DWmJM. """
pat
la dMth iftAn*
.teimmiii, Uh FIubh fKanli
t-,
Hi.
AristanuH, Hmp
ol Phiraia, ii.,IW.
AjiMnn",bMu|"li[JuiiUllu"(,i.,U9. ymilaniiOm
"iji"liiuni,SM. InoiiHiliaIniiim
w nnll, 1"B.
-^^ "
-'n of Talmi*iu"t AUgmdirt
l^du HtHhmjvt,
I,lit.
junw", i" Cnmlhwi aaauAn. i..Hi.
Aliflidu, i.,IH. Hii inUrritw wilh llwmiitoclai,M.
Bmbliihn hia CDuatjT in vi hcannl"lt aad wlîMid
Arutippiu,
hia cowbfliio* "viUiCjrv, L, ttfl.
AtiMe,
"tnuniB "(,i.,4M.
AiiHubulDi,)!.,
m.SU. Hilil"Uil"oflblilulli(ifUnr.
uitar,
lU.
"i.,i,.1ST.
hk
Imtliir
Xtnu,
i^M.
"
'
u7iip"rMigH,i.,
STD.
SU,,1S. SBbmiaino
(f,
fimntuq,
"
fimntuqj
j.,70.
.
fonnauf, Ii.,110.
aU. BiaiTDdliH.lH.
UiingolMliiciiia MlMJ.
An*",*llM*ii|"i.nchH"t,i.,"""
".~
Aiituooiu, ir,S"a,
M"rW
Aii"mi",
1.,
IM.
AriwcBhiw, Uh own
pDM,
i.,IS7. Rtriair g( U" wri-
Bafi,ti;.
Uu piliitolTwwi,
MB. AluDlii Uu Sifk-
nb,
OH. UdtivH itluck iodowl liiBiM3.
Inuivlun, U*
gnlv,
li.,
M.
AiiBoiuaBt, tTniin/
iinl duih cf,ii..HT.
AiiHotli, i.,
H. Hli indaiiK* " [b" Bixl md ohuHUT
cf ALtiudei tha Omi, ii.,
IM. !"
npoTUd b;
urn to
hoTv bMB r"i"tii"d m poiioniiifAlonadv,
loTcad to wilhilnw frooi .Alhvna cm " duTfl of
iBbacLlai
"T
lufbriBg
fton
paiHn fn"n
br Oljntfima,1
Piooiiimxl kini bj Ui" Miotdouu
UBf
""
Burlm.
Ptrdieeu ogaMniu bin la ouiib Ib"
^lUmam
aC Hwi-
n|oi
wiihd"ib,"l. EdHtoi;na. tiratuiaak
"ter n butio
bf
4h" OtrnpiH, Itt.
Atnnl oT
Cilippiu,I.,
423.
*mn] of tbi
itbioiu
umuHut u
Ilbitlu. i" 411.
Anile*.
MEnp
of
Vhrjp^.
iiÎT
An, pnfm*
of,
i.,
IW, MM.
Anibaaai.1.,3M.
.
Ulpal SjHTUU (B UH
lb
.__..
H u
oan|i
Uiiii
nmirjoan
in u euaduuB uaiut
ABio^Ma. Hii
awm
u" ihi
Gmto,
MJT
BiidMb,
Anuiith
noMii
of C"i". I.. 160, M"
; iL, !"", IM.
AtlimiKua.
bill! of.I.. K, 40.
AnbBi"uofZilei,i"3U.
Aiu of tba Oixki
ii'llis
bank
""", 1.,W, M.
AiTbu, kiac
of
Epinii,iu tM.
AHidar, ii.,170,^
SUi^
Ctoia,tOt.M".
rmn of
Bjna, ii..Ml. tnmifc
"" no-
- . . . llyCyn
A"yluaofCnua,l..lM.
Aitpebaa,
iho
idHinl, i.,*t^4t
[" MinTH Ha^ i..IW.
I,
Iha Syncuau
mlw, 1.,414.
!,M4.
daimrtiinc^,l.,4l","l.
r, i.,10T;ii.,H.
uon, i.,an, 5M.
,ii.,US, in, 113,141, ML
Atbf BJVi
preparvtioa
Erftdonu,
kuli
n*,
ITI. Pandioa.^. Eain of Tbâ, ITS. Enai-
loctoil
IbolnbsIln.it. Ttiniiii aiilriiail il IhafnaJ
"r of tbe 4*momaT, ITt. riinihM gf Ua olinfoliri
ni. 114. The(ribaaiiibdi"iiladfaiuipto"ltM,lf4, in.
Wacihip
of Zona ud
Apollo at,
IT4. OiVFUioaafM*-
aaMtesau,ITk
DaMV of Oadna; kii aap tiaitgan.
înitioB
if HipiHiDaua, 17ft,ITS. Ajaail tmHtm,
INDEX.
Lrnnu.
Han^B, trnt1
fcadDM at,
IBB. Fmnr
.. _
Ittl. Tnnki bain brldB,
1*0.
Hlpfurtu
daJB
bj
Huwdiiu nd AHMofiittB.I". in. lynnytCmp-
"tuLimn.
ThfABphictTonnbuU^lbilnplaif
Zi^
inndt AtUs, in, IM.
M.Ûu-hm
if th*
AtkalHa*mttwBiHiiiai.uilMCliiilcii,lH. Kk*"-
H,^,1M. NtfMJHlia
wiih
Spun,
'" "
.
Alhniu mkuBM to Pkilip,Uh
hOmU., III,1I7, IIV,
I-
" - ^
with th" aoMi^, Itt.
"flb*AlkMi-
ofAl*
d"L__
oTths
Ht mu OUR
"ini"ra
H
BppaaH
aiB ; jhoi
wiom.iat. TlutinsaftniorHin^lii
"0(M*lHiu
"B4Hnr. "", IH. Ml.
int7MAtt"."".
Dnudiirtbinn
"", 1T4, rrt. ImimAiiiiM if LnciMu
br Lrmni.
"7". Tb* aiiln,(IS. "
,
DafM df
AiMiiiuir
h^L"m"hiBH.
""" msniii n
!.""",
Ml. DabU rf iIh Aibniu
"nr br CLitoi,IM. B^tMiin ""
A^pua. Wl, ML
~-^--
"-" ""
HI. C^lilulgBto AnUnMr, NI.
"d tv
th.
HHileun^m^
NT.
At(Kkii|m,b7pliitin,"l. KaikwT"rthi^%naPhi-
kHphvn
IS lt"H. MS.
Attxa, Hmml. L,
U.
Allu. ih" kill,1.,
IDI.
OnwinV^nuff!!^!.
AlnAtH,
Htnii or Madia,ti.,M. M^m.
Auaek OD
Dalphi,H..IN.
Aluck HE Pjlu,
l.MS.
Attaek on
SphaaEeria,
i-,
^t.
Auaek* oa Pwialn. I.,til.
Auafinni
of Theba,
r.,
"".
Auilaa,ii..
lU. Kiiilaatb,IR.
Atlalai tt Ptrnma ineliidadii tba
tnttf
af tbt JtttltwmM
wiihltiiiii".li.,"Sl Hum-"
^_ "
Attaloa,adninl i"r Paidin-u
m. Tak" T/n,
Ml. Sr
l",
MM. Hh
Mlarpriai*,
t
ABsnpt apan Hafaia, 1.,
IT7
.
Anbia.!.,
ITI.
4Biao""w)r,L,Il*.
Auic wbu, i
.
"".
m. Naa
. Bf AalifKWÎTS. BfAl
Aadua,
Ulrrlaa
pciueaiai ij.,998.
Aa_aa.kia"arHlk.l.,li
Aaria.
pm
or,
i
,
HI.
Aabirfalba,"..M.
A""l'"Atl""w^tba.i.,49.
Aabirlaa. ibt AibHiu
laoHy, il"7T.
Aaii-";"DapaiudaaibEfofdari/lbalViiqr.i.,Wfc
Aai'i|illndiiaa,^RapaflbaTap"iaBa.ii.,9M
Aaiia"hniilauia,iaua|iaf Lnlia,ii..IM,
Aias'ia.lh.a".i.,^.
labTl",tHiniabntaitrT"'Ahnîrfa"s,H.,9eo. Th*.
|nu
tampla i/,9H. I"Htb of Alnawlw lb*
Oiaat^
BaubtUda
Ba"i"ii. iMi
is,
cnMa
^^rpnlabjPai
HIU ot Ii., W
I,
pcn'aTiîm.
Laataa,latnLP
of A
BmbataBT. I..Ml.
Banmiai, the Hada,
U
Ailtiaaf AiliBuan.I.,aioi.
Bank of C(npeili"",ii..Ml
Battia "d CyttoeapbaL.
ii.,
Ml.
Biatb ef
Gaafamala,ii.,IM.
B"dtltifI|iHia.ti., MT.
BalUa or Laanra.
ii.,
St
BalUa i^Prdna,
ii.,
M).
Bua* 4f lieiBiT^
i
r.,
U9.
BatlH, tacaadofTi., 9W.
BitMallT"..M9.
BatlH III., it.
BmMin, Ma
eâara
br Alansdar, ii,199
Bataaia,Httaa oT
Sjriaaad Aaajria, 1.,t
Ballaiqibim.
biaiJVaaUiraa.
I.,
11.
Deaaai.aatrap
if BaOiia, ii.,
UJ. Ca
BBUof.iif.
i""or,ni.
BiauR,
".,
in.
Biaa.
f.,
Mt.
Billâjaae. thaj j,.
"T.
BaiiT
ibbabiiantaVM.
baatjaAa,tba,aaaanioa af Iba
BB, bal aAanvafd IbaraahiB
af tbaraapla,M
laaaarfPaMatri
,".af.
"isj
BB, bal ananvafd Ibar'
a. At Iha
laHtfatiiB
af Pr^baa.
Ibiia
acaia
afW a
pmtndad aiaaa. aanaadar at dlocnUcB,"VI.
BiaMiae
fbnciaaa,
i..49.47.
Bft,
tit Pamiaa
fPianw gTSlam f.,991.
Hracbillil^
noTdei
a(,II.. 449.
BTahiniaaiichoFiua.i..lH;"., t". 999.
Biakaime. indaeaa iTlbe.li.,141, MT.
Braajdla.alpluitaf, i., M3. Cuanca
and Kal id;M9.
Hia
aapadiiian
la TliTKa, r*. Ta Handaia. (78.
HiaqaarralwiibPanliiisa,!*, HaiebaaaKaiaalAapbip-
olie.lat
Popiilaritir "if,
itO.
Cuaqaaata if.n4. Pi"-
SlaiE la Ihl liaula gf Amphipolia.
MB.
Brna, tba Aiain cbiaf,1..MO.
Ban^la.
"ily
tbaadad
apia
Ika dead) af tba bcaaa Bm-
Badma,
pmaf.i'., 9M.
Babe. SaaBpa"ibiaa.i"9"4.
Balaa,ifieatIf Aibaa*. i..n.
B]riaatiBB,i"âaf.U"l4t.B^Jatiia
idtba
tiiaaawtj^
ba mitm t^bal, Ii.,19
w kii.(.I.. IM. .-.-
,
,d"ua.,i..91
,,,
INDSX.
unl, a. Hit
pndietiai
Catiuil*. iilud of,i.,M. Ihu\ af DauiatHi in Uw
Uniplii
^
FoHidH or NeptDH Is,u.,
tH.
Ca1tuia,'"M*Bii). ud Qnak ciili"ku U" Enilu, ii.
CiUiu,
Uia uluDiu fnml, I.,
tSi. Slain Ik (ki butla
CiUicntHdiMlBnuhtdMth* own bauMfblprngBin tlu
CivciuinijTi-.tTS.
CiUUcTaiei,vulwij offii.,IW- Hii LoBaaiidBin Oi" ani"-
cili of tho AcbiuB LEAflQi,4H- Hia aarrilitj biwanb
RuDc,
1H.
HiaeniellâuJn^MOltj.MS.
Conaralda-
Caltieratilai iiKCHilf Ljwdar a* adninl, i.,HI. Ba"-
CmUidniBn. lb Waal, E,,'U.
CaaiiBiKbsa,tha
Kil'in*"A"""MS.
CalliKHdom iba
aKk,
hia a^dnn
o"
AXipaHt, ii.,
Ml.
CalLiDua,
tlia
Bjiluaiai poM, i.,
W).
Callirboa,tha foQDUin oC
i.,IM.
CalJiaU,Iha
iakad,i.,
IIT.
Cal]iailuiQ"hIba Aihaniaa nikaral,U.."8. DUAraU """-
BinDIa aa to Ihg munn
l/Ua
daalli. Itl.
CiJiiatmaa, thaAlbanian
tir*tai. ii.,K,9".
Calliianui oonea IbnnnI aa tba aceaar of lb* Alhaaiab
aanarala,
i.,
41".
-
"alpe,portof, i.j
MS.
Catfdnn,i.,
rt,"!.
Ca^Tdouanboar,
dnaa if
Oa, I.,IT.
CalTJiap,
i.
"
a.dabuea
CaoTiwiiiain Buiiia and
Sogdiua, ii., no.
Caiadsnian
biUa,tlu,
i. M.
CambTaaa, Uia aoa and hail at
CTnia,1.,96. Sa i
Captom
nf
Tbahea, i
sa oL
i.,
SW.
laacna,
iij
I9T.
ri, i.,W
mi,
Ao^
i.,MS.
Canana, Saa
"
^laaaa," i.,
".
Cvnanla, ii.,
Htf.JLlaxuilR oM*
d"i"aia,191.lHimetloB"iril"Ci
CaFaaaafa"inl,i.,Ml.
Cartbata.dlT oC
i.,
tW.
G^nbafiniui,Iha,IL,
ML
C"rT",i.,Ml.
CarrKoa, aiafai" I.,tO.
Caibniin^kiafdaBa",'ii.."tt.
.Caaiaaa"aartan^d" ftU to anion Oa, "!.,"",I".
Caiaandar, ii,ITS,
SM. Hia iauiTteir
"i"
Alaiaadar al
Babfloa.Mt. Bl iMd br llB Uac, """ lapxnad M ban
takai
nttan, tt, I" anmaud lAtUandi in muiiial
of Iba
canliTbr Ua ât, AalifUn,
Mt Ha ordait
tba aiaemon ofPaMaJaa tai Ptnaa^ lOT. IBa"Mi"-
Antilatar,
at, ""
"4..J.i~
UjAt,
tM. Tba Alha-
"la"
eijinlau
la
Cuaaadar,in. Ba la;aaiafa to
FrdBa,
M. Maka hiBalf bmm of Manifla. u"
pan Olnpiaa,Matbar of AlanBdor tba Oraal,la daub,
tH. Ha iBptiaeifl KoianK and bat ana al AAphipoliiL
(t. MaRiaaThaMl"u"a.iiidr.oiditb*alie*of1W
aalonlcs aad Caaaandraa, A. FMwa Iho puaof Tbai"
DopxlH, nt. SabaiUa ite Bmiiaa Tbabaa, i". Pota
Koiaaaasd AlaiandarJEnalodatfb.Mt. Hi* oiiawa
oanpaiwl wiik Ibaaa tfVia mala fm
powar,
IM. Hia
nnucxaaifal
allaiapl
to necnr
Coinn,
Ul. Hia iara-
atooDf
AUJ's.ii.
Ha raUmiataliaa bia diajan, tt. Hia
daalh,it.
iiii"i3a"WbThiaaoePbllip,UL
Caaaaadna,
ncarerj cf,b^ Antifmaa,
ftoA
ApoUadona,
Caiiûa
Loaiiaua,Iba
piamaid, i.,
M.
CaalDlDa.iImbUh
c",i.,UK.
Caibiui,' iBdiu
!", ii.,lat. Thiit
MildatMlir
Al-
.'a*
d^ I.,
{(t!
Ctnopida,Aa, I^M.
Caoopa,i.,44. Httdo
~
Cna. ialaot 1, 41.
Call*,lba,IbairT
bia
Iklbar, Tawaga, al
Aifoi, i.,tlT.
" UBeriUaadiHa,K..Mt. IlaeaM"
ti.
Jliairinn"lalnto."toli",IW. AtUAia
, -,- ,--
-lianamaaUcmwJIk
"ana,
SO. la mniciad tn [ha InMT wiu KiBf Philte,
. BiadaKlai[aiiinTadadhinill^tfMac"lon,{(.
'itCbaramHOB, iL,61.
Chuactar cf Faiaa
. . , .
Iha Atbanian
aHeadau?
in l^biaa,
W. Daath nL 81
Cbalea,i.,44l.
Cbalcadoa.atafaof,i.,
M7.
"
'^"-a,luaawlitioBMCbl"a,iT*"". TaIrala,Mei
laa, Iha,Iba in* Or"ii\ who niaad a ftalju !"
i.,IM,
"
baUabpriaata van Aloiaadar of bia i
m. Thair
piadJctiiBi
of Iha
pffwvT
of
_ _ _
Cb^doaoa,Uh, i.,9M.
Chaloaataa,
pnxnoalorTof,L, 41.
Cbaanaa, Iba,i..
44.
Chwudaiia.I.,Ma
Cbandttia,tba,I.,
4IB.
CbanaaCl.,
*M.
ClmnoB, i.,198.
CSuinia,eitaliliiliad
a
trrant
m PaDaaa,ii., tn.
Cbanidaa billadla tba battk of Hnajv hia,i,Wt.
Cbanaadaa,
b'l'i
anadMioa (a
SMIr. i- MS.
Chan, ii.,IB. nacad al Iba baad (f tba
(awaM
I\aba*, with tba Utk (f Bwlai^ l"v
CbaindH, 1.,liT.
Cbailaca af
Taaaa, I.,
US.
Ch*iTMa|"hna.T, "1. Biadaalb, B41
Cbaiab hnr, naMd Iba Aaaiaai. ii,tN, Ml
ChoBooeasa, th* 'nuaolan,
i_ B1.
Cblaai,tba,I.,M.
Ghuia,i^TS.
IWOa of,iL,4W.
Cbaaa,Cboiapaa,ir KraiiilaliTOr,il.,
m.
CbatiaBaa.il., MT.
Cbrjaaa,
Iba
pTiaal, 1.,
W,"!*)*.
Cbraeaaiala.tha Ciataa,i.,71.
of
^
Syneaaaa aaaiUaiiaa, II.,
IT.
Claudar, ii.,
IM. Pal te daath brAlanadai, HI.
ClaaiEhu, hia aipadilion
to tba Hall
ClaiSi",V tnaat of SicreB,L, ISt.
IV".
Apîtaiad
aalnr
rf
l"M", Wk 1"
Coogic
itu^ bit^d oT lb* Hntnfic, hlaaddrti
isenraftoribaliaulaofHaiTiihih l.,MII.
I
Fipaditiai ifiintn^bo, U.|M. Skin
im tka baol* iflûan. Si.
CltiiMd",aiiitdllioa"1"',tcilf"lH,L,4(B. TngiallM*,
4N.
CtMHnH, kiif
or Sm^ '-"IH
^^"
'"i^nlilrt"7
im
"mkudiM.
aHBHBH, aitnii.
of
BfTpt,
il- 3M, M4,
tTS.
CltiiBUH n.,
kiu of finuti,li.,
371.
deoaeBai, hb id MoudUi hit vofriut to
A^vtia,
wido*
If
Afii IT.,ii.,K". Bar
fnit
iiiSiiiiix
ant Eiini, ik.
Bli "nnmlni isiIm Ibnue "
tha rlHlliif
LHnJdu,
it.
B* "fiil"t"i ft liiulu nfom u Uut (ttinpiMl
b^
^fil,"i. h HHHUd of Ibo ninrdar of EoTTrlimirlii,
n of AfEi^WT
Bueesn of hi* fint
millluyazpMli-
tioBi, IN. Hii aondiKt tatn da Ardudaoio.
U. Fu-
imlitn in kpaHL
400. Ha
maona lh" aphnltr,
miBplu*biaMHtiVaatalli*Faopla,4"). Ha uUda
Ua plant
ef
taliinB,
O. Hiiniw attlad hii nfira*, ba
"uuiiJa "" liaalianaditiaiu,
iDL HIa
(nal MBitat.
lOl. Cli ""lati u
Aifoa.
W9. Hit
tagMttitet
wilh
AcalUtW- TattkarniOTemCDU, 407. Baagiiatioform-
Uion ofUh datllloT AgitLia,408. ClaDmenn al
Manlop-
all^40".
Hiadafauitthabiultof S"UmU.4I1. Be
aftilafor Alaiandha,
i*. Claomanea al Alaxaaâ, 413,
a,
it. flit ileub,ii.
ClMmidu, " cenDtndit of
Ftolmj'i,
U Corinth,ii.,137.
daoajwia,
ilaiD IB Iha butls of Leuettt,jj.,
n.
Clainina, 9pattjn,lahHCon!pm,ii.,S44. 3t*l"lh*"ld
of iVrrlnato wnat ttiaoruwn fitivAnna, 371.
Cl"apnt%,dsithlor
oF
Ftulip
ud
Oljupiaa,
hat hand
"DUghl
br LvnmilDa, li.,U8. Sbs ll
pnoiiiad Vj
Iha
BHaa UFHdHnaiit. Haioanuala toEnnitntaBtSai- 1
lit. Mi. Ja Bsrdsnd 1ôoiaiud of
AnLifnu whan
(bow to
mtaj
nolain, 3H.
iSaeiiun,
vidow of Faidiccu of Maoadon, ii., M.
Claeva'niwMt at Aiulaa, bar
iMinâ
*iib
Fliilip ""
Maeadta, ii.,Ut. HwdaTwi
b^ Olmpiaa.
lU.
C3"ophaa, {.,
405. Hit iiiniiifamiil
ud
dtMh,
480.
CIaaponp".L,
tM.
CljtauaaOa.
!., 108.
Ohobi, Ik* Sputao ftdanal, i,
tK.
Cudw, U IW
Cbobu,!., 111.
CaalltiiMafilM Tfaaba, ii., 04.
Cadni, kiu of Athom i.,4".
Ohh, ii.,ho, tM, IM.
HuHrntt
Al
MaattHj of qoiniiis
bdla^MO.
Si* fn
In
tiibalUT
tb
, ...
Cmrn. amqqaal "/,
In Qamatrioa, ii.
Carern,
lot! of.JL.M.
[inth,
tht
onfiaalEnuTn. I,,
._..
Ii
lUTlnHd br
Pidtw,
hint of Bfnt, ii., "M, SniraiuUn U DiBBtriu fm-
ttSum,Ml
Coarraa U,
"44. MonBua of Antaa
oii,9St.aHttaf,bTL.(tiiBai"a,iili.
Dtaanoioa^
Cwnaa, Iha batlU
D^ i.,W.
CoTooio,i.iB7_
CinMiia,
Iha
kiiy
of tha LipUha,
i.
Cortonat town oT i.,40.
CorrdtUtit,taiUaof.i.,
17.
Corjitilw, of Aatiom. i..HO.
Coijlai,
the Pashlanniaa
hjat,i.,
MT.
CotTi.kior of Fapblarmta.
f.,
SM.
Coin, kiD" of Thiaca,II.. U. ftariaimf hi
Hii "ioleol
daalli,
TB. DlTiaJOU of hit Ul|d"
C"u"dl M Bibrloa.il..
MO.
_-p"
A Catda
faaaral, tatabliibtoaat
hf
him n
__.
nl UifdoaBin Tlinoa, ii.,MS.
Onpilan,i.,
4H.
Culitianaal
ptaoa,
li,, ISA.
CoDfidaBi7,Aihnbia,ii..tl.
"" *-'
1, OlinihiiB, li..11.
ofh"OH.II.,44".
Oacttw a" Dalphi,ti., 44.
ConfraaiatTbabn. H.,4S.
Cmrn, U 471. Dafaaia tba 8^
flnnlitisiia aC ml Iba FanitB tn
wllb
Anuanai. U8.
HItlnqr
Caatnaittof TLmotbtv. il.,Tl.
" Concr^ "t^B" PUlto, il-4".
CoHtiutHHi of AmdiZil., M.
CannilUim of
Athtu, 1.,MO.
i.'ffisj.
Cnlaidat, i.,1W".
Cnlcnia dafaala
Anfapbilna
ud Uano. "liaoanamilm
of
tba Cieatii emlcdMtoa, il., 100, 901.
Cnlana, aulabntadiBstaiii
in
Iha Indian oaniiailTiiiadn'
Alalandar, ii.,133. Vl, 138. BBiidi aoua ni" cilHt
than,
130. doDdwla
Iha Kandaniu adnnead (a"ri"
OB the
king'italnm.
down Iba
IlfdaqM, HI,
ML Bu
"i"i(irionamarch Ibtoufh Andwuio, u n)oi"
Ui'^'^'
in Cttmtliin,MT, 131. Hll naHilln vilh AniiKIu,
In
Sanl with Iba Tttaiaoa U IlKadaaim
lU. Puv"
""
bii miaiioD.tl. Appoiiud nnnl in Cnrnt
loniaB
with
Antipatar.MO.
Hit UTinl ib TUmIj
"riu "al-
"nn
En"pa
Fnaa AuL 100.
aaairaOaMiiiiandaJha
ntau Antiutat, il. He mniet PhiU, daaf
hiai fl U-
aft]itHteadoaiuitni7tothiB,10a. touiiual^
"aaaa
topnrtBlbiaEnoatftttHncofsi^^"altTat.af'
CiBtana,BeRaUr mBada^ ia laaiauad Iv
Iha wlaif
Gnlanit, oaonnlar ofIha Albaaiai atnla liiaiaBaatti
i
,
ff*
Cslaa, an AAaaiu
phjtoaoiihar,
haadi Ik* uiktav
U Da-
mamnt. li., MO.
_
Oral 111
ualii, widow af Alaiasdar,iwana Siniai,"nW"
04. VintofDamtUinatghar, tor.
Cntaiippidaa, Iha Albanian adnirnl.i.,401.
Cnilwia, an Atbulan
roslh,nlostarily
da"olaa
Wamir
la bit
cxBrirv, and it
"iiiatd
in datlk if
hit himi Ai*-
Ciaainia,Mont, i.,
H.
CmphoBlct, i.,
Ill
IIS,
140.
CnOM
Ida.i.,U.
Crate,i.,31,74.
Ciathaaa,i., g(l;ii.,UL
CnnaaofAttloa, ".,U.
Criiaama,Iba,i.,'lai
".
,
CrlKdaDt,i^"^DflhaA[lH"uLaaciia,ii.,4"L
HiiaC-
fititau" EaaUn Iha ibiaaiMwl
inptnia
wiib BtH
"f}
Upuo Ihtdecrat of wu bjrthaLaaraa.be H/laoaldUtf
Matallaa,an(liid*{atud,4M. ";
Criliu.I.,
4C0. Killad in Iba battlecfNiUT"1""*"^"''
Cnudamna. pbniciu, ii..
M9.
Cnoodileaortheladu, ii.,Ml. Of bha Nila,
MI-
Ciana, kinc
of
Ljdia,i.,118,HI, Ml.
Crnni.tba ntiarsf,i" 40.
Cnmnua, tien of,lj.,n.
CromniTtin,
iba asw
of,i.,
74.
sfCtiB|ihiB,ii,,lI*.l'^
rout, wur of ^luudcr Uh GnU, ii.
yBocophiLk,
bi
*, ("pt,
i.
ii.,US. HuaAi
nit
.
Tb* uui* of,m
TdUBt
tha
dAR,
i.,AS
Tiinii, wui is. ii.,1"T. Itt, nr. Dmdl^l htg c/ thi
luiilT af Niceelci is,tU. Orâta
' '
yaisl)u,ii.,4IB,
yptaildk,
tad,
i^,W0.
ck!L]i,
IM. Hii chi
rpnuiwar.li., isr.
na uu th*
C^natica
ndncad
bj Ptolaaj^ fsaanl
s,
i.,
sn. Hii
d"m[l^ US. Hii xiialglinat PwHf
La ToBUrtT, Htnp
sf tha
,""...
HI,
fici:
ic, iTÔ^.
Hii
uMtian,W.
^lotar
Aa"i*|kiBf
^ Cilida, A30. Slua ia
Ijnciai,
Ui balUa
cf,i.,4IM.
laaiaKiti,
cttfnn oC,iL, 137.
Manu,
wih
or (Ms of Srhhi, i.,HI.
laiaumtu,kiiwi'SruU,I,*a. DapoaitiOBo^ A.
"uaia fMina Fcdnaarohm to ahaadai tha litf* "^ JItcfc
l~gli^.,lit,
MT
"iWia, kgaad i^,i.,
St.
UdaB, U IIM.
Widimii, DciHiUta,iL.US.
uier
oTClaoânm,
i^
m.
ifhaltaTaHofnn
IB Seniiia, "t.
lU. Biaaadaai
1^Tknot, nt. Bit ad
Kill
Iha loaiaa
nbaHifai,
t^ iDfaiHB isf
Onaoa,
141. Ha damaada
tRnblaa,
Mt.
Pnpanticu of,"!.
Uiadaath.)*. Caapain (^ Ml.
'ariiu,iDii if
Xenai, i.,]"ll.
"anaal[.,i., n. lialn
anrtana lo Sparta. W.
"ria" CodoDiaaaaa, accaaaiaa af, ii.,174. Bia Aatrnjach
UTunu,l"l. MacniflBiiaa af
hiantiiua, a. Hi*
march la JHaa.aad nwaiUlaaa (or baltla,lU. Tliiht
of,187. Hi! laoar la jUaiaadtt.ISft. Hii
" '
"l"abanIaafOama~la,
IW.
Biihgpaa
c^.
lidoaaia
ih at
kittAotMtt
XI
. -^ .
Anailaiii,IT(. An^jiiolii,
14. AmMB.
A"ialT.,BH. AkiUailai,i ,"W. Uae-
tas. It.,
to. Alauodat JlfU. U*. iJaaadar Oa
Gnat, MS.
Alaiaadn, tba aw (f PoWgrchin, SIS.
.-..a..... " .^., "
.^
jUitipMn.SM.
rtidaa,I.,ne. Ap-
_. ,
: Brackyllaa,4H.
Calaaiia,ii, MS. CUlicialtt, OS.
ns. CoUa, Ii,,It. Ciatenu, tW. âna, tK. Ct-
na, i..ni.
cyniatba ycBnicr,
SSI.
Daiiia,ii..lA.
Ditaaiaa,ITO. Damadai, W. Demetiiiii. "1, tn.
!.,9M. HacbuiJai, ii.,4X. Maiini-
"i. I.,
na.
lauuadea,
MB.
MDtaippDa,il.,I7,Nitiii,
tU.
Oljnpiai,to. Oaaniachua,
6j.
?ani"iio,til.
rvoaalaa, 1.,MB.
Faloaidai,ii.,a.
Paiduieat,Mi.
Faridaa,i.iM3.
I"liili]i,il..47t. nilomatgi. M. Pkil-
iJioiBaB,M7.
FhiliitaLtll. nByUutS. PiihDB,IM).
ni]TcntaLL,tS7. -PTtrtina,ii.,in. Buaaa,m, 8a-
lauaD^MI.
Sola,!., IBS.
"FHaiiHB(a.ii..SSS.Talan-
tlu.14. namiatoctea, I.,1S8. numaytnluiL 97S. 1^-
Bii:(luiU,l".,M. Ti"iibaniaa,i.,S"a.
Debate al Athaia, i.,SSO,
W9
;
ii.,Bt.
Dabala at Cauaiiaah
i.,
i".
I"acliiiasf
piîilal.--
DacT"aaa of
popnlalioD
DsncD aniul (he Mi
'a "oldian,ii.,190.
";'*""
gau^,
a'., n
Ara aninat
Danish of Uia
AiDnfiiclTana
farllw imlafltian(rf'Cbailda-
maa,
ii.,IM,
DacT"aa, AmpbiclToBle,agaiatt
Phocii and
Sparta,ii.,
M.
Dafaal of Aichinaa,
11.7974.
AKit,
MM.
Alaclaa, MS.
Aoaiituui, i.,37$. Analvi, ii., MS. CTU*n",")l. L*
amaoia, it.,
Mg. Uaaiaiiiia. i.,
179.
KatMiffOM,ii.,fT.
NaoptolaiDaa,
3W. OaoniacbBa,
S7.
Pbiionalat,i,.(IS.
Sntameoaa, li.,MS. Tlba Adwana, MV. Tht AEiiaiii-
aBt,i.,4ai. n*
Illniaaa,il.,M.
Tba
Ioalu"i.,n"
Tha HaeedoBtani. ii.,S", Tha Scrlhiaaa.lIB.
Defecta ia tliaiuatituiiDBaof DaiiuHyatatpn, i.,St.
Dafa.niifP(ti'"aea,i..S3g.
DaTtiica oT Philotaa, i.,111.
Dafaoaa gf
Sjiacoaa,i.,
tin.
Dafanca of lliarauanaa,i.,"tT.
DafeBca af
TbBTmwylB, ii.,307.
DafaaaiTa
neanTaa of tlw ilthaaiaiu, [.,437.
I"efliiitJonof demacracT, i.,
100-
Cafiaitiaiof l)ia
Banfe
Afa, i.,
71.
Dearea af aalliTalioBoflliafiiia
aila,
i.,
\0%.
DeHtaoiia lakaa laTUfa with Oljaipti* and Banu in
Pjd-
Dalûntaa,
ao"it"a tf. imWltand bj
a tTa"ioal
aOtmtr
hraofhl IB hia
b;
tha daadlr batrad of Ui
chlldtn,i-r
Data, G"akaaalat,i.,t7t. mf ftoatioDof Aa U
DalpU, i..Its. Caacnaa at, ".. 44. Atiaeh
mj
Dalphk onela,!., ]n,Kl.
Tâatniaa
of,
in
dabfar,il.^
Dalphia,ii.,IS.
Daiaadaa, Alhrniaa damanfna, li.,101, iti. Ml. Hia.
auaaioo,tofatliar
vilh nHnioa, to AoIipataT "1 ThAaa,
tn. Ha
iobigdaa
with Pardiccaa ininat AAtipatar,
and
thia oQodact comiiif
u tha
kaawiadt*
aftba Iinar, Dt-
madti, with bia aon Demaaa, ara
pm
1o daalh,307.
Dania^Dffnaa, tha,i,,
309
i il.,
S3-
Damaad br Alaaaader af dtriaa
hnosra, ii.,
ITS.
Daiaaoil
oflba
AthtDiu
onbTa, ii..IMI.
maTchni, tha Sararann naaial, i.,"S9.
awaa. Hs of Daaiadta, u
pat
to daath
}"fCaaModar,
mclriaa,
rarah of,itainflnaBca oa iha ftituradeatiidaa of
31. Bai
ihortljaAar
uMtoi."".
ITaRhaa
repDlaad1^ 1h" Anlja of tha
ba tiua af
aad noln
WB^.
4]nM"."t. BiiuBU
,
EnvoHi E
iim Dcaatriu Pbabmii,
ud Huli bin u Thibai.
.MT
H" dMBUtlu
MaoTchil.
it. HacQDn derread
klB by tiltAlhniui,
1ST.
SfiuH
ll"
cilj
of Miglra,
uth* "aliciluioeafth* AlhHiuw,
a. Hiirint u" Cn-
Iwtpdliii
ftUncted
by liarnpntuioti
fot baautr,iA. Hit
E"irji}ct. widow of
0]")iiil1u,
it.
by
hit rtthtr,ik. Swti for
Cfprat,
ud dtrtut Htntltui (I Stlunit,tM. Dtfnti PtDltBT,
ud
dutroTi
hi! Iltal, in Iks Kcoid built of StUiiit in
Cfpn*, ii. Utiwlail urtwdan bim trat
u,
rt. G"i-
.
tmitr
sf DtiKtTiiii
diiplirtd
uwvdi
FttHmj,
ii.
,
BiDdl AritUdlSU ta hIgu AnlignaQt
u
klU|
ii. Tb*
Dtw kinn. tfr. Ht
jaiu
in the tTpaditian
dT
Antigmiu
kfiJiitt
EfT^
13V-
QuiltingCâ,
hit Oh!
nffaltb^n
MonOt
tA Hit rttrvit front Simt tnd Kr
jpL
lA.
\aj*
"!"(*
io Rbadu, MD. Hu ingiDo "" itttdi,
callsd
Htlip-
aliii,MI.S41.HuinOCwrurHillinllLit. Hiinptuu,
Aldau ud Hul"t,i" ittin
bf
itatRhodiui, H3.
Ttmi (nelad of ibi siiliHt,it. AIMt ft
^tu'ilitft,
ud (hit btif
otpitQlktiGnT
ho vitbdnwi hit
foKst^tl.
iLfnaiaHl loibtEi
srffi-
wauvivt
tfwiwt PolTtptTthon tad o
M,"M. Bt nlint IS CinchioB. nod
pnkp
Inl
"ajt
Ml. SlcYon n
St
ilotUM/B
tW dl
ind lo him ^ P
"lE'i.
"(
DtaiDui^.
Coriub it tumodeml ts hiB b) Pi
ftllBI,t^
Etpntai
DoidunLt^ titur of
PTrrfLOB,
Ai(",
M4. B( dioIiUa t*nat u" Cuiuder, who
..
"HMs
ttidf"" m Itunt with Lyilmnchat and Ptoltnir
tha rinl Unn.
*niîl
Antlffniii,M4,
H". Hi toUi
Lutes Cnnutf, 149. Tthtt Phem, ii. Tnui wItt
CtBudtlt "Bd ttik (o Asm to
joro Aati|mnlt
M0
1U"
EyliMu, nd mwhet is Iha
HiUoipont.i". Pin-
CHLUToll'on.uiboniDulbarthtEiiiini.it. Ityn
"d br
PTTrbu, M7. Amoonl "i tha
onoT
uf AUitonni
bihw Eûn% MS. It nrnnd HlmlSBn inUAIhe
t(. Rmin to tht Iithau, ii. Findi be hid forfti
tbi onlduii* of Ibi Gmli tnd MictdonitBt,M9.
"--
'^^b.il'ir oI^thT ftlf^ (Toi
dufhlR StntoniM in
Burian,
SM.
^"^^
towirdt
SrrUi,ud "tBtl br Selnciu.
a. Ha
i"]"r""
the oltimt
4U BtUDCu, and t
npttuv
auostiSSI. Ht DDdtrtshtt
u tôdiiisg afiliHiAtbni, H,. Hi
nngn
tba cdgd-
-Dt
froB Eliui to KhiBisi, an. BteoBtt Bitter vi
AtbtBC,
Ul. Hit i"ctad aufsinimitj,
it. He
pn-
oMdt to Utut Spuu, (t. Hi it dinitad Fnai hi" ob-
"n liT dhar
pntptata
dl
THKarT,
tSI. Hi alheia tba
BBidn if AlannSir, IM. B" it iWnad ta di. aaw
^npovarbj (hiToiDaarth*aiBruidUMptoiili,
IW.
Bb BoraBaati
agaiaitBmotti,it. IInbBili to hliu-
aefin.it. Henwcba iaiaTbnee.lU. Haiianaat-
"ad in hit iBHiiiifaleaiatr br mwi sf tb* lanh of Bov-
lii,UT. DaBMriuitAlhini.tlT.
Hit iBaanlia with
nâal
la Iha P/thiu QaBit, il. Hii notiiaa fW thii,
ift.Hi*inTM*gBof.aidia.i(.Ha it Utatked
âdia-
fHaaa
iriatB. US. CuEhidio a Inoa witb
l^baa,
.
aad
iHnnt
Re Ibe Bait,it. PrtifantbRaliluitnatT,
'
"^
^^^
cxoBBn
ananiT ifiinu Denatiiiii,UB.
"tatkaiabtTialicbt,MO. Hit nKtanaga, A.
Itafiia
al Ih* bitd tl aa
amj,
aad bainni
Albeaa,
it. Ha
nim tha lian. aad coaclidit uwuer tnur with Fti"
ihiii,i).
bailor
Miletoi,it. la(bii* Barhid la Pul-
amit, daachiaro(EniTiUcs*, it. Hon
" '" ' " "'
Hurbta into CilicU,it. Hit nicrto ol
KSI
laadad
bjr
CiDKH, it. Adonu
Aihino,
it. Wu i diKi-
pb
ti
Tbaoiitanitii^
il. Hit ptnan^ hibitt,it. After
a Bild
ffontmvnl bi nddaa[|
obiaM le
tyraimf
tit-
BUIaea,
it. It altackad
b]rDaBtlriat,ton of Antifoniii,
ML
It diHRid
bj NupDlllw,ud llndi a
nfujia
at
Ikabai,
it. PiUonUad
b; Pialony L u Aluudni, it.
Hit death ia Eml, it.
DaBttnaa H.êoaot Aatifonat Oomtnt, hit niairltn with
MiSBa, widow of Alaiuder, ii.,nt. Eocctadi bii br
ther ia the
kin(doB,
H7.
Unoinaistjr
omnected with
kit Ueton. it. Ble death,
and
iBpoitaat
mulu of it le
aiaiea,NO.
.SeBilriaLIH It nuUp m.
^m",^"i. Cahoot
iorLiiitiii",M.
in
hth"Ucif~ihTM^n^]UDt.
Ym.
Oj^jn^ thi
loS.
Hiimi!^fathiRlHd!ui,ll"!*'Biii|ilSrh*.^^
nb)eetc"'lhi alliuicibilwHoOlTalboiindAthi-ni. IDT.
Hit
niwi
with
ngard Idtb* aigotirttoaawitb
Pbilip r"
l(u*dim,na. Appnialsdanaoriht eiilBBTDrMa,llS.
Hit
iptoCh
on the finau aifatiUioB
witb
Philip,
it.
Anieilou of,
118. Eufti hieitelf
itreBBaiHlf
to
pnmiU
paue,
111. Rvceitaa Iha
IIt"fd"iiumiLBbeBi7 with
^r^
oca,
it. Hit CTDwinr
liuffaanc*
and
coantaiBci the
pnanii
o( ihe
Me-
-
.III. Occuion of i"t nccad
Fhifap-
pio,in, Hit
impafecbnient
of
Aaînei, IH. Hit
a*a-
tico oa tbii
occuiiD, 138. The thitd
Philippic'M.
Hia maamni to
pnoota
tha
tieilT
with Thebea, 14ft.
Appointed Is daUnr ibi fUHn] ormtim "mr Iha numi
whb fellat
Charoaai, lU. Hii condad en bairiar of
Pbilip'i laauaitialiiin,
IM. Coaaidaniics of hie
Hfulin-
tiontwith Pinia, IT). Hit
iipaeuiion
that AkuBdat
"""'"'
"^ orembalaad
by the Paniu mcwvh. it. Ao-
of,Ihr luiiiniiitia in bM
opujat Aloiandtr u
tUi
ooigBKrlan,
S71,rs,
aaT A
(aidea m-n
"oO"""
tobiB%rhit*u__
ar itfthe thtaiio faad,
t the thtaiio faad,tT4. Hia dtfeaee in i*bIt
itÎ"tCctaDl,"4,"n. Hit
iBbaHie, et.
to theAthniaai not lo naalTa HelpalBi,Ht.
"
uMiim,
with reciiTiaca bribe froB HarpaJu, tSQ,VI-
Hatlhteutodyofthatraaea*orBirpilaa,"e- lieied
"Bdb"aidiad,nil,
Kl.W). Bii adriee to the Aihaw-
aaa-
lAA
Pemeii of ihe oraun and fritadeIt libem br
'^" "" -' ^ " "^
,
iM. Bf"mi
afibeir
--,
-" ofIhe thouead
Ac"aaai,
DepOBliiBifPhalw"t,ll,
tll-
I"eil7lHdH,i.,4H.
bpedilioa"f,H
BiiKee,SH.
DuQlBi epncdnled OBe g"a
Ihe AtheiJau,
IL.IM.
I"eTdat,fifDCecÊlBl",ti-, H.
DnenI gf the
ladai,Ii.,
MS.
Daiirt."karrHl
Ba^,
b
DuirnaofArami. il.,MCI.
hitfNicii
I, n..
Its.
Daapondncy il
_^
Daqiotie
acti of Oi
, "
IlutnctlcinDfCci[inih,ii-,dn. Balicwa,i.,4a. Cnrtiia,
M). Iiaoria,ii.,vn. Laraedi,
itTPlitea. M. Sib-
ehi, I.,IIR. The I^
" " " " "
*-
Tbaapla.M.
DalhroBaBint of
A^wat,
i.,ttt.
Denlofaeel ofthi SpaiteaCoBnitatwa, i..Mi.
DiTico of
ThemiBsclie, J.,3W.
Diaoe, fenenl
df Ihe Aaaaa
Laafve.h.,dSt. 1
death
of Chtoleo^ he laaaBed the
"b^bI,
*M
prapiTatioDtUk
oppooiaf
the RtBan oewar. Ml
proceedlitft nl Cerinlh,k
boa, uid^waadetMed, il
DU]ee^ the
Bpie.
i.,OT.
nai
J, tttatut
ftma
'"'Sic
uuck
lb
upga
MrnlmM.
L,
of tka
OiHk finw,
il^
m.
"r"k""jiirnii"i"BMB.
it. HRinii",a.
" UcibiKiH,
L,
tit.Xl-
u Dfini îi"|ikr,
1.,
"DDlidB
OI.AIJ.
"
BMnvm ftmiM
Oh
shh
if Hm llll;^niu*,
L,
Ht.
l"iotnmtH,Miaiiim,Um"
-""--""""
'"- " "'"
"- " - -ih"Smlc"aAL__
"
="
" rf,t"
Ml.
"
itof,
m. "
H,
u Adrtbi
*i11",ifiKrialvd
to tb" ""
TlbailMi.
4pbvicnu
Ifljtnd
of hu IidiAn flxptdil
MJ. T)i*
lird or I^
au.
Hit faRiTil
o
AltuBi"er*t
Eiikatuk,
ii..MO.
SioBhuH,
tbi ActutuiHiint,
kit undllla
"ift,
im
GOBipbij
wilh P^Blunao,
h.|
461.
"
aoaku
wllh Cornau,
ii.,
MS.
ofllHflnak
'-- ""
""
Dliiaiuajif
rkMHlfi
l.,it.
Dvraitiia
Hf
tha htroic kiBdI.
I.,
M.
D..M.o[B"0",i1.:tel!
''''""
DaiU-.i,
iirikiir
ef. i..
M. Tbiir Mnealn
willi Ih) Ia-
piikZ'iU. ttiftr-naiHinsiiiiifnUinhllt.
Tndni"i
-
-
"'-"
""
mih ihi Binaloidi,
III
iiHiMtiOH,
)M.
Poonliv
tlw
Dohu ahuKUr,
IM.
I Uh HinnF-r.
Wt.
b
iOH
l^dT*'-'
Dunndrr,
tnacbwT
oT i-i
141^
Dnni.
uikor
tl
""" IM witl
Dnini,
Ik* OmiH.
1..
111.
IITWUI
of
Xw-ptuB,
1.,
Ml.
Runh^Bdu
u St"Ie, 1,,
Wt,
Ecbtajfc
iMtBr"d by
AlwmdM
A"
Git,
U-,
IM.
h*. -
E(lMaiu,'kiB^
irT"|M.l.,
IlI,lTt.
Erli]JHi"l)wiw".i.,11l.
Bdi"ttaaJBCnu,i.,
Itl.
Of AkibiH",lM.
Of jUu-
-
udtrlte
Onit,ii.,IM.
If PiMillmii.
IW OfPn-
ld",i.,Wt.
Of miip
u
TkokH,
"L,
". orajiuMa
im",i.,lU.
OfflpHtUTaub/i*.
OflbtAd"ta
B"BU
ii(ilw |l"ni
at
Atkiu,i.,
BHiru
tftlH ZiSniui,L,
ML M
BOMilbr
' "'"
"as
iiairCuitqnM,i^"U.
Ian--
diisinaof Aotimwa,
Ml.
-",
""iTliHktnJiiigu.i-U.
EcTftiu
ookoiM
ii
Aipl'*
""1 Mî"riî..
tt.
BiTr"iu
mn"
ii..IW,
WD,
ML
^ ^^
bypdaia
ud rtuHleiui
mliniiod Qths*,
I.,
H.
Etotfinn
of " w "*ii*j*la bj
thvOm
Bkohuli
ef ImS^ ii.,
"!" tM.
EUOUn
of HW ((iiuala
bi tb" OnakL i.,
Ml.
B^riitfiH
(f AldMalH IS,
_,.__--,
.-.""*"
bmu
tin "ni"o"
"it
aWnI. BuHlrltoa
orVhitip uubk,
Oa. WBtf,
ta.
oSlSw
of,
i'.,
M^""'"''
'mkmini
Inm Spwu
to Atû, i,,
W. Bputs
tn TW-
liL Ml. libiiiiiiih
ii.,
140.
At BiMpii.
m
Tka
AOniuaUABtipaur,
Kl. R"u,
471.
nuiUw
M
MS. At)uiiiuloPanim,ITl,4"r.
'"
"
TR
BmIw-j
of OoniH, i.,
MS
^Pkoi,
IP7.
Vram ^1
444. Gmk,
u kao",
4"3. Tmipi.
b
L"(i"t,
4M.
CoUicnlM
u Rudh.
4"8.
Tk* itkiloBpfafln,
487. Oraotoit
4B0.
iftn
of Ddioi.
_
iplovnHBl
vf HinsDvm,
n.,
/i.
Zmataabint
iplrit
of
(Ujuplu,
li'. lit.
EiMMiipnnM
of"rl uil [lunton tj
!
~ ' '
OolrA
dTiiwn,
I.,
Ml.
Of lb" Mowl MHnnM
4M.
fH'llM Hdd mr,
ii.,
U. Df tho Luin.
BDjiai,
""
of AfcHWuln.
i.,
4".
Soit
br
Iko SpuMM
-Ilk u "abuaj'
to Atkuo,
*i(k anmni
et
p"o",
M. .
MotpriM
t"
Bfittmum,
ii.,
tKL
:nMninM"ifCubTW,l.,n".
orDooM)a,M4.
:anj
"" AfaBBdH
A* OiHt
liio
Bobjilon,
II
.,
ISK
la*on
of Coftntfa
ud GnKTto
"!
Arh"n"
i
.
nt
SabiffK
of.ii"AlktiH,H.,
I",
III Of
~
1,
ia TkiiiidT,
4U.
~
Barla*,
klaiof BrMoa."j.,
181.
te^BoodH BDd-Poloflfca,
Ii.,
4". FtiaWikip
"t,
hr
PahipidBL
II. Bi" ipHcb
doriai
lb* avitiaiioa
vMk
Spwu,M.
Thaftsadarof
lliaHBi,4I,
Ckirivdwnli
.
'kniÛ
tOt tLi.,
li.,
iri
Mt. CUjal,
.
Xpki.lM, i.,*W. ChuffH
ru.,100.
A.
^" :--.
Splxmltr.ttit.
DriKliiiticB of tht AitOfm-
DOJEX.
"EvrjUa, dM^btn
of
LjiiaaoliM, U.,
brjlHliH, ".,
US.
"fts...
Kpic diilKt,I.,
Wl.
Epic^lei. i.,
4B1. DHth
uf,
AuWwitr ^ alKtiiv "4^, IM.
i.,
"18.
'Si
,18. AITdnar.Bl. InnniB t^', I"tHh Ai-
BlactwkoT.Ml. Tbi silhMi af,n"ob-
iDitir OB bihilf "( Itet tialoslHl
iitr,
tt.
"supwl
bf tht
Alhiîiui,
i" 411. MlfU uMid
; AikHi, in. I"-
ZpinB, i.,11. HsUniH l"
issi:
"d bj
Fbiliji, ii.,
11
(ilhoUM
,3S'
t^Srf
.
DfwiKt oef"
ukd dHtiDctloik of,1^ fU.
BncnliilDt,III*Atbnrin naonl,
iLpTI.
ETipiiii(,ii.,l]".
DeMli
of,
IM.
Eroaiu, Hit tutls of,r.. m.
Kmotonff riAwi of ibfldiilribationei
png
Kn{" ^Hupdno,ii.,W".
EBan ("
Philip
fnilD
Cuii, It^
411.
BHhito, rmnduioa of,ii., IIT.
Snort, til*MBoedobiui
ctirpt of,vudDr Air
EiUMiikmnl rftba
nuRj
at Atteu. L, "tl
lUnvlHH, tha SpHUn nmnun of Tlitn, oxpoliioaof,
i..4W. ChxiuiDiu or,Bl China,481
Elblstîu. lie.i.,
Ira,
BDnTii, t)i(TTTTheginu iiilialiiudA* ooHta " 11.,ML
Esaptsiu, iliirrof,i..140.141.
EBti"".ru"iufor iuooner
iiiiui.1.,
N. UonuHilcB
wi[)i
Bmtw. i..
IH.
HifnUiai frm u4 W.
TO.
Eohulu, In or.i].,
104. PoUoTrf,1)1.
Bomn mudir of,
i.,
4H.
BoDthii, Ih* CoriDlhiin
pool,i.,I4II.
Btmmitm, HcntuT u Aitaaaei Ihs
Onu, U.,
MB. Hia
ouinua.lU. Hii lua to in aninnt (UtHB, ITS.
Sap-
PFardioaa,
ib.
ApponUd aatnp
im Aack Hiadr;
FsidiDW ii hia
cwapuni
J rinpaJnrii,Piiidia,
am Cilkii",tK,"T. B" la"iaa and iliaiiipliua a
boilr
af raiiiailialaiiiiaiaTii.tn HixnalauaiToiar Ciap
Mn* ud HaqpUtaBoa.MO, m. Bia ki^ npilatiiB,
BiaatzBUnB annat Cn
tanadaUauÔ. TMlpua
pnpMH
Cirinr uilaal,
M.
I)*"W""f;Iwta]uanf"ifaiiiNDi",MS,M8: D*~
AUda Ika TaatiisliiBof Ua
"'OvfT
btm
Aatifona,
MM.
Ba
aanapa
ina Noia,MM. Hia
oarmpoadtBea *iUi
OlrBpiaa a"l PalnaiakM, MNt Ha
a^^vB
IWir
una,
ii. Tb* nml MM. and hia diaui i
Mr,
IK. Hia
apa"^
". HanlHa IMa
ItMhnod I7 AalifiBaa m tha
Euhntaa,
laa lh" atiuacM of hia
atago" I,
lit. ta finad to
ntnal,
31R. Tha Airnondi Mil* ktis br traachaiT,
ML U
hauaJHûd
.laiTbTiioMMd af
AatiwaM.
A.
Eaadaua
awl lUaa,
ITtTRaUUn
in hia InalH *a
BiiB*,4aO. Bstan
iBtnapiiUa
Mntiatw with Pat-
aaaa,
tt. Ha aoliaaoaaiitlTbraaka with htB, M.
Bwwiitea, tka.a'.'EHhTliia, [.,
Ml
Barlina'
ol'
Oiwu, ii.,SI.
Buhaaa. klu of Uaaanda. 1..141.
IvjUolia aniHt Aa-
idAnMMnil
ip,
S
*
"
tpiiala with S*'
ioCi.,1
r,"9.
of
Otaa,
L. Mt.
"of,M.
C^B.
Drifiau,41S. Fmrth"rDpanliniti(,4H.D"alhif,t)i.
lamtolaain, ".."", ""i |- t 'i
'
'i T filiiaiiaiH
BMbanarlhalMUIiefAttuaM,47ll. niaamîii
chair dafaaoo,H.
iltyolaa. 111
Nisiaa,*!. Tinuaoaa."". HUtooraK, ii.,n.
Eiocniion if tha
traatiaa, 1.,
IM, Of Oa daciaa a"itetf
Pboeia,tt.,
IM.
' """
"--","* AlhaM.i., MM. h KiliI ala.!!.
afNioi?'
,(M.
ÔictafAi
EipaditiiiB
of tViolaa annit Palnpm
AtheoiaBB to Eijpt, IvO. Tb* Spai
Tolndita.,
"
"
Eiila(f Thaniato
i^miiS
MO. lliiuTdMaa, ML
~ "
n,A,Il. AihaiasMl
1
aiBCMioa
bf Anlifi^rt
pEilip
rtapattiHK,
II*.
LiMn.,l.,M". TV*
,
_ .jnui MDoria,MI.
.i"^T""aniu MalH. tST. Damtln-
"
i.lW. EgTyadiai and Snphoelo*,MS.
Niciaa
*a"iiiat Ihtlalhiaaa, in, Biuidaa uThran, ITS.
rjidiaIa(hr|lHn,i". AfalaM LTOoaaUa,3K. OTChcai,
189. To Haloa,IBS.
PolnpoBuaiai
aninat Cbio*. 4M.
~
4M. CViu laElaari*,401. Of
'-
"4ft, MB.
JTirBh",
r-
Doa,
n.
AfeaiLaoa,
ST.
Pelopidai
to ThnaaW, 44.
ThiFd,ofBlBmiDtniiluiDbiPalDpoiintniaj4T. ToBDlHEat
BD. PhiliptoThaanlr.BT.PhlGpuTlinoa, IM. Atbo-
BlaitoBalÎ4B. Philiato
Sgnhia,
M".
Philip
In Pil-
ofnuaaoa.
191. AJeiudac to nraoa, ISl. Daaatrina
taBaM(iB.tII. AutiRBDi ualiiH
Erne,
IH. T"ta"-
_^__ ^ -..
-1, MI.
DamaSoa ts lbs
Waal,
" '-
Elit,dn. Fnam n
4T8.
a,
'/., 111. Por tha la-
intfAa'hnitdelf
Palan 1.,
IT. OftkaoadKt
Enakiaif
Cl"ithaaaa,l.,in. Of Iha Tanr HnidiW,
Ai. or
BlaiHloaa, th* Qianu aonnor,
bna Thifcia,
dW. or DamatriBa tha
IÛaiiu
Em AHwaa, iL,
Mi.
m, aHfaRhlcaL
iatrinaa
of,U tff7.
M (TLaTiv, 1.,
in.
MOMa,
Ml.
AfiBA,
Ml.
F^'wTuihipBlii, IL,m
Haatiaaa,
dOB.
'
Palaa
eaîloKaof Iha Onab, ii.,
llL
PaalUaiin af tha awh Oratha with tha arta c^lib,L,ID.
FatalHi af Iha Onaka, I.,
Bl.
FoM"tP*cihaa,UUI.
Tha laadiu cdifuAa " AlhMi,
dH. TteNHH.tr. Thairt""
"" "- ""
.'autafUbaitr, i..Ml. Th* wuria
FaaUi"ii^lhaAIb"iaM,i..d",Hli
PaiiAla chaneMi i" Oiatea,U n.
ViM of hatllaof
lawa, ii.,ISt.
anana
(ha BariT''Ol*tka,
I.,
IBB
ofroric]aa,i..Ut.orOaAot
Fint Haaauraa
cf Panaoa, ii.,4T1.
~'
patnrert)i*araaka,i.,
".
ITT..I
,ny Ta(iMi"r I* U IM.
"d.oaonil oCi-.WT.
WTian U la.,
li^
Ml
a^lNi
ii.,lU,
1I"
ta(f,IH. ilA
Hit natotiatioa
wilh
Philip, U, Hit !*"" niiilad,A.
Hta utaet on PUli^
*i^,
aid
TlaMt7,
i*, Ba ta"""
tinaad in Iha
onaalahipal tha aaaiial
tlaatiua,
dtt.
INDEX.
rftkpkilip
M
moH,
iU. lu
nnht,
wilh ihi .SLjtliii.
ll.
Tnilr
"
Dec1aniiri4
oT thn indBpemlf
IlinnUPIoainiTID:
-. H.bi.._..
.._,_
..
,__
.
Iruiu p*ae*
to
AifOa,
it. Hii dtpinijn
tot
Itil^.
Ii"lefoTiiH !" ThttMlT.
g.
EnlDfigm
as
liii com
rhils In Gn"ia,
M. FUminfnu
a(iu
in Gnece, "
LoadHi|i"ai"
Dlooluui
into Luoul,
46L. Uia nekt
aaaBnn,
tt. Hs1" ippnirtad.
ia acniuiiai
wiih otLan,
ilUrr at Daaalriu k
Ht of FeniL i.,
SM
Dslu.STI.
SonatL
:shl
Df MilliulH, i.,
MO. 1
lu,
ii.,
see. Seiauciu,
311.
rcsd mwch to RhttB, "i.,
MS.
!"" of Iha Ons^ L,
rM. Of ifai
Psniui ud G
-"-
XSM. OfA1"udBr,U.,UI.
Of Iha Oi
Of Onon U
"ptanof.ttt.
.
K4. Ajilifo-
itiiu,MT,
lU.
limJuBlioai^WS.
Ii"AehBu L"cw"
U-.
*M.
of reliffioa
ftsoaf
tb* CmlLL
UDDDf
thg Qniki, L,
ico.lW.
InAindii,
lU. SaliAitiw
ISI.
.nifieUioBofAlbiu.i^lM.
TIh I^thu. MS.
P/Jat,
U7. Eetii"","ST, Ctulcii,
481.
Tha nuiau
ChB-
jTtnat H ChoriuiH,
ii,,
VT-
1, i.,UO.
1,
i.,
47a. Of Aloaadln*
is EnM,
"dri"EKJwtt.
tlT.
,ii.,
40.
OIPUiiipi,Tl.
,
iluf.i.,
IBt,UI.
Ein^mofta.
MuMiiiiou of,
with BputB,
UI.
"r\Mn'wu,lb".il-lSl.
wufnU ilmiiou
of Ihe Oiwli ulim, i.,
91.
aDnb iDxiHs of Auia, i.,
US.
iHikv of ibD AiiialUn. i.,
ns.
ncmaiiafGnBCt.^jn.
Cnta,
111.
;ii"di
of
FolytaMj
"-
"u-
j.Uifti'llMTi
Ck"uOuD(iir
UlTTfi,
ns
CnuUr.M.
""ugUi, ii.,
m.
fc I I (f Cm
ilnudtt J^
ud Koou, U.,
m.
4}luni,ifCUTiilai,
i.,
IH.
Oljrotn,
caMntod
Albdut conrtHu,
ii.,tSL
Om(t1ii",
Of CoriBtMu soBBudar, i.,4H.
OonLgm. ii..
IBl.
Ooifiai,
calibnud la n" of lbs gariiartud Um dcM aaj-
'"a.-K.i
ipUlB
of Alaiudat^
'
oraooi
a itu iDdiui
war, iLf
Df
BpuU, i.,BT.
GoramiDi
I
KcU;,
in.
la
A^
"irataffam
and dt
B"î,ii."lfti;
OoniTDOHot
of
Piiiatnliia,
i.,
IBS.
'ianiaatvt
oflbc Gnglu in tht Haieig Aft, i.,
n.
ioTsriuiioal
of tha
Pliiatnliila,
i.,
IW.
'naca.
declam.ton
of (ha
iodcpaibdaDca
of,
aod tha laiji
Iimoa,
the bDundanet
of. i-,
33. Gaovrmpliicid
ontliaca
ofjit.
F"nilitjof,4l.
Earti.rt
inhiSuiiiu i.f,41.
K-
MiliatilTCif,
mlhlhBanioflifa.SO,
Firal
rMtrj
of,**.
Fnaman of,Ea. Faaala ehiiviir
in.ST. ûutilft,
101. Flaal of.al Dalaa,371. ProapocU
of.il.,ST,IK,
" IS. Monminu ia,IH,3DT.
SUU oL
an,
31T,
b.
ilia of,taatond.
K9. War in, 308. tiptdlUoa
dT
cooaaiiiMiil
'i^^'oiiwi, UO. Sosiaa
"ioUritnon
is."*.
A tnaan jmniaaa,
4B1. Populuiou in,daeieaaad,
Iti,
Graak
aad EfjptiH IndiEiona,
coiDddaiace o^
f
.,
A".
""^h innj,
pcailiofk of,i.,S75.
lak adimiaa is UUf, i.,IM.
I.,
189.
4k
omJoltiBti,
"i.,
73.
-.jtk aziloa,
liatontiai of,Ii.,
37".
Gnwll liviUoiil, apilil
af,i.,
3M.
~ ' - -
imtBta of,i.,
m.
Iiaali,Iba,
and illajn of GrHct, i..
13. Tkair ralatioiia
nithtlia Pilaâni.
18.
Objacti
and funna of tlieiroOT-
ahip
daniad from liyin.
M.
Tcndoncy
of,
to poimnia-
catioa,
AT.
CDoiiiral
unj^ca
at tha,
S9. AmiuBiiisnls
of,
deriac the banio age,
BO. Earlian form of natiual
nli(iDii.W.
Oriiia
of the
GrrokDijlboIogy.M,
Qual-
i"atioaa laiiaind
foiIba
pricathnod.
M). Orarlai of
tha,
VT. Saufaralad
uotioaa antonainad bj tha,
of HomaT^
lausliicToS.
Thau Idaaaofiharomof
ihoaanh,
IDO.
Of tliauuna
of Iha
ana,
it. Dagiaa
lD*h"cbtha uiafol
anauprai
w haia btea
cnlliialad iij,
IIO. Tha flM
art*.
IM. Eaiiiralpredonioii
of ttieiralatBin conKcn-
tad lolba aatiica of
nliiiDn,
IDO. Origia
of tbaii
alpha-
bal.lOT.
Nationaliniutatiunaaiid"inHaofBDxniEkast.
140.
EITacta of Iha Olnupii:faaljnl.
lU. Lagasda it
tha Djtbical
aohuiiai of
tha,
IX. ElUuioo
of thaitdo-
Biiaiou,
KO. Than donunioii Dnaly
aiUbliahad
in Cr-
nnaiaa,Mll.
Tbaitptogiaa
tDCT"iluiUoa,X3. Ljrlal
pottrr
of tha,
MO. Orifio
of
pnaa
coBpoailioii,
UO.
Fiiatdawn
Diphiloaopbfaaioog
At, HI. LanndoCUu
Sdas
tnpod,
it. Pbilaaaiihial
Ulanlan
of Ida,
114.
""k cokuiaa
ID Daelria aad
Sofdivw,ii.,I40,1U.1M.
" ^
fevfnphara
but littloooqTazoaiu
with Iha nUliv*
t,ai9i!"K,ti.
Csnab
"
~S,Mi,
aitdtlu ladua,
of
,MI.
itocallof
aUciiiunabuiÔudforDolii
qgtKoa
onfailod by
thia
nâl
com
'
The
dliea reqaired
to HT dirioa hoi
,MO._TaBplaaof.Sca.
Graaoa
" of Fata
rafoui
ahiaiaa
military
and Co
fi" Ateaudac^
da_
.
"ar,"a,lU.
Ranliitioaiiit)"oir"lbira,indwbat"n-
"fdond to haia baaa a
balwaiii of Ihair tibuliaa,
V3.
PuUic opiniunnHociiof
tha dosluoii aad
wv^DaaU
of
Aloiaodir,
ITS. Radaoiooa ob thadaa*^
for Iha au-
nadaraf Iha Athoniaa onion,
ud IhaboodngooTThaka^^
m. "naQnabaiaftdanoj'.M*.
Viclwr*i"d"taathcf
Laoathoilea,
98d.
997. Anliphilaa
aoocaadl
fa hia onua*
. ..AA TT --"*"-
-"--jofLaaia.aDddafoaraLa*
Aati^luar.iaO.Ml.
^"
Aadpalac.
"". Snlh it
C^^^^teôus'paliia'or'Ilbaiu.
m,
IIS. Daaih af
" " "
BinaafAi
" ~ - ' . . -
.. -
iaa.
IIO. D__._
. _
iofThabaa.llS.
"lauaf
SawMl
CaaaaDd
Ph"ic"Mi.3l".
110. Daub
af
PhiSp and EaijUiM,
_.
DfThabaa.llS.
"lauaf QnaLaia IM
rf AniifM
ari
P"aliiM,
m. DaaiiMidDv
INDEX.
,
ith."f- 1
Id GrHog, Kt. EVtet nl lb* 1
HHiuaiuaB, ptiaoB
ot Oaiit,ii.,107.
"" '
'^--T"i"i.ii.,IM. EActoTt
Mtr" ta Oiuii*,Ml. Kntnli^ rf SpBte
"" A* if- Bupn^ltaMêwHgMrd.i.ltl
Ur af,U" jUtteaaB Id Giwoa, Kt. Eft"( tf lb* HujJa, U., IM. Aniwd
"^ A
bnfU""(lbt
Gusli *B4aili"naBih"illiiniifGTH",
"* " rD.i.J~:-
Ha. Tb* Ctkia iDiailn,MS. Dtluea iifThHwin"lB,
mil
loSX^Trfllwri^k,
no.
DntbofFT^H
"a iMHftut nodi i" Qnriu Umdit,
If4. Sum d
Ontet fhiB H" daMh tt PfiAin to tbt non
-" '
Aallnaii DgHn. IT4. A"Abu Lons. iu i"A"
lh"JiitlDi"i"rfinK*,t". PnnlaxK If dim
- " " - ~ " -
;Ka. Tbt BiKlii
Dfunfm
of
ABtifona
_ . ..
iH a Sputa, iA.
" "
ctf
HulinH,
inlUitbTdKfoaW OMM,4TiL Dtith uT
iMifsau,
nilifinwmnfrhitirlll.il' Fnn ibi iMnH of Sil-
!""" W ibi (Bd nf tka Soeul Wi
" " " -
LmfU^m. Dnifnatf Apallaa
tnm ika a"d (f lb* Scdd War
Aa VbartT itfOiaaaB udar Robu
umacttoa,
490.
VUlsHwa biiHHvd aa lb*
pnxactor
a(
Oiadaa llbac
It, 411. Hatila ialultDU of Hub* Uwmnia Onaot,
at. Batik tf Cblat, 4N. DwOantieB of nr br
KaM, 440. Mowiala of Fluiniiaa ta
Onoca,
44C
CaalinBaa af Nkwi, 440. FlawaUiu u Tbabah 44T.
""HlaitfCnaaaBbala,448.
Rsa" aiaau
psaoa
lo Pbtl.
^,490.
bd
ofibo
IlicailBiiiumi,
"l. ?ros tba
wataBatioa if tba libtrtTif Gnaoauihi mliaanof
CaUkmaa le KiaH, it. .fiuliaa
lauitvaa,
4H. FUb-
biliiu *|(J" IB
Oiaaaa,
tia. Kamll af
DomoIiiH,tOT.
Aatioebga la Onaea,
496. Baulg if
TbnnapriB,
490.
Oiaat aiUHtoD if iba AckaaB Lima; 4M.
"olgiica-
tfaa of Sputa, 494. Baou
aoniHbwaia,
4a). Dawli
Jaiaaaa,it. Good
faaUif
of tba
Indj
of Iba Creak u-
Uia Uwaido biBh 471. Hiatila "wnmula "d
FbOip
"fainat
tba RoKaB
powor,
4T4. Oparalima if Koaa in
aBiylDf
g" itadtaifaof tba
"oliiaiBtioii
of Craaca,470.
Triudl; toar af Finlu, Hoaias laaal aad
fnanl ia
"anala of iu iatintioni FomacUaf Iba Acbi
laRoBa,4S9, Tbay
ira
iabaagaaiitlj
hi
Bfaci* of thairinnUTitihatradaf Rial,
DaolanlioB 1Îba
aibaM,4"9.
bubrtb
OwkL faaii
ajuf,
M
I
2Tân'
It
Tatna of,15T,
n of,n. U
TeniiH,SM.
W. FmjM.it. Kt. Po-
ZabalDi l"|i,
MI.
Ql13DDdiof iKe falH I
io"SM.
Viirl.lhrou,hS,rn,". Vic-
rn.t iDd rmf of Uuî nrg
niKiali, J".
OrrllBh Ihn
an
"ifXinaBtiaB,II.,
99.
OjFliM
mil*.
Idliai
a/Lhiam,
lU "imiHlar lo FluBJaini Uh Biaaa
taaaiaL
ii.,4U. Tatia
bj
aaaaalt
by
Iha
Aebaaai,
499.
B.
HMwaft)io|"an|i)a.il.,4l9.
atairi'alTw.nu, ii'.'W
PbHia anlan iaWHfalte-
tiuK mitb Mn. 4MI.
Elau4arubiaiaiBT(dallalf,4S7.
".. IW.
Haba, a nylbolotltal
paiaoa, L,
M,
BilapoUa,
tlia|^npl""7ad
br Daoatnai al u
itaf*
iT'
Hiilaa, Ibl raintadIbaadaT of Iba BaOaaic
nca, "-,
ST.
IMI"H. Iba,ia Bpina, I.,9T. Kalui"~ o( u tba Ai*^
nn,tkg,i.,ST.
' '
tba".,
179.
Haba, lb
plalatf,i.,40.
BaMa, Iba,orifiaof,i.,JM, IM.
Hopbaatioa anompaaiH AlinniloT M tba India,U.,m,
m. Hixomaiad
ap"
tbaiMraaloflbiMBadoBls^
Mi,t41,l". BiaDajitlila*illiI"rnatl","""of
31a-
lin,l"9.
Biinwanli,ltT.
HiidtatVMO.
Obaafaiaa
of,Ml. CaaatnetioB dT Iba
gnal
tewar larTiaK aa hia
faaanl fila, tU. Wonbippad a" a baro,
M4.
Taailaa
Harieln, SpaitaaibIob)al. i.,19T. Slâ Bad laiiaialair
af,li.,4"d,40l. Pneaadiuaat."ia.
BolaolaMi,Ibl,aadDonVH,]., Ill,114.
HiiadidM, it.,
199. HJi oaaaaiioa wiib
PbiKp,
4M, 4"t.
aan
puaaiafa,
ia.
iîfaaaa
ii, va,
ti. nii
aapmiiHa
HuaMTnT,81. B"faraaoalatbatia4iiiaiifbia(aila"
ia Iba aHiBll (Blba look Aoniaa, U.,m, n4. Akaai-
dai4 iarocaligBif; oa Ui ntraal IWm Ibt Hnba^ Ml.
nil Mlawira, aad BaMnn tradllliBa" a. Tbabtnilir
Ronalaa avpiwl br Alatudar, M9.
larealai," of Alanadit by Baniat, U.,199. Bii
pn-
taaaiou to Iba aacnwoa niHntad
by Kaaiabaa, M.
leiadiUrr KinllT of tha Hanis Uan, I.,H.
Iarn"i
Inula,"alUaUoa af
tha,I.,
4ll.
laririBbaMMBta of O
lof.U.' f'nailbBiaatlof.it.
UaaJiafaaaiaiT
iracur
er,"BT. Fnoa"ip dan't^'IT '%o"-
""'""
""'iSa,**. FriMU,UÔ".
,
tk Bara-vnaahip,
ri".~CariJniiaa'eribaana.(*.
Anifw,
ldH,i".
P"a
ana,
lot. PoMiT.tt. Miaac,
4, TaiBDlaa,it.
Holy fnaac
lai,09.
Ouy,
a. iMTiaa
f,
1". Bhmdiaiaof;iO".
*""'!'_'"':"":.
lenaakviia, Iba,i.,
9 of tba Pkookaa, i.
"d v'lb
Of tha
Taiaoa,
it.
I.
OTlbaOraabi,glO.
arfmiiml, i.,977.
iiani,
kiB(ofSyiaaaia,
laJ
FalyiHta, i.,(91.
[Ian aaila
aloBf
Iba ihona of
Ardia, li,,
191.
HiaraayBai
of Cairiia, kvvnpbn and friand of Fniaa
u.,)H. AfpiijiadtatafM-taaml
of
Baiitia, 199.
K. tmithar of SaBrtilu Tkdnnit ii., (M. Hu
'rt
Astiiiun, it.
I
duneUT, U l". llDnliTi^tn.
ncur, i..
191. TrruB/ if.it. Quili 11-
UES, OJ. Jil SparU, IM. l"n""nk" W Itu (XHit ^ !)"-
liui, ]"}.
ifilppuDlm,
tvnKt iif
liimnaniii
i
.
IM.
BippocoDQ. kibj
of
I^BWun, i.*71.
Uippocntos. L|MO.
BipiBcntM 'h^nljh-1
k" Kabm to
brineiinr
""*
"S"-
Jmn
rf H"gM"BJiTjM, I.,4W. SlunUlbaiugiifCbil-
eidoa, WT.
.HlHiBO*, Ib"
trniN
of MilMH. i
,.
Ml. Curi*d prJBHT
sf,Sn. li gnnaul bj onter of
AinphiMi. MO.
BiMcrio*] Tiaw at tks Tniu wur, i.,
Sb.
"Hi"on^Xuopbi_.i.,tar OfSiilai.lhaaarir.lTT.Of
Ik* AibMii
LHfoa,
ii.,174.
BoIt fimidi, i,,
Bt.
~Bi"*r, I.,
40. Hii
Dptdia at Iki
ivIt bhiUtiHli oT
OiHM, 41. Gna*nMd opnlm iBItrtuud
bf
llii
CiHki (f Ui
lniu"(,
M. BiiidHdJ UMbrKiiftlu
"Bjth,ud af tbftCDOH* af thv tu,
100. 0ii
ptMBia
Aivt
"
'towriliu, m. Thtii KiiiB wnpHd
ip
is
.. ..
-'traii|ijg4Mi,*iiil"asansiHh"
nisi Uw Plulaiiu MiiTx ttw
i(rUAIh(ii",tt.
A sf,i.,na.
I,
Ii., ni. D"M
Hsmatte
iBOinpkT, i.,
M.
HoawrH
poana. aathontj
of Iba, naptotiu hiatnrifl
Ihu,!., BI. Aalhontf ""f"""i nransct Is "*" nut c4'
SoBaite fia* of " (Uan
",I.,M.
|H"U" .Uw, i.,in
hTS^^Îl.,
W4.
BBSHn to Iha daad u
PLUaa, ".,
M).
Boilaa iBd
ptau
of Dariua, ii.^Mt.
BaqiiuUtT in ih* Harac
a"a, i.,87.
Eotila llaatiin ttia
Ennpua, 11.,
m.
""al
ofjbalnan
Alhu* ud "puU, ii., tg.
of tka ta"
"'""-*
Cra"ki, L,
ni. DmfllaBa of Pgnu, tS. Kb-
ampMBi on,
t". Alaimik]ir-iiww"Bf"t,lM,13r.
BalOa of Iko. US. run bull Vt"k
SM, HI, Ml.
r*Oi iaut tho
Uaa,
it.
"BTdn"tB,rntT,li.,AS. Hueh
la,
tt. Atrfnl
u,
ttB.
XHinta,MI. Csalwaat
-' -"^ "- " " '"
*""
.Srdraa,lbt"ri_idaf,i.,4D.
.Bnuldaa,
antv,
m fMaad of Daualhaua. il.,IK, 184.
ibJ Phaeiat, )M. Hii naaakinlba daathofLaiBha-
Ha,
MS. Hla
lliflil
u a
nmatuiT, Wi, "". Fol to a
(THl daath
b; AMipUac,
fM.
Bmtaa. Uafof Mann,V,IS).
Bnbaaia, "unA of Alaiudar lowaidi
Oia, II.,
VA.~ Ita
oaflgaaeawilb^SilMKa.MO.
Daurt Ifiiteutwud,
lami.
eai
tnra of,1.,WL
latrtieln, oppointodova
of iba flmbaaaf
a/ 1
IbT". the
pofri.i.,Jlo,
lobltroptiagiafiha Makiu
ceaat,
ii- M(.
Icblb,..Ci^.i,4l.
IdDiuH.
(JLoigliMr
u,
I.'.
IN.
UnaoL kiiifof Caiia,il.,IM, 171.
DlaM of
Alamdar, ii.,"".
IlLH_i"fboHHa.ii.,IlT.
IllaaaofPUHB,U.. tM.
Bîia,
aifMl"Brf Fkww
tl,U.,m.
Dia. htiifof nnr, i
"
M.
iBpaaahuaM
of
Ginoa, i..WT.
lapaaaiiBaiit
of
TharuHaaa, 1" 4V7.
lapoauaea
of
AaplkipoliB,
ii.,
M.
IvpnaaaaaBI
of
Pakîdai b^ Altoadir, ii.,49.
iBpmdam pnuadiBga of tba Athauau. H.,IM.
lapgtalina
oa Iha
aHanoat
of
DtmoallHBea,ii_ St.
iBaaliuof
Pkilip,li.,l04.
lBataLkiiicofllwlJbTaBtnbat,i.,lDI.
Da*lh"f,NI.
iKowiUM proeaadiBn al Atbana, il.,SO.
Inenua of iribat*w Aibtaa,
i.,(07.
-hilt/
U Aihena,i.,4119.
,191
dai tha Onit. ti..
Ml. How br
as. BaUapr of,aid laiâtiibu*
acta, it. Tba autsro IndiuMt-
TBB Biiuaaaa vnuand br
Alnaadar, ISI. ""4. Hm
r"od|ab,
Sit. VD. Aleaz"dar^ ncUrioaa nianh fren
Iha
BjdaapM
Id Iha
Ufphau, 117,140. DaaBtbamw
Iha tactir tiTat wid Iba Gascai,MO. Kis( of Iha Oan-
nridta Bad Pnaiaaa npoftad lo ha Beta
powarfidlh"a
Kii"Pona,tt. AlauBdai*i ntiua Is San, Ml. Mar-
iMiH oaBuinalcalion baKnaa EfTpl aad
bdia,tH,M-
IiidiBaI4na,ii.,
nt?
ladiacntien of Aloibiadaa,i.,
M8.
Indiii.cuBqnaau
of Aliiandar OS Ihe
Uppar,iL,IB, M7.
Delta of
tbi,147. Float nf AJaundar
on
^
Uii, IM,
Ml. Hp aiiJa down Lha Hrdafpaa,Aoatiaat,aad ladaa
onhia nnn.Ml. Coloiuoi oMabliihad vOaLoww
Iadu,M7. Honlbiofthaiinr, M7, M8.
..ilaBcaof (btThiiti
.orihtCMka,i.,
-
a,'". Ilapr
iB" froeitha Paluffiaa
lattiaaiaDla
ill
bfii^WH0rA"ad"a'^4ni^l|T,
4K.'
'
ii..41)
afCoaiadr, !.,US.
Inflnanoaof FJtha|oru at Cnit
laflqapca of tho pwla oa roUfion.i.,00.
iBllaanoa of Iha Thriduu on Qnak
poolii,
I.,48.
lalaaaiia of
Tiitadr,i.,
IIT.
UAnMltioB Df aorltdta,L, 410.
iBBBWioD IB 111*AlhoBiaB CoBUllatioa,i, WT.
Imkovallca of
P^lofwiBeB,
11- 403.
iBitiniln of Iha Saeisd Band
at Thabaa, ii.,n.
iBaUMltoaa In Claiathanaa,1.,
lOt.
hililaiigHl7DaiiuB7*laapaa,l.,M8.
DafacnlLlSK
bMitnlloni for
pnaamBf
Iba
public
paaoa
la Iha Bawtt
An, i.,81.
lanTtothma. nilituTi tha,of Spaita,L, IM.
luUtmliiniDfCnta, i.,110.
of
Pjrihatocaa.1.,110.
ofSo)a8,i.,iaL HspHeitT o";IM.
of Spina, latiqaitTaf,1.,In
oflhBCaLialas,l-10t.
ofnaaaai,i..
171.
"rilaia at
Aî^ i.,MT.
afCBila,l,,n. OfCTIinB,SK.
At BaM*,
Atbana,
4in.
Au(
iha
Oraik
tAnlam te
ucf "tcdia,ii.,"4".
laofSpuu^tSt.
O?^
Bi
Ataaia, 1., an.
t BiMini, (- tlS. Of tha CortntUiK,
MS.
iphott,
m. Of PinndEt al Athtn,
4*7. Of
the olifiRhical hetiOD,487. OfPardiocai, il.,
W7. Of
Dandoi, SOS. Of Pilhga, SM. Of AibIbb,
4M. Of
Ap*UaB,WI. Ofthaft("iBi,4M.
Innnoa
of Altlet br
Span*, 1.,IM, MS, Wt. MO. M(^
SS(.Hr,44I. 'X^Kj^^C"anwit.Va. OfSoTOia
SDaiioa,
IM.
Orfmia
br tlie
Paraiana,
MS. Of
aoa,IU. OfPlatH, m. Of
AaipUkchia,
US. Of
^"UaanubrlhaAiiixia.lOO.
Of
Artoliabf
tha Inr-
lana,
400, 071. OrCuia,SSt.
Of AiinaBta, M^ ITS.
" J ,. " ^ .. ... ,u
"iûnaaaBi bj-
"'"-
IftTof Xaa
Of Ueonla.il.. )"I.M."M. Of F"
natmiB, 41. Of
Epinii
br Fhtlip,
Ml. Ofatolla.W".SS7,ttT,411.
Occa*. too. Of Snia br PulOT, S
br PrnhBa, lU,
170.
OrBlia,4tt.
l","nppo.*dBi"eaatorotaeIoaiiu,L,M,"t;
I
";i*.A"."b-,iTfc
..Coo*^!'
^cm;
igaofFolelw,
tl^
=ir,;-s;ii;:.'"_,_
ifOOf
WUU 01 AUM" THUmOf j.,ft74H
Urn "fPikvoDHou B"t, i.,"K
lam tt Oanma. H..tt.
T I 1
""" ~ "-
".
LotH, tbg,of EffM
mo
iamSd into
AtcdItv, td.
Lj^dlUbi*.
tb"
tfrmol
oT
Nkitri,i.,
tM,
LTnoMlTia,eipecTition affjiift, i.,3B6.
Lrriealpoetry,
i.,100.
hjtaaitr^
bri
Hrlh,
puwntii^,
uid tthmtkn
D"""1
pnn"rtt"Dt
At Biihmiit 473- Dfffeiu
fralfofAt"l*M, sot, Tntrijoai
li A"aiiûi,
5H, Hit daitti.
H th* TMm It Ipmi onr Anlislnai.M9, MT.
iuoe with rtolemj, M". IH" immm wilb At-
on, PtsltiB;^diDrtnr. "ti Kli trmtonM iondad
M
DaiDrtrlu.IM^ Bli pnimnhn f" ttw Nnnh. SH,
HI*"|iHKtinii|ilMtilwOel"."M. R* I* ctiHrrdto
nmadn to Dwâ^mtea,", Wba Inati lilm hononr-
"Mt,
ud diiiuriw bin aid hit ottsgn.
A. Hnxwi bii
"HFue wHh BalriKn nd
PtolgiBj iîDit Dgmtiin.
tM. Dafaoloi al bii nntnbi tad tnrf.
Ut. Bli
hiHiiMs, m. ToTM Em
dih unhiM [VtrhSi,
it.
awtiiha dumb rf
Dtisnint,
". Hs
;""
"- ' " "- "" -
he
tunrerpiir,
wlijch fcllowedlb* inXb
it
A la"i"in of. by Pyrrbdi. J7(, Wuof
IT. a. Th" inuur
ii^ria
of
"ctorthtimr "i"ib("l"tiin
nfakinq,
ncnt m tiMdtUb of AliiudH', HS.tTl. Tb*
"ritiaidBlMN
uAllioa.rrt. OBihadlBlfa-
"5W
ttniiih Ajia Miimr. St". Of tba Onsta tbidorb StHi,
9M). OfllKCrHk"lhnti"hAmi"iii",Hd. OfAhlu-
dn Ibrmgh Curia, li.,IW. To Ihih, I8(. Tbraoab
FIvnrida,IW. To
Enpl,
IW, Tbnaah Mai
'
""
a,"ll Porcad mircfll " Rl
Mtrc"in,"l.,atnlainiii^, it.,
473. Panetnwt into
Pjarta,
VaTem of CaiTOoa, tho flrn wba waa hoooDrod witb tho
dif"Ij
Df tba
iaprama
CDmaaad ia tba Aoheaa
Laaiûa,
Hirâna^lha,
ii.,"".
Maidcmiai, aipaditionaf,i.,
S4I. Hia anfgl adrla to
Xenei, HS. Witb tho Orask sradn.
tn.
ProiMiBla
t^,to 1b" Oraoka,
trs. ObLaiaa poaaaailoii
of Athasa,
"loT, m. Ikaattiof, it.
Ibiins of Spniasnrfara,
i'.,
JEnroi,tho Modim nnanl, i.,tU.
VWanB br wbldi tha DoTiana aflvctad
114.
Tha poiHiUi,rf fenclti,
WT. The
daa,M.
OfIXii"atbanH,ii.,t48.
(bt Oiaaka,
IS*. Of Panana,
4n.
HodaaudJ"'-.TR
Uadaaadi
.,"4.
leAiti-
H4.
Pntrsn
of Kracim "" Ontt tbRn(b,
H^tioD
of
Jaa(BKiiiai(tb"t1n"ka,U.,U. OfFo^W-
Madiouo, kaowlodfoof,in tha Honio A(o, ".,IN.
Kedioa,Iu^hi
oTAIoiBiidorat Ibe hooaa
c^,lad bla cod-
laqnat
A?*t, iJ-, M".
Uanbataa, ticitad Ibo anmitT el Aiiitanraa br bli mol-
tj
and
aoTirily,i.,
IM.
Mspbaioa waa comtniniooed by I"iTioato iMiIiptela Ifao
cwqtigat
of the Oioeb ntiaf on tha
HeUeapont,i.,IM.
HenlDi"ii", fonndauooor, ii.U. (HlUnt defanca
o^
far
Daii.ii. S(4. Joined the AehiuiL
Leaguo,
see. FalTo^
odtoadjaaltbairdillaiaiKaa,4tr'
TnnqoiIliiaBtho
poo-
Megalopolitau dafinidail br
DnDOalbgDna, ii.,
M.
WetiTL
copqnaatof,t.,
IIB,
Thao^noa,
Eha
tynat
dC
Hernia,
iTm.
ÊOTWaJi enhrfw
"
i-*^lc
".Eti!
LI,
iMnodof, j.iflS,
dH, Sptnaa vdmin], i^
'
MaLuani,
Wind
of,i..SI,
MilulliBt, Unr oT Mtmm. i.,11
M*\MmfMT, iL, m t3T. Ha OD
slvBwl kinr, m. 170. Ii dirt
Ii
put
10 dtuh bjrfain.
ii.
Îf"t"fIT Hod
MflDtfltU,COUpiTJJI
llalawTii
Hiui th* nnniBienl " tin d"Wli if Cuwt-
UH,
hii bmikir. ii^
At.
HilHipni, tba Sotiun aBTor. i.,SM.
llallni, bloodj
"nculioa
oC,li.,4C".
Haln"a. irfSuM, utwu
i/tui
|"kih"D|ikr,
I.
.HaDoK, ii.18. Pluad i( iba h"4 of I*--
-
Tbabaa, oith tlH tillaof Bosurcli, ID.
Main, acBftou*
It,i.,"S. Enuipiu* 10,0.
..,
_ja ofTlM- fint "mural
UO. Tha batinnj^ oftliairfint
wv,
I
br.U, n""iliaiHif,l"in%ltb"sa,
.-.
Antwv.Ut. Saoondou,
lA. Tha pmila of,fai^
Bin,IM. BâflhaaaaoBdwii.UT.
timiUti-muJ,
IBS. EirfaribilUrd'inr.lOt.
AnniwwgÛ-,4IS.
"Kaaaailui, tb*.tbaii aabiHaliiiB taSooa, ii.,Ml. War
bcbndi(UHIt"iaBb/lbaAab"aLaapH,"7.
tliaiT
"tf" iartf la Lraortaa,tft. Ttaii Mliniiin iilo tlw
TTiiaiiiiaanai
.
tuaiaiiiii
if iliifim. 1
1
HI TWiiiMl,
Its. TI"tbinl,M9.
MateDaa, q. Cadlln, KiMa rtmnt, Ua praaaadjua wJUr
"a AAaan Luna, li.,4W. Bia delaat if Aadriaoia,
"0. Hia fwMa laadiMka witb tba !"""". """ Ha
.IbHB,
Iba
AtUiiaa
"aCmumai. L, UI.
IDei*, irllh
" MawAiaian Ibnia. iiiTaili" Attica, iadafaat-
ad b" PbodoB asd riain,ii.,W.
lUraUambwIaa,!.,111. .Xdian. I".
loBiu,
lie.
kCfiitiaBi from and la Eabn, 1,
10.
'InlHita
eelaiiaa,1.,
"M.
Mitalaa,fiietiauof, L, HI. Attack et,b*
AliUtai,MO.
fâimra of,1". Haiolt
of,440. Baldi
d",441. Ta-
nall
U,
"U.
.KOitmrf,Inrtiludona.i,,IM, PnpanliiHU el
Epbaaaa,
UO. Prapualioai of DamaCriQL
u.,
1ST. Opanttiau of
Acia-Ha.
Milo,
diaciflt orP]Flbi"ani,I.,II R.
lôl
s Iba
BaUaapsI, 4SI. Vimlu-oa, i.,
iSn.
OparatioBj
MJnv, hia cbanctar,
].,
74.
Laôd
t^ bia Doriaj
axaaiiaed,70. Hia poiilical iDatiluciaaa" 70.
Ifiarua, Iba.I,N.
In Laonia u^ TtiBhTlU,
11
MiicoadDctofAM(D0hB,i.,44t.
of Iba AlRa
paaaulnr,
i.,ITt.
nuM"f"3nM",iL,4".
""inof, i.,S4S'. Siaiaof,MT.
..:____ ...
",n,odar at; US.
tiO, Darraa
aaaiaat.npaalad. Ut.
Hiiiaii"iHa"lCortTn,li.,17.IIiadaatb,ML
HaaauiAiii, Inul of Cbalctt,ii.,60.
Maaaiiitailiia. I)" Albaoiu
uauanaii, i.,MS.
Modan Oiaclii.
Iba,ii.,
SOO.
Hiarti,Mabi-njah t obiaf of Fuuli, ii.,MT.
Mu"
rehy,
tba
LTdJan,
riaa c/.i.,
110.
MnutbaiMi
ib tba Bnak nnbeliicT, i.,01.
HmaooB, ibaamibHl. ii.,SSS,KM,
MO.
M"uM"BitfiliaPal"siav,i.,Sl; tai tiîtiai
Onafak ii..407.
Haoa.aeUiiaaof Iba,i.,4)1.
Bdota,Iba,
TiObflT of
IpbicrmUi
aivT,
l.,S7l.
Monl alaoa af Tba placua it Atbaaa, i.,
Ju.
Monditir
aad
raliiioa, amuiaiuB banaan, i.,M.
Kooni CUnax, il.,
Matamaita of Uw
fn^
flaat, u,
"mT'ot Ônf
M,
KO.
Olifnaluoal.itfFiHDdir.dSO. OTLiwHlaT.ta.
!" Onaoa. ii.,
IS*.
At Aibana, 100. or^)(riM,
tOt.
In Iba
,"gHB, IBT. lBOna",S07. OfAMinHiM
LraiBKbnhUt. Of Damauioi, H9v Of niiGpin Pal-
iBoaaaaiu,
4M. Of Iba RoKaBOaat, 44"L
Kotlaii,
madan eiiTU, ii.,*4J.
tlawuat, Roibaa fanait], bii dsfaat i"
Dima^ mad da*
itnicti" of Coriitb,il.,
"M. Hia btlbar lata af ma-
naiiea,40t.
MoaiBcaac* of CIidob,i.,M7.
HoafabU,
Iba battla
of.i.,SOO. Oaeapiad br a MaaadI
"DO. Diagiaiillad br Damaniai, "
HurabioB, Iba laiHlb,raaaitaa tba d
Kaldar if
Hippaicbiia.i.,
101. Of PbTvaiebaa, 4ST, Of
EaBhna,ii.,4" Of Uaiaidar of Pbam, OT. Of nil-
iniM.
OfDiriaa,MS. Of Staiin, m. Of
Roui,
"n. Of Alaiaadai
Xtat,
it. Of Hamlai, *".
of
M.
MNiiu^dll
(Saoiwtra,tM.
OfAJuâr,';
Of
AnAiibBBa,
IBO. Of
EtiacbrUoa,
"
Haman
at Aihaw ataian
Paindt*,
i.
If
aaaaiB,
faniScatiaaaof
Um, ii.tSS.
Huis ia Iba Banto
Ata, i.,
lo"
lfaaiaiaaa,aabiaiaai(B"( to AlaiaadaT,H.,MS. Uaa
italaaarBakbaia,a. Rarall aad ondliiai af;MT.
HatUabqi af the Eanaa baata,L, 411.
MmiBT W (Ma, ii- MT. Al Triiiatadinu,ML
Hanil nlatioaa ottha
aana ia
^
Banio i"a, i, 80;.
Ksli"
_
""'
"
~'Ua,rfAi"illaa,i.,B7.
'aid, bialiajIn, of Iba flnt
dainbaaaa,
Its.
DjaaatT id,ISO.
Mnaudaaa, tba
l^gaafPitas
141.
Aadq
_j- _ Iwtaaa, i-,t73.
Mr^leâdauaaÎi^r^^Df
â.
LÎB^,
Cillaa,
tba
faaaial at
(alila,
tjiuaT
of
of SpwuTilja.
i.,437. Hi:
Sia
anaaai
tAFria.44"
,
ti. Hit
paiOdj,
447.
inwioB of tba thiaoa
oowltb.ti.
Hialii
"abaanafiao
bafaidlioaif
"ML,i.,
lu.
Tnur "(;tL,a*. """"
,
a Sjudum. i.,
"8.
Mknl powirrf ADtipnu. ii.,m.
Manl
wT" Qr""'ii"
H".
MaTlgsUn dirint the Hirsie Aff(,
i.
KstifKlioa
sf Itu [ndu by
Alaiuula
Muaa.inTuimtf, 1.,1U. Smdtof.tBJ. Albaidu sol-
say la.
110. Atl"iiiauwut"TU,4II). B"lIIiiir,il.,"t.
Kwiiku. li^ ]M. lit acaonpaniM
AJtiandaT to thfeIft-
du, IH, art. AJBinl of
lUx^kWi'a
flHl, tU. Hii
"]"("
of
diae""7
u Ihs Puoiu Oalt MS. E" ludi
iiit to
Anuft,
ud
foativii
vj
fimSId"''
10hw"1
Tm(0
of,
Ii*. :
"oU,
UI. SsinTi tl"
llfiit,
ii.
at B"cbI*l u if Alaiu"r,IM.
Nsetuaku, kmf of
I^Tp(,liii
4alaiiBn ^*|iuMloiu"
M.
MoMiulia* bMirwn dw Pt*M*w ud
AMWdiani,
I.,
m. PorpoKio botmn A* AllMHiiH ud Bpuu, MS.
BotvHB BiHuud
Snuu,
m.
Sf
Ik* Foot Hndnd
with
apuu,
M. Botnu Ailitii*ud
Srwn, W,
BOS. For
pouo
witli Agooilwi, S7I. Bomooa Alkna
and Spwu, iL.
tt. 6tan, of PbilipwUk AOhdo,
"
Wttb CoMWoptoi, 8D. 0]i"iiBcof,WinoBPluUBi
) [lllli,IM, In PalnoB~""u-
"lt. Alhui.. I
AtThiWW. Boimn
10,
MM. OfFIuiiBi-
tonibar vita
Cnttnu,
iA.
KintiaUty oTtha iKwUut, ii.,
UI.,
linctine
udou tho aiiitu of Spaitat i*.MS.
iwioU cajataT of tho
kmidom
1^
Cabal, il.,tn
It*
iIoX,i*.""
'"
"""""""
IB Uh
Hjittfmi,liaudodl,ii.,)
N.c.r.tu^ ""ralimi ot i.,IK.
Kiou, hifl
sxpoditiDB
uwnit Molo*. i.. tSff, Oil
eip*-
dilioB u tbo [otlimiu,"?x.
Eipediciiis if,
to
Cîhoi.
ITl. Kteorm ofMocdo
bj,
3H. And
Pliitoui,
3"a.
Chineln of,3M. Fhoo nido
by,
9"1. Hii firtJitt
niatioH, 4U1,118, 434. Ui* letur id tho
pupli
of
.Al^Hi,4*l.PnûiiiiirDraiu-fi|t)"".4M. Hiotg-
pontitioui Itin ot tbo iclipooof tbo
nuoa,
lU. Bii
llr^m"
Somulu "f,4U. EiKDliua of,ug. Fui-
dl of,lis.
KkocIoo,
pot
(a dootb Id
Cjjiniflbj PtfdoaiT 1^ a cana-
noBdoiao with
Aatitmu, it,,
tU. Tn(iD lau uf bu
Miaxd^!
oaooiiogr of Atawidu in Ibo Ihim of 8
Hirht ituek oa
BjnaAm, i..
IM.
Milo,Uh
iDolTtctDorxtooipioDf PtrdJBsaaUonLii.tMI.
CioeDdilHsf.doToS[Wa6orki"HUion,tt.
llitiaT,aari
"Ma a Iko Homo
Aft, i^ Bt OT
8)
0(w|orih.oooiMrfcniad)irFTtkit",l,lU. Oflka
im
Pbilijiiiie, ii.,101.
Ohjooto
of
Ljom^B, [.,ItO.
Otatnuoo of th*
aaaoatf
at AlluH, I.,Sit.
Obaorralliao o( Eiiodalao ga tbo
PolMfiu laafwf*,i.,
Obrta^
to tl* oioeatiaii of Ibo tmtiai ia Onooi, ".,
(SO.
Oeoapalica of DoliuB,
t!/no.''of
Plonrian. ttl. Ot
Dcoolat, 419.
OrnTWl7T1inirballu,4".
OehloeiaoT. tha,1.,ISl.
OGligB,aeBawoaof,li., ITO. Hu
"|"adlti"a
uajut
Stiloa,
ITI. And
o(Uut
%n",
ITl.
Indnlcoo
hu
n"oiif*
ia
tbo "j1doot
oxDoooeo
of
tynoBical cnalLv ud iikJao*.
171. Sio dutli ki
Him,
i;i
Odiaau, sllr at,il.,
M.
""
"
' *"- ""-
i..Ml. Rar^ of Ihi OdrTûv
!.,871.
not
AoI[a,li.^"l.
S^S'"S
!i tluT ittiliMrt
tkaEranRT, L(.
- 11,148.
CHifHBlia, bti of Ibo Itoiliai,it Atbou, L, 4M.
Olinn^,
atlfiael,L, 1S7, RoocCiau al
AtkoB% (taintt.
CHpit,' tlM batUa cf.1.,Mt.
Ohnaiao,
tbo battlo of,ii.,H.
OljiapiM,
wib of Pbilip of Mandaii, ii.,lU. Sonitctad
at
hudariof
bar
hailiand,
IW. KnEnachiDS opiritg^
111 SoDdo Ooiipaln
into
Alio, hD)ilD|U iiiniiu
IlU-
uo* witll FoHioDoo, MS. Bor eaooo onpponwl b; Pglf-
"poieboa
ud BsiaanH, M). Sh* nnandon id
Pjidna.
lo
CovandoT,
wba boItuuulT Bidoro htr ououtlcB, tU,
IM.
OlnitaofoMtnLi., lU. Eflbctl of,IM.
Oljiapio lanoa, i.,IH. 1H.
OlTnpai,
Ibo TbHtaliu, i.,101.
OlynpHHlaniB,
tho AthoniaD
gaaato],
ii. HI. 8aaka ud
otuiBO th*
balp
of tbo XuHitaM
a("BO( Caooaadd, A.
ointtloo, )"1oaoTof Spana ogiinot, ii.,11. Kaoodvli
UUHIonod bf. 11. Wor docntd iif Sputa atalDat,tt
Eipodicioa ofTolonlioa uainot,
it, Brdselicai ol,IS
R^nrs of. with PhtlihlOD. Woi with
Philip. IDS
a. n.Mm,^,tiiin,.'m.
Oporadau
of tho Athoniuio in Chalcidwo
AthoaioBl iaSioiLj,
J74. OfAUcbiodn
100. OfMciuuJl.BoiaTc1iDi,
iTiDi,
418. Bofon
Sjrv
Hi."danii In Iho
Holln]
Oo^llu
dofoau Tbinbnm, oad ndasao Crmwica to ite^
dienooloPiolomt. ii.,18T.
0|4nii"o about Codmna, i.,SI.
OpiDiDDi
of tbo OrHkOeaaiionuof thottitiaoftbttaillaiC
ofô'tJar
icoiotf Alouadot BI, il.,m, 898.
OpjnilsTiowoof tba ItaiilatioB of
LToorni. i.,IM.
^HOilioBof
Thamiatncloo
toSpatta,i,,100.
Oto,
fonnoo of,11.,813.
Oncio of
Ammtm, ii.,IBS.
-
a ia Uh HoniD An. i
,
SO.
noniDoi
AlîbiaJoo. Ibo uaioTarAo,L,nT.
a It Uia f
" - - " " "
tnoua, kiac of MicadoDio. il..M.
hai"iaa.
MTAonliuo,ohiof "/ tho oaaiB""aoam *yHi"far
InHoao laaoUd tka a"in of iha Arkaw LwfM, Ii*
"Onn, riif*
ud
tolnTilaf,il,
OiniiiBliuD oTtbe Spulu ui
Onrn
dT tin
Porimni,i.,M.
I*I1U%
or olinnhT. I!
cm.
IW. Of ill*J
tM. OrtbaSui
OriM, tba,li.,
M*.
Oriti*.out dthm,K.,M(, m.
Onm, ill*o[.ii.. IM.
OnM,tt"p1iiuar, l.,M.
OntH, Blrap
(/
SHnTlBî.,
W.
Omtot, Erik]ADd BjAcntriA of,iL,t
"."urnotMrni,!!, IN.
taua.
lUPaniu.li.,IW.
u.Hlnp
of Media. ii.,n
OnnK, Albiin daprind of,fi..M
a/.b/cha Ai)ianiuu.48e.
Nafoti
Onliajiitu.'hi'rinl'aunctini,
i.,H
OiUaûi, or'Kicaa,
li.,IH.
Onuaa. ooiidgMauioii aC.ii.,MI.
OatTvûq, Alcihiadai thnalaqtdifi
Otuii, hi!
eifaditioii,
i,,
US.
OUii7ada",
iha Spin*n til
j.tn. Of tha JUhaan mr,
I
mt
Taâa- wKatv hp andail hia
daja,
H3.
Paaauiiu! Ih/nlua'^ orPtt'l'lVp of
Kaeadna. jl" IM.
Paui
bj Cimmi, i..
104. Daaind br Csinlb, ii.,"
FiTuiiitrri AlW., niaan sTlba.i.,
m.
Parutiar ci leamauiim fa tba Dariaiiatenrtar, I.,1"
PecuLimr
jioaiEion oftba
Spanana,
j.f
IBV.
Pailbon,Iha
aatnp. li.. Ml,
M? 9f"'.'''CaiiM"aa
Mle"^
WT. ColiiBMa hb ()" Lvnr Indsa MaMsbad bj.
A
Hiaacodaot oaUiadaalbDr
Alaiudar,m. H-Tiaa.
tj
anr
Iba Gnak
iii*bt|"iii"
in
Aaia,
Vw. Ha
jalaaIba
araij
nf
Aritipatar
iD
Syna.
and
raqnaatt
Ud t" liaaliia
hia amra] on Iha daatb of FardiocaB, Ml. Triad
hf
er-
dar t^
Antifonna,
aad
pal
to
daaib,n).
PalaillaaorMn sTlha Arnadiaiu,i.,M.
PaluEiiu, Ibt,I..41 la TbaaaalT.41.
UA"alia,44.
la
VahnKuaiaa,a. Is
Acdiua,
a. U Anadta, *
Tnbamfiha.i*. Analic,4". Couaa of Iba mImtiM
at 48.
Ratatlsnof, (etbaOraaka.it. Laiiniuairf',4
41. ".ulaawBla a, ia IHIr, 4f. ClTiliatiin rf, ML
their aaiwa indjtioa, tt. Fanlbavitr aC
isfUla.a. Tradtlloaa
af,
il. Masa^nla
A":hi"u(,abnwhrf,W. BalifôBirf^, N.
lintf
pf
Anpîj,
'"
wit^ba
ar
a^jp,j.,i.o
I., la. Sia friaidahipfor ZpaBiBas
[hahaad af tb" aonramant of Thabaa,
aManh,
I". ifii
Rial ud aen
" '
ta Thau^r. 4S. H"
daatb,
M.
" ""
BipadiHaa
4M).
BipadiHi
iw gf,{,,
n, Tba
Palaatlanaii,
.BlinDifvfif tba
kmlaa aattla"fl"(a
Tbe DorlaDa bnak ta,W. LanndiorBaTciileain.Tl.
ialo.lia.
^nier
Aiuoa.JW, ni.
miiid.m.
EipadlluoofPandaa
tinnaafAkiMadMlmtW. BhasUi
Pinaa, 4n. DiMraH of
Iba,4St.
"g"un "aa" oi,
ii.,
t4. Tha Thcliau Ib.38. landoii bT,
br tha Tha-
bani.
41.
EipadttioB
of SnuDinaadai into.4T,31. A^
l*ii"or,N.
N^LKiBlin ia,
111. Bipiîliaa af nai;
In.IH.
BipaditiasnCDainacnBBin.Mt. Wlntar aa.
P"i"niB,4t{.
MonBaMaafPblliplB, 4*4.
Pilnpa.inland oT,i..
M.
EiphnaliBn of,
W.
AnnialiiiD of
PlolaDif
baron a
niLtarraaaaBibl/ al,
il.
Paadjab.or
Pnnjab^ha,
para
Iributa to Daiina,
ii^
0L
Tatllaa.
hiDB
of.Mi. Itaatate,and diatzibatiqiar
pav-
ar ID. in.
9i8,i4a.
The oonban
Faadjab,
Ml.
Pa"plB,BiaBBbliBBoftba,[.,131,
in.
PaidiDcaa.kiai af
HaEadoB, i.,IM. JBa auRal wHh
BiBfdaa,r8. TnwawllbNi
"
FBidicaaBlI.
BUtaofUB
PatdimB III.,ii..M, dl.
Pg'u%lH"tf to dWh,
raotlog
oTtba
Cnak oli
tbadBBlBBoÂI
I* iaaatfad with tha apwar
" -
HaUfar
It,
il. PulB liafa^
Aî
n.^. .
aiBAal^M.
OrdaiaUaaa.
t ID whwh tbvj win batnT*
ag, "o. niB
evnpaifii BfalaM
flriiialhaa. 41. Ha*inff
pat
that
pnB'v
Xa
dpalh, b" narahaa into PiiidiB and
daBtroTB
tha lowia of I.Biuda aad bam, OT. Hia na-
liliealiDinii:ue(.ll)l, Hiabaatillt^la PlolaM7,lM.
Ss-
hnta and obtaioa the hand of Nic"a,
^wbtar
iÂntipar
tai,
il. He
kaepanp onraapaadaaaa
Hitt Olnniiaa aad
UnpUTa.il. UfdaiatbadaalhofCr~al.il. Bnia-
aoaaADti|oD
in loukahii trial, who fliaawith DaBatrl Of
Ptolasj
u b'pp^bi b"r"r* a
ooa^SlM
PalaaiiiB,"i. Hi
"tianpti
to cn^ tha Nila at tha fonraaa naiaartfhdaPa
Wall,
XII.
kfnalratad.aadiBaiThaBlawmTdB Manphia,
il. Hii man
penib in tba Hila and ata daiauad br
eroDodiia,
il. Hutiar ii bis
"aip, ooMavaaM
ea
Ufi
diaanmfltara,
il. Faithod Bad Salaina
eaaapiiaafaiBaf
him.il. H.iBBhinbTAntii*n",Bl. Blaahwlaraiid
oriBHBoanB.dand.Mt. UisIaUtaiaiBaMalhaoiiawar,
i.."H. OfApallaa,*]
Pilfirnama of Iha t(*ti,H'l*"""
TuMH. IM. Ua arp^'ihia
u
Dihihi,
m.
'
-ilk TtocriiilH, m. OklKU
sf lia
nlicy
.
BnbUAMidnscnti-lCouilnbDDat
îM"Ti we. Oiavivd wlih "itnofdUHrr bfvnn en hi*
niacmloAllMn,(W. LHdh" ftWam af hii
nMui,
iaciBUTniihnUiu,*!*. Hh naouln with
Anu,
MO. ftimwdMm imImI
Mm,
Ml. RMOnnUifis-
an UKi iBd Bn" pMiOM. 4. KtUnau Iniiii
-
"nd
BoniUr
oluter inlart kin, (M. Bli
pn
"
M"^
m Hi!
aradMsB
(a FilinouMiii.
Homan innM his, U. Biidaltie* nf ttii
BaU""
m.
ltntiiidBhtiiiflin,g. RitfiurfirtlwkwondaWB,
B4S. Hi"4wlh,a.
PnidiBHu, !"""" "" I.,M.
Patlbu, IL,ITO,m.
"nK"iasruiU"dv,L,UT. Of Ihi
Ontin,
IL,MS.
tnapoUi, bDiwnf
of tM patu* o^ H., V"l. Rsr^ of
AkuB^r
" Tjnriw tha niH af ttB nnl
fdHa u,
m,
"naw, 1.,
BT. Bia
dmitiin^Tl.
rvnaaa, aa if
PhiHp III.itffbaadaa,ehandar "
II.
4T1. Bii
Julguf
of hia bntliar Danatriw, a. BIl
ohaTfii Bfalnfthla,
it. Ba
anrftipaalrt
tiiakiaa In aa
"Miaiittm mts
Thno*. A. Hia daain) aniBat
1)aa"-
Biaa. a. HM ariiiiiia,ITt. Bia hatnd of Rgni
J".
OaaanliaaaitaiBUa
poaltiia
H^BhaiaiM',a, B^
HaaaaJaaa
iihaiiyioRmaiU. naaftmuaUHfth.
"" hia
paaidaBt
i^- Bia
pnapaala
la
Ornflca, lA, RiAiu
, , _.
Jia
pnaMcu
la On
anagia H,
tH. Saaka u aBJiara wiib
"" "
---'alUaBga
with BoBtlaitt.
"
",m, Chaiaaa alliiait ami
' "-
mnifRmat, araliaaaaf'm-iv
an, toakla,Um ua*
catirTlBf an tha war
IbpeiidliiJt
niMnn
ihM
Ud,
a. Fns-
" Bin
af
Row, ITS.
DaplMlTiK
of kia aehaaHt tA. Pet'
'
kaiTiifManliia,a. B.
rllh Boaa, 477. Hi* firat
aofaf;*-
Roiua laa^ "". Hia
eijHiitica
lata
IHriia,
O. Bu
proeaadiBcain "to1la,{A. Appnaekaf tha Riuanannv
Bad"rqrilaRlD"PliiUppi"a,4n.
Panau^ liul
errDn,
it. Bii iDbliatln aad Awhl rna Dlnm. t". AdnsH
af Haiciiu. tf.
NafotiatioB
tC Tama with Xaiiiam,
480.
TnatrwiUiaanli"n,U. HiaalamallhiaiipKK'-b
oTPaDlna with Oa Bnua vmT,i*. Ennnmaiit itflhi
liiiHl1"an"iaa,aidilafaaiorikaHaeadi""au,"". FUahi
of Panaoa to Pilli,IBl. Ha
Îtia
himulf
ap
m tka ftn-
PeTaia,t3". TKan^
Satijii|"tiiin nf tho Ind
ta
of,
m. Wiaak rf.
Pmiaii
innpa
of Alaiandar Ida
Gnat. 11.,tM, IM. Ha"
ear omftnad
tm lbs u"nn of,US. IM.
Faniani. Iba. i.,
m
;
and Had". il. Bnbilii* Aaia.nt.
lunda Fnosla, tU. At BanllKn, HI. At Dalpkl,tSl.
Laaaai of,XN. DaKnctioB
ci(
"7t. Fonaa
of,
at Sala-
J"aF"4op"ia"ai"a",MI.Hia
faaareaia,
"E
" wlih
Aiaailaaa.
W. HonaaMa^"n.
RuBBandai of Ihi
PaphUimiiaaa Oldai Xs-
aa of'naaaljr,aiiiiatiiltuiI* A"-
nwnt, imiBmtC,U.
**"
idaa,Iba (hat
pnaa
an
liaalaa,ika
Jmliiii
at, H.,
lib,wifa of Dananiu. ii..H". Jaia kar tilllaailta
UanyaiataSgnia,*). B"da bar Uk
bf priaaa,M.
PhiMai, "a Oiiakimanl,
i.,Ml.
PkilafM-aoaotiiaroflfaafiitnii of l\na"M, M^Wt
naUp aflUndaa, Ua adaaaiiaa at Thabi^
U.,
"1. Bk
okansMr.M.
liMinBnaawitkAtkaaa.H.
iMttMW
Iba pUiU, M, (Sl ^ Int ts aaMbUak a aMCH
mtmr,
W. Hia aaont
tntf
uUh At^mm,
M. Kna"
tbadtvtfPkflippl.TI.
Bia anadittoa la naaal*. O.
Rapton batnaa km aad OI:r*""L IM. TiawaaMw
lS.%la*
a.
Ml. Bia
ai.
Itl. HitMiriHi
igaUaa,IM.
HU
li,"). SjBWafnl(a,H
trktobnAar
"billp III., aoCH
tfUa taint
((".
. _-_
rnaa
ai Coaiatk,it. Botakaatbafla
of JCWIa, bn ta Urailad firaa bia niaiaa, aaa. rniup
at
ABbraeia,
O. la
Alalia,
"". AI Laiia^,
O. H
riiofmmiin,4U.
Ha
tajialaia ir"Fii^bia,irklok
Mia
hns bia kao^ ". Olbac aaoMAI aiMdItlaBak tt.
PhlUaalAtria,U.lotilpaa
of
ApallH,
tM. Coaî-
"BrnnBadtniiiatblii.at. Hia epamlieBa ai"lii"Wn
AiAuia, a.
Fbaip
at
TkoTMa,
it. Ba
laSaeaaUw
etadal. aad bgraa ika mttti bailAiaca,
it. Bu nlan
T- I iiaaaa."1t Faitbar anaditioaa,it. IWaokaijol
Apal1a",it.
Tk*"oaaalnsrcnubad.*n.
Moral
adkaM
Mlbaia troata
apoa
Fliilip,
it, Ba radHat Bylabalt.
WS. Pbilip ai
Artoa,
419. Pnp^Ktaaf
jnea
wiik
padiUoa nliat Blia.
""aa..4*4. HiaiMaa
KiitpaJ
Cbioa.m. m
Abidoa,441.
I
^^lldoainw]
iniiiaa,444.Ba
r*)acu
tha Dmml
lama. v
"d
bf
iba Romaai. and
nalwi,
tt. Sa tf
"an wilk Iba Boaiaii
fanaial.
440. Tba "
nt Ricbt,it. Tbraaiaalw
m-
Rapidilf
of bia
aiaxHKia, It.
(M, 4N. Ha takaa Bamea arf
" ialo Maaadeula, 440.
PhlNpat
:k
apoD
Albeaa,
it. Bia
daiâa
BaaiifaaThHumiri, ud thnm
41. Bi" DalMlaiiona with RaK-
"aaca cnalad ta kiai
bj Roaa. 410. Ha nalli
"a"ana
agaiaalAaUaakaa.4". BlaBllilUT
it. Bit
MBfuaK
In TbaaaalT, 4W. Ha
ss
IliaoipadilioB iaie Tknoa, it. HL
. _
loaTietlfli of Ika taih of DoBatrlaa, wbaa ka
pneona
a ba
poiasaad
at a baaqoac,
O. Bia
aabaaqjaat ""-
"anaoadiamnriBc blaiawoaBa.il. Blabaib,*!*.
.
-ilippi,(aasdiH orrii., Tl.
Philiiipia, tba.
li!,
iDl, III, 140.
"hitlpiHi*,
phpiaJaa
a Attiaadar ika flraat,D., la.
kilipina,
anaiawd
atrap
of iha
TlpparTadoa. ii., Uf, Ml
M04ii,tn.l...nl.nHlbTbiliW"aurioa.UI.^
Pkillppaa. fnarat of Caaoadoa.dariialaJC"cidia,ibabl-
"
Idac,Krka Mil la
ballla,
ii.
""
mmi Uupulni
Id. timt.Bt,l
Uiiir cmmalina wiih
Anli["Mr,ngudiii"
il
pgpuluiV.SDS^
ud NiemBur,tlO. [n lia
M0lril(1iu,ii"
11,13. .,ii"lJ,S3,
in.
itvu
FhnidftM and Eiti
FliiTrB,ii.,181. Anlinniii in,1
ni[iui,"lS.
VKL n" nnlu with FulnoME
Pbvmto, sjirruiuiKsT,i..MO,
Jll.
PhiWrlM. ii.,
"S.
flmlaphtnwi, aU^
of B/niua
~takIu, i.r^t
_.^D"iinn
of,U9.
rhj",u Anic wuu, pgnoDita Al]ull*,i.,m.
Ptitlioccapwd
br
Tluiiiliiiliia, i.,W).
nnHduotAleiHulBr, u.,
in.
rilllfiillhi
kutu of
Epinu,
li,, 481
Fiodu-.UwThtbH pii"t,L,
Jit. Uui
ctltbntMd br.ii., ".
Pinoj, ii., 14.
nraiu,
foniHalhra sf.i.,
ns.
AlttiinM, A. SiupriM
or,M1.STT. Thnijbaiiii
In,
HO.
nniboai, 1h" Lipitlirhit(,i,,
M.
Tttm.lerribUT of,i-,
tl.
riHuder. ttitSpiFUniJniTiJ.I., 44S. lawud olA fsll
S7B"p"rlrilAtluii".4SI. I"d"r"Uiwlihuh,MT.
riwii.
I.,
M.
'
PMtE, Ihi
Aifin nsH^, il., 48.
FIndH. ii.,11^1.
^""iMntldi,
fonni
Pimlnuiifc
'.
'""
unrofAili
"
nUm or,**.
_. , , . , .
Bii ilaih,
it. I" nicetaJwl lijhii wu, Ifli.
^"olliiin,Uh
BU"t", I.,
UO. Hii kImUjoii ud di
4K4S".
!" tamrdi^ I.,ITS. Tb" btf.
()" of.ITS. AlumH of
of,ir. SrofB of.ns.
riu"Hn".uuiap(i"fiha,'i., U8. PufaihBnt rfUw, tM.
'T^vt til
Anrf4.1-,
n.^
riu Ibr nnTiurropindnai U liiaBt, 0.,m.
rkno(UlaBiW,iL,4M.
aiulwii wilh
Pkillp
of Kmdoa,
a.,
tl.
PkiiBRbBi, bnlkn- of Cuwtdti,
Um bio Oat ia
"
"urn, Ii.,tU. Joiu Lniauhu, it. Eu tomml"
Plomrriiigi,
motprua al,
\.,
417.
Fliobsuu, kiB( of
Sfiuu, i. Mi. "Bwfiil updilH
Plu of
Ciiidis, 1.,UT. Of
DIbbu, ii.,III. Of lb
p*(",)38,
rim to laniriie Cbiv, i.,
481.
PlaUnih,
bio
doBtiptioi of Iha
SjwUn
twls^ (.,Ilff,
Anonu
if,
of the nnlnlioo tneud li ibi SpHiu
CooHltauon
bf Lrmifiii, IM. AoKdou
pnoaciHl bj,
437. D(UiU of.nupiclisr
tlu nck"m ii" Akoiudor
lb* Cent u B^lmu
ii.(m.
Pooln of il" Hoisiii Af", i.,IM. Of Ikt Crwl*, Kt
Lyiim.SIM.
P"u,iDlliiaiieoorilio,i]DnliniiB,[.,M).
'nafonaonef
roina in ibe looinplif o! AtoiudoHi muthu, Ii.,Mti
Polaios,(D offinr ofPoTiliczu.il
.
IM.
Polirjnrib"M""n".o kinn. i.,IK. Of iba (rruu,l"
BieniituidMann,NI. or iho
Tbinj,
4n!
orPbO-
yt
Fnlyaporohm,
Aloiuilai,WT. Of
DamoatkuH, Ml,
Ir,i.,IflB.
ooloBiaa,".,
101. CklDa of Ik*
Foliiiail
tnla, i.,
III.
Political""*" ofpTibanna, 1.,
1
PKlllin.Tbabin, Ii.,147.
II",144.
A.
Iiroofht
to a eJoar 1 PolTbi"ilM,ilIi
_., _ _. . ...
FoI"li]iiiand hia fritnill.ii.,4U1. Ar.i.mi
Uf,
ii.
"il"iiuit^"il, "i'.ciaiafLiI
hoDoiu
Po'îiim,
tun of.I..140.
PolidlM. a
Mamhmiaii cuuIb, hia daatb
Tbaaaalj,ii.,
HO.
Fol
jcrmufl.
ttaaxynnt of Samoa, i.,
IM. Bji
igaomluiou Ml, giT, HiidoWh,it.
Folidamai, li.,M.
Uii
traalT, IS. ".
Foljounui, ii.,lU. ArnoodufDaBoalhaiii
Fo),.p.,
" " - .. . .
ID
jdaîmn.
U8. Ida
DO in Tba""a]i
IB TbanlT,
ofiba
Albaoiaa",at PTlaa.in.
PoaitinD dT Grtece. "aoanphial.1.,S".
Poailioa of tba Cnak
usf, i"
377.
Pnilion of Iho
SpaKaoa. i..
III.
Potaolil, Uw
Sirscuvu'nnnnl.
L, 461.
Foiid",aii"
d(.i.,snl; Rondt itf. nt. aM^^,Ko,
PmrtT ami naulailoo oFSparte, 1.,
148:
PowarofPUlaiii;.
li
,
*M.
PgwCfDfnw
BiAon,
i.!'l-'*
FswMa(U"tiibaabla,i-.
ogle
PMalauBgnligTSparu,
i.Ti!
PlnazAdma of tba
AtbaBiuu^ . ,
"M SN. or ihriB,
"io. ur
Sf Sfi"n",4J.,
Millui7,i/Epbtm,
!
"ludn-, )TB. Put Liii
)r Crrn.
9tT. Rir tMtla,Ut.
L At Alhtu, "t..ISl. Bf
Al- ia
imiluiiaiiftlH rBdiI*,MI. Of
ABi"r"iu,nD. HiaUiT,
of
I"7nkBM.
UT. Psivu.MS.
PnnûlTU
tl Ihi hnoe
Uigi, ).,
89.
Bi^,
of Ik*
ApBTtvi khifa,1st.
Pmidanr* c"'ib* Olniilc guinn, i.,IN.
Pnuudar.
*,
ta Iha Uuna af
Alaiuutar, HtmlM, U.,tH
Pnttnnnu gf Pjrtliicgna,i.,llS.
Pratoiu Tor Wat
bf
At
Hsanîl.,
UO.
PlHaHJBlbaHaiaMAfa.i.,
BK A
aqwita dw,
A.
PiiBei|d*"fllH Sputu
ir'
"
2*n*oun u Spuauiia,
riraiiiJiugi aTBlia "fiiul SpaRa, i
4M. OfLnaiidv,4Tl. AcaiaM
"
47" AtB"nKl*,MS. At Swu, ii.,
11.
iHuaialaiu,
"t
AOmh, n.
Tiabnt,
if Ibt Tlwbaia,a" Tafa",
U.
In|inibu.a(tluAUiHitu,IM. Of lk"
AÂInmk
CanaeO, IM. Of Haul aa, MS.
I"TaclaHHlicia U iIh Idlwian
niBH,
II., 4M).
Pmala*. i.,lit. Daalh of,IW.
I""i"nia af Caa*. I.,
SIS.
IliniliaciH "" bnbodlan, I.,HI
;
lad ""
Proogaaliet eapiial
' ""
Alaianltr. Ill, II
Pndaiaa and madaialiaa Ulif Aeanuiami, J.,MO.
PaaMmfUehu, kJD(
af
Enpt, i.,IM.
hasbii,liat*
aid aamBdar " li.,Ut.
FwhiiiBa.
aaplieir
af
Aat%B"", H.,IM, m, Ml. ]
atbar Buriasa
VlalaaiTaad
LnlaiaehBB,
""""."
auana ihh aiaam
IUb acaiaat Bwlriaa. "L,tU.
ftalaayCnMagi. tta TkaaaaiWt. an af Aknâr aMl
"BTilf",
il.,
m.
Upaa
ha aidiHtoD """ Iha aaaaaa-
rioB,
bt aaaka laAn wlilk
Liaiollliaa, M. B" Bal- kan
AfaUiaelaa,W. H"
aampaaiaa
IniHcliia a"
kia
ana^liai, it. Ha lUk "ita Ib
' ~
". tthamba
il
AliaUbalaa,
it. Sarricaa
c^
ja
. mi.."f. " j"i""u ijapaipi^Ma- Eapaaae* a lUiq|itar
af
ATBbaiaa,
199. OMaiu EunK, *o.,
ia Ika
painUaB
"r llH
Maaaân
aiapn,
xh,
V7I,IM, UT. Ba
pata
ClaaBtaai Id
daatb,and anui bli lna"afa,MT. Ha
aaaila
Ophalha u
CyiaH
la atuek Tbiiabna, and ac-
faiiH pn
iiaiof Iba
CylaaafM,
U. Ha dafaalaIk* IB-
iHloaefB(rFib7FRdiRa",30(l,Ml. Oaiaa a
Tlcl"]r
(*tr Danalnaa aad Pitiua al Gaia, aid radiuM PkiB-
"Kia.HI, Bia iru uakal
Auiitwi*, Ml, HI. Ei-
pHthigiiu
Oraaea, oC W- Vifaroaa mawim,
Ml.
Ha basana Haliaaruana, i". H* takaa Curinib aad
^
OpmthM
ia fcria,M
F.
Ml. Bound
ba
bb
PbSw'
PaUie Dainna h
adbbb, i.,
iia.
PaUte
tttht
at Atkna, U.,
in.
FaaWmiMi if th* Tbrtoa, i.,Ml.
Iba nciiiibaaii, KM. Of Aa
pana.
IM.
'o7lk"riiuada.ia.
aSiî^ U
Faaiihwata la tM Harato A"*, i..W.
Pan, Iha iiuiialaf aitopila.U.,Ml.
Pari"aliaD of
Delaa,L. HO.
PBi*altofDailga,ii., IW.
Pfdaa,biriagad trfCmmtOn aad
OlnaplH, aoa
by IkniiH u nmadar, lU,m, M4. "lUa
af,
Ptrlaa,
Ib ba* af,eaMtalad ^
' " "^
"OH
af
NamiH, 1.,41.
af,MT. Bnaidai
at,
it.
PYTTbna, oa tha
dapoaitka
tactad
bf (llaaaiaa. Uag
of
IllTri*,
W niaaoia w tka IhroH
gfE^raa,
af.WT.
SaiJd*
...MS. Ia
Ud. Jalaa'
Empataoai
aaloor
dlaplajadat Ipau IB
tl|iBtu,(t. Ha I*aaat u tba cauK af J
muilT jar Iha aiasaUaB af tk* iiwy
batwaan Pialaanr
and DnattTlB*.IMl
BaaHkataiafiMiuakiBatirwilk
Ptdaair,
it. Ha nnlaa Ik* Iknat af
Bpiraa,
154. Ha
eaaaaao,
at Ua ittin if AJnandar,
Id miah apiaa*
Aalipatar,it. HadatacUaa
au"npt
as Ik* pan if W-
"IniBiihai la 4ta"ln klu, it. Caadilitaa
trpaae*,
A.
laaaaiairklalnTiMiTbjtkebm* "( Daauina, MT.
*^^ " ^" '"-
ekaUMuad
b^ hjitavckaB" lb*
âenL
""
,
to
aiafla*.****"',
aad ii
Tietanaaa,
it. H*
",
tS7. Ama" "iC.
a!'pBiiadr'ofUa
,
ISa.
PTTTkai
al
Albiaa,
MO.
â
eom-
rars:
tackad bv
LralBicrbaa
aaar Bdeaaa aad dtfaaud, M.
Ha vilkdiaw* hUD Bpim,
it. Ralam "/,le Epuna, ITO.
..__, ,__ ._.,
i,aadlBiadaaM*Bad"ia,
faaanl
"harafu
Pylkacataa,
Onakwhr
terifbi*)
,
Ha ia mBDdad, ITS. 1
aiama at
OlTmpiB,
111.
.
UUkrfhb
.
Tbabit
Pj-tbifoiaa, Ik* Spartan ailBinJ.
Pylliaiaraauat Tbd
Pjlkaa*, Ika UsB-kai
PjFtkaaa, bia apaaak i
hnMBia, U.,tn.
Pjlkiaapa"aa,lk*,il.,
IM.
Ûaa,
Iba wifa
af
Aiimtla, U..
174.
^tkadom. hia
arpaditiiia, i.,
W. Sulia atulkBiad M
kin,li.,MO.
PjFlhaa, il.,
78.
HlaqiaadiinTiadkMiiaof PkiUpVei^
'-"a, 113,141.
IUBipUaa,lk*8putiBanar,t^SH. ZipadlllBo^
Ml
Kuaailt of tka Bana agauadan, ii., 4TI.
BalUtath* gflha
tiaatj,
ii..lU.
Rataata in Lanania. br
PkikipaiaaD. ii.,4U.
II"a"SoBa(aiBMIb*oli(anbjalAtkaiu,l.,4M.
OfaAta
in Spana,ii.,nt,
- ""
-^
.,417,41
UllfDClll rLTaiaHCkDB.dl
l}fl5"D*ITin*.li..llT.
ju* of AdEMln f.,MI.
maHnlalRhaiium.fll.
Oflbaa"
unapa, J]-,
X9a-
ttararan
of
Salaaii*,1.,178. Of Maadt. Vj Nleiai,MB
OrTenma.bTCiUDa.SOT. Of Bahrtan.br S*laac",U,
HO. Oibitlibanr,brLrBiiui"bp".U".
.
BadaoIoB aad diamaiabaisnl af Maaciaaa. it.,II. ""
OtjntkBa, tl. Of Pkliu, it. Of Cotinik,Ml; Of M"
,glc
'
"wir"ii,i.,WI. BrAjri*,ii.,
uAilitiii.i..
ISi.
Sftb*
KaJaotioBolibK profnwtJi
for
p4i0" by ']1"lTV^ L.,"B0-
BdMflllflK'W tb" "rnrml of Niuchai, iL,SSi.
Il*"li"at Ihg cliHH under ThiHDi, i.,]T1. Of till
colaniei to Ihn m-mnl iIm^l KHL Of Souta ta L^ Aek^
sirfst'"
lUlMM of lh(
1
Xdlaf af tlK A
B.liriiiii
T" Ukin "!
SjAuctarii
I Aitie
puuatrfp
i-i1^^- ^'
uP""lu(im,i.,"a. bfl"n"ci".
Hinlily,
rnmnini teHrHB, M
lUptti
ttifedB
by
JStcbiBfi
Hfpnbasrib* Tlubaiu.
i
(Xtha Aihei"iui".4H.
n. Of FcdnpaTokcq,
S
BanitMiiiiiof
Sputa, i,.
1
Bh'iUDU of XlhTcl-, i.
JtnUnlinB of Piiiltnlni
m. Of lb* ]""
"lilu, ii.,9Tg,
OfihemndiTiiif:
Spvu.i.,lH.
or
ChiMlmH,
lU,
."M,4M. OfCrio",4g7.
Of Aid-
ul"ruPh"Hici".ii., ]". OfAloiudnlDthaHjFdM-
rH,MI.
Of AlaiudirUSuÛJ.
Of DHin"h.."
to AtlHBi,nr. Of Aninaiu (o (bg
-
Itawt
'
m. orth"ceiu
"pan,
CT. Of I
Eftturnof Lj'cargni
Xlnun al
Of Alciu
]UT"I""HI^rth"b"
Snian of Uu F(
IM,
Slf"of
AUumiuu "D
Xgin
'"T
"bt (lalau of ihg
liD
buiim,i.,Si.
ion,pcnodio],
of th* fawi
%imV."-
~OrSvux,Kr
ooTnt. Of Hod*,
I8d. "
HiMM ik Of XbodM (Mb Aihi
4ie. Of Dm Wmutb "Urua. ii-.
. _ .. "
"^
OfSotanu
i,,
MS. Oftbe AtboDiuee
("ii""ciiil.,Il,T3.
Of tb" AcbMB U"gB", *7*.
l"ohofH""l..""i.
r"'"
" """
a". Of
sjdDB, iTi.
_
u.us. orTb.h",
Ut. OfDnHtrtei,
UT.
*- '
-lu (AMd at Sput* br
Ltcib|v,
i.,IM. Of
a,
Wl. In tkt cout of FMidt,W.
AtMwnn,
-
Arfo","t:ir.,
"". At Albao^ i.,
4M. la
i^^ AI Sputa,40D,
tW. AlMna",MI.
",(ba,i,
110.
noaptun
"ifAlejbiadu
a^ i.,
111.
ItlMaa of
Biîaduw,
ii.,"a.
.
FoAttdattcaof,471.
__ja,
du Cntu
t . . .
Bbod","Tiilte^fnn
Atbwii,i.,MS. Fmadit
Uâ
oi:
bj
DauMriu MiorraUa, li,.Ma.
ouoa tf lb" atTiMoS wnt. and
di^.
Ut. Tba
am,
"""IpMi*,patatiivi,
and fdifiaaof,
iw.
IUmhu, tba nchiniil,
boiUar of tbe Tanpl* of Hart at
Sana, i.,
MS.
Km ofa nav diatinetioD
imcoff
tbo i
"* of Lb* AchiwB l-auDS,
il,IT
Kinli
"a,i!r!w-''
Xonun iinhaiaiu,ii,
tnT
EnbiHr in Onaca, Ht. To
Ik AabaiB
Laina, M4.
Xomau aBTDji
la noimlr, iL,U9. Ta Pmona, (Tt. ta
Gi"u, 4rt.
Jl- pntut
fir
"!, iL,440.
iUaaa
pnniDOa.
Oraaaa
*,
Ii.,4U.
Knwn tfibnMi, udtb* Spaitanaphon,!,,HI,
li^B^pngnat^lboiluiuialtilj.ti,
lit. VImi if
^m
aiaM num. ii.
f
wjfll*
af Alttrry ""
PmuHdinn uaiiiM MaiMdiaua,lU. SncaeBH* aid "-
"naa,
Ml
Thalr aunok OB Phil^sad" FlamiDia
StljTBbna,litt:* of.""-.HI.
*^*rapia, tba nfltrala of AUxaadar T*
AiJaa
"tf,
It
Babylaa,iBfvriaf
it
("of
Atid",i.,H- m
JHW,
-"
-oe.MT. OfIMhiB,ni.
iûuimo.
MC or PliliDi,ii..II
or Maibona,
M. Of Sri
"nbtn, H 1
OCByaat
- " '
Of
M^t, }rCiii~,MI: Of
,
Of
1"",
Jl" AUwDlu real
oTtlM Auia
Hty,
it. Via
*nr
uid It* Uwi, IW. HI
M tapenutiut trtaabr.ia
Otmlhin
ifOmo,
Ml. Cimw oriainf .Hi w"itii"n,tt. lUMU
It tha uoMn of Afii IT., 301. BIM( tf
A(ii
I*
fcrini"bBiitk
IhoHiih nfiott,
^
Tmrwnr want if
ti.
ilwiHMUif,4M. Bufitiinwitliih*lcbKiK.il
B""jB|"i"i
jf SpMU by tmcfmota,
O.
Fi"iHili""i
1h,MS. PutiM is Sjiw-
i.,lU. TribM, 111,981.
""iSuiS^.'' PanlTup^^gaafrii
I^SSôiy ud
ae"ytW "4 U.,
M.
4puUBiaMitiiliiH,ali4BiR"r,i.,lU.Ti
Hob]n,l)i. AwBtiUw^tl"p"rl",i".
*(.
XiM*,W. t|iiian.lU.G"iu"1ei__
"**
"----WIN. Millwt.ft. Siftmsf
-\ ,_'
^
*"7""
"""f,lH. Wh
diifU
"1H.U..IIT. IMnla^teaaf,
-K, aimp
of
BaliflMi, ii.,nT.
ur, aalrmp
of Anuk
"'
WIT, i.,]"",*
"uUdu,
1..II
""l.llUBMb
u Sepiii,i..
Stw "tfIhi Tn^ wir, i.,TS-8t.
OrFsl7(AuH,lti.
Sinbo, ihi
Hwnplwr, L, U.
Stniutm 2
TbwiMiKlK, i.,MS, IBL Of Aitea, OK.
S)mu", i.,HJ. K5, 418,Ut, m US.
Sri"i"wTiin cf DtDHiriu
to,u.,
UD.
arrow, iiii( of lh" TrilKlliaiii, ii.,lU.
fîrui.
uid uid dawiU "f Owlniii, or lh( H
cf Altudu Jn
th*,tl.,m.
sJwilHofJhWt,
i.,IM. Of
Sputa,
IM,
T.
Tutiot, inUitMT,Snuftan rrUan at I.,Iff.
TuiTn^ tenU oC "-I
"
Tasagra, baola at,i.,ID!
Taraiu, amnl of
Cym
IteiK'
Tuilai.
kiiif
sf
m. jRinltfAlnndar.
dn oBtk*
UpiHT ladni.II.,W.
I" Pndiab.
KOjtbi
tki alliasDtof Alai-
II Ml" rorui, ii.| tn. Bawanitd b" thi Wmriln
t"ci")a"iir,tB, tn. MI, ITI.
Tarntaa, a elaia (f maiutaiiii ia
Gnaog, 1.,40,
'FuH,"ubMwHD,uidSpaKa,l., 147.
r"ina"dftut-
"- "-'
3un"riaa)"Mi"MBtliatutiouaC,il"lT..
llafaicUaTlubauatiU.,
U.
nOât,
TafTia,
batik
^Ji,
U.
Takbiwi,
liia'fabM
"""" of Uu
Ma,
].,M.
Talaclu. Idu of
Sparta,i.,
I4P.
""iMlUa,til*
poatM,
i.,Ml.
WkHphgni, aian "d,10 PtldMuiini to
IDlkw etUH
-" "
*" "-" " -" "
I,
w raiopomiaai t
m.
bnltolâi f,ii., _. _. -
_^ ,
jadplimdemlllia tamplguOljmrfa.m.
T^niiaa,i-tT".
iuTnwi4
Pirn, S7T. EiHiUUon
of,
"^"H
Olnihu, ii.,II. S*ewl
o*aii"i|B
oC It.
ijriliada,
tlU
inaaaTV. i.,
tTT.
Taap*, Aa nl* of,
il, n. TIh Onab at,
SH.
TaB|d" ta tha Banis AaL. W.
Ta",llwoiniicUi"f,i.,"oI. KabuiTor,IsFhillp, ll.,IIdw
Ttadaiier gf Ox Orxb la
paaniillacliiii,
L^H. ttHj,
iaJttliaa,
nCtba itauilu a natimal
oiuoe,
ITD.
TaiuHa,
kin. ofSid", u., ITS.
Tsni, tHliBtT of,
lo hiilip,
ii.,
1S8.
Tiiibinu, tlw
Min^l.,
Ht; li.,KT.
T*HIIiB,lbatrniili"rBIiiun,l.,"TI.
'--
-l" poal,i" "".
Or"ki,l.,*ST.
TioDbatia,tna of."".,
397.
~
la, oaaB
et DlTria,mmatiti iUra il Oa
|aii*n"
law lU, M. KiiultjaiJ
wailS*
evtntlaw " ".
ibaitM u tbi Bociaiia, "M.
la"ofMilaHit,H"di"tiBruabiaHM"tBfU"jMliH|tr,
naul,"i*nof;B-."I-
, ,,CoO"^lc
r^tmnm,
a* tjtat rflfapiM.^..
KT.
n"u aitoi. nunrrn rfOi, li.,II
TIhI" palitto,
11
H
1"T.
rtrfdia,!.,"}. Ananrt of,"n Pl"
R"nata(*
"" " -" _. .. -1 "_
"H de'lDCTad
by Ibi,
W.
TkaliH, lefiiUtliin
al Pfailtliin
tX, i,,IsT. Buqut it,
tit. TmtT bWwHB,
ud
Aiû,
Ml.
P)ttu|"iT"" at,
ii- la. Dsliiirua gC, I*. BipsdiCiin
of ArHiUn
"Ibi,
n. lubBIJoi !"'tlM Sund Bud
W,
fl. Si-
ôdad
from t)H
tnaâf naa,
W. Thi
ti)iigi""U"7.
1 egililtn
uiiuLM.
"ni)KU
nC lUiuicii with. 111.
Nrtka bC W.
KHJt
of, IM. DntnetiiMi sT IBS.
Budifs of, ITt. BatTilHiii of,
t". Rnoll " SH.
VH"d bf Dmttrioi, n7. niniauiiu u, MT.
"
^"
'-'
-'i"
rfltalntriTr.
*1".
tf,totlH
Prrieo of,lA.
''"
vitkÊai
" ""if^r
riM of,I
Ham. Bwl. Biilo
la,
u.
PHii*.l". Il"Ub""*n.
" " "
,1".
E
mticiil
poM, 1.,W, Bitncti
?a
Bpnti, an. Biili III,
it. loai
^""-htn. vnoiif.tn. BumEum
or,let.
Ih tb" Mn, i.,
1A. Di*lh"rfri4T, IW.
Tk"""r?H"Hal.
1.,91.
nooiHaur. th" Urut of Sun, i.,
ML
TbHaoBpu,!.,
lio,
ua^ ii.,1B,1M.
TkonwH*. i.,441 Douhsf.M.
nflrVBflB*s,lhopnBukiBdarof ths
otifutMcaleen"ptncj
4U.
qjMntiau
of,4M, 49S. Kpptnti
ibi rnnmoB
"KBr
i"a
"cciiHR el ihi Atbsniin tooonk, 41" Bm-
hwy of,480. Impochngu of,
487. KmnlkB i^
ii.
A"u,orp*di'lioiior,i., I1T.
Tkamopyla,
LHaidu
It,
l.,tH. CoBbitatiB. IîHp
"pala"l fiom, ii.,
US, DafoE* of,KT. Dodiln lianl*
llianiu, PliiUpU, "i.,411.
Thmi, m umiiJ Hmal"
,
1.,IS. BiiAof,
Tt. Pnat-
"M (^ U. LHud
sfW
adnDnm f
~
C(iHc**iM"d^]ifail*Auka,171. Ir-'-
naâ,
dHtnotioa " ii"
N.
ttiipLii,4hiIi of;
hi Fanii, it, i
Thiiiii,
ilia
soal,).,tit.
T^MMlfiai."Ifntigv
"t.i.,III.
_
MHUIk(,IW. PTvuuleniof,
Ul.
n"ati"Ia, Buriaia of,vtUi CtiaudR,
TWmIu, a Onak
acur, li.,191.
TkaiialH, ifai "balaaa
pncaBiua
of Ika
111. cKsncUToT,m.
nMWlT,t.,n.
DJTialou eC 34. Trwa i" tha
Fala^-
Ma tL 41. Tba Ailiaaa
In,
M. Tha DalilH faTM.
Tka
IskiiaBa
la. 63,
M. âitica] diniioB ol, IN.
Hank "d BnaMaa
ihniiith,
tn. A""ilnic ia, MS.
MtfttjiU^
Kiaaiiliaa af
Palapidaau, 44. but-
4idaB of
PbilipW,
ST. AOaiTm of,
ih.
Arrinlaf
^
lanaolllt *ad Cl"nilrr in,
344.
AolbcritT of
ilaa actaowladn4 "n, tti. PhiUp la,4M. AA-
of rUlipiBtBilM.Coiatlntiao sr,4M. Bohs
f.l.,Ul.
Saatbi
HarpaluiB Cnw,
ofruiiB
".y^ll.4U.
nialaoo, aipadldHiof.I.,
Ul. Saatb r" STB.
af,at Cnaaa. ttT.
TUni, ottaUiihauat of
[ht,
DtaaaHioaa
taaat
tlio.4M.
bat of Iha
Im^ of,
tKM.
âtaa of
Lariva, i.|171.
M,
il!,
118.
SdlflT of tta, MS.
sflba.tM.
D"-
"/tlM",lM.
110. PUltpîipaAtJai
idltla
to,
111.
PuUtaj
ftnlOeatioB Id
tha,i.,
U". Cadad
lôfllia,
i.,4","T.
M"Hoa
of,
to nnc
lirlhaBi
rf"We.
nneydidia,
aiB of Hokriia, hta
i^tiea]
a^
ailittiTM"
livand bf Iba Conmoaa ud Cbriathus aiahaa" laaa tit-.
I9, al Atkna, il".
EiilaîSf.W
Thuii,
Albaalan
00)007*^ "'"
311
ThrmaAana, ".,
45B. Aolhina
of,
tn 1
TtTiDMaa, Uan of Auioa, i.,110.
Th7"a, oaptora
"
1,,
174,
Tiniia,iiaiai|ii uriiiii, i
.
fltn.ii.,tfT.
Tioaa, tho
aoMi, InnifHa of,vlth A
TiiaafoiM,
I.,M4, 4M
; H.,
47.
TiaanAiu, l.,4"T. Trial of,il.,1ST, 1)8.
Tiitfditr
W
P""a,
ii.,470.
TiBoeiaer
("tbo
obiuiî.,
197.
Timoonua, aiiaaionof,to Oraooa,
i.,Ml.
nuonoB of hlTlaa, a Bbodian
poat,
lAanatar "( A*
wrilia(aof,i..WO.
TiBataui.iMl.
Tba CotintliiudopBtr,
aM.
Tfauaaaohu, tb* Alhaniaa faaaitl.ii.,TT.
T"iDMlM"a,"naditiaor,l"alaWaa^ti.,M. Tiialaf.M.
Xapilaa
al Anphipalia,M. Canqnaalaa^
71.
1Mal(4
M. Daalkof,!*.
TMdaMi,
ganraat
of
PonapoUi, li,,
MS.
TiaaBBoii^
Um naal oaMmwd dinim ia QiMOa, i.,STI.
Ti"jilinaii. ^(Htatiaau oC w tba
|
aînl af Aa
^*wltbLâ""aHO(borSpai"
'
IntiiBaflrof.wilb AldbiadH.
441.
.
PiaaBd*i,44". liuniawoC, wiiblba
"
a,
440.
Potter-""
'" "'
i,
mlb"SrP
,
Ua dolVnsa of
Bpbaaoa,
4M. VImi at.
._.
with a miinri Sm Aituama,
1"7.
Aaecf"laJ
tba
Gnaka H Srtaoa, 138. iBWrriaw
af,
wiih Claaicbais
Ml, Amialiea oiad*
br,
wilb DarerUidK. Mt. Tne*
HBcladailbT. wiUf
AnaiIaiu,U".
EiaealioB
0^,SM.
Ttriaa,ajpaditioBof,
uâloa,
i.,4(B.
TitbTaBiUi,
noooiaai of
Tiaaapbonaa
is Ua
mat-rtt """
"pof CoTBamia.
^,171.
iviBiiaaa, oxpaonm oa, 1.,
101. D^b af.
In,
'I^âfCâ,H..I03.
Tansa, aaniiia ol;I.,
183.
Itaaamy ef;387.
Taruia i/PbUoMa, ii..SIS.
Ta"inaofBpinH,Binaaa at,il..4SS.
TncaaoftbaFMaîaubilliaaaalr.l.,
43. OflkaFI
"iBfaaaiBlbaO"aklac"adi.tft.
Of HuXbaiam ia I
i7ib(4ofj,
81.
tho
Bjgptiaa
i^
a,
11.,110; aad dolaat of Ha*-
Dafoan Alheu md Aipia, tB^
rllIla,44B.
WIlhAlt
""
Tbabaa and Albaaa, Ml. Bat"a"
Spana, 11.,SO. RatMnliaa of, ill. Batmaa Atbai*
and Thobaa. 14*. Of
NanpHAni,
4SB. Batnaa Kom
ud U" iEKiHaaa. 431.
O^
Philip
with
Koaa,
418. IX
Spaita with Ifahia,4tS. With iba StoHaia, 481
TrialafKpiBii)aadaa,ll..4t.
Of Polopidaa,
it. OTIbUo-
niot,
81 Of
UaoiUaa.
171. Of Potrnntea, SU.
Trlala-pditlAl.1.,911. For ITnaaoB, li.,114.
TtiboBof the Halloole
aatioa, l.,B7.
Whiefa goapoaadlba
AaiphlATOiilc Laana. IM. Tha Losiaa,
IBB. Aa
WrUD, ""l. Tha Ab", 170,
983.
TrlEanak
u Athau,
jnar
of,1.,184. MMnaJilM 4^
TtibiHa, ItII"
a.
t^ aad tha
SpaiUB "fh"a
Matanl^
iilnu,ii.,IOL
Tnuj
cl
fMtiimtl,a.
" npanu.
"I'W-
TW Mlnnnaii,
HI.
TrBui. urriMT of.i.,". Tha Dmim ia,
UT.
Tn^ mr,
i..
fa-ea.
Tniubl"iiCanirn.i'.SU-
M STnesH,
MI. Dmaitie,
"r
PiMliii, u^
M.
T^1UIaKirlliin)r)rHn,L,10a.
BalwHiSputciiHlAllHH,
W4. Dmwhb Sputaud
Aigca.MI.
WJtkTuivlm-
at,
UT. Wltk tha Muiimnt.
ii..
Ml.
TisuliirMllani.j.,
U*. In Atbru,
"".
TyilauL
(ha ALhiniui rmmmalt i.,
184.
TinniKsl
dTDUti**,
Jn,L,
1SD. IW.
TjwiiT.aHniiof.i.,
IH. OTHiHHU.lM.
OfUahuH,
"iîiiEi"ulB,40a.
'
' '
"
TrrwucfHaiu*.!.,
IM. Of Sk7"B,U.,M,
U.
Trnnta, pulicT
ef
llio,i.,
1M.
^n.
i""ct
sf,Ii..
IM. atonn of,
in. Xatiuia
iL In
Aualai,)*!.
AwmblT
u,
tW.
T^riuBH.
ii.,m. IN,
lit.
'^TTOi
kfflbd
a(,i.,01-
AJtnHln
u BmbjiiK, ii.,
fU.
"'
TwIMnr
nf
Pfrttam,
Violent jmtingi
ViMil hi
EIUUHI, .
t PlluflU
RilMl, i.,M.
"BM, i,,
I4i, of Uh AiliniiiH,
IM.
u.,UT.
OriîH"i"n.rSici"iu,4".
L sonnning
Philiii^powa,
ii.,
110^
et lh" TlKbuu u Tft,
iL,N.
I Bou, ii.,
47S.
War,
ait oT,I..
Il". Th* AcIibbb,
leiaiaatla gf,ii.,4".
T1i" Mvxihmiaa,
WT. The Social,
iir w.
Vfan, IhaTliahan, i-.
In. Ths Trt^va^n.
!!"""" of,
8V.
OCSpam.
Willi Ann
and
Amilia,
IN. TIh Iru Mii-
a""Jan,ltO.
Tha aKiad M""HBiai,
IM,
147. Batnaa
Sparta
aMl T"(H.
I1T, Thn flnl Sund
war,
IM. B"-
Iwhh Amha and Blii, il..
91. Tlia SoqW, "I.
St.
TtHSicnd.
IH,
lit.
Of FliiloiMliiiwitkAiBphiaa.M.
SîwHB Phihp
add Olinlhui,
109. In
Cniu,
MT.
WrihibaRhodiaaa.^nR.
Cinl.
in Nacadoaia.
lU.
B^
"'wKhKaM^
'Winii^grNinu.i.,
4ie. 'MAi^m, ff,
4M.
Waakaaaa of
Spans,
ii.,M.
Williniia.1i(a
of Alanadai, bj, iJ.,MI,
MO. Att^ at
"W=ai.B, tha Spanan.
iTlSrîi
Albmiaa,
IBl.
Woadarfal aiploili
ami
aacapa
of
ArijlMaaaai,
1- 141
WanbipiaihaHanicAaa,
i.,H. OCB*nii,"T.
WmiBf,
Ika an af,i.,lOT,
IW.
XaalWalaa,
tin Onak fanaral.I.,HA
XaaUippiu,"i"fA"ii"kaa.i.,"IT.
BHiafad
Sarta,
KS.
Zaniai.L,
H8. Mbiu if.Is iHHiaa
tka Btaaai "i Eb"-
la. MS,
Xananaiia.
tha philiainbar,
Platanli'ichuaalar of, iU
in. MiwiB of. to Aclipalar, aouanua(
tba Kasda-
Xanophanaa,
taaau of bU
jiUlwipT,
L, Sit.
,,
a
of
C7nia.Ml. .._
draaa of,to Iba Graak
aricr,
MS. Endanmirnd U
oafD-
liataaiiiioa'itlitbaCaidilobiana.MS.
FFtgaclof,
HS.
Finwi*. of,
"0.
tania,
i.,
B1. Aonaaiaa nf,
US. InnaJoa of OiHKa b.
MR.Hl. Kipadilionof.lil. AdnBi"of,"ll.
BaDaal
of,
107. Harder of,
IM.
Zaaa, taiHili uf hia
philuaophj,
i.,tl-
Zsul|ipaa
and
tba Homao laiiala,
ii.
ZopTnia.tnacharj
of.i,,Mt
Zmwlar,
oedi
i^lan
b^, L, US.
APPENDIX.
n atalut,i.,
S8T. Pianaontln i","
. .
bra, f
wi(|Tap1nr
of,Ii.,SOI.
Araopaiaa,
pniaad'd powar ol,i.,IM
Ailwia,
Cnaatiuiu* of,
i, 900.
AalbararthainlHnai
CluKvaa agaiaat
Paiidn, l" SSS.
Cbsrlanaa, fnnnaa of,il.,Ht,
Caodaal of Hiliiadai ia Iba Scrtbian easpa^B, L,
M
UlaliMntlSD
of Iha
Thirl7
al Alhaaa,
L,
tttT
DariBi, "nibhu" cwBniitB
"I.UUL
Daeraa afOBBBOiiiia.
ClM
KatBlaaa, Iba alia of,
li..9M.
nana al Salinii. i.,H4.
faaoa,lb* banla af,ii,.MM.
lOWMlar, ranlatinian
pvM*
" L,
M.
Milliaiiaa,
Iba oadurl of,
!"MO.
OlTilblaca,
At trdar of
tkt,ii.,
BOI.
Paridaa,rbai(aa
aniaat. i.,
901.
Pacaiia giiaa,
Ibaiii., Mt.
fli|iliaai.
Iba
rack,ii.,Mt.
Spaitaaanir,
tha,i.,in.
"panaB Usolilalioa,
Lba.1.,MS.
"swiaa Iflba*.
aaaibar af tba. L,
SO.
naMMaalaa, BUataiaa
"r,i,
ML
n,gti7cdT:G00glc

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