THIRLWAIL, IK TWO VOLUME VOL. IL NEW-YORK: PUBLISHED BY HARPER Jc BROTHERS, N". 83 Cliff-Stiikt. n,gt.7ccT:G00glc n,gti7cdT:G00glc TABLE, ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL, TO THa "BOOHD Toutm or THE HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAPTXR zxxvn. Smrlawolfta'Iaamrtiimt .... MT Fealtiai if Sputa U iIh Pua s( Aatilddn "* y"/^* llKMb"*"-lt"diiiittai" iDd DtaBm- Ml SputulUnAnncaUFhliu" JaalourefB|"i" te t"jed uuDst OlnUms .... IbMdaui lEnamid *ijOlfnihu m SpAxta d"onH Wur Afviul OLjiillLiia--J1uiAidbB CaoHqimi PTDCHdiiwa u Sjiuti"BiptdltlaB of Ml TalBDtlu afuait OfynUiu" Svcxvd CaBpufn tee Bl* I""th" TUld Cunpufn ud ItoUh erf A(r "IpolLt " flLna of Phlim ..... m DslvU*" RiActiaiaf PUlH ud CH)vtl" CHAPTER XXXVlEt nw FowvT of Spvta mJmiMtipf " PtioffUaa Hkd ftrtSMgrnaum TtabM L"OBa"jM"rfAwhiM . AMiprua of Ibg T^bu Eiilaa itDfBptedr RsTiTal rfOa Alhaidu CoertdmoT" Eijadltim tf AHrilua ifahut ThaUi .... Xn amxmSbf^a"m'JAr-i)tia .... m hMlntuBoCtlwbendBuulatThibH" Haitlo of Nub" Eipidibim sfTim("lwiia Wwotfi Iha ITS YlitDir (f th" Thabui HU T(fT'*~C*"Bl"^ n" tu HOI U Phi"" Stu* of TEhhIt IiimrfPfciif HitPlim Ttmij -irllh Polydt- Paua bMinMi Allmi uvl Sputa" HoMmiha TTI ra"amd " Mmnlppu in Cor^ra Wm Dafiat aziilDsalli" Di^taca ofTiaiatliaai" Eapaditicai oT IphicnlH Damuotiia of Tbupia ud FlaCaa ITl NacotulitHi Utwaan Athiu aid S|wia" Tna- tr of Poacs" Tliabu ticlsiW bom Iba IWat; CutnnbTvtBt at Lcactn^VinDiu and Omau BaitlaarijiDaia BipadltioB of Anihidamu" iaioB^ MadUtion . CHAPTKR XXXIX. C"B(iaia at AlhoDi" Ralinildui(of Mintima Aillalail Slata o( Palnpiiiuiiiai Pnjasltai the nsliinat Anmdia FotaadatloB of HacalofHlia -" Aicadlaa Goutita- Btnfrlaa batman tha Facticni at Tana . . . ITS E^^tioD of Anailau-Tlia Theban in Palo- "M p"Btana laradoa of Laeouja" Dafl(ai of Sparta CoufiiiaEj Dnulwd by Afaailau"Ratiaal of tha Toaadio^: of Haiania"'PapBlatiim c" T'liim '. lUoaat of Iha Thabana Thai nf Epaaiundaa and Palorldai. , CHAPTBRXL. irf PalopidH Is SOT Tiotorf of ArciudamaB " Gmiui Enibai MI Conftaia at Thabaa"Huid BnadiUoB of Epaa- Tymit of Sii7"i-1"oK^nd at 'Hiobai '. " AthBDi dani'rvd cf Oropu " CorintEi 4a4imb erf Paaoa" Tha AmhidMina of laooataa "" M4 Biaca "rfCnnnaa-Baltl* of Olrm^ Ml Diaocfd iiacaui Iba Areadiaaa" Vjulaal Ilia irftbaThataai al Taiaa . Mt Cf^tioa Bfaist ThalMO-Daalfa of Pahndaa- CHAPTER XU. Rarlav (rfpaal Emti .... Fnapaoli af Giaaea" HMadoila udar Pofdlesi n." Aretaelana" A Patna of Iha Aita Amnitlu 1L" AlaitaDdai II. ... PhiUp iaill u a Huatua Ig TTlsbai Fnilliicum." Philip'o Edacation at ThabH CHAPTBR XLO. Impoitaaea of Au^poUa I AHampU cpfAthaiu ta rvxrm it . " I MW CharidoBU of Omu " Tiaaotlwiii T^oliad at AmphipoUi I Ue Philip aiakn War " AmphipeUa-Saont Nafa- Philipla^o8i"ga to AnvhipaUa" FaQ ef AsqAiP* UT CntaaUofPrdaa" Philip fihaiPoUdH Is blra- Rantal and Growth of thi Alhai CcnquwroTl^noChaai" Pn^aetot Bpai Alaxaodar of Pbena" Pinoj " EBpb] -Tha Qtaak Cat^aOitti of IpUouaa" Daath af llBoUiaia n,gti7cdT:C00glc ANALYTICAL AND CHBONOLOGICAL TABLE. Suit .lib bii Duudiiiu" ^IIlI^U DefMU 14 BpflechiniQi^ llw Lnw of l^ptinflB"Sf"flchon Aaphii^tyunic DscnH a^iait Sparta lad FbociB " DelnhiiT"Mur,LBd.ng"r . . . . ' KI niiloii..U.-SBUM fatlphi" iii. Wai with Am- Hh VindioUion of hii Ci DtlMt uil D"alh ar"yhi""uj ofAlaiudtraf ud Olfiithi 6^"Kt of tliBAiml Philippic- Lair of EubnJu " Philipboaivj of PharUu^AIIun of Pol- of Dam'ouhaiiaa i^ Bthilf itf Ills bglWHii Philip T lb* Proticbfim of ["*iii"lhgiio" . lonuia-Bii ortlu lilUdt tU luacliDS" Sptach of II Itt TCoTjTilhiaiu aak S"IS fr^m^/lh^' ! Spaochoi of Damoathenta " Sacocd Embuaj tma MT atnra it"?aaClTfti"" at Dinm CHAPTER XLrr. Oleoma" Takea and da loa-Philip'iFoUoT1! " Oraticn of DamoatbaDBB (A tha Pnoa , -I! H5 HatotiuiiHU ia FalopaiiiiHM - 1! I" Paitisa al EUa" Alhmi- Partiaa al Athani Bip"dit!""i to Btf ilUHB of ttia Tnannb)" OflAPTER XLVt. Philip'aExp""il)imto Sc^tiia . U pTDcavdion of the AmnhictjDnlaCcriineil . . U "^-'" "-'""ica-Philip aaiiiia Elaua ' ' ' '" f PflftCo"Coilrtaai al UT Philip^ EkpaditiDD in Palowmiwi Munagt mth CliyatT*" UiiDs " Piiodania" Ptninl u Sga . . . U Philip Mardand " Supiiacv afuut Oljmpiaa Philip^ Characlar' '.'.'.'. U CHAPTER ZLVIL AlajJidart BdoatiiB" LaaaUaa ud Ljtimm- ehea-ATiauHla If Ptnod of bit luuoQOJw witliAkiuidu" Alai^ DifficulliHof Aluudar^ Poaitio* '" Pmpantioiii CHAPTER XLIX. M Alauutor croawa the lUlleromt" nin" . 17 BaiiWIhoGruicin. . '" .11 Efhnua .... , . . . 1) a Casrwliida- Taiaui" AleuEitai ud hii Ph/d- Aptnoach of Dailu" Hanb lo laaaa . .11 KuTBiDiau of Uuina" FiaM of BUUa" BiCtIa ct ,'v, Google' ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. CUAFTKR L. II of Dulu" AluudaiN Baplj " a Siefe^Tjn"""" I'nifimli al Duiu" 3l"p at Gia"Jinu U Hmicb to EgTpI~Fmiid"Iiini "ilUHudni Ouu of Ammon"Onclf of Ammn GoTDrnmanl of ^^pl" Katim to Plun Hucb thiuugh HwjBlunu Baule of GinfmiDBlA .... sasia!.", 10Hush ud Pluirf Dmn " AUiimtw utt ant I^EcbHuu V Xkhi Eotuwu"FanKd Muck to ShajB" FlM I" DtfoU ud DiUh of Afii I OUPTER LII. Ipiril oT Olrspiu" Tke AriiapJuu 11 Iha ParoiiuiuH" FaHta "( Itu Puu(ta ^ ilig juniuc" Dafeu of lb* SiTlliiiiu DdntortlHNm .Doom o( BeHai tUm BmbMT" PfcM" 111 "" "b Raiolt ii 8ii(di"u~AI"miidar iKj"Bit I Ika Saadlu Roek" Rouni . gmaTSpiBBaiiti" ChuaBt BaiHia . T^ Coon" DauhurCloitu . of Xenipffr^SjdBillino" DoiaU " II kckhJ orTlHHn . PttloDHUk . . . . CHAPTER Lin. - . " j-Mmli to CW"a . Ill K Tht Indlu N;u" Alnudor'i Aihnl timtt of Dio BiiluiH Butle of Iba Bjimpn"Tr Abinni" Mush to the Hjdiwita" Suguli u- Anlnl u Iha Bjiiliaiii" Tho Araj bnt on Ra- CHAPTER LV. Snlqaott-Huv"lu L" Tha MuTUf a Paaat " of iIk Am/" HntiByuOiia 1 lEa^^ . . . . Mt KnJtw ofhii Ufc CHAFTBB tVl. "tape of Uu'inJiia^.Cosdoiii naielplunad . j^^ m PnjKntl^i^or Wu with A -Ddid ud Itipatai. m "PemMtioa of ft Oi^ " " " ."" IfttTliUla "hr ' S ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. CHAPTER LTn. sd Id EgTjM" lAlhffVH II Flight nt AnliMtniu" Eumc Alia UisDi^TnulieiT an Sahal u ' ' ' Dsilh of AJnlu id OJ^mpiu HBlinT utTiiHrulinii"PuliliwarTlinndinu -a'taMXuaBtE^.miM" * Duii^sT of Clm^ttv " AjJlJpU"'a AmagomflBt It Eumenei dfifcitfrd, takftiRsfbga La Non" Ku SafiwI of All iDtnjpiei of DDDudH"Hii Embuar to i It "And Dulh" Anlipatar'i lail WiU, Polnnrclioii'i Puhcj" EkLct of Anidi 18 " nuKina and Nicauor . AjTJTfelafAlFiandflT,Son orPalTapsret don in thi Macadoniu Cuap" Ii at Sacn^Hd b; PolyipcrchoD " Hij Tiial And SHth" Rcflacuoni on hia polinoal MoralcniLiB ttuatl PuLjripaTChiMi " Slai Dtuh of Cleitu" C^tuluioD of Ml CHAPTER l.Tin. Tr"a4;hBr7 of tbe ATfjmpidB " TTiiafTi iifPiina Ptilhon'i [iilh;ua tad DHlb" lUtus c( Jmtiga- 17 EiUTdioa ud OlTmiiaa" I""uh it Airidaiu nu- ip aad EutyJioa ^ " , . S nt Daath of Ol^p l^piat" Harriaft tiCCaaaaadar and ReDanlum of Tbetw J Nafocialum bstwaan AnligaiHia and hia Rjrala^ II PnpanliwnfAnlilDnaa .... I AjaembLr at Trn " AjitigoBU uniDaa tha Rt- riKr-SUUiifQnou I 14 Snoceaaatof CaiMDdtl" War in Cjinw" Nanl N""^D^-UwriaFl^ta in iha Enri^" 111 Enitdilioiiof Danittnua to Babjlon " Omsnl CHAPTER UX. niMi TIB met ar 111 to tki lanLc or imi lid rf Pulamiia and Ramwal t"HainIiliai "Hor- cnlaa Pntemlor to Iha l^mnia . ,t m TiuBhannalf maiimi bj Paljipanbat-PtDl- N8 tmjr^ Eipsditioo lOT Expallad from At] - . , ialtorT-BoaJlofDsBetrloa . " Siega of Ealauii id CTpnu" Saa-llf hi offSalaait Expaditionof Antifonai afwul Eg^pt" Ha la a Hia S^rwilh Iha Rhodiinai-RIuidatM*!^ br "" --^" " npolaad br Saa , .U laoa viih iba Rhaditia tba Weat" DeuMthui loilialed . X nni and Lrtioachaa . . . K Ml Sjtia" Ratun of Salaucai linaiIhn Baat .U Ballls of [pau" Daalh of Antjiosnt" FlialU if Ssmatriui M Condncl of Iha Alhemaiu Umida Damattina" Partilion " . . M Kaaolia of Iba Bulla of Ipnu . U CHAPTER LX. "0,9M MafementaofDamaUiui" ffiiTAliiaui^iritb MS Raplun with Silaocma-CaaHndtl't AtlaBpt oa WT Alhina-Demttnu ntotu to Gne"-^)aalk ofC " SMDama . . "1 aalvaiBFaaAilifmi" Trnuf ofLadian* m "niraDdera to Dobialnna " DaaMtriaa anioat Suxla .... . . Ut Ci^ War la Handoiiia-Demairiu in MaindiBU " Moidatof AleiaLdti IM tM, Ml DaBeUina, King of Uacadonia" Daawtrisa in Bmola" Focliltoitiaaa( Iba Unaeuii . . US sot LjaJBOachua and Iha Oalaa " L^alm It of Thabti" DamaUiu al . MS tSa BililaiT PnpanIioDa-H" ArrOfaaa . . US PriThaa inTaAai llaoHloma B" Fiicblof DamaUiat-Libanliosof Alhtia" P;t- Hairaat td the Catta tTBtlT4 Aulifwoa (roDala _, Tatama to Epima VI Kg PalDpmneana K Ha baaiegeaSputa ...... tl Rslnala " Hii Atumpt OD A^w" DhA Bl ChaiaOar of Pjrthna "1 CHAPTER LXI. 181 Rite of the MS Tjrrtiuirof AcbBan Laajoa" lie eail^Hiilfl7 of the Laagna . . . V IjiaiflCimDa"Aatignniabanefea Ath- ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. u OtBDiml ef tb* Ml Connth nupriwd bj An Ml ItMBpla of Antu spn Rm"^"n in Epinu . . ThaDlrRuu in Epiiw" D* H) Su" KoBU Em"u^ in Oi CHAPTER LZn AiiFiiods"Hia Flu tt Bxtam Leof^du dMbrofw) " Agia "! '' V7 Bflf]B|JBf of the ih"Cl"iMiiita Wu" Annu ud cHApnm LxiiL srituFviplt . . IB RilsUimi with Foolfx Citi" Ttx f uliuia (1 FUiiIh" Th*ii UaiHnift " DoniwhiD ud Sod no Pnpumdan tat Wu BaOttifCttikjm TUM "Philip M It C^whii Conmmlcm mt Spun TtfM" Baginniictt tba Sniil Dliinitiou sf Iha Am**" RnolaUcB it Spun -^jraufuKii^ ...... Ij noip banana AiBbivnta " landaa .Attdia" Warn Campaitii m PalopuiBiDi . . U liliifnaa (f Apallaa 4M Ca"dacf loliial Pblllp^I'lulip at Thamni . 415 Thfl U0ii"drilcpiv ajTBctwl" Fhibp in Laoouia . 4M Perfldj of Apellaa"Tha CcaitpirUT onuhad . 417 Amu aamnll IJMa MataliyJia- faiMpin Thta- IT Bau]arifThnili"ni" CouwhofDaBaBiiullia Phuian ~ WuniBfi of AfaUn " Tnicj at CHAPTER UOV. m,K.t PUlif kili^ Nml Tiapantioaa" Ha landa E"- 10 Bamuhal" Tl^ an takan bf Ih* Ba- li PhillB at MiuiDi" Ba lajiSjifa u ApoQiBia" InSuBDa of Dasatrin tba Phaiiaa . 41 11,111 DaatbofAialBa" Tlu^batwauKivaa^ 10 Oparalicu of iha Ronan Plaet .a tt Vtiiop^MmBrafonai thaAehsBD Cnnlir" Philip "t Arfoa" Hi" Eipodition Is Elii .11 M ThnalaiimiFoanin ofhla Alhiii . .41 Hii MuraiBHti in PilupimBinia" FUkvoBaB Jr Oaiianlc^lhaAsh"a"Laa(iia" Sa"nulatha D Embaiijr IM HcmmeTili of Uu RcBan Flaat" Philip "" . ad GB (ha Avua-^T. Qaina"DB FUimniniu . 441 '"-^-^- "-ocaaialoTb"aaal7*"* "B Laavoa " n* a "ith lanm . Vt "naofNicw" NabiaatAnai . 4M ,..uuiiinna at Thabaa MT U7 Battla of Cjaoet^htlm ItB n"-MnidnofBne^1a* - "" - - A** IM CoDplalula of tha JBUOuat- CHAPTBR LXV. la Great" Rabaildi Lnla^Aln . 411 [abit-Flnmiiiinu inndaa Laeooia . "" ihlh Nabia" Siefa ot Sputa" Tiaalr f Flaoiunu" Conatitiuioi at Thaa- tH ua oi Mkm Aloliana" Fbilopanian latana ^"usit " '" 4M IM The Bpaitu Rjdlaa" Renaval of tba Tnaa vith theJSB:aiBu 41 IM Slof* of Ambrnda" IVoatr with tha ."toUlu~ Partioa at Spaita"Rnijlntioa i 184 Caplnra ud D"Ih of Philwaman " SDbmiaaioiic"M(aaaiiB-Pi"^ afl Laaiaa " ia Oiaeoa" q. CMlUulb- __ lialVaachaiT CHAPTBKIjm. ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE Tichin al Fintiu onr Li"Bli"-Hii Omtom on" Coajdiinu uf Ihs Onaki .4' Encom uCPonaiia-Cimiliiclof \,\mRomu Ev MB, HT OraTpDwondbTMatalliii" EaJM^orOnb Eoibuir oT julioaSoilui" Critutauif"lallunH lhoAcli"iD"""".uMR.flia Tht Mod"ni C tm I Wnb n ih' Uoagn)ib]r "' Ah^ndiA n,gti7cdT:G00glc HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAPTER XXXVIt. The poailion tn which Sparta vaa standiog at the ead of the PelopoHneBian war was so atrong and comma nding, tbat only a lilUe mod- eration and prudence oa her part seemed to be wanting to secure her donunion over Greece, and the general tranquillily, for a long course of years. Yet nol many, as we have seen, bad passed before she found herself engaged in a new struggle, which at oae lime tbreateued her safety,and. even when most prospcrouBly con- ducted, added Uitle to her glory, and did not compensate by any solid advantage for the sac- rificea which it required. It is not easy to de- teimine bow far this result must be ascribed to errors of policy committed by the Spartan gov- ernment, or to causes which it could not con- trol, or to the nature of the Constitution, which every year changed the officers of slate who had the principal share in the administration of aflaira. But after making full abatement Tor nna voidable adverse circunutaDces, it can hard- ly be questioned that the Spartans were too much elated by succeas, that they overlooked the bounds of a reasonable ambition, and neg- lected the steps and the instruments by which they had risen to their lofty station. Their treatment of Athens was "jearly injudicious. The obligation conferred by their resistance to the wishes of their allies,who proposed the harshest exercise of the rights of war against their fallen eoem^, was cancelled by the sanc- tion afterward given to the atrocities of the Thirty; and all the benefit that migbt have been derived from the support of that odious government was thrown away by the lenity which permitted its overthrow; yet in such a manner as neither to excite an; feelings of grat- itude, nor even in any degree to weaken the iinpreesion of their previous boetilily, which was shortly aller renewed and confirmed by the ungenerous exaction of the loan hy which they had endeavoured to avert the revolution. This unwise fluctuation was, indeed, the effect of a struggle between parlies at home ; but it seems to have been assumed by all parties that it was impmsible Athens ehot^ ever again become formidable, and that she might safely be either trampled on or Astored to independence. The war andertahen on behalf of the Asiatic Greeks-seems to have been in itself a politic as well as ar) bononrable measure. But the Spar- tan goyenunent appears not to have formed a clear view of its own designs,or to have been blinded by inordinate ambition to the danger as well as the difficulty of its enterprises. Tbe war, BO long as it was confined to the object of pnteciing the Asiath: colonies,might have been both safe and oseftd to Sparta ; but even for this tbacd Vol., n," B the same time have been embarrassed by a con- test in Greece ; and when the views of her com- mander were enlargedto the conquest of Asia, it became lime to consider whether, even ifihe of Sparta were adequate to this end, I accomplished without the ruin of her s. There was evidentlysome mia- calculalion at the outset of the expedition of Agesilaus, since it was found necessary to re- call him in the midst of his triumphs ; even if Sparta did not involve hersslf in the unseason- able quarrel with her old allies, which broke out in the Corinthian war, tbrongh her own impru- dence. How far this was the case, depends on a question which we cannot now determine. It is not clear whether the animosity of Thebes was wholly provoked by the conduct of the Spartan government, or may rather be attribu- ted to political changes, which arose at Thebes immediately on the close of the PelopoimesiaD war from other entirely unknown causes. But at least we can banllyacquitSparta of an ex- cessive confidence in her own strength, when we see her needlesslybraving the united bos- tility ofthe principal powers to which she owed her success in her recent conflict with an ene- my, who, though humbled and weakened, was neither conciliated nor subdued. The peace of Aatalcidas,though it did not re- store to Sparta all that she had lost in the pre- ceding interval subsequent to the Pelopoonesian war, placed her in a situation in some respects more advantageous than that which she stood in at the beginning of this period. Athens, in- deed, was no longer a subject existingonlyby sufferance of her aoverPign, but was once more an independent sod powerful stale. She was, however, contined almost entirely lo her natu- ral resources, and forbidden lo aspire to impe- rial rank. Thebes was irrecoverably lost as an ally. The injuries she had suffered were so deep tbat it wss scarcelypossible the breach between her and Sparta could ever be amica- bly healed, or that a party favourable to the Spartan interests could ever prevail there so long as the state retained its independence. But the injury bad disarmed the animosity which it provoked, Thebes was no longerany- thing more than the first of the Bieotian cities, and was surrounded by implacable and vigilant enemies, all connected by the firmest ties of in- terest with Sparta- Peloponnesus, now that Corinth was restored to the aristocratical patty, was more than ever at the beck of her ancient mistress, who thus saw herself without a rival in Greece ; and so long as her views were con- fined to this range, the Persian alliance,though less honourable,was likelyto be more useful to berihan that ofthe Asiatic Greeks. Xenophon, indeed, would appear grossly to have deceived himself,or to have endeavoured to mislead his readers, If he meant to assert that Sparta had aoquirad any additional ^oy by the peac" of 10 HISTORY OF GREECE. Anulcidas ;' bat ifhb eipresBion, as it Beems it inajr do,only importB that her state waa ren- dered much more SouhBhingby this tnnsaction, hla Temark was undoubtedly Inie. NeTertheleas, her new position, as we bate already obaervMl,was an artificialaud |"%cari- OUB cue. What had been done was to dissolve the power of Greece nearly into its first ele- ments. These elements might be again com- bined together, and directed againstSparta. The singlelegitifaiate object of her policy was to keep them disunited, and as far aa possible subservient to her. But bath vigilance and moderation were necessary for this end. Her power would be the more stable the less it was titi,. Eveiy case in which it was wantonly and oppressively exercised, tended to spread gener- al alarm, and to rouse a spirit or resistance, which could not long want means and opportu- nities. But the Spartangovernment was again blinded bj ambition and resentment, and was temptedbj the prospect of immediate advantage to sacrifice all that it had gainedby the peace of Antalcidas. A cautious policy would have dictated the expediency of at least covering all acts of ag- gression with some pretext derived from the character which Sparta assumed of conservator of the peace. But her very first measure was one for which she did not pleadany pretence but her own interests or vindictive feelings, and which must have given the greater um- brage, as it was avowedly the beginning of a series of retaliations, by wbicb she proposed to chastise those of her allies who had olTended her during the war. The firstvictim selected as an example of this system was Mantinea, wluch was obnoxious on account of her demo- cratical constitution and her attachment to Ar- gos, and had not disguised the reluctance with whicli she had hitherto served the Spartan cause. It may be remembered that, after the destruction of the mora, Agesilaus made a for- ced march past the walls of Mantinea, to spare his troops the mortification of witnessing the joy which he expected to see expressed there at the recent disaster. But it seems that the only overt act of hostility which couid be alle- ,gedagainst the Mantincans was, that they bad suppliedArgos with com during the war. The other grounds of complaint were still slighter, and more difficultof proof; that they had some- times evaded their share of service in the Spar- tan army, under false pretexts, and had dis- charged itsduties with manifest ill-will.These, however, were considered at Sparta as reasons sufficientto justify the demand that the Manti- neans should throw down their walla ; and when they refused to give this pledge of obedi- ence, preparations were immediately made for invading their territory. This invasion, however contrary to the spirit of the peaoe of Antalcidas, does not appear to have violated the Greek international law ; for a truce which had been concluded for thirty years between the two states after the battle of 41S,had, at least according to the Spartan calculation, expired. Yet it seems aa if Agesi- laus did not approve of the expedition ; for he obtained leave to decline the command on a * B"D., v., ], 10, at Jkmn^if^ioi, wA% imatianfiot plea which can scarcely have been more dun pretext. The Mantineans had rendered im- ptutant services to Spana in tbs last Hessenian war, which had been conducted by his father, Archidamus ; and he aOected to consider this 1 obligation conferred on bis family. It might have been thought that ifsuch an excuse was admitted, the threatened hostilities ought to have been withheld on the same ground. AgeaipoUa.however, took ibc command, though his father Pausanias was connected by lies of personalfriendship with the chiels of the dem- ocratical party at Mantinea,against whom the blow was especially aimed ; for the destruction of the walls would have placed them at the mercy of Sparta, and consequently of their po- litical adversaries. We learn through Diodo- ruB, that theyapplied to Athens for succour, bat without effect. This is less surpriaing than that Sparta should have sought and obtained aid from Thebes. This fact,indeed, is not mentioned either by Xenophon or Diodorus ; but it Is recorded by Plutarch,* with details which seem to leave no room for doubt, for he relates that an engagement took place between the in- vaders and 3ie Mantineans, in which the two great Thebans, whose names will soon becomo familiar to us, fighting side by side,narrowly escaped death. When we remember the dis- position which prevHJied at Thebes towards Sparta at the lime of the treaty, we can hardly understand a proceeding which seems to imply a renewal of the ancient alliance : and we are left to a doubtful conjecture, whether Bt Ais time the fear which the Thebans entertained of the Spartan power was stronger than theii resentment, or the party friendly to Sparta had recovered a temporary ascendency. The ba^ tie,however, is also mentioned by Pausanias it but Xenophon only relates that Agcsipalis, find- ing that he conld not shake the enemy's resolu- tion by the ravages which he committed in their territory, proceeded to invest the city with a trench and a wait. The Mantineans prepared to sustain a siege ; and aa the last year's har- vest had been unusuallyabundant, and the place was plentifully victualled, Agesipolis, dreading the coat and tediousness of a longblockade, re- sorted to a fresh expedient. Tbe Ophis,a smaU stream, but at times swollen to a considerable size, flowed through the town, and Agesipolia, takingadvantage of an extraordinaryflood,! raised an embankment, by which he forced it back, and laid the low grounds at the foot aS the adjacent walls under water. Their base- ments, as well as those of the houses, were built,as was usual throughout Greece, of un- baked bricks, and they soon began to crack and totter. It was, according to Pausanias, by a likedevice that Cimon made himself master of Eion on the Strymon. The besieged, however, stillheld out for a time, and propped up their sinking walls with wooden buttresses, and only sent an offer of submissiun when they found' that the water was gainingupon them, so that longerdelay would expose them to the horfors of a storm. But they were now informed that the conquerors would no longer be content with the razing of the walla ; they required that Mantinea should cease to exist as a city, and that its population should be dispersedamong *T"lll|L,*. i.,8, T. TRANSACTIONS WITH PHLID8. 11 like four TJUageeout of which it had been ci Iccied in the capital.* It was too late to di pule aboat any terms short of death or elave- ty : and the besiegedcapitulated. The popu- lar leaders expected no mercy ; but PauBaniaa exerted hia influence with his son in their be- half, and tliej were permitted to go into exile. Tbere were about sixty who look the benefit of 'this indulgence, and ae they left the cityalong e road lined wliti the hostile troops, Agesipoli liad some difficulty In sheltering them from tb jage of their political enemies. The conditions were then executed. The aristocralical Man- tineans,Xenophon observes,regretted the de- struction of Iheir houses, which put Ihem to the expense of building new ones. But they were consoled for this loss by the power which they thus acquired in the villages near which their estates lay ; aniJ theycheerfully contribu- ted their contingents to the Spartan lofies, Tho Spartans aSected to treat each village as a separate slate, and on these occasions sent a different officer (a zaiagiu) to each to collect its forces. The only remark which this transaction draws from Xenophun is,that the event might serve as a warning not to build a town so that a river should run through it. We do not know why he did not aitd the altematire,or to build Ihe walls with more solid masonry. But it seems more important to observe that this attack on Maniinea was an act of mere open violence, and that,as Xenophon does not throw out any hint that is was sanciioned by the terms of the peace of Anlalcidas,we have no reason to sup- pose that the Sparlans themselves pretendedlo put such a construction on it.t Such a pre- tence would, indeed, have been too glaringly in- coDsisteat with their declared molives; and it would have been difficultto show why, on the same principle, Tegea likewise was not disaolv- ed into the nine hamlets of which it was origi- nally composed. On the other hand, it seems that,by a liberal iDlerpreCation of the treaty, PlatKa was held entitled to resume its place among the Bteotian cities. The remains of the ancient people returned from Athens and Sci- one to the glorious land of tber forefathers, and rebuilttheir walls. Whether Spartapermitted then lo retain their connexion with Athens luay perhaps be doubted. t The temper manifested by the Spartan gov- ernment in these proceedings held ont encour- agement to every party throughout Greece which was discontented with the state of things at ^me, and desired a change cbnaistent with the interests of Sparta,to address itself to her for assistaoce. The lirst application was made by the exiles of Phlius,who now hoped to be re- Wored lo their native city.They seem lo have belonged to the same party which we mention- ed as in banishment from Phlius, when we last "fi"opirwilof .iihTiiii'lM"Bfrt'frain on'JSo'liBt. Dk^ Am In., ii nji Ihit tlu Muliiicoiu wen midii u mi- pu" ij(til mpx)il*ithnt titas. BM nu of ihwa wu UmntoofBtuiiiiiM. ""t (I,S, p. HO) had SM *""nt^ Uh tonu Df'iiig trutT tguaa X^iaiam t Ts Wuhniuth, With (1,1, p. ! had occasion to notice the afDurs of that little state ;* for that was a party deemed to be BO much attached to Sparta, that its adversariea had ground to fear that she might exert her power in their behalf. But it also appeals to have been subsequently re^enforced by other exiled adherents of the same cause; for they claimed Spartan aid on the ground that, since their banishment, Phlius had ceased to contrib- ute its contingents to the armies of the confed- erucy, and had refused to receive the Spartane within itswalls. Theephora were weU disposed to comply with their wishes ; bnt,though Utey no longerthought fit to exercise the uirbear- ance which they had shown when the party now in power intrusted them with the citadel, tbtn assumed an appearance of mildness and mod- eration which they bad neglected in Che recent case of Mantinca. Instead of an imperious de- mand, they sent a bland message, importing that the exiles were friends of Sparta, and had been guilty of no offence, and requested tbeir re- call as a favour. But after the example of Man- tinea, tite government of Phlius coidd not mie- tahe the force of this gentlelanguage; and it saw that its chance of successllil resistance lo the will of Soarta was the slighter, as the ex- iles had stillleft many kinsmen and friends be- hind them. It therefore thought it safest to yield with a goodgrace, and repealed the decree of banishment. By the same decree,however, their property bad been confiscated, and it had been subsequentlypurchased by privateper- sons. It now became necessary, for the sake of tranquillity, to restore it to its late ownera ; and the method adopted for the satisfaction of all the parties concerned was to refund the price to the purchasarsfromthetreasnry.t All disputes which might arise oat of the conflict of old and new claims were to be referred to an impartial tribunal. Though Xenophon gives no other instance of a similar interference, tbere may have been some foundation for the statement of Diodoroe, " who represents the peace of Antalcidas as the occasion of a general reaction in the slatea which had previously acknowledged the Spar- tan supremacy, attended with the banishment of many friends of Sparta who were afterward forcibly restored by her interpoBition,} But early in 38S, the attention of the Spartangov- enmient was drawn towards a more impartaat objectby an embassy from the Chalcidian cities. Acanthus and Apolionia. Their envoys came to sohcit protection against the power of Olyn- thus, which was threatening their independence. The Chalcidian cities, which seem from the firsl to have been linked closelytogetherby their common origin and interests,bad, as we have seen, been brought into a stillcloser union by their struggle with Athens. The issue of the Peloponnesian war released them from all control and apprehension with regard to their old mistress and enemy, and left them at full liberty to regulate their own concerns. Bat the struggle had begun with a great step to- wards the aggrandizement of Olyntbus, which henceforth assumed the first placeamong Iheni, " Vol. j. Lti[^iuta,iiir[|]i-llt), iwSp^ 13 HISTORY OF ORBECB. and ID tbe year fonowing tbe peace of NioisB, "nber Btrengthened beraelf by the acquisitiun of Mecybema,* a port lown only between two and tbree milea off. It was natural Ibat wilb tbeae advastafiea she should aspire to the rank of an imperialsLate, and it appears that,not long, at least, after the end of the war, she had succeeded in forming a confederacy among the kindred cities, of which she was acknowledged as Ihe head. The terma which she granted to them would have been liberal if they had been elites of a difierenl origin from ber own. Tbey were admitted lo that kind of political connexion which the Greeks deaciibed by the word lympolUy.f Their citizens enjoyed all the civil rigbta of citixens of the sovereigncity, Tbey were capable of acquiringproperty in land in the Otynthianterritory, and of allying tbemselves with Olynlhian families ; bat tbey were excluded (torn all the political privileges which were exercised in the Olynthian Bsaem- bly, and were compelled to submit to tbe laws, and, it seems, also to adopt tbe Constitution of the ruling state. Itwas to be expected that sev- ermlof the Chalcidian towns should preferpcditt- cal Independence to any advantages that might result to them from soch a union with Olya- ttin*,even if the state of partiescreated no grounds of discontent. If, as has been coqjec- Uuedit Apollonia was anciently considered as the capital of Chalcidlce,her reluctance lo sub- mit to the sovereignty of Olynthus may be the EDOre easily understocd. She and Acanthus bad nsiated tbe demand, which the Olynthians had endeavoured to enforce by a threat of war, that tbey ahould join their forces to the army of tbe confederacy; and itwas lo avert the execution "f this threat that the embassy was sent. The power of Olyntbus had recently received an enormous accession through a seriee of events, vrhich,however, have been related but obscurely, and not without on appearance of contradiction. Amyntas, the prince to whom the Macedonian sceptre had now descended, had been defeated in battle by tbe Illyrians, and found himselffor a time unable to maintain possession of his dominions. According to Di- odorua, in his despair he made over a largepart of them to Olynthus, which continued for some time to collect the revenues of the ceded terri- tory, and when the king,having,by an unex- pected turn of fortune,expelled his barbarian enemicB, demanded it hack, refused to restore it. Amyntas, notwithstanding bis succesaes against the Illyrians, found himself unable to cope witn the power of the Olynthian confed- eracy, and applied for succour to Spans. In- deed, the language of Dlodurus would lead us to conclude that his ambassadors accompanied those of the Chalcidian cities ; but it is difficult to reconcile this supposition with the speech which Xenophon puts into tbe mouth of the Acanihian minister. This speech also gives a yery ditferent account ofthe transactions which had taken place between Amyntas and the Olynthians. It passes over the danger with which the king bad been Uireatened by the Illyr- ians in totalsilence, and chargesOlynthus with " Thiier"iHlt*,T., W. "^ Bj'coloHl LmU, Trwnlr "" IfMWm flrtMx,jii., p. an attempt " for whichno motive oi assigned " to engage the Macedonian towns in a revolt against their sovereign. This atteoipl, it is said,was begun upon some of the BmaUer towns which lay nearest to the Chslcidian bor- der, and had been graduallypushed farther, until the king was expelled from his capital, Pella. The truth probably lies somewhere be- tween these seeminglyconflicting statements. PerhapsAmyntas, when his aSkire seemed dea- perate, committed a part of his kingdom to the Olynthians, who may have taken advantage of their temporary possession to excite a desire for republicangovernment at Pella and in other cities ; and. when Amyntas claimed his depos- ite, may have supported them in open rebellioiL The Chalcidian envoys, after having stated these facts in an assembly which was attended by deputies from the principal states of tbe Feloponnesianconlbderacy, proceeded to rouae the jealouay of Spartaby a more exact descrip- tion of the resources, prospects, and plana of her new rival. The force which Olynthus was already able to bring into the fieldwas coaeid- erable,not less than SOOO heavy infantry,* and a far greater nimiber of largeteers,together with a body of not much less than 1000 horse. Potidna had already acceded to the confeden- cy, and the towna of the adjacentpeninsoU might be expectedsoon to follow her exan^ile; for,notwithstanding their extreme aversiun to the dominion of Olynthus,they stood in such awe of her power that they bad not ventured to take any part in the embassy which was sent to pluad the common cause. Several of the neigh- bouring tribes of independent ThiBciana had begun to pay court to her risinggrcatneaa, and their subrnission wonld he the more importani, as the extension of her conquests in thia quar- ter might lead to the acquisition of Uie gold dis- trict of Mount Pangsum. With a well-Glled treasury, an overflowingpopulation, and abun- dance of ship-timber, there was notliing to pre- vent Olynthus from becoming formidable by sea as well as by land. Her ambition kept pace with tbe growth of ber power, and she was pre- paring to strengthen herself by an alliance vrith Thebes and Athens, which had alreadysent ambassadors to open a negotiation with her. But,though no time was to be lost, it was not too late for Sparta to interfere. If,indeed,the confederacy were suflered to last much longer, it would become so firmly cemented by mntual interest and habit,throughintermarriages and the intermixture of landed properiy, that it might be very difRcuIt to dissolve it. But, at present,many of its members were impatient of the relation into which they had been forced to enter with Olynthus, and would hasten to break it off as soon as they were assured of Sparianprotection. The Spartan government afTected to leave tbe decision of the question to its allies ; but its inclination to comply with the requeat of the Chalcidians was generally known, and many of the deputieswere eager to pay court to it by WAR WITH 0LYNTHU8." SEIZURE OF THE CADMEA. the influence of Sparta was no less msnifest the arrangements which were adopted for car- Tjing this resotution into effect than in the prop- oeition itself. The confederates were to be at liberty to commute tbe servloea of their contin- gents for monej, at therate of three j"ginetan obola" five Attic " for the fuot soldier, and fonr times as much for the trooper ; and every city which withheld its contingent was to be liable to forfeit a stater a daj for each man. The Chalcidian envoys, however, observed that the levying or this army wonld demand a consid- erable time, while their friends were In want of immediate snccour ; and that it would be belter Rot to wail until the whole should be collected, but to send a smaller force" whatever troops were then ready to march " without de- lay, nnder a Spartan officer, whose presence would animate the wavering to resistance, and would shake the devotion of those wto had (d- ready eubiuitted to Olynthus. Accordingly, about 2000 Lacedmnonian troops were ordered to march Ibrthwith under tbe command of Ea- damidas, a Spartan of some influence ; for at bis departure he engaged the epbors to commit the division which was next to follow from Lar conia to the charge of his brother Phiebidaa. He himself proceeded, without lingering on the road, to the Chalcidian peniosnla, where he was received at Potida-a, which he made his head- quarters; and, notwithstanding the smallness of bta Ibroo, he not only carried on hostilities acainst Olynthus, bnt was able to spare some Mhis men to garrison the other towns. Not loag after Phobides set out on his expe- dition ; but hedid notpursue his march without Interruption. He stopped at Thebes, and en- camped near the walls. His pretext for this delay was, perhans, to obtain a re-enforcement ftom the ci^. But as it bad so latelysent en- voys to treat with the Olynthians, he can hard- ly have expected to suet^ed in this object, and we are therefore led to suspect a dilKrent mo- tivB. Diodonia" may only hare eipreesada Mspicion, which was naturallysuggestedhy the ensning events, when he described Pb"bi- das as acting upon secret instructions of the Spartan government. Xenopfaonspeaks as if he had never heard of such a mmour ; bnt as he assigns no reason for the stay in the neigh- boorhood of Thebw, even his account strength- ens the prohabiltty that Phobidas had been in- vited to this step by one of the Tboban parties, Owugh he may not have bad a distinctview of its consequences. Tbe old oligarchical faction, which was inlL'resCed in maintaining tlie alli- ance with Sparta, as ithad never been forcibly dislodged, had not been vrtiolly deprived of its irflnence by the revolution which took place wwrtly after the close of the Peloponnesiaa *8r. It was still strong enough to procure the appointmentof Leontiades, one of its adherents. to the high office of a polemarcb, which seems "" have possessed mnch largerpowers than were exercised iiy the Athenian atrattgiu. On WB other hand, the adverse partyswayed the popular assembly; and Ismenias, one of its leadeiB, Vi'as the coDeague,or one of the col- leagues " for the number is not certain " of Le- ontiades. The negotiation with Olynthus bad no doubt been the work of this party, and it now carried a decree forbidding all Thebans to join the expedition of Pb"ebidaa. IjeoMiades had from the first paid assiduous court to the Spartangeneral, wbom his rival,IsmeniBs.to- tally ne^ecled, and by degrees established bin"- self in bis confidence sufficiently to venture on a proposal fullof risk to both. He ofltred to pnt him in possession of the citadel. This would convert Thebes fiotn a jealous rival into a useful dependant of Sparta ; its forces wootd immediately be at the disposal of Phcebidae tbr the main c^ject of his expedition ; and in the (bean wltile he would have achieved a eonqueat farmore important than that of Olynthus itself. Xenopbon remarks " apparently to guardagainst the doubts which his readers might conceive as Co the fidelity of his own Barrative"tbat PftiB- bidaa was a man who krved a brilliant exploit better than bis life, bnt that be was not of a very calculating or cautions temper. He seema, indeed, to have embraced the oSti without be"- jtation, and it was concerted between then that be should set forward as if on his march, for wiiich he had alreadj; made preparations, but that,at the proper junclnre, Leontiades ahould overtake him, and condoet him and hia troops inio the citadel. The day selected was the great fbstivalof Demeter, the Theamopbo^ ria, when the Theban women celebrated the mystic rites of the goddess in the Cadmea, as the citadel was called fi^im its supposed (bund- er, and the council, which cMntnonly sat there, met near tbe market-place. In the stillnessof a soltrynoon, when the crowd,seeking shade and repose, bad 1^ the streets almost empty, Xieontiadei rode out alter PhtEbidas,who, iia- mediatelychanging bis line of march, Ibllowed bis ^ide to the citadel, and took posseasion ol it wiUioot opposition. Leaving bim there, Leontiades proceeded to the council, where Isannias was transaetiaf bnsiness ; be hade the Donocillora not' to be slanned because the citadelwas iit the band* of tbe LacedBmoniaoe, 1^0 were not come with hostile intanttons tsrwaids any of the peaoeaUe citlMns. Bnt as tbe law empeweted a polemarcb to arrest any one who was cbaqie* able with a capitaloBbnoe, be should iiiuD"- diat^ exereise his authority, and commit Is- menias Co prison, as guilty of stirring np war ; then, without farther parley, he ordered sotM of bis officers, whom he bad either brought with him, or had stationed near at hand for the par- pose, with some aimed men, to seise tfie pris- oner and convey him to the Cadmea. Diodo- nia speaks of an tmsucoessful attempt made by tbe party of Ismenias to dislodge the enemy ; but, according to Xenopbon,llwy were struck with eonstemation by Uie SOTpiise of the cita- del, and, as soon as Uie arrest of lunenlas be- came known, about 400 of (li"n qoitted the dty and took refiige in Athens. Ismenias was r^ moved from his offloe, and Arehias sppeiMed in hia room; and leontiades then repaired to Sparta to oMain tbe sanction of the Spartan govemnieDt Ibr these proceedings. They were, so ftr as the Spartan general was a part; to them, a grosser breach of faith, and a more pdptble viiuiuion of n of the treMy of 14 HISTORY OF GREECE. Antakidu than bad yet bem witneMed. Ao- mrdJDglr, the inteUi^Qce wu receiTed at Sputa with ao appearance of bb mnch eoncem "Bd indJEnation as Chailea V. exprewed at the VHdence offered by his feaerala to the pope. Bnt when tbs condDct or Phiebidas came to be diacuBsed,AEeailana did not- scrapie to defend it with a lieedun worthy of the boldcHtof the acmhiata. According to Xenqdion, he diatinct- ly laiddown the priociiile that the case was ' he tried by do other rule than that of eipedie ej -, if what bad been done was against the i tereat of Spaita, Phtebidas deserved to be pu iabed ; if it was for the good of the atate, he waa not bound to wait for orders. The aimpli qaeationwu, whether Uie; were gainers01 hMera by the tranaactton. Flntaich, with rea- "on, conaiders tliiB langoage as inconaiatent with the profeaaiong of a. highregard for jnatice lAich Ageailaui often had in hia mouth ; but it does not aeem to afibrd any ground for peetlDg tiut he waa privy to the plot befop AXMOtion. Aa to the practical conduaioo, all donUa-^ any had been ever felt" were HMved t^ the argumenta of Leontiadea. reminded the Spartans of the hoatilitj which Mliebes bad diaplayed towards them on every OocaaioD since the close of the Peloponnesian war, and of the Jealousj with which they had Tiewed her ascendency in Bieotia. She had Aow ceased to be formidable to them, and, if they would but protect their fiienda, a scytale woold at all times be aufflcienC to procure what- erer they wished Irom her. It was the bargain wbich they bad made at Athens with the Thir- ty ; and experience bad not tanght tbem that the gain was leas clear than Uie dtahonour. After their treatment of Mantinea,indeed,they might think that it would be folly to forego any advantage for the sake of their reputation. Their decision aflbrded a new and more aignal confirmation of the aasertion made by the Athe- ttiana in the conference at Mslos : that " of aD Btates,Sparta had most giaringly shown by her conduct, that in her political transactions she measured honour by inclination, and juslice by aipediency." But what gave a peculjarfy Spartan character to this proceedingwas, that iriiile they determined to keep the fniits of b- iqnity, they aaaumed the office of avengers of wrong. They sentenced Phiebidaa to a fine of 10,000drachmas, and deposed him from his command ; but instead of evacuating the Cad- niM, tb^ strengthened the garrison, and ap- pointed Lysanoridas, with two colleagnea, in the room of Phtebidas, and sent a conuniaaion onnposed of three Spartanjadges, and of one finn each of the eonfedei"te states, to sit in judgment upon Ismenlaa. The chargesbrought a^nst bira were, that he had accepted Per- ""311 gold, had devoted himself to the interests of the barbarian, and,together with Androdi- daa, had been a principal mover of the late war. With what success he defended himself against these allegations, doea not appear. Xenophon thinks it enoagh to aay, that he was tmahle to convince bis jndgea that he waa not a man of great and dangerous ambition j in other words, a formidable enemy to Sparta ; he was therefore condenmed and put to death. Ar- cliiae and Leontiadea, and tbeir faction, remain- ed maotera of Thebes under Spartanpatronage. By this event, the Spartangoveminflnt ma both encouraged and enabled to prosecute the war againatOlynthua with increased activity. A requisition was sent to all the cities of the Peloponnesianconfederacy to furnish their con- tingents to the force whicl) had been voted bf the oongreas at Sparta,which, with the troops stilldue from Lacoola,or aa many as could be sparedthere,were placed under the command of Teleutias, the brother of Agesilaus, whose rank and personalreputation disposed the allies to engage with greater readiness in an expedi- tion, which, considered with regard to tbeir own iDtereslB, most of them must have viewed either with indifferenceor aversion. The new government of Thebes, in particular, displayed its gratitude to Sparta and its respect for Ages- ilaus by the zeal with which it contributed both infantiyandcavalry for thu purpose of sabject- ing another independentcity to the dominion of Sparta. Teleutias, urging these levies with all his Influence in the places which he passed through, while he maintained the best disci- pline among bia troops, advanced with no great speed. Bat he sent notice of his approach to Amyntas, callingupon him to raise as many mercenaries as he could, and to engage the neighbouringprincesby subsidies either to es- pouse his cause, or at least to remain neutral. He also sent to Derdas, prince of Elymia,rep- resenting the danger with which his principali- ty was threatened by the ambition of Olynthua, and exhorting him to aid in repressing it. These applications were successful, and before be arrived at the theatre of war, he was joined both by a body of Macedonian troops, and by Derdas himself,at the head of about 400 Elym- tsn cavalry. Thus re-enfonied, he found him- self strong enough to advance immediately againstOtynthus. On his march from Potidiea through the Olynthianterritory, he abstained from such ravagea as might impede hia re- treat, but he met with no enemy tillhe had come up close to the walls, where the Olyn- thian army waa drawn up to receive bim. The cavalrycharged his r^ghtwing, where the main body of his own was posted, with auch vigour, that even the infantrybegan to give way 1 and a general rout would,perhaps, have ensued, if Derdas " whom Teleutia8,-to show his respect for so nselol an ally, and hie admiration of [ha fine condition of his men, had stationed in th" left, wbicb he himself commanded in person " had not made a movement towards the gatea, which induced the Olynthians, throngh fear of being cut off from the town, lo make a hasty retreat. Inthis they were veryroughlyhwidled by the Elymians, and their whole army sought shelter behind their walls, Telentias reared a. trophy, and on his return to Potidwa,ravaged the enemy's territory. This seems to have been the principaladvantage he obtained in this campaign. At the end of the summer he dis- missed his Macedonian and Eljmian anzilia- ';s, and (he Olynthians then began in tbeirturn make inroads on the allies of Sparta. Early in the spring of 38), Teleutias was againjoinedby Derdas, who happenedto have arrived at ApoUonia only a few hoars before a body of aoo Olynthiancavalry, in one of their marauding excursions, not aware of hia pros* came up close to the gates His appear- DEATH OF A0ESIF0LI8. 1ft "Dce, wben he Mllied fbrtfawith his hoTM, pot (hem to flight, and he chased them back to 01]m- thuB with a low of eighty men. The Oljnlhi- aoB were uow again oearlj contined to their walls, aDd were able to culliTate but a amall part of their lemtory ; aod somewhat later in the aeaaon Teleutias himself took the held,Ui reaew and complete the devaalAtious of the fear before. As, however, he approached the town, the OIya;ht(ui oaTalry come out to meet him, and even venluted to cross a river which separated them from the enemj. Indignant at their presumptioo, he hastil; ordered Ilemoiii- das, the commander of his targeteers, Co charge them at full speed. The OljnlhiaDB,seeing these Iroope advancing Cowards them, qaieClj retreated to the other aide of Che water, which the largeteersimmediatelyforded; but before the; had recovered from the disorder of the pas- sage they were attacked and routed by the cav- alry, and Tlemonidas himself vraa slain. At this Bight Teleulias entirely lost hia temper, and oriterwl a generalcharge ofhorse and foot, bm in the heat of the pursuit he inadveitencly ap- proached so near the walls as lo be within the range of the enemy't missiles from the battle- ments.* This compelled him to fall back in some disorder, and the Olynthiaos took advan- tage of the favoor^le moment to sally out with theirwhole force and charge the phalanT. Te- leutiashimaelf fell ; and after hia death his armr was entirely broken up, and fled,puraaed with greatslaughter, to the nearest friendly citieB, This disaster did not divert Sparta from her object ; it only roused her to tresh exertions. It waa now thoughtnecessary to send one of the kings to conduct Che war. It was, perhaps, known that the presence of Agesilaus would be required nearer home ; and his colleagueAge- sipolia was appointed to take the command at Olyntfane, witli a council of thirtySpartans to supply the defects of his experience. He levi- ed a considerable army of volunteers " at least of troops BO called" from Laconia, and from several of the allied stales,as well as supplies of money ; on his march throughThessaly he attracted a body of cavahy into his service ; and when he arrived in Macedonia, he was snp- portedby Acnyntaa and Derdas with even great- T zeal than they had hitherto shown, it however, that he did not begin operutionB againstOlTntbns before the sprint of the fol- lowing year, 880, when he marched against the city withont encountering an; serious resist- aooe, wasted its territor;, and took Torone by storm. But in the midst of his successes be was seiaad with a fever,which, in the course of "even days, pot an end to his life, at Aphytis, in the peainaula of Fallene, whither he had been oonveyed at his own desire, la enjoy the deep shade, and the clear, cool watera, which he bad observed near a temple of Dionysas. His bod;, immeraed id hone;, was carried home for a roy- al burial. Xenophon makes a remark on this occasion which is meant lo excite our admira- tion for the magnanimity of Agesilaus, but which is,perhapa, more striking as an iUustration of the state of feeUng which comfflonly preraiM between the two royal familiesat Sparta. Ag' eeilaus, he says, instead of betrayingany jo; " as might have been expected " at the death of hie rival,* shed tear* over the young man, whom he had always found an agreeable and reapectftil companion. While Agesipolis was absent onhislastcam- psign,Agesilaus had been employed in rednolng another of Sparta's refractory alliesto oompletv su^e"tioiL The exilea who bad been restored to Phlfoa complained that their claims were not referredto an impartial tribunal ; for noiie such, as theycontended, was to be found in the city ; and the adverse ]nrt; would not submit to for- eign arbitration. It rejected their demands with the greaterconfidence, as, having assisted Ag- esipoLs with a liberal subsidy, for which it hml received his thanks before his departere, it no longer felt any apprehenaion of Spartan inter- ference. The exiles,however, appUed to Spar- ta for redress, whether before Agesipolis set out on his expedition is not clear ; but it seems to have been after his departure that the gov- ernment of Phlius ventnred to condemn Qimi opponents, who had gone without a public com- mission to plead their cause at Sparta, to a pen- alty. This imprudentdisplay of animosi^ fnr- nisbed tboee who were soliciting the interposi- tion of Sparta with fireshmotives and stronger argtunenis, which were seconded by the influ- ence of Agesilaos, who had some personal and hereditary connexions among the exiles. The ephors were induced lo decree an expeditioa againstPhlins, and Agesilaus himeelf took the command. On bis march he was met by sev- eral deprecatoT; embassies fhim the puty in power, with oflferaof money lo purchase his forbearance. But he now remembered his an- cient regard for justice, which he had fbi|[ottea in the case of Phiebidas, and declared, with great solemnity, that the object of his expedi- tion was not to wrong any one, but to succour the oppressed. The envoys at lengthprofessed their readiness to make any sacrifice he requi- red to avert the invasion. But he answered that promises from men who had already bro- ken their compact with their fellow-citizene would not satisfy him ; he must have soma more solid security ; and that which he insist- ed on was nothing less than the occupation of the citadel. As they refused to give him this proof of confidence, he proceeded to ttesiege their t"wn. There were, however, several Spartans in the camp, who, not being biased- by similar feelings in favour of the exilea, loud- ly expressed their diBappr(rt"3tion of an enter- prise undertaken against such a place aa Phli- us, which waa able to arm tlOOO men, for the sake of a tevf indivldnals. To silence these murmurs, Agesilaus directed his Phliaaian friends to give the most liberal reception to all their follow-citiicDs who might be drawn by ties of bloodor fliendship to come out and joindiem; ".cbntXr. in hi" SMO DD r., 1, la,U, think! Ib.I dui n- ITS tn ft qnmtrvl*hich }uJ BriHii balwvell th" tm Ungv ubfvct of Phliva. But X"BDpbcin mObtdi do ftovbd 19,oflhe iliSbni . IhfltiiiJrr'b putlcalutf te Pfabu, ud im iku Om TutBkn bj '^ Coogic IS HIBTOHir OF ORBBCE. to form them into companiea, and provide tbem with anns and tbe meana ol* military training ; and, iftheir own Tunda were not sufficient, not to hesitate to horrow money for that purposa. In this manner a corps of refugeesiraa raised, "xceeding 1000 mea : so well equipped and dis- ciplined, [hat the remanatranls themselves ad- mitted they could not desire more aerriceable comrades Still, by dint of extraordinary abstinence, pa- tience, and courage, the besieged held out for a year and eight months. They husbanded their slock of provisions with such parsimonyas to make it last twice the time for which it had been calculated. Delphic, one of the leading men, with a ban^ of 300 devoted followers, maintained order within, anooyed tbe enemy with frequentsallies, and repressed the diapo- sition to surrender, which began to manifest it- self as food grew scarce and hope faint. At length,however, early in 379, Gndiog their pro- visions entirelyspent, they were obliged to capitulate, and, p^hably expecting to obtain milder terms from the ephors than from Ageai- Uue, tbe personal Jriend of the refugees,tbey requested leave to send envoys with ofTera of nnciinditionsl suhmisaion to Sparta.Agesilaos, piqued at the shght thus put upon his own an- thority, granted a safe condnct to theirambas- sadors. but at the same time exerted all his in- fluence to be appointed arbiter of th^ terms of peace, and in the mean while redoubled his precautions to prevent the escl^le of the be- sieged. Nevertheless,Delphio, and a slave irho had often shown his dexterity in canying away arms from the enemy's camp, oontrlved one nightto elude tbe vigilance of the senti- nels, and esoaped. The rest received orders IVom Sparta to submit to such conditions as Agesilaus should dictate. His edict was, that lOO commissioners should be chosen,one lulf ftom the reAtgeea, the other froni lbs beMeged,* with power to put to death or banish as many of their fellow-citiieiieaa Utey would, and then to frame a new CoDStitatiOB ; asd, before he Durobed away, he lodgeda garriaoB in the cit- adel, with pay Tot six mont^,to TemaiB nntU this business should be accomplished. It isto be hoped that as much regard to equitywas abown in tbe selection of the commissioners as in the nominal proportion assigned between the oppositeparties.Xenophon does doi men- tion the immediate rssolt ; but the permanent effbclwas to render Phlios a devoted vassal of Sparta. In tbe course of the same year tlte Olynthian war was brought to a close by Polybiades. who had been appointed to the supreme command aAer Ibe death of Agesipolis, and pressed the Olyntbiaasby sea and land,until they were re- duced by famine to sue for peace. It was granted on no harder condition than that they should become members of the Peloponnesian confederacy, on the same footing of aubjeclion to Sparta with the rest. The importance of this event could not he duly estimated at the time. It was, probably, considered at Sparta rw, .r.dO(i.. ""(iii..l".M"ji., b* cullt Dclphina umlai t/ DtiifH. Ihiingb ticii ")"cniw! as a gloriotis triomph; and those who viewed it with different feelingswere equally unable to perceive bow pregnant it waa with calam- ities both to her and lo Greeoe. CHAPTER IV. Too*, by a vigorous and dexterous use of the advantages which she gained from the peace of Antalcidas,Sparta had advanced somo steps nearer than ehe had ever been before to a completesubjugation of Greece. If her old rival bad now recovered her independence, Thebes was reduced to a state of Bubje"-tiOB like that in which Athena had been held by the Thirty.' Within the Peninsula the hostility of Argoe was counterpoised by the attachment of the newly-restored Corinthian oligarchy; and the fate of Mantiuea and uf Pblius struck the smaller states with awe. The acquisitioo of Olyntbus raised her reputation no less than it immediatelystrengthened ber power. To one who considers the dangers" at this time com- pletely veiled from boman foresight " which reallyimpended over the liberty of Greece,the estabUshment of the Spartan dominion may seem to have been, as at least the lightercvit a desirable event. Such it would certainly have been if it coukl have been eShcted ao as not to excite irritatimiaiMl alarm ; but the caus- es which made the Spartanascendency gen- erally odious rendered it also iuseoure. Pleas might be found for tbe prooeedings against Pblius, and Mantiuea,ana Olyntbus; but the seizure of tbe Cadmea was so glaringan act of iojostiee, that even at Sparta, acoordioa to Xenophon,no attempt was made lo defeod it, except on the score of expediency. It was, probably, some consolation to Spartanprideto eacribe the reverses by which it waa aooo after deeply humbled to the anger of the gpia; and XenophoD dhrecta the attention of his readers '- Ite manner in whioh Sparta fellfrom bar t palmy state to one ol^ degradationnsez- ampled in her ttiatmy,as a atgoalproor of a Bupierintsn ding Providence. Thebe*,which had eufl^red the wrong, was chosen as the inatro- ent of divine wrath tor punishing the guilty. But though we would not neglect the niOTal and religiouB side of the subject, there ars some others which It will be fitto notice, and which Xeniqriion appears studiously to have kept out of eight. Tliebes at this time possessed two great men, not. perhaps, the first or the last whom site produced, but tbe only ones whom ourse of events permittejl to take a pront- . part in tbe aOkirs of Greece, These two were not more conspicuous for their pur- sonal qualities than for the mutual attachmeut by which they were united,notwithstandinga '' niilarity amounting almost to a contrast in ' characters and circumstattces. Pelopidas was of noble birth, inherited an ample fortune, and enlarged his connexions by an honourable marriage. He was whollypossessed with an ardent desire of action and glory, conscious of abiliiiea equal to the loftiness of his aims, and valued the advantafes of his rank and wealth ..Cioogic PYTHAGOREANS AT THEBES." PEL OPID AS AND EPAHINONDAS. 17 Old; ai thaj iDJgbt M Babservient to a gcner- OCB ambition, in which his own elevHtion wti sot distin^sfaed frOm his conntry'agrealneao. His rriend Epaminondas was of a nature Tann- ed rather for contemplation than for action,and highly coliivated \ijphilosophical atodiea ; but it was also one which round a sufficient im- pulse to (he most strenuous exertions in the light which hia philoaoidi; threw on his duties as a man and a crtiien. He waa, it seema, of a good family, but was bred and hved in por- erty " poTerty not merely relative to his birth and Btation, but real and absolute as that of Socrates 1 but,as itdid not exclude him from the best society, nor from any opportunity of serving the atate, he appears to have reckoned itas one of the lavourB of fortune which kept him free from UBeleaa encumbrances. His mind had been chiefly formed by hia intercourse with Lysis,one of those Italian Greeks who preaerr- ed and unfolded the doctrines of Pylhagoraa, and who nere induced by some causes, which arc now only matter for conjectnre, to Ax their residence at Thebes,* I'he arrival of thcae learned emigranta would have been an event of no slightimportance if it had produced no other oftcct than that of moulding the character of Epaminondas. But il seems probable that itwas alteoded with con- sequences much more exlenbive. and that it couiribiited not a littleto that great turn in the affairs of Greece which we arc now about to rehite. We collect from Plutarch's work on the Genius of Socrates that these Pythagoreana diffused a general taste for philostTphicnl pur- suits among the llieban ynu^. One tendency of these netv intellectual habits may have been to soften the Ttaeban prejudicesagainst Ath- ens, DOW the central seat of literature and phi- losophy, and thus to prepare for the hospitable reception of tho Athenian exiles,which, in its turn, may be supposed to have given a fresh irapulse to liheral studies at Thebes ; and this was an excitement which must have rendered those who shared itthe more impnirent of Spar- tan domination, and Ote mors indignant at the treacherybj which Thebes had been subjected to it. The Tiolence of Spartaprobably united many Thebatis in the cause of Uberty whose po- litical sentiments might otherwise have kept them wide apArt. Thnre isno reason for think- ing that the exilos who took refuge at Athens aner the seiaure of the Cadmea were, in gener- al,partisans of democracy. Amon|;them were several men of the highest rank,including al- BWBt all who had Ailed the high officeof hippar- chiu,at master of the horae,which,at Thebes, aeems to have been investeil by the old aristo- cratical inatilutlons with snmewhat of a reli- gious, as w"1l as a military and ctril character. But whatever may have been their previoUa opinionB,they were now naturally led to con- sider the independence of Thebes as intimately connected with the establiahmenl of papular gavemnent. Pelopidas and Epaminondas were attracted towards each other by the secret sympathy of kindred natures ; that it was no accidental h (^MUnt. p. 10) aiuki iht) lUT liLi cause which cemented their fViendship wm provedby the invariable constancy with which It maiatalned itself through the course of a highly a^tated publiclife,in which less conge- nial spirits would have found abundant motives for jealousy and discord. They had served to- gether in the Theban division which had been sent to support the Spartan invasion of Manti- nea," and had fought aide by side in the engage- ment which has been already mentioned as hav- ing taken place before the siege of that city. Their line had partially given way, and they were almost eurroanded by the enemy. Pelop- idas fell, piereed with wounda, and Epaminon- das. though he believed him to be dead, contin- ued to shield his body until he himself,havinf received several wounda, waa nearlyoverpow- ered by Buperior numbers, when AgesipoKs came up to his relief. But this occurrence might rather be considered as an indicationof the friendship established between them than as its foundation,or as the occasion (h"m which it derived much additional warmlh. Epami- nondas is said to have been the only one among the friends of Petopidaa whom he could not pre- vail on to accept pecuniary assistance from him. Pelopidas, on the other hand, emulated hia friend's poverty in the simplicity ofhls own habits,though he took no interest in his philo- sophical pursuits, but, after the old Theban fashion, gave his leisure to field sports and at)i- On the seizure of the citadel. Pelopidasjoined [he fugitives, and accompanied them to Ath- ens. Epamioondas remained at Thebes, prob- ably not because his feelings were undecided, nor because be thought himself secured from jealousyby his poverty or his philosophy, but because he conceived that to be his proper post where he had the best prospect of preventing violence and bloodshed. He and his family keptup a secret correspondence with the refta- gees. who were burning with impatience to re- m" end take vengeance on the traitors, and were stimulated with fresh eagerness by all the accounts which ihej received of their proceed- ings. Leontiades and Archias were men of vei7 different charactere ; but their opposila qualities seem to have concurred to aggravate the burdst) andthe ahame of the tyranny-^Xen- ophon himseir usee the word " which they ex- ereiaed with the aid of the foreigngarrison. Leontiades was an active and vigilant party leader,who devoted hia wbole attention to pub- lic affairs, and foond constant occapation in pro- viding for the security of hia govemmeut. For the designs of the exiles were suspected, and it was known that they had iefl many fi-ieods behind them who would be ready to aid Chem : and il waa his chief care to repress such at- tempts from without by caution and severity at home. Archias was a man of vduptuooa hab- its, who desired power aa am instroment of sensual indulgence. He quailed, indeed, befors hia more vigorous and austere colleague, but BliU was able to gratify his passions with the dishonour. of the most reputable families. It was probably such provocations, rattier Ihaa any encouragement which they received from " Not, H Ptu* (iJL,p. SM" Binunmto Piuhum, ii., ''Co Ogle IS fflSTOHY OF GREECE. the state of afftira, that, towards the end or the year 37S,ripened the wishes of the Theban ex- iles into a plan for the recovery of their city. The events or tbe year, indeed, were such as might otherwise have deterred them ; but they seem to have relied on tbe generaleagerness of the population of Thebes to shake offlhe de- grading yoke, and perhaps had received prom- ises of BUppoti from their well-wishers in Ath- ens, It is possible thai their moTsmeats may have been accelerated hy the efforts which their adversaries made to counteract them. Leonti- ades had sent private emissaries lo Athens for the purpose of taking off the foremost of tbe refugeesby nssassination. But the meditated blow only reached Androolidas, and served to pat the rest on their guard. The SpartangoT- emmenl then endeavoured, by an imperioos mandate in the name of the confederacy, to in- duce the Athenians to dismiss their Theban guests. But Athens now requited the hoepital- ity shown to Thrasybolus wi" eimilar firtDnesa In resistartceto this deraaod. Peloptdas was, it seerns,* the firat to form the resolution of exposing his life in a bold at- tempt for the common cause. But he easily found associates, among whom were several men of tbe firstTheban families, eager to share the danger with him. They communicated their design to their friends at Tbebes ; and Epaminondaa was urged to lend his aid to it. But he was restrained by scruples " not, per- haps, simply of natural humanity, or even of philosophy, but rather arising out of his Pytha- gorean religion " from engagingactively in an enterprise which could only be executed by meana of a tumnlt, in which it was likely that Bome innocent Theban blood would be shed. He would pot, it seems, have hesitated to pan- isfa the IrattorouB tyrants without any legal forms; and he could have depended on the calmness and moderation of Pelopidas ; but among tbe partners of his projectwere some men of more fierytemper or less scrupulous character, who, it was to be feared,might seize the occasion to revenge themselves on their personal enemies. 1 He therefore thought it t the U corns forward until he saw a clear opportunity of promoting the pubhc good without becoming " party to any private wrong. He even disana- ded hia frienda from the enterprise ; whether he propoaed any other mode of accomplishing its object does not appear ; but we are inform- ed Chat he endeavoured to excite the self-conli- dence of the Theban youth, and encouraged them lo try their strength with the LacedKmo- nians nf the garrison in gymnastic exercises,in which tboy had commonly the advantage,as a welude to more serious conRicta. His brother Cephisias,however, was not checked by the like scruples, but entered with ardour into the undertaking. Bat the most important confed- erate of the party at Thebes was PhyUidas, who, aceordine to XenoiAon, hsTing been aenl on some business to Athens, instigated tbe ex- ttae attempt, and yet had so completely "-'" sentiments from tbe goveminent ai uoiDB uisi he filledthe post of secretary to the polemarcha, and insinuated himself into the especial favour of Archias by a show of willing- ness to pander to his lust. A day was at length fixed for the attempt, and it was concerted that the main body of the exiles, beaded by Plierenicus, should post thent- selves in the Thriasian plain"or, perhaps, should slowly advance from "leusis towards the border " while a small party " twelve, ac- cording to Plutarch, but according to Xeno- phon no more than seven " among whom Pelop- idas, Mellon, Damoclidas, and Theopompus were the moat conspicuous for their rank, if not for their zeal, should make their way into Thebes, and join their associates there. Two of the Athenian generals, presuming, it aeetns, on the approbation of the people, and appre- hending that to procure a formal decree for the purpose would defeat the planby publishing it to Uie enemy, undertook,on their own anthorily, to marcl^with an Athenian force to the fron- tier, and there to remain in readiness to ano- cour their frienda, as occasion might require. Pelopidas and his companioas assumed the garh of hunters, and when ibey reached Maqnt Citheron,despatched a messenger to Thebes to announce their approach, and to make arrange- ments for their reception.* Charon, one of their most resolute partisans, ofTferedhis hpose 33 a hiding-place for them, and a rendezvooa for all the conspirators, and their messenger returned to give them the necessary directions. In the mean while PhyUidas, in expectation of the event, bad appointed the same evening for a banquet, which he was lo give to Arehias and Philippus, one of his colleagues, under the pre- text either of a publicfestival, tor of celebrating the termination of their year of office,which was now near at hand. And he had promised Archias that be would endeavour, towards (be close of the entertainment, to procure the pres- ence of some Theban matrons. But aa Leon- tiodcs would not have approved of sach pro- ceedings, Archias had desired that he abould not be invited to their orgies. The successor the enterprise depended veiy much on the promptitude with which it might be carried into execution. The rumours whidk had reached Thebes of a plotagainst the gov- ernment had alarmod the Spartanhannosls; and their anxiety aeems to have been increased by some accounts which they received of ainis- ter omens and prodigies that had been lately observed. Lysanoridas had even been induced to set out for Haliartns on the very day ap- pointed fur tbe arrival of the exiles, to perfonn some propitiatory ritea enjoinedby a Thebaa aoothsayer who waa in Uie plot. The forces of Thespic were ordered to be kspt id readi- ness for matching whenever the Spartan c"ni- IhmiMir^ ENTERPRISE OF THE EXILES," DELIVERANCE OF THEBES. manders dionld send for th"m. hour of action drew near, HippoaUienidos, one of Ihe patrioticparty at Thebes, began to be dishearteoed, and was atnick with the seeming abaurdiiy of the scheme, of dislodging the for- eign garrisonby thamasBacTeof afewcitixena. Wiihout consultiDgany of bis associates,he delermioed to pot a stop to their enterprise, and despatched a man named Chlidon, who bad been employed in Mellon's service, to prevent hina and hiBComradea Tram pursuing Iheir way. But the messenger himself was detained at Thebea by an accidental hiadenince ; and the little band of exiles,who, as soon as they crossed Citheron. took diflerent roads, and thus more easily escaped notice, through the inclemency of tbe weather entered tbe city unobserved, and met safely in Ch"ron's house, where they were joinedby their partiSAUS, UD- tilthe whole number anwunted to forty-eight.* They had not been long 8ss"nbled before they were threatened with a new danger. A message came from Archias to sumnaon Charon into his presence. It seemed probable that the plot had been discovered ; and the recent pn- siUanimitj of Hippoathenidas directed general suspicionagainst htm as the informer. Charon obeyed the summons, with little bope that he should see his friends again,among whom he lelt his yoimg son as a hostage for his own fidelity.He, however, returned, and informed them that Archias and PhUippus, whom bs Ibnnd already much excited with wine, had heard that some of the exiles were concesled in the city, but the retort was so vague ti)at they had sent for Charon without any sospi- cion,merely to make inquiries an tbe subject. '"'" nfederales were soon after lyeipo^d to still greater peril. Charon bad not longquitted tbe presence of the polemarchs, when a letter was brought to Archias from an Athenian of the same name, who was at this lime bierophant,communicating to him almost all tbe details of the plot. Happily, the pols- marcb was now so heated and stupified by tbe debanch, that when the bearer of the letter told him it related to importantbusiness,be laid it uide unopened,exclaiming. Let business wait until to-morrow ; and expressed his impatience for the appearance of the female visiters whom niyllidas had led bim to look for. This was tbe moment chosen for the attack. Mellon and a few of his companions were at the door, disguised either as women or as rev- ellers ; and Phyllidas, on pretence of respect for the delicacy of the matrons, had induced Archiu to dismias all the attendants. The conspirators wore then admitted, and, after a short straggle, despatchedArchias,Philippus, jad theother guests. In the mean while Pelopi- Das,witbDamoclidas and Cephisodoms,repaired *" the house of Leontiades,which was already Closed for tbe night. He himself was atiU re- cbniDgattar a temperate loeal, lAile bis wife * T" X.wrT.00 [,.,i,I) dsimbM tho onupiruort u "t" Ih.jianA th" bW. If ma. lIidT wtni pmbibl, "'."iih t^ eTid"in8"rflliu4i"cft])""CTb"t"eeiitlnitwc was spinningby his side. With some dilBcutty theygained admission. He was roused by the noise in time to seize a weapon, with which ha made a vigorous resistance,and slew Cepfaiso- don(s, but St length fell by ihe hand of Pelopi* das. Having then closed the doors of the bouse, and threatened death to the inmates if they should open them, the survivers proceeded to that of Hypales, another leading member of tbe government, who lived close by. He mada his escape, but was overtaken and despatched. Before tbe death of Archias and bis coUeaguet was made public,Phyllidas went to the prison. where a number of bis friends were confined for political offbnces,and, having obtained en- trance on pretence of an order from the pol"- marchs, overpowered the jailers, and set tbtt prisoners at liberty.They found arma in tbe publicporticoes and the armorers' shops, and rushingthrough the streets, proclaimed the fhB of the tyrants, and invited all Thebans to rise in tbe canse of freedom.* During the night the citizens, who did not know what to believe,remained quiet; but Hermippidas and Arcesus, tbe colleagues of Lysanoridas, who were left in command n( the citadel,hearing the uproar, sent for succours to Thespin and PlatEsa ; aod the insurgents de- spalchsd couriers to their friends in Attica. Id the morning, as soon as the events of tlie night were fullyascertained,the people were called together, and Pelopidas and the other champi- ons of freedom, among whom Epaminondaa now took his place, entered the assembly in solemn procession, accompanied by the priests, who bore the sscred symbols of suppliants, and conjured the spectators to light for their hearths and altars. Tbe exiles were hailed with shouts of applauseas the deliverers of their country ; and Pelopidas,Mellon, and Charon were placed at the head of the government with the title of Bceotarchs. which seems to have been meant te indicate that Thebes was about to resume her ancient station among thR Dceotian cities. The whole military force of Thebes declared itself on the side of independence ; and wben it was known that a body of troops was on its way from Plataea to rc-enforce the garrison, the Theban cavalry sallied forih to meet them, and dispersed them with some slaughter. In tb" te of this and the followingday, the twe nian generals, who were waiting with their forces on the frontier, marched into Thebes, and began to co-nperule with their allies in the sieg" ' the citadel. Xenophon says that the garri- n was very weak, though other account* make itamount lo ISOO, and even to G000men..t But the troops which composed it were {trou- biy, in general, bnt illaflected to the "erriee'; the assailants offered large rewards to tbe first who should scale the walls; and the SpartM commanders found themselves compelled te propose terms of capitulation, which were glad- wu nndarukiu "nim Uoatodn ud HnUn I7 Filg^i- du. Andlhiiloukl thaBm)IK4MlilaKC"iBl. BolXaB- HISTORY OF GREECE. Ijrgrantedby the besiegera. The garrison was ulowed to march out with their anna ; bat eev- 4ral of the Tbebans who had taken refuge among them were arreated and put to death by their exasp^teilcountrymen, who, according to Xenophon, even wreaked their fury on the Ihmiliesof theirTictiius, The Atheniane, how- ever, were humane enongh to interpose, and sueeeeded in sheltering some from the ven- geance of ttieirenemies. llie news of the Thehan tnaurrection wu received at Sparta with the vexation which , men commonly experience when they are de- . pdved of the fruits of their injnstioe. It vent- ed itself firston the harmoats who had BUiren- dered the Cedmea.* Hermippidas and Arce- SDs were put to death before they returned home, and it seems with scarcelyany form of trial,at Corinth : and Lyeanoridas, tihewise,as Plutarch leads us to suppose, in his absence. was condemned to a penalty bo heavy as to be equivalent to a sentence of banishment. -f The partisans of the tyranny, who were now in their turn driven into exile, roused the hostility of the Spartangovernment against the city which bqd so audaciously asserted its independence, and an amiy was ordered to march against Thebes. It was expected that Agesilaus would have taken the command, but he declined it on the plea that his age entitled him to exemption from foreign service. His real motive, Xeno- phon informs us, was, that he shrank liiim the reproach which he apprehended of involving his country in war for the support of an odious cause. His excuse was admitted, and hia col' league,Cleombrotus, the brother of Ageslpolis, was forced to conduct the expedition. He aeems to have engaged in it with feelings not unlike those which his father had shown to- wards the Athenians in similar circumstancest Tbe road into Bceotia through Eleulherte was tnaided by Cbabrias,the Athenian general, at aie head of a body of targeteers. Cleombrotus thererore crossed the mountains by the pass above PlatKB, which he found occupiedby a mnall Theban force,consisting, according to Xenophon, of the liberated prisoners; but they were cut down almost to a man by his light troops. Hs remained encamped in the Theban terriloiy about sixteen days, but so studiously abstained from committing any damage, that * Xiiwiilwii(H.," Ir iluuiiv ths whola raipoimbilit)-. as might hire lupiw- iritb FluUrch ; ud pirhaia the cnndmuiiuoii of holh uffi- "n ilmfficiamlyeiploineil liy Iho "mtoniinorj imUlion Modaud vX SfHrtt)"T the recent Ion. t FlDl.,Fsl.,IS. Hen, icill,mi might ba UDptHl to "liMht VBrinlLottin the Damcnr LyunoridM.arLyHiidriiUi, to implT (hut theT mm the cbitd*offevdAre. 4 Xeeinhon (II.. i., 1, 14) nr; elaerlr dsKrihai Uu b"- lll* rHsoreiT of lbs Cednin, ud U tlM UTint of UiaThi- On ndi " point ha ii nartidiil^ Iha tx nliel' of tba cit(da],and u , . b( b""d (fillmnndR """ Ihg p ten were at a loss to nnderstnid w they had been at war or at peace with the Ttw- bane. On his return, he left Sphodrise as har- most at Thespis, with a third pail of tbe allied forces, and all the money he had brought fran home, and directed him with it to enlist merce- ries in his sarvica. He himself descended tbe seacoast on the Gulf of Creuais,aoil. as be parsaed his march along the mountaio road towards the Isthmus, was assailed by b etona of wind so violent as to carry away a conaidet- sble quantity of arms and baggage with tbe beasts of harden into the sea. It waa consid- ered, Xenophon says, bj some, as an omen of '' e impendingpolitical tempest. The expedition of Cleombrotus, fruitless u was with regard to the Tbebans, seems ts have made an impressioa at Athens which conld not have been expected, and which it n difficult to explain. That the wishes of ^le people at large were strongly in favour of Ibe independence of Thebes cannot be questioned. and, indeed, had been distinctly declared when Chabrias was sent to guard the pass of Eleu- therte. Nevertheless, aftor the return of Cle- irotuB,the two generals who had aidc^ in recovery of the Cadmea were brought to trial ; one of them was put to death,the olfaer. 'bo did not abide the trial, waa outlawed. Il sems absolutelynecessary to snppoae that they had acted without the sanction of the peo- ple, and Xenophon describes their ofi^nce to have been, that they were privy to the attempt of the Theban exiles. Yet an orator of the generationasserts, that a dccroo was passed on the motion of Cephalus, a leading teaman (rfthis period, Ibr sending succours dislodge the LacedKmonian garrison.* If s was the case, we most conclude that the charge on which they were condemned was. that,by the encouragement which they gave Ki ' exiies,they bad drawn Athens into hostib- againstSparta. According to Xenophon, the expedition of Cleranbrotus led the Atheni- ans for the firsttime to reflect on the danger to which they had exposed themselves by tbeir breach of Uie peace, now that Corinth no longer served as a harrier to protect them fnxn inv"- and in the height of their ^arm they odd. demoed the two unfortunate generals. Yet the character of the Athenians renders it hard to believe that they were impelled on this occa- sion by mere timidity. There waa, as may be collected fn"m Plutarch,t a party at Athens " the relics of the oligarchy " with the popular orator Callistra' i^ at its head, favourable to tbe oppre:i3orsorT: ';be", and desirous of upholding the ascendency of Sparta. It had been unabte ' resist the lirst irapulae of the publicfeeling behalf of Theban hbcrty. Bui when tbe sympathy which had been roused by the danger of the cause had been somewhat weakened by iccesB, it seems as if its adversaries fbnnd IS to produce a tempnraiy reaction, in which the two generals were sacrificed to the of reconciliation with Sparta, listurn in the public mind al Athens gave great alarm to the new government of Thebes.t M bfluvn vT mlettflTfh THE ATHENUN CONFEDERACY. fl I their own (esourcea, Ihey e cru^ed by the irresistibleforce or the Pelo- ponnesianconfederacy. Tn this eraergency tbey may hare been driven lo a stratagem which was periiapesuggeated lo them by the well- known Tenality of the Spartan character. Sjitio- ilnas. the haimoat at Thespix. had passed through an honounble career of aoMiorBhip, but he waa beliCTed to be inoapable of resisting a bribe, vad the e*eo( seemed to proTe that he had been corruptedby Theban eauesariea.* He voa iaduccd to inarch fnxn Tbespic aa if wiihtheiuleiitioaofaurpTisiQgPirEUB, in which the gates were not yet finished. If,indeed, be was, as Plutaicb represents him. a nian of high ambitioii and weak judgment, it would be con- ceivable uiat he waa aeiied with a desire or emulating the esptoil of Phiebidas, and aa he might think more safely,mnce the Athenians had been the aggrMBors. Hia meaanrea, how- ever, were in IMe case ao ill concerted,that by daybreak he had advanced no "nber than the Thriaaian plain, wbere his men are said to have been struck with auperstrtioua terror by a blaie which seemed to issue from the tempie of Eleu- sia. It was now manifeatly tiseless to proceed; bnt, instead of retreating as rapidly and quietly as possiUe, he indulged his troops with havoc and plnnder. In the mean while news had beea bronghl to Athens that a great army was marching against it ; and the whole citywas up in arms. It happened that three envoya had arrived not long before from Sparta; and they were immediately arrested as privy to the de- signe of their generala.They, however, not only asserted their own innocence,which they cuDtended was sufficiently provedby their pres- ence at a Juncture when, if they had been aware of the movements of Sphodrias, they would cer- tainly have withdrawn from the city, but assu- red tbe Athen ians thai they would soon receive aatisTaclion from the l.ac"dsemoaian govem- meat, which, they doubled not, would capitally punishthe general who had taken such a step without its orders. They were believed, and suffered to depart. Sphodrias, indeed, was recalled, but,not vcti- turing to return borne,was tried ip bia absence. His doom was generally considered certain, being not only merited by his ruhness, but da- mantled bypolicy to soothe the Athenians ; and Siymodes,"ui" of the envoys who had held out ihe expeolBtion of his punishment at Athens, was aoionghisjudges. He seemed lo have the less chance of escape, aa be belongedtu the party which was opposed to Agesilaus, and had, perhaps, on this account been selected by Cle- ombrotua for the command st TheaplK. Bui ilie character of Agesilaus was distinguished frum the ordinaryS^rUa mould by an amiable iuftneaa, which he did not scruple to indulge at the public expense; and he was on this occa- siun assailed on his weak side. His son Ar- chidamus was on a rooliog of afiectionateinti- macy with Cleonymus, the son of Spbodriaa, Gsniidu lud tn uof ChuiiD and the tears of his yottng friend induced hi" 10 intercede with his father in behalf of the cul- prit. Agesilaus.though convinced that Spho- drias had not merely been guilty of jpipnidenoe, but had aoldlhe interests of the slate, could not resist bia son's entreaties,and exerted all hia influence to save Spbodriaa,adeging that it wouM be hard and unwise to pul to death a man whose previous conduct bad been irre- proachable for a single offence. His interest prevailed, and Sphodrias was acquitted. The report of the eanctioa thus given to bia conduct excited great indignation at AUiens, where the secret springs of the transactioB were probablylong unknown ; and tbe friends of Hiebes eagerly availed themselves o( it to urge the people into a close alliance with her. Active preparations were now made for with- standing the common enemy. The fortifica- tions of Pirnua were completed; a new fleet of a hundred galleys waa puton the stocks;'and, as if the shock had roused lier from her leth- argy', Athens began to remember her ancient maritime dominion, and to stretch her hands out to recover it. She at this time posaesaed several eminent generala and statesmen : the ingenious and enterprising Iphicratea ; Chabri- as, a kindred spirit, though somewhat more tardy in maturing his plans,displaying an en- ergy borderingupon raahness in their execu- tion ; his young friend Phocion, alreadycapable of supplying the defects of the elder generalhj hia promptness of decittion and steady coolness of temper,! Conon was now goue. He had, it seema, escaped, or had been released from his Persian prison, and ended his days in Cy- prus.]: The gratitude of the .\thenians honour- ed him with a brazen statue, the firstthat had been erected to a citizen emce the time of Har- modius and Ariatogeton,aa well as bis friend Evagoraa, both in an august position, expressive of titeir signal services to tiie state,near thai of Zeus tlie Deliverer.^ He had left a son, Timotbeus, who inherited his talanls and vir- luea, and was peculiarly qualified by his upright and amiable character,even more than by hia abilities, for completing his father's work,by the restoration of the Athenian empire, with such limitations as Ihe altered condition of Greece now prescribed. We do not exactly know on what footing tbe cities recovered for Athena by Conon and Thrasjbulus were placed. It seems, however, most probable"especially aa Conon is ao constantly spoken of as the libera- tor of the Greeksll" that they retained tbcir in- dependence, and only paidreallyvoluntarycon- tributions for their own protection as occaaion required, T Afler the peace of Antalcidaa their canaexion wiih Athena was dissolved,and Spar- ta appeara to have taken possession ofmost of them again. Several of them were now weary of the impertona and oppressive rule exercised by ber hsrmoets, and believed that Athene^ schooled by ber reverses, might be more safe- ly trusted with power than her rival. Chioe LppBBn (0 hfe#Bb*BQ SflBnlHja'i aaaiim. Ptu- "" AgHilnia, M, Montm iha oobiIiirtt Spho- llf to smbilkm at mkr ; bw m Pal.,14.idntiU llwibf *u biiliid bf tmkiptim. " Fsltbioi,ll,, M t Plsunita,Phoc, I. I Ltuu. Ds lioiiii AiiRinll.,p. lU. 4 ItoniMlh.,Lfpt.,p. "", l"t., Eng., 4).MO, c. I I""aiiWh,,Lapl.,p.l1T.DinuGliul a.L"fiiKi"li.,p.tl. 1 fiiMkh (III . c. ril Hemi loheatt dltfcniiil ""ff-.'va. lut at leut it V"7 bt iaftTrtd From lIlb fkcililjr with which tho conTBdoruj w*" "ft"iw"ni " "" -" """ '-"- -" w HISTORY OF GREECE. tnd B}rzaiitiuni firsirevolted from Sparta, and "ou^t Athenian protection.They were fol- lowed by Rhodes and Mitytetie, and these form- ed Ibe nucleus or a new confederacy, which gradually embraced a great number of insular and maritime states. Athena was to preside; BO longer, however, as a sofereign, bpt in the "pirit with which Arislides regulated the Con- "tjlution of the original lea^e. All the mero- hen were to be equallyindependent ; they were to send repreaentaCLves to a congress* which was to be held at Athens, and in which the amallest state had a vote, and the greatest, Athens herself included,was to have no more. This assembly was no doubt empowered to Ex Ibe amoont of the contributions, t which took the place of the old arbitrary tribute. Athens, however, was to receive and dispose of them. According to Diodonis,tone of her firstmeas- ures WBB to give her new allies an earnest of the equity and moderation which were hence- forth to govern her conduct towards them, by decree which directed the restitution of all the bnds that had been parcelled out among her citizens in the cUmchial colonies,and forbade all Athenians to acquire or cultivate land o Attica. We should,however, have wished for tome higherauthority than Diodoms to satisfy aa, both that this decree was not simplypro- spective, and how far, both aa to time and place, its retrospective range extended. That Athens had formed any new clemchiol establishments since the Peloponneaianwar, as Diodonis seems to stale,f and now gave them up, appears hard- ly credible. One peculiarity in the Constitution of the new confederacywas, that it waa not confined to the maritime states, hat included Thebes among its members, llie addition of ' eo powerful an ally tended to coonterpoise the preponderance of Athens, and thus to secure the independence of the rest. But it altered the character of the confederacy, as it implied the maintenance of a land force,to which the contributions of the maritime states were apjdted, as those of Thebes to the con savy. The decree by which Diodorus sajs the Athenians resolved to raise an army of SO.OOO keavy infantry and 500 cavalry, and to equip a fleet of SOO sail,was most probably an act of the congress, and described the smount of the nnited forces which itvoted for carryingon the For this information w are indebted almost WboUj to Diodoms ; Xenophon passes over this important event in profound silence. Yet, thongh Diodorua has evidently fallen into one of his usual errors when he refers the origin of the confederacy to the interval between the re- oovery of the Cadmea and the attempt of Spho- drias,we shall probably not be far mistaken if we suppose that it was formed very soon after the latter event. The danger with which Spar- la aaw herself threatened by the detection of her maritime allies, induced her, it is said,l"oth lo treat the rest more mildly, and to adopt a new system Ibr (he regolation of their contin- gents. The whole confederacywas divided " mnMfui, BII4 tjmtk ot^tm oolonisa,though Bovckh (Li into ten classes : Sparta herself forming th" first, the Arcadian states the second and thin], Elis the fourth, the Achieans the 6Ab, Conntb and Megara the sixth, Sicyon,Phlius,and tbe towns of the Argohc Act^ the seventh, tbe Acarnaniana the eighth, the Phociana and Lo- crians the ninth ; OlynUius and the other cities on the coast of Thrace made up tbe tenth. As to the other details of die new amngeiDeni Diodoras is silent, except that one heavy-armed soldier was deemed equivalent to two ligtit- armed, and one trooper to four heavy-amied ; which seems to imply that each state was per- mitted to determine the qoaiity of ita con^ngent. After the acquittal of Sphodrias. the Spartan govemmeat prepared for a fieah expedition against Thebes. The forbearance of Cleom- brotus bad been viewed with greatdisapproba- tion at Sparta, and Ageailaus was aonr invited to take the conmiand. He no longerthoughtit indecorous to accept a commission which gave him an opportunity, probablyby no means an- welcome, of gratifying hisoid resentment. His firstcare was to secure the passes of Cithsron, and for this purpose he took advantage of a war whioh was at this time carried on between the Arcadian lovms of Cleitor and Orchoraenus,* to which the former employed a body of merceni- Ties. He bargained with Cleitor for the use of this little army, and as soon as he had crossed the border, having fnmished its commander" the cmdottiere,as the Italians would call him" with a month's pay, sent him forward to occu- py Citheron with his troops. To protect Cle- itor in their absence, he enjoined ibe Orchome- nians to suspend hostilities aa long as the ex- pedition should last, and iaaued a general proc- lamation that, if any city should attack another while the army of the confederacywas in tbe field, it should be the first against which bia arms should be turned. HavrngcroasedCiibv- ron without interruption, he advanced throagh Theapia; to the Theban frontier. He (iwnd tttt approaches lo the plain of Thebes on this side closed agaioat him by a trench and palisade, which were guarded by the Theban cavaby. But the enemy toon lost their advantage from the want of petaeveringvigilance, and Agesila- UB, having passed through thsir undefended Imes,sprrad havoc over tbe lertiie plain, which wasjnatwhitefortheharveat.Xenophon would lead us to suppose that he met with no farther opposition, but withdrew, as soon ss he had completed hia ravages, for want of any other object. Other credible accounts, however, in- form us that his movements were watched by Chabriaa at the bead of an Athenian army, which was sent to the aid of the Thebans, who were commanded by the Bteotarch Gorgidas,s worthy colleague of Pelopidas, and that at one time a battle waa expected. The Athenian id Theban troops were sdvantageoualyposted on the range of hillstwo miles south of the city, yet Ageailaus thought himself strong enough *~ attack them. He first sent bis targeteen against them, and, when these were repulsed, advanced to the charge with hia phalanx. CHABRU5." AGESILAUS. Chabriae ordered hit men to keep the[r ground, pointing their spears against the enemy,' and resting their shields upon one knee ; Gorgidas followed his eiampte. The attitude was new, and indicated a spirit which rnigbt inalte the vicloiydoubtful, and Agesilaiis thought it pru- dent CO sound a retreat. The maniEUTie ac- quired so much celebrity that a statue was af- terwanl erected to Ghabrias at Athens in the attitude which he had devised ; and itseems to have hastened the enemy's retreat from the Tbehan territory.Ageeilaus,passingthrougfa Thespin on his retarn, helped the inhabitants to repair their fortificalions, and then, having left bis client Pbffibidaa there as harmost, pur- sued his march home. Phtebidaa, in the course of the year, annoyed the Tbebans so much by frequentinroads, that at lengthIbey collected all their forces,and, under the command of Gorgidas, invaded the territory of Thespi^. But they were checked in their meditated ravages by the activity of the Spartan general, who hovered about them, to cut off all stra^lers from the phalanx with his lighttroops. They found their position irksome, and even dangerous, and began to re- treat, closely followed by Fhtebidas, who hoped to put them to the rout. But a wood which lay on their road forced them to turn upon their pursuer, and their cavalry made a charge, in which Phtebidaa fell ; and hts troops, disheart- ened by their loss, fled in disorder toThcspite.t This success encouraged the Thebans to re- new their invasion of the Thespian territory, and to make attempts upon some of the other Bceolian cities. Xenophon observes that in all these cities an oligarchical government had becD established, like that from which Thebes had just been delivered, and that targemigra- tiooahad taken place Jrom among the common- alty to Thebes ; bo tiiat the friends of Sparta were in need of succoor. A new general was sent with a mora " ^wbich was transported "across the Corinthian Gulf" to Thespia, to bri- dle tbe Thebans a littlein the absence of an in- 'ading army. Early"a the following spring(377)Agesilana again took the field. The commander of the garrisonat Tbespiffi had,by his orders, secured the pass of Citheron, and he descended to PlatEa. It was expected that he would thii time take a different road (rom that by which he bad entered the plain of Thebes (he year he- lore, and an intrenchment had been thrown up across the vale of tbe Asopus at Scolus to ar- rest his march. But he deceived the enemy into a belief that he meant again to pass through "Hiespis ; and they abandoned their position at Scolus to take up one near the western bor- der. He then made a rapid march down the *ale of [he Asopus, and having passed Scolus anoppoaed, lirst ravaged the eastern side of the Thebanterriloryaa fares the confines of Tana- ' n"" Mam iM iponinif itDiiiof Fulimu. ii.,1. "^"^ lU phnw. of Dlodonii,I... U, h ifB^ nj itfar t Nc"wlthitBBd]Dg the muT dimipuiciBi batweai ^Kiphiiii'i nunliTE, U., T., 4,M, uul Ihu of PoLjaniii -"'Ia. X it iHiui probkblf thtl thflj rflferto (ba """*"" fw* ilhElXaiuni"iin.ohaD iujart gra, which was In the hands of a Irjendly party, and then marched along the plainwestward, leaving the city on his left, until he reached the place" a pass named Graosstethos " where the Thebans were either waiting his approach from ThespiE or prepared to oppose bis retreat ; they were, however, so stronglyposted, that he did not think it prudent to attempt to dislodge them by force,but,changing hia front, moved towards the city. Alarmed for its safety " for il had been left very weakly guarded " they hastilyquitted their position, and marched to- wards Thebes. On (heir way they fellin with the enemy ; but, after a little skirmisbiag, Agesilausretreated, and encamped for the night at the position which they had left. The next day they were encouragedby this slight advan- tage to pursne him, but their lighttroops were driven off with considerable loss by the Oiyn- thian cavaby, which was now serving in his army according to tbe terms of the treaty. He stayed a short time at Thespis to compose (he feuds which were still raging there. The oli- garchy, notwithstanding the LacedKmooian gar- rison and the migrations uf the commonalty, still thought itself endangeredby tlio presence of the disaffected, and wished to rid itself of them by a massacre. Agesilaus diverted hia partisans from this design, and induced them and their adversaries to give one another the security of oaths of mutual amnesty. Having (bus established an appearance of tranquilhty, he crossed over to Megara ; here he met with an accident " the bursting of a bloodvessel, aa Xenophon describes it" which was Vba begin- ning of a long illness. His two expeditions had destroyed two suc- cessive harvests, and scarcitybe^n to be felt at Thebes. To reheve it,agents were sent with two galleys to purchase com at Pegaaw ; but Alcetas, who commanded a Laced temoniati garrison at Oreas, on the opposite coast of "a- biea,having intelligence of theu movements, sent out three galleys, which intercepted them un their return, and captnred their vessels with about 300 men. Tiie prisoners were lodged ia the citadel of Oreus ; but they were so negli- gently guarded, that, daring tbe absence of Al- cetas, who was in the habit of paying too fre- quent visits to the lower town, they contrived to make themselvef masters uf the fortress; and the Lacednmonian force was so small,or had rendered itself so odions, that the towns- men seized this opportunity to renounce their connexion with Sparta. Thus not only were (he ships and cargo recovered, but a secitte channel was opened fur fresh supplies. But the damage which the Theban agricoltuie suffered from these inroads of Agesilauswas, perhaps, more than compensatedby ^le milita- ry experience which (he Thebans gained from them. They had not, indeed, been able to pro- tect their territory, nor had (hey ventured to meet the enemy on even ground, or fought a regular battle ; bnt they had not been confined to their walls ; they bad engaged in partial con- flicts with a LaoedKioonian army; they had seen it retreat before them, and had foond ft pretextforerectiDg8tTO|diy. And alltbis wben opposed to the ablest conunandei that Spaita had ever possesBed at the head of the baeea of hei newly-augmentedconfedeiacy.They were 24 HISTORY OF QREECB. tliQile^ining to ehake off the terror which the Spartan name iaapired ; and itwas not withoat reaaon thai AgesikuB was reproacbed with the leaaons wbioh he had given them.* The groat men nho now conducted their affairs perceiTed the inpartance of these trialsof strength forrous- iQ{ the spirit of their fellow-citizens, and made it their object to provide as many as they could with safety.Among the eipediente to which the; resorted for cherishing the martial ardour thus excited, one, which is attributed eametines to Gorgidas, sometimes to Epaminondas, and which we might almost suppose to have been suggestedby Pythagorean recollections, was the institutionof a kind of military brother- hood, consisting of 300 men, selected not mere- ly with regard to their personalqualities, but to their matual intimacies. They were main- tained in the Cadmea at the public expense, to be in constant training and readiness for ac- tion, and either from thia or from some other onknown cause, acquired the name of the Sa- cred Band. The next spring(376) found Agesitaus atill confined to his chamber, and Cleombrotus was ordered to lake his place at the head of the army, which was again to invade the Theban territory. But he neglected the precautions with which bis colleague had secured the pass- es of Cithteron, and found them occupiedby Tbeban and Athenian troops. He sent his tar- geteers to dislodge the enemy, but they were repulsed, routed, and some forty of tUem slain. He chose to treat the obstacle aa insurmounta- ble, and led his army home. His conductagain excited loud murmurs at Sparta, not onlyamong his fellow-citizens, but among the alhes,who, in a congress which was bald there after his return, complained that more energetic meas- ures were not adopted for bringing the war to a close. No use. it was obsenod, was made of their naval superiority, which would enable Ihem either to atarve Athens into submission, or to transport an army at any time to one of the BcEotisn or Phocian porta, so as to attack Thebes at the proper season. This suggestion was adopted; a fleet of sixtygalleys was filled out, and placed under the command of Pollis, who was instructed to cruise among the Cyo- lades, and intercept the corn ships bound for PirBus. Athens, entirely dependant on foreign suppbes,began to suffer from the blockade. But she was now able to meet the enemy at aea. A fleet,according to Diodorua, of more than eightygalleys, was quicklymanned, and the command was assigned lo Chabrias, For the purpose, it would seem, of forcing the ene- my to a battle, he undertook the siege of Nax- os, Poliia, coming up to relieve it, did not de- cline an eogagomcnt. which,alter a bard strug- gle, in which Phocion greatlydistinguished himself,was decided in favour of the Athe- nians. The enemy's loss,on the moat moderate calculation, aeema to have exceeded thirtygal- leys, and, if we may believe Diodorus, would have been far greater if the recollection of Ar- ginuiai had not restrained Chabrias from pur- Boit, and induced him to devotP his whole at- tention to bU own people, who were to be saved from the wmcke of eighteenships. Itie vic- tary, though, with respect to the numbera en- "PlBU **",". gaged, mucb leai brilliantthan many of an ear- lier period, was pecuharl; seasonable and im- portant, not only betiause it delivered Athens from the danger of famine, but because it en- couraged the people in their hopea of regaining the dominion of the sea ; for iL was the first that bad been won by an Athenian fleet" at Cnidua Conon commanded a foreignnavy " aiocE iho end of thp, Peloponnesian war. Early in the following year (376) Sparta re- newed her preparations for the invasion of Btso- tia. But before tliey were completed, the event of the battleof NazoB suggested to the Thehaxis that Athens might render them much more effi- cacious aervicB than they had received from her troops, if she would revive the practice oT former times, and would send a fleetrouod Pel- oponnesus, which, threatening the enemy at home, would divert him from the meditated ex- pedition. The proposal was very readilyadopt- ed ; and Timotbeus was ordered to sail west- ward with sixtygalleys. It does not appear that he bad any more specificinstructions,or that be attempted to do any mischief on the coasts of LaconiR. He firatbent his course to Corcyra,and, according to Xenophon'a lan- guage, immediately made himself master of the island, but used his success with great modera- tion, did not treat it as a conqueredcountry, banished none of the citizens, and made no change in the laws. All thia,perhaps,means nothing more than that at his first appearance the Corcyrieanswilhngly renewed their ancient exion with Athens, and that Timotheus ot abuse tbeir confidence. He was no less successful in Cephallenia and Acamania, and even drew Alcetaa,king of the Molossians, whose authority seenis to have extended over ^eat part of the Ephot tribes, into the .\l1ie- m alhance. He was not, however, sull'ered make this progress without interruption. A fleet was sent out from Peloponnesus to oppose him, under the command of the Laceda^mD^iaa admiral Kicoloohus. He found Timotheus m the Bay of Alysia on the Acaroanian coast, and, though he had no more llian fifty-five galleys, and expected six from Arabracia, he did not hesitate to offer battle. He was, however, de- feated : but it would seem with littleloss ; for having soon afler received llie re-enforcement from Aml)racia, he again sailed up to Alyzia, where Timotheus was refitting, and bis chal- lenge not beingaccepted, raised a trophy in his But he was not able long to present m) a front ; for Timotheus, having repaired [;"se1:j, and obtained some addition to Lis force from Corcyra,put to sea witli eevrnty sail ; an armament which the enemy could not repel, but which the Athenian general,who, ac- cording to his friendand culogiiit Isucratea,had brought with him only thirteen talents from home, found it very difficultto maintain ; and itelligence of bis successes was accompa- with an apphcalion fur fresli and larger supplies from the treasury. Ilia expedition, however, had answered the purpose for which the Thebans bad suggested It gave such occupation to Sparta as pre- ited her this year from renewing the inva- sion of Bteotia, and thus enabled them to dhect their forces against the BcEotian towns, which, under the sanction of the peace of Antakidos cij:ohbhotus in phocib. and tbe patronasie of Sparta, had awerted. their mdepeodeDce. These towns recoUod more than ever from the dominioa of Thebea, because, while tbe Theban govenueent bad been ansu- ming a mure popular character, tbair inatitu- tiODS bad become, under Spartan infiuBDCe, more purelyoligarchical than before. There were three amoDg them which were viewed at Tbebea with peculiaranimoaity, which they returned with a deadly hatred, excited by the conleats aad mutual in;urieBof many generatJaDS. Tbeae were Plateea,ThespiK, and Orcbomenua ; and tfaey continued lo hold out alter must of the othera had been compelled to renew ih"ir an- cient connexion with Thebes. OrcbomenuB, aa tbe rooBi important, hail received a Lacedtemo- uian garrieon of two mor^a. in tbe year 376 Pelopidaa, who was annually re-elected to tbe office of Bteotatch,hearing that the garrison waa absent on an expedition into Locria,con- ceived hopes of Burpriaipg the city.Expecting, probably, that succeaa would depend more on tbe rapidity of hia movRmenls than on (he force employed, he took with bim only tbe Sacred Baad"which had bilberto never been brought iiitQaction,eitherby itaelforas a separate body, but bad been distributedover the foremoec ranks of the Theban armies " and a amall troop of horse. But on his arrivalhe found that a suffi- cient force had been sent to supply tbe place of the absent garrisonat Orobomenus, and that it would be prudent lu retreat. He took the road which skirted the northeast corner or tbe Co- paic l.ake. and was marching along the foot of the billson the eastern side,about three miles in a direct line from Orcbomenus, near Tegyra, when he was suddenly encountered by tbe two moras, commanded by the polumarcbsGorgo- leon and Tbeopompus, wbicb were reluming ftom Locria. Tbe nuiubera of tbe enemy, ac- coTtling 10 tbe ordinarycompoaition of the mora, must have been three or four times larger than his own ; and tbe first impressionproducedon his followers was dismay. He himself did not despair ; and when one came runningup to bim with tbe exclamation, " We have falleu into the midst of the enemy," coollyanswered, "Why not they into tbe midst of us!" He seems to have relied on the effect of one desperate effort to break through the enemy's line ; and having first sent his cavalry forward (o the charge, broughtup his little band, formed,according to the ^d Tlieban practice, in a great depth. It is doubtful what the issue would have been, ifthe two Spartangenerals bad not fallen in the first nnael. This event decided the fortune of tlie day. Their troops, indeed,at first preserved BU^cieut presence of mind to open their ranks, so as to afford a passage for the Thebana, who, they supposed, could not aim at anything more than making their way through. But Pelopidaa, instead of using the opportunity of escape, suc- cessively attacked each division of tbe enemy, untilhe had completely routed their wbole ar- my. He did not. however, think it prudent to follow up his succeaa, fearing that be might be overtaken by fresh troops from Orchomenua. The importance of this victory is not Co be measured by the numbers engaged. Xenophon, indeed,passes over it in total ulence ; but this may be considered as a tacit testimony to the merila of Pelopidaa. The battle of Tegyia con- Vol. II." D tributedmore than any prerioos event to raise the Thebans in their own eatimalion. and tv abate their fear of Spartan valour and discipline. It encouraged them to bolder ent^prises, and made them more careless of the support and good-will of ttieir neighbours, and less attentive 10 the appearance of mildness and moderation in their treatment of tbeir enemies. In tbe spring of 374 tbey undertook an expedition againstPhocis; from what motive ^whether merely to hurt an ally of Sparta,or to revenge Ihemaelves for assistance which the Pbociaos had given to the Bmotian towns" we are not informed. The Phocians applied for succour to- Sparta, and Cleumbrotus was seat with an aimj, which he transported into their country across the Lk)r)ntbian Gulf Upon this the Thebans retreated, and remained upon the defensive within tbeir own frontier. U was at (his junc- ture that a warning voice reached Sparta,re- vealing a danger which threatened her and tlM rest of Greece, and which, it seems, neither abe nor any other state had hitherto descried. The glimpses which we have caught from Lime 1j"time in tbe course of this history of the internal stale of Thessaly, have shown us that country, thoughacknowledging a idnd of politi- cal unity, as seldom, if ever, and at tbe m"Bt very imperfectly united ondei one government. A few great famdies, wboae possessionslay chiefly aboul " " Pliarsalus, v ty otlaguiI at other tii of Lariesa,Crannon, and sometimes able to extend tbeir everal other towns. Now and chiels was raised to the digni- tbeiT authority, even where they resided, waa sbakea by civil feuds. At tbe period which we have now reached the principal seats of power were no longer tbe aame : most of tbe Tbessalian towns acknowledged tbe ascendency of Pbsrsa- lus or of Pherte. At tbe close of the Peh)pon- "esian war, Pbers was under the dominion of Lycophron. His elevation was, perhaps,con- nected with those struggles against tbe old aris- tocracy, in which,not many year? beroru, Crilias- had taken a part. He felthimself strong enough to aim at extending his power over the whtde of Thessaly; and among the events of the year in which Athens surrendered,Xenophon re- cords a victory which be gained over the Thes- salians who apposed bim, among whom those of Larissa were foremost, but does not mention any results that ensued from it. Some tea years later,at the breakingout of the Corinth- ian war, we find bim still engaged in a contest witli Larissa, which was then subject to Medi- us. probably the head of the Aleuada. Lyco* pbron was supportedby Sparta, and Medina applied for succours to tbe confederacy which had just been formed against her. The Theban Ismenias waa sent to his aid with a tiody of 2000 men, Bteotians and Argjves, and enabled him to make himself miL^ter of Pbarsalus, which was occupiedby a Lacidumoniaa garrison. Medina is said to have sold all the inhabitants as slaves. It seems as ifthe success of Agesi- laus, after his return from Asia, gave a diSiir- ent turn to tbe affairs of Thessaly, Pharsalus, havingappaieotly recovered tbe greaterpart oT her population, not onlyTefiaiaed her independ- ence, hut rose to a ' " " "- a rival to PberE. HISTORY OF GREECE. The eit7,however, wbb no Innger in the hands or the Scopada ; it Has divided between eootendmg factions,which, lor the sake of quiet and secnrily. had resorted to an expedient less common in the history of the latef Greek re- pnhlica thati ithad been in earlier limes. They placed themselves in the power of in individual on whom all could rely. It was one of their fellow-citizens named Polydamas, whose repu- tation and virtues attracted and earned this honour^le confidence. He was intrusted with the citadel, and with the whole administration of the publicrevenue. He discharged hie trust with the strictest integrity and diainteresied- Deas, rendering sn account every year, and sometimes supplying the deficiency of the rev- enue by advances from his private fortune. At Phera, the supreme power had now pass- ed into the hands of Jason,probablyI.ycophron's son, as he ts said to have inherited his fnther's hospitable relation to Sparta, which continued after his own political connexion with her had ceased. He likewise succeeded to Lycophron's ambitiou* views, but enlarged them into twtder schemes of aggrandizement,and, with superior genius and energy, possessed far ampler means of fulfilling them. He kept a standingarm; of 6000 mercenaries in his pay, all picked men, trained under bis own eye with un intermitting care, and attached to his service both by a judiciousliberality, and by the respect and confidence which his char- acter inspired. He had compelled most of the Thessalian cities of the firstrank to enter into alliance with him, or, in other words, to become fats subjects, notwithstanding the opposition of Pharsalua ; and his swaj was acknowledgedby several of the neighbouring tribes. Even Al- cetas, the king of Epinis, was leagued with him OD the footing rather of a vassal tban an equal. This success encouraged him to carry his views much farther ; and to whatever quarter he look- ed, he saw no barrier to his ambition which he did not feel himself able to surmount. The first step which he had to take was to acquire 4he titleof tagus, and to unite all Thessalyun- der his legitimateauthority. The force which Thessal^r alone was at this time able to furnish was estimated at 10,000 heavy infantry, and flOOO cavalry. He might then calculate on the BiUmisaioi) of all the borderingtribes, which would yield both an abundant supply of light troops, and regular tribute. The state of Ma- cedonia was such as seemed to give him a war- rant for lookingupon its resources as his own. In those,together with the Penest population "f Thessaly, he perceived the elements of a na- ral power, which would make him master of the Grecian seas. He would then,perhaps, be strong enough to cope with the nnilcd powers of Greece, and the dissensions of the Greek Mates would render bis triumph certain. He kad already formed an alliance with Thebes, ^tiefly, perhaps, because Pharsalus was already connected with Sparta,Uirough Polydamus, whose femily had long been attached to the Spartaninterestbythe bonds of hospitality. But roy wogld probably have inclined him to pre- the weaker side,as that which was likely to considered her as a rival,whose friendship would only obstruct the attcomplishment of his designs for the foundation of a maritime empire. As soon as the affairs of Greece should be set- tled to his wish, a boundless prospect ofgreat- ness Isyopen before him. The retreat of the Ten Thousand, and the Asiatic campaigns of Agesilaus, had taught him how easily he might effect the overthrow of the Peraian monarchy, and make himself master of the East. In him- self he seems to have combined most of the qualities and habits requisite for such underta- kings as those which were continoally present to his thoughts : a frame capable of enduring evet7 hardship; indefatigable activityand con- stant presence of mind ; a thoroughknowledge of human nature, and perfect self-control. One part of his vast plansnow seemed ripe for execution. Pharsalus and the towns which were still dependant on it were the only obstA' cle to the union of Thessaly under his rule. He was strong enough to have overcome their resistance by force ; but knowing the character of Polydamus, he believed that his objectmight be attained by milder methods, whicb his own character,no less tban policy, led bim to prefer. He therefore concluded a truce for the purpose of a personal conference with PolydamuB, and when they met, frankly unfolded his schemes, pointedout the means which he possessed of carrying them into effect,and, on the ground of an irresistible necessity,urged Polydamus to use his influence at Pharsalus to put an end to an unavailingopposition, and as Uie reward of his co-operation,promised him a place only second to his own in the new order of things. Polydamus met this proposal with equsiopen- ness, and informed Jason that the main difEcul- ty which prevented him from immediately ac- ceding to it was his reluctance to abandon his old allies, the Spartans,against whom he had no ground of complaint. Jason applauded his loy- alty, and gave him leave to go to Sparta, and lay the whole state of the case before the gov- ernment there, and then ask if they were pre- pared to protect I^arsalus from Jason's attacks. Polydamus accordinglyproceeded to Sparta, where the subjectwas discussed in a style equallyforeign to that of modem diplomacy. He disclosed the danger which threatened,doc onlyPharsalus, but the liberties of Greece ; de~ scribed Jason's character,plana, and resources ; and informed his allies that, unless they could send a force sufficient to encourage the Thes- salians to assert their independence, it would be more advisable that thry should remain quiet. Nothing less,he intimated,than a Spartan army, with a king at its head, would answer the purpose. The government took three days to deliberate ; and having considered the number of their troops alreadyengaged in foreign ser- vice, and those which were required for the de- fence of Laconia,now that the Athenians had begun to threaten their coasts,they came to the conclusion that they were not in a condition to afTord protection to their Thessalian allies, and therefore advised Polydamus to make the best terms he couki for himself and for Pharsalus. He thanked them for their candour, and took their advice. On his return to Thessaly, he begged Jason to permit him to keep the citadel of PhaiBalus for those who tutdcr " '"'* ** " RENEWAL OP HOSTILITIES. "7 hb costody ; but promised that he would exert his infloeiiDe with bis rellow-cilizens to induce Ihem to Pnter into alliance wtlh him, and that lieWDDld assist him to obtain the dignity of la- gns. Jason waa generoua enough lo appreciate Ibis noble uprightness, and llie compact waa MOD Minclnded between them. The result ap- peared in a genera!pacification, which imme- diaiely rollowed ; and not longafter, Jason was elmed taguB, or assumed the titlewith univer- sal consent. His lirstcare was to regulate the military force of the Country. He determined the contingents of infantry and cavalry to be furnished by each of the Thessalian towns, and br his foreign allies ; and he seems to have raided them to an amount never before equal- led ; for the army which he was now able to bnnj into the field consisted of not less than 2^.000 heavy-armed, and more than BOOO cav- alry. As to lighttroops, Xenophon observes that there were enough to be a match for the whole world, as there waa no reckoning the towns which supplied them. For the mainte- nance of this great establiBiment he revived tbe tribute which had been imposed on the sub- ject tribes of These Blians by Scopas, one of hia ancient predecessors. While this formidable power waa taking its Eland at so short a distance from the theatre of war, where the stales of Southern Greece were wasting tbeir strength in fruitless contest, one of the belligereols began to be desirous of peace, not from any sense of the common danger, but fiom weoriDess, disappointment, and jealousy. Alheos foimd that the cost of the struggle in which she had engaged in behalf of Thebes fell chieflyupon heraelT: her coasts and shipping were infested by privateers from .^gina ; her citizens harassed by repeated calls for military "ervice, and the wealthier burdened b; the war- taxes ; while the Thebaus refused to contribute to the support of the navy by which their terri- tmy bad been saved from invasion. It does not appear whetber ahe remonstrated with her al- liM, bm she tent envoys to Spatta, and oonolu- ded a aeparate peace. It was, however, destined to be of very brief duration. Two of the envoys, according to in- Etmctions which they had brought with them, BaHed from Laconia as soon as the treaty was "igned, to carry the intelligence to Timotheus, irith orders to return home. On his passage along tbe coast of Zacynthus, he stopped to land a party of exiles,who. having been expelledby their adversaries from the island, had sought hia protection.Tbey undoubtedlybelonged to the democratical aide,Ihoogh Diodorus, with more than ordinaryself-contradiction, states the reveiBG.* Timotheus enabled Ihem to oc- cupy B stronghold near the city, and llirnished them with means of anooyiug their adversaries. The oligarchical Zacynthians made complaints at Sparta, and Spartan envoys were sent to Athena to remonstrate against the proceedings of Timotheus. Bui they obtained no satisfec- lion there : the sacrifice of the exiles waa u Diodivai tlilllUlirda rdBBOfmuid W" t^ tha ...... I pau" which wBi bTak"D throDcn u^gf TIbMIhiu, nilh llHt whieh wu "aalad"d uu Ibtial"y rfCaliJJtimii:- -' ~ -- thouglit too dear a price Ibr peace ; and at Sparta the refusal waa held a sutficient ground for renewing the war, and a decree waa made for raising a fleetof sixtygalleys from the prin- cipal mariiimo states of the confederacy. A squadron of twenty- five was sent, it appears, in tho autumn of the same year (374), under the commaiul of Arislocrates, to tbe relief of Za- cynthus, But early in the next spring tbe re- mainder, or, according to Diodorus, an addition- al armament of sixty-five galleys, with 1500 mercenaries, sailed under Mnaaippus to the same quarter, but with a difiercntdestination. Tbe main object of this expedition was to re- cover Corcyra, in compliance with the solicita- tions of a body of refugees, who had been en- couraged by the hope of Spartanprotection to rise against the populargovernment. If we may believe Diodorus,this annaroent was pre- ceded by a squadron of twenty-two galleys un- der the command of Alcidas, which was avow- edly bound for Sicily, but was directed to sur- prise the city of Coreyra. Xenophon only saya tbal, before tbe sailing of Mnasippus, envoya were sent Irom Sparta to Syracuse to obuun aid from Dionysiua for the recovery of Corcyra, as an objectnot less interesting to him than to On his landing in Corcyra,Mnasippus foond no enemy to face him in the field. He ravaged the country, where he collected a rich booty, and then occupied an eminence about half a mile from the city, which he thus cut off from all communication with the rest of the island, while his fleet blockaded the port. The Corcy- rieanB were soon reduced to greatdistress, and sent envoys to Athena to implore succour ; and notwithstanding the depressed state of their finances, the Athenians preparedvigorously to contest the possession of this important island. A fleet of sixty sail waa decreed,and Timotheus was appointed to the command. But as this fleet could not be itmnediately manned, Stesi- cles was sent before with about 600 targeteers to Epinis, and King Alcetas was requested lo afibrd him tbe means of transporting them across the channel to Corcyra ; and under fo- vour of nightthey effected Ibeir entrance into the town.* But at first theyonlyaggravated the suflf^rings of tbe besieged,by dimirushiDg their scanty stock of provisions.Many wet* driven by hunger to make their escape from the city into the enemy's camp, and at length these desertions became so frequent, that Mnasippus made a proclamation that alt fugitives should be sold as slaves. But as starving men were not lo be repelled even by this threat, be or- "Di id DioiiaiudilUr on p poinlof Ihii \iad,we " coukl ho sort ABtnru thtn tbtt idb" id htn bMD HDi tD iha ZujnitUuui, wlw in HISTORY OF GHBECE. dered them to be dnren back with acouigea. A part,probably tbe bulk, of these unbapp; per- sona were slavfia ; and these were not admilted within the walls : many were starved to death. MnasippuB now began to look upon the city as his own ; and (he near prospect of success un- folded a tendency in his character to that grCPdi- ness and vTo^nce which seem to have been the most common failings of Spartan ofScers. lliough he was in do want of money, having received pecuniary contributions from several towns in lieu of their contingents, he began to reduce the number of his mercenary troops, and to withhold the pay of those which he retained, apparently, as Xenophon intimates, with a. fraudulent purpose. The men were conse- qoentty dissatisfied ; and by way of compensa- tion, he seenns to have connived at some relax- ation of discipline. The posts were less vigi- lantly guarded, and parlies were more and more frequentlyseen scattered over the country in quest of plunder. The hesioged watched their opportunity, aad on one of Uiese occasions made a sally, and took and killed several of these strag- glers. Mnasippue hastened to repel this attack with a few troops whom he had about him, and ordered his offiwrs to lead out the mercenaries. Some of them now ventured to observe that they could not depend on the obedience of men who had been disappointed of their pay ; but Maaaippus silenced them with blows. They collected their troops, but all moved reluctantly to action. The enemy, however, gave way at their approach, and Mnasippuspursued them as far as the sepulchralmonuments, which, as at Pompeii, lined the road near the gates. Here they made a stand, and,mounting on the tombs, assailed their pursuers with missiles, while re- enforcements, issuing from the adjacentgates, fellon the flanks of Uie besiegingarmy, and at lengthput the two wings to fli|;ht.Mnasippus, who was in Ihe centre, and fullyoccupied with the enemy in front, found bimseir gradually abandoned, until there remained only a handful of men about him to bear Ihe shock of all the forces opposedto him. As soon as he fell, the rout became universal ; and Ibe Corcyr^ans might have made tticmselves masters of bis campi if they had not been deterred by the mul- titude of the camp-followers, whom they mis- took for efieciive troops. Tlits victory had the elTect of raising the siege. Intelligence came soon alter, that an Athenian armament was close at hand, and it was believed that the Cor- cyrcEans were on the point of maoning their ships to join it. Hypermencs, who was second in command to Mnasippus, embarked his men with such liaste, that not only a great part of the valuable booty which ihey had collected, but some of the side, were left behind in the camp. The fleet then made for Lences, The Athenian armament, which was at this time off the coast of Meesenia, bad been delayed by finanoial einbarrassmentB, which led to a change in the command. The decree which bad directed Timotbens to sail to the relief of Corcyra with sixtygalleys bad not supplied him with Ihe means of equipping them ; and he found it necessary, for this purpose, to resort to the allies of Athens, He sailed from Pirans in the spring to collect men and money Irom the islands and coasts of the ^ean. This eniise occupieda long time. He seems to have ob- tained a re-enforcement from Bceotia,* and to have visited the coasts of Thrace and Macedo- itia ; and it was, perhaps, on this occasion that he contracted a friendship with King Amyntas, from whom be did not scruple to receive a pres- ent of timber for a house which he was building' at Athens, But as to the main object of bis voyage, be appears to have effected but liitle ; , possibly because the mildness of his char- ' acler would not allow him to extort what ' he could not obtain by gentle means. In the mean while the people at home, not fullyaware of bis difficulties, grew impatient ; and he had rivals who were ready to put the worst con- struction on his proceedings ; Iphicrates and Catlistratus combined their influence against him. A considerable part of the season was- spent, while the danger of the Corcyrcans grevr every day more urgent, and the people wera informed that he had advanced no farther south- ward than the island of Calaurea, and that the fleetwas in a state of mutiny for want of pay.t He was now formally accused by Iphicratea and Callistratus,and was recalled to answer their charges. But before Ihe trial he was re- moved from the command of the fleet, which was conferred upon Iphicrates, with whom, at his own request, were associated Callistralus, though they had net previously been on good terms,! and Chabrias. Several points in ibis transaction are very obscure. The trialof Timotheus was deferred tilllate in the autuoiD, when his two principal accusers appear to have been absent. It was signalized by one remark- able incident,which lUusirates the character of the man and of the times. The Epirotking Alcetas, and Jason of Pherie, having heard of the peril of Timotheus, made a journeyto Ath- ens for the purpose of interceding io his behair. Tlieylodged in his house ; but he was at this lime so poor " having, it seems, spent almost all his patrimony in the public service " that he was obliged to borrow a small sum of money, as well as vessels and furniture, for Ibe recep- tion of these distinguished guests. Their in- tercession was of more avail to him Uian his own or his father's services would have been ; perhaps even than his innocence, however clearly it might have been proved. There wa", however, another motive,equallyforeignto the merits of the case, which may have bad some weight in his favour. The King of Persia offered him employment in Egypt, whidi was at this time in a state of revolt ; and the pros- pect of the advantage which Athens might de- rive ttom his interest at Ihe Persian court might be urged as an argument for his pardon or ac- quittal. Iphicrates, having been appointedto Ibe com- mand, showed himself either more active or less scrupulous in the fiittng out of the fleet, or his connexion with Callistratusenabled him to obtain more from the people. Every galley that could be found, and even the Paralus ai^ Salaminia,were placed at his disposal, under a promise thai he would soon send back manj " [DmcMhnHI in TtHKll.,p. lin. NEGOTIATION WITH SPARTA. 'Others in their room ; and thus be was enabled to rasn above serenty vessels. He had leasaa to expect tbac be should have to meet the ene- my as soon as be reached Corcyra ; but his cren'a nere in gteat want of training, and, the othei hand, the emergency admitted of delay. He, however, contrived to effect his object, without devotingany lime exclusively 10 it,by converting the voyage itself into one continued lesson in the principal operations of naval warfare ; so that, befora be reached his destination, his men had becorao masteis of all the evolutions on which, in an ancient sea-light, the victorymainlydepended,and, at the same time, had acquired habits of strict military dis- cipline. Whde still00 the coast of Pelopon- nesus, he had heard a report of the death of Mnasippns, and of the events connected with it ; bat il was not until he arrived at Cephal. ienia that he fblly ascertained the truth. There he rested a while, and broughtover the whole island to the Athenian alliance,and then pi cccded to Corcyra, He had not long arrived there before be received intelligence of the ap- proach of a B^adron of teu galleys, which had been sent by Dionysiua to the aidof his allies. He immediately stationed Ids scouts on the heights, 80 as to be apprized,by preconcerted signals, of the enemy's lirst appearance and subsequentmovements, and ordered twenty of his captaii^s to be in constant readiness to put to sea at a moment's warning. Tlie Syracu- sans, unconscious of their danger, had landed on another part of the coast. Ono of their com- manders, a Rhodian, had urged his colleagues not to protract their stay there, and set the ex- ample of embarking. He alone,though he fell in with the enemy, made his escape. The other nine galleys were taken by the Athenians, ivitb all their crews, and the admiral Anippus. Iphicrates retnmed in triumph to the town, and, being in great need of money, agreed with his prisoners to accept a certain ransom, for which the Corcyrieansgave him security. From Anip- pus be hoped to extort a larger sum by the threat of selling him as a slave ; but the Syracusan, overwhehned by his misfortunes,put an end to his own life. Leaving the greaterpart of his crews in Corcyra, where they found employment in the labours of husbandry, he crossed over, with his militaryforces,to Acarnania, which was divided between the Athenian and the La- cedemonian interest.' After having carried on the war there with various success, he return- ed to Corcyra, and sailed, with his whole fleet, which now amounted to about ninetygalleys, to Ccphallcnia, where he stayed some time, raising conitihutions and meditatingto invade Laconia and other parts of the enemy's coast, ifcircumstances should require it. But in the spring of 371 a prospect of peace began to open. Callistratus, who was much less in his element in the camp than in tlie pop- ular assembly, had returned to Athens with the consent of Iphicrates " probably in 87S " having undertaken either to procure a supply of money or to bring about a peace. He himself,as we have alreadyseen, had been, from uie first, averse to the alliance with Thebes. Iphicrates, and, probably, Cbabrias also, wished the war in Greece at an end, became the state of the Pereian empire held out oj^ortdnitiea for a much more brilliantand profitable service in the East. And, if we may believe Diodorus,* the Persian king was desirous of terminating a contest which rendered it more difficult to obtain Greek auxiliaries for his wan with his revolted subjects, and sent envoys to Greece to declare his wishes. Xenophoo makes no men- tion of this embassy,and,indeed,indirectly con- tradicts the statement,t but only points out some of the causes which again inclined the Athenians towards peace. They had more rea- son than ever to be dissatisfied with the con- duct of the Thebans. While they had been ex- erting their almost exhausted strengthagainst the common enemy, Thebes had been aggran- dizing herself, or gratifying her resentment, by attacks upon the old allies of Athens, carried to the utmost extent of vindictive rancour. The Pbocians,indeed, haid been protectedby the arms of Sparta ; but, in the latter part of 373, white Iphicrates was absent on bis expe- dition to the west, Plattea and Thespiffi had been erased from the listof the BiEoiian cities. The Plalffians, according to Diodorus, had sig- nified an intention of placing themselves under the protection of Athena, and had even sent, or were on the point of senjing, for an Athenian garrison ; ano itis possible that the movements of the Thebans may have been quickenedby the fear of seeing their prey rescued from their grasp. A Theban army marched suddenly againstPlatiea, surprised a largepart of the population outside the walla, and look many prisoners ; and the town, unprepared for aaiege, and,perhaps,seeing no certainty of succour in any quarter, soon capitulatedon condition that all the inhabitants should be allowed to depart with their moveable goods. They took refuge in Athens, and were admitted to their ancient privileges ;t but their city,esccpt the sacred buildings, was again levelled with the ground. Isocrates on this occasion undertook to plead their cause in a rhetorical pamphlet, to which he gave the form of a speech, in which the suppo- sed orator urges Che Athenians to interfereand restore the outcasts to their town and territory. In this declamation the injury which they had suffered is described as a perfidious violation of peace, though it is admitted that they bad declined to enter into that dependant connexion with Thebes to which most of the Bffiotian towns had submitted. According to this statement, the Thespians appear to hare sustained still greater wrong, for they, it is said, bad acknowledged the authority of Thebes, though only through compulsion. But their subjection did not aave Ihem from a fate like that of PlatKa. They were forced to evaenale city, which was also raied to the ground; ic main part of the inhabitants appear to have occupied a stronghold named CeressuB, situated on a rocky spur of Mount Helicon, where they maintained themselves. for soma years longer.^ In the mean while, their com- to Ae vrpKtod oomag vt kutMii i tnnAinfc. bmanm, rr.. 30 HISTORY OF GREECE. plainU and rapplicationa helped to rouse the Indignation of the Alheniana against Thebea. The people decreed that an embassy should be sent to negotiate a peace with Sparta; hot. to aTotd tbe appearance of breaking with their present allies, invited the Thebans to become parties 10 the treaty, Callias, the torchbearer, on account of the relation between hia family and Sparta, was placed at the head of tbe em- bassy : he was accompaniedby six colleagues, and by Callistralus, who appears to haie at- tended without the titleof an ambassador. His presence seems to hsTG been very mach need- ed ; for, of three speechesreportedby Xeno- ption as delivered on this occasion by the Athe- nian enToys.hiB is the only one which was not grossly irrelevant and unseasonable. CBlliaa was chiefly anxious lo impress his hearers with a due sense of hia own dignity, and, glancing slightly at the events of the day,grounded his argument in favour of peace on the legends of TriptolemUB and Hercules. He was foUowed by Autocles in a speech not equallyabsurd, but much more misplaced,being fiillof invectives effainst the hypocrisy or inconsistency of the Spartans, who. professing to be the chaltipions of liberty and independence, exerted a despotic authority over their allies, oppressed the weak- er cities with tyrannical governments of their own appointment, and in tbe seizure of the Cadmea bad directly violated the treaty which they pretended to enforce : charges, no doubl, very well founded, but which, so urged at such a time, could only serve to defeat the purpose of the speaker's mission ; and theymanifestly producedgeneralsurprise and embarrassment, and gave great offence to the Spartanpart of tbe audience. Callistratus, however, judicious- ly remedied the eflecta of his colleague's indis- cretion, acknowledging that there had been faults on both sides which called for mutual forbearance, and endeavouring to show that the interests of both states, properly under- stood, would be best promotedby an amicable agreement between them on the footing which the peace of Antalcidas professed to establish. We learn, from an allusionin this speech, that Antalcidas was at this time absent on a mis- sion to the Persian court ; and the oraljir thinks it necessary to notice an insinuation which, it appears, bad been thrown out by some who were averse to peace, that Athens had been impelled to these overtures by the apprehen- sion that Antalcidas might return with a sup- ply of Persian gold for the prosecutioa of the The terms of the treaty were then discussed and adjusted. It was agreed that the Spartans should withdraw their barmosts from the towns which they now occupied ; that the armies should be disbanded on both sides, and the fleets laid up ; and that every stale m Greece should be left to the enjoyment of independence, A clause was added which providedthat, if the treaty should be infringed to the injury of any of the contracting parties, any of the rest should be at liberty, though not bound,to aid in obtain- ing redress by arms. This article, of so sinis- ter an aspect, seems to have been inserted chief- Ij with a view to Thebes, and to indicate a sus- picion which was BOOD conflnned. The Athe- nian enibauy bad been accompanied or follow- ed by envoys from Thebes, with Epamlnondas, who was distinguished among his counlrymen by his eloquence no less than by his other at- tainments, at their head. The treaty was rati- fied by the Spartan government in the name of the whole Peluponneaianconfederal^ ; Athens and her allies were introduced as distinct par- ties -, and so, according to Xcnophon, the name of Thebes was at firstinserted without any far- ther explanation. But the next day the The- ban envoys demanded that it should be erased, and the name Breolians substituted in Its sicad. This brought the question to a point.* A de- bate ensued, m which Agesllaus and Epaminon- das, whose speech on this occasion seems to have gainedgreat celebrity, took the principal parts Agesilausput an end to it by a!"k)ng whether the Thebans would permit the Dwo- tian towns to ratify for themselves. Not, re- plied Epaminondas, until we see the provincial towns ofLaconia annexing their oaths to the treaty. Agcsilans then declared that he would allow the name of Thebes to stand there op no other condition, and bade them take Ibcir choice. They persisted in Iheir resolution, and the ne- gotiation ended with the exclusion of Thebes, which was thus left alone,exposed to the hosiih- ty of all parties. This result gave great pleasure at Athens,where, according to Xenophun. liopt's were entertained that the penalty which Thtbes had incurred during the Persian warst might Btil!be exacted. The Athenians forthwith executed their part of the treaty; withdrew their garrisons, and re- called IphicratcB, ordering him to restore aH that he had taken since the ratification. Tbe Spartans also withdrew ilieirharmosta and sar- risons ; but a question then arose, whether CIc- ombrotus,who, it would seem, had continued with his army in Phocis from 374, should be re- called. Opinions were divided on the subject in the Spartan assembly. A person named Pro- llious seems to have been the organ of a moder- ate party, which was desirous that the i:.iiirli- tions of the treaty shouhl bo faithfully exec u led, and pcriiaps was secretly inclined to favour Thebes. He proposed that Cleotnbrotusshould evacuate Phocis.but that a fund should be rais- ed by the voluntary contributions of the allies, to be deposited in the temple at Delphi, and that ifthe Thebans persisted in their refusallo acknowledge the independence of tbe Bicotian towns, an army should be collected against them from all the states of the confederacy which might be persuaded to concur in the enterprise. But the inSuence of Agesilausprevailed in the assembly, and tliiamotion was rejected with contempt ; and Cleombrotus, who had sent home for instroctions, was directed immediately lo invade Bisotia, ifThebes did not withdraw ber pretensions. Diodorus says that envoys were despatched to receive her final answer, and that " " Thebans were called upon 1 lubfiquDiit U) tba batltiof Hui- itua " thou^ he "!" !""("" ft i in Ibg nancjon of Cilbi- ..Ciooglc CLEOMBROTUS AT LEU CTH A." VISIONS AND OMENS. not only to rcBign their claims orsoTereigntjin Braotia, but to restore the Plataana and Tbes- piacB to llieirhomes. As their determination remained unchanged, Cleombrolus began hia march towanls the Bceotiao frontier. He found the pass nesr Corooea guardedby a division of ibe Thcban forces under Epaininondas, and therefore made a circuitous maich, firstcrosa- ing the mounlaina so aa to come down upon Crcuais, where he made himself master both of the town and oftweire Theban galleys nhich were lying in the port, and then look the road which leads up to the plain of Lcuctra, where he encamped. The Thehons, as soon as the; heard of hia movements, reunited their forces, and occupied a risingground at no great dis- tance over against him. Epaminondas com- manded as Bi"utarch, with iix colleaguea or the same title : Pelupidas did not fillthat office this year, but was appointed to the command of the SacreBBand. The Lacedemonian army is aaid to have consisted of 10,000heavy infantry, with 1000 horse, and the usual complementoftight troops : the Tbebana are said to have been not more than 6000 strong; but, perhaps, in this estimate their cavalry was not included. Notwithstanding his superiority in numbers, Cleombrolus, it seems, would fajn have decli- ned an engagement ; and he had enemies about him who were on the watch to see whether he would give this decisive proof of the friendly reelings which he had long been suspected of entertaining towards the Thebans, His friends reminded him of the tiofavourable impression which had been made at Spartaby his conduct on former occasions, when he abstained from ravaging the Theban territory, and afterward Sii9cred himself to be deterred b; a trifling ob- stacle from invading it ; and they warned bim that if he now spared the enemy, he bad no- thing to expect but ignominy and exile. By these Buggestiuns he was goaded into the reso- lution of oficring battle,though it does not ap- pear from Xenophon's description that there was in this stepany of that temerity which Ci- cero imputes to it. On the contrary, it was a questionwarmly agitatedon the Theban side, whether they could prudently run the risk of an action. Xenophun avoids mentioning the name of Epamioondas " which was no doubt grating to a Spartan ear" and represents the decision to which the Thaban commanders came, as the desperate choice of men who, having tasted the bitterness of exile,preferred the prospect of death in battle to that which Dante feelingly de- scribes, of againeating a stranger's bread, and pacingup and down astraitger's stairs.* They foresaw, he says, that if they shrank from fight- ing, the Boeotian towns would declare against them ; Thebes would be besieged,and, when provisions failed, would be surrendered in spite of them by their own partisans. We learn, however, from other authority which we have no reason to question, that three out of the aev- eil Bceotarchs thought itsafer to ^ide the event of a siege, and proposed to remove their wives and children into Attica,and that itwas chiefly the influence of Epaminondaa, combined with that tk Pelopidas, though he had no vote in the U council of war, that decided for immediate ae- tion." Whether itwaa the courage of despair, or a clear-sighted confidence in their own re- sources, by which they were animated, may, perhape, be iDore safely collectedfrom the se- ll was not only the superior numbers of the enemy that inspiredapprehension. Notwith- standing the success which the Thebans had obtained in some little engagements, as in that ofTegyra,they had not shaken offtheir oldawe of the Spartan valour and discipline ; and the chiefs thought it necessair to resort to some eitrsordinaiyexpedients for raising the spirits of their troops. Epaminondaa, it is said,was so scrupulous a lover of truth, that he never permitted himself to utter a falsehood even in jest. It may not follow that in the defence of his country he would have refused to concur in a pious fraud ; but at least no such scruples were felt by his friends and colleagues. The momentous crisis prepared the minds of men le expect and receive omens and prodigies ; and care was taken that they should not be disap- pointed, A report was spread through the camp, that the arms which were hung up in the temple of Hercules at Thebes had suddenly dis- appeared, carried away by invisible hands ; by tliusc of the ancient heroes, it might be infer- red, who were coming to aid their people in the approachingstruggle. A stillmore distinct in- timation of victory was obtained from the orac- ular cave of Trophonius, at Lebadea, which was consulted, it is said,by order of Epaminondaa. t The superstitious hopes of tliemultitude appear to have been strongly excited by a local legend, which was revived, now, perhaps, for the first time to become the basis of a favourable proph- ecy. The plains of Leuctra had, itwas believ- ed, been the scene of an i-ft of violence, offered by some Lacedsmonians]: to daughters of the land, who had killed themselves, and were buri- ed there ; and their father,Scedasus, having in vain sought satisfaction for the ii^ury, had like- wise destroyedhimself,utteringtmprecatioDS againstSparta with his last breath. A Spartan exile in the Theban camp, named Leandrias, seems to have assisted Pelopidas in adapting this story to the occasion. f He attested that his countrymen bad long been warned by ora- cles that their commonwealth was to sufier a great visitation of Divine vengeance at Ijeuclra ; but as there were other places of that name, the prediction had been neglected as unintelli- gible. To render its niteaning clearer. Scedasus himself was said to have appeared to Pelopidas in the night, and to have demanded asacrificefor the tomb of his daughters " a human one, ac- cording to Plutarch's account, which has very much the appearance of a later fictiondevised t AcconliDj la Diolanii, it., it,th" umr '^mt, that Iho liiehiiu muit vo" lo JDItilali lUcsi in nlrinuiini ot IhelrfcppTTWchTng-Ticlory. Anwrdi^g to Panwpiin, it.,it, i,they Hera "r|DJiieitLo nt np fc tn"phy with tll"ihieM ot AriitAQiAJiet. Tliii jj pTobiblf Lh* verajonwKich wu fkb- "'DioJm',"'!,'li"T"ie'miM Lt^Urm^ fci . V, Co Ogle HI8T0RT OF GREECE. Ebaminondas himself 19 said to have etpress- ed hta contempt Tor omens wbicb forbade a r" izeo to defend his country, in the tankage the Trojan hero.* irhe did not disdain the aid of superstition, he seems, at least,to haVe em- ployed some nobler expedients for rousing the energies of his countrymen. As there were '- the army troops from various parts of BtEoiia- among Ihem, according to Pauaaniae,+ a body of Ttieapians " who, he had reason to suspect, might be dlBaflecled to the cause, he proclaim- ed that an who would were at liberty to quit the camp. All the Thespians, and some others, are said to hare availed themselTeB of this per- mission. The Hiebana he endeavoured to in- flame with indignationagainst their enemy, to whom " not perhaps without some exaggera- tion, yet neither,probably, as Xenophon him- self seems to indicate, t without reason " he im- puted the design of razing Thebes to the ground, destroying the males, and enslaving the women and children.^ That a design was entertained of BObjecting Thebes to the same kind of pohti- Cal diasolution which Mantiiica bad experienced is attested by a contemporary, IIas well ns by Plutarch and Diodorua ; and it is poesible that ttie Spartansmay have accompanied Ibeir last demands with threats which justified the lan- guage of Epaminondas.T Xenophon's account of the bailie seems to contain littlemore than the pretences by which the Spartans, to console themselves for their de- feat, endeavoured to detract as much as possi- ble from the skilland valouT of their enemies. He thinks it worth notice, that as Cleombrotiis neld the last coancil of war, which was called JQBt before the battle, towards noon, he and officers were believed to have been somew heated with wine ; and that the market-people, and other followers of the camp, having been prevented from withdrawing by the enemy' cavalry and lighttroops, caused the number of the Thebans to appear more formidable iha they really were. But he attributes the ever of the battle chiefly to the superiority of the Theban cavalry over that of the Spartans, which was at this time in a very low condition,being filled with the substitutes of the wealthier citi- lens, whom they provided with horses and arms, but who were never trained for the ser- Tice ; whereas tha Theban cavalry had con- stant exercise in their expeditlonaagainst Or- chomenus and Thespin. Hence, in the skir- mish before the battle, the Lacedasmonian cav- alry " which, however, probably formed but a small part of that which belonged to the Pelo- poDoesiauarmy " was quickly routed, and in its retreat created some confriaion in the phalanx, which, nearly at the same time, was charged fey the Theban in^Dtry.Other writers ex- pressly ascribe the iasue of the actioa to the ." Diodor.,i"., SI. Cmpu* Plitfuf^DwL.,U, Rot, M lap., Ap. S. t a., fi,". tl" tbna, p.*. SFBiilii.ii..Sl"t.,i..ll,e. I laocrmtti.Philip.,p. 81. Aaaitliittiuisr^InolT- TH" m "tfiai9yi, "i pDuAo^hwr AvfivHa"i rlivBttttriati which bung over i'hsbi:! wu irrafm diciA^ul titarr'- tactics of Epaminondas,' whom Xenophon does not mention, though he notices the great dis- parity between the depth of the Theban pha- lanx and that of the enemy. The Thebans were formed not leas than flflydeep: more than four times the depth of the Lacedtemonian Une. in which the enomoty, of thirty-six men, stood in three liles. It was the object of "pam- inondas to bring his mess to bear upon the en- emy's rightwing, where the Spartans were posted ; and he seems to have sttccpeded in de- taching it from the rtiain body, so that it bad to sustain the whole brunt of the firstonset. Pe- lopidas. with his Sacred Band, contributed great- ly to the success of this operation. The Spar- tans did not longkeep their ground : Xi?nophon seems anxious to prove that they were nol im- mediately routed. CIcbmbrotus himsclffell ear- ly, but was carried offthe field alive,though he survived but a short time. Among the Sjrartan officers who foughtby his side, none distin- guished themselves more than Sphodrias and his son Cleon3Tnu3, who were both left amonp the slain. The part of the Pejoponnesian army which had not been engaged,seeing the Spar- tans give way, fellback with them upon their camp, which was on a risingground, and pro- lertert by a trench. Here they formed again, and the victors made no attempt to force their intrcnchments. So ended the battlo of Leuctra " one of the most decisive in the history of Greece, Yet, according to Xenophon, the loss of the Lace- demonians did not exceed 1400 ; and Diodoms, who states ii at 4OO0. has probably followed an account whi. 'i greatlyexaggerates K, even if it was meant to include the loss of the allies, which appear* to have been very trifling. But of this number 4O0 were Spartans ; more than half of all who were present in the army,1 who were only 700 ; and no inconsiderable portion of the whole Spartan population. The Hie- bans,according to Diodoms, lost only 900 ; ac- cording to another author,only forty-seven. t But these numbers are of no importance ; they had gained a clear victory in a fair battle, over a regular Lacedeemonian army, mnch more nu- mcious than their own, witti a kin^ at its head : it mattered littlewith how many lirea they had purchased such a tritunph. The Spartans could hardly be brought to submit to their defeat, and were desirous ofretuming to the fieldto recover their slain, end prevent the euetny from raising atrophy. But their eommandera perceivedtha^ even if they had strength sufficient leftfor snch an attempt, the temper indicated by their aHiea, who were all manifestly unwilling to renew the engagement, the issue of which some scareely aflfectedto regret, would render it verj danger- A council of war was held, in whicE it . nnaninouslyagreed to acknowledge the loss of the battle by the usual application for leave to bury the slain. Epaminondas, it is said,to prevent the Spartans fWim concealing ixtenC of their misfortune,required that allies should collect their dead first: it Biodcir., xt; M- Ifff TtriKti vtftn^ nffu yififwitit- ' ~)iii axrnl In Xuuolun'i mmini io Aohq ii..M. lidtwt DKUi Ihu Uh wbolt nunlisr of ibt S|kiUu irriiad tbi batllt,both u hmu nail "bi"d,wul"i DO. t PwoM.,ii.,II,11. EXPEDITION OF ARCHIDAHUS. Q thu li It all Uw akin n vas then The messenger who earned these tidings to Sperta found the cityengaged in the celebration oT one of its great festiiaJa, the GynnDopEdia. The peo[de were in the theatre, and " chorus exhibiting. The ephors did not interrupt the perfomiBDCe, or abridge the amusements of (he day, and when thej commuoicated the names of the slain to their friends,enjoined the women to refiain bom the customary wailings. The spirit of the old institutions manifested itself on this occasion in oil its energy, perhaps not without Brans mixture of politic ostentation. The onlyatgns of grief and dejection which any of the Btrangers who had been attractedto Spar ta by the festlTal could have witnessed wgd shown by the few relatives of the eurviveTs whi appeared in poblie the nest day ; the IViendsof tiie fidlen thronged the streets with the coun- tenances and mutual congratalations of men who hdA received joyfullidtngs. But the emergency called for somethingmore than a cheerful lace. The defeated army, which was BtUl in the presence of ' my, could not be considered safe ; and the whole remaining force of the city that was capable of foreign service was ordered to march to its re- lief. Two moras had been kept at home, to- gether with the veterans who wanted less thao five years of the tenn of the military age. These were now called out, and even the ciii- xena who had before been exempted from mili- tary dutyby citii offices, were directed to join them, AgesJaus was stillunable to take the field, and bis son, Archidamus, was charged with the command of the expedition. The oli- garchical governments of the peninsula, feeling Uiemselvea involved in the danger which threat- ened the head of the confederacy, exerted tliem- aelves to raise le-euforceinenta for him, Te- gea. Mantinea, Corinth,Sicj'oa, Phlius, and the Achnaos " probablyonly some of their cities" are mentioned by Xenophon as the most zeal- ons in the cause. While Arch Idamns waa busied with his prep- arations, the Tbebans were no less eager to profitby their victory.Immediately aAer the battle they had sent a herald, crowned as a messenger of good news, to announce it at Athens, and to call upon the people lo avail themselves of the opportunity which now offer- ed itselfof taking vengeance for allthe injuries they bad ever suffered from Sparta. But to the feelings which now prevailed at Athens the contents of this message were so unwelcome, that the invitation sounded tike mockei;. The council, which received it, did not disguise its displeasure, and dismissed the herald nut only without anyanswer tohis application, but with- out the usual honours of hospitality. The The- bans,at the same time, solicited succours from their ally the tagus of Thessaly ; and Jason very promptlyoumphed with their request, though with views vridely different from those which suggested it. He gave orders for manning a squadron, as if itwas his design to proceed to BiBOIia by sea ; but having by this feint thrown the Phoctans off their guard, he made a forr^ed march throng their country with a small body of troops " according to Diodoma, l"OO infanliy Vol. 11." E 'Pau. ' and 600 horse " which they could easily hava stopped, and arrived without interruption at Leuctra. Here be was urged by the I'hebana to join Ihem in an attack,to be made from op- posite sides, on the enemy's position. But ha represented to them the danger of driving aoch an enemy to despair, and so risking tbe fruits of their gloriousvictory, and offered his media- tion. With the Spartan commanders he had probably less difficulty, when be sought to con- vinoe them of the advantages which they would reap Iront a convention wbioli would enabto them to withdraw their disheartened and disaT- fected troops in safety. The friendlyfooting on which his father had stood towards Sparts, and the character of ptoxeous by which b* himself was stilloonnected with her, notwith- standing his alliance with Thebea, gave a m1- our of disintereated good-willto hie advios. His object, as Xenophon oboerves, was tomaii^ tain B balance between the two states,so as lo" keep them both dependanton himself At the- requeBt of the Spartans, he concluded an armi- . stice for them ; and Uieir generals were so- anxious to take advantage of it, and so fearfi^ lest it abonld be broken by the enemy, that, havinggiven orders which expresBod their in- tention of crossingCithteron, they set out the same evening in the direction of Creusis, and pursuing their march all night in great disorder and alarm along the rugged coast road, reached the Megarian town of ^goethena, where they met with ArcbidamuB and a part of his forces. Me wailed there for the rest " perhaps to give a better air to his retreat " and as soou as they arrived marched back to Corintb, and disbanded his whole army.' CHAPTER XXXIX. Tnt ill-humour with wbictt the news of the battle of Leuctra was received at Athens,seems to have arisen merely out of the old jealousy and animosity with which the Athenians had been used to regard their northern neighbours, and which revived as soon as the affairsof LiDDi coDOpcLca vif h Ih? burta DTLauGIrm rron thftl* bM l#flji gfien on Xenaphon'a "ulhohtjr in the leit. __ f_,i J ,._ . , . Ihinngh JiiHi*! m. Thsbau, whiob be m^hARli w bii toicn from Bootii, Bnt ingli that W"M"Uii(,who ii uaallf diqHHd la ^ua "UoiaiulT fsaflke* hit mnncT ; irtiila Sduabr, wtdiaat - ahbdowof "narfoDeal.aiid lads"aafiaoraTatjpniioJplt r KHind cTiliaiam, aaiDniM Ih"1 it ii Xenaj^im who hv rcmlj dliiDnaitfUto,whidi, at Iba tlBU whaa hii hiatoiT Lw tiu Xiiiio|Aoii^oanaiiTB,in iu leailiiig outliiiea, lnaa ly ths miaplfeoi^of Ji uUsagiM bafnn "" 34 HISTORY OF GREECE. Thebei became proaperonB ; for in the event itself, conaidered with reapect to tlieirown in- terests, Ihej could have seen nothing to de- plore : and they proceeded without delaj lo take advantage of the shocic which ithad given to the influence of Sparta. It seems to have been the preTailing opinionthroughoutGreece, and not least at Sparta itself, that the Spaitan twwer had sulffered a fatal blow ; and Xcno- |dion intimates that the Athenians were sur- prised to find that any of the Peloponnesian "tates stilladhered to the ancient chief of their confoderacy.Thej believed that (he time had Diow come when Athens might step into the placa of Sparta as guardian of the peace of Antaloidas, and might transfer all the advanta- ges which her rivalhad reaped from that title to herself. They therefore assembled a con- gresB in their own city, to which they invited Sepnties not only Irom their old allies, but from an ibie states of Greece which wero willing to adopt the peace of Antaloidas as the basis of their mntual relations. It seems to have been attended by many, if not by moat members of the Peloponnesianconfederacy ; and the reso- lution to which it came in the oath hy which each state was to ratify the compact was thus expressed ; " I will abide by the treaty sent down by the king, and by the decrees of the Athenians and their allies, and, if an attach be made on any of the stales which take this oath, I will succour itwith all my might." So that Athens found herself sble to obtain better secu- rity for the execution of the treaty than had been given in the last congress held for the tike Curpose at Sparta, where none of the parties Hd been bound to enforce its ol"servance by Bima ; and yet the engagement for mutual de- ftnce aow involved those who entered into it in danger of a contest both witb Sparta and Thebes. Elis would ^adly bave united ber- mIT to an association which would separate, and might protect her tmai Sparta; bat ehe would not resign her claims to the sovereignty of the Triphylian towns. The congress, on the other hand, determined that every town, small or great, should be alike independent, and com- mlssioneis were sent round lo exact an oath Co this tttOetfrom the magistrates of each state. It was taken,Xeni^tbon says, by ail but the Seaai. We should have been gladto know which of the Peloponnesianstates acceded to this con- fedency; but all the information that Xeno- phoD gives as to this pointonly enables us to conclude that the Manttueans at least were of the number. One of the firsteffbcta of the ttat- lleof I^uctra seems to have been a revolotion Vbich overthrew the Manlinean aristocracy ; 5Bd the decUratioa of the congress at Athens " though it expressed the very same principle on which the Spartans had professed to act when they scattered the Mantineans over their tonr villages " was now interpreted by the dem- ocratical party as a license to restore their po- litical unity and to rebuild their oity, and the work was immediately begun. The Spartan government feltthat the restoration of Man- tinea would prove to all Greece that itwas no longer fonnidable even to its nearest neigh- bours ; but, in its anxiety to escape this humili- ation, it resorted to a step which stillmore cleariy betrayed its weakness, and showed how much it was dispirited hy its recent re verse . AgesilsuH, who had now recovered from his iU- nesa, was sent to use all his hereditary influ- ence at Mantinea to stop the work ; and he was instructed to undertake that, if itwas only de- ferred for the present, be would procure the consent of the Spartan government, and even some help towards defraying the elpense of the building. He was not allowed to lay this proposal before the popularassembly, hot was informed (hat the decree of the people rendered it necessary to proceed without delay.Though he felt this repulse as a personala0t"nt, and though it set the power of the state at defiance, " s not thoughtexpedient at Sparta to bave irse to arma, and the treaty last concluded with Athens served as a plea for acquiescence; for iiwas now admitted that the independence of Mantinea had been violated when itwas dis- membered for the sake of the ariBtoerstical party. Some of the other Arcadian towns seat workmen to assist the Mantineans, and Elia contributed three talents to the cost of the for- tification. The new city was so constiTicted as to be secure from such sttacks as bad pro- ved fatal to that which it replaced.* Peloponnesushad, for some years, lieen vio- lently agitatedby political convulsions, and had been the scene of incessant struggles between the two leadingparties, the fnends of aristn- cratical and of democratical instilutions. It seems that the principles on which the peace orAntalcidaa was professedly founded had en- couraged the partisans of democracy to hope that they might establish their aacendGncy, wherever they were the strongest, without any obstnietion from Sparta, Her conduct towanls Phlius and Mantinea must bave checked these hopes; yet they seem to have revived when the new confederacy between Thebes and Ath- ens, after the recovery of the Cadmea and the revolt of several maritime states, compelled Sparta to observe more moderation towards her remaining allies. In many places the ar- istocTBtica] party was overpowered, and sufler- ed severe relaliation for the oppression it had exercised during the period of its domination ; hut these triumphs were only the beginning of a series of fierce and bloody contests. The ex- iles were continually on the watch for an oppor- tunity of regaining what they had lost,and the attempt, whether it succeeded or failed,cotn- moniy ended in a massacre. The oligarchical exiles of Phigalea, having seiwd a fortress near the town, surpi ed it during a festival, while the multitude " is assembled in the theatre, and made a gri* it slaughter among the defence- less crowd. l]miighthey were at last forced to retreat, and take refuge in Sparta. The Co- rinthian exiles, who had fboud shelter at At^os, were baffled in a similar enterprise, and hilled one another to avoid falling into the hands of *"Ta"ntl^ HI tnlf a nean tia ihs in- Bl loRiSntiiiiii i int nn ef (his , V, CIVIL FEUDS." PROJECT OP LYCOHEDES. the mosite partf, which innnedlalelj iuBtilti- ted a ngDiDus inqairy at Coriolb, and condemn' ed nnmben lo death or exile on the charge or abetting the conspiiacy. Like scenea took place at MegBTB and Sicyon. PUiue, more es- peciaUj,wuoontinitallybarBBBedby civilfeuds. The deoiocnttua exiles look poaMsaion of a strcnghold in iU nelgthouitiood, aod colleet"d a body of meFcenanes, vith whose aid they de- feated Ibeir enemiea in butle, and killed300; but anerward, hSTing been betnyed by their anziiiaiies.the; were oTeipowered, 600 were slain,and the rest were forced to lake refuge in Argoi. Ktgo* itaelTwasnot an indiBeienI spectator of these eTentB. Thoa^ democmcy had long been finnl; estaUtafaed there, the Jeal- cnsy of the people was roased agninsl the class, which might well be snapected of wishes hos- tile to Die existinggovernment, but,perhsps, bad given no other oo^aioa for a charge of treasonsble designs. It rosy eiaily be sup- posed that the confluence of deraocntical ex- iles from other cities tended lo keep ap " slate cf constant unnsluraj excitement at Argos; and there were demagogues who took advan- tage of it tt" instigate the multitude against the wealthier eitisene, who, ifwe may believe Dio- dorus, were at last driven into a conspiracy for aelf-defenee ; but it seems extremely doubtful whether any sufficient proof of the fact wss ever obtained. Those on whom suspicion first fell were put to the torture ; Dthers killed Ifaem- selves lo avofd it : at length one of the accueed, cither to obtain relief from torment, or with a motive tike that which prompted the confession of Andocides, ofi^red to make a discovery, and infonned egainstthirty of the most eminent citizens, who, it seems, almost withont the form of a trial, were pnt to death and their property confBcated. But this discknure, as it appear- ed to confinn the original charge, served rather to inflame than to allay the papularsuspicions, T^bich were continnaUyCberished by the arts of the demagogues. Arrests were multiplied, until the number of the prisoners amounted lo 1300 ; and the popolace,impatient of l^alde- lays, arming itenlf with clubs,rose upon tbem. and massacred them all. This bloodyeiecn- tioa became memonble onder the name of the tcj/UUitm.* The demagogues who had excited the pbrensy now endeavoured to restrain it from farther excesses ; but the attempt only turned it against themselves, and most of them shared the fate of their victims. Their blood seemed to propitiate the infernal powers : the Same, no longersupplied with fnel, expired, and tranqniUily was restored. Itmust be con- sidered as an indication of a remarkable supe- Tiority in the Athenian character and institu- tions over those of Argos. that, under similar circumstances, in the affair of the Hermes boats, when religious and political lanaticism combined their influence to madden the people, no BDch spectacleswere witnessed at Ath- n (nrtiTjXv) whieh bhbv The spirit of hostility to Sperts, which had been let loose in Arcadia by tl^ battle of Leuo- tra, manifested itseir,not longafter, in a much more importantevent than the restoration of Mantinea. The chiefs at the parties oppoeed to the Spartan interest in the principal Arcadian towns concerted a plan for securing the inde- pendence of Arcadia, and for raising it to a higher rank than it bad hitherto held in Uie po- litical system of Greece. With a territory more extensive than any other region of Pek"- ponneaus, peopledby a hardyrace, proud of its ancient origin and immemorial possession of the land, and of its peculiar relipoustrsditioiu, Arcadia " the Greek Switzerland " bad never "sed any weight in the alikira of the na- iion : the land only served as a thorougfafsre for hostile armies, and sent forth its sons to re. emit the forces of foreignpowera " Greek or barbarian " and to shed their blood in quarreb in which they had no concern. A wieb for a better state of thingsmay have occurred to Arcadian patriots at an earlier period; or it may have been first suggestedby the destnio- litHiof Mnntinea.but it was the battle of Lene- tra that opened a prospect of carrying it into effect. A Mantinean named Lycomedes,amaa of large fortune and of the higheat birth in his '" e city, seems to have been either the an- or the ntost active mover of the project which was now formed, and which was at least partly executed in the oourse of the same year (371). The object was to unite the Arcadian- people in one body,yet so as not to destroy the independence of the particularstates ; and with riew it was proposed lo found a metrop- . o institnte a national council which should be invested with supreme authority in foreign afikirs,particularly with regard to peace and ~ar, and lo establish a military fiirce for the otection of the publicsafety. The plan in itselfwas one which might have presented itself to a friend of aristocracy who took an interest in the honour and prosperity of Arcadia, as readily as to a man of opposite po- litical sentiments. But the arietoeraticalin- terest in the Arcadian towna depended upon Spartanprotection ; and for Sparta no event was more to be dreaded than one which made Areadiaunited,powerfiil,Biidindependent. The erection of such a state on her nortbern frontier manifestly tended to exclude her fi-om all polit- ical intercourse with the rest of Greece ; and it had therefore been a main object of her policy to keep the Arcadian cantons as mnch as pos- sible separate from each other. And though there is "o reason to doubt that Lycomedes, and those who shared his views, were tbidty desirous of rescuing their country from a degra- ding subjection to her imperiousneighboar, a"d of elevating her loan honourable ststion among the Oreek coairnonweBllhs. they nndonbtedly did not overlook the accession (^strength whic"i would result from this event to tiieir party in its contest with its domestic adversaries. Their plan coold not failto be agreeable to the Tbe- bans,jnst in pn^rtion as it was alarming to Sparta; and it was very early communicated ' Epaminondas. If,indeed,we could rely on ne expressions of a late Greek author,ac- cording to their literal Interpretation, vre should suppose tiiattbe plan was Srst conceived by HISTORY OP GREECE. hkn ;" tmt itmhds rathermore probable that he only (iMtered itwith his enccnirngemeDt and ad- Tioe,BndleatiiiBaidtotheei:ecutioD. Xenophon tonehea upon this sabject nith sTJdent reluc- UDoe ; be mentions the civil discord to which the project of the aoion gave ri"e id Arcadia, bnt BCBTcelj bints at the iseue of tbe acniggle; and we are thus forced to dependapon such in- fbrmation as ia to be gleaned from later writers. and, after ^, are left in ignorance of aeveral iQteresliDg particalan. It appears, however, (hat withiD a lew months after the battle of Leootra,a meeting of Arcadiani from all tbe principal towns waa held to deliberate on the measare ," and, tinderits decree, a bod; of colo- nists, collected from Tarious qnarteTB,proceed- ed to ftiund a new city, which waa to be the seat of the generalgovernment, and was called MemlepoliB, or Megalopolis(the Qreat City).t llie aite chosen was on the banks of the Heliason,a small stream tribuiaiy to the Alphe- ua, in the upper part of the plain " the on]; one of considerable extent on the nesleni side of Arcadia " through which the river flows before it reaches the gorge at Caryteaa ; at a short distance ittm one of the passes leading into tbe Tale of the Eurotas, but stillnearer to the bordera of tiie Measenia. The site was perfect- ^ leTel,resembling those of Tegea and Manti- nea, and strikingly contraated to those of the old Arcadian cities. We do not know thnt Epaminondas waa consulted with regard to the aituation ; but even if he was, it is not certain that bis choice was determined by the advanta- ges which the groand oflbred for defence,aa, indeed,none such have yet been discoverod in it. It seems more probable that the work waa begun in a sanguine and conRdenl spirit, which paid leas regard to strength than to conveni- ence of position, and believed that safety would be sufficiently provided for by an ordinary forti- fication. The city was designed on a ver; lar^e scale, and the magnitude of the public buildings corresponded to its extent ; the thea- tre was the most spacious in Greece. The (emlory annexed to it seems to have been chiefly composed of the districts belonging to the Mienalian and Parrbasisn villages, perhaps nearly the aame aa during the Pelapouncsian war acknowledged tbe sovereignty of Mantinea, nntil they were restored to independenceby die interference of Sparta ; but tbe papulation was to be dmwn, not from these only, but from a great number of the most ancient Arcadian towns. Pausanias gives a list ol^ forty which were required to contribute to it. The greater part of them appear to have been entirely de- serted by their inhabitants; others retained a remnant of their population, but in the condi- tion of Tillagessubject to Megalopolis, It is not quite clear whether the migration was vol- notarilyundertaken byany, or they all only sub- mitted to a decree of the majority ; but there seem to have been few who did not at least submit willingly, and whose attachment to their native seats was not for the time overcome by their enmity to Sparta, or by their patriotic "eal,or by the prospect of the advantages cod- "pMi"Tiii.,"T,l; i..,H,4. t Nicbubru^, "Mtgtl(|"olt",iift"niid ICs^opolia." PiiBMiu. ".. n, 4,M trn"iMi * V*' *" "'^" *"*" " bat b* cbJIbUie dtiaAna MryaXfmyirai- nsetsd with the fraitehlM of k ^reat dty.* Pour towns only " Lycoa,Tricotom,Lyoosnra. and Trapeius~"itber retracted their consent, or refused to sacrifice their inclinations to the public will. They were among the moat an- cient in tiie laud ; and it is only remarkabla that the same lepugnanoe was not more gen- erally felt. Lycoa and Tricoloai, however, were compelled to yield, and their inhabitants were transferred to IMegalopolia. T^pexusttude an obstinate resistance ; snd its citixenswho sur- vived the atrug^e jmfemi qoitting Iheir iw- tive land to chaaging their abode in it, sod having foond means for embufcin^ (ortbe Enx- ine,were hospitably received as kinsmeu in the city of the same name. Lycosura " which boasted of being the most ancient ci^ imder an " was glared out of respect to tbe sanc- tity of one of its temples. The diatriotawhich thus drained of tlieir p"^nilatian never re- covered it, and were left in a great measure uncultivated. Tbe most interesiing subject connected with this event, the conatitotioD under which Arca- dia wta to be united, is unfortunately involved in the greatestohacurity.Hegalopoliawas the placeappointed for tbe deliberation of the su- preme council of the Arcadian body. But of this council we only know that itwas comoion- ly described by the name of the Ten Thousand : an appellation which raiaee a numtrar of per- plexing questions. For that it was a repre* sentative assembly, and was not intended to consist only of Megalopolttans, is clear, both from the terms in which it is spoken of, and from the nature of the case ; this would have been a privilege which the other cities would never have conceded to a colony formed out of the most insignificant townships. On the oth- er band, that bo numerous a body should have been collected either at stated times, or aa often as occasion required, from tbe other parts of Arcadia, is scarcely less hard to understand. Equallystrange does it appear, that no men- tion should be found of any more aelect aoun ctl,which,according 10 the uniform practice o the Greek democralical states, should have pri pared the business to be transacted by the g^ sembly of the Ten Thousand. These diQic-"t- tics remain just the same, whether the nSkae was U8"l in a vague sense for a great multi- tude, or was adoptedupon an estimate,n -dnt to be more or leas exact, of the numbers ' licta might be broughttogether for the punr j consultation. But though a is to be found of a smaller oounciL toere is what may tw considered as a trace o' one, suf- ficiently clear,perhaps, where the '..iBtence of the thingmightfairly be presumed l!h"m analo- gy without any other evidence. Among tbe buildings of Megalopolis, Pansohaa enumerates the council-bouse of tbe Ten 1 housand, which was called from its fonndet (be Thersilium. But the remains which appear by their position to answer most neaHy to tbe description of the Greek antiquarian, indicate, as we loam from tfa""iiiU di rt Itfias i^ iiill ,.. rhi iieo. which. hnviiiTer, ii adiipUdbj Nisbuhr (L"l.) . " The popolBiiunot ftitjlownahipiwin fomd to ""Itlf Ia MtcalojH^ii-^' ARCADIAN CONSTITUTION." TEGEA. a roodem tnieller,* tbat tbe edifice to vbich tbe;belonged wu not deatgaed Tor tbs meet- ing of 10,000 peiBons ; nor is it probable, aa tbe came author remarkB, thai anj vw appropria- led to that purpose, except either the theatre, or one resembling the Athenian Pnyx. We am therefore inclined to conclude that the liierBiliDm was intended lo receiTe a smaller nuiDber of deputies, who were pr(q)erly the council of the great assemblj. And ifthis was tbe case, it becomes less important to inquire bow tbe assembly was composed. On the oth- er band, it is possible that in the enthusiasm viih which the undertaking was begun, more was expected than was afterward performed. Ten thousand may have been the amount of ibe arm; which it was ptopo"ed to kssp on foot, and which was also to constitute the as- semblj for deciding on peace or war, and other "loestifHtB of public interest.t But the practice may hare d^red widely from this theory of tbe CoDStitution,though the name was retain- ed. Our information is no less defective as to the ezecDtive power. Diodorus calls Lyco- medea tbe general of the Arcadians ; but whether this was the title of the chief magis- trate of tbe Arcadian body, is s question which we cannot resolve. It is oertaio,however, that there wer" other magistrates,! who no doubt presided in the great council, and, perhaps, composed tbe Soulier one. The force raised for the public service at the outset seems not to have exceeded 5000 men ; tbey were dis- tioguishedby a peculiarname, as the Eparites " a wonl probably of appropriatemeaning in the Arcadian dialect, but which we do not find eijriained.f Their ordinary station was most likely fixed at Megalopolis ; and if the conjec- tnre jnstproposed as to the character of the as- Kiably of tbe Ten Thousand is well founded, it wD^d seeirt to follow that Ihej must have had Totee in it. Ten commiBsioners were appointed to super- intend the Srst settlement of the colony, aod were honomed with the titleof fbunders. Two of them, Ljfcomedes and Opoleas, were Man- tineans; two, Timon and Proxenus, were lead- ers of tbe democratical party at Tegea, Of tbe rest, two came from Clitor, two from Mb- nalus, and as many from the Parrhasian can- tons.ll As there was reason to apprehend that Spartamight attempt to interrupt the work in its beginning,Epaminondas sent Pammenes, one of his ablest officers, with 1000 cboice troops, to guard and assist tbe colonists ; and hence he aJso might be looked upon as one of the fbunders ; but it does not appear that he bad the foremost, much less,as was sometirues contended, an exclusive clairu to tbat title.1^ It was not, however, at Hegalopolii that any op- position was oSersd to tbe andertalung ; hot in other places violent contests arose between tbe advocates and the adveiaaries of the new measure. At Orcbomenus it seems to have been viewed with generalaversion,not merdf because of the aristocratical sscendcocy in the government, but also on account of the neigh- bourly hatred felt towards Mantinea ; and tbtt animosity of the Orchomeniana was, perhaps, inflamed by tbe loss of three of their subject towns, Theisoa, Metbydrium, and Teuihia, which were annexed to the territory of the new capital.They openly renounced aU con- nexion with the Arcadian body, and received k garrisoncomposed, according to Diodorua, of 1000 Lacedsemoniaas, and of 600 Bteolian and Argirerefugees, who had been collected at Co- rinth under the command of one Polytropus, who would therefore seem to have been a Spat* tan ; but Xenophon merely describes them as mercenaries. It was, however, at Tegea, the chief seat of Spartan aud aristocratical influenoa founder^ of Megalopolis, Stasippus and his partisans did not cease to exert their utmost efforts to counteract the plan of tbe union, and to keep Tegea in its ancient state of subserv- iency to Sparta,or, as Xenophon expresses it, probably in tbeir language, in the enjoyment of its hereditary institutions. Proxenus and an- other democratical leader, named Callibius, conscious,though tbey were outvoted in tbo oligarchical councils, diat the majority of tba citizens was on their side,appealedto arms. Stasippus,however, was able to meet them witb an equalforce, and an engagement ensaed onlside the nails, in which Proxenus was alain and bis followers put to flighty but Stasippus, who was by nature averse to bloodshed, would not suffer tbem to be pursued. Callibius, hav- ing collected his scattered troops, returned to- wards the city, and posting them close to the wails,opened a negotiation with his adversa- ries. This, however, was only a stratagem to gain time ; for be was every hour expectinga re-enforcement which he had aent for from Mantinea. As soon as it appeared,some of his men scaled the walls and threw open the gates. Stasippus and some of his party imme- diately quilted the cityby another road,and, before they were overtaken,reached a temple of Artemis, where Ihey barred themselves in. But their enemies respected tbe sanctity of the plaue no more than Greeks usually did on such occasions ; and having induced tbem to sur- render, by assailing them with missiles from the roof,conveyedthem, boutiti, on a wagon to Tegea,where, after a mock trial, in which tbe Mantineans assisted as judges,theyput tbem all to death. Their survivingpartisans, to the number of 800, fled to Sparta. The safety of Sparta seemed to require that she should not passively submit to the blow thus struck at the last remains of her influence in Arcadia; and among the Tegean refugees were several private friends of Ageeilaus, and HISTORY OF GREECE. probablj of o^er teadiofSpaitans, who solicit' "d redreaa and revenge againat the Mantinean^ tnd thair political aidTeiaarieB. Tbe inierfe' Tence 61 Mantinea io tbe civil fends orTegea was construed as s Tiolation of the principle which had been recognised in all tbe treaties concluded since tbe peace of Anlalcidas, and Uierefbre alTorded a Tair colour for taking up anna; and war was accordinglj declared against Mantinea on Itjisground* But the strongest motira by which the Spartangavemment was urged to this step, appiseTs to have been the necessilf which it felt for some eflbrt which ahoold restore confidence and cheerfulness at borne ; for.notwithstanding the heroic coun- tenance with which the news of the battle of Leucira had been received, it had made an iru- pression of deep despondency, from wbich the city had not yet recovered. After tbe return of tbe defeated anny, a grave question had "risen as to the manner in which it should be treated. According to the precedents of ear- lier times, the Spartan who saved his life by flight, was subject to the loss of all his civil privileges, and to marks of ignominy; and we have seen that it was thoughtnecessary to in- flict a temporary degradation on the prisoners who had surrendered " with the permission of their superiors " at Sphacteria.t There were some who held that the dishonour which the Spartan arma had incurred at Leuctra could only be ef"ced by a rigorous enforcement of the ancient martial law. But Ageailaus, and probatdy most other memhers of ihe govem- ment, saw that such severity would be oow very ill-timed ; and, according to Plutarcb, he was empowered to frame some new regulations on this head ; but, instead of any forms! inno- vatioa,simplyptopoaed that the law should be anfi^red to sleep for this once, without preju- dice to its application on future occasions.] It was, however, on this account the more desira- ble to divert the thoughts of the people from the recent disaster by a frcsb expedition ; and Ag- eailaus was now sufficiently recovered from hia illness to take tbe command. Xenophon says (hat he marched with one mora, probablymeaning only the Spartan divis- ion of his forces. He was joinedby troops from Heraea and Lepreum, and sent for Pol3rtropQS and his mercenaries from OrchomenuB. In the mean while the Arcadians bad collected their forces at Asea, near tbe frontier of Laconia, all bat the Mantineans, who did not think it safe to leave their cityexposed to tbe attack of Poly- IropuB,and,therefore, fir^tmarched against Or- chomenus ; and,thoughthey were compelled to retire from the town, in their retreat they made a Buccesslbl stand againstPolytropus. who was pursuing with his lighttroops, killed him, and made some slaughter among his men. Ageailaus was at Uiis time waiting for him in the small i, 90, ^cfiAirin iIiMi II Itwa ID " dlflWnn "ion, wMoli will (iKillr Iw BHtlaiwd . ,., IkIIbmI 10 nijHct thu (hi (ipninoii of AfiHliii npon- "d by PlnuirJi biloiiKm lo thU DenBun, m* la thi*,-whm nil Btrtiiiil J "mr' ' "- Arcadian town of GutRa,'which he foand quito defenceless; for allthe men ofmilitary age were absent in tlie camp at Asea, and the walls were in a ruinous conditioiL Vet with politic gen- erosity " for Sparta needed friends more than spoil" he not onlysparedpersons and property, but even employed bis men in repairing the walls. When he heard of tbe deatb of Poly- tropus, he continued his march towards Manti- nea, leaving the Arcadians in his rear. They soon followed in the same track ; and he might have attacked them before theyjoined the Man- tineans : some of his council urged him to da so ; but he thought himself too near the hostile city, or perhaps, as Plutarch says, wished, if possihle, to avoid a battle, and therefore suf- fered them to form tbe Junction unmolested. He himself was soon after re-eoforced hy tb" lighttroops from Orchomenus, and by a squa- dron of cavalry from Phliua ; and tbe enemy was strengthened by a body of Argivea. Neither side,however, was willing to Gght : Ageailaua, because his first care was to husband tfaa strength of Sparta; the Arcadians, because they expected soon to be Joinedhy a Theban army ; for they were informed by tbe Eleans that Thebes had borrowed ten talents from. Elis for the purpose of the meditated expedi- tion. Perhaps the same intelligence increased the anxiety of AgesilauB to return home. But that his retreat might not appear to be the eSect of fear,he remained three days before Manti- nea, and ravaged the plain;* and thenmaiched back with the utmost speed. Stillthe honour of Sparta had been vindicated, and tbe fallen spirits of his countrymen wers cheered by tha result of the expedition. The Thebans were, in fact,advancing with a. powerful army, and not long after Joined tbe Arcadians " who employed the interval after the retreat of Agesilatis in an inroad into tha Herteati territory" at Mantinea. The victory of Leuctra had so oomi^etelychanged their po- sition, that they had now the forces of almost all northern Greece, except Attica, at their command. Even Phocis, though as hostile as ever, was compelled to aid them againat her late allies. All tbe Eubcean towns, the I,ocri- sns, both ofthe east aod west, the Acarnanians, the Trachinian Heraclea, and tbe Malians,t contributed to swell their army ; and Thesealy IbrniBhed cavalry and targeteers. Tbe wholo force now assembled at Mantinea amounted, according to Diodoms, lo 60,000; according to Plutarch, lo 70,000men, of whom 40,000 were heavy-armed-t The professedobject of the expedition was to protect Mantinea, and, as it now waB no longer in danger, and the season " itwas mid winter " was unfavoarable to military operations, several of the Theban commanders proposed to return. Xenophon, indeed, who stillmentions noneof their great names, repre- sents [hem as at firstunanimous on this head, and as only detained by the persuasion of their Peloponnesianallies, who urged them to invade Laconia, But we can more easily believe Plu- tarch's stBlemeot ; that Gpaminondas and Pe- lopidas, who were both in command as Bmo- "PlEtMRh, AM(.,"0,"iWiUiU1ialoDtaiiiw]lli7"nib". Itmipsg tu tin Kuliimiii. Ou might laqKct Au Iw kad "mil nti nKoni Bum. t Or, ucordiBi U Xo., Afa., ii., ", Ealuinft INVASION OF LACONIA. tarcha,weie do lew deairoas not to let slip such an oppoitunily of crushing or humbling Sparta,and,indeed, it can hardlj be doubted that tliey had already conceived the design of a great work which they eieciited before they withdrew from Peloponnesus. But it seema that Ihcy had some difficulty in obtaining the consent of their ctdteagues, who were disposed to eiaggeiate the obstacles of the Laconian frantier, and the lesiatance which they had to expect when Ihey should have crossed it. They expected to find all the passes, which were aaturally difficult, stronglyguarded, and could not at once reconcile tbemselTes to the thought of seeking an enemy, who till lately had been deemed almost invincible, in his own country, where he would be animated by the strongest motiveB to extraordinary exertions. Their apprehcBBions were only overcome when they received invitations and asaurancea of support from Laconia itself, and were encour- aged by some of the provincials, who came for thai purpose to the camp, to expect that the appearance of tbeii army would produce a gen- eral revolt of the subjectpopulalion, which, it was said, had already refuaed to obey the or- dera of the goTemmeot when ilwas summoned to the defence of Sparta. They were also in- formed that ooe of the principal posses, which led throagbCarys and Sellasia into the vale of the Earolas,was quiteunguarded; and some of the inhabitants of Caiys offered themselvsa aa guides, and were ready lo pledge their lives for the truth of their aaaertioaa. The invasioD was then unanimously resolved npon. To distractthe enemy'sattention, and to ae- celerate their own movements, the invaders divided their forces so as to penetrate into La- conia Bimultaneously by differentrontes. Xen- ophon speaksonly of two divisions,that of the Thebans, who were to lake the road which led through CaryK into the valley of the OCnus, and ^at of the Arcadians, who were to cross the border more to the west, and (o traverss the district called Scirilis. But from Diodoru* we learn that there were two other divisions, consisting one of the Argives, the other of the Eleans ; and though he has not very distinctly described their lines of march, it seems clear that Lhey formed the two wings of the invading army, the Argives making a circuit which brought them through the Thyreatisover Mount Pamon, the Eleans ooe by which they were led into the upper vale of the Eurotas. Sell^a was the place of rendezvous appointed for all the four divisions. The Thebans and the ELe- ans appear to have met with no reEieiance, The Argives found the passes gnarded b]r a body of troops, consistingpartly of Bteotian refugees, commanded by a Spartan named Al- exander, who, however, was overpowered, and fell with 300 of his men. The pass of the Sei- ritis might also have been occupied,and, from its natural strength, it was believed that the Arcadians would never have been able to force il ; but Ischolaus,a Spartan, who was posted near it at the village of lum, with a garrison of neodamode troops, and about 400 of the ex- iled Tegeans, instead of securing the pass, de- terroinedtomalcehisstandin the village, where be was aurrounded by the enemy and slain, with almost every one of hi* men. The foai divisions then eSeeled their Junction without farther opposition, and after having.plundered ^nd burned Sellasia, descended to the banks of the Eurotas, and encamped in a aanctuary of Apollo at the entrance of the plain of Sparta. The next day they pursued their march along the leftbank of the river, which was swollen by the winter rains, until they reached the bridge which crossed it directly over sgaioat the city. A body of heavy-armed, which ap- peared on the other side, delerred them Iroa attempting the passage, and they proceeded, still keeping the left bank, to plunder and de- stroy the dwellings which were thicklyscat- tered in the neighbourhood of the capital, and which, from Xenophon'sdescription, who sayt Ihey were full of good things, seem to hav9 been chiefly villas of the more opulent Spar* tans, and were probably better stored and fur- nished than their bouses in the town. It waa the first time that Gres kindled by a hostile ar- my had ever been seen from Sparta since it bad been in the possession of the Dorian raca ; and the grief and consternation excited by tho spectacle in the women and the elder part of the men, were proportioned not merely lo it* strangeness, but to the pride and confidence with which the traditions of so many centuriea had taught them to regard their soil aa invio- late, and their city,though unwalled, aa im- pregnable. The danger which threatened the Mate ww indeed sufficient to have shaken any ordinarT courage. A handful of Spartans was the only force that could be securely relied on for Um defence of an open city,spread over a great extent of ground,against the mighty host whick was now separaled from it onlyby the river. The subjectpopulation, free and servile,was iB part at least either in declared revolt,reftHing lo obey ibo requisitions o[ the goveronient. or notoriously disalTecteti. And the rectdlectioB of Cinadon's plotmightsuggest Bi the event proved, not unfoonded " of di even among the members of Uie raltng olua. But, however faithful they might be to one Kt- olher, the terror of some, and the rashness at others,might in a moment defeat eve"7 pre- caution, and involve the whole in ruin. In thit emergency all eyes were turned upon Agest- laus. Aa he was fully aware of the danger,M he clearlyperceived the course which could alone aflbrd a prospect of deliverance. To re- main atricily on the defensive,and, in case of an attack,to take advantage of the inequaiitiea of the ground, and of the position of the street* and buildings in the outskirts of the town, aai in the mean while to maintain tranquillity and obedience within,was all that was left to tit done, and this, with the means at his disposal, demanded allhis abilities. The Spartans, when distributed over the wide range which they had to defend, made so poor a show that the gov- ernment Uiougbt it neeeasary lo resort to m expedient which had been adopted before a" less urgent occasions ; to arm as many of tb* Helots as could be induced to enlist by a ptofa- ise of emancipation; and Dotwithatwtding tka atrocious purpose which had been cloaked by a similar proposal informer times,more tban 6000 volunteeia now presented tbemaelvea. llkeii "eivioes were accepted witb trepibUBg, and em- C.tn"olc u HISTORY OF GREECE. ployed with continued distrust, until the anirat of some roreign auiiliariea gave a littlemore Kcurity to the govcrametit. Not many days after,a small force" probably less than 6000 strong " collected from Corinth,Sicyon, Pelle- ne, Epidaurus,Trixlen, Hermione, aad Halia, JiaTing been transported in successioD over the Argolio Gulf la Braain on the coast of Laconia, crossed the monntains, and, though the enemy was encamped only two or three miles off,! fta way into the city. In the mean while the invading anny, having lavaged the eastern side of the plain tillit i oTsr againstAmyclK, then crossed the and tnmed its fkint towards Sparta. As the greatest breadth of the plain hea belweea the river and the fool of Taygelus, stillmare spoil was found here than on the other aide, and thii with the greaterpart of the allies was the sin gle object of attention. The Theban generttls alone appear to have been able to prercat their troopa from ranging at large in quest of [dunder, am) to have taken precaotions against a surprise ftom the city. What Epaminondaa most desi- red was to draw the enemy into an engagement, and he Issaid to have tried the effect of a tau ' iiigcbaUenge on Ageaitaus, whose temper ^ not alwaysproofagainstprovocation. But this occasion he controlled his own feelings, and calmed the general excitement by hia au. thority and example. When this attempt fail. "d, and the si^t of the devastation committed fbi three or four days by the invaders did nol rouse the Spartans from their defensive attitude, the cavaliy was ordered to advance towards the city,perhaps in Che hope that a skiraiisli might ensue, and become the occasion of a gen- eral action ; if.indeed, we may Dot conjecture * deeper design, and suppose that this move- ment was concerted with a disaflfecied party within, which at least seems to have seized tllia OHMntunitj of declaringitself, in a mann whii^ at any other juncture, or without sou mtderatanding with ibe enemy, would appear have been strangelyimprudent. The Spartans bad " small body of cavalry,very inferior not only in numbers, but in condition,to that of the allies; It was, however, drawn up on the level "onthof thecily. Its appearance served rather to heighten than to cbecic the confidence of the "ssailanta. Bat an adjacentbnildtng, which was eoDseeraied by tradition as tbe house al Ihe tutelary Twins, concealed about 300 of the yotmg Spartaninfantry, who, when tbe enemy drew near, started from their ambush to sup- port the charge which was made at the same time by their own caraliy. Thia uoeipected attack threw the advancingsquadrons into con- ftlsion, and thou^ they wore pursued but lo a abort distance, they did not stop till they reach- ed the Theban phalanx, and even a part of the Infantrywere so much alarmed by their flight as to begin a haaiyretreat, it was perhaps on this occasion, while the allies were advancing, that a band of about 200 men, who had for the most part been longsuapected by the govern- ment, occupied the Issonum,one of the heights on the shirt of the town towards Ihe river. As they had received no orders,itwas evident that they were acting with treasonable designs , and "ome proposed that they shoold be forthwith die- iodgedby force. Agesilaus,hon-ever,thought it more prudent, as the extent oftheconspiraoy was not known, to try a milder course, and gcw ing up to the place with a singleattendant, af- fected to believe that they had mistaken his or- ders, and directed them to station themselves in diSbrent quarters. They obeyed,thinking that they had escaped detection ; but fifteen of them were arrested by the orders of Agesilaus, and put to death without form of trial in the night. The suppression of this attempt may have led to the diacovery of another more dan- gerous conspiracy, in which a number of Spar- tans were implicated.They were arrested iit a house where they held clandestine meetings. The clearer their guilt, Ihe more dangerous it probablyappeared to bring them Co trial ; yet there was no power in the state which could. legallyput a Spartan to death without one. Even the authority of the ephots had never yet been carried so far. TTieydetennined,howcT- er, after a consultation with Ageailaus, to dis* pensewith legal forms,* and the priaonera were delivered to a secret execution. The desertions which took place among the Helots and the La- conian troops were carefully concealed from publicknowledge: hut this may nol indicate their frequency, so much as the vigilance of Agesilaus. Thereportshrongbttothecamp ofthe allies as to the state of things in Sparta did not en- courage Epaminondas to repeal the attempt in which the cavalry had been repulsed,or to pro- long hia stay in Ihe ncigUmurfiood of the capi- tal. He directed his march southward, and ravaged the whole vale ofthe Eurolas as far as the coast. Some unwalled towns were com- mitted to the flames, and an assault was made for three successive days on Gythium, the na- val arsenal of Sparta, but without success. If it was the design of Epaminondas to take ad- vantage of the discontent which was supposed 10 prevail in the subjectpopulation towards the government, to effect a permanent revolution, the devastation committed by his allies, which be was probably unable to restrain,must have Cend"l to counteract it. He was Joined, Xen- ophon says, by some of the provincials ; but the majority must have looked upon the invaders as enemies. Their stay was protracted for some weeks. At length the Pelopooneaian trtiopsbegan to withdraw with their booty, leaving the country almost exhausted. The growing scarcity of provisions and diminotioD of numbers, combined with the hardships ofthe season, would have admonished Epaminondas to retire,even if.as Xenophoo would lead his readers to suppose, bis only business, alter re- crossing the border, had been to marth home- ward. But Ihe historian, professing to mention all the motives which induced the Thebans to quitLaconia, has carefully suppressed the main object which Epaminondaa had in view, and which he accomplishedduring bis stay in the peninsula. He meditated a blow much nKire destructive to the power and prosperity of Spar- it u dificollla BiwipTiUut wbat parlirulu-itj cxtuLd b" beut, or luiw Af"il"yt nbDaJd Iuts btea iad lo hh *ucli FOUNDING OP MESSENE. 41 U than the iiiTasion oT her territory. His de- sign was la deprive her of Messenia, to collect the Mesaenians in the land of tbeir forefathers, and to found a new city, where theymight main- tain their independence. He had already sent to the various reglona in which the remains of the heroic people were scattered,to invite them 10 return to their ancient home. Alter (he close of Ihe Feloponnesjanwar, those who had found refuge in Naupactus were expelledby their triom^diant enemy. A part betook them- selves to their kinsmen in Rhegium and Mes- sana ; but the greater number crossed over to Africa, in compliance with a timely invitation which they received from the inhabitants of HesperiB, one of the Cyrenaiccities, who, press- ed by the aaaaulls of their barbarian neighboura, sent to Greece to collect new settlers. Pau- sanias intimates that some had already arrived in Peloponnesus, and were consulted by Epami- nondas on the site of the city which be was about 10 build for them." It is,hdwever, hard- ly credible that he was himself undecided on that point, or that he ever turned his thoughts with this view to Andania or C"chalJa. Ithome was recommended at once by the moat anima- ting recollecliooB, and by the advantages of its strong and central position ; and the weatem slope of the ridge on which the ancient strong- hold stood waa selected for the new city, Mes- seno. The foundaliona were laidwith the ut- most aolemnity; and, if we may tmat Pausa- Dias,Epaminondaa, on this occasion, did not disdain to practise apionsfraud, fortbe purpose of showing that the undertaking was sanctioned by the wiU of the gods. We read of visions in which the priestly hero Caucon appeared, first to him, and then to Epitelea, the commander of the Argiveforces, and which led to the discov- ery of a metal roll, on which were inscribed the liturgical forms which Caticon was said to have brought Irom Eleosia into Messenia. It was believed to have been buried at Mount Ithome by Aristomenes, when be foond that the end of bis struggle was approaching, in confonuity to an ancient prophecy, as a pledge vouchaafed by the gods, on condition that itshould be kept secret until the destined hour arrived for the reatoratioD of his conotry. The name of Aris- tomenea was invoked with peculiar veneration, not onlyby the Hessenians,but by the Greeks of every race who took part in the founding of the city; and the victory of Leuctra was, now perhaps for the first time, ascribed to hia super- natural interposition. But, chough Epaminon- das did not neglect the aid to be derived fi-om pioua and pstrjotic enthusiasm, he at least paid equal attention to all the material means of se- curing the duration of his work. The most ju- dicious use was made of the natural advantages of the site; the most approved architects of the day were employedupon the plan, and the most skilful workmen in the execution ; and the for- tifications of Messene,which, some centuries later,excited the admiration of Fausanias,are stillfound to justify his praiseby the solid and beautiful masonry of the remains which are yet standing. The population of the new capital undoubted- ly did not consist wholly of the Messeuiaos who were recalledfrom foreign lands by the in- * It^ ", S. Vol. n" P vitation of Epaminondas ; though we do not perceive so great a dilBculty as some author* have fonnd m adopting (he statement of Fatt- sanias, which leads us to suppose that Uiey had already returned to Feloponneaus when the first stone ofMessene was laid. This,indeed,would be scarcelypossible, if tbe design of build- ing the city had first occurred to the Theban. genera] alter he entered Feloponnesus ; but it seems probable that he had been long medita- ting it, and perhaps he had formed it soon after the battle of Lauctra, That event, which waa generally considered aa a death-blow to the Spartanpower, may have excited hopes in the Messenian Helots of recovering their independ- ence, and their wishes may have been secretly communicated to the Theban government. The proceedings of the Arcadians would confirm them in their projects, and the foundation of Megalopolismight easQy suggest Aa thought of a new Messenian ca[Hta] to EpatninondaB. Wo do not, indeed,venture, with a modem his- torian,* to interpret a vague, apd certainly hy- perbolical, expression of Xenophon's, into an intimation that a general insurrection had taken place in Messenia soon alter the battle of Leuc- tra ; but it seems highlyprobable that the Mes- senian Helots broke out into open revolt aa soon aa they heard of the arrival of the Theban army in the peninsnla, and that their envoys were among the most urgent in excitingEpaminon- das to invade Laconia. They oodoubt contrib- uted the largest ahare to the population of Mes- sene : Whether they were admitted to a perfect equahty with the Naupactianexiles,who, as they were singularly tenacious of their Dorian dialect and customs, probably included many Dorian famibea, is a dilferent question. It seems at leaat clear, from the accounts of Di- odoms and Pansaoias, that they were consider- ed as the core of the colony,though the Spar- tans alwaya afl^ed to treat the whole as s mere masa of revolted Helots.f Indeed, it is difficultto understand the remark of Polybiusf "^that the democratical equahty which was es- tablished at a later period at Messene gave great oflbnce to the old cltissens" exceiA on the supposition that tta institutionswere from the beginning aristociatical. And " notwithstand- mg the prevalence of democratical principles in the states of the Theban confederacy " the dis- tinction which must have been felt between men who had been lately serfs and men who had been alwaysfree,might have been univer- sally admitted aa a sufficient ground of a politi- cal inequality between the two classes. The Messenian Gorgus, whom Polybius describes aa distinguished among his feUow-ciliiens by his birth and hia wealth,as well aa by the prizes " Heuo. iii (fat imtf^ fri^V" r*" ogle HISTORY OF GBEEOE. which he gained in ibe natiCHisl games,* re- nundHasbjhiaDame of the son ofArialomeneB, who led the colony u KbegLum ; and it ma; aafel; be presumed that farailiea which traced their descent to the companions of that hero and or his aona, were viewed in a very diflereal light from ihosa which had aubmitted to the conqoeror, aod bad beet) degraded b; ages of eervitude.t If there was a pHvileged class of this kind, it probablyenjoyedpeculiaradvantages in the dis- Iribution of the territory. But, however this may have been, all the landa which had hither- to been in the hands of the Spaitans now un- doubtedly became the property of their oultiva- toia and the other new settlers. This portion probably included the most valuable part of the inland diatricta. Those which belonged to the subject-freemen, which lay cbieBy near the coast, coatinned, peitiape, to be bsM on the "anae terras as oiiderthe precedinggovernment. But the whole country was not Immediately re- covered from the dominioa of Sparta. Some of the towns were guardedby LaeedsmoDian gar- risoDB. Such,atleast,was the case with Asine ; though Pauaanias says that the Oryopes were pennitt^ to retain it because they had rerused to aid the Spartans in the second Messenian war;I and therefore we cannot rely with per- fect confidence on a statement " otherwise prob- able enough " of the same autlior: that the Nau- plians, who prudentlypropitiated the new lords of the soil with presents and professions of loy- ally, were leftin posaession of Methone. When the fortiiicalioDS ofMessene had been carried ao far that the presence of the army was no longerneeded, Epaminondas, leavinga gar- risoD there,began his march homeward. The building of Hessene la so conpled with that of Hegalopotis in tbe accounts of Diodorus and Pausaoiaa, that we may, perhaps, infer that he did not pass through Arcadia without coDtlibu- ting some important aasislance to the latter work, which was atiliin progress. An enemy, however, stillawaited him at the Isthmus. In their distress, the Spartans bad applied for suc- uvtu' to Athens ; and their ambassadors were accompanied by envoys from the Pelopoonesian alatea which stdl adhered to Iheto, among whom those of Connlh and Phlius appear to have sup" ported their request with the greatest earnest- ness. They appealed to the generosity, to the jealousy, tothe fears, and the hopes of the Athe- nians. Some discussion arose in the assembly aa to the right or obligation of interference. The conduct of the Mantmeans in the civil war of Tegea was regarded in various lights : by some as an unjustifiable aggression,by others as a rightful defence of the aggrieved democrat- ical patty ; and, according to these different views, the Spartan invasion of Mantinea, which had provokedthe retaliation of the Arcadians, was either condemned as an encroachment on the rights of an independentstate, or vindica- ted as an act psrmiHed, and even required,by the principle laid down in the last congress, and " PdIjIl,irii., to, %. PRihub], Um lan dT "ac](ti: whiH lUliu It OlfBTli It "Hudcmi ^ PagHBiu, " t rtiibalu', humnr, cipiwML w" balim. ibt ean" which, therelbre, entitled Sparta to the aid of the Athenians. The Corinthian envoy observ- ed, that whatever difference of opinion there might be on this quescLou, the Thebana had, at least, been guilty of an unprovoked aggression towairdshis own city,having, in their passage through its territory, committed various acts of wanton hostility. But there was already a gen- eral disposition among the people, if not iu fa- vour of Sparta,yet strongly adverse to Thebes. The assembly, after having heard tbe ambassa- dors, would not listen to any arguments on the other side, but decreed that the whole force of the commonwealth ahould march to the relief of Sparta, and appointedIphicrates to the com- mand. An army was immediately raised ; and the troops are described by Xenophon as so zealous in tbe cause, that they murmured be- cause Iphicrateshalted for a few days at Co- rinth. But when they resumed tbeir march. expecting, the historian saya, to be led to some gloriousaction, no such result ensued. It seema that Iphicrates had no wish to seek the enemy, and perhaps,having heard that Sparta was freed from immediate danger, be contented bimseir with attacking some places in Arcadia, either for the sake of plunder or in the hope that this diversion might hasten the enemy'a retreat from Laconia. But it does not appear that hia operationsproduced any effect on those of theTbebanarmy.* When Epaminondas be- gan to move towards tbe Isthmus, he posted himself there to guard the passes at the south- em extremity; but, through aome oversigiit, which Xenophon notices with evident surprise, aa an extraordinary failure of hia militaryskill, he left the most convenient of them " that on the side of Ceochres " open ; and tbe Thebans penetrated, without any opposition, to the Isth- mus. A body of cavalry, which was sent to observe their movements, and which, Xenophon says, was larger than Uiat purpose required, though insnfficient for any other,approachedso near as to be drawn into a skirmish,and lost some men in its retreat. With this hltJe ad- vantage over oneof the greatest captains of the age, who commanded the forces of the only power which could now be considered as a ri- val to Thebes, Epaminondas concluded this memorable campaign.t The services which he had rendered to his country were, in general,duly appreciatedby his fellow-citizens; but they excited,and did not disarm the envy of aome inferior minds ; and the expeditionitself, successful as it had beep, afforded ihem a pretext for assailing him. The yearly term lor which he held his office of BcEotarch had expired, it seems, soon after be entered Peloponnesus, and he and bis colleagues Eba pvjwlilioa uf Ij]h"cmei atued Ibe Thehuu ta with- draw Imin Iftfitre SpiirtH. DiDdorQi (ir.,05) uyi that rh" oppuullf Uu lue """" LuxniifmiiirletuUlioii. Xao- "filion bu \ctl Ihe nunamrnu at [pbiCTalriin fnil oIhcu. kef '' Alh"'"'"lS'lfc"'l K^ "'" "'"'".^''(.'""Er^'*' frnmj"rrbm|r"ijo^i.e Imn h.iil,. p"iW, Ih. i^|. SECOND INVASION OF PELOPONNESUS. badreUined their command, without any ex- grew unction, three or foar months longer. Od tbis groond he and Pelopidas were separate- ly charged with a capital otience. It was mere- \j aD experiment to try the strength of their jfolaiHy ; Tor their conduct, though perhaps ii infringed the letter of Uie law,was toanifeatly iBirairdancewith the will of the people. It ia, mdeed, aomewhal surprising that (heir adveraa- nes ^Duld hare Tenlured on such an attempt. ud Mi] more (lialthe issue,as we learn front Huaich, was considered doubtful, because Pe- bpiduwas Gtst brought to trial. Epaminon- dii.il is said, declared himself willing to die. jmridedthe names of Leuctra. Sparta, and Ucssene, and the deeds by which his own was aanected wiih them, might be inacribed upon Inslomb. Both, however, were acquitted in ih most honourable manner i* and Pelopidas, Img magpanunous or more irritable than his itiilmophical friead, who would have forgiven Ihebamdesa display of malice, aderward era- sed the Ibnoa of law tu crash their principal CHAPTER XL. Tai itiiTmhad passed over Sparta,and,chief- ^Fi pofaape, throi^h the jKudeuce and energy (bplaired al this critical junctureby Agesilaus, ^ Mt ber alanding erect ; but it had shaken t" power lo the centre, had stripped her of the iireshalf of her tenitories, and converted it ^Ud a atrongfaold for a foe IVom whom she had 1" (ipectimplacable and active hostility, and *)" pcmessed the means of offering her con- Moil annoyance. The prospect of the internal "imden likely to be produced by the blow "teb de["riTed so many of her citizens of the "^ or the grcat"rp"rtoftheir property, was "^aat to excite alarm for the safety of her utiiiutioDs : and she stillsaw herself exposed "iberecnrrence ofthe same danger which had *fijihreatened her very exiatence. The 'tiM lineof her fhtntier was encompassed by ,^'l*lbecM"i("noiiDoiidu,il u Hid (F(ui.,ii., 1",T| ^ 'v jui^HwQDkl dA jfD tbtouh tbeform dT Toting bs- *^ Utr diiaiiHedIha cbmjfi. Cofopan FInlAJch,Itag. "'"",Ap"i,,,M. "UKlBEwU, iii., I,p, 111])objecli lo DodsBll'i ir- ^DtFftL uTiha evanta lollcrvnDE th" batlla of Leoctn ITm Hv ipringof Iha trtlun LTiinnmi (KS) W ibo "^"nfc-a "E^io'b.Tiliu oitSirtw "re.^u' b" n'* [T-na m iht iHT bitvMii Apnl. 3W, ud Aim]. MB. r 1" ""T""" Unw oa Iha luDmritr oT Diodonii,who **"" ^ imnoa of Luowi aider LjrtMtntu. But tie Wn"aiiu unimoDjof Piuuuu.whiiduliiicllin- ^-JakgidiijiiriiaplapstutoilKHdKinihipDfraru- 'w. ad Ibu of Mtmtim Is thi j"u nf I"rn"(ai, a "jj(0 lo nplua il my in " mumer 'hieh ueini .orjr i^BraOiiITi iuuiiitlii(,itnimderaund hiD rlcht.thU ^^ " m Mch "" ."ii". B" of Ih. .a:!, iml rf f!^' ^ """^ nfud to MoiHiM.U l"ut,niKhiiit * "* IWiv thn ikU, "DtDnJincw tba baijtf if Pum- Tf' " * mmt vM Uid l"run tbi unnl at EpusiiHn- ^ II *inld itn bna batlar,if nennr;. DpenI; id iit- "^ "" tWmil^ unaniHiii, Ihin ii " n "ut a ih. ,nr of LrwOuni, UuK MCiiu d: ^^ "^ ucoidiBC In hit rwB, Iht lalUr hm ^"wblooooodHl; TorluHpinBCtui* ^nkvconu to uke pUn in tlit"iuh ot *** " nick ih* am tipiditiiiB wdtd. t'i;.;; enemies, who mightagain invite and support art invader; and within the peninsula her allies were few and feeble. Beyond the Isthmu" there was no power to whiah she could look for efficacious assistance but her ancient rival ; and one of the firstmeaaiires of the government, when Laconia was relieved from the enemy's presence, was to send an embassy to Athens, tbi the parpose of cementing the alliance be- tween the two states, and of concerlmg plans for mutual defence. The Athenian council, in compliance with the views of the Peloponnesian ministers " for envoys came from Phtius and other allied slates " proposed a decree to the as- sembly, by which it was lo be declared that the naval armaments of the confederacy were to be under the control of Athens, the land forces to be oommanded by Sparta. This arrangement, which was warmly recommended by the Phlia- sian envoy, seemed at firstto meet with gener- al approbation. But Cephisodotus, an Atheni- an orator, appears to have thought the oppor- tunity favourable for the display of superiorsa- gacity, and, having pointed out to his felkiw- citizens that they were placing themselves un- der a disadvantage " inasmuch as while they would have to serve under Spartan generals, none but Helola,or subjects of Sparta, would man the Laconian contingents in the alliod fleets-^e succeeded in rousing their jealousy. The proposed decree was amended, and tba command by sea and land was assigned to each state alternately for five days. The Pelopon- nesian envoys, who came invested with full powers, and were conscious that theyappeared in a character which was, in bet, that of snp- plianta, were (breed to acquiesce in this absurd diairihution of authority, which manifestly tend- ed to defeat the purposes for which the alliance was formed. In the spring of 868 Epaminondas again, marched at the head of a llieban army to in- vade Peloponnesus. The forces of Athena, un- der Chabrias, had alreadyjoined those of Spar- ta and her other allies at the Isthmus, and, ac- cording to Diodorus, numbered 20,000 men, while the Thebans scarcely exceeded the third of that amount. Yet the allies thought it ne- cessary to throw up an intrenchmcnt across the Isthmus, between Cenchren and Lechnum, and when the Thebans encamped in the plain, re- mained on the defensive, and declined their of- fer of battle. Xenophon, who says nothing of the intrenchmenl, but only observes that the Lacedemonians occupied the weakest position, on the western side,represents Epaminondas as first gaining a partialadvantage over then by surprise, and then as having been petmitted to descend unmolested on the plain of Sicyon, through the remlssnesB of the Spartan com- mander, who might easily have defended the pass. Diodoros merely relates that he forced the enemy's lines. Having thus efibcted a junction with his Peloponnesianallies, he first led them againstSicyon and Pellene,and, it ap- pears, compelled both cities to renounce their alliance with Sparta,' and then, to gratify Ar- gos, proceeded to ravage the territory of Epi- daunis. On his relum to the isthmus, be made ao attempt upon Corinth, which was victorious- 44 HISTORY OF GREECE. lyrepulsedI17 Chabriie, and soon after a Syra- 1 cnun gquftdron of twenlj galleys Bailed into LechKum, nith s body a? bartiarian mercena- rioH, Celts and Iberians, and a troop of about SAj borse, sent by Dionysius to the aid of bis allies. Thie cavaliydistinguished itself above that of Athens and Corinth in the Bkinuishes which look place while the enemy remaioed at the Isthmus i but in tbe course of a few days the Thebaos returned home, and their allies disbanded their troops. Whether their depar- ture was hastened by the arrival of the Syracu- san re-enforcement " which, after havinggained Bome trifling advantage over the Sicyonians, it- self returned to Sicily in the autmna" ^oes not appear. It may have been the eflect of jeal- ousy, wbich was beginning to arise between Thebes and the chief of her Peloponnesian con- tedeiaien. For tbe Arcadians, since they bad been united in one body, manifested a new spir- it of national pride and independence, which was sedulously oherisbed by Lycomedes, who bade them consider that their support was no less necessary to Thebes than it had been to Sparta, and urged them no longer to content themselves with a subordinate station. They eagerly listened to bis persnasions, and though no breach immediately ensued, it soon became evident that Ibey do longer lootced upon Thebes as their champion and guardian, but rather wish- ed to show that they did not need her aid. They made a successful expedition to the relief of Argoa against Chabrias and the Corinthians, and another for the purpose of reducing Asine in Meseenia, which was stiltheld by a Lacede- monian garrison.They seem, indeed, here to have failed in their main object, but they rava- ged the suburbs,gained a victory over the gar- rison, and slew the Spartan oommander. They were still more fortunate in an irruptioa which tiiey made into I^conia. where they stormed Peliana in tbe upper vale of the Eurotas, put the Lacednmonian garrison, amounting to about 300, to the sword, and carried away tbe inhab- itants into slavery. No hardshipsor difficul- ties could damp their ardour ; and tbey were so elated with tbe consciousness of their strength, that tbeybegan to neglect not only tbe Thebans, but their other allies ; and, instead of restoring the Triphyiian towns to Elis, claimed them as their own, on tbe ground that the Triphylians regarded themselves as Arcadians, Thus the same object of contention which had caused the quarrel between Elis and Sparta, now began to estrange Elis from her new allies. Towards the end of the year an attempt was made to bring about a general paci^cation ; but the proposalcame not from any of the belliger- Bnts, but from a quarter where it might have been supposed that the discord of the Greeks would l^ve been viewed with no feeling but pleasure. A Greek ofAbydus, named Philiscua, was employed for this purpose by Ariobarxa- nes, the Persian satrap of tbe Hellespont, in the name, it would seem, of Artaxerxes, though without any commission from the court of Susa.* Ariobaizanes had his private motives for wish- ing to serve Sparta, and his agent came amply furnished with money, as well as clothed with bin, ))sl mf that PhiU tiie authority which the Persian king had of late years assumed in the affairs of Greece. He convened a congress a( Delphi, which was at- tended by deputies from the states of both the confederacies. Whether Delphi was cho""n for tbe place of meetingmerely to give greater solemnity to tbe occasion,or in tbe hope thai e use might be made of the oracle, is unc"T- But Xenopbon observes, in a tone of pi- reprobation, that, instead of refertiag the business for which the; were assembled to tbe decision of the god,they deliberated on it them- selves. Their consultations proved (hiitless: and perhapseven the authority of the oracle, if ithad been appealedto, would have be"n unatde to compose the conflict of their adverse inter- ests and clashingpretensions. The Thebmis either absolutely refused to renounce tbeir claims of sovereignty over tbe Bceotian cities. or would only consent to do so on condition that Sparta should acknowledge the independeoes ofMessenia. l^is demand the Spartansreject- ed : and Philiscus,affecting to coosider tbe Thebans as the enemies of peace, dropped the character of a mediator, and began to levy troops for the service of Sparta. The Atheni- ans paid extraordinary 4ourt to Aiiobarxanes. They conferred tbe honour of tbeir franchise oa him and on three of his sons, as well as oa nii- liscus, who seems to have been a worthless mibtary adventurer, who abased the satrap's favour to exercise a cruel and insolent tyranny over many of the Greek cities on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont, and was at length kiUei by two conspirators at Lampsacus.* Thebes had never been less inclined to make concessions degradiog to her dignity ; for she bad lately been extending her influence in a new quarter, to which it will now be proper to call the reader's attention. Alter the battle of Leuctra,a aeries of revolutions bad taken )daoe in Thessaly, which made ait opening for The- ban intervention, and gave it great weight ia the alfairs of that country ; and the person^ reputation of the great men who now presided over the Tbeb^p councils procuredrespect for the name of Uieir city stillfarther to the north of Greece. Jason's career had been abruptly terminated in the year after the batHo nf Leuc- tra, at a time when, having Grmly established his authority in 7'hessaly, be was beginning to unfold his ulterior designs. He bad given a strong indication of them on his inarch home- ward from Lcnctra, when he razed the vralEs of the Trachinlan Heraclea, that it might not af- ford an enemy tbe means of blockingup the pass of ThermopyltE. In the followingspring he made preparations for an expedition towards the south, which excited general attention by the novelty of its avowed object, and gave oc- casion to a variety of conjeclureaas to its real end. He called upon his subjects to furnish a sacrifice for the approauhingPythian festival; and it was computed that,although no district was heavilyburdened, their contributions would amonnt to 1000 oxen, and 10,000 head of small- er victims. He at the same lime ordered a levy of troops throughoutThessaly, and de- clared his intention of marching to Delphi, and presiding over the Pythiangames. ITie Del- phians were so much alarmed at this inlima- DEATH OF JASON." PELOPIDAS IN THBSSALT. meddle with Ihe sacred treasures ; and they were said to hare receJT^ Ibo sane answer as had been giien on several similar occaaioos " that the god would take cars of hia own. But when tbe time drew near, haTing one daj re- viewed bis caTalry, and ttien taken his seal in pobltc to give andieoce to allwho had buainess to transact with him, he was murdered by sev- en yoQDg men, who preleoded to appeal to him for the aetUement of aome private difltrenceB. Five of the conspirators made their escape on bOTBea which were wailiog for them ; and the honours which Ibey received in moat of Ibe Greek cittea through which theypassed,proved tbe alarm which had been excited by Jason's ambition. His dynasty,however, survived him; and two of bjs brother's, Potjdonis and Polyphroa " one of whom was suspected of having bad a hand in the murder " for a short time shared his authority between tbem. But on a Journey which they took together La Lariasa,Polydarua died anddeoly in the night,assassinated, as was believed,by Polyphron, who remained sole ta- gns, and by his administration converted Ihe of- fice into a tyranny. He put to death the estima- ble Polydamas, and eight other principal citizens of Pharsalus, and drove many into exile Irom Larissa. But, after a reign of a year, he was murdered in his turn by his nephew Alexander, who, professiog to revenge the death of Poly- dorus, succeeaed to tbe government, hut soon became infamous for his outrageous cruelty. He is described as a monster who delighted in torture and bloodahed, and who waa restrained by no ties, divine or human. Like the fabulous Csneus, he paid divine honours to the spear with which he tilled Polyphron. The towns of Melibieaand Scotussa had incurred his resent- ment, but deemed themselves secure under the faithof treaties and professions of amity. Al- exander surrounded the popular assembly in "?ach town at the same time with hia troops, and massacred all tbe citizens wlio were pres- ent. Such atrointics inspired all classes of his subjects with terror, but more especially Ihe ancient families, which might be considered as objects of his jealousy. The Aleuadee of Laris- sa, unable to resist him, began lo look out for foreign protection ; and their local position, as well as their political relations,inclined them firstto seek it in Macedonia. We abstain for the present from entering into any account of the circumstances of that country, farther than IB necesaary for the understanding of this nar- rative. The order of events is not perfectly dear; but it seems that Alexander, who was now on the throne of Macedon, was invited by IheTbeesalianSi and that he both complied with their request, and succeeded even beyond Iheir wishes ; for he not only relieved them for a lime from their fears of the tyrant, who was ig- nominiouslyrepulsed from Larissa, but took possession firstof (bat town, then of the citadel, and afterward of Crannon, which he occupied, with his garrisons. But his power Was not yet |^^"lf^''^,'nir!if", 0 the vengeance of the tyrant of PberB, theyapplied. for aid lo Thebes, and while Epaminondas was. en^ed in the expediiiou to Peloponnesus, which was last related,Pelopidaawaaaent iota Thesaaly. He waa admitted into Larissa,and either Ibe force or the reputation which he brought vitlt him so awed Alexanderi that he aoagbt a per- sonal interview with him, and seemed at first wilting to submit to his mediatkm. But the discoveries with regard to his character and. conduct to which this meeting gave rise appear to have exasperatedPelopidaa, whoee temper was warm, and induced him to vent hi* Jniiis- nation in very severe language, which made (he tyrant tremble for his safety. He broke off" the negotiation by a clandestine retreat,leaving Pclopidassupreme arbiter of the affairsof Thea- salj, which he settled on an apparently firm footing.This,however, waa not the only hon- our he eamed for himself and for his counln in the course of Ibis expedilion. He was invi- ted into Macedonia by the rivals who were there contending for tbe crown, and havingre- stored tranquillity, took thirty noble Macedonian boys as hostages for its maintenance, and car- ried them away to Thebes. Among them, ac- cording to a statement of Diodorus and Plu- tarch, which we shall hereafter have occasion to examine, was a brother of the king's, who was destined some years later to mount Ihe throne of Macedon, and to make a new epoch, in the history of Greece. But the order which he bad left established in Thessaly waa not of long duration. Soon af- ter his return, fresh complaints reached Thebes ofthe conduct of Alexander, and in the couree of the same summer, Pel'^pidasagain set out to take cognizance of Ihein, accompanied by Ismenias,a friend of congenial character. They went in the quality of ambassadorB, without any militarypreparations, relying on the infiuenca which Pelopidashadalreadypeacefully exerted, or on the forces which they might be able to raise in Tbessaly ; but having unexpectedly fallen in with the tyrant,theyimprudentlyput their persons in his power,* and he did not scruple to throw them into prison. He was, however, well aware ofthe danger to which hi exposed himself by this step from the resent ment of Thebes, and to avert it,sent an em baasy. with proposals of alliance,to Athena The detention of Pelopidaa could not there be viewed otherwise than as a happy event ; it was an importantobject of Athenian policy to obstruct the progress which Thebes had been making towaids the dominion of Theasaly; Alexander might prove a useful ally, and he seems to have courted the favour of tbJe people ' Tba impnulvD" of PeLipidai"" oaamani by Pc4ybini^ Tiii., I (ill., p. S, TaBChD.), IQ " puaw which, thoujth it irvanad, bjr4 whleT whoM bo blished at home, and the danger ,iuri which tbreatencJ him there seems to have com- '"'P filledhim to withdraw his troops from Thes- ^ saJy, or, at least, to have prevented him from ;"" irl^Ltidwhkh iiifcKiiIiflil brPlntirchudDiDilorai, \y.u FDlybiu (11M on U "J, ll"4 n) ttflr^ fflSTORY OF GREECE. 1)7 liberalHutwidies. Under these cimunBtan- ces, ft IB not surprising that his personal char- acter should have been overlooked, his propo- sals accepted, and his innniftcence requited irith a statue erected lo his honour,* as well as with a decree, which directed Autoctca to sailwith thirtygalleya, and 1000 men, for his defence, when Thebes sent an arm; to avenge the insultshe had received,and to recover her hero, f The command of an eipediiion for such a purpose could have been intrusted to no one so litl; as to Epaminondas, but hit conduct in bia last campaign in Peloponnesos had given a handle for calumny. According to Diodorua.t bis enemies spreadan opinion thai he might have pushed the advantage which he gained in the passage through the Isthmus much farther, and excited a suspicion that bo had purposely spared the Spartans; though we have seen that, irwe may believe Xenophon, his own sit- uation mightliave became embarrassing if the lOad had not been led upen throng the negli- gence of the Lacedemonian commander. The people,however, were induced to remove him from the office of Bsolarch, and he accompa- nied the expedition for his friend's deliverance as a private soldier. Alexander seems to have made preparations for a vigorous resistance ; and his auperiority in cavalry enabled him to reduce the enemy to such a scarcity of pruvls- lons, that the Theban generals found them- aelvea compelledto retreat before they could strike a blow. But to retreat under such cir- cumstances was an operation full of difllculty and danger. Alexander, re-enforced by the Athenian troops, and by many Thessatians who went over to the prosperous side,hnng upon tfaeir rear, obstructed (heir march, and made great slaughter among them with the missiles of his lighttroops. Their condition bad be- come desperate, when Epaminondaswas called upon by the scddiers to t^e the command. His tactics, aided by the charm and the terror of bU name, saved the whole anny frrandestruc- On his retnni, Cleomeuea and Hypatus, the gmeials to whose imprudence the danger was attributed,were punished with a fine, and Epaminondas was reinstated in his office, and in the esteem and confidence of his fellow -citi- xens. The enterprise was renewed under his oommand ; whether in the aame year or early InSST, ia not clear. The result places the as- cendency of his genius or of his reputation in a "very strong light. The army with which he "was sent into Thessalywas probably not more formidable than the last. Yet now, according to Plutarch, the tyrant offered no resistance ; and IF^paminondaa was only withheld from crush- ing him by fear that, if he should be driven to despair,he might take his revenge upon his Theban prisoners. They had been treated of late with greater rigour, probably after the at- tempt fur their deliverance had been baffled, though it is difficultto lielieve that the ciliiens of Phene were at first permitted to visit Pelop- idas, and to listen lo his invectives agamst their tyrant. But it may not be too romantic an incident for this period of ancient history, that Alexander's wifcThebe, adaugnter of Ja- aon, obtained a secret interview with him, and * niiurck,Psl"iii,.lltDiodon r.,TI. roused bj his exhortations to fiercer n- sentment, and to purposes of vengeance against her brutal and profligate husband. It was, there- fore, the object of Epaminondas to terrify the tyrant, but not so as lo goad bim to a despe- rate resolution ; and Alexander was so much alarmed by his preliminaryoperations, that to conjure the impending storm he consented to release his prisoners, though in return he oI"- tained nothing more than a thirty days' suspen- on of hostilities. It seems to have been while Epaminondaa was absent on this expedition that a measure which he had once successfully deprecated, was carried into effect by a party at home, which was either incap^e of his enlarged views and humane feelings, or recklessly lent itself to a popularprejudice.Already, in the year after the battle of Leuctra,a proposal had been made in the Theban assembly to destn^ Orchomenus, once the sovereign, long the n- val of Thebes, and still an object of jealousy both on account of its rank among the BiEotian towns, and as the chief seat of aristocraiical in- fluence in Bixotia. But the people had been shamed out of this barbarous designby the re- monstrances of Epaminondas, who endeavoured to animate them with sentiments more worthy of the high station to which their recent victory entitled them to aspire" The project, bow- ever, was not abandoned 1^ its authors,as the passions which suggested it could only be laid in a brief calm by tiio voice of reason and hu- manity. But now, either an accidental combi- nation of circ imstances favoured its execution, or an atrociui.? plan waa concerted to ensure ita success, and to take advantage of the ab- sence of the man who alone,perhaps, wouMhave been able to frustrate it. A plot was disclosed to the Theban government which had been form- ed, it was said,by a party of Theban exiles,to overturn the democraticalConstitution, and in which the nobles, or members of the equestriaa order of Orchomenus, were to be the principal agents. The conspirators intended to take the opportunity of a review which was to be held at Thebes, and was to be attended by 300 of the Orchomcnian cavalry, to effect on ariatocratical revolution. It is possible that the whole story may have been a fiction; and it seems at leastto have been greedily received by the magistrates and the people. The Orchomenians were ar- rested and brought before the assembly, which seems to have sat in Judgment on the charge, and probably, without very mature deIil*eralioD, decided against the accused: theywergallcon- dcmned to death,and the whole city was in- volved in their doom. A Theban army was immediatelysent againstii, which rased it to the ground,put the men to the sword, and car- ried the women and children away into slave- ry. t Epaminondas, on his return, did not sup- press his grief at the event, and ia said to have declared that, if he had been present, be would have preventedit.t The precipitation wiiti which the peopleindulged their evil passions in his absence may be considered as the mocrt honourable homage ever paidby a Greek atate to the virtue of a citizen. In the spring of 367,aaotiter body of anzU- EMBASSIES TO SUSA. *T iiiie* MTiTBd tmta Syraenait in the Corinthian Ooir, and a queBtion anise u to the manner in which tbey should be employed. The Athe- niuia propiwad that they should be sent into Tliesaaly, wbere Alexander waa, perhaps, at this time thrastened by the Theban arms ; but Spans had need of tbem for a purpose much pwi" nrgent, and a majority among the depu- Iks of tbe allied states decided in Tbtout of her daun. They wore, accordingly, ordered to sail reund to the coast of Laconia, and to join an vny wfaich was placed under the command of ArdudamoB. Hts first object was the redac- wa of Carye, wfaich seems to hsTB held out, pcilMps under tbe protection of a foreign gar- 9 the ii II V stormed, and every man taken in it put to the sTord; he then crossed the border, and pro- cceded lo rarage tbe territory of Megalopolis ; (mi on the approach of an Argive- Arcadia o amy retreated westward, and encamped near ibe Arcadian town of Midea. Here Cissldas, lbs coaunaiidBr of the Syraouaan Buxiliaries, Edotrned him that the time to which Dionysius had limited hia stay" probablyaccording to Us Motiact with tbe barbarian mercenaries " had expiied, and immediately set out to return lo Sparta; bat he fband tbe pass through which hi2n"d layoccupiedby a body of Messenians, and was obliged to send for aid*to Archi damns. HaTing reunited Ibeir forces,they marched in another direction on tbe Laconian frontier, but vere again intercepted by the Argive- Arcadian army. A battle became inevitable; and Archid- aniDS, having drawn up his troops on a small ^n, which lay between him and the enemy, eihorted his countrymen to TtDdicate the an- cieDt honour of Sparta, and to ezert themselves that day, so as to be able once more to meet tbe gaae of their women and children, and old ;nm, and that of foreignera, which had once bees tamed towards them in admiration, with- nt a bliish. The effect of ihis address was heightenedbj some lavourable omens, and tbe ^lirit which it breathed animated his hearers Willi an impetDOQB courage, which in better tinMHWDold not have been deemed sober enough ibr Spanan warriraa. The enemy scarc^y waited to receive their fnrious onset ; and the cavaliy and Celtic mercenaries made great hav- oc aimifg tbe bgilives. Of the Lacednmo- niaiis. according to tbe report which Archida- nos sent home, not a man was killed. This inaj bare been a piece of exaggeration, such as was conmou enobgh in Spartandespatches ; bat w" could more easily believe the fact,than that Arcbtdamos meant only that no Spartan bie waa lost.* The loss on the other aide ap- fears to hare been great,though it can scarcely have amoonted, a" Diodoms relates,to 10,000 ^sn. The news of the victory, which would oaoe have made but little impression at Spar- ta, drew tears of joj Irom Agesilaus, the aen- iiotB, and the e^ore. But the disaster of the .Arcadians caused scarcely less pleasure at 1 kebea and Elis, wbere the spirit which they bad lately shown was treated as arrogance, aad their anccess was viewed with jealousy. The atMUdea It opposed to tbe supremacy which Thebes aimed at eatablishing in Pelo- paaacsaa, (mt still more, perhaps, the proceed- ",8["uU,iil I, t. m. ings of Philiscos, bad led tbe lleban govern- ment to took to another quaner for more eSbcI- aal means of securing ita preponderance; and intelligence of a negoliation which Sparta was carrying on at tbe Persian court seemed to re- quire that some steps should be taken to coun- teract it. There could be no doubt as to the person whQ was best qnalificd for such a mis- aion ; and Pclopidas was no sooner restored to libeny than he set out on a journey lo Susa, accompanied by lameniaa. Tba fame of the battle of Leuclra and of the invasion of Laconia had precededthem, and Iheir progress through Ihe Persian provinces was a kina of triumph. At Susa the courtiers gazed with admiration on the representatives of the state which had humbled the haughty mistress of Greece, whose victorious arms not many years before made tbeir monarch tremble for hia throne. Envoys from Sparta and Athens, from Arcadia, Elis, and Argos, met them at the king's gate ; but Artaieries distinguished the Thebans with pe- culiar honours. He had previously shown, by his treatment of Antalcidas,that his favours were dispensed to foreigners m proportion to the political infiuence of the states to which they belonged. Antalcidas, whom on his first embassy be had flattered with marks of most signalcondescension, when be appeared at tbe Persian court aller the battle of Leuctra,met with such a supercihouareception, that be is said on his return to Sparta to have been driven to soicide by the taunts of his enemies.* Eu- thycles, who now filled bis place, was Indeed able to claim a littlemore respect on tbe ground of the recent victory of Arcbidamns ; but even this served to raise the credit of Thebes; for it had been gained over the Arcadians and Ar- gires, and seemed to prove that they could not conquer without her help. They could, there- fore, procure very little attention, and Timago- ras, one of the Athenian envoys, appeara to have discovered that the surest way to conciliate the king'sgood graces was to side with the The- bans. The royalbounty was largely showered upon him, and the example of former ambassa- dors, perhaps,encouraged him to hope that he mightenjoy it with impunity. But the peojile, exasperatedby the failure ofhis mission, which he probably could not have brought to a more advantageousissue, wreaked their disappoint- ment on him, and put him to death, on the im- peachment of his colieagueLeon, for an otTence which theymight otherwise have been eaaily induced to overlook. Pelopidas obtained every- thing that he aaked. One of his objects was to procure the king's sanction for the independ- ence ofMessenia ; another to disami the naval power of Athens ; and thia seems to have been part of a plan which waa earnestly entertained by Epaminondas, of transferring to Thebea the - Pirn, Altu., is. Bol Iliil (Mt of Ibi Morr it Tiiy dnntjU'ul. ADUJcidu tfpttl^ from Ih* u"di"U in Plat, AgFi.,Sl.tohiiabiHitiDiiiiDribe tphonitlhe iTmeirflh* iniilion in SM, and w* \,m nD hinl of mhi 8[i"r"o iia- bMT " 8m boKTHI ttiii 7"ar mt Un. wiianEalhnU* 'SCS KtibHl "7 PlEtucli,who. hnwCTsr (Art.,"), diillnctlj Hiu, uliu i" aqoallrjmbabla, Ihal hn vu HU tg applr r Ftniu "ooomn iiDiiiad"tal;r oft" """ b*ula. . 1 , HISTORY OP GREECE. 0 dominion irtiich Athena had began to lecoTer. An article was ioseited in the nijal Twcript,bj which the Athenians were enjoined to layup theirfleet ; and wben Leon protested "gainst this partiality, allthe SAtisraction he re- ceived was the addition of a daase by which they were permitted to appeal to the king, if theythoo^t themselves aggrievedby tho in- jnnotion. It may probably be attributed to the addrera of Pelopidaa that tlie Arcadians, whose political importance, if ithad been rightly esti- mated, would have entitled them (o more re- apeetful consideration, were treated as of infe- nor moment to the Eleans ; a alight which so deeply offended their envoy Antiochus that he refuaed to accept the king'spresents, aod on Us ratarn to Greece exposed the pompous weak- seaa of the Persian court to the deHsion of his countrymen. Pelopidas likewise declined all the magnificentpresents ofiered to him by Ar- taxerxes, retaining only some simple tokens of regard; bat in addition to the more solid ad- TantagBB conveyedby the rescript, the Thebana were honoured with the title of the king's an- Itwas not,however, in Persia, but in Greece, that the real success of the embassy was to be proved i and the result disappointed the expect- ations which were raised by its reception at the court of Susa. Thebes hoped to have placed bersetf in the station which Sparta bad occupi- ed by means of the peace of Antslcidas ; but she found the Greeks no longerwilling to submit to Persian dictation. The reportsbrought back by the envoys of the slate of the empire,had, perliaps, divulged the secret, that the threats of the great king were littlemore than an empty sound, A congress was held at Thebes, in which a Persian commissioner,having, with the usual solemnity,produced the royalseal, read the document to which itwas affixed ; and the Theban government then called upon the depu- ties of the other states, aa they valued the king'sfavour,to bind themselves by an oath to comply with itscontents. All,however, reject- ed this demand, and observed that they were sent not to swear, but to listen to the king's message. Lycomedea, who was (me of the Ar- cadian deputies, look a highertone, and denied the right of Thebes to summon the congress, which he contcndi^dought to have been held in that part of (ircece which was tho theatre of war. Tliis objection provokedan angry reply, which induced Lycomedes and his colleagues to withdraw abruptly from the congress. The Tbehans then sent ambassadors to each state Beparately with the same demand, hoping that as none could be sure of support from the rest, none would venture to incur their enmity, as well as that of Persia,by the refusal. But Co- Tinlh,to which the first application was made, havingrejected the oath, imboldened the other stales to follow her example, and the whole jBDJect, concocted with such elaborate prepara- tions, fellat once to the ground. The disposition manifested by the Arcadians rendered it important for Thebes to strengthen ber footing in Acbaia ; and in the spring of 366 Epaminondas undertook a third expedition into Peloponnesus for that purpose. The Isthmus wss still guardedby Lacedsmonian and Athe- nian Uoopa ; but at his requestFisias, the Ar give general,by a DifU maioh msdis hinweif master of the pass near Cenchren, and thus ea- "bled the Theban army to enter Acbaia. Oli- garchy bad gained the ascendency ia the Achc- an cities under Spartan patronage, and had not been disturbed by the last Theban invasion, but they remained for the most part neutral in tho contest between Thebesand Sparta. The lead- wg men now threw themselves on the forbear- ance of Epaminondsa, and,by saaurvaces of Gdehtyto Thebes, indneed him to exert his in- fluence in their behalT to ptsTeot a revolntian which would have driven them intoexile. Hav- ing taken secnri^ fbr their obedience, and find- ing, it seems, no other oocasion that required his presence in the peninsula, be marched home. But the democraticsl Achatans, and tha Arcadi- ans, complained that he had left Acbaia in the state most favourable to the renewal of L"c"- dfimoniao ascendency; and the Thebans, copy- ing the example of Sparta, sent harmosts to the Achtean cities, who instigated the commonalty to expel the oligarchs, and establish democrati- cal institutions. This change,however, was soon followed by a counier-re volution ; for the exiles, having coUecied their foroes, found them- selves strong enough to recover possession of their cities, and now openly renewed their alli- ance with Sparta, and gave great aimayance to their Arcadian neighbours. At Sicyon aflairstook a different ttim. There Euphron, an able and enterprising man, bad cd- joyed tho confidence of ibe Spartangovermnent, as the leader of the ohgarchical party, while the city adhered to Sparta. We do not knew what part he took in the change of policyby which in 368 Sicyonwent over to the Theban aUiance. lis constitution seems doi to have unde^ooe any formal alteration in consequence of thttt event ; but il may have somewhat aSecled Eu- phron'a influence, and he may thus have been led to desire a revolution which would place him again,though in a difierent sttitude, at the head of the state. When Epaminondas with- drew from Achaia,as we have justseen, leav- ing the oligarchical govemmenia standing, the disaatiafaclion eipressedby the Arcadians and Argiies at this toleration appears to have sug- gested to him the means of gratifying his aia- bition. lie proposed to renounce his connex- ion with bis old friends, and himself to intro- duce democracy at Sicyon; the only eflectu"I security, as be pretended,agaioat the restora- tion of the Spartandominion, which he had long endured with impatience, and would fain avert by any sacrifice. The Arcadians and Ar- givesgladly lent their aid, and the revolution was quietly and easily eflected. Euptaronas- scmbled the peojrie, invited Ihem to the etijoy- ment of liberty and equality, and bade them be- gin the exercise of their rights with the election of a college of generals. Five were chosen. and he was one of the number. The first ad- vantage which he took of his office was to ap- point his own son lo the command of the for- eign mercenaries employedby the stale, and to gain as many of them as he could to his interest by a lavish expenditure of the public money. The confidence uf the people which he enjoyed as the restorer of freedom,enabled him to re- sort even to the treasure of the lemf^ for that purpose; and the charge. of Lacamtm, wh;ch ' v.,tn"olc MUHDBS OF EUPHRON." OROPUS. wsB bmaoht "gwannuuty of tlie waaUtty oiti' leofi, jieUed an ample tupply of coa"acaimaB. It ODly remaioeii for him la get rid of bis col- leagues, and wbeo aoaiB of Ibem had bvea !%- noted bj the dogger, and the rest drivea inlo exile,Eiaptiron, bein^ left aole general, became , in aaate aa wellas id deed the tyrant of Siey- His govenunent appears to Imtb been mijd | and popular,thougb the want of money urged bun to peraecute the neb. But though he had atrengthcned the . denociacy by the adnuasion of many new citizens, amang whom were sev- eral emancipated alaves, he lelt (bat his power (Cited OD the support of bis alliea, who had helped bim to lay ita foundation, and he en- deaToured to propitiate tlieir dTour by the Tudineaa with w)iichbe joined their espedi- iiODa, and t^ prcsenta distributed among their leading men. So, perhaps, he conciliated the Theban hacniMt, whom he was obliged to re- ceive into the citadel. But his position amid ao utAaj conflicting iDterestswbb too diffituik u" be loog maintained. Wo are unable, from the slhng of obscure atlusiODs which Xenopbon Laa here substituted lor a narrative, to gather Ibe nauves which indnced ."Reea,the general of the Arcadians, to overthrow hia authority, and to restore oligarcbyat SicyoD. Bui the Tjeban hanaoat seems to have concurred in this measure, since he continued to bold the citadel after the Arcadians bad retired. Eu- phroa toade hia escapa to tlw port,and. Bend- ing liir PaauBelua, the Spartan ofliGer who was commaadiag at Corinth, delivered it up to him, and renewed bia cooBexion with Sparta, not vithout attempting to vindioala hia past con- duct bj jKEtencea which did not deceive tboee triM listeaed to them. Tbia, however, waa not his last political aftoaUcy. The diaoerd which cuatimMd to prevail in Sioyon betw"ai bia ar- tisans and the party which .^neaa had reatored eaaUedhlm, with the aidof a body of Albanian aoiilianes, to regainpoaseasian of the town ; bot.aa the citadel waa atill occupiedby a Tbe- baa gairiaon, ha Tentured on the bold step of gmaf m person to Tbebeo, with all (he moaey be ca"ilil ocdieot, in the hope,by hia gold and mtrigoes, to procore a deciiae for expelling bis advensne* uid re^setabliahing bis authority. Ha prooeedinCB,bowever, were watched by ba enemies, some of whom fcdlowed him to Thebes ; and. wben theypwoeived that he bad "o ^ ingratiated hiiBseir with lb" leadingmen aa to have a bir prospect of sueeaaa, ttwy r"- leved lliiinsiili mi from their.feara by daspatch- lag tum openly ia the Cadaiea,not Ikr "om the flaee where the oonacil was aaaembtcd. The fnpetrators of this outrage were aireated, and "ci" brought before the couscil far punishment tfthe magiatrates,who, peihapa,sincerely re- p"ned bis death. But one of the culprits, hav- ing avowed bis share in the deed,so forcibly (ipcaed tbe cbaracter and conduct of Euphron "aa outlawed tyrant and traitor, who had ag- pan(ed bw entit by the arts ofeomiplionwiui vldch he enoeavoarcd (o screen it from ven- leaace " 4hat fata judgea pronounced Ibe mur- toilegiumateact. The majari(yofEuphron'a kJIsw-cttiiensviewed it in a different light: H^ stillrevered hiia aa theu- benefactor, and, "iat tiannorted hia bodyto Sicyon, inteited Tot.n.-0 it,with the hocwar* dae t" a bHMa fiinider. In tbe luarket'place.' While Sioyon aad PeUene wen compiled, by terror of the Theban anna, to forsake tbeD- old ally,Pbliua, where tbe dominant party had moi;e reason to dread a revolution,remained firmly attached to Sparta. It waa,An this ao- count, expoaed to the unremittinghostility of its more powerfulneiglibourg, suffered great bardahipB, end was ollen placed in extreme peril. Xenophoa" who extols,not only the courage, but tbe constancy of the Phliaaiana, in which we see httle beyond the instinctof eeif- preaervation " dwells,at greater length than we can apare for auch a aubject, on the adveotaures in which, either alone oi witli tbe aid of a taiall body of Athenian troops,they repulsed the at- taoka of tlieir enemiea, who ware instigated and seconded by their exiled fuUow-citiiena. After several atietnpts oa tbe town end tbe Mn-itory bad bcun baffled,they were threatened with still greater and more frequent annoyance by llieerection of two tbrtresseson thsrr frontier, one called Tricaranum, whicli was bulk by the Argives ; tbe other,called Xbyamia; which was begun by the Sicyoiiiana, but bad not been Qn- ishcd in the year 366, when the Fhliaslans, sup- porti;dby the Aiheaian general, Cbanea, who had been aent to the r^Viei of Phliua, wrested it froni them, and then carried on tbe Ibrtilica- tioos as a bulwark (or theraaelvea againstSicy- on, While Cbarea was lending bia aid to diis work, be was suddenly called away to the de- fence of Attica ilaelf. The triHiiter town of Oropus,which, on account of its poailioo with regard to Eubiea,wae of great importance to the Aibeoians,had,some years belbra,been-re- RlOMd to them through a domeatic revidotion which drove a number of itscitizens into exile. The refugees found shelter at Erelria,vbich was at this time under the rule of Thcmiaon ; and with bis Itelp they crosaed the ohanneV and recovered poaaaaaion of their city.t The whole * Than ii Hmfl obacUTitj "bmt (ba chnloo^Dfjof Kn- Xao)ib"'i aiumtna ihtjite npiKH, mta Diidw*ll,*u B Jl "l[yMlrecud'Mi 1^ iW of hii "U.Mim"?f Bb. C' jn^i trnnny Mgtm inmcdintAlyifTer Ih" Hcond ^*- iBTUicB of PsIiuaiiHiii (108),XmD|ihiH, who ilii- tiDclljplum lU tngipiiM "^' thi Ihinl unpum (JH), DiDdarvB (x*.,7Q) H b tb" ^^munf of Eaphion'i tmi- "V GUI hmrt no viiiht in lUelf whan unnad to boo phoo'i.Mum fm., S,p. S4I),fullowiiig Dodwtll, lupD- HI Ihil tba rampaijin agilmi Phlini,deicriBeiJhv X"ii"- ban Qansundar of SicjoB, to^^Mcmui Uw jnti imudiilf UiBEhird 4Tpv[itiaiiutEp"BiLri)oUuJntaP"L0|Uiui"iuj,Aild it tu Til Ixrrifm I' '^jQhEiiji; "m.,b."ai.- _.._. .. .,-.-"- -. - . KCMMtoflh. muiner in wbioli EuphrDn [lO^ilirBd Lho tyrwatj it iittArlj incuniLiEpqt with tKa ILLppnait]!!!! Ibat tbaie wu al thH lien thftth" would hnva TvUtH IhafntaiftnBBe afJnau 11 vii,,), 1,ifilLEcnmd in tlia Jtu ti^on (ha Ihiid Tba- bui miaaiDn. Dndnll imtard B"rtB. Imo eitcta dpUBOf taa Enpfaraniiquidvm coaiiiia, open tunea Thabauunm, ^lAt^ant BmoUTctiifc aaalna eHat EwQinoadaa, aracadt ipaflAaaophon. But 1 am uaa^la (o ^iacorarin XawfAuB lifn., Df Cor-rp. S3. Jta auuincj dapanda on bha ialar- ptvtatioa of Xflnophoti'a wonlt,iu., 4,T,^StfivrhM rSr *HTil"ii.n('"MuX"ftj. Bnl IHMiM impo"ilila u, nijjpoaa party ia Otoimi itaallL Yat avaa ^hltwar hai usubhI 50 HISTORT OF GREECE. diaponUe fbroe of Athens immediately march- ed againit them i Chares was hastily recalled ; and it is probable that the Spartan offii^erwho commanded at Corinth waa requeeted to co- operate wLib him. But it happened that,just at thia juncture, the Laced smonixn garrison was dislodged Irom the port of Sicyonby the Sicjonians and Arcadians ; and pertaps this occurrence prevented him IVom marching, or sending a re-enforoement to assist in the redac- tion of Oropus. The immediate result or the Athenian expedition seems strange, and it is not clearlyexplainedby any of the ancient wri- teta who mention or allude to it. The Oropi- ans, alanned at ths enemy's strength, and, per- haps, not prepared for a siege, appear to hare pnqiased to commit their town to the keeping of the Thebans. bb neutrals in this quarrel, un- til their claims abould have been peacefully ad- JDBtfMl. The Athenians were induced,chiefly, it seems, by the advice of Chabrias and Callia- tratQS,to consent to this compromise,which, as the Thebans afterward refused to give up the place, contributed to widen ths breach be- tween the two states, and proved fatal to one of its authors ; but,at the time, the displeasure of the Athenians vented itself in reproaches upon their allies, who had failed them in their hour of need. This state of their feelings soon became known in Arcadia, and encouragedLy- comedea. who viewed Athens rather as the en- emy of Thebes than as the ally of Sparta, to hope that she might be gained over to the Ar- cadian interest. He himself undertook the ne goliatiou, and concluded a separate alliance, which the Athenian assembly,notwithstanding some scruples which made it hesitate for a while, at last decided was no breach of its en- gagements with Sparta : she, it was argued, must be concerned no less than Athens to keep Arcadia independent of Thebes. 'Hiis was the laat service which Lycomedes render- ed to Arcadia. Almoat every Greek who took an active part in public aflkirs might, in any part of Greece, fall in with some deadly eue- mies. Lycomedes, returning from Athens by "ea, was landed, at his own desire,on a point of (he Peloponnesiancoast, where s party of Arcadian exiles h^pened to be collected, and fellbeneath their daggers. Though Athens professed to have taken thia step without any views hostile to her former alliea, hut mther to promote one of the objects of their alliance, ic was manifest that it could not but change her relations towards those among them in whom the fear of Tbebea was not so strong as their enmity to the Arcadians. Such, it seems, was known to be the case with Corinth ; and hence a motion was soon after made in the Athenian aasemblyby one Demo- tion, thst the generals be directed to take care that Corinth was not lost to the people of Ath- ens. This proposition, which, under any other government, would have been kept striclly se- cret, created an alarm which rendered it abor- tive. The Corinthians no sooner heard of it, than Ibey disraiased all the Athenian troops who were stationed in various posts within "di]"] if " orilir who hid Hind Ihr'iliclilioubudl* lur A Intb dBclaiDKlHD on Iba lymuty 9j i\t AllmiMti dtwax- [ their territory, after havingpaid all arreare 3xta to them ; and when Chares soon after appeared before Cenchren with a squadron, and oB^red bis services to protect the city from Mme at- tack with which he pretended to have heard it was threatened, he was courteouslythanked, bnt was not permitted to enter the harbour. To supply the place of the Athenians, and to guard against the eflects of their resentment, the Corinthians collected a body of mercena- ries ; bnt as this was a bnrden which they could not long endure, they at the same time began to turn their thoughts towards peace, and, h"ving ascertained that the Theban gov- ernment was not averse to it,theyrequested that as many of their present allies as might be wilhng to concur with them might be admitted to a share in the treaty. Having obtained leave to sound theirallies.they iirst applied to Sparta. Tbe language of their envoys, as its substance is reporiedby Xenophon, breathes a feeling of tenderness for tbe pride and the misfortunes of their ancient ally, wtjch reminds us of the friendships of the heroic age. The Spartans themselves are called upon to say whether they see any prospect of aafety for Corinth if the war should be much longerprotracted. The Corinthians would moat gladly see Sparta sha- " blessings of peace with them ; but if _r not be, then they beg leave to save themselves from min, that at some future time they may again be able to serve her. Tbe Spartansresponded to this delicate loyalty with a generous frankness. Tbey admitted the ur- gency of the case, advised the Corinthians te make peace, and permitted their other allies who were weary of the war to join them ; bat for themselves, they declared that, whatever might befall them, they would never resign their claim to Mcssenia,and, ap long as this was made the condition of peace, would contioae the war as they could. An oration is preservedamong the worsts of Isocrates, which appears to have been written for this occasion, either to be delivered by tbe princeArchidamns, who is the supposedspeaks er, or as a manifesto to vindicate the tenacity with which Spartadung to her allegedright, now apparently the only obstacle to a gencnil peace.* In this work her title to Messenia is grounded not merely on length of possession, but on a donation,by which the sons of Cres- phontes, after the murder of their father,are said to have transferred their rights to the SpartanHeracleida, and which was confirmed by the Belphic oracle. The new Messentans are represented as a mere hard of revolted slaves. The oration, as appears from these arguments, was designedchiefly for Spartait hearers or readers ; and a great part of it is occupied vrith motives for s perseveringresist- ance to the demanda of their enemies, drawn WEAKNESS OP St'ARTA. u TeD from tbs justice of their caoae, as Irom tbe eiatnpleH fumistied by (he hialory of their own limea, of signal rcTersea and unexpected deliverances. But a project which follows, and is proposed in a tone of earneatnesa aa deep aa Isocratea was ever able to convey by the silver chjme of hla melodioua eloquence, seems rather to have been calculated for other ears. It sounda like an indirect threat,lo warn their enemies not lo drive them to despair. Sooner than submit to the dismemberment of their ter- ritory, Archidamua would persuade his coun- Iryinen to remove their wives, and children, and aged parenta, to some place of shelter, which Iheymight easily find in the Dorian col- onies, and then to abandon Sparta, where they had always lived as in a camp, and return to the lifewhich their forefathers led when they issued from Doris to invade Peloponnesus. As an invadingarray, without a hoijie,fortiiying themselTes in an enemy's territory, and spread- ing devastation around tbem, they wonld, wherever they appeared, be irresistible and in- tolerable ; and those who now dictated such insulting terms would be glad to restore Mea- senla as the price of peace. It is singuiar enongb Ibat,at the end of ao many centuries, Sfwrta ahould again be fouad borrowing the voice of an Altic achoolmasier,to muse the courage of her sons in a new Measenian war ; and the change which she had undergone in the interval may, perhaps, be not improperly meas- ured by tbe distance between (he poetiy of Tynsus and the rhetoric of lacerates. It would aeerp. Indeed,that,even aince the be- ginning of the Peloponnesian war, the taate of the Spartanassembly had been brought much nearer to that of the other Greelts, and that the homely brevity of the ephor Slhenelaidas would no longer have produced a like eSecl.' The permissiongrantedby Spartawas ac- cepted by Phlius, and some o( her other allies. who sent envoys along with those of Corinth to Thebes. The Theban government at firstre- quired that they should join its confederacy; but they remonstrated against this condition, which, instead of relieving them from the ca- lamities of war, would only have turned their arms in a new direction, and against their old ally. The Theban councils were awnyed by men generuns enough to leapect and to spare these feelings; and peace was granted on the simple basis of mutual restitution. The treaty, however, was not in all points faithfully ob- served by the stronger side. The Phliasians restored Thyamia to Sicyon; but Tricaranom, whi(^ belonged to them, was retained, first by their lefagees, and Uien by the Argives, under some barefaced pretence, which, though fre- queotly summoned, they would not submit to aa impartial decision. Still, the practical opera- tion of the treaty was nearlyequivalent to a general peace, since Sparta remained on the defensive, and the jealousy which prevailed be- tween Thebes and Arcadia secured her from danger of immediate attack. Yet" notwith- standing tbe language put into the mouth of Archidamua by the Attio rhetorician " we find M a fact recorded by Xeno^riion. which se"ns la indicate a degree of weakneas,which, it might have been supposed, must have rendered her an easy prey in her least powerfulneigbboura. Though Caiys had been taken,Sellasia.near as tl lay to the capital, was, it seems, stillin a state of open revolt ; and it sounds stillmore strangely, that it was finally reduced, soon after the treat)- was concluded at Thebes, not by die single force of Sparta, but with Uie co-operation of a Iresb body nf Syracuaan auxiliaries sent by the younger Dionysius, who had succeeded his bther, and stillmaintained hia policy to- wards Sparta. But even after the recovery of Sellasia, the district of Sciritis,which bad for- merly contributed a very usefhl body of tioopa to the Spartan armies, remained, at least in greatpart, hostile. The safety of Spartadepended leas on the strength of her allies" for she now stood al- most alone" than on the disanion of her ene- mies. But the conflicting interests of the dif- ferent stales, and of the oppositeparties in each, afibrded her a fair prospect of some fa* vourable change; and in the oration whicti haa just been mentioned, the discord and confusion that prevailed in those parts of Peloponnesus which had renounced their alliance with Spaita am among the grounds of hope on which Ar- chidamns or lacerates insisls. 'ITiis hope wa" in some degree fulfilledin the year after the treatyof Thebes (385), when the jealousy which had been long smouldering between Elis and Arcadia burst out into open war. It sprung, as wc have seen, out of their rival pretensions tCf the Triphyliantowns, but it was fostered l^ their political variance ; for in Ella the oli- garchical party was now predominant, while, in Arcadia, the maxims of the goverrunent, if not tbe principles of the Constitution, were strongly dcmocratical. The first act of overt lioatility proceeded from Elia ; and it waa connected with both these causes of mutual animosity. A. party of Arcadian exilea which had taken refuge in Elis, with the connivance,and,perhaps,at the suggestion of the government, surprised Lasion, one of tbe Triphyliantowns, and a place of greatslrenglh. The Arcadian govern- ment, having in vain applied to that of Elis for restitution, sent an army to reduce it. Tbe Eleana marched to its relief, but with a veiy small force,consisting chieSy of two iiands, de- scribed by Xenophon as tbe Four Hundred and " Three Hundred, which seem to have beet" ned by the oligarchs out of their own class I standingguard,perhaps in imitation of Iba Sacred Band of Thebes. They were mob put to flight, with a loss of more than SOO axn, by the Arcadians, who then pursued tbeir inanA, making themselves masters of seveial )dacea eabjeot to Elis in their way. to Olyrapia, whera they threw up an intrenehment on Mount Cro- ninm, and, having left a garrisonthere,pro- ceeded towards Elis. They met with no oppo- sition until they reached the market-place. From it they were dislodgedbythe oligarchical troops, who earned the honours of a tropby ; but their presence enconraged tbe democratical leaders, on a secret unrierstanding with them, to seite the citadel. This attempt, however, waa Ukewise liaffled by the alertneaa of their advenaiies, and they were forced to quit the HISTORY OF GREECE. "^ TVLth ahout too of their adberents. This panysoonufVernard took poMesaioa of the Ele- an Pjlus, and n-as there joinedby great num- bers who flocked in to them from the capital. B7 their perauaBJona tbe Areailians were in- duced to make another inroad into the Glean territoiy in the couTee of the same year. But Pellene, which bad now again allied itaelf to Sparta, sent a body of troops Co guard the city, and the iuTaders contented themseNea with raTaging the plain. When Ihey withdrew, they "Dade a forced march into Aehaia, and took Olu- rus, a placebelonging to Pellene, where they collected the whole dcmocratical party of the state, and fbr some time hanwsed tbe city ", bat the oligarchB, notwithstanding the scantiness of their numbers, at length forced them to sor- reoder the fortress. Id the followingspring(364) the Arcadians again inraded Elis. The Eleans, in the mean ^ile,had renewed their alliance with Sparta, and B Spartan named Soclidaa had been sent to direct their militaryoperalions. It was, per- haps, against his advice that the Etean general Andromachus* ventured on anenga^mcnt with the Arcadians, in which he was defeated, and Soclidaa was slain. The Eleans, now reduced to greatdistress,begged Sparta to make a di- TeiHion in their favaur, and Archidamus was accordingly sent into Arcadia, where he took the Utile town of Cromnus, in the neighbour- bood of Megalopolis, and,haring lefla garrison there, returned home. The Areadian army, after ithad ravagedElis, marehed against Crom- nus, and laid siege to it. Archidamns was sent to its relief, and having attempted, without ef- fect, to draw off the heaiegingarmy by the ra"- a^ which he inflicted on other parts of Arca- dia, he advanced upon Ihe town with the view of dislodging the enemy Irom an eminence over which the line of circumvailalion was carried. But having entangled himself in a disadvajita- geouB position, he was repulsed, was himself ^nxiKded, and lost some of hts principal officers. Id the mean wbOe the Eleans took advantage of the retreat of the Arcadians to recovei Pylus aod another of their conquered towns. Tbe MrriaoD of Cromnus, where do provision had Men made for a long alege, fotwd Dteaos of BOaliing known to the govermnent at bonie that Aej cmild not bold out abave ten days more.f A "man body of tnxm tras sent Ibr their deliv- fltanoe, trttichforced ita wa? by ni|ht through the intrenchmenta, and reeaaed afibut about lOOiWhoBe tightwas arrMtedlntbe besiegers, and wbo fellinto theirhands. It appears, m"m Ifae equal distribution of these prisonersamong tbe captors " which, as several of them were fiMrtans,Xenophon thinks wotth nocioe" that lllebea, Argos, and Mesaene had contributed tkeir oontingentato the Arcadian army. The Arcadians,so soon as they hail recap- ' H* "" d"KiTJt"sd, "ttnrUu Id Iba pnaiiil tuit of ll Stllniia (m., *,HI, "" i "HiSiis twajcK"* mitgtin tit la " Gn*k DwutnM. la Diadiinu (it., S3) "( fii "HstioB ofi w^HUw Tnvxoii ""^ lUiii ptob^lj tl VHiudtkf In X"ii|itiai. 1 aaaouur a " fnoBnl of CdluduH hi AiIi"bii z.,"-MS.Ih" bHiwd oanrgd Uu inulUrenn oTtlu omdltim thrmgh " IwTtId" who, iL man b" "apjxaed.i caind tilliiiamn hidn "imoT^lMHiTig" if m"D"iif 1 "nulm ts "" "BKainl Init of Fimrns. vhicb w ^iBMd is Iht tNBIu oT JjHdlii u AutcIb u " ttmiii tared Cromnus,again directed theirwhole flJTco againstElis,and, marching to Olympia, occu- pied the sacred ground. An Olympic festival was approaching, and they resolved to display their strength, and to mortity their enemy in the moat aenaibte manner by celebrating It un- der the presidency of Pisa, which had not for- gotten its ancient title to this hononr. Its claim had, as we have seen, been recognised former occasion by Sparta ; but,though x'Bs then very desirous of humbling Elis. she did not think it expedient to commit so im- portant a trust as tbe care of the national sanc- tuary, with all the treasures ^ich had been deposited there by the piety of so many gener- B, to the mstic inhsbitanlB of a small can- But the men who were now at the head of affhire in Arcadia were so far from being re- strained by the same scniple, that the insignifi- cance of Pisa,as it ensured her subservience to their views, waa probably with them an addi- tional motive for settingup her aniiqnatedpre- tensions. Thcshaciowofher oamewasa con- venient cover for the design which theyspem already to have formed of making use of the aacred treasure. Tlie Eleans,however, did not tamely submit to tbe exclusion ; but having summoned their Achaan allies to their aid, ap- peared, in the midst of the games, in battle array on the banks of the Cladaus, the western boundary of the Altis, The Arcadians, who had been re-enforoed by 8000 Argives and 4(K) Athenian cavalry, drew up their troops within the sacred precincts; and an engagement en- sued, in which the Eleana routed their enemies. and pursued them nntil they were themselves compelled to retreat by the missiles dischai^ed at thetn from the sacred buildings.During the followingnight the Arcadians were busily em- ployed in throwingup an intrenohment to se- cure themselves from a fresh attack ; and the next morning the Eleans, not deeming them- selves strong enough to contend against the advantages which the enemy possessed in the ground and the brnldinga, retumed to the city. They had hitherto passed for the worst soldiers in Greece ; but on this occasloa they fbu|ht with a spirit which Xenophon seems to think the favouT of the gods alone could have inAised into them. Somethingmay, indeed, have been due to the inspiration of the place, where they looked upon their enemies as sacrilegious inlni- ders ; but we have already noticed another cause, which may have exerted as favourable an induence on their military character as the Sacred Band or *hat of thoThebans. It was the w- it of money to maintain their standingarmy that Induced the heads of the Arcadian government to have recourse to the treasures of the Olympian temple ; for Xeno- phon, who had no bias in their favour, does not intimate that theyapplied any part to their pri- vate use ; and we may, therefore,neglect the chargebroughtagainst them by Diodorus.* But it seems that they might have spared this ex- pense, if they had not chosen to enlist men whose cirmmBtances did not permit them to serve wlthont pay, while cttizensof better coa- il iaftlidtr, IsgiUiVnTut THEBAN VIOLENCE AT TEGEA. ditioD, "wtko wrmld have been willing to enter tbe lanks at their own charge, were out called ouL How far this was the result of democrat- :cil jealousy, which regarded the weaJtIiier dasB with sospicion, or of an opinion that th" limes required men who made war their boIi tnginess, and depended cq it for their liveli bood, is a questiun which ne cannut answei -Ind as little does Xenopbon ttiTQW any light Bn the motives of (he opposition, which began im ibe part of Mantinea,to the pruceectings of the gorerniQent with regard to the sacred treas- ures. The avowed objectionwas, of course, llie religiousscruple which might be felt hymen of all parties; but there were probably other springs at work. A decree was passed at Man- imea condemaing the sacrilege, and directing ihdt the money requited for the pay of the Man- tioean contingents should be drawn from the treasury of the city. The members of the su- pieDie government, who were respoaaible for Ae measures thus reprobated, complained that the authora of this decree were disturbing the aaiional union, summoned them befure the Ten Thousand, and, as they did not appear, passed KDience on them, and sent a body of troops to mest tbcm ; but the Mantineans shut their lates against it. This example animated sev- eral members of the national assembly to ex- press the same sentiments ; and tho tide now set in so strongly this way, that the Ten Thou- sand came to a vote that no more of the sacred tTEasitre should be so employed. When this supply was stopped, that part of the soldiery zhtch depended on its pay for Bubsistence quit- ted the service, and their place was tilled by volunteers of a higher rank. Tho change thus eStrcted ip the compositiou of the army alarmed the persons who were liable to be called to an ancouut for the spoliation of the Olympian tem- p^e, and they seat a warning to Thebes" which was, no doubt, well grounded,thoughXenophon aflecisto treat it as a dishonest aitificc" that Arcadia was on the point of returning to the Spartanalliance, and could only be restrained by Tbebaa ioterierence. The Theban govern- meot began to prepare for an expedition into Peloponnesus; but the party which now carried iD before it in the Arcadian assemblyprevailed npuD the Ten Thousand hrst to send an embas- sy to Tliebes, to deprecate the threatenrd intcr- (entiun, and then to conclude a peace with "lis, md to restore the Olympiantemple to her. The treaty was ratified, not onlyby deputies from an the Arcadian cantons, but also by a Theban officer,who had been stationed at Te- gea with a garrison of 300 Bieotian troops. The ratiQcalion,per^ps on this account, took place at Tcgea, aod was celebrated with gen- pral rejoicingsby the Arcadians. But in the midst of their festivity, the Theban commander, Ttu, notwithstanding his apparent concurrence, save that the peace must weaken the Theban inflnence in Arcadia, and was, indeed,designed for that end, was persuadedby the Arcadian magistrates, who dreaded its effect on their private interests to send his own men, togeth- 1 tt Kith some ofthe Arcadian soldiery whi)were [ i:uchod to the goverameot which had supplied thein with pay, to shut the citygates, and ar- mt a great number of the higher class. The ;i:iuul tlie prytaneum were ,"oon crowded wjtlk , prisoQers. But as most ofthe Manlineans had been induced,by the shortness ofthe distance, to return home early in the day, very few of them were arrested, though itwas against then that the blow was especially aimed i yet thu outrage excited no less indignation at Mantinea than if the hostages taken from it had beeit more numerous. The Mahlineans immediately called upon the other Arcadian towns to put themselves in a posture of defence, and sent envoys to Tegea to demand the release of their own fellow-c it liens, and to require that no Ar- cadian should be illegally put to death or kept in prison -, oSeringsecurity for the appearance of as many as were charged with any offence, to take their trialbefore the great council of the nation. This firmness alarmed the Theban, so that he released all his prisoners, and en- deavoured to justify his conduct by the pre- tence, naioriously false, that he had received information of a plot to betrayTegea to the Spartans. The Arcadians would not take their revenge into their own hands, but sent to Thebes to require that he should bo capitally punished for the outrage. It was, indeed,apparently a breach of faith, atid a violationof justice, scarcely less flagraot than the occupatioa of the Cadmea ; and it is somewhat painful as well as difficnltto believe that such a man as Epaminondas should have defended the delinquent, and have vindicated tho deed. AccordingtoXenopbon, be declared tbiU the accused officerhad acted iDore properly when he arrested the prisoners than when he released them. It was no less, he said, than treachery,on the part ofthe Arcadians,to con- clude a separate peace without the consent of the alhea who had engaged in the war on their behalf; but Thebes would, notwithsiandinjt send an army into Arcadia, to carry it on in cunjunction with the cantons which still ad- hered to her.* The character of Epaminondas, stands so much higher than that of as a historian, that we should have suspected some misrepresentation in this slate. ntent, if we were not aware that, among the Greeks, the strongest minds and noblest spirits " ^ seldom, if ever, capable of rising above prejudices of a narrow patriotism, to which they olteu sacrificed justice and honour without shame or remorse. The language attributed to himseemsto justily tlie suspicion wluch was loudly expressedby the Arcadians on (he re- turn of their envoys : that it was iho object of Thebes to reduce Peloponnesus to the lowest stage of weakness, in order the more easilyto subject it to her dominion. Vet Epaminondas may have seen reason to apprehend that the two great barriers which he had raised against the power of Sparta, the independence of Hes- seiuaand the union of Arcadia, were endanger- ed by the recent turn of affairs, and needed the presence of a Theban army to secure them. A generalalarm,however, was awakened throu^- lut Peloponnesus, thoughArgosand Messenia, ' Bqi i:taHini qntla ui ubitnij umnplian of Loo'* \Vntvrrral-GitMekt9, 1.,p. 901),tbxt Epumnondu oao- ioBBd Ihfl flpoJitlioD of m Oijaipjiiii tBBiile. h ii W " luu cieu thit hi! PylkafcnuphibiiMy naaM bu" pcliaed bim to r*fH11 HunJdfB with ivunnnce, B"t, ]D"4Airer tb]iinftjhaffeb"D,it d"flBot apnitlbal ha wit xllad dpDD (a tiprtia an opinion on (liv toViiKit, whioh did m aOrn ib" iiMWiQa of lh" "p"JlUo" into Ptliif niiiwi 54 HISTORY OP GREECE. Hnd, in Arcadia, Megalopolis and Tegea, re- mained bound by Iheir peculiar interesls to Thebes. The Manlineana took Ihe foremoBt part in the preparaliun for the approaching atruggle.Envoys were sent to solicitsuccours against the threatened invasion,not only from Athens, but frora Sparta. But the application to Sparta was accompanied witb a condition that the supreme cum mand should be exercised b; each slate within its own territory ; and she was now content to renew her connexion with Arcadia on these humiliating terms. Epaminondas seems to have felt that Ibe juncture was critical for the ascendency of Tbebcs, and that an cxtraordinaiy e"brt was requisite to break the new hostUe coalition. The army with which be took the field in the spring of 382 included the whole force of the Theban confederacy, with the eiception of the J^ooians, who withheld their contingent, al- leging that their alliance with Thebes was merely defensive, and did not bind them to as- sist her in an attack upon foreignstates. But he was now no longersupportedby the energy and the counsels of the friend who had hither- to shared most of his dangers and triumphs. Thebes had loat Pelopldas two years before. I He fellin battle, in tbe moment of rictory. Da- ring liiflabsence in Persia, the tyrant of Phera had renewed liia attacks on tbe liberty of the Thessatiao cities, and had greatly extended and strengthened his dominion in the tributary dis- tricts. After the return of Pelopidas to Greece, he was appointed to conduct afresh expedition, which the Thebans were induced,by the com- plaints of the Thesaaliansj or by their own jeal- ousy, to decree agaiaat Alexander. But just as be was about to march, an eclipse of the sun spread nniversal dismay at Thebea (June 13, 3M). Pelopidas, thoughprobably littleaffected by the omen bimBelr, did not think it safe to take the field with an army disheartened iiyeu- perstitiouB forebodings, and resigning the ctnn- mand, set out for Theasaly at the head of about 300 cavalryvolunteers, and a small body of mercenaries. Ho relied on the power of hia name to unite the Thcssalians against the ty- rant, who he knew was not safe even in his own house. At Pharsalus he collected a force with wtich be thought himself strongenougb to seek his enemy, who met him at CynoscephalE with an aimy twice as numerous, and had occupied an advantageousposition on the heights from which the place was named. Nevertheless, he was dislodged after a hard struggle, and was slowlyretreating, when Pelopidas, in his eager- ness for revenge, pressed fOTwanl too far be- yond his own hne to force Alexander, whom he saw before him, into a personalcombat, but be- fore he could reach him was overpowered and "lain by hia guards. His death,however, serv- ed rather to animate than to dispirit hia troops, w*o completed the victory which he had begun, with the total root and a greatslau^ter of the enemy. Tbe most studied honours were paid to his remains by the Thessalians -, and by ear- nest entreatythey obtained leave from the The- bans to bury him in Tlieseahan ground. His 4eath was soon alter more fullyavenged by ' ' countrymen- The army which had been at i placed under his command was committed to Malciies and Diogiton, two generals not other- named, and tbey forced the tyrant, whose strength was' already broken by the battle of CynoBcepbalte, to resign his conquests, with- draw his garrisons from Phlhiatis and Magne- sia, and to enter into a treaty with Thebea, by which he bound himself to furnish troops for her service, in whatever war she mjghtengage- Thus the army of Epaminondas was re-ei^ forced by a great number ofThessalian auzili- anes, in addition to Locrians and EubiEans. Since the treaty with Corinth the passes of the Isthmus were no longerguarded, and he pro- ceeded without interruption to Nemea. Her" be hatted for some days in the hope of inters cepling the Athenians, who had not yet joined their PelopoimeBian allies. This delay afford- ed time to the Arcadians to collect their forces at Mantinea, and it did not answer its purpose ; for the Athenians,having been apprized of their danger, decreed that their troops should be transported by sea to l^conia. This was, per- haps, a feint to deceive tlie enemy ; and it in- duced Epaminondas to continue his march to Tegea. where he was in the neighbourhood of all his Arcadian allies, and his troops enjoyed the shelter of a friendly city. Still, his situa- tion soon became embarrassing, A limit had been prescribed " we do not know for what rea- son, unless it was on account of the harvest " to the duration of the expedition ; and tbe term was drawing near. Though on a previousoc- casion he had not been afraid to retain his com- mand three or four months beyond the legal pe- riod, he seems now to have thought such a step impracticable, and perhaps bad cause to appre- hend that if he attemptedit,he might be aban- doned by a great part of hia northern troops. There was also great and continually growing difficulty in providing for tbe subsistence of auch an army ; for,according to Diodoms. it amounted, alter it had been joinedby the Pelo- ponnesians, to 30,000 foot and 8000 horae. On the other hand, it was necessary, no less for the interest of Thebes than for his own reputa- tion, that so formidable a host ^ould not have been brought into Peloponnesus without effect. Xenopbon praises the judgment with which be selected Tegea for bis headquartera ; but at the same time intimates, that he was disappointed in Ihe main object of his expectations, as bis presence did not awe any of the hostile stales into submission ; and represents the resolution which he finally adopted as a sudden thooght suggestedby his perplexing situation. It seems, however, quiteas probable that it waa a design which he had long before conceived, and that he had only been waiting at Tegea for the most favourable moment to execute it. The oppor- tunity which presented itself was, at least, one on which he might have reasonably calcD- lated. Tbe I.acedKmonian army, commanded by Agesilaus, waa on its march to join the al- lies at Mantinea, and bad taken the road of the upper Eurotas through Pellana. Epaminondas was informed of its movements, and when be learned that it bad nearly reached tbe frontier, he set out in the dusk of the evening from Te- gea, and having marched all night, arrived in the Ibrenoon of the nest day before Sparta. He expected to find It unguardeo and de- fenceless; bnt, notwithstanding the precantions wbicb he had used to conceal Ui intention, A(- SECOND INVASION OF LACONIA. 66 cBiIaua fasd Teeeived timelyintelligGnce or tbe dinger from a deseiter, and appears to hai " turned with a part of hia Torces beroie the mj arrived. He had at least sent advice to Aichidainua, who aeems to have been left at boote, and preparaliona had been made Tor de- IcDce. The old tnen and boye were posted Titli missiles on the roofs of tbe buildings in the skirta of the city, and the sTenuBs were guanledby troops as far as the scantinesa of iheir numbers permitted.Epaminondaa, how- ever, crossed the Eurotas, and attempted to en- if T the city from the northeast. He carried one of the emineoces nearest the river" perhaps Ihalwhich was called the Acropolis " and thence descended npon the Agora, which layjust be- lav. Bat Archidamos, at the head ofa chosen band " Xenophon says, fewer than a hundred " derended its approaches with despemte valour, ll was, perhapa, at this juncture that a young Spartan, Isadaa, the eon of Phtsbidas, with a fi"im like a sculpturedApollo, rushed out of bia house, where he had juat been anoinimg himself for exercise, without any covering, but with a lance in one hand and a sword in'the other, and plunging into the thickeat of the fray, astonish- ed both friends and foes,and, though he dealt many mortal blows, did nut receive a wound. He was afterward crowned by the ephors fbr his valour, but mnlcted for the imprudence with rtich he exposed his life." Yet his exploit sounds less fabulous than that of Archidamus, wtio with his hundred men repulsed tbe whole invadingarmy, though,according to Xenophon. a had not only its vast auperiority of numbers, bn also all the advantage of the ground in its farour. We doubt both of these aBsertions, which,indeed, seem to be virtually contradict- ed by the historian's own admission, thai when the Spartans advanced a little beyond the pwiad of the first encounter, they were driven back with losa. The generalresult, however, :s nnquestionable. The assanlt was baffled ; and Epaminoodaa, not thinking it prudent to wait until the Spartans should have received the Mccoora which theywere expecting from Ar- cadia, determined to retreat. Having recross- "d Ibie Eurotas, and allowed his troops a few baars to refresh iheroaelves. and having left a few horsemen in ibecamp to kindle Grea for the purpose of deceiving the enemy, be set out by \ae same road, and made another forced night march, which brought him iu the course of the Kit forenoon to Tegea. He had hastened his retreat,to take advan- tage of the absence of the Mantineans and their ceofederates from their city. The infantry, after its late extraordinaryexertions, needed FFpose ; but he sent the cavalry forward with- "nt delay to Manlinea. The onlyobject which Xenophon assigns to this expedition is plunder; and as the harvest had justbegun, and the f*ids were full of cattle and labourers,as well u of tbe old and young of the free population, Ihe prospect of booty was in itself sufUcicntly tempting. But other writers" who stjppase that be moved forward at once with his whole foice" represent him as aiming at the capture of the city itself It aeema easy to conceive thathe bad both objects in view, and that, afler hi* in"nlry had recovered firom its fatigue, he resumed hia march. Bat, in the mean while, bis cavalry had met with an unexpected reaiat- ance- As soon as the Theban army had broken up from Nemea, the Atheniana abandoned their purpose " if they ever really entertained it" of sending their troops to Leoonia by sea Their whole force amounted to about "000 men, and itwas commanded by a general named Hegesil- ochus, or Hegesilaos, n^ose celebrity, which would seem to have been considerable m the books read by Diodorus, has scarcelypreserved hia name from utter oblivion. The cavalryap- pear* to have been about half a day's march in advance ; for it had already taken up its quar- ters in Mantinea when that of Epaminondaa made ila inroad; and it alone ia mentioned by Xenophon : but,according to other writera, the Athenian infantry made its appearance in the distance at the same juncture* Tbe cavalry sallied out to protect the Mantinean fields ; and withstanding the superior numbers and high- reputation of the Theban and Thessalian horse, afler a hard-foaghtaction, put Ihe cne- 'a Sight: a victorywhich, when we con- the effect of the surprise and tbe previous lation on the defeated side,does not seem clearly entitled to the praise which Xenophon as iflo prove his impartiality" bestows on it language that migiit have been tbonght in- apiredhy patriotic enthusiasm. nikis second repulse rendered it the more necessary for Epaminondaa to strike some blow worthy of his threats and preparations before hia aUotled time expired; ao that, even if the enemy had outnumbered him, he must have been strongly impelled to aeek a general action. Hia forces,however, weia so far superior as to afford a well-grounded hope of victory; for,ac- cording to Diodorus, the hostde army amounted to no more than 30.000 foot and 3000 horse. And though no reliance can be placed on thia stimate,the proportion is proably not moch xaggerated. He had inspired his troops of every name with that ardour and confidence in their commander by which great generals form proud Arcadians adopted the Theban device of a club on their shields,t It therefore aounda tittle strange that Xenophon describes him aa yielding with some degree of reluctance to the pressure of outward circumatancea. while the other side made no attempt to avoid an en- gagement, but rather waited for it with eager- ness. Xenophon's languagemight lead ua to conjecture that he had a presentiment of hia approaching fate ; but he was used to say that ' desirable death was on a fieldof bat- he movements of the Spartana and their allies during the operations of Epami- nondas, which we have jnstdescribed, are veil- Xenopbon's narrative as in a mist; and re even left in doutn whether Ageailaoa commanded the Lacedasmonian forcea in Ar- cadia, for Xenophon does not again mantitm his I count for Ihe historian's silence than the king's absence, it may be considered aa nearly cer- aflerthe retreat of the Theban a, he t JirirpAfgrm, liraXM trsvrit, it Ofrfww fern. Zmt- phon'alavntj hu noinanduB " TVtn ""d (fcMaa la ihi miia] at " oBirni wiilK, wbo nvfcudlT diKOHH tt" "" iJiba nuhlMtn. t "tu.,B"(.alIiBp., Ap. 5S HISTORY OF GRBECE. BCConipsTuad tite Arcsdiana who oame t relief of Spnts back to MiDtineo, where we next Sod tbem, prepared to accept an offi battle. It is,however, a dififerent quei whether die aupreme command of the allied forces was assigned to him ; though his rank and injliiarj' reputation render this the mast probablesupposition.* After thftengagoment of thecaralr;,Epami- nondas had, it seema, taken up a poaition on the eastern Bide of the plain of Mantinea with- in riew of the enemy. He had made known to his troops his intention of givingbattle; and on the other side there was a like eipeotalion of an immediate contest, which, itwas UDirersally supposed, would decide the destinies of Greeoe. But when he began to more from his encamp- ment, instead of adTsncitig directly towards the enemy, he turned the bead of his coluion to- wards the Mffnalianrangeofhills, the western boundary of the plain of Tegea, made a circui- tous xoarch along its skirts, and at last again halted at the foot of the hillsto the west of Mantinea,so as to Induce the enemy to believe that he meant to encamp there, and to avoid tn action, at least for that day. The conse- quence was, that their spirits, which had been keptOB the stretch all the morning by the pros- pect of the approachingcombat, relapsed into their ordinarytone, and their ranks fellout of fightingorder; and this, it appears, was the chief object of the evolution. In the mean while,Epaminondas made fresh dispoBitions for battle, corresponding to those of the enemy, m whose army the Arcadians occopled the right wing*, the Athenians the left ; the Spartans stood next to the Arcadians, and the rest of tbe line was filled up with the Eleans,Achreans, and other troops of inferior repate, Epami- nondas formed his phalanx in a figure which Zenophon compares to the bow of a galley, for the purpose of bearing on the right side of the enemy'sline,calculating that a breach made in itwould decide the fortune of the day. He col- lected tbe Bceotians and Arcadians in Iront, and distributed the rest, whom he did not mean to bring into action,in the back ground. The bulk of his cavalry he also fomied into a solid wedge, and strengtliened it by sn intermixture of lightinfantry, trained to this kind of service. This he seems to have destined to act on tbe same side against which he proposed to direct his main attack. But be likewise posted a de- taolunent of horse and foot on aome cminedces near the enemy's left flank,to occupy the at- tention of the Athenians. In this order he again moved forward to give battle. 1'he ene- my hastily recovered iheirrunka;but the mood in which they received his onset was no longer that of calm or eager courage. On the de- tails of the battle Xenophon is very brief, Dio- dorua redundantly and childishly copious; yet he seems to have read and spoiled some better desoriptiOD.We may, however, collect from botb, that on the whole the jUm of Epuunon- das succeeded in all its parts. The AtbeniaDs were kept employed,though in the end they were so far victorious over the troops immedi- ately opposed to them, as weU as over a pare of the lightinfantry which fell upon them from the Theban left,as to retain possession of the slain. The charge of the Theban and Thessa' lian cavalry, with which the baitle began,was completelysuccessful, and prepared for the deeperimpression afterward made by the shock of the pointedphalanx. But in the moment of victoryEpaminondas received a mortal wound, and was carried out of the field to a rising ground, from which his eye, still lightedup, while lifewas ebbing,by anxiety for the issue, could range over the scene of combat. He would not, it is said, allow the weapon, which leftin the wound, to be extracted until he assured that he had won the day, and eX' pired almost immediately after. The vanatluns of tradition as to the hand by which he fell, prove the importance wbiidk his contemporaries attached to the event. ' Among the claiinaDis were a Mantinean^a Spartan, and a T"ocrian of AmphiBsa. The Spartan's descendants became a privileged family; the I-ocrian received he- rcHC honours frranthe Phociana ; but the Athe- nians, and the Thebans themselves,assigned the deed to Xenophon'a son Gryllua, who was siain in the action, and was honoured by the Mantineans with a public funeral and a statue, ind by his fellow-citizens with a conspicuous ilace in a painting of tbe battle, representing him in the act of giving tbe mortal wound ; yet he served in the Athenian cavalry, itis diffi- t to understand how ho could have encouD- tered Epaminondas, who was at the head of tbe The has infantry. When Epaminondas fell, the action was al- ready decided, the disorder in tbe enemy's line irretrievable ; but he leftno one capable of sup- plying his place. lolbdas and Daiphantus,two Theban offiocta whom hs appears to have held high esteem, were likewise slain;and,ac- irdingtoone of Plutarch's anecdotea, when he lard of their death, he observed that it was "ne for Thebes to rnake peace. None atlempt- Ito follow up the victory.; the routed seem to have fled only until they found that titey were nut pursued ; and the Athenians even remained, masters of a part of the field and of the ehitn. It is probable, therefore, that the carnage. wa" not much greater on the one aide tlian on the other. Even the empty honour of the bloody game was not undisputed; both parties raised trophies: both were forced to send herulds ta recover their dead. Xenophon lets the curiaiik dro]) on the field, and concludes his history witb the observation that greater confusion and un- certainty prevailed in Greece alter the battle than before.* Yet itwas not quite so fruitless "d ignSnn Ihn palpuU* mituko of Palnwriui " r, ohu Imagiiwd Uiu ttaj hid (hi nuthmlT Eplnu, u ciwd"T DtognH Jj "p**''^ ""LiSll* ""^ 'Hwvft" "r^rnyoD.ret. " IB ainiij,Thii HagenlH* RESULTS OP THE BATTLB." STATK 07 GREECE. 5T as he represents. It was followed b^ a negotia- tion, in which (ha Thebans 4nd Iheir Arcadian confederates gained at least one advantage very important to Megalopolis.The; induced the allies of Sparta to acknowJedge the independ- ence of Messenia; and as Sparta,swayed by the CDunseia nf Agesilaus. stitirerused to treat on this basis, she was eictaded rrom the peace which was mads the jear aAor (361)among all the other states. She had, indeed, tio reason, though thus left alone,to apprehend an imme- diate renewal of hostilitiesfrom any quaner ; for the belligerents were all alike weary of war, I tuul any deliDite objectsbeyond the of tl But her contest with Thebes had been oae disasters ; and the battle of Mantinee, in wbioh she Buflercd a greater loss than any of her allies, extinguishedevery hope, which she might still have cherished, of recovering the position which she once occupied in Greece. She had,how- ever, the consolation to see that none of her ri- vals was, or would be sble to supplant her. The sceptre had,indeed, been wrested from her hands ; but ithad at the same time been broken to pieces. Thebes was obliged to abandon the thought of that supremacy for which she had been strngghng, and which seemed at one time within her grasp, and to confine her Tiewa to the north,to the security of her sovereignty in BiEOtia, and the strengthening of her inftuence in Phticis and Thessaly. Not oecause, alter the death of Fdopidss and Epaminondas, she was lelt without abfe men to direct her eouaaels and lead her armies ; for PammeneB was stillliv- ing, as perhaps were bIso Gorgidas and Isme- i\iaa i and itis probable that many goodoificers, as well as soldiers, had been farmed in the Sa- cred Band ; the martial apirit which had been roused by her great meo, and fostered by so many victories, was not quenched, nor was her ambition moderated by the battle of Mantinea^ but the events which had lately taken place must have convinced sU reflecting men that it was no longerpossible for any state to bring all Peloponnesus under oae head ; and that Thebea had accnmfriished the utmost she could now reasMiably aim at, when she disabled Sparta from aspiring to regain her ancient suprem- CHAPTER XLI. To an enlightened and patriotic Greek the prospects of bis country must have appeared more gloomy after the battle of Mantinea than at any previousepoch. The most desirsble of all conditions for Greece would have been, lo be united in s confederacy,strong enough lo prevent intestine warfare among its nicmbera, and so constituted as lo guardagaitiat all unne- cessary encroachment on their independence. This was the mark towards which the aims of the nation would have been most wisely direct- ed. But though the Amphictyoniee,particular- ly that of Delphi, afforded not only a bint, but a groundwork, which might have been enlarged and adapted to this purpose ; Chough (he Lycian colonies exhibited an adnirabte eumpis of a Vol. II." H t similar anion ;* Ihottgh the Penian Invasioiw j held out a strong motive, and a bir appoitiiDity for auch an undertaking ; itis doubtful whether the thought had ever occurred to a slu^ Greek 'statesman; and itis probsblethat, ifit had Bug' gesled itself, itwould have been rejected as a chimera. The next good to this would hava been the supremaoy of some Grecian state, powerfulenough to enforce peace, but not lo crush liberty.Nearly such had been that which Sparta eieroised over the Peloponnesisn con- federacy before the Persian war. And, for a few yeara after,lliedivision of power between Sparta and Athens might have seemed to prom- ise the attainment of the blessing, io a difTersnt form indeed, but in one which aflbrded belter, seourit; for freedom than could have been en- Joyed under the sway of either alone. Bui tb* restless ambition of Athens soon destroyed th9 eqatpoise on which these hopee rested, and plunged the nation into grealer calamities than It would probably have incurred if all itsstate* had been left ahsolntelyindependent of eactt other. The only benetii which could hnve com- pensated for the evils of the Peloponnesisnwar, wouM have been the conviction, which it ought to have produced, of the necessity of national union under a mild bul firm federal government. But the lessons of the past were lost upon thoatt whose conduct wae chiefly to determine the fu- ture. Sparta was not warned by the example of Athens; she tbrewaway a goldenopporta- niCy of establishing her own sscendency oh the' tranquillity and happiness of Greece, forfeited - the confidence of her allies, and proved, for IhM instruction of those who might have fancied that the misrule which Athens exercised abroad was oonnected with the peculiar character of her domestic institutions, that the dominion of an oligarchy might be "itUlmore oppressive to its foreign dependants Sian that ofa democracy. Thebes, in her turn, even under the sdministra- tion of Epominondas " thoughprobably without any fault on his part " wasted the sympathy and admiratioQ which she had attracted by the wrongs she suffered, and by the energy with which she avenged them, through her tyranni- cal treatment of the Bieotian towns, and the- apirit in which she had interfered in the affair* of Peloponnesus. The time had passedby when tliB supremacy of any state could either have been willingly acknowledgedby the rest, or im- posed upon them by force. The hope of any favourable change in the general condition of Greece wsa now become fainter than ever. The immediate result lo bo expected, unli^ss some extraordinary interfe- rence should avert it,was, that she would graduallywaste her strengthaway in a eeries of domeetic wara. It was, however, possible that this lingering decay mi^bt be interrupted by a sudden revolution, whioh might subject her either to some native tyrant, auch as Ja- son or DlonysiuB, or to a foreignytike But at the time which our history has now reached, no danger of this kind could be thought near enough to diaturb that sense of geaeralsecurity which had prevailedever since the Persiaa wars, and which permitted and encouraged each state and party lo concentrate its attention oti ils own a^irs,and to look with indifferenceor p. sn,101. \^lc se HISTORY OF GREECE. M which did pot affect its particu- lar and immediate welfare. Notwithstanding the destructiTB struggles of bo many geaera- tions, Greece was stillin the pi-ime of her vig- our. The forces which had been brought iaio the field at the battle of Mautineo, if they had been arrayed oa oae aide,might have defied tbe attack of any power then known to the Greeks. Towards whatever aide they might turn their view,they could descry no reaaona- 1 ble ground for apprehension. In the west, all theeffoitsof the Carthaginians had been baffled by the resistance of Syracuae. In the east, the Persian empire had owed ita safety to the divis- ions of the Greeks, and their mercenaries form- ed the strength of ita armies. There was, in- deed, a danger, and very near at hand ; bnt it was one which no human sagacity could yet have perceived ; and the quarter from which it arosn was. perhaps, the laat to which a states- man would have looked for the enemy who -was lo crush the independence of Greece. The state of Macedonia, the seat of the new power , which was destined soon (o become so formi- dable, bad hitherto been such as but very slight- ly to attract the atteution of the Greeks, and stillless to awaken their fears. Since the close of the Peloponneaianwar, we have but rarely found occasion to mention it at all,and, when- ever ita name baa occurred, we have seen it rather passively than ^ively connected with Greciaa politica. As we are now about to enter OB a period in whicb it will appear in a very difleronl point of view, thia will be the fittest place for such information as we are able to collect concerning the leading events of ita past history, which have not been yet noticed, and which may serve to give a clearer insight into its condition at the epoch which we have ar- The weaknese of the Macedraiian monarchy in tHe reign of that Penliccas who filled the throne durjpg the grealer part of the Pelopon- neaian war " from 454 lo 413" is betrayed, not only by the feeble resistance which it offered to the Odrysian invasion,but by the duplicity and intr*vJesto which Pcrdiccaa found himself "bl."ed to resort in his transactions wilh the leadingstates of Greece. And we learn from Thucydides, that at his death the counliy was extremely deficient in the means both of inter- and of defence. A n began with the reign of bis successor Arche- laoB,who, according to an account which Tiave no reaaon to question oa to the n facts,*was an illegitimate son of Perdici mounted the throne by violence, and secured himself on it by the murder of the rightful heir, and, it seems, by marriage with bis father's widow, Cleopatra,* But the atrocity of the crimes by which he usurped the crown was lost in the lustre of his reign. He may be con- sidered as having laid the foundation of Mace- donia's Bubacquent greatness, in the roads, walled towns, and fortresses, which were liia principal monuments, and by the establishment of a regular force of cavalry and infantry, stronger than had been maintiiined by any of his predecessors.Still, the actual powerof his liingdoni does not appear to have been very considcr^ly enlarged. For we find that he was fain to terminate a war in which he was engaged with Sirras and Arrhabeus " apparent- ly the princes of Elymea and Lyncestis " by bestowing the hand of one of bis daughters on the Elymean :t and when Pjdna, one of the maritime towns on the Thermaic Gulf, revolted from him, he reduced it with the aid of an Athenian squadron commanded by Therame- nes, and then removed it to a new site between two and three miles from the coast, where he Iffobably expected to bold it more under bis conlrol.t Nevertheless, his reign seems, od the whole, lo have been peaceful and prosper- ous ; and perhapsby friendly relations to Ath- ens, which towards tbo close of the Peloponne- sian war was no longer formidable to him, con- tributed to preserve that tranquillity which en- abled him not only to execute the works which we have mentioned, but to cultivate the arts of peace beyond any of his predecessors. It eeems (o have been his objectto transplant the hterature, the fine arts, and even the philosophy of Greece, particulnrly of Athens, into his king- dom. He induced Euripides, the favourite poet of the most refined Athenian circles, lo take up his residence in Macedonia, where "lie ended his days. Agathon likewise, a dramatist of high reputation, and Timotbeua, a celebrated master of music and of lyricsong, were also among hie guests. It is somewhat surprising, flh"ladB.th* foqndn of ^g". *Qd thA mugmitat of Ih* TQjaHIIDV, WKI ui "dTBDCIinr " though " flenclaid bj binh mtatifmmhBfQTei^oneEBinbjwSofnb Id br PUu ihoKM IhccuiLitrophe(tf0"flua ^riiliMla, Pol.,T.. 8, niiia]iiirHl wilh PI"Io,n. i. """ -"" '''tt*''" nSfiur Im he-n wrillinTn It " Iht AlhoDnnl eicilfl*^ths propla of iS^n^ to nbal. "D ftDd tuppoTLAd Ihem in il,^' wu millrd" nftturmllx oagh for ODB wbo held Lhe i^^ itarn"d Id profaand con- ARCHELAUS." AMYNTAS H. tot IS a Tact snfGcientlyatleat^il, that SocrBtea Wi! one of the foreipiera whom he invited ; perhaps because he had heard of him as the fjy.test and most accomplished of the Athenian Miphists. Socrates, we are informed, declined t^Ltlavitation,because he would not lire in a pbce where he most receive benefits which he could not requite; alluding, it maj be, to the rhancter orArchclaus, of whom he is said to hire observed, that he had taken more pains lo ibmish his house than his cnind. Archelaus lirl engaged Zeuxis of Heraclea. one of the nrist famoas painters of the day. at an expense of nearly seven talents, to adorn his palace, ifhirtidrew many strangers to Pe!la by the re- Viitirfitsinagnificence.* And it was. perhaps, Hi"fly with the view of attractingforeignera, inA thus encouraging trade and commerce ^tinGg hia subjects, that he instituted a festival zril ^mM in imitation of those of Olympia, at .Lj^. But there is no reason to believe that Ur^ refinements of the court produced any Vn^iblr eO^t on the main body of the nation, irht-h.so far as we can judge from the biota Eirvn by Tbncjdides, seems hitherto lo have it*B very imperfectly eiviliied.t It probably retained ita simple habits" -more nearlyresem- tl:i^ those of the heroic ages than of Greece In '^e fifth cantaiy B.C " as itoontinued to apeak i Mmi-barbBrian dialect,compounded, it would appear, of Pelasgian and lUyrianelements, with a miilure of the later Greek. Whatever taste vas introduced for the punuits of art,acience, mi liler3tai",aaema to have been confined to lie higber claaees ; and aa there are strong in- il-cuiona that it was accompanied with great ")mip(iaa of morals in the court circle,! it Iras, perhaps,h^ipT for the people that it was cot. and emitd not, be morawidely diffibsed. It Kis partlybj Xbe indnlgenoe of odious vices, t"ioagfa putly ajao by the abnae which he anf- fen^ Eoriindes to nuke of his favour, that Ar- FL^rlaos provoked a conspiracyamong bia conT' ins. by whom he was mnrdered in the fonr- Mntb year of hia reign.f If ArcheteDS moniited the throne in the man- KT which has be"n related on the beat rematning lotborit;, we can the more easily anderstand tow it happeneA that his dynastywaa of short "Jomian. He was succeeded by Orestes, appa- natlyhisyotmgeat son by Cleopatra, ^ropus, tt# young prince'sguardian, suifkred him nomi- ijUt to reign four years, but then despatched liUD,and seised the crown for himself He was pmbaUj encouraged by the recollection that his "anj'g title was founded ou a like usurpation, Ai all events, we find no need " as there is no '- "(orlcal CTidence " for.the conjecture that this rnuige of dynasty waalhe leaali of a reaction, 'idertaken by a party which interest or preju- ''""" attached to the ancient slate of things, introduced by Arcbela- n 1,1AttIkUiu, tbt Hiht of shrUinlian mi djflbHil :tH nomual nlltri of Mtndoiw. Thu ia toj lamt US* The success of ^ropus appears to btve called forth other more legitimate claims lo the throne. He. indeed, died a natural death, after a reign of six years : buthis sonPansanias waa assassinated in the year of bis accession by a representative of the old royalramily,Amyntaa IL, whose grandfather, of the same name, was a younger son of King Alexander, the contem- porary of Xerxes. The reign of Amyntaa, which began 394, was disturbed by diaaeters and vicissitudes which we have already had occasion to notice, and which for a time threat- ened the Existence of Macedonia as an inde- pendent state. We may here add that the II- lyrians. by whom he was expelled from his do- minions rer^soonafter his accession,appear to have supported the claims of a pretender named Argieua,! who, in fact, remained in pos- session of the throne for two years, at the end of which Amyntaa, with the aid of the Thessa- Hans " that is,probably, of the same great faxa- ilies whom we afterward find connected with the kings of Macedonia " regaineda fooling in a part of hie territories ; but it was not unit! Sparta had broken the power of Olynthus that he was able to recover the whole. We are not distinctly informed of any subsequentirruption of the lllyrians into Macedonia ; yet Amyntaa muBt have been again threatened by them, and have felt himself too weak for reaiatance, if,as Diodorus relates, he consigned bis youngest son Philip to them as a hostage. And we would not reject this statement because it has been combined with one scarcelycredible, thai the lllyrianslodged their boatage at Thebes. Amyntas continued to hia death (370) in close alliance with Sparta; but he also oulcivated the friendship of Athens, more especially towards the eloee of his reign, when the interests of Athens and of Spartabegan to concur in oppo- sition to Thebes ; be professed to favour the claims of the Atheniuis aa Amphipolis,! and took M much pains to oonciliate the good-will of Iphieratea, that he ia said to have adopted him as hia aon.f These transutions do not tend to convey the impresaion that Macedonia wu in b flouriah- ing condition under Amyntaa. It is aurronnd- ed by powerful enemies, and ia only enabled lo maintain a precarious existence by foreign aid. In the period which intervened between his death and the accession of hia son Philip, it lalraured under the evils of a disputedauoces- sion and intestine warfare, while it was still threatened by the same formidable neighboars. ~ Amyntas letl three aona, Alexander,Perdiooas, and Philip, then thirteen yean old, Alexander II. had arrived at manhood, aaaumed the rains of government without opposition, and on the occasion which drew him, as we have aeen, into Thessaly to aid his father's old allies against the tyrants of Pheree, discovered signs of an " Thii caDjHtni Itpa. not b4Tq l^iQl npcoi W irhahwli 3a. H" would. buHd oarnhnif kr 89 HISTORY OP GREECE. erdrnpnaiogspirit. We are not infortned as to the oripn ol the contest in which he was en- gagedwith PlolemyorAloniB; wedonotknow whether Ptoleniy was in any way retated to the rojalfamily,' nor whether he laid claim to the crown ; t but it seems ciesr tb^ be waa fatonred by the queen, Eurydioe, the widowed j mother of the three priBcea. Peitaps it was her qusrrei that he espousedagainst her eldest son, whose death, when he was treacherously " mardered by Ptolemy or his emissaries]:in the ' second year or bis reign, appears at least not , to hare eiciled her resentment against tbe as- sassin. The account or Diodorus and Plutarch, that Philip was amoog the hostages delivered to Fek^ldas when he came to aifaitrsRebetween | Alexander and Ptdemr, contradiols the testi- mony of the oODlemporar; orator iEschines, who relates that Philipwas stilJin Macedonia at the time of bis eldest brother's death. The authority of ."sehines,indeed,cannot be deem- ed conclmive as to all the particniais which he mentions, aod it might,therefore, be suspected that he had beeo misinformed with re^rd to the precise dat" of the soeue which he de- scribes, and that it took place in tbe reign of Alexander,^ Bat we are inclined to adopt Ibis part of his narrative, as, on the whole, most probable in itself, though it still raises great difficulties as to the occssioit on which Philip was carried away to Thebes. According to Plutarch, after the murder of Aleiaader, which most have happened very soon after the ctun- promise,Pelopidss. who was in Tbessaly on bis second expeditionagainst the tyrant of pW", was iQTitod into Macedonia by the friends of the deceased king, and obUged Ptol- emy to enter into an engagement to preserve the crown for the yoonger brothers, Ptolemy, it is said, gave fiftyhostages as a security fur ' the performance of his promise,among whom was his own eon PhiloTenas. It seems more natnral that Philip shoald hare been committed to tbe custody of the Thebans, under theee cir- cumstances, than on the occasion of the contest between Ptcdemy and Alexander ; especially if Eui^dice was generally believed to have been ",er son's murder- I with which she is chargedby some laterwriters I "and ifshe was suapecled of a criminal inier- " course with Ptolemy : a suspicion which seem*, I at leeat,to have been entertained at a subse- I quent period, and which is strongly conHrmcd by her acquiescence in the morderor's authority,* But from .lEschines we learn that,soon alter Alexander's death,a new pretender to the crown, named Pausanies, appeared in Macedo- nia, made himself master of several towns, and was snpportedby a very powerful pariy. It happened that at this junctureIphicrales was on the coast, in command of a small squadrnn destined to act againstAmphipolis, Eurydice sent to him toraquestaninterview;and,when he came, placed her two sons in the attitude of suppliants at his knees, and reminding him of the proofs of re^rd which he had received from Amyntas, implored his protection,Iphicrates was moved by her entreaties to turn his anus against Pausanias, and expelled him from the kingdom, ,"schinea represents Ptolemy as at this time regent, and as one of the parties oblig"dby the intervention of I]riiicrateB ; t thus clKartyindioating that he made common ttauee with the queen. It is certainly difficnitto con- ceive how, after this event, Pelopidas could have been invited into Macedonia in the man- ner described by Plutarch, But this difficulty is scarcely a sufficient ground for the supposi- tion that j"schines wsa mistaken as to Philip'i presence at the Interview with Iphicrates.t e^ ,peciaUy as the orator himself alludes to a trca ty into which Ptolemy afterward entered witt the Thebans, It may, therefore, be safest U conjecture that Pelopidaewas called in bysomt frimda of the royal family to shield it fron the danger with which it might well seem u he threatened by Ptolemy's ambition. Plolein; keptpossession of the government three yt^ars Diodorus simply aays that he reigned so long probably, however, he never sBsumed any othe title then that of regent, tbougli he may liav" had no intention of ever resigning his power 1' the rightful heir. And it was perhaps as mud in selMefeiice,as to revenge his brother's ttiui der or his mother's shame, that Pordiocaa ktUe' him (364), Concerning the reign of Penliccas III. \v B Ibftawl by I""b"U]iDBS, vu mlterwaid uit"- mi. ;]id not ihrur "inuu. ud kk nktifH Iboaiht it pniilut lu nmaia bii , ' ' inful 4*BghMn tnihslUru Olnllmi. Ud wu, Ihne- \ foEViniiA pTobaUj nurrienid by tlu fnirodt of Al" -*pmftpt bjtreata of Fin*""- " i-'i"' -",- PtiijiBr" wbaBh* enildnot t Bui FlailM (i.,p. W) It PERDI00A8 illl.-^PmUP AT THEBES. "l "ve but Terr waMrMfbrniatiDa ; but all tkat f/e tinovr of bim leads ua to conchide tbat be xras not deficient in spirit and ability. He re- tisted the attemptB of the Atheoians on Amphip- "lis.and appears to have gained sMue advan- .a^ OTer them, either in war or by negetiatiOQ, He was alao a petroo of arte and letlen,and, tke Archelaus, is aaid to have shown an im- irudeoc partlalttf ror Home of the learned men vhom be drew to his ooorL We bear that one Suphraus, a Eabcean of OreiiB, acquired anch "lluenc" orer him,and so foolishly abused it, IS to exclude ^ guests "om the royal table vbo oould not contribute to the cooTersation ly their scientibc or philosophical accomplisb- nents. Though there may be some exaggera- .ion in this slatemeut, it seems osrtain that he "ecame powerfulenough to exaite rehement ndlgnaiton in some of the courtiers, and thtt I was chiefly in rercnge for (he insolence nhicb he had shown in his prosperity that he vaa altsrtrard put to death at Oteoa by the Macedonian general Parmenio.* Psrdiccas, Mwever, does not appear to have neglected the luties of his station. He look the field a^iost he lllyrians. hut was defeated and slam by hem in the fiAh year of bia reisa. He left an Qftnt son named Amyntaa.t At the time of Ihia event Philip was twenty- hree years of age. Diodorns eupposea that he nas stillat Thebes, bot that,on receiving io- "Uigence of hia brother's death, he made his "eape, and suddenlyappeared in Macedonia. t :t ia not difficultto understand how the atory nay have taken this form : a hostage eo impor- ant. it might easily be supposedby writers ac- juainted with his subsequenthiatory, would not lave been willingly surrendered by the The- "ans : it is certain,however, (ram better au- lioriiy, that he had been already restored to lis coontr;, and, it is probable,early in the 'cign of Perdiocas, When the Thebans could lave no motiTe far detaining him. Eitrava- ;3nily aa aonte modem writers have indulged .heir imagination with regard to the manner in vhich hit time was employed during bis bo- ourn at Thebes, it ia hard^possible to over- rate the importance of the opportunities tt af- forded him for the acquisition of various kinds of knowledge, or (o doubt that he availed hhu- aelf of them with all the energy and perseve- rance which belonged to his character. It ia, pertaps, less pHriiable that (he house of Polym- nis,the fiitber of "paminondas, should have been chosen for hie residence, aa Dtodoms re- lates, than that of Pammenes, according to Plutarch's statement ;" and the fahle of bis Pythagorean studies " "worthy of Diodorus " is below criticism.t But a certain tinctare -of philosophy waa at this time deemed almost an indispensablerequisite in a liberal education. The fame of Plato,who had,no doubt, many admireiB and disciplesat litebes, could not but engage Philip's attention and awaken his curiosity. We do not undertake to deter- mine whether the relations anbsisling between Thebes and Athens, during his slay in Greece, wore Bueh as permit us to suppose (hat he visit- ed Athena, or became personaUy acquainted with thefounder of (he Academy; but i[seema an almost inevitable Inference, fhim a fact at- tested b; contemporary evidence, that some kind of communication look place during this penod between Piato and niUip, which lm~ presaed the philosopher with a ftvonrable opin- ion of the pnnce; and it is not too bold, ifit be not an indispensable conjecture, that Philip's esteem and admiration for Aristotle, of which he afterward gave so remarkable a pmnf, had ita origin in an seqaaintance fonned at the same epoch. Speusippus, Plato's kinsman and favourite scholar, related that, by Plato's recom- mendation, conveyed throughEnphrtens, Per- diceas was induced to bestow a principality, by wayof appanage, on his brother, who was, con- sequently, in possession of it, and in Macedonia when the throne became vacant. The author- ity of Spensippus must be deemed autBcient lo ptaco the snbstance of this account " the grant itself, and his uncle's recommendation " beyond question-. nor is there anything in the slisbtest degree improbable, or inconsistentwith the known characters and situation of the perties, in any one of the particnlars ; only it may be necessary to observe, that it does not fallow tiiat Philip's retura to Macedonia waa effbcted throng Plato's mediation,or that Plato had been previoosly in correapondence with Per- diccas. The king had no reason to be jealous of his brother ;% and after the death of Ptolemy, the Thebans, aa we have alreadyremarked. * The Tkbc: "ipnutof tMiill/Kd... . . wuH"( liBwjm liiioxpodiwUfor iwHTinriL trtUonift] on iL lo hiiDOU on ivi., %__ The mthk LiitbooolTpoiot o" tHaOg* at ThoMo" Phili"'i 1ir"""i"oimll; u Dio CLirviMea 'li., p. tO, cho limo 1^ I""mf"tiUDOi,mr^bE bftve tffiirdcd4 Ic^aflkr innclivo ^ bin no intvUiffOBE entic irlH tlunk tbiim iniP- t Ji io o morelT nrtilrarycooj^rLan of Flfclba'l (i.,p. m Out Ptiiiip'i Join Id obUin the eo^rronTOTii of a Mn- hiu uid PtzdjDCb, which wi '!p HISTORY OF OBEEOE. could not hsTe wiihed to detain him. It is, tberefore, probable enoogb tbftt the term of three jean afisigaed to his stay at ThebcB, though not on the best authority, is not far from the truth. It woald be ths part or his life which ititervened betv-een the age of sixteen and of twenty. It was, undoubtedly, not the study of philos- ophy, either speculative or practical, that chief- ly occupiedPhilip's attention during this period. To the society in which il wae passed he may have been mainly indebted for that command of the Greek language which enabled him both 10 write and Qpeak itwith a degree of ease and elegance not inferior to that of the most prac- tised oraton of his day. But the most impor- tant advantages which he gained from his stay at Thebes were probably tlerived Irom the military and political lessons with which the conversalion of generals and statesmen liho Epaminondas, Pelopidas, and their friends, could not failto abound. It was by them that the an of war bad been carried to the hi^eat pcdnt it had yet reached in Greece ; or, rather, they, more particularly Epaminondaa, had given it a new form, and the details of their battles and campaigns would be eagerly collected by an intelligent and ambitious youth. Thehea was at this time the great centre of political movements " the point from which the condi- tion, interests, and mntnal relations of the Greek slates might be most distinctly survey- ed. Here, too, were to be gained the clearest ideas of the state of parties, of the nature and working of republican, especially of democrat- ical institutions; here, probably,Philip learned many of those secrets which oAen enabled hiro to conquer without drawing the sword. And as he was placed in one of the most favourable positions for studying the Greek character, so the need which his situation imposed on him of continual caution and self-controlmust have served very greatly to sharpen bis natural sa- gacity, and to form the address which he after- ward displayed in dealing with men, and win- ning tbem for hia ends. What were the im- pressions made upon his taste and feelingsby bis residence at Thebes it would be vain to in- quire ; but it isremarkable that there are parts of his political conduct which it is not easy to explain, except on the supposition that he view- ed Athens with a certain degree at predilec- tion, which inclined him, where his own inter- ests allowed liberty of choice,to favour her at the expense ofher Bceotian rival. Nature had giAed him with almost every quality that could St him for the station whioh he was destined to Gil : a frame of eitraordina- 17 icbusiness, which was no doubt well trained in the eierciaes of the Theban paliestras ; a noble person, a commanding and prepossesaing mien, which won respect and inspired confi- dence in all who ^preached him; ready elo- quence, to which art only applied the cultiva- tion requisite to satisfy the fastidious demands of a rhetorical age; quickness of observation, acuteness of discernment, presence of mind, fer- tility of invention, and dexterity in the manage- ment of men and things. There seem to have been two features in bis character, which, in another station, or under different circumsUn- e"B, might have gone near to lower him into an Mdinaiy penon, bat vrhldi were so oontroDcd by his fortune as to contribute not a littleto his success. He appeara to have been by his tem- perament prone to almost every kind of sensual pleasure; but as his hfe was too busy to allow lim often to indulge his bias, his occasional ok- "sseB wore the air of an smiable condcscen- lion. So his natural humour would, perhaps, have led bim too often to forget his dignity in his inlercoarse with his inferior*. But to Phil- ip, the great king, the conqueror, the restless pohtician, these intervals of relaxation occur- red so rarely, that they might strengthen hia influence with the vulgar, and could never ex- pose him to contempt. From thai he was se- cured by the energy of will, which made all his faculties and accomplishments of mind and body, and even bis failmgs, as well as what may be called in a lower sense his virtues " his aflhbility, clemency, and generoaity " always subservient to the purposes of his lofty ambi- tion. A moral estimate of snch a man's char- acter is comprised in the bare mention of his rulingpassion, and cannot be enlargedby any investigation into the motives of particular ac- tions ; and it is scarcely worth while to con- aider him m sny other light than as sn instru- ment of Providence for fixing the destiny of na- 'Tbe time had come when all these qualities and attainments were to be called forth into ac- tion, and were to be matured in a new and harder school of practical experience. The sit- uation in which be was placedby his brother's death was one of great apparentdifficulty and danger. As the nearest kinsman of the royal infant,he, of course, immediately took charge of the government ; it is possible, indeed, that it was committed to him by Perdiccas when ho set out on his expedition. The throne which he bad to defend was threatened by enemies in many quarters. The lllyriana had not taken advantage of their victory to carry their arms farther into the country. The main body, at ieaat, had returned home with their booty. But they were said to be collecting their forces for a fresh invasion, and from tbe language of Uio- dorus* it would even seem as if they still re- tained possession of some Macedonian districts or towns adjacent to their frontier The west- ern provinceslay at their mercy. Tbe Pieoni- ans, the nearest neighbours of Macedonia to- wards the north, seized the opportunity to make an inroad for plunder. At the same time. the juncture invited two pretenders to put for- ward their claims to the crown, or, rather,to use them aa a pretext for seizing it by means of foreign aid. Pansanias,no doubt the com- petitor of Ferdiccaa, who, aa we have seen, had been expelledby IphJerates, obtained promises of aid fnun the King of Thrace,perhapsCotys, whose dominions included most of the maritime provinces of the Odrysianempire; and he might reckon on findingmany partisans in Macedonia, where be had been so stronglysupported but a few years before. Argteus.loo, the old adver- sary of Amyntas, appears to have revived his pretensions, unless he hod transmitted them to a younger claimant of the same name. Argo- ns, whoever he may have been, had gained the Atbenians over to his interest by a promise of PHIUFS DIFFICULTIES." ATTEMPT OF ARG^US. ROHM eoiK)eanoi" with regard to AtntAipcdis, which had been during the iaat reign the maia subject of contest between the republic and Hucedonia. Mantias,an Atbeaian general, had been sent with a considerable sqavlron, and a force including 3000 heaiy-aimed, to luppoit him. This WHS lite aatagonin immediBtely the must fbrmidaUe, both as havingdisciplined uoopa at his command, and as beingenabled, with the help of the Athenian nav;, to threaten the moat importantprofincea, and the seat uf gOTemment. A war with Athena, while the kingdom WBB eipused la so manj other ene- mies, was of itself greatly to be dreaded. There waa, however, one advantage which Philip drew from his alarming and embarraas- ing position. The btUb of civil war and for- eign invasion, with which the country was either threatened or actoallyassailed, tnmed a]l ajres towards him as the man on whom the hopes of the nation realed. The infant king was generallyoveriooked, and he waa encour- aged immediately to direct his views to the crown, and was perh^w regardedbymany from the firstas his brother's anccesaor. The law orauccesion, though, in peaceful limes and or- dinary cases, it recognised the principle of lin- eal representation, seems not to have been more precisely determined, or, at least,more in- flexible, in Macedonia than in the Greek mon- archies of the Homeric ages. Still it appears that Philip did not 'attempt at once to set his nephew aside, or asanme the regaltitle, which wuuld have been impolitic while there were two other pretenders to the crown, powerfully sup- ported from withont. But he took his meas- ures, that,aa soon sa these competitors should be removed, he might execute his purpo"e with- out opposition. If we may b^ete Justin,* a prophecy was circulated, which, if it was really current at thia period, muet have been fabrica- ted by hia emiasaries with this object: ihM jHactdonia Mkrntld flourish exceedingly under one of the loru d/Amynlm. And wc may ooliect from Diodorusf that be waa at great pains to gain the affections of the army, and frequently exerted his eloquence for this purpose ; choilgb the annalist speaks of his numerous harangues as if they were onlydesigned to infuse courage into his troops. The admiration excited by this rare talent served,at least,to strengthen the im- pression producedby his person and manners, and by the ajlability with which he tempered the strictness of militarydiscipline. The forces which he was able to collect would probably have been scarcely sufficient to snstain so many dllTercntattacks as now threat- ened him at once, and his genius inclined him to try other means of averting the danger. The PROnian chief, whose only aim appears to have been to enrich hia people with booty,having partlyaccomplished his purpose, was easily in- duced by an embassy, which carried presents and promisesto him and his leading men, to withdraw his array. The King of Thrace, a weak, Iniurious prince, who waa hardly master of his reason, was persuaded,by a negotiation similarlyconducted,to abandon the cause of Pausanias ; and this pretender had no other means ofenrorcinghisclaims.Philip was thus left at liberty to direct his whole sitenlion to the Athenians and Argscs ; and he woold giti ly have rid himself trf"them by hke methods. It was the hope of recoveringAmphipolis, not any wish to placeArgcus on the throne,that had induced Athens to interfere ; and Philip seems to have hoped,by satisfying her on this point, to detach her from the side of his rival. The language of Diodorus would of itself lead the reader to suppose that Amphipolis was at this lime occupiedby a Macedonian garrisen, and that Philip, before hostilities bad been be- gun by the Atheniui armament under Mantias, withdrew his troops from the place, and publio- ly renounced his claims to it.* Polyenes still more distinctly intimates that this was Che state of the case ;t and if we may believe " on stiU inferior aulhorilyf " that Philip received diviiko honours at Amphipolis before he became finally master of it, this extravagant display of grati- tude would seem to require the supposition of some solid and extraordinary benefit,somethhig, therefore, beyond a mete verbal recognition of ila independence. On the oiher band, we have no express information,nor any other reason to conjectnre that Perdiccas had ever became so far master of Amphipolis ; and to suppose that Philipparted with so important a place, on tbe chance of being able to recover itas soon as the immediate object of the sacrifice should hava been attained, would be to imagine a finesse, not, indeed,too deep for hia character, bnt still requiringstronger evidence than the fact rests on. A suspicion, indeed, xtill resdilysuggest itselfto any one acquainted with Diodorus. that he has here mentioned the step which Philip took a iitlle later,-withregard to Amphipoiis, prematurely. But it is not at all unlikelythat, before any blow was struck, he should have en- deavoured to depriveArrieus of Athenian sup- port by a declaration whi^h cost him nothing. nor does it seem to have been, even al (ha time,altogether ineffectual. Mantiaa, indeed, arrived at Methone, on ttleThermaic Gulf,with the pretender; but he seeros to have done no- thing. Argsus, who was accompanied by a number of Macedonian exiles,hoped 10 find par- tisans in the country ; snd it is remarkable that the place where he expected lo be most favour- ably received waa no other than the ancient capitalA^gB. In that direction he set out at the head of a body of mercenaries " whether collected by himself or broughtby Mantias, does not appear. Msntias remained at Methone ; bnt he suffered some of the Athenian troops to accompany his allj. The attempt on jE^b to- tally failed : no one ventured lo declare htdiself in the pretender's favour ; and he was so dis- heartened by this repulse, that he determined to retnm to Methone. But In the mean wUle Philip had assembled his forces, and marched to cut off the invader's retreat. An engage- ment ensued, in iriiich Argoua was defeated Willi considerable loss, and the remnant of his army forced to take refuge on an eminence, where they were sorrounded and reduced to capitulate with the conqueror. They obtained leave to departunmolested,ihi condition of giT"- * iri.,3,lanim ^ixdpqsc Tfc nflmtt, ifitfnir^ 'tiT.'^'n. Phiirp-whita Bill "l WW wilh Ita^^ t AriatidM,I.,p.Tlt.DindDtf. Ok HI8T0BY OF GSEEOB. iJDg up die eOEilBS. WhMhar Aifmia was "oe of the noniber,or bad fiUlenin the battle, weare "iot iufantMi : bit Dams appesrs no mere in Among the pmonera taken by PMltp oo ttus -DOcaBion weie eome of the Athenian troope.* lleBe he detained only to dietinguiah them with peculiar favoura ; for ho not only set them at libeny, but made preaents to each of tliem "qiiiTilent to the property they had loet. They vere, of course, bound to retnm home ; and it ia probable than Mantias, having no longerany minion to execute in Macedonia, led his whole armament bach to Athena. The prisonere were aocoropanied or followed by^nT^ys, bearing a letter from Philip to the people, in which " probably with expostulations on Iheir unprovo- Md boatility " be eipreeaed hia desire to renew Ihe IHendahip which had subsisted between his .father and the republic. The sidiject uf Am- pbipolia was not paaeed over in silence in this letter ; though, as we are uncertain what Phil- ip had before done with regard to it,we are the iMa able to determine what he now said. The sequel,however, leads ua to suspect that he did not eonline his profesMoua to the declaration " now either firstmade or repeated " of bis will- ingneea to leave it independent, but that he {brew out hints Irom which it might be gather- . ed that he would not be unwilling to see it re- duced under the sovereignty of Athens. How- ever this be, it ia certain that bis liberality to- wards the prisoners made a very strong im- pression in his favour on the assembly, and in- clined the Athenians to eipect all they could desire from the Iriendlydisposition of which, "ven under such provocation, he had given so -atriking a {HtMr Demosthenes intimates that the people'sgratitudewas, at the moment, sc lively^ that almost any honoura might have been obtained for Philip.tIf,as is probable. Argsus 'was no longer in the way, there remain^ no ftrther obstacle to peace : and itwas soon af- ter concluded,^"parenll7 without any express Mipnlationon either side with regardto Am- Philip's victory raisedthe spirits of bis troops, which had been cast down by the defeat of Fer- diccBs. The success of his negotiations secu- rod hie government from internal opposition. But stillit appeared to rest on a merely preca- rioas foundation,so long as the tranquillity of the country might be said to be purchased from ODe enemy, or to be due to the forbearance of another. Fortunately far bim, just as he had Aeed himself from the burden of the Athenian "War, Ibo death of Agis.king of the Peoniana, *fi""ded him an opportunity of invading Peooia "t the juncture when it was least capable of resisting bis arms. He defeated the forces "Which were broughtagainsthim, and compel- led the Pxonians to render him tokens of sub- mission, which were, perhaps,chieQy important a" they humbled tbe insolence of the nation, and encouraged the Macedonians to regard them- aelves as ita masters. Bnt a more formidable anemy remained in the Illyrians, who hitherto. " "' " " " " ns, had been pMMB beloE DOW ill poaaesaion of many discharge the duties of his station, had reach- ed an age " ninety, it is said* " in which the most restless spiritsgrow patient of repose. Philip's fiuccesaea and increasing reputation no doubt also tended to dispose bim towards peace J and hearing that the Macedonian prince was making preparations to invade Illyria. he en- deavoured to avert the attack by pacifioover- tures. The terms be pnqweed were, simply, that each party should retain wbat it possessed. Philip,however, now thought himself strong enough to require that the Illyrians should evac- uate all tbe territorythey had conquered from Macedonia. It ia not quite clear whether this demand comprised only wbat bad been lost through the defeat of Perdicctts, or earlier oon- quests of the lllynans. It was, however, re- jected ; the Hlyriankingprepared to meet the threatened invasion,and, notwithstanding his advanccid age, led his forces bto the Aeld in person.f According to Diodorua, the numbers of the two armies were nearlyequal, and the heavy infantry in each amounted to 10.000men. His description of tbe battle seems not to have been drawn so much as usual from his imagina- tion, and suggests tbe idea that,on this occa- sion, perhaps for the first time, Philipput in practice the lessons he had learned firoro bis Theban masters, and gained the victorychiefly by a judioious concentration of his force and employment r"{bis cavalry " in which he seems to have been uperior to tbe enemy-~aIUr the example of Gpaminoadas. The lose of the 11- lyiians is said to have amowited to 7000 men ; and they were coapellsd to aooept Uie terms nf peace imposedby the ooaqueror. Thejr ce- ded to Urn all that theypoeseaaedeast of the Lake of Ly^Dus,and thus not onlygave him the oommand of the principal pass by which they had been used to penetrate into Macedo- nia, but opened a way by which he Blight at any time descend,throDgh their own lerriloiy, to the shores of the Adriatic.! It may safely be presumed that, after this brilliant snccess, Philip no longer beailaled to assume the kingly title. His usur^^tion " for such it appears to have been,aooording to tbe laws of Macedon " wss, however, most proba- bly sanctioned by the unanimous consent both of the army and the nation. How secure, he felthimself in their affections is manifest frona his treatment of his deposedn^ihew. He was BO little jealous of him, that he brought him tip at his court, and, in time, bsitoned the band of one of his daughters on him.^ The transfer of tbe crown was so quiet and noiseless, that it seems not to have reached tbe eara of the Athe- nian orators ; whose sHenoe may, at all erents, be admitted as a proof tbat there was nothing in the transaotiou on whicb tbej could grouod a chargeagainstPhilip. His victory over tbe niyrians is conneotwl by DiodoTus with tbe institution of the Macedo- tBv $(HTifpiir.in"ii nijritr. - pusvB it m^T bfl iDfemd thit be eltluiTfvU i atitpAin Iha CQiin" of tlw Hnu jnTr t t EoA LiBka. Northern 0n"c4. ill., p. SI]. i PoliBUDi (nil..eOJ mlJilier Kmwiiv. THE PHA.LANX." tHB ROYAL GUAKD. ilan phalaiiT.wMclilieissaWiohWEiicfmteil. The testimony of the ancients on thia point has "eon very confidently rejected in tnodern times, vithout any good reason. We may, indeed, ioubt whether this body, as it existed in the leginning of Philip's rRjgn, diflferedin any im- "orlant feature from that wliicliwas already fa- niliar to the Greeks, or, at least, from the The- lan phalanx. But itis another ^estion nheth- !r the Macedonian anaies bad aver before been irganized on tbia plan: and there is ootliing to "revent us frDm admitting the alatemeat of luthors, certainly better informed than our "elves, tbat it was int introdoeed by Philip. Vor is there any difficulty in believing tbat h tl the Bamc time majle some improvements in he arms, or the atruclure of the phalanx, which entitled itto its pecuiiaiepithet, and liim to the lonour of an inventor. Both the tactics and he discipline of the army seem to have been in L very low stale under hia predecessors ; and his was perhaps the main cause of the defeats .vhich they ho ollen experienced from the iieigh- Kiuring barbarians. Philippaidno less atten- .iOD to the discipline than to the organization )[ bt3 forces. His reffulationswere strict, and "verc enforced with inflexible severity. He for- bade the use of carriaecs,cveo to his oflicers. illowed the cavalryonlya single atltindant for "mch man, and for the infantry but one in com- mon to eveiy ten soldiera,to carry the more cumbrous parts of their baggage. Examples of his rigiddiscipline have been preserved. He is reported to have dismissed a distinguished foreigner from bis service for using a hot bath " observing, it is said, that this was a luxury which even the Macedonian women did not al- low themsetvBi " and to have baniabed two of his generals for having introduced a singinggirl into the camp. One youth of high rank, who held an office near his person, was punished with stripes for turning aside from the line of march to quench hia thtrslat a tavern ; and an- other, who, presumingon his favour with the king, had quitted the tanks contrary to orders, was put to death, t There were some other institutions, partly civil, partlymilitary, which contributed much to' the security of the monarchy, and are attribu- ted by ancient authors to Philip; but their ori- gin is involved in lilce obscurity with that of the phalanx. According to some writers,! it was he who firstaccustomed the Macedonian nobil- ity to send their sons to be educated at his court, where tbey performed menial services, l^ke those which were required in the feudal halls from squires and pages of gentle blood. According to otherB,^ the custom was transmit- ted from earlier limes -, and this account, though resting on inferior authority, seems much the oiore probable. Yet there mayhave been some " Ennukin "iii Brncr, n" N.,lU, #f"di"TiEiipviiiH, not lecD imrvhfln mtJGwI. HvimolytttH hkd wd iha^ Lj- OBtat iitndiind Ihn m^nnnuc by ikw uaonf th* Lhh- grtmnd for considering PhBtpaa the ad^Kir of this usage. TTie adfantages of such ^ connex- ion between the great families and their sover- eign must foreibly have struck a prince who had made his way to the throne through the struggles of a disputedsuccession,and who did not hold it by a perfectly legitimate title. Though it is Bcsrcely conneivable that he couid hare irt- trodoced such a practice, he may have extend- ed and enforced it, and perhaps made this do- mestic service a necessary step to the attain- ment of a certain military rank. The royal household was a school through which the young noh]es passed into the ranks of the guard, from which tbeymight rise into posts ^ hoO' oar, wbich in the next reign became more val- itable than the crown oTMacedon itself. How far the organiiation of the royalguard, a de- scription of which belongsmore properly to a later period, ts to be regarded as Philip's work, is a questionsimilarly doubtful ; but it is cer- tain that itwas in his reignIt first acquiredce- lebrity as a distinct and formidable corps. Its peculiar appellation " equivalent to that of ooh- SIDES* " as it is the same with which Homer's chiefs address their Ibllowers, may have de- scended from the earliest ages of the monarchy ; but the title, importingraoT-coaBADEs,f which was applied to the infantry of the guard,seems to be noticed by a contemporary orator u ifit "-as of recent invention.! However Philip may have contributed to the formation of the Macedonian phslani in a mili- tary point of view, there can tielittledoubt that it was he who firstestablished it as a standing army. In the engagement with the lilyriarrs he brought, as we have seen, upward of 10,000 3n into the field. This force he appears nev- Ic have disbanded, but gradually to have ra- cTcascd it,as he extended his conquests and multiplied bis resources, until it more than doubled that number. This measure ap{"eats ve been required not merely for the objects of his ambition, but for the security of the state, especially in an age when mercenary troops, who made war theirsole business,were so gen- erally employed; but it involved important po- litical consequences. It, in fact, converted the Macedonian government into a military despo- tism, temperedonlyby the national spirit which the soldieryretained, and by the privilegea which theyexclusively enjoyed. The Macedo- people, without any formal^ detlned con- ion, per^iapa without any written laws,had ited a veiyjarge share ofliberty from the heroic ages. There had been from lime Im- memorial popularassemblies, whether held pe- riodically, or as occasion required, we catinof '" icover, which, among other rights, exercised 'isdictionin cases of treason; for this offence Macedonian could legally sulfer death witb- tsuch a trial It may, pcriiaps, be presumed p. !og. Bat it miu ubt ihraugh miniki Ibu thii oiadi of AsuiiMiiM. fVn ik" ftnttoxi iT h" binoTT oT PhlUh in nfnnd bv th* laimnnbM) B Aluaniln iuM*il it tDiBntb., Ol/iilh,, ii., 1 17. HI8T0BY OP OSBBOB. ttet Ike ehaneter of " tribniulwna not Uie only one which these uaembliea awiuned i and that thej tended in variouB other ways to limit the loyalBulhority. Their prerogatives, whatever theywere, appear to haie beea all transferred to the army, wbicb was treated as the repre- "eatative of the nation, and the king'spleastjre, unless it happened to clash with the will of the "oldiery, seems to have been no longersubject to any restraint. During Philip'sreign, bow- ever, the forms of the government retained mnch of tbe ancient simplicity, and a semblance of freedom ; and it was only on extraordinary elic occasions that he was distingnisbed from subjectsby the outward appendages of roy- "Ity. The phalanx was drawn from tbe body of tbe A"emen ; the cavalry and tbe whole of the roy- al guard were selected from the higherclasses, and included all the noble youths who had been "ducaled at court. What was the origin of the Macedonian nobility, what were its privileges and distinctions, are interesting questions which we have no means of answering. The tenden- cy of Philip's institutions was to attach it more firmlyto the throne, and to raise it higher than before above the mass of the people. Mi no- bles were no longer dtstm gins bed merely or lAieflyby ijieir descent,or their posoessiooa, but by tbe superior cultivation of their minds, and their extraordinary proficiency in such parts of Grecian learning as were proper for warriors and statesmen, so that the king was able to em- ploy them not only in the fieldand tbe cabinet, but in tbe moat difficultand delicate negotia- tions with the free states of Greece. In tbe course of about a year from his broth- er's death,Philip had freed himself from all his dtMnestic embarrassments, and had sealed him- self firmly on the throne ^ had humbled the most warlike of his baiRiarian neighbours, and had ex- tended and strengthened his frontier; he had made an honourable peace with the only Greek state that waa capable of annoyingbim, and had secured the stability of his government by in- stitutions which placed the whole strengtb of his kingdom at his absolute disposal. These were great things to have accoinpliHbed in so "liort a time ; but a prince of four-aiid-iwenty. who had done so much, could not rest satisfied with BO little. Macedonia,notwithstanding its natural wealth and its hardy population, was stilla poor and feeble kingdom. On the west and north side the barbarous hordes,though a Uttle awed by the check which some of them had recentlysustained,were stillas able aa be- fore, whenever opportunity invited tbem, to pour "n inexhaustible tide of war into its provinces. In tbe oppositequarters almost the whole line ofits coast was occupiedbyindependentGreeks, who prevented it from enjoying tbe full benefit of its natural productions, and whose coalition, not many years past, had nearlyproved fatal to its political being. Nor did it requiregreat sa- gacity 10 perceive that the peace with Athens could not last long without concessions or ac- quiescence such as the safety and honour of the country forbade. Even if no visions of a distant, dazzlinggreatness had yet begun to gleamupon his mind, the danger? and obstacles with which he was surrounded,were for Philip "uffiaientmotives to action, and the stale of Qnwa "AanM m|ile noatnfimtaA tar Aa most aspiringhopes. Tbe enterprises in whicli we have hitherto seen bin engaged had been forced upon him in self-defence ; the ability with which he conducted them had, indeed, raised his reputation ; but littleoould be infer- red Irom them as to his character and views. These began to be disclosed in tbe transactions which we are now about to relate. CHAPTER XLH. When the Athenian orators wished to rouso the spirit of their counti7nien in their contest with Philip,they sometimes reminded them that Macedonia had once been subject and trib- utary to Athens.* This was, indeed, a rhetor- ical figure, but yet not without a substantia} meaning ; nor was it, as baa sometimes been imagined,onlyapplicable to the state of things in the reign of one of Philip's remote predecea- sora. Arrian has put a speech into the mouth of Alexander the Great, in which he mentions, among the benefits whicb his father had con- ferred upon his people,that, instead of paying tribute to the Athenians, he had reduced thenk to depend upon Macedonian protection. t It seems clear that these expressions can onlyre- late to the maritime part of Macedonia; and even in that sense it is not easy to assign their exact value. It is certain,however, that Phil- ip, at the beginning of his reign, did not possess a singleplace of any importance on the coast. Several maritime towns which had belonged to his predecessor! were (hen subject to Athena, and probably contributed to the common fund of her revived confederacy. And though it does not appear that, after the Peloponnesian war, the .Athenian government levied any da- ties in any foreignport except at Byzantium, still those with which the Macedonian com- merce was burdened in the towns dependant on Athens, might, in vague language, be describeil as tribute which she received from Macedonia ; and, BO long as her fleets commanded the sea, nothing could be directly exported tyr importeil without her permission, It may easily be sup- posed that one uf Philip's first objects, as soon as he was at leisure to look aroond him, was to deliver his kingdom from this somewhat de- grading and very inconvenient servitude. And this was no doubt one of the motives which led him to covet the possession of Amphipolis. Amphipolis,however, was of the utmost impor- tance to him In several other points of view. Its sitnation" at the lower opening of the great fertile valley of the Strymon " rendered it high- ly inexpedient that it should bo left in breigiT hands ; and to the King of Macsdon it afibrded a passage into Western Thrace, by which ha waa enabled immediately to enlarge bis domia- iona with a most valuable conquest. It would, therefore, be no uncandid surmise,even if we had no express authority for Che fact, that at the time when, to pacify the Athenians, he pro- fessed to abandon hia claims to it,or actiuUj- ""^ppn, I"a HiJoB., OlyMh,, iU.,4 Hi*dar"N., t IB, Be- AMPHIPOUa." CHARIDra^US. pin 19 hM bdU on it, he had Beoretly deler- mined to lake the first oppartunit; of making it his own. But before we proceed to relate the itepa bj which be eSected Ihis design, it is ne- cessary. Tor the belter understanding or the po- sition in which he now stood with respect both to Amphipolia and to Athena,to give an account uTUie attempls which the AlhenianB bad made to recover it since the death of Amyntoa. Thia retrospect is the more important, because, per- haps, no portion of Grecian history has been so grossly distorted as IhiH ; and apparently Tor the purpose of attributing to Philip a species of merit which was certainly the last be would hare wished to claim. Erer since Athens had reaumed the charac- ter of aa imperialstate, Amphipo|i3 had been one of the principal objects of her ambition. Its ralue for her arose not so much ftom any of those circuoutances in its situatinn which ren- dered the acquisition of it so important to the King of Macedonia, as from the vicinity uf the rast forests which clothed the mountains that enclose the basin of the SIrymon, and afforded an inexhaustible supply of ship-timber. Phil- ip's father, as we have seen, had recognised her claim to her colony,perhaps the more readily becanse he knew that the acknowlodgmetit would Dot bring her one atep nearer to the at- tainmetit of her wishes ; and he himself was precludedby the stale of hia afTaira from ei- lending bis views so far. Soon aher hia death, or immediately aAer that of hia son Alexander, I|diicrates, a" has been alreadyrelated,was en- ga^ in an expeditionagainstAmphipolis, rbicb led him to the coast of Macedonia, and aSbrded him the abave-mentioned opportunity of rendering an important aerrice to the royal ^ily. The force under his comtnand at this time waa small, and, according to .Machines, had been sent merely for the purpose of obser- raCion. It appears to have been very sooQader augmented by the addition of a body of mcrce- aanea commandetl by an adventurer named Qiandemus, a native of Oreua, in EulMea, one of those aoldiera of fortune who abounded in Ihis period; a person who henceforward blls a somewhat conspicuouspart in Grecian history. But the regent Ptolemy,perhaps seeing Am- pbipoIiB in danger, did not think himself bound by the acts of Amyntas, and supported it in its resistance to the Athenian arms.* Olyotbus, vhicb, in the decline of the Spartan power, had begim to lift op her head again, lent her aid for ihe same purpose, and seems to have acqnired " preponderating influence at Amphipolia.t At tiM eud of three years, during wluch Iphicratea continued in command, though it is probable that his attention waa by no means exclusively directed to this quarter, he appears to have oiade bnt little progress towards the accom- phsbment of his main object.Then, however, I ehange soddenly takes place in the aspect of aAirs. We have do information as to its cause*, and may with equalprobability con- Hi T. L.,I. ". ._ . rtocr.,p. KHIJ.iBtha wardafijffftH B^ xx*dinr ID BaUcc'i reiill",dail?a)ri isait "f tin la- n nrhKB had iHen divwn rrom thii pKBafe. jaetnre that it was eonnected with PtoIemT** death,*or that it arose from jealousyexcited by the conduct of the Olynthiana, The lan- guage in which il la related by DemosUienes, who is our onlyauthority, would incline us to adopt either of these auppoaitions, rather Uian believe that it waa the effect of any extraordi- naty military auccess obtained by Iphicratea. It aeema evident that it was a change in the state of parties at Amphipolis, and that the party which wished well to the Athenians had, somehow or other,gained the upper hand. The result appears to have been that the govemineat entered into an engagement to put Iphicratea in poaaeasion of the city, and gave hostagea for its performance, which were delivered to him by one Harpalus,perhaps the leader of the dom- inant party. Jusl at this juncture it happenedr through some turn of events at Athens, the par- . liculars of which are unknown to us, that Iphic- ratea was sapetseded. Before h:s departure he consigned the hostages to the care of Char- idemua ; hut a decree soon sfter arrived, di- recting that they should be sent to Athens. Very gross partiality alone could induce any one to extract a chargeagainst the Athenians from the fact that they wished to secure these importanthostages, which had been received by their getieral :t and this is allwe know of their conduct in the business. As little ground t" there for the BUpposition ihatlhis decree injured their interest at Amphipolis. It ia barelypos- sible that,following as it did the removal of Iphicratea, it might raise a suspicion that they did not mean to observe the terms of the capit- ulation. But it ia just as probable that a reac- tion quiteindependent of thia cause bad taken iTingvhirh (KCoTlum bo De- af pr^Ufacji ftfUHt ukj "i tbe tv^in flonevmed, tten ttaovgh lE """ tbm AthiBIBa paDpk- Thftt ha auclbOTia HZ"- IflH of truth uid H dHtituM of cudovr ihoiUd bar* bk4 " "d u nlk of tb* n""K( of Ih^THl Sdli' ir BO Docloe 1 "t Amuhipidu amitr Luet iHU of ihii JnurtHiiigoocumnM npparttd br nch "- "Utnt nODiDCH u ''Or. Ihdt.ihI Philipp., p. SI6, t.L '- "'"ilipp. "p. DMBorth., p. JM." Tbtj ")", hamrtr. Mfolit. Ia Dam"Q colm^t^ Cyreu HISTORY OP GREECE. e' ICC at AmphipolU. We, however, hare ontj eo infonnedorihe issue. Charideniaa, who, like allmen of his profession, was always look- ing out for tbe most gainfulservice,waa in- duced to giveup the hostages 10 the Amphipol- itans. He waa no doubl the more easil;tempt- ed lo this piece of treachery, as he had a proa- pect, and, perhaps, had already formed the res- olution of passing into the service of the Thra- eian king.Cotys; though such had now become the imponance of mercenary troops in the wars of Greece that,notwithstanding so flagrant an Kt of inaubordination, he might stillhave con- tintiedto receive Athenian pay. Timotheos, whose friends had probablypro- eored tbe removal of his ancient rival Ipbicra- tes, had been a^Minted to Bccceed him. But we learn from .fschines that be did not imme- "ately take the command on tbe coast of Ma- cedonia, In the interval the Athenian forces there were commanded by aooiher general, "amed Calliattienes, who prosecuted the war againstAmphipoljs. But Perdiecas, who had now mounted ibe throne,adopted Lbe pulley of the regent Ptolemy, and espoused the cause of the Amphipolitana so actively as to become the leadingparty in the contest with Athens. iGs- ehioes represents him as compelled to yield tn the Athenian arms; but the orator himself throws some doubt on the truth of this state- Inent by the fact which he eubjoina, that Catlis- tbeoes was induced to consent to a suspension of hostilities on such disadvantageousterms, ttiat afterward, when he was brought to trial, "nd pot to death, his treaty with Perdiecas waa commonly supposed to have been the principal fnntive, if not the professedground, of the sen- tence. Timotheus arrived soon after ; but, if the truce had expired, he moat have deemed it bopeless forthwith to renew the altempC upon AmphipoliB. He wished, but was not able to retain Charidemus, who carried away his troops to Cotys, in vesaels with which he had been "applied fay the Athenians, though they were BOW at war, or, at least, on a vety unfriendly footing, with the King of Thrace. His defec- tion contributed, perhaps, to induce Timothens to turn bis attention towards a different quarter. Where be had a prospect of serving his country With more raccess, Diodorus informs ua' that In the^rsl year of tbe hundred and fourth Olym- piad, which was that in which Perdiecas mount- ed the throne. Timotheus besieged and took PotidKB and Torone ; and there Is no reason to question the correctness of this dale. It is Cobable that at this time both these towru be- nged to Otynthus, or were members of her confederacy; and we learn from other authors! H. It ., 01. ii . "upnw4 (iftp Voemel on ihii puian _. U thu WIT HUT li""otMn on* WBgftfa* "nl jHn uiliiT I7 ABrW"*. """"'^^'^ PinlJiXH imlj tct- "tu hi* liantnuu. B" tnm Ilw dncriptaonof "Khi- "" il "I"p*u* Ihu PtMism, me U tbe lim of i '- Or^ dHlh, "M nmly old onaiifh lo hue omm Mann)'. It " ynr*' Unmuk iW thii iiungt 1 u bHo iDggwl lot tlia u- _._, _._"MoJ TinMhoDh aad rn"- iliUml\ea illllio Imin^M of ll"" axeigaU "" ikti MkjMt, ud, iCnetind, wmld cnau iuniUcilih n that itmm Philip who al MbJaU, aad, iCnetind, "- " alaikt UMHjif thii palal,tttaiMhac hi that Timotheos was aided in tbe war which he carried on againstOlynthus and the Cbalcidi- ans by Perdiecas. We must, therefore, con- clude that some Macedonian aaxiliariea were among the forces with which he effected these conquests, which, if we may believe his admirer Isocrates,were followed by the reduction of all the Chalcidian towns.* The policy of Perdie- cas in this transaction,thongh not perfectly clear, is not ineiphcable.Olynthus. which in his father's reign had nearly become mistresa of the kingdom,and, though humbled by Sparta, had begun to recover her strength, and proba- bly to resume her ambitious designs,may have appeared to him more formidable than Athens ; and though he did not wiah to see the Atheni- ans in posseaainn of Amphipolis, he may have been willing to assist them in weakening tho old enemies of his house. We find from Dio- dorus that Timotheus waa called away in the course of the aatne year 10 the Hellespont, and we know that about a year later he was still fullyoccupiedthere, as we shall soon hare occasion lo relate. It seems to have been onlj towanis the end of the reign of Perdiecas, in 380, that he commenced his operationsagainst Amphipolis. Olynthus,notwithstanding the losses she had suffered, made preparations for defendingit, and invited Charidnmus, who waa then, it appears, in the Thracian Cbersonesus, to enter her service. He accepted the offer, and embarked his troops at Cardia ; hut in the passage fell into tbe hands of Timotheus, and, to avoid waree consequences, consented to serve againstOlynthus. t Whether Perdiecas took any part in this contest against the Athe- nians, whom undoubtedly he did not assist,we are not informed. We know, however, that notwithstanding the co-operation of Charide- mus. this expedLtion of Timothens totally fail- ed. It seems that he Was surprisedby the un- expected appearance of the enemy in greatljr superiorforce, and was fain to set fire to hia galleys in the Strymon, and to make a hasty re- treat by land.t It is only by the subscqucat transactions between Philip and the Athenians in the aBhir of Amphipolis, which have been al- ready related, that we are led to conjeclore that this last eflbrt of Timotheus was defeated through Macedonian interposition, and that this was the immediate cause of the influence, ap- parently supreme, over Amphipolis, which we find attributed to the Macedonian government, whether that of Philip or Argsus, at tbe death of Perdiecas. Such, then,s' far aa we are able to collect it from the scattei . d and very imperfect accounts remainingofil" so events, appears to have been the state of alfairs in this quarter, when Philip, having relieved himself from tbe ombarrasa- ments which crowded on him in the onset, waa no longer diverted by any more pressing cares "oniplwl to foood a chuTgfl odmgnlilude againjit tha Atha- luaVi i*hMi tn ropKMiit* aa iTjfliclinr a RTitvoai iajar^ on Philip taf which wt ihali tpoat;ahonlj) at tha tt-rf lima that ht "faa aaahiu^conqaaBti for Lhtai. Mr- Clinlon, who now and tbau coiTactt thil wnler*" ohrDnologkabl ar" nai la laai impoitaalpoiata, paHai ovei ihi" oalur in ai- lanu. * iif".'dm5.,4 1IB. t Itwai in th" ToWge.TXiidi'fcufff.DDt aflarha haij to. loaJlT aaterfldthe Ojynthian irTTica,that ha wni capLarad hy Tlincthaii.. DatnoUh . Ariiiocr., t I7^ I INilnnug, ili., 10,B. Wo know i^ IS oAarpanod M which [^ tbaj as ba ralunl. PHILIP'S WAR wnH AKRHIPOUS-" SECRET TREATY. Aoin tbe exeoutloa of the dsmgni wbiob' be had itnrnod againstAmphipi^. There were, how- ever, three parties to be considered, from whom, tbou^ tbeir JntereotB were widelydilferent, he migtilapprebeadopposition: Athens, OlfntboB. and the people of Amphipotis itself. A coali- tion between Atbeos anii Olyntbus for the de- Tence or Amptiipcdiamigbt not only defeat bis project, bat raise an insurnioaalable obstacle to all his unbitions riews ; and even either singly might be able to sopply Amphipolis with the means of eActnal reaiatance. A difficulty of "nolber Und aioae from the footingon whic be had bitherto Mood with the Amphipolitaof At the time when he declared tbem indepeutb ent, he must have been regarded as their pro- tector and ally; and that act, even ifil did no' excite their gratiuide, cannot have alnted tbei good-will towanls biro. ^"t the mere aaeend- ency o( his paity in the city, founded on such feelings, was prob^y not enotigfa to satieiy Us "inos ; be wished to rale there aa inaatM', aad therefore to establMi hia anthorityon the right ofconqoeat. It was neoeawiy, for thU purpose, that he aboold break with the Amphipolitans. "Whether be lined any ailiGcea to aocoin^dish this end,or the eoOinloD of partiesspared him the Deed of such a dislngemtonaproceeding, "nd flmished him with a welcome pretext for lioetilitiea, we do not pretend to determine. Di- odorns merely relates that the Amphipolitans were alienated from him, and lUTorded him many handles for war.* lliis statement ts equslty insistent with either anppesitim ; bat that their condBot, whaterer It may hare been, real- ly pTOToked him to atiai^ them, when they woDld otlterwise have been left muDoleMed, is BO absnrdttytoo ohildish for any bnt a Anatical portisaii, nieh as Philip woold hsTe desired lor a dope, hot wonld hsTe deprecatedas i an of bis actioDB. After the repolsa of Timotheoa the Athenian interest at Amphipolis most hare sank lower than BTer ; and even when the amicable rela- tions which thoD suhHisted between the city and Macedonia had ceased, and made way for un- friendly dispositions, ifnot for open hostility, etill it does not sppear that the party which then be- came predominantwas connected with j^ens. The Athenians,as we ^lall see, considered themselTes a" entirely exolnded fhira the place, and bad but littleiminediate prospect of recov- ering it by their own snns. It is,therefore, most probable thai it was a party attacbed to Olyntbus that now prevailed, and bad drawn the city into the quarrel with Philip. As soon as he bad declared his pnrp086 of redncing it by force, the Olyntbians were the first '- "" - measures for repelling his attempt ; their own strength was hardly snSicieai for the contest, they sent envoys to invite ^e Athe- nians to enter into a league with them for the iri.,B.irokAi! i^nf^i. ^nui^ foiBTliar widi the larigiiieT 'unllr nacfliuTV ui pcnqt 04c that Ihv worrl uuu, in [ -fn Ihe hhioiiu of iitappis- Tli" JiMHgl, llianAi "" luK warnnt iha "UMnnt Ihu '" Ub pui^ mdnrH bs Murdiniui "ntaiv"""luildiu Of pnui[ii~ he dlT. pTDNHkil In Tioloaa Which at mo ai tiilwdbfU" h] - " " " " " defence of what appeared to be their conunof interests.' Tbey were probablyeurpriacd to find their overtures abruptlyrejected. An in- Irieus which they could not huve suspeclet^ ana which was carefullyconcealed, had been carried on for some time between Athens and Philip, and stifled the uneasiness wbicb the Athenians would otherwise have felt at the dan- ger of Amphipotis. Philip found means to per- suade thein that be did not intend to keep the place ; but,as soon as be bad taken it.to re- ' them. This was the secret of a ne- gotiation, concerning which our informattoi would have been stillmore deficient tban it is, if ithad not become very celebrated throngh the caution with which it was wrapped in mystery. We do not know when, or by which of the par- ties it was opened. It may have been merely a continuation of that in which peace had beei last aoDcluded between them, when Philiphad made professions with recard [o Amphipolis which called for socne explanationas soon aa be began to threaten it with hie arms, De- mosthenes alludes 10 this famous secret,! bbt only discloses so much of it as was necessatT to convict Philip of fraud : another veiy im- portsnt part of the transaction which be sup- pressea" "M"nscioaa,perhaps, that it was not honourable to the Athenians " has fortDnatel;r been preserved in a fragment of Tbeopompus.t From bimwe team that Antiphon and Charid"- I sent on an embassy to Philip, avow, edly with the generalpurpose of drawing thft bonds of amity closer between bim and the re- public.jl Bat theyhad secret ioBtruclions, and i^parenttylargepowers, to treat with him foi Amphipolis. Without such authority, theyprob- ably would not have ventured to make such aa ~ theyare reported to have made tohim; to have accepted the proposal, ifit pro- ceeded from him. They are said to have prom- ised that, ifhe would make the Athenians mas- ters of Amphipolis, they would put him in poa- session of Pydna. Pydna, as we have alreadyroeotimed,ha(I revolted from Archelaus. and, when be had re- duced it to submission with the assistance 1^ the Athenians, bad been tranererred by him t" a site a littlefarther removed from the sea. It seema probable thai the itihabilants took ad- vantage of the weakness of the Macedonian government in the reign of Amjntas, to shake offbia authotity.TThey were brought overta " Demathini It gtmnd for duuufuii rceljpntibb Ut oca- 70 HISTORY OF 0KEKX;E. the Atbenian alliance, itis said,by ConoD.l and perhaps al the Bsme time retomed to their old msritinie position. We are, however, incliued to suspect, for reasons nhich we have asrigned In a note, that this acquisition was mat- "" Timolheos. They could not have been su dered to Ibcirancient mastera by the Athenians wilhoot a grosa breach of faith ; and the dis- povery of such a deaigo would probably have f defeated it,as it would immediately have dis- solred theii alliancewith Athens ; and there ia |H" reason to suppose that their Iowd'wbs oc- cupied by an Athenian garrison. For Philip, ~ seaport so near the confines of Thessaly \n k point of great moment ; but bis main object was, undoobtedly, not to acquire it by such means, but to cajole the Athenians until he "hoold have effected the more important con- ^aest of Amphipolis. The ambassadors, on their return, were permitted to maJte their report se- cretly to Ibe Cooncil of Five Hundred. The people appear to have been for some time sat- isfied with a generalassurance, which was probably itselfmade as little public as possible, ftat Amphijxilis was to be ceded to them. There was nardlyany price at which they vould not have been willing to purchase 11 ; and therefore about the terms they were curious, bat not uneasy. Thus it was that the Olynthian envoys were dismissed, and the Qlynthians found that, if they wished to defend Am phipolis, ttiey must prepare to sustain a conflict with Macedonia atone. Philip, however, thought itad- TJsable to conciliate them, and to purchase their "cquiescence, rather than haiard a trial of "Irength. The town ofAnlhemua " the situation of which does not seem to be yet welt ascertain- edt " bad always been claimed by his predeces' I i ud tbkt it wu * Bat tk* oiilf "QtbcAJ^ lor AU fact li " povin in an "Dpv* the ftoouat tbnv aitod of Conon'i eiplnitiwith ttt "i"ui"*irfctiaii ot thoH of l^moCfwiji in liocnI" (t. i"- hkn Dal (HE iiHpTHHd bofon, Ihu thtgoDitna \iiSiims hu bHB iiilKtilnttdTn Iht duin ]kaU"ri,vhich would Mf" Iko ooBifSMt* tbtn utribDUd to Coaaa to TinDllwiia. It!" RH lliu Diadonu |ii*., Mj likgwiH iHntiOQ" " nnm- btrd("ili"iir1iii!hwani*ioBBniiH ui|iunilfor Albou tj CoDoailnlitiiniuAablolhukiiUitdoMiutooiluii nqr Uu iliilii tlw anno afOtn oi]i"litioa Cmca" who wu ibll in oomptny vith Pliuubtxut" viilHd thn cout of MfeEAloaifc or ThnCfl. lodged, hit deflcnptionftlnott "uiliidaitil*nppniiiiiin nf iKit ftct. Tbta, it m loot uua Ht Iha pam^ of Diiur^hijo,it oeeio* ilnE^rv.tony Ufl Iflut, tliotwh"ii tha onlor'i purpoae wm tn i"n*i,rfnf BOra, tbongbBc was probably at Uii* time in hi" huids ; the successful war in which Peniiecas had eo- operated with Timotheos againatOlyathns, it would certainly not have been aUowod to retnaii " ifithad previoody heoD in the ei"aai7'a pow- er. He now gave it up to the Olyinhiuu, wte were so much gtatifled brlhiamiezpeoled eon- cession, that itwoaMbafe been vaiDloattampt to instigate them agsinsthiro, eapei^allj in aa enterprise of so mudi risicand diffienltr aa the defence of Amphipolis. He (herelbre proceed- ed, without inlerrnption, to lay aiege to thi town. Diodorus would lead us to anppoee that he achieved the conquest speedily " that Ik made a breach with tua engines, and eo, afla a great slan^teramong the troops which maD- ned the walls, took it by storm ; bat Uub aeem to be a too snmmtry. if not an erraneoiis ar- connt of his operations. Frton better oattaot^ we know, that when the dangerwu felt to be pressing at Amphipolis, and no hope remained of auccooT from Olynthus,an embasay, beaded by Hierax and Stratoctea " whoappeapto have been chiefs of the parly devoted to tlie Athe- nian interest" was sent to Athens, with bd ot ferto surrender the city to Ute Athenians.* It was, perhaps, to counteract this appticatim that Philipthought it expedient to renew ths promise which he had inade to the AtheaiaD envoysi in explicit terms, by a letter addressed to the people. t Yet it appears that the pro- posals of the Amphipolitansmight not )uti been rejected if the attention of the Athenians had not beet) drawn away, by events which we shall shortly have to relate,towards a diflereat qnailer. As it was, they cast themselvea upon Philip's word, and allowed him to make him- self master of Ami^ipolis without opposition. Whether, after ail, lieUidk it,as Diodonu states, by assault,or, as Demoetbanes inti- mates,]: by means of a correspoadeoeewhidi he keptup with his partisanswithin, is a point which we cannot detenniue, and of amall im- portance. No less difficultis itto asoertaiu the real foundation of the accomits which we find of his treatment of the tjonquered. Tlwt of Diodonis is in itself highlyprobable : that he banished llie citisens who bad distinguialMd tbemaelreB by their opposition to his interests. t ThiiTftoark itlhrmm oul torlha pnrpoto ^. " le "ttflotiDnofqluIrdediudxH to l}isq11"t]aii*hvthsrt)lB Ethomao whicb wu codod 1^ Philipto lbs OlrntWoBm, id which hv] be"n on oltj^d ot coHtfntiin brtwvon than t" olTwhiGh" ODltubordflnof M7idaiiia,b"vtlwA"wr p. Ill) ndl.nie [JVbrltm Oi-mr, ill,, p. 4H). ai^Aud 'AiSiiaiiiU. WhusuluTalwFDilieDriBiEar As cl^ Ht up by OlTBthM in " " wuwilli AthaMibonld Ian. Bnl ksglh of nninua isr 11 romarlable tiat ULaod iffiip., i.,p. IMl, nli" ignorana of Ibn RiOKTaphj;, bal wilb a Oi^kut/mn tittIM. A maritimapcajtinaappoaraalanlo be rvqoir^d for Iho Antbamoi wbich Am^laa offbrod w fc r. If it waa ai"ita;Dtd tha ^KThinaa {Da F. L.,p J] ) n * Dimoalli..Olnitb. i., p. .,p.Ug,i.AX"..tS8. PHILIP'S 8UCCSBS. hit dealt mfldljr with the rMt. Ifia b; an iDBCriptiOD Btitl extant anioag the ruins (rf' Amptupolia, which records a decree of per- petual baniahment and caoflscstion of propeKy "gainat Straloclea " probably die ambasMttor "boTs tneotioned " and one Philo, and their chil- dren ; Bnd tbreatena aU who should giro tbem dielier id Ute city, or attempt to procure the repeal of the decree, with the like penalty.* DemoMhenea, on Uie other hand, alhides to the erent in a manner which impljeathat, instead oT rewarding those who bad betrayed their fcl- low-citizens, he treated them with great rig^ oar :t that he put Ihem to death is, perhaps, only a conjecturalexplanation of the orator's meaning.! The fact may hare been, that he did not screen them from the Tengeancs of their political adTeraariea. The eonqueat of AmphipoUs did not imme- dialely malce a breach between him and the Atheniaas. It remained to be seen whether he would perform his promise; but, accarding to the secret compact, he was not bound to do 10 before he was pot in possessionofPydna. Whether any steps were taken for this purpose if the Athenian gaTemment we do not know. FhUip,probably, did not allow time for them. He appears to have marched against Pydna im- mediately aner the fall of Amphipolis,and, cither through terror or treBchery,^ was admit- ted into the town. If the Pydnaians had been taftmied of (he agreement by which their inde- pendence was to be sacrificed, it would not be Mrprising that they should hare thrown open theirgates. That he exercised any unnecessary "ererity towards Ihem is cenainly not to be be- li"Ted on the authority of a rhetorician whc liTed many centuries later ;ll but itwould not be incredible that, at the moment of occupation, nme blood was shed in a raililanr or political tumult, which may ha*e given Demosthenes occasion for an allusion to Philip's conduct,ex- Kt)y like that which be makes on the subject of Ami^iptdia.T He, of course, considered him- nlf aa no longer boupd by his promise; and it aeCTw to have been gi*en in such terms that, though itrnmisbed the Athenian orators with a topic of infective against his duplicity, it could "M be regarded, even al Athens, as ground for a demand." The resentment excited there by the di"appoiJitmeiit was probably the greater on this account : the people, so far as itunderstood ibe transaction, feltitselfto hare been, not only injured, but overreached. It is a little surpri- sing that we do not bear that it vented its an- ger upon any of the persons who had conducted the negotiation on its behalf. But Philip was hsneeforih viewed as an open enemy, and this was the beginning " though without any formal declaration " of a state ofhostiiity between the two powers, which was called, from its origin, Ibe Amphipolitan War. Philip was aware that he could not hope any longer(o pacify the Athenians by words, and all that he could do was to gnaid against tbe n Ol^nth. i., p. li, iJubTui lilldla AEDphJpulil. elfbcta of tbeir enmity. Re seema to bava been stillafraid lest a league should be formed against him between Athens and Olynthus, and resolved to avert the danger by bestowing an- other boon on the Olynthians,which aboufd,at the same time,strongly attach them to him and separate them more widely than ever from Athens. He knew that theylonged to recover Potidaa, and encouraged [hem to atCach it by a promise of assistance. It was held by an Athenian garrison, but was forced to yieldto f the united forcea of the allies. It seema as if he stillwished it to be believed that he had not acted with any hostile intentions towards Ath- ens, and was desirous of preserving- peace. Ha forced,indeed, the Athenian settlers to with- draw, and put the Olynthians in possession of their lands and houses ; but he treated the gar- rison in the most gracious manner, and sent it back to Athens. The toss of Potidsa was the I keenly fell there,as it must have depri- ) great number of citizens of their whole property. An expedition was decreed for the relief of the place ; but, if itwas sent out, it ar- rived too late,* Its fall was allributed,Uke that of Amphipolis and Pydna, ta treachery. But as this was a supposition which soothed tbe people under such misfortunes, and served as a plea to shelter its servants, when they ^lil- ed in any undertaking, from its displeasure, it must be received with caution. What interval may have elapsed between the capture of Pynda and tbacorPotidEeaisa qaes- lion on which ebronologers are at variance. It would,perhaps,imply an extraordinary rapidity in Philip's operations to suppose that bath these places were taken in the same year with Am- phipolis, as the narrative of Diodorus repre- sents, t On the other hand, there is reason to believe that the three events came close upon one another, and we therefore find it difficult Eo adopta tradition recorded by Plutarch,which would fix the fallof Fotidca in the earlypart, or about the middle of the year 3H, very near the beginning of the hundred and sisEb Olym- Eiad. Plutarch relates!that Philip had justta- en Potidffia when he received intelligence of three other happy events : a victory won by his " DemoMh., t,01rDlh.,t ". 1. Philipp.,t4l". Tki Hm of thcH jKiwn II citid by Sunle.Cmi. Eiorntu,"c., p. SB9, IDpnie l)iatth" licgEof PoIiiIh liiUd lout,uid ttut "IDS Ihml u tmmni an nMisE un u inHm u ugiiiiiaDllioalt hiYa brsn wJc^Had b; Schfiasrr (i,,i.p, il). But in lUt nnwhcre infoibcd thu tbs Ol7Dllllllu "niUd Pluilp U Imke Fjdu^ uid il H cmuin Ihit Pj^awu ukin lisLm iDluiB Bnuulaiunl ujF, bat tlul of Pntidita, tbit Pk PyiiDtnd Puiidn in Ihi ttn of Diodcmii (rri.,B} we fnr. fnu lb" uixhat.not turn t tnnvtihcr, (h* aipRuini ^rii I) lid ri, nHtili wfilut im tbiiDhu nnfumt'nt mvnliDa^ in tht Tul iiolv. ihii iinliDriif oTFIutuchitsdiintiud wmba lent rvaaipn vrhj Philip ihuald h^v4 iel^Jti BO lonv to U- uak Polidsi kIUfIbe aptun nC Ampbipulim ud Pjdiai, wbtB il BTidaillrb"uBS hit jbUtM la hi OiTUhu U Haiii; wiih Aiban. HISTORY OP GBEECE. the birUi of bis eon Alexander, the prince who was la succeed hUn on Ihe throne, and to fiU the world with hia fanae. Tlio priM in the chariot-race is Dot unworthy of notice,as it "bowa rhilip's anxiety to claim the privileges gf a Greek, and to acquirereputation among the Greeks by a kind of display suited to the national taste. Parroenio's campaignwas evi- I dentty connected with a league,wbich, accord- ing to Diodorua,was formed againstPhilip, in the first year of the hundred and sixth Olympi- ad, between the Kings of Illyria, PKonia, and lliTace, though he describes Philipaa crushing it by an expedition which he made against them in person, while their preparalioaa were yet in- complete. It may, however, be asked, if Dio- donis was mistaken io this point, and the vic- tory was reallygainedby Parmenio, what was the engagemeot which preventedPhilip Irotn taking the field accordiog to hia custom. If we adopt PlDtarch'a atatemeot, we must, of course, "appose that he waa occupied with the siege of Potidaa. But it is not necessary to resort to Utis explanation, fur we are ioTormcd that,soon afterhe had reduced Potidira, he undertook an- other expedition, with a rery important object, irtiich he seems to have had in view when he fiiEt meditated the conqoest of Ampbipolia. Thia was to make himaelT master of the mine districtof PangKos, which beginson the led bank of the Sti^mon, and had hitherto been in the handa, sometimea of tbe native Thracian tribes, at others of the Thasiaas, or the Athe- nians. The Thaaians were now in possession of the most valuable portion of it, and, only three or foor years b^ore, had formed a new It in a place called Crenldea " from its on a hill ^Munding with springe " in a plaioat the eaatem foot of Pangsus, which it aroarates ftwa a part of tbe range of Hi We do not hear that Philipthought itnr ' to allege any pretext for thia invasion. Tbasians had dislodged one of the tribes of Hnmus,' when Ihey settled at Crenides, he might think that so recent an occupation con- teried no titlewbich he was bound to respect ; or he may have chosen to consider them as al- Uee of Athena, whose territory might lawfnlly become his by right of conquest. They were not in a condition to ofier any resistance,and it does Dot appeartbatany of them were driven out of their habitations. They were only com- peDed to receive a numerous colony of new set- tiers, probablyMacedonians,wfaom'Philip sent to share the tond with them. The importance of the place, thus enlarged into a considerable oity, was marked by the new name of Philippi, with which he honoured it : a name destined to become more memorable alter his kingdom had betxime a Roman province. The mines, which had attracted the Thasi- ans, he of course seized as crown property; and he employed so much more skill or labour than had hitherto been applied to the working of them, that they are said to have yielded an addition of a thousand talents to hia revenue. This was probably the largestsum which he drew from any one mine. But i * 1"" Sans, u CooMLtTj HdetTODi lei. from such sources. A single ... , .._ Mygdonia or Bisaltiai had formerlyproduced a. talent a day to his ancestor, Alexander I.* Tlio mines of Crenides, which had previously bepii in very low rcpute,t must have been distinct from those of Dates,t which were not, indeed, very far distant,but nearer the sea, and were much earlier celebrated and coveted for their extraordinary productiveness" as they undoubt- edly were from those of ScapteHyle, in which the property of Thucydides lay. Datos wns proverbial for the fertility of its soil, for the richness of its goldworks, and for tbe conveni- ence it offered for shipbuilding.} Itseems to have been first coloniied by the Thasians " whose island stretched across the Pierian Guir over uitiost it" and afterward by the Atheni- ans. If,AS is probable, it was the same iJiwn as Neapolia.ll it might be looked upon as the port of Crenides, and there can be littledonbt that it was seised by Philip at the same time. Philippi itself was chieflyvaluable,not on ac- count of its goldmines, or of the adjacent fhiit- fol plain, but as a militaiy position which com- manded the passes leading into tbe vale of the Ncstus, and so opened the way to a number of objects in the north of the ."gean, which bad already " as the aet^uel leads us to believe" be- gun to inflame Philip's ambition, while itsecu- red those which had been just acquired fhiin the inroads of the Thracian hordes. Yet, what has been said may be sufficient to show the futility of the objections which have beea raised in modem limes to the uniform tradition of antiquity as to the briberypractisedby Phil- ip, on the ground that be did not possess means BOfficient for it.T If be was not rich, it was r"IT. SMLdtkfl.NoRlitniGi A copi*par Arrim {hp mckriK Apnian, B. C,, id li nlli ie Dun KK Ci"iiid4", liilwi"il ft.'l.Tlr.p.Mr" Is L"ks'" opDiim INortiisraGn"x, lii..I'- ll uhn Ihu Nnpirili (p.I"l, ll )t^..li""Tl" RETROSPECT." CONQUESTS OF TIMOTHEUS. onl7 beeanaa his expenditurewas Urge. an not. uideed, able la fonn any estimal the amoant of hia revenue ; but it is evident that " aalike Ibat of Athens " it rested on a secure basis, and was continuaUjiucreaaing tbrougb the whole course of his reign. It was, perhaps, in these conqueels tbat he was enga- ged while Pannenio was cocnmandiag hia for- ces againat the confederacy of the northern bar- barians. The eslabliehment of the military col- ony at Pbilippimay have made a pause in his progreas in this direction.' He b"d paved the way for future eonquesta, which he might push as far aa he would ; but tbe season for ' bad Dot ajrired. Iliey would only have ' ted a jealouay aipoog the Greeks, which might injure his intei'estmore than they could pro- mote it. Greatly as be had now increased his power and his resources, be was aware that he could yet do nothingagaioatGreece, and that he could be nothing without Greece. It was in and through Greece that he had to seek the hi^ieat objecta of bis ambition. He bad to make Macedonia a Grecian atats of the first magnitude, and then to try if itcould not awal- h)w up the rest. For tbia purpose, it was ex- pedient that be should wait quietly for an op- portunilj of iuterlenng with E^vantage in Gre- oiaa a^rs. And so be appears to have rested a irbile from military enlerpriaes ; but we may be sure that tbe inlerral was not idlyspent; it w"s probably now that be began to lay the fbondatiOD of a marine, for which his recent conqneeta aflbrded aljundantmaterials,not, perhaps, in the tiope i^ oommanding the sea, but with the riew nf protecting bis own coasts and commerce, and of aimoying the Athenians. Here, for a time,we must drop the narratiTe of bis actions, to relate a series of erenls wluch, without bis co-operation, oontribuled more to his find (fiumi^ than any of the Tictoriesand conqueett which he had liitbsrtoachieved. That the state of things out of which these events arose may be more dearly onderaiood, it will be necessary to go back into Ibe history of the new confederacy, into which Athens had begun, aa we have aeen, to draw some of her old alliea in 377,soon after she had entered, for the second time, into alliance with Thebes againstSparta. Tbe states which "rst acceded to itwere Chios. Byiaotium,Rhodes, and Myt- ilene. They appear to have joined it sponta- neously, disgusted with tbe treatment they had received from Sparta, and remembering Ibe mild and equitable proceedinga of Conon and Thras- ybulus, whose example they had reason to hope would be followed by Conon'a soti, aod by the other able men whom they might expect to sec in the command of the Athenian forces. Vie have seen what care was taken to secure their confidence by the conditions of tbe league, which were expressly framed to guardagainst the re- currenca of the old abuses, t The participation of Thebes aflbrded an additional aafeguard ^Kir, PUbp., t IT : "") igiin.t IM./KiUp himnlf ID- lUai pnltT ciniri)' ihM lu did nH wui iLa natui of b.rj.in hu lelBr,t W. 1 aipMllliciii rsliud lijTh"- ST^^Htw against the eneroachmenta of the leading meri' time power. Tbe Thebans,bowever, no soon- er saw their territory delivered from the terror of the Spartan invasion than theybegan to di- rect their attention lo the re-eslabliahment of ibeir authority In Bceolia,neglected tbe inter- ests which they had in common with Athena, and withheld the contributions which they had paid for a time to the charges of her navy, ihough it had beeti employed, at (heir request, for the purpose of effbcling a diversion in their ' Tavour. It wuald seem, therefore, as if Uiey no longer wished to be considered as members of the coorederacy, in which theyoccupied a sub- ordinate station, which was probably from lb* first mortirying to their pride, and only render- ed tolerable by the temporarypressure of dis- tress and danger. Yet when, after the mo- mentary peace of 3T4, hostilitiesbroke out afresh between Athens and Sparta,they sent a small squadronto joinTimotheus,who, howev- er, was to provide the pay ;" but soon after theirconnexion with the Athenian confederacy was entirely and finally dissolved. The change which the battle of I"uctra.made- in the relative poaltion or alt parties was, on the- whole, very favourable to the interests of Ath- ens. Sparta was humbled and wealtened, and yet had to bear nearly the whole burden of thff war. Attica was not invaded ; and as the ob^ ject of the Athenian policy was onlyto balance the power of Tbebes, it did not require or per- mit any very costly exertions on behalf of an ally who " as appears from the negotiation which took place after the Theban invasion of Laco- nia" was stiH regarded with jealousy.When the liberty of Tbebes was Ihreatened by Sparta, after the recovery of the Cadmea, the Atheni- ans, who feltthat their own independencewas at stake,bad made extraordinary efforts and sacrifices. A new valuation of all private prop- erty had been made, with a view to a more equablesystem of taxation :t and though the burdens of the state were increased for a time, there can bo no doubt that tbe result was bene- ficial to its Gnances. In ibc intervalbetween the battles of Leuctra and Manlinea, it must have been continually gainingstrength, both at home and abroad. Its agriculture and com- merce experienced no interruption, and th" confederacy over which it presided received the addition of several very importantmem- bers. Most of these acquisitions were due to Tiinotbeus, whose upright and amiable charac- tor efl%cted,perhaps, as many conquests as his military talents. Tbe praise bestowed on hint by his friend Isocralea.twho accompanied him in some of bis campaigns, wrote his despatch- es, and was munificently rewarded by him,^ must be cautiously interpreted. But it aflbrda ground for believing that he used -- - violence, treated conquered e '-' " UHO wiU of cosniom^ilt BwcUi'i HTminblt' dit- 1 (PaMii;Ec ofAtlwH, It..". 4). " t ViuX.01 In^f J"nj.,tI14-IM. il.ImoaJ^ HISTORY OF GREECE. bia jiui^riat, indDced manj citiesnbieb bad prcTiousI; been jll-diaposed tovarde Athene to throw open their gates to birn. There are, howerer, two poiate as to which we shoeld hive dsaired some more particulu infonnBtioD (ban Isoeratea has thought (itto communical He extols the ability displayedhy Timotheus "everal importantcooquests, which he made without auy supplies from the Athenian treasu- n i but he does not explain how this could be done without violence and wrong inflictedsome- where or other ; aod he leaves us to conjecture that the means were ruroisbed by pluniler, or Jbrced contrihutions levied from the inhabitants .of the Asiatic coast. He also praises the Ibr- bearance and delicacj with which his hero treated neutral Greek cities ; but he has neg- lected to mention under what pretext he com- pelled those which he conquered to join the Athenian confeileracy. And we can onlyans- "t that he took advantage of their political tensions, and, professing to aide with one party, reduced all to submission. AcoordiDg to Isoeratea, whose calculation is confinned,as we have seen, by Dinarchus, the amnber of the citieswhich he brought into sub- jection to Athens amounted to twenty-four. j"scbinea,indeed,speaking without any appa- rent intention of culogixing Timotheus, asserts that he acquiredseventy-five,' But as the whole number of the cities which became mem- bers of the new confederacy is stated by Dio- dorus at sevemy.t it must be supposed '' ' ' did not exceed sevenly-flve, and that the only mentioned Timotheus, because his ces were the most celebrated. It is,bt certain that many were added to the congress by other generals; as it is related of Chahrias ^ Demosthenes,! that be took seventeen ; and we may. safely presume that Iphicrates had many similar victories to recount. In the year BB2 Timotheus, with tbe help of the Persian sa- trap, Ariobarzanes,as we shall soon have occa- sion to mention again, obtained possession of the Hellesponiinc towns, Soatus and Crithote ; and, according to lacerates, this acquisition flrsl inspired the Athenians with the hope of recov- ering tbe whole peninsula. It seenis to have been not long aAer that he laid sie^ to Samos, which bad been occupiedby a Persian garri- son, f with a fleet of thirtygalleys, and with SOOO targeteers, and reduced itto surrender at tbe end of eleven months. Isocrates, who was present, and is said to have received a talent for his share of Iho spoil, observes, with admi- ration, that he drew the whole pay snd subsist- ence of his forces throughout the siege from the enemy's country. Of the manner in which he wrested Potzdna and Torone from Olynthus, we have already spoken, Isoeratea, we must remark, does not notice the co-operationof Perdiccasi but only inrorms as that "fimotheos defrayed the whole expense himself, partly from hia pri vate " Do F. L.,1 7J. t n.. M. t Lwt.. t SO. She (In t B9,nhcTg hs Hn AAtDi ...... ".-.^-- ces, and partly flom contributiODS laited in Thrace,meaning,perhaps. Thasos and its sub- ject towns. We learn from other intbors, that one of his expedients was (o debase the Mace- donian coin for a tetnporsry medium of ex- change.* Whether it was in the interval be- tween this conquest and bis unauccessfol at- tempt upon Amphipolis, or at an earlier period, towards the end of the reign of Amyntas, tbat he annexed Pydna and Methoae to the Atfaeni- sn confederacy " if we may assume that this was his work " we canntit determine. Thebes, though constantly occupied with tbe attempt to establish her supremacy in Greece on tbe rain of Sparta, and tboiighfrequently en- gaged with the affairsof Macedonia and Thea- saty, was not inattentiveto the progress of the maritime power of Athens ; and Epaminondas seems to have Ibrmed the design, which (tar- haps his death alone prevented him from exe- cuting, of transferring tbe sovereignly of the sea and the islands to his own city. Bnl he probably would not have conceived this thought ifhe had not known that some of the leading al- lies of Athens had begun to be disgusted wiiii her, which implies that some of the old grier- ancea had been already renewed. Diodonu Bays, that in tbe year before the battleof Man- tinea he made a speech which induced Iho The- balis to pass a decree for the building of a hun- dred galleys and an arsenal ; and it must have been on this occasion that he ined tbe bold fig- ure reportedby fscbines,-! that the propjlt^ of the Athenian Acropolis"the emblem of the imperial state of Athens " must be transferred to the Cadmca. The same decree directed that an attempt should be immediately made to de" tach Chios, Rhodes, and ByuDtiuui, from the Athenian alliance ; and Epaminondas was ap- pointed to the command of a squadron destined to tbat objeci.t His force was strong enough to compel the Athenian admiral.Laches, who had been sent againsthim, it is said, with a considerable armament, to withdraw ; and Dio- dorus adds that he induced tbe three states to alliance with Thebes. This, how- be exaggeration ; otherwise ws heard something about the event ! of the war. Only with regardto ve have other intimations,to be mentioned hereafter, which may be thoughtto confirm the statement of Diodorus. But the death of Epaminondas seems to have released Athena from all fear uf TliebaD competition. Perhaps it also exposed her to new annoyance I DTtlx mmi ctur- should hav and the iss " Pol^M wn.i ulrtM- -tiSiiiiiiihiiiurlf uiM ""iinilu flsurein Ctt".,tI4S,t* BodXciit' pmr ri !")( utAox |iiritj;("-i"' n'trjr Ku^clor. Phil.,"3S: e-fiuiai, . di Bv^vTiar raitpcis tlhainr lit .oJ ,","''-- '""-" =---- . - ". I : and onnpvt Dl tia Rhod. Lib. t It. ALEXANDER OF PHEILB" MERCENARY TROOPS. 'rom BDOther qnarter; for in the aanie year her )ld ally, Alexander of Pberv, aa if euie tbat he ihould not aeaiu need her succour, tcntured to it out a squadron for piratical excursions, with sbich he took the chief town of the isle ofTe- los, and enslaved tbe inhabitaDta ; and in the rear following he not onlyplundered same olh- srs of the Cyclades, and laid siege to PeparB' Jius,but even landed a body of troops in Attica taelf, and seized the port of Panormus, a little eastward of Simintn. He was, it seems, de- feated by the Athenian admiral,Leosthenea, ind forced to raise the siege of Peparethus ; lut he delivered his troops which were blocka- led in Panomius, took fire or six of the enemy's {alleys,and,imitating the bold exploit of Te- eutiaa,* sailed into Pireus, landed on tbe quay, plundered some counting-houses, and, before Lbeforces of the citywere raised, retreated in lafcty with the spoil. Leosthenea was charged A'llh collusion, and aentenced to death,peihaps [brough tbe intrigues of Cbarea, who was ap- pointed in his room.t These expeditions of Alexander are signifi- :;ant in mora than one point of Tiew ; partly as Jiey show that Athens was not so completely miatress of the sea as she bad been in former limes, and partly as an example of piracy on a .arge scale. Ttus was an evil which hencefor- ward continued to increase ; but it was con- nected with another,one of the main causes of the ruin of Greece, which has already been slightly noticed, and will now claim more par- ticular attention. We have had frequent occa- sion to mention the mercenary bands, which, from the beginning of (his century, take a more and more prominentpart in Grecian warfare. It was, no doubt,the long continoance of the Peloponneaian war and the troubles which en- Bued" that called them into existence ;t but it was not in the wars of Greece alone that they found employment,nor, itwould seem, did these hold out the strongesttemptation to needy ad- venturers to enter upon this course of life. Higher pay and richer plunder were to be found in Asia, where the disturbed stale of the Persian empire created almost continual occasions fbr (he services of Greek auxiliaries, whose superi- ority in arms was uniyersally acknowledgeil by tbe bartiarians. Hence the number of persons who devoted themselves to an occupation wbicb attracted ardent spirits by its dangers and vicis- situdes, as well as tbe more sordid by (be pros- pect of gain and pleasure, was constancy in- creasing. There was no state which might not carry on war with such troops, if il could only Cnd means of maintaining them ; end their reg- ular training and experience,perhaps,gave them an advantageover the native militia of moat cities. By Sparta and Thebes, which as- t D?cdwu,'".,IM. Fi"Iriii"u",Ti.,l. W.li"o"d"T- u 4nvr llaikadBr,on vhidi Polynau BAkta Ui siduoualy cultivated the art of war, and gioaai- ed all their pretensions to potiticid pre-emi* nence on their militarystrength, they were very sparinglyemployed. But Athens began early (o mate frequent use of them, and by degrees fellinto the practice of employiug (hem oftener than her own citiiens,and sometiKtes atone, Tbe pernicious effectsof this system soon be- came manifest in a variety of ways : a greater number of citizens rematDedat home, not, how- ever, engaged in useful industry, but snbsisling chieflyon the pittancesgranted for their at- tendance in the assembly and the tribunais, and on the largesses which many of tbe num- berless festivals brought with them, along with tbe shows and other pleasures of tbe day ; and this was no doubt the main motive which led to tbe preference of mercenaries for military service. On tbe other hand, these men com- municated their dissolute habits to the citizens who served in the same camp, and thus can- tritmtedlocorrupt the manners of (he city more deeply than ever. These may, perhaps, be con- sidered aa the most direct causes of that visi- ble increase of dissipation and licenliousneaa whicH struck a Greek historian of this period in the character of Athenian society.* But in B political point of view, the most important ef- fect of this change of system was that which it produced on the Athenian generals, who col- lected and commanded these mercenary troops in the service of the commonwealth. They were led to consider themselves very nearly in the same light as the men who made tbe col- lecting and commanding of such forces a pro- fession, and to adopt their views, and fuUow their example. The mercenary leaders, what- ever might be the variety of their talents and characters, all perfectly resembled one another in one point:they had broken tbe ties which bound them to their native cities ; they were under no control, and bad nothing to hope and fear from tbeir fellow-citizens : their sole ob- ject was to secure their independence, and to establish themselves in opulence and power elsewhere. There wer6 two roads by whicli they were often able to attain this object, Thfl foreignprinces into whose service they en- tered were frequeolly willing to attach them to tbeir interests by a domes(ic alliance and an honourable seLtlement.t Thus it was that Scuthea would have detained Xenophon, offer- ing him tbe hand of one of his daughters, and one of his moat valuable towns near the coast.t Several other instances of (bis hind will shortly occur to us. Another very camn]OQ mode of accomplishing their wishes was, (o seize some fortiSed town, and to erect a tyranny in it. So Charidemus, after he had quitted the Athenian service, crossed over to Asia, and made himself master of the towns of Scepsis,Cebren, and Ilium. 4 He was encouraged to make this at- tempt by the unsettled state of the province, which was an ofajec( of contest between two rival Persian satraps. But like opportunities were frequently offered on the coast of Asia, which held out the strongesttemptslions to these adventurers by the fertility of the soil and (he wealth of the cities. The orators of aSSil?: mSTORY OP GREECE. tliia ace TeprcMQt encb acta of Tiolence as hav- ing become an ordinarypracl ice. "You know," - the speaker says, in an oration of Demosthenes delivered in 352, "that all these chiefs of mer cenaries make it their aim to take poaaessioi of Greek cities and to rule in them ; and that they go rangingabout, and everywhere ducting themselTea as (he common enemi" allwho wish to live in freedom according to theirown laws."* Isocrates represents the in- habitants of the Asiatic coast as the principal "ulferers, and enters into details, which show that the treatment they received from the ft"e- bootera into whose power they fellwas osuall; marked by the foulleat eiceases of wanton "nd cruelty.! It is,boweveT, barifly possibleto read the acconnt which the same author, in a paaaage to which we have referreda few pages back,gives oTthe esplojis of Timotheus, without observing tbal the mail! poinu which distinguished the Athenian general from such men as Cbaride- mu8, were, ou the one hand, his loyalty to Ath- ens, and,on the other, the natural gentleness and moderation of bis character, which prevented bim from inflicting any wanton wrong. But in Other respects he conducted bis operations very much after the manner of the mercenary chiefs, "nd was not scrupulous as to the means of find- ing pay fur his troops. Itwas to be supposed that other generals, placed in a like aituatiun.would be much less carefulof the interests of Athens, and would pay much leaa regard to the feelings Of the Greelu who might be subject to their pleamre. Accordingly, we find that Iphicrates and Chabrias spent much of their time in for- eign aervica, and not only without any respect to the interests of Athens, but Bomelimea in di- rect opposition to them. At a time when tt was very desirable for Athens to cultivate the friendship of the Persian king,Chabrias, with- out askingpermission Irom the people,accept- ed the command of the forces with which the revolted Egyptianswere making war against him. He was compelled,indeed,to return by a threatening decree which was passed in com- pliance with the remonstrances of the Persian court it but he was a man of such dissolute and expensivehabits,cooti^cted,most prob- ably, in hia campaigns in the east, that even the liberty of Athens did not satisfy him. and be resided as much as he was able abroad.} Iphicrates ventured stillmore openly to drop the character of an Athenian citizen,when it would have imposedan inconvenient restraint upon him. He not only entered mlo the ser- vice of Colyff and married one of his daughters, but aided him in several acta of unequivocal hostility against his country. Yet he was suf- fered to retain the rewards which had been be- stowed upon him for his past deserts, apparent- ly on the same ground which rendered the Athenians so indulgent to Charidemus. Chares, whom we have hithertohad but Utile occasion to notice, but who win hereafter be seen taking a very prominent part in the history of these times, secma to have been inferior in military and political abilitiesto the three men justmen- tioned, and much less under the restraint of any motives of patriotism or honoor. He wwr too indolent and too much addicted to pleaaara to be keenly sensible to the spur of ambition, and was perfectly reckleas as to the choice of the means by which he migbt gratify bis incli- nations. Ofhim,aswellaBofTimotheuB,Cha- brias,' aiW Iphicrates, itwas observed by Theo- porapusi^at he preferred sojoorning in foreign parts to living at Athens ; and that Sigeum, near the mouth if the Hellespont, was his or- dinary residence. The hislonon,indeed,pnts- thia remark in a general form as applying to all the eminent men of Athens, and attributesth" fact to the intractable temper of the peoi^e- But as the examples he adduces all belong to this period " except (hat of Conon, which ia maniieslly irrelevant" we may be aUovred to believe that the cause was not one which had existed longbefore, and at least not in a slight- er degree, bat one peoultar to this age ; and it may be most easily traced to the change which, we have been noticing in the Athenian milituT" system. As the commander of a mercenair force,an Athenian general, so long as he could keep his troops together, possesaaJ almcwt ab- solute authority as br as bis power reached. As the ohlef witnesses of his condiKt wertt strangers, who were gener^ benefited by his worst proceedings, he was seldom lidde to b" called to account at home, unless he very groao- ly betrayed or thwarted the interests of the commonwealth. The Athenians were not ca- pable of feeling much concern for the sufibriags. of others, and were easily induced to connive at a wrong by which they did not lose, still moreeasilyat one by which theygained.They paid littleheed to the complaints of their allie" long as their contributions were regnlarly brought in, stillless to those of any other for- eigners. Chares adopted an expedient, which, absolutelynew, seems never to havo been so largelyemployed before to obtain hn- punity and favour with the people. He spent a part of the sums which he received, and which. ought either to have been paid into the treasu- ry, or applied to the service of the stale, to gain some of the venal orators, and to influence the proceedings of the tribunala.* By these arts, and by promises which became proverbial from the readiness with which he m"de and broke lhem,f he was enabled to squander the publjo money on his disaolute pleasures, and stillto be accounted a useful and trustyservant of the commonwealth . In a country like Greece, the increase of pirx- ' was necessarily connected with such a mili- tary system as we have described. Every free- booter was, or mi^t easilybecome, a pirate; as Chari"lemuB is said to have begun his career as the captain of a pirate vessel.} Athens, as - ess of (he sea, and chief of a great mari- confedoracy,ought to have removed this ince, or at least was bound to protect her allies from it. But her negligence, or that of Handera, who were themselves often in a kind of warfare not much mora legitimate, p iS'ered it to gam ground,until, as we shall bc in the sequel, it acquired a certain degree of political importance. I Diaiont, it.,M. I l:"twMlHiiu,iriitoer.,t ITIi ooglc ABUSES IN THE NAVY." COTYS, n Tl is eaxfto conceive that eat orthiB of ibtngsmany causeB of discontenl may have arisen to alienatethe members of Ibeconfedeni- cy from Athens. Among tbem we may notice an bIjusc whicb had crept into the naval servioe. It became not unusual for (he citiiens on whoin the duties of Ihe trierarchy devolved,to trans- fer them 10 those who were willing to uoder- lahc them at the lowest rale. By sitcb a bar- gain the trierarch, who always received a cer- tain sum Trom the state,might oHen be a gain- er, indegiendently of the exemption he enjoyed from peiBonal troable and risk, Theolherpai- ty was commonly, it seems, a needy adveotur er, whose object it was to get alt he could by rapine and extortion. The trierarchs, indeed, were liable to be called to account for the mis- conduct of their aubstitntefl ;" but the lawful- ness of the practice seems hardly to have been diapated; and Ihe cases in which itwas attend- ed with danger to them were not those in which Ihe 'evils it produced fell upon the allies of .Ithens. It may well be supposed that tbey were the more sensitive to injuries and en- croachments on their rights, as she was do longer the fomid able power she had once been; and that the leading slates watched the man- ner in which she observed the stipulations of the league, with a jealousyquickenedby their sense of their own importance. As to any par- liciilar proTocalion, however, offered to any of tbem, history is silent ; it is chiefly fhim some ^neral allusions of IsocratsB thai we are able to collect that the eiactions of the Athenian generals, for Ihs support of their mercenary troops, were among the principalcauses of a war, which broke out in the year 887 between Athens and her allies, from whom it took the name ofthe SocialWar.t But before we enter upon the histary of this war, we must relate degree 1 It. and perhaps contribdted hasten its outbreaking. Among all their ancient possessions, there was none to which the AlBeniaos looked with kc^coer regret and more anximis lunging tlian to the Thracian Chersonesns ; and ftom the time that their maritime power Began to revive, the recovery of this province, wfich was still more important with " view to the commerce of Ihe Euxine and its vicinity to Asia than on account ofthe fertility of its territory, seems at least to have divided their attentioa and wishes with Amphipolis. When Sparta cesaed to be able to protectit. it appears to have become for the most part subjectto the King of Thraco ; though SestuB. and perhaps some othertowns. may have retained their independence. The re}gn of Cotya was frequently disturbed by in- surrections and revolts," ftct which is sufS- ciently accounted for by his character. In these seasons of danger he usually endeavoured to conciliate the Athenians by friendly professions; and at one time he bo far gainedtheir confi- dence, that they honoured him with their fran- chise, and even with a crown of gokl. In or before the year 36S,T Miltocythes, who seems " DcD.. I"e Cmn. Tri"., t A, nd fb t Ilif.li(f".,4MS. Holim (Sn), Matm wu mi" to have been a powerflil and popularchieftafB, revolted from him,engaged a part of the kiiw- dom in rebellion, and m^e himself master oia Btrongfaold called the Sacred Mountain. He sent an embassy lo Athens, and offered to pur- chase the aid which he requestedby the cession of the Cbersoneaus. His proposals were fa- vourably received -, and it appears that the Athe- nian generalEreophilua, who was commanding off the coast of Thrace,was ordered to support him. Colys, alarmed by this confederacy, ad- dressed a letter lo the Athenians,* full of fair promises, wbich moBl have led Ihem to believe thai theymightgain their object from him more easily than Uiey could from Miltocythee.,Er- gophilua was recalled ; Aulocles was appointed in his room ; and a decree was passed, Uie con- tents of which have not been reported, but which impressedMillocythes with the persua- tbat the Athenians had abandoned his ;. It may have been no other than that which conferred the Iranchise, or other honours, Cotys. Its effect was so to dishearten Mil- locythes, that he withdrew from the coateatj Colys recovered the Sacred Mountain,. where he found a great treasure, and reduced the e kingdom to obedience. The Athenians, ims, had not expected, or dcaircd, this re- sult of their decree ; and Autocles, who had Srobably only remained passive, was removed om his command, and brought to trial, on tha charge of having caused the ruin of Miltocylhes. Meno, and Timomachus, who succeeded him, "e not able to repair the mischief,and a let- which Timomachus received from Coiyst showed that the Athenians could not reckon on any of his promisee. In the.ereat rebellion in which the principal aatraps of Western Asia en- gaged, about the year 3BS, against the Persian court " wbich,as itis nol immediately connect- ed with the alfhirs of Greece, we reserve for particular notice in another place " Cotys s to have shown himself hostile lo the re- volted satraps, not, of course, throughany good- will to their toaster, but probably because the Athenians espoused their cause, and because the Hellespontinecities, which would not ac- knowledge his authority, bad placed themselves under their proieclion. I'his we may at least collect to have been the case with Sestus and Crithote. With regard to Sestns, we are ei- r boo Kiif Calj*, CWMpho* "" raplisd. Wby, tIuI HISTORY OF OREBCE. Vnaatj talbrnxi tbat it belonged to Ariobana- nee, and was besiegedby Cotyg, and Ihat he was ciimpelled to raise the siege ;* and that Ariobaraanes,to rewanUtie aerrices of Timo- theuB,put him into posseBsion both or Sestus andof Crilhole. The acquisition of these pla- oea appears to haie been Tollowed by that o[ Elcua. It is added,we know not haw correct- ly, [hat Timotheus collected a lioaly from the territories of Cotya, which produced 1200 tal- ents to the Alheniaji treasury. t Such a loss must hare aggravated the animosity excited by the collision between his inlercsts and llioac of the Athenians ; but not long alter Sestus was again wrested from Athens by a levolulion which bad its origin in Abydus, where the ru- ling party was always boatile to her. It aided the people of Seslus,who, in the absence of Ti- motheus, may hate sufTereii some provocation Irom Athenian officers, to release themselves fcota her yoke. But they now found themselves compelled to submit to the authority of Cotya, 'n^o continued to prosecute the war with vig- our ; and not being able to induce his son-in-law Iphicratesto command his forces in such an expedition, engaged Charidemus, who had just returned from his adventure in Asia which has been alreadymentioned, to assist him in com- pleting the conqueat of the Chersonesus. Iphic- rates, alter the refusal, found his position ao in- aeciire that he withdrew from hie father-in-law's dominion,and having no reason to expect a very ikvourable reception at Athens, crosaed over to Lesbos, and took up his abode at Antissa.I Charidemua had invdved himself in a very era- barraasing aituation in his Asiatic expedition, and would neither have been able to keep the towns which he had siezed,nor to withdraw from them in safety, hut would have fallen into the hands of the satrap Anabaaua. whom he had deceived andinjnred, ifhe had not induced the Athcniana, who were sending a squadron atidcr Cephiaodolusto the Hellespont,^ to me- diate in his behalf,bj' a promise that he would lend them his aid to recover the Chersonesus. He was thus enabled to elTecl his retreat. But when he arrivei^in Europe, instead of keeping his promise, he turned his arms against them in conjunction with Cotys, who proceeded to laysiege to Critbote and Elcus. The result of these operations is not related ; and it is not improbable that they were intemiptedby the * XtmiibaB,A(hI1" ii., t Ui. Sotuwldn, u ifIw kiHw a(BsntharCMyt,n|9iM( thiatahna bean ttaa Ki^of PuhlapiElt. t Napoa, Timth., I. laaentaa 1" qglu lilantibiiiililia "unii'i *Ml"Hr*, iluiDghNapoa nprcaaBU itu a pnx^ "f hia hani'i dmntamlad [latriaMm,Iku "biii hi Diiijlit ha had iMXIsndtn Aiubamnaa. ha pratarradmakiiictUa ca"I Ci-iMii"ni tl Sulaai. W* mal sot ban iaiisSi Imw Ihu aomuil ii to ba raoonciM with that nf Damonhnaa, DaWi.id. Lib.,tB. ] Wa do nG" colLaottnm Daooalhaiiea,Aiiitocr., k lU, (nnl^niii...np- lidn tix iif""Js ri" |J""". aaan elaam tapracladaiTich an utmnption. niimn oapa1"laof ludanUndiDf Eba GiaelL of Deinoatlia- "aa. It laivfalhava aatmad "Dparflnviu to atj^rrs Ihal tba wdarf""ip3"it"ipM*{inp't)iAy. BIM.wliich ban baa! aa Id tnaajwtt Cbaridapiaa and hi* troopa to tba EaTopa- !" abaca,'adj aipia" Iliaoiali a( CbacMaaiaa. violentdeath of Cotya, vUch took ^ace in the firsthalfof 358,' If the stories which wore current about Cotya may bo believed, he must have been subject to temporaryfitsofphrensy, which may have been connected, as in the cases of Cambysea and Cleomenes, with the excess to which he seems to have indulged in the pleasures of the table.t It was his habit in summer to range over the Thraciau woodlands in search of shady haunta watered by pleasantstreams, where he would encamp, and spend several days in revelry.t Deep drinkingwas customary among the Thra- cians, as among their northern and southern neighbours, and the quarrels which commonly followed their long caniuses were almost pro- verbial 4 It was probably on such an occasion that Cotya either was heated by wine and flat- into the delusion,or amused himself witli assertion,which might put the compia- cency of his courtiers to a new test,that he was the especial favourite of the goddess Athenej and some of his guards, who did not humourtbis fancy, are said to have paid for their dulncBs with their lives. It is also related by a. contemporary, that in a titof jealousy he mur- dered his wife in a most barbarous manner. 11 These stories are chieflyinteresting, as they mark the character of one of Philip's most powerfulneighboura. His violence and cruelty were, it seems, not conlined to his own sub- jects, whom they sometimes instigated to re- volt.T They had fallen" in what way we are not informed " on a citizen Dr."nuB, a Greek. town on the TTiracian coast ; and Python and Heracleides,the sons of this j^nian, in revenge slew Cotys." The marderers fled to Ath- """"Al'^ "ipmwcBa AnXiddiTb,Dame Irm'lfa, Hnd.." (K, inilicU ip^rnptrtpfriuOuav rtafvii baen ratanad (o aa tha laatiip _ . , 't that tliAytw "led by biadiwrdamd iDi..^ ricL that ha vould wait at labia upna bia bmthar- in-law Iphimtn.'* Thay ara inlndncadbj AlhanrDB vitb the words, 'Avaiar^fii^l* ' " " iiaaiput Ti t^v 'Ifinp^rcitt yifiu0#fftr^adfffn, 0rc AfiroT^ KiTvevf Svyarlaa- '* 'tig, ailberm thia passage pt in thai of Aaarasilndaa, Ut Tcile tbat tha Ininif of Colyidiaplamd itaglfin an;- "afa(rmroifroizilhobnrli".qn" daKriptionof tha comic poet . tha TTjhTTiasa faaat. capabiaof undeiatnDdina the fmTfOae for which Aj poaaihlatbat *' tha daath of tba ratbar of the aaaaaaina mr taTO boen nUTertd io laial ooniM and for |oat anaa "*" SUali^alohrmmt "T''b[0""cr,''M;TTi J.-"""jv,"y DEATH OF COTYS." CEBBOBLEPTES. MB,* or, rather,frmeatei ihemaalTw there ta KoeiTS the rewanis wbich Ibeymighteipect for t deed, which, HocordiDg to (he ordinary Oreek qoiion, waa just and pious in itselT, and which had delivered tbe commanwealtb from a formi- daUe enemy. Tbe avengers of their father, who were also publicbenefaclatB,were honour- ed with the franchise, and with crowns of gold. That under such. circomstanceB they sboutd tiaie been well received at Albeos was to be expected. It may seem a littlemore eitraordi- nary that Python should afterward have gone over to Philip, and have been admitted, as he tppears to have been, into bis intimate confi- dence,! But (his last fact, ifwell established, would only confirm ivbat is sufficiently proved by Aristotle's aolfaority, that he was known to have acted under provooation which was uni- Tenall;thought to justify his conduct, and that I^ilip, at least, can have seen nothing blama- Ue in that of the Athenians.! The death of Cotys produced a change in the aOaiiB of Thrace very favourable to the inter- eats of Athens, His kingdimtwas divided, or at leaat tbe right of succession was disputed, amoog three princes,Berisades,Amadocua, and Cereobleptes, who, though (heir relation to one anotber ia not distinctly expressedby any con- temporary author, may have been brotbere.all Jtby Of Cersobleptes, at leasl the son of Colya; and that Cotys had other at age ; it may ibeiefore that Ihey should bave been excladed, while "trangers or more distant relatives were admit- ted to a share in the succession.^Ceisoblep- lea waa at this time very young,|lperhaps motlier. w that be was are also informed of nearly the same thoughtimprobablE T',6 103,tutfiajri^ier ad r6vTti , WfQTar, a boy,tny mom Ihui fMtax Lha DAfl when Ke cftUi hiiamM vfipa- hardly of age to take the government into hte own hands ; and Charidemus. bEing in com- mand of the forces, and probably master of tbe prince'sperson, waa enabled tu assume the e"h- lire direction of his affairs. An alliance whick he formed, ader tbe example of Iphicrates, with tbe royal family,by marriage with one of Iba princesses,* strengthened his influence, and at tbe same time connected his interests mor" closely with those Hf Cersobleptee. The Athe- nians, however, at first, relyingperhaps on (he representations of Cepbiaodotus, seem to hava persuaded tbemselTcs that he was onlywaitinf for an opportunity of fulfilting bis promises to them ; but they were soon undeceived by bb attack which he made on a squadron wbich they had stationed at Perinthus ; and thqy foand that he was earnest^ bent on excluding tbem iTom the Cbersonesus. A band of pirates, who appear to have been aonte of tboae who wera sent out by Alexander of PberiE,t bad occn- pied the promontory of Alopeconnesus, on tha southeast coast of tbe peninsula'. An Athenir an armament was sent to besiegethem, not, of course, without the farther object of gaining a footingon the coveted ground; but Charidemoat though be had rejectedproposals which he bad received from Alexander, marched to the relief of the pirates, and repelled the Athenian invar sion. Cepbiaodotus, who bad been appointed to the command, perhaps,chiefly on account of his personalenmity to Iphicrates,t found hinb- self HO littleable to make head against Charide- mus, that,beingprobably desirous of the hon- our of recovering the contested territory at soy rate, he consented to a compromiae,by wbich it seems to have been ceded to Athens, but under conditionswhicb rendered the possession almost useless. The terms, however, of the ^ealj bave not been reported-, we only collect their nature from the fSct ihat they excited bo much indignation at Athens that CephisodotuB was recalled,brought to trial and lined, and narrowlyescaped a sentence of death. Another general, named Athenodorus, was sent out to take the command in bis room. But itia prob- able that he would not have been able to bring the war to a more prosperou9~issue iftha stato of sflTairsbad not been suddenlychanged by a remarkable occurrence. The orator from whom we derive almost aS Iour information on this subject does out enable us to ascertain either the relation between Cersobleplea and Berisades or Amadocus. on tbe footing on which they Blood with one ao- otber. His language,however, seeme to im- ply that,all three ruled, with the titleof king, in different parts of Thrace ; that they were at peace with each other, but not without mutual jealousy; and that the portion of Cerscbleptua, being the largest, excited the envy of the other*. He, too, may have coveted their shares; but there is no bint that he considered them as usurpers or pretenders. After the death of Cotys, M Itocythesappears to have renewed * 'Eri smrd lUrvt,tti nr^finKft 'I^tfira r*i art- rif Tt*m svnf Xifli^t, KtfliolMvTH, W* iwsd aM Cdlri,or Chandsnioi Ihs liaSBhlsr at OnoblipCH, Thu ''v, HISTORY OP 6RBBCB. Ilia Bttempti; bat, loon Bftorthe treaty whMi Ilti" just been mentioned, he Wds betrayedby "ne of his partisana inifithe hanila of Cliaride- mna. Charidemus wiabed to be rid of him, but did not venture to put him to death,and knew thai his lifewould be spared if he was deliver- ed to Cersobleptea. Tbe reaeon assigned for this by Demosthenes leads us to conclude that capitalprnilshmenls were as littleknown among the Tbracians as among the ancient GermanB.' It is not customary, he aays, among the Thra- eians to killone another. Even hightreason, it seems, was not a cap a1 Offence. Charide- nuB, therefore,intending to accomplish his pur- pose withoDt any breach of the national custom, sent Miltocythee, and his aon, who had been arrested with hfm, to Cardia, where the ruling party was attached to his interests, and vio- lently hostile to Athens. It found that the death of the prisoners would be agreeable to Charide- mna, and knew that it would equallydisplease and injure the Athenians. Under the impulse "f this double motive, itwas not satisfied with a simpleeiecution, but despatched itatwo vic- tims with ostentatious cruelly. This inhnman- ity,however, defeated itsend. The Tlimcians, among whom Miltocytheeprobably retained many adherents,were universally roused to in- dignation by the bloodydeed, which they im- Eled, we do not know how justly, to Cersob- _ites. His two rivals, Berisades and Amado- "us, availed themselves of the national feeling, and combined their forces against him ; and Athenudorua seized the opportunity to conclude an alliance with them. Thus threatened, Cer- sobieplus found himself compelled to accept the terms dictated by the Athenian general.They were : that the kingdom should be equally di- vided among the three princes, and that they choold all concur in ceding the Chersonesos to Athens. But when the storm raised by the death of Millocythes had blown over, Charidemus. who bad ratified the treaty in the name of Cersob- leptes,delayedas long as possible to execute that part of it which concerned Athens ; and Athenodorus, receiving no supplies from home, was forced to disband hia troops for want of My. He himself, however, stillremained in Thrace,and,not long aftei,contracted a do- mestic alliancewith Berisades, like that which Iphicratea and Charidemns bad fbrmed with the fimily ofCotys. Chabfisa was now appointed tttthe command in the Hellespont ; but he ar- rived with only a singlegalley. It was thoughl, perhaps, that the war was at an end,or that he would be able to provide for it,as Timotheiis had so often done,without charge to the slate This remissness of the Athenians encouraged Cbaridemua openly to rcnounue the treaty which he bad made with Athenodorus, and to propose a new one to Chabrias.which Demos- thenes describes as stiltmore disadvantageous to Athens than that which had been concluded with Cephisodotua,The ground of this com- plaint appears to have been that the greater part of the revenues of ihe Chersonesus were reserved to Cersohleptes.Chahrias. however, thought it prudent to arccpt these terms, as he had nil means of enforcing the precedingtreaty ; but It Athene, notwithstanding hfs reputatiOB, and the eflbrts of his friends, tbey were dis- avowed, and ten commissioners were appoint- ed to proceed to Hirace, with ins^uctions, if they could not prevail on Ceraobleptes to r"ti^ the treaty of Atbenodoras, to obtain a renewal of the engagemenlB of the two other princefl, and to concert measures for reducing Cera*- lepte* to complianceby arms. The comroi*- sioners found Berisades and Amadocus very wiDing to adhere to the compact from which Ihey had derived such great advantages. Bat the negotiation with Cersobleptes was inotract- ed without any result, nntil it was sodd"iily brought to a favourable issue,chiefly, it seems, through the success which had attended the ex- ertions of the Athenians in a difTerenl quarter. At the firstrevival of the Athenian confeder- acy, it was strengthenedby the acccessioo of most of the "ub"ean citieH, which distinguish- ed themselves above all the rest by the zeal with which they entered into it. Hestitea,m Oreus, alone kept aloof,*throughgratitude to Sparta, which had,a abort time before, delivei^ cd it from the tyranny of a military adventurer named Neogenes, who had seized the citadel. ChabrJaa, who was sent to establish the Athe- nian ascendency in Eubcea, endeavoured to re- duce the Hestittana to subraisaion ; but their resistance was ao obstinate that, after having ravaged their territory without efTect, he was obliged to sail away, leaving a garrison in a fort which he had built near their city to anni^ them. We do not know whether they finally yielded; but it seems as if the Athenians af- terward ralh'r loat than gainedground. We have seen thut they were not able to prevent Themisan from making hioiaelf master oT- Eretria, and that he even deprived them or Oropus. Cbalcis,too, bad fallen under the do- minion of a tyrant, named Mnesarehus, who wsB likewise hostile to them ;t' and the island appears to have been torn more aa"Imore by factiona and civil wara. Such was its condi- tion at the time when the events last related were takingplace in the Thracian Chersonesus. Athens doea not appear to have interftred In itsalliiira(krther than was necessary to protect her own interests and to exclude the interven- tion of other powen. But the Thebana now hoped to be ^le to take advantage of itsdis- tracted stale ; they were invited by. some of tho contendingparties, and sent a body of troops ID their aid. The news of Ihe Theban expedition roused the jealousy of the Athenians, which was inflamed by the energetic eihortatiooa of Timotheus, who was at this juncture at Atb- cna.t " Are you deliberating (he is reported l" have said), when you have the Thebana in thfe island, what you ought to do? Will you not EXPEDITION TO EUBCBA." CKSION OP THE CHERSONESUS. "tf(er the snVilh jour gaUe^SI Wflljonnot imBediately fo down to Pirsus, and dragyoai ihif* oM of dock !" The peoplecaagbt bis ar- door : an araiBnient ttaa decreed ; but it was ibond that bo many of tbe wealtlijcitizens,on whan the diitiea of the trierarch; would have deiulved sccording to law, were, or htd lately been, employed in otber expeditions, that there ma not a snlficient number left who could be lefaDy compelled to undertake tbe equipment ' -' "'baveBBelB destined forEu- Id this etnerfrency ^e patriotiamofthe high- er claaoea came to the relief of the state, in a Binaer which prored that there Mill remained aneh of the old Athenian feeling,not qoenched by the prevailiDg selfiahneu of the age. For tbe first thno la the anniU of the Atlienian MTy, several ciiiiens " among whom was the orator Demoethenea, thotigh iKitone of the rich- est " TolunUrilypreBented themselvea lo bear the Bxtraordiniry borden. And the prepara- Uona were urged with such unwonted vigour, j thn. on the fillh day alter the assembly was i bekl.* tbe tmaps were landed in Eubcea, The I eipedition, howerer.waa commanded, it seems, | Bot by Tiniothems. but by Diocles, with whom (here is s"me reasno to think Chares was juin- ed.f Of the operations which followsd we hiTe bnt Tery scanty accounts, which, how- "*er, agree very well together as to the general lesult. tbongh there is a little appearance of variation in the details. The contemporary emora, who may be aupposed to exhibit only tbe bright side or the story, represent the Athc- nans as completelytriumpiiant, Dioelea as grantingpennisaiot) to the Thebans " who, of coarse, had been defeated " to withdraw from the ialand, and the whole as reduced under the power of Athena, which generously allowed all tbe cities to retain their free constitutions ; and all ftUB as the work of less than thirtydays. Bat, according to Diudorua.the campaign was niDcti lesa bnltiant, and the issue not exactly tbe same. lie expressly elates that there was no regalar battle,but only skirmiehea and petty CHgagenenta. in which victory waa aotnetimea wiik tbe AtbenisBs, sometiraea with the Th^ boBs; and that at last the Eabieans, to deliver tbeir ialand ftom tbe ravages of tbe two hostile armies, agreed to a geiteral pacification, upon which both the belligerents withdrew their for- ea. Still, even according to this siateineni, ilw advaiitage wonid have reated with the Atbe- liBBB -, for tbe Thebani had at least been Ibiled ID their attempt, and the stale of the island was "at )ssB rsTOurable to the interests of Athens at the dose of the campaign than it had been before. The apiritdisplayedby the Athenians a tbe expedition was a topic a( exultation, with wtaidi Ibny were fi^jnently flattered by then- orators " a proof how rar" sueb exertions had WW become with them " and. perhaps, contrib- "ned more to raise their eontidenee and their lepntation than the aocoMs with whicll the ef- bit waa crowned. Whether the oecnpetion which tbta contest gave to tbe Athetrians encouraged Charidemus " 1""BD")liii".Amlim., 4 17,iiilAjrroiriv. ."Kh. in CM., t SS,/" lAfl ^i^;. TluDilr Hami tiipnlti- t IVwBHh. c. Arimct.. t "M, UrfBiaiia liteU"ar, his treaty with Ath- enoaoniB. wb are nai aoie to asceflain. Bnt it seems that peace was no sooner restored in Enbtea than Char"s saded, with the armairtent which had just been employed there, to the Hel!espon^ invested with absolute authorityby an extraordinary commissioQ as general aaua- crater, and that hia arrival immediately chan- ged the aapect of affhirs in that quarter. Char- idemus, again threatened with a combination of the forces under Chareaand those of tbe two rival kings, at length consented lo the terms imposed by the Athenians, which seent to have aeiounted to a simple, unconditional ceesioi) of the Cheiaonesus ; only he waa stillable to cany one vary importantpoint, Cardia, which, by its position on the Isilimtts, was the koy to the peninsnla on the side "if Thrace, retained its independence, and was, consequently, more than ever devoted to Charidemus. Sestns,too, was not surrendered, and continued hostile t* Athens ; bnt she waa at liberty to enforce hOT claims to it as she could, Thoogh the condaet ufChaiidemuB.as we have related it" on the aO' thority, indeed,of a political adverssry, whose statements we have no means of comparing with more impartial evidence " appears to have been uniformly hostile to Athens, it seems that he had partisansamong the Athenian orator*, gained,perhaps,by arts like those which w ~ recovery of the Chereoneaiis ; and he n warded with the franchise, and with a crown of honour, as a public benefactor. This acquisition appears to have been made just on the eve of the diaaatrous war which broke oat in the eourae of the aame year {367) between the Atheniana and some of their prin- cipal alliea.' We have ventured to aurmlae that it may have been connected with tbe causea of their rupture; because it seemB not improbable that one of Che immediate occaaions of the quarrel may have arisen from the appoint- ment of Chares to the extraortinaty command which he held when he concluded tbe treaty wHh Charidemus, and an ancient writer,thoogh one of very doubtful authority,expressly aB- crihea the origin of the war to his misconduet.t Th", i""ud urf d. hiiD.ID ihu he wu at " Iw ho* w "" ; Cut If ha k-i n- imdud lumeil hi* anov ftgunitAmphtpolit.ihcT.bTHkr DTnuliuiDD.winldhMbiTHMAaic*. Tha Atbniiuw. nthir. It MBa elnr tliM ihs latlwr bu ccnfbiiBdid iua, ud b*A iJuifalbH bii " niT eaafnM) Idn tl tk* HISTORY OF GREECE. Bat the eccouats which hare been preserred of this Social War are as acanly, in proportion to its importance, as Ihoss of the event which IB commonly known by the same name in Ro- man hislDiy. One cause of the obscurity in which its origin is involved may be that it had been kindled some years before, though it was only now that the flame burst out. The at- tempt of Epaminondaa,alreadymenlioned, to detach GhioB, Rhodes, and Byzantium from the Atheniao confederacy, whatever abatement may be required fur the account which Diodoms gives of its success, impliesthat,even so early as Ihe year 363, these states were meditating a separation,or, at least, that their jealousy and resentment had in some way been provokedby the conduct or Athens. In the year foUowing we find the Byzantianstaking some strong measures to relieve themselves in a time of scarcity, which seem to have excited hostile feelinga at Athens. They detained the corn- ships on their passage out of the Euxine, and their example was followed by Chalcedon and CyzicuB. A number of vessels so freighted, and betonginj: to Athenian owners, were stop- ped at the mouth of the Euiiue by the dread of llite violence, while the price of com was rising in the Athenian market. This was one of those injuries which every one felt ; and one of the objects for which the squadron which was sent this year, as has been* related, under Meno and Timocbua, to the Hellespont, was to protect the shipping.* It is hardlypossible that this should have been done so as not to leave some ill-will rankling in the minds of the Byzanliana; and. indeed, we find that Ihey repeated their aggressions after Timomachus had succeeded to the command :f and it may easily be ima- gined that a very alightprovocation or persua- sion would have auliiced to impel them into open hostility to Athens. Under such circum- stances, the presence of such a general as Chares, elated with success, and clothed with unhmilcd power, so near at hand, was very likely to widen the breach. But though the expedition of Epaninondas appears to have been directed principally, if not solely, to Byianiium, it is not certain that she took the lead in the confederacy formed against Athens, or thai she was urged by any motives which she had not in common with most of her allies. If we are satislied with the information which we derive from Demosthenes aa to the causes of the war, we must believe that Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium all alike professed to engage in it in self-defence,to guard against the attacks with which Athens, as theythought, was threatening iheir independence. This, in- deed, would seem to imply some injuries al- ready suffered, but such as fell indiscriminately on all. On the other hand, the same orator leads us to suppose that it was not Byzantium, but Rhodes, that took the foremost part in the coalition, and that Rhodes herself did not act spontaneously,or under the pressure of any grievance, but was an instrument in other hands. The real author of the war, according to tbis acconr' , *aB Mausolus, the vassal king. or bereditarysatrap of Oaria. Mmsolns, wh" had inherited an extensive territory and Mveral strong places, among which bia capital Hali- camasaua waa well adapted to become tbe seat of a great maritime power, had conoeirod the design of making taimself completeljindepsnd- enl of the Persjan coml, and of enlarging his dominions on the Continent, and among the islands of tbe .iGgean. He had sided with the revolted satraps id the rebellion which has been alreadynoticed, and appears to have taken ad- vantage of it te gain some addition to his terri- tory in Lydia,though be was defeated in an at- tempt to make himselfmaster of Miletus,* and- aiso to establi^ his authority in some of the neighbouring islands. This it was hia aim to do in Rhodes, which, however, he oould only- hope to attain with the help of a party amonr the Rhodiana devoted to his interests ; ana. auch a party could only gain the ascendency when their connexion with Athens should have- been dissolved. The government of Rhodes waa at this time democratical ; bat there waa, it seems, a strong oligarchical Action, which entered into his views. Still,their influence would scarcely have been sufficient to efiect. Uie revohitioQ, which was the first step towards the accomphahment of their designs, if the great mass of the people bad not been already alienated from Athens, and impatient of tbe dependance to which it had been reduced,or apprehensive of farther encroachments on its The rir^t impulse,then,seems to have pro- ceeded either from Rhodes or Byzantium ; but (he motives whicb induced Chios to enter into the leagueagainst Athens may likewise be ea- sily imagined. It was, perhaps, more exposed than either Byzantium or Rhodes to the exac- tions and insults of the Athenian officers, and had more grounda of complaint. We may also collect from Demostheneat that about this tine the government fell into the hands of an oli- garchical party, which no doubt actively promo- ted the rupture with Athens. Cos also declared itself very early on the same side i it was one of the islands which are said to have been sub- ject 10 Mausolus.t HosiilHies appear to have begun on Ihe part of the Athenians with the siege of Chios. According to Dindorus, Cba- bnas was joined with Chares in tbe command. and conducted the operations of the fleet, which consisted, it seems, of sixtysail,4 while the land forces were led against the cityby Charea- Yet we would not reject as altogetherimprob- able (he statement of Nepoa, in which he may have followed Theopompus, that Chabriae ac- companied tbe armament in a privatecapacity^ and only commanded his own galley aa a vol- unteer. All authors, however, agree that he sacrilicedhis life at tbe very beginning of the siegeby an imprudentdisplsy of valour. Ho- led the way into the harbour of Chios, but was not immediately followed by the rest, and wb" overpoweredby the enemy. Tet it seems that he might have saved his life, ifhe had chosen to retreat or to abandon his vessel ; hat, with Spartanobstinacy, he preferred to die sword ilk "ru-. Yet Vosmil (tVilii,. p, 08) ulnpu " til upv"Dtlv HrfKt oontidtaDfl. IMC. P"4}c1., f i. t lb.,(!3. " PiJr.iio..ri.,B,-l I Cumpan Diodoroi, "fES:-i:5* ilu. DEATH OF CHABRIAS." CHARES AIDS ARTABAZUS. hand. Athens Ihua lost one of her ablest gen- unlls; and the immediate consequence appears to have been Aat tho attempt upon Chios was defeated, and tbe alliea became masters of tho sea. _ We do not know what became of Chains, or what iDteiral maj have elapsed before the Athenivis found it necessary to equip another fleet of sixty sail,which was commanded by Iphicraies and Tiinotheas. These two gener- als had been for some time reconciled, and had cemented their union by an alliance between the daughter of Timotbeus and Henestheus, the son of Iphiciatea. According to Nepos, Me- Destheiis was appointed to the command, hut was aided by his father and father-in-law, who nominally serred ander him. It appears, how- ever, from the seqael, that they mast have held a public and responsible office. Still they were nnly associated with Chares, who had not lost the conSdence of the people. In the following year (3fiA) Saiiios appears to have been the principal ccene of hostilities ; 7iit itis difficult to determine the precise course which they took. According to Diodortis, the dlies, whose fleet amounted to a hundred sail, liter haviag ravaged I"mnae and Imbnis, pro- ;eeded to Santos, wasted the country, and laid jiege to the city; at the same time levying con- Lributions Irom other islands which adhered to ;ho Athenians ; but were at length called away lo the relief of Byzantium, which the Athenians 3e8ieg:ed for the purpose of eObcting a diver- 1 iion. But other accounts, not less authentic I and pn"bable, inform us that Samos likewise had revolted, and that its territorywas ravagedby : Ipbicrates,' and we are tbns led to suspect thai I Ihc Athenians were diverted from the siege of I Samoa by the operations of the enemy in the ' north of tbe jEgean, However this may be, it I ^ems certain that the Athenian commanders united their forces near the Hellespont, within mch a distance of the allies, that preparations j .vcre made on both sides tor a general engage- 1 nent. Chares was eager for it ; but on the day Ahen he proposed to make the attack, the state if the weather induced his colleagues to decline t. This refuaal produced an open breach be^ .ween them ; and Chares, we are told by Dio- lonis, after baving publiclyprotestedagainst heir conduct,wrote a letter to the people, in vhich he charged them with treachery. But lere the narrative itselfseems to betray some imission : for Che mere postponement of a bat- le could hardly have bieen aUeged as ground or such a charge; and a comparison of anoth- T account inclines ds to suppose that Chares, hinking,perhaps, that bis colleagues would not entoretowithhold their support, led his division igAJnat the enemy, and was defeated ; and then, 0 screen himself, laid the blame on them. I He lad,as we have seen, partisansat home, who rere alwaysready to defend his conduct ; and 1 IB possible that the reaJ circnmstances of the asc, if he actually exposed hiouelf to a risk Fhich his colleaguesshunned, may have given , specious colour to the accusation. The re- nli was that they were recalled, and were af- Brward brought to trial ; and Chares was left ntrusted with the sole management of the war. Itseems necessary to suppose that this even! took place in the latter half of 356 ; for the ac- count givenby Diodorus uf the manner in which the contest was terminated, implies that there was an interval of at least several months be- tween the transactions just related and tha close of the war. Chares,though no longer re- strained by the presence ofhis colleagues, nei- ther ventured,as it appears, to attack the ene- my, nnr Was able to find subsistence for his troops by tbe means which he had hitherto been used to employ. The contributions which tba islands stillattached to tbe Athenian interest could furnish, had been for the most part pre- occupied by the allies, and they were stronf enough to protect the others from his exactions. From Athens he could not expect a supplyequal to his wants ; and perhaps to have applied for it would' have endangered his popularity. la this emergency he resorted to an expedient which was probably the best that the case ad- mitted. The war between Ariabaius and the satraps who acknowledged the autboriiy of Ochus, the successor of Artaierxea,which, as we have seen, had drawn Charidemua over to Asia, stillcontinued. Artaba;us was threaten- ed by superior numbers, and stood in great need ofabodyof Greek auxiliaries, whose aid he waa. willing to purchase at a highprice.Chares,on the other hand,only wanted a presentproviaioa for his troops, and a subsidy which might enable him allerward to prosecute the war. He did not look to any political consequences that lay beyond these immediate advantages, and per- haps could hardly have foreseen llicm. He en- tered into the service of Artabazus, and, ac- cording to Diodorus,soon turned the scale,and gained a victory which extricated him from his dangerous position : success which seems to imply that Chares was by no means dclicientla military talents. The satrap fullillcdhis prom- ise, and furnished him with a sum of (uoney which enabled him to keep his forces together. IWe are not informed in what manner the allies ' availed themselves of his absence from the the- ] atre of war ; but it does not seem that they can have profiled by the opportunity for any purpose more important than that of infesting the cora- ' merccr,Bndsnnoyiiig the dependants of Athena; ' for the proreedin^ of Chares were known to the I people, and were at first greatlyapplauded. But I the aid which he had given, and might continue to give, to Artabazus, had been represented (o the King of Persia as so important, that he thought it necessary to send an embassy to Ath- ens to complain ofhis conduct.* These com-- plainls were probablyaccompanied with threats,, more or less definite, that the kingwould aafr port the confederates with his maritime power. Orders were forthwith sent to Chares to break ofThis connexion with Artabazus. But intelli- gence soon after arrived that lite Persian court was fitting out an armament of 300 galleysto co-operate with the enemies of Athens. This report probably did not first suggest the desire time have felt the want of it; hut it have convinced them that they could not carry on the war any longer without extreme danger. Diodorus and another authort intimate tbat UMy .J'ogle 84 HISTORY OF GREECE. made the first advances; biiCwe And tbaE the conrederales aenC an embaasy to Athens ;' and we can easily believe that they were littleless eager for tbe lenninalion of a struggle which must have cost them great sacrifices. They seem to have requirednothing but the acknowl- edgment of their independence, and this was no doabt secured to thern. We are not inrormed how many statea.he- aides the principal parlies, were included in the treaty ; but it aeems that Athene must have lost a great number of her most important al' lies : for she is said to have retained none but the less considerable islands, and the amount of the yearly contributions was reduced to forty- five talenls,twhich, however, may have been bnt a temporary deficiency, arising from the pressure of the war. To her losses of thiskind in tbe Ji!gean waa added one in the west, which must have been as painful aa any ; one of which tbe Social War was probably rather the occa- eion than the cauae ; for it may be pretty clear- ly traced to events which had taken place a few years before,though the accounts we have of them are somewhat obscure. In 3G1 Chares had been appointed, as we have seen, in the room of Lcoathenes, and soon after was sent " we know not whether with any other purpose than that of levying conlnbutions " to Corcyra. Since its connexion with Athens had been renewed, the island appears to have been under demo- cratical govemment, but there was. as at allfor- mer periods, an oligarchical party, which was now eager for a revolution. It would be hardly credible, ifthe testimony of ancient writers to the fact was not confinned by the sequel, as to which there ia no doubt, tliatthis party was en- couraged and abetted by Chares in a conspira- cy, by which itoverthrew its adversarios,and, "Rer much bloodshed,placed itself at the bead of the stats.}: This change was ao clearly ad- verse to the intercat of Athens, that we can liardly attribute the conduct of Charea to any other motive than bribery. The new rulen were not the better disposed towards the Atbe- Dian alliance for the aid which they thus re- ceived, and seem to have taken the opportunity aflbrdod by the Social War for renouncing it. What had been so tost there could be little hope of ever retrieving. Tbe wu expenditure must also have been burdensome to the finan- ces of Athens; the damage inflicted on Atheni- an property abroad,by the navy of the allies as well as by confiscation,was perhaps stillmor~ severe ; and commerce seems to have undei gone a temporary stagnation. The city ia di scribed at the close of the war as deserted by the foreign merchants and the resident aliens.^ These,however, were wounds which time rnight heal. But it could not repair the loss of the three great commanders, who had revived the power of the cummoawealth, and might, per- haps, have averted some of its subsequent dis- asters. The death at Chabrias was only mat- ter for regret; but the services of Iphicrates "nd Timolheus were sacrificed by means as dis- bonourableas the end waa unhappy for tbe state. Iphicraies was broughtto trial first, with Me- nestheus. The proseoution was conducted by Aristophon, a very eloquentorator, who, in tbn course of his long political life, had himaeif ' been seventy-five times impeached, and couid boast of having been as often acquitted, and whose reputation renders it somewhat sivpri- sing that he should have become tbe ooadJBtor 'Chares in an afiatr of thia nature.* Iphicra. ^defended himself with soldier-like ehiqiience, seasoned with saroaatic wit; but he seenu to have been aware that the diapoaition of hie judgeswas not favourable to him. and to bava relied on other means of averting the danger. We may collect from Isocrates that he and Me- stheus were more concerned for the aalety Timotheus than for their own. They took themselves the whole responsibility of the "t command : Iphicrates that of tbe militsry operations. Meneatheus that of the administra- tion ofthe publicmonoy.t This boldness would '-- sufficiently eKplained ifwe believe that I phic- " had secured the support of a body af partisans " perhaps tbe members of one of tbe dubs which still subaiated, for various purposes, at Athena " that he caused threatening nimonra be circulated before tbe trial,and in the irae of his speech, laying his hand on his sword, hinted to hia judges that they might have cause to repent if they condemned him-t The fact is.that both he and Menestheus were acquitted : what follows appears to prove (hat they owed their escape to some exlraordinair means. Timotheus was afterward arraigned, likewise by Aristophon, on a similar charge, for which, according to Isocrates, there oonld have been no colour againsthim, if his col- leagues were innocent. Yet he was found guilty, and oondemned to the enonnous fine of 100 talents. Tbe capita) article in the indict- ment was, that he had received bribes from the Chians and IUiodians.4 But we cannot dotibt that passion, or cupidity, or factious intrigaes contributed more to aggravate the senteoce than the specie usness of the prosecutor'sproob. Isoorates attributea it to tbe ofienoe whieh Ti- motheus had givenby his loAy,ungracious de- portment, and his neglect even of the bit arta by which other generalspaid their court to the people, and the leadingorators, whom he had made bis enemiee. This would anconnt for the conduct of Aristophon,though so as to leave a blot upon his character. Timotheus was ana- ble to pay the fine,and retired to Ckalcis, where be dicul nul long after. Tiie injnstioe of the sentence was tacitly acknowledgedby the peo- ple after his di ah. His son Cooon waa per- mitted to com|i ""miso with the tteasuty for a tenth part of ine Hue, in the hoooorable form of a donation for the repair of the walta reata- red by his grandfather. U While the negotiation with the aUiee was pending, or soon after the peace, Isocrates wrote what we should call a pamphlet, in the form of a speech. Intended to bo delivered in the assembly held to deliberate on tbe treaty. t DenuMlunti. D" Ci t Tiecrum, Dt Pu,, 4 M. ' .AlliaaiBd**d,x which tu" QuiiUi. ti.irt^.,(l"T. tFdnH., tI"iuRli-iBO*BHtk.,tU. Ps|rciL,"lT. IN"IMi,TlaM"h.,[ib,l. / "ot)!-!!!- 'il^^% Tbe woA IB of considerable T4h)e tm " hiBtori- ctl document, though it "flbids less iofonnatioii than iDEgbt baTB bran expected from itwitb re- gard to tbe war. IsocratsB was a rhetorieiaD t^ proTeMion: the framing of aenisnoes and toniiBg of periodswas the great bnainea* of his loQg life" the only one la which he was very anccetsfol ; in that he attained to the highest skill labour could gtre, and amasssd great wealth as a teaohsT. But bii appean to have been a hearer of Soomtes, was dtsgnsted with the sopbiata, and had little taste for the ordinary subjects of their diapotctioos ; he was tbos led to apply his art to norab and politloe, not, like most of the SoorMic scbool, in Ifae digcueeion of generalprinetplas, but in pnotieal preoepls and oDODsd*. He was the flnl Greek writer UeTed that DotUi^ bat tto' weaknees of bis ToicB and tbe sfajrveas-and llmidtty of his efaanc- ter iverenled bim ftom taking" leadingpart in ibe public deiwtea.t Bat it is rmj do^UM wfaeifaer any snength of longs or hwrdneas of brow could hare rendered discounes snch as b" has leftacecntaUs to an Athenian aaaamhly, at least after it liad teamed from Demoatbenea saw a remedy, but seems to hare given little beed whether it might not pro*e wOTse than Ibe disease. His general notion was, union under a ain^e chief; which, however, be wish- ed to reoaadle wiih liberty attd independence. How iDwmsistent the plan which he proposed was wiib the combination of these otgecta will appear in the proper place. The advice,however, which he giveson the occasion of the peace seems indiapuiably good ; and every Athenian patriot must have regreitad that tbe peoplewas so little diapasetl lo fallow it, and that,even in the most elegant diction and the moat gracefulperiods, there is not a charm strong enough to eradicate ambition and cupidity,especially when confirmed by long in- dulgence, from tbe human breast. Ita efieet may have been somewhat impairedby the am- biiriiity of the language in which it is coaveyed, whidi, he himself admits, had a lepulsive, par- adoxical Bound-ll He exhorts tbe Athenians to ceaae to aim at the ctHumand of tbe sea, and appeals to history, both tbeir owu and Sparta's. to prove that this iinMiiiig object of cotnpeiition had only been a source of the greatest calami- tiee to every power that had aoquired it. He had before spoken with tbe btgheetapprobation of tbe peace of Antalcidaa,so far as it provided liir the independence of the Gieeks, and had reoonmended that tbia should be adoptedas the basis of (he treaty under discussion ;iso that it might have been supposed tbat he wilted to see the connexion betwesa Athena and ber al- lies toteUy disaolved. This, bowcTer, it ap- pean flcm the aeqoel, was not On the oontiary, it is that she may be sgaia at the bead of a confederacyas extensive as that which she bad presided over in the days of Aristides* that he desires she should renoance the oommand of the sea. All tbat he means hy the command of the sea is,an unjust domina- tion, gronnded upon and maintained by foroe. He would have a confederacy in which all (ha memben sbonld be perfectly free,willingly sub- mittiUK to tbe snpremacy of Athens, paying none hut volontarycontributiens, and exempt ftmn allkinds of molestation and eneroachraent. Hia proposition, theiefore, when distinctly nn- dersteod,was not so paradoxicalas it sounded. It was nothing more then had been done when tbe Athenian eonfbderacywas revived ; and hO that waa necoaarj to octaiAj witb his advice waa to return and adhere to the terms them laid dcwD. How, if tbe people bad been reallr dssirooB of this, it was to recover tbe codA- ' deitee of its alliee, is a question whicfa he does not disniBS. Even OS to the ttkamer bi whidi those tenna had been violated, he afibrds very seanty m^ fonuation. He hints, Talber than exprosriya*- serts, that the Atheoiens had onffhred their clt- iaens to aoquirepnqwrty in tbe i^anda,ngailwt Hm qocit at least of the self-denying reaoliHioii, WywWdi th^ bad reiKmnced aH clwnohial poa- "ea*iani.t He speaks also of arbitrary ezao- tiem, irtdcfa have heen alivadymentioned, and mpTMents the rihes as entirety abaadooed to the discretion of tbe Athenian generals,!' Ha is,however, mom explicitbb te the domMtie censes of the evil, which, he is aware mnat ba removed before any salutarychange oan ba made in the foreignpolicy of tbe state. The people mnut discard ita diahonest counsellots, most empii^ men of acknowledged probity both at home and abroad ; it must cease itself to be indolent,voluptuous,r^tacioua,ambitioua. Seedy of flattery, and impatient of reproof. ard conditions, and certainlysurpassmg tha power at such rhetoric as tbat of Isoerales to bring to pass ; for the old abuses, which had been repressedby tbe pnbliccalunities, tad partially reformed, bad spnmg up again durinf the more tranquil and prosperoas period thn followed, witb fresh luxiniance, and in new, more exUavagant, and odious shape*. IIm city was again infested with a swarm of syco- phants, more shameless, active, and vesiomaa*, than in former times. The needy, idle thtung whioh lived upon the fees of legislation, gov- ernment, and justice, viewed the men whoso calnmnioas diariesgave it most opportunities of exercising its judicial functions, as its great- est beoefiw^rs.^ The wealthy were exposed to continual vexation : Isocrates does not som- jie to assert that they led more wretched Uvea ^an the indigent. 11 Here, however, his own example shows how cautiously his general do- ecriptions mast be received. He eomplaisB much of the annoyance which be himself had suifered from ths sycopfaaata ; and certainty hia wealth, his inoapacity for pnblicapeeking, bis eonnexion with Timotbeus, and otber distiit- guished citizens, and with foreijQpriucee, and MBi.ta. tta, ttoo. f tiM. M HISTORY OP GREECE. Ilia*Towed polEtical Bentiments,must allbaxe conspired to poioi him out as one of the most "ignalobjecta for their atLactis. Yet id tbE Binety-tillh jear of his age he eould look back upon a life trf'almost undisturbed prosperity, with no other regret than that he had been de- barred by bis natural defects from more active participation in public bnsinesa.* So,too, ilcan only he considered as a rhetorical exaggeration that he representa the vilest,most profligate, and senseleaE demagogues as the most poi^lar. Had things cooie to this puss, no room would bave been leftfor the inflaence of the able and uprightmen, whom we ahall find for several years ordinarily taking the lead in public affairs. Itie real ground of this statement was proba- bly that the same decaj of publicspirit which appeared in the growingneglect of military ex- ercises, and the evasion both of foreign and home service,betrayed itself in the assembly " by the levity and haste with which important "natters were often handled, and the applause with which indecorous sallies of gayety wore re- ceived. This want of earnestness " which, how- ever, might easily seem greater than it really was in an Athenian audience " was a autqect of complaint with DemOEthenes also. In this piece lacerates notices an innovatioD, which appears to him pregnant with pemicinua consequences, or at least as a symptom of de- feneracy, but which admits of being viewed in a different light. He speaks of it in a way which shows that he was only intent upon an antithesis ; bat the fact he alludes to is more olearty described and illustrated b; Pluiarcb.t )n earlier times all the great men of Athens combined the characters of the general and the atateeman in one person. In the period at which we have now arrived, they were begin- ning to be more and more separated from each other. Many of the orators never saw the camp i the generalsrarely ascended the bema. This practicewaa the effect, partly of the prog- reaa of eloquence, and the wider range of rhe- torical studies,!which demanded longerprep- aration and more laborious exercises,partly of the new militarysystem, which, as we have seen, tended to draw the generalsaway from Athens. Fhocion is remariced as one of the last Athenians in whom the two characters were sliliblended. According to modern no- tions, this division of military and civil duties might be thought a great gain for the service of the state. Whatever evil sprang from it seems to have arisen from the corruption of the age. The responsibility both of the gener- als and the ministers " as we may call thera " of the republic was lessened ; and it was easy for men like Chares to find advocates, appa- rently disinterested, to defend all their proceed. "ngs. The worst abuse connected with it was, that militaryoomroaod was so mucb coveted that, if we may believe Isocrates, the election of generals was often delonnioed by the moat open bribery. 4 If it were not that we have no hint of any negotiation between Athena and the confcder- al^ibefore Chares bad provoked the interven- ) T((^t"?h% nUaciwK-" AnnoUo oli"rTM,PoL., v., 4. 4, whan, in tb" wunli .li' ilrci^lat'Si nWIwr, bi lH.pb.i."""Il" 1 let. tioo of the Persian coort, we might have Bai"- poeed that Isocrates wrote this oration before the threats of Peiaian hostility had been heard of at Athens ; for he takes no notice of thecn, though they afforded the fairest opporttmity of recommending his favourite scheme for the ea- tablishment of tranquillity and prosperity in Greece. He touches onlyby one slight allusion on the war with Philip and with Ceraobleptes, iu a way which tm^dies (bal in his judgment there was no more danger to be apprehended from the one quarter then the other. Re con- ceives that there was no essential and aecessa- ly otqiM!ti"Mi between the iyteiesta of either of these princes and those of the commonwealth, and that, if they were only convinced of her pa- cific disposition towards them, Philip would readily resignAmidiipolis, and Ceraobleptes the Chersonesns, to her,* And his general c-on- cluaion is that,notwithatanding the ^eat loea and damage which she had suffered m the So- cial War, it would be her own fault if she did not become more powerful and prosperous than ever. Let her only abstain from aggression and wrong, hold herself in readiness for self-de- fence, and show herself willing to protect the weak against the strong : justice would bring back an age of gold, llie rich would lie reliev- ed from taxation ; the poor would find employ- ment in the arts of peace ; the public revenues would be doubled ; a tide of wealth would flow into Piraus;^foreignprinces would pay their court to her, and would gladlypurohase her fa- vour by the cession of a part of their territories ; in Thrace alone she would be able to find ample and undisputedspace for any colonies she niight wish to send out : and the Greeks would look up to her with reverence and attachment,as to the guardian of their liberiy and rights. A pic- ture unhappily not more sharply contrasted with the past and the present, than with the reality of the future. CHAPTEE XLIII. Wa have been used to see the Athenians making the most vigorous exeriions in the midst of their greatest calamities : we might otherwise have been disposed to question the accuracy of the descriptions we have received of the disastrous consequences of the Social War : for that war waa scaroely at an end before we find them againacting on the offen- test,apparently stillrnore arduous and hazard- ons than that from which they had just retired with such heavy loss. TTiere is reason to be- wbich they made peace with the allies they sent an expedition againatOlynthus, aa to which we are informed that itwas the second occasion that called forth the services of voluntary trier- archa, and that a body of Athenian catalry waa H Anqglr IBiplTtlut Aliphlfiolit wu ttilliu CO of Aibtna,wUeb, M Inci, "m emunlr nut t i",W DEMOSTHENES. OT employed in it :* bets which imply " coasid- eniblc effort, thou^ we have no account of the ivsuJtB ; nor ia the preciss ddts weU Bsceitai ed. NotwiUiBiinding the peace, the public mind continned to be agitated by nmaurs of the Per- sian preparatioDB ; and it appears that there were oratora " politieiaas, we may tuppoae, of the Bcbool of laocraiea " who endeaToured to instigate the peoirie to declare war agaiaet Per- sia- The deliberation of the assembly on this subject is chiefly knowa to ua ai the occasioa on which Demosthenes began bis career as a statesman with an oration which is stilleitant. Our attention ia thus Inraed towards this ex- traordinary man, who will hencefoith occupy it more and more throughout the periodcomprised in this portion of our history, Demoatbeaea was the son of an Atheni merchant of the same namSit who was among the wealthier citizens of the middle cIsbh. B; the motiier's side liis blood,according to Athe- nian notions,was, perhape, not so pnre. His maternal grandfather, Gylon, had been charged with treason, as haviiigbetrayed the town of Nymphnum, in the Tauric Chersonesus, to the enemies of the state. He did not await a trial, and was condemned to death, but (bund refuge in the Greeic principality on the Cimrocrian Bosporus, and received a mark of favour fnim iiB ruler, which may have been the reward of treasonable serrices t the town of Cepi, in the island on the eastern side of the Bosporus.t Here he obtained the hand of a rich heiress, iivho,perhaps for no other reason than because she was a foreigner and a native of the barba- rous region, was described at Athens as " Scythian. Their two daughters were sent with large portionsto Athens, where one of them, Boscib.PiE.of AI " m.rd-nilJ",ifl"l. ""viiu tb" DO"t "ppnnriit*AppalttUnilur " p" isiflluTa ba*nfnmlum'iiuUB*fU,[-AphDb.,F The nord jntaftewtj wu but * imali ntt or - gElher mh tlut of m-"",which ka umij on al iiaiMi ittan Qflaa't ilaith. Cleobula, married the elder Demoslhenas : ground sufllcieiitfor her son's political oppo- nents to call him s Scjthian, and a bereditaiy enemy of his coanlry. Demosthenes,who, ac- cording to the most probableopinion,was bom in the last year of the -ninety-eightb Olympiad, 386,* lost his father when be was but seven years old, and was left,with his mother and " younger sister,under the care of three guar- dians, two of them the next of kin, the third an intimate friend of the family, who, according to the Attic law, continued to administer his af- fairs until he had eompteted his eighteenth year. It can aoarcely be doubted,though we have only the slaiemeats on one side, that they grossly abused their trust, and by waste, em- bezzlement, or mismanagement, reduced his ample patrimony, which ought (o have been freatlyaugmented, to a Tory slender income. It is little less clear that this injury, which in ordinary casea would have been a misfortune, was among the causes which coatrtbuied moat to form his character, and to lay the foundation of bis greatness. His bodily firame was in his earlyyouth weak and sickly, and perhaps not capable of support- ing the iBtigue of the ordinarygymnastic exer- cisea,or his mother's anxiety for the health of her only son prevented him from attending the palRstra; for it seems certam that in this re- spect his education was neglected. It would lot be surprising that a nickname expressive of ^Beminacyt should have been fastened on him by his young companions, and that it should af- terward have been interpreted by his enemies B proof of unmanly luxury and vicious hab- : especially as. at a later period of life, he did abstain from certain indulgences which his fortune permitted, and perhaps hia infirmities required, but which, thoughperfectly harmless, may have excited envy, and were sufficiently unusual to afford a subject for obloquy.l For military service be was, of course, the less fit- ted, as he wanted the training by which every Greek citizen was commonly prepared for it,^ and the consciousness of this defect might well have led him to ^rink from it : possibly, loo, his bodily weakness was coupled with some de- of timidity ; though we have no evidence can raise more than a faint suspicion that IS deficient in the lowest kind of courage. By these disadvantages, however, his atrong mind and ardent spirit were bent the more res- olutely on the cultivation of his intellectual powers, and on the civil pursuits which alone alTorded him a prospect of that eminence to which he must very early have felthimself en- titled to aspire. It seems probable that even during his minority he conceived suspicions of ihe misconduct of his guardians, or was dis- HISTOBY OF GREECE. MlMeA with the trsatmenr he reoeiTed fimn them. He charges them with having defraud- sd the masters uniLer whom he Uudied of their (luesi*wbich, however, did ttot prevent him from receiving the best iDstnictiun in the liler- aij part of a liberal education.t Whether the story, tbat he could not paj the high price which Ifiocrales demaiided for his lesaonB,had anj other fouadation,we cannot detemune. The account wbich be obtained from his guard- iUB, when he came of age, must have comin- ced him ihat he had no hope of redreas but throughlitigation i and their abilities, wealth, and influence rendered them formidable adver- sarieB. The very institution of legalproceed^ tngs against persons ao closely conneciedwith hia familyby blood or friend^ip,wore an un- gracwus appearance ; and the parties interest- ed did not fail to represent it as the effect of unnatural malignity, which they seem to have , expressedb; anotber opprobrious epitbet.t A hard contest Is; before him, in which he most have been aware ^at the justice of his cause would avail him littlewithout the aid of foreawc "kill; and it was one on wbich hia after Tortnikes mainlydepended. It was. Ihere- fioe, for immediate use, on the most pressing oooaaion, that he sharpened the weapon with which he was to achieve so many memorable Tictoriea. This, however, waa not the only tnotivB which urged bim to the study of elo- quence. About tbe same time tbal he became hia own master, he had been present at the trial in which Cajlistretns defended his conduct in the affairof Oropue. Tbe impression made upm tbe youth by (hat masterlypleading, and by tbe admiratioa it en;ited,was liliethat which the hearing of Herodotus la comn believed to have wrought on Tbucydidei. , was, perhaps, Uien firstthat Demosthenes felt that ha too was an orator. There was, how- ever, a wide interval, not to be sunuounted without many years of laborious application, be- tween the point which lie bad attained and the idealmark whicb he pri^used to himself. " placed himself under the direction of Isteus, advocate of highreputation, a scholar of Isoc- rates,tboagh in style much more nearly resem- bling Lysias, To him be may have been in some degree indebted for tbe grace, simplicity, and vigour wbich are the most coaspicuoue quaUties of his forensic Readings. For this purpose he ooold not have found a better mod- el ; nor for any practical end, any mucb worse than Isocrates. Yet he may have wished to obtain the instructions of so celebrated a mas- ter, and we can easily believe that, when de- terred by the price which the rhetorician asXed, be aliU diligently studied his works.* There wu also a tradition, resting, indeed,on name- less authority, that he was for a time one of Plato's hearers,!! and the difference of s^le would not induce us to reject it ; but his ac- quaintance " which may safely be presumed^ with the philooopber's writings would suffl- t U i" mncB ihit Baoksr.forgMtiBnthi mmiiii'i UUi- m (Dhi., 4)-"ia j^ ia ichHicMicJin Kotttm M kttmm Sdmli. DcnuOfHi ill SCailmiH, p. g. I '"')",* njnr. .SKh., Di F. L, 1 1". ( CalliMu "B FlianA, DtBHih,, S. Cniu* Vii. X Ont DHi.,p,SM,a. t nmt-Tbam., n. ". cientlyexplain, if any auoh esplanationwers needed, that lofly strain of morality wbich per- vades his great works, and which, as may be inferred from the observation of Fanetiua,* Ita lirsl ventured to introduce into speeches ad- dressed to Athenian courts and assemblies " au- diences which Plato himself would scarcely have deemed worthy oi capable of receiving such sublime truths. His suit with his guardians,though it waa dehiyed three or four years by their artifices, was finally decided in hia favour ; and though they stillevaded the execution of the judgment, he appears at length to have recovered a coo- siderable part of his property. It would other- wise be difficult to reconcile his own state- ments concerning the expensivecbarges which be undertook in his youth, t with bis aocoiut of the small remnant of his patrimony wbiob hia goardiana rendered to him. The asaertioa made long after in general terns by one ofbiH enemies, tbal be had wasted his fbituiie,; wb" probably drawn flMm tbe defence set up by bia guardians; it may, at all events, be safely pro- nounced an impudent calumny, for whicti its authors could hardly have hoped to gain a plaoe in history. It is refuted by the dearest evi- dence the case admits. Not only were the habits of Detaostheoes so notoriously abstemi- oua as to he made, on that ground, a subject of ridicule by his political apponenta,^ hut bia- earlylife, for about ten years after he catne of age, was spent in a continual strug^e with dif- ficulties, and in the most laborious preparatioa. for the attainment of the great objects of a no- ble ambition. The success with which he had pleaded hia own cause was eacoursging, but not decisive aa to his higherprospects. The speeches which ho delivered on that ocoseion were deemed worthy of his master Iskus, and certainlygave proof of no ordinary talents. But a different hind of eloquence was requisite Ibr the debates of the assembly ; and defects of ntterance and gesticulalioa which might be overlooked by a. court of justice in a youth claimingredress, appearedintolerably offensive in one who pre- sented himself as s public counsellor. The re- ception he met with on his first appearance be- fore tbe SBsemblcd people was such as might have stifledthe hopes of one leas conscious of his own powers. His articulation wss imper- fect, hia action disairreeahjp, his voice, natur^- ly not strong, was ill managed ; and even bis style startled his hearers by its novelty, and was thought harsh, strained, and confused. H Though not silenced he descended from the bema In tbe midst of murmurs and laughter. There were, however, among his audience per- sons able to discern the merit of the attempt, and friendly enough to encourage and aid him with useful advice. Old men were stilE living who bad heard Pericles in their boyhood; and one of them, it is ssid, cheered Demoathenea with an assurance that he reminded him of that great orator, whose fame appears to have been hitherto unrivalled at Athens. SatyrasalsOr t DtiMiliiDH. II.. Pbil.,i n, D* p. L.,t tl.(id Iha Ik* oT Duudai (Luiu, DimsMli., Eihxu.. 4 13)."^iE DEMOSTHENES. he player, an HBuUe and estimaUe maii, """ "elieved to have directed bis BtientioD u "- - irincipal bulla of bis elocutim. He ui hat he waalad,bikI, with unconquet'Bble i utiou, set hiaxeelT to tha task of overeoming tiis latum] impedimeats, correcting his ansiiibtly iBbits, and perfecting every organ sad facutty vhich he had to emidoy as a, publicspe^rar. lie is reported to bave withdrawn for a time roia society, to pursue his work without inter- -option; and we know that be resorted to new ind very irkaooie methods of masteriag his tenooal diaad vantages.* These exercises he MiDtinned nntii be bad aoquired a manner of telivery. as to which it is sufficientto say that t was thoa^t bj his coDiemporirietwonhy of lis ehtquBDCe, and that il ditaingtiiahed him no eas above aU bia rivala-t It WEM Dol, bowever, meraly to enable him- "lf toBatis"yUie eye and earof thepoHic thai le entered oa this omme of training. He had ett that the equally ftstidioaetaste and jndg- neot of an Athenian assenldy demanded moie :han itbad fDond in bis first eaasy, which prob- ibij fellshort 1^ a much greater distance of his "wn idea. He apjdied hunself to an assldDODs ftudy of all the tbeoretieal woihs he could pro- iDTo which could flirniabhhn witb nilee and linta for the coHivation of his art, and itiU :nore diligently eonanlted the great modela of zloquenee in which he reoofnieed a Uodred |enius. In ThBcydides be amware to have [bund,as we do, Uia rtobest mine of thongbt and language; and the vshie which be set on his history ie ^tested both bylbe tradition that he copied it ont eighttimes, and conld almoBt recite it by heart,} and by the evidence of hie own style,notwithstanding the diff^enoe re- quired by two kinds of composition so com- ^eteljdisltnct. In the mean while, his pen was constantlyemployed in rbetorical exerci- ses. Everyquestionsuggested to him by pass- ing events served him for a topic of discussion, which called forth the application of his attain- ments to the real business of life. It was, per- haps, as much for the salteof such practice as with a view to reputation er the increase of his fortune, that he acceptedemployment as an ad- vocate, which, until be began to take an active part in publicaflairs, was offered to him in abundance. Ifhe viewed these occasions in this light, we might believe the scoiy that be once furnished each of the adverse parties in a cause with a speech, and yet might not consider itas a very deep stain upon his honour. His main occupation, however, was not with forms, or words, and sentences. The profession of an advocate itself required an extensive range of informstion. Causes, especially, which related to contested laws or decrees,generally involved a number of questions that called for a lai^ share of legal and political knowledge. Ilemoa- tbenea, who from the lirstwas always looking forward to the widest field of action, undonbt- ly Dtn-t \i,from DfouathaiiaihioHlf,en 1 g". "[!""" np p-81, 91. Cicsn, la ut fnm l^DOTdidH u fnm IncnlaK, Vol. IL" M ediy did not oontent hhnwlf with the indispen- sable stody of the Athenian laws and Constitn- tion, but bestowed do less earnest attention on the domestic aflUirs, the financial resources, and the foreign relations of the commonwealth, and Ofi the political divisions, powers, and io- lerestsaflhereatofGrevce. The state of the Snances, and of the naval and military estab- lishmentB of Athena, the defects of the eiisling system, and the meam of correctingthem, appear more particolarly to have occupied tain thoughts. Socfa was the proeasa by whiob ho becanM confessedly the greateM orator among the peo- ple by whcHn etoqnencewas oaltivated as it baa never since been by any nation u|Mm earth- He brought itto its l^hest state of perfeotios, as Sof^McleB the tragicdiamB, by the baimoni- . ouB nnian of ezoeUettMBWhiidi before had on^ existed iqwrt. The qoality in his writings which excited the highest admiration of the in the btter critical age, was the Protean vi saUlity with ^ieh be adapted his slyls ta every theme, so as to fnmisb the most peifeot examples of every order and hind of eloquenoe. They, wbo understood and fbit the beauty of his composttiona in a degree bayond the rtaeh of the most leaned foreigner, were aware that, with all their enthnaiaam of delist, they oould but Ihintly conceive the tminessioa which that which they read mast have producedon tbooe who heard il animated by the voice and action of the orator, when be was addressing himself to real interests and passions,*This,however, is a subjecton which itwould be foreign to our present poipose to enlai^. We will only ob- serve that Demosthenes, like Pericles,never willingly appeared befbre his andience widi any but the ripest fruits of his privatestudies, though he was quitecapable of speaking on %i" impulse of the moment m a manner worthy of his reputation ; Uiat he continued to the end of his career to cnltivate bis art with ombated dthgence, and that even in the midst of public busmess, his habits were known to be those Of a severe student. With so many claims to admiration on this side, he has left,we will not say an ambiguoua, but a disputed character.t It would,indeed, have been surprising bad the case been other- wise, witb a man whose whole lifewas passed in the midst of the moat violent political atonus and the most ftiriona party strife. His efforts to defend the liberties of Athena and of Greece against a foreignking have earned him atill more virulent attacks in modem times than be experienced from the sycophants of his own day, or from his personal enemies. The ex- treme scantiness of our information as to his privatehistory,and,indeed, as to the public events of his time, must always render it im- possible distinctly to refute the imputations which have been thrown U|tpn hts moral north : bH that can be said in his defence is,that, so br as can be now ascertained,not one of them 90 HISTORY OF OREECB. Testa upon anr better foundation than partial statements or daubtful aunnises j 'nh'de what- ever we know with certainty of hia public life is good, and often great. That he was free frotu fhults no one can suppoae : his charecter was human ; it was that of a Qreek and an Athenian, in a corrupt and tarboleni age, and in a difHraiHand trying station. It mast not be eooipared with an; purer models of Tirtoe than the moat illustnouB statesmen of hia country. From such a comparison,according to the Tiew which he himseif professed to take of hia pub- lic conduct and his poUlicalaims, he had no need to shrink : for many of Ihem had been more successful, but none in an undertaking ao gloriouB aa that in whioh he failed. Most of the grsTer charges which have been brought against him are intimately connected with hia publicbiatory; and our opinion of the man must be mainly regulatedby the judgment we form "Thim aa a atatennan. If he trulyrepreaented the great object of bis lifeto he that of preaerv- ing Greece from fbreigndomination, and if the means b; which ha strove to accomplish this purpose were to husband the resources, to reuse the energiee, and exalt the character of the Athenians, hia own will stand in littleneed of an apology. This,however, ia a queation which it would be premature now to enter on, and which the history must decide. For the aame reason, we shall not here attempt to exhibit the portraits of any of the men who became cele- brated either as his coadjutors or hia adversa- ries, but shall resume the narrative from which we have been digressing. In the course of the precedingyear Demos- thenes had exhibited his powers in an oration which tie delivered himself, in a public cause vrhich excited great interest, as it was institu- ted for the repeal of a law lately enacted on the proposal of one I^eptitiea, by which all exemp- tions from the expensive services technically termed liturgin, that had been granted to de- serving citizens,or other ben^actois of the commonwealth, were abolished, allauch grants were declared illegal for the future, and even to solicit them for the people was forbidden under a most severe penalty. On this occasion De- moMhenes appearsdas the advocate of Clesip- pDs, the BOO of Chabrias, who was one of the principalparties to the cause, and deeply con- cerned in the issne, as the heir" a very worthy one" of hia fatber's privilegBs. Demosthenea ondertook his pert chiefly, it aeema, out of re- gard for hia family, but not without a decided opinion on tbe inexpediency of the law which he opposed. It had been recommended by I^p- tines aa a measure of relief to the citizens who were burdened with the charge of the public amusements ; for the exemptions in question did not extend to the triersrcby, or to the war taiOB. To Demosthenes it appeared that the purpose might be more equitably, honourably, and usefully answered by a fairer distribution of the burden ; and, in the room of (be sweep- ing abolition of former grants, he proposed an inquiry into the claims of those who enjoyed them. The law was repealed. We do not know whether the proposal of Demosthenea^^ which would probably have disclosed many abu- " - -|8 sdoptedI but the speech, which i* an n "f hi* oratory,nmst have raised him high in publicestimation, and hftTe inspired him with confidence to take a part in the debates of the assembly. The oration,however, on the question of Ibe Persian war, shows that he waa mach leas in- tent on making a display of eloquence than on ofl^ring nsefol advioe. It is oalm,simple,grave, statesman-like,indioaUng the outlines of th" policy which he ever after continued to recom- mend. He pMnta out the dangerto which Ath- ens would expose herself if,relying on uncer- tain rumonra, abe sbonld rush into a war id which Persia might he able to combine the oth- er maritime Greek statea against her. Bat be urges the neoessity that she should immediate- ly place herself in a strong defensive posture, not more against tbe attack with which ahe had been threatened than against those which might be made on her from other quartera which were avowedly hostile. It is a little surprising that,though this ia the generalpurpose of the speech, the name of Philip does not once occur in it, and it contains do distinct aUusion to tbe war with Macedonia. We may infer from this silence that Philip'sproceedings,though thej had provoked the resentment of the Athenians, had not yet excited any alarm even in Demos- thenes, It is likewise remarkable that he speaks of Thebes, though the popularprejudice had never been more violent against her at Athens than at thia period, in an extremelymild,re- apectful, conciliating tone. But he does not confine himself, like laocratee,to vague general advice : the contrast between the practical statesman, and the wordy rhetorician is strong- ly illuatrated in tbe one's speech and tbe oth- er's pamphlet, which were produced at so abort an interval of time, under similar circumstan- ces, and with vieWa apparently not discordant. Demosthenes proposes a apecific, wetl-digeateil plan, which would enable the commonwealth to equip ber fleets with the leaat poeaihledelay, and, if necessary, to raise ber naval force to aOO galleys. Into the details of this scheme we need not enter. It waa an attempt to rem- edy one of the crying evtla of the existing sys- tem, which will be mentioned hereafUr. We are not informed whether it was adopted; but the proposal of war with Persia was rejected. The occupation which the Social War gave to the Athenians seems to have prevented them from takingadvantage of the cession of the Cheraoneaus : after that war was ended, the losses which they had sufibred in it must have rendered them the more desirous of extracting allthe profit they could from tbeir newly-acqui- red territory.Accordingly, in the couree of the next year a body of cleruchial colonists was sent to establiBh themselves there. The an- cient claims of Athens to the Cheraonesus may have been thought to justify this measure, not- vrithstanding the apparent contravention of the terms on which the revived confederacy had been based : as the public necessities overruled every other conaideralion of policy. Not only, however, did Cardia remain independent, hut Seatua refused to submit, and Chares was or- dered to reduce it to obedience. He besieged and took the town; and " it appean vrilhout any instructions, but probablyto gratify the re- sentment which it had provoked by a long oottrae of hostility, aa weft aa to make mora STATE OF EUBCEA." PAHTT VIOLENCE. Toom for the Athenfan Mtllers " h" pnt to dealt aU the males, and sold tbe women and children. A. renewal of the ancient ferocity which had contTibuted to (he downfall of the common- -wealth in its moat palm; slate. pecDliarlj ill- tkned when it had been so lately weakened by an unsucceasful straggle, and was still engaged in one with a most fomiidable enemy. Philip seems to have kept aloof fnim the So- cial War ; itenabled him,perhaps, to eS^t his conquests in Thrace with less interraption than hs might otherwise have experieneecl ; but af- ter the reduction of Potidsea he remained,as we haTB observed, for a time aiipsrentlf inactive, or irtiolly occupied with the internal aflairs of bis kingdom. There can, however, be little doubt that dnriog this pause in his military i terpnses his attention was earnestly fixed the events which were takingplace in Greet , and itwas probably because he anticipated the oppominilyntitehthey would aflbrd him for in- terference that he abstained from all move- ments which might either employ his forces, or might draw the eyes of the Greeks towards himself. Nevertheless, he did not neglect Hn opportunity which oHered itself, in the course of the name year in which Demosthenes delivered his first pnblic oration (3M), for gaining a foot- ing in the immediate neighbourhood of Attica, snch as might for the present attract littleno- tice, but jet might prove very nsefnl to him in his futnre undertakings. The occasion was presented by the troubled state of Eubcea. Chalcis and Eretria, each under the rule M one of its own citizens,still, it wouhl seem, retain- ed their ancient rivalry. At Chalcis a dynasty had been established by Mnesarchna, and was maintained after bis death by his sons Callias and Tanrosthenes ; at Eretria Themison had been succeeded " whether Iramedialely or oth- "rwisB we are not informed " by Plularchus. Both Mnesarchus and Themison had manifest- "icl hostility to AUiensj and their bucccssotb were probably not more amioablydisposed to- wards her. Callias endeavoured to strengthen faiuself by aDianoe with Philip, who sent a small body of troops to aid him in his qaarrel with the tyrant orEretria,'orto extend his dominion in the island. Plutarchna wae thas led lo apply to Athens for protection ; and the succours which bis enemies had received from Macedo- nia may have excited a Jealousy there favour- able to his interest, and it seems thai he had alao powerltil friends there lo ptead bis canse. Tet Demosthenes declared himself against the proposition of sending an expedition to his as- aistancoi thinking it more politic to let tbe fends of the island take their natural course than lo engage in a war which held out little prospect of advantage to counteihalance the expense and the danger.l He did not consider Plutar- chna OS a desirable or trustworthy ally; and seems either lo have thought that the manner in which Philip had interfered did not deserve much notice, or to have apprehended that tbe proposed intervention of Athens might lead to a struggle with him for the possession of Eubtea. a which the risk would he all on her aide, the ood almost alone Demosthenes, bowei FliiuA, Phiic.,IX. 91 r, and only irritated the partisans of Plutarcbus by the attempt. One of the foremost among them was a persoD named Meidias,a man of great wealth and in- lluencG,and of abilitiessufficient at least tc o take a part in public He was united to Plntarcbus by the bonds of friend- ship and hoepitalily, and had been for several years an open enemy of Demosthenes, firam a quarrel which appears to have grown out of his suit with his guardians. We have intimations that at this period party violence ran very high at Athens. Frequent mention is made of a mur- der committed by one AHstarchus, apparently from political motives; and Meidias attempted to involve Demosthenes, who was connected with Aristarchus, in the same charge. We may also gather from -several fkcts stated by Demosthenes, that while, in the admin istralion of public aflkirs.the spirit of democracy waa levelling the few barriers of law and custom by which it had hitherto been restrained, abuses tolerated by which a large share of power thrown into the hands of an oligarchical faction. We formerlynoticed,as a remarkable indication of the character and aims of the indi- J,tbe license assnmed by Alcibiades in his intercourse with his fellow-cittMns during tbe earlypart of his life. That was s aingnlar case, in which an extraordinary measure of popnlar favour was abased by an extraordinary man. But that Meidias, a person every way, except wealth, below all comparison with Alcibiadea, should have ventured on similar excesses, as be appears to have done, can scarcely be ex- plained except by the reliance which he placed on the strength of bis party. Demosthenes, who appears at all times to have distinguished himself by the liberality of his conlributiooa both to tbe amosements of his fellow-ciUsens and tbe service of the slate, had voluntarily un- dertaken to act as cAoriwiu" -to flimish a chorus " for his tribe,at one of theDionysiacfostivalB. While he was discharging this office, Meidiaa, who had previonsly oflbred him several grow insults of a more privatenature, alrack him openly in the theatre in the preaenco of the as- sembled people, and tore the rich vestment which was one of the ensigns of his officisl character. The fact could not be denied ; and as the person of a choragus,during the perform- ance of hie functions,was aacred, it exposed the offender lo the penalties of sacrilege. De- mosthenes immediately commenced a prosecu- tion againstMeidias, and composed a speech for the occasion, which has been preserved, though itwas not delivered, and did not receive his finishing touches ; for he was induced to drop the proceedings before they came lo the trial,and to accept a sum by way of compro- :. SO small that itcould hardly be viewed aa anything more than an acknowledgment of the injury, 'nie conduct of Demosthenes in this transaction " which, however, it mast be ob- served, was much less repugnant to tbe Greek ideas of honour than to those of chivalrous nes " cannot be ascribed either to avarice or forbearance, which was wholly foreign to his character. It would seem, therefore,to have been the effect of fear ii^ired by the partf which supported Meidias, But we do not know enough of the oircumataoces to DTDDOuaoe bow C.ooolc 00 HISTORY OP GREECE. "r it niBj have deserred tbe reproeoh of puBiU lanimity, Ii ceitaml; aiqwars la confirm the SDBpicion which ia suggssledby other pssaagM Id bis life, that he was naturally timid, and bold onl;by an effort of reflection, or under the im- pulse of strong tMliaga. The event of (he measures which he opposed Beems to prove the wisdom of his counsels. An expedition was decreed, and placed under the cDDunuid of Phocion. perhaps the ablest general yel remaining la the republic. He was joined in "uh"eB by Plutarcliua ; but be suSer- ed bimaelf to be drawn, into a perilous position near Tamyne, where his army, ifdefeated,must have been entirely destrojad. or compelled to sorrender ; and here be weIs attacked by Calli- aa with, it seema, a greatlysuperior force. He. however, extricated himself liom Ibis danger by hia skiilaadpreneDCeof mind, end gained the victory in a faaid-fuught battle. But the con- duct of Plutajchus, whose raahoeaa nearly ru- ined his allies, seems to have excited a auspi- cioo,w^ich, however, can hardly have been well founded, that be bad acted in collusion with the enemy. After the vicUiry, indeed, ia posatUe that hia views may have underjioae a ehange, and he may have bemyad an aliena- tioiifrofflthe interest of tbe Atkoniana,which they would oonsider as treachery. The fact ia, that henceforth Phocion treated him as on ene- my, expelled him from Eretria, and nude him- BCJ( master of Zaretra,a fortress in a eeotral po- sition between the eastern and neatem coasts. If we believe what Plutarch adda, tbat he dja- misaed the prisonera wbo fell into bis baods there,throng fen tbtt the people ndabt bo in- duced by tbe orators to pot them to deotb,we must suppose a state of excitement at Athena, for whkd), unless it was pnidoeedby indifDa- tion againsta peffidioua al^,w" oannot acoonat. AAer the eqnlaioa itfPlntarolHis pi^ar gov- enuueut waa restored at Gr"tria ;* and peiftapa tbe Athenian intereat was at first predominant. But it was not long before Philip's partisans be- gan to show tltemselves there ; nor was the power of Athens completely established in the rest of tbe ialatid, Phocion, indeed, left it seeminglj in a tranquil state ; but hia successor Mtdossus, who protnbly wuited bis prudence and moderation,was engaged in fresh hoslili- ttee, and conducted then so ill as to fall into tbe enemy's hands, t We have neglectedchronological arraoge- msot in this part of our narrative, in order that the hisiorj of muoh more important ev" wtiich were al this time agitating Greece, and which took their rise some years earlier, may be carried forward without interruption. The principal of these events was a war whicb broke out in 3fi7,or 3fi6,between Thebes and Phocis, and became one of the moat memorable in an- oient history, under the name of the Sacred War. the second to which thatepithet had been a^ilied. With this were ooonected movements in Tbasaaly,which opened a passage for Philip into the heart of Qreeoe, and at length made him tbe master of her destiiQ. Tbe Buin canaea of this Sacied War are mors dearly asoertained than Ua immediste oc- CMJOB. AnimosiV bad hJog been ranlling be- tween Tbebea and Phocis nnfar a show of t PIM.,Flue.,K. peace and amity. The Phociana had opvaly preferred the alliance of Sparta and Athens as long as they dared,came over to the Tbeban side with evident reluctance,as much as poe- sible withheld active co-operation, and took ad- vantage of the letter of tbe treaty to refuse it in tbe campaign which ended with the battle of Mantinea. 'Hiat refusal probably excited resentful feelings, which were only restrained by the expectation of a favourable opportunity ; but they appear to have been aggravatedby subsequent injuries. The price which Thebes had paid for her doubtful victory to the loss of ber greatest general and staiesmaa muat have revived the spirit of all her enemies ; and it seems to have encouraged the subject Bmotian towns to attempt a revolt, and the Phociana to- come to their aid : lor such is the most prob- able interpretation of Justin's statement, that the charge against tbe Phocians, which ^Te rise to the war, was that they had ravaged Bcft- otia.' And it is possible that tbe step with which tbe Thabans began tbe fatal struggle was prompted leas by revenge than by preoau- tioD, in the view of disabling the Phocians "via. thus aaeailing Tliebee on her tendereat side. Had EpamiBO"dsa atill guidad their counsels, A^ would aearcely have reaorted to soch an. e^Bdient, As it was, they aeem to have hoped to obtain alltbe advantages of a snaosaaliil vrar without bloodshed or risk. It was ]aag since the nama of the Anqihictj- ODio Conneil had been connected with uy iia- portant events ; but it stillretained its "ziM' enoe as a veneraUe ehadow,f and oontinned t" celebrate its periodica] meetii^ with barmleaa sfdemaity, and perhaps to issue dsotees fin:tha refolation of mattera relating to the temple of Delphi,not devoid of intei"at for tbe littletribea- whioh, politically insignifioant, ceaumMided a. great majority of votes in itad^berationa. Af- ter the decline of tbe Spartanpower, they ap- pear generally to have submitted to tbe gut- duice of Thebes, with which several of theak were united by Ibeir common hatred of tbeir neighbours, tbe Phocians. The Thebans had alr^y made use of their ascendency to obtaiiL a sentence which condemned Sparta to a peu- altj for the seizure of the Cadmea. We do not know under what pretext Ihe-oouncil took cogniience of this oflence, which,though a foul breach of fuith, was not otherwise connected with religion ; and we might, therefore,be led to suspect that it grounded ile claim of Juris- diction in this case merely on ibe.sounding titlo / which it sometJineBaEsumed, of a national con- gress. t Wo may, perhaps, infer from Xeno- phon'ssilence, tbat these proceedings were not instituted before the death of Epaminondaa, wbo would iHidMbly have disdained this kind of revenge.4 It may have eeemed a good ex- "Dt wiih a* Lufuca of Diodonu, in., U, Awcdujuii^Hi BhZjf'^Hbt'w rn"""k^..'p. Ill, tiwtlHi ^at^ t^ "idg,HdnUadlMrkilRd"BwvTioirhkAlb"rcali]d a" iun nBUd II Wum." aHma inBctiman applicHbl* in whieil Ibaj wraaktd aaA 1ai "^^ -. - THE AMPHICTYONS "TREASURES OP DELPHI. pedient for laming the obsliuaey of Spaila, twhca she refused to acknowledge the independ- ecoe of Messenia, and auSered henclf on that account to be excluded from the genoralpeace. She paid no regard to the sentence, which, af- ter the battle of Mantiaea, there waa none to eafoTce; but it aeeoia to hare suggested the thought that a like engine might be pointed with more effect against the Phociana. The; liad laid IhemaeWea open le a charge of aacri- lege,having taken into cultivation a portion of tbe fiuiiful plain, which had been doomed bj the decree of the Amphiclyons, in the firstSa- cred War, to lie forever waste. Such, at least, ia the acoouut of Diodonis, which ia confirm- ed bj what we ieam of the quanela between the Phociana and thetr LocHan neighbotua oa boundary questions,coupled with the aubae- quent conduct of the Locriana of Amphiaaa.* Thebea did not put herself forwatd. but prob- ably instigated some of ^le Thessalian mem- bera of Ihe council to prosecute the Phociana for this ofTence, and they were condemned to pay a very heavy fine.t As the delinquents did not obey the judgment, the council,pn^ ably It its nesi toeetiog. followed it up by a freah decree,which declai"d that, unless the' fine was paid, the refractory people should fbr- tuit theii territoiy to the god whom they de- frauded of his due. The language used seems to have amoanted to a threat of reducing the Phociana lo the conditiou uf Peoests or Helots, only autqeot, not to privatemasteis, but to the temple,.or the government of Delphi,long, as we hate seen, tbe hitler enemy of Phocis. Such a sentence was clearlyjnompted by the etata which could alone have thwight itself able to carry it into exeotion ; and, under the same influence,a clause wm added to it,which threatened Sparta, if she persisted in her con- tumacy, with a like penalty. If Thebea waa the author of these proeeed- ingSi to farther eifdaaation is needed to ac- count for them ; nor can it he naceasary to aup- pose that ^e was impelledby any other moliTa than the pro^ieot at redudug the PboeiaDS to sohmiaaion, and preventing them iTom inter- fering in the affairsof BcBotia. Yet there were contemporary politicians who charged the Tbe- bana with a deeper and isore iniqaitoas design : that of seisiDgDelphi and plnndering the aa- areal auapicion to rest upon, and was anythingmore than a calamnious fabricationof their enemies.* But the fiction itself, if it was nothingmore, seems to indicate that sucb an event coold not have excited much surprise; and. indeed,many things had bappened which might have served to prepare the minds of the Greeks for it. Del- phi Itself, it ia true, bad never been directly threatened,except by the Persians, since the barbarotis ages to which tradition referred the attempts of the PhlegyK, aad other impious enemies of the Delphicgod.f But it was in a period of great refinement,yet before auper- stitiou had lost any considerable part of ila in- fluence, that Hecatreos advised bis countrymen to apply the treaaures of the same gnd at Bran- chida to their use in their contest with the Peiaiana. On the eve of the Peloponnesian war, we have seen that a similar proposal was made cohcerning those of Olympia and Delphi in a congress at Spartaby the Corinthian dep- uties, though disguised under the pretest of a loan. Stillmore recently, after the foundations of religion and morality had been shaken by the speculations of the sophists^ and by the crimes, convulsions, and calamities of half a century, Jason was so stronglysnspected of sacrilegiooa designsagainst the Delphictreasury that, per- haps in the hope of deterringhim, the oracle was consulted on the subject, and the god was made to answer, as of i^d,that be would tak" care of his ownt A party in Arcadia, with the tacit sanction of Thebes, had actually laid vio- lent hands on the Olympic treasury. After such precedents, it required no extraordinary saga- city to fbr^iee that the riches of Delphi would not long be protectedby the*sanctity of the place, if those who were able to seize them shoi^ ever be tempted to the sacrilege by any argent oocaaion. Such an occasion had now arisen. The Pho- ciana, ttareateaed by the Amphictyoniedecree, and t^the powerful enemies who were eager to execute it.saw the need of a vigorousetKtrt, Wh. uf Dslphi bf th Tlixl eiMn ")""" Ip. 13^"honuISm* FtioniHii. (htltlty, ""' (7ri( iXin,n- nAi/mi, wtptttutv ml ifljil vM "^ SSI" "* ' *""" ,t Tii'l, f, ". HISTORY OF GREECE. and were read; to liateD to bold couasellora. A man eqnal to the emergenc; seema at this time to have filleda high office in the common-, wealth, Philomelua of Ledon, the son of Tlieo- timua. He was probablygeneral, or in Bome station of equivalent dignity, which oui imper- fect knowledge of the Phocian constitution does sembly which was held to deliberate on the state of aBairs, he pointed out the injustice oilhe de- cree, the enormous disproportion between the penalty and the oflence, and urged the necessi. ty of resistance. To render it efTectual. be showed that they had only to assert their an- cient rights, and take possession of Delphi. where they were entitled to the presidency of the oracle, which would enable them to reverse the proceedings of the Amphictyons. If they would intrust him with t)ie enterprise, be pledg- ed himself to bring it to a prosperous issue. These assurances inspired his hearera with confidence, and he was created commander-in- chief of tbe national forces, or, ifhe before held Uiat office, was now iDvesled witb new and un- limited authority. His first step, according to Diodoms, was to proceed to Sparta, and communicate his plana to Archidamus,who, it is said, declined openly to sanction them, but promised all the aid he could give, short of avowed co-operation, and furnished bim with an immediate aubsidy of fif- teen talents. If this account is to be believed, itseems an almost unavoidable inference, that Philomelus had already formed designs which he had not ventured to disclose to his country- men, but which he so far intimated at Sparta, that Archidamus,notwithstanding their com- mon interest, shrank from the danger of an open alliance with him. But as itis probable that he did not BulTer aiy longer interval tban was ab- solutely necessary to elapse between the an- nouncement of his purpose in the Phocian as- sembly and the attempt to execute it,we are inclined to suspect that the interview with Ar- chidamus took place before he was raised to the supreme command, and that with tbe sup- plies ho received, and his privateresources, he made preparations which enabled him, as as he had obtained ihe consent of the people, to strike the meditated blow. It certainly fell very suddenlyon Delphi,and,if ithad been expect- ed, might, it seems, have been easily warded off; for itwas with no more tban 1000 Phocian pellasts, and perhaps an equal number of merce- nary troops, (hat he marched to surprise the city "r Apollo; and he appeara to have met with no resistance from the mass of the inhabitants, who, it msy be supposed from their manner of life, were among the least warlike of the Greeks.* Only the rulingfamilies,which, apparently througha traditional connexion with the Thra- cians of DauliB,t bore the name of Thracide, re- lying, perhaps,on the sanctity which they de- rived from the temple of which they were he- redilaiy guardians, made an impotentstruggle, which provoked Philomelus to put them to That ho ever entertained the thought death. " See Aihaaau. JT. -.^J-JLt of destroying the city,killing the men, and ear- slaving the women and children, is highly im- probable : and littleleae so the account that he was diverted from this useless atrocity by the intercession of Archidamus.* We can much. more readily believe Diodonis,who represents him as cheering the Detphiana with assurances of safely. The Locrians of Amphissa were first roused by the news, and immediately marahed to the deliverance of Delphi, but Ibej were defeated, and forced to retreat with great loss. After the victory Philomelus proceeded to destroy the records of the Amphtctyonicjudgment a|!3iDst Fhocis. At the same time,he publicly declared that he did not intend to rob the temple, bat only to reinstate the Phocians, its ancient and legitimate guardians, in their rights. Yet it can scarcely be doubted that,while be waa making these professions, he bad alreadybegun (o touch the sacred treasure, unless itbe supposed that the conliscated property of the Thraddc was sufficientfor his immediate wants. He certainlyrequired considerable sums ; for ha not only continued to enlist freah mercenaries, whom he invited by the additioa of one half to the ordinary pay, but fortifiedthe temple with a new wall. But be seems at least to have re- solved not to take more than he found absolute- ly necessary for self-defence, and to keep even this measure secret as long as he coidd. It was partly,perhaps, witb this view that, having raised his forces to the number of 6000, he in- vaded and ravaged the Locrian territory. In this expedition the peculiar chsractcr of the war began to display itself. Tbe Jjocrians in some trifling engagement had been leftin pasaessioii of a few of the enemy's slain : and when the herald came with the usual application for their interment, refused to give them up, alleging that, according to Greek usage, men guilty of sacrilege were not entitled to funeral ntes. But Philomelus,having soon after gained a victory, and remaining maater of the field, obliged thciu to consent to an exchange of the dead. He led his army back to Delphi laden with the spoil of Locris, which may for some time have supplied him with the means of paying itat the enemy's expense. The interval of repose which followed this expedition was apcnl in active preparations for war, which, however, he conducted so as to show his intention of sparing the temple as long or as much as poaaiblc. He was evidently anx- ious to avert the odium of sacrilege from his cause, and had not yet despaired of escaping it. It may, however, have been less with this view than to quiet the scniplee of his own followers that he determined to employ tbe machinery of the oracle ; posaiblj not much caring whether he gained its authorityin his favour,or so shook it in the attempt, as to render it harmless for the future. He compelled the prophetessby threats to mount the tripod, and pronounce a declaration, importing, as ne gather from Dio- donis, that all bis proceedingswere agreeable . to the will of the god, and encouraging him to persevere, or, as his enemies,perhaps,express- ed itin derision, to do as he would. The ora- cle was no doubt couched in more decent tenns ; and he published itwith great solemnity in an " P"M, "e'Stiwic PHILOMELUS." DANGER OF PHOCIS. as ""Bemblf which, thoughchied;composed of bis Bokliera and partisans, was probablyopen to all the Greeks then present at Delphi, and niaj' have been meant to represent an Amphtctfonic axUna* Propilioua omena likewise were not wanting, nor kept secret.* But with these ap- peals to aaperstition he coupled other lees am- biguous expedienta (or Increasing the moral strength of his cause. He sent envojs, caT"- ftiil; chosen from among his friends, to allthe principal states of Greece, Thebes itselfnot ex- cepted, to defend his conduct. The; were in- structed to declare that he had only taken pos- session of Delphi to do juatice to Fbocia ; thai he badno intention of epoiliag the temple; that he was ready to produce an inventory of all its treasures, minutely describing their number and weight, and to giie an account before allGreece of tus custody of them. Id the mean while he proceeded to tery fresh troops, and,to meet hia growing expenses without a breach of his re- cent declaration, or, at least, to save appearan- ces, and at the same time to punish his bitter- est enemies, he laid heavy contributionson the wealthy Delphians.. The Locrians, who bad hitherto receiTed no assistance, still thought themselTee able to cope with bim, and renewed their inTasion. Another obstinate battle was fought near Delphi, in which thej were com- pletely routed -.t and now despairing of the suc- cess of their solitary eflbrts, seat ambassadors to Thebea to implore succours in the name of The reception which the eavojs of Philorae- lus met with was, of coarse, determined t^ the previous wishes and interests of the states to which they addressed themselves. But his moderation and . fair professionsencouraged those who were favourable to him to declare themselies without reserve. At Athens and at Sparta he was readilyaccepted as an ally; but at Thebes it is probable that his ministers could scarcely obtain an audience, and they were certainly dismissed with hostile threats. Yet itseems as if the imputation of sacrilege was not thought sufficientto escite the popular indignation to the proper pilch, and that a story was spread at Thebes of an outrage oommitleil by some Pbocian on the person of a Theban lady.i Tbe request of the Locrians was eager- ly granted: and Tbebes now came forward as the principal party to the contest, and herself sent envoys to Theasaly to rouse not only the ThessaUans, but all the littletnbea in that quar- ter which had a voice in the council,to arm for the holy war. All obeyed the summons ; and they atone, probably,among tbe belligerents were animaled by some degree of religious leal i though with most of them the Phocians, not the enemies of the god,were the real ob- ject of hatred. Thus, Philomelus saw almost 0"*iSi|)iKWiufInA")- t DiDdnnu, iri., 1 t Fimiba,l." p. 143. brin^ 4 chu^ of tanagt entl l^ltitt PhiktDwIiu, which hai na otbar grotiiAthan " nu hjspn"TtenlodB4tb, buT Uut muy of th" Locrivu in Etif llighl win cliHvsn"u PhilnoigiuitliiwaLf Bftamnl wu the whole of Dotthem Greece leagnedagainst bim ; his enemies surrounded him on alt sides, and were urged to the utmost exertions by the strongest motives of interest, passion, and prej- udice, while Ihtm his allies be could look for little assistance. Athens, weakened by her Social War, and intent on diflferenl aims, was not disposed to engage very actively in a cause of omiDOOS aspect, and not immediately touch- ing her interests. Sparta could not but view the cause as her own : bat, with Messene and Megalopolis at her side, could promise little, and might be disabled from stirring at all. There were, indeed,some othsr Peloponnesiaa states which wished well to the enemies of Tbebes i but no expectations of important EDO- cours conld be safely Ibuaded on their friendlj^ dispositions. Thus, then, the time had come when one help alone remaioed to save tbe Phocians fi^na destruction. They bad need of a powerfhl army to face the eoofederacy formed against them, and they had no means of raisingor maintainingone, unless the god lent them his treasures,as be had alreadygranted them his sanction. Philomelus now threw off all dis- guise. It was, indeed,necessary for his par- pose that itshould be generally known that he- possessed the power of enriching allwho might enter his service, and that he woold no longsr shrink from using it. As soon as it became notorious that the temple treasure was the fund from which his soldiers ware to draw their pay, adventurers flocked to his standard from every part of Greece. That they were men of s worse cbamcter than any othera of tbe same class, may be considered as a hostile exagger- ation ;* yet it is credible enough that the large pay by which they were attracted, and the cause in which they fought, concurred to pro- mote a more than ordinarydegree of licentious* ncBB among them. Having tbiu raised his forces to upward of 10,000, Philoraelua again invaded I"acris, where the enemy had already been joinedby a body of Theban troops. Not- withslanding the excellence of the Theban cav- alry, he defeated them in a combat of horse, and gained another victory alter tbey had been re-enforced by 6000 men from Thessaly. He himself soon afterward received a re-enforoe- ment of 1500 Acbceans; hut the arrival of a fresh army " according to Diodorus, 13,000 sirong-^fromBceoiia,compelledbim, it seems, to take up a position where he remained for a time on the defensive. While the two armies were encamped here at no great distance from each other, the char- acter of the war displayed itselfin deeds more atrocious than either party had hitherto ven- tured on. The Thebans, confident in their strength, but perhaps not so much to gratify tbeir hatred as to intimidate the enemy, and ts detiT others from entering into the Pbocian they had taken in foragingexcuraiona, and, having made a proclamation (hat the Ampbic- tyons condemned them to death as abettors of sacrilege, massacred them all in cold blood in the presence, it seems, of both aroMes. The soldiers of Philomelus were,. as might have been expected, not dismayed, bat violently ex- ' C'.oogic HISTORY OF GREECE. 'aapentadbj this cnielCy, and demuided ven- aeance for tbe blood or tbeir comradea. Relal- Wion waa abaolucelynecessaiy for bis owb aafet J. Tbe mercenarieB exerted tbeir iitmoal efibrla lo collect as man; priaonera as thef could : and FhilomelDS led them all oat to pul"- lic execution,according U" tbe example aet by the Tbebina. Tbia meaaiire did not, of caorae, tend to allay the mutual animoaity, but it pre- vented the repetition of the crime whicb bad been perpetrated in the name of religion. We have no connected account of the militaryop- erations wbicb eneaed, and cannot determine the object Of tbe moTementa bj wbicb the two anniea w"Te again brought into each other's praBeMM near the town of Neon or Titborea, which tayat tbe ftrata( a precipice in one of the tipper TaUeye of Pamassua.* Tbe meeting is and to have been unexpected ; we might con- jeotire that PhilooMhiE was taking the moont- sin road tbr the purpoae of invading Bceotia, vhite it waa left unguarded. The enemy was far BUperior in nnmbera, and the engagement, "rt)iehfollotredwithout any previouaarrange- neni, ended in the defeat of the Phocians. PbHometua himself, aller baving fought with deaperatavalonr, and receiTed a number of woBDda, was hurried along, it ia aaid. in the general rout among the mountain crags, and perished. According to Diodnms, he fotind his flight stoppedby a precipice, and threw himself "rer its edge. Pausaniast gires a more mar- "elloM colour to the event ; as if,by a prater- nunral inalinct, he had sought the very kind of death which,by ancient custom, and by the de- cree of [he Ampbictyoniccouncil,was the ap- pointed penalty (if aacrilege ;J and we find this Tiew uf the subject etilt more distinctly ex- pressed in another tradition, that the rock on which he stood rolled down and crushed him with its ruins. 4 PerhapaJnstin's simpler state- ment, that he died fighting in thetbieheetof the battle, may be not less deserrlng of credit. PhilomehiB,it is said,was the eldeat of three brathen: BndOnomarchus,oneoftheyoanger,ll commanded a division of the Pbocian army. It seema not to have taken so aetire a part in the battle as that which was immediately un- der Philomelus ; he elfectad a aafe retreat, and collected many of the fugitiTea. The victory was Dot so decided aa to encourage the Thebans to attempt Un reeoTe^ of Delphi ; and Uioj returned homo to await the effect which the loss of Philomelus might produce on the ene- my's counsels.' Onomarcbua led hia array back to Delphi, and immediately called an as- sembly to delitierBle on the state of sfDiirs. A division,wbich had probably existed for some time before among the Fhocians. but had been suppressedby the authority of Philomelus,now came openly into light. There was a party strongly desirous of peace ; wiUmg, perhaps, to purchaae it by an; coneeasions not inconsistent with the national honour and independence, and averse to the war, not merelythmagh fear of a disastrona issue,bat on account of ita peeuliar character, and of the consequences which were to be apprehended even from the most ftvours- ble event. Tliere were no doubt many who were struck with religious ser^plesby the spo- liation of the temple, and who thought, at leaat, thai nothing conkl justiiy it but the most urgent neceaaity. But there were, perhaps, stillmore who were jealous of the power which the war, if successfully conducted,was likelyto place in the hands of a singlefamily, and contemplated with ataroi the proapect of a dynastyresting on the support of a greed; and licentious foreign soldiery. On the other hand, the house of Pliit- omelus was strong in its hereditaTy and newly acquired influence,and in the cause itself,for it still preserved the aspect of i just and noble resistance lo oppression; and whoever else might hope for safety in submission, the leaders in such a contest had tio' choice between their perilous eminence and a ruinous fell. The pcpotarfeelii.^ was probably with OntHnarchns; hie adherents prevailed, and be was elected t" fillthe place of the deceased autocrM. In military and ptditical talents,in prudence and ener^, he seems to have been not inferior ta Philomelm. But he wanted the moderation and self-command which, even through the shade of adverse statemenia, may be clearly traced in the condnct of his predecessor. Phil- omelus was ready to sacrifice all that others held aacred Eo the intereat of the atale. perbape to that of his own ambition. But Onomarchns waa addicted to vicioits pleasures, and reckleM aa to the means of indulging in them ; anid he appears, from the first,to have ivgarded the treasures of the temple as a patrimony which be might spend aa he would, and aa a mine whieb he needed not fear ever to exhanst. The common metals of tbe sacred ofl^nga fiimisbed arma ; tbe gold and silver not onlypay for hia troops, but presents, with which he endeav- aured to gain partisans, to conciliate enemies. and te quicken the zeal i^his friends throughout Greece, and with which be did not scruple to reward the ministers of hia aenaual enjoyments. It was probably from him that Chares at one time received a sum, it is said, of sixtytalents, with which he gave a feast to tbe people in honour of some not very importantadvantage gained over a body of Philip'stroops :t an ez- ihiski 11 itMnt Au III* "u* Ilit ThrlHiia fim ukiiw dh of ll"ii SinH Iks i)niil" nf Pli"w. ud ihu tbey xart rin*"My nml br mujoC Ihi ncnhim tlliH, But thii !" nm^ i Theopnupa in AdHsaoi, ii"..41. rVm " Ib* nli SIEGE OF METHONG. 97 amide which ma; aerre to iUnstTBte the rate at which the Delphic treasures were lavished. At the same tiinci hie domestic adminiatralion as- Humeil a more despotic character than hia prede- ceasor's. Philotnolus had treated tbe Delpbiaoa with great rigour; but they were enemiea, who bai only aubmilted to force, anil Ibeir property might aeem less sacred Iban that of tbe temple; Onomarchua Tcntured to arrest the principal Phociana or the oppositeparty, to put them to death, aad cooGacate their estates, whether with or without tbe forms of a trial,matters little. Considereil even as the work ofa faction,still, under the direction of such a chief, it amounted to little less than an act of militarydespotism onder a thin disguiae. The profusion, however, witii which he laviah^ed his gold, answered his immediate ends. It enabled him to recruit hia amy, and probably to increase it ; so that,after the retreat and aeparation of the confederates, he was able to fall upon them singly at a great advantage. He invaded both the western and the eastern Locrians, extorted humiliating con- cessions from those of Amphiaea. and took Thronium, one of the Epicnemediantowns, and reduced its population to slavery: Doris,too, and its little townships, he laid waste with fire and aword. He then advanced into Bixoiia, and made bimaelf master of OrchomenuB, now, perhaps, inhabited by a Theban catony. He next aodertook the siege of Cheronca. hut 'was compelled to raise it by the approach of a Theban army, and to retire with some loss inlo Fbocis. It was at this juncture that a new party en- tered into the contest. Philip'seye had, no doubt, been fixed on it from the beginning, and lie must aoon have perceived that it was likrJy to afford him an opportunity of acquiring an in- "aeoce in Greece such as none of his prede- cessors had possessed or aspired to. It waa so "Teuly balanced, that he might throw a deci- daive weight into either scale. But itwaa firal necessary that he should be brought nearer to the scene of action, from vrhich he waa aepar- aifld hy Theasaly ; and il happened,through a aingularlyopportune combination of events, that, at tbe very time when it was most impor- tant to him to gain an entrance inlo that coun- try, the way was opened for him by the state of ita aflhirs. He had previously done all that rested with himaelfforthia end. having removed the last obstacle that lay hetweea bim and (he ThessaUao frontier. Tbia was the town of Metltooe, which had long sbowu a very hostile apirit, and afforded a shelter to his enemies, which enabled them to annoy him greatly. He laid siege lo it,perhaps so early as the spring of 8fi3, but the inhabitants made so vigorous a defence as to occupy him for the greater part "f a year; and it seems he had not yet mads lumaelf master of tbe place, when the events occurred which called for his presence in Thes- saly. It waa, perhaps, a consequence of tbe eagemea* with which he now urged the attack. thai be Deedleealy exposed himself to dangHV and received a wound from an arrow which d" privedhimof aneye* Not longalter, the ^aoa surrendered at discretion, A weaker prince might have been irritated by its loog resistanoa and his personal hurt. Philip did nol lose his self-coinmand, and in bta treatment of the be- sieged took a course equally removed from im- prudent lenity and frnm tbe appearance of cruelty. According to the Greek usages of war, it waa an instance of praiseworthy mod- eration, that be spared their lives" all but that of Aster, the archer who had aimed at htoi with deadly purpose " and permitted them to depart. The town be abandoned to pillage, and then razed it lo the ground, and gave tbe land a Macedonian colony. Thus the ruad to Thcssaly was cleared, and expedition underiakrn at the request of the northern Thessalians, the old enemies of the dynasty of Pliere.who had besought his aid. The tyrant Alexander, alter having made him- self an objectofgeneral dread and hatred lo hia subjects and to iurcigncrs. by his cruelties and piracies, at last wearied out the patience,or excited the fears, of his wife Thebe, a daughter of the celebrated Jaaon, She had three balf brothers, named Tisiphonua,Lyeophrun. and Pithotaiis, whiiae lives,as well as her own, her husband ia said to have threatened. She waa a woman of masculine spirit ; and one night, having secured his award while he slept, and ---loved Ihe fierce dug which usuallyguarded chamber, she introduced the three broihera, whom she was forced lo urge to the deed by threatening to alarm the tyrant, and stood by while theydespatched him. His corpse lost contumely; but the Fhervans appear to ive made no attempt to free themselves from Lonarchical government. Thebe gained tbe officers of bis mercenaiy troopsby threats and promises, and induced them to acknowledge the authority of Tisiphonus, whom she guided with her counsels, or exercised her power un- der his name.t But his reign lasted not long. Towards the end of 353, wo find Lycopbron at bead of affairs, and hear no farther mention of Thebe. It seems thai the new dynasty sooa became, if not so wantonly cruel, yet as arbi- trary, and almost sa oppreseive, as Ihat which jt supplanted. We do not know whelher it had givenany new provocatiua to the Aleuads and Its other enemies, or whether, after the death of Alexander, who must have possessed some abilitieswith his fearful energy of character, they conceived hopea of a more prosperous i"- " in a struggle with his successors; but,at juncture we have mentioned, when tbe Sacred War had begtin to late a turn very ud- rable to their allies,thay invited Philip to ise their cause against Phem. Pbem it MivT in Prnluch. Pu., B,it not oa\j fintiga,tm MPhiLipl BCfiilM. Ep.ii..4 T.Fiilnoui, i" ,", 14, n t)w wancch of MMkau lLir" tf Pbi naoftbg iumjH wkMh bafsite fflSTORY OF GREECE. lud not taken aoj part in the Sacred War with the real of TheagBly,pertiaps had alreadyen- tered into alliance with the Phocians ; and it ia not improbable that the Tear of thia confed- eracy between theii domestic enemy and the new power which was becoming ao formidable, may have been the motive that induced the Aleuads to address themselves to Philip, whom Ihey might otherwise have jaMly considered as a very daageroueauxiliary.' Thia conjecture ia coallnned by the aabse- quent events. As soon as Philip entered Thea- aalj,Lycophron, itia said,sent for succocra to Phocis, which leems to imply a preyious com- pact for mutual aid. Onomarchua ordered his yoanger brother Phayllus to join him with a body of TOOO : a proof that the Phocian array had been greatly increased since the death of Philomelus. Philip, however, defeated Phayl- laa, and compeUed him to retreat from Thessa- ly, and then made himself master of the un- portant town of Pegaste, the seaport ofPherte. This conquest, which cut off the tyrant's com- munication with the sea. rendered his situation alarming; and Onomarchua thought his alliance so valuable as a counterpoise to the hostility of the other Thessalians,that he determined to bring allbis forces to his relief, Philip, who, it seems, had received little support from bis Thcs- salian allies, found himself very inferior in nnm- bers to the enemy. He did not, however, shrink from an engagement, but fought two battles, the first, of course, with no decided re- sult ; but iQ the second, the victory was so clear- ly on the side of Onomarchua, that the king was with difficulty able to eflect his retreat into Macedonia, t Onomarchus did not attempt ta avail himself of hia success for any farther en- terprises in Tbessaly,but, leavingLycophron to recover Pegaan, and humble the Aleuads as he could,again carried the war into Bteotia. A victory which he obtained over the Thebans enabled him to reduce Coronea, or induced it to open its gates to him ; but not long after he was called away by the inielligctico that Philip had re-entered TheHsaly with a more numerous army, and was preparing to renew his attack upon Lycophron, and immediately advanced to meet him, now at the head of 30,000men. Ph^ip tiad not only recruited hia forces in his own kingdom, but on hia return to Thessaly had urged his alliesto more vigorous exertions in the common cause ; and they bad so far com- plied with his demands, that he could bring into the field 20,000 infantry, and 3000 Thessa- lian cavalry. Now too, perhaps, he thought it expedientmore distinctly to assume the charao- ' ir of a champion of religion, and made his sol- i J wreaths of laurel,tplucked, per- haps, fnm the hallowed groret (rf Tea^, to mark that they wera going to fight for Ote god. Onomarchns, equallystrong in inlantry, ^ad only 600 horse,probably of inferior qnality. If the loss of the battle which ensued was not Uio conseqnence of this deficiency, it probably ren- dered the defeat more decisive, and more dis- astrous to the vanquished, 'nie Phocians wets completely ron ted, and as the fieldof battle was not far from the coast " probably of the Pagtto- Kan Gulf" oir which Chares was cruising with an Athenian sgnadron, theymostly Bed towards the shore, ancl many of those who reached it cast away their arms and attempted to swim to the friendly vessels. Sii thoosand were slain, or perished in the waters ; and 3000 were ta- ken. Onomarchns himself was among the dead ; but his body,though he too is said to have plunged into the sea, fellinto the enemy's hands. Philip ordered it to be fastened to a cross, and, ifwe may believe Diodonis, caosed' all his prisoners to be drowned, as guilty of sacrilege. But Chough itwould be likely enough that his Theesalian allies might have instigated him to such an atrocity, which was sanctioned by the decree of the Amphictyons, and by the example of the Thebans. as it is not evident that policyrequiredit. and there was in his case neither p^ion nor superstition to prompt it,we cannot bnt suspect that the storymay have erisea out of a misunderstanding, by which the fate of the prisoners was confbanded with that of the Aigitires who were driven into Bythisvictory. Philip had made himself mas- ter of Theasaly.Lycophron and Pilholaus sur- rendered ^eir capital to him, bnt stipnlated fbr leave to depart, and retired with SOOO merce- naries, to join their allies in Phocis. Philip wished to be considered as a liberator ; and ha restored popular,or, at least,republicangor- emment at Phera ;f bat he keptpossession of PagasEs and took Magnesia, which bad also be- longed to the tyrants, and occupied itwith a garrison. After having thus settled the afihirs of Thessaly, he began his march southwatd, apparently with the design of nverpowering the remnant of the Phocian fbrcoa, and putting an end to the war. But in the mean while, the Athenians had been roused by the exigency, and prepared to meet itwith unusual alertness. The squadron under Chares, which was lying off the coast near the field of battle, had prob- ably been sent to protectPagaste. hut had ar- rived loo late. It would carry the news of Philip's victor? to Athens, and tiierewas erei7 .-J ejpep[ that he would speedily ad- dictate terms of peace to the Athe- I their alhea. To avert this danger, prornptly equipped and de- spatched to the Malian Gulf; and when Philip reached Thermopyln, he found the pass strong- ly guarded. It is possible that he might have been able to force it, and that itwas not fear of the Athenians that hindered him from making the attempt. But there is some reason to doubt that he was desirous of making an iomiadiBle end of the war. Had he been earnestly intent this object, be would probably have followed "if nubc'i, m rf|"""i rUrfiuSflf^ *" op U" Tiotoi7 with moK nqiiditj. A atriiggle that wu wasting tbe Btrength of Greece waa not at all adverae to bis inteiests ; it was, per- haps, only at the request of the Thessalians that he had made the moTenunt which the Atheniana anticipated ; and ha may have been secretly well pleased to find a fair pieteil for desiatiDg from it. At AtbeoB, however, the re- sult of the eijiedition to Thermopyls was re- garded BB a happy deliTsraace aud a glorious triumph. It in some measure coosoled the people for tbe losses and ittsullawhich they bad Bufiered not long before in seTsral quar- ters, where they could least haTo apprehended an Bltaok ftom him. He had either fitted out a naval force of his owu, or having,by the cap- ture of Pagasie, become master of that with which Alexander had so much annoyed the Athenians, he likewise turned it against them. His galleys invaded Lemnos and Imbrus ; and among the spoil, carried away several of the inhabitants. They also captured a uninber of Athenian merchant vessels,richt;laden, off Gemslus, laEi^xea^ ood a littlelater ventured to appear in tbe bay of Marathon, and made a prize of the Paralus, which was lying there.* In tbe mean while, the Phocians had time to repair their losses ; and, aa the sacred treasury IS still rich,lor they did not want tbe means, ed, It seemB without opposition, to succeed OnomarchuB. He immediatelybegan to make fresh levies,and, though he found himself obli- ged to raise tbe pay of his troops to double the usual race, collected a largebody of mercena- ries. He also called upon his allies for assist- ance i and as his applications were seconded by a lavish distribution of money or presents, not in vain. In the profusion both of his pub- lic and his personalexpenditure, be seems to have surpassed his predecessor.Sparta sent 1000 men; 3000 came from Achaiai but Ath- ens fumisbed the most liberal succours : an anny of fiOOO infantry and 100 borse under tbe command of Nausicles. It was probably not pure anxiety for the safety of the Phocians, who, after Philip's retreat, were no longer in im- mineoc danger, that impelledthe Athenians to this elfort ; nor need we suppose that it was suggested by venal orators, though Pbayllus may have had- some in his pay ; but it was manifestly desirable to maintain Buch a body of | troops at tbe expense of the Phocians. Phayl- lus soon found himself in a condition to invade Bceotia j and though Diodorus describes him as defeated by the Thebans in three successive battles, it is remarkable that the account given of them proves that he was not only able to re- main in BtEotia, but to keep advancing towards Thebes; forlhe firsttook place nearOrchome- Dus, the secood on the banks of tbe Cepbiaus, the third near Coronea. It would seem as if the Thebans bad only succeeded so far as to protect their own land from invasion ; for we nest find Pbayllus, not retreating homeward, aa might have b"en expected, but marching into the Epicnemcdian Locris,where he is said to have made himself master of sllthe towns ex- LLUS. 99 cept Natyz, which he beaieged. Briber auj have contributed to tbe rapulity of these con- quests, as Naryx bad nearly been betrayed to him. Diodorus is very confused in his descrip- tion of the rest of tbe campaign; but we may perhaps collect from it thai the Thebans nude an inroad into Phocis, and having thus drawn him with his main force away from Naiyx, marched upon it to raise the siege. But his ac- tivity disconcerted their idans; he auddenly appearedagain before the place, defeated their "imy, and then elornked the town, which be raaad to the ground. If bis habit of body was sickly, the fatigue of these marches and conn- lermarcbes may have hastened his death ; te was carried off in tbe course of the same year by a disease in which his enemies disoemed tbeSngerofHeaveD.* His officeseems soarc"- ly to tmve been cotisidered any longer aa elect- ive ; it passed, as by inheritance, to PhialMiua, a son of Onomarchus.t who was stillso young as to need a guardian: and Mnaseaa,to whpM care he was coounitied by Pbayllus, proawoted the war as his heutenant. But he was imm after killed in one of the nigbt oooibats which at this stage of tbe war seem to kiave become very frequent; and bis ward then, notwith- standing his youth, took the command in penon. Before Philip's intervention had b^^ to alarm them for dieir own safety, the Atheni- ans bad not felt any deep interest in the Sacred War. They looked on without expectation of any positive advantMe from it, onless it might be the acquisition of Orcpus, and were onlyanx- ious that the Thebans might not prevail. " Spar- ta both fetta livelier sympathy fortbe Phocians, and was more immediately interested in the contest, not onlyby her fears, but by her hopes. It opened a prospect for her of recovering ber ascendency in Pelopanneaus, and of demolish- ing tbe harriers within which she had been con- fined by Epaminondas. Little credit,thereforo, seems due to a story which was among Iha Bcandah"uB anecdotes collected byTheopompost concerning the Sacred War, that Archidamns the Phocians by presents made to himself and bis queen Dinicba. He, at least,discerned the interest of Sparta too clearlyto need sach an impulse. If the Thebans were occupied at home, or if she was supportedby her northern allies, she might still hope to reduce, first Heg- I alopolis, and then Messene, Both these new 1 stations dependedmainly on Theban protection. The population of the Arcadian city was ceoa- posed, as we have seen, of veiy diverse ele- ments, which had been broughttogetherpartlyr by a temporary political excileiDent, and paRlj by force. There was a parly, not inooiiRdera- blein number and influence,whi^ eanMsUy desired to dissolve the community, and to be restored to the ancient se^s, where the wealth- ier class had probablyeiyoyedmore independ- ence and a larger share of power. Soon after the battle of Mantinea this party had openly de- clared Hself The terms of the treaty were ca- pable of a construction favourable to its wishes. uL, ( ", M, t AcxDrdioi;in Divdmiii, rri.,18, nhoH amtwriLy m 100 HISTORY OF GREECE. and a gnat number quilted tbe town to settle [ again in their nalive canlona. The rest would not consent to this migration, and attempted to bring them hack bj Torce. The matecontents implored the protecliou of (he Mantineans, and "''"" '"ir PeloponnesianB wbo had sided with tbem in the Is e obliged to call upon Thebes for aid. The Tbebans sent Pammenes, with 3O0O foot and 300 horse, to support them.* It must bare been the name or Thebes, Blillformidable in PeloponneauB, which enabled him with bo small a force to overcome all resistance. He laid waste some of the refractorytownships, to strike terror into the rest, and linallj compel- led th" seceders to return lo the capital. Sparta, it seems, kept aloof from tbe strug- gle : a sign of conscious weakness; for she was principslty concerned in the resull. But when the Sacred War began lo take a turn unfaTour- able to Thebes, she bent ber arms againstMeg- alopolis, and, not finding her own strength suf- ficient, called on Athens for assistance. Tbe principle now put forward to gain the concur- rence of the Athenians was, a generalrecogni- tion of ancient rights. Elis was to recover tbe part of Triphylia which she claimed : Phlius,the fortress of Tricaranum. On the ssme ground, Athens would lie entitledlo Oropus; and Spar- ta tendered ber aid towards the attainment of this much-coveted object of Athenian policy. Then it was represented that the same princi- irie required the restoration of Thespite and PlaiRa, which Athens no less ardentlydesired, as the surest means of permanentlyhumbling and curbing Thebes. But the farther conse- quences of the proposal, (he dissolution of Meg- alopolis and the reduction of Messene, as they were the points whioh Sparta had solely ii own view, she appears to have keptas mu" poaaihle out nf sight. The MegalopoTitans, notwilbstanding their ooonexion with Thebes, ventured to send en- .Toys to Athens to oppose this applicalion, and to solicitthe Athenians to espouse their cause. Demosthenes on this occasion delivered a ;apAeoh which has been preserved, and is in- 4ei"atin^, as exhibiting the view which he toolt -attfaiatime of Grecian politics. He argues the qneatkni on the simpleground of expediency, Mt his calculatiom are entirely formed on the ancient state of things,only a littlemodilied by the passing events ofthe Sacred War: it seems as ifthe power of Macedonia was not at all ta- ken into the account. He, at the outset, lays down the principle that the interest of Athens wquired that both Spana and Thebes should be "veak.t Th4 Biluation of Thebes was, at (his i,very crilioal, and the general belief in ft appeara to have been that she would tt WH not IW TSehiw, bat ih. aUmhiu* wIw """ ?""" n"M td l$tt^Milit. But it mud "UoliMlr ""^^ to "nbMilnu SiAiiflicfiir'iBitwan. nnlm w" "^"' ."" "mrtoDiadoniluiiHir. Wtmalif"*mmnn, " Dtwa-nr brtbrr dmMw li" UM "^^u" tipWin. Wh" " sink in the stitiggle she was earryiDg on.* On the other hand, tf Sparta succeeded againstMeg- alopolis, she would And it less difficult to re- duce Messene; and this addition to her strength, when that of Thebes wss impaired, would de- stroy the balance which Athens mast wish to preserve. On these grounds, the orator sup- ported the proposal of alliance with Megalopolis. It seems that it was not carried ; but neither was any help given to Sparta, After the de- feat of Onomarchus, however, the Tbebans were able to send a body of 4500 infantry and 600 horse to the aid of the Megalopolitans, who were likewise joinedIiy all the forces of Argos, Sicyon. and Messene. The Spartans alao re- ceived a re-enforcement from Phocis of AOOO fool and IfiOof ihe Thessahan cavalry, who had followed Lycophron and Pitholaus from Phers. The (wo parties were now so evenly balanced that, after two campaigns, in which several bat- tles were fought " though, it seems, with little bloodshed " the Spartans consented to a truce with Megalopolis, and the tranquillity "f Pelo- ponnesus was for a tirao restored. Philip was probably the less inclined to pot an end to the Sacred War, as he had plane in. his mind which would be the more easily eie- CDted the more Ike attention of the Athenians was occupied near home. It was quite suffi- cient for his purpose to have gained a sure foot- ing in Greece, with a pretext for interference which he might use at his pleasure. There he aimed at nothing more than political ascenden- cy and control ; his views of conquest were all directed towards the north and the easlem coasts of the .^gean ; and he had probably be- gun already to look beyond to still more daz- zling prospects. Before his eitpedilion to TUps- saly his amicable relationa with Olynthas had ceased, and she had concluded an alliance with Athens. The cause of this change in her poli- cy is not mentioned by the extant authors : to say that it was an effect of the predominance of a new partyexplainsnothing. We may, in- deed, safely attribute it to jealousy of Philip, for which there were ample grounds: hut there must have been some special occasion ; and we have some inducements to conjecture that this was no other than a conquesi which he bad made in Chalcidice, which might well appear to indicate designsthreatening the independence of the other towns, and, notwithstanding his professions, that of Olynthus herself. We do not know the precise time when he made him- aelf master of Apollonis, but the fact is men- tioned in a man 't which indicates that it took place at no loi interval from the capture of Methone ;t ap . the fallof so important a town, which, it will be remembered, had resisted Olynthus at tbe height of her power, justified the gloomiest apprehensions, which Philip, it seems, took do pains to remove. He had no longer the same motives for conciliating tbe Olynthians, and, perhaps, was not loth to come to an open rupture with them. They, however, were not now the immediat* object of hia attention. The state of affhiia in. Thrace held out an opportunity to him of nin- ing a footing there,as he had just done in "nMa- " t M, U" iwwttftMitt tienfciH nl n"6Nv". tl"".,iii., Ptul, t H. 0]"K"" fih M "! MiM*"" CHARIDEMU8. aal;,periiapsorexlending bis dominione to Ihe HeUceprint, where lie might assail Athens in a (iul point, and anerward open a road to great- er enterprises. After the cesBlun of the Cher- soneeus, Oeraobleptes had for a lime continued OD good tenns with the Atheniaos, and even ohseqnioOBlj tourted them ; kept in awe, as De- mosthenes represents,*hy the presence of theit Ibices in the Hellespont, where, it seems, they bada squadron always stationed during the So- CTal War, perhaps also foreseeing that an occa- sion might arise in which he might need their bionr. Such an occasion aroae not long after the end of the war, and perhaps ahout the same time that they sent their colony lo the Cherso- oesns. Berisades, one of the rival princes, died. leaTing hia children under the guardian- "hip of AtfaenodoniB. This event relcindied tho ambitjoa of Cersobleptes, and gave him hopes of enlarpng his territory at the etpenae of the orphans. Aihenodoniawaa faithful to hiatmat. bat,SB he was an Athenian ciliien,he might be expected to pay deference to the will of the ftofie, if it should be alrongly declared on the iide of Ceraobleptes.Charidemua, as welt as his master, had endeavoured to ingratiate him- aeir with the Athenians, and appears to have Igrmed a party among Uie oralors. throngh wbom be prepossessed the people with a high opinion of his talents and influence, bo as to in- doee a general belief that he was the man best ibke to cope with Philip, and to recover Amphip- dis. still the object of their anxious regret. He bad ah-eadyreceived the Athenian franchise, aod had been honoured with a crunn and other "Mtks of popular Ihvonr. The expedient now devised for the professedpnrpose of atwching him more closely to the Athenian intereata,was to pass a decree declaring his person inviola- Ue,and making any one who should kill him inKBaMe to justice from every state in allianoe with Athens. The decree was moved by one Aristoerates, and earned, but was anerwird nb)ected to revision by an impeachment bfongfat against bim as the author of an illegal measare ; and the prosecutor, an obscnre per- 9"in, was famished by Demosthenes with one of his most elaborate orations. It no doubt ex- presses the view which the advocate himself took of the question as aflbcliD^ the public in- loest- We do not leam frmn it what reasons Aiislocrates had assigned for the extraordinaiy lafeguard which he proposed to throw round the person of Charidemua ; but we collect that It had been representedparOy as the reward of hia past services, and partly as the price of oth- ers which might be expected fhim bim. We kave already seen the main facts by which DemoetbetieB proved that CharideinuB was a vonhlesa and dangerous adventurer ; he point- ed out with great acuteness the objections to vhich the decree was liable on the ground of law and justice; bat the main question, in his new, waa the efTect which itwas likely to pro- duce on the Athenian ioteretts in Thrace. He oioiends that it was meant lo intimidate Aih- andoTOs, and the other genenls who were serv- mg the rivals of CeraoUeptes, and woald prob- aUy, if oonGniwd, overpower on opposition, and put him in poseession of the whole kingdom of Calys; in that case tho Athenians, who owed =r., t It le Cheraonesus tr ilylo is weakneta,mightspeed" We are hardly able lo appreciate the force oT the political argument, or to judge of the real tendency of the measure. But the speech inci- dentally mentions a fact,which would alone be sufficient to account for the hostility of Demos- tlienea to Cersobleptes and his minister. Phil- ip, it seems, on some former occasion, probably in the coarse of the year before the decree was passed, had advanced with hia army into Thrace as far as Maronea, and here was met by an agentofCeraohleptea with overtures of alliance, the purpose of which, according to Demosthe- nes, was a combined attack on (be Chersone- sus, and would have been carried into eflbot if Amadocus, whose territory Philip wouid have had to cross, had not refused to give him pas- sage. There is also an obscure alluaion to a similar negotiation, which had been carried oit at the same time with Pammenes. the Tbeban general, who was then serving in Asia under ArtabazuB against tiio Persian king.* These would, indeed, have been substantial gnrnnds for withholding confidence from Cersobleptes and Cbaridemug. Yet they indicated that Phil- ip's intervention might soon render it necessa- ry for Athens to take some decided part in the contest between Ihe Thracian princes. And this occasion arrived very soon alter, hastened per- haps by the issue of the trial, on which depend- ed the validity of the decree, and all the meas- ures connected with it. We are not, indeed, expressly informed what the isaue waa ; hut (acts which will be hereaRer mentioned render it nearly certain that Demosthenes failed, that the decree was confirmed, and the alliance be- tween Cersobleptes and Athens cemented by a new bond. It was, perhaps, a oonsequence of this decree that Aniadoeua, seeing lbs Atheni- ans pledged to the support of his rival, threw himself upon the protection of Maeedonia.t and that Philip heQcejbrth became the declared en- emy of Cersobleptes, Soon after his retun from Thessaly, he set out on an expeditiont" Thrace, which is one of the most obacure pas- sages in his history. It is only from some vet7 vague oratorical allusioni we are able to eolleot that,though hia design of invading the Cber- soncsns was sufficiently manifeatad to ^nn the Adienian colonists, be for some lime found occupation fbr his arms in the interioT,t where he penetrated, perhaps, to such a distance from the coast that no certain iidelligence of hia movements could be procured at Athens ; and various rumours were spread,hnntoariag the people's wishes, sometinies of his death,some- limes of his iUnesB. An expedition which threateoed the most valuable of the state's for- eign possessions seemed only to furnish mat- ter for idle talk. "rni^AiUdnciii,^Jjp'""]lT"giiiiinCtrH I ; tiQlwliich of Ibm smoOinn, Olrlilh., i.,t IS,n"t i^ MlX^, n"r itTllBiS tOu BuaiXiiai,. Thfi en EudlrnlirlD lb* wu with ChkU^iUi. Iioenla, hoirim, PbUlp.,t *^ mlmamf, itit^ rillBpioft ttt M"X#r Sttrtrit m^^^ lOS HISTORY OF GREECE. It Tas at Ihia juncture, and nhile tbe publio mind was thus auspentled between hope and fear, conacions or " great dangerhanging over il, bat diameliaed ateadil; to consider the tnGHns of avertingit, and seeking relieffrom its anxie- ty in a forced credniilf, that Demoathenes came forward with the Grat of the orationa which, from their exclusive reference to the contest with Philip, received the name of tbe PhilL|"- ffi' "." It marks a great epoch in the orator's I ; for it ia tho firstindication of a change which must have taken place not long before in bia political views. It seema clear, as we have already intimated, that when he made hia speech on the affair of Megalopolia. he had not 2retbegun to look upon Philip aa the one truly formidabie enemy of Athena and of Greece. An ambitious,reatless, troubleaome neighbour, whose encroachingspirit required to be watch- ed and checked, the kingmost, of course, have appeared to him from the beginning of tbe trans- actiona relating to Amphipolia. But that the power of Macedonia was the element of prime moment in the Greek political system, that Philip could never endaoger tbe freedom of the nation, that the atmggle between him and Athens was not for power or hoooor merely, but for life, waa a conviction which pnrtiably never entered hia mind until Philipbegan to t^ a pan in tbe Sacred War. Nor oao we charge him with any lack of political sagacity on this account, when we reflect how small were the beginnings of Philip's greatneaa, and hovr short a time had elapsed aince Macedonia had been littlemore than a province of Olyn- tbus. This has not always been duly conaider- ed by tboae who, taughtby the event, have con- demned him aa either a fanatic or a traitor,who hunied hia coontiT into a contest which could hm bat teimioate in her ruin. But the eventa iriiieh bad lately happened had in a great meas- ure opened his eyea to the oztent of the danger which now Ihreatened Athena, aa they had in fact entirely changed PhQip'aposition with re- BMct to Greece, He had become master of 'rheasalj -, itooold hardly be questioned that he held tbs scales in the war between Thebes and Phooia; he had a fleet which was already aUe to aniNy and inmlt Athens, and he was now eagaoed in an expedttioDwhicli, if it Boeeeed- ed,mightnot onlydeprtra ber of the ChnBoiie- sua, hut eatabltdibi" away in tbe counuiea on whieb she nwinlydepended for the means of ndwialeace. DemoetbsDee saw all this, like many other men ; and tie also looked round him, and obsened the resoorccs, and the spirit which Athene posBeased for self-defence ; his merit was, that ho neither ahut hia eyes to the danger, nor viewed it with indifference, nor sulnniited to It in paasivedespair; but set himself man- fully to face Ll, and to wrestle vritb it. This itwas that diatinguishcd him not only from the selfish and time-serving orators of his bufkiilillul uf Thciqiiiniiui iu liii deicnptiouof FhiliiTi day, but also from men of eqnalintegrity with himself, but who were deficient in thu kind "rf' courage. There may have been others of this class among the political adveraaries of Demos- thenes, but the only one whose character has been transmitted to us in broad and clear out- linea.and with featurea which cannot be mista- ken, ia Pbocion. Phocion rose, it seems, from a rank in aocieCy somewhat lower than that to which Demosthenes belonged. Tbetradewfaich hia father followed was accounted so mean, that Plutarch thought il incredible that the son of such a peraon ooold have received so liberal an education as Phocion uodoubiedlyenjoyed. But neither poverty nor low birth would have pre- vented him either from seeking or gaining admit- tance to the school of Plato, where hia d^racter, naturally simple,candid, and upright, yet mild and benevc^nt, was formed bj philosophical re- Hectiontoamoreaustereandngidviriue. From the lessons of the Academy, however, he derived not onlyprinciples of conduct for his own gui- dance, but likewise views of society, which. thoughthey did not deter him, like hia master, from engaging in aotive life,inspired him with a deepcontempt for the age, tbe people, and the institutions, in which hia destiny had flsed his ephero of action. There was no doubt much in the ohhraoter of his coaiemporanes to pro- voke Bucb a feeling ; but there was something too much Uke pnde and peevishness in the man- ner in which he disphiyed it. His public de- portment was marked by a stem and inflexible gravity, which was never known to be relaxed either into smiles or tears. This repulsiveex- terior " especially aa it concealed a kind and generous heart " waa perhaps a privilege of phi- losof*iy-, as was the oitraordinary simfdicity ofhis manner of living, in which be adopted Uip habita of Socrates. More questionable appears the prudence of the sarcastic bitterness with which he on all occasions expressed his acorn of the multitude. An oracle, it is said,warned the peopleagainst a man who alfwe was o;q)o"ed to the whole city ; Phocion claimed the honour of aucb aingularity for himself When one of his piopoeals was received with unnaual appro- batjon, be turned round to his Irieads, and asked whether be had let anythingescape him that waa wrong. In his speeches he carefully avoid- ed all rhetoricalembiellishmeots, which he bad learned from Plato-to consider aa a kind of flat- tery unwortby of an honest man, and studied a sententiona brevity, which, however, waa so en- livened with wit and humour, as often to make a deeperimpression than tbe most elaborate pe- riods. It was even observed by one ofhis ad- versaries, (hat Demosthenea was the beat ora- tor, but Pbocion the moat powerful speaker. And Demosthenes himself, it is said,trembled for the effect of hia own eloquence when Pho" cion rose afWr him, and would whisper to liis friends. Here comes the hatchet lo my speech. Yet, with all tbis sharpness of language and roughness of manner. Phocion,against his will, was a favourite with the people, which he de- spised, and in return for his prafesaiona of dis- dain received the most sobd proofs of ite es- teem. He poaacBsed coHsiderable military tal- ents, which he bad cultivated by the side of his friend Chsbriaa ; and though be never solicited any public employments, in a period when tbe C.tn"olc THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. in i^er offices oTtbe state were more ifaau ever OTBtad, and often purdiMMl b; bnbei7, he was iitT-rtHirtiineBeleetedcefteril. lathe awein- ly, too, as we have seeo, be obtained more nan a patienthearing, aed on the aueagth of ia peraonaJ repulatioo could aay maajr tbingi vith aafetf , which would hardly have been tol- irated from any other mae. A (rUxile, itmust "e admitted, lo virtue, whiob was, unhappily, are ; but one, sarely, wbtoh proves that the nen who paid it were not absolutely worthless ir hopeleaa. Yet this was the suppositionon t'hicfa PhocioD throughout his life related his "oliucal conducl. He did not, indeed, withdraw 'mm the eerviv" ofhis country \ be discharged he duties assigiied to him uprightly and zeal- )U8ly; he conciliated the alliesof Athens by nild and just treatmeiit ; the counsels which be jave to tbe pei^ile were the pure dictates of lis sincere convictions, and designed to pro- mote itswelfare. But he sarjydespaired of the commonwealth : he did Bot think it capable or tronhy of any gteai effort : he cannived at tbe jroeaeat and moat petaicious abuses at home, and gave tbe easoUon of tus name to their au- thors and adTocates, becaose reform could ef- l^t no penoanent good: amid the evils with irhich Greece was afflictedand threatened, be saw no better course than to sit quiet and wait for the flood, and patiently lo bow the head to it when it came. And thos the austere philos- opher, the incorruptible patriot, became ijie bb- BOCiate of tlje must profligate and venal dema- gogues and parasites, of a Eubulua and a De- mades, and the submissivB subject, and even tbe willingtool, of a foreignmaster. The first Philippic was llie effusion of a dif- ferent spirit, tbe language of a man who would not lose allwiiboul a struggle, who thought the liberty and honour of Athens stillwell worth a vigi"ous effort to save them, and hoped that hia feUow-cilizens might be roused by the emergen- cy to ejiertioas worthy of the cause. He was not blind to their degeDeraoy ; but he thought it passible that the impulse which Cbtceil them into an uawoDled course of action mii^l pro- duce a salutary effect on their moral constitu- tion, and mightgive them strength and energy to shake off some of the worst abuses of their political system. Tbe speech contains a plan calculated not only to meet the impending dan- needed encouragement, thai it its despondency a pretext for ir haps stillmore needed to be convinced, that without a vigorous change of raeasures it ought not lu cherish hope. The orator dispenses con- ttolaiion and reproof with masterly skill. He reminds his hearers that not many years had gone by since Sparta was as formidable as Piiil- ip had became ; but they had not quailed under he^Buperior power; they had ventured to ra- siBi It, and had overcome Stillmore recently, Philip wss the weaker parly, and, surrounded as he was by enemies, might well have shrunk from a conlesl wilh Athena. Courage and ac- tiiitj bad enabled him to aggrandise hiint"eir nitb possessions wrested from her grasp ; but therewas no divinity about his greatness to ex- empt itfrom the common vicissitudes of human adairs. If,indeed,they had alreadyput forth ' elltheir itrength. made oao of aH their meaua of reaistance,they would have had cause for dejection ; but they might cheer themseWes wilh the remembrance of their past errors, if they would only hencelbith adopt a wiser course. It was thcii tardiness and negligence that had made Philippowerful; and as long as they re- mained paaaive, ho would continue to encroach. Unless they would besiir themselves, fortune could do nothing for them. Even ifthe news, which they cau^tso greedily, of Philip's death, should prove true', itwould avail them nothing ; another Philip would start up in his place. Even ifan uppiHtuaity oSbred itselfof recovering Am- phipolis(as they hoped to do with the aid of Charidemus],they would be unfile to profit by it. He tben proceeds to unfold hia plan, and to point out the particular defects in their system of wadarc, to which be ascribed their past re- verses. The fault had been not so much that they had done little, as that they had done no- thing at the right time. They had alwaya been talking when they should have been acting, aud onlybegan to move when the season for action was past. Like unskilful boxers, it was only after they had received a blow that they made a stroke at the quarter from which it came. They had always followed the enemy's mote- menta, and at a distanoe which rendered it im- possible to counteract them. The expeditions which they bad sent to the relief of the places attacked by Philip had all arrived too late- Why, but because their preparations fortbe de- fence of the state were so much worse regula- ted than those by which theyprovided for the celebration of thefeitivals, on which auoh enor- mous sums were spent- There every man knew his place and bis part beforehaiM, and therefore allwas executed with unfailingexact- ness ; but when an expedition was decreed, there were queslions to be discussed, disputes to be settled, ways and means to be found, and the preparations were never completed until the object was lost. The remedy which he propo- ses is,that an armament of fifty gatleyB should be kept inconstant readiness for sailing, together with horse-transports, and that the citizen* should be compelledby law to man them in a certain order, whenever tbeir services might be required. This was one part uf his plan ; the other was, that a small squadron should ha con- stantly ataiioncd at some point near the coast of Macedonia, as well for the purpose of annoy- ing the enemy by sudden descents,as to protect the Athenian shipping from attacks sut^ as it had lately suffered. He desires no more than ten galleys and 2000 soldiers, with SOO cavalry, for this service ; but then he insists,as on the most important head of his project, that one. fourth of the men should be Athenian citizens The force he proposed would, he was aware, appear contemptiblysmall, after tbe great arma- ments winch the orators were used to talk of, but it was as large as the state of their finances could then support, and not loo small to answer its end. But the main point was that tbe citi- zens should not shrink,as they had been used iodo,from military duty, but should beginagain, in part at least,lo fight their own battles ; and that the military officers who were elected ev- ery year should be able to find filler employment than tbe superintendence of a t'^ ' 104 HISTORY OF GREECE. or a religions ceremony. Unless every arm; thej employed included i body of Athenian troops, however small might be its proportion to the whole, Ihey eoold hare no security for the conduct of Ihe soldiers Iheypaid, or of any general,though a citizen, thai they could ap- point. The mercenaries would still plunder tbeir allres instead of seeking [he enemy ; and, if Iheir pay was not regularly rurnished, would engage In a more profitable service, and " as had happened in the case of Chares towards the end of the Social War " would force their command- er along with them. This was the argument which was likely to be most felt by his hearers ; but the orator's principal aim in both parts of his planwas, per- haps, to break the habits of indolence and lui- nry which were fostered hy the exclusive em- ployment of mercenary forces, and gradually to inure his fellow-ciiiMna to military service. He speaks as a young counsellor who is obliged delicately to insinuate advice which he knows to be onpleaaant, and cautiously to feel bis way. Hence, perhaps, rather than because means were deHcienI, the inconsiderable amount of the standing force which he propoaad to raise : and yet he lakes care to add that he means the time of aervice for the citizens should be short. On another very importantsubject " the waste of the publicmoney in shows and feasts" he is stillmore guarded. The contrast,indeed, which he pointsout between the order and efficacy nf the preparations for the smusement of the idle, and the contusion and delay of those which were made for the safety of the state, must have excited a feeling of shame ; and when, after having mentioned the poverty of the treas- ury, he spoke of the great resources of the peo- ple, the seeming contradiction could scarcely (ail to suggest the qaealion. How were those resources cmployedl But this was very dan- gerous ground. According to the ancient law. the whole surplus of Uie yearly revenue left after the necessary expenses of the civiladmin- istration had been defrayed, was in war time appropriated to the defence of the common- wealth, or carried into what was called the Militaty Fund. But the men who were charged with the administration of the fund destined for the public amusements, and whose interest it was to augment it as much as possible, had by degrees, it seems, induced Ihe people to di- Tert all thai could be spared from the other branches of expenditure into this,untilat length the Tlieoricon swallowed up the whole surplus. aitd the supplies needed for the purposes of war were leftto depend on extraordinary eonlribu- lions. But it was reserved for the demagogue Enbulus to perpetuate this abuse, which not only drained the resources of the state, but re- tarded all its militarymovements, and was a main cause of that frequent waste of precious opportunities which Demosthenes deplored. He was the author of a law which made it a capital offince to piopoee thai the Theoric fund should be applied to the war service,or converted into a military fund. This eipressionwas probably choMn to giTe a colour to the measure, as if it was designedto guard againstan innovation, instead of establishing one of the most pemi- ciooa tendency. Not long before the firstPhi- lippic was delivered, when Philip's enterprises against Lemnos and Imbroe had excited alarm and indignation at Athens, one ApoUodorus, a member of the Five Hundred, had carried a decree empowering the people lo determine whether the surplus revenue should be thrown into the Military or the TTieoric fund.* Tho proposition was so guarded as lo secure him from the capitalpunishment denounced by Uie law of Enbulus ; but he was 'impeached and flned as the author of an illegal decree,f which, of course, became void. The subject, there- fore, was one which required to he approached with the utmost caution ; and Demosthenes did as much as prudence permitted when he so clesriy inthnated his opinion and wisbea. We camiot speak with certainty of the ini' mediate effect producedby his oration. The obscurity which was hanging over Pbilip's movements may have served as a welcome pretext for delay. But news which came fitm the north towards the end of 36S roused the people into a mood for vigorous efTorts, Philip, it was ascertained, had laid siege to a fortreas called Hersum, on the Proponlis, not far from Perinthus,on the side of Byzantium. We can only judge of its importance fhnn the alarm wbich the intelligence is said to have excited at Athens. It appears to have been held by an Athenian garrison; but it is not clear whether it was of moment ebiefly as a factory for oom- mercial intercourse with the interior of Thrace, or on account of its vicinity to Ferinthua,which mayhave been involved in its danger.} Under the first impulse of its feelings, the peofrie de- creed en armament of fortygalleys for the re- lief of the place, a generallevy of the servicea-- Ide citizens under five-and-forty to embark in the expedition, and an extraordinaiy war-impost of sixty talents. The command, it seema, was assigned lo the same Charidemus who, aa we have seen, had been taken under the pecnliar protection of Athens by the decree ofAristocra- tes, which Demosthenes had frultleasly opposed. It appeara that this adventurer wished to com- bine the authority of an Athenian general with that which he possessed as the chief counsellor of Cersohleptes ; or, beginning to apprehend danger from Philip's hOGlility lo the Tliracian prince, desired to secure a retreat for himself in the favour and confidence of the Athenian people. This may suffice to explain his pres- ence at Athens at this juncture, without any conjectureas to the particular buaineas on which he had come. The preparations, how- that had been decreed proceeded slowly as usual, the more as the season was unfavoura- ble ; and, before much progress had been made, fresh tidingscame, which for a time entirety suspended them. A report was againspread, firstof Philip's death, then of his illness. There may have been some foundation both for this and for the earlier rumours of the same kind. The king's health may have suflered from a wound or a neglecteddisorder,which more than once might confine him to his bed, and ii^ terrupt hia military openttons. Whether, how- "IhNhi lUd u i"Tt"iiIll (ii., Tl JB tk* -"- " ^-uiBi tl tU pwby ; "t aimVaimmUfnWfTia'naa., i,iU. PHIUP'S INACTION." WAR WITH 0LYNTHU8. lOS mer, lie vm Uidb compelled to abandon the ai^e of HenEaiD, or made hilaself master of the place while the Athenians were waiting Aii fresh news, bo that the object was lost before the preparations for the eipedilion were ; ed, is doubtful. It ia only certain tli spring and summer of SSI were allowed to pass without an; attempt to cuunteract Philip's r~ Iciprises in Thrace, and,as far as wc know, wtal inaction,except that a bod; of troops ap- pears to have been sent under Nausicles for the pnitection of Imbroa. It was oot until the lat- ter end of September that Charidemus for the Hellespont.Not,however, with forty plleja, but with ten; not with an Athenian fijTce, but with orders to collect Diercenariea ; lad yet, not with sixtytalents, but with life. Possibly the title and the power were what he most coTeted ; and he may not hare regretted the absence of the Athenian citizens, which ted him at perfectliberty to act as he Still it may be inferred, from the of these snppiies. that the Athenian . in the north were no longer considered mediate danger; and, in fact,during the next two years Philip'shistory is a mere blank, which we can neither fill up nor satisfactorily explain. It is scarcelyconceiTable that the "late of his health,which to general was Tery mbust,can ha"e kept him insctiTe for any great pan of this time.* His Thracian expedition "eeou, indeed, to have been so far successfol that, whea he returaed to his own dnninions, be carried away with him a son of Cersobleptes ag a hostage;l but,even ifhe had accomplisb' ed all that he thoughtimmediately desirable in Thrace, it might have been expected that the war with Athens would have given rise to b ~ oecorrenceB deserving a place in history, pecially as it appears that the fleetwhich at- lended'the army on ns march homeward was ijueatened by Chares, who was cruising, with i sqaadron of twenty galleys, off the coast of Thrace abbut Neapolis. and was only delivered by a stratagem of Philip.tYet it is not mere- ly the silence of Diodoms that proves he knew of no important events connected with the Btmggje between Pbilip and Athens in this pe- riod : the fact that, in the course of these two years, Phocion was canying on a war in Cy- pres on behalf of the Persian kingpoints to the same conclosion. It ts confirmed by the con- doct of Demosthenes himself, recorded in one of his extant speeches, which was delivered in wte of these two years. After the death of Housolas the democratical pany at Rhodes had conceived hopes of overthrowing the oligarchy, *nd.it appears, had applied to Athens for aid. now of no DtbiT pttiod to ' . _. .^ .-kj tha pnHiic" of Cbu^ Ih nC Ih* AreMTHtn u inicmnt fiirths dilBfto nCChwldiiiiflllT ' ' Demosthenes thoug:ht it an optMrtonity. which, ought not to be ne^ected. for restoring the- Athenian influence in that island,and seems to have hoped that the example of the democrat- ical Rhodians, if they succeeded, might shake the oligarchical governments of Chios and Lea- bos, which were the chief obstacles to the re- newal of their alliance with Athens. The prin- cipal argument that had been urged on the other side was, that the interfe|ence of Athens might involve her in war either with the Persian king " who, it seemsjtiad taken the rulingparty ia Rhodes under hf protection " or with Artemis- ia, the widow (f MaiisoluB, who now reigned alone in Caria. the orator endeavours to show that Artemisia yould probably remain neutral,, and that the ri" of provoking the kingou^t not to deter thef Athenians ; and he is thus led to remark ,^hat'fiere were persons who often all^ted t(ftreaf Philip wi^ contempt, while they repreleiUea the Persian as a fonaidable enemy ; soShat Me people, ifitlistened to Ihese counsellors, would take no precantions against the one, and make no resistance to any weteD' sionsSf the other. * Soch a remM could only have been made It a period of comparativerepose, when no inune- diale danger was apprehended from Philip ; and though the speech contains no definite plan,yetr as it recommends that the people should vig- orously espouse the cause of the Rhodian d"- mocracy,'it impliesthat, in the orator's opinion,. there was at the time no more pressingocca- sion for the exertion of its strength. It is not improbable that the state of the Persian empire, which had encouraged the hopes of the dem- ocratical Rhodians, was also connected with the longpause which intermpted the course of """""-'- enterprises against Athena and Greece.. ig was engaged in a war, which he con- ducted in person, with Egypt'and other revolt- ed provinces; and when Demosthenes mode "-" laat-men tinned 'speech the issne oflfaeoon- ; ivas doubtful, and the Persian throne was mionly supposed to be in great danger.* That Philipkept his eye attentively fix^ on- the progress of these important events cannot ' questioned; hut perhaps he was not a iffere spectator,ready to t^e Eidvantage of any sud^ den revolutions the slielter which he gave to- the rebellious subjects oftbe Persian king raises ' suspicion that he may have been previously secret correspondence with them. On the other hand, there is some reason to think that kingdom was not perfectly tranquil du~ ring this period ; for we hear of three princes. of the royalblood,aons of Amyntas, who had excited his jealousy, so that he put one of them death, and the two others took refuge in. Olynthus. The shelter which they found there was. ac- cording to Justin, the occasionof the war which- ' ingth broke oat between Philip and the Olynthians, and ended in their destruction. 'Wiiether it served him as a pretext we cannot decide ; but his attack on Olynthns had prob- ^ly been long meditated, and the chief diffi- - iltyis,as we have jostseen, to ex^ain why- was so long delayed. Olynthus, it seems, had renounced her alliance with him before hi* . rtt tit(-W^ntK 'l'i 108 HISTORY OF GREECE. e peoale. TIiom of id hiii in " an ally, 1 the^uautBi. But espeditioQ to Theaaalj -, and tbe pains which he had once lakea to conciliate her friendship proTe that ha could not have viewed her bos- tilit; or eBtrangemenl with indiflerence. Per- baps,howBTer, during tbe two years which are left vacant as to actiona of bia by Diodonis, he was not onJymaking preparaUons Tor the exe- cution of his design, but had actually entered upon it, and had begun to encroach upon the territoriea of the GreeUewiu near his Irootier, jet BO (hat Olynlbus,tnough disquieted, might not ihint it necessary to intopose. If any farther explanation of his secKng inactivity were needed, it might be found In the state of atfain in ThBsaaly,which, thoa^ it did not yet demand his prescncci wasauabn toaflbrd bim frequentoccupation, and to reAite coDStanI Tigdaoce. Tbe Tbeasaliaos are represented as a restleaa,luibulent, fickle | his party, when ibey called did not mean to make him thei. his conduct, after the eipulaion^f'tbe tyrants, soon began to awaken tbeir distrust. He con- tinned to occupy Cagean, and began to build new fortifications ft Magnesia: a strong'inti- itMliODthat he consider^ it as b" ""'n, and had no intention of abaodoning it. He likewisa continued to reoeive s largeportion of the rev- ennes of the country, which, it aiqiears, had been ceded to him for a time to meet tbe ex- penses of tbe war with Phern. These indica- tions of deaigiiH inconsistent with the independ- ence of Tbessaly appear to bave excited nn- eaaineas, which vented itselfin murmurs, com- plaints, and even remonstrances ; and he was obliged to pacify bia discontented allies with assurances of bia honourable intentions as to Magnesia, and with promises of farther aid in the Social War." There was, probably, at Olynthus,as at Ath- ena, a party which' diiaded a war with bo fiw- midabte a nsigbbonr,hoped that it might be averted, and flattered itselfwith the beliefthat Philip, who bad once shown such disiniereated friendship, even now harboured no hostile pur- pose RfraiDst the city. This parly had, no doabt, opposed the peace wiUi Albeos, and had labour- ed, hHberto with success, to preserve neutral- ity ; for no aUiance bad yet been concluded with Philip's enemies. We do not even know whetlier the receptiongiven to his two half- brothers" supposing tbe lact certain"preceded the open rupture. But in 340 Philipbegan to manifest bia designs in a manner which nothing but wilfnl blindness could mistake, by an attack on one of Iho cities of the Chalcidian confeder- acy, which Olynttauswas bound both by honour and interest to defend. Diodorus calls tbe placeGeira,a name olbertriae unknown, for which it lias been proposed to substitute tliat of Siageira,Aristotle's birthplace. The place was evidently of some iiniwrtaneo ; for, when . Philip bad taken it, and razed it to tlie ground, tbe terror inspiredby its fate induced several of the neighbouringtowns tA submit without resistance to the conqueror. This aggression, which, as far as we know, was totallyunpro- voked, seems to have been considered by the Olyoihiansas manifestly directed against them- selves \ and it probably foi a time silenced the party which had HHberto advocated neutrality. had l^be An embassy was sent to Athens to propose an alliance, and to request succours. PhQip, how- ever, afl'ected indignation at the suspicions of the Olyntbians, and sent envoys to vindicate hia conduct and exhort them to peace. His object in this step was, perhaps,iMt ao mticb to deceive tbe people and prevent the alliance with Athene, as to gain some of the leading men by corruption, and to aflbrd them a colour for openlyespousing his cauae; and it happen- ed, opportunely for sucb a purpose, that at this juncture tbe affairs of Tbessaly rendered his presence necessary there. Pitbolaus,aided, perhaps,by the discontent which prevailed even among the partisans of Macedonia, had recovered possession of Pher", We might al- most snspect Philip of having connived at this enterprise, which was in every nay moat fa- vourable to his interests. To eipel the intru- der cost him littlemore than tbe march : Pitbo- laus seems to have withdrawn at bis approach But the service thus rendered to Thessalj,the danger which this event proved to be still hang- ing over it, stifledthe murmurs of the Thesaa- liaas,gave him a pretext for deferring the ex.- ecntion of his promises, and for extending his encroachments on their liberty, and enabled bim to prosecute his designsagainstOlynthua without fear of interruption from that quarter. Tbe Olyntbianembassy was welcomed at Athena by all who Viewed tbe growth of Phil- ip's power with dread. Ifout of Greece there was any Aate that could oppose an effectual barrier to his progress, it was supposed to be Olynthua, once the mistress of a great part of hia kingdom, still strong in herself, and at the headof aconlederacy which included thirty-two of the neighbouring Greek towns, some of tberu places of considerable note. We can hardly adopt the statementsof DemosUienes, when he representsOlynthua as ia a more flourishing condition at the beginning of the war with Philip than she bad been before she was con- quered by Sparta, * But stillthere was enough in her past history and bar present resources, seemingly, to Justify tbe hopes of tbe Athe- nians, who were not yet able tn estimate the full diSbrence between Macedonia as it had been under Amyntas, and what it had become under his son. An idliance with Olynthus, lor offence and defence againstPhilip, had for some time been regardedby most Athenian statesmen as the best safeguard of Athena ;t nor bad efforts probably been wanting to se- cure it for bar. What had been ao ardently desired now unexpectedly offered ttsclf - there could be little question wlietlier it ought to be accepted. We hear, indeed, of opposilion made to the advocates of the proposed alliance by Dcmsdcs.t a man of no ordinarytalents, but stillmore distinguished in the worst times of Athens by a degree of impudence and pruHi- gacy, public and private, which exocpdert "ill Furmer examples. But as we do not know the grn"ids of his opposition, it may have been di- reci^j though probably with the most perfid' ' " " against the measure itself, . the plansproposed for tbe attain- objecta, . anes appears to lave taken the lead "II"ll. UtBOI. ^ t OljallL,.ii. THE 0LYNTHIAN8." SECOND EMBASSY. itfr a the debate* which itom on this qneatlon : it ras agaioBt him that Demade* made his uaod. le has leftthree oratiMu, delireTed at dilftrant imes, all within a Tear, on tbia anbjoet. Un- appilf, the order in which theywere prodoced las beea long matter ofa omUroTerB}' which la lOt 7et settled. Tbie aacertaintj' decracis not little liom tbeii hisloricaj valae : for lliough be reader naj form a decided opinioo on tbe oint, tbe hiBtorion Cluiiiat conuder hie own a* eyoad dispute. We bImU, honerer, DOtioe beir conletita in ^at order nhicb appears to s the most probable, but shall hs much as pm- ible avoid restingany eonclusioni on Ibis aa- uDoption. . The oraticn whloh Mem* l" hiTe een dsliTered on the ooetaioN of the emboMy J wbioh the Olyntliiana sooght allianoe with Lthens,IhoDgb it opens with a congratulation n the favour of Heaven shown in Iha opportn- icyjuHpr"B"9iled, prooaeds u if it wmsdesign- d to HDimtfa the Atheoieas to a ooniect ftma ihich they ware disposed to shnnk through "ar of niitip^aoverwhelming power: it is hieflyoccupied with a riew of hit history and haraolsr adapted to this purpose. Yet it i" ardly credible that,at this junotora, the mood lat pievailad ia the people can have been one f deapoDdaaoy, for which there was no appar- Ths it csnce, either in ths r* le ereute of the last two or three years. ^ars, taowerer, to whioh the otater pnfoses to ddresa himself, were in themselrea very ree- ooaUe ; and the lesa they were really felt by ia hearera, tbe more advis"ble he might think . to Boegest them " not, of course, in ordar to anqi their spirit, but to rouse them to an eflbrt 'onhy of tbe grEsloess oftiie straggle. There rere some, aa hs had obserrsd in his speech n the Hhodisiw, who were naad to repivsent 'hilip as a despicable antagoniat: thisheknew y be a Ihlssand dangerousway of inepinagthis e"^e with courage. He wished that they hould recogaiaePhilip's power as truly for- lidaUe, but that they should be convinoed it ad beoome so oo^ through their own remisa- etK or onwise policy; that they should t"elieTe . might be overthrown, but not without s eom- lete change in their measores and habits. It I, in substance, the argnment of the firstPhi' ppic. The gmetal e^et is encoDraging ; but le encoursgement is directly Bubserrient to ie practical exhortation. ItefflostbeDessha- ?d the hopes whioli had been awakened by the ilyathianembassy, but he was aware that their illiJment depended on the manner in which .Ihens availed herself of the opportunity, and lis was the conclusion to which he points iroughOQt the speech. Tho contest is a hope- il one, because Philip's power, overgrown as . is, iloeB not rest on secure foundations: his rtilicea are detected and spent : his promises nd professions can deceive none of hia tieigb- iiurs any longer: his Thcsaalian allies are rowing impatient of his yoke : even his Mace- onian subjects are becomingweary of the bur- ens which his ambition imposes on them : his ersonat character does not inspire either love r respect : his ablest officers are disgustedby le jealousy which he betrays of their merit, nd by the favour which he shows to the vilest ^rasitee and the coarsest buffoons. Form- ate, indeed, he has been, but his good fortune has been the folly and ne^jgence of the Athe- nians, and will last as long. If they would re- covn* what they have tost,they mutt sbrink from no saciiSoes,no labours : their property, Iheir personal services must be freely devoted to the common weal. The speech,however, contains no specifin proposal, unless it be that an embassy ahoold be aent to instigate the Thesealians against Phil- ip. But even this sug^slion seems to have been made chiefly for the sake of the condition annexed to it. Such an embassy, he observes, will avail nothing, nnless it be supportedby ef- forts whtoh would prove that the people had at length rooaed itself from its lethargy, and was prepared to exart itaetfto the utmost in behalf of its allies. The measure finally adopted was far from correspondiiv to these exhortatioiw, and cannot liav" bean propoaedby Demoathe- nes. The snoeoiiTa decreed consisted in a fleet of thirtygalleys, manned, indeed,from Athena, but bearing no greatermilitary force than SOOO mercenary peltasU. The expedition was pla- ced under the cotwusnd of Chares. ' As to its issue we hsve no exprtsa information ; it is only from the sequel that vre find it must hsve provedaltogetherfiiiitlesa, and that Pbilip, on his retnni frura Thessaly,proeecnced the war more vigorously than ever against tbu Chalcid- ian cities, atill,howigrer, abstaining from the invaaion of the Olynthian territory, and from a declaration of war againstOlynthua itself. His coaqneacs did not the less,on this acooont, alarm the Olynthians for their own safety; and they sent a second embaaay to Athene, to soli- cit more eflbctual aneooars. It is not clear whether any blame was due or was imputed Co Chares ; perhaps he had done all he could, but found himself nnable, with his small land foroe, to relieve any of the ttaraatened towns against Phillies simy. On the oUier hand, it does not appear that be incarred any conaiderable loes, and tbeiefbre had protNUy sent an aceonnt of his operations to Alhem whieh flattered the peoplafahopes. In his oration on the second embassy, Detaoatbenea speaks as one who was much lesa ccmfldent than hia hearers, and who dreaded the eS^t which might have been pra- dueed on them by the language of preoeding speakers, wbo talked of puiiiehing Phihp. He endeeronrs to convince them that this is not the tone which befits their present circumstan- ces ; that theymight well be satisfied for the present, if they could provide for the safety of their allies, and that even their own was in great danger, unless they would adopt some new and extraordinary measures. He thinks it necessary to crave indulgence for his bold- ness, and a patienthearing, before he ventures 10 maiie the proposition on which be grounds all his own hopes of succesB in the contest with Philip; not merely because it was in itself un- popular, but because itwould expose him to the resentment ofa powerful faction which, on this subject, had the ear of the assembly. He does not name Eubulua, bnt clearly describes the arts by which he and hia party had gained the people'sfavour, had enriched ihemeelves at its expense, and, by humouring its love of ease and pleasure, kept it in a degradingdependanee V. sd JLixtti" ( "lc HISTORY OP GREECE. oa tbeiDselTM. A regulBtion made for finan- cial purposes, by which ISOO of the wealthier oitizens were divided into clnsses, bad glTen rise lo oligarchical cabals, of which Demoslhe- neshad complainedi[).biaromier speech, and it seema that Eubulua Tuund these clasaea conie- nient inatruiDCDts for his purposes. The max- im of his administration was, to kesp the peo- pie sBtisGed at home b/ hia distributionof the publicmoney, and to deprive it as much as pos- sible of all means of controUing the conduct of its serraats abroad. Works of more show than use or cost, for the ornament of the city, were fl^uentlyundertaken, and were represented aa proofs of prosperity. In the mean while all the great interests of the stale. had been neg- lecl"d i itsmost valuable poBseBsions lost ; ISOO talents had been wasted in a diaastroos war; and the poorer citizens, who were supposed to be chiefly benefited by these abuses, were wretched as well as idle In the midst of luxury and splendour. The remedy which the orator proposes is a reviaion of the law of Eubulus, and of the other pemioiona innorations which soppcvted thisdestructive system. But though be dialinctlj urges the peojde to this atep, he contenda that the antbora of those laws, as they had hitheilo enjoyed the popularity arising from them, ought to be forced to undertake whatever risk might be Deaaasary in order procure their repeal. The diffiflence which he expreaaes in several passages of his spebtdias to the power of hia eloauence. was too well grounded. It was not e the indolence of the people, " of the prevailing faction. This was probably the occasion on which Demades distinguished bimaelf by hia O]q"osition to De^ moBthenes. The question ttib not whether ftesh sucoooiB should be sent to Oljnthns: on that,as Demoslhenea observes, all were agreed; bnt aa to the ways and means. It was still thought most convenient to employ a mer- cenary force of the same descriptionaa that which had served under Chares ; but the num- ber now added to itnaa 1000, and 160 cavalry, with eighteengalleys to slrengthBo the fleet, which probably remained on the same station. But Chares himself waa recalled,not, as the sequelproves, because he had forfeited the Gdeuce of the people, but apparently becaase the partisans of Charidemus thought this a fair opportunity of giving him employment in a country where he was well known, and where his services had been sought many years be- fore, when Timotheus prevented him from ta- king the command there. He himself, it seems, was eiillin the Hellespont ;" but he was called awaytoputbtmselfattheheadofthe new ex- pedition. Concerning his campaign at Olyn- tbuB,we are not left so totally destitute of in- formation aa about that of Chares : but the few facta which we learn of it provoke rather than satisfy our curiosity. It appears that he made an inroad into the adjacent districts of Bottiea and the peninsula of Pallene ; and it is said that he ravaged them, as if this had been hia onlyobject; which would imply that they were ah"ady in the enemy's possession ; but in that case, Olyotbua must have been already besie- fed. We are, therefore, led to suspect that " PhilDclunu,XsfUww rb Ir 'EUqsirliTf rrfuuYir. these movements were designed lo repet the lions of the Macedonians, and were, in degree, auccesaful ; for we also hear of Macedonian prisoners, who. at this time bad fallen into the hands of the Olynlhians, with Derdae, probably the conmiander, and a man of rank.' But from the same authority we leam that Charidemus, while he commanded at OIjtd- thus,not onlyindulged in the most ^amelosB profligacy, but treated the Olynthianmagistratea with an insolence,which, unless thai whicb we read was a solitary example, must have given great oSence. It was, pertiaps. as well the indignationex- ited bj such conduct as the progress of Phil- I's arms, tiiatinduced the Olynthiansagain to apply to Athens, with an earnest request la send,not a mercenary force, but one oompooed of Athenian eitizeos. The applicutiiwwas made in t"nns which implied Uiat they consid- ered themaelves a* now in ezti"me danger. Philip waa gainingground,partlyby force, partlyby corruption, which had procured him partisans in Olyvthus itself. Before the third embassy to Athens, it appears that they had ventured (o propose negotiation with the ene- my itnor ia it certain that Ihey had not canied this point, for we hear of a violent atnig^e be- tween them and the friends of Athens, which ended in the expolsion or disgrace of one of their prineipal adTersaries named Ap"dlonides,t and may have turned on the question of war or peace I though if tbisApollooidGs was thesame who is elsewhere described as an emissary of Charidemu9,4 his banishment may have pro- ceeded from a different cause. The AlheaiaM were now, it seems, for the firsttime sensible of the impendingdanger, and ready to listen (o Demosthenes, when he told them they had to choose between war before Olynthus and "me at theirown door,and that they must no longer commit their defence to other hands, bat miisl arm themselves in their own cause. A smdl force would be of no avail,nor would a single armament be suflcient : two expeditiona must be fitted out at the same time,one to protect Olynthui, the other to attempt a diveraion by the invasion of Macedonia. An embassy also must be sent to cheer and rouse the CHynthians of BDpport, and thua to coon- ia (OD pr"it" to mdmit " laqheion of DLJiUke. Aod gj M fxota 1 Oljpth..4 - -- f ..vi, JvtfuAnr, lEtm^ivTif. doefl tvx implT teihI ApoUmidH vat fiWigti(" ,nk kii M/"tybtJUgUJtan OlyUtu, *".* man thu Dt- oTlhtun'^fii !ht mjj^awa KigLiXn niri". Eta f\.. ar "art -whts, 'ha K/m, D" F, l^lTiT^t St' atrL tn Tiltahhs Irra raiiriic ^lUAikiri,"nd iruiwud. " ISl, If w liir^li^h ily,^ if in-it tflfflfo. NtranlidHi. SIEGE OP OLYNTHUS." PHIUI^ TRIUVPH. lOB t"raot tlie pereuaaions oT tho"e who might ad- vise tliem to negotiaiewi"h Philip, aod the arti- 'fices by whieh he might tempi them to renounce the alliance with Athens, and to throw Ihem- aelrea on hie mercy. As to the flnancial ques- tion, that,in so preasingbd emergency, ia not of the first importance. A (iind must be provi- ded : if they chose to raise one by extraordina- T7 laiation ratbcr than use that which waa al- ready at their disposal, and which Ihey spent upon their pleasures,they must do as they would ; but the crisis admitted of no delay. The caae itself spoke no less forcibly than the orator. The people decreed a. fresh squa- dron of seventeen galleys, abody of SOOObeavy- anned infantry, and 300 ^orve, all Athenians : Cbaridemus, it aeems, waa snperseded, and Cbarea " perhaps the oldeat senentl that could be found " was restored to the command. This re- enforcement might have been sufflcient to sustain, though not to end the war, if it had been well employed, and the Olynthians had been all true to tbemaelves. But In the spring of 348, Philip, having made himself master of Mecybema, the port of Olynlhus, as he had of Torone, by bribery,' advanced to lay siege to Olynlhus itself. And now for the first lime, perhaps, he threw offlhe mask, and declared " whether in answer to any overtures from the besieged, we donotknow " that either tbey must quitOlynlhus, or he Maccdonia.t Twice they drew out Iheir forces to give him battle, but "were as often defeated ; yet even after this hope had failed,they made a vigorousdefence, and the besiegers were often repulsed with great loss. But two men, who filled some of the higheststations, Lasibenes and Euthycra- tes, had sold themselves to Ptiilip, and now con- certed a plan for betraying the cily, Lasthenes, who bad the command of the cavalry, under pretence, it seems, of s sally, contrived to place a body of 500 in such a posiliun that they were forced to lay down their arms. After this piece of treachery, it is probable he did not return to Olynlhus ; hut bis friends who remained there completed what he had begun, and found means of admitting the Macedonians into the town. Possiblythey had deluded themselves with the belief that they were avertinggreater evils, which were likely to ensue upon a longer reaist- ance. But the conqueror had resolved that OlynthuB should never more endanger or dis- tatb his kingdom, or become a raUying-point forhisenemiea. He levelled ttwith the ground, and " whether swayed by resentment or policy " sold the captive population. Their lands served lo raward his officera, more especially the foreign advenlurers in his service,on whom he bestowed large estates, t So the chief ofthe Chalcidian cities waa swept from the earth. Those which did not share its fate were reduced to helplesssubjeclioo ; and the whole ofthe tri- Ktite peninsula, whieb had so longseparated cedonia from the eea, became one of its Ihirest provinces. It baa been hastily inferred from a strong ex- prCBSioD of DeoiOBthenea,^ that the traitora Laathenes and Eoihycrateawere rnt to dMth, or, at [east, ss"eroly treated by Philip, when he had no ^rther need of their aervice. The real state of the case is mor"trti^ indicated by one of Plutarch's anecdotes, which representa them aa complaining to Philip that some of bis courtiers had called them traitors. The Mace- donians, he is said to have replied, are blunt, rough folks: they call a spade,a spade. No- thing worse appeare to have befallen them than the disappointment of their ambitious aims, in the utter ruin of the city where tbey had prob- ably hoped to mk, and the condition of eiilea, with the conscioasneaa that they wer" abhor- red by the friendsof their country, and despised ' " B enemies. At Athens they were outlaw- s Arthmius of Zelea had been.* Yel even decree was afterward reversed. That the work of Demades ;t It was reserved modem historisn to make the stillbolder attempt to reinstate them, as honourable men, . the estimation of posterity. The king solemnized his triumph with great magniScence at Dium, near the border of "nies- saly,by the ancient festival in honour of the Muses, which Archelaus had ordered after the model of Olympia, and which Philip celebrated un this occasion with extraordinary pomp, of banquets, games, and theatrical en lertai amenta. Ariists and spectators flocked to the spectacle from many parts uf Greece. All found a hos- pitable and courteous reception.Philip enter- tained the most distinguished foreigners at hie table, honoured them with liberal presents, won them by the alfability and grace of his manners. He gained still more applause bj an act of clemency which he performed at the request of Satyrus, the player, the early frientl of Demos- thenes, who was one of his guests, and took opportunity to intercede in behalf of a friend's daughters,who, though not Olynthiaos by birth,were among the captives doomed to slavery. Philipgranted the request, which was made before a numerous company, though their father had been one of the murderers of his brother Atezander.t The occarrence la perhaps chieflyremarkable, as it proves the rigour with which the senlenm he had paased apon the conqueredcitywaa carried into eze- The princely and soldieriike liberality which Philipdisplayed on sDch occasions was no doubt congenial to his nature ; hot itwhs not the te"i adapted to promote his political ends. It served as a public invitation to needy and unprmoipled adventurers of every class who were able to serve him, whether with the sword, or the tongue and the pen. Men of a higher charac- ter might be more liable to be seduced by tha address ofthe giver than by his gifts. It prub- ably required no little strength of republican virtue to withstand Uie corrupting influenc""of Boch a conrt as the Macedonian bad now be- TheopompuB baa, perhaps,esnggeraled ita proDigaey; but if its manners were not so gross as be baa psiniedthem, its splendour. Jsiwtl)., ill., Fhil.,t is ; ntjwm., t "0. ' Saidx, Ogiiijln, "., p. SIT,eniHiiHd In DumUhiBH, P" F. L., t Wf,nra rdr 'OXtrlim Iftiitn., nlU crj ittti bi^iaitm. Tli" iri"iu ia expluoailbj Dtink4th*- I D"iaitli.!l"iP,L.,tllt-t)S. ThtTuinIiDam^Eadi., HISTORY OF GREECB. tijttj, Md teedoDB n^t be ao much Ike more BttoaotiTe, utd migbt leoder it tbe more .. .. ._... ^ reajdencefor a palrioLio Greek.* * ThourH tb* THw hem pnwaltd of FhilipV wu with fflnuhni v il HbHum Iba iims u niiptui U """" Inan "olnfuUr naiind uMil lua timH. jvli "" but nulen of ttaaf"u litich liu """fly u AUau ud tba BvpVy u Oljitku, which *my w*ll-iif"iud p"n kngwi |g ba nn pndiicu oT " hilt'-* iiii"K""*"'""'* TiMn kn KBa Mliir pniiU on which 1. The (UianiHii of Philuohoiiii(ap.I"i"f(. ol Ann.. "),whoH ulkonlr il hi quBKnad, ccnuidicU, u cl"r- t """""" """ diHiaaljeoaindicudl. lavs, ibu tftarApdlgoiiloihxltani t". LuthiBM WH alKUd comnudB ofAt Iwni (Phil.,ill.. 4 79 : (oAuf 'CAviftW ifiiHX Tfii r*" fihiatSln Inap- ud Uiu tftaiibii iiipoiiitmeBt " MjriliWamirj laid ifiuo/AfvirfKBi. thoDBB and Eutbycratoi Fo obuio nion fawmrai niu. Th( aiHRion Ihat ' Ki o"'th* dar te Iba "! "Myof Sa^TUithoa|/b CDld 1^ Deooaihenaa. is c"i(Lnn"d i"r*1" *"""" aa to tba lUU 'A Ibiaaa impliBilm it. which "ua(l)"F.L.,Vua],th*nuBanaioiifiiraueitiuiiiDglhg CHAPTER XLIV. It is peculiarl? neceasary, in tbia period of Greek biBtory, to diatinguiah between the im- pceaaiOD made bjtlie eventa onibe mind of tb" reader, who reviewa tbem at a diatant^ of maaf ages, aod that nbicb they produced on tbe chief actoia and their cootempararies n they occurred. To UB the rail oT OtjnthB:, which c"npleted the Bubjugation ot the CbaJ- cidian peninaula, may aeem to have decided Philip's contest with Atheoa, and Tirtoally to have nude him maatei of Greece. The"saty might be considered as already ahaoat a pror- ince of Macedonia. Tbe atmggle betireeft Thebes and Phocia had reached such a poiat, that the one party needed asaistance, and llie other oould oot hope to withataod the fom- with which he was able to aupport ita antag- onist. Then, if his anna termioated the con- flict, the use to be made of the Tictory would depend on bis will, and there remained do Greek state capable of resisting him. In PeW oponoesuB there was a similar diTisioD of strength and interests ; and the aide on nhkb he threw his weif^C muat prevail. He had al- ready formed a considerable mariDe, which. after tbe conqoest of the Chalcidiaa towns, he had meana of continoal]; augmeniing, and which enabled him to threaten and molest the foreign possessions of Athens. The road to Threcr lay open to him ; he had alreadygained a strong footing there : the riva] princeswere ei- ther bis humble allies, or enemies who lay at his mercy. We see little prospect that the Greek cities on the Hellespont should lonepre- aerve their independence, or Aihens the Cher- ' BOuesus, if it should be his pleasure to expel her colonists. Even the principal cfaannet through which she receives the means of sub- aislence may soon be closed against her coin- There waa apparentlyonly one event whicl. could oppose any serious obstacle to his prog- reaa ; this was a coalition among all the princi- pal states of Greece, directed againsthim, ani- mated by a spiritcapable of vigorous cflbrts. and guidedby a master mind. Bui it was nol their clashing interests and mutual jealou^ alone that rendered such an event improbahllr but BtiU more, perhaps, the difficulty of awaken- JDg them to a livelysense of Iheir danger. The rise of the Macedonian power waa loo receni. and had yet been loo gradual, to be at once gen- npd"iyw ig^TatlOD, tbonvb ha oaoa Iha mi fl accoaatiiA brooKhl a^ut A In-Ooi iiiji^iiv M Xitefrrw^llr iT-K( riw"0).neiu,. AriaKalaa "uS?^ , " ahake ila credit. The niijr s Ibu Dx i"iirtr laU if DiMmu iHii "an ttaii awn^ , ratiow fMrasfu-aiio/oa iiprciiitit mf DtmaMltnn v F^Simi.wu iodaid nalucil enough for usnoa -i J .!._ .j|^ laanwd. and probably foaildBha dlflhb^ wk laAfl-Qa"a "a to wnta bia own ; bul D" ..-both. We do nul diapnta th" juljca of iIh iDEnpanJJTOaulofv pruoannced by Mr. CLjntoa 1F.1I . la (Adniauia, 1.,p. lib) JmMi,. SECURITY OF THE GREEKS. Ill erallj riewed in the true light. Tbs Pelopoi nesiana could scarcely see beyond the polilics o their own peninaula. Whatever was pasaiDg i or out of Greece, was in their eyes important only as it affected the relatiTe strength of Spar- ta and her busiile ueigbbonrg.The; hraked npon the Sacred War with Interest oiilj so far as the issue might make Peloponnesus once more the theatre of war between Thebes and Sparta, or might rcleaso Sparta from all fear of hermostdangerous rival. Philip, too,was deem- ed worth notice merely aa he might be a oaoful ally, or forrajdable enemy, to either of the ci tendingPeloponitosian parties. The tncrcu power of his kingdom was not contemplated bringing it into any new relation to Greece a whole. It was not so long since his father had owed his throne to the protection of Spar- ta ; and efeii after the power against which she had defended it was laid in the dust, she coutd not easilybring herself to thini of the son of Amyntas as a patron. or a nuwCer. The oaee _-weB not very disaimilar with Che parties imme- diately concerned in the Sacred War. The Pho- cians,indeed, consoions of the insecure groond on which theystood, dreaded bis enmity,though it was bat lately that their forces had met on equal terms, aridthat each side bad been by turns TictorioQs ; but they did not wholly de- spair of propitiating it ; for Thebes might more reasonably excite his jeakiasy. On the other hand, Thebes was aware that her success de- pended on bis aid; that his opposition would defeat allher plans; but more than this could scarcely enter into her calcnlations. Not many years had gone by since she had disposed of the Macedonian sceptre; stillfewer since ho him- self had been a hostage within her walls. " Besides these more erident causes of a fiUse secifrity, there were others, which may have op- erated not the less forcibly because they were tnit indistinct feelings, scarcely ever reduoed'to a shape in which they could becnme a subject of sober reflection. Demosthenea has been charged with a gross want of candour,because, In deliancd of good historical testimony,proving the Hellen Jc origin of the royalfamily of Mace- donia, he sometimes called Philip a barbarian. The charge is childish, aa well as false,and can only serve to keep the real slate of the case "of sight. Demosthenes everywherespeaks, of the man, but of the king, the chief of the nation,and attributes itscharacter to him ; with perfectjustice in respect of his subject.' But the very judgment which was supposed to es- tablish Philip's Hellenic descent, implied that his people were oonsidered as barbrihans His aacestot had only been acknowledged aa a Greek, because he had been able to make it ap- pear that he was not by blood a Macedonian.t !i i4 PtKr tin Oi nSnamnmrt Et To oar prMent porpoM it is inuaaterU iriieth" er, in Philip's age, the line which parted the Ma- cedonian from the Greek was narrow or broad, whelber there was any real affinity of genius and character between them, or the resemblance was onlyproducedby a sUght varnish of Greek ciTiliiation spread over the surface of a part of Mscedonian society. The Greeks had certain- ly some reason fbr thinkingso, since they saw that the Macedonian princes were obliged ta borrow fVom them the things on which they prided themselves moat, the works of their fine arts, and the skillof tbeir artists,and that,though Philipmightgain a victory over them, he could not celebrate itas he wished vrithout Uieir help. But we are here speakingonly of the univeival feeling, or, if it was no more, the vulgarpreju- dice,* according to which the Macedonians were an Inferior race, whose dominion would on that account, indeed, be the more odious,but, until It had become inevitable, was probably the lea* apprehended. With this pride of birth there was coupled a consciousness of national onity, still subsistingnotwithstanding the discord which prevented union ; there was still always a possibility that, whenever an adequate occa- sion should arise,a confederacymight be fbrm- ed capable of resisting any foreignpower, as their forefathers had repelled the Persian inva- sion. If the forces which met in hostile con- flict a few years before at Mantlnea had been arrayed on one side, what Macedonian arm)' could have faced them 1 Philiphimself,thongh fiiUy sensible of hi* own advantages,certainly did not think meanlr of the strength which Greece still possessed and would have*been very unwilling, from re- gard to bis own safety, to provoke a coalitioa amony the pfindlpal states which might caD it into action. It seems eq:mlly clear that his de- signs towards Greece were never hostile, any fartherthan his interests required. We ought rather, perhaps, to say that his dispositionto- wards Greece was positively friendly, so far as nteresis permitted. There can be little doubt .thathe valued himself upon his ancestry, Ihrouih which he traced his pedigreeup to Her- cules, not less than upon hia royaldignity. His blunt,rough Macedonians, who called a spade, a spade, made loyalsubjects and brave sol- diers ; bat he liked to think of himself sb a Gr^ek i and it^^ not an extruvagant supposi- tion, that his iflBect for Athens, as the centre of Grncian art,^pawledge, and refinement,was constantlycoufflcracting the resentment she provokedby her determined hostility. It is also nearly certain that Greece was never the ulti- mate end of his ambition. We cannot, indeed, pretend to determine the time when the great designs which he afterward disclosed firsttook a definite shape in his mind ; but from the bo- ginning of his reign so many occasions wer^ continuallyarisingtodTawhis attentiontowards the Eaat,that we may fairly presume these de- , were in some measure blended with his ctirli est views of conquest and aggmndizement. But, at least at the epoch which we have now reached, they must have been flilly matured ; for (hey became shortlyafter,as we shaU see, ~ subject of reflectionand discussion, of earnest Philip.' Phiu^,|"lM. HISTORY OF OBEECE. desire and o nfidm npectatioD to otbera, who Buredly did not either see rarther than Philip, or outBtrip his wiahes and bopea. But (hat he might enter on ihe projectedundertaking with aalety and a reaoonabla awurance or Buccesa -two things were necessarj : that he should tte master of the European coast or the Hellespont, and Ibal Greece should be reduced to such a state that he might haie do hinderance or inter- rtiptlonID apprehend frnm her. Just to this puint, ifit could be found,he would hare wiah- 0d lo see her sink ; heyond this be cannot hare thought it politic lo degrade or hurt her. We cannot be surprisedthat, with such tIcwb, he should haTc preferred the way of negotiation, wheaeTer 11would serve hie purpose, to that of Arms, especially as he waa conscious of extra, onliuary talents for diplomacy ; or that, notwith- Mandiug his success in the war with Athens, he should haie taken the "rst opportunity, a^er the conquest of Olynthus,to signily his desire of .peace. A closer inspection of the state of af- fairs in Greece at this time will,perhaps, enable us to understand biilh the moliTes which indu" ced the Alhenlana gladly to liaten to his over- tures, and some of the especial temporary pur- poses with which he made them. It waa at Athens thai the national conseious- jiesB. fOBtered by the inexhaustible recollections of the Persian war, and by the sight of no leas glorious monuments of genius and art,which, above all uther trophies, attested the superiori- ty of ihe Ureek over iliebarbarian,was always moxt lively,* Itwaa there,too, that the extent of Philip's power waa best understood, aud the danger with which his anibition threatened Greece was moBT clearly perceived ; for the en- croachments which he had been incessantly making un the Athenian empire wer^ at once fruvocatlons and warnings. And, accordingly. It was in Ihe minds of Athenian statesmen that, while others thoughtonly of deprecating his Jiostility or coneiliaiing hl^ favour, the project of a confederacy for the purpose of barrinR his progress seems lirst to have arisen. In the oration which we supposed to be the last of the Olynthiacs. DemostheneB urged the ^peden- cy of sendingembaasiea, wherever there was a prospect of success, to instigate Ihe other Greeks againstPhilip. Thw advice appears to bave been generallyapproved, and especially Ader the fallof Olynthusto bave been regarded as the last remaining reeoua of the stale. It was warmly adoptedby Euftns and his party, "opposed as they were on otmr queslinns to De- JDOBthenes, and Iheyeven brought it forward in a more definite ahspe as their own. Hence we may infer that the measure was very popular; liut yet we shall see reason to believe that "u- bulus did not on this occasion act merely in "oniphance with the wishes of the people, but I Aad an abject in view which he did not yel ven- ture to unfold,but which he hoped to accom- |)lishby means of this proposition. We find that his Grsi atpp was taken in concert with a party at Me^loputis, where, as migtit be expect- ed, there were itome who" whether honestly or from impure motives " desired the aid of Philip ID their contest with Sparta, while others,prob- " Oanr 'lAnur'm,,n! i .rii n)"(u/pnt Ulrnn ir icJn j/t^iVie-.i.i.l"i;iii."iih l'iC.i,4b3. ably tbe greater number, preferred the man congenial and aafei alliance of Athens. iBchaa- der, a son, perbape, uf the celebrated actor Kr- optolemus,* seeme to have been sent on a se- cret mission into Arcadia, and on his return made a report favourable to the views of Eubc- lus. The occasion is memorable, aa the fim on which iGschines, aderward the celebraud rival of Demosthenes, is known to have lakes a prominentpart in public aflaira. .Machines was the son of an boaonrable citi zen, Tromea,or Atiometus, who seems to hare been connected by birth with one of the moM illustrious priestly bouses,but, after having lott his properly in the Peloponnesian war, -was for- ced to quit Athens during the govemment o^ the Thirty, served for a time as a mercenary ii Asia, and on his return was forced, if we mij believe Demosthenes, to seek subsistence ini somewhat disreputable occupation. The on- lor's mother,too,appears to have been forced bypoverty to earn her living in the service itfa foreign form of superstition, which was gener- ally regarded as despicable.Notwithsiandioe these disadvantages, j^schines,who 'was gitt- ed with an uncommonly line person, sonoioo! voice, and talents only inferior to thase of De- mosthenes himself.t acquitted himself honoura- bly of the ordinary duties of a citizen, servfd abroad in several campaigns, and soDictinic^ earned tbe distinguishing notice of bis crai- manders. At home, it seems that in his jouiL he was fain to be sacislied with very humble employment for his voice and peraon, souk- times in the office of a publicclerk,Bometimn as an actor of tbird-rale parts in the thealnfti eotertainmems of rural festivalB. The woib he has led, however, indisputably attest the liil- igence with which he must have cultivated Im great abilities ; and be must have found-oppor- tunities of displaying them which recommended him as an able coadjutor to Eubulus ; the men readily, perhaps, as he had signalized himself in the last-mentioned campaign in Eubcca, so aa to earn public bonoura and the esteem of Phocion. This may have been the accideoi which determined the outset and the dirccUoc of his political career. He undertook the part of introducing Ischander to the council and the aasembly, warned the peopleagainst the aitj by which Philip was extending hia secret in^ ence in Greece, and proposed that embasaei should be sent in all directions to counteract them, and that allthe Greek states which were open to persuasioQ should be invited to a eon- gress to be held at Athens, to deliberate on the meajis of.proaecuting the war with Philip. This proposition appears to have been carried. It amounted to nothing more than an extension of the congress in which the allies of Athens had been used regularly to meet and discuss theu affairs j though possibly these conBultatiomi bad been suspended since the Social War. Eaba- * But """ do not kaow thai lu na hiiHsir b pIhw. b LtludsaJlihinlL.sf Ph.,ii , p. M", tecalnd by tL *w- aaatiatida Jnnparimffntt.bj whack 1""vihUhd^ (Da F 1~ 4 lOjmnilaatlj' dlodaa u Uia urtaul prafkniim tt "a- cliliMa. qrym.inSaail Dt Or -canm tngSHmr^thl f~t Clnar'P". "*' KiamXim JnuOn-nwaTrtii), Ithia* ..Coogic AFFAIRS AT THEBES. 113 ]ii3 himseir proposedan embass; to Megalopo- lis, which was decreed ; and .Eschines wag ap- pointed oae of the envoya. Hia task was to Touse the Arcadians againstPhilip, and he ap- peal^ to hare perfurmed it with great energy. In the account which he gave of bis embasay on hia return, he laboured no Icsa vehemently to inflame the Indignation of the Athenians, by the description of a piteousspectacle whicti iai met hia eye on his jounieyhomeward, -when he saw one Alreslidas travelling with a herd of Olynthiancaptives, about thirty wom- en nnd boya, whom he was said to have brought from the Macedonian court. The story gave occasion for a strain of invective against Phil- ip, in which, ifwe believe Demosthenes, he did not spare the most opprohriouaepithets, and excited the people to demand justice from the Arcadians on the traitors who sold their coun- try to the hloodttai'iudbarbarian. " Whether this mission of iGschinea was at- tended with any practical results we are not in- formed ; in general, as he himself lestiGea, what- ever attempts were made to rally the Greeks round Athens entirely failed.t But the propo- sal or Eubulus seems to have been connected ivilh another more importantobject, which De- moslhenea attributes to him, apparently on grounda which rendered the fact notorious An alliance with Megalopolis was hardly conaistent with that by which Athens was stillunited with Sparta. A rupture with Sparta seemed a step "which must sooner or later lead to a reconcili- ation with Thebes ; and to promote an alliance with Thebes was, Demosthenes asserts, a main aim of the policy of Eubulus.]: 80 far we see a probable connexion between two well-attest- ed facts ; but we are left to conjecture for an explanation of his ulterior views. It seems most likely that he wished to detach Athens from the Phociao alliance ; and he may have boped that, as the price of her aocesaion to the Thcban side, she might obtain terms of safe and honourable peace for the Phociacs, which "woiOd deprive Philip of all pretext for interfe- rence. The alliance with Thebes had also,as we leam from the same authority, been a fa- Tourite measure with Aristophon; it was the only political questionon which he and Eubulus always agreed.He,however, may have thought it desirable,simply as more conformable to the inslitulioDsof Athens than the connexion with Sparta, which brought her into conflict with Ar- gae, Messene, and the democratical states of Pel- oponnesus, her natural allies. But Demosthenes himself is chargedby ^Eschines with a strong leaning towards the Tbeban interest,^ and ia said to have betrayed it at a time when it was hardly safe openly to acknowledgeit, and even to have connected himself with Thebes by tiesof publichoapilality.il His object must have rela- ted chiefly to the contest with Philip, and can scarcely have been any other than to prevent the Thebans from easting themselves on the king'sprotection. He cannot have intended or have expected that the people would consent " Wpkeit n n! iJUimpi. DamcMli.. !"" F. L.,f MT, wthmi omtndiiitioii. .^HbisM (I" P. L.,t WdTprnt. Ir idlQita tha main Hct. t Pa F. L.,4 M. t Druwb., Da Cor.,4 Wt. " Da F. L, t 111. i\fd, ,"t iUft "anU B-mnfiB. It 148,191. Tiiwftt^"ilnntwftIjal*r,rti9"iSaiii* ""fen-P to sacrifice the Phocianslo the revenge of (heir enetnies. But it may have appeared lo him that Thebes, if the sovereignly of Bteol a was secured to her,might now be willing to idjust her quarrel with Phocis on more equitable con- ditions, and perhaps to cede Oropus to Athena, as the rewaiij of her mediation. It is at least certain that the turn which the Sacred War had taken about the lime of the fall of Olynthus was more favourable than ever to such a project. After the death of Mnaaeas, the two principal belligerents had continued to spend their strength in unavailing efforts. The young general. Phala:cus, conducted the war, it seems, with no less ability than his predecea- sors, but, like them, without any decisive suc- cess. Each party by turns was victorious in some trifling engagements ; the Phocians main- tained their footing in Breolia, and continued to make attempts on the towns still subject to Thebes ; the TTiebans regularly invaded and ravagedPhocis, but were sometimes attacked in Uieir retreat, and suffered more damage than (hey had inflicted. * It would have been very difficultto explainby what means^ they were enabled to sustain the cunflicl so long, with an enemy who had such resources at his disposal, if we had nut been informed that they received 300 talents from the Persian king, as the price, partly of their forbearance, and partly of tha succours which they sent to him in his expedi- tion to Egypt ,t and we may rPisonably con- jecture that (hey bad reapedsimilar,ifnot equal profit from the important services which (heir general,Pammenes, rendered some years be- fore to the revolted satrap Artabasust Still, the burden of the war became every year more and more oppressive, as the prospects of ag- grandizement with which they had entered on it, and even their hopes of recovering the ground ihcy had lost in Bceotia, were dimmed. On the other hand, the profusion with which the treasures of Delphi had hitberto been scattered was beginning to approach its natural term. The administration of PhaliEcus was, in pro- portion to his means, not leas wasteful than that of bis predecessors. 4 It might, witboat any greater misconduct, have given more of- fence, if he found himself forced to resort to precious and revered relics, which they, in the midst of abundance, had been able to spare. Yet it is probable (hat discontent arising from this cause would have been easilysliced, ifthe pay of the soldiery had continued to flow as regularly and copiously as at first. But as soon as murmurs began to be heard in tbe camp, the party in the state which had opposed Onomar- chus before his accession seems to have been encouraged to renew its attacks on the ruling dynasty, and was now able to effect a revolu- tion, PhalKcuB waa charged with embezzle- ment, and with the additional impiety of having caused excavations to be made in the iomon sanctuary of the temple for treasures which,on the authority of some Homeric Ilnea,were be- lU HISTORY OP GREECE. liered to lie buried there. The ihock or an etitbqaake, it wbb reported, had put a stop to the sacrilegious search. Phaliecos was forced to abdicate his office, or to retire from Phocis, and three aew generals were elected in hie room. This could scarcely have happened un- less be had been abandoned by tbe greaterpart of his troops ; and it is not difficult to collect how tbe; were tempted to take part with hie adversaries. It was alleged, it seems, thai the treasure would bavs been stillsufficient for Ibe pay of tbe array, if it had not been diTerted to the private uses of tbe general and his friends. A severe inquiry was inslituted into tbe mods of ite application.* One Philo, who bad been intrusted with the management of the largest portion, and waa the agent employed by Pha- Iscus in bis sacrilegious search, was convicted of malversation,and, having been put to the torture, disclosed tho names of bis accomplices. All were obliged to refund as much of the spoil as remained in their possession, and then suf- fered tbe punishment of sacrilege. These proceedings seem to show that it was the object of (be new government to throw the odium of the spoliation of the temple as much as possible on their predecessors.Perhapsthey wished it to be supposed elsewhere that they had always disapproved of tbe violation of the sacred treasure altogether : but at home they can hardly have taken such high ground, but must have made a iliBiinetion between the le- gitimate use for tbe defence of the state, and tbe sacrilegious waste for privategratification. In the mean while, tbe confiscation of tbe prop- erty ofthe oRenders yielded a supply which they might employ for the public service without open participation in their guilt. This change d* administration seems to have taken place soon after the fallof Olynlhus; and it opened a prospect of a speedier termination of the war than could have been expected from the dynas- ty of Pbaliecus. It was clear that the new government, whether it abandoned or renewed tbe expedients hitherto used, could not stand long in its own strength; and there waa reason to conclude that it would he glad, for the sake of peace and amnesty, to surrender the Bteo- tian towns to Tliebcs, and to make such conces- sions with regard to the leinpte as might satisfy the demands ofthe Tbessaltans. Nevertheless, we do not find that they made or received any pacific overtures, ur that this revolution in Pho- cis immediately excited much attention, or gave rise to any new pohticat calculations at Atl^ns. But by Philip it was certainly not overlooked ; and it probably bad considerable influence on tbe subsequent course of his policy. The longer bis war with Athena had lasted, nil ii Due uf thoM irbltrmT)' nnkei which tlUcc Iho lim- IB Uut onghl U Hpumu hulwj (roni riHnuu. It uy, Ihs iBjuirj, il would onljprow that Phtluiiiiiluihad mil h"a foana to bavo amheizlpd "n^ of thi-RUT*d ImasurP, "on to BuijHCt. FhilonaJai wu not related in hit "ul.ccimiti and tbe heavier Ibe losses she had anstaiued in it, the more, of course, waa the resentmeat of the people kindled against him ; and it seems that some violent men, to humour the prevail' tng temper, had threatened to impeach any one who should propose to open a negotiation for peace.* AfterlhefeHofOlynthua.nothingconltl be expected but that be should press the ene- my, over whom bo bad gained such a moment' ous advantage, with fresh vigour. Unlesa a league could be brought about to resist him, the very existence of Athens might be threatened. It was, therelhre, with joyfulsurprisethat, ia the course of the following summer (347), the Atheniana received intimation,through several channels, that he was willing to treat with them. According to Demosthenes, itwould appear that the Athenian prisoners taken in Olynthus af- forded him tbe first opportunity of discloaing his pacific dispositions, t The friends of somfl of them prevailedon tbe people to send an agent, clothed with the character of an ambas- sador, to treat forIbeir ransom ; and the player Aristodemus, who was known to Philip in the exercise of bis art, and perhspe bad been enga- ged for the festival al Dium, was appointedoa ment of ^schinea, that the petition thus grant- ed was actively supportedby Demoathenes and Philocrates,one of tbe orators who were the chief authors ofthe ensuing peace, we can hard- ly doubt that tbe object of this embassy was purelypolitical, and that it was a consequence of some earlier hints which had been received of Philip's intentions. The first, according to .^Ischines, had been conveyed by envoys from Eub"Ea, who came to treat for theii own states, but,as allies of Macedonia,announced that they had been instructed by Philip to inform tbe Athenians that he wished to adjust his diOeren- ces with them. It may have been upon this en- conrsgement that Aristodemus was sent, with the tacit, but notorious object of ascertaining the truth. Before bis return, however, it ap- peals that other assurances to tbe same effect were received. The playerNeoptolemus ob- tained leave to make a journey to Macedonia, under pretext of recovering a sum which was due to him there ; and be also,on his return, made a reportconcerningPhilip, calculated to produce so favourable an impression, that De- mosthenes was convinced, and the event seems to have proved, that he was bribed for the pur- pose. Finally, one Phryno,having been captu- red by Philip's troops, either during the Olyni- pian truce or during that which he bad proclaim- ed " in imitation of tbe Olympic law " for the celebration of his festival at Dium,t induced the * Yot it " bj DO maaju canaib (hat aran ao mnch aa this iaimplltdilkthe lanfuaKa of farhiaei. Da F. L.. 4 13. It k*. parha"a,no mun than a hTpertwlicaldavcriptiaci of Iha uvafta decree fotbiddiDg th" entnitc" of a harati]fTOU Hi' MOTIVES OP THE PARTIES. lis people to send him back in the quality of BmbsMndor. accompaniedbjCteaiphon, Ibr the profeaeedporpoae of recovering the ransom which had been exacted for his relcaae. Phil- ip gmnted hia request in the moat obliging man- ner, reatored the property which had been ta- ken from him, with exctiaes for tbe mistake of hie soldiers, and dismissed the two en"oys with profeasions of like import to those already men- tioned. Froin firstto last the chief donbt felt at Ath- ens seems to have been, whether Philip was in earnest, and might be safely trusted. That peace waa, at thia juncture, highly desirable for Ihe republicacarcely admitted a question: and as soon as it was aseertained that it might be bad, the people were unanimous in their will to obtain it. The war had been one series of loases and diaasters: notwithstanding the sub- sidies received from Delphi, it was computed that it had cost 1600 talents, of which 200, said to have been apent on the expedition to Ther- mopylte,were, perhaps, tbe part least unprodt. ablyemployed, and ihat ISO galleys had been sent out which had never returned. The Cher- sonesas, the onlyimportantacquisition that bad been made, had been bo threatened, and was stillin aOch danger, that Ji^scbines afflrmcil, probably not" wholly withoot foundation, thai it bad been abandoned by the Athenian colonists.' For the Athenians,therefore, even a short aua- pension of hostilitiea.not requiringany farther sacrifice, but leaving both parties as they stood, would be a clear gain -, and it seemed reason- able to presume that Philip did not expect they should purchase the peace which he so freely offered by any injurious or degrading conces- sion. Such were manifestly the views of De- mosthenes himself: however littlehe might be inclined to believe Philip's professions of good- will, he thought it plainly expedient to meet his advances ao far as to discover on what terms he was willingto treat. Bpt the motives which induced Philip to wish for peace with Athens were by no meana equal- ly evidetlt ; for there can hardly have been any of his contemporaries " ^unless,perhaps, Isocra- tes" who attributed his offers to pure generos- ity; and but few of the more intelligent who really believed " though Demosthenes professed to think BO " that the damage which his coasts and commeree suffered from the Athenian cniis- ers and privateers drove him Ig this mode of seeking relief t On the other hand, itwould be ratingPhilip'ssagacity too highly to suppose that, when he firatinvited the Athenians to ne- gotiation, he clearly foresaw the advantages which he was to reap from it. Demosthenes, in a Uter reviewof these transactions, ascribed niilip's oflbra, not to the annoyance which he Buffered from the Athenian privateera, but to his fear that the Thebans, exhauated by the Sacred War, might be farced to Eako refuge in the protection of Athena. t But even this ex- planation, though it no doubt comes mucb near- er to the truth than the other, is not satisfac- tory, unless we take into the account some of the facts which have been mentioned, which E. ihB pvtilloauigbl hb"s kHtmad b seem to throw the requisite lighton it. Tbd weakness of Thebes in itselfwas certainly no reason why she should seek an alliance with Athens, Unless she had some ground to ex- pect that the Athenians would acknowledge! and support her claim to the sovereignty of fireotia, itwas more likely that She should ad- dress herself to Philip, who had already de- clared himself on her eide. But the connexion which he saw the Athenians endeavouring, not without an appearance of success, to form with Megalopolis, beside that it interfered with hia viewa in Peloponnesus,might well alarm him, as a step towarda a reconciliation with Thebeg. And if about the same time a revolution took place in Phocis, which placed the supretne power in the hands of men who discovered s more tractable spirit, while it proved that a set- tlement of the quarrel could not be longdelay- ed, this must have quickened his appreheneioiw, and have aflbrded an additional motive for the attempt to divert the Athenians from this proj- ect by the prospect of peace. He might forer see that, if they wet" thus relieved from their feara of him. they would never consent to any measure which would strengthen the neighbour whom they stillhaled and dreaded. Thus, then,to us Philip's object may appear sufficiently mteihgible ; but itwas scarcelypos- sible that it should be suspectedby the mass of the Athenians, or, perhaps,by theirmoat saga- cious statesmen, until it was partially revealed by subsequent events. Hence arose, as we have observed, the distrust with which they re- ceived his friendly messages as news too good to be believed; and it was, piobahlj, rather to isfy the people than because they were cred- ulous themselves that the orators suggested the thought, which was the most flaltcrjng to Athe- nian pride, that Philip was no leas distressed and weakened by the war than Athens, and that peace was a boon which he solicited from Athenian generosity. It was. apparently, to strengthen this persuasion that Philocrates now moved a decree, which was voted unanimous- ly, that Philip should have leave to send a her- ald and ambassadors to Athena to treat for peace. Notwithstanding this unanimity, there were, it seems, orators who thought this a fa- vourable opportunity for a display of extraor- dinary patriotism, which could not be betlef shown than by professions of implacable an*-. mosily towards Philip. One Lycinus i^ipeach- ed Philocrates aa the author of an illegal de- cree " assuredlynot because negotiation with Philip had ever been expresslyforbidden, but on the ordinaryground of objectionson the score of policy. The tone taken seems to have been, that it was degrading to Athens to meet the advances of the barbarian until ahe had humbled him stdl more, and had avenged her- self for the wrongs she had Buffered from him.* Philocrates, diaabled by tbe slate of hia healtb from pleading his own cause vrithoul assist- ance, called in Demosthenes as his advocate; proof,undoubtedly, that Demoethenea was al- ready decided in favour of peace ; for between him and Philocrales " a man, it seems, of no- toriously profligate character " there was no bond of union except a temporaiy coincidence a political question- The defendant was " ,"Kbii"n, Df F. L-," 77. lis HISTORY OF GREECE. "cqaitted, and Ljcjqiu did not even obtai number of voiea necessary to screea him from th" penally of a calumaioos charge. Nut long afUr, AriatodeiDus relumeii from his embassy. His report was anticipated by ooe of the pris- oners in irliose behalf he had been sent, who, baving been released without ransom, brought an account of Philip's amicable professions which waa fully coofirmed by Ariatodemua, wheo he appeared before the Five Hundred, with the addition that Philip bad expressed, not only much good-will towards Athena, but a wish to become her ally. Demosthenes was a member or this council, which had just entered into office, and he proposed that the honour of a crown should be bestowed on Arislodemus : a token of satisfaction, not only with bia con- duct, but with the result of his embassy. Sufficient ground had now been laid for the final step. A decree was carried,on the j tioD of Philocrales, for the appointment nf "mbaasadors, who were to treat with Philip, and to desire him to send ambassadors to Ath- ens, with full powers. The envoys appointed were all men of eminence for station or ability, or recommended by the share they had taken in the preliminary proceedinga. Their names were, Clesiphon, Aristodemus, Phrynon, lalro- des, Pbilocrates, Demosthenes, j^scbinos, Nansicles,Dercylus, Cimon. With them was joinedAglaocreon of Tenedos, as the repre- sentative of the allies who held their congress at Athens. The services of Arislodemus were deemed BO valu^le [hat,on the motion of Demosthenes, envoys were sent to several cities where he was engaged for the exercise of his art, to tain his release from the penalties under which he had bound himself to appear there on the Such was the origin of that famons negotia- tion which some years later gave occasion to the two pleadinp of ."achineB and his great adveraaiT, who prosecuted him for misconduct is the diaOhaigB of bis commission. To these apeeohea we are principally indebted for our in. fonnatioa on the iTanaaolions now to be rela- ted ; and they abound in details which would have rendered them even more valuable than .an ordinaryhistory, if,unhappily, the opposite Tiewe and interests of the orators had no' ' both of them to suppress or distort the t and to contradict one another and themselves in a manner which renders it one of the most difficulthistorical problemsto extract a clear and consistent story "om their conflicting state- inents. The event so utterlydisappointed all the hopes with which tho negotiation was open- MMiriL Ml of "" "ueirri / The weH-ksawB n- cf Mapi" (Pni/.). /" MBwarnAn "imM to 4ititm ed by the Athenians, that each feltit neces- sary to disclaim as much as be could of the part he look in the steps which led to such a disastrous result. Demosllienea charges fa- chines with a corrupt and treasonable attempt to deceive the people on a point of vital impor- tance to its interests. "scbines delends him- self with the plea that he shared a common de- lusion, from which his accuser was not eientpt more than othera. Demosthenes, with reganl to hia postbumons reputation for patriotism, might safely have admitted all thai is alleged against him by his adversaiyon this subject; for, if true, it provednothing either against liis honesty, or even his sagacity, but ordy Uiat he had been deceived by artifices through which it waa scarcelypassible for any human discern- ment to penetrate, and had not discovered a se- cret which no one suspected. Here we see traces of a weakness which must not be pallia- ted as the iiiGrmity of a noble mind, and which evidentlybetrayed him into disingenuouscon- cealment of truth, ifnot into positive falsehood. Nor, even while we must admire his eloquence, can we sympathize with the tone in which he attaclcs his adversary, which is in disadvanta- geous contrast with the moderation end dignity which be preserves in bis deliberative orations. We cannot help suspecting that he feels less indignation than be expresses ; and we see that he is accommodating his language to a vi- cious moral taste, which delighted in virulent invectives, and countenanced the widest depar- ture from truth for the sake of oratorical effiict. All this,indeed, is equallyapparent on the other side ; and, therefore,independently ofthe deep shade of suspicion which rests on the political honesty of jEschines, wa cannot without prejn- dlQe admit the gmvcr chargea which he brings against his enemy's private character. These, indeed, would cast an indeliblestain on it ; but they may be ailmere calumnies ; they can nei- ther be proved nor refuted. All that we mnat disapprove in Demosthenes belongs, as we have alreadyremarked, not simply to the man, but to his country, his age, and the sphere in which he moved. The commission of the ten envoys is only described to us in generalterms; we do not know the expectations with which they sat out, or the instructions which they had received;* only itseems that the people had been encour- aged to hope that Philipmight consent to the restitution of Amphipolis. With respect to Thrace, the chief object must have been the security ofthe ( crsonesus. Cersobleptes was not an ally for .ihoni much anxiety could be felt,except so jar as hia terrilories might be ildered a^ bulwarks of the Athenian poa- ions and the Greek cities on the Hellespont, against Macedonia. But as to the most inter- esting question, the manner in which the aSaiis of Thebes and Phocis were to be arfiusted,it is very doubtful whether the people at large, or COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN PHOCIS. 117 anj party, was conscioos of a distincl plan,or had rormed more than generalhopes or wishes, irhicb were to remain in Buspense until Philip's intentions should be discovered. The uncer- taintj and confusion which had hitherto pre- vailed on this subject had been much heighten- ed b; the new tam which events had taken in HiDcJs about the same time that the embass; WBB decreed. Throu^ some reaction,the eausea or which are encirelj unkpown, Phale- ena had been reinstated in his office, and had iBcorered his power. Diodorus mentions the "ct withoDt the idightest eiplanation, and does not giTe BO much as a hint to assist conjecture.' He represeots (he new goTernment as having mercenaries in abundance atiits command, and aa so prosperous in the war that the Thebans were now forced to implore succour from Phil- ip, who sent some troops, but in very small iiiiinbers,t merely sufficient to show a decent iatereBt in their cause. That he should not have sent a largerforce, when he was looking finward to a negotiation with Athens, is intelU- giUe enough ; but (be total silenoe of the ora- tots renders the statement of Diodorus on this iing the eflects time might be, itwss stillsn indccalion of de- sign, which must hare excited much attention at Athens, and, we should have supposed, hare been eagerly seized as a handle for reasoning or declamation. We next bear of a defeat which the Phocians suQ^red at Abe, where tbrey were buUding a fortress, perhaps to carh the town, which^ " ^whether through religious associations maintained by its temple, or from any oi^er cause " was known to be adverse to the war. But there is no reason to imagine that this reverse " which seems to have been chiefly memorable because it was attended vrith an accidental conflagration of the temple, where some of ibe Phocian troops took refuge " at alt shook the credit of the goveniment. We must, therefure, confine ourselves to the bare (act that it was forced to give way, and that, on the eve of its fall, it applied to the Athenians for aid,and offered to pot them in poesession of Alponus,Throoium, and Nicna, three places on the eastern coast, which com- mandAd the pass of ThermopylR. They, of coarse, gladly embraced an ofltr which placed "o important a barrier in their hands. Proi- entie, tbeir general, was ordered to take pes- aessttin of the towns ; and a fleet of fifty gal- leys, and a genera]levy of cititens under the age of thirty, was decreed for the expedition. I "ILS , M, ihu V raXi, li!n-fiL- '^"^t^'^at: _*7Lit^ ii'lw"^ "E""iw^ftj lilt1 Whether resistance was apprehended,as tbestt preparationa may seem to indicate,we are not informed. Proxenus, however, set out witlis much smaller force,but arrived too late. He found the government changed, and the three towns occupiedby the adherents of Phalecua. The envoys who had Invited [he Athenians were thrown into prison on their return, and Athena was openly treated aa an enemy by the restored general, and even insulted in the per- sons of her heralds,who, about this time, were proclaiming the solemn truce of the Eleusinian mysteries. PhalRcus. however, had given no farther intimation of the course he meant to pursue. The Athenians, (hough oflended with his conduct, may have distinguished between his party and the public cause ; and, even if their resentment was kindled against the Pho- cians. it was certainly not strong enough to overpower their jealousy and hatred of Tnebes. Their position between the belligerents bad by this revolution been rendered mure unsettled and perplexing than before. So great was the generaleagerness for the treaty at Athens, that the envoys did not wait for the return of a herald, who had been sent before them to obtain a safe-conduct, and who was appointed, it seems, to meet them at Orens, in Eub"Ea ; they did not even atop when they reached Oreus, but immediately aioased OTer into Tbessaly,though a Macedonian army od- derParmeniowas at this time besieginglulns, which lay on their way, and they were obliged to obtain the general'spermission to pass through hia lines. It is to the accidental men- tion of this fact, with which Demosthenes il- lustrates the leal shown by his colleagues on this joumej, that we owe our information on Philip's proceedings in Thesaaly. He had un- dertaken the aiege of Halus, not, it appears, on account of any provocation which he himself had received, bat because it resisted the claims of the Pharsalians,who, as old enemies of the tyrants of Phera;,were probably his firm alliea. It was one of the wi^icome occasions which the state of Thesaalymight frequently fiimisb him for armed interference. Halus, on the other hand, had entered into alliance with Athetis, but not, it seems, on terras which entitled her to demand auccoura. He himself remained at Pella,partly. peiliBpa, to receive the Athenian embassy ; but he was also making preparations fur another expedition into Thrace. The en- voys, having met their herald at Larlssa,pro- ceeded without delay to the Macedonian court. During tho journey it appears, trom the reluc- tant admission of jGschines, that he and De- mosthenes were apparently on a footing of clo- ser intimacy with each other than with most of their colleagues, for only latrocles and the Tenedian shared their repasts, though each of the orators is anxious to make it appear that the other made the flratadvances. If we may believe .lEachiues, the main subject of their conferences was ^e claim to Amphipolis, as to whicb, when one of their colleaguesexpressed his fears Ihst Philipmight have the advantage in argument, Deinoslhenes boasted that he should be able to silence him, and to induce IIS HISTORY OF GREECE. lim to restora it to Athens. Bui thsre ia rea- son to suspect that jEsutiiaea* either devised OT overcharges this anecdote,to heighten the affect of the scene wbich he next describes, in which he endeavours to place his adversary's be)w.viour in the most odious and oontemplible ligtit. It is,however, tram him alone that we have any account cf the audience in which litemain bnainesa of the embass]'appears to have been transacted ; and the ailence of his rival on this anbject in some degree conGrms bia report, as it proves that Demostbenes could advance no- thing concerning ii which he thought favoura- ble to himself or his cause. On the other hand, j^hinea,vrhoee solu obji:ct was to eihihil a eanlraat the most honourable to himself between bis advereary'a conduct and his own, has dwelt on matters eitber merely personal or compara- tively unimportant, and has passed over tbe Bubslanee of the negotiation in total silence. It bad been agreed among the envoya that Ihey should addreas the king in the order of seni- ority ; and DemoetbeDes happened to be tbe youngest. Il therefore fellto the turn or.i"s- ohines to speak before him -, and in bia defence of himself he reports what he must havedeem- ad tbe most importantpart of his speech. It was entirely confined to the question of Am- idiipolis, entered at large into all the grounds, mythicaJ and historical, on which the Athenians rested their pretensions to ibe ^dace, and re- counted the aervices which Iphicrates had ren- dered to the royalfamily alter the death of Amyntas. The orator does not intimate that he touched upon any other subject; yet De- mosthenes could afterward assert Ibat he had not so much as mentioned this :f but this is ap- parently no more than a violent exaggeration. of the admiaaion which Machines afterward BMde, that be had not said all he could on this head, which his adversary seema to have dis- torted into a oonfeasion that he said nolhing at aU on it. At last Demosthenes rose. We can easily believe that the expectations both of the king and his court had been highlyexcited,not, as "schinea iosinualea, by what they had heard of bia boastful proTeasions on the journey, but by Ute fame of bis eloquence, which may bj this time have begun to si^eid over Greece ; "sd it ia not difficultto imagine that his con- "cioniDesB of the peculiar attention which be drew tcoBi hearers,who, be waa aware, listened to him with no friendly ouriosity, and ibe anx- iety which he must have felt lo support deranged the whole order of his thoughts. Ac- cording to iGscbines, after a abort and very con- fused opening, he beailated, grew more and more entbarrasHed, and at last waa obliged to break od",and. thoughPhilippolitely encouraged farnito recollect himself and proceed, could not recover tbe thread of his spcecb. The envoys were then desired to withdraw, to allow the king time lo consider his answer. The only reason we have for doubling tbe truth of this elory ia that iCBehines,as he him- self avows, made an entirely diSerent report on " DgF.L.',tlO. Da^DaF.!...*!!. I DaF.L.,tM4v his return in the Basembly, and that he explains this contradiction by a pretence which is utter- ly incredible, and not very honourable to him if believed. After a short interval, during which he represents himself as taxed wii^ rashneas by Demosthenes for the Ireedom wilh which he had pleaded for the rights of the common wealth, the envoys were recalled iolo the presence- chamber, and were addressed by Philip in a longspeech, in which be noticed all the (irioci- palarguments be bad beard ; but it was more especially la those of ^Escbines, according to hia own account, that the refdy was directed : to Demosthenes there was noUiing to be said. Ampbipolis,therefore, we are led lo cODclude, was the main, if not Ihe only subject of the king'a answer. Yet it was known that Philip was on the point of marching to Thrace ; and the danger whieh Uireatesed the Cbersonesus was not overlooked : Philippromised that he would not invade it until the queelion of peace or war should have been decided at Athens. Some discussion also mual have taken place on the subject of Cardia, since ita independence was expresslyrecognised in the subsequent treaty. As to the part taken by Aglaocreeo, we have no information ; nor as to tbe. nalure ol the interests which be represented. Yet his presence aeema to imply that one of the ques- tions wbich bad been expected to aiise related to the allies of -Athens, who were to be inclu- ded in the treaty- If this question was agita- ted, il could scarcely, we should suppose, have failed to bring the aShirs of Phocis under ooo- sideration. And the sequel appears to show that sometbiog was said on this subject, thaugh Philip did not nnfokl his views. The ambw- sadora,on their departure, were charged with a letter from him to the pe^de,aDdhepTonited that bis ministers ahouid speedily foltew thehi to AUieDS. It was natural to suppose that Demosthenes, if be had experienced ao mortilyiDg a failure, should have been anxious to conceal it. But the artificewbich .""cbines representa him to have practised for that purpose on the journey bmneward ia so grosslyimprobable, that it iMidg US to "aq"ect vitdent exaggeralipn, at least. In tbe precedingpart of bia narrative. DemMtbenea, wb are ttdd,now endeawured. 1^flattery aod aflbotatiMi ol eztraordiDary good- hunonr, lo ingratiate himseir with hie col- leagues, more partimlarly with iEachines. In a ooovivial hour, when they were all convBr- sing on the subject of tlieiraudience, be play- fully alluded to his own enobarraMment, and expressed the highest admiration for Philip's talents and address : .iKschinea was thus in- duced lo make a remark on the king's retentive memory and readyeloquence; and Cteaiphon, who was the eldest among them, declared that in the coarse of his lifehe had never met with a person of such gracious and winningmanners, especially at the festive board. This gave De- mosthenes an opportunity of challenging them to repeat these praises before the Athenian as- sembly : tbe; were simpleenough to fallinto ibssnara, and engaged to do so; and Machines, at the earnest entreaty of Demosthenes, prom- ised (o report to the people that he too had spo- ken in vindication d the claim to Ampbipolis, and that he himself had purposely left some HETUBN OF THE ENVOYS. 119 C of the sobjecl inliishuidc:' ax irthia col~ ID could havB slopped Ihe moutlia of tlieir coIleagueB, whom DenuwtlieDeB, if we believe the story, waa about lo proTokeby a malijaaat and waQtoa attaclc.l Tbe ambasaadors on Iheir relum firstmade a sumniary report of their proceadings, and ^- eented Philip's letter to tbe couocil ; and De- moathenes, as a meffiber, moved ilie ordinary eomplimeot of an honorarychaplet, and aniovi- talion to the pubhctable,accompauying Ihe mo- tion, accordingtojEachines,with a higheulogy OD the talents and fidelity with which allhis col- leatpies, aud ^lachiaes in particular, had dis- charged their commisaion. But when theyap- peared before the aaseubly to give a fuller ac- count of theii embassy, where they delivered their Tepoits in the order of seniority, they were aurpriaed to find his tone entirely altered. The praiaeswhich, in fulfilment of their imprudent stipulation, they bestowed on Phdip only afford- ed Becaosthcaes an opportunity of decrying hit merit " a topic more wulcoinK to his audience-- aud in answer to ^scbincs, who, according to hiH promise, threw a veil over his failure atPella with some saorificeof hia own credit, he denied Ihe obligation with an inaulling remark, that it was one which it did.not belong lo his col- le^ue's character lo confer : he liltedto display his eloqueocc too well to part with a subject fur any one's sake, ^schmes, with reason, bids hia beaters observe the capiicions inconsisten- cy, as well as the perfidious cunning of his ad- versaiy; and we must add that the conduct im- puied to Demosthenes does not fallwithin the range of ordioaiy htunan motivas- These un- provoked aflroBia, ofleredto persons on whose fbrbeaianoe Ms reptitatiou depended, were not necessary for any purpose that Xaa\iiaea aa- aigus. Tbe most Importanlpart of the business lor which Ihe assembly was called was lell by Ihe preceding speakers to Demoathenes. It waa on his motion Ihal the Macedonian herald, who, it seems, had accompanied the Athenian envoya. was received with the usual forms,that a safe-conduct wai granted to the eipecled am- baaaadora, end that two asacmblLes were ap- pointed to be beld to decide on the proposals of peace and alliance, on two successive days, which, as they were known to be already on Uieir road, were fixed on the eighteenth and nineteenth of the montli,leaving an interval of nine or ten days,which, itwas supposed, would be sufGci"nt for the remainder of their journey. .fsehincs does not mentioa any debate as having arisen on the motion ; and yet it seems to have involved the onlyquestion on which any diSerencaof opinion remained. The people had already detennined for peace, and knew ibe con- ditions on which Philipinsisted; that it must abandon its claims to Auphipolia, and recog- * TliiaU dtuly Ihe mHiiiDi of ib" loii, 4 U. lltljBn ^itioa to noauiil* ilwiih }M, iU,uul witB Drmu"ib.,l"" t U mppun IbU in V.Jckuui'i line Ihinvirg dosbu BhSSu. nise the independence of Cardia ; but it probft' blyfelt much less interest in either of tbeee sub- jects Iban in the issiieof the atruggte between Thebes and Phocis. Jealousy nf Thebes was alillthe pievailiDKpolitical feelingat Athens ; and though Tbebes had been broughtvery low by the war, it was easy to foresee that Ihe Pho- cians could not hold out mucb longer, and that, if they should be forced to yield, either Ihrough the failureof Ibeir resources, or by Philip's in- tervention, their enemy might not only speedily recover the Bteotian towns which had been w rested from her, but might acquire a great ad- dition to her power. Such an event would put an end lo all the hopes whic'" Uie Athenians never ceased lo oherish oi regainingOropus, would endanger their possessions in Eubtea, and would leave Thebes againpredom'nant, and en- able her to renew her attempts lo establish. her influence in Peloponnesus. The Puocian cause, therefore,was not lo be abandoned ; the tri- umph of Thebes was to be prevented at any risk i but it waa an important and very difficult question, whether the better way of attaining the object was to make an open stand in favour of tbe Phocians in the pendingnegotiation, and to gel them included in the tfeaiy, or to trust lo certain appearances, which were thought tu por- " 'a favourable lerraination of Ihe contest, orendcr allexertions of the Athenians un- necessary in Uieir behalf. The decision of this question was seen to depend on Philip's inten- tions with regard to tbe contendingparties ; but at .Athena these were atill onlymatter of con- jecture. If it had been known that he was not only hostile to the Phocians, but disposei. to promote the inlcrcals of ThelKa, then, if peace with him waa stillconsidered desirable, itwould at least have been fitthat it should be accom- panied with every possibleprecautionagainst the dreaded danger. But if,on the contrary, Philip's views coincided as to tbe main point with those of Athens, ifhe was no less averse to tlieextension or restoration uf the power of Thebes, then it might be unnecosaary, and even ' litic, to make any stipulations on behalf (tf is, and it might be expedient that her name should not be mentioned in the ireaty. At Athens,however, Philip'sdeaigna could only be matter for very uncertain conjecture. Yet there were indications, which, even if they had not been interpreted by eager wishes,might have seemed to warrant a persuasion that more I to be hoped than to be feared froni him. ' It not appear that hia interest could be promo- by Ihe aggiandiiement of Thebes. On the contrary, the same policy which induced hijn, well as Athens, notwilhatanding her alliance th Sparta, to take part with Messenc. would, night be supposed, lead him to protect the in- dependence of the inferior Bmotian towns. In the long contest between Thebea and Phocis be had hithertokeptaloof; for,though he bad re- pelled tbe Phocians from Thessaly, he had done nothing in behalf of Thebes. The letter, loo, which he had sent by Ihe Athenian ambaasadora contained a passage, cited without contradiction by Demoathenes, which seemed to favour Ibese hopes. It expresseda deaire for alliance,u well as peace with Athena, and hinted at some important benefit which he designed lo conftr ' ir, as soon as their amicable relationswere 130 HISTORY OF GREECE. flnnly cemented. Batnhetherihe expectation was reanoiiabte or absurd, we have sufficient evidence that it exiHted at Athens ; lor evi the firal Philippic Demosthenes menliona one or the rcporta or the day. And the sequel will be found to render it proha.ble that i pains had been taken to impress Ihc Athenian ambass^ors with the eame belief iluring thei stay in Macedonia. But if such were Philip" intentions, he could not openly declare tbem, s long as it was convenient to him to keep up a. appearance of friendship with Thebes ; and t introduce an article into the treat)' which would force him prematurely to disclose them, must have appeared to those Athenians who believed Uiey were in the secret the very way to fms- trate their own wishes. Such seem to have been the views with which Demosthenes himself returned from Philip's court, and bj which he waa governed in all the Btepa which he took to hasten the conclusion of the treaty. He does not venture to acknowl- edge the delusion by which he had been misled. pa^onable as it was, because the confession wDold have strengthened his adversary's plea; bat his conduct can hardly be explained on any other supposition. It appears likewise to for- nish a key to the meaning of several statements in which the HtbI orators most directly contra- dict each other and Ihemselvea. ."schinea as- serts tbaitambassadors bad been sent from Ath- ens into various parts of Greece to eicile the Greeks againstPhilip, who had not yet retum- tidwhen he and his colleagues reached home. He makes it the ground of a grave charge against Demosthenes, that by hia precipitate measures he prevented the people from waiting for the return of these envoys, and thus depri- ved it of the advantage which it would have gained if it had treated in concert with other states 1 he app"8la to a stale paper, the exist- ence of which ia attested hy Demosthenes him- self, and which seems at first sight caDclnstve evidence of the Act. The deputies of the states which stilladhered to the Athenian confederacy were at this time assembled at Athens ; they had pruhably been summoned for purposes con- nected with the treaty; and, according to Ma- cbines,they passed a resolution in their con- gress, in which they mentioned that embassies had been sent to rouse the Greeks to the de- fence of their liberty, and had not yet returned ; and recommended that when tbe ambassadors should have returned, and have made their re- ports, two assemblies should be held to consult on the proposedtreaty with Philip. That such a congress was sitting, and that it made some proposalrelating to the treaty, is admitted by Demosthenes, who asserts (hat he supported tbe same measure. But he denies that any envoys had been sent on the mission mentioned by Ma- chines,which, as he observes, would have been a piece of most shameless and useless Ireach- eiy, ifthe Athenians were at the same lime ne- gotiating for peace. Yet in his accusation of iGschmea one of his chargesis,that, after his return from Macedonia,be made an ofTensive speech in the presence of the envoys who had been invited to Athens from various Greek states,on his own proposal, made before be had sold himself to Philip,.fschines.in answer. challenges him to prodnne the name of any one audi eoTOj who waM present o: and is willing to stake bis cauae on tnis lacl. On the part of Demosthenes, however, tba seeming contradiclton may be resolved into a very slightexaggeration. The envoys of whom he speaks were probably not the ministers of any independent states, but the deputies of the allies of Athens, who were undoubtedly in the city at the time ; so that he mightconsistently deny that any others were expected. But .Ma- chines likewise, in the course of the sanm speech,distinctly contradicts the statement which he pretends to prove by the proposition of the congress ; for he defends himself against the charge of political apostacy by a plea, which clearlyimpliesthat, after his embassy lo Pelo- ponnesus, no farther attempt had been mada to instigate any Greek states againstPhilip.* It is also clear that he knew of but one resola- tion of the congress relating to this subject ; but on another occasion he gives a totally dif- ferent account of its contents, according to which it msde no allusion to any past enritas- sies,but simplyproposed that any Greek state might be admitted to a share in the treaty which should apply for leave wilhia the next three months. t Which of these is the otorB at report is a question of little importance ; (he greatdifflcully lies in the fact that the con- gress did make one or other,or both, of these propositions. That they should have proceed- ed from independentstates in alliance with Athens, which might wish as many others a* possible to be associated with Uiein in the treaty,would, indeed, be easy enough U" imder- Btand ; but it is not so deaT wiUi what otgect they could have been made by the d^mtiea of the tributary allies, who had liule concern in the with Philip, or must have wished to see it brooght as soon as possible lo an end ; and ir ncaaure was not their own spontaoeoaa . 1 would stillremain to be explainedbow, and from what motive, it waa suggested to them. We mi^t, perhaps, have suspected that (he design of its authors was merely to invite some of the northern maritime states " as the Greek cities on the Hellespont " to take part in the treaty, both with the view of protecting them from Philip's encroachments, and to unite them more closely with Athens. But if this hsd been the object,some allusion to it would probably have been fooud in one of the orators ; and certainly this was not the subject which was at this time uppermost in the minds of the Athenians ; their attention was, we know, more anxiously directed to objects nearer home : to the fate of Phocis and of Thebes. We are, therefore, led lo conclude that the real aim of those who Iramed the resolution of tbe congress was no other than lo invite the Phocians to share the benefits of the treaty. There may have been many men of all parties at Ath- ens who thought this cxpedien^ and it is pos- sible that the congress waa only employed as an instrument to effect their end, in what might appear thi" fittest manner, on account of tbe ambiguuus relation in which Athens had alood MACEDONIAN EMBASSY. 191- liTity of an ossembl]' which wm nsoany verj tnsigDiflcanl, and which appears in Ihia instance to be moving out of its sphere. If the congreea was on this occasion attended b; s Spartar deputy, he might well think that,(or the inter- ests or Sparta, itwas highly desirable to place FhocLS uoder the prelection of the treaty ; and the tesolution may have been adoptedon his Whatever may haje been the views of Be- mostbencs, there can be no donbt as to one part of his conduct " that he eierted himself atrenu- oosly to promota peace, and that he supported the proposal, which was deemed much more questionable, for alliance with Philip. Soon after the day of the assembly in which he and his collcaguea made their report,Philip's am- baoaadors arrived. They were three of the most eminent among the maoy able generals and statesmen in his service " Aniipater, Par- menio, and Eurylochus, It waa not, it seems, within the legitimate functions of any Athenian magistrate to provide forthe reception of foreign ambassadors. This charge was usually under- taken by some cititcn who was connected by the kind of private alliance which has been often mentioned with the state that sent them. We must suppose that the King of Macedonia had DO proxenuB at Athena; for we find that Oemoetbenea took upon himself allthe ofGce'aof envoys. They fell, indeed,on him with a c tain propriety, as he was a roember of the CO cil" it Beems the only one " who had been the late embassy to Macedonia. The attentions which he paid to them were the more conspic- uous, because it happened that they arrived jusl on the eve of the great Dionysiac festival. It might,indeed, be considered incumbent on him to present them to the council, to make the or- dinary motion by which they were invited to the Beat of honour in the theatre, and to con- duct and attend upon them there. But itseems that even in this respect he did more than was necessary or usual ; though we need not be- lieve his adversary'sassertion, that there was anything so extravagant in his civilitiesas to incur publicdiaapprohation. He himself, how- ever, did not scruple to avow that be entertain- ed them,* and with extraordinary magnificence. The Macedonians prided themselves on the splendour of their hoapilalliy; and he thought it proper, he says, to show them that an Athe- nian citizen could display as much liberality and good taste. But this was probablyonly one of his motives ; and it can hardly be doubted that It was his wish,by these signal marks of reaped, to testily as strongly as he could his anxiety for peace. Of this,indeed, ifwe might believe his adversary,t he had given a still more strikingproof in a motion by which he proposed the eighthday of the month for the deliberation on ttie treaty; for this was a festi- val of jEscnlapius, on which an aBsemblyhad never been held before. The proceedings of the two assemblies on the eighteenth and nineteenth are so distorted by the contradictory statements of the rival ora- " 'EUkh.P.L., tMO. BiHndD"iKitsp|MutluCii rE' tors, that it la hardlypossible to dhieorer tlM- real course of the debates,or the precise nalnr" of the questions which were agitated. Each is anxious to shift the odium of the measure which nas finally carried, and of allassociation with its author Philocraies, from himself on the other : each represents himself as support- ing, and the other as opposing, the proposition of the allies. The truth evidently liesbetween them, but apparently more on the side of ,"!e- chines. By the proposition of the allies, the treaty would, it seems, have been delayed, either for three months, or for an indefinite time ; and this was certainlycontrary to the views of Demosthenes. There was room, in- deed, to apprehend that soch a delay would af- ford Philip a pretext for invading the Cherso- nesus, which he had not promised to spare as long as it might suit the interests of the Athe- nians to keep the negotiation in suspense. But the principsl question that arose on the terras of the treaty concerned the Phociane. Philip's ambassadors had declared (hat he would not permit them or Halus to be included in it among the allies of Athena. Hence the orators seem to have been divided into three parliea on this Bubject. There were some, it appears, who- made this and the other demands of Philip " as ' the cession of Amphipolis, the recognition of (be independence of Cardia " a ground for- breahing offthe treaty. It was probably to re- pel their attempts that Machines entered into a review of the various occasions on which ib"- people had been misled by evil counsellor* l"- rejectadvantageoua ofTera of peace,* and that Eubulua badethe assembly consider how itWB" to provide for the cost of a fresh war.t But,ob the other hand, Philocrates proposed not only to. accede to all Philip'sdemands, bnt even ex- pressly to exclude the Fhocians and Haluafrom the treaty. To thisextreme itis probable Demos- thenes and iGschines were both opposed: and thus we see bow the arguments of each mi^t have a double aspect, which made it easy, witti some colourofiruth, to exhibit them in opposite lights. Philocrates found that,on this point, the sense of the people was againsthim, and he was obliged to drop both the names. Another difference of opinion which divided those who were in favour of peace arose on the question of alliance. ^Eschines saya that when the first day'sassembly broke op, the generalimpres- sion was that a peace waa to be concluded,but that the alliance was to be declined, and that the peace was to be shared by every Greek state that wished to be included in it , and that the allianee was only carried by an arti- fice of Demosthenes, who the next dsy called up Antipater before the assembly,and,by means of some preconcertedquestions, persuaded the people that the peace could not safely be sep- arated from the aUiance.t. Thus both were decreed,and, it appears, on the temu dictated by Philip. HISTORY OF GREECE^ A tUotg inliiMtion that the aSaira of Phocia were the main aubjects of diacuMiao in Ibeae debatea ia,that throughout Ibem. according to jfachinea,no mention was made of Ceraob- leplea. He had at Ihia Lime ao representative to protect hia interasta at AtbenB. But before the daj came on whicb the deputiespresent in the congreaa were to lake the oaths in ratiflca- tioD oT"e treaty to the Macedonian ambasaa- dora,one Critobulus of Iiampaacuaappeared or liisbehalf J and, in an aaaembly in which De- moatbenes happened to preside, a motion wae made that the treaty should be ratified by hie envoy, together with the oEber allies of Athens. This motion, if we believe jEschines,was car- ried, thoughDemostheDes, as long as be safely could, reaisied the wiahea of the aaaembly ; but if this was the caae. we must suppoae that Philip's euToya afterward refused to let Critob- uluB take the oalb ; for that he should have been preventedby either of the orators, as eacfa aasarted of the other, sounds quite incredible ; and it is certain that hia name was odt annex- ed to the treaty. It appears that there was ground for a question whether Cersobleptes was entitled to be considered as an ally of Ath- ena ; and, in a letter written some yeara aAer- ward, Philipalleges that the envoy of Cersob- leptes was prevented from taking the oath by the Athenian generals, the board before which the treatywas ratified.But the generals could no more than either of ibe orator* have taken upon them to decide such a question, especially against the decree of the ssBembly : the objec- tion must have been raised by the Maceiloniana, and, perhaps, was reserved,by mutual consent, to ba discussed in a conference wiih Philip, for which itwas expected that an earlyopportunity would be afforded, when he signed the treaty. Demosthenes continued his hospitable atten- tions to the Macedonian ambasaadota as long as they remained at Athens,and, on their de- parture, he. not onlyprocured beasts for their .journey, but himself accompanied tbem a part of the way on horseback. " . Within a very few days after peace was de- - creed, ifnot in the same aasembly.an embassy was appointed to proceed to Philip's court, to isceive the ratificationof the treaty from bim and his alliaa. Ten ambasaadora were again choaen, and certainly the greater part, prob- rablyall,weie the Mme aa bad been sent on the first emba""y:t Aglaocreon also again accom- panied tbero,M the representative of the allies. Demosthenea afterward wished it to he he- iieved that the debates on the peace had raised such suspicions in his mind as to the integrity of his farmer colleagues, especially Philocraies and j""chiDes, that be would have declined the "office, if he had act undertaken to procure the release of some of the Athenian prisoners who were detained in Macedonia.]'j"schines treats (It of alltbi Mlitr ipaakgn" i^nruAivtUHur rv ^|i " XietmM (Clu.,t m Kji ,lfB^ta,-^ MfMtatB " this as an empty pretest, because Philip bad never been used to exact ransom for his Athe- nian prisonersduring the war ; and a promise had been given, in his name, that allshould be released aa soon as peace should he concluded. But it is clear that this related only to those whom be kept in his own hands i and i^BCliiiies biinseir admits that, among the iDStnicliona of the second embassy, one was to negotiate for the release of the prisoners. That Demosthe- nes, however, was especially charged with tbis commission does not appear,*though he affects to consider itas the only husiness for which he could justly be held responsible ; and, notwith- slaoding Uis vehement obtestation, we cannot believe that he accepted his commission with reluctance,or would willingly have foregone the opportunity of watching the proceedings of his colleagues. Before their departure, according to "schi- nes, news arrived from Thrace, which repre- sented the affairsof Cersobleptes as in an ut- terly desperate condition. It was contained in a despatch from Chares,who, it seems, was still commanding a squadron near the Helles- pont. It was, perhaps, not very longbefore. when Philip's intention of invading the domin- ions of Ceraobleplea became known at Athens, that the people had been obliged to send in Bserch of Chares, with the singular message, that they wandered, when Philip was on hia march to the Chersonesua. that they had not so much as been iufornaed where their general and his armament were. Chares had probably been since observingPhilip'smovements, and the first intelligence received from him was, that Cersobleptes had lost his kingdom, and that Philip had taken possession of the Sacred Mountain,one of the moat importantplaces in it. This is the defeoce which jf^achinea sets up againat his adversary's charge, that Cersob- leples was ruined through his delays. He wishes to prove that nothing rematned to be savei^ in tlirace. This, however, does not tot- low from the language of Chares, even if he haa reported it faithfully. It seems to imply nothing naore than that Philipwa" rapidly ad- Tancing towards the conquest of the kingdom ; and this is the very ground on which Ueraos- (henes professes to l^ve urged bis colleagues hasten their departure. Even ifithad been ) late to protectCersobleptes, there might have been time to interpose between the con- ir and some of the Greek towns on the cian coast. Such seems to have been the generalimpression at Athens, notwithstanding, or, perhaps, in consequence of the intelligence ; and,on the motion of Demosthenes, the couq- h lefirnd In Uk HOinJ mluay. whieb ni Ilu Kiuoo em okich he cuald wty, ft fay 'ix' tifrrif Xlrrm ittrfXai"iy Ir naXj;. Vmoigl IPyoltg.in , V, SECOND EMBASSY." RATIFICATION OF THE TREATY. 123 cG, irhich had been empowered to giti instruclions, made an order,on the Ihjrd of Ihe BEXt month (April), that the eiiToja should de- part without (lela;, and that Froxeniii. who was stationed at Oreus, should oonveyUiein ~~ iQT "]aarter where the?might hear Philip wi In obedience to this order they immediatelj proceeded to Oreaa ; but, inatead of emberkiag far Ibe Hellespont, whitji, DraooBthenea saya, ibej coald ha"e reached in two or three days, tbej first lingered in Oreua, and ^"a look circuitous route to Maoedonia, ao as to ooi some ihree-Bitd-twsBly days in the joume;'. When they arrired at Pella, Philip had aut yet irurmed froni Thraoe, and they atillhad (o wail nearlv a month tar him there, fschinaa a ' pula the waste of time, but pleads that the ( der of the cooocil did not direct them to go Thraoe. This certainly looks like a paltry ev uon, for they were ordered to seek Pbilipwher- erer be might be Ibnnd ; and the leDgth of the latcrral seems to oenGrm tbe statements of Demos'.henes as to tbe conseqoenees of their n^ect, or, at least,to render it probable that crerything was not lost in Tluace before they Kt out from Athena. Pbflip, on his return, fbond his court crowded with enroTs from all parts of Qreece ; among tbe rest, firom aU the states prtnoipally coneem- ed in tbe Sacred War ; from Thebes, Tbessaly, Pbocis, and Sparta, It was now uniiMsally DoloriaMa that be was about to take some deci- sire Mep towarda tbe tnnination of tbe eon- tatt ; tSitB eyes of allGre"ce ware anxioosljfix- #d upon his iiMTSnMnte ; but bis deaignswere suil wrapped in iiDpenetraUeobacnrily. The Athenian ambaandora, thou^ the expreas ob- ject of their misskin was onlyto prooure tbe raliSeaLion of the treaty, and to transact some Mber buaioeHS cf a formal nature, had reoelTed yronutc IJu inUrtttM of tke lom- y ol^er way at A"u mightJini op- ^"; and Oie toeaRiDg of this oUoae was nifficientlj intelligible at a time when pqblic allentuMi was engrossedby one subject. jEs- ehioes,boiweTer, lakes credit to hinuMdf for the Mgaeity wiHi whteh he discerned the secret ob- ject, whtefa it would MM ha*e been prodeni to intimate mon dbtitiotly in (he detaee under which he and Ua ooVeagnea were to aot j and in a conivreBae whieb they b^ together before tbey weT" admitted to an andienoe, be repie- seoted to them that it was their dn^ to plead the canae of tbe Bootian towns, and to insti- gate Phihp against Thebes. We collect from his report of tbe conTersation which ensued, that Demosthenes [bought nathing would be gained by such an attempt, and that it eoold only serve to exasperate the Thebans. It was finally agreed that each should use his own dia- cretion io the choice of the topics on which he addressed the king. At the audience, accord- ing to jEschines, Demosthenes " not abashed by his previous misfortune " though confessed- ly the yoongest, forced his colleagues, notwith- staitding the anfriendly terms on which he now flood with them all, to allow him to speak first. Bat we could more easily believe the story of his failure on the fi"niieroccasion than what his adversary relates of Ihiai that he excited the ridicule of the by-standera, and put his col- leagues to the btaah,by a fulsome enameralion of the good olfices be had rendered to Philip's ambasaadora at Athens. It was certainty not for such a purpose that he demanded the firat turn, fschines is probably more faithfulin bis report of his own speech. It turned, it seems, oa tbe history of the temple of Delphi, and the Amphictyonic league, and its object was to coavince Philip that by the destruction of TbespiK and Platsa the Thebans bad viola- ted the fundamental laws of the league, and had broken the oath which had been handed down from tbe times of AtniAictyon or Acrisius for tbe security of the Amphiciyooic cities against each other's hostile violence. He acknowledg- ed that tbe war with Pbocis was just and pious -, that the Au^hictyonic council ought to be rein- stated in its ancisnt authority, and the authors of the sacrilege " the guiltyindividuals, not the state, if it aurrendered them to justice" to be punished -, and he exhorted Philip not to sane- tkin the injustice of the Thebans,whom, more- over, he seems to have charged with a design of selling the aacred treasure for themselves. Excellent arguments, no doubt, for the purpose ofenlighteoing Philip's conscience, but so wide of every other, that when we remember Ihejr were addressed to the conqueror of .Methane and Olynthus, the orator's simplicity ia almost e'uDU^ to awaken a doubt about hia bonesty. For tbe more private scenes which passed during the embassy's slay at Philip's court, ve oan stilliesa rely on the statements of either orator. DemosibencB accuses his colleagues, especially j"schinea, of bribery, and a treason- able clandestine correapondcnce with PhUip; but he seems to admit that the chargo rests mainlyon his conBlruction of their sul^equent conduct. Philip did not ratify the treaty at Pella, but induced the Athenian ambassadora to ac""mpany him on his inarch through Tbes- saly as far as Phers. The pretext which he alleged lor this delaywas, that be desired their mediation between the Pharaalians aikd Halus ; but his motive seema clearly to have been that which DemoaUienea assigns ; be did not wish tbam to retom to Athens before he was ready to invade Fhocis.* The place in which he at lengthaigaed the treaty was, according to De- nuMtbenes,one imt at all proper for such a so- lemnity, but lavouratde, peihaps, to his object ; acommoninnatPhene. Here, it seems, he de- nunded that the Phocians and Halus should be expressly excluded from the treaty ; and De- mosthenes says that his colleagues consented " nioLcraBtvd Uj ijpuoae the pnrpoH of lb* pnpumtiao.'* Thii ijDoniicBivoDld indoed bp ifurpTULng id tu Athui- "q", liriH .EKhJnei isformi ni (Clci, t 631 UiU Domo^ 1 warn Ihrin thu Philip'iuiibuailDn DvicEJitbaiut f"prt"nU hii collDDnH u 4]1 id Philip*! ia- terefl; ud irilll n^uil to himself, he ttipjilne Iidw he "u preTiDbid fKtffl eending lioou infDnDition, ddIvh be h"d cbotan Lo coBvar ii in " Hpumte deifitcch.(F. L.,S IM.} Wb/ be ehsnfd not h"" niiliinid to taka thU etep WW DTDbablyDDt jet aware rf Ihe object of Philip"!oipedi- lioa liiveelf; and thie, net the actual pnparmiion, waa what Philipd!!lnd Id tHpiacnI. Bat on the "oe of kie " there iaat leaal H ahanrdilT. 194 HISTORY OP GREECE. to accept the rBtifieation in thta fonn ; and that thia was Ihe Tact which Snt roused his Bnapi' ciaiiB that the; were .lending themselvea to PbiJip to accomplish the rain of Phocia,* Phtl' ip,however, had Irom tliefirst declared by bis ambassador? that he did not mean to treat with the Phocians jt and perhaps he was forced,by the remonstrances of the Thebana and the Thes- saliana, to inaiat upon this correction or the treaty, though it aeenia hardly credible that the Athenian ambasBadora should have yenlu- Tcd 10 permit it ; so that this Tact did not much alter the previotis slate of things, and could not be considered as a decisive indication of his de- ugns. It is probable,therefore, that the auspi- ciona of Demosthenes were stillbut feebly ex- cited. He says, indeed, that be proposed a draught of a letter to Che people, which hta col- leagues rejected, and that they sent another in. "tead.ftiU of delusive representations. But wf neither hear what were the contents of his let- ter, nor why he did not send one privately on Ma own behalf to communtcate his donbta and fears. He also asserts thai he wished to leave his colleagnea, and to return home by himself, and that he had hired a veaael for this purpose, bat was oat snflered to embai^ -, bat any one wbo is familiar with the manner of the Attic orators will be inclined to suspect that this may have been only a strongway of eipressing the fact that, after the ratification of the treaty, he endeavoured as much as he could to hasten the departure of the embassy, and perhaps threatened to return alone. We do not know how long it remained at Fhene after transacted its business ; but it set ( Athena, where it arrived on the 10th of June, about the same time that PhUip began towards Thennopyla'. The crisis was near at hand ; yet Demosthe- nes contends that there was still time left to avert it, if the Athenians and their allieshad not been blinded to the dangerby the perfidious arts of i"schioes. If the Phocians had united their forces with those of Athena to resist Philip's progress, be would probably have been compel- led to abandon his attempt ; hut even an Athe- nian armament, not supportedby the Phocians, might at least have opposed a formidable obata- cle to his passage. He had, however, taken e himself on both sides, and time,to lullthe Athe- o allure Ihe Phocians Into submission. The result is much clearer than the machinations by which it was accom- plished : yet, with respect to Athens, even these are so plainly disclosed by the concurrent testi- mony of the two rival orators, that there can be littledoubt as to their general nature. The eavoya, on their return, made their re- enu nit wipl ii)s tiftrVS, juititi imt in^rSllm rsfif maDLiiB 11" thuqghbyacojCoRuiarDrtlw k^ Jwnwtf--cmii h"f t bean Iha vffiict of "iiitpl" carplcHiwH dt cpfhonpat i^- that tha inUnat at Ihfl Phoc^jia na tuUlJyniiprofidodfor iniae IraaLywilhUicedonia, ahd tbia h" iiuIIGaa "" far u U now that h" imoaUii nu lU eHS b" "acldiin aa lliat aflcoau^ aioia j. uj ts" (I",l(^i|ti ic "u lar; wall to bi 1 DamiMh., F. 1_. t MS, .f'.tr.^f.tiM" wfMm ilWtti- port, as on the former occasion, firstto the coui- cil and then to the assembly. The couticil- ohamber. Demosthenes says, was thronged u ith spectators ;* perhaps an unusual indication of the publicanxiety; and he took this earlical opportunity of protesting against the conduct of bis colleagues ; and, as be obtained a patient heanng, his chargesproduced such an effect on the council,that it withheld Ihe vote of tbanLs, and the invitation to the publictable, with which every embassy on its retarn was usually hon- oured. The assembly was held on the thir- teenth i and here Jllschinea was heard first The only diflerence between him and his ad- versary, as to the aubslance of his speech, re- lates to s point of very alight importance, They perfectly agree aa to the main foct : that allhe said was adapted to raiaa azpectations in the minds of the people, whidi proved completely fallacious. DemostbeneB assert* that .Machi- nes professed to be thoroughlyacquainted with Philip'sdesigns, and assured the people that they mightssifely remain quiet, and that wittun a few days they wonld have news exactly to their wish : TbespiK and PlatK were to be restored ; Thebes to be humbled, deprived of her sover- eignty over BiEotia, and even to be called to ac- connt for the designsimputed to her on the Delphictemple. The Euboeans, too, as he had learned from one of their ambassadora at the court of Macedonia, were aware thai Philip meant to give up their island to Athens as a satisfiictionfor Amphipolis. Not were the ben- efits whidi they were to expect from him to end here : there was still another in reserve, which the orator had laboured to obtain for them, bnt which he would not yet mention^a hint, which no one oould mistake,at the recov- ery of Ononis. According to his own account, i"s^ines had given no pledges, had held out no pnnnisea, bnt bad simply related what he had said himself, and what he heard tram others on his embassy ; he had thought it hia duty to inform the people of all the reporta which were current among the Greeks on a subject which BO deeply interested Athens. t But in another pyt of the same apeetdi he tests his defence on a very difisrenC ground. He aska whether, at Ihe time when he is accused oT deceiving the people, all Greece was not under the same er- Torl whether it was not notonoua that the Spar- minister* at the Macedonian court were confident and threatening, the Thebana deject- ed and alarmed 1 whether Ihe Thessaliana did exultingly proclaim that Philip's expedition I nndertaken only on their account 1 whetb- tome of Philip's chief courtiers had not ex- pressly declared to some of the Athenian am- the Bteotian cities T and whether itwas not the universal expectation at Athens that he would humble Thebes 7 That it was, appeare certain ; but another question is, whether it was not by vGschines himself that it had been so widely ditfused ? PhJhp himself was clearly much guarded; the letter which he sent with ivoya on this occasion was, accordingto Demosthenes, less encouraging than the Ibr- " IHT. t F. L,.ilM, \m.)^tur . THIRD EMBASSY TO PHILIP." PHAL^CUS. IQS Taer one. It contained an apology (br the da- isy of the embassy's return, which he took upon hjmself ; threw oat a hint about the prisonera, leading to depreciate Ihe merit of the aerricea rendered to them by Demoatbenea,* and gare the moat obliging aaaurancea of good-will, but ip language which evidently meant Dothiag. Yet. in Ihe mood which .j^hines had inspired, Ecen sncb professions might seem to oonfino bs report. Demosthenes says that he endeiv- oored ID vain to awaketi a more aober and caa- tmos spirit; he was heard with impatience irhen he declared that he knew nothing "boat the Imth of the report made by his colleagues ; bnt when he addsd that he did not believe it, hia Toice was drowned by popolarclamoor, vhich, aided by the taunts of Machines, and the jests of Philocrates, who said it was no minder that be and a water-drinker were not of the same way of thinlcing, reduced him to si- lence ; and the maoiter in whic^ ^acbinea mceiH this assertion cooGnna rather than dia- proteo It. The prospect* which had been ei- tijb^tedwere too dating to bo readily exchan- fEd for a reality very unwelcome in itself, and imposing the neceaaity of immediate vigorous exertion. The people rested complacently on ita tiopes. The interests of the Fhocians were sn object of subordinate importance ; provided Thebes was not exalted by their fall, they might aalely be abandoned to Philip's justice and gen- crosiif. A decree was carried,on the motion of PhUocrates, in which Philip waa praised and thanked, and the peace and alliance were ex- iF-nded to hia anccesaora ; and it was declared iliai, unless the PhDoiaaa consented to deliver up the temple to ita rightful gnardiana, the Am- phictyooa, Atbens herself would lend her aid to compel them. Another embassy was immedi- ately appointed to present this decree to Phil- ip, and, it seems, to attend the conned of the .Ymphictyons,which, it was expected, would afaorlly be convened to deliberate on the aSaira of Phocis. ^BChinea and Demoalhenes were both nominated as ambaaaadora ; but Demos- ibenes solemnly declined the commission, on a p(ea confirmed b; his oath, as the law ia nugh cases required, .fschines, according to his imn account, had returned in illhealth from the second embassy,and, Chough he did not de- cline the new office,waa unable to set out im- mediately, and obtained leave to stay behind. His adversary treats this as a mere pretext; and it seems probablethat, ifDemostheaes had fooe, he would not have stayedat home. Thus, then, Philip'sabject was completely atiained at Athens, and the Phoclans were de- pnved of the aid of their nearest end most pow- erful ally. How tar their deliberations were Bvayed, or their fate determined,by these pro. r^edings of the Athenian assembly, is still a ilaiibtful question, on which we cannot come to my satisfactory conclusion, because we are not nfficienlly acquainted with tbe state of parties in Phocis, or with the situation of Phaliecus, ll suited the purpose of Demoathenea to take BO notice of him, but to represent allthat he did B the act of tbe Phoclaa people, and aa the ef- Eactof the treachery of iEschines and Ibe ere- bukdcntsaa haw XoaiOii (F.L.." tilalvjitiijiTov I), niuirinittfl dutity of the Athenians, ^schines contends that, before his firat embassy, Phalacus had manifeated his diatrast of Atbens, and hia in- clination to place confidence in Philip ; and the first part of this assertion,as we have seen, was certainly true ; but that he waa at first iiu"Te disposed to trust Philip is not so ctesr. It seenu, indeed, that while Philip was on his marcli towatds Thermopytv, the Phociana were joinedby a Lacediemnnian army commanded bj King Archidamus. Diodorus aays that they had sent for these suocoura ; which might be natural- ly conjectured, but is rendered very doubtful by Ihe sequel, A hint of Demoethenea* inclinea us to believe that, when Philipwas known to be preparing an expedition to Phocis, Ihe Spartans sent this force either on a secret understanding with him. or on the strength of the asanrances which they received of his favoutahle intentions from their ambassadors at Pella. When Philip drew near, Archidamus " possibly with an hon- ourable purpose of making the best terms for the Phociana" proposed to Phalecus to garri- son the frontier towns which commanded tbe pass of TbermopylK. But Ptaaltecus did not find bis account in a plan which would have de- prived him of the means of bargaining for him- self; and it seems that he rejected the ofl^ with a taunting admonitioo, that it would he better to look to the dangers which threatened Sparta at home than to concern himself about those of Phocia.f Archidamus, eiUier conceiv- ing some suspicion of treachery, or seeing no prospect of serving tbe Phocians, withdrew.t Neveriheless, wa cannot but suppose that Pha- Iraius wished to remain in his country, and to retain his dignity, and that be would not have rejectedany aid for this purpose which did not endanger his independence. But when he saw Philipadvancing, with the avowed intention of putting an end to the war, and reatoring the authority of the Amphictyon council, il became necessary for him to make hia choice. It may, indeed.be doubted whether, ifhe had been sure of support both from Sparta and Athens, and bad not been conscious that he had personallj alienated both atalea, he would have ventured to defy the power of Afacedouia,though it ap- pears that, after his restoration, he had carried rJvBir(inylnnwj:*l""ti^"* *"'"!(: "hich bu Ikh :i"iiRnuiil lElo u ixTilUiDn to Uh Sputuu Is Ukt Ih 'tad in lelUing lAi Sacrti War. t iwtitointTtfabj^ tJ Tvi "ird0Tit( JeivAZaiiiitai. ul ah yi. C"l. Reg.) ns' linirc.(jKf h.,D" F. L , t 140.: "" Df Wcfike'i tdaioiiili"l,J}t M^prfiola,ii PhtlMQB ("! Tiipam If tn t MTJ IbjUt a( i,i,i"i )" I Bpncll, llioogb.XiehliiH,!)* 1 that Ihe ifiirtook pin to- rn ii|ip"iiDttd on llH Gnt HiibHir to Pbilip. Bu ptutoblv uiDpL"d to sp^j to Sputa vrbml b* had Ted wiik IBfard to Alhaol ; ud itisHd cIht that litioiiof AnhiduDV^ t mmfi. Da F. L, apunotlf with tho 186 HISTORY OF GREECK. on the war m haatii vith uoabated sncceu. But if be had wavered before,the proceedings at Athens aller the Becond . erabaas}.as ihey proved that he had nothiag to hope for trom that quarter, nmst have decided him. It was DOW evident that hie only chance of safetylay in timelj aubmiaaion ; and even a purely patn- otic feeling might have deterred htm from pro- longing a uaelera contest. He had envoys, or, at leaet,couriera^ at Athens on the thirteenth of June, from whom he received eariy iDtelli- gence of all that took place in the assemhly on that day. It need not be sapposed that he bad been in BaBpense np to that moment; but tbe aocMuntB he heard, while they satiaGed bia own mind, enabled bim to quiet the donbta and sbtu- piea of others, and perhapa for the moment to Tsooncile the great bndy of the people to the step he was aOout to take. He had no doubt been for Bome time in negotiation with Philip, and the final compact was soon adjosted. Pha- Ibcds was permitted to retire with his troops, and led SOOO aiercenariea away with htm to seek hia fbrlunee in Peloponnesus. He after- ward cTDMed over into Crete,where, after sev- eral vicissitudes, he was killed while besieging Cydonia,at some believed,by fire which fell {torn beaven ; according to other aceountB, by one of his owneoldiera. Philip took possession of Alponns, Thronium, and Nicfea, and advan- ced without delay into the heart of Phocis. No conditions, it seems, had been made on behalf of the Phocians ; and on the approach of the Macedonian anny. which was now re-enforced with Thesaalian and Theban troops, most of the towns surrendered at discretion. There were, however, some which, either irritated by the presence of their inveterate enemies as Philip'saliiea,or instigatedby some leading men. who may have had privategrounds of alarm in the consciousness of their past con- duct, made a fruitleaa attempt at resistance. They were taken by storm, and nted M the ground, and the inhabitants were reduced to slavery. Philip himself avows this proceeding; and as it was not more rigoraus than his treat- ment of other places, which gave him no great- er provocation, there is no reason to attribute It to the influence of the Tbebans or Thessali- ane. He then proceededto take posaession of Delphi, and convened a council of the Amphic- lyons, to sit in judgment on those who had in- curred the guilt of sacrilege. The tidings of those events, which were suc- cessively brought to Athena, roused the people from a pleasing dream to s bitter feeling of dis- appointment, fear, and resentment. It aecms that,before they learned the decisive blow,they received a letter from Philip, in which he invi- ted them to join their forces with his. De- mosthenes, indeed, speaks of two such let- ters; and pertiaps that which was broughtby the second embassy contained such an invita- tion. But if so, it appears from jEschines that it most have been repeated after the treaty with Phalvcus. .fscbines contends that, if the Athenians had complied with it,they might have counteracted the control which the The- bans and Tbessaliana exerted over Pbihp, and have enabled him to fulSl the intentions which " DunoHbinu caUi thwD tfiaSus, .^Khinai te-imi- he bad intimated, and really entertained ; bat that Demosthenes and his party excited " sds- picion that he meant to aeize the Athenian troops as hostages.* On lbs other hand, De- mosthenes profeases to believe that,even after Philip had penetratedthrough Thermopylie,a vigorous elibn on the part of Athens mieht have encouraged the Phocians to resist him, and have enabled them to sustain his attacks until scarcity of provisions, in a country which had so long been the theatre of a vrasting war, would have forced him to retreat.t We can hardly decide which supposition is the more improbable; but it seems clear that IJie course which the Athenians adopted was the moat un- wise that could have been suggested to Ihem. They received the first intelligence, if not of Philip's convention with Phaiiwius, at least of his hiostUe inarch throughPhocia,fr6m Dercy- Ifls, one of the envoys, who had proceeded un their way to the Macedonian camp aa far as Chalcis. in Eubcea, where they heard the newe, which seemed to render it necessary that they should obtain farther instmctione from home. Dercylus aeema to have been sent forward, and reaching Athena on the twenty-fourth, found the people In assembly on aome business concerning the arsenal in Pirnns. He report- ed, perhaps with some exaggeration, the ac- counts he had heard, which seemed to indicate that Philip had declared himself unreservedly on the aide of Thebes i and it is probable that he now made no secret of his intentions aa to the Bieottan towns, if he did not, in the coiirse of bis march, compel aome of them to admit Theban garrisons.Still, if we may relyon the narrative of jEachines, the newa did not seem so certain or so decisive as to call for an imme- diate demonstration of poblicfeeling, or even to prevent the embassy from renewing its jour- ney to attend the council of Amphictyons ; and jEschtnes,having now recovered his strength, did not shrink from the duly of accompanying them, though it compelled him to witness the extinction of all the hopes which he had. at least,helped to raise as to the issue of the war. Al^er their departure, it seems that either the first tidings were conlinned,or new and more alarmingreports received ; for the peoplewas induced to manifest its grief and consternation decree, which directed all the preparations usually made when a hostile army was about to invade Attica. It ordered the fortresses on the frontier to be put in a state of defence, the (br- tilications of Piratus to be repaired; women and children, and moveable property, to be brought within the walls -, and that a festival of Hercu- , which usually took place in the country, should be celebrated in the city. This measure as no doubt less an effbct of a real panic than burst of ill-humour, which it would have been iser to suppress. It aflbrded Philip occasion for expostulation, which muat havf inflamed the people'sanger the more, as it admitted of no -epiy. He addressed another letter to thein. in which he calmlyappriied thera of the manner :n which he had occupiedPhocis, and the pun- ishment he had inflicted on the towns whicli resisted hitn. He bad heard that Ihey were noucli, b . The Kug mnib. DOOM OF PHOCIS." ADVANTAGES GAINED BY PHILIP. 137 preparing to Bocconr the Phooians, and wrote that the? might spare tbemselTes bo useless a labour. It was hardi;right, just alter they had made peace, lo go forth to bailie,especially as the Phocians were not comprehended in Ihe treai;; so that all ihej would gain by their in- terference would be the abune of an unavailing (ggreNuon. It aeema Tory improbable that Philip or his allies sbouh) have waited Tor the ordinHiy time of an Amphtctyonicmeeting, which would not haic anived before the auiumn, to accomplish theirseTcral ends, TheThebans and Thessa- lianawere burning for reienge on the Phocians ; and Philip had an object in view, for the sake of which he was willing to gratify their wishes. The AnlphictyDnic council, reinstated in its an- cient aathority with a force such as it never belbre had at ita command to execute its de- crees. Grat deliberated on the penalty due to tha impiety of the Fbociana. Tbe atatea which it represented oa this occaaion were all,except AiheoB, bitter enemiee of the conqueredpeople. But il is remarkable that among them all none exhibited saeh Tiirient animowty as the tribes of Mooot (Eta. Their deputies, according to jEs- diioes,proposed to inflid the extreme pnniah- oteat of sacril^e " precipitation from the rock "on tbe nh"rie adult male population, at least of some Phocian towns. .iKschines claims the merit of having Buccessfally inleroededta avert this bbiodjsentence, which probably never en- tered into tbe minda ofany of tbe leading meni- bcrs of the council, and would not have been sanctioned by Philip. Heir hatred was eatia- ntd witb a milder doom, which, as far as was p""sible, erased Ihe name of Pbocia from the Li-tof Greek states, and crashed its independ- nnce forever. All the Phocian cities except Xbm. iweoty-two in number, were condemned to he levelled with the ground, and tlie popula- tion to be dispersed in villages at a certain dis- tjnce from each other, and none containing More than Gttydwellings.They were to pay a "early tribute of sixty talents to the temple of LN'lphi, uMil they should have restored the Ahole amount of the plunderedtreasure, which nas estimated " and there was no one to con- tra) this valuation " at 10,000 talents,and in Ihe ntean while they were not allowed lo possess irma or horses ; the persons who had taken :lie principalpart in the spoliation of the temple. "iniiwho bad fled Iha country, were to be pur- .ued and brought to juatice.Finally, the Pho- ' ana were deprived of all access to the temple M of their seat in the Ampbictyonic council ; ind the two votes which they had possessed wi-'re tt^DSferred to the King of Macedonia and ",i aacixBaon. Sparta was also deprived of :i'-r share in the Amphictyonicprivileges of the iiiman race.* The hotkour of presiding at the IMhiaa Games was henceforth to be shared ^y Philip with the Thebans and Tbessaliana.t Thus, then, Philip had attained an end which Ki'h"d pnibably been longsJmingat, but which "a" nevertheless of such a nature that it was not easy lor any one else to divine it ; and this "a^ the great advantage which contributed vii)ii"lr|Huaitlni Kl Ihg PjlhJim Uamn more, perhaps, than any other to his snoceas. He had littleneed of any deeper artifices than silence and patience. While he kept aloof from the chief scene of action, which secretly engaged the largest share of bis atlentioniand extended his power in other quarters, ajid suf- fered the Greeks to form their conjeotnree on hia designs, with perhaps no more encoarago- ment than a few hints droppedby his generals and miniaters,the course of events was quietly working in his favour, and put biro in possession of all that he desired almost without a struggle. Perhaps he might hare preferred, if be bad been able,to recognise the independence of the BiEotlan towns ; but the good-will of Thebes waa at this Juncture more important to him than that of Athens, and he could stillwait stmI be silent. And hence we are led tn doobt whether, in this transaction,tkc resorted to the arts of comtption which Demosthenes imputes to him, as, on the other hand, we see nothing clearlyproved in the conduct of .^schines up to this point that affbrda a fair ground for the charge of treasonable oollusion with Philip. That he consented, under such cireumstanoes as we have mentioned, to go on the third em- bassy ; that he accepted grants of land from Philip:* that henceforth his tone and conduct with respect to Macedonia became so different from what they had been at the time of his mission into Peloponnesus : these may aeem to be facts,which, coupledtogethar, tsatity atrong- lyagainst him ; and theydo,indeed, raise sus- picions of his integrity which can never be wholly removed. But itwould be unjuat not to- observe that tbe period was now approaching, when upright men might more and more doubt the expediency of a contest with Macedonia ; and that il was peculiarly difficultfbr a person- al enemy of Demosthenes not to feel some pre- posaession for Philip, The object which Philip had accompliahed was important to him in several points of view. The honour of a seat in the Amphictyoniccoun- cil,though conferred on the king, reflected upon his people : il was equivnlent to an act of nat- uralization, which wiped olf the stain of its semi-barbarian origin ; tbe Macedonians might lienceforward be considered as Grepks. He probably also reckoned that it would afford him pretexts, occasions, (acilities, for interference, as often as he might desire it, in Ihe affairs of Greece. It was, likewise,a step towards a higher object, which now, at least, stood dis- tinctly before his view, as the mark towards which all his future enterprises were to be di- rected. He had now a clear praspecl that, at no very distant lime, he should be able to begin his meditated attack on the Persian empire in. the name of Greece, and wilh all the advan- tagea that were to be derived from the consent, whether real or apparent, of the nation. This prejfct, which he had probablylongharbonredF hadbeenrecentlypresenlecl tohiamindby Isoc- rates, in a pamphlet written dnring the inter- val between the conclusion of the peace with Athens and the end of the Sacred War, and addressed lo him in tbe form of an oration,ex- horting him first to interpose his authority to HISTORY OF GREECE. 'bring alMnit a geaera] pacilicatian in Greece, irfaidl would riMlaw as soon aa he had healed the breachea that separated the leadingstatea. Thebes and Athens. Sparta and Argoa, from one another; and then to place himself at ilie head of the national confederacy for the inva- "ion of Persia. This national war with Persia was Ibe greatthought whirb haunted Isocrates almost aU bia life, thoughperhaps he took it up at first merely as a theme for a rhetorical ex- ercise.* In it he saw the onlyremedy for all tbe evila that afflicted Greece : a bond of union between the ambitious rlTala whose discord had hitherto wasted her strength " a channel by which the hosts of restless adventurers who preyed upon her resources might be drawn off to more alluring fields, and the needy citizens, whose poverty rendered tbem the resd" tools of political intrigues, to foreignsettlements, where they would find an ample and secure prorision, and through which a portion of the -wealth of the East might flow into Greece. He had recommended his )m)ject to public notice -on various very different occasions. While Spartawas at the height of ber power, and, by the huiniliatlnn of Olynthus. was breaking down -one of the barriers which she would sflerward fladly have seen standing between her and [acedonia,Isocrates.in an oration professedly -designed to be recited before the spectators as- aembled at the national games, urged the ex- )"edience of a coalition between Sparta and Athens for a war with Persia. Again, aAer Sparta had been reduced to the lowest stage of weakness, when Archidamus had mounted the tiirone.the rhetorician seems to bave persuad- ed himself, and attempted to persuade the Spar- tan king, that the enterprise of pacifying Greece and conquering Persia did not exceed his means. But when Philip's successes had turned the eyes of ali Greece towards him, Isocrates.too. could not doubt that this was the hero destined to execute his favourite plan. As long, how- 'ever, as the war lasted betweeo Athens and Macedonia it would have been useless, perhaps,hardlysafe,to propose it. The peace encouraged him to speak out. The rhetorician laysgreat stress on Philip's pretended descent from Hercules,as a motive both for his good offices in behalf of tbe four states which in various ways had been so close. Ij connected with his divine ancestor, and for an ondertaking in which he would be emulating tbe glory of that mightyconqueror. And Phil- ip, though he could not be touched by the argu- ment, may not have been insensible to the flat- tery implied in it. But we can belter under- stand the force of his appeal to history, when be encourages Philipby the enamples of Jason, Agesilaas, and the Ten Thousand. Perhaps, however, the most remarkable passage in the -whole is one in which he alludes to certain atispicions which were current, he says, among the maliipant or credulous,as to Philip's inten- tions. There were persons, it seems, lovers "f trouble and confusion, who affected to be- lieve, and others so aenselPss as to be persua- ded In them, that the growth of Philip's p"wer was dangerous to Greece ; that his object wss to set the Greek states at variance wHb each other, in order to reduce thcin allto aubjection ; as, for instance, that he professed 1o side with tbe Messenians againstSparta, to make him- self master of Peloponnesus. laocratea would hardly have deigned to notice theEC absurd sus- picions, which Philiphimself, in his conscions- ness of the puritj of his intentions,might be inclined to despise, if they had not been ao widelyspreadamong the multitude by the arts of the deaigning. But the plan which he has suggested of uniting Greece and conquering Persia is the surest way to refnte such calom- It cannot be doubted that he was perfectly in earnest, and that he eipressed all that he thought,though his infatuation may seem hard- ly credible, and it is not easy to find a parallel that would completely illustrate its extrava- gance. The Italian cities in the Middle Ages had reason to rejoice when an emperor who threatened their liberties could be forced to embark in a crusade, because it was known that Buch an expedition was likely to weaken his power. But they would have suspected the sanity of a citizen who should bave advised tbem to combine their forces to put the Ger- man emperor in possession of the Greek em- pire, as we should that of a modern politician who should propose a confederacyamong tbe European states to aid Russia in the conquest of Turkey. Persia, and India. Isocrates un- questionably beUeved that Philip was sure of success in the enterprise he recommended, and that, when h"-had made himself master of Asia, he would stillbe a safe neighbour to the Greeks, and would look upon himaelf only as llie gen- eral of their confederate army. Nor can it be said that he only erred through excessive con- fidence in Philip's generosity, for this could imt ensure the moderation of his successors. Per- haps tbe best excuse that can be off'eredfor the rhetorician is, that he could not conceive the thought of Greece subject to a foreignmaster. The Amphictyonic decree relatii^ to Phocis appears to have been soon carried into execu- tion, so far aa was deemed necessary. But ^e may collect, even from Demosthenes,* that the condemned cities were not totally razed to the ground, but only their fortificationsdismantled ; and,possibly, a small remnant of the population was left in each. According to Demosthenes. Thebes was permitted to add a pajl of Phocis to her territory ; but it is not clear whether this statement, which be makes in very vague language, is to be taken in a literal sense, or had any real foundation, t She, however, certainly recovered Orchomenus, Coronea, Coraee, and whatever other places she had lust in Bceotia ; but those of the inhabitants who dreaded her resentment were-allowed to withdraw: a nu- merous body ofBteotian. as well aa Phocian ex- iles, took refuge in Athens, where their pres- ence must have excited feelingsby no means friendly towards Philip.He, however, return- ed to Macedonia, as Diodonis says, with a great - For n "hiAa tjifi Mrw pait.t PHILIP'S POUCY. ucoewe of Teptitatkin ; and there nan t doubt tbat he carried whli him Ihe praiaes and bieaaiDgB ortlie TheBBalians ami Thebans. who "ilolled Ihe grntificalion of their Teteiige and ambiliun as a work of piety, and were blinded, by Uie temporary advantafethe; had oblaiiied for Ihemselvea, to tbe irreparable erilIbev had braughtupon Greece. CHAPTER XLV. Tm Btate of publicreeling in Atbena at the close of the Phocian war may bo eauly con- ceived , it was a struggle between fear and re- BTsnimeDt, Fear of an enemy who had hceu ir- ritated by a long conflict, had become more powerful than ever, and, while his fun'ceshid beea brought neaxei to tbe confiiwe of Attica " than Ihey had e"er before advatieed,bad given " fresh specimen, in the political extinction of another Grecian state, of the fearful lengths to which his animositymigbt be carried,or to which he might even be led by the cool calcD- latiuns of his aubiticua policy.Resentmeat, which was so much the keener, because the in- jury that pro"olt"^ itwas one which afforded but slight ground for reraooatiance, or even for "oiDplBiot, One of the consequences Qf this elate of feeling wBa,that the peace Just conclu- ded, though almoat unl*erBally admitted to be neceaaary, became generally odious, and its au- thors and promotois " tbe Dratora who proposed and Tecommended it, and the negotiators who brought it about " extremelyunpopular. De- mosthenes, as one of the ambasssdara who had been engaged in this business,must have shared the odium to wbioh hla oolleagues were ex- posed if be had not been able to separate bis case from theirs, and if the whole tenor of his past public life had not exempted him from all sospicioBBOf a leaning towarda tbe Macedooian iniereat.Bat the part which he had bitheno taken in opposition to Philip had been so deci- ded, and his conduct throughout the negotia- tion, as to the main- points, so clearlypatriotic, thatthe uofoTUinate issue seemed to amirdfreah proofboth of his integrity and sagacity, and served to raise him in the Ibvour and esteem of tbe people. Philip's policyduring the enming period is mach more difflcnlito erplain. There can be no question, as we have alreadyseen, that the project of an expeditionagainst Persia had by (his time been formed in his mind into a settled plan : and we cannot but ask,Wby did he not immedtaiely proceed to execute itT The only Rason tbat can be assigned se"ems to be. that " ~ " " was not ret, in :.. . It as to the auSicJency of the grouods which de- ttnnined tbe ineasurps of so gT"at a statesman and generalas Philip.Yet, when we consider tbe Biteot lo which hia inSuence prevailed in Pelopotroesns " where, if not absolutelypre- dominant, H was at least atrong enough lo coun- Vet. II." R ateoTaiiTiDa- ment, except Athens, with which be bad just made, peace, that was not devoted to bis ilt- terest ; none that would be expectedactively to thwart it,we can hardly rel^aiQ from think- ing that it wtuild not have been difficultfor hin, before he withdrew his forces from Pbo- cis,to have procured the titlewhich be alter- ward obtained,to bo conferred on him with s fair appearance of unanimity, and that he m^bl afterward have embarked in bis enterprise with- out fear of a more formidable opposition from d him than be must have rvdumei on in any case tbat it was possible to foresee. We may at least venture ' believe that hia son, ifbe had Cbuod himself, hia aooesaion to the throne, in juat such a Bilion, would not have waited for more "- rourable eircumalances in the state of Greece : know that thoae underwhich he actually invaded Persia were by no means tree from IRiculty and danger. Either Alexander was rasli" which the event seems to disprove " or Philipneedlessly cautious, pronounce would, in fact, be to call hia aagaRty very littlein question. His apprchen- aiona, however ill-founded they may have been, would onlyprove the great weight which the of Athens rotsiaed aller she had loat 90 much of the substance of power; for it is clear that she was the onlyenShiy he had in Greece formidable enough to occasion tbe delay wliicb many preciousyears- It is less difficultto account for the course which, under this Buppoacdnecessity, he adopted in tbe next period uf his contest with her. We ihall find ' ~ he did not for a long time attempt to bring I an issue by a direct attack, but sought to ipaas his objectby intrigues and ncgotia- s designed lo atrengthan his footing in her neighbourhood, and to insnlale her nrare and more from the other stales of Greece, or by blows aimed at her distant possessions, ber leoeaaaiy sniqiliei. Hie mo- tive for preferring this slow and laborioos pro- cess, even when he stood "rith a powerfularmy within a few days',or, rather, hoars' nurab of her ttorder,was prahabty not any scrapie abont breaking Ihe peace justconcluded,or tbe difll- culty of finding a decent pretext for an imme- diate renewal of hosttlitiee, bat a sober calcula- of the risk he should run ifhe invaded her territory and laid siege to the city, of rallying the other Greeks around her, and of being at lengthcompelled to retire with loss and dis- honour. But by this windingpolioy a new and wide field was opFned for the exertions of De- mosthenes, where he "was able to disjrfay his lergy and talents in a manner tbe moat glo- tas to himself, and the most nseful to his country ; for to baffle Philip'smachinations, to keep him at a distance, and constantly occu- pied, were objects within the reach of the ora- tor's activity and eloquence, and by these means ightpostpone, and perhaps avert, the com- "ment of an undertaking, which, if suc- cessful, would BUrely proTO fatal to the liberties of Greece. Within a year" peih^M within s few wedts " after the end of the war, two 130 HISTORY OF ORBECE. feeling which hw been mentioned u prevsil- ing at AlhenB, and on the growing influence "nd the political views of Demoathenes. The Pythian games were celebrated under the presi- dency of Phihp or hia anibasaadors by virtue of the Ampbictyonic decree, which conferred that hononr on him, the Thessaliane, and Bceotians. to the exclusion of all tlje other Ampbictyonic atates* On thia occasion, the Athenians" perhapa the moat auperatitious people of Greece, who. moreover, prided themeelvea on Iheir pe- culiar mythical conneiion with the Delphic anii of the aiz archona called Thesmolhetie, which tbcy had been always used to send to TepresenI tbera at the spectacle. The second tranaaction was this : an embaaay was aenl to Athena, consisting of Macedonian, Theasalian, and Bteotian envoys, to demand from the Athe- niana a formal sanction of the decree by which the King of Macedon had been admitted a mem- ber of the Amphiclyonicleague. ' 80 imperfect is our acquaintance both with the history of tbis period and with many public tisages of the Greeks, which were univ^sally notorious, that we are not sure whethertbeae two occurrences took place in the order of time in which they have jusi been related; for we know neither the exact date of the embassy, norths aeasonofthe year at which the Pythian games were beld.t It ia,however, at leaatthe most probableconjecture that the omission of the Alheniana to aend their envoys to the games was the very occasion which gave rise to the embassy ;f and it must be owned that this affair is one of the examples which tftndto conlinii the opinion that the games were cele- t fir 'Antt"H tH TUSar, }( aatflfts Am ri)tWb. Dgmntli., Dit Cor.,) 180. Sm " Ulll*tract bj Bithi. Dt ^i(k". vol.!.,19,on which Boeckh mainly granDda hii " in ^Twir pf hit feDtfior" V10W, Brdeekner hmbb not to ^diil"4, wh"n h" coQtanJi that th" gunea war* celnbrn. rijiuly rvDUTta,that Lhs nunner id whieh DflBoathvnaa tD(|_iy", " m lUsdH U" Phibp'aolabrmtion of Itw gunia . . ujnn of Iha (act thnlTlwl- tian) milLiatoE* leouinpuiad :4"mnii(" " ptipehlenlftike, 'prrwnta tbe enbuay which gk". Porimptu brated either in aammer or autumn ; sraee it aeems most likely that this departura of tho Athenians from their ancient custom was the firstintimation they bad given of their dispo- sition to reject the acta of the Amphietyonie council,partial and violent as its proceedings had been. It waa evidently heeeaauy t" oome to a eona" nion understanding on thia' point aa aoon a" possible, and therefora there ia do need to anp- poae that Philip had any farther views in thia embassy; yet it i^ probableenough that be would not have Leen displeased if the Alheni- BDs had resistedhis demand, and had thus em- broiled themselves in a fresh quarrel with their northern nclgbboijrB, and bad aSbrded a pretext fbr treating them aa contumacious offenders against the mBJeatyoftheAmphictyouLccannciL It waa well understood at Athena that the ques- tion importednothing less than peace or war. Yet so strong was tbe indignation lelt against Philip, that not only were opioiona divided in the assembly, bnt the general sentiment appears to have been in favour of a direct refusal. In-' deed, if we may believe Demosthenes,* the onlyspeaker who ventured to aupport Philip's claim waa ."schines. and he could hardly ob- tain a hearing, and descended froni the bema amid a tumult of opprobriona clamour; hut he was overheard remarking to the Macedonian amhassadore, that there were many voices to brawl, bat few hands to fight. On the other hand, there were orators who representedttie required concession aa a disgrace, to which the peopleought never to submit ou any terms ; and it aeems that this language waa received with applause. Demosthenes himself concur- red with jGschines in his practical conclusion, though, it must be aoppoaed, on widely differ- ent grounda, Hia own we know Irom bis ora- tion On tht Peace,which be delivered on this occasion. t In this apeeeh we find him aasn- ming a tone of aotbority and confidence which we do not observe in any that preceded it. He appeals to the proofs of foresight and pene- tration which be had given in the affair of the Eubtean Pluiarchns, in the debates which led the opening of the negotiation with Philip, .. iiiga"in aftar I , Jfmajt it,aa .Xachlnaa parhapafur iHt/drteatr/) had doau. Jaooba (Dvnuathanaa,AUaoCjrvrfA,p. 941) iiaaiia" IhHt, IhssBh Damuatliensl mentioaa no Hhu oti)Ktrgr Ihs ""- baiarthan th* drmaod iIbbI PMIip.thg annin uiy han inada olhar diiw whkh wn* admMwJ bv .Kaehinu. For,hi uka, Uu"h .AchiiH* hwl bwn innwail nam hf PhiLp,why ihvnld thia bsfaprtvantod him Am nuaiDtHA- inf th* "iptditnsj' of rsnqpiiainfIHiilipaa an Amphlclv- "t It BBat ba ounwd that thia wogld l""Tid unlinlT (B ,1.. ;. -ki-i. .V. .v; J DaMOalhaoM (" tbe amificnta oT PI hat ba would'han do " ,;, NEGOTIATIONS IN PELOPONNESUS. m- "nd in fais waminga againBt the detnsion which had been practised on Ihe people, when the; were made to belisTC thai the war would be terminated according to their wiafaeB ; claiming, bowever, no higher merit than that his judg- ment had nexer been biaaetl byeomipt motives. As to the subject then under dlHCOBsion,be pre- mised that, if he recommended the mainte- aaoce of the peace, it was not that he thought it tHlvantageous or honoorahle ; hut it might Mmetimea be illto undo what it would have been better not to hare dona. If c newed tbe war, they ahould take was not on an occasion like this, which would gnite other Greek states with PhilipagninM them. To aland out against the decree of the sasemhlj, which had usurped the title of an AmphicQroniccouncil, would be to challenge the hostility of all who were par- ties to it ; especially aa the Thessalians and HicbanB were alreadyexasperatedby the shel- ler wliicb Athens had affbrded to the Phocian ind Bceocian esilea. Were they then, it might be asked,through fearof war, to submit to com- DaodaT They must remember tbat they had made much more important secrificeB for the "ake uf peace wiUi particular atatea ; and that It would be strangely absurd of the qnestion appeara to have enlightened and nlmed tbe public mind : tbe assembly decided The scanty notices Temsining of the hiatory of this periodbeingchiefly rhetorical allusions "which are often extremely Tague, and were Mldom meant to convey the simple truth" do am permit us to follow Philip's tnoTcments step by step. We perceive,however, very clearly that he was constantly endeavouring to extend bis power and influence, either by arms or ne- piliation. on ever^ side of his dominions. We bear of expeditions or intrigues directed to- wards the north and the south, the east and the west 1 and thougti their immediste objects were yiparently widely remote Irom each other,they Mem all to have tendo;! towards one end : that of weakening and curbingAthens, which, if these projects had succeeded, would at length have found herself completely enclosed in the toils before she had rrueived a wound. It la ptobaUe that Philip's eye embraced all these points at one view, and that he was continually jmsecDting his designs in oppositequarters, tboogb we happen to find tbem mentioned only insDccesaion. It is to Peloponnesusthat our inentioD is first directed, as Ihe scene of a dip- kukatic contest which portended a fiercer strug- gle. Here Philip bad succeeded,almost witb- Dot an eflbrt, to the sway which Thebes had woo through the victories of Eparainondaa ; for Sparta, weakened as she waa, was still an object of jealousyto her neighbours, whose in- d^ndeDce she viewed with a malignanteye ; "nd since Thebes,having in her turn sunk from tbe height of her power, was no longer able to "ffbrd proteotion to her Peloponnesian allies, theynaturally transferred their confidence to ibe King of Macedonia, on whose aid even Tbebes had been forced to cast herself We "!" not informed of any new occasion of hoitil- ilieathat anwe between them and Spaita im- mediately after tbe close of the Phocian war. Yet it appear* lliat they fbnnd. or tliought themselves in danger,so as to be led to culti- vate Philip'sfriendship. He espoused their cause without reserve, declared himself tba protector of Messenia, and called upon the Spar- tans to renounce. their claims upon her; and when his demand was rejected " as it seems to have been,in a somewhat contemptuous lone* " both supplied his allieswith troops and,moa- ey, and announced bis intention of leadinga much latter force into PeloponnesuBin person.t It may easily be supposed that these favours and promises rendered him highlypopular Ihrougliout the confederacy of whidi Messene, Megalopolis, and Argoa were tbe leadingmem- bers, and that he was extolled as the friend of liberty, the champion of the oppressed. De- ' moBlhenes himself, in a speech delivered about - three yearrafter the end of tbe war,t mentions, - with indignation, that many of the Arcadian commonwealths bad decreed brazen statues and crowns in honour of Pbilip, and had resolr- ~ ' "he should enter Pcloponneaus,to admit nto their towns ; and that tbe A^ves bad followed their eiami^. These proceedings, of cotirse, soon becama known at Athens, and excited no little anxiety there. An embassy was sent into Peloponne- sus, with Demosthenes at its head,to counter- . act the progress of the Macedonian influence. He went to Messene,and, it seems, to Argus ; perhaps to several other cities. In one of hi* It speeches be baa given a specimen of the ler in which be endeavoured to rouse the jealousy of the PeloponneelansagainstPhibp. He referred to Philip's conduct in the case of Olyritbus, as a proof thai no reliance could safe- ty be placed on his professions, or even his acts . of friendship, which were all meant lo inveigle those who trusted to Ibein into bondage or ruin. Whether he appealed lo the example of the. Theasalians for the same purpose must remain - doubtful : since the principalfact, which he rep-- sents himself to have stated concerningthem,, irtainly occurred later. But it appears that he dwelt much on the bad faith which Pbiliphad. shown in his dealings with Athens, either ia promises about Amphipolis, or in those by. which he had deceived the peoplethrough tbeir- ambassadors in the negotiation for peace. Tbe" al and necessary hostility between a mon^ arch " whether king or tyrant " and allfree j^d 1 " 1 goTemmenla, was also a tOP'.c by which rator strove to alarm republican prejudices. But though he affirms that he was heard with applause, be admits that his warnings bad pro- duced no practioal effect, and that Philipeon- tinned after, aa before,to enjoy the confideiMW of his PeloponnesianaUies ; and some erobas- =""- wtich were aftervrard sent with the sauM , wera attended with no better remtt. Pbilipdid not let these attemptspas* DDnoti- ced. Even if he did not deem it tteoewary Ibr his honour to repel the charge of perfidy wbich ""-'' iieen so publiclybrought againsthim, lu il""d bj Pltttlrrfi, Dt Ci 133 HISTORY OF GREECE. 1dx3 have tbought it a favourable opportunil]' tat displaying, and thereby strengthening his connexion with Pelopopnealis. He sent an em- bassy to Athens, which aeems to have been beaded by Python, who"e eloqaence could sni- tain a comparisou with that of DemoBthenes himself;* and itwas no douht al Philip's inali- (itiun that bis enToys were accompBoied by Biose of Measeno and Argoo, The Macedoni- aaa were instructed to expostulate on the froundless accusalions which had been brought against their king, and formally to deny that he kad ever broken his word to the Athenians ; the Feloponnesianswere to complaia of the ooun- tenance which Atheiu had given to the atiempta Philippic of Demosthenes, which seems lo have been we speech witii which lie prefaced a mo- tioo for the answer which he proposed to give to the ambassadora. It is possible that more than one assembly was held on the business" Ane. perhaps, lo consider each subject " and tbat on one of theee occasions Python vindica- ted his master's conduct in a speech which De- mosthenes afterward describes as bold and ve- hement, thoogh he himself met it with a reply wbidi extorted tokens of approbation even from the ministers of Philip's allies.t But this was evidently not the occasion of the second Philip- pic. Hiat is addressed to the people, not in re- |4y to the fbreigoers, bat to (he Macedonian, Philippisli^ faction at home, and more particu- larly to jtlschines, wlio, it seema, had recently taken Philip's part, and hod supportedPython's argnmenia with his testimony. Its main tb- ject is lo excite the suspicion and retenCtnent of the Athenians, on the one hand against Phil- ip, and on the other against the orators who had aerved as his Jestruments to overreach them. He contends that the motive which had indu- ced Philip to prefer the interest of Tbebea lo that of Athens at the end of the war waa not the presence of a force which raatrained him, "tilllest any regard to justice " for he who main- tained the independence of Meaaenia against Bparta could not conaialenlly aid the Tbebana in reducing the other B"BOtian towns to subjec- tion " It was, tbat he expected the one state, if its own interests were but secured, would be readily anbservient to his designsagainst the libertiesof (Jreece, while he knew that no pros- pact of selfish advairtage would ever bribe Atbeos to resign her gloriousinheritance, Ifae foraoMMt poet of resistance lo foreign attacks On the national independeoce. There were ru- BHwra afioat of a breach between Thebes and Philiih and that he inUnded to restore the for- bOcMuwa of Elates; but itwas tiotlikely.when 06 adopted their quarrel with Sparla as bis own, that be sbonld thwart their views nearer home. All Ais, however, is but subordinale and intro- daotory to the concludingpaaaogc, in which the ontor lemiads hia bearers of Ihe disappaint- ment they had suflered,and ptunts their indie- "ation against its authors. He does not nainB "ither Pbilocrales or ^Sschines, but alludes in B manner which coald sot be mistaken lo the ribaldiy with which the one bad silenced his warniaya, and to the solemn aaauranceii, ur dei- tntms insinaations. by which the other had " DMau, ni., Sk " Da Car.,4 ITl. quieted the people'sapprebenaions. "" Tbs mes who had thus involved the slai" in its present embarrasBmenls ought," be says, " to be char- ged wi th the taak of defending itsconduct against those who questioned it. But, at least,ii was Gt that the languageby which they had caused ao much miachier which was not yet ended, should not be Ibrgotten." It is to be regretted thai the propoaedreply has not bMn preserved; It probably contained a manifesto which would have thrown aomo U^t on the history of this period. The tone of the speech leads us to sup- pose that itmade jio material ooncession ; there is rather,as we ahell see, reaaon to believe that it advanced some new daims ; yet it ao far satisfied Philip aod his alltea as to avoid an opCn rupture, Philip, indeed, may at this junctore hare been the more easilysatisfied, because be was en- gaged in an expedition against the lliyrians, Ibi which we hear of no motive, aave the inveter- ate enmity between tbe two nations. His ia- vasion of lUyria, however provoked or ciriaur- ed,seems to have been completelyaucceasful, though not attended with any veiy important result ; he ravaged the country, made himself master of several towns, and returned laden with booty (B.C.344}.' It appe^ lo have been not long aAer that a fresh occasion arose lo call for his presence in Thessaly. We gath- er from tbe statements of Demosthenes and D]Odonjs,t that either ihe lamily of tyrants, or the party which supported thcin in FherK, had recovered their power there,and, perhaps, in other towns, and tbat Philiponce more march- ed to disludge them. This he seems to have eS'cclcd vMi as much ease as at any former time 1 but he also found the circumstances uf the country more favourable than they had ever been before for a new settlement of its aS'aira, which was e"lculBied to render it more thor- oughly subservient to hia interests, and,indeed, reduced it nearly to a Macedonian province. It was probably not long alter the end of tbe Phocian war that he fulfilledthe promise which be bad made during his cooteat with Olyntbtis, of evacuatingMagnesia.! There was, indeed, no farther pretext left for delay ; yet this step tnay not luvo been purelyvoluntary: and it may have been by some signs of impatience ap- pearing among the Tbessalians that he was in- duced to gratify them by a boon which seemed more spontaneous, the cession of Nicva,one of the frontier towns nearTlierroopyls, which had been aiirrondered tobimby Phalscus. We find an istimatioQ.\" iicb probably rests on good au- thority, 4 tliaitl, Tliebans had hoped to be put in poiiscssiun uf this place; and their disap- pointment in this aS'airwas perhaps one of tbe first causes that alienated them from Philip, But though be granted it nominally to the Tbes- salians, it seems tbat he continued to occupy it with a Macedonian garrison. II The great fam- ilies in the north of Thessaly, who bad been his most active partisans, cannot have wished to eaorifice their country's independencemora than was necessary to purchase their own se- curity ; and if. alter the subjugation of Phocia, AFFAIRS OF THESSALY" ATTEMPT UPON MEGARA. 133 iiej had not been threatened vilh any fresh imagerthey might have bei^n to resist the for- eign ascendency to which tliGyhail so long sub- nulled. But tlic revolution at Pherae Inrced ibetn again to eee)( aid from Philip, and affbrd- ti bim nieaiiB a( establishing his sway on a irmer basis. After Ihe expulsion of (he tyrant djnasty, he did not, as before, leave the place upen to new attempts of the same kind,bat gai- (isoned the citadel with his own Iroopa.' This measuTe was probablyvery unwelcome to those of the Aleustds who were dear-sightedenough ID perceive that it implied the permanenl aub- ]ectk)D of Thesaaly ; and it was followed by another, which seems not to have been carried wiihout strong opposition, nor without the help of oormption and intrigues. Yet it was one which most have worn a popularaspect; for it was professedly a restotation of an ancient or- der of things, which was ascribed to Aieoas, the celebrated prince, from whom the bouse of be Aleaada derived its name. The division of Ote Goantry into four districts, each of which was called a Itirat,^subsisted,indeed,still, but nther as a ge"wTaphical than a political ar- rangement. Pbiup revived the distinctionof the iBtraiarckUt. How far he endeavoured to reatore theoldJnslilntLons connected with them eaonot be ascertained ; but the principal object wbich he had in view seems to be disclosed in asUtement of Theopompus, which informs us thai he placed some of the chiefs of the Aleuad bnioii " of couise, his most devoted adherents " at tbe head of the four governments.] Tbree of tlkese persons may be named with tolerable cenainty ; Eudicua,Simus.4 and Thrssydcus. The first two are branded by Demosthenes ss traitors to their country ; and this seems to have been the main work for which, if the diarge is well founded,tbey sold their services to PhUip. There is an anecdote ia Polyanus^ that,dariag his stay at Larissa,he attempted, under pretence of sickness,to draw the Aleuads to the house wbere he lodged, that he might make himself master of their persons 1 hut that, baring received timely notice nf his designs, they avoided the snare. The story may belong to this period, and would accord very well with the other intimations which we meet with of the state of things al this lime in Thessaly. The final result is described by Demosthenes, perhaps with no greateiaggeralion, as the total subjection of tbe land to Philip, whom it sup- plietl with eicellent troops, and it secrrts. also, with a coosiderable addition to his revenues i for. besides the harbour duties and cueloms which had been formerlygranted to him,Y and which he no doubt retained,we lind that he took pOBsession of tbe tribute which Larissa had re- ceived, ever since the conquest, from her sub- ject PanbKhian cantons.** t HeTiuicu,Hu^cTAt., yiTfafxto' t HatipttT., n. ". \ Stmaa, bcin^ ompled bj DvmcvthHM vilh Ewlicui, vH^nlmbl^ umUnwuM. 4a to EodwBi "od Thrm- ""*"" tkan " Hpma uaiiM/ ul Hnngi., KGIint " ^ Bi ThsDBiAipa* tB AUmbbmb, fl.t A. ti,whin Tkm- tfitm i" and !" km l"n qipmiUKl rflr i^MJMr rifatrat. I IT,. ", B. Bm tlMf* R " iHBn (nr "apinju wiih Baoiuiiu, MjIIidIiiiu, li., p. MS, Uul Iha AlaBHfa iMn s'n*.' ' bj niiiip. It seems to have been whiln lie was stiH oc- cupied with the affairs nf Tliesaaly, or, at least, before he withdrew from the country, that ho made an sttempi in another quarter,which, ifit had succeeded, would have brougbt him nearer, by a greatstep, to one of his principalobjects. Megara was at this time, as it had probably never ceased to be, divided between rival fac- tions, which, however, seem not to have been so turbulent as to prevent it from enjoyinga highdegree of prosperity.' and there are indi- cations that its form of government was notan- happilytempered, t The old animosiiyagainst Athens had perhaps now in a great measure subsided i Philip, indeed, had his adherents,but there was a strongpart; which opposed Uiera, and which looked to Athens for protection, Tlie contendinginterests,however, seem nht to have been exactly those of democracy tnd aris- tocracy, or oligarchy ; Philip's leadingpartisans appear to have been some of the most power- ful citizens, who hoped with his aid to rise t" sovereignpower, which they wouki have beem content to hold under bim. Ptceodorus, the foremost man in Megara, in birth,wealth, and reputation, was, according to Demosthenes,] at the head of a conspiracy for the purpose of placing the city in Philip'shands, and ifad opened a correspondence with him, in which he employed soother Megarian,Perilans,as hi* agent. Perilaus was brought to trial for hi* unauthoriied dealings witii a foreigncourt, but was Bcguittedthrough the influence of Ptno- dorus,who sent him again to obtain a body of Macedonian troops, wlule he himself stayed to prepaie (or their receptionat Megar", Tlie plotappears to hare been baffled hy some nn- UBuallyTtgorousmeasnreB ofthe Athenians. It is difficultto determine whether an expedition which they made about this time to their froa- tier,on the side of Drymus and Panactns.4wat connected with these movements at Megara ;R and equallyuncertain,rtongh,perhaps, more probable, that it was on this occasion Phncion was seat, at the reqnest of their Megarian par- tisans, to guard the city.Though he conM not it from treacherywithin, he took tho annexed itto tbe cityby two longwalls, How- or DsmiMbniH, nfi apvinv lo! riltwM( Warienf |1 finOnl, Aa Bslonnmi, p, 4")" who \\tB MroTCi IM fanDlnimiHiilBiiniiiKUi* )"""""" nf Fhili^ mnn U Mrgui" OKDtiva llul I)u" Drymui lirga 111* mwiiiai.Bin of Allin "D(I BontU, like Ftucloi, but of u" bt tlu """(,'' bftilK " i.i.lMBwl'liT IJ.SS',",17a", Hms of l""soMh"i" w nfuL TIh plan """" dws M luva l"Hn alkd AM- I. Fhi,. I., 1,t. Bui HupgenUim liB AmoiAi, tAic r^ iftrfmttlmt. Etan indtpta^kUr nfihitinlbivitr, "I laaiBl karil U b^wn IhU I"aH]HMH wsbM hsl* Co Ogle HISTORY OP GREECE. "Tei tbia may be, the attempt of PttEodoras failed,and Philip's hopes in this quarterwete, l"r the time, fniatrated. The object Tor which he desired to obtain possession of Megaru was, undoubted);, not mereJy to gain a position wbich would enable him to annoy Athena, but also, and perhaps principally, to open a communication with Pel- oponnesus. Having been defeated od this side, he turned his attention to another, where ho "aw a prospect of accompliahing this and sev- eral other important purposes at once. Alcx- ftnder.the brother of his queen Olympias,waa, it Beema, already at this time [B.C.343) in possession of a part of Epirus, where his uncle Arymbaa, or Arybas,reigned orer the rest of the domiaions wiiich they inherited from their common ancestor, Aloctas, the father of this Arybas, and of Neoptolamus, the father of Al- exander and Olympias.* But the diatrict of Cassopia, which contained three half Greek cities, eaid to have been founded at a very early periodby "[ean colonists, Bucheta,Pandosia, Bud datrea,tdid not acknowledge Alexander's authority, and lie bad, perhaps,soughtPhilip's aid to reduce it to aubjectiun.This, at least, was, it appears, the main avowed object of an expedition whicb Philip made from 'Theasaly into EpiruB. He ravaged the Caasopian terri- tory, took tbo three towns, and gave them up to hia kinsoian.t But his owo views stretched much farther. He found a pretext " whether in iuccours givenby the Ambracians lo the Cas- aopiantowns, or in eome other provocation, we know not " for marchingagainst Ambracia. The poaaeaainn of this place would have opened the way for htm into Acamania and .*:tolia. for lie had entered into negotiation with the ."to- lians, and had won them over by a promise to aid them in wreatiagNaupactos from the Achc- anii if he might thus have been enabled to cross over to the western aide of Peloponnesusat his pleasure j and there the Iruubled slate of EJis, at this time, affiirdedan excellent pretext fbi The oligarchical party in Elis bad,as we have aeen.llmamlalned its ascendency, notwithstand- ing the effortsof its adversaries,in tbe strug- Xle which took, ^ace not long before the battle of Mantinea. We do not hear of any subse- qaent revolution which restored the exiled fac- tion before the time at which we have now ar- rivM ; but itseems that here,as elsewhere, tbe contest of parties had changed its character aince the power of Macedonia had risen to its new height. At Elis,also,Philip had gained Cisans, several of whom, periiape, cherished " similar lotfaoedwbich appear to have an- imated his adherents at Megarm. The almggle henceforth was not so much between oligarchy and democracy, as between Phillp'e party and those who were jealous both of it and of him Heoco it is probablemany citizena had been forced into exile who did not belong to the dem- ocratical patty, while the government at home fetlinto fewer hands. After the death of Pha- iiecus in Crete,a body of his mercenaries were brought over to Peloponnesusby the Elean ref- ugeea, to make war on the oligarchical rulera. And theywould,perhaps, have been the atrong- er side, ifthe democratica) Arcadians, who only saw in them Philip'senemies, had not thrown their weight into the opposite scale. A battle waa fought, in which tbe exiles were defeated, with great slaughter of the mercenaries, 4000 of whom were taken, and distributed between the allies. The Arcadians sold their prisoners ; the Eleans, more irritated as they had more lo fear, massacred theirs in cold blood, under the pretence of puniahing them for sacrilege.* Notwithstanding this event, which establish- ed Philip's predominance at Elis, affairs still continued so unsettled ther^perhaps through the growing ambition nf bis principal partisana " as to afford an additional occasion for his presence in PEloponneaus. From this motive chieHy he coveted the acquisitiun of Ambracia, and of Leucas, which he likewise hoped to gain cither by arms or intrigues. It is probable that bis expectationswere, in a great measure, grounded on the support of a faction devoted to his interests in both places. They were, how- ever, disappointed, throogh the energy which now displayed itsclfin the counsels ofAthena. An embassy, in which a principal pari was home byDemosthenes, who mentions Piriycuctus, He- gcsippus.Clitomarchus, and I.ycurg^is, as hia colleagues, was sent both into Peloponnesusand Acamania. t Tley were aided in their negotia- tions by Callias the Eub"Ean,whose motives will be explained hereafter. Their aim was to form a league to repelPhilip's encroachments ; and theybrought back largepromises of contribu- tions, both in men and money, from some of the Peloponnesianstates, from Megara, and Acar- nania. As to Megara. this was a natural con- sequence of tbe turn which events had lately taken there. In Peloponnesus these assuran- ces of support came chiefly, if not exclusively, from the Achteans, who were doubtless alarmed by the prospect, of losingNaupactus. In Acar- nania,jealousy of the ^tolians, and fearof Phil- ip, probably combined to dispose the whole peo- ple to enter heartily into the proposed alliance ; and to encourage them, a body of troops was sent from Athens, chiefly, perhaps, for tbe da- fence of Ambracia, or to secure it against do- mestic treachery.) We. do not know whether it was for the sake of a diversion that another Athenian force, under the command of Aristo- demas, marched, as it seems, about the samu time, into Thessaly, and made an attempt on Magnesia, which was strongly censured by tha t Fbilijqt., iii.,t 85, wbm Wiii^mU. p. ITt. waaU nu, Db Cli"Tluri.,4 1^1 ifiivupiainft liwDO* In OInBpitidnr., i ST,wu, I bubiiTB, Gnt ncHind im nmnoiiis wilh Pbtlip'inpniltiaii^ WinitKiki. Ik I9T. Tba dsU {d ibe iii:hi"ii Pjtludciiiu) u (bnouulx kanwa '^'" ATHENIAN NEGOTIATIONS." DISPUTES WITH PHIUP. oraton of the Maoedoniao party, as an infrac- tion of the treaty wild Philip. Artatodemua, howeTer. ihuugh apparentlj unBUCceBSful in this enterprise, was honoured oa bis return with a crown, OQ the motion of DeoioatheacB.* He might have deserred it, ifhis expedition serred to haeten Philip's retreat from Epirua.f It ia certain that he was obliged to drop his deaigns against AmbTacia and Lsucaa. Such proceedings aa Ihese, however they might admit of a diplomaticvindicatioo, mani- festly tended to put an end to all friendly rela- tions between the two powers; and the nego- tiations which were carried on between them during the same period had no other effect than to BggTsvBte their mutual resentment and dis- trust. We are unable to determine whether tlie anaWQT giren by ibe Athenians to Philip's retnoostrances induced him to send Pythoo on a fresh embassy, to propose an adjustment of their diflerences, or whether this minister had been iastructed on the former ocoasion, while he complained of the ill treatment his prinCehad BuflbredTroiD the license wbich the Athenians gave to their orators, to declare his willingness to accede to any reasonable proposal for an amendment of the last treaty. Pylbon oerlain- ij executed such a commissinn, and the oQ^r which he made iu Philip'sname was received with great applause in the Athenian assembly,t The result was that an embassy, of which He- gesippuB,an active orator of the anti -Macedoni- an party,fappears to have been the leading member, waa sent into Macedonia lo conunu- nicate the demands, or, at least, tlic wishes, of the people to the king. They fell under vari- ODs beads. One related to the old dispute about Amphipolis. The Athenians were advised to claim it on what seems a grossly sophistical construction of the article in the treaty, which piDTidedthat each party was to keep all that it W at the time. The oratora contended that this did not entitle Pbilip to Ask what was not his own, which Amphipolis had never been, since it had always belonged of right to the Athenians ; ao argnment which would sound much more plausible in the Pnyx than in the audience chamber at Pella ; and they proposed, insteadof the ctausa, that lach hate what hi hoi, iinovi ifmiiHt the IDWnl on the cout at iKc Gulf at K- 1^ iiliediliim of CbIIim no 1 mnl cnw. nhich duii niAHi !"" in iinkinianoufh to nnliF the qaciKDn "ei7 douMrul. t Bui ,( nif hitr bMD Mnt Mriier. '"hilo Ph ]ip na m- ^""r no mniiltiiitfrun Philip en iliieeabjicl. I Ont. da HbI"i , t 31- 9 H" wM mLv nicknamed CroMiu, ia BlTneion, it itvaid. "etiu Tidiiai ID which Iba Alhmiau "DC.entlylied QD their haiT-.^^tDC. Thacrd . i..S, \Ylmt iDTiht ha the Utai to substitute the more con"et phrase, Aat "aek have hit num. Another objectwas to TecOTBr the property which their cititens had lost when they were expelled from Potid"a. There werBS quered bj Philip after tbe ratificationof the treaty at Athens; another the Thracian Cher- sonesus. Not long after the end of the war. a colony of cleruchial settlers had been sent thith- er under Diopithea.* who remained there in- Tested with a military coromaod for their pro- tection. Disputes soon arose between theoi and tbe people of Canlia about the limits of their territory. The Athenians, indeed,main- tained that Cardia itself belongedto them, as included ia the Chersonesus ; while Philipac- knowledged both the independence of the Car- dians, who were hia allies,and the validity of their claims. Another topic of controversy arose out of the littleiriand of Halonnesus, sit- uate in the north of the "gean, between Soth petus and Peparethus. II was one of the frag- ments which the Athenians preserved of then maritime empire, until a piratechief,named Sa"- IratuB, took possession of it, and made it the headquarters of his piratical escursiena. Phil- ip, whose coasts and shipping he infested, ex- pelled the pirates from their nest, and kept it in his own hands. The Athenians conceived (hat these transactions coold not aHect their right Co the island, and that,as soon as the hostile force was removed, it ou^C lo have been restored to its legitimatesovereign. Finally, the amliassa- dors were to require that an article should bs inserted in the treaty, recognising the libertf and independence even of those Greek elates which were not included in il by name, and pledging all who were parties to it lo defend them if they should be attacked. Tbe main ob- ject of this demand was clearly to restrain Phil- ip's enterprises, more particularly against the Greek cities in the north and the west. But it is probable that the application of the princip^ to the Bceotian towns was not overlooked. Philip, when he professed his readiness to consent to an amendment of the Ireaty, could hardly have expected lo receive such propoaali as these ; and it seems thathe did not atteiopt to conceal his displeasure, but vented it in a manner remarkablyoppositelo his usual mild- ness and moderallon, for he is said to have banished ihe Athenian poet Xenoclides from his dominions because he entertained Ihe envoys in his house ;t and this is mentioned by Qe- ' mosthenes as only one notorious instance, among many, of the rough treatment they met with at Pella. Philip,however, sent an em- bassy to Alheos in return, charged with a letter, in which he discuaaed the Athenian demanda, and stated the concessions which be was will- ing lo make. This embassy gave occasion to a speech, wbich has come down among Iho works of DetnoHthenes,as the one en Hatmmt- MOi, but is now, on very saliBfactory evidence, generally attributed lo Hegesippiis, to which we owe allour knowledge of the contents of Phil- ip's letter. Philip, it appears, first addressed himself to Ihe question of Halonnesus, which Ihus suggested the lille of Ihe oration. Hede- IM HISTORY OF GREECE. dared htnutf niUiag to make a present of the l^and to the Alheniana, but contended that Ihe; had lost their right to it when thej auAered it Uf be taken from them b; SoBtiatua ; that be had made It his own bjr a fair conquest from an open enemy ; and was ready, if his claim was disputed, lo submit it to artiitration. The ora- tor endea'oarod to expose the fallacy of this argument by a supposed case. If it had been a place on the coast of Atlica that had been seized by the pirates, and Philip had dislodged them, would be have been entitled to retain a part of the Atlic territory 1 It was a mure pre- tence ; and the king's real object was lo show to all Greece that the Athenians were fain to owe even their maritime posaesaione lo Mace- donian geneioaity. It w""Qld be littleless dii- bonour^te and unwise to consent to the arbi- tralEca wltich had been insidiously proposed with a similar view, ctbii if there were no danger that the atbitratora might be corrupted by Philip's bribes. llieTe can be no doubt that Ibis langu^^ tx- presseda strong popularfeeling of jealoasynn a point which touched Athenian pride moat sensibly; and that the diatinclion, which be- came BO celebrated as to furnish the comic poets with a fertile topic for playfulallusions,* that the island should be not giom, bat rttti"red, not aeeeplcd, but Tccmertdtfwas not a cavil sug- gested by the orators. And so, when the speak- er rejects with equalscorn, and on like gronnds, another proposal contained in the letter for a combination between Philip and the common- wealth to guard againstpiratei, he no doubt bad an the natural prejodtees of hia audience on his side. It would seem that Philip made no mention of Potidtea. But it was understood to be with reference to this subject that his ambassadors were instructed to propose certain terms as the basis of a commercial treaty.t ander which the disputedquestionmight be judicially decided ; and the orator contends that,as these terms wore to be sanctioned by Philip,they would certainly be so f^med as, by implication, to ex- elude the claims of the Athenian citizens on the property they had lost at Potidiea, which, after the fall of Olynthus, had passed into the conqneror's hands. With regard to Amphipolis, it maybe collect- ed that Philip denied he had ever authorized his ambassador? to promise fbr him that he would consent to alter the treaty in so material a point. He insisted on the right he had ac- quired by the plainlanguage of the article in question, as it then alood. From the orator's reply,one might conjecture that the Macedoni- an envoys had either spoken indiscreetly, or had overlooked the slightchange proposedby the Athenians,or had not perceived its scope. The orator endeavours to prove that the origi- nal words could not have the effectof making anything to be Philip's which had not been so before ; and refers, among other argumenls, lo Philip'sprevious declaration and promises in confinnBtion of the Athenian titleto Amphipolis. The letter gave a full assent to the proposi- tion concerning the liberty and independence of the Greeks ; hut the orator,to prore tbe io- eincerily of these professions, compares them with Phibp's recent treatment of Phe rs and the CassopTsn cities. Philiprepeated the co:li- pUint which he had before made through his ambassadors about the charge of bad faitb,aiili which he was so often assailed by the ALheoizn orators, and again professed that nothing bat the people's want of con"dence in bis friendty disposition prevented him from proving it bj signal benefits. The orator reminds hia hear- ers of the promises contained in a letter pro- served in tbe state archives, which Philip had written before tbe peace, and of the maoner in which he had performed them. The affair of the Thracian towns, wiiicb, u the Atheniaas maintained, he bad taken after the peace was ratified, Philip offered to refer to arbitration ; but the orator will not listen to tbe proposal of debatinga question which be coDsiderB as clearly settled by tbe atnqilecoca- pariaon of dates. So, too, he rejecteaa an in- salt Philip's lecammendation that they aboold bring their differences with the Caidians hefom an impartialtribunal, and his olter to cotnpri Cardia to submit to this mode of decision ; as if, be observes, Athens was not able to force the Cardians to do berjostice. Yet he admits that there was a decree of the pet^e nniepeid- ed, which recognised tbe title of the Cardiana to their territory, and that he himself hwl im- peached its author,Callippos, on Uiia grmtai without success. The nature of Uie notion which was intro- duced by such a speechmay be easilyimagined; and this most probably contained the official re[^ that Philip received. It did not ao mocb widen as lay open the breach ; fbr all tbe sen- timents which the orator delivered had long been familiar to the people, and were welt known to Philip, Yet the frequent diacusBioD of such topics tended to inflame the public irri- tation ; and this was the effbct of the struggles that bad been carried on ever since the peace between the two parties, which were divided chiefly on the question of the pidicy to be ob- serred^ towards Philip. It was nearly about this tiihethat the people's atlention wab dee(dy excited by a cause in which the parties put forth al! their strength, and their two most cel- ebrated orators their highest powers of elo- quence. This was an impsachment brought by Detnosthcnes against Machines for miscon- duct and corruption in the second embassy on which they were sent together to Philip's coort. It has been seen that a greatpart of the second Pbihppic was distinctly pointedagainst ."acht- nes and Philocrates,and that the main object of the whole was probablyto rouse the public indignation against them. Philocrates, it ap- pears, made no secret of his corruption, and not only acceptedlarge sums of money and grants uf land in Phocia from Philip, but dis- played his new resources, with scandalous os- tentation, in the increased splendour of his style of living.* He was therefore selected as tbe first object of a legal prosecution, which was undertaken by Hyperidcs,an orator of great abiiiiy, who was longclosely attached in politi- 'iments, and perhapsby privste friend- Demoslbenes, The Athenian law af- " Dm., r. U, t IM, IN. ^SCHIMES AND DEMOSTHENES. nr 1 vijs of bringing anch an oflbnder to jailice ; but H;peridesadopted a ^eciea of indicLment' which was, in tbe finsl tnataDce, submitied to the cogniumco either uf tbe council of Five Hundred, or " which was tbe'coursc he took " of the people in Bsaembly, aod always snggeateil Ibe notion of an offence either whollj' unheard i^ aod not yci provided Ibr. or peeuliariT aggravated in ita ciroumetan- MB. The aasembly entertained the indictment, lad. accDiding to the ardinarjpractice, the nut step oae, unlesa it choae to ait in Judg- meiit oo the case itielf, to appoint another tri- banal, aixl to fix the day of trial The accused, in the mean while,was either oomtntlUxl to priaoD, or compelled to And sureliea br his ap- pearance. Whndi of theae courses was taken with PbUocratcB we are not informed ; pruba- My the Utter -, for itaeems that, notwithstand- mg his nncMUOion aae"ranee, and the atieagth of tbe party from which be might have looked ier protection, be aroided the trial by a Tclnn- wyewle.t WbeH thia indictment waa broo^t befvre Ibe aaaembly, Demoatbenes openly dedared Ihat there wae only one Ihiog in itwith wbitdi be was diaaatisGed ; and this waa that it had been brongbtagainstPhUoarales, who was eer- uiiriy not ibe sole crimiDitl among the ambaa- ndora ; aad he called nnon these of his c"d- ived of his leaguea who diaapprorei Nooi thought (it(o awwer to thia animnona. Tbe eipressiona which tbe orMor reporta biraaelfto kaTB uaed an that oocasiont atrongly intimate thai be bad then already oooeeiTed tbe deaign of briaginc a fonnal obarce againstbooib of them. Perhaps he was only waitieg for the opportimity, which woold be aflinded whenever "*chiiiea ^uld appear before tbe proper court, 10 render an account of his conduct in the em- baaay. Tlie tiB" of doiag thiawas left by tbe law " strsBge aa it acema to hia discretion ; md be put it offlor nearl7 three years after the end of tbe war, hoping either to avoid it alto- gether, or that the popular mood might become more IbTOUrabte to him. During this interval, bowerer, an incident appears to have occurred which exposed him to freah suspicion and re- proach. He had been elected to represent tbe interests of the commonwealth in a contest with tbe Delians conoeniing the superintend- eoce of their temple. Before hia departureon thisembaaey" aa to wbtob we are not snre whether it was aeat to Deloe or to Delphi" in- fbrmation reached Demosthenes that a man named Antiphon waa lurking in Pir"us with tbe intention of firing the arseiLal, Demoathe- nea, having discovered his hiding-place, did not scruple to arrest him aod bring him before an aaeembly, which was probably aunimoned in Pi- rmis expressly on this business. He had, per- haps, collected very littleevidence in sapport of tbe char^, and iEachines,protesting luudly against tbe illeg^ violenee he had used, induced tbe assembly to dismiss the culprit, Sooa after, bowerer, DemoBthenes obtained atrongerpmaCa of Atitiidion's guilt, which be laid before the " 1,by whom he was againapprehended t Jb^H Uv. CM, t n. *tbuJn(C....fcyl{ Vol. II." S f and broi^ht before the aasMob^, whidi, iHaf- be bad bwn put to the torture, eondemaed hin ' 1" death. What he confessed, we do not know i much less what he bad done sr designed to do. Demosthenes, in a speech made many years after,asserts that be bad promised Philip to set Ere to the arsenal* But itis possible that this was Bimere suspicion, resting on no evi- dence; and , accordingly, we do not find aay aU lusion to the fact in the Pliilippics, where it would have had so appropriate a {dace. Tha result,however,waa that the Areopagus,t" which the management of the Delian hLisiaesa had been committed, deprived .i"schinesof hia honoitrablc office, and appointedHyperides in his nwm. Though, aa will be seen in the note, there is considerable doubi about the date of tbia transociion, itis certain Ihat,not ]aag be- fore be was brought to trial by Demosthenes, .Machines had Buffered en affront of this nature,. and vented his resenttnent against hia rival tiL threUa which be never executed. t It seems lo have been a diipntable point of law whether tie aabassadore, who bad beea sent twice to Philip oa the aBaa of the peace,, were liable to give a separate account at eaolt embasay. Demoslhenea,at least,asserts, thai when be himaelf tendered his account trf'bis- own oonduet in tbe second etnbasay, Machines contended tbat il ought not to be reoeived,. because be bad already obuined a legal dw- cbarge on the Siu.t when, however, ibis "b- jeciionwaa ovemiled, be probablythoimU It necessaiy to encounter the same trial. Tbe proceedingwas, in effect, a publicchallenge to- any citizen who wi^ed to trapeach the conduct of the responsible magistrate. There were tw" who declared themselves ready to accuae JE"- chiues : Demosthenes and Timarchus. It is painful to see such names coupledtogetlti er : for Timarchua was a man so recklessly and notoriously addicted to tbe foulest pleasures a" scarcely to be tolerated by publicopinion at Ath- ens, notwithstanding its extreme laxity on suob. puints, and as legally to have diaaUed binuelf from taking part in judicial proceedings or po- litical business. He was, nevertheless,a very active oiator, and had long been engaged in pul"- lic affairs. He had tlirowo himself on the side- of the Boti-Maeedonian party,no doubt becauae it was the most popular, and had distinguisbad himself aa a member of the Five Hundr^, by a motion which he appears to have carried, for a decree forbidding the eiportaliou of anne and marine stores Ibr Philip's service under pain of death. It was fortunate for .fechinea to hava such an enemy, and be availed himself of tlw exception which the law allowed him against "Jr-Jt^ " DoCor^tlM. 'onyyt^ij "a *ni ioila6- whm ALkui ma it nr with Philip tbml AmUpbn mU tow athni "o iBttft is imb sa tmdtittUiif ; MS Philip^ pa.ni^i" in'tha^, t D^Kll, t mC m, 13B HISTORY OF GREECE. his accDBsr. TinwTchus was put upon bis tri- al under a taw of Solon, wbich foitade an; one who bad commiued such eieesaes to mount the bema : a proof,by-the-way, that the case of TtmarchuB must not be considered as an indi- ealjon of a more corruptage. It is remarkable tbat hit prosecutor offered no eiidence of the charge but publicnolorietj. He alludes slight' 1; to his priralegrounds of enmity lowarda tbe defendant, and wishes it to be believed thai hie chief motive was a disinterested concern for the public morals ; but towards the close of his speech he betrays the real state of the case bj bitter invectives againstDemosthenes, who ap- peared as one of the advocates of Timarchua, and by anticipations of the charges with which be himself waa threatened. He expects that, even on the trial of Timarchua, Demosthenes will attempt to divert the attenlioa of the court from the real merit* of the cause to the peace made by himself and Philocraies, and to the fate of the Pbootans, and that Philip's name will be frequently introduced to raise a preju- dice against him. Yet he does not shrink from avowing that he commends Philip for his pro- fessions of good-will to the commonwealth : " if bis actions correspond to his promises, he will afford solid and ample ground for praise." Timarchua was disfranchised ;* and jEscbi- nes not onlygained tbe advantage of silencing a hostile voice, but probably raised a strong pre- possession in his own favour among the friends of publicdecency and order. In his defence of himself,he mentions his prosecution ofTimar- ebuB as an obligation conferred on the state. His own trialcame on not very long after. His q)eech and that of DemostheDea,on this occa- sion, are among the most admirable specimens of their eloquence, and the most valuable mate- rials for the history of the times. It is in the latter point of view alone that they can be no- ticed here ; and to enter into the argument would be to repeal much of what has bocn al- ready aaid on the subject of tbe two emWsieB, It only remains to mention the issue. jEschi- nes was acquitted, it is said,by a majority of only thirty voles. This may, perhaps, on the whole, be regardedas a proof tiiat the popular suspicions were very strong against hiro ) for bis party,including the friends of all the other ambassadors who were virtually implicated in the charge, made the most active efforts to save bim ; Ihe austere Phocion, and Eubu!us,'ihe liberal distributer of the pubbc money, united their influence in his behalf; but he probably awed his acquittal, in a great measure, to bis ewn talents, and to the peculiar difficultiesof his adversary's case. Demosthenes felt him- aelf obliged not only to convict iGschines, but to defend himself He was anxious to clear himself from tbe suspicion of a connexion with Philocrates, whom, nevertbeless,he,as well as ^Bchines, had supported in the measures wbich led to the peace J and,in his accountof the em- bassies, it was necessary, and yet not easy, to represent himself as overreached by his col- leagues, notwithstanding hia zeal and vigilanoe, "B continuingto act with them when he no ""(" tt gnuut KiBbiUt]' Ihu Hugliihiii bHB ""|""iad fecB H pnOifU* K mu. Tin "Unnnu of DuHHiwiiH longer trusted them, as having wituesBed (tieir intrigues and foreseen the result, though be ditl not disclose hia suspicions and forebodings till it was too late to avert the danger. This ap- pears to have been the cause of the perplexitj which strikes every reader in his narrative,and must have produced a no less unfavourable im- pression on bis audience,especially 'when con- trasted with the clearness and apparent simpli- city of the defence. The event left the two partiesopposed to each other as before, with. unabated confidence and redoi^led animositjr. We muBt now return to Philip. The evenU which had occurred since the end of the war, though they had strengthened his power, had not brought him much nearer to the object he had in view in the south of Greece. He l"d been baffled in his attempts to eatablisb a ctno- munication with Peloponnesus, both on the eaat- ern and western side of Greece, and in that which he made to gain a footing in the inmw- diate neighbourhood of Athens. Only in Eub"Ba he had been more successful, in an enterprisa againstEretria, wbich it will be more conveni- ent to relate hereafter. Id the mean while h" had been building arsenals and ships of war id his newly-acquiredports, and makinir active preparations for a naval expedition. * This en- largement of bis marine was no doubt designed to promote his operations in tbe north, towards which he now began to turn his chief attention. Conquests in this quarter might not onlypre- pare the way for his invasion of Persia, but mi^t enable him to overeome or overawe the resistance of Athens. It appears to bave been in the spring of 343 that he set out op an expe- dition which was professedly directed a^iinat Thrace. We are very imperfectly acquainted with the slate of tbat country at this time. It is,however, certain tbat Ceraoblepces had been gainingstrength, and had shaken off his si^jec- tion to Philip. We do not know what founda* tion there may have been for a statement, found only in Diodorns.t that be had begun to annof the Greek citiea on his coaats, and that Philip marehed against him to protect them. Phil^'s subsequent conduct towards tbe principal of these towns renders this account eitremelf doubtful. It is possible, however, that aome- thing had happened wbich afforded him such a pretext for the iuvaaion of Thrace. But it was not againstCerBoblepte*only that hia arms A prince'namedTerns, who reigned in tho more northern or western regions of Thrace, and who had been his ally in his war with Ath- ens, had, it seems, now beoome hostile to him it having perhaps been induced,by a sense of . their common interest,to anile with Cersoblep- tes. Philip waa thus led to cany the war into the heart of Thrace, where he is said to havo defeated the barbarians in several engagements. But his views were not now coofincd to victo- ries, ravages, and plunder. He meditated a permanent conquest ; and for this purpose not onlyimposed a tribute of a tenth of tbe produce on the conqueredterritory, but also founded a number of new towns, or militarycolonies, in tbe interior.4 But such a ' "OrUdaHaJm., (I". t.TTi.,T]. t FUl.,S|"t., t " t l"i"li"na" a. "" trnli himlftisrimstrlnt iliM- DI0PITHE8." ORATION ON THE CHEBSONESnS. 139 which fe.v Greeks would have been templed lo settle,CTen by the oOer of lands and houaea : ilsounded as emigration to the Inland regions of Australia would toa Frenchinau ; and it seems (hat he nas driven to some extraordinary meaa- nres for peopling hia new colaniea. Demoslbe- Des* menlions three towns, Drongilc,Kabyle, and Mastira,as among the wretched places which Philip had been taking and settling in Thrace. Aa toone ofthese.KabjleorKalybe, which stood on the Rlrer Taxus. and belonged to the Astian tribe, whose land stietohed to- wanis Byzantium, me are distinctly informed that he planted a colony there which was poo- pled with the refuse of aociety.t And such. we may infer frora the nickname it derived trom the character ot its inhabitants (Ponerop- oIls,Rogaelown], must have been the ease with another city, built at the fnot uf Rhodope, which he himself honoured with the name of PhilippopoUs.t irwe connect these hiats with Justin's rhetorical description of the tyrannical TiolcDco with which, after the end of the Pho- ciao war, he transported his subjects into new seats Bs suited his pleasure,^ we shall be incli- ned to conclude tbat the population of these places was composed partly of needyvagabonds, cr eTen pardonedconvicts, but partly,too, of the inhabitants of conquered Greek cities, whom he tore from their homes, and whose property he distributed among bis officers.ll Theae conquests,and, still more, the meas- ures taken by Philip to secure them, could not but alarm both the Athenians and the Greek cities on the coast, especiaHyByzantium, which laynot very lar from the borders of the con- quered territory. If the barbarians were troub- lesome neighbours,Philip was much more to be dreaded when he occupied their land. It was manifest to eveiyone that hia ultimate ob- ject conld not be merely to subdue and colonize (he wilds of Thrace ; that this was but a step towanls the reduction of the powerful and opu- lent maritiine towns, which were ao important in a contest either with Persia or Athena, At Athena, bQ who were not blinded by prejudice aaw that both the Bosporus and the Chersone- SDS. and with them the naval power, the com- merce, the very snbsistenceof the people, were ezpoaed to iiuminent danger; the more so aa ByxantiuD), which had been alienated A'om Ath- ens br the 3ocial War, was stillin alliance with PhQip. In the mean while,occurrences had ta- ken ptace which rendered the condition of the Chersoneans peculiarlyalarming. Diopilhea, who appears to have been a well'meaning and xealoQs officer, but not very discreet or scrupu- loQB, had been engaged in constant warfare with Cardia, and had collected a body of mer- cenaries to maintain the conflict, for whom he was obliged to provide, as well as he could,in the manner which had been longpractisedby " D* Cham., tM, lalA "Biiftaipil u" naratiad^tTm. \t Ixt Tord HUT jnrliiixillud*lo Pliilip'i now aiub- f Stmt". *ii.,p. no. Hupsenlis, "" T. Brx. FI1117, H. B., It., II. Athenian commanders. Philip, alter bis pro. posals for an arbitration had been rejected, aent some forces to the aid of the Cardians; and these troopa soon found themselves engaged in hostilities with those of Diopiihes. The Athe- nian general,however, did not confine himself to the defence of his colonists,or to aggres- sion againstCardia,but, when Philip invaded Thrace, thought himself at libertyactively to espouse the cause oftheThracian princes, who had both, it seems, been admitted to the Athe- nian franchise,* made inroads into the part of Thrace which Philip had conquered,!and, in the course of these expeditions, committed sundry acts of violence on the property uid persons of Macedonian subjects, and even de- tained an envoy, named Amphilocus. who came to treat with him for the release of the prison- ers, and forced him to pay a heavy ransora.t Philip sent a letter, complaining of these in- juries, which gave the signal to the orators of his party at Athens loudly to denounce the con- duct of Diopithes, and to press for bis recall and for the diamiasal of his mercenaries. Some proposed to send another general, with a force sufficient to compel him to obedience. Demos- thenes spoke on this occasion,not so much in defence of the general aa against the policy recommended by hia adversaries. His oration is tbat On iht Chcrtonttut. His object is to show that the real question which the people had to consider was, not whether Diopithes had acted well or ill, but how tlicymight best guard against the danger with which they were threat- ened by Philip's ambition. He wishes to make it appear tbat Diopithes had as much right to assist the Thracians as Philip to attack them ; for,though it was not Attic ground that Philip had invaded, there could be no doubt that he was lighting in Thrace for the mastery of Ath- ens. In other respects Diopithes had only fol- lowed the example of all the Athenian generals who bad ever commanded mercenary troops; for none had ever scrupled to levy contribuliona from the cities of the coast of Asia, But even ifit were admitted that Diopithes had violated law and justice, the people could at any time both put a stop to his misconduct and punish him for it ; but, in the present posture of af- fairs, 10 disband the troops he had collected, or even to weaken his authority and credit by an eipression of their displeasure, wotild be to in- flict an irreparable injury on themselves, Philip was then wintering in Thrace with a large ar- my ; and he was crediblyreported lo have sent for a great additional force from Macedonia and Thesaaly. As soon as the Etesian winds set in he might lay siege to Byzantium, which would then assuredly come to its senses again, and call upon Athens for succour ; but if their armament was withdrawn from the Hellespont, and these succours were to be brought at that season from Athena, they might arrive loo late ; or, in the same case, what was there to prevent Philip from falling immediately on the Cherso- ir, ad litaiiiD"avrva traaiTart. ti wJuiovat irratnr' i/ttlrwrir xpii^y ijtraHBafvtrt P" * Phihjipi,Biriat., k A. twia, add to hm rHTkttedthe utiKcnt "^11^] ibiful DOlT th" il tm* nlMB wlm Philipwu u'" will Bj^ utinm. t FUlipiii. Ep""^ * *" 140 HISTORY OP GREECE. reBUB " from carrying the war into the neigh- iMurliiKKi of Atlica, and renewing his attempts on Megara and Eubten, where he wns atreaOy but tmi powerfun Prudence requiredthat, in- stead of disbanding and dishearteningtroops of which they had such urgent need, they should raise more to re-enforce them, and should sup- ply iheir commander with money, which would relieve him from the necessity of eitorting it elaewhere. They ought to be aware that Philip was the implacableenemy of a slate to which all tbe other Greeks naturally looked up as a champion of freedom ; and that, whether far or near, every blow he struck was aimed "t Ath- ens. They must make up their minds to great BBcrificesand hard struggles, for thia waa tbe [nee of liberty and hoDour, and not listen to the slavish counsels of those who only calcula- ted the expense of a war. It was high time to make a stand against their insidious and rait- less foe : if they waited for a declaration of war from him, they might see him first " as had been the ca"e with Olynlhus and Phene" at their gales. The sum of the orator's advice is, that they should decree a war-tax, keep up their army " correcting, nevertheiess, any abuses which they might discover " aod send ambas- sadon to every quarter, to awaken the other Greeks to a sense of the common danger, and to obtain all the help that could be procured. Above all,they must restrain the venality of their counsellors by rigorouspunishments, Tliere might then be a chance of better days ; otberwise he saw no possibility of delireranoe, Diopithes retained his command, and it may be presumed, after such a mark of bis sover- eign's approbation, was not much more circum- spect in his conduct. There can be no doubt that be bad givan cause for justcomplaint, and that, in his invasion of Thrace at least, if not in his hostilitieswiUi Cardia, he had violated both the tetter and the spirit of tbe treaty with Philip. The wisest,aa well as the most hon- ourable course would have been to disavow his proceedings and remove him from his com- mand. I^mosthenes, we may be sure, would have been very willing that an armament should have been sent under another gen Eral to supply his place ; but he knew tbat a decree to ibia effectwould probably be only so far executed as to disarm Diopithes, and to leave tbe Athe- nian interests near the seat of war unprotected. How far be was misled by the fallacy of his own reasoning, which appears to a modern reader flagraotly aophistical, we cannot deter- mine. His view, however, of the perilouspo- sition of his country is not the less sound, and may be admitted as sn excuse for some indis- tinctness of ideas as to the precise line of sep- aration between olfensive and defensive meas- ures. Philip's movements, during the greater part of the year following tbe delivery of this Speech, are involved in great obscurity. He did not make any hostile demonstration against Byzantium at the season mentioned by Demos- Iheoes ; and we are at some loss to gucaa how he was employed during the greater part of 341, unless It was in providing for the security of his coDquesls and Dewly-formed settlements in Thrace. No visiblechaiwe appears to have taken place in the state ofanaira,when Demm- tbenes made another appeal to the people, sim- ilar t" that which had been occaaioned by tbe' affair of Diopithes. but in a tone of siill graver warning and more stirring exhortation. The object of this spfcch " Ihe third Philippic " is simply to rouse the Athenians to action. What may have been its immediate occasion " wheth- er an application which had been made by their citizens in the Chersonesus for protection' " we do not know. The orator would be suffi- ciently urged by- the intelligence of Philip's warlike preparations, and by the approach of the season for a new campaign. He sets out with the startling assertion that, though in every assemblythey had held sinco the peace, Philip'senterprises had been the grand subject of discussion, and none could deny the necessity of curbing and humbling him, their affairsconldnot have been in aworaa condition if ithad been tbe ei(Hcs8 object of all tbeir deliberations to ruin them. For this Uiero may have been many causes i but it was to ba ascribed chiefly to the orators,who, eithra- be- cause their inSuence dependedon Ihe continu- ance of peace " an allusioni probably, to Eubulua " or throughparty malice and jealousy, labour- ed to defend Philip, and represented Ibose who- endeavoured to counteract his designs aa ths authors of war. Iftbe people looked at action* rather than words, tbey must be convinced that Philiphad, in fact, been waging war against them from the veiy beginning of the nominal peace ; end they bad seen but too many ezaio- ples^-BB in the case, among others, of Olynthn* and the Phocians " how little dependancewas to be placed on his pacificprofessions. With. Athens it was much more bis interest to dis- semble as long as their patience or credulity lasted. Wonderful,indeed, had been the growth of his power; and, in tbst distracted state of Greece, wbat remained for him to do, to main himself maater of the whole, was less than be had already done. But still more wooderflil was the license whicb bad hitherto been grant- ed to him, as if by universal consent " such as had never been assumed by either Athens or Sparta in tbeirmost flourisbtng period " of deal- ing with the lives,fortunes. Taws,and liberty of Greeks as he would ; and this, which would have been intolerable even in a Greek state, was permitted to a barbarian, whose people bad always been accounted vile even among barba- rians. This could never have happened ifIhe ancient spirit of honour and patriotism had not so fkr degenerated that it bad almost ceased to be a reproach to publicmen to selland to be sold. Again,attempts were made 19 underrate PhiU ip'spower, which had been represented as less formidable than that of the Laccdsfraonians when they were at tbe head of the Peloponne- sian confederacy. These reasonera forgot the differeoce of the times and the modes of war- fare ; the difference between the militaryoper- ations of a league which could only keep its forces, all heavy-armed citizens, together dn- ring a short summer campaign, and those of a. monarch, who could take the field at allson- Bons, with a host of lighttroops, and who posh- ed his conquests by means of gold and intrigues, endues unknown to the ancient simplicity and virtue. From such an enemy they could only M oft ST. ATHENIAN EMBASSIES." SIRGE OF 8ELYHBRIA. 141 t" safe while theykept him at " distance, aitd took advantag^e or the nature of bis coDDtrj, which lay so pecaliarly open to the altacka of a mariiime power. They should take wanting, while it WBB yet time, from the fate of so Toaay cities, which had perishedthrough the readi- neaa with which the people had lent an ear to dishaneit oounsellora. If they asked what svaa to be done, his replywas, that they muat try to unite the Greeks in a eetieral league against Philip.They must send embassies, not only lo Peloponneans" where the last had not been Irnitlesa " but to Rhodes and Chios (the old al- lies of Byzantium], and eveti to the Persian kin(, who was likewise concerned in checking Philip's progreaB. Bnt, above all, it was neces- sary that, while they e^ed upon othera for this purpose, they should set them an example by their own preparatioos, and should spare nei- ther money, nor ships, nor personal advice in a struggle in which they had most to lose, and in which it became them to take the lead. One part, at least, or this advice appears to have been taken. We do not know what other "mbsssieB were sent, though it is probable that Demosthenes was employed at this time in some of his many missions ; but a negotiation was certainlyopened with the Persian- court, most likelythrough some ofthe satraps of West- em Asia ;* a measure which afTorded a topic lor moch plausible declamation to the orators of the Macedonian party, who a^ctcd lo talk "f the Persian king as the common enemy of Greece, t A passage in a letter, which we shall soon have to notice again, of Philip lo the Athe- nians, renders it not improbable that Philip was induced by these diplomatic movements to send another embassy to Athens, which was attend- ed, at Ilia request,by the ministers of all his al- lies, for the purpose, as he professed, of coming to an agreement abont the Greeks " that is,per- hspa,OH nil matters as to which he was at va- riance with the Athenians ; and this may have been the occasion onwhich Demosthenes boasts of having extorted the approbatiotk even of the foreign oiinisters by his confutation of PytfaoD.t Philip mi^t hope by this step to gain credit with the Oreeka at large for good intentions, and to counteract the efforts of the Athenian envoys. Possibly it may have led him to delay the opening of the next campaign. If so, De- mosthenes accomplished one of the objects which he mentions in the third Philippic, as likelyto be attained by the proposed negotia- tions, that of gainingtime, which, as he ob- serves, in a contest between a state and one man, was not useless. Nevertheless,as it was easy to foresee that this discussion would end as so many bad ended before, there can be no doobt liiat Philip both continued his prepara- tions wi^ut intermi scion, and did not let the aammer pass before he began the expedition, which he was known to be meditating,against tbe Greek cities north of the Hellespont. In the interval be semis to have sent his fleet to recover Haloaoetus from the Peparethians, who had taken posseasion of it,and to ravage their own island by way uT punishment for the ohsti- nacy with which they had refused to restois the other, and the prisonersthey took in it. They complained at Athens of the treatmMtt they had suQered, and an Athenian gcneialwm ordered to make reprisals on Macedonia.* Diodorus concludes bis abort account of Philip'sexpedition to Thrace with the worda, " Wherefore the Greek cities (on the Thraciaa coast),having been released fron^ their faara [of Cersobleptea), entered with the greatest readincaa into alliance with Philip, "t In any other writer one might be surprised to find that the transaction in Philip's history, which he re- lates next, is thus described : " Philipgrawinf more and more powerful, marched against Pe- rinlhus, which was beginningto oppose him, and to lean towards the Athenians."! We hap- pen, indeed, to know that Perinthus was not the firstof these cities against which he tnrned bis arms ; that he firstlaid siege to Selymbria, which lay on the coast of the Propontis, be- tween Perintims and Byzantium. But we are not infonned what was the occasion or pretext of his hostilitiea against elUior. Both were in alliance with Byzantium^ but Philip had not yet come to an open rupture wltli the latter city, if we may relyon a statement of Demos- thenes, wliich implies that he only declared war against It just before he besiegedit.^ It aeems most probablethat,as his expedition was ud- douliicdly viewed liy the Greek cities in tbia quarter with very difTercnl feelings from those which Diodorus attributes to thenv they did not rest mere passivespectators of his progreaSi but endeavoured in some way or other to op- pose it, either by succours ftrnished to tbe Thracian princes, or by some co-operation with Diopithcs. While the siege of Selymbria waa proceeding, an Athenian squadron of twenty 4)iips was sent under the command ofLaotae- don, with the avowed object of bringingcum front the Hellespont to Lemnos, Pliillp wu apprized of its approach, and suspecting " per^ haps with good ground" that it was designed to relieve Selymbria, ordered his admiral Arayn- tas to intercEipt it ^ and it was accordingly car- ried into a Macedonian port. As the decree under which Laomedon had sailed related only to the professedpurposeof his voyage, itis pos- sible that the seiiure may have appeared to the people in general an unprovoked outrage, and have excited vehement indignation.Tb"!rcfore, perhaps, it was that Eubulus himself proposed, to send an embassy to Philip, to demand satis- faction, and to learn whether any blame wa* imputed to Laomedon. Three envoys were sent, who brought back a letter from Philip, in which he told the people that they must be very simple if they supposed he was not aware that the ships had been sent for the reliefof Selym- bria, though Laomedon had received no publio orders to that eRect,and had only acted in Be,- cret concert with some individuals " magis- trates and private citizens" who desired to jtio- dlB a war by which they hoped to profit. He "hill;"pi. eplil,til. tITi., 71. t )t Cur.," 109,ftaMr ta Oft't M"" iTi.,74. 143 HISTORY OF GREECE. would reetore the Bhips, and, ir the Athenian! would check their evil counBellnrB, would en- deavour, on his part, lo preserve the peace,* Setymbriaappears to huve fallen either lo- wardB the end of 341. or very early in the en- Buingspring; and Philip then proceeded to lay siege to Perinlhua. He expected, perhaps, that this would prove an easier conquest than By- zantium, and would aid him greatly in the re- " duclion of the latter place. It was. however, extremelystrong by nature " being builton an isthmus, in the form of a theatre,on a series of terraces rising from the sea. which washed it on two aides-" and well fortified.! The co-op- eration of a fleet waa necessary for the aiege. and the Macedonian admiral was ordered Co sail into the Propontis. It was, however, discov- ered or suspected that the officer, probably Chares, who commanded an Athenian squadron in the Hellespont, was preparing, in concert with Diopilhes, to oppose hia passage through the straits, and had called upon the Byxantians for sid.t In this intelligence or aunniBe. Philip found a preleit for sending a body of troops into the Chersooesus to protect (be passage of hia fleet ; and, of course, did not withdraw them after this had been effected. Perinlhiis, however, made an obstinate resistance. Though Philip's army waa too atVong to be met in the field.It appears that the besieged were not driven within their walla without a hard strug- gle ;4 and when the engines had made a breach in the outer encloaare which admitted the Macedonians into the town, they had only reached the foot of a new rampart, loftierand ihQie solid than the last, fonned by a line of bouHea Blanding on higherground, and con- nected togetherbj walU carried across the in- tervening atree^; and this but the lowest range in a series of aimilar barrtera. Never- theless, Pbihp'ssuperiority in numbers, and, perhaps, we may add, in artillery of the newest invention,might have enabled him to overcome all these obstaoles if the city had been left to its own resources. But it waa supplied with troops and ammunition by the Byzantiana; and the Persian court, roused perhapsby the repre- sentations of Athena, ordered the satraps of the western coast to make the most sireni exertions in its behalf; and Philip could preveot them from inlruducing a body of i cenaries,together with arms, money, provis- ions, and stores of all kinds. He now found tiiedifficullieaof the undertaking so much in- creased, that he resolved to try a new expe- dient. The submission of Byzantium would probably involve that of Perinthas, and was itselfmuch more important. He therefore t vided hiB army ; left one half under aome " his ablest generids, to carry on the siege of Pe- rinthus,and with the other marched against Byzantium. His appearance was unexpected, and the city, having made great eflorta for the defence of Perinthua, was but ill-prepared to sustain a siege. Yet itwaa not dismayedby the king'sthreats, and refused to purcbaae its safety on the terms he proposed, which seem to have been, that it ehoidd en ' h deftnaife atid olKoai*e, with hin. Philipimmediatelybegan to invest it on the land aide, and probablybroughtup a part ofhis val force to blockade its port. While Philip was thuB occopledon the coast of Thrace, the Athenians had been gaining some iportantadvantages nearer home. Abonl the me time that the Macedonian party was over- powered in Megara,a aimilar taction at Eretna prevailed over ita advetaaries, and expelled them from the city. It seems that they then made a stand in Porthmns, the Eretrian Pircus ; for a Macedonian general, Hipponicua, who was int with 1000 mercenaries lo the aid of their lemies, razed itswalls to the groiuid. Three of Philip's partisans, Hipparchus,Automedon, and ClitarchuB, then shared the government for a while among thera ; but repeatedattempts were made to dislodgethem, which induced Philip to aend first Eurylochus, and afterward Parmenio, with fresh re-enforcements. The supreme power seems to have remained at laat with Clitarchns alone. It has been alreadymentioned, that when lilip was threatening Ambracia, the Athenian goiiators in Peloponnesus were aupported in their attempts to bring about a confederacy against him by Callias of Chslcis Callias, it appears, aimed at reducing Eubsa under hia own Buthority ; and, as he could not expect Fhilip'B concurrence in Ibis design,planned a. leagueamong allthe citiesof the tslajd Icr the protection of their independence.They were to send their deputies to a congress in Chalcis, where he mightexpect that they would be, in a great meaaure, subject to his influence. De- mosthenes entered intothis scheme, which held prospect of a permanent barrier against the Macedonian aacendency, and induced the people not only to consent to it, but to transfer the yearly contributions which they received fromEretriaeandOreus toChalcis. Clilarchus. it seems, wished,notwithstanding his connex- ion with Philip, to keep qn good terms with Athens, and was so far considered as her ally, that an embassy was sent to him aa well as to the people of Oreus,to obtain his compliance; the project, however " which ."Bchines* repre- sents aa a signalproof of dishonesty in Demos- thenes, because the Athenian treasury was lo lose a revenue of ten talents through it" felllo the ground : perhaps partly in conaequenoe of a revolution which took place not long after in Oreus, where the Macedonian faction, with the help of Parmenio, became predominant. Their most active opponent waa that EuphrBua, Pla- to's scholar, who has been already mentionedt as a favourite of Ferdiccas, and as havinggiven great offence to the Macedonian nobles and generals by his injodicions zeal for leamii^. He ventured to impeachPhilistides, tbe leader of the adverse faction, and aome ofhls frionds, for treason ; hut they were already so power- ful, that they were able lo throw him into pris- on aa a mover of sedition. Soon afterParme- nio appeared with his forces before the gates : they were opened lo him by treachery ; aitd Philiatides, with four colleagues, assumed the government. The disaftectedwere banished or put to death. Euphrsus,according lo De- mosthenes, killed himself: another accoant " Ct".,t IIXL ",?.". . ..Cioogic EXPEDITION TO EDB(E A. "MACEDONIAN MANIFESTO. liS "tBte* ihat be fell a Tioiim to Pumenio's in- Telerate hatred.' ThuB two of the principal cities of the ieUnd were in tbe hands of Philip's creatures when he eel out on hia Tbracian ezpedilion. De- moaihenes. in bia ^pe"cbon tbe atTairof Diopi- (hes,reproaches the Atbemaaa, in the name ol the other Gnteka, with supiaeneas for allowing Ibis state uf thingH to continue so long, while Philip was engaged at a distante. the course of the next aotumn (341), be carried a decree for an expedition to Eubcea. Clilar- chue and Philiatides, despairing of timelj aid from Pbilip, endearoured to avert tbe danger by nn embassy to Athens, where Xat^ioBa hd- tertained tht;ir envoys in his house, and perhaps pleaded their cause. t But the expedition waa sent, and under the cotnmand of Phocioo, who expelled tbe tyrants from both cities. Yet the chief merit of this success aeeina to bave been ascriheti lo Demosthenea, for he was honoured with a golden crown ; and ^schines blDiself, by the pains be takes to exhibit Ibe a"bir of Calliasin the worst Ugbt,seeim tacitly to ac- knowledge the value of bia rival's services to- wards tbe recovery of the islaad. This stroke was followed up by another. A squadron under the command of CaUiaa " whether the Cbaloidi- is not known " sailed into the Galf of Pagass, took all tbe town* on the coast, seized the mer- cbani-ships bound lor Macedonia, and sold the crews as olavea. Decrees were pUMd, Inr wbich tbe peoplepraised him for these proceM' ings ; but it does not seem that ihey had been previouslyautboriied,even if Callias was in- deed the general, and not simply an independent ally of the conuoon wealth. It was now manifest that Ibe name of peace coold not be much longerpreserved between two powers whose mutool relations and meas- nrea were so decidedly hostile. Philipprobably received intelligence which convinced him that a war with Athens was unavoidable : he can- not have supposedthat reasonings or expostu- lations could now alter tbe course of tbe Athe- nian policy; jet, as it appears, witbaut any fresh occasion, he sent a manifesto,in the form of a letter,to the people,complaining of tbe acts by which Ihej had violated the treaty. There can be littledoubt Ihat his object in tins remonstrsnce was partly lo impress the wtiuto of Greece with a favourable opinion of hia own good Ihith,patience, and moderation, but chiefly to aSbrd materials and arguments for the ora- tots who would plead bis cause at Athena, whose e"brta, even thuugb they should not avert Uie war, might procure a delay, which at litis juncture would have been extremely con- The genuinenesa of Ihia paper has been ques- tioned, but, it seems, without any good ground. It was very likely drawn up by Philiphimself, and may be eonsidered as a fair specirnen of the correctness and elegance with whioh he wrote the language ; nor does itcontain anything un- suited to his circumstances, or unworthy ofhia reputation as a statesman. He begins with a complaint that the many eti.bassies which he had sent for the mainte- tlifl. nance of the peace had all provedIruitless, and assigns this as the reason wbich had determined him lo exhibit the injuries he had mfTer^d rrom them in one clear statement. He firel alleges that a herald named Nicias had been carried off* from bis domiaions lo Athens, and that the people, instead of punishing this outrage, had detained Nicias ten months in custody, and had ordered the letters with which he was charged ' ~ be read from the bema.' lliey had permit- sanctioned the inroads made upon his territoiy by Diopithea, the aeisure of Amphilochus, and lite aggrsBsious of Callias onthecoastof Thes- saly" all breaches of the treaty,and, in part, oT (he law of nations,such as they tbemselvea had made a capital ground of implacable resent- ment in their quarrel with Megara. His next bead of complaini is the embas^ which bad been sent to invite tbe Persian king into a leagueagainst him. He reminds them that not many years before,when nimoura were spread of a Persian invasion, Ihey had resolved, ifitshould be needful, to call upon him for aid against the barbarian. He attempts to shame Ihem by the example of their forefathers, who had treated the application which the Pisistrs- tids made for Persian snooours, as one of tbeir gravest ofifences. Hevindicfltes his right to make warnnTerea "nd Cersobleptes. and shows that Ihey had no olsim on the Athenians for assistance, since CersDhteples had'notbeen included in the trea- ty " had, in fact,been rejected by their own gen- erals when he wished to be admitted into it" - and Teres had been then in alliance with Ma- cedonia. They might as well have expected that those who expelledEvagora"fromCyprus, and Dionysiua from Sytacuse, should have con- sented to restore ihsni to power, because each had receivBd the Athenian franchise, as that he should give up hia conquests In Thrace, merely because Ihey had chosen to adopt Teres and Cersobleptes. Having defended his conduct in the aflhint of Cardia and Pepareihus. he proceeds to com- plain of the hostilities by which he had been compelled to send his troops into the Chersone- BUB for the protection uf his Heel, and lakes credit to himself for the forbearance he had irthelesashown to them, when itwas in his power to invade their territory, and In inflict great damage on their navy, ifnot lo take tbeir Tbe instance in which they had perhaps dis- playe.1 the most shameful disregard even of the appearance of equity, waa when thoy rejected Ibe proposals made by his ministers and those of all his allies, to secure tbe independence of Kher Greek states. And in this instance IS evident how widely the intercBts of the people differed from those of tbeir orators. To the people it would have been advantageous U" have come to an amicable settlement of this question : not so to the orators. To them, as he had been iaformed on good authority, peace waa war, and war peace ; for they drew an un- failing revenue from the generals, whom they DODj; them ni nns ^incUd In Olrupw : Ulii llw ,glc lU HISTORY OF GREECE. "ither "u^'ortedor thntatened with calamnious eharEes, and gainedpopaJarit}' as rriendeorde- nwcracy by inceaaant abuse of their mosi emi- nent feilow-ci[|z"nB, and of the moat iUustrious ftreigners. He coald. indeed,at a small peose, easily hate stopped th" inTectives theae men againsthimseir, and have tamed ' litem into praise. Bat be seamed to parchase tbe good-will of the people from such peraoni men who were even shamelesa enough to -claim to AmphipoIIs,notwiihstsnding the title which he inherited (hrni his ancestor Alexander, who had conquered the site of tbe citydaring the Peratan inraaion, and that which he him- self bad acquiredhy the fortune of war, and wbi"h tfaey thsBMelTee had conOnned by the lut treaty. "These," bo oonohriM, "are the ebargea I have against3roQ: and aince my forbearance baa onlyencouraged yon to peraeTere more actively in your ai^esaions, and to do allthe barm you "an to me, I will assert my justoaose by foroe -Of arms, and appealing to the gods as my wit- nesses, will bring our controversy to an issue." This language amounted tea declaration of "War, and yet did not absolutelypreclude frash negotiations.Deimiethenes, however, prevail- "d on the people not to defer a measure which tiiey would slillfind to be unavoidable,when it could no lon(!er be useful to tliem,but to accept Philip's ohatlenge while they had so fair a pros- pect of victory. He carried a decree which di- rected that the column containing the treaty with Philip should be taken down, that a fleet ahould be equipped, and all other preparationa for war vigorously made.' The immediate ob- jeel of this armament waa, of course, to relieve Byzantium. BItt so deep had been (he aliena- tion producedby tbe Social War between the two cities, that itwas doubtful,as Demoathenee JBliniates.t whether the Byiaalians would con- sent to accept succours from Athens. He him- self, it appears, undertook an enbaasy forthe purpose of forming an alliance with them.t Yet, when he had effected this object, the fhiil "f bia negotiation had vrellnjgh been lost, tliTOugh factious intrigues and mismanagement. Chares had so much interest as to procure him- Hlf to be appointed to the command of the ex- pedition. It was scarcelypossible to have made a more unhappy choice ; for, besides his general defects of character and capacity, he WB8 tbe very man who, above all othera, had provoked the enmity of the Byzanlians, and con- tributed to kindle the Social War.4 The curt- snqnence was thst allhis operations failed : the ^lies to whose aid he was sent dreaded him aearcely less than they did the enemy, and re- Itased to receive him ; and he employed bis for- "ea to exact ietKvolenca " that was the Attic term for tbis kind of robberyB " from the de- Anceless. It may easily be snpposed that Chares, in Ilis despatches, laid the Mame of his miscarria- 5 -a on the distrust of the Bytantians; and the thertians were at first almost ss indignant at tfae atlVont as when their troops were dismissed ' i Df Civ . t 30*. Thnvh lb* cBtsMV Inn vaaiinnai] vijr luwe mUii plan k li'ile "i1irr. i Et* nu. b. 81. I DiniQMli..[!"dHTKO. tU.#".if jiiinficj,jdn". by the Spartans liom the siege of Ithotne. They were inclined fo recall tbejr forces,and to leave the Byzantiansto their fate ; but Phocion pointed out the real cauae a{ their failure,and the juat motives which their allies had for sns- pieioa. The peofde was still capalde of listen- log to truth,Uiougfa harshlyexpressed. It de- creed a fresh armament, and appointedPhocion himself to the supreme command. This ap- pears to have been very expeditiously fitted ont, and when itjohied the oSier,theyamount- ed together to ISO sail. They carried heavy- armed troops, who were AtfaeniaD ciliseno, arais, and provisions.Phooion,00 bis arrival at Byuntiam, cDoaioped widuiHt tbevrallB,and His fame,however, bad gone before Um, and it cbanoed that Cleon,one "f tbe leadingcitisens, had been his bosom eoaipaaioaat Athnu when tfaey Btndied together in the groves of Acade- mus. He undertook to answer for Pbocion's good faith, and the Atbenians were admitted into the city, where they won universal good- will and esteem, as well by their leal and bra- very as by tlieir orderly behaviour.* Philipwas forued to raise tbe aiege both of Byzantium and Perinthus :t bia troops were driven out of the Ohersonesus ;t and Phocion not onlycaptured several of bis ships, but landed on many parts of the coast,expelled the Macedonian garrisons from some of tbe towns, and made destructive inroads into the iatenor. I none of these be was so severely wovnded asi to be obligedto retmm It was Ion? since Athens bad seen herveli' standing ia t.i proud a position. Her restless eseaiy, lotwii^tanding his vfotorious cam- paigns, bad been baffled io his ttain attempts at Megara, in Eubaa, and in tbe west of Orsece, and had now been conqdetely defeated in the most importantenterprise be bad yet an- dertaken. The glorywas almost all bar own, though Chios, Coe, Rhodes, and aocne other staiea had sent suocoars to Bysantimn. By- aantinm and Perinthus expreaaed their gralitode by a. jointdscree, which confierred the amplest privileges of iaopolityon tbe Athenians, and di- rected that a pvup of three oolosaal stataes should be erected in Byiantium,repreaentiag the Albeoian People lecaiving a crown froin eacb of the rescued cities ; and Uiat a solemn deputation should be sent to ea^ of tbe four publicgames of Greece to proclaim the benefits they had received, and the hoouum with which, they had requited them. A goldeD crown, of the value of sixtytalents, and an altar cottae- oraled to Gratitude and tbe Athenian People, were decreed by tbe colonists of Ssstns,GIbus, Madytus, and Alopeoonnesus. It seems probable that the suecesB of the ex- pedition was, in a great oieaaure, due to De- mosthenes, iwt only a" tbe mover of the de- whicb ordered it, but still more on ac- REGULATION OF THE TRIBRARCHY." PHILIP IN 8CVTHU. 14S count of a law which he procnred to be passed nearly "t the same time, and which efTccted a moBi importaal reform in the naval service of AthecB., Down to Ihia time a regulation had Btibsisted. which aflbrde a remarkable Instance how, even under the most purely democratical inatitutioDs, the grossestinjustice may be aa- thorited by the laws in favour of the wealthy. The citizens who were liable to tbe charges of the Irierarchy were distribnted into classes, each of sixteen members, without an; respect to difference of fortune. By the existing law these sixteen were made to contribute equally to the expense of one galley. Demosthenes bad attempted at an evher period to remedy this abase, which was, of course, cherished by many powerful patrons. We do not know whether his proposal was rejected, or whether neans were found to evade the execution of ^, The evil seems, at least, to have been as Trying as ever, when the necessity of a vigor- )us effort in behalf of Byxantinm enabled him :o carry his plan. Its object was to distribute he whole burden of the trierarchy with ref- erence not to persons, but to property; so that he part which fellon each contributor should le in exact proportion to his means. Demos- hencs himself spoke with exultation of the luccess of his measure ;* and the chargesby "hich his adversaries endeavoured to detract ront his merit are hardlyintelligible, and are ho less deserving of notice,as they do not " I impeach the equity and utility of the CHAPTER XLVI. m.t A Gbbbx wbo had been watching the course "f Plulip'B morementa most have been sar- lisad to hear that, after having raised the lieges of Byzantium and Perinthns,on which le bad spent so much time and money, if not [lan; Uvea ; after having been driven out of he Cherscmesns ; and when bis own teiritO' ies were nnfl^ngfrom the enemy's inroads, ostead of makiog any attempt to retaliate on he Athenians, as he had boasted it waa al- rays in hia power to do, bis next enterprise 'ta an expedition against tbe Scythians. The lotivea assigned for this expedition seemed y no means urgent. Atheas,kingoftbeScyth- ms, pressed by the tribes on the banks of the lannbe, had soughtaid,through the mediation f the Greeks of Apollonia, from Philip, and a ody of troops bad been sent to support him. That the Scythianpromised, in return for his elp, to adopt him as heir to his throne, sonnds ardly credibie. The danger,however, which hreatened the Scythians had .ceased before heir allies arrived ; and Atheas sent them ack with an insulting message, by which he isclaimed all connexion with Philip.Philip, ,(333. UnlMi, iadHd, thu ]" " 43, chu^t D"4VxUll Dfllj to aoMfma " Blladti ui th" prop ;h h"Tiiifn])"u"dl7 itis said, then demanded compensation fortha cost of their march, which was likewise scof- Sngly refused. He was now bent on revenge ; and, after he had withdrawn from Byiantium, sent an embassy to Alheas, with a requeat that be might be allowed to erect a statue of Her- cules at the mouth of the Danube, which he had " vowed during the siege. The sagacious bariui' rian replied, that if tbe statue waa brought to bim he would set it up, and would engage to protect it, but he would not let an army cross his border; and if Philip should come anderect it by force, he should Snd,on his retuni, that Uib brass had been melted down to point the Scyth- ian arrows. On this challengePhihp led his army across the Danube, defeated the Scythians by a straugem, and carried away an tmmeiise booty of flocks,herds, and slaves. The plam between the Danube and the Bal- kan was at this periodoccupiedby the Tribal- lians, who had been not long before forced ont of their ancient seats in the interior by the ir- on of the Celts.* Seeing that Philip's march was encumbered by the spoil, they de- manded a share as the price of his passagB through their country. This he refused, and a battle ensued, in which he was so severel;^ wounded that a reportspreadthrough the field of his death ; and the conatemalion thus caus- ed in his army enabled the enemy to carry off all the booty. The motive to which Jostiu attributes thia campaignmay, probablyenough, have had stnna weight with Philip. It is, that the expense of tbe siege had drained his coffbrs, and that he sought to replenishthem, partlyby piracy and partlyby the plunder of the Scythians. What Justin terms piracymay have been open and legitimate warfare against tbe maritime statea, particularly the islands, which had sided with Byzantium. It is said to have recruited bis finances with the sale of 170 prizes. But thera is reason to believe that this was, at least,not the only or the cbief motive of his SCythian ex- pedition. Events which took place in Qreeee, while he waa thus engaged, raise a very strong suspicion that hia principal object was to divert the attention of the Greeks for a while front himself, and to lullthem into security aa to his designs. In the spring of this year (3S9), .Xschines had been appointed, with three others, to rep- resent Athens in the Amphictyonic counciL Among bis colleagues, one was that same Mei- dias who has been already mentioned as a vio- lent enemy of Demosthenes. The office seems always to have been accounted of little impor- tance ; and itwas probably not difficultfor any party to fillit with their own adherents. De- moslhenes, who had himself held it some tima before,intimates that the election of Machines was effected by some such intrigues.Diogne- tus was tbe hieromnemon. Tbrasycles the third pylagoras ; nothing farther is known of their political bias, .f^Echines informs us that, en their arrival at Delphi. Meidias and DiognelUH were preventedby iQness from attendingtho council ; but that be himself had received no- tice, from persons wcU disposed towards Ath- ens, that it was the intention of tbe deputies from Ampbissa to charge the Athenians with "."""'^""CTioglc U6 HISTORY OF GREECE. ^ proftneneglect of a religioiis eeremoii;^, and to demand thai tbey shouM be pumahed with a fine of fifty talents. A new chapel, it seems, liadbeen built at Delphi,and, before it was fin- ished or consecrated, tbe Athenians had dedi- cated there some golden shields" perhaps in tbe place of others which bad been removed 'during the Sacred War " with an inscription commemorating their ancient victory over the Persians and "niebana. j^schines insinuates that the Tbebans, who were affronted by this inscriplioo, had instigated the Locriaus of Am- phissa to seize this pretext for graliiying their revenge. Why Ihey should have chosen (hem aa Uieir inslmments, instead of directly exert ing their owa iailiience, does not appear. But there was, according to .fschinea, a very strong motive to withhold tbe Locrians from making such an attach on Athens ; since,as he aaserts, they were themselves conscious tliat they bad incurred tbe penalties of sacri- lege, and had even bribed Demosthenes, when he was sent as pylsgoras, and some of his col- lea^es, to hnsh up the matter, and to espouse t"cir cause at Athens, if they should be Itareat- ened with a prosecution. It seems Uiat,after the subjugation of the Phocians. the Locrians had taken poaaession of the land which had aflbrded the pretext for the Sacred War, and continued to cultivate it for their own benefit, relying, perhaps, on the coDiuvance of tbe states with which they had co-operatedagainat the common enemy. If they still dreaded the enmity of Athens, it seems strange that they should have wantonly povokcd it, and no less so that they should have thoQghtto screen theraselvea by bribing afew of her Amphictyonicdeputies,.fscbines, however,himself,accordingto hts own state- ment, had not at firstintended to denounce their impiety, but was only induced to take this stepby an unexpected provocation. The bie- romnemoD, to whose office, perhaps, it would have morejiroperlybelonged to vindicate the Xthenians In the business of the shields,sent for him, and begged him to undertake the task. He had himself purposed to do so, and had be- gun to plead with great earnestness, when he was interrupted by an Ampbissian deputy, in ride and intemperatelanguage,telling the as- semblj that theyought not to tolerate the name of the Athenians, but to exclude Ihem from the holy ground, as laden with the same curse as their allies the Phocians, Then, jEschines says, he could no longer contain himself, and it occurred to him to direct the attention of the audience to the sacrilegious cultivation of the devoted plain, studded with rural buildings, and to the stale of the harbour of Cirrta,which, thoughit had been solemnly doomed to perpet- ual desolation, was in completerepair, and fre- quented by ships: objects which were within Tiew from the place oi" meeting. He reminded them of the dreadfulcurses which had been pronounced, after the first Sacred War, on all who should either do what the Locrians had done,or should connive at it. Roused by this appeal, the council became impatientto punish the offenders. A proclamationwas made that "ery day, summoning all the Delphians who were of mihtary age, and not only the freemen, but elaves,to meet tbe next morning at day- 1 break, with ^ades and pickaxe* ; and notice was given to all the members of tbe council to lend their aid in behalf of the god and his land. The next day, this motleycrowd, headed by the Amphictyons, marched down to the sea- aide, demolished tbe mole of the harbour, and set fire to the acljacent houses. But as they returned from this piouswork,they were met by the Locrians, who had issued, with their whole force, from Amphissa for the protection of their property, and narrowlyescaped friun tbeir vengeance by a precipitate fiight to Del- phi.* The day after, Coltyphus, the president of the council " a Pharsaliant either by birth or settlement " convoked the Amphictyonicec- clcaia, an assembly composed nearly of tbe same persons whose lives had been ao recently threatened. There, says ."schiaes " and this we can easily believe " many accusations were broughtagainst tbe Amphissians. The concdn- sion was a decree which fixed a day before the regular time of the next meeting, whOD the deputieawere to assemble at Thennopyls witb proposals, sanctioned by the states which aent them, for bringing tbe Amphissisosto justice. Such is the account which JEschines gave of this tranaaction, in a speech, dehvered several years later, in his own defence. It seems to have been his wish to inspire his hearers with a pious horror for the profaneness of the Locri- ans, and yet to represent his own impeaichment of Uiem as the salty of the moment, when in' dignation had thrown him off his guard. As to the sincerity of his piety, and his patriotic sen- sibility, we are unable to judge ; but BemoB- thenes assignsa reason, drawn from the ab- sence of a form requiredby the ordinary pro- cedure in Amphictyonic prosecutions, for re- jecting the story of the charge which the Lo- crians meant to bringagainst Athens aa a mere fiction. It is,at leaat,an assertion which, like tbe others, rests entirely on his own credit. Nor was it easy to disprove his statement aa to (he provocation he received from tbe Locrian deputy. All that is certain is, that the conse- quences were such as Philip must have desired very much to bringabout, and that fschines had previously incurred a strong suspicion of beingready to act as his instrument. Nor was it difficult to foresee them, since they were parilypredictedby Demosthenes. It may, io- deed, be pleadedinbchalfofj^schines, that the dispute with the Locrians, which he had exci- ted, might have been terminated without Phil- ip's intervention. But this would only prove Uiat, if there was a plot to call in Philip, he was not the onlyagent employed in it. j"schines and his colleagues, on their relmn to Athens, laid the decree of the Amphictyons before the people. He wishes itto be supposed that the measure, and his account of his own proceedings, were received with generalappro- bation, and that the only dissentient voice was that of Demosthenes. From DemostiieoeB, ia- 1 Xtehiin sitT,""".. t IM, mn "TinriUi"u,who ""c"iinn, Cui.. 4 1^. The AiupluctTcnJeilocn*. PHILIP GENERAL OF THE AHPHICTY0N8. 1"7 deed, ire kam that be imniediatelj excIaiDoed in the assembly, "You are bringing war inlo Attica,."3Chinei,an AfflphicCyonic war." The result is only related by ^schinee, wbo asserta tbat DemoeUiGDes cot a billto be clandestiaely passedby the Five Hundred, whicb be then hud- dled tbroughUieasaemblyjuat as ilwas break- ing up, BO that it became a decree before any one was aware of its contents, enacting that the deputies sent by Athens to the Arapbiciyon- ic council should proceed to Theiuiopylie and Del[riii at the season prescribedby bereditary usage. He adds that tbere was a clause which " fortude them to take any part in the delibera- tions,acts, and pioceedinga of the other depu- ties wbo were to assemble at Thermopylie. TboQ^, boweTer, bis statement may prove that an important measiu^ mi^bc be so carried at Albens, it is certain that it might be repealed by a crimioal proaeoution of its autlkor, which is not said to have been institutedon tbta occa- la obedieDce,however,to thisstden decree, ibe Atheoian deputies remained at Athens, while Uie council held its extraordinary meet iig. It was attended by those of all the other Hiatea except Thebes,* wbtch was neither hds- tileto Amidiissa, noi desirous of a new Sacred War. War was decreed against the Amphia- sians,aiid Cottyphuswss appointed to the com- maiad of an Amphictyonicarmy, destined to re- duce tbem to obedience. Heacnntlinglymarcb- ed with all the forces he ooold ooUeot against Ibeir city. His can^aign,according to iSscbi- aes, was prosperous ; bnt itseems aa ifhe had owed its anccess mora to Uieir intestiikediscord than to the strengtb of his army. They appear to have ofiered httle resistance, and submitted to a fine whicb the An^hiotyDaa laidaa them, to be paid by iastalmente ; hut, at the same time,one par^, which was abaigoi with the sacrilege, was forced to go into exile, and an- cttaer, c^led by .fscfaiBes the Pious, was re- stored. Peibaps this was merely a feint, made (0 gain time ; for the An^ieCyonic (broes had not long withdrawn before the exiles were re- eaUed, tbe Pious sent into banishment. Tbe fine remained unpaid; bnt, if we believe De- nuMtbenes, the enterprise totally failed through the diflieiilty whicb Cottypbus fonad in collect- ing an adequate force. Daring these transactions Philipwas stillen- gaged in his Scythianexpedition ; but he had pr^iably returned to Macedonia before the next ngidar meeting of the Amphietyons, at what- ever time we may suppose this to hsve tahcn place; for it is a disputedquestton, on whicb the language of the orators throws scarcelyany light, wbeiher the ordinary autumnal meeting ms held in 33^, or itwas meant that the extra- ordiDary one sbonld be aubstitnted for it ; so that tbe next took pboe at Delphi in the sprine of 338, It is certain,howevn, that at one of these seasons Philipwas elected general of the Amphjetyons, probably with nnlutiiled powers, and requested to carry the deorcea of the coun- cil into efihet againstAmphissa- We cannot, iodeed, draw aiqr infeienoe from this fact as to Ihe dote of Ida eommiasiMi. mtieas we lay what 0 says that after his elee- tionbe forthwith collectedbis tbroes, and maitft- ed into Greece. Even ifho bad been elected in the autumn, when we consider that he returned from Thrace severelywounded, that be had been tang absent from his kingdom, that his amy must have needed some repose, and that winter was approaching, itwnuid rather seem sttai^ if he bad not deferred an expedition in which he was to traverse a mountainous country la tbe ensuingspring. Nevertheless,it appears, on the whole, moat probable that he was not formally elected before 338. Since,however, he had good reason to calculate on this event, he had time enough to make his prepanttions, so as to be in readiness immediatelyto comply with the desire of the .^mphiotyona. We are here led to touch on another diqn- ted question, wbtch is more inportantthan the one juet considered, Diodwos relate* that, after the sieges of Byzautium aikd Perinlluw were raised,Philip made peace with tlM Atb"- nians, and the other Oreeks irtio had opposed him in the war. Tbe reader is by this time aware that such a statement, ifit rested on no other authority, would be eitiem^j qneationa- ble;and, infact,none oftbeother wrttetsfana whom we derive our knowledge of the histoij of these times takes any notice of this trans- action. Philocboms' was evidentlyigmrant ofit. The two orations of .Machines and 0"- raoBthenes, in which they professto review aU the leading occurrences of this period, are si- lent about it,though they must both hsve ta- ken an active part in the dohberattiHisconcent ing it, and it would seem that it must iMve supplied tbem with many toptoe for mutual ao- cnsaUon. It can scarcely be reeonoiled with Plutarch's account, which we have no other reason to question, of Phooion's opM^iions af- ter Che r^ef of Byzantium. In fine, the fact is in itself hardly credible. It is very uBliketr that,at the juncture mentioned by Dtcdoms, either party should have made proposals fin peace. TbcAthenianswereprobab^'toomucb elated with their success ; and for this very reason Philip would have been unwilling to make the firstadvances. Ittere is only one quarter from which (he slightest coniinnalioa can be found for the statement of Diodorua. Certain state records, cited at full length in tbe speech of Demoslheiies, and so apparently tee- ognisedby the orator himself, altuds to a treaty as still subsisting between Athens and Philip in the interval between his retom from Thrace and bis next expeditionto Greece. Attempts have, indeed, been made to explain these aBo- sions, so as to dispense with the supposition of a forma] treaty. But it seems alike clear that the peace of M6 was considered on both sides as completely at an end, and that tbe language of Demosthenes, as to the relations between the two powers, implies that it was not renew- ed before Philip's last campaign in Greece. It only remains, then, that we must reject the monaments which contain these allusions aa apuriouB ; and they are found in compauy with so many others, which are alio very sus[a- cious,t thst when opposed to every other au- ' t At Bni*cbiar bHibnm^* "4n^*Bsl7iii vfthta ia u ippudii to U" irnk- ^luha, i., p. ttl,iihn fRu Itu dtcnu dud bj DemaUloBn uu to luul ispUm 148 HISTORY OF GREBCE. thority, except the solitar; teatimony nf DjO' donUi they cannot be allowed to eland. The poiitioa. then, of Philip towarda the Alhe- niana at the beginning of 3^ was one of open boMility.They were conscious that they had provoked hii reaentment to the utmoat, and "mat have expected that he would give itTent "h aoon aa he coold find a eo"Teiiieni opporia- nity, Therefbre it was that Demosthenea ei- daimed so loudlyagainst the iiiBdi"eM or Uie treBChet^ of "aehuie", which threatened Atti- ca widi an Amphictyonic war. Without such apretext Philip, however eager Tor revenge, or li^tBtieiit of the obstacles which theyopposed to hja plana,would, it was known, find it veiy difficultto reach them. In an expeditioQ di- neted avowedly againstAttica, he could no longer retkon on the aid of the two powers lAicb had been his main suiqtort in (he Pho- cdan wai. It was doobtful even wbeUier he eodld procure the general concuirenca of the Theesalians.notwiihstanding the influence he had gained over them, in such an undertaking.* It was oertain that the Thebans would view it with fear and aversion. Since the Phocian war a great chauge had taken place in the scnti- luents with which he was regarded at Tliebes. He had, indeed, been a nsefi^ ally; but he was something more ; he was a powerfulprotector. They had received an obligation which hnmbled them, and therefbre inspired them rather with Clonsythan with gtatilnde.They could not fbel that they 1^ sunk, and that be had liaen into theirplaee. Out ofBceotia they were powerieas; within it,they owed their sover- eion^ to tuB favour. In such a mood men ea- ai^ take oO'ence, and are deeply wounded by alightprovocations. The Thebans had expect- ed that Nioa would have been ceded to them ; Philip, as we have seen, had annexed it to Thessaly. They had a claim to Echtnos, a town on the AMlan Qulf, or, aa Demosthenes intimateB,were aettially in poaseasion of it; Phihp took it away from thun.t Theae injn- riaa might not have been to grievous to them If Uiey had not been inflicted by the hand of their benefhctor. Bat, independently of these, they were not at all disposed to contribute to hie Ihrtber aggrandizement, 'nieir old grudge againstAtbraa,though stOl rankhng, b^n to appear trifling in CMnparison with these grounds Of alarm and resentment. They had already givensome intimation of the policy which they meant to poraae, when theykept aloof from the extraordinary nweting lieldon the affairofAm- phieaa. Tliis new turn of Theban polities had not es- caped cAiservation at Athens. Demosthenes and his friendswere eager to take advantage of it, and it seems that even orators who did not properlybelong to the anti-Macedonian par- ty, and who only desired peace, were not less anxious (or alliance vrith Thebes. t Several attempts, it appears, were made to effectthis Object " some, perhaps, as soon as it became known that Philipwaa appointedgeneral of the Am^ictyons " but without anccess.^ The "" * B too cautions wantonly to pro- iai laliB piKa i Wioiiwiki, Ibu k : " DniMMhtsH, Da Cot.,* fp.,ii.,i** -^ voke bis reaentment ; and be probaUy reqnimd nothing more ftmn them for the lime Ihan that they should not go over to the side of Athena. He knew that he ahould be able to negotiate with them to greater advantage when he had I army near their frontier. Very early,then, in 338 " perhaps in February he set out on bis march towuda the south, with (he professed intention of waging war with Amphissa. In Tliessaly his presence overawed all opposition, and he probably received all the re-enforcements the country could aflbrd. At ter he had crossed the ridge which aeparated tbe territory of the Epicnemidian Locrians from the vale of the Ce{duBus, )iis road rassed bj Etatea, the chief town in the east of Fhocis,aa Delphi in the west, and so situate as to com- ~" \ the defiles which are the principalen- e to Phocis and Bceotia from the north.* now. instead of proceedingwestward, he took possession of Elatea, and immediately be- o restore its dismantled fortiGcations. It an miequivoca}sign that his viewa were directed, not towards Amphissa, bat towards BtEotia and Attica. The news reached Athens probably the next evening. The prytanes, to whom it was Urat brought, were at table in their oouncit-hall, They instantlyrose, and gave orders betoken- crisis of eilraordinary and inaminenl dan- Tbe market-place was forthwith cleared of the petty traders who exposed their wares there, and the officers even set fire to their wicker stalls. Tbe generals were summoned, the trumpeter was ordered to be in attendance ; but he was hardly needed to sound an alarm through the city.t The precise nature of the dauger was probably understood by few; the generalopinionwas, perhaps, that Philip was in fullmarch for Attica, All waited impatient- ly for tlie moning. At daybreak the Five Hnit- dred were assembled, while the people flocked the Pnyx ; and the seats were already filled a cnrious and anxious multitude, before tha nncil had gone through the preliminary fonns required to introduce the haatness. At length tbe cooncil entered; the bearer of the news was produced, and made to repeat his story ; then followed the herald's invitation, Who will speak 1 An anumally longpause ensoed ; tbe herald reiterated his question ; but no one came forward out o( the crowd of oratora and official persons present, until at last Demosthe- nes mounted the bema. He himself has preserved some IragnwntB "^ the speech which he made on this occasion, or, rather,an oalline of its contents. His firstob- vas to calm tbe people's worst fears, which ^ from the suspicion that Philip was aoting ncert with the Thebans. He pointed out that, ifsuch a concert had existed, the seizure Elatea would have beeiu unnecessary ; he would already have been on the borders of At- tica. There was, however, a faction at Thebes subservient to his interests, and the object with which he had taken np bis threatening poeition waa to animate his partisans, and to strike terror into those wliom he could not corrupt or deceive. The coarse, then, which it became Athens to pursue, was dear ; all feetinga oC tl- t PbiUpp., iiTt **" I DnHlluiiiH, Di Car.,4 t Jaihuea adr. Clei.,t "", IN. TREATY WITH THEBES. Ufl -ralr; and iD-willtomrda Thebea miut bs laid aside; tbej innat conaidt aa if lesa for their own aafetf tban for hen, wbich naa in mare immediate danger. And firstof all,they most make a iiefiay of slrensth, wbicb would en- couiage Ibe frianda of libertr at Thebes aa mnch aa its anemies were elated bj the neigh- iKHirhDodof the Macedonian camp. He propo- sed that tiieirwhtde Ibme, inftntiy and caTalT?, ahonld maTch ont aa hi aa ElonaiB,and that ten amtHuaadars Bhonbi be appointed to go to lliebes, who ahonld likewise have a voice in the conncil of the generala with respect to the moTements of the army. And the langnage of the ambaaaadon, when they oame to I^liee, ahonld be that of men who were not ukiof a favour, Iwt irfbring a benefit. The propoeal of the einbuay, at Imat, waa nnanimonalyniapt- ed, and the orator himaelf waa riected one of the envoys. We bear of two other decrees which he aiq"ears to hare carried either at this time or a little earlier, when it was known thai Philipwas on the point of invading Qreeoe. Tbe worka which were going on about Ibe docks and the arsenal were anspended, that the money employed on them might be devoted to parpoaes of more pressingimportanoe; and thia meaanre introduced that which Demosthe- nes had Eo long had bt heart ; the surplus which bad hitherto t^n swallow^ up 1^ the theor- ic land was now, at last,appropriated to the maintenance of the troops.* A body of 10,000 mercenaries had, it aeema, already been col- lected. ' The envoys, no doubt, repaired to Thehea without delay ; bat they found an adverse em- baeayalreadythere,compoaed of Macedonian and Tbeasalian miniaters, with those of some other states,probably the littletribea north of Phocis, which had diaplayed ao much zeal in the last Sacred War, and atill regardedPbilip as ttie champion of religion.They demanded ei- Iber the co-operaMoD of the Thebaua agaiaat Aihena,or, at least,a free passage tbrough Bie- oiia. Il waaadifficultquesiion: and the friends of Athena had to defend a bold step, when they proposed to defy a king who was within one or (WD daya' march of the city, with an aim; of nearly30,000 men. We may well believe that opiniona were so nearly balanced ia the Theban assembly that the eloquence of Demoathenea may have contributed not a little to turn the "caie. But perhaps the intelligence which he brought of the vigorouapreparations which Ath- ena was making may have weighed still more on the name side. The terms, also, of the al- liance proposed were very favourable and hon- ourable to Thebes. ."achtaea" who has prob- ably not reported them quitecorrectly " makes them a topic of reproach to bis adversary.t But perhapsnothing more waa conceded than was imperstivelyrequired; and certainly it was no time for haggling, either about the ex- pensea of the war, or about claims of prece- dence. iGschinea asserts that the Thet^na were allowed hy the treaty to sbare the com- mand of the naval force,though Athens was to 1"ar all the chargea; and tha(_the army was placed entirely at their diapoaal " evidently a gtwa exaggeration,which, however, shows * nulgdunii is Diimn.,"p. i- td Ai t CM., t lU, Ml. I., II. that Thebea waa to pay her own trt"opa. A more important article was one which guaisn- tiad the sovereignty of tbe Bootian towns to the Thebans, and pledged the aid of Aihena to rednce any that might revolt from them to obe- Tlie resalt of thia negotiation leems to have changedPhilip's plana. He did not think it ad* Tiaable immediately to invade the Theban ter- ritory, or to force his way into Attica, bat re- solved firstto strengthen himaelf with ai enforcements a* he could obtain from Pi neauB, and in the mean while to turn his arms againstAmidussa ; perhaps bolh for the pur- pose of convincing his allies that be had not dr"mied the professedobject of his expedition, and with tbe bope that his movements in this qoartw might draw the enemy into some disad- vantageous position. If this was his expecta- tion, he was not whollydisappointed. He im- mediately sent a manifesto to his Peloponn"' aian allies, in which he repreaenled the causft- of religion as the onlyone that had moved him to take ttie field, and requested their aid. * His application seems to have been bat coldlyre- ceived, and few Peloponnesian auxiliaries join- ed his army. On the other hand, Athena and Thebea did not failto send their ministers into Peloponnesus to counteract bie efforts, and to obtain succours for themselves. Tbey appear to have been rsther more successful, since we hearof a body of Coriothiantroopsamong their forces ;t and the Aohataos, at least, had atrong- er motives for taking a part in tbe atm^e.t But it is probable ibat most states keptaloof, less from indifi^TBnoethan throngh fear. It was not Philip's interest,in this state of flings, to bring the war with Amphisaa to a apeedy end. The Amphiasians aought aasist- anee from Athens, and it appears that Demos- thenes exerted his iuBuence in their behalC "schines4 alleges that it was he who, through corrupt motives, caused the 10,000 mercena- ries, who were at thia juncture so much need- ed for the defence of Athens itself, to be placed at their disposal. It would seem, from a bint given by Polytenus,!! that the Atheoian and Theban generals, Ctaares and Proienus, had hoped to entanglePhilip in the defiles leading to Ampbissa, but thai Pbilip drew them out "a their positionby a stratagem, and afterward de- feated them, and mode himself master of the city. And (his account is in some degreectm- Grmed by .Machines, who meotiona a defeat which the mercenaries suflered at Ampliissa.f Demoathenea, on the other band, passing over this disaster in silence,speaks of two engage- ments" in which the alhed foreeB gainedsome fO.U psrbfep*not f"fr oiilrPtloptauiMuiinuiiliMiM. Philip,he mji," Chmo- ii" itttrntmi'ABuRi/nc r" ""! BKur/nvc Hal kopivWnc I Thu tha CorinthiBo did wl ooom ilomi, nmy V^*} Hit Anadlui, *iUir7ntij (olMmaUtii b Xminin'f dU ifaxInvTa ^ii4'iaM"v, "* (.*" oWI foi('EXJir.iy )kw 'tCU^'lM. Hi!.,",". lCtM.,H4r. "" D. Cori.1 "", fi^u r*r l'M roB FOrajuB ml riff XEivni'vtv. Tba meulng oTlhiiluiipillielii que"ti""- Ela : Iho intniintatiOQ, hmllltof At Ki"rH, BM qoil* iMil- hcwrr: b" ut "nluitim ii pnl"nMi" u Ihu nC tha HISTORY OF GREECE. tdTanUge over Philip, snfflcienl to oeeuioa pnUio lejoicings at Athena, and to ' ' "' " i" to renew his applicatioD to failPi dUea IB BtOlmore preninglanguage. tion wi^ 'niebea, where his party,though it bad been Toreed to yield, was still poweiful, and might be strengthened aa long as an avenue was keptopen for bribes or peraaBsions, Sane t^ttMBceotaTchslEaBed to his side, or, at least, began to waver as to the expediency or ptoae- oiSngthewar,* Hiihsrto the union witii Ath- ana had becm wondeifuily cordial. The Athe- nian troops had even been leoeired into the "ity, and quartered in the houses, while the TheiMn army was in the Geld; and here,as at Byxantiam, ^ey had shown themaelvea wonhy Wh"^ eoDlideiice by their orderly behaTiaur.t But DOW Bymptoms of jealousyappeared. A body of troops, which bad been sent, periiapa, to eonntsract the effect of Philip'sproposal, was turned back by the Thehan magistrates. t Semosthenea, who bad probablybegun to hope Ibr a decisive victory, which might secure the liberty of Greece, became uneasy, fschines describes him as protesting with outrageoi "letice againstpeace, though st Athens il not yet been mentioned. Haw itwas that Phil- ip's attempt biiled,we most not expect to eoTer, .Xschines, thoD^ he denies with t that (he eloqaenoe of Demosthenes liad any share in bringing abont the sUianee, would per- snade us that his clamour dMerred the Theban government from listening to Philip's overtures. However it may have been that this danger was averted, it may have seemed to prove the Becewit; of risking a battle, while the alliance whichwsa thus threatened stillsnbsiated. The milUoiyoOdRoilof Iba allies appears to have re- solved to se^ the enen^ without dday, and when the Atheniau (brcee next left the city, it was with a generalexpeetation of a decisive mgagetnent. There were, of eomse, mm; Arebodings of disMier, and attempts w"e made to arrest the march of the aimy by enperatitiouB "ernples. A fttal accident had eeonnred dmring "" " 'as whieh had been recently oelsbra- B pn^oeed to consult the Delphic "iiniKi uH bO aimster an omen. Demosthenee MBlMed the motion with an expression which dlcgaata Machines by its homeliness, but which "eems to have eoaveyed a veiy notoiions tk priutut pkiUppiMU. Unqneeiiooably the onde was in Phflip'a power. The sacrifices, toe, preoedittg the nareh were prenonneM' nopitioiia. DeraoeOMtiesia said to have HMMr^ verse, and the eiamples of Periolea and E^HUDinondas, and to have urged the i' partore of ^e troops.^ He himself served, foot, inthe ranks. The two armies met in I plain of ChBronea ; a temple of Hercules, the banka of the lit^eriver Htemua, a tributary of the Caphleua,marked, wbjle it stood, tbeen- eamixnent of the Greeks : as an aged oak,on the banks of the Cephieua, was believed, in Plutarch's time,to have overahadowed Alexan- der's tent. The really bad omen for Ae catiae of Athens and Thebes was, that they had neither a Peri- rtes nor an Epaminondas at the liead of their "" mnteries w tol It was pr army. Ilwbes poaseased at this time no gen' eral of suffioientnote to be even roentioied, except Thei^nes, wbo is named on^ to be branded aa a traitor ;* and the names of Chares, LyaielOB, and Stratodes, who oommartded the Athenians, could inspTe littleOMfldance. In numbers theyafqiear to have at teast equaled the enemy ;t but thotigb ths Saend Band etiU preserved its exe^lent diecqtline md apirtt, the Athenians, who had now tn many years been htth; used to militaiyservice,were ili-matehed with the Macedanian veterans, led by their king, and by the ai^ officers formed in his school, and animated by the presence of the young prince Alexander, whom his hlher In- inisted with the ooramaiid of one wieg,where, however, some of his beet generals ilem ate- tioned at his side. We kn'ow very littte more of the causes which det"nnined the evrat of the battle ; and theae are amply sBfBcient to account for it. If we may believe Potyienna, Philip at firstrestrained the ardour of hie troops, until the Aiheniana had spent much of the vig- our and fury with which ftey made their onset. t Then, it appears, Alexander made a charge, which broke the enemy's tanks, and decided the fortune oftheday.^ The lliebaos seem to have kept Ibeir ground longest, and probaUy Buffered moat. The Sacred Band was cut off to a man. but figbting where itstood. Demos- thenes was not a bero of this kind ; bnt he waa certainly reptoached with cowardice, be"anBe he escaped in the generalflight, only by those wbo wished that he had been left on the field. Of the Athenians not more than 1000 were alain, bnt 3000 were taken prisoners;among these Demades felliniotheenemy'shanda. 11101008 of the ThebuiBlsnot repoTledinnambeis; but the prisonerawere probably fewer than Qie It was not the amount of these htsBes that gave each importance to the battle of Chnronev, that it bas been gmerally etmsidered as Hte Uow which pot an end to the iitdependence of Greece,!! any more tbm it waa the loae stts- tained ttjSparta at Leuctra that deprived her of ber sa^nemaoy. But the event of thia day broke up Uie oonfedency which bad been formed againstPhilip, aa it proved Uiat its utmost ef- forts could not raise a force sufl^ctentto meet him, with any cbanoe of snocess, in the field. Each of the ^lied atales,therefore,was left at hie men^. The eonrtemaiton which the ti- dinga (tf^s disaateicaused et Athens was prob- ably greater than had ever been known there 'Dinuohi: II in DeiL, 1 75. Yet it ippivi fnim Fin- It, Om TiHIUH (ell in Itu bulle. But Ii~"g* fa FcfrtaoM, rlii., 40,vliich wOl bm i Diudonu, in., Sii,nn that Philip, whoH unr con- liitBd of DiDn Ibio 10,000rwt ud nol Ini Ihu WOCTlisna btn. JuHiB. ii., ",m tha toautif, """ Oat cba Atha- luu ana; ni iu imm numanKu. Oa *liat auUmntr DrDjHn, p.19,BititliiiDgBtniDftlifiallieaat ",00O,ha, "I Tiwacuua wu AMktA tiov fftrha meant to t Dimtonulin.,H. AlanBdar wai fk Ik* mm (^ foiei u ths Ttiibaiu.aad SiK chargail Ifaa Sicnd Bud. o Ljcoijaac.Laoci., t SO; tun^ra/rt (Ula altlB U maal rl" B'" fcrtXiaW BiI.Td i*( -IMJin lit fwa, Di Car-tin. jnWn mirtruir nitfi'tii rii 1 Dam.,!*. lmJXAw'BXA4M.Aca"":f"iL '^ rd I* 'tM PREPAHATI0N8 AT ATHENS. 161 "except "AflrUieIon at ^Igos-potunos. Two maruiile instaneea have been preserred, whlcb may oerre to illasttate the effect which tbej produced OD difCtreDtmindB. A citizen of good eondition, named Leocrates, who aad, no doubt, made preparatioDs foi digfac, when the nen lived, collected bis moveable effects and ti ported them on board a vessel which was lying off the coast bound forRhodes. On bis landing there he spread a report, which he probably ex- pected would be HOOD confirmed by the event, that the city was taken, and Pircus beiteged. This wa* not a solitary case ; for we find that the Areopagus, exertingthe eitraordinary au- thority which it had often asanmed in aimDar eaaea, arrested and put to death several persons who had attempted to quit the city; and one Autolyetis was brought to trialand condemned, because he had removed hie family to a place of safety. It was even thoughtneceaaary to pass a decree subjectingemigration to the penalties of treason ;* and Leocrates, when he returned borne seven jeare afterward,was capitaUy im- peached for his flight. Isocrates was still living at Athens, in good health, and in fall possession of his faculties, although in his ninety-ninth year, when be heard of the battle. The tidings went to his heart, and induced him to put an end to bia life by voluntary abstinence. f He was a sincere pa- triot, notwithstanding the pains he look to for- ward Philip's ambitious designs. The event which had now established a new relation be- tween his country and Macedonia dissolved the brightvision,on which his fancy had so long dwelt, of a Greek war against Persia under a Macedonian leader. The tomb of the wealthy itetorician was adorned with a loftycolumn, "urmoanledbyacolossall^re of a siren^t an emblem meant by his fHeads to signify the fas- ciaating power of his eloqneace, and which was no less appropriate with respect to the fatalleur dency of his political counsels. Athens, however, was not yet deserted by the ancient spirit which had borne her up un- der BO many disaster*. In tike first dismay of the ill news an extraordinaryassembly was summoned, and a'deeree passed, on the nation of Hyperides,directing a seriesof measures for the defence of the city. 4 That the Fire Hun- dred sbonld go down Id a body,armed, to Pi- neua, to provide for the security of the ports. That the Women and children, and certain sa- cred treasures, should be lodged in Piraeus.II That the generals should have power to exact the service of all persona, whether ciiizesa or foreigners, to keep guard, as they thoughtfit.f That the slaves should be emancipated, the resident aliens admitted to the franchise, and (he citiiens who had been degraded restored lo Iheir privileges." The military duty"^at least before the fugitives had begun lo fiock in from Chcronea" lellalmost entirely on the old men ; and it seems that envoys were sent lo Andros, Ceos, Triezen, and Epidaurus,as the nearest ' Lyea^DBB. Loocr.,4 5ft, Si. Auti^TCQ* wu K nwn' "Hrofiht AjHp"fiUjPlaluch,Tit"X. Oiu,, LTeniru. tnuuiu, i.,n, S. PlDbOdb,Vit.X. Oru., Inenua, Stjcin" c" L"CT,.t ST. Wat,Ttt.X. Or.,HnxrldH, f . 8", A. ^ Lrmj-., ". (qt 1*. "" Ubinp.,) 41. friendly places, to implore ai thenes, when he came back, carried a decree which assigned a sum of ten talents for the re- pairing of the walls and for a new ditch and rampart ; he was appoiutedto superintend the work, and laid out three talenta of his own oit it.I It was carried on in a spirit of patriotia devotion : no hand was idle,no property waa spared ; timber was taken from the adjacent groves or olive grounds; stones from the tomb*, arms from the temples, j Demosthenes had in- fused his own energy into the people ; be and his friends,though he might naturally have been considered, and was loudly denouticed by hia political opponents, aa the author of Uie calam- ity, had never exercised greater influence than in this season uf alarm and distress. He was, indeed, assailed with repeatedprosecutions, but passedtriumidiantly through alt ;4 and not long alter he received the most signal token that could be given of public confidence and ee^ teem : he was ^painted to deliver the funeral the aolemo obsequies which wero celebrated over the citizens who fell at ChKnn 1. On tbe other hand. Lysicles, the general, IS brought to trial and put to death for hi* iduct in the battle. We do not know wh|r was singled out for punishment,or whethfv " colleagues did not venture to return ; but that his lile was not sacrificed to a blind reseot- it, seems sufficiently provedby the oharao- of hia prosecutor, the uptight and noble- minded Lycurgus. As long as it remained unknown what tua Philip would make of his victory, there wa* certainly reason to fear the worst ; and ifit ba that at firsthe rejected the application of heralds who came from Lebadea to ask leave to bury the BUin,H we might suppose that wished to keep the vanquisheda while is ipense as to their fate, liiat he should even have forgotten himsetf for a tioie,on the sceM of his triumph, intoxicated by the completesuo- cess which bad suddenly crowned the plans and labours of so many years, would not be at d incoDsbtent with hia character. He is said to have risen from the banquet to viaitthe fieldof thenes. T This anecdote is more credible than that he exposed himself to the rebuke of I)em- ades by his behaviour to his prisoners." It would be absurd to suppose, with Diodorus, that such a man as Demadcs, however the king might be pleased at such a moment with hia freedom and his wit, could have had any infiu- ence over him ; but it seems that Philip did iu"t disdain to gain him for his own ends, and to municate his designs to him, and employ as his agent. be manner in which he finally treated hit conquered enemies excited generalsurprise, and has earned,perhaps, more praise than itd"- serves. He dismissed the Athenian prisonem without ransom, several of them even newlj LL.ttl. t. Dm Cut.,^ M T OBUoflim iUii-Kieim!nwinrtc nP Jwrr. Pla^ hill., ". "" Piokni^ m., m. HISTORY OF GREECE. dothed. and allwilh their baggage ; and sent Antipater,accompanied, luatin says, byAtez- ander, to bear tlie bones of their dead whom he had himBeir buried,*to Athens, with oflers of peace, on tenoe sach as an Athenian would Bcarcel; haie ventared to propose to him. The GommoDWeaJth was required, indeed, to resign a great part of its foreignpOBsess ions,perhaps all but the Chersonesus, Lemnos, Imbros, and SamoB.t where a iTesh clenichial colony had been planted after the Social War, which ren- dered it an object of prime impartanne ; but it was left in undisturbed possession of a]l its do- mestic resources, and its territorywaa even enlarged by the addition of Oropus, which Thebes was now forced to resign. t The value of these concessions was greatly enhanced by comparison with the conditions on which peace was granted to the Thebana ; they were obli- eed to ranaom not onij their prisoners, but tbeir dead. Not onlyOropus, but the sovereignty of theBteottan towns was taken from them. Fla- tsa4 and Orchomenusll were restored to as many as could be found of their old inhabitants : St least, filled with an independentpopulation implacabiyhoatileto Thebes. She lost not only power, but freedom. She was compelled to ad- mit a Macedonian garrison into the citadel, and to recall her exiles. The government waa lodged in their hands ; a council of Three Hun- dred selected from them waa invealed with su- preme authority, both legislative and judicialT Some of their adversaries had, it appears, been put to death by Philip'a orders before tbeir re- tom ; but the rest might safely be committed to the mercy of such a tribunal. The scenes ' which took place after the former occupation of the Cadmea were no doubt daily renewed. Bat it was now more difficultto find s place of Tefbge, and there waa less room for a hope of deliverance. Philip'streatment of the Athenisue has been commonly accounted magnanimous. It may, indeed, be said that in them he did honour to Ihe mudy resistance of open enemies, while in the case of the Thcbans he punished treachery and ingratitude ; and knowing the people to be ceaerally hostile to him, crushed the power of ue state, and used the faction which depended on him as the instrument of his vengeance. On the other hand, it must be remembered that, when this was done, he had the leas reason to dread the hostility of Athens : he might aafely conciliate the favour of the Greeks by a splen- did example of lenity and moderation. It is not improbablo that thia was the course lo which he was inclined by bis own prcposses' sions," But had it been otherwise, there were reasons enough to deter so wary a prince from Tiolent measures, which would have driven the Athenians to despair. He had probablyvery early Intelligence of the preparations for de- fence which they had begun while they expect- ed an invasion. He might,indeed, have ravaged ** PdItUiu, v., ]i Attica, and have carried on a Decoiean war ; but it was by no means certain (hat be could make himself master of the city and Pirsua; and nothing but a very dear prospect of imme- diate Buecess could have rendered the attempt advisable. The danger of a failure, and even the inconvenience ofdelay, were far greater than the advantage to be reaped from it. For he had now more brilliant objects in view : time was doublyprecious to him ; and it would have been wantonly to tempt his fortune if by loo grasping a policy he had raised nonecessary hinderances lo his own designs. His oflers were gladly, if not thankfully,ac- cepted at Athens. Demades, who hsd there the credit of having disposed the king towards peace, and who appears to have been sent wilh .Machines to conclude it,rose high in popular favour,though not so as to counterbalance the influence of Demosthenes.* Philip now saw his road open to Peloponnesus, and he proceed- ed to Corinth, whither he had invited all the states of Greece to send their deputies to bold a congress, as in the time of the ancient league against Peraia. The avowed object of this as- semblage waa, indeed, lo settle the afl^irs of Cireece, and to put an end to intestine feuds bj the authority of a supreme counciL But it was well known that Philip meant to use it for the purposes of his enterpriseagainst Persia. It was attended by ministers from every Greek state eicept Sparta, which eoold not expect that any measures would be carried there but such aa were opposed to her interests.f At Athens, when Demades proposed that they should take part in the congress, some opposi- tion was made from a quarter in which it could hardly have been looked for. Phocion,who, aa a moderate adherent of the Macedoatan party, had gained increased authority from the new turn of aflaim, advised the people to wait until they knew what demands Philip would make an the members of the confederacy. His objec- tions, however, were overruled. The people regretted, when it was too late, that they had not listened lo his warnings.! Their absence, however it might have dis- pleased Philip, would not have thwarted bis plans. The congress would have been neither more nor less ready to comply with his wishes. As it was, aU hts proposalswere adopted. Wat was declared against Peraia, and he was ap- pointed to command the national forces with which it was waged ; each stale was to con- tribute a fixed contingent of ships or men, ac- cording to the nature of its resources.^ One objectonly now remained to detain Philip in the south of Greece " to fulfill the promises which he had made some years before to his Peloponnesian allies, to animate them by his presence, and lo make Sparta feel the eHbcts of his displeasure. His march through Pelo- ponnesus was, for the most part, a peaceful, triumphal progress. Hence it may be Ibat ao few traces of it are left in our historical frag- ments. It is chieflyby some casual allusions in Polybius and Paussnias that the fact itself is PHILIP IN PELOPONNESUS." HIS MARRIAGE. IM ueeitained. By their ti^t, we are juat eo*- bM lo track his course throng Ai^din iolo Laconia, and tben baclc againaloog the weat- em eoast. The site oa wbich he bad encamp' ed, not [k tntm Mantioea, waa remembered io the time of Paoaaniaa,* wben a apriiig, near which ihe io;al t"Dt liadbeen pitched, was still named after him. In I^tconia he made a long- er Bt^, and had to enoouoter aimte reaiBtance. The Eteans, thoa^fa they had not Joined him at CbKronea, were induc"l, either by fear or re- sentment, to co-operate with him in Ihia inva- siOD.t About the time of the battle of CbBio- nea, acconhns to soow aoconnts on tite same daj,King Archidamua, who bad been sent to the aidof Tarentom against the Lucaniaus,was alain in Italy " an ereat which,though be died fighting with SpartanTolour,wae attributed to celestialvenoeance, because the aniilianea whom he tooe with him were moally I^kociaD mercenaries, and shared bia "te.} Spartawaa, pethape, a littlethe wvaker for hia aheenoe, though he ooald not have made any atand against the Maoedonian aimy, which waa prob- ably re-enfoTCod by all the hostile neighboura of the state. Philip, however, appears not to have made any attempt against the capital. His objectDDdoubtedlywas, not to crush this power, whiob strenglbened hia own by Ilie jeal- ouay it inspired, but to hmnble it, and to secure his allies against its ennrooohments. He ad- Tanced,therefore, Tavagin^ the country, aa far as the aeaooaat near Gythium, where Pausani- as saw a trophy whiob had been erected for a victory obtaimd orerB detachment of his army. 4 It appears, however, that in the end Sparta aub- miited to the teima whiob he preaoribed. Ac- cording to one aocooDt, he did not evacuate her territory before be bad contraoted its limits by coQcessions which he farced her to make "m thrtw sides " to Meaaeaia, Megalopolis, Tegea, and Argos ; bnt it seems that he used the con- peea aa his instrument in this partition.il He ihen pursued his maiob, throughOlympia and Elis, to the lathmua. Here can be little doubt, U least, that it was on this occasion ibat he rounded a circular building, called the Philippe- inn, wbich was leug adoniad with the statuea of the Macedonian prinoea, within the sacred preciocta in which the Olympic games were cel- ebratedgT as the MegBiop"ditaos gate bis name loa portico in their market-ptace.* ' The west- ern states, beyond the Isthmus, likewise ac- knowledged bis authority ; the leaders of the anti-Macedonian part; in Acaniania were driv- en into exile, and Ambracia consented to re- i%ive a Macedonian garrison.ttByzantium also, it seems, entered into an alliance with him,which waa littlemore than a decent name Tor subjection .tt Thus crowued witb newhon- mrs, liaving overcome every obstacle, and ea- lablished lus power on the finnest foundation tP"i". i., 88. u wn Goiidiict*din rfvh?"?^ It, irr"Di.,*.,lT,4iv.,9Ci,t"l,9iXf""h"i4Ar, H" Vol.. II." b*' in every part of Greece, he retnmed, in the antumn of 338,to Macedonia, to prepare for th* greaterenterprise on which hia tboughtawere now whoUy bent. This brilliant fortune,however, waa, before long, overcast by a ciond of domestic troubles. Philip, not less from temperameet than poUcy, bad adopted the Oriental usage of polygamy, which, thoughrepugnant to the ancient Grew manners, did not in this age, as we find from other examples, ahock publicopinion io Greece. Thus, it seems, before his marriage with Olym- pias, he had formed several matrimonial allian- ces, which might all contribute to strengthen his political interests. An Illyrian princess, a Macedonian lady,apparently of the Lyncestian family, which had some remote claims to the throne, and two from Thessaly.one a native of Phem, the other firom Larissa,are mentioned beforeOtmpiaa in the listof hb wives. AAex his marriage with Olympias, be did not reject the hand of a Thiwuin prinoBsa, which was of- ftred to him by her lather. Id each of tbeae cases, however, there waa an an"arent motive of policy, which may have rendered the pres- ence of 80 many rivals more tolerable than it would otherwise have been to Olympias,a woman of masculine spirit and violent passioos, and who, as a dtoghier of the honae of Epiros, which traced its pedigree to Achillea, do doubt regarded herself as far superioTto Utem all in rank, and aa PbiL'p'a aole legitimate consort. But after bis return to Macedonia ftom hia vtc- tonoua campaign in Greece,perhapsearly in the fallowingspring, he contracted another union, for which itdoes not appear that he bad the same eicoee to plead. Cleopatra, the niece of Attalos,one of his generals, had, it seems, attraoted him by her beauty. He sought her band, and their nuptials were celebrated with the usual fsativities, in the palace at Pella, where, perhaps,Olympias was residing. This would not be stranger than itis that Alexander was present at the banquet, which, according to the custom of the court, was prolonged till both Philip and hia guests were very much heated with wine. Attalua had secretly cher" ished the presiunptuous hope that his nieoe'a influence over the kingmight induce him to al- ter the sQccession, and to appoint a child of hers heir to the throne. When the wine bad thrown him ofT his guard, be could not reiiaiit from disclosing his wishes, and called on lbs company lo pray that the gods wonld crown the marriage of Philip and Cleopatraby Ihe birth of a legitimate successor lo the kingdom. Alexander took dre at this expression; and ex- claiming, " Do you, then, count me a baatardl" hurled the goblet out of which he was drinking at Attalus. The hall became a scene of tn- mult. Philip started from bis ooneh, and, in- stead of relHiking Attains, drew his sword, and mshed at his son, but, before he reached him, stnmbled and Ml. Alexander, before he with- drew, is said to have pointedfo his father,aa he lay on Uie floor, with a taunt, " See the man who would pass over from Europe to Asia Dp- set in crossing from one coach to another."* - The quarrel did net end wiili the tntoxi("tion of the evening, as the offence which had been given to the prince was maeh deeper than the " Plmt,Al"., t w U4 HISTOBY OP GREECE. feMmsntary prorocatun. He end his mother quitted the kingdom ; she Atimd shelMr ai eotm of her brother Alenixler,who, after the death or Arybaa, had succeeded, throogh Phil" ^'h inteiTentjDD,to the thtwie (^ Epims, hav- ing aapplanted.^BaoideB, the Inrftalheir. Aitu.- "DdertoohophiaebodeiiillbrTia. Itaeemaaa if both the inotbar and Uie BOn bad oidMvoamd to khidle a war io theae conntries against Phil- ip. Of Olfm^asit is ez^oesalymated,* and may be easilybelieved, that she ioaligated her brothfii' to avenge her wrongs with the sword. As to the motive of Alexander's eojouni in II- lyria, there maj t"emore room to doubt ; but it olearly seems to have been connected with the occasion of a battle in which Philip was about this time engaged with the lUyriaoe.t He was 4ri"liged, at last, to employ the good ofBces of a Corinlbian. named Demaratus, to induce his "on to retnm to Macedonia.! It was not so easy to appease Olynipiaa; and it was most Uk^ with a view to baffle her intrigues that Pbi^ negotiateda tntttcbbetween his brother- in-law and UMtr danghter Cleopatra. When Alexander had been gained by this ofler, his sister saw tbat abe most defer her revenge, and returned, apparently reconciled,to her hus- buid's court. Her resentment was implacable; Alexander,too, after his retora, stillhartKiiiTed snspioions of hia Otlier's intentione with le- an the aide of lOyria snd Epiros, may have been the cauees which pieventedPhilip frOHi eroBStng over to Asia in person in S37 ; tlkou^, if he wilted Ibr the arrival of his Oreek con- fMeralee, their tardineBs might ftally acconnt ibr the delay. But in the oourae of this year he sent over a body of troope under the com- mand of Pannenio, Amyntas, and AttalDB,^ wttom, perh^w, he was gladto Temorre in ' hODODnUe mannor tnai his oonn to the v flra coast of Asia,to engage the Omk eittei on his side,and to serve as a rallying-point for altwIm w"re diaaffteted to the Persian gov- wmtieDt. This meunre was the more expe- dient, beoause the Persian coon, which had been for srae time aware of its danger,might be expected, and had, in fsct,begim to take "ome steps to avert it ; tiiongh its hope sc to ha"e been rather Io detain Philip in Europe bj means of gcM and Intrigues, which nught raise fi"sh enemies to keep him occupied at home, thatk to atop hia passage into Asia by its militny or naval tone, lite beneficis) oonse- quencee irf* tbfs ntovement appeared in the pros- pect which it opened of detachinga very im- portant province ftom the Persian empire with- ont a blow. Ada, the sister, and, aocordii^ to a widely-prevalent Astatio usage, wife of Mri- ena, who had succeeded his sister Artemisia, the vridow of his elder brother Mausolos, in Caria, survived her husband, and was appoint- ed by bim Ms sucoesstr : an arrangement which might somewhat dtsjjease her Greek subjects, but wasnot atalltEpognanttoUkeideasorthe Carian papalatian.ll Ada, however, seenw not " Jnithi,ii.,t. t Dtaidani.rrl..V). to have inherited the masculine energy of tiM elder Arteniisia : she was deprived of her do- minions, onlyretaining the strong fortreos of Alinda, by her brother Pixodarus. Still, the usurper fell his footinginsecnre, and loaked about him for fbrengnsunMirt. Hehadtoefaooee between submiaaion to Persia and an alliance with Philip as the priee of protectian ; he de- cided on the latter messnre, pmbtbtj as that which held oat the ftiresi prospect of independ- ence, and proposed to give his eldest daughter to ArridKOs, Philip'sB"a by his Larisseaa wife,Phjlinna,' a yonth of imbe"^ intellect. Olympias was, or affected to be, alarmed by this negotiation; several of Alexander's young eompanions shared her suq)icioas, and their insinuations persuaded him that the intended marriage was a step by which Philipdesigned to raise his half brother to the throne. Under this impression, be despatched Thessahis, a Greek player, who was exerdsing hia pm^s- eiou at the Macedonian court, on a seoret mis- sion to Caiia, to induce PizodaTUa to break off the match with Anidmis, a half-witted bas- tard, and to transfer his daughter's hand to Alexander himself. PixodanisjoyfiiUy accept- ed the prince's offer. Bat Philip,having dis- covered the correspondence, shamed hia son out of his suspidonaby an indigasnt expostn- lation, which be addressed to hnn in the pres- ence of his young fHend, Parmenio's eon Phi- lotas,on the nnworthineee of the conneiioa which he was aboot to form with a barbarian which so strongly excited his fbdier's resent- ment, that be wrote to Corinth to demand that 'ntessalna shoold be sent to him in chains, and banished five of Alexander's companions, Har- palos,Nean:huB, Phryi^oaiPt^demBiiSiandLa- omedon, from MacedMiia:f to one of them the beginning of a wonderftd devalln. So paaaed the year 337. Towards the end of die next spring,Phttip's preparations fbr bis Asistlc expedition were fhr advcmcod. He bad sranmoned Oie Oreek statee to Aimish their contingents, and, as be- came the general of the AmphictyonieCoubcO, clous. It only rematnsd to take the [tfeoBntion which be had meditated fbr securing the peace at hie dominions in his absence bj a closer al- liance with the King of Efrirus, which might also soothe Olympias. The day of the nar- riage was fixed, and RdUp determined to ode- brate the ev0nt with the utmost splendoor. It aflbrded an opportunity, which he never let slip, of attracting Oreeks from all parts to his court, of das^ng them by his magnificence. nm vhlah il mhui Itut FUlto H"ii"d PbiUuK, alxa- 1 PUL, Al"., 10. Arriui,iii., I. MURDER OF PHILIP." OLYMPUS SUSPECTED. 156 and wnming them by his hoBpitalitj. A sol- emn flastiTal " either the national one of the Mnses, or the Olympic games Instituted by ATchelaos " waa proclairaed to be held in the ancient capita), ^gs. Musical and dramatic cmiesta were announced, for which artists of die greatest'ceiebrity were engaged. Wlien ihe time arriTed the city was crowded with Btiangera ; not onlyguests invited bj the king and hia conrtiers, but envoys deputedby most of the leading cities of Greece, to honoiir the M^emntty, and to offer presents,chiefly crowns of gold, to the king. Among the rest Athena Bent B crown, and with it a decree, which was poblicly read by Che hsrald,enacting that any mm who should Torm a designagainstPhilip, if be fled to Athens, shonld be given up. in Ae banquet which followed Uie nuptiBls, Philip desired the player, Neoptolemus, to recite some piece of poetiy tqtpropriate to his ap^oaching expeditfMiagaimt the Persian king. The play- " cho^ a IjTieal piece, iriiichseemed atriking- ty^pUeaMe to the pciw"T, Die pride, the wealth, nd limry of the monarcn who was now threat- ened with a sadden bU ; iteiscr spoke of death, wfaieb,approachingonseen, by hidden paths, with Ta.pid step, cots off in a moment fu'-reach' iaghopes." On the mortow an exhibition was to take niam in the theatre : it was filled at an early hear with spectators. The eatertainmentR be- gu with a solemn procSseion, in which, among oAer treaanrei, were carried images, of ex- quisite wDrkmanahip, and gorgeotttty adorned, of the twelve Olympian goda; a thirteenth, wfaidi seemed to be aomswhat rmftnely eiated with them, tepreaei)t"d Flulip hir The a aof B lip himself, admiring, a^audlng midli- nde tbm annouBoed the king'sapproach. Bdvaneed in white robea and Jealal ohaplet, U* eon ai"dUiel)ride|roamoneithersideafew paees behind him. Hie gaarda lie had ordered to keep at a diBtanee, that all inighi have a view of Ids peiMB, and that It mirtit not be sappoaed be doubled the aBivanalgoed-winortheOreekB. Tltie ma the moment when " yonng man step- ped forth from the crowd,ran op to the kf and drawing a Celtic awonlt from beneafli gvaaeata. ^oged it Into his aide. PbiGp ftll dead. The morderar rushed tcpwardatlie galea of Ae town, wliereboraeB were waitingfor him. He waa closelyparaoed by some of the great eOeeia "f the royalbody-guard, bat woald have BMmoied before they had overtaken hhn, if his saadal had not been caughthy the slump of a viae, which bronghthira to the groond. lathe fiiattieat of their passion bis pnrsners deepelcii- ffls name was Pausaniaa : the nKitive that npelled him to the deed was, that he had saf- fRed an ootrage firom Attains, Ibr "4iioh Philip had raftiaad to give him satisfaction. So much we know with certainty fnaa the Qnqueetion- abte authority of Aristotie.t who may ttave beea _ _., , Hi With Ik* flan" "m wH " tutij Hal Philip lud bma wi m of T^Ufihoniai " v" " -f - -". " J-. Ci"", D" FMo. ' isoftt eye wit ne he GUed a post in the royalguarda, as Diodorua relates, is not "o certain, and ia a point of litUe It appeals that he was a youth of noble family.* Tlie preparationa made for hia pe seemed to imply that ho had aocompli- aud grounds were discovered for suspect- ing that two or three members of the Lynoea- family were privy to his intention. It waa remembered that he had once asked ttie sophist Hermocrates how one might becoDM most conspicuous, and had been answered that the surest way was to take the lifeof the man who had achieved the greatestthings. But the gravest suspicions rested on persons nearer to the throne" on Olympiaa and Alexander. Of the guilt of Olympias there could be no doubt,if we were to believe alltiie stories reportedity Justin, which appear to have been current not long after Ihe murder : that itwas she who pro- vided horses for the assassin's flight i that she placeda goldencrown on his head as he hung on the cross ; thai she caused his body to bi bumed on the spot which contained her hue- band's ashes, and even honoured his memoiy with yearlyrites, and dedicated the sword with which he bad stabbed the king to Apollo. But the firstof these allegedfacts, which would be the onlyaaequivocalproof of a criminal partici' pation, can never have rested on anythingmore than a vague suspicion ; and Ihe rest only prove, what may, indera!, be easilybelieved, that tliU vindictive woman made do secret of the joy she felt at her husband's death. It was, indeed,an event which she must have ardentlylonged for ; since it aflbrded her the means of sating her thirstfbr revenge in the hlood of persons who were the objects of her still deadlier hatred. She seixed tne earliest opportunity of Alexan- der's absence to marder her rival Cleopatra, and anfnfhnt which she had borne to Philip.t _ . _ _ of"" Fhih|i'i lib ttam "aj uUhv gf owlit. [omd Vj PtiivBh,Diodnnu,ud Jiilia " tow writos of Snihtn OiH", tottllr IfMlrfttmwyo" UtatlMirf *" ItH^dcadu mat, Annidlaf to tho, Uw dalh cf Fbilip**" u an of fii- ftta vennfenat, ptrHtnltd b^ tba yontUu) Puuuuu, riHa ft diaislgfjauna,oiiltrfliaaMt ntneleiM jojuiin, jiabm, bmn tsM kirnthu thi WH nut coulliwilIs Iha imt oOun i "niiT, vhm rank "iitw"nii maty la ll BaM-iButkdi ; "Dd "'"" " ~ Taunx mvB, uid vtt " biniat, iii.,Ill ; Fh tini,It.,IJ,19; ti., I 1 iba Haa^sua "hDuM nqnira bgtur mDIhorit/ thin Ihm uaDlioiMd in th* luc wxs. Dioicm (iri.,US)ocl; Hfi. MatiMv, It r4( 'OpwrO., nloiidim. Jii"in(in.,"),"obai""ililM"di"- I f Flat.,Almi-, ID. PsHUlu (Ttii., T,T) "T" !'"" """" 150 fflSTORY OF GREECE. If,then, we inquire how Abuunder ineoired "he like "nspicion, we find Ihat PansaniaB waa "aid to hare complained to hiin of his wrongs, and that he quoted a tctm of Euripidea, which might be coaatraed aa sd eihortalion to re- TengB.* If the anecdote were authentic, the quolalionmight have been pointed at Attains and Cleopatra. Beyond this, it can only be said that Alexander, aa well aa hia mother, bad been deeplyprovoked ; slightgroond for sach a preaumplton even againstOljmpiaa, but which, with respect to a character like hia, which in- atinctiTCly recoiled from every species of haao- neaa, we are hardlypermitted to mention, t That he was jealous of his father's conquests, and never regardedh'T", either during his life, or after his death, with much affection or rev- erence, may be true ; but Philip bad not taken any greatpaina to secure his filial duty. We read among Plutarch's anecdotes, that he one day told the priuce, that the more rivals he met with,among his other children, for the throne, the more he might owe it to his own merit ; but he bade him attend to Aristotle's precepts, which would tea"^ him to aToid many things which he himself repented of ThuB, in the forty-seventh year of hia a e.the twenty-fourth of his reign,perishedPhilip of Hacedon: at the end of one great stage of a pnwpennis career, near the outset of another whidi opened immeaem^ble room for hope, A (leatman, certainly, according to the common "cale of princes, though not a hero like hia sou, nor to be tried by a philosophical model. But itwas something great, thst one who enjoyed the pleasures of animal existence so keenly, (diouldhave encountered so much toiland dan- ger for glory and empire. It was something still greater, that one who was so well acquaint- ed with the worst sides of human nature, and who so often profited by them, should yet have been so capable of sympathy and esteem. If we charge him with duplicity in his political transactiona, we must remember that he pre- ferred the milder ways of gratifying his ambi- tion to those of violence and bloodshed ; that be at least desired the reputation of mercy and humanity. If he once asked whether a fortreas was so inaccessible that not even au ass laden with gold could mount to it,we may as well believe the anecdote which relates of him, tbat he replied to his counsellors who urged him to treat Athens with rigour,they were advising bjn) to destroy the theatre of hia glory.t The many examples of generous forbearance report- ed in Plutarch's collection of his apophthegms cannot be all groundless fictions ; and the less restraint he set on many of hia passions, the more amiable appears, by contrast, the aelf-con- trot which he exercised when ho was tempted tn an unjustor harsh use of his power. He ' one of the men of whom we wish to know moi . whose familiar letteraand conversation most have been worth preserving. But even the his- tory of his outward lifeis tiKe an ancient statue, made up of imperfect and ill-adjusted fragments. He left the task of hi the peculiarfielicityof the junctureat which he was removed to make room for one better fittedfor the work. What he had done, his successor would,perhaps, not have accomplish- ed so well. What he meditated was probably much less than his son eSected, aiid yet mora than he himself would have broughtto paas- If he had begun bis enterprise, he would most likely have done little more than mar mmoo iplendjd pages in the history of the world. CHAPTER XLVU- !n. JuUb (\i., T) oiiIt ralita I hmoi li"Hlf, ifW hMTingkilledh .p. """""" "; p",^"; TJiaboliT. in Ui L"tun). aTpnaci " m itiu ta ft rollCDnTiction, pf AJeiuiiAe] "t 1.,Apojiluli-, ii. FioH the remotest ages ofPelasgiui anti- quity down to the time of the Roman Bnqiire, the holy island of Samothnce, tlieseat of an Biwfully mysteriousworship, accounted equal to Delphi in sanctity, and an mviolable asylum, continued to be visited by pilgrims, who went to be initiMed into tbe rites which were be- lieved to secure the devotee against extraor- dinary perils both by sea and land,and, in the later period, to fix his destiny, after death, in some brightersphere. It bad jnobably been always heM in great reverence by the Macedo- nian kings, as itwas here that the last of them sought refuge in the wreck of his fortimes- Hcie, itis said,Philip firstsaw Oljmpias, when theypartook at the same time in the Cabirian mysteries, and resolved to seek her hand.'' For h'"! such a scene may have had httle other interest ; but Olympias seems to have taken d^ht in such ceremonies, and to have given herself up with fervour to the impressiontbey produced. She loved the fanatical orgies cel- ebrated by tbe Thracian and Macedonian wom- en in honour of their Dionysus, and is even said to have introduced some of the syndials of this frantic worship, the huge tame snakes, which the Bacchanals wreathed round their necks and arms, into her husband's palace. It is a stroke which agreea well with the other features of ber wild, impetuous character. Who can estimate the degree in which this irritable, uncontroll^le nature may have con- tributed one element towards that combination of ardent enthusiasm with the soberest fore- thought, which distinguishes Alexander,per- il^, above every man that ever filleda like station 1 The anecdotes related of Alexander's boy- hood are chiefiy remarkable as indicating what may be fitly called a kinglyspirit, which not only felt conscious that it was bom to com- mand, and was impatient of all opposition to its will, but also studied how it might subject all things and persons around it to its own higher purposes, lliie inborn royalty of soul could hardly have failed to find its way to fame, had iteven been originally lodged in an obscure comer. But Alexander grew up with the full consciousness of his high rank and his great destiny. There is no reason to believe that Philip ever wavered in his choice of bis suc- " PIM-,*1m., I. ALEXANDER'S EDUCATION." ARISTOTLE. lOT eessor, bo br as this depended on tumaelf. lo' deed, he must have been well aware that be coold not depriveAlexander, if be sarviTed him, of bis birthrigbt. The utmost he could have done would iMve been to malie such dis- poaitions as would have Itindled a civil war after his death. But we are iufonned that he snnoimced the prince's birth in a letter lo Al- istotle, in terms which implied that he looked on him aa his beir.* When the bojtamed the brare horse,Bucephalus, which afterward bore him through so man; battles, and which no man in the court had been able Co mount, Philip is said to baTe embraced him with tears of joy, bidding him seek a kingdom worthy of Mm : Macedonia bad not room for him.f He ad- vised him to cultivate the favour of the people, while he was not responsible for any acts that might displease them ;% and did not even take it 01 when be heard that the Macedonians call- ed Alexander their king,Philip their leader.^ Ilie education of tbe prince in his childhood was placed under the Buperintendeoce of one of his mother's kinsineu, uamed Leonidas, a nobleman of austere and parsimoniouB charac- ter, who carefully retrenched the luxuries wbicli bis pupil would have enjoyed tbiougb his mother's indulgence, and inured him be- times to Spartan-like babita of hard exercise and simple (ore" Leonidas, be once said, when an Asiatic table was spread for hun, had pro- vided him with the best cooks i a night's march before breakfast, a scanty breakfast to season his aupperll " and checked his inclination to excess in his expenditure ; yet It seems so as rather to spur than curb bis ambition. "Wait," he said to him one day, when he threw more fraukincense than seemed needful into the c"nset, " until jou are master of the land where it grows." When Alexander be- came lord of Asia, be sent a hundred talents' weight of aiconatjcs to Leonidas, with a re- qoeat that he would no longergrudge incense to tlie gods.f Under Leonidas, whose disci- pline was thoughtby a philosophical observer to haTcleft injurious traces in his character,'* he had another governor of a different turn, an Acamanian, named Lysimachus, who recom- mended hixQself to the boy by a peculiarspe- cie* of flattery, which touched the right chord in his fancy : calling himself Pbienix, the king PeleuB, Alexander Achilles. That the most Ekdftil masters to be found in Greece were pro- cured to instruct him in aU liberal exercises and studies, may be safelypresumed. Of his taste for music and poetry we have some early intimation:!. Philip himself somewhat valued himself on '.lis knowledge of music :ttand when he entertained the Athenian ambassadors, among whom Demosthenes and if^setuaes were present, Alexander, who was then about ' eleven years old,playedon the lyie, and sung or recited in concert with another boy of tha same age, for the amuBement of the cou^mi- ny.' How much he Uved in Homer's poetical world may be partly inferred from the story of Lysimachusjust mentioned. It was, above all, as we know from more distinct evidence, the image of Achilles that captivated bis boyish fancy. But itwaa no common interest that he took in the poet's creation : ActiilleB, accord- ing to the traditions of his mother's house, was his own ancestor. He fell the hero's blood in his veins. He, too, preferredglory to length of days ; he,too, knew the delight of a glowing and constant (riendship. At an age when itwould not have been surprising if these bright visions had so occapied his imagination as to leave little room for ibe realities of life, he found an opportunity, in his father's atr- sence, of conversing with some ambassadors who had been sent from Persia to the court of Macedonia. They could have told Jiim of many wooders of the gorgeous East, which were cel- ebrated in Greece i of the hanginggardens and goldenplane-tree, and all the state and splen- dour of the great king. His curiosity was di' rected to subjects of quite another kind : it waa about the roads, the distances, the force of the armies, the condition of the provinces, about their master's skill in arms, that he questioned them, with an eagerness which alarmed them, it is said,more than Philip's sagacity, of which they had heard so much.t But the prince, who was destined to effect BO great a change in the state of the world,was to be committed to the care of the man whose spirit was not less active and ambitious, who ^BO, in the range of his intellectual conqueats, had never been equalled, and who found a much more lastingempire in the aphera of thought. Never, before or since, have two persons, so great in the historicalsense of the word.t been broughttogether- " above all, in the same rela- tion " as Alexander and Aristotle. Itis difficult to repress a curiosity which it is,nevertheless, hardlypossible to satisfy, as to the influence which the phQosopher exerted on hts pupil'i mind and character. The inquiry,however, would be fhiitless, unless we firstendeavour to ascertain tbo limits of their iiUercourse with each other, Aristotle's father,Nicomachus, a native of Stagira, one of the towns destroyedby Philip in the Olynthianwar, was a physician, employ- ed in that capacity, but also honoured as a friend,by Philip's father,Amyntas. Aristotle and Philip were nearly of the same age : a few years only before Philip was sent as a hostage to Tliebes, Aristotle settled at Athens to pur- sue his studies under the guidance of Plato. It is not improbable that they were acquainted Plnunih (ALsr,,V): " puuf a, bj.ths-WL "o werthrow Wt. WiUiahu'i conjoDturs " Bkn In AjiBalli in Alaiindii'i *u1t tit nPlat.,K-tL, Ar.,". ar of Fnitnc the Oml), iu whkli ha ki lOS RISTORY OF GREECE. with each other iir Macedonii, and that, nhile fiicy ItTcd BO near to one another In Greece, some interconrae took place between tbe piince and the young client of his house. This would be the most natural explanation oraftct other- wise strange, that on the birth of Alexander, Philip, in a letter bj which he communicated tbe tidings to him. declared that be thanked the gods leaa for the schi the; had giveohiro, than Uiat he had been born when he might have Aris- totle for his teacher. The genuineness of this letter is,indeed,very suspicious; but the fact it impUea, that Philip had very earlydesigned to place his son under Aristotle's care, is not the less credible. Aristotle's change of resi- dence, from Athens to Asia Minor, where he spent some years before he returned to Mace- donia, may have delayed the execution of this purpose. But stiU Alexander was but thirteen years old when he became the philosopher's pupil;*and,perhaps, this was an eariier age than in any other case would have been ripe for Buch instructions. For Barely what Aristotle was called to impart was not what mirtt have beeo learned Avm ordinary maBterB. Thia re- lation appears to have subeisted between them for no more than three succeBsive years. It is a pleasing, and not an improbableconjecturo.t that during this periodtheyspent most of their time at Stagira, which Philip bad been induced, hy Aristotle's request, to restore, and where Ite bftd laid out a kind of Lyceum, with shady walks, and atone seats, on n^und belonging to a Ismpie of the nymphB. But Alexander was only sixteen when Philipset out on his expedi- tion to Thrace, from which he only returned in the autumn of 339, and he was intnisted with the regency of the kingdom,probably uoder tbe direction of a couocil,during his father's ab- sence. He was then, of course, occupied with affairs of state ; and in the course of this time a revolt of one of the conqueredtribes,probably on the lUyrianfrontier, aflbrded an occasion for Ma first essay in the art of war. He reduced the inaurgenis, took their chief city,expelled its inhabitants,and planted a new colonythere, to which he gave the name of Alexandropolia.l In the interval bclween the battle of Chieronea and his father's death, he was engaged, as we have seen, in transactiona quite alien from phil- osophical or literary pursulls. It is veiy doubt- ful whether he saw Aristotle again before he came to the throne. Their personal intercourse roust, at least, have been confined to occasional interviews. When we consider the shortness of the time, and the early age lo which this part of Alexan- der's education was limited, we might be in- clined to think that Aristotle's influence over his mind and character can scarcely have been very considerable. Nevertheless, it is,at least, certain that their connexion lasted longenough to impressthe scholar with a high degree of attachment and reverence for the master" of whom he used to say that he loved him no less .than his father ; for to the one he owed life, to tbe other the art of living " and even with some interestin his phiiosopbical pursuits.^ It must be remembered,on the one band, that Alexan- der's facDlties ripened with extraordinary rapid- ' ApoUodon* ap. Dioc, ity, as seems to be proved by the trust wbtcb his father reposed in him, and the aflhirs in which he was engaged at the a^e of siUeeD : on the other hand, that Aristotle also was capa- ble of doing much in a short time with such a pupil, to whom he devoted bis whole attention : that his method of teaching was probably cal- culated to convey much knowledge in a narrow compass ; and that no time was consumed in those merelyprelimlnaiT studies which occupy BO large a put of a modem course of Lbend education. If we inquire what were the peculiar advan- tages which Alexander waalike^ to derive from such a teacher as Ariatolle, and which could not have been expected from any other of that day, we are led to remark that,as none a[ hia contemporaries bad taken in so wide a compaaa of knowledge, none, like him, had ranged over every intellectual field then open to human cari- osity, with as lively an interest in each as if it had been the object of his nndivided attentioD, there was niHie who vras less likelyto give anj partial bias to his pupit's studiea. And, again, as there was no man who belter underatood what belonged to every station of hfe,none less inclined to exaggerate the importance of hia own occupations, it may safely be concluded that all the instruction he gave was adapted with the most Judiciousregard to Alexander's station and prospects. The boy came mto his hands already formed by the attainments which were deemed indispensable for every ingenuous youth of hia yesrs. It was not cerlaiuly from Anstotle that he learned to love Homer, though the copy of the Iliad, which he used lo placeun- der his piliow, and which he deposited in the precious casket which he found amid tbe spoil* of DariuB, had been corrected by Aristotle's hand. Yet his strong taste for resding, which made him feel tbe want of a library in the midst of his conquests,*may have been both cherish- ed and directed by the man who, so many cen- turies alter,gave laws to the poets and critics of some of the moat potished nations uf Europe, as his talent for speaking was, no doubt,care- fully cultivated by this great master of acienlifii; rbetoric.t If Aristotle himself had any scien- tific bias, it was, perhaps, a heteditary one for tbe studies connected with medicine ; and, ac- cordingly, we Snd it expressly stated,and, in- deed, proved by facts, that the princecaught some measure of this predilection from him, so that he afterward thought himself qualified U" give his opinion to physicians on mailers be- longing to their art.^So he seconded Aristo- tle's reaearchea in natural history with an ex- inditure for the purpose of collections, which remarkable even among the examples of his munificcnce.4 Hese facts suggest an intereat- ingqueslioD, which, however, we can bat pro- pose; whetherapaasion for discovery, an eager- ness to explore tbe limiia of tbe world, was not combined as s distinct motive with bis thirst for conquest and dominion, and whether for tbia he may not have beed Urjelyindebted to Aria- oush 111 n on the nt^Kl tddnwid t 'ft voAb, it protHblr bj ft -* Al"i- t Pi"it.,Atti.,U. ^ E. rUay, S. k, Tiii.,IT. ALEXANDER'S DIFnCOLTIES. l" Uile'a coDversationt If we might dependon the genuioeoeBS of two letters which appear, at leaat, to hare been carl; current under the names of Alexander and Arista tie,*we should conclude that Aristotleadmitted bis pupil even to a knowledge or hia more abetruae specula- tions, which related to subjects that lay the fartheM of all (rom any practical application to human aSaJrs. Alexander complaios that Aris- lallehad published some ofhis works which be- fore had been reserved for the nse of his hear- ers, and bad thus deprived him of a distinction which he had before enjoyed. The replyis,at least, not unworthy of the philosopher; he re- marks that the books he had published were still, in one sense, unpublished, Inasmuch a" the; were inteliigible to none but his hearers. It is, perhaps, difficultto believe that Aristotle wish- ed la turn his pupil's attention so earl; to the highest and most subtle results of investi^tioos, v'hich bad,no doubt,occupied the greaterpart of hislife, But itwould not be incrediblethat Ihc ambitious youth should have desired to be JDitiaiedin these philosopbical m;Bteries, and bave listened with eager curiosity to his mas- ter's solutions of some of the difficultieswhich tiefound in the nature of thinga. It would then stillbe doubtful whether these questions led to iny inquiries concerning the objects of religious tieiief ; whether Ariatotle thought it expedient 10 give his pupilany hints of his own theory as lothe divine nature, or taught him to reconcile i devout adherence to the traditionalforms of worship with the notion of a single eternal Tountainof hfe.t We may more safelyadopt the opinion, that the stud; (u man and of societ; Plularcli'B rhetoric, when he ^istotle's divisions of virtue,as if the; were so many qualities which Alexander acquired from bis inalruciions it but stillwe need not :lcay that the striking contrasts through which Atistolle endeavours to unfold the nature of moral excellence might not onl;enlarge his pu- pil's knowledge of maukind, but migbt aid bim It the regulation of his passions. And who ^ihall pretend to estmiate the value of the theo- ries and precepts of government which fellinto iiich ears from tfae author of the Politics, illus- lialed by such a stock of examplesas he had at his command, in the history and constitutionof 158 states, which Ue had described in theit minutest details 1 ^ It is pleasingto And it re- corded that stillhe wrote a book on the office if a kingexpressly for Alexander. Neverthe- less, we have unquestionable proofthat, even on this head, the force of nature was stronger than, thatof education. Aristotle's nation^ preju- dices led him into ezlravagaut notions as to the superiority of the Hellenic race over the rest of mankind ; as if the distinction between Greek aud barbarian was nearly the same as between luan aod brute, person and thing : hence sla- very appearedto him not a resuil of injustice and crucit;, hut an unalterable law of nature, a f Tli" phikvoplivT'i otatfTTttlonw ibt pi i biog. Liert., Ariicoi. relation neeeasaiy to the wdbra of BociMy. Hence, too, he deduced a practicalnnniTTii which he endeavoured to inculcate upon tbe future conqueror of Asia, that he should treat tbe Greeks as hia subjects, the barbarians aa his slaves.* The advice was contrary to Alcx- ,ander'a views and sentiments: it did not suit (he position whiott his consciousness of his own destiny led him to asBome. He acted,we know, on a directly oppositeprinciple. We have, at least,reason to belleva that Alexander, though he was but twenty years old at his father's death, bad learned, thought, seen, and done more to fithin" for tbe place he waa to fillthan many sovereigns in the full maturity of tbeir age and experience. Like hie father, he found himself,on his accession lo the throne, in a situationwhich called forth all (he powera of hia mind, and all (he energies of his charafr- ter. Macedonia,though nominally at peace with all its Europeanneighbours, was surround- ed b; enemies, who had nnl; been forced by the success of Philip's arms to dissemble their hos- tility, and mi^ht be expectedeagerly to aeiie the opportunity which seemed to offer itself, now that the crown bad devolved on a strinling, to shake off a yoke which tbey had endured with ill-disguised impatience. In tbe kingd"n itself there were powerful families,which, though they had submitted to the aacendency of Philip's ability end fortune, had not forgotten the timefi when the;aspiredto independence, if not to the possession of the throne. Ainya- tas,too, the son of Perdiccaa,was still living, and migbt be tempted to assert his claim. Hieie was ground to apprehendthat,as at Philip's accesaion, if th^ or any other pretenders should start up, theymight be enabled,by the support of foreiga powers, to tnvidve tbe coim- tiy in a civilwar. It was known that tbe court of Persia waa on the watch to avert the peril with which it was threatened by Philip's prep, arations, and would spare no cost for (be pur- pose of throwingnew obstacles in bis euceesB- 'The young king's fir"l objectwas to secure himself at home : the next to overawe his hoe- tile neighbours, and to extort from them such an ackowledgment of his superiority as would place him in the position which his father was occupying at (be time of his death. In Mace- donia, though there might be some ambitious and disaffected nobles, the mass of the people both recognised his title, and were attached to his person. He had won their hearts, in his father's lifetime, by bis munificence, which was, perhaps, a simple eflbct of his natural disposi- tion, though it had incurred PhiUp'scensure, and possibly excited his jealous;. They had also seen sufficient proofs of bis extraordinaj; genius to satisfy them (hat he was worthy of the throne. Nevertheless, it appears that there were some grounds for apprebenaion, which, for a time,disquieted Alexander himself,and, probabl;, stillmore his moat faithfulfriendsand counsellors. As longas the motives whichbad , impelled Pausaniaa were unknown " and it may have lieen some time before they were ascer- tained"there was, apparently, reason to suspect that he waa only the chief actor or instrument ut., D, AJ litit fiapSipoii lintriiSt. Ktgle IW HISTORY OP GREECE. of a oontpiracy wbich might dM yt" haxe bc- oompliBhed all its objects. An inqiuTy was in- stitDted, and the result Lr said to have been, diBt pioors were diaeoTeced which implicated Heromenes and Airabana, two of the aoi " JEmpua the Lyncestian,and, it seema, i other persons, in the plot. It would be raab to decide on the weight of eridence wluch we htTO not seen. Bat itis difficultto resist a aiu- pieioD tiiatit was not much stronger than that on wbich, as ne shall find reason to believe, seieial verf innocent lives were sacrificed in tfaeconise of Alexander's reign. Alexander, the brother of the two Ljncesliannobles, the foremost, after the murder, to offer bis Tieeslo thejDDngprince. He instantl]' buckled on hia annour, and coodncted him aa hia sot- ereign to the palace. Therefore, it is said, though his innocence was not clearly estabtiah- ed, his Ufe was spared. But, besides the pre- Mimptton which Uiis fact raises in his favour. and,conaequenlly, in favoor of bis brothers, it seems almost incredible that Pausaoiae, whose motive was revenge for a personalinjury, and who had resolved to seek it at the risk of his lifewith his own hand, should have disclosed his deaign to persons who might betray, but eonld scarcely liirtber it. Yet it was given out that the murder had been preconcerted, not only with these accomplices, but with the Per- aian court or itaomissaries. The fact may have been, that tbe Lyncestlans had been engaged in "ome intrigues with the Persian government, and this may have appeareda sufficient ground lor charging them with a share in the guilt of Panaanias. Whatever may have been their crime, tbeir pnniahmsBt answered several uae- flil p"itpoMa ; it aatisfied the multitnde, vindi- cated Alezander'a own character, awed the dis- contented, and inflamed popular resentment againat tbe Creacfaeroos and cowardly barbarian. It saema that about the same ihoe,Amyntas, ton of Perdiccaa,was pat to death on a charge of a 'riot against Alezaitder'a life.* After theae acta of Jostice, and after the last honouTS bad been paidto hi* father, the king showed himself in a senerel assembly of his paofile, and declared hJs intention of prosecu- ting his preilecesaoT's undertakings with like vigour,and, it ia aald,granted a general immm- mtj tmm allburdens except mihtary service. t He dlemfaaed the Greek envoys to their homes with graciouslangaage, and with messages by which he requested each state to maintain the friendly relations in which it stood to his house. Thollu,Cod.,n, bun Aitlu'i woA, rd fii (p.10,B*kt.l. UTi of Ctbus, IhU tkt IF I), gfnc il n"pila:^ pewitilii u belieic thit itatanHiit In iD Uunl "iik, am U( fuidin or tha "lain it thi bulla of^ Orui'ii^' Ar. ites.1., IS. Tb" traih mar hnia baen thai th* Macsdit Bat as he could not place much reliaDce on Ute eBbet of aneh an exhortation, his chief ew waa to keep up tbe martial spirit of ^e army by fniqaent reviews and assiduous irainio; . Soon,indeed, it appeared that this was hi* only security. The news of Philip's death had excited a gen- eral ferment throughout Greece. The rioamy pnupect, which, since tbe battle of ChKro- nea, mutt bave saddened ao many hearts : the thought that the flower of tbe Grecian yootlt were henceforth to abed their blood for the ex- ecution of projects which threatened their coim- try with perpetualsubjection, waa suddenlyex- changed for the livelieat hopea of deliverance fh"m the foreigner's power. In all the princi- pal statea languagewaa beard, and prepara- tions were seen, denotinga dispoaition to take advantage of the nnexpecledopportunity. In selves ready to renounce their forced alliance with Macedonia. Perhaps Messenia and Meg- alopolis alone adhered to it. In the west moni decided movements look place. Ambraoia ex- pelled the Macedonian garrison, and re-estab- lished itsdemocralical institutions. Tbe Acar- nanian exiles who bad taken refuge in ^tolia prepared to return, and the .ftolians in their congress voted succours to reinstate them. Even Thebes,notwithstanding the presence of the garriaon in tbe Cadmea, rose against the oligarchical government. An Bssembly waa held, wbich passed a decree by which it re- solved to recover the citadel, and to resist Alexander's claima to the title and authority which the congress at the lathmus had oon- ferred upon hia f^her. Athena,however, took the lead in theae movements, and,indeed, se^ros to have been the centre firom which they pro- Among the Athenian envoys who had been sent to congratulatePhilip was Charidemus : whether the Eubaan adventurer,or the Athe- nian general of the aame name, ia a doubtftil point. He was, it seems, an intimate friend, or, at least, a pohticelidly of Demosthenes ; and,being at ."gK at the time of Philip'a death, lost no time in despatching a courier, who was directed to carry the news to Demosthenes be- fore he communicated it to any one else. It happened that the orator was, at this juncture, mourning the loss of an onlydaughter, who bad died but seven daya before ; but his private sor- -'wgave way to pubUc cares. He undertook publish the intelligence himself; and though the time prescribed by custom for tbe rites due to the deceased had not yet expired, he imme- diately laid aside his weeds, came out dressed in white, with a festivewreath on his head and a joyfulcountenance, and waa seen performing a solemn sacrifice at one of the public altars. In order to givegreater effect to the momentous tidings, the orator appears to have resorted to a Btratagcm, which proves that he knew hia countrymen to be stillaa superstitious, and al- most as credulous as theywere in the days when PieistraluB rode into AUiens with the goddesBby hia side. He appeared before the council of Five Hundred, and declared that it had been Tevealed to him in a drearn by Zeus and Athene, that some great good waa oboot DEMOSTHENES. lOI " happen to the comnion wealth.* HeueDgere iDon atler arriTed with the news which fulfiJIed ;he divine annonncement. It waa apparently .he object of Domoatbanea, bj this aitiSce,to mpresa the petijAe with his own view of the ;hange which Fhitip'e death had me tituation and proapecta of Athena. It was, 81 east, BB bannleas an impoature aa waa ever )ract[9ed ; and, it fraud could ever be piona, night deserve that epithet. . The same purpose ippeara in the meaaurea which he afterward iropoaed in the asaembl;. The eonnctl bad, It leams, Blread;appointed a aacrifice to cele- "nile the gladtidings: ha now moved that the leople Ehould proclaim its joj bj the like non;, and, moreover, thai religious honours "bouIiIbe decreed to the memory efPaDsaoiaa.t This condnct of Dpmoathenea waa atronglj ensured hj hia contemporariss on varioi [lounds, though not aa those wbich render aost repugnant to the maxims and feelings of ^vilized society in modern times. Yet we know hat,even under the better light which we enjoy, lot only the masaacre of the Huguenots was cel- ibtatedwith publicrejoicings and thanksgivlngB n the capital of Christian Europe, but the aa- aSBinalinnofthePrinceof Orange, and that of lenry III. ofFrance,were openlyappiaoded, and talthaaar Gerard and Clement treated aa be- oea.t Ferbape,however, the plea of political anatlcism cannot properly be alleged in behalf of )einosihene9 ; itis much more probable that he ictedon asobercalcuiationofeipediency. But he bead of his oRendingis,still, that he suffered atriolicmotives to overpower every other con- ideralion. It ia remarkable that the onlything fhich.^schinea reprehends in hia adveraary'a lehavionr on this occaaion, beside the forgery ifthe dream, is, that he had betrayed snch an- laioralinaenaibillty to hia domeslic loss : a re- Toaoh which Plutarch justlyrepels with the entark, that ii had always been accoonted iiaiteworthy to bary private affliction in con- em for the public welfare. He hinmelf con- lemna Demoathenes on the acore of ingratitude owarda a prince who bad used his victory with Kch magnaoimous forbearance. We might, letfaaps, observe, that generosity and gratitude lie terma which, when apphedto the transac- iona of states and princes wKh one another, "king rather to the style of a manifeato than to hatof a history. Phocion objected to the pro- loseddemonatrationa of joy on two accounts : irst. becaase such einltation over an enemy's leatb waa dastardly, and then, because the force "hichhad won the day at Cheronea had only "een diminiabed by the laaa of a single life. 4 Hie last of theae objectiona was snrelyeophia- ioal, and tended to weaken the first, which, in tself, was certainly well-founded. He might. IvBLh ; but tTiK jlptcbubijI : u( trap/usaid",lif' ai ] aaloiicul tiaggeiitiaii. Xi "aud ihil ithut UlID pU", wodU hi Itun,but f"Ur. I hfi UMaaro llci.gu.'".SkUb., J BBB inuUlgibl*ihM PlBUith'a lU , L,p. 1T7), hurdlj lumah, nioc..111. indeed, "irly argue that the joy whi^ tho Athenians might express would betray the leois which they had hitherto fell, their averaion for the power to which they had submitted ; would prove that their late presents and compliments to Philip were nothing but hollow flatteiy, cov- ering real hatred. But who had ever doubted that thia waa the case ! They had not even attempted to disguise their diapkeaanre at the contributions laid on them by the eonnesa. On the other hand, that the loss wtiid) Haeedonu had sustained by niitip'e death was onlyto be reckoned aa that of a ainflesoldier, was mani- festly falae ; and the best excuse that can be offered for Demosthenes ia, that he wbhed to place the event in a different light i one which he mi^l well believe ta be the true one. Wa cannot, indeed, be sore that be entertained ao low an opinion of Atezander'a abilities aa be tbougbt It expedient to profeas; tbough it ap- pears that the impression made on him by the yonng prince, when he saw him at his "lher'B court, waa not favourable ; and on hia return from his embassy he turned bia boyishperfono- ance into ridicule.* It waa true that Alexan- der had, at least, acted the part of a man better than himself at Chseronea ; but his real char- acter and the promise of greatness which he held out, could not yet be known at Athens. Perhaps some report of his mnllifsTions atodies and attainments had been beard there, which aiTorded a handle for Demosthenes to compare him with Margites, the hero of a barleaque poem attributed to Homer, who knew many things, but none well it and the orator now ventured to assure the Athenians that they had nothing to fear from the yonng kipg, who wonid never stir ftota Macedonia, but would remain at ; Fella,dividing his time between his peaceful studies and the inspection of Tiotima, which would never permit him to ondertake any dan- Such ii lever permit hi axpedilion.t a would undoubtedly h been .as presumptuous aa they ware fallaojoaB, if they had contained the whde ground on which Demoathenes reeled his hopes. But however he might be mistaken as to the char- r of Alexander, he had seeminglygood rea- for the inferenosa he drew from the (acts wbich were known of Um, his age, and bis po- That a youth of twenty, wbo had auo- ceeded to a throne vacated by a murder, and who had ao many enemies and rivalsto fear, at home and abroad, would be able to ascendency which his politic fa- ther bad with so much difficulty acquired over Greece, might well aeem improbableeoough to justify the moat sanguineexpectations from a vigoroBs. well- concerted reaistance. There were, beaidea,engines which the orator was able to set at work against him, which were known only to himself, and which he was obUged to keep secret, but which might rea- Bonablyatrengtben hia confidence. He waa in correspondence with the Persian court, and had, it seems, already received sums of money from it,to be distribated at his discretion, lor rftfTMTd Ipra,KarHf i*htiirrmrtitii-nt-Com- !i E(h.,"L,, T, Tbs noTT taM bj EuiMtliiu . IMI),*~. SK biTdlT b"ri" baen likes fnw r inu hiin bclEnuRlla ilia chincur of Iba .*."i".,o-,(W. mSTOBY OF GREECE. the pDipoae of tbw"rtiDgPbUip'senterprue agkiMt A"ia * The coDduct of DeoKWlheiiM in this timneaotiOD " Ifwo coosider that he caRring on a claadeatine Degotiation wilfa s IwngD state Bgainat which his own had de- dared war, to injure a prince who was tbe ally or Athens" cannot be vindicated on the princi- ples which regulate the intercoiiree of ciTilixed aatioos in modem times. But how little Mich Bcmples heeded when Napoleoa'a d tera opened a pmapeet of reatoring the iode- pendence of Geraan; ! The people,however, seem to have retajii- ed too lively a recollection of the eonatemation which had followed the battle of Cbnronea,lo pledge themselves hastily to a reneW of the Cdnteat with Macedonia. Ths language of fadunes inclinea ua to believe that they did not adopt the motion of Demoathenes wiUi re- ject to P"DBaniu.t' But he prevailedon them to Bend envoys to mAnj of the Greek stales with secret instructione, which were probably dictated by hinuelf; and to these agents V" DUqr aacribe a largo share in the proceedingB boitileto Macedonia, which have been already ralated. Tbe Peraian gold, or the jsomise of snbaidiea, may have oputed the way, and have overconw many obatacles. There waa another qnaitar inwhiob the AtbMiian emiasariea might BtBImore s^Uy reckon on a friendly reception. Altaiaa, AlexaMer'a personal enemy, was ooin- mattdbg a body of troops in Asia. Little en- oonragement could be necessary to indnce him V" revolt against the sovereign whom he had nnpardonably offended. A negotiation waa opened with him by means of a letter from De- mostheoes, and nothing,probably, bat want of time prevented ita success ; t for iH these plans and preparations were disconcerted and sup- pressed by the rapidity of Alexander's ntcve- meots. It seema as if bis elder counsellors, who bad been long need to Philip's cautious polief, advised him to leave the Greeks totthe present to thetnselves, and not to make any attempt to fores them to obedience until he had eatablisbed a good understanding with the bar- barian tribes on his northern frontier, which, after Philip'sdeath, had begun to assume a threatening aspect.^Alexander,however, saw that, ifhe should adopt aueh a oourse, the work of bis father's reignmight be undone in a few months ; he saw that his presence was imme- diately necessary in Greece, and he set bis forces in nwtion without delay. Inhis passage throughThesaaly. be endsavoured to conciliate the ruling thmilies bypromises, and byflattering allnaionato the twofold relation by which he waa connected with them Ihroogh bia paternal and maternal anceators, Hercutea and Achilles, Thia appeal to their vanity, seconded by a for- midable army, could not be withstood. All the concessions that bad been made to Philip were renewed to him ; their revenues and troopa were idacedat his disposal. H At TheimDpylas "" -"-J the AmphictyonicCooncil, per- " PluUrch, Drmoith,, M. DrojMn, p. Bl, "(f"iJ U" "fB. "., litalrlm-liarr""J".Smjii ii|i" ^IqlV itmHimr Mr ' not. iiMnfan,,tha pta^ mko. t FhiL,Al.,II. " I Juliii, li , s. haps before the ordinary time of the aotumnal meeting, with a view to secure the adherence of the northern tribes which had voles in it ; and from them, it seems, he received the title which had been conferred on his father in the Sacred War.* He then advanced by rapid marches to Thebes, where, as do preparalions had yat been made to execate the resolution which had been precipitately adopted, his prea- ence awed the disaffected into entire submis- sion. His approachproduceda Uke effect at Athens, The people hastened to aj^ease him by an embassy, which they sent to apologize for their late proceedings, and to ofl^r him all the honours they had conferred on Philip. Demosthenes himself was appointed one of tbe envoys" perhapsthrough the intrigues of his adversaries ; and he even proceeded as lar as Cilhsron, on his way to the Macedonian, camp. We do not know whether it was his own re- flections on the dangers of hia mission, or some hints which he received as to Aleiander'a in- tentiOQB, that inducM him to find some excuse for turning back. The rest of^tbe ambasaa- dors,however, found the kingready to accept their excuses and promises,perhapswere led to believe that he had never suspected the comroonweallb of any hostile designs.Tet, according to Diodoras, itmost have been aboot this thite that Attalus" pMsibly disheartened by tbe intelliganoe h" received from Europe " determined to attempt to make his peace with him, and, as a proof of his sincerity, sent him the letter of Demosthenea. Alexander, how- ever, does not appear to bavo made any com- plaints to the Athenians on the subject ; but he despatched a trusty olfioer, named Hecatsus, over to Asia, with orders either to arrest At- tains and convey him to Macedonia,or u" put him to death. It seems that Att^ua bad so won tbe affections of his troopa that Hec- atssns thought it safest to have him secretly killed. Alexander had sent env^ before him to summon a fresh congreasat Corinth. He found this assembly as obsequious as that which had been called by his father, and was iavesled by itwith tbe same titleand authority for the pros- ecution of the war with Persia,as had been be- stowed on Philip.Sparta alone either refused to send deputies to the congress, or instructed them to disavow its proceedings. She had been used" such was Blillber language " herself Lo lake the lead among the Gre^s,and would not resign her heieditary rank lo anolhert Alex- ander, perhaps, smiled at these pretensions of a stale which was hardly able to protectitself, bol did not think itworth while to put its reso- lution to the lest,b; an invasion of its territory. So, too, the revolt of Ambracia did not appear to him importantenoogh to detain him ao long as would have been necessary to crush it. He even condescended to assure the Ambraciana that they had only forestalled his inlenlions ; that he should of his own accord have restored their democratical ii ' , V, ALEXANDER ON THE DANUBE. I6B tnmed to Haoedonia, with the hope that in the fbllswing spring he might be ab[e to embark Tor But when the aeaaon for militar;operations drew near in 33S, reports were hcKrd of move- ments among the Thracian tribes and the Tri- haUisns, which seemed to render it necessary, for the aecuritj o[ hia kingdom during hia ab- sence, that he should epread the terror of his amia in that qaarter before he began an expe- dition which would carry him so far awaj from it The Tribaltians had not oolj resisted Phil- ip's passage through their territory with impu- nity, but had deprived his army of the booty collectedin the Scythiancampaign. The Thra- ejana,in whose land be had planted hia colo- nies, were, no doubt,impatient to ease them- selves of the tribute which he had imposed on them, and of the foreignsettlers, whose presence made the joke more galling ; and those whose independence had only been threatened, were admonished by the fate of their neighbonrs to secure themselvea against like attacks. The lUyrians, too,hereditary enemies of Macedonia, had begun to entertain hopes of recovering the districtswhi"A had been wrested from them by Philip.Early in the spiing Alexander set out on his march towards the Danube. A small sqaadronofshipe of war was ordered to be fit- ted out at Byzantium, and to sail up the river lo meet the army. In ten days,having cross- ed the HebruB at Pbilippopolis, it reached the foot of the Balkan. Here the Thracians had eolleeted their fbrces to guard the detilea, and were seen intrenched behind their wagous on the summit of the pass. As the road which ted up to it was BTtremelysteep,they had form- ed the [dan of rolling their wagons down on the enemy as theyadvanced, and then falling sn their broken ranka. Alexander perceived the object of their preinratlons, and provided against Xhe danger. The heavy inlantry was ordered, where the ground permitted,to open their files and make way for the wagons ; wt^t" this waa not practicable, to throw themselves forward on the ground, and link their shields together over their heads,so that the descend- mg masses might bound over them. The shock came and passed in a few moments, leaving the men unhurt ; they closed their ranks, and rose from the ground with heightened courage. The enemj were soon dislodged from their poaition bj a skilful and vigorouscharge,leaving 1500 alain -, the Aigitives easilyescaped ; the camp, inwhich w"Te their wives and "^ildren, fellinto the hands of the victors. Having crossed the mountains without far- ther intermptiOQ, Alexander descended into the rriballisnc ountry to the River Lyginus,* at a point three days' mareh from the Dannbe. Syr- mus, the king of the TribaUiana, had sent Uie women and children of hia tribe to an i^nd of the Danube which our anthers call Pauce,and, m the enemy's approaeli, himself look re^ge iherewith his immediate followers, and several ifthe neighbouring Thracian hordes. But the Julk of his own peo;rfe, when Alexander moved 'orward to overtake him, fell back upon the Lyginus, where the woods near the riveraflbrd- !d B. secure shelter. Alexander,however, who was apprized of their motions, and was onH.a day's march in advance, suddenly T^raced hi" steps, and encamped on the plain skirted by tlie forest. ' The manoeuvres of his lighttroop* drew the enemy out of their lurking-place, aM Ihey were then easily routed ; 3000 were slain; the fugitives were mostly able to reach the for- est, into which their pur^ueia. as it was grow- ing late, did not venture to follow them. Alexatider now resumed his march, and in three days reached the right bank of the Dan- ube, where he found the galleys which he ex- pected from Byxantium. If the Danube waa not navigable for the ancient galleys of war ^mve the modem port of Galatz* " which list between the Sereth and the Pnith, where Mm river makes itssudden bend eastward " itwooM be dimcutt to understand his previous move- ments unless we suppose that, befbre he met the ships, he had marched for several day a along the river. On the other hand, the island,or network of islands, formed by the Danube jnst above Galati, would eeem to have presented a very suitable place of retreat for the fugitives whom Alexander waa pursuing.! In the gal- leys, however, he embarked with a body of heavy-armedinfantry and bowmen, and endear- oared to effect a landing on Pence. But the current was strong, the banks were steep, and lined with enemies, who far outnumbered the detachment which his little squadron could con- tain : after some fruitless attempts, he found himself forced to abandon the undertaking. Ha had also another more interesting object in view. He wished to cross the greatriver, the boundary of so many warlike tribes, and to make an incursion into the land of the Getee, who were now seated either in Walachia,or, ifPeuce lay lower down, in Moldavia or Bess- arabia,and whoso forces,10,000 foot and 400fl horse,were drawn up, as in defiance of him, on the opposite side. He himself, and a part of ills troops, embarked in the galleys; the rest found a passage either in canoes used tay the natives, of which he collected a great number, or on hides slnflM with straw. Under favonr of night,they crossed over nnmolested. and landed in fields of standingcom. This tlu phalanxlevelled, as it marched through, with its spears, the cavalryft)tk"wing until they reached the open ground, wbere the enemy, as- tonished and dismayedby their unexpected ap- pearance, did not even wait for the first charga of the horse, but took refuge in their town, which lay but a few miles off Even this" for itwas pooriy fortified" they abandoned at Alex- ander's approach, and taking as many as they could of the women and children on their her- ses, retreated in the wilderness. The towa was sacked and razed to the grotmd, and Alex- ander, having sacrificed on the right bank of Iba Danobeto the gods whohad granted Mm R sab passage, returned to hia eampon tke other aide. Here be i"eeived embassies,ttith sobmiastTa^ or, at least,pacific overtures, (nm Synnns, and from many of the independent nations border^ tng on the river. Hisohief objectwaa attaiDed in the proof thus aflbrded of the tenor Inspirtd "a iwf"Tiiif Id " 1VU of TvAbt iA lonH ("hoi^ h" u iu imdibiia JB ISM), pnlili^af kr C^tn u Unlih, "'-'"""""" Cooglc IM HISTORY OF GREECE. bj his anus. Among Iho Iribea which had ; been agilatedby Ihe report of his expedition] were Ibe Celts, who had migrated to the east i of the Adriatic* They came proresaedly to j seek his alliance;perhaps, in fact, rather to, aaceitain what iheymight have to apprehend from him. Aleiander was alruck with their giganticforms,and. with some Belf-complacen- cy, asked them what Ihcy feared most in the world. Their pride was equal to his ambition : Ibej answered, "Lest the sky should fall."t All were dismissed willi assurances of frieud- He now turned his march westward, to reach the borders of Illyria, through the country of the Agrianiana and FKoniana, on the western side of the mountains which contain the springs of the Hehrus and the Nestus. On his road he received advice that Cleitua, king of the Illyri- ani, the son of his father's old enemy, Gardylis, was up in arms, and had leagued himself wj'tti ' Glaucias,king of the Tautantians. The Auta- liates, too,through whose land he had to pass, were ready to fdl on him hi his way. From this last binderanc",however, he was relieved by his faithful ally, Langarua,king of the Agri- auians, who had formed a personal attachment lo him in Philip's ]ifctime,Badnowcametojoin him with a body of his dioicest troops, and un- dertook to find sufficient employment for the Autariatea, who were accounted by their neigh- bours an unwarlike tribe in their own country. Ho fulfilledthis promiseby an invasion, which efiectnally diverted them from their meditated attack OD the Macedonian army. AJexander would have rewarded his zeal with the hand of his sister Cyoane, the widow of Amyntaa ; but before the time came, Langaruswas cut offby aicknees. The king,however, was thus eaa- bled to punuo his march without obstruction iq) the vijley of the Erigon, towards the fortr^a of FellioD, which, as the strongestposition in the country, had been occupiedby Cleitos. It Mood on high ground, in the midst of lady ' i hills, which were also guarded hy II- proaches of the place ; and the barbarians had "ought an additional sa"guard against the as- "anlts of the Macedonians, in a sacrifice which Ibey celebrated on the hill-tops, of three boys, Ihrea giris, and as many hjack rams. Yet all these precautions provedfruitless, and Alexan- der, after he made hituself master of the adja- cent hills" where he found the. victims of those liorridrites" was proceeding to invest PeQion .itself, when the arrival of Glaucias,with a nu. Jnerons army, compelled him to retire, that he jcuightprovide for hia own safety. Wc shall not dwell on the evolutions by which ho extri- cated himself from a most perilous position. It lis SDfficient to mention that he first penetrated through a difficultdefile, and crossed a river in the presence of an enemy greatlysuperior in nnmbers, and three days afterward,having sud- denly returned, fell upon the aUies, whose camp was carelesaly guarded, in the night, and broke np their host. Glauciaa fled towards his "NijU p.n',ttiiii]nib(ttt"ni U" *r thv CjEpryfiU^m. home, and was pursued hy Alexander, wilfc greatslaughter, as fat as the mountains whkk protected his territories. Cleitua at first tack shelter in Pellion, but soon despairing of hu own resources, set fire to the fortress, and re- treated into the dominions of Glaucias. The accounts which reached Greece of Al- exander's operations in these wild and distant regions were, it may be supposed,very imper- fect and confused ; and at length,during u interval of which no news was heard of him, i report of his death sprung up, or was etndiomJi set afloat. It was, st least, either briief of the report, or confidence in the eflect which it wm likely to produce in others, that seems to hiic encouraged a party of Thehan exiles, in cos- cert with some of their friends at home, vbe were no less impatient oftheMacedonimn yoke, to enter the cityby night, and attempt a revo- lution. They began, in an unhappy spirit, wiiti the massacre of two officersof the Macedonm garrison, whom they found in the streets oaa- ware of the danger. They then suinnioned m assembly, and prevailed on the people, cbieilT hy the :'troag assurances which they gvie of Alexander's death,to rise in open insuirectioa. and lay siege to the Cadmea. The citiieis who were stillin exile were recalled, the slives enfraaciiised, the ajienstcon by new privileges Whether Demosthenes had been previouslyap- prized of their design is doubtful; hut when they had taken the decisive step, be certaial; aided them to the utmost of bis power. He liir- nished them with asubsidy which enabled them to procure arms for alt who were able to bear them,*' many of whom, perhaps, had been de- prived of their own by the oligarchical govern- ment, and he induced the AUieniana to enter into an alliance with them, and to promise them support. He himself, probably, believed the ru- mour which he must so earnestly have wished to be true ; and it was, no doubt, this that im- boldened the people, on his motion, to decree an expedition in aid of the Thebaas. This de- cree, however,was not carried into effect : be- fore the people could be brought actually to take the field, news arrived which put a stop to their preparations.Elis,too, which seenaa to have fallen again into the hands of the anli-Hi- cedonian party,openlyespoused the cause of the Thebans, so far as even to send their (brtea as far as the Isthmus, where they were joined hy those of some Arcadian states. But hat their generals were induced to halt,by the ti- dings which reached them of Alexaoder's re- He was stillat Pellion when he beard of the revolt of Thebes. He knew that unless it wa" crushed in time it would probablyspread, and he was anxious airaut the garrison of the Cad- mea. He therefore set out immediately fat Bieotia. In seven days,having traversed the upper provinces of Macedonia, and crossed ibc Cambunian range towards its junction wi;b Pindus, he reached Pelinna in Thessaly. Sii days more brought him into Bieotia. So rapid were his movements, that, before the Thebans had heard that he had passedThormopylK. be had arrived at Onchestus. The authors o^tbe insurrection would not at firstlisten to theynen of bis approach; they gave out that it w/mA" CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF THEBES. IM lipater who commanded ttieMacedonian aimy; and then that Aleiaader, the son of."ropus, had been taken for his royal i^ameaake. Hut when the truth was ascerlaiaed,they Tound the people still willing to persevere in Ibe struggle, which had now become ao bopeleas. Alexao- der, on the other band, wishing to give tbem time for better counsele,now moved slowly against the city,and, even wben he bad en- camped near the foot of the Cadmea, which Ibey had encompassed with a double hne of ciTcunvallBtioD, waited some time for propo- saU of peace, which he was ready to giant on very lenient teima. There was a strong party within which was willing to submit to his pleasure, and urged the people to cast them- selves on his mercy ; but the leader* of the re- voh,who could expect none for tbemselvci,re- sisted every such motion ; and as. besides their personalinfluence,they filled most places in the goveimnenl, they nufaappily prevailed. It was tbeir objectto draw matters to extremi- ties. When Alexander sent tu demand Phte- nii and Prolhjtes, two of their chiefs,they de- manded Philotas and Aniipater in Teiuni ; and when he proclaimed an offer uf pardon to alt who shouid snrrender themselves to him, and share the common peace, Iheymade a counter- proclamation(ram the top of a tower,* inviting allwbo desired Che independetice of Greece to take part with them against the tyrant. These insults, and especially the aaimusity and dis- trust which they implied,put an end to all thoughts of peace, and Alexander reluctantly prepared for an assault. The fate of Thebes seems, after all, to have been decided more by accident than by design. Perdicoas, who was stationed with his division in front of the camp, not far from the Thcban ialrencbmenls, without waiting for the signal, began the attack, and forced bis way into the "pace between the enemy's hnes, and was fol- lowed by Amyntas, son of Andromenes, who commanded the next division. Alexander was thus induced to bringup the rest of bis forces. Vet,at first, be only sent in some hghttroops to Ue support of the two divisionswhich were en- gaged with the enemy. Wben, however, Fer- diccas had fallen, severelywounded, as he led his men within the second hne of intrenchments, and the Thebans, who at first had givenway, ndlied, and, in Ibeir turn, put the Macedonians lo Sight, be himself advanced to the scene of combat with the phalanx, and fell upon them in ihe midst of the disorder caused by the pursuit. The; were instantly routed, and made for the nearest gates of the city in snch confusion that the enemy entered with them, and being soon joined by the garrison of the Cadmea, made themselves maatert of the adjacentpart of the city.The besieged made a short stand in the market-place ; but, when the; saw themselves threatened on all sides, the cavalry took to flight throughthe o^^iosiugates, and the rest as they could find a passage. But few of the foot com- haianta effected their escape ; and the conqaer- DTs glutted their rage with unresisted slaughter. It was not, however, so much from the Macedo- nians, as from sonte of their auxiliaries, that the Thehana anCTered the utmost eicesses of hos- tile cmelty. Alexander had bronght with him a ' Piodonu,iTJl., 9. body of Thracians among his lighttroops, and he had been re-enforced by the Phocians,and by all the Bieolian towns hostile to Tbebea, more especially by Orchomenus, ThespiK, and PlatKa. The Thracians,impelledby their ha- bitual ferocity, of which they had shown so fear- ful a specimen many years before, at the cap- ture of Mycalessus, the Bteotians, eager lo re- venge the wrongs they had endured from Thebes in the day of her prosperity, revelled in the usu- al hcense of carnage, pluoder, and wanton oat- rages on those whose age and sex left them most defenceless. The bloodshed,however, was restrained by cupidity, that the most valo- able part of the spoilmight not be lost. The number of the slaio was estimated at 6000; that of the prisoners at 30,000. The MacedCK nians lost about SOO men. It only remained lo fix the linal doom of the conqueredcity. Alexander, who had probablr made up his mitid on it, referred it to a council of his allies, in which the represeniativea of tho Bceotian towns took a leadingpart. The issue of their deliberation might be easilyforeseen, and did not want plausible reasons to justify it. There was a sentence which bad been haugiiiK over Thebea ever since the Persian war, in which she had so recklessly betrayed the eaiae of Grecian liberty.* It had never been fbrgot- ten, and calls had been heard from time to tune for its execution.t And the city which had to long been permitted, bj^the indulgence of tho Greeks,lo retain a forfeited existence, had nev- ertheless been distinguished by her merciless treatment of her conquered enemies. In the case of PlatKa she had Dot onlyinstigated the Spartans to a cold-blooded slaughter, forbidden by the usages of Greek warfare,but she had do- stroyed a citywhich, by its heroic patriotism, had earned the gratitude of the whole nation, and was itselfa monument of the national tri- umph. Nor was it fbrgoltenthat, when Athens was at the mercy of its enemies, she alone had proposed to sweep it from the face of Oreeoe. It seems that these old offcncea were placed in the foreground, while littlenotice was taken of the later acts of violence and oppressionlowarda the BiEotian towns, which were the real grounda of their implacable resentment. The decree of the caancil was that the Cadmea should be Ml standing, la be occupiedby a Macedauian gar* rison ; that the lower city should be levelled with the ground, and the territory, except Ihe part which beloi^ed to the temples, divided among the allies ; the men, women, and chil- dren, sold as slaves, all but the priesls and priestesses, end some citizens who stood in a relation of hospitality to Philip or Alexander, or held the ofUce ofProxenus tuthe slate cfMace- donia. Under this head were probably inclu- ded most of Ihe conqueror'spolitical adherents. He made one other exception, which was hon- ourable rather to his taste than his humanity. He Aoit ipare Ihe houMt ef Pindana, and as many as were to be found of bis descendants. The council likewise decreed that Orchomenus and Platca should be rebuilt. The demolished buildings of Thebes may have furnished mate- rials for the restoration of Platna. It can hardly be doubled that policy bad s large share in this rigorousmeasure, and that ' a" TsL i.,^ tai. fs""..p."lc IW HISTORY OF GREECE. Utebes was destrojedchiefly because itwould not hare been safe to leaie it standing, end that (he example of its fate might strike ibe rest of Greece with a wholesome awe. Alexander bim- self, in bis subsequent treatment of individuBl Thebans, tacitly acknowledged that his severity bad been carriDd to an extreme which bordered apon cruelty. But the harsbneBs which be dis- played in this case enabled him to assume the "ppearanoe of magnutimity and gentleness in others. All the Greek states which had betray- ed their hostility towards him now vied with one another in apologies, recantations, and of- fers of submission. A reaction immediately took flace at Elis in favour of the Macedonian party: and in the Arcadian towns which bad sent suc- cours for the Thebans, the anthors of this im- prudent step were oonderoned to death. The "tolianB,too, who had shown some aymptonis ^disafiection, sent an embassy to deprecate the king'sdispleasure.Athens, however, had most leaaoB to dread his anger, and strove to avert it t? a MTTile homage, which at once marks the dtaracter of the man who proposedit, and the depth to whioh the people had fallen since the kattle of Chcronea. When the first fugitives arrived from Thebea, the Athenians were cele- bnting their great Elensinian mysteries. All Oed in coasteraation to the city, and removed their property out of the country within the walls. An assembly wa" immediatelycalled, in which, on the motion of Demades, it wai decreed that ten envoys, the most acceptabh that coold be found, shoatd be sent to con Etnlate Alexander on his safe return frMn northern expedition, and on the chastise- maul which he had infliotad on Thebee. king disoovered no dwpleasnre at this piece of iapDdent iriweqDJonKiesa, but in reply sent a totterto the peo]^,demeDdiog nine of the lead- iDf anti-MaoedoDian orators and generals ^ De- Boatbenea, LycaTga^ Hyperides,Polyenctna, Oharea,Oharidemua,Epiiialties, Kotimue, and KaTOcles, whom be ohwged botti with the tranaactiona whiofa bad led to the battle of CluBnmea, and with aU the t that had aineo boBn adopted at Atiiena towards Ua "tber and hiUBeU,partienlarly with the pinoipal diare in the ravoll of Tbebea. In the aaaemblr which waa Md w consider tiiia te- qaiaitioii, Bioaion, it ia said, both eotmselled ' the people t" amnender tfae otgecta of the ood- ^"eror'a roBontineBt or apprcdieikaions, and ex- kofted the elected victima to devote thsmaelvea ^OBtaneotwIr lor the paUie weal. Demosthe- lea ia repnted to have quoted the fable of the vtdf who caUed on ifaa aheap to givenp ' doga. He people waverad between thai Nbutanoe, oil Demadea stepped tbedifficuJty. He andeitook-^t Ij baUeved lor a fee of Ave talmta" to appease AleZBitder, and aave Ibe threatened lives. He fitODd the king satiated with the puj ef thei Thebans,and diaposed for an of mercy, which mi^ aoftan the impression it had produced on the minds of the Oreeks. He remitted bis demand with respoct to idl ex- cept Charidemus, who, perhaps, had incurred bis peculiardispleasure by his conduot at Mgm "Aar Philip's death, and who now embarked for Aaia, and proceeded to the Persian court. The conqoeroT celebrated his return to Ma- cedonia with an Olympic festival at MgK, and with games in honour of the Muses at Diam in Pieria. The inhabitants of Dium held the memory of Orpheus in great reverence, and boasted of the possession of his bones. At the time of the games it was reported that a statue of the ancient bard,which, perhaps, adomsd his in sweat. Alexander's Lyciansoothsayer, Ar- istanderofTelmisBus, bade him hail the omen: it signified that the masters of epic and lyric poetry should be wearied by the talc of his achievements.* These achievements willnow itne time "^aim om undivided attention. CHAPTER XLIV. ALsiiHDKB'a invaeion of Asia might well form the subject of a separate worki-t hot it belongs rather to universal history than to the history of Greece. The Greeks,indeed,were deeply interested in the event ; but the eflbct it produced on their condition might be suffi- ciently understood from a very summary ac- count of the transactions by means of which it was brought about. Still, it was not without reason that writers of Grecian historythought themselves called upon to relate this great tri- umi^i of Grecian, arts and arms " for sueh it was, though they were employed by a pec^le whom the Greeks themselves did not aoooant worthy of their name " which spread a Greek populationover the faireat proviaces of Asia, and carried the Greek language,mannera, and mode* of thinking fi'om the shores of the Me- diterranean to the banks of the Indus. It ia now acateelypenuitted to one who is traver- sing ^le same fieldto depart from their eum- pie. The reader,bowever, will not expect to aee thia aubject treated hate even with all Ok ftdneas of detail*into which we have entered in other portioiia "f our narrative, wttid) were more easential parte of a hlatory of Greeoe. Our aim moat be ootdbted to a aurv^ of the leading featnrea of thia ever memoraUe con- qneet, whioh may enable na to nnderstand the spirit in which itwaa accomplished,and, per- haps, to judge of the deaigittaa well u Uie achievements of the cooqaeror. But before we procead, it win be neoeaaarr, both for the sake of oonnaxiao and to illustrate the state of the PeraiBii empire at the period when it waa attacked by Alexander, to take a review of the principal events which befell it during about half a century beftire, or from the time of the peace of Antalcidaa. We have had oocasion,in a former part of thia work,tto mention hostilitiesin which Evag- oraa of Salamis was engaged with Persia in the reign of that Anaxerxes whom Cyms at- tempted to dethrone. It may now be proper to say something more about the ciioumatances nwhoKtyPwirwa. Cnii loliistaiik Ok Mt of AJtiUHlai u Siii " Vol. 1, p. 871 7" EVAG0RA8." CYPRIAN- WAR. 167 under which Eragoras roie to power at SaJa- niis. The Greek princes, who traced their ori- gin to Tender, bttd been eipelledby a Phteni- ciin chief,who, to Mcore his own aulhorilr, acknowledged himself the vaasal of the Persian king. ETaftnras, when he had made himaelf mister of SalaiiiiB, both restored the ancient power and spJendour of the city,^ich, ondei its Ptmnician mlers, had lost its Greek raan- ners and its marilune occupations,* and en- daaTotired to extend his dominion over the rest of the island. He anoGesded eo far, that only Amattaus, Soli, tud Citinm held oat against him, and they found themseNes compelled to seek protection from ArtaxeneB. He willing- ly promised them suocoDrs ; for not only had "e revolation,by which his Cyprian vassal had been detinoned,deprived him of an important island, but Eragoras bad fonuod conneiionB with (he King of Egypt,and, it aeems, had en- gaged in entei-pisea which Ihreateaed Phm- uieia and Cilicia. Artazerxes,therefore, made the cause of the Cyprian ctdes opposed to Bmg- oras his own, and ordered the satraps of the nearest maritime prorincM, and Heoatomnus, the prince of Caris,to prepare an expedition for the tnTsston of Cyprus. But these prepara- tioDB appear to have been delayedby his war with Sparta ; and one of tbe reasons which made the peace of Antalcidas welcome to him was, Uiat it left him at liberty to prosecute this nndertaking,and, as hie title to Cyprus was eiprosslyacknowledged in the treaty, debarred ETBgoras fnnn all farther suoconrs which he might hare obtained from his Greek allies. Af- ter tbe peace, the preparations were carried on with increased vigour, and at length a great atmamenl was broughttogether; it is said ap- WBTd of 300,000 men and 800 gBUeys, to which tbe Ionian cities contributed most largely, t lite army was placed under the command of Orontes : the sea force was committed to Teri- basuB, onder whom G""m, his eon-in-Iaw, thoogb with inferior rank, seems to have had the chief direction of the naval operations.Evagoras, on the other hand, had obtained consideraUe iucoonre from the Egyptianking, Acoris ; snd even Heeatomnus haid privately furnished him with a enbeidy, which enabled him to take a largebody of mercenaries into his pay. If wo may believe isocrates,! he had invaded Phe- ntcia, and msdehimself master of Tyre by force of arms. His authority was certainly acknowl- edged there, and in some other Phtenician cit- ies, and a Tynan squadron of twenty galleys came to his aid against the Persians.^His fleet, however, with this addition,amounted only to ninety sail. Hie native troops were abont 6000 men ; hot, besides the mercenaries, he received re-enfbrcements from many quar- tera^" tbr all who were disaflected to the Per- sian government were his natural allies" among the rest, from a chief who is called King of the Arabians. Still, when the Persian armament had cross- ed over to Cyprus,Evagoras was not in condi- tion to cope with it openly either hy sea oi land, and fbr a thne eonl!ned himself to the ob- ject frf" hiteroepting the enemy's supplies with bis cruisers. In this he was so aaccessfiilthat he rcuJaced them to great distress, which earn- ed a matioy in their camp, and compelled them to return, with their whole fleet, to Cilicia for a fresh slock of proTisions.Meanwhile, he re- ceived a re-enforcement of fiftygalleys (root Acoris, and having fitted out sixty more him- self, thought himself strong enough to risk a battle. He chose his own time, and took the Persians by sQrprise; but the inequality of nnmbers was, perhaps, stilltoo great; he was defeated, and besieged in Salamis by sea and land ; bQt he made his escape by night, with galleys, leaving his son Ptiytagoraa to gov- in his absence, and proceeded to Gg^pt to press Aooris for fresh succours. The Egyp- ''~n,however, seems no longer to have trusted bis fortune, and only furnished him with a scanty supply of money, with which he return- ed to Salamis, His affairs might now have seemed hopeless, and there can hardly be a donbt that, 'if the sie^e had been prosccnted with due vigour, the city must have anrrender- ed at oieeretion. But,happily tor Eragoras, the two satraps who commanded the Persian for- tealous of each other, and ea.cb ani- e credit of putting an end to a long and expensive war ; so that, when he made overtures of peace to Teribaius,they were more favourably received than the state of his aShira would have entitled him to expect. Ter- ibaius would have permitted him to retain Sal- amis, on conditioQ that he should pay a yearly tribute, and acknowledge biraselfthe subject of the Persian king. Evagoras vras willing to ac- cept M the other conditions, but would not snb- mit to this last clause, and claimed to be troat- ~ as a sovereignprince, the greatking'sequal rank and title. This was a concession which Terfbazua did not venture to make. In th" meanwhile, however, Orontes sent secT"t de- spatches 10 the court, in which he charged Tbi- ibazns with wilful remissness in tite manage- ment of the war, and wift treasonsMe designs. Artaxerxes, who was himself about to nBoer- take an expedition in person against the Cadu- sians, was alarmed by these inainnationB, and ordei"d Orontes to arrest Teiibains, and send him a prisoner to court. This order Orontes immediatelyexecuted, and his rival was de- tatned in custody until the king's retnm trout his campaign. He himself succeeded to the sole command of the armament. But Teriba- zus had made himself popularamong the troops "as, indeed, one of (he charges laid against him was, that he had endeavoured to cormpt their loyalty " and they showed so much dis- satisfaction at his disgrace, that Orontes feared he should be compelled to abandon the siege. He therefore made advances to Evagoras, wd offered him the possession of Salamis on the terms which he himself had accepted from Ter- ibazuB, Evagoras, if he bad known tbe state of things in the enemy's camp, might,perhaps, have risen in bis demands ; but he acquiesced in these proposals, which seemed no less ad- vantageous and honourable to him than tbey were degrading to the majesty of the Persian crown, which had never before beeo known to treat on such terms with a rebel, aa Evaforas 108 HISTORY OF GREECE. ma alyled. ThUB ended the Cypriui war. which lasted ten years, and daring a part of this time employed a large abare of the forces of the Persian empire againsta singletown,* and is said by a contemporary to have coat 1",000 talents.t This sum, indeed, was not much more than the value of the ornaments which the great king conetantly wore about bia person ;% it would hardly bare been mieaed Irom h^ treasury. But it proved the incapaci- ty of the government to wield the resonrces of the state. The danger which hung over Teribazns alarmed h:s B0n-iu4aw Gaos, and drove him Into treason through fear leat he should him- self be charged with it. He won over seTcral of bis captains, and entered into correspond- ence with the King of Egypt, and with ^"arta, for aid against his master. This rebellion, however, was, not tang alter, stifled by his death" the work, probably, of assassins hired t"y the court " though Tachoe, one of his offi- oers, who succeeded to his command, stillmain- tained an independentfooting for a short time, in a fortress which he built on the coast of Ionia. In the mean while,Artazerxes,having jretomed from his expedition, ordered Teriba- sna to be brought to trial, aad appointed three Fersians, of the highestreputation for probity, SB his judges. It was not longbefore, Uiat one of those horrible punishments, which were equally to be dreaded from the jnstiee and from the caprice of this barbarous .government, had been inflictedon some of their predecessors in office, who bad been flayedalive, that their ^ akina mightcover the seat of justice. Teriba- zus obtained an impartialhearing, and com- ' pletely refuted the calumnies of his accuser. He was received again into the royalfavour, and Oronles was banished "om the court in disgrace. llie recovery of Egypt was an abject which bad never ceased to occupy the attention of the Persian government since itsrevolt in the reign of Darius, the lather of Artaxenes. Before the Cyprian war, an expedition bad been sent againstit, under three gcnerala, accounted the ablest in the king'sservice,Abrocomas, Ti- tbranstea, and Pharnabazus ; but witli such ill anccesB, that the Egyptianprince was encour- aged to act on the offensive, and to aim at ex- tending his dominion over other provinces of the empire. Acoris, as we have seen, waa ready to furnish powerful aid to the enemies of Artaxerxes in every quarter, and he even en- tered into alliance with the Pisidian mountain- eers, who paid not even nominal obedience to the great king, and were at alltimes easily in- duced to attack bis more peacefulsubjects. " But IdDDOtthlDkilcianlblrlHiiieulredrrnmUi "F. H., ii.,p. MO. A(i]"iid., c. It: Oa Mc Cw"no" War), thai the isi-fiithi htd liken plica aii jitn bcfin the limt nfaijiairt luvd^tisImiiim tttfaim dft4v KtrviHir). i Bnt nnctnii u pron n nnngi " Ita, at vhirh he uki 1 Ptat,AjtM.,M. About the year 377, wben it appears that Arta- is was meditating s ft^sfa attempt upon Egypt, Acoris collected a largebody of Greeic mercenaries, whom he temptedby uncommoD- ly liberal pay ; and, by the like attraction,he induced Chahrias to take the command of thean. Athens, however, was at this time desirous of keeping on good terms with Persia,and, on the complaint of Pharnabazus, not only ordered Chabriaa to quit the service of Acoris, but promised to send Iphicrates to act with the king'sgenerals in the reduction of Egypt. An army of 200,000 men was raised for the next invasion, which was to be conducted by Phar- nabazus, but was so longdelayed, that Iphicra- . who was to support him at the head of 20,000 Greek mereenariea, could not help re- marking, in converaation with him, on tkediJf- ference between his words and his deeda. The reason," answered the satrap, " is, that am master of my words ; my deeda depend upon the king."' The best plana, it aeema, ~~~!re always hatde to be suapeaded and defeat- by the interference of the cotin, which, as the case of Teribazua, vraa always open to insidious suggeationsagainat ita moat actire and faithful servants. The army at lengthbegan its march from ci, in Syria(Acre), the place of rendezrouB, towards Egypt,accompaniedby a fleet of 300 galleys of war, 200 smaller vessels, and iuia- merable transports. Acoris waa no loDgeron the throne of Egypt; but his succesaor, Neo- lanabia, bad had ample time for preparation, and had taken every precaution to socure himself against the threatened invasion. Ha had in- tersected the approaches to his kingdom on the side of Pelusium with deepditchea, had laid the adjacentcountry under water, and barred the passage of the canals. The invaders found the Pelusiae mouth of the river so stronglyfortified. that they did not venture to make an attempt here. But Ptaamabazna and Ipbicrate* embaik- ed with a body of troops,and,landing at the en- trance of the Mendesian ann wiUi 3000 men, immediatelyproceeded to attack the fortress which guarded it, Necianabis sent a small de- tachment of his aimy to its relief, and an en- gagement took place, in which the Egyptiane, overpoweredby the superior numbers of the en emy, who were re-enforced from tbeir vessels, routed, and fled towards the fortress,so pursued that the conquerors enteredalong with them, made themselves maatere of it, and razed it to the ground. litnow a difference arose between the Per- genera! and bis Athenian colleague.Iphio- rates having heard, from one of the prisooera, that Memphis had been left unguarded,proposed immediately to sail up to it and surprise it. Pharnabazus did not think it safe to undcrtalte sucli an expedition until they were joinedby the remainder of tbeir forces;nor would he consent to let Iphicrates make the attempt,though he engaged to take the city with his mercenaries alone. His zeal even exposed him to suspi- cions of sinister aima ; and the abarpneas of bin remonslrances offended Pharnabazua, who had, indeed,reasons for caution,as the servant of a jealous and ill-informed despot, which did net aflkit the Athenian. During this dispute the EgTptiBB* I"*dtima to Mnd a fumoa to Meio- ptan, and then adraoeed with all their forces the aaene of their hite defeat, wbeiB,thoughi genenU battle was fought,ths utare oT the gToand gare them a great adTaoiage OTer the enemy in a nomber of petty encounters.* At length, vhen the sea"on nf the tnuadalion ar- Tived, HiamabazuB, finding the country inaC' eeasible, detormined to abandon the eoterprise, and led the annament back to Syria. Iphicra- tea, fearing Conon'a fate, took lbs Sral oppor- innity of escaping from the Peraian oamp, and, embailing bj night, sailed away to Athena. Phamabazna, indeed, laid the blame of the fail- nre entirelyupon hina" not,perluips, either ma- lieioaaly or i^orantly, bat to acreea himself" and sent minuterato Athens to complain of him, llie peoplepromised to punish him as he should appear to deserTe, but shortly after appointed him to the oonunand of theirown fleet. Toward* the end of hia longreign Artaxerxes "aw hia throne beeet with greaterdangeia than bad "ver jet threatened the Persian monwchy. ""-"-"^a year 9BII, the satraps of Asia Mi SpBita, on the other with Tachoa, who had now BODoeeded Nectanabis in E^pt. Ariobaizaoes, "atnp of Phrrgia, Orontea.of Mysia,Antophro- dales of LjaJA, Datamea of Cappadocia, uid Hanodaa, prince of CarU, are mentioned aa the leading ntembere of this eealitioii.Mo other nMtire need be aoo^t for this conspiracy than the natoral daaire at these powerful chiefs to take adTanlage of the weakness of the govern' nrat. and of the king's adyanced age and do- meatie troaUes, in order to erect their prOTi noes into independentkingdoms. Id the case of Datamea, howerer, we "nd another eiamide of the common eflhcts of a wretched system. He waa a man of extraordinary abilitiea, had served the king with the ntnwat loyalty, and might have bam the tataett bulwark of hia throne. But the calomnies of aome envioua coartiua had exeitad the mapieioM of Artaxencea against him,and Datamea aaw himself obligedto revolt to escape disgrace and ruin. The insoirection spreadalong the whole Asiatic coast of the HedileTraneBn, from Ionia to Egypt. It aeems, indeed, that the coart hardly retained its au- thority in SOT of the provinoe* west of the Eopbratea. Half the revenue* of the empire oeased to Sow into the royaltreaauiy. Its re- maiaing forces were ikot sufficient to snppreas ibe rebellion. But,even in this emergency, there remained one hope for the government and, faappUy for It,one which it requiredno exertion of prudence or energy to realize. liiough it did not know how to preeerve the fideUty of its honest ser- vants, it was able to reward the aervices of traitora. Such were found among the confed- erate satrapB. Orootes, who had been inrested with the snpreme command, and intrusted with the treason collected for the pay of the mer- eenariea,on whom they ohieflyrelied, tempt- ed by the prospect of promotion,betrayed his biends, their towns, and troops, into the king's hands. His example was followed by Rfaeo- ME6. im mithres, wbo had been sent by the conliMlerBtea to Egypt, and returned with a subsidy of fiOO talents, and "Ay galleys, which he received from Tachos. But immediately atlerward he found means to decoy several of the insurgent chiefs into bis power, and sent them in chains to Artaxerxes. These instances of treacliery seem, either by fear or contagion, to have dis- solved the league. The rebels,one by one, baatened to make their peace with the king, that theymight not be deserted or betrayedby their associates. Datamcs, however, would never again trust himself into the power of Ibe prince- who hod so iU requited bis faithfulser- vices : end Artabazus. who commanded the royal forces,wa* ordered to invade Cappadocia.* But here, too, more dependance waa placedm treachery than on arms. Mithrobtuzane*, a kinsman of Datamea, whom he had intrusted with the command of his cavalry,was induced to go over to the enemy. Datames, however, oonirived,by a stratagem which showed extr^ ordinal?presence of mind, to defeat and punish bis perfidy. He advanced to attack the enemy justat the moment that Mithrobarzaoes was joiningthem, and persuaded bis troop* that the movements of the cavalry had been preconcert- ed with himself. Oq the other band, their si- mnltaneona approach led Anabizua to anspeot a double trea^ry, and Mithrobarzanea found himself repelledby the Persians. In hia per- j^exi^ be turned bis arms against both aides, and f^,with a great part of hi* troop*. The remaining adventures of Datame8,t so far aa they have been preaerved, deserve to be men- tiooed here, because tfaey illustratethe charac- ter of the Persian governmeot. After he had been deserted by his eldest son, and,tt appeara, by most of his forces,be slill guarded the ap- proachBB of his provinceagainal the royal aimy, and so harassed apd reduced it by a series of actions, in which the nature of the ground al- ways gave a decided advantage to his little band, ^t Autopbradates, his former associate, who now commanded againsthim, was obliged ' invite him to make bis peace with the king ; . course, oa hi* own term*, which left him reallyindependent. The court was just so far sensible of its humiliation as to be still beot on the only kind of revenge which it was able to take on the rebellious subject whom it had re- luctantly pardoned. It laid continual snares for his life,which, however, be eluded with his wonted forethought and address. At length, another traitor of highrank,Mitbridates, a son of his old ally, AriobarzaQea,was found willing ' undertake the officeof assassin. But itwas "t by any ordinary means that he could obtain __cese to Datamea, who was constantly on hia guBi^. It was not enough that be pretended to have revolted from the king, and to seek an alliancewith Datames for his protection. He could only wia his confidence by n series of hostile inroads, which, with the secret sanction of the court, he made into the Deigbbouring ' provinces. When he had infested and plun- dered them for a longtime, and had given a I of the spoil and several captured fortress- " DiDdsms. MT.. SI. Nipii^FiIimii ".BHttcu Pii^ I u tha Kna of tki" axamBca. ud nji iwlhnf *bgat UlKIH. PolnilDI,Til.,11.T, usIiuiHiilH to it. t XtluadliTNiin,iiidFidipnu,Tii,,ia. 170 HISTORY OF GREECE. "S to Datames, Dattmea began to beliflTethat tbe king, and acceded to his propoasl of a pri- Tate conference, to which they were to come ODanned. The plare was Azed by Datames hiniBelfi bntMithridalescaoaed aconeWBapODB to be hidden there beforehand, and when thslr inteiriew was over, pretending that he had atill Boroetbing to aay, killed him with a sword which he had drawn oat while bia back was tamed. This event took place,perhaps, under Ochos, the SOD of Artaierxea, to whose character this crooked policy was peculiarly congenial. Ar- taxerxes died in 368, at the age of ainety-fonr, jet, it is said, of a broken heart, the father of lie cMdren, three of whom were aocounted legitimate, and capable of sneceeding to tbe throne. To prevent a civil war, sach as had distnrbed tbe beginning of his own refgn, he adopted the extraordinary reaolation of pro- claiming Darios, tbe eldest,king in his own lifetime,permitting him (o wear the tiara up- right, hitherto an eKcluatre priTjlege of tbe reigningprince. It waa cnsiomary for the suc- cessor, when appointed in the reign of bia pred- ecessor, to name a present which he desired ftom the sovereign. Darios,on this occaaion, made a request which deeply oflbnded bis fa- ther 1 he asked for Aspasia, a beautiful Ionian, who, afterthe death of Gyrus, bad tieen trans- ferred from bis harem to his brother's. The king,indeed, did not express his dlapleasura by words; but he first bade Aspasia make her choice of a master, and when she decided in favour of his sou, did not aufler him to possess faer long. He appointed her priestess of Anai- tis, the goddessworshippedat Ecbatana, vrfaom tbe Greeks compared to their Artemia, and Whose miniatera were devoted to perpelnal cel- ibacy. Darius,initated by his disappointtnent, lent a credulous ear to the snggeetiOBs of Teri- bszas, whom Artaxerxes bad provoked by a similar breach of promiae, and who now per- nadod the pruice thatbe was in danger of being "npplantedbf his Toangesl brother Ootana. Thns he was inatfgMedto oonapireagainst bia "flier*i life : but was betrayedby one of his Mtranta, and put to death, it was said,by tbe Jdoff's band. "niere now Temained but two buriers be- tween Ocbns and tbe Boecesmon, AriaapM, the second legitimate prince, was generally be- loved on account of the mildness of his cbarae- ter, and desired by the people aa their fbture king. The favourite oi Artaxerxes himself was another son named Arsamea, wfaoae abili- ties made him donhlyfonnidable. Ochua, in- deed, bad a IHend in the palace, "1io snpported his interest, tbe Fiincess Atossa, li^tom her ft- ther,eitber licensed by the Magtan doctrine, or sareleas of all restraints, bad added to the num- ber of his wives. But he did not rely npon her influence : he determined to rid himself of bis two rivals. Aiiaspcs he alarmed by false re- ports of the king's displeaanre, and threats against his life, nntil he drove him to suicide. Artaxerxes could only bewail his loss, and sus- pect the cause ; but he clung the more fondly to his favourite son. Ochua now grew mote reckless,and employed a son of Teribasns to despatch Arsamea. The old kingsaw himself bereftof his last hope, and suiroooded by aa- "esains : be sank under the shock ; and Ocdius, who also assumed tbe title of Artaxerxea, moanted the blood-stained throne. A geoMBl massacre of his ftther'a survivingchildren,and of all who were connected with tbem, oi had in any way incurred bia suspiciona, was the fitst aet of his reign. Such a charaoter would not have been illsuit- ed to a station which, Bt"ove all thinga, required energyand decision, ifhe bad not provokeden- mity by his wanton cruelty. But Artabasua, who had defended hia father's thiooe against the rebelliouB satrapa, himself raised the atand- ard of revolt against him. Two or three jeara before the death of Artaxerxes, Tachos had fit- ted oat a fleet(rftoo galleys, had raised an arm]' of SO.OOU'Egyptians, and had sent to Sparta for aid, with pay for 10,000mereaiianBi. After Ibe generalpeace wbicA followed tbe battle of Man- tinea, from which Sputa was endnded because she would not acknowledge the indepesdence of Messenla, she was reduced to s state of dis- cODtented feddeneis, unaUe eitber to give up her projects of ambition and revenge, -or to move a atep towards the eiecution of than. Only one prospect aeemed open for her : the hope of relieving lier pover^ by the aubaidiea of hex Asiatic allies. With this view, tbe over- tnres of the revolted satrape had been favom-- ablyreceived, and the reqosst of Tachos was readilygranted,Agesilauahima^, notwilb- standiog his odvanoed age, snoMiatended tl levies, and took the oommand of the tra^ which inolndsd a thousand Sparta, deatined to aervs in Egypt,* where b" ezpeoled that tbe oondoct of the war would be entirely committed to him, Twlios, however, bad engaged Cbabrias, who was always ready bis fleet : Agerilam wna keenly mortiflsd by this dieappointmoDt ; and, It is said,was alao wounded, on bis wrlval in Egypt,bjan indi"" creet jest with whkk Taehos ezpmased Us sDipriseat the dimlBsUTe and delbnaed pemoa of so reaowiwd " gtnwal.f Asosmsnyftrater occasions, be oUoWed U" peraonalfeeliagsto aObot bis poUttealnwasiuw. Taoboa, ^unit bia advice, made an expedition into Phaoicia, leavhig bia bnHbm* to govwn in Us absice. This man seiwd the otnotMBiirto transfer the crown to bis own son Neotanabia, wbo bad se- oompanied tbe king, his aande, into nonicia. and bad been sent In bin at Hit bead of tbe Egyptianbo"s to rednoe soue dttss of Syiin With Bucb advantages, NectaDalm soon won over tbe army, and wis aekitowledfed aa king by the people ; his next object was to gain tbs Oreek mnroenaries and their lenders ; and he his emisssdsa to sound ^alirias and Agea- ilaus. Cbabrias would not desert bis emplojtr '; bat Ageailwu,cloaking his rrojndicesundu- show of patriotism, declared that he,being not a privateadventurer, but sent out on a pub- lic mission, could only consult the interests erf Sparta, and would not decide between the rivals itilhe had received instruGtions fnan hotne. " 1 hui eatUaai tbi leaout tt Diodeni*,n., M, b" - .dUrctaiAr"-, le. t TluopDDipui [vtd u ElTptiu kiilDrimii, Lvnu c/ -"'^ Tubo ipiiki Onel^ ind'tnf nulGnX u- for ha :" nil) M bm quoMd tlw list,"lUtm tftft ZcH e Motdn, Tt * tr"" pH. DEATH OF AGESILAUS." REVOLT OF SIDON. ni The answsr which the goTernment made to his inquiry left him al full liberty to aae his own diBcretiOD : and he tlienopealyjoioeilNectaaa- bis with all his merceDariea. Thus abanduDed, TachoB Had to Artazerisa, who. hoping to make good ose of him for the recovery of Egypt,gave him a graciousreception. In the meaa while,however, a new pretender anwe in E^gyp' '^ dispute the craAn with Nec- taaabia. He appear* to have been the more popularcandidate, far his forces far ouLnumber- ed those of his rival ; and be was not without bopet of gainingAgesilaus over to his side. Noctanabia hJmself eatertaioed suspicions of hii ally,which, indeed, his late conduct too well JDBtiGed; and Plulardi intimates that it wu chiefly dread of the shame which would have attended a second desertion that prevent- ed him frook going over to the side which for- Inne mw seemed to favour. He had not been able,at first, to prevail on NecCanabis to attack the ODemy'a undisciplined troops : he was dis- nwyed by their superiority in numbers, and Buf- fered bimaelf to be shut up and besieged in his eapitAL A treocb was begun round it,which, whon cwapleted, would have cut off all bope of relieC NectanabiB was now eager for a battle, as luB last chance of stopping the circumvalla- tioD; which would soon have forced him to sur- render,as the place was not stocked with pro- TiaiOBs for a siege. But Agesilaus, notwith- "linriint the ezposlulatious and reproaches of "be Egyptians, and the impatieuoe of his Greek tiKifa, refoaed to Isad them out until the two "oda oT the trench were onlyseparated Irom tmck 9tbei tqr an intervaljust sufficient to allow loan to tbrm them in battle array. He then, by akilfiii maniEavres, drew the enemy into an tagagMO^at on this ground, where the greatest (ut of their forces wai nselesa, while the rest, cnwdsd tegHhsr, were exposed to the attack of hia little amy, which vaa covered on either flank by the Irenob. The resultwaa a complete viotory, whieh aeenred the Ihrooe to Nectana' bis. Agwilans tbea aat out bomewaid with mt taleata, wUob ba leoeivad aa the reward "r hia aeTvieea. But he waa taken iU in hia pataa^ a*d died atadeaert placeon the coast "f Alnaa,eaUedlbeUartKHiTofHenelana. Hia bady" preaerred in wax, as honey was not to be yiBCUTed " was carried to Sparta to receive iia Tcyalobaequiea. We have already bad oc- eaaion to notice that Anabawis maintained hnoaelf ibr a craiBiderahle time,though with VBiwoa aaomsB, agaiiurt the court, chieflyby . the halp "^ Qreek soldiers and generals, as Cbaraa and Pammenes, and that Ochue waa "bliged to threaten Athens, and to conciliate Ib^ies by a subsidy, to deprive the rebel of ttxMB reaonrcea.* With a view, no doubt, to strengthen hia interest aniong the Greeks, Ar- tabaans had married a Rhodian lady, whose brotbera. Mentor and Memnon, for a time aided him actively in hie enterprises. At length, however, his fortune deserted him, and he found himself obliged to flyfromAsia, and look refuge with Memnon at Pbilip's court. Mentor enlCTed into the service of Nectan^is as the commander of his Greek troops, and soon found an opportunity of benefiting his kinsman in a way tbal he could least have expected. Oohus, "Aitttt.a.lll. in the beginning of his reign, renewed the at- tempts which had been so often made for the recovery of Egypt, but with even worae suc- cess : the generals he employed were so signal- ly defeated,that he himself incurred the ridicule of the Egyptians, and other provinceswere en- couraged to follow their example. The inso- lence and exactions of the Persian satraps and generals, who had their headquartersat Sidon during the preparations for the war with Egypt, roused the city to an insurrection, which soon spreadthroughout Phcenicia. The Sidoniani not only seized and put to death many of the Persians who bad provokedthejrresentment, snd burned a magaiine of fodder which lud been collected for the next campaign in Egypt, hut,personallv to insult (he king,cut down the trees of a parli in the outskirts where his pred- ecessors had sumetimes lodged. They enter- ed inio alliance with Nectanabis, and tregan to build galleys, and to lay in ammunition and pro- visions, and to assemble mercenary troops. Ochus was so much incensed at their conduct,' that he resolved to undertake an expedition against them in person, and, at the same time, to revenge the ailrontshe had sufl'eredIrom the Egyptians- Jn the mean while the example of PhiEnicia animated Cyprus to revolt. The island was at this time divided among nine petty princea, who had aU acknowledged the sovereignty of the Persian king, and now leagued themselves together to assert their independence. Ochus sent orders to Idrieus, prince of Caria,to col- lect an armament, and suppress the Cyprian in- surroctiou ; and Idrieus, having assembled for- ty galleys and SOOD mercenaries,placed them under the command of Evagoras, a son, it ap- pears, of the prince whose actions we have al' ready relied,and of Phocion, who may, per- haps, have been induced, by "iendeh^ for Evagoras, to engage in this expedition, whicb otherwise must, we should suppose, have been a"Knewhat repugnant to his feelings and prin- ciples.They landed in Cyprus, and found ao rioh a booty, that adventurers trom varlow quarters, deairona of a share, flocked to their camp, and soon doubled the force of their army. The Cypriim princeswere unable to make head against them ; and after having ro- duced the rest of the island to sabmiesion,they sot dovra before Salamia, which " we know not through what vioissitudes " had now passed into the hands of Pnjrtagoraa, a relative, it seems, of the royal bouse.* Yet Evagoraa was not destined to recover bis patrimony. He himself fellunder the suspicions of Ochua, was first obliged to accept a government in Asia by way of compensation,and,being char- ged with some misconduot in it, fl" ' ~ prus, where be was arrested and put Pnytagoras was pardoned, and allowed to re- tain Salamis. While Ochus was assembling his forces in Babylon, the insurgents in Phienicia carried on a successful warfare with the satraps of the neighbouringprovinces,Belcsya of Syria, and MaxKUs of Cilicia. Sidon, like the other Phoe- nician cities,was governed by a magistrate, ' who " probably with very limited authority" bore the title of king. Sidon, Tyre, and Arn- 1 to Cv- o death. 173 HISTORY OF GREECE. dUB fonned a leagne, which menui to hare ruled the rest of Phcenieia ; and their princes held regularmeetings In Tripolis, a joint colo- nj, aa the name (Triburg)imports, of the three leading cities.* Tennee, who was now King of Sidon, had received succours from Egypt,constating of KHKI Greek soldiers, under the command of Mentor the Rhadian, But though, with the aid of these auxiliaries, his offaira went on prosperously, and the enemy was not able to gain a footing in Phcenieia, Tennes, alarmed at the approach of a great army led by the kinghimself,and perhaps dis- trusting his confederates, determined to secure for himself the advantages of the first act of treachery. He despatched a trustjmessenger, named Tbessalio, to Ochus, with the offer of BDrrenderingSidoo, and aiding him in the re- covery of "g]^, where, from his knowledge of the country, his services would be peculiarly valuable. Ocbns joyfully accepted these pro- posals, which promised the fullest gratification of his reveoge against Sidon ; though be was at first so indigaaot at the demand of the sol- emn pledge " the king's right hand " which Theasaho was inslrucc"d to ask for, that he was on thepoint of patting him to death. Pni- denoe,however, got the better of his pride, and he gave the royal surety, which had alwayt heen held inviolably sacred : as the engage- ment of a king whose people deemed truth the first of virtues. Tonnes, before he look this step, had made himself sure of Mentor's con- currence, on which he reckoned for the eiecu- tion of his design. When Ochus appeared be- fore Sidon,which, in the mean while, had been fortifiedwith a tripletrench,and with bighei end stronger walls, and abundantljprovided with all necessaries for sustaininga long siege. Tennes went out, on pretence of attending the congress at Tripolis, vrith an escort ofSOQm" probably mercenaries devoted to his inter) and accompanied by 100 of the principalc lens as his counsellors,leaving Mentor guard the city.t But when he approached the Persian camp, he caused his counsellors to be arrested, and delivered them up to Ochus, who immediately ordered them to be put to ' " Tidings of this event were, it seem., carried to the city ; and though the Sidonians had been so resolutely bent on resistance as to hum their ships to prevent any citizen from seekingsafety in flight, they were so dismayed by the treachery of Tennes, that tbcy descend- ed to implore the enemy's mercy, and sent out 500 of their remaiaiag chief men, with the en- signs of suppliants, to the Persian camp. When they drew near, Ochus asked Tennes whether he engaged to put him in posaeasiou of the city ; and, having received that commanded the ambassadors to be quired them to open the gates. The citizens could not prevent them from obeying this oi' der, which was enforced by their own chief; they could onlydisappointthe tyrant's revenge by a voluntary death. By a unanimjus reso- Intion,they set fire to their houses, and perish- ed with their wives and childreQ in the flame*. Instead of a wealthy and populouscity, Ochm found little more than the ashes of a vast fu- neral pyre containing the remaiivs of nMi" than 40,000 dead. The treasure contained in the conflagration was so great that he sold the ruins for a vast sum. It is some satisfaction to know that,notwithstanding the royoi^aad, probably in Uie first transports of his baSIed rage, he put Tennes to death. Mentor vras too important an auxiliary to be so treated ; his troops were incorporated among the other of the Persian army ; for Ochos ent envoys to all the principal Greek to levy soldiers for the espeditiaa to Athens and Sparta had declined to spend the blood of their citizens in such a canse. Bnt Thehes had sent 1000 heavy- armed under Lacrates, and Argos fiuniabed 3000 under a leader named Nicostratos, or ex- traordinary bodilystrength and prowess, wtakb. however, if he, indeed,wore a lion's skin, and armed himself with a clah, in mimicry of Her- cules, must have been far greater than his ^ cretion. Six thousand more were contributed a the Greek citiea on the coast of Asia, sad joined the Persian army soon after the e^ tore of Sidon. Ochus then began his march towards Egypt. In the approach to Pelnsiuin he lost a great number of men in the msrabea formed by the overflowing of the Nile,* ac- cording to Diodorus,through ignorance of the country ; though it seems difficultto conceive how, in a road which the Persian annies had so often traversed of late, he can have been in want of guides ; perhaps the difficulties and dangers of the ^und itself were subject to variation, Onhis arrival, he divided his Grc^ forces into three columos, each placed uader the command of two generals, a Groek and a Persian. The first of these divisions, which was destined to act againstPelusium, consist- ed of the BiEOtians under lAcrates, and a great body of barbarian infantry and cavalry, under Rhosaces, a Peisian of the highestrank,a de- scendant of one of the Seven who coospirvd against the Magians. We are not distinctly informed as to the relation in which these two officers stood to each other ; but the ezpres- sions used by Diodorusl seem to imply that the militaryoperationswere to be conducted by Lacrates,subject to the control of his col- league. The second division contained the Argives, and was commanded by Nicostratos and a Persian named Ariatazanes, who held the office of Eisangeleus,one of the highestdig- nities of the court. The third was commit- ted to Mentor and the king's chief favourite, the eunnch B^oas, under whom were placed the Asiatic Greeks. The king himself, with the remainder of bis forces,stayed behind to await the issue of their operations, and to watch the turn of afikirs. On the other hand, Nectanabis had made active,and. it seems, jn- dieious,preparations for the defence of his ' T\it BJfafft.Di"lcinu,in.,40: mgiT^nx^xir^ ^"(jittiiK *yij7|., "*""" Jm ri miXtiloitii 0ifa6Ba. But Stnbo Im , p. in. 'TiiioIidO ]d"" "bt"in D"nr m Pria- Ham. Altar Ihi Bartmje Latiud MDontCuiuacmH INVASION OP EGYPT." SUCCESS OF OCHUS. 173 kingdom. He bad taken 30,000 Greeks and many LJbTans inlo his pa;, and had 60,000 Egyptian troops. The whole eaalem side of the Delta was protectedby a chain of fortress- es, B8 well as by new canals, and a great num- ber of boats had been collected to guard the passages of the river. The invaders made their attacic in Ibree di- rectionn. While the firstdivision remaineil be- fore Pelnsiun), Mentor and Bagoas marched southward, along the eastern side of the Delta towards Bubastus ; Nicoslratua and Aristaza- nea, taking Egyptian guides, whose families were left behind as hostagea, embarked their troops, and endeavoored to find an entrance through one of the more wealem branches of the river. The success of this last expedition decided the event of the war. They landed their forces nnperceived, and encamped within the Delta ; were attacked by a body of Greek mercenaries tinder Clinius, a Coan, but defeat- ed tbem with great slaughter, and killedtheir general. This disaster diantaycdNectanabis, who imagined that there was no longerany ob- " stacle to prevent the whole Persian army from penetrating into the bean of his kingdom,and, instead of advancing with the main body of his army to repelNiooafratus, fellback upon Mem- phis, Diodorus thinks that he would not have committed this error if he had taken some Greek general for hia counsellor, but that the success with which he had resisted the prece- ding invasion,when he was aided by two ex- perienced Greek officers, Diophantua the Athe- nian, and Lamina the Spartan " names else un- known " bad elated him with a false confidence in his own abilities. The effect of this step was to dishearten hia best troops. Hitherto Pehisinm had been vigorouslydefBodad. The BcEotians, who had tbonghc to t^e it by as- sault on their first arrival, found themselves repolsedby a sally of the garrison, and obliged to resort to a surer but tardier mode of pro- ceeding. Lacrates diverted the stream which protected it into another channel, raised a mound across its bed, and then battered the walls with his engines. But the Greeks, to whom the defence of the place was intrusted, Taised new walla and wooden towers behind the breaches, and continned to Ivht manfully, until they heard of the retreat of Nectanabis. They then thought themselves abandoned, and made overtures to Lacrates,who engaged that theyshould be allowed to return to Greece with all their property. But Bagoas, whom the kingsent to take possession of the place, allowedhis barbarian troops tO plunder Ihem a" they m^-rhed out ; and I^acratee was so in- dignant ^'. this breach of the capitulation, that he ordered his troops to fall upon their allies and protect their coantrymen. Bagoas him- self was obliged to fly, and complained of the conduct of Lacrates to the king ; but even the influenceof the favourite could not lead Ochus to overlook the necessity of keepingon good terms vrilh his Greek generals : ho reproved Bagoas, and punished the other offenders with death. Biibaatus. on its huge brick terraces,* might hkewisehave snstained a longsiege, ifits gates gad not been opened by fear and treachery. Mentor spread a reportthrough his camp that it was the king'spurpose to pardon all who shoidd surrender their towns to him. but that those who held out should suffer the fate of Sidon : and he connived at the escape of hia Egyptianprisoners, that theymight carry thil intelligence to their homes. The consequenoe was, that,as in all the towns the garriaona were part natives,part Greeks, each race be- came eager to get the start of the other, and secure the royaj favour for itself Hence at Bubastus the Egyptiansclandestinely sent an envoy vrith an o9er of suirender to Bagoas : but the Greeks having seized him. and detect- ed bis commission, feU upon the Egyptiangar- rison, and forced it, aiter some loss of kUled and wounded, to take refuge in one quarter of the town, *Each party then hastened to sur- render. The Egyptians called in Bagoas, the Greeks treated with Mentor, There was, how- ever, a similar rivalry between the two gener- als on the Persian side : each desired the hon- of the conquest for himself. Mentor se- cretly encouraged the Greeks to attack Bagoas as soon as he should have entered the city. Accordingly, when he had marched in with a part of his troops,expecting no resistance, the Greeks suddenly shut the gates, eut his men to pieces, and took him prisoner. Mentor had the ~~ ~ ' of procuring his release, and the glory eiving the surrender of the city; and bj this device won the friendship of Bagoaa and the favour of Ochns, and thus rose to posti which had never before been conferred on a Greek. The other foitifisdtowns followed the example of Bubastus ; and Nectanabis,despair- ing of Memphis in the midst of so general an abandonment of his cause, gave it up himself^ and fled into Ethiopia, or " aooording t Ochns, having thus become master of Egypt almost without a blow,indulged his revenge m the wDdest ezeesBea of tyrannical cniet^ and insoleoee. He delightedespecially in wonod- and profanation of their sepulchres and -'-- Even the archives oftiie temples be- easure to Bagoas. to whom the Egyp- tian priests afterward paidlarge sums for the sacred records which had been carried away -- Persia-t " Kiiut, JfiHf, f. US. * SrvcflHiUip. 4ST,ed.fima. ; hs kddi,i^i^jra Kal 'OXni- well-known lUrr i" HfiIifIdItBiiUslhlqmOriaUaU. pi- i.T'Airred'Tliicr.r, i dr" kqusl Fhilippt dl n Island (ncwd th" oj litl,ic la CanfolU, I, .._ , .. Ml from Ihg .CxTpiiui af Vnnu. Ihit Ocbu unk tl 'TntimD kir^EpriHUUi nJj prgm that Ihia il a wriUr " t Tha recover* of Egypt a uai^nwl IrrPiodonu lo tl "c ii^ifi IfPrriia.p, 3)0 mSmi' Ihii 'di'- ^"" i" iut*iiy ieneanalMB "i "dddsi^tlutair- iU HISTORY OF GREECE Mentor was rewarded n[tb a satrapy nhich included all tbe weatem coast of Asia Minor. He also obtained the pardon of his brother anU "f ArtabsiuB, whose eleven sons he advanced ta biglimihtB[7 rank. This promation. bowev- er, was no doubt owing to the fear, rather than to the gratitude of Oehus. who liad now begun to entertain scriona apprehensions of Philip's designs, and felt tbe need of an able officer in this station, the rather aa there were stillsome rnaurgents remaining, who did not admowledge his Buthoritj. Mentor waa the better qualiiied for Bach a post, aa he was not restrained bj'any scniples (eora promoting his master's interests. One example of his mode of proceeding deserves notice (rom its connexion with the fortunes of Aristotle. A Bitbjmianadventurer, named Eu- btilus, had founded a little principality on the coast of Myiia.including the strong towns of AtBmeui and Abbus, and at bis death transmit- ted itto his favourite servant Hermias, Her- mias had receivod a liberaleducation at Athena, and, aa a disciple of Plato, had become acquaint- ed with Aristotle. When he had succeeded to Hie government of his little state, he invited both AriKotle and Xenocrales to hia court, where tbejstared imtilhis misfortniieB compelledthem to make a precipitate flight. The independence of Hermias appeared to insult the mBJeaty of the empire, and Mentor determined to put an end to it. But he did not think himself strong enough to effect his purpose with the forces he had at bis disposal, or preferred artifice as the easier course. He ailfectedto seek the friend- sbip of Hermias, who was generous and snite- teas, and probablyplacedmore confidence m the Greek than he would have done in a Persian satrap. He suSbred himself to be drawn into an interview with Mentor, and was immediate- ly arrested. Mentor used hia ring to accredit ocnUi (B.C.346),nbSoh I hlTe ibtai nndai Ihu fHI. Bat in (b ppmiiimu, wu wnltin foar jn. mK"lHcnUi ipsaki of ituitil Iff dflfflftted tha lut imuHiit i "oiailbj tbs King of Panli. h i wbicb OcliDt ianded E^Tptin pemn wu ilui of iLi ocm- qiiflH. or iIh iBomln lui,wilh own Ihu MMl wgl"l of hioorial "ccnntr, mimpnaHUd lh" bd nliicG bm Inlwd, Eirp"i ba n^ hid bau in " I itlvayTit KA^K" that i^of tbt paid* a .ainuGiau ; "b rucY tfaiiaai intoI'lint M^Xaifr almts fi Itni Wrati. n/mfatKaaediimt ytf Utaiia Inn tUf f ft tt\tlwTm, Hoi STOaTiteaf tn*alroitt i*wo itiiStrat mfirn bTuBJi,XUm "-! nruri"^"a0iliml UJfX aCrcfiamiitiBii afri arfaTirriTii J^iK Una. BU, whuanr bbntlM Ii"- ntaa ni^bT taka *ith biatorr as to dfoiuiiatinnB,it la im- pCHbla he eonld hara "rit"a- "' '- -' * bslbn Egfpt hail bteu cuiqDI gTOMing Dndir " bur a^- thflrtfrm. that the Taimerr luar tlun Ht, ltiiiii(!i, aa mr juBfs ha 4ao(" in FhiUp"a laiur, Miort rm a.i.. nai if n D"f d"pnd in Ih* lUtn giiaa tr ApsUodeinia(11 "Dior. LHrt., AriatM.tbi tlltLIfi of Ariatotla, iccardiiic to which tll"philiiaii[iherw"a driian from AUIMnalbrotigfi th" faU of Haruiu (Ol,cnii.,4, aC. H9I, E^rpl einn ntia to hiTa wnlteojnat hafora tha aipadilicnof Orbia. KcM U pirnii ahgold be omitltilig ihu punn. tetters forged in hia name, which indnced the garrisons of his fortresses to open their gates to the Persian troops, and then sent him in chains to Ochus, who put him to a cruel death.* Tha twophiiosophershadjust time to make their es- cape with Pytbiaa, the sister of Hermiaa, whom Aristotle generoual; married in her poverty and exile ; and he celebrated the virtue of his da- ceased friend in an ode which iastillextant. goaa ruled in the upper provinces willi a more extensive authority than Mentor in the West, with whom he preserved a close aUi- ance, which contributed to the power of each. Between them, it Beents that Ochus retained lit- tle mom than the name of king,though wilh ample means of indulging his ferocious temper. He became so odious tbat Bagoas thought itex- pedient to remove him, apparently not from any personalolTfence, but that he might not be an- ticipated by other hands. He look him off 1^ poison, and raised his youngest son. Arses, to the throne, bnt put to death ^ hia brothers, that the new Ung might he the more dependantoa himself. Arses,however, showed aigns of un- easineas under this patronage, which alarmed BagoaB, who caused him to be murdered, with all his children, in the third year of bis reign- The person whom he next chose to fillthe va- cant throne was a member of the royalfamily, named Codomannos, a grandson of Ostanes, the brother of Artaxerxes 11., and had acquired some repntation for personal courage, ohieflj IbroQEh an exploit which he had performed in one of the expeditionsagainst tbe Cadusiana, when he accepted a challenge from one of their stoutest warriors, and slew him in singlecom- bat. Thia,however, can scarcely have been the quahty which recommended him to Bagoas ; but It is said that they bad previously been Iriends, and perhaps there was nu ulher prince of tbe blood on whose gratitude he could io safelyrely. Codomanous on his acceosioii, which to"^ place about the time of Philip's death, assumed the name of Darius. He soon discovered that Bagoas, who may have intended at length to mount the throne bimaelf,designed that he should Bhaie the fate ofhis last two pred- ecessors. A cup of poison had been prepared for him ; but having detected the plat, he call- ed Bagoas into hia presence, and compelled him to drink the deadlydraught. This was the kins " a popular and honoured prince, who bad (reed tbe throne fltim a degradingaubjection, and was thought well qualified to defend it" who gov- erned the Persian Empire when Alexander waa on the point of invading it. There an two reflectionswhich are natnraUj suggestedby this sketch of Persian bistoir. One is, that there was no longerany internal principle of unity in the monarchy at^ient to Keep It together. For many yeara it had been "aved from the diaaolution with which it had been constantly threatened, not by the Etrength of the government, but by the want of good faith and mutnal confidence among its most powerful subjects;andthesingleadvantage it poaaeeaed, In its power of rewarding those who came over MACEDONIAN ARMY. 175 to ila side,nught eaailj be turned acainst itself wheueTer it should be attacked by an enemj who offered a laUjiag-poznt for all lualeconleatB, was Elrong enough to protect tbose vvho joined him, and bad means of requiting tlieirserricea. Tbe empire cumprehunded a number of provin- ces, wbicb, though it claimed dominion ovei them, were iohabiled by perfectly independent tribes, which disdajned even the ahaw of aut"- mission ; and others governedby Miraps, who transmitted their authorityby hereditary auc- ccssion, and held Ihemaelves as well entitled to it as tbe greatking to his throne. Those who received their governmenta IJom the court were always ambitiuuB to convert them into similar Bovcreignties, and were encouragedby the ex- ample of Dumberleas aucceEsfol insurrectiona ; whileobedience and loyalljwere never secure from the fate of rebels and traitora. Another observation which is not less forcibly mipreaaed on us by (hia retrospect is, that in aU his militaryenterprisea the FersiaD king de- pended mjich more on his Greek mercenaries and their leaders than on bis native troops and generals. Still, as Greece abounded in advea- turers who were alwaysready la enter into his pay, it might have been supplied that tbe mili- tary force oflbe empire would have been at least equal to any that could have been oppoaed to it. But we have also seen that none of the Persian kii^ bad yet conceived the thought of main- taining a standingarmy of Greeks. They con- lenied themselves with occasional levies,drawn fttm many quarters, and varying in uumbeis ac- cording to the temporary exigency. It wi ing to a like cause that in Greece itself tempt had hitherto been made to adopt the anna and tactica which cooBtituted the strength of the Hscedoniao-anny. It istrue that even a Greek force aimilarly organised, in Persian pay, would have been much leas serviceable, as well as trustworthy, from the utter want of national spirit, and the unavoidable tendency of such a soldiery to consult their own safety in prefer- ence lo Iheir employer's interests. But hence resulted a twofold advantage lo the king of Macedonia. He conunanded an army, the main body of which was drawn from his own people, a hardy and warlike race, and one which had been receiving continual improvement structure and mode of armour, was in i of the highestdiscipline, and physically superior to every Greek army of eqo^ numbers that could have been broughtagainst it. It will be convenient here to notice tbe leading features in tbe composition of the Macedonian army. such as itwas when Alexander set out on bis euedition to Asia. The main body, the phalanx"or quadruple phalanx,* as it was sometimes called,to mark that itwas formed of four divisions, each bear- ing tbe same name " presenUda mass of 18,000 men, whicli was distributed, at least by Alexan- der, into six brigades of 3000 each, formidable m its aspect, and oa gnund suited to its opera- tions, irresistiUe in its attacka. The phalan- gite soldier wore the usual defensive armour of the Greek heavy infantry, helmet, breast- plate, and greaves ; and almost the whole front of bis person was covered with the long shield called the luyii. His weapons were a " irriAn,T"lia, li. sword,long enough to enable a man in the second rank to reach an enemy who had come to close quarters with the comrade who slood before him,* and the celebrated spesr, known by the Macedonian name lariita,foiir-and-twen- ty feet long. The aarissa,when couched, pro- jected eighteen feet m front of tbe soldier ; arid the space between the ranks was auch that tbose of the second rank were fifteen, those of the third twelve, those of tbe fourth nine, those of the fifth six, and those of the sixth three feet in advance of tbe firstline ; so that the man at the head of the filewas guarded on each side by tbe points of six apears.t The ordinary depth of tbe pbalant was of sixteen ranks. The men who stood loo far behind to use their sa- rissas, and who, therefore,kept them raised un- til they advanced to filla vacant place, still added to the pressure of the mass. As the ef- ficacy of tbe phalanxdependedon its compact- ness, and this again on tbe uniformity of it* movements, tbe greatest care was taken to se- lect the best soldiers for the foremost and hind- most ranks] " tbe iramcB,as it were, of the en- gine. Tbe bulk and core of the phalanxoon- aisted of Macedonians ; but itwas composed in part of foreigntroops : these were, no doubt, Greeks, But the northern barbarians, lUyrians, Psonians,Agriariaua, and Thraciana, who were skilled in the use of missiles, fiimished bow- men, dartsmen, and slingers : probably, accord- ing to the proportion wbich the masters of tac- tics deemed the moat eligible, about half the number of the phalanx. To these was added another class of infantry, pecuhar, in some re- spects, to the Macedonian army, though the in- vention belonged to Iphicrates.They were called HvFispieTs,because, like the phalan- gites, they carried the long shield ; but their spears were shorter, their swards longer, their armour lighter.They were thus i^epared for more rapidmovements, and did not so much depend on the nature of the ground:they formed a corps of about 6000 men. The cavalrywas similarly distlnguiahed into three classes by its arms, accoutrements, and mode of warfare. Its main strength consisted in IfiOO Macedonian and asmanyThessalianhcavyhor^e. Boththerider and his horse were cased in armour; and his weapons seem to have corresponded to those of the heavyInfantry.Thelightcavalry,ohiefly used for skirmishing and pursuit,and, in part, armed with tbe sanssa, was drawn from the Thracians and Psonians, and was about a third of the number of tbe heavy horse. A smaller body of Greek cavalryprobably stood in nearly the same relation to the other two divisions as the hypaspists to the heavy and hghtinfantry.} To the hypaspistsbelonged tbe royal foot body-guard, tbe Ageraa, or royalekcort, and tbe Argyraspides, so called from tbe silver oma* ments with which their long shields were en- riched. But the precise relation in wbich these " Airim, 'rtctia, Ifl. f lUd., n. I ft ipKiai at drvgoou : odvr, wlia fou bt flilhaor bbinn^ Cj(p*diaAl. 0, thu tU 17" HISTORY OF GREECE. bodies stood to each other does not appear Ter; dJstinclly from tbe descriptions of the nn- ciecta. The rofalhorse-guard was composed of eight Macedonian squadrons,' filledwith the sooB of tbe best families. The numbers of eacb are not ascertained, but the? saem iu all not much to have exceeded or fallen shoitof athou- The whole Ibrcewith which Alexander cross- ed over into Asia amounted to littlemore than 30,000 foot and 6000 horse. Of the infantry only1S,000 were Macedoniana : 7000 are de- scribed as allied troops, 5000 as mercenaries, collected,perhaps,b; the subsidies of those states ^hich did not famish cootingents of men, Eiperience,however, bad proved that such ao army mightsafelydeiyany force which a king of P^^a had ever yet brought into the field ; and, in this respect, Alexander might . feel a reasonable confidence of success. Nor did the lowststa of his treasury at all affect his prospects : it was a dejiciency which might be abundantlysuppliedby the firstfortunate cam- paign. There were, however, some grounds Ibr apprehension, which might have Induced a more cautious prince to hesitate. His marine was so inferior to that of Persia, that he had cause to fear lest his conununication with his fiwa kingdom might be cut off,and lest his hos- tile neighboursmight be excited, and enabled, by Persian succours, to Invade it in his ab- sence, Bnt he justlythoughti that ifsuch dan- gers were allowed to suspend the execution of His plans,theywould never be realized; andhe wisely determined to commit himself at othe of hJ He would not listen to the advice of his elder otnmsoUoii, who wished him, before he qaitted his dominions,to marry, and leave an heir to his throne. He felt no misgivings to prompt him to such a delay. As the time of his de- parture drew near, the greatobjects of his am- bition engrossed his mind as with a real pres- ence. I^ough he had onlyseventy talents leA in his coOers, he dislribnted almost all the re- mBLDtng property of his crown " lands,hoases, and customs " among bis trienda ; and when he was asked by Perdiccas what he reserved for kimself,answered, mi hofki. CHAPTER XLIX. EiKLT m tbs spring of 334, Alexander set ont oDbis march to the HcUespont,leaving An- tipater, with an army of 1S,D00 infantry and ISOO horse,regent in Macedonia, and to keep a watchful eye on the affairs of Greece. Par- monio, who, after Philip'sdeath, had returned from Asia,commanded the phalanx under the king: his son Philotas,the Macedonian caval- ry, and another son, Nicanor, the hypaspiste. The Thessaiian horse were placed under the command of Calas,son of Harpalus; the Greek under Eriguius; the Thracian and Pffionian lightcavalry under Cassander,son of Aniipater. In iwenlydays the amiyrcauhed Sestus,where a fleet of ISO sail, including twenty Athenian * 'Uu t SuDlt-Crmj, Eimmtn, f.^i,tM. galleys, and a great number of tiansports, bad been provided for its embarcalion. Pannenio was ordered to superintendthe passage of the main body of the mfanlry, and of the cavalry, to Abydos, while Alexander himself proceeded to Eleus to sacrifice in the sanctuary of Protesi- tauE, and to pray for a happierlanding than had been voachsafed to that hero on tbe shore of Asia. Here be also erected an altar to com- memorate his departure from Europe, and tben embarking and steering his own galley, made for the harbour on the oppositecoast, which traditionhad fixed upon as the landing-place of the AchiKans in the Trojanwar. In the middle of the Hellesponthe sacrificed a hull, and made libations from a goldengoblet to Poseidon and the Nereids. jC) his galleyapproached the land he burled his spear into the ground, and leaped ashore the foremost in his annonr, as if to take solemn possession of Asia. Anodier altar, dedicated to the propitious gods, marked the place of his landing. He then proceeded a few miles towards the southeast to visit tbe vlHage, which Its inhab- itants, perhaps with real, but certainly interest- ed credulity, gave out (o be the site of the an- cient city of Priam, where there was a temide of Athene, and where the altar was shown at which Priam was said to have been slain by Neoptolemus. Alexander would,probably, have been littleinclined for antiquarian researches if any doubt had been suggested to him about the locality which has been the subject of so much controversy; but he feltan interest in the scene, such as no one who ever visited itbefore or after him could have experienced. To snp- pose that the marks of enthusiasm which he displayed were merely, or chiefly the results (rf" a politic calculation, designed to rouse the spir- it of bis followers, and to win the (hvoui of the Greeks,by connecting his expedition with that which was celebratedin their earliest heroic Boag,* seems an opinion which places his char- acter in H false light, and brings him down too near to the level of an age in which poetry is entirely excluded from the sphere of war and politics.He, undoubtedly, trod the plain of Troy with the feeling that ithad been the scene of the exploits of his ancestors, which he was about to emulate. He sacrificedto Athene, dedicated his own panoply in her temple, and in its place took down some of the arms which bung there,as the llians pretended, frnn the time of the heroes, and ever afterward had them borne before him, b; some of his guard, into his battle-fields. He also endeavoured,t^ propitiatory rites, to avert the wrath which, as a descendant of Neoptolemus. he might dread from the shade of Priam, But he had not gone to indulge a frivolous curiosity ; and when one ofthe villagers offered to show him the lyre of by the ipecUde, Stjil ku can I aJopE FJqLhe'ft lOppoB- utmBmnent of tLCtorj frdm Ihe foiiM, biuI th"t Lha prini* gf tb" Wvpla *t Ujun UtsrdinaUvd. This "" naijrnot udJjlarlag nndna w"iflil Da Iha auiry td Diodoraa,xvii,, HWoHfliH ";ic lUUM." THE ORANTCUS. Paris, he leftHed to look it it " He would gtadlj hare gsaed on the rdic if it bad been that to which Aohillea atug the deed* of the brave." To this hie greatprogemtor, be paid Si^nm, be anointed and crowned tbe celnnm which marked the barrow ^opposed to eoniain the remains of AebiUeB. His moat intimate ftiend and inseparable companioD,Hephnstjon, adorned tbe moDumenl of Patroclos in like manner. On ma aocoont oalj, he wu heard to say, he envied Achillea, that his acbieve- jnents had been eslebrated by Homer. The hietoTian to whom we are indebted for the most ample and anthentia mfonnation we poaseas coDeernineAlexander, Arrian of Nico- mediB, takes this occasion to remark, that in this reapeet Ibe Macedonian hero had,indeed, been singolarlf nnfortuinte ; since even the eipedition of tbe yonnger Cynis, and the re- turn of the Ten Thonsand, had been rendered by Xenophon'e pen more renowned than the inconqiarablygreater actions which he him- self was about to record. The remaik itself strikes OS as somewhat strange, when we re- flect on tbe immense maas of histoTMal wri- tings which, in Anian'a time, were still extant, relating In AleKtnder^ reign, and that auMnig the contempoiBry authors ^H" treated Ibis sub- ject, two were eminaotly qnaUfied,bj their station and opportunities, to do it juetioe. Two of his geBsrala, ArisUriniluB and Ptolemy, who held one of the higbestpoets in tbe arm;, and afterward became King of Egypt, undertook the office of relating his conqnesls ; and Ihey both wrote after hia death, whan they were no longersubjectto the atrongeat of the motiree that might before hare iitdneed them to awatve from tbe truth. Nor waa it withoni reaaon that Arriaii bimself observed that Ftolnnj's royal dignity was an additional guarantee of his veracity; not, indeed, beoanse of the keen- er senise of hononr irtiieh it inspired, hot as more ctxnpletetyeatablishtng his iadep^idanae, and raising Um above petty temptations to iBlsehood. It ia possible tliat the literary at- taiumeats of Ibeae writers were very inferior to their iDAaas of knowledge ; but if Alexan- der's achierementB are now less known Qua they dwerve, it is not certainly because he Wanted a bard 1^ Houm', bat beeanse they were r^at"d by many of hia historians In a strain of rhetorical exaggeration.Hence, ac- cording to Arrian, no story had been oftener told,or with more contradictoryatatements. Even Arifltobnlos and Ptolemy frequently dif- fered from each other. We, bowerer, must account it a misfortune that their works have not come down to ns ; thoi^h tbe loas may have been owing to llie superior merit of Arri- Bn's narrative, which waa probably found a mure pleasing ccmpoaition,* and is possibly more valuable than either of then wontd liave been by itself;fbrArrian,a soldier,statesman, and philosopher, who governed the province of Cappadooia in the reign of Hadrian, while he emulat"i Xenophon's style, also exercised a critical judgment on the diacrepanciea of his in modem reader amj be excused for regretting that he baa not the means of deciding for himself. Froifa the plain of Troy Alexander tnned northward to rejoin the main body of his army, which he iound at Atisbe,not Jar ft"m Abydos. He then bent his march along tbe coast of Um Propuntis, receiving in his way the su of Priapus.* which opened its gates taohraent of his forces. Amynlas, son of Ar- rahms, was sent forward witb some squadroDa of li|^ horse to scour the cotrntfy, and ndleet intelligence of the enemy^ movements. The two satr^a whose proTinaeelayon the west- ern coast, SpilhrldBieB of Lydia and Ionia, and Arsites of Phrygiaon the Hallaspont, with ser- eral other Persian generals, and Mei Khodian,who had snooeeded ti _ . . thority after his death, whiob haiqiened about the time of Alexander^ aocesainn, had aas^n- bled tOfiOO Greek meroenaries, uid about an equal number of native cavalry, and were e"- caii^"ed near the town of Zelea,on the right bank of the Granicue, a amall streem wludl flows from Honnt Ida mto Ute Propoatis to ^ west of Cyxiooa. Here, when tbe news arri- ved that Alexander bad crossed the HeDeapcot, th^ held a connoil of war. Memnen advised that they should avoid a batUe, for which, with " such inferiority in the nombers of their inihi^ try,they were not prepared; and, rebeitinf, ^lonld lay waste the ooontry, and even desfamy tho towns in their line of march. TbawaotoT ivovtsioiis woidd prevent Alezanderfiom pnr- sniiuf them, and ftom remaining wfeevQ be was. Itsaema doubdbl whether this plan,ie"tb"d been adopted, would here htd anj el^ttiM- yond that of Allaying an engagement. IleeaM ! soaroely have been executed on such a scats^s to hinaer Alexander "om penetratingkrfan* other route into the interior. But Ute Per- sians, who were jealous of Mennon'a Inflnence, and suspected that he wished to protract the war on wUeh it so mmh depended. Bested bis jsoponl aa degrading to theu master^ digm^. Arsites dedsred that tiewould not allow a ei^- gle honse in his provinoe to he hnraed ; and Us sentimentB were unanimoDdr ^ipleoded^bis la detemuBed, therelbre, to where, with a greatly superioresvslry,thsy would have the advantage of a strong posidoa, Alexander bad advanced near to the river, when his scouta brought word that the Persian amy was drawn up on the other aide ; and be immediatelybegan to form hia own in order of battle. Parmenio advised him to encamp on the left bank. The enemy would not venture to remain where theywere, from fear of but- prise in tjie night; and Ihua he would be able to effect his passage, without danger or mo- Ibetation, the next morning. If he shonld at- tempt it then, a repulsemight ensue from the difficultiesof the ground, ominous for his en- terprise and disheartening to his troops. Alex- ander admitted the force of these arguments, consideredfromParmenJo'apoint of view ; but for him what seemed to the old general an ob- jection, waa the strongest motive for an imme- diate attack. To be stoppedby an appearance thu Ilii'ainv, UH Qpiinc, 178 HISTORY OF GREECE. oTdittcnltyuiddanger at tlte"nita"t of hia an- teipriM was the woist of all omena ; and it wae to no purposa that he had crossed the iDightyHellespont, ifhe was now to be detain- ed bj a paltry brook. Yet the obstacles were not trifling. The atream was in toany placeseTidentlj too deep to be forded, and the opposite bank was high and Bteep. The Peraians had posted their cav- alry " the arm on which theychiefly relied " on its ed^,Uie Greek mercenaries at some distance in the rear. Alexander had drawn up ]iia phalanx in six diTiuons in the centre,* flanked on the rightby the Macedonian and PreoTuaa cavalry, and by the greaterpart of the lightinfantry, on xhe left by the Thessalian, Greek, and Thraeian horse. He committed the command of the left wing to Paimenio, and put himself at the head of the right. He was Mon recognisedby the enemy IVom the brill- iance of hie armour, and the respectfhlatten- tion of the officers who sorroonded him; and as they concluded that the brunt of the attack wonid be on the side where he stood, th^ strengthened their left wing with some addi- tional sqnadions of their bMt troops. There was a short pause of silent expectation while the two armies, which were to begin the con- flict for the dominion of Asia, stood face to face,separatedby a narrow stream. It was broken by Alexander, who, having mounted his horse and addressed a few words of exhorta- tiOQ t: his nearest foUowen, ordered Amyntas, son tl Arrabteua, with his lightcavalry, and Socrates, with a squadron of Uie horae-guar^, supportedby a division of the hypaspists under Ptulcniy, son ofPhilipit to advance into the wa^er ; .he.himself followed at the head of the phalanx, to the sound of the trumpets and amid the war cifes of his men, moviug in a slanting direction up the bed of the river,tto prevent the Persians Irom taking bim tn flajik on his landing. Amyntas and Socrates, when they reached the oppostie bank, were received with a galling shower of darts and a vigorouscharge,against which they had to contend with very infsrior sumbeTS, and under the disadvantage of gionnd which was at once lower and less Ann. Thej tfinut.iXir"nniluEiii rii ud Philii meDdoDljfio "l*ul in whU HDH Uu Mnsm could bs nid wap"l^ii, ud CMTMtioii imeiivi or riiiii"E, u Uh "imm (whicA hid ""U0"i""i,i..tllf"niiiA(ASo,i.,SI. iliiHid oflh. vrwtn, mfiix" tU^sbXi^Su. Hoophjlu Doou, who of Ihi Autiuii, and DDUi, ud Bne udirtl illunnltaiii ll modtni Qmkl'l^i Biinn,r)c 'Ansrai'nc,t"OI)!, tniu- Ul" wfii Till Aiia nS ttiparas: uij in Ihe note, it Xf^potn. wbtc^i waold indetd b" m cdetbe^ pumphnja oT j wer^, it SMniB, bar^ tbl* to mainiaiii their footing untilAlexander came np to their reLef. He immediatelycharged into the thickest of 'the fray, where the principal Peraian leaders were engaged. Hia lilbwas at one moment in imminent danger. He had advanced to meet Mitbridates, a nobleman allied to Darius, who was coming op in front of his squadron, and had brought him to the ground with the shook of his spear. At this instant be received a blow from RhtEBBcea on his helmet, which broke off a part of the crest, and neariypierced it. Hhn, too, Alexander unhorsed with a javelin wound in his breast. But while he was busied with this enemy, Spithiidates, coming behind, had raised his cimeter over hia head for a atioke which would probably have deaoendad with deadly effect on his shattered bdmet, had Dot Cleitu E, the brother of Alexander's hdim, Lanics, intercepted it by a cut of his sabre, which aeV' ered the Persian's right arm ftom hia body.' While the cavalry was thus engaged,one di- vision after another of the phaluix eflected a landing : the lighttroops with which the Haee- dwiian hoise was interspMBed annoyed the enemy greatly with their missilec ; aridit was found that the strongjavelin.t with which the Macedonian troopen oould thrust at the faces of their antagonists, was a moch mure effica- cious weapon than the dight dart with which the Feniiana were armed. Their centre cave way to Alexander's impetuous attack, irtiich was sustained by still increasing numbers ; and the disorder soon spread to the extremities of the hne, tillall were put to flight.Alexander, however, did not suffer hia troops to pursne the Persian cavalry to a great distance, bat return- ed to attack the mercenaries, who had kept their gronnd rather through anusement at the sudden issue of the first combat, than with any deliberate purpoae. While he moved against them with the phalanx, he ordered the cavalry to attack their flanks and rear. Thus surround- ed, they were almost all cut to ineoea : very few escaped among the wounded, and only 3000 were taken priaonerH. The loss of the Peraians amounted only to about a thousand i but it in- cluded a great number of their chief officers. Alexander tost onlysome five-and-twenty of his horse-guards " who fell at the first landing, and whom he honoured with brazen statues, which were still standing in Arrian's time at Dium, the worhmansbip of the king's favourite aculp- tor Lysippns " sixty of his other cavalry, and Uiirty of the foot. All these he interrisd the next day with martial pomp, and granted an exemp- tion from every kind of tax and charge to their parents and children. He visited the wounded in person ; and, while be inspected their wounds, made inquiries which gave them a welcome op- portunity of relating their exploita. Nor did he withhold the rites of burial from the enemy's dead. But be sent the Greek prisoners in chains to Macedonia, to be kept to farced la- bonr, as guilty of bearing arms against their oounlry, in contempt of Uie decree of the na.- BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS." EPHESUS. 179 tioM] eon^rau. To Identic hi* canse in an- other manner with tbat of Greece, he aent 300 suits of Peraian armoar to Athena, to be detil- oaled to the tulelarj goddesa in the Acropoha, wiUi an inscription, expressing that thej bad been taken from the barbarians of Asia by Al^- ander, the son of Phihp, and the Greeks, allbut the Lacedamonians : a stigma, as he could not bat account it;wlilch,however, Spartamight aa jaatij reckon among her titlesof honour. In the joj of his first victory, he likewise remem- bered nium ; enriched its little temple with oQerings, and ordered the village to be trana- formed into a city, which be honoured witb ex- traordinary privileges and immunities, Arsites had fied, after tbe battle, into Phryg- ia ; but there, it was said,Dverpowered by grief and shame by the disaster,which he at- tributed to hie own couDsela, laid violent hands on himself. Alexander bestowed his satrapy on Galas,encouraged the bartarians, who bad Hed to ttte mountains, to return to their homes, and ordered the tribute to remain an itsancient footing. Parmenio was detached to take pos- session of the satrap's residence,Dascylium. Ttie kinghiniaelf; beniUnghis march southward, advanced towards Sardis. The news of his vic- tory prodooed sdch an eflbct in tbe capital of Lydia,that, when he had come within eight or nine liUleaof it,Hithrines, the commander of tbe garrison,accompuiiedby the principal in- habitants, met him, witb a peaceable surrender of the city, the citadel, and the treasure. He retained Mithrines on an honourable footing near his penon, and committed the command of the citadel to Pausanias, an officerof his guard. He appointed Nicias to superintend the collection of the revenue, and Asander, son of Philotas, to the satrapy of Spithridales. To conciliate the Lydians, be restored their ancient laws ; that is,most probably, abolished all the i which the policy of the Persian gov- nposed on tbem, when itcrushed their rebellion after the first conquest ;* while, perhaps to make them more familiar witb Greek usages, be ordered a temple to be built on the citadel to Olympian Zeus, A body of cavalry and lighttroops were placed at the disposal of Asander, and the Argivecontingent was lel\as a garrison in the citadel. Four days after, Alexander arrived at Ephesus. There, too, as soon as the tidings of the battle arrived,a body of merccnariea, who had been stationed there 1^' Memnon, took ship with Amyntes, eon of Anti- ochus,a Macedonian emigrant, who had fied bia coiintrj to avoid the effects of the king's dis- pleasure, or because he was conscious of a share in some of the plots formed against him. Ephe- aoB was divided between an oligarchical and a democratical faction, which seem nearly to have balanced each other. The oligarchy had been sustained by the power of Persia : their adver- saries, therefore, looked forward with hope to the impending invasion, and bad probably re- ceived promises of support from Philip. Vio- lent tumults had taken place, in which the oli- garchs, aided by Memnon's troops, had prevail- ed, forced many of their opponents to leave the city, threw dawn a statue of Philip which stood in the temple, committed other acts of sacrilege there, and broke open tbe tocob of Heropytbes, * 8h Tcl.L,p. HI. a greatpopolarleader, who bad been bnrM m the market-place. A complete reaction ensued on Alexander's arrival : democracywas formal- ly restored, the exiles returned to their homes, and the triumphantpart; became eager for re- venge on their vanquishedoppressors. One of the oligarchical leaders, with his son and neph- ews, was dragged out of the saoctuary, and stoned to death. Aleiaoder then interfered to prevent farther btoodsbed, and forbade any pro- ceedings 10 be instituted for the punishment of political offences. The city was permittedto expend the tribute which it had before paidto the Persian government on its new temple, whicb was not yet finished. At a later period he offered to defray the whole expense of the boilding, on condition that his own name should be inscribed on itas its founder : an afier whicit the Ephesianswere loo proud of this Jireat w- nament of their city to accept, and dechned vrittt ingeniousflattery.* Before his departure, he c"Cebratnd a great sacrifice to the goddess, with a solemn procession of bis whole army in hatUe array. By like measures, especiallyby tbe - estabUshment of democracy, and remission of tribute, he endeavoured to gain the good-will of all the other Greek cities on the coast, whicb was of greatimportance to him at this Juncture, while the naval power of Persia was stillfbcmi- dable. In tbe mean while, he had received oBbra of snbmisaion from Magnesia and TraJlos, in the vale of the Meander, and had aenl Panoenio forward to take possession of them. He bad also,at first, reason to hope that Hitetos would be as quietly surrendered to him ; for Hegeeis- tratuB, who commanded the garrison, had mada him tike oflere by letter. But the approach of a Persian armament, which was on its way from Phtenicia,encouragedHegesi stratus to change- his intention, and defend his post. iNicanoi;- however, Alexander's admiral,got the start af the barbarians, and arrived,with his fleetof 160 galleys, at Lad" before they appeared; and Alexander forthwith secured the island, wbioh commanded the entrance of the port of Miletue, - withadetachmentof4000men. ThePersiaos, finding themselves shut out, came to anohor at Mycal". Their fleetamounted to 400 sail. Tet, notwithslaitding this greatinequality, Parmenio " advised the king to hazard a sea-fight. A fie- ' lory, he thought, would be attended witb U"' greatest advantages, while defeat Would IiM make the state of bia naval sShira much worse ; since,as it was, the enemy were masters of the sea. An omen, too, which he had observed, confirmed him in his opinion, Alexander point- ed out to him that it might be otherwise inter- preted, and that his arguments were not soimd- erthanhlsrulesofdivioatioo. Ilie Macedonian fleet was inferior, not only in number, bat m 'nautical skilland training to tbe Ph"enioian and Cypriangalleys It would be mere foolhardi- nesB to seek a battle under such disadvantages i and a defeat, far troia leaving him in nearly the same condition as be now stood in,might in- volve consequences no less important and dis- astrous than a general insurrection in Greece. Tbe eagle which had been seen to perch on the beach behind the royalgalleysignified thai be "IldidiuKbainDuai Sambo,ii"., p. Ml. Cioogic ISO HISTORY OF GREECE. was dMtiBOd to orercome the Penian hit; by hia operations on land. Hiletas was divided into two distinctcities by "n inner wall, wbich appears to have been mucb umngerthaDtbe outer one, if,indeed, what was called the oocer city was not a mere open Bub- uib. Alexander had taken it by assault on his firstarrival, and then prepared to besiege the "ther. The towosmen came to a compromise with the garrison, and,by mutual consent, they deputed one of the most eminent citizens to the king, with an oSii of ueutolity, which he re- jScMd,bidding them prepare to sostain an im- ine^t" attack. His enginery soon made a Weacb in the wall, which hia troope mounted before the eyes of the Persians, who were un- "Ue to relieve their friends : for,to cut oW all duuce of BQccoar, Nicaoor had moved up to the month of the inner harbour, and laid some gaDeys across it, aide by side,so as eOectually The CI the garrison, when the besiegersbegan to pour in through the breach, fled towan^ the sea ; "ome put off in boats, but foand the harbonr's mouth closed before they reached it ; airaut 300 Of the mercenaries swam to a rocky ialetwithin the hartMHir, and prepared to defend tbemaelves there, untilAleiinder, admiring their courage, permitted thsm to purchase their lives by en- tering into bis service. The Persian fleetcon- tinued for some time moored at Mycale, in the hope of drawing the enemy into an action; but "s it was forced to fetch its water from the mouth of the Mssndar, AJexanderordered Phi- lotas to proceed to the place, with a body of in- fantry and cavalry, and to hinder the crews irom landing. The fleet was, couseqaently, obliged to go over to Samoa for proviaioiu. It return- ed, indeed,shortlyafter, and Bttem[Md to anr- priM the Macedoniaaa in the harbour ; but, hav- mg been foiledin this attempt, withdrew from the ooast of Hiletna. Alexander now perceired that Ms fleetwould be of littleBerrica to hink wtiile the state of bia bianms w"b ancb that be conld illbear the "0Mofit. On the ether hand, he boped to abut eat die Panians from allthe porta of Asia,and thaa to diaaUa Uiem fraro continuing their na- val cnaiatioBB. He therefore resolved to dis- "laa bin fleet, retaining only a small squadron, iriitehinvaded tiieAthenian galleys, ibr the truiapartof Ua besieging machines,and to con- ftM lue atteotion to Uie prosecntion of the war on Uw aouthem ooast His first object was theredoolioaof HaUcarnaasus, where Uie ene- laj liAd now collected almost all the strength which be had remaining in this quarter. Mem- non, who. alter the battle of the Granicus,seul his wife and children as pledj^ea of his fidelity to Da^ia,and had been invested by him with "iqiremeauUiorityin the west of Asia, and with "- ^ of allbia naval forces,had been who had married the daughter of Pijco- daraa, and had aucoeeded him as satrap of Ca- ria" and a Dumeions garrisoa of Greeks and harbariaDS, awaUed the invader's approach. They were aninuued by the presence of two Atbrniana,Gpkisltes and Thraiybulus, who had OMne to ofier their services against the com- mon enemy. Tbo fleet, too,lying at the mouth of the harbonr. was capable of renderinggood service dnring a siege. The city, built on heights which rise abruptly, in the raim of a theatre, from the sea. was naturally strong, and bad been elaboratel;r fortified, both with walls and a ditch forty-five feet in width, and about half as many in depth, and contained two cita- dels, one on the heights at ita back, the other, celebrated for the enervatingspring of Sotma- cis, which rose there,al the northern extrem- ity of the great harbour :* a smaller harbour was sheltered by an ialand called Arconne- Bua,t which was also a place of great strength. Alexander, on bis march from Miletns, made himself master of all the towns that lay be- tween that city and Halicamasens ; and on his entrance into Caria he was met by Ada, the widow of Idrieus, who snirendeied her Icu^ress of Alinda to him, begged leave to adopt him aa her son, and placed herself under his protec- tion. Ho then advanced towards Halicamas- Bus, and encamped at about half a mile from the walls. On the day of bis arrival he en- countered a brisk sally from the garrison, which, however, was easilyrepulsed. But before he commenced bis operationshere, having receiv- ed some offers which led bim to expect Ihal he should gain admittance at Myndus, a town which laya few miles westward on Ibe ooast, he made an attempt on it in the night,but,not meeting with the promisedsupport from with- in, while succours were introduced by sea from Halicamasaua. he withdrew, and apfdied bim- seir wholly to the siege of the capital He beganbyfilling up the ditch,so as to en- able his engines and wooden towers to approacti the walls. The besieged made many vigorous salliesfor the porpoae of setting fireto the ma- chines, but were always repulsed, end sooie- timea with great loss. Once a mad attanipt of two Macedonian soldiers,]: who, having chal- lenged one another oyer their cups to a trial of valour, undertook to atorm the citadel on the land side aktne, brought on an engagameDt, which was near becoming general, and might have ended in the capture of the city; for two towers and the intervening wall had been bat- tered down by the engines ; hut, before advan- tage was taken of the breach, the besieged built another brick wall in the form of a crescent behind it. Twice they made a desperateat- tempt to destroy the cngioes which Alexander brought to play on this new wall ; the second time, at the instigation of Ephialles, with their whole force I but they were defeated with great slaut^ter.io wbich "pbialtes himself fell ; and itwas believed thatAlexander might then have stormed the place, but waa induced to spare il fuHvd througil tbe i[xT1ii"Dce uf tbo twu AtliVHuil. [ will ngl nuleniliislcidecidiiinillisiinlMliiUnaf r* """'-- - naEJKtiin,p. "1. fiuihaOaiyliluadljrm , V, Co Ogle HAUCARNASSUS." COAST OF LVCU. by the hope that it would aoon snTTflndeT. In fact, Memnon and Orootobates now despaired of defendiog it much longer, and reeolTed to abandon it. In the dead of the nightthey set ^rc to a wooden toww, and to some of the houses and magaziueanear the wall,and, while the oonflagratioa apiMd, nude their eac^ie, and crossed oret t^ Cos, where, it wems, thejr had preTJousl; depoeited their treasuies.* The garnsoa took reAige, some in the citadels, some in ArconneaOB. ^xander immediately enter- eil the uitj, and checked the progreaa of the flames ; bnt, as soon as he had beooma master uf it, he razed it to the ground. Ke did not, however, think tt worth while to staj nntil he had dislodged the enen; from their remaining strongholde ; bal having committed the prov- ince to Ada, he left tier, wiUi about 3000 foot and 300 horse, under a Macedonian officer, reduce them.t He himself porsued bis march yong the south coast of Asia Minor, to make liimself maeter of the ports which might har- lour the Feraian fleet. Bat as winter waa now approaching, he de- .ermined, before ha lelV Csria,to seiul a part "f his troopa, who tiad lately married when he let out on hia expedition, tuck to Macedonia, D pass the winter at home. He gave the com- nand of them to three of his generals, who vere themselves in the same case, directing hem, on their return, to bring with them ae oany fresh troope as ttiey coold raiae. The neasure was pohlic aa well aa gracious ^ for lis army had been much weakened to sup[riy "ft many garrisons as were required for the onquered cities ; and nothing was more Likely 0 promote the levies in Macedonia than lbs iresence of the victorious warriors, whose re- urn attested at once his success and hia liber- hty. Another officer was sent to collect all tie troope he could in Peloponneeus. Panne- io waa ordered to prooeed, with the greater art of the cavalry and the baggage, to Sardia, Bd thence into Phrygia, where he himself, af- ir he should have traveraed the coast of Ly- iaand Famphylio,designedto meet him in the In hie march thiough Caria be met with a Fiortresistance from the garrison of the stioog irtress Hyparoa, and. according to Diodoraa, inted aside to puniah the insolence of the in- abitants of Marmora in Penea, who, r^ing, erhaps, on the strength of their town, whidi tood on a high rock by the sea-aide, bad ven- ired to annoy the rear of his army, and had "I only plundered atHne of the baggage, but illedseveral men. When beaiegeC they da- iQded themselves with greatobeUoaey, lod at ngib the young men set fire to Ute town, and, iicing (their way ttaiovgh tte toaatj''a lines, )ok refuge in the ne^hbouring moontains. n his eatraoce into Lycia, Tehnusus oapitula- :d ; and, after he had crossed the Xaathus,he ^ceived the submission of most of the Lydan iwns. Phaselis even presented him with a :"ldea crown, and the motive which led it to if him this honour may help to account for riiU/tr rH,di9biii the ready snbmisaion of the other LyclaiM. The people of Ffaaselishad BuSbied much Awn the incursions of their neighbours, the Fiaidian mountaineeiB, who had even taken up a forti- fied position in their terriUny, for the purpose of continual molestation. They hoped that Alexander would deliver them from thu annoy- ance, and they were not diaappoisted ; fbr,on his return from an expedition, which,notwitb- standing the lateness of the season " it wm now about mid- winter " he had imdettaken into I the interior, to reduce the Milyans, n^o inluh- ited a tract of Phiygiaon the craifiiie* of Pli^g- I ia and Pisidia,' he took the fort. He was stillin the neighbourhood of Phaselii, when he was appriied of a pk4 vrtiichhad boen formed against his life by hia nameaake, the I son of fropuB, wbrnn he had appoiDtedto cmn- ' mand the Tbeaealian cavalry in the room of Calaa, the new satrap of the Helleepontine Phrygia. It ^peara that, notwithstanding this favour, the Lyncestian either oould not forgive the kiog for the execution of hia two brothna, or could not forget the uicient pretensioDS of his femily to royaldignity. He had entered inla a negotiation with the Persia^ court throng the fugitiveAmyntas, and Itariua bad aeit down an agent named Aaisines, to obtain a aa- oret interview with him, and to oflhr, if he kitt- ed hia BovereigD, to raise htm to the throne trf' Macedonia, or, at least, to aid him in the attempt to aeoure it, with a Uiousand talents. Tin Persian emissary had fallen into the hands of Farmenio, and revealed hia bnsinesa ; and Pai- menio had sent him to the king, Alexander held a oDunoil on the subject, and by its adviee deapatohed orders to Farmenio to arrest thfl Lyooeetian and keep liim in custody. Between I^aselis aod the maritime plaiaa of Pamphylia, the mountains which form the aouLhem branch o( Taurus descend abruptlyoa the coBBi, leavingonly a narrow pasaa^ aleng the beach, aed this never open hut m cataa weatber, or during the prevalenoe of a norther W wind. The promoatory was called Howt Climax. At the time wheo AlBxander waa about to resnme his march eastward, the wind was blowing from the soutli, and the waves washed the foot of the oliSs, He thereAwe sent the main body of bis army over the taowab- ains to Pei^e,by a circuitous and difficult road,t which, however, he had ordered to be previoiia- ly cleared by his Thraoian pioneers. But fbr himself he determined, with a few followerB,to try [he passage along the shore ; danger a*d difficulty had a charm for him which he eooU scarcely resist. Perhaps the wind had already subsided ; soon alter it ahiiled to the OMth " a change in whitdi he recognised a special inter- Milfu ; but Drnyno, p. ISA,"ppuioU} osiifoiiadiTu- mauiii wilh Tibnloiu, uiKruuUui Ihi lul hdIiqci of stnlKr'i lUrtiKniUi bout,ud IlitnflBdi faultarith Colanal t cJc^l''LMi" (All*Uiiw, B. igoibu tHHi buIhI It " Mh nadmi ID Altiu, i,,H, xgXuir "UXw[ u) si uatpOw. Thia wiHiMoautiilfet'8tmbQ.]EiT,, p.9Wt'rpir- in fvu (wUdi ColiiHl Liaks mdui tBovMj.f. mh ^uhiiowBwip. BatUsHotiv* itnuloBBilis iM KajLOmanpt of ArnuL ud iidJ"b it It vmtt*^ haw mo nsuiiu, ihowh Ducu, Iutiu tnulAtH "w ph nimwK. Ui4Sm*iU^ iM", n kl" mot* iini Um aiplwiuiga. zilni)T iM"t M "U"riinKiuib"r tmiMitt)mtrx UMmatt Ithnr luXmtr uhr, tli ua^ftt'H. HISTORY OF GREECE. position of the gods. Yet, according to Strabo's anltiors,he found Ihe water stiH nearly breast higb, and had to wade through it for a whole day. As he advanced from Perge, he was met bj an cmbasBj from the neighbouring town of A.BpendUB, whicb Uy a littlefarther eastward, -near the mouth of the Eurymedon, offering to acknowledge his authority, but praying that ' " theymight not be compelled to receive a Mace- donian gamson. This request he granted, hut. in return, demanded a contribution of Stly tal- ents, and the Ehhute of horses which they had been used to pay to Che Persian king. These terms were accepted, and Alexander, passing Aspendus,proceededalong the coast to Side, a barbariied colony of Cuma, which he took and "garrisoned. The neighbouring fortress of Syl- Sam be foond prepared to repel his tirntattack, and he soon after received inteUigence that the Aspendiana refused to execute their engage- -mentSi and were making preparations to sUB- ^tain a siege. He therefore retraced his steps, And, to their surprise, suddenlyappeared before their walls. They hastily abandoned the lower town, and retired into the citadel, which stood an a steep rock overhanging the river, Aleic- "Dder, with his army, took up his quarters in "the bouses below, and the Aapendiana, now re- penting of their levity, sent another embassy to aue for peace. He granted it, but on harder temu, requiring 100 talents and yeariytribute, and exactinghostages for their perforroance. Tben, haviog returned to Perge, be began his inarch towards Phrygia. His road led through the heart of Pisidia, where be was the more desirous of striking ter- ror, as its fierce and lawless inhabitants,secure in their mountain barriers and almost impreg- nable fortreeaes, had constantly defied the pow- er of tbe Perwan government. Yet be could not spare the time which would have been ne- COTsary to reduce all its strongholds, Tennes- "W. situate on a steep rock,commanding a nar- Tnr pass which led from Pisidia into Phrygia, Upwed to bim too strong to be attempted. l"ougli he had dislodged the barbariane from 4he podUan which they had taken up with- 4Mit the walls, and made himself master of the pasa. Bnt the rMistance of TermoBsua pro- mired for him offersof alliancefrom its enemy, Selge, aTKither of the principalcities, which pnrred ver? sufal to him. He stoimed Sa^ alaaaiM, tboogfa, besides its natnral atrength, its jshabitania were accoonted the moat warlike "f the Piatdiana ; and tbi" auccess w "d by the oobtniaiioo of moat of the emaller towns. He then advanced bjtha Lake Aaca- "ia* to Celtenn, wheie the citadel, on an almost InaeoaBBible rock, was guardedby a garrison of 1000 Cariana,and 100 Oreeka, plac"] there by the Htrap of Phrygia. It,however, otfered to "nrrender unless it should be relieved within sixtydays ; and Alexander tbought beet oept these conditions, and having left a body of 1600 men to observe it, and appointedAnligo- nus, eon of Philip, to the importantsatrapy of Central Phrygia, he prosecuted his march t~ Crordium, where he W ordered Parmenio t Arrian does not expressly state the object i this movement, which, as Alexander designed .- n,gj[g f|3ji]je coBgt of Syria, involved uit. It is hardly credible that from advancingdirectly into Cilicia by the difficulty of passingthrough the mountain region(Ihe Rugged Cilicia), which immediately follows Pamphylia; or that he marched so far north merely for the sake of better quarters to refresh his troops in dnrinff the remainder of the winter.* TTiere were other motives which might lead him to pene- trate so far into the interior of Asia Minor, and traverse it in two directions so distant from the line of march that would have led to the point which he had mainly in view. He proba- bly thought it necessary to eslabliah his authori- ty in the central provinces, so far,at least,as to break off their relations with the Persian goV' meriC, and thus to secure the Greek cities on western coast from the attacks which might have been made on them from this quarier, if the peninsula, east of Lydia, had remained sub- ject to Darius. The central situation of Gordi- umt also afforded means of easier communica- tion with Macedonia, and which the movementa of the Persian fleet in the"gean rendered very desirable, Wbile it enabled him to negotiate on more advantageousfooting with the' satraps the provinces on the Euiine, who, when they w him BO near, might apprehend an imraedi- e invasion. Accordingly, it seems to have been Irom Gordlum that he sent Hegelochus to the coast, with orders to equip another Beet for the protection of the islands which were threat- ened by the Persians. Here he was rejoined by the troops whom he had sent to winter by their own hearths,accompanied by the new levies, 3000 Macedonian infantry and BSOborae, 300 fi'om Macedonia, 300 from Thessaly, the rest from Elis. Here,also, he received an em- bassy from Athens, which came to request that be would release the Athenian prisoners who had been taken among tbe mercenariea in the battle of the Granicus, and had been sent to Macedonia. Alexander did not think it pm- dent, while he was nn the eve of a decisive con- test with Darius,to relax his severity towards the Greeks who took part with the barbariana, but he gave the Athenians leave to renew their application at a more seasonable jnncture. Oordiom had been, in very early times, the "eat of the Phrygiankings, and was snpposed to have derived it* name frvm Gordius, tbe (a- ther of tbe more celebrated Midas, In Uie cit- adel wa* preserved, with religious veneration, a wagon, in which, according to the tradition of the country, Midaa, with his father and moth- er, entered the town, at a time when the peo- ple, who were distracted by civil discoid,were holding an assembly. They bad been islbrmed by an oracle that a wagon should bring them a king who should compose their strife. The sudden appearance of Midas convinced them that he was the king destined for them ; and when he had mounted the throne, he dedicated the wagon in the citadel as a thank-offering to the king ofthe gods,who, before his birth, had sent an eagle to ali^t upon its yoke, while * Til*" m Fliihrt t Sra C""]""1 Ltuke-i liopoUk,whiab.iB tho U HPflDflltUDB. In" Uitr, p. GORDIUM." TARSUS. lU . -Gotdiu w*8 ptoDgfaing, as a sign of tbe hoDOQT leaeired for hie race. Thi* Isgeod bad given riae lo a prophecy, that whoefer ahonld untie the knot of bark by wbicti the ;"dtewu ftstened tothepolemuatbecomaLordorAaia. Alexan- der did not leaTS Gurdium before be had proved thai this prophecy related to bunaelf. Me went up lo the citadel, and separated the yoke from the pole. Whether he loosened the knot by drawing out a peg,* or cut it with hia sword, hia own followers were not agreed. But all the spectators were convinced that he had le- gitimately fulfilledthe prophecy, and a storm of thunder and lightning, which took place the same night, removed every shadow of doubt on the subjeot(833). He now resamed hie march eastward, and at Ancyra received an embassy fhim Paphlagonia, promising obedienoe on the somewhat ambigu- ODs condition that he shtxdd abstain from en- tering their country. The subjugation of this extensive and very monntainaQs region wonld beve detained him much too long from the more imponant objects which hf had in view, and he therefore conlentod himself with this show of BDbnuMioii,whieb,at least,heightened, while it proved, the terror inspired by his name, and an- nexed Paphlagonia to the satrapy of Calas. As be advanced throughCappadocia towards the passes of Tauins, he met with no resistance ; and bis authority was, at least nominally, ac- knowledged to a great distance beyond ^le Ha- lys, BO that he could appointa satrapofCappado- (ua, whose name, Sebictas, indicales that he was an Asiatic, and who, pertiaps,possessed influ- ence enou^ to render him a uae^ ally in a coun- try so impeifec^y conquered. Neartbeentrance of one of the defiles or gates which led into the idains of Cilioia he encamped, on tba aame site -where Cyras had halted.t and here he found that the pass was stronglygnarded. He there' fore left Parmenio be^d with the phalanx, and, takingonly a part of the lighttroops, set ont at nightfall lo surprise tbe enemy at the Gates. His approach,however, was not un- perceived; bnt it inspired so much alarm that the guards abandoned their post : and at day- break, having been overtaken by the rest of his iurny, he be^nto descend into the plain. On his way he received tidings from Tarsus, that the satnp Arsames, baving heard that he bad passed the Oates, was abont to quit the city, which at first bs meant to defend,and, it was feared, would plunder it before his departure. Hereupon Aleuukdsi pushed forward with his cavalry and the lightest part of Ihe infantry at full speed for Tarsoa, and Arsames, whatever bis intention may have been,Bed, leaving the -cityunhart,to join the army of Darius. Alexander, on hia arrival at Tarsus, while his Uood was still violenlly heated by these Cilicla br th* jiHi dsMnlMl by Xi yhoil^ DUA u Dot Trva, bntBBd ectraordinary esertkHu, had Men tempted to idnnge into the clear and Ihnpidwaters wT the Uydnns, which flowed througb the city. This improdenee was generallysuppceed to hava been the canse of a fever which seized him im- mediately after,* and which soon became ao threatening in its symptoms that moat of hia phyeicianadespaired ofhis life. One, however, an Acamanian named Philippas, who stood high in hia confidence, undertook to prepare a medi- cine which would relieve him. In the mean while, a letter was brought to the king bttm Parmenio, informing him of a report that Phi- iippus bad been briiied by Darius to poison him. ^exander,itis said, had the letter in hia hand when the physiciancame in with the draught, and, giving it to him, drank while be read : " theatrical scene, as Plutarch nnsuspectiiigty observes, but one which would not have been invented but for snch a character, and which Arrian was therefore induced,thongh doubting- ly, to record, t The remedy, or Alexander's ei- cellenl constitution, prevailed over the disease; but it was long before he had gained sufficient strength to resume his march. In the mean while he sent Parmenio forward, with about a third of the army, to occupy the nearest of the' maritime passes leading out of Cdicia into Syria. He himself, when sufficiently recovered,pro- ceeded westward with the rest of his forces to Anchialus, where he beheld the statue of its reputedfounder,Sardan^mlus. the voluptuous king, who judged so differently from himself " as the Assyrianinscription on bis monument and the figure itself attested " of the value and use of life. At Soli, where he arrived next, he and aSirded him a fair ground f" contribution of SOO talents. Tet it seems to have been onlyan oligarchical party that bad bvooted the Peraians ; and perhaps the penal- ly was levied on tiiem alone ; for he esiabhshed a democratical govermnent, and the garrison may have been needed liK its security. Before he returned to Tbtsob, he made an inroad with a division of bis forces into the mountains of the Rugged Cilicia, and, in the course of sev- en days, reduced their wild inhabitants, by fbros or terror, to submisaion. On his return to Boli, he received Ihe agreeable tnlellisence th^ Oroo- tobates bad been defeated, in a hard-fooght bat- tle, by Ptolemy and Asander, and that the eita- lUbnliu.hawmi, lUrllnUd il irrielj la fctifu ; uin KiDiuir, vlio bulud illtha Crdmu, cbw br an tlu 3d d( Nmamber, iIkLusi 11"i iu "un did LhmlFD'd bj thff iBcm muhinatiou aflHxiTiB,tod iharft- fDT0 wriuM nul have glTon lucH " prwif cpfcoodddnc:*in aaj of hi* HrTBnLf " ib" ?er^chi04: which LhaaurT, if tniB,di"- pnnt. Thii ii" bi*uni"l ftlilio ^rtwnu. I do not quiH nodflnlKDd whtt PanqeiuD hu dniof , thftt h" iSoold boC bbtooom* himpflLfiDftttdoTwrirtTiff. One HVifninCuF- tiDI. 111., A, how tha Itory wKt BinbaltuhBd- Id Amav,!!., IM HIBTORY OF OREECK deVof HalicanuBsoa, and the other places which be had retained on the coaat of Caria, had faU- en.* Dariua had previously sidbred a maeh (Tester loss in tbe death of MemnoD, who was earned off b; a suditea illaeaa, while engiged , in the siege of Milylens, which, after baling made himself maater of Cbios through treach- ery, and of the rest of I*sbos, he hM inTCSted ctoselyby sea and land. Alexander, before he left Soli, celebrated the victor; of his generals, and at the same lime teatified his gratitude fbr hie own convelescence by a solemn sacrifice to "ecuIapiaB, with a militaryprocession, a torch- rmoe, and musical and gymnastic contests. He then marched back toTaisus,and,aending Phi- lotas forward, with the bulk of the cavalry, aoroea the Aleian plain, himaelf look a more ojicuitona route along the coast, throagh Ma- gaiaue, to Mallus,a town which claiined the Aigive hero AmjiJiUochuB as tUs ground, as himself desceni "eleUa of Amos, he boA hei disorden,ana exempted it from the tribute which it had paidto the Fenian gorenmient. At Uallua,forthe Gist time, he receiTed cer- tain intQlligenoe of the approach of the great Penian army commanded by Darius in person. It can, howerer, hardly be doubted that he bad long before been apprised of its move- menta, and bad been expBctiiig to fhllin with it .Whether be delayed his departure from Ciliain, in Ae hope Ibat the Persian kingmight be induced to adraDce tmtil be was drawn into a disadvantagaoBSposition within the maunt- aias,.as was at last the case, is a question which cannot be decided with certainty, but his operationB in Cihcia undoubtedly show that , if he did not calculate on this result,he was willing to take the chance of it. Darius had advanced fiom Babylon,according to Arrian, at the bead of 600,000 fighting men, with the usual train and equipage whicb had ever been deemed necessary to the state of the great king in all his expeditions.Indeed, when we compare the description which Curtioa givee at the retinne of Daiius with that which we read in Herodotus of tbe procesaion with which Xerxes moved from Sardis,we find reason to think that the pomp and luxury of the Persian coort had been continuallyincreasing. The symbols of the Magian religion, also,seem to lUve been exhibited owre conspicuously, and with greater nsgniflcence. An image of the son, we are informed,glittered on the top of tbe royalpavilion. Tike sacred firewas borne on eilrer altara at the bead of the column, fol- lowed by Magians chanting their hymns ; and 365 youths 01 tbe same caste, in scarlet robes, Mpresenting the days of the year, marched be- fbre tbe sacred chariot. The bands of horse and foot which escorted the king's were dai- ihng, as heretofore, in their clothuig and arms. They were followed by WO of the royal horses. Then came the carriages which contained the mother, oonaort, and children of Darius, with their attendants,and after these tbe royal ha- rem, almost in eqaal number with tbe prieMa. Six hundred mules hud 300 camels bore the treasure. The Persian grandees likewise brought each his household along with him. Darius had probablyexpected to meet Alexan- der on his road towards the Buphratea, in some of the plains eastward of Cilicia. He came with fidl confidence of victory, notwithstand- ing tbe experience of former ages, for princes do not always gain wisdom from the lessons of history, and it is even possible that the chron- icles of Persia bad failed to inform him how often such mighty hosts had been vauqniebed by a handhil of men. When the AUieniaiL Charidemus, wlio had taken refuge at his court, ventured to suggest to hito that hia glittering array would not strike terror into tbe Msrcedo- nian ;dialanx, be was so incensed that, in the first transpoTts , of hia indignation, he ordered him to be pnt to death. Nevertheless, he ait firstlistened to tbe counsel of the Maeedoniau fugitive, Amyntas, who advised him to await Alexander's approacdi in a great plain, two days' march bom the pass of Amanua, which Arrian, who describes the plaee of bis eneamp- roent onlyby this distance, and by tbe obscure name pf Sochi, calls the Assyrian Qates. He waastUl at Sochi when Alexander reach- ed Mallus : but he had then been for some tims in that position, and had grown impatient of farther delay. He bad begun to attribute the tardiness of his enemy's advanee to fear ; and when be heard of Alexander's illness si Tar- sna, of his expeditionagainst tbe weatertL mountains of Cihcia, and of the festivities at Soli, he suspected that these were hot so many pretexts used to cover his real motive. It was in vain that Amynlas assured him that Alex- ander would not shrink from giving him battle on any field. His courtiers now easilyper- suaded him that he had only to appear and trample down the Macedonians with his caval- ry. He resolved to wait no longerinactive, but to cross the mountains in quest of bis hes- itating foe. On the other hand, Alexander seems to have been convinced that Darius had adopted what was evidently the wisest plan, and waa determined not to advanoe any far- ther westward, but to preserve the advantage of a position which enabled him to make the best use of his vast superiority in nundiera. He held acouncUof war at Melius,and,having announced the intelligence which he had ve- 'ceived,consulted it on the course which he should take. There was but one voice amons all present, that he should lead them immedi- ately to seek tbe enemy. At Caatahalus, where he encamped on the second day after his de- parture from Mallus, he waa joinedby Patme- nio, who, after having occupied the nearest maritime pass, had taken pnseession of Issus, and then,advancingalong the coast, dislodged the barbajianS"probBhlypart of the troope of Arsamea " who stillremained posted on tbe l^lls near the coast, and cleared and secured the whole road as far as tbe second maritime pass, the Qates of Syria and Cilicia. At Issua Alexander left the sli^ and wounded, and two days after passed the Qatea, and encainped itot far from Myriandrus. A violent storm of wind and rain, which oecnrred in the ooorte ot tbe FIELD OF BATTLE." ALEXANDER'S ADDRESS. 1S" Dszt nigbt,deUTed hie march, md seemB to havo preTS"ted him tma b^uming tbe ascent of tha moDntainB, which lie would otherwise hare croesed into the vale of the Oiontce. Id the mean tune, Daiins had been making a neatlyparallel moTement in the opposite di- rection, on tbe eastern side of Amanus. He did not attempt to pasa the mountains by the BOathern defile,which would have brought turn down to MTriandrus, either becai^e he knew that the maritime Gates had been occu- pied bj the enemy, oi because the. road which he took led more directly into tbe plains of Ci- licio, where he expected to find Alexander still lingering ; for larther to tbe north is another pass, the Amanio Gates, which crosses Ama- noB a littleabove Issus. Why Alexander neg- lected to secure it,or did not take this road to Sochi, ifitwas that which Darius preferred as the ahortest, does not distinctly appear j and if it were not for tbe invaUds whom be lelt at Issna, his mOTement along the coast woLdd gire some coloox to the suspicioH that he had reeeived informilion which led him to hope thai BaiioB was about to quit Mb position at Sochi. Even if it were so, we might stillun- dBTstand the mixture of surprise and joy with 'Which, wbiio detained near Myriandrusby the weather, he received the tiding* that the " overtake him. of bis officersto embark in and fioceei towards Isaus had seen tlie enemy, tiiatDariua would he tielieTe what be eo eagerly desired, Darius, before he moved from Sochi, had sent his treaaore, and a part of his baggage, with the iDperfloous followers of his camp, and the wives aud children of his principal officers, to Damascus: yet he was stillaccompanied by his mother Sisjgambis, his consort Statira, and bia children, two princesses, and a son six years old. When he had crossed the mount- aina, and learned that Alexander had passed before him on the road to Syria, he immedi- ately advanced in the same direction. At Is- sDs he found tbo defenceless Macedonian inva- Uds, and was persnadedby his courtiers to or- der them to be put to death with cruel tor- mres.t The nxxt day liemoved forward until be Feaefaad tbe Pinuua, a small stream de- scending between steep and high banks from tbe nde of Amanoa to the sea, which is here parted from the foot of the monnttins by a nar- row idain.t Here he encamped an the right bank of the river, and soon discovered that the n he had supposed to be flying be- ll the w rather,periu^a,(o eugfest to them the topica by which tbey mi^t """'""'* their men. He reminded tbem of the many reasons they had to be confident of victoryj* of the victories which they had alreadygainedover the same enemy ; of the infatuation by which Dariua had been led to pen up his army in a narrow space, where, though it was largeenough for the evolutions oftl^ phalanx, ^e greatetput of his host would be utterly useless ; of the difTcrcnce between the Medes and Persians, who were enervated by inveterate habits of luxury, and the hardyMacedonians, who had been so long inured to martial toils ; between slaves and freemen ; between the Greelu, who fought fur a wretched hire on the side of the barbitrians,and those who had willingly lent their aid to the national cause ; between the warlike races on the northern ftontier of Ma- cedonia, and the herds of feeble and timid bar- bariana, whom the Persian king collected from the provinces which acknowledged his author- ity ; in fine,between Alexander himself and Darius. He also pointedout the greatness of the prize which wss now at stake ; that they were not now to encounter the satraps of Da- riua with a small body of cavalry and merce- naries, but Darius himself, with an army con- posed of bis choicest troops ; so that nothing less than the dominion of Asia depended on (he issue of tiie conflict. He added grateAiI recollections of their past exploits, widi mod- est allusions to the share lie himself had taken in all their dangers ; aud he ^pealed to the example of the Ten Thousand, who had trod- den the ground where they were then stand- ing, and, under circumstances so much las* favourable, had successfully defied tha whole power of Persia. His address was received with ardent oon- unous request that he would lead them against tbe enemy without delay. He first sent for- ward a small body of cavalry and bowmen to ascertain that tbe road was clear, and then, having sacrificed by torch-light on a neighbour- ing hill to the gods of the country,t set out, after the evening meal, towards the Gates, wliioh he leach^ about midnight ; and, the pass beingsecured, aUowed his troops to re- pose there till morning. At daybreak be re- sumed his march, at firstin column, the eav^ry in tbe rear ; but,as the groundopened between the mountains and the sea, gradually extended his front, luitilhe had drawn up his whole ar- my in battle array in the plain of the Pinuns, where Darius was TnnVing bis dispositions to receive him. To gain time and detain tbe ad- vancing enemy, be had sent a body of 30,000- Alexander, as soon as he had ascertained the (act, assembled his prineipal officers to irepare them for tbe approachingbattle, or * Droynn, p. Ifll, flndi,la Ika Uginaiiig of tha "jw"di which Anita tecortt"I "iippow 1b tha " -'- " " 9d"iE'" a oodJIraiatloaof uia hint ' * IHm"TlnlMjp"ano*wf aiwiBry.Mi/iiiT" nn"ixw^ bat af AlaiaHln htaHalt-aridand^ in Ik* aata Bf ihator- leilaBM. Airian'i ammdiia, iL,T,lMn-AX""a" '"X"^ of tha (run : ha hxl Dulu whhiB uia'a laiiclli. t Catiu,UI.,S,M,iAsadda-ntlhT"ft"Ha,|n)MUv, 186 HISTORY OF GREECE. oavBlrr and S0,000 infantiy across the rivei, ordering the infantry to be puated at tlie Toot or the hills which bound the plain on the south side, and fonn a bay as theyverge towarda the sea : 80 thai when the Macedonian anny had entered the plain,they were in the rear of its Tightwing. On the right bantc he found room for 60,000 of his best Persian troops, who were distinguished by the title which the Greeks -write Cardaces,* and for 30,000 Greek merce- naries, commanded by Thymondas, a sod of Mentor, who had formed part of Memnon's forces in the JEgeaa, but after his death and the reduction of Mitytene, had been ordered to join the royal army. These, as the chief strength of his line, he posted in the centre, where they would be opposed to the Macedo- nian phalanx. Behind, the length of the plain was filledwith the remainder of his host, dis- tributed in masses according to their nations, but without any means of t^ng a port in the flght. He himself, in his state chariot, accord- ing to invariable Persian usage, t"ok bis place in the centre of the whole Gne. Bnt he had prepared, not for attack, but for defenc" : he bad thrown up some intrenchments where the bank was least difiicDlt of ascent ; a symptom of misgiving which greatlyencouraged the Ma- ":edonians. When his dispositions were com- pleted, he recalled Ms cavalry from the other side of the river, and stationed the main body in front of his rightwing, near the aea, the rest on hia left,at the fool of the mountains. Alexander had drawn up the phalanx, as usual, in six divisions in the centre, taking the command of the rightwing himself,which was flanked by the hypaspists, and by the Maceda- nian and Tlessalian cavalry. He bad given the command of the infantryon the left to Cra- "terus, under Parmcnio, who commanded the whole of the left wing, and whom he charged to keep close to the shore, that the enemy might not take him in flank. The cavalry of the Peloponnesians and of the other allieswere stationed at this end of the line. A small body of cavalry and lighttroops were posted in front 4"f the Persian division, which occupied the recess at the foot of the hills. But when Da- rius, Soding that the ground did not afford suf- Hcient room for the evolutions of his cavalry on his left wing,sent it to join the main body ^ the sea-side, Alexander also ordered the Thessalian cavalry to move round by the back of the line to support Parmenio. And as his rightwing appeared to Mm stillin danger of beingoutflanked,he strengthened it with two squadrons of hia horee-guanl, and with some of the lighttroops and Greek mercenaries, which he withdrew from other parts of bis line. The division which he had opposed to the Persians in his rear had made a charge which forced :it. m, Tuch., t w a" KAfit- meOr vmOmt u thu at lb* Sputu jsaih. Tba dsBsip- " D. MuXirtiUt TuMfmiH. BH nfsr to " put of Ihsli Ir tnliiiiig, whteiimDciiWd wiDi Iks (Ukhu inBrlainii hb; bottungrdiu td .filiu Pumniiu, in Ea- KS. t^{ wu lU HUH 19 "lucb tlu Pardua n rtr itlpiinlui (XSn. Thtouniia (quo- "UH puof*) IHBH u Inn duatWllHii " A tboaaud Kdfitai coiva"l the enemy to retreat to the higher ground, where 300 horse were sufficient to watch them, and he was thus enabled to employ the li^t troops at the extremrty of his rightwing. His plan was firstto attack the enemy's left, which was the weakest part of the Persian line,and, when it was routed, to turn upon the right, which would then be exposed on two sides. He advanced, at first, slowly, to preserve the order of the phalanx, to within a short dis- tance of the river side, and rode up and down, scattering words of exhortation,which were answered by a shout that expressed the ooi- versol eagerness for the battle : but aa soon as they had come within reach of the Persian ar- rows, which instantlybegan to shower upon them, he led the way at full speed Into tho water, and in a few minutes was in close com- bat with the enemy. Their lefl wing was al- most immediately broken by the impetuosity of his charge; but his own was exposed to great dangerbj the rapidity of this movement, which in the passage of the river disordered the [riia- lanx and left a gap in its centre. Thymondas and hia Greeks took advantage of this opportn- nity to make a vigorous attack on the divisions to the left, which had been detained by greater diffi- culties in the crossing, and had not been able to keep up with those on the right. National emulalLoit and animosityexasperated the con- flict. The Greeks were eager for a trophy over the hitherto invincible phalanx; the Ma- cedonians, resolute to maintain their own hon- our, and not to fail their king and comrades in the moment of victory. The issne might have been doubtftil had not Alexander, after the enemy's left was put to flight, wheeled round and fallen upon the rest of his line,ta- king the mercenaries in flank. But the fonune of (he day was decided sooner than it wonld have been by the mere efforts of the combat- ants, through tiie timidity of Darius, who no sooner perceived the ront of Ms rightwing than he ordered Me charioteer to turn the heads of his horses for flight. His cavalry had crossed the river to charge Partneoio's dins- ions, and was engaged in an obstinate combat ; but when it was seen that the great king was quilting the field, and that the mercenaries were overpowra^ by Alexander, it also gave way and joined the crowd of Atgitives, throngfa which it vainly endeavoured to find a passage. The aspect of the i^n over wMch this vast moltitQde was flying in all directions, bnt chiefly towards the northern outlet, may be imagined, but cannot be adequately described in words. The carnage among the cavalry, wMch was encumbered vrith heavy armour, seems to have been greater in proportion than that of the in- fantry. It was estimated at more than 10,000 men : 100,000 are said to have fallen in the whole ; and we need not suspect much exag- geration in Ptolemy's aasertion, that in the pursuit he crossed a gully which was filled up with heaps of slain. Darius pushedacross the plain in his chariot, until he reached the foot of the northern hilla ; he then laid aside his bow, his sMeld, and his royalrobe, and mount- ed a horse, which soon carried him out of the reach of his pursuers. His pusillanimity on this occasion seems to belie the reputation , wMch he had gained for personal valour. Yet BATTLE OF IS 8 US ."CAPTURE Or CAMASCUS. 187 it ia not difficultto conceiTe that the courage nilh which, in his priTsteatation, he met a sin- gle enemj in equaJ combat, might fail him vhen he waa act up in hie chariot of gtate and lis rojol robea aa part of a militarypageant- Alexander,though he had receired a alishl H'Dund in his thigh,joined in the pursuit tifl it uraa too dark to diatingnlsh the objects before lim. He could not come np with Darius him- tetf, who had taken flight too earlf in the bat- tle, bnt he lighted on the chariot which cou- :ained his anna and his robe, and sent them "ack to the camp. On his return, he fonnd ;hat the Persian camp had been plunderedby lis soldiers " and to the Macedonians, though .he most valuable part of the baggage had been lent to Damascus, it must hare seemed to contain inestimable treasures " but the royal ent, with all its furniture,was reserved for limself. Front a bath,prepared with all the ippliancea of Eastern luxury, and ateaming vith the richest perfumes, he passed into the ^rgeous pavilion, where a t^le had been ipread as for the supper of Darius. And now, "or the first time, he leametl what, in the eyes if hie new subjects, belonged to the dignity of ,he great king in his hours of recreation and "riTacy,* But before he began to refresh him- lelf, aAer the fatigues of the day, his ears were (truck by the waUings of women in an adjoin- ng tent ; and, on inquiiy, be learned that the notber and wife of Darius,haTJng been in- ibnned that his chariot and anna were in the MMsession of the conquerors, had concluded Tbat be had been slain, and were mouming "var their supposed loss. Alexander iminedi- ttelysent Leonnatna,one of the great ofllcers whq bore the titleof tomaiophyUa (body-guwil), 4i undeceive them, and to assure them that he lid not mean to deprive them of any part of ;heir ornaments, or of the honours of royally, '.\ was no peiBonal enmity, bnt an honourable imbitioQ, that had moved him to make war on Darius. The Greeks added a pleasingstory, which to many readers has conveyed one of ^ir earliest an^ not least correct impressions it Alexander's character : that the next mom- ng he himself visited the captiveprincesseff, Utended by Heph"stion,wlunn, as there was no difference in their dress,they at first mis- look for Mm ; that he sainted Siaygambis with :he title of mother, caressed the young prince, who, he observed to his followers, showed a nanlier spirit than his father, and assured all "f his protection and favour. Tet this auec- iote, if true, would scarcely have been Omitted joth by Ptolemy and Aristobulus ; and, per- laps, Alexander showed a more delicate gen- erosity if he abstained from a visit,wluch, lowever kind and condescending his language ind behaviour, could not bat carry with it lomething hke the air of a triiunph. It is better attested that his chief attention vas devoted,on the day after tUe battle, to the tare of the wounded and the bnrial of the dead, vhich was splendidly aoleronized wiUi the at- endance of the whole army drawn up in battle irray ; that he publicly praised and rewarded J, pirhin, it tba nudu nf ttittxelu I uhin^ notBch, Al .S),nOr' J", I, those who had distinguished themselves, aad made several promotions amMig his officen. Balacrus,son of Nicanor, was ^pointed satnqi of Cilicia, and Menes somatophylax in bis room- He also ceJebnited his victoryby an act of grace. Me remitted fiftytalents, which were stillin arrear, of the penalty which he had laid on Soli, and restored its hostages. Before he withdrew fixira the field of battle, he erected three altars on the banks of tbe Plnarus to the same deities" Zeus,Hercules, and Athene " to whom he bad dedicated those which marked the places of his embareotion and hie landing on the Hellespont- A new city, called Nicopo- Ijs,was allerward founded as a more doiaUa monmnent of the vietoiy ; but its site is no longer known. That which still preserves tbe coDqueror's name (ScanderooDi the Issie Alex- andria) was perhaps built on a diSfcrent ooca- He then took the road to Phienieia ; bnt sent Parmenio forward, with a small detachment, including the Tbessalian cavalry, whom he b"- lected for this service as a reward for their good conduct,* to seize the first thiita of his victory, tbe treasure deposited at Damaseus. It included, besides the militarychest, the most costly part of the wardrobe and ftimiture, both of Darius end his chief nobles. With it were a number of Persian ladies of the highestra^ with their children and retinues ; several Per- sians of the first quality, who bad probably taken reliige there aAer Vba battle ; and envoys of ^mrta and Athens, with two Thebans, who had accompanied Daiins from Babylon. Hie nnmber of persona of a lower class,including several hundred ministers of royalluxury " mu- sic girls, cooks, confectioners, t^plet weavers, permmers. and tbe liket" amounted to SO.OOO.t On his rosd, Parmenio f^llin with a courier, who was bearing a letter to Alexander fhim the governor of Damascus, oontaining an offer U betray the treasure into his hands, and des him to send one of his gei brought01 Idesiriw tretsore" a load for 7000 beasta GangalMS(pactanen), and the whole train of persona of allranks who had acoompanied it. Pannenio,as if believing that they had come out with hostile intentions, ordered his cavalry to cbsTge the defenceless multitude. This was a signal for indiscrimi- nate irinnder, in which a greatpart of the im- clous spoil was wasted. Bnt upward of 3000 talents,together with the principal captives" among whom were three danghters of Ochos, three of Mentor, Memnon's widow and inftnt son, a niece of Darius, and the Greek ambaa- sadore " were preserved for the king. Darius had one consolation under this misfortune ; the traitor was killed by a loyalsubject, who abhorred his perfidy, and laid his head at the feet of his injured maater. "Plal. tt"r. In AlbBiiBii",iu1., 87,tivH tht pn- " isHe firW (nUui^t .XMnfirtht. " HISTORY OF GREECE. The spoil of Damascus was not tae most importantadvantage which Alexandei reaped from the battle of Issus. It arerted a danger which, notwithstanding Memnon's death, had continued to give him occasion for much un- easiness i for he was stillthreatened with a diversion in his rear " a generalrising of the Greeks, and an invasion of Macedonia " which might have interrupted, even if it did not final- ly defeat, his enterprise. Memnon, on his deathbed, had appointed his nephew Pharnabazos, the aon of ArtabaioB, to succeed him in his covemment nntilthe king's pleasure should b" koown. Pbam^taim sod AutophiadateaproKcuted the aiege of Hitylene with such vigour that the inhabitants were re- duced to ctqiitulata, on the conditions that ^e mercenariea in their pay should be allowed to depart ; that they shoold take down the c"l- mnns which contained their treaty with Alex- ander, and should enter into aUiaoce with Da- rius on the terms of the peace of Antatcidas, and should recall their exiled citizens" the anti-Macedonian party " and restore one half of their confiscated property. But the Feraian general*weie no Booner masters of the town, tban they intnidnoed a garrisoD oommanded by an officer of their own, created Diogenes,one of the exiles,tyrant, and levied arbitrarycon- tributions, both on Uie city and on opulent in- dividuals. PhBmahsnia wis soon after con- firmed by Darius in the authority which he had received fhtm his lucle,and,having sent Dat- ames, a Persian officer, wiUi ten gaueys, to the C^clades, sailed at the head of one hundred, with Autophradates,againstTenedos, which was forced to submit on terms similar to those which had been acceptedby Mitylene. Data- mes, however, was surprised near Siphnusby Proieas,a Macedonian officer, who had been sent by Antipater to collect ships "am Eubcea and Peloponnesus, and was returning with fif- teen galleys, with which he took eight out of the Persian squadron, with all their craws. Datajoes himself escaped with two to the main fleet. Phamabaiua and Autophradates then bent their coarae aoatiiward, and having, in their pasa^e, left a gornson in Chios, where a pan of their navy wa* Btatioiied, theydeapatch- ed a sqnadron to Cos and Halicamasea*, and themselves, with one hundred of their fastest "ailera. made for Siphnus. Here tbey received a visit "om Agis,king of Sparta, w1m" came in a singlegalley to request a subsidy, and as largebd armament as they could spare, for the purpose orwithdrawtogPeloponnesus from the Macedonian alliance. It was at this juncture that the news of the battle of Isana was brought to the fleet, li immediatelyput an end to whatever plaa* had been ooneerted for hostile operations in Greece, phamabasas sailed bach with twelve g^leys to Chios, where he feared that the ioteUigeiioe might producea reaction in "V0UT of Alexander. Afia received thirty dldnot himself retnmwiththein; hesentthem to bis brother Agesilaua. vrbo was at Tcnarus " a great place of rendeivODs for mercenary troops " and directed him to sailwith them to Crete, and seeore it for the Spartan or anti' Macedonian interest. He himself,after aoioe stay in the islands, followed Aotophradates to Halicamassns. Thus, then, Alexander had nothi^ more to fear on this side for the present. But it was not the less his foremost object to guardagainst (he recurrence of this danger, and to deprive the Persian government of all means of aiding (he Greeks in their attempts for the recovery of their independence. He saw that if he once made himself master of Phcenicia and Zgypt, the Persians would be deserted by the best part of their galleys, which were furnished by the Phceniciau cities, and would be unable to repair the loss. His authority would then be undis- puted in all the provinces of the empire west of the Euphrates. DanuB had continued his fiigbt without in- termission until be had crossed the river at Thapsaous. where he arrived with about 4000 (iigitiveB, who had Buccesaively joined his train; and then first felt bimaelf out of immediate peril The rest of the barbarian host waa probably, for the most part,irretrievably dis- persed ; thou^ Curtius speaks of a body whic^ was again collected by some of the survivjiiK generds in Ca^padocla, and which they foniid means of recruiting by freab levies in that and the adjacentprovinces. Four of the Greek of- flcers,Amyutas, Thymondas, Aristomedea,a Thessalian of FhtOK, and Bianor,an Acama- nian, with about 8000 mercenaries,taking " circuitous rente over the mountains, came down to Tripolis, on the coast of Phcenicia,before Alexander had quitted the fieldof battle. Here ' they found the ships which had brought their men from Lesbos, and having seized as maoy as theyrequiredto embark in, burned the rest, and crossed over to Cyprus, Amyntas, it colleagues, does not appear ; but he certainly took the lead in the enterprise.Sahaces, the satrap of Egypt, had fallen in the battle ; and Amyntas, pretending that he had a commission from Darius,gain^ admittance at Peluaium. He then dropped the mask, and callingon the EgyptiaiMto shake off the hated yoke of Persia, marched against Memphis. He was joinedby a great number of the natives, and Mazaces, the Persian com- mander of Memphis, having marched out to give him battle,was defeated, and farced to take (diclter behind the walls ; but the viciorB were elated with this success, and thrown oCT their guard. They suflered themselves (o be surprisedby Mazaces, while dispersed in quest of booty in the ikeighbourbood of the city, and Amyntas was slain, with almosi all his men. Darius,indeed, had the force of the greater part of his empire still entire, and at his com- mand. The trotniB of the eastern satrapies, includingsome of the most warlike in his do- minions, had already been summoned to dte royal standard ; and it was oiJy the lengthof lime necessary for bringing them togeUier that seems to have prevented him from marchinc into Cilicja with this additional eDeumbraiice. They were now on their way towards Babyltm ; and he migbt expect, in the course of a few LETTER OP DARIUS." PU"XNICIA. 180 monUu, to see himaelf at the head of a Mill BMtTB numeriNis host than be had commanded at iHna. He appears to hare belieTed,at first, that Aiexaodsr would follow up hie viciory without delayby an actire porauil; and it was, perhaps,partly with the Tiew of gainingtime, that be no aooner reached a place of safety than he began to aoond Alexander's temper by oTerturea of negotiation.Even, however, if his nrmy bad been alreadyaaaembled, he would certainly not have been eager to renew the conlesl. He had probably not made up his mind as to the ftallextent of the aacrrftoea which be would snbcnit lo for Ura sake of peace ; and he tbereftH" sent two envoys to Alexander " who had now reoidied Harathos, a Phienician city do the eoast, over aaaiQEt ttie Isleof Aradus " with a lettar, couched in terms which pledged him to nothing, but opened the way for a pacific diaeoasion. He assumed the time of reinohsttanoe, as one who had suffered an unprovokedaggreBaion. He i"niiided Alex- ander that bia ather bad been on tenns of peace and alliance with Ochus, but,on the ac- cession of Arses, had commenced hostilitieB, without any jnatcause, againstPersia; and that, since he himself had mounted the throne. Alexander, instead of Bonding an embassy to lenew the ancient amicable relattons between the two kingdoms, had invaded his territories, and foroed him to wa^ war in self-defence. He was DOW redneed,Sy the chance of war, to make a request " such, however, as one kingi mifht becmniDgly addreaa to anotber " that Alexander would reatore his mother, wife, and diildjen. He himself was willing to become AlixBDdeT's friend and ally, sod desired Uiat he would aend ministers with the two Persian envoya to treat with biro. The Persian envoys had been iostruetad to urge the reqneat contained in their maatsT'i leoer by woid of month, Alexander sent liier- 8i|ipDBakmg with tlMoi,chajgad with a lettei to Darius, but with ordars to abstain from oral commimlcatioiia an the sabjecl. Tbeletterwas a kind of manifwlo, in whwh he vindtealedthe justice of fats proosediBga by varioas raatoo*, as good, at leaal,as the atroag are usually able to Sad for attaching the weak. He began like the wolfintbafabla. The anceators of Daiius had invaded Macadonia and Greece, and he had been appointedby tiw Oreeks theii general, and bad come over to Asia to avenge their wrongs and hie own. Ochus had furnished succours lo PerinthuB and the Thradans againstPhilip. II was through the mschinations or the Persian court that I'bdip had been murdered ; and his death had Inien made a subject uf boastful exul- uiion in iia public letters. Darlua himself hod bten tbe accomplice of Bagoaa in ^etnurderof Arses, and bad usurped the throne of Persia ; lie had endeavoured to excite the Oreeks to war againstMacedonia, and bad offered suh- BJdiea to Sparta, and to other stales,which, in- deed, had been acceptedonly by Sparta ; but his agents bad sucoeeded in corrupting many private persons, and bad baen incessantly la- booring to disturb tbe tranquillity of Greece. Hia invasion,tberefore, had been undertaken on jiist grounds. But since the gods had crowned his orfflB With victory, none of those who bad tmsicd themselves to his clemeooy hod found reason to regret their ohMoe. invited Darius himself to come U Lord of Asia. He might b pledges of his personalsafety, and might then ask with confidence for his mother,wife, and children, and for whatever else he conid desire. In future he must addreaa Alexander as the King of Asia, in the style,imM of an equal, but of a subject, or must e^eot to be treated aa an en- emy. If,however, be disputed hie claim to sovereignty, let him wait for hia coming, and try the event of another coniest. He might rest assured that Alexander would seek him, wherever he might be found. At MsrathuB Alexander likewise reoeived tho Greek envoys to the Persian ooiut, who had been taken at DaniBBcus : Enthyclea, tha Spar- tan ; tbe lliebaDS,ThesealiBcns,son oT Isme- nias, and Bionysodorus, who had gainedan Olympicprize; and Iphicrates, a son of the far moua general of the same name, Tbe Thebans be immediatelyreleased, both in pity to Thebes, and because it seemed excusable that men whom be had deprived of their country abouhl seek what aid they oonid obtain for themselves and for itfrom hie enemies. The high birth of Thessaliscas, and the Olympic victory of Dio- nysodoraa.also, it is said,weighed with him in their lavour, though he did not share tbe admi- mtion with which gymaaatio feats were eom- -lonlyregarded. Iphicrates he retained at hia aon : but, both for his conntry'a lake and hia father's, always treated him in tha moat boa- DuraUe manner, and after hia death sent his booea to his fhmily at Athena. Euthydes,*" a citiien of an aTowodly hostile state, who had no petaonal claiina on hia indulgenoe, he to a while kofit in eoninement, thol^:hnot, it is added, in chains ; and eveo him be rdeaaed when his fortune had reaehed " height torn which he mightaafolydeapiae sneh enemiea, Onhisnad to Fbtenieia, Alexander had bean mat by Straton,am of the King of Aradna, Oe- rostratus, whose territoiy iuundsd Marathna and seveial other towns on the main. Oaroa- Iratns hhnsel/, with allthe other Phmnkian and Cyprian princes,was serving in the Persian fleet,QDderAntjqihndatea, Yet Stratou brought a golden orown to the conqueror, and surrender- ed all the cities in bis father's domioions into bis hands. As he advancaed from Maraihus, ByfaluBcapitulated to him, and SidoD, where every heart burned with hatred of Persia, bailed him BB her deUverer. Thus he proceeded with- out resistance towards Tjie. Aud even from this greatcity he received s deputation on his way, composed of the moat illoetrious citizens, among whom was the king'sbou, bringing a golden crown, and a present of proviHlons for the army, and announcing tjistthe Tytians had resolved to obey all his commands. IS that the langoage in which this mes- conveyed intimated something as to the limits of that obedience which the Tyrians willing to pay. It waa not meant that it should extend so far as totally to resign their independence. This Alexander probably under- stood, and nothing oould satisfy him short of absolute suhmission, snd flill possession of so important s place. But he met the oflhra tit the Tyrians as if they had been made in the sense which he required ; and bade the envoys IBO HISTOBY OF GREECE. apprise theirfellow^itizeiu that it was his in- tention to cross oTer to their island, and offer a "achfice to Melkart, the Pbtenician Hercules, whom he chose to insider as one with the hero of Argos and Thebes. This was, perhaps, the least offensiTe way of bringing the malter toan issue; and it obliged the Tyrianstospeak their mind more plainly.They now informed him that in all other points he should find them ready to submit to his pleasure, but that they would not admit either a Persian or a Macedo- nian within their walla i and they begged that he would celebrate the sacrllice which he wished to otTer in Old Tyre, which lay on the coast op- posite to their island-city, where their god had another, and, probably, a much more ancient sanctuary. Alexander indignantly dismissed their ambassadors, and called a council of his principal offlcera, in which he declared bis in- tention of besieging Tyre, and thought fitto ex- plain the reasons which rendered this under- taking necessary, arduous as it was. He ob- "erred Uiat itwould be unsafe to invade Egypt "0 longM the Persians commanded the sea, and tlMt to adTane" into the in,terior against UariDS, while Tyre rnnained neutral or vacil- lating, and while Cypms and Egypt were in the enemy'shanda, would be to let the war he tians- ftrradto Greece, where Sparta was openly hos- tile, and Athens only withheld from the avowal of her enmityby fear. On the other hand, tbe reduction of Tyre would be attended with the Bubmissiun of all Phtenicia, and the Phteniciau fleet, the strength of the Persian navy, would Boon pass over to the power which possessed tbe cities by which ithad been equipped, and to which the crews belonged.Cypms would then speedilyfkll, and there would be no farther ob- stacle to the conquest of Egypt. They might then set out for Babylon,leaving all secure on tbe side of Greece, and with the proud con- sciousness that they had already severed all the [trovinces west of the Euphrates from tbe Persian Empire. The motives which indoeed Alexander to undertake the siege of Tyre are more evident than those which led the Tynans to defy bis power, after so many of the other Phcenician cities bad submitted to him. We cannot, in- deed, be Borpnsed that they should not have been more willing than the people of Aspendus to admit tbe Maoedonians within their walls ; but still, it was probablysomethingvery differ- ent from an instinctive love of independence that animated tbem to resistance. The main ground of their condncc seems to have been more in the nature of a commercial calculation of expediency. The issue of the contest be- tween Alexander and Darius was stilldoubt- ful ; notwithstanding his pastsoocess, the Mace- donian conqueror might meet tbe fate of the younger Cyrus in some futun fieldof battle. If the Peraians should ever recoret Uieir lost proviocea. Tyre might look forward to the re- missioo of her tribute, the extension of her ter- ritory, and other rewards of her fidelity shown, as it would have been,at so perilous a junc- ture. Perhaps she even indulged a hope that she might have the glory of arresting the inva- der's progress, and of givinga decisive turn to tbe war in favour of Darius, In any esse, the T^rianabelieved their cttyto be impregnableso long as they were superior st sea, and they did not anticipate tbe manner in which tbe state of affairs, in tbia respect, was soon to be changed. It is highlyprobable"though the fact is not mentioned by Arrian, who touches very slightly on tbeir motives " that they were encouraged by promises of succour from tbeir powerful col- ony Carthage,* which assiduouslykept up her connexion with her parent cityby periodical embassies and piousofferings.Siill, it seems that there was a numerous party within whicb disapproved of this policy; for we are informed that many of the citii^nst dreamed that Apollo " whoBeBtatae, parlof the spoilsofGela,ttbey had received from the Carthaginians " had de- clared to them that he was about to leave the city. And itwas thoughtnecessary, either for the purpose of detaining the god, or of quieting the popularuneasiness,to adopt an expedient similar to that which many years before had been employedby the Epheeians in a like emer- gencyf" -to fasten the statue of Apollo,who was denounced as a friend of Alexander,li by a gold- en chain to the altar of Melkait. On the other band, Alexander Bcems to have thought it pru- dent to raise the spirits of his troopsby asau- raneea of divine assistance, in an enteiprise which appeared to surpass human ability.He, too, related that he had seen Hen:ules, in a dream,taking him by the hand, and leading bim within the walls of his city; a sign, ss Aria- tander intennetedit, of suocess, though in a Herculean labour. An ordinaryconqueror might,indeed, himself have needed such assurances lo encourage him, when he was about to attack a placeso prepared for defence as Tyre at this time was, both by nalnre and art. Tbe island on which tbe city stood was separated fnm the main by a chan- nel half a mile broad,throughwhich, in rough weather, the sea rushed with great violence. Tbia strait waa, indeed, shallow on tbe side of the Phmnician coaat, but near the island became three fathoms deep. Tbe walls, which rose from the edge of tbe cliffs, were 160 feet high on the land side, and composed of huge blo^ of stone, cemented with mortar. Tbe citywaa abrnidaoily stocked with provisions and mditary sieres, contained a number of copiousaprings, was filledwith an IndustriooB and intelligent popnlation, e^tert in all the arts of naval wu- fore, and posenssed IDecbaniats and engineers not inferior, it seems, to any that were lo be found in tbe Macedonian camp. Though the greater part of the Tyrian fleet was absent in the PersisB Bervice, there stillremsined a suffi- cient number of galleys of war, and of smaUei craft, boU) for the defence of the hartMiur*" for there were two, one on the norih, the other on the south side ofthe island" and fbf the annoy- ance of the enemy. Alexander bad no naval force which be could immediatelyoppose to this. Hie plan was soon formed : he resolved to carry a causeway through the channel, and when it had reached the foot of the walls, to batter tbem from it with bis engines. To provide materiala for the work, he demolished the remainingbuildings of """i.,l"W. tBwnl. L """'^"!"*'"*C-?(^";lc SIEGE OP TYRE. 1"1 Old Tjre. Tbe foregU of LibanUB foroisbsd an ample supply of tini1"er.The real diAcalty of the undertaking was not perceived uatil the dam had been carried halT w"y acrosa the water ; for BO long the depth i^aa trifling, Ihe piles and stones were easily sunk and firmly fixed in the muddy bottom, and tbe work was carried on without hioderance. But as the depth increas- ed, while the work itselfbecame more and more laborious and difficult, it was at the sa^e time exposed to all the inlerruptiona which the be- sieged could devise to retard its proj^ress. It DOW caiae within reach af tbe misaileg which tbey discharged from the top or the walls ; and Ihe Tyrian galleys,taking their station at a short distance,incessantlyannoyed the work- men, who were not armed to sustain these Attacks. Alexander, hawever, ordered two wooden towers to be erected near the extremity of the ntole, covered with bides, and surmoont- ed with engines, so as both to shelter the work- men and to repel the assailants. The Tyrians DOW prepared a more formidable mode of at- tach. A horse transport was filledwith dry twigs and other combustibles, over which they poured pitch aod brimstone. In the fore part an additional space was enclosed,so as to form s huge baaket for the reception of these materi- als, in the midst of which were fixed two masts, which at the end of Ifaeii yard-armssupported two caldrons filled with an inflammable liquid. Tbe stem was raised high above the water by means of ballast heaped near tbe stem. The besieged, having waited for a favourable breeze, towed the ship behind two galleys towards the mole, and. when it cai"e near, set it on fire, and, seconded by the wind,ran it io on the end a( theniole between the towers. The flames soon caught them; bat Ihe conSagratioa did sot reach its full height until the masts gave way, and discharged the contents of the cal- drons on the blaiingpile. To render it the more eSectual, the men on board the galleys, from a conveqient distance, plied the towers with their arrows, so as to defeat every attempt that was made to extinguish the fire, A shoal of boats now came off ^m the harbours filled with people, who soon tore up the piles, and set fire to all the machines which had not been overtaken by Ihe flames of the burningship. The ruin of the work which had cost so much time and labour was completed in a few hours. Alexander, however, was not disheartened : lie |BVe orders that a new mole should be begun, of greater breadth,so as to be capable of re- ceiving more towers, and that new engines sbonid be constructed. But as he now became aware that, without some naval force to op- pose to the Tyrians, he should find the difficul- tieaof the siegeinsurmountable, he repaired in petsoD to Sidon, with a detaohmenl of light troops, to collect as many galleys as he could. Here he found himself already in possession of one of the advantages which he had expected from the reduction of Tyre, which, accruing earlier than he had hoped,proved the main in- ilniment of his success. Gprostratus, king of Aradus, and Enylus of Bfbiiis, as soon as they heard that he had be- come master of itieir cities, quitted the Persian Seel, wii{i their squadrons, and with a part of the Sidonian galleys, so that Alexander was Joined I at Sidon by eighty sail of Phceaician ships. I About the same time came in ten from Rbodes, ' as many from Lycia, three from Soli and Mel- ius, and his own victorious captain,Proteas, from Macedonia; and these were fallowed not long after by the Cypriotprinces with ISO gal- leys. He had now an armament of nearly SSO sail at bis orders. While it went througha course of training for a sea-fight, and while tbe macbinea were in pre|)aration, he made an ex- cursion, with some squadrons of horse and a body of lighttn"ops, into the range of Anti- Li banus, and having reduced the mountaineers to submission, within eleven days returned to Sidon,where he founds re-enforcement of 4000 Greek soldiers, who had been broughtby Cle- ander from Peloponnesus. He then set ^il(or l^re in line of battle,himself,as on shore, commanding the rigblwing, and Cratorus the left. The Tyrians, it seems, expected bis ap- proach, and were prepared to meet him ; but they had not heard of the arrivalof tbe Phmoi- cian and Cypriangalleys, which, perhaps,they rather hoped to have seen on their own side ; and. when they saw the numbers which be brought with him, tbey gave up all hope of re- sistance, and only used their galleys to block up the mouths of their harbours. Alexander, ^en he came up, found tbe northern harbour too well secured to be attacked, though he sunk three of the enemy's ealleyswhioh were moor- ed on the outside, and captured one which wa" consecrated to the totelary god. Tbe next day, be stationed the Cypriots, under the coomiand of Andromacbus,near the entrance of this har- bour, and the Ptusnicians near the other, in the same quarter where his own tent was pitched. In the mean whde the mole had been resto- red, and was actively carried forward : mechan- ists bad been collected in great numbers from Phienicia and Cyprus, and had constructed abundance of engines, which were planted, some on the mole, others on transports and the heavier galleys. These vessels, at first, found the approachvery much impeded by a bed of atones which the besieged bad carried out into the sea from the foot of the cliSs ; and tbe at- tempts which tbe Macedonians made to remove this obstacle were for some time thwarted by the dexterity and boldness of the Tyriandivers, who cut the cables of the ships which were an- chored for the purpose of drawing up the stones. Chain cables were, at length, substituted, and the passage was then rapidly cleared by ma- chines, which raised the stones out of their bed, andhurledthemiatotbedeep water. The walls were now assailed by the engines on every side, and the contest grew closer and hotter than it had ever been. Every contrivance that ingenuity, quickenedby fear, could suggest, was tried by the besieged to ward offtbese attacks. Very famoua, in particular, was one, which is out the less credible because Arrian's authors seem- ed Io have passed itover in silence" Ihe inven- tion of shields filledwith heated sand, which they were made to discharge ui tbe assailants, and which, penetrating between their armour and their skin, inflicted indescribable tortures. Still, the means of attack keptgrowingon the re- sources of defence. Dejectionbegan to spread within the walls ; and there were some who pro- posed Io renew a horrid rite, which had long 19S HISTORY OF GREECE. ftUen into dimse " the wcrifioe of a bo;' or good bjnilftoMolocb, It doe* honour to the T^rian KOvemmeDt, that it did not either humour this bloodj"upeiatitlon, or gireway to despatr ; it was polit^, perhaps " to check all tboagbta of capitnlation" rather than ferocity that ioduced it to execute its Macedonian prisoaera on the top or the waUs, and to cast their bodies, in the light or the besiegera, into the aea ;* but it di. rected the eDeTg7 of tb" people to betWr expe- dients. It made a Tigoroasattempt to aurprise the Cyprianaqnadron stationed near the north- em hHtbour, and woold have gained a complete fictoryOTer it ; but Alexander, having received timely notice of the sally, sailed round, nnob- aerred, turned tbe fortune of the day, and Bunk or took most of the enemy's ships. AH hopes from oflenaLTe mcBBures were crushed by this blow ; the safety of tbe citynow rested chieSy in tbe strength of its walls. Even these, after several fruitless attempts had been made in other quarters,began to give way on the sOulh side ; and a breach was open- ed, which Alexander tried,but did not find im- mediatelypracticable. Three days after, how- ever, when a calm fiivour"d tbe approach of the vessels, he gave orders for a general at- tack. It was to be made on allsides at once, to distract the attentioQ of the besieged; and tbe ieet was at the same time to sail vp to both the harbours, in the hope that in the midst of tbe tnmult it might force an entrance into one of tbem. But the main assault was to be di- rected against the breach that had been already formed. The vessels which bore the engines were first brought up to playupon it,and, when it had been sufficiently wideoeil,were followed by two galleys, with landing-boaida and the men who were to momit tt. One waa com- manded by Admetne, and waa filledwHh troops of tbe guard, and in this Alexander himself embarked. The other bore a detaebment of the phalanrbelonging to the dlTision command- ed by Ctenns. Admelua and his men were (he firstto eSeei a landing, animated by the imme- diate preaence oftheir king,who, after he had paused a while to observe and animate the ex- ertions of his warriors, himself mounted the breach. When the Macedonians bad once gain- ed a Srro footing, the iasne of the conflict, not- withstanding the desperate resistance of the besieged, did not long remain doubtliil. Ad- metna, indeed, who led the way, was slain ; but Alexander soon made himself master of two towers and the interveningcurtain,through which the troops from the other vessel poured in after him, and he then advanced along the walls lo the royal palace, which stood on Ihe highestground, that he might descend from it with the greater ease into the heart of (he city. The Tyrians.seeing the wall taken, abandoned their fortifications, and collected their forces in one of the publicplaces, where theygallant- ly made head against their assailants. But, in the mean while,both the harbours had been forced, their ships aonk or driven ashore, and *the besiegBrt landed to join their comrades in the city. It soon became a scene of unresist- ed carnage and plunder. Tbe Macedonians, exasperatedby the length and labours of the "i. H. CuliWiit., S siege, which bad lasted seven months, and by the execution of their comrsdei,sparedsane that fell into their hands. The kiiig, whom the Greeks call Azelmicus, trith the principal in- habitanta and some Carthaginianenvoys who had been sent with the usual oflbrings to Mel- kaK, took refltge in bis sanctuary ; and these alone, according to Arriau, were exemiited from the common lot of death or aiaveir. It was an act of clemency, by which the conquer- or at the same time displayed his piety to the god. Of tbe rest, 8000 perishedin the first slaughter, and 30,000,including a number of foreignresidents, were sold as slaTea, But, if we may believe Curtius,IS,(KM wero rescued by tbe Sidonians, who first hid tbem in tbeir galleys, and afterward transported them to Si- don, not, it must be presumed, without Alex- ander's connivance or consent. It sounds incredible that he aboold have or- dered SDOO of tbe prisoners to be crucified, though he might have inflicted such a punish- ment on those who had taken the leadingpart in the butchery of the Macedonians ; but, af- ter the king and tbe principal citisens had been spared, it is not easy to understand why any other? should have suffered on this account. So tei\ Tyre, the rich, and beamifiil,* and proud, in arts and arms the queen of merchant The conqueror celebrated his Ttctory god who had thus fhlflUed his priHnne, and. though after the labaor of so many months, had at lengthbrought him into his city. He dedi- cated the engine which had first shattered tbe wall, and the sacred galley, in the sanotuary of Mdkart Tyre was still occnpiedas a for- ancient prosperity, whioh U praaorred to some centuries under tbe shade of Uw Romaa em- pire ; and, after " long period of almost Mter desolation, seems again to be UlUni op her head,though in a very humUe eoMHion, in oOT days. But Alexander's work, which chan- ged her island into a peninanla, pot an end fbr- ever to ber power and ir'~" ' " ""* '- her atKsient greatness.t We do not know how far the flelay which she opposed to the progress of the Maoedoniaa anns engaged the attention of tbe Persian court ; but if Darius ever ooncelved any ht^s from it,or ever thoughtoftakingadvantage of it,this can only hare been so long as his fleet continupcl to command the sea. When it was deserted by the Phmnioian and Cypriangalleys, he had no longerany means of relieving Tyre. unless by an expedition over land, which cer- tainly never entered his thoughts. On the con- trary, before the siege was ended, thoughprob- ably after Alexander had been joinedby the plus of Tjrg. th(iUBliNiii)")"r,w)"D*i"wlil in ifw,wd ft naiD^ TiUa^ : In l"lfl Mr. HdcklngLtm foaoA it t. wall- PHOPOSALS OF DARIUS."JERUSALEM. Bmndrmaol mod'hiis hmiljr, the of all the provincea west of the Ei)|diTat the band of bis daiigfaterBBnine,* u conditiaiiB I . DOW of"tti 10,000 joyfulhope Ibat the rest of Ifae predictioi fulfilled 1 and while he himself ranuined Dit- and I dsr the hands of his surgeoDB, who found tha Blow and difflcult, be ordered the enginea of peace and alliance. AJexutder laid these which he had lued at the siege of Tjre, and propcnalB before bia a icil, and Panaeuio de- which be had left theie, to be fetched, and tba 0 have answered,were I Parmeoio. "wn praepects stretched iar beyond the old man's'dsairss.and the acquiaiiion did not tempt him the owre because it inighl be made with- out "nher toil or danger. He replied in the nme atrain aa before. The gold and the land wfaieta Darius oi^ered were uread; hia own ; nor wimld he aecept a part of his treatnres at hit empire inatead of the whole. If he chose to marr7 the princesa, he did not need her fa- ther'a consent. If Darius desired to receive hia lavonis, he most come in person as a aup- ^iant. Darina was now convinced that he had m alteraatiTe beaides submission or another trialof strength, and he apjilied his whole at- tention to his miiitaTy preparations. In tbe emnmer of 39S Alexander set forward on his maiEh towards Egypt,accompaniedby the fleet, which he had ;daced under the ordets of Hepbnstion. But he was stillto be detain- ed i"y anotker obstacle in Syria, for Darius hod aotijeets who ware moK faiuiful to him than be waa to himmtf. A. eouoch naned Batla.t-who had the command of Gaza, near tbe southern froDtier cd' PaleBtine, trusting to the Btiength of the place, which was buih on an artificial moimd rising out of a sand j level partly cover- ed b; tbe itmndations of the see, and Ibitided with a very hi^ Wall,having taken a bodr of Arabians tnto hia pay, and laid in a ilook of proviaiaiw anffieiant for a longsiege, laaolved to defimd it Alexander Immediate^ erdned enginea to be consbncted for an aasauU ; but his e^pnoeia declared that they weve naidde loinvctf any of such power a* to make an m"- pieaaoa am walls of "uch height. He then or- dend a monnd to be raised to the foot of Ae ' widle on the aoaUiside, where they were moM acospeiMo,to "A"d a basis for tiismaduoea ; and when il had reaidied a anfBcient height the eagineawere bmufatnpto boKeithem. Ales- ander bad been in"ced to keep for a time ont of the reach of the enemy's missiles by his nothsayer Aristander, who discovered, from ibe Ml of a sKme which a bird dropped on him irtiilehe was sacrificing, chat he should take the i^aix, but that his own person waa in dan- ^. The assault,however, bad not long be- ^n before the besieged made a sally with lightedtoTchss, and set fire to the machines, while, having the advantage of the higher gmaiMl,they drove the Macedonians towards ihe edge of tbe tervace. Alexander no longer lieeded the BOothsayer's warning, bat hastened up with his guard to support them ; and,though he could not save tbe sngines, forced the ene- ny back within their walls. Bat during the combat he was wounded by a dart from a ma- chine, which peBetTated both through shield " Culiai, iT.,", 1 ; ud nnUiEb, D* Alii. F"t , II, B. rmUm h" SULin. its ' of amile.* When his [ 1 AccDTdiim u" Joniiliu. [deled, and he himself was again able to take the field, he renewed his attats both by batter- ing and undermining tbe walls. Thrice,ne*er- tlieless, the assailants were repulsed ; but in tbe fourth attempt a great breach was opened, which en^ed them to fixtheir acaUng laddors. Neoptoiemua, a relativeof the kingby the moth- er's side,was the first wbo reached the tim : be was foUowed by many, who eoon opened the gatee from within to their comrades. Yet the besieged still fought ontil every man was put to tbe sword : the women and children wero Bcdd. Alexander introduced a new pc^atioa into the place ftom the neigfabonring towns, and used It as a fortress. A Jewish tradition preservedby Josephua,t related that, after the reduction of Oaxa, Alex- ander again tnmed northward, aod mardied to Jerusalem, where the high-priest Jaddas, "om whom he bad demanded troops and a supply of provisions during tbe siege of Tyre, had ven- tured lo resist his wilt,pleading the loyal^ which he owed to his lawfol sovereign, the Persian king. As he affiroacbed the Ho^ City, he was met by the greaterpart of tlie in- h^itants in Itieirwhite feast^ayrobes, and by the priests and Levies, with thd hi^-prieatat ', their bead, in theu aacerdotal vesttoenta. Tba (aialdeaa* and Fhtenicians " ancient enemiw to tlie Jewish nane " who aooompanied Alex- ander, hoped for leave to phmder the ^9, and to ezeente his vengeanoe on Uk refiaotorjr high-priest. Bat Ihe oonqueior " like AttiJaat the sight of Leo and his clergy " was aUuA with pilous awe by the apectade,and,lo itm surprise ef his attendants, was seen to adranoe alone towards the high-prieat, and lo bow as in adoration before biro. He afterward deolwed that sneh was the figure which he had seen in a dream at Dinm, when it bad cheered hn with a promise of snccese in Ilie enterprise which be was then mediiktinK- Haying beea thus convinced of the power of the Deity whom Jaddus served,he went up to tlie temple and sacrificed Recording to the Jewish ritnal ; hon- oured the priests with munilicent gifts, and the nation with extraordinary privileges, which be denied to the envious and maligiMiit 9amaii- tana, though they pretendedaffinity with tto We cannot be snrprised that a story ao ex- actly fitted to please Jewish ears, that the Sa- maritans, onlychanging the scene and persona, apidied it to themseives, should not be found IH HISTORY OF GREECE. eitheT in Aniui or Curtiui. On tbe otber liaDd, it ceitainl; u atrenge, if tbere Ibundation for the story, that no "faould have been made by our best authors of "ny visit of AleiBnder to Jeruaalem. ArriBn, indeed,seems to contradict the main fact re- lated by JoaephuB; for he Bays that, after the fall of Tyre, all the cities of Palestine, Gaza, submitted to the conqueror. If eiander'B appearance before Jerusalem have been a threatening one ; and the motive of his visit would seem to have been only the aatis^tion of a natural curiosity.Bnt,then, Josepbus must have been mistaken as to the time of the occurrence, which must have hap- pened either before the siege of Gau " as Ar- riBn may he supposed to intimate-'-or Bome months later, in the army's second passage tiiTough Palestine. It is difficultto decide be- tween these two conjectures ; but in other re- spects the atoi^, notwithstanding the silence of the Greeks,is probably well founded. The napeet paid by Aleundnr to the Jewish reli- gion, and ersD the fiction of the dream, are perfect^ eonafstent with his character and pol- icy, if they do not stamp the substance of the narrative with an unquestionable mark of truth. It is certain,however, that Syria was left sub- ject to Andromachue, who ancceedett Pat- menio in the government of Damascus. The siege of Qaia had occupied, it seems, three or four months ; and it was, perhaps, not before December, 333, that Alexander began his expedition to Egypt. Here he mightsafely reckon not merely on an easy conquest, but on an ardent reception, fhnn a pec^e who burned (0 (bake off tho Persian tyruiny, and had even wdcomed and mpported tbe adventurer Amyn- taa. Maueee himself,as soon as he heard of the battle of Ibbub, became aware tl "istance to Alexander would be useless, and met him with a vcduntaiy submissiDn. At Pe- Insium he found the fleet, snd,having left a gBrrison in the fortress, ordered it to proceed up the Nile as far as Meni|riiis, while he march- ed across the desert. Near Heliopolis he ercisseJ the river, and joined the fleet at Mem- phis. Here he conciliated the Egyptiansby the honours which he paid to alltheir gods, es- pecially to Apis, who had been "o cruelly in- sulted by the Persian invaders ; but at the same time he exhibited a new spectacle to the natives,a musical and gymnastic contest, for which be had collected the most celebrated artists fhnn all parts of Greece. He then em- bai1"d, and dropped down the western or Ca- nobie arm of the river to Canobus, to survey the extremity of tbe Deitn mi that side,and, having sailed roond the Lake Hareotis, landed "n tiie DBrrow belt of low ground whidi parts h freoi the sea, and is Bheltered from the vio- lenoe of ttie northern gales, which would oth- erwise desblata and overwhelm it,by a long Tidge of Toek, then separated tnm the main- land bya channel,nearly a mile (seven stades) broad, and fbnning the Isle of Pharos. On this site Blood the village of Racotis,where the an- cient kings of Egypt had stationed a permanent guard to protect this entrants of their domin- ions ttom adventurets, especially Greeks, who might visit it for "he sake either of plunder or commerce ; while, for greater security, they granted the adjacent districtto a putorattribe; which regarded all strangers as enemies. Al- exander's keen eye was immediately struck by the advantages of this position for a city, which should become agreatemporiom of commerce, and a hnk between the East and tbe West " one of the great objects which alreadyoccupi- ed his mind " while it secured the possession of Egypt to his empire, snd traoamitt^ the name of its founder to distant ages. He im- mediately gave orders for the beginning of the work, himself traced the ouUine, which was suggestedby the natural features of the ground itsetr, and marked the sites of some of the prin- ipalbuildings, squares, [ralaces, and temples. iie two main streets, which intersected each other at right angles in a great publicplace, one traversing the whole length of the city, and forming a aeries of magnificent edifices, pro- vided for health and enjoyment by a free cur- rent of air, and the inundations of the Nile se- cured it from the pernicious elTects which would otherwise have arisen Ihjm the vicinity of the lake. A causeway connected the ial- and " on which, it is said, Alexander at fiint thonght of building the city " with the main, and divided the intervening basm into two haibours, which were onlyjoinedtogetherby a canal near either end. By the continual aC' cumnlation of sand, this isthmus has been so enlarged, that it now forms the site of the mod- em Alexandria. Still, tbere were two defects In counteibaluice so many advantages of sitn- Btion. The harbour was on both sides difficult of entrani*. and there was no other within a great distance either on the east or the west. This inconvenience could never be wholy rem- edied, though the dangerof the approach from tbe sea was afterward much lessened by the erection of a magnificentbeacon-tower, on a rock,near the eastern point cf Pharos, which threw out its light to the distance, it is eaid, of nearlyIbrty miles. The other defect was the want of water : and for this ample provis- ion was made by a new canal, branching from tbe Nile, which brought a constant supply into the cisterns over which tbe houses were built. Yet Alexandria was ihus placed at the mercy of every enemy who could make himself maa- ' ~ of the canal, and deprive it of a main ueces- j of life. It was a part of Alexander's plan to people the city with a mixed colony of Greeks snd Egyptians, in which the prejudices races might be effaced by habitu^ though Grecian arta and manners give their character to the whole : and, therefore, among the temples of the Gre- cian gods, he ordered one to be founded for the worship of Isis. A favourable omen iasaid to have afibrded presage of the prosperity which awaited the sw city. When he was about to trace tbe course of tbe walls,no chalk was at hand for the purpose, and it was found necessary in- stead to make use of flour, which soon attract- ed a large flock of birds from alt sides to de- t. Aristander " who was never at a losa istrued this incident as a sign of the which the city should enjoj and dif- fuse. That, indeed, probably far exceeded its founder's most sanguine hopes; but still less could he have foreseen or calculated allthe el- OASIS OF AMMON. I" "neotB (rf*a new intelleetaillife which were to be there combined, and the influence which itwas to exert over the opiniona and condition of a great part of the world. He wa" Btillthus engaged when HegelochoB "nired with the news that the Peraiana had been dislodged from the last twlds of their power in the "gean. Tenedoe had reTolted tram them as aoon u it became eure of Mace- donian protection. At Chioa the deuiociaCiual party had risen against the government estab- lisbed by the Peraian aatrapa, and had laken Phamabania himself priaoner -, and aoon after AiiatonicuB,the tyrant of Methjmna, having sailed into the haiboui, before he had heard of the recent revolution, with some pirateshipa, feD into their handa. The crewa were all put to death ; he himself,together with the oli- gaiehicalleadei^nho had betrayed tbe city to the Peraiana, were aent to Alexander to re- oeive his sentence. Milylene,too, where Cha- res, tbe Athenian general, conunanded the gar.- riaon, bad been forced to capitulate, and the whole of LeaboB had been recovered. Hegel- ochaa bad likewise leftbis coUeagae,Amphot- enu, in poMesaioD of Coa, wlu"ji the island- era had melj aiirreiideied. There Phaniaba- xna bad made bia eacape ; but he had brought Ute Mber priaonera with him, among whom, beaideB AriBtonicus, were several tyrants who had ruled nnder Peraian patronage. These Alexander abandoned to the mercy of the citiee which tbey had governed, and they allsofl'ered a eroA death; tbe Chuins,as both enemies and traitors, he sent under a strong guard to a wretched exile in the atifliog island prison of Etephaotiae. He was now "m tbe confines of Egypt and Ijbya. In the region which lay net many days' march to the west, as some Greek legendstold, Hercules and Pereeua had puraued their mar- velkws adventures;both, it was believed, had coosnlted the oracle of Anunon in the heart of the Libyan wilderness. Alexander may have been deairous of emnlating Ihe achierements of his two heroic aoceators ; or, if be had not heard of them, might stillhave been attracted by the celebrity of the oracle, and by tbe diflj- eoliy of reaching it. That he was impelledby corioaity about Its anawera ie very doubtful ; but itis highlyprobable that be did not overlook ibe advantage which he might derive from them. luwerer tbey might ran, and the mysterious dignity with which the expedition itaelf might invent him in the eyes of his subjects.If, how- ever, to these motives for the enterprise it should be thou^t neceaaary to add any others of a more intelligible policy, it might be coa- jsetared that be also wished to impressCyrent "ith respect for hia power, and to show that ever ber aeclnded situation did iwt place her beyond tbe reach of bis arms. It may, at least, be pre- nmed that this was one of the grounds which indnoed him to take the road along the coaat, to the Oasis of the temple of Ammon. Acoord- mgly, on hia march to Panetonium be was met it abioat midway by envoys from Cyreoe, who Imxight a crown and other magnificent pres- enis ; among the rest,some of the prodnctiona far which their country was most famed^300 war-horses and five chariots. Tbey are said to have reqosated him to honour them with his presence ; and, if they wished to escape a visit. It waa certainly safer,as the examples oT Tyre and Aspendoa had abown, to invite than to dep- recate it. Alter a march of about 300 miles along the coast " perhapsnearly as far as the eastern frontier of the territory of Tripoli " ha appeara to have taken the direction towards the aoDlheast, which leada,in five or six days for a private caravan, to the Oaaia. It was now, Ua the first time, that the Macedonians becsme ac- quainted with the face of the Libyandesen, its pathlesssands, naked rocks, burningsky, and delusive images. That the journey should haTS fumisbed numberless atorieu for the entertaia- ment of the camp may easily be au^iosed. It is more difficultto understand how Alexander could have been at a lose for guides well ac- quainted with the way, as both. Ptolemy atid Arisiobuius represented ; thoiigh the one rela- ted that the perplexity of the wanderers was n- lieved by two greatserpents, wbich pointedoat the track, and were beard even when they cooU not be seen ; tbe other described two ravens "" perfonning the same office. Whether these at* mere fictions of an idle fancy, or cover aoiM fact which we are not able to ascertain,it is hardly worth while to inquire.' That the BnnT was refreshed with the extraordina:? oocnr- rence of. a shower of rain, in which it saw a manifeat interposition of the gods, cannot raa" sonably be doubted. At length it deacendel safely into the green, well-watered, and richly- cultivated valley,where, imbosomed in thi"A woods, stood, within tbe same enclosure, tha palace of tbe ancient priestly kings,and, doe* by, the temple orAranian. It was a visit auoh as Ammon had probably never before received, and the prieata, no doubt, did their utmoat, both to welcome the royalpil- grim with doe honours, and to impress him with the highest veneration for their oracle. Jt waa not, it aeema, always in the temple 'itself that answers were given. The god chose tbn place of his revelattona for himself Hia visibto symbol, a round disk formed of preeioasstones,]- was placed in a goldenship, from which, oa each side,hong sacred vessela of sdver; bdA borne on the shoulders of eightypdesta, atteod- cd by a train of virgins and matrona. who """" companied the procesaion with sacred chant% in whicb tbey Im^doreda propitious and oertaif answer, according to the seeret impoiss of-HiB deity whicb directed their steps. By such t procession Alexander seems to have been met, as he approached at the head of bis army, atri to have been condncted into the temple, wbeis his questiona were answered by the chief priesL What tbeae questions and answers were wn, pertiaps, never known to any but the InMrioea- tors. It is,indeed, in itself by no means Im- probable that the priest saluted him as " ban of divine origin, and promised him the empiiv of the world ; the address would not have beea IM HISTORY OF GREECE. nore flittering, nor the pr(q)hBoybolder, than tke Greek ortcles, which were lesa safe from expoanre, had Bomelimes ventured on. But it Ib well atteBled tbat Alexander did not, at least at the time, discloae what he had heard j but merely dedaied to hia followers thai he had re- oeived aiieh inawerB as he had desired, and "bowed his satisfaction by bis oBerings and do- Ai^tobnlns, perhapti, onlyexpressed himself eajeleasly when he said that the army retamed b)) Ibe same ronte ; we cannot hesitate to pre- fer Ptolemy'sstatement, that it took the direct road to Memphis ; unless, indeed, we should adopt a anpposilicn which might render the two accoDDts more consistent : that Alexander struck across the desert in a third direction, irtiich loads directly to the Lake Mareotis.* At Memphis he receiTed re-enforcements which bod been sent to tiim by Antipater. and embas- aies to present congratulatioiis or petitions from "everal states of Greece ; among them, it seems, MO which brcnght a golden crown, that had been decreed by a congress assembled at the iMbmas on the occasion of the Isthmian games. it DOW only remained for him to settle tlie mode "f administration by which Egypt was to be fovemed in his absence. It was his object at once to gain the good-will of the Egyptians, and to seoare a )m)vince so important, and so ea- "itydefended, Irom the smbition of bis own officiTS. The system which he eslablisbed "erred, in some potnta, as a model for the policy of Rome nnderUie emperors. He retained the ancient diatribution of the conntry into the dis- tricts called nomei, and not onlypenniUed them to be still goveniedby the native magistrates, the mrntrtlu, hot iriB("d them ^ under tbe an- thority of two Egyptians ; one of them after- ward rawgned his offioe, and the whole deTOlved "n hii coUeagne. But garrisoas were statiooed at Memphis and Pelusiuin, commanded by two Maoedouiana ; atid a body of mercenaries was plaoed onder the orders of an jEtcUan named liyddaa, wbowta faimaelfoontrtdled tpfa Maee- .doaian Bommisaary and two Inspectors. The ^Kaintty oa Uw wostem side of tbe Delta " d to the eara of Apolloi -tte east, utrntxin Arabia, to Cleomenea, an Egyptian GreA of Naucratls, %vho afterward *'^IF" unhappily celebrated fbr hie rapacity and financial strslagerae -, and he was appotnt- led to reeeiTB the tribute oriiected bj the tsm- SiarobB, Imt with ordsrs not to alter that ar- "aageoaent. Still, an army was left under the oominaBd'of Peocestes and Balacrus, and afleet oader tiut of Polemo. Tbe mnttial jealonsy of tbase officers was a sofflcient pledge for their loyalty. IntteapriDgof 3Slbe set out from Memphis on his tctam to Pbanicis. At Tyre he (bund his fleet arrived, and celebrated another sacri- fice to Melkart, and receiTed an embassy whicli had been brought over from Athens in the Par- alns. Jts chief object was to obtain tbe re- -Is^se of the Athenian piiaoners taken at the bat- tle of the Gianlcus ; and this Alexander now granted, with several other teqaests which weK urged by the crew of the Paralns, v panied the envoys in a body. The a which came from Peloponnesus indicaied that it was threatened with a commotion through the restlessness of Sparta : and Amphotenie was ordered to lead a squadron to the aid of tbe Pefoponneaians who were well aSbcCed towards the Macedonian interest, and the war with Per- sia, and to recover Crete from the Spartans. A new fleet of 100 sail was ordered to be fitted out in tbe ports of Phtcnicia and Cyprus to fol- low and re-enfijroe Amphotems. whether on this occasion Alexander visited Jerusalem is douUliil : but it seems that be niad" an expedi- tion into Samaria to punish the Samaritaoa, who " goaded,perhaps,by illtreatment " had re- volted against Andromachus, had taken him prisoner, end birmed him sUve. On Alezan- der's apjMTMch, the authors orthis atrocity were delivered up to him, and tranquillity waa re- stored. He then began his march towards the Enphrates, and before the end of Augnat ar- rived at Thapsacns. A body of troops bad been sent forward to throw a bridge across the river. Two bad been begun, but not carried qnhe over, because Ma- zcus, a Persian otSoer, who had been intrustad by Darius witb the defence of the passage, waa posted with about 8000 cavalry, two thirds Greeks." on the other aide. As soon, however, as he heard that Alexander was app-oacbiog, MazKus, whose force seems, indeed, so small that itcould hardly have been maant to diepate the passage, but rather to observe the memy^s movements, retired, and tbe bridges were lia- ished without inlerTUptian, When be had eroea- ed the river, Alexander did not follow Aa route which Cyrus had taken through the MssopMa- mian dcaert.bat directed his march towards tbe northeast,Uirough a ooontry which aSbrded a more abundant supply of food Ibr man aad beast, and where the army had less to enffer tVom the heat of tbe smmner. On tbe road some Peiaian acoats f^ into Ua bands, from whom he teamed Itaat Darius, wM aa amy ftr gieatN tbui be bad betoe broogbt into tbe field, lay on tbe left bank of tiie Tigris,prepatsd to guard the passage against htm. He now ad- vanced at fidlsDMd lawarda Uie TlgTis; but when he reached it, tbtind neitlwr Darin* Unt- B^nor any hostile force, and Eiet with no oth- er obstacle in the crossing than the rafsdityaf the stream. On the leftbank he gave his tnMpe a few days' rest after their forced niareh,dating which there ocourrad an eclipee of the moon. Arislander expounded it as a sign that, during i that month, the Persian monarchy waa destined to lose its power and glory; and when AJevan- der sacrificed to the moon, tbe sun, and the earth, as the powers which eonourred to pro- duce tbe portent, the Tictims were found to an- nounce a victory. He then marched southward along the river, and four days after bis reoon- noiteringpartiesbrought word that a body ""f r'^sTihinki riiaipily rip,hi j,ia6tfifi;i ii OAUGAMELA. 197 ^aTalI7was in aigbt. He nnmedjatelj drew ip his annj in order of battle ; btit, beingpres- "ntly isfonaed that the enemy's cavaliy then n sigbt did not appear to exceed 1000 men, he lUshed forward with a few squadrons of his iwn to meet them. TTiey fled at his approach, lut some were overtaken, and slain or made irisonera. From these he learned that Daries, rith his whole army, was encamped at no great The Persian king had employed (he long in- erral allowed hiiu by Alexander's operations iller the battle of Issue lo collect the remain- ng strength of bis empire, and he had assem- lied a host with which, if superiority of num- lers could have ensured success, he might easonably hare hoped to crush his adversary. [ was also composed, fbrthe most part, of more varlike troope. .The division nhich was most omiidable, both fornumbers and martial quah- jes, eoasisted of the hardy tribes which inhab- ted the plains on the eastern side of the Cas- pian, and the valleys above Cahul,on the borders if India. They were led by Bessus, the pow- !rriil satrap of Bactria ; and he was also follow- ed by a body of horse-bowmen, fumisbed by the BacK, who wandered in the valleys eest of rransoxiana, and,thoughthey did not acknowl- edge bis anthorily,willingly joined hint as aHies for the sake of pay and plunder. All the prov- inces between the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf, and from Syria and Cappadocia Co Ibe : fnoantains west of the Indus, bad poured forth , iheir choicest warriors. The whole amount was stated by some aathora at a million of foot and 40,000 horse : this may be a great exagger- ation, but itwas probably reduced as moch too low l^those who reckoned no more than 900,000 infantry. There were, besides,500 scythed chariots and fifteen elephantsbrought from Ibe ' west of India. With this host Dsrins had en- camped in one of the wide ptains between the Tigris and the mountains of Kurdistan,near the Bumodns, a tributary of the Lycus, and a vil- lage named Gangamela (the camel's house*), which should have given its name to the battle foughtnear it, but was forced,througha ca- prii:e, of which we have many examples, to surrender this distinction to the town of Arbeia, which lay more than twenty miles ofT, where Darius had left his baggage and his treasure. He had been persuadedby his eourtiera that his defeat at Issus was entirely owing to the dis- advantage of the ground, and he had,therefore, rhosen a fieldon which he mightfullydisplay liis forces, and where the enemy would have 'leithersea nor mountains to cover his flanks ; And he had ordered a large tract of the i^ain to "" cleared and levelled for the evolntions of his cavalry and chariots. Alexander,having ascertahied the enemy's posture,gave his army fonr days'repose befbre he advanced, and fortifiedhis camp ; intending to leavs the invalids, As prieoDers, and the greater part of Ote baggage behind him there. HiH HjmmM, *kHB a" "ml lud It " that his troopsmight march to battlewithout any nnneeessary encumbrance. He then set out Boaa alter midnight, that he iQight come up with the enemy by daybreak. Some hillocks intercepted the view of the Persian camp nntil' he had approached within three or IVwr miles of it. He then looked down upon the plain in which the mighty host was drawn up in battle array. The centre was occupied,as usual, by Darius himself, surrounded by his horse-guard of a thousand noUe Persians,who were honour- ed with the titleof the royal kinsmen, by the foot-guard, which was distinguished by the gold- en knobs of its lances, nnd by some other pick- ed troops. Behind it was posteda deep mass composed of Uiians, Qabyionisns. and some adjacent tribes. In front of the royal station were ranged the elephants and lifty of (he war chariots; butoneitherside wasa bodyofGreck mercenaries, according to Cnrlius, 60,000,* who were esteemed the onlytroopscapable of with- standing the Macedonian phalanx. At the ex- tremity of the left wing, whirti it was known wonld be opposed to Alexander hiraself, who always took his station in the right,were placed the Baetrian and Scythiancxvaln', with a hun- dred chariots ; on the right that of Armenia and Cappadocia, which seems lo have stood next to them in repntalion, with fifty of the chariots. The forces of the other nations were drawn up successively, horse and foot together. As soon SB he came within sight of the enemy, Alexander halted and calleda council of war, to propose the question whether he should imme- diately oflbrbattle. Most of his officerswished him to engage wilhotit delay ; but Parmenio advised him to eticamp on the spot,and, befors he advanced,to explore the ground on all sides, to ascertain that no snares had been laid for the cavalry, and to obtain a more distinct view of the enemy's preparations, Alexander adapt- ed this advice, and spent the rest of the day in riding over the fleldwith his cavalryguard and a part of the tight inbntTv, On his return, he again assembled his officers, and addressed them with a few words of exhortation ; not, he said, so much because he deemed it necessary for their own encouragement " they had already given sufficient proofs of valour,and needed no incitement " but that they might convey his words to the divisions under their conunand. It was to be remembered thst they were now about to fight, not for the possession of Syria, or Phtenicia, or Egypt, bat fbr the entire domin- ion of Asia. With such a prize before them, ih^ had chiefly to urge the necessity of the strictest order, and the utmost harmony in ev- ery movement ; that the silence of the march must be deep, the shoutt and the war-song at the onset loud and fearful The officers thent- selves ranst be alert both to receive and oont" mdnicate their orders. The universal feeliof should be, that the issue dependedon the man- ner in which each man did his Autf. When the king had retired to Us tent, Par- menio came to him, it is said^ with another jwopoeal: to attaek the Peruan aitay in the r li* rf^vK, vUcli iHHUiin unml Ub Ika M"nr "roaM ut ka aUt to Mud, Flu., R al 1., Ap,. Aln., H. It "!""" ta han bm " MuhIikiui mtd, IboBBk ttsis "sic HISTORY OF GREECE. "igbt. Alexaader decl"rcd that he would not "leal a victory; be muat conquer openly, and fay a fair trialof strength. He could not have keen satisfied, nor could any victory have been deemed decisive, until he had extorted from the vanquished a confessiun of their inferiority. A noctumxl attack would, as Arriau observea, have exposed him to the risk of an ignoble disaster, and its suecoas, however complele, waulil Iwve aUbrded but an imperfecttriumph. There was more of cunning than ofwigdom in Parmenio'a project ; and Alexander's reply "bowed no less prudence than magnanimitj. He probably felt as secure of victory as before the battle of Issus. M'hen his generals eame to his tent the next mominR at daybreak to re- ceive his orders,they found him stillin a pro- found sleep,Parmenio, itis said,was at length Obliged to rouse him, and expressed bis sur- prise that the king should have slept as well,at so critical a juncture, as if he bad justgained the victory. Is itnot as good as a victory, h as the answer, to have overtaken the enemy! His order of battle was. in general, similar to that which he had adopted on former occasioi^s, from which he never deviated without some peculiargrounds. The phalanx occupied the centre in six divisions with the hypasptsts, and the Macedonian cavalry under Philotas in tbe right, where Alexaoder commanded in person ; on tbe left were the Tbessalian cavahy and that of the other allies ; on this side.Cratenie eommanded the foot under Fanuenio. Some bght troops, archers, and dartmen were posted ia front oflhe Macedonian cavalry, with a view, more particularly, to ward off the attack of the chariots. But on this occasion Alexander thought it necessary to guardby a new precau- tion against the imminent danger with which he was threatened of being taken in the rear. For this purpose he formed a second line,com- posed of some brigades of the phalanx in the ceotre,' with a part of the lighttroops, the FKonian cavalry tmder Aietaa and Aristo, and the mercenaries, horse and foot, under Meoi- dag and Cleander,on the right, and on tbe left the Thracian infantry under Sitalcaa" another division had been left to guard the camp and the prisaners-^uppoiled by three bodies of eavuiT, OdryBJaps, mercenaries, and aUies. Tbe Mnect of tlua arrangeinent was to comi' teract uie preponilerance of the enemy's maos- ea, by the rapidmovements of these lighttroops in any direction in which an attempt might be made to attack the flanks or the rear of the nain body of tbe Macedonian army. His whole force,according to Arrian, amounted to no more than 40,000 foot and 7000 hoise.t fntauit. Hi Ihinki it pntalilaihu thi P"sn iniT ma "Bt H nuivgu "" at Im, bKHiH tkan bulloM ban """ lose s UiH lor "wrmhliin iL Bal tha lariiiii ik" HMan "uwi bHl prati^r bHB l"|iiut""fMan tha IbK bit- tojj or bitbuiaa aaiUiuiaa in hii aiiiT, aad Ihu tha He- "od lua ma duafl/csmpoHd et than. B" Iha ail|' an- It was a maxim of Peraian warfare never ta encamp within such a distance of an enemy "s to be exposed to the danger of surprise in the night; and Darius,apprehensive of such an at- tack as Parmenio was said to have suggested, had ordered his whole army to remain all night under arms in order of battle, A bad prepare tion, both of body and mind, for the approaching combat. The kiivg, indeed, issaid to have pass- ed along the line during the nightby torch- light, cheerizig his troops by his presence and his words. Yet the morning found them not only wearied by want of sleep, but dispirited by the longanticipation of the deadlystruggle. As the two armies drew near to each otlwr, Alexander saw himselT with tbe extreme squa- drons of his rightwing, in front oflhe Persian centre, outflanked by the whole length of the enemy's left wing. He advanced,therefore,by an oblique movement towards the right, and continued stillto move forward in the same di- rection alter the Scythiancavalry had beguit to charge those which were posted in front of his line. The tract which had been cleared and levelled for the operations of the chariots did not extend much farther on this side ; he had nearly reached its limits,when Darius, fearing that this arm, on which he placedgreat reliance, would became useless, ordered the Scythian and Bactrian cavalry, which were sta- tioned in advance of tbe rest,to wheel round and take the enemy in flank. Alexander first sent Menidas with the mercenary squadrons to meet this attack, and then seeing him near- ly overpoweredby auperiornumbers, ordered Ariston and his Pa:anian9, with Cleander's in- fantry, to support him. On tbe other band, the rest of the Scythian and Bactrian cavalry ad- vanced to the aid of their comrades, when they began to give way, and a warm engagement ensued, in which the Macedonians with great difficulty maintained their ground ; for their antagonists were not inferior in courage, and botb men aod borses were clad in armour. It seems to have been by the skilland precision of their movements that the Greeks were ena- bled firstto sustain their charge, and then to rout them. At the same time the chariots were set in motion against tbe phalanx. Da- rius bad hoped that they would throw it into confhsion, and thus break the flrmeat part of the enemy's line -, bat tbey were met midway by tbe lighttroops which had been directed to watch them. Most of them were stopped or turned back by the loss of their drivers, and those which reached the phalanxpassed baiTD- lesslythrough the avenues which it opened fbr then], and Uien were easily secured. In the mean while the main body of the Per- sian army was advancing, and was near coming into action ; its left wing stillstretched far be- yond the head of Alexander's column, and aa- "SU"'^ "'"""P' f"" ^^"J^; ^iiiSi IT,thu tb* MuvdHiau BATTLE OF GAUGAHELA.--THE PURSUIT. IM "ther bodr of eavabr' made a moTement vith the design of taking him in the rear. Ac as was stillin TeBeire with bis light horse he second line, and Alexander cow ordered lim to charge these SBsailauts. Another di- "ision or the Persian eavalrj which waa post- d Dearer to the centre now quilted the ranke o join in the combat with Aretaa. Their novement left an opening in the Persian tine, vhich,as Alexander inatanlly perceived, aflbrd- d an opportunity for a deciaire attack. He lunediately formed his Macedoojan oaTslr? ato a pointed colanm, and charging into the acant space, soon began to make havoc among be ranks on hia left, which stood between bim nd Dariua. Shortlyafter, the phalanxcame :p and began to preaa the enemy in front with he irresistible weight of their brieiling sarissaa. The Persians, and even their Qr^ek mercena- ies,were unable to withstand the double shock. "isorder and constemation soon spreadthrough heir left wing, and Darius aaw the danger ap- TOaching hia own person. It,no doabi, reali- ed his secret forebodings, and it appears that nd eager courser," made his way through the olumn in the rear, and was some miles on the oad lo Arbela, while a part of his troops were till engaged, and not withoat a prospect of For,thongb the left wing was soon utterly iroken,especially after Aretaa had put the en- my'a cavalry to flight, the battle seemed for a "hile to be taking a diflferenttnm in other arts of the field. The Armenian and Cappa- locian caTalry, on the enlremity of the Per- ian right, had turned the left wing of the Ms- edonians, and began greatly to distress Par- nenio. The first consequence of their partial vccesB was, that two divisions on the left of be phalanx, those of Siramias and Craterns, rere restrained from advancing wilb the rest 0 support Aleiander's charge, and a wide ireach was thos opened in the Macedonian ine. This was observed by the commanders "tlhe Indian and Persian cavalry, which occu- lted the centre immediately in front of Dariua, md they directed a Airious chargethrough the Didat of the phalanx. But instead of joining n the attack on the Macedonian left,which, "ad it been thus snpported,would, perhaps, lave put it completely to the rout,they did not *op until they had reached the camp on the lelghbonring heights, where the Thracians *ere keeping very negligentguard,and, in im- igined security, were moslly unarmed. They vDuld have been the less able to defend iE,as 'he prisoners, who were numerous, took part to :be almost of their power with the assailants, ifthe two divisions of heavy infantry in the ''^cond line, changing their front, had not come "P to their relief, and, falling on the Persians u theywere busied with plunder, killed many, xdA put the rest to flight. It miglit have seem- ed natural that an attempt should have been "f^^ to rescue the royalcaptives; but Ar- nan'a silence leaves us in some doubt whether ""ey had not been left behind at the fortified *wnp. Yet some authors related that Sisy- gambis reftised to fly. The qneen " the awat bsautifol woman in Asia " bad died not looj after the battle of Issua in childbed. Darina, it is said, heard at the same time of his loss, and of the noble treatment and the magnificent burial which she had received from tlie con- queror ; and, thongb at first incredulous and suspicious, when he was at length satisfied by the report of a faithful slave, lifted up his bauds to heaven, and prayed to Uromasdes, that ifhis kingdom was to pass from himself, it might be transferred to Alexander. Alexander was recalled fhmi the pursuit of the routed Persians and of Darius by a mes- sage from Parmeoio, requestingsuccour, and immediatelyhastened,though, as may easily be supposed, very reluctantly, with the cavalry of his guard, towards that part of the field.* But in hia way he encountered the ftigitivea who bad been dislodged from the camp, and who, finding themselves intercepted, made a furious eflbrt to break through. TttB combat was close and hot. Sixty of the Macedonians fell, and Hephteation and two other generals wounded. The loss on the other side no doubt, much greater ; but a part of the Persians forced their passage through, and es- caped. Alexander,as he was coming up to his left wing, learned that the gallant exertions of the Thessalian cavalry had already delivered Parmenio from his danger; though their vieto- ry was probablyowing, in a great measure, to the dismay which seised the Persians when they beard of their king'sllighl, especially as a report seems to have prevailed of his death. The rout waa now complete in every part of the field, and Alexander again set out in par- suit of Darius, He continued it as long as the lightlasted, and then halted to rest the men and horses till midnight on the left banks of the Lycns (the Greater Zab), while Parmenio took possession of the Persian camp. The {ossage of the Lycus had been more destrae- tive to the fugitives than the swoida of their pursuers. The bridge was soon bk"cked up try the numbers who made for it as their only nt- uge. and the rest, in Mind terror,cast fheni' selves into the rapidstream, and, encmnbered with their armoar, strove in vain to reach tiie opposite bank. At midnight, Alexander m- somed his pursuit of Darius, whom be hoped to overtalie at Aihela. There, indeed, he found the whole of the royal treasure and baggage; but Darius himself had continued hia flight without intermiaaion,accompaniedby the Bae- trian cavalry and a part of his guards, and by about 2C00 Greek soldiers, who had joined him 1 He had bent his oourse over the towards the capital of Media : " by which it waa scarcelypracticable to follow him wilb an army. Knowing so littleas we do of the nomben which Darius brought into the field on this eventful day,we can as little rely on any of the statements which we find as to the amount I.,IS, wilh "t/agh Afj mcnl 1 Alan tt with llw nnuut ilut Ttrmvao m] 900 HISTORY OF GREECE. of hislMB. But it ia Hmswhat sdntnauig that Arrian, whose Judgment in other points is usually BO clear, should have related, in a man- ner wbicb betrays no doubt, that the Persian slain amounted to 300,000, and the ptiuinera to a still greater number, while the Macedonians lost oo^about 100 men.* This day, however, decided the contest, though tb'e escape of Darius disappointed one of the conqueror's most cherished hopes. Al- exander was not so eager to secure the peraon of Darius as to neglect the more important Auits of his Tictoi7 which lay before him in the southern provinces of the empire : the posses- sion of the capitals which contained the im- raeoae treasures that had been piledup by the Persian lungs for many generations. These might have been exposea to danger, if the news ^^8 own approach hod not quickly followed that of the battle which put an end to tho aa- tliority of the ancient government. He thero- fore postponed the pursuit of Darius, and con- tinoeo bu march towards Babjlon. He had been prepared to expect resistance, since Ma- ssus hod taken refuge there after the battle. But at DO great distance Irom the city he was met by the whole population, with the priests and magistrates, and Mazicus himself, aM Ba- K^"hane8, the commander of the citadel, at their head, bringing rich presents, and surrendering the city, Uia citadel, and all the treasures it coatained. Thtis attended,the conqueror made Ms triumphalentry, the army following his chariot, throu^ streets strewed with flowers, and lined wiiH silver altars smidcing with in- , censs, amid the songs of the priests.Babylon had never been welTafibctad to the dynasty of the AehBiuenids, and bad auflbred much from their resentment. Xerxes, in a fitof despotic Ctqirica. or instigated by his Magians, had per- secuted the religion of the Cbaldsans, and had polled down the temple of Belus, and others, which had never alterward been restored,but ramaioed, in tbeir ruina,monuments of the tyr- Kiiny of the government, and motives of ani- mosity to the peojJe. Alexander here found himself in a positionvery like that which had been bo advantageousto him in Egypt, and he made an equallyjuUiciuus use of it. One of bis first Dieaauies, after he entered the city, was to give orders ibr the rebuilding of the demol- ished temples; and to place himself under the direction of the ChaJdBaPS for the purpose of Bacrificiog in the most acceptable manner to fielua. At the same time, he provided for the security of the capitalby a distribution of pow- ers accordingto the maxim which the Persian liings had once adopted, but too often neglected. He appointed Maueus satrtip of Babylon, and ApollodoniB of Amphipolis to command the Jbrces which he left with him, but committed the citadeland the garrison " 700 Macedonians Urd 300 Greeks " to Agathon, and charged As- deniodoraswith tbs collection of the tribute. The army was permitted to revel for some timet in the enjoymentswhich the most splen- did and voluptuous of Eastern cities offered in prafusian to the bewildered senses of tlie rough aoldien of the North,who, innrad froai itieir' childhood to poverty and bardship, foond tham- selves suddenlytransported into Ibe lap of ease and luxury. Alexander probably considered this as a reward due to the fatigues which they had latelyundergone to place him on the throne of the East; and he added a donative from the treasures of Babyloa, wbicb must have amotint' ed to several thousand talents. Perhaps he be- lieved that this short taste of pleasure woold serve to animate them under the tods and dan- gers which they had stillto encounter in the re- moter and wilder regions of Asia,by the remem- brance of the delights which awaited them "m tbeir return. Nor, in fact, under such a leader, was much danger to be apprehended from the efl^t of Ibis sojourn un the habits of the com- mon soldier ; more might be feared from the change it was likely to make in the views and characlers of their chiefs, who now saw them- selves raised to almoat inlnoelyrank, in the possession of boundless wealth, and somnnded with allthe instruments of aeosnal gratifioattOD the most refined and intoxicating. To Alsx- ander himself,however, this interr^ was not one of indolent repose ; perhaps not much long- er than was necessary for transacting the vari- ous aftairswhich bad been accumulating durinc bis march from the coast of Syria. BabylaB itselfwas chiefly interesting to him, as he prob- ably, at the first sight of it, oonceived the de- sign of making it the capital of his empire : a purpose for which it was manifestly adapted be- yond any of the other great cities of the EaM, not BO much by the inexbaostible fertility "tfita territory, or by the stren^h of its walls, and the magnificence of its buildings,* as by tfaeadvan- tages of its position, its comparativevicinity to Europe, and its mora immediate cosBexioa with the sea, which " as be may already have divined" opened a passage to India, the remote goal of his ambition. It was about the middle of November when he set out for 8uaa. Rich as Babylon was, its treasures were small in comparison with those which were known to have been amassed in the palace at Susa; and it had, therefore, been his lirst care, as soon as he gave up the pursuit of Darius,to despatch one of bis oSijers, named Philoxenua, to make himself master of tbem. On Ins road he met a courier, whoia Philoxenus bad sent with the agreeabletidings that the satrap Abulites had surrendered Susa without resistance, and that the whtde of the treasure was in safe custody. In twenty days alter bis departure from Babylon he arrived at Suaa. The sum which he Ibund here aiDount- ed to 40.000 talents of uncoined gold and silver, and 0000 in the goldpieces called Darics. The value of the other parts of the royal hoard may be, in some degree, estimated from the fact, tbat among the property of Bagoas, whieh hn bestowed on Parmenio,was a wardrobe wortii 1000 talents. At Suaa had been preaerved the spoils which Xerxes had carried off from Greece ; among them, the brazen statues oT HarmodiuB and Aristogeilon : Alexander now sent them back to Athens, where Anian saw them in the Ceramicns. Soon after his srrival he received tbe roren* foreements which be bad been expecting from " Btnia, n" f. to, TaA. 8USA." THE PERSIAN GATES. Ennipe. Ttef were oonaDctsd by Amyntaa, Km of AndnneDes, and coosiated of 6000 foot md 600 hoTM from Macedooia, 8500 Thrscian ifotand 600 ttOTse, and WOO foot, with SW) horse, rom FelopouDeBus. The general was accom- laoied bj SU\j aoUe Maeedoniaii ^routbs, to erve as the king'spages. He also brought a ireseat to the king fnjm his eistera ; some ar- icles of drees, the vrork of their own hands : "oployiikcat which, Alezaader now lesTned, ESS deeiDed degradingby the Persian ladies.' lut AmynUa was, it aeems, also the bearer of mportant news Jrom Greene. Threatening lavements had taken placB in PelopODnesos nder the Influence of Sparta; and Antipaier, tiough he was obliged to eend bis leTiea to the noj, was preparing fM a war at hmne. Alez- Bder DOir sent Henes down to the coast of the (editerranean, to take the goTerniuent of Syria, 'hiEaicia, and Cilicis, wil^ 3000 talenta, part i which was to be tranamitted to Antfpater, ad the rest to be employed in the ooUeeting of resh troope, which were cootiDnallj reqoirad 0 lillthe place of tboae which were left as gar- iaona, or in oeoapation of the itewlj-eonqnered ountnea. The airiTal of ttiere-enfarcemenla nder Amyntaa enabled him lo reward the mcM eseivJagorhis old soldieiswith military eom- nande : be "coma te hare institnteda new snb- .ivisionof the cavalry in order to mnhiply the lUmber of the officer*, and to have departed ram the ancient usage, according to which, heywere always taken from the distriet which iiroiahed the troops, and to have thrown all lacee open 1" merit.t He rewarded Aboliles rith the aotrapy of SosiuiB, but appointed. irchelaue general of its forcea, and Maianii, aotbet Macedonian, eooimaDder of the citadel. rhen, having celebrated the aeqnisitioa of Suaa "ithaacrificM and games, leavingSiaygambia nd heTgrandcbildrBainibepdaoeoftlwiraa- estora, he took the road to Persepolls, the still "ate ameient seat of tite Aob"meniite, where Iteyruled,not aa conquerors, but as heads of tieir own nation. Between Uie plains of Su- iana and those of Uie proper Peraia liesa mouul- linous region, then inhabited by the Uiiana, Fho were in possession of a de"le throogh vbich the high road passed. The VHan mouot- lineera " for a part cultivated the plain"were 1 poar bat hardy race, which had never been 'Ubdued; and the great king, when he trar- illeAfrom his Feieian to bis Susian capital, had "^B'ays been obligedto pay the tribute which heydemanded. When Alexander entered their DUQlry,they sent to inform him that he would '01 be permitted lo pass the defile without the 's"id acknowtedgment. The Persian kingshad, Tobably, disguised the weakness betrayedby 'heir compliance with the name of moaidcence ; JUt Alexander saw it in its true Ugbt, and he iad never yet wonapasNgab^ any insUumeal "nt the sword. St^ipresaing hia indignation, be ""e the Uxians meet bin at the pans, and le- -eivetheir dues. But, ia the neao while,set- iiagout by Tright with his gnard aad other piokr ^"A" duiiuVluil ia Situu [Bitnptu'ol' Cnniw}, ""ntu hiri.)njoiud lb* amf "t bS^Ib ""rati. h"ri. Vol. II.- ed troopi, in dl aboDt 8000, be stnidc i^ito a rugged track which led into the heart of the mountaitis, and the next morning fell suddenly on the Uxian villagea, which he laid waste, driving off the flooka and herds, which formed the chief wealth of the nativsa.and putting all wbo fellinto his hands to the aword. He then lellCisteius to take posscssioa of the heights, to which he expected the enemy would retreat, and himself hastened forward to seize the paas. The Uiians, who bad levied all their foicea to receive the tribute,when they eune up, found the Macedonian anny posted on the strong ground in which they had placed their whole confidence. Ilioughthey were, probably, far superior in numbera, they did not venture lo try their strength, but immediately look lo flight. Many were overtaken by their pursuers, oi^n perished among the precipices ; bat a stiU great- er nnmber, flying to the mountains, fellinto the handa of Craterua. The rest sent a supidiant enri"asBy to Alexander : their leader,Madates, bad married a niece of Siaygan^ia, and the qaeen mother was induced, it ia said, to inter- cede for them. They were permitted to retais their laud,subject to a yearly tribute of horses, sheep, and cattle. Between the Uxian defile, or, as itwas call- ed, the Gates of Sosie, and Peraepolis, ttwro were two routes, a shorter one over a aucoea- sion of lofty, thicjtly- wooded mountains, and aii easier one over the lower ground. This last was the royal road : the other,at all times diffi- cult, and in winter hardlypassable. Both were terminated by the Persian Gates,a pass still mare arduous than the last, and occupiedby a much more formidable enemy ; for here Ario- baizanes, the satrap of Persia " faithful to his master, or ambllious of itidepeodence " had in- trenched himself with an army of 40,000 fo"t and /OOliorse, on the heights which encloee the defile, and behind a wall which he had built across it. Alexander sent Paimenio with the baggage, the Thessalian cavalry, the merce" nanea, and allied troops,*by the lower road, while he himself, with the Macedonian infantry, the cavalry of the guard, and a part of the light troops, crossed the mountaina, and encamped near the foot of the pass. The next day be made an attempt to penetrateit, but found the enetny'Bpositiontoo strong to be forced, and was ohhgcd lo retire to his camp, not without loss from their missiles, and from the stones which were rolled down on the heads of the as- saiUnts. His perplexity was relieved by soma of his prlBoners, or, according to another ac- count, by a shepherd, a Lycian by birth, who offered to point out a way over the mountains, by which he might descend on the enemy's rear. He now left Craterua, with two brigades of the infantry, and a small body of cavalry asd bowinen, in the camp, ordering him to keep i^ a great nnmber of firesto deceive the PeraJsns. i"IS)" AntaslHn iKduH. tb """ Ihu Panntius tmopB BantioDAl in tu i"zt, Hid with Ihu Panntiui .. .. ___, uu, nd iiithtU the Miti lu"i7- unwd (ltt"AX" na rrfariiiiant Bfi'^' ^Xiuim frn),ud T"t tMm, UtU Aluudv ui^ wiA Un *fitli* Hwdcniu ia"otTT"thit it.On (ihikiu, th* lart oC O* ' WH Bun kHTilr-HBtd thu uj itkar. S" td Pumana "" avl with Uu limT-Hiwt *b* I tnis, ud naitlwr uvluu h sstiBic lb" .C.ooqIc HISTORY OF GREECE. aod M soon B9 be ahoaid hear ths stgnil of tbi tmmpets, whicib were lo announce tbe kinz'i arrival at tbe oppoaite end of ihe paaa, to cnaki an attempt to storm tbe naU. He btmself.with fiMT bri^dea of tbe infantrf and tbe remainder of Die cavalry and lighttroope, followed his foidea over the mounlains, where, in many places, tbe enow had been drifted to a great depth. At the end of about eight milea he di- Tided hie forces, and sent three brigades, under Amyntaa, Philolaa.and CnnUB, into tbe plain. to throw a bridgeover a river which croaaed the road to Peraepolia,* He himself, with the brigade of Ferdiccaa, the hypaapists, aome "qnadrons of horse, and the UghteBt of the bow- men, turned to Ibe ri^t,along a Btillmore rug- ged path, which led to the defile. Before day- break he bad reached the Persian outposts. Al the Itrstbe pot all the men to the sword. From the second a few escaped, and atiD more th"m Ihe third; bnt all were bo panic-struck, thai Ibej fled into the mountains, and none appriied Ariobananes of the enemy's approach. With the Urat dawn of day,having left Ptolemy with 9000 men on one of the heights above (he Per- sian camp, he appeared before it below. The blast of the cnimpeta first gave notice of his presence both to the aatonished enemy and to Craterus,who, when he heard the expected signal, immediately led his men to attack the wall. The Persians,thua threatened on three sides, loat all self-possession, abandoned their fbrtiScations to Craterua and Ptolemy, and thoughtonly of flight. The greater part were out to pieces, or perished among the precipices. Ariobananes, with a lew horaemen, made his escape into Ihe mountains. After a short rest, Alexander advanced the plain to rejoin hie generals, who had by this time completed the bridge,and,having crossed the river,proceededby forced marches towards Persepolis. Hie speedwas qoieltened by a let- ter which he received on the road from Tirida- lea, the governor of the city, offering lo surren- der the treasures, but eipresaing his fears that he should not be able long to preserve it from plunder. As he approached the capital, he is "aid to have been met by a multitude of Greeks, who had been transported, it aeems, from Asia Minort " for what oflfence is not recorded" and had been barbarouslymutilated. The fact it- Mlf, though omitted by Arrian, and used by other writers as a topic for a rhetorical ejer- cise. is consistent enough with Persian usages to be perfectly credible, and perhaps had some connexion with the events that followed ; for Alexander,though he met with no resistance, and found the treasure untouched, permitted fatasoldiera to plunder the cily,t which seems to have Burpasaed both Babylon and Soaa, ib well in the opulence of its inhabiianta as in ths hoanls of tbe crown. This had been the princi- pal reservoir " perbape because the pruviuos was deemed the most secure from invasion" into which the trlbate of the Eaat had Bowed from the beginning of Ihe monarehy. Tike amount of the royal treasure is estimated at ISOiOOO talents" a sum which the anthors, who felt themselves constrained to reportit, could not helpacknowledging to be almost ina"dible ; and yet we have no reason to suspect that it has been ver? much exaggerated. It seems to have been one of the state maxima of the Per* aian kings to draw as littleas possible from this pile of wealth ; and it was probably their pride to be continually augmenting it. Tbe expeoaes of the conrt and army, as tbey were chiefly de- frayed by a system of purveyance, did not re- quire any greatoutlay of money;* and we have seen that,oa some oecaaiODS,tbe most impor- tant preparations were aDowed to remain long suspended, because the means of ptosBctitiiig them could not he obtained from the court ;t while tribute was rigidly exacted from tbe sa- traps, even for parts of their prDviocea which were but nominallysutqect to them, and which yielded no revenue. t The sight of the mntilaled Oreeks, which must have excited feelings of vehement reaent- ment in the army, may have contributed lo in- spire Alexander with ttie thought that it be- came him to appear, in this ancient seat of the Achaemeuids, as the avenger of the injuries which, in tbe days of their prosperity, tiiey bad inflicted on Greece, and more especially on Athens, and thus to discbarge tiie coromiasion which be had received fram the congress at Corinth. Yet there may have been aome ground for the story, which appears to have been more commonly received, that he was not in full poe- seaaion a( his judgment when, in spite ofPar- menio's remonstrances " who begged him to consider that he was about to spoil taia own property, and that it would aeem aa if ba did not mean to retain hia conqneata, and had only come to rifleand ravage tbe lands through which he passed " he set fire with his own hands to the royal^ace. Many tt his admirera,no doubt,thought hia memory diaboDoored by tbe tale that, at a banquetgivenby one of hia gea- erats, when the gneots were heated with wine, an Athenian courtesan su^eated the thought of this" as she might naturidly deem it" glori- revcDge, and that tbe king,starting up in a hair-sportive, half-passionate mood, led the way, and hurled the firsttorch into that magniflcent and venerable pile. But Arrian seems to have perceived that such a sally, in a convivial mo- , would have betrayed less weakness than Ibe deliberate purpose of an act so iMrbaroos and useless. And if,ss Plutarcti asseita, it admitted on allhands that he soon repent- f the deed, and ordered the conflagration to be stopped " that he afterward regrettedit, Ar- himself observes^ " we ahould be at a loaa to reconcile auch levity with the character which he displayed whenever it was ikot dia~ guisedby intemperance. " " (S."Mm n *" mU M lh" , i., 1 p. m, IW. tVal.n.,r.n. TOMB OP CYRUS." PURSUIT OF DARIUS. SOS This Tiolence,if it was the resnlt of aober leflcctian, would niso haT" been somewhat Utange\j contrasted witli (he reverence which be stowed for the tomb of Cynis, which he vis- ited at Paaargadc, a city not far to the south- east of Persepolis, built, it is said,by the found- er of tbe monarchy, as " monument of his vic- 1017 OTST Aslyages.* There, in the midst of the paH(, was a small lower, containing his jolden coffin restingoq a bier, a table covered with drinkingvessels, tapestry, and carpels, and dresses of Babylonianworkmanship, and jewelledomameDla, and anns. On the outside was an insciiplion in Persian characters, which declared to whom the sepulchrebelonged, and claimed respect for the remeins of the King of Asia. Within the same enclosure waa the dweQiog of a Magian family,which, ever since the leigD of Cambyses, had been cliarged with the care of the tomb. Alexander, when he came to Pasargadc. ordered Aristobuliis to en- ter the Bepulchralchamber, to inspect ita con- dition, and repairany injury which its oroa- menls might have suBered in the course of time. The palace of Paaargada also (sontained a treasure of 6000 talents, which he carried Arrian gives no bint that Alexander designed to punish the people of Perais for the acts of its ancient kings otherwise than by the conflagra- tioD of the palace ; and it is veiy doubtful that the pluQdenng of the capital was premeditated ; the disposition which bad been shown to seize tbe treasure might sufficiently account for it. He seems to have respected national feelings, when be appointedPlirasaortes, son of Khe- omithreB,satrap of the province, though he left Tiiidales in the office which he had before heldit and intrusted the citadel of Persepolis to a Greek. Thus, in about three years and a half aAer be bad crossed the Heilespoot, Alexander had brokeo the military force of the Persian Empire, bad made himself nuster of its richest provin- ces, had sealed himself on the throne of ^riiis. His conquest, indeed, waa not yet complete ; his rival not jet in his power. But he might lajrlyaaanme the titleof King of Asia,as ithad been home bv Cyiua and his successors. What remained to be done was, not so much to assert bis claim t" it with the aword, aa to lake pos- srasiOB oC iha test of his dominions CHAPTER U. Ama the battle of Gaugamela, Darius had taken the road to Ecbatana. This ancient cap- ital of Media contained a considerable treasure, and here be thought he might wait in safety for tbe tarn of events : not without a hope that hkn tHB lataiti l" Di "t THiU"v"Bi that Tiri^_ - iniht nvMoT FUthi ialn",ftijii At- some accident mighthappen to arrest Alexan- der's progress. He calculated, perhaps, on the resistance which might be made by the satrap of Persia,or by the wild tribes on its north- west border ; partly,too, it may be, on the movements which were beginning to threaten Macedonia in Greece. For even after his last defeat he had received an embassy from Spar- ta, which was accompanied by an Athenian named Dropidaa ; and he had learned that the nation at large was not so blinded by names as to share the sentiment of the Corinthian Demaralus, who, when he saw Alexandei seated on ^e throne of the great king, is said to have shed tearsof joy. andto have observed, that the Greeks who had died before they wit- nessed that eight had lost a great pleasure;* as ifit waa a happiness for Greece to have the rreat kingreigning at Pella aa welt as at Susa. But itseems that he trusted entirely to fortune, orlo the exertions of others. It is very doubUiil whether he ever entertained the design of col- lecting a fresh army and meeting Alexander again in the field ; though Arrian's silence may not prove anythingagainst the assertions of the other hiBtorifliiBon this point, which are in some degree confirmed by the rumour which he himself mentions about the preparations of Darius. But his finalresiriutionwas to retreat before Alexander, if he should advance into Media, towards the northeast,lajring waste tbe country through which he passed, and to seek refuge on the otter side of the Oxus. where he might hope that the conqueror wo ili ue ixin- tent to leave him unmolested. Hs Mnt 1^ baggage and his harem to the CaspianGates, one of the passes of Mount Elbur?. The force which he W gathered at Ecbatana is said by Diodorus and Ciirtiusto have amounted to more than 30,000in"ntry,including 4000 Greeks, and 3000 cavalry. Arrian mentions onhr 6000 foot and 3000 horse as accompanying his march. It is poasible that a part was sent forward with the tiaggage, and that when he began to re- treat, nniobers lefthis standard. B^us, bow- ever, in whose satrapy he meant to seek shel- ter, Barsaentes, the satrap of Arachoaia and Draiigiana, Nabaizanee, who bad commanded the cavalry in tbe rightwing at the battle of Issos, and the agedArtabazus,loyal as ever to the royalhouse, stilladhered to ti'i" Alexander suffered four months to elapM before he again set out in pursuit of Darma. Plntarch says that he wished to reel tis army. Yet, in the course of thie time, with a body of cavalry and lighttroops, he made an expedi- tion, which lasted thirtydays,against the neroe tribes in the highlands of Perais, and notwitb* standing the obstacles opposed by the rigoor of the season, penetrated into their secluded valleys, and reduced them lo submission. If the site of Ecbatana is occupiedby Ispahan,! it seems a little surprising that he should have remained so long within a distance which he could have traversed,perhaps, in about twelve days, without any of the difficulties which te encountered in his expeditionagainst the Fer- mountaineers. On the other hand, if Da- was ss fsr off as Kamadan, itis very eac^ 'A,p")^C 304 HISTORY OP GREECE. to anderstand wli; Alexander ahauld have let the winter pass berore be Vesnined his march with hia whole amy towards the northern mountains of Irak. On his road to Ecbatana, he turned aside to subdue the PartPtaceaians,* one of thp tribes to the north of Persia,who, relying on their highlandstrongholds, subsisted chiefly on plunder, and committed the govern- ment of the province to Oisthrea,son of Ahu- Lles, late satrap of Susa. When he resumed his march, he received information Chat Darius, having been re-enforced by auxiliaries from Scythia, and from the independeutCadusiana, was about to meet him and to offerbattle. There seems to be reason to suspeot that this report may have been a stratagem by which Darius intended Co gain time. AJexauder waa induced hy it to leave his baggage behind, and faiad- vance with his army prepared fbr action. But when he had reached the borders of Media, he diecoreied that the report he had heard was unfounded, and that Darius was bent on flight. This intelligence quickened his moveinenta, and within three days' march of Ecbatana he was met by Bistbanes,a son of Ochus, who informed him that Darius had set out five days before from the Median capital with his litcle army, carrying off the treasure, which amoanted to about 7000 talents. During hia stay in Persia, Alexander had crflected a vast number of moles and camels to transport the treasures of PerBepolia, where, after the disposition that had been manifested hy the inhabitants, he did not think thoy could he left in safety, to Ecbatana. Even if it was in his power to have reached the Caspian Gates bj a shorter road, it would not he surprising that he should have given up the chance of overtaking the fugitiveon that side of the pass, that he might first enter Ecbatana, and make arrangements for the reception of so im- portant a deposite. At Ecbatana he permitted the Tlieasidian cavalry, and as many of the other allied troops as desired it,to return to theirhomes. The ohjectofhiseipedition had been so far attained, that he had no longerany colour for detaining them without their consent. But he invited those who were willing to con- thiue in his service to enter their names in a roll, and many preferred to remain with him. The rest received SOOO talents in addition to the pay which was due to them EpocQlus was appointed to escort them with a body of cavalry" for the Thessaliana sold their horses " as far as the coast, where Menes was direct- ed to provide for their passage to EubiEs. Par- menio, who had been leftwith Che baggage, was ordered to lodge the treasure in the citadel of Ecbatana, and to commit it to the care of Har- palus, under the guard of 6000 Macedonians, some cavalry, and lighttroops. The Macedo- niana were afterward to be biroight up to rejoin the army by Cleitus, the commander of the iD^al BOuadron of the guard, who had been de- tained by iUnesa at Susa. Parmenio, with a division composed of the Gr^ek mercenaries. anlou *. PilI"K", nunlion^b. Arriin, iU.riBrTi [l" "uw u (bu dsHTibxl bT " - . - - . Thraciana, and a fwrt of the cavalry, was after- ward to make a circuit through the territory of the Carduaians, who inhabited the loountainons region now called Dilcm, and then to proceei] along the shores of the Caspian into Hyrcania- He himself, with the main trady of the army, advanced by forced marches in pursuit of Da- rius Many of the men and horses sank under the fatigue ; but he abated nothing of his speed until,having traversed a apace of ^nl 300 miles in eleven days, he reached Rhags, at Che distance of fifty miles from the Gates. There, having ascertained that Darius had passed through, he gave up immediate pursuit as hopeless, and allowed five days' i^at to his troops. Rapidas had been his progress through Media, he considered it as conquered, and com- mitted the satrapy to a Persian named Oioda- tes, whom he had found imprisoned in the cita- del of Susa by order of Darius. This appeared a sufficient gtiarantee of his fidelity to hia riew master. He then advanced in the track of the fiigitives. After he had passed the Gates, ha laidtn a stock of provisions, which he learned it would be difficult to procare in the desert country that lay before him, and had sent out Cixnns with a foragingparty, when two of the followers of Darius, a Babylonian named Ba- gistanes, and Antittelus, Che sod of Maiicas, arrived at the camp, with tidings thai Darini had been tbrown into chains by Besaus,Baraa- entea, and Nabarzanea. Besaus and bis accomplicesbad, it seenw. soon after their maater's fortunes became des- perate, tbrmed the plan of seising his person, with the intention either to deliver him np to Alexander or to despatchhim, as might best serve their interest. Their object was to ae~ cure themselves in the independentposaeBsian of their satrapies ; and they boped either to re- ceive them as the reward of their treachery from Alexander, or to be able, alter the death of Darins, to icCain them by foree. Besaus was in some way connected with the royal family, and thna aaw a proapect of monntin^ Uie vacant throne with the appearance of a le- SlimaCe Cille. The Baetrian troops, wfaich rmed the strength of his little army, were de- voted to him ; but Patron, the commander of the Greek mercenaries,was the more Meadfast in his fidelity to Darius,as he feared, above bU thinoa, to fall into Alexander's hands ; and the loyalty of Artabazus was known to be incor- ruptible. The traitors,therefore,thoo^t it necessary to proceed with caution. In a couD' cil which waa held after their departure from Ecbatana,' Nabarsanea ventured to propose that the kingdiould, for the time,resign his sn- thority to BeesuB, whose birth,tank, and in- Suence iitthe provinces where theymight ex- pect to rally thsir forces,pointed him out as the man best qualified to restore the falling em- pire, Dsrius was so indignant at this sugges- tion, that he drew hta cimetcr, and was with difficulty restrained from rushing upon the spatjler. But after Besaus and Nahanaoe* had withdrawn, he was induced lo stifle bi" resentment by the counsels of Artabains, wbo _ , j^iBiij If b* hU^bm wtth him, that I vB ntpriMd Pipyi^ BhvsM itHtoric of Ciiitiu ngdkMuil ta jirniFt IL DEATH OP DARIUS. mw"anrt"d the duger of diMxml in rhe cimp at m jonelBra whm Alexander vu so close. be- hind : aod Um cewpiratOTS, vben ihey next a|"- pearad in Ibe TOjii presence, feignedrepent- "nee and sobnuMiixi, and were againseeming- 1; reoeired inlo favour. But, in the mean vhile, tbey endeavoared to gain o*er the rest of tbe troops, and tbeir deaigna become known to Patron and Artabasne. The Greek obtained "naBdi"BceariMTius,diMloaed hie anapiciooe, and preesed tbe long to take Tefttge in the Gi"eii cnnp. Dsrina, it n Mid, der^red that be wMdd rattier die among hit own pe"^ than owe his aafbtj to (he proteetion of foreignera ; Bor could tbe perroaafoni of Anabaaua induce 1 t" ekanoe hia i n-descatMbyUa He a sorrounded bjr the Baotitana, and waa oBbred bj the oUier troopg, when, bj tbe eanniaDd of Beaana, liawas cbained and placed el^ aaihorityezoept the Greaka, end Aitabazus and hia aona, who withdrew from the oamp, awl tamed aaide out of the high road into the anontains of the Tapariaoa(Taberistan). Alexander, when be beard tbeae tidi^e, i"- "rdiatnlyprapncd liirstill more aetive par- Boit ; ha did not evan wait lor the renon of CieDna,but,leaving Ctatana to foUaw with the annj by gentle marolMO, aet fbrmrd the aame evcniDg with a part of tbe eavdry,including the gtuffd, and a: aelect body of tool,whom he eideicd to take notfaing with tkem but two da^ prorieioaa. Tbey mardied the whole aight, aad did not b^ nntU the n"t day at "oon; and aAar a ahwt npato again aet oat, eaUinned thair maieh Ihnragk the night, aad amved at dayhre^ at tte plaae where the fn- gitires bad encamped, when tbey wnre deaeit- ad bf Bagiataoe*. Hece be waa inbnwd of the cmtfM that had been taken by the Qreafca and Af tahnana. Hia men and bonee wave tww aaarlyapeai wicb toil,yet be pieaaed toward without inianuaaUMi for (aother uighl, and on Hn fbUowiog noon leaobed a TillaiP wfaate the baibaiiaiia todenoampad tbad^bcfon. Ham he lewnad tbat ttey bad detanniaed to pwaoa Ihiiii mareh during the nigitt ; aod it aaenied hopelesa, with tioopa so fatigued, to oreitak* IheB on the taeoe road. By uiqiiiry, bowever, anumg the cauntiy peo|de, he diaeoieied that there was a erearoad leading o*er a deaert, arid tiBot, by whieh he might gain upon them ; bat hia infantry were usable to follow him with Iha speed required lor this last effiirt ; be there- fore mounted GM of the offioen and beet sol- dieia a" the in"ntry io their ordinaryannour, mi ordori)!^ Nioanor and Attains to proceed along the high road, wiib the bypaepiats end Agiianians lightlyeqaifqied, himself, with bis little t"Dd, took the ahorter route. After an- other laborious night he came up, ijydaybreak, with tbe enemy, wltom he found in aU the dis- order of a hasty retreat. Tlie numbers which ho had broo^ with him were not known, and bia nnespeot"d preaence spread general con- staruation. Sewcely any attempt was made at lUsialaDca ; the eonspirUora, when they found that he waa ap["oBciung,pressed Darius Is Bount a horse, and fly with them. The un- happy kingnow preferredAiling into the hands of a genenwa enetny. On his refiual, ihey left him mortally wounded in the ebsiiot, and took to flight, accompanied by 800 home. He ex- pired before Atoisnder saw him. The oon- qneror threw his own cloak orer tbe coipae. One of the msny kings who would haie been happier and more honoured if they had ncTer mounted the throne ; yet, if be had reigned in peaceM times, he would probably have been esteemed, at least,aa weU able to lUI it as nvM of his predecessors ; and it is very donbtfnl whether any of them, had tbey been in hit case, would bare dalended itmore sucoesafliDy. None, howerer, ooold have kwt it mere inglo- rionsly; and,perbapa, be baa only gained the credit of mildness and moderalion,becaoae, as Arrjan obeerres. be had no opportunity of show- ing his real dianeter in thi" respect in a reign which was one series of iroabiss and disasten. As, attei bis accsasion to the throne, he lost the reputation Ua personalcourage which he hod preTioualyearned,so it was bis "te, aAei death, to recover the honours of which he had been strippeddnring his life.* Alexander or- dered bis body to be boried in tbe "epnlehre of bia anceetors with T"^al nwgniflcence, took oharge of tbe edocatiMk of hie ehildren, aud married hia daughter. Alexander had encamped near the Parthian city,which, being a point where many roada mei, bore the soonding Greek name of Heou- lompyhiB[the bondred^aled), probably not lb( from Dam^ban ; and b"u ha snared hia troops to rest uDtll tbey were rejoinedby Ihu main body, which he had left under tite con- maad of Crataius: IfwemigbtbebeTeCnTtiaa laiAoa , . , of tbsiT aniTBl in Gnisoe, the horaaman laoaived each a talent, awl eaeb GMt soldier a taMh put of that sum; bnt these wbo were wUUug to atn were ra- warded wiib a donatlTe of three talenlB a man ~that it,probably (br tbe eaTahy, and for the infhmry in pmponion. A lettur Aom Alexan- der to Paimsnlo, quoted by Plittatub, prorea tbat he thought it expedient to [Kuclaim that Ue Uaoadoniaos also were at liberty to depart, if there were any who chose to atNuul"m their king iathe nidstef bis Tiotorioos career. His offer was received with general aoclamatioas : they wuold follow h^ into irtialever port of the world he might lead them. Their leal was recompensed with the treasure found among the baggage of Darius. Yet, when the auxil- iaries had lelt him, he found hia aimy reduced to SO.OOO foot and 31MKI horse : to be re-en- forcetl,indeed, wUhin no long time by tbe two brigades of tbe phalanx which were waiting for the arrival of Cleitus at Eebataoa. lite sa- trapy of Pattbia and " tboiigh he had not yet entered it" of Hyrcania was bestowed on a Parthian. Anuninapes, who had contributed, with Mazacea, to open E^pt 10 the Macedu- ; butu a usual, waa ateocieted HISTORY OF GREECE. a HHcedODJan named Hepolemus, as inspector, or mililary governor of the province.* He then divided his forces intu three oolumna, totthe LuvaBJon of Hyrcania. With the lightest be himself took the shortest,hul most difScuIt road over the mouDtains on his left. The cod division he gave lo Graterus, with order* to marcli weaiward into the territory of the Ta- purians, and both to reduce Che barbariana to submission, and, if possible, lo make himself master of Artabazus and the Greeks. Eriguius, with the third division and tbe baggage, was to follow tbe easier and more circuitous road which led DDttbward lo Zadracarta"probably the ute "r Sari, tbe modern capital of Mazanderan. This moimlainuus region, which separates tbe great plains of Khorasan from the fertile val- leys wbicb open on the snulh coast of the Cas- pian Sea, was inhabited b; a fierce race of dependent barturians, Alexander,by the pidilyofhis movements " advancing wilhafew lighttroops before the main body of his division " secured the passes, yet the troops which fol- lowed him did not eSect their passage without some difliculty and loss. In bis camp on the lifer which Curtius calls the Ziobaris, Diodorua the Stibceiea.where he rested four days, he re- ceived a letter from Nabarzaoes, who had a]- TDady abandoned Bessus, and now ofl^red lo snirender himself, ifhe might be assured of his peTBonalsafety. Alexander gave the royal pledge which he required, considennghim, per- haps, as the tool of Bessus, and, therefore,as beneath his vengeance. As he pursued his march, he was met by Phrataphemes, the satrap of Hyrcania, and by aeveral oif the principal Per- sians who hsd followed Darius, and had made their escape after liis death. They had been faithfulto their prince, and found a gracious reception from the conqueror. He then pro- ceeded towsrds Zadracarta ; but, it seems, be- fore he reached it he was rejoinedby Craterus "nd Eriguius.t Craterus had overpowered all resistance wherever be passedthrough tbe laud of the Tapurians, but he had not fallen in with Artabazus or the Greeks. Soon after,however, Artabazus himself came to tbe camp with three irfhis sons, accompanied by Aulophradntes,the satrap of tbe Tapurians, and by deputies from the (ireek soldiers. To reward the submission oTAutophradates, Alexander permitted bim to retain his aactapy ; and he honoured the loyally of tbe fenerable Artabazus, whom he keptnear his own person, with tbe most delicate marks of attention. He himself usuallyaccompanied the march of the army on foot ; but, when at- tended by Artabazus, he mounted on horseback. tiiatthe (dd man, who was now in his ninety-. fifth year, might not be ashamed to ride by his Bido. To tbe Greek deputies, who wished to capitulatewith him, he gave a stem answer j he would make no stipiilatian with men who bad so violated Uie duty which they owed to their country, and had disobeyed the decrees of Ihe national congress. They must throw them- Mlves unconditionally on his mercy, or most provide fe their safetya* they eould. They then consented lo surrender at discretion.BBd at IJieir request Alexander seot Andronicus and Artabazus to conduct the truups to bis camp. Another fierce tribe remained lo be subdued on the weslern side of Hyrcania, the Mardiana, whose seals appear lo have occupied ibe con- fines of Ghilan and Mezaoderanj araceof rob- bers, who thought themselves secure in the midst of the thick forests which clothed the sides of their mountains, and hsd, therefore, neglected to propitiate tbe conqueror. He bad. indeed, advanc"l ao far eastward aa to lead them to suppose that he did not intend to attack their temtoiy, which bad not, lor a long time, been violated by the foot of an invader. Hia sudden appearance, therefore, struck them with tbe greater terror, and when bis perseverance had surmounted tbe natural obstacles of tbe land, be bad but littleresistance lo enconuter from its inhabitants. In the cotu"e of this ex- pedition Bucephalus fellinto the enony's hands. Alexander made it known that unleaa his boiaa was restored to bim, he would not leaTe tbe country until he had extermiDated the whole population. Tbe lhi"*t answerod ita panxMe ; tbe noble animal wa* brougbt back to ita mas- ter, and soon after aii embassy came to aniKNUieo of tbe tribe. Alexaoder government of it to Autophrada- les, whom he had already intrusted with the adjacentsatrapy of Taporia. He then returned lo bis encampment on the road to Zadracarta, where be found the Greek soldiers, who bad come to await bis pleasure, with the tnrojt, who had accompanied Dariu* in hie fli^t, aod had afterward followed their countrymen JDto IheTapurianmonntains. Besides those of Spar- ta and Athens, there were some from Sinope and Chalcedon. They met with varions trBat~ me nt, according to the diflerenceof their cases. The Spartans and the Athenians were placed in confinement ; the envoys of Sinope, which lay within the territaries of Che great king, and bad nosbarein tbe national deUberations of the Greeks, were allowed to depart; and the'saina indulgence was extended to Heracleides,the envoy of Chalcedon, thongh not entitled to Ibe same i^ea. The soldiers,too, who bad been in Ihe service of Persia, before the states to which Ihey belonged had entered into alliance with Macedonia, were set at liberty. Hie rest were incorporated with the army oo the same terma on which Ibey bad aerred Danna, and were placed under the command of Andronicns, who bad interceded in their behalf. Aleundw then made his enlry into Zadracarta, where he re- mained fifteen days, and sdemnised his tnomph with sacrificesand games. It was an interval of repose needed to refresh hie tnKqn after tbe latigues which they bad latelyundergone, and to prepare them for the toils and lunlshipa of the expedition on which he was now aboat to lead them into the eastern provinoea of tbe em- ThefartherAlexander advanced into the heart of Asia,the mora cleaiiy most he have perceived the disproportion between the Ibroes with wfaioh he bad achieved his oxiqoeats, and the extent of tbe territoiT which be had anbjectedto his sway. For the purpose, indeed, of victoir, hi* army seemed sofflciently strong; end he bad reason to believe that into whatever new re- ALEXANDER'S POUCY. 907 gioiui he niigbtpenetrate, he shoQld meet with "o fibataoles ip nature wbich be could n~* " mount, sud n" enenijr that be could no power. But his object was not merely to gain baitlea, and tn trBTerae voat countries, bat to found a durable empire in the East ; and for this end it waa necessary that his authority "boold be cheerfully acknowledged by the in- habitaots of hie new dominions; that they thould he led,as aooo as possible, to forget tbat Ihey had been reduced under the yoke of a for- eigner ; that bis goiemiuenf should appear to tbem a contincation of that to which lliey had been accustomed under their native princes. It wta hencefonh not as the conqueror, bat aa the CDCceiaeoT, of the great king, that he wished to be regardedbyhia Eastern subjects. The death of Darina " broughtabout,as it had been, so as IS )ea*e him without reproach " waa an eTenI oT inestimable importance in this point of Tiew. The Tacancy of the throne did noi, indeed,es- UUiafa hie titleto the aaccession ; bnt too many iBTolutions had happened in Persia,especially of Late years, ftirmuch offbnce to be taken at a duuge of dynasty,if, in other respecta, national prejodiceswere spared. 'Hie Toluntary sub- miBSioa orATtabaius,wbileiimight have great weight aa an example, showed that Persians, the most devoted to the royal house, might now ac- knowledge Alexander as their legitimate bot- ereign. The Persian Mugs themaelveB,though in the course of two centuries their authority had spread its roots far and wide tn the habits and feelings of the people, derived their power " except in the small province which waa the cradle of their dynasty " liom conquest, and in many parts of their dominions had been always looked upon as foreignmasters. Alexander, therefore,might well step into the idaee of liie title noder which he ascended the throne i was of mach leas importance than the manner m which he filled it. The pohcy dictated by his situation required that he should keep two objectaconstantly in view : the one to concili- ate his subjects, the other to impress them with reverence for their new ruler. The firstend waa attained with little difficulty, and without any extraordinary sacrifices. It was only ne- ' Eessary tbat all who submitted (o him ^ould find as much security for their persons and property as had been aSbrded by the preceding (ovemment ; and, with alitile vigilance and ac- tivity, it was easy to givemore. The tribute was left on ita ancient footing ; all branches of the administration were coDductod in the same manner aa before ; but tyranny and arbitrary exactioDB were Ukely to be repressed in a greater degree, both by the character of the sovereign and by the system of mutual control which he established for his own security. The ptoviooes which bordered on the predatory tribes, which had so long been permitted to re- tain their independence in the heart of the em- pire, must have had reason to rejoice in the revolution which had transferred the sceptre to a band that could wield the sword. It was probably, at least,as much with a view to con- ciliate the people, aa to gain the support of the great ramilies " though, it wonld be difficult nicely to distinguish between the two ends " that, aa he left Oreeoe at a greater distance behind him, he more and more frequently filled the vacant governments with Peraians,or al- lowed those who submitted to retain their sa- trapiea; so that this became at last a rule from wUch be seldom deviated. It operatedcer- tainly as a strong lore to incline those who were still wavering to his side. But this can scarcely have been his principalmotive ; fbr, after the death of Dariua.he had less and less reason to apprehend resistance to his amu, but might well grow more and more anxious about themeansof securinghisconqoests;and he mightthink, with good ground, that the sight of Macedonians filling the higheststations,even if they did not abuse their power, was likelyto excite general discontent. It 1 , still T fcr Asiatic roler that he should be feared and reverenced than that he should be loved. It may be thought that Alexander's wonderful for- tune, and extraordinary endowments of bo^ and mind, could not fhilto strike the conquered with admiration, and that no artifice* ooold be necessary to exalt him in their eyes. Bnt Alexander 1 discovered that it was not by snch meaoa Eastern royalty e' __ attraeted tba veneration of its subjects. No Intrinsie merit coqld, in their estimation, supply the placeoflheporopand splendour which they always associated with the idea of greatness. The greatking,though the feeblest and worst of men, waa viewed as a superiorbeing so long as the laxnriea and ceremonies of a court wer* interposed between him and the rest of man- kind ; bnt no measure of wisdom and virtue could have obtained the same reverence tat tarn if, in his dress and manner of living, hO had descended to a level with other men. It was, therefore, obeolntelynecessary, for the secant of Alexander's throne, that he should adopt Ute prineiide,at least, of the outward dis- tmotions, which had been always deemed es- sential to tha majesty of his Persian predecea- sora ; tbat be should assume the Eastern garb, in which alone some of these distinctions could appesr ; tbat he should be anrrounded by a numerous train of state attendants, and that the simple fonns of the Macedonian court should I be exchanged for the strict rules of Persian eti- ' quette. The great king wore his tiara erect ; he sat on a raised seal, on which it whs a cap- ital crime in asubjectto placehimself; he was to be served with certain ceremonies ; and he waa to be approachedonly with, peculiar ob- servances, which resembled a religious adora- tion, and were, periiaps, derived from a persua- sion which theystrongly tended to confirm, of a kind of divinity that resided in the royalper- HI8T0KY OF GBEBCB. Alaundar wu not of a obanoler that would haTe pennillad kim to beoonm Ihe ftlave of moh fonnB i but he waa too prudent to discaFd them, even if the; had been, as, perhaps,Ihey ware atfirat, repugnant lo hiafeebngs. It waa Ilia abject,aa far aa poeaible, lo relieie and temper them with Grecian taate and freedom. In tbe camp be never allowed tbem to fetter hia movements ; but,on atate occaaiona, it was bja wish to obaerve all tbe leadingpoints of the Peiaian ceremoniaL But Uieie was a gi"at difficulty in tbe way, Waa it to be expected that hia Macedonian noblea,the partnara of hia loUa, who had been oaed to lenna of fam^iar inteicourae with their prinoea, abould submit to a foreigncustom which placed so wide a diatance iMlween him and theml or, on the Other hand,was it oonaiatent with bis dignity to diapeue in theii caee with the marks of re- apeot which he exaoted fhiiiihis Persian sub- It was a queetiontaming, indeed, apon a mere form, but involving the moat important coDsequencea. The oomplianoe of th.e Mace- dontans would reduce then, outwardly at least, to a level with the oooquered people, Irom whom it was, no doubt, their wish to be distin- guished as a aaperior race. It is probable that they viewed all tbe favoura conferred on the Feraiana with Jeatooay, aa rights withheld fioax tbamselves,and, at the utmost, raloolatitly nd- mitled the etpediency of aoch eoneeaaioDa. Still, tbe hononre bestowed on othera eonld not lower them. But if Ibey sabiiiitl"dto tbe oer- emooy now required fmn tlMB, the diatinotion aa which theyprided thenwslTes waa (Ae"d ; HOT would they be sUe to retain any of their national privileges but at tlM king'sploMOTB; "very trace of freedom oA^ soon be iMt. There can be liUle doubt that itWM Ute TBiy same ruaon which led Alexaader to aO^i aa nuudi value to the ceremoDj. It waa hia in- teotioa to rednoe ell hia aultjoota to the same Isvalbeneath hitnaelf ; to rooognlsemo disttno- . I.. I, j Asiatics, Cheeka waa be who stillsDataknd the monarchy he had founded. Tbe Maoodonians had aa much reaaon aa the Persians to regard him as a being of a higher order. Still, as these thoughts had beNi nouriabed and unfolded in himself by the recent change in hia fortunes, it waa not la be expected that the Macedonians could be easilybroughtto adopt these views. Yet it was only so far as they were impressed with them, that Ibey cculd will- ingly aubmil to a ceremtmy, which was both de- grading in itself, and mortifying to their nation- al aelf-complaceocy. It seems to have been for tbe purpose of overconung their averaioo, that Alexander, about the same time that he assumed the tiara, and s"ne oUiei dialinguiah- ingornaments of tbe royalattire,* and ordered his court after the Persian model, encouraged the diffusion of a report,wliidi, in faot, only ex- pressed his own conaciousnesa of his extraor- dinary geniua in a mythicalfonn, that his birUi. aa well aa hia origin, waa divine, liliethat of Hercules and ."bcub :f the secret, which had been long keptto protectOlympias from dis- honour, had tieen revealed to the king hinself by the oracle of Anunou.^ It waa, indeed,not lilcely that such a story shoukl be believed, ex- cept, perh^w, in tbe ardour of military enthosi- " PlBttidi,iadml (AL, tS).whu Uit AluudH dU hm adopi (hi tiin, or Iti*lul allid tk" mjrjn,v the ]"" Inimin (ilKCi"^Jte)*kichbricmndtaibtHoliu fub. Bulit "HuliHl^iiMdiUi Ihuta* AhM hm u- "omHl tba Bmtjm inn, ind JH haw Iwbomk to """ lluw ptrtj lititwbict in 1^ itodTiIu i|*a|ili "rrn iimrnMj UmilTpMtrUwpiMinmtiBiaTiif DiadDiw ("ii,',T7), "" [IV""^M^ irquMin(s, u Cattlu KM di*(ii"c"- ]j diKtibu it.n., 0, patpnniuii diadi" dittimtan ilbg, qnla l^rlu bilHitpntI,d}rAt 2i"AfDjc"hvMffdrt 'nr4t", """ Tin Oifnt*'S"Hn uU nlU* "Mr lOo iMitfliwr jn) nt utiirtc- Hu niriilinm H*aa M haw Wn du- tiunijbwl not m nneh ^j ita fuhjoo,4kc*h in tha tiua, a"bTiucDloDRi"luch AUxudar adoptad.WawaliDf (on en anr other titlethan personalmerit, and this to be maaaured by the seal shown in hia aer- Tice,aadaubjectto hia own judgment. In him this was, perhaps, not the sim|rie e^ct of oidi- nary ambition ; it waa a natural reault of the view which he XoiA of the relation in which be stood to his own people. The distance which might seem to separate him from them waa so great, that any advantagetheymight poaaeas over the conquered nations was. in comparison, loo trifling to be regarded. Tbe Macedonians were a semi-baibarian race, which had only been raised tothe station itnow occupied among nations by the efforts of its kings. He, accord- ing lo the traditions of hia family, whicb he flrmlybelieved,was not onlysprung from the purest Hellenic blood, but from a heroic lineage. and on both aides traced hia origin to tbe father of the goda; and he fell himself to be worthy of this illustriouadpacent. Tbe victorisa which enabled the Macedonians to look down upon other naliona aa their inferiors had been his Waiaalfcal Iba pni|iaDaitT of maakind I udolHd Bvan whan H iaunarir Ibnm tarafaiH*ii""an^ latnaa, and may ba "hieh Uiia^r'hiid'ii"^Tf"**i"" " t tiu nltBf priuipia ia aarii ia divma st oriunihat U" ilaiir |T*TJadr)u is raihir af all Den, but adsiiuIha ban a paenllarlrhU own, ttlns rotvSam " Mi. WiUiami (Alax.,p. 117|hi lun haen miiltd hj it. lie wf", "' When jlin Faman kin*), it oould otilvbe doan bj aeaartii baoa oemiiurr, ^ Ihi pnatfo^lhi* aiaartioB. ta Aow that he, IiVfl thejn.wai a eon of a gud ; th"rtigh Alillil dij nca " Bin a! Amniin. Plilhe li.,MT) cmcei'ei Ihit Ihi nla- Bu it la loi at aU elaar ihat hjiuv """ "haa tha uila anil enaigu of mfilljwan siiilii (" alUia Ikair p"- MOVEMEI^TS IN GREECE." DEATH OF AGIS. aoe uin, b^ the iDoat ifnorant at {^e i^vale wl- d^rs. But Mill it might aerri;^ a colour for Ma claJBis, wbioh miglit rendi "'tbeoi leas te- Tollinc to the feeling of ftROedoniuiB and Greeka, than iT they bad rested meieiyod bii pgwer of enforcing tlieta. Tbe bitUr conee- qDeoces which flowed from ttua unbappj elate of things will appear ia tbe sequel. Nearly about tbe Bame time that Alexaniler was engaged in the pursoit of Darius, the ",{" Sain of Greece look a turn which relieved him from all anxiety about the safety of Macedonia. Hia jHogre^a had been aoxioualy watched by ttie Greeks, who regarded it not merelyaa a McceBeioD of dazzlingachisTements, but as it affected the interests of their own countiy ; and they bad nerer ceased to hope that it migbt be arrested by some disaster, which would be the signal for a general insurrectiou against Maoe- draiian ascendenny. Before the battle oflaBua the language of the Persian coLjrtiers was re- echoed by the oratori in the Greek assembltea ; and Demostbcnes, raist^ing hia wishes for groimila of belief, asaurud the Athenians that they would soon hear that the Macedonian anny 1^ been trampled down by the Persian oavaJ- ly. Even alter tbe ascood defeat of Darius, hie cause dill not appear desperate in Greeoe, and an embassy had been sent, as ive have seen, by Sparta, to solicithis aid for the preparations abe was then making againstAntipater. It was, of course, subsidies only Itaat they eipeet- ed "otn faim ; but these, in a conteat wbioh was to be decided chieflyby mercenary troope, were of great importance. In the mean while she had formed a confederacy which embraced the greater part of the Peloponnesianstates : Elis and Achaia, eicept Pellene, and tbe whole of Arcadia, escept Megalopolia, aMeied into this league; Argoa seems to hare keptaloof, ud Hesaeniawaa uodoubtedly hostile. Even beyond the Isthmus some states promised as- "istaiice: probably those of the West, as the jGtotiaiis had either already incurred Alexan- der's Tehenent diapleasuia by the reduction of (EoiadB, or were meditatti^ the blow whinh theji afterward struck.* Athens, however, did not venture to stu', though Demosthenes, ao- cordiug to his rival, olaimed the meri^of hav- ing been the principal author of the moTemenls in Pelopannesua(t Alexander's Aatterii^ pres- ents may have concorred with the garrison of the Gadmea, to restrain bet from a step whiob WDold have exposed her to tbe fate-ofThebes. The news of Alesaoder'a progress in the East rather encoutaged than disheartened the Pelsponnesiaus, Tha farther he advanced, the less probable itbecame that be would ever re- turn to Greece ; the longerwas the interval al- lowed for some decisive stroke, while Macedo- nia was abandoned to its own resources, which were almost exhausted by the incessant de- mand of levies for the anny in the East. They waited only for a favourable opportunity ; and this was at length afTorded by events which took place in the countries north of Macedonia, which were subjectlo Alexander. Zopyrion, Who bad been appointed governor pf tbe mari- time region between tbe Balkan and tbe Ban- nbe, had engaged in a rash expeditionagainst " Ftatocli,Al..W. 1 Xmcbim, Ct",, t ITT. the Scythians, had been deleated and siain ; and tbe greaterpart of hia army, 30,000 men, had shared his fate,* It vras, perhaps, this disas- ter that encouragedMemoon, the governor of Thrace, to throw off his allegiance to Alexan- der, and to excite the Thracians, who vera tbemaelves sufficiently impatient of the yoke, to support him in his revolt. t While Antipater marched to suppress thia rebellion, the Pelo- ponneaianconfederates, thinking that they now saw a juncturehighlypropitiousto tbeir de- signs, assembled their forces,and denlaivd open war against Macedonia. The Spartans first took the field under their kingAais, with the entire levies of Laconia, and a body of merce- naries, and gained a decisive victoiy over an army whioh was broughtagainst them by Cor- ragus, of whom we do not know whether he was a .Maoedonian or an Arcadian leader.! Bat he probably eommanded tbe troops of Megalop- oils. Afler his defeat,Agis was Joinedby the other forces of the loague,which, including 10,000 mercenaries, amounted to 30,000 foot and 2000 horse, and laid siege to Megalopolis. He pressed itso closely, that its fall was dai^ expected, when the news came (hat Antipat"r was advancing to its relief. When he heard of the moTflmeuts in Feloponnesds, be brong^t tbe war in Thrace, where he had probably il- readygainedsoQie decisive advantageover tita enemy, to a speedy termination ; and then hast- ened southward, on his raaroh ooUecting tbe forces of all tbe stales whioh stUl adhered to Macedonia,so that when he arrived in Fele- ponnesua he waa at the bead of 40,000 men. Agia,though BO much inferior in numbers, did not decline a battle, and it seems that he skil- fiilly endeavoured to compensate for the difler- le by the strength of his position, and that it I not untn he was drawn from it in pursuit [he enemy, that the fortune of the day turned favour of the Macedonians.^ He himself, early in tbe action,was severelywounded,and earned out of tbe fiaLd ; but,finding that hja pursuers were on the point of overtaking him, ordered hintselfto be set down, snd,resung on one knee, defended himself to the last with a spirit worthy of Sparta, Tbe allieslostbelwesa 5000 and 6000 men ; Antipater, according to the more credibleaccount, more than 8000. After this defeat,nothing remained for tbe vanquished but to throw themselves on the con- queror's mercy. Antipater, however, would not undertake (o decide on the conditions of peace. To relievehimself from reBponsibility, or rath- er, perhaps, in imitation of the policy which Philip and Alexander bad adopted on similar occasions, he assembled a congress at Corinth, and referredthe case of the rebelliousstates to its judgment. The Achteaos and J^loliaiiB were coadenmed to pay a fine of 130 talents to Megalopolis. But tbe congress itself did not t^tVl't^' fl laoralimpcnibihijrthftt the lnlTl"lliDuldh 1 la hacrdmiiL Corneal, bnrevvr, "Jwb i OiKkBuna. Wa fiiuliiHimliiciiui " HISTORY OF GREECE. "end in embus; to Alessnder to learn bis This Uow rireted the chains forged at ChRr- onea, which, however, were stiU deatined to be buret by more than one gallant struggle, thoagh never to be finally shaken off Alexander, when he heard of Antipater's sncceu, is said to hare spoliencontempluously of Iht tallU of mici.i which his lieutenant had been fighting, while he had been slaughtering oijiiadB, and oveminning Mngdoms; and while the eveDl continued un- known, it did not in the sligbteatdegree inter- Are with his operations. Vet Antipater's tic- tory was, perhaps, not much less hardly won than either of his own over Darios. Bat from the distance at which be now stood, Greece nod Macedonia began to appear rery diminutive objects. His little kingdom was now chiefly val- nahle to him as a nursery of soldiera ; and the most importantadvantage which he reaped from the establishment of his power in Greece was, that it ensured a constant succession of recruits for his army. But he had resolved not to be much longerdependant on his European dominions for such supplies. The barbanans, be believed, only wanted training to become as good troops as the Macedonians ; and he gave orders that hoys should be selected from the hardiest races to be instructed in the Greek language, end in the use of Macedonian arms. " This was the first step towards an interfusion of European and Asiatic blood, manners, and feelings, which he appeare to bave contempla- tCil as the firmest support of his throne. CHAPTER Ul ALixintiEs'i next object, alter the sabjeclion of Hyrcania had secured a comtuunioation be- tween the ahorea of the Caspian and the inte- rior provinceson the south aide of the chain of Elburz, was to oruah the resistance which he had to expect from Beaaua and his remaining eonfederatea,and to take possession of the eastern satrapiesas fsr as the borders of India, where a boundless field layopen to his ambi- tion. The power of Bessus was the most for- midable, as weU on account of the extent and resources of the fertileand populouscountries which he.govemed, as because the adjacent steppes of Tartary, and the bi^ table-laud to the east of his province, both aObrded a ready ' refuge from pursuit, and might again supply him with numerous auxiliaries. It was, there- 'fore, to this quarter that Alexander's attention * Dni)wn'iulBiinlloiii( eslirelj nHmd f" hit ksn, whw CBHiiuit. h* ctumi U cgndder u Ui" cm"" at got 111* Itapb of chiminj Ihi SduUdi Iwbo, U leul, nn D" " fuun) wiih mm u iCTouh of Gnta, bt- was mainly I Srected. fnm the Hyrcantan capital he m^^tW into the territory of the Par- thyBaos, or 'p-'Pthlans " ^e pea[de vrho were destined to \EA"t so targe a portion of his em- pire from his successors " which lay at the sonlhemfootof theElbnix.' It must not, how- ever, be sDpposed that he retraced his stepa. He, no doubt, advanced slong the southeast corner of (he Caspian,through Kerkan, and then crossed the lower ridges which connect the Elburz with the Indian Caucasus. He tbos came within the borders of Aria to a city called Susia,most probablyTous, ruins of which ars stillfound near Meshed, the modem capital at Persian Kborasan.f Here he was met by Sati- barzanes, the satrap of the province, to whom he restored his satrapy as the reward of faia submission. An importantally was thus de- tached from Bessus ; snd Aria,acknowladgiDg Alexander's anthority, parted Bactria from the southern provinces, two of which, Drangiana and Arachosia, were governedby Barsaentea, one of the murxierers of Darius. As Alexander expected re. enforcements from Media, he or- dered Anazippus to accompany Satlbarzanes viih fortyhorse-dartmen,to prevent any hoa- tilitieswhich might arise through mistake be- tween the natives and the troops wbii^ wers on their march from the west. At Susia he received intelligence that Bessus had asmmed the tiara, the name ofArtaxerxes, and the title ofKing of Asia; that he bad been joinedby a great number of Persisns.had col- lected a powerful Bar.trian army, and expected to be re-enforced by some of the Scythian tribes. Bessus was evidently aware of the advantage which he might derive firom the enaigns of roy- alty : and this was a hint which must have con- firmed Alexander in bis resolution not to neg- lect them. Hewashere joinedby a parlof the troops from Ecbatana,including (he Thessalian volunteers and other mercenaries, horse and foot,under Philippus and Andromachus, and wan rapidlyadvancing towards the Oins " in the di" rectiun, it seems, of Meru"Shsh Jehan " when ti- dings reached him that Satibarxanee had put An- axippus and his party to death, and was collect- ing ejl the forces of Aria in the city of Artacoana, with the intention of joining Bessus. He had not supposed that Alexander would have turned aside from his route to distuib his preparations. But Alexander instantlyhatted,and, having ordered Craterus to follow with tiie main body of the phalanx,pushed forward witb two bri- gades, the lighttroops and the cavalry of ito guard,by forced marches towards Artacoana, At the unexpected news of his approach, Ssti- bananes look to flight, and was deserted by most of his troops. Artacoana, which stood on a high rock,precipitous on one side,and weU supplied witb water, did not immediately open its gates ; and Craterus was ordered to besiege " Sintn, s., ". VoD Hunmu (Wiimer Jihrtnidwr, 10 a liiiKrUiUoii m hii FMifnim iu Ortnli. iii., p. IIS. "ml Chonna, in PulhTBI v FuThfanc, which ha m"k" ID riUnii vntwaid u fu u Khi(a. H* dou BM auk in "t"" AboDl HTiniMn niW N.N.W. oT Hiiit"d,ipa lbs Inach g( Ihi Muhxt Rim."" rnw, lOBratm, p 91" AHTACOANA." PHILOTAS. flU it, while the Mng bimself pursaed the fugilivea into tbe heart of their mountains. Those who remained in the villages were spared; o( the rest, few escaped deatb or slaver;. On bis re- tnrn to the camp, Artacoana surrendered, and Ar- saiues, B Persian, was appointedsatrap of Aria. Not very far from Artacoana,j^etprobably not BO oeBrly on the same site as bas been common- Ijsuppoaed, Alexander's eye was struck by the cemrai position and extraordinary fertility of a plain on ibe banks of the Arius (theHeri-rood), which indoced him to found a city tbere for a Uacedonian cniony, to be called by his name (AlexandriaAriorum) : under that of Herat, it still preserves bis memory, and coatitiuee to be the great inland port of the East,*an emporium of commerce between (ndia,Persia, and Tar- tary. The army then coatinued its march southward to Propblhasia(probabJy Furrab, in Seislan). the capital of Drangiana. Barsaentes was stillless prepared for resistance than Sati- barxanes, and ha fled across the mountains into the territory of one of the Indian tribes, on the borders of bis eastern satrapy, Arachosia. But it seems that the fame and the terror of Alex- ander's arms had gone before him, for he was seized bj the Indians, and sent to Alexander, who put him to deatb. The army'sstay at Prophthaaia was render- ed, tmhappily, memorable by. one of the dark passages in Alexander's history : the firstcload that casts a shadow over his heroic character ; the first calamity that imbittered bis hither- to uninterrupted prosperity. He discovered grounds for soapecting that a conspiracy had been formed against his life, with the privity, at least, of several of bis principal nobles, of some who held the highest offices near bis per- son, and bad been distinguished by the most signal marks of bis favour and confidence ; among the rest, by Parmenio's son Philotas. Philotaa was at this time the only surviver Of three brothers who had accompanied the expe- dition. Hector, the youngest, had been drown- ed in the Nile,as Alexander was descending the river,on his return to Syria. He had been always much beloved by the king, who was oeaiiy of the same age, and was interred, by his orders,with great magnificence.Nicanor, the commander of the hypaspists, died of a sud- den illnesa, while the army was in fullmarch against Bcasusi at this loss,also, Alexander expressed much grief;but,as his own move- iDeals admitted of no delay, he left Philotas, with a body of the cavalry which he commanded, to pay the last rites to his brother's remains. Philotas hrmself,as the commander of the horse- guard, stood nearer to the king'sperson than any man in the array except,perhaps, Craterus and Hephiestioa. None hail enjoyed a larger share of the royalbounty; nor, indeed, would his temper, which was inclined to bonndless profusion, and to ostentatious magnificence, have been satislied with any ordinarysupplies. Nererlheless, it was long since he had really poBsessed Alexander's confidence. Daringhis stay in Egypt, Alexander had received secret infonnationof language used by Philotas in pri- vate conversation with a person to whom he thought he mightsafely uabosom himself, high- '"" "o his BOTcreign. It was a Greek * CbiiMi* la PonintuV Trtnh, p. 41S. ^1, one of the captives taken at Damums,* m whose company, while he boasted of bis own exploits, he afl^ted to speakslightingly of Al- exander, as a stripling who owed alt that ha bad acquired to himselfand his father.! Soma of these expressions had reached the ears Of Craterus,who, if not an enemy, was a rival both of the father and the son for Alexan- der's good graces, and he brought the girl se- cretly to the palace, to tellher story to the king. It is painful to believe that Alexander could have listened to such contemptible information ; but Ptolemy and Ariatobulus agreedas to Iba fact that itwas in Egypt he conceived the Grat suspicions of Philotas,t which appear to ban had no other ground. Yet he continued,u we have seen, to employ his services in ths same high station, and outwardly to honour him as much as ever with his favour and conS- dence,while, from time to time,he received fresh motives for suspicion and resentment, through the same impure channel. Still, it !" scarcely credible that he had hitherto enter- tained any serious doubts about his loyalty. He could not, in that case, have allowed him to retain a post which gave constant access to his person ; nor would be have chosen Parme- oio to superintend the transport of the treas- ures which were accumnlated at Echatana, and to command the forces by which they were guarded. But even his respect for Parmenio appears to have been much abated,especially amce the battle of Gaugamela, where the old general, whose c" "'" - '- ""-' betrayed some want of energy a From Philotaa he had been long, at heart,com- pletely estranged, and was open to still mors unfavourable impressions concemiag him Tlta offence which ITiilotas had givenby the indi"- cretion of his language had been much aggra- vated since Alexander hud begun to assume the Persian state, and since a question had arisen as to the honours which be was to re- ceive from the Macedonians, Philotas,as waa to be expected from his character, which wia frank and generous, but arrogant and harah,ap- pears to have declared himself strongly botk against the compliance required from them and the reasons alleged for it. Both in puhKo and in private, he ridiculed the story which was be- coming current, of the oracle which had Tevelt ed Alexander's supernatural birth. ' Ifwe aaj believe Curtius, he had even ventured to write, in a letter to the king, that he cangratulated him on his admission into the number of tba gods, but that lie pitied those who were doom- ed to live under one who was not' content witk the limits of human nature, II was, therefore, clear that he might be expectedvehemenilj to oppose the changes which Alexander wished ta introduce. Such was the state of Alexander's feelinga towards Philotas, when Dimnus,a Macedonia* officer, was charged,by a youth named Nicom- achus, with whom he was on terms of the clo- sest intimacy, with a plotagainst the king'* life. Nicomachus had informed hisbrother Ceb- 4B br AQbiphndmifi DO hn puHnBo uch. D, aUx Fort,il.T. id.li. , . t Pl.UT.h, u. ... "d A].,M, (tAT*n.4^"". 919 HISTORY OF GREECE. BUnns that Dimnus had pressed him to take Cin the conspiracy,and, as an inducement, named aevera] officera of high rank as his Bocomplicea. Cebalinus, who feared to excite BUspicion if he applied for an audience of the king,happened to meet with Pliilotasat the TOlace gate, and disclosed the danger to bim. Fhilota" entered the palace, and had a long in- terriew with Alexander, hut did not mention "he informatioD be bad received,and, in an- swer to the inquiries of Cebalinua,alleged that the king had not heen at leisure to attend to him. Another daj passed ; the same opportu- nity oflered itself; and againno use was made of it. The third day was that on which the at- tempt was to be made againat the king's life. .Cebalinus, Ending that Fhilatas had not spoken to the king on the subject, addressed himself to Metron, one of the royalhousehold, who im- mediately carried the message to Aleiander, though he happened to be then in the hatii. Cebalinus was brought into his presence, and, while he was examined, orders were giren to arrest Dininus, Dimnus, howerer, either kill- ed himself, or struggled so violently against the officersthat he receiTed a monal wound ftom Thus, nhile'his guilt seemed to be proved, so evidence remained as to the particulars of the conspiracy, but such as might be givenby Nicomachus, a person whose character did not entitlehim to fullcredit.* Bat Alexander now "discovered that the infonnalion had been re- "Ceived two days before by Fhilotaa, and called upon him to account for his silence. Philotas pleaded, in excuse, that the author of the story qipeared to him so contemptible, that he did not think it fitto be mentioned to the kitig ; he ap- pealed to the whole tenour of his past life in proof of his innocence, and begged the king, however reprehensible his silence might have been, not to interpret itas treason. Alexander wpeared to be satisfiedwith his apology, and c^rod his hand in token of forgiveness. But he forthwith held a council,at which Nlcom- acduia was introduced, and repeated his sto- IT- Philotas was absent ; and Cratems telEed the occasion to revive the king's suspicions "against him. He was supportedby Hephss- lioQ,Ctsnus,Eriguins,Perdiccas, and Leonna- tus ; and Alexander was persaaded that it was necessary to arrest Pbikitas, and to wring the ttnlh from bim. That evening Philotas supped at the royal table ; but in the night his house "was surrounded by armed men, who led him a prisoner to the palace. Guards nere stationed at the citygates, to prevent the newa from be- ing carried to Panaenio. The next day the Macedonian troops were assembled, according to the forms used when they were toconstiiule a tribunal for the trialof a capital cause, as the represetnative of the Macedonian people. The corpse of Dimnus was exhibited; the witness- es, Nicomachus,Cebalinus, and Metron. were produced; and, when Ihey had given their evi- dence, Alexander himself came forward as the accuser of Philotas. The speech which Curtius puts into his mouth, though perhaps the rhetor- " Drnjrm (p. SS V Juffigtittf "u dtr EdelscJuar iti Koenigit^ belong to the Roman writer, may be considered as faithfully represanting the substance of that which he dehvered. We know, from the concurringtestimony of Ptole- my and AristohuIuB.that the strongest argu- ment on which the charge of treason was gronnded was drawn from the prisoner's si- lence as to the information he had received from Cebalinus ; we may. therefore,easily be- that Alexander endeavoured to supply the deficiency of this evidence by allthe other indi- cations he could collect of treasonable designs. When Philotas was arrested, it seems that his papers were seized, and that among them was found a letter fKim his father, written before Nicanor's death, in which he gave some advice both his sons, i^icb, if it had been ascer- tained that they were engaged in a conspiracTy, might have hc^en interpreted as a cautious allu- sion to it. He Dade them take care firstof themselves, then of their friends; so, he adde^ we shall accomidish our purposes. As to the nature of these purposes, itcontained no futher hint. Yet it seems that Aleiander produced this letter as a proofby which he himself -was convinced Aat both Nicanor and Parmesio sha- red the treasonable designs of Philotas. As to Philotas himself, the assembly was reminded that he had been the intimate friend of the pre- tender Amyntas, and had been strongly sus- pected of having abetted his attempt to ascend the throne after Philip's death ; and that Atta- lus, the implacableenemy of all the children of Olympias, had married his sister. The inso- lent, if not treasonable language in ^ich be had been long used to speak of his sovereign and benefactor, the andacious letter in which ho had sneered at the oracle,were now fbr the first time made pubUc. Alexander himself could DO longer doubt that his lifewas in dan- ger; it only remained to be seen whether his faithfulsoidierB,on whose loyalty be cast him- self, would shield their king tnnn the daggers of traitors. Against such an accuser, a hero who was the idol of his army, a sovereign on whose favoor everyman presentdepended forwealUiand pro- motion, whose lifewas so precious that it could not be too dearly secured by any sacrifice, and that bis simple affirmation of his own apprehen- sions might seem suiBcient proof of his danger.it must have gone hard with any defendant. But Philotas was not even popular with the amy ; bis character was not amiable : he had made himself generally obnoxious by his overbearing manners, by bis invidious display of his enor- mous wealth,by the luxury in which he indul- ged at the expense of the soldier's comfort: often, when the men were seeking their qoar- tera. had they found the way blocked up by a trainof carriages laden with the general's treae- urcs; often had they been turned out of tiieir lodgings to make room for hia attendants, and even forced to take a circuitous path, that their noise might not disturb his slumbers. But it seems that he had stillmore deeply wounded the feelings of the Macedonians by another kind of indiscretion : he did not disguise his contempt for the nationaldialect and manners; he professed lo know no language hut Greek, and to need an interpreter to converse with the soldiers who onlyspoke their mother tongue ; TItUL OF PHIL0TA5. S13 he aSected to tre"t the Hacedonians as no bet- ter Ibaa barbarians, perhaps claiming a pure Hellenic origin, like Alexander's, for his own family; and, ae if borrowrng the tone of De- mosthenes, insulted Ibeoi with the names of Phrygians and Paphlagonians.* Such a per- Eon, charged with aa atracious crime by one who was as much admired and beloved as he was baled and envied, could not be viewed with impartial eyes ; though man; may have been moved with a feeling of pity at the re- verse offortuDe by which the man, whose pride Kucely aclcnowledged hia king ae his superior, was brought before them as a criminal to await Ml doom Trom them. If there were any who hesitated, and who watched the effect which the accusation producedon others, their doubts must have been removed when CienuB, the prisoner'ebrother-in-law,cajhng him parricide and trsitor, was seen to take up a sl^ne, to set the example of the punishmeot which, accord- ing to ancient usage, a Macedonian assembly, cotnbiiiiDg the functions of judge and eiecu- tinner,lofllcted, in such cases, with its own Bat this Bummary proceeding would cot have ratisGed either Alexander or the prirate ene- mtea of Philotas ; and it was suspected that ibi" buret of loyalindignation was only a feint by which Ccenus endeavoured to save his kins- man fironi the faitber ignominy and torture which awaited him. The kinginterposed, and declar"d that the culprit should be heard in bis own defence ;1and, that he might have the full benefit of it,himself, in the mean while, with- drew from Uie assembly. It wonld be of little importance, ifwe were able to ascenaiD how far the speech of Pliilolaa ha" been faithfully reportedby Curtius : the ar- guments Btiributed to him are equallystrong, whether he used them or notl: It was not pre- tended that Dimnus, though he was said to have enumerated his principal accomplices for the very purpose of attracting Nicomachus into the plot, had ever mentioned hia name, which wonld have bad more weight than any of the others. He admitted the fact of his silence, which alone garo a colour of probability to the charge-, but the king himself had, at first, pro- fessed to be satisfied with the explanation he had given of it ; and the utmoet it could prove, was some degree of imprudence and remiss- DCBa, He owned that he had not thought a story which came to him through such a chan- nel aa the worthless stripling Nicomachas, fit for the king's ears ; It seemed likely to agitate him with causeless apprehensions, and to lead 10 the sacrificeof many innocent lives, Alei- andn himself had taught his frienda to be cau- liona in such matters when be neglected Par- inenio's information about the physicianPhilip- " ylwi tiiii ghirtn^T. M BwiHr in wIhsIi moftn ko dund ic th* p'tatirput tad i^ MHHMt, i JMt luiwM,Mlf IhBTBHWBPllifc", r r-. "" jp"" " bmdi or gs(4 hith u " UMtlu *"n ODgnut- M; Bid ;"( ba (niUM* u ipaak (a, *M) nf Ik* lasudlJ pus ; but, if he had been an accomplice of Dim- nus, was it credible that he should have waited passively until the plot was revealed to others ! that he should not have stopped the mouth of Cebatinus,or have taken advantage of the fre8 access which he had to the king's person, to forestall the disclosure by the execution of his design ! Could he have foreseen the death of Dimnus, or have believed himself safe while he lived ? Had he much to gain,or, rather, not everythingto lose,by the crime which be was said to have meditated 1 He possessed,indeed, considerable power and influence through tha station which be occupiednear the king. But was his popularity with the army such that he conld have expected to rise higher when Alex- ander should be removed 1 From an impartialtribunal, which adopted the princi[de, that a defendant is to be account- ed innocent until he has been proved to be guilty, there is littledoubt that such arguments would have obtained an acquittal, though theymight not dispel allthe auapicions raised by the con- duct of of Pbilotas But, before he had conclu- ded his defence, be was interrupted by clanw onra, which too cleariy showed die disposition of his judges; and, at the end,they were ready 10 have torn him to pieces. But Aleianderre- tumed, and adjourned the assembly to the next, day, and the prisoner was led back to the pal- ace. It seems tohave been feltthat such prools, though sufficient " as they would have been bad they been stjn lighter " to procure the condem- nation of Philotas,scarcely aflbrded a decent ground for a charge against the venerable Par- menio ; nor, we may hope, would Alexander himself liave consented, without some better evidence, to sacrifice bis father's old friend, tbs general to whose assistance Philip accotmted himself must indebted for his conquests,* who had been the guide of his own yoath, the com- panion of his victories, who, though he seldom saw hia advice followed,was never weary of suggesting what appeared to bim the beat. It is reasonable to suppose that he, at least, de- sired to ascertain the truth on this point,even though he might not have had fortitude enongh to act upon it according to the dictates of jus- tice. According to the prejudices of that age, those which then prevailed in the most civi- liied nation of the earth, and which have beeii but slowly and partially dissipated by the hght vfhich we enjoy, no evidence was so trualwor- thy as that which was extracted by torture. Philotas was reserved for this trial, Hephns- tion,Cratenis, and Ctenus were appointed to preside at the question, while Alexander wait- ed for the result in another apartment, not luo distant, it is said, to hear the prisoner's shrieks. Philotas appears to have givenway to the force of pain and terror sooner than had been expect- ed, and he at last made a confession as ample and minute as his tormentors desired ; yet it was a atory ao improbable,that,even with- ont any knowledge of the previousfacts, we should be led to conclude that, since his ena- roies reliiaed to dictate it, he ftanaed it to suit their wiriiM. The main thingrequiredwae, I* lookr to b* "u* tu raSTORY OF GREECE. (hat it should involve hie father, -' Bit his own goill. He confessed thai Paime- "io bad been induced to form a deaignagaiast tike king's lifebefore ttie death of Dariua,bj the inattgation of bia friend Hegelochus, who had aince fallen in battle, whose indignation had beeo excited bj Alexander'a claim to di- vine hoDoura. While Dariua lived, Pannenio bad not thought it prudent lo remove the king : he himself" for the admission of the geueral forpoea was not deemed auScient, unless he "lao acknowledged bis participation in the plot OfDimnuB " had haatened his measures through Aai lesthis falher,who was now seventy years M, might be snatched away by death from the oommand which placed the royal treasure at his diaposal. The next day thia confeasiwi was read belbre tbe militaiyassembly, in the presence of Phito- tas, and of the persons named by Nicomachua, Wtaowerealt deapatchedon thespot. Tbe next BMMt pressing care was to get rid of Parmenio belbrehe heu:d of his son'a death. He was at ttttdiatanoe of between thirty and fortydays' march; aa euoa as the news reached him, he night be expected to revolt,and, with such treasure in his bands, had means of doing much luirm,ifnot of ondangeriogAlexandei'a throne. Polydamas,one of Farmenio'a intimate frienda, was chosen to carry an order to Oleander, who Via next in command at "cbatana, to put hit" to death. He went, leaving his brochera as boMBgea, accompaniedby two euides. Mount. "d on dromedaries,they crossedthe desert, and WTived at Ecbataaa in eleven days. Poljda- mas, entering the cityby night, delivered the king's letters to Oleander, and the next morn- ing repaired, with him and bis principal oSicors, to Pannenio's reaidence,where, while the old man was reading a letter which had been forged for the purpose in liieaon'a name, they fellui him, and alew him. His head Alexander. Such is tbe account ^ven by Curtius of this toanaaction : in its leading outlixes it bears the "tasap of truth, and is perfectly oonaistent with flieHttlethat Arrian has reported from Ptolemy "nd Aristobulus ; though the Qreek writer paas- es over it so hastily, that we do not even know whether hia authors mentioned the torture. Iliey,too, probably related the aSsir as briefly aa possible. But their narrative carmot have been more fkvourable lo Alexander's character. For Arrian " bo low,at the twttom,waa hia esti- mation of his hero's virtue" declares himself in doubt whether he behoved in Parmenio's suilt, " only felt that hia own safetyrequiredbis death. And, in spit" of the confession wrung fiom Philotas, both he and his father appear to have been the victims much more of resent- ment and of policy than of suspicion.*Yet, til upon rried lo [r.WilUun K](iit rwi . barbarous aa ia the iniquity of the Whole trans- action, which hideously combines some of the worst featurea of Greek democracy and of East- ern despotism, we bare seen enough of the un- happy poailion in which Alexander was placed, to render him an object of pity rather than of blaroe ; and we need not auppase that hia gen- erouB nature had already been corruptedby pow- er and proaperity. The persona whose conduct throughout the aflair strikes ua aa most revolt- ing are the Macedonian noblea,especially Cra- terns. Certainly itwaa not pure zeal of loyalty that led bim to open Alezander'a ears to the wretched information which firstkindled hia re- aentment againatPhilolaa, and ailerward to di- rect the tortures by which the BUspicions he had instilled into hia master's mind were to be cod- firmed ; any more then thia waa the cause of his frequentquarrels with Hepha-stion. Of Hephteation, aa Alexander's personal and dear- eat friend,we might think more favourably ; but it is a supicioua circumstance,that he was rewarded with a share of tbe high command which had become vacant by the death of Phi- lotaa. Alexander did not now deem it safe to commit the whole to one peraon ; not even to his beloved Heph"stion. He divided the horse guards into two regiments, one ofwhich he gave to Hephsslion, the other to a peraon littleless dear to him, Cjeilua, aon of Dropidas. This division atrougly indicates how deeply distrust, even of tbe followers whom he admit- ted to his closest intimacy, bad taken possea- sion of his mind. It was tbe heavyprice which he had lo pay for his conquests : the penally, perhaps we may add, of auspicions too ligbuy indulged, which, again, were but the natural re- sult ofthe artificialand uneasy position in which he had placed himself between hie old and his new subjecta ; the necessityofalieoatingsome to galaothers, or of attempting to reconcile all at the expense of truth. It would have been wiaer, aa well as more magnanimoua, ifhe had refused to listen to the officious tnfoimalion of Craterus, or, with the aame generous conGdeuce which be had shown to bis physician, had com- municated it to Philotas. Bin the blood which had been shed called for DMre. After one traitorliad been punished, it was not fitthat others equally criminal should be spared. And now Alexander the Lynces- lian, whose trial bad been hitherto deferred throughregard for Aniipater, whose daughter he had married,was brou^l out ofhis priaou, after three years'confinement, to answer the charge on which he had been arrested. Tha hesitation which he betrmyed, when thus sud- denly called upon for his defence,was intetpict- ed by the soldiers aa a proof of conscious gmlt, and he fellbeneath their apears. But Philotas bad many friends of high rank in tbe array, who, it was natural to suppose, must have been ac- quainted with bis designa, which could scarcely havs* been accomplished without their concnr- Ihiicnun Uiui "" nttaity | itPmtm^ia hid cnintMl iMii i W, maid not hm ten tha Gm Tha tint whaa Fumniia "n" TRIALS FOR TREASON." OLYMPUS. 91S rence. Among thew were the soub of Aedroiii- enes, AiDjntss,Polemo, Altalua, entl Sinuni- as, who all filled important coiomaada. And the BUapicioDsuggestedbj their tatimacy wiih Pbilotas waa cDofiimed by the bebavioar of Po- lemo, (he joangest, who )eft the camp aa bood "a be heard of his iileiid'aarrest or torture. His brotbera;therefore,were brought to trial, in the same aaaen^dy, aocordii^ to Curtius, which had joit befbre exeetit"d its Judgmenton Alexander the Lyncestian. The king himself appeared in peiBon aa their proaecator ; but as in this case his feelings had not been strongljexcited, the lone of his accusation was probably much mild- er thao in that of Philotaa. The grounds of the ebarga, if cabnly conaidered, were manifestly triTolons, unless it waa necessaiy to put every Mend of Philotaa to deaUi ; and Amsmtaa, who was first called upon for hia defence,pleaded their canee so atajy, that th^ were acquitted. He immediatelyreqneeied that he might be al- lowdd to go in aeatch of Pidemo, and undertook to bring bim ba^ t" the camp. His request was granted, and ha returned the same day with his brother,who, it seems, had been unable to sDiqioTt the thought of tortures, from which in- Boeeoee afibrded no security. Alexander him- "^was now satisfied as to Amjntaa, who soon after died in his serrice. Alexander's conduct in this last proeecution might seem worthier of a Tiberius, if a better light had not been thrown on it by some facts, (or the knowledge of which we sre indebted to Curtina, and which are interesting in other points of view. Amyntas, when be was sent to bring new levies from Macedonia, bad been odered by the kiagto execute his commitaiOD without any regaid to the protection which mig^ be givenby Olympias to those who were unwilling to serve. It seems that Alexander had been informed by Antipater that his moth- er had abused her aiithonty in this manner ; it was probably one of the many complaints which the regent waa obliged to make against her in- terference in afiairs of state, from which ber son's directions expressly excluded ber. Much a" he toved her, he knew enough of her temper to be sore that she would not rest satisfied with a share of power, and,therefore, thought itbest to withhold it from her aitogeiher.Still, her restless and haughtyspirit gave riso to frequent Etdlision between her and Antipater, whose complaints oa(x drew a remark from Alexan- der, tbat Antipater did not know how soon ten Uwosand letters were blotted out by a single tear of a mother. Among the conscripts brought by Arayntas were some who had taken shelter in the palace, and wbom, in obedience to the king'soidera, he had compelledOlympias to giveup. Hence be became an object of her re- sentment, and she endeavoorod to prejudice her son against him and his brothers. Itwas not the ODly case in which she strove to instil suspicion and jealousy " perhapsequallygroundless " into Alexander's mind. Her advice,indeed,not to be so lavish of his favours as to raise his friends to a level with princes,* may seem to bavebeen dictated by pure maternal affection ; yet it ad- mitted of an application to Antipater, which rea- .ders the motive questionable. It does not seem inconsistent with what has been related that Alexander's diatmst should have been extended to hia soldiers, or, at least, that he should have wished to discover whether any of them had been tampered with by their offieers. Anian's silence ia no reason for re- jecting the statetnent of other writers, tbat be adopted the expedient, so Amiliar to the police of modem goTenunenls, of opening theirletters. Nor, perhaps,ooght we to reject the farther aceouDi" that be c"dtected the meii whose cttr- respoDdencegave proofs of discontent in a sep- arate corps " as a groundless fiction. This may hare been the notorious fact ; the opening of the letters a coiyecture to explain it. The story, at least, deserves notice,as indicating a report which seems to have been current in the It was probably late in the autnnm of 330 when Alexander resumed bis march. His ob- ject was now, instead of returning into the road to Meru, In niake himself master of the passes of Paropamisua, the high chain of motmtains which separates Bactria from the valleys tbat open to the southeast on the basin of the Indus. First,however, he advanced southward intetiie lertde plains on tbe banks of the "tymander (the Hetmund), which were than inhabited bj a peaceful and industrious tribe, the Ariaspisni, who, for the services they had rendered to Cy- rus, when, on his expedition to Scythia,they inj^ied his famishing army with provisioos, had been honoured by the great king idth the title of bis benefactors.' Such beneficence might some day prove equally "e vieeable to a Macedonian army ; and it was therefbre politic to encourage it. Alexander rewarded the boa pitable race with a grant of additional territory, and with some political privileges, which are described under tbe vague name of freedom ; - but he did not failto place them under tbe gov- emment of a sstrap. Here, it is said, he made a sojourn of sixtydays,which, however, he can hardly have devoted to tbe regulation of this little province. But if,as Curtius relates, he was joinedshortly after by the brigades of the phalaax from Ecbatana, it may be supposed that he wailed for their arrival. During thi* interval we findthat be waa stillhaonled bj tba fear of treason. Demetrius,a somatophyla^ was arrested as an accompliee of Philotas, and bis dignity was bestowed on Ptolemy, the aoa of Lagus, for whom it laidthe foundation of hia after greatness. have been near midvrinter n^en he lut on his expeditionagainst Bosana. to have ascended the valley of tbe Etymaatler, and so to have penetrated into Ara- choaia, the eastern satrapy of Barsaen tea, where be marked the aite of another Alexandria, which stillfiouriehes under tbe altered name of Kart- dabar. The snow laydeep on the mountains, and as he advanced northward the soldiers "at- fered extreme hardship from the severity of the ccdd and the scarcity of provisions. On bis T'^ nWOiBdn dlhgnilliBDilKi"C*^ ' Tliiiw"aUNiio(hli)', tie HISTORY OF GRKBOE. TOad he beard that the Arlaiw had been igaiD loosed to insuTrectkiQ )^ Satibananes, who bad entered tbe province with SOOO horse which he had received from BeasoB. He immediately' Mnt Erigulus, CalunaB, and ArtabazuB " who was, perhaps,supposed to possesa some inllu- ence over Ihe insurgenta " to qucH the revolt ; and the Failbian aalnip Phrataphemes nas or- dered to co-operate with them. In tbe mean while he arrived at the foot of the highestpasa by which he was to cross the Paropamisns, ealted Caucasus by the Greeks {the Hindoo "iih), into the basin of the Oxus. And here, perbai" about fifty miles aoithwest Of Cabal, he founded another Alexandria (adCaucaaum), where he planted a colooy of Macedonian vet- erans. The province of the Paropamisns waa oommlltad Co Proexes, a Persian ; the jEarrison of tbe city to Niloxenos, one of the officersof his guard. The time wbioh he spent in these qnartere is not distinctly mailed by the biatoriajts. Strabo "ays that he wintered there,bnt Arrian's lan- gnage wonld lead us to suppose that he Bt^ed ttiere no longer than was necessary for the IbondBtiDn of tbe new city ; and, as prudence finbade bim to wait for the season when new dangers and difficultieswould have arisen from the melting nf the snows, it may be presumed that he did not let himself be deterred by the . severity of tbe winter. It appears to have been by the pass which leads through tbe ancient olty of Bamian that he crossed the Hindoo Kuh, thongfa our authors do not mention any city which be found in the heart of the mountains. Daring the first part of its march the army snf- fered only from cold and fatigne; but,as tbe highlandsbegan to sink towards the vale of the OxDB, and its progresa was lass impeded by the depthof tbe snow, it began to eiperience scar- oitj of food, fieasns had not yet assembled threes suffloienlto withstand the expected in- vasion, and he placed his whole confidence on the natural obstacles .whieb might retard it. Be did not, however, trust entirely even to the mountain barrier which separated him from bis restless enemy, but, still fsrther to check bis progress, had ordered the whole country which tbe Macedonians were to traverse,between tbs lower valleys of the northern side and the left bank of tbe Oxus, to be laid completely waste ; BO tbst Alexander, as he descended, found him- self in an artificial wilderness, where he had eipecte^ an abundant supply. The provisions of the camp were at lengthentirely spent, and itwaa found necessary to sacriHee a part of Ihe beasts of burden to preserve the lives of tbe men. Even tblacoarse Are they found no wood 10 dress, and itwas only rendered tolerable by tiie silphiom, which groms in great abundance in these valleys, and is stilla favourite article of food among the natives. Yet it seeais that Alexander founded another Alexandria at the northern foot of the mountains, to secare both extremitfes of the paas. The hardahips of the march were a littlerelieved at the Bactrian town of Drapsacsor Adrapsa, where ho allow- ed his troops some days of repose. Drapsaca itself seems to have been situate among the highlands; for he is said to have advanced, after his halt there,to Aomus, which was not only a largetown, bnt,as its name im- ports, a fortresa bnflt an a manghef^; strong, that Alexander thonght fitto leave s garrison in it,though he had taken it,aa weU as DrapMca, at the firstassault He then pro- ceeded to Bactra,probably the modem Balk, which we might conclude to have been tben,as now, the chief city of Baciria, if we wore cer- tain that Dactra was, as Slrabo supposed, ths same place as Zariaspa, which Arrian seema to distinguish from it. In the mean while Bes- sus had crosaed the Ozns, bad burned tbe boats which carried bis tioopt over, and then, bend- ing his course tovrards Ihe northwest, bad bait- ed at Nantaca, probaUy near the modern Kar- shi or Nackshah. His Baotiian horse had ^t- ted his standard when they found that be did not mean to await tbe enrany'sap;?o8"A, but he was still accompanied by soiae poweilal chiefs, who were followed by a body of Sogdiaa cavalry, and by the Dah", one of tbe Scythtan tribes. Intell^enee irfhismovansnts had beea brought to Alexander by one of his courtierB, a Magian named Cobares, who thns at tbe aainB time showed how littlereliance oould be placed on the loyalty of the rest. At Bactra be was rejoinedby Erigsins, who bad quelled the re- volt of tbe Artans. and bad riain Satibananea himself with his own hands. Bat it seems that the report which he brought of the conduct of Anames raised Alexander's eoBpiciona of hia fidelity ; and he sent Stasanor to atreat him, and to succeed him in his satrapy. That of Bactria be committed to Arlatiazaa, but sain- moned the Bactrian chiefs to a genmsl asaem- Wy, oT review of their fbroea,to be held at Za- riaspa on his retain. As he waa iww aboot to cross the Oxos, be dismiaaed aome of his Ma- cedonian Iroopa, whom their age tod infinnl- ties rendered nnfit for the laborinos service irtiich avraited the army in the Scythian des- erts, and the Thessalian volnnteers, wliose march B". .. ._ their horses had perished. Bessus had probablypassed the Oxos at Ki" lif, where caravans proceeding Irom Balk to Karshi are still commonly ferried over.' Tbe road along which Alexander followed his tra- ces crossed a atrip of the great desert which stretches from the Caspian towards the skiita of the high table-land which contains the sour- ces of the Oxus and tbe Jaxartes. That in this march his army was much distressed by want of water may be easily believed,though At- rian's silence mi|^t lead us to suspect that CurtiDs has exaggerated its suflbrings. It was, however, one of (he msny occssioos in which Alexander displayed that passive forli- tnde which endeared bim to bis soldiers no lesa than his contempt of danger. On the last day^ march, as theyapproached the river, he woaU not quench his own thirst until their wants had been supplied. The Oxus was here not mnt^ lesa than 800 yards wide,i and there were neither boats to be procared nor materials fot boitdingany. There was, however, no eoExar at hand to oSet intemijKion, and Alexander transported his troops ssfisly over on the djna of the tents BtoliM with atiaw. The passage ^lt4}"tiiHUditl Lkaivpmidof CAPTURE OF BE88US." THE JAXARTES. S17 d six dafs. He then po^ed aeroea the attaen aorth at Itie liver, towanti Nautaca, but on bis waj was met by enroya froia two or the chief follotrera of Beasus, named Spitamenea and Dataphernes. Front them he learned that the mnirper had aheady experiencedtreacheiy like that vtiich he had practiaed towards Da- mm. He had been eeiied by Spitamenea and Dstapheme*, who now eiprea"ed their readi- neM to delirer him up to Alexander ifhe woald tend one of hia officersto them with a detach- ment of his army. He appointedPtolemy to this eerrice, with a aelect body of cavalry and Ul^t troops, and ordered htm to set forward wiUi the Dtmoet speed in pursuit of the fngl- tirea. Ptolemy executed his orders so zeal- OMly, that be perfimceH amsrchof t^nordirta- ly stages \o fonr days, and on the fourth reach- ed tbe place where Spttsmeoea had encamped the day before. Here, it ii said, he discover- nd that tbe two ohleb were warorlDg !" their pwpoBO as to the emrrender "f Beaana. Thia wM, perfaapa, a oonetolM which he dmr from their proeeediDgs; fin:he may Imta expected that, a" be was coming at their reqaest,they woDid have waited for Him. But itseems that tboogh Beama^was so littleesteemed that no band wBB raised in Ub behalf,they coold net depend on the willingneaa of their troops to nbmit to the Maeedonlaiw. Ptolemy, there- (bie, leftbis inAuttrybebfnd, and haateaed for- waod wttb hi* caxalryto orertake them. In tbs eoone of tbe day he came to a TiBage, or HsaU towa, Borromided by a slightfortification, wtera ho taaaA that Beasos had hem leftia tbe enstody of a Aw aMntu*. Tet it ia not qaite ele" whether tbey eonsidered themadves as hia jaileia or his goard*, for Ptolemy thm"fat it naeeaaary to cnetrele the riUage with hia canfay aad to negotiate with the inhabitanta.* When tbey ware assarad that do harm riioald beftn them if tbeygare up Beasas. they admit- ted him wttbin their walls, and be tocA posses- "im of the wretched nun who had so dearly potchased the brief eajoyraeat of a shadow (k SpiumeneB and Dataphenes bad withdrawn to a abort distuioe, ashanwd, it is said,toap" pear in person on snch an occasiim. That Ar- istobntos was miainformed when he reported that tbey themselvea brought Beeans to Ptol- emy is anqoestioaablo, aince the anthori^ of Ptcriemy, here a ptot of tbe sTeots whi"^ he related, is above all snspicion. But it scenu piob^lle that tbey wished it to be believed among their countrymen that they had relno- tantly sobmitted to the conqueror when tbey (band that reaistance would be unavailing, iriiilefitim Alexander they claimed tbe irtiole merit of tbe surrender. Tlieyappear, hcwev- er, to have accompaniedPtolemy when he re- turned with his oaptiva to the army. " ' ' sent du ... t the e t time to in"inire ia ^lat n tMim. Th* ondlilMi, ihu ibo- l"at, "HU i"t. tppUisMi lo lb Tot. n." E " army was to pam. When he himself oame v^ to the place in his chariot, he halted,and, aA"r havingopbraided the prisoner with the treacb- ery and ingratitude he had shown to |iia kiiw arid benefoctor, ordered him to be scourged, while a herald proclaimed tbe crimes for which he suffered. He did not,however, immediate- ly put him to death, but committed him to the custody of Oxathres,the brother of Darius, and sent hin to Zariaapa, the capital where he had latelyappeared in royalstate, to be reserved for a atijl more painAU and ignominiotia poniah- Alexander had now rsached the deligUfiil coimtry irrigated by the waters of the Kohit" ~"ZeraMan, the gold-showering " which is ex- tolled in the descriptions of Eastern writera, whose praises are confirmed by the testimony of Buropeao tiaveUeni as one of the paradiaas of the world. Its exaberaot CBrtil^ and beaovr have, no doubt,always made the deeper im- prasalon ftom the contrast th^ present to tbv drearyaterili^ of the adjacentdesert, ia wbkb the river,by tbe Greeks called Polytimetno-^ term nearlyequivalent to its modem Epithet " is lost, before it reaches the Oxos, in the salt lake of Dengiz. Witb the hoTses whicb h9 foond in ita pastures he snpplted tlie loaaas which bis cavalry had suatained in its march acToae the mountains, and through the desert on both aides of the Oxus, and then advanced to Haracanda, tbe capital of Sogdiaoa,which, througha singular coincidence, has retained tho greater part of its ancient name in that of a"- marcano, which it,Mvertheleaa, derived from a totally diatinettradition.t He [daoed a Uace- donian' garrison in the citadel;bnt, it aaama, IsA Spitaniene""though not witb the titleof aatrap " jn poaaeasioD of great authority,prob- ably aa governor of the district which be bad held under Besans. He then advanced towards the northeast,throu^ the hill coantry of Ura- tippa, or Osrushnaii,and, having croaaed the chain which branches westward from (he Ak- Tagh, or in which tbe Asferah mountains sink into tbe desert, arrived at the left bank of tho Jaxartes, probably not very far below Khojend ; not. however, without molestaliou from tbe nativea,who, suddenly deaceudin|^ from tba mountcuns, fell upon the Macedonians, whils dispersed in qnest of forage, and carried olT a number of prisoneiB. Alexander pursued theaa into their fastnesaes,and did not leave their country until he had reduced them to sutHtuB- "ioD,but himself received a Wound from an ar- row, which for aome time confined him to a litter. according to Cnrtins, ii irch thrtragl soription does not indicate, that he came to a small town where Xerxea, on his retum firom Europe, had planted the piieats tmA people of BranchidB, who had betrayed tbe toeaaures ot tbeir sanetnary into hia hands. That tbe Mila- sian troops who served in the Maoedonlan artDy should have been eager to take vengeance frit ' So c"U"irrDn"Ei"lDk.gi hillock, -ll"cl"ii"ali"liMB tbtliTarasdStinURUidlBiber, p. 1"). ha uclnil us* wu Ssghd (Intn").In Bfilwr.p. inrii.). 1 B"mir"d uauu Ub eilj at Saan-. Dionn, ii*w- inr, wnma* ita Ihii ttjtaiiuifj haa bta Mirtentirt"* SIB HISTORY OF GREECE. Q the descendanta of tlieciimi- dbIs, maj be easily conceiTed ; but that Alex- ander Bhould bave allowed' them Dot only to idtmder and deatroj the town, but to massacre the inhabitants, Bounds hardlycredible,though the alory casnot safely be rejected as a ground- leM fiction. Nonb of Uratippa,on the skirtsof the desert whieh interrenM between the hills and the JazBTtea,' stood a chain of fortreases, seven in number, which bad been built within a short distance of each other,apparently for the pur- pose of protecting Sogdianaagainst the incur- sions of the Scythian tribes ; the principal among them bore a name which the Greeks translaled into CyrapolLs, and which seems to isdicate that they all owed their origin to the ibunder of the Persian monarchy. Alexander leA a small garrison in each belbre he advanced to the left banh of the Jaxartee. He had now reached the borders ef a vast region, the nature ud exient of which were very imperfectly known to the best informed among the Greeks, Hie only facta which the Hacedonians were able to ascertain as to their position were, that the country beyond the Jaxartes was inhabited by a race of barbarians who resembled the Scyth- ians of Europe, and that the river discharged Its waters into a great lake or inland sea. Pob. aiblythey also heard the name of Tanaia among those by which it was known to the tribes of various origin which were seated on its banks. But, perhaps, even without this suggestion, theymight easily entertain the fancy that this was the stream which divided Europe from Asia,and, after a long courae through the heart of the Scythianwilderneaa, enteiwl the Lake Maeotis. It was a persuasiOD which must have been very agreeable to their pride to believe (hat they had traversed the whcrie of Asia in this direction, and it must have soothed theii better feelings to think that they were again on the confines of E"irope. Alexander could not have wished to dispel this allnaiM,even if he did not take pains to enconrage it i but it ia difflenltto believe that he ahared the ignorance out of which it aiMe, and that be had not a goDerally correct eoneeption of the distinction between the Caspian and the Mnotis, which had been long understood in Greece. He did not intend, for the present at least, to puah hia conquests beyond the Jaiartea. There was nothing to attract him intothe Scythian deserts while India lav b"hind him unexplored; and even if he had not reached the northern limits of Asia, he might well be content that his em- pire Bhould be bounded on this aide, as that of Oyras had been. But he wished both to erect a dtirablemonument of his expedition, and to provide for the secant; of this frontier more flflbetually than had been done by the seven fbrtresses : he therefore selected a site on the Jaxattes for a new Alexandria. No place "eems to correspond to this object so well as the anoient city of Khojend, which lies on Uie left bank, at the pointwhere the river issues from the highlands of Ferghana, and changes itsoouTse from southwest to northwest ; though it does not appear to have been ever very flour- ishing " a consecpience, perhaps, of itsunwhole- "ome air'" and the tradition of its Greek origin his been lost,transferred, perhaps, to Samar- cand, which stillboasts of Alexander as ila founder " While he was thus employed, he received two embassies, one IVom the Scythiansbeyond the river" the Europeans, as tliey were "^ed by the Macedonians " and another from a race in which be recognised those Abians whom Homer bad celebrated as the justest of man- kind. It is not clear whether their name con- tributed to suggest the thought of this identity, or whether it was merely an inference from the contrast between their peseeful habits and those of the predatory hordes which belonged to the same family. StiU less can we hope to ascer- tain their exact situation ; though it is most probable that they were seated in the upper valleys of the Jaxartes,where, secured by their mountain barriers,they maintained a quiet in- dependence. If their embassy struck Alexaii' der's imagintUion, that of the northern Scythi- ans eicit^ a much deeper intercM ; for itwaa from them that he had most to fear. He sent some of hia ofEcers back with their envoys, un- der the pretext of cultivating their fiiendship, but with the parpose of gaining information as to their country and militarystrength, whicii might be useful to him in some future eipedi- In the mean while an insnrrectionbroke out in his rear, which spreadrapidly over the new- ly-conquered provinces. It began among tbe mountaineers of Uratippa, who made a sodden attack on the seven ibitresses, and, having killed the Macedonian garrisons, proceededto strengthen their fortifications, and to prepare for a siege. But they obtained BDeeoars from the inhabitants of the Sogdian vaUeys, where Spitamenes and his associktes possessed the chief influeoce J and,though they hsd not yet declared themselves by any open act, Alexan- der had reason to believe that the revolt was caused bvtiieirinstigation.Spitamenes was a bold,ambitions, resUesa man, and, tboagh he appears to have met with a graoioDSreception ttom Alexander,had,perfaapa, expected " more liberal reward for hia trea^ery to Beseus, and may have been disappointed becanse fae had not been promoted to the vacant aatrapy. He had not only ezoited the Sradian* to rrtieDion, but hful drawn many of tiiaBaotrian chie" over to his side by insinuations that the asaembly to which ther had been summoned was meant aa a mare for their lives or liberties. Alexander's first care was to redooe the seven fbrtreases. He immedistely ordered a nomber of scaling ladders to be provided, and sent Craterus, with h detachment, to invest Cyropolis, while he himself marched against Gaza " a name which seema to survive in the Desert of Ghai, which stretches westward of Uratippa to the Sea of Aral " the fortress whi4dk lay nearest to the camp. It was defended by a mud wall of no great height, which was soon cleared by the misailea of the beaiegers, and rapidly scaled. Alexander ordered all the men to be put to death ; the women and children " formed part of the plunder; the town was re- duced to ashes. He then marched without delayagainst the next, which was stormed the same day, and underwent like treatment. Hie * Bthw,p.ia- THE SCYTHIANS." PASSAGE OF THE JAXARTES. "1" IbDowiDg morniag he advanced apan a third, and, wbUe he assaulted it,sent the cavalry for- mrd topFBvenl the iDhabitantaoftbe ttronext Irorn making tbeir escape. The unhappj bar- barians, when Ihey learned the fate of the seigbboaringtowns, firstfrom tbe amoke of the conflagration, and then from the fugitives, quit- ted their own lo seek refiige in the mountains, and, falling into the handa oC the Macedonian eavaliy, were almoat all cut to pieces. Thus, in two dajB, Alexander had made himself mas- ter of fiveoot of (he seven. Cyropolis, which was now the next in tua line of march, was both the most strunglj fortilied,and held by the moBt numerous and warlike garrison; con- sisting of 15,000 men, who had thrown Ihem- selTca into it as the place where thej might tape to ntalu tbe mast peiBeveriog resistance. Alexander here brought up his engines to play npOD the walls on one side,and led tbe enemy to believe tbst his sole object was to open a breach there. But be had observed that, on another side, tbe bed of a torrent wbich passed through the town, and was now dried up,* left a large entrance that had neither been filled up nor guarded. While the attention of the be- sieg^was engrossedby the attacks of the en- gines, he hinuelf, with a small body of light tioops, tuade a ciicoit, and, sheltered by the high banks of the empty channel,crept into the town unobserved. He immediately hastened to break open the nearest gates. Tlie barbari- ans, however, weia not dismayed by the sight of the enemy within tbeir walla, but boldly ad- vanced to repel him ; and a warm engagement ensned, in wbich Alexander was stunned by a heavy stone, which fellon the nape ofhtsneck, and not only disabled him for the moment, but lor some days almost deprived him of aigbt.t The barbarians were, nevertheless, forced to giveway, and were soon completelyoverpow- ered by a multitude of fi^sh troops, who poured in through the gates and over tbe deserted walL Eight thousand fellin the carnage which followed ; the rest took shelter in the citadel ; but, as it was not supplied with water, they, too, ware fain to surrender the next day. Their hrea, it seems, were spared,as, according lo Ptolemy, were (hose of the seventh garrison, which threw itself on the conqueror'smercy ; bat all the prisoners were kept in close confine- ment, to be transported ODt of the country. Short as this contest had been, it showed a spirit in the barbarians wbich must have led Alexander to anticipatea stillfiercer and more obstinate struggle with tbe other insurgents ; and it was scarcelyat an end before he (bund himself threatened by a new enemy ; for,on his retam to bis camp on the Jaxsirtei, be saw its right bank lined by a host of Scythians, whom Arrian distinguishes from those to whom the embassy had been sent, as the Asiatic. They probablyoccupied the country to tbe northeaat of the river, and differed in blood and language from those who ranged over tbe steppes west- ward, and to the north of the Sea of Aral and the Caspian. They might think their independ- ence endangeredby ^e risingcity; but it seems * Ttiia."" J"roj"BnobaeTT* ot Khotasd, niiiliii ncK lii - t Bs Vluueh (Dt AL Pi Hjnuu Iha (sua atOmoe M tlul Cjnfioluifi that they had also been urged by the agent* of Spitamenes to make tbeir appearance while the invader was occupied with the insurrection in the south. At the same juncturenews ar- rived that Spitamenes had taken up arras, and was besieging tbe Macedonian garrison in tbe citadel of Maracanda. Alexander sent a de- tachment to its relief, consisting of 1600 foot and 800 horse, all mercenaries, with sixty of his cavalryguard, under the command of An- dromachuB, Menedemus, end Caranus. But be appointed his interpreter, aLycian, named Phar- nocbes, to the command of tbe whole division, deeming bira qualified, by his knowledge of the language, and by the dexterity which he dis- played in his intercourse with tbe barbarians, to conduct an expedition in which more, it seems, was to be accomplishedby address (ban by force. The new city"though itwas only twen- ty days since tbe foundations had been laid" was by this time surrounded with a wall high enough to sosiain an attack ; and he now plant- ed a colony in it,composed chiefly of Greek and of Macedonian invalids. Having then con- secrated it with sacrifices and games, be pre- pared to chastise the Scythians. They were confident in ibei/ prowess, and at firstattributed the ioaclion of the Macedonians to the fear which it inspired. As they shot tbeir arrows across tbe river, which was hei" not very broad,they defied Alexander with bar- barian insolence, and threatened that, if be at- tempted to attack them, he should leam the diiference.between the Scythians and the effbm- inate races which he had hitherto subdued. Al- exander ordered pontons or rafls to be made, and the skins of the tents to be prepared like sacrificed to consult the gods on the issue of tbe enterprise. The victtmswere foundtofbreliode some disaster ; and the king, it is said, notwitli- Btanding his impatience, did not, at first, venture to neglect the omen. But when, on a second trial,they still presented a Ihreateoingaspect, he declared that he would brave an; dtmgor rather than bear the insults of the Scythians any longer. Aristander calmlyreplied, that he could not make a reportcontrary to the intiint tions given by the gods, to snit Alexandei^ pleasore. One mi^t sospeot soote coUnsloti between the king and his soothsayer, if we bo- lieved, what Cartios relates, that the aacrifioM suddenlyproredpropitioas.Airian,however, seems to have read that they continned imflk- vonrsble to the last, and that Alexander em- barked in spite of them. It seems more prob- able, therefore, that Aristander,who, no doubt, understood the practical use of his science as well as Xenophon, wished to divert his master from an undertakingwhich, even without any adverse omens, he might have judgedto be very dangerous;esoeeialiy as Alexander had wit yet quite recovered from the effects of the blow he , had received at Cyropolis. And Curtius gives strong warrant for the conjecture that he was Bcti ng in concert with HephKstion,Cratems, sso and GrigniuB, who all eadeavoored tlie king from his purpose. Wban the pontons were prepared, he ordered the engine to be plantedby tbe waler'a edge, while Uie troops were drawn up along the bank ready to embark. The Scythians were riding np and down on the opposite side with their utaal gesturea of defiance. At an appointed signal, a diechaige of misailea began, with an effect which seema to have amazed and terri- fied tbe barbariaos nearly as much as the Sre- mniB of the Spaniards did the natives of the New World. Several of them were wounded, and one of their braTesiwarriors fell from his faorBe,pierced through botb buckler and corselet. At Ihia si^t the rest retreated out of tbe reach of tbe enginesi and Alexander seized tbe op- portuDlly to begin the paaeage. Ho himself led the way. The oowmea and slingers were land- ed first, and were ordered to ply the enemy with their missiles, that they might not be aUe to fan upon the ioTantry until the whole of the caval^had crossed over. Ah soon as the whole army had come to land,he sent a small detachment of cavalry to charge the enemy. But the ScyUiiana waited for their approach, and then,Buddenl;wheeUng round, assailed their flanks with a shower of arrows, while,by the rapidity of their moTementa, they eluded every attack. Alexander, seeing his troopa en- gaged in an unequalcontest, advanced with the nlain body of his horse,interspersed with the bowmen and the rest of the lightinfantry; and HISTOKY OF GREECE. e uptc B squadrons forward to charge, while he followed at the head of a column flanked with the light troops.* Tbe Scythians, threatened by this secono division, did not venture to re- peat tbe evolution on which theyusuallyrelied, but which wculd now have exposed their Qank to the enemy. As littlewere tbey able to sua- lainthe charge with which tbey were assailed in front, Thej did not longkeep their ground, but sought safety in flight., Alexander, how- ever, was not to be satisfied with a decided vie- tory. He was bent on pursuing them untU the last nun was slain or taken. He pressed for- ward, in spite of tbe scorchingheat, with un- abated speed, and only paused for a few mo- ments at a well to slake his burningthirst. But the water proved brackish,or otherwise noxious, and he soon began to experience the effects of the draught, which compelled him to relinquish tbe pursuit, and to permit himself to be carried bacV,in a state of extreme danger, to the camp. So, Arrian observes, Aristander's prediction waa fulfilled ; and be believed that it was only Alexander's illneas that saved the Scythians from eztermiDation. About a thou- sand of them were lell on the Geld, and 160 taken. The defeat struck the rest of the peo- ple with awe. and Alexander soon after received an embassy from their king,or, as he was, per- haps, then called, the kbakhan,offering excusea for th" hostile proceedings of his countrymen, which he represented aa tho acts of a single tribe,not authorized by the general consent of the nation, and professing himself willing to " Mr. WilH submit to Alexander's pleasure. AJesanter graciously accepted the apology, which he could not becomingly have rejected, unless he had followed up the war in Scythia, for which be had [ He e restored the prisoners without a ransom. The fame of such clemency and liberality, coupled with that of his victory over a people which had hitherto been deemed by its neighbours invin- cible, attracted tbe homage of the SacK, who seem to have ranged over the highlands to the west of the chain of Belur Tlgb, and behind their mountain barriers might have thought themselves secure from his arros. He sent one of his officers with their envoys, when they relumed, under the same pretext, and with die same view, as in the case of (be Scythianem- But his attention was now drawn to another quarter by the tidings be received of the corps which he had sent under the orders of Pbar' nuches. Before it arrived at Haracanda, the garrison had successfully repelled the asMoIts of Spitamenes, and when he heard that another Maceflonian force was approaching, he raised the siege and retreated towards a city, which Arrian does not name, but which he describes as the capital of Sogdiana, a titlewhich be had before given to Maracanda. This second capi* tal,as it undoubtedly stood lower down ia the vale of the Sogd,may be now representedby Bokhara, Fhamuches and bis colleagues hast- ened to overtake him, and continaed to parsue him even after he bad taken refuge in the desert of Khiva. Here, however, he was joinedby a body of 600 horse, which the Scythian tribes of this region sent to his aid when they found that their country had been invaded ; and thus re- enforced, he ventured to wait for his pursuers. They came up with bioi in a plain on the skirta of the desert, which aSbrded ample room fbr tbe evolutions in which tbe Scythiancavalry ex- celled, and which, as we have seen, had called for Alexander's militaryskill, aa well as a su- perior Ibrce, to baffle tbem. Spitamenes now employed them with complete success. His Scytbun allies, eluding the charge of tbe Mace- donian cavalry, whose horaea were enfeebled by a laborious march and the scarcity of food, and, wheeling round the phalanx,galled its flanks with their arrows, and, as often aa they were put to flight, returned, afler a short inter- val, to ths attack. It soon became evident that the onlyhope of safety for the Macedonians lay in a apeedy retreat to some place of shelter,and the gener^ resolved to fallback upon the Poly- timetus, which offered a refuge in the woods that lined its banks. They formed their division In a hollow square, and reached the river, thoughpursuedby the barbarians, without much loss. But it seems that their movements were not welt concerted, and that Phamucfaes, whose talents were protiably not equal to such aa emergency, did not possess sufficientauthority over his colleagues.Caranus, who command- ed the cavalry, no sooner saw the river before hun, than, without orders, and before the rest were aware of his intention, he pushed forward to gain the opposite bank. When thia move- ment was observed by the infantry, who were stillmore eager to escape from the continual molestatiea which they itect utterly unable to ALEXANDER'S REVENGE." DOOM OF BE8SUB. lepel,they dtd not wail for a command, but fol- lowed in disorderi; baste, and plunged into the water. The Scythiansperceived the adTantage which was oflfered to them by the enamy'a mis- take, and,tiiBtsntly dashing into the river,at- tacked the fugitives on all sides. A few only had landed, and these were, for the most part, oTcnaken and cut down. The rest were re- paired from the bank, which was high and steep, and eiposed, without defence, to the enemy's arrows. At lengththe; all made for a small island,which, indeed, aSbrded tbera Snn footing and the use of their shields, but seems to have been open on all sides to the miBsiles of their assailants. Here almost all perished: the few prisoners who fellinto the hands of the barbarians were pot lo death in cold blood. According to Ariatohuhis,who, however, gave a diGerent aecoant of the opera- tions which led to this result,not more tban 40 borve, and about 300 fool, made their escape to bear the mournful tidings to Aleiander, It was the lirstdisaster that had befallen bis arms, and be hastened to wipe o? the stain. Spitamenes had been encouragedby his success to advance again on Maracanda, and renew the siege of the citadel. Aleiander, by one of bis extraordinarymarches, appeared there on the fourth day after be had moved from the bank of the Jaxartes ; but, on the news of his ap- proach, Spitamenesagain took to flight, and re- traced his steps towards the desert. Aleiander puraoeil bim with ardent speed, until he reach- ed the scene of the recent carnage, where he batted to pay the last honours to t^e remains "r the slain. But he stilldid not give up the hope of overtakingSpitamenes before he came lo the edge of the boundless desert, into which itwould have been madness to follow him. He therefore returned into the vale of the Poly- tLnetoB, and ravagedit, as he marched up the ilrer, in its whole length aad breadth,reducing the fortressee into which the unfortunate in- babitants fled for shelter, and putting to death all whom he fouDd there as accomplices in the revolt of Spitamenes. This is certainly one of the acts of Alexander's lifefor which it is most difficultto find an eicuse. There seems to be no ground even for the wretched plea of neces- sity or policy which has been urged in bis be- half Both Curtius' and Arrianl alford reasons loT believing tbst the mass of the So^dian popu- lation was peaceablydisposed, and had been urged into insurrection a^inst its will by the influence and arts of Spitamenes. The real notcve of the desolation with which the con- queror visited this lovelyregion can hardly be mistaken. It was mardfestly resentment for Ibe dishonour of bis aims, the loss of his troops, and the escape of Spitamenes. He wreaked his vengeance on the innocent,because he was not able to reach the guilty. But if anger is to be admitted as an eitenualion of such cruelty, the most horrible atrocities of a Jonghiz, a Tiraur,or a Nadir,must be accounted venial offences. It ought lalher to be ackowledged that faumanity was not one of the qualities that f*x^tKrr" 1 T"i! ffaptipntpdUn j|Hi adorned Alexander's charaoter, and that tiw olemeocy for which he has been often praiaed did not rest on this foundation, bat was the re- sult of less amiable feelings, even wbbre it wu not the eflbct of a m^e calculating polioy. He could not,perhapa, have Slledthe part which he acted in the history of the worU, if he had been capable of letting an emotion of pityrestrainhim in the career of bis ambition. In the narrative of his conquests there is hardly room for a moral reflection on the miserytbeycaused, because it would be equallyappropriate everywhere. But he is answerable as a man, even to posteri^, for all the evil he wrought which did not essen- tially belong to hie vooation as a conqueror.'' The year 339 was now drawing to a dose, and as tranquillity, or the solitude which con- querors call peace, had been established in Sog- aiana,Alexander, leaving Peuoolaua with 8000 men as satrap of the province,proceeded to take up bia winter-quarters in Zariaspa. Here he was joinedby the satrapsPhrataphemea and Stasauor, who brought Arsames, the auspected satrap of Aria, and Barzanes,who bad been appointed to the government of Parthyna by Bessus, with them in chains. About the same time he received TB^enfoTcements of Greek mer- cenaries broughtby Asander and Nearchns, and of Asiatic troops, which had been levied by Aa- clepiodoTus, tbe satrap of Syria. The generals who had escorted Menes and tbe treasure to the coast, also met him at Zariaspa. And now he held a solemn council,which was probabljr attended not onlyby bis own officers, but by the Bactrian chiefi^ to decide finally on the fate of the traitorBessus. He was condemned to be motitaled,according to Persian usage, in his nose and ears, and then to be oonve^ lo Eo- bstana,to suffer death in the presence of an as- sembly of Modes and Persians,which was to be called together to witness bia punishment. There can be littledoubt that Alexander's mo- tor this rigoroustreatment of Bessus was not so much indignation at his crime,as a poli- tic regard for tbe majesty of the throne, whiob bad been outraged in the person of Darius. Ar- justlycensures his compliance with tbe barbarous practice of superaddingtorture to death. It seems, however,to have been design- ed to gratify Oxsthres and the other kinsmen of Darius, to whom, accwding to Curtius and Diodoiva,the execution was committed. t Th^ * Drojnn'i utMnpt ta t"Uj"ta Ihv tmrtehliF oi Ueu 10 Sogittuil*nii"*Kl in na lEsuj- on Ihe Oaotinpliyof Ihe Aubuu. p. 911). MHd in SugdJuim. (Ijr*of Al.,p. 910.] ludeml.Itaa HISTORY OP GREECE. an uid to have pot him to a cruel deatb,* and eren extended tbeir veogeance to hia Ureleaa ivmaiiia, whioh (hej carefullyguarded, tbat theytni^t not be torn by bird or beast,an es- "ential condition, according to the Mogian reli- gion, or an honourable iotemient.t During hia ataj at Zarioapa his ambaseadois returned from the country of the Euiopean Scythians,accompanied by Scythianenvoys, "ent by a new king, tbe brother of the iaat,nho bad succeeded lo the throne in the interval af- ter the first emhasay. They broughtpreaeots and a roesaage froai their prince of even more friendly import than that which Alexander had received from his predeceaaor. He profesoed Um most unreaervcHl eabmiBBioB lo Alexander's pleaanre, and offiaredhia daughter's hand as a ^edge of the doae aUianoe which he wished to contract with hia powerfulneighbour. If Alex- ander ahouid not think fitto accept this propo- sal, he suggeated that the objectmight be ac- compliahedby a union between the great men of the Macedonian court and'the daughters of the principalScythian chief!(. Alexander re- ceived the envoys most graciously, and assured them tbat there was no need ofsucha connex- ion to cement the friendship that subsisted be- tween him and their king. Abont the same time ho received a BtiH more gratifying proof of the impreaaion made by the lame of bis victoriea, and of hia peraoual char- acter, on the neighbouringbarbarians, io the arrival of a powerful chief named Pharaamaues, who is described as king of the Chorasmians, and wboae territories, which longpreserved the name of Khauream, lay on the lower Oxus and the south coast of the Sea of Aral, probably comprehending the whole of the modem khan- ate of Khiva, and eitending.perbapo, farther northward, between the Aral and the Caspian. He came attended by a body of 1600 horse, not merely with general oflfersof snbmission and service, but, it is said, with a distincttender of his aid for a particular object which he himself "nggeated. He described his own dominions, we are informed,as borderingon the land of the Colchiana and the Amazons, and was ready, if Alexander was inclined to make an expedi- tion against those celebrated races, both to ac- company him as bis guide and to supply hia bm pnjadiefli. .,_"i lh(t " Altai ,-, H "oi"T|"dpobliclj (or failen ii|i of tho Piiduu m" u mch cntnifHlbv Iliaiign- distpiuiiihnMiit at Beam), h tbe"a of Ou Eki^ih Botjlin woBld bo. won llioj10 "* k Dako of NoiMk si NoRhua- boiUnd flogdidbf tbe buds nf Ibg ' Otancb lb" itrHti etle ' "boproprialj^ll Unosto wbich tho Poniui kinti vtr* uaod to inijce on ujoftbolr nbjeotovEiDiBebnwalboirdiipleuDrtAi to Ibo ooHtlan iueir,itDu bo (gSeint lo oUrns,OiU Ar- riftobbttoiAloissdor or sdoptmf ft bub"riu Hfo lb iho nmilbuU of BoMlft ; Ihlt,"g"dlll| U Diodomi aitd CdiUiu, Bhou wu tononit br Ibo Fonli Hut Alciuidor ODiM not bsn "C ' tun of tbo Pmiui br tbo iniBiak BiQidanr of tboii Ub^j^mJ ft- ulUid^.He, too, ... . " ._." _ _ . .^^^j^ ^ji^ _^^^ inpnwo army with provisions. It iS difficulthere to distinguish between truth and fiction. Tho mention of tbe Amazons seems clearly to prove that the proposals of Pbarasmanes have not been correctly reported. This suppoBed nation of female warriors was anobject of strong curi- osity to Alexander's soldiers,who had been fa- miliar with the story from their childhood, and, as they advanced towards the northeast,ap- pear to have been continually expecting to fall in with them. Hence a report became current, and found a place in the works of the greater part of Alexander's historians,that,on the banks of the Jaxartes, he had received a visit from a queen of tbe Amazons ; but the Chores- mian Icing, if he was acquainted with the name, must have heard it firstfrom the Greeks them- selves. Nor is it easy to explain how he could have been ted to describe himself as a neigb~ bour of the Colchiana, from whom he knew himself to be separatedby a great distance, whether of land or sea. Alexander, also,must have been perfectly aware that, when be moved eastward from tbe shorea of tbe Caspian, lie was leaving the aeata of tbe Colchians farther and farther behind him. Still, it is credible enough tbat Phaxasmanea may have proposed to conduct him round the northern shores of Euxine. He himself,perhaps, had but a vague notion of the distance i and Alexander must have greatly underrated it ifhe really made tba answer which Arrian attributesto him, that ha must first march into India, and so complete the conqnest of Asia : be would then return to Greece, and make an expedition with bis whole force, naval as well as military, into the conn- tries on the Euzine ; and be desired Pharaama- nes to keep himself in readiness then to assist bim 1 in tbe mean while to maintain a good understanding with Artabazus and the other satraps of the provinces which lay nearest to his territories. The planitself, however, which. this answer indicates is such as we may very well believe Alexander to have entertained. The accounts remaining of his nex:t two campaigns are very confbsed, Neither Cnrtius nor Arrian enable ua diatinctly to follow his movements. Arrian gives hut a brief outline, dwellingonly on a few incidents, and evidently not strictly adhering to tbe order of time ; and CurizuB mentiona some ^ta which raise a. Buapicion tbat tbe Greek author has either omitted or totallymisrepresented some very importantoperations. According to hia ac- count, when Alexander moved from Bactra or Zariaspa. in the spring of 8SS, be crossed tbe Aiver Ochns, and came to a city called Har- ginia, in the vicinity of which he founded six towns, at a short distance Irom one another,on loftybills, that they might tbe more easily combine their Ibices for mutual aid to bridle the disaflbcted province. Ifthe Oebna was, as is commonly believed,one of the streams wtdch flow towards the Caspian from the motmtaina which form the barrier that separates the t^le- land of Khoraaan from the low coantries south of the OxuB, there could be littledoubt that the name Marginia is connected with those of Ha]" giana and of the River Hargus, or Murghab, from which the provincewaa ao called : and it mj^t be mpposed that Atexsiider, before he croued ibe Oxas, bad made an expedition amubward to quell some disturbances wbich bad taken place in Margtana, and to secure the communicatioD betweeu Bactria and Asia bj' the lower road, which he had himself deaigoed to take before he was diverted from his pur- pose b; the insorrection of Salibaisanes, But it ia OBTtainly eaaier to believe (hat Cuitius was alti^^tbei mistaken in (his statement than that Aician either wholly omitted to mention tbeae transactions or described tben" in a raan- nar which, but Ibr this hint of the Roman wri- ter, would have rendered it impoaaible to rec- ognise their real nature. It is,besides, clear that,dnring the winter sojourn at Zsriaspa, Atozaoder's attention was fully engaged by the i"iiB of Bactria and Sogdiana. Some of the Bactrisn chiefs stillheld out against him ; and,though the greater part were kspl quietby his presence, he saw enough to eoovince him that he could not depend on their submiaaton any longer than they were overaw- ed by a superiorforce,at least while Spitame- nes waa at hand to excite them l" revolt -, and he teamed that,iwtwithataDdiiis his desolating lavagea, the Sogdiaes were not reconciled to hia yoke,but,intrenching tbemaelvea in their "Thia m FRESH REVOLT IN SOGDIANA." THE BOGDIAN ROCK SSH was held by a chief named AruoazeSt who had collected a great number, acconling to Curtlus, 30,000, of his coontrymen in it ; and the geit- aial belief that itwaa impregnable, had induced the Bactriau Oxyartea, who had been a follow- er of BesBUB, and had either never submitted tu Alexander " as he did not, it aeenis, concoi iu the treachery of Spilamenea against Besaua " or had again revolted, to aead his wife and daughters to take shelter within its walla. This was an additional motive to quicken Alexan- der's eagerness for the poBseasion of the place. It was, like the hill forlresaes of India,an in- sulated rock,precipitouson all sides, and only aocessible bya sin^e nanow path. Proviaions bad been laid in aufficieni, itwas thought, even. if the siege should last two years. Alexander himself, when be saw it,waa almost inclined to despair; but he sent Cephas, the soa of Ajr- tabazuB, to aummon Arimazes to surrender. The chief recetved.the message with derision, and Baked whether Ute Macedonians had winga. In no other way did it seem poaaibte for an en- emy to reach the sammit. The taunt roused Alexander to a reaolution which he would at low no obstacle to foil. He proclaiioed a re- ward of ten talents for the man who should firstmeant to the top, and a sum proportionate- ly less for each of the nine who should follow. The lowest prize was to amount to 300 darica. The moat agile and expert elimbera in the armj Bonn came forward as competitors for we''th and honour, to be earned by a risk wbich li"ey were used to despise. They provided Ibenk- selves with cords, and with a number of the iron pegs with which the tenta were secured, and set out in the middle of the night toward* the most precipitous, and, consequently, the most neglected, side of the rock. The attempt would, perhaps, have been utterly desperate if the ascent had not been rendered eaaier by tha snow which layon the ground, and which had become bo solidly frozen, (hat the pegs, when driven into it, could support the weight of tha body. Still, more than thirty of the adrentu" era lost their footing, and were buried so deep in the snow at the foot of the bin, that their bodies could not afterward be found. Their more fortunate companions, who gained the summit in safety, announced their success to tbeir friends below by the waving of flags, the signal which Alexander bad appointed; as sixut as he saw it, he again sent Cophas to summon Arimaxes, and to point out to him that the Ma- cedonians bad found wings. The sight of the enemy above his head, whose strength he did not know, seems to have deprived him of hi" presence of mind, sod he hastily snrrendered the fortress. Alexander thoa became master of the daugh- ters of Oxyartea ; one of them, named Roiana, was Burpassiikgly beautiful, and made aucb an impression on the conqueror, that he resolved to share his throne with her. Arrian praises him for the generosity he showed to his fair captive, over whom he might have exercised the rights of a victorious enemy. But Plutartb DfTimar'aasrlTaiiMdiUiiM; udhawmtil Hlwt IhsplHK "ll"lKotiiMn, -hicli iiliiddoon ia thg mip to Bot"^ in Bactria, under four generala,Pulysperchon, Attahu, Gorgias, and Heleager,who, however, were, it seems, all placed under the command of Cratenia,* to reduce the remaining ineur- genta, and to restrain the rest of the population 6om new attempts, and himaelf proceeded to etiMs the Oxua. While he was encamped on its bank, its water being so loaded with clay as to be scarcelydrinkable,! wells were dug for a better supply, and fi"m one, which was opened dose to Alexander's tent, there gushedup a ifsing of naphtha, or, as the Gre^u called it, oLt AriBtander waa conaulted on the prodigy, sad foretold a very laborious, bat successful Having passed the river, he divided hia fbr- oea into five columns, one of which he placed imder the cotnmand of Hephasslion, another under Ptolemy, a third under Perdiocae, and the fotmh under Ccenua and Artabaxos. They were directed to traverBO the country in va- lioaa directions, and to meet him and the fifth division at Hamcanda. The chief object was to reduce the strongholda in which the inaur- gents had taken refuge; and there can be little doubt that,as usual, he reserved the most ar- duous of these enteiprises for himself. We may, therefore, here adoptthe order of Cunius, wbo relates that he now marched against a fortress which waa deemed tbe stropgest in tlM coantry, ao as to be distinguished from the rest by the simpleappellation of the Rock,^ It m ibm suH of Cntanu nilh th"a at tha hvn iu*,iril., 10,U ; mid lo it ii daenbwl bf Buhh, nutidvnljIiipriiiABOD thethonn u"l inalnd of on."" [AVi Die- (tfllHCupii "r Kotej^R Dnbnd, k d\i "S4 HISTORY OF GREECE. "MiDB to take a more probable view of the case when he eonjectotes that hia reaolation was dictated ftot less bj policj than by inclination. Hia maiTlage with Roxana waa likely to con- eiltateher countrTmen, whosa reaiaCaoce was the most obstinate he had yet encountered ; "nd it accorded with the generalsyatero which he bad adopted in hia treatment of hie new ; ' Ejects. It waa immediately attended nith importantadrantage. Oxyartea, aa soon ai heard of the honour which the king was al to confer on hia family,repaired to the Mace- donian camp, and henceforth zeaSonafy exeTt"d allhis influence in AJexander'a Benice,* Curtias relatOB that Arlmazes, hia kinaman, aod the principa] refugees taken in the fortress, were put to death by the conqueror ; bnt it is very improbabie that he ahould have displayed such severity on an occasion which naturally fluffgested extraordinarycleDioney.Curtiiis, in- "leed, refers the capture of Roxaoa to a difitr- etent place, and therefore hia aocoant of the treatment of the vanquished may belong to an- other occasion. Though the Rock was the strongest fortreaa in Sogdiana, there were otii- ers in the highvaDeys of the upper Oxus, which appear stillto have aSbrded ahelter lo eome of the Bactrian and Sogdian insurgents. But Alexander was not at leisure to advance Either in thia direotion. Hta presence was required M Haraoanda for the settlement of the prov- Inoe, and to seeiue It ai^nst the inroads of Spltameites. Thia gallantchief, when forced to take refuge in the desert, accomoanied by a "mall body of SogdianfugitiTes, had only wait- ed for a fresh opportunity of renewing hostili- tiea against the invaders. Aa soon as Alexan- der had crossed tbe Oiua into Sogdiana, hav- ing cotleoted about 600 of tiie Massagatai, one of the Scythian tribes who ranged over the Chorasmian desert, he made an irruption into Bactria,and surprised and cut to pieoee a party Of 800 Macedonian cavalry who were atatiooed near the frontier, and took Attinas, their oom- mander, prisoner. Fluahed with this success, he ventured to advance into the neighbonrtaood of Zariaapa^ and (hough he waa not strong enough to attack the ciiy, he collected a large booty from the surraunding district. Crateras waa at this time engaged, we do not know how, elaewhere. Zariaepa had been considered so secure, that several invalids of the horse-guard were left there, with Peithon, the governor of the reyalhousehold, and a cithar-player nahied Aristonicua,protectedonlyby a very small body Of mercenary cavalry. They had,however, now recovered so as to be able to bejw arms, Pei- thon collected all the forces be could muster, including some ofthe royal pages, and,sallying ' ent upon the enemy, surprised theni as they were retreating with their spoil, wrested the " Hr.Willi"m"(p "duptiiB Df Anatic uncni. Tin mimiio, howeHT, l"ieht iadinlinn "3 thn polictwhi^ iher Ihnight Injonniu id turn. Spitamenes jnade a oircnit, and laid an ambush for him on his road, into which he fell ; his littleband made a brave resistance, but the greaterpart were killed : among them Ariatoni- cus, figliting more manfully, says Arrian, than could have been expected from hia profession. PeitfaoQ himself waa woundsd and taken pris- Cralertu, when be heard erf' these events, aet out in pursuit of the Scythians, and chased (hem hack into the desert, where they were joinedby a thousand more of their countryman, and, aa he still advanced, wuted to give bim batlle i ttieywore, however, routed, and left IfiO of their number on the field ; but Ctatenia did not venture to pursue them any farther : and thia check scair^ely counterbalanced (he ad- vantages they had gained. It waa to be ex- pected that Spilamenes would renew hia at- tack in some other quarter; for, among lbs tribes of the desert,more especially the Ha*. sagetR, who were always ready to make war where th^ saw a prospect of plunder, he could never be in want of troops. To take precan- tions against this danger was one of the main objects that called Alexander to Marecanda ; here, after he had been rejoined by hia five gMi- erals, he proceeded to regulate the internal at fairsof thecounlry. To heal the wounds which his vengeance had inHleted the year before, and to provide for tbe pennaiient seaurity of the provinceagainst boatile Inroads and internal disaS^tion,he directed a number of new cities to be founded ; aocordingto one statement, no fewer than twelve. They were planted with colonies, in which Macedonians or Greeks were mixed with barbsriaus ; but, it seems, in such praponioo. and on aucfa terms, aa to give a de- cided predominance to the Eon^ean ptqtulation. Hepheestion was ordered to superintend the es- tablishment of the new settlers : a baainess which required much judgment and caution. In ' the mean while, tiie king made a prograss throngh the country to reduce the f]"eta whioh stillremained in the handa of the insurgeBts. In the conrse of this expeditimi ha came to a mysl park, in a districtwhich Cartina calla Ba- loria, where the game had remained nntouohed for more than a oenlury. The anny, aoooid- ing to the custom of an Elastem chase, formed a circle within the enclosure, and drove the wild beasts towards the centre, where the king and his noUes despatched them. Alexander him- self was attacked by a lion of extraoidinai; size,and, rejecting the aid of Lysimacrtius, who would have interposed in his defence, killed it with hia own hand. The incident,as Curtius suspects, tlirough some strange perversion of the facts, gave rise to a story which became widelycurrent, that Lysimachus.by the king's orders, had been exposed to a lion. Alexan- der's achievement earned the applause of a Spartanenvoy who was present, and exclaimed, "A brave struggle, Alexander, with tbe royal beast for the mastery. " But the MacedonlaD spectators, who had shuddered at tbe danger, deemed their king's lifetoo prt^cious to bo risked in sucha contest, and a militaryassembly was held on the subject,which, exercising a demo- cratical privilege tiiat had probably been long dormant, decreed that the king should not in futui^ hunt on foot, or without some of his CLEITUS." HIS DEATH. ;biefofficers by his side. Four thonBand h"ad if game were destroyed in tbia memorable ;bB8e : and Alexander's combat nilh the lion cas afterward commemorated by a Eroup of igures in bronie whicb Crstenis deiHcated at Delphi. On the return of the army to Maracanda, Ar- abazua begged leave to reBign his Balrapy of lactrja.a post too laborious for hia advanced ge. Ho was dismissed into an honourable re- irement, and Cleituswas appoiated to ancceed im. The new satrap bad been ordered lo pre- are for his departure, and Alexander himself 'as on the point of setting out on a fresh expe- iliontowanls Ibe western frontier of Sogdiana, ) reduce a mountainous district which was till occapiedby a band of Baclrian exiles. Tie eve of their parting was a day which tho tacedoniana were uaed to solemniie as a fes- ival of Dionysus. But on this occasion, for inknown reason. Alexander aubalilnted aacriEce in honour of the Dioscuri. The re- gions ceremony was closed,as nsnal.by a anqnet, at which Cleitus was present, and 'hich was immoderatelyprolonged, according 9 a custom which Alexander certainly found Iready prevailing in his father's court, and had 0 need to learn,as Arrian intinaatea, from the arbarians. Among the guests were some ireek literaryparasites, poets, rhetoricians, Dd sophists,persons of little reputation at ome, who made up for the slendemess of their bilities by tbe grossness of their flattery, with rhich. unhappily, Alexander waa not disgusted,' The did not encourage it as subservient to his olitical ends. Three of these adventurers, Lgis, an epic versifier of Argos, Clcon,a Sicel- )t,and AJiaxarohuB of Abdera, who professed lieflexible philosophy of hia countrjrnan De- locrilus, have escaped oblivion through the pro- minence of their baseness. The conversation, rben it was growing late, fell on the Twin leroes, whom, aa Euripidesexpressedit, their ither Zeus bad made ^s.* The courtly tngues readily seized this occasion to dwell n the praises of the more ilhistrioos hero tien preaent, who, but for the envy which al- nji attenda livingworth, would have been "leitus, whom wine had released from ordtna- J reserve, checlted this profane flattery, per- aps tbe raore readily because he perceived its ractical tendency to favour the establishment rihe ceremonies which he had alwaysstrong- r apposed. Me observed,too, that it was at , lie expense of tbe Macedonians, who had eoa- ribuiedtheir share to all the great achieve- lenla which were ascribed solely to their king, ' bu his merits were thus magnilied. And he laoied some verses of Euripides which de- lounced the injustice of the custom by which he honour of every victory was commonly as- ignedto the general alone. The remark must . lave been offenaive to the king, not merely rora its persona]application, but as inculcating I sentiment directly adverse to the admission rhich he wished to introduce. But when his )wn actions were made the subject of a more nrticolar discnssion in comparison with his fa- Jtefs. and, in reply to the flattererswho depre- ToL.II." r 1 i"^4Mtz"*f""'*"' 3b"" ciated Philip's exploits, Cleitus extolled them far above his son's, and aa he rudely remlrided him of the battleof the Granicus,stretched out his rightband,exclaiming. This hand, Alezait- der, then saved your life, the king could na longer contain his passion. He sprang up to rush upon Cleitus,but was held back by soma of his friends, while he called out for his guarda to come and rescue him from the traitors who were confining him, as Bessus had Darius In the mean while,Cleitus, who did not stillde- sist from his provokinglanguage, was hurried out of the banquet chamber. Alexander was then released ; but as bis fhry was only infla- med by tbe short restraint it had undergone, he immediately snatched a spear frxim tbe bands of a sentinel,and hastened towards the door. Unhappily, Cleitus had also recovered his lib- erty, and, no less tVantic than the king,was re- turning to the palace, and met Alexander, who was calling out for the object of his rengeanco, and, as soon as he perceivedhim, thrust tbe spear through his body. When be saw the brother of his nurse I.anici, the companion of his boyhood, the preserrer of hia life, stretched dead at his feet, the donble intoxication of wine and rage was instantly overpoweredby a thrillof remorse. He retired to bis chamber in an agony of grief, and throw- ing himself on his bed, continoed to repeat the names of Cleitus and Lanicj,whom, afterher two sons had been slain in his aerYice,he had deprived of her only brother. Tbe murderer of his friends, as h" loudly called himself" per- haps the assassination of nctnenio had begun to appear to him In its true light" he was not fitto live. For three daya he rBJMled food, and " abandoned himself wholly to hia anguish. Then, as its violence began to aubaide. with tbe abatement of his bodilystrength, his frienda attempted, with more success, to soothe,con- sole, and rouse him from hts dejection, Tho soolbsayera bade him submit to the jost wrath of Dionysus, who had visited him with a tem- porary phrensy, to manitest his displeaiare at the neglect of his festival, which tbe king must celebrate in due form ifhe wished to pro- pitiate the god. The army adopted a leas in- nocent artifice for the same ptrpoae ; they passed a resolotion that Cleitus had been justly put to death, and forbade the interment of hn remains until (be king interfhred, and ordered him to be buried. The motive of this servility maybeadmitted as a palliation for itsbaseness. There is nothing else lo distinguish itfrom the adulation of Ansxarcbus, who eipressedthft same sentiment in a more philosophical form. The poets, ho suggested to Alexander, had placed Dici, the goddess of justice, at the right hand of Zeus, to signify that whatever be de- creed was right " in like manner, whatever was done hy a greatkingought to bo deemed joat, first by himself,and. when so approved,by all other men." Alexander's understanding was too sound to be deceived by the obsequionaneaa of his soldiers, or by tbe sophist's iheologioal and ethical fallaciea: he more readily listened to the soothsayers, and found some emnfort in " ABUunhni bid Iha sanC. il IhH. of fnailjanlim inf lh" pHscleli. Hon muT xloptud Ht spoB it,bulk in "lij" md poiiOCT, wb* h"M . "- " JToogT- HISTORY OF GREECE. the thought Ibat bis Talal burst of pasaion the workjitjof tbe o"endeil god; and, befoi left Maracanda, atoned for hie paat neglectby the celehratioD of the Dionvsiac festiTsI. But the most efGcaoioos remeay for hia grief was Brnpplied by the carea of publicbuainesa, and the toilsof war. HephcBtioD was aent with a ^etachnent into Bactria, to provide for [be sub- BtateDce of the araiy in ita winter-quarters. Anyntaa wag appointed to the TacanC satrapy efAriabazua. Mezaoder hiraeelf set out on the expedilioQ which he had before meditated to- warda the weatern frontier. The region which be was about to invade, which the Greeks, per- haps with a slight corruption of its proper name, called Xenippa,'lay, it aeema, on the skirts of a i^aoge of billa, which rise about ten Dules north of Bukhara,rurmiug from east to west, and sli|l bear the name, by which the;were then known. of the Nura Mountains. It was a district abounding in villages, as its soil was singularly fertile. The natives,fearing that it might be- ODne the theatre of war, and might suffer, as tbevale of the Sogdtheyear before, from Atex- "oder'a reaentment, when they beard of hia ap- proach, compelled the Bactrian exiles to with- draw. Amyaias was sent to intercept them ; but aa their numbers amounted to more than 3000, aU mounted,they ventured to attack htm, and, having taken him by surprise, long main- tained a hard combaL They were at last put to flight, and left400 on the fieldof battle,and 300 In the enemy's hands ; but the Macedi purchased their victory with the loss of eighty alain. and between three and fourhundred were wounded. Curtiiis seems to say that the fugi. lives suon aflerwaid submiltsd, and obtained pardon from the conqueror; but perhaps this ought to be ouderstoixi of the inhabitants of Xenippa,who had stiJl reason to dread hia dia- eiasure on account of the sheltar which the; d afforded to the refugees. He then advan- ced towarda the highlands of Nura, or, as Cur- tius writes it,Naura, where the principal de- la occupiedby a chieftain named Sysimi- ""*" aa in posseasion of a strong for- itrance. According to Curtiua.he surrendered at the firstaummons : but as Cur- tiua has manifestly confounded the capture of this fortress with that of aaotber,lo be men- tioned hereaflei, we cannot be sure that he has not whollymisrepresented tbe manner in which it fellinto Aleiauder's hands. It is only cer- tain that the reduction of this place was not at- tended with the immediate submission of the whole canton. Alexander afterward,taking the cavalryonly with him, made one of his ex- tnordinacy marches in pursuit of the remain- ug insuigents,Pbilip, a younger brolber of LyaimacbOB, to show hia devotion to the king, accompanied hira the whole way on foot ; and, when theyovertooit the fugitives, foughtgal- lantly b; his side ; but as soon as the enemy was routed,tank exhauated by tbe effort, and expired in his master's arms. On his return to the camp, after he had completelydispersed the barbarians,Alexander bad to lament an- other loss, the death of his brave general Eri- * Tba gTHt muDbn rd bum thres,who w guius, which bad just taken place : perhaps an effect of wounds received in the attjtckof the fortress. Bis obsequies, and those of the young soldier,were celebrated together. When this district had been paciiled, there remained no enemy on fooL in Sogdiana,diougb, as long as Spitamenes lived at large, it could never be secure from invasion. Alexander now proceeded with tbe main body of his army to Nautaca,where he meant to spend the winter, leavingCienus, with a division of horae aod foot, in the vale of Sngd, to preserve the tran- qnillity of the coantry,end, if ptrasible, to dravr Spitamenesby some stratagem into his power. Spitamenes, as Alexander Imd expected, did aot long remain quiet;but,as tbe sirongholda of Sogdiana were now allin the hands of the Ma- cedonians, he saw no hope leftbut in an attack on C""nus and his division. Having come to Bagte, a strongplace on the northwest frontier, he again collected a body of cavalry, about 3OO0, from the MassagetK, and marched against Ccc- nus. A hard-fought battle ensued ; but the Ms- cedonian tactics and discipline gained a decided victory. The barbarians fled, leaving 800 slain ; the victors, according to their own statement, lost lesa than forty.Spitamenea,indeed, es- caped, but his Sogdian and Bactrian adherents iw began to view his cause as desperate, and great number of them deserted him in his flight, and surrendered themselves to Cteaus. The Scythians, to console themselves for their disaster, plundered the baggage of their allies. Spitamenes, who still accompaniedthen],-v/aa left wholly in their power; tbey bad little to hope for from him, and probably viewed him with an evil eye aa the author of their calami- ties, A report soon reached them, spread, per- haps, for tbe purpoae by CtEcua, that Alexan- der himself was on the paint of making an ex- pedition against them. To avert this danger, they cut off the head of Spitamenes, and sc^ot it to Alexander* Sofelltheholdest,most active, and perseveringenemy that Alexander bad yet encountered in Asia; one of the few men who had displayed a love of independence,which could neither be seduced nor overawed. His death relieved Alexander from his chief anxiety about the countries where he had now been de- tained nearly two years ; though in the opper valleys of the Oxus there were still some re- fractory chiefs, among them Catanes, who had been an associate of Spitamenes in his treach- ery to BesBua,Austanes, and Chorienes, who still relied on the security afforded by that ^8 region. Dataphernes, who had taken refuge among the Dabs, neighbours of the MasssgetK, was sent by them in chains to Alexander, aa soon as they heard of the death of Spitamenes. t GUfiJUGA.TION OF SOGDUNA." CHORIENES'. 997 It wu Alezutder'B purpose, as mod o; EBBMHi permitted in the spring of SST. to make "n ezpeditioQagainst the chiels who stillheld Mt in tbe eastern higbtands, sad then imniedi- Mdy to begin hu maicb towards India. In hie wiDier-quartera at Nautaca, where be was join- Mi b; CcEDos as soon as he had discharged the moat importantpart of his commission, he made Tsnous regulations concerning the odminiatra- tjDiiof tbe weatem proTincee, which he was Mon to leave at a stiil greater distaace behind him, while he penetrated into the anknown re- tions of India, Already he had experienced the dificolty of maintaining his authority during a long absence over the remote parts of his do- ninioDs. Antophradates, tbe satiap of Tapo- lia, had been repMtedlj sent for. and had not cteyed tbe snromons. Phratapttemea was now despatched to arrest him, and bring him to eoort. Ozodates, the satrap of Media, had be- nafed a want either of seal or of loyalty, and Atn^iatea was sent to take hia place; Stamenes to succeed to the satrapy of Babylon, which had beoooie vacant by the decease of Moweas. 9op- gUs.BpoeiUoa, and Menidaa, were sent to briag fioh reen)italh"n Macedonia. With the first glaama of apring Alexander left NantaoB, and moved through an Alpine mad, in which his troops snfi^ed extretae hard- shipe rrom tempeatwws weaUicr, cold,fatigue, and hanger, towards a country which Arriao eatis Partetaceae, and which has. therefore, been commonly anppoaed to lieto the south of Bactria. A part of Khoraaan was undoubtedly called by that name, aswell as the districtwhich Alexander cimqnered on hie way from Persepo- Uter of ihese abonld be here sot only because Alexander could not' have la^ keaeither of tbeminhis way from Naotaca to Bactrs,but becansa this Pamtacene appears, from Curtina,*to have been situate in the vicin- ity of the Sacs, whose seats anquaationably lay to the east of Bactria and Sogdlana. The place of greatest strength in this Parstacene wa bntreas belonging to Chorienes.f It stood I d/ tin innlir. TbsH " point ofpAO]/lnlowinlFr-^Qftrten.N" on it be "l"i.vlhath"wut)i"iiiiwwtl"irfnntJgr. ArTJiiii (it., m "Hill aridapilT In illUto to Ihc mUDiHion wbJch be I, u wSl u Cnlenu, PhiaupDei- . Tha Itntr^^l J ^piuBHBea.Ai (0 FhnUphanMi tai Suiucr, [ cu ioMj halp tatfteaaf IhM lh" lui* bMn nunuuiitd bin "rfiL,4,"". a high insulated rock,precipitous on all si^ei^ and completely surrounded by a deep rarina, which served as a natural trench to guard tha approach. The grottnd at the top appears to have been level, and capable of holdinga cm- meroue ganison. The onlypath which led np to it was one which had been cut in the rock, so as to be of difficult ascent, even when net defended, and to allow room in its breadth fitt no more than one man.* It was necessary to fill np a part of the ravine before the Srst slap conid be taken towanis the storming of tha fortress j and this was a work which,to a coio- mon eye, would have appearedntierly impracti- cable ; so great was its depth,so precipitooa its sides. But Alexander had resolved to be- come master of the place, and obstacles appa. rentlyas great had alreadyyielded to such a resolution. The sides of the neighbouring hiBa were clothed with fir, which supplied ahnndant materials. By means of ladders the bcsiegen descended to the foot of the precipice, where they drove In plies, which they overlaid with hunllev, and then heaped up a pile of earth. The work advanced, indeed, bat slowly,though the whole army was employed on it,one half during the day, under the eye of Alexander him- sBlf.the rest by night in three divisions, which relieved each other, under Perdiccas,Leontia- tns, and Ptolemy. Yet, at length, il rose to Biicha h"nght that the arrowa of the assailanta reached the top of the walls. Cliorienes,see- ing so much that he had supposed impossible alreadyeffected,began to tremble lest his re- maining del^noes might prove equally unavail- ing. He sent a herald to Alexander to request a conference with Oxyartes ; and the peraua^ sions and example of Oxyartes induced him ta commit himself to Alexander's generosity. He came down with a few of hia inllmate friends to the oarap, was gtaciouslyreceived,and,while he himself remained there,sent some of his companions back with orders to the garrison t* surrender tbe fortress. When these orders had been obeyed, the king himself went up wltk 500 of the hypaspiets to view the place. Its strength, and the large stock of provisiotts which had been laid in,proved either the con- fidence that had been reposed in him, or tbe awe he had inspired ; and he did not scruple ta reatore the fortress to Chorienes, and ta iirve"t him with the govemment of the surronnHni district. Chorienes requited this generostw with a munificent present of provisos, sURt cieni to supply the army for two months ; an! he admitted that this was tKit a tenth part oT the store which he had collected tor the 8feg". After tlie fall of this place, which was the key of the provinee, there remained no object his final prepsrationB for his Indian ezpedKio^ and left Craterus, with the divisions of Poly- sperchon.Attains, and Alcelas,and 000 of Um horse-guard, to complete Oie reduction of Pa- HISTORY OF GREECE nataeene, and to crush Ibe remaina of the iDde- pendent part; ia their laat retreats. Ctaterus koughl the two chleCa whn etiJlheld oul to an "ngagemeiil, in nhiuh Catanea feil and Austa- aes wu lakea prisoner, Cuitius seems to ^leak or a distinct expedition made by Poly- gierchon, in which he oveiran a region called iibaceue.* This has heen interpreted as the country now called Badakshan, which atretcbes eastward to the foot of the mountains (the Be- kirTigb) that contain the sources of the Oxub. But it seems doubtful whether Alexander gave aaj comzuission to his lieutenants beyond cbat which Arrian mentiona, of aubdnuig ibe Bactri- au inaurgeata, and whether the^ would have Tentnred on such operations, when Ihey knew that he was wailing for their arriva] to set out on bis march to In"ua. They hod certainly not I nucb time for such conquests, aince before the beginning of the summer they had already re- joined the grandarmy at Bactra. "uring their absence,events bad taken place e which illustrate the condition of Alexan- der's court, and the footingon whi"di he atood irtth hia Macedonian nobles. He had detected another conspiracyagainst bis lire,more cer- tainly attested than that of Fhiloias, and form- ed by perwjoB whom he could still teas have suspected of such a design. The parties were Bome of the royalpages, youthsselected,as has been alreadymentioned, from the noblest Ma- cedonian families,to be trained in allthe arts of war and peace, which might fitthem for the Itighest commanda, in the course of their at- tendance on the king'sperson. It was among their duties to keepguwdattbeentnDceof the n^al aparUDenU, to reo"ve the king's horse ftDm the gruoDU, and watt on him when he was lead;to mooDt, and to attend him to Ibe chase, ^nierwsro treated in other respecta with the dietmctioD befittioK their birth aitd proapecta, and eajojei the privilece of. sitting " like the lUmftn bo]rs1--"t4able beforethe king. It tiad happenedthat,at a bnnting-paity, perhaps on the road to Bactra,one of tbeoe youths, named "iiiolauB, beedleadyor officiously had hurled dart at a wUd boar which the king was pre- paiing to strike, Alexander, vexed and offend- ed, ordored tbe youth to be punished with atnpea, ia tbe presence of the oUier pages, and to be deprived of his botee. The chasttBemenl ntaj have beeD merited and not excessive,and it was of a kind Co which, according to custom, the pages weia held to be liable at the king' pleasure. Yet this power raaj have been s larely exeroised that the inflictionwas account ga grievoosdiagiace, and Heniiolana may not ve viewed hia own conduct in Ihe light in which it appeared to the king. It is certain titaibe felt as one who bad suO^ed an atro- eiouB injury. He disclueed his feelings to one trfhis young conirsdes,Sostratus,sCinof Amyn- tns, and declared that lifewould be in ble to him without revenge. Sostratits was easily led lo share the resentment, or, at least, iger, of one whom he loved ; and a [dot "n formed between them lo murder the king. Su far there is nothing to surprise ue in the nairalive. But what followa is hardly to be explained aa the eflect of boyishpaBsion or sympathy. Il must have been through oUier that Ibe two frienda induced four other youths of their own class,Antipater, the aon of Asclepiodorus, who had been satrap of Syria, " ' es, son of Araeaa, Anticles,son of The- and Philotas, son of Caraia, who is de- aa a Thracian.to become their accom- plicea. It aeems incredible that they should have taken part in such a plot without aome pretionsgroand of discontent and ill-willto- wards the king. There is no reason to suppose that he bad personally offended them ; and we are therefore incliped to suspect that their youthfulindignation had been kindled by tbe complaints, which theymight often have iteerd from their elders, of Alexander's attempts to degrade his nobles to a level with the conquer- ed people, his adoption of Persian usages, bis tyrannical proceedings in the case of Philotas and Parraenio. There could, indeed, be so doubt that this was the ease, if we could rely on tbe report, that Henoolaus afterward ;dead- ed these motives in justification of bis conduct ; and even if this was a rhetorical iaTention, it may trulyexpress the feelings of the greater part of his aasocialee. Tbe conspirators determined te teke adrsii- tage of the opportunitj offered by their attend- ance on tbe king to effecttheir purpose. Ac- oordiog to one aoconnt, they waited until, in Uie course of rotation,they eltould be si] on duly together at ni|;ht, and a month elapsed befbre " Dnrma, in liii pun O* AUnattfi I Tarn [Hbtin. HuTlSS], |".I"NI). ii"rn a"fMt of Hub twff iiunrfanlchicri.hldt. Pfil"^pfli fU 1 1(111111110 qiiaBubuaiH ifmllalarLn diuansni tnilafit. 4tiatMM 9ud cmm r"gmt bal parhipaLhii wu u kr- " '--" U t'ji'IsBU OHH, vroyru It rmUrm Kua. " iBtiiiiB Jbi.,rii., ITS. this combination took place; i proof,ondonbtedly, if this was the lact, of tbe tensoity with which they clung to their de- sign. Arrian,bowever, aimplyrelates, that they agreed, when the night watch fell to Antipa- ter's turn, to killtbe king in hie rieen. Antip- ater, it may be aupposed,was to admit tbem into the bedchamber. It happened,bowever, that on this evening Alexander remained at ta- ble longer than usual,and, after he had retired from the banquet-room, was induced to return to it, and to continue there tbe greaterpart of tbe night. There waa a story, which was adopt- ed by Aristobulus, that a Syrianwoman, who followed the camp, and was believed " appa- rently because she had lost her senses " to poa- eess tbe gift of divination, and bad accesa at all hours to the royalapaitments. met him as be was withdrawing, and, by her entreaties, pre- vailed on him to rejoin the company he had left. Whatever tbe cause may have been, it ia certain that he did not go to rest until tbe guard had been relieved. The next day Epimenca, moved, perhaps,by the king's marvellous es- cape, which might seem to indicate a divine in- terposition, tevealed the plot to bis bosom friend Charicles, who immediately disclosed itto En- rylocbuB, another son of Arseaa: Eurylochoa carried the information to Ptdemy, who re- ported It to the king. The conspiiatora were arrested, and all but Epimenes " whose lifewas spared"put to the tottnie. It seems that thcij DETECTION OF THE PLOT." CALLISTHENES. Hi ttot deny their guilt ; Hennotaus ia said to iBve gloried in the deed whtcb he had medito- "d, wd to have inveighedagainat Aleiander't :ji'aoiiy in the Macedonian assembly. They rere stoned,according to the more probable iccouQt,* b? the arm; : according lo another, beir puDisbment was commilted lo their com- ades,who, to proTe their own loyalty, put them 0 a cruel death. But in the cKUeaaions which had been ez- oitcd from them some other names hail been nentioned, sod among them that or the Olyn- bian Callisthenes,a person who, through the nisforcune in which he was Ihuainvolred.prob- blyacquiredgreater celebrity than he would ikve earned bj allthe woriu and actions of his ire. Callisthenes waa one or the men of let- srs who followed the conrt ; hut he stood on a eculi"r footing \nth the king. He was Aris- otle's kinsniaD, had been edacated byhim, and, Iniing his residence in Macedonia, had probably "eea the companion of Alexander's studies jt od it seems to have been through Aristotle's eooEomeadation that he was permitted to at- uih himself to the expedition. The philoso- her,perhaps,hopod that in the camp and the Durt be would acquire (bat practical sense in 'hich he knew hun to be very deficient, not* litbstanding the success with which he culti- ated sereral branches of literature, and his reat rhetorical talenL But a more extensiTe itercourse with men did not render him fitter IT locietf , but onlyexpo"ed the defects of his haracter, and at length rendered them latal to imseir. He stillcontinued to be a mere man f letlera, but with an estravagaol conceit of the nportance of his own pursuits, and of tho ein- lence he had attained in them. Philosophy vas, it aeemei the study which he professed s the basis of allhis literaryaccomplishments; od he probablyadopted Ariatotle'a doctrmea s lar aa he was ^le to comprehend ttiem. lothis faculty was not that of an inquirer, but fan espouoder. His philosophyonly furniah- d him with subjects for rhetorical exercises. 1 was probably in the same spirit, and with no ligherambition, that he undertook to record he great events which were passing under liis lyes ; and,as one who was mote conversant fith words than with things, he conceived a 'SI?highopinion of tho merit and value of his iwn work. It aeems that he was even silly enough to ttOBBtthat Alexander's fame depend- ^ on his pen, and that he bad not come to "eelc repuuiion from Alesaoder, but to spread UB reoowa over the world. We might uther- ' Wkich mold bi nugnutuxublj thiian one, if the "lut fnm Aliiuulir to Aiitii"iFt. quoMilb7 FIuluiJi 1Al., Iw II rautinBi/bT Arrian (tr., 14}Ihmwa UDia inpilniiB rn Uw iman: and lU cObt"iltl tn, tv tKtthn luat,vwtj "^nogi. h IMini hudlr credjblfl tbmL be ihonld hHn ibiQWDoat BDch yiqUdi thnitfl baron aTan sQ inquiry hwl """" md* u 10 tha iTDViid of hia nimuioiu afminA Aria- Ma. ' K~ -a t Suht lArittoUUa, a. IM) an Ibui tbia it annuly maUoned br PlnUnzh ud Arriui. But naitbar H^larcL "OT Amin luia thM CiIUkImiiu n" Alnindar'a hllinr- "ndmL Thn aalr rslitaIkit CalUobiDM urn bnuifht 1^ l"IAriiuai. Tba aOm Hacnion ii ns omn Iliu " ^"MlaiiifnacafroBtliiihct. SMkr i" aqnallrii""i"- nu whan ha uatns (p-IM), nAnJug u ArriiD (It..10), ^ Cdliithnv NltarlyNbm" Ihl IBqidtr of Clailna. "'"i'i tiahnr^r {vUoli dou not IbdIt ut blluniHi) 'j"n,r)wlyn1UM,BM la Um dauh of Cletlu. but to ua tnsontiflsa irhieh ha bad Joatnisatiaiud. wise have put a better sense on anothor speech, which is attributed to him: that Alex"ndei'" divinity would rest, not on the stories whicb had been forged to prove it, hut on bis own his- tory of his actions.* Il may have been with a better feeling, though not without a mixture of vanity, that be profess- ed that the chief motive which had broughthioi to the court waa the hc^ that be might pre- vail on the kingto rebuild (Hynthus, and restore the remains of its sacred population. It was a boon Uke that which Aristotle had obtained from Philip; and to have become the second founder of his native city " a place bo mucb more famous than Slagira " would no doubt have Dallered his pride, as well as have gratili- ed his patriotism. There are other indications that he was keenly conscioua of his relation to a city which had once been mistress of a great part of Macedonia,and bad been destroyedbj Philip.Alexander, it is said,once requested him at a banquet, where a great aumber of his nobles were present, to entertain tho companj with a panegyricon the Macedonians. Cailts- thenes complied, and declaimed with his usuat fluency. When he had perorated, amid the ap- plause of ills audience, the king,quoting a versa of Euripides, observed that on a fine theme it was no hard task to speakwell, and challenged him to prove his ingenuityby an accusation of. the Macedonians, which naigbtpoint out tha failings they had to correct. Alexander wta, probably, quite in earnest, and would have been well pleased to have heard the defects of tha national character, and those of hia greatmen, faithfully, thoughdelicately exposed. It was* step towards the removal of prejudices which interfered with his plans. But Caliistbutes took up this subject in a very different spiht and tone from thai in which he bad handled tha last. His panegyric had been a rhetorical ex- irctse ; his second speech was a serious iuveo- ive. He traced the origin of Philip's power ta he internal dissensions which had wasted tha itreaglh of Greece, and quoteda verse whidi contained tha remark that, wAerc diicerd sr"- vaiU, il a read far iKe vUitt to hommr. And b* ptooeedsd lo give vent, no doubt, to hia real sentiments, in a strain which surprised and deeply olTended those who had before applaud- ed him, and which Induced the king to observa that he had exhibited to the Macedonians a spa- men, not of his ability, but of his illwill. It is evident that the arts of a courtier wen those which Callistbsnes had studied least, or which were least congenial either to his char- acter or. hia national prejudices ; and Anias justly remarks that,since he bad chosen to liva ~ 1 court, he ought to have conformed to il" mere as far as itwas possible to do ao wiUi- personaldegradation. Still, the blunlnesi of his deportment, and the freedom of his lan- guage, though they provokedenmity, also in- spired a certain degree of respect, Hia com- pany was especially soughtby the young Maos- ilanians who had any taste for philosophy or el- oqaenee, and Hermoluts, in particular, waa aa" uf tboBB who most frequently listened to hi* " IImgtit.hommr, to bg iibHiTMl. in faallii* to Ibaaaa,Ikat tb" haiuiga in wbich AiTiaa ipeali own petfonoiu" (i.,IB)might, wilh itrj aligtl ai HISTORY OF GREECE. tfECDune. Alexander himself seems to bare thought that his co-operation, and even hit ae- quicBceace.might be o( gieal use for the pur- pose of reconciling the Macedonians to the In- BOVBtions which he wished to introduce. The other men of letten,sopliists, poets, and rbet- micianB, particularly Anaxarchus, leadiij en- tered into the king'sviews, and otTered their "ervicee to promote tbem. It was concerted "mong them that,at a banquet in the palace, tbe? should bring the subject under discussion, and should exert alltheir powers or and persuasion to overcame the rein the Macedonians with respect to the ceremony of adoration ; and it seems to have been amm- nd, through the mediation o(Hephnstion, that On king should withdraw for a short tune Iram Us guests, on apleaorbusiness, andthat during bis absence Anaxarchus and the reat should propose tu salute him after the Persian custom an his return. When the ticne csme, and AJ- "xander had left the table, Anaxarchus turned the conversation on his great qualities and a^ievements, and endeavoured hi convince bis keareis that it was much more fitting for the Macedonians to pa? divine bonours to such a bem, who was their own king, than to stran- fers, Ilka Dionysus and Hercules, whose ex- ploits were much less admirable ; and (hat as it ms certain that, whenever he should be taken fioln them, they would honour him as a god, il was f\t more reasonable to treat him with the same reverence during his life than after his death, when it would be of no use to him. The Bo^ist'sarguments were received with "Uence by the persons to whom they were ad- dressed ; but CallisthenM undertook to refiite tbem. and showed that,according liatteddoctrines and praotioe of the Grenk reli- fioo, divine honoun could only be bestowed on a DMrtal bj the decree of a god delivered through "B oracle, and tbat tbey had never been center' nd on any one except, as in the ease of Hercn- Im, after his death. If we mightdepend ou ^is paaeage in Airian's report of the apeeoh of Cal- liMheDes,we should infer that the stoiy about Ibt oracle of Ammon had not yet been offlcaally "BDOtioDed. But such details are the less to be Mliod on, as there were two eooounts of the oMduot of Callistbenes, seemingly both belong- iB( to the same occasion, and quite distinct, tMOgh not abstdutely inconsiiteot with each other. That wbiiA ArrUn gives as the less bvatwoithy is,neverthdeas, eooBimed by " thority quiteas good in mkA matters as tbat Ft^eroy or Ariatobolna ; byCharesirfHitylei who BUed the high olBoe of Eisangelensat .' "xandei^ OOOrt, when it began to be modelled after the Persian tisage. Il seems that, accord- ing to the arran{[[ement which had been previ- *mtj made with the Oreek courtiers and the Persians who were present, the king sent hi golden goblet round among hie guests. Tbe arst who received it, after be bad drunk, per- formed the Persian ceremony of adoration, and was then permittedto kiss tbe king. This ample was followed by allwho were in the "rat, and it had been expected,we do nM know preciselyon what grounds, that Cftllisthenes waa prepared to caoforro with it. When i came to bis turn, however, he drank, but madi "0 obeisance, and immediately advanced to kisi the king. Alexander, wbo happenedto be con- versing with HephEStion, did not petceive tbo omission / but when it was mentioned to him by one of his attendants,he turned away from Calltsthenes when be spproached. CaUistheooa was heard to say as be retired, I am goingaway the poorer by a kiss. Alexander was the morv indignantat this lan- guage and behaviour, because be was aaanred by HephKstion that CaUisihenes had previous- ly promised to perform the oeramony, TIm man's character renders it extremelyimprobable that be had ever made sucb a promise,t for which, if be did not mean to keep it,no aatiS' factory reason can be assigned; thoogfa itwooU ' follow (hat HephBStion told a wilfnl ftloe- hood, aa Plutarch suKtoses, for the puipoee of exasperating Alesanoer's resentment. He may ily have drawn a has^ infnence fhmi ibe si- lence of Callistbenes,or ftom ambignooa ex- pressions which be used when tbe affairwas discussed. Caliisthenes, however, must bare had many enemies, who were eager to widen the breach between him and the king, and who were not acnipulous about the meana. To many of the Macedonian generals tbe whole tribe of literary idleta wbo hung about the comt most hare been odious,as in the time of Per- diccaa,even when there was nothingit^Uive in their manners ; and Alexander now lent a willing ear to tbe insinuations which were ad- dressed to him from various quanerv, and which were probably corroborated by Hephnation, who was personally hurt by the breach of faitb which he imputed to CalliBtbenes ; that he was setting a perniciousexample by bis affectation of inde- pendence, and tvfls uutilling dangerous maxima into the minds of the youths who locked to hia lessons, and were captivated by bis eloquenoe. Sucb was the position in which Callisthmea waa standing when tbe conapiraey at tbe pagea was discovered. Snspicioamight naturally have been awakened against him by his Ihrnil- iarity with Hennolana. Bat it had been RirB- stalled,as we have justseen, by the sngge"- tione of bis eoemies i and Alexander was dis- posed to believe everything tbat could be laid to his charge. A strict inquirywas instituted into the language which he had used in his conver- sations with the young delinquents ; and we cannot be surprised tbat many expressiona should bave come to light which appearedcon- elusive evidence of his guilt to one wbo was al- ready convinced of it Those which are report- ed remind us of the attempts which were made by the accusers at Socrates to eonviet him of treason against tbe Athenian commonwealth. Their import could only be determined by the occasion and context of tbe discourse,aa to wbichwe know nothing. Taken by iheniselves, they are entitled to no weight,except on the supposition that he was acquainted with the plot. As to this point, there is a seeming con- tradiction in tbe accounts we have remaining from the best anthoritiea, which, however, it may not be impossible to clear up. Tbe princi- " PrrtytAaip. SSSJ.loalmw hijhem'i iDBSiumuiitT.laltci DEATH OP CALLISTHENES." INDIA. m] object with nbieh the routhi were pnt to he lorlure appears to have beea to obtain EOtoe Qfonaatioa agaiiiBt CaltUtheaeB, who had been ureeted aa sooa aa Ibe plot was discoiered; ind it roigbt have been expected thai Hephns- ion, who had managed tbat engine so succeaa- nll}' in the case or Philotaa, would have been ble to draw anr caDfesston that he wished from liese striplings, Tet we leam from the verj est autbority " a letter written by Alexander at lie time, and kddreeaed to Craterua and hie col- laguea* " 4hat they continued to the last to eny that any person was privy to their design. In the other hand, Arrian mentions tbat,ao- ording to the conourreat testimony of Aristo- ulus and Ptolemy,they confeaaed that Callis- lenes had instigated them to the deed. On a oint BO much afieciiugAiexondor's reputation, le might reasanablyquestion the anthoiity of lese two writers, and we should not Bcmple to sject their assertion, if it really contradicted olh Alexander's own declaration, and the uni- :d evidence of allhis other historians. But it eems not at all improbable that the instigation ( which they spoke consisted only in eenti- lente which might have been very innocently ttered by Calhsthenes, thoughthey had the ef- ict of encouraging the conspirators to perse- ere in their design, and might be construed bj is enemiee as intended to auggest it. We have one decisive proof bow inoapaUe iexander himself was, at tbia tune, of forming rightjudgment on the case. It woald have cen scarcely credible, if it was not so well at- isted, that hie prejudiceagainetCallisthenes as so strong as to induce him to harbour a iispicion that Aristotle had some ehare in his insman's treason. Plutarch quotes a letter of le king's to Antipater, in which he expressed isresolution to punuk the jophuCf oJid tho^t who ^atkimout. Even ifthe lettershould be thought ispicious, the fact to which it alludes ie not \e less certain. The fate of CallistbeneB fur- shed a subject for a variety of coaQicting an- idotes. Arrian cannot suppress his surprise lat Ptolemy and Ariatobulus should diflerteam le another as to the loode of hia death, Dotori- iisasit must have been. Ptolemy related that B was put to the torture, and sRerward cru- ,fied. AristobuluB, tbat he was carried about I chains, and at last died of disease. This last icoUDt is placedbeyond disputeby the testi- ony of Chares, who adds that the purpose for hich he was kept in confinement was that he jgfat be finally tried in Aristotle's presence, id tbat he died seven months aller in India,of loathsome disease, produced, il aeema, by im- -isonment in his corpulent Ixame. Hie character ie Dot one which can excite inch interest in his behalf, but it is entitled to istice. There appears to be no reason for re- nting the almost unanimous judgment of an- quity, that he was innocent of the offence with hich he was charged, and fell a victim to AJ- lander's preconceived resentment. Some of Jexander'a modern apologists have assumed lat the ancients were prejudicedin favour of lallistbenes by bis profession of philosopher ;' -,.AL, K. "" puliilitjwhlcli DnirHE 1 as if this had been sufficientto shield Plato or Aristotle from obloqny, and had net rather ex- poeed them to innuineri^le calumnies ; ir aa if Anaxarchus, sophistas he was, had not been. branded with merited infamj. The transactioa is memorable, as it exhibits the conqueror of Asia calling in the aid of Greeks to overcome tho mdependent spirit of bis own people. CHAPTER LUL AvTii the oonqneat of the Bactrian aatn^ there remained onlyone provinee of the Pm^ sian Empire into which Alexander had not yet carried his amts : It was that which tempted his curioaity, as well as bis ambition,pei^ap* more than any other. Already,indeed, befiin be crossed the Paroparaiaua, be had nude him- self master of a great pan of the conntry whiA the Persians called India, and perhaps had verr nearly reached the utmost limits within wtudk the authority of the great king was acknovrir- edged in the latter years of the mimarcby. Bat the power uf the firstBarius had certainly b"^ extended much farther eastward. It aeom* probable that a part of his Indian tnbute wa" collected in the Pendjab, and there is sonM reason to believe that it was on the Hydaapel Scylaxbegan bis voyage of discovery.* Aftat the death of Darius, the attention of the Peiv aian klnge was so moch tuned tovarda tlM west, or distracted by ware with their revolted subjects, that they would scarcely have had leisure for fresh conquests in India,even if tliv spirit of Cyrus had lived inhlsauoeasaurt; and it ie very uncartain whetker their territoriM reached so far as the Indoa. Ttae greater part of the peninsulawas, as we see firoroUn. ao^ counts of Herodotus and Cteaias. utterly un- known to the Persians, The India of U"ro^ oius is bounded on the east by a sandy desert, which, it seems, be believed to be leiminated by the ocean which gilded his eaith, and wm inhabited chiefly by pwstiMBl and uthq, e"ea^ itwas said,caonihaltribes.t Not had CteaiBS, during bis long refideDcest tbe Peraioa eon^ heard of the Gaogea, or of the oountriea on tta banks. , He had, indeed, ooUeotod many mttn vellous repOTia, which must, for the most pai^ have seemed incradiUe to all iBtdlig"Dt tirraiat about the prodnctions of India i but be betrwa a total ignorance of tbe peculiar featnres of u"- diau society. Both be, however, and Hend" otug represent tba ooantry, so far as it waa known to tbem, as exceeding rich and p^Kb lous. The Indians,Herodotus obaerfes,am h"ra" hoDonr itccfKtnwd, ih"l hfl Bi^ fDvnliaioftb* "HEuu ba pluiadbujond i doubt byld dlMction, nUch nald hudlT brr* oocnrnd la " fornr. Mi, Willianu )" dliiillj gntntud it Ihii painl. ud uii.On vky abaoU IM pupnluim Itaa whi(^ th HISTORY OF GREECE. b^ far the most numerous nice or men we know : and Ihe tribute of (be Indian satrap; amouDted to a third or the whole that Dariua leceiTed ; all, according to him, arising from the gold foaad in the oanhcm muuntains. But many otber costly and useful productioos of In- dia, OB cotton, spieea,ivory, and preciousstones, were veiy oariy known in the west, chiefly, it appears, through the commercial activity of the FhtEnicians. At the battle ofArtKla the Greeks for the lirst lime saw elephants, which they heard bad be"o brought from the banks of the Indas. To Alexander and bis cotnpanioDs India appeared from a dislance as " new worid, of indefinite extent, and abounding in wonder? and riches. Even without any other induce- ment, he must eagerly have desired to explore and subdne it. Dnriag the campaigns of the last two years, he had met with opportunities of gaining better iuAirmatiiHi aboni India than was to be foond in Herodotus or Otesias. Among the foOowen of Beaaos WIS an Indian obief,or leader of mer- wnaries, named SiareoUus,who, when Bessns flU into AlezBDder'B hands, Buhmitted to the oonqneror, and beoane Srmly attached to him. Tbe aoomiiM wbicb he gave of the countries beyond the Indus mi^t afterward hsTe been oonfinned by an embassywhich Alexander re- ceived in Sogdiana, from a prince whose name is written by the Greeks Omphts, or Mophis, and who reignedoxer the rich tract which in- terrenes between the Upper Indus and tbe ^daspes (Bebut or Jhelum), tbe westenimoBt Of tbe dve great tribataries l^om which tbe wbole eastern basin of tbe Indtia, down to tbeir confluence with it, takea Uie name of the Fend- jnb. His capita]Tazila,from which he is more oommonly entitled Tazilee, stood at some dis- tance friMtieither stream, and appears to have been a iBj^e and splendidcity,though its site has, perfaapa, not yet beeo discovered.* Tbe Kingof Taxila had oOfered his alliance Co Alex- ander, and sought aid from bim acainst a pow- CriUi neighbour; and thus Alexander aecertain- "d Hut iito state of things in this part of India was highly favooiable to bia projected invasion. The distribution of power in the Pendjab ap- pears to hareflactUBied as mucli in the earliest times to which we can ascend in its history,as itliasin UMoe nearest to our own days. Cicsias "poke of tbe king of tbe IniUans,tas ifall India, "o far as it was known to him, was comprised imder a singlemonarchy. This king was an ally of Artaxenea, to whom he sent presents,! hot not, it appears, aa tokens of inferiority. Hence we may collect that, when Ctesias wrote, a great part of tbe country on the Per- sian frontier was anited under one powerful nler. But in its ordinary condition it seems to haTe been subdirided into a number of small "tales,wluoh were not under kinglygovern- ment, and its inhabitants were on this account branded,by tbe eastRrn Indians, whose kings leigned by diviue right,as a lawless race.f Through some reroluliona, no record of whidi has been preserved, a great part of it had, in Alexander's time, fallen under the dominion of three princes, the Taxiles alreadymentioned, and two who were kinsmen, and bore the name of Poms. The most powerful of these was the immediate neighbour of Taxiles ; his territories lay to the cast of the Hydaspes. It was against him that the KingofTaxila sought to atrenglh- himself by an alliance with the Macedonian conqueror. TTie accounts which .\leiander received ctf the population and resources of tbe country he about to enter, together with the consider- 1 of the great length of time that would be requisite for re-enlbrcements to reach him there, convinced him of tbe necessity nf extra- ordinary preparations for bia Indian expedition. But the European force which be had at his dispooal for this purpose can hardly have amounted to a greater number than be at flisc brought over into Asia ; for, besides the mani- fold tosses this pert of his army had suSfered iir the last two years, and the garrisons and colo- which had been drawn from it, he thought it necessary lo leave a coips of 10,000 infantiT' and 3"00 borse in Bsctria, under tbe commanf oftbe satrap Amyntas. fet he inarched into In- dia atthe bead of 130,000 foot and IB.OOO horse.' ve must suppose that at least 70,009 were Asiatic troop*. A considerable part of these auxiliaries were drawn from Bactria and L, and fram tiie nei^bonring Scythian hordes ; and they answered the double porpose of Btrengtbaniiig bis armj and of secaring the tranquillity of the conqnered lands from which they were withdrawn. With the same object, a largeproportion of the boys who were taken fhim their homes to receive Greek training, undonbledly collected in the northeast provinces. According to Curtius, it was Just before he set out for India that Alexander or- dered B levy of 30.000 youths, to serve at once as hostages and soldiers. The sunnner of 337 had scarcelybegun, when he crossed the mountains by a shorter routa he had taken in the winter of 329,t whicb brought bim in ten days to Alexandria. Hers he found reason to remove the governor whom ho had leftthere, and,havingappointed Nicanor in his room, descended the valley nf the Cabul River to Nic"a. This, according lo the most' probableconjecture, was the new name which he gave to the city otherwise called Ortospa- na, or Cabura, tbe site of the modern Cabul, where he made a sacrifice to Athene, perhaps place it under her protection. He then ad- vanced lo the banks of the Cophen, the river formed by the confluence of the Cabul River with the Pendjshir, a largerstream, which meets it from the northwest. Here, in con- formity to his summons, he was met by Tallies, and by several chiefs from the country west of the Indus, bringingpresents, such as were ac- counted the must honoumble ; and, as he ex- pressed a wish for elephants,they promised all- tbey possessed, wbicb. however, amounted to than live-and-twenty. The satrapy of IT kingly pmn MARCH TOWARDS THE INDUS." A0RNE8. S39 (he ParopamisadB, wett of Ihs Cophen. or Pendjsbir, was commiltBd to Tyriaapes. Alex- ander now divided hia foreei. He sent He- pbKBtion and Perdiccas, with a strong diviaion, accompaniedby the Indian chiefs, down tlie Tale of the Cophen to tlie Indus,to prepare a bridge for the paasage of the army, while he himself directed hia march into the mountain* north of the Cophen, and included between it and the Indna,* Here lay the territories of three warlike tribes, the Aapaaians or Hippa- sians,Gurteans, and Assacenians. The opera- tions of this campaign, which occupied the rcat of the year, do not require to be related here with all the military details which belonged to Arrian's aubject. It seems (hat Alexander was induced to take the upper road, not so much because he desired to reduce the mountaineers la becanee he had learned that it led through a countiy which was both better supplied -with prorisiOQs, and, on the whole, presented fewer obstacles (since the streams would bo mote easily croaaed near their sources, while (he cli- D)a(e WBB more temperate) than he was likely to meet with if he kept closer to the leftbank DftheCophen.t He firet ascended the mgged vale of the Choes, which seeios also to have been called Choaspes and Evaaplaby the Greeks ; a tribu- (aiy of the Cophen,apparently the modem Kir mah,or Kashgar, which falls into it at the east- ern foot of the great moontain pile called the Khnond, in which the Caucasus projects south- ward towards the Khyber range. This tale led into the territory of the Aspaaiana,where, baTlQgtaken two of the smaller lowos, leaTiog Cralerus to subdue the rest of the southern iieirict, he himself marohed northward against' the capital, Gorydala, which atood on Che east- ern bank of the Choea. On his approach, the natives set fira to their city, and fled into the beart of then; mountaina ; but they were over- nty of ArlgKum, on the eastern side of (he As- pasian territory. This he also found reduced to ashes, and deserted by ita inhabitants ; and ndti"C(tnilb/B*aitutiiiidiii""ult. fniiw lookllH othei. "hich l^adi fnKn tha Hnthetn part o" iha proriDH ot B^lLll irrom OhoTitul)to Kvidfttur,"nd BcconipTiatiH Ibiimarch n Us dari. Th*D" hi nunhtd dp littRinr Ur^ndili ^"a, and I^"ll dim Iba HiTar Cabul,whtch Iliaandsala 4 tba ooabmr^, lan nprBialy that AJaaandar,im bis ra- ""lni, ctaaaad tliaPanntanuaDa by a rAvrJfr T"mtt Ihan ha 'uich Knizhl unida India. Thli aiami dtintf a pma IW ha did luil pas IhroDgh Caudahir oi Qhimi. Aa ha "U noia vu pnblblT Ihaa imlllaaicabla. S^luaaar aa- "(ai no Raaoa for Biing Kjaa al or oau Ghjzai. Nita "rlAiT,,T., IjimjHcooalryhaiwaentho Cophen ud lbs ^Ihlha Hne Uihlandl IK ohich lafthe towna whuih "i" of HiiHi"!i. *"' """ ' '"'"' ' Stnbo,ir.. p. m, TaBcha. It aaaoi Baeaaair (o ia- ~^. IIh paaiaca thai,on anomll of the aaoeladingaaa- "", wUch aiaiana Ihi laaani "/"hfAlsuullt imilj Iba 'TV'^ "! would aoam tbat tha daacnplioaof tha dnnfht "wakeal wa*fflaaufc(lh* Bfltk of India, aad nM Ida ""TUlarrfCabB!. Vol. II,_G a as it oommanded an importantpaas between the vale of the Choes and that of the GurKna, another tributary of the Cophen (probably the Penjkore), he ordered Craterua, who had here rejoined the greatarmy, to rebuiUi it, while he himself advanced into the interior in pursuit of the fugitives He defeated their collected for- ces, and gathered a vast booty,including 10,000 captives, and between three and four hundred thousand head of cattle, from which he selected some of the linest to be sent into Macedonia. He then, with some diSlculty, effectedthe pas- sage of the deep and rapidGurKus, and entered the territory of the Aasacenians, They did not venture to keep the lield, but trusted to the strength of their towns. In Massaga, their capital, their chief had prepared to defend him- aelf with the aid of 7000 mercenaries from the Pendjab. But when, after a short siege, ha was killed by a dart from an engine, the garri- son capitulated, and Alexander accepted the surrender of the place, on the condition that the mercenanes should join his army. Bui (hey diaoovered a degree of patriotism which he had no[ looked for. They were ao averse from the thought of turning their arms against their countrymen, that,having marched out and encamped on a bill by themselvea.they medita- ted making their escape in the night. Alexao- der was apprised of their design,and,thongti they had not begun to execute it" with lea* generosity than might have been expected from him, even if mercy waa out of the qaestion " surrounded the hill with his troops, and cut them all to piecea. Then, holding the capita- lation to have been broken, he stormed the de- fenceless city, where the chiefs mother and daughter fellinto his hands. Two strongholds, named Ora and Bazira,re- mained to be reduced in the district between the Gurieus and the Indus ; and the inhabiianta of Ora, which probablylay farthest eastward, had received promises of support from a neigh- bouring prince named Abisares, who, according to this and the other indications afforded by his proceedings, must have reignedover Cashmire, a part of which is said to bear a name of very similar sound. Alexander, however, anticipa ted the arrival of these succour? by the capture of Ora, where he found aome elephants; and the inhabitants of Bazira,now despairing of their own safety, fled to another place of ref- uge, which was deemed impregnable, and soon became crowded with fugitives from all parts of -the country. This was a hill fort on the right bank of the Indos,not far above its junc- tion with the Cophen. Its Indian name seeme to have been eli^hlly diatorl"d by the Greeks,, according to their usual practice, into that of Aornns, which answered to its extraordinary height, as above the flight of a bird. It was precipitous on all sides, and acceaaible onlyby a singlepath cut in the rock,though in one di- rection it was connected with a range of hills ; but ita summit was an extensive plain of frait- lul soil, partly clothed with wood, and contaiiv ing copioussprings. Tbe traditions of the countryconcerning its insurmountable strengtb seem to have given occasion to tha fable whicit spreadthrough the Macedonian camp, that Hai"- enles himself had assailed it without gnccoae. Alexander did not need thia ioduoemnit to ex" fH HISTORY OF GREECE. "ite him to tbe undertakiag. The opinjoo of the nativea, which had led so many to take ihelter there,was a aufficieut raotiye. It had been a principle, tn which he owed moat of hia conquests, to show that he was nol to be de- terred by any natural difficulties; and he re- oolved to make Aomua his own. On his road soutbwaid. along the right bank of the Indus, he passed through the district of Peucelaoiie, ao called after its chief city,Peucela, which lay weal of the Indus,IhoDgb it has giren its name to the modem Puckheiee on the opposite aide of the river.* Its ruler,Astea, whose ter- litory stretched southward beyond the Cophen, had miiintained his independeoceagainst He- Ehestion and Perdiccai, in a city which they esieged fur thirtydays, on their march east- ward. But he had fallenin the aiege, and the placehaving been stormed, was committed to the care of SangKus, one of his subjects who bad revolted from him. Peucela surrendered to Alexander on bis passage, and he occupied it with a Macedonian garrison. He then ad- Tanced to a city called EcboUma, which lay very near to the foot of Aomus, and here he left Craterus, with orders to lay in a great stock of provisions ; for the reports be bad beard of Aornua,thoughthey did not shake his resolu- tion, made him doubt whether he might not be forced to turn the siege into b blockade. The sight of the placeitself, when he en- camped before it,probablysuggested no better hopea. But he had not long arrived at it, be- fore he received informatioa of a rugged and difficulttrack that led up to the top of a hill, separatedbya hollow of no greatdepth,though of considerable width, from the rock. By " path he "Bent Ptolemy, with a body of light troops, who reached the summit before he was noticed by the garrison, and immediately, as he had been ordered, threw op an intrenchment, and by a fire-signal annonnced bis success to the camp below. The Indians attempted hn Tain to dislodge him from hts position ; and the next day Alexander,by a hard struggle, no^ withstanding their vigoroosresistance, joined hirn there with the rest of the army. He now availed himself of his superiornumlters, and be^n to carry a mound across the hollow. He took part in the work with his own hands, and the whole army, animated by hts example and exhortations, prosecuted it with restless assi- duity. It advanced at the rate of a furlong a day ; and on the (barth day a small detachment of Macedonians look possession of a little peak, which was on a level with the rock,where, it aeems, theywere protectedby the missiles with which the besieged were now continually as- "ailed ; and the army redoubted its efforts to connect the mound with this point. But the Indiana, astonished at the intrepidity with which a handful of men had seized tbis vantage-ground, and alarmed by the progress of the work,began to despair of resistance, and to meditate fli^t. They sent envoys to treat of terms of capitula- tion : but their intention was only to amuse Alexander until nightfall, and then to make tbeir escape. He, however, was apprized of their design, and permitted them partly to e:~ "cote it. But while they were stealing out the place, he scaled the deserted wall with " SnuU, Muuii "' " Mlji al "'wt-rliiij g. IV. part of his guard, entered the fbrtreaa, and chased the fugitives, with greatslaughter, into the plains below. The capture of the rock, which had baffledthe assaults of Hereulea,wa" celebrated with solemn sacrifices, and supplied a fresh theme for the eloquence of Agis and Auaxarchus. The govemmenl of this important foTtreas was committed to Stsycotlus ; and the satrapy of the newly-conquered districtsbetweeo tlie Cophen attd the Indus to Niconor,'' But the spirit of the mountaineers was not yet suhdaed. Alexander had scarcely leftthe Assacenian ter- ritory before it was roused to revolt b; a broth- er of the chief who had fallenat Msssaga ; and as soon as be had taken Aornua, the conqueror retraL'cdhis steps into the mountains, to sup- press this tHEUnection.-t He was \he morB anxious to reduce the rebel,because he was in possession of a number of elephants. But when he arrived at the town of Dyrta, in the insur- gent district, be found it deserted by its inhab- itants, and could not even obtain any informa- tion as to the movements of the fugitives. He therefore despatched Nearchus and Antiocbus to scour the country towards the northwest, while he himself opened a road, whicb uo artoy had ever before trodden, to the banks of the In- dus. On bia way he took some of the natives, who informed him that the maip body of their countrymen had fled into the dominions of Abis- ates, but that they had left their elephants in the thickets,on the weal bank of the river.t With the aid of native hunters Alexander cap- tured the beasts, and then built a fleet, in which he dropped down the stream to the bridge which had been prepared for him by Hephsstion and Perdiocas, where be arrived, it appears, towards the end of the year 3ST. It was in the course of the campaign in the highlands between the Cophen and the Indus, aim, it seems, in the territory of tbc Gursana, that the Macedonians were stnick with some appearances in the productions of the soil,and the manners of the natives, and probably, also, by the sound of some names, which reminded them of the legends of Dionysus, whose fabn- lous conquests were now so often mentioned b; Alexander's flotterera, for the purpose of ex- alting the hving hero, wham iheyproposedto dei^, above the god. Euripides, a bold iiuy"- vator in many things,had, in one of bia Gnest tragedies, described the expedition of Dionyans to the remote east, and had carried him as 1^ as Bactria,a greaterdistance, it seems, than he bad been nude to reach by any preceding poet. But as there was no reason why the vic- loriouB and beneficent careerof the wine-givinff. son of Zeua should have stoppedthere, itcould ihichDroy- ha laduuid iba lUi LEGEND OF DIONYSUS." TAXI LES. tu Otat Alexaoder e"m" to a chr called Nyaa, | ntich booMed of DionjniBas its founder,and, " BTklenceorthefact.abowed tbeivr and lau- rel which be hod planted;* a ai)rtkt new to the Macedoouiaa Biace tbey had left tbeir native land. Aod Dear the oitj waa the iDouiitaiD Thkh be ttad oained Meroa, or Hani, io mem- orrorhisDiarreHous birth. The Macedouiana, itis said, tnade a pUgrimase to the mouDtaio, i wDTe theoiseltea cb^eia of the iv; that grew , inthe thicket* ob ita sides, aod joyfUljr hymned "be hsart-cheeriiig Power. Alexander aacri- Sced to his divine piedecessoi, and penoittod hia ocdonj, which is deacribed as an artatacnt- 1 icali"put"lic" ttDdo* a chief named Aeoidua, to I letWD its libeny and lawa- We have too man; inatBocea of the readiness ! with Wbicb the natives of India have humoured | itw faBtj of Europeans about their mythology,i 10 be mnch surptised that the Gormans should have adopted the fable of Dionjsus, wbit^ they, nay have learned fiom the qaestiona of Ihe in- vadeis, and have dexterooslir lomed to tbetr, own profit.tAieiander, Aman oboervea, wae (ratified by their story, -~' " --"--^ - " "-- "^- IDS, iDiiBed by emulation, would be the more wiUing to bear the faligueB of the expedition, in which he purposed to pass the utmost distance that had been reached by the divine conqueror. Ifwe may depend on this observatioo, it would inive that he had not yet thought of any limit to hia own progress within the farUiestbounds ofthe Eastern woiid. Aristobulufl related, Uiat the sprieg(836) had onlyjustbegun when Ajezande^ ended his cam- paign in the mountaiDS; and, according to Ar- dbd's chroDology " which, however, as will be seen, there is some reason to question " it can- oaltlmud IB Hm I" ry 1.7tia wiiten , _ , ", i., p. IM). thi imfm "it Parnatiiu wn onaBrlv Purfwwfof f"^f Km] UttmidK^Mtn BanWtiMwd Hsa niimi la itw ilMrici af dslK HiiBd. It fa.hBwnir.niiurlmHB, 'm Indin aphakfr (^u BoUn, p. 141),tbt gnn """"" It AmClKI, UU wiH^god, ud i* irna dC ""inliiiiii'i Cilnl. Tlwir nllmjm, H It hM (p.SIH), pm- iHsbjfa i^Buititifli of gnpvB, wltd BDilDiiltintAd. It "" EVWr "BLvnalMff Ihu Arma Sou w Nth. ntf m, kovant, Indmi nn bj CoRtu of Mount M"ik,' of botiiHxor diish wfno to gv not have been later than Hareb vrtien he croaa- ed the Indua,probablya littleabove ita jono- tion with the Copbra. He ceMirated bis ani- val on the eastern bank by a solemn aaorifles, and soon after met Tazilea, who bad oone oat, with his army ai"d his elephants, to greet him, and conduct him to his capital, with profeaakilia of the moat entire snteniBBion and devotion. It la possible, and,indeed, it muat be supposed, if we foUow Ariatobnlus, that be made a stay of oonaiderable length at Tazila;* for here, ao- cording to tbia author, he ezpeiienced the be- gbminf of the summer raina.t which are not known to All. in tbe Pendjab, before June or July.:t It is certain that be there received an embassy from Abisares, which was broughtby the prince's own tnother, and by some of hia prlnc^Blnobles,aa well as from another Indian chief, named Doxarea. It appears, ahso,not- withstanding Anian's ailence on the subject, that he sent an envoy to Pomi to demand trib- ute, aitd to say that he expected to be met by him on his vresiam firomier. The answer of Porus breathed defiance ; he woold meet the invader at theentrance of hia kingdom, bnt in arms. Bnt about the same time he received an embassy, of adiObrMit tenonr,fram theofh- er prince of that name. Tliia Porua, who waa jeaioaa of his kinsman'a power, and hoped to profit I9 hie "ill, sent ofibrs of submission to the stranger. He was, perfaaiw, attracted by tbe example and the good Ibrtime of Tasiiea, vAoee hospitality Alexander requited with munificent I^esents, and an enlargonent of hia territory, Io which he probably annexed some of the nev- ty-conqnered diatrictaweat of the Indus. But Tazilea nurohased this advantage at the price of hi* inoqiendenee 1 for FhihpptaB was appoint- ed satrap nf this part of India, and a Macedoni- an ganisan waa stationed In hia "I^)itaL It seems to bare been during bis stay at Tax- ila that Alexander waa firstenabled to natiiy hia cnriosiQr eonevning the doctrines and prao- ticBi of the iDdian noeties. He bad already witnaiaMl aomething aimiltT at Oorinth, whera he fbond DiogeBealiving in babtts of shapUei^ not unworthy of the Eattem gymnostqildsts, m tbe Greeks called the eegee who exposed them- selves, almost naked, to the inclemeacj of tbe Indian sk;. He "s reportedto have said Ihat, had he not boen Alexander, be would have bean Diogenes. Tlie independence of a man who had nothing to ask of his royal visiter hot Utat be would not stand between bim and tbe snn, stniek him as only leaa desirable than tbe con- quest of tbe world ; and he conceived a tike ad- miration for the Indian quietists, who manifeaU ed a kindred spirit. Yet their principles were widely dtflbrent from those of the Greek phi- lDso[dier.Diogenes thought he had attained the summit of happiness when he had contract- ed hia animal enjoymenla within the narroweat compass, eo that fortune might have the small- est po^ible hold on bim. The Indian ancbur- ni.t"",iT..p.t",n ro^aftArr4vSttai India ibont tbe bflginiiliia of jmio.but it 0Ott lator aa wg adnnnitoaanJilbciiartG." (ElpblnatDaa.p.lW.) Abnat Dtlhi ildoel nnt begintiiltliasnd ofJoao. p. 130. Il maf, anTmentioiir^it flood ooHd bf " tillof rain ia tbi D"ali of Ih* bidiB,a"dIba Ailua, OS tb* IHllof FoliTUur. HISTORY OF QRBECE. He* appear to hare vlawvd tbeir mortal exist- enoe as " peiiod of truining for a final releaae fhun the body, which vas the highestobject or tbeir desires, ind to baTs believed that the waste and abuse of life was tbe best prep- aration for death. Alexander, to whom such "pectaclea were oew, did not, perbspa, suffi- oiently reflect that to throw away life" wheth- er in fnTotous amusements, or useless ajsteri- ties, or indolent mm iitatiott " requires much less Tifoar of mind ai"d energy of cbarmcier than to qtend it in enterprises even less arduous and DoUe than bis own. He wss desirous of car- lyinfaway with him some of the Indian soph- i"tB as companions of Anaxarchns.' Fifteen Of them were pursuing their contemplatiTe ex- ercises in a grove near Taxila, and Onesicritus waa sent to them with the Ung's invitation.t It was rejected with disdain by DandamiB,(be aldeai and head of tbe ecenobites ; hot one of Ibem" by the Greeks uickDamed Calannsl" was indneed, it is aaid,by the permaalMM of lua Independeiice by which hp incurred tbe eon- tSDipt ofhis feOow-induses. After aolemn sacrifices and gsmes, Alexan- his force* on the left bank mden to have the veaaela in which the amy had oroBBed sawed each into two or three pie- oea, and tiansported to the Hydaspet. He left aD his tnralidi at Taxila, and strengthened his wma with eoOO Indiana, who were commanded bf TaxUea in penon. On bis mn^ tie foand a deflle, thiongfa which hia road by, occopied ^ a nephew ef Poms, umed Spitlacos, or l^ltaees. with a body of troopB.4 These he Mon dispersed, and having arrived, without fkr- tber opposition, on Iberi^t bankof theHydas- pM, beheld the whole army of Poms, with be- tween ROO and 300 elephants, drawn op on the other side, sepsrated from him by a deep and ttpidatreani,which, at the time he reached It, was pcrfaape littlelees than a mile brosd.H Me. Tmnlm. It lua b BuMhl il("umiM|"iolaliteilutthi]i"n*Bn)imiiu. Thitnik- psBlioiiUMUi u Mfn* bHi villiihg (ituhiBHt thtjdu- cnar Id ih* loa of Indiii, ud with iba b"n itlributtd to Suduiii, IbU Ii*,no ]"" lliu Aliuidn'. wd " iin of tho ""iniiii Gad. (Atrju, ril., 1.) On Ihg otbar hnd, tbcri li H Rwa nf ur BuddhiM pacaliuilr UHMf thai, Tbt diniactioibalwoan tha Bnhalna, Iha Gimuin, oi Bod- dUata,ud iba 9"maiij. or BrmbDin vich^taa, hai bHD dnri^udagaviiiaiit]T"|iluHdb*LaaHB, Dt liemimllmi t"aM"w"""hi,"yiltoiC-f"J"" yWoK^U. Wolck- "^ Rhni. Mni., nf. i..whon ha ohnrrea,p. ITS, dial Iho titleDf QyBKwipliiau, ohich waauphod indlacrlmluIiilT W rniic* tt both nlifioM.doaa nat Mcar in uf Gmk siihar bafon Plutarch. t Uia proper nava vraa SiAibh, Plal.,At" A5. Calaniu ni. It (uni, a eairn("i"iof iha Iitdiu idiuatiinir"F|i" , ) Pol)wiiu,iT.,J,tl.who Sim, faJdsad, no hinl u (o At orMnaiirtha oftMii. Bot aa Ihai* cu ba liiiladonbl Iba SpitHiaonMUiauad tiT Airias,"., 4t"d to plada il hara, w^ib Ttrawmtm. Iha imnuaani of Spittuiu,who ii deic ""(J"t"[^ n;j|j IrlAr.onoadad "" U,I1"" WWhai irrjanaL.. .... HiJaapaa. la anotlmfln 1 niaaBBtpotaBu Poms had atatioiied posts at various potota ap and down the river to watch the enemy'* motions, and Alexander spent some time re"" onneitering the country on the right bank. To distract the attention of Porne. he divided hi* army into several columns, with which he made frequent excursions in various directions, as if ancertain where be should attempt a passage- He then gave out that he bad resolved to wait for the more bvourable season, when the streams should have shrank within their ordi- nary beds,and ordered magaaines of provisiona to be fonned, as fbr a longsojoom. It seem*, indeed,snrprising that be did not defer hia ex- pedition until the end of tite monsoon, the na- ture and duration of which he must now havo leatned from tbe natives. He may. It is true, have snspected their accounts of exaggeration; bat peitaape, also, be was enconraged by tbe persuBsioa that his own troops were aUe to sustain the iDoIemenoy of the weather belter dian any others, and by the thon^ that tba greater tbe difficult of keeping the field, th" more likely that he might gain a passage by sniprise. He had very soon satisfied hinwe^ that it would be utterlyimpracticable to cnnn oi. l^a pnTEil laasa lo ba. that At aacui^ and RntaijA nsir Jhvla] porv, ar plioa (CiUnl.p. Ml, wan 1 of lit Km rfPanu-M ,, .,..., at of tha iala^ "'hick n than fiwBadh* Iha aUasB. DDIhaodi"hud,Biiiii", - ""-^--' ifcBKlaih*|ilw"*ii" -'-" "iihIhafiddofbu._, march aJoof Iha rivar *llh tha a (smp fna ilabaaka),ohaaiwa, " ' 1 by Cwtiaa fia Iha da- ofththi)^ ifarJad" ilTamg thiiiLa tiiMi.fnm ilu rcfulaact af CkrlnitMin, il no* to prtjnwf ttotlto t,to"Jto.a.aA.^iJiiy tfityim.Mj and 9oodtt Kf dtKri^td bg -irrua- Drayaaa,UDHinc ViBcaol'ahjpMhoaii,ani boiUiofapoa tho laH-awDUoud onojactiiro, doaa nol baaital* lo -" ^"^ ' ' "" -^ ud woody ialaad (p.W"). Ba canaralyapackmi, ia oaniuia fPZataRh, fViaa iFttan, callothr iilaulri MrlXnr, AU M" : i sii TFan lalar 1 1 iS). vc AhI l^b" (p riirr Bllul M" JiUn ly fic/ord. CAMP ON, AND PASSAGE OF THE HYDA8PE8. son hi the fbeeofthe enemy, beeiase the vet]' algtit of tbe elepbants wouM bave Ibroim bis caTUiT into coafnsion. It only reioBined,tberefbra.to steal I passage at aomo other point. Hia moie- menta were probably hastened by the iatelli- gence tiiat Abisarea,notwilbetanding the recent embassy, was on tus way, with his anny, to join At the diatance of a day'a march aboTe the camp, St a bend of the riTer towards the weat, where the prajectinff Tight bank wte oorered with wood, aik island, also thickly wooded, part- ed the stream. This was the spot which Alex- ander fixed upon Ibr hisBttampt. Ha oiderad the veaaela broagfat in pieces Irnm the Indaa to be carried to it: the shelter of the wood en- abled the workmen to pat them togetheragain Doobserred. Skina were alao provided to be Mcffbd with Mraw. In the mean while he en- deayoared to loll the enemy's vigilanceby a series of false alanas. Night after night he nllied forth with his cavalry, as noisily as pos- aibie, and poshed up or down the river,as ifto attempt a passage. Poms at firstdrew oat his ^pbaola, and moved towards the qaarter flora which the damonr proceeded; but when the feint bad been (rileit vepeated he ceaaed to at- tend to it, aad did not atirhia elephama fbr any noise that be might hear on the other aide. Stillfarther to oover bis plan, Alexander hoed the rightbank, down to the destined point of entbarcation, with a series of poata, within hear- ing of each other, who were ordered to keep up an incessant abonting. He then leftCrate- ns, with a strong division, in the camp, with CDden to remaiD there as king as he aaw the etsphanls on the iqiposite bank, but. whsnever tb^aboold be withdrawn, to attempt the pas- aage wjthoat Iom at time. Heleager,AltalnB, and Gorgisswere posted, with the mercena- ries, horae "nil' foot, lower down the river, and were ordered t" oroes over aa soon as they atoold see the lodians engaged with the Idog. Alexander hinselT set out with the flower of his Macedonian caralry, and ibe Baetriaa,Sog- dian, and Soythiananxiliariea, in allaboat 5000, and " aeleet divisionof heavy and light infan- gadea of CMtoa and Ctaniw. He directed his nartA at * anlBcient distance fnm the river to bo coDoealed ftom the enemy'aview, and aboat Buoaet artiyed oyer against the island. During the night a violent fallof ndn, accompaniedby a terrible thander-atorm,a little impeded the liboors of the men ; bnt the noise aleo served to drown the clatter of the axes and bammera, and all the din of preparation, which might oth- erwise havu reached the post on the opposite bank. With the return of li^t, the rain had ceased and the storm was bushed, and the troops were iounediately embarked. The kingbimselC with Ptolemy,*Perdiucaa, Lysimachus. and Seleu- eos, the founder of the Syrian dynasty,went Illte bwl maati' lauifkikldbHull Jl tUtlWT^' on board a small galley, with a fart of the hy^ paapista. The woody laland concealed thor movementa until, havingpassedit,tbey wete within a short distance of the leftbank. Then first they were perceivedby the Indiana attp tioned there, who immediately rode off at fnli speed to carry the tidings to their camp. In the mean while Alexander proceeded to form the cavalry, which was first landed, and, pot- ting himself at their head, began to advance fVom tite bank. Bot he soon discovered tbat be had not yet readied the main land-^tbat be was on aootiier iriand,seikarated tnm tt by ^ ehanBel of no great width, but which titetain jost lallea had awoUen into a fbrmidaUa stream. A fnrd.however, barelypassable, was at tennli discovered, and the whole diviaion was flnalty drawn up in order of battle. Arriaa seems to say that the infantry BTaotmted to no more than two men ; but perfaapa ha meant to apeakon^ of the two brigadea of the phalanx;* the whola of tbe foot,iBctodlng the hypnspiau and ths lighttroops,may have been neaim- SO,O0Q. Alexander pushed fbrward with his cavalry and aoorpeof bowinen,aoofldent that,by his siips- rioriiy in this arm, he should be enabled eithar to roat the whoie ho"t of Poms, or, at least,to keep it engaged imtil the infontry came np U" support him ; and it seems he was not witboat hope tiiatthe tidings of his anexpeotedpaaaaga might strike Ibe enemy with aach coostemk' tion that tbey would not wait for hia eomiag, and tbat he aboold have nottung to do btUM overtake and destroy tbe thgitivea. This hope,however, war not fulfilled.Pohm was notof aapirit to be so eaai^ ove^owerad. Hia fint thought, irtkSDhe reeeived the iniellt" gence, was that there might stillbe time to come up vriththe enemy before they had com- pleted their landing, and ha immediately aeat one of Ua Boaa,t with 9000 cavalry and IM chariota, towanlB the place. Alexander, irtieB he irat aaw this body, beiiarad that Poraa waa aivToaohing with hia whola army, and aant the bane-bowDiea Ibrwnd to reeoanoitar ; but,aa soon aa be had aacertained tiierealBtata of ttaa caaa, be charged with all hia cavaliy. Tlia Indians soanmy waited for the ahoek of thia greatlyanperior force. Pour hundred of tbaia ~~ I ^in, and among them the prince hiia- The dtarioia, which made their waj with greatdifficulty over ground whidi tbe rain bad tcmod into a swamp, allfellinto the handa of the conqnerots. Even this dissaler did not bow tbe couraga of PorUB ; but he was perplexedby the neces- sity of at once meeting Alexander's attack,and defending the passage of the river against Cra- .lerua. He did not, however, hesitate long; but,leaving a part of his elephants to check Craterus, advanced to the decisive conflict with 300 of them, the whole of his cavalry(about 4000), 300 chariota, and the bulk of hia inlhn- ,. rigb. h " hi. M..1. u ".= 1 -"TTc HISTORY OP GREECE. its, wbi^ tBunnted to aboni 80,000 men. Be- yond the "wsmpy ^rouad aevi the riTct, he IbaDd a tract orsuuly soil, which now preaent- ed a, firm fooCing. and h"re he drew np hie Tor- OSB to await Alexander's approach. He relied ^ied;on hia elephaats, which he placed in front of his line,at intervala of a hundred feet. Which were filled up with infaDlrf : one half of the cavalry was p("tedat each flank, and tbe dtajiota in frontof them. Alexander, when he came in aight of the en- vaj, made bjs cavalryhah, to allow time for the infantry to come np, and recover breath, aftertheir long and quickmarch, while be bim- Mlf, observing the diapoaition of the hoetile Miuy, decided on hia plan of attack. It was bla object to make such use of his caraby, in which hia own nrength lay, as to deprive "Pa- nia of alltbe advantage he e^iected Irom his (dephants, and from Uie aapeiior numbera of hia foot. He postedhimael^as uiual,m tike (ightwing, with the main body af the cavalry; tat Mationed CceaOB, with two aqnadninB, on the kft. With hia wonted sagacity, he antici- pMed that an attack on tbe enany's left wing wooUdrawonttheoaTBliTonthe riditto pro- tect it; and he ordered Couin*,inUu0 caae,tO' bll on their rear. Hia own phalanxwas net to be broughtup antiltbe enemy'a line shonld have been throvni into confusion by the charge of the cavalry. Tke event answered hia ei- pectationB in every point. The horse-bowmen were first ordered to advance, and threw the enemy into aonie disorder by a diower of ar- ntwa. Alexander then led np the reM of hia nvaliy to the charge, Tbe Indian oavalry of ths rightwing was Immght op to Uie reliefof Oeii left, and waa at Uw same lime taken in the rear by 0"eniiB, and chafed \tj Alexander in front. Hie wttole body, in disorder, Mmght "helur in the line of the elephanta, and the MnDedonian phalanx them adraneed to take ad- .Tantage of the eonfiisiOn, and to anpport Ihedr oaval^. Yet the shock of tbe hnga animala, M long as they were .under contnd, made havoc even in the rmika of the phalanx, and aflbrded time for tbe Indian cavalry to Tally. But when they were driven in by a second charge of the Uacedonian horae, and tbe en- gagement was crowded within a narrower apace, the elephanta,pressed on all sides,began ' and rinded their onset, pUed ttism with tbeir missiles, or mutilated their tranka, and drove them back npon their own tanks,where, as long aa their atiengthlaated, thsyspread havoc and confusion. ' At leogtb. when many of them were killed, and the rest, spent with woimda and toil, ceased to be for- midable, Alexander ordered another general charge of boise and foot ; and Um Indians, routed at all points, betook themsrivea to flight. By this time Cratems,and the diviaionson the ruht bank, had eflbcted their passage i and, el^afing in the ponnrit with all tbe vigour of ftesh troops, made dreodM slaughter among the fhgitives. The nnmber of the daln on the side of the Indians amounted,accordingto the more mod- erate aeoonnt in Diodoraa, to ^lant ia,000. ' Among them were two other aons of Poma, and the greater part of his principal offlcers. Nine thousand prisoners were taken, and eightyelephants. The chariots had been all destroyed, thou^ Anian does not mention tbe part which they took in the battle. The Iobb of the HaeedonianB ia estimated,aa osnai, at onlya few hundreda.* Poms himself, mounted on an elephant, bad both directed the moTeroente"tf hia Ibrces,and gallandj taken part in the action. He had re- ceived a wonnd in hii ahoolder " hia body was protectedby a corslet of emrioiu workman^iip. which was proofagainat all mieailes " yet, tm- like Darius, aa long as any of hia troops kept their ground, he would not retire bma Ute field. When, however, he saw aO diaperaed, he, too, turned his elephant for fli^. He was a con- spicuous obje":i, and eaaily overtaken ; and Al- exander, who had observed and admired tbe courage he had ahown in the battle,desirona of saving hia life,sent Taxilea to aummoo him to surrender. But the sight of hia old enemy only roQsed his indi^iation ; Taxiks could not gain a hearing tor hi* message, and narrowly eaoaped a wound. Alexander,nereithelesB, oontUiued to send mBsssngora after him ; and at lengUi,hopeless of escue, and worn witli fatigue and thirst, he yieldedto the pBrsna- slons- of Meroes, an Indian,one of his favom- ites,ali^ted from hia elephuit, and, after har- a slaked hia tbirat,permitted bimaetf to be into the conqneror'apreaenoe.t All he would ask of Alexander was to be bested aa a king; and when Alexander observed that tbia was no more than a king must do for hia own sake, end bade him make some request for himselT. his reply was atHl, that all was inclu- ded in this. His expectations could soaroriy have equal- led the eonqtieror's muniflcence. He was not only rcinstUed in his royaldignity, but receiv- ed a large addition of territory. Yet it was oertainly not pore magnanimity,or admiTatton for hia character, that determined Aleunder to this proceeding. He was conscious that his foroes were not snffiolentto enable him to dis- place the native prinoes eaat of the Indus, and to annex their territoriea, in the form of a sa- trapy, to bis eo^re. Hence the generosity he had shown to Taxilea, But Taxilea him"elf might have become formidable wiihont a rival j and the onlyway to secure the Macedonian as- cendency in the Pendi^ waa to trim tbe bal- ance of power, t * Thia bikztif, uddfdhig to Arrifta,ivmi fingtitiB 1"i" DSUli MbdrIusii of tb* uduK Higaui (Apnl hh) May, SM). Hi. CliBtia (dopM u "a*B"]itiii^ij wbigk Os lui wmU ba chinnd la lUna, XR. Thi onniAi by "vliic)! he tiat amiliadlo naUca that bo tina wMld iEdiIn .nftfhr tba aniiain "" IliaiMinulaa banraaa Iha Caiifaiii ud Iha Indai, ii dsulj poinlaii ast bi Cigimi. B" il ia iX icaat aqoallyairvva thai Dwien binauf ahK]]!! adopi A.rnu^" dala, u ifitwsTa ftaaImh all diAcDhj : thaa*1i, inleai thaiulnni oT India bai chsngad HaealliiliaiivrAI- HE ID baloni ths UtlLa.cauld ban higua Id MoBJchioD. a Iham, Porut, hoMlaf oat ti" (ltdluCHni BourLna from i DrcyaeD. p. 401.coiK^JTet thai AlflTandar DODld d^ nun ""uiM u naki " panpU " hiihl]' cttilluO aa Iha [i- luDi "ub]"" of hii topiia,butcml) tDOniD anji IV"rIha lafluivau tilJ/cUnitlfc liinoa|"I tuatt], hj which, in pin I C.ooolc MARCH TOWARDS THE HYPHASIS. AleiandoT, after hs had buried ht" slain, Hnd solemniied his victory with hia nsiial magnifi- eence, allowed the main bod; of his nnay a moDtfa'a rest, perhaps in the capital of Pofub. The coDtinuance of the rains wu probably the dlief iQoliTe for this delay. But before he quitted the acene of his tnuinpli, he iTounded two cities near the Hydaspes, one, which he nBfoed NicBea,near the fieldof battle, the other neai the place where he had crossed the nT" IhiB be named Bacephala. after his galla Meed, which had sunk, either under fatigue woonda, in the bonr of victory. Craterus w leftto snperintend the building of U]e"e cities ; while Alexander himself, with a select division "ifhorse and foot, invaded the territory of the GlausR, oi Glausanicn, who occupied the rich Talleys on the north of the dominions of Fonis. Itwas a highlyflourishing and populousregion, tat offered Httle resistance to Alexander, who Issaid to have taken thirty-seven cities, containing less than 6000 inhabitants. AD this country he annexed to the kingdom of Ponis. He, at the same time, reconciled Mm, in ap- pearance at least, with Taxiles, who was then ^rmitted to return to his own capital. On his Rtnni from his expeditionagainst the Glaosn, Alexander received another embassy from Abis- aies, which was againbroughtby his brother, inwhich he renewed his offtrsof submission, and,as a pledge of his sincerity, among other presents sent fortyelephants. But Alexander, who was aware of his crooked and time-serv- Alexander's success, and from the independent staleseast of the Hydraotes. Here, too, he re- wired a re-enforcement, brought by Phrata- pheraes, of the Thracians who had been left with hJm. On the other hand, he was inform- ed by a despatch from Siaycottua that a fresh nvutt had broken out among the Assacenians, who had killed the governor set over them. Fhilippus and lyriaspea were sent with a di- ?i"ion to reduce them to obedience. Before he resumed his march eastward, Al- exander ordered a great quantity of ship tim- ber to be feQed in the forests on the upper (onrBe of the Hydaspes, which abound in fir UKt cedar, and Boated down the stream to his new cities, and a fleet to be built for the navi- gation of the Indus. He then advanced to the next great river of the Pendjab, the Chenab, which, it seems, he named Acesines, to avoid Qm ainisteromen contained in its Indian name,* vhich, might attract attention from the injury "kioh was done to the boats by its rocky bed. He now dismiased Poms to collect Indian troofts and elephants for his service, and leav- ing CoenuB, with his brigade, on the right bank fn guard the passage for the convoys which he ""tbiiliiai U hiMo[r," ' Ciiindniblfha" I) "KMdii hy il" Ontki. _ _ _ _ __ - *i-i- 'Ai^u^rtt at 'iXilariftfaroth RrtMi, Amu, expected,set forward with his tfghtwAtroo^ man portended his own rain, did not ventora to trust himself in tbe hands of the couqaeror, and had fled beyond the Hydraotes (or Arao- tes, the Ravee), which separated his territories from those of the independent tribes. Alexan- der sent Hephnstion with a strong division to take possession of tbe fhgilive's vacant domin- ions, as well as of any independentterritOTy that he might find west o( the Hydraotes; and ordered thtU they should be snbjected to the nile of Porus. On the right bank of the Hydraotes he found himself not far tVom the confines of one of [he most warlike of the independent B, who, according to the Greek form of their Indian name, were called Cathnans.* Thehr chief city,Sangala, seems to have occn- piednearly the same site as the modem ca[H- tal of the Seik monarchy, Lahore, on a braiuh of the Ravee, near the edge of a smafl lake.t Alexander, on his naarch up the river, received or extorted the submission of some other smaller tribes. As he approachedSangala, be found the Cathteans strongly intrenched on an insulated hiD near the city, behind a triple bar- of wagons. Sncfa an obstacle could not long detain the Macedonians After Alexan- der, dismounting from his horse, had pat him- self at the head of the phalanx, the three lines were soon forced,and the barbarians took ref^ uge within their walls. He then invested the city on three sides,and, expecting that the enemy would attempt to escape in the ni^t across the lake, lined its margin with his cav- alry. The attempt was made, but,throngti this precaution, withoDt efibct, and he t.ien proceeded to open a trench between the city and the lake. The barbarians still msde an- other attempt to escape in the night, before the trench was completed; bnt their design was betrayed, and Ihey were again driven back within their ramparts. Engines had now been constmcted ibr an assault ; but before they brought up, the Walls, which were made of brick,were partly nndermined, and tbe place vas carried by storm. A bloody camage on- lued ; for the besieged had made a vigorooa esistance, and more than ISOO of the besie- gers, including several generalofficers, and the BomatophylaxLysimachus, were wounded. Tit revenge, 17,000 of the barbarians were massa- cre ; 70,000 were made prisoners. Alexan- der then sent his secretary, Eumenes of Car- flia,to announce his conquest to two neigh- bouring cities which had been in alliance with the CathEsans, and to invite them to earn his clemency by a timely submission ; but the fate of Sangala had stmck them with such con- sternation, that the whole population took to flight, Alexander tried to overtake them, and up with a few of the hindmost,who wet" ) pieces; but he was at lengthobliged to givenp the pursuit. On his return to SsLgala, he ra"ed it to the ground, and distributedits territoiy among the tribes which had submitted without resistance. Forns, who had arrived ii wd I HISTORY OF GBBBCE. 4"ring the tiege with ibout 5000 Indiaiu,waa MBt to placegarrisonB in tbeir towns. He himielfeaatiaued hismarcli towarda the south- "tst, and receivedthe aubmiMioa of two chiefs, "Aa are DanMd bj the Greeks Sopeithes and Pltegeus, and then anived on the baiUcs of the Hrj^aais, or, rather, of the atream (bnned bj the junction of tbe Hypbaaia(Beiah) with the HeBOdnis (Setledge). That he came upon it considerablj below the confluence aeema deai, from the meiitioD of the desert which la; between it and the Oangea. And here he had,at length, reached tiie fated tenn of his pragreas towarda the eaat. The causes whioh atiested hia ci on the western bank of the Hypliasui are Uiifoiiuly stated by Che ancient historians, Withstanding the rhetorical eiaggeratioDS for Whicb the event furnished such an ample dkeme, to permit ui to beheve that the; have been lotally miBrepresented, Alexander had, "o doubt,long been undeceiTed aa to the nar- Nw liraita which, according to tbe geography of hia day, he trnd at first assignedto India, "nd to the easlom aide of the earth. The OOeaa, wliioh he had once imagined to be sep- arated by DO veiy rast tract from the banks of tbe Indus, had receded,aa he advanced, to inuaeasDialde distance. He had discovered tiiat, beyond the Hyphaais, a desert tensive than ain' he had yel crossed parted the flains of the Five Streams from the region watered by tbe tributaries of tbe Ganges, tiver mightier than the Indus ; that the cou trj east of the Gangea was the seat of a great Winandir, for more powerful than that of Po- ns, the utnd of the Gangarides and Prasians, vhose king could bring into the field 300,000 Ibot,SD,OM hone, and several thousands of alephanta. That this information rather served to inflame Alexander's ouiiosity and ambition than to deter him could scarcely be donbtad by my one who has fuUj entered into his charac- ter, even ifit had not been expressly stated by the aneieBts. The onlyplausible reason that bas bsflB allemd for quMtioning whether he himself willed and designed to proseoute his expedition in the same duration is that,by the orders he had given for the building of a fleet on the Hydaspos, he had already m^ifeated his intention of sailing down the Indus. That he kui,indeed,resolved to explore the coutse of this river to its mouth, and to make it, if poa- "Ible,a channel of communication between India and bis western dominions,seems sUffi- eiently clear. But he might stillbave left the lime when be should execute this part of his plan to depend upon circumstances. As to the probable result of the expedition, ifhe had advanced towards the Ganges, itseems a little kardj to apeak with conHdeace. It is by no "ueana certain that he would bave encountered any much greater obstacles than be bad al- raady overcome. The lung of tba eastern tribes is representedaa an upstart and usurp- er,* and Alexander might bave been aided,aa be had been in the conquest of the Pendjab,by divisions among the natives. Bui the accounts wych kindled his ardonr ^ungcd tbe Macedonians into sullen dejectioo, ^hich at length broke out into t - - * Cimiu, u., 3. Diolorm,J It ia possible that, if they bad aeen any distinct and certain goal before them, they would not have shrunk from tbe dangers and difficulties of a last enterprise, however arduous. But to set out from a region which had once appear- ed to them as the verge of the habitable world on a new series of conquests, to which they coiUd foresee no termination, was enough to appal the most adventurous spirits. Their thoughtsbegan to revert with uncontrollable force to their homes in the distant West, as they had reason to fear that Ihej were on the point of being torn from them fbrever ; for, even of those who mightescape the manifold dangers of a fresh campaign, how many might be doomed to sit down as colonists, and to spend the rest of their lives in that strange land ! India was a stillmore hopelessplace of exile than Bactria and Sogdiaoa, where the Greeks, who had been plantedby violence, were only detained by terror. These seem to have been the motives which weighed most with the aimy ; but tbeir force was undoubt- edly much aggravatedby the extraordinai; hard^ips it h^ Buffered, since it bad crosaed the Indus,during the rainy season. It appears that a great many horses had perished, and it may be concluded that much aictness had been caused among tbe men by their continual en- campuieats oa damp, if not flooded,ground : though, after tbe battle of the Hydaspea, a part, at least,may have found slielt"rfor aorae weeks within the walla of a (own. It does not seem that they bad experienced any scarcity of pro vi- sions; but tbeir clothes and armour had been,ID general, almoat worn out, and many had been obligedto exchange tbe Greek dress for anch articles of clothing as they could find in the country. The wish to return became luiver- sal, and was soon transformed into a Arm reo- olution not to proceed. It is difficultto gueas bow far the BJgumeDta by which Alexander endeavonred to ovemHoa the repugnance of hia troops, aod to animato them with his own spirit, resembled any of those which are attributed to him by Arrian and Curtius. But it is bardlyprobable that he tried to persuade them that Uie ocean lay but a short distance beyond the Ganges, and Uiat he declared his intention to circumnavigate first India, and then A"ica ; or that he expecle't them b^eve that bis recent conquests would ba lecure, unless he enlarged his empire with the countries wbicb lay to the east, lie threat which Curtius puts into his mouth, that, if the Macedoniana would not follow him, he would throw himself on his Bactrian and ScylhiaD luxiliaries, and make the expedition with them alone, most likely misrepreacnta the tone which be assumed. But it ma; easily be supposed that he expressed his wishes and urged the army to compliance with paasionate eloquence. Not only,however, the feelings of tbe troops, but the judgment of his Officers was adverse tu the proposedenterprise ; and Ccenua, in a speech which has either been better written or more faithfully reported than the king's, exhort- ed hjm to abandon his design. Alexander re- tired to his tent in displeasure. The next day aaacmbled the army, and made an- other attempt to overpower Uieir reluctance. Aa a last experiment, he declared that he would ..Cioogic BEGINNING OF THE RETREAT." NAVAL PREPARATIONS. "1 ibree m Maesdonian to ftocompuij him ; he *aB mm that there would be voluntcere enough imoDg; them for hia pnrpofle; the reet might return home and ssj that the^ had left their bag in the midst of bis enemies. Bnt even this *fpealprodnoed no eGTect, For three days he kept within his tsot, where not evea his ehief officere were admitted to his presence, wailing for a change in the dispoeition of the men. But the trtuCtess which iMrerailed in the camp conTinced him, more strongl; than words conld have done, that their determination was fixed He then felt that it was time to yield ; not, perhaps, without some pride in the reflec- tion, that there was not a man in the aimy who wss capable of hia own contempt for diiHcnl- tlesand dangera. He had,however, gone too br, it seems, to recede without some other pielext. The sacrifices easilyauppiied one. When they were found unpropitioua to the pas- sage of the river, he called his conncil, and de- clared his resolDtion to retreat. It waa received with tears of joy and grate- flilshouts by the amy. Beftire he quitted the Hyphasis, he ordered twelve colossal altars tu be built on its banks, and dedicated to the gods who had led him tbua far victorious ; then, af- ter a solemn eacrifics and games, he began to tatrace his alepe. The country not yet dis- insedof,as far as the Hyphasis, was commit- ted to Ponia. On the AcBsines he found the city, which Hephnstion had been ordered to build, ready to receive a colony; and there he leftthe dieaUed mercenaries, and aa many na- tives of the neighbouring districts as were willing to settle there. While he was engaged in preparatioQ for his voyage to the sea, he re- ceived another embassy from Abisares,plead- mg ilbieM aa an excuse for his absence, which was confirmed by the Macedonians v^ had been sent to his court. The embassy was ac- eompaniedbj thirtyelephants and costiypres- ents. Araaees, a chief whose territories lay oa the oonflnea of Abiaarea, came, at the same time,to offer his snbmiseion, and was placed under the authority of his more powerfuloeigh- bour,whom Alexander, though he had reason to diatnist his profeBsiona, thought it prudent CHAPTER LrV. HowEvaa reluctantlj Alexander may have abandoned the immediate prospect of farther conqnesta and discoveries in the Eaat, there was still enough to fiU hia mind, and to gratify his passion for heroic adventures, in the enter- prise which he waa next to begin. So vague had been, almost down to this time, hia notions as to the geography of the regions which he was to traverse on hia retnrn to Persia,that, when he found crocodiles in the Indus, he con- ceived a fhncy that this river was a branch oC the Nile ; and this conjecture seemed to him strongly confirmed when he met with the lotus, such as he had seen in Egypt, on the hanka of the Acesines. He even mentioned, in a letter to his mother, that he believed he had discov- ered th" land which contained the kprings of the Nile ; he thought that, in Itseonrae turn India to Ethiopia, it might Oow through aonw vast desert, in which it lost its origindname. A tittle inquiryamong the natives muat hava sufficed to correct this error"Which seems to prove that he was not well read in Herodotus, and that the expedition of Seylax had clotted but littleattention In Greece" and that he re- mained BO long ignorant of the truth, shows how singly his views were, at first, bent to- wards the East. lite Beet,which was probably, for the most part, collected from the natives,ntunherwl,ac- cording to Ptolemy,nearly BOOO vossels of va- rions kinds, includingeightygalleys of war. Arrian givesa list of thirty-three, wtiich were nominally under the command of the principal officers of the army, most of whom, neverthe- less, continued to serve on shore.* As we The lleet on the Hydaapes was now nearly ready, Init Uie two new cities had snfifered so much from the rains, that the army was for some time employed in restoring them. In the "Kan while, Alexander made bis final arrange- ment of the aflairs of the northern Peodjab,by whir-h Poms gained a fresh addition of lerri- "OTy, so that his dominions included, it is said, tevea nationa and above 'iOOO cities, with, it "cems, a titlewliich eatablished his saperiority over all tl"echiefs east of the Indus.* During the preparations for the voyage Csnus died ; more regretted, prob^ly,by the army, whose cause he hnd pleaded, than by the king. Alei- aoder, however, liononred him with a magnifi- eenl Mineral ; but, it is said, could not fortiear to remark, tliat itwas to little purpose Ccenus had m^e that longspeech, and shown so much anxiety to return to Macedonia, t "i. LI.^H protaKblrtpiWftT Dot (Ih IihI notablvCo thoM leadeT* who mn Hwan lut periiapiDO hJMDry wH"vsr"DiaitDkditllf- UT"d by fTHi tkag^rUioa uulfixtAWUl JtlUvrju AI^ (uJer'd ; whu TemtmbflT Strabo^ "iiDpCuatt ibonl Ihftoo- plDiu liT.,i!,l,tifnlmrit"K3,w"iiln*TatAr$m)iaiaiitr- rur "Wa,a,ipi}r~^",irlvrico! ripl'iXHni^ftli t6 Aar- lisariydvi TiUfiaus. incilx^ym uSMjit),ux! nuBn;b'l bakm^fwl tit tbem. bmb bf blood "ud try e^acfttiov ; in tbift Jul raiptoi, mute pKiip.LiJi'*- "-'- "" Svb?' S4S HISTORY OF GRKECE. lesro fh"ni another author, that Alexandar'a flnances were at one lime, before be leftIndia, in so low a state that be was obiiged to solicit eontributiona from his friends,it Beenta yery probable that these officers fittedout the ves- sels at their own charge.* The crewt of the l^gervesaela " the natives, do doubt, manned their awn small craft" were composed partly of PhcEDicians and Egyptians, and partly of Greeks, from the isl^ds and coasts of the ."gffian. Thecommandof the whole fleet was intrusted to Nearchua, Alexander divided his forces into four corps. The main body, with about "00 elephants, was to advance along the eaatem bank under the command of Hephaes- tion. Cratenia was lo lead a smaller division Of infantry and cavalry on the opposite side of the river. Philippue, with the troops of his Batrapy, was ordered to take a ctrcuitoua ronte towards the point where the two ether generals were to wait for the deet, in which the king bimself was to embark with the hypaspiste, the bowmen, and a division of his horse-guard, in all 8000 men. On the morning of the embarca- tion, Alexander himself, under the direction of Mb soothsayers, oflered the libations and prayers which were deemed fittestto propitiate tile powers of the Indian streams, Hydaspes and (be impetuousAcesines, which was soon to joinit, and the mighty Indus, which was af' terward U" receive their united waters. Among the gods of the West, Hercnles and Ammon were mvoked with especial devotion ; then, at the sound of the trumpet, the fleet began to drop down the river. The most judicious ar- rangements had been made to prevent confii- Bion, and to keep itsmain divisions, the galleys of war, the horse transports, and the vessels loaded with the baggage, at a convenient and invariable distance from each other. It was a spectacle such as the bosom of the Hydaspes had never before witnessed, nor has it since. Its high banks were crowded with the natives, who flocked ft'om all quarters with eager curi- osity to gaze, and accompanied the ennament in its progress to some distance before they could be satialcdwith [he sight of the stalely galleys, the horses, the men, the mighty mass of vessels gliding down in unbroken order ; and as the adjacent woods rang with the signals of the boatswains, the measured shouts of the rowers, and the plash of numberless oars, keep- ing time with perfectexactness, the Indians, too, testifiedtheir delight in strains of their na- tional music. On the third day Alexander found Hephns- tton and Craterua .encamped at the place ap- pointed, and, having wailed there two days, was Joinedby Philippus. He immediately sent Philippusacross to the Acesines, with orders to pursue his marcrh along its banks, while He- phteslion and Craterus moved forward in ad- IliIoitnDiiwliLi: iiIj-?(Jk^ "rniDiiic mtumpl lo which 1 hut ndnrl " PluUrch. Enin., 1 ViafV" 'n/fim l4" I'.ia SaXaasay, iru xftnara mis ^I'm r^SamXiiif.A puHgt not Dntiijeil bj I Airiu, Ud.,IB. vance of the fleet on opposita aides (rf'the R7- daspee. He himself, as he proceeded, landed his troope wherever be fonnd a disfday of force necessary 10 extort sQbmission from the neigh- bouring tribes,though it was with reluctance Ihal be spent any lime in these incursions ; bo was anxions,as soon as possible, 10 reach the frontiers of the Mallt,a warlike race, from wboDi he expected a vigorousresistmce, and whom be therefore wished to surprise betbre they had completed their preparations, and bad been joinedby their allies, particidarly their south- em neigbboura, the OxjdracKor Sudracie. la five days he arrived at the second place ofren- dezvous, the confluence of the Hydaspes and the Acesines. His Indian pilots had warned him of the danger which the fleet wonid have to encounter at this point;yet it did not es- cape. The united rivers were at that time pent into a narrow apace, where their conflicting waters roared and chafed in eddies and waves, which, seventeen centuries later, still present- ed the appearance of an agitated sea.* The principal ohstmctions appear now to have been worn away, and the passage is no longer fonm- dable. But AJexaDder'a sailoTBwere so much alarmed or astonished at the sounds wlileb they heard,even before Uiey reached the confluence, that,by an involuutaiyimpulse,they at onoe rested on their oais ; and when they had en- tered it, the novelty of the spectacle seems to have deprived tbem oflheir self-camnund, and to have prevented them from executing the or- ders ihey received with the precisionnecessary In carry them through in safety. The brood vessels,however, which were probably bailt af- ter the Indian fashion, suffered no damage, though they were whirled tonnd by the eddies. But several of the longgalleys lost a great part of their oars, and were much abatc^^ -. two were dssbed against each other, and entirelj wrecked, and many of the crews perished. Ao- cording to some accounts, Alexander himself at one time thought bis own galley so much in danger, that he was on the point of jumping overboard. As the stream widened and spent its violence, a headland on the right bank af- forded shelter to the fleet. While it was undergoing the necessary rt"- paira, Alexander made an expedition inland against Ihe Sibas, or Sivaites,so called,un- doubledly, from the Indian deity, who was the chief object of their worship. As they were armed witb clubs,and marked their cattle will" Ihis symbol of their god, the ftacj of the Mace- donians transformed ihem into descendants of the followers of Hercules. t They tliemselves, of course, did not, on this account, submit tbe more readily to the invader,as Diodorus repre- sents ",tbut they appear to have heeo easil7 overawed, or dialled from sending any mccour lo their countrymen on the other side of the river ; and this was the purpose for which Al- exander entered their terrilory. On his return to the fleet, be was rejoinedhy his three gen- erals, and immediately made his dispoeilionB for the subjugation of the Halli.4 od porplflisd In " pmkMT " I Newcboi, wbiah hi af] There can be littledoubt that the nan IhiB people has been preserved in tbat of the modem city of Multan, though it lies far bElow the junction of the Chenab and the Ravee, while the tenilorj of the Malli seems to have been situate almost wholly to the norlh'of that point, and most of it to have been included be- tween the two rivers. Hence the greatestge- ographer of our day conjectures that thiry for- merly met a great way to the south of their present confluence.* The united forces of the Malli and the Sudrace are estioiated in the ac- counts of Diodotus and Curtius,on the most moderate calculation,at 80,000 foal,10,000 horse, and 700 chariots ; and, from the mannei in which they are coupledtogether, we are led to presume that, in this respect, there was nfi great inequality between them. But the tvc races were composed of widely different eJe- ments; for the name of one appears to have been derived from that of the Sudra caste; and it is certain that the Brahmins were predomi- nant in the other. We can easily understand why they did not intermarry, and were seldom il peace with each other, and that their mutual hostility was onlysuspended by the common danger which now threatened their independ- ence. Yet it appears that even this was not sufficient to overcome the jealousy that prevail- ed between them, and that their forces were not combined, because they could not agree in the choice of a leader. But the Malli them- selvBs seem to have relied chiefly on tbe strength of theii fortified towns, and on tbe nslural barriers of their peninsula, which wat protected towards the north by a desert of con- siderabie extent ; they delayed,at least,to co|. lect their forces before it was too late. As it was on the side of the desert that they might be expected to feel most secure, Alexan- der resolved to etrilte across it himself, with one division of his army, into the heart of thei coontry, while two other corps traversed it i olher directions,to intercept the retreat of those wbran be might drive before him. One of these was intrusted to the command uf HephEslion, who was sent forward five days before the king was to begin his march i the other to Ptolemy, who was ordered to wait three days after the bng'8 departure,that he might meet llie fugi- tives who should attempt to escape towards the north,on the side of the Acesines. To pre- vent the enemy ftom receiving any succours ftom the west, and from seekingrefuge in that ?iarter, Philippns aitd his troops,together with olysperchon's brigade, the horse-howmen and the elephants, were transferred to the right bank of the Hjdaspea, and placed under the command of Craterua, who was ordered to march down towards the confluence, and meet Nearcbus.who was sent forward three days be- fore with the fleet. The division which Alexander retained un- der Ilia own orders was composed of the light troopB best adapted to the rapidmovements which he meditated. With this,having march- ed daj and night with a very short intermJs- iion, be appeared,early on tbe second morning. l4 two Aiatittet fl|ncha, Ihmah jtI rIALU. H3 before one of tbe strongholds, in which,as like- ly to bo last attacked, many of the natives had taken refuge. A great number of them wets surprised hy the Macedonian cavalry outside the walls, and unarmed ; many Mere put to the sword 1 the rest fled into the town, which Al- exander immediately surrounded with his horse, while he waited for the arrival of the infantry. When itcame up, he despatchedPerdiccas,at the head ofhis own squadron, and that of Clei- lus, with Ilie Agrlanians, to invest another oC the nearest towns, with orders to abstain from assault,but to take care tbat none of the in- hahiunls escaped to spread the news of Alex- ander's approach. He himself proceeded to re- duce the first. The besieged " whose number can never have been' great " found themaetvea so much weakened by the slaughter made ia the Gelds,tliat they soon abandoned the walla, and retired Into the citadel ; but, notwiLhsland- ing their gallantdefence,this,too, was speedi- ly stormed, and they were all put to the sword. As the number of those who were slain here was but SOOO, the vanquished seem to have earned quite as much giory. in a better cause, as the conquerors. Perdiccas soon returned to the camp. He had found the town which ha was to blockade entirely deserted ; but,hearing that the inhabitants had not quitted it long, he pursued them at full speed, and overtook and cut down many ; the rest sought shelter in " morass, where he did not venture to follow them. Alexander allowed his men a short rest, and then,by a forced nightmarch, reached the Hy- draotes at daybreak. Here he learned that many of the natives had already crossed the- ford,but he came up in time to make consider- able slaughter among the hindmost, and instant- ly plunging into the stream, pursued the fugi- tives on the other side. The greater part sought refuge in an adjacentfortreBs, which, however, soon yielded to Peithon, who waa sent to attack it, while Alexander marched against another town, which the Greeks de- scribe as ifIt was inhabited by Brahmins only : and these are mentioned as a different racfl* from the Malli who lied to them for shelter. We cannot rely on the accuracy of these state-' menle; but it is certain that, in this westetmi border-land of India,the distinction of castes has never been rigidly observed, and it is possi- ble that, here and elsewhere, a whole commu- nity of Brahmins may have preserved the puri- ty of their blood, while theyengaged in all the necessary occupationswhich, in theon', prop- erly belonged to the lower castes. Vet the name may only designatea mixed colony of purer Indian blood than the great body of the Malli, and their neighbours, the SudracK, among whom it is probable there was also some die- parity of birth. These Brahmins were stout waYriors, and oflered the most determined re- sistance that Alexander had hitherto encoun- tered in this campaign. When they could no longer defend their walls against the superior skill of the besiegers, theyretreated to the cit- adel ; and when this,too,waa stormed,set fire the houses,and almost all,to the number oT 6000,died, either fighting or in the flames. After a day's repose, lie advanced into the terior, but found the towns abandoned,and M4 HISTORY OF GREECE. learned that their inhabitantB had fled to the deaert. So, after another day'spauae, lie sent Peithon with his brigade, accompanied b; a oquadron or horse onder Demetrius, and some lighttroops, back to the Hydraoles, with orders to march along Ihe river aide and intercept the fligiliyes, who might have betaken themselves to the wooda Ihat lined its banks, while he him- self proceeded to the capital of the Malli,which, we thns perceive,lay east of the Hydraotes. The reports he had heard led him to enpect , tiiat he should Gnd it crowded with those who Iiad escaped from the othercitiea,and,perhaps, that be might here nearly flnish the campaign at one blow ; but it also was deserted by the Indians on the ttding:3 of his approaoh, and he ascertained that they had crossed the Hydrao- les, and were collectiug their forces on the right bank. Instantly he pushed forward towards their position with his cavalry,leaving the foot . to follow. The banks of the river, where he "aw the hostile army, it is said 50,000 strong, drawn up to receive him, were indeed high and ateep, so that the MaUi had thought them a MroDger defence than their walls. But AJex- 'ander scorned such obstacles : he waited not for the infantry, but at once dashed into the stream with his horse ; and before he had TCachcd the other si^e, the enemy, who, how- ever, were not fully aware of his weakness, began to retreat. When he had overlaken them, and theyperceived the smallness of the force by which they were pursued,they made a stand ; nor did Alexander attempt more than to detain them by slightcharges, untQ the in- fantry should have come up. So long only their courage held out ; at the appearance of the phalanx the whole mass took to flight, mostly towards the strongest town in the neighbourhood. Thither Alexander pursued them, cutting down many of the fugitives, and immediately encircled the place with his cav- aJry,but, as the day was far spent, deferred the assault to the morrow, to give his wearied troops and jaded horses a aliortInterval of re- fl^shment. The next morning be began the attack of the town on two sides,havinggiven the command tifthe second division ofhisarmif to Perdiccas. It was probably a mere embellishment of the Mory, suggested by the event', Ihat he was Warned by a sootb^yer of danger to his life, and urged to postpone the assault, but rejected the advice with a sneer at auspices and super- Mition. It is certain that, even if he believed tn such tilings leas than he appears'to have done, he was too prudent to disclose his incre- Hiility, and so throw away an instrument which a Orsek generalmight so uflen find useful. The besieged did not attempt to defend the town', but retreated within the walls of the cit- adel, which must have been capable of contain- ing a great multitude. The king and his troops entered first through a postern, which they opened with (he hatchet. Perdiccas was later, though his men were onlydelayedby the difli- cnlty or climbing over the town wall ; but, as it was supposed that all reaistance was over, the scaling-ladders were mostly left behind. Alexander, at the foot of the citadel, eagerly " colled for them. Two or three were brooght ; and,seiiing- the Brot, he bunself fixed it againet the wall, and motmted foremost, covered by hia shield. At the top, be soon kilted or throst away the Indians who opposed bim, nod took his stand on the wall, which, it seems, -wrts narrow, and without battlements. He was fol- lowed by Peucestes, bearing the shield taken from the temple at Ttion, and by Leonnatna, who both made good their ascent ; as did, on another ladder,.'Lbreas, a veteran of the class callediJii"bnrir",fromthe double pay with which their services were rewarded, and which thns became also a title of honour. But in the mean while Alexander stood ss a mark for the enemy's missQes, both fifom the nearest to-w- ers, and from the adjacentparts of the citadel ; and the Macedonians, especially those of his guard, alarmed for his safety, crowded to the ladders. Before a filth man had reached the top, both the ladders were broken by the wei^t, and Alexander was thus cut off from all prospect of immediate aid, while the ene- my, animated by the hope of an easy vicutry, worth more than the destruction of an army, redoubled tbeir efibrts. He felt that he could not remain long where he was, and that he was exposing his life, vrith little honour, and to no usefU purpose. There were two ways of changing his position, be- tween which he had to choose. He might throw himself down, with comparativesafety, among his friends,or he might descend into the midst of the enemy, where he would at least, if not instantlyoverpowered, have an opportunity of using his atms. With littlehesi- tation, he decided on the last alternative, and. by a dexteronsly-balanced leap,alighted nnlmrt on his feet,so that he could immediately put himself into a posture of defence. No action of his life seems to have contrib- uted 80 mncb as this adventure to lower the general estimation of his prudence and good sense, and to subjecthim, even in the opinion of his warmest admireis, to the charge of blind,ungovernable, almost fhintic rashneAa. Yet to himself it may have seemed so natural and fitas to be, in a manner, necessary i and it may have been as littlethe eflect of a sudden, thoughtlessimpulse, as the unreflecting aelf- devotion of a martyr, who feels that, to ahriok from the last trial, would be to undo allhis past labours and sUff^ings. Alexander's principle, to which he owed his conquests, had been, never to recede befbrc anything less than an inBummuntable obstacle " as to which he was used to judge diflerently from other men " least of all, before personaldanger. He now but acted on the same principle, in a new and very hazardous attempt, without any particular necessity, indeed,except that of preserving his own character. But,forAlexander, could there be any more pressing ! It may serve, perhaps, according to the reader's point of view, some- what to extenuate either his imprudence ochis heroism, to notice that a similar exploit is re- lated of a princely Gcnuan warrior of the fif- teenth century.' The Indians rushed on, a host against a man, as havingnothing to do but to despatch the prey that bad (alieninto their hands. But AJexandier, who waa now partly sh^teied by " Ruks, Dam "OB,i.,11.70. SUBMISSION OF THE MALLF. 9U tttewiD, and also, It seems, by tbe trunk and iqireailiD^ boughs of au old tree that grew near it,kepi his assailants at ba; with hia wonted Tipiur. Their chief, and another tared within reach of his sword, paid for their rashness with their Jives. Two more, before Ihey came quite so near, ha disabled, after the manner of a Homeric combat, with stones. Ttte rest, deterred by these exampleB,kept at a safe distance, and only pliad him with mis- Biles, which, if we believe Corliua, were most- ly intercepted by tbe branches under whieh he itood,leaning either against the trunk or the waE By this lime,however, he was joinedby Peucestes. Leonnatus, and Abreaa, who. it may be EDoposed, had not been left unmotested be- fore they leaped down to defend him. Abreas Tery soon received a mortal wound, from an arrow, in the face ; and he had scarcelyfallen, when another arrow pierced Alexander's corse- let and lodged itself deep in the right breast. Tet he did not immediately cease to defend himselT,but, after a short struggle,fainting through loss of blood, sank upon his shield. Fencestes and Leonnatus now stood over him, and intercepted the blows aimed at him by the eotmj. Both were wounded, but not so as to preveDt them from keeping their post. So un- equal a contest, however, could not probably have lasted much longer. It was the most critical moment of Alexander's life. Bat in the mean while the Macedonians out- aide the wall, Dot less anxious because they coald not witoess his danger, had not remained inactive. Though ladders were not at hand, their ingenuity,ehatpenedby the emergency, soon found substitutes. Some drove pegs into tbe wall, which was of clay, and so climbed to the top. Others were raised on the shoulders of their comrades. All,as fast as they effected their ascent, leapeddown, and rushed, with criesof grief and rage, towards the place where Ihej saw their king stretched,seemingly life- less, on the ground. The combat soon ceased to be merely defensive on the part of the Mace- donians. A gate was forced open by some who had entered, and numbers pouredin, sufficient lo overwhelm all reaiatance. The only work DOW remaining for them was that of revenge ; and this they executed so diligently, by a gen- eral massacre of the besieged, that not even a wranan or a child was spared. Alexander, as soon as he was rescued, bad Men conveyed to his teol ; and tbe arrow was It length extracted, whether by the physician CriUidenius, or, as some accounts went, b; Per- diecaa,who, itwas said,by the king'scommand, widened the wound with his sword, to make a passage for tbe barbed steel. But tb" extrac. Eion was followed by so great a loss of bhmd, that the patientagain fainted ; and w'ben he lEoovered his senses, it was for some time doolKful whether be oould survive. The first tidings of the disaster carried to the camp, near the confluence of the Hydraotes aod Aoegines, rqireaenled him as already dead ; and tbe grief utd alarm they excited in every breast were a tribute of affectionand coufldence which might well soo^e ibe resenLful leelicgs that had been awmkened in him by the abrupt tergitnation of tiijB campaign on the Hyphasis. The grief trfllw MnewlaBiana,indeed, wlii"^ broke out in a wailtDgthytspread with the news throofti the camp, was probably in great part selfish, but,even so, highly honoured its object ; for it attested what they were not slow lo declare in words,that, in their judgment, he was the oiitv man in the army capable of leading them back safelythrough the countries which he had trav- ersed as a conqueror. It was their desponden- cy about their own seemingly forlornconditioa that rendered them backward to believe the more favourable reports which followed, that the king was still living, and that there was ground to hope for his recovery. Even when , a letter from himself announced Iliathe should soon be among them, there were many who suspected that it was a mere arti"ce of the generals to lulltheirfears. When bo had regained sufficient strength to hear the gentlestmotion, he embarked oa the Hydraotes, and dropped down towards the con- fluence, not more, perhaps, to quiet the appro- of his troops, than, as Curtius sug- gests, to crush the hopes which might have been conceived from the same cause by the enemy. As he approached the camp, be order- ed the awning, under which lie lay at tbe stem of the galley, to be removed, and. when close to the bank, stretched out bis hand towards the crowd who were there waiting for him, still half doabting what they so eagerly wished. This sign of life was answered by a general shout of joy, and every hand was raised,not without tears, in gratitude to Heaven, or in greeting to the king. A litter was brought for him to the landing-place, but he called for hja horse i when he mounted it,tbe banks and ad- jacent woods rang with a fresh peal of applause. At a short distance from his tent he alighted, that he might be seen to walk ; and all pressed round him to touch, if theycould, his hands, or knees,or clothes ; or, at least, ifless fortunate, and salute him, and to strew his path with ffiletsand flowers. The congratulations of his officers in the tent were mingled with remonstrances, as severe as might be ventured, imprudence. To these he listened but impatiently : as Arrlsn thought, because he knew that tbey were just;perhaps,rather, be- he felt that they were misapplied,and le was misunderstood. He was better pleased with an old Braotian, who cheered him with tbe remark, that men must be provedby their deeds ; adding a line of ^Escbylus, rather itrangely distorted from its original meaning,* D the effect, that whoever would do, must ex- pect to sufler. Wliile he waited here to complete his recov- ery, he received an embassy from the Malli, who stillremained In arms, and the Sudracte. envoys, a hundred or more of (heir chief I,persons of stalely form and mien, all ri- ding in chariots, and clad in hnen robes em- broidered with purple and gold, came with magniScenlpresents, to oflbr their entire sub- the conqueror. Theyspokeof their past resistance not without dignity,adding itlon of Dionysus, the only invader ny^. w RaVltmtfiin.by SI 1 ul nfciv iftAcn Lhaffmson Dimw lU . , -., .St. It i" At tfitrif^i fMoc " KIxuhb lUpKU ID"7 bm bnn i i btlm Urn : tba mm jnlaUf, S46 HISTORY OF GREECE. who bad ever berore subdued Ihem, which they knew would be acceptableto bis successor. They declared themselves ready to gi"e hos- tages, pay tribute, and receive a satrap at Alex- ander's pleasure. He annexed Itieircounlriea to the satrapy of Philippus, and, according to CuTtius. imposed a tribute on them of the same ainouQt as they had paid to the Arachosians : a staiement hardly consistent either with their boasts of independence or with (heir recorded actions. For security, he deniianded a thou- sand of their best warriors, either as hostages, or, if they were willing, to serve in his army. Curlius also describes a magnificentbanquet "t which they were entertained, and which gave rise to a single combat " Hiot without its aignificance, if it really occurred " between Dioxippiia,an Athenian, and a Macedonian named Corragus, in which the Athenian, who was practised in the games of Greece, armed onl; with a club,overcame his antagonist in the panoply of the phalanx, to [be great ilis- Eleasure of the Macedonians, and of Alexander iroaelf. The ambassador? soon returned with a band of a thousand men, the flower of their nalioQ : they also braught,as a free gift, fiOO chariots, witb some of tbe produce of their iadnslry,and, among other rarities,several tamed Imns and tigers.Alexander,convinced, it seems, of their sincerity, accepted tbe char- iota, and dismissed the hostages. During tbis detention he had ordered more Teasels to be built for the transport of his troops, and when be felt himself strung enough to prosecute his expedition, embarked with a larger force of borac and foot, and aailed down to tbe confluence of the Aceaines with the In- dus, the southern extremity of the Fendjab. At tbis importantpoint he waited some ^ya for Perdiccas,who, with a part of the land force, had been en^ed in tbe subjugation of an independenttribe, the Abastani, or Avas- thanas. In the interval he received the volun- tary submission of another free commonwealth, the Oasadians, and fresh additions to his fleet from the banks of the Acesines. This point of the Pendjab he assigned as the aouthem limit of the satrapy of PbiUppus, whom be ordered to build a new city there. It was to be well provided with arsenals ; and he expected, Ihim the peculiaradvantages of the site,that itwould become a flourishing seat of conimerce. The small town of Mtttun may, perhape, stand near- ly in its place, but no vestige remains of Alei- ander'a foundation. During his stay here bo wa" overtaken by his father-in-law, Oxyartes, vho probably came to inform him of a revolt which bad broken out among the Greek colo- nists in BactrJa,* and to complain of the mis- conduct of Tyriaspes, tbe satrap of Paropami- sus- Tyriaspeswas deprived of his govern- ment, and Oxyartesreceived it in addition to his own. We must, therefore,suspect an error in Arrian's statement or text, where it is related that Oijartes was appointed, with Peithon, aatrap of the territories to be conquered in the giTan In Cutii "d kr U"* npttt i" Aluudtc'i lower course of the Indus to tbe sea. A bodjr of troops, including allthe Thraciana. was left with Phiiippua. Craterua,with the bulk of the army and the elephants, was landed on the left bank of the Indus, where the country opposed the fewest obstructions to his march ; and yet !his presence was needed to overawe the na- lives. Alexander himself sailed down to tbe chief city of a people whose name is variously written : Arrian calls them Sogdiana. He trans- formed tbcir capital into a Greek colony, which he named Alexandria, and probablydesigned for the residence of his satrap. Here, too, he built an arsenal, in which he refitted a part of his fleet. Not very far to the south lay the terrilories of a powerfulprince, whom the Greek writers name Musicanus, from whom, as he had hith- erto made no overtures, Alexander bad reason to expect active resistance. He therefore urged the progress of hia fleet, and reached the fron- tier before Musicanus was aware that he had quitted the Sogdiancapital.Dismayed by the suddenness of hfs appearance, he went forth to meet the invader, with royal presents, all bis elephants, and submissive acknowledgments of his fault, which were stillmore graciously re- ceived, and placed himself and hia people at the conqueror's disposal. Ale):ander was struck with admiration bythe fertility and opulence of the country " which probably far lurpassed all the regions he had been traversing from tbe north in the luxuriance of ita vegetation " and by the capital, traces of which may, perhaps, still be visible near Bukkur.* He permitted Musicanus to retain bis kingdom, but ordered e fortress to he built in the city, under (he super- intendence of Craterus, and to be occupiedl^ a Macedonian garrison, as a post peculiarly well fitted to command the surroundingcountry. Westward of the territory of Muaicanos lay that of a chief similarly named Oiycanus. or PoTticanu8,t wbo likewise had keptsuspicious- ly aloof. Alexander, witb onlya body of li^ht troops and cavalry, marched against him witb his usual rapidity, and stormed two of bis cities, in one of which Oxycanus himself was taken or slain. After this, all the other towns sub- mttied without resistance. In the adjacent highlands, a chief named Sambus, who, it seems, had courted tbe conqueror's favour throughjeal- ousy of Musicanns,as Taiiles through fear of Poms, and had been invested witb the titleof " At Biinwi iUdIu (i.,H), in th" miu of Aim, faat i:D]BhtJ liiagfdaii," ralad hj " BnhmiD, who wm* it^^d t ThoH DUDH an "" etriiiDtD^fal poolA, Eemptiiif from Ibo KamiTiff re"hnaii of mLulKm. Mr. WUhum (|k "UBtlrlbQBil, n"t* tUi^. IB thiltioMlidia; ni^U Muilouiiu Biigfaibe prafMiir d"crib*d u tbe njth of Hooih, and Oircamu u (ha njib of Oncha.'' I u inr' uinad " aiailir opiaiiiB Uiiaii, id.,t, n. imifDii "" "" Haam iOBit bacur aiidano tkmt th* Tniklih lith U" (Mirer - - ... - . MUSICANtJS." PATTALA. S4T become alanned for his own safety, and had withdrawn frma his capiul, Sindomana. Alex- "Dder,therefore, advanced againstit, but vaa received,according to Arrian, with every token of subjectionby the friends ofthe absent chief, who explained the motive of his fligbt, and snr- lendered his elephants and his trcasnre. Other anihon had spoken of a laborious siege, and immensfl slaughter of the barbarians, Arrian oDly mentions the capture of a town which had iBTolled through the instigation of the Brah- mias, and that they were put to death. The influence of the Btahmins was also tct? powerful in the kingdom of Musicanus, and at lis court. It seems to have been always di- rected against the Invader, who had toached the hallowed soil with impure feet, with all the energy of patriotism inflamed by religious zeal. During Alexander's absence, Musicanus was iadoced by his priestly counseUors to revolt, in an evil hour for him and them, and for the ill- Ibed land. Alexander sent Peithon, the sa- trap, with a sufficient force against the king, who had probably no lime to collect an army. while he himself overran the country, and made himself master of the towns, whic|| he either laied to the ground, or curbed with citadels md garrisons. Peithon brought Musicanus a jjrisoner, with his principal Brahmins ; and Al- exander, calculating, as we sre apt to think, laiber too coolly on the efiect of the spectacle, mdered them to be crucifiod in the most con- epicaoos manner.* We are here unpleasantly reminded of Cortes and Pizarro. The conqaeet of the Indus was now nearly CMn{dete; for the chief of Pattala, named or entitled Maris,! whose rule extended over the Lelta of the Indus,came in person to surrender himself and bis dominions to the conqueror. He was directed immediately to return to hia capital, and make preparations for the reception of the armament. Aa no farther resialance was to be apprehended down to the river's mouth, Alexander here divided hia forces, and ordered Craterns, with three brigades of the heavy in- lutry, some lighttroops, and the elephants, ac- companied hj the disabled Macedonians who had received permiasion to return to their na- tive land,to t^e the road to Carmania,through Arachosia and Drangiaoa. no doubt by the pasaof Bolan. He thus gained the advantage of conGnning his authority in a part of the em- fire hitherto bnt imperfectlysubdued, while he lessened the difficalties of his own march Uunugh an inhospitable region, and apared the TEterans who might have sunk under its hard- ships. Ybe rest of the land force, in two di- Tisiona, he placed under the command of He- phKBtion and Peithon, who were ordered to inarch down to Pattala on the opposite side of the river ; and Peiihon was charged with the task of settling colonies in the fortified towns, and paciffing the country on the way. He him- self proceeded with the fleet ; but before he had reached the city of Pattala, which stood like Tata, if not precisely on the same site,at the Donbem point of the Delta, he was informed that the chief, in a litof diatrust, had taken to JI. (J. S14) I cjtomc'miud bit . flight with the greater part of the inhabitant*. In fact,Alexander, on his arrival, fbund tlM city and its neighbourhood almost utterly de- serted. He instantly sent a detachment of bia lightest troops in pursuit of the fugitives, and wlien some were brought in prisoners, bade them return to their countrymen, and invite them, with every assarance of safety, to come back to their Gelds and dwellings. After a while the greater part of the population resu- med their peaceful labours. Alexander's firstcare was to fortify a citadel in the town, to form a harbour, and build docks snfficient for a large fleet. The superintend- ence of these works was committed to Heph"s- tion, who had already arrived. Parties were sent into the neighbouringdistricta, where there was a greatscarcity of water, to digwells, and otherwise make proviaion for the passage of troops or travellers." They were attacked by the natives, and it was found necessary to send a stronger force to protect them, Nor,itBeema, could Alexander procure a pilot at Pattala bT the voyage which he now meditated to the sea down the western branch of the river.t He, however, embarked as soon as the works had made some progress, in a squadron of his l^st- est-saihnggalleys, while Leonnatus, with c corps of BOOO foot and 1000 horse, began his march along the same aide of the Delta. On the second day bis voyage was interruptedby a gale, which, meeting tbe rapid current of tbe Indus, caused a awell, in which the galleys be- came unmanageable. Most of them were se- verely damaged, many went to pieces, either afloat, or after they had been run aground. While the shipwrights were repairing this dia- Bster, Alexander sent a few lighttroops up tbe conntry in search of natives who might serve as pilots. A few were token, well acaaainted with the navigation of the river ; and, under id ITI., FTi iliui ibk I p"rt of lbs idjacent oonnliT (f*ir{ni^t r"( wjjjtrim )%) tD mak mlU, inl u nuti Ihs lud htbilmblo (alitiumt. txrgK- DrofMD. biTwanr, detcribet Alixuidai'B oUtct to tuLTB bwn nothing Itii Ihu *^ I0 fBdliUba tbs DnlniiKlte betwien Puula ud Ibt aut of ladia,ud u opn it te Aleruuler had a"quiiad aaffldoDt Irjomution 1 i"}^phj of ladja la lonn nch a ptuL,or that ba bad maana of axacQIing it. Th" opanlloa dHCribod l"7 ^ " Mild biTB ban naaileatly but a nrr alight ud ina "1 bciinning of neti an i]aden*Un|. Bnl aa linli baLisn Ibat Alaiaadar'a main Dbiict Wll lo prnnD tho MUbliahnunt ct a coniTiMircinl inWreouiaa wi Wm. llhenruraioapsctlbalAmui'iaridRacIii rafamd Id Ihe DalU cr U Ibe idjacenlahorgi. and I) c 9iS, HISTORY OF GREECE. their gpidance, be coctinned hie voyage to the sea. Near Ihe mouth, it stillblen bo hard from the aea, thai ha was fain to take shelter in a canal poinieii out by the Indians. Aitd here the Macedoniane were GrsE astonished by the ebb of the tide, wbea they saw their resEels Buddeulj Biranded. Thev were atillmore ama- zed and terrified b; the fury of the reSui " the peculiar terror of the Indian coasts at the mouths of the great rircrs, but so familiar to the uattTes, thai it seems theygave the strao- gen DO warning of it" which shattered the gal- leys which were not firmly imbedded in the mud. After it had been refitted, the fleet was moored at an island lower down, named Cilluta, wlkere water was found, while Alexander, with tbiebeat sailers, proceeded Co explore the mouth, and sooD came insightof another island, which laybeyond in the oceaa; the term, in this di- rection, of bis conquests and discoveries. That day he returned to Cilluta, and made solemn sacrifice, as he gave out, according to direc- tions which he bad received from Ammon.* On the morrow he touched at the distant island, where he celebrated fresh sacrifices, with dif- ferent rites, to other deities. Finally, he put oiit to the open sea, that he might satisfy him- self nolandlay within view to the south. Here he again sacrificed to the sea-god, whose prop- er realm he had now entered,as well in Ihank- fulztesBfor the prosperous termination of one exi"editioi), aa to propitiate his favour for that which was to be next undertaken. The vic- tiios, and the golden vessels with which he made the libations, were thrown into the sea. He then returTied up the same arm of the Indus to Pattala.where he found the fortifications of the citadel completed, and Peithon arrived with a very satisfacloiy report of hia operations. The works coimected with the barbour were not yet finished,and while theyproceeded, un- der the care of HepbvBtion, he again embarked to BXfioTB the eastern side of the Delta. He fovnd that the river, before it reached the sea, expanded into a broad gulf. Here he left the greater part of the troops, and all the smaller TesBdls, with LeonnstDs, and then,again enter- ing the ocean, which, on this aide, opposed few- er obstacles to his passage, landed on the south eout of the Delta with a body of horse, and surveyed it to the distance of three days' march westward, sinking wells at convenient inter- Tala. He then retomed to his ships, and sailed np to Pattala, white a detachment, which was ordered, hkewise, to dig for water at every halling-ptace, marched rouod in the same direc- tion. The gulf he had seen appeared to him so importantas a naval station, that he once more visited it, ordered docks to be built there, and magnnnes, where he laid in four months' pro- visions for the army, and led a garrison to pro- Tbe immediate object of all these prepara- , tlons and precaationswas to provide, as far as was practicable, for tbo euccesslul commence- ' meat of the voysfc of discoveiy, on which he had resolved to send a squadron from the Indus to the Persian Qulf That there was an open rtrf* " *"" Emm" ""*"" (B At tiiara s/IJU Eulm sea between the two coasts he coold now scarce- ly doubt,though the pa^ssage might be difficult and dangerous ; and this was the first step to- wards the communication which he wished to establish between India and bis western do- minions. If,however, we beheve an account which Arrian gives, on the authority of Near- chus himself, it would seem that, when Alex- ander first appointed Ncatchus admiral of the fleet, he bad either not yet matured his plan,or did not think fitto disclose it. Afterward, we are informed, he consulted Nearcbus on tbe choice of an ofScer to conduct the voyage of discovery. Nearchus, as, we should thinfc, must have been expected, "(Tered to undertake the commandbinkself ; and it appears that there was no other man in tbe army whom the king would willingly liave intrusted with it. We cannot, therefore, but suspect the sincerity of the reluctance which he is said to liave ex- pressed, to permit so valued a friend to embark on so perilous an adventure. But he desired that the offer should be freely tttade by Near- cbtis, for the sake of the confidence with which it would uispire those who were to be placed under bis orders. He himself was aboDt to undertake a march along tbe same coast, littleless dangerous: one on which, according to tradition, the annies of Semiramis and Cyrus had perished almost to s man ; and Nearchos believed that he was part- ly stimulated to the enterpriseby the hope of outdoing these celebrated conquerors.* We must, however, doubt whether he could have heard of these legends\a India,even if they are genuine, and did not rather springout of his own expedition. It seems clear that he had no distinct conception of the difficultieshe was about to encounter ; arkd,particularly, that he bad not foreseen the length of time he was to spend on ^e road, which was far greater tb"a a calculation, founded ou the most exact meae- uremeat of the distance, would have led him to expect. But, at least, he was not impelledby any childish emulation. He had two important ob- jects in view : to provide, as far aa possible, for the safety of the fleet, and to explore and sub- due a side of the empire which was hitherto,at most, but nominallysubject to him. The navigation of the rivers had employed about seven months, and nearly four appear to have been spent in and near Pattala. It was towards tbe end of August. 32S, wlicn the prep- arations were completed for the departure nf both armaments. We arc unable tu estimato the force of either, otherwise than by an uncer- tain approximation. If,however, Alexander invaded India with 130,000 men, since he re- ceived some re. en force men Is there, we can. hardlybelieve, after every allowance for Uic numbers lost ot Icfl behind in garrisons and colonies, and for tbe division under Cratenis, that he retained fewer than 60,000 under his own command. As In the armament under Nearchus, we have no other guide than the list prUe ID NnrdiiH ; whereu it Knibed to hiiD itie moliia of "ntjUti4i with id Cjraa, addmf , indnd, oddiv flnoofb,tliU J uuuij fbrMm b("Q' of tb" Bnt THE MONSOON." DESERT OP GEDROSU. rths gaII"TaMiDipped on the HjdoapeB. robabry. tl drd not include m) mao; of that lara.' It iB nnl likel; thM anj larger rurce 'ould be employed on this service than might ppeitr necessary to overpower resistance oa le coast ; for it was not undertaken without ;luclance by the men, though their spirite wi lised by the appointment of Nearchos. by the ireful and even splendidequipment of the vea- ;ls,and atill more, pertiaps, bj the excareions hichtbe king himself had made into the ocean, ut Alexander wal now aware of a natural ob- acle, the prevalence of the southwest raoo- "n, which reoderod it necessary to postpons le departure uf Nearcbus. Some weeks were ill10 coma before the trade-winds would set I from the northeast, when the; would be per- idly fhvourable for the voyage. It waa not, Dwever, necessary that the army ahonld wait " long,but, pertiape, rather more expedient lat it ahouki precede the fleet, Nearchus, lerefore, was left at Pittala. while Alexander 31 out on hie return to the West. The chain of moantains which descends, 'est of the Indus, from the Paropamisnsto Uie ;a, was firat to be en"aed ; he then entered le province of Lus, which is surroanded on iree sides by loftyranges. He found it divi- nl between two independeottribes, the Ara- :teBand the 0rit"8, who were aepareced from ich other br a river called the Arabius ((he oorallee.oTKiTerofSonnieany): names which mbably presane a traceof an early settlement imted on this coast t^ ArabiaiM or Pbeeni- ans. At the approaoh of the invader, the rabitea, incapable of resiatanoe,yet disdain- g Bubmiuion, Red to the adjacent desert ; and lexander did not pursae them, for he wished isorprise their western neighbours, the Orites, ho seem to have been the more powerful r"ce. n the Arahios, in which he found but little aier, be left the bulk of his army under the imnand of Hephnstion, and pushed forward, ith a select body of troops, towards the coast, here he designed to sink wells lor the use of lefleet. The coast of the Oritis was dewsribed r Nearchus as a barren tract, tnhabitsd by a ice of hairy, half-naked savages. But in the iterior, after a fbroed night march across a isert, Alexander Ibund a more civilized peo- e, and a weU-cuitivated region, which he 'erran with his oavalry,not, however, without formidable rGsiatance ; for the natives fought "Ih poisoned arrows, and Ptolemy received a "ontl which had nearlyproved mortal ; but aa nidota" revealed, itwas aaid,to the king in a ream " was discovered in lime. It is not cer* 'in whether there was a. capital of the eoontry nned Ora, or the people lived wholly in villa- M. But the largest of these, called Ramba- '*" ^)peaTedto Alexaoder ao happilysituated, !*t he resolTod to {dant a ookmy there, and eph"ationwaa appointed to superintend tbe "";resiof the new Alexandria. In the mean hile Oe king himself, with a smalt body of ivslrj and the lightertroops,rapidly advsn- ' DiniB {B, 4N1 h" UiMllT n "iH t"(nu^r, BM of Iha nasi* Jl-p,__ -. . Ill),"f"kw": "1*1 th* uaik Ibu DnnHB'i aoolHiHn, "If bsltaiM U In """ Biii"H, ^7m nc ced towards a difficult pass in Ha western numntains, which, he learned,was held bj ao- arm; of Orites and Gednwians; but the mere tidings of his approach threw the enem; into- such consternation,thst the chiefs of the Orites came to tbe camp and submitted. They were directed to exert their influence to restore tran- quillity, and recall Ihe fugitites to their dwell- ings. He did not, however, think it sale lo relyon tbeir profeasioDB. He placedApolloph- anes over them aa satrap, and led Leonnatus, with a body of troops, to wait for the arrival of Nearchus, and, in the interval,to proleot the riaingoity, and secure the obedience of the- It was, periiaps, the beginning of Ociober when he penetratedthrough the pass from which he had driven lbs enemy into Gedrosia, ihesoutbenMeknii. Tbis wild, fearfal region has since been but Uttie ex|riored by European travellers ; but a few of its general features ap- pear to be well ascertaitted. It is interaectad with ranges of mountains,some very lofty, run- ning parallel to the coast, but commonly not approocbiBg itwithin ten or twelve mdes. Ttto ridgna themselves ate nxdiy and bars ; the in- tervening idatns, for tbe most part, barren wastes, here and there furrowed b; deep waler- coHiBea, which, eioepl in the rainy season, ara almost dr;. Still, the interior is, in general, laa" arid and desolate Uian tbe low ground on tb" coast.* Alexander, when be entered Gedroeia,. sent Thoas, with a pwty of borse,to the sea- side, and received an alanaingreport from him of the maiittme diatriot'^ieh he viaited. H" had fonnd there only a few wret^ed GshaniMn, living in stifling cabins built of sea-sbelU and tbe bones of whaiea,or other largefishes, wbioh served for rafters and door-posts.Fish, witb a small mixture of meal, was their common food ; and even the few sheep they possessed had no other. Water (he; could onlyprocure in small quaotities, and brackish,as they dug for it under tbe beach. Hence tbe whole coast of Mekran,as far as Cape Jask, is called bj the Greeks the land of tbe Icbthyophaj[ea, or Fish- eaters. It must not, however, be afippoeed that the foregoingdescription is api^cableto the whole tract, which contains some cultivated districts, as it did,no doubt, in Alexander's StiL, the information he received induced him to sbandoo his originalintention, which was to follow tbe windings of tbe coast, and be i" dutinta of vif"* HISTORY OF GREECE. took a nwre inUad raoie. Yet it Bcems that hiH line of march wai seldoni more than twn or three dafa' journey from the aea, and oflener within aigtiE of it. The heata in thU country preTail from March to NoTember ; when Alexander traTeraed it. they were stiU excesaiTe,though beginning to subside. To avoid thia evil, the arm; gener- ally moTed during the night ; bat it frequently happened that,at daybreak, it was atill far from the next wfttering-idace, and waa compelled to prolong ita march tinder the homing sun, tor- mwitedbyincreasingthiist. The sandy wastes, indeed, were not always utterly cheerless. Their sterility was often relieved, especially, it aeems, on the eastern side of Gedroeia,by a profusion of aromatic planta*" myrrh-trees, firom which the Pfacenician followers of the camp loaded their beasts with the precious gum, and spikenard,which, when trodden under fool, filled the air with ita fragrance. The wild vig- our of nature was also indicated by venooMus reptiles, poisonousplants, and thorns of uncom- mon strength, from which the hares could not "xtricate tbemselvea, and which were found annoylog even by the cavalry. But far greater liard^ipa were to be endured when the army "ame to wide plains, where the sand was fine and soU as freshly-fallen snow, in the daytime so hot as to blister tbe feet, and driven by the wind into long ridges.t On the top of Uicse downs grew a kind of grass, which was a fa- vourite lurking-place for aerpents. from which they darted forth on the unwary passenger. Here numbers of the beaats sank, under the continned toil of wading through the sandy wavea. The carriageswere, for the moat part, broken up, as they could not be dragged through; so that, at last,no means were left of convey- ing the sick,or those whose strength could not support them to the halting-place. Wretched and hopeless was tbe condition of those who, overcome with fatigue,lay down to aleep, and, when they woke, found themselves far in Che rear ; and the men, occupied each with his own Duseiy uid danger, grew careless of one an- other's eDfieiinga and wants. The descriptions of Arrian and SCrabo might lead one to imagine that a great part of the march waa made over such ground. Never- thelesa, it seems certain that Alexander never crossed any part of the Great Sandy Desert, which is bounded by the mountains of southern Mekran, unless possibly for a short distance near the confines of Gedrosia and Carmenia "Kerman). There may, however, have been some tracts nearer to the coaal, anaweriivg to this descriptido,though hardly of any consid- erable extent, so as not to be avoided by a moderate circuit. But one or two scenes of thia kind would leave so deep an impression, that thc^ could not failto become the pronunent feature in every narrative. The scarcity of water was the great and " N^ilhiiii of lli" hind ii n tniTallan. thangb tia pliini Id lo t" (w^nllf our- constantlyrecurringcause of distreea. Kii"- bera, both of men and beasts,perished throng thirst : and at the outset many disastera arose from the impatience with which, when they came in sight of water, the foremost crowded to it, several ceasing not to drink tUl they ex- pired. A still greater calamity waa occasioned by the rising of a small atream, on which tbe army encamped for a night, which was sudden- ly swollen, by a fall of rain in the distant ntonn:- aioa, into a mighty flood,* and, it is said. drowned moat of the women and childreii, and all tbe remaining beasts of burden, and carried away the whole of the royal baggage, and the arma.of many of the soldiers. AAer this ocnrr- rence the camp was always pitched st a dis- tance from the watering- t^ce. But food was, at times, eqaally scarce. The country yields but little grain: aheep, it seems, are not rare ; but the flocks would often be driven oot of reach. It is,however, interspersed with groves of date-trees, which abound particularly in the beds of the rivers,and, according to Strabo'i strong expression, their fruit was the salvabon of the army. Slill, the men were Bometima forced by hunger to slau^iter the beasts of bor- deo, pretending that they had periahed of thirat on the road ; and Alexander was oMig"d to wink at this Ucense, which indeed, in the cm- lusion of tbe night marches, could seldom be detected. It may easily be supposed that tie bore his fiillshare in the labours and hardships of the expedition. He accompanied his men dnring their longest marches on foot ; and it was per- haps on one of these occssions that be gave an example of self-command, which served to ani- mate their courage, while it raised him in their esteem. After an unusually long and hM march, some of the lighttroops, who had beea sent in aearcb of water, hanng discovered a little remaining in the bed of a torrent, brongfat some in a helmet, aa the most niecioas of aU presents, to the king. Alexander, who knew how many longing eyes were fixed on him, though he was hiinself parched and faint with thirst,poured the delicious draught on the ground. t Another time, when all tbe nutks of the road had been covered by the sand-drifls, the sea was no longer in sight, and tbe guide* owned that they had lost their way, he set out, with a few horsemen, to aeek the coast. Five only remained with him when he reached it. But having diaoovered that there was here plenty of fresh water to be fonnd in the beach, he led the army to tbe place, and for aeven days after marched cloae to the shore. Tbe barrenness of the coaat inapired him with no less anxiety about the safe^of the fleet than he felt for the troops under bis own command, and bis exertions to provide for its vranta were less unremitting. From the first district in Gedrosia, where he found provisionsunusually abundant, he ordered all that could be raared to be transportedto the seaside, in package* sealed with his own signet. But the escort DESERT OF GEDROSIA." CARMANIA. 351 intrusted with this conroy werfi themselves pteasedby hunger on the way, that they wt campelled to bre^ the royalsea], and to ci same the whole stock. Another supply was afterward tranamitled under the care of Ore. tlieiu ; and, again,Telephus waa sent wiib a BDial] qoantitj of meal. Parties were also de- tached np the country Tor the same purpose ; ind the natives were directed to bring down illthatcould be procured of com, dates, and Two mouths were ipeot in the raarcb fnini Oia to Pnra, th" capital of Gedrosia.* The time seecos great, compared with the direct distance, especially as the army was onen forced to make very long marches from one ilitiun to another, and we hear of none but the ordisaiy halta. It la probable,however, that, Hough the road was only once lost, it was fenfrally very winding, since both the difficulty of the ground, and the scarcity of provisions, ofliL rendered a circuit necessary. Even at PuTB,the position of which is unknown, Alei- uder seems to have allowed his troops but a short repose before he advanced into Carmania. He had sever^ motives to urge his progress : to meet Craterus, to gaintidings of Nearchus, lod perhaps,also, to prevent the disturbances i^ch were likely to arise from reports of his ova danger, and to ascertain the state of affhira in the provinces from which he had been so ViBg absent. For he had already reason to "aspect that some of his officers in distant gov- cnunenU had abused bis confidence : as at Pvn be waji induced to remove Apollophanes for neglectof duly ;fthough it seems that, be- fore ae satrap learned his disgrace, he had "toned for his fault by death on a fieldof ba^ Ue. On the road to Carmania, Alexander re- ccired despatches from Taxiles and Poms, an- noDnciag the death of Abisares, and of Phillip- poF, who bad been murdered by some of his o"n mercenaries. His Macedonian guards, tiowever, hod remained faithful, and punished Ux assassins. Alexander directed Taziles, Ud Eudemus, the commander of the Thraeians Mt with Philippus, to take charge of the prov- ince nntila new satrap should have been ap- pointed. The son of Abisarea wa* permitted U BDoceed his father. In Carmania the army found a delightfiil i^Ungein the face of oatnre, and a striking wntrast to the Gedrosian wilderness : a conn- Itjwhich the ancients descritieas uncommon- ly fertile, abonnding in fruit,especially grapes ofennordtnary size,t and watered by copious "Ithu t"I !" i" Pomg, to a,^, ,ba Biictil"DTit" country," mirht Ham id hoe a ^[ivr ekJB ; mod " ifinall town, nftmed FthiiTH,liai"iiUen I Vtt oMijtmn tbu thiiAfoi\ii\ihmit wu " dilbnni "'" htnlirhthmnHniemildliinitnrtitaii Aldudtl ."^ilm'i OetcnpUuD |ir.,p. J19J nuiiidi III o( tlia streams. This drsrription is still applicable to some districts of Kerman, though they are separated from each other by many desert tracts. CrateruB arrived soon after, safe and victorious, having quelled an insurrection in Arachosia.and brought two of the chiefs of the rebels, Ordanes and Zariaspes, with him in chains. It is a little surprising and suspicious that we hear nothing of the hardships and dangers that beset his march : though, as his road, unless he made an enormous circuit, lay across a part of the Great Sandy Desert, it might have been supposed that, with the ele- phants and the heavy baggage, he must have bad more to encounter than Alexander, Th" plenty that now prevailed in the camp was in- creased by the arrival of a large convoy, brought by Stasanor, aatrap of Ariana, and Pharismanes, son of the Parthian satrap Phrv taphemes,who, either in compliance wjlh the king'sorders,or of their own accord,hearing of the dangerous route he had taken,*came to meet him with a long train of camels, and other beasts, laden with provisions. Alexander distributed all among bis troops. Their losses were thus partlyrepaired, their wants abun- dantly supplied ; their sufTbrings might be con- sidered as at an end. We cannot wonder that, the enjoyment of pleasures fVom which they had been so long debarred, they abandoned themselves to some excesses, perhaps only fol- lowing the example of their chiefs and of Alex- ander himself: and this was probably the maJn ground of fact for the exaggeration of later " irs, who described his march through Car* a as a continued revel, in which he imi- tated the festive procession with which his di- predecessor had returned from his Indian conqueatB. He was now also joinedby three generals, Cleander,Sitalces, and HerBco,t who commanded the forces left in Media with Par- 0, and had brought with them the greater part of their troops. They too, perhaps, wiabed to make a display of loyalleal, but they ware called upon to answer charges of gross mis- conduct ; and Cleander and Sitalces iqere in^ mediately convicted and put to death. It ap- peared that they had plunderedtemples, ran- sacked ancient tombs, and sacrificedchehoaonr of noble families to their lust. If wg may be- lieve Curtius, Alexander also put to deaUi iw less than 600 of the soldiers, who had been their instruments in these acts of violence. Heraco was afterward condemned on another similar charge. There can be no doubt that in these case* the punishment was deserved. But another execution is said by Curtius to have taken place in Carmania, for which he charges Alexander with cruelty.Aspssles, the satrap of the prov- ince, thou^ he c.ame to meet the king on his arrival,and was at first graciouslyreceived. HISTORY OP GREECE. WM put to death on b suspicion of IressonablB dsaigna formed in Alexander's absence.* This, Bccordiag to tbe view entertaioed by Cuttiue, and by Beveral other writers, both ancient' and modem, would be Ibe firatiadicatioo of ai happy change which was begioaing to show itselfin Alexander's character : an effect, either of his unioteiTuptedprosperity, or, as otheis have conceived, of the partial failure and disap- pointment which he had experienced in India. We need not stop to inquire which of these causes is the more probable, since the alleged effect seems to be extremely doabtfui. We shall, indeed, meet with other inslances, in which there is ground to suspect that be was not ex- empt from passion, which hurried him Into hasty decisions in (he administratiuQ of justice i but we cannot infer that any change had taken p1ai" in his character. Ha spears to have been always quick in resentment, and rather generous than either merciftalor scropoloiMly jnst. He was now, no doubt,higblyprovoked by the audacity with which his officers had vio- lated their duty in his absence, as ifcertain Ihat ha would never relnrn, and was hence inclined to lend a favouring ear to such accusations ; and his indignation was probablyheightenedby the conviction, which must have been forced on bim by these occurrences, that, from the mo- ment of bis death, had it happened, his vast flnq"ire would at once have falleo in pieces. Still, cruelty, in the most odious sense of the word, wanton iojustioe, was always foreign to hie nature : not liave we any proof that his temper had become in other reqtectsharsher, or less even, than before bis Indian expedition,t In the mean while he was in painM nnoer- tBinty, and was giving way more and more to gloomy thonghts as to the fate of Nearr^us and the fleet. They were at lengthdispelled by ti- dings that Nearchua had landed on the coast of Carroania, within a few days' march of tiie camp. The bearer of the news was the gov- ernor of the maritime district in which the event had occurred. Some of the men belong- ing to the fleet, in an excursion up the countiy, had fallen in with one of Alexander's soldiers, and learned from him that the king was encamp- ed only five days' march from the sea ; by him Nean^us was brongbt to the governor, who hastened to the camp with the Joyfultidings. Alexander sent party after party, with means of oonveyanoe, for IVearcbus. Sonie of bis mes- sengOTs proceeded but a short distance, and re- turned without intelligence. Others went far- ther, but lost the road. He began to suspect that he had been deoeived, and ordered the goi- emw to be arrested. Meanwbile, Nearchus had hauled op his vessels on shore, and had fortified a naval camp, where he Icit the great- " Tha"clDiJiMiMiBdoDMrallfltnHgdaiiumiilbiiT- Itf tnlHt thin CTinilu. But Aniu. Ibwuli ha doH IKH Indict,X, whan hi lan tbit thi nlnp of Gmunii TiiiiiirrV tart rpim^ii "i.XHripau.Schniiidir, ia- hq'i pictare (r. 48d] at thn auUfl oT AlATtndar'a B of t(mU) and hcppawu coaled,"An., tnoi ta er part of his men, and set oat with ArchJas, his second in command, and live or six com- panions, to seek the king. On their way they met one of the parlies which bad been sent with horses and carriages in search of them; but so great was the change made in their ap- pearance by the hardships of the voyage, that, even when theyinquired the road to the camp, Iheywere not recognisedby their countrymei), until,on the suggestionofArchias, Ihey made themselves known. Some now hastened to In- form Alexander of their approach. When he heard of the smallness of (heir number, be con- cluded Ihat the fleet was lost, and that thej were the only survivers. But their arriTal cleared up all mistakes, and diflUsed univeraal joy. The detailsof the voyage would be foreignto our purpose. Nearchus had been forced to bo- gin it before the winds had become favourable, by the hostility of the Indians at Pattala ; and, though he waited four-and-twenly days on the Arabiie coast, he afterward lost three al his vessels in the adverse monsooD, On the coast of Oritis he met Leonnatus, who, after Alexan- der's departure, had been obliged to delend himself against the combined forces of the na- tives and their allies. He had gaineda great victory, with the loss of few men ; the satrap Apollophanes was among the slain. From Le- onnatus, aocording to the king'sorders, Near- chus received a supply of corn sofEcient for teD days, and exchanged sonie of bis least active saUors for better men from the camp : but it does not appear that he lightedupon many of the magazines destined by Alexander for his " After manifold hardships and perils, from nonsters of the deep, the barrenneBs of the coast, the hostility of tlie barbarians, and from the timidity anddespondency of his own crews, be at lengtb, with the aid of a Gedrosian pilot, reached the mouth of the Persian Gulf, when they came in sightofArabia, Onesicritua " with what view is not perfectly clear" urged the ad- miral to strike across, and steer to the south. NeambuB, however, prudently refused to devi- ate from the king'sinstructions, and finally landed near the mouth of the River Anamls (Ibrahim), not far to the east of the late of Or- Alexander now ctdebrated these happy events with a solemn festival, which, as usual,was enlivened by gymnastic and musical contests ; and, perhaps, the poets, who vied with one an- other on this occasion,as well as tho spectacle itself, may have contributed to the origin of the fables about his Bacchanalian pomp. In the tri- umphal procession, Nearchus was the foremost object of congratulation and applause. The king then consolted with him as to the remain- der of the voyage. Alexander may now havA been in earnest when he begged him not expose himself to farther danger and hard- ship with the fleet, which some other oBieer might conduct to the mouth of the Tigris ; but be gladly and thankfully complied with the ad- miral's request, that he mi^t be allowed to complete the gloriousundertaking, which he had alreadybrought to a point where it became comparatively safe and easy. He was accord- ingly dismissed with a small escort. The state of (he country was still so unsettled, that he ALEXANDER IN PBRSIS." HIS PROJECTS. S53 IS attacked on his way to the sea l"7 the Car- ) were in open revolt,and had seized aS the Blrongliolda. Accordirg to Ar- lian. this insurrection was excited bjr the cban- ges thai had been made in the govemioeat of the province ; for Sibimius, who succeeded Ab- pastes, had just been removed to the satrapf of Gedrosia, end Tiepolemuaappointed in his room. In his history, Arrian does not niention this rebellion, and perhaps. Alexander did not think it importantenough to require that he ^koold suppress itin person.' He now divided his Tor- ces. The main body be coDnnitted to Hepbas- tioD, who, as it was winter,was ordered to move along the shore of the Persian Gull;where the climate,at this season, is mild, and proviS' ions plentiful, and to join him at Susa. He biioself. with a small division of bght troope "nd cavalry, look the upper load through Pasat- gaim and Peraepolts. In Persia,too, he Ibund that affairs had gone but illin his aliseoce. The satrap Phrasaortes was dead, and a noble Persian, named OriiiMS, according to Curtius,a descendant of Cynis, and a man of largehereditarypositessions, had ventured to assume the government, profess- ing, however, none but loyalintentions, per- haps beirg the only person to whom the prov- ince would quietly have submitted ; and he came to meet the king with a magnificent dis- play of costlypresents, Alexander saemfl to have betrayed rw displeasure at his usurpation. but was exceedingly incensed by the discov- ery that the sepulchre of Cyrus,at Pasargadn, bad been defaced and pillaged^ the offender was not immediately named. The Magiaus who had the care of the sacred enclosure were examined and put to the torture, but revealed nothing. It was not until the army reaidied Persepolis that Orxines was charged with this and other acts of sacrilege, and with arbitrary eieculions ; and beingconvicted, accoiding to Arrian, on clear evidence,was condemned lo death. CurtiUB,however,asaerts chat he was innocent, and fell a victim to caUimny aud court intrigues ; and it must be owned that, if we helieve what is said of hts birthand his wealth, the charge of sacrilege seems scaroely cred- ible, especially as the tomb of Cyrus, at leaat, appears to have been rifled by a Macedonian named PDlymachos. Alexander had before re- solved to confer the satrapy of Ferris on Feu- cestes. whom he had already, in Cannauia, raised to the dignity of somatuphylax, as a re- ward for his great service in India. Peucestee had also dislinguiahed himself in another way, not quite bo honourable to him, by the readi- ness with Mhich be adopted the barbarian usa- ges : and wlien he was appointedsatrap, he as- sumed the Median dress,began to study the Persian language, and in ail points farmed his court on the native model. By these proceed- ings, he both U'on the hearts of the people and rose in favour wilh his master. A more jeal- ous princemight,perhaps, have suspected him of ambition^ projects ; but Alexander was too well pleased with bis obsequiousness or dax- lerity, and bi^d that his exuBple might be fbl- lowed by others among his Macedonian noUts. From Persepolis, where he oould not now view the ruins of llie palace without regret and self-reproach " a sign that bis belter feelings had nut lost their strength " he proceeded, witb- out farther delay, to meet Hephmatlon and MaarchUB at Suea, which he designed for the scene of several important transootioiis. CHAPTER LV, Alsxikdui might now be said to have le- tumed into Iba heart of his dominions ; since the Indus, Uie laxanee, and the Nils bad be- come Macedonian rivers. It was a question, at that time, of greatimportance to the whole civ- iltxed worU, what were the plans now floating in the hnagiosiion of the youtbfo)conqueror, if not yet reduced to a settled parpose. His char- acter and past achievements natnraUy excited an expectation of enterprises stillmore extra- ordinary. None, perhaps, not absolutely im- praoticable, could be thought too great for bis amhition.or loo ardnous for bia adventimMis spirit; MHtie of those attrlbnced to him, how- ever, could only have been deemed probable by persons who were incapable of duly esti- mating the sagacity and prudence which gtii- dad even his boldest andertakings. It was be- lieved by many that he designed to oircnm- navigate Arabia to (he head of the Red Sea, and afterward Africa ; then,entering the Mod- itsmnean by the Pillars of Hercules,to spread theterMTof krismiie along Its wvetemahorw, and dntUy to explore the uortbem extremily of the LakeMwotiBfOMd, if posaiUe, discover a passage Into the Caspian Sea. TbsM reports were not ahogetber wUkoat " visible Ifaiinda- tlon : they seem to have arisen ont of IheHin)- |ds fact that Alexander, "n bis retnm from In- dia, prepaid to equip a fleet on the Gopliraies, and sent ordara to Pbcenioia foTTeseels tabe built there snd transported to Tbapaaena ; thence to felldown the river to Babylon, where B'hatbmrwas tobe fermed capable of contain- ing leoo galleys of war. That a great urma- ment, tbe^fore, was to be ocdleeted for some operations 'lAich w"r" to begin in the Persiair Onlf,was "uOeieMly oertain ; and AiexaiKler atoo gave proofe that hie views were direeted towird Arabia, (or he sent three expeditions to survey its eoaatsrflrst, a vessel under the com- mand of Arehias, the companion of Nearohus, who, however.did not even venture to cross over to the Arabian side of the Persinn Gulf, but slopped short at one of the islands. An- drostbenes, who was afterward sent ont with another vessel,did a littlemore " he sailed for a short distance-along the coast. The boldest of the adventnrt^rs was a Cilioian named Iliero, who advanced much farther in the same direc- tion; but his courage and perseverance were at length overcome by tbe vast range of the coast, which exceedfd all his expeolalions ; and. on his return, he reported that Arabia was nearly as large as India. Yet it would seem, from Arrtan's account, that even he bad not doubled the cape seen by Nearcluu. SM HISTORY OF GREECE. It can hanllj be Buppoeed that Alexander had resolTed to atlempt the conquest of Ara- bia while he was conscious that he knew so littleabout Ihe nature aod extent af the ceun- trj.eapeciall)' as the inrormation whicji he might obtain as to the intenor cannot hare been encouraging. But it is not the less prob- able that discoveiy and conquest in this quar- ter were the objects which henceforth, to his death,chiefiyoccupied hia tbcughta; for the spirit of discovery was here stiuiulated by a clear prospect ofgreatadrantages to be derived ttom a mariiime cnminunication between E)(ypt and India. To ascertain whether it was possi- ble to open one, and to secure it, ifnot by con- quests, at least by colonies planted on (he Ara- bian coast, was, a designcertainly suited to Alexander's genius, and worthy of his ambi- tion : and this appears to have been the first destination of the new arcnanient. That an- other expedition to India had presented iiselfto his mind is implied in this supposition, but that itwas ihe immediate object of his preparations we find no reason to believe. On any other projects which he may have entertained, it would be stillmore idle to speculate. For some time after his return, his attention was engrossedby differentcares. From every side be continued to receive fresh complaints of the excesses committed by his satraps and other officers during his absence, and fresh proofs that many of them aimed at eatablishing an independentaulhoritj. The indignation of Ihe peoplewas especially provokedby the spo- liation of the sacred buildings. It is probable, that in almost every case, such outrages on the national feelings proceeded from Ihe reckless cupidity of the Macedonians,iJioogh the native governors may have abused (heir powers as giDBsly in other matters. Not unfrequenlly, perhaps,they had connived at the iniscondact of the Macedonian officersunder their com- mand, as we may suapecl to have been the case with Oriinea and (he above-mentioned Polym- achus,who is described aa a man of high rank. So Abutites,the satrap of Susa, and bis son Oxathres,were put to death,itis said, for neg- lect of duly; it would seem too hastily, for Alexander ran Oxathres through the body with bis own sarissa : but il was the Macedonian Ueraco who had plundered the temple at Susa, Such proceedings ntay have been the main cause of an insurrection which had broken out in Me- dia, but was suppressed hy the satrap Alro- nttes, who brought its author, a Median named Baryaxes, and several of his partisa^iB, to Ps- sargads, where they suQered death, Baryaxes bad assumed the erect cidaris, and the titleof King of tbe Medes and Persians, a step to which he was pnAiablyencoaiagedby the popidardis- content which had been esdted l^the extor- tion and JBSolenoe of the atrangera. Alexan- der was stillmore deeply wounded by another example of disloyalty, which waa aggravatedby foul ingratitude, and led to Important conse- Wo have seen, Uiat before he came to the throne, some of his friends had been banished from Macedonia because they had taken Bide in his quarrel with hia futher,* Among them waa Hanmliis. All were afterward warded with highpromotion;Harpalus, whose frame was not sufficiently rcbnst for militarr vice,was intnisted with the office of treas- r. Yet, a littlebefore the battle of Issdb. had Hed to Greece,having, no douht, been guilty of embezzlement. But even thisol^Dce did not deprive him of the king's favour. Al- exander not only induced him to return by a promise of pardon, but afterward restored him "- the trust which he had so flagrantly abused, d,on the death of Mazteus, raised him to one of the most importantposts in the empire, the Babyloniansatrapy. The man, probably, be- side the douhtfnl merit of his earlyservicea. possessed some pleasing talents which won his 9ter's partiality ; and Alexander committed greater mistake in this choice tiian in tbe appointment of the Egyptian satrap Cleome- Harpalus was not more greedy than lavish of money; and, as the king's return from the far East grew more and more hopeless, be threw off all restraints, treated (he revenues ot his rich province and all he could exact from it ' s own, and squandered them in a loxory which seems lo have rivalled that of the Per- sian kings. We read of Gsh brought from the Persian Gulf for his (able,* and of his atrugiclea with natnre to fillhia gardens at Babylon with exotic plants.lThese,however, were his most innocent ideasures. The Babylonianswere forced to Bunender their wives and children to his boundless lust, which he, moreover, in^ dulged with a peculiar kind of capricious osten- tation. He sent for Pylhiooice, (he most ceU ehrated of the Athenian courtesans, and caused her to be received at Babylon with royal hon- ours, and, after her death,erected two mou- lts to her memory, one at Babylon, the other in Attica, at a cost of SOO lalenlst " the Babylonian monument in the form of a temple, where he ordered her to be honoured, under the title of her patron goddess, with sacred rites- " r SQCoessor, Olycera, a native of Athens, treated with no less extravagant homage, lodged her in the roya]palace at Taraus, dedi- cated a bronze statse to her in Syria by Ihe "f hia own, and in a place where be was t to erect one of Alexander himself, and forced the people to salute her as a queen. For . her sake, and probably, likewise, with an eye to the need he might have of Athenian protec- tion in a reverse of fortune, he sent a large present of com to the Athenisns, who requited It with their franchise. An account of these proceedings was sent to Alexander by the his- torian TheopompuB, in a letter of which aome fragments have been preserved;f but Alexan- der bad probably received eartier information of them from other quarters. When Harpalus beard of the king's safe return, and of the sever- ity with which be had punished similar offen- ces, he despaired of forgiveness, seized all ttie treasure he contd collect, which amounttHl to eOOO taleuts, took SOOO n .... pay, and, flying to : ', 'F.t Ifjwptj 'AAifofJiio" (VHrrsJfl. II letlflr ttbodlo t work dt Thsopompai It ildifllcalt u",GoqjflotQr^ C.tn"olc THE GREEK MERCENARIES." THE NUPTIALS. 869 0 AlhenB, 9 forced,indeed, oAer a time, as we shall see, to quiL the city; but be stayed lliere longenougb, and was sufficient- ly well received, to eicite bitter reseiitmenl in Alexander's mind against the Aibeniana. The king's confidence in Harpalus was so strong te tbe last, that he imprisonedEphialtes and CiS' BUS, who brought the news of his Bigbl, as guilty of calumny.* It was neoessary not only to soothe the peo- ple by tbe punishment of such oflences,but, if possible, to prevent tbeir recurrence. Itseems to have been for this end that Alexander aent orders to all bis Asiatic satraps to dismiss the Greek mercenaries whom they bad taken into their serrice, in whotn theyprobably found their most willing inatrumeals for every act of vio- lence, as well aa encouragement to hope for im- punity. Thai Alexander really ieaued this or- der, cannot be doubted, as we shall hare occa- sion hereafter to observe some effects which resulted from it. It caanot. however, have been his intentionto allow these adventurers to roam at large over Asia, where tbeymight be expect- ed not only to commit nuniberiess disorders, but, hkewise, to lend Iheir aid to every attempt that might be made against his government, and to boM out a constant temptation to tbe disaffect- ed. We have,therefore, in the case itself, con- firmation of a statement, otherwise not resting on very highauthority, that he designed to plant colonies in Persia with these disbanded troops-t The plan, indeed, if It was formed, aeems to have failed, at least as to tbe greater number. The Greek soldiers, so long as they could find employment,were, perhaps, seldom inclined to exchange their military habits for peaceful oc- cupations, and, at least,were generaUy averse from the thought of a settlement so far from tbeir native land ; as had been alreadyproved by the example of those who had been left in Bactria,who, not longafter, rose against the satrap, seized tUe citadel of Bactria, drew a part of the natives into theirrevolt and set out in a body for Europe. This, however, only shows that there was a difficulty to be overcome. The project attributed by Fausauiaa to Alexander is not the less in perfect harmony with his gen- eral policy, and appears, in fact,as we shall aee, to have been partly carried into eSecl. But such precautions as these were barely sufficient to maintain tmnquillity for the pres- ent ; much more was needed for the future. All that he had observed aince hia return ap- pears to have strengthened his previous convic- tion, that his empire, to be permanent, must be ealablished on a new basis. And at 8usa he began a series of measures, tending, in their remote consequences, to unite the conqueror? with the conquered, so as to form a new people out of both,and, in their immediate efieots, to raise a new force,independent alike of Mace- donian and of Peraian prejudices, and entirely subservient to tiisends. The first of t' measures was a great festival, in which he, at the same time, celebrated bis own nuptials with Stalira, the eldest daughter of Darius (who it seema, took the name of Arainoet), and thoee t Fkiii!. i..U, i, 'Axiuni tfic Itr^t UifvltajiAf- i Thii it Druyun^iooDjecturs, w^icb Hcma htqipilj of hia principal oSScers with Persian and Me- ladies of the noblest families. We find an lation that some address was needed be- fore the preliminaries could be arranged;" and this, from the known tamper and views of tho Macedonian generals, we can easily believe. Tbe king'sexample had,no doubt,the greatest ~ ~ iglit in overcoming the aversion which they St have feltto such an alliance. The liber- ality with which he portioned their brides oot of his treasure also had its eflect ; and their pride was flattered by the condescension vrith which he placed them on a level with himseir in the ceremony. Hephttstion received the hand of Drypetis, Statira's sister : itwas Alex- ander's express wish that bis friend's children should be related to hia own. Cratems was wedded to Amaetris. a niece of Darius ; Per- diccas to a daughter of the satrap Atropatea; Ptolemy and Eumenes to two daughters of Ar- tabams. For Nearchus Alexander chose the daughter of Mentor by Barsine,a mark of dw- tinguished favour, since he himself had admit- ted the mother to bis bed, and already had a son byher, on whom he had bestowed the name of Hercules, and who afterward became a com- petitor fur the throna. To Selencos he gave a daughter of the Baclrian chief Spitamenea. These are the only names recorded by Arrian, but the whole number of the officers who fol- lowed the king'sexample amounted to nearly a hundred. It was not less important for his ob- ject (bat above 10,000 of the private Macedoni- ans had either already formed a connexion, or were now induced to enter into one, with Asi- atic women. To render it solemn and binding, a listwas taken of their names, and a marriage portion was granted to each. The wealth of Asia and the arta of Greece were combined to adorn the spectacle with a splendour and beautyworthy of the occasion. A gorgeous pavilion was erected,probably on a plain near the city,capable of containing not oiily the bridal party, but the guests whom the king bad invited to the baaquet.t It was sup- ported by pillars sixty feet high,glittering with gold,silver, and preciousstones, and was hung and spread with the richest tissues. Ninety- two chambers, magnificently Ibmished, were annexed to the building ; and an outer court appears to have been enclosed by a paititiou, likewise hung with costlytapestry, for the re- V, Co Ogle HISTORY OF GREECE. "eption of the 10,000 newly-marriedsoldiera, each of whom rei"ived a golden Teuel for his libation, and of the alningen who bad been drawn by btuineaa or curioaitf to the court. In the foregroundwithout,tabiea were spread for the rest of the immenBe multitude. The nup- tials were st^emmied according to Persian usage. A separate seat was assigned to each pair : all were ranged in a senucircle to the Tight and ieft of the royal throne. When the last Itlmtion bad been annoanced by a flourish of tmmpeta to the midtttnde without, the brides entered the iMnquet-hall and took their placea. The king first gave hie hand to Statira,and sa- inted ber as his consort ; and his example was foHowed by the rest. This, it eeems. comple- ted the nnptiatoeremony. The festivities last- ed five days, which were filled up wilti a varie- ty of entertainments ; among the rest, musical "nd dramatic performances of Greek artists, and feats- of Indian juggleia.* Alexander's snhjeota from all parts of the empire vied with each other in the magnificence of their offer- ings to the king ; and ttie value of the crowns which ha received on this nccaaion is said to have antotmied to 10,000 talents. We may here mention another spectacle which was exhibited at Sosa, probably soon after the king'sarrival,not less to the aston- ialuiMnt of the natives than of the Greeks, lite Indian philosopher Calanus had aceompa- nied the army thus far.t He had become a Ikvonrile with Alexander, and with several of his offieen ; was frequentlys guest at ttie royaltable,and sometimes even offered politi- cal advice to the king.]: On the road to Susa, he was visitedfor tbe first tune, at the age of eeventj-three, with eymptonu of disease. He diadained,aa pertiaiM Ptato would hare done. Ut anbmit to the nse of medidiie and ohange "f diet far the Mke of " few more yean of "ioUy Ufe ; and TMOlved, wUle hi* mind was "tiD dear and his ipiiitnnhnken, to drop his mortal load, and aMend to a highersphere. Ke wished to eolemiuie Uiia hia last act ac- eording to the ooMom of hia oonntry, md re~ quested the king to direct a ftineral jrile to be prepared fbr him. Alexander endeavonred in vain to divert him from his porpose, and at last otdered Pttdemy to make the necessary anangements. When all was ready,a mili- taiy piocetaioa. accompaniedby the elephants, led the way. Vessels of gold and silver,royal vestments, and precious spices " Alexander's presents to his departing friend " were carried before him to be laid on the pile, which was itself constructed of all manner of odoriferous woods.^ A horse of the Nysnan breed had also been brought for him ; but, accarding to some accounts, he was unable to mount it,and was borne in a litter, crowned with a chaplct, and singing his Indian hymns. When be reached the place, he distributed the king's presents among the persons to whom he hod been most attached,giving the bone to Ly- simachus, who bad been used to take pleasure in his conversation, took leave of bis friends, and requested them to devote the rest of the day to convivial mirth. He then mnimted the pile, and gravely laid himself down in the sight of the whale anny, which was drawn up in a circle round it, Alexander alone would not be tempted by curiosity to witness such an end of one whom he loved. As soon as the torrh- 'ere applied to the pile, the trumpets sounded, the men raised the battle-yell, and the elephants were made to join their sharp screech. Every eye was liled on Calanns. but vas never seen to stir again. The funeral followed,according to ancient Greek usage, by a horserace, and by gymnastic and musical contests. Bat his last request was fulfilledin a manner which he could scarcely have wished, and which does not convey a favourable idea of Alexander's court. At the banquet which closed the day the king proponed a prize for the stoutest drinker. It need not be supposed that he himself engaged in tbe contest ; but it proved almost immediately fatal to no less than forty-one of the competitors, and Proma- chns, the conqueror, did not survive his tri- umph more than three days. It must be con- fessed that such a tribute to the memory of Calamia was not more humane than a combat of gladiators ; and, after this well-attested fact, the Macedonians could not jnsilycomplain that any wrong was done to their character bj the legend of their drunken march through Car- The mrptial featiTal waa a coneeasion gained fhnn the Macedonians in favour of the ancient masters of Asia. It had not been yielded without reluctance ; and, notwithstanding the king'shberalily and condescension, munrnm were eiciled, both in the mass of the army, and among some of the newly-marriedofficers, by the preference which had been given to the Persian ceremonial. Alexander, who medita- ted innoTations trtiich were likely to give still Sreater ofience to tbe Macedonians, now cn- savourcd to conciliate them by another act of royalmunificence, and by the distribution of rewards to those who had distinguished them- selves in the late expeditions. He declared his intention to pay the debts of every Mace- donian in the army ; and dirrcted that all who wished to share his bounty should give in their names to be registered. The offer was at first very coldlyreceived, and awakened a suspicion which indicated an unsound state of feclmg, though it arose in part from a reproving con- science, and might also be considered as occa- sioned by the incredible amount of the proffer- " .SUM', .nihnriiy(V. H , ii., 411 d"i cd( Mm .uB- DISCONTENT OP THE ARMY." 0PI8. ed donntiTe. H was generally believed that the king'sobject was chiefly to gain infonna- tioD as to tha state or their privateaffairs, and, ftom the debts which the; had contracted,to fbnn a judgment i^hich could not failto be of- ten unfavourable on the habits and character of each. Few, therefore,presented theni' selves to enter their names. Aleluider, as soon as he discovered the cause of this general backwardness, reproved them for their unwor- thy distrust, with the remark, that it was no more fit that subjects should suspect tbeir king of falsehood than that he should practise it ; and immediately ordered tables to be set in the camp, with heaps of g"^d, where each might receive the amount of his debts withont registering his name. Thia generous confi- dence removed all doubts : men of all ranks docked in with their claims ; and the secrecy was felt as a greater favour than the relief. We bear but of one case in which the tempta- tion held out by it to fraud was abused. A veteran named Antigenea, who had lost an eye at the siege of Perinthns, came to one of the counters with a man whom he bad induced to act the part of a creditor. The pretended debt was paid ; but the collasion was soon af- ter detecMd, and Alexander indignantly ban- ished Antigenes from court, and deprived him of his command. The shame was more than the oOeuder could bear ; and it became evident that he would not long survive it To prevent a fatal issue, wbii^ would have damped the joy of the army, Alexander restored the old officer to Ma rank, and penuitted him to keep aO he had received. Tko sum expendedon this largess is said to have been no lera than 20,000 talents, Aiez- ander, at the same time, ttestowed crowns of gtdd on several of his principal officers, among whom ate loentioned Peucestea,Leonnatus, Nearchns,OneaiCTitus, and Mephnstion. Other rewards were conferred on a great Dumber of peraons, in proportiofl to their rank and services. But the popalaiity which the king gainedby these meaaare* was Kwn to be Mibjectedto a hard trial ; (or it was not long after that the satrap* who bad the charge of the Asiatic youth selected some years before to be taught the Oicek lanEUage, and to be trained to war Bcoordingto die Macedonian system, came to Suaa with a body of 30,000 young soldiers form- ed in these schools,equipped and armed in the Hacedonian fashion. Alexander himself was delighted with their fine persons and martial beanng, and with the manner in which they ex- ecuted their manicovres, and immediately pro- ceeded to incorporate them with his army. The in"ntry, it seems, was, for the present,kept diatinct from the MacedoDian troops; but the cavalry, which was drawn from Bactria and Sogdiana, and other easiern provinces, was ad- mitted into the aame ranks with the flower of the Macedonian nobility. A filth division of borae was formed to receive them ; and, at the aame time, several of the young Asiatic nobles were eurolled in the escort, a body hitherto se- lected from the first families UC Macedonia. These changes ronsed the jealousy and resent- ment of the old troops in a much higherdegree than any of the king'sprevious acts. His adop- tioD of the dreaa and usages of the conquered I Vot. II." K I people had diapleBsed them, because it indicated a purpose which they disliked : the late alltancea created,perhaps, atill greater diacontent, be- cause Ib^ stillmore cleariy and directly tended to the same point. But the new organization of the army was more than a tendency; it was not a mere indication, but the first step in tba execution of the purpose which had alarmed them; itwas a beginning of destruction to aU the privileges they most valued. Alexander, it was plain, wished to be considered only as thiair sovereign, no longer as their countiyman. The muimurs of the camp probably did not escape his notice, and may have induced him to set out the earlier from Susa, on a march which, by the new occupation it afforded,would, perhaps, make the army forget ita supposed grievances. He therefore ordered Hephsstion to lead the main body down to the coast, \riiile he himself, with the hypasplsts, and a flew squa- drons of horse,embarked on board the fleetwhidi Nearchua had bmught up the Eulieus to Sun. Having fallen down the river as far as the cut by which it is. connected in the upper part of its course with the Tigris, he leftthe vessels which had suffered most from the sea, to enter the Tigrisby this canal, while with ^e rest be sailed down to the mouth, and surveyed the coast of the Delta. Then, again entering tbs Tigrisby another arm, he sailed up towards the place of rendezvous which he had concerted with Hephnstion,and, whea the whole anna* ment was once more imited,proceeded,by slew marchea, to Opts, His attention on the way was entirely devoted to the stale of tiiestream and the adjacentdistricts; and he employed his troops to remove the dikes or bunds I7 which the ancient kings of Persia or Assyiia had obstructed the navigation ; whether, as he wished to be believed, for the security of tbeir dominiona against inroada from the aea, or, a* seems niora probable, for other purpoaea. whicli appeared to him no longer to require them. On bis arrival at Opis,be aaaemUed ths Hacedonian*, and addressiug them fnm a krfta- stand, where he was surrounded by his prino^ palofficsrs, informed them thst be bad delei- mined to release from service those who, by age or wounda. had become unfit for the fiel^ and that they were at liberty to return to their bomes : that itshould be bis care to coake snidt a provision for their old age as should reodW their conditioD happy and honoured, and should induce others of their countrymen to encounter like hardships and dangers bit the sake of liks rewanls. The offer may have been made in a spirit of real kindneas and generosity, but it was interpreted by the Macedonians according to the impression which bad been lell on them by the recent innovations. They viewed ic as a pretext by which the king sought to rid him- self of veterans whom, toilwom aa theynere^ he would have been glad to retain in his ser- vice if he bad not wished to filltheir places with barbarian recruits. Tbis tbougbt was aa a torch applied to their pile of grievances, and kindled their long-smouldering resentment into a blaze, A cry spreadthrough the ranks, and was raised by several who stood immediately before the Icing, " That he might disniiBs them all, and go (o war with the aid of the god, bis father." It was evident that,though Uw out- 966 HISTORY OF 0REE:.C". lH"ak was audden, the movement bad been long prepared : tbat the dispoiitioa of the mul- titude WBB ripe for Tiolence, and that this tu- muli, unleas munediately auppresaed,might, id a fevr momenta, buret every barrier, and cause irrepaiable calamities. Alexander met this dan- ger with aa much presence of mind as all others to which be was ev^r exposed. He was proba- bly a little Btung by their taunts, and,perhaps, hia indignation was roused by what be may bare considered an ungrateful return for his kindness. Arrian thinks that, before he became aooustomed to the serTilitj of the barbaiiaos, be would have treated his Macedoaiatis m such B ease mors leniently. Of this we can hardly judge, as tbe occasion would nut have arisen ; but. in bis actnal situation, the course which he took was probably the only one by which he could have averted the danger, without the Menfice of bia will and the loss of his authority. He iiutaiitly leapod down from tbe tribune, fol- lowed by hw officers, and poioting to tbe men whom be had observed moat active in the dts- tnrbaaoe, ordered his men to seizethem. Thir- teen were arrested, and led away, at bis oom- mand, la immediate exeoation. At ODce the uproar sank into deep silence ; tbe B}Hrit of tbe multitude quailed before a stronger resoluiioo : the mulioy was already cTuihed. It only remained to follow up the blow and secure the victory. Alexander re- Buued his station, and again addressed the awe- Bliuck crowd. The speech which Arrian has pat iau" his mouth for this occasion may not improbably represent tbe substance of that whicb he really delivered. It has been much admired, and certainly its merit,aa a piece of rbeturic, is not the less because it cciifines it- self to topics on which be could dwell with a dear advantage, avoids all notice of the point whicb was the sole'ground of complaint, and givesa turn to the language of the mutineers quiteforeign to their well-known seniiments. He reminded them of the bsneUs which his Ihtber and himself had confened on Macedonia, and the terms in whicb he describes tbe state from which Philip raised it involve a complete vindication of the policy of the Athenian party which resisted Uie growth of hia power, and oT tbe contempt with which they regardedhie people. He then spoke of hia own conquests, of the scanty means with which he began hia expedition, and of the immense change it had made in the forlunea of his followere ; for allhe had won was theirs : he had conquered,not to enrich himself, but them : for himself he re- served nothing but the purple and (he diadem. So the speech dexterously, and not less boldly, assorts, as if ihey had been expected to believe Ifaithia treasury had been drained by hia monif- toence. He could mure truly claim the merit of greater personal riaka and sufTeringa than any of thera were able lo allege, which, if they, and not be, had been the gainersby his victo- ries, woukl doubtless have been an argument of some weight. He, however, reminded them more pameulariy of the splendid rewards they had received for their nervices, and, finally, he bade them go and make it known at home that, after a series of triumphs sueh as no conqueror had before achieved, Ihpy hud abandoned their king, and had consigned him to the guard of the barfaarianawhom he sobdoed. " Thia coadact," he concludes, with emphaticirc"Vi " ""Ji pev~ baps, be honom^le in the jodgment of men, and pious in the eye* of the gods. Away 1" So saying, he hastilyquitted the stand, atieod- ed by bia great officersand Ms guard, and shut himself up in the palace,* where he neglected his ordinaryrefreshments,and, lor two days, refused lo admit even Lis most intimate friends to hia presence. The Maeedoniane might,pMiuf^ have fonnd. an answer to the speech,thon^ w" roodi of it was indisputably true. The; might have point- ed out that itdid oot at allafibottbe juatioe of their complaints, which realsd on the DhangB that bad been made in their rdation to the con- quered races ; and that, far fhun wishing to leave their king in the hands of the bartnnaas, theyonly felt uienwelves aggrieved beeanse ba had honoured and trusted tbe barbariana too much. But, for whatever might have been said in their behalf,they had neither spokesman nor hearer ; and, what rendered their oondition still moro desperate, they had no leader. Thej ro- mained for some time where the king had left tbem, in silent consternation and deep perplex- ity. They were a bod; without a head, unable either lo act or to deliberate. The spirit erf're- sistance had, it appear*, been entirely broken ; they were read; to submit, and only waited to learn Alexander's intentions. He bad reeolved In try their obedience, and to viudieale his own majesty to the utmost. On the third dur he sent for the principal Persian officers,and de- clared to them his purpose to be hereafter served by Asiatic troops in the room of the Macedouians ; be asaigned lo thera their aam- mands in the arm;, which wu to be organized on the Maoedonian model, and with Macedonian names. Even the royal aaoorts of tofknliy nod cavali; were to be oompoaed wbolhr of Peraiana. and he selected some Peraian boUbb to reooive the titleof bia kinsmen and the privilege ofkise- ing him.f When these orden were publtabed, they carried tbe feelings which abread;prevail- ed in ihe Macedonian camp, to the last eztrem- iiy of anguish and dismay. It seemed aa if the kingwas in earnest, and woold take tbem at tbeii word ; their own rashness had brought down upon them the evil whicA they di"aded. No hope was led but in the royaloleiDeDCj. There needed no consultation, and scarcely a voice loexpreastheuniveraalaentiment. With one consent they rushed to tbe palace, and threw down their arms as ensigns of supplication be- fore tbe galea,entreating far admission, oAr- ing to surrender their evil counsellore and tboae who had firstuttered tbe seditious cries forpon- iahment, and declaring that they wotdd not qniL the ttiresbtrid, day or night, until Alexander to)A compassion on them. " Mr. Willi ifhy af incint Ant. p. "!} H- " ,._ BttW hm bwn DO niT"f("IsBB," DltlHB u ofhr lay froct of hii UHition. WliDAar wmB ft tnMurr tbor* it* (loeatianparfvctlr iouBibto-' Ofi Ihn TF^tnld but ni" Ihi DDfiiTtuiifttQ ftU"nipt U "ftS" Jt..3, 7] thU ildac uri Tin bim tenia. Thii !" dh mn pnbilil " aDtiMwiiirh Polynpui d"Beiib"t, perbua wilh at rouDdvurk ihsD i djaU"l*il vsouat of AlaiitDd"r THE RECONCILIATION." ANTIPATEB. SN He had now broagbt them to the degree of aabausBion nbich he desired, and itbecame aate and seasonable to relent. We may be sare tbat nothing was farther from bis thoughta than to lose Slush a body of troops, and to endanger the peace of Hacedonta by an appearance of com- plete alienation ; and perhaps the experiment would have been impnident if it had exposed him to such hazard. But be might easily fore- see the result ; and, iadeed, the success of his first step showed tbat it rested with himself to receive them again mio his aervice, whsoev- "r he would, upon hia own cercos. Hta pru- dence was no less oouspicuous in the manner of the reconciliation than hiafiimness had been thnragbout the struggle. It appears tbat be did not let then remain long in the attitude of sup- pliants, but came out lo them, as eager to for- ^ve, when be could no longer doubt the sinoer- ily of their repenlanoe. Their downcast looks "Dd pitiful laDMntatioas drew tears " which a Gieek easily shed " from hie own eyes. He prepBFed to speak; hut the sound of wailing and entreaty did not cease. At length a leteran officer of tiffi cavalry, named Callinea, ventured to rentark, that the thing which inogt hurt the MacedoDians waa, that the king had honoured Persians with the titleof kinsmen, and the priv- ilege of tbe kuw, which no Macedonian bad ever eqjoyed. Alexander, as if aS^cted by their loy- al jraAousy, declared that he should henceforth loi^ npon all of tbem as his kinscnen.and grant tbeen the privilege they ao much coveted. Ac- eordin^jy, Callines and several others were per- mitted to kiss him ; and the whole body, takins np their arms, returned with shouts of joy and pKana to tbe camp. To seal the reconciliation, Alexander celebrated a tbaolcagiving-sacrifice, which was followed by a haaquec. at which he entertained SOOO of bii" troops, selected for their personal rank and merits from the rival nations. The HacedoDians took the precedence, and were placedimmediately round the king; tbe Persians were seated next ; end then, ti seems, without distinction, the representatives of the ether races. The religious riles were directed by Greek soothsayers and Magians ; the king and those aroond htm drew their libations from one bowl ; and he accompanied them with a prayer for concord and community of empire be- tween the Macedonians and the Persians. The discharged veterans, 10,000 in number, were then dismissed with every token of respect uid allectioii. Each received a talent over i ibove his pay, calculated to the time of hts rival in Macedonia. Tbe children bom to th of Asiatic women," Alexander took under his own charge " to prevent, as he said,discord in tbetr famibes " promising to train ^lem for sol- dier*, and, vrtien they had grown Dp, to lead Aem to Macedonia himself And he hade them consider it as tbe atrongest proof he could give of his regard for them, that be appointed Cra- "tena, the friend who was dear to him as hii 'OWD life, lo conduct them home. With Crate- nu he had joinedPolysperchon as second in command, that do embarrassment might if Craterus, who was in iH heahb, should be de- tained on tite road. It was not, ttowever, aim- "JtSiS^HLSX] K* (h*i ply for the sake of tbe veterans that Cratenn was mtrusted with this commission. He bad received other instructions of at least equal im- portance. Hs was to supersedeAntipater in the government of Macedonia, and Antipater was to conduct the fresh levies to tbe Sing. Though Arrian cautions his rcadera not to rely rriters wbo affect to disclose the most ae- counsels of princes, it can hardly be doubt- ed that by this time Alexander's conffdeuce in Anlipater bad begun to giveway to his moth- er's continued accueacions, and to the complaint* which he received from other persona againat the regent. If we may judge from the scaDly counts remaining of Anlipaler'a private habita id sentiments, ttiere was reaaoa to think that be disapproved of many of tbe king'sproceed- inge. He is reported to liave remarked, when he heard of Parmenio's death : " If Patmento conspiredagainstAlexander, who is to be trust- ed1 If not, what is to be dona V' And he might be supposedto be no better satisfiedwith tbe execution ofhis own son-in-law, Alexander the Lyncestian. He retained tbe old Macedo- nian simplicity in bis dress and manner of liv- ing, to a degree which attracted notice,by its contrast with tbe habits of the age, and which must have appeared stillmore slDgidar when compared with tbe splendour of Alexander's court.t The looms of ionia were kept in con- stant activity to supplypurple robes fortbe cour- tiers ;t while Antipater atill wore a gament adorned only with a plain white border. And Alexander is said to have observed, when this mentioned to bim, tbat,thoughAnlipaler'a. outaitle was so homely, he was all purple witlk^ That there was a real foundation for ikS' ilingopinion that the regent had sunk in- ibe hmg's favour,seems clear from tbe bet that he sent bis son Cassander tu court U de- fend his conduct ; and if appears that he bad also entered into a secret treaty with tk" iElo- ins.il Alexander's attention had also bae* drawn, of late,towards the slate of Greece, uid partie- ulariy towards Athens, Nothing had occuired there that could fairly be inteniieted as a sign of defiance or bostdity; bat it aeems that thia - resentment, kindled by the Hi^ of Harpalns, - turned Itself against the peofde anug whanv the IHigitive had taught slxAar, and'that bo medit^ed a signalrevenge. It may easily be conceived tbat be was atill more impatient^ of every ^pearance of oppositiaa from the Greeks than from his Maoedoniana, and he bad adopted two measures, which left no doiM as to the footing on which the Greeks wen henceforth to consider themaelvee aa standing with respect to him, and were oalonialod to ._j .- _ii " :-. ._ Ljg authority. oonnt of the reception wUoh tbeae meaaDre* met with in Greece for a mibeequent(AapMrj but they must be mentioned here, as thej throw light on Alexaader'edianaterand viewa. One was a decree,pnbllehedat the (Hyinpie games (B.C.334),by which be enjoined that allthe exilea who bad been forced to quit their 1 Attum.,HI., p. ", F. t Pint,,R. "( 1..Ap.. AleL, IT. i"L,n. MO HISTORY OF GREECE. bHueB for any otbei ofTence tban aacrilege and mnrder should be pennitted lo return. This measure was manifestlydesigned for the ben- efit of that numerous cJass ofpersons who had beea defeated in the struggles of the Ureek Ciea, and banished by their adversaries. It return would have established the pre- dominance of the Macedonian interest in every Greek city almost as effectually as a Macedo- nian garrison. It waa a eirnke of policy; the Klicy of an enemy, who wished to diiide, that might rule. But the other measure looks more like the act of a despot, who would de- grade a conqueredpeople that he might tram- [de.upon them. It was a requisition, sent ' round to the principal states of Greece, de- manding divine honours for Alexander, It is tme that auch things were no longer looked at by the Greeks so seriously as they bad once been : there had also been instances in which bonoura of this kind had been paid to persons much inferior to Aleiaoder in dignity and pow- er, as to Lyaander ; it was, indeed,no more than Harpalus had exacted, though not Irom Greeks, for his deceased mistress. Possibly, too, Alexander's envoys may have ventured to allege the example of the Macedonians ; and Yeiy probably be expected that the reiuctance of the Macedonians might be softened by the acquiescence of the Greeks. This last suppo- sition, thoogfa it could not alter tbe character of the measure in tbe eyes of those to whom it was dictated, would certainly present it in a lesa odious light to na* After the departure of Craterus, Alexander iet out for Ecbatana. The state of the treas- ure and the country, which had been so long in anch hands as those of Oleander and Sital- ees, demanded his attention. It was also a point where he might coUect information, and concert meaaures, Wlh regard to the regions which bounded hie dominiona on the north along the coasts of the CaspianSea, concern- ing which hia knowledge waa bitherto very im- p^ect. But no donbt one ofhis main objects Tas to grati^ the Medians by a residence of "ome months in their splendidcapital, one of the proudeat citiesof the ancient world,where hia Persian predeceasora had been used to hold their court duringa part of the year. Their sojoDm had been a burdensome honour to their aubjecta; for the host which they brought with them waa to be snpporied at the oipcoae of tbs country.! Alexander's preaence was ev- * DroTHB {Al., f. SU) (lutnnulr nadicmUa the polic; dnLpandiaa tliano Ian procuiooi uitunpiiiin ihml ihe tWkH of Iht ordar on thv Gr"fl^i wu likelj lo be thii of Hut tl" "liii|"vtiw2i itmlly uciEfld partnk much own id sither indiaiwiioD or eonunpt. t A loUnSljloma nmini of ths wn)(1it of itiebarisn lUT bs tgmml rnn the lift,giisn br Fcdjnaiu (it.,1,ail, af Uh pnnuiau ited^ maannl b^ Ihi gnu king'i hmu' hold. The liltPToft" * to hbra Wrn copiad triim n hn- "t4 cohmm which Aleiandvr fouM in " tmt h]*co. At " nMciraaa."n (lar loliea llittit hwluM 400 thecp, MO - " "-- - -- g"", aiopi. ir'bii"bim""""" """' If mi owa ub- mockiitktl erywhere felt as a blessing. In hia progreaa through Media he viewed the pastures, cele- brated, it seems, under the name of the NysK- an plam, for the number and excellence of the horses bred in them. The number had amount- ed to 150,000 ; but,throu^ a series of depre- dations, which mark Che disordered state of the province, it had been reduced by nearly two thirds. Here he was met by Atropates, the satrap of the northwest part of Media, who, it seems, entertained him with a masquerade "r a hundred women, mounted, and equipped with hatcbeta and short bucklers,accordingto the popular notion of the Amaxons. Sucb is Arrian'a conjecture. The fact,whatever it may have been, gave rise to a stoiy that Alex- ander here received an embassy from the queen of the Amazons, and promissd to pay her a visit. There were several other objectson this road to attract hia attention in a leisurely march : a Bteotian colonyplantedby Xerxea, which stillretained a partial use of tbe Greek language, and the garden and monuments of Bagbistane, which traditionaacribed to Semir- At Ecbatana, after he bad despatcbed the most important business which awaited him there, be solemniied the eulumnal featiral of DioDysua with extraordinarymagnifioenee. The city waa crowded with strangers who came to witness the apectade: and 3000 ar- tists are said to have been assembled from Greece to bear a part in it. The aatrap Atro- pates feasted the whole army ; and the Mace- donian officers seem lo have vied with each other in courtly arts. They put proclamatiooa into the months of tbe heralds,breathing, it is said,a strain of flattery, snch as had acaroely been heard by tbe Peraiau kinga.* One of these, which was preserved aa a apedmen of insolent servility ,f but is more remark^le as an indication of Alexander's aontimenta,was made by Gorgus, tbe master of the armory, who presented him with a crown worth 30O0 gold pieces, and undertook to furnish 10,000 complete suits of armour, and as many mia- silea of every son proper for the attack of a town, whenever he should laysiege to Athens. Among the theatrical exhibitions there was one which, through the singularity of the aub- ' has been, in part,preserved from tbeoblir- n which the rest, with numberless better things, have been lost. It was a littledrama of the satirical classientitletl Agen, the work, IS was generallybelieved, of one Python,poa- libly the fiyiantian, Philip'ssecretary :t but there waa alau a singularreport, that it was written by Aiexaoder himaelf. If he did not even suggest the subject, or any of the scenes, the passages which have been preaervedwere certainlydeaigned to gratify hia feelings.^ BaUimfa. Allrti- "" *' t Aihanaui oMm him Gnt (iiii.,n)h Kmralx, lad (l^emnl (o."8} i K- 3 I Bnyftritc. Osa mighl be in- hibilidduring Ihs Diunrimoilabruad on Ihabanka of tha H^aap"a. Sol aa itia oiuin that ihi llis)"i of ItarjMlu did noL taka plira bnfiirnAlaxinder'a mtnia fr^tn fiidia, wonldrvad XsoffnarorT^nva, vrdanpiHaaalka Afva ia haia baaD patfonnadat Sua. BpaciolH " "'"- '" ' THE AGEN." MOURNING FOR HEPHAJSTION. S61 Hey alliidfl to the flight of Harpalus, who is i among the customary signs of a generalidouth- meoUoned both hy his own name, and by a ing on the death of the Persian kings; and it nickname significant of hia moat notorious is certain that he directed one to be observed throughout his Asiatic dominions. He also commanded that,as was aaual on the same oc- casions, the sacred fire should be quenched in all the Persian sanctuariea until the funeral "was over. For this preparations were made on a scale of more than roya!magnificence. He ordered Perdicoaa to convey the corpse to Babylon, where a pile was to be built at the ex- peose of 10,000 talents, and funeral games, gymnastic and musical,were to be celebrated with a splendour never before witnessed ; for which purpose all the artists assembled at Ec- batana were to repair to the capital. The courtiers,especially those who might be sus- pected to entertain very different feelings, en- . deavoured to prove their sympathy with the kingby extraordinary tokens of veneration for the departed favourite. Euraenes. who had lately had a violent quarrel with him, which was onlycomposed by the royalanlhority, dex- terously set the example, and dedicated him- self and his arms to the deceased ; perhaps an- ticipating Alexander's wish that Hephnstion should receive sacred hononre. He was anx- ious that this should be done nnder the sanctimi of religiousauthority, and therefore sent to consnil the oracle of Ammon on the queotion, whether Hephsstion should be worsl^ippedu a hero or a god. In the mean while, itis said, he ordered the sound of music to cea"e In the camp. The division of the cavalry wtiich had t"een commanded by Hephnstion was to retain his name, and the officer to whom it was com- mitted was to be regardedonly aa his lieuten- ant.' These fantastic cares, however, served but to oherish his melancholy, and his officers en- deavoared to divert him by some fitter occupa- tion, which might draw him from Ecbatana, whera he was constantly reminded of his be- reavement. He at lengthbegan to rouse him- self, and complied with their wishes. An ob- ject opportunelypresenteditself, which called him again into action, and in the manner moat suited to the present temper of hia soul. The Cossteans, who inhabited the highlands on the confines of Media and Persia,were stillun- subdued ; and, relying on their mountain strong- holds, continued, from thne to Eime, to make predatory inroads on their neighbours.Though it was now the depth of winter, Alexander set oDt to punish and quell them. He divided his forces into two columns, and gave the com- mand of one 10 Ptolemy. The obstacles op- posed by the country and the season were such as he was used to overcome ; tlis bnrbariana could dn littleto bar his progress. They were hunted, like wild beasts, into their lairs,and every man taken capable of bearing arms waa put to the award. It was a sacrifice to the shade of Hephnstion, in which Alexander mi^t see another resemblanoe to Achdlsa. , It which he had erected at Babylon in honour of Pythionice, and tdKhe largess of com by which he had obtained the Athenian franchise. The wretched state of Athens, as if it needed snch benefactions, is descnbed in a tone of bitter sarcasm, which passes into that of earnest hostility, when one of the speakers otwervea that the com Glycera's, but might perhaps prove a pledge of friendship to those who had rect it,t There can be no doubt that la these words the poet meant to speak Alexander's n Bat the festival was interrupted by an ( which Alexander felt as Che greatestcalamity of his life, Hephtestion had been attacked, some days before,by a fever, which at firstdid not show any alarmingsymptoms. Trusting to bia youth, and his stroi^ constitution, he had, it appears, neglected the directions of his phy- nciaa, and by his imprudence so inflamed the disease that it carrW him suddenly off It was a day which was to have been devoted to the gymnastic exercises of the boys, Alexan- der was witnessing a footrace, when a message was brought to him that Hephastion was worse. He instantly hurried to bis frieud'e bedside, but before he arrived HepbKstion had expired, Alexander's grief,though not imbittered hy Belf-reproBcb, was passionate and violent as that miicb he showed at the death of CUtus. TTiere is no evidence that Hephastion posaeas- ed any qualities that deserved the preference with which Alexander distinguished him ; and, indeed, there are intimations that,even in Al- exander's judgment, his chief merit was the devotion and obsequiousneas with which he re- quited his master's partiality, t Perhaps, ifthe attachment had been more considerately form- ed, the loss would have been less keenly felt After the first transports of anguish had sub- sided, Alexander sought consolation in the ex- travagant honours which he paid to his deparied "vourite, and in the vain semblance of grief, which he forced all persons and things around him to put on. We may refuse, with Arrian, believe that he was so barbarons and frantic to put the Innoeent physician to death, and pall down the temple of Esculaptus, if there was one, at Ecbatana. But there is no n why we should question Plutarch's statei that he ordered the horses and mules to be shorn, and the town-walls to be dismantled of their batUements,^ These were probably t 'Karlr f (". Ibi sinihel ^XoXitinilDic (Ftisih!to Aleuodci) ; it imihi lodii,AJeiuHler ihftrply rabrthtd Hvphtfarioo,HTiiff iir BUI bs mild if h" *"" not ftwtrt thai wiihoat Af^judir bt vdhU bs Dathhi^, . ... , 1 o" with the nlDort cotil"Bip", pariMjnfirrgettiDf HISTORY OP GREECE. He then crossed the mountains,and,coming down upon the Tigris, took the direct road to Babylon. At tbe distance of some Aaya' maich from Ihe city, he was met by presages of impending cvlamity,Adeputation orthe CtialdKan priests came to the camp, and requested a private an- dience. in which they infonned him that their god Belus had revealed to them that some dan- ger threatened him ir ho should st that time enter Ba}"y!an. Alexander is said to have re- plied with a verse of Euripides, el^ressing dis- belief in divination. But it is certain that the warning sank deep into bis mind. The state of his feelings was apt for gloomy forebodings; and there was a strange harmony between Ihe words of the Chaldgeana, and an intimation which be had lately receired from a Greek soothsayer named Peithagoras. Peilhasoras had been requestedby bis brother Apollodorus " who bad commanded the troops lelt at Bab- yloD with MazKUs, and though he had accom- panied the king to Ecbatana, did not feel secure of his favour" to discover, ifhe conld. through hia art, whether the general had anything to fear either from Alexander or Hephsstion. Ac answer came from Babylon that, as to He- phtestion, he was safe : the victims showed that the favourite wouJd soon be out of their way ; and the next day Hephestion died. Shortlyafter,a like prediction came with re- gard to Alexander himself; and Apollodorus was loyal or prudentenough to disclose it tc the kiiig, who commended him for his open- neM, A still more marvellous story silerward found credit ; that Calanus,just before hia death,had declined to take leave of Alexander, B^m^ that he ahould soon meet him at Baby- lon. Still, tbe prieats found that they could not induce the kingto give up bis iDlention of vis- iting ibe oapitai of bia empire, where many im- Cut affiurs were to be transacted, and em- ies from remote parts of the world were awaiting his arrival. They then urged him at leaat not to enter the city in the direction in whioh he wu then inarching,by the eastern gate, so as to have his face turned towards the oarit west ; but to isake a circuit, and enter from the i^)posila quarter. This mysterious advice struck Alexander's fancy ; he wished to oomfdy with it,and for that purpoae altered the c"ur"e of his march, and proceeded sou tanee aloiif the bank of the Euphrates, ho then fMwd that tbe laksa and foimed tv the iuandaliOBS of tbe ri we"t of Babylon wouU prove Ue obstacle. He was stillreluctant to neglect tbs wuniitg of the ChaldnsiiB, but yet not now indispoaed to listento Anuarchus, and the oth- er philDecqihioal Greeks about him, who treated tbe ooeult science, and especially iu Babyloni- aa pnrfeMors, with contempt. There was, hawerer, another motive for distrust,which weighed still more with him. He had begun to conceive a sospiciouthat his priestly coun- sellors were less concerned about his safety than their owil It appeared that they and tbelr order had reason to dread the account to wblch they would probably be called on his ar- livaL Alexander, before he left Babylon, had ordered tbe great (empJe, which Xenes bad drawliriied, to be rebuilt ; the work was placed under tbe superintendence 'ofthe priests, lAo might have been expected to show the greateat zeal for its accompHehment. Yet Alexander had complained of tbe remissness with whicb it was carried on. and he had since discovered the cause. The revenues which had been as- signed by the Assyriankings for the mainte- nance of the temple-worship were also man- aged by tbe priests, and, while tbe temple lay in ruins, had been appliedby tbemto their own use. TTiey loiew that Alexander's preswice wonld soon pot an end to such abases ; and he might,therefore, well doubt that the oracle, with which they attempted to delay his com- ing, had bcDn given by the god. we do not hear that he suspectedany collusion between them and other persons at Babylon; yet the example of Apollodorus seems to show that such a Buspictun would not have been tmrea- Bonable. Thus, then, he at length entered Babylon, "t without a secret misgiving, by tbe ominoos quarter,* The great ciiyhad, probably, never before witnessed so stirring a scene as was exhibited by tbe crowds now assembled for various purposes within its walls. Nearchits had brought in tbe fleet fVom Opis ; tbe vessels transported over land from Phcenicia had come down from Thapsacus ; the harbour was in progress, and otbor ships were on the stocks in tbe arsenals of Babylon itself, for which Alex- ander had ordered the cypress-trees, the only ship-timber its territory yielded,to be fellei Another crowd of workmen and artists were busied with Hcphatslion's funeral pile, and witb the preparations for his obsequies; and never before bad Alexander's imperialgreatness been so conspicuouslydisplayed as in the embassies from foreignstates, which were now in attend- ance at his court. It seems, indeed,that there was a disposition among some of bia historiaoB to exaggerate the number and variety of those embassies. We must, perhaps, pass over, ao doubtful, those which aro said to have come" snrprisiog tbe Macedonians and Greeks by tbe novelty and strangeness of tbeir names and garb"from tbe European Scythians, from Cel- tic and Iberian tribes, from Ethiopia, and frmn Carthage,thoughreasons may be assignedwhy the Oanbag^niaos,at least, should have thou^ it expedientto propitiate the master of Asia and of Egypt. Yet it seems to have been better " Thu Aluudu'i num to B4brlcailack giJacaiMtr ia 3,nuy DOW bn conndarHl u inSciaiillr cantin. Vin- pnqH tbA iafareoH which uj anprvjiidloed nftd"r M dno fnu lb" oimliiii RmuEing Is si, thit Mr. mliHi woald MilEinlj nt""r h"" lUipnWil it (F. E,, p. I),if,Ihroufh htl Mtriighl in Lbc prBnoM chrooolo- " timrinibrirajhtAlelindir 10 TluiU " yeu ton "" oaljd["|X4l of al Bab^'lDn. I plftinLjinpliad is EMBASSIES." FUNERAL OP HBPHJQSTION. M3 E^Tpt and C;r6De" who came to present him "wiih crowns, and to coDgralulate him on the conqnest of Asia, and (rom at least three of the Italian nations, the Brutlians,Lucanians, and Tjirbesians. The object of t"ieItalian embas- sies is not mentioned ; (hose ot the Bnittians and Lucanians ma; be easily accounted fbr, since,only sii or seven years before, the con- queror's kiosinan and oamesBhe, Alexander of "pirus,hadperished in war with them^ If this "was their motive, and, indeed, whatever may have been the interests for the sake of which they nndeitook so long a journey, we might have expected that their most powerfulneigb- boBT would not have been unconcerned Bi"out the issue of their negotiations; and hence we are prepared to accept the testimony of the su- tbors who related that they were met at Bsby- hu by envoys from Rome, though it was not conGnDed by Ptolemy or Aristobulns, and though the scene may appear to as so memor- able as to have aflbrded temptation for fiction ; for the fact was recorded before the greatness of the Roman name conid have suggested the tboaght. Strabo mentions en occasion which might have led to this embassy.* Alexander " we know not precisely when " had sent re- monstrances to the Romans on account of in- jaries which his subjects had soflered from the jHrates of Aniium, which was subject to Rome ; and the same fact,as Niebuhr observes, throws light on the embassy of the Tyrrhenians, the maritime inbabitaots of "trurja. Most readers, perhaps, will be inclined to adopt the opinion of that great historian on another question, "which has been variously viewed from Livy's days down to our own. He thinks that Alex- ander would probably have been satisfied with such a supremacy in Italyas he had acquired in Greece ; that no generalconfederacy would have been Ibrmed against him by the flalian slates; and that Rome, single-handed, could not long have withstood such en army as he oonld have broughtagainsther, backed by the forces and treasure of Greece,Asia, and Africa. Among the embassies were several from Greek cities, sent, some to offer presents, some to seek the king's aid or intervention in public and private a^is, and some to remonsirste against the decree for the restoration of the exiles. To those who came on this last busi- neaa be gave audience after the rest,probably to marie his displeasure at the application, for he cannot have listened to it favourably, though he strove to send all away satisfied. To the others he gave precedenceaccording to the dignity of their temples. So Elis took ibe lead, and waa followed by Delplii and Corinth; hot the shrine of Ammon was recognised as second to Olyropia. The Epidanrians received an of- fering for their god, though Alexander added the remark, that Esculspiusmight have treated him better than to suflerhim to lose his dearest The bonovETs designed for HephKstion con- * T,, p. in lira,l^ocliii.).Il a nmnbilAt IbU both Snnieii (Al.,p. 9M), ud, it laein.Niobuhr hiDwir (ii"., niv wbom )" uwk. or Altiiniltr h* only nlsuB Ibit ha ntdg ODD^alDU li " letur (triiXSr trirrtiM- Tha Tut "' -" '' - - " h. "liii"N, Hl;iii"". tinued to share, his earnest attention with gra- ver businessT The funeral pile was at length completed, and was a marvel of splendour such as the gorgeous East had never beheld, A part of the wail of Babylon, to the length of about a mile,was thrown down to Aimish maleriab for the basement and the shell of the building. It was a Bqnare tower, and each side,at least at the foot, measured a stade in breadth ; the height was about SOO feet, divided into thir^ stories, roofed with the trunks of palm-trees. The whole of the outside was covered with groups of colossal fignres and other ornaments, all of gold,ivory, and other preeionsmaterials, and itwas surmounted by statues of sirens, so contrived as to emit a plaintive melody. All who courted the king's favour contributed Ibeil ofleringa to the work or to tAe ohsequies. As to the magnificence of the concludingcere- mony of the funeral games and banijuel, no- thing more need be said than that it corre- sponded to the richness nf this astonishing work of art, which was raised at an expense about ten times exceeding that of the Parthe- non,* merely to be devoured by the flames. Alexander was not of a character to continue longbrooding over melancholythoughts. 4 Ha appears now to have resumed his great plans with his wonted energy. It was about this time that he sent out the three expeditions al- ready mentioned to explore the coast of Arabia. He was also intent on discoveries In another quarter. He was impressed with the belief that the Caspian Sea was connected by some outlet at its northern extremity with the ocean which girded the earth,and, perhaps,hoped that a passage might be found through this channel to the coast of India, With this view he Bent HeTSctidea, with a party of shipwrights, to the shores of the Caspian to build a fleet which might survey its coasts and ascertain its limits. In the mean while, he undertook sn ex- cutBion from Babylon on the Euphralsa,to in- spect the canal called the Pallacopas, wbhdi branched from it to the southwest, both frnthv purpose of effecting any improvement which, might appear practicable in the distributioii of its waters for the benefit of the surrounding country, and to ascertain the nature of the ob- stacles which barred the communication with Arabia on this side,t The Pallacopas had been formed to discharge the superfluous waters of the Euphrates when they rose to their greatest height after the melting of the snows; and it then necessary to close its mouth, that it [p.sei)" '" Wiih HepbiHUoa hiijonlh kid iiiok into ik* t'^'WiUuiu (Ga"r, of Abo. Ai., p, IT4Ilitein Iwm , prof* in tho isatb of ArrinD " wbo Iuahu sxpnialr to (b"darpairvd ) , Thtt I, wGai thaBttai A luud antil il ifha kid d*apur uTii "m tb" un of a ! ba chmfred to drf"w BWrth whictia'^hDlinliip isn IllU ALtludarJi- 364 HISTOEY OF GREECE. might not drain Ibe maio atream ; but, on ac- count of lbs sodnesa of its bed, Ihia "3a an ei- tiemely difficult operation, wiiitli coromooly re- quired the inceaaant labour of 10,000 men for Uiree muntha, Alexander turned his thoughts to devise a remedy for thia inconvenience,and, having found tbat about (liree miles beyond the moutli af the canal the ground ud the right banh became Jirm and rocky, he determined pci Denlly to stop up the ancient entrance, an maVe a new cut, which might be more easily closed at the proper aeason. Ho then sa" down the Pallacopas into the lakes which ceived its waters, and examined the chanr by which Ihcy were connected with each ( er; on a part of the abore his eye was struck by a point which seemed to him well adapted for the aite of a Ibity, and he ordered one to be built there, which he aflerward peopled wi colony of Greek mercenaries. The circuit Urge, and the passages so intricate, tbat be once separated for some time from the n body of the squadron. On his return throng this maxe of waters, an accident occurred, tri- fling in itselT, but sufficiently ominous, it seems, to revive tbe uaeuy feelings with which he had entered Babylon, and which had subsided when besawhimBdf once more out of it,and the pre- dictions of the Chaldteana apparently belied. Od the reedymargin of tbe lake atood here and there soma monumenta, tombs, it was aaid,of ancient Assyriankings. As the royalgalley, wbicb Alezsndei steered himself,passednear one of them, a sudden gust of wind carried away his causia into the water, and lodged the light diadem which circled it on one of the reeds that grew out of the tomb. One of the tailors immediatelyswam offto recover it,and, to keep it dry,placed It on his own head. Alex- ander rewarded bim with a talent, hut,at the same time, ordered him to be flogged for the thoughtlessnesswith which he had assuined the ensign of royalty. The diviners, it is said, took the ntatter more seriously, and advised the ling to avert the omen by the infliction of death on the offender. In later times, his oflence,for the sake of the omen, was ascribed to Scleucus. On his retorn he found all the preparations for bis intended expeditionnearlycomplete; the fleet was equipped, and he exercised it fr" quently in manixuvres and rowing-matches on lie Euphrates. Freah troops had arrived from the western provinces, and Peucesles bad broughtan army of 20,000 Persians and a body of mountaineers from the CossKan and Tapyr- lan highlands. The Persians Alexander incor- porated with his Macedonian infantty;so as in every file of eirleen to combine twelve Per- sians armed with bows or javelins, with four heavy-sraiedMacedonians selected from those who had been rewarded for their services, and taking the places of honour, the first three and the last in the file.And now the envoys whom he had sent to the oracle of Ammon returned, with the answer that HephEstion was to he worshipped as a hero ; ibis was probably as ' mnch as Alexander bad desired; he immediate- i ly proceeded to give effect to tbe injunction, and sent orders to his aatrap Cleomenea to erect two temples to the new bero,one in Alex- andria, the other on the isle of Pharoa ; snd be " was weak enou^ to add" if the letterwhich I Arrian quotes was genuine " tliat, ifCleomensv did but show himself diligent in this business, and in the care of Ihe Egyptiansanctuaries, all else that had been, or ahould be faulty in bis administration, should be overlooked : an ex- traordinary license,indeed, unless Alexander thought it prudent to temporize with a man con- scious of many flagrantoffences, who bad bo important a province in bis hands. Fresh envoys had also arrived from Greece " from what stales we are not informed " to render him the divine honours which he had demanded / they came crowned,according to the custom of persons sent on a sacred mis- sion to a temple, offered golden crowns to him, and saluted him with the title of a god. But Arrian observes, with emphatic simphcity, he was now not far from his end ; it seemed to be announced by another sinister omen : the kioc had been busied with the enrolment of the newly-arrived troops, in council with hja offi- cers, who were seated on each aide t^ the throne j feelingthirst, he withdrew to refresU ""' " 3lf; the council rose for a time, and nooe len in tbe hall but the attendant eunnchs : before he relumed, a man entered (be apart- ment, moanted the steps of the throne,and seat- ed himselfon it ; the staves had probably beea kept motionless by amazement when they should have prevented htm ; but, when the deed was done, the etiquette of the Persian court forbade n to lay their hands on one who occupied seat of royalty, and they rent their elotbea beat their breasts in helpless consternation. Tbe man was examined and put to the torture by Alexander's orders, who suspecteda trea- sonable design. According to some accounts, he was a Messenian, named Dionysius, who had been a long time in prison, and had jost made his escape. We rriay infer tbat he was ' of bis senses. He could give no explana- I of his act, but that it had come into bis mind ; hence it seemed the more manifest to the soothsayers that it must be viewed as a sign of impendmg evil. Alexander himself prob- ably so considered it, and it was the more alarming, aa it followed an many others ; for, on his arrival at Babylon, he hsd inquired of Peithagoras as to the nature oflhe tokens which be had seen in the victims when he was con- sulted by bis brother ; and when he heard that the same part of the liver was wanting in that which was inspected for a revelation of his own destiny, as in that which had suggested the pre- "" - already fulfilled by the death of Hephsa- is said that he did not dissemble the im- n which the omen made on his mirid. That he was haunted by his gloomy forebodings and superstitious fancies to the degree which Ptutaroh describes,is hardly credible,unless he was alreadyunconsciously aflected by tbe dis- order which proved fatal in him; as, on the other band, it seems probable tbat its secret germes may have been cheriahed hythe deject- ed stale of his spirits. The same causes may have led him to indulge more freely than usual in the pleasures of the table,while even slighl OMENS." ALEXANDER'S LAST ILLN^S. a pecQliarl7 dangerous. From the ]weseace of the disease,before its symptoms had become manirest. we may. perluipe, best eiplain the behavioor whicb Plutarch attribulcs Kt bim in the inteniew which he had with Aatipater'ason, Casaander, shortly before his death : a scene which appears to have been attended with very important conaequencea. Alexander confronted Gaseander with Antipa- ter's accnaers ; and when Cassander treated their charges as groundlesscalumnies,sternly interruptedhim, and asked whether men who had suffered no wrong would have travelledso "r to prefer a calumniouH charge ? Caaaander pleaded that the greater the distance from the scene of the allegedinjury, the safer was the etlQiuny. Bat the kingindignantly replied, that Cassander showed how well he had studied Aiistotle's aophiatry, bj which every argument might be tnned two oppositeways, but tbat it "booid sTsil nothing ifthe compluntsproved to be in any degree well founded. Solar,indeed,we only see a proof that Alexander retained the fbllTigoiiTof bis mind and character. Plutarch, howarer,adds, what is more difficultto believe, that beeanse Cassander,at bis first audience, coold itot keep his oounlenance at the sight of the Persian ceremonial, which was entirely new to him, Alexander seised hini by the hair and dashed hie head a^nst the wall. This may l|e a gross ezaggeration ; hot that Cassander's re- ceptiou was eo hanh and violent aa to leave ae iiMleUble impression of fear and hatred on hi* soul, is conllrmed,as strongly as such a fact can be, by hia subsequent conduct. The preparations for the projectedeampaiga were now so far advanced, that Alexander cel- ebrated a solemn sacrifice for ita success. On this occasion he distributedvictims and wine among the troopsby companies, that the Hace- dmiitns and PeraiuiB, who had been so lately broughttogether, mif^t be dispoMd,by his lii"- eiabty, and by the season of convivial enjoy- ment, to more cordial uDion. He, at the same lime, eolertained his principal officers at a bao- qoet, and continued drinking with them to a late honr of the evening. As he waa retiring to rest, he was invited by Medius " who, it seems, had of late been admitted to an intimacy with him something tike Hephtestlon's " to a revel,which was to be followed by a fresh drinking-bout. He complied, and the greater part of the night seems to have been thus spent. The next evening he again banqueted at the house of Medina, and again the carousal pnilonged to a very late hour. It was at dose of this banquet, ader he had refreshed himself with a bath, that he feltthe aympti of fever so strongly as to be induced to sleep there, llie grasp of death was on him, though his robust frame yieldedonly after a haid strug- gle to the gradualprevalence of the malady. We have a minute and seeminglycomplete account of bis laat illness, in an official diary which Arrian transcribed. Nevertheless,va- rious reports, which it doea not sanction,were current in ancient times, and one of them, which ascrlDed hia death to gross intemper- ance, ha* always been very generally believed. Aoother, which has been as generallyrejected, attributed it to a dose of poison, contrived by Aristotle,conveyed by Cassander, and admin- Voi- U." L t istered by lollas, another of Antipater's sens, who filledthe office of cnp-beerer to the king. As this report was undoubtedly invented by Caaaander's enemies, so the other may hava been first circulated by bim and bis partisans. It represents Alexander as having drained as enonnoos cup, a bowl of Hercules,as it wa" called, and as havinginstantly sunk as from a sudden blow. This incident certainly would not have appeared on the face of the journal ; but neilher does it seem quite consistent witb Alexsnder's habits,who, according '""Aristoba- lua, drank chiefly for the aake of prolonging" eonveraation, nor with other details which havft been preservedconcerning the banqoet.* If h" had been in his usual state of health,the de- bauch described in the journal would probably hare produced no effect on him. It may, how- ever, botb have hastened the outbreak ^f tt" fever, and have rendered it fatal. Aristobulu" related another (act which the journalpassed' over in silence ; that in a paroxysm of tbe f"- ver, the patientquenched hia thint witb a largo- dranf^t of wine. It seeow that, for three or four days,iboagb the disease was making steadyprogress, bo- was not sensible of his danger. On the mor- row of the first stiaek he fixed the time of de- parture, both for the anny and the fleet, llie land force was to move on the fooith day, anA he hinuelf to embark the day after. He then crossed over to the royalparkon the other side- of the river, and spent the next day ehielly in tbs company of Heditis, but appointed to givo audience to his generals the next morning. Daring the ni^l Uie fever raged without inter- mission,yet he gave hi* orders to Nearohns, and the other generals, as ifbe should be ready to embark on the day after the motrow. Ana eo, "om day to day, as his strengthdeclined, he continued to admit them into bis presence, and to make fresh srrangements for the com- mencement of the expedition. But on the siztb day itwas with difficulty that he coidd bear the- exertion necessary for his customary morning' aaciiflce. Stilt, he retained hope,or, at least, would not part with the show of it, but con- ferred with bis officers on the subject of thtt voyage. The next day,however, he seema to have felt that he was dying, and ordered him- self to be conveyed back from the park to the state palace; and here, when the generals were admitted into his chamber, they tbund him stilt sensible, but speechless. All around him now began to despair; a re- port ran through the army that he was already dead ; and the men, partly to ascertain the fad, partly that theymight once more aee him alive, insisted on entering the palace. They were- permitted to pass in succeHsion through the room where he lay. Though unable to speak, he still recognisedthem, and had strength enough, tbou^with difficulty, to make signs to them with his hands and his head, and with expressiveglances. II was felt that no hnmaa aid coald be of any avail. Four of the gener- als, Pithon. Attains,Demophon, and PeuoeateBr HISTORY OF QRBECE. puaed a oight in the wmple of Serepi",* aoek- iag aa oracular Tision, which might suggest i Temodj. The god, it BeemB, was silent, Sele- uoiu and two otbera then iaqaired at his shrine, nhetbei itwould be belter Tor Alexandet to be btoogfat into the temple as a soppliaDt for ro- ller. Ajod DOW a voice was heard from tbs in- "ennosi reDesi, enjoiuiiig that he ebouid not be brought, but should stay wheie be was : so it would be best for him. . Soon a"er he bad re- "eiTed thia answer be expired. But if for himself this was the bappieat end of all earUil;caies, there was still a queslioit ttf deep importance to those who surrired hioi : bow he wished to dispose of his empire. On tius subject, however, nothing was recorded in the official diaty, or by Ptolemy or Ariatobalus. U seems that he himself had never mentioned it, while be was stillable to express his will, and that oo one else bad ventured to touch on it. There were reports that, in his last mo- mecUa, he was asked nho ^ould succeed him, and that he re)died, the worthiest : adding, that he foresaw a great contest at bis fuaer"L Bat if this had beMi bis mind, be could not bate ut- tered it. There was only one not credibly at- tested by the sequel, which might he interpret- ed as an intimation oT his wishes on this point. Juat before he breathed hia last, he drew his ling from bis finger and gave it tc Perdiccas, So passed from the earth one of the greatest other bods: great above most, for what he was in himself,and not as many who have borne the tklJe,forwhBtwaBgiveii tohimioeflect. Great, not merely in the vast ooapass and the perse- vering ardour of his ambition,nor in the quali- ties by which he was enabled to gratify it, and to crowd so many memorable actions within so abort a period, but in the course which his am- bition took,in the collateralaims which enno- bled and purified it,so that it ahwMt grew ioto one with the higbest of which man is capriMe, tiie desire of knowledge and the love of good. In a word, great as one of the benefsctors of hia kind. This pnise,however, would be emp- ty, unleas it be limited as truth requires, and hi* claim to it must depend on the opinion we form of his designs. It is not to be supposedtbst, in any of his undertakings, he was animated by speculative curiosity, or bj abstract philanthropy. If he "ougbt to discover as well as to conquer, itwas because the limits of the known world were too narrow for his ambition. His maia object,un- doubtedly, was to found a solid and flourishing "mf"ire; but the means which be adopted for this end were auch as the highestwisdom and And, u (A1,, p, J83I hu iiUn "u Ihu P\o\emt boiltAt 1 ^fJi Ihin "" HKiBiHH .StTflii* atjai IiiJi oWif^nu hcto- as his merit is not the leas becaase so many of his works were swept away by the inrooda of savage and fanatical hordes,so it mnst be remembered that his untimely death left all tbat he had begun unfinished,and probably most of what he meditated unknown ; that be could hardly be said to have completed the sob- jugation of all the lands comprised within the limits of the Persian Empire. Still, it cannot be denied that the immediate operation of bis oon- queste was bi^y beneficial to the conqnered peo)de. This would be true, eveit if the bene- fit bad been confined to those advantages which may seem purely nuterial ; for none were really so. The mere circulation of the immensa treao- ures accumnlated by the ancient rulers, which Ale"nder scattered with "ich unexampled pro- fusion, was doubtless attended by innumerable happy results ; by a greU immediate increase of the general well being,by a salutary excite- ment of industry and commercial activity. Tbo spirit of commerce, however, was etillmore di- rectly roused and cherished, by the foundation of new cities in sitttatioos peculiarly adapted to its ends ; by the opening "f new chamteis at commnnioation between opposite axtremitioa of the empire, and the removal of obstnictiona " arising from the feeUeness and wanlonDees of the ancient government " which before ito- peded it : by the confidence inspiredby the new order of Uiings, the growing oonseiousneas oT safety, and expectation of protection and en- couragement, I"et any one contemplate the contrast between the state of Asia under Alex- ander and the time when Egypt waa either in revolt BgainstPerns, or visited by her irritated conquerors with the punisbment of repested in- eurrection, when almost every part of the great monntain-chain which traveiaea the length of Asia, from the Mediterraoesn to (be borders of India,was inhabited by fierce,independent, predatory tribes ; when the Pereian kings tbem- selvee were foreed to pay tribute before they were allowed to pass from one of their capitals to another. Let any one endeavour to enter into the foelinga with which a Phaanician mar- chant must have viewed the change that took idace in the face of the earth, when the Egyp- tian Alexandria had begun to receive and pooi out an inexhauatiUe tideof wealth ; when Baby- lon bad becwne B greatport ; wben a passage was i^ned bMh t^sea and lend between the Euphrates aad the Indus ; when the foreata oil tbe shores of the Caspian had bwm to resound with the axe and the hanimer. ItwiU then ap- pear that this patt of tbe ben^ts wUct Bowed from Alexander's conquest oaonot be easilyex- aggerated. And yet thia waa, perb^ia, the Anallast part of his gloiy : it was mudi, indeed,ao to culti- vate, enrich, and beautify thia fairest portion of the earth ; itwas something more to elevate the intellectualand moral character of tbe peo- ple ; and this was, in a great degree, the e^^ in a still greater degree the tendency, of Alex- ander's measures and institutions. It may be truly asserted that hia was the firat of tbe great monarchieB founded in Asia that opened 8 prospect of progressiveimprovement, and not of continual degradation, to its subjects; it was the first that contained anyelement of moraland intellectual prpgrass. That itdid so is certain; bat it hat been dispated hov far this entered into Alexander's intention. We cannot regard iiini aa entitled to much honour OB this account, unless we admit that the great tlianght of liislifewas to unite hia new subjects with the old,bo as to form one nation ; and that, for this purpose, he wished to raiae the Asiatics to a lerel with the Europeans, and, according to the modern ezprcsaion, to ReDeniie Asia. It has been contended that snch a project of amalgamation was too chi- merical to have been adopted by a prince of Alexaoder'a sagacity and judgment ; thai he must liave been too well aware of the obsta- cles which must always hare rendered it im- possible for the new element to penetrate and assimilate so vast and heterogeneous a mass as the population of hia Asiatic dominions -. and that we must, therefore, consider ttiOBe of his measures which seem moat clearly to indicate such a design as merely temporsry expedients of a conciliating policy, farced npon him by his relative weakness. It seems, how- erer, a sufficient reply to this objection to ob- serve, that we can hardly now determine what Alexander would have found practicable in the course of a longreign ; that itthere were lim- its, in extent and degree,beyond which he himself could not have hoped to realize such an idea, it was still an objectworthy of all his efbrts ; and that, when we see him adopting a series of measures clear!;lending to this end, itis reasonable to infer that he had the end in tiew. It may be said that he planted Greek cities in Asia, merely as either commercial or militaryposts, to fillhis treasury or secure his possessions ; that he educated the barbarian youth in Greek schools,merely to recmit his "imy; that he promoted interraarriages be- tween the Enropeans and Asiatics,merely to sooUie the conquered nationa. Bnt he cannot hare been blind or indi^rent to the ultimate teudeacy of bU theie *tep*-, he nmat hare Ibreaeea tbat from each of his new eotonieB the lanfnaoe, arts, and mannera, tlie whole gnune of Greece wonld radiate throngh the adjacentregions, and would gradoallyenlight- en, civilite, and transfonn their population; he mnat haxe known, that by the domestic ties whidi be ibrmed, and by the education of the yoong, he was raisingup a generation irtuoh woold be more open to leceire this inflaence. He extent to which the interftnion actually took plaee, and the Asiatics beeame Oredn in eteiytbine bnt blood,was by no mema amall; if Atexanfler had lived to become the (bonder of a peaceflddynasty, which might have proe- Moted his plaiM, the changes wrought would hare been incalcabbly greater. It is another question, whether this cfaAii irfoai tonalitywaa, b aD respects, an unmu good ; whether, in tlie old frame of society, the literature, the arts, the manners, and evi perhaps, in the specnlativesystems of the con- qneredraces, much was not lost and destroyed throDgh it that was worth preserving; whether the new foims were not, in most caaea, de. '' tate of life and reahty,an empty varnish, apiiitleas imitation. Still leas should ws v lore to maintain that the infinitely diversified combination and confiiaion which ensued be^ tween the religions and mytholagies of Greece and Asia was anything in itself desirable ; or that the new rites and creeds, which were the progeny of this unnatural mixture,were not often as odious and banefUl as they were wild and Ihntastic. They, atleast, did not enter into Alexander's plans, who merely extended hia politicprotection alike to all modes of worship and belief; and itwould be as unjust to charge him with their mischievous consequences, aa it seems (Mso to repi^eent him, on this ac- count, as the Precursor of a better Liglit, which, on the contrarr, (hey contributed, more than any other cause, to refract and obseore. But it became Alexander, aa a Greek, to tie- lieve that the change was, on the whole^ high- ly beneficial; and we, who owe so much of what is best among us to the same culture, can hartiy charge him with blind partiality. - We most rather admire the greatness of mind by which he rose above the prejudices of hia Macedonians, who, themselves foreigners, in- debted for all thai made them worthy, or even capable, of their (brtune, to their Greek eduoa-' lion,were loth to share it with others whom Chey wished to trample on as barbarians. Still, there is one side on which Alexander's administration appears in a much leas favour- able light. We mast speak with caution on this subject, because we are very imperfectly acquainted vricb his measures, and he had scarcely time to unfold bis views. Yet it must be owned that we cannot perceive even the first lines, that we catch no hint of any poUtl- cal institutions framed to secure the future welfare of his subjects. We do not find that in any case he had begun to assume the char- acter of a lawgiver; though Arrlan thought him sa well entitled to divine honours as Mi- nos or Theseus. It is probable, mdeed, that' he intended his new colonies,at least, should enjoy aE the municipal freedom coustsient with the maintenanoe of an abeolate govem- ment. But we do not know what "ecuilly he bad provided fbrtheir privflegee ; and he aeeiiu to have left tbe maea of the peo^, in tUa n- epect, DBarir aa it bad been under ila finMT masters, llie onlyimpiovement which he ap- peanr t" have lntrc"diioedinto the oM ayaton, was teTeatwe, patfaapa to multiply, the ebecka by which, aocording to the eariiet poUey of tba Penian kingsthemaelvsa, theb- great olBoera is erery prOTinoe were enaUed to control obb' another. Thaae oheaks,as he discovered on hia TBtom ftom India,proved uttaily inef- fectual At the protection of life and property ; and though he paaisbed the ofibndeis with Uie ntmoat rigour, we haarof nooUierprBcantions that be took agahist tbe lecurrenoe of audi abnsea. When he seated himeelf on tiiethrone of Darina, he assumed, as perhaps was neoes- aary, the fhlnen of despoticsovereignty that had been exercised by his Persian predecea- "ors ; "id he, too, was reprtfiented by his sa- traps, lltongh he might be able to restrain them, it waa to be expected thai a successor of inferior energy would be forced to connive at their hcense : fram the highest station to the lowest, there was no permanent safeguard against misrule. The condition of the people was bettered ; but it remained precarious. It must even be admitted that, if be raised tbe Asiatics, he brought down the Macedonians HISTORY OK GREECE and the Greeks, to meet them on the same level. What has been said relates only to the effect which his conquests produced in Asia : it is an- other question, how far they were beneficial to Greece. Some advantages she, no doubt, de- rived from them. A bouadless Geld, with brill- iant prospects, was thrown open Tor Greek ad- venturers. A part of the new commerce c' the East found iu way JQto Greek ports. Bl we should seek iu vain for any benefits of higher order which restUted to Greece from Alexander's expedition ; wliUe, id many re- spects much more important, her condition was changed for the worse. She was treated no longer as an humble and useful ally of Ha- oedonia, but as a province of the Persian Em- pire, aitd Eoade to feel 'her subJecUoa by de- qKitic, and apparently wanton aiul arrogant oomiWuidB. And jet she had scarcelybegun to taate tlie bitter fruits which she was to reap ftom the folfibnent of those splendid visions With which Isocrates would have consoled her lb* the lOM of freedom. CHAPTER LVI. Ooa atteoUoD will now, again, be chieflj oc- eapied wilh the aflkirs of Greece. The cod- sexioD,iDdeed, between the events which took plaeethere, and the oonteeta earned on by Alex- ander's suceeasors in Asia, beeomes hence- fitrwaid M close, that itwill be necessary to ke^ both coDitantlyin view ) the latter, how- ever, as subordinate to the proper subject of oar history. Before we turri to it,we innsi proceed a* far as the first settlement that was made of the great interests which were lelt in so much confusion and uncertaintyby the aud- dea vacancy of the Macedonian throne. It may easily be believed that Alexander's death was smcerelydeploredby all around him whose immediate interest was not too deeply afibcted by it to allow room for grief. When Ibe royal paaes, unable to contain their excite- ment, Tushea out of the palace with loud wail- Ings, and made the event generallyknown, the whole city soon resound^ with the voice of lamentation. The Macedonians mourned for their hero,* the Fcreians for their king. Many and various were the honoars afterward paid to Alexander's memory, by word and work, in moDumenla and spectacles, in smooth verse and welUnrned periods ; bat the most hon- ourable tribute was oSered by Sisygambia, the mother ^f Darius. She, who had survived the massacre of her eightybrothers, who had been jnt to death in one day by Oohus, the loss of "U her children,and the entire downfall of Iter nee, now, on the decease of the enemy and ooaqneror of her house, seated herself on the ground, covered her head widi a veil,and, not- withstanding the entreaties of her grandchil- g"J "^ f '' "f"^"'"-:'' 'h""""''" fot hitio^ refamd dren, refused nonrishment until,on the fiflh day after, she expired. But even the genuineregret of the common peoplegave way almost immediately to anxie- ty about their own safety, and tq mutual sus- piciona. The Macedontaos passed the ni^ after the king's death under arms -, as if feehng themselves surrounded by enemies. The peace- able inhabitants of Babylon,perhaps with bet- ler reason, dreaded lest their wealthy city should become the scene of roiiitary tumult and hcense. They hardly ventured to creep out of their houses to gather news ; lifted no lamps in the evening, but watched for the morn- ing in darkness and silence,eagerlylistening, and trembling at every sound they caught. The great officers, Oa whom the care of the state chiefly devolved,probablyspent the same interval,together or apart, in no less auxionB delitraration. By He)diBstion's death the num- ber of those who bore the titleof somatophjlax was reduced to seven ; Leonnatus,Lysimachus, Aristonous,Perdiccas,Plolemj " the reputed son of I^gns,but, according to a report ralber widely spread, one of Philip's bastards, bis mother having been the king's mistress* " Pi- thon, and Peucestes. When Alexander died, they were all in Babylon. The next day they summoned a council of the other Macedonian officers, some of whom were but littleinferior to them iu rank and infiuecce,to confer on the greatquestion of the succession. "Die Boldiers wished to take part in it also ; and,though for- bidden, forced ttieir way into the palace, and filled the avenues of the council-haD, so that many witnessed the proceedings. There a moumfiil object met their eyes, and revived the conaciousnesa of their toss ; the vacant throne, on which had been laid the diadem, with the royal robes and armour. The sight called forth a fresh burst of lamentation,which, how- ever, was hushed into deep silence when Per- diccas came forth to address the assembly. First, t he placed the ring, which he bad received from Alexander in his last moments, on the throne. " The ring," he ssid, " was the royal signet, which Alexander had used for the most important stale business : it had been conunit- ted to him by the dyingkmg ; but he placed it at their disposal It was, however, abeolulely necessary for their own safety, that they should forthwith elect a chief capable of guarding them against the dangers to which they would be ex- posed without a head in a hostile land. It was be hoped that in a few months]: Roxana luld give them an heir to the throne. In the mean while, itwas for thom to choose by whom they would be governed." He had probably hoped that the wish which he so modestly dis- sembled would have been auticipaled bj gen- eraJ acclamation. But the meeting waited for advice. Nearchus had a diflerent plan to pro- pose. He, as we have seen, had married a daughter of Mentor's widow, Barsine ; and Barsine was also the moUier of a eon by Alex- " Pi"iwi.,l.,0,t,uid(hac ckii huULf bv bid to Iftvnr o COUNCIL AT BABYLON." DISCORD IN THE ARMY. SW inder. He tlierefore pointed out to tbe Mace- loniana, "that there was no need to wait for the LDcertaia iiaae of Koiaoa'a pregnancy : there raa ail heir to the throne alreddy bom : Her- iilcs, thesonof Barame : to him the disdem be- onged " But Nearcliua was the only man prea- Dt who hud any interest in tbis choice. The soU iers clashed their apear? and shields together 3 toiien of vehemeot dissent ; and Ptolemygave tterajice to their feelings on this point. " Nei- ber Barsine nor Roxana could be mother of a lince whom the Macedonjana would acknowl- dge as their sovereign. Was it to be borne, lialthe^ conquerors of Asia ahould become sub- wt to the son of a barbarian captive 1 It was ettcr that the throne ahould remain vacant, nd that the persons who had ronoed Alexan- er'a council of state should continue to have be supreme ntanagement of aflaiis, deciding 11 questionsby a majority of votes." This lotion,hovrever, gained few partisans : its Sect would have been permanently to exclude be royallamily from the sucoession : a step 3r which few were prepared. Thus, most liuds were turned towards the advice of Fer- iccaa ; for there was a clear disttnctiott be- ween Baraini) and Roiana, Alexander's he- aved wife, who was then in the palace, while teutor'B widow had been left with her son at 'ergamum. It was now the right time for ome friend of Perdiccas to come forward in is behalf, and Aristonoua, perhapsaccording n pieriousconcert, undertook the task. He bserved " that Alexander himself bad already ecided who was worthiest to commMid, when, iviag cast hie eyes round all his friends who rete at his bedside, he gave hia royalsignet to 'erdiccas. They bad only to ratify Alaxan- er's choice." Still, the assembly was not jn- liaed to invest Perdiccas alone, under any Ltte, with supreme power. The result of the rhole deliberation was a sort of compromise Btween the proposals of PtolQmy and Aristo- ouB. It seems to have been decided, but not rithout clamorous opposition, that, if Roiana hould bear a son, be should succeed to the brone ; and that, in the mean while, four uardians should be appointed for the future rince,to exerciae the royalauthority in his lame. Perdiccas and LeonnatiiB were to egents in Asia. Antipater and Crateras The cavalry " the aristooralical portion of the imy " acquiesced in the resolution of their hiefe ; but itwas very illreceived by the whole ody of the infantry. No motive appears for heir dissatisfaction, except that they had not leen consulted on the queatioD, and that they vished to di.;,poBe of the crown. Still, it is nut :learwhether they acted quite of their own ac- cord, or were excited to resistance by Heleager, vhu seems to have been impelled, partlyby am- lilion, and partlyby personalenmity to Perdic- cas. The accounts remaining of his conduct ire contradictory as to details, but agree in epresenting him as the leader and soul of the "ppositinn.According to sortie authors, he (uitled the council of the officers, after bitter In- reclivea againstPerdiocaa,declaring that the peoplewas the true heir of the monarchy, and ilonecould rightfully dispose of it, and hasten- ed to instigate tiie soldiei; to insurrection ami plunder.*' According to others, he was deputed to appease their discontent, but took the oppor- tunity to inflame it,and placed himself at their head.f We are left equally in doubt whether '' vas he who first proposed another competi- for the throne, whose name was soon men- tioned In the popularassembly.^ This was Ar- rid"UB,a son of Philipby Philinna, a Thessa- lian woman, who is commonly described as of low condition. Arridsus was either naturally deficient in understanding, or had never recov- ered from the e*ffectaof a potion said to have been administered to him by Olympian, whom jealousy rendered capable of evei7 crime, 4 It seems that Alexander, either throughprudence or compassion, had removed him from Macedo- nia, though he had not thought hiro fit to be trusted with any command : and he was now in Babylon. Most probablyMaleager,perceiv- ing that whoever should taise such a prince to the throne would reign under his name, was the foremost to recommend him as the sole legitimate heir. To the army Arridcus tnnat have been personally indifferent ; but he was Philip's son, without any mixture of barbarian blood,and, which probablyweighed more with them, he would be purely their creature. The proposal, therefore, was agreeable to their pride and their prejudices, which were stronger than their regard for Alexander now, as they had been in hia lifetime. After a short pause, perbapa, of surprise that a name so seldom beud should have been pnt forward on such an occasioD,all, as ifsome happy discovery had been made, broke out into loud acclamations in favour of ArridB' us ; and Pithon,who, it seems " having appa- rently been sent by the conncil to soothe them " endeavoured to show the folly of their choice, only incurred their resentment, n Meleager was t Diedgi.,nUI,, t. "m. but only to wmj rf , i, B)nptta iiBtiTfl, wItibid^ them "- MiltBgaT^ nbaoqueu cmuode, ntm wucai n at thu ha nliad ntinlr sb tha uMltrj, nndan ^Qt *liicllCurtiv giTBBDf hia Ibu^u^ "M bt1i"- Iha cmiriGil fu own pro4hbl"- DntTBen, howervr ".U4itr NmckftlgtrllMHtor'i, i..p. Jttt.liu jmttj Jmljii'l lUMEHnl, IBnUsg MalHfiir mnpljpTS- it with that uf Curtiui,Mid lop"" ihii,while u lOadsiUllT maiiligii"4in the ueelahl; of Uh ind thaE,beforetheywere joinedhy Mele"gar,thej hiffheetdegree impnthablej and Cnrtiiieend Jtt' laid D" to "eppo*e Ibel the asldun toat no lUr prh, iM ftppanatirudoptad 10 priuciple of oamli hupli I hia iwteiiali iD^Iher ; bv( Iba JinDeipia li one Ittuok, uuloriiil; (pplicd10 inch "rilen n thote lii" wlina we It to ri"1lerlthe hiitoIT ef Ihie periad, mull often lud lul of DiodutLiB, llut Helaagv wutJeputed hrlheeoovil. DToyeaDobjrttathlttbe eottft- cilwirald hue aentKMiB mm tmatwanlij ftnon Whalb- er IhoT hid uT laUDD el the lima 10 diHiut bim dm v" "mpeu ; bat ifPilhin wu Joined wilb him la the eailiun Sotnwht, U leam weS ta" IbnthI IknMlTai mb. "70 HISTORY OF GREECE. :otbe deputed to bring the prince _ and, when he Mine, tbey saluted him u uii", under the new name of Pbilip. He iDnnediBlelj proceeded to the palace, ac- oompanied by Meleager, and eacoited by the troops. The officers, it seems, were still in Gouacil there, and when Arridieua ^qveared, some Btlempt was laade to teiminate the af- fair by discussion ; but a" the ohiefi leAiaed to "anclion the choice of the infantry, they soon ibund themselves threatened with violence, and obliged to retire. Arridnus mounted the throne, and was iufealed with the royal robes. Ferdiccas had ordered the door of the loam in whicA Alexander's body lay to be locked, and C pared lo guard it wiUi 600 chosen men, and was joinedby Ptolemy at the head of the royalpage*. They were, however, soon aver- poweied by auperior nomberB. The aoktiere of the adTeiae party broke into the chamber ; blows were inteiehutged; Perdiccas himaelf was attacked with ouaailea, and blood was bo- cinuing to flow, when sonw of Uie aUer amoi^ tte aaaailanta interpoaed, and, takipg off theur helmets,entreated Fordiceaa and his Cbllawere Ur desist from their uselesa reaiatanoe. Their Baediatioa put an end to this prelode of the long contsBt which was to take [dace for Alaian- der's remsHis. But the greater pan of the generals, and the wlKde body of the oavali7, qnitiad the oi?, aod enoai^ed uitaida the walls. Ferdiccaa did not yet acocHBpaDy tbem : be h"^ied, it aeema, that acone ohange nugbt happen in the di^ositioii of the multitude, which he might ntore easily turn to bia own advantage if he stayed. But Meleager,proba- blyapprehending the same thing, sod eager to astiiiiy his hatred,urged the king to give an order for the eieeutian of Perdtocas. This he oould not obtain : Arridnus was, perhaps, timid to Blrike so great a blow. Meleager, there- fore, was forced to interpret the silence of his royal puppet as consent, and sent an armed baad to the house of Perdtccis, with to bring him to the palace, or to kill him if he should resist. Perdiccas had only about leen of the toyalpages with him when his door was beset. He, however, appeared on the threshold with a firm countenance, and over- awed those who came to arrest him by the' ae- Tora dignity of his looks and his words. They probably did not think Meleager'sautbority suScieat warrant for the murder of a man o saeh high rank. When they had withdrawn, he Bod his attendants mounted their horaea, and hastened to the camp of theirfriends. One eminent pervou nf their party,however, remained in the city : Eumenes the Cardian, who had already decided on the course which his owa totereats raqnired, and, on this occa- alon, gave proof of the sagacity and dexterity which afterward carried him through so many dangers,and even brought him so near to the highest fortune. Eiunenes, in his tioyhood, had attracted Philip's notice by bia promising tal- ents :' he was brought up at the Macedonian oourt, and waa employedby Alexander both as his principal secretary and keeper ofthe recard" and in military coramanda. He had risen s* high in favour with the king, that he could eves venture, on more Uian one oecaaion, to quarrel with HephKStion; but, alter the ftvourite's death, hs laboured,by ingenioua contrivancee and profuseexpense in bonour of his meniory, to remove ^ suspicion that he viewed the event wi"i pleasure. In tbia liberality he show- ed Um greater aelf-eonuDand, aa be was habit- ually paraimnnkHia. Plutarch relates that when the leading officers contributed to the equip- ment of the fleet in India, Eamenes, whose share was rated at 300 talents,produced onlj a hundred, pretending that it was with great difficulty he had been atrie to scrape this snm together. Alexander made no reply, but soon a"r ordered his slaves secretly to set fire to the secretary's tent. It was then disoovered that Eumenes had amassed more than a tbou- saud talents. ' Alexander, however, forgave hhn, aa be did Anttgeoea, and allowed him to keep all ; thangh be had bimeelf to regret the bws of many valuable papere, which perished in the flames. Sndi a man was Ibrmed for the times -wfaidt followed Alexander's death. Enmenee felt that he could only be sate in the strifeof parties aa long as he ooold guard against the jealouBj to which a foreigner in hi^ atation waa exposed among the Macedonians. He remained, as we hare observed, in Babyton after the flight at Perdioeaa, under the pretext that he had no right to lake a pert is djapnlesconoeroiDg the soooeaakm ; aeoretly,however, purpostag to promote the interests of Perdiccas as (hr as be conld ; for he probablj (breaaw that this side would finsJIy prevail. He aaaumed the chanu' ter of a peacemaker; and his seeming neatr^ itygave greatweight to his mediation. It was seconded by vigorous meaaores an the part of the seceders. They began to stop the supi^jr of proviaions, and to threaten the Great City with famine. Meleager found his condition growing every day mere embarrassing. He had been called to acoounl by bis own troops for the at- tempt he had made against the life ofPerdiccaa, and could only shelter himself ur"der the royal anthority. At length the soldiers came in a body to the palace, and demanded that an em- bassy should be sent to tfaa cavalry with over- turesof peace. Throe envoys were, according- ly, despatched; and itis remarkable that one of them was a Theaaalian.another an Arcadian of Megalopolis; so that probably the third. Peri- laus, whose country is not mentioned, waa not a Macedonian. The negotiations which follow- ed are reported too obscurely to tie described. It is said that the party of Perdiccas refused to treat until the authors of the quarrel had been given up to them; and that this demand exci- ted a violent tumnlt in the city, which was only calmed when Arridnna, displaying more vigour than he bad been believed to possess, offered to resign the crown. Yet it does not appear that this condition was granted. The terms on which the treaty vras concloded were, accord- ing to the most authentic account, that Arridn- us should share the empire with Roxana'a child, if it should be a boy;* that Antipater should ii mBtBil rtin" bj " AmMliiPh.".,M,iDit.tJnXB^M,..r*.J"'^^Wtr III., ill.ud Nspo^ 'Affiiatm.. "tfiitl'AXSanffavSrliuXXirB'i.ia^ THE COMPACT." THE PARTITION. 37f cmraiBiid the fi"feeain Europe ; ibat Cratenit should be atthebemdof aSaire in tbe dominioDs of ArridmiB ; but titatPerdiccaa should be in- vealed with the ooromsnd of the hone-^arda, the chilifticliy, before held by Hepfatestion, iu -which Alexander would permit no one to soc- oeed hiro. This, it wwoi, wu a post which, at the Fenian coart, had been ei|iuTa)enl to that of prime mloiater,or grand visiei of the whole empire,* It waa, however, atipnlatod that Meleager abonld be aaaooiBted with Per- diccaa ui the regency, though with a aubordi- aate lank. Of Leonnatua we hear do more u the conteDdiBgpaitiet. The cavalry tetuned to the city; tito phalanx marohed out to meat them ) Perdiceaa and Heleagei advanced t""- iween tbe lineat" salate eadt other a" fHenda The troo(M oa each aide followed their eumple, lad were once laon united in one body. It wia, however,iinpoaaiblc, after what bad happened, that Perdicna and Ueleager ahoald ever tniat eaoh other. Meteagerpnibably re- lied on the inlantry Ibr prelection. But Per- diecaa bad now taken poa*eaaion of the imbe- cile king, who wa* at paasive ia hia hands a* be had been in his rival's, and had reaolvad to Mrike the fiiatblow. Before he directly attack- ed hia enemy, he thonght it oeceMa^to de- prive him of the support which he might findin the army; and he eerana to have devised a very subtle plaa for this end. He auborned emiasa- lies to ciKn[dain among the foot soldiers that, bydiereoentaTTangenient8,Meleager had been devated to an equahty with lumaelf ; not ap- paicatly for the purpose of excitingdiaaontent, or of gaining a [Nuty among these troops, but to lead Meleager himaelf blindfold into a anare. jfeleager waa anon infonned of the langnage that had been osed against him in tbe eamp, and indignantly eomplained of itto Petdiocaa, whom he probaUy anapectedto be ita aecrel author. Bat Perdiceas waa so great a maater t^'diaaim- Bbtion, that he courlet^ lulled his aiupieiona. He aflbcted to aympathtxedeeidy with hia re- sentment, and proposed to arrest the agitators. It waa agreed between them,t the more aafely aad surely to eSect their object, that tbe whoie aimy ahoold be drawn out in the adjacentplain, ander the pretext of a solemn histration, to be celetwated with the old Macedonian rites,to puriiy itfrom the blood shed in the late anarrel. The oaage, on such oocaaiona,was to kill a dog, aad to carry its entraila, divided into two parta, to oppositeextremitiee of the field, ao tbat tbe army might be drawn up between them, the pbalaaz on one aide, the cavalry on the other.t ^ch,at least,was the order now adaptedby "o chiefo. On the appointedday Perdie- oaa, with the king at hia side,plaoed himself at tbe head of tbe cavalry and tbe elephants, fa- eing the infantry, which waa eonunaniled by Meloager. After a shoit pause, he ordered them lo advance. Mcleager'stroopa were- alarmed at the tight of Uiis movement, for they now olwerved that tbe groundwas (hvourable for tbe operationa of the cavalry, aad that, if Ih^ ware attacked,they abonld not be aUe to make good their retreat without great lose. IS they received no orders from their chief, vera quite uncertain as to the design of Perdiccaa, they remained moCionleBa until a very narrow interval was left between the two liDM. The king thai rode np with a eingta "qoadron,and.having been previously inatroct- ed by the regent, demanded that the authors (rf" the late dissenaions ahoald be givenup to pan- r^xB^^WnllnuiAc. I h"i* qnUd Uu votdh tiKmnH uflHfoimdiiitlunul- n jiritiible thU PecdiecH ib- Iwn ihu, u Jutiii mn, he . iatrMtiliitmrttaaft. t DiDWB (OampM id muKl thii laB* with thai d*- "cnbid bi liTT.Hi, 1,whsn It li Hid thM Iha IiMntuii wH oiuiDf tiimiKith " diim-lglit. But Lnj Adh hi KyihBiih"d^t"i"lHlw"alb*""*B}rr"ail tlwiBiutrTt -lick.iidHd, w"dil ba nnalT cndiMa i kv d"" Cui- Mam hill [bal a ahuhllflK wai to (m part of Ika oanmo- preaenoe of mind to make any attempt at eelf-dBfeoce. Perdiccaatook advantage of their oottatematioD to select aboat 900 ol thoae wba distinguished themaelvea ae his ad- versary's parUsans, and immediately caused " nn to be trampled to death by die clephania the aight of the whole army, and with tha apparent consent of the kingwhoaecanaethay had maintained. After thia eiecotioo, Melea- ger could have no bope'ofsafety but in flight. He waa not arreated on the field, bat soon aftar took raPiga in a temple at Babylon, where ha waa despatdtedby onler of Perdiceas, By this blow the regent'saolhority was first- ly established,aa far as related to the king and die army. A more difficulttaak remained. He waa stillsuiroBnded by rivalsas ambitiooa ai Meleager, and more feimdaUe from tbeir abil- ity and influence. Hia next care was to astisfy tknr pretensions ao as least to weaken himself. A naw distributionof the satrapiee was settled bygeneraleontent,,bot, fHobablj, hi most poinla under Ms diraction ; in some, at least, we clear- ly trace his band. Itwas not neoeasary for any purpose to make a total change; and tbe gen- eral principle adopted seems to have been, ta retain as many as pouible of the satrapsap- pointed by Alexander in (heir govemments. The provinces which la; near the eastern and northeast frontier of the empirewere, probably, the least coveted, and in these scarcelyany al- teration waa made. Tbero were others, from which, as they were more desirable, it m:gbt have been more difficultto displace their actual occupants. Thus, not only waa Taxiles per- mitted to rule in India,Oiyartes in the Paro- pamisns,Pbilippns in Baclria and Sogdiana, Phiataphemea in Parthia and Hyrcania, Stras- anor in Aria and Drangiana, Siburtius in Ara- choeia and Oedroeia. Tiepolemus in Cannania, hot Penoestes was left in poasession of Persis, and Atropates of Northern Media, while the southern portion of that eotmtry was commit- ted to Pilhon,Bal^lonia to Arehon, Meaopo- tamia to Arcbelaus. The moat important|Mrt of tbe new arrangement was that which related the governments vest of the Euphrates. . , __. __._ ,. J " g^ ;lc ..C.ooglt HISTORY OF GBBBCE. "oqD[ of his reputed connexion with the Toy^ bnily, bat also muob belaied Tor hie pereooal -qoalitieaby the army, had lized his eyes on Egypt, and obtained it, with the adjacentre- .gions or Arabia and Libya. Cleomenei waa not removed, but placed under hie orders. Laom- "don remained in Syria, Philotas in Ciiicia, Asander*' in Caria, Menander in Lydia, and AntigonuB in the gieat province which included Fhrygia Proper, Lycia. and Pamphylia. But, "ince Lycia and Pamphylia are also said to have been given to Nearchua, we may infer that he held these provinces with a subordinate fanlt : a suspicion which is confirmed by hia "absequent relations with Antigonus. The Hel- leapontinePhrygtawaa aaaigned to LeoanaCnB, perhaps as a compensation for his share in the Kfency, or for the sake of removing him from court : and Eumenea, whom Perdiccaa regard- ed as hia steadyadherent, was rewarded with the title of satrap over Paphlagonia and Oapf docia. But these eouDtrJes. which Alexani . bad never subdoed, were stillto be won by the "word Irom their QStive ruler,Ariaralhes, who had held tbein as a hereditary vassal of Persia. In Europe, the government of Macedonia and Greece, together with that of the western coon- Uies on the coast of the Adriatic, which might afterward be annexed to the empire,was to be divided between Antipater and Cralerua,a par- tition m which Perdiocas may have aeen a pros- pect of colliaioD between them likelyto proniete his aseendeney. Thrace, or the whole mai' time region lo the northeast of Macedonia, province which had never been reduced to trai nailsubmission, and where the Odiystsns had lately been rouaed to revolt by their chieC Sen- tliee, was comtnitted to LysimaohDS, a warrior ofirttnfVameandnnflinehinghardihood, There "re two other names which might have been looked for in this list. Ariatqnaasmight have been expected to occupy a prominentplace in It, since he had shown himself a dscided parti- "an of Perdioeaa ; yet we hear (tf no provision Mida for him. Hence ilbaa beaa coiqectnied who was destined to act so great " part in the history of tb" enaning peri"xl " with the chili- "rcbywhi^ had beM assignedto himself; a bisfa^honoutaUe and important post, indeed, but one which be might safelypart with, as it Muld add little or oothinl; Ut the power be poa- sessed as regent. There still remained a qnestionon which he feh it necessary to consult the army, that he might relieve himself from a dangerous respon- "ibih^. Papers had been found in Alexander's cabinet, containing the outlines of some vast IKoJecta. It would seem that thej might easily have been suppressed; but it was known ^at they oonesponded in part with the instructions ^lich had been given to Craterus, and, thero- ^ fi"re, they could not aafeiy be neglected without tiie generalconsent. Some related to the equip- ment of agreat armament " a thousand galleys, It is said, of the largest siae" destined Ibr the t of Carthage, and of the whole coast of Africa on the Mediterranean as hr as OuB Straits, and those of Spain and the adjacent maritime regions,as far as Sicily; for whidi end a road was to be made along the African shore. Others were plans for new colonies, to be planted in Asia with Europeans, and in Bo- rope with Asialics. There were also directiooa for ail new temples to be built in Europe " at Delos, Delphi,Dodona, Dium, Amphipolis, and Cjrrbna " each at the cost of 1500 talents,be- sides one of eitraordinarymagnificence to the goddess of Ilium, and for a monmnent to hie father in Macedonia, which was to equal the largest of the Egyptian pyramids in its dimeo- sions. It must be owned Ihst there are aome points in these schemes which look suspicions, and which, even if they had crossed Alexan- der's mind, we should not have expected he would have committed to writing. But ths part relating to the temples can scarcely have been fabricated, and was probably contaioed in the instructions given to Ciatems, The plan in interchange of population between "u- end Asia is also quite conformable to the s which Alexander discloeed in his liTe- time. This, however, and that of the expedi- tion to Africa, could not any longer have enter- ito any one's thoughts, and might have been silently dropped. But, perhape, Perdiecas apprehended that the sums destined for the ' objectsmight be demanded from him by his coUeagnes. and, therefore, deemed it ad- visable formally to annul the whole by the blu- est aathortty. That be forged the project or the e:q)edition, to render the real contents or the papers the Leaa acceptable to the Macedo- nians, aeems a very improbable conjecture.* All were laid before a mihtary assembly, and rejectedas impracticable or useless. During the tumnltnous scenes which follow- ed Alexander's death, his body bad lain in ths palace nnburied. There are various reports aa " the place selected for its interment. Ae- irdingto one, it was to bave been tranaportod the sanctuary of Ammonit bnt the more ]M"bahleis, that il was determined itshould be deposited in the sepulchie of his ancestors al JE^m;tand Aristander the soothsayer is said have declared that it had been revealed to him, the land where it rested was destined to er prosperous and secure from invBsioii.^ which, however, was no more than an ancient "reek superstition as to the virtue of a hero's relics. Orders were now given lo constract a funeral car worthy of these preciousremains, id the general Arridsus was appointed to e*- "rtthera towards the western coast. While auch honours were paid to tbe con- queror's corpae, two of the livingobjects of his alTection fell victims to the revenge of Roiana the ambition of Perdiccas. Roxana, with the regent'sconcurrence, invited Statint and her sisler Drypetia to Babylon by a friendly letter, and when they came, caused them to be assassinated and secretly buried.il In the " Be of time she was delivered of a boy, who acknowledged as partner uf Arridnus Phil- STATE OF GREECE." MACEDONIAN PARTY AT ATHENS. 87S " in the empire, and boTe the name of Alezao- ier (Mgaa). Such was the state of the empire in Asia, and the attitude in which the principal persons itho might pretend to a share in itbad been placed towards one another, when Greece be- came the scene or a conflict which led to a fresh series of mumentaus changes. Unless the nature of the Greeks could have been changed,or their judgment blinded by the success of the Macedonian arms, itwould have been impossible that they could generally have viewed the progress of Alexander's con- queata with complacency. Even ifithad been acknowledged that the eupremaoy acquiredby Phihp [Bight in itself" at least aa it was eier' ciaed by him and his aon " be a wholesome re- straint on the apint of discord which had caus- ed BO many calamities to Greece, it did not follow thai any Greek patriot could look for- ward without alarm to the period when Ihia supremacy should belong to a king of Macedo- nia who was slao master of Asia. It was at mch a time not infatuation, but dishonest ar- tifice,to treat the Persian king as the enemy of Greece,* and to blame Demosthenes for the secret negotiations into which he entered with the Persian court. The change which had ta- ken place in the relations between Greece and Persia aAer the battle ofSBlamis was as great as that which Europe has experienced in its lelation tc the Turks since the battle of Le- paoto. The power of Persia hod beoome one ef the chief aecuritiee of Greek liberty. AJ- leody, under a government which profeaeed to derive its authority ttota the Amphictyouic council, and the assembled repreaentatives of tbe natian, and to be the guardian of the na- tional iiMtiUitioiis, the people had been made to fieelthe value of the political indepeitdenoe it hadkMt. TbebondagaofThebea.wheattwBs placed at the mercy of " lawtess garrisan, tbe destruction which followed its attempt to te- kaa" itself; the demand for tbe surTender of the Athenian orators, and other arcs which will be mentioned hereafter,were warnings, which showed what might be expected from Uie future if the power which had beMi thus exercised should become absolutely irreoisti- ble 1 if it should fallinto the hands of princes strangers to Greece, and educated in tbe max- ims of Oriental despotism. It was not thiongb a paltryjealousy, but Irora " well-gronnded anxiety, that the Athenians willingly hstened to Demostheites, when he enconraged them to believe that tbe invader wotild be overwhelm- ed 1^ tbe eoliected forces of tbe Persian em- pire. Tbey may, notwithstanding, have re- garded Alexander's exploits wiUi admiration, not tbe less sincere because itwas reluctantly yiekled and seldom openly expressed. The marks of favour they received from the con- queror were more likely to bias their judgment, but,still, never induced them for a moment to consider bia cause aa haTrng anything in com- loon with their interests. Her citizens enter- Jbandiofltbe pub wiib It HOC hifi^r ibai ItimirSiiril. ^A"'fif rcfl i4c rri tujia rtifmnt^ms- Aj ifJUnH awi Ui" IntUainH ta"d ba* '""^"ii.^ M the service of his enemy with the feel- thcy were engaging in tliedefence of their country. It is rather surprising that when Agis,en- couraged by the great distance which separated Alexander from Kurupe,by,perhaps,exagger- ated rumours of tbe dangers that threatened Asia, and by tbe disasters which had befallen the Macedonian arms at home, ventu- tll-fated struggle, Athens remained neutraL II yvas alterward made a ground of againstDemosthBuea, tlul he had advantage of Ibis occasion to display the hostility which he always professed to- wards Alexander. The event proves that tM took the most prudentcourse ; but his motive* must remain doubtful. He was, pcTbape, re- strained, not by his opimuo of the ht^iekwanosi the attempt, but by the dispositioa W peaca lich be found prevailing at home, whether the effect of fear, or of jealousy, or of any other oause.* Had the people been readyUi embark in the contest, an orator, probably, would not have been wanting to dntmate Ibem to it. Bui Demosthenes may stilthave given secret encouragement and aseislanoe to tbe Peloponnesian confederates, and may have al- luded to uiis when. a("cording to bis adversa- ry's report, he bosated that the leaaue was bii wori.i The issue of that struggle, and tto news which arrived soon alter of the great victoryby which Alexander had decided the faXe of the Peraian monarchy at Gaugamela, "t have crushed all hope at Athens except J, which might have been suggestedby do- mestic ei^erience, that tbe conqueror's bound- leu vnbilion might stilllead him inte scKne enterprise beyond his strength. There was, however, a party there whicb did not dieseinble the interest itfeltin the soo- oess of the Macedonian arms. Before the bat- tle of IssuB, when Alexander was commooly believed to be in greatdanger, and Damoetli"- assured by bis oorrea[iondmts that he could not escape deatniction, ,"aohinea aajm that he was himself continually taunted by lua rival, who einUinglydisplayed the letters that conveyed the joyfultidings, with the d" ' he betrayed at the prospect of tbe d which threatened hie friends. jEsdiines wu the active leader of tbe Macedoniiin^ P*)^' all his hopes of a final triumph over his pobti- eal advHMuies were grounded on tbe Macedft- ueeoABoef. But Phocion, though Ua motives were vei7 difihrent, added all the weight of his inflimice la the aanw side. Hia sentuDcnts were ao well known, that Alexan- der himself treated him as a highly-hononiad Iriend; addressed letters to him from Asia, with a salutation which he used to no one elae except Antipater, and repeatedlypressed turn to accept magnilicentpresents. Phocion, in- deed, constantlyrejected them ; and when Al" exauuer wrote that their friendship must cease if he persisted to decline all his offers,*waa only moved to intercede in behalf of some pria oners, whose liberty he iirmtediately obtained- Even among the instmcCions which Craterus " irPlniuEh'iaiwcdatiitnstDenuilH (Raip.Gar Pr., "jwly. PJst.,Al..W. Plud., 18. . iT4 HISTORY OF GREECE. took with him, one is said to have been to pot Phocion in poseeasion of an Asiatic city, which he should aelecl from four thai were to be of- fered to him. Air this maybe conaidered aa a pare tribute of disinterested rcTerence for ei- traordinaiyrirtue,but it was not the less like- h' to prodnce a powerful effect on minds not formed to prize virtue as its own reward, or to belieTe that it could be so eertcemed by others. The disaster of Chan'onea had held out a signal to the enemies of Demosthenes at Ath- ens to unite Cheir forces against him. He had been assailed, in the periodfollowiog that event until Philip's death,by every kind of legal en- gine that could be brought to bear upon him " by prosecutions of the most various form and c^ur. All these eiperinients had failed ; the people had honoured him with more signal proofs of its confidence than ho had ever be- ibrB received ; ho had never taken a more ac- tive part, or exercised a more powerfulsway in publio aShirs. Yet it seems that after the Macedonian arms had completelytriumphed, both in Asia and In Greece, "schiDes thought the opportunity "a favourable for another at- tempt of the same nature, that he resolved to collect all the foroe of his eloquence, and aH Ae strength of his party, for " last attadc on Us great rival. He endeavours, indeed, to iUeld himself from this reproach, and l"om tte charge which he was conscious might be broughtagainsthim, that his main object was to display his zeal in Alexander's service, un- der the flimsypretext that the indictment had bee D laid before Philip's death. This was true; bat It was no less evident that the cauee bad been dropped for seven or eightyeare, tnd that the state of political afl^rs alone had now tn- dooed him to revive it. This trial, the moat otlflbtatedof ancient jdeadings, the most mem- onUil" event in the history of eloquence throogta- "nt all past ages, deserves mention here, chief- ly for the light it throws on the character and tamper of me Athenian tribunals,at a wtken the people is supposed to have been "Ing towards utter degeneracy, bo as t" ikrdly any longer an object of historical ii flat; a time, it must be remembered, when the fest of Greece was quailing beneath the yoke of the stranger, and his will, dictated to the "o-called national congress at Corinth, was "Dvereign and irresistible. 'FttBoccasion of this prosecutionar two offices with which Demosthenes had been mtrusted, in the year, it seems, after that of the battle itfCbaMDnea (B.C.337). He had ^ppoinledby hia tribe to superintend the re- pairs which, according to a decree pro[ himself,the city walls were to nnde work beingequally distributed among tribes.* At the same tiue. he filled another post,which, if not among tlie highest "tat", was one of the most important "yea of the people, the treasurerahip of the " Thn dHiH El ral w. "edm"lj mAcr Ihe ImIIIfot theoric fond,which, as .fschines tykM greaC pains to prove, involved a large share in th0 general control and direction of the Goances- "" Bth offices he had made a liberal contribu- out of his own property to the service of ttate. On this ground, but more especially mark of approbation for his public conduct 11 occasions, a decree was passed, on th0 ion of his friend Ctesiphon, that be should be presented with a goldencrown, and that (ho honour eonferred on him shoold i"e proclaimed, the theatre, at the great Dionysiacfestival, the time when Athens was full of strangen, came to attendthe spectacle. For this de- j"schinea had indicted Ctesiphonan hav- ing broken the law in three points : first, be- " se it was illegal to crown a magistrate be- ', he had rendered an account of his oflioe ; 1, because itwas forbidden to proclaim sneh honour, when bestowed by Ae people, in any other place than the aBsembly-gronnd in the Pnyr. but particularly to proclaim itaa Ctes- iphon had proposed ; and, lastly, becanse tha reason assigned in the decree, so "r as related to the public condnct of Demosthenes, was false, inasmuch as he had not deserved any re^rard- Anuing these points, there was one on which it seems clear that the charge of illegality was well grounded, llioagh the saperintondence ' the repairswaa, probably, not a magistracy the eye of the taw, which, indeed, forbade y one to hold two at once, the treasnrership of the tbeoric fund certainly was one, and ooe to which the law, which forbade the orowning of a magistrate stillaccountable, applied with peculiar force. As to the mode of the procla- mation, it seems doubtful whether the law on which the prosecDtion rested had not been mod- ified by another, which declared that proclama- tion might be made, as Ctesiphon proposed, if the people should so decree ; though ."sebiaes speciously contended that ttiis eic^i^n was only meant to relate to orowna bestowed on citizen^not by the petqde, but by foreign ataies. But the tUrd point, the truth or blsehood of the reason alleged in the decree,was that on which, accordingto the manifest sense uf both the par- ties, of the court, and of all present at the trial, the case really turned. The question at issue was, in substance, whether Demosthenes had been a good or a bad citizen. It was on this ' account that the court was throngedby an ez- traordiuary conSuz of spectators, bath citizens and strangers. Hence tiie prosecutor, after a short discussion of the drylegalarguments, en- ters, as on his main subject, into a fiillreview of the public and private life of Demosthenes ; and Dcmostbenes, whose interast it was lo di- vert attention from Uie paints of law, irtiich were not his strong ground, can scarcely find room for them in hie defence of his own policy and proceedings, which, with bitter attacks on his adversary,occupies almost the whole of his The precedinghistorywill,perhaps, enable the reader,even ifhe should not have read that speech, to form a generalconception of the principles on which tbo orator vindicated his public conduct. Suffice it here to observe, that iiis boost is, that throughout his political career be had kept one objectsteadily in view " to strengthen Athens within and without, and to CAUSE OF THE CROWN. jnaom her indApendence.psrticniBriT agsinvt lixB power and tbe arts of Phiiip. Ha owned tlul h" had failed ; but itwas after he had done aU that one man in hU siiaatiaa" a ehizen commoaweaitb " could do. He had failed canae in wbich defeat was more ^onons Ihan Ticiory ID an; otiier" in a stniggle not leas woitbj of AtbeDB than IhoM io wbiota her hero- ic eitiaeas, io past ages, had earned their lame- In a word, the whole orati"H)breatbea the spirit of thai highphiUiaaphywhich, whether learned in the BOluMtt or (run life, baa cMisoled tbe no- blest of our kind in priaODS, and "o acaflblda, and uadereToiyporaociitiMiof adTeraefartnne, but in the lone necMaar; lo itnpresa a mized multitude with a like feeling, and to elevate it for a while into a qdiere aboVe its own. "" efleot it produced on that moat auaceptihle dieace can be but faintly conoeired by the fioeat critica in Ibeir closeta. Yet there hare tainly been few readera " perhapa none those wboae judgment haa been perTsnad bj prejudioes " in whom it haa not left a Btrong CDUTictionof theapeafcer'apatnottam, ifnr~ '' hia general inlegritj aitd political virUw. result was, that tbe pnweeulor not only lost bis cause, hut did oot even riHain a dfth part of the rotea, and oonaequently,acetvding to law. In- curred a small peaalty.* But he seems to have hia defeat, where he must have lived silentand obscure. He quiltedAthens, and crossed over to Asia with tbe view, itia said,of seekingprx"- tectioo from Alexander,t through whose aid alone he oonld now hope Co triumph over hia adversariea. When this prospect vaniatasd,he retired to Rhodes, where he opened s school itf oratory, which produceda long series of vol- ubie sophists, and is considered as (be,origin of a new style of eloquence, leglmically called the Asiatic, which stood iu a relation lo the At- tic not unlike that of the compuailecapital to the Ionic volute, and was destined to prevailin the Bast wherever Ibe Greek language was apokea, down lo the fallof the Romao Empire. He died at Samoa, about nine yeaia after Alex- ander, having survived both bia great aatago- niat and hia friendFbocion, and probably was preserved, by his exile,frooi a similar fate. The spiritdisplayedby tbe tribunal which de- cided in favour of Demosthenes on such grounds as be allegedis,at least,as noble as that of the lUman senate audpeople when they went out h n:ki"bt h of ioSuma to meet and thank the cofunl on his rettnn from Caontt. But the case may seem to ex- hibit the Athenian administration of Justice inr . a much less favourable light. On one point, at least, it 18 clear that Ctesiphou's decree waa contrary to law. The attempt made by Demoa- thenea to prove that the law, which forbade tm accountable magistrate to be crowned, did not apply to his case, only shows tbe eitrame looao- neas of legalreaaoning wbich waa Uderated ia Aibeaian courts. Ii aeema, indeed,to ban. ' been admitted that there had been numenMU preoedents for whatever was illegal in tbe de- cree, as to theeironmataiKeaof limeandplacA. But this onlyprovea the laxity which prevailed iu the observance of the lawa. It appears that, according to that theory of the Conalilulioii wbich had been universallyapproved and acted - on in. Che purest timea,imoiediacely after ibo expulsion of the thirtytyrants, the court which tried tbe author of a decree denounced as ille-' gal waa bound lo compare it with the letter of the law, and (o givejudgment on the sim- ple question of their strict sgreement. But it ia evident thai tbe courts bad afterward assik- med greater froedom : and it ia not at all cer- lain that this was repugoant either to tbe spirit of the institution or to tbe practice of preceding ages, with the singleexception of tbe short pe- riod in which the restoration of the democracy awakened extraordinary jealouay for Che main- teosoce of the laws. The will of the people, declared in a decree, had beea subjaclei ' " revision of a tribunal which n ' ' ' lo poiseaa superiormeans ot cure tbe peoi^itself against the pernicious con- sequencea of teniporary measurea into which it, might be surprised. This seeois to have been the generalobject, to which allothers were sub- ordinate ; and for this purpose it might be ne-, cessary that, in sucb cases, the courts should be invented with an amplediscretion, and should not be required to adhere to tbe letter of tbe lawa, so as themselves lo oommil wrong, or to, injure tjje coumuin wealth. The form of the proceedings was such, that a verdict againat Ctesipbnu muat have been interpreted asacon- demnation of Demosthenes ; and it waa the de- liberate wiH, and the ^gheat interestof the peo- ple, to show that it still honoured the man who had not despaired of the commonwealth. It would have been better that tbe prosecutor should nol have been able so to embroil the question ; but,where he did so, it was deaira- ble that the court should have the power to de- cide on what itdeemed tbe most importantpoint. In the course of Che same year was tried an- other cause, which is interesting iu the same point of view. The occasion has been already mentioned. In the eighthyear after the battle of Cheronea, the fugitive Leocrates returned to AchenSi Which he bad deserted in her hour of danger, and resumed the functions of a cili- ! waa impeached by Lycnrgus. under the taw which had been passedimmediately af- ter the battle,forbidding emigation Qncler pain of death. He pleaded that he had set out in ^e business as a merchant, without of changing his abode ; but hia sohsequent conduct belied his profeasiona. He waa convicted, and probably saObred the penal- ty of his offfence. , CiOoqIc S76 HISTORY OF GREECE. LycurpiB, the proaocutor, waH one of the few men then iiTing at Athena who cuuld under- take such a task with dignitj, as conacious of a life irceproachably spent in the service of his country. Iliere are few Athenian statesracii of any BRe who can bear a comparison witlihim: n"ocion equalled hiui in honesty and disinter- Mtedness ; bittin his generalcharacter, and in lliipoiitical conduct,seems to fallfar below Mm. I( is pleasing and instructive to contemplato the imase of such a man ; and it is a peculiarhap- piness that his biography is less meager than that of most of his celebrated contemporaries; the principal features of his character stand oat before ua with sufficient diatinclnesa. Demoathenes was often reproached with a mixture uf barbarian blood in his reins. Ly- mrgui was a genuineAthenian, and his fainily irsa one of the oldest and most illustrious in Athens. He traced the origin of his houae, which was diatingaished by the honourable ap- peUation of the Eteobutads,* to the royal hero Erechlheua, and thus to a divine stock. By Tirtae of thup dwcenl, hia familypossessed an MrMlitai7prieBlhood of Poseidon, whose wor- abip, aa probably hia nature, was intimately con- "ected with that of Erechtbcns In the Erech- thetun, the temple dedicated in common to the hero and the god, the portraits of the ancestors of Lycurgus who had held that office were painted on the walls. He could also bosst of Mome, more trulynoble,whose memory was cn- deaied to the peopleby real services. Lyco- lAron, his grandfather, had been put to death by the Thirty, and both he and Lycomedea, an- other of the orator's proganitors, had been hon- oured with a public funeral. Lycurgus had studied in the achoob both of Plato and Isocra- tas ; bat had not laamed Irom the one to with- dntr (tornactive lifeinto a visionary world,nor trom the other to cnltivale empty rhetoric at tfae ezpensa of tmth and of hia country. His manly eloquence breathes a deep love and rev- vnoce ior what was truly Tenerable in antiqui- ^" his speechagainstLeocrates, wliicb is still extant, ahowi that he dwelt with a faodneas boDoming hia birih and station on the stirring iBgsnda of elder times ; but his admiration for litem had not made him indifier"nt or unjust to- mids those in which he lived. He possessed "n ampls hereditary fortune ; but ho lived, like FluMMon, with Spartan simplicity. In an age of growing luxury, he wore the same garments tbrongh auuuner and winter,and, like Socra- tM, was only seen with sandals on eitraordi- naiy occasionB. Yet he had to struggleagainst Aa aristocratical habite and prejudices of bis hmiiy. He waa the author of a law to re- "tiain the wealthier women from ahaming their poorer neighboursby the costliness of their Oqui|iages in the festive procession to Eleusis ; bat his own wife was the Eret to break il.t His ftugality, however, did not arise from parsimo- Hj, and was confined to his personal wants. He was reproached with the hberality which he a (V. U.,lui.,M), "| diB[dayed towards the various masters of laant- ing whom he employed, and declared tiiatif b" could find any that would make his auns better men, he niould gladly pay them with half fait fortune. He decoted himself tu public life in a career of quiet, unoaientatious but useful actir- ity. He was a powerful, but not a readyspeak- er; like Pericles and Demosthenes, he never willingly mounted the bema without elaborate preparation; and his writing- instruments were constantly placedby the side ol the simple couch on which be rested, and from which he frequent- ly rose in the night to pursue his labours. But to shine in the popularassembly was not Uie object of bis studies; he seems only to have ap- peared there on necessary or important occa- sions. His genius waa peculiarly formed for the management of financial affairs; and the economy of the state was the business of a largeportion of hia public life. In the latter part of Philip's reign he was placed at the head revenues, so far ai they were not appn^riatod to particular purpo- ses. On the adminiatralion of the person who filledit depended both the resourcea of th* ataie, and the manner in which they were regu- larly applied. The office waa tenable for foiu years : a law dictated by republicanjealousy, and, it aeems, proposedby Lycurgus himself, forbade it to remain longer in the same hands. Yet Lycurgus was permitted ta exercise it* functions dnring twelve successive years, se- lecting some of his friends for the last two terma to bear the title. In the coorae of this period nearly19,000talents passedthrough his hands.t He is said to have raised the ordinaryrevenue from 600 lu 1300 talents.! We hear of no ex- pedients but unwearied diligenceby which he effected this increase. It is only as to the u- phcation that wo are more fhUy informed. It seems that the amount and the nature of the domestic expenditure were cominitied,in a great degree, to bis discretion. As the snrplus not ro" quired for war fellinto the theoric fund, whidi was devoted to the transient grMificalion of tlM people, it required allthe induenoe of the treas- urer to apply as targe a sum as possibleto ob- jects pernisnently useful. The administration of Lycurgua was distinguished above every oth- er since Pericles by the number of public bnild. inga which he erected or completed. Among his monuments were an arsenal,an armory, a theatre, a gymnasium, a palEstra, a stadium. After the example of Pericles, he laid up a con- siderable treasure in the citadel, in images, ves- sels, and ornamenta of gokl and silver, which, al I Im Vil.XOr.it j.KullhullK ^ciiiiiIhIiIiokmIw wiihthi tri r.jH ALuKhuBiwiw.. iii..ji.4MI) pnixbletliu^tiiiinTa "hauU M lib LYCURGU8. 9T7 Ibe Bame time, Hened to heigbten the splendour or the Bacred festiTals. It waa in a different capacity, nnder a specialcommission, that he bIeo built 400 gallejH, and fonoed a great iBag- aiine of arms. Me seems, likewise, to have ta- ken Periclea Tor his model, so tar as the differ- ence' between their time* pennitied, in a con- tiaual endeavour to raise the character and to refine tbe taste of the people. That lie institu- ted a choral contest in honour of his familygod Poaeidan. may be ascribed to a personal motive. Bat we find his attention entirely directed to more important branches of art and literature. He was the aotbor of a regulation " the precise nature of which is not stifficienlly ascertained lo be stated here " for the better management of the comic drama. But he conferred a more iBMing benefit on his country, and on ail poateri- ty,by another measure, designed to honour and pTEserre the memory and the works of tbe three peat tragic poets to whom Athens was indebt- ed for so largeapart of her literary lame. The dramas of Sophocles and Euripides, if not of .facfaylus, were still frequently exhibited ; they were acknowledgedas the most perfect models of dramatic poetry ; but this did not prevent them from undergoing a fhle similar to that which has so often belallen the works of our earlydraiaatiata;theywere frequently interpo- bted Bsd mutilated by tbe actors. Before the ioTention of tbe press this was a serious exil, as it endangered tbe very existence of the ori- ginal works. To remedy it,Lycurgus caused a Mw transcript or edition to be made of them bjrpublicauthority, in many cases probably from the manuscripts of the sutbors, and lo be depoaited in the state archives.* The value of Ibis edition was provedby its fate. It was af- terward borrowed by one of the Ptolemies to be d^iied for tbo AJeiandrian library, and fifteen talents frereleft at Athens as a pledge for its itmtitation. The king, however, sent back the copy instead of the cuiginal, and forfeited his pledge. By the decree of Lycurgus, itwas di- rected that the playera should conform in their represeotations to this authentic edition. The broDie statues of the three poets, which he also eansed to be erected,were less durable monu- ments, and had become a more trivial dlBtinc- AQ these works attest the influence of Ly- curgus, while tbey show the spirit in which it was exerted. That influence was founded,not on bis birth,or wealth,or eloquence, or ability, bat aimply on the confidence which a jealous peoplereposed in his intp.grity and probity. As the state intrusted him witli its revenues, so private persons depoaited their properly in his custody. When a piece of ground was required Tor his new stadium,DInias, its owner, made a present of it to the people, with tbe extraordi- nary declaration that be gave itfor the sake of LycuT^s. His testimony was sought as the luost elficacious aid in the courts of justice. He was once summoned by an adversary of Demosthenes- Demoatbenes said he should only ask whether Lycurgna would consent to be thought like the man whom be befriended * In hia own judicialeontaate, whether be ap- peared as prosecutor or defendant,hs always gained hia oause. He could venture aharply to rebuke the assembled people, when he was in- temipted in a speechby clamoura of disappro- bation. When the philosopher Xenocraleswa* seized in the street, as liable to the alien lax, by one of the farmers of the customs, Lycurgna slruok the man with his staff, and conimilted him to prison; and his conduct iin this occa- sion was univiraally praised We hear but of ant case in which he may seem lo bare courted popular favour by a deviation from his princi- ples in the management of the public funds. Ho , had convicted a wealthyman, named Diphilus*, of a gross and very pernicioua fraud on the state, in tbe working of the mines at Lauriom. The offender was put to death, and his whole estate confiscated, and Lycurgnaconsented, at least, to distribute the sum which it brought into the treasury among the people, as the wboto produce of the mines had been distributed be- fore the time of ThemistDcles. The general tendency of his measures, and the impressim producedby bis character, were rather of an opposite kind. He inspired a feelingapproach- ing to awe. by his antique,Spartan-like auster- ity, as he publicly avowed his adimration of the old Spartan maonera. When he was appointed to superintend the police of tbe city.t the meas- ures by which he cleared it of rogues and va- grants were deemed so rigorous as to be com- pared with tbe laws of Draco. On the otbn band, one of hia celebrated enactitienla was ft provisionagainst one of the groaser abuses of tbe slave-trade, by which itsometimeB happened that free persona were told nndef false pretexts in the Athenian market. The account to which every Athenian ma- gistrate was liable was, of course, moat rigidlj exacted from one who tilled such an office as Lyourgos discharged for twelve years in auc- ceaalun. He rendered one at the end of each quadiiennia! period, eitherin his own name, oc in that of the titularminister for whom he acted. No flaw was ever delected in hia reckonings,, and it appeared that lie had,on varioits occa- sioua, borrowed between 600 and 700 talenta for the publicservice.^ Still,he himself was not aatialied with the ordinaryinspection to whi"h his accounts were liable ; he jusly con- sidered them as one of bis fairest titleslo grat-" ilude and esteem, and he therefore caused Lhem 10 be inscribed on a monument which heeiect- id in the palKstra founded by himself; and it appears that a considerable part of this inscrip- II libir cf Hirpdiu. L^cargui wu "ltulirhtD Slnts- In gmKnlcd UsauuhenH in lint girmnd, " Pciliip*Om ium pame tar wlwm Uumthanaa had HubAcl tha puUir hownui mMXtionad hj DiDuahoj, D^ tXiftr. S"UM (11.".. P-"1B) rejncu ltil" nnUmi^ 1 tgrniuituSinJin^Mhilili" "'^;,^'j'*''"'',"7^^ iiwl torfciirigoor," Mtnn li"nlli uiMfJwii " "iwoli** t So BcnEkli (i(.. p IMI inlarpren Ui" woni" of U" d"- i9 Dt^SlrttocIn, which maj.lwwBTerlcaiBpbvd wjib tu iiiaidof " lUpowte wtaKb h^ iMii c"iaii|Md Id hii om. stapm (a.^1 wonM nma iha m-' " '- "- "" "- tho" ia l"" Lift,whiob u" StO. ,glc 578 HISTORY OF GREECE. tloD his be"n preserred to our da;.* A shoTt tinn before hia death " wbicb Beenu u" have a little preceded Alexander's " be is said to b"Te directed bimgelf to be earned to tbe cotin- "il-cbBiDber, and to have challenged a freeb "CTDtin; of bis whole admiaiBtrauon.t Tbe OdI;person who oauie forward to lay anyUiing to his charge was oae MeDesachmus. whom he bad proaecated, and he now refuted all hia Crowns, statues, and a seat at the table of tbe Frytanes, bad been bestowed on him in his Ufe. Alter his death he was honoured with a , public funeral, and with a bronze statue near the ten beroea of the tribes, aitd the distinction ke had enjojed aa a guest of the state was made hercdjiary in his jamily. Yet hia sons " wh"-,it may be suspected from his language on the occasion alreadymentioned, were not wor- thy of him " were prosecuted for some oOeoce by the same Menesa:chmae, who succeeded Um in his office, and it is said that they were nleased from prisonthrough the intercesaion "f Demosthenes ; though this msy hare had no Mher foundatioD than tbe close pcditical, and perhapepersonal,friendship whidi united the great orator with Lycurgua.t The fngments here collected from the biog- raphy Of a truly illustrious man, who has not jwierally attracted all the notice be deserves, will, perhaps, not he thought to occupy too "Dch roora, when it is oonsidere4 that they are "cattered over a periodduring which the biato- ry of Atbens is almost a blank. They lead ua to believe that the lifeof the people, at this pe- liod,cannot have been so worthless and insig~ "Iflcantas we often find it deacribed ; b people Which, in the midat of a awarm of profligate po- etical Bdventnren, aycopbaQte, aad parasites, beatowed ita esteem, its eonfii^aoe, its highest hoDours,en too soeh men, bo widelyat vari- "DM with each oibor,as Phocion and Lyctu-- fna ; a peo|^ it may be added, wbich could menbenualed by audiaapeecbaa that of De- ~ tea in bia daftnae,^ waa not buieleaaly not dead to all r^ and noble feelingB, mti lewly to aink imo rtiin throogb its own in- tamal feeUeiwM and leri^. Notwithatanttint tte TBSt extent oT tiieHacedoniao ooaqnenta, and tbe magtufloeooa of tbe new dynasties ivlii^ araae out of Alexander^ onpra, we DSed Mt be MihamaJ to legaid tbe strnggle which t It !" a "HMi" viMbn iba iwdn vwi an to b nikBwd fniB OL 1(W, 1 (MIJ, sr fram OL 110. 3 (318) n" tutei ii SshUi'i apjnioB,acoirdiDg to wbiah Lrcw n" mBld not hin ooaplMailth* Lul Um u tha luu ul titd"Ili,ud Snnw^ uiunuU oa thii nda Hui nan iwrtniisg thu Dnnn'i (Z.f.d. Aluitaiiiiinna., Ti.,r "H1 OS Ihs Mhar. Thii niiaioa nmi daD to to eaoAiiiHi tvtbt"un"iii "*VltX.0r.,p.S4l,C.,fnmr"f Jri *"*'"("" f" Im "p|Hua to ton (nntHd (ha anpeiiiiMad wajm KtiiitDiiad, Uka tha raal,bj "irtna aHm (Ota ai Lffiornitba ^tduuI of Iha Divaacatin iwad hii ehiT^ villi nwtUr aaccaaa Dlv uAarli t te ("MoM "hasM to Md, aad litowtoc va Ba l"airlo 1(11vkasm "uamHu M an Bail finw thm kanttmABF* ArW"",u^ pletect Uiis people made for libertyaa not less intereai- ing than the oontesls of some ambitioua stridieiB of fortune for their shares of that rich ^lotL During the wboleofhisadmiBiatration, itas appears most pitiable, he remaioed in officeto his death, Lycurgua bad to oontend against the influence of Denudes. This most restless and shameleaa of all the candidates for power that had hitherto appeared at Athens, who, in con- dition and character,presented the most cau- irast to Lycurgue," bad been appoint- ma, immediately after Demosthenea. of the theoric fund, and be occupied that station during the twelve followingyears. The infiuence which he acquired rested on two grounds, besides his wit, fiuency, and impu- dence ; on his avowed connexion with Mace- donia, from which some advantage bad been dehved in tbe negotiations with Philip and AU exaoder, and on tbe readineaa wiUi which be squandered the publictnoney to gratily the low- est tastes of the Athenian populace. We even find it related that anccours would have been aent to the Peloponnesiana in their strnggle with Alexander, if ho had not warned the peo- ple thai they must then forc^ the sum which he was about to distribute among them for an approaching festival.1 The story in this futm, indeed, la hardly credible,or consistent with tbe complaints wbich were made against De- mosthenes on the same subject; but it doea not tbe less truly mark the man's character, and the baaia of his power. He had, indec^l, as we have seen, been prosecuted with success by Lycurgua; but the result of the oonviction was probablyonly a fine,wbich he could easilypay, and which did not interrupt his political activ- ity. In reputation he had nothing to lose. At the end of tbe twdve years he waa again im- peached for tuB condoicl in bia administration. In bis defence he had tbe lirontto i^um Uie merit of tbe blessings which tbe people bad en- joyed during tbe longperiod of peace. It waa probably fell that he might stillba useful : at least, ttiatit waa not the time to poni^ him ; and be was acquitted. In the course of the year preceding Alezaa- der's death, the stillness and obsouiity of Athe- nian history were broken, partlyby tbe new measurea adopted by the conqueror on his re- turn "on India with respect to Qreeee, aiid partlyby the adventures of Haipalus, Alex- ander's claim of divine honours could not be viewed in OreeoB with tbe same feeiii^ whiob it had excited amtniK tbe Tiotorima Hacedo- niana. To the peo^, bowed down bj irre- sistible necessity nnder a foreignyoke, it was not a point of great mmuent under what form m title the conqueror, in tbe plenitude of his power, chuae to remind thcan of their satyeo- tion. They might consider the demand aa a wentmi insult, but it was m no other sense an injnry. There mi^t not be msnj base uiou^ to recommend it, but ttiere were, perhaps, atill fewer so unwiae aa to think it a fit gronnd for It involved no surrender of reli- 17,IS) M haling laen origiulli" nmial) : br PncJu (in PmUi riia. (x^MniXiK, of which Iha mtor no aiafBanilw.-niaSab-Iurkatal, OaiaT.,iii.,p.S)ai I loaf ton toaa u DECREE IN FAVOUR OF THE EXILES. gtoia faith,BTen in those who were firm]; at- tached to the popular creed ; and the ridicule for wh:ch it afforded so fair a mark was, with most, sufficient revenge fur its insoleoce. The Spartan answer to the king'senvoys was per- Iispa the best: "If Alexander will be a god, let him."* At Athena there was aometbing more of debate on the question; yet it hardly oeems that opinions were Hcrioualy divided on it. The motion, as was most fiting, was made by Semades ; and even in his propoaal be did not "0 much farther than Epicratea, who had ven- tured to say that, iustead of the nine archons, the people would do well to appoint as many ambassadors to Alexandcr.t It was opposed by a young orator named Pythcas, who seems to have fluctuated greatly in his political aUi- ances4 but on one pccasion, al least, expressed himself strongly on the notorious contrast be- tween the private habits of Demadea and De- moslhenes.i Pytheas,perhaps, took that view of the question in which it afforded the best Hubject for vehement declamation. It was ob- served by the more practical stateamen that he was not yet of an age to give advice on matters of such importance. He rcpUed that he was older than Alexander, whom theypro- posed to make a god. Lycurgus appears to have apoken. with the severity suited to his character, of " the new god, from whose tem- ple none could depart without need of purifica- tion."H But it does not follow that he wished to see the demand rejected. At least, Denia- des and Demosthenes were agreedon the main point, and their language, as ikr as it is report- ed, seems to have been very similar. Dema- des warned the peoplenot to lose earth while they contested the possession of heaven ;T and I"emosthenes advised them not to contend with Alexander about celestial hononrs. Yet it is said that,OD a previousoccasion, he had car- ried a motion forbidding innovations in the ob- jects of publicworship;"" whether with refer ence to rumours of Alexander's pretensions wi do not know. The assembly acquiesced ii the king's demand. ' But the order relating to the retnrn of the exiles awakened much strongerfeelings, partly of fear and partly of indignation. It spears that Alexander, before he set out on bis expe- dition, when it was his objectto conciliatethe Greeks, had engaged by solemn compact with the national congress at Corinth " perhapsonly confirming one before made by Philip " not to interfere with the existing ioslitutionaof any Greek state, bnt to preserve them inviolate. At the time of this treaty,Measene, it seems, was governed by a tyrannicaldynasty, the hotise of Philiades. The tyrants were after- ward expelled, but were restored by Alexan- der's intervention, under the pretext that the treatyrequired the governments then standing to be preserved. But this pretence could not be pleaded in another case, when the demo- cratical party at Pellene in Acbaia was expel- led, their property cojiEscated and distributed among their slaves, and Chsron established as tyrantby the power of Macedonia,* The ten- dency of Alexander's new measure was to ef- fect a similar, though it might be a less violent revolution, wherever Macedonian infiuencewaa yet completelypredominant,throughout Greece. Nicanor, a Staprite, bad been sent down by Alexander to publish his decree during the games at Otympia, Demosthenes, on this occasion,proposed himself to fillan officewhich was commonly confined to unimportant cere- monies : to head the embassy by which Athena was publicly represented at the national festi- va], that he mi^ht there discuss the question, point out the iiyuatice of the measure, and im- press the assembled Greeks with his own sen- timents. For this purpose he was sent, and at Olympia httd a public debate with Nicanor, but without any immediate effect. Nicanor could only obey the king's orders ; and there were some thousands or the exiles and their friends collected there, who listened to the proclaina- with joy. It was in the form of a tetter, addressed to them in a style of imperial hravi- "King Alexander to the exiles from the eek cities. We were oot the author of your ile.but we will restore you to your homes, all but those who are under a curse, I- And we have written to Antipater on the subject, that he ma? compel those cities which are un- willing to receive you," Great alarm ensued at Athens among those who had reason to dread the execution of ths decree. The people would not comply with it, but stilldid not venture openly to reject it. A middle course was taken, by which time, at least, was gained. An embassy was sent to Alexander to deprecate his interference ; and at Babylon the Athenian envoys met those of several other Greek states, who had come on the same business. How far they acted in concert with each other, and whether through the exhortations of Demosthenes, we are not informed. There seemed, indeed,to be a very faint hope that Alexander's ptirpose could b" shaken by their arguments or entreaties ; bat yet the event, very unexpectedlyindeed,show- ed that they had taken the most prudent coun- sel. In the mean while there prevailed at home not only great anxiety about the issue of the embassy, but fears for the hnmediato safety of the city, A strong twidy of Athenian exiles was collected at Megara, where th^ might keep up a communication with their friends in Athena, and would bo furnished with such aid as Megara could afford ; for.as was to be expected "om the ancient enmity be- tween the two cities,Megara had warmly em- biaced the intereata of Macedonia, and had bestowed its franchise on Alexander, who smiled at the honour, but was assured that he was the first stranger who had ever received it since hie ancestor Hercules,! Suspicions were entertained of clandestine meetings with lofi w monlf r : u in Polyiperch"-. .did (irili., ") Ihex "n dnrirbdl a"n fuUj,t)l4""" '"*( f aWn ) inUt t liiitafch. D* Hi. i HISTORY OF GREECE. Ae exiles at Megara ; and the Areopagus was directed to inTeatigate one, at least, ortheae caaea. Anottier was brought forwW by De- mosthenea, who was, however, induced to drop it,probablyby bia own clanger, as well as in. fonnalion whicli he had received of some de- signs against the arsenal.* Such was the state of aflairs at Atliens when the appearance of Harpaluagave rise to fresh perplexity and uneasineas, ' The precise time when lie arrived on the coast of Attica is dilH- cult to ascertain ; but it seems most probable that it was ailer the return of Demostbenes ftom Olympia. Harpalua, as we have seen, carried away some 5000 talents, and had col- lected about 6O00 mercenaries. He must, therefore, have crossed the .Egean with a little squadron ; and it is probable that the mmour of bis approach reached Atliens at Icaat some daya before bim. He bad reason to hope for a favourable reception. He came with his Athenian miatreea, for whose soke he had con- ferred a substantial benefit on ber native city; and be had alreadygained at least oue friend there,on whose iiihuencc he may have found- ed great expectations : Charicles, Phocion'a son-in-law, who had descended so low as to nndertake the erection of the monument in honour of Pythiooic^, and had received thirty talents by way of reimburBement. He might calculate stillmore confidently on the force of disposed to risk an open quarrel with Alexan- der, and on the ample means of corruption he poaaesBed. These hopes were disappointed, and,at first, he certainly met with a total re- pulse. It seems most probable " though our aathora leave thia doubtful " that hia squadron was not permitted to entei Pirasus. We know that a debate took place on his first arrival, that Demosthenes Eulvised the people not to ' receive him, aiul that Pbiloclcs, tbe general in conmiand at Munychia, was ordered to prevent hia entrance. Pliilocles,indeed, appears aller- ward to have disobeyed tbia order ;t but it is probable that he did not immediately allow Harpaluato land. The fullest account nc have of the proceedings of Harpalua, on his first ap- pearance in tbe roads of Munydiia, is contain- ed in the few words of Diodurus ;tthat, " find- ing no one to listen to him, be left his merce- naries at Tunarus, and, with a part of his treasure, came himself to implore the protec- tion of the people," All the other authors de- Bcribc him aa having arrived but once,^ and this is easilyexplainedif.on hia first coming, he was not allowed to land ; but stillit is pos- sible that,even on that occasion, ho found an opportunity of distributing a part of his gold among some of the leadingmen. and, perhaps, may have concerted with Pbiloclcs that he should be admitted when he returned with a * DrovHn (AiA., p. 934) uii tlH idnna plHdir lAuRh., t liflfttod tb"H c1iun" to ^Iter H), wUcb pruTH Au "oeh ntp hlB- And who eui doibt,unit tbipurhu. ^lod.. inil. i Bnida Plaunh, PbDC, Dai diH (Dan., t IIS) trnkt hut in ti/t rtn 'Afnitn urfcXan iml r single vesael. The sura which he brought back with him was a littlemore tban 750 talents : enough,certainly, to buy the greater part of the venal orators, and many yielded to the temptation. That Dcmadcs " whose avowed maxim it was to take whatever was offered to him' " was of this number, can only appear surprising, as in- consistent with bis Macedonian politics; but it would only have been so in any other man. Pbo- cion's son-in-law.too. did not desert the friend whom he bad before so humbly served ; and it is said that Harpalua ventured lo solict Phocioa himself wiih ofTors which were, of course, re- jected.t But the most interesting question con- nected with this transaction relates to the con- duct of Demosthenes. Whether be was one of those who accepted a bribe from Harpalaus, lias been a disputedpoint from hia own day to oars. It will appear (ram the following narrative that the evidence cannot be considered as quite con- clusive on either side ; all that can be proved in bis favour is, that tbe more foUy tbe facta of the case are stated, the more glaring are the ab- surdities and contradict ions involved in the sup- positiona of bis guUt, while tbe few facts which tend that way may be veij easily reconciled with the supposition of his innocence. The part which he took in the pidilic debates on the affair is known from g"iod authority ; mosUy from tbat of bis contempocaries and ac- cusers. It is universally admitted tbat he was one of those who, at the first, opposed the re- ception of Harpal us. After the return of Harpa- ius to Athena, when he had gained over aeveral of the orators to his side, envoys came from several quarters, from Antipater, fromOlympias, and, it seems, also from Phdoienus, a Macedo- nian, who filleda high oltice in Asia Minor,!lo require that he should be given up. Demos- thenes and Phoclon both resisted Ibis demand ; and Demosthenes carried a decree,by which it was directed that the treasure should bo lodged in the citadel,to be restored to Alexander, sad he himself was empowered to receive it. Its amount was declared by Harpaluahimself; but, out of the 750 talents,no more than 308 remain- ed in his possession. It was clear that nearly 450 had found their way into other bands.f Demos- thenes now caused another decree to be passed, by which the Areopagus was directed to inves- tigate the case ; and he proposedthat, instead of the ordinarypenalty " tenfold the amount of the bribe" capital punishment should be inflicted on the ot!t^uders. A very rigidinquirywas in- stituted : the houses .ifall suspectedpersons " with the singleexception of one who had been just married " were searched : the Areopagus made its report againstseveral, and among them was Demosthenes himsutf He was the firstwho was broughtiotnal,0was tbund guilty. m Biftiiut tbs ^nlpiiwH of latur Utritnud u DnnathBiiaa, tl HARPALUS." DEMOSTHENES. sn Hid condemned to pay fifty talenla. Being un- d)le to raise (his aum, he wae thrown into irison, but booq after made his escape, and It must be owned that, if we knew no more han this about ihe case, it wouJd require a tronger faillLthan is generallyplaced in the agauity and purity o( the Athenian tribunals :" be convinced that he was guilty. But it is at either the report of the Areopagus, or the idgment of the populartribunal, that has been ic chief ground of suspicionagainst him. It as been a story told by Plutarch,and, appa- intly, conSrmed by a great number of conlem- orary allusions. Acconling lo Plutarch,* De- losllieres at firstwarned the people not to re- elve Harpalus, and so involve Ihemaelres in war with Alexander, on a ground neither ne- essary nor just. But a few days after, when n inventory was taken of the treasure, his eye lae struck by a golden goblet of very fine larkmanship ; and when nightcame, Harpalus, rho had perceived bis admiration and longing ir it,sent it to his house, full of goldpieces to be amount of twenty talents. Ttie next day tieorator appeared in the assembly, whicb met 3 deliberate on the subjeot, with wrappings bout liis neck,and, when called upon to spciUi, lade signs that he was disabled by a sore iroat. But there were some present who al- eady knew the secret, and the pretext was re- eived with sarcastic allusions to the bribe I'bich he had taken. It immediately became lie subject of many bitter jests; and when be fterward attempted to defend himself -in the aserably, his voice was drowned in a tninult f popularindignatioa. That Plutarch should haxe adopted so amu- inga story without any misgiving, was to be xpected.t But had it not aSecledthe charao. SI! ro( ilaihat},whanu Diuucku (p.ITD) UKitu ihmt ni mn uiid Iwtirn him. Far nu of lbs sdiiiou -r\i Drojaea refcn to, 1 "" unatileLo ucorlKiD Iha poa- oTDinarofaiuwbjch ha hu tn viaw,vrnt"" oaljcoa- n UutitoKr b" a"lf, 100.1 Ml, irlucliniihtpn- ', ifil Htood HWotBHrnloBdiait of nch u Enrvronca, IS lube eTpWned I17nfennce tfl p. W, * H, of an tar- trutadlion. Unt vhu ii duiUjd ii, Ihil Dlnuclioi : Uuui one*. iliu.Daisisiiliiiiga iru lli" finl uf Ihe pet- found jiiilly bJUlie AieopiigDe who wu brought to '- lOS); nimfUt h'lm nil mrf tOt Mxuv irnir Mf"T" AtjiaoffOtvrir iiadrtrai vfarot: and a titUa nrn, df|"r(rit ff^riv il'TliihliiTii nfi^ (|i"(- nl lone I of DamoBbnai p- 14S3)t^antnijr ia aaearte '", tbat in Iha onlio* at Dli bite is a noaac* whicb ntehlai lUbeaa U]eEnItnsd(p.llO]: i EUT^Mov TDlfrov ycYtrtjiiitw Ail *paJr"X"fL ter of Demosthenes,we might have been sur- prised to find it repeatedby modem writers, far more learned and sagacious than Plutarch,witb BS much conlidenre as if there was nothing in it either improbable, or incnnsislent with ad- mitted facts.' Some of the slighter diffieultios which raiso a doubt about its truth are, that De- mosthenes should have accepted a bribe from Harpalus, after Ihe decree had been passedby which the whole treasure was to be tnken out of the hands of Harpalus, and committed, for a time, to his own keeping ; that he should have selected a bribe whrchexposed him to the great- est danger ofdeiection : that his accuser, Dinar- chus, should not only have made no allusionto the goblet, but should mention twenty talents as the whole sum which Demosthenes had re- ceived. That part of the anecdote which re- lates to the orator's silence is referred by an- other anthor " who, in the same passage, ap- pears to confound Demosthenes and Demades " to a totally difTerent occasion ;t and, at least, it seems impossiblethat, in any part of Ihe prt"- eeedings concerningHarpalas, Demosthenes should have been driven to any pretext for si- lence, when he was expected to speak on the question. Even ifhe had nut himself previous- ly opposed the surrender of Harpalus, he might surely have done so without suspicioo, when Phocion recommended the same course. After the decree had been passed lo retain the treas- ure, this was all that Harpalus had to desire ; and BO far Demosthenes openlyespoused bis eause. There is,therefore, no motive that can easily be conceived for hta ailence. Still, the scene in the assemblymay be rejected as aik immaterial circumstance " as it is in itself, though it has had more weight than any other with most readern" and yet the generalfact, that Demosthenes received a briliefrom Harpa- lus, may be thought not the tess credible. And FhDcioTi, who had lalen nocbini hAit aa waU a" ta tba pabbr ]"""".. * hrojmB(A].,p. i31) leialaa Iha atoiy, ion lo which he aUodoa iNleb. .|p(. Mmeun, i..p. t9!j,by wl n iuotber bc HISTORY OF GREECE. of the transBctioB, which j confirmed or set aside hj 1 some reapecu, fulier,we find it related that, though he at Brat opposed the admission of Harpalua, he was aAerward induced, by a bribe of a thouaaad darics.to change sidea,and, when the Athenians wished to give Harpalus up to Antipater, dissuaded them from this step, but proposed that the treasure should be lodged ]q the citadel. One point is indisputably clear, that Demos- thenes, whether bribed or not, did noc change "ides, unless Phocion did bo too. His conduct, from the beginning to the end of the affklr, is, at least,perfectly consistent with itself,and with the oourse which has appeared to most ob- eerveiB in later times, as it did to him and Fhocion,at once Ibe safest and the most hon- ourable. So that, even if itwere certain that fae was justlycondemned, he would stillbe en- tillcdlo the benefit of an excuse, similar to thai iriiich has been alleged in "vour of some cele- brated English patriots of the seventeentb century, who labour under a like imputation.' But tbe reputation orDemosthenes has not been leftin quite so precarious a state. A fact was brought to light " we know not precisely how long after" which, at least) counterbalances Boch a presumption as is raised against him by the judicial decision. Harpalus, notwithstand- isg ttieefforts of Demostbenes and Phocion in his behalf,was committed to prison, to swait Aleiaoder's pleasure.He, however, made bis Mcape, returned to Tsnarus, and Uience cross- ed over with his troops, and the rest of his treasure, to Crete. Here he was assassinated bj Thimbrftn,one of bis confidential officers. Hie steward fled to Rhodes, where be was "eiied by order of Pbilozenus, and forced to dis- dUmb tha names of those who had accepted bribes from his master. The list was sent to Athens,"Dd the name of Demosthenes " though Ptiiloxenus is said to have beeit his personal eoemy" did not appear in it.f As to the trial itself, it must be observed that the inquiry made by the Areopagus,though De- mostbenes had offered to stake his life on the result,was but a preliminaryproceeding, and thst its jadgment was nearly in the nature ofa findingby a grandjury : it was afterward to be .-t of 1500 com- II may easily be imaginedthat,in such a case, unless the evidence offered had been utterlycolouijess, the Areopagus would not be inclined to take on itself the responsi- bility of an acquittal ; yel, in tbe speech whi(^ Dinarchus wrote for one of tbe prosecutora, the whole stress of the argument is made to rest, not on the nature of the evidence which had been brought, but partly on the authority of that venerable tribunal, and partly on general invec- tives against the defendant. Dmarchua tacit- ly admits that the evidence was not quitecon- clusive, and that (he truth might be more ftil^ discovered if tbe slaves of Harpalus, who had been carried to Alexander, should be sent down 10 be examined at Athens. We have, indeed, ground to believe that tbe onlyapparent found- ation of tbe charge was, that Demoslbenea had neglected some of the precautions which it was thought incumbent on him to have taken to relieve himself from responsibility, and Uiat it arose from the vexation which was generally felt at the escape of Harpalus.* That extraor- binaryengines were set at Work to prticure bis uondemnatioo, appears from the listof his accu- sers, among whom, besides Himemns, Patttt- cles,Meneaechmus, the persecutor of Lycur- gua and Stratocles,who rivalledDemadea in impudence and profiigacy, we find the names of Pjlheaa and Hyperides, both previously his pariisans. The speech of Dinsrcbus enables us, also,to perceive the nature of the influence which was eiened against Dflmosthones. Di- narchus,indeed, inainuatPs that Demosthenes was at bottom in the Macedonian ioterest ; be wishes to givea turn to the mission to Olym- pia, as if it proved the orator's credit with Alex- ander ; he accuses him and his friend Polyeuc- secret understanding with Demades. not on this account that be rr^presenu the safety of the state as involved in the issue trial; he plainly intimateB that a war with Alexander win be the conseqaence of an acquitial.t It was, apparetitly, to givegreateqr Uiis argimient thai the proaeonton brought Demosthenes to trial first. Few of those who were denounced by the Ajeopagna -e acquitted ; t)ut we lieai of one Aristogei- who escaped,thoogb bis case airongly ra- tembled that of Demosthenes. On tbe otber band, Demadea was convicted, hut eiuier was very lightly fined, or neglected to pay tbe pen- alty ; and he remalued, withotit any dimjnotian of his influence, at Athens. All those indica- tions lead us to the oonclasioa that Demoa- thenes fella victim to political intrigues, whidi derived theirchief strength from tbe critical po- sition in which Athens was placedby her re- sistauce to Alexander's decree fttrthe restgrk- tiou of the exiles. Another charge, of a very different kind, which seems not to have occurred to any of the ancients, has been broughtagainst him for his :0!uI^ nlMra r-i. fiuiqiuiui yfrt Ttt riij iyitu. ttory. It uiwan uwL i/Diu ixnnl nod ptoMlila " DEMOSTHENES." ATHENIAN PREPARATIONS. condocl MB a stateBniBD in this eftkir. It hii been alleged*that, unless he was prepared Ibr oiKiDali"ed submission to Macedonia, he ought to have seized the opportunity presentedbjtt arriTal of Harpalus, and to have adTl"ed t^ people to receiTo him with open arms, and i make use of his treasure and his troops Tor war with Aiejtander. It does not. howeve seem necesaarj to oonclode Itiat the faculties of DeraostheneB bad been weakened byage be- cause he did not seethe need of either of these altematiTcs. It might be a sufGcienl to say, that a war, undertaken for Harpalus and his stolen treasure, would have exposed the Atfaenians lo the charge of Injustice and wan- ton aggression ; it would have deprived them of all claim lo the sympathy of the other Greeks in their quarrel with Alexander. Such, in fact, is the groiUMt which Demosthenes himself is reporled to have taken in hii first advice on the question ; and the event proved that there was no necessity for the sacrifice either of lib- erty or of honoar. The Athenians did not po! lute themselves by a conneiion withHarpatua and they suffered no detriment from the want either of his treasure or of his mercenaries it the war which soon after broke out. This, in- deed, Demosthenes could not have foreseen . but alill it seems hard to char^ a statesman with incapacity because he dS not perceive that it was imposaiblehonesty coulfl be the best policy in a case where the event proved " lobe so. And yet it appears that Demosthenes had n" concealed from himaelf or from the people, that " war might arise which would ilemand " '" ordinary sacrifices. He had spoken of casion which might require that they should melt down the ornaments of the women, their ^ate, and even allthe treastire of the temples. t This emer^ncy can have been no other than that which might be looked for if Aleiander "bould not be persuadedby their envoys to re- voke or modify this edict for the return of the exiles. One effect which they tod to appre- hend fioni it was, that their colonists who hod been taot planted in Samus, would be forced to resign their possessions lolbe (amilieaof their Ibrmer owners. But (here was also reason to feartbsl it might lead to a state of things like tlie tyranny of the Tltirty ; disputesmust hare arisen, which would have affbrded a pretext for llieiDtroduetioQ of a Macedonian garrison into the cityi there would have been no security either for public or privaterights but the mod- eration of a powerfulparty, irritated by the re- membrance of past sufferings, and resolved at any price to guard against them for the future. It may, at least, be presumed that tvhen Demos- ttienes spoke of such sacrificesas have been just mentioned, his hearers must have feltthat the occasion waaworthjofthera. That this was the pieiailing impression at .Athens, isboth express- ly asserted by Curtius,t and seems to be proved by the burst of popolarfeeling which took place there inmiedialely on the news of Alexander's death ; and we may easilybelieve. Justin's statement.^ that the publication of his edict in ftvourof the exiles led many other states open- ly to avow their resolution to maintain their * Bt DrOTHH. At..B. i Diaucisi, f. M. ..,",8. libertyby arms. Tboae in whieh thia asnti- ment was strongestmight BtiQ well try the ef- f^t of negMiatian before they resorted to m attempt seemingly so desperats. It is a diSbreat qosmion, which the meagar accounts that have been preserved of thMS times leave in great obeoority, whether any preparBtioiis for war had actually been made at Athens before Alexander'a death. It oan hardly be au^qtosed that any such meaaorea were taken until the envo:^, who had been sent to remonstrate with Mm, returned from Babylon; and the interval between Uteir t"- turn and the arrival of the news of his deatt cannot have been very long. Yet that hi thia interval, at least,something wa" done with B view lo a war, which was believed to be im- pending, may be regarded as nearly certain.* For it was at ibis time that a division of the mercenaries, who had been disbanded by the satraps in compliance with Alexander's or- ders, was brought over to Europe by the Athe- nian Leoethenes. t Leosthenes himself had been for a time in Alexander's service,^ and though still young, had gained a highreputa- tion ; but it seems that he had quitted it in disgust,^ and had already returned to Athens, and that he went over to Asia to collect a* many aa he oould of the disbanded troops, vrbom he landed at Cape Ts-narus. It can hardly be supposed that be did this without some ulterior object; and his connexion with Hyperides " the chief of the Anti-Macedonian party, after Demosthenea had withdrawn " and his subsequent proceedings,scarcely leavo iDom to doubt that the object was to hare a force in readiness to resist Antipater if he should attempt to enforce Alexander's edict. When the news of Alexander's death reacbed Athens, Phocion and Demades professed to disbelieve the report. Demades bade the peo- ple not to listen to it ; such a corpse would long belbre have filled the woiid with ita odour. Phocion desired them to have pa- tience ; and, when many Toioea asseverated the truth of the report, replied, "" If he is dead to-day, be will still be dead to-morrow, and ' day, BO that we may deliberate at our and the more securely." Bnt their "ancea ifere disregarded. The council of Five Hundred held a meeting with eloaed doors ; and Leosthenes was commiaaionod immediately to engage the troops at TBnams, TLasgli Gmirt (Aiial"l[m,p.tWIbuognHalrlian ifllD ma nror (" Qiia pout by m aD4eliniuim of Uioi^ Tiow ikAm BtMta ^ thiD"""t JL^UU """m ia labiUQM parTectljcomt:!: uid than ia do "ei^ht in Dl^nen'l 1^ gniBtat (Al.,p. M7|. Diilift" thtnliiMKHtof DnuHte- imiioHl Id uiBiM tbt vmi^ ta " " htJfim. GrrndBTt 1Ana]*tt.,p.m) nnwcu til '---- "lafoaadod L*o"tbsnH "llb L"v^i ,ipni^"-^iiiv.' H" !"dwnbed bjr'Plntlnih' (PhoiC, ' - -' .. Tin hul. hnwovnr. bean lift " oiddwir Ibi )niBt it Till*, ill-AJat ., 1,'SI, ". rviiE mtmia,mm ippiiin tiaa " "tnr* nud br Qnont ""-"-" I""- "-"""" C.ocwTc 384 HISTORY OP OREECB. aboat 8000 men, bat secretlj, and in Mb own name, that Antipalermight not suspect the purpose, and that the people might have the more time for other preparations. ConQitna- tion of the fact was received Bbortl; after from the mouth of eyewitneeses, who had beeo present at Babylon when it took place. As soon as all doubt on this point was re- moved, there was an end of hesitation and "ecrecy. The popularfeeling burst forth, like B flood longpent up. Phocion and the orators of the Macedonian party endeavoured in vain to stem it. Their tnflnencQ was gone ; as Demades, before long,experienced to his cost. None were listened to but those who recom- mended the most decided and vigorous meas- ures. Hyperides and Polyeuctua, the early eoadjutors of Demosthenes, were now among the foremost to propose such aa, if he had been present, he would certainly have ap- proved. It was reaolved, without delay, to send a supply of arms and money to l^eostbe' nea for hia levies at Tcnarus, with directions no loDger to make a secret of the object for which they were destined. The remainder of the treasures of Harpalua, and the penaltiea which had t"eeD recovered, fUraished the mesna. It was very important, now that a proapect was once more opened of a general confederacy among the Greeks for a national cause, that Athens should immediately make her determination known as widely aa poasi- Ue. By another decree, the people declared itself ready to assert the liberty of Greece, and to deliver the cities which were held by Macedonian garrisons: for this purpose, a fleet was to be equ^iped of forty trireme galleya, and 300 of the largersize, with four banks of oan. All the citiiens under forty years of age were to aim; thoae ofsevan tribea to prepare for foreignservice, the rest to remain at home for the defence of Attica. Lastly, envoya were appointed to the principal states of Greece,to announce that Athena was again, as in the days of her ancient glory, about to place herself in the "ont of the battle with the oommoQ enemy, and to set her last resources, men, money, and ships, on the venture ; and to eihort all who wished for independenceto follow her eian^le. The success of the Athenian negotiations appears not to have been so great in Pelopon- nesUB aa in the northern states, though tlieae were eiposed to the enemy's first attacks. Sparta,Arcadia, and Achnia, kept aloof from the struggle to the end ; whether restrained by jealousy of Athena, or by the remembrance of the laat tmfortunate contest with Macedo- nia, Messene, Elis,Sicyon,Phlius, Epidau- ms, TrcBien, and Argos,joined the confed- eracy ; but even of these, several appear to have held back until they were encouragedby tbe first Buccesa of the other allies. In North- em Greece, Leosthenea himself was one of the most active and successful envoys. As soon aa he had completed the equipment of bis levies at Ttenanis,leavingthem, it peems, under the command of an inferior officer, he vrent over to .,4;tolia.He found the .*:toliana, who had been alarmed and incensed by Alex- ander's threats about CEniadce, heartily in- clined to the national cause, and obtained a promise of 7000 men. He then proceeded ta solicit aid from Locris,Phocis, and others of Ihe neighbouring states, .ymost everywhere, from Ihe border? of Macedonia to Attica, a, good spiritprevaQed. The Thessaljans, in- deed, did not immediately declare themselves, but probablygave private asaurances of their favourable disposition. Pelinna is mentioned as the only town in the north of Thessaty which did not, sooner or later,enter into the league; and Thebes in Pthiotis. In tbe Tale of the Sperchetus, the towns of Matea anO Her- aclea alone refused their aid. But the Dolo- pians, the mountaineers of (Eta, all the towns of Doris,Carystos in Eubtea, the Locrians and Phocians, many of the tribes in the westent valleys of Pindus, as the jGnianians, Alyue- ana, and Athamantians, the Leucadians, and a. part, at least, it seema. of the Acamanians, aent their contingents. Even from beyond tbe borders of Greece, the allies received some auxiliariea : from the Molossian chief,Aryp- tteus, who, however, afterward deserted and betrayedthem, and, in very amall noniber, from lUyria and Thrace. But the policyby which TTiebea had been destroyed, and its ter- ritory divided among the Bceotian towns, was now attended with an effect more disastroiis to Greece than the conqueror could have fore- seen. It was known that the success of the Greeks would be followed by the restoration of Tbebea : the Theban exiles probably formed a strong body in the Greek army ; afid hence the Bootiana,though aurronnded on all aidea by the forces of the confederacy,zealously ad- hered to the Macedonian cause, which was that of their privateinterest, and their inveter- ate hatred to the fallen city. The movementa of Leosthenes, before the opening of the campaign, are very imperfectly reportedby our extant authors. It might be supposed, from the manner in which tbey are described by Diodorus,that he never returned to Athens. This, however, is highlyimproba- ble in itself; and it seems to be Indicated l^ Plutarch's anecdotes that he came back at the head of the troops he had collected, and that he had to encounter strenuous opposition froia Phocion and others,who dreaded the sacriUces and risk of the war. The language attributed to Phocion may serve to eshibil the temper and views of his party, though we need not adopt the assertion of Diodorus,that this party inclu- ded all the men of property in Athens. Pho- cion atTecled to sneer at the young general, who spoke in a high and confident strain of hia performances and prospects. " Your speeches, young man," he said, "are like cypress-trees, stalely and loAy, but bearing no fruit." And when Leosthenea was provoked to ask, what beneSt Athens had reaped from Phocion'a gen- eralship during tbe many years that he had borne the title, " It has been no small one," he replied, " that our fellow-citizena have been buried in their own graves."Again,Hyperidea asked him, When he would advise the Atheoi- aoB Id go to war ' " Whenever," was the an swer, "I' shall see the young willing to keep their ranks,the rich to contribute their money, and the orators to abstain from that of the pub- lic." The armament collected by leosthenea, which excited general adpitretion, pirodaeedno HOPES OF THE ATHENIANS. such effect on PhociOD ; and nbeu he was ask- Gil whal be thought of the preparatioagnow, he replied that they were well enough for a sin- gle heat, but that he feared for the end of the race, seeing that the city had no more money, or ships, or men, to carrj on the contest with, if these should be tost.* Diodorus,apparentlyfollowing the opinion of an author who considered Phocion aa repre- senting the wisdom and foresight of Qreeoe, or who judged of the undertaking trom Ihe event, asserts that the most inteiligent Greeks con- demned the rashness of the Athenians, who had not even taken a lesson from the fate of Thebes, but, in their eagerness for glory, heed- less of consequences, had rushed intoa prema- ture and uonecessaij conflictwith an irresisti- ble power. If,however, it is once admitted that it was desirable fbr Greece to shake off the Macedonian yoke" and this,according to Diodonis. rtone of those intelligent Greeks was base eoaugfa to den; " it seems that someAing may be said to vindicate Ihe Athenians from the charge of extreme impmdence. It may be admitted that, in this case, aa in moet oth- ers, th^ were guided rather by an instinctive love of freedom than by sober calculations of expedience, aa the Rhodians,who, on the news of Alexander's ileath,immediatelyexpelled the Macedonian garriaon from their city ; but Pho- cion himselfcould not point out any time when they might make the attempt with a fairer prospect of success. He conid only tannt ihe peo|Jewith their presumed unfitnesa for any great enterprisei a sneer which, so far as it contained any truth, would be always equally true, but which, aa.applied to the question, was triumphantly reffated by the event. But the deeper the admiiation and the fear with which the Greeks bad been inpreaaedtry Atexandar'a genius sod liiruiDe, the more exoosable was it that they ahoald believe his premature death would be immediately followed by the total dis- "olution of his huge empirti. The news of bis death must have been accompanied by some aecounti, probablyexaggerated, of the subse- quent tamults and beginning of a civil wrt at Bab)lon ; and even the compoeition,by which the throne was to be shared between an idiot and an infant yet noboni, did not hold out much promise of permanent tianqniliity. The more waa known oC the character of Alexander's principal officers, ^e less likelymust it have seemed that they would acquieaCe in such an adjustment. It waa to be expeeied that they would be too much occupied with their own contests for power to be able to afford aid to Antipater,even if there were not some who found it suitrd tlieirinterest to ally themselves viih the lireeks. Macedonia itself" ^most drainedof its militarypopulationby Alexander's incessant demands*" -bad never been weaker, never more threatened by iia northern and Western neighbours. It was not extravagant to hope (hat Ihe war might be ended in one short campaign, which would raise Greece to t^ rank of an independent and formidable * lBVit.X.Or,I]MiH"*HntiiMntiinil"iufe(F"ntna power. The singidarcombination of circum- stances through which this was frustrated pro- ved that it had not been rashly conceived, Antipater received the tidings of Alexander's death " to him nn mournfal event " nearly at the same time with those of the movements in Greece. His situation was one of great diffi- culty and danger; and it appears that he sent an embassy to soothe the Athenians, and to per- suade them to peace ; for it was probablyon this occasion tiiat, when his envoys extolled the mildness of hia character,Hyperidss an- swered. We do not went a mild master.* An- tipater can only have hoped to gain time bythia step, and he greatly needed it. The whole force immediatelyat his disposal was smafl, and, if he marched againstGreece, it wonid be necessary to leave a part of it for the protection of Macedonia. He had no clear prospect of aid but from one quarter, and that a distant one ; for Crateraa, with his army of veterana, had advanced no Ivrther than Cilicia ; and, how- ever he might be induced to quicken bis march, it would be long before he could reach Ihe the- atre of war. Nevertheless,Antipater deter- mined not to wait for re-enforcements,nor to remain on the defensive, but lo seek the enemy. The force which he was able to bring into the field amounted to no more than 13,000 fool and 600 horse. It,might aeem that he, rather than the Athenians,was actingrashly,when, with so small an army, he ventured to invada Greece ; and perhaps he relied somewhat too confidently on the superiority of Ihe Macedoni- an discipline and tactics, and on Ihe recollection ofhia victory over Agia. It must, however, be observed that he calculated on (he support at the Thesaaliane, and probably of some other northern state* ; and tw mi^i hope,by a rapid had ei41ecled ita fonea, or, at least,to prevent It flom receiving fresh acceesion* of elrength. He had also ordered Sippas, whom he left to supply hia place in Macedonia, to levy troopa with the utmost diligence, and may have ex- pected to be speedily re-enforced tyj ibese re- oraits.t His coffers were well Slled, for he had received a largesupply of treasure Irom Alex- ander ; and the fleet which had brought it over, consisting of 110 galleys, remained with him, and was now ordered to attend the operation* of the army. Thermopyle was ihe placeappoinled for the rendezvous of the allies" a positionby which they were enablEd lo cover their own territory, and to prevent a junction between the enemy and the BtEolians. It is not clear whether it ought to be considered as an effect of the tardi- ness which Demosthenes so often complained of,that Ihe contingents of the northern state* were assembled before the Athenian troops had begun their march. Lsosthenes had joined them with bis meTcenaries,and, perhaps, with all the Peloponnesian levies. He was elected commander- m -chief,not more in honour of Ath- ens than on account of the confidence which waa reposed in his abilities,! The Alheniaiw " VIE. X. Or., HxparidM, p. Uft,A,,*t Jii^ii xfm-nt t Thai Ihsr w*n nut nnnnd ts b* iiHd"t. a DonHS ntinieiiu. p. lil.'n lb" Jefvnce ""{M*red"iim. "rm Hi 1 Fwuuuu, i.,U, y HISTORY OF GREECE. could flpara bo more than 6000 inrantry and 600 oavaliT, or AUic iroopa: to Ibese tbe}^ added SOOO merceoanes. But now the B"eu- tuns, encouraged,perhaps, by (he tidings of Antipaler'E approach, coUeoted their forcea to oppoBa the passage orthis little amy, aod en- oamped near Platca, no doubt in very superior DumbeTS, to watch the paaaea oi Cithaeron. Leoalheoee,apprizedOC their movement, haat- MMd with a divisionof his troops u" the reliefof Ilia DDuntiymen, eOecled a juuciion with them, and gave battle to the enemy. He gained a oompleteviotory, raised a trophy, and returned, with this happy ooiea of more importantauc- Antipater was joined on bis march bj a "trong body of Tbesaalian cavalry, under Meno d^ Phftraalaa, which gave him, in thia arm, a decided advantage over the alliea. He drew np hia foroea, it seems, in the vale of the Sper- Qli^na,and offered battie. Leoatbenes did not wait to be attacked. It is poasible that he Bu; bave bad a Mcrat understanding witii the TIieaBBliaD geneial. But liis Bitny waa 80,000 "tnu^ ; and it tnay have been the sigbt of his aupeTKH- force tbat fixed Meno's wavering tn- dination. Tbe fortune of the day was decided by the Thessalian cavalry, which went over in Ae heat of the battle to the Greeka.* We are DM informed what loss Antipatcr sufifersd ; but he dkt not think it safe to attempt to retreat throoi^ Theaaaly. He looked about for the "earen place of refuge, and threw himaelf into the town of Lamia, which stood in a strong po- "itioa on tbe aoutli side of Mount Othrys, about three mttea from the aea, began to repair the Ibrtificattoita, and laid in a sun"ly of arms and nroviaioiu, furnished perhaps by the Seet. Hii onlyremaininghope was. that he might be able to sustain a aiege until auccours should arrire. Leosthcnee inuDediately proceeded to fimily a camp near the town, arid, after having in vain challenged tbe enemy to a freah en- gagement, made several attempts to take it by asMult. But the place was too strong, the gar- riaon too numeroos ; the assailants were re- pulsed with the lose of many lives ; and at length he found himaelf obliged to turn the siege into a blodcade, Aotipater had no reason to be much asbamed of his defeat,nor the Oreeks to be very proud of their victory; but it everjnvhereprodnoed a great effect on the public mind. It was the AtM advantage that had been gained for many Cars over the Macedonian arms, which trere ginning,perhaps, to t"e thought invincible ; and it had certainly reduced an enemy, late the master of Greece, to a state of extreme dis- treas and danger. At Athens tbe news was received with boundless exultation ; the streets were thronged with festal prncessions; the idtara smoked with continued sacrifices of Amkagivlng. The orators who had advocated tbe war loudly triumphed in the seeming fulfil- ment of their sangume predictiom. Phocton idene,perhaps, among those who wished well to I their country, would take no part in the uni- Tersal joy, and did not suppress his gloomy forebodings. As the gladtidinga flowvd in, be bitterly asked, " When shall we have done con- quering^" And when he was asked whether he could have desired better success for nmi- self,replied,"No; but better counsels."' The coi^dence of the people was' raised to its utmost height by an embassy from Antipater, by which be sued for peace. We are not in- foimed what terms he proposed ; but his over- tures were probably treated as a sign of de- spair. The people looked upon him as already in their power, and demanded that he should surrender at discrelion.t Yet they did not re- lax their efforts, but made u"e of the advantage they had gained to procure additionat strength for the common cause. Polyeuctus was sent with other envoys into Peloponnesus, to rouse tbe states wbich bad hitherto remained neu- tral to action. Here be was opposedby aome of the traitors whom Athens bad lately cast ont from her bosom ; but be was second by the voluntary exertions of his old ooUeague De- mosthenes. As soon SB AJexandw's deaib relesaed the Atheniaiu from tbe restrmnt which his power bad imposed on them, tbe orators of the Mace- donian party,deprived of tbe foreignst^ "m which they had hitherto leaned, Mok nnder the contempt and indignation of tbe people, and aeveral of them paid the penalty of their former insolence and baseneae. Demades waa. perhaps, most mildly treated in proportionto his offences. Tbe remendHranoe trf' some good offices which he had rendraed to his country m times of calamitymight plead in his behalf; his very impudence rendered his servility lesa odious ; since,at least, he could not be charged with -treachery or dissimulation; and his ex- traordinary talenta, in which he (bd not ac- knowledge even Demoathenea as his superior,}. had more than their due wei^t with such a people as the Athenians. Yet he was bron^t to trial on several indictmientB ; among others, as the author of die decree which otmfiBrred divine honoura od Aleunder, fbr whiiA he was condemned to a fine of ten talents;avery tri- fling sum for his means ; espeoiallyif, as seems pnriubls, the penalty which be had in- cuTTBd for the bribe be todk from Harpalna had been remitted. Bdt the most important efltect of the sentences passed on hfm appear to have been, that he was partially dnfranehised,so as to be made incapable of taking part in pnbtic afihtrs. The bronse statues, also,with wIimA, he had been honoured, and the citydiagraccd.^ were, melted down, and ^plied to purposes the most expresatve of ooirtempt and loathing for the origmal.jlHe, however, remained at Athens m tbe eqiojmeDt of bis iO-gotten wealth,waiting tillUie aocom^iahment of Pho- cion's denunciationa should raise him once more out of his ignoaiiiuonsobaaurity, and should compel the people to listen to Ms voice. The timeservingPytheas, the proeecutor Of Demosthenes, and the wittyglutton Callime- don,T who bad been accuaed by Demoathenea " Pint,,Pb" , U. Tioul.,a. t I"iiid"",nliu 18. ) Plat.,Demijslli., 10,11.Dipluiwd br Pnn. lUtP.Gvr., T. 4 Driai.')"iu,I""iiir""h..eiM. II n"urch,Il"ip.Cn,Pr.,3T,ri"vci^""iJ""(M|"/("ra) ""r^i"i"aBii KiiitK. from hit r"m"rit" ")icll""ti (.^IhmiBui,In.,3T.1 H" tnCimgvd U Iha Stltf, " clDb sf DKMOSTHENES IN PELOPONNESUS 28T if a ti'easonable coireapondenco with the ex- les at Megara, were also convicted, we know 101 on what charges, and were obliged, either J sentence oTIEBDishnient,or to escape worae Tils,to quit Alhens. They nov threw aside he mask, openly entered into the serrice of f acedooia, and were employed by Antipater to ounteract the inflnence of the Athenian en- oys in Peloponnesus with all the power of icir oratory. Dcinostbcnes had not resigned himself so Dnlenledly as jEschines to perpetual exile. ; was, per^pa, a weakness, but one which oes not lower htm in our esteem, that he met le tbougbt of it with less courage than that of eath. He lingered raounrfiilly,we are told, nd impalienlly waiting for a change which he Dold scarcely have hoped lo see, an the coast f TrcezcB, or the chfft of jEgina,* where he Duld still gaze on Athens, and might distin- uish many scene* which recalled the recoUec- on of his most glorious days. Sometimes, it 1 said, he gave vent to his grief in bitter com- iainta. which would have been worthier of 'hocion ; as when, fixinghia eye on the Acrop- tis, he was heard to eiclaim, " Goddess, 'hat favourites hast thou chosen ! the owl, le serpent, and the Athenian people." The oung men who sought his society, he would 'ani to shun that public life which he had too tte discovered to be beset with fear, and envy, oddanger, worse than death itself But when e heard of the successes of Leosthenes, when B learned that an Athenian embassy was ma- ing the circuit of Peloponnesus to aitvocate le cause of national independence, and that it "ss thwarted at every step by Antipater" ireliags, his despondency and resentment van lied i he quitted bis retreat, joined the en ays, and accMnpanied tbam to the end of their lission. To hmi it owed its most important isults. He repelled the calumnies of Pytbeas, bo was not ashamed to resort to general in- ectivea against Athens for the service of his mployer.f Tbe Arcadian congress was the lost celebrated scene of their contests ; and e arc informed that Demosthenes not onlj vercame Pytheaa in debate, but prevailed on le Arcadians to abandon the Macedonian alli- nce.t It does not appear, however, thai they inl any succours to their countrymen.^ Bui icyon, Argos, and even Corinth are mention- 1 among the slates which were broo^t over ) the league by hia eloquence, II There may be an error as to some of these ames ; but that bis activity and success have at, on the wbole. been exaggerated, is proved f the consequences which ensued to himself. The pcopk' was touched with gratitude and ad- -"--'- by the repoii of his leal and his ser- His kinsman, Demon, look advantage of tbe general feelinglo propose a decree for his recall. It was passed, and not in the form of grace, but of a respectful invitation. was sent, by publicauthority,lo bring from the place of his sojourn. When it relumed with him to Pirteus,a solemn pro- " ^eaded by the magistrates and the me down to greet him, and lo escort him back to tbe city. He now again raised hts hands-_perbaps to the goddess whom he had unjustlyreproached " and congiatulaied himself turn so much happier than tbatof Alci- as it was tbe elTecI of the free good will fellow-citjzens,not extorted from their fears. It was, indeed, a day of glory so pure " not to be effaced by a thousand scandaloDs an- ecdotes " that he might gladly have consented to the price which he alterward paid for it. Tbe penalty to which he bad been condemned stiD remained to be discharged ; and it was one of those obligationswhich, it seems, could not be legally cancelled. But Demon contrived an expedient lo reconcile law and equity. He carried a decree by which lUty talents were as- signed to Demosthenes from the treasury, nom- inally to defray the cost of an altar, which was snaually adorned at the public expense fur one "the festivals. But these brightgleams of joy and hope were ion to be overcast. The Greeks had been dorious in the first stage of the race, but that which was to decide the contest still remained, and it was destined to be a series of reverses. Antipater's fortune had sunk lo the lowest point; itWBs now to be gradually gaining the ascendant. The first disasler which befell the Greek cause was tbe death of Leosthenes, Antipater had directed a sally against the be- siegers, who were employed in the work of cir- cumvallation. A sharp combat took place ;t and Leosthenes, hasteniug up lo the support of Ihaiiiiil Dnwa ilna not iiiiluD how it luppsned Ihat thg msll or DaDiDHbana wu diWad " loni u bs nip- wu On iMMm. H* t*ll( w, mdMd" Ibanrt irttkHt TniiTidvitaMiuwdafaJutDaBiMW ows putT, whuUi, ho ^" "* *""" WInl, Itau, aitber daligvd or flullr pmnnd HISTORY OF GREECE. hie men, was atrucli on ibe hpad by a i from an engine, fellsenseless, and was carried back to Ihe camp, wbere he died, litethird day after. He was buried. Diudorous says, heroic honours ; but it Joes not appear th Ibis reaped be was distinguished from the i ciiiKens who had fallen in the war, and afterward interred with the usual punjp ii same gruund which oonlained the sepulchres of the ancient heroes. The funeral oration wi delivered by Hyperidea. Diodorus thought iocredible that this task should hare been s signed lo him, unless in the absence of Demos- thenes, But Demosthenes had discharged il on a Ibrmer occasion ; the honour might seem inore pmperl; due to Hyperidea, both as a prin- cipal mover of the war, and on account of hia close intimacy with Leoathenca.* Even in el- oquence he w.aB esteemed by hia oontetapora- ries little inferior to Demosthenes ; and he seems lo have been roused by the theme. by the presence of the great master, whom be liad beard in Ebe same place, lo an eltraonli- lary display of his art A fragment has been spared " one of tbe very few that remain of liie works " whicb seems lo have belonged to Ibis speech, and is not unworthy of th" admiration it excited. It oAers consolation to the aurvi- Ters m the deathless glor^of their lost friends, which was sufficieDt to compcoaate for length ofdays, and for every blessing of life. It was diiGcult to Hay anything new on such a topic, but the concluding sentence is remarkable. " If death isaa the stoteof those who have not been bom, they are released from disease, and grief, and from all the accidents to which the lifeof man is liable ; but if,as we suppose, there re- main in the unseen world sense, and oapacity of divine favour, none oan have a belter title to It than those who have vindioated Ibe profaned majesty of tbe gods." If this was an aUusion to Alexander's impiat;, it can only be said that hnguage, whicb would have appearedextrava- gant in a political ditousaion,might very well suit this kind of aaored orator;. It renwined to be oonaidered who ahould take tiie place of Lwiatbenes. The choice,we find, was left without dispute to Athens. It seems idmost incredible that an; should have thought of PhocioD ; yet we are informed that there was a strong disposition lo appoint him. His political opponents dreaded, with reason, to see "ucb a trust committed to a man who avowed "neb sentiments. One of them ironically pro- leased thai, as an old (i'iend, he could not con- "ent to expose so precious a lifeto such a risk. Phocion disclaimed bis acquaintance, but thank- ed him for bis good offices. Anliphilus, ayoung man who had acquiredbighreputation for cour- age and militaryskill, received the command. pToaching for the relief of Antipalcr. Leonna- tns bad come down to lake puesession of his aatrapy, with instructions from Perdiceas to aid Euinenes in the conquest of Cappaducia -, tor it was known that Ariaraihes would mit be easilyoverpowered; and Antigonus was direct- -"" -3 co-operate with them lor that purpose. "--- r, had higheraims, and paid no at- He, howeve ] (D* Pnt, Am . II "1lItiol tention to the regent's orders. Tbe bopes of Eumenes, ibcrefoio. realed wholly on I"ooiia- tus, who, when he came to the Hellespuul, stiU professed his intention to undertake tlie expe- dition. But, if he was ever in earnest al"oul this enterprise, he was soon diverted from it bj other projects. He had entered into a secret correspondence wiib Olympias,who. bfiag ie open enmity with Antipatet, and very nuich dU- salialicd with tbe recent arrangements, desired lo form an alliance, through her daughter Cleo- patra, the widowed queen of Kpirus, with some one powerfulenough to protect her interesta. The history of such aegotiations is seldom ac- curately known ^ itonlyappearstbatLeounatus received a letter from Cleopatra, in whicb she promised him her band if be came to Pella ;* with a sufficient force, it must be supposed,to overpower Antipster, and to secure .tbe throne of Macedonia for himself. He was a man of sanguinetemper, as well as of towering ambi- tion, and eagerlygrasped at tbe o1T6r. Wbile he was occupied with this scheme, but was still believed to be preparing for tbe expedition againstAriaratbes, he received a message from Antipdier, now blocked up in Lamia, to implore his speediest succour, Antipater's eovoj had probably been chosen on account of bis personal enmity to Eumenes. It was Hecatseus, the ty- rant of Cardia,against whom Eumenes was known to have exerted all his influence with Alexander,though without eSoct ; and be waa empowered to o9et tbe hand of one of Antipa- ter's daughierst to Leonnatus. Eumenes en- deavoured lo dissuade Leonnatus from compli- ance with Ibis request ; and professed to con- sider his own life as in danger from tbe enmitj ofAaiipater andHecatcus, Leonnatus therr- '' - thought be might safely trust him with tbe Ini.,Bum.. I. If,BDiHTHniudisolNli^., i^p. Mmuwd. in hil HiUOTIFsf Utni^i (PkoUns, tM, k. u follow tliM h" wu mltukiii. Bat ntm* tb* pla^ t AooDTdiiif 10 Diodena (mJL.t HI, AslipBUr, bi K mc (i" HuMlniii, nut m mitlv, wt" hid i 18 FhtfgititUf "iUra" ri. in thfl bwl of on* of liii lUa^ten. Ud IH labMitnud ft.rrtiu'rf'PCiM'u. Bw'^ji i"n ID P^"lini(p. MHIIHil. thUlhc WriFi^riini lu .."Iiii liHl befljn hHn hrld Hnl bf CtiME, lod "fttrs Dtmiirhiu, 1. CnrmiUritii fini smbuay which Ijiih In "ptatimS. t.,1Icoiiim fjoiia^jil. ii" irfii i BATTLE WITH LE ON NATUS." NAVAL WAR. "ecret, let him see Cleopitra'Bletters, and as- tured him thai bis intentions were nothing lesa iban friendly to Antipater. But Ibe project did not at all suit the views of Eumenes. who aaiv Ibal he should probably foifeit his satiapy with Ihe patronage of Perdiccas ; and fell no confi- ilenee in the impetuous character of Leonnatus. He, therefore, made bis escape by night, ac- companied only by 300 horse and 200 anned slates, wiih his treasure, which amounted to 5000 talents, and fled to Perdiccas, whose fa- vour be aecured by this proof of fidelity. Leonnaiua bad now no choicp lefl. It was in Macedonia alone that be could hope to establish hnnsell'. But it seems that he thought it ne- cessary for his own sake firstto quell the insur- lectiuti of the Greeks, and then to rid himself of Antipaler. He therefore crossed over to Europe, and marcbed towards the theatre of war. In Macedonia he added a largebody of troops to his army, which then numbered no less than 20,000 foot and 2500 horse. When Anlipbilns heard of the approach of this formi- dable force,be_ immediatelyperceived tbal the siege must be raised ; and he seems to have taken his measures with great Judgment and energy. He fired his camp, sent the baggage and all his useless people to Meliliea,a town on the Enipeus, which lay near his road, and hiniself, crossing the chain of Othrya, advanced with his unencumbered troc^s to meet Leon- natus, before he-could be joinedby Aniipater. Since the beginning of the siege of Lamia, the army of the allies had been much weakened through some of those causes which commonly paralyze the movements of such confederacies. Before the death of Leoslhenes, the ^tiiliana had obtained leave from him to return home for a time, on aome plea, which Diodorus only de- scribes by the vagueexpression mUional affairs' We are left entirely to conjecture as to ita na- ture and urgency ; but the lerfn seems equally lo exclude the supposition of a festival.tand of a hostile inroad,:twhich might otherwise have been probable motives ; whtle il perfectly suits the occasion of an assembly held for the elec- tion of magistrates, and the ttansaction of other publicbusiness.^ There is no reason to sus- pect the ."tol]ans either of lukewarmnesa or jealousy. Leostbenea himself may have be- lieved that they might be spared for a time, as the blockade conld be carried on without them. But he was also compelled to aUow many of his other troops to withdraw. They too had, if not publicbuaineas,private concerns lo call them home, and they willingly believed thai the end of the contest was alreadysecured, and could not be endangered by their absence Whether any others arrived from Peloponnesus to supply their place, does not appear ; but the army which Aniiphilus led into Thessaly was still superior,by 2000 foot and 1000 horse, lo that of Leonnalua. The part of Thessaly where the two armies p-s. '''" (N"ch III., 13. met is not mentioned ; it Is only described aa a plain skirted by hills, and containingsome marshy ground. It must have been thai which is crossed by the high road from Macedonia, between the Peneus and the Enlpcus. The strength of the Greeks lay in their cavitlry, which included 2000 Thessalians, the finest troops of the kind then tu be foand. Leonna- tus, however, whose gallantry la better attested than his judgment, did not hesitate to engagn them with his Macedonian horse, which, in deed, was more numerous than the Theasaliane alone,and may have been so much superior in his opinion to that uf the other Greeks, as to render the inequality but trifling. He placed himself St its head, and charged wiUi his wont- ed valour ; but, sAer a sharpcombat, his troops were broken and put lo flight, and driven into the marsh, where he himself fell, pierced with many woonds. His body was rescued, and car- ried to the camp. The infantry on both sides appear to have taken no part in the action ; bat when the victoryvxs decided,and I.,eonnatu8 had fallen,the cnmrnandp-- of the phalanx judged it prudent to decline a battle,and drew off hia troops to the higherground, where they would bi! safe from the attacks of the cavalry. The Thessalians made some fruitleaa attempts to disturb them : but the Greeks remaioed mas- ters of the field, and erected their trophy; Ihe third which they h"d won since the beginning of the war. To Antipater,however, the loss which he solTered through the defeat of Leonnatus was "more than compensated by the advantage he gained from the death of a formidable rival,* though he may not have known the whole ex- lent of his danger. He had followed the march of the Greeks, and,it seems, was at no great dis- tance when the battle look place; for the next day he effected a junction with the army of Le- onnatus, which Immediatelyaclcnowledged hin as ita chief. He now saw himself at the head of a foree before which the allies, hut for the superiority of their cavalry, would not have been able to stand. Still, such was the terror inspiredby the Thessalian horse, that he did not venture to descend into the plain ; and he had probablyalready received intelligence of the approach of CrateiTW. He therefore ad- vanced along the higherground on the skirts of the plain towards the borders of Macedonia, t Antlphilua and Meno could only walch hia move- ments, and made rto attempt to obstruct tbero, but remained in the central vale of Thessaly. In the mean while the Athenians, who bad undertaken the whole burden of the war on the sea, had been defeated on what they were used to consider as their own element. Diodorus has probably confounded several things In his , brief account of Ibis naval war. If we may ' trust him, the Macedonian fleet had been rais- ed, by some re-en foreemcnt of which he gives no account, lo 840 sail; the precise number which was lo have been equippedby the Athe- niatia,according to their decree ; while the fleet with which they finally put to sea consisted of no more than ITO galleys. The part of this " Ss jQtUis,nil., S, IS, Ancipiur . " . nont Ltounui liMiiui "" : iniijjpo 111 BmDlimi tublnHiin, ot Tim oius m- fflSTOEY OF GREECE. MateUMnt wfaich Telates to the Maeedoniaas ia cettainl]' very ampiciona.' Bot when we re- member Um "trength of the naval armaments which had been eent out by tbe Atheoians da- ring the PelopoDDesJaDwar, tbo efibrt whioti they made on this oocaaioB appears, even ao- eoidinf to thii aoeonnt, very gieat. And yet the manner in which Diodoiua ezprewe* him- "eir raiaee a anafiieion that the decree may have be"n carried into ftall eflbct. The Maee- (tontiUH, he eaye, being maaters of the eea, the Atlienians, in ajldition to the ^eya which they bad before, fitted oat others,so ttiatin all they amounted to 170. And he then retatea that the Macedonian admiral,Clitna, with his 340 sail,gainod two victonaa over the Atheni- ana, who were commanded by Eetion, and de- stroyed a great number of Ibeir ataipe. The scene of both Uieie aea-figfats is laid by Diodo- lUB near the Ecliinadea, t^t is, off the coast of Italia. But it is certain that one of them, at least, took place in the jEgeaiinear Amorgna, one of the Cycladea.t It aeems to have been . on this occaaion Uiat Stratocles had the impu- dence to amnse the people with false tidings of a treatvictory, and to say, when the truth was aseertained, that tbey owed him two daya of r^ joicing-IClitUB, according to Fiutarch, cele- brated the bdttle of Amorgua wiih extravagant vanity;assuming the name of Poseidon, and the trident. The victory, therefore, cannot have been so trifling as Plutarchhimself represents it :4 and we roay suspect that it was now the Athenians, having,by fresh exertions, collected 170 galleys,again sought the enemy, and suf- fered a second defeat, probably stillon the east- ern Hide of Greece,which, in so critical a pos- ture of affairs, the Maccdooian admiral is not likelyto have quitted for the coast of ^lEtolia.ll On every supposition the Athenians, in this pan of the contest, displayed a degree of spirit nod perseverance quiteworthy of their best times ; and tke few glimpses which we catch of their proceedings at home ^ow them, in a aimilar Ijght. it bad been with great difficulty that Phocion,as general, had restrained theoi tma an incursion into IkeoCia. He would not nndenake itwithout a levy of allthe men left wider M"ty. Soon after, when the Macedoni- * DlDTWB (Nt^lif- I n BIl I,.. A ^ ; .,.. H OmHrfa " 'w JmuiM*, ") rpteiHU ifitu. PcAui, ho flu Ally ftuBdUilin Tat lllilItari wu " atumT nr i irtiloliir.pi""wdhfn. ^ ' IftoynB (L.p, ea"otiMM " rtr* hoM, ud, I tbii BiiiaifiiiM that Cliioi,tfter hii "icurr nsu An " ans had become masten of the aea, a sqoadm was sent, with a strong body of troops, Mace- donians as well as mercenaries, under the com- mand of Micio,to invade Attica. He did not DOW refuse to aeoond Uia geneixl ardour, bitt led as Btrong a linve "" oould be mustered to meet the enemy, frtm bod landed on the easteni coast, not far from Marvthon, and waa overmn- ning the country. Fiutarch baa reported some pointedsayings of I^meion,aB delivered on thii occasion, which seem to show that there wm more leal than disciplineamon^ his troopi. When advice was obtruded on him, he re- marked, that there were many genmals, but few soldier*. Leosthenes and Antiphituswere, perhape, more fortunate in the men they com- manded i for we do not find that they hsd any canse to complain, or they may have been less addicted to sarcastic apeecfaea. But Phocioa himself cannot have been very ill served : At the enemy was defeated, and driren back to hi* ahipa with greatloaa, and Hicio was left among the alain. So that eren thia naTa] war, dioogti It probatdy inHittad a severe injoryon the Athe- nians, terminated in a manner which reminded them of better days. Not longafter, the aspect of aflSiirsin The*- salywas againchanged by the arrival of Crate- rus. He had brought, besides the velerani, 4000 heavy-armed, 1000 Persian bowmen and alingera, and 1600 cavalry. He prob^ly en- tered Theasalyby one of Uie weetem passes, as tillswas the direction which Antipaior had taken. When they had joined their forces, GraieruB resigned the supreme command to ba colleague.They then marched down into the plain, where the allies were poBled, and en- camped near the banks Af the Penens. The Macedonian army now amounted to between 40,000 and 60,000 heavy infantry, 3000 light troops, and 6000 cavalry. The Greeks were little more than half as numeroas ; lor the ^tolians had not returned to the camp, and few re-enforcements had arrived to make up for the deficiency.They hsd fought the laii time with 32,000 (bot : tbey had now S6,000. The cavalry,thoiigh now inferiorin nocnber to that of the erveray, was atilltheir main strenglb and their sole bope. Diodorus. very confosed- ly, mentions a apirit of insubordination whicli arose among them from the decrease of their numbers. We may easily believe that their commanders found it difficultto keep them to- geUier, after bo many desertioos, in the pres- ence of so formidable an enemy. It mast have seemed slmost intolerably batxl. that they were to fightat such reariiilodds in behalf of tboM who bad shamefully abandoned them. Hm (it- nation of the generals became every day niMe embarrassing. When Antipater drew out hi* forces to offbr battle, they declined it (or some days, still hoping that theymight be rejoined bj those who had left them, or might receive fierii succours, which had,no doubt, been eameslly solicited. But the approach of Cratenra liao probably induced all who were lukewarm or wavering lo regard the contest as hopeless. Xo re-enforcements arrired : and itbecame e'- ident to AnliphiluB and Meno that iheyronst hazard a battle,or soon be desfrted by the crealer part of their troopa, Meno still relied much, and not without reaaon, on his Tiessa- DISSOLUTION OP THE LEAGUE. 901 tim horse. They tborsfiireTeaolred to socept Aatipater'*challeogB. Tbe engagemeat took plaoe on the jiain o( Cnuinon,a littleto the west or the road between Ijarissa tod Fbarea- lOB,*not "T from the foot of a ittoKe of low hills which Btretch aeroBs from the Enipeoato the PeneoB. It began, as before, with the cai- alr7. fThat of the Hacedoniaiis was probably cooiinanded by CiBtems, but it waa stilluoable to cope with the Thesaaliana ; and the event of the day might have been similar to that in irtiieb ZjeoDiiaius fell, if the MaMdoniaiis had "MM aow had the advantage of two able and ex- perienced generals,.\ntipater, who was at the bead of the phalanx, when he saw hia hone giTiag way, fell upon the enemy's infantry. They ^ere quite onable to sustain the shock, byt still were so ablycommaitded, that they retreated in good order to the adjacenthigh grouiMl, and there took up a position from which the Macedonians vainlyattempted in dislodge them. ~We seem to collectfrom this fact, thai Al- exaoder was stillmore foitunate in his enemies than in his officers. But Meno, perceiving the letreal of his infantry, did not venture to pro- kiDg the combat, in which he was on the point of gaming a decided victory : be drew off his troops, and the Macedonians remained every- where masters of the Geld. The Greeks had not lost more than SOO men ;t but though the toss was trifling, it suit of a defeat ; and this, in sucb cea, was inevitably fatal to their cause. An- ti;riiilas and Meno conferred together on the courae now to be adopted; whether itwas bet- ter tc wait where they were, on the faiat hope of a rf'eiiforcentent, which might enable tbem ag"i:: to meet the enemy in the field, bat with gTSBt Uuzwi of fresh desertions j or should iaake "t-~'^ures to Antipater, while they were Mill at the bead of a formidable army. Diodo- iis iDtiioated ihaMheyieluctanlly yielded to the mergeocy .! they thought themselvea forced " negoliate.U."happi1y, in this fieldthe enemy hey had to deal wl^h was stillmore an over- natch tbi them than lu the other. Antipater at tace saw that an opportunity was presented to Mm of dissolving the confederacy without an- other blow. When tii^(-reek heralds came to him with proposaJs of ji-.a.ce, he declared tbat he woold enter into no treaty with the confed- eral?, but was vrilling to receive envoys from the alliedstales aeparate^. He knew Uiat this would be an irreaiKiible temptationto each to renounce the common cauaii, tbat it might make the better terms fur itsell. But to hasten their resolution, he and Cratarus laid siege to some of the Thessalian towns, among me rest to Pharsatus, which the allies 'vere compelled to abandon to their fate. This ["oof of weakness, and the danger which extorted it,overpowered allrehicUuce in the inferiorstates of the con- federacy. One after another sent its envoys to the Macedonian camp, and submitted to the terms dictated by Antipater, which were unex- pectedly mild. Their lenity attracted those who still hesitated, and in a abaii time ^ had Ufl down their arms. The two states which had excited and gni- ded the insurrection now remained exposed to the conqueror'svengeance, unable to aflhrd any help to one another ; unable, bad their forces been united, to offiir any resistance to him. Athena, as she had been first and last in the field, had reason to apprehend the first aUack, and the moat rigorous Iteaiment. Antipater ad- vanced from Thess^y into Bteotia, with the avowedobjectoflayingsiege to thecity;'and, as his fleetcommanded the sea, there speared no prospect of deliverance, or of relieffrom the miseries of a protracted blockade, except iti timely submission. The onlyhope of any lata milder than death or slavery rested on Antipa- ter's mercy ; but from a man who had boasted of his clemency, who bad Justexperienced Boeh vicLEsitudes of fortune, this was not an uniBft- sonable ground of confidence. Pbocion now had the melancholypleasure of exerting the in- Quence he had gainedby his ton" connexion witk the enemies of hia country in her behalf For the readiness he showed on this occasion, we may well forgive his gentlereproach, that ifshe had followed hia counsels, she would not have needed bia aid i aa,intruth, if^e had followed those of Lycidaa, in the Peraian wat',t she wouU not have become an object of envy and hatred, and would,perhaps, never have been subject to a Macedonian master. The honour of his me- diation be shared with Dcmades, to whom the eyes of allwere fir^tturned in this emergency. While the storm of war was rolling towards the frontiers of Attica, Demades sat aloof, like Acbilles, an unconcerned apectator,brooding over his dishonour, and could only be induced to interpose by entreatiesand gills. He was a disfranchised man, who had no right to offer his advice. But he was not inexorable ; and when his IVanchise was restored to him, proposed a decree, which was immediatelycarried, to send envoys, Phocion and himself in the number, with full powers to Antipater.They found tha Macedonian army encamped on the site of Thebea, and preparing to invade Attica. Pbs- cion's first requestwas, that Antipater would not move forward, but would conclude the trea" ty where he was. Cratems IhoQ|{fat that Pbo* cion asked too much, when he deairedthat thejr should spare their enemies, and continue to bur- den their friends. But Antipater, taking him by the hand,gently insisted; We mnat grant this favour to Phocion. He would not, howev^ er, listen even to Pbocion on any other pcrinl^ and would be satisfiedwithoothingbut absotnltt submission. The Athenians, he observed, had demanded no less from him when he aued fv peace. With thisanswer the envoys retnraedi niQnt",iii.,]i.989. "ra Ihu 300 wan AUunluu ; br that : ih"t Pintuiu. cii.,10,i, mnu ths p."T". u bm bMB mJiUd tnUa wilti% nflvlsnvip ofate- fiiie- ln\iLX.Or.Hto "lUr hf hud ukei FhtiKlni, tknat- Ijmuecturea. but reiktetin hia leic tiulUur AlbwuBBB whilfllu wuMiil nTkHnly-udl)"!' I1"" iimni tbnv i'I'.mMi, "Y, .l^^.-r.l.'" Itn'-wliii'ociur" nr IV WKiti*- .'i .,,ii.~i.-r^Mf fbiPCi^.SCaT.cogldlm*- ogle HISTORY or GREECE. Ilie people could not recede ; for thei^had no refuge. Another embassy was immedlateiy de- spatched, with Pliocion al its liead.but inclit- ding B neiv envoj, whoae character, it was hoped,might mttke a Tavoarable impression on Antipaler : the philosopherXenocrates, of wliom Plutarch sajs, that there wbb no degree of in- BOlence and cruelty ivhtcb would not, it was aupposed,giveway before his presence. An- tipater was neither insolent nor rrael ; but he i*as not a man lo give up a solid advantage for Ibe sake of a philosopbcT ; even ifhe bad not a pnvaie dislike to Xenocrates, and did not wish to show tus displeasure at the treatment of his friend Arislntle, who bad been forced to with- draw from Athens soon allerAleiander's death, on a charge of impiety, which was probably a pretext for ttiose who hated and feared him on account of his intimacy and correspondence with Anlipater;though itwould not fallow that there was any foundation for the story that Xenoc- rates was Aristotle's enemy, Antipaler, how- ever, is reported lo have behaved to him with studied rudeness, to have withheld from him the ordinary salutation with whicti he received tbe other envoys, and to have interrupted him so often in hia speech, as at last to compel him to desist,* Xenocrates is said to have observ- ed, that he considered it as an honour to be so treated byAntipater, when he was about to deal so harshly with Athens. The terms finally granted, on which the Athenians were to be ad- mitted into amity and alliance with Macedonia, were, that they should deliver np a number of their obnoxious orators,including Demosthenes and Hyperides ; that they should limit their franeluBC by a standard of property; that they should receive a garrison in Munychia, and pay B sum of money for the cost of the war. Xen- ocrates is said to have been tbe only person who murmured at these conditions, and to have remarked, that they were raildfor slaves, op- pressive for freemen. His colleagues professed to be delighted with their moderation ; only Irith regard to the garrison, Phoclon thought proper to intercede. But when Antipater ask- ed him whether he would engage for the observ- Bnce of the peace without it,he did not venture mpntjonej do other coodkCKm Hi Atbeoi,"ad thfet bn ihnnteaed Tenjeoim "f^'^*' ^^b ""!' immediately to rei^y. While he panscd, CaUim- cdon, the exile, started up, and said, " And if he should talk so idly, will you, Antipater, trust him, and change your purpooe V All the arti- cles were acceptedby the plenipotentiaries and ralLiied by the people: and boon alter the Ma- cedonian garrison marohed into Munychia, In setilo the inierprelalion of those which had not been precisely defined. It was remarked, as a contrast which aggra- vated the present misery and dejection, that the entrance of the foreigntroops took place on the day of the mystic procession to Eleusis; the same on which, according to the Atlic le- gend in the Persian war, when Attica was abandoned to the barbarians, the mystic sbont. raised by uoeartlily voices, had announced the approaching destruction of tbe invader. The presence of the Macedonian garrison, however. was chieflygalling, as it constantly reniiaded the people of its servitude. There was no rea- son immediately to apprehendany of the outnt- ges which Thebes had suflered, while it was occupiedby Philip's troops ; for the command at Munychia had been given to Menyllus, a man of humane disposition, and one of Phocion's friends, perhapsappomted at bis request. The clause in the treaty relating to the change which was to be made in tbe Constitution, had probably been expressed, al first, in general terms, and its import, or Antipaier'sdesign, only fixed when the time came to carry it into execution. If we might lay stress on the lan- guage in which Plutarch reports it,we should be led to conclude that the Athenians had been induced to expect a revival of the ancient Itm- ited democracy, perhaps as it existed in the time of Solon, by which the poorest wonid, in- deed, havB been excluded from several offices but not from the privileges which they exerci- sed in the assembly and the courts of justice. Hopeless as the condition of the peoplewas, it seems doubtful whether thoy woold have ratifi- ed the treaty if they had known beforehand how Antipaler understood it on this point,* The new regulation which he decreed sonnded very moderate, If not necessary or Just; but its practical effect was, that neariy two thirds of the citizens were disfranchised, and many liana- ported out of Greece. It provided that a qual- ification of SOOO drachmas should be required from every citizen, and ilus has been common- ly understood as the entire amount of propeTly of every kind to be possessed by each. If Ibis was the case, itremains an inexplicable myste- ry" one to which the great master of this sub- ject resigns himself as in despairt " that out of 21,000 persons then exercising tbe Iranchise, Ijft of X-nwrtlM withAi niipjwt ii buiF U Thi^lns. Diugonn nlxlii that Xinorntrt, ivh WH bovilrilby *nti|"lBI U" hi. labia,ud Kplifd In lb ""H" of UlyiiM to Cirto, which " nlmMd rtniipnln- Ihi rchy kj h covi'rninenl luunilcd on ilLt- . the qiimliaii"r"mi to imrty Ihst, - " " '" ' "Vi ftuihiH - lincliimi of pnpenj. T "|b"vu..lh" AlUu C . I Hi^/U no k^Mf ^""'il iT^alihn^MO^"'- 1 . chnnifi. Lrul of l3] eu one mjmpllh/ irilh tin AUwni- , |iiii lie- dniiwTHl b7 f"n"riliti(ninltugfeniimi. Hch ki L I ctptioD of iho aampllin oTlh* Athniu itils." ItHcnu , ^uite aa ponibls Eu fo beyondlh" traUi on thi" nt^eet u I t Bonlih, Stuuh., iv.,3. Cosipua Iv.,". THE CAPITULATION." PURSUIT OF THE ORATORS. no more than 9000 could be found possessing that earn, tl would follow that IS,000 were livingnearly in the condition of Lazzaroni ; for it appears that the intcrrat of SOOO drachmas, at the highestordinaryrale, would have been scarcely Buflicienl to purchase the mere neces- eariea of lifefor a man who had no family to support. We may, indeed, suppose, though no pause bas been assigned for the faet, that the distribution of property had become very une- qual at Athens, while its general amount had been much reduced. And yet, the accounts ire have remaining of the administration of Ly- curgus do not suggest the idea of generalpov- erty, but rather of growing prosperity. Since that lime to Alexander's death the state had enjoyed uninterrupted peace. The visions of Uocraies, who had represented the conquest of Persia as the beginning of a goldenage for Greece, had, in this respect, been fully realized. .\ part of the treasures of the Kast had, in fact, crossed the jflgean, and it might have been supposed that Athens would have shared this benefit, and still more, that which flowed from the increased activityimparted to commerce Sy Alexander's conquests. It is true that such diSiculties could not resist one well-allested fact. But the main fact un which the question hpre depends is not attested at all. Wo axe not informed how the Inquisition was made, nor what objects it Included " whether, for in- Tlance, it took account of the profits derived from any occupation which needed onlya very email capital " nor whether it related lo the i" hole or only a pari " that which was liable to '.aialion " of each ci'tizen's property. It has been thought,by a highauthority, a fatal objec- iii"nto this last supposition that, in this case, ihe standard of property would have been loo high ' But, at least, it would not have been 100 high for Anilpater's views ; and that which he is commonly believed to have estabJished would not even have answered the purpose which might have been thought the only rea- innable ground for the innovation : to provide ibateverj'one who retained the franchise should possess some independentmeans of decent sub- To the disfranchised citizens Antipater of- fered a town and districtin Thrace. We are not iDformed where it lay, but it may easily be supposed that it was not a maritime position, and therefore could not have been regarded as 3 desirable settlement. It does not appear that any were compelled to migrate; but the offer seems Id show that Antipater wished to re- move as many as he could withoul a display of force ; and the prospect at hiHne was gloomy enough lo induce many to embrace Ihia altema- tlce. A great number of a higher class wore formally banished. It speaks well for the 9000 who remained in possession of the franchise,that Antipater still thonght the garrison at Munycbia a necessary precaution; but if his onlyobject had been te- " BoicUi, ii.,3. t Dindonn (inii.,IS) lari thai tJitT"O nir^ttd. Ir t)u*hwJ bHB Uiv 4H, Ita*nSs 0ov"ofiiyuit waulil ba only tb" Dl"eikl tufntga. Bui jl " dav rrom Flalurb, Fhoc., curity, it might have been supposed that the presence of the troops would have been a sulE- cient prateeiion for those who were disposed for peace. At least, aller these measures there was left no plea of necessity to excuse his de- mand for the blood of the men who had guided the public counsels. Alexander,indeed,had called for such a sacrifice, but under very dif- ferent circumstances ; when il might have seemed requisite for his safety; it was the only one he asked ; and stillhe had been indu- ced to dispense with it. We can hardlyacquit Antipater of tlie charge of a cowardy revenge. If policyrequired that resistance to Macedonia should be treated as a crime,exile, when re- turn appeared so hopeless, might have seemed a sufficient punishment. And, from the man- ner in which the aenteocc was executed, it is but too clear that it was not merely a conces- sion which he made tu the rancour which his Athefiian hirelings bore to the sufierers, though it is likelyenough that Pytbeaa, and Callime- don. and Demades encouragedhim. in this in- stance loo, to adhere to his purpose. Il would have been pleasing to find that Pliocion had at- tempted to divert him from it ; especially if he himself had,on former occasions, been protect- ed bythe eloquence of Demosthenes. * In oth- er cases he procuredpardon for eonne who had been condemned lo banishment by Antipater, or prevailed on him to remit the severest part of the penalty, and lo let the exiles remain in Greece. It is plain, from tlieae instances, though they were not needed tu show it.what the real character of the new Cuostitution was; and we are Ihe less tempted to speculateon the meaning of Diodorus. when he says that the . 9000 were governed by the laws of Solon. It seems that Ihe contribution which had been mentioned in the treaty was not immediately exacted ; perhaps was purposely reserved at an additional security for their good behaviour. The question about Santos was referred to the king'scouncil,and, by order of Perdiccas, the Athenian colonists were soon after expelled from their possessions. The republic, it ap- pears, was also deprived of Lcnmus, Imbra^ and ScyruB. Demosthenes and his partners in misfortune had retired from the city before the Mace- donian garrisonarrived,yet hardly so soon as it was heard that Antipater was on his march against Athens ;+ for we are informed that when he demanded them, Uemocharea, the nephew of Demosthenes, made an eflbrt, more honourable to his feelings than his Judg- ment, to induce the people lu resist,and, to animate the speclatora, entered the assembly in armour. It is doubtful whether this was before the return of the second embassy ; but then Demades proposed a decree, which wa* passed as a part of Ihe treaty,condcnming Antipater'e victims to death. They had cer- tainly escaped before they could i" arrested under this decree ;t and their fiiat place of " So Nepga, PhscuB, ii.,1. Tm ihu ia nihn hud I* Mlaie. _ t Ai Plnlanli rcpmeiin, Flioc., M, ud DgmcMh., M. Thi" my miiii b" Unai Dnnsn't cmjKlnn. bat ansot, 1 Ibiok.ha adBiittedla "nilir"i(b lb" aIkiiiiiii1 IwTa """" 1 IlippunfmuArnubiFluXiiurp. W.b.}llutth" wen ulnulr In "pu whn tlw dun* "u pHHi HISTORY OF GRICECB. lefUs'! wQB jEfina, Here Hyperiiies, a man. certainly,according ta Ihe aceounla which have come clown to ua, not estim^le in his private ofaarar^ter, but one who had never descended to any political apoatacy, and who had never been pollutedby Macedonian gold,besought DemostheneB to forgive hii temporary es- traimc'ment, thus apparently acknowiedging the ii^jiistice of the charge he had hroughtagainst him, and look a last farewell of him. With them were Ariatonicue, and HimerEcns, also oneof the accusers of DemoBthenea, and broth- er (rf*DemelrioB the Phalerian, who waa des- tined soon to rise to a bad eminence in the hlElory of Atbens.* As the dangergrew more pressing, the friendB parted,seekingseparate asylumB. Aristonicus and Himereus took shel- ter in the "aceum. Kyperides, it seems, first "onghl refuge at the altar of Poseidon in the same island, but afterward passed over to Pel- oponnesus, and fled to the temple of Demeter at Hermiooe.f once deemed a shrine of awflil "anclity. Demosthenes chose the BBnctuary Of Poseidon in the isle of Calaurea,near Trce- "en. There remained no hope of safety for the fugitives but in the proteclion of the gods. But AntipBter had taken his measures to ren- der even this safeguard miav ailing. It was not in Athens alone that Antipaler parsned the friends of liberty to death. To carry out his pnrposc, he had engaged the ser- vices of a band of men, who, from their infa- moas occupation,acquired the titleof the Ex- TLE-HUNTERs. The leader of this pack was an Italian Greek of Thurii, named Archias. He had been a player, and afterward, it seems, had studied,perh^Hi practised, rhetoric ; but we find no trace that he was connected with any political party in Greece, where, indeed, as a fbreigner, he could scarcely have been admit- ted into one. He served probably for nothing but his hire ; yet he displayedas much seal in his eomraission as ifhe had been Instigated by privateenmity. He was attended on his cir- cuit by a gnard of Thracians, and, with their assistance,dragged most of the Athenian ex- iles, whom, as the piey for which his master most longed, he had undertaken to seixe him- self, fhim the altars to which he fonnd them clinging.Aristonicua, Himereus, and Hyper- ides were conveyed to Antipater, who waa then at Corinth or CleonR, and the first two, at least,were immediatelypat to death. Hy- peiides,according to the more authentic re- port,t was reserved to be executed in Mace- donia. But all seem to have agreed that Antipater was not satisfied with his blood, but ordered his tongue to be first cut out. and his remains to be cast to the dogs. His bones, however,were secretly rescued by one of his kinsmen, and carried to Athens, where they were buried in the grave of his fathers. DemoHthenes calmly awaited the coming of Archias in Uie temrie at Calaurea, well kiww- ing that he should not be sheltered by the sanctity of the place, nai prepared for hia end. t So Suidu, iHniiDiilTInltirinfimiiidtbu tiOrniPLo- tvrJi (Dtmnrih,,18]"ir tli" mttuiT uT ^1. X. Or,,n. MV, whgnnluniUinifrgnitliaiUIiKiiflht^. t OfHanDipiiai, Vit. Z. Or., f. U", B. He had dreamed, it is said, the night before that ho was contending with Archias in a tra gicpart; that the Judgment of the spectalan was in his favour, hut that he lost l^e prize, because he had not been furnished with the outward requisites of the exhibition : an apt illustration, at least, of his failure in the rod contest, which was the task of his life. When Archias came to the door of the temple with bis satelliles, he found Demosthenes seated. He, at "rBt, addressed him in language of friend- ly persuasion, to inveigle him out of his re- treat, and offered to intercede with Antipaler in his behalf. Demosthenes listened for a time in silence to his bland professions, but at lengthreplied: " Archias, you never won me by yonr acting, nor will you now by toot promisee." When the player found that he was detected, he flungaway the maak, and threatened in eamest. "Now," said Demos- thenes, " you speak from the Macedonian tripod; before yon were only acting: wait k litUe, tillI have written a letterto my triends St home." And he took a roll,as to write, and, as waa his wont when he waa engaged in composition,put the end of the reed to his mouth and bit it; he then covered his face with hia robe, and bowed tiishead. According to anmher report, he waa seen to take some- thing out of a piece of hnen, and pnt it into hia mouth : Ihe Thracians imagined that it was gold- In one way or other, he had swal- lowed a poison which he had kept for this use. When he had remained some time in this attitude, the barbarians,thinking that he was lingering throughfear,began to taunt him with cowardioe ; and Archias, going up to him, urged htm to rise, and repeated hia offers of mediation. Demosthenes now fett the poison in his veins : he uncovered his face,roae, and, fixing his eyes on the dissembler,said, " It is time for you, Arcliiaa, to finish the part of Creon, and to cast my body to the dogs. I qoitthy sanctuary, Poseidon, still breathing; thoogh Antipater and the Macedonians have not spared even it from pollution." So say- ing, he moved with faltering step towards tbs door, but had scarcelypassed the altar, when ho fellwiUi a groan, and breathed his last. His end would undoubtedly have been mors trulyheroic,though not m the sight of his own generation, if he hod braved the insults and torture which awaited him. But he most not be judged by a view of life which had never ' been presented to him : according to his own, it must have seemed base to submit to the en- emy whom he had hitlierto defied, for the sake of a few days more of ignominious wrclched- neas. .\nd even on the principles of a higher philosophy, he might think that the gods, who were not able to protect him, had "scbarged him from their service, and permitted him to withdraw from a post which be could no longer defend. The ancients saw the finger of Heav- en in the fate of the vile instruments of bis destniclton. That of Demades will be after- ward related : Archias ended his days in ex- treme indigence, under the weight of universal contempt. It was later before Athens was permitted to do justice to the services of bei great cititen, who, indeed, had never lost btf esteem. The time M lengthcsme whei. hv ANTIPATER IN ^TOLU." END OF THE WAK/ Dsi^ew Demochares might aafel; propose a decree, by which the honoui^ftbe prytaneum, and of the foremost seal at publicspectacles, ytere granted to hia descendants, and a bronae statue was erected in the agora to himself. It bore an inscription, coTTespondiag in its import to the dream wbidi be was eaid to have had at Calauiea. Had but the tlrmfiA of t\yarm, Demoathenet, equalUd Iky ipini, nmer teouid Grtecc havt n,nk mtda tlit fotrigner'tyoke. The statue itself was believed, in Ptutaich's time, to bare confirmed the generalperauRsion of tua innocence as to the onlycharge which ever threw a shade on the purity of his politi- cal cbaracter,* The honours paid to his mem- ory were not confined to Athens. A monument was erected to him in the sanctuary where he died 1 and both at Calaurea, and in other parts "f Greece, he continned, down to the age of Hadrian, and probably as long as the memory of the past surrived there, to receive maru of publicTereieoce approaching to Uie worship of a bero.f We are not informed bow far Antipater ad- vanced into FeloponaeBUB. At Corinth, it is not improbable that be may have assembled the mock congress, and again have used its name in the title of his despotic edicts. His presence was not needed to enforce submiasion to his pleaoure. Alter he had sated his vengeance, and struck the disaffected with awe, he retum- ed to Macedonia, accompanied by Cracerus, whose friendship he secured, against the Ju- trigues of Oljmpias and liisother enemies, by the hand of his daughter,Phila,the most amia- ble and estimable person of his family. But very soon after the ouptials, as the year was now verging to a close, the two chiefs set out on an expeditionagainst the ."tolians, the only state of the late confederacy which bad not submitted to the conqueror. Tbe army witb which he invaded ."toUa consisted of 30,000 foot and 3500 horse ; an irresistible force, the utmost eflbrts of the ."tohans could only raise 10,000 men, at least of heavy infantry, for the defence of tbeir hearths. But they were mountaineers, not wanting in self-coniideDce " there was, indeed, rather too much of a Bis- cayan vein in their character " and they relied BtiU more, and with better reason, on the dbU- ral barriera and fastnesses by which their rug- ged country seemed to be formed for a home of liberty.They made no attempt to propitiate the invader, thonghwholly unable to withstand him in the field. In this sense of security we probablyperceive the main cause which led Uiem to abandon theirallies in the latter part of the war. They now forsook all their towns in the open country, and transported theirfamihes and moveable property from alt quarters to the unpregnablestrongholds which crowned the summits of their highest hills. The Mace- doniaDs made some attempts to storm these fortresses, but they had do .Alexander at their head,and theywere everywhere' repulsed with great loss. But a more terrible danger threat- ened the .fiolians. They had.expect^ that ryof A" (oM i7u~nitei,PUn.. N. H-j the enemy would withdraw befere wintar, whioh in tbeir highlands is often very rigoroua, had set in. But the Macedonian generals,though not men of impetuous energy, were not to be diverted from their purposes by such difficulties, from wtiicb, in laot, the enemy had more to fear than they. Antipater, it seems, relumed to Macedonia, where his presence might be neces- sary to watch the turn of aflalrsin Asia, and even to secure himself against the royalfsmily j but CrateruB remained, with the greaterpart of the army, io ."tolia, and order^ his men to prepare for a winter in the field. Amid "ort and snow, he continued in his position at tha foot of tbe hills on which the enemy had taken refuge. Cut off from all supplies, and even des- titute of fnel,they soon beganto experience tlie sharpestgripe of cold and hunger. A miser- able deauiseemed their inevitable lot, unleu they either descended fiom their belgbts and . jpted saoh terms of peace as the viadiotive and irritatedfoe mi^t be wining to grant YM from this strait they were extricated^^^ tbe Athenians might,peiiiaps, have been, if tbey had stood a siege* " \n the turn whic^ aflaiiB were taking in Asia. The events to which they owed their deliverance will be related in the next chapter. Antipater found it neceaaary to withdraw bis troops from ."tolia, that he mi^it employ them against a more formidable enemy- The jt;to1ians were probablysurprised at Xia moderation which he showed in the conditions of peace unexpectedly offered to them) and, perhaps,through ignorance of the cause, lostan opportunity of vengeance, which they might have inflictedon his retreating host. They werB left, it seems, in completeindependence.Antip- ater and Cralerus were probably the more liberal in their offers, because they had secret- ly agreed)as soon as they should have the means, to transport the whole "toIiaD nation into a remote region of Asja.t Such a measnre would certainly have been in the spirit, it m^ even have been in the letter, of A' poBtbmnous commentaries. CHAPTER LTD. Wi must now resome the nanative which we dropped at tbe partition of the emjnre, and distribution of the provinces that immsdisle- ly followed Alexander's death, and relate the events which led to the residi mentioned at tbe close of tbe precedingchapter, and were prsf- nant with other more naomentous conseqnenoea. One of the firstoccurrences whioh maned the sdministration of Perdicoas aftei he had estab- lished himself in the regency, was a wound which he inflictedon Greece m a distant corner of Asia : a triumph of the Maoedcmian anas, memorable rather because it prsvenled than b"- cause it produced an important change in the course of affairs, but whioh serves Io Qlnatrate his character,as well as the footing on wbiob be HISTORY OP GREECE. Btood. Wbile the Btnifgle which wo have seen brought lo'Bucti B dlBastroiu iasuc was just be- gianiag ia Greece, and the stales which took part in it could with difficully raise a force suf- licient to maintain it,a body of Greeks,who, if they had been present in their native land, would probably have thrown their whole weight into the same scale, and might have turned it decisively on the side of freedom, was sudden- ly swept from the earth. The Greek colonials whom Alexander bad planted in the new cities which he founded in the eaatem satrapiea, bad only been detained by fear diLring his life in what they considered as a miserable exile. None, probably, of the Greek adventurers who Bought their fortune in Aleiaqder'a wars, had anjotherthought than to return aa Boon as they could, with their earnings and plunder, to settle in Greece. None, assuredly, could have been induced by anything but compulsion to lix their abode on the banks of the laxartes, or in the highvalteyB of the Paropamisus, or on the skirls of the Persian deserts. None could have con- sented to renounce their liberty for life, and to condemn themselves to perpetaal banishment. Even before Alexander's death, some had be- trayed the feelings which, as afterward appear- ed, animated them all. We have already noticed a revolt which broke out in Baciria, on the false rumour occasioned probablyby the wound he received in Muttan. It is from Curtius alone that we learn any of the details, and his narra- tive is not quite clear. He represents the in- surrection as arising out of a sedition, for which he assigns no cause, but in which blood was shed, and which urged them,tbrongh fear of punishment, to open rebellion. But he also mentions that tbeir leader,Athenodorus. though he assumed tbo titleof king, had no other mo- tive than the desire of returning to his country. The mutineers, if theyought to be su called " for their end seema lo have been only to exer- cise an indisputableright " made themselves masters of the citadel at Baciria, and drew a part of the native population into the revolt. AUienodoms was nuidered by one of his offi- cers, who aspired to the command, and who, after some scenes of military tumult, led a body of 8000 out of Bactria, and marched towards Europe. Curtius eays that he reached home with them; and il is possible that they were BOwngtbetroopacollectedbyLeostbeDes.Sut, from the language of Uiodorus,' it seems more probable that they wandered about in the East, untilAlexander's death became the aignal for a general insurrection among their countrymen, who had been unpatiently suffering a like con- finement. As the intelligence spread from one colony to another, a concert was formed among those who longed for freedom ; they at length united their forces, and elected Fhilo, an .^nianian, for tbeir leader. Their numbers amounted to more than 30,000 foot and 3000 horse ; an army mnch larger than Antipaler. aa we have seen, was able to bringagainst the allies at the be- ginning of the Lamian war : all men inured to araiB by long service in Alexander's cam. paigns, Perdiccas was justlyalarmed at tbe tidings of this movement, and yet had no foroe which he could inuoediately dispose of auffl- " iviiL,7. cient to suppress it. He could onlyspare 30OO foot and SOO horsBt at least of bis Macedonians, who were draughtedby lot from his army r these, according to Diodorus,by their own choice, be placed under the command of Pithon. who eagerly coveted the commission which lie saw might enable him to make himself inde- pendent of the regent, Perdiccas suspected ' his views, and met them with a sanguinary precaution ; be ordered that no quarter should he given to the insurgents, and that the spoil should be abandoned to his troops. With Pithon he sent instructionsto the satraps of the east- ern provinces to fumiaU bim with 10,000 foot and SOOO horse. With these forces Pithon marched against the insurgents ; but, before an engagement look place, he found means to cor- rupt one of (heir ohieis, an jf^nianiaD. named Lipodorus, who commanded a division of 3000 loea. During the action,at a critical moment, the traitor dr^w off his whole brigade to an ad- jacent height; his dieseition created a panic among tbe rest, and the Macedonians remained masters of the field, Pithon now thought that the season had arrived for [he accomplishment of his privatedesign, which was to draw the- Greeka by gentle treatment into his own ser- vice ; he invited them to lay down their arms, under the most solemn assurances tliat thej should be permitted to return in safety to their several settlements ; but when, on the fhiUi of bis oath,tliey had placed themselves in his pow - er, the Macedonians,encouragedby the order of Perdiccas, and greedy of the promisedapoil, fell upon (hem by surprise and butchered them all. No acts of a brutal soldiery can excite sur- prise, hardlyindignation : the whole guilt of this atrocious massacre rests with Perdiccas, who bad contrived il in cold blood,* Pithoir returned to him,deeplydisappointed, hut dis- sembhng his resentment. It was not rery long" before the hour of retribution came. About the same time that Antipater waa ex- tricated from his dangerousposition at I..aniia by Leonnatus,Perdiccas,accompanied by the titular sovereign, set out on his march to Asia Minor, His Unit objectwas to establish Eo- menea in his satrapy, Artaraihes had collect- ed an army of natives and foreignauxiliaries, amounting m allto 30,000 foot and 16,000 horse. But one so composed could not withstand troop* like those of Perdiccas, Ariarathes was de- feated and taken prisoner, with his whole "m- ily. The rathless conqueror ordered them all to be put to a cruel and ignominious death : ib was indeed that which Alexander had inflicted on Musicanns ; but in that case the harbaritv was in some degree palliatedby the revolt which provokedit, and by the policy of a leni* ble warning, Eumenes then received qnieb possession of Cappadocia, but stillcontinued t" accompany bis patron. Perdiccas next manned- into Fisidia en another bloodybusiness, for which, indeed, he had a fairer plea, but which stillafforded fresh indications uf bis ferocioos MOVEMENTS OF PERDIOC AS. "PTOLEMY. 897 nature. Balac"r, who had been appointedby .Uexander general and satrap, lo aubdue and govern the province, had been killed by Ihe na- tirea :" Whether in the firal struggle for free- dom, or in a subsequenl inanrrection, does not appear, t A severe pun ishrnent might be necea- sarj. Perdiccas decreed that none aboutiJ auf- 6ce but the utter destruction of iwn cities, I-a- landa and Isaura, which had the chief share in Ihe reaistance to Balacer. Laranda wasstorm- ed, aJI the men put to the sword, their families reduced to slavery, and the town razed to the ground. Isaura,a alrong'. large, and opulent city, made a more vigorous defence. For two days its hardypopulation, with a great sacrifice of life, repelled ihe assaults of the besiegers ; but on the third day the Isaurians found their numbers so much reduced,that,seeing them- selves unable t" hold out much longer, and tnowing what they had to expect from the mercy of Perdiccaa,they resolved on a deed shich might have been called barbarous, ifthat epithet did not more properlybelong to their enemy : they shut up their wives and children, set fire to their houses, and threw all the treas- ure tliey could collect into the flames. At the sight of the conflagraiton Perdiccas renewed the assault,expecting little resistance, and was iurprised to find the walls defended with the same spirit as before, while the city was bum- iug After they had once more forced the en- emy to retire, the Isaurians threw themselves into the flames which had consumed all that naa dear to them. The Macedonians entered the next day, and found only a mass of smo- king ruins ; but, when they had quenched the fire, were slillable to rake out a rich booty of yuldand silver. From Pisidia Perdiccas marched, it appears, mio Cilicia, where he was at a nearlyequal didiance from the points on which his attention na^ now chiefly bent ; white he remained here, he sent Eumenes, nominally to his own satra- py, but on a mission reallyconcerning the bor- dering province of .Armenia, where Neoptole- aiiis, a man of high birth and rank, who was ei- ther satrap, or held a military command there, seemed to be endeavouring to make himself in- dependent ; he was not, hovyever, prepared for resistance, and quietiy submitted to Eumenes, who hunnoured his arrogance and vanity with great address. On this occasion, Eumenes be- sm to discover that he could not safelyrely on tiisMacedonian troops,who, proud and intracta- ble towards their own generals, were peculiar- ly impatient of obedience to a forejgncllief ; he therefore determined to raise a body of cav- alry in his own province, and in a short time, br the promise of extraordinary privileges, col- lected 6300 volunteers, and broughtthem, by sedulous training and the spur of emulation,into such condition as to extort the admiration of Ihe Macedonians themselves. I Perdiccas having thus settled the more ur- gent atfairs of the empire, was at foU leisure to directbis undivided attention to his private in- terests. He could not feel himself secure, stiU less see his way open to the great end of his alki of ihs iwMHit; Vol.*?!." P%' riCtoT ambition, while he was Borroonded by so many powerful rivals. There were two who had al,- ready shown that they were not disposed to submit to him, "ven in his character of regent. Antigonus, as we have seen, had disregarded his orden in the ease of EuneDes ; and Ptol. emy had given more than one indication of the light in which be viewed bis satrapy,or, rather, had taken several atepe U) erect it into au in- dependent and powerfulkingdom. One of the firstacts of his gOTenuoeot was to put to desth Cleomenes, wbo had, indeed, deserved this punishment tothi* rapacity and tyraany, but sufTered it because Ptolemy considered him as a creature of Perdiccas.* The fruits of the ex. tortion which Cleomenes had prsctised with extraordinary ingenuity for many yeara fellinto Ptolemy's bands. They amounted to BOOO tal" ents,t and enabled him to collect a strongarmy of mercenaries,as well as to gainmany friends by his mnnificence. The current story of his illegitimate birth was continued by the royal liberality of his nature, which delighted in acta of bonnty; and a saying is attributed to him, worthy of Alexander : Chat it was better to make rich than to he rich.t He had not been long in possession of Egypt before an opportu- nity offered itself, which he readilyseised,to msjie another most importantacquisition. We have seen that Harpalus was asaasainated id Crete by one of bis officers named Thimbron, who thus became master of his treasure and his troops. With these he crossed over to Africa, emhraoed the cause of a party which had been exiled from Cyrene, and made war with the city. Alter many vicissitudes of for- tune, he seemed at last to be on the point of attaining his object. He defeated the Cyrenn- ans m battle,cut ofl"their communication with their port, and reduced them to great distress. The scarcity gave nse to a sedition, m whi"di moat of the wealthy citizens were expelled. They, perhaps,belonged to the party which ' Thimbron profeaeed to befriend ; for some sought his protection.Others, perhaps, dis- I trasting the reckless adventurer, appliedto I Ptolemy for aid. Ptolemy sent them back, with a squadron of ships and a strongbody of troops, under the commsnd of Ophelias. On their ar- rival, the exiles in Thimbron's camp attempted to join them in the night, but were detected and cut to pieces; while the party in the city,to save themselves from their countrymen, enter- ed into alliance with Thimbron. But he was defeated and taken prisonerby OpheUas, and given Dp to the vengeance of the inhabitants of Teucheira,whose tovm he had taken during the war. Most of the Cyrenaic cities now sub- mitted to Oi^iellas ; but fresh disturbances which ensued induced Ptolemy to make an expedition in person to Cyrene. His measures established perfecttranquillity, and he might now consider this rich country as a provinoe of Egypt. In another transaction of less moment be had come more directly into collision with Per- diccas, and had stillmore plainly disclosed his Iaspiring;n"tension8. It had been resolved in ' "~ B oouncU of Babylon, as has been mentioned. transport Alexander's remains to jGgc { and. L-"^^ .. V.H.,iii t Duidmu,iT HISTORY OF GBEECe. e of the prepmtion* and with the ramnuiid of the eaocnt. It majr be nupected that thi* anrangtment had been coa- trived by Ptolemy ; tm Arridmu was his friend, mnd it enabled hunbotii ta coi"eea)h^ puipou aa long aa waa needfiil, and then eaail; to effect it. Ilie Amenl eai wu a woaderful ditpUy ot art and magnifieepee,gUtteiingftma Ihe vaulted roof to the vheela with onamaiite of masMTB gold, and of tbe wwt elabonte woA- manahip. It waa drawn by eighty-four mulea, and more than a year wu occupied in the jooi- ney from BabyloD to Syria. At Damaacua, it qtpeara that a contest aroee between AnidEtw ud PoletHo,an ofioer in the Mvriee of Per- diccH, about the place of deatination. with great diffioolty, and, acoording i aooonnte, onh by loree of arma, that Arnd"a* waa able to keqi poneaaioii of hia charge.* He may hare been aided by Ptolemy, who ii said to hare advanced ae ftr as Syria with hia army to meet the venerable relics.t They were first earned to Hempbis, and then to AlesandriaJ where they were Anallydeposit- ed in a cemetery wiUiin the precdneta of the palae", wliieta was aAerwaid the burial-place There could be no peace between Perdiccas and a man who showed himself ea fit for a throne, and ao detennined and able to monnt it. Both had long foreseen that their relative positions oonld only be determined by s war, and both had been endeavouring to fortify themselves by alliances,partioolsrly with An- ttpater.Per^ccas, itis said, before he felt him- self estaUisbed in the regency, had solicited the hand of Antqtater'sdangUer, Niewa : the tDaniage tre"^ was ooBoluaed,and, when he osme down into Asia Minor, NicBa waa sent tomeethim.^ But, in the mean while,a change had taken place in hia prospects ; they reaidied to the throne of Macedcnia, and lo Alexander's whole empire,now dmred between a simpleton and an infant, who might be easily removed. Antipeter's alliaBoe mi^trather obstruct than promote his deMgna, while a connexion with , . __, srecently fbnned between Antipater and Craienia raoba- Uy strengthened his resohition. He had made pnqwSals for Clec^iatra'a band to Otympias, ^o had been forced to retireinto Epirus, but waa eager (o return and revenge heraelf on Antipater. She was do lees wil^ to grant it to Perdiccas than to Leomutus, and sent the lirincesB over to Aaia to accelerate the nego- tialion.ll Perdiccas now deliberated with his brother Alcetas and Eomenee which he should accept. Alcetas was fearfulof a rapture with Antipater, and advised his brother to fulfilhis engagement with NicKa. Enmenes, who dread- ed a coalitionbetween Antipater and Perdlccaf, to which he might himself be sacrificed, took the other tide. Perdiccaa,however, chose a middle couree, best suited to liisbeartless snd lailhleaa nature : he resolved to give bis hai)d Id Nicsa, but to keep up a correspondf^nce with Cleopatra, and to discard her rival as soon a" it was safe lo drop the mask of friendship with Antipater, In the mean while he made another sacrifice nut less grateful to her and to Olympiaa, who hated with all her soul eveij Oiember of Phillip's family,except her own children. Cynan^,Philip's daughter, whom he had married to hia nephew Amyntaa, had re- fused, since hia death,to accept the hand of an- other, and bad lived In retirement,occupied with (he education of her onlychild,Adea, or, as she was afterward called,EorydiM. She waa herself a woman of masculine character and hahita, delighting in campe and battle-fields, irtiMe abe sometimes gave proof of her prow- MS. She had aoqnired this taste (torn ber mother, the IDynan piinceasAodata, who seems only to tuve foUowed the customa of her country, when elw trained her daushtcr to martial exeroiseB ; and she educated Eurydiee in bka manner.* Eniydice was now of mar- liageaUe age; and Cynanl resolved to unite her to the young king. She entered into no previous n^^iations " which, Indeed, would have been unpracticable, since the meaatire I equallyopposed to the interests of Anlipa- and of Perdiccas " but,relyingentirelyon her personalinfiuence, determiited to pass over into Asia, collected a sufficient guard to force her way through B bodyoftroope whom Antip- ater had sent to intercept her at the crossing of IheStiymon, and arrived safelyon the other aide of the Hellcspoot. She waa proceeding, it appeuB, towards the camp of Perdiccas,in the hope of gaining his army to her cause, when '' ~ sent Aicetaa, with a dlviaion of bis forces, stopher, and put her to death.t She was taken prisoner, but not daunted by the sight of the armed host which soirounded her ; and she bohllyreproached Alcetas with his ingratitude. t Bj Phitiidalpbiii, if t^im wrilflTOoolvdiBf Stntn u la Ptisiiii, p. TO,a. The MaMdoniaae were moved with compassion and respect for Philip'sdaughter ; but their fierceleader, insensible both to pity and ahaine, executed his brother's orders. Eurydiee was spared ; for itwould not have been safe to de- stroy her^ the sympathy of the Macedonians had been too strongly excited on behalf of her mother ; and Perdiocas, to stilltheir murmtin, and make her subservient to his ends,consent- 1 to marry her to the yoimg king. Ho. had now, he believed, secured Antipa- r's acquiescence, and bad only to rid himself of Antigonus, and to crush Plolemy, Anti^ nue be hoped to eusuare, and gentlyoomplam- ing of bis insubordination, summoned him to give an account of bis conduct before an im- partial tribunal. But AntiKOnus was aware of bis designsagainst himsellTand of his intrigues with Cleopatra. He met his artifices with pol- itic dissimalation, and publiclyprofessed him- self ready to answer any charges that might be broughtagainsthim, while he secretly maile preparations for flight. With his young son Demetrius, he embarked in some of the Attic Ships which bad been brought into one of the OPERATIONS OF EUMENES. 909 Ionian porta, and crossed over to Europe seek Afltipater. Prom hjm Antipater learned the treachery of Perdiccas, and the danger with which he himself was threatened. This was the motive which induced him to make peace with the ^tobans, that he might direct his ama againsl the more formidable enemy in Asia. At the same time, he sent envcTS to Ptolemy to renew their ancient friendship, and to contract a closer alhanc" against their com- mon foe, which was to be cemented with the hand of Anlipater'sdaughterGurydice. The flight of Antigonua convinced Perdiccas that he must prepare for immediate war with Aotipater. and he now "ent Eomenes to Sardis with presents for Cleopatra, and a message that he had resolved to send Nicsa back to her father, and to gne his hand to the prin- eess. Menander. the satrap of Lydis, who appears to haTe been secretly dji^ected to P"dicces, conveyed intelligence of this trans- action to AntigonUB. It confirmed the tmth of his report, and added an impulse of personal TeaentmenI to Antip^ter's jealousy of his pow- erful rival. Perdiccas soon heard of his prepar- ations, and found that he most now decide whether he would march in person against Antipaler, or againstPtolemy,for it had be- come necessai7 to wage war with both at the same time. He held a council in Cihcia on this momentous question, in which the argu- ments on each side were maturely disccssed. There was, on the one hand, the advantage which might be derived (rom the influence of Olympias and the royalname, if the war were carried into Macedonia ; on the other, the fear that, in the mean while. Ptolemy might make himself master of Western Asia,* Perdiccas determined to attack Ptolemy first, and to commit the defence of Asia to i^nmenee. His motive for this choice may have been, that he considered Ptolemy as the more formidable enemy, and hoped that Antipatermight be de- tained in Europe, or prevented from making much progress, until the war should be termi- nated in Egypt- But it may also be suspected, that he did not feel secure as to the disposi- tion of his troops, and did not care to risk his own person against the reputation of Antipa- ter and the popularity of Craterus, until the additional force which he might acijuire by the conquest of Egypt should enable hmi to over- power all opposition. For the warwith Antip- ater and Craterus, his colleagues in the re- Sency, was likely to be viewed by the Mace- "niana in a very different light from one waged against a simplesatrap, who had diso- Iteyed the royal commands. It was a contest in which even the moat completesuccess, the destruction of his rivals, would be attended with much odium and danger. This danger was, for the present at least, shifted on Eume- nes, whose distrust of Antipater rendered him worthy of perfect confidence, and who had al- ready displayedmilitary talents not inferior to those of Perdiccas himself. Eumenes, there- fore, was invested with a command which, it "eema, extended over the whole of Asia Ml- Lor. AlcetBs and Neoptolemua were joined with him, but in an inferior rank. His in- 0 militaryoperationsappear to have left the management of the war entirely to his discretion, with the single limitation, that he was not to can? it over into Europe, but to resist, as he oould, the threatened in- The difficulties which Enmenes had to en- counter, after the departure ot Perdiccas, were even greater than the regent ooold easily have foreseen. It seemed as if he would hardly be able to retain any of hie forces about him. He had sent a detachineiit to Monre ibe passage of the Hellespont; but its commander was in- duced, by a message firom Antipater and Cra- terus, to allow tbem to land their forces with- out any obstmction, Alcetas declared that, knowii^ what he did of the temper of the Macedonians, their respect for Antipater, and love for Crateitis, he would not nndertake to lead them against the enemy, Neoptolerooa, who had always been jealous of Eumeses, and afibcted to consider hon as a mers man of let- ters, not fitto command sidiliers, entered into a secret correspondence with Antipater, Eo- menes himself was, at the same time,solicited by Antipater's envoys to betray his trust ; they urged him to be reconciled to Antipater, and not to draw tbe sword against his old friend Craterus \ they promised that he sbould not only retain the provincesassigned to him by Perdiccas. but should receive an addition of territory, and be placedat the head of a larger army. He answered that he would not lay aside his ancient enmity to Antipater at a time when he saw .Antipater breaking with his old friends ; that for Craterus, he was ready to his efforts to reconcQe him, on equitable IS, with Perdiccas ; but that he would re- sist their aggression, and would sacrifice his hfe rather than his honour. The treachery of NeoptolemuB did not longeaoape his vigilance ; and NeoptolemuB, finding himself delected, threw off the mask and drew up his troopa, who eagerly embraced his cause, to offer bat- ".n engagement took place, in which Eo* gained the victory; but he owed it en- tirely to his Cappadocianeavaliy, which turned the fortune of the day when it had been tieaiiy lost by the infantry. He made himself master of their camp, and compelled the Macedonian phalanx to lay down their arms and enter into his service. Neoptolemua himself escaped, and joined Antij^ter with about 300 horse. His report, notwithstanding bis defeat, was, on the whole, encouraging; for he declared his belief, that the mere sight of Cratenw would induce the Macedonians to come over a body. This confidence proved fa- tal both to Craterus and to himself Antipa- -, who was impatient to overtake Perdiocas, to unite his forces with Ptolemy,sent Cra- ..-us and Neoptolemos against Eumenea, while he himself pursued his march towards CUicia, Neoptolemus had not exagfferated the popn- larity of Craterus among the Macedonians. Eurnenes himself was so well aware of it,that, when he heard of their approach, he did not ire to disclose the truth even to his offi- hut gave out that Neoptolemus was com- iccompaniedby a general named Pigres, at"thehead of some Cappadocian and Paphla- gonianhorse. Unthemomingoftheday when HISTORY OF GREECE. M expected their appearance, lieendeavoured to cheer his men wilh the deacription of a dream, by which he professed to have received a clear intimatioo orTictor; the nighl before : an artifice, it seems, to which he resorted on other occasions, and which is related so as to tm^y.that he was well informed of all that passed in the enemy's camp,* Still, the great difficultj. which would have drlTen most other loen to despair,waa, how the presence of Cra- tetua could be eoncealed from hia army, when he atumld be MtnaUy Id their sight. Even for ftla porpoM, bowever, he deTised an expedi- ent, whkh was perfectly successfiil. He bar! learned befbrdiuid in which wing Craterus ooromanded, and on this aide he stationed two | teigades of earalry,composed of Thracians, i Paphlap"niana, and other barbarians, under the command of an Asiatic,named Phamaba- ns, and Phtenix, " Greek of Tenedos, who mvbably did not know Craterus by sight, lliese he ordered to charge, as soon as the enemy should appear, wilh the utmost vigour, so as to allow bim no time to wheel about, and not to listen to any parley if a herald should be sent towards them. His instruc- tions were obeyed. From the brow of an em- inence, which afforded the first view of the enemy, they poured down furiously to attack Craterus, He was astonished at the rapidity of the onset, began to believe that he had been deceived by Neoptolemus,yet bared his head, that he might be more easilyrecognised, wbile he advanced, with his wonted courage, to en- counter their charge. In the combat which ensued, after many feata of prowess, he was piercedthrough the side by a Thracian, and "onk (h"m his horse. For some time he lay unheeded in a lingeringagooy ; he was at leogthrecognisedby an officer of Eumenes. named Gorgias, who placeda guard round him to protect him. Meanwhile EumeneSi with a "elect escort of 300 horse, charged the ene- my's rightwing, where Neoptulemus bad posted hunself. As sooji as they perceived each other, they engaged, both thirsting for rereoge, in deadly conflict. 'When their hor- see met, they dropped the reins, seized each otiier'abauds, and fell struggling to the ground. Eumenee rose first,and twice woanded his adversary ; the second blow stretched him, seemingly lifeless,at his feet. The victor proceeded,according to the old savage cus- tom, to tear otC his armour ; but, as he bent over the body, Neoptolemus, collecting his failing streogth,pierced him in the groin;yet with a hand alreadyumierved, so that the wound did not prove fatal. Gumenes, though he had received three others in tbe atniggle, waa stillable to mouut his horse, and, after He had etripped hia alain enemy, rode off to- wards the other wing, ignorant of the event whiob had there decided the fortune of the iM^ in hia fovour. He now learned the fate of Craterus,was conducted to the place where he lay, aod found him still breathing, and in KMasion of his senses. He d!i(monnted from horse, took his dying friend tenderlyby the hand, and, with tears and bitter invectives "gainst the treachery of Neoptolemus,bewail- *HBt,KuM,t. ItwuidiiFUdlo(h"ueHr'"wuch- ed the hard destiny which had bronght him into this fatal conflict with his old comrade. Hitherto the cavalry alone had been engaged, and. after the death of the two chiefs, their broken squadrons took refuge behind tbe pha- lanx, Eumenes, faint from his wounds, and ho- ping to reap the fruits of victory without farther bloodshed, called off bis troops from the pursuit bj the sound of tbe trumpet, reared bis trophy, and buried the slain. He then sent to propose a parley with the defeated enemy, invited all who would to join his army, but permitted those who might refuse to return whence they came. All accepted his offbrs, and, after the oaths had ^icen interchanged, obtained leave to seek pro- visions in some of the adjacentvillagesbetoie Ihey entered his camp ; but in the course of the followingnightthey marched away by stealth to rejoinAntipaler, Eumenes made an attempt to overtake them ; but his bodily weakness and their excellent discipline compelled him to give up the pursuit, and they effected their Junction witb Antipater in safety. Eumenes had gain- ed a brilliant victory, which raised his reputa- tion for ingenuity and hardihood to the highest pitch ; but he was doomed to pay dearly for it. Not onlywere the defeated troops inflamed with the fiercest resentment by the humiliation they had suffered, and the loss of their favourite leader, but even among his own the prevailing feeling was one of shame and indignation, which vented itself in deep murmurs againat the up- start foreigner, who, by an impudent artifice, had employed the arms of the Macedonians themselves to destroy their most iilustrioua general. And, in the mean white,events had taken place in another quarter, which deprived him of the rewards be had reason to expect from Perdiccaa. Ptolemy,awaiting the approach of the inva- ding army at Peiusium, had taken every pre- caution to strengthen the natural defences which render Egypt so difficult of access on this side. He had fortified every assailable point, and bad laid in ample storea of ammuni- tion. The regent, however, when he arrived, soon discovered that be had other diBlculties to encounter besides tliose which the nature of the country and hia enemy's preparationspla- ced in his way. Already, on his march, a great number of his officersand men had deserted to Antipater;* and he thought it advisable,when he reached Felusiuro.t to begin with an appeal to the sense of the army on the justice of his cause. He called a generalassembly,aud, it seems, summoned Ptolemy to defend bis con- duct. We cannot believe that Ptolemy appear- ed there in person, though Anian seems to have related so ;t but it is not improbable that Ptolemy sent one of bis friends to represent him. Perdiccas perceived that his accusation made a less favourable impression on the army than Ptolemy's vindication of himself, and that he had nothing to rely on but the success of his arms. Every accidental disaster which befell * Jii*Lin.i1i,, B,l,wl ADIipfttnoigrvrtlini an/ngiabu I tlapaylxTaiiwi OjuauaH Uc^iinl J*" Afrdm niui "Fh".,Tt. l). praytta"i.,IM) ooiidadu fn ATTEMPTS TO CROSS THE NILE. 301 him in hia Operations" aa the borstirig of a ca- i be retuctanl to lay down their ami*. He there- nal which he had begun to clear out" aggrava- [ fore ordered all to reliirn, as beat they miaht tDd the discontent which prevailedamong hia I Some, who were unable to swim, or saw cor- iroops, and desertLons grew more and more |tain death in t]ie attempt, or who gladly seiied Irequenl. Heresolved,therefore,tomakeanat- j (he opportunity of desenion, escaped to the tempt to cross the river at a pointseveral miles eoetoys camp. The sirnngest and most eipert above PelusLum ; and, having set out in the 1 swimmers wiih great difficully made good their eTening, carefully concealing his object from |passage ; but the less robust and skilfuleither bis own officers, that the enemy might not be " sank,,eihauated by their eflbrts.or were car- appnzedofit, after a forced march, arrived the I ried down the stream, to meet a stiU more next morningatafordofthoNile.overagainst dreadful death. The scaly monsters of the a fortress named Camel's Wall. After a short I Nile, attracted by (he prey, flocked irishoals to interval of repose, he ordered the elephants to the place. From the shore the specialora could be led over, followed by a train wiih scaling- 1 see the water tinged with the blood of their ladders, and by the lighttroops destined for the comrades, could see their limbs oraahed by assault of the place, and a select body of cav- those horrible jaws, could hear their shrieks aliy to interceptany succoura that might be | without the power of stirring for their relief sent lo It. Ptolemy,however, had learned or i Wien this scene was at an end, and there -ispecWd the aim of his movement, and was |waa leisure lo ealoulate the losa, it was ascer- tained that 3000 were missmg, and one half of already within the fortress before the enemy had reached the foot of the walls. His arrival was announced by a flourishof trumpets, and by the shouts of the garrison, and he took bis stand, surrounded by his officers, on the top of the battlements at the water's edge. Perdic- cas, nevertheless, directed that the assault number was believed to luve been devour- ed by the crocodiles. Among them were some officers of high rank. The thought which most deeply imbittered the grief of the survivera was, that the sacrifice of lifehad been perfectly ' """- """"""" "self ss ; that so many brave men had perished " should proceed. It waa carried on with great ; by a fate at once cruel and ignoble. From this vigour the whole day long by suocessive divis- kind of sympathy it was an easy transition LODs, which relieved one another ; but all their which led the mournera to vehement indigna- efforta were defeated by the patient resolution tion against the author of the calamity. Per- of ihe besieged,who, thoughcomparallveiy few diccas had always been disliked, while he was in number, had the advantage of a strong po- feared ; he began now to be despised aa an in- -sition, and were animated by the eiample of cautious general, or detested as one reckless Pioleroy, whom they saw exposing his own about the lives of his men. The contrast person in the place of greatest danger, and dis- which, of laie,they had so often been led to playingextraordinary prowess. draw between their stem, imperious, inhuman In the evening Perdiceat recalled the assail- chief, and his mad and affable competitor, was ants to the camp, convinced that the attempt now renewed, more than ever to the disadvan- was hopeless. He seems to have felt that his tage of Perdiccaa ; and Ptolemy heightened adversary'sgenius and spirit were superior to the impression already made in his favour,by tiis own, and that he had no prospect of eflect- an act of prudentgenerosity. He collected as ing hia objectunless be could elude Ptolemy's many of the remains of those who had perish- Tigilance. In the followingnight he again ed as could be recovered from the river,and, broke up his camp, and marched towards Mem- [ after he had burned them with the usual solem- phis,designing to transport his army to the ', nity in his own camp, sent their bones to their great island there, formed by the Nile,before Ptolemy should be aware of his intention. Be- tween the island and the east hank the river was fotdahle ; but the water in the middle was up to the soldier's chin, and Ihe current so strong that the men could scarcelykeep their footing. There was, however, no enemy on the other side to oppose iheir passage ; and, lo ren- der it easier, Perdicoas ordered the elephants lo he ranged above the ford,so as to break the force of the stream, and the cavalry to cross bek"w it,so that theymight lend assistance to any who should be carried out of their depth, lo Ibis manner one division crossed over safe- ly ; but now arose an unforeseen impediment 10 the passage of the rest. The sand at the bottom, stirred up by the trampling of so many feet of beasts and men, was at length carried avi-ay by the stream, so that the foni was no I longerpracticable. As the cause was not im- 1 medialelysuspected, the change was altributed j lo a sudden rising of the river, and this per- suasion heightened the general conatemalion. Those who had already crossed were not in sufficient numbers to defend themselves against Ptolemy, who might soon be expected to ap. pear ; and Ferdiccas knew that they would not friends. Tlie sight irritated theu* rage against Perdiccas, and pleaded more powerfully than words in Ptolemy's behalf Perdiccas, it seems, attempted to check the mutiny which he saw rising in his army by severity; but it waa too late either to conciliate or overawe the dis- contented. A great number of his ollicera were estranged from him, and openly accused him : the phalans testified its judgment by threatening clamours. Pithon, who had never forgotten the bloody stratagem by which ho had been baffled and dishonoured, look the lead in the conspiracy, which was shared by about a hundred more, among whom were Antigenes and Seleucus. The cavalry adhered longest to the regent's side ; but it was also partlywon, and Pithon, with those whom he had gained, proceeded to the tent of Perdiccas. Antigenes struck the first blow; atler a short struggle, he fell,piercedby their sarissas.* Thus was the world delivered from a man who, in the course of a short career, had HISTORY OF GREECE. shown htauelf citableofarerycnnie to which amhiUnn can inMigBW ; had alTesdj shed tor- rents of innocent Mood, and did not shrink from the baaest murder more than irora open iDBBsacre. That audi a man did not sneered in bis contest for power with such an adver- aaiy as Ptolemy, can hanUy be considered otherwise than a* a gainto hnmanitir ; though PeidiocaB, ifbe had seated himaeU'secarelj' on a thnne, might,perhaps, have reigned as mild- ly aa bis rival. His death immediatelypat an ffltdto the civil war. Ptolemy,who, pertgaps, was not a stiaoger to the plot, came the next day to the camp, and addressed the Macedo- nians in vmdication of himself. The affect of his speech was enfoTcad by a supply of provis- ioDS, which theygreatly needed, and hia infln- ence was soon bo firmly establiahed in the royalarmy, that iie was invited to asamne the office which Perdiccas had left vacant. Ptol- emy, however, had the prudence to be satisfied for the present with the possession of his rich province. He saw that the title of regent would contribute nothing to his independence, and might involve him in troublesome and dan- gerous quarrels. He therefore declined the offer, and turned the choice of the army on Pitbon ami the generalArridcus, who were both now his friends, and not likely ever to be- come dangerous rivals. Only two days alter the death of Perdiccas, the news arrived of the great victory which Eumenes had gained over Neoptolemua and Cratenis, and of their death. Two ilaya ear- lier this intelligence toight have l"een useful to Perdiccas,though it could hardly hare e:itri- cated him from tiia embarrassment, or have decided the contest in his favour. It now only inflamed the hatred of the Macedonians against him and his friends. They immediatelyput to death several of his adherents, and, in their luiy, did not even spare hia sisler Atalante, the wife of his admiral. Attains ; and they con- demned Eumenee and fifty or his principal otn- cers, includingAlcetas, the brother of Perdic- cas, to the same punishment. Attains, when he heard of these proceedings, sailed away from Pelusium, and made for Tyre, Here, though it seems bis broiher's fate was already known, he was cordially received by the com- mander Vf the garrison, a Macedonian named ATchelauB, who put him in poesesaiun of the city, and of the treasure, amounting to 800 tal- ents, which had been deposited there by Per- diccas. At Tyre he remained for a lime,to collect as many of hia brother's friends as should be able to make their escape frum Egypt, and to concert Aiture operations in his own defence. For the interests of Greece the fall of Per- diccas was, perhaps, to be regretted. As a mas- ter, indeed,he was as much to be dreaded as an; of his rivals ; but he might have proved a powerful and useful ally. Pausanias observes that, through the treachery of Demades and his party, the Atheniana were terrified into a premature surrender of their freedom, which they might have preserved if they had been aware of the dangCT that threatened Antipater, which wnuld aoun have forced bim to leave Greece unmoleated.* This remark is con- *~iii., 10,4. Smied by the events which followed. Perdic- cas had sent agents into Greece, who conclu- ded an alliance between him and the .f^tolians ; and when Antipater had passed over into Asia, the jStolians again collected their force*, 13,000 foot and 800 hone, who, under their general Ale^ader " the military chief of the nation " first invaded the territory of Amphis- sa, and,thongh they were not able to r^aee the capital, took several of the towns, and then marched into Thessaly. They were met on their way by the Maoedonian generalPolycles ; but, in a batUe which ensued, he was defeated and slain, and the sale or ransom of the .Mace- donian prisoners appears to have yielded a considerable booty. In Tbeaaaly,they were still warmly aided by Meuo, through whosa influence the greater part of the Thesealian towna were induced to engage in the new war ; and the army of the confederates, including, it seems, some mercenaries, amounted to 25,000 horae and 1600 foot. Again, the power of Macedonia was unable to withstand even this smalt portion of the force which Greece, if united, might have brought into the field. Polyspeichon, who had been leA at the head of the government in Macedonia, was obliged to resort to negotiation and intiignes, to divide before he could conquer. The Acamaniana, the ancient enemies of their southern neigh- houra, were induced to make a diversion in -Etolia ; and the .lEtolians were obliged to withdraw their native troops from Ttieasaly, and to return to defend their homea. They, indeed, soon drove the Acamaniana out of their country ; but while they were thus em- ployed, Polysperchon marched mto Thessaly, and gave battle to Meno. He was probably now greatlysuperior in numbers, gained a de- i^iaive victory, and Meno himself was among the slain. The whole of Thessaly sutsnitted without farther resistance to the conqueror. Alter the pacification of Memphis, Pithon and Atridsua relumed with their royalcharge ioto Syria, to join their forces with those of Antipa- ter, on whom, alter Ptolemy had declined the regency, the power of Perdiccas really devolv- ed. They sent measengera to hasten bis com- ing, and also to summon Antigonus from Cy- prus, where he was, perhaps,raising a naval armament for the defence of Egypt. The two new regiments, on their march into Syria, found tiieirsituation growing every day more embar- rassing. They had not to deal with an imbe- cile prince, who passively lent his name to ev- ery meaaure that was prescribed to him, but with an enterprising young queen, ambitions of power, who ioherited her mother's hatred of Antipater. and who htqied, before he arrived,to make herself independent of his authority. She had quailed before Ihe commanding energy of Perdiccas ; bnl she entertained no such fear of Pitbon and Arrideua ; and clainied her share in all the deliberations of "^ie council. Th^. indeed,repelled her pretenaions, and declared that,until Aotipatej and Antigonus came, they would continue to exercise the supreme author- ity, B(il she did not cease to intrigue with the army, in which she had acquiredgreat influ- ence b^er birth and character. She had also, it seeui \ entered into a negotiation wilh Atta- ins ; and he was induced,by the prospect of a PABTinON OF TRIFAKADISV8." POSITION OF EUMENES. 303 eoanter-nmhitioa, to qnitl^re, and to i] in the Maoedonian camp. Soch wa" the of things wbi^ Antipater fimnd when he joined "he regenta at the towtiof ParadiBua,in-TripaT- adisns, in Upper Syria, It was ta him Uiat sH demanda were now to be addressed. The Macedonians of the rojsl army, who bad serred in the Baat, claimed the pa; and rewards which had been promised to ihem by Alesander. Antipater did not Tenture to refnse. but profesaed that be most firat in- quire into the state of the royaJtreasury, and would Itien endeaTonr to aatisi^ them to tbe nt- DKnt of his power. This answer might,per- haps, hBTS appeased them, if their discontent hod not been tomented by the arta of Enrydiee and Attains ;* hat the qneen aelsed the pretext to excite tbe JropatieDt saldleryagainst him. She iiaraiigaed then in a speech which had been ccnnpoe^ for her by Asclepiodoma, who filled the ofltee held, ander Alexander, by Eu- menes; Attains seconded her with his elo- qnence ; they were listened to with nniveraal applause, and a tumultaons scene ensned, from which Antipater, who had ventured aJmoBt alone into tbe camp, escaped, with great risk of his life, through the mediation of Antigonna and Selencos, to his own troopa.t The intercee- sors themselves were Tiolently threatened. The cavalry,however, declared itselfin his fa- vour ; and its leading officers successfully ex- prted tbeir inflneooe ta restore tranquilhty. We know no more of Uie steps through which .^niipater was iavssted by the army with the supreme power ; bat Attalus disappeara " hav- ing retarned, it seems, to Tyre " Eurydice is silenced ; and Antipater is permitted to make sncti changes as he thonght St in tbe distribn- lion of the provincea. .\raong the partioulaTs of this new arrange- ment, which is celebrated as the partition of Triparadiana, a few only need be here mention- ed. Ptolemy not only retained Egypt, which was now looked upon aa hia own by right of conquest, but was also invested with allthe ter- litoriea which he had acquired, or might con- qnar, to the weat of bit provinee. Seleueus re- ceived the aatrapy of Babylon; and Antigonns was rewarded with that of Snsiana, for the share he had taken in the revolt against Per- diccas. About three thousand of tbe most tur" bolent of tbe Macedonians, who bekmged to tbe claM distinguished by the title of Argyras- pids, ftom th^T silTeT ^ielda,were placedun- der his orders,to serve as an escort lor the tieasore which be waa directed to bring down from Sosa. Arridnas was appointedto the HeUespoatiDB Phiygia ; Antigonua was rein- stated in bis old provinee, and was also promo- ted to the command of the amy which had served under Ferdiccas, and charged with the eate of the royalpersonages, and with the pros- l^^mrthtiw, Di* . /"^""h.^'*t" "niJl^JJ. Dnwn taJiH to DMIea, bni vhieh I ein naij err'ain " t ArIu, Phnt.,f.ll.b. Pul^^nnt bu dniHtf Vp Ifa MafT inlet" Hntiiem of Anligonui,i".,(l, i. lecntkm of tbe war against Eamenes. TiteoiiiJ ' precaution whiefa Antipater took to prevent any abuse of thisvast power wmi which he iotnwt- ed a man who, though de^y indebted to Um^ bad not given him any clear proofb of attach- ment, was to place his son Cassander, with the title of chiliarcb,at the head of tbe cavalry. He ako conferred the rank of eomatophylax on Autolycus,Amyntas, a brother of Peoceetes, Ptolemteua, and Alexander, the eon of his friend Pfdyaperchon. These he had,probably, reason to consider as persons devoted to himself Tbe approbation with which bis measures were re- ceived is described aa most bvely and trniver- aal. They wore, indeed,an appearance of mod- eration and disttAerestedness wonhy of his eon- anmmale pntdenoe. He then set out with hia own troops ui his return to Macedonia,taking the road throaghLydiato the Hellespont ; while Antigonns, it seem", marched into bis own sat- rapy, to waike preparations for the war against Eumenes. It was a greatchange that the rcvolutiota which badtuen place in the government of the empire made in the poaition of Eumeaes. He had been hitherto uniformlycontending on the side of legitimate authority; ifhe was attaidied to Perdiccas, it was not as to bis patron, but as to tbe lawful regent; ifbe was opposed to An- tipater, it was not as to his privateenemy, bnt as to one who had taken np arms' against bis sovereign. This was the onlyfooling on which, as a foreigner, be could stand with safety in tbe midst of the civil wars of the Macedonians. Now the state ofthingson which be had gnnind- ed his hopes was complelelj reversed. All the titlesbehind wbich he had shielded himselfwere turned as weapons against him ; the court was in the hands of hia worst enemy ; he was him- self outlawed and proscribed in tbe name of his Boverelgn ; every step be took in his own de- fence eipoaed him to tbe charge of treason and rebellion; be was left to dependentirelyon the adherents be could preserve or gainby his per- sonal influence ; and this waa much shaken by the connexion with Peidiccae, which had been his main support. On the other hand, he main- tained hia correspondence with tbe royalfamily of Macedonia, which gave aonie coloiir of legits imacy to his proceedings. He was stillat the bead ofa strong and victorious anny ; and there were other adherents of Perdiccaa,prMcribed like himself, ftmn whom he mi^t expect pow- erflil aid. Alcetaa,thoafrii he had refosed to lead hia division againstCratenw, seemed now to have no proqiect of aafety bat in union widk bim ; and AttalQs, after hia ratnm tram Tri- paradisue, had collected a body of 10,000 fbot and 800 horse. Tbe combhiation of all these forces with hie own might have enabled him to defy an attack. But both Alcetae and Attalus, besides that Ibeyprobably shared tbe common jealousy of bira, and had always aobmitted im- patiently to his command, had each hie separate views : and the plana which they had formed for theirown security and aggrandisement were - " " " ofhiacODcarrence. Theahn of Attalus was, it seeroa, to establish hims^ with hib fleet adQ nnny in some maritime aet- tlement, Alcetaa hoped to find a permanent relhge In Pisidia, and to become, in bet, mas- ter of the province. With this view, he had 304 HISTORY OF GREECE. .'taken greatpaios to rifffaeethe recollection of hia brother's eruelt;, and to conciliate tbe good- "will of the natives by liberality, marks of ilis" -tinctinn, and affable demeanour. By these arts. be so won the affectione of Ibe mountaineers, that they were ready to lay down their lives for hiin. Still, it appears that he had opened a communicatioQ witlt Attalus, and that they had concerted a plan for mutual co-operation. Their project seems to have been,to make themaeli masters of a part of the southern coast of Asia Minor,so as to provide a retreat for either in case of need, and to enable them readily to take -advantage ol^ any new turn of affairs, whether in Asia or Europe. It was towards Rhodes and the opposite coast of Caria that Attalus direct- ' ed his first altempts; but he was repulsedby tlie Khodians, and, it seems, defeated in a ses- fight. We hear no more ofbie naval armament ; perhaps his loss in the battle had been so great, that he did not think bimaeif able to keep the sea ; and he certainly joined hia land force with that of Alcetas. It was about this time that Antipater arrived in Lydia. It may be concluded that the forces "of EumBQCS, Alcelas, and Attalus combined, might have obstructed his march, and have placed him in great peril, since Eumenes thought himself alone strong enough, on ac- count of the superiority of his cavalry, to en- .countei him, and advanced aa far as Sardia to offer Irattlein tbe adjacentplain. He was, however, induced to withdraw by tbe persua- sions of Cleopatra, who was stillat Sardia, and feared that the movements of Eumenes might be imputed to her instigation, and that she might fall the first victim of Antipater's ven- geance. She had reason for such anxiety ; Antipater, when he arrived at Sardis,leproacb- "d her with the countenance ahe had shown to Perdiccas and Eumenes. It seeroa that she was obliged to defend herself in public; and she met the accusation with counter-charges, -and cleared herself so ably, that Antipater tbought it prudent to let the matter drop, and " fbimal reconciliation took place between them. Though Eumenes was stillat no great distance, Antipater did not feel confidence enough in the strength of his army to seek an engagement with him ; and hia attention was now drawn towards the movements of Alcetas and Attains. We do not know either the pre- cise object or scene of their operations; but Antipater ordered Asander, the satrap of Caria, to stop their progress. The result was an en- gagement, in which, though tbe fortune of the day indined but iittioon either side, it finally rested with them. Still, Eomenes, though he invited them by an embassy, could not prevail on them to join him. They, perhaps,thought themselves safe in Pisidia,especially as Aa- tigonus had now led the royal array into Phrygia. " Antipater did not proceed from Sardis di- rectly on his march towards the Hellespont. He was induced,it seems, by letters which he received from Cassander and Antigonus, to de- viate from liis route in order to meet them in Phrygia. Antigonus complained of Oassan- der's insabordination ; Cassander charged An- tigonns with ambitious designs, and in hia next interview with his lather,stronglyurged him not to leaTB so great a trust in bands whicli mightsoon be tamed against himself Antip- ater, though he openly censured his son for his want of deference to 1)ie commander-in- chief,was not the less indued with his sitspt- cions. His confidence was, indeed, in soiiii- degree revived by the respectful address, and tlie seeming honour and probity of Antigonus; but sLiil, before he resumed bis march, he msili some changes in his previous arrangements He determined to carry tbe royal person!^ with him to Macedonia. This he seems to have regarded as a sufficient precautionagainst the rivalry of Antiganus. On the other hand. to ensure his success againat Eumenes. lie is said to liave transferred to bis command a largepart of the ibrcea which he had tnoupbt from Europe " between 8000 and 9000 Macedo- nians, and cavalry, or lighttroops, in equal number.' But he retained seventy, bemg one half of the elephants, which had never yet been seen in Europe, for himself. One motive for the extraordinaiy hberality with which Antip- ater weakened his own ainiy to strengthen that of Antigonus,may have b^n that he found himself unable to satisfy the demands of his men ; whether for arrears of pay, or for a do- native which he may have promised to keep them in good humour at Triparadisus. The supply of treasure which he had received from Alexander bad been exhausted in the subse- quent wars, and the Macedonians were again growing clamorous. It was with difficulty he could quiet them with an assurance that hf would satisfy them when they reached Abydos. There he embarked clandestinely in the nighi with the princes,and, having creased over lo the Chersonesus, repaired to Lysimachus,who was in the neighbourhood. The army follow- ed him across the Hellespont, but, overawed perhapsby Lysimachus, did not venture imme- diately to urge its claim ; otherwise,the man who had just been disposing of the whole em- pire might have returned to his own province a defenceless fugitive. It was late in the year 331 before he left Asia. Bumenes fixed bis winter quarters at Celnnn, and Antigonus in some other part of I, Phot.,Ta, b, DroTiaiii rwfS, irrainHanUir t rrpm- 1b vbjch cejlunlr UVKIr u. of iho rojiil "nnr, T" ihii Mt, it "Mini U h"a ni; linla weight, iliio I tiHftthovgbtitpovubla ibkL C.ooolc EUMENES AT NOBA." ANTIGONUS IN J'lSIDIA. 306 Phrygia. In the followingapringAntigonuB opened the campaign. Eumenes was superior in cavalry, and did not fear to meet the enemy in open combat on even gronnd ; bnl he was ' continual danger trom his own troops, and series or stratagems and contrivances was n eessarj to provide them with pay, to seen their fidelity, and to baffle the attempts of the enemy, who was constantly tampering with them. A price of UX) talents was set on his head, and the reward was published in his own camp by written notices. But his Macedoni- uis bad aaffieient sense of hononr to resent this base temptation, and tbey decreed that a guard of a thousand select men should be ap- pointed to protect him. Still, Antigonus con- tinaed to rest his hopes mainly on treachery, and this at length eObCled his object. He first induced a general, named Perdiccas, to desert with a divisioB of 3000 foot and BOO horse ; Imt,through the activity of Eumenes, the traitor was oTertahen and punished, with his principal abettors, and the troops won by clemency to return to their duty. A second Birailar attempt IHt)Ted more successful. Eumeneshadencamp- ed in una of the broad plains of southern Cappa- doda, where there was ample space for the evo- htioRB of his cavalry, and confidently expected th" enemy's approach. But Antigonus had carcHpt"d one of his oflloere, named Apolloo- ides, who oommanded a brigade of horse ; he deserted in the midst of the battle, with the KlMile of his division, and his treachery decided iite day in faToar of Antigonus. Eumenes lost BOM men and alt his baggage. He, however, not only eluded the enemy's pnranit, but by a deneroua eounteimarch returned to the field of battle, where he encamped and paid the last bononTS to the slain, employing the ticaber of the dwellings in the adjacentvillages for the funeral piles, and raised separate barrows over the remams of the officers and men " monu- ments of his hardihood and presence of mind, which excited the admiration of Antigonus. bimself when he againpassed that way. The other that Eninenes once had an opportunity of making himself master of the whole of the enemy's baggage, which would have enriched Ilia troops with an immense booty. Ha feared that the possession of such weaithwould ren- der them eager to quit his toilsome and peril- ous service, sent secret warning, under the pretext of privatefriendship, to Menander, the general who had been leftin charge of the bag- gage, and enabled him to withdraw into an un- assailable position. This seemingly generous action excited the gratitude of the Macedoni- anir, whose wives and children it had saved from slavery and dishonour, till Antigonus pointed out to them that Eumenes had spared them only that he might not encumber himself. At length, however. Eumenes himself, after an unanccessfnl attempt to escape into Anne- nia,seeing his ranks thinned by frequent de- sertions, thought it best to put an end to this life of perpetualwandering,fatigue, and hair- breadth escapes, which could lead to no useful result, and he recommended to the greaterpart of his men to return to their homes and wait lor better times. He reserved only SOO horse and 300 heavy-armed, with which he took ref- Vol. II." Q " uge in the impregnate fortress of Nora, oii the confines of Lycaonia and Cappadocia.* It was a rock,not more than about two stadia in cir- cumference at the top. and precipitous on aH sides,containing a copiousspring of water, and a well-filled magazine uf grain and salt, but no other hind of provisions Seeing that many of his friends were dismayed by the prospect of the dreary imprtsonment which awaited them during a longsiege in such a place, he permit- ted them to depart, and dismissed them witb eipreaaiona of the kindest regard. Antigonoa soon surrounded the place with his army, and invested it with a double line of circumvalla- tion. But, as he could scarcelysuppose that Eumenes could intend to sustain a siege, he invited him to a parley. Eumenes would nei- ther treat with tum as his superior, nor con- sent to Gome down, until he had received his brother Ptolemnus as a hostage. He then re- paired to his camp, and they embraced each other with the cordiality of old frienda. But when they began to discuss conditions,En- meiee insisted on nothing less than the resti- tution of his satrapy, and of all the grants be had received from Perdiccaa. The by-standsn were astonished at such demands fi^m a man whose situation seemed so hopeless; and An- tigonus, desiring to leave an opening for fhtura negotiation, promised to refer them to AdUm- ter, and sent him bach to the fortress. The Macedonians crowded about him, eager to gaaa on tite extraordinary persoD whrae name, unw the death of Craterus, was in every month. They were surprisedto see, not the frame of sturdywarrior,worn with toil and hardships, ut a figure of the most delicate symmetry, eeminglyin all the freshness of youth, f with gentle and engagingaspect. The impatience of their curiosity alarmed Antigonus for his safety; he ordered them to keep at a distance, and at last,throwing his arm round the waist of EoroeDee, conducted him,througha passage formed by his guards, to the foot of the for- tress. He then lefta force sufficient olose^ to blockade the place, and marched away to crush the remaining fHenda of Perdiccas. His army was strengthenedby a great part of the troops of Eumenes, so that it now amounted to 40,000 foot and 7000 horse. His only care now was to prevent the enemy's es- cape. By a forced march, he reached the bor- ders of Pisidiain seven days,and,arriving thos unexpectedly, was enabled to occupy a pass which might have been easily secured. Alce- tas and Attains were encamped in the plain be- low. Their army numbered no less than 16,000 foot and 000 horse. Alcetas made a desperal* ir (/wTBiv (iimij* , re fdilowed k aiiTDW palliCDDilBCtI .n." IltvldimiDoto. "ThaaiUt "rilh Dn^n*! coajMtun), mm u iHn lilU* lifuffc la? .nnfJHrftt. PIB., Enm., 11. Hi "", HISTORY OF GREECE. BttBinpt to dislodge Itie enetaj (nxa the beighta, but was repuleed, and with difficulty effected hit retreat ttuoDgti tbe bostile cavalry, with which AntigonusdeaceDded to cut him oflTiom the maia body. He bad scarcely time lo Tonn hJa tine of battle berore the enemy poared down in an irresistible mass, with the advantage of higherground. Terror and ooafuaion spread through bis ranka, and excluded eveiy thought but that of flight.ALtalua, with Polerao, Do- cimuB, and several others of his chief officers, was taken prisoner. Tbe bulk of the fugitives laid down their arms, and consenled to enter the service of Antigonus. But Alcetas, with bis guards, some slaves whom he had armed,' and 6000 of bis trusty Fisidians, made good hia a Tenaeaaus. . Antigonusimmediately "id to encamp near tbe piace, which was BO strongas to defy the assault of the most numerous host. He only desired to become master of the person of Alcetas, and sent to demand bim. Tbe elder Pisidians had no wish to endanger iheir city for tbe aake of a single "tianger; bat tbe young warriors who had aerved under Alcetas refused lo surrender bim. bade hint rdy on their devotion, and resolved to defend him to the lut.t The old men now sent a private message lo Antigonus,promising to deliver up Alcetas, alive or dead.if be would draw the younger citizens out of the town by a feigned attack. When .thishad been done, they fell upon Alcetas,who was left without any guard bilthis slaves. To avoid capture, he slew himself; and bis body,placed on a couch, was carried out to Antigonus, who ordered it to be mutilated, and, at the end of three days, marched away. The young Pisidians, in the first transports of their indignation, resolved to firethe town, and,,retiring to tbe mountains,to ravage the open countiy, which acknowledged the authority of Antigonus; and,though they were direrted from ibis design,they did not oease to infest (his territory by marauding ex- oursions. Tbe body of Alcetas, which had been lefl unburied,they bonoured with a splendid fllneral. By the tetult "^ this campaign,Antigonus was bFOagbta great step nearer to tbe end of his ambition. His array was now raised lo GO.OOO foot and 10,000 horse ; and there was no limit to the aaoib"i8 by which he might augment it by means of the treasures which it placed at his disiioeal. He saw do power in Asia that could Tesiat such a force, and might safely, whenever be would, lay aside tbe character of a subject, and profess the independence which he actually posaessad, and which he was fully resolved to Baintain. Yet a lingeringfeeling of gratitude "nd respect for Antipatermight have Induced him to dissemble his designs some time longer. But all hts scruples were removed by intelli- geoce, which he received before he hsd re- " naOut.aoioi., i"". F."M, iji hictoTT fvul.i..p. S39) ding ta DiDT- S3S). net-, how- passed the borders of Fisida, of Antipater^ death, and especially of tbe state in which he bad left tbe .ofiairsof Macedonia. Antipater had been carried off by the combined eflects of age and disease. His death gave occasion to very important levolutiona both in Asia and in Greece. Alter the peace, which Ae Athenians bad por- cbased so dearly, tbe city remained as tranquil Bs Phocion himself could have desired. The business of the publicassembly, and of the courtsof justice, seldom interrupted the private affairs of the 9000 citiiens ; when they met, they were no longeragitatedby tbe declaiua- liona of any brawling orators.* The rnost sim- ple expression of Pbocion's opinion, or of the judgment of his good friend Menyllus,was aut Gcient lo decide every question,Athess. in ber more turbulent days, bod witnessed many combinations between orators and generals for political purposes ; but few in which there bad beeo so complete an understanding between the parties,none so efficacious, as this. Hie own independence and dignity,however. Phocioa maintamed unimpaired. He would oeitber ac- cept any presents, such as he had declined when offered by Alexander, from Menyllus,or Antipater, for himself,nor permit his son Pho- CUB to receive any. So that it was remarked by Antipaterthat, of his two Athenian friends, he could neither prevail on Phooioa to take, nor satiate Densades by giving. Phocion t"i- tured even to resist Aiitipater's will, when be was required to beoome himself the instrament of some unseemlyntessure, and sternly observ- ed, tbsi Antipater could not have him at once fora friend ukd a fiatlerer. If tbere was any- thing lo disturii the complaoeMg' with which Phocion contemplated this calm and orderly state of afiairs, it was, perhaps, the petulance of Demades, who, like a satyr by the side of a heroic person, would be committingsome ex- travagance, or making some roguishspeech, which tended to destroy the illusion of bis gra- ver friend's administration. He not only took pleasure in an ostentatious display of his ill- wealth, but was proud of tbe corruptioa When he celebra- ted tbe marriage of hia bastanl Deroeas.be ob- served that the wedding-feast was furnished by kings and nilers. Another time be bad under- taken to defray Ihe expense of a chorus, and, as the law forbade the employing of foreignper- formers, under the penalty of a thousand dracb- raas for each, Demades produced a chorus con- sisting of a hundred foreigners, and eibibiied the amount of the penalties " a sum sufficient to have preservedfilly citizens from transpor- tation"with them in the orchestrs. It waa, perhaps,during this period, which seemed to realize Plato's ideal of a commonwealth gov- erned by a philosopher, thst Demades proposed lo Phocion to introduce tbe Spartan diacipline at Athens, and offered bimself to draw up and recommend a decree for that purpose. "A Kl advocate, indeed,'' Phocion observed, "for Spartan fare,and the inslilulions of Lycurgus, with that rich cloak, and that scent of per- fumes. '"t At bottom, however, Demades was not entire- ") trt[ff,nf "::Fw;"g DEMADES." CASSANDEB'S DISSIMULATION. lyittufM wHhPhocion'ft ascendency.Thoagh be eiut^ed all the license he could wish, liia impartance in the stat". and. canseqaentl;, hia opponunitieB of enrichinghimself,were not such ai he could have desired. We may col- lect frmn the aliore- quotedsaying nf Aniipater, that Demades was continually applying to bim far money, and did not always obtain as much "" be asked. Accordingly, when the move- ments and partial success of Perdiccas appear- ed to bold out a prospect of a revolution ip Gi"eae. Demades tahied his eyes towards bim aa a patron, who might have greater need of his aid. and therefore wonid probably pay more Uberally than Antipater. He resolved, at all ereoiA, to provide for his own safely, so as not to be invotved in Antipater's fail ; and sent a lettAT to Ferdiccas. in which he urged him to a|i|nar and aave Greece, which uai (innging by "" dd roUeit tknad* The time iras at hand when hia policy and tiiswit were Va oost him dear. It migtat li"ve boon enppoaed that the govern- meiA eatvblislied by Ffaocion was, at ieast, per- factij eonfbrmaltle to thewi^esoftbe oitiEeae whoae frHnefaise had been spared. They were DOW plagoed by no ijcophaDts, taxed for no wars, Ind no enteneinnients to provide for a imngTy innltitDde. Yet the garrison at Muny- cbia, wbich secQi"d the contiauaooe of these UesaingB, was au eyesore to Ihem. They de- sired to be rid of it, aa eagerly aa if they had been impatient of the gorernment which it sup- ported ; and Phoeion was repeatedlynrged to exeit hi* interestwjtb Antipater for its remo- val as be had tndaoed him hitherto to postpone the exaction of the aom mpoeed on tbem at the peace. niocioQ,however, declined to un- dertake an embassy in which he neither expect- ed nor wished to succeed. A call was then made on DemadM, as the peraeo next i[| InSa- eace with Antipater: it was an oppMtunitjr for eaming a bribe,and in an evil liour he accepted the commiaskiD, and eet oat tai Macedonia,ae- eompanied b; hia aon Demeas. They found Antipater in the laat stage of his disorder, bat jrK fltnmg enough to give audience to the am- bsBsadoT, and willing,perbapa, to enjoy his eonfinion in the scene which was prepared for Urn. Antipater waa in possession of the letter " wbieh liad been found among the papers of Perdiceaa in which Demadea had at once be- trayed Hid ridiooled liis beuefactor. He was iDttodueed into Antipater's presence, aitd per- mitted to nnlUd hia business,and urged the petition of the Athenians with his wonted bold- Dosa. Antipater, it m"Im, did not deign to an- swer him ; not an AtlMnian named Dinarchus, who, aa a ftiend of Fliooion,had, perhaps, been seol to oppoae his ap^catioa, became his ac- eBBor, lie btal letter was probablyprodoeed, ""d DOW, for the firsttime in his life, bis impa- dence may have fhtled bim. He and his son were led away by Antipater's giiards to s dnn- geon. It is not qnite dear whether Antipater bimaelf bad doonied tliem to death : it was. at least, Cassander who direclad the execution. ^*nwnwfr CArriftD, P"iul., p. TO,a. FluUTCh, DcmnLh 3^ilei(*ixnnte1^.Ph"r.,M.) W Ihoni ""r" u Ix g He ordered Demeas to be put to death flrat; to was piercedby the swords of the soldiers in- mediately under his father's eye. so that Ua blood sprinkled the old man's robe ; and tiien Demades, having witnessed this end of one who was. perhaps, the only being he loved, after ha had been loaded with reproachesby Cassander for his treachery and ingratiiude, underwent a like fate :* a termination which might have ap- peared almost too tragical for so contemptiUe a life, if he had not been the man who. to serve Antipater, proposed tliedecree wbieh sentenoad so many belter men to death. It may. probably, be collected from the sbam which Cassander is said to have taken ia tUa scene, that he had already,dnnng the tatter part of hia latber's illness,begun to eieroiaa some of the functions ofthe government, wkieh, as he expected, was shortly to devolve on bita. He was, at least,no less surpTiBed than morti- fied when Antipater. on the point of death, de- clared his will lo be. that Polyaperchon sboidd sncoeed lo the regency, and that bis son sbouM continue m the subordinate station of chiliat"h. Antipater's motive in Ibis arrangement is, iit- deed, by no means evident. Polysperchon was no way related to him ; and, though much re- spected by the Macedonians aa one of the old- est generals of Alexander's wars, can never, aa Che seqnel shows, have earned the repuuaioa of eminent ability, while Cassander bad already given sufflcient proofs of hia energy and talents. We can hardly conclude otherwise Iban (hat his father distrnsled his cbsiaeier and temper, which were certainly far from amiable, and, perhaps, had already made him unpopularlA Macedonia, and were likely to lead hira to an immediate rvptiire with Antigonus. whom he had alreadyprovoked. Vet Caasander was not wanting in self-oommand. He diRsembled his indignation, pretended to resign himself to his father's pleasure, and withdrew islo the caatt- try, with a few intimate friends, under the pre- text ofthe chase, in which be seemed to liavB forgotten the affairs ofthe state. But the lime ostensibly devoted to hia hunting-parties waa really spent in earnest conference witit his friends on the subject whicb engrossed bia thoughts. He acquainted them with his reao- lution to recover what he considered as his pat- rimony, and engaged them, by largepromises, to embrace his cause. At the same time, he sent secret agents to Ptolemy, who had, fttia- ably,already married his sister,to renew tbejr friendship and imploresuccours, and particu- larly to reqnest that he would send a naval force to the Hellespont from Phianieja ; for, trat long aAer the transactions at Triparadisus, Ptolemy had sent Nicsnder, one of his gener- als, with an army, into Syria: the satrap I"- omedon, who had rejectedPtolemy'soffers,! had fallen into Nicanor's hands, and the whole province had submitted lo hira.t The part of Asia which contained allthe elements of a mar- itime power in the greatest abundance was I, Phot.,TO,(. Flale lb,PhM. nsdon "ft"n"ud iLciwrdiDf to AgftdunhidM,PtolAmjiiuioiHd Jcruslvpi is 3D8 HISTORY OF GREECE. thus annexed to Egjpt ; and the manner in which thia inraluable acquisition was madn proved, more clearly than ever, that to Ptol- emy, al least, the imperialgovernment, the titles and decrees of the regents, were mere empty Bounds. Uassander, at the same time, endeav- oured, by means of his agents, lo imcrest other leadingpersons, and some foreign cities,in his behalf. Among the precautions which he tooh to secure his interests,one was to send a trusty adherent, named Nicanor, to succeed Menylhis in the command of Munychia. Nicanor arrived before the news of Antipater's death had been Teceived at Athena, and look possession of Munychia without opposition. When the ti. dingswere made public, loud murmurs arose "gainst PhocLon, as having connived at the de- , ception; and the sosptcion was confirmed by '.his intimacy with Nicanor, thoiigb he stillex- erted bia influence with him in behalf of his fellow-citizens, and eTen induced him, among Other popular acts, to accept the office of presi- dent at one of Iheir publicgames. In Mace- donia, Cassander aaw no prospect of forming a party powerfulenough to withstand Polyaper- chon, who was generally esteemed -. and, Ihere- ")ra, while be continued to lull auspicioo, made preparations for a clandestine flight. He re- "eiTed a favoarable answer from Ptolemy : but it was Irom Antigonus that he deiermined first to seek protection, though he gave him no no- tice of his intention, well knowing that he woald not BofTer the reiDembrance of their quarrel to -OQtweigh the grounds of policy which must in- .doce him to espouse the eanse of PolysperehoD'a enemy. Antigonoano sooner heard of Antipater's death than he proceeded, with a steady band, to grasp the prize which lay before htm. His immediate object was to secure himself in the possession of Asia Minor before Polyaperehon ooold collect his forces to interfere with htm ; and his firat step for thia end was to attempt lo draw Eumenes over to bis side. Eumencs, in- deed, was apparentlypowerless, and in a con- dition more desperate than ever. He waa still bbckaded at Nora, without any prospect of re- lief. It was only bv estraordonary expedients, snggeatedby his Iruitliil genius, that he bad kept the bodies and spirits of hia followers from "inking under the privations and hardships which they had been suffering during a year's siege. The ground afforded no room for the accustomed exercisea of the men, slillless for those of the horses. For the latter he contri- ved a substitute, which wassmong the most cel- ebrated examples of his never-failing ingenuity. He caused the heads of the horses to be raised by Topea fastened to the roof of the stable, so that their fore feet barely touched the ground. In this uneasy positionthey were lashed from behind by the grooms, until the struggle, which strained every limb, had produced allthe effects of a hard ride. For the men he set apart a room, onc-and-twenty feet long, where he di- rected Ihem lo walk, graduallyquickening their pace, so as to ciimhine exercise with an ment. He received them all by turns a own table, and though he had nothing but the oomroon fare to set before them, he seasoned the plain, unvaried meal by his cbecrfu] and lively conversation. At the end of the year both horses and m and as ready for at the fortress. Antigonus had formed a jtstestimate of the ejttraordinary abilities of Eumenes. He knew that, if hi; recovered his liberty, he might in a few daya become a formidable adversary ; and that the siege might be raised by succour? from Homc quarter or other. He would, per- haps, before have granted the terms which Eumenes demanded, if he had not been re- slraincd by regard to Antipater'a enmity. He now sent Hterenymua of Cardia, a fHend of Eumenes, who afterward wrote the history of his life,to solicit his alliance, and to propose an agreement, by which, on that condition alone, Eumenea was to recover his province. and all the other gifts which he had received fiTira Perdiccaa. The agreement waa drawn L writing : it mentioned the roy^ family, for form's sake, at the beginning; but the pledge of fidelity was to be given to Antigonus alone, Eumenes afTaoted to consider this as reraight : he inserted the names of Olym- pias and the princes, and made the treat; to run as a promise of allegiance to thein. and to Antigonusonly as acting in their behalf. Tlie Macedonians unanimouidy approved of the al- teration, and, not suspecting that it was con- trary to their goncral's wishes, took the oath from Eumenes end allowed him to depart. In a short time he had collected a number of his old troops, who were atiilscattered over the country, and had a body of more than SOW horse under his standard. In the mean while the agreement waa sent back to be ratified by Antigonns,who, when it was too late, de- spatched his orders to continue the blockade, with a sharp rebuke to those who had accepted the amendment of his proposals. He had not waited for the issue of thia nego- tiation, but had already turned his aima a^nst the satrape of the weatem coast. Amdnns had aflhrded him a wrtcomo pretext, bj an un- aqceessfilattempt to make himaelf Blaster of CyzicuB. Antigonua came, as to its relief,a littletoo late to seiie it for himself, and dien re- quired ArridisuB to reaign his satrapy. ArridK- ua answered him with open defiance, threw gar- risona into the principal tovms of bis province, and sent a body of troops to raise the siege of Nora. Antigonus detached a division of his army againat him, and marched in person with the rest into Lydia, where Cleitus,Antipater's admiral, had been appointed in the room of Menander by the partition of Triparadisos. Cleitus likewise garrisoned hia chief cities, and then sailed away with his fleet, which contain- ed the captured Athenian vesaels, to Macedo- nia, to warn Polysperchon. Antigonua, how- ever, took Epheaus by assault, with some aid from within,just in time to seize four gsUejs which pot into the harbour, having on bomrd 600 talents, which they were conveying from Oilicia, where the treasure brought l^Antigo- nea from Susa had been deposited in the for- tress of Quinda, for "he supply of the royal cotTers. He calmly declared that he needed it for his own levies. While he waa engaged in the reduction of the other Lydian towns, Cas- sander, having crossed the Hellespont, arrived at hie camp, and beaougbt his protection. An- OFFERS TO EUMENES." PROSPECTS OF GREECE. tigonos received him, as the son of his bene- Taclor, with the wannest welcome, and readily promised to supply him wilh ships and men to fiadicate bis rights. No event could have been more seasonable than one which enabled hiiQ to keep Polysperchoafullyemployed in Europe, while he himself established Ms do- Polyeperchon was well aware of the atonn which threatened him from the East. He saw Illsmeans reduced,throughAntipater's impm- ilent "MHi"dence, to the posseeaion of Macedo- oia, and a title which was every day loaing more of its power over publicopinion. It was a time when no aid was to be despised. There were three quarters to which he might look for support, and he addressed himself to each withont delay. The name of Olympias had great weight in Macedonia, and wherever else Alexander's memory was revered, Polysper- cbon saw that she might be a useful ally te Mm, not only against Cassander, but against Eurydice,who, as ahe had submitted reluc- faoUy to Antipater, would prc^bly be eager to shake off the authority of his e or. He must have been aware that he had himself something to apprehend from the am- bition of Olympias, but miffht think that, in the presence of so many common enemies, their joint interests would keep them closely united. He therefore wrote to invite her to leave Epi- rus, aind to come and take charge of her infant graodsoa. Still more efficacious assistance was to be expected from Euraenes ; and to him, also, he addressed a letter in the king's oame, exhorting him to persevere in hostility 10 Antigonus, now in open revolt, and to ad- here to the royal cause. It left hirn to choose whetiier he would join the regent in Macedo- oia. ami share his office,or would prosecute ihe war with Antigonos inAsia. It confirmed ailthe grants that had been made to him by Perdiccas, and appointed him to the command of the king's forces in the East. He was also lafomied that orders had been sent to Antige- nes and Teutamus to put him in possession of the treasure which they had brought from Su- aa, and to placethemselves, with their troops, under his command ; and he was empowered lo take 500 talents for his own use, to indem- mly him for his past losses. Folysperchon ulfeied, if necessary, to go over to Asia ia person with the royalfamily, and all the forces lie could raise to support him. About the aaiae time, Eumenes received a letter from Olympias, also entreatinghim, in the name of his ancient loyalty, to take Alexander's infant sun under his protection ^ and she requested his advjce on Polysperchon'sproposals to her- self. He did not need these pressingappeals to his honour to determine the course which he should take. He had seen it clearly from the beginning : nothing had occurred to change his views ; the recent events confirmed them. We need not doubt that he was sincerely at- tached to the royal house, to which he owed hi* fortunes; that he was not indifferent to the reputation of gratitude and constancy, which he must have forfeitedif he bad acted a different part. But it happened that his per- sonal interest,as he had the good sense to un- d^id'unU it, ciiucurrcd with tliese motives. To Antigonus be well knew that he could never ap- pear in any other light than that of a tool,to ba laid aside or broken when it had doae its work. The greater his services,the deeper the jeal- ousy they would awaken; the higherAntigo- nus might rise throughthem, the more unwill- ing be would be to own Euinenes as hia bene- factor. To the royalfamily he came as a friend in need: they might acknowledge and reward the merits of a faithful servant without humil- iaiion ; they would, probably,always require his support, and under the shadow of their name tie might occupy a station which, as a foreigner, he could not saft'ly aspire to on any other aide. He answered Polysperchon with promises of zealous assistance. Olympias be advised to wait for the present in Epirus, until she saw what turn the war took. If,however, she could not control her desire to return to Macedonia, ho warned her to forgetpast inju- ries, and to use her power with the greatest lenity. It was, no doubt, because he knew how littlecoDunand she had over her passions that he dissuaded her from the step (o which he saw she was strongly inchned. The third quarter towards which Polysper- chon turned his eyes m this emergency was Greece. Ttis was a sign of a new epoch in Grecian history. It was the opening of a pros- pect that Greece might stillrecover so muck political importance as would, at least,ensure her independence. This was an advantage reasonably to be expected from the inevitable dissolutionwhich awaited Alexander's colossal empire, and from the struggles which could not fail to ensue among hia successors. It was not beyond hope or likelihoodtliatGreece imghc bocome the arbiter of these contests. Her position, and the force which she was still able to raise, enabled her, if the scales should be nearlybalanced,to throw in a weight which would make either preponderate. If,aa waa most probable, these contests should terminate in the permanent establishment of several rival states, she, though the least powerful,might rank among them on terms of perfectequality, and might be as effectually secured by thell mutual jealousy as any sovereign in the Euro- pean system ; no member of which can be said to enjoy mure than a like precariousindepend- ence, as none could resist a generalcoalition, and many have no other securityagainst the encroaclimenls of their neighbours. It is a great mistake to consider the poLticalhistorj of Greece aa at an end when she was once compelled to submit to the Macedonian yoke. The events of the last half century alone ought to preclude snch an error. If she did not re- cover the position in which she stood when Philip mounted the throne of Macedon, it waa not because her strength waa exhausted, nor because she was surrounded by too powerful neighbours; not even because events which might have proved favourable to her interasta took an adverse turn ; but chiefly because she wanted an eye to see her new position and re- lations, and a hand to collect, husband, and employ her remainingresources. It imparts ft kind of tragic interest to the history of Greece, which is hardly to be found in that of any other fallen nation, to observe that she sank almost unconscioualy while she still possessed the HISTORY OF GREECE. BeuB of deliversnce, and that the inaigbt and the eflbrt came too late to be of any avail, "Tea if ther had been attended with immediate It was a singular effect of Poly ape rohon'a I aituation Ihat, though he had aucceetled to An- tipater'a authority, and had been placed in it by kis chiitce,aa a friend whom he valued and IcuBted mare than his own eon, he could only maintain himself by the closest union with his | peal of all his measures. The power which Antipater had acquired in Greece, though ha had nominally recovered it in behalf of his sov- ereigns, was really reserved to himself and his Almily. He had committed the command of the gartisonedplaces to his pergonal adhe- rents; anditwasnottothercgent, but toAntip-; ater, that the Greek parties whom he favoured felt themselves indebted for their triumph over their adversaries. It was not. therefore, to Po- lysperehon, whose office gave him no claims on them, but to Cassander, their patron'sson, that they transferred their goodwill.Polysperchon "aw that the onlyway by which he could hope to wroat Greece out of Cassander's hands, and to turn its arms againsthim, was to reverse Antipater's policy, and to overthrow all that be had eatabliahed there. The royalauthority was atill aufilcienily strong to effect a revolotian, which would [riaee the government of the prin- eipal Greek cities in the hands of men who would be no less firmly attached tohimaelf than their adversaries were by hereditary connexion to Cassander. He was encouraged in his de- sign by the envoys of several states,or repre- sentatives of the exiled parties, who were then at the Macedonian court : some, perhaps, hav- ing come before Antipater's death to obtain a Telsxation of their condition, such as the Athe- siane had requested; others may have been at- tracted by the prospect of a change which that avent opened. Ail were graciously received by the regent, and obtained his promise that the detnocralical institutionsshnoldbe every where teslored ; and he sent them back to Greece with a royalrescript to that ellfect. This edict ran is the name of the King Anideas Philip; it began with a declaration of tbe good will irtiich, after the example of his predecessors, ke bore to the Greeks, and asserted that be had "o sooner mounted the throne than he sent di- K"^ions to all the Greek citiesfor the restora- tion of peace, and the re-establishment of the oonstitnlions by which Uiey had been governed inihe time of his thther Philip. It then toached TB^ delicatelyon the imprudence with which, ^i)e he was at a great distance,a part of the BBtion had engaged in war with Macedonia ; it "pt*e io a tone of sympathy of the harsh ireal- ment which they had suffered from the royal generals, to whom alone (his severitywas to be impDted, The king was now ready to heal the wonnda they had inflicted, to restore harmony, and the political institutions which had sDbaist- ed in the reigns of his father and of Alexander ; and he decreed that all the Greek citiiens who had been transportedor banished by his gen- erala from the time of Alexander's passage to Asia " nnlCBs there were any of them condemned fcr homicide or aacrilege " shonU be permitted to return to their homea and to enjoy alltheir property. A part of the Hegalopolitanexiles, and all those of Amphiaaa,Tricca, Fbarcadoo, and Heraclsa,were excepted from this amnu- ty ; for the real, a daywas fixed as the term of their banishment. This part of the decree pro- vided for the overthrow of all the oligaichical govemmsnts founded byAntqtaier. A following clause directed Chat if there were any forms of govemmenl which Philip or Alexander them- selvsa had abolished aa contrary to their in- tereals, these cases also should now be laid be- fore the king, that lie might make such regula- tions as should seam expedient both for his own advantage and that of the cities ooncerDod. Tbe Athenians were to be replaced in the con- dition in which they stood under Philip and Alexander ; even Samoa, Philip's gift, wa" re- stored to them : onlyOropus was to remain in- dependent. In return lur these favoura, the kingrequired that the Greeks shoald pass a de- cree in the national congress forhiddiog all hos- tility and adverse practicesagainsthicaself, un- der penally of bauishmcnt and confiscation on the offenders and thsir posterity. The direc- tion of the whole business was committed to Polysperchon ; and the edict conelnded in the imperial strain : '" Ye then,as we before wrote to yon, ohey him ; for we shall permit none to neglect our commands." Such was the languagedesigned for the pub- lic ear ; it could not he pleasing to any patriot- ic Greek : this was not the way in which, what- ever might be his party, he could have wished to see Antipater's measures abolished. It ivas an exercise, and a formal assertion of the Mace- donian sovereignty. Yet the effect mi^t have been advantageous, iftbe Macedonian garrisons had been withdrawn, and things had been left in other respects to take their natural course. This, indeed, would probably not have been peaceable or bloodless, bat would not have been attended with the evils which ensued through Polysperchon 's intervention. His objectwas to loosen hia hold on Greeoe as litlieaa poesi- ble, and to excite a violent reaction against tte partisans of Antipater. He Iheiefbte wrote to Argos and to other eities,direetioK that tbe persons who had held Aa "Aief staUon in tbe oligarchical govemmenta Bhonld be pmiished with death,or exile uid eonllseation ; and he announced, in a lettM to the Aibeniana, that tbe king had reetored the democracy, and ex- horted them to retvrn to their horeditaiy ittsti- tnlioQB. In the nwan while, he prepared to aurch into Greeoe to give eSbot to his measores, and sent his son Alexander ItHward into Attica with a body of troops, to dislodge Nioanor Irom Mn- nychia, and to niahe himseir maater of AlbeiM. There his letter had roused an impatient desire in the people to M themselves immediately of the foreigngarrison; and theyrequired Nics- nor to withdraw. The force under his com- mand was hardlystrongenongh to repel an at- tack, and he therefore amused them with eva- sive answers, while he secretly introduced fresh troops into Mnnychia, and collected others in Salamts. To gaintime, he consented,on Pho- cion'B undertaking for his safety, to attend a meeting of the council which was held in Pi- rteus ; but Dereyllns, who was in command there, had laid a plan to arrest him, and he waa only^ipriEod of it in time to effecthis "e- REVOLUTION AT ATHENS." PHOCION BEFORE PHILIP. "ap". lliisbreietiof "itli, it tppeBTS.Wflsheld to be justified by ths infarmBtioD which had been receired of hia perfidious designsagainat tfa" city ; and PbcxHon was reprcmched beoaoBe Ike had not conearred in it. He declared thai he would rather suffer than do a wrong, but profisssed to disbelieve the reports which he beanl of Nicanor's projMls. These reports gained strength every day ; tbf popular fer- ment increased ; assemblies were repeatedly held on the subject; a decree was passed on the niotioii of Philomedes, that all the citizens ahould arm and bo in immediate readiness to obey PhocioD's ordera, Fhocion, however, cdd- tinued to express entire confidence in Nicanor, "od took no precautionsagainst the attack wbicb was generallyexpected. The event jus- tified the suspicions which he disregarded. Ni- canor brought over his troops from Salamis, "ad anrpruiBd Pirene in the night. Phocion, and two other friends of Nicanor, were sent to EecDonatrate with him ; but he now hade the Atheniana addreaa themselves to CasBander, whine officerhe was : he woidd take no steps witbont Cassander's commands. A letter bod already been sent to Polysper- draa,urging him to hasten to the relief of the eity ; but, before either he or his son arrived, ooe was received from Olympiss, in which she conunanded Nicanor to restore Munychia and PirauB to the Athenians. It diffbsed univer- sal joy among tbe people, who bad heard that OlympiBB was about to return to Macedonia to raemna her anoteot authority, and to undertake tbe guardianship of her grandson ; theyhoped that itwould awe Nicanor into compliance, and that Uiey should quietly recover their liberty. Nicanor himself affiled to treat it with re- spect, and proroised to withdraw his Rvops, fan continued to invent pretexts for delay. Af- fiuTS weffi in this slate when Alexander ap- peared with his forces before tbe walls ; he wan aecompuiMl by a great nomber of the Atbe- niao exiiet, but aba by a mixed nbble of Mran- gen and diafraiiDhiaed citiMns, who hoped to take adTaatage of the tamultnous reactloa whicdi might be expected: some to recover their loat i^Tiiegea, ethers to aBsutne a title which, -at this juncture,was not likely to be dispqted. Tet for a few daya they remained tranquil, not denbtiag that Alexander was come to enforce tbe Bxecolion of the royaledict, and that Nica" aar wodd ahortly he compelled to retire. It ^peart, mdeed, that they proceeded imme- 4iatel7to bold an assembly, in which Phocion was depoaad from bis office, but tiiatai" other laeaames were taken againsthim, and that he was left at litierty to have several interviews with Alexander ; in these, it is said,be repre- "mted to hitn that he could not safelydepend ODtbe Atheniana,nnlesB he occupiedMunyohia and Piratia with his own troops. But-there can be littledoabt that this was Alexander's de- d that he acted according to hi* father's instnictions. The suspicions c tbe people were aoon awakened by his conduct. Re held lapeated conferences with Nicanor,to which no Atbentans were admitted. Their ob- ject was divined, and Phocion was denounced as the author of the plot. The vengeance which bad been long gatheringnow burst upon him, and Agnooidescharged him with treason. This "11 was the signal for the most notorious of Anttp- aier's partisans to quit the city. Calhinedon, and others of his stamp, did not think thein- selves safe witbin the reach of Polyeperchon ; but Phccion, and several of bis friends, sought refuge in Alexander's camp ; they were gra- ciously received by him, and furnished with let- ters, by which he reciHomended them to his fa- ther's protection, as men an whose fidelity he might rely. Folysperchon had entered Phocls with liU army, accompanied by Philip. He was en- camped at the village of Pharygn,* when ha received bis son's letiers from Phocion and dte partners of his misfortune,and, at the saoM lime,an embassy from Athens, headed by Ag- noptdee, which bad-been sent to aecitoe them and to claim relief from the presence of the garrison. A throne was set under a golden canopy for Philip, as the judge of the cause, and be took his seal, surrounded by his council, in which Folysperchonreallypresided. Di- narcbus the Corinthian,Antipaler's chief agent in Peloponnesns, who had left Athens with Phocion " it is said out of regard for him, but, perhaps, also hoping to find shelter by his side " snd had been detained by illness fbr some days at Elatea, no sooner presented himself than Folysperchon ordered him to be led aw^ to torture and execution; he then gave bu". dience to the Atheniana ; their pleadingssoon rose into a storm of clamorous invectives, in which all order was lost, until Agnonidesstep- ped forward with the proposal, " Put us allint" one cage,t and send us back to be tried at Ath- ens." The king smiled at the image, which was ludicrously appropriate to the scene before bim; but, in compliance with the wish of the Macedonians, who formed the outer circle, and who, thoaghperfectly indifferent to the parties, found amusement in their contention, the ani- bassadors were ordered to proceed with their aocnsation In due form. Fotyapercbon listened to tbem withevident partialily ; bat when Pbo- clon began his defence,interrupted him so often and i" mdely, that at length he indignantly struck tbe ground with his stalT and spoke no more. Hegemon, another of the aocused,ven- tured to appeal to Folysperchonhimself,as n witness of the good will he had alwajra bonM to the people, but Folysperchonangrily exclaim- ed, " Have done calnmniatiog me to the king." And Philip started from his seat to strike at the audacious slanderer with his lance ; Poly- sperebon,however, eeiied his arm, and, to pre- vent any farther indecency, broke up the coun- cil. The result of his deliberation was, to send . Fhocion and his friends as prisoners, iguomfn- iously bound on wagons, to Athens, that Uiey might receive their final judgment from the The onlyprobable motive which can be as- signed for Folysperchon 's conduct in thistrann- acEioD, is ooe which involves a degreeo( base- ness and cruelty not common even among ths Macedonian generals of this age. but of which he atlerward proved himself fuDy capable. It " Slimtw,ii.,4M, Pluwich (Ph"., 3J) cilli II " "lll"i" of PhDcU. ItlUod CO the un of Ihn iDctonl Tirphi. t r(t*(d)'(l"", Ptal.,Mum., n. In AlbollBai (lii.,H wa nW ihu LruodClius onlsnd TelMpburui iultMlStmt 319 HISTORY OP GREECB. 'WBs impossible that be could entertain an; per- sonal reaentmeol against Phociun lor hia adbo- retice to Antipater, or that ho cuuld Teei ibe sllghteal inlurest m the quarrel of llieAthenian parties. Ha had, besides, been assured b; his son that Phocion was willing to submit to his government, as he liad done lo Antipater's, and would probably serce him with equal zeal. It was, therefoie,apparently without the slightest bias or passion, on the cook'sl eatculalion of policy, that he consigned Phocion to the Tate which was prepared,according to his own ex- press commands, for all the most eminent of Antipater'spartisans. The point,however, which seems most strongly to mark the nature of his conduct is, IbaC the gain which be could expect from Phocion's death was, at the utmost, , Teiy small,and, on the whole, doubtful. Dio- dorus,indeed,attempts to connect hm sacrifice of Phocion with a resolution which he is said to have formed on the subject of the garrison in FirieuB, He had now, Diodorus believes, aban- doned his original purpose, which was to occu- py itwith bis own troops, as too flagrantly in- oonsiBtent with his recent publicprofessions. But no information which could have been pre- served as to Polysperchon's intentions could convince us that, while he was every day ex- pecting an attack from Caseander in this quar- ter, he meant to leave Firsus in the bands of the Atheoians when he had wrested itfrom Ni' canor. Nor, in that case, could there have been any need of another sacrifice to propitiate their good will. !t is far more probable thatbecause, on the contrary, be had determined (o retain posseBsioD of the place, and thus to disappoint and irritatethe Athenians, he resolved to soothe them with the blood of victims which cost him nothing. Yet it might have seemed that even Phocion's enemies, alter their first resentment had subsided,must have honoured bim more, if he had sheltered the man whose virtues had won the respect of Aiexander and Antipater, and even of hie political adversaries. But respect for virtue or for misfortune was a feeling ti which Polysperchon was always a stranger . and in a Oreek they probably excited the brutal soldier's especialcontempt. And yet itmust be owned that our own ayai- pathy with Phocion's fate is not a littleweak- ened by the thought that such were the rulers nnder whose dominion ha bad himself edlybowed, and whom he had aided with allhis influence to impose their yoke on his country that be bad offered his aervices for the samr purpose to the very man who now, for the chance of a trifling advantage,exposed hiir insult and doomed bim to death. It was, deed,an ungratefulrequital of bis faithful taohment lo the Macedonian cause ; but he had scarcely a right to complain of it. It was I hia own consent that he had become subject the fbreiguer's pleasure ; he had sieadfasUy dis- couraged every attempt which otbera had made to deliver Greece from such dependance ; 1 had acquiesced" itisto be feared epprovin^y- iiithe condemnation of Demosthenes and other enemies of Antipater. We can hardly consider ft as other than a justretribution that be was I. "'" ^ atiout to iufler for his adherence ipater,at the instigation of Antipater' niend and sueceaaor. Cleilua was ordered to escort the prisoners Athens. Pbocion was accompaniedby four friends: Nicocles, the most intimate ofall.Thu- dippun,Hcgemua. and Pythocles. While tho carriage in which tlicy were chained slowly roll' ed through the sutwrb Ceramicus,eiposing' them to ttie gaze of some pitying, hut of more threatening and exulting spectatora, the Ihealrer which had been appointedas the (dace of an as- sembly Bi^inmtnied to decide their doom, was gradually filled. No care was taken lo exclude those who had no right to sit in judgment there ; the seats were crowded with the mixed multitude which had followed Alexander to Ath- even women, it is said,were admitted. "" IS, no doubt, tbe objeci of Phocion's private liesto render the approaching acene as dis- orderly and noisy as possible ; and the mtruders, who were safest in tumult, were likely to bt" the most clamorous. But.without any artificial excitement, most breasts alresdy burned with indignation and the thirst of vengeaaoe against Phocion and bis associates. B; the exiles An- tipater's friend was regarded aa the antfaor of their calamity ; by moU of tboae who bad re- mained under his adroioistntiaiibe was sus- pected of a treasonable eorrespcindeaoe with' Nicanor, which had defeated their hopes of de- liverance from a gaUing efaain. Soch was the prevailingdisposition of the assembly, whea Cleitus entered the theatre with his chuge. He firstread a letter from tbe king, -which de- clared that, in his judgment, the pdaanerawere guilty of treason ; but as tbe Alhenians were now free and independent, he committod the case to their decision. Cleitus lemafned as a simplespectator of the proceedings, though bis presence, after such a letter, could not but af- fect them. A friend of Phocion's csme forwsnl to propose that, since so grave a business had been referred to them by the king, the strangers and slaves should withdraw. But this motion was lost in an outcry, raised,no doubt,chiefly by the persons whom it concerned,againat tho (jigarcbs, the enemies of the people. The ac- cusers were then heard, in silence or with ap- plause, while they traced allthe evils which had befallen tbe city since the Lamian war " the banishment of so many citizens, the death of se many illustrious orators, tbe loss of their an- cient institutions, the continued presence of th" foreign garriaun " to Phucian's intrigues. When tbe lime came for the defence, Phocion made several fruitless attempts to obtsin a bearing. His voice was drowned in a tumult of hostUe Bounds. At length, in one of tbe short inter- vals which broke the uproar, he was heanl lo say, that aa to himaclf,he gave up hia plea and resigned himself to death: he only desired to intercede for his innocent friends. He was as littlelistened to in their behalf as others who- generously came forward U" defend him At lengthAgnonides mounted Ihe bema, and re- newing Ihe foulest uiquity of the proceedings which followed the battle of Aiginuse,produ- ced a decree which he bad prepared,directitig' that the people should decide by show of hand" whether the prisoners were guilty or not, and that, if the show of hands waa againsttheoir. they should be put to death. ""K^7!^f^ DEATH OF PHOCION."HEGALOPOLIS. SIS The temper already raanireated by the assem- iAj 'was soch that a man waa found more im- pudent than Agnonides, who veniured lo Bug- gest aa an amendment that Phncion sliiiuldbe put to death wi'h torture. This was too much for Agnonides,especially as he saw that Cleilus was disgusted; he therefore rejected the pro- posal, observing that such a death wuuld be (it for a wretch like Callimedon. if he should fall into their hands, but IhRt aa to Phciciaa, he would move nothing of the kind. "You do well," a voice exclaimed; "for if we should torture Phocton. what shall we do to you V Very few, however, entertained, or, at least, ventured (o express, such senlinienta. The de- cree was carried, and at the show of hands the spectators itwe "a one man to give their verdicl against the priaonere.Many even crowned themaelveB before the act, as for a joyful solem- nity. Sentence of death was likewise passed against several absent persons ; among them were Demetrias the Pbalerian,CalUmedoo, and Cbaricles. On bis way to the prison, Phocton suffered BOtue gross insults from the populace with meek- DBss and dignrty.Though the day was a holy- day, and [narked by an equestrianprocession, the sentence was unmediately executed, Pho- cion met his end with the playful composure sod gentleequanimily of Socrates. He endeav' oned to cheer bts (eUow-suatrers, and as the strongestproof of (Hendahip, permitted Nieoeles to drink the hemlock before him. When he was laked if he had any message for his son Pho- cos, "Only," he said, "not to bear a grudge "gainst the Athenians." As the draughtpre- pared proved not sufficient for alt, and the jail- er demanded to be paid for a firesh supply, he desired one of his rriends to satisiy the man, ob- serving, that Athens was a place where one cookl not even die for nothing. Hw body,according to law in cases of trea- "on, was carried to the waste gronnd on the eoofines between Megaria and Attica,where,as his friends did not venture to take part in the funeral,it received the last offlces from the hands of hirelings and strangers. His bones were coUecled by a Megarian woman. When the angry passions of Ihe people had subsi- ded, the remembrance of his virtues revived. His boaes were brought back to Athens and publiclyinterred, and a bronze stelue was erect- ed to his memory. Agnonldea was condemned to death by a papularassembly, and two of bis other accuser*, having been Ibond to quit the city, were overtaken by the vengeance of Pho- eus. These wer" effects of a change rather in the times than in the opinions of men. But the more the Athenians resigned themselves to the prospect of permaaenC subjectionlo foreignrule, the better they were disposed to revere the character of Fhocion, Had he lived in an eariier period, he might have served his country, like Nicias, with un- BDlhed honour. In a later age, he might have passed his lifein peacefhiobscnriiy. His lot (ellon dark and tronhted times, when it was diOenlt to act with dignity, uid the best p^riot might be inclined to despair. But be despaired, and yet aet"d. ,He despaired, not merely ofbia ooantry, which any one may innocently do, bat alao for her, whieh na man haa a haht to do. . Vol, n." R " He would have forced her to despair of herselC. He resisted every attempt that was made by bolder and more sanguinepatriots to restore her independence. He did not withdraw from pub- lic iiie ; he acted as the tool of his country's en- emies, as the servant of a foreignmaster; con* tent lo mitigate the pressure- of the degrading yoke which he had helped to impose. Towards the close ofhis lifehe desceoded lower and low- er, coDBtaat only in his opposition to whatever bore the aspect of freedom. The fellow v ' spat on him in his way ti s, per- haps, a more estimable person than the man tc whom he would have surrendered Athens as well as himself He led a character politically worse than doubtful -. one which his private worth alone redeems from the infamy that clings to the names of a Callimedon and a Demades : a warning to all who may be placed in like cir- cumstances, to shun his example, whether they value their own peace, or the esteem of poa- While the Athenians were expectinghelp from Polysperchon, and Alexander was n^oti- ating with Nicanor. Cassander appeared in the roa(" with a fleet of thirty-five gnlleys, having on board 4000 men, furnished by Aniigonus. He was immediately admitted by Nicanor into Ibe harbour, and suBered to take possession of Pimus. But Nicanor, who seems to have had. some privateviews, continued to occupy Mu- nychia with the troops which he had bieiy en- gaged in his service. On this intelligence Poly- sperchon advanced into Attica, and encamped close to Piraiis. His army amounted to 34,000 foot,30,000 of whom were Macedonians,a thousand hotse, and sixty-fiveelephants. He made some attempts on Pirnus. but found the fortificationstoo strong lo permitany hope of insufficient for the maintenance of so large a force. He therefore lefta bodyoftroops under the command of his son, and hinuelf, with the bulk of his army, marebed into Pcloponnesoa, to second the elforts of his partisans, and espe- cially to reduce Megalopolis, which openly de- (iedthe royajauthority, and embraced the cause of Cassander. At Connth he convoked a con- gress of deputies, lo receive the acknowledg- ment of subjection which was called alliance, and sent his envoys to the states which sub- mitted to him to enforce the execution of his orders. Under their direction, the adherents of the oligarchical governments were, in most places, condemned to death or banishment. Bnt the resistance of Megalopolis demanded his- own presence, and military force to overpower it; and he pursued his march to lay siege to- the city. There, through an unhappy combination oT ancient prejudices with party interests, Aotipa- ter's cause had become reallypopular. We have seen that Megalopolis refiiaed to join the national confederacy in the Lamian war. It had always shown a strong attachment to Ma- cedonia, for it WBB indebted to Philip for th" humiliaTioa of SparU, Uw object of its invete^ ate, tmplaoableenini^. Polybins*very utijusl- ly, tboorii with a Bitara) partiality, censure* DemootbeiiM for the bitternesswith wbicb he reviled tbe leaders of the Macedonian pwty int " fr. Ub., iTiL OIC 3" HISTORY OP GREECE. Iifogakqiifln at trahors to tlie cause of Greece. The bislorian represent! the orstoi as biinded by hia Athenian patriottBin ; but certainly tbe Tiens of the Macedonning Arcadian atatesnten nere not larger or clearer,when, in their jeal- omj and tatred of their neighbours, they over- looked the danger which threatened Greece from a foreignpower ; thoughPhilip, secure of their attactiment to him, did not think it neces- sat; to introduce hia garrisons into their cities. Theee feelings continued to animate the Area. dians, after they bad become more glaringly un- xeasooable and irreeoDcilable with the nationa] interests. Their devotion was sacceBsirely transferred from Philip to Alexander, from Al- exander to Aniipaier, as the regent of Macedo- nia. Aniipaier had atrengthened it by personal ties. Yet there can be littledoubt that itwould have descended to Polyaperchon as his legiti- dient everywhere to introduce a vioienl change in the existing order of things. But the leading DiflD, who saw their fortunes and lives threat- ened by his measures, as tbeir government bad hitherto been in accordance with the strongest popularfeelings, mighteasilypersuade the peo- ple that tbeir safetyagainatSparta depended on their fidelity to CaBsander. It was probably throngh these caasee thai Polysperchon, when he appeared before MegalDpolis,(bund, not a city divided between two factions, but a whole populationunanimonalj resolved to reaist him to tbe last gasp. They iiad made the most Tigoroos and jndi- cloua preparatioDS for defence, had removed their property out of the country into tbe city, bad enrolled the citixens, aliens, and slaves,ca- pable of service, and found that they amounted to lfi,000men, who were distributed, acctmling to their varioua qnaliGcations, for tbe purpooea of labour or militaryduty. The fortificatlona were repaired, and strengthened with a new dficb and rampart ; arm* and enjpitee were fab- lioatsd with onremittiDgBcttTity; an ottoer, nanted Damia, who bad aerved under AIezai"- der,was appointed to oomntand. PolyBperehoa, havingencamped befors One city,proceededto assail it with all tiM enginea and contiivanoes known in hia time. Ha brougbt up wooden towen, higher than the walla, whteb pooied lowers of miMiles on tbe besieged. But the "apm atladt seem* to have been eliieOj deaigned to dlv"rt tbeir attentioD Gram a mine, iniiota he, at tbe same tios,began to carry andei the walk. Whsaitbad advanced ftr enongh. fire ina set to the prope whidi aupported the roof, and it fell in with a tremendous crash. The breach thus effected tncladed tlnee of the lar- gest towers, with the interveningparts of tbe wall. Even this disaater, however, did not .shake the resoloiion of the oiiizens ; a remedy was immediately devised and applied. Tbeir forces were divided into two parts; and while titeone bodyrepelled the aasailantawlio mount- ed the breaoh, the rest tiegan to build a new wall behind it, Tbe rain,which, of itself, ob- atnicted the advance of the Macedonians, was defended until the approach of nightcompelled Polyspercbon lo sound a retreat. During the night the now works were carried on with un- wearied zeal. The next day Polyspercbon pro- ceeded to clear the ground of tbe niinSito open a passage for the elephants, whose streogtb would, be expected, bear down all resistance. Damis was aware of hia design, and prepared to meet it with a stratagem suggested to him by hi* familiarity with the nature of the ele- phants. He caused doors set with spikes, the pointsupward, lo be laid in the opening, cover- ed with a thin layer of earth. Tbe way waa leftclear in front,but a strongbody of dartmen and bowmen were stationed in eadi dank, with engines for tbe discharge of more powerful mis- siles. Tbe beast* were blindly dnven into the snare. At the same time that their feet were eotangled In the sjnkes,they were assailed fitnn each side by tbe iron shower. Maddened by paio, and mostly losing their drivers,theyspent their strength in attempts to escape, which only succetMled so far a* to spread confoaioo and havoc in the ranks behind them. Several of the beat were left dead ; a still greater number wasentirely disabled ; and those which sufered lesa injury did tbe more to their frienda. This repulse, while it deprivedPolyspercbon of a valuable pan of his force,discouraged him from the renewal of the ssaault. The poesee- aion of Megalopolis did not seem an object worth tbe delay which it was likelyto cost if he re- mained there in person, while he had so many active enemies iu his rear. Tbe im^H^sstonso eigtial a failure mi^ make on the minds of tbe Greeks he appesra not to have heeded. He, however, lefta division of hia army to blockade the place, and marched away wUh the main body to concert measures for tbe protection of Macedonia, which was threatened by Caatandbr and Antigonns. He had reaaon lo apprebend that AnttgonuB might attempt to invade Mace- donia from the north, and be theteihra aent hia fleet, under tbe comnwDdufCleitaB.to tbe ooBBt of Thraoe, with with tbe satrap uge, with a body of trec^,in tbe Brtbynlan townofCios. CleitiMaaaed into tbe Fnqwntts, redooed several placeson IbeAeiMio coast, and was joinedby Anridain. But Oaaeander,heai^ tng of thia expeditioa, sent NtoaKW againat him with his squadrao, which was JDereasod to nm" than a hundred sail by tbe remainingsbipa "rf Antigonns. A battle took |dacenear Byzan- titun, in wluch Cleitus gaineda brilliaM victo- ry ; seventeen of the enemy's veesris "ei" sunk, and fortytaken, with alltbeir erewa ; the rest took leflige in tbe barbonr of ObaloedmL But the oonfldenett eofeadetedlijr tbia ttioiBph turned it into the oaeaaion of a fatal disaater. Cleitaa drew np hi* fleet on the Baiapeanritora in fhncied aecvity. But Antigcnns, oo the ti- dings of the lost baltie, came to Chaleedon, and surprised tbe victor* by a etratafem aomediinc like Lysaoder'sat jEgoe-petami. Be pteowed transports from Bytantium, in which he sent over a body of troops in the night with oi^ra to attack tbe camp of Cleilua a Ultie before day- break, and directed Mioanor to aail across with the remnant of his fleet, so as to arrive el the same time oB^ the coast. Both tbeee operatiooa were completely successful. The troops of Cleitns on shore were thrown into confusion by the sudden attaci;,and fled to their ahips, leaving tfaetr baggage and priaonera in the ene- my's hands. They bad scarcely embarked be- fore Nicanor's fleet waa seen approaobiag. It TREATY WITH CAS8ANDEE Sl" An npoo them while they were bIlIIin disorder, and totally routed them. All,except the idmi- lal's galley, were captured with their crewa. CteitusbtniBeirescapedonljforthe tioM. When ba TBacbed a place of Bafetyon the coast of Tfaraoe, he quiiwd hia Teasel, to return to Ma- codoaia over laad. Bnt on bis way he fell in with some soldiers "it Lysimachus, who slew hjin, either for the sake of plunder, or as their iiibR"t'b eneiuy. In the mean while Polysperchon's affhirs were not QMire proBpeimiB in the south. His defeat at Megalopolis shook the confidence of his ad- bereots in Greece, and in many cities ted to a caonter-reTohitiotiinfaToorofOassBnder, This was the effci^ it produced at Athens. It bad beeoiDe clear tliat Poiysperchon was less than erer able lo deliver and protect the city, and that to remain in alliance with hint,while Caa- sander was master of PirEEoa, would subject it to the evils of a lingeringsiege, to (he ruin of jta commerce, and lo constant danger from sur- prise and treachery.ToCassander.onttieother band, it was important, for the sake of hia infla- eooe in the rest of Greece, to make Athens en- tirely bis own, by fair means. At length, one of hi* leadingpartisans ventured to propose that a negotiation should be opened with him. Hie iDOIlon gave rise to a violent debate ; but the adTSBtsges of peaee were so evident,that an embassy was decreed to treat with Cassan- der. The terms he oBered might appear liber- al when compared witb those which hia (hther had dictated. Yet the diffbrenoe was rather in sound than in substance,so (hr as the freedom of the people was concerned. The Athenians, becoming friends and nlliea of Caaaaoder,were to be restored to the possession of their city, tketr territory, their revenues, and ships ; but Cassander was to continue to oceupy Mnnychia with a garrison until he ahonld have brought the wsr to an end . The Constitution was to be altered only In two pointa. A qualification of property waa againrequired for the franchiae ; bat it was reduced to Uie hsif of the amoHni "sed by ADttpaler. Another article stipulated that the people ahonld receive a govsnior, un- der the title of guardian of the city,' elected byCasaander. raocionbad, in (act,tboogfa not in name, exercised snch authohty nnder Antip- uer ;t aitd,indeed,so long as the Macedonian garriBOcremained, this was a very alight addi- tiond eneraachment on liberty. The person whom CaBBBoder chose for this officewas De- metrina,son of Phanoatratna, the Phalerran ; perhaps aa ooe who waa well suited, both by his character and his privaterelationa, to act as mediatOT between theeontendingparties. His firotherHimersna was one of Uie orators pnt to death by Antipaler,!though he bimself had been recently forced to fly the city, as one of Antipater'a adherents. He had,besides, the rep- otation of a philosoirtier, aimirie in his habits, moderate in his desires,a lover of literature sad the arts. In one point Cassander's for- bearance vFas oonapicnauB, from its contrast with the conduct both of his father and of P(jy- " 't-ipMinitr^ wtkiaii,DiDdor.,xnii.,1i. t Diodor..jciii., 04. h r^ rSt lAuk Ap\ivhx^f^- i la what UiDai wt t.n to ijDdtnUqd tb" EpiplmiEft sperehon. He demanded no sacrificesto polley or revenge ; no decrees of death or banishment against his political or peraenal enemies. This treaty with Cassander forms an epoch of some importance in the history of Athens ; and it invites us to pause for a few moments, to rRfleeton the destinies and prospects of Greece. So far,indeed,as they depended on tliose of Athens, they were darker than erer. She wa* about to sink under a tyranny more degrading and corrupting than any she had hitherto ex- perienced : one which tended to make her more and more familiar with the dominion of a foreign master, more willing to purchasetranquillity at tbe expense ofliberty end honour. But for the nation the (Uture was not without its bright side. It was, indeed,impossible for tbe moat sagaoioas to have foreseen the work which Cassander was destined to accomplish : thai he Wis about to revenge the ruin of her ft"edain in a manner from which her own humanity would have recoiled. Bnt it was apparent that a separation was going forward between Mace- donia and the Asiatic provinces of Alexander's empire: that Thrace waa becoming a distinct, independentslate, from which Greece had little to fear, and much to hope. There waa gmund to believe that the time might not be far flistant when the ruler of Macedonia might find an equal alliance with Greece necessary to hie safety, and when it might even be desirable for her that he should be a man of energy and talents like Cassander, rather than one sg feeble and contemptible asPolysperchon. Even, apart from these calculations, the slnrious resistance which Megalopolis alone bad opposed tn the whole power of Macedonia, might well iiave stirred every Greek bosom with joy and hope. It proved that the nation had not yet very deeply degenerated from her heroic anceators ; that she was still worthy of her bright inheritance of fame : it showed what her united strength might Blilleflhct if it was roused for a common cause, if a deliverer should step forth superior to the pettyjealansy, to tbe narrow ambition, which liad so long divided and wasted it, and capable of controllmg and directing it to a worthy end. The event,however,depended on the issue of the stru^le between Cassander and Poiysperchon, and of that in which Aa- tigonua was about to engage with his rivals in the East, and then on the position in which the conquerors might be jiaoed towards one aa- CHAPTER LYin. " oiSBitniB'a ooDirpinoit ov t 811 1.0. VfaiLM AntigoDua was engaged, as we hare seen, on the western coast of Asia, Eumenes had availed himself of the leisurethua afforded him to take posaesaion of tbe authority with which he was invested by Poiysperchon. It was a task of infinite dilSculty and danger. He was soon forced to quitCappadocia,by tbe ar- rival ofMenander and a body of troops, sent iit pursuit of hirabvAntigonus.By a foiced march he cnmsed the Taurua, and in Ciliciamet An- 3ie HISTOnr OF GREECE. tigenea and Tcutamus. They submitted to the royd tuaadate, and received him wiili respect as commander-in-chief The jealousy of the Macedonians was subdued by admiration ofhis genius, and bysympalliy wlLb itie strange vicia- situdes of his rortune. Ttie guardians of the treasury at Quinda also surrendered it to his disposal Still, he saw himself surrounded by officers of highspirit and ambitious views, who looked upon lliemBeWeE as personallysuperior to the rcreigner whom accident had placed above them, and by troops,proud of their ser- vices, spoiledby license and flattery, impatient of discipline and suburdi nation. He perceived that their fidelity could only be secured by the most studied show of moderation and hamitity ; that tie mtisc keep his personalpretensions as much as possible in the background, and put forward the legitimate authority, in the name of Whicli he claimed their obedience. Ho there- fore declared at once that he would not accept the 600 lalenta which had been assigned to bim for the supply of his own wants. He had none which requiredso large a sum : he had no pri- vate aims ; be was merely the servant of the royalfamily, and had reluctantly nndertaken the difficultolBce with which be had been intrusted. The more effectually to suppress the spirit of rivaliy and discord, he pretended to have been favoured with a dream, in which he had seeu Alexander,as when alive,airayed in the en- signs of royalty, seated in hia tent, and despatch- ing affairs of state ; and he proposed that they shoald erect a magnificent tent, should place a golden throne in the centre, on which should be laid a diadem,sceptre, and royalapparel, and that there Ihej should transact business : the presence of the departedking. All pleased with the thought; and in this fons the councils were held. Eachofthe generals, when iie entered the tent, burned incense on an altar in front of the tbrmie, and adored Alexander a god, and then took bis place on one of the seats which were ranged on each side of the throne. The awe of an invisible presence we felt, in some measure, by those who thus met and the multitude was prepared to revere ordei which issued from a [jace where they migl seem to be suggestedby Alexander himself, while Eumenes, without prejudice to bis au- thority and inSnence,could,on these occasions, prepervc the appearance of perfectequality with his officers. While he declined the royalbounty for him- self, he made free use of the Ireasores at Quinda for the public service. He sent his friends to levy troops in the neighbouringprovinces of Asia Minor, and in Syria,Phcenicia, and Cyprus, with oflers of largepay, which drew many Greeks,as well as Asiatics, under his standard. In a short time he had collected 10,000 foot and 2000 horse ; so that, with the Argyraspids and the troops which he brought with him, his army may have fallen not far short of 20,000men. Bolh Ptolemy and Antlgonus were alarmed at the progress which be appeared to be making, and both,nearly at the same time, set similar enginesat work against him. Ptotcmy sailed in person with an armament to Cape Zcpbyrium near the mouth of the Calycadnus. in Cilicia and, while he stayedthere,sent a message ti the generals of the Argyraspids, urging them army ; utd another to the commanders at Quinda, protesting against their surrender of the treasure, and offering his protection to them if they would resist the demands of Eumenes. Ptolemy,however, inspired neither fear nor re- spect sufficient to counterbalance the royal au- thority, and no attention was paid to his mes- sages. Antigonus sent a confidential agent, named Philutaa,to the camp of Eumenes, with a letter addressed to the Argyraspids them- selves, and to the other Macedonians iii his aer* accompaniedby thirty Macedonians, se- lected for their volubility and address, with is- timiB to engage Anltgnes and Teutamos. and as many more as they could, by bribes and promises, in a conspiracyagainst their chief. Teutamua grasped at their iriTcrs, and tried to persuade his colleagues to concur with turn. But Antlgenes bad a clearer view of their com- mon interest, and convinced Teutamua that it was not Eumenes, a foreigner, who would never venture to injurethem, but Antigonus, whoaa ambition was ready to level all before it, that should be the object of their jealousy. The let- ter broughtby Philotas was read to the soldiers in (he- absence of Eumenes, and, st first, pro- duced a strong impression on their minds. It exhorted them immediately to arrest Eumenes, and put him to death, and threatened that other- wise AntigonoB would march against them wilti all his forces, to punish their disobedience. But when Eumenes appeared and read the let- ter, he made a speech which dissipated their fears, confirmed their loyalty to the royalbouse, and strengthened their attachment to himself. The occurrence, however, admonished liim to quicken hia preparations for war. He soon after marched into Phcenicia to collect a fleet, which might secure the command of the sea for Polysperchon, and enable him to transport bis Ibrces into Asia, to meet Antigonus whenever be would. Another object of this movement was, it seems, to wrest Syria from Ptolemy. But before he had accomplishedeither,be found himself compelled to quit the coast and to retire into the upper provinces,by the approach of Antigonus himself. He had received a warn- ing in the loss of a squadron of Phoenician ves- sels which waa bringingtreasure to him from Quinda. It was mooicd near Cape Roasus, when the fleet of Antigonus was seen sailing' by, adorned with the trophies of the recent vic- tory over CleituB. Sosigenes, the commander of the squadron, was on shore wailing for a calmer sea. The Phceniciau sailors plundered the treasure, and surrendered their ships to the enemy.* After his victory near Byzantium,Antigonus no lunger entertained any fear of an attack froia Polysperchon. Itwas not bis interest immediste- ly to decide the contest for the possession of -Macedonia,hut rather to let the two parlies spend their strength and waste its resources; and since Cassander appeared now to be quite able to maintain his own cause, there was do farther need of his presence near the Helles- pont. The preparations of Eumenes were as- suming a threatening aspect ; and after the fail- " Polr"o^ IV ogle PITHON AND SELEUCUS." ANTIGONUS AT SUSA. SIT "re of the attempt made ihnnigbPbilotua, Ad- tigookis selected 20,000 inranlry and 4000 cav- alry from the mass of his Torccs, and advanced wjlh (be utmost apead iuto Cilicia. He came, however, too late to overtake Eumenea, who had already set out on liis march towards the Eupbraiea. Antigonus Ibliawed him into Meeo- potomU, and Ibere put bis array inio winter quartera. Eutnenes toek up bia in Babylonia,* and entered into negotiation with 8eleucu" and Pithun, who were both at Babylon, to perauade ihem to join in tbe defence of the royal author- ity againstAntigonus. They profeaaed tliem- aelves ready to serve the royal bouse, but de- clared that they would never submit to the or- dera or Eumenes, a condemned criminal ; and the; sent an envoy to Antigenes and the Argy- raspids.calling on them to depoae him from bis command. But tbe fidelity of the Macedonians seemed oow so secure, that such atlempta only afforded a fresh opportunity for the dispiaj of their zeal in his behalf. When the aeaaon per- mitted, he resumed bia march eastward. Hia first objectwaa to gam Suss, and make bimaelf master of the (reaaurea remaining there. At tbe passage of the Tigris he encountered aome reaistaace from Seleucus and Pitbon,tbougli their forces were not sufficient to meet liim in open battle. But while be lay on the nestem Bide,they cut the bank of a canal and flooded his cunp. He waa reduced to greatdanger and distreaa until he diaoovered tbe bed of another, which he cleared out, and thua drew off tha waters. Seleucus waa now anxious to delirer bis province from this formidable enemy, and consented to a truce, that he might cross the liver without molesiatioD : at the same time,be ^prized Antigonus of the event, and nrged him to advance without delay, before the satraps of the upper provincea shoijd have brought their forces down into his territory. This coalitionof tbe eaatem aatrapa,againat which Seleucus sought the aid of Antigonus, had been caused by Pithon'a indiscreet amhi" tion. He had put to death Philippus, tha sa- trap of Parthia, and had ^^Muted hia own brother,Eudamiu, in his room. This fiolent proceeding, while it hatriyed his aspiring view*, alarmed all the aUrapa who had been jdaoed imder bia aothoiiQrby the partition of Trqwrlf disus. Tbe; formed a leagueagainathim, de- bated him in battla, and drove him ont of Par- thia. Even in his own province,Media, be did not feel aecure, and bad repaired to Babylonto engage Seleucus in his interest. It is not clear why Seleucus espoused bis cause, and still leas why Aotigonua declared himself on the same aide; since neither Piifaon nor Seleucus was strong enonn,, to oppose him, and,b; a diSbr- ent course, he might have deprived Eumenea of many powerful alliea. Enmenaa bad trana- milted the royal letlera to the satraps, who will- injjiy promisedobedience,and,according to his dirpctiotiSi advanced lo meet him in Susiana. The principal confederates were Peucesies, the sairap of Persia, Foieino of Carmania, Sibur- tius of AracbOBlB, Oxyartes of Paropamisua, who had sent his contingent under the com- mand of Androbazua, Stasander of Aria and Drangiana, who also broughtabodyof Bactrian troops, and Eudamus, who, atler Alexander's death, had assaasinated Porua, and made him- self master of l^iO elephants. Eumenes thua found himself joinedby an array of little less than 20,000 foot and 6000 horse, besides the el- ephants which Eudamns had brought with him. But in proportion to the megnttude of this re- enforcement was tbe difficulty of preserving harmony and subordination among the leaders. Feucestes,who, as tbe highest in rank, and aa governor of the province which famished the largestamount of troops, had hitherto held the chief command, was not willing lo resigniti and Antigenea, as the leader of the vetersna who had shared the glory of all Alexandar'a conquests, would not acknowledge a superior. Eumenea could not venture to orge bis own pretensions, and had needof allhisdexteritrto prevent a fatal rupture between tbem. He n- Borted to his old expedient, and persuaded thsm not to elect any one commaDder'io."hief.hat to- deliberate together, with the ceremonies before adopted, as in Alexander's presencer Tber" was, however, one importantadvantage which he reserved for himself. Xenophilus, the gov- ernor of the citadel at Snsa, complied with tbe royal orders, which directed that Eumenea alone should dispose of tbe treasure. From this he drew six mooths' pay for ClieMacedooi- ana, while tbe aatrapa mainlaii"ed their own troops, and eecnred the attachment of Bad^ mua b; a grant of 800 talents, nomin^tjr to d"- fray the expense of Uie elephants, which were deemed an arm of peculiarimportance. The intelligence of Uieir anion induced An- tigonus, who was on tbe point of setting out in pursuit of Eumenes, to wait some time lon^ in Mesopotamia, to atnngtfaen himself with ftesh teviea. He then nuirdied to Babylon, "nd hsTing conclnded an kUiance with Pitbon and Selenous, and joined their troops to his arm;, crossed the Tigris, ind advanced to" wards Suso. Eumenes, when he heard of his approach,prevailed on tbe confederates to re- treat, and to take up a position behind the Pa- sitigris, extending their lines as far as the coast. To defend this longrange of country, he indu- ced Feuceates to send for an additional body of 10,000 bowmen from Persia, which is said to have been collected in a surprisingly short time by a chain of oral signals. On his arrival at Susa, Antigonus bestowed the salrap; on Sele- ucus, and, as Xenophilus refused to surrender the citadel, lefl bim with a body of troops to beaiege it, while he himself marched forward to the Cciprales. The river was not fordable ; and he could collect but few transports. In these he sent a division of hia array across, hut, he- fore he could join It with the main body, it was attacked hy Eumenes. aiid ciimpletely routed. The fugitives crowded into the boats,which sank ander their weight "" numbers periahod in 318 HISTORY OP GnBBCE. tha Tirta : 4000 were fonMd to "aTrender. This dtiaBtei indaced Antiganus to fallback on (he EulBUB : oud he lost so raaay of his men oa itie march, through the heat of the weather, that be resolved tu change his route, and proceed to Ecbaiaaa, with the hope, it aeeina. that the con~ federacymight be broken up by the danger which threatened the eastern pruvinceB. I'd avoid the heat, he took the shortest road, which led tbrougb the Coasxan highlands, but soBered great loas, and narrowly escaped dealructian, fitim the attacks of the siill unconqoered mount- aineers. So many of the horses and other beasts bad perished in this march, that he was obliged to send Pitbon to collect a fresh supjriy from the iledian pastures. His EAen bad begun to mur- mur at the hardshipsthey bad nodergvne, but were soothed by his liberality, when Python re- tunied, bringiog not only a namber of beasts saScient to repair their losses, but 600 talents collected for the royal revenue. His movement, as he had foreae"D, created perplexity and discord among the aUies. 'An- tigenes, snd Eumenea hiiatelf, with all who had followed them from the West, thought it most 'adviaabte to return and take advantage of his ^"9enae in the rasritime provinces. But the satrapa, who were alarmed for their own paesessioDS, refused to leave them exposed to Oe enemy ; and Eumenes, seeing that,unless he oomplied with their wishes, the confederaey would be dissolved, cooaented to maroh into Persis. On their arrival at Fervspnlis, the "irmy was entertained by Peuoesles with a sao- rifiee in honour of Philip snd Alexander, to whom altars were erected by the side of those of the gods, and a magnificentbanquet, which "o woo their hearts,(hat Eumenes, to preserve bis owu inBuence,forged a letter,which be pTB- tended to have received from Oronles, satrap of Armenia, a friendof Peuoesles,announcing that Olympias tiad returned to Macedonia with her grandson, that Cassander was slain, and that Polyspercbonhad crossed over into , with an army, and was already in Cappadi All eyes were now turned with respect and anxiety towards Eumenes, as the future dis- penser of royal favours and puniahmenta; and he made nse of this impressiontu bring Sibar- tiue, the moat intimate friend of Peucestes,to trial, and forced him to fly for his life. Eume- nes, howeveT. won the good will of Peucestes by friendly words and liSaral promises ; and, to secure the attaobment of the officers whom he most suspected,pretendedto be in want money, and borrowed large sums of them the king'sname. In the midst of these festivitiesand rejoicings for imaginarysuooess, the enemy was almosl forgotten, when tiding* came that Antigonua was on his march towards Persis. Eumenes carried a resolution lo advance end give him battle. On the road, he was seised with ill- ness, the eflect, it is eaid, of unusual intemper- ance at a hanqnelwhich he gave, as if to vie with Peucestes : he was obliged lo halt for some days, in great danger, and remained so weak that he lethimself be carried in a litter the rear, white Peucestes and Anligenes coi.. manded in his stead. But when the enemy suddenlycame in sight, the foremost ranks of the cobimn halted,and, groundingtheir i refused to proceed unti) Gumenea aboold pot himself at tfeeir head. When he learned what had happened, be ordered himself to be trans- ported with the utmost speed to the front, and as he approached,causing the curtains of his litterto be withdrawn on each side,waved his hand towards them. They, in return, greeted with shouts and the clash of their arms, and loudlyexpressed their eagerness to meet the enemy, and he immediatelybegan la form his line of battle. Antigonus, who had heard of his illness,and had quickened bis march to take advanfl^ of it, when he observed the dis- positions that had been made to receive him, and saw the litter moving Irom one wing to the other, remarked to his friends, with the loud lau^ with which he usuallyaceotnpaaied his good things, " The enemy's tactics seem to be in that litter;" but he immediately gave the sig- nal for retreat,* and look up a strongposition be- hind a ravine intersected by a rtver. Eameoes encamped not far olf on the other side. Nei- ther general rentored to begin the atta"A, and they remained several days inactive t During " is interval Antigonus made another attempt gain over (he hostile Macedonians and their chiefs, by promises tlul the satraps should re- their provinces, and that the men EhouM snt hack to Hieir country with honour and largedonativee,or should be taken into ttisown "ervice. The Macedonians, however, etill ad- hered finnly to Eumenes, who exposed the per- fidy of bis adversary's ofiers by tbe faWe of the lion,who was persuaded to put with hie teeth and claws. Antigonus now found itneceHsaryto-decamp, as both armies were suKring from scarcity of provisions. Eumenes divined that hie intentioa was to reach Gabiene, a distriot of Elymais, hitberto untouched, and capable of eupfriying all his wants. He himaelf had the same ob- ject, and gained tbe start of Antigonus by a stratagem, but afterward let himself be deceiv- ed ID his turn, and was obliged to give battle. Their forces were prettyequally balanced : Alt- tigonus was stronger in cavalry, Eumenes had a greater number of elephants. But after a day's hard fighting, in which Demetrius, tbe "on of Antigonus, lai the first time headed a brigade of horse, no decisive advantage had been gained on either side, Tbe number of killed and wounded was. indeed,greater on that of Antigonus ; end there prevailed in his Eurmj a general conscionanesa of defeat. Tet he was aUe toretumfirstto the fieldand bur7 bis dead, because Enmenes could not prevail on bis men to encamp at a distance from their baggage, so tliat he found it necessary to apply to Aitigo- nos. as oonqueror, for leave to barj his slain. But the troops of Antigonus were an disheart- ened, that he resolved to resignpossession of Gabiene to the enemy, and to lalu up his quar- ters in a distant part of Media, and he detained the berald of Eumenes until be bad finished the preparations for bis retreat.t Enmenea did not think it prudent lo pursue him. as bis own men needed refreshment and repose; and aAer a magnificeot interment of his slain,in which tbe Hb Hcrtm to Imcrtvnolhinr ef Pin- 1, luwrTir, ipi"ui lo tw tilljhM- hti..Ill,, a. PeljvBU, ir.,t,l". STRATAGEM OF ANTIGONUS." THE BATTLE. St9 baemnaw widow of an Indian officermoanted the funeral pile, be raarcbed into Gabiene.and put his armj into e"Dtoniiiente for the winter. The part uf Media in which Antigonas win- tered was within nine dajs' march of Gabiene bj the most direct road ; but ibia road led thiougb an arid desert. Antigonus, howeyer. resolved to attempt to surprise the enemy. He set out in the depth of winter,havingsptead the belief that Armenia was the nbject of his expedition, and haxing ordered the men to pro- vide theinselTes with victuals for ten days,rMdj dreea"d. To ensure aecrecy, he forbade them to kindle fires during the night. But the aeverit; of Uie cold forced Ihera to neglect tbia prohibi- tion, and when tbej were within three or four i"j"' march of their dettinatioD, the camp-ftrea betrayed their approach. The lidinga were car- ried with the utmost speed,by oouriera mount- ed eo dromedaiies, to the headquarters of the dlied aatrapa, and plunged tbena into conster- BBtion. It eeemed certain that Antigonoa would ftU upon them before they could collect their troope from the villages where they were cantoned, which were spread over a great ex- tent of ooantty, Peoeeates prcfMMed to retreat to the oppositeeztremity of the province, where tbeymight, at lesst, reassemble a part of tiieit fiwce before the enemy came up. Euiuenes ahme preaerred bis presence of mind, and waa ready with an expedient to ' ey. He saw that the tnov Penoeatea was likelyto be tal diovolntion of the confederacy, and he on- dertook to stop the progresa of Antigonuslong enongta to aflbrd them time to bring all tlteir troops together. The desert tract which Ad- tigDDus waa croMing, in great part level,was boonded on the aide of Oabiene by a tidge of high bills. On their smnmita Eumenes eaoaed a number oflirea W be lighted, ao "" to|"eeeiit tlie appearaoee of a great enoatuptuent. The biaxe was seen ftr and wide ; and Antigovus was warned Utat his approach had been dieoo*- "ed,UKl that the enemy appealed to be-eseen- bled in Ibll force to receive bim. Ae he did not ventme to ezpoae hia wayworn troops to the chance of an engagement, he turned aside out of tbe dBserl, and halted some daya to refresh them. During this interval,Eumenes fortified kla camp, laid in an abundant stock of provia- iooa, and was rejoinedby hia whole force ex- cept the elephaota, wbicb, however, ataa reaeb- ed the eamp in nfe^, notwithntaoding an ai- tnnpt which AniigonuB made to intmcept them. lite two armies renvunod only a few daya within a abort distance of eacb other before theyjoined battle. Eumenes now had a great advantage in numbers. His infantry amounted to near 37,000 men ; that of Antigonus to no BM"e than 83,000. But the cavalry of Anltgo- nu was nearly 10,000 strong; that of Eu- menes scarcely exceeded 6000. The spirit of his army was excellent. But on tbe eve of the battle he discovered,through the information of Endamas and another officer,who, as hia creditors, felt an interest in his safety, that the principalsatraps, at the instigation of Antig- cnea and Teutamua, inflamed with jealousy, stronger than ever, of his growing popularity, bad resolved to get rid of bira as soon as he should have won them B victoryover Antigo- nus. He had, it seems, a fbw friends whom he still trusted, and with them be is said to have deliberated whether he should not abandon hia faithless associates" ~a herd of wild beasts,aa he justly called them*--"Dd even to have made his will, and burned such of his papera as might involve the writers in danger afler his death. But it seems that he at last determined to com- mit himself to the good will of tbe troope, who manifested extraonlinary leal. The Argyraa- pids,notwithstanding their age. believed,them- selves, and were commonly believed to be Bt most invincible. Just before the signal waa raised for the onset, Antigeoes ordered a horse- man to ride up within hearing of that part of the enemy's line where the Macedonians were stationed, and to admonish Ihem that they were about to begin an unnatural combat mth their fathers ; the veterana to whom Philip and Alexander owed all their oonqoestB, and who would stillshow themselves worthy of the renown they had earned in ao many gloriona fields. This address made siHiie impreflaion on the ttoope of Antigonus; muimure wen beard among them, which ahnwad that they painfuDy feltita truth ; while, on tbe other side" the men loudly demanded to be led against tbe AiitigoDiiB had collected the main etrengtfa of his cavalry in the rightwing, where be com- manded in peraon with hia son Demetrius. To meet this disposition, Gumenee strengthened his leftwith the beat part of his cavalry and et ephante.andtheAigyraspida, and took hie at". tion there,together with moat of th^ satraps. His ri^t wing be placed under the coramuid of PhiUppua, with orders to avoid an engage- ment, W to wait the iasue of that which was to begin on his right. The event of the battle, however, waa not determined either by tbe tactics of the generals, or by the valour of the men, but by the nature of the ground on which they fought. It was a plain, covered with fine, loose sand, partly covered with a salt cniQt; and the trampling of the horsea and men soon raised a cloud of duet, through which no object oould be discerned at more than a few yarda diatanoe. It is not quite dear whether it waa to escape Aom this annoyance, and to gain a part of the fieldwhere he might see the enen^ better,or from want of spirit, or with a treacli" erous purpose, that Peuceetes did not wait to receive the diarge of Antigonos, but wheeled off with hia division of cavtdry, which amount- ed to 1600 men. Eumenes, thongh so much weakened, maintained the unequal combat for a time, but at lengthwas forced to retreat,and moved oS' in good order to the right, to re-en.^ force bimaelf with the troops of Philippus, which were not yet engaged. But in the mean while Antigonus had obtained a more impoi^ tant advantagethrough the dust which darken- ed the air. He was enabled to send some se" lect squadrons of horse ronnd to the enemy'a camp, aa under cover of night. They reached it unobeerved, routed the troope which had been left to ^ard it, and made themselvei mastera of aD it contained, which included the wives and children of the Argyraspids, and aU the earnings of their long services. The Ar- 3S0 HISTORY OP GREECE. grnuipida snstained their reputation in the hut- tie ; and, although Diodonis must be exagger- ating their exploits whnn he says that they killed 6000 of the enemy, and yet did not lose a man, thfl suecefls of the infantry of Eiunenes "was probably due chiefly to them. But when the combat of the cavalry was decided,Antig- onus divided his into two bodies, and while, with one of them, he himself walched the nravements of Euraenes, he sent Pithon with tlie rest U" chaise the Argyraspids. They, however, gave proof of their wonied coolness and soldiership ; though they had no horse to protect them, they formed themselves into a "qoare, which Pithon found himself oneble to force, and retired in safety from the field ; and then discovered the irreparable loss they had "uRercd. Wlien night had parted the combatants, Eu- Tuenes and the satraps held a cooncil of war. Eumenes wished to renew the battle the next day,obsHrring that their infantry had be"n vic- torious, and even the cavalry had not been de- feated. But the satraps,thinking this too great " risk,proposed to retreat into the upper prov- inces. Both parties adhered to their opinions, "nd the council broke Qp without any decision. There was, however, a third party, which they had not consulted, but which soon made its "entiments known. TTie Argyraspids were fu- liouB at the discovery of their loss,indignant at the conduct of Peuceates, which seemed to fcave deprived them of the victory, wten itwas already in their hands, incapable of any thought fcul the immediate recovery of their families and property. When they learned the subject on which the cnuncil had been divided,they londly declared that, while all that was dear to them was in the enemy's power, they would neither fighlnor retreat : " What bad thpy any longer either to hope or to fear V AU feelings of loyalty and honour were now extinguished ; the onlyexpedient that seemed to he left to them was to applyto Antigonus for the resti- tution of what they had lost, Teotamas, who had always been inclined to change sides,and now probably saw no other way to preserve his authority, himself opened a secret negotia- tion with Antigonus, Antigonus was willing "ot only to grant Iheir request, hot to confer other favours on them if they would enter into bis service, and deliver Eumenes into his hands. These terras were accepted, and the Argyraspidsprepared to execute theii treach- erous purpose. A number of them entered the tent of Eumenes together, under various pre- texts, wrested his dagger from him, overpow- ered him, and fastened his hands behind his back with his own belt." Antigonus was im- mediately appriied of the event, and sent an officer named Nieanor to take possession of the prisoner. He earnestlyentreated, it is aaid, that he might be allowed to die. either by their hands or by his own, before he was sur- rendered to the enemy ; on that condition, he was ready to acquit them of the guilt of treach- ery ; but he could not obtain even this last fa- vour. Antigonus, who had not dropped all hope of engaging him in his own service, or- dered him to be commitlert to the closest cus- tody until his fate should be detemfned- When the question was dismissed in the conii' ell, two voices only pleaded for his life;hia old friend Nearchus, and the young Demetriua, who was capable of admiration for a noble ad- versary. Nor. perhaps, was Antigonus him- self, though, it is said, violently incensed against the prisoner,entirely callous to such feelings ; hut in him they were speedily over- powered by the remonstrances of hie other generals, who, each regarding Eumenes as a rival,pressed for his execution, and even threatened, if he were spared, to quit the ser- vice of Antigonus. The army, ton, or at least the wretches who had betrayedhim, began to be clamorous for his life ;* and Antigonuswaa forced to giveway. He was stillso reluctant to shed the blood of the man who had once been his fHend, that, with cruel superstition, he ordered his food to be withdrawn. Bnt as the camp was broken up two or three daya after,the prisoner was despatched, before he sank under the lomienta of hunger, either by command of Antigonus or to salis^ sonie moT" jealousor more merciM enemy. So perished, in the forty-fifth year of hia age, the ablest and best of Alexander's survivingcaptains ; if we ought not rather V" say, the only one wtio uni- ted very eminent abilities with a character eo- titled to respect. His talents and teal, with which he might have conferred important ben- efits on his conntry, were wasted in the ser- vice of foreignere, who could never forgive the superiority of a Greek. It not only interfered with the ambitious views of his rivals, but shocked the self-complacency " always strong- est in the most haTbarons and worthless races " with which a nation of military boors, intox- icated with the good fortune which had mada them the instruments of great achievements, regarded itself as the first peo|de on the earUi. No opposition, It seems, was offered by the rest of the army to the mutiny of the Argyras- pids ; and tile "urreDder of Enmenea was pres- ently followed by the sabmisnon of almoat aU the allied satraps and their forces- Peucestes was among the firstto fUl in with the cintent, and joinedAntigonus with hia 10,000 Peiaiana. The blame of their resistance was, of course, thrown upon Eumenes ; and Antigonus receiv. Bd their excuses graciously; be exceirtedonly a few, who had shown either personal attach- ment to Eumenes or hostility to himself An- tigenes had excited his specialresentment, as the man who had baffled his early attempts to corrupt the Ai^raspids. He was now, by or- der of Antigonus, cast into a pit, and bamed " e. Eudamus, Celbanus, and some others, e likewise condemned to death. Thnswas league of the eastern satraps suppressed, and the royal house lost the only man who had shown a true devotion to its cause, and able efTectually to support it. Antigonns now only to make use of the advantage he had gained,quietly to remove all the obstacles which still opposed the accompiishmeni of hia He soon quitted Oabiene to take up hia quav- ers for the rest of the winter near Ecbatana, nd cantoned his army in the northern dis- ricis of Media, chiefly in the territory of TITHON." FLIGHT OF SELEUCUS. RJngK. While it remHiDftl here, he receiTed udbnBation tint Pittian wu endeavouring,by a free diMribntion of nioney, to draw as mnay a" be could of the acattered dirinonB into faia own serylee, and was meditating " sudden at- tack npoB him. He disaembled his purpose, aflbctsd to treat the leportB he received with indignation,as foil; assared of Pitbon'R fideli- ty, and putdicjy announced his intention to leave the satrap of Media in the station he had before ocfmpied " the mperintendence of the eastern proTincea. When be had allowed snf' ficienl time for his language to reach Pitbon's "ar, he wrote to a "prize him that he was on the point of letuming to the West, and deaiied his immediate presence, to confer with him on ad"iis of tlie highest moment. Pithon feL blindly into ttie snare ; he came, expeeUng, ac- cording to the information he had received from hiB frienda, that be was to be invested with the goremment of the East. But Antis- ooas brought bim to trial before his council, and caiued him to be condemned and immedi- ately pttt to death. The satrapy of Media he coDunitted to OnmtobateB, a natire of the country, and appointedHippoatratus to the tnilitarT command with a body of 3000 Asiatic troops. He then collected bis forces,and, proceeding to Ecbatana, took possession of I tressare tetnalDingtbare, which amoanted GOOD talents,and set out on his mareh to P sepolis. While be was on the road,a feeble attempt was made by two generals,Meleagei and Mentetas, nito had engaged in Pithon'i plot, to excite an insurrection in Media, and theynearlysurprised the camp of the new sa- trap and HippostratUB ; but the revolt was soon sappreased, and the leaders punished with death. In PetaiB,Antigonnswas rsceived with roy- al hoDonre, and be held a coancil to deliberate "o the distributiim of the eastern provinces Moat oTtiie more distant he thought it prudent to leave in the hands of tbe satraps who had hitherto beld tbem, who could only have been lemoved by Ibree ; and he sent for Siburtius Awn Aranhosia,as assured of his attachment by his enmity to Eumenea, confirmed him in tlie possession of bis satrapy, and [daced the moat turbulent of the Argyraspids under hit com- mand, with secret instructions to employ them, by small parties at a time, in services which would enenre their deetmction. This number included the men to whom he had been chiefly indebted Ibr the snrrender of Enmenes, who thus received the Jqbi recompense of their treachery. Penis was too important a ptov- ioce to t"eleft in the hands of a man so pc^ular among the natives, and so aepiring, as Peaces- tea. Antigonus removed him; and. when the peopleloudlyexpressed its discontent, and an officer named Thespius bad the boldness to rep- resent their wishes, he put Thespius to deaui, and appointedAsclepiodoms to the government, leaving a auffldent force under his conunand. Peucestea, whom be carried away with him, he BDotfaedwith hopes which were probably never fiilfilled.We bear no tnore of bis name, and can onlyconjeotnre bis (Me. On the banks of the Pasitigris be met Xeiwpbfliis, who had aur- lendered to SaleuniM. Anlitonos reeeiMd htm with a show of tevoar, not feeUngaeoiire of his Vol. II." S a object utttilhe bad advaneed to Sua. ud had lafeen possession of tbe tieaaoie. It stiUiMjtai- ded tbe eetebrated tree of pure gold, and uthBr precious works of art, which were vatned at 16,000 talents ; aad the crowns, anf c iicr pres ents,together wiUb spoil irtiieb liad In-'- lodged there, amounted to fiOOO mom ; sc that,with what he had brought from Eebuarat, he finind himself maater of 36,000 talents. CarriagM and camels were oollectedto convey the wlrale to tbe western coast, and Antigonus,leaving Aspisas, a native, aatrap of Snsiana. porsoad his marofa with itto Babylon. SeieueuB, probablyby his orders, had pmi- ously retained to Babylon,where, stifling the resentment and snspician which be moat bare felt, he received the eonaueror vritb magDi"cent presents, and entertained bis whole army. H" boped todisann bis jealoney, but,perhaps, rath- er strengthened It, hj his munificence ; Antigo- nus resolved to rid himself of a man whose Mt ents and spirit, together wtth the influence he had acqairedby his mildness and liberality, ren- dered him a Ibrtnidable rival. He called him to account for his administration of the reve- nues of his province, Seleucns,reflrctiug on Pitboa's fate,augured that which was deaigned for himself. He publicly remonstrated against the requisilion of Antigonns,ailing that Im owed no account of a province whidi he bad received,by the vote of the army, as a reward for his services under Alexander. Tbe disao^ he saw the dangerincreasing, and made bis aa- cape. Accompanied onlyby fifty hiirsemen,he took the mad to Egypt, lo throw himseli on Ptolemy'sprotection.Antigonus at firet rejoi- ced at his flight, which, while itlellthe satrapy vacant, spared him the necessity of violent measures against a wan universally beloved. But bia fears were soon aw^ened. it is said, by a prediction of the Cbatdnana, who foretold that the Aigitive, ifhe escaped, waa deatlned to beccnae master of Asia, and Antigonus to loss his lifein battlewith hint. The jNxipbeey, par- bafia, was forged sAer the event ; but AaUgo- nua ordered bim to he paraaed when it was too late to overtake him, w"d dismissed Blitorfiom the command he held in Mesopotamia,becsnae he had not exerted himself to arrest the fiigi- tive ;* unless,indeed, this was a pretext for the removal of ao officer whom he could not Iraal. Seleuoua was reserved to " destiny.Pithon,the son ol eiander had leftin * that, ere long, he ahould i: whole empire under bis role,events had oooor- red in Europe which, though they raised op a new rival to resist his pretensions, also seemed to clear the way for his ambition. It appean tbat Polysperchon, when be returned to Mace- donia, after his diaastrons attempt on Mega]"ip- "riis, wiUi an army much reduced in numbara, and a atlU greater diminution of bis military and political repntatioB, found himaelf no longar able, without asaiatance,to witbatandthe mach- inations of Euiydice. Her ii ~ "Awi-,aTT-.i". .glc HI8T0RT OF GREECE. antborjty, and shs had begun to form a party Macedonia wfaicb would enable her to exercise it, aild to Ml Polysperchonwholly aside. It may be inferred, from the coTrespondence be- tween Pol^perchon and Olympias, and from the letter of Olympiasto Eumenca, that the life of Roxana'B child was believed to be in danger fhMD Eurydicei and it Is probable that,before Polysperdion made bis expedition to Greece, he had sent both motber and son into Epima, to seek protectioQ from Olympias. Eurydice's proceedingsnow rendered a decliiTe step ne- cessary. He had still, indeed, the snny at his ccnamand, but he did not vsntute so far,to try ita fidelity, as to make an attack on the young qoeen in his own name. It was only under that of Olympias that he could hope to over- throw her inflnence. Olympias. who had al- ways been eager to Tetum to Macedonia, and ]iad only been restrained by her distnAt of Poly- spercbon, conld besitata no lonoer when she aaw her grandsonexpelled flmm his patrimony by one whom she hated as the granddaughter of one of her rivals. Sbe acceptedPolysper- ehon's propoeals; and it was agreed that he should march into Epirua, and conduct her and the young prince to Macedonia. Her nephew. i"acides,king of Epiros,promiaed to join him with his forces. These preparations did not escape Eurydice'anotice ; but ahe resolved to meet force with force. She was already, it aeems. in correspondence with Cassander. and ahe now urged hira to come immediately to her aid. But Cassander was at this time in Pelo- ponnesns. endeavouringto recover what Poly- aperchon had gainedthere,and was not able to leave it bo soon as Euiydica'a emergency re- qDired. She,however, had so far strengthened ber party in Macedonia,that she was able to laise an army with which sbe conld venture to encounter the united forces of Polysperchon and .f^acides. They found her encamped near the Maeedo-. nian town of Eire, and she did not decline a battle. The two armies were drawn up in bat- tle amty, and Eurydice was seen in front of her line, completely armed in the Macedonian fash- ion, forming and animating her troops Yet it appears that no combat ensued. Before the signal was given,Olympias came forward, it i" ~ aaid. with an air of sacred phreney, and accom- panied with the instruments of Bacchanalian processions.* It is not difficult to conceive that the Macedonians of her rival'a army were BO Bwe-Btnick,as well by her unearthlyaspect "s by the recollection of her dignity, that they Ooold nut be brought to raise their hands against her. t^ilip was immediatelytaken, with allhis retinue. Eurydiceescaped from the field,ac- companied hyPolycles, the only one of her coun- cil that remained fsithful to her, and fled to- wards Amphipolis,designing, no doubt, to pro- ceed to the Hellespont: but sbe was arrested on the way, and delivered up to her rival. Olympias was not satisfied with a common re- YBngp on her two prisoners ; she determined to mHlf Uiem tasto the bitterness of death in hing-[iri"trarted tortures, and immured them botb in a dungeon built for the purpose, with onlyone n food. Int . ._..,_, but then, finding that the MacwioDiana were disgoaCedby this refinemeni of cruelty, sbe or- dered Ibe Tbracians who guarded them to de- spatch Philip, For Eurydice she stillreserved what she thought a bitterer death. The yoong queen had not auflered ber e|Hrit to be bowed by her revoraes. She spoke aa boldly as ever, and asserted her right to the throne. While her husband's bleedingcorpse lay st her feet, she received a message from Olympias, with a sword, a cord, and a cup of hemlock, bidding her choose which ahe would. She spoke only to pray that like presents might one day b" bronght to Olympias; then, havingpaid such offices as the circumatsnces permitted to her dead husband, she unclasped her own girdle, and with it put an end to her life. OlympiaB next gave loose to ber vengeance againat the lamily of Antipater.Nicaoor, one of his sooa. fellinto ber hands, aod was pnt to death ; and she now propagated the report that Alexando- had been poisonedby loUaa,wbow lonib she demolished. Even these victims did not aati- Bte her ; she selected a hundred of Caaaander's friends,all men of high rank, and oondemned them to death, it aeems, wilbont any form of trial. The advice of Eumenes was forgotten; and the eObcta which be foreaaw soon attend- ed this rerJdeaa indnlgetkoe of her fetociooa passions. Cassander was still in Peloponneans, ea^m- ged in the siege of Tegea, wbenhe received m- teUigence, perhaps at the same time, of the re- turn and victory of Olympias, and of her bloody dealinga with her royalprisoners, and with bis own family and friends. His own appetite for revenge was as keen as bers. He had not for- gotten tiie affronts he had aufiered from Alex- ander ; but this last injury forced him imoiedi- ately to lay aside every other care but that of vengeance. Though Polysperchon 's sod, Alex- ander, was in Peloponnesus,ready to take ad- vantage of his absence, and many citiea,which had recently embraced his alliance, looked to him for protection, he raised the siege of Tegea, and set out for Macedonia. Polysperchon and Olympias expected his coming, and had taken precautions to aecure Macedonia from invaaion. They had engaged the jEtolians, who were led to espouse t^eir cause, partlyby the recolleo tion of Antipaler'senmity, and portlyby the private influence of Polyaperohon, to occupy the pass of Thermopyls ; and Palyaperchoa himself crossed the mountains at the southern frontier, and took ap a position in PerrfaBbis. Cassander did not waste his strength in an at- tempt to dislodge the .^tolians from Ilermop- ylsi. He collected a number of small cr^ from E^ibcea and Locris, and transported his anny across Uie Maliac Gulf into Thessaly. There he divided it into two main bodies,one of which he sent, under the command of Callas, into Perrhnbia, with orders to keep Polyaper- cbon employed,while, with the other, he him- self pursued his march towards the nearest pass. This maniEuvre entirely disconcerted the plans of Polysperchon and Olympias, who had believed that Macedonia was safe as long aa Polysperchon retained his position in Thes- aaly. Olympias,when ii was too late,seat 0LYMPIA8 IN PYDNA." HB" SURRENDER. aone tifMrn to Miza the pus of Tempe, to- "wanls whioh Casaander was moving ; it was already occupiedby a detachmeDt nhicfa he had pushed forward under the oommand of Deiniaa. She now saw herself in imminent danger; and. appointing Aristonoui to meet Caesander with the forcea which Polyaperchon had left in Ma- cedonia, she took refuge in P;rdna, with a great HDinber of royal and noble persona, among whom, heaidea Roiana and the fnung prince, nrere Theaaalonice,one of Philip's daughlera, and Deidamia, the daughter of ^acidea. She was attended by a very amall force,chiefly the houaehold troope, and by Ihe renainder of Ibe elephants; nor was the town supplied with pro- Tisions for a long siege. She, however, re- solved to remain there, not doubting that buc- coura wonM soon be bronght to her in abun- dance by sea, both frum Macedonia and Qreece. CasBBnder, having crossed the mountaina, moved directly apon Pydna, He drew a trench round the town from sea to sea, and sent for ships, engines, and ammunition, to besiege it both by land and sea. While he was thus en- gaged, he learned that facides was preparing to bring succouTs froDi Epims. He therefore sent Atarrhias, with a division of hie anny, to occupy the pasees between Epirus and Mace- donia. The Epirots felt no interest in the ex- pedition , and br(Ae out into open mutiny; so that iGacides wiia compelled to make a inocla- mation, bj which all who desired it were al- lowed to return to their homes ; and so many availed themselres of this permission that the Icing (bund himself imable, with hia remaining forces, to make head againat Atarrhias. Even the loyalty of his peaoefUl sabjects was under- mined by the seditions language of the men who had qnitted his camp. A national assem- bly was held, in which, by a proceeding never before heard of in the luatory of Epirus, the king was declared to have fnrfeited his crown. It was transferred to the family of Neoptole- naB, a remote branch of the royal line. Pyr- rhua. the infant son of ^Eacides,was with great difficulty and danger preserved from the par- Buit of his enamiea, and conveyed to the court of Olsucias,Mng of Illyria, who afforded him shelter. The authors of the rerolutiun made a treaty with Cassander, who sent Lyciscus to act as regent in Epirus, whioh thus became devoted to hia interest. The partisans of Olympias m Macedonia, who before watered between hope and fear, were so dishesrtened by this event that they dropped the prepara- tions which they were making to come to her assistance ; and she was aooD after deprived of her last remaininghope by the intelligence thai the greater part of Polysperchon'a troops had been seduced by Callas to abandon their chief,who was obliged to take ahelter,with the few who adhered to him, in the Perrhie- bian town of Naiium, where he was closely blockaded by the enemy. The aspiring woman. so lately absolute mistress of Macedonia, was left WLthout a prospect of relief,exposed to the attack of her implacable foe. The season, however, waa so far advanced that Cassander found it impractlcahio to pru- etcd hy the way of assault, and contented him- self wi'th maintaining a strictblockade. In the oourac of the winter the scarcity of provisions begaji to be severely felt by the besi"ed,and soon allthe horrors of famine appearea IB their most terrible form. The soldieia were reduced to a scanty ration ; the elephants were fed on sawdust, and graduallypinedaway ; the horses and beasts of burden were slaughtered for the sake of their flesh. The riders were not per- mitted to share the common allowance, and they, and at length more and more of the other soldiers,perished of hunger. The barbarian* betook themselves to the bodies of the dead; the streets were encumbered with corpses. which the snrviTers scarcely retained strength ot spirit either to bury or to throw over tbe walls. The hideous spectacle and the noisome stench diffused universal despondency. De- sertions became frequent, and allwho repaired to tbe camp of the besiegerswere gracjoualy received by Cassander, who sent them Ui their homes, where they spread the report of the desperate condition of Olympias, which extin- guished every hope thai might have animated her partisans to make an attempt fbr her de- liverance. As the apringadvanced, and the famine grew every day more pressing, tbe sol- diers assembled roimd the palace, and called upon her, since she was no longer able to ai^ port them, to permit them to depart. She was obliged to comply with their demand, and at length saw herself so generally abandoned that she concerted measures for her own escape. A galley was prepared to carry her away mtlt her friends ; but, before they had embarked, Cassander was ^prized of her design,sailed into the harbour, and tooX the vessel.* Sbs was now reduced to utter despair, and sent to. negotiate with the conqueror. He, at first, in- sisted that sbe should surrender at discretion,, but at length consented to protnise that ber life should be spared. He knew that when he had ODce made himself master of hei person, this condition would not long stand in the way of his revenge. After the fall of Pydna, all Macedonia sub- mitted to him except Pella, whioh was bdd by MonimuB, and Amphipolis, to which Aristonoos had retired with a considerable body of troops, Monimus, however, surrendered at Casaaoder's - first Bummons, Aristonous was inclined to- hold out, for he had recentlygaineda victory' over Cassander's generalCrateuas,and, hav- ing besieged him in the Bisaltian town of B*-. dys, had compelled him to captttilate an oon- dition that he ahould lay down hia anas. He still hoped for succours either fmn Enmenes, of whose death, which happened in the prece- ding winter, he had not yet heard, or from lempEcd by Cuundar, trha pmvailvd op Ih nrrj' Lli#]elt"r iq which Voijwpcrt^wnBiliacttdbhv qatn llm lanlum, OlymjaiM nuind lijnifhllo[he iialor-"nl", cinbluca hatniQ thr. ud Iha itruiiwi bf la ubtt dvTtvsJraneipUJ to dmt bu ytiv TTc HISTORY OP GREECE. ftdyspercbonor Alexander. CaBBander, how- ever, forced Olympias to Bend him an order to Murendei, and witb this he complied, on a Btip- nlation for bia personalsa.rety ; but Caasander, who was jealous of his rani and influenoe, eluded the fulfilmenC of the treaty, and instiga- ted Bome of the family of Crateuas, who re- sented their kinButan's diagraci^, to put him to "Diere were stillsome difficulties to over- oome before he could wreak his vengeance on Olympia*. He did not think it safe openly to violate the pled^ which he had given : the C'ty of the Macedonians might be revived by IT miafortunea. He thought il necessary, at least,to ohtain the sanction of his anny, and Tishad that ahe might herself furnish him with a pretext for her destruction. The first object ke easilyaccompliahed. The kinsmen of the mmerous victims whom Olympias had sacri- fced to her hatred of Cassander readily under- took to accuse her in a generalaaaembly ; and aa she wBB absent, and had no one to plead for tker, she waa condemned to death. Still, this sentence did not release Casaander from his engagement, and he endeavoured to inveigle her into a step by which she would forfeit the benefit of it. He sent some of his friends to her with a privatemeaaage, affected to be touched with compaaBion for her wretchedness, and to apprehend that he should not be able to Crotect her from the fviry of the army, which ad condemned her to death ; he therefore of- fered to prepare a galley in which she might make her escape to Athens. His planwas. if she feU into the snare, to have her killed at "ea, and thus, whils he satisfied his hatred,to shift the imputation of breach of faith on her. Olympias,however, whether suspecting fraud, or confident in the infiuenoe which she believed herself still to retain over the Macedonians, declined the proposal. All that she asked fbr waa a fair trialbefore s national aaaenibly, in wliidh ahe might be heard in her own defence. Caaaander became alarmed lest he should be obli|[ed by the voice of the people to grant thia deroand. He waa reaolved not to incur the danger which would arise fWim the publicap- pearance of the aged queen aa a prisoner and a suppliant befere the multitude ; he therefore sent a pvVf of aoldieis" SOO men whom be ae- lected as the moat willing to render him any service " to sorround the palace and despatch her Olympias received warning that ahe must prepare for death. She put on her royalrobes, and came forward,leaning on two of her wom- en, to meet the soldiers. Even thej were so bverpoweredby the majesty of her presence, and by the niunberleas great recollections at- tached to her name, that they could not bring themselvcB to execute Casaander's order. He was obliged to commit the deed of blood to tho persons who had accused her, and who were eager enough for revenge te undertake itthem- selves. She submitted to her fate with un- bending firmness, neither shrinking from their Bworda nor uttering a word unworthy of her birth and fortunes.' ^rthus ai nfiBct, " of Macedonia : against ailother claimants in his own mdepend* ent posseBsion. It was, however, not more, perhaps, with this view, than to gratify his hatred of Alexander, that he reaolved to rid himself of Roxana and her aon. But Ihia was a step which demanded great caution. The scenes which had lately tajcen placeproved the veneration of the Macedonians for Alexander's memory. It was still UDCfnain how thej might receive the tidings of the death of Olym- )ias, and itwould not have been safe immedi- Ltety to fallow up the murder of his mother with that of his widow and chihL It seemed prudent,also,to wait for inteliigenee of the course which events were taking in the East before he ventured on this decisive measam. He therefore removed Roxana and the young prince to the citadel of Amphipolis. whit^ Ite committed to a trusty officer named Glaucias. He, at the same time, dismissed the pages and officere who had before attended thev. and or- that they should be treated as privateper- Thia was a sufficient declaration of hia exclude Alezander'a son from the throne ; and his partisansprobably repealed all the arguments that had ever been uti{ed against the prince's title. But still, be repaired one more legitimate for himself, which could only be acquiredby an aliiance with the royal house. For this purpose he fixed his eyes hi Philip'sdaughter Theasalonice, who, thoufih her claims conid not be considered equal to those of Cleopatra,might atm serve to recon- cile the nation to hie rule. Their marriage was celebrated not long after the Burrender of Pydna, and it was in honour of this priitccsa, and probably in the course of the same spring, that Casaander founded the city whi^ so long- bore her name at the head of the Thermaic OuH; as it was at this time that he founded one named after himself,Caaaandrea, in the peninaula of PaUone, which he peopted with emigrants from Potidea and other neighbour- ing cities, and with a considerable number of fanulies vrhich had survived the rain of Olyn- thua. He conId have taken no measures more tending to nwiltiply hie personaladherents, and to accualom the peo[de to view him aa the successor of their anoient piinoea. Snob was the character which he ptiblidy asanmed. and in this capacity he ordered tiieremains of Ea- rydice,Philip, and Cynane to be buried in the royalsepulchre at "gK. and honoured their memory with funeral games. He waa now again at liberty to tnra his at- tention towards Greece, where the atate of af- fairs called for hia presence. Alexander had taken advantage ofhis departure from Pelopon- neauB to draw several citiesinto his own alli- ance, and to seiie aeveral strong positions. Folysperchon himself, when ho heard of the death of Olympias. and saw that his cause was irretrievably lo^t, for the present, in Macedonia, escaped from Naiium, and. jpining."acides, took refuge with him in jElolia.where he pos- sessed some personalinfluence,derived, it seems, from family connexions.* It was hieh- ly desirable for CaBsander to crash these rivals. * DiDdcToa,Il , FMiuiu "., M) ralli I in a ' Md I7 TMm ft LfrMpld., V, .C.ooqIc RESTORATION OF THEBES. nd to muce Unwelf mMter of Greeca. before e Bbould be awailed, as he mi^t expect to be ] any case, from auother quarter. He, there- "re, Btrengthensd hia army with new levies in lacedonia, and early in the aummer of 816 get ut on his maroh to Peloponneaus. He foui liennopylnagaingnuded by the iGtolians, and ita now obliged to force a pasaage. Though tiesettlement of Peloponneaus was his main ibject, there waa another of great importance ^hich detained him for some time in Botolia. lis position rendered it expedient for bim Twbeie, as much as possible, to gain tbe good rillof thoae whom he wished to govern, and to ignaliza the begioning of his reign by r~' " ' eneGcenoe. It seems to have been bis STite a comparison between his own conduct od that of bispredeoesBOTsonpoints in which I would turn in his favour ; and it was proba- ly, in part, this motive which induced him to esolve on the restoration of Thebes, The di traction of that ancient city had excited get ral sympathy in Greece,notwitbetanding the laolence with which it bad abused its pros- erity. To repair the injur; which bad been iflicted by the Macedonian arms was a work fliutnanity and generosity, likoiy to he gen- nllyapproved and admired. But Cassaoder, nbably. had some more special motives and Dds. To rehoild what Alexander had de- troyed, and to annul the decree by which he aA doomed the site of Thebes to desolation, las, in itself,an undertaking that interested his ersonal feelioga. In a purelypolitical point if view, there was much to recommend it. The keolian towns, indeed, which had rejoiced in he fallof Thohes, and were stillin possession ifher territory, might feel themselves ii^ured ly it, and would no longer be so warmly at- aehed to the Macedonian government as they "ad been. But, on the other hand, Thebes, vhich might again outweigh tbem all, would "e entirely devoted, not merely to Macedonia, lotto the house of her benefactor. She would lelp to secure the submission of Athens ; and, ibore all, the Peloponneaianstates, which re- ainsd their jealousy of Sparta, would hail the ^vent with exultation. On his arrival in B"eotia, Cassander assem- iled a coni^ss of deputies from the Bteotian owns, informed them of his design, and con- lesceuded to request their consent. We do iM know what arguments or motives he used, ir whether he obtained more than a nominal Daient, which conld not prudently have been withheld.When Uiis dilScuity was removed, K directed that the work should be begun. n"B Tfaebanexiles returned,to settle again on lie hallowed ground ; but they had only per- nission to occupy it ; Caasander did not supply hem with the means, and tbe undertakingwas ^ beyond the reach of their broken fortuoes. iwwiure, however, were broughc to tbem from "Uier qusrters. with a leai which, while it inves the policy of Oassaader's plan, makes X regret that the spirit which displayed itself "0 noblyon this oocasion had not prevailed '(Ore uniformly among the Greeks, The Athe- iiane were foremost among those vrtioountrib- 'ted to the work ; they built the greater part "itbe wall ; a generous exertion,certainly, in '^'i^ of a peonte whose ancestors had been I their bitterest enemies, and who had no claims upon them but such as anise out of their com- mon origin, and tbe service which Thebes had rendered to the national cause in the struggle with Macedonia. Megalopolis and Jileseene also remembered that they owed their exist- ence to Thebes, and testified tbeir gratitude bj pecuniary aid. Contributions were sent eien from the Greek cities of Sicily and Italy. The Thebans were conscious of iheir Bltered posi- tion i they no longeraspired to dominion over tbeir Bceotian neighbours, but solicited admis- sion into the league, which was headed by their ancient enemies, the Platieans, and sent their sacrifice with the rest to the festival of the great Disdala, which wascelebrated every sixtyyears, to commemorate the interval during which Pla- Ia9a lay desolate.* From Bteoiia Csssaodcr advanced towards Peloponnesus. When be arrived at Athens, he foand that Alexander had fortiliedthe Isthmue, so as to render the approachextremely difficult on this side. He, nevertheless,proceeded as Dlr aa Megara, hut there,having,perhaps,more accarately ascertained the strength of the ene- my's position, be caused rafts to be prepared for the elephants, and transports for the troops, with which he crossed over to Epidaums. He then marched toArgoG, and induced itto renounce its alliance with Alexander. Hermionetoo submit- ted to bim, either now, or a littlelater. One it surprised to hear that the chiefresistance which he had to encounter was in Messenia. Before he could reduce Ithome, he (bund himself obli- ged to retire. Doubtless,intelligence which he had received from tbe East seemed to render it necessary for him to return with all speed, to secure his more important interests in Mace- donia. Alexander remained in his position at Isthmus, but could not prevent Caasander from passing his lines, and declined a battle. Cassander left Molycus, with 2000 men, to oc- cupy the passes of Geranea, and pursued bis march northward. Anligoniis, it appears, before he left Babylon, sent envoys to Ptolemy,Cassander, and Lysim- achus, fonnally to acquaint them with his suc- cess, and to express his hopes that Iheir alliance with him migiit continue uninterrupted. To- wards tbe end of the autumn of 318 he arrived at Mallus in Cilicia, and distributed his army in winter quarters. The treasures at Quinda, still amounting to 10,000talents, were delivered up ~- bim ; and he found that the ordinary revs- es at the provincesalreadysubject to him might he estimated at 11,000 talents. In the mean while Seleucus had reached Egypt, and was, perhaaa, the first to apprize its ruler of the danger he had to apprehend from tiie enor- mous power and the grasping ambition of An- tigonus. Ptolemy hastened to fortify himself by a closer alliance with the men whose safely was now inseparably connected with his own. Lysimacbus had by this time firmly established himself in Thrace, though still exposed to for- lidahle attacks from his northern neighbours, render important assistance. Intb eof A sprung up in Asia Minor. Asander,the satrap of Caria. had extended bis dominion far and wide, and had nearly made himself maater of HISTORY OF GREECE. Ckppadocia. Thef and CasBitider were eaiily ""itnced to send ibeir earoja to atxompuaj tkoae of Plolemy and Seleccus on a common "mbaesy lo Antigonus. In the spring of 315, die ambassadors met Antigonus on hia march into Upper Syria, and communicated to bim the demands which they were inatnicted to make. Tbe'a masters claimed a share in the fruita of lus success, to which they had all, "easore, contributed. They propoaed that the Hellespoaiine Phrygia ahould be annexed to I' ntrapy of LysimBchua, that Asander ahotild "ODfirmed in the possession of Lycia and Cap- ^docia, Ptolemy in that of Syria, including Fbcenicia,that Babylonia should be restored to Seleucus,and that the treasures which Anligo- SOS had brought from the East should be equaliy "hared among sll. We hear of no demand on Ihe part of Cassander ; he was, no doubt, setia- fied with the possession of Macedonia am' Greece. Antigonusreplied with a mixture oi acorn and indignation,* and particulariy badi tbe Egyptian envoys inform Ptolemy that he would be ready to meet him. The allies prob- ably did not wait for his answer to moke ihe most active preparations for the conteat, which theymust have foreseen to be inevitable. An- tigonus, ader hia declaration of war, immedi- ately took meaaurea to keep his less formidable rivals fiUlyemployed, while he himself main force againstPtolemy. He sent an agent to Cyprus, and others to Rhodes, to secure the alliance of Iheae islands, which was of great importance for the creation of the marine, which waa one of hia principalobjects. He "em his nephew, Ptolemaus, with a strong body of troops, into Csppsdociato raiae the siege of Amisus, which was defending itaclf "gainstAsander. with instructions afterward to proceedto the Hellespont to guard the passage "gainat Cassander and Lysimacbus. He, -* the same time, providedoccupation for Ci Mnder in Europe ; he deapatehed Arisiodemos with a thousand talents to Peloponnesus, treat with Alexander and Folysperchon, and levytroopa, which might enable them to carry on the war againat the common enemy ; and be gave directions for the establishment of . "liainof signals and post-stationa, to muntaiL the readieai commiuiicalion with the eastern provinces. He then parsned his march to Phtenicis. The operation on wlucb the success of his plansmainly depended was to make himself mutei of its ports, and to form a navy which should give him the command of the sea. " had littterefistance to apprehend in the ct tty; but Ptolemy had carried away allthe ships and seamen he bund there into Egypt. The "idea of Libanns,however, yielded an tnex- hauatible supply of limber, and the population of Pho"nicia fhmished abundance of the beat mariners. Tyre alone he found occupiedby an Egyptiangarrison -, and havingencamped over against it, while he made preparations for a siege, he sent for the PhtEoician kings, and the ofHocra who commsnded in Syria, and gave his onlers for the building of ships, and the collec- tion of magazines of com for a year'a consump- tioD. Three dockyardswere speedily eatab- Ilahed in Phoenicia" at Trip"riia. Byblus, and * Appiaii, BjT.,a, cbuKtinitieAUj, inj^^adtarr^t- Sldon " a foDrth en the coast of Cilkiia, to which the timber was brought down from Taa- nis, and another in Rhodes, where his envoy had obtained the people's consent. Eight thou- sand men were keptemployed in ibe foresla of Libanus alone, and a thousand team of cat- tle conveyed the timber to the coast. While these preparations were going on, as Antigo- nus layencamped near l^re,a fleet of a hun- dred sail, magnificently equipped, and executing its manceurres with the greatestcelerity, ap- peared in the road. It was commanded by Se- jeucus, who was on his wsy from Egypt to tbe ^gean, and took the opportunity to make this display of his oavsl power in the enemy's sight It excited general uneasiness in the csmp of Antigonus,especially among those of his allies who inhabited towns on the coast. What, they asked,would the greatest land force avail to protect them from ravages and annoy snce while the enemy was msster of the sea 1 An- tigonus bade bis fi-iends keep up their spirits ; before the summer was over he would put to sea with "00 sail In Cyprus his ministers found Nicocreon,king of Salamis, and most of the other princesalreadygainedby Ptolemy ; four only, and those among tbe least powerful, entered into alliance with Antigonus. While his works were proceeding for the siege of Tyre, leaving Andronicua with 3000 men to superintend and protect ihem, he made an ex. peditlonsouthward, took Joppa and Gaxa by storm, incorporated the garrisons with his ar- my, and left troopa of his own in their roooi. In Asia Minor the success of his arms was more rapid. Ptolemaus compelled Asander's general.Asclepiodorus. to abandon the siege of Amisus, and to evacuate Gappadocia. He then marched into Biibynis, where the king Zibcetes, either as an ally of the enemy, or for his privateaggrandisement, had laid siege to Astacus and Chalcedon. He, too, was forced to yield, aitd to join tbe cities he bad attained in alliance with Antigonus. From Bithynia Ptolemvns was called, by pressing orders Irnn his uocte,to hasten la proleet Ionia and Lydia, whidh were threatened by Seleneus. He foand SeteucDS engaged in tbe siege of Erythraa ; his arrival indnosd him not only to raise the si^, but to witiidraw from the coast. He saifed away to Cyprus, where the state of alTbirs was sufficiently critical to render his preseece de- sirable. No enemy now was left in Asia Minor but Asander, who was nesriy reduced within tbe bmits of his own province, where he might soon find himself attacked both by land and eea. In Greece, Aristodemas executed hie com- ission no less ably and sncceeafully. He first sailed to Laconia, and at Sparts, where Casaander was viewed as a hereditary enemy, obtained the sanction of the government far his levies, which soon amounted to 8000 men. Potysperohon came over from"tolia,it9eera^ to treat with him and his son. Alexander was persuBdedtOmakeavoyagetoniiBnioia. for the purpose of a oonference with Antigonus, while the old man remained at the bead of the army. deeply humbled by his reverses, that :ed to accept the titleof general of Peloponnesus from Antigonus. On Alexander's arrival at the camp before Tyre, Antigonqs, having eonclnded a treaty with him, ealled an ASSEMBLY AT TYRE." STATE OP GREECE. 3V7 MMmitdji U" which not only the soldiers,but aU the Btran^ra io the camp were admitted. It wa" hia wish to give the greatest posaible Botoriety to its proceedings, as they were de- signed to make an impreasion favourable to tiis caoso on the publicmind, both in Asia and Ku- tope. He himself harangued the muttilude, and recounted Cassander's misdeeds. Among them he ennmcrated not onl; the murder ofOlym- pias, hie treatment of Roiana and the young king, the Tiolence with which be had obtained the hand of Thesaalanice, and his assumption of sovereignpower in Macedonia, but also hia new aettlements in Pallene and Bceotia. It was to dishonour the memory of Philip and Al- exander, that he had invited the Olynthians, Macedonia's inveterate enemies, into the city which bore his own name, and had rebuilt Thebm. Having thus roused the tudignation of hi Macedonian hearers, he proposeda resolu- lion, to be adoptedby the anny, by Which Cas- under was declared an enemy, unless be should releaas Roxanaandlhe prince, shonld pulldown bis new cities,and,in alt rsspects,pay due oho' dience to Antigonus, the lawful commander of the force* and regent of the empire. This lat- ter title be seems never to have assumed be- Ibre. It was to lie regarded as a new dignity conferred on him by the vote of the army, to enable him to prolect the royslfamily; and he would probably not have adopted it if the con- federacy formed against bim had been less for- midable, and he had not thoaght it expedient to fix the stigma of rebellion and treason on bia rivals, and 10 give an air of legitimacy to his own cause, without which he might have found itdifficultto maintam his authority in the upper provinces. It was chiefly to them, and to the satraps who stillrevered tbe royalname, or con- sidered it as their onlysafeguardagainst hia ambition, that this part of the decree was ad- dreseed. Another part related to Greece. It declared that alt the Greek states should be re- stored to liberty and independence: no Greek cityany longer held by a foreigngarrison. The abject of this concession waa clear enough. Polyspercbon had tned to win Greece. by a demooratical revolution : Csssander,by an oli- garchical reaction. Antigonns would outbid them both, and attract Greeks of all parties to his side by the sound most pleasing to every Greek ear. The assemblypassed tbe resolu- tion, and Antigonus sent copies of it to all quar- ters where it was likely to promote his ends. He then dismissed Alexander with a present of GOO talents, and with hopes, which no one, it seems, knew better bow to suggest without any distinct promise. Ptolemy endeavoured to counteract the effect cf the decree, so far as it rehited lo Greece,by another, in which he held out a like promise. This imitation might help to destroy any illu- sion that bad been created by the original, as it became doubly evident that each was only meant to serve a temporary purpose. Bui the prospect which the new turn of events opened for Greece was, as to the immediate future, gloomier than ever. The unhappy country seemed destined to be the theatre of endless wars, in which party rancour was combined with the hostility of tbrqigners to spread blood- shed and desolation over its whole surface. The rivals were all alike strangers, in feeling and inlereats.to Greece ; and their forces were so evenly balanced as lo ensure many destruc- tive alternations of success, while il was impOB- sible to foresee the issue of (he struggle. For a Greek, who had the good of hia country at heart, there was no motive to preferone side to another,except that a partition of Alexan- der's empire was a very desirable event, as H fostered hopes of national independence, which would be lojt if the whole should be united in the hsnds of Antigonus. On the other band, the power of Cassander might seem no less fatal to liberty. Yet it was difficultto remain neutral, and a state which took sucb a position was, perhaps,exposed lo greater dangers than if it had activelyengaged in the contest. To fight, or be trampledon, were the only alterna- tives. Two frightful examples of the calanii- ties with which this period eould not fail to abound oecoried in the course of about a year alter Cassander's last-mentioned return to Ma- cedonia. He had lefta man named Apollonides in command of the garrison at Argos. Apol^ lonidea had found an opportunity to surprise StymphatuB; but while he waa absent on thia expedition, the party in Argos adverse to Cas- sander invited Alexander to come and take pos- session of the city, which they promised to surrender to bim. Relyingon bis support,they openly declared themselves,and. it seems, ap- pointed 600 of their number as the new demo- cratical council. Alexander,however, delayed, and Apollonides. having been apprized of the revelation, reached Ar^os before him. He found the council assembled in the Prytaneum, and having barred their egress, set fire to the building : the Five Hundred perished in the flames. The rest of the party were more mild- ly punished with death or banishment. The conduct of Apollonidea seems to us inhuman ; but Uiera were few among tbe leading Macedo- nians of the period who bad a right to reproach him with it,or who would not have approved of it ; and jtis onlysurprising that a man en- dowed with BO much energy of will" in that age commonly admitted as a substitute for everj good quality " should not have risen higher among hia kindred spirits. The other occurrence, which aflbrds a mel' ancholy ilhistration ofthe state of Greece, was one ofthe conaequencea which arose out of the measures taken by Cassander to counteract the operations of Arislodemus. Cassander, when he heard of his arrival in Peloponnesus, and of the success of his levies,hoped, at first,to be able to detach Polyspercbon and Alexander from the cahse of Antigonus, They, as we have seen, were gained over by Aristodemus ; and Casssnder found il necessary to make an- other expedition into Peloponnesus, In his pas- sage through B"EOtia,be halted for some time at Thehee to aid the Thebana in tbe completion of their fortifications, and havingravaged the Corinthian territory, and taken two forts which were occupiedby Alexander's garrisons near the Isthmus, be advanced against the Arcadian OrchomenuB. Aller some ineffectual attempts lo take it by assault, he was admitted by hia partisans : Alexander's friends sought shelter in Ihe temple of Artemis. Their enemies ob- tained Cassander's leave to deal with them as H1BT0K7 OF GRGKCB. eaAi would. All ware turn rrontthe sanctuarr, __ put to death. Cassaoder moved forward into Messenia, where, it will be rememberej, he had been obliged, the year before,to leave Ithome in the posgession of Alexander's troops. He "bs Btill aoable to reduce it. His presence, it seems, was againrequired in Macedonia. On his re- turn IhroughArcadia,he appoioted Damia gov- emor of Megalopolis, and presided at the Nf me- an games in Argolis. But he had no sooner departed than Alexander and Arislodeuius re- sumed their operations against the Peloponne- sian cities which favoured his cause. He again had recourse to negotiation with Alexander, who, shut out from largervicwa.only deaired an independentposition in Greece. Cassander now sent Prepelauato tnrite him to abandon Antigonus, with the oOer of the same title which bad been recently conferred on his father, and of a force auSciont to maintain hia authori- ty in PelopoDnesns. Alexander accepted thia proposal, and declared himself for Oaaaauder. We are not expresaly informed that Poljsper- chon acceded to the treaty; but it appeare that be waa DOW coneidered as Caasander's ally, and be continued ta occupy Corinth with a strong body of troops. Aristodemus, howcTor, who had retired into .ftolia,prevailedon the ftoliaas to espouse the cause of Antigonua,and, crossing the Co- rinthian Gulf with his mercenaries, renewed the war succeaafuUy in Eha and Acbaia, where he was aided bj the Impreasion which the de- cree of Antigonua had producedon the towns occupiedby Caasander'a garriaons. Soon after, Alexander was assassinated at Sicyon; but his widow Cratesipolis, a woman of royalspirit, who bad won the hearts of the soldiers by her liberality, kept the troopstogether, suppressed a revolt which broke out at Sicyon, and held the reina of governnient with a vigorous hand. Casaander, it seems, thought ber and Polysper- chon able to uphold his Interests in Peloponne- BUa, and made an. expedition into ."tolia and Acamania, where he persuaded the Acarnani- ans, for the purpose of more eSectual union against their southern neighbours, lo concen- trate their scattered population in three cities, and lea Lyciscuswith a body of troops lo pro- tect iliem. He then marched northward against the lUyriaokingGlaucias,whom he had inef- fectually tempted,by the bribe of 300 talents, to deliver up the infant Pyrrbus,defeated him in battle, and compelled him to enter intoa treaty, by which he engagednot to molest Caasander's allies. Then, having Srsl reduced and gerri- "oned Epidamnua, he returned to Macedonia. Having secured his dominions by theae bar- riers on the western side, be was at leisure lo turn his attention towards Asia, and it was ur- gently claimed by the danger which now threat- ened hun from that quarter. Antigonua, eager to complete(he conquest of Phrenicia, and to be at liberty for other enlarpriaee, as soon as be had collected a sufficieot squadron,proceed- ed to blockake tbe hajbours of Tyre. The gar- riaon,however, beU oat fifteen monttia, and though, at last,compelled by famina to capitn- late,obtained honourable terms, b"ing allowed to departwith their baggage. While he was oocn^ with tbe aiagerPlolemy bad been en- deavouring to extend his influanca in Cyprus, which, alter the lou of Pbtenicia,was doubly important to bim. In the first year of the war (316), he sent 3000 auxiliaries lo support his allyNicocreon, and in the followingspring fit- ted out a largerartnamenl, destiniKl partly for the same purpose. It consisted of iOO galleys, commanded by Polyclitus, and 10,000 mercena- ries nnder an Athenian leader named MjTTui- don ; but the whole was placed under the orders of Ptolemy's brother Mcnelaus. At Cyprus they found Seleucus with hia fleet, and concerted the plan of the campaign willt him. It was resolved to send Polyclitua with HAy galleya to Peloponnesus, where itwas sup- posed that Alexander and Polyspercbou wei" still acting on behalf of Antigonus; MyrinidOD, with his troops, to Caria, to the relief of Asan- der, who was pressedby Piolenueua ; and that Seleucus and Menelaus should remain, with Ibo rest of the fieet, at Cyprus, to carry on the war against the pnncea who bad alhed tbemaelve* with Antigonus. Two of them were foroed to submit: t^pithus and Ceryniawerv taken by storm; but Citium made aa obstinate resist- ance. Polyclitus sailed to CenchreK, and there, bearing of Alexander's alliance with Cassander, and seeing no employment for his squadron, aet sail for the coast of Pamphylia, where he heard that a fleet, commanded by Tbeodotua, the ad- miral of Antigonus, was on its voyage from Patara eastward,protectedby a body of troopv under Perilaus, which moved along the shore. Polychtus laid an ambuscade for the land iorce, and either killed or captured tbe whole, and took Perilans himself prisoner. With bis squa- dron, which he had concealed from view behind an adjacentpromontory, he, at the same time, attacked the enemy, aa they were about to land to anccour their friendson shore,and took all tbeir ships, with a great part of the crews, with which he returned triuniphantly to Cyprus, and then to Egypt, where Ptolemy munificently re- warded bis exploit. This occurrence led to a negotiation Detween Ptolemy and Antigonua, who sent to ransom Perilaus and some of the other prisoners,and, it seems, instructed hia envoys lo propose a personal interview with Ptolemy, who was then at Peluaium. It took place on the confines of Egypt and Syria, but we hear no mora of it than that it was bmkea off,because Antigonus wouU not consent to Ptolemy's demands. After the reduction of Tyre,Antigonna found himself in possession of a powerful navy, though it fell very far short of the nnmbera he hadtaflc- ed of With re-enforcemonta from Rhodes and the Hellespont, and some which he found in the ports of Tyre, it amounted to 240 vessels of va- rious sizes; among which were ninety of four banks of oaiv, ten of five, and as many often. The increase of dimensions in the ship* em- ployed in naval warfare corresponded to the enlarged scale of the contests carried on in thia age, and to the growing attention paid to math- ematics and to mechanical inventiona. He re- served a squadron of fifty sail, which he design- ed to send to PeliqMnnesus. The rest be placed nnder tbe command of his nephew, Dioscorides, and directed him lo croiae about the coasta and lalands where he might deero hia pi ..Cioogic NBGOTIATIONB." ANTIOONVS IN PHRYGIA. CueandM- wm" aware that Ibe preparations (f Antigonus would berore long be directed tgain^i biraaelT ; that aa soon, U lea"t.as liehad snbilued the resiatance which waa 8li[) opposed tn him in Asia Mmor. he would probabl; make an atlactc on Macedonia. He tfaerelbre, on hie leiurn rrom his ex^diiion to lUfria,seat Prep- elaus with a bodfdr troops to Caria, tulbe aid of Asander, aod required hia two governors at AUi^ns, Demetrius and Dionysius, to equip a squadron of twenty galleys for the recovery of LeiniHis. Tliey obeyed liie order, and appoint- pd Aristoteles U" the comniand of the expedition. Seleucus deemed the objectHuBicienlly impor- uni 10 call for his own preseucB, He joined Anstotelea with his fleet. Yet they could not pieiatl on the Lemnians to abandon the cause ofAaiigonns, which theyprobablyregardedas Umi of their own independence ; iheypreferred in we their territoryravaged, and their town iniested. Seleucus then sailed away to Coe, lei'ing Aristoteies to conduct the siege. But Dioarorides, hearing of hia departure, sailedto Imidoi. The superiority of his force muat lure rendered resisianoe hopelesB. Aristoteles tuTDKlf escaped, but most of the ships, with Ibeir crews, fellinto the enemy's hands. It was 1^ la (he aDtumii before Prepelaus arriied in' l^aria and united his forces with those ofAsan- 1 PtolemKos, BUppoaing that they would operations before the spring,re- tired into winter-qnartera i the earlier, it seems, t"jii"ehe had lately lost hia father, and wish- cd to celehraie his obsequies. They sent a di- 'itioD of 8000 foot and SOOO horse, under "n- polemus, to surprise him. He, howerer. was intnei hy some deserters of the enemy's ap- pnnch, eoUected nearly an equal force from the "eveu cantonments, fell on the camp of Eu- POleiBUS at midnight, took him prisoner, and fonxdhiatroopslosurreiiderthmweiii'es. With "^ eecorrence the second year of the war (Hided. Amigonus,on the whole, had hitherto been pining ground and strength; for the saccesses ofPtotemj and Casssnder were not to bo com- pared iu irapoTtance with his conquests in Syria "id Asia Minor ; and as hia resources were al- "not inexhaustible, he might calculate on the Mnlmual growth both of bis militarr and naval f"^. But his marine had not yet, it seems, "wwsred hia expectations. More time was ^uiiite to enable him to wrest the command jit the sea from Ptolemy. We have aeen that Diwcondoa, though it appears that he bad with niin the bulk of bis uncle's navy, had not ven- "f"l to aliaek Seleucus.or to attempt to ro- ^TC Umnos, before he heard that Selencus MdaaiiBd away. Yet hia numben cannot hare "ii iiferior to the enemy's: and il must be '?JP""ed that hia crews wanted the practice of ^ aailora whom Ptolemy had brought fn"m f^nicia. At all events, Aniigonussaw that Mwas not yet in a condition to attack Ptolemy ^hieown dominions with any hope of success, ne determined to turn his arms in peraon "plait Cassander and Lysimachus. to put an "M to the war in Caiia,and carry it over into Sf^- When he had become master of Ma- **"!" and Greece,it was probable that Ptole- Wjuens wonid not be able to rasieihim much With these views, it appean, he rMolved,wt the end of 311, to take up hiswinter-qnarters in hia old province,Phrygia. He led Demetrius in Phtenicia to watch Ptoleray'a movements, with an army of about 12,000 foot and 6000 horae, and 40 elephants, but appointed four experien- ced oQicers " Nearchus, Pithon,the satrap of Babylon, who had recently come down to Phcs* nicia,Andronicus, and Philippus " to aid him with their counseU. In bis first attempt to cross Mount Taurus, he lost a number of men, and was farced to retreat through a heavy fall of anew. But having waited for more favoura- ble weather, he cleared the defiles and took np bis quarters for the rest of the winter at Celn- DK. In the spring be sent for his fleet from Phosnicia, and on its passage it fell in with a Macedonian squadron of thirty-six sail, which had, perhaps, been sent to the aasiatance of Asander, and captured the wbole. The 6nt operations of the campaign on the land wen directed against Asander ; but at the same timo an opportunity seemed to present itself for an attack on Lysimachus, who was threatened bj a formidable confederacy of the Greek cities in the westero coast of the Kuiine. Ilwas begun by Callatia, which had expelled the Macedonian garrison. This example waa followed by Istria, Odessns, and other adjacenttowns, and they formed an alliance with several of their Tht"- cian and Scythianneigbbouia. Lysimachas, however, crossed the Balkan, recovered Odea- sos and Istria.and, after having defeated aa armyoTThracians and Scythians, who were ad- vancing to the relief of their allies, laid siege to Callatia. Antlgonns sent a fleet under Lyo"Hi, and a land farce commanded by Pauaanlas,to the aid of the besieged, and induced the Odrj- sian king.Senthes,to revolt from Lysimachus, andtooccupythe passes aftbe Balkan. Lysim- achus. however, leaving a sufficient force at Callatia, marched rapidly with tlie main body towards the Bosporus, where Pausaniaa had encamped. He dislodged the Thracians from the defiles,and soon atler carried a strong po- sition illwhich Pansanias bad intreecbed him* self, killed the general, and forced aH bis trotqm to Bunender. A part of them entered into bis After this check,Antigoaus resumed hie ori- ginal plan for tbe overthrow of CasMnder's power in Greece. He now sent Telesphome, with a squadron of "fly sail and a strong land force,to PeloponnesuB, with instructions to ex- pel aU Alexander's garrisons, and to leave (he cities in perfectliberty. Tbe Greeks, whatev- er Uiey may have thou^t as to the motives of this proceeding, seem to have been willingto take advantage of it. In a short time all the eitiea of Peloponneaus were free from fiireiga tyranny, except Sicyon and Corinth, where Cra- tesipolis and Polysperchan were strong enough to defy both assault and intrigue. In tbe mean while Asander was so vigorouslypressedby Antigonus, that he submitted to a treaty, 1^ which he consented to surrender all his troops, to restore allthe Greek cities of his province to independenoe, and to accept Caria as a grant from Antigonus. He gave his brother as a hos- tage, but soon after repented of bis concassion*, recovered his brother out of custody, and sent to implore aid from Pttdeany and Selettoos. An- SM HISTORY OF GREECE. UfOQaa,indignant at thii breach of faith, sent M ainument, under Medius and Doctmus, to dislodge all hia ganiBoas from the cities on the CM*1 ; and while tbey reduced Miletas, he him- self alonned Tralles, and laid aiege to Caunua, laaoB, in the mean time, Bubiuitted toPtoleniK- UB. The whole province, it aeema, was nearly in hia hands, when his attentiun was diverted finm it by the moTementa or Casaander. Be- fore CaanuB fell, though he had sent for the fleet under Medina to co-operate in the siege, he re- ceived an embaasy from Che vidians and Bce- otians. The iEloliana were in great distresB. Oasaander's general,Phiiippus, had been direct- ed to iDvade ^tolia ; but while he was rava- ging the counlry, hearing that ^acides had re- torned to Epirus. had remounted the throne,and uaembled a strongarmy to succour the "toli- UB, he advanced to meet bim, defeated him with great slaughter, and took a number of his principal partisans, whom he sent to Cassander. ,/BncideB,however, collected the wrecks of hia simy, joined the ^lolians, and againgave bat- tle to Phitippus. but was once oiore routed, and "lain. The ^tolians abandoned (heir unforti- lled cities, and retired with their families to tlnir fastnesBea. and sent the embassj to An- tigonns. The BtEotians,who had probably nev- or fbrglven Cassander for the restoration of Thebes, were encouraged,by the repeated dec- laraliona of AnIigonuB, to hope that theymight DOW safelyde^ his power. Antigonus conclu- ded a treaty with both. But we are surprised to hear that very shortly after he proceeded la the Hellespont, and had a conference with Cas- under on terms of peace. Perhaps his m will be best explainedby the paciScation which aetaallj took place a year or two after. He eonld scarcelyexpect that Cassaoder would be- eonie tiis ally, unleas he were allowed to retain possession of Greece, which Antigonus had gaged to make free. The negotiation must have been a feint to answer a temporary pur- pose ; it was, however, soon broken off, and Cassander determined to sscare his hold on Greece by a fresh expedition. To have returned to Macedonia, collected an "tmy, and invaded Greece by land,would, per- haps, have required too much time,or have left Macedonia too weak. His immediate object was to make himseir master of Enbcaa, which was eapecially importantto him on account of its vicinityto Thessaly,B(Eotia"and Attica ; and for tbia he seems lo have thought that the "m^ Ibrce he had with him at the Hellespont would suffice. It was with a squadron of no more than thirtygalleys that he sailed lo lay siegeto Oreoa. Cbalcis nas alreadyoccnpied by his troops. He commenced his operalions so vigorously, that the placewas on the point "f falling into his hands, when Telesphorua ar- rived with twenty galleys and a thousand men Asm Peloponnesus, and soon after Medius, with A fleet of a hundred sail, from Asia. Cassander " wasnowaasailedinhistum. The enemy burn- ed a part of hia ships which were blockading Uie harlfonr, and all would have been lost if th^ had not been protectedby succours which arrived firom Attica. With these he was still aUe to make head against the enemy. Bui in the course of the summer, Antigonussent Ptol- "nMua, with 6000 loot and MO horse, and a re- enfbrcement of fiftyifalleys, to Medina. Hiey were accompanied by ten galleys . which tlie Rhodiana had been induced to furniah for what they considered as the cause of freedom. Ptol- emnUB entered the Euripua, it seems, from the south, was joinedby a body of Bmocian tmopa, drew away the fleet from Oreuf, and threaten- ed Chalcisjso that Cassander was forced lo raise the siege of Oreus, and to move towards Chaleis. Antigonus, in the mean while, advan- ced towards the HelleBponC, and sent for (he fleet under Medina, to cross over into Europe and invade Macedonia. This dangercompelled Cassander to relum to his dominions. He left his brother PI eistarch ub in command at Cbalcis, and marched back oter iand to Macedonia. On his way he look Oropus by storm, engaged Thebes to abandon the BtEotian confederacy. and the Bteotian towna themseives to consent to a Iruce with bini. Anligonns. however, was compelled to abandon his projected expedition, because the Byiantians. i^om he had invited to joinhim, were induced,by the representa- tions of LysimachuB, to remain neutral. Tho season, too, was now so far advanced, that be thought it prudent to retire into winter-quarters. After Cassander'B retreat, Ptolemnus took Chal- eis, where, to prove the sincerity of bis uncie'a profeasiona. he leftno garrison, bat engaged the Kretrians and Carystians in alliance with him, and raarcbed into Attica. The Athenians had alreadyopened a secret negotiation with An- tigonus; and when the forces of Ptolemsos ap- proached the city,expressed their 1eeV\oga in a manner which induced Demetrius the Pbalerian to make a tnice with him, and to send envoys to treat with Antigonus. Ptolemsus then marched northward, took the Cadmea, and left it in the bauds of the Thebans, and then, in like manner, liberated the Phocian and Locrian towns from the foreignyoke. While these events were taking place in Greece,Ptolemy,havingsuppressedan JDsni- rection in Cyrene, made an expadilion in per- son to Cyprus,puni^ed Pygmalion, irtio had been treating with Antigonot, vriUi deatli,made himself master of most of the cities whleb were Biill wavering, and leftNieoereon as his benten- ant in the government of the island. Ha then sailed along the coast of Syria and CiUcia, made incursions into the interior, took and plundered several of the towns in Upper Syria,and, lastly, having reduced Mallosand ravaged the adjacent country, retired with the booty to his ships, and sailed away to CypreB. Demetriua waa roused by this intelligence, leftPithon in Phienicia with the elephants and heavy infantry, and made a forced march into Cilicia with hia cavalry and lighttroops. He came too late lo overtake Ptol- emy, and lost most of his horses through the rapidity of his movements and the lateness of 'e season (313). In the followingspringPtolemy,encooraged by his late success and urgedby Seleucns. de- termined to undertake the conqnest of CcbIo- Syria. He advanced to the neighbourhood of Oaza, with an army of 18,000 foot and 4000 horse,partlyMacedoniana,partlymercenaries, and with, it seems, a far greater number of Egyptiantroops. Demetrins quickly collected bis forces lo meet him. His council adviaed not to venture a battle, in his father's ab- SBLEUCU8 IN BABYLON. 3S1 sence, against bo fonnidable an enem; ; Demetrius, boiling with youthful impatii dUregardeil Iheir admoniiioni and inspired his troops witli his own ardour. Thus the battle ot Gaza was fought. His Dumbera appear ti b"ve been yerj inferior to those of tbe enem; but, notwithstanding ttie valour he displayed at the head of his cavalir, his elephants, which he had much relied,beingentangled the spikes of an iron palisade invented by Ptol* emy for the occasion, beeame the principal canse of bta total defeat. Hia toss amounted to 5000 slain, among whom were Pitbon and other officers of highrank, and BOOO prisoneni. Gaza, where he had left iiis baggage, while it opened its gates to his cavalry on his retreat, ieU into the hands of the pursuingenemy. He himself escaped to Azotus, and sent a herald to ask permission to bury hia dead. The conquer- ors not onlygranted this request, but restored allthe baggage of hia household and the distingoished prisoners, without ransom; i teoDslyadding, that it was not for tbe sal these thingsthey had quarrelled nith Antigonus, but because he had refused to share hia con- quests with the allies who bad borne their part io hia wars with Perdiccas and Eumenes, and had DDJDsltydeprived Seleucus of his satrapy. Ptolemy proceeded to reduce the Pbcenician cities,one after anoUier, while Demetrius, hav- ing retired 1o Tripolis, called on bis father to retam, with the nttnoat speed, to his aid, and collected his troops from the tnote distant gar- Antigonus afitcted to be littleeoneemed by Ptolemy'svictory, won, as he said,over a beard- less bo; ; ere long be should have to contend with men ; and he soon had the pleasure to hear that bis son had surprisedPtolemy's gen- era], Cillas,near Myua in Upper Syria, and had taken him prisoner, with 7000 men. Demetri- us, not to be outdone in geoeroaity, sent CiUaa, and several of hia friends, back to Ploletnj without ranaom; almost the onlyexamples of a chivalrouB spirit which gleam through Ibia dark scene of fierce and treacherous warfare ; thODgh Ptolemy also earned the praise of ei- trso^inary magnanimityby his mild treatment of Androntcus,who, as governor of Tyre, bad grosriy insulted him, and afterward fellinto his hands. But tbe victory of Gaza led to another event, which proved, io the end, fatal to Antig- oDOB. Seleucus now thought that the time had arrived when he might recover bis satrapy of Babylon. Ptolemy mmished himvrttb no more than SCO foot and 200 horse lor this enterprise ; but be relied on his popularity at Babylon, and OD the omens and prophecies which had an- nounced bis high fbrtune. He was ready, it is said, to have undertaken it alone. His confi- dence was brilliantiy justified by tbe event. On hia march throughMesopotamia, he strength- ened his littlehand with a part of the Macedo- nian colonists at Carrie ; and as he entered his old satrapy, the natives flocked to him fi-om 911 quarters. The news of the battle of Gaza and of Filhon's death,no doubt, contributed much Io his success. Tbe force left in Babylon ap- pears to have been small ; and Polyarcbus, one cf the officers of Antignnus. went over to him vfith a thousand men. Those who remained faithful toAntigonoa found resistance hopeless. and took refuge in one of ine two citadels, when Diphilus. the commander, held out for some time. Seleucus, however, took it by slonn, and found in it many of his servants and frienda who had been confined there alter his flight. Before,however, he had time to assemble any great force, he beard that Nicanor, the militai; governor of Media, was on his march against bim, with an army of 10,000 foot and 7000 horse, collected from Media and Persis. Se- leucus, with as much boldness as he showed in the outset of bis adventure, advanced to meet himwitbnomore than 3000 foot and 400 horse. He trusted, it seems, partly to stratagem, and partly io the inclination of Nicanor's troops in his favour. In fact, having crossed the Tigris, and kept hia little army concealed from view ' : the enemy approached, he surprised Hi- r's camp in the night: and when Evagms, the satrap of Persis.had fallen in the tumult that ensued, tbe Persian troops, and a groat number of the rest " partly, it is said, through fear, and partlythrough the offbnce which An- us had given them " passed over to hia Nicanor,fearing lest he himself should be delivered up to Seleucus, fled with a few ipanions across the desert. That alter this :ory, Seleucus soon made himself master of Media, Susiana, and some adjacentprovinces, which probablycomprehended Persia,seems easy enough to understand ; especially when we remember that the Persians had been deep- ly oflbnded by Anti^nus, and that Seleucus had been satrap of Susiana a aufficient time to en- dear himself (o some of the inhabitants, and to iderhis winning character generally known. Soon after he bad received the news of his son's victory at Myus, Antigonua moved to join him in Syria. Ptolemy deliberated whether he should remain, and risk a battle, or retire into Egypt. His council decided for the safer course. He carried away allthe treasure be could find, and on his retreat dismantled Aci (Acre),Jop- pa. Samaria, and Gaza, Thus, without a blow, Antigonua was again in possession of Syria ; but undercircumstancea bow altered from thoae which he had left it ! He was then master of the East ; now it was donbtful whether hia aulbority was acknowledged in a singlepror- " beyond tbe Euphrates, It was, however, " time after bis return to Syria before ha informed of this change in tbe posture of bis affairs. While be might,perhaps, bare pre- vented it, he was employing his forcea in an ipedition against the Arabiane of Pstra. His object was, probably, to strikea blow at the c/na- meree of Egypt, which received the spices of Arabia through the tribe which he attacked.* But his design, ttbatever it may have been, wu foiled by the patient valour of the children of the Desert. Demetrius, who conducted tbe expe- dition, was obliged to make an inglorious re- treat, and precious time was irredeemablylost. Soon after his return lettera arrived trom Nicft- und some of the other governors of tbe eastern provinces, announcing the events which had occurred there. The accounts Ibey gave of the rapid progresa of Seleucus must have surprised and perplexedAntigonua. It wu probably witli a twofold motive, to ascertain tbo ' itale o( aHairs, and to make a display oil i" HiJlliu [udali-fHCbicbu dei DnKhii HISTORY OF OSBECE. Mnngth whidi might Mrre to 1ce"pop his rep- Dtation in the West, that,early in 3U. be sent Dwneiriua with an army of nearly20,000 men to recover Babylon, bat wiih instruclionB to tum as Boon aa he should haie reduced the province to ohedience. Patrocles,who had been left by Seleucua gavernor of Babylon, with a very small force, was obliged to quit the capilalon his approach. Demelrius. however, found both the citadels prepared to sustain a siege. He very shortly took one of them ; but the oiher held oat until he thought it necessary to return to Syria. He led Archeiaue with 6000 men lo prosecute the siege, and to main- tain hiB father's authority in the province; but the license which he gave lo his troops to en- rich themselves with the spoil of the country, while it strengthened the interest of Seleucua, ^owed that he himself considered his posses- While these importantevents were taking place in the East, the slate of Greece remained unchanged. The only occurrence we Und re- corded in the interval is, that Telesphoms, jealOQs of the superior rank and authority of FtolemKUB, lenoonced the service of Antigonus. With somewhat capricioushonesty, he sent back the squadron with which he had been in- trusted, but kept all the troops he could per- suade to share his fortunes, and commenced a predatory warfare oo bis own account. Before his treason was fcuown he made himself mas- ter of Elis. in the name of Aniigonus, and for- tified the citadel and garrisoned the port,Cyl- lene. He next proceeded to Olympia, plun- dered the temple, and levied fresh mercenaries. H" had tbus laid the foundation of a little prin- dpality. Bat Ptolemsns, as soon as he heard of his proceedings, marched iulo Petoponnesua, took and used the new fortress at Elis" where, itaeems, he found the spoil of Olympia, which he restored to the temple " and recovered Cyl- lene. Here, again, he adhered to the princi- ples whioh his nncle professed, and replaced the Eleana in the unrestricted enjoyment of their city,pott, and territory. Cassander had not been able to make any fresh attempt to regain the footing he had lost in Greece. He had been occupiedby a war in Epirus, occasioned by the accession of Alcetas to the throne, and by an expeditionagainstAp- ollonia,which, with the aid of (he Corcyrsnns, bad expelled bis garrison, and formed an aUt- ame with the Illyrian king, Glauciaa, Epidam- nns had also revolted ; and the Apnlloniales had Gidlected an army, with which they ventured to give him battle when he appeared before their walls. They gained the day, though, it seems, not any very decided advantage; but it waa sufficient, with the lateness of the season, to induce Cassander to return to Macedonia. After his departure, Leucas also called in aid fhm Corcyie,and freed herself from his garri- The state of affair*in 811 was such aa might nitorally incline the belligerents towards aces sation of hostilities. The principal of Ibeui had sn"ared checks and losses which rendered their prospects more than ever doubtful. It seems. however, lo have boeo Cassander who made the first overturea of peace : and perhaps he now accepted the terms which he had rejected In tile negotiationat the HeDespoat i at least, the conditions of the treaty were most unfa- vourable to him, and such as be could not havs meant to fulfil But after his reverses on tha coast of the Adriatic,be might wish to gain lime for fresh preparations, and to strengthen Macedonia before he resumed the struggle (br Greece. The motives of Antigonus appear clearlyenough Irom the treaty itself. It was agreed that Cassander should retain bis an~ Ihonty in Enrope, with the titleof Strategus, until (be young king Alexander came of age. Lyslmachus was confirmed in the possession of Thrace, Ptolemy in that of Egypt and the ad- jacent regions eastward and westward. The government of all Asia was assigned to Antig- onus, and the Greeks were declared independ- ent. The great concession made to Antigonus, at a time when so large a part of Asia had ac- tually slipped from his grasp, and the omiasion of the name of Seleucus. have been thought to cast suspicion on the report which DiMtoms gives of the treaty. But we do not know in what sense the authority of Antigonus id Asia. was acknowledged by the other parties; and theymay have twen the mote willing to eolBrge bis title, the more they were )ed by the con- quests of Seleucus to hope that he would never be able lo eidbrce it. That Seleucus was not mentioned seems to show, that as ADtigonoB was probablyunwilling to recj^gnise any of his pretensions, so his allies might not like to limit them. It was, perhaps,idkiefly the prospect of the aid which might, in the course of some time, be expected lixnn him, that iodnced Ptolemy and Lysimacbusto enter into the treaty. With An- tigonus the principal motive may have been tbn article relating lo Greece. If he could have prevailed on the other partiea to execute it, and to withdraw their garrisons from Athens, Co- rinth, SIcyon, and whatever other towns they BiiU held, he would have acquired a great in- crease of reputation, and would have been able to resume the war against Cassander with a considerable advantage. Whether the views of the contracting partiea were such or not, the treaty waa coticluded without any sincere intention on any side to execute it, and with dispositions wbicb render- ed itcertain that the peace would be of no long duratioiL CHAPTER LIX. The treaty of 311 was ahnost immediately followed by a tragical event, which may be con- sidered as the natural conseqnence of one of its conditions. Prom the beginning of the war the young king Alexander and his mother had been kept in close custody at Amphipolis, wilhont the attenduice befitting their rank. Cassander, by this treatment, had given sulScient evidence of his ultimate intentions with regard lo them. He probablyonly waited until the Macedonians should have been reconcQed to the spectacle of their degradation, and have forgottentbem, to rid himself of them forever. The declaration, however, wbi^ Antigonus made in their "" MURDEB OF BOXANA AND HER 80N." HERCULES. 3B3 Toar on hia return from the EaM, b"j have revived the hope* of Oune wlio were sfiU "t- uched to the royal houBO ; and the trealf, ivhich solemnlyrecop^sed Alexander's tit' the crown, must hfne excited stillmore guine eipeetalions. The young prince DOW about sixteen, the age at which his father had beeo intrusted with Uie government of the state and the command of armies. His parti- sans openlyexpressed tbeir wiaii to see him immediately released from coafinemeat and placed on the (lirone. That Ihey were insti- gated to this iiOudiciooa display of their loyal- ty, which, without any benefit to its object, could not bat alarm Caasander, and put him on his guard,byany secret machinations of Anligo- nns, seems a very needless conjecture;" Antig- oans might safelyanticipate that the terms of the treaty would produce this effect,and he was probably able to divine its remoter conae- qnences. Caasander hesitated no longer. He ordered Glauciaa, with all possible secrecy, to murder Roxana and her son, and to conceal their bodies. The deed, however, could not remain long unknown. That it gave the high- est jdeasuie to Cassander's rivals, who saw him loaded with all the infiuny, while thej reaped the fmits of his cnme, might have been easilysupposed, even if Diodorus had not ex- pressly asserted it.t It is only remarkable that none of them appeal to have made any show of regret or indigiution, much leas were induced to diaaolve the treaty and take up arms "gainst the murderer. The DccaaioD which led to the renewal of hoetUitie* wasof a very difitrent kind. It was connected with a breach which took place be- tween Antigonas and his nephew Ptolemcus. What grounds of oomplaint Ptolemnus had against his uncle has not been recorded ; but il seems more probaUe that he had been dis- appointed in his privateviews, than that he took so deep an interest in the independence of tbe Greeks as to quarrel with Antigonuson their account.! Had that been the case, he would hardly have connected himself with Cas- mider, whose alliance he songht at the same time that he revolted from his uncle. He had It in his power to do great injuryto Antigo- "UB ; for Phfenii, whom he bad left in com- mand at the Helleapont, was his devoted friend, and Ptolenueus now sent a body of troops to TB-enforce him, and exhorted him to keep pos- aession of the fortresses and cities of the Hel- lespontinesatrapy, and to pay no regard to the orders of Antigonus. The rivals of Antigonns could not view this event with indifference ; and Ptolemy considered it as a favouraUe op- pnrtunity lur an attempt to deprive him of the cities on the coast of Asia, and of the islands which were aubjecl to him, and thus at once to weaken his maritime power and to shut him out from Macedonia and Greece. The treaty ;"'"rded a fair pretext; it had declared that the Greek cities were to be restored to inde- pendence ; yet a year had elapsed " it waa now SlO^^^^d still Antigonus had not withdrawn any of his garrisons bom the towns on the I (4 h* nutg nth" too Tu ta 1,p. ad),Uul lh" KU^rini coast of Asia or from the islands. Antigooas, perliaps, had scarcelyUiought of any others but tliose of Proper Greece. Ptolemy, howev- er, now sent a squadron under Leonulas to the western coast of Cilicia,to dislodge the garri- sons of Antigonus from the maritime towns, and at the same time,by means of his envoys, endeavoured to unite those which lay in the territories of Cassander and Lyaimachus in the cause of freedooL Antigonus sent hia younger son PhilippusagainstPhcenix, and Demetrius to Cilicia, where he defeated Ptolemy'scom- manders, and recovered the places which had fallen into their hands. The revolt of PlolemKUS and Phianix, and Ptolemy'senterprise, would probably be suffi- cient to explainwhy Aniigoniis made no at- tempt to arrest the progress of Seleucus in the Bast,even if this had been one of the purpoaea for which be concluded the treaty. That he should have so far relied on it as immediately to set out on an expeditionagainstSeleucus. as has been conjectured,* is in itself highly im- probable ; even if it were possible that Diodo- rus should have passed over such an event in total silence, the murder of Alexander moot have warned him that the peace was not likely to last long, and that he was in more danger than ever from Cassander, But it was appa- rently towards Macedonia that his attention was iccesaantly directed ; and Alexander's death seems to have suggested a projectI7 which he hoped to overthrow Cassander, and for which be bad, perhaps,begun to make prap- antions soon after he heu^ of that event. The young prince Hercules was atiil living at Pergamus with hia mother Barsine, During the lives of Arridaua Phihp and Alexander jlDguB, he had no pretensions to the throne that could render him an object of jealousy or no- tice. But he might now be conaidered as Uie rightful heir ; he had claims,at least,which, in the eyes of all loyalMaoedoniana, must have appearedincomparablystronger than those of Cassander, and he might,tfanefore, ba set up against hiin with the foirest proMiect of bqc- cesB, This engine,however,was in the bank of Antigonus, and could scarcely have been employed by any one without hia concur- rence. Yet it is Dot Antigonus, but Po^- sperehon, hitherto Cassander's ally, who ap- pears as the maintainer of the rights of Her- culee. Polysperchon, we are informed, sent for him from Pergamos, and exerted his in- terest in Macedonia and "toha in hia behalf so successfully, that he collected an army of S0,000 foot and 1000 horse. Even if the plan had been his own, he would probably have communicated it to Antigonus; and ho was, perhaps, no more than his secret agent. This supposition is a littleconfirmed by the facility ith which Polysperchon abandoned his enter- prise He had advanced with the prince to the sa of Trampya, in the district of Stymphtea, the southwest border of Macedonia, where own patrimony layit when Cassander met him. The two armies were encamped not far from each other ; and Cassander, alarmed at Dnncq (i.,p. 8W1, who flbdt " eaUbmmlioa "" hit iKtnn inAinu,[sd"U."DdPi"lr"n.,ti., ",). Bu fiRvd to ft dilbrinttpo^ t THt" "d l^roc^k, tO%t 134 HISTORY OP GREECE. the indioatjoneof popularfeeling be perceived, 'Which led hjiu to fear that he ahould be desert- ed by hie own troops, made secret overtures to PoljBpArchon; representtDg to h. he snccoeded in his enterprise, be woald sink into a pnvate station as the yonng king's ser- Tanlj and aSering, if he would change sides, not anljr to restore all hia privatepossessions in Macedonia, but to share his own authority with him, and to send him with an army to take the government of Peloponnesus. Poly- "perchon, whose conduct towards Phocion ivoved that he was a stranger to every feeling of honour,having calculated the profit of tiia beachery, consented to sacrifice his word, and caused him to be either poisoned* or Mi gledt at a banquet. Cassander, it seeme, warded him with a hundred talents,as an i nest of fiiture f^vourSi and ftimished htm with a small body of troops for the recovery of Pel- oponnesus ; but he was not able to penetrate thronghBteotia, and was forced to winter in Locris- We have the satisfaction to know that he never enjoyedany of the great rewards irtiich had been promised for his crime. Hi baseness almost reconciles db with Cassander' eaergy, ruthless and reckless as it was. W have, indeed, no reason to think Cassander worse man than any of his rivals ; and hi most atrocious deeds admit of more pallialiar , (hun the impulse of ambition and revenge, than they coold have pleaded for some of tbeirs. When we find Seiencus and Ptolemy diatia- gnished for their mildnras end humanity. i1 mnst not be snppoaed thnt they,any more than Cassander,would have ^rupled to commit any crime which their tntercrt might aeem to re- qtiire. Of this, in Ptolpmy'scase, we have a proof in the transactinrs if the same year. About the same time ihat Poiysperchon was marching againstCaeinnder, he madr an ex- pedition to the coast of Lycia, to pmsi'cute hia eflbrts in the cause of Grerjen independence. As he moved westward with his Okpi. he took several towns, and at Cog sent for Ptolemvus, vrtio was still at Chslcis,to join him, and first received him very graciously ; hut as endeavoured to ingratiate himswlf with the principal Egyptianofficers by bis conversation and presents, he soon roused the suBpiciona of his new ally,who, dreading his enterprising spirit, arrested and put him to death, and in- corporated his troops with his own farces. With like vigour,having heard that Nicocles was engaged in a privatecorrespondence with Antigonus, he ordered him and his brothers to be put to death wiUioot farther inquiry.A tragicscene ensued. After the death of Nic- ocles, liiswife. AxioChea, killedher daughters, and then herself,having Srst persuaded her sisters-in-lawto follow her example ; and his brothers finally set fire to the palace, and died by their own hands. Demetrius had been sent by his father to check Ptolemy's progress, and compelled him to raise the siege of Halicamassns, when it was on the pointoffalling into his hands. Yel we find Ptolemy, in 308, again on the coast of Caria,at Myndus ; and thence he sailed,with- out any opposition, to the Isthmus of Corinth, * Accndlrf to TttliPI. ""! Putuiu, it, T,t t F1au"ti,t)iVil,PuiL,4. On hia ptastge be (breed the troopa of Antigo- nus to evscnate the Isle of Androa, and sood after his arrival induoed Cratesipolis, we knoiw not by what motives, to deliver np Corinth and Sicyon to him. It was only by a atratag^n, practised on her own troops, that she wss aUe to effect her purpose. They were ready to de- fend the Acrocorinlhas. and, perhaps, would have refused to surrender it ; but she pretend- ed to send for re-enforcements from Sicyan, and introdoced Ptolemy'sUxx^js as the succours she expected. She herself retired lo PatrK. Ptolemy, it seems, now hoped to nnite the Pel- opannesians in a voluniaiy alliance with hhn- self,and prevailed on them to agree to a sup- ply of provisions and money for the su^Mrrt of his troops. But the engagement was foreign to their habits,and perhapsthey began to donbt whether they were not sbovt to expend their resources leas for their own defence than to fix them under the rule of a stranger; and when the time came they shrank from the fnlfilnwDC of their contract. Ptolemy saw that he could rrat rely on their good will, and entered into a new alliance with Cassander, on the conditior) that each should retain the places he poeaeased. He left garrisons in Corinth and SicyoD, asd sailed back to Egypt. At the aame time be was engaged in an intrigue, which indicated other designs,tlireatening. not only to Antigo- nus, but to Cassander. He bad been negotia- ting for a noion with Cleopatra, whose alliance. as she was almost the last surviving brunch of the royalhouse, would have given him ns good a titleas any one now could claim to tlic throne of Macedonia. She was, probably, wciity of her long confinement at Sardis, and accpted lbs ofibr of bis hand as her sole remaining chaitce of liberty and power. She made no secret of her designs, but openly set out from Sardis to embark for Egypt. Antigonus was apprized of her movements, and ordered his governor of Sardis to arrest her. Soon after,fresh instruc- tions arrived, in compliance with which the governor cnused her to he assassinated by some of hff women Anligonoa, to veil his own in the infnmnus traniiaction, pnnished the wrcfched creaiurrB with death, and honoured ns (ifhis unhappy victim with a roy"l filnera]. We niEiy judge of the sincerity of the indignetiun ho imd expressed st Caasaoder's proceedings, Yi't Antigonus was confessedly one of (hf belter Hnd more noUe-minded of AJ- now thought it time to make a more vir- altempt to wrest Qreece out of the hands of Ptolemy and Cassander, and thus to open another easier road into Macedonia, Demetri- ivas eager to undertake the enterprise. He t a youth of ardent spirit, of livelyimagina- I. of inordinate passions : divided,through- bis hfp,between ambition and (he loVe of isure. siike insatiable and ungovernable in h.the Alcibiades of his age. In the midst of hia public and privateoccupations, he found ' severer studies,and, if he had not teaman and a soldier,he might bare been renowned as the most expert meclianician of bis time. He dplighled in the invention ol extraordinaTyengines, which exhibited at once the grandeur of his conceptions and the inge- nuity and skillwith which he could carry them DEMETRIUS THE PHALERIAN. into eSfecL He was captiiatedby the thought of beouming the benefactor and patroD, rather than the iDaater of Greece. Athens especially BttTBcied him by its name, and by the charac' ter of the people, in so many pointscongenial with his own. He aspired to the glory of ac- conipliahing their delivemnce. of winning their alTeclion, of ruling over them with their free consent. Early in the summer of 307 he set sail from Gpheaue, with an armament of SSO sail,a great store of ammunition,, and a treao- nre of 5000 talents, and steered direct for Ath- It was now more than ten years that Athens had remained under the goremnient of Deme- trius the Phalerian.who, under the modest title of guardian, with the Macedonian garrison, and the fear of Cassander to support him, in fact exercised unlimited authority. The accounts which remain of his adminiatraiion would be perplexing from Ihe appearance of contradic- tion they present, if tbe length of the period during which his rule lasted did not enable us to reconcile them, Demetrius was of very low, if not of servile origin;* yet he was liberally educated, was a hearer of Aristotle's schnbir. TheophrasluB, and diligently cultiiated rhi't- oric.criticism, historical learning, and political philosophy. He was an agreeablespeaker, an elegant and Toluminous writer. It was, per- haps, by his literal? pursuits that be first rec- he copied ont the Iliad and Odyssey with his own band, and could repeat almost every verse ; and one of tbe meaaures of Dematrius was to reyive the public racitationof the Horoeiic po- ems in a new form.-f For some time after his elevation to power, be aiqjears to have wielded it moderately and wisely. It seema aa if be aspired to emulate Solon and Ptsiatratua. He introduced,indeed, no fundamental changes into the Constitution, but preserved its forma, while he enacted many laws, of which Cicero and other impartial judgesspeak with great ap- probation. He adorned the city with useful, if not magnificenthuildinga -.t he raised the pub- lic reventie to the same amount (1300 talents) as ithad reached during the administration of Lycurgds. A very surprisingproof of the gen- eral prosperity which Athens enjoyedunder hi* sway^ is nflbrded by a census which he took of the population, probably in the year of his archonship,309, from which it appeared that Attica contained 31,000 freemen. 10,000 resi- dent alieiks, and the prodigious number of 400,000 slaves. The 31,000 must have incln- iHlorb!^^ ded all tbe citiiens who were daharred from the eiercise of their franchise by the want of the requisite qualification : their proportion to the rest is not stated : but. since 12,000 were excluded by Anlipater'sregulation, the number of slaves possessedby the remaining 0000 citi- zens, and by the aliens,mast beve been eooT' mous: o"A much less, it would seem. Ihut twenty to each. It is remarkable that aumplir- ary laws were among the acts of Demetrius, which we find mentioned. He limited the number of guests at feasts,*and, to check the excessive magnifioence which waa displaysd by the wealthy at funerals, ordered them to ba celebrated before daylight. He himself appears to have retained the earlysimplicity of hi* habits and the philosophical frugality of hia meals,even after he had risen to his high "("" tion,but, probably, not for any long time A very different picture is drawn of the man and his administration by other bands.l but ap- parently with equalfidelity. The time cama when be began to devote but a small part of the publicrevenue, wbich all passedthrou^ his bands, to publicpurposes, and squanderad the rest in extravagantluxury. In the costli- ness of his ordinarybanquris he surpassed Uw Mucedonian grandees; in their exquiajt" ele- ^'ance, the effeminate prioces of Cyprus and Pbtenicia. It was reniHrked that even the floors of h\s rooms were adorned by skilliilart- ista; that his guests nr^re sprinkled with pre- cious ointments : that Ihe superfluity of hia table enabled his cook" tbe most celebrated of hia day" to purchase three large houses. He betrayed a ridiculous vanityby the attentioa which he paid to hia personalappearanoe. The disciple of Theopbrastua was not ashamed to colour his hair,to piiiiit his cheeks, to wear an artificialsmile ; and. uiiliappUf, (his weakneaa was connected with stnaual passions, which he indulged without reserve, at the expense, not only of his own dignity, but of the peace and honour of faia subjects. He became, not only in the political, but m the moral sense, tyrant of Athena. It is not difficultto account for the change. It was the natural effect of tbe sudden acquist tion of power and wealth on a man uf un.loci- ded character,who had, probably, lancieil him- self a pbilosopher while he seemed destined le an humble station, hut found his desires swell with the growth of bis fortune. There was, however, another cause which contributed to stiflebis better dispositioDs, and to make him more and more indilTerent to the esteem of the wise and good. The forbearance and discretion which he showed at the outset probably won the hearts of tbe Athenians, notwithstand- ing the prejudioethey may have felt agsiast him as Cassander's creature. They repaid bin with extravagant tokens of admiratioa and gratitude. Honours of allkinds had become so common, that only very gross exaggerattua oould render them sifiuifieBnt. Some parasite of the assembly desired a new distinction for the benefactor of Athens ; he proposed to ereet as many statues in honour of him as there were , V, Co Ogle S36 HISTORY OF GREECE. dayaln tb" jnai; and, in less than 300 days, 8t0 broMe sLstues, mostly eqneatrian, or rep- TsaentiDf him in a cli"riot.atiested the popular eolbuaiaam. That it soon eiMled, and in time waa followed by oppositeaenliments, may easi- ly be conceived ; aa easily, that while this ehange was takingplace, the Toice of flattery gnv louder than STer, and that his Tanity and Ticea were humoured with more eludied obse- ^ioosneas. So, in the year when be filledthe offloeorsrchOB " the ninth orhis government" "a he headed the Dionysiacprocession, the poet wbo fairiiahedthe hymn of thB chorus cetebra- tad bia iUustTioQB birth and the dazzling radi- ance of Us aapect. When this kind of intoxi- cation waa added to that of pleasure, it is no wouder that he forgot himself more and more, and wallowed in the foulest depths of sensual- ity. Yet, in one very importantpoint, he con- tinued to the last to deserve praise : his admin- iUration appears to have been quite free from the stain of cruelty; he continoed, it seems, to exercise his authoritymildly, even alter he had baoome conacioua that the people were weary of it.* We have already seen that Ibeyeager- ly liatetiad to tbepnHiiiaes of Antigonus, enter- Ad into a weret correapondence with him, and, vhen Ibey were encouragedby Ibe presence of hi* BBnenL Plolenuaoa, did not conceal their with for bia alllaDee, and (breed the Phalerian, at leaM aeeatlndr,to yield to it. Ttaqrwere, Uereliire,quiteready to receive the aon ttf' AMljfoDns with the heartiest wel- aouM ; tboogti hta apjnarance was so littleei- Cted, that aaqnadron of twenty galleys, which "entfonrara is advance of the main fleet, in At diraction of Salamia, was taken for one of Pttrieiny's, and he found the barbonrs all open.t He aoterad Plrmu, and, when he was within hearing of the mnltttmla that lined the shore, otderad the trumpat to aonnd a signal for si- lataee atMl attention. The herald then proclaim- ed tbat bis fittherbad aent bim to liberate Ath- ena, to azpel the foreigngarrison, and to re- store the laws and ancient Constitution. It may easily be iniagined that this annoaneement was hcani with Ibe liveliest pleasureby the gieat maaa of the Athenian speotatore. The acooants of Diodoms and Plotarrh seem hard- ly to be reconciled with eaeh other as to the opposition which be had to enooonter. Ac- oording to Diodorus, the Pbslerian made an at- tempt to defend Pirvus, but was soon obliged to retire into the upper city. Plularcfa says lliat his troops received his rival's proclama- tion with shouts of applause, lowered their "hields, and invited him lo land ; and thst (he Phalerian forthwith sent envoys lo treat with Uie conqueror. It is certain that he soon be- came anxious only for bis own safely, surren- dered the city, and departed under an oMvin of bia rival's Iroopa to Thebea, which he liimaelf ciiose as il^place of his retreat. This was the end of hts political career. He afterward found "heller, patronage, and naeful occupation at Al- exandria, under the Grat Ptolemy, whom he did "at long aurvive. At Athens, after Ms departure, be waa for- allyimpeached end uandeoined to death. The inlence was executed an the 360 slalues, hich were destroyed with every mark of ig- nominy ; yet one waa preserved in the Acrop- dis,at the request of Demetrius,* who did not ibare the popular rcaentroent against his nanic- sake. in imitation of the proceedings uhich (bllowed the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants, eriod uf the laie tyranny was destgnaied itselffelt in a very wide circle of the Pha- lerian's political friends. Even the comic poet Menander was involved in great danger by bia patronage, and waa only delivered through lUe intercession of Teleaphorus, the nephew ofAn- tigonus. It also extended to a class of persons ho might have been supposed stillmore se- jre from the effects of a political revolution. . law was passed " proposedby one Sophocles, in of Amphicleides " farbiddingany pbikiso- . ber, under pain of death,to open a school al Athens without the permission of the senate id people.) There can be little doubt thai is measure waa aimed chiefly at Theophraa- s, the master of Demetrius, wbo bad distin- guished him with extrsordinary maika of fa- -" ". The influence of Theophrastus. whose iples are said to have amounted to the num- ber of 2000 at one time, was not contemptible; :t ia probable that the philosophere, who were mostlyforeigners, were generallyregard- ed " notwithstanding the noble example of Xe- nocrates " aa devoted to the Macedonian as- cendency. II must have been on this ground that Demochares, who, in these evil times, showed himself not unworthy of his illuetnous uncle, lent his support to the measure. The immediate elTecl was, that allthe philosopher* quilted Athens. Their absence was, no doubt, felt Bs a privation and a losa. It waa like the suppression of a university. In the course of a year Sophocles was impeached as the author of an illegal proposition, and,though defended by Demochares, was convicted,and sentenced to a penalty of five talenta. The law was con- sequently repealed, and the philosophers re- Dionysius was not so easily induced to sur- render Munychia as the Phalerian had been to abandon Athens ; he sustained a siege of some days, but the place was at lengthstormed, his troops laid down their arma, and he himself was taken prisoner. If we believe Plutarch. I"emetrius refused lo enter Athens until It should have been completely restored to liberty by the fsilof Munychia, and during the inlervi occupiedby the siege, made himself master of Megdra. which, it seems, was only saved from plunderby the intercession of the Athenians. Possibly he may have invested Megara, and theo have relumed lu reduce Munychia. He dismantled its fortifications, and then went up to the city and presented himself before Uie as- sembled people. He announced to them that henceforth their ancient Conslilution was ro- alored, and, in his father's na . . thein a present of ISO.OOO buataels of a timber for 100 galleys. We cannot wanoer at the transports with which his address waa ^, D"IHI .Phil. FLATTERY OF DEMBTBIUS." HIS RECAXL. received ; especiallj as in ihe champion or free- dom, the might;chief, who bad come witb so formidable an armament lo eiecute his gen- erous purpose, the; befaeid a young hero of no- ble person, of princelycarriage, and a counte- nance m which grace, dignity, and spirit were blended with a peculiarcharm, which no painter of tlieagewas able toporlray. Unhappily, the gratitude and admiratiun of the people found sordid and mischievous interpreters, who vied with each other in new devices of abject and fulsome flattery, which degraded those who of- lered it, and threw ridicule on its object. It was littlethat Demetriua and hia father were DOW saluted with tbe title of kings,which, though they had never claimed it, so properly belonged to them ; that two new tril)ea, the Demetrias and the Antigoniaa, were added to the ten which derived their names from the old Attic beroea, and that the council was correspondingly enlarged to the number of 600 ; (hat the name of the month Mitoychmn waa altered lo Demetrion, one of the days called Demetrias ; and " as it was known that the young prince loved to trace a resemblance be- tween his own person and character and those of the voluptuousconqueror Dionysus " the name of the Demotria substituted for that of the Dionyaia. It was not much that the di- vine honours, which Alexander had so rudely exacted,were now freely conferred on Deme- trius and Antigonus. It was somettuDg more that they were consecrated under the titleof lineSaviour Gods ; that it was decreed a priest should be appointed every year to minister at their altars, with a solemn procession, sacrifice, and games, and that bis name aholild bs insert- ed in all stale records and private contracts to mark the date, instead of the arcbon's j that their images should be woven in the peplus borne in the Fanaihenaic procession, together with those of Ute tutelary deities ; tiiU the ^t where Demetrias had first alighted from his etarioC, when he entered the city, ahould be hallowed by an ahar dedicated" with an epi- thet, before aKn^riated to the ehief of the giHla ai Loxd of the Thnnderttolt" to the Descend- ing Demetrius. Stratocles, who, on this oooa- sion, taaked his ingenuity to exhibitthe utmost Client of servile impudence, ddded the piopo- ul,that allambassadors sent to Demetritis and Antigtmua should bear the same sacred title which had hitherto been given to the envoys who ooududad tbe pablic sacrificesto the Olym- pic and Pytitiaa g^ies.This,indeed, was an bonimr which hul already been bestowed on Alexander, aod Stratocles was obliged lo yield tbe palm of baseness to another orator, who moved that Demetrins.aa often aa he visited Athens, should be entertained with the sacred pomp ordained for the reception of Dionysus awl Demeter, and that a reward should be as- signed to the person who should celebrate the festivalwith the greatestmagnificence.3titl, the inventive genius of the time-serving para- sites did not flag, and afterward suggested still deeper strains of adulation. It coold not be expected that any opposition "taouldbe offeredto such proposals ; nor need itbe doubted that they were, at first, carried with a certain degree of sincere enthnsiae They were not the less pemiciolls in their Vol. H." U o )n the character of the people and of De- metrius, and on the cause of freedom, whiah theybrought into contempt. Demeiriua,bew- responded to them by fresh marks of hon- tnd favour, and adhered to the prlnci^ which he professed at the beginning of his en- terprise. He listened to the mediation of Uis Atlieniana^-one which reflects some honour tm their generosity " in behalf of Megara,protect- ed it from the violence of his soldierswhen they were about to plunderit, and left it with' out a garrison. From Megara he set out, ao- companiedonlyby a few lighttroops, on an ex- pedition, which may be called romantic,after the Greek fashion,to pay a visit to Cratesipo- lia, attracted by the fame of her beauty. He ordered a tent to be pitched for Ihe interview, which, it seems, she had granted at a distance from his camp, but was surprised by a detach- ' from Ptolemy'sgarnaon at Sicytra or Co- rinth, and narrowlyescaped. After hia retura to Athens, lo the great detighl of tbe Athe- ' ins, he solemnized his marriage with Euryd- ;, a descendant of Miltiades, and the widow of Ophelias, one of Ptolemy's officerswho hod fallen the year before in Africa. Nothing seems to have occurred to alienate tbe aflectionsof the peo^efrom him while he temauied at Athena ; but, in the course of a few months, he wi* called away from this scene of cheap and doubt- ful glory to a new field of harder oonieUa, by orders from his father. Antigonns had, in the mean while, been "i- gaged m a peacefulattempt to perpetuate hia name by the foundation of a new cityon tbe Orontes, which be called Antigonia. Here be received the Athenian envoys, who cane to lay the honours which had been decreed lo him at his feet, and to solicit the fulfilmentof the promises made by his son as lo the aan and timber. He granted all their reqaeata, and add- ed a stillmore acceptable preseot, ^e tale ol Imbros, the ancient possessioii of the ot^uBOn- wealth. But itseems that he was now alam- ed by inielligeace of Ptcdemy's naval prep"r"- ' ns, and bylhe firm hohlwhicb hehadgaiaed Cyprus, and determined to make an ^rt to est the islandfrom bim. He therefore order- ed Demetrius to arrange tbe aSkirs of Orseoe sail away with all speed to tbe conquest of Cy- prus. Demetrius was loth to abandon the oa" reer which ha bad just so britllanUybegun. But his ofllMtioDaitd reverence for his father-" the best feature in his obarooler " always over- powered every other feeling. Before hia de- parture he made an tnefiectual atleropt to bribe Cleoniiias, Ptolemy's commander, to evacuate Corinth and Sicyon, and early in 806 sailed away with his armament to tbe coast of Caria. Here he invited the fUiodiiuis to Uice a part in the war againstPtolemy ; but Iheir commerce depended too nuich on their conneiion with Egypt to render such a step advisable ; and they adhered to the neutralily which they had hitherto observed. Demetrius,dissembling hia resentment, proceeded towards CiUt"a, and hav- ing re-enforc^ his armament with fresh ships and men, saded across to Cyprus. His amiy consistedof 15,000 foot and 400 horse ; his fleet, besides the transports, amounted to about ISO saU of ships of war ; all, it appeaia, Of a Biu . ..Cioogic HI8TORV OF GREECE. miknowii in the apclent Gre^ warfare, and MTenl capable of containing between 3000 and 3000 men. Demetrius deliehted in the contri- Tance of melhods bj which these enonnouB ma- chiitei might be moved with the greatest ease, M as to be equal in speed to the lighter Tea- sels. HaTing drawn hia fleet on sliore near Carpasia,leaving a sufficient foiee to protect it, he marched towards Salamis, where Meneiaus awaited him with a fleet of sixtysail, and all the forces he had been able la collect from his garrisons in the island. His nnmbers were not mDch inferior to those of Demetrius, and he Tenlured a battle, in which, however, he was defeated with great loss, and immediately be- gan to prepare against a siege, while he sent for "necDurs to Egypt. DemetriUB proceeded to inreat Salamis by "ea and land ; but the place was vigorously de- fended, and after he had etfecied a breach in the wall, his machines were flred in the night by the enemy ; and before he had repaired this loss, he heard that Ptolemy himself had come from Egypt with an annament of 140 gaUeya, and transportsbearingnot less than 10,000 troopt. Ptolemy, on his arriva! at Citium, about twenty mHea from Salamis,sent overland to Menetans, orderinghim, if possible, to send out hia galleys to Join the fleet ; but DemetriUB an- ticipated this movement, and when he sailed to meet Ptolemy, left ten of his larger vessels un- der Antiathenes to block up the mouth of the haihoDT. Rolemy had set aail by night,hoping to surprise the enemy ; bnt at daybreak he saw them drawn np for action. The contending forces were so nearlyequal to each other, that the two chiefs interchanged messages of scorn- Ail defiance : Ptolemy,bidding Demetrius sail tway if hedid not wish to be overwiiclmed, and Demetrius olTfering (o pennit his rival to with- draw on condition that he would give up Co- rinth and Sicyon. The battle which ensued was one of the moat memorable in the history of ancient naval warfare,as well on account of the forces engaged, as for (he skill and valour of the combatants. Demetrius gained a com- I^otevictory.Ptolemy himself escaped, it is said,with onlyeightgalleys: alUhe rest of bis fleet was either destroyed or taken. Almost all Ua transports and vessels o( burden, with the troops, the arms, the engines, the treasure, and a multitude of persons who accompanied the expedition, fellinto tho enemy's hands. Mene- iaus had complied with Ptolemy'sorders, and "ent out his squadron under the command of Menietiue,who, after a hard struggle, forced Antislhenes to retire and seek shelter Irom the land force. But he came too late to take a share in the battle ; and we may suspect, did not escape quit"unmolested,as Diodorus rep- resents. According to another account, Mene- iaus himself fled with Ptolemy,* but it seems to be better attested that he, not longafUr,ca- pilulBtud, and surrendered SnlamiB, with allhis ships and men, to Demetrius. Demetrius,on this occasion,Sisplayedthe generosity which had hitherto tempered hia hostility towards Ptolemy. He sent bach his brother Meneiaus, his son Leontiscus, and several other prieoners of rank, together with his privatebaggage, and hoosehold servants* " retaining,however, his mistress, Lomio, a celebrated courtesan, who soon acquired a pernicious and degrading influence over the con- queror " and honourably interred the enemy's slain. He also sent 1200 complete suits of armour, at once a trophy and a present, to the Athenians, t At the same time, he despatched Arislodemus the Milesian,to carry the tidings of this signalvictory to his father,who, aware of Ptolemy'smovements, was wailing with painfulanxiety for the result. Aristoderaus, when he ncared the land,cast anchor, and put off in a aklff to the shore, and proceeded alone towards the palace of Antigonus,who, hearing of his arrival,sent some of his attendants to meet him and learn the news. But the wily Greek preserved an obstinate sQence, and ad- vanced slowly, with composed countenance, in the midst of the inquiringcrowd, towards the palacegale, where Antigonushimself,no longer able to control his impatience, had come out to meet him. Aristodemus, when he drew near, addressed him in a loud voice, with the saluta- tion : " Hail ', King Antigonus : we have de- feated Ptolemy in a sea-light, and are masters of Cyprus, and have taken near 17,000 prison- ers." Antigonus breathed lighter, sod playfully threatened that the messenger, who had kept him so long on tenter-hooks, should, in Ins turn, wait for his reward. The title,however, with which Aristodemua had greeted him was not the least agreeablepart of his speech. t He had long, as both Aristodemus and the Atheni- ans knew, designed to assume it. It had, in- deed, become almost necessary to place him on an equality with Seleucus, who had alreadyre- ceived it mm the barbarians,though he did not exact it from the Greeks. Aniigonuathought his son's victory a fit occasion to unite the name with the substance of kinglypower, and now solernnly assumed the diadem, and con- ferred the same dignity on Demetrius, whom he mgarded as the partner of his throne. The intercoqrse between the father and the Eon, from first to last,presented the pleasing spec- tacle of lender affection,playfulfamiliarity, without breadi of filial respect, and unbounded mutual confidenee. The example of Antigonus was immediately followed by Ptolemy " whose "" " were eaget to show that theyluere " Polyinui (I I,T), wh". THE NEW KINGS." RETREAT PROM EGVPT. nol diBbsartened bj his defeat " and aoon after bjrL;BiniBehus and Seleucus. Cassandcr,also, was saluted wtlh the title by his subjects, but did not adopt it in bia own letters. Tbe title seems to have made no change in tbe babilsof any a[ the new kings, at least in their inler- coarse with the Greeks,' In fact, it onlypro- claimed wbat every one knew before,that they held their domiAions in tbeii own right, and ackaowledged no eupertor. Casaander,Foly- spercbon, and Anligoniu, luid removed every pretender ta a more legitimateroyally. The accurreoce, however, visibly marks the new period which had suoceeded to that in which Alexander's saccessore were struggling with each other in the dame of his empire and his boose ; and it was a httle relief to the world that, if it was stillto be tonuented by their sm- bitioa, it was no longer to be iosulted by their empty professions, and Chat they no longer af- fected to be aaything more or less than was equal to their real glrength. AutigonuB, elated by his son's victory, believ- ed that the time had come, when he might crush Ptolemy, and resolved to mvade Egypt witbont delay. He sent for Demetrius from Cypios, and collected bis forces at Antigonia. He him- self look the command of the amy, which was Mmpooed of 80,000 foot,8000 horse, and 89 dephants : Demetrius was to conduct the fleet, ISO ships of war and 100 transports, loaded with ammunition, along the coast of Syria. It was the b^nniug of October before Ihey set out, and tbe naasters tri'thefleet warned Anlig- onin to expect a change of weather at the set- ting of the Pleiades, which was onlyeightdays later. But be hoped,by the rapidity of his movements, to surprise Ptolemy,end,reproach- ing them with cowardice, gave orders to pro- c^^d. At Oaaa he ordered his troops to provide themselves with food for ten days, and loaded great nnmber of camels, which had been col lected for him by tbe neighbouriogArabs, with com. From Oaza Demetrius pursued his course for a few days in a calm, tbe svifter galleys towing the transports. But the predictions which ADtigonus had slighted were exactly ful- filled. The fleet was dispersed, and suffered great damage, by a gale from tbe north, Whicb many of the transports were lost ; si eral of tbe war galleys were driven ashore the snampy coast near the city of Raphia, and those which weathered the storm, and made Ibeir way as far as Mount Caains. not far rrom tbe mouth of the Nile,were obliged to remain at anchor there,as it was impossible to effect a landing tlut"ii^ the surf Nor would itother- wise have been safe on a hostile coast. Still, three of the larger were lost, with almost all their crews, and the rest were reduced to great distress aad alarm,as their supply of water was spent, while it was uncertain how longthey might be kept at sea. The wind abated in time, and soon dtor the army appeared to protect their landing, and to afford tbem needflil freahment. But the difflcnKiaaof the enterprise were i to come. Ptolemy was as woU prepared defence as be had been against Perdiccas. The rewards which he offered attiBcted many ' " !" " msiwB, H nnudi, Dgmeti,, IT, serterefrom the enemyscamp. Antigonuawaa lable to cross the Nile, and Demetrius waa 'pulsed in two attempts, which he made at different points, to enter it,and, after havioK suffered fresh loss and damage from another north gale,returned, with great difficulty, to the eastern coast to join his father. Antigonoa had calculated on the effect of a sudden,well- combined attack ; it had failed in all poinis, and as not prepared for a longer stay in the enemy's country. His provisions both for meit and beasts were nearly consumed ; and it can have been only to save appearances that he aT- fected to ask the opinion of his council, whether would be better to remam, or to defer the conquest of Egypt to a more favourable season. They were unanimous in (he recommendation to retreat with all possiblespeed, and he may have thought himself fortunate when tbe re- ains of the army and navy were brought back safetyto Syria. Ptolemy celebrated his sec- ond deliverance, which seemed to ensure hint againata recarrence of this danger,by sacrifl- ~~ and feastings, and wrote to comrauoicate success, which nearly counterbalanced (he loss of Cyprus,to his aUies,Seleucus,Lysimar- chus, and Caasander. It was partly to console himself for this dis- aster, and partly to punish the Rhodians for their retiisal to co-operate with Demetrius in the invasion of Cyprus, that Antigonus now re-. solved to reduce them to subjection. Tbe changes which bad taken place in the cont- merce of the world, in consequence of Aleialt- der's conqnoats,especially through the founda- tion of ^zandria, had, it seems, been pecu- liarly favourable to the prosperity of Rhodes. It had now for many years enjoyed untnter- mpled peace. After Alexander's death, tbe Macedonianganieou was expelled, and tt seema that no attempt had afterward been made ta compel the Rhodians to receive another. Their friendship was courted by all the rivals who contended for (he empire. Their government was a polityhighly extolled by the ancienta for the wisdom of its institutions. Tbe rulers, at least, bad the prudence to conciliate the poorer class, which was not permittedto share their poUtlcal privileges, by a liberal provision for its wants. This was not an expedient to serve a " temporary purpose ; it was a hereditary usagBf by which the wealthy had alwayscontributed, in a mannar unknown to most other Greek cities, U" therehef of the indigent. Thus exempt, partly through a happy combination of circumstances, partlythrough their own prudence and modera- tion, from the evils of war and civil discord,tha Rhodians had actively cultivatedallthe resour- ces of their fertileisland and their geographical poailioo. All the arts, both of peace and war, were carried to the highestpoint of pertbction among them that they anywhere reached in this age. The magnificence of the public build- ings which adorned the citywas hardlyequal- led in any part of Greece. The masterpiecsa of sculpture and painting which they could boaat of preserved and enlargedthe ancient glory, celebrated by Pindar, of works that seemed ta live and move. But it was more especially in those which belonged to the defence of the city and the extension of its maniime power tbttt the government displayedits activity and fora- HISTORY OP GREECE. thoughl. No other Greek city could exbibit arsenBla, armories, magaiines, and engines, comparable to those of Rhodes. The vigilant attention paid to (he naiy was indicated by " law forbidding tbe common people, under pain of death, to enter the dockyards.' It had lieen conlinualiy gainingstrength with the eilension of trade -, and the Rhodiaas had felt themselves ^le to undenaiiu alone the task of suppressing the pirates who had long infested th* Grecian waters, and who appear to have grown more numerous and insolent in the confusion which followed Alexander's death ; and they had, in a greatmeasure, cleared tbe sea of this pest. In the congests of Alexander's successors it had been tbe object of their policy to preserve neutrality. They had,indeed, the greatest need , , of Ptolemy'sfriendship ; for itn^s from Egypt they drew their chief supply of com. and with Alexandria that they carried on their most profitable coimnerce ; bat theyhad.also,reason 10 fear the enmity of Antigonus, and had en- deavoured, aa we have seen, to conciliate him by readycompliance with allhis demands for tbe furtherance of his naval ptcparaticns. Af- ter their refusal to aid Demetrius against Ptol- emy, Antigonus sent a squadron to intercept all Teasels sailing between Rhodes and Egypt ; and when the Rhodians forced it to withdraw, interpreted this defensive measure as a declara- tion of war, and threatened them with his ven- geance. In the spring of 30S ha prepared to execute these threats, and collected an arma- tnent for the siege of the city. It was in vain that the Rhodians attempted to soothe him by flattering decrees, that they humbly besought bim not to force them to break their treaty with Ptolemy, who had never injured them. Their envoys were dismissed witb a stern reply, and brought back so alarming a description of the preparations of Demetrius, who wa with the expedition, that, for a time ness of the government gave way ; they offered to submit, and to join Antigonus m his wr againstPtolemy. When, however, Demetrii demanded a hundred of the principal cittzei "s hostages, and that bis fleet should be admit- ted into the harbour,they saw that they must expect, not an ally, bat a master, and prepared forthe inevit^le struggle.They sent enibas- "ies to Ptolemy,Lysioiiichua, and Casaander, for succour, and, in the mean while, called forth alltheir domestic lesauroea. Besides their own Citizens, they aimed as many as they could of ite resident aliens; and compelled those who Were not able or willing to serve to quit the city. The number enlisted" SOOO citizens and 1000 strangers" seems smaller than might have been expected. But it must be remembered that the poorer class was employed in tbe navy. On the other hand, arms were given, also, to the slaves " whose number is not re- ported " and it was decreed that those who distinguished themselves should be emancipa- ted, and tbe pricepaid to their owners by the treasury -, and the wise and beautiflU Athenian law " by which those who fellin battle were honoured with a publicfuner^, theii parents and children maintaiaed at the expense of the State, theirdaughtersportioned, and tbe orphan " SMbo, ST., " IW, TaiHte, youths, when they came lo age, presented eaeb suit of armour, and crowned at the Dio- festival" was adapted, as an extraordi- I, for this emergency. All ranks lalud with equalardour, and vied with each other in voluntarycontributions, of money, "" or labour, to the common cause. Detne- crOBsed over from the port of Loryma, on oast of Caria, with an armament thai almost covered the intervening channel : 200 ships of war, more than 170 transports,bearing neaiiy 40,oi|)0 infantry, besides a body of cavalry, and of the pirateslatelyconqueredby the Rbodi- whom he bad taken into his service, and mmense store of arms and engines; at- tended by abont 1000 vessels laden with pn"- vlaions. He encamped nearly within bowshot of the walls,fetling the trees, and demoli^ing the buildings in the outskirts,to fonn a triple palisade round his camp, and constructed a harbour cloae to the great port, sofllcienl intain his huge fleet. One of his first op- ens was to send a detaohment,consisting chiefly of the pir*tos, whose bitter enmity ren- dered them fittest for this service,lo spread devastation over tbe island. So began thia uege of Rhodes, not less meni' orable thui those of 1480 and 1639 for the en- ergy dis(dayed on both sides ; perhaps more in- teresting as the successful struggle of a free people against a fearfhUysuperiorphysical force. The details might have filled an enter- taining volume. Demetrius Srst directed his attack on the side of the baiboiir.heping to ex- clude the enemy from the sea. He made him- self master of the point of the mole, where he landed 400 of his troops, aitdthen prooeeded to batter the walls witb stones of eoonnons weight, hurled by his terrible floatingenginee. But Ihougb, after an Bssadl which laMed eightdays, he effected a breach, he was repulsed with so much loss and damage as to be forced to retire into his own harbour to repair his ahattered vessels and machioes. After an interval of seven days he renewed the attack. Again bis floating batteries playedupon tbe wall : otheia kept the ships of the besieged at a distance by a shower of fire, while a palisade, covered tq* plates of Iron, mounted on a strong raft, ward- ed off their misaQes. Tbe danger was preasing : the prytaoes made a fresh appeal to the qiirit of their oountiymen, which was met witb new enthusiasm. A band of volunteers manned three of the best ships, and put out, as on a for- lorn hope, to attack tbe iron pabaade, and the floating machines behind it. Aflei a hard cotB- bat, their desperate valour forced its way throughevery obstacle, sank three of the en- gines, took one of his ships, and put the rest to flight. His admiral,Exeoestus,with some other ufficers,waa wounded, and made prisoiieT, Demetrius caused another machine to be con- structed, of thrice the height and breadth oftha farmer. But it was sunk by a sudden gale as it waa moving towanis the iBOUth of the har- bour, and the besieged took advantage of the confusion which ensued to make a aally,by which they recovered the point of the mole, and forced the 400 men led there to lay down their arms. Shortly after this victory,they were farther cheered by the arrival of a ro-enforoe- nwnt irf160 men "mi Ci"t", and SOD sent b; SIEGE OF HHODES. 341 Pulemj',put]; citJMna of their own, who had BDtered into bis aervice. Tbeee disasters " whtcb probsbl)' could not hsTs beeo repaired before the approach or win- ter would have rendered it impossibleto renew the attempt on tbe harbour " detenoined Ueme- liius lo change his plan of operatiooB, and lo auault the city on tbe land side, where be would be lass subjectlo aischBuces, would have fewer obstacles to encounter, and might gire free range to bla boldest ooncei^ions. Ac- oordinglj, bis preparations for the second stage of tbe siege wera on a scale lar aurpassiug all Hut he had hiUierto devised. With the assiB^ ance of an Athenian engineer, named Epioia- ehus, he now built hia celebrated machine, call- ed, with a jvngnostio which happilyfailed,tbe Uelepolis(citytaker). It was a square wooden tower of 160 feet high, divided into nii MunmunicBling by stain with each i fhmiabed with apertures in front for the dis- oharge of misailea of every kind. The three "xpoaed sides were sheathed with ti ~' tower moved on eightwheels, so coj lo admit of a change in its direction. When it was Btorod and manned for action,the labour of 8400 ineD " the sljongcst in the camp " was required to set itin motioa. Tbe Helepolis had two worthy companions in a pair of tattering- rams, each 150 feet long, and requiring 1000 nnn to propel it, and armed with a beak like that of a riup of war. Thirty thousand work- awn were einpioyed in these preparations, which may easily be aupposed to have occupied the g)"aier pan of the winter. In the mean while, the beaiegedwere no less activelyengaged in measures of precautionagaioel the impending danger. They built a new inner wall,parallel to thai which was threatened, and, having no other materials,polled down their theatre and the adjacenthouses, and even some of their tempin, not without a solemn vow to restore them in better condition, if tbe city was pre- During this interval they sent out nine gal- leys lo intercept the transports which were bringingproviaionscnr ammunition for tbe be- Biegeia. The squadron divided itselfinto three, which cruised in varioua directions ; all did great damage to the enemy, and returned with valuable prues. Among these was a galley containing a quantity of royal apparel, with other presents and letters from Pbila to her husband. Menedemua, the captor, sent the pracioos cargo to Ptolemy ; and Demetrius, it is said,complained that the letters, ai least, had not been delivered to him ; for,notwithstanding the lenible eamestnesa of the condict,the feel- ing which prevailed between tbe parlieswas lather one of generous rivalry than of implaca- ble animosity. Demetrius,as he made his ap- proaches, had found, in one of the suburtw,a picture of Piotogenea,paintedby order of tbe Mate. It had oocupied the artist seven years, and only wanted the "nisliing touches. The KhodiBDs sent an embassy, not to recover, but to intercede fc" the picture; and I"emetrius an- swered, that he would rather destroy his father's statuea. On the otber band, a proposal which was made in the Rhodian assembly, to pull down the statues of Demetrius and Anligonus, was, it is said.Indignantly rejected ; nor was (my change made in the honours paidto them before the war. At length, in tbe springar304, the Helepolis and its gigantic escort were ready to take tbe field. A space of neatly half a mile wide was levelled for their approach: and,together,they faced a part of the wall whicli included sereit towers. Tbe Rhodians, it is eaid, had been persuadedby an engineer of Aradus, named Callias, that he would be able,by a contrivance which he exhibited to them in a model, to can^ away any of the enemy's engines and hoist rt aver the wall into the city ; and they were even induced to diamiaa their state engineer, Diogne- tus, and lo appoint Callias in his room. But he was now obliged to confess that to transport the Uelepolisthrough the air was an under- taking beyond his means Diognetus, we an, informed, resumed bis station, and contented himself vrith an attempt lo convert the ground over which the ponderous machines were to pass into a swamp.' But the delay thus caused appears, at least,not to bave lasted long. De- metrius, however, did not relysolely on his bat- tering engines; before they were bronghlup, he b^ao a mine, which might have spared hint farther trouble, iftbe besieged had not been ap- prized ofit by a deserter, when ithad been car- ried very nearly into the cily. They immedi- ately dug a trench parallel to the wall which was in danger, and opened a countermins, which arrested the enemy's progress. Dcme- triua attempted to bribe tbe Milesian,Athe- nagoras, who commanded in the countermine, 10 admit hia troops into the cily ; but Athenagoraa disclosed his overtures to the Rliodians, and enabled them to capture an officer of high rank who was sent to examine the passage. Tbe lin hope of Demetrius, therefore, stillrested the'eSto of his machines. They were be- ginning to shake the walls, when an embassy came from Cnidus to offer its mediation ; and Demetrius consented lo a suspensinn of hostili- Ibe negotiation proved fruitless : the assault was renewed, and one of the strongest ' I. At Ibis crisis the publicdcspond- a littlerelieved by the arrival of a supply of com from Ptnlemy,Cassander, and Lysimacbus. Tbe besieged made an attempt in the night to firethe enemy's engines,which, though it failed, did greittdamage to them; id, white they were under repair, built a third ner wall in the form ofa crescent, and opened new trench to cover the part which had fallen . During this interval their spirits were again raised by a naval victory, in which they ca^ tured several vessels of the pirates, and their chief, Timocles. But the assault was soon r". newed, and tbe breach widened, so thai Deme- trius began to consider it practicable, though be ' - ' -" '"-en able lo dislodge the besieged from hjeh remained standing in the midst of the ruins. At Ibis juncturethey received a supply of corn, and a re-enforeemenl of men, from Ptolemy; and, nearly at tbe time, an embassy came to the camp oT Deraeiriua, of more Ihan fifty envoys, sent tw Athens anil other Greek slates, to induce him make peace with the Rhodians. It would be unjust to suppose that the gallant efTorte of Ihs ,glc 349 HISTORY OF GREECE. flhodlans excited no sTOipathT in Greece, and snggesled no reflections on the independence which was to be protectedby the Jwsiegcr of Rhodes. Bui the main motive,as srell as the pretext, of the embBBsy, appear? fiave been the state of Greece, which, in t absence of itsdeliverer,was again threatened by Cassander. Possibly il was also known that their mediation would not be unacceptable Bemelrius. It is probable that he had already 4Mnceived strongmisgiTings as to the issue of )]isenterprise, and regretted that he had em- barked in it, and would have been content to withdraw from it if he could have done so with- 4"ut distionour. He therefore consented to a truce for the purpose of negotiation ; but still his demands were higher than the Rhodians 'could grant, and the treaty was again bmken olf. Demetrius then prepared for what be probably foresaw would be his last attempt, to take the cityby atorm. He made itin the night, trusting rather to the elTect of surprise than to ^orce. His plan was to distract the attention of the besiegedby a ilemonslration of a general attack on the aide both of the land and tl while a select body of about ISOO troops, Alcimus and Manilas, havingapproached under cover of the night, made their entrance through the breach. The plan succeeded so far,that Alcimus and Manlias penetrated into the city, and took up a positionon the site of the de- molished tliestre, while erica of alarm crossed each other in all directions. We know not whom in particular the hononr belongs, that remained calm in the midst nf the tumult, pi ceiyed the enemy's design, and sent orders all quarters to keep the men to their posts the walls, while a select band, reserved fbr such emergencies, and now re-enforced, by the Egyptian auxiliaries, engaged the division of Alcimus and Mantias. A bard combat ensued, which grew more and more unequal, as the Rhodians were couCinualljt strengthenedby fresh succours, while none came to the enemy. Tlie assailants were at length forced to retreat, and most of them were killed or taken. Their two leaders themselves were among the slain, though Alcimus,an Epirot of giganticstrength, wore B corselet of Cypriansteel, which was proof against a dart from a catapult. The Rhodians lost their pi^tanisDemoteles, perhaps the hero to whose presence of mind they were " "'""ory. is repulse,Deit the s: " But if he was not weary of it himself, his fa- ther perceived that it was interfering with more important objects, and might lead to dis- astrous consequences \ and he directed his eon to make peace on the best terms he could. Demetrius only waited for an opportunity, and one was soon after prescntcii by the arrival of envoys from Ptolemy and the jEtoli with a " purpose. Ptolemy" a friendly motive " counselled the Hhodians to accept any tolerable conditions ftom Autigonua. The .^lolians appear to have been impelledby their hostility to Cas- Mnder. Both the parties, perhaps, made some concessions which they bad before refused. The Rhodians were allowed to retain their In- ^epcDdence, the sole occasion of the long struggle.They consented, indeed, to enter into alliance with Antigonus, but were neither to receive a garrison nor to be forced to join in any eipedittonagainstPtolemy. On the other hand, they v/en to deliver a hundred hostages, whom Demetrius might select,ex- cept persoTu in office. This was not the de- mand which had roused their resistance, De- melrius retired from the siege in which be had now been engaged a whole year, after an im- mense loss of treasure and life,without any compensation but the equivocal titleof Polior- celes [thebesieger) ; though it was more prop- erly applied to him than the name of Helepoln to his baffled engine. To the Rhodians there remained the consciouBnesa of heroic efforts in a noble cause, crowned with glorious suc- cess ; and the pleasingduty to fulfil their vows to the gods and testify their gratitude to their benefactors. The theatre and temjdet rose again in more than their former beautyi statues were erected in honour of Caasander and I.ysimachus. To Ptolemysomething more was felt to be due. It is onlyaurprising that the Athenian flattery of Demetrius did not di- vert them from the tbou^t ; but they obtained permission from the oracle of Araraon to con- fer divine honours on Ptolemy, and consecra* ted a piece of ground enclosed by a portico,un- der the name of the Ptolemmmi. Their con- cluding transaction with Demetrius was a sin- gular exchange of courtesy. Before he sailed away, theyrequested,and, it seems, ohtained some of his engines, as monnments of his power, and " though this may have been only in their thoughts " of their own gallantry. While Demetrius was wasting his time and strengthagainstRhodes, Cassander had been making great progress in the conquest of nor- thern Greece, and obtained posaessiun of Co- rinth, which he consigned to the oare of Prep- elaus, and had laid siege to Athens ; and Polysperchon had recovered the greater part of Achats, Arcadia, and Argolis. Demetrius only waited to collect his forces,and, soling direct to Euhcea, entered the Gnripus with a fleet of 330 aai^" including, perh^M, the trans- ports " and a numerous army. He expelled the BcBotian garrison from Cbalcis,and pur- sued Cassander,who, on the news of his ap- proach, had raised the siege of Athens and re- treated northward as far as the Spereheins. Near Thermopylte, it seems, an action took place between them, in which CasauideT was ' "ealed, Heraclea surrendered to the conqaer- and 6000 Macedonians deserted to him. On return he received the submission ofthe Ba- otian towns, and as he entered Attioa, reduced Phyl* and Panactum, which were stillheld by Cassander's garrisons. These were the pres- ents " perhaps not less acceptable than the rom and timber " with which he greeted the Athcni- If his presence did not awaken the same feelingsas before, it was hailed with an ap- pearance of even warmer enthusiasm. It was, indeed, difficultto invent new honours for him which could seem greater than those he had alreadyreceived; but the ftaticrers imagined that he might be gratilied with the profanation of what stillremained most venerable in the eyes of the people; and it was decreed that the Opisthodomus, the hinder c^ of Ibc fn- DEH"TRIU8 IN PBLOPONNESUS. 348 1 his lodging. But tbe chaim of nOTslty was paat ; and be be- gan U" be Bickened with tbe incense so prodi- giUj oflered. It might seem impossibleto in- anJt a people vhich had so far lost all respect for itself; and Demetrius,pertiap", did not think that he was giving offence when he made the freest ose of its hospilalitj, and pol~ lated the sacred dwelling by scenes of the coarsest debauchery. The most notorious courtesans of tbe day were the most decent, the least iufamoas of the inmates with whom be shared the temple of th^ Tirgingoddess, his elder sister,as he was used to call her ; and it seemed as if the people did not shudder at this desecration of their Holy of Holies. On the contrary, (he men who assumed to be its or- gans went still a step farther, and proposed temples, and iibsttans,and pissns, for his fa- TOunte mistresses and hja vilest parasites ; a species of flattety, howeTer, in which the The- l"iis, it seems, had already led the way.* De- metrios himself was anrprised rather than pleasedat the eioess of their servility. It hurt bis self-. complacency to find hunselfthe cham- pion and protector of so degenerate a race ; and he was heard to complain that, in his day, there was no Athenian left who possessedany Tigonr or dignity of soul. Yel indications were not wanting which "ni^t have convinced him that feelings still BurrtTed on which he wss recklessly trampling, and which, though theymight be stifled, did not cease to suffer ; that there were men stillwor- thy of tbe name of AUienians, who were pain- fully conscious of the publio ignominy. A yoiith named Clesnetus, whose father had in- cmred apenaltyof fifty talents, obtained a writ- ten order irom Demetrina that it should be re- mitted. The order was obeyed; yet for a mo. Dient the spirit of the people seemed to revive, and a decree was passed that no citizen should present a letter ^m Demetrius. Soon, how- ever, it became known that tbe king had es- preeaed vehement indignation at this faint out- break of Ibe manly spirit which he affected to regret, and Stratocles fiew to his post. He alaimed (he people with a picture of the eonse- quenoes that might follow from this rash step, "nd proem'sd a decree, by which its aathors irere evndenmed to death or banishment, with " dedaiatiDn which recognised the principle of Anazarchus ; that whatever King Demetrius should command was agresabte to piety and justice. There were stillsome bold enough to say that Stratocles must be out of his sen^s to propose such extravagant decrees. Demoehares " who knew tliathe was richl warded by Demetrius for his infamous ser " remarked that he would not be in his senses ifhe were notout of thcm.t This sarcasm " a creature of Demetrius, touching, as it did, secret of slate policy, could not be forgiven; pretext was soon found on which he hunself was condemned to exile. 80 the winter passedaway ; with the n of spring (303) Demetrius started with his wmti alacrity from the lap of pleasure, and * AtbaiiMit,vi.,M. t Plimch, Dmmt.. H. ptlmn iihr'Sr (IiiiSMhtm. Idka Ihi aviiic HHiib^d to TbunatoclM : ttniUyiiB' Sr ti ^iatvAs^Aa- again took the field. His first objectwas lo recover Peloponnesus from Cassander,Poly- sperchon,,andPtolemy, The order of his operations is subject to much doubt; but ft seems most probable that his first attempts were directed against Sicyoo and Corinth- He had already, the year before, made hiiD- self master of CenchreK, snd this seems to have suggesteda stratagemby which he sai~ prisedSicyoo. It appears that he advanced to some distance beyond the Isthmus, and then retreated with the main army to Cenchrea, where he seemed to abandon himself entirely to pleasure. But he had lell a body of mer- cenaries under Diodorus, with orders to move suddenly on Sicyon from the side of Pellene \ the fleet,or squadron, which lay in the Corin- thian Gulf,was directed,at tbe same time, to appear before the harbour;' and he himself^ after a proper interval,set out with the rest of his forces to support them. Diodorus,by a sudden nightattack, had taken the lower city; but the garrison made good their retreat lo the citadel. Sol withstanding its strength, the go"- emor, Philippus, either terrified by the be- sieger's engines or won by his gold,surres- dered to Demetrius on condition that the gar- rison should be allowed to return to Egypt. Demetrius then persuaded the mhabitaots to abandon tbe lower town, and to transfer their dwellings to the table-mount on which the cit- adel stood,whioh, from the steepness of its sides, afforded the advantages of a natural stronghold, while the abundance of water, and the elevated position, rendered ita more agree- able residence. Demetrius razed the old town to the ground, and the new one was carried rapidly forward by the labour of bis troops. It was for some time called al^r him Demetrias, and the inhabitants,delighted with tbe change in their situation, for which theywillingly re- signed the dangerous neighbourhood of the sea, honoured him with annual games and sacrifiOM as their founder. Their gratitude was the live- lier, as he leftno garrison behind htm. He that turned bis arms against Corinth. Here he bad partisanswithin,one of whom admitted hi* troops by nightthrough a postern into the ci^. The garrison continued to hold the two cita- dels, Ihe Sisypheum and the Acrooorinthus; but when he had stormed the Sisypheum,Prep- elaus,despairing, it is said, of resistance, or using this pretext to cover the bribe he accept- ed.! surrendered tbe impregnable Acrocorin- thuB on the same terms which had been grant- ed to the garrison at Sicyon. His conduct was on every supposition dishonourable ; yet he appears to have retained bis master's confi- dence, Corinth was a point of too much im- portance to be risked for the sake of a name ; and Demetrius probablysuggested the request of the Corinthians, which he most reodilr granted, that liewould occupy it with his tro"^ until he should have ended the war with Cas- sa^er. After the fall of these places,Polj- sperchon's garrisons were soon dislodged "4 HISTORY OF GREECE. ftom the Aehtian towns. At .ilgimn, Strom- WchuB, the commander, and eighty of Poly- "perchon'8partisaiiB were put to a cruel death, for which Strombichas aJone appears to have gfivenprovocationby an insulting defiance of the conqueror. His operations were equally auccegsful in Arcadia, where Manlinea alone offfercd resistance, and ia Argolia. At Argos he made a long stay, not only to celebrate the Ilenean games, bul to solemnize his raarriage with the PrincesB Deidamia, whose brother Pyrrhus had been restored by Glaucias to the tlu'one of Epims, and, as Caasander's mortal with Obey the directions which ho had recniTed from his father before he last quitted Greece ; and he collected an assembly of depulzes at Co- rinth, which, in its nnmbers, presented the ap- pearance of a national eongreea. It inveated Urn with the tillewhich had been bestowed on Philip and Alexander at the same jdace, and voted a body of troopa for hU war with Caa- Ae the time spent in these tTansactions, and the order in which they succeeded each other, cannot be clearlyascertained,*so (he opera- tiona of Demetrins,immediately after the con- greaa, which seems to have concluded his cam- paign in Peloponnesus, are involved in great obacurity. It would have seemed allowable to presume that be returned to Athens for the winter with Deidamia ; but we lind him else- where so early in the ensuingspring, and appa- rently on bis return from a distant (quarter, that it is difBciilt to believe he had been there only ttmonth or two before. Yet it is nearly certain that, in the interval between the autumn of 803 and the spring of 802, he made an expedition to the west of Greece, which was in some way "onneeted with the affairs of Leucas and Cor- "yra, end was in part directed against the JEUt- lians, notwithstanding the alliance which he had so lately contracted with them.t We know, indeed, that Corcyra had lately fallen into the hands of the Spartan adventurer, Cle- onymns, who had been sent by the parent state to aid Tarentum in her wars with ibe Lucani- Bns and the Romans ; and Demetrius may have been templedby the opportunity of efTecling its deliverance, and thus eatabJishing his influence there. His rupture with the ^tollans may have arisen out of his recent alliance with Epirua ; and perhaps stich an occasion would offer the beat explanation of an expedition undertaken at "nch a aeaaon. and at a lime when he was pre- 1 paring to decide hie conlest with Cassander for ' the possesaion of Macedonia. However this "ay be, towards the end of March,302,we find kkn a^in on his way to Athens, and announ- "fag his Bpjmat* in a letter to the people with a" extraordinary demand, which shows that the ImprEMionwhich had been made on him during his seoond visit had not been weakened by bis "bsenee,and that he had learned to expect as the price of freedom,unlimited compliance with S; HU [H., IDS,lU) "lr nlUei Uh odupT pomli IB " niT admitted to their last stage ; and he now re- qneated that the whole might he despatched in the course of the next month, after which be designed to sat out on his expedition to Mace- donia. There were two difficultiesin the way ^ the mysteries called the lesser,at which the in- itiations took place, were celebrated in the month Antheaterion,nearlyanswering to February ; the greater, in Boedromion, or September, when another step was taken by the candidate ; bat between Ihia and the last, which introduceil h im to the e^opliia " the fbll possession of all the secrets hidden in the i^cesses of the mystic sanctuary from profane curiosity " a year's pro- bation was requiredby the law, which had hith- erto been held sacred. But it had already been decreed that the wiU of Demetrius was the only measure of piety and justice; and StraWcles lighted on an expedient to reconcile it even with the letter of the law in most points. The next month was called Maaychion ; bat a de- cree might change its name to Anthesterion, and when Demetrius had been initiated, it might,by the same power, be tianaformed into Boidromion, and such a candidate might well be allowed to pass at once from the seoond de- gree to the last. This motion was carried,not- withstanding the opposition of the obief minis- ter of the mysteries, the Torchbearer Pythodo- rua. Demetrius,on his entrance, was rscaived with all the bonoors that could have bem p^ to a present deity ; incense,garlands,libatiOB), aacred hymns, and dances. One of the poems sung on this occasion by a chorus has happily been preserved; less remarkable,perhaps, for the profanenesa of its flattery, in which it could not go beyond Stratocles, than for the boldness with which it avows an utter disbeliefof the whole established system of religion. " The other gods are either far away. Or their eara B lacking, Or else they are not,or they heed not . Thee we see before us : No tbrm of wood stone, but flesh and Uood :" and it pmeeeds pray, that he would grantpeaoe to the woiid, and punish the rapacious ftoliana, who had now begun to infest the distant coaala of Greece. If, after these hononrs, and the fruition of the myaticvision, Demetrius laid a tax of 260 tal- ents oti Athens,and,when itwas collected, dis- tributed it among his mistresses for their dreas- ing-tables,* or if he permitted them to extort money in his name, we cannot, perhaps,oen- Bure him as ungrateful; hut we may resaoua- hly be surprised that he ^onld stillhave thought that be retained some claims on the gratitude oflhejVthenians. In the meui while Cassander was aware of the dangur that threatened him : he knew that Demetrius,having made himself master of Greece,meant to bring allhis forces to bear on Macedonia, and he felthimself unable to resist the attack. Yet. before he prepared for defence, he resolved to try the effect of an appeal to the moderatifHi or prudence of Antigtmus, and sent to propose terms of peace. Tba aoawar was dictated by Ibe consciousness of an OTttWdm- ing power : " Cassander must aubmit to the pleasure of Anligonus/' there could be no peace between than on any otiier terros. But Oss- " "i( ifUli'ii, n"K.,Dun., IT. DEMETRIUS IN THESSALY. Bander bad not sunk so kiw, and, perfiaps, had cmly made the eTperiment, that he might hare B better claim to tbR aid of hia allies. Me in- Tited Lyaimachns to a conference, and thej sent a common embassy lo Ptolemy and SeleU' CHS, to represent the danger with which allalike were threatened by the arTogant ambition of Antigonas,who, once maatn of Macedonia, would be able to overpower erery rival. But the enemy was too near lo let them wait lor foreignsuccours, and they concerted a plan for a diTersion,which niightparalyze the move- ments of Demetrius. It was agreed that Ly- simachuB sbonld cross over into Asia, with a division of Caasander's forces, under Prepelatis, added to his own, to carry on an offensive war with Anligonue, while, with the rest, Cassan- der advanced to check the progress of Deme- trius. In the spring of 90S, Lysimachus exe- eiited his part of the treaty,and, having crossed the Hellespont,began a series of operations in Asia Minor, the reanlt of which will be heresf- ter related. Casiander moved into Thessaly, and sent a detachment forward to occupy Tber- mopyla;. Demetriss had already assembled his land and sea forces at Chalcis, and now sailed into the Gidf of PagasR, and made himself master "rfLarissa Cremastd, and several places in the south of Tfaessaly. Cassonder strengthened the garrisons of Phern and the Pthiotic Thebes, and was stillat the head of an army of nearly *O,0OO foot BDd 1000 bor"e. That of Qemelri- BS was nearly donWe this number. The eon- lingents of the Grecian states foimed its main strength,amoonting to 25,000 men ; the re- mainder was composed of BOOO Macedonians, 15,000 mercenaries, SOOO lighttroops, chiefly the piratea who had served him in the war with Rhodes, and ISOO boree. The two armies re- nutned long encamped in face of each other. Casaander, Irom the sense of his weakness, most have wished to avoid an ei^agement bat Demetrius, with fiitaland inexplicable re miaaneas, did not attempt to force him from his position : both,we are told, waited for tidings from Asia, where, it was seen, the struggle must finalty be decided.' Domelnus was invi- ftppanntlr " S3. Ieticoiviihan iireiiitiblj- lupetior fu?ce. THe "upoj of DeuMtTJui, kaw"ver,wuQirinr,it niuat t" niiwml BilhaU.OODliiBii tomiihidbjdn-Fn. When, thee lA a pTK"diiif p"fa (17U;,Drjjtf n raprtKiui Uu stUbi ui Grtvx u KariD^ lott aioiDatall ptiUlicBl imponanci?, and fleTvBB About wbAt tbfl Gnekl nld, it ^nu moni^ thair an- "Uplolf the cinlialmn nblck wutaht iwiitd orer into Ab", u Diilitai)' )""" in xte ilrugsleof ptlio-, M iitjecM fbr thm pomeBan of power now and Ihoo to bealow Iho po- titiealmliDB oT rnfldam ;'* thji murk tnlltt l"" ftT^Dtly con- thai no one tUta was of ilielfur loofflr pohticillj^ iiupor. tEDL. Bat though in tbii HDH th* n man it trriB, it " ono an men llkfll; to niiltailIhan ad tlu aide in -wbich tb sat pnlinoal im- nd bj Uis Macwdosi- ted by 8 party at Pherss t" take possession of the town, and marchingagainst it with a divis- ion of hia fcrrcee, compelledCaasjnder'egarri- son to evacuate the citadel. This was the only use he made of his army in Thessaly, Lysim- achus began his campaign with great success on the coast of the Propontis, and, having re- dnced several of the principal towns, sent Prep- elaus to overmn jEoUb and Ionia. He pre- pared to besiegeAhydos, but a re-enforcement sent to its aid by Demetrius induced him to abandon this design, and he qui,ttsd tho coast to complete the conquest of the'HeileBpnntino Phrygit, and then marched againstSynnada, which was held by Docimus. the general of An- tigonua, and contained largemagazines and a considerable treasure. Ha prevailed on Dooi- mus to come over to his side,and thus became master of this important fortress. In the mean time Prepelaus had advanced to Ephesua, which surrendered withoot reeistanco. Here be tbund and released the Rhodian hostages, who had been left there by Demetrios. He did not im- pose a garrison in the oity, bat bnmed al) 11m ships in the barbonr, which were useless while the enemy commanded the sea. Tecs and O^ ophon likewise yielded to him ; but EryUine and ClaKomenn received iqccouib from Deine- triua, which enabled them to repel his attacka, and, havingravaged their territories, he moved against Sardia. Hera Phcenii imitated the ex- ample of Docimus, and surrendered the town ; but its impregnable citadel wa" commanded by Philippus, who remained faitlifulto AnCigonne. Antigonus was stillat his new ct^itai on the Orontes, in profonndBecoiity, and had made great preparatiONS to celebrate the comple- tion of^his work with magnificent games, when he received the unexpected tidings that Ly- simachus bad crossed the HeUespont. He immediately broke u["lhe teatival,and, dismiaa- . ing the competitors and the artiste he had col- lected with loytlpresents, hastened to the de- fence of his dominions. He moved by forced marches into Cilieia, and at Tarsua gave three months' pay in advance to his troops, and drew 8000 talents from the treasury at Quinda. He then crossed the Taurvs, and entered Cappa- docia. The approach of Lyaimachus had ex- cited a general revolt in the Upper Phrygia and Lycaonia, but the presence of Antigonus re- duced both provinces to obedience ; and Ly- simachDs determined to wait for the arrivalof SeleiicuB, to take up a strongly fortified posi- tion, and remain on the defensive. AntigoDUs came np, and having vainly endeavoured to draw him into an engagement, began to inter- cept hia Buppliea.Lysimachus was forced to decamp, and by a forced march of some fifty miles reached the fruitful plain of DorylKum, on the banks of the Thimbrea and the Sanga- rioa,where he again intrenched himself. But he waspursued by Antigonus,who, finding that be stilldeclined a battle,proceeded to enolo"e his camp with lines of circumvallaiion. I"y- simachue, failing in all liis attempta to obatroct the progress of the enemy's works, and seeing himaelf threatened with famine, took advantage au HISTORY OF GREECE. Af B Btomiy night to withdraw aoobserved, and oroased Ibe mountaina into Bithynia. Antigo- nuB, when he discoTered his escape, attempted to overtake him bj a diSerent route, which tT"varsed the plains north of the Sangarius. But it was now late in the autumn : beay; rains broke up the roads, and subjectod his troops to great hardships and losses ; ao that he found himself obliged to abandon the pui- Buit, and to retire into winter-quarters, doubt- leea in some part of Phrygia. He had hoped to strike a decisive blow before the arrival of Seleucus, who was so far on bis way from the East that be might be expected to appear on tbe theatre of war very early in the following spring. He had now reason to fear that his forces would be unequal to the approaching eonteat, and he therefore sent a message to Demetrius,directing him to come over to Asia, with allhia forces, without delaj. Lysimacbus xooh up hie winieT-qnartera in tbe pkin of Sa' Ion, in tbe interior of Bithynia, which was famed for its rich pastures,* and he entered into a coanexion witb Heraclea, which ena- bled him to draw abundant suites from the coast of the Euxine. Heraclea was at this time governed by Amaatria, wbom Cratcrus, on hifl marriage witb Fhila, had transferred to its tyrantDionysiua.t Her character, no less than her position, rendered her alliance ex- tremely desirable for Lysimachus; und be so- licited aad obtained her hand. Demetrius, as soon as he received his fa- ther's orders, which probably amved not long after he had taken Phers, entered into nego- tiation with Casaander, and concluded a treaty, which, however, was not to be valid tinless il should be ratified by Antigonus. Hia object was to prevent Caasander from profiting by his absence ; and one of tbe articles provided that all Greek cities,aa well in Europe as in Asia, "bonld remain independent, Casaander, who only wished to be delivered as soon as posaible fima tbe presence of his formidable enemy, as- sented to his proposals; and Demetrius, when be had collected a sufficient number of trans- ports, embarked with all his troops for Asia. He directed his courae to Ephesus,and, hav- ing encamped near the walls,soon compelled the town to submit, and the garrison to evacu- ate the citadel,which, in apite of the recent treaty, he occupied with his own troops. He then marched towards the Hellespont, and re- covered most of the places which had fallen into the hands of Lysimacbus ; and proceeding to the mouth of the Euxine, \eH 3000 men in a iortified camp, with a sqnadron of thirtygal- leys, Co secure the passage, and immediately afterward distributed the remainder of his army in winler-qnartera among the Hellespontine Oitiea. Casaander no sooner saw tbe field ":Jear than he began to recover the places which he had lost in Thessaly : at the same Ume, he sent hia brother Pleistarchus, with 1S,000 foot and SOO horse, to tbe aid of Lyaim- aehua, Pleistarchus marched U) the Bospo- TUB, but, finding it guarded by the aquadron left by Demetrius, ho proceeded to Odeasus, and collected transports to carry his troopa orer to Heraclea. But being unable to procure a aufficicntmimber of vesscle, he divided his ' ' SMui, iji., p. Mi. t M"iu"a If. Fkot., p. SM, *. army into three bodies, which unbariced in succession, himself accompanying the last. The first only arrived in safety ; the second was intercepted by the aquadron of the Bospo- rua ; and the third was overtaken near the coast of Asia by a storm, in which the greater pan were lost. The galley in which Pleistar- cbus himself sailed was wrecked, and be nar- rowly escaped on a plank. After a short re- pose at Heraclea, he repaired to the winter- quarters of Lysimachus. During these transactions Ptolemy had not been inactive ; but though he had readilyprom- ised bis aid to Caseander and Lyaimachua, he showed littleconcern for their interests. He, indeed, made an expedition into Syria, when Antigonus had left it, but only that be might reduce it under bis own dominion. He had made himself master of Ctelo-Syria, and was engaged in the siege of Sidon, when a report was spread that Lysimachus and Seleucus bad been defeated by Antigonus, and had retreated (o Heraclea, and that Antigonna was on his march towards Syria. One might be inclined to suspect that Ptolemy himself had forged ibis news, for the sake of a pretext under which he might decently return to Egypt. The season was probably so far advanced that he could not hope to make liimaclf master of Sidon that year, and he clearly wished to keep aloof from the great struggle which was about to taks place, and to reserve himself witb undiminish- ed tbrces for the conqueror. He therefore pretended to be deceived by the false alarm, hastily concluded an armistice for four months with the Sidoniana,and,having lelt garrisons in the conquered cities, returned to bis own The eyes of men were now bent most anx- iously on the movements of Seleucus. During the interval which had elapsed since hia return to Babylon, he had subjected to hia nile all the provinces of Alexander's empire east of tbe Euphrates,and, it aeems, had penetrated into India even beyond the limits which Alexander had reached. But this great expedition waa destined to be known to u* only from its rtt- sults. Scarcely a single fact relating to it has been preserved from oblivion. We l"im, how- ever, that in India be was engaged in war with a powerfulprince named Sandrocottus, who from an obscure condition had become the ru- ler of a mighty empire, but that he afterward contracted an alliance with him, as the price of which he received five hondred eleplunts. It is probable Ibat he ceded all the conquest* made either by Alexander or himself,east of the Indus, and even the territory lying between the upper Indus and the mountains, to bis new ally, whose friendship was likely, at this pe- riod, to be more useful to him than Uie poB- scssion of those recaote provinces. He fore- saw that,on his return to the West, he should be foreed to stake all he had acquired in a struggle with Antigonus; and the embassy of Casaander and Lysimachus can have done no more than quicken his movements. We do not know where it found him ; but it was al- ready winter, and perhaps the year 301, when lieentered Cappadocia, where he halted to wail for the spring,havingprovided his troops with Btroua tents to winter in the field. He came BATTLE OF IPSUS." rLlGHT OF DEMETRIUS. 317 it(he head or S0,000 foot,13,000 horse, 4B0 "tephanta, and more than a hundred war- ihariols. Yet it appears that alone tiewould not have "een able to withstand the united Torcee of Dc- aetrms and Antigonua, and that it could not lave been difficultfor them to prevent his unction with Lysimachus,on which the isaue if the nest campaign woiild mainlydcp^d. rhc loss of the remaining books of Diodorus SBTcs UB whoUj uninfonned aa to the move- ments of the belligerenta hefore the aummer, fhcn we find Lysimachus and Seleucua to- other, and ofltring battle to Antigontts and )cnietrias. If we might venture to refer a tiatagem of Seleucua,reportedliyPolyanua,* Fhich has been supposed to belong to an ezpe- ilion of Antigonus, of which we find no trace 1 history, to this period, we might conjecture hat, before Demetriaa joined hia father, Seleu- us had gained aome advantage over Antigo- us, which, though of no moment in itself, pened a passage for Lysimachus to unite hia "rces with those of hia ally. It waa, however, ear the littletown of Ipsua, in Phiygta, thu le decisive battle took place. The combined )rce9 of Seleucua and Lysimachus included 1,000foot, and Dot less, it seems, than 12,500 urse, besides the elephants and the war-char- ts. Those of the rival kings numbered 1,000 foot,10,000 horae, and "75 elephanta. lemetriua was accompaniedby the joung king r Tlpirua, who had come as a fugitive to hia amp, having been driven from hia dominions y a revolt which broke out " kindled possibly f the intrigues of Cassander " while, believ- ig his authorityfirmlyestablished, he was on visit at the court of Glaucias, to be present I a marriage ot one of the roy^family. Antigonus was now eightyyears old ; yet ie vigour, both of hia body and bis mind, was ut little impaired. He had been wont to speak 'ilh contempt of the coalition farmed againat im ; it was a flight of sparrows, which he -ould scatter with a ainglo cast of a atone and je aound of his voice. He disdained to resort ) the arts of negotiation, by which he might, erhaps, have separated them with a still slight- r effort, if he would have condescended to hold ut the lure of moderate concessions to each, lut ho could not bear to part with the thought 'hich he had so longcherished, and once had 0 nearly realized, of a universal monarchy, 'et now, on the eve of the momentous conflict, e felt hia haughtyspirit weighed down by fore- odings, which he betmyed by a marked change 1 his air and demeanour. Hitherto, in the resence of an enemy, his loud voice, hia h^h inguage, his readyjests, had been used t" pire his troops with his own never-railing dcnce. Now he waa observed to be thoughl- il. grave, seldom breaking silence. He even resented Demetrius tn the army as his succesa- r, and, for the firsttime in his life, admitted im to secret consultations in his tent " an tndi- ation that he, who had never before disclosed is plana unlit he gave hia orders,now felthim- clf in want of advice. Demetrius,too, in the light before the battle, had an inauspicious then declared that he waa going over 10 (he en- emy. On the morning of the eventful day, An- tigonus, as he stepped out of hia tent to see Us line formed, stumbled and fell prostrate. "When he bad recovered himself, be Ufled his hands to heaven, and implored the gods to give him vic- tory, or death before he was conscious of de- feat The battle seems to have been decided chief- ly through the impetuosity of Demetrius and the mass of the enemy's eiephants. He had routed the cavalryopposed to him, which waa headed by Antiochus, tba son of Selencua. While he whs engaged in the pursuit, the ele" phants moved forward, and interposedan inv penetrable mass between him and the phalanx. SeleQcuB seized the opportunity to hover with ider of his horse on the flank, which Eposed, never coming to a charge, but repeating his threatening demonstrations nntil ' had thrown itinto disorder. It would seem ifhe must have had some secret intelligence, which led him to expect the result that ensued. " wing broke away from the reat, and came r to his side. This desertion spread terror conflision among the ranks. Pyrrhusgave the first proofs of the impetuous valour which ; afterward displayed in so many happierfielda, id, for a time,thought himself victorious ; but the day was irrecoverably ioat. He was hurri- ed along in the generalflight. The prayer of Antigonus seemed to have been heard. He still kept his ground, after he had been desert- i hy all but a few of his officers. As the ene- ly came up, one of his attendanta exclaimed. It is against you, sir,they are making." Why, who else,"replied the old man, " should be the mark 7 But Demetrius will soon be here to the rescue." While he looked round him in vain for his son, a shower of darts fell, and many pierced him at once with mortal wounds. His followers fled, all but a Larissean named Thorax, who remained by the corpse. It was interred by the victoie with royalobsequies. Deraetrics made his escape from the Geld, accompaniedby Pyrrhus, with 40,000 foot and 6000 horse, and directed his march with the ntmost speed towards Epbesos, The Ephe- sians trembled,lest, at a time when he had such urgent need of money, he should be tempt- ed by the treasures of their temple. But it seems that he did not feel himself yet driven to such an expedient, and was only anxious that the sacrilege ahould not be committed by his soldiers without benefit to himself; and. on this account, put them immediately on board the fleet, which lay in the harbour, and sailed away, leaving a garrison under the command of theEphesian Diodonis.* His firstcare was the discharge of a piousduty,which,however, happened to coincide with his interest. His mottier,Stratouicc, had been left by Antigo- nus at Tarsus ; and there was also a treas- ure whicli might stillbe saved from the ene- my's hands. He therefore made for Cilicia, took his mother and the treasure on board, and carried them over to Cyprus, where his wife Phila was residing, t He was of too sanguine " ProiMhl)' IhB t loand bj Fiilj*- mp\iyni in tbe mtwk an Sietod,ji dffdbdl^, nil' t Diodo", lu., Eolog.i., p, "". , s '^ 94S HISTORY OF GREECE. " temper, and had too high an opinion of his own merit to be easilycast down by any re- Tsrae of fortune. He hioked to Greece aa still bis own, and as ground where he might main- tain an independentposition until an opportu- nity should occur for new enterprises. He theref'irebent his course to Athens ; there he had li?fla part ofhis fleet,including a galley of thirteen banks of oars, the remains of his treas- ure, and his wife Deidamia ; and its siluation was the most opportune for any movcratnis which his prospects might require.But, be- fore he reached (he coast of Carta, he received intelligence Ihal Diodorus had agreed, for a bribe of Sflytalents,to betrayEphesus to Ly- ainaaotius. He therefore steered, with a part orhn fleet, towards Ephesus,and, leaving the test at anchor behind the nearest headland, made for the mouth of the harbour with a sin- gle galley, in which a trusty officer,named Ni- canor, appeared aa commander, wbile he him- self remaioed below. Nicanor invited Diodorus to a conference on the subject of iiie garrison, as if apprized of his design, and tlispased lo sec- ond it. Diodorus came to the ship's side in a ' boat ; Dem"triua then made bis appearance, sank the boat, and took all the crew prisonerB. and,landing, secured possesBion of the place.* He now struck across the JEgean towards At- tica i but, before he reached it, be was desti- Ded to a bitter disappointment. As he passed tbrou^ the Cyclades, he was met by Atlienian envoys, who begged him not to proceed towards Athena, since the people had decreed that none of the kings should be admitted within the city, and had escorted his wife Deidamia, with all the honours due to her highstation,to Megara. This Irealmeot, we are informed, wounded De- metrius more deeply than any of his late disas- ters ; be had borne them with serenity and cheerfulness; but he was almost stunned by this unexpectedblow, and could scarcely re- cover composure enoiigh to send an answer suited lo his altered circumstances, which did not permit him to resent it,gentlycomplaining of their conduct, and requesting that they would restore his ships. This request was granted; and he proceeded to the Isthmus, where he found thai the event of the battle had produced as unfavourable an effect on the state of his af- fairs in Peloponnesus as it had at Athens. Alt that can surpriseus in the transaction is the degree to which he must have been bliudcd by inordinate vanity, when he expected a differ- ent reception from the Athenians. It would seem as ifhe had forgotten everything that had occurred since the time when he first presented himself as the liberator of Athens and of Greece ; or, aa Plutarch suggests, that he remembered only the honours he had received, and not the manner in which he had requited them. If the Albcnians had deserved lo be treated as the vi- lest ofhis slaves ; if they had oOered their necks before he trampled on thero ; if the servility which disgracedthem was properly to be at- tributed to the sentiments of the whole people, and not to the arts of a few of his own parasites, how could he betieTS that a people so utterly degraded should be citable of such generous constancy as to adhere to him in his fallenfor- tnnes ! If tbey atill retained so much virtue, and if the old Athenian spirit was not altogetb er extinct,it was certainly not a friendly wel- come, but rather the language of indignation, scorn, and loathing, which be would have ex pected ifhe had ever viewed his uwq .conduct in its true light. The beliaviour of the Atheni ans was in every respect wise and becoming, ^ndmigbt have been called noble if it had been less prudent. After tlie battle, itremained ft* the conquer ora to divide the spoil. The dominions of An tigunus were actually in the hands of Seleucus Had I.ysimachus, and they alone had achiet'cd the victory. It does not appear that tbey con- sulted either of their allies on the partition, though it seems that Ibey obtained the assent of Cassauder. They agreed to share all that AntigonuB had possessed between themselves. It is not clear on what principle the line of de- marcation was drawn, nor is it possible to trace it. But the greater part of Asia Minor was givento I.ysimachus. Tbe portion of Seleucus included not only the whole country between the coast of Syria and tbe Euphrates, but also, it seems, apart of Phrygia and of Cappadpcia.* Cilicia was assigned w Cassander's brother Pleistarchua. With regard to Syria,however, a difficulty remained, Tbe greater psrt of it had, as we have seen, been conquered bj Ptolemy : T^e and Sidon alone were still oc- cupied by the garrisons of Antigonos. Ptolemy had at least as good a right as his ally to all that he possessed; though we do not find suffi- cient ground lo believe that Syria had been ceded to him by Seleucus, before tbe last campaign, as the price ofhis assistance,by formal treaty. f Seleucus,however, began to take possessian of it, and when Ptolemypressed his (daims, Te~ turned an answer, mild in sound, but Ibreateu- ing in its import, to the effect that for the pres- ent, out of regard to their friendship, he would take no farther steps, but at a future time would consider how he should deal with bis firiend9, whose views of aggrandizement interfered with his interests ;t and it appears that Ptolemy was induced to withdraw his opposition. There were, however, also some native prin- ces, who had taken advantage of the contests between the Macedonian chiefs to establish their authority over extensive territories in tbe west of Asia. Ardoatea was masterof Armenia, with the title of king; so independent, that he not only gave shelter lo Ariaratheg, the son of the Cappadocian prince who was put to death by Perdiccas,but while tbe struggle between An- tigoous and Seleucus was in suspense, enabled him to recover his hereditary dominions.f At an earlier period,Mithridates, the son of Ario- Eajpliui niuliuiiilon ri-poTted lijPoJrbiui(t..BT),irhLch .. Ti.,p. 43): iitfutfiZvoirfftfriil4ipara\n rtl mSi E^/iIu( J(d li). ^Ma, KvtoB tapi.^ fiiih rtkitpayuavABUn (K Droyson rtbOflfor ttXutfiayusvi^t " them, not It a (hieU, bat " fntD4lfpToviaa i uul vjpputfl Ihfttit wu ilie iDUnboii of Salencni Id fin C;j"iu lo t INuxlartu,lui., Eclof.Hi,,p. SIT, ^. RESULTS OP THE BATTLE." LYSIMACHUS. bentaeg, who traced his descent from the tojbI bmise of Peraia, had lived for a time imdai the prolection of Aatiganus, as the companion of his son. It appears that be betrayedaspiring liewB, which excited his patron'sJealousy, and it is said that a dream, the natural effect of such auspicious, determined Antigonus,who, aa we see Irotu the hiatoij of Seleucus,was not free from superstitioni to despatch him. But be disclosed 1^ purpose to Demetrius,who was generous enough to give timely warning to Itisfriend* Mithridatee made his escape to PxphlagDnia, on the Pontic Cappadocis, and became the fonnder of the dynasty which de- fied and shook the power of Rome. He after- wsrd, it seems, submitted to Antigonus, and was permitted to possess some districts near the Prttpontis ; and here the fate which he had atoided overtook bim. When Lysimachus crossed over into Asia, Mithridatea, as was to be expected,espoused his canse, and fell by the hands of assassins, employed either by An- tigonus or Demetrius, His son succeeded to biB dominions, t Both Lysimachus and Seleu- cus were too much engaged with other aSsira to disturb any of these powerfulneighbouis. So far as regards Asia, the battle of Ipaos most be conaidered as a disastrous event. Not because it transferred the power of Antigonus LDUJ difierent hands, nor because itwould have been more desirable that he should have tri- imiphed over Seleucus. But the new distri- bulion of territory led to caiamitous oonse- quences, which might,pertups, otherwise have been averted. If the empiie of Seleucus had remained coa"oBd between the Indus and the Euphrates, it mighl have aubGlsted much long- er, at least,aa a barrier against the inroads of the barbarians, wtra at last obliterated bU the traces of European dvilization Ml there bj Alexander and his saeoeaaors. Bat shortly after his victory, Seleneas founded his new capital on the Orontea,called, after his father, Autioohia,peopling it with the inhabitants of Antigonia.J It became the re"dence of his dyiissty, and grew, while their vast empire dwindled into the Syrianmonarchy. For the prospects of Greece,on the other hand, the fallof Antlgonm must dearly be ac- counted an advantage, so far as the eSeet was to dism^nber his terriloTy, and to distribute it so that the most powerfiil of Ms sueceseora was at the greatest distaoee. It was a gain that Macedonia was left an Independenttang- dom within its ancient Ihnits, and bounded on the north by a atate of auperiorstrength. II does not appear that any compact was made between Caso^.nder and his alliesas to the pos- session of Uruece. It was probably underslood that be should keep whatever he mightacquire there. It msy be doubted whether the fonres of Oreece, if they had been united and well di- rected, would not have been quite sufficient at this tine to cope with those of Macedonia. Nor is it likely thnl any of Cassander's allies would have interfered to promote his aggran- dizement. But the only man who oouM have united the Greeks, as a free people, in resist- ance to Macedonia,was Demetrius. If he had been worthy of the opportumty which now of- " Pin.. DiumB,, 4. t Dwdot., u., HI. I Sinbi',m,, p. at, Tiaakii. fered itself, a new era might bare opened fin Greece. But he had forfeited the confldenco of the nation : no Greek who loved hia country could care much whether he or Casauider might prevail. AL that was certain was, that Greece must shortly become the scene of a fresh contest, in which ber strength would be wasted, without a chance of reward or even the illnsionof bop". CHAITER LX, BTthe event of thebattteoflpaustbealttM, who had been imited by titeircommMi enmi^ to Antigonoa, were tranafbrmed into jeakma rivals. Tlielr stnig^ with him was no soon- er decided than the clashing interests of Ptol- emy and Seleucus threatened an muoeillate rupture, which was averted,indeed, but so "" to leave neither party secure, and one of them dee^yoffended. It was clear that the pooses- sion of Syria must be a subject of perpetual contest between the two states. On the other hand,Lysimachus had reason to be satia"ed" if it was in the nature of amWtion to be ao " with the rich acquisition which had ^len to his share ; but he coold feel no confidence in the moderation of bis powerfulneighbour, and might well suspect that Seleucus wooU en- doavonr to resume so important a conceaaion on the firat opportunity. In the eyea both of Lysimachos and Ptolemy, Seleuena had step- pod into the place of AnIigonuB; and they soon gave publicproof of the Jealousy with which they regardedhim, by a new allience whitA they contracted with one another. Lysiiaa- chus, although he had so lately married Amaa- tria, and h^ children by a former wife, an Odiysian princess " among whcnn tiie eldest, Aga^lee,waa a you* of gnat pnxniM" TBceiredtbehand of Arsiaoe,Ptolemys daa^ ter by BerAuce. It seems that be would wiB- ingly have retained Amaatris,* wham he sin- cer^y lovod and esteemsd, bnt she was too bigh-apirited to endure the preaence of a rival, ai^retired to Heraclea, which ^e coBtinaed to govern, during the minority of ber sooa, with admirable ability. It was a sacrifice of the domeatac afiections to reasons of B(at", doBtiaed by a tragical retritaitionto prove fa- tal, not only to the faappmaaa of Lysimachna, bnt to his thitme and his life. Selmcus, Botwithstanding his superiorpow- er, could not be indifierentto tiiis coalition, which was erideoUy formed agunat him. It was to he expected that he should endeavour to strengthen bimaelf by a new allianee ; but itmust have excited generalsurprisethat, for this pm'pose, his choice fell upon Demetrius, whose fonnnes, as v"e see from tbe turn whkh his affairs had taken in Greece, most men con- sidered as irretrievably rained. Not so, how- ever, Demetrius himself He had already ex- perienced and witnossed too many atrango " viclsaitodes to be deeplydejectedby his late reverse. He had seen hia father a fbgitive, seekingprotection from Antipater. and, within ' M"mam .p, FtM., p. sat, b. Jl^ HISTORY OP GREECE. a yeiT after, in oondition to contend Tor the dmninion of Asia. Seleucus had {eliea as low before he rose to an equal height, snd owed much less to others. Demetrius was not yet reduced to the situation of a suppliant -. he still retained some fragments of his lost power, to- gether with anabated confidence in hunself, and seems to have been anxious to show that he had not givenhimselfup to despair.Though he was too weak either to attempt to recover Athens, or to protect his intereats in the Pelo- ponneauB, ho ventured to assume the offensive against one of hia moat powerful adversaries. In the spring of 300, leavingPyrrhus at the Isthmus, he made an expedition with his fleet to the Thraciaa Chersoueaus, and ravaged the coast, which I.ysimachua was unable to defend. TTie immediate object of this movement may have been to enrich the troops with plunder, and to keep up their spirits ; but Demetrius probablywished, at the same time, to draw attention on himself, to show that he still pos- aessed means of annoying his enemies ; and he moEt have been aware that an attack on LyaimachoB would giveno offence to Seleucus. Still, it must have been with no less surpriae than pleasure that he soon alter received an MnbBsay, by which Seleucus asked the hand of Stratonice, the daughter of Demetrius and Phila, for himself; though his heir-apparent, Antiochns, might have seemed a fitterconsort fbr the bloomingprincess. Since it is evident that the object of the proposed alliance waa to counteract that which had been formed be- tween Ptolemy and Lysimachus, it might,per- haps, have been expected that he should rather have addressed himself to Cassander, whose power waa far greater, and whose interest co- incided with his own no less than that of De- metrms. But it la probable that Cassander WBB, too closely connected with Lysimachua, e*en if negotiations had not already been aet on foot for the marriages which took place not many years later, between Antipater, Caaaan- der'B second son, and Eurydice, the daughter of LyaimachuB, and between Alciander, the yoongest of the Macedonian princes, and Ly- sandra,Ptolemy'sdaughterby Eurydice. But, moreover, Seleucus may have thought Deme- trins better able to secure his object, on ao- oonnt of bis fleet, and his possession of Cyprus and the Phteoician towns, which he stilloccu- pied with his garrisons;* while a man in such circumstances was likely to prove a more ob- sequious ally than the King of Macedonia. Demetrius joyfully accepted the brilliant offer, and sailed with his whole fleet,accompanied by hia daughter, towards Syria. On hia pas- sage, he landed " it is said merely to obtain the necessary supplies " at several places on the coast of Cilicia. But Pleistarchua. taking mnbrage at this intrusion on bis territory, re- tired to Macedonia, to complain to his brother of the league into which Seleucus was entering vritb the common enemy. Demetrius took ad- Tantage of his absence to make himself master of Quinda, where he found 1200 talents still remaining; and, having been joinedby Pliila, proceeded to Rhosaus in Syria. There he was met by Seleucus, who first entertained him in his camp, and then, more fullyto show their ' Dindonu,ni. JUaf- i.,p. 481. mt., D.^.,". perfect mutual confldeoce, went on board his father-in-law's galley as his gnest. These festivities were followed by many grave conferences on their common affairs ; but their discussions and arrangements, of which it is probablevery little waa publicly known at the time, are now concealed from our curiosityby an impenetrable veil. The only point which we are able to discern with any degree of clearness is, that it was the ob- ject of Seleucus to avoid a rupture with the rival powers. For this purpose, while Pliila was sent to pacify her brother, he brought about an alliance between Ptolemy and Deme- trius, which was to be cemented by a match between Demetrius and Ptolen^y'sdaughter, Ptolemaie ; uid Pyrrbus, whose sister Deida- mia followed her husband to Syria, but died not longafter,was sent to the court of Alex- andria as a security for the execution of the treaty. But its terms " thoaghthey may hare been more definite and important than Plii~ tarch represents, are entirely unknown to us;- and the modem conjectures on the subject are- BO uncertain as to be barely worth mention- ing.' The part of the transaction most (fiffi" cult to comprehend is. that Seleucus shsuld have promoted an alliance which martfeatly tended to render Demetrius less dependtmt on' him. But he may have thought that this dan- ger waa counterbalanced by the maintenance of peace, which he must have needed fbr the settlement of bis new state, and by the pros- pect that the connexion into which Ptolemy now entered with Demetrius would weaken that in which he stood with Lysimachas. For Ptolemy it was a clear gain, that be could not onlyhope to detach Demetnus from the inter- ests of Seleucus, but was put in possessiou of a hostage, whose title to the kingdom of Epi- ruB might be used as an instnmenl for acqui- ring influence over the afi^rm of Macedonia and Greece. We are told that Pyrrhus took pains to ingratiate himself with Ptolemy, and for that purpose asaiduoualypaid his court to Berenice. Perhaps it might have been said, with equaltruih, that Ptolemy strove to win the young king'siriendshipby kindness, and singled hun out to receive the hand of Anti- gone, Berenice's daughterby her former hns- band Fhilippus, not more on account of his merit than to wrre his own political views. For an interral of two or three yeara after this treaty, we are no better informed as to the proceedings of the parties than as to their com- l; inpTofafctilfl do4i it "pPAV fut DcflietniH ioiikti in m laz lluiloM of S)Ti", wilhool knowiDg in wh"t tit iodem- w" Cjprai Ihml Snlnoeui Inlendodlo rrdo w Ptoleio)-. POUCY OF PTOLEMY." OLYMPIODOBUS. 3"I pacta or intentions.* So long, it appears, they continued in tha same relations to one another. Demetrius,who, immediately after the treaty, bad occupiedCilicia, nas pennitted to retain DndiBlurbed possession of it. Apparently, Ptol- emy and Seleucus were engaged with their do- mestic alfoira : and it seemg lo have been dn- liag thia period that Cassander mode an unsuc- cessful attempt to recover Carcyra, and was compelled to retire by the Syracusan tyrant, A^Ehoclea, with Che loss oralmost all the ships be had emploj^d in the expedition. t Seleucus may have thooght it eipedient to temporize un- til he satv wbat measuTes CasMnder would adopt on the complaint of Pleieiarchue ; but lie certainly never intended to have Demetrius for a permanent neighbour, or to leave either Cili- cia or the Phcenician ports in his hands. Par- haps he expected thai Demetrius his inability to contend with the maj East,wonid resign them ai (he first But, if so, when at lengththey came to an ex- planation on the subject, he found that be had deceived himself He Brst attempted to induce Demetrius to accept a sum of tnoney as a com- pensation fbr Cilicia. Demetrius declined the bargain. He then, in an angry lone, demanded Tyre and Sidon,as appertaining to his own do- minions. Demetrius denied his title, and strengthened the garrisons of the towns, de- claring that,not if he had tost ten thousand Selds like Ipsus, would he consent to pay at inch a rate for his son-in-law. The conduct of lid,was commonly regarded as s, and be did not deem it expedient immediately to enfbrce his claims by any war- like movements. Bot henceforth there was an open breach between him and his fatlier-in- bw. Demetrius was not on this account the less ready lo embark in a new enterprise, though it was one which drew him away from the only reabn he possessed, while it was threatened by the ambition of at least one powerfulneighbour. He still kept hie eye fixed on Greece, and espe- cially on Athens ; and the state of affairsthere seemed to him noiv to open a fairer prospect of retrieving his losses. Cassander,also, had been endeavouring to re-estaUiah his authoritythere, bnt without saccesa. After his failurein Cor- cyra, he had undertaken an expedition to Greece, had, it seems, made hinoself master of Phocis,at least of Elatea, and had invaded At- tica. The power of Athens was not sufficient to ri^pel him without aaaislance ; but she still possessed a man of considerable political and militarytalents, who was a zealous friend of liberty. Her general,Olympiodorus, sailed to ."ioiia" the journey overland would, it seems, have been exposed to too many riaks " and pre- vailed on the j"toliansto send succours to Ath- ens. The arrivalof these forces induced Cas- ' Thil intcrrfclis odIj cnllKtod rnm tba hfMorr of Da- C.IM) faUawibim. Bui if lb" "i gander to withdraw his army ftom Attica ;" anA not longafter, it seems, Elatea revolted from him, and was enabled, by the aid of Olympio- dorus, to hold out against his atlacka.t He did not, however, abandon bis designaon Athens, but conceived a hope that be might attain his end by an easier,though,perhaps, slower course. Lachares, the popular leader of the day,was ut ambitious,greedy, and unprincipled adventurer, and was persuaded by Cassander lo aspireto- the station which bad been occuped by Deme- trius the Phalerian.]: He now became a secret adherent of the Macedonian interest, while be wailed for an opportunity of espousing ilmore openly, and of risingthrough itto power. This juncture, when the AlbenianH were incensed againstCassander,and had stilllo apprehenda repetition of his attempt, seems to have been Ihat which DemeCriue considered so favourable to his hopes, tii"til eticouraged him to make an expedilion for the recovery of Athene. 4 It was probably in the spring of 897 that be set sail with a formidable armament ; but off the coast of Attica he was overtaken by a slono, in which the greater part of hia ahipe were wrecked, and many Uvea were lo"t. After thie disasterhe no longer ventured to present him- self at the mouth of the Pirnns, bat sent crdeni for the equipment of a new fleet in the eastern ports, and, in the mean while, having made some hostile demonstraliona in Attica with lit- tle effect, marched into Peloponnesua, to redoce the towns which had revolted from him. Th" onlyplace named among those which be threat- ened is Messene, where hia assaulis were re- pulsed, and he received a dangerous woond- He recovered,however, in time to attack some other towns more successfully ; and these op- erations probablyoccupied the remainder of the year. In the course of ihe following winter an event took place which made an important change in the face of affairs. Cassander was carried off by a disease which popular tradilioa represented as a stroke of Divine vengeance for his atrocious crimes,!! but which is a^ descri- bed as an ordinaryconsnmption :T he was suc- ceeded by hie eldest son Philip. The return of Demetrius to Greece, and his hostilities in Attica, appear, as might be ex- pected, to have changed the disposition of the Athenians with regard to Macedonia, and, per- haps, gave rise to new divisions among them- By a largeparty be was hated and feared more t!an Cassander, This party seems to have been headed by Demochares, who had probablyre- turned from his exile,as soon as be beard of tbe battle of Ipaus. We find him displaying great activity in a war which was once, BO doubt, well known under the nanie of the Four Years' War 1 bat for which itis now somewhat difficultto assign a place in history. II is, how- US HISTORY OF GREECE. "Ter, neaii; ceitain that it beloaga to thia peri- od;* and it may hare inciurlecithe contest with Casaander. as well as that which immediately Ibllowed with Demetrius, and thus have ended "with the surrender of Iho city. We hear of no negotiations between the Athenians and Cas- Sander after the re-appeanince of Demetrius ; but we learn that Dcmocharea was sent on on "mbaBay to Lysimachua, and obtBlnad a anbaidj of thirty talents from him; and that he carried a decree fur an embassy to Ptolemy, who sent fitlytaleDtSii-and, it seems, promises of farther support. There is also some ground to belieTe that Demoohsres went on a like mission to Philip, Cassander'H successor : though the be- hariDur imputed to him on this occasion is nC- lerly incredible. t Phdip'sreign lasted only finir mouths ; but,as he died at Elatea,4 it may be iofened that he was engaged in the prnsecatioD of hia father's plans. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Antipater. It was pertaaps about the same time, in the spring of 396, that Demetnus was preparing to lay siege to Ath- ens. The city had been well provided with the means of defence under the direction of De- mochares; the walls bad been repaired, an arsenal am)riy stored with ammuniiinn ; he did not cease to seek aid from without. He concluded a treaty of peace and alliance with the Bteotians,and headed an embassy to the joong king,Autipater, from wbom he received a subsidy of twenty talents. II But the subsist- ence of the Athenians still depended on contin- ual supplies from abroad. Demetrius ravaged the country from Eleasis to Rhamnus, and pro- " -'-' -~ "-"" "" -e the cityby sea and land. I mncb btf, I Ihiak, bHn tititfaclorjljr ahown bi ID in u iniole ob Uin wtt in Ibi Ztiudirift f. i bisuoumckii/), IBX. BUiliadiScnltlDCmcei.f u th* ad "^ Vit. X Or., I Di.,I3"" hiniig teen I babr^udflii were indl^Dut. U" ThanilM SDhan, [nddinf 10 th"B, Sauea fltidsDll^ inppoHd Aloiuidtr^ father i%T6 bflon the htn of hit Itory, whifh, indoed,tbita hii mcLvr j but Cben Dflmootimm. tli" tiBphaiv of Dtnuvthv- ir, mijht orinmlly :o Philip,Cuauilii^ id bnitll foUf. iA tka c"a of l"Diiiuc^iatva, not aaiy He put to death the owner and Boaster of a ves- sel laden with corn, which they attempted to bnng into the harbour; and ibis seventy de- terred most private adventurers from such at- tempts. In the course of the summer an tlgyp- tian fleet of 160 sail appeared in the Saiuuic Gulf, and excited hopes of more elTectual relief.* It wa" but a short gleam ofsunsbine. Soon after Demetrius received re-enforcements from Cy- prus and Peloponnesus, which raised his fleet to 300 sail, and compelled the Egyptians to seek safety in flight. Meanwhile the citywas agitatedh; the strife of parlies, whose views or pretexts are now onlymatter for conjecture. Wo know, how- ever, that it aflbrded Lachaies an opportunity of executing his lung-cherishod deeign, and that ha became absolute master of Athens. Oe- mocliareB.who was oot a man to truckle to the tyrant, was driven into exile,t The usuiper was prob^Iy supportedby a body of mercena- ries ; but he was still exposed to constant dan- ger both from within and from without. Poly- tenuB relates!that Demetrius obtained aims lor a Lhousand men from a party in Pirsus, undai the pretext that they were to be employed against Lachares. The story seems almost lo imply that PirsuB was in the hands of ihii party, and that they were expecting re-enforce- menta. Tbe extraordinarycrueltyimputed to Laofaares^ may be attributed to bis uneMy po- sition in the midst of so many enemies. Yet he appears to have been more inramous for sac- rilege than for bloodshed. He evidently saw that he could not retain his power long, and used itfor tbe roost soidid ends. He plundered the temples, and stripped the statue in tbe Par- thenon of its preciousornaments. As the block- ade continued, tbe price of the comoKin necoe- ' s of life rose to a height wbiob placed tbem f the reach of all but tbe wealiby. Aa a specimen of the suAbrings of tbe beeieced,w" ~^ad of a contest between a {aiitotand son for dead mouse. "picunu, wbo was at tins time living at Athens, ae the head of a. philOBOphical society, shared a oertain nnmber of beans among the members fta their daily meal, I The pa- tienoe with which the Athenians subnuttad to such privationsmay serve as a measure of the dread and aversion they felt for Demetrius, In fact,they bad passed a decree making it a cap- ' Dioyeiii(Zoilachriftf. turn Ihu Itiiiwu Uu I u iMk u, Epinu. 'Th.l"":rt"a,a.a..d"e-i "113' ' ^"' 1^ ftndDni,and wh tb" _ , T, S. Bui foljmii MTJaeom. ^ ai^nalynufi in "" ."t "f"'''"" """l^)'^'^^f \^P DEMETRIUS MARCHES AGAINST SPARTA. 803 ever, he taken into account. Tbere were, no doubt, many wbo were eager to be delivered, at eny rale, Troni his tyranny. It aeems that at length he himself round his positioninaupporta- ble or untenable.* He stole out in a rustic dis- guise throQgb a poGtem, and then mounted a fcorse which was waiting for him at a short dia- tancc. He is said to have droppedgoldpieces on hia road, and thns to have detained a party of light horae who were sent in pursuit of him. He arrlTed safely at Thebea, where he foaud shelter,as in an allied city.tFerhapa a part of his sacrilegious plunder bad been alreadylodged Afier his departure the gatea were immedi- ately tfarown open to Demetrius,and an em- bassy sent to propitiate him, thoogh with little hope of a fovourable hearing. The conqueror was not vindictive ; and he resolved to astonish the peoplel"y a display of magnanimity, which was also likelyto promote his interests in Greece, He ordered them to assemble in the tiieatre; the avenues were occnpied, and the stage lined with his guards. While tbe au- dience sat in tremblingsuspense, Demetrius made bis eppearunee at the entrance commonly asaigned to the principal personage of a drama, and came forward to the front of the stage. It was to have been expected that a harangue (nilof bitter reproaches would introduce some tragic scene. But bis lirstwords dispelled these apprehensions. He complained of their coodnct towards him, but in the mildeat terms, and the gentlesttone, aa if only to asaure them of his forgiveness ; and, as a seal of reconciliatioD, promised a donation of com, and the re-estab- bshment of their democratical institutions -, and when one of hia bearera coirected a grammsti- eal error which he committed in his haTangue, be expressed his gratitude for the leaaon by a blieral additi(m to his present. t It may eaaily be conceived that the roost practised orators canU hardly find languagestrongenough to ex- press the gratitude and admiration excited by this speech. But the transports of the specta- tora wore probably a little cooled, when Dromo- clides,who, at least, luidersteod the mind of Demetrhis,proposed that Pirmus and Munychia ahonld be placed in his hands. The motion was, of course, carried by acclamation ; bat De- metrias, as we shall see, did not long remain ratiaGed with this mark of confidence. We have seen that, in his last campaign in Peloponnesus, he had been repulaed from Mes- "ene. It is therefore not surprising that, when he had made himself master of Athens, he should have returned to complete tbe conquest of the peninsula. But instead of Messene, we fiiidthat Sparta is now the object of bis attack ; and no cause is assigned for the fact. Sparta was at this time so weak, and had kept so care- foU; aloof from alltbe contests which bad dis- tDibed Greece aince Alexander's death, that il is improbable she should have otTered any prov- ocation to Demetrius, She had,however, shown her determination to preserve her independence; and it seems that during Casaander's invasion of Peloponnesus in S17, the Spattans had "!" ready, for the first time,begnn to fortify some points of their city.* Possibly Demetrius bad demanded some tokens of submission which they refused. t They were, at leas),aware trf bis design before he had advanced very far, and made such preparationsas they could for de- fence. King Archidamus,a nephew of Agia, who fellin the battle with Antipatcr, was sent with an army, which must have been almoei entirelycomposed of the subjectclasses,or mercenariea, to meet the invaders, and fell in with them near Mantinea.]: The two aroiies were separated from one anotber by a woody hill, a spur of the Lyctean range. Detnetrins set fire to the wood, and. while a north wind drove the flamea against the enemy, made a charge which threw them into confnsion.f Ar- chidamus retreated with the remainder of his forces to protect Laconia, and the Spartans, ' expecting an immediate invasion,hastily threw up same additional intrenchments round the capital.Still, they ventured on another action in the immediate neighbourhood of Sparta, but were again defeated with the loss of 300 slain and 500 prisoners ; and the chief hope they had now left was in the strength of Iheir newly- raised ramparts. Against the besieger such defences oould not bare availed tbem long. But at the moment when the success of Deme- trius seemed almost certain, be was called Bwayby intelligence which opened the prospect of a much more importantconquest in another quarter. eastern poesessions between them. Ploleiny, at least, was permitted to conquer Cypnu ; which was tbe easier, aa Demctrins had draws off all the navat forces be could raise there fbr Itie siege of Athens ; and tbere can be litUe doubt that SeleucuB,at the sane time, made himself master of all he coold wrest from hia father'in-iaw on the main land. They peibapa invited Lysimachns" be, at leaat, took the op- portunity " to reduce tbe towns which stillbe- longed to Demetrius on the coast of Asia Minor. According to Plutarch, Demetrius heard of afl these losses at the same time,just 'as Sputa was on the point of falling ; and tbe news from Cyprus touched his personalfeelings ; Ibr his mother and children were besiegedby Ptolemy in Salamis, the onlyplace in the island which stillheld out. Nevertheless, il is quite Incred- ible that tbia intelligence had any eftect on his movements. It was, no doubt, the change which had taken place In the atate of al"irs in Macedonia that induced him suddenly to iH^ak up his camp on the Eurotas. Alexander,Antipater's younger tirother, waa the favourite of their mother,Thessalonice, and, perhaps, waa encouragedby her to aspire to ' whU Fmw I Fodrma, uL.,T, ]. PiauiiH (1., U, T) thoiithi (hit W mi BiiDdBTAd oD Ihii joaru/. t l"tonvo MiflTH thml.vilbmC kftmifbeen thraatenod ' cad bf Fioltniir'i iurtiguion to t DriyHD bailflTH th HISTORY OF GREECE. tbe throne,or, at leut,to Oie poaseBaion of a priaoelyappanage ; for it aeems that fas had glaliiH', and adhersDla to support them. Antip- ater, in a St of ra^, Tor do advantage could be hoped rn"m auch a crime, murdered bis mother with his own hand. Yet it appears that the deed excited so littlehorror among bis aubjecta, that he might hare continued to reign, ifAlex- ander, who saw himself unable to maintain hia IbotiDg in Macedonia, bad not called in foreign ud. He oould expect none fh"m Thrace, since Antlpater had married the daughter of Ly aima- idiua ; and this rendered it the more neoeaaar; to aorik it ebewbere. There were two other quarters which he might apply to. Pyrrbus badnowregainedthethmneof Epinie., Hehad been furnished with troope and money b; PuA- "ity, about the same time that Demetriua was engaged in the siege of AUiens, and had first compiled Neoptolemus to share the kingdom with him,and then got rid of his liral, who, as be gave out, bad plottedagainst hia life. To bim, now master of an undiTided reahn, Alex- ander addKsaed himaelf in his need; but that be might have a donUe hopeto lean tm, be sent an emboaay for the same porpoae to Demetrius, I^nhus waa the nearest at hand, and consent- W to march againatAnUpater, but on condition tbtt Alexander ehotildcede to bim a la^e ex- tent of territory, apparentlyIncluding all the eonqiKSte that bad been made by Caaaander on the side of jEtolia,together with a portion of Haoedonia itself.' The young princegranted this highpricethrough fearof LysmiacbuB, and becauee Demetriua waa too much occupiedby bia aflafra in (Jreeoe to eomp^ immediately with bis request.Antipaterwas unsble to re- sist the iDTader,and, it appears, tried in vain to "vert his hostility by an offer of 300 talents. Livimaebus waa at this time enga^ in a war with the Getea, which preTented him from in- terposing in behalf of his son-in-law,otherwise than by an inefTectual , attempt to deceive Pyr- ifaus. He forged a letter to bim in Ptolemy's name, recommending bim to accept Antipater's ofibr. But Pyrrhus detected the fraud by the peeting of the letter,which, instead of the af- MeiiODaie form always used by Pttdemy in their oorrespondenoe, " The FmJut ft"kit Sen," ran, in oouit style, " KingPtoltmg lo King Pyrrlau." Still, Lrsimachuswas anxious for peace, which I^TrhoB,having seconqiliahed b" immediate objects,was wiUingtg grant. But the ratifi- cation was prevented, it is SMd, by a sinister omen. It appears, nevertheless, that Antipater waa permittedto retain a part of Macedonia, t Nothing could better anit the interests of Pyr- rbna than such a partition of the neighbonring " nat. PyirtL, t. A"anllii( to Niilmhrt anniduiim, '^J 5'"(#"i"i'. "1 '"" ILiMWm. Tfity^iUtfUi (ill., p. 49)1,Engl,tr,, nbm Honiiiiw ud DaiiiiUiytluyiM b* trmmwcdl. ^ ^ t Thii it diaiualr lUUd br Jatlin,in,, 1,19 ; it pn- lum mgstrti^ th. notioa of u uMndtnt Anns rcf^, rieu-lTimpliedIn PHiwrch'j Mtntiii, FTrrhoi,B,conpl"d wllh DoButr.,3T. N" would il ia euj Hhermn to "i- pliinthe UHitioB of Fmuiiiu In.,T,S) lli"t AnlipUer wu dcthnnud by Deiuuiiim- Dixi/Eeu relieinam oa the slpnuisD rinifnrj)pattitif In ihe fngwint of Sjudii- n", ni. Ha ilu IsUtm Uut AnlipiUT lied lvie" la du ooart rf LjBmKhni, on" befine Pjrrhm. ind uriin beTon DeDCtnu, Tbia nppiHitiailleemi mt InuL unne- hingdom. Alexander remaiaod b session of tbe rest. This must have been the intelligence whic^ called Demetrius so suddenly away from Spar ta : not the first application which he received trma Alexander, but the news that Pyrrfaoi had entered Macedonia. He had probably not been informed ofthe negotiation between Pyr- rhus and Alexander, or he would have instant- ly broken off every affairthat detained him in Greece, rather than resign such an opportunity ofaggrandizeroenttotheiCingofEpiruBiWhom, since the death of Deidamia, he could only consider as his rival, and the devoted ally irf bia enemy, Ptolemy. Feigning hiniself uncoo- acious that his aid was no longer needed or desired, he advanced without delay, ao aa even to give his retreat from Sparta the appearance of a di^t,' tu the Irontiers of Macedonia- Al- exander, alarmed and nncertain about his de- signs, marched with allbis forces to meet him, and received him at Dinm as an honoured' guest,yet so as clearlyenough to betray the uneasiness he feltat the iinwScome visit. De- metrius was privately informed that his royal boat intended to assassinate him at a banquet. He provided for hia own safety, but diseemUed his suspicions, and the nest day,{Heteuding to have received newa of some movementa ia Greece, which forced hira to hasten his return, make preparations for hia departure- There, as his enemieagave out after hia death, he hoped stillto execute his murderona design: but, that he might not awaken suspicionby aa appearance of distrust, suffered himself to be forestalled. It is certain that he accepted aa invitation from Demetrius,and, aa be was leav- ing the banquet!ng-room, was cut down b; ths giurds whom Demetrius bad poel"d there foi the purpose, together with several of hii friends. One of th"n is said to have acknoiri- edged that Demetrius ha"t gained the start of them only by a singleday : but a fact so im- probable cannot safely be admitted on sudi suspicioustestimony. It was night when the deed waa perpetrated, and the newa filledthe Macedonian oamp with alarm and tumult until the rooniing, when a message was brought fnnn Dematiiua,by which he expressed his desire to address the army, and to give an account of hia conduct. He not only vindicated itto the aatisfactioa of the mil- itary aaaembly, but made so Javourable an im- pression on his hearers,}that,inefeiring him " PalTsniii, ir.,rii.,IS, Htn la u mrvBilT ahloBg od in*cructiT"flumple,to Bhaw haw dangaiou n a to Tuund an ibferenn u (o flhroaulof^ n A* naauK "*- [.,onder B.C. m) pVu'n the liegt a! Alheu bj Dema-' DEMETRIUS IN B(EOTIA. S6S to the puTJcide, and haTingno other competi- tor before Ibeni,they elected him to fillthe va- BKDl throne, and he letarncd to Macedonia at Iheir bead. The choice of the army was ap- proTeilby the great mass of the people, who bad aerer much sfTection for the bloodthirsty Casxander, or any or his family, and least of an ^ouid wish to be governed by Antipater. Whatever titlehia grandfather, tbeir old gov- ernor, had to their regard, was inherited by the noble-minded Pbila, and thus devolved upon ber husband and their son Anligonns, suma- med Gonatas,* who was now a youthcapable of bearingaims, and had accompanied his father in this expedition.Antipater, probablyfinding himself generallyabandoned, and having no hope of gaininganything I"om Demetrius, either by arme or negotiation, fled to the court of Lysimachns, But Lyaimacbos, who was now engaged more earnestly than ever with his preparationsagainst his northern neighboora, was glad to make peace with Demetrius,and, it seems, compelled his son-in-law to renounce his claim to the part of Macedonia which had been assignedto him in the treaty with Pyr- rhns-t Thus, seven years after the battle of Ipsua, and just at the time when he saw him- self deprived of the last remnants of his patri- mony in the Bast, Demetrius had acquired a ikew kingdom, in which he bad never been able to set his foot while his father's power was at bis command. Attheaame time, he heard that Ptolemy had lieen generous enough to let his oxither and cliildren depart with munificent preseuta, atler they had falleninto his hands at Salamis. It might be considered as an addi- tional favour of fortune that Seleucus bad giv- en up the beautiful Stratonice to his heir-appa- rent, Antiochus, whose life appeared to be in danger tlkrougb the violence of his passion for his mother-in-law, and reserving the govern- ment of the provinces west of the Euphrates Ibr himself, had committed the rest of bis vast enqiire to his son. It remained for Demetrius to complete the "abjugatlon of Greece, and to unite it liimly with his new dominions. This was the more necessary, as he had a formidable rival in Pyr- tbua, who would be ready to seize whatever he might leave unoccupied. Thessaly, it seems, "s little more than a province of Macedonia, forthwith acknowledged his authority Bnt the BcEOtiaus had not submitted to him, and we may colleGt that, after his retreat from Laco- nia,they had ente^d into treaty with Sparta, and had been encouragedby promises of Spar- tan succours to assert their independence. But Demetrius surprised them by the rapidity of bis movements. He sent a herald before him with a declaration of war ; but the day after the Btsotarchs received it at Orchomenus, be himaelf encamped at ChKronea.t In their con- n AfpaiW Irtt "loOMBM. , " "! eiavkm. fnm am Tho*- " of G"ual (mil*!* El^' Bji., i. %},when "^T-ijvwi him to dun bemboni m tawijlit op. AM Ibiamm qqjtfl HpnlxblBMNiebnbnfiODjectqivdiHiiH ^Mftmi, p. an), "u Iba apUitna d"ind 6u " put "(ki""iiMQr,ftar"w-- " ' L" -ki-k "~nt.. I'filpil'.TTll^'Tl 'ffm. "lUA part* HuadaaiB, qua "temation they sued for peace, which he gmat- ed on moderate terms. Hoping,perhaps, that he had secured tbeir fidrlity by his generosity, he exacted no other pledge,and, it appears, returned immediately to Macedonia, where there was no doubt much to demand his pres- ence, especially as the affairs of Lysimachus were in a critical poaition.But,shortly after his departure, the Bceatians were induced to revolt by Ibe arrival of a Spartan army, com- manded by Cleonymus. the uncle of the king Areus. The Spartangovernment probably ho- ped that the reaiatance of Bceotia might protect itsown territory from a second invasion,wiuch it had reason to apprehend as soon as Deme- trius should be at leisure. A citizenof Thes- pite, named Pisis,who possessed the power without the name of a t^nt,also excited hia cotuitTymen to renew the struggle. But the^ soon foimd that they had misreckoned tbeir means. Demetrius returned with a powerful army, forced Cleonymus to withers w, and laid siege to Thebes. The retreat of the Spartans struck their allies with dismay, and theyagain snbmicted to the conqueror. Lachares, who had hitlierto remained at Thebes, liidhimself for some days when the citysurrendered, and then made lua escape to Delphi.* Demetrius used his victory with great moderation,though he did not again trust the loyalty of the Bieo- tians. Only fourteen of the principal authors of the revolt sufTered punishment;t but he ex- acted heavycontributions, and threw garrisons into their cities, and appointedHieronymus of Cardia, the historian, governor- general of B"e- otia. Pisis, who fellinto his hands, he treated with unexpectedlenity, leaving him in full pos- session of his former authority at lliespiw, with the titleof polemarch.t It was perhaps the Bieotian insurrection that led Demetrius to take a new precantion for the security of Athens, and it was pro6- ablynow4" at least not later" that he fortified an eminence called the Museum, within the walls of the city, and lodged a garrison there under the command of Heraclidcs. Polyeenus relates a plot laid by the Athenian generals to uitroduce a body of Athenian troops into the city, to killHeraclides and overpower the gar- rison. But it was defeated through the defec- tion of a Carian leader of mercenaries, named Hierocles, who disclosed it to Heraclides, aal enabled him to destroy all the cons{diatora.| It seema dear that this occurred afterthe Mu- seum had been fortified, and the attempt waa " nacnrsi result of the resentment which must have been awakened in the Athenians by lbs tictoTj which ba iJliidadu - ., - qutod in Uia lul hU. Tlie diDnllTahaiiig fnm Ihe ra- null nf PotTiniB,irirttit rtfl ntt Atilay,lamiiu tha HISTORY OF GREECK. conduct of Demclrius. On tbe other hand, it ia not improbable that the evidence wbicti it gave of tbeir spirit may have been the occasion whitrh induced bim to recall a number ofAIhe- nian exiles. As Dinarchus, the enemy of De- mosthenes, was one of them, and they are said to have owed their restoration to the influence of Tbeophrastua,' it may be concluded that they all belon^d to tbe oligarchical party which bad opposed Demetrius when he appeared as the champion oriit"eTty, but in which he might expect to find bis firmest supporters, as soon "s he had proved his resolution to adopt tbe maxima of Cassander, and to govern Athens by militaryforce.f When he had completed the conquest of Bteo- tia. he returned to Macedonia. There can be littledoubt that tie would have pursued his march into Peloponnesus, to take revenge on Sparta for the receut provocation, and to ac- oomplish what he bad been obliged to leave mi- finished, had not tbe state of aflairsintheuotth more uigenlty demaoded bis attention. Itwas not long after that Lyaimaehus set out on au expedition, which Demetrius must have watch- ed with great anxiety, as its issue could not but materially affect his own prospects. Its object was to decide tbe contest which had now been carried on for some years between the Greek kingdom of Thrace and the great Thracian tribe, called the Getes. This division of tbe race had, it seems, been driven eastward ftom its seat on tbe right of the Dauube by an irruption of the TdbaUians, who were them- "elves making way for the Gauls. t The Getes then established themselves in the country on the Dorthweet shore of the Euxine, which had once been occupiedby the Scythians, whose great empire had been long dissolved into a number of feeble,disunited hordes. In their new territories they had become formidable neighbouis to the Greek princes of the Taurio Chersonesus (Crimea) ; for the Thracian, Ari- phames, who supportedEuraeJus,one of these princes, with an army of 23,000 foot and SO,OODhorse, in a war against his brothers for the succession,seems to have been king of tbe Getes. 4 They were now governedby one named Dromiohates,under whom their power appears to have reached its greatestheight, and "whoso noble character would impressus with a favonrable opinion of his subjects, if it was not evident that be was as much superior to his own peopleas he was to most of the con- temporary kings. LysimachuB,we know not bow long after the battle of Ipsus, bad eiicnd- fidhis dominions on the northeast fronticTat the expense of the Oetes ; but his eldest son, Agatbocles, had afterward fallen into the en- emy's hands. Dromichtetes sent the young prince back with presents to bis father,hoping that Lysimachus would meet this generosity by restitutionaai forbearance. But Lysin (^us probably attributed conduct so foreign his own character and to the maxims of the age, to tbe fear which the barbarian feltof his " Pint.,X. Orml.,p. SSO.D, Diinri.,Diuich.. 1. t Thii u Dto^n'i eDnib"ut"ii(i., t".M8),uilinZim- Mnnuiii'i ZidlKlirift, ISMj" 188. t Ni*l"lu. KL Sohr,, ]"" tn, whoa ho lud "b hi! miDd " ftugc t( Appiu rllljT., ", whicli ha hu nbrnd a "towhen. (HiM.orRr"n",ii.,|i."js,"i"i.n.i t DMiit.,ii.,St.Nxbuhi, D. ".,p.^l. power, and was onlycnrouraged by il to pros- ccutc his plans of conquest. He invaded the country of the Gcics with an army, it is said, of 100,000men, accompaniedby Clearehiis, tbe eldest son of Amastris,*who, no doubt,brought a body of Irpops from Heraclea. But, tmslini to the guidance of a Thracian who prelendec) to have deserted to bim, he suffered hirnselt to be drawn into a position where, to avoid starv- ing, he was fain to surrender with all bis for- ces, t Dromichretes received his royalprisoner with more than chivalrous courtesy, saluted bim with the name of father, and respectfully conducted him to the Gete city of Elia. There the barbarians were clamorous for vengeance on an enemy who had shown himself dead to all sense both of justice and gratitude.Still, DromichtEles soothed them, and representing to them that they would gain nothing by tbe death of Lysimachus, whose dominions would probably be occupiedby a more powerfulsdg- lor, hut that if they spared him they might ivcr all they had lost, he obtained theii sent to treat him as he himself thought fit. first made inquiries among the prisoners after the principal courtiers and attendants of Lysiroachus, and restored them to their places about their master's person. Then, on occa- of a sacrifice, he invited Lysimachus and his nobles to a banquet, where he also enter- tained the pereons of highest rank among the barbarians But he had ordered preparations to be made so as to exhibit the Macedonian luxury and the Thracian simplicity in the most glaring contrast with each other. While on one side of the hall the prisoners, stretched on couches adorned ^vith the rich furniture found among the spoil, were sumptuously regaled, and drank from gold and silver vessels,the con- querors lay over agajust them on coarae mat- ting, partook of their usual bomely fare, and drank out of horns or wooden cups. Towards the close of the feast, DromichEetes asked bis guest which style of entertainment he prefer- red, end took occasioti to point out to him the folly of his aggressionon an enemy who had BO Uttlclo loose. Lysimachus might weUtbink himself fortunate to receive no severer lesson. He gladly consented to cede all that he pos- sessed east of the Danube, and oflered tbe choice of his daughters to his generous moni- tor, who replaced the diadem on his brow, and dismissed him and his chief officers with pres- ents. t Clearchus remained some time longer a captive, but tie,too, was afterward released at the intercession of Lysimachus.^ The news of the defeat and capture of Ly- simachus soon reached Macedonia, and Deme- trius hastened to take advantage of it. He inarched into Ttiraee,and, it appears, made tiiloself master of Sestus. Lachaies, who had taken refuge in the dominions of Lysimachus, happeneillo tie in the town, and when it sur- rendered lay concealed for some daya, and then made hie escape m feniale disguise, under a black veil, as ono of the mourners at a funeral, and fled to Lysimachia,ll the new capital found- ed by Lysimachus on the Isthmus near Gardia. " Himnoi ip. Ph"^ p. tH, ^ tA BOk. DEMETRIUS AT ATHENS. 367 But DemetriOB was (mddenlj arrested in his career of conquoat by mte)li);eiice from two op- posite qaartera. He heard, it aeeme, nearly at the same lime that Bceotia had again revolted from him, and that Lysimachus had recovered his liberty, and was on his way homeward. The conquest of Thrace must have been an (Aject of far greater moment to him than the rednction of the Bteotian towns, in which he could not have expected to find much difficulty, and which was the less pressing, as he had left Antigonas with a force sufficient, as the event proved, to quell the insurrection without him. It is therefore a little surprising that he shoidd have suffered himself to be diverted from h^ enterprise. But perhaps he appre- hended that if he persevered, be might have not onlyLysimachus, but his new ally, the kin^ of the Getes, upon his hands ; and still more, that he might be attaclced by Pyrrtius.This, and not his resentment against the Bieotians, was probably the motive that induced him to decamp from the Chersonetius, and to march with all speed southward. When he arrived in Bceotia, he found that the insurgents had al- rfiady been defeated by Anti^nus, and he im- mediately laid siege to Thebes. There ean be littledoubt that the Bmotians had been secretly stimulated by Pjrrhus to their attempt, which would otherwise have been desperately rash ; and he now made a diversion in their favour. He invaded and overran Thessaly, and advan- ced as far as Thermopile. Dcmetrins, leav- ing his son to conduct the siege, hastened to meet him. His army must have been very strong ; for he not onlycompelledPyrrhus to retreat into Epims, but was able to leave a Torps of 10,000 foot and 1000 horse for the pro- tection of Thessaly, and then returned toproa- eciite the siege. The Thebans, now deiq)air- iog of forgiveness, made an obstinate resist- ance. Demetrius fomd it necessary to resort to the nse of his hoge Helepolis, lathe mean while he ordered repeatedassaults, in which he loat so many of his men, that Antigonus re- monstrated with his father on the needless sacrifice of life. The answer was character- istic, " Why, my son, should that concern yon 1 Have you to pay the deadT" He, however, exposed his own person to animate the assail* ants, and received a severe wound in his neck. The siegeappears to have lasted the greater part of a year ; in 890 the place surrendered at discretion. Alter so many provocations, the besieged had reason to expect the most rigor- one treatment ; yet the conqueror again eon- tented himself with a very lenient vengeance. Some thirteen were put to death ; a few ban- ished, and an amnesty proclaimed for the rest.* It was the year of tbe Pythian games, and wa" rendered memorable by an innovation with respect to them, which illustrates the character, if not the policy of Demetrius. At 1|m"time when the games were to be celebrated at Delphi, the passes of tbe road Irom Athens to Delphiwere occupiedby the .JStolians, who. it seems, were in alliance with Pyrrhus; so that the sacred embassy, usually sent by the Atbenians to attend the festival, could not safe- ly UDdertake the journey. Demetrius could ^,p.4BI,oiil]rt"Anbnd- prabably have furnished it with a snfflcientes- cort, both to have cleared the road of all obsta- cles, and to have guardedagainstinterruption during tbe games ; but he preferredto celebrate them at Athens, not on Ihc groDnd of the tem- porary emergency, but declaring that the city where ApoUo was worshipped, under a title which implied the antiquity of its devotion to the god, was the fittestof all places for his fes- tival. Demetrius may have wished to grattiy the vanity of the Athenians: it is clear that, in this proceieding, he assumed the functions of the Amphictyonic Council.* Nevertheless, the conduct of the jEtolians rendered it necessary, for the reputation of hia aims, that he should chastise them ; and itwas also time to retaliate upon Pyrrhns for his late invasion of Thessaly, and to wrest from hint the Macedonian provinces which he stillretain- ed. Demetrius had perhaps another motive, which will be presently mentioned, for an expe- dition to the West ; and itwas no longer a mat- ter of choice with him whether he should bestir himself or remain quiet. He had placed hint- self in a aituatian which demanded a continual of fresh enterprises. FromUiettroe asion to the throne of Maeedouia, it seems that it had been his constant object to increase his military and naval power to an ex" tent adequate to the vast projects which that unexpected turn of fortune probably first sug- gested to bim ; for he now aspii^to nothing less than the recovery of his father's empire " an attempt which he well knew must bring him into a conflict with the combined forcea ofLy- simachuB, Ptolemy, and Seleuens,even if Pyr- rhus should have been previously subdued. Ha had raised an army quite oQt of proportion to the ordinary resources of his kingdom, and it waa not onlykepton. foot, but coniinnally growing. One consequence was, that his government bs- osme a pure militarydespotism, and tiiat be was quiteindependent of the good will of the people, and depended entirely on the anny; another was, that he was obhged to lind em- ployment for his troops, both to relieve Ui treasury, and to guard againatthe disorders arising from the leisure of the camp. In the spring,then, of 389, he invaded jf^tolia, and af- ter he had ravaged the country, left hia general, Pantaochus, with a strong division to curb the JGtolians, while he himself marched into Epirus. In the mean while.Pyrrhus,foreseeing that his own territory would otherwise be the next seat of war, had moved to succour his allies. The two armies,however, happened to take differ- ent roads,so that nearly at the same time De- metrius arrived in Epirus,Pyrrhus in jEtolia. FaDCanchus did not decline a battle ; and, as he was distinguished above all the generals of Demetrius for strength and courage, seized tbe opportunity to display his personalprowess against a royal foe. Before the engagemeat began, he came fbrward and challengesPyrrhus to a single combat. Pyrrhus, in pemon and in spirit no nnwortiiy descendant of Achilles, dis- dained all scruples, whether of usage or pni- denee, and advanced to the encounter. He re- ceived a wound, but gave two, and would have slain hia antagonist ifhe had not beeik rescued by his friends. The Epirots were Miimated by ' inat.,I""a.,M iO|i_' 358 HISTORY OP QRBBCE the eV^Dt or the combat ; the enemy diBheart- ened,aBwellbrtheBbBenceoftheirconuiuade)' zs by its cause. In the end,PjrrhuBgaineJ a eoraptete victory, and took 5000 prisoners : the Bomber of the alain is not menltonpd. and per- haps he thought it pnitiont to epare the lives of the MacedonianB as saach as posaible. llut the advantage which he reaped TrotD hid buc- eess extended much farllier. The Macedoni- ans who had witnessed his exploits were struck with admiration, and perhaps found some sol- aoe for their defeat in the pmises thev bestow- ed on the conqueror. " He waa, indeed,a sol- dier, worthy lo command soldiers : the only king of the age ia whom there could be traced any likeness to the great Alexander. Pyn^i revived this image by the fireand vigour of his movemeuts in the fieldof battle ; the rest only mimicked the hero, whose title they assumed, in their desieanour, and in the trappings and "tate of royalty." It waa a comparisonpocu- Uoilydangerous for their own sovereign, whose arrogauce and love of ostentation bad grown more inordinate than eiander's throne. DemBtrina found i.. .. Epims, and ravaged and plundered there et hia pteavnre. He made no attempt to seek Pyr- liins,most probably because he was occupied with another easier and more agreeable con- quest. PyrrbUB had lost his queen Anti^ona, and alter her death,according to the dow pre- vailing usage of Greek princes, married three wives ; all, it seems, for the sake of advauta- (eoua allianceB. One was a Pnonlan. another an lUyrjanprincess; and to these he added La- nasaa, the daughter of Agathocles, with whom be received Corcyra as ber portion. But the pride of the Greek prinoeBs was aoon wounded by the atteotjon u4iieh he oontinued to pay to liisbarbarian wives. She quittedbim, and re- tired to Coroyra, where the looked out for so "ppartUDity of revenge. She knew ibat she inqtbt reckon on the Mrnea of Demetrius, and invited bim to take poeeession of ber person and of the island. How welcome ench an ofier muat have, been to him nay be gathered from flie feet that, when Un Spartan Cleonymos made himself master of Corcyra,* boUt Deme- trius and Cassander courted hit alliance.t As Cleonymua was known to entertain hostile de- "igDB BgainaAgatbocles, it may be sufqiosed that the relation*which bad bitheito sobeiated between Demetriui and the Sicilian tyrant had been ftr "om friendly. But about tbia time Afathoclea sent hia eon, vrbo bore the Iktbev^ "ame, to Demetrins,to oonohide an alhance witfahun. Demetrius reeeived the yoQng prince irith the highestbonouiB, invested him with a royalrobe, and sent him back with splendid Kaate, accompaniedby one of his own court- named Oxythemis, who waa puUid]' char- ted with the ratificationof the treaty, tut was "eowUyliHtnietedr--'^"" -" - - '" " ovriiiehiit to obaerve the Btate of Sicily, , Demetrio* bad cast bis eye, B pnze whidi mijgbt, perbape,one day _~~._: hia. How te tbia negotiation was cim- "ected with Lamsaa'a ofibr doea not appear ; t Siodiir., B, IM. but it must have been on the o " expedition to Epirue that DMuetrius complied with ber invitation, and made lumseif maaMi of Corcyra. In the following year Demetrius was attack- ed by a dangerousillness, and while he lay sick at Pelia,PyrrhuB made an irruption into bis kingdom, overran it almost entirely, and ad- vanced as far as Edessa. Demetrius,howevM, recovered iti time, and when be was able la take the field, boou expelled the invader. SliU, the continuance of the war with Pyrrhus offer- ed little prospect of advantage,and, as appeared from the events of the late campaign,might lead to disaatrouB consequences. It was only in Asia that he could hope to find a fieldwor- thy of his ambition, wliere he mi^t rely on the constant attachment of bis troops, so long as fortune favoured his eulerpn^^ He there- fore concluded a trace with Pyrrhus, that he might be able to devote his whole attention to the preparations which he waa making for his expedition to the East. They were now very far advanced, and were on a scale proportioned to the magnitude of the object he had in view. To the fleet of 300 sail with which he had be- sieged Athens he had added 300 new ahipa, built under hia peraonalsuperintendenceal Aliens, Corinth,Cbalcis, and Pella ; all large, and several of extraordinaiydimensione, jet capable of easy and quick movatDonts.' Be- sides the force necessary to man this fleet,he had collected an anny of nearly100,000 foot and 18,000 horse. It is difficultto imagine how he found mesns to equip this huge armament ; and ithas seemed an inevitable conclusion that he muat have drained the resoaroes of Macedo- nia and Greece, and have laid almost intolera- ble burdens on his aabject8;tyet we do not find thismentioned among the causes of their discontent, nntarch onlyspeaks of hia lax- ury and magnifioeooe ; particularly of the the- Blrioal splendour vrrth which he adorned his persoa,^ and of the Asiatic seclusion in which he affected to keep himself concealed from puh- he view, of the difficulty which suiters found in reaching the royal presence, and of the airo- gance and harshness with whidi they were re- ceived. On this head the biographer relates ao anecdote which indicatee a diaregard of pidilic opinionborderingon infacuatiiMi : one day,as Demetrius came out of the palace, he was ob- aerved to be DTeaateraooesB than usual ; and a crowd of petjiionera ep|Hiiaehed to present their memorials ; he gathered (hem in his nantle and proceeded, Ibllowed by the anxious throng, '- "le bridge, and there threw them all over the ASUS. This conduct was the more offensive to the Macedonians, because they had Lnlvsli (Dim., U) olHma, tl"t |ill^r" -I Utow ud iLltHn buti vC nam Km nawri knatm bmlan. Ba piwHdi lo nmuk, tlul in naltmj FbilnatoT'i itau nl hj (man fullyduntM bjCillinDU {n Albu., t.,Vt) litlthu th* Uaiulwi * B"kk.)wH nmd bj INO ihd. ' nuy b" formed of the nvraben " Utaalnui. whii^ bamtwa, mm pnBUV i""* "IiIt aquipiKd. t DnrHa, i., a. 001. a whioE coDijius I"nh" in Alhaiinui,zii.,SO, who. HUuiw of Uh toioB udolkunuii "_ ijnlii.iao^liafoabuI hht buahad. Doiii ipaki h : iSHHUiiu iMd aur Kicliu kit miln" PYBRHUS IN HACEDOMA" DBMBTRIUS DETHRONED. BCTer been nsed to it in Qieitnilera. Old men Tcmembcred the readiness and aSabilitj with irblch Philip had been wont to listen to aU classes or his people; tlie simplicity with wbich he and Alexander maintained their dignity : more recently, Antipatcr had retained the hab- its of a fragalcitizen, while heVielded a much greater power than Demetrius now possessed. The less was itto be endured, that this opaiart, "wba was bom a subject, should asaume the pomp and stale of a Persian despot. It nouJd, perhaps, be attribntmg too deep a policy to Demetrius to suppose tl^the meant to dazzle and awe the Macedonians ; but it seems that he did not become aware, until it was too late, how deeply and widely bis con- duct had excited disgust and contempt. The armj itself could not love or respect a prince of such a character, who kept his soldiers at sach a distance, and whose ordinary habits were so remote from the Treedam and plain- ness of the camp. If Demetrias had been con- scious of his danger, he would have seen an additional motive to hasten his preparations fbr the enterprise in which he was about to venture bis all on the struggle for universal empire. It bad become the ^t expedientby which he could hope to secure what be alreadypossessed. But the jealousy of bis rivals was alarmed by bis extiaoTdinai7 exertions ; and they deter- mined not to wait until be should carry the war into their dominions. Seleucua,Ptolemy, and LjEimachuB renewed their leaguQ with one an- other againsthim, and sent amb^aadors to re- monstrate with PyrrhuB on the impohtic en- gagement be had contracted with tbe common enemy. They warned him of tbe danger to Wbich he wonld be exposed if he snOered De- metrius quietly to execute his plans of oon- SueaC, and reminded him of the injory and dis- onour he had lately sustained in the loss of Corcyra and Lanassa.* Hs was easily induced to break bis treaty with Demetrius, and to join tbe confederates. They fell Dpon Mm while he waa still engaged in his preparations. In the spring of 3S7 Ptolemy appeared with a great annament off the ooaet of Greece, and invited tbe Greek citiesto revolt. We do not know tbe nature of his operations, or with what de- gree of success theywere immeiJiately attend- ed. It is most probable that the Greeks watt- ed for the issue of the contest which had be- i;nn in Macedonia ; for,nearly at Ibe same time,LysimachuB invaded the upper provinces, and, it seeniB, made himself master of Amphip- olia throng the treachery of Andragatbus, the officer who commanded there for Demelriua :t and ^lile Demetrius was on the road to meet him, tidings came that Pyrrhus bad penetrated into the heart of the lower cotmtry, and had made himself master of Benea, where he fixed bin headquarters, and sent out detachments to reduce other places. The intelligence excited a tumult of ^ief and indigaatioQ in the Mace- donian camp. The men were alarmed for the safety of their property and their families ; they broke out into loud complaints and invectives " Tlstanli.F^nfa.,10. Dem. ' "^D Dtuthh IU p. Sia,113) """*"" "~ 3f AmpbjpoUf )i ud t)H nniiDD of [fdaikft PdIjihl., i' against their king, and threatened to qiiit bit standard and return to theirhomes. Bat there were nmiours, and perhapsvoices,which ap- prized him that it was their intention to go over to LysimachuB. The name of Lysimaehus, AI" oiander's old companion, was itself of power- fiilattraction to the Macedonians ; and he had with him their exiled prince, bis son-in-law, who was ready to renew his pretenaiona to the throne. Demetrius had reason to fear that, if he advanced farther, he might soon find him- self deserted by hia troops. He therefore re- solved to retract his steps, and to seek Pyr- rhus, for be was not yet aware how complete^ he had lost the affectiona which be liad di"- dalned to concihate : he did not suspect Ute feeling which prevailed in his army in favour of the Epirot, and beUeved that every bosom glowed with indignation against the foreign in- vader. But when he drew near to Bercea, he was soon undeceived. The conqueror had treat- ed his captives with kindness ; he had won aU hearts by his condescension ; numbed of the Berceans flocked to the camp of Demetrius ; ' and the report which theyspread of the aA- bility and ^neroaity of Pyrrhus e"Hifirmed the impression which bad been made during the campaign in .^tolia by his heroic valour and soldier-like bearing, and excited a generalen- thusiasm in his behalf. He himself emfJoyed secret emissaries, who, assuming the cbaracter of Macedonians, exhorted the soldiers to seise tbe favourable moment, and get rid of their vain,haughty,oppressivedespot.* The flame thus ^ned, soon burst forthwith uncontrolla- ble violence. When Pyrrhusapproached at the bead of his army, bis enemy's troops were pre- pared to receive him as their benefactor. All eyes were turned in search of the hero ; for a time they cohld not find bim, becanse he had taken off his helmet ; but when be bad put it on again, and enabled them to recc^nise bun t^ the lofly crest and the horns at its sides, the Macedooians quitted their ranks, and came tno- ningup to ask him,as their chief, br tbe pase- word. Many seeing that his attendants woie gariands of oak-Ieavee, crowned tbemselves In like manner. Demetrias quicklyperceived that all was lost. Of those who were near him, some bade him begone,telling him that theMa- rudety with threats and reproaches. It was clear that his onlyhope of safety Iot In flight. He retured to his tent,exchanged Us sorseous robes for a dark mantle, laidaside Ui diadem, and stole out of the camp. His do- parlnre became the signs! for generalconltw sion, and a struggle took place hr the plunder of the royal tent. But the tumult was sm- pressedby the arrival of Fyrrhua, and the Ma- cedonian soldiers unanimously saluted him "" their king. Lysimaehus,however, had not ta- ken up arms merely to aggrandizePyrrhus ; he claimed a share in the fruitsof the victory fbt himself, and Pyrrhua was obliged to consent to a partition of Macedonia, t Antipater novr thought that the time bad come for urging his claims ; but his father-in-law, who had piotsot- ed the parricide, put the pretender to dewb. "PUi,I"; ^11. i Flu.,rmk, tt. HISTORY OF GREECE. "nd even confined Eurjdice, becans pleaded fbi her huabaod.* , Thua, aAer a reign of Mvan ;eara, Demetrius disscendedImu the tbruue of Macedonia as "nddeoljas he had mounted it. He Grst touk refuge in Caasandrea, where, it aeems, Phila was residing. The generous woman could nol bear to see him again reduced to the condition of a fugitive, and,despiiiring of belter daj's, eaded ber life by poison. But Demetrius al- ways round it easier to gain than to keep. He could not use or bear prosperity -, but adversity braced his nerves, roused his energy, brought all his talents into action ; so Ih; er; fallwas followed by a rebound. From Cas- Siiidrea he passed into Greece, where, when he marched againat Lyaiinacbus, he had left hia BOD. But, it seems, before he was joined by Antigonus, he entered Thebes, with few at teodants, and none of the eosigaa of royalty . and he thought it expedient to conciliate l^e Tbebans by (he restitutionof the political privi- leges which they had lost after their last re- Tolt.t His ganiflOos, however, remained faith- Ail to him ; Antigonus, no doubt, had a body of troops under his command, and before long (he royal adventurer saw himself again at the head of a little army. Not,however, in time to save Athena. As soon, probably, as the revolulii"u in Macedonia was known there,a few brave men, with Oljmpiodorus at their head. to make another struggle for liberty. The peo- |de answered to (heir call i young and old flock- ed to their standard. The garrison of the Mu- "enm came out to ijuell the insurrection, but was defeated, and driven into the fortress. It was immediately atormed. Leocrilus made his name memorable as the firstwho mounted the wall and leaped into (he place, where he fellin the conibat. Pireus and Munycbia wero also recovered nearly at the same timet The peo- jik celebrated ila victoryby the abolitionof the IHiesthood instituted in honour of Antigonus and Demetrius, and the restorationof the an- cient practice by which the chief of tlioArchons gave his name to the ycac,^ Dut tlieaccounts which were soon after received of the growing strength of Demetrius began to inspirenew fears ; and, as Ptolemy had withdrawn from the coast of Greece, an embassy was decreed to obtain aid from Fyrrhus. In the mean while the spirits of the Athenians were raised by an- other victory, achieved under the command of Olympiodorus,over a division of the enemy,!! which had made an inroad into the plain of Eleusis.T With no other force than he conld raise in Eleusis itself, he put the invaders to flight.Demetrius,however, soon after ap- peared with his army, and closelyinvestedthe city.We are informed that the Athenians sent an embassyto him, with the philosopher Crates at its head,who, by entreaty or argument, in- duced him to withdraw his fbrces." No elo- quence or reasoning of ail the philosophers in Greece conld have produced such an effect on t PluL. D*m., M, "hin n ikmld han e^iKtod "" _ I Onjtm (L,SIS)cenJKtnru Hut ii "ST^Enas' Bom Iks MBQvdonlka nmioa tt Gfriuth- 1 rsu, i.,M, 1. " Plu.,D.K., Dcmetrios. He must hare found it neoesaaij to raise the siege; and it was most probaUj the approach of Pyrrhus that forced him to de- camp. Pyrrhua, in fact,complied with the re- quest of the Athenians, and came to Athens, where ha went up to the Acropohs and sacri- ficed to the goddess. But it appears that it did not suit his plans at thia juncture, when his footing in Macedonia was not qni(esecure, to entangle himself in the affairs of Greece. He thanked the Athenians for their confidence, but advised them not to admit any kingagain within (heir walls.* Demetrius was equallyunwilling to spend his time and strength in a contest with Pyrrhus,as be was stillresolved lo try hia for- tune on the other side of (he ^gnan. Both parties, therefore,were disposed U) peace ; and they concluded a treaty, the terms of which are not recorded ; but it is probable that Demetrius resigned bis pretensions to Macedonia,on con- dition that Pyrrhus should not interfere with bis " " "in Greece. iuB now collected his flael, and eio- barked with no more than 11,000 foot and a small body of cavalry,leaving Greece to the care of Antigonus, and ateered for Miletns. His enterprise would have been desperately rash if he had relied on this slender force ; but he seems to have had reason to hope that be might excite a general insurrection in his favour in the Asiatic dominions of Lysimachus, whose rapacityhad,perhaps, rendered him odious to his sidjects. On his arrival at Miletus, he found there I'tolcmy'squeen Enrydicc, and her daughterPtolemais, whose band bad beea promised to him thirteen years before in tho treaty concluded through the mediation of Se- leucus. The marriage was now celebrated, and afforded some encouragement, if not auppoit, to Demetrius in the campaign which he opened immediately after.t At the outset he mads a rapid progress ; several importantplaces, among them Sardis itself, either yielded to hia arms, or willingly submitted to him ; some of the generals of Lysimachuswent over to him with the troops and treasure intrusted to them. But tbc arrival of Agathocles, the son of Ly- simachus, whom hia father sent with an army to meet the invader, altered the state of affairs. Agalhocles was so superior in numbers that Demetrius did not venture to givebattle, and determined to seek another theatre of war. Ho conceived the seeminglyextravagant project of penetrating into the eastern provinces of Seleucns. He believed ibat, if he could reach Armenia, he might bid defiance to all his ene- and might next invade Media and rouse insurrection. So littleof foresight and calculation appears in this plan, thai itinclines ipcct that Demetrius must have been attracted towards tbe East chiefly by the recol- lection of his father's conquests, and of tha great revolution which Seleucns had so rapidly " Plat.,Pynh., I!. DEMETRIUS IN CIUCIA." HIS CAPTIVITY. 381 i there with even Hlenderer means than he himself now had at Mb command. He theiefore took the roail towards Ftarygia, and, it seems, advaaced Tar enough easlwanl to suggest a svBpicion of his design to his aim^, ^rbich was not disposed to share his adventoTea in those remote regioDs. But be was closely followed by Agathoclea,and, though he was commoDly victorious when he could draw the enemy into a skirmish,they stopped his fora- ging parties, and reduced him U" great distress. He also lost a great numher of men in the paa- sa^ of the Lycos, which he attempted at a point where tha river wu not Ibrdable for in- fentiy,relying on his heavy cavalryto break the force of the rapid corrent.* In time the scarcitygave rise to a disease, which carried off some additional thooaands, and compelled him to aeek, not a new fieldof conquest, but shelter from the pursuit of Agathocles. He re- traced hi? steps, and crossed the mountains into Cilicia, where he hsited at Tbibub ; and Agathocles did not pursue him beyond the fron- tier of his father's dominions, but ooBtented himself with the precautionsrequisite to pre- vent him from releasing the defilesof Tbuiub. Demetrins did not now wish to provoke 8e- leacus, and, orgentlyas his troops ne^ed ra- fre^unent, abBtained from the Buppliea which the country yielded until he had appealed to the king'sgenerosity. He wrote a long and moving letter to Selencus,who was, at first, tooched with ptly, and ordered his generals to aflbrd royal entertainment to Demetrius, and abun- dant sabsistenoe to his anny. But the remon- strances of Patrocles, one of his most tmsty counsellors, who represented to him the danger he would incur if he should harbour a man of such restless ambition in such desperate cir- camstanGCS, induced him to change hie views and measures. He himself marched, with a powerful army, into Cilicia, and withdrew the supplies which he had granted. Demetrins, in alarm, retreated to a strong position at the foot of Tanms, and again addressed Seleucus,re- questing that he would either allow him to take possession of some territory now occupiedby independent barbarians, or maintain his army in Cilicia during the winter. This proposal strengthened the saspicions which had been awakened in Seleucus ; he offered to let Deme- trius pass two months of the winter in Calaonia, but demanded his principal ofGcers bb hostages, and at the same time proceeded to secure the passages leading to Syria. Demetrius now no longerscrupledto treat him as an enemy, made marauding inroads into the country, and enga- ged bim in several eligfal actions, with constant "necess. He soon obtained a more important advantage, having made himself master of a pass which gave him entrance into Syria. His troops were inspired with new confidence in their leader ; he himself began to recall the dreams of conquest which' had floated before him while he was stillon the throne of Mace- donia, and looked upon himself as engaged in a contest for no less a prize than the dominion of Asia. On the other hand, Seleucas, notwith- standing his great advantage of numerical strwigth, could not but secietly acknowledge the ascendency of his rival's genius, and dread Tot.H.- * PoItho, It.,T,It. . some sadden tarn of fortune in his Ihvour. Ha began to regret that he had rejected the ofitnr of assiBtonae which he had received "um L]^ Bimachus, and did not dare to run the risk of a battle single-handed. It is,indeed, stilldonbt- jiilwhat the issue of the contest might hava been, bad not Demetrius been seized bya dia" order which threatened his life, confined him for several weeks, and reduced bim to a stata of extreme weakness. Duringthis interval(tf inaction his men deserted him in great nnm- bers, either to return to their homes or to join the enemy ; and when he was again able to take the field, he found only the wreck of aa army remaining. With this it was no longer practicable to advanoe into Syria, and he set out in the opposite direction, as ifitwas his in- tention to return to Cihcia ; but,suddenlyturn- ing eastward,by a night maicU he gaiiwd the pass of Amanas, and fell,plundering and rava- ging, on the plains of Cytihestis. Here he was soon overtaken by Seletieas. He made an attempt la surprise the enemy's canw in the night; and he might have succeeded if he bad not been deterred by a stratagem of Se- leucus, who, having been warned in time bj some deserters, ordered the trumpets to sound, a fireto be kindled at every tent, and the men to raise a shout,as if prepared for defence.* The next day the Syriananny came up to at- tack him. He directed a movement against one wing, and threw itinto some disorder ; but when Seleucus had pushed forward on the oth- er side through a hollow way, with a select body of troops and eightelephants, and, baring his head, railed upon the mercenaries, who formed tlie main strength of Demetnoa, to abandon a famishingadventurer, and enter the service of a king who had treasure to satisfy all their desires,they with one accord Uid down their arms, and ^ated him as their master.t Demetrius fled, with a few attendants ; but, af- ter a few days'wandering io the forest at the foot of the mountains, and an ineffectual at- tempt to escape scross them to the coast, he was induced by his friends to surrender him- self to Seleueua, Seleacus was, at first, tncli" ned to treat him rather as a friendthan a pris- oner ; but when he aaw his own courtiers, en- couraged by this sbow of favour,flocking round the fallen prince, his jealousyrevived, and be removed him to the SyrianChersooesus, where he ordered him to be kept, under a strongguard, at one of the royal residences, with entertain- ment suited to his rank, but confined within the park annexed to the palace. For some time the captive retained his wont- ed spirit, and perhaps his hopes. He sent di- rections to his son, and to the commanders of hia garrisons in Qreece, to pay no attention te any letters which they might receive in hia name, nor even to hia seal, but to maintaia their posts as if he were dead, and his rights had passed to his suocessor. Antigonu", on this occasion,noblydisplayed the filialaffeo- tion which honourably diBtinguiahed this family above most of the princely houseB of the age. He earnestly solicitedhis father's liberation. Bud induced several cities and soTeretgns" their names are not recorded" to support hia " nnt.,htm., 40. Fair" u, iv.,".". , ^P[n.,Dm.,ia. PcdfiDU,ii.,"" In 1 1^" HISTORY OF GREECE. mqueM. He erea offered, in retnra, to deliver Qp all the places he still held, and to aurreDder hu own penon in his TaUier'a etead. The con- dmt of Lfsimachus was u base aa this was BMieiouB After the departaie of Demetrius tmat Europe, he had instigatedPyrrhua to braak bis treaty with him, to invade Thessaly, and to eadeevout tu wrest rrom him all he pos- sesaed in Greece. Aa aoon b" he heard that the afiaiia of Demetrius were iiretrievably ru- ined,* he suddenly turned bis anna against i^nrhna,surprised and defeated him near Edes- sa, and, having cut off bia aupplies, prevailed on tiie prinoipal Hacedoniana to renounce their al- legiance to a master whose aoceatorB had, of c4d, been the aubjects of their kings. Pyrrhus, aeeing the defection spread,thought it prudent to withdraw into EpiniB,f and thus, after a reign of seven mouths, jielded hia share of the kingdom to bis rivaL StiL,LyBimachus did not think himBolf secure so longas Demetrius lived, and ia reported to have temptedSeleucus, by an oflhr of SOOO talents,to put his priaoner to death-l SeieucuB indignantly rejected the propmal, obsetviug to the ambassadors that Iheir master wished him. not only to break his word, but to stain hia handa with the blood of a kinaman. He even professedan intention to *et Oemetriua at hberty, and restore him to his kingdom.4 and that he oiily waited for the arri- val of Antiodiin and 3tratoiiice from Babylon, Out they ml^ have the pleasure of ezecu- Mag thl* act of graee;ll but it is very doubtful iriiBtherhe really entertained any such purpose. PeoMtriua lingered two years in confinement, "nd never saw his royaldaughteragain. At "rat he waa able to find amuBement the tjiase, foe which the park affiwled ample room. But, by degreea, he grew weary of tbia pastime, "nd,abotting hnnsQlf up in the palace, and n - lecting all bodilyexercise,soughtrefuge from thoagtii, or a scdace for the misery of hope de- ftrrad, in the pleasureB of the taUe and in ia- t^mpanoBe, to which he bad not before been addicted. The operation oT theae combined "anaos bioogtat tua aetiTe and strangely'^beck- "rad lifoto a prematnie the B"T-ti "rderMhii a goldenam, to Oreece. Antigoous met the v"Mel whiirii broofht them as It cHMoed the iBgean, took thb nm on board his own gaUey, the largest of the ieet, and retamed with it to Corinth, where it waa reeeivedwith foneral pomp. It waa final- b tranaported to Dttoetrias,a cityrecently fooDded on the Oulf of Pagaso, on the site of bdcna, and peopled froai the "iiaU towns ou Iheooaat. After the death of Demetrioa there remained liDt two oompetitora for power of Alexander's immediate succesaars ; for the King of Egypt had already abdicated his throne in favour of " ,V".X,rtiaiilmlilU"itiiaf^mrfl"\ Bat s Dnn.) ud Paifkrty (Ewb., Aia. i..Ml, uuiH(L,lD,S}lbu t DfayHD(i.,6ie}aolI"u"iiMiF( "jUifvaum oiutfld hu (bniHwiththcMfl AnMU Ibu Ihli li 1^ Fioniilu i t Diada", ni. PIM^ Dan. 91. iDHdoni, Hi. Kai^n" M r^itoiXifiiiacvi "fii. inBt.,i"u.,ai. bmm. Ptolemy, afterward named Phlladriphiu. Iiii son by Berenice. His motive far Ibis stepn* not merely bis passionate fondness for Bere- nice. It was, apparently, with good reiaoDtha he preferred her son to the legitimate beir, an- other Ptolemy, his son by Eurydice,who, rras the reckless violence of his character wbidi his subsequentconduct diacloses,acquired, u Hamilcar and B^azet, the epithet of Ceiaiuuit (theThunderholt).* The court of Egypt "M no longer a safe place for the prince who bad been excluded from the succession, and be Id with bis younger brother,Meleager; but be soughtshelter,not, as mi^t have been eiged- ed, Ihim Seleucns, but "am Lysimachus. U seems that be thought he had less to iiai from his rival's sister,Queen Arainoe, tlianto hope from Lysandra,who, after Alenniiert death, had married the Thraciao heir-appareiit, AgaUioclea. He was hospiubly receired, iDii gained the favour and coofidence of Ai^oe beraelf, whoso influence he found all-poweiM with the old kiog. Still no breach ftdkwed on this account between Lysimachus and Ibt Ptolemies : on the contrary, a new aSiiMt was concluded between the royal lamiliei, through the marriage of the young Kiof ^ Egypt with the princess Arsinoe, the sisler b Agathoclea. Ptolemy, the lather, died wiiiio ^Mut two yeora after he bad resigned Qw Seleucus and Lyaimaohos might also lian remained at peace to the end of their livot which were now drawing near to their n"lii" term, if none bm pohtical causes of boaliliir had arisen betweco them. Lysimscbns, la deed, had of late greatly extended his Eunpw dominions;for, about the same time thU M drove .Demetrina out of Uacedonia, he Ireaclt erooaly made himsdf master of Fffiooia, turuV entered it as the ^y of Ariston, the lawfiil m of the deceased King Autoteon.t InAsi",lo^ he had found an opportaniqr of "ilarguig mi territory, and to him a no leas inlarestuV "- jecl"4^ileiushing his cofihra. Amattni w be"n put to death by her two mds, Clstn^ and Oxatlire* who were pnAabtf jsaloua rt her inflMBce. It ia reauAoUe, that Oufifi Lysinuu^u, aa ho was ainoerely'""^Z Amastria, deeired to avenge her unidar.bsdu Mt thinkit neeeaaary to |mf"a* hia sbhot^ of the pajTicida, but oouiived to pua m"; taoce into Hersolea under the mad ih ovate ship. Hethenpatthemurderentodeautv took poaaeasioB of their treasorea. "Bipuow- ted the people of Reradea to revive tbwnk publican inatitatioDS. On his return, "f .Jr; with warm adminUion of the ptooft wlu" " " H"UH "p. Flue.,p. m, b.,MidnM* M?f?L ^l.'7-gtmdla, ".ho cullSw"lf ""irj (Hamne. "|". Phot, p. m, b., BOk.), n" *" "SLb C.rm"iiBHo hii iM., Jiwip, ni., S, " "" "" ""^ t Pol/wi., ir.,II, ). Bat I ihould "" "^t^ S^id ta find hiS^ s^. : itifj^'fj'; a wtra^t tM, am lii "nt nf Po!t""" ?R"i ,Tl,l. "snbM ttu plKo rimplT "" ziM"" " A '^Sr'h '^ *" MURDER OP AGATHOCLES." BATTLE OF CORUPEUION. bad seoD, in the cities ruled by Amastiia, of the piosperily which Ihey hail enjoyed under her gOTemmeDt ; sod Arainoe took occasion lo m"- Ecitthat he would mot her the newly- conquer- ed prinoipalily. He reluctaetJy rompbed with ber reqaeat, and ahe sent one of her creatures aa govenwr to Heraciea, which he oppressed and plnodered.* Still, these acquisitiona were not of B nature lo eicite the jealousy of Seleu' CU9 : Ljsinis^ua, in "^aia ambitioa eeeios to bave become aubordiiiatato avarice, and who vaa iratcbed by two hostile nei^bours in Greece and Eptros, could not have been a for- iTiiitaKiutint to the master of tii" East. Bat a domestic tragedy, which ehodk the tfaione of LysiiDaohBB, awalEened hc^et of conquest that bad long slumbered ia the bosom of Satencna, and gate occasion to a war which prored lUal lobotb. Arsinoe, when ebe obtained posaesaion of Heracleai probablydesignedchiefly to strength- en berself with a Tiew to a ftrther and more impoTtaiitobject. Herhoaband'a adTsnced age filledber with anxiety for the iffoapects of her children, and abe resolred, if she could,to pat Agaifaoclee out of the way before the throne became vacant. That she had cooeeiTBd' a criminal passiou for him, and was disappointed Ibnm^ his aeruplea, is bardly credible. If ther" waa any ground for this report, it may have been tbat she imputed such advances to bim.t Sat it is certain that she induced Ly- simaehuB to regard his eldest son aa an enemy, aod to eonsent to hia death4 They feared,it seems, to use open *loleiice,foT the prince was genervHy behtTed ; but, after an iaeflbotualat- tempt to poisonhim, tbey threw him into pris- on, and it is said tbat Fttdeoity OMauDua de- spatched him Uiere with his own hand.) Ly- sandra fled with bei cIhUtmi,aecocnpaiuedby Aleiander, the brothei of Agatteclee,to Seleu- cits, and ira|doredbiBinterTeatiiiD.|t Re learn' ed tbat the deed bad excited nmvaraal indigna' tioD among the aubjeola of LyBimachns, and that they were ripe far rebellicm. Ha alao re- ceived a meaaage Iron PbiletMiiu, EOTemor of the fintreaa of PergaimH, where Lysimochns had depositeda treame of MMW talenta, who, "u tbe prinee'sdeath,being alarmed fin hia own safeqr,as Arainoe was avowedly hia ene- my, and attemptedto deprive bin of his maa- ter'e caiilSdenoe,T oUbred, ifSdeoeua wooU in- vade tbe eOQiitry, to put him id poaaasakm of the place, and of all the treasoie itoontalned.** Selenens was tenqitedIqt the proapeet thus opened to htm, and not mentj beoanae it prom- ised a great addition to hia emisTe. He secret- ly yearned to aee his native Itmd again, and he could mow only return to it as conqueror and Uof. He resolved to make war on Ljsim- aoboa. The King of Thrace was apprized of moa, u- ",, p. MS- n.. i."10,3,Un )( hrfa'lm'. i. r. X. M (nil.,p. "U) njt ^Y"^-^ "^" "^ JvfAin i iDon (ftp.Phol., p. w. b.) ripmaitf him u id- ="""" thTinlaDthundafliiiHii (forwUah haidl; the danger which threatened liim. It is aakt that he crossed over into Asia to anticipate Ae attack which be expected, and that he begaa boBtilities with Seleucus ; but il is probable tbat he aimed at nothiug more than to stop the progress of dlsafiection in his Asiatic domin- ions, and to put himself in a posture of defence. It was believed tbat he discovered, when itwaa too late, the falsehood of the chaives which had been broughtagainst his aon.' But he bad alienated the most trustworthy of his famify and his servants, and, if he had learned the Irutb,was obliged to dissemble his feelings. He left Arsinoe inpoeseeeion of alt her power: perhaps with the authority of regent. The im" pottantcity of Caaaandrea was entirely in her bands,having,apparently, been assigned to her as a place of refugeagainst a change of Un- tune. It seems, also, that Ptolemy Cerannus accompanied Lj^imachus on hia expedition, and remained with him to its cIobb. All the details of the struggle which ensued betvraen Uie two rivalsare lost ; its terminatton only ia known. A battle was fought(B.C.X81) at a place called tbe plain of Coma, in westers Phrygiat " a name which now conveys no in- formation to us " in which Lysimachaswas de- feated, and slain by a man of Heraciea named Halacon.t According to some accounts, hia corpse, which lay for many days ne^ected, aed only guardedby his failhiol dog from tho wolvefl and vultures, was foand and interred by Tho- rax, a Pharsalian. According to others, hi* aon Alexander obtained permission, not with- out some (qqiosition on the part of Lyaandra, to convey il lo the Thracian Chersooeeus, where the inhabitants of Lysimachia received it with tbe honours due to the foander of their cKy, and deposited it in their principal temple, to which theygave the name of the Lysimacb- eom.* There had scarcely been a moment ainoe Alexander's death when it appeared more Ukeiy that allthe provinces of his empiremight fall into a single hand than alter this event Seleucus might safely calculate that the whole kingdom of Lysimachna would sobmit to him without reaiotance, except such a" plight be made by inivate adventurers,at insulated points. So it seems to have been aSterthe da- ciatve batUe tbat Theodotus, tbe govsmar ik Sardla, refhaed to surreiider tbe citadel, which OOntsined a conaiderHhle treasure. But wh"" Seleueus had set a price of 100 taleata on his bead,distnurting the fidehty of his InKqia, he opened the gates to the conqueror. H Ceraunns likewise threw himself on the generosity of Seleucus, who not only received Urn vrilh kind- ness, as the son of hia old friend, but promised to reetore him to the throne, his birthright, of which he had been deprivedby his father's un- just peitiality.T It was an opportunky for in- f Appiu, S71., M. " Pin, 1.,10,1. 6 AjipianTsyr., M. j-muHDisj (i., lu, a; osicnDfla uw mb u litTiitetwcwecn Cudli ud Ptayt, The UtUtj f thi dog wu ealebnud sniiBrfa la isna u u iltuilnitlia D FaiTOi.,!'.,0,4. prD^un belisiia tliU Uiii occumd vibn ths diful ot LjMiHADbiK. Bal ft ittoafpnanB^. ion tu the PoaLimij BHrnt to be nued bf t^ pnaaftc* it Ephnoi (FslTn.,Till., ST]U tha tisH sT hw a. 'l\^ HISTORY OP GREECE. terference which might kindle a civil war in Egypt, and make Ihe ally of the supceasfnl claimant the real master of thn kingdom. He "o little anticipated any resistance in ihe Euro- pean dnminiona of Lysimachus, that, without any apparent necessity, he aulfered more than a\x months to elapse after the battle* before he proceeded to take possession of them. It is said to have been his intention to resign all the Asiatic provinces to AntiochD3,t and to end Ids days in Macedonia. But a diflerent destiny awaited him. If Ptolemy Ceraanus consented to mnrder Agathoclea, it was not, as the event clearly proves, with a view to promote the interest of his aiBter and her children. It ia probablethat, before the death of Lysimachua, he had already conceived the ambitious project which he af' terward executed, and that he looked upon Agathoclea aa the only formidable obstacle be- tween himself and the throne. He would not, perhaps, have Buffered the old king to stand much longer in his way. As he was utterly insensible to all restraints of piety, honour, and gratitude, the victory of Seleucus would not have changed hia design, and might seem, in some respects, to open a fairer prospect of suc- cess, as it was now an invader,not the rigbt- ftal sovereign, whom he had to supplant. The recklesB daring, from which he derived his si name, was in him coupled with an equal met "re of canning and forethought; and, bold the stroke was by which he hoped to win the crown, he seems to have taken all the precau- tioDS prudence could suggest to guard againat miscarriage. He had, probably, a strong party of adherents in Thrace, with whom he " Certed hia meaanres, and, perhaps, had gainedaome of the officers of Seleucua, among whom there might be several to whom the proposedchange in the residence of the court was not acceptable. Seleucua havingtransported his army across the Hellespont, marched towards Lysimachia. On the road, not far, it seems, from the city, was an ancient altar,erected,according to tlie traditions of the country, either by the Argo- nauts or by the heroeswho besiegedTroy,and, tnm whichever origin, named Argoa, It was a name " as was at least afterward generally believed " of ill omen to Seleucua, who is said to have been warned by an oracle to beware Of Argoa. But the altar attracted his notice by its size and conspicuousposition, and' he stopped to examine it, and to learn its history. While he was listening to the tale of the anti- quarianSi he received a mortal wound in the back from Ptolemy Ceraunns,! who immedi- ately mounted a horse, and rode to Lysimachia. Here he was welcomed as the avenger of I.y- sbnachuB, and immediately assiimE^the dia- dem as his successor, and relumed with a brili- iant escort to the camp.f It does not appear that he had collected any military force -, " rather Und intimationsthat he needed no bu protection. Yel it ia certainly somewhat si prising that the man who had justbasely i sassinated a great and revered monarch the head of his victorioos aimy ^Kinld h"*s ventured to present himself to the troops whom he had so deprived of their leader. The result, however, waa ttiathe was received, if not ivlth "vour, at least without any determined reaist. ance, and waa proclaimedkingby the army of Seleucus. One account mentions that it yield- necessity, the nature of which is not ex- plained :" another, that the acquiescence of the Boldiera waa purchased by tbe permissioik which they received to plundertheroyal treas- ure t Each seems lo imply that the loyalty which was so easilyoverpowered was not very- ardent. But if a considerable portion of th0 iroopa had originally t"e1onged to the array of Lysimachua, aad had been compelled to follow the conqueror, the transaction would be quit" ' itelligible. The assassin found himself in posaessioD or powerfularmy, a considerable nnmtier of ele- phants, and a fleet which included a squadron of vessels of extraordinary bulk from Heraclea. The European dominions of Lysimachns, north of Macedonia, aubmitted to him without an at- tempt at resistance ; and the state of afftursla other quarters was singularly favourable to the measures which he took for the security of hia throne. Antiocbus would have been urged, l"oth by his interests and liis feelings, to avengs his father's murder ; but he was fullyoccupied with the defence of his vast inheritance against variety of oOoer enemies.! TTie King of jypi was easilypersuaded to let his broltier enjoy a distant kingdom, on the condition whicb he proposed of resigning his claims to tba Egyptian crown. Pyirhus would have been his moat formidable rival. But, just at this juncture, his ambition was engroesodby ths prospect of conquest in the West, and he waa only anxious to obtain a re-enforcement for hia Italian expedition, and to provide for tbe safe- ty of hia hereditary dominions dnriog his ab" sence. Cerauons won htm by the ofier of both these advantages. He placed 6000 fool,4000 horse, and 60 elephants at hia disposal, nomi- nally for the term of two years ; and having induced him to accept his daughter's hand as a pledge of his good faith, took Epims nnder his protection. 4 And thus he was enabled to deiy the hostili^ of a fourth rival, whom he could neither soothe nor bribe. Antigonua was no longer a potentate ; but he was atiU master of some strong places in Greece, and of a fleet ; and the lower the ebb of his fortune, the more eager he waa to seize the opporMmity, which seemed to be ofFfered by the recent revolotioB, of recovering the throne of Macedonia. He was forced,indeed,to consignapart of his navy to Pyrrhus, as the price of hia neutrality. But he felt himself strongenough, with the remain- der, to venture on an cx[^lion against Ce- raanus. whom he hoped to lind unprepared. The Thiacian fleet,however, met iiim before he could eOect a landing on the coast of Mace- donia, and, chieflythrough the overpowermg aize of the Heraclean vessels,or the skillof their seamen, gained a decisive victoiy, and compelled lum to retire to Bceotia. During hia " lutia, Tiil.,a. PurtiiHueii dnni H(.ten. t ApIau^ Srt.,da. i, lS,t. irisVK TsAAiicnXfai"t. d "ri MOVEMENTS IN GREECE." PERFIDY OP CERAUNUS. 3S" absence events had occurred in Greece which rendered bis position less secure and com- nuuiding than it bad preTioiuly been there, fiparta had mtde an effort to engage all the principal Btates of Greece in a conrederac^r for the maintenance of their freedom. The under- taking was notoriooslj directed against the poorer of Antigoao*; though its firstavowed object was apparently but very remotely con- nei^ted with its real aim. An expedition was sent, underthecommandof KingAieus, against the ./Gtolians, who were in alliance with An- tipinus, and were also in possession of the sa- (Med land of Cirrha, Areus, however, was surprised, while he was ravaging their fields, by a fonali band of ."lolians, and put to flight with ereat loss. Thia defeat seema to have pat an end to the Spartanproject of a general anion among the Greeks ; but itdid not prevent Sparta herself tmn protecntiitg hoetilities against Antigonoa, whose garrisonwas, it seems, itot long after dislodged from Tiazea by a Spartan fence under deonymus, the unde of Arena, But the most important result of the moTements which followed the death of Seleu- cus Traa the foundation of the Achtean League, to which we shall return in Che next chapter. Macedonia submitted without resistance to the (Mnqueror as soon as he appearedUiere,* and Antiochus no longer hesitated to mmclude a treaty of peace with the successfnl usurper.t He vras now near the summit of his fortune ; only one stroke was wanting to fill op the meas- ure of his prosperity and Ma crimes. So long drea with her ohildTen, whose titleto the crown was at least laon legitimate than his own. be eeold not fed perlhcily secure. Vet he did not ventare on an open attack ; lor be place, inqmttant as it was, tfaan of the persona It contained, who might have eluded his grasp if ha had attempted to rednee it by force. He therefore reserved to oompass tua objectby treachery ; thoegfa, to gain the confidence of Arsinoe, whose aocomplice he had been, who boUt knew him, and was herself " stranger to all acm^es of conscieitce, honour, and hnmato- ity, was apparently as belles*a project as he had erer yet formed. He was aUe, however, lo interest her ambitioti, and, perhaps, her van- ity, in opposition to her sober judgmeDt and nauiTal suspicions. He invited her to share his throne, and held out a prospect of a more re- mote saecession for her cMldren, to whom, in the mean while, he would be as a guardian ; and he reqoeated her to send one of her friends to receive such assurances as she might desire of his sincerity. It was, no doubt, with tor- menting misgivings and forebodings that she consented to treat with htm ; but the fear of provoking him by the ai^iearance of distrust, combined with her wishss and hopes,prevailed, aoA she comniisaioned a minister, riamed Chlo- dion,to witness the ratification of his oflbrs and professions. To hhu Ptolemy eagerly exhibit- ed wiiBtever sanctions the moat holyplaces, the !s, and the moat awliil forms of Arsiwoa could no longer decline an interview imtv with her brother ; and her fsars were so Ikr quietedby his language and demeanour that, notwithstanding the warnings of her eldest son, Ptolemsns, she finally consented to the mar- riage. The nuptials were celebrated with royal magnificence : and when she had been crowned and saluted as queen, in the presence of the army, all her remaining doubts were silenced, and she seemed only anxious to atone for her past mistrust by proofs of unreserved confi- dence. She invited her husband to take poa- session of Cassandrea,aud made prepara^ons to receive him with every sign of festive wel- come. Her two younger sons, Lysimachus and Philip, came out, with chaplets on their heads, to meet him. The eldeat, after having ineSbct- uall; warned his mother, fled, it ajqiears, to the king of the Dardaniaaa. Ceraunus loaded the boys with caresses until his troops had entered the gate, and then gave orders to seize the cit- adel, and to put hia two nephews, the elder of whom was bnt sixteen,to death. They were maasacred in Ehetr mother's arms ; and she was not even permitted to bury them. She herself " neglected rather than spared " was dragged, it is said,out of Che city, but vras suffered to retire, with two attendants, to Samotbrace.* She was yet destined to shAre the throne of Itwith her younger brother,Fhiladelphus.t iraunns did not enjoy the fi^it of all theae crimes much longer than a year and a half, du- ring which he had to de^nd his dominion* against the Dardanian king, who had given shelter to the son of Lysimachus.t He was then d^oived at once ot his kingdom and his life by a sudden oslamity, which the ancients, with a rightfeeling, regardedas a stroke of Divine Tengeance ; the rather,as be seemed to hsve axpOMd himself to lus fate with an ialtt- lution which might well be considered as judi- cial, thODgh itwas a natuial result of the sue- ceaa wliiciihad attended him in so man; crim- inal entennwe. llie inuptioa of the Oanls, which innduced this and other momeDtoo* changes in the aOiurs both of Macedonia and "f Greece,might,indeed, have been anticipated, without any uncommon reach of sagaci^, by any one wbiMe political boriam was not bonna- ed t^ the limitsof civiliied societym the West ; for it appears that Celtic tribes bad been long in posseaamn of the countries on the eastern side of the Adriatic, tnm which the invaders isBoed, and had been engaged in continual war- fare with their neighbours, which kept them as averse as they h^ ever been from habits of peacetiil industry, and as impatient of any fixed abode. Their presence in regions not vei7 re- mote from Macedonia had been announced by the embassy which Alexander had received on the banks of the Danube ; and their moveroents, though scarcely heard of beyond their immedi- ate vicinity, were probably felt as far as the Bart- whtu hi "u siatdind bj OnniiiH, ihs msM h"n im HBid, wilh luir Afluliih duiwiur, mns lioffnlu- fiiaOIA- rioo,ladApflbdent nl p"noDfc]"tinctiont. DnyHD (iL,p. 241)ii44tijic" pNTlitinl matiTH" the cUisv of Aranot qb "dsqTut* ta the luppmad sOeDt. 1 Prdng. Ins., iWp.,uir. BaUnn quo] C*nDii"i" III Mutdnnii cgn Mooi -"" ' Fulsmw, Lf UDiactaiAlio hilHiit. cgn MiaiD (MgBUBiat lUrrto, M 366 . . Lrsimaohns. But amj wen too far ont of mght to attrmet Dolice in the HeQenki world ; and the atoim bunt upon it not the lev anddenlT beeaiue it had been long gathering. Tbe immediaie ooouion of tbie mOTemeDt, or the caneea which removed the hinderanoeB that had hitherto prerentedit, lie bejood the reach of history. Cerannae hiin- "elT first reoeiTod warning of hie danger from the king of the Dardanians,* wiio,though be bad been but a ahort time before at war with Un, regarded it ae ao presaing, and ao threat- ening to hie own safety, that be at tbe same line oflbred him a boi^ of 30.000 aoxiliaiiea. In the blindnaaa of ignoranoe, or the conAd"ioe of ptoepcmia widtedneaa,CaramHiB diadainM- U rcijerted this otter, trealing itas degrading to Ue boDonr of hia kingdoni, to sappOBe that Ha- eedonia oonld need the ^HMection of tbe Darda- Biana agaieetanchanenemj.t It was not long brtbre he reeeiTed mote direet intimatioo of tbe tfftoteii of the Celta, flwu an embaaay which Ibeysent to him with propoeal* for peaoe, ifhe was wfllingto porehaae it by tribute. Their o^eet, it appears, was not ao much oonqneat as Blopder; and they woold have been conlent to onni the Macedoniao treasury without a blow. Cer"imns attributedtheir OTettnree to fear, and leptiedby an anogaat mesaage. biddingthan, if they wiabed for peace, send him their chiefs aa hoatagea, and Itj down theii anna. Thia laagnage wonld have been not unworthy of a hi^i-epirited piinoe, reaolred to risk all for lib- erty and bonour, ifhe had been better acquaint- ed with the force which he defied,and had not BO rashlyneglected tltemeans of defence which the fHendship of the Dardauiao king would liave enabled him to command. As it was, it only served to quicken tlie steps of the invaders, who. threatening that he abould eoon learn wlkether their offer of peace more concerned their safety or his own. advanced wittiDnt de- lay, and, in the course of a few days,began to pour into Macedonia. We have littleinforma- tion, eitlier as to his preparations or his move- "lenta, iMaides the simple fact that he met them in the AeM. It seems that,thoughgreaUy ont- DDBbered, he engagedpreoiaturely, against the "dviee of bis frienda, before be had collected all bis foroes.t He probably relied on the strength of the p'"'*"'' and the abow of hi* elephants, but found theae adraatageamore tlian connter- haUBoad by that whlob tbe Celta derived liom tke impetooahy of tbeir onset, and tbe Btrange- neaa t^ their a^wct and mode of iSg^iting. He waa defeated, and having been thrown by Uie elephantm wbi^ be rode, fell into the eite- HISTORY OF GREECE. thaa ilu ita gf Al"ud", aaspM "iU iba "Hit Uiit " riMeUDB(BA"lAEB" HOHOTNIOl' ATFPAI, Tmna (Jwwtrwpm'i ZittMcllrifl, int. No. 1S4I ku. wHt, hii ""ul tiiiky, ilitimi" i-lfnt nf j "f tacRtaioiT, Lhi- -'^'- ' - Hwuiu ni tMH *" iilSHHIIf " jBiiUB lll" imi K" lutlr )"" fl baiter aipiiiud b; hi my'a hands,and was preecntlydeapatchad ; ae- I otmling to one of tbe more authentic aeeoante, lorn to pieces, aa ifin a eoniest among tlie cap- tors for the omamaua of bis peraon.* Hi* bead was atniok oft and carried about the "eid on tbe point of B lance,to hei^iientbe conster- nation of his army, which ia said to have been ao completelyrouted, that almost all were ala^ or taken.t (B.C.S80.)I After thia blew the open country was at the mercy of the conqnems, who ravaged and plundered it as far as the borders of Theaaaly; and " detaduneot made a devastating imeed into tlievale of the Pencils. Bat they wanted skilland patience for the aiege of fortified pla- ces, ao ttiatthe Macedonians were aecnre with- in the walls of their cities, and gradu^ re- gained courage. The reins of government were aucceseively aeixed by Meleager, (be brother of Cerannus, who heU them on^two months, and by Antipaler, a nei^ew of Caiaaa- der, who aeems to have dethroned bis frede- cessor, but did not retain poaeeasim for nteie than forty-five days.4 How his reign w minated does not qipear; but we ~ that there were many oompetnoTs lor we throne among the noble bmiliea,l| whose era- testa must have aggravMed tbe geaetBl coofo- sion and distress. A man at lengthqipeaied who Stowed himself capable of eommaiid, yet moderate in bis ambilieB ; a iHMemaii nained Soathenes,!^ He collected a body of troops, and obtained some advantages over tbe enemy, who probsUy believed tbemselvee secure from all farther attempts at reaistauce. And tl^ check seems to have indneed them to wiUi- draw the sooner Ironi the coontry, where then was now, perhapa, bat littleleft to tempt tbeir cupiditj. Sostbenes was Bshited king by his ajmy ; but he declined the titlewhk^ be had BO well earned,and only desired his Mddiets to swear obedience to hiia aa their general. The Cells returned. It would seem, to the country from which they had set out on their expedition. But littlereliance can be placed on the accounts which have reaobed us of any transactionB that passed at the baok of tbS theatre of war, which were probably but very imperfectly known in Greece at the time. So it is difficultto say what degree of truth there may be in the statement, that the Celts,at tbe outset, divided theirforoe iatothree bodies,one of "which,under the oeraniand of a chief Bamed BelgiuBor Bolgins,was destined fvr the inva- sion of Macedonia ; the seooad, under Breo- nns, directed against P"oaia i aad the third, under Cerelbrius,against Thraoe and the Tii- balliana. For the same account repnaeuts Brennns as at home when Belgins returned fKNQ his Macedonian expedition, ami aa exert- ing ^ his influence and address to render fais countiymen dissalisfied with the conduct of Belgins, and to obtain the command of a pow- erfiU army, which he undertook to bring back laden with the apoils of Greece, which be de- "T7tr-t-r- CELTIC INVASION." DEFENCE OF THBRMOPTLJ:. 36? "eribed "B of iueMiinable tbIds " Tfaia object, "1 leaat, be acoomtriisbed ; nnd the fbrce vhich be led was estimated at 160,000 foot, and dNMt 90,000 CBTab7, with tite addition of two moanted ftrihrwera to eacb oiTalier. A ctalief named Acichorins is aometimes dencrjbed a his ct^ea^ue, bat seeniB to baTe held onl^ sidmrdinate rank. It ia in Daidania that his boet Gret appear? in motion ; and here a qaai- rel is said to have taken placeamong tho com- mandera, which indnoed two of them, Leono- rina and LntatiOB,to separate from Brennus, and to lead the troopB onder their orders, a bodj of 34,000 men, into Thrace.t where the; will soon afain eDg:a^ onr attention. Brennus pursued his march into Macedonia, and began to raToge the conntr?, which could have re- eo*ei"d bnt IHtie from the etibcte of the pre- ceding invaiion. Soathenes ventnred to take the field against him ; bat he seema to have mtscaiculated his atrengtb. The Macedonians were totallydefeated, and farced to aeek ahel' ter behind their ramparts ; and Brennoe con- tiniied to waste and spoil withont restitance, nntil he thought it time to seek the richer booty which he expected to find in Oreece.t Tfae ravages irtiich his arm; committed in its progrees through Theesatj warned the Ore^s ali"Bh that, from the enemy who was now approaching, it was not inglorioue aubjeo- tiun that they had to expect as the alternative of victory, but death or miseries far more dreadrhl, Aecardin^, on this occasion we and none of the wavering, the Inkewanimeaa, or the treachery, which tarnished the glory of Ihetr anceatora in the Persian war. All pri- vate interests and feelingawere absorbed t^ the nrgency and fearfiiloess of the common danger. On the other hand, the preparations for meeting tbe invader were confined to the states north of the Isthmus, thoagh it appears that the MeasenianB would have taken a part in the Btraggle, if the Spartans had consented to grant Ibem a truce 4 As the Celts had no fleet, tfae Peloponnesians, it is said, believed that they should be sufGciently secured by a waU across the Isthmus. fl It must, however, be remembered that Peloponnesuswas almost entirely in (he possession, or under the infln- enee of Anttgonus, who was, no doubt,only concerned to husband his resonrces as moch as possible. He was induced, indeed, appa* rently at the instance of the Athenians,to send a body of BOO men, under the command of Aris- todemos, to their aid,perhaps only following the example of Antiochns, who sent precisely (be same number under Telesarchns. One can hardly attribute any better motive to ei- (tendibli. TbuofpG tber than the wish to save appearanees. llio lAange which bad taken place in the state of Greece since the days of Salamie and Plat"a waa etrorigly marked by the proportions ia which the northern states contributed to the fbroe raised for their common defence, Bied- tia furnished 10,000 beavy-annnd foot and fiOO horae; Pbocisasmanycavahyand 3000 heavy infantry ; the eastern Locriana 700 foot, and Megara 400 foot. But the largestcontingent, tncloding both horse and foot,heavy and tight- armed, was ttiat of the ^totians. Athena could only bring 1000 heavy annsd uid 6M cavalry into the field ; but allthe galleys fitfiir servjee " the namber is not stated" were sent take their station in the Malian Oolf, to sup- port (he operations of the army. Old recollec- tiona, which in the presence of such a danger "Onld have more than ordinaryinfloenoe,aeem to have induced tbe aUles to assign the ao- preme command to (he Athenian general Cal- It was resolved to deftnd every tenable po- n in ^nt of Thermopyl", wtere the army assembled, and as aoon as it was ascer- tained that the Celtic host had reached tha foot of Homit Othrys, a thousand lightinfantry and a body of cavalry were detached to guard the passage of tfae Sperofaeins, and, having do- stroyed the bridges,encamped on the right bank. Brennns,however, was not deficient in iry skill. He sent a division of 10,000 selecting the talleBt and the most expert mars, to oroM the river in the night at the lower part where it spread over a marsh. The Greeks, when thejleuned tiiatthe enen^ had e(bol"d the passage, retreated to their camp, and Brennns ordered tbe inhabitanta tf the country to repair the bridges, a task which ' they wiUin^y performed, to be rehored tha sooner from the presence of the invader. He then pushed forward without delay against Heraclea, which had now become an jEtoliaii city,having been compelled the year before to join tbe ^lolion league. The ."tolians de- fended it as their own, and easilyrepulsed the unskilfiil assailants,though they ooald not pro- '"' the fields from plunder and havoc; nor the place of snfficient importance to divert Brennus from his main object, even if he bad fairer prospect of success. He waa eager to dislodge the Greeks from Thermopy- Ite. and, it seems, advanced as confidently as Xerxes had done to the attack. The onset of the Celts was probably more furious than that of tho Persians bad been, and perhaps not lees orderly. Bnt the nombers of the eombatants were now more nearlyequal, and the changes which had taken place in the nature of tha ground on which they fought operated In fa- of the Greeks, for the Athenians were with Plubs "ii,, p W). who, mth (tillltw , witlloM iMnninn mil ""on, tilnlfcri tlw , .... linrd bj Li-tfiiTYtfiu., Ifli.trnmtbt bwrninf "4 tk* aid "Tlhs eipsilTliiiii of Brsnnni. That SalKeufouwH obIt itiaird. hui "litn.u i" lUMd bj W. A. J. SidimidE (Du OUarhr PirjMnui. lUria. JfH.,l'..t,p S19l,if pnbiUf siles, and thus, at least, eootribnted very maia- riallyto the victary of their coiutrymen, even if the report that they lifaewiaedistinguished themselves by their valotir above aU the oUiei Greeks on shore, is to be set down to the par- tiality of the auUior from whom we have re- ceived it.f The asBOilanta were at length foi- llenic world ; and the sWmi worm ; ouu luu -7- , - B suddenly becauBB it bB* ' reB^l,or the omms which '"'"^?" \^co",", ^ . ertthCCB that had hitherto pteventeA it, "o ^^ ^ C. '"^r,% -^ rf'-i-ii^ 'S' ^ '^ ,dthe n"oh or hUtotj. C."m" "^ iftet thi" """ 3.;X'.%fi- % %\'--. h hot . .hon thh. botm .t wo ;* 1S. deiaolCTM(i%\\t_%". V S,si\'wj;r"5";.uiii.".i";^;vril%\V^^^^ IS of ignorance, o ime before at '" "" ^C, " detaohiii"^^J' i^ 4a*-"^ " prtilectionoftheD"rda-(brolMv^ ^ % ^ " * % - - . - -- . ,nemy,+ It wm wK long morf, | * % ^^%i\^ v 1 *"- * BdirectrntimaUonorihe cWa^" ^ V\ 4 " 1 "-- ^ ': ' froniaaembas87 which 1^1$^^,% "si.'^^^V'V-^ . s '"" confidence cw, "" ""J ^ *3 % V*^ V"^ perouH wickednew. CerMmna disdiinful- ui t^ ^ s %^%\ %'^ "Mi thia offer,treating itb" degrading to 8"^ ^ f 3-aW "i'? ^. "1 ,onr of his kingdom, to suppose tbst Ma- \ were 'j ?,^-i% %"" icouldneedllkeortileotionoftheD"rda-(nto"\;-" ^ 3 ^ = he received more oh of the Celts, BDt 10 him with p 'illing to poichMO 1 it appBBiB,was not IT 1 Bod they would . the Macedonian treuuiT ans attrihoted their I by an arragaD r wished for pet Mages, and iky ige wodld have ^ted prince, r "d hononr, ifbe li the force whi hlyneglected th" Bndsbipof tbeD iJ. in I ___ to MaaeioaiJt Iher as to_ // twaidea iW ' ieW. If " ed. hf *'lM- ,03 ail. ening that '/'U's't*' .own, th^ beganto i". " "ftrr.n" Wl"n,i""ji^ ' "l.on of OMhoa, ",n|"j ^ ',."" ;^'ST '""" the oamn K '", hastened homeward- hntthT-i^i ^-'^^A-ir.sr,;*: n,gti7cdT:G00glc i'i-^.% \ ATTACK ON DELPHI." RETREAT OF THE CELTS, the nme gnnind, and tbe proaigiM iMfVeaed en botb oooMitHM "^ *"" later raponiMDhtBMiBg We are informed and declared that V"3 this "j^ ^iUa"d by an oanhqnakt, ^ '. and Inongtit down huge A * trf the asttilaniB, by a '"'-%^-^ V ''""""mw"""M"ed ,\ *\ *% % 'appeni"Dceofoeta". "''\'^,'*:i"'^''"- "* V"in" ttiem. Bot the gildetl atatues which thej saw steunrnv from tbe terraces of Delphivrere of solid gold.* Et may be doobted whether he himself waa aware of the loaa which the treasury had snflfer- ed in the Phocic war. The assiilanls,who, in general,were easily deterred by slieht obata cles in sDoh operations, were repnlsed and dis beattaned. Fragments of rock rolled down from the top of the dim contiibnted to theu '''itandoonatenatlon. A sudden changeat her to froet aod anew, and the ellbcls of sotftit IbllowMI by warcity, and by diseaM ariainKeat of both,began to thin their ranka, and datenained BreDnna to abandon the hope- leM aDtenniae. ' The order for retreat waa to tbe Oreeka a aignal for a series of attacks, wHh which they oontinned to harass the enemy as ^ M tbe camp at TheimopylK, where a di- notion nleft K - may, the aupetaaiural dement "ybaaiKit eo dia"iiredit aa whr" .-fc,f*i.*" ""1 """e a3 eonnezioD cf a that BreumM, when he " r the PleMna, was adrii t to proeeed without del^ tti""i" .r*^,*^ Ddl*L B"t either heoanM he j;^ that hwtrw^ needed re""ritmen^o^ ^"in8n Brat to gorge theoMelTea with the Z^S "^ '""" and bamleta, wbera lane "^rfewn Md wine had, it is said, been J^Wj^ iBft. in tbe iwan white, tbe ap- "r:"." """ ratfwere Iwtified, and jwepara- S,m^i? *^ "w ""wwl adTantah ctfall iTtKr*" "*,'""""nce aflbrded by tto natnre jL"1"T^ When Uie CeUa adTanoed to btDK"?: ^ *^" "cenl eicesaes, so as to ^- Brennas. we are told, endBSTonred to """'" their rapacityby the aseeniott that Emuuil liaattd b^i iliEilu alter tbe retreat began,oidy ) the confusion and to retard the nureh "" tbe Celta,while the namben and the ooDfideiHM of tbe Oreeka were growfof fitn *ti to d^. Bremina,who had been woondad "fbm nalpbi, issaid to hare destroyedbioMelf ^so^ tbe reaeniment of his oomrtrymen :t ^otobonnB, who snoeeeded to tbe een- to have pat his aick and wounded to and to have abandoned bis ba^age ta ..e his retreat. No estimate can be aafUy rmed of """ amonnt of tbe lo"* BDstained 1^ the Celta In their passage IhroogbOreeoe and "" '-nil. But tha assertion,with wbidi r oar anthora round the tide, that th^ It off to a man, U a patriotic ezanen- tioa,almoM as groaa as tbe fielionawith which the Roman historiana, to aeTO the national hon- onr, disgdiaed tbe iMD0 of the Celtic expeditieii igainetRome. Weara infbriMdthat ooepMt "M tbe boat of Br"nniia, oomniaoded I7 a diieT named Bathanattaa,4 naobed Uw banks of the Danube, near Ha coofltienae with the BaTe,R while another, under Oomontorina,was stroeg eiKNi^ to eSbct a aetUement, and to eetabUah an independentkingdom, with a capital named TrtfliintheiQarittniepartofThi"oe.1 Audit "a probable that the bands of Celtic adTentmen^ whom we shallflad a few yeara later in Maee- donia and Eplma, and in tbe pay of Greek priDcee, were a remnant of tbe same body.** Tbe DMBt inqyortantimmediate efict pre- dtwed 00 Oreeoe by the Celtic invasion waa, pertiapa, that it raised the lefotation and the oonfldeaee of the Alotiana, who claimed the largeat share In the iaaiieirfthe war, and cbn- ished the recollection of their exploits with al- ' as much self-complacency as tbe Athe- I that of their victories over the Perstana. They dedicated a trophy, and a statue repis- aentingjEtolia, as an armed hnoine, at Delphi, for a perpetual memorial of the vengeance lb"7 t F"i",.i.."3,ll:Jailtn, nit.,S,COB Mann nhtRBSl \m Doi poiHL t Diatonu. ixii. t AihonBU, Ti,,tS. 2(Dia,boii*flTar fl"i"DflUfcAn, p- rS) think! il Bon pnhiMi Ihil fialluuliiii mi Ika UcT who flM M tillC"lu into IllniL I Jnitin,iiaL, 3. 1 Prily Win, n., ". n"i"b.Bti.,T")uc. "" DMrmtKh ICiltiH. li^. p. aU) w"iM "ni" k Hto tcorvhieh !h liuirRu("lTiiiiil")un,"iif/iiU?i(Mitfi" HISTORY OP GREECE. oed to retreat with great lou ; aa man? were trodd"n under fi"ot b; oae another or aank in the tnorasa m were elain by the enemj. Of th" Greeks, Airt;only are aaid to bave fall- en The Cells, whether from pride or care- leaaneas, neither aought pBrmiaaiou nor made any attempt to bury their dead. Brenniis allowed uix days to past without any movement. On the aeveuth he aent a de- tachment to explore the steep and nanow road wbich led through the goi^ of the Asopua, near the ruiue of Trachis, acroaa Mount CEta. A secondaryobject was to gratiiy his troops with the plunder of a temple of Athene, which "tood on a height above the pass. Bat the Celts found it guarded by a body of Greeka, under the command of Telesarchns, and were repulsed,though the Syriangeneral fellin the combat. The leading olEcera uf the Celtic army now began Iheniaelvea to deapond about the isaue of the expedition. Brennua reaolved to attempt a diveraion,which, if auoceaafnl, would, at the aame time, giveemirioyment to a Krt of bia own forces, and weahen the enemy, ! ordered a division of 40,000 men, under the oomnuuid of Combutia and Oreatoriua, to re- cnwB the Spercheina,and, ascending U" val- ley, to make an inroad into .ftolia. He hoped that the ."tolians, who formed so main a part of the allied army, would withdraw to the de- fence of their own country. His plan was faithfully executed, and provedcompletflly soo- oeasful. The invaders made themaelves mas- tera of CalUum, (he town nearest to tiie eaat- em border ofjGtolia, and committed the moat horrible atrocities on the defenoeleaa popula- tion, not,perhaps, more to indulge the instincts of savage nature, or in revenge for theirrecent defeats, than in compliance with the instruc- tjona they had received, and with a view to strike terror into the ."toliana, and to call those of them who were encamped at Thermopylc to the protection of theirhomes. This,indeed, was the immediate efitot of their barbarity , hot they had not foreseen how tite remoter eonaeqiieDoes wonM ellbct their own aafety. Whra they had eztermnuted.the inhabitaiils and had set Are to the town, theybegan to r". treat with the booty ; but they found the road, itselfmountainous and difficult, beset with en- emiea burning for revenge. When the tidings of the deatniction of Calhnm reached Ther- moiylm, the jGtoUaua qnitted Uie camp in a body and hastened homeward ; but the whole mass of the d"toUan population, inchiding even the women, had also risen in arms and ponred in upon the retreating invaders ; and they bad been joinedby a body of heavy-armed Ach"- ans from Fatrte.* The Celts fought with their usual fury, and bf their superiority of Dumbera bore down every obstacle opposed to them in dose combat ; but they sufiered so much from the showers of mis^s,to which their flanks were continoally exposed in the defiles,that not haif of them waa believed to have reached Ibe camp. In the mean while,however, the path aoroBs the faigheat ridge of Callidromua, by which the Persians had been led to the destructioa of Leonidas, had been betrayed to Brennua by the people of Heraclea and the .iGnianians, whose territoiy it traversed, who were so impatient to be dehvered from the evils inflicted on them bj the neighbourhood of the barbarian army, that theyscrupled not to purchase a temporary and partial relief at the expense of the rest of Greece. And it even appears, aa will be seen a littlefarther on, that a number of fnianian and Thessalian adventurers associated them- selvea with the invadera. Brennos accepted their profferedguidance with joy,and,leaving Acichorius with the main body,put bimaelf at the head of 40,000 of bis beat troops for the passage of the mountain.* A body of Phociana had been posted, aa in the Persian war, to guaid tbe descent on the opposite aide ; but a mist concealed the approach of the Celta,so that they had all ihe advantage of a sudden attack. The Phocians,Devertbeless, made a gallant re- aiatance, but were at length forced to give way, and haatened forward to apprize their allies of the impendingdanger. The warning c"rae in time to afford them an opportunity of escape ; for to have attempted resistance would have been but a uaeleaa sacrificeof the atrength and hopes of Greece. They found refugeon board the Athenian galleys, and,as theywere landed, dispemedto their homes, Brennns,aeoording to one statement, poraued his march, eager for the apoil of Delphi, with- out waiting, for Acichoriua, wh"Hn he had order' ed to follow him as aoon as the pass was clear. But as we find that the force with which he at- tacked Delidii conaiatad of 66.000 nien.t it seems that there muat have been some farther concert between the two chiafa, and it ia not improbablethat, after Brennus bad received a re-enforcement,they agreed to take diffeimit lioea of march, and to meet at Delphi: a plan which seCDied a more tiNUdant anpply of pn"- visiona, and held out the prospect of richer booty. Bot Brennns arrived first ; the progreas of Aeichorina waa retarded by the persevering vengeance of tbe .Xtohana, tiiio hung npcHi bis rear, cutting off the stTagglera, and seiaing every opportunity ofimpedimentandannoyance. The force aaaembled for the defence of Delphi, com- posed chiefly of Phocians,Locriana, and "toli- ans, did not, after it had received its last acces- sione, exceed 4000 men. The accounts remain- ing to us of the events which enaued are aa fuD of wonders as the description given by Herodotus of tbe disasters which befell the . tha pnvailjaac^pioo Koai, i.,f. mj. But liiUBrnmui i. . as lud liiaHH nnoi, u ii nuiDUiiMil by Schmidt {!"" runt,,p. M) ud DrojHB, mut b" dwitd, until Hnu Int- ui ntanu ""?""" tua uy whlofa hai* T"t b""n arod.'oui, u "hnr Hut ailtlw diBUi oC tlw umtin in vlueli Bmi- I (V*tr i^fjiWud"-- Ihu CtohrwiM, in- Aoclwrina^uy km a" lo" pi H of III* dtUr odlHl Bii|i", ATTACK ON DELPHI." KETRE AT OF THE CELTS. IS grooMl, aod Um iRVdi|iee T"petitioa of the Mrlieroiie. We an infonned liM the onole wm eooMilted, and decUred that the god would protect his saBOtDar; ; and that tbe proraiaB was flilfiDed by an eaitbqnake,* ivbieh Tsnl the rooka, and brDught down huge wa^ci "o the bead* of the aaaaitanla,bjr a tentpost, in which maar or them were MOBamed by th" Bghtning, and b; the appearance of celes- tial wairien, who fimgfatagainat thKa. Bnt (his "" DO proof that IbMe marTeUons incideata "of tfaalat"r atai7 ara iim"l7 Sctiona borrowed by The peovlahad beo teoK, and iMa diqMiMd to nqieet a anpematonl SattMTfotatiua on any ooraaioa. TIw aeeuM of tte BMMd War bad aba t"Dded to weaken Ute .wteteot nnrenee iar the orwde and the tem- ple, whiah had been ae eprair and repeatedly .irmfaTd with hnpunit;. Bn( Delphi was atill -GMnmoBlj ragaidedaa bol^ croand, and'"" fa- ewuvd, at tiiiiea, with a Dnine preaence. Tbe mBeinfanuMe of the loeal Inditiona wmU ba tnulUj awakened m tbe Uttle band irtiofahad derroted UmeU to the defence of flie (enfte "vrUla it awaited the eneKjr'eapproach, and anight readilyanfBeat Um bopo il DivinB aa" aiataniTi , aadUtegDaidlanaoflheotaclewoald "aC Be^aet any of Um ptooa arta whidi had bean |"attia"iil on tbe Uu oecaafoiw hy tbeir jiBaeecaaoTi,to eberNb aad directtba entbaai- atma of tbeir ehan^ons. We may, tbeielbre, ""aaitj aeooul fhr ttM riaaof a geniiine popular lMaidmitbeaab}eGt.t B" tUa aa it nay, tba a"ipematnra! element ""r Uu M"(7 baa not ao diafignrod it aa wholly to ooMOal tbe real eowae and conneiion of the "AVflBta. It aeema that Bremms, when he ar- lived iD tbe Tall^ c" the Pleiatiu,was admed by hia Oraek gnideat to proceed wiUMiat delay to the attadt of Delphi. Bat either beoanae he (bvaght that hia troops needed ren^ahment, or IwewiBe he was unable to raatrainthem, he per- anitted them firstto gorge themaelTes with the ploDder of tbe fiunu a^ btunleta, where large stores of com and wine had, it is said, been jMrpoa^ left. In the mean while, the np- ja-oacbeaofthecitywere fortified, and prepaia- tioas made to take Um otmost ad* aotage of all the meana of lesiitanee alfbrded by tbe nators "f the Ermnd. When the OeUs advanced to the aaaaalt, they were, peihaps,atopiSed and hewildered by tiwir recent eicaaaes, ao as to be more than nauallyanaoeptible of aupeiatitioiiB terrors. Bremins, ws are told, endeavonred to atimnlate their rapacityby tliie asBartion that the gilded atatuea whieh Ibey aaw gleaming ftom tbe terraces of Delphiwere of solid gold.* It may he doobted whether he himself was aware ttftha kns which the treasury had airb- ed in the Phocic war. The assailants, who, in general, were easily deterred by stistitobsta clea in stfch operations, were repalscd and dis beanened. Fragments of rock rolled down fmn the top of the cMOis contributed to theii defeat and umateniation, A sudden changeol weather to froet and anew, and the efifectsof surleit fidlowed by scarcity, and by diseaae arisioK oat of both,began to thhi their ranla, nod determined Brennua to abandoo tbe hope* leaa enterpriaa. ' The order for retreat was to tbe Greeks a aignal lor a seriesof attacks, with irtiicb tbey eontinned to harass tiw enemy aa br as tbe camp at ThermopylB, where a di- Tiaioa bad been left to guard tbe booty. Ute juBOtioB with Aoieborina,which seema to hate taken place eoMi after tbe retreat bqcaa,oiriy SMTod lo inneaae the oonfiiaioo and to retud the mareb of tbe Celts,while the nnmbera and tbe oonfidenee ofthe Greeka were growing fnm dqr to day. Breanna, who bad been wonnded beli"ro Delfdii, it said to have destn^ed UmaA eqw the resentment of his coontiymen ;t heiehorins, who succeeded to the eom- I,to have put bis aide and w"iMDded to death,t and to tisTeabandoned hia baggage ta seeare his retivat No ealimate can be aalh^ fcrmed of Um amount 4rf the loaa sUBtaJned 1^ the Celts in their paasage through Greeoe and Macedonia. Bnt the asaertion, with which of our BUthoTB round the tale, that tbey cat off to a man, is a patriotic exaggeia- almoet as gross as tbe fictiona with which tlieRoatan bistoiiaoa, to aave the national bon- diamised the taaoc of the Celtic expedition " Mt Borne. We are informed that one put of tba boat of Bieonas, eommauded bnra chief nanMd Batbanatina,} reached the banks of Aa Dannbe, near ita eonflnenee with tbe 8a"e,l wliile another, under Coraontorias, was atrODC dependentkingdom, with a capital named Trie, ia the maritime part of Thraoe.f And it is probable that the bands of Celtic adventuren^ whom we shall And a few years later in Mace- donia and E^ms, and hi the pay of GreA ^-"""BB, wore a remnant of the same body.** e most important immediate efffeot pro- duced on Qreeoe by the Celtie invaaiDU wia, peihape, that it raised tbe repoiation and tba oonfldettce of the Ateliaoa, wlia daimed tba largest share in the Isana of the war, and dter- ished the recollection of their oiploita with al- most aa much self^complaceocy as the Athe- nians that of their Ticloriea over the Persians. Tbey dedicated a trophy, and a atatue repre- senting iEtolia,as an armed heroine,at Delphi, for a perpetual memorial ofthe Tcngeance tbey 970 HISTORY OP GREECE. Indinflicladon th"deitroj"r"of CsUiaiQ.* But tbe concequenca whicb moat deeply and per- maneDtlj aOected the state of tireece, and of the ancient world,WM iberaatoratioaorAnlig- onos to the ttirune of Macedtmia, which took place witbin a few montlis alter the retreat of BreoDUs, (bough he woa destined yet to eiperi- ence maoy viciisitudeB of fortune before the final eslabliBbment of his dynasty. The death of Sostbeoes, who remained, it aeema, only about eight months at the head of "fl'airB,t ich tbe country exposed to the miserieB of anarchy and civil war. We find mention of severai ol^- Knie pretendera to the ciown, among whom . Antipaler, probably the same who had been ex- pelled by SoBthenea, appears to have gained ihe ascendency; Tor it is between him and Antig- onUB that the last struggle takes [riaca.Antig- onns overpowered him with the aid of a body of Celtic mercenaries, whoas chief is iwmed BideiiuB, and who are reprMentad aa accom- panied by their wires and cbildrea. Aotigoao* M reported to have compelledthem, by a strata- gem, to aocept less thaa they demanded as the reward of their services ;] but be now appears as undisputed master "^ Manedonia (B.C.378), with a powerful army and fleet, elejriiaols, and a great treasure ; and we next 6nd him engaged id war, and concluding an honoorable peace, . vrith AuUoohoa.^ In Uiis war he aided with Nicomedee, kin^ of Bithynia, whose dominions Aotioebna bad mvaded to rsvence the loss of an army which, with iu gvneial,Patroclea,bad bMDcntttf in aoambas^eby theBithynians. Nicomedts, likewise, obtained the sid erf"the , . Cetta,who, as we have seen, bad followed lieonoriiMand Lotaiins to the coaat of Thrace, where they oantinned to ravage the territory of Byaantinm and other Greek ciLiea, and to levy WKitribations, until,with the co-operation of Ificomedea, they effect^td their pasMge in ABia.S It was, perhaps, the treaty which Ht onedea mwchided with them, hy which they bonnd IhcmselTea to a perpetualalliance, de- fijnsiie Mid oOhnaive, with him. bis descend- aats, and oonledentes, that induced Aniiochu* 10 avoid a ooaOict and come to terms, hy which . ha probably renoniwed his hopelesspretensions both to Bithynia and Macedonia. The Celts . lAcmi Nioauedes broughtover continued long lo t^ a very active part in tbe wars of west- . "ra AMo, alwayseager for pay and plunder, and " tenor lo the peacefulpopulation, but often WillJiigly lending their aid to protect the free- ipta of the eitiea against tbe neighbouring kia(a,Tand, finally, occupied a territory oi " k SoMhinu. Bnl Si:hnJdI {Dtt OIKtdW PxpUnu, ] Vn, H9I hu panted nil lb* "nr mnd lU pratablquriini Ikl (BnmpHil of SoMhw m diriiM loIirHa li ^pifia THi*. SdimidI iiippiiMa tlmt ilit norciy i Schwll (Ou Ott, Pt, p. Stt]HiipHx ItH p"a u" ti*x kHB iBKliiiW baton itBtinmu M "m frm Cn" (i Hwlaaii BnL iL ii diScott te noadla ibim iDinBiin JV^n 'wxftr artrfijlt. I HnuoD, P.M7, b, 8lnbs,iH., 1^ Halya, to whidi theygave tbe iianM of QriatU, where theyorganiiMl their states vritb peculiar, and, it would seem, not iU-cootrived inaiita- If we might rely on the sequel of Justin's inatiTc,which, however, ia subject to strong suspicions of great inaccora^ aiid confiisioa, Antigonus had not long returned to Macedonia before be was threatened with invasion hy an- other body of Celts,who are described as pan of the army of reserve left by Brennus when he set out on his Iktal expedition, to guard tha frontier of tbe nation. They are said to have sent envoys to Antigonus with a demand of tribute as the price of peace, and to have been ' excited rather than discouragedby the reports they received of the treasures, which the king imprudentlydisplayed, of his eletdkants, and his military and naval preparations.Thoo^ their oumbeis, according to Justin, did not ex- ceed 16,000 foot and 3000 horse, Antigonns. not venturingto meet ihem in open field,abao- donad hia canqt at their af^iroach, but aOer- ward Burpriaad them as they were engaged in tbe plunder of his vessels, and defeated than with great slaughter.tNow, at least,he was left in undisturbed possession of his thtnae, though probablyfullyoccupied with tJM ne- ceasary proviaiona for its stabihty and aecuri- ty, until the letum of Pyirhos from his Italian expedition threatened him with new danceia. It was during this interval that he wraMod Caasandiea from its tyrant Apollodoma^ "'"V havinggained the oonfidenoe of his fellow-citj- lena by his profeaaionB o( an ardent i"al for liberty, seized tbe government with the b^ of a band of conspiratorB, wkoHi he it said to have pledged in a draught "rfhuman bloo4- Yet it ai^ieare that bis tyranny was, at first, exercised only at the expense of the rich, aiKl for the benefit of the poor. But.it waa mnia- lained by a body-guard of Celts,who were tbe ready instnunents of every cruelty ; and tbe pOBseasion of absolute power seems to have tempted bint to the worst abose pf it. Antig- onns beaieged tbe city for ten months, and, at last, made himself master of it onlyby treaic^- ery i for which he employed the agency of a piratecaptain named Ameinias, who insinuated himself into the tyrant'sconfidence, and thus found means lo introduce tbe enemy within tbe walls.t Pyrrhus landed in Epirus in 374, after an ab- sence of six years, with no more than (WOO foot and 600 horse, and without tbe means ot maintaining even this small force,unleaa at tbo expense of some cnemyi He bad never been less inelined for repose than after the series of diaappoinnnents he had experienced In tbe West, where he had signally displ^red hia mil- itary talents and his personalprowess, and had always shown himself superior to his fortune. He could not now heutate as to tbe quarter towards which he should turn his arms. Ma- cedonia tempted his ambition, and Anligonnt had provoked bis resentment, or, at least, fur- nished a pretext for hostility, by a recent re- fhsal to aid him with troops or money for his llrUDB,'!; c, t ioBin. iiT.,t; Dmnai (HaHn., ii thil ta bmn bHE tlit ricUry cmr lb* 1w CLE0NTHU8." PYRRHUS BEFORE "tPARTA. S7I RatOuiWur.t After a Aort InMmlef nvt 1w Arm^l; declared mr "gaiuM Aiiti(ODiii IbrtbwiUi (bDowed up ha threat bj the BiOD of Macedonia. He had atrengtbeiied bis litDc aimj 'witti a body of Celtia nwrcetutTr and the fint object of bis operetioiis wu pli der, which was probahlj all be could promioe tbem. Bat before AntigonuB was prepared to Bieet him, he had made hiroaelf master of seT- erri large towns in Upper Haoedonia, and had indnoed a coips of SCiOOMacedonian troops to go over to hnn. Still,AntigDiinawas, it ap- peals, at the head of gnatljrsuperiornnmtwr?, 8Bd, in addition to his phalanx and his ele- lAants, be had a strong body of Celts, notwith- "tandtwg his recent hMtilitiee with their coun- trfoten, id his pa?. Pyrrims,howCTer, snli- "ipated hn approach, and by ntBans, it would siiiiiii. of a circnitaQfl march, pise his annj, near the issue of a defile, with a sadden attack on the rear.t Notwithaland- iag the generalconAisioii,however, the Celts, _. _ -. . .i_ , _ . . ^ tigoroua man nan aeeo stationed in , rtofdwcolinnn,werBaaTrendered by their leaders. Pyrrtuis then adianeed upon ibe phdmuc, wbkdi ms not only fhll of disor- Ser and constemMioR, biU very ill disposed to Mcnfiee itself tor the aake of Anii"0DD8, who lad DO daiB on Qie reapeot or alliictionof his *"op* compai^de to those of his adTcrsory, fke Arat warrior of the age, who wu, more- erer, favourably remendiered as the prince who led deliTered Macedonia Aom the insolent tyr- ^oij of Demetrins. It weald be not an im- "loMble KDiniae that there had been imsrioiis- ffsome correspoDdencc between Pyrrhus and the principal Macedonian officers. No attempt was made to strike a blow : on the firstinvita- tion wbei^ strstcbing out liis hand, he called aem by their names, thsy went over to hnn, and were followed by all their men. Antigo- nna made his escape to the eeacoast, where hie remaining force wak sufficient to retain 'nessalonica and a few other places in their obedience. A fresh army of Celtic merceoa- lies, which be found means to collect, enabled him soon to renew the struggle ; but he was againentirely defeated by Ptolem"us, the son "rPyrrlins, and became far some time a fugitive outcast, wandering ftom one hiding-place lo tnother, attended by no more than seven fol- lowers, \rtiile the whole of Macedonia and Tbeoaaly submitted to his rival, vtho now sent fbr his son Helenas and his friend Milo froia Tarentmn. The Teputatkin of the Celtic arms waa at this time so high in Greece, that Pyr- rhus esteemed the victory he had gained over them no slight addition to his renown, and eommemoiated it by an inscription on the spoils "f the bald Gadi, Which he dedicated in a tem- ple of Athene, between Phem and Larissa. And he even seemed lo set a higher value on the services of his Celtic mercenaries than on the attachment of his new aubjects. A Celtic garrison, which he left at "ge, broke open the "epntchree of the Macedonian kings in search of plonder, and wantonly scattered their bonea.t Pyrrhus took no notica of this out- rage, a aign,periutpo, that he would havs been likelyto lose hb new kingdom as easdy as he had won it,even if lie had been eDO" ceasful in the expedition which closed his bis- ""7,- Cleomeaes 11, , king of Sparta,son of Cleom' bnitua, who fell at Leuclra,survived Acnrta- tus, the eldest of his two sons, who left a son named Areus behind him. On the death of Cleomenea, the succession to the throne was disputed between CloonyrauH, his youn^r son, and Arena, the repreuentativo of Acrotatns. " I'he Uerusia, to which the questionwaa refer- red, decided in favour of Areus, cither on tlie simple ground of right, or because bis nn^ had betrayed indicaliona of character ^rtiich awakened distruBt.* The cphors,however, endeavoured to soothe his disappointmentby high honours and important militarycom- mands, t and when an application was made }"r the Tarentincs for a Spaitan general to con- their war against the Lucanians, he was appointed to this service,t which gratified bb ambition while it removed him into a hind of honourable exile. His career, as a leader of mercenaries in Italy and Sicily, was neither gloriousDor foriunate, and he returned to ^artawithoQt any increase of reputation, but less than ever disposed to rest satisfiedwM) a privatecondition,or to conform to Spartan habits. Still, however, he was honoured and employedas before,though Areus had longar- rived Bt maturity, and ho might,perhaps, have reconciled hioiBelf to his lot if his feelings had been wounded by a fresh ii^jury from the e quBiter which was the origiu of his for- humiliation. Hia young wi^, Chelidonis, not diaguise hci preference of Acrotatus, Eton of Areus, and the domestic dishonour of Cleonymus was notorious over all Spaita. This afiront seemed to fill up the measure of his wrongs, and detennined him to run aH risk , for the satisfaction of his ambition and hie re- venge. His eyes were naturally turned to- wai^ Pyrrhus, whose adventures bore soma Tesemblance to his own, and as soon as the contest for the throne of Macedonia seemed ta be decided in favour of the Epirot,Cteonymoa appeared in his camp and ui^ed him to make war upon Sparla, Pyrrhus waa easilyper- suaded to engage in an enterprise wliich opea- fieldof action with a prospect of eaej conquests, and which seemed necessary ttt complete his victoryby the reduction of tba places stillheld for Antigonus in Greece. In the year 373 he marched into Peloponnesn with an aimy of S5,000 foot, 3000 horse, anfl S4 elephants. The arrival of this great force, which it speared impossible to resist,no donbt excited many hopes and fears in the Grecian Btatcs. Embassies from Athena, Adhsa, and Messina,repaired to hia camp.f His profea- , sions were moderate and specioust the objeet of bis expeditionwas merely to restore tto freedom of the cities which were held in sub- jection bj Antigonus. Even when he bad ad- vanced as far as Megalopolis, and envoys came from Sparta lo ascertam hia intentions, he stOI held similar "__.'" send his younger sons b 372 HISTORY OF GREECE. ^tartan discipline' It was nselesB lo qups tioD hia Binceritf ; but it seems hardlyposaibli that the Spartans could have been deceived by mch artiliceB. eren if he had not been accam- puiiedby Cleonymua. He no sooner crowed the border tban he laid aside the mask. tvch. in his Life,saya that he immediately began to tavsfe the country, and that when tbe envoys, who accompaniedhim, eipostula- led with him on tlio unprovoked aggression, which bad not been precededby the usual dec- laration of war, he only retorted with a sneer on the Spartan disaimulatiou. But elsewhere Plutarch relates that he required the Spartans to receive Cleonymua aa their l[ing,t and it "eeniB to have been the threat with which he socomparued this demaDd that drew forth the nfij which Plutarch reports in the Laconian dialect, " If you are a god, we are safe in our JBnoceace ; if a man, you are not invincible." Tha invasion had been so little foreseen, that not only had no preparations been made for the ' dobnce of the capital, bnt King Areus himself was absent in Crete. Tbe city bad been par- tiall7 fortifiedin its wars with Cassander and Demetrius, but was still open at seveml points, and tbe popolatinn was thia. Cleonjmus urged Pyirhuato attack it immediatelyon bis arrival : and it seems probaUe that tbe attempt would faave succeeded. Tbe (Henda of Cleonymus feh "o littledoubt of his speed;rerioration, thathis house was prepared Ibr tbe reoeptiom of his roy- al protector. Pyrrhua himself rejected' his ul- Tioe only because he thought his conquest se- cure, aikd did not wish to- see it suDied with tdoodahed and pillage. Ho encamped for the night,expectingto maVe a peaoefulentrr the next day. It was, perhapa,mainl; tbe preaence M" Cleonymus, the dread of his vengesnoe, that decided liis countrymen on a desperate resist- "Dce. Acrotatus, who hsd most to fear from him, filledbis father's place. It was at first pvpoaed to send the women away to Crete ,- bat they retained all the spirit of ancient times with increased influence, derived fhim enor- Inousweallh- Arch idamia,the motherof Acro- tatus, and the richest heiress in Sparta, is said to have entered the Gerusia with adrawn sword to remonstrate against the resolution. It was Vitbdrawn, and the women earned their share mt the dangerby their eiertions ia the hour of "eed. A ditch had been begun on the side fa- "ing tbe enemy's camp, 'niey laboured at it I tbeiDae[ve8 during the night, while tbe men ^laied and recruited their strength for the ap- liroachingstruggle. At each end of the ditch was formed a barricadsof wagons bnried up to the axles in tbe ground,cbicdy as a rampart against the elephants, t The next day Pyirhus siiTaDced to liie assault, aa to a conquest which bad become more difficult, but not less certain. He was, however, unable to forco the passage of the ditch; and his w"n Plolemvo*, wtaocn he had ordered to breakthrou^ tbe barricade with a detachment of Ganla and Chaonian picked troope, was r^Milsed with greU loaa by Aciola- tuB and a haudfhl of Spartans. Spvta had seen another gloriousday; but it was parchaaedby a aacrifioe of life which weakened tbe hi^eB, tbough Ttotthe courage, of the surviverB. P;n^"i* himaelf bad beoome so far anxioas about the reeulL that a dream which ba bad ia the night, and which seemed to him prmnisiDg. raised his apirita, and he related it wiib great satisfactionta hia friends ; botwhenhia aooth- eayer sufgntMl a diflfarent inteqnetatioa. be ^ fectedto make light of omena, and iffUaAihe celebrated liiM of tbe Iliad, which oipraiiiii the same genaraos aenthMnt, i" Umaelf, tbou^ nana of bie eantemponriea wem to bsTe been teeaexenqrt front sapmatitioa. At daybreak the RseaUt was renewed. Tbe efibita "f tiie aa- aailanta w"n again directed towards tbe ditcfc. which was now partly fUM with aim and ooqM- es ; but apparentlynot ao nnKb wjib a view Vt croasit,Batodiv"tt tbe attention oflbabaaiegad, whjlo Pyntaiia made an atten^t to firoe aa en- trance at anolber point. And it aoMW "" if tbi* would have anoceeded tfbe bad not been thrown by hia borae, which waa wonaded an be was mounting a steep bank. Haring been repolaad tbtougb this accident, be gave oiden to pot a stop to tbe aiaatdtipetbapa, beeaone ha hwL been too much hart t^ UHbU to eoadaot it in peraon; but be also expectedIbatUtebeaini^ who seemed reduced br kiaaea and wawada to the Icwt stage of weakneea, woidd dioit|yotSa terms of auTrender. But the reward uT tbeit fortitudewas now at hand. Amebiia^ prabatly pirate who wnnwmded fat Aniifftmu at Corinth, made bia appenanoe with a body "f Argtve anxiiiatiee,* and a _ _ _ rivod with MOO men (hwn Crete. The HtMae- I, too,thoughthey had been willing, na we . to treat with Pyirhns,sent aoecoDiB, onao- liciled, to theirold enemy.f Tbe ramparts were now BO well manned, tbat tbe old men aad the women wbo had hnvelj expoeedthemacdrea in the most dangeronsaitnations, whila tbqr mtf- plied their warriota with weapone and land, might retnm to their homea. Pyrtbns did not immedialeljabaBdoabra ea- terprise, because it bad become ao mooh mnn diljicult ; bnt after s " Onl.. PjtT., it. Dtothb fiL,p. I"0,n. ") oImttm, utitcmn oUeriin to Ait ncoaal aT 11i" hiigsipi ^ Bat who "nppnn lliU Pjntu "iHctnl U bo IwlKTadI t A|iophlh(fn. L"" AuinXXlht.In Prrrk.. H. [k" "Bnr ii ituud MuArii-i^- '- '- link ia Um MMPMr V Vludiii ihi'rtiuh.nhi neoacile wiih Platueli'i tacriptii which be waar^nihed necessary to shin his quarters, and began to nr- age the country,profbasiitg his intenwm to win- ter there. But it seems doubtftal wbelber this was ever his real design, asbemnat try this tjms have heard that Antigonns, wIm had again eol- It., i.,1!," .1 IhOT IK BM a. riallru SfttU, hid HI nwciiU* rifttHd u xiut Uhb t tna, dImii Ihc^iraiild hin ioiiuiltlH illiHl timjiotip- p" tba Cflitk invuiDfu ]r.howevtr,it tha Un^t^ of JirijoiKd chl"S;r by tht prrioniil inflnoBM 11rClM117mt11.11 wnlil U 1"M ba InUUunhLt Ihil IbtT nidbt dniia to pR- TdU hia mUimliDO. whirh, lo btDOglil alwQt,wooM han iiMica Ib4 nucit^ (I.,13,6) in whiA Paniuuu fiiitan- ihs luppdiiliiB Ihil Ihty "!" when Iha ilut" wm BHtir ' DEATH OF PYBRHUS." HIS CHARACTER. 373 I army, wm on bia march lowtrda Pek"- At this junctura an inviiaiion from Aipw, where Aristeas sought hi "gaiDot a rival named Ariaii(ipus, *aai"d by AntigoouB, a"brded hin at leaat a Tair eohuirforacbaiigeofplaa. He fortbwiih began hia nmich to ArgoB. Tbe Spartansprobably le- prded it aa a retreat, and Areua occupied one of tbe psBBes on the road wilh an ambuscade. A oombat enaaed, in vhich Fyrihiu loal not odIj a cODBiderable QombeT of bia rear guard, but his son Plidemsus, the one who most re- "embled him in proweaa and valour. He aven- gti hia death on tbe field ; and, after having edebratad hia obooquiea with ftplendid games, proooeded witbant fartber iDtemipCimL When .ha readwd tbe iriaio of AigM, he ftmnd that Ad- tiffoniHwaaalreadjencamped on one of the ad- }aeMt hBJghte; and be endeavoured by an in- aaltiiic Dtaaaage to provolra bim to a batUe, which Antigonaacalmly deelioed. There was, it aaeiaa, a mederate party in Argoa, or a nnm- bar of eitisMIB belonging to neither of Om cod- ieadiBg"stiaBa,andde*irous"fNviDgthe city ftma tha yoka of " Ibreignpiinoe. Throoi^ th"ii inflneDoa envoys ware aent boUk to Pyr- rtea and AntigMne, with tbe raqoBM tbat they woold wiibdraw th"r force*,and pamtit Uie city "" pceeerve a irieadlyneutrality.Aotigoiuu, jeritapaknowing Ariatippna to b" the atronger, ""iaanted, aed oAbrad to d^vai hia ton aa a hmtage. Pynlwa did not reftue,but woold give "Q ^edse. Ariateaa had pnimiaed to introduce biatitiope within the walla. Aooordingly, a gate waa opMied for bim in tbe ntgbt,throagh wbich im Cettie ttoopa nude their way into tbe mar- . ket-plaoe nnotaaerved. PyrrhualiiniBelf Allow- ed with a part of the elepitanta, leaving faia aon IManns witb tbe balk of the fbioea mi tbe out- aide,to await brtber ordera. Tha entrance of the etepbants, which would not paw tbroogfa dM fBl"w"y nntil their towera were taken down, waa attended with delay and confuaion, which " length alarmed the alumbeiing inbabitoeti. The eitixena were soon in amia, and aeat to An- lifnnaB for aucomu-. In (he mean while they were joinedby Areus, who had firilowed close at the heels of Pyrrhus niifa Cretan and Spar- tah lighttroops. Anugonua advanced near to tko walls, and sent hia son Halcyoneua, with a ttrong detaidiment, into Uke city, but hioiiMir re- aained witbont. After the itigbt had been spent IB wild tomnlt, aimlete Hrugi^eB, and random Uow^ tha dawning liglit enabled Pyrrhus to poroeive that all the atrangeatpoaitimks in the eity were aeoorelyoconpiedby tha enrany, and he daemed it advisable to retreat. But fearing that aome obstruction might again occur in tbe MiTOw gateway, whiob might now be attended with disastrous conaequeoces, he sent orders M Helenus to break down a part of the walls, -and to protect the egrasa of the troops from BMleatation. Thioogh some mistake in the de- livery of tbe message, Helenus. instead of open- ing a fresh passage, advanced wilh bis best tiaops and tbe remainder of tbe elephants to tbe same gateway towards which the tide of the te- neat was roiling^ The confusion created by the confluence was stilt more embroiled by the bll of one elephant, and the ungovernable wild- aeas of another. Every avenue leading to the gate was choked by a solid living mass, which could only stir as one body. Pyrrhus,on horse- back, was in the rear, in a somewhat mora opea space, endeavouring to ward off tbe pressure of the enemy. The Arsive women were lookinc down on the throng from the bouse-tops ; and one of them, seeingPyrrhusturning on her son who had wounded him, raised a ponderous tile witb both hands, and hurled it with so trne an aim that it fell on the back of the king's bead. According to the Argivelegend, it was the god- dess Demeter herself, in bumau form, who had dealt the fatal stroke.* Stunned by tbe blow, he sank from bis horse ; and though he had. ta- ken the precaution to divest bis helmet of its diadem, he was recognisedby some soldiers of Antigonus, who draped him aside, and severed his head from liis body. Halcyoneus, who was at hand, took possession of tbe bleedingtrojdiy, carried it to his fattier, who was seated among his Jriends, and threw itdown at^his feet, An- tigonus had enough of goodfeeling ordiscaMin to be ashamed of his son's ferocious exultation. He hid his (ace, if not his tears, with Ma aun- tie, ordered tbe remains of his illustrionsrival * to be honoured with fitting obseauiea, and re- ceived Helenus more tike a friend than a pris- oner. Tbe Argives are reported to bave inter- red the hero's bones in tlie temple of DMuatar, which Paiisanias seems to say was erected for the pnrpose near the place where he felLt IiMloriouB as was this termination of a ea- er Tikethat of Pyrrtms, tbe closing scene of his life was not without some points of rasem- blance to its general character. He was, ud- doubtedly, one of the nobler qiirila of his age, though itwould seem that it could bave bean only in one which was familiarwith atrocious crimes that be could have gained the reputa- tion of unsullied virtue,more particularly of City, which WB find attached to hi* nama.^ I eztraordinaiy prowess, sneb aa revived the image of tha heroic war"re, he combined many qualities of a great captain, and was thougbtby some to be superioreven to Alex- ander in militaryan.4 But his whole life waa only a series of unconnected,mostly abor- , enterprises, but might be regarded, vriUi "ect to himself,as one ill-concerted, per- Led, and boetlesa adventure. From b^n- j to end be was the sport,not so much ot fortune,aa of desires witbout measure or plui, I impetuous but inconstsnt will Hia ru- ing passion was lass ambition than Uie love of action ; and he seems to have valued oonqueat tufunJputicaUrir St ir'.Sa M iJf oft^y. '--"-" " " ' " " " '- 374 HISTORY OF GREECE. chief!; becaoM il opened new fieldsof battle. But viewed u subservient to bighcrends, botb his lifeand his death were memorable and im- portant. He contributed (a adjust the balance of power among Alexander's successors in the "Wesl, He exercised the Koman arms with a liarder trial than the; had eier before under- gone ; and inspired ihc people with a conG- dertce in its own strength which nerved it Tor the struggle with Carthage, and prepared it for the mastery of the world. His death forms a momentous epoch in Grecian hislor;, as it tcft the fieldclear for the final contest between the Ubert; of Greece and the power of Macedon, which w" 0DI7 lermiDated bj tbe min of both. CHAPTER LXI. Tsi'appearance of AntigaDus with an amy berore Argos implies a series of events which are scarcely noticed by any of the authors who have preservedfragments of the history of this period. Pausanias says the iiKist, when he mentions that, while Pyrrhus was occupied with the invasion of Greece,Antigonua recov- ered the Macedonian ciiies. Pyrrbus,as we have seen, had given some ofience to the na- tional feelings, and even witbout auch an ooca. sion it would nol have been aurprising that a revoIutioD should have taken placeduring his abaenee. But the recovery of places in Mace- donia cannot hare been the firstor chief object that engaged the attention of Antigonua. For the present all be wanted was an army to ena- ble him to meet hU rival in Oreece, and in Uiis periodnothing was easier than to raise one. There were everywhere military adventurers ready to flock to any standard which held out a prospect of prey or plunder. It is probable that, as soon as he Lad collected a sufficient tone, he began his march, reserving the settle- ment of Macedonia for his future leisure. After the foilof Pyrrhvis, the greaterpart of his army, which was chieflycomposed of Mncedonians. seems 10 have passed into the service of Anlig- ODUS. But he did not find it so easy to recover the hold trhich he had lost during his recent "dveraily in PeloponnesuB, where his infloence must have been violently shaken, first by the disaster which deprived him of his throne, and then by the appearance of his viclorious enemy. And here he could not, consistently with his previouspolicy and profeasiuns, resort in all cases to oprn force for the accomplishment of kis ends. He had ruled under the titleof a pro- tector and ally. Whether ho introduced a gar- rison or established a tyrant, il was probably always under the pretext of providing for the aecurity and tranijuilliiy of the city. Flourish- ing as the slate of his aRkirs had now become. ilwould stillnot hare been prudent immediate- ly to adopt a dilTcient system, and to claim the rights of a mMitr. The spirit which Sparta had displayed in the late war, and the attitude offtolia. were aildiiiuna]motivsa furcaution. But a course ofdissimnlaiionand rntrigus could only bo pursued slowly;and, accordingly, it appears that Antigonus was detained " loog while,perhaps untQ tate in (he fiilIoiriiig)tit {373).by the aflhiia of Pekiiionaenia, befon k returned to Macedonia. He could not auapect that a power which m at this time silently growing in a comer of 1^ peninsula was destined to become a (brraidiUi adveisaiy to his house. Yet seven yean hid now elapsed since the origin of a new tDgrnl craey among the towrvs of Achaii, whidi A ready comprehended the whole of that lanl This Achnan League, which became so cel*- brated, and earned the melancholy honMir of giving a name to the whole of Greece, wtei t was reduced into a Roman province, whs taDsd ed on the recollections of eariier times, bDivn called into beingby the wants and misensi ^ the period in which it arose. After the "Mi ticn of monarchical government, the ddconled- eracy had subsisted,with few vicissilula of fortune, and little change of condition, ouilth* reign UT Alexander ThB (doM briDiiat e|"d in itsobscure historywas that in wbiofaitiBS- diation was songbt, andila institationsadopltd, by ita powerful colonies in Italy;* IbeiMatiD- glorioua, that irfthe Persian invasion,wtav either from selfish indiSbreoce or piltful biinl towards Sparta, it kept aloof from the oatiootl Btrug^ for freedom. Its inaction at tack t crisis leil the deeper stain Dpon itsboDOor, bs- cause, in the ooone of the PekqMBaeaiu *"!, it submitted,00 doaht leij KlnetaDtly, to ibt Dorian allianee.t'niebiatoiyofthalwardnn the laxity of the ooton which then sntaiM' anuing the memberB ofthe League, for v" U Pellene at one time takingpart witii Sfn, while the rest remained aeutral,t and atiaoib- er, Patrs alone waiml} eapoosing the came "^ Alhens.4 It displayeda more geMroni s|ir" o tbesi enoe at Charonea, but suflfereda loss whiok' continued to t"^ for many years. Conhned to a narrow tract of not exnbemtlj fertile land,between tberooantainsandlhoMi, with few commercial adTanta|M,tbe A("b*i" never attained to any great ahare ofeither(n^ lie or privatewetdtb, and were, uu Ihiiaocotrt probably, the mwe exempt Avoa Iha erili " faction, and enabled to retain a sim^icitf "" manners and equality of fmiansa, which otar ished the spirit, as well aa preserved the lona. " their democraticai Conatitution 1 Ibougb, wU* we find the destruction of Heliee, "hich 'J* overthrown by an earthquake, and overwhetow by the sea, in the year 873 B.C., sttrihrtMle the sacrilegiona murder of so[qiliuit* "ho W been torn from an altar,!! we perceive a ff^f- torn of some violent political art^tto*''^ reign of Aleunder, PeUene was eatraagM mm the Leagw, having fhDen Dnder the d*"'"'"^ a tyrant named ChBron, of whom we orir^""^ that he gained an eitraordinaty nnmbci " P"- zes in the wrestling-ma tches at the 0)yB"F"' gamee.T Hewas supported bytbeMacewwa influence, and hence Pcllsno kept "'""'' ''"'"JS: struggle which ended with the disastrous but" ofMantinca,** and was exempt from thfl p(*"" ly which the conquerors imposed on th* "*'' AchEBu towns, which alltook part with Spu^- t lb, ".,""; VOL III.,p. ui. trf^^al^ t n..,rii., !7.T, " Alt, ^ "* THE ACIUIAN LEAGUE. sn This seooDd blow,falling npon tbem befofe thsy had recovered from thai of ChKronea, leftthem BO weak thai they could not stir in the LatnUn nar, tbongh thair he"rla wer" undciubtodly with Iheir countrymen, as the name of Chciloa, also a wrestler, was longpreserved in hononrable nmembrance among Ihem. as that of tbs only Achcan wbo served in the aUied anny.* The pcdicy of Alexander'a raecessora in Macedonia was coDtinually bent,ao far as Achaia attracted tbeir attention,on effecting the diseolutiun of the Leagne ; andUiiswork, whmh waasnccess- fullybegun by Caaaaoder and Demelriua, was aooomplished'by AntigonusGonatas, who had at length the pleasorD lo see every town either occnpiedby bis troops, or subject to the tyran- ny of ooe ofbia creaturea.l The laller of Iheae MiDditioDa WBB, perbape. that which best suited his interest, but it most have been by far the most grievous to the euSbrers,as the smallneaa of the towns rondered it the more difficultto eiude the daapot's obaerration. and their poTCr- tf rendered hia exactiona the more oppressiTC. The misery had probably becMime almoet insup- portable, when the conTiilBion which followed tbe death irfLysiinadiiw in Macedonia opened aproq"ectofdeli*flnnee t aDditseemaiobaTe been inatinetirely feH that this could only be ofibeted by the reTiTtl of the ancient union. The example was set by Pairs and l^nne, the two maritime towns nearest to the western bcvder. and was speedily followed by Tritaea and Pharc, titeir nei^bours in the interior. The oonfederationtrflheto four towns waa not, it appears, tbe result of any formal negotiation, as we are informed that it was not regulated byany written cranpaet.t Itwas probably con- BidCTied simply as a restoration of the okl slate of things which had been violently interrapted I7 foreign intervention. Five yeata after,the League waa joinedbj .lEgium, which expelled the Macedonian garrison, and by Bora, which pat its tyrant to death. The acceamonof jGgi. iim wss the more important, because, after the deatrnction of Hellce, the ordinary asaemblies Mid festivals of the League had been transferred to "giam,f and ita territory had been enlarged by that of its fallen neighbour. A temple had been oonsecixled there to Zeoa, under the title of Homagyrias (theAesembler),probably with reference to these iQeetlngs, though in later times a local legend traced tbe origin of the ep- ithet to the Trojanwar.H A column was now erected, inscribed with the names of the eon- federate towns, and, perhaps, with the eoadi- tions of their union. The Lst was almost im- mediately increased by the addition of Cerynea, where the tyrantIseas,havingf tbe examine of finra before his eyes, and finding hiinsetf nearly eBCompassed by hostile neighbours, abdicaled his authority, and having obtained security fmra the Aehsans, annexed his town to tiie Le^e. There now remained only three, Leontium, Xgin, and Pellene,to conifdete the number which had been left after the losa of Heljce ; far Olenus,which was once one of tbe twelve, had, it seems, been already abandoned by its " PlU., " leapu codtanliu nntii 11 lVwi.,Ti]..nVHrtHi t PolTb.,ii., 4 Afi om, I prmcip^DArtmrin lb.,a. hiTs bdcu Oh litl* inbabitanta 1* and the aoeenion of Uiete thiM was not longdelayed. Tbe Constitution 1^ tbe new Leatpie than be- came fixed in its main outline,though it sub- sequently underwent some slightchanges, which will be noticed hereafter. It appeara to have differed from that of the old League chief- ly in two points. The t"ond of union was drawnclosertbanbefore. No township was per- milled to make war or peace,t or to enter into any negotiation with foreign states apart ftiMn the entire body; though each appears to have retained the unfettered management of ita in- ternal afikirs. And now it seems, for the flnt time, two officers, with the title of itrattgut, . but with functions partly civil and partly mili- tary, were placed at the head of the federal government. To tfaom vraa added a aeoretarj of state (grammaiau), probably as in the old League, and a council of ten dcnduTgu,which, as it answers to tbe number of the AchKan towns, may also ha*e subsisted under tbe MiBB name in the former period, t Tbe federal sovereignty resided in the gen- eral aEsenibly,^ which was beld repilarly twwe a year. Toit belonged the election of the fisd- ernl magistrates, IIthe federal legislation, and the decision of all tiio great questions, n of war, peace, and alliances, 00lm^cted with tiM affaira of the league. In this aaB"nUyef"y AchKan who had completed the age of thirtyf had a vote, and was allowed to speak;" vbA in this franchise the democratical charactei of the (institution mainly consisted. There were, however,arrangements biy which the slure of the sovereignty, which conid be exercised by any privatocitizen,was reduced wilhiu a nar- ' " P0I7I.. i p. IS4,mhiU^Ib'' llGoiWiK.T"is i'J4an(ftf"" ti* idlimtwt, f. HO, k* HTI, unlnn. (il'AwiuD'aUiwdtAijnr. Bm Pum, 11.. IB,I, Irl xp*" iiiciiafn^t Idlntii' M ittmlMt fiirTi"p, IS?)" i" L""giiAWB* Hun onlyluat comiag i mlleg^ b7 TUtmnE, p. "T8,u In iSa Ja. fk II oUifRl, of coaiH, to ti " AlruiAr) kud^ lLo bainfI thonfli tt lit ilu pii"iliiliM MU, B. IMl, IMl, j^M- r. (uiiili.,Xt OkllTtUn bswIbooTllwAaiMt W. itt Saiekb,1,p.1]. TiltaitniKp.SKiuij'H.lwiL ., .. Ihi Biinhn un. fu^Bmr bnr IbM of A* Aal .lipibHlbMiindiicnl by Qm Ina oT Uiliis*ud nu. Sckon (p.W| iun"H(, WTimtoblj', Uul IW lira Emnli oT Oa naw Lnfaa aopplnd Iha plkaa at Ika twa ' 'aaiai, iacXinfa, milfitr ; ud, "caiTdls| to Mia- u.,p.",a.Mi,iytfi. Bal Tiumuni (p. Mt) (fvM nm ciplmuiiDD iK (bw w"4 in Pdrb., nii.. t, 0. Iiatt]i*damiDTna had ttiaamUalTa rirbtM wnff- (inc nndidalaa tot the cbiaf mfinncT, ia InftnW katt b* Schm {p. M, n. 4) and I"n"an lii., p. Ml), ftva " p^^Hga of tAjltut(UTiil., ").im "bieli a" BaMwi ia OB of aarttuDcbgL a prima afncoani of una pa**iM Mnitalt 10 pnauta tkt alaUuui at oanain paisaBi tl '^'?^l"", ini., 9,t. ** Xir., If^^M- t!* HISTORY OF GREECE. jnirar compass than might appear on k aaper- ficialriew. The time aiJuwed lo one aaaembly for the transaction of any business was limited by law lo three days.* A specialgeoeral semblyt could only be conTofced 1^ the loagis- tnUes, (he generala, and demiargea: no mat- ters could be brought forward of which notice bad itot been preiiooslypublished;t nur a measora proposed without the concurreuce amajority of the presidiDgmagistrates. 4 The value of each citizen's vote seems to have b"eD still farther limited by the manner which the Totes were taken. Every question was decided,not by an abaolule majority of the citisens jKesent, but by that of the towns, raembeii of the Leagne.llThus, as Niebuhr obserres.T the generalassemblywas a repre- aentatiTe one. Each town bad aa much wngfat IB the Bssetnbly, if hot one of its citizens was presant,asif it sentit8"h"4epopalabon. But iftharebe room for a doubt miMber this was tka eaae with regard to the gsDeralaaacmbly, there can hardly be any aa to the T^TOMiita- ti*e chanctcT of Ibe greatcooneil,** which we find vecupying an intennediate ptaoe between the geaeralasscooUy and the ooUegeef nugis- aad Ibe powers of this body are, unfintunalely, veiy scanty. We do oot know eitlieiwhat ita nVmber was, or whether it coniintied always the aame ; but it seems clear that,at a later period, it cannot hate been less than ISO.tt AH aAira of great moment appear to ^ve pawed thtoo^ the eoancil before they were SDbmitted to the generalassembly;t} and itis probable that the result of ita detiberationa oaalnbnMd; at leoat, very roateriaDyto deter- mine the flnalissue, lliere wen also cases in wliieh itacted as a committee of the assem- bly, and, as it aeema, was authoiiied to decide finally on the questions which came before it. If, fitan this point of view, the deinocratical character of the Achsan Leagne appears tem- pered by a difierent element, we are led to a likeooDChisiOD when we oboerre the tendency of its institutione to increase the poiitiaal inltu- _. . . . ._ jd tb* sIImw with tbt Rmua. Ihniha iitlTnSiiMHllTrllhi1riii na tlwl nniiii"clii . tliM di HffiilivdiUH wan sat mwiand "f th* BKMin if ik" BHnn, ihoofh iW dkd not shms lo oamr in it. B^iiwfilaaiiaf trnmiim ftn yrfaUt )imd iMtmi- jnimtami rtlttitttti, it rfm t fmitamt,fait iicntaH ^^^ ""_ u T. r UT noB "knbt oa in. In.K.lhN. BatBalw"i"^vitiii"|p.n")tliulki*c OB^*); WM anpand B( d"li"U". il nttulr unUubla, "" BhM. Tb* m hmhIi, wUah omri b"t ono* [Foljib., Iimii.,9, 1",Mm, u liH. bHI xviinl U " )" BiKataiii bodr ; pnitelilT tliolicatdsaui"ii" of tha dou- unud ttaa Mbor maciSmtH. *7' fcaasao, "d 190 ai^am, futibo MupQao of paviac aal*. riana tho B"U wiifc iha iMn" iFolTb,niii., 7) ; a t" "liwrthrnaii.btT IHI = 10X 11, "^Sa!d"*baS t*rtlyb.,li.,tlt. '"' ence of property. The existeitce of swh iff influence in the eonncils of the Leag"e i"too apparent, in the courso of its histoiy,to ba disputed; and yet it was aeither the effect of a pecuniaryqualification attached to the eia- cise of the franchise,nor do we find any inti- mation that the mode of taking tbe votes was regulated with a view to this object.* It seeots, rather,to have been the natnial inev- itable effect of the circumstances by irilii^ttas- federal govenunent was distinguiabad fnm that of a singlecity. Aa the Le^^ apiead, a longer and longerjourney was necoseiij for the greaterpart of those who bad the right of votingtoattendtlieaBsembly Bt."gium. This, of itself, would operate as a limocratical rs- "trictioQ on the exercise of the tnatkke; it would ezoltide most citiMus of Uie lomt class. In the colle^ of magiatrates and the great council, and tbe federal eowta of jiis- tice,1u moreof theirtime woB devoted to ifae perfinmaiHie of Iheii oficiai dutiea, wealth would piepoBderate still more ; for,as w* know (o have been the eue with r^aidu th* conndl,so we have reason to believe tiai "' aalaiywas annexed to any of tbeae places. If the revival of the LMgne had bem itfa- red only six or seven years, that is, antil (be death of Pyirhos, it is probable that Anttgonas- wonld have stifled the riaingpower ia itain- fancy i but ithad now aoqnired anoh a ooBsiat- ency that he conld only have overwheloMd it by an exertion of force, which,at this jnao' tore, while so many other more important af- birs remained unsettled, he migbt not deoa advisable. AAer be had taken anoh maasorw as qqwued to he most mrgeatl;y leqnind far the fnitherance or seonrity of lus interests in Peloponnesus, it became high time lo torn his attention towards Macedonia, the nlher ai some events seem to have taken i^sc^ ostr the weatem frontier of his kingdom, whicb hs* could not but view with uneaainess. I^irtBS- had been succeeded on the tbrone of Epuus by his son Alexander, who Boon gave [mof of talents and a spirit not unworthy of his father. He appears scarcely to have mounted ti" throne before he was ennfed in a war wiihr MonunioB, vrtko had, ptxbapu, hoped to find' Epiras defenoelesa. We have no mlbnaitioB' aa to the issue of tbe war, bnt there U gmiw to believe that it waa not unfavoorable to Al- exander. He probably foresaw that, aoonsr or later, be should be engaged in a conflict with Antigonns, and therelbrs son^ ""- strengthen himself by an alliance with 1^ ^ii^ians, which waa, apparently, oemeatedby act of iiqnBtice, in whioh they weie jut- 's. We learn tbe bet only from a biisf s^ 3 in Polyhius, trtio mentiaAB that Aleiaiw' divided Acamania with them.} No date is t tnm an npniiia""ir'piBt..' ?liilcp., T, "*".*; ulIhT Achnn who mmi ii Iha oanliT m '"""J^ I /liXiurawvpt*i n^Qc "' if^Airttn, It w*"U """ *^ |(L] AU no fn-f^ "a fnf^ioTon'lUai rifi^K "ba fodenl trituaili wai adultu"hln"in'wluchiii^MFi" Uil"aJ*"J" laiHa of PornBni, ... ,!.,"".Julia [iniii.,I).U"idaihiKd"auacllfU" ARISTOTIHUS."SIEGE OF ATHENS. "77 oBigned to Uiis traDSMtion ; but, fn"i athsr lets, it ina;beiiireiTed that it took pUce "rei7 KTlj' in hia reign. AntigoBW must have riew- d both tbe partUioii and the alUanoo with reat diaquietude. The feeling wliich anbaiit- d at this time between him and the ^tolians 1 indicated b; another ocearrence which be- tngs to this period cr his reign, and which Ibo illuBtntea the nature or the aBcendency ^ich its waa endeaTooring to estai"liah in ireecs. With Us aid an Elean named Aris- itimus had made himself master of Elis, rbcre his power was upheldby a band ofmer- enarieat whose leaders were permitted to in- ulge their brutal paasioiw in the most atro- ioua outrages ODtheperaonaof Ibecitiuits.* le put many of the principal citiienato death, nd forced MO inla exile. Tbey took relbga a jEtolia, and the jEtoliana intareeded wtth he tyrant for tbo release of their wives and hildreo, whom they bad left behind. He signed compliance, bat only to aggraTate the aiaery of the euflerera by fresh exoaaaes of lyuna and cruelty. His tyranny, howerer, tated bat five or six months : the exiles in- renched themselves in a stionghtdd itamed Lmymone, to carry ao war against him. Cra- gruB n"aicbed Irom Corintti, where be com- nonded in tbe name of his half-brother Antig- nus, with a ationg fi"ce to his asaJMaace, nd advanced a* teraaOtympia. Buthecame M late ; for a conapiney had been formed i(ainsrt the tyraikt within the oity, and he wsa wapatched as he clnog to an ahar. Cyhm, "ho, under the mask of friendship, had taken iie principalpart in the plot, was honoured iritha statue at Olympia.by the JCtolians.t The state i^MaMdonia, exhausted by along MTies of deatmclire wars, and threatened by in able and entetpiialag neighbom', will flilly acconnt for Uie interral of three or four yaara irhich elapsed before Aotlgonusagain makes Ilia appearance in Oreece. He leinned with a leet and army, and with imdissembled designs if conquaat,though it is probable that he did MX proceed to execute them so abinptly, uid with so Uttle show of pretext, as ia represented \"j the acoounta which remain to ua of hia ex- pedition. They bring him at once to the niege of Athens, while an GgvpUan armament, eom- mandsd by Ptolemy'sadmiral,Patroclus, and a lAcedBntonian anny mtder King Areus, are combined to protect ".} The presence of the t^jptianfleet in the Greek walera may have been the ocoaaiwi, rather than the conaeqaenoe or the siege. Sputa coald not bnt feelthat her own independence was threatened, and that she was fighting her own battle in Attica. Bnt )MtiiAreas and Patrodoa were much more careM to guard themselves than to relieve the AtheDiana. Patrochia, who had intrenobed I, Dt HoL Tin., Mfju al M"r"r"t Th* dT thMa imil'iiliii, Luiixm,iodiauo liti m. W "^ t^mm mor* aaa fm IuIt. ri., 1*,1 1. CoBFU* *., S, 1,wbm Crloa ii I nnuk Iliabio*; irlucb Plutu^i Htln' M nyliRtnt) wf mat to liavB knows. himself on a littleisland,which afterward bore his name, near Ilie Atiic coast, over against Laurinm,* offered to second the operations of the liOcedKnionian anny with his own troops on the main land if Areus would sttack the en- emy. But Areus, tbough his men, it is said, were eager for combat, did not ventore to risk lives which Sparta could so ill spare, and might so soon need for ber own defence, without a clearer prospect of victory. Even when an op- porlunily presented itselfof attacking the eno- my at the greatestpossibleadvantage,no use- was made of it. A mutiny.-itseems, had bro- ken out among the Celtic mercenaries in the service of AulifODUs, who had either been post- ed at megara, or bad taken up a position there, and Xnligonus tbMght it necaasaiT to nareh against thiemwith the bulk of his Awcea. Tbe small body which he leftto gnaid his camp be- fore Athens might, it is supposed, bare beeik easilyoverpowwed, if it bad been attacked b^ the allies. But it appears that th^made ne- attempt either to storm the camp or to imped* his operationsagainst (he Celts,who am rep- resented as baring made such a deteimined n- sistaaca thst they first slew their wives and children, and then perished, fighting, to the laM man.t Antigonus returned to his headquarters miindested ; aiKl soon after Arena, whose pro- Tisioos were exhausted, withdrew hia armr IVom Attica, and htroclos sailed away, per* haps to eatiblish his maater's authMity, witb leas coat and danger, in other parts of the ."g"" an. But tbe Athenians,Ihooj^ thns abandon- ed, and seemin(^ybetrayed (^their allies, did not lose coursge. They sustained the aiege- with a patience and vigourworthy irfthe ancient times ; and Antigonus was so exasperatedb; their resistance, that he not railyravaged tha country, but set fire to (he celebrated temple of Poseidon at Colonus, and to the sacred grova in which it alood-I llie war with Antigonus lasted six or seven years j but, aa he invested the city both by sea and land,they could not,, by any dint of resolution, have hekl out so lone ifthe siege had not been at times iniemipteo, so as to enable them to introdooe suwlies. And, though this is not expresslyrelated, wa find that, on two oooasions,Antigonnswas call- ed away from Athens during the course of tba war. As to one of these movemeMs, we only know that it terminated in a battle,fought with, a Lacedemonian army, near Corinth, in which Areas " who may have been ronsed to moia- zealous exertions h; Ute murmoiB of his fellow- citizens" losthis Ufb ;4 and we find that about ~ie same time he was engaged iu hostilities 'ithAlexander,BonofCraIerus,wbo had prob. ably succeeded his father in tbe government . ]l WH, BD dc it " iBBt IhD "r'^biiUiM] uiimrt "f (ill ud In to 1"- lisma (Phrluoku u. AAn., vU.,H. wUah iaitimm ' -lalf iUarpntod: t Marnufntiit kA fvH tUrft- .Hr^WurrWor. But ika iuurntuw """" M ml^at^OB.I"rarHn'i(ll,,p.lll)(MaaUiB|il7thW^ir" imrht ba HBiTiAiit to aJMu. Not i( it tintr Ibii rdv :.i,CcBjiuaBnumai, Aikvu-FioTnnu, Inurp*)- 3" HISTORY OP GREECE. "of Corintb. and wai at one time narter oT "ub"Ea.' The other diTersion probably com- pelled him to raise the siege Tor a mach longer interral. Alexander of Epjrua made an inroad into Macedonia;* and Antigonus, when he marched aj^ainst the invader,was deserted by his Iroops,and, for a time, had lost possession of his throne. There ia nothing lo indicate lioiT long Ihe struggle lasted ; but the finalre- coveiy of his kingdom is ascribed to his son, DemetriuB,! who is said to have defeated Alex- ander in a battle fought at a place called Der- dia,4 and afterward to have made himself mas- ter of Epinis. while Alexander took refoge in Acamania, probably in the part which be had annexed lo his dominions, Demetrias, howev- er, could not secore his conquest; how long he retained it we are not informed : but Alex- ander is said to have been restored by the re- net of his snbjects, and with the aid afhis al- Ues, who were probably the lEtolians. And, as we bear of no farther hoalilitiea between tiim and Antigonus, it seems not improbable that the war was, about the same time, termi- nated bj a treat)'. Aa soon as this danger had passedby,Antig- omiB proceeded to renew the siege of Athens, and he i" said to bare abridged it by an artifice, which PolyKDOB thoughtworthy of " place in faia coUection of stratagemsj He granted a MapeiMion of hostilities; Polynnns calls it a ])etce; and withdrew hia forces,as the seed- time was approaching, in the year 363. The Athenians took advantage of the opportunity to SOW their land, but neglected to lay in a fresh supply of com, calculating that their remaining "took would suffice until the next harvest. But before the com was ripe,Antigonusagain in- vaded Attica,and invested the city,which, having now spent all its provieions, was com- pelled to submit to hia pleasure, and to receive a Macedonian ^rrison in the Museum, Pirxus, Hnnychia,Sunimn, and Salamia. It may easi- J' be supposed that the citizens who had most istinguidted themselves by their zeal in the caoM of independencewere forced to quit their country. One of these exiles, named Chre- monides, who appears to have taken so promi- nent a part m the defence of the city, that the war was sometimes called, from him, the Chre- monidean, found shelter and fkvonr at the court . , i^t. Bojo) "bu DcmttriiiM, tarn. Dnytta (ii., p. tl4) rrjem thii iumr It!"QouAriMrd br tu iadntnunt Autbontr of the Knoa- aiu Eoariia (d, p. MD, Irm whlrh *g lun Uw "m" i"f thaplu(),b""iHihlaD"iietriuwu'"- "-._"" imivaiifllul ilrlnln of Alexandria, and was afl"rwatd hitraaled with the command of an Egyptian leet.* Ath- ena, reduced lo extreme weakness by her long, unequalstruggle, and deprived of her most ao- tive and patriotic cittiens, ceased lobe an object worthy of the conqueror's jealousy ; and he re- vealed the lowest depth of hnmiliaiion to whidi she had ever yet sunk,when, some years after- ward, he voluntarily withdrew his garrison from the city,retaining, however, those which be had stationed in the other Attic fortresses. Yet ' is reason to believe that he, at the same took the precaution of demolishing the long walls. TTie Athenians, after Uiey bad gained this semWence of liberty, were stillanx- to show their loyalty to Antigonus, and to 'ince him that his confidence was iMit mis- placed. It was, apparf nilj, with this view th^ theydeposited the keys of the city with the phi- losoi^erZeno, who had spent tlie greater part of a long life at Athens, and was revered aa the head of the Stoic school. But it is pmbaUe that this would not have been deemed a snffi- cient motive for such an extraordinary marki4^ public esteem towards a foreigrier, ifhe had neC also enjoyed the favour of Antigonus, who not onlyprofessed the highest admiration for the philosopher, bot affected to treat him as an in- timate friend, and, alter his death, induced the Athenians to inter btm, at the public sxpenie^ among their heroes in the Ceramicaa. ZeiM deserved this hononr so well, that it is to be re- gretted it should not have been more "esiy con- ferred, and that his monument, in feet, attested Ihe subjection of Athens rather than the merti of the philosopher, t 1 litftil whifJiDrvTiui'i Imtbi liltorr l^n of Bucb k nudrfi LI4I potihinf1hh tbu tui I ulant far combmitioL uid dvicriptin ia nqiuTBd IB 99L Uvm wich ID Bii of frotmhilUr- TSlkI, botat* Iks bHagoremcd bj independviit n1"n, vha could bs^ (dmitud OD tl" men p. M.c), wuIhIGtIll("n""'t"lH(8lnbv p. 6S,Owir.|. If lbs c4ii)Bi1ijjvb^ irtiA Dved 10 flipliin ibmr idffnbtr is wit la bt ad- mi niiar to inpne, with Scbfiba iDit OK- "mflrmig n Aam.,p. M. thcnih ha doB ivnniiod by PjtbansiiuamoBf ths Ijniiti of 40" Dr^ in bnlxiiu (h(l Iha iH-tiilil off Co lUiliM to b^ FIb- lane of thii war ; nol, hovrtT"r, u ui^rl^t hiTO b""n ia- pnad. betwMn ABtifonaa and Fnlroelna, bBI "m n mflk on txtwrdinarr brpotkoaii- Hb anppoaaa Ibal tha am- .4Ifont at Aniigonni wai "" infarioito that of Patnclaa that h" did sot wnlnre to riak an auacflnent, tnl amr~ Ikritm that, " bii raluB (na Macadoain, barlif "otia- p^ad Ibal Pbiladalpbat laoald aand- a Ta^nkroaBaBl la bia BdiBinl,ha aailad ta lalanaaC It, aad (aiMd " iMotr irAaEnptilnaBaliffCoa.DiDTaanananavniDlate-' lala (l^llB, n. IW *tal ^undu a-" " "-= - I aflarthU irtikh ba Draytaa BiakeB tbt C^fana wieaB war n oaffia m ao",lb"ieai"*"" ''""" "^'-^ '-" sina ta ZaiW^ daalk; lor dnrinff lb Lntipmu codd sot hava aenl Tknao ( I mnoMadrbtltliaTi . i"." aanat owa h"'-' "itbaWa TitwofUia aii THE ACnJBA.fi LEAGUE." AKATUS m After the eonqoeat of Athena, the hietorjr of GteecB preEsnts BlmoBt an utter blank for a pe- riod of about ten jeara, during which we hear of only two opcurrenees worth recording. Wc find that Sparta was engaged in a war with Ariatodemus, the tyrant of Mfgalopolia. in th "ourse of which Acratalua, the eon of Areu: fell in battle,leaving his queen pregnant of a heir to his crown, who was bam after hi death ;" an event which must have strenjfther ed the power of Ariatodemus, and, consequent- ij,the MacBclonian intereat in Peloponnesus. During the same interral,an importantchange took place in the Conslilalian of the Achcan League. A singlemagistrate waa appointed ID the room of two, to the auprcme command It is not quitecertain,though probable, that e new office, that of hipparch(commander of the horse), was substituled for the one which was thus abolished. t We also find mer Tice-general,t but without anj account of the mode of his appointment, or of the relation which he stood to his chief That hia office was not one of very hightrust,may be inferred from' the fact thai,in case of the general's death, itwas not he, bnt the general's immedi- ate predecessor, who stepped into his place.* Bnt the effect was to invest one person, during hie year of office, with the undivided confidence "f the Leafpie. To him waa intrusted the com- mon seal. He convened itsassemblies at home; te negotiated with foreignpowers in Ita name ; he wielded its military force in the field with absolnle,though not irresponsible authority. It -was 8 change which aeema to indicatea height- ened cnnsciousneas of the federal anion, and a disposition to render the action of the League more vigorous and uniform. The man who was first honoured with this dignity waa Mar- ens of Cerynea,who. befbre his native town bad joined the League, had devoted himself to Its service, and commanded its forces in the expeditionby which Bura was delivered from its tyrantj There waa nothing,however, in this innoralion that, apparently, Stored the character of the confederacy, nothing that dis- closed any ambitions views, or aeemed to por- tend an approachingenlargement of its sphere; and though Antigonusprobablykept as eye " which was no doubt far from a friendlyone " on ilB movements, he could scarcely discover anything to excite alarm,or to afford a preteit lor boBtihty, though, as we know nothing of the tnannor in which he was himself occupied da- ring this period, no inference can be drawn from his apparent inaction. The League must have appeared now to have attained ita full growth : it had acquired an extent and consistency which, most likely, far exceeded both the de- laiTBitod with iha k"T* "T A' cilT (IMDf. Lurt.. n)..") " iBinnipantilTllu mal pisbiUi. Thu ibi Athaniui ble. If ii"ct"'rJrt^ii"lb.t 2"dy"Ili./"^?l^ the eT*CQmtiDi] nf tho cily,one DitE-"iInthoT be laeliiiHla "napKt Ihil " canpllnvpl paid to bim hr order of AvtiffH "u had tmn uinbetMl In tha Athminsi. Dnwn ii- Uchu. psrhepi, too ninch weiilll to Iho EfTnclof 7."7io't phtlM^bj DC the m-Lgin aC the wu-. Chre menidH, not- wilheundinfbu inElniBfj wflh Zun. luj bftw b*ei bD laitrBiiagthe cnn-lmeii of Pn-uuiu a h:"!iiii"^icl. "ul Till.. 17, 1 ulN.t r ScKdid. p. ". .iIUm.^.I!. Ccarui'.U t lta4.,il-t,l. I p^b,l..,4",U ' ' sigiw and the hopes of tbiwe nba bcfan Ite work of restoration. TetilBoolleetiTestreBglh, as I^ntarch observes,waa notsqaaitothuofoa* considerable city, and it is very doublfsl wheth- er it would ever have emerged from the obaoa- rily to which it seemed to be destined,withoot that peculiar combination of oiroarastaDOM which connected it wiili the Ibrtnnes of Aratua. Sicyon. his biithplaoe, after a period ofcott- fusion which followed the overthrow of the old Dorian aristocracy, had again fallen under tha dominion of tyrants,* but men widelydifiering in their character from the ancient ruleis, who, under the same title, exercised a mild and pop- ular authority, which they tranamitted peaoea- bljthrough suceeasive generationa. Those la- ter adventuTCTB, who rapidlysupplantedona another,seem to have maintained their power, whether they seized it for themselvea,or wera indebted for itto Macedonian aid,by a aystam of lertor which rendered their abort Ta^IM equally miserable and odious. Death,i"r axQa, or conhscation,were the lot of their principil adversaries, and, when their own time oame, of their adherents. After tha dawnfiiU of ana of these tyrants, named Cleon,an attempt waa made to put an end to this state of ttinga. Twv of the most eminent citiiene, Titnaohdea and, Clinias,were appointed, under what title, or with what powers, we are not informed, hat far the purpose of restoring order and prwervlaf libeity. Some degree of traitquilUty had baas re-established, when Uts death oT TimooHdaa leftthe whole burden of their ardnotu fliMiioM lodevolve upon his colleague, locethar with dl the danger with which they had hitherto iUald" ed one another. The oppoittmitj was sated by a man named Abaotides lo motder Cliain^ aud make himself roaster of the city. Tha family and friends of Clinias were the flistob- jects of the tyrant'sjealousy ; aome wan pot '- death, otheis saved themselvea by flight J son Araius, at this time onlyseven yean , wsB especially marked for deatnutioa. !" I generalconfusion, the child escaped fivm his father's house, and wanderad fbr soma tiiM alone throosh the city. His fsther'e li soughtrefoge in t him there until she feund means of sending him to ArgDs, where Clinias had many friends, wha took the orphan under their protection, and, it would seem, some property, which TSDilsnd dependent of their bounty. Hera ba spent the next thirteen years of his lilh.whila several fresh revolutions took jriaea at Siojoo. Abantides, like many bad men of that ami took a lively interest in philost^icalspaouatioaa, and he was killed in the Agora hyaband of oa"- splratoia, who fell upon him while he waa enga- ged in a leanied cotiTersation with the dialeotia phikwopher Arlstoteles, who had himsdf laid tbeplot.Buithetjrannyremainedintbebmda of hia father Paseas, lulil he,too, wm aiaaa- sinated by one Nioocles, who atq^Mdinto bia |daee. Aratns, as he grew np towaids maa- bood. applied himself more lo the exeraiaea of the body than of the mind. He submiUad M the training of a competitor for gymnastie bOD- ouis, and carried off some priaoa in tha pnUia Etbd in hia staluss, the Ihaughtful and " Hal.,At.,1. r of Abantides; the haj BISTOBY OP GR""CE. fi(nified mian of tba "istesnun and th" general did not iltogelber conceal the traces of hit ew- h familiirity with tbe diwipUne of the palestra. It maj be that bs did not merelyindulge a nat- snl wish to joiprof e lite Bdvantage* of a lobuat and agileframe,or even kxA forward BO much to "ka need which Im mightexpect to find on great oeeaswna for an extraordinBir ospncilj of bodi- ly ezenioD and endnrance,as he desired to dnde the jealoiHir ct bi" eneinias h; the teni- Hanoe of frivolDus pursuits, and of a vulgar ."nation. 'Diis part of hia histor;may st^- eianUyezidain two lestures which were after- ward HUM prominent in his chaiaeier : hia ab- borrMiee of tyraDny, which seenia to have been - 1 1.: .... . iiumainp,^ of timidity Mebng; and a aingnliiooaibinalitm of timidity "nd hardihood, which pendezed hia admirers, and aSbrdad n frnitAilUieoieof ingenioasspM- datkms |" the anoient hiateriaiiBand philoso- ybR*.* H" waa bold in the dark,reaolotein aB ambgsoade,datmtcd by no obatacle or dan- 9Mr wbicb he had to encounter aloiM,or with a of invention, were al finMka bim in open day, Md at tiw bead irfan army. At tbe aeeeaakm of Nieocdea,he vraa ahont twenty yaan of age. He had,no doubt,king *"A iqiaa the thoo^ of an attempt to deliver Md raoover BJcyon ; and the sum of aAira lader tiw new govanuneat appeared lo be very fevirandde for sn^ an trndeitaUng. Ntoodes waa, it aeema, moie nnpapnlBT than hia prede- "laiois, and tba maunrea by whidi be atnve I* Mmre hi* dominiao rendered it atill more Antignna, wbo had probeUjrproiacted tbe fcMiae of Ahwitidea,kept aloof from the usurper who had overthrown it ; and AnUis, lor a time, hoped that be might be induced,eapeoially aa Qinias had been oonneotad by fliendiy relaiieoa wttb tbe royal"inily,t to aid him in his snter- priaa. BotAntiRonosMMddpttcenoeoiifidence iB an inexperienced yoMh, and couh) only have "OBaawted to nse hira aa an iflstrunwnt ; and tUs certainly not with a view to restore liberty at Sieron. Vet he thought it advisable to "^'^ ~"Hh pitMnisea, which, however, a deceive ; and faided by hia penonal quaiilies, . Ihem he Mm tqieitad hia pKjeeta. But he Smnd very few wtio were either ao aealoos for Ibe ewse or ao willingto relyupon his jadg- "Mnt aa to eater heartily into his plans. In- deed, hia most aotive aaaociates were two ex- ile* of MegakiMllB,Eoderousand Demophanea, wbo afterward became celebtated fwmany im- portant aervice* ta tbe cause offraedom. His Arat thongbtwaa to aeixB some stronghold in tba territory of Sioyon, from whiidi to cany on "Plut.,4r.,".P"lyb,lT.,i, I Plul., Jlj., t. Open war against the tynnt ; bat he waa iadn^ ced to abandon this acheme by informatioa which he received from a citiionwhf* had oa- capecl rrom prison, and had made hia way over tbe city wall at a part where it rose to no great heigbt on ibe outside, and was nearly on a lev- el with the ground within. This discovery suggested an undertaking stillmore congenial to the character of Aiatua ; he resolved to at- tempt, with a small band of loUowen, to sur- prise Iha cityby nt^ht. Plutarch's deacnption of the preparatioa" which he made for tua expedition eaata a atrong lighton the condition of Greece in theae times. We are reminded of the incture which llin- cydides drawa of it in the j^es acceding tho settlement of ii* population.Society, in it* higheststage of refinement,bad rela;"edlni" tbe wildne*sai"d disorder (rfitainfknej. Ar"- tue found it eaay to providearm* without awft- keningsu^noioo : for it wa* a time, the biogra- l^ierobserves, whan everybodywaa engaged in maffinimg adveuuirea and mutual tncur- eiona. The "ealing-Iaddera, made ao as to h(r taken to pieces, were suppliedby one of ttw exiles, wtm gained hia living by the constniction of machinery. The Aigive frienda of Aratw contributed each ten men from their own housa- holds. Hehimselfwaaabletoarmthirtyalave*. And ID make up the number which be thon^i neceasary, he contracted with Zencfhilua, ft noted captain of robben, for the aerviees (rf* m tew of his tioop, who were led to baliera that the objectwas to cany off some hMseabelont- ing to Antigonus. They were directed to go out in small scattered parties, and to assemble' at the TowBi of Polygnotua, a point on tba road to Nemea. The ladders, packed in boxes, were sent forward in wagons. The chief hin- - derance in the attempt lo scale the wall unob- served was apprehended firem the dogs keptby a gardener, who lived in a lone bouae on tb* outside, not far from tbs place where the lad- dera were to be fixed. To foreetallthis dan- ger, Aratua bad despatched his Iriend Cephi- sia* with four cororadea, who were to arrive at the house, after the dty galea were shut,in ths garb of common iravelleia, and, under Ibe pre- text of seekinghgepjtality, were lo aecure tbe man aod bis dogs. Some farther precaution* were still necessary to tlirow Nicoclea olT hj" guard; for he had been led to subnet that- Eomething was meditated againsthim, and b" was known lo have sent apiea to Argo* lo watcb the movements of AratuB. To blind then, Ara- appeared in the morning in tbe nenal place* jHiUicreaort, went home aooompanied by aoma young men wbo ware used to ahaie hi* convivial hour*, and made eonqncnous prepai*- tiona for a banquet The apie*were deceived, and, aa soon as the repast waa finished, he pro- ceeded to join his friends at the place of rea- dezTOtu. At Nemea he discloeed his real ob- ject to the whole band. and. by dbt of prom- isee and entreaties, prevailed on tbem to abani the perilous adventure. He regulated the marck so a* to have Uie benefit of a bright moon om tbe road, and to reach Sicjon just " SURPRISE OF 8ICV0N. diSTcnU; thai Ajratus could nov pennade his followeiB to peiaeTere ; and Ilieir Teluclanro -was juBtiGedby the imminent danger in which they were placedbj the vigilance of the dogs, irbicb keptup an incessant barking at the beela of the part; that was aent forward under the orders ofEodemus to applyihe ladders and ex- plore the wall, while Aralos ToUowed alowly "with the maia body. When the ladders were fixed, those who moanted toremost were reiy nearly diseorered by two parties of the patrol -vrhicb passed in oppoaite directions soon alter one another. FinaUy, after Aiatna, hating been sppriied that allwas seenre, bad reached the fbot of lbs wall,a grett bound, which waa kepi in the nearest tower, having been at length roused by the barking of the smaller dogs,joined in with it so loadly as to attract the attention of a sentry beyond ; bm as his master, wben called upon to accoant for the nnse, attribnted it to the recent passing of the patrol, the fol- lowers of Aratos, who overbeaid (he oonversB' (ion, concloded that he roitsthave been gained to "*our their enter^se, and began to meant the ladders with revived spirits, tt was now near daybreak, and the ladders wonid only bear the weight of one man at a lime. When laitj had reached tbe top, Aratna himsfetTfoDowed ; arid, having waited for but a very ftw mora, hastened to the tyrasi's house, and to the guard- loomofhismerceoarytroops; theywereovef- powered and secmvd witboot Uoodshed, bttt Kicocles made his escape by a sabterraneMis passage. Arstuanowsent roond to tfaehooNs of hi* ftiendsto aQnonnee his presence and KK- "ese, and tbe tiding!soon spreadthrough tbe "ity. By daybreak tbe theatre was filled by aa anxJons and corions crowd ; b" as soon as the herald had proclaimed that Aratits, the son of Clinias, Invited his fellow-citizens to assert tbeir freedom, the mnttituds rmtiDd to set fire to the tyrant's house. He Are was soon ei- tioguisbedby tbe exertions of the soldieis and the discreeter citizens, but allthe property of the tyrant was abandoned to pillage. The glory of this ezidoit was not stained by a Bingledrop of blood, eitherdarins or afterthe atniggle. But the flm meatnre of Aratns waa^ to recallthe exiles, and this act oTjDstieewas attended with consequences which threatened the state with fVesh cOnvuMons. Amid the tevaluirone of half a centnry,during which SL- cyon had been subject to a succession of tyrants, the number of the exiles had grown to nearly 400. The influence of Aratus was able to re- Jtrain them, aftertheir return, from the indal- gence of animosity and revenge against their political adversaries ; but he couM not hinder them from claiming their confiscated property, the greaterpart of which had now passed into the hands of owners who had long enjoyed it under various titles derived from inheritance, contract, or other lawfiil modes of transfer. He endeavoured in vain to mediate between the contendingparties : none would aiirrender or compromise their rights -. attempts were made to dislodge the possesson from their lands and houses by faroe:. there was reason to dread, not only that scenes of violence would frequently disturb the puMic tranquillity, but that the hatred and jealousy which were nour* ished 1^ Ibeta eiHitesU might spon undo all that had just been so happHy elfeettd ; fitrAa- - tigonus was al hand, and OD the "rateh to take advantage of tbeir dissensions. He waa prob- ably not a little displeased to see that an im- dertaking fVom which be badwitiiheld his aid had been aocomplisbed witkeot tt: both the iift- mediate result and tbe tendency of t^ exam- ple were adverM to his interMts, and iben could be no doubt that be WO"ld ba wiUiiv to support any one who promised10 stdiJMt St- cyon to his antbority, OT to govom itas his on"- tore. llie danger, from witfaia and Inat with- out, appearedto Aratna aopnaalBg.lhathewM induced to lock to tbe oearsM qnaiter Sot aa- eistanee, and tbe AchKan Leagne pnaeateAa pntspeet of ready and lealoas, if not very pM- erful help. Its procaedings, ptiaeiidn, and im- BtituttoDS were sncb as to M"age his Itrcly sympathy and approbatimi. H" and tt w"ra to- boariog in tbe tema eanse : it was aatnal aad ei^ient that they abonld oombinD thair atrength.Snob,we are iafbrmed by Ptatusi^ who bad read tbe ntemolm whirit Antna kA of bis own life, won tbe BBotlves wbidi led boai teot of tbe embarraaaingpoaMtn la i AratOB fbund lilmsnlfpbimd at thk joM __ . If he bad been able la extrioate htiMalf fitiatt immedialelyIqr the expedient wUcdi he laaltr less than of his natlrs eity. oes nnder wtiic^ the anion t" nted,perhaps,mainlyto fix tha terms on wUsb it was eHfeeted^ Greatly as tbe power at Si- cyon exceeded that of every OM of tbe AohMM towns, It claimed no superionnr or piinla^ but was admitted on a footiDg of perfeet mmI- ity; it obuined one vote In the oowiails U Iha to tbe Laagae for m was afterward (bilaw"d in o reason existed ; and so ftr as K detemuMa taa ooarae wtileh was ptwrned ia the seqnel, it aay be ooostdered aa the ortgia of many edamities which subaeqaeatly afflicted Greece, and haat" It does not even appear that, eidier in e"n- seqaenee of the aooessioB of Sicyoa, or at any lubseqoent period,any obsngew -*' '- ''-' !onstitDtion of tbe federal magi* emment. The number of the w to tbe last, to have been limited to ten, and that of the conncil always to have retained its migi- nal proportion to that of the Acbnan towns. Hence, atrange as it appears, we are led to conclude that the places in both these boards continued to be filled by Acbteaos. This occa- sion suggests anotber interesting question, on which our information is not sufficiently full to precludea greatvariety of opinions.*Polybin* * Tinminm (p. ST)}tat Bokon (^ TS)"ntnd (a Iha HISTORY OF GRBSCE. tBtkniB,lirtiidiillhis time, when ibe League bad naJebMl its largestoompasB, prevailedthrough- Mlt ita wbole extent. All the Peloponnesians, 1m Bays, then ua"d the aame laws, weighla, meaanrDB, money, the came msgietratea, coun- cillorB, and judgeB,*' This Matemenl is evi- drntl;qoiie connatent with the suppoaition that Uie indjTidual Btates of the League were, DATcrtlieless, allowed to retain their own laws. "ugJMrates, and political ioatitutloDsof every kind i and aa it ia DoWrioaB that this was the "Baa with ngard to aome of the thing* which FoljrbiD* aDnain'atea,t it was most priibafaly ao U to alt the real Vet tbia passage aeema nafnlrto ban iropmased aonie modern wriiere with the belief that the League ialeTfered to as- "'"""'* tbe institutions of all the states incor- pmaMd ia it to its own ; but there is neither "Maon nor anthMity to support tbia conclusion. ' It i^ inde"d, tai^ly probable that democrallcal liKtiiationa, vaati Tarjoos fonna and modiGoa.' tioiN,ware eataUished throughout tiie League, Mi eselndJDg, bnt atillleaa enforcing, tbe in- iD"Doe of prnperty.} But thiskind of unlfiinn- itjmight well ariaa wiUumt any direct inter- poaiiion ; and wben we oenaider that in eveiy Onek dtj tbam was a powerfiil denMoralical put^, itwill be clear that tbe triumph of demo- . natieal prtneiplea was aara. in "ve^instance, "ilbar to pieoade or to fellow tbe unioD witb thsLeagaa. AraMs Umadf was raised by this tranaac- ' tidB to the bighaatdepaa of reputation and popilantyamoag tbe Adwans, and estabUshed "Brndefeasttiledaimtotbeirgratitade: and the "oJastj with which he aubmitled to their laws, ' axdMrndasapriTateaoMierin tbaircavBlry, ' vhatbercalonlatedotnotiWaaadmirablyadapt- ed 10 etTeagtben Ms iidueaoe over them. A s^kply of fi*""itd-tvren^ talents,which about ' Uus' time he received irom Ptolemy, while it I araved the valne which the king attached to his frieodatiiiK enablBd him to relieve aome of his poorer feUow-citiiena, and thus to secure tMr adtetiODs in favour of the new govem- . nant. It ma; alao have suggested to him the pOMibili^ Of a TCniBdy tor the diaorders with irhicb the pratansloiia of the restored eiiles "antioaed to threaten die ci^- He resolved to Mil to Alesaadria, and to stdicit a larger dooa- tkn, wbi^ mi^t aOord the means of an ami- MUeadJoatment without a sacrifice from either party. Ke bad oot neglected to cultivate the ilvear of hia royal benefactor by such returns ' as bs was able to make for hie bounty; and it happened to have been in hia power lo gratify OH of Pudemy^ tastes at little cost. The SU^oniao sehoid of paintingwas at Ihia time "liU oelebrUed in Greece,not only for eminent IwtH (p.1371, I" DnvHB iaIkUhI M tolin* (U..p. "t). to take some leaeoBa from the Sieyoniaumas- ters. During the dominion of the tyrants, the school had prodmeedmany valuable works,sev- eral of which were tributes of flattery to Iba rulerof the day ; and one of these was sn beaii' tiful, thai AralU3 waa induced to exempt it from. the general deBlruction to which he doomed all Huch memorials of the public dishonour. It was the strongestproof he could give of bis Jisceming love fur the art ; and his good taate enabled him to take full advanta^ of the op- portunities presented to him by bis position to enrich Ptolemy's gallery with a number of choice masterpieces. His voyage to Alexandria was not accom* pli"hed without many personal risks and hard- ebips. Mia vease! was driven by a gale on the coast of Hydrea.* where it was aeiaed by an officer who commanded there for Antigoaoa, while he concealed himBsIf, witb a singlefriend, in a wood. It was afterward a Roman vessel which, chancing lo touch there, afTorded him the means of escape. It was bound (or Syria ; but AraluB, it seema, did not think himself safe in tbe dominions of Antiocbua, and prevailed on tbe master to land him on tbe coast of Caria, where be had stillto wait long before be cooU Ind a passage to Egypt Those perilous a^ ventures, encountered for so noUe an objecl, mi^t plead with Ptolemy in hia behalf. It ia certain that his presence confirmed the favour- able impreaaioiia which had been made on tbe king by their correspondence; and the result of hia visit was a,BUbBidy of 150 talents, fyitj of which he immediately carried borne with him ; the rest waa tiansmittedin soccessivv paymeata. With this sum be was able to sau isfy every claim lo the confiscated property, tar which one of tbe parties in each case vraa easily iniluc43ii to accept a pecotiiary equivaleot. But still, tbe settlement of so many controver- siea, many of which must have been reoderod. very intricate by lapse of time and perplexity of titles, must have been a most laborious and ditflcultwork. The people testified the un- limited confidence which theyreposed in Ara- tus when they created him sole aibilrator with fall power. He, on the other huid,to place hia moderation and diainterestedncsB beyond aos- picion, deolioed this invidiaas honour, anj oauaed fifteen other cttiiens to be joined with him in th^ eommisaioa. The arrangement was at last eflPected in a manner which seems ta have given universal satisfaction, and to havs healed every breach. The services of Aratua were acknowledgedby tbe people with publio honoura,andbythe exiles with a bronie statue, which bore an inscription expreaaive of their admiration for bis courage and justice, and of their gratitude to the deliverer, who had re- stored them to their homes, and had beatowed equality of lighta and orderlygovernment on hia country.! The fame of tMs peaceful acbieve- Ar., It, Hk 'A^aC- Dit"rHB.("., 311, 1 --nr ibBttiiiadHcriptiai assal vvit Akdi.-. SIGYON TRANQUILLIZED." ASATUS GBNKIUL. 1 wmtA, Md 0 dnraUe tWi bnua, bj tha pan of Cioera, wbo, having laanied Iha ralue ol^BOdi men Iqr bitiar experience, amid IbB deith-Btrugglea of Roman liberty, extols tbe conduct of AratoB wiitt the eqniTocal enlo- gj, which, however, he meant for Um bighett, that ao great a man deserved to hare l"een bom a Roman.* The right of Antus to aucb prniie baa.indeed, been questioned on the ground that in tbia toBlance the courae prsBcnbed by the pmest patriotismeiictlr coincided with that which he wpuld hare pursued if he had aimed at nothing but the promotion of hie own influ- oce nnd repulation.f It might be enough to OBJ that Cicero was {iraiBiug the #t^i"mi)i" ; bu, in an age when moat men Anmd iteasier to rtae to power through wrong and Wolenee, there waa enrej; no small merit in tbe draiee of lightmeans, efen for a like end ; nor will it Ib"ow that Aratos was not in earnest with his patiiatiain, becauae, as we shall find, he was aot always capable of sacrificing his penonal aKbition to the pi^liti good. The terms on which he stood with Airtigonas may be odtected from the foreffnmg nairattTe. He had been forced to conceal blDUMf fhtm Iha king'soffioer, and bis vesael had been aeiaad as n enemy's property. Yet, after bit return r Ihm "pypl. Aotigooua afibcted to coart bis Aieadship, not with any hope or deaire of gain- iag it, bat to ihrow auepicionon Aiatns, and fmtioularly to awaken Ptolemj's jealmiay. Fhm CoTuth, where it seems he had taken up ' his reaidence for a ticne,to watch the progress "f the Leagne, be occaeionall; sent some little fraaents to Aratus ; and at table, when guests . wBB present who would be sure to report bis wunle, ho profesaedto admire the yonng man's disaemment, who had detected the WMkneas which was eoTered from ordinary eyes Iqr the IheUrical pomp and splendour of the Egyptian eourt, and had now timiwn himself without re- "arre into the arma of a more trustworthyally, ne artilScs appears to have produced no eObct at Sicyon; but it succeeded so far aa to inspire Plolemy with a temporary distrust of Aratus. Antigonus himself can hardly bavs expected any "ery important results from it \ and it is prabaUe that he was at this time endeavouring to accompliah his main end in a very diflereat manner ; for it is to this period that it aeems necessary to refer a treaty, which is more than OBoa mentioned by Potybius,tthough unfortu- aatoly without a dale,concluded between An- ^gonus and the .i"to]ians,with a view to the dumemherment of the Achnan League. It was not before the aoceaaion of Sicyon that the League could have appearedso formidable as to give occasion to soch a compact ; oor do we Wl any earliertrace of hostlLity between ^lo- lia and the League. Tbe .flolians had, in- deed, as we have seen, made an attempt an Sicyon; and this, when Sicyon had become ita^Mttr* Kriigtt,p. L4). Ha hbdi hi think Erna nur- n^omit^ raqoLn^ikii Amrm ihoiildb^T* tipond himtvLf t^Mkm. " * t ii.,U,"jU,liu.,H!T I, might b le boSy in have inndTed them ig with the boSy in which it w. llMy are said to have made tL. . to AntigonuB,probably in the interralbetween the revolntioa at Sicyon and the year in whidk Aratna was for the Brat time raised to the su- preme commaikl. It was in "44, in the iwenty- aiath year of his age, that be first Sited the of- lice of General ofthe League; and all his mili- tary operationa in this year, of which theio remaina any record,were directed against tha "loliana. The accounts lell to ua of these op- erations are very scanty and unconnected. It is only leUted that he ravaged tbe territory of Calydon and the Ozdian Locris, which at thin time belonged to the ftaliana, and that hs marched into B^aotia, with an amy of IO,OW men, to succmr tbe Btaotians, who were in alliance with tbe League against the same common enemy. But this beginning of bis military career was a little ominous, for he ar- rived loo late : the Bnotiana had been datnt- ed at Chcmnea, and had hist 1000 men, and tbe BcEOtarcb AhiocrUus.* They immodiatdy abandoned tbe League, and attached theoh stives to tbe "tolians ; and their potdicspirit was so brolten by this disaster itut they eoidi hanlly ever be again tmiaed to take any part is iheaSaiisofGreeoe.t How far tbia BoHitiaK alliincB was designedby Aratna to oondai^ balance that of Antigonns with the .ftriiasn oan only ha surmised. But thne is one inAi- enes which may Us dnwn from faia campaign in Northern Greece that may serve to noMr** a seeming difficulty. Even if Antigoona wm not at thia time engagedby treaty to co-opersto with the ""tolians, it may seem strang" that be should have taken no advantage of tiM ab- sence of the Achwan fbroea ftom Ibeir oonnti)^ But Um moreBMnts of Aratna indicate that A"- tigonns waa not at thia time in poasBssion of Corinth. The Isthmus was evidentlyopen, and tbia agreea with what we learn Awn otber as" Dountaof the atote of tbinga there. The posaessim of Corinth had ahrays been regardedby the Macedonian princesaa an ob- ject of tbe highestimportanoe wiUi a view tn the command of Peloponneaos. Antigonun" probably when he set out on his nnancceasAtf expedition againstPtolemy Cerannns'-bad in- trusted it to his half-broiher Cratems, tha bok of Alezander'e gmeial of tbe same nsme^ ant of Antipatefadaogbter Phila. But Cntarns seema to have been eneonragedby the revsisM of Antigonusto treat tha |dace aa his own, and^ it appears, kept it in hia hands until bis death.t Yet hia relations to Antigtinus were not alvmv avowedly hostde ; as may he collected from tbv fact, that in the last war with Pyrriinn th" MBcedonian general Ameinlas is desoribed an bringing succoura to Sparta ftom Cminth. Bit " Pim., Ar riilttd frcfnAD;lraiiii. _. ... iDfemd fnni PLuunh, Da Pni. A HISTORY OF GREECE. k dooa not foUtnr that Antigoniu had recorar- ed poeseBaioii of tha eitadei, utd the aequel deailf indicBteB that this could not hsTQ been the ewe ; for Cratsnis,on his death, ms aneeeeded in the eommand of the placeby his "on Alexaader, who waa likeinae mdependeat, thon^ he Ilia]' hare been on fnendiy temu wiihliiB.rojralkiiiaiiiaii, aiidereii haTeprofea- Md obedienoe to his aathortty, with no more real mtaniBakn than man; a fimdal raaaal or Tmkiab pacha, ahwlnte msBter of hn pmrinoe, haa ^ieUisd to bia nimiinal aoYereign, while be retaiDed the a^le ct a aniqect, and peribimed -"etaof ovtwaid homage. AcoordiBfly,wehaie aeen Antigonna at Corinth,eanyiag m liiain' nigaea againet Atatoa ; , .. id thepngeet of wreating ConnUi front him, bnt that be waa direrted fnHD tfaia deaignbj'Alezanda''a Tohmtair aeoesaiOD t* Hie League,*bywhioh he mat have opuily leMNmaed all oonnexion with .^Uigmnia. It ma anMieUlj thia allianee with Alexander that enabled Aiatna to esecnte tbe operatieM iriiidibate been related ao boUlj and bbAIjp. "d, "f poiaon, adminiateied to him throng tbe "(ntriTaiMeofAntigoiiiia-.t and certdnl; there ia Mthinf ia tha ^araotei of Antigomia to re- pel ttaja anqricion, and mnch in hia aaheeqvatt pnweedin^ to rnggeat or eonfinn it. Alex- aadn^ widow, Nic"a, retained poaBeaakm of the (brtteoa j and AntipHiiia at onoe sent hia "m J"eiBetiiDa,thoiighit eeemabehod already jnanied Stratonice, tbe dan^iter of AntkiehaB 4Seier, aa a aniter for her hand. The difftar- pMt bei prima" iendei"d her,peAapa, the men i^en to the iUnaioM of ftmale vanity.t Abe "eeepted the young prinoe'a H.wHng otCeia, and AatiaamiB himself came to Corinth to eel- niqrtials with rojal spleDdour. igb to retain vnotinlbiHi- it of any "tqinl"- ttet in the maniage contract; botnowidiwaa axpnoMd byAntigmBBtliat ooold awaken her wmfieioai. All earei of state seemed to have been bwiidted from the mind of the delisted Atber, lAo "H only intmt on providing aenc- oeaaion of entertainiiieiita fyt Ae object of hie aaa'a ohoiee. A mnsloal pericmnancewis to "to placo in the theatre, which Niceea con- aeoted to grece with her ineeenoe. She waa COBVCTed with royal Mate in a simiptaonB lit-' ter,aooaHDpaniedby Antigiwiia himself. But "t the point where the road turned off towards -the gateof the eitadei, he quitted the train and haaMned up to the Airtiess, which he found "aieleatdrguarded; a great part of the garri- aon waa among tiie qectators below. He gainedadmittance " it appears without a atnig- ^e" for a force sufficient to secnure poiaession of tlie plaee.f He is said to have displayed pnul of htiing f Btunbod^iit "nnvHKTlrwrtaiDibBt lb "T mul hEia bxnTvl ""n".u PluUn-Ji I bnlUHthUlksianridiiafallati Ai' t Iln p" """" far lb* tM- ItNin immoderatajoyattfaeaBocesaofthisdt . stratagem, tuul to have cel^rated it wiA lO*- elry ill beoommg his age and station. Tbe marriage, it may eaai]; be supposediwaa InO- ken off; and we bear no more of Nicca. IfAraCns bad been led to conoeiTe the thoogbt of an attempt opon CoiinUi wbite it waa biid by Alexander, tbere was now mneb stronger motivea to urge bim to the undertaking. Bat he oould hardlyhope or wish to cany it into execution until be waa again in oflke ; sad, aeeotding lo athndamsKtal articleof the rtrrhai an Cona^tntion, tbe aniHwne magiMmcy oeaU uM he heU by tbe Muae peiaon fbr two aao- ceaaive yeara. At the end of Ibe pa-aanribed interval he waa re-elected, and tbe oppeatt- nity for viiich be was oonstaatlyon the wicA soon preaented itself Three teotbata,Syrfaa Oreeka, bad piUbred from tbe royaltreasnre at Corintb,and one of them, nabied Ersinia, oaae to Steyon from time to time to exouBge their plunderat the huose of a banker well known. toAiatu. TliTougfa thischannel Arataaleara- ed that Uiere was an ooeeanble point in tbe wall ct tbe citadel ; and Erginnn,having ea- giged the ooncurrenoe of a fourth toother wbo served in tbe gairiaoo, undertook to eondaet Aiatns to the [daoe where the waU was no mora than AAeen foet high. Tbe brotbtn de- manded a large reward. Sixty taleata ware to be deposited witb the baakCT,to be paid lo theai in (be event of auooeaa ; and even in the etae of Ailnie, if theycached, each was to rae^va a hoosa and a talent. Aatas oooU not imaie- diately raiss eo larae a sum, and was (breed to fled^ bis plate and hia wife's oraamente, pw- obasing,aa Plutarch observes, (be privilege of a perflons adventoM for the lood of his ooan- try, at a price which it wonld have been no- ooonted magnannnona to nqeot if tt bad been oBfared aaabribe. When the time came whiA bad been fixed far the attempt, leavinf Os main body of hia tbrcea under aiiaa, be pimwed- ed with 400 men, few of whom were in tbe aecret, towards Corinth. As theyapproaobed the wall, tbe ligfat of the foil moon, lAieh wooU have THodered conoealment almost iIl^NMaildB, was intercepted by olonds which rose fromuis sea. Several other piopitiouB drcumstaiMea oontribated to hia auooeaa, diongfa he t^ earned it I7 his ooorage. Ergiiros,wiUieev^ othuB,di^nised aa wayfarers,gained MrtiaMe at a gate and overpowered the gnard, wbila AratuB, with only a hundred of hia men, scaled ifsljluOKIsd frsm it bejinilIh* fia thml Ai or(;oriiiih,*liiDlilitlui) bMlbniA Aln- "' ''ilDinlir.Bui ikiiit bb u "U tbe qaa. b4 cbftncMT cf Antrnmaa. Tht uuB 1 li. ...1 f.i.i. " ^ B"ua rf " ARATUS AT CORINTH." ATTEMPTS UPON ARGOS. 3" tke wall, awl adnaeed toward* the tatadel with the aeB}iiif4addera, ordering tbe rest foHow. But on his vt^ through the town 1 fcO in with a patrol, one of whom eeoaped, and "OOD rataed a geiteral alarm. AntiganDB had iatnuted the place to three ^neiala. The commBnd of the Acroooriathua be hod Miigned to PeruBus, who had been the preceptor of his sou Halcyoneiu, Init Beenm to hare had no better titleto hit conAdeitce than that he had been educated by Zeno, to whoin ha at fiiu belMtfed u a slave, and wboee ten- ets be afterward pn^iMMd to expound. The dmice would not, peihafM, have been a Tei; happj one, eren if philoao^y hod been a anf- ttieat qnlillealloti br such a poet; for Per- "cna is said to have conpM lofwe lubits witii fata rigid doettines.* Hiamihtai? science was, it maj easi^ be Imagined, no lese pnrdj theo- ArchsUuiBO inded tbeh if the forcee in the knrar town, where the third general, Tbeophrastns,aeema to have held aomt post nnder him. Aretaw"again ia*i"in"d t^ the moon, which bnd" throogh the clouds aa he was entangled in the most intricate port of the aweni " reached the waU of the dtadd aafeljr, and was soon engaged in a hard combat with the ganison. As mm as the alarm wu rais- ed, -ATchelaas,linding that the citadel was at- taeked, hastdned with til his forces in that dl- iwtion. Bat he chanced to light on the 800 AdiKBna, who, unable to find the track of their comrades, had cowered behind a projeclion of the rock. They now sprang out as from an ambnscBde, and completely routed and disper- sed his troops. Bot the; were recalled from the pursuitby Erginns to the saccour of Ara- tUE, and their arrival decided the struggle.By aanrise be was in poBsesaion or the fortreaa, md the forces which had followed him from Sicyon, making their appearance at the same time, were joyfully admitted into the lower town by the CorinthianB, who helped to cap- ture the royal Boldiera. Archelaus himself was taken, b^ was afterward released byAra- tns. Theophrafitus refuaed lo abandon his post, and was put to death. The ^osopher made bis escape during the combat, and fled to Cenchrev, He returned, it seems, to the goTemment of hia achool ; but he used to ad- mit that Aratus had taught him to quealion the truth of hla master's dogma; that the wise man is the only general. When order was restored, and the people as- sembled in the theatre, Aratus came down lo address them. There was a diShrence of opin- ion among the ancients as to hia powers of ora- toiy; but, whaierer theywere, we may easily coneeiTe that, when he stood on the stage, vis- ' iUy jaded by the fatigues of the night, and wailed, resting on his spear, until the applause of the spectators bad subsided, his silence was more eloquent than the speech which followed. Since the battle of Cbsronea, the Corinthians had never beep in possession of the Iteys of m u it lUHbaMd a bia bjrJ"toytci theirown city. These Aratus now restond to them ; and he easilypersuaded them to enter into the Achnan League, to which alone tfa^ could look for protection. The Achaans, how- ever, continued to occupy the citadel, irbn" theykept a garrison of 400 heavy-anDsd,and a pack of fifty honnds, and as many huotsmeoi a commtm precaution, it seems, againstsur- Ttais great acquisttioBcqiensdan almost bonndless pmspeot of farther oonqueeta. Oaa of its Urat fruitawaa the snmnder of Ledi"- um, where a royalsqnadroB of five-and-twnqr galleya fell inte the hands af the eonqneron. Aratus was sot riow to follow up his advaa- tage. Hegara,Tnaxen, and ^ndaum jolsad the League In tbe codtm of the same year; and ha onwusd his achievemeata Inr an e^e- ditionto Attica, in the oontse of which he rav- aged Salamis before the ejes of tbe Haoedonlan ganuoa. He had pTobaUy hoped that tlw Atbeniaas would dodare tikemaelvea Id bfarftb vrntr; and,thoughthey did not stir, he leleasad aU his Athenian prisonera without ransom, in the hope of preserving their good wiU for soma """ Another nwasnre.whidiw iague at hia sv lass seif-conAdence than m "anieoted afl"r such a inonced itto conclude an aUiance wtth P niiladelphaa, by which the king was dt comuiander-in-^ief of all its forces, b land and sea. The Aebaana,however, had no reason to fear any encroachment on their Inde- pendence from so remote an ally; and they might think the tiUe which they oonlhrred on him, thoogb it appeared to detract a littlefrom their national honour, not too high a price for the subetantisl benefit which theymight derive from his subsidies and Heets in the struggle which they had to expect with Antigonus. The event seems to have provedthat, with regard to Ptolemy,they had as little ground for hope as for fear. He was neither formidable as a protector, nor usend as an ally. But the hon- our of the. tcheans was less endangeredby hia friendship than that of Aratus himaelf, who ac- cepted a yearlypension of siz talents from his royalpatron. To liberate the Peloponnesian cities from their tyrants, and to incorporate them with the League, continued to bo the great object of his policy; and Argos, as well on accaant of its position and importance, as of his own personal connexion with it, excited an interest in him littleshort of that which he had feltfor the re- covery of his native city. Ariatippns, who, alter the death of Pyrrhus,was, it may be snp- posed, established in the government under Macedonian protection, had been succeeded by Aristomachne, pnAably his son. If he was al- ready master of Argos when Aratus delivered Sicyon, he had since become more vigilant end suspicious ; for he had prohibited the possession of arms to liiecitizens under severe penalties. Nevertheless, Aratus fonnd means both to set a conspiracyon foot against him in Argos, and to supply the consptrators with weapons. A quarrel which arose amftng them led la the dis- closure of the plot, and probably saved the ty- rant's lire. It must be observed that Aristom- achos was not at war with the heagat. U wa^ 380 HISTORY OF GREECE. "implp as a tjrrant that he was marked for as- siaaination. Even ths piincipls which bad Ionic ^en generallj admitted in the Greek pohlics, that a tyrant was the pablic enemy of all hia aubjeets, U not aufficient to justify the dbndnot of Araiua in this attempt. Either ' Bhut his eyes to the beseneasof tbedeed, or had persoaded himself that a EyTanlought to regarded aa a monster, who had 'forfeited all claims to protection under the common laws of civilized aooiely. Some of the pernicious con- "equencea of thia maxiro soon became apparent. Aristomachna was killed ahortly after by his alavea ; perhapa not without the privity of Aratua. though he claimed no share in the ex- ploit ; bat ho waa quietly ancceeded bj a sec- ond Arislippua, HKWt likelygrandson of the fint. This man, Phitareh obaorres. eieeeded his predecessor in cnielty, no doubt from the same cause which drove him to the moat pitia- ble precaQttona for the security of his person, Arattis hoped to find Argoa ia confusion, and Uie cilisens ready to riae againat the tyrannical government ; and he immediatelymarched, with as many Achnan troops as he oould col- led at the moment, to take advantage of the opportunity. But the Argives.cowed, or brokeD to to the yoke, did not answer to hia appeal, and he waa compelled to retreat. The ooly jrame- diaie reault of thia expedition was, that it liiT- Diabed Aristippua with a justground of com- [daintagainst the Aohcsna, which was referred to the STbitratioQ of Mantinea ; whether ac- coi^ing to previoustreaty,or a apecial agree- ment, la not certain. But neither Aratus, nor any one else,appeared on the part of the League ; and judgment was given for Arislip- puB. though with a merely nominal mulct, Ariatjppus. however, waa now induced to en- ter into alliance with Anligonua, and openly to declare himself the enemy of the League : and he retaliated on Aratus by several attempts at aasassi nation,illwliich he is said to have been aided by the king.* Plutarch attributesthe es- cape of Aratus to his poptilarity, and contrasts his security with the tyrant's wretched anxi- ety ; but,aa he had wiUullyprovoked the dan- ger, be was probablyalwaya on hia guard He continued for many years trying fi^sh expedients, fiom time to time, for the accom- pliahmenl of his end ; and once he was very nearlymaster of Argos. He had acaled the wall in the night with a few followers, and had overpowered the guard ; and the next day he kept bis ground against the tyrant'ssuperior force, though himself severelywounded, until the evening. But the Argives looked on " as Plutarch observes,probably in the worda of Aratus himself" as quietly and impartially as if they bad been sitting as judges at the Nemean games I and Aratus was so discouragedby their apparent apathy,being also in want of water, and disabled by his wound, that he gave up the allr"mpi and withdrew-, while the tyrantthought hiinscir in such danger, that he had made prep- aruniins for Bigbt. But Ariatippus, with the eiLi-j;|ition of his secret machinations against the lifeof Arslos, seems to have remained en- tirety on the defensive ; and Antigonua him- V ; pcrSaiKonly self,through causes which are nowhere ex- plained, took no direcUy hostile meaauree against the League to the end of hia life. But it waa probably at his instigation that the jGtoIiana, in the year 341, when Aratus was ia office for the third time, reaolved to invade PeV oponnesns. They were, however, no doubt willingenough, without such incitement, to nv tallaie on the Achaeans for the ravages which Aratus had inflicted on their territory in his first year of office. Otherwise, it would be a little surprising that they did not wait for a Macedonian re-enforoement before tbcj took the field. Their preparations were on such a scale aa to excite both attention and alarm among the Achnana; and the forces of the League did not seem sufficient for its defence. It is on Ibis occasion that we first have any trustworthy account of its relations with Spar- ta.* An alhance waa alreadysubsisting be- tween the two slates, of what date we know not ;t perhapamerely a delensive one, against their common enemy Antigonua, and his alliea, the .""tolians. Arstus wrote to the ephora to claim assistance :t and, from causes which will be hereafter eiplaioed, there was a general dis- position at Sparta,independent of any a[^)re- hension of danger, to comply with his reqnisi- lion. Hie young king,Agia FV., comnuiiided the foioe which waa aeni to join the Acfa"aB army. In the council of war, which waa held after his arrival, he w"rm]y Moonded (be wish which prevailedamong the Adiaans, to meet the enemy at the nonhem approadiea of the Isthmus. Aratus alone, it seems, opposed this plan, and would not consent to riskths fortunes of the League, withont necessity, on tbe eveat of a battle. He does not appear to have dis- closed any plan of operationa ; aM it ia not certain that he had formed one. Bat he may have foreseen that the j"tolians, if allowed to enter the peninsula, would be betrayed into some incautious movement by their eagerness for plunder; and, aa (he harvest had been al- ready secured, he persuadedhiipself that no serious evil was to be apprehended from their inroad. 4 But alesatinM general wouldscarce- ly have ventured on auoh a manttane. The council,though none were oonvinced by hia argumenta, yieldedto hia authority; but b" had to sustain a storm of raproach and ridicola from bis own people; and Agis,surprised and, indignant at conduct which looked so diucIl like pnsillanimity, and, perhaps,conatdering his presence as useless if no battle was to be- fought, returned home, II The event, howevert seemed to jnstify the policy of Aratus, and, perhaps,gained him more credit for sagacity than he deserTcd. The ."toIians, meeting " Porn IIio till lirtl. rLucu"p.B4J Droytan tci tii4def"^vhicii, im th u perhar*eou hided Ih' I . AgifcII. Hd bu illin;ud Dnq^'D lii., f Nil Uvklf ika Lfly"msga cwndurlnuj b" BAdaiDBd ItJ tuft fepju^ hcDBioa of thfl n*o]iitiaav7ptiBciplM prt*"il"nBm thp SpuMD umf. But it ""mi' (uLir ta onann IfaitAfii "" ' ai# nqoMUillMTt u villidnw. I CiOO';;lc DEMETRIUS 1I.~-ARATUS INVADES ATTICA. S8T- "lffi w" miatance st tbe lathmiui, marched into Achaia. Having traiersed the torritorj of BicyuD,thej feJI upon the littleUwd of Pel- leae, which was quiteun;"epBred foT defence, lod made themselTcs maeters of it at the first Muult. But while they were engaged io plun- der, an alarm waa giren that the Achcan armj "aa approaching, and tieforethe greater pari kad relumed to their ranks,tbej were attacked bfAratua, who easily routed then, and pursued . Ibem JQlo the town, Thej lost 700 men, and Inttil; retraced their steps homevrard. Antig- "DUR""s so litt)eable Io support his allies, that, afterthis failure, he conduded a truce with the XchBsns, which lasted lo tbe end of hia life ; tiKMgb Arams /lid not scruple to violate it by an attempt to aurpriaePimua, the obloquy of which he rainly eudeavoured to shift upon the Bjrriaa Erginua, who was oouuloualy but his ThedetUh of AntigonuaGonataB, which hap- peied in 339, produced a change in the slate if a^irs, which seemed at firat highly favoura- Ue Io the intereats of Ibe League,as the Achtc- us were now freed from dajtger both on the tideof "toIia and of Macedonia, and were left at libertj to gain ground in Peloponnesus, hav- hg nothingto apprehend from without,except the influence of Macedonian gold, Antigonua VIS eooceeded by his son Demetrius II., who "eema to have inherited his father's ambition lad his policy, if not his energy and his talents ; fa tbe accounts remaining of his reign are so raoty, that they have suggestedentirelyoppo- Hle TiewB of bis character and capacity to dif- ferent observers. In "ct, Ibe only transactions in which we know him to have been personally engaged,dnring tbe period oT ten years for vtuch he occupied tbe throne, are an eipedi- tioBinto Greece, which was, at least, pqnially (DMessflil, and a war with the Dardaiiians, in vliiehhe was defeated, and perhaps lost hia "fe.* This certainly does not convey the idea ^a very able or enterprising prince; but. un- leas we knew much more than we do, both of the difficnitiea which he may have had to con- tend with and of the extent of hia success, it would be unsafe to pronounce any judgment on w. It is highlyprobable,though there is no ttaiiiKi evidence of tbe fact, that the Dardani- ^ and perhaps some other barbarian tribes, "jiquieled his northern frontier in the early Pirtof his reign. Yet, soon after he came to tl)e throne, he involved himself in a war with "" JIUdiana, at the same lime that he incuned "" enmity of the Syriancourt. Alexander of ^piiTa died,leaving Iwo sons, Pynbns and noleoueuB, and a daughter,Phthia, to the care Mhis widow Oiympias, who governed the king- "i for some years as regent, Ou Iha death "" Aniigonus. the ^loiians seem to have at- templed to wrest from her that portion of Acar- "''"ia which ihey had ceded to her deceased BBBtaod. Oiympiassoughtprotection from De- Uetrius, and indocad him to accept his dau(jh- '*^" hand, though hia qneen Stratonice was Mill linng, and, aa he must have foreseen,not "a charactw to brook such an insult. She in- HMally wHhdt^w Io the court of her nephew, Wlenctis Calllnicus, and endeavoured to engage him in a war with her husband.* The namo of Demetrius, however, did not deter the jEio- liana from the proaecution of their design, anil it seems that he waa too much occupied with his other enemies to lend any effectual assist- ance to hia motfaer-in-law. But the Acamani- anathemselves were strongly averse to a union, wbii^ would subject them to the sovereignty of a people whom they had long been used to account inferiorto themselves. In their dis- tress they turned their eyes towards Rome, which had recently brought her firat great struggle with Carthage to a triumphant close. The Acaraanian envoys, it seems, dexterously employed tbe fable of Romc'a Trojan origin to flatter the vanity of the great familiea, and to recommend their soil, on the ground that the Acsrnaniana alone among the Greeka bad kept aloof from the expeditionagainstTroy.f It was probably the first time Ihey had ever boaMad of the omission of their name in the Homeric catalogue. Hie senate did not need this argument as a motive, for since the war with Pyrrhus it must have begun to look acrosa the Adriatic, but found it useful as a pretext tor interference, in a case where it would bava been bard to devise any other ; and a Romaa embassy, the Srst that appeared in Greece, called upon the ftolians to evacuate tbe terri- tory of a people which had remained neutral ia the Trojan war. It was a specimen of diplo- macy which might well have alarmed all the Greek stales which could not plead the same titleto tbe favour of Rome, The jEtolians are said to have dismissed the envoys with an arro- gant and insultiagreply.! and to have made a fresh inroad into Acarnania, io order to display their contempt for tbe Roman iuiercession. They could do so for the timd with impunity. The junctnre bad not arrived for Rome to me- diate with the a word. When the .ftolians had broken with Mace- donia, their interests became more accordant with those of the Achnans ; and as Pontaleon, who waa at this lime at the head of the JEta- lian government, willingly met the overtures of Aratua, a treaty of alliance, offensive and defenaire, was soon concluded between the two powers.^ The .iEtoliana appear to bava reaped almost all the benefit of this alliance. The Achzans are said to have rendered them very importantservices,IIbut gained nothing for themselves north of the Isthmus, and tha if^toliaua could not have prevented the acqui- sitions which they made wilhin Peloponnesus. It is not certain whether the .^tolians,during this period, extended their dominion on tbe eastern side of Greece ; but there are indica- tions that they were endeatooring to do so ; and it is most probable that they now made themselvea masters of some of tbe Thessalian towns, which we find afterward in their handa. It was, apparently, in the south of TheasaJy that Aralus was defeated by a Macedonian general named Bithys.T He tetnmed safe, io sea HISTORY OF GREECE. neat haste,to Corinth, bnt wu so general); belieTed to have been either killed or tsken prisoner, that Diogenes, the Macedonisn com- mander in Pirs^ns, sent a letter to Corinth lo demand the restituliaB of the fortress,as if, after such a loss, the Ach"ans eoold no tonger Iiope to retain it : and Demetrius himself de- spatched a vessel Ut fetch (he supposedpris- oner. If Aratus had reason to be gratified with snch (TOors that he was universall; ac- knowledged to be the son] of the Lesgue, the same occasion afforded a diahMiteningspeci- tuen of Athenian lerii;or aeirilitr. The ni- ntonr of his death was bailed at Athens with jmblic demonstrations of jof , as if h" had been a hostile tTTint. It was, no doubt, in despair of deliTerance, and to flatterthe conqueror, whoso joke aeemed now fixed more firmly than ever, that this eibifailion was made ; but BtillIt was unDBcesaar)' ; and Aratns, itis said, waa so much wonnded bj it, that he invaded Attica,* and advanced as far as the snburl)s of Athens, whore he had it in his power to inflict irreparable damage on the sacred groves and bniMinge, the pride aad delight of the citiicns. Bnt he suffered his anger to be soothed by the Athenian elo"iuence, and left the oountry un- banned. If Thessalywas the theatre of war, where Aratne was defeated by Bithya, Bmotia must then have been stiO in alliance with the j"to- Ijans. But it was indoced to abandon them, and to submit to Macedonia,by the terror of an army which Demetriua commanded in per- son.t ^e hear nothing more of this expedi- tion. But this result indicates that the Mace- donian ascendencywas finnly established on this side of Greece, as far as the Isthmus. Hence it is not ['mprobable that, in the course of this campaign, Demetrius carried his amu into ^lEtolia, though tittle reliance can be placedon a passage of Strabo, which has been supposed to prove the fact.]: There is stillleas appearance of any evidence that he penetrated within Peloponnesus. 4 There, it seeme, he only endeavoured to counteract the progress h 4eUiii. Thn" nifiorDwi " Plot,,Ai IT of Bith" "" miHn, w"i aiuj* Tbeul;, dJAlwuldnad by Lhi di r little)h "u 1 t'olrb^ . _.. ,. Ti" hili"bitanliof PiBunm w" ri"D ^mitisi," ^T"^(Vr"t Xlr^LtS. "t^, it " a^riB. BMh Onf kb and Schoin (p.411)preferiha TFid- iilfAM#XiiEoQ. But whils DtojpksBlleqiaa Ihjs cpiLlutu u indioliaa aC Iha brJUint "sn"Bi whirh "mat^flvent- (nd*d Iha uu uf Dgawniiu "ii., p. 441},Sdiom lupimi thai itwu ^vcD tDhiiAiAderiaiciii,i"Baccodnt nf th4 Intn which banfloTid thnn^hihsconagpauortbaftalJiiDaiD ThiHilj. Bafcm " decila which of thtie vi*in it (he nnra probnUa, it lufht ba dcainbls la ba fuiaiahad vitb uuthn BiampJa of a"ch aa BHIhal in Grfviaa hiitarj. 4 Ibnnm (li., p.4U)|cliuiDgIg lbs nadiDg MutMlinr I (ii., B, 9},mvaciqrea Ibal Danictciiu mada _ar St HaaCuHii. Ba qwaka cfiba nadinr An- vj wbii^ wonM claail* tafarcba tnat lo tha ini"Fol7b.,ii.,a7. nu., AT"N),uaiiaiiMft- " "ia Iha raaiiafsfBshkcr*!Parii MS. sions, with which he snpported the tyiUi, against whom Aratna maintained his conlol with onremittingactivi^.Havini been baffled in all his attempts to tak" Ariatwma by mr- prise, he at length determined to Driag hjm H fair trial of strength, and, marching in' ' neaihr sacnred by the valoor of U* tm^t. He, bowever,soon aAer made op, in tons meaaare, for bis military faihiie by a di^iOMtie conqtiest. He indnoed CImhub to join ttc League ; the more easily, perhaps,as, notwitli- standing its inaigniticanoe, it Teguded Ann as a rival who had usmped its ligUi. fm Cleonn also claimed the piesideacy at ths Ne- mean games, and now, under shetter of Ua Achtean arms, oace more enjoyed that hDiiDcr, But the Argivea celebrated them at the t"ae time in their own city, and Uie oompetiton who appeared there tnight well thinktbcB- selvee entitled to the usual privik^ of mIs- conduct for their n' '" * ' "'^ der of Arutus ; a piece of orud mjnttife, n which Plutarch sees nothing but bis stem 1" tred of tyranny. Aristippus, however, in tw eagerness to recover Cleonn, was sboitlj if- tenvard surprisedby Aiatns, who had eoteitd the town in the night, while he was bcUe^fdM have marched in another direction. The Ai- gives were pnt to flight and hotlypniiiM and the tyrant himself was oveitakeiim slain near MycenK. Yet his death produced no immediate visible advantage to the I^sg"i"- whether through remisanesa on the pwt of Aratus we know not ; but a second AiiaWUt achuB immediately assumed the vacant govern- ment, and found time, before the conqueriM anny arrived, to introduce a body of Macfido- nian troops into Argos ; so tbat,tluingh AraiiVi continuing the pnrsuit, effected ui CDlfflnce into the city, none of the citizens, on "r1ioM support he had reckoned, ventured to dedite themselves in his favour, and ho was cou^iellM to retire. Aristomaehos, it seems, miSe U* a pretext for putting eighty of the prind[" citiscns to death,' and his authority was wrao establiahedaBfirmlyas tbat of hispredeoesKK. The failof Aristippus, however, waa stlepd- ed with a consequence pprhaps even more iw; porlant than the acquisition of Argos itsw wonld have been,if, as both Plutareh and P^ ins appear to intimate,t it mainly eontriW" to induce Lydiades,tyrant of Megalopdifc W abdicate his usurped anthority, Mid to wuj* the city to the Achiean I^eagne. Ancordiii|" Plutarch's authors, he had been impeUed bj youthful ambition to seiie the tyranny w 'W fair prize' of a gcnerona emnlation ; bnl "* BucresB of Aratiis, while itrendered bis^ llJ^i " Polyb.,ii., 60. Il ia DM, perhajn, abaolul thut Ibia w Lba ocisiiiia U wbcli ftlftiiua all rai, tlia iomniinoi.t of Anaiomachaa II. f.'f^S of Plalaich (At.,M) and Polybiaa ate ptifccMT ""^ with one aaolber, ud the oipnniDiii nafiriJtB*"'' "T Tufanairni. tctm cleanly u "1" ;!" Insium"'"*' " ''*^t"?^^^^f(^'* WAR IN ACAKNANIA." THE ILLVRUN8 IN EPIRUS. 389 Am craiT ^ looni inMcmv, opened his 076* lo aMen uau, a"d fiied hiia with a more vir- Inou* riiiliy-* But, perhaps, somB other euMS, more cbMely oonnected with Arcadian fabttc*, mar have concoTred to produoe tliia luatt. It wBB probably not long before this "nat thai LaoowA waa iuraded t^an ^toliaa KiBj, which was acoou^Miied by Spartan ex- Sea,penetratedas far aa T"nanim, where it ffaitidered the temple of PeeeidOB,rsTifed the wmtry, and, after an wMueceaaful att^npt od Bpirta, retntated with an immense booty, in- cniding, aooordii^ to Rutarch,BO.DOO capttree tfUie free LwoBiaa population. Unfortunate- ij, ttda peat "zpedition is only known to as tkjanih casnal allDuons, wlucli afford no Bfiua of aaceitaiBing either ita prectaa date tt the eauBM which gave riae to it.f But tfaaieare rBosoiiB whioh inoline as to believe Sai it nay be most probably i^ened to the felthalf of the reign of Do"etriaa, and that ikoDtthe aama time aeTenl Arcadian towns, T"(ea,Phigaleai, OrchomeoH, perhape eren llHtitea, wblob we find afterward in die poa- Mstin of the iEluriiaaa, were indaoed to ci"- Mct tlwaaselTea with their confedemc;. Thia wold, at least, bSTe bera liluly U alaim Lyd- iidat is awh as tbe more diatant qwrations If AntOB. Bat he naturaBj preferred the icbaan to the .ftoUan Leaguo, aa in the fanar he had the pra^eot of tbe highest ImMiit,from which he would have been e"- tUcd 17 the jGiolian Constitution,according )" whioh none but ^icliaoa were eligible to Hie snpreene dignity. Whan tbe reigD of Demetrius naa Yerginf to ih doae,the iEtoliaBswere stillintent on the (tafoeal of Acamaoia ; and Demetrins, though "iMDs to protect the Acamaaians, was pre- laatod, either by tbe renewal of his war with In Dardaniana,or by soma other nnexplained *a*se,from marching in peraoii to their aid. ne Acaraaniau town of Medeon was beaieged tjtie "t(diana,and, ftlteran obatinate leeisl- "Ke, was on the point of yielding, when tbe Brnan kiB(Agron was indoced,by a aubeidy ran Demetriua,to send an armaiDent to ita nlief. While the ."tolian chielb were dispa- ^^.Mhiiuli of i^ii-Tlwiwriod^lW'inithiilai \*V 'Wf* U nwnnoiid batui thu ut aihtr In i_- """u"Pln.,CI"B-ia,lS. naturh'tillnmsnthi "^tt in ^ "^ fod Ajvtna ii Itut nrprinag oa thii It Iha nlnn at ImbHu (A"ii,IBJ. r'miHU that,h h " "- - "" sailed homo laden witli Bpuil. the lUyrianawaa attended with very iu^rartant conaequenoea. Their kingAgron waa bo ela- ted with the Tictory which hia people had saiU' ed over an enemy so formidBUe aa the j"toli" aoa, that he rikauaoned himself to an ^Lceaa of intemperanee,which soon put an end to his life. He waa anooeeded by hia qneen Tmis, who waa led" whether by evil counwUon or by her ewn ignorance and vani^^to believa that ahe might safely enrich herself and ber subjects with the apoil of orery coast aooeasi- Ue to the lUyrianboats. Acoordingly, she not onlygrantedan nnlimited liceose of ]dimdeTto her pritateera, hut sent out an annament, with instnictione lo her offieera to treat every ooaaC as an ennny'a cooutiv.* This expeditiontook place towanis the end of the reign of Demairi- us, after a rsToloiian had been efliBctedin ^- rus, by which the monarchical form of goTem- ment was aboliahed,and demooraoy natihlish ed m itsstead. The yonng kii^ Pyrrhns died early,hut,aocordinglo one author, after ha had poisoned his mother,t and waa auooeeded by hia brother PtolsmBaa, who waa treai^m- onsly slain iriiila engaged in an eipeditioa which was anwnatly undertalien against the .^toliana. (HynqHsa,aeoordingto another M- count, sank into the gran ondei the straks oT ber double bereaTement-t Then now remain- ed only one of tbe royalfhinity in G^iroa, lbs Princess Deidamia,}who, however, showed a manly as well aa royal rairit. She took poa- aeaaion of Ambiada, and did not diaaemble her intention of puniahing the murderers "f Ptota- m"ua. Bat theywere oonnected with a pow- erful party, perhaps,alao, aupporled by tha ."toliana, who b"d profitedby their orims- The couutiy waa threatened with a civil war, and Deidamia shrank from the contest. She entered into a treaty with the insurgenta, awl reoouQced her claima to the throueS on coodi- the oecuritiea which ahe took for Uw" of the treaty did net guard her person fron treachery and violence. She waa forced to take refuge in a temple, and was there nrar-. dered at the altar by a man nani"d Milo, whose bands were beUeved to have been already stained with the blood of his own mother. It was not long after thia event that Tenia's piratical expedition took place. It was bent, at the outset, against the coasts of Elia ami Meaeenia, nbich the lUyriana had before fre- quently visited for the like parpoae. But tha commander, having touched,for a anpidy of provis)oiis,atthecoaat ofEpirtis, neerlbe city of Phceniee, found an OHMriunity to make hiia- aelf maater of the place. The demooraticAl government had imprudently intiuated it to ti body of Celtic mercenaries, who had alternate- ly served the Caithaginiana and Romana in the first Punic war, but, at the end of it,weta p.FtiW.,l".SM,s. ; * Poljti., i.,4. ( Jonin (E. ".r"slli bar LuduiiL Th" In* b^ inHRTtd t; PolTBiini {viii., H) nad Paukaiw (iT." .T FoljvHi n. *.). hi T^ Til i"Jlfrw a) rC nA bar HISTORY OP ORBBCB. tnoBportedby the Romans ont of Italj. kb men who had proTcd,by repealed acts of treachery and aacrilege. that Ihey acknowledged no ties ikumBD or dJTine. They now betrayed PhiE- nice to the lUyriana, who, as itwas the strong- est and wealthiest city in Epiros, found a richer booty than had often fallen into their hands. The Epirots collected all their forces to wrest Iheir chief town from the invadera, who retained poasesainn of it ; but, through want of foresight and militarydiscipline, ihey were defeated near Phsnice, while the Illyrii general,Sccrdilaidaa, entered Chaonia with freah force of 6000 men. They now implored aucconr from the ^toliana and AchsHns, and the allies sent an anny to their relief. No bat- tle, however, ensued, as the Itlyrian forces were recalled by Teula, who was threatened with revolt at home. They made temis wilh the f^irots, to whom they restored the city, with all the free inhabitants, but were allowed to carry off the slaves, and everything else that it contained. Alter their departure, the Epirots,dreading,perhaps, a fresh attach from the same quarter more than any other danger, and seeing the AcamaniaDs sale under niyriau protection, entered into alliance with Teuta. The depredations committed by the lUyrians on Italianmercbant vessels daring the stay of tlwir amMnwDt at Phcsnice gave ocoasion to tlw emhes^ by which the Romans demanded reinTatton, and lo the expedition " the first in which they crossed the Adriatic " by wbich they avenged the murder of their ambassador. Bat, while thcj were making their prepara- tions, Teuta, delighted with the spdil of Phce- nice, fitted oat another more powerful anna- inent for a fresh eicuraiou. It failed in an at- tempt on E[Hdamnas, and proceeded to lay eiege to Corcyra. The Corcyreans, whose embassy was accompaniedby envoys from Epi- damnuB and ApoUonia, sou^t protection from the .^toliana and Achnans ; and an ActiEan o^uadron of ten galleys was sent to raise the Biege ; but it was defeated by the lUyrians, whose fleet was strengthenedby seven Acar- nanian gaUeys, Four of the Achiean ships were boarded and capturedby the pirates, and a fifthaunlc ^th its whole crew, among whom was Marcus of Cerynea, the man irtio, next to Aiatns, had rendered the most important ser- vicea to the League. Corcyra,now despairing of succour, capitulated soon after, and receiv- ed an Illyrian garrison, commanded by Deme- trlas of Pharos,an adventurer,who afterward acquirednotorietyby his restless and reckless ambition. On the appearance of the Roman Iteetsent againstTeuta, both the Coreyreana and Demetrius, who had in some way lost the "!aeen's confidence,opened a negotiation with the consul, Cn. Fulvius,and, when he arrived, delivered up the city and the Illyrian garrison to him. Corcyraplaced itselfunder the pro- tection of Rome, and Demetrius guided the Roman army into Illyria, and when Teuta had "ubmitted,received,it is said, the largestpor- tion of her dismembered kingdom as the re- ward of hi* treachery.*The sol, A. PoBtnmlm, seat enroya boti Is fln .l^tolians and the AchKans, to annoniiM lie HuccGSa of the Roman arms against the cod- mon enemy ; and the account which Potjbin gives or this embassy " the first, as be belin- ed, that the Romans had sent lo Greec"'-a! least proves that there was no resenlnienloi jealousy on either sidet The envoys eiplaii- ed the motives which had induced Rome lo take up arms againat the lUyrians, relatedibe chastisement which had been inflictedon la- ta, and read a copy of the treaty concluded with her. The article in which the Grwki were most concerned waa, that the lUyriisi were forbidden henccforUi to saU south of dn Lissus with mora Uian two boat* at " time, and those not equipped for war. The lUrriM piracy had spread so much terror along iba western coasts of Greece, that the Romua were entitled to the gratitude of the natioD, and the obligation seems to have been adtsoiri- edged by both the confederate states. AsMker embassy was sent to Corinth and Athui. The Corinthians hononred the Romana vtk the privilege of participation in the lithaiiii games,! a boon not without its valne, u H seemed to imply a recognition of nationilif finily. The Athenians granted their franctin and the right of initiationin the Eietwiiin mysteries. 4" About this tims Demetrins died,| afteris*' ing Buffered a defeat from the DardminHll perhaps on the fieldof battle. He leftis od; his kinsman Antigonus " a son of DecDdtriDi the Handsome, son of Demetrius I.and VKk- mais " who was distinguishedby an eplM which satirically expressod a fealnrs ii ta character, by which he afterward beewt known to the Greeks as one forward to pn" isa, but stack to perform: hence he inointd the nickname of Doson (about to give). T"* he discharged his duties toiwds his wi^ wiii strict integrity -, and diou^ be married Chn- seis,the widow of Demetrins II., and had eliH- dren by her,"' he continued to treat Phihp" his own Bon, and rightful heir to tbo thnM though, it seems, without any intention a!n- signing itto htm during his own lifetime. Ik death of Demetrius II, was attended wilh im- portant changea in the mutual relatioos ofli" Greek states, and the administration ofAsti|- onua Doson ia the moat critical period ia \la portign of Greek history. '* N"bohi (fc, Sobr.,p. MS) fiH Uu diSnillr, ** * gmilhilpBlrbiumfhtthsIiiiinauiVMJiBUnd" iror more Ibu ft ctntQrr mSler Am arvat, "! t^ RV i"di"1]Hi wu ftttfliidpd ttithBD [Hult. t Polrh.,ii.,II, t IW . ii., * n,g -ccT'CoOgIc SPAHTA." HER WEAKNESS. 391 CHAPTER LXn. SiKCK the dose of her disastrous struggle vith Thebes, which deprived her of the fairest portion of her territory, and left her jnsalated, and b^"t with hostile neighhours,Sparta has taken Utile share in the affairs of Greece. It is but Beldam, and do extraordinary occasions, (hat "vfe bare seen her name menliooed. The part, however, which we find her acting on these occasions is an honourable one, and wor- thy of her ancient renown : a struggle for the national independence, such as that in which Agis III. feU, or a gaUant resistance in her own defence, such as she opposed to the supe- rior forces of Demetrius and Pyrrhus. She appears, indeed, to have discarded all ambi- tious views, to have buried all thoughts of her old supremacy, and to have adopteda merely defeDsive policy; but her patriotism, her sense of honour, ani her love of liberty, seem to have anryiTed. I"iiring the period on which we are now about to enter, she again, for a time, fiUe Che moot prominentplace among the Greek state*, and is engaged in a contest for the mastery of Peloponnesus ; and we are, in consequence, enaHed to learn Eomcthing of the course of ber iotemal history, which was intimately con- nected with this change in her pohtics] attitude. meee events were preparedby others which occurred several years earlier, in the reign of AntigOQOs Gonatas, hut which we have re- eervod for this place, that they might not in- tarrupt the progress nf the narrative, and might not be separated from their more important We have seen that,so l^r back as the year 399 B.C., when Sparta was apparently at the smnmit of her prosperity and power, ahe was, nevertheless, threatened with a bloody revela- tion, which was, perhaps,only averted by a timely accidental disoovery. But the causes which provoked Cinadon's plotwere not re- moved by its violent suppression. It does not appear that any attempt had since been made to remedy the evil ; and it had been greatly aggravated, not only by the continued opera- tion of the same caases, but by an innovation "obeequently introduced into the law which TCgulated the distribution of property. Ae- cordiug to the ancient law, the head of a Spar- tan family was only tenant for lifeof his portion of laud, and had no power to alter the order of eoccession by which it descended after his death to the person who represented bim. We sre not informed what provisionwas made by law or usage for the cases, which must have become not oucororooo even before the end of the PeloponnesianWar, in which a portion was left vacant by the extinction of the family. Itwould seem that the arrangement most ac- eordant with the principles of the Constitution, and hest adapted to promote the common weal, would have been to transfer such lands to the yotuiger branchea of other families. But we do D"t bear of any stich rale or practice ; and tbe fact* which have come to our knowledge lender it more probable that the vacant por- tiinw wera diq^oaed of in a way maoh Icm beneficial to the elate, and went to uiereaae the wealth of the rich and powerful, rather than to supply the wants of the poorer citizens. But the inequality of fortunes which would thus grow in proportion as the population dfr- creased, was very much augmented after a change had been made io the law, hy which all restraints on the alienation of land were re- moved, and every Spartan was enabled,either in his lifetime or by his will,to convey his whole estate away from his own family to strangers. This innovation " which must ijava been precededby a generalchange of senti- ment with regard to the ancient institutions " was elTccled hy a rhelra, which was proposed hy an ephor named Epiiadcus,a man, itis said, of great inSuence, and of a stem, imperioua character,who, having been displeasedby hia son, wished to deprive him of his patrimony. The anecdote is, of course, much less certaia than the fact which it is supposed to explain. Such a measDie could not have bcsQ carried if there had not been a disposition generally prevailing to take advantage of it.* What Epitadeus is said to have designed out of iU- will towards his son, other parents may hara done under the pressure of poverty, or in coio- pliance with the importunity of graspingneigh' hours. It is only by the imagination that wa can trace the working of tbe new law j but the final result is distinctly recorded. As the ru- ling caste dwindled away, its property was accumulated in fewer and fewer hands, until st length the number of the Spartans did not ex- ceed 700, and of these, only about 100 posseaa- ed apiece of land,or anymeans of independent and honourable subsistence. One peculiar and important feature in this stale of Spartan soci- ety was the extent of female ascendency. Ac- cording to Aristotle, two fifths of tbe land, evco in his days,belongedto woraen-t When the state had thus shrunk up into an oligarchy of 100 persons, all that in former tunes constituted the Btrength of Spaita was gone. It is difficultto conceive how even ths outward form was preserved, how tranquiUitj was maintained at home, and why attemptt like thai of Cinadon's were not frequently re- peated, or were never successful. All the vigi, lance and energy of the government must, oua would think,have been needed for its own se- curity. For any vigorous intervention in the affiiirs of Greece, any effort to regain the spirit of the ancient institutioos had n in all its purity, it could have availed nothing, when tbe body which it should have animated was so nearly wasted away. But the spirit languished as the body decayed. The con^aat between the extremes of wealth and poverty was rendered more glaringby the luxuiy whiob had, at the same time, taken the place of the primitivesimplicity among those who had the means of indulging in it. This change of manners seems, indeed, to have crept into Sparta somewhat later than it became vieibla Enta forqoantiiMiiit ibi nuat of tliaapaaltoa*""""" 'PlnumhtoilMtawofBpiuiltM. ( ",-,,-,,, I,-, f pBi.,u.,a,|i.u,ao(tiUiv. Vi(.X""^IC HISTORY OP GREECE. , in the rest of Greece, vhere it wbh rapidl; I spread br the intercourse which Alexander's conquests opened with the East ; for the reiip I of Areas is representedas the period of its ! coninnencement.* He and his son Acrotatus, it is said, "rst affected to imitate ths voluptu- ousness of the foreign courts ; but the fashion which thej introduced was so eagerlyfollowed, that their mode of living seemed frugal and homely when compared with the refinements of privateSpartans in the next generation. Then, the plain fare and simplegarniture of the common meals were exchanged for deli- cate Tiands, soft couches,fragrant and precious ointments, and the other dericcs of the mod- ern luxury. And, while the wealthy shook off the restraintsof the ancient discipline, the bulk of the citizens were preventedby poverty Irom eompl^rtig with its regulHtionSi and were una- ble to exercise the privileges to which they were entitled by their birth, aud thus practical- trdegraded to an inferior rank. To such a pass had matters been brought when Agis IV. succeeded to the throne of the Eurypontids, tlie sixth of the line from the eODqneror Agesilaos. He was under twenty ' M the time of his accession, and had been abrsed in the lap of ease and luxury by bis mother,Agesistrata, and his grandmother, Ar- ehjdamia, the wealthiest of the Spartan ladies. He himself inherited an ample patrimony in lBi)d, nith a treasure of SOO talents. But it is QOt surprising, nor is any particular occasion needed to account for the fact, that a high- minded youth should not have been satisfied with the honours or pleasures of such a sta- tion. t Tradition still preserved the memory of Sparta'sdeparted greatness, and enough was retained of the forms of her ancient life to suggest a saddening comparison between Ibe past and the present. The more vividly the miages of other days rose upon his mind, the more impatient he would become of his own shadowy,inactive, inglorious royalty, with hs vain titles, vacant leisure,or trivoloua oc- cupations. But, without some great change in the state of Sparta, he could not hope to see any fieldopenea to him for honourable exer- tioQ. It was absolutelynecessary, not only that the ancient discipline should be in some measure restored, and the ancient spirit in some degree revived, hut that a new people should be formed, for such a discipline and Mirit to work upon, A more comprehensive Ma)i, embracing the whole free population of Laconia, and removing all political di8tin";tions Which raised one class in it above another, either never entered the mind of Agis,or ap- peared to him impracticableor inexpedient. 411 that he aimed at was, as nearly as possible to bring back the stale of things which was "upposed to have existed before the conquest of Messenia,to restore the institutions of Ly- curgustotheirprimilive vigour. This,indeed, was a sufficiently difflcnlt undertaking " as much so, perhaps,as a more complete revolu- * ni;1inb" up. Athn., It., p. MS. t II "msa BijuU]"Hpiiliuiiu u ina^JM wilb Selmtii ff.ni tliu k" n" ilimiilaud trf(b( mnllecEion g( liii EucsUor laeiiliiia, u Is iDnioH wiih Kintiim (io ma-t srclu".,i".,p. ITl)UiU "iatnuluUm wu kig- bj a" luu or AiUu. Bat tbt turn najuiBn i* tion would have been" one in which he had ta expect powerful and vehement opposition. His colleague, Leonidas,the son of the traitor Ct"- onymua, who, when Acrotatus fell in battle. became the guardian of his infant child,and had succeeded to the throne on the death of his ward, was so little disposed to favour such attempts at reformation,that,having spent a ^eat part of hia life in Asiatic courts, be bad introduced new reSQcments of luxury at Spar- ta. With Leonidas stood the elder citizens, whose habits had been formed under the mod- em laxity, and who shrank from a return to the severity of the primitivediscipline, andth" wealthy women, who dreaded ths lose, 'not only of their luxurious enjoyments, but of the respect and influence which accrued to them from their largepossessions. On the other hand, with allwho had more to gala than to lose bya revolution, with the yonng, the needy, the ambitious, and with as many at had their cDODtry's welfare and dignity U heart, 1I10 project of a reform was popular, and die royal authority, though veiy feeble for erdinaiypar- poses, when (daced at the bead of a party, made an addition of incalculable nDportance to its strength. If we could relyon some accoonts delivered to us by Pausanias,we should be led to believe that he endeavoured " as Cleomenoa afterward " to prepare the way for his meditated politi- cal changes b^ a series of militaryoperationsr for we read m Pausanias of unsuccessful at- tempts which he Diade on Pelleue* and H^a- lopoliSgt and of a great battle in which be was defeated by Aratus near Mantinea-t But some of these accounts are liableto strong suspicion on other grounds, and it seems hardlypossible AchKftn Lmtiu (which lonh pLaoa unt vmi iMtb vf A^}, Aiii Lan liein bi Mwmloiiivii, I MU"d tv jmiiD it by K hnmcana which iemnji . . In nlusUal Asu wa , . ibudlfnprwd thai LTdiidHluil almtt' "hdiuted hii IrnuT. (Cmpin Tjii.,IB,t, wHk nii., IT,1.) But, OB Iha otlHr huif,B Btidi Hm """ A"nh ii it to balim ilut Plmuch "aaU bin puHd armt mtA u ttcDl U laid lilaiiea.BcMwiii ud ProjMn, iulwd, rmlimd Ihit Ai militUT amrt oT A|h did w* "iiMr lata conh! BKt it wiUvHE islnion H Ik* Aat* of kUr at bf^rMi^, - - . M pHtpSHlf h"" ,. ._ f" thTiasV Aiii,il " " tbeUfoof Amu. " iViniT, in bu (Anil Ti ", "B," "[^i" ViiM u Bueh ID tUi hsnl* "" ID tlH d"lJi"r- --"" of F*llu". Ii iMn cbu thw PlniuEh fcaad aa 'obivfnphy of ArvEoi. Th* (ipidilloi of hii horo,tkM h" wimld AGIS AND HW riUENSS." ABFOftM AT SPARTA. Oat anj of ^them eoold hare been knovD, or, Kt least, beJieTed b; Plutaicb, when ht; wrote IU0 lives of Agis and Aralus, and Psuaanias is not an withor entitled to much confidence, Agis, in tbe warmih and opeanees of a youtb- fiilheart,engrossed with a new and great idea, aeems to bava heiiered that he might safelyrely on tbe goodneaa of his cause, and that the ob- ject which appeared to himaelT so noble and attractive could not fail to excite equal inter- est ia otheia. He aeenui, from the first, to ha*e nude no secret of his intentiona.as in his dress lad mode of living he strictly observed the ^imitiye nile,trusting that be ebould be able fo eUbct bis purpoae withont either artificeor "ioleBce, to which his geDeTOiu and (entle na- ture was almost equally averse.* And, in fact, tbe aucc"aaaf his endeavours to inthse his 000- Tictions and wishe" into other bosoms, was ap- parenlly greater than could bare been leasona- nl7 expected. Tlvee persons of ibe greatest vei^t ftmoDif the elder citizens, bis mother's hntber, Agesilaiu, a man of fluent sj"eech, a deaWBdoiit of tbe celebrated Lysander,who bora the Mune namie, and inherited much of his "i"eestoi*sreputation and inSuence, and Man- drool^idas, who is described as surpassing all the Greeks of bis sge in dexterity and boldoess fat the mnnas^'t^''' "*'afi"irs, were induced to mtCT inlo the joang king's views, and seconded liis enterprise with a great show of zeal The ' I of Agesitaos,though he affected to yield iT bi^ militaryreputati ftaallsee, became perfecOy clear. Those of Ly- "ander and Mandiocleidas are not so manifest. Itseems probable that theywere chiefly atiract- "d b][ the prospect of power, hoping to take the lead mthe new order of things which theynuEbt help to establish. But with tbe ladies of bis "TnilyAgis was still more decidedlysuccess- ful, AAer a short opposition, which was over- eome, in part,by the arguments of Agesilaus, he Eo eom^tcly iospired them with tiis own eothusiasm, that they coaeent"d to every sacri- "ce of their personalioterests, and laboured to gain converts to tbe cau"e among others of theireez and rank, Tbe party adverse to re- "na ralliedround Leooidas, and prepared for a streaooQS resistance to the measures of Ans 1 But bis adherents were so numerous that lie- midas soatoely ventured openly to declare him- self, thOD^ he "ednlousl]' stroye to undermioe Un cfdlesgne's influence by secret calummes, elMnpng him with the design of overthrowing die Coiutitntion, and purchasing a tyranoy with the bribes which he oObred to the poor out of the fortunesof tbe licfa. Tbe first step taken by Agis towards the ac- emn^lishmeot of his objectwas to procure the eleeuon of Lysander among the next ephors. He then proceeded to introdnce a rhetra, which eQmjgehenited his whole plan of reform. All "i.**?* """ I*!"" r^JMlyot iahudlr nwT4 Hipeeti Ihat hij V iMsoa (gifOMttiMiissiktbuih wiik nkich it hu IHU 4niwn, it"umi "" fkiitQ vpimAar it u hi vddiLiaiulob. Jk^od vt thoat (KlHnrii* Bat aupiGioiii hcennU of tui debts were to be cancelled ; tbe whole tmritiaT to be divided into two parts: one, oom[Hising tbe vole of Sparta and some adjacentdistricts, to be parcelled into 4500 equal shares lor as many Spartans; Ibe other into 16,000, 6a ae many Laconlans capable of military service. The number of tbe Spartans to be made up by an extension of Ibe highest fraacbiBe to natives or foreigners of free birth,Uberal education, and fitting personalqualifications, to be distributed into companies for the publicmeals, and to be inured to tbe observance of the ancient disci' phne. Before the rhetra became a law, it was oe- cessai; that itshould pass tbroo^ the Geroia, a body in which the enemies of refbim were predominant, but which was ntiorallyoantions, and not inaeeessible to the iniduenee "f pnbjie opinion. The advocates of the measure, tbne- fore, hoped to sway the deliberalions of tBe council m its favour bya previooaappeal to the popularassembly, and by some other,peAaps, less honest euiedients. Oracles, old and new, were produced,coQUlning admonitions against the accumulation of wealth aSd in bvour of equality, and were urged b7 Lysand^, who called tbe assembly together, and by Handro- cleidas and Agesilans, in support M the pro- jected change*. After them, Agis beaded Uw same cause in a short speech, but one fiillof weighty matter, being,indeed, itself not eilB[^ a speech, but an act ; for be declared bis ioten' tion to make an unreserved surrender ef his property to tbe state ; tbe lands to be sobjected to the proposed division ; the money, it seemSr to be paid into tbe publictreaBUi7 : and be an- nounced ttiat the other members of his Ismily, who, together,possessed a larige portion of tb" wealth of Sparta, as well as many of hiafhenda, bad consented to make a like saodfice to tba common weaL It may be easilyimagined tbat such a proof of disinterested patriotism, wott)^ of the ancient virtue,wsa received with great applauseby an asseinbly coasistingchiefly of persons who were to be peiBonaUy beiteSted by the gift. It dispelled aU suspicions ae to the koB without the credit of a aacrifice. Bnt,as- it was necessary to bring Ibrward some argO' meats more in accordance with the feelingsof bis bearers than his real motives would liav" been, he took the gniuad of s friend to the Con- stitution, and an admirer of Ljcurgna, and as^ ed Agis whether their great legislator bad ever made any provision for the cancelling of debta, or for the admission of foreigoerato tbe fraa- cbise" he who had deemed it necessary to keep the city free from tbe presence of strangera. It was not difficultfor Agis to expose the soph- istry of this appealto antiquity, and to show that his reform was perfectly consistent with tbe principles of Lycuigus, who couU qM hav" meaut tbe Spartans to contract debts when h" forbade them to possess money, and whose aim was not so much to exclude tbe persone of fcf- eignen as to guard against tbe contagion of BISTORT or GREECE. vrertookea bj Leooidaa, wbo had been brnught up abroad, and liad alliedhimseir by marriage la a SyriaDsatrap. Bui he had la deal with oppODcnts who were not lo be moved by arini- menla, and their interest prevailed in the Ge- rusia,tbuugh not without a hard struggle; the rhetra was Iost by a single vote. His friends, however, were men not to be iislicartened by a defeat which was so nearly B victory; it only induced them lo aet other en- Bines at work. Tbey determined lo remove Leonidas, who was the main strength of ibe adverse party, out of the way ; and that part of his privatehistory which had afforded uc(;a- Bton Tor Agis's sarcastic allusion acemed to flirnishthem with the means of effecting their purpose in a constilutionai nianaei. Leonidas bad, itifact,married the daughter ofan Asiatic, Ike governor of one of the provinces of Seleu- euB, by whom he had two cliiidren : it was only when, having lost his wife's affection, he found bis sitoation grow irksome,that he had returned reluctantly to Sparta.Lysander now instructed Ilia adherenta y revive the recollection of an ancient law, which forbade a Hcraclcid to raar- i; a foreigner, and even made him liable to capitalpiinishmBnt if he took up a fixed resi- dence in a foreign land. When the public mind liad been dulyprepared for the agitaiion of the reslion, Lysander himself brought it forward the way most likely to raise a strong preju- dice against Leonidaa, According to a cuatom irtiich muBt have arisen in very remote antiqui- a the ephors met once every nine years on a ar but moonless night, to observe the heav- ens in silence. If a meteor was seen to shoot "cross the sky, it was inferred that the kings liad incurred the displeasure a( the gods, and Ibey were suspended from their functions until tiiey were absolved by a favourable oracle from Delphior Olympia. The custom had prohably been long a mere ceremony ; but Lysander now Aond a use for it. He declared that he had be- held the aigD,and,proceeding to interpret it by the "et9 which had recently become the sub- ject of earnest diacnssion, he brought Leonidas lo trial for a breach of the law, and at the same tinie iodoccd Cleombrotua, who had narried Ibe kind's danghter,Chilonis, and anoeession, to claim the throne, 1 tidpatmg an onfavourable decision and a rigor* VOB ^qilicatioo of the law, took refuge in the nnetaary of the Braien House, where he waa joinedt^ Chilonis. In his aheence be was VmdeiDDed, and the sceptre, which he was pro- Mitnced to have forfeited, was transferrea to 'Cteombrotaa. But bis partiaana did not give up the contest The official year waa drawing to a close ; and "t ilw next election of ephoritheywere aUe lo -411the board with their own adherents. The *ew ephoraimmediately took Leonidaa tmdar their protectkHi, and irapeaohedLysander and U androcleidaa aa the authors of HIegal and rev- vlutioiiaiy maasures. It was evidently a crisis "which eiled for some vigorous stroke to pre- Tent the ruin of their cause, and theypersuaded Ibe hiugs to assert what they maintained ' ' tiieir legitimate authorityover the epbi aemblod their friends, compelled the ephon to re. and appointed a new board,which inclu. Agcsilaus, in their room. Thej then pro- . . led to arm the younger citizens,and to re- lease the prisoners. Their opponents now could only hope to save their lives, and espeeled a generalmassacre, Leonidas fled, and he owed bis safety to the generosity of Agis,who. find- ing that Agcsilaua had despatched emiBsariea pursuit uf him, to put liim lo death sent an :^ortto conduct hiio to Tcgea, The movement 3 not stained ivilh a singledrop of blood. It was, no doubt, with reluctance that Agis laented to resort to such violent proceedings; hut it now only remained to reap the fruits of them. All resistance was quelled; and if the rbetra had been againproposed, it would prob- have been carried in the council without opposilion. But Agis now let himself be guided '"" the counsels of Ageailaua, which were the ire agreeable to him, aa they wore the ap- pearance of forbearance and moderation. Ag- esilaua had been induced to take the side of re- form, neither by any patriotic feeling, nor bytba persuasions of his son Hippomedon, who was sincerely attached to it, but by the prospect which itheld out of relieving him from a load of debts which encumbered his estate ; and h* now easilyplayedupon the young king's sim- plicity and ineiperience. He auggested to him that it would be hesl to proceedgraduallyto- wards the accomplishment of his designs, and not to attempt to introduce so many startling changes at once. Let him firat conciliate that class of citizens which was groaning under tha burden of debt by a general release ; he might then hope more easily to carry the more obnoi- innovation wliidi related to the division of the land. Agesilaus gave such a specious col- our to this proposal, that even Lysander waa deceived, aiid assented lo il. By an edict, it would seen, of the e^hors, all creditors who ""'d written securities for their money were iged to bring them into the market-place, where Ihey were piled in a heap, and commit- ted lo the flamea. As they burned,Ageailaua eioltingly declared, that he had never beheld a brighter blaze or a purer Grs. By the great mass of the spectalors It had probably beea viewed with pleasureonly because theyregard- ed 11 as an earnest of the boon which they ex- pected for themselves, A loud cry was soon raised Tor the division of the land, and both the kings urged Agesilaus to gratify the wiab of the people, and to finish their work. Ho, howev- er, evaded their request, and devised sncceuivs pretexts for continued delay, until be was r*- Ueved from their importunity by a turn of atTkirs, which has been already related. Itwas al Hii" juncture that Aratus applied to Sparta for aid to reaiat the threaieaed invasion of the iBtoliana. Ageailauagladly seconded this call,which waa dool^r WBlconw to kirn,aa it aflbrded a fra^ pretest lor delay, and treed him froin the pree- enee of the penons who were most xealoaa and active in pressing the claim which he wished lo elude. Agta, as wa have seen, waa aent at tha head of an army to the lathmua. Hie disci- pline of bis troops,vrho,believing their IhrtunM aacared at home, and regarding him as their baaeftotiir,-paid the most punotari obedienoe to hia ordan axoited great admiration alon^ the ARREST AND EXECDTIO^ OF AGI8. irbole line of thctr march ; and itwas no Usa genera1t7acknowledged, tbat ho himself pre- vented a completeimage of a Spartanking of Uie old times,sharing with his men the toilsand hardnhipa of the camp, sod not to he dialinguisli- ed Tram the private soldier either in his arms oi his fare,'though there were many who dreaded his presence, as hkely lo spread a revolutionary contagion,and,perhaps, Aratus himself was not altogether free from such anxiety, and henee IflSB disposed to regret the departure of his al- But during liisabsence the state of aflairshad nndergone on unhappy change at Sparta. Ag- esilauB had cast aside erciy restraint of decen- cy, and abstained from no kind of gainfulIniguj- tj for which his office aSbrded colour or oppor- tunity. For the sake of some fraudulent ad- vantage, he had eren intercalated an additional month In the year. Cleombrotus he treated with open contempt ; and he aSected to account Agis worthy of respect, nolas a king, but only aa his kinsman. Growing conscious, however, that be had provokedgeneralindignatioQ, and appre- bensive that the patience of the peoplemight "oon be spent, he took a band of armed follow- ers into his pay. This was the first step to- wards formal tyranny; and he seemed resolved faifollow It np ; for,perhaps to sound the public feeling, he caused a report to be circulated that bs meant to continue in office another year. It "eems to have been at the time when the fer- tnent excited by these proceedings had nearly Teached ita height that Agis returned from his expedition. Itwas too late to avert the conse- ^oenceB of his uncle's misconduct. The ad- verse party look advantage of the genera] dis- gust and disappointment which it had caused to effect a counter-revolution, while the poorer ctt- iaeus,who, perhaps,were led to believe that Ihey had been deceived by Agia, looked on ei- ther with unconcern, or with a vindictive joy. Leonidas was openly recalled and reinstated in bia dignity.Agis and Cleombrotus, abandoned br their friends, took f better,the former in the Brazen House, ihe latter in the temple or Posei- don. The chief offender.Agesilaus, was allow- ed to escape into exile through the intercession of hJB aon, who was universally loved and es- leemed-t The revenge of Leouidas was first directed againstCleombrotus. whose hostility towards one who stood in so near a relation to Lim, appeared to partake of Ingratitnde and im- pjety. Yet be suffered himself to be overcome by the supplication ofhle heroic daughter, and peiinitted her husband to quit the country. But Chilonis, as in her father's adversity she had jriiared his danger and mourned for bis absence, and breathed nothing but displeasure against his triumphantrival,so now, notwithstanding his entreaties, she accompanied her dethroned hos- band, whom ahe could neither love nor eaieem, in his exile. 4 Agis had no snch advocate to plead in bla b^ half, and be had provoked more implacableen- mity in the persons whose interests he bad as- Baiied,-Jnproportion as bis aims were higher and hia virtue purer: Iieonidas at firsttried to draw him out of his asylum by fair wonis ; it was well known that be had been misled by the arts of Agcsilaus; his error was forgiven, and he would be allowed to retain his dignity. Bat finding that Agis would not trust his professions, he had recourse to another device. Me had re- moved allIhe ephors. and filledtheir places with liisown crealures, smong whom was a sordid wretch named Amphares, who was on a fool- ing of some intimacy with Agis and his familf, and having recently borrowed some drinking- vessels. and other things of great value, from Agesistrala. hoped that,in the calamity wbiob now threatened the roy^lhouse, he ahonld h() able 10 retain them as his own property. This man, with two of his associates, named D^ mochares and ArcesilauB, who were likewise on familiar terms with Agis, visited him in tus re- treat, and sometimes escorted him to a bath at some diatance from the temple. On one of these occasions,having concerted their measures^ they seized him, and dragged him to prison. Here the ephois assembled some of the oouncil, their devoted partisans, and constituted them- selves a tribunal to sitin Judgment on the king. The trialseems to have been as irregular as tbQ court was illegal.By way of accusation, to was called upon to defend himself; and as hi disdained to plead before such judges, he wB" asked,first, whether he had been forced intothft steps which he had taken by Lysarider and A|^ esilaus. He replied, that he had acted wllhont any compulsion, but following Ihe example Of Lycurgus, and aiming to revive his institatiau. The next questionwas, whether he repented of his conduct, and when he declared that he feUns regret forbia gloriousundertaking, however It tal its issue might be to himself, he woa forth- with condemned to death. A Spartanking, lim- ited as was his authority, was invested with ft kind of sanctity in the eyes of the people, whs saw in him a lineal descendant of Henwlefc The officers of justice, and even the aoMiersof' the government, did not venture to lay hand* on Agis, and Demochares waa obliged himself to drag him to the chamber of execution,wheTB he waa immediatelystrangled. He maintaiood the same calm and noble bearing to hie last nm- ments, and consoled an attendant who bewail- ed his fate, with Ihe remark, that he waa mil superior to his mnrderers. The execution was hastened, becanse hit mother and grandmother had come to Ihe pris- doors, and were loudlydemanding that bo should be allowed a hearing in the assembly of the people, the only constitutional tribanalbr such a cause. A crowd was gathering rouDd them, and to prevent a lumult,Ampharea, still wearing the mask of friendship, invited them M ' - r. aod see Agis. It would seem that Ibey (Agli,IS)d"w tUi 1WK of hn unitli* bcm tlf- Urc)iiu.ud thjttthiihiiLoriiDwumUiar t"ifivd vfvEH^ i^ing bia I^ant (oae whicli t)u Htlwr of gtrfiniB"i hi" dilplaTVd In " nrr tniiHiit dntrMl Kn Unly, (njikiB^ " -^om, ud pcniEBlvlr of ubiliniia Imimmnltmtlt :t"Ti ID tiTikjuf utiuliofu,"U tail would towd "" d fur lliiMliaDing Ilia Uuth of ut guanlU ftltin rf imti.i, "or di"i ii BBik ImtrtUt th* itMnl "" Uwrit/ tt Fh/lushu. HI^tVBY OF GREECE. bid bMtt ntvolrad"" hi* for Ibqrwere trial A^esuirau, who niflered iMt, ifiarbav. ia( laid hei moUirer'a coipse bj Iha cid" of ber MD, oA^ad bw neck to the cord wiib tbs put- iMWiib, Jfay if hiJ """ gaedto Sparia. The main motive of this atrocious biucher; aeemi to bave been policy ratber tbao revenge, M Ibe thiee bodiea were eipoaed to publicview, Wkd tbe period wbieb ensued wu evideatly " lei^of terror, in wbicb it waa danseraus tobe- bw tbe "Utfiteet d^ree of Bjatpaihy witb tbe "nfibieie. Leonidu contiaiied to goTem with- out ft coUewui Ibe fint instanoe of the kind B tbe amialBoT Sparta. Aichidamue,A^ia'a bother, bad fled lo Heaaeoe. Tbe jom^idqf'a vidow, Igiatie, and tbeiriuraiit son, were leA to tbe Diercy of tbeir enemiea. But aa A^iatia Kaa a iroakb^ beireee, Leonidaa tboaibt it ad- vlaableto nute ber io nurrlace with bia own tbe poaaeaaioD ofbei ioEtaiie, and tbe ciuUmIj oTtbe ri^itfnl beir to tbe throne of tbe ProcUda. He bimaelT ruled with tbe aid of a merceear? Jbrce; jet, not aa an absolute soTueiga, but as tbe bead, if not rather aa the mioister of the oliipidi)', which had em;4ojed bim to crush (he project of reform. He was content witb a hfs ofeaae and luzuij, and wiDing to lethie fiienda tpw and eojffj aa tbCT were able. Hie pow- orM citiiena onireaaed the weak, and embev- Bled tbe piblieproperqr with Impunity ; and tlieiilicenae waa tiia man Iree from all re- atiaintaof fear sod ahame, as, accordingto the spirit whicb oeounonlypreraiU in such times, uiy appealto tbe pinciples of law and justice BU^ expoae one who Teotured on itto the sua- ficion of reToIationaiT views, and ostentatious Defect of the ancient discipline would be ro- garded as a sign of zealous attachment to the cause of order and good gOTernment. All pub- lic spirit and sense of DatioDol honour seemed la be extinct. Tbe coaata of Laconia were in- eoltedb; UIjriaBpirates ; and wben tbe J:to- Jiuis, in the expedition alreadymentioned, bad Viietly carried off theirricb boo^, the leas of ao many capUyea was treated aa a happyriddance. fDie gofemmeDl, oonsciona tbat It was hated b; }taaBbiecls,BccountedtbeweakneBaoftbecaun' tiy as its atreDgth, and dreaded tbe growth of its popnlationmore tban a hostileinrasiou. Nev- ertbeleaa, con^te and secure aa the trinmph of tbe oliguchy seemed to be, (he lastwords of Ijde were not, even with regard to Uie success ofbia causa, altogetber an empty boast, and the dying prayer of AgesistTata did not wholly fall te tbe nowid ; and tbe expedientby whicb Le- onidaa ud tbougbtto atrenMhen his dynaaty, and to perpetuate tbe aaoendeney of his party, prored the oecasion of tbe orerttuvw of both. Tbongh Agiatia bad been bronght into the bouae of Cleomenes, who was then very young, "hnoat aa a captive, and never ceased to abhor Ua blber,a sincere and warm aOection soon flprangvp between them, which waa not weak- ened By tbat with which she clung to the mem- efy of ber deceased husband, and wbichahe did Bot attempt to dissemble. On tbe contrary, ber recoUeotions of Agia became a bond of vaion,aa well as a topic of frequentcenverea- tion between ber and Cleomenes. He listened ?"iUtB warm intereat aa ahe dwelt with eotbusi- aam oo the coadael and views of Ibe iIi-"M prince, wbioh be had, no doubt, been used to hear grossly calumniated. The coutraat be. tween that pure and heroic character and tbe baseness of bis enemies, between his tragical calamity and tbeir inaoleot praeperity, could not but rouse atroag emotioiu m a generona spirit. These impreaaions were atrengtbenedby les- soos in the atoioal pbiloeopby whicb he received from a diaci|de of Cleantlwa,Spbcraa of CNbia,* who had "zed bis residence in Sparta. Philos- ophy had been littlestudied there so long as it was practically enforced ; but as discipline w"s relaxed, and manners became more oormpt, the austere doctiii^ of the moat rigid school seem to have come into TOgue in the higher inrtJes as a braoeh of politelearaing and a liberalao- comidiabmeot, and tliere ia no nason wtir Leonidaa hlm"elf may nothsTe derived as mnt^ amoaement from the atoical specnlatioDa of SphsTKB, as AntigOQua Gonatas from tboee of bis master. But it coold scarcely have oc- curred to bim to imagine tbat bia eon wu capable of treating sncb tbinn eerionely, and that diaoourses about virtue and bqtpineaamigfat help to mould his character and to fix hla des- tiny. The result,however, was, tbat tbe thoughts and images witb which Ibe young prince'e mind was iranriabed during tbe latter part "f his fiiiher's life, were aneb aa diaposed him to tread in the steps of Agis. In S86 Leonidaa died, and Cleomenea ano- ceeded to the throne. He oonld now bettar sur^ vey bis proapecta,measmre bia leaonroee, and decide upoQ bis coune of action. His aitnatioB appearedto him Utile belter tban an irksoma and degrading confinement. He Iboud himself utterlywithout weight or authority at home. The ephors, tbe organs of tbe oligarcfay, gov- eraed the state witb nnlbnited sway, and re- garded bim as tbeir minister. Their policy, which aimed at nothingbeyond the preaerva- tiou of domestic tranquillity, and tolerated all insults rather than diaw the aword,seemed to condemn him to peipetualinaction, aa well aa Sparta to continual dishonour. His raflectioB* soon led bim to the conchision that Ibe otdr remedy for the disorders of the state waa a rev- olution such as Agta had meditated, and Um onlyquestionremainingwas, how he might fol- low the example of Agis with greater aafetf and fkirer hopes of success. It was difficult to find a friend to whom be coold safely unbosom his views or wishes. One named XenBrea, with whom be bad lived ou that pecidiar foot- ing of intimacy which was ssnctioned and regu- lated by the Spartaninstitutiooa, had also beea well acquainted with Agis, and frtan him Cleom- enea endeavoured to gather the moat exact information as to the steps by which Agis bad proceeded towards the execution erf"bia Elans, untiltbe insatiable curiosity witb which e inquired after these details awakened ths suspicions of Xeaare8.wba not o^ychided fain sharply for his imprudence, which aeemed to border oh phrenay,but,though be kept the dan- geroua secret, henceforward shunned bis aa- cielj. This was a sufflcient vrarning to Cleom- "- conceal his designs untilan opportuni^ should present itselffor si e decisive o""t"- " K) BmaeBlrv, PIiL, m, nib Urn iimwflBn ., CL,1 IbosHH Lam., il CLEOMBNES."MOVEMENTif OF ARATUS. StT BBDt, and be becmM coiiTipced that auob Sportnnit; ww not likelj to Brrive UDtil he DoU see him"e1f at the head nf an annjr abroad. During the reign of QemetriDs, hovr- CTei, no evCDtB occurred to force the SportaD goTemmeiit to engage in militaty cmeratioDa, or to call CleMnenes acrOM the fnintieTi and the "oIy titaaga which took place in hia position "eema to haTe IweD that,07 the death orEurj- "'-""""'". the eon oT Agis, ellthe ftanctioiiBof tajMf were bodi reallj futd nominall; centred in Una. With regard to an^ object which he could bB*e hid imniediatel}' in view, this event w"a ^^laTentlyof veryLttle iniportaacetohim. Yet it beeaiaa the niHiiid 01 an impatatim irtudi hat thrown " itA ahade over Us char- aotar 1 he was reportedto hare pmsoned tlie diild- Pansaniae, who has preaerred thi*aitee- dote,seeme to hare Amnd itin the Memoira of AraUia. But even ifitrested on better auihor- iiy than tliatof a mortal vtemj, we mightfairly ivject it aa incredible. It ma; be admitted that Clnorrenea wai not acRipaloua in the choice of Bwana for the attainment of an object which in- teraeted bis ambilioa -, but the murder of a child, who liad been placed under his protection, and whom be liad bd littlereason to fear,was a TiUBDy which seema iDCongmooa with oil the known elemenla of hia cheraoler, incODiiatenl with the aflectiouaie iutercoune in which he lived to the last with Agiatia, and hanU; intelli- gitde on auy calculations of policy 1 for the Inotber of Agia, the next heir to the throne, end a more forniidable liTBl,was still Lving at After the death of Deinetrina aflhirstook a turn more farourable to the views of Cleomeoes, aa the progress which the Achnan League then made in Peloptnaesnabrought it into coUiaion with Sparta. Tbe beginning of a new reign in Macedonia nstoUy set the Beighboimog nations in motion, and a regency aflbrded a more than ordinary lamptatioD to aggression. Antigonus Doson waa a long time rallyoccupied with the defence of the kingdom and the establishment of his own aatbority. He had at once to guard hia froa- tiers agaiDBt the DsrdaOians, and to suppress an iBBDiTeclion in Tbessaly,which, however, ap- pean to have enabled the ^tolians (o make litemaelTes masters of several Theasalian towns ; and even aAer he bad quelled tbe Ibreign eaenQ', and had reduced his rebellious aubjMts te obedienoe, be stillfound himself threatened at home by populartumults,or by the tnachinalions of a party which refused to acknowledge him as king.' But when this danger had passndby, and led him at leisure to paraue sehemee of conquest, hia attention was flireeted, not towsids Greece, but Asia : for we nest find him eii^aged in a maritime expedition te that quarter, the object and results of which we can ooly collect from the fact that be is ""id to have subdued Caiia. But we learn that, at the period of this expedition, Bteolia was no longersubjeotto Macedonia, though there was ' a wrong party there which espoused the Mace- denisD interest, while Thebea,stilt, it seems, Tetainingaome feeling of ber aocieot dignity, adhered to the canse of independence. The veaeels of Antigonus were stranded,through ' an extraordinary ebb of the tide,on the coast of Bffiolia: a general alarm was spread that he had come to overrun the country, and Neon, the commander of the Bteotian caTalrj,repaired to the spot with allthe horse he could muster. Rb found tbe Maoedoniaoa m embarrassed with their disaster, that he ml^t hare attacked them at a great advantage 1 and he was considered at Thebes as enlpable, because, being himself h leader ot tlie HaeedoniaD party, m snflhred them to proceedon their voyage without molest- ation. Antigonus himself felt, and aubeeqnent- ly acknowledged, tbe obligation nnder whlA he was placedby Neon's forbearance. While,then, his forces were thus employed, Aratns was leftat liberty to extend the Indti- ence of the Acbnan Leaene In the South, and itaadversaries oonld no longerexpect suppoit fVom Macedonia. The Athenians were the mat to seize the opportunity of deliverance, and, when they beard of the death of Demetrioa, called upon Ar"tus to aid them in tbe Tecovety of their independence. Though itwas not his year of office, and he was weakened by a long illness, he immediately caused himself to be conveyed to a litterto Athena. Qiogenea, tbe MaoeuonlBQ commander in Attica, deemed hia ' own position so insecure, that be entered into negotiation with the Athenians, and at lengUi consented, for 160 talents, of which twenty wera contribated bj Aratua as a free gift to the city,* to withdraw allthe Macedonian garrisons ftoOi Attica. ThoDgh Athens did not become a mem- - ber of the Leagne, this event greatly raised the reputatioo of tiie Achnans, and disheart- ened the adherents of Macedonia tbroughoot Peloponnesus, "gina. Hermione, and PhlitiB forthwith eotcrcd the League; and soon after Aratus accompEisbed the object which he had so longdesired, and which had cost him so many fruitless efforts, the acquisition of Argos. ArlB- tomachua, seeing himself cut off from all h"^ of Macedonian auccours, and the AchKans gain- ing ground in Argolis and Arcadia, now listen- ed to the proposasofAraiuB, and declared him- self willing to join the League on certain condi- tiouB. '. One of these was, that he should receive fifty talents for the payment of the mercenariea whom he'was to disband ; and,perhaps, it was also stipulated that ho should succeed Amtua at the end of his next year of ofBce. 'While, however, Aralus was making provision for the performance of his part of the contract, Lydi- ades,who was at this time chief magistrate of tbe League, sad ill pleased to see so important a business transacted b; aoother, took the ne- gotiation into his own hands,and,persuading Aristomachus that he could not safely trust a man who wae the implacableenemy of all ty- rants, undertook to conduct the aSair himself in the Achean assembly. But his interference only served to aflbrd a fresh and remarkable illustration of the sll-ponerful ioBuencc of Aratus, as wcU as of the jealousy with which he guarded it. For he prevailed on the Achaans to reject the treaty when it was proposedby Lydiades, and soon afterward to ratify it, when he was again induced to sanction it with his + " PIm.Ar., 34. Pionn t FlUhs [ii.,p. I") n plin until thi fDUomiif jn HISTORY OF QRREGE. Aftar M" great an oooewion to the poner of tlie League, AratuB might not unreasonabl; be- lieTB that lo exleod it over the reat of Pelo- pomiesuB would prove Iho lesa difficult part of hia uodenahing; for tliaugli, besidca Sparta, Measenia, and Glis,and aome of the Arcadian "ommoaweallhB, atillremained independent, it was probable that the example of Sparta would detemune the polic; of the other stales ; and the weakceas and supiocness of her goTemment aflbrded ground for hope that ahe would not offer any lerj obstinate or Tigoroua reaistance to his designs. "uch hopeswere, perhaps, en- "ouragedbj the exiled partisane of Agis; and Cleomenea had not yet givenproof of a char- aeter or tolcnta such as to render hini a for- midable antagoniat to an experienced states- man. Ho*erthele"8, there were inHurmounta- Ma obstacles to a Toluatary anion between Etaartaand the League, and it aoon became ident that Aralue was not the man to m power her reluctance by force. The friendly letationawhich subsisted between the two gOT- emmenta in the reign of Agis TV.,had, per- hape, been first iniermptedby the invaaion Which Sparta had suffered from the .iGtolians while they were in alliance with the Achcans. But the accession of her inveterate enemy H^alopolia to the League probablyproduct a far wider alienation, if not open hostility. Then, eren if the Spartan pride could have "nbniilled to be placed on a level with tbe Achcan townships, and to obey the requisitions at an AehKan magiatrate, aCich a connexion with dentocratical inatitutioos would not have been welcome to a grasping and jealoui oli- garchy. Thos Cleomenes found the diBposition "r tbe ephors and tlie mling class perlectly in accordance with tue own viewa on this point; and they believed them aelves forced,by regard to their own safety, into the war which he de- aired as " step towards the oveitfaraw of their The plan of Aratua was, it seems, to make himself master of the Arcadian towns which still kept aloof Irum the Achnan League, and thus to reduce Sparta lo a state of total isola- tion, in which she might be compelledto ac- eept bis terms, as tbe onlymeans of avoiding contiunat danger and annoyance ; and the Spar- Ian government felt that it was necesaary to make a stand against htm in Arcadia. The irst occasion of direct collision seems to have been affiirded by three of the towns, which, es we have seen, had attached Ibemaelves to the ^tolian League; Orchomenus, Tegea, and Uantinea. In each of tbem tliors appears to have been a strong party adverse to the ^^to- Uan alliance, which was encouraged and aided by Cleomenes and the Spartan government; and all three about the same time renounced that alliance, and entered into the strictest onion with Sparta. As this acquisitioa was made at tbe expense of the .ftolians, they alone could have reason to 'complain of it. But, though usuallyvery ready to vindicate dUKvndbrilnicMir, n*"aeliiT"i,li"nnr.iii tbeir rights, theynot only snbDUtted patlentlj lo the losa of these importantplaces, but for- mally ceded them to Sparta. The motive oT their forbearance was the jealousythey now feltof the progress which the Achnan Leagoa was making in Pcloponnesos ; for as, on the death of Demetrius, the common danger wbii^ kept the two powers united had ceased, their alliance was converted into hoatile rivalry. It is probable, too, that at this juncture tbe Xti"- liauB found fnll employment for their forces in Thessaly, and were on that account the mora willing to resign tbeir pretensions to the three towns, BO as at once to strengthen the defencee of Sparta and to embroil her with the Acbnan League. Tbe result fully uiswered their ex- pectations. We do not know what pretext AratuB alleged for hia interference. He might, indeed, claim possession of Mantinea with some colour of right, ifit had once belonged to tbe Achsans ; but no snch reason was applica- ble to the case of Tegea or Orchomenus. Yet it appears that before he bad any aggreaaioii i" complain of on the part of the Spartangovern- ment, he was preparing to make himself mas- ter of both these towns by a nocturnal atirpriao. Cleomenes, it aeema, had received intelligenea of his deaigns; and he now obtained lanTe of the ephors to make a movement which was judged necaosai? for the sacnrity of Laeonia. He was directed to take possession of a place called theAthenKom, in the district sf B^ina, or Belemina, which commanded one of tbo passes leading into Laeonia, but was claimed by hegalopolis as belonging to her territory.* The occupation of this post, which is r^tre- sentad by Poljbiua as an act of wanton a^ gression, marks the beginning of tbe Cleomenw War. Cleomenea fortified the strongholdod tbe fiwttier without interruption, and neariy at tlia same time Aratus tnade hia attempt to surprise Tegea and Orchomenus. It foiled as to botk through the cowardice of hia partisans within ; and Cieomeaes insulted his disappointmentby tauntingletter, in which he aflbcted to ift- gun-e, with friendly concern, after the purpoett of his night's march Aratus, in reply,profess- ed that the object of his expedition had been to prevent the fortification of Belbina ; bnt b* bad no answer to make when he was requested to explain the use of the torches and scaling- ladders with wtiich he had providedhimaelC " I is aaid to have laughed at tbe retort, and have asked Democratea,one of the I^ce- d^montan exiles, what kind of youth this CI"- aenes was, Democratea only warned him, ifhe had any designsupon Sparta, to hasten tbcm before this game-chicken'a spurs werw grown." Tbe ephors,wishing to confine them- selves to defensive measures, and, if poaaiblek avoid a war, soon recalled Cleomenes, wh" advajiced into Arcadia with a few htmdred men. ButAratns,on his return lo AchKa, as- aembled tbe council of the League, and repre- sented the seizure of Belbina in auch a ligfat le to Induce tb"n to declare war againstSjWTta, ) sanction his own veir qnestionaUA proceedings. The reduction of C^hy* in Ar- cadia was the only other achieTement by whicb he signaliaed his year ef oflfae. ' ' -t'.fifwlc. ARATQ8 SURPBISES HANTINEA. ... WBB UIZIODB to tKTTj the war into Laconis ; and perhaps it was UiB report of bis iateDtiooa,rather than the iDcoesB of Aratue at CaphjK, that aJanned the Spartan government, and led it a^^n lo send out Cleomenes. who made himself mas- ter of the Arcadian town of Meth;driiim, and OTerran a part of Argolis. His forces amount. ed to less than bOOO men ; and AratomachuB BOW took the Geld with 30,000 foot and IDOO horve. Yet Aratua, when he waa consulted by Ariatomaehus on hia projectedespeditioa, wrote " for he waa ataying at Athena " to dia- nade him from it, and advised him to "Toid an engagement with Cleomenea. But as AriBtom- "ehus (xmld not reconcile himself to such inao- Im^, he came to the camp to direct the oper- atione of the earopaignby hia counsels ; and when Cleomenea uneipectedt;presented him- "elf and oStred battle,near Palantium, he per- "naded Ariatomaehus to decline it, and to re- treat before an enemj who did not number a qnarter of hia force. It is difficultto decide whether timidityor jealousy had the larger riuire in the motives of Aratus on this occa- sion. But the result was so flagrantly dis- gtaoeful to the Achnan arma, that all his indu- taite was needed to soothe the indignation which it rouaed against him at home, Lydi- adea openly accus^ him. and became hia oom- petitor at the next election,which, however, waa carried, as usual, in his favour. For the twelfth lime,then, he had the forces tf the Achcan League at his disposal. Bat the events of the next campaign, as the reaponai- fajlity now rested exclusively with him, only Mrved to exhibit more glaring evidence of his HuUtary incapacity, and even to throw a sus- S'doD of much worse failings on his character. e opened it with an expedition into EUs, where, perhaps, he thought himself less in dan- ger iToni Spartan interference. The Eleans, however, applied to Sparta for aid, which the ephora, however indifferent they might feel, "ould not decently refuse ; especjiilly as the late brilliaat success of Cleotnenes had begiin (o revive the old sense of national honour. He had reminded the people of a saying of one of their ancient kings ; that Spartans never Baked about their enemies, bow many, but where th^ are ; and he soon iUustrated it by a fresb achievement ; for he came up with the Achaan army on its march homeward, near the foot of Mount Lycnum, and gaineda com- ;detevictory. It waa ao utterlyrouted, that for sane daya Aratus himself was believed to have fallen. But be bad escaped from the field, and took advantage of the report to strike one of those clandestine blows to which he owed "o much of hia fortune and hia reputation. Having collected some of hia scattered troops, he led them againstManlinea,which, being un- prepared lo resist this naexpectedattack, fell into his bands. He protected the town from pillage, though after its revolt from the Acbnan League, Polybiua thinks it had no reason to expect such clemeccy ; but.to secure its fidel- ity for tbe future, lie compelled itto receive an Achsan garrison, and to admit the resident for- eigners to the franchise ; and it seems proba- ble that he provided for these new ciliiens at tbs ezpenaa of tho"e who had shown them- selves iDost adverse to the Aelusso iaterett. By this conquest be, no doubt, in sotne degreo repaired his credit ; but itis not easy to under- stand all tbe consequencoe which Hutarch at- tributes to it. He represenla it aa having caused so much discouragement at Sparta, that Cleomenes could no longer obtain leave to prosecute offensive operations againatthe en- emy. It may, however, have furnished the ephora with a pretext, which they before want- ed, for restraining h^ ardour ; and it aeems that their opposition turned his thooghts with redoubled eagerness towards his long-cheriab- ed projects of revolution. Yet the step vrtiich he next took ia not one which could have been expected as most cleaii;^ adapted to forward such a design. We are informad fay Plutarch that he invited Archidamus, the exiled brother of Agis. to return to Sparta,thinking, itis said, that with the support of a colleague he shouU be better able to balance the authority of Iha ephora. It is certainly difficult to reconcila this with all we know as to the character and Bcbemea of Cleomenes, and hence the seijuel naturallysuggests suspicion, that bia object was not to uU in an ally, but to ridhimself of a riTBl; for Archidamus waa put to death,ae- eording to Plutarch,as soon as be entered th" city. Poljbius* would fix the guilt of this. entirelyon Cleomenes; and re- Nicagona, the friend _._._.._. Sparta,thongh be t himself allowed to departnnhurt, conceived bitter hatred and thirst of Tnngeance against Cleomenes,which, as we shall see, he was af- terward enabled to gratify. Plutarch,on the other band,represents itaa notorious that th" deed was perpetrated by the party which had aotbing but Tengeance to look for from tha family of Agia; bat whether with tbe consent of Cleomenes ia a questionwhich, as it wa" deputed among hia contemporariea, must air ways remain doubtful. Tbe reasons which would incline us to acquit him of the murder of Eurydamidas,are, for tbe most part,equally; applicable to this transaction. The Iraacherj and baseness which would be implii^cl in tha recallof ArchidamuBjif itwaameanl as a snare for hia deatruction,were apparentlyquite for- eign to the nature of Cloomenen, and no ade- quate motive is assigned for them in this case ; the juncture was not one likely lo awaken hi" jealousy or fear of Archidainus, and it might auggeit the thought that he should find the brother of Agia a useful asaociaie in a atnig^ with the ephora. He had been endeavooring to form a partyi at Sparta, and his mother, Cratesictea,a wom- an worthy of her son, not only exerted all her influence to promote hia designs, but wa" thought to have givrn her band to a second husband, a mnn of great reputation and influ- encp, named Megistonous,only that she mij^t. gain him for her son's cause. But CI' ctiPikes. saw that, before he could effect his ohjfct, be must be again at tbe heail of an army. Tba ephors, whether from timidity or distrust, wished Id keep him at home ; but their cupid- ity was too strong for iheir prudence, and they c;^ ";ic HISTORY OP GREECE. let thenuelTes be bribed to send him out on a freah expedition, vhicb proved honourable to Sparta, but fatal to themselres. He flretmade hinuelf master of the border town of Leuctra, and when Aratvs marched to protect Megalop- olis, advanced to a place called Ladocea, in the Imroediate neighbonihood of tbe city.* Id an engagement Which took place ahnoat under the Gin walla, the Acluean lighttroops at Giat famed the advantage over the enemy. But Aretna refnaed to follow it up, and kept the main body of bia army motrooleaa behind the bed of a toirent, Lydiadea,having in vain urged hiin to action,put himself at the head of the cavaby, and by a vigorons chai^ broke the Sparian left tvbg and put Itto dwot, hot in tlm beat of pvrantt was entangledm difflenH ground, where he waa anrroDnded and alain. After hia death the cavalryfled,and, fiUing back apon the phalanx, threw it into "aoider, which waa the oceaaion of its entire defeat. Cleomenes aent the boi^ of Lydiadeato Meg- idopolia, adorned with a purple robe aod a gar- bnd, while Aranis retnmed to Aehaia luoid the imiramra of hie troo)n, to give an aeconnt oC his eondnct in the asaembly at ."gimn. The patience of the people aeemed to be ex- hausted, and tbe generalfeelingwaa ao atrong againsthim, that a decree waa paaaed which declared " ifit is accnratelyreported " that the I.eagne would no longer supply him with money or troops for the war, bul that he must carry it on, if be would, at hia own charge. It sounds like a resolution to give up the war, but it was probaUy only meant as a vote of want of confidence in AiatOs. Yet the peo- ple may, by this time, well have begun to be weary of such a waatefol contest, for which it wnold have been difficultto assignany worthy "Aject. That the Leagae eonld make any ma- terial progress, in opposition to Sparta, had now, at leaat, become utterlyhopeless: there was eleatly more room to approhenda aeries of disasters which might endanger its very ex.- Istenee ; and though Cleomenee might wish for the continuance M the war, the Spartan gov- ernment had shown itaelf strongly inclined to peace, and would,no doubt,gladly have accepted any reasonable terms. The assembly plainly intimated,by'itaresolution, that it did not re- Erd the war as undertaken on the part of the ague in self-defence, but aa an attempt to carry oat a project of Aratua, which, whatever might have l"een ita merits, toe event had pro- ved to be impracticable. Tet no ono seems to have ventured to call for a diseosMon of this question, which was the only one of real interest to the people, and the influence of Aratns was too firmly established to be shaken by an expression of passingdisap- Cbation, which was forgotten as aoou as the ling had subsided. He thought, iiia said,at flrat, of throwing up the seal of office, as if ho bad bceninjnredby the vote of censure, but,on calmer reflection, judged it wiser to retain his dignity, and to attempt to retrieve his honour. Before his year expired he again took the field, and, in the neighbourhood of Orchomenos, de- feated a body of Lacedamionian troops, and Hegistonouswaa among hia priaonera, hut, it " T4 Aaltiva uMxfn. PidftNin,ii.,91,ud Piu, l^w months, events took place at Sparta whidt removed the object for which Aratus waa atri- ving " the extension of the League over Pelo- ponnesus " farther than ever from hta reach. Cleomeoea had been inspired With fVesh con- fidence by hia victory at Ladocea, and he now ventured to disclose his projects to Hegisto- noQS, and engaged hia concurrence, and after- wardthatof twoorthreeotherfrienda. Helelt, and theybelieved,that, to enable him to restore Sparta's ancient ascende . was wanting but to reform hi emancipate the royalauthority from the control of the ephora. He mi^ well think,haTiD( eflboted BO much with such scanty meana, in spite of ao many hinderancea, there was no- thing which he might not accomplish when the fttfceof tbe renovated nation, a reallySpartan , should be placedat his imfetlered com- A dream related to him by ooe of the ephors,who, as be slept in the oracular temple of Paaiphs!, saw four of their seata removed from their place of aeaalon, and heard a voice aaying, Thit it lettforSparta, was reported to have confirmed his resolntioa, and to have quickened his movements. Again he marched i(toArcadia, with an army composed io part of mercenaries, and in part of that class of citizens from which be had to expect tbe most aciiva resistance to his measures. Traversing Arca- dia with great rapidity in various directions, he reditced Heraa and Alssa, victualledOrchome- nus, and threatened Mantinea. The Spartans were, at last, so fatigued with long marches and countermarohes, that they were glad to be left behind in Arcadia, when he returned for an interval to l^aconia.* On his way homeward, Cleomenes revealed his design to a few trusty followers, and regulated bis maroh so as to reach Sparta about the time when the ephors were sitting down to supper. Enrydides was sent forward to obtain admission into their presence, under pretence of a message from the army, and while they were listening to hia report, some of the other conspirators, with a few sol- diers, rushed in and fell upon them. Pour of the ephors wero massacred : the fldh, named Agcsilaus,having been lelt among them appa- rently lifeless, afterward recovered strength enough to crawl into an adjacentsanctuary. About ten other persons lost their lives at the same time iu defence of the ephors. No other blood was shed, and Agesilanshimselfwas spa- red, when he came out of his place of shelter the next morning. AH who would, were allowed to leave the cityduring the night, and itis prol"- able that many took advantage of this permia- At daybreak, Cleomenes snmmoned an as- sembly of the people. Two indications of tbe recent revolution met theirview in the market- " DTnfMma(ISft) coduitei tbu lh" dufu which tlinu- "nsd OrctioiiUDUi wu the roal moliit of III*eiTwIlliM tl fuctlx, wiljnh iE wu "aoaur^|td t" nqdHiUka bv hw mh- "ence, ud Ih" uptiviljof MasntoODiu, ftadta which th" REVOLUTION AT 8PAHTA. 401 lace : a table wu ezhitrited ooDtalainjt tbe lames nf eight; citiiena who were enjoined to eave tbe country, and four or tbe seata or the iphors were removeil, the fifth being leftto be ccupiedby Cleomenea.* He now came for- ward to vindicate bis conduct, end to explain lisintenlions. He went back, it appears, to he origin of the cphoralty, with a view to abow hat the power claimed t^ the epboia in later imea bad been acquiredthroughasiirpalion. Phe office itself, he aaaerted,was onknown to he primitiveConalitution, in which tbe sn- ireme authority was Tested in the kings and he gerusia ; and it was iHily after lbs Mssse- lian war that the kings had begun to appoint iScers, under the titleof ephors, to discharge lome of their fonolions in their absence. Theee I'icegerBnta and servsnte of the kingsbad, in ^urte *{ time, erected themselves into a dia- inct,iadependent, and permanent tribanal, and lul enlarged their Jurisdiction by a seriee of mcroachmenta, until it oreriaid all the other nagistraciee in the state. The memory of the ipboTAsteropus, who bad introduced some of he most important of these innovations, was lomparatirely recent. It was onlyby degrses hat the ephoTB had aasnroed the right of sum- nooing the kings before thern ; that it had not "sen always TMognised,appeared from Ibe isage of modem times, accordins to which the Jngs were only bound to attendon the third nnimona. Still, this power, unconstitutional ind exorbitant as it waa, might, for the sake of ranquillity, have been tolerated, ifit had been iiercised with moderation, and wiib some re- gard to the poblicgood; but when it waa abu- ted,as it had latelybeen, by ephors who took ipan them to banish their kings, and to put them "0 death without trial, and who established a !y9lem of terror to prevent measures of reform, A'hich were indiapcnaably necessary br the honour and well-being of Sparta,t itcould be en- lured no longer.Happy should he have tht)ugbt bimself if the evils under which the country ;roaned " the luxury and extortion, and the in- equality of fortunes, which waa the source of m tbe rest " could have been corrected by any niilder remedy ; but the use of force, in extreme ^ases, had been sanctioned by the example of LycurguBhimself, the more as he waa but a private person when be appealed to arms against KingCharilaus. It had now become necessary to resort to the like means to overpower the resistanceof the adversaries of refonn; but no needlessviolence had been employed, no great- er severity exercised than the publicaafety re- quired. He then proceeded lo unfold his plan, which, in ita leading features, wap the same as ^ad been proposedby Agis. All debts were to lie cancelled ; so that ihe creditors, whose se- cunlies had been destroyed, seem to have been t Hvn.if DrojHn'aODBiKtfTni wm vflnrcKim]*d,"1iOQld allowed to revive tlieireJains ; tbe land was to be equallydivided, and a new rollof oitisene ;d,to include the foreigners who. on strict linalion, should be found worthy of the franchise. When the honour of Sparta should have been intrusted la a sufficient number of armed citizens, they would not again see her territory insulted by Illyrian or ."tolian in- The cancelling of the debts was, perhmB, oon- Bidered Mily as tbe enforcement of tbe law passedb; Agia. IliediTiaionorthe lands waa, it seems, nude lo wear the appwranM of a voIanttiT sacrifice on the put of tbooe who posMsaed more than tbe legal meaanre. C3e- omenes himself set the exampleby the smroii- der of his own patrimony, and this, it is said, followed first byMegistoooos and his other friends, and afterward by allthe other citiiena. In the distribution, a portion waa allotted to each of tbe exiles ; snd Cleomenes announced that they would allbe permitted to return when tranquillity should have been firmly established. AAer the eoralmenl was completed, the Spar- tan infantry amounted to fiOOO men ; and Clo- omenea introdoced some changes in lis weaprnw and armour, in particular by the anbstitntiMi of tbe aarissa for the old Grecian spear, whicb brought itnearer to the character of the Mace- donian pbalinx. At the same, time he dihgent- lyapplied himself to restore the ancient sys- tem of education and discipline, a task in which he is said to have received much aasistance from the philosopher Sphtarua ; a proof that ha did not rigorou^ conlioe himself to the tradi- tional details, but took the opportunity to efleet many seasonable improvements. The abolitioa of the ephorelty was not the only innovation which Cleomenes made in tbe Constitulion. It appears that he likewise, in some way, al- tered the character or contracted the powers of the gerusia: and he is said to have changed '9 name, and to have substituted adescripliMi iferring to the subdivisions ofthe tribes which the council was supposed to represeat.t But the fact so stated is not easilyexplaiited ) for he evidently studied to preserve the forms of antiquity, whenever they did not thwart his pur- poses : and it rosta on the authority of a wri- ter who was very liable to error. Another of bis measures was certainly an infringement of the Constitution, though itwas one of which the oligarchy, which, after the murder of Agia, had permitted one king to reign without a colleague. " An "U"i" vbick mini plmiiil; to indiau thu iha nrioil gf Uin MloliHa inruiu wu sot m kin( pUHd H t Punt.,:i., B,I,it rfcfrotTikyifrtalat omMwttwm- T"^( rJ Xirm UT^nioivarr'aiTOii. Ttii rna^div Paiuuiu win, u ba i" lutxi ID ihfl ttn, ud m it vliniUod bj Hnslter lUor., 1 1.,p. IS3,Bnfl.tr.. M fi.). getka wiib tiltwniiii. ind lliu,fa tfur lln mtoT*- liin dT Ibi ifibonhf*. th" chief of tha warpurtim cnalinnsd lina whalkiT Ihii 1i whil Piansiu BMniit id mj. 5ri^ C.oogic va HISTORY OF GREECE. b"dnorighttocoiuplaio. SinootheBoiiBorAm- toidemusbhared tbe royal aSice between tbem, there had never been two kiagi of the same house at a time. Cleamenes now filledthe vacant throne orihe Proclids with hia hrulher Euolides. ir ttiis proceeding was not to be justified by the legend which traced the origin of the two royul houses tu one ancealor, it waa, at ieaat,a proof that Cleomenes did not aim at despoticpower, and it was more in harmony, both with that aocieni precedent, and with the spirit or the ConstitutioD, than the undiiided monarchy, in which the enemies of refoim had "o longacquiesced. Snch waa the revolution which was repre- aented by Polybiue,* and by other writera, both aooient and modem, as a subversion of the hereditary Ibnu of goverameDt, and a trana- Ibnnatioa of the legitimateroyalty into what the Oieefca called a tyranny. By others it has been regardedas a salutary and temperate m- tuna, conducted with great moderation on con- atitutional principles, aad preaeiring as much both of the sabaUnoe and the form of the na' tkmal institutions as was consistent with the main end, the security and welfare of the state. It can hardly be denied that the "et8 aflbrd aome colour to each of these opinions ; the oaae is one which, liiceall political ctianges not eKeted by strictly lef^ means, presents an ambiguous aspect ; but the view taken by Po- ^rbiuB, whose prejudices deprive him of all aa- tbority on this question, appears to be the more Barrow and superficial, and to exhttiit least of the real character of the tranaactioD, while it ia groedy ni^uotso larashlnTolvasany jadg- nant on the rootives and intenttoni of Cleom- "ne". The easenoe of fyrosnjr. in the Greek sense, is Oie usurpation of aitiitrary power in a state which had been previouslygoverned I9 law i and it must be admitted, on the one hand, not only that the means by which Cle- omenes compassed his ends were violent and illegal, but,also, that the power which he ac- qniredby the revolution was, in one point of Tiew, very neariy absolute ; as, after he hail abolished the ephoralty, placed his brother on the throne, and formed an anny of cititens de- TOted to his interest, there was no one in Sitar- ta who could counteract his will. But, on the other hand, it must be considered, that how- ever littlefoundation there may have been in authentic records or tradition fijrhie assertions as to the origin of (he ephcraJty, and though the oRce was probably, in some form or other, as old as the Dorian conquest, still,in later limes, it had unquestionably assumpd a new charac- ter aod place, and had usurpedprerogativea un- known to the earlyConstitution, which rendered It an Irresistible engine of an oppressive and baneful oligarchical domination. Whether it would have been possible to retain the office and to reduce its authority within moderate bounds, may be doubtful, but Clcomenea had good grounds for the view which he took of it, It.fa ^"li| as an ezcreaeenca Whieb moat be amputated be- fore the slate could be restored to a bealthj condition. Nor is there any reason for ques- tioning the sincenly of his conviction, that he was merelyreviving the royalty of the primitive ages in the peculiar form which it hsd assumed at Sparta,exempt, loileed, from the restraint 10 which it had been so long subjectedby Lbs growth of the power which had gradually en- croached upon Its rights, but yet not an un- limited sovereignty- He ruled over a free and willingpeople, in which there was only one dis- aflbcted party, the oligarchy which he bad over- thrown. They, indeed,pretending to consider themselves as the slate, might consistently treat him as a tyrant, for they siibmilled to him onlythrough fear. But his main strengthlay in his Sparlsnphalanx, the citliens who com- posed the popularassemUy, and over this body he could possess no other dominion than the le- gitimate iuBiience which be derived from ih^ir gratitude, admiration, and confidence. Aa be had thrown his private wealth into the coranMrn stock, BO in his person and whole manner of living, both in the camp and at home, by a sim- plicity and frugality which were pertectly free from all tinge of afTeotaiion, he presented a mode) of a Spartanking,onlydistingoished from the beat of the old times by the advantag* which he may have gained from his pfaitosopfai- oal education. The tidings of the revolultan at Sparta were received by Aratus and his friends with a mix- ture of hope and alarm. They hoped that it might prove the beginning of a long aeries of Civil commotions, which mightkeep Cleomenes occupied at home. On the other hand, the can- celling of debts and repartition of the aoil ex- cited their fears, lest the contagion of this per- nicious example should reach the multitude itt the Achiean towns, and impel tbem to like en- terprises, or incline tbpm to seek alliance with Sparta. Arams owpd a greatpan of his repu- tation to the prudent forbearance with which he had respected tbe rights of property si Sicyon afler the return uf the exilea. The revolution- ary measures of Cleomenes were utteriy repug- nant to his nature and his principles : and there can bo httle doubt that they did not merely serve as a pretext fbr that hostility to Sparta which he carried tu such a fatal extreme, but reaUy contributed to hciHhten it. His sympa- thies were all on the side of the defeated oli- garchy ; in his eyes ilie Spartan king was a demagogue, who had made himself a tyrant ; as itwas in these colouia that his character came- down to Pulybius. The winter, including the beginning of SM,. had probably been occupied at Sparta with the remodelling of ihe state. E^rly in the spring. not long iiefore Hyperhatas. (lie successor uf Aratus, went out of offiee,Cleumenes, anxious to dash all hopes which his enemies might have built un the supposed cunlinuaiice of internal disorders of Sparta, and to prove that the re- cent changes hail not tendi'd in alMte the ar- dour or to relax the iliseipliiie of bis troops.* in- vaded the territory of MegHlupiilis. where he in- Iticled much daniaee, and collecli-d a great booty. The Megalopiilitans, who had suffered (p.]ili BATTLE OF HECATCMIB-EON." INTRIPUES OP ARATUS. "3- le precedingoampaigm. ofter- Aohab, wbera tbe goTeminent Telt ilseir ioae- ' cure, and tbe people had no more hean for the war. To enoour^ hia paitiaaiMby a stgnal diaplajofbiaauperiority in tbefiehl, Cieomeaea, bavine found a company of playera an their road rram Measene, cawed a temporary theatre to be erected, and entertained bia army with a dramatic exhibition ; thoitgfa, in general, his oaiBp was distiDgniahed by tbe absence of all EriToIoue and enervating amusements, while every other in Oreeee. no leaa than in Mace- donia or Aais,waa follnwed t"y a train o( muai- and danoera,jnggien aiid bnfibooa. He '" -""-- -fliinp-"- mm of tfaeir nwrtjal emciai Hia oommandinf anittide aeeme to hare pn"- daesd the efifectMhich he deairod at Hantinea. Thors tbe party adveraa to tbe Achaan con- nexloo inTlied him to recorer poaaeaaioo of tbe town ; and in eonoeit with them he aurpnaed It in the night, and OTanrpowerad the Aehaean SrriaOD, which waa almoBt atlputlolheawwd. " Polybiaa. who obooaea to oTariook tbe dia- tinetioD of psrtim in thn albir, tbe efndoct of tbe Hanlineaqa appeara to be inarited by the fwlaai treachery and ingntitodei* but tboee ttihtm who hailed Cleemenea aa the leatoier ef tbeir l""a and CoaatitDtion oould not be con- "noHe of any great obligation to the Acbvaoa. After a few boors' rest he set oat again for Tegea, and by e chcaitooa taarah tbroarii the west of Arcadia and Elia,penetnted into Acbaia. Hyperbatas. who waa directed in all hie MOTementa byAratua.t took up bis position, with the lai^est fttrce he could mnsier, at a |)laee called HeoatorobKOn, near tbe weatern extremity of the ooontry, and Cleomenea " raably, as it waa thought " placed himaelf be- tween the town of Lyme and the enemy's camp. But bia object waa to force a battle, and be gained a completelictory. Ite immediaie fruit waa the reduction of a place called Langon.t whieb he leatored to the Eleanaj but, in the mean while, he opened a negotiation with the AclueaD League, which promised much more "mportant adrantagea. It is not quite clear whether be had already, befbre tbe battle, made overtoiea to the Achaan goverament, which had been rejectedthroogh Ute Inflneikceof Ara- ms, bat hia aim muat have been long well un- derstood. It aeema to have been almost nni- Teraaltyexpected, and. perbapa,very geaerally desired, thai allthe Peloponneaian atatea ahould be united in one body ; the onl^ueation was, whether tbe union waa to taJce place under Acbiean or under Spartan supremacy ; whether Sparta was to be annexed to the Achsan League, or tbe Achtean League to Sparta. The t PloL, Chn., 14,'Afinm ti nSr fn tfdnt- t Plul., Cleimi..14, IwMtir ml Mrrwri, Dterm (p.MU), "iih Mima Itil..I,p. 318) (Bd Sctianuu (p.It.J, wprMB* itm to ha ft niBUkt """* """"" "'"" "' v.Tall"ARnrH"if Qim fatd Um for liltnnlaliou aocccae of Cleomenee bad now made Itevident that, if he entered the League, it muat be on his own tenna. Those which he offered after the battle appear to have been moderate, thou^ we have no information as to the details. Il is not clear on what footiogSparta was to be placed with regard to the League ; but, for him- self, Cleomenes demanded to be acknowledged as its chief. Plutarch speaks of this as if it were to have been a mere titleof honour, in re- tum for which he held out the prospect of many solid advantagea to the Acbnans.* Bui there can be no doubt that it impliednothing leas than that the forces of the League should be placed at hia diapoaal, with powers as Urge aa those which had been exercised by Aratus, and with- out even the same degree of responsibility. Hie national feeling of the Achtean race might be wounded by aucb a concession to a Dorian prince. But there was no great danger lest ft S("aitan king ahould abuse it, either by unnece"^ Bsry wara undertaken to gratify his own smbi~ tion, or by wanton aggreBSion on public or indi- vidual liberty. The coalition or alliance with Sparta, at least,promised an immediate oeaaa- tion of that haraaaing petty warfare in wtvich the atrength of the League had been so long wasted ; and if Cleoiaenes was to be feared as a protector, be waa certainly not less formidable as an enemy. This view of the question pre- vailed in thisAclwan council. The Achsan minister* were inatrncted to accept the king's proposals, to conclude a truce with him, and tn. invite him to attend an assembly lo be beU near -^rgoa, in which the treaty waa to be rati- fied. But an illneaa, the effectof c] tigne and an imprudentdraught of w . _. pelled him to postpone his journey lo Argos, and lo return for a time to Sparta. He, how~ ever, ao fully relied on the promises be bad re~ ceived, that,as one of the slipulalions of thO' cDuventioD waa the release of his prisoners, be- set tbe principal of them at liberty forthwith. This accidental delaywaa, apparently, the oc- casion of great calamities. It afforded time to Aralua for intrigues,by which he was enabled, to put an end to all prospecta of peace. Aratos, when he began tbe war, probably considered Sparta aa an easy conquesl. Ha waa not prepared to find a formidable antago- nist in the young king, and could not expect that the people which had tamely submitted lo tbe inroada of the lllyrians and .^toliana would. olTer any eflectaalresistance to the arms of tbe- Achnan League. But he bad been very eooiw nndeceived ; and bo had long ago foreboded such a criaia as bad now arrived, and bad pon- dered tbe course he should take when Ibe emer- gency arose. The resolution which he finally adopted waa one which even now we cannot read of for the ftrat lime without the same kiod of painfulaurprise which we feel when a man wbom we have hitherto eateemed has commit- ted a disbononrahle action. Il was no other than at once to undo tbe great work of bia pub- lic life, to call the king 'ofMacedonia into Pel- oponneaua, aa an ally and protector against Cle- omenes. And this resolution he formed con- l^uedly with a clear inxigbt into the conse- qneoeea which were likely to result fVom thia atep, a fullview of the danger with which it HISTORY OF GREEOE. threatened the libcnies of Greece. The stnig- gle which Ihia dclenni nation cost him ma; be, in some meaaure, estimated by the perplexitjr which Polybinsbelraya in hie attempt to defend il. The pica which Aratua set up in bis me- moirs, and which is arged by the historian, hii apologiai and admirer, is necessity. But it ii admitied that he had reconciled htmseir to tl"e thought, had harboured the purpose, befure the necessity existed ; and this supposednecessity was. after all, only the creature of his own""' it was but his want of self-command, bis pacity for a great sacrifice, which led him to lay down as a first principle ol* action, inviolable as the laws of nature, that Cleocoenes must be re- sisted to the last, and tbat any alternative was lobe preferred to compliance with his demands. We can, indeed,veryeasily conceive how deep- ly mortifying anch compliance would have been to Aratus ; how much il would have cost him to retire from publichfe, baffled and humbled, and from the shade of his forced seclusion to witness the triumph of his young rival. These arc considerations which may welt disposeus, wiih Plutarch,to view his condnct with more of pity than of indignation, ai an examine of ordinary human weakness ; but they must be discarded when an attempt is made to vindi- cate his policy on the ground taken by Polybius, as not unworthy of a patriotic statesman. We can, then, only inquire whether the ambition of Cleomencs thieaiened Greene, or even the Acbnan League, with any dangers so fearful as wore to be apprehended from the reatoraiion of Macedonian ascendency; and this is a ques- tion on which Aradis can hardly have been bo far blinded by passion as to mistake the truth. Nothing is mure remarkable, in the account givenl^-Polybius of the steps bywhicb Aratus was led to the practical result of his delibera- tions, than the ]ilaceassigned lo the ,"(oUans. The importance of the figure which they make in the historian's vindication of his hero, stands in most strange and suspicious contrast to the paucity and insignificance of ihe actions which he Bltribules lo them during the same period. According to Ihisstalement, a coalition between the ftolinns and Spartans was the origioal cause of the war, and firstinduced Aratus to believe that the safety of the Achsao Leagi:e was endongeredby the enterprises of Cleom- enes. Yet the onlyproof he alleges of the ex- istence of such a confederacyis,that the "u"- lians surrendered their claims to the three Ar- cadian towns which had abandoned their alli- ance, and had connected themselves with Spar- ta : and it is not pretended that they ever sent a BLDgle man into Peloponnesus to the aid of Cleomenea,or that they in any way interposed in bis behalf otherwise than by one demonstra- tion, to be mentioned in the sequel, which came very late, and was totally useless. Another statemenT, equallyquestionable, and which proves as little, is,that the ."tolians opened a negotiation with ^ntigonus Doaon in the hope of engaging him in a war against the Ach"ean League, with a view to the partition of its territory- Whatever their projects may have been, not only were these never realiteed, but the only part which they actually took in the wu was a declaration of hostile intentions tDwirda Macedonia. It nuat,therefore, be pro- nounced an utterly hollow pretext,whBimm informed by Polybina that fear of the jEloliun drove Aratus to the ttougbt of an aUiaiicewiii Aatigonus. The precisejuncture when Aiatiis took Ibt lint step towards the execution of his dcsip is not distinctly marked in the namtive of Po- lybius; but ilsBems tohavsbeensDbsequeDtUi the opening of the campaigo in which CIsm- enes flrsitook the Geld after the revoiutioait Sparta. It was probably while he was ntiffai the terriloiy of Megalopolis without resiatsiK* that Aratus concert a plan with two ofitiet- izens,Nicophanes and Cercidas, bis old Insnd^ for an embaasy lo Macedonia, lo soand Aiifip- nuB. At bis Buggeslionthey were appoiMl envoys to the Achsean council, and havuit "i^ tained its permission,proceeded to the tl"i" donlan court. They received their inatniciiMi from Antns, who faroished them with the u- gnmeniB which h" judged beat adapted lo makg an impressionon Antigomu. The subHisce of tbem baa been preservedby Pol"rt"nt: ud none, cenainly, eotild have been devisedMa suited to the purpose of convincing and pa- soading the king. It is only snrpriiing tbil Aratus, while he Bu^eated them, shouldu* have felt that they were so many roasons rtie* ought to have deiened him, as a potrialic Ontt, from the prosecution of his attempt. The m- voys were to represent the danger which m iropenduig over the Achcan League from Ihs insatiable ambition uf the /Etolians and CImid- ones, who were banded againstit, and is poisl cut that if the confederaleB were allowedto overpower the League, and Cleomenes becow master of Peloponnesus,they wootd soos ei- tend their conquests into northern Greece, mi roust at length come into mortal oanflict "ill" Macedonia. It was for the king to couidei whether it suited his interest better to fi^t Iv battle with Cleomenes for the command "f Greece in Peloponnesus, with the Achaaai and Bteotians on his side,or to stake hisluof' dom on the issue of e contest against the unilo^ forces of jEtolia and Bceotia, the AehaiaM ud the Lacedemonians, in Thesaaly. it w", in- deed, a simple calculation ; and when the en- voys added, tbat if the ^liltoliansremainedquie, as they affected to do then, the Acheeana iroold ' -'" out as long as they could without asMi- i,but iffortune provedadverse, or the J^ I took part againstthem, they would Umh call upon him fur timelysuccour, Antigoii"" ' ' nothing more to wish than that they mig^' _. .1 find themselves compelled to impkne ^ protection.Nothing,however, could be nwto agrecabha to him than that they should prevwos- ly waste thert own and their enemy's strength. since they would then be the more willing l"| accept his terms. Indeed, as if lo remofe lU doubt on this head,Aratus expressly undertoot to provide the am|jeat securities, and the niu| solid proofs he could desire of gratitude for" favours. , Ttat Antigonus received these proposals """ joy, and dismissed the envoys with the ""*" est assurances of bis good will,hardly needs W be related. He sent a letter with them. "" dressed to the people of Megalopolis, in mu^ promised, if it wae also the wish of *" Achwans, to march lo their aid. 'Hie np"*' INTRIGUKS OF ABiLTUS." CLEOHENBS AT ARGOS. "I5 wbitdi Ibey tDsda on their Tetum o( Itae king': laTour"ble diapoaition, made such an impres- lion ai Megalopolis, wbere, ever since the lirae of Pbilip, there bat! always been a strong friend- ly feeling towai^B Macedoaia,tbal tbey were im- medialelyconmiisBioDed lo repair to the AcbK- an asaembly, and to coll upon the League to "elicit the Macsdoniaa succoum without delay. AratQS. we are told,wae delighted to learn that Antigonna was wiiling to forget the injury whicb his house bad sustained in the lose of Ibe AerooortnlhiiB, and nu less pleased that (he iidour of Ibe Megalopolitans released bim from the responsibility of an experiment which he feltto be extremely hasardoua ; no blame could aow be attached to htm ifit should happen (bat AntigoDOB crushed the liberty which be was in- ntad to protect Hehad only to moderate tbeir impatieDoe, while he commended their zeal ; aod be eshorled the people to persevere as long M thej could in their unassisted exertions, and only if fortune frowned upon them to betake Ihenueltea to the promiaed aid. Though AraluB bad been able to obtain the HDCtion of the Aohiean council for this nego- littion, itis not to bo supposed that the meaaure was generallypopular in At^aia, The erents whicb followed prove that it waa carried by a comparatively amall Ihough powerfulparty, cbiefljtluongb the influence of Megalopolis, tad the regara which was felt to be due lo her Mrviees aod aacrifioos in the common cause. Hot only waa there a strong inclioatioD in fa- nmT of Cleomenea among the lower classes, "ho boped, under bis protection, to obtain re- "ease from their debts, and a new agrarianlaw, bat many of tbe leadingmen dreaded Macedo- "ian intervention, were impatient of tbe pre- ponderanoe of Aratus, and wilting to acquiesce in the sapremacy of Sparta. According to a Hage which had never before been interrupted since Aiatus firstGlled the office of general, he ibouid have succeeded Hypetbatas. But he solemnly dechned it,and the election fell on Thuoxenua. Accordingto Plutarch, he wished itto be believed that bia refusal was the effect "f tba resentment be retained for the affront he had Bufiered alter his defeat at I^docea, hut his real tnotive was well known lo be his despond- ency as to tbe prospects of the League, pro- duced by Ibe battle of HecatombKum. Bui even if we must infer from this that Aratus hiudMlf alleged the pretext mentioned by Plu- Uaoh, it would stillbe probable that be meant to intimate his conviction that the resources "f tha Lesgnewere no longer sufficientto carry on tbe struggle, and that the time had come when it was neeessary to claim the promised aid of Antigonns. Bat though h" exerted the "ost "trenooas efibrta to counteract the over- tores of Cleomenes. bo could not prevent the eaoclnsioo of the preliminaries already related ; and if (^eomenes had been able immediately to alteiMi the assemblyat Argos, it is probable that he would have found it willing to accede to hia ttima. Bnt during the interval in which be was detained at home by hia illnesa, Aratus appears to have recovered his ascendency, and foond meana to avert the pacification which threatened his interests. He immediately sent his own son, the yonnger Aratus,to Antigonue, apparently without any other authority, to con- dude the negotiation which had been opened by tbe Megalopotttan envoys. All was now ad- justed between them except one point, whicti it was still necessary to leave open for some time longer, Aniigonusrequired the restitu- tion of the Acrocorinthus,as the price of his assistance ; and Aratus himself was quite will- ing to consent to this condition ; but he conld not undertake that even his influence would prevail on the Achcans to surrender the Co- rinthians, whom they had encouraged to revolt from Macedonia, into iho hands of their old masters. It waa therefore arrangedthat, while Aratus waited for an opportunity of accompliah' mg this object, Aniigonus ahouid complete hia proparalions, so as to be in readiness to begin his marcb at the first summons. All that re- mained was to bring about a rupture with Spar- ta, and this he effected by a stroke of policy, in which he waa aided by the Spsrlanking's im- petuous temper. When Cleomenes had recov- ered from his illness, he set out for Argoa to meet the Achnan asaemhly, which had beea convened there according to Ihe agreement. But on his road be received a message reqneat- ing him to leave his troops behind ^m, and to come alone, or, according to another aceoaet, with a small train ;* hostageswere ofl^red for his security.f The message seems to havs been so contrived, as at once to betray distrust and to awaken suspicions of treachery. Cle- omeoea took fire at the aflront, aent a letter to Ihe assembly,containing bitter invectives againstAratus, who replied in a similar strain, and despatched a berald to jEgium with a dec- laration of war, which be followed up by tbe lion of Achaia, where be surprised Pellene. Several towns in the adjacentpart of Arcadia aubraitted to him without resistance, and the government received inieliigence which led it ' - ipprehendthat,even in Sicyon and Corinth, had partisans who were plotting to dehver those cities into hia power. To suppress thia attempt, it withdrew the cavalry and merce- ies from Argos.at the time when the Neme- games were about to be celebrated there.t Cleomenes took advantage of their absence to mBrch suddenly upon Argos, where he surprised tbe quarter contiguous to the citadel in tbe night, and the appearance of hia army amid tiM confusion of the festival created such conster- nation, that tbe cityimmediatelycapilulated, entered inte alliancewith Sparta, a^owledg- ing Geomenea as in chief, gave twenty boeta- gea for its fidelity, and received a Lacedanw- nian garrison, Cleomenes waa unfortunately induced,by the assurances of Hegistonons,t* dispense with the precaniionof Iwnishing mnuo of the citizens who were notoriously adverae to tbe new order of things. Ariaioinaohna.wbn had joined Iho Achcan League with reluotaiMav and probably entertained friendlyfeelingsto- wards Aratus, declared himself on the side of Sparta. But perhaps the surrender may bavo been hastened chiefly by the democratical party, "'hich at Argos, as elsewhere, desired a change Dnvion Audi in tbiilUUiHiit (jOT.d. 4SJ. " "ii"ijn]iiiguPliiL,(;i"(a,.l7,umiuiru jpiciogalTiut*, it it tbtt dC A* bU t Ttbnuy, S.C. t , ..Cioogic 4M HISTORY OF GRBECE. in the distribution of properfy, like that which had taken place at Sparta, and hoped to eflect it with the coanlenance of Cltoaienes,* 'ITie submission, howerer. of the city, which, for so roan; ages, had lieen Sparta's moat fannitlable rival, added tnuuh to the reputation of his arma, and itwaa aoon followed liythat of ell the other towns of the Argolicpeninsula. Aralus hoped to arrest the progress of the defection, which was spreading with alanningrapidity among the membera of the League,by rigoroua measures. He seems to have accompanied the troops which were sent from Argos to Sicyan, anned with unlimited authority to proceedagainst the peraras auspected of treasonable correspond- enoe with CleomeDes, and he put many of them todeatb. He Iben proceeded to institute n like inTeotigation at Corinth ; but here ttiedisafTbc- lion to the AehKan froTemment was bo genera), and the people so much exasperatedagainst faim, that when intelligence amved of the events which had taken place at Argos, wi attempt was made to seiie him, which he only eluded by eztraordiiury presence of mind. Being ajamied io time by their angry cries and threatening yeMores, as he waa about to enter the theatre IB which they were assembled, he calmly bade thsni wait until be had given bis horse in charge to srane one, and so reaching the gate, after a hastywarning to the coounander of the citadel, rode away, ftoon hotlypnrsued, and with very few companinns, to Siryon.t The Corinthians immediately sent " deputation to surrender their oily to CJeomenes, whom it scarcely con- soled lor the escu)e ofAnitna. Bat as soon as he had ewnpleted the conquest of Argolis, he "DBTched to Corinth, and proceeded to blockade the AontoorinUius. An saeemblywas held soon after at Sicyon, though very thinlyattended, in which Aiatus waa created Mnilegns antocrator, an eitraor- diaary office previously nnknoim to the Achn- an Constitution, which most have been nearly equivalent to the Roman dictatoiahip. It was apparently a ibnnal latificatioQ, or prolonga* tion, oC the irresponsibls authority which he tiad received or assumed for the purpose of keeping down the diaaflected party. Bnt now, perbapM for the first lime, a guard was formed by the citizens for the protection of his person. k was, apparently, difficult to approach more closely to the position of a tyrant, orto show that the name with which he affected to brand Cleomenes waa less ^it^icable to himself. Cleomenea for a time abstained from farther boatilitiee, and Cried every expedient to concil' inte his rival, and to induce him to cede the poBsesaion of the Acrocorinthus. He caref^illj preserved the property of Aratus at Corinth UDtouohed, while he sent his uncle Megisto- sous, and BMesseniannBmedTrJpylus,t orTri- ^mailiis,4 auccessivciy, to negotiate with him. They were instructed to offferhim a pension of twelve talents " double the amount of that Which he received from Ptolemy " and even to pfopoM that the garrison of tbe Aorocorinthua shouH be composed in partonly of Spariaos, and partly of Achaian troops. But as to tha claim of the supreme dignity and comn!iaiid,tK) concession was made on thepartofCleomfnea; and this was- probably the demand moat Dfleo- sive to Aratus, and the main obstacle which rendered the negotiation fruitless.He remnm- ed infleiiWe,covering his refusal with lbs vague pretest, " that droum stances were not in his power, but,rather, he in the paver of circnmstances,"which might,indeed,be truest in the sense that he had gone too far to recede. Such language at length convinced CleDmeoei that he had nothing to eipect from ovennrej of peace. He indignantly took the Mi, rvi- aged the territory of Sicyon, and encamped before its walla. No doubt could now be k" in tbe mind of Anttua as to the course wfaick he would pursue. AU his hopes were heme- forth centred in Antlgonas, But stiEl, be did not venture to take the final irrevocable atep, to engage fbr the admiasion of a Mscedonim gamson into the Acrocorinthus, without a tM* of the Achiaan assembly; and it seems to bars been for Uio purpose of showing that ha wm willing to try all other resources, befon ta threw himself on Macedonian protection, Ihit he sent envoys to solicit succotn* from tha j"tolians and from Athena.* Tbe embaisjla jGtolia, Folybias passes over in sitenee ; talit is not more' at variance with tlietononr trfUs argument in vindication of Aratus than otbn facts which he relates. It was, as moat lian been foreseen, unsaccessAil ; and the "\rMut might consistently decline to vitriatetha net' trality which they had hitherto observed intba contest between Sparta and the Aehmia. The Athenians, whose assistance would haw been utterlyunavailing, were, it is said, not unmindnil of their obliplions to Arattni M wore restrained by Euclides and MioiD,thetM leading orators of the time, from a dispb^of gratitude which vroold have been alike oaeltn and impolitic, t While Cleomenea lay with his amy belbra Sicyon,an aaaemhly was held at "gintn, whiek Aratus waa aummoned to attend.t The JMt- uey exposed him to great riek of Miag inn the enemy's hands ; and Plutarch,drawing, ao doabt, from his memoira, represents the voiii- en and children at Sicyon as endeavouriiil "" detain him by tbe nuBt moving entreaties; M he made bia way, acoompaniea by his son in ten Mends, through tite Spartan Unas to tha coast, where he embaitod and arrived laMj at .fgium. The business for wkicta lbs b"- semldy was convened ia not distinclly MIsd. It seema probable that the rieetionof tha otdi- naiy general had already taken place. Tinoi- enns, a atea^ putiaan of Aratua. waa tp" inofik"; but perhapsone object of the tsMin- bly was to oonfitm the extraordinary antbtnitT with which Aratus had been invsatad at Sef- on. The chief autiject of deliberation, is*- ever, was undoubtedly the negotiation "W Antigonua; and Aratus now finind the mMD- biywiUing to take tbe last atep, I"e tcmi" (ii.,^"" liisrwil fran Ibiir parpoai U llu /,"h,iitmimmi "^ Sucliiti, uilluitinti IB Pluiircb"! ng 1^^^ ANTIGONUS AT THE ISTHMUS." RETOLT OF ARGOS. 4tfr flf hononr bjr which he himaelf had bitberto bwn testrained, had been removed by the re- Tolt of the Corinthtana ; and bis influence seeFoa to bare gainedstrength id proportion as the Leagne bad shrunk wilhin its original lim- its. A decree was passed thai Anligonua should be put in posseGsiou of the Acrocorin' thus ; and (be son of Aiatus and bis Sicjonian friends,who accompanied hint to "giuin, were ^ent to conclude the treaty, to urge the king to begin his march, and to retuaut with him as lioaiages until the proposedsecurity should be delivered into his hands. The decree,when ii became known at Corinth, excited vehement indignation there : the populacepillaged the house of Aralus, and the oBBembly of the peo- ple bestowed it on Cleomenea. Cleomenes immediatcl; withdrew his forces from the reighbonrhiMd of Sicyon, alter havingravaged Its territory,* and began to fortify'the pass be- tween the Acrocorinthusand the part of the Oneisn range which guards the southeast ex- tremity of tbe Isthmus.f Antigonns had collected bia forces, and vaa waiting on his soathem (rentier for the sujn- jnons to march : as soon as be received the cmbaaay, he sent to prepare the AchKaos for his coming, and set out for tbe Isthmus. The only interruption he Ibtmd on bis road was iu- lerpoaed by the .fttdiana, who threatened to slop bim if he should attranpt to pass thiwigh 'HtenaopylB. Thsy might,psrhap*, bare an- nojed him more seriously if they had not thus put him on his gnard; but tbe only effect of their threat was a slight inconveaience and delay. He transported his army across the Maliao Gulf into Eubcea, and thence again to tbe main land,so as to avoid the pass. The j"toluM made no other demonstiatioD of hos- tility, and sent no aid to Cleomenes. Antigo- nns found the Isthmus so stronglyguarded that he at once renounced aU hope of forcing his way through tbe Spartan tntrenchments, and iay for aome time encamped at the foot of MoDBt Geranea,revolving various projects for effecting his entrance into tbe peninsula at aome other point. In the mean while Aratos, accompanied bj tbe Demiorges, crossed over to Pegs, at the northwest comer of the Co- rinthiu Gulf, and bad bis first interview with AotigoDUB. He is said to have felt some uu- cBsiaess as to his reception; but he was soon reassured by the king'saffability and marked attention to himaelf, and was confirmed in the conviction which had first encouraged htm to look towards Macedonia, that princea make tbcir interest,not their feelings, tbe measure both of their enmity and their friendship : his recent services to Antigonusmight well be al- lowed to outweigh the old injury done to the royal bouse. But it seemed, at first, as iftheir schemes would be disconcerted by the foresight and vigilance of Cleomenes. Antigonns made an attempt in the night to turn his lines on tbe side of I^beom, but was repulsed with some loss. He then began to entertain a project of transporting his troops to the coast of Sicyon, from the headland of Herffium, the nearest * Pluc, ClHia., it. Tba ffitiXur m t FolA [D. rolrh,[s. i.\S,a\a6!lr X*M*I (t) rttpv l4r /imi point of the Isthmus. But it would prObablf have been diffictiltto escape observation,ana the landing at so sboit a distance from the en- emy's camp would have exposed him to great danger, and transports for so large a force were not easily found. On the other hand, he foresaw that the deficiency of supplies would not peimit him to remain long in his present position. But he was nneipecledly relieved from his perplexityby an opportune revolution which broke out in Argoa, and efl^cted a diver- sion in bis favour. The people, or the democratical party at Ar- gos, had expected, as we have seen, that the ascendency of the Spartan tnterest would be attended with measures of confiJMMtion which would beneftt them at the expense of the opu- lent. But these hopes were soon discovered to be fallacions. Cleomenes did not mean to assume tbe character of a demagogue in for- eign cities,or to apply the same violeut reme- dy which be bad deemed necessary for the dis- orders of Sparta, to all other cases. The dis- appointment excited generaldiscontent; and a man named Arisloteles,encouragedbj the vicinity of the Maeedonians, and apparently in cottcert with Aratus, reused the multitude to insurrection, and began an attack on the Lac"- dtemoniao garrison id tbe citadel, while he sent to Sicyon for succours. Timoxenns immedi- ately marched to bis aid with tbe Aehxan troops tindei hie coromand, and Aratua arhred not lo"s after witli 1600 Macedonians, whom he had obtained from Antigonus, and had brought over the Satonic GiUr to Epidaurus. On tbe firstintellisenceof the revolt, Cleome- nes despatchedMegislonous " irhose imptu- dent confidence in the disposition of the Ar- gives bad misled him into his ill-judged lenity " with 3000 men to Argos ; he himself re- mained in his intrenchmenls to criieervB Antig- onus, and, for the encouragement of the Co- rinthians, affected to speak of the insurrection as a triflmg tumult ofa few turbulent persons. But Megistonuus was slain, soon after he reached Arsos, in an attempt to recover pos- session of uie city; and the garrison, rednced Eo almost the last extremity, sent courier after courier to Cleomenes to solicit support. Ap- prehending that tbe loss of Argus would ex- pose Sparta to tbe danger of a hostile inroad, and believing that nothing less than the display of his wbole force would be sufficient to guard against it, he abandoned bis intrencbments and marched into Argoiis. But the sacrifice came too late to retrieve what bad been lost, and onlycompleted tbe ruin of bis prospects. It threw open the gates of Peloponnesus to the enemy, who took possession of Corinth and the Acrocorinthus without reaiatsnce. In the meanwhile Cleomenes forced bis way into the Larissa, and effected a junction with his troops, who stillheld out there, and even made himself master of an adjacentquarter of the city. But while the issue of the struggle was yet doubtful,the Macedonian arms were seen glittering on the heights, and the cavalrypush- ing forward at full speed across the plain. Cleomenes did not feel himself strong eaongh 10 risk an engagement near a hostile city, and therefore sounded a retreat, evacuated Uis :citadel, and took the road through Mantinaa to HISTORY OF GREECE. Tegea, vhich ha readied unmolested, but not before he bad been deserted by a pait of his Peloponnesiantrou|w. At Tegea he was met b; tidings of b domestic calamity, the death uf hia noble-minded wife Agiatis, whose ioJlu- ence bad so greatly contributed to form hia character, and to induce him to spurn inglori- otis ease for a life of toiland danger, which he could not regret oven in the midst of the mis- foitunea which darkened its close. His oflec- tiOD for her had been ao strong that, when bia aims were roost snccesaful, he could not endure to be long absent trom Sparta. But be coo- trolled hia feelings with stoical ' diieetionsfor putliugTegea in a atate of de- fBocB. Coatinuing Ua march during the night, ha readied Spartaearly the next morning, and sOer be had paid the la"t offices lo Agiatia, tuned his thoughtson the posture of his af- "in. In the calculation of Ms means of de- fence, he found himself most embairassed by duancial difficulties, and foresaw that it would be eaaier to raise an anny that might cope with the enemy than to keep it in the field, Tbere was onlyone quarter in whidi be had a prospect of assistance to extricate him from this strait. Ptolemy Euergctea had withdrawn his pension from Aratua, as soon as it was known that he had attached himself to Antigo- nui, and waa willing to support Cleomenes by subsidies in his conflict with Macedonia. But the accounts which had reached him of the character of the Spartankingwere, it seems, not such as to inspire him with perfect confl- denf'e in his steadfastness, and be therefore required, as the condition of his assistance, that Cleomenes should send his mother and ohildren Ui Alexandria aa hostages. It was only after a bard struggle with his feelings that Cleomenes could bring himself to disclose this demand to his mother, hut she recei*ed it with the spirit of a Spartanmatron, cbided him for his hesitation, and bade him instantly send her wherever bcr preaenco would bo most ser- viceable to Sparta. Preparationswere forth- with mode for her departure,and, when they were completed, Cleomenes escorted her,at the head of bis troom, to the place of embar- cotion at TKcaruB. Before she went on board, Ihey retired to the temple of Poseidan, to in- terchange a parting embrace ; and the mother, irtio, in her old age, was going to be thrown on the mercy of strangers in a distant land, is "aid to have exhorted her son to master bis coaotions, and to preserve the composure which befitted a king of Sparta. Itithe mean while, the progress of Anligonus was a series of easy triumphs. In Argos the peoide elected Aratua to the office of Strategua, and,on his motion, granted all the property of Ifae persons who were now branded with the name of tyrants and traitors to the King of Ma- cedonia. Ariatomachus,it seems, escaped out of Argos, but fellinto the hands of his enemiea "t Cenphree,where bo was put to death by the order,or with the sanction of Aralus,and, aa it was rumoured, alter the inflictionof torture, Which, however,Poiybius denies.* All the oth- er towns of Argoliasubmicted, without rcsiat- ance. to the conqueror, who than marched into Arcadia, and as far as the borders of tj""*' where he dislodged tbc Spartangarrisons fmnt Belemna and j"gys, and consigned the fortress- es to the custody of the Megalopolilans. Hs attempted no farther aggression on the territo- ry of Sparta,and, it seems, made no assauU ua any of the Arcadian towns, but proceeded to iEgium, where he was to meet a general as- sembly of the Aclueans. It may easily be aup- posed that this assembly was not less ready to comply with hia demarida than that which liid invited him into Greece. The title which )isd been refused to Cleomenes was conferred w Antigonus, and with such additionsas entirely to d^troy the independeoce of the League, lod almost to eS^ce its character. He was decla- red chief of all the alliea,* which can onlyai^ nify that the Acbeaiu were henoeforth to be members of a great coolederacy,indudinf all the other Greek elates which were in aUisace with Macedonia, among which Epiras,Pboci*, Bieotia, Acamania, and Thessalyare allerwthl named, t If the League migbt be considered as still retaining a distinct existence, it seemi lo have been only for the purpoea of ineressisg its burdens. It charged itadf with the pay and maintenance of the Macedonian troopa, while it renounced the right of sending ao embassy, or even addressinga letter to any other piiuce,. witttmitthe consent of Antigonus. AaUgonas WBs noi content with the sabaianoe tf power. but exercised it in a manner whicb showed that be looked upon his new alliesas lua subjecii,, and bad not forgotten that they had been his ' enemies. He restored tbe statues of the ly- rania at Argos, and ordered those which had been erected at Corinth to the liberators of the city to be pulleddown, all hot that of Aratui, who interceded in vain for those of his friends. The AchKans, on their part, would hardly rest satisfied with the ordinary tokens of respect lo his royaldignity, but paid their court (a with boiMnrs rather belonging to a god. Sicyon took the lead, and celebrated bis srrinl when he came as the gaest of Aratua, with tac- riftces, processions, and games. lie othR towns followed tbe exam^. Festivali wei9 dedicated to him, and called, after him, lbs An- tigoneai and Aralus thought hiooselfoUiged l" appear on these occasions with the festira wreath, conducting tbe sacrifice and leadiog the pnau in honour of a man whose chinetsi he lell painted, in hia Memoirs, in veiy dirk colours.! Alter the assembly at "gtum. An- tigonus closed the campaign, and took up bis '"inter-quarters in Sicyon and Corinth. Early in the next spring he opened a Irsn campaign with the siege of Tegea, which wm soon forced lo surrender; and he then advan- ced towards Ihe frontierof Laoouia, where ba foundCleomenes,prepared todefend the pissea. But, after some tiiDe spent in frnicleasattemfl* hia enemy's poaition, he was indueed to re- n northward,by information that the (ani- I of Orchomenus had marched to join tl"* bgoad (a MscedDiui " ii,M,8, imlwtTI. ttolyb.,!" .. IS, mrtrl d(rl" 'Am)vMr FALL OF MANTINEA." CLBOMfiNES AT MEGALOPOLIS. niiy of Cleomenea. He iminediatcly proceed- 1 d to attack the einost unguarded town, and ook It b; Btorm, and gave it up to pillage. It va3 too uaerul a conquest, for tke access wbicb I gave to the interior ortbe peninsula, to be ts- tored lu tha Achreans, and it was bencefonb ccupiedby a MacadoDian garrisoD, Mantinoa ras the next object of attack, and was soon re- uced in like manner. It,also,was abandoned 0 plunder, and allthe citizens sold into slavery : . lenieut punishnncDt, in the judgment of Po- rbius, for the ingratitude it had ahowii to the Ichsans, whom he regards as tbe protectoia ifits liberty, a %ht in which they certainly id not appear to thoM who roee agaiDM them. Hie diapeo[ried citywaa placedby tite eonquer- 1 n the ditpoMl of Argos, which decreed that I colony shmild be sent to tako posseMion of it loder tbe auapioM of AtUdb. The occasion he DBDM m the Indy MantiiKa.* " as itwas de- cribed in the Horoeno catalogue " was eichan- icd for that of Antigonea" a symbol of its rain, LOd of tbe hnmijiatiaa of Greece. Antigonua WW turned bis arms against tbe western aide f Arcadia, where Hema and Tilphosa submit- ed to him withont resistance ; and this o his part, tbe last aebteTement of this isigo. He forthwith retomed to attend the tchsan aseeinbly at .fgion, sent bia Macedo- ilaa troops back to thw homes, and pnt the est into wintei^uarters. It seems erident that be was not al all eager o bring tbe war to a close, whether because le believed that hia own influence in PelopoD- MBUB wDuid be strengthenedby the delay " ai :heAchKsns would be mare compliant and sub- nissive while the issue was yet ia suspense" "r hoped that the resources of Sparta wonid soon be spent, and Cleomenes forced to resign the unequal conlest.t Cleomenes, indeed, ihrown back upon Laeonia, Ibund It extremely difficult to maintain a force capable of reaisting Lbe master of Macedonia and of the greaterpart Qf Greece. Notwithstandhig the pledges he liad giTen, it does not appear that he received lay QDQBiderable subsidiea from the court of Alexandria,! where the ministers of Antigonus exerted their nUnost efibrta to counteract hi ^^dication, and seem to have spread a repoi that he was negotiating with the Acbsani and playinga dooUe ^ame, bo tbat hia mother wrote to exhort hjn", ifhe (bond means of con- dndingm hononrmble peace, not to sacrifice ""- '-" 'I of Sputa throu^ anxiety for the ' tUmnhn ifrttalir- D.,li.,(WT. t DiiJTHii If. HI) t"dM" thu AilifSBU wH mi^f wil FiclvBijihoold iw wnfj of nppl^jiif CltoBwiwi wnh nIvdiH, or ihonld Iw* hmv^ mdncM \o BbBsdor UB. But ifMm mi liiinliey, it naini "uut* tint hi *8"M !""" r"iwt"d itpW H Ih* lit irtf In wi^t n PK" "bonijr to rap in Iruiu, ud (Iwiildbin km^U ibi "wmrui tl OlMNBH bwl ban in lh" "H(hU*" d((n" ""vund Amth Pl^inr*!i"tnim, vkiiik,ucctding b DnTHD If.M), ABii|ii"H fiaehmiiti U no 1"h " pbn Bight hop* thUFulBBJ woslil not la ilila19 nffunl oIt with Phitarcli'irl^Answc nl yiUit mfRtvn ti"i( ^hMt, r. r. X.(CI,,sf, csBIAred "itll Pulfl)., it safety of an old wmnan and a child. It does not appear, however, that Cleomenes even en- tered into such negotiations alter the arrival of Antigonus in Peloponnesus,* and it is certain that he never allowed the threateningaspect afhis affairs to abate bia courage or relax bis energy. To tbe last,he neglected no expedi- ent, lost no opportuoity, shrank fttaa no ven- ture that promisedany advantage. To recruit his finances, he allowed 6000 Helots to pnr- cbase their emancipation for five minas apiece-, and thus raised SOO talents ;t and perhaps ' of this number organiied a body of 3000 I, armed after the Macedonian fashion, like the troops which were distinguished by Ibeir white bucklers. In tbe course of this snmmer, had very nearly made himself master of* Megalopolisby surprise,^ and, as soon as An- tigonus had dismissed his troops to their win- ter-qaarters, he renewed the attempt, and with- better fortune. Polybiusadopted a report thaf he was aided by the treachery of some Messe- eiiles who were residing in the city, anil' opened a gate in the night-time. But itseems, questionable whether he was indebted to any- thing but the prudence with which be concert- ed his meaaurea, end the promptitude and se- crecy with which they were executed, for tho' snccess of his enterprise. The greatcompasa. of the walls rendered it difficultto man thent with a populationthinned,as that of Megalop- olis had been, by several disastrous battles in '' " " irse of the war. The latenesa of th" . and, perhaps, the success with which they bad repelled his former attempt, seem to have thrown the citizens off their guard. Cle- ordered his troops to provide themselves with victuals for a march of five days, and took tbe road to Sellasia,as if with the design of in- vading Argolis: but be soon turned bis front in another direction, and came down into the territory of Megalopolis, where, after a short rest for the eveningmeal, he pursued his march doring the night, until he came near to the city. He then sent forward an officer, named Pan- leuB, with a small detachment, to take posses- sion of a part of the walls which was known to be the least carefully guarded. Panleus met with little resistance, and,by tbe time that CIs- amenes came up with the main body, had de- molished some of the defences to open a_pas- "age for tliem ; and the whole arm; had eflect- ed its entrance before tbe alarm had becoms genera]among the inhabitants. Tbe bulk oT the citizens,as soon as the danger was discov- ered, fled with their families, and as much of Ik OL M"gftlopa1ii 'WM4 " whiefanilillMthUDf. t Plll^ Clwn.. U. which ttrtuDlrdoei ir 1 Pol"b!rS. ThB il ev"at in thii pDKa^ " n (ii.,IB,lii'"ut nit One). Digmn i lerinllortriiillbtika u ihDw Ihit the 1" which lie In which PolvLiol ipilb itAetniOBi^ BISTORT OF GRGECB. "h)er aplritB, headed bf PtailapceiiMn, the Km of Oraugi", mada a gallant aUnd against (he ene- my, and, ihougb they could not diolodgehim, kept him so king employed as to enable the fu- gitives to withdraw without molestation, and sfierward made good their owd retreat,leaving "jiilf a few of their number priaooera. Among these were two men irf the highest reputation anil influence in the city, named Ly- saodridaa and Thearidas. They, accnrdiog to Plutarch,prevailed on Cleoraenea to try pacific measures with their A [law-citizens, and under- took thenuelTes,accompaniedby a Spartan her- ald, to cany bis overtures to Messene. But he probably needed little persuaaioD to satisfy him that itwas mucb more desirableto detach Meg- alopolis Cam the Acbaan alhance than to wreak t^ vengeance on ita deserted bnOdtngs. He restrained his troops from all aeta of pillage -With the most scrupulousrigonr until the telum "of the envoya. They invited their fellow-citi- leoB to return to their homaa on the condition -of renouncing their connexion with the Aehnan League, and entering into (dlianca with Sparta. We cannot think so highly of the magnanimity -ofthe people who rejected this offer,aa Folybi' ua would persuade his readera to do. It was not only one which must have shocked their deep-rootedhereditaryprejudices againstSpar- ta, but, when Antigonus waa so near, with a (brce so far sQperioTtu that of Cleomenes at hii command, had littleto recommend It on the "coTe of prudence. Yet, if we might believe Plutarch, there waa a very strong inclination among them to accept the proposal, and they were only diverted from it by the remonstran- ces of Pbilopsmen, who worked upon their anti-Spartan feelingaby the remark that, while -Cleomenea offered to restore the city to Ihetn, I bis real object was to malie himself master of them as well as of the city. Phylarehus, a bet- ter authority, and, on this point, confirmed by Polybius, described the temper of the Megalo- poliCansas so violently adverse to all terms of CLcification, that they woultl not evea hear tbe tter of Cleomenes read to the end, and were near stoning the bearers. There waa proba- bly somethingirritating in the manner in which tlie proposal was rejected as well as in the jeclion itself Cleomenes, as soon as he ceived the report of the envoys, collected the booty he could find in the city, and then pro. ceeded to lay it in ruins, with such elaborate Itoslilily as, according to Polybius, to extinguish all hcq"e that it would be ever again inhabited. The value of Ihe plunder " strangely eiaggera- 4ed by Ptiytarchua" was not, it seems, sufficient to aflbrd any material relief to Cleomenes in Mstiiiauclaldincnlties.* After this stroke of vengeance he marched back to Sparta. We have mentioned a name which will ap- peaz very ftequently and prominently in the sequel; that of a man whoae character reflects some hntre on the decline of Greek independ- ence, snd who was entitled, by an admiring Raman, the last of the Greeka.t Hia char- - Dni7Hii,1"H"ir (SSI),i: "poil u sue uhatM In,.K), atf t Pint.,Philoi.,1 1 Tltlialtlt : isli Ihtt Iht bMitrmllKlBd t"t aeema, indeed,to have been east ratbsr the Roman than the Grecian mould. It ia t one to which we must look for any great eleTatim. either of mind or spirlLyet not with- moral dignity, and (ticiting soma interest by the simpTlciiy. ener^, and perseverance '" which it waa bent on the pursuit of an lAject, on the whole, pertiaps, as virtnous and noble as the circumstances of that aeP coald have suggested to the ambition of a Greek. Philopiamen lost his father,one of the most distinguished citizens of Megalopolis, at an earlyage ; but he grew up to manhood under the care of affectionate and able guardians : first, his Ihther'a moat intimate fHend, a Man- tinean exile,named Oleander ; and aflarwaiJ two of hia mMt celebrated feUow-citizeDs, Ee- demos and Demopbanas,* men who, as w" hare seen, combined the study of the Academ- io philosophy with a warm interest in the po- titioalmovements of their day, and who had contributed tbeir aid to deliver bMh their nativB city aod Sicyon from tyrannicalgovernment. Their lessons and counsels may have helpttd Ut guide him in (be choice wbicb be aaems to have made very early, and to which be atead- taatlyadhered, of alifeof unremrttingbwdatitp and labour in the poliiieal and militai7 oareer which the state of Greece opened for bim. The example of Epamiaoadaa " the kero whoaa meoKny was dearest and most saerad to svmt citizen of Megalopcdia" ehone as a poleatar on his path,though ho was tbooghi to raaambta his great model rather in the ateraer than the more amiaUe features of hia oharaoter. Prom his boyhood he disclosed a remaitable fondneaa and aptness for martial exercises and militaTy studies; and though his excellence in the ao- complishoienlB of the paUsstra was ancb a*, in the judgment of hia friends, lo promise snocesa in the contests of the publicgames, be renoun- ced tbs prospect " so tempting to most of bis coantrymsD " with contempt, when he beeame aware that the training of the athlete was ut- terly imMncUaUe with the bslritaof the camp. As aoon as he bad readied tbe age of military service, he diatingutahed himself in the inroads which were frequently made into Laoonia, ett- deavouringalways to be the ftaremoet m the advance and the last in the ratreat. In Iba in- tervals left by theae duties he divided his time between civil business,liCerBrystodies.hos- bandry, and the chase,atill, however,kaeping bis main end steadily in view. He eonmon^ left the city towards evening for a (arm wbioh be posaeesed two or three miles off,whora be rose early to take a part in Ute laboaia of the field, until private or puUic ei^Bgamanta oafled bim baok to Megalofxriis. The cuhlvMion of bis estate was reganledby bim not merely aa a healthyexereise, hut aa tbe meaiM of aeoo- riog bia political independence. Hia fhvourite readipg was such as bore directly on his chief pursuit : the Tactics of Evangelus or tha His- tory of Alexander's Campaigns. Prom tbe W(nls of frtiiloeophera and poets he drew as much as might serve tbe purpose of a general and a statesman. The image of war waa con- stantly in his mind. On his journeys,every turn of the road or change in tbe face of the PHILOPQSHBN."HOVEHENTB OF CLEOMENES. 411 ountry aoggested id him a militar;problcin 'tiich he u'ould dtscnss witb his compBoions. ?ading him to consider the evolutions which he nature of the ground would have required r be had found himself there at Ihe head of an .tray in presence of an enemy. Philopampn vaa thirty years old when Megalopolis waa ta- :en by Cleomencs ; and we can easily under- itaDd bow intolerable the thought of a compo- lition with the Ticiorious enemy muat have jeen to such a spirit, and how he burned for in opportunity of retrieving possession of his tiome with the sviord, and of arenging itsruin "" Sparta. The news of the fallof Megalopolis reached Arataa while the AobKana were assembled at j"gium, and be annoanced the disaster from the bema, after a pauae, as of unutterable grief, during which he covered his face nith his cloak.' But it seems that the assembly, as if stunned by the calamity, broke up without any deliberation on th^measures to be adopted in consequence of the erent. They were, per- haps, left expressly, or by tacit understanding, to the judgmeot of Autigooue. In fact,he forth- with gave orders for the re-assembiins of bis troops from their winter-quarters. Bot this was prubabi; designedonly to evince his sym- pathy. Hia order? were slowlyexecuted, and 1"erore any force had come logelher, aa the en- emy had retired from Arcadia,no object remain- ed for militaryuperaliona. He therefore coun- termanded the movement, and proceeded, with a amall body or mercenaries,to Argos, where lie took up his residence for the winter. Tbe eye of Cleomenea was upon him, and, "Brly in the following spring, he took advantage of bis enemy's position to make a movement, which was bold enough to be generallyregard- ed by his conlemporariesas desperately hazard- ous, but is acknowledged by Polybiusito have been very Judicioualy calculated as welt ae cora- idetely successful. He made an inroad into Argolis, and ravaged the plain, where the com waa yet green, aa far as the city walls. He foresaw that, if Antigonns should be induced by the impatience of the Argives to march out and give battle, be should be almost sure to guin an important,perhaps a deciaive victory. On the other hand, ifhe should be allowed to waste the country wilbout opposition, discontent and dejection nould ensue within the city: in ei- ther ease he should raise the rrputation of hie anna and the spirit of his people. Tha e"enl " DiSTwi (StTi" al botliAnttfimi ud Amu . . ... ._- _TK| dIT ofVllpHUMU wl on tlu. ka oniH bm liifaad ut "" "Uiiliiu;. AiUu^ one wouM not VgMy Ihink Ilim rspiMo c !" Mt til -":"!'_? pnuniiii, fnm UT itluki at nlHiisl i^iei answered to his ecpectalions, though the ra- Bull was less hnportant than he had hoped. Antigonus did not move. The Argites mur- mured loudlyat his inaction, and even throng- ed the gates of his lodging,elatnoroualr de- manding that he would either protect their fields or resign his command to his abler rival. Ho turned a deaf ear to their taunts, and let Iha tumult spend itself in empty noise Cleome- nes, when hia provisions were exhausted, led his army back to Sparta. So far all is perfectly intellfgfble : but Plu- tarch relates another eipedilion of Cleomenea in the same direction, but undertaken under widely different circumstances. The truth of his narrative seems to have been never ques- tioned by modem writers ;" yet it is so difficult to understand, that the more we consider it the more we are inclined to reject it as incredible, and to attribute it to mistake. According to this statement, aoon after the return of Cleom- enea to Sparta,Antigonus having assembled hia forces, marched to Tegea with the design of invading Laconia. Cleomenea, when ha heard that the enemy was so near his frontier, led hia army by a different road into Argolis, where he committed great devastation, havinj provided bis troops with large wooden sworda to beat down Ihe standing com. Some of bis officers wished to set fire to the gymnasium of CylnrabiB. a place hallowed by sevens sacred monuments; but he forbade this mischief,with an intimation, it is said, of regret for the dam- age which be had been provoked to inflict oa Megalopolis. AntigonUs, on tho other hand, finding that he had it in his power to enter Laconia without opposition, and, probaUy, to make himself master of Sparta,immediately marched back to Aigns, and occupied all tbe passes by which the enemy might have effected hia retreat. Cleomenea aflbcted to set him at defiance, sent heralds to request the keys of the famous temple of Here, between Aq^a and Mycene, that he might sacriflce there beforo his departure, and, havingperformed tbe sacri- fice on the outside, took the road to Phlius, crossed Mount OligjTlus, where he had to force hia way through a defile guarded by Macedo- nian troops,and,having come down near Or- chomenns, returned to Spartaby tbe high road to Mantinea and Tegea, without encountering any other obstacle. We can hardlyhelpsuapeclrng that nutarck mast have referred two different narratives of the same eipeditionto two distinct occasions, foliowiogPolybius in tbe one and Phylarchus in the other. Polybius is quite silent about Iha second invasion of Argolis, which, afler his re- marks on tbe policy of the first, he could scarce- ly have failed to mention, if he had heard ^it ; and his own narrative of the events immediate- ly ensuing seems inconsistent with the suppo- HISTORY OF GREECE. According to Polj^bi ooUecled his army in Itaa bnginaiiig uf llie met, opened the campaign with the invoaii LaroDJa; and Cleomenes, iDBlead of attempting any divenioo, bent all his thoughts toward) " (uardiog of the pasaea oa lliefrontier, so t IH"veot the eneray from penetrating into .. vale of the Eurotaa. Expecting that Aniigonua vould take tlioroad which led through Sellaaia dowD the valley of the (Enus, having fortitied the other pasaea, chieflyby ditches and felled tieea, ao aa not to be obligedmaterially to weaken bis army for their "rencc, ho advan- Nd with aU hie forces, about 20,000 mea, to occupy a atroDg poailioa on the (Enus, near Sel- laaia, where the stream flowed belweeo two hillsnamed Evas and OJympus, which weri pailed Innn each other by a small level. Hi strengthened his position by a trench and pati "ade, statioDed his brother Euclidas, with om division of the infantry, on Mount Evas, while be hinuelT eacamped, with the Sower Lacedemonian troops and the mercenai Olympus, and covered the caning betwi two hiUa with hia cavalry. In this posture he was found by Antlgonua, whoae army number- ad 80,000,composed of Macedonians,Illyrians, under Demetrius of Pharos; Acamaniana and Cretans ; Peloponneaiana, among whom Meg- alopolis flirnisheda thousand foot and a botly of horse, which was commanded, it aeema, by Phibeffiinen, and mercenaries. Antigonus, havingencamped near the foot of the bills, be- hind a rivulet, the Gorgylus,tributary to the "Enu", wailed sevet^ daya in the hope of dis- eovering some weak point in the enemy's lines. But Cleomenes, as Polybiusadmits, had ao skilfclly availed himself of all the advantages af the ground, that his adversarywas at length forced to renounce the thought of a surprise, ud prepared to stake his fortunes on a fair trial of strength. Phylarchus had related that, about ten days before the battle, an envoy from Alexandria ar- rived in the Spartan camp to announce that Ptolemy would grant do farther subsidies to Cleomenes, and advised him to make peace with Anligonus; and it was by this measage, "eoording to Pbylarchua, that Cleomenes, whose treasury was exhausted, and who feared that tte iM^eiess condition of his finances might wwa become fcnowu to hia troops, was induced lo liak an engagement, when, in consequence of events which were takingplace in a ilisUnt quarter, a delay of a few daya would have relieved him from danger, and have realored hie aaeendeney in Peloponneaos. Polybius, though he mKitioiis this statement only to ex- pose the inoonaistency of Pbylarchua, who had repreaentod the spoil of Megalopotiaas amount- ing to 6D00 talents, seems afterward in some d^ree to ooafimt it,aa he says that both par- ties detennined to joinbatUe; ystbisowo de- scription seema to show that Cleomenes re- mained as long as he coald on the defensive. His Bocount of the battle differs very widely ftom that which Plutarch reports from Phy- larchos. who bad imputed its loss to the treach- 1 ery of a Spartan officer named Damoieles,who lyagainstAntigonus. Polybiui other hand, ascribes the event partly to the sa- gacity and energy of Pbilopcemcn and the valour of tbe Achiean cavalry, but in a still greater degree to the incapacity of Euclidas, which proved fata! firstto himself, and then to Cleom- enes. His narrative auggeals no suspicion of treacheiy, and it seeras, in all respects, th" more truatwoilby. In the earlier part of the day Pbiloptcmeo had tbe merit of making b charge at the head of the Megatopolitan caval- ry without orders, which aaved the wing of the army on the side of Mount Evas from total de- feat. His BOperiorofficer, when he pointedoat the emergency, had refused to move until he saw a preconcertedsignal,Philopcsmen was afterward praised for thia seasonable breach of discipUneby Antigonus, who said that his cau- tious general had acted likea stripling, the Meg- alopolitan youth like an experienced generaL Euclidas committed the error of waiting on tbe brow of tbe hiltto sustain the enemy's attack, and thus lost all the bene"t of his vantage ground, which would have enabled him to charge them before they reached the top with orer- powehng eOect. Hia division was driven bacjc with great staagbter over the precipices on the other side of tl^ hilt, and he himself alain. In le mean wbile, the Lacedaemonian carBbj 'as beginniog to give way to tbe AchKaos, 'ho fell,Polybius saya, that the whole contest 'as for their liberty, and were animated by the example of PhilopiEmen,who, when his horse had been killed under him, continued to fighton foot,and did not even retire(torn tbe l!eldwhen both bis thighs had been transfixed by a javelin- '" " iw, according to Polybius, that Cleont- :ing himself in danger of being sur- rounded by the victorious enemy, resolved on a last efliirtto retrieve tbe fortune of tbe day, and quitted bis intrenchnents to charge the .Macedonian phalanx, which was commamled by Antigonus bimself,and, on account of the narrowness of tbe ground, was formed in twice the ordinarydepth. The Spartan valour atrovs in vain to break this impenetrable masa, and was at length, after a hard straggle,over- wbebned by its weight. The alaughter which followed Was terribfe, but ia probably exagger- ated, when it is said, that out of 6000 LacedK- than ZOO are said to have escaped. Cleomenes, seeing all tost,quitted the field, and hastened,accompaniedby a few Sparta. Here ha exhoiled his coQntiymen not to think of irritaltng the con- queror by a nselssa attempt at reaistonoe ; ba bimself,thoogh imal^ to stay, would still, whether in life or death,devote hims^ to the service of Sparta. While his companions rest- ed and refreshed themselves, he went into tus house, bnt wouM neittier sit down nor slake tiie thirst. He stood for awhile, as lost in thought, leaning his brow on his aim as be stayed it Xinat s pillar, and then, with tbe friends wbe Bred to htm, proceededto Gythium, where he embarked in a vessel which had been provi- ded for the ooDtingency, and sailed away fiv Alexandria. If be bad delayed his departure for a few days deceived Cleomenes by false information, which ' longer he might have returned safely to hia cap- DEATH OP ANTIGCWUS. ital,md, parhapB, ban kept ptmeamoa of bia throoe.* Tbe conqoeror prooeeded to Sparta, where be was submiMiToiynceiTed. and used his Tjotory with a lenity aod moderation which PolybiaBextolsasaproofoTiaagnuiiitiitjr. Bnt tbe opposite course would hsre besn no less "ni(Nditic than cruet : nor had he suflsred any proTocation which conld incits him to tread hard on the necks of the fallen. He can hare felt no resentment eTcn againstCleoroenes, whom in his heart he roust have esteemed in- comparably above Aritus. But he seems to hare taken the measures best catoulated to pre- Ttmt Sparta from eier risingagain. He is said to hsTa restored her ancient iam and Consii- tntion. The exact meaninK of thta phrase is not explainedby the writera who nae it ;t but one of the maaaurea to which It refera was, nndonbtedly, the revival of tbe qiboralty : and it is most pobaHe that ibis whs accompanied by othns,lodnding the recall of the exiles, and a reeornition of tbeir title to property which badpaMed into other hands, all tending tooier- throw the work of Cleomenes, to restore the abmes of the ancient system, and to sow the seeds of perjtetaal discord. Bnt in the coune -of a very few dayaAntigonns was called sway from Sparta and Jtom Greece by intelligence that tbe IHyrisna bad invaded Macedonia. It seems, indeed,according to the more probable meaning of an obscure passage of Potybins, that be left his Theban friend Brachyllas, the bead of the house of Neon, governor of Spar- ta itperbsps. as we bear nothing more of htm, (inly to remain there until the new order of tbinesshoald be established. On bis road north- ward ho halted at Tcgea, where be is said like- wise to have re-estabtishctl the hereditary poli- ty, that is,no doubt, the ascendency of a party favourable to the Macedonian interest, and then proceeded to Argos. Here he arriicd just in time to be present it tbe celebration of the Nemcan games, where Ite was greeted as well by the Achean I-oagueas by its separate cities, with an the bomago pertaining, as Polybius ex- presses it,to immortal ^lory and honour. We ma; judge of the adulation which was now of. "fered to him by the compliments which he had received before the decisive victory. Leaving a body of troops under tbe command ofTaurlon to preserve tranquillity in Peloponnesus, he hastened his march homeward. He faand the IlljiHans still[n Macedonia, and broo^tit them to an engagement, in which he gaineda com* pletevictory. Bnt the germe of a wasting dis- ease was, it seems, alreadylodged in his fratne.i and the exertion of his voice during the battle so weakened his lungs, that he sank into an ill- ness, which, in the course of a few months, car* ried him to tbe grave. He w his nephew and adopted son, I-niup iii., nowa yoDth of aevanteen, for wbsm be appoiniadby hia will a coudcU of miaiaten, aitd the ]"1nei- pal officera of tbe court and Brmy, and la/t di- rections for the adtainislrailan of'^bia Idngdotn. Mis intentions towards him were uodonbtadl)' good,tbongh be was singnlariy nnfottunata tn tbe choice of the men whom he plaoed about bis person ; and he showed hia anxie^ for bis welfare,as well as for tba perpetuity ol'^bia own work, when, in his last iUoosa, be sent him into Peloponnesus with instructions to oonoiliate the friendship of Aratus.* Before we reaame the thread of Qrei^an bto- toiy, it will be convenient to anticipai* the coarse of evmita, that the leader nay be eaa- bled to fiiUov the adventores of Cteoiaraet, without lartber interrtiption, to their doae. Having touched at Cythan, ud afterwHd at another island named iGgialea " where nnlanlk supposes him to have beian urged by one of Us companions to put an end to tus lifbf" be enas- ed over to the coast of Cyiena,and was ea- corted by Ptolemy's offloersto Alexandria. His deportment and converaation by degrees Im- pressed Ptolemy with so fhvioarabtaan optnieit of his cbsTBcter and abiltties, that he promiaed to aid him with abips and money towKsds tbe recovery of his kingdom,and, in the metu while, assigned a yeailypension of twenty-four tal- ents for his maintenance. A very small part of this allowance was needed to supply the wants of Cleomenes and his ftiends, who re- tained tbeir Spartan habits ; and with the sur- plus he endeavoured to secure the good will of the Greek refugees who had emigrsted to Ewpt. Bnt these prospeots were soon overcast bytbe death of Ptolemy Euergetes, who was succeed- ed by his son Philopator, a weak and dissolute prince, addicted to the most shamefbl vices, though not destitute of literary tastes and tal- ents, t and, like AntigonusGonatas,a patron of the stoical philosophy.^ He was seldom, it is said,entirely sober ; and the gravest occupa- tion of hia most lucid intervals was, to celebrate the mysticorgies of some Egyptian supersti- tion. The government of his kingdom he aban- doned to his mistress Agatboclea, her brother .^gathocles, and her infamous mother CEnanthe. A man of this cast could not but feel an instinct- ive aversion to a Cleoroenes ; yet. at the be- ginning ofbis reign, an occasion arose in which, finding himself iu danger, he was willingto make use of the stranger'smilitary talents. He ilresded his half-brother Magna, who was supportedby tbe interest of his mother Bere- Wl IDs lUUf BftutUA,!! tin BMnl. FlMha (ii,. p. IM, and 1X8) inttnmu it ""( ThsbH (bal irnniHuiij Aetcriliiof Bmrtiylluu i Nu". dosiull Si:h"n,Bi"cbu[|u.i.,p. lU1,B.19),llulRro)^ IU, at SpiRi. t nil.. Oleon.,IB, M. )1) liu .rl7 IT js5IX"v. li., liii.. at. "" " " ""' " """- t Dour. Imtrt..Tii..ITT. The nuia Sphnoi wbo k"d ^ven loiaoiu la ClHiiHDes, UMptad Ihn kiiLT" iaTilalion to AlexKiuinK,wbich Chriviippiie ipon prudniiLrd"liii"d (Di". Lhm., Til,,163). PlDlaniiuiuwl himtelf wiili tba Suic. u FrHliric II.with fau Fnich ptiiliwiihin. binli,AthiiL,,Tiii,, p. IM, a.), id "nks Um Dwa'tta^iha "I4 HISTORY OP GBBBCK. g th" Hldieiy. In this was called in to aid the ki^ with his caanaala. Ptolemy and hii min- Mtere had,indsed.already made up their minds "ni"oepaiDt,tbat UagsawaR to be despatched. Hie only qneslion on which they wished tu eoiMiittOle"HBei"eawa", how tiiis purpose might bemoMnfeiyaoooiDfdished.Cleomenes. how- flw, betrayed bU ignorance of the court bjihe Hmpierrawrh, thai itwould be better for Ptol- "My if he had more brothera to uphoM his throee ; and wImd Soaibiua, the chief tAiour- tte,pointed ant the danger to ba annrehended fiom the waveringfidelity of the meTDenniea, H kmf aa Magae lt*ed,be bade tbem diamiss all anueqr on that aoore, as he would under- tafceto uswer for smne 4000 of the number : PalepoaaeBlanB and CreMna. who would be Mady to act at hta beck, and woeld easily otst- pwror the Syriao and Carian troopa. Thia aa- "oraBoe, Uwugh not unwelcome at the lime, "lak deep iota the minda of the king and hia MOftien, and reodeTed Cleoiaenea himself an otiject (f jeakMiaj and aaapieion, vrbiob his de- BleaiMMT, "BiBi but waiehAil, did not tend to al- lay. Canymf hi* deepthov^la and high aims caoalaatly abottt with himia tbemidatofartlT- oImh and lioentjooB eoart, he aeemed to tbem Ifltaa iioo prowling aboot a sbeepfbtd. He smu pereeWed tiist be moat reaiga all bope of the BBaiatanee irtiiob had been prom- iMd by the lata king. But when he learned the etate af adbira in Greece which followed tba daaUi of Antifonoa, be was eager to be al- kKTCd to dapait,aoeompanied only by the ftinda whom he had brought with hint. Even *Ui faqueM,howerer, be urged in vaia. Ptol- emy himself waa too niacb occupiedby hie rev- cte aDd bia denXton to attend lo ii ; and Soei- fcne thought it dangeroas to pan with a nun who knew eo naeh of Um seeietsof the twurt attd the weakneas of the kingdmn, and who Mi|ht BOOB be in oondition to lake adTantage brought a stilldarker cloud over his proepecta. Ntcagoraa the Meaaenian arrired at Alexandria with a cargo of horses for the royal atablea. Acoording to Polybius,Nicagoras, while he panted for revenge on Cteomenea for the death ofArchidainDs,*professed to be deeply indebt- ed to him for the forbearance shown on that occasion towarda himself. On hm landing, he met Cleomenea, with two of his fneniU, waUc- ing on the quay, and, after a friendlygree^ mg, Cleomenea,having inquired irtkat he had brought, observed that a tro"^ of miniona or moaic giria would have been better euited to the preaentking'staste, Nicagoras took the flrat opportunity to report thia sarcasm to So- sibina. who, hating discovered bia animosity against the man whom he himself hat"d and feared, induced him, by bribes and promisea, before be aat aaO,to write a letter,c Cleomenea with a deaignapon Cyrene.* letter waa ahown to nolony, and, under the douUe exoitentent of anger and alarm, yet partly, it arnnia. reetratBed by ahame or oUier fears, he ordered Cleameneaiand his (rieDds to be confined in a Uuigebanae, though, in other reapects, treated as before. Still, Cleomenea, who, it leema, waa not hiformed of the oanae of his imprisonment,regarded it for a tkne as merely a temporary effect of the king'scapri- cious diqdeasnte. But aa aooidBntBl fUsooveiy oonvinoed him that his keeper* did u"t mesn ever te release him "om hia cagv, and that if he was to regain his liberty, it could cmly be by eome hardy itroke in which be mnst riak aU. The atteiapt which he finally nude waa, in- deed, one in which it waa impoaaiUe for any reaaonable man to sipeot soccees ; and it seems, more tiian any ether act ctfhia life,to have anbjeoted him to the reproach of a wild tonerity; but it may mwe probably be aaortiied: to the impatienoe of despair, which prefarred death to the pioloi^etion of oaptivil^, and cau^ at any chanoeof deliveraneoassolear gun. Haviiw elniled the vigilaaoe of hia guards, while Ptolenywas absent oa aaexeni- aion to Canopua, he made a sally into the "treeta with his friends, Ihiiteee in muuber, allwith drawn ewotda, and raised tte ray of liberty. "Hte Alexandrian populaee atared and appluded, as at a aeeee on the at^e, but with as little ihou^ of taking any part in the ac- tion. The Spaftana killed the ""v"moi of the eity, and utother ooortier, but afteran ine^ct- ual attempt to break epen the prison in the citadel, finding ihemaelvea nnjveinally shtuioed, they abandoned their lorlani hope, aitdturned their award* against their own heart*. Pan- teas, the deaiest of the king'afriend*, oonaent- ed,at hi* request, to survive untilhe saw that the others had breathed their last Ptolemy, the deceased to be put to death ; and the young wife of PanieuB is said to have paid the like pious offices to Crateaicfea, who was forced to witness the butchery of her two grandaons, sa Cleomenea had received from her husband. The body of Cleomenea was flayed and himg on a cross, until, if we may believe Plutarch, an extraordinary occurrence awakened Ptole- my's anperatitiouB fears, gave occasion lor new expiatory rites in the palace, and induced the Alexaodriaoa to venerate Cleomeoes aa a Such, indeed, he was, when measured with them, Aa we turn from Uiem to the proper subject of this hiatoiy, we feel,aa it wercr that we are beginningagain to breathe a health- ier atmoephere ; and we carry away a atranglh- ened conviction that,great as were the evil* which Greece snSer"d from the iU-.regulated passion for liberty, it was still better living - j there than under the sceptre of the Ptolemies |h . " among a people vriio can hardly be said to have a history in any higher sense than a herd of animals,alwaysprone, unless when goaded into fury. " nM^CItm.K. fiilTfcimv,IH^MtolMa"""- n,g -ccT'GoOgIc THE JSTOLUN IXUBVE. 415- CHAPTER UUH. ArTBR Ibe terminatioii of tbe Cleome"ie Par, Greece aijoyoi" short [nlerral of gen- ral Iranqaillit;. The aUtes "rtii"dihad takea part in the recent contaat needed repoae ; nd the Achnana, Uiongh they were now rid r their fomiidabla sntaganiat, were mot the nni at libert"r to Mgage id on; fre"h enter- riaea without the oonseBt of the muter to rboao dominkiD thej had been cubjeotedby lieselfish and ahon-ughled polio; of Aratns. 'broughontPekipatinesiia milharr papara- one and Duutial le pe"q)leietor___ _ , eioe : the H"^lepoIitana began gain amid the miM of their eity.t The death of Antij^tnua)Hwliicedno Hwne- iate visible ebange m the state of affaira ; but et it may be oonaidered a* tbe nwD cause of le inoveuieiita which ensuedi uid which ooon Aer involved Graaoe in another waaleful and alaroitooB war. Tbe oocaBion "f this new tnicglearose, indeed, at a great distanoe wn Macedonia, witbont an; iatervention of "9 Macedoaian fovemnoent, and aaemingly )uld not have been atlnided with sncb coB' equences, ifthe restraint hitherto ii^waed "n Mse who were desirous of chaoie by the bility and lucceas of Antigonus had not been athdrawQ. When hia aoeptrepassed into tbe anda of a boy of seventuen, tbe jEtolikas be- eTed tbEit they had nothing to apprehend en le Bide of Macedonia, and readily followed M first impulse which they bad received from irbulent and ambitious leaden, who wished. "r privateends, to disturb the quiet ofOreeoe. As the internal stale of i^tolia throws some ghl on the origin of these movemente, and is luslntted by them, this may be a convenient lace for a generalsurvey of its political con- lilutionandsocial relations. The msin points 'hich have been preserved to ua by incidcntat oiLcea of the ancrient writers lie We a a the ep3 by which the primitive monarchical form r government was exchanged for that which 'f find established in the period we have now lached. The title of king was retained in ne district, that of the Agrteans, down to the 'Bloponnesian War.t In the reign of Philip I. united in a democratical confederacy lonwealth ;4 anil it is probable that no Iher polity subsisted in an; of the towns ; but I clear what degree of indepcndei ' Q preserved in its internal admi "" xta, p. IM, Hd BoMk^ d^-'lata^i'v^jT' tniton, nor. Indeed, is it qnilo "i"rt*inthai it ia mora ooneot to consider tbe whole bod; b" a leasua ikan as a ain^ tepnUic. It aeenw that the union of the ftolians waa atilleloser than that of the Aohwans ; that there was a deeper conaaiousncss of national unity, and a greater concentration of power in the national governmiuit. Tbe great council of the natim, called the PaoBtolicon, in which it is probabb all freemen who had reached the age of thir^ had a voice,waa assembled once a year, at the autunmal equinox,atTharmus, for tbe election of mogistrBteB.general legislaUou, and tie decision of all great national questions, more especially thoho which related to tronsactiona witb foreign states. We find no indication of any olber ordinarygeneral assembly; but there was another deliberative body, called thiD Apoaletes " a name which saggesta that it wi|b a council of deputies " which anwara to have been permanent, though we de not know whether it held regularsiltinga, or waa on^; convoked aa ocoasion required. It was ao di|' nierouB, that a committee of thirtymight be drawn from it for the tiansaotiac of speoiti' business.* Tbe chief magistrate, who brae the title of atrategus, waa aanuall;electedr presided in the BBsemblies. r")rsaenled the sovereignty of die people, and diapoeed of it" militarrforoe. His offioe, aolbiw nucb a pee- e, conferred great power ; aad tbera is m ication that it waa viewed with Bome degrae of jealous;, for it seema that be waa not allow- ed to speak in the assembly oa a question of war or peace.l A commander of the cavali; (llipparchus) served under him in the field, and perhapa filledhis place, when necessary, at home. A chief secretaiyt was also eleeted' annually. The .lEtolianastillretained their predator hobita, which Thucydides had pointed out to his contemporaries as an illuatration of tba- primitive semibarbaroos manners of Greece. The niggedneaa of their land, the strength of their mountain fastnesaea, the vicinity of still wilder tribes in tbe north, concurred with the- hardy,reckless, self-confident character of the i nabU fftbiiMei, pro^blf rrlyiBfda "i'ir"M^tn"7n Polrb*. ii.. IJ. But thai ho mfalook Ibeie IblTtjBT tlls^ 4" HTSTORT or GREKCS. in. " pudw fmp\c, to pnveat awf Aaage ia this part of tfaeir beredttofy iiBagee. Thej were atin a na- tion of freebouten and pirntea. Plander was to them what eloquence or mosic was to other GreiHaa lacea " their atoilj, tbeir baaineaa, their ^eaanre, their pride.* In*tbeiT msrvul- " Hcaiaiona the; apared nothing. Ther w little regard to the SMWtitr of tlie Uiinx* iDdptMea wliicb were moat rerered in Greece aa if tite; had proTesMd a different rdigioD ; jet we ha*e do reason to belieTe tliat thej were Areer (rom anpetBlition Uian tlteir nwra dviliied neigUtonrB, One of the conaeqaenees of thia appetite for phinderwaa, that ttedemo- "Wieal character of the jiltoUaa inatitntiaiM iraa in no amaU degreetonperedlij tlie inlla- CBoe which the chiiefa who look the )ead in a"di expeditions natnr^ly aoqniied orer titeij ftflowera, and tlie weight which tlie; thna SaiB"d hi the eooDeila of tlie nation. Bnt it -neMua tliBt they foond it neceaaarjr to cnatain -Ae popnlantr which tlier earned in the fors; ^ the ezereiae ofHberalitr airf boqiitality at kome, on which the; IreqiienilT apent more than their aliare of tbe bimty, and tbus were ttfteninduced to look to predator; eicarsioiu aa tbe readieet means of repairing tbeir dam- aged fottnnea. Manf of the leading men po"- aeaeed tMnaeB at ThermuB, which Ibey adorned with greatmagnificencei and, al the lime of "the ammal electiona,the; appear lo liave Tied with one another in the splendoar of their en- tertainmenta ; for.thoogh tbej had made ao Utde progreas in cirilizatioD, the .ftolians were not at all betiind tite other Greeks in loxnir. An ancient author expreaal;connects their eager pnraurt of {deasure wHh their con- tempt of deaih.t The; were wiDing, it seeroa, to crowd the eojo^rments for which alone the; TRhied life,by profuseexpeoditare, into a nar- : TOW compass. The sanctuary of Apollo at Tliennns was adorned with a multitude of atatues, works, indeed, of foreignschools, bnt not the less gratifjring to the national vanit; as a displaj of wealth and refinement ; and thoae ;earl; meetings were probabl; not in- fferioT in exhibKions of art, particulari; dra- matic and musical entertainments,to an; ofthe kind which were celebrated in the rest of Greece.^ It aeemi that nearl; as soon aa the national Uiion was firmi;cemeatcd, the flolians began io aim at extending their power and enlarging -their territor;. One of the earliest occasions on which they a^jear acting aa one bod;, is that on which the; acquired Naupactns from tbe Aelisans ; and tbe;neTer afterward omit- ted an; opportunit; of gaininggroand upon Iheir neighlwurs, until,elated by ^e success with which tbey had defended themselves against their Macedonian and Celtic invaders, jmd encouraged by the weakness of the other iKates, iheyaspired to take the lead in Grecian poliiics. Their conquests, aa we hare already * Hiiiami Trriui,Dih. i a fur JmjwrLlvlity by bit m t iU"''"'""''ll" "P- """"". "ii.,5"- Air. Til \Kwar Im^lTiparlxni,irpttMmrat. h Where, in process of tine, ih^ made tbna- seWes masters of Loeria,Pbooa, Bmotta. aod parts of Acamania, Epims, and Tbeaaaly, and assumed the entire control of tbe Del^iicora- cle and Amphictyoar.* Tbey aba aoBexed BOBO P^apODDeaiaB oiliea to tbeir domiaioBs ; and we afterward find act only tbe lalaad of CephaDeaia, bat plaMa at a ficat dislaaee ft tbeir bontiar"citiea of Thrace and Aaia Md relatioa. Thai in nMat e ci compalaiOB, aa in eaptesaly related with re- gard IO tba Traebiaiaa Hen"dea,t eaa hardly ' doMUed, bnt,rtfber, whether then is salE- with tbe Achsans lo atlvh Haelf to tbe Xlioh- an Leagne ;t and thia win no doabt tme, in the limited seiute whiefa the hiatorian'a un- menl required. But whether thia aceeasnn took place, as appears moat probaUe, at i"ut, with regard to Tegea and Orcbomenna, in tba coarse of the expedition in whtrA the ^toliana- swept Laconia, or after Megalopcdis had be- come a member of the Aehsan confederacy, on either sumMMilion motives may be BOggeBted tor it quite distinct liiMn a praferenoegrounded on the character of the ."toIian Laagua.f In more distant dependancies, anch aa Lysi- bia on the Hellespont, and Cioa on the em coast of tiie Propentia,P tbe olqect was either protection from more dreaded neigb- bonrs,or secuTiiyagainst the piratical incur- sions of tbe ^tolians themselves, who wero not least formidable lo those who had nOTcr in- jared them. We know that the people of Cios were glad to plead their mythical cormozion with Manpactus, after it bad ftllen into the bands of the .iGIolians, to obtain exemption from the attacks of j"tolian prirateera jT and we ma; ctrilectfrom tbe inscription which re- cords this transaction, tbat the Italians not nnfroquently abased the power they had uaurp- ed over the temple al Delphi, and the name of the Amphictyoniocouncil, which they had ap- propriated to themselves,to give a legal, and even a religions colour to their aggressions. Even Teos thought it worth while lo send an embassy to Thennus to conclude a treaty of the closest amity, which providedagainat the violation of its city and territory,** These ez- ' Plnl.,DomeCr., 40, Pglvb,,IT., 19, 8. Sw Bfeki, Corp.InKr,". IBM, t Fiuu., I., to, ". Oi AhiAil nnJiia n*s 'Hm- t ii.,ST, 1. Briidinar [in ZimtnuMi'i Ztitxlrift. t"T, |".!"", n. T) "pR"u ft ikHibt u to Ilia rtcu bni ODlr ntm (0 nut.,Aral,,II,A U [jHrluipi3S),when 1 can And uolhiof inn iHuuilUnt with the uuHion -d Poljlnji, mock Ten cipilil*of oieitbnnnW hi" nDihorjij. ni[ Kliout,fifiixiiiSlr ifiiiii- T^tirrctft, ii/rft tffr'a\So ffic^^fu ta"iif."i AtrwXi* ovrtitr Tui Kci'wr. -"' {Sort. \aa-, b. tult. Lj MvgaJolHriu. . _..p.IiijK(.,ii.,n,M_ PHlGALfiA." ATOUAN AGORESSIONS. 417 anqilea UlaitraU tb" mode in whiah the MtoH- ans ga[De*l adherents to tbcu League oa the Continent of GTeece. On the wbole, ooiwiib- "UiMltag Uwir impeUiouacourage and slardy lava of freedom, it aeeroa that tbey were never either Uked M letpecledby the other Greeks : thej were regarded,bb theywere, aa a half- (uvilised race ; and even ifthe Achaean League bad not been in tbeir way, would probably nev- er have been uble to extend their own bo aa lo embrace the whole nation. Another interestiiig question relalea ta the terms on which they admitted new inenibera o their body. So littleinformation has been orded to us by the ancient authors oa this point, that Toom has been leftfor directly opfo- site opioioDBon Um enbjectamong iDOderowri- tciB, some of whom represent the relation as "H"e of subordination end dependance,* while others suppoae the newly-inooiporateil mem- bere to have been reoeived on a footing of psr- lect eqnatity,t aod to have enjoyedevery imvi- lega of Italian cilizMw, with the singleeicep- tion, that none bol Qative ."toUans were eligi- ble to the supreme dignity. The truth seems to lie midway. It is nearly certain that the term tyaifolUi/, which is most frequently used to deacribe the condition of the newly-admitted states, was apphed to a great variety of very diflereat relations. That the general assem- blies were sometimes held beyond the borders of ."tolia,as at Nanpactus,Heraolea, and Hy- pata, undoubtedly raises a strong preaumption that the ciLizeuB of those towns ^ared allthe political franchiBes of ^tolians ; but itwould be rash to conclude that thiswas the case with all,even if there were not evidence that, in soma instances,at leaBt, the relation was one of simplesubjection,! and the payment of trib- nte enforced by the constant presence of an ."toliau garrison, f Such ai^tears to have been the case with the Arcadian town of Fbigalea. which was situated near the tight bank of the Neda, close to the borders of Triphylia and Meseenia, and not many milea from the coast. As it was thus easily accessible to ^e .ftolians, it layvery commodiously for the prosecution of any de- signs which theymight form sgainst the south- ern part of PeloponneEua, and might serve as a starting-point for their ioroadja, and a place of refuge where theymightdepoaite tbeir booty. We can onlyconjeotare when the connexion began ; bnt,at the death of AotigODusDoson, we find itunder the protection of the jEtolians, and fumiahin^ them with a pretext for enter- s which mvolved Greece in a fresh "ne of those whicb received the name ol Social. Sj'fc'JL wu excluded fma th crt which wer" midjarfvtty i^ Alrw^f tiit"aiiriia(t t FiilA.(u. "-),i^faipfmn,iiopt^tr'vt- FUth* (U.,p. hTJ flii^BLhiiuide u t caiumiuuDa iiuJDuatiDD ^ thsu(li it utut (p. UO. n. lube une eiprtiuum in the pnpaal amdr U Ihi Bltnu (Pullb,.i".,84) u ui nJoiit- "ion IhMlhle wme Iha cmudiui I" uf Ibi lUieenrMuctUni*. Vot. II." Geo We sre not informed what dangerwas sup- posed to threaten Pliigalea; but very sooa af- ter Philip's accession,Dorimachiis. the son of Nieostratus, was sent thither avowedij to pro- vide for the security of the city,but,as Polybi- ua intimates, with secret instructions to ob- serve the slate of aSairs in PelopiHinesus. DorimachuB was a man of noble parentage in the .ftoliau sense ; for his father had made himself notorious as one of the leaders of an expedition, in which the .'Etoliana, in time of peace, fell upon the Bteotians at Coronea, while they were assembled for the celebration of their national festival, and phtndered the t^uple of Athena Itouia, one of the most ancient and ven- erated sanctnartes in Greece. Dorimachus was not a degenerateson of such a lather,and, thongti young, had inspired bis countrymen with confidence in hia disposition and capacity to emulate the achievements of Nieostratus. He had not been long at Fbigalea before he waa joinedby a band of adventurers, whom Polybius describes simply aa pirates, and who, therefore, probably flocked to him from the coast of "lis, where the ."tolian privateersalways fouud harbour. DurimachUB, deeming it his first duty to provide for bis hungryfollowers,encouragRd them to cross the Neda, and carry oOT the cattle from the Measenian paalures,though the Me"- EeniaoH were at this time in alliance with the ^lollans. The freebooters soon extended their depredations so for as to break open the Mes- aenian larm-hoaaea in the night, and complainls were addroBsed to Dorimachus by the Messeoi- an government. Ab be himself received a share of the spoil, he delayed for some time to return any answer ; but at length,being pressed by a succession of ex postulating embassies, he prom- ised to go to Mesaene, and investigate the al- leged grievances. But when, on his arrival, the iiquredpartiesapplied to him, instead of redress or excuses, tbey met with insult and iavectives. During his stay in Messene, the publicindignation was exasperatedby a freah outrage of the pirates, who attacked a farm in the neighbourhood of the city, killedseveral of the inmates who defended their master's pn^ erty, and carried away the rest of the slaves and the cattle. The Messenian ephon now summoned Dorimachus to appear before the council of the magistrates, where the ephor Sciron proposed to detain him until he should give satislaction. This proposal, which was received with general assent by the assembly, produced a vehement altercation between bim and Dorimachus, in the course of which he threw out a sarcasm which deeplystung the .jEloUan. In the end Dorimachus was allowed to depart, on an engagement that compensation should be made for the wrong which had been done ; but be relumed heme bent on revenge. Still,a privatequarrelprovoked by such Out- rageous aggression on his own part, did not seem to bim a ground on which he could appeal to the sympatliy of the nation. But he was able to wield the power of the state for his pur- pose without a public disclosure of his motives. The Slrategua Ariston was bis kinsman, and beingpreventedby illhealth from tailing the field, liad devolved the cares of his office on Dorimachus and anotherof his kinsmen, named Scopas. All,therefore, tliatporiwachusneedi 4ie HISTORY OF GREECE. ed wu to gain over Scopat to his vrewe PolTbiuBsupposes that Scopas was won by tbe proapect ota rich bcolj in Messeniit, which bad been long exempt from hostile rsTages, while Philip's youth and the weakness or the Achi ans remoTed all fear of consequences, i mnoh might be inferrei! from tbe events whicb ansued -, and it can only be regarded as i inference, when the historian adds, that the two chieb, without consulting either the tional council or even the Apocleles. and only in concert with a few of tbeir privatefriends, reaolved to make war on Meesenia, Epirua, Achaia,Acamania, and Macedonia, at once. It it very doubtful that they formed any such plan of war; but it appears that theygave license and encoatagement to a series of hostile sg- CreBsiODSon allthese stales, without either le- gal authority or colourable pretext. The JGtolian privateers sallied forth in alldi- rections, and brought in a Macedonian mer- chant-vessel, captured off Cythera, whicb was Bold as a lawful prize,together with the whole ^ip's cranpaoy. Btit some other operations of warlike aspect, which took [riace at the same time, could only be regarded as acts of the gov- ernment. Vessels were borrowed fnnn the Ce- pballenians, with which descents were made on the coast of Gpirus ; and an attempt to ampme tbe Acamanian town ofThyiVDm in the night, which had been concerted with some of the in- habitaats, only failed,it seems, throughsome mischance. We do not so clearlyperceive tbe abject of another movement which Polybiusat- tributes to DorimachuB and Scopas. He says that,by their direction, a small body ar."toliBns raade their way clandestinely throaghPolopon- tiesDs, and seized a stronghold, called Clarium, in tbe territory of Megalopolis, where they es- tablished a market for tbe booty whicb they col- lected from the country round ; but they were Jorced, in the course of a few days, to surren- der to Timoxenus, the general of the Acheans, and Taurion, who united their forces to besiege (he place. It might have seemed that this in- road would probablyput the Peloponnestans on their guard, and thus interfere with the mala design of the ftolian leaders ; but it appears that no farther notice was taken of it ; and Do- rtmachus and Scopas proceeded to strike the blow which was their chief aim. Having wait- ed until the year of Timoxenus had nearly ei- [ored,so that he could not be expected to un- dertake an expedition which might last much longer than his command, tbey assembled the whole force of .illoliaat Rhium, where the O- phallenian vessels and a great number of trans- ports were in readiness to carry it across the atiaits, and having landed on the oppositepoint, directed their march through the territory of Titrm,Tritsa, and Phare, towards Messenia. Tbey afl^cted, however, to disciaira hostile in- tentions towards the Acbnans, but probably made no serious attempt to restrain the nation- d propensity, and the track of the army was matked by havoc and depredation as far as Pblg- alea. They then invaded Messenia, where they nwt with iM reeiBtance,and found the wealth ttecimiulated during a h)ng peace exposed to their rapadty. While they vrere gorgingthemselves with phnidsr, tb" Mutant met jbr the election of their magiMrateis ai "gium, and Antiw was elected,as osnal, to succeed Timosenna. la this assembly Messenian deputiesappeared to imploreprotection; and load complaintawere beard ftinn the cantons whicb bad eullbivd l^om the passage of the .Xlolians ; but tbe insult ol^ fered to the natiimal Wtiiwr) exeitad stillwarm- er indignation. A decree was carried, by which the general was empowered to roaster all the forces of the League, and to march to the aiit of the MesseniaoB. Farther deliberation was reserved nntil tbe nation should be assembled under anns. Aratus, who was probably the mover of this decree, was eager for its Irainedi- ate execution. But Timoienus was the les" inclined to begin a campaign when be bad but a very few days to reouin in office, a" be felt littleramfidence in Ibe Achnan iroops, which had not only lost much oftlteir military habilv and discipline ainee the end of the last war, but had never sbowa tb" same apiril since thery be- gan to depend on Macedonian protection.* He was ready,however, to rengn bia authority to. Aratus, and Aratus did ntit scruple to- asaume- the command five days before be wa" lesgally entitled to it ; and having received the common- seal from Timoxenus, issued orders to the cities of the Leagae to arm their eontingenta, and- send tbem fbrifawith to Megtitqwiis.liere, when (he aimy was e"rilected. the Messeniair depotiesajqwared to renew their entreaties for snccoar, to whkh tbey now added tbe refjuesr that theymight be admitted into alliuMe witli the Achcans. This part of their petition was rejected, as the Achcans were not at liberty to" contract any new alliance without the oonsent of Macedonia ; but succour was promised to- ibem, on the condition that the envoys WDuld "end their sons as hostages to Sparta, for a se- curity that the Msssenians would not make peace with the ."tolians without the sanetioo- ottbB AchB"ans'; for Sparta bad not yet disclo- sed anyhoetileintentions, and had sent her con- tingent into tbe field, though it kept akraf from, the Achtsan army, as if watching the issue. Having taken this precaution, Aratus sent a. message to the jEtolian eommanders, rcquiriog them to withdraw their forces from Messenia,. and 10 abstain from setting foot on the Aduean- territory in their retreat, Dorimachus and Sco- pas, who were now chiefly snxions to carry away their spoil in safety, t promised compli- ance, and immediately wrote to Aristo to send the transports to Uie isle of Pheias, off the coasr of Elis,to be in readiness fur the emharcaiion" of the troops, and two days aflerwaid begaif their march in that direction.! Aratus, deceived by their pmfesaions,hastily smissed the bulk of his forces,retatning only* tt 4tt BwtiagrHiHwtwKTitfwt, " dittbt ibtj bvt ornEi ludbjPolTluiiV ihf fTO"E". 1= """" U""T DEFEAT OF ARATUS." CYNilTHA. 419 MM fiwtand SM Lone, together wHb the wax- iliarics nnder Tanrion, ntth which he took the road to Patne, intending to obserre the move- ments of the ^Etolians. Ttae JItoItan generala, as Polybiiui himaeir believed, apprehended that he designed to attack them during the confiision or the embarcation ; and they were thus, it ap- pears, induced to cbange their plan.* Thej "ent the booty lo the coast oC EUa, under the eacoTt of B delBchment which the; ordered to meet them at Rhtmn, and then by a audden change in their line of march moved towards Otympia ; but hearing that the Achsans had advanced northwanl as far as Clitor,so that they conld not hope to embark at Rhinm wilh- oat molestation,they resolved to watch for a broarable opportunity ibr a battle with Aratns, With thia view theyencamped at Methydrium ; and Aratna, nhen he learned that they were so near, moved aonthwBTd into the plain of Ca- a"e. The ."to1iaa commandeTs then adran- towards CaphyB, eicpecting a battle, and confident of victory -, but they were daunted when they observed the strength of the poaition which Aratns had taken up, and were proceed- ing to enter the defiles of Mount Oligyrtus, when Arstus, who might have attacked thsm to ad- Tantage on even grouad, drew them into an en- gagement in such a manner as to enose every portion ofhls army in succession to the certain- tj of defeat. It was totally muted, and would, Mrhapa, have been destroyed ifthe vicinity of Capbys and OrcbomeauB had not affijrdedref- uge to the nigitivea. The Megalopolitans, who had marched in fiillforce to join the Achxans, arrived in time lo bury the slain ; while the vic- tors, quietlypursuing Uieir way towards the northeast, after having made an unsuccessful attempt on Pellene, and ravaged the territory of Sicyon, retnmed home by the Isthmus. Tbs errors which Aralus bad committed in this short campaign were so many and gross, that Polybius is led into a digression to explain how BO great a man could be capable of iblly, such, the historian says, as could not be sur- passed. An assembly of the League was held soon afterhis return, in which he found himself the object of generalindignation as the author of the recent disaster ; and his adveraariesdid not failto point out how much the faultof his illegal usurpation was aggravatedby the remem- brance of the many similar calamiticH which he had drawn upon the state by his military inca- pacity. Still, his influence waa so predominant, that,though he conld not venture altogether to vindicate his conduct,by an appeal to the indul- gence of hia audience,on the iround of former services, he completely turned the current of publicfeeling in his favouT, and gained the as- sent of the assembly to all hia measures. It decreed that an embassy should be sent to Phil- ip, and the other allies, to call for succour against the .Italians, and lo propose that ihe Messcui- ana should he admitted into the confederacy; and that, in the mean while, the grneraj should raise an army of 5000 foot and 600 horse for Ihe protection of Mesaenia, and should fix the con- " Pot^biat'i Koont oT their imnminU, ulwithiiiDd- tingenta of Sparta and Meaaene. Each was to famish SAOO foot and SGO horse : bo that Aralua wonld have had at his dispoaal s standingarmy of 10,000 foot and 1000 horse, a force which might have seemed adequate, without foreign aid, lo gnard Peli^ionQeauaagainat invasion Irom j"tolia. Bat Aratoa may idreadj have be- ^n to dialmst the ftdelity of Sparta ; and thia IS the best ezease that can be offered for thia second invitationof Macedonian interfereoee in the aflaira of Greece. An .Etolian asaembljr was held aboat the aame time,which, aa if un- conscious of any wrong, declared its purpose to remain at peace with the Laced smonians and Messenians, and all other atatea, hot to make war on the Achnans if thcyshotild admit iha Messenians into their alliance : a threat which Polybiua eonsideraaa glaringly inconsistentwith their pacific language, bat which expraMed their restdationio resistthe extMiaionof the AcfaaO' Macedonian Leagne. This waa now the point on which the qiieaUon of peace or war tamed ; and the Macedonian government, whan, in OMI- junction, it aeems, with the other allias, it adopt- ed Ihe propossl of the Achnans with regard lo Meaaene, virtually decided for war ; yet thejr did not treat the paat aggresaiona of the jGtoli- ans as a grannd for active hostility, bat pro- claimed their intention to continue at peace whh tliem. The ."tolians, however, still thought it better to act as if war had been declared than to de- clare itto words. They entered into secrrt ne- gotiations with Sparts, and they took the earli- est opportunity to make a fresh inroad into Pet- oponnesus. An lllyrian ohief named Scerdilai- das, who, with Demetrius of Pharos, in spite of their treaty with Rome, had made an expedi- tion with ninety gaileya towards the scuih, af- ter a fruitless attempt on Pylos, had parted frotn his associate,and, while Demetrius with GIty galleys msde for the Cyclsdes,sailing home- ward with the rest, touched at Naupactue. Do- riraachuB and Scopas,who, throughinleltigenco with a faction in Ihe Arcadian town of Cyan- tha.hoped to become masters of it,engaged the Illyrian, for a share of the spoil, to aid them iR tbeir enterprise. CynKIha was unhappilydistingnishad among the Arcadian cities by the long prevalonoe of internal discord, and the sanguinary ezcesaea of party rage with which it had been afflicted. Polybiua, in one of his most pleasing snd in- stniclivB digressions, traces *is singular fe- rocity of the Cynethians to their neglect of the institutions which chiefly contributed to soften and elevate the character of their countrymen, early instruction in sacred music, and the ft*. quent celebration of religious fe."livals. Afi^ along series of convulsions,always accompa- nied with massacres, banishmeGta, and confis- cations, one of the parties, havingexpelled its antagonists, committed the guard of the city to an Acb"an garrison. Bnt growing,perhapa, impatient of Ibis burden, they afterward ac- Sted the overtares of the exiles, and permit- them to return, with the sanction of tha AchKans, who withdrew tiieir troops. The exiles,however, who were about 300 in num- ber, w a take advantage of th^ perfidy "0 HISTORY OF GREECE. that Dorimachiis and Seopss united their for- cea with those o( ScerdiloidaB. Thej inarched across Achaia. and arriving at Cjnietha id the nigbt. were admitted by some of the conspiia- tora, and soon made themselres maaterB of the town. They then immediatelybegan an JndiBCTinunate mRsaacre, in which tlieiifrienda were the iiratvictims ; elU who were snspecied of concealingproperty were put to thetortiue. When they bad finished the work of pillage, they proceeded to attack a oelebrated temple of Artemis at Lusi, between Cynntlia and Cli- tor, bnt allowed themselTea to be propitiated by a portion of the aacred tceaaure, the more willingly as the? were about to moke an at- tempt on Clitor. Having been repalaedby tbe Clilorians,they began their retreat, collected fi"sh booty than the temple lande M Loei,set fire to CynEtha, and emtwrked at Rhinm with their plunder, which theybrought home aaftiy. DuriiiK tbeir stay in Araadia, Aratn* lutd sent to Bolidt gnccDuia Irom nuKii, and in the mean while had BMemUed the fiiroeof tbe I-eague, and called npon Sparta and Maasenia for their contiDgents. Spatta sent only a handful of men to save appearances. Still, he might have attacked the invaders on many points of their march with the prospect of an easy victory ; bnt,as if to compensate for his recent temerity by an equaldegree of inertness, he suffered them to pass tuunoleated. Tanrion was more active ; he prevailed on Demetrius, who had been chased from the Cyeladesby the Rhodi- ans, and had put into CcachrsK, to transport his galleys aciosa the Isthmus, and intercept the ^toliana; but he arrived two days too late, Philip,too, set his army in motion as soon as he received the summons of Aratus ; hot he did not reach Corinth until the emer- gency was past. He, however, invited all the allies to send deputies to hold a congress with him at Corintl), and in tbe mean wliile advan- ced to Tegea for the purpose of restoring tran- quillity at Sparta, which had been lately the scene of violent tumults. The great body of the Spartans,notwithstanding the changes in- troduced by Anilgonus, retained allthe feelings of animosity to wurds "Macedonia and tlieAcbe- ans wbicb had been infiised into them by Cle- omenes. They eagerlylonged and hoped for the return of their hero, and, as long as he lived,kept the throne vacant, or, rather, treated it as filled. They viewed tbe proceedings of the ftolians with secret sympathy, and only waited for an opportunity of declaring Ihem- aelves. Three of the ephors, who were la- touratale to the alliance with ^^tolia,fearing that they might be denounced by their col- league Adeimantus, caused him to be murder- ed, with several other partisans of tbe Mace- donian interest, and immediately sent envoys to pacifyPhilip, who met them as he was crossing Mount Parthenius, and directed that oommissloners should be appointed by the ephors to confer with htm at Tegea. Ten were despatchedaccordingly, with Omias at their head, and pleaded the cause of their par- ty in the royalcouncil,endeavouring to throw the blame of the late commotion on Adeiman- tus, and to soothe Philipby the strongest prol^ eatations of fidehty. But when they bad with- drawn, the Toioea of the couooil were unaoi- monsly raised against the Spartans,though opinions wore divided as to tbe measure of punishment which it deserved. ITiere were some who advised Philip to make an example of Sparta, as Alexander had of Thebes. TiiB cider and more discreet counsellors thought that it would be sufficientto punish and re- move the authors of the tumult, and to lodga all the functions of the government in tbe hands of the oi^tosite party. But the young king carried his fbrbeajancefar beyond even this decree of lenity. He laid down the broad pnnciplethat, as chief of tbe League, he had no ri^tto interfere, otherwise than by remon- stranoe or advice, in the domestic concerns of any of the allied states,so long as they did not affect the general interestsof tbe confederacy. It would be strange, he observed, if the Spar- tans, now that "ey profesaed unshaken at' taebinent to the common cause, ahoukt receive hwsher bvatment from him tbaa from hia fa- ther (Antigmms), who had glared them while they were open enemies. He accordin^y dis- miMed the Spartanminister*, and sent Tetm- UB, ODB of his friends, along with them, to ex- hort the people to Bteadfastuess, and to receive oaths of fidelity from the government. Po- lybtuasupposes that Phihp's language was prompted by Aratua ; and no doubt it ex- pressed the ""HT'Tti which be must have wish- ed to see observed by his powerfulally. But Phihp was of the age to wliich popularitj is most attractive, and a liberal sentiment most congenial. He then returned to Corinth,where he found the deputies of the allies waiting bia arrival, and immediatelyopened the congress. Grerr state had to complain of some injury from the ^tolians, and war was unanimonsly decreed against them. The decree,however, not ooljr set forth their recent aggressions, but declared the resolution of the League to recover what- ever territory or city,bi^longing to any of the aDies,they had conquered since the death of Demetrius,Rulip's father ; to restore allwho had been compelled to enter into the relation of sympoUty with them to entire independence, and to reinstate tbe Amphictyonic council un- der its ancient laws in the control over the temple at Delphi, which they had usurped. Such, Poiybiusremarks, was the formal be- ginning of the Social War ; and envoya wem sent in tbe name of the congress to procure the ratificationof the decree from each of the confederatea. Yet Philip addressed a letter to the ^tolians, in which he declared himself still willing to listen to any plea which they might have to allege lor their conduct, but warned tbem that they must not think to shelter them- selves from just retaliationunder the pretence that their aggressions were the acta of indi- viduals, not of the state. To this letter he re- ceived an answer, proposinga conference at Rhirnn. The offer was made with the belief that itwould not be accepted. But when the "tahan chiefs found that Philip was ready to meet them, they retracted their proposal, oit the pretext that Ihcy could not treat with him until they were authorized by the great council of the nation. It met very soon after for the annual election ; but, as if to show bow littla was to be expected fma ita sense of justice, it X DISPOSITIONS OP THE AI.LIE8." LYCUHGUS KING OF SPARTA. 431 yoimgeT citizeiu, who were eager for change, conaeated to grant an audience to Macbstas, the omoy. Yet, in the aascndily, U"e lecoUec- tion of the evda inflicted on the country by tha jEtolian iDTaaion, which some of the elder ipealierB contrasted with the forhearanoe of Antigonus, turned the current of public feeling against hia proposals. The Macedonian alli- ance was coufinned, and the envoy diamisMd. But this failnre aeeraa only to hare ioatigatod the leaden of the diaappoini"d part^ to balder and more deeiaiTeineasore*. A festival, which celebrated with an anaed prooetaioD of /onager otttEena to tiie Bracen Houae, and with a aaerifioe paifanned there by the aphoia,. afforded an opportonity, which they aelied not the lesa willingly becanse it involved Uie profa- nation of a BOnetaaiy hitherto regained aa in- violably aacred. They engaged aone of their ycning partlaans to fail upon the ephors whUa they were buaied witb the sacrifice. All were murdered i aad the terror inspiredby this deed qneUedallresiBtancetotheconBpiratorB. Soma menberaaf the nraaia were patio death; all who had "tpfoma the ."tolian envoy in the aat aemhiy were banished, and the eptrarate SIM with men devoted to ihe party, vbo made it their Grat buaiaeta tO: take meaanies for oon- duding an alliancA with the i"tolians. Madta* taa, who had not yet, it aeema, reached heme, was recalled ; and in the mean while roralty waa reatored,yet not with a strict adherence to the constitutional order of successioiL Tb" place of CleomeDes, indeed,was filled by the legitimate heir, Ageaipolia, a grandson of Cler ombrotuB, the rival of Leonidaa. He was un- der age, and hw uncle Cteomooea waa appoint- ed his guardiBQ; so that it waa evident the whole business of the royal office would, for some lime, devolve on his colleague. But in the houae of Procles, though the murdered ArchidamuB had left two sons, who were still living, as well aa others of the same line,a named Lycurgus, who had no lawfiil title, raised to the throne. Polybiua intimates thai he was not even an Heradeid, and repre- " notoriouB that he purchased his ele- a bribe of a talent to each of tba ephors. But itis probable that the chief groimil of their preferencewas, that they couJd relj on his devotion to the interests of their party. Machatss then,oa his return to Sparta, found the objects of his mission accomplished, and bad only lo exhort his friends to close the door against reconciliationwith their late allies by an early commencement of hostihties. Lycur- gus accordingly made an irruption soon after into Argolis, where he surprised several town* on the coast, and then proceeded to laysieg" to the AtheuKum, the fortress which CleomC' nes bad seized at the beginning of the laat war. Hschatas, on his way home, persuaded the Eleana to follow the example of Sparta. Such was the state of affairs in Greece when Aratus went out of office, and was sacceeded by his son, who bore his father's name, bat seems to have been endowed with no great share of his abilities. The Achsan League, surrounded by active enemies, had no ally nearer than Macedonia to whom it could look for effectual aid ; and its own resources had been very much reduced by ita exertions in tha ,_j, the aaaeciate of Donmachos, with the chief magistracy. The Aohsan as- "erobly, which was held abont the same time at ."gium, ratifiedthe decree of the owigTess t Corinth, and proclaimedpublic license of ")riBBla against the jEloIians. Philipappear- d at this assembly, and addressed it in a long apeeeh, which waa received with great ap- plaose, and a vote was passed by which all the honours conferred on his predecessors were revived in bis "voQr. He then relumed to Macedonia to make pi^iamtioBaduring the winter for tba envuing oampBign, leaving a s^ong impression (rfhia ability and modeiwim on the minds of the Gredu. It was already eieai that he possessedexUaordinarr talents and activity, and that he was quiteequal lo th" government of bis lungdonL In the conrse of the winter he not only ordered fresh levies. and took measures to secure hia northwest firontier sgoinat his barbariui neighboura, but ventured to seek an interview with Scerdilai- das in hts own dominions. The lllyrian prinoe had been defraiKled by the ."tolians of hia ahareof die booty which he had helped lowin. Be waa, thetetbre, well diwoaed to meet Phil- ip's advances, pleaaed with the oonfidenee placed in hifl generosity, and easily induced to becmne the aUy of Macedonia, and to engage, for a yearlysubsidy of twenty talents,to mue war on the .Xtoltuis with a squadroa of thirty galleys. The result of the embaaaiee sent in the name "f the congress to receive the ratiAcation of the decree showed how large a part of the burden and risk of the war would fall on Mace- donia. The Acamaniana alone seem to have pledged themselves honestly and without serve to the common cause, though none had 80 much reason to dread the enmity of the ."tolians. The Epirots,thoughthey likewise ratifiedthe decree,passed a resolution not to h^in hostilities until Philip should have set the example ; and they represented to f"" ."tolian envoys that they were determined remain at peace. Even the MessenianB,though the war had arisen in their defence, declined to enter into it immediately. They were gov- eined by an oligarchical party, which consider' ed this policy aa the best calculated to secure their possessions from the danger of another JEtoliAn invasion ; and informed the envoys "f the League that they would not declare war mail Pbigidea, which now enabled the j"toli- ans to iuest their border, should have been taken from them. At Sparta the ministera of the congresB were dismissed without an an swer : a sign,Fc4ybiusthought, of perplexity , but which seems rather to indicate that the . adverse parties balanced each other. New ephora came into office not long after, who were disposed to maintain the alliance with Muiedonia ; but it seems that about time the death of Cleomenes became known, and encouraged the leaders of the oppo! party to make a fresh attempt. At their qneat, an .^tolian envoy was sent to Sparta; aod they then called upon the ephors to intro- duce him to the assembly of the people, and lo fiU up the vacancy of the throne. The ephors reserved the question of the succession for fu- tiire consideration, hut fearingto irritate the 4M Cleomenk) War. ! who served it in that war had never received theit full pay, and, conseqaently, tbe new gen- eral round it difficultto draw others into the Berries. Philip toolc the field early in the apring, with an army of 15,000 foot and 800 horse, and tnarchcd from Tliessaly into Epims with the design at invading"tolia; a move- ment by which, if he had executed it without delay, be would, aa Polybiusbelieved,soon have brought tbe wai to a close. But he yield- ed to the solicitation of the Epirota, who wish- ed to become mastera of Ambracia, and laid Bicge to AmbracuB, a place of great atrength in the vicinity of that city ; and the time which ho thuB WBBted was employed by the ."tolians to tbe best advantage, both with a view to de- ftuce and offence. Dorimachtis,indeed,waa repulsed, with some loss, in an attempt on vEgira,Ibrongh the greedinesa with which his troops feU on the ^under.Bat the "tolian generalEuripidaa, who had been sent to take the command of the Elean fbrcet,ravaged the north of Achaia with impunity, and fortified an ancient stronghold called Teichos,^iearCape Araxos, which enabled him to infest the terri- tories of Dyme, Pharn, and Triuea with con- tional inroads. Tbe people of these three can- tons, after having repeatedlyapplied for suc- cour to their general without eS$ct, resolved to withdraw their contributions firom the League, ftndtoapplythemto the maintenance of a body of mercenaiiea for their own protection. Thus the Lea^e seemed to be in danger of internal dteolution, while it was moat vigorously as- sailed fnm without. Polybinscharges the TODnfer Aralns with suirineikess and negle"t; bat hia position would probably have been em- barrassing, even to a man of extraordinary en- mSTORY OF GREECE. Wliilt /hile Philiplay before Ambiacue, Scopaa, with the bulk of the ^tolian forces, marched through Thessaly into Pieria,and, alter hav- ing ravaged the plaincountry, advanced against Dium, the Macedonian Otympta. The inhab- itants abandc.ied the town at his approach, and he found nothing but the buildings where- on to wreak hia fury. These, whether private dwellingsor publicmonuments, he destroyed or defaced ; he dismantled the walls,demolish- ed the gymnasium, set fire to the precincts of tike sacred ground where tbe games were cel- ebrated, statelygalleries or cloisters richly adorned with choice works of art. and threw down all the slaluea of the Macedonian kings. In ."tali8 this barbarous outrage was regarded as a glorioustriumph,provingthat, while their own land remained untouched,no enemy's country was secure from their victorious anns. Philip received the mortifyingintelligence while he was still detained before Ambracus. which he otdycompelled to capitulate by eit- traordinaryexertions at the end of fortydays, the garrison. BOO jEtolians,being allowed to retire. He then delivered posaeasion of the town to the Epirols,and proceeded through Acamania, where he waa joinedby the Acar- nanian contingent. 2000 foot and 200 horse. hito ."to1ia. Here, after some slight advan- tages, he encamped on the Aohelous near Stra- tus, and ravaged the adjacent conntry. He wasthns occupied, when Achean envoys came to request that he woiOd Tttskea divernot is their favour by the invasion of Ells, where his army would find ample booty. Professing to require time toi delihoratioa on this proposal, and, keeping the envoys by his aide, he mD""l forward towards the southern coast, by Ms- tropolia, Conope, and Ithorea, leaving the tows of Metropolis and Ithorea, which were desert- ed at his approach, in niins, and wasting thg country through which he passed, until he came to P^Hninm.astrong place, which he toot by storm, and, having razed it to the ground, carried away the materials of the houses vitii a view to the aiege of fEniads. The lEtolitm had made preparations to defend the citadel"jf (Eniade, but, after the fallof P"aninm, aliaD- doned it in terror. Philip, perceiving the man- ifold advantages of its position, both sa a place of embarcation for Peloponnesus, and with t view to operations in .^tolia,having firstmids himself master of El'teus, another fortress o" the Calydoniancoast, waa proceeding la (at- tifyCEniadR, and to connect the haiboni,by a wall, with the citadel, when he was InteirupMil by the news that the Dardanians were collect- ing their forces to invade Macedonia during his absence. He immediately dismissed tbe Achean envoys with a promise that,as soog as he h^d provided for the safety of his kioj- dom,]ie wotdd endeavour to succour his alliea, and then set oat for Macedonia by the aanu road which he had taken southward. At tlie mouth of the Ambrscian GuJf he fell in with DemetriuB the Pharian, who had been drinn out of niyriaby .^inilius Paulus, and had made his escape with a few galleys.* He was kindly , received by Philip, who directed him to pre- ' ceed to Corinth, and thence repairby land to his court. He himself reached Pells befbn the Dardanians had entered Macedonia, and, thongh they were near the border,they were so much alarmed by the news of hia relnin, that they abandoned their enterprise and dia- banded their forces. T^iilip, likewise, finding that the danger waa past. disnriBsed his troops to their homes for the vintage, and fixedtu" own residence for the rest of the sununer U Larissa. At the next election of the jEtolian map* irates Scopas was succeeded by his friendDo- rimachns, who signalized the beginning of hit administration by an achievement like thai which had gainedso much renown for his pred- ecessor. He made an expedition into Epinia. in the course of which, among other acts of wanton havoc, he destroyed the temple of Bo- dona. Afler this the season seemnl too far advanced for miIitBi7operations: and neither "riends nor foes expected that Philip would alit again before the spring. But when he took np his quarters at Larisaa he appears to hare meditated a movement which was quite at va- riance with the common rules of Grecian wai- fare,but,on that very account, afforded the fairer pnwpect of brilliantsuccesa. Hesetoni from Larissa,in the depth of winter, with " small force,3000 heavy-anned, SOOO targeteeis, 300 Cretan bowmen, and 400 horse ; and, ta- king the route of Euhcea.Locris, and Bceatia, " PolTb..lii..!", 8. Arumnl. uil"id (ir..St,4). te (""i.,") nlitu (bu lie tmpod (ii'i nMOr -xrvr'""- PHILIP IN PELOPONNKSUS^APELLES. "S8 ArriTod at Oorintb before anj nunonr of bin "p- proacli bad reached Peloponneaiu. Harjog ordered the citjgales to be closed, and the roads abicUy guarded, to prevent the ttdln^ fiom passing to the enemy, he next day sent for Aratns from SicnroD, aad at the same time, by letters,appointeda day oa wtiich the gen- eial should meet him with the Torcea or the League at Caphyn. After hia conferencii with AratiLB he continued hia march, aod encamped in the territory of Phlius. 11 happened that the "tolian general,Euripidas, who had lixed his quarters at Psophis in Arcadia, had chosen the same time for an inroad into the territory al Sicyon with a body of about SOOO meo. He bad passed the Macedonian ancampment in the night, and was about to cross the Sicyooiau border the next morning, when he learned Jtulip'svicinity from some foragers who feU into his hands. Keeping his discoiery to him- self, he gave immediate orders for retreat, hoping,by a forced march, again to pass the MacedoDiaa army before it had entered the jiUiu of Slymphalua, so aa to return by Phenea to Psophis onobserTed. But he was deceived hy his catculalion, and fellia with the enemy in the passes of Mount Apelaurus, between Phlius and Stymphalns. Seeing that an en- gagement was unavoidable, and believing de- feat certain,he basely abandoned his men, and "9C^"ed with a few horsemen over the mount- ains to Psophis. His troops, whom he had not even warned of their danger, and who, at first sight, mistook the Macedonians for AchKans, were completely routed, 1200 taken, and al- moet all the rest slain. The fame of this vic- tor; was, to moat of the Peloponnesians, the first report which they had heard of Philip's At Caph^ he was joinedby the younger Aratus and about 4000 AChaans, and indulged bis troops, who had suffered great hardebips amid the deep snowa of Mount Oligyrtus, with -two days' rest ; and then proceeded to laysiege to Psophis. The place, situate at the conflu- "!nce of two rapidstreams, Aroanius and Ery- manlhuB, was so strong, both by nature and art, that Philip seems to have owed his success, in agreat measure, to the boldness of the attempt. When he had stormed the town, the citadel capitulated. The Elean garrison was allowed -to depart, and Euripidasto return to iEtolia. Philip then assembled the Achcans, and, hav- ing pointed out the importance of the place, de- Jivered it into their possession as a token of Ills good will. Tu this favour he shortly alter added the cession of Lasium, which he found 'evacuated by the Eleans. After a short re- pose at Olympia, he advanced into the vale of Zlis,to coDect the booty which it offered in greater abundance than any other districtof Greece. The Eleans stillretained their love of niial porsiiita, and all the wealth of the peo- ple was spread over the face of the country ; .and the attempt which they made to secure it only enabled the enemy to take possession o{ it the more easily and quickly. A great multi- tode of husbandmen, with their flocks and hards, and other moveable riches,sought ref- uge in a Btronghold called Thalams, which waa deemed impregnate, and was defended by two hundred mercenaries under the Elcao goMffa)AmphidamaB. Bnt when Philip had overcomo tbe difGoulties of the first approach, Amphidamas surrendered the sooner, as be cuuld maintain no control ovier audi a motley mass. The coEiqueror carried away more than 0000 captives, besides cattle without number ; aod the canifi was so encumbered with booty, that he was obliged, on that account, to hasten his return to Olympia. An expeditionwhich he next undertook againstTriphylia was no less successful,though Uorimachua,at the re- quest of the Eleans, had sent Phihdas with 600 ftolians to their aid. Alter the reduction of Aliphera, the Triphyiian towns opened their gates to the king,ao. that. he had made himself master of tho whole country in the course of six days. The Phigaieans, who had begun to feel their connexion with ^tolia burdensome, now took up arms against the pirates, sad, hav- ing oompelled them to retire, surrendered their city to Philip. The hinderancc which had kept Messenia neutral was thus removed. As Philip moved forward to Megalopolis, the Spartan* believed that they should be the next to feel his presence ; they evacuated the Athenaum and razed it to the ground, and began to re- move their property irom the country into the city. Yet an attempt which had been made just before to effect a counter-revolution had aignally failed. One Chilon,a man of the royal blood,who believed that he bad been urqustly excluded from the throne which was usurpod by LycuTgus, formed a conspiracy, into whidi be drew two hundred associates,to overtunt the government. His firstmeasure was to put to death all the epbors as they sal at table^-a fitretributionfor the crime by which they had risen to power" and he then proceeded with like intention to the house of bis rival ; but LycurguB was concealed by his neighbours, and escaped to the frontier. Chilon, whose hopea were dashed by this failure, now onlyperse- vered because it waa too late to recede ; and he shortly found that,though he was able to get rid of a fe'w more of his enemies, he could not gain a single new friend to his cause ; even the proposal of a new agrarianlaw, on which he chiefly relied, as the engineby which Cleom- enes had accomplished liis ends, produced no effect on the multitude. It seems to have been felt that he representeda party which was di- rectly opposed to the policy of Cleomenos, and which leaned on Macedonia for support, Ao- cordingly, when he found it necessary to fly from tiparta, he took refuge in Achaia. Pliilip, however, did not think it advisable,at this junc- ture, to invade Laconia, but proceeded to pass the rest of the winter at Argoa. While be was thus successful in all his on- derlakinge, and was unfolding audi extraordi- nary talents, hands were at work spinnioji a web of intrigues around him,which, as itthick- ened, threatened lo fetter his activity and to tnar hia prospects. Antigonus,by hia will, had assigned the principal place in his council to Apelles, an ambitious,overbearingman, who waa willingenough to promote his master's iiv- terests so long as his own influence waa su- preme in the cabinet, but impatient of a riTal, and capable of sacrificing every principle ofbon- otir and duty lo pride and jealousy.Apelle* viewed the course of eventain Gree" " '" v., Greece,aa oo";rc 414 HISTORY OP GREECE. was probably viewed by every MaoedoBiin alaLesiDBn, aa aflording an opportiinltj for re- ducing Greece to complets subjection ; and, whea he accompaniedPhilip into Peloponnesus, be mads Ithis aim to accustom the Achsans to the same atate of dependance and acknuwledg- meut of inreriority lo which the Thesaalians had alreadyaubmiUed, thoughthnj stillretain- ed the forma of a free Constitution, and even kkoked down on the Macedonians, as subjects of a monarchy, with some degree of contempt. In the prosecutioa of this plan, he encouraged the Macedonians to turn the Achisans out of their quartersi and lo deprive them of their share Af the booty, and tieendeavoured to break liieir "ptrlt by the inflictionof corporealpunishments for every slight fault. DuringPhilip's last bo- jouni at Otynipra, eoitie of the AchRans had oom|dained of this conduct to Aratus, who re- ported tlieir grievanoes to the king, and Philip had prembed to pratect them, and bad enjoined - Apellea to desist from all encroachments on thair rights aad od the authority of Uie Achnan gnenl ApeUes now regarded Aratoa as his enemy, and endeavoured both to estrange the king ftrom him and to andermine his infuence among faia oonnlrymen. He sought oat and caressed kia polHt(wladversaries, and represented to PUllp that,so long as he followed the advice ot AJatne, he n-ould obtain nothing from the AolHsans beyond the letterof the treaty; but ifhe would be guidedby different counsels, and sappon the oppositepany, he would be able to make use of the Petoponnesiansat his pleasure, Hiiiipquiteagreed with his minister as to the desimbleness of the end, and adopted his sug- geetions as to the means. At the next e!ec- tiMi, under colour of an eipeditionagainst the Eleans, he stoppedat ."gium on his way, and. by secret induenoe, caused Ttmoienus, the friend of Aratus, lo be rejected, and Eperatns, " man, Hccordingtn Polybiua, of small abilities, bot pertiaps a aealous partisan,, to be elected general. He then continued his march west- ward, and encamped before Teichos, Which the Elean garrison, not venturing to stand a siege, presentlysurrendered,and, having restored it to the DymKans, he made an inroad into the territor? of Elis,and returned to Dyme with a greatbooty. Apelles had been unremitting io his endeav- ours to inspire the king with a distrust of Ara- tus, and,shortly afterthe election, he had found a pretext for a new and bolder calumny. Am- {diidamns, the Elean general, who was taken SiwDer at Thalamte, when he was brought to lympia, had obtained an aodience of Philip, ana oadertook, if he was allowed to return bome, lo negotiate an alliance between Elis and Macedonia. Philip was thus induced lo release him without lamtora, and empowered him to make very liberal oftbrsto his country- men. But it appeared that ho had greatly over- rated his inRoenee or his powers of perauaaion, Jbr, instead of gaining their assent to his propo- sals, he became an ohje'-i of their suspicions. Apellesimputed this failure to the artificesof Aratus,who, he pretended, had secretly warn- ed Amphidamus to beware how he endangered the iMependence of Peloponnesus by such an addition to the power of Macedonia. This charge he ventured to repeat in RiOip's pros- ence when confronted with Aratus, who, as he was unable immediately to prove his innocence, could onlyreqtiest the king lo suspend his jndg- "ment ontil he should have rnore fully investiga- ted the truth. During Philip'sstay at Dyme the truth came to ligtal. The recent invaaioD had excited the suspicion of the Eleans against Amphidamus, and a design was formed to ar- rest him, and to send him In chains to jEtoIia ; but,having discovered his danger in lime, he fled to Dyme, and Aratus immediatelybegged Philip to ezsnune him on the alluatioiiB of Apelles, His statement convinced niilip that the charge bniagbtagainst Aratus was utterly groundless. This discoverr, while it revived the king's confidence in Aratns, shook that which he had hitherto reposed in the author of the detected calumny, and he soon found other reasons Jbr deeper distrust of bis minister. EperatuB had scarcely entered upon his oIGce before it became manifeat that, eKher from want of energy or of credit, he would never be able to fhrther his patron's viewa. PbiHp was in need of money and proviaions for the pay and maintenance of hia army, and he caaaed an assembly to be held at ."gium, in the hojie of obtaining a supply. But, aa the new gener^ possessed no weight, and that of Aratus and hia party waa thrown into the oppositescale, the assembly ahowed no disposition to roeet the king's wishes. He now perceived the er- ror into which he had been drawn by the eoon- sels of Apelles, and,having induced the govern- ment to transfer the assembly to Sicyen,he, in the mean while, made overtures for b recon- ciliation with Aratus and bis son, expressed his regret for the steps into which he had been mis- led by Apelles, and solicited the renewal of tiieir friendship and good offices. Hs aoou reaped the fruits of this condescension. When the influence of Aratus was exerted in his fa- vour, the assemblydisplayed the utmost readi- ness to comply with his requests. It granted an immediate subsidy of l^fty talents as three months' pay for his army, and a largesnpiriy of com, and decreed that, for the future,he should receive seventeen talents a month as long as he shonld carry on the war in Peloponnesua. He now resolved to equip a fleet,as the most eflbctualinstrument of armoyance to the ene- my, who would neither be able to guard them- selves nor to succour one another against at- tacks l"om the seaside, which couM never be foreseen. He therefore collected alt the naval forces of the Leagne,together with his own, at Lechsum, and exercis^ his Macedonians in nautical evolutions, until he had rendered them expert in all the operations of naval warfare. But, in the mean white. Applies,seeing his credit declining, and despairing of recovering his master's confidence, resotved to break the power which he was no longer allowed to wield, and to thwart every plan adopted without his concurrence, hoping, it seems, that,by a series of failures and disasters. Philipmight be com- pelled to abandon himself to his guidance. Among the other great officers whom Antigo- nuB had appointedby his wilt,two, Leonlius and Megaleas, were entirely devoted to his in- terests, and, by malicious insinuations,he bad alienated Philip from the other two, Taurioa CONSPIRACY AGAINST nnLIP."HE TAKES THERHTJ8. and Alexander,the cootmaTuIer of the guard, and bad caused them to be romovoi! from their posts. Leontiua and Megalcas entered into bis achemeB. and it was concerted among thera that ApeQes should,on some pietcic, retire to Chalcis, and intercept all supplies which the king had to espect from the north, while his two associates, remainingby the king'sside, "hoold take every opportaaity of batSing hia en- "nie firat operatimis of the fleet were direct- ed againstCephaUenia, which had long been the arsenal that sapplied the .^tolians with most of the Teasels tjie; used for their expedi- tions. As wen on this account as for the con- Tenienees of his position, it was an oliject of the highestimportance to Philip, who set about the conquest of the island with the siege of Palai, which contained largemagazines of com. Here, according to bis previousreqoisilion, he was met b; re-enforcements from Messenia, Acamania, Epirus, and niyria. The town was accessible only on one side, where there was a "mall plain, on which he stationed bis engines and lighttroops, so as to coTer the operations of hia milters. When they had undermined the wan to the length of two fiirlongs, he feltso "nre of Tictory toat he went np in person to call npon the besiegedto surrender. On their refu- sal, he ordered the props on which the wail was lasting to be fired. It immediatelylell, and he "ent Leonthia, with his targeteers. to mount the breach. Bat the traitor, faithful to his com- pact with Apelles, found means, with the half of some of his officerswhom he had previously coimpted, thrice in succession to check and embarrass his troops, after theyhad gained the top of the broken wall, and were on the point of pouring into the city. In the end,they were repulsed with severe loss ; and Philip,seeing "ymptoms of treachery which he could not with rertaintif trace to theiraource, raised the siege, and fbr the present abandoned his designs on the island. While he lay before Pais:,Lycnrgus invaded Uesaenia, and Dorimachus made an irruption into Thesaaly with one half of the JEXoHao for- ces to divert him from his purpose. The Acar- nanians now sent envoys to advise him to'in- vade "UAa during the absence of Dorimachua ; while the Mcssemans implored his protection, and pointedout to him that,during the contin- uance of the summer winds, he conid reach Hflssenia in a day from Ccphallenia. But they aeesoed to have overlooked that he might be detained in Messenia by the same caose through tlie aamiDer. Leontias and his aasociatcB, who dearly foresaw Uiia reaalt, forthisreason warm- ly aupported the propoad of the Mesaenians. But AratOB, with aaperior force of argument, maintained the opjioarte (pinion, and urged him not to neglect so fairan opportunity of over- nmning "Mia widioDt resistance. Hiilip, who bad alreadybegun to distrust Leontius, sdopted the advice of Aratns,and, having directed "p- eratDB to succour the Messenians. transported hia vessels across the Leucadian Isthmus, and sailed to Limnea, in the southeast comer of the Gulf of Amhracia. Here he was joinedby the whole farc" of Acamania. eager to avenge the repeatedinjuries wbich (hey had suffered from the ftoliane. The Epirots, who were Vol. II." H b h Tlie main object of the expedition was to sur- prise Thermus. Leaving a sufficient force at Limntea to guard the baggage,Philipset out in the evening,and,by a longnightmarch, reach- ed the Achelous, between Conape and Stratus, at daybreak. Leontias, who knew that the sue- . cess of the expeditiondepended on rapidity of movement, wishing to gain time for the JBtoli- ans, would have persuadedPhilip to allow Ms troops an intervalof repose ; but Aratos coitjtt- red him not to risk the loss of the goldenoppor- tunity by any needless delay; ana Philip, now mote and more disgusted with Leontiua,cidbb- ed the Acheloiis, and pursued hia march irith- out intermission,wasting the countrythrough which he paaaed, until he reached Metafia, a town on the western edge of the Lake Tncho- nis, atwut seven or eight miles lirom Thermus. It had been abandoned by the "tolians, and )io occupied it with 6O0 men far the security of his rear. The approach to ThenoLts from Metapa was a series of defiles overhung with rocka and thick woods ; and for the last three or four miles,beginning from the village of Pamphia, the road ran along a. narrow oreat, with preci- pices on each side, until it opened on a am^ elevated plain, where stood "nienaus, the cita- del of.^iolia. Philip,using every precantioit of a wai7 general,though he saw no enemy, and leavini! another detachment at Pamphia, arrived at Themms long before nightfall. The jEtolians, who had never Ihonght that he would venture so far into the heart of their country, and had no time to make preparations for de- fence, had abandoned the place, but had not re- moved any of itstreasures. The plunder of th" houses and of the neighbonringvillages occupi- ed the remainder of the day. The next morning the invaders,having eclei^ted the most valuable- part ofthe spoil, burned all that they could not carry off,among the rest IS, 000 suits of armour, which were Ibund in the public armories. So- far,Poiybiusremarks, they conformed to the- rules of civilized warfare. But Itefore they quitted the place, to retaliate for the destruc- tion of Diura and Dodona,theyset fire to the- sacred buildings, and levelled tfaem with the ffround, defac^ allthe works of art, and threw down the statues, which were not fewer thaa two thousand,sparingonly those of the gods- from total min. Poiybius condemns this imita- tion of a bad example as not less impolitic thaa sacrilegious and barbarous ; and no doubt Phil- ip lost an opportunity for a display of generosi- ty, which would have greatly raised hia reputa- tion and atrengthened his power ; bat thisact of vengeance was probably the main object of his expedition, and there is no reason to attrib- ute any very important share in it,as the histo- rian suggests,* to the influence of Demetrius the niarian,or, on the other band,to suppose- that Aratus viewed itwith mudt regret. Phil- ip professed, at least,to regard himself as Iha minister of Divine retribution ; and many parts- of the blackened ruins were inscribed with a line composed by his foster-brother, Sarous,sort ofChrysogonns, in wbich the flames that scath- ed Thermus were wittily described as a boll of "P"l7l..,t.,li;*ii.,14ju.,". 4sa HISTORY OF GR"ECB. the god whose sanctoaij had been pror"ned at When this was accompHaheil he set out on his retreat. In the mean while the iCtolian general,Alexander, had assembled a hody of 3000 men, with which, aa aoon as the Maeedo- nians began to descend Trom the table-land or ' Thennus, he attacked their rear; but he was drawn into an ambuseade, and totally defeat- ed ; and Philip, havingdestroyed Pamphia and Metapa,brought his army out of the defilesin safety, and encamped near Acrs, not far from the western bank of the Achclous. The next day he laiaged the counliy about Conope, and on the third marched up the vale, and crossed the river near Stratus, where he made a short halt,having beard thnt an j"to1ian force of about 4400 men was assembled in the town, and hoping to draw it into an engagement. Bat no enemy appeared nnlil the rear of his colnmnbad passed the town, when it was ehai- sed by the .i"tolian cavalry, aided by a body of Cretan bowmen. 'This attack,however, was soon repelled ; and the army, pursuing its toarch without farther raolestatiaa, arrived safelyat the camp at Limncea. Here he cele- brated a thanksgiving aacrifiee, and gave a ban- guet to his principal officers, LeOQtiue and Megaleaswere so deeply dis- appomted and dejectedby ilgeirmaater'a tri- vmph, that they could not even assume a de- cent degree of cheerfulness at table, and at- tracted the king'sattention by the contrast which he perceived between their behaviour and that of bis other guests. The fumes of the wine at length thawed their reserve and raised their courage, without restoring their good-hu- mour. When the enlertainmeut was over, they waylaid Aratus as he was returning to bis tent, and assailed bim, firstwith invectives, and then with stones. A crowd gathered round them, and a scene of confusion ensued. The noise reached the king's ear, aud he sent to learn the cause of the uproar. Leonlius disappeared ^ but Megaleas, and one Crinon,who had taken part with him, were summoned into the royal presence, and sharplyrepriaianded.But, in- stead of oBeringan apology,they so far forgot themselves as to declare their porposa of ra- vcnging themselves on Aratus. Philip, incen- sed at their insolence, ordered them to find anrety for the payment of twenty talents,and, in the mean while, to be taken into custody. The next day he sent for Aratus, and promised to give him satisfactionfor the insult be bad received. X.coQttus came, soon alter,to the royaltent, with some of his targeteers, think- ing to strike terror into the young king, and Asked who bad presumed to arrest Megaleas. But when Philip replied, in a firni tone, that it had been done byhia own order, he waa cow- ed, and witlidrew, onlyuttering an angry mur- mtir. On his voyage back to Corinth,Philip touched al Lencas, and remained there two days, to give lime for the sale of the booty, and,during thia interval, broughtMegaleas and Crinon to trial before a council of his friends. Aratus came forward as the acenser, not only ' 'O^ r( Ah dI BO^t itirrm. II cu huiIJj li established his chargeby proof and teetimonT, though it is difficultto conceive how he could have found evidence of such a secret compact. The court, however, waa satisfied, and unani- mously condemned the prisoners.Crinon, be- ing unable, it seems, to pay the penalty, re- mained in conGncmcnt. Megaleas was releas- ed on the undertaking of Leontiue to become his surety. In the mean while, Dorimachus had entirely failed in his expedition to Thessaly, where ha found Chrysogonus and Petrane so well pre- pared to receive him, Ibat he did not venture, to descend into tba plains. As soon as he heard of Philip'sinuption into .^tolia,be hastened back to defend his country, but found the ene- my gone. Lycurgus had eSecled as little in Messeoia ; and, though he afterward made him- self master of the town of Tegea, he was un- able to take the citadel, to which all the inhabi- tants had retired. Philip, on his arrivaJ at Corinth,inunediatelydespatched couriers to summon the Peloponneaian allies to meet him al Tegea within three days,and, setting for- ward the next rooming, reached Tegea hj the way of Argos on the second evening. Here b" was Joinedby the AchEan forces under tba command of Aratus, and, aflar a night'srest, resumed his march towards Laconia. To con- ceal his movements from the enemy, he look a circuitous route through a wild country,and, on the fourth day, came down into the vale of tbe Enrotas, and encamped at AmyclK, to the amazement of tbe Spartans, who bad only just heard of the destruction of Thermus, and bad begun to think of sendingLycurgus to succour the ."to1ians. He then raragea the countiy downward to the coast of the Laconian Gulf, and, after an unsuecesaful attempt on Asine, extended his incursions as far as TKnaiua on the one side, and Boin, near Malea, on tbe other. In the mean while,Lycurgus had inter- cepted a hody of Measenians,who, having ar- rived too late at Tegea,were making their way to join the Macedonian army over the mount- ains of the eastern coast, and compelled tbem to retreat with the loss of their horscaand bag- gage. Elated by this success, on his return to Sparta he resolved to make a stand against Philip, when he ahoukl pass by Sparta on his way back. For ttaia purpose he occupied the heights of the Menelaion, which rise above the eastern bank of the river opposite the city, with SOOO men, and ordered the remaining force* of Sparta to be in readiness, on a preconcerted signal, to be drawn up on the apace between the city and the western bank ; and, tbe more effectuaQy to obstnicl the enemy's passage on that aide of the river,be,by means of " dam, laid the low grounds under water. Philip, bow^ ever, dislodged bim from his position, worsted the Spartancavalry which threatened hi* rear, and brought his whole army safelythrou^ the pass, and encamped for tbe night a quarter of a miie above the city. On bis road tu Tegea he halted,to survey the field of battle,near Sella- eia,and oflbred a sacrifice on the summit both of Olympus and Evan. On his return to Co- rinth he found envoys from Rhodes and Chios, who had been sent to olfer their mediation for the purpose of terminating Uie war, which the islanders probably found detrimental to theii TREACHERY OP APBLLES." THE CONSPIRACY CRUSHED. 497 coTDrnerce, He prottss^i htmself iiapoaei for peace, and encouraged them to addresB them- selves to the .Stoliatin ; but in his heart he wae bent on the continuance of the war, from which he had reaped honoar and profit, and he was now meditating an expedition into Phncis. from vhich he anticipated some important advan- tages. While he was making his preparations for this expedition at tiech^am. a violent mu- tiny broke ont at Corinth among the troops un- der the command of Leontius and his associ- ates, who had taught (hem to believe that Ihej vere wronged in (he diatribnlion of the spoil. They plundered the lodgings of the king'aprin- cipal iriends.and even broke into the royal Tcaidence. Philip, hearing of the tutnuU, hast- ened back (ironi Lechteam, and, by jndicions management, vestored tranquillity, but carefully concealed his knowledge of the origin and au- tbomof the distnrbaDce. The conapiralorB, defeated in this attempt, flaw no proapeet of recovering their footingat "ODrt wttboat the aid of Apelles,and, by re- peated messages, at length induced him to re- ' ttim from Chalcia. He was not aware how far lie had himself lost gronnd in Phillp's.cnnfi- -denoe during his absence. He bad been so ' "uccescfbl in his endeavours to cutoff the sup- plies of the royal treaauTT, that the king was sometimes forced to pledge his plate for the Btibsiatenee of his household. Philip more than suspected the cause of these emharrasamenta, and he had also been deeply olfendcd by the arrogance of Apelles,who, representing him- self as the realhead of the gOTernmcnt, and (he fonntain of all authority, drew the administra- tion of affairs entirely to himself. The king's officen in Macedonia and Thessaly addressed iTiemselves to him for inatructions ; and the Oreek dties assigneda more prominentplace in iberr honorary decrees to him than, to Phil- ip himself, Aratus,Ico, did not failto take ad- "vantage of his enemy's indiscretion, and to in- Hame the king'sresentment against bim. Phil- ip, however, had so steadily dissembled his feelings, that ApeHea returned to court under a loll persuasion that his presence would at once lealore the credit of his friends. To give the greater weight to his first appearance, theypro- cured that he should he met on his entry into Corinth by a great concourse of officers and soldiers,and, thus escorted,he repaired imme- diately to the palace; but, instead of seeing the gates thrown open to him, as in times past, he was informed by one of the attendants that the kingwas not at leisure to give him audi- ence. He withdrew in surprise and perplex- ity ; and the ardour of his followers was ao rapidly chilled by the firstbreath of royai dis- pleasure, that, before he reached his lodgings, be was abandoned by all hut hia own i^ienials. Philip stilladmitted him now and then to his table, and treated him with some show of re- spect, bnl excluded him from his counsels and familial intercoarse. Megaleasnow, seeing bia laat hope extinguished, made his eacspe during the king's absence in Phocis, and fled to Ath- ens, and, not being allowed to remain there, took refuge at Tbebes, Philip, on his return, having firsttaken the precaution to send the largeteers on some pretext into Triphylia, aa- der the command ofTaurion, ordered Leontiiu, as the surety of MegalMs, to be thrown Into prison. The tsrgeteers. at his instigstion, sent some of their number to the king, with a re- quest, in very free language,that,if their com- mander was arrested for any offence,be might not be brought to trial in their absence ; and offered, if he was imprisonedon the gronnd of hia suretyship, to redeem his pledgeby their own contributions. But Philip was so much exasperatedby their interference, that he forlli- with ordered Leontius to be put to death. In the mean while, the Rhodian and Chian envoys had induced the ifltaltansto accept their mediation,to conclude a truce of Ihir^ days, and to appoint a day for a conference with Philip at Rhium, Philip, on their report, rati- fied the truce, and summoned a congress of the allies to meet him at Patrte, Here letters were broDgbt to him, which had been intercepted in Phocis, addressed to the i"tolians by Hegaleaa, in which the writer exhorted them to persevere in the war, describing Philip's finances as qvtile exhausted, and assailing his character with bit- ter invectives. It is not clear whether Philip was able to trace these letters to Apelles.or made use of them as a pretext against biiu ; hut he immediatelysent him. with hia son and another intimate friend, under a guard of sol- diers, to Corinth, whore all three were short^ afler put to death. About the same time. Me- galeas, having been arrested by Philip's ordera at Tliebes, and sued for the penally, laid violent hands on himself Tlieae executions,xfhich crashed a dangerousconspiracy, and thus ren- dered Philip more farmidable than ever to hii lemies, nevertheless put a stop to the negoti- ion for peace. The .,"toIians, who bad be- fore been eager to terminate the war, which had begun to press very hard upon them, when they heard of these occurrences, conceived hopes that the punishment of persons so high command might give rise to discontent and mutiny in the Macedonian army, and they were thus induced to put ofTlhe conference at Rhium. Philipgladly seized this pretext to break ofi"the treaty,and, having exhorted the deputies who came to attend the congress to bend all their thoughts to the prosecution of the war, retiim- ' ' I Corinth and dismissed his Maceilonian troops to their homes for the winter. He him- self embarked at Cenohrere, and sailed through the Euripus to Demetrius, Here he brought Ptolemasus, the only survivingassociate of Leontius,to trial before a Macedonian assetft- bly, which condemned him to death. He waa thus finally extricated from a greatdanger, hot not, perhaps, without sufleringdeep and laat- ing injury. If any share is to be assigned to outward circumstances in the development of character,none can be conceived which couid have tended more to stifle every iogenn- feeling. and to harden and corrupt hia heart, than the detection of such foul treachery in the guardians of his jrouth, the men wbo bad been the earliest objects of his esteem and con- fidence. After his departure, the Achttans suffered much from the incursions of the "leBDS and .ftolians, against Mliich Eperatiis was unaMo provide any dcfetKC, The cities,finding themselves unproleoled, became tardy and ir- regular in theirconlributions ; the troc^beiag HISTORY OP GBEECE. oftan (weed to wait long for their pey, were not vAno in the aerviee, sail the itkercenaries, at last, quitlcd itallooetber. Polybius still lays the whole blame on Epe/aiua;* we might other- -wiae Buspect that tie was embarEaMed by the opposition of Aratua and faia party, aod would have done more if he had been better supplied wilh the ainewB of war. The Spaitana did not move during the winter ; for Lycurgus,having inourred the Hupiciona of the ephors, had been compelled to ij, and took refuge in ^toba. Eperattia was aacoeeded in office by Aratua ; and the Achcana immediately recovered their apiiits for the proeecution of the war. The aaaembly decreed to maintain meroenariaa to the nombw of 8000 foot and dOO horae, with 8300 tioopi of the League, of which 600 fool aod BO horie were to be raised by MegalopoUe, and u many b; Aigoa. It waa also reaotved thai three galleya shoaM eraise about the cooat of Argolis, and bb many in the Ckninthian Gulf. In the mean while,I^nrgns bad been recalled by the ephora, who b^ ateertained the ground- leasnesa of their nispicioiu, and concerted meaanrea with Pyntiaa, the "tolian Keoeral who cominaDded in Elia, for combined opera- tions in Hetaenia. Aratua,having diacovered vaded Masaenia, and made hiioMir master of Calamc, he waa nnahle to edect a juootioa with Pyirhias, and was obliged to return to Sparta. Aratna now prevailed on the Mesao- nians and Taurion, who aeema U" have been leMored to his command, to keep a small force in the fieldfor the protection of the interior of the peidnsula aninst the Spartans, while the main amy of the League was to be employed against the ."totians and Eleana in the jionh of Acbaia. Boring his stay at Megalopolis, be accompliahed another object not less important for the seca- Tity of Arcadia. Megalopolis, justrising out of itamina, waa divided bet ween two parties;one, which incduded the poorer class,requiring that the compass of the walla should be contracted, "o aa to be both completed and defended wilh lew difficulty, and that the wealthy citizens should giveup a tbiid of their lands for tbe sup- port of a body of new aettlers. But the opu- lent woold neither part with their posscsaions, noT coBseot to reduce the dimensions of the great city. Violent disputes bad also arisen about a code of laws which had been framed for them by Prytanie, a Peripatetic philosopher, whom Antigonus had appointedas their legia- lator, Aratua. under a decree of tbe Achean aaaembly, undertook tbe adjustment of these dilferencea, a task for which he was eminently well qualified, and in which be appears to have "atlafied both partiea, but the terms of the ci pact which he concluded between them are related by Polyhiua.perhapa because they bad been iDscribed on a column which was erected Bear the altar of Veata in one of the public bnildinga of hia native city.t "tT.,"l". 'OiUfm, or (MoonliBr M Wol-'- ' " -" nuiBgi *A.fpipioif vaiL Xhdpt 'A"riUm. It wu tba UBpl* of CnBgid. Wflulut balw itu-Ti' Jf Zt*t 'OjJfmx, tb* gad sf Tbe war was now carried on oy the AducasB with UDUBuai vigour and success, both by IibiI and sea. They defeetedEuripidaa, who, allte requeat of the Eleans, bad been sent to replace Pyrrhias. invaded and ravagedElis,and, after another victory, carried ofl'their booty in aafety. The merit of these achievementa, liowever,te- longed,' not to Arattw, but to his heutenaot, Lycua of Pharn. The Ach"an adrairalmade several capturea from the enemy in the Corin- thian Gulf, landed hia troops on the coast sf .Etolia, waated tbe country, and wonted Ika .f^tolians in two engagem^its ) ao that As League seemed now well aids to maintain the war wiltioat HacsdoniaD asaistance,Ihaa^ there was no prospect that itwould in this vvj be brought to a cloae until the "tre4g1h of m belligerenta should be ezhansled. Philip, ia the mean while, had made himself master if Bytazota, the cbiefcit? of Pconia, which gavo him the cammaBd of the passes by which tbe DardanianB wera used to penetrate intoHaoe- (lonia, and thua relieTed him. fma the tear of invaaion m that qnaitai. He then ccdleotedil his Macedonian foroea, and marched into Tbes- saly, where he waa foiled in an attempt m Melita,t but proceededto laysiege to tbe PhUu- an Thebes, for which he bad been making w- tive preparalionBduring the winter. It vu aliU in tbe hands of the ."toliaas, and enabUd them, at their pleaaure, to make inroads iato the most fertile regions of Tbessaly. He art with a atout resistance untd he had Ihraan down a part of the wall by a mine, and hit troops were on the poiot of mounting Iks breach. The boaieged then aurrenderod; u4 Philip took this opportunity to convince allwtw still doubted of tbe treacheryby which, villi ptecieety similar advantagesi he had been re- pulse before Pale He reduced allthe inhab- itants to slavery,planted a Macedonian coloiy in their room, and exchanged the name of Thebes for Pbilippopolia. Here he received another embaaay from Cbioa and Rhodes, wbciw envoys were now accompaniedby othsra from Byzantium, and Ptolemy Philopator, wilh n- newed offers of mediation. Ho repealeil hi" former pacific professions, and sent them avaf to sound the ^Etolians ; but, in bis heart, yat' aa littleas ever inclined to peace. The object on which he was now immediately bent ira* t" chastise and bumble ScerdUaidas,who. having been oflbnded by some omissions in tbe pay- ment of hia stipulatedsubsidy, bad seal " Bquadron,which, before its hoaliJe purpose was Buspected,captured four Corinthian ''""^ and afterwaTQ,cratsing between Leucas and Malea, infested the coast, and attacked aH U"e merchant ahips that fell in hia way. PtiMp equipped an armament, in the hope of overt^ king the Illyriana, but,having missed thfln, re- turned to the lathmus, aeiit hia larger vetw round by Malea to the Corinthian Gulf, aw caused the rest to be transported over landX" "d ij t^stDB,Sybuf*, ud MstuponnB, wh" Iktf Mf" l"l*dih"r DooIMinii)'OK Uk AjAmta "udel lMjti"."" ""). wu ilxi dfdickud u Zrii 'OfifLiei. Du "ff'^^ of lb" mdiDi "Oooo/ou n""! Ijjilelwinf(Gttaici'' *; AduudtnBMi^. p. M, n- S), UiU Ibg woniip rfIh" l" WH tmxi^ OHT fnin Hallw,m uifUnvivaiiuIrr, ""'" 1 Ha mnlnd (iilur btlbn or ifteiIk* ii"(Xik"u"I f'' (PolTb , T., "? ; "., 1S1,ud bitmliot li""i !"""" "" EVENTS IN ITALY." NEGOTIATIONS. IM Wbile tbB Greeks were wMtiog their Btrongth in these booUees atnig^a, IUI7 wu the tbea- tre of tbe ooitleit on the iteue of wbich tbair fiiureooiditHm depended. Tbat their intoreatt moM be deeplj alfeoted by tlia conflictwhich had be"D lately lenewed between the mo ^at pmren of the West, could not but bo evident to eTei7 inteOitent Onek. Whea HaoDibal ' " B AIpe, it becune _ . Btisis wtw tpptoM o bare been cntty "bea a Mow I etraek.wUeh, apanrentlj, tcTe a deeisiTe ad- vntafe to one 01 the parties OU e*en a few of tb0 iBDre thoQghtfat Oneks boeame eo for sHwiUe ef the intpoitaneeof the erenta which -veie paaatoa on Hte cUier nde oT (he Adriatie, a* to ftet the littlenaw, Ihe naeleaeneBe, and the lUlr of the fenda bjirttioli their ctMntry " " torn and draiMd oT its raeonnea. While IS TlewinK the games at Argoo, he re- raofthe bettleof niraqnuene. in ftiends wtw "eeompaniadjiiffl to Afgoe, and had '^--ittygainod the hitbtetplaea in his To Urn ahwe be sbowed tbo let- in inmnotion of aeorecy ; and in his enbeeqnent det^ratioaa on the new aspect of n"ira, he auflhred himself to be (nldedby the Phaiiaa's ooonsels. DeuMtrins was entirely hsnt on two objeeta: be waa eagw to reTenge himself on the Romans, and to lecovBi his ter- litary in lUyrta;snd, aa he Kgarded Philip only aa his tool, the advice be gave was tbai which was dictated by his own passions and ioteraei. He niged the kingtodroptbe^tolian war, and to turn his attention ftom Oreece, wbioh was alnady subfectto him, to the great Vroopecta of eonqnest and ^ny irtiichwere now opened to him in lUyiia and Italy. The diaaater which had beDUlen the Koooan sims iOTlted him to the great theatre of war. If Pbiltp had consolted a less selliBh or iotei^ "Bied adTiser, the qoestionmightnot have been il,but into which scale he should throw Us sw(Bd, and whether it might not be ealer for him to aid die weaker side than to helpto crush it, and to es- tablish thepredominanceofitaantagoniat. Bat peihapePhilip wonld scarcely haTC listened to such a BuggcBtion. Hie course proposedby De- metrins was Che most agreeable to his temper, and, apperentlj, the best suited to bis inlereat. It held out the temptation of immediate gain. By an attempt to balance the two parties he might only incur the enmity of both. If either Was to preTail, be had leas to fear from the one whoee seat of empire was the more distant; and it waa much safer to reckon on Rome's weakness ttian on ber gratitude.He. however, at once adopted the views of Demetrius, but, without disclosing his real ntotife, held a coun- cil of his friends, and proposed the question of ipeacD with the Jltolians. Aratus himself was willing to put on end to the war, which ho oould not expect to conclude on more faTonra- fale terma than at 3 time when the Achnan arms were ever^bera proqyerous. The rest "riha council prob^y saw and yielded to the king's wishes. Without waiting for the envoys of the mediatingstates, be despatched a Nan- pactianprisoner, named Cleonieas, to open the negotiation with the .Stolians. They were now heartily tired of the war, and eagerlyac- cepted his overtures. He himaelf proceededto PanormuB, on the coast opoosileNaopactns, and smmnoned a eongreaa Mthe allies to meet him there. After the ooogreaa bad mat, aa embassy, beaded by Aratoa and Tanrion,wb" sent over to Naupactua, where the i^lt^ian* were aaeemUed, and ."toliaii envoys cama to reqnaat Plulipto erase over and condode lbs tmty in pemou. He aceordinglrtnnaponad his forces aoroos the guU; and enoampod at s distODoe of twoor thraemileafTHnNaapMtns. Tie negotiation then proaeoded i^Mlj,fee boOi partieawere equally dasirooa of poMO. Philip prapoMd, as ttiebasia of the beaty, that each aboBld retain lAat itthen peeaeased: tlw MltAiMn* readDyaaaented, and it only then r"" matned to oome to a mntiiiil nttdentandhv oa Ihe ooDstmetioa of this prindpla and Its appli- cation in detail. Many oanfemMas wen bald for this MTpOM, and,on tbo lint of these oeca- aioiH,a Nairoairtiaanamed Agelaaa ia repatted to have addreseed a memorable warning to PUCp and the asaemUed ministera. He m" minded them that there never bad bean a tiroB ,. hen the Qreeka bad not great need of onion, and reaaon to be vary tha^diil to the gods,if^ by their combined oxerttons,they oould protect tbeoMelves against the intni of the borbariana. Bat the dangerwas now visibleand imminent. It eoold not be supposed that either Rome at Carthage, if viotorioiuin their presenteonteat, wonld retoain content with the poasessioo "( Italy and Sidty. Aa the safety of the Qreeka dqiended on their onion,so Philip'sseonrtty lay in the good will and oonfidence of thtt Greeks, and it was bis interest not to consuma their strength, bot, on the contrary, to cherish it as the firmest defence of his throne. If he was bent on conqnmt, Italypreseoted an ample field for his ambition. Let him reserve his qoarrels with the Greeks for a seaaon of great- er leisure,but, above all, let him take care to keep the power of warring and treating with them in his own hand ; for if the cloi^ then gathering in the West should ooce lower nmo Oreece, itwas to be feared that there wonM bo an end forever lo their child's play of hoatilitiaa and negotiations, and they would wish in vala to recall the tnna when peace and war, or a^ other subject of pabliodeliberation, waa in their These warnings would have coma too late, even if they had producedmore than a momen- tary impression;, bot it is doubtful whether they were attended with any practical eflfect, except so far as they happened 10 coincide with the temporaryviewB and feelings of the hearera. Age^oawas afterward raised to the highest dignity in the state j bat in this choice his countrymen probablyexpressed the need tbey bad felt of the peace which he helped to cim"- elude, rather than dieir aense of hia politicel sagacity.Philip look hia advice eo lar as it tallied with his pracoooelveddesigna; but did not let it move him one step towaida a men liberaloonrae of pottoy. .. , , V, mSTORV OP ORGECe. CHAPTER LXVI. Grrbcb was now permitted to e^joj another dwrt interval ofrepoae, while Philip ratnrned to Macedonia, where hia preaenoe waa needad to protect hia northwest frontier acainat the inroada of Scerdilaidaa. Ha waa fblljr ooca- pied in tbia qnarterdaring the reat of the auin- mat of SI7, and, in the ensoingwinter, he in- ereaaad his navy with 300 new gBlle;B, built on the lUjrian model. In the ^ring he em- barked hia forces, and Bailed roond Pelopon- "eana into the Adriatio. Though Italr waa up- peinwat in hia thougbta, ao aa to hauot hta dteama, be thought it neceaaarr, before be oraaaad the channel, to aecure hia dominiona "lore eflectuall; agiiiaat Soerdilatdaa, and for this porpoae reaolved to make an expedUioa to the ooaat of lUyria. He eipeotad, it aeeina, that Ilie Roniana would aend luccountoSoer- dilaidaa, aa, in bet, the Illrrian, wbsD ha beaid of Fhilip'a maritiiaB preptuationa, had requeat- ad tbem to do ; and tu therefbre waitM for a""ie time between Cephallenia and Lenoaa la wcertain the moTenwDta of the Roman fleet. But,having learoed that itwaa atiU at when he Teoeired advice that Roman galley bad been aeeu at Rhegium boond for Apollonia. BeliBTiiig that the whale Roman fleet waa at band, be gave immediate oiden tor retreat, and, as if chaaed by a victorioua enemy, pnahed fiHward day and nigbt, untilhe reached Cephal- and the Romu people ; and having been oonr-- teovalyentertained, and sent ftirwafd by Ae prator, found meana to escape from hia oacoit, and to reach Hannibal's qnaitere at Capua. He there negotiated a treaty, which is rspoited by Livy,* and transcribed,apparently in AiU, t^ PolybiuB;t but tbe Roman histonan's re- port diflbrs easentially from the copy preserved by the Greeic author; and it ia probable Uiat false aecoonta of the aiticlea were drcnlsted by the Rinaan govemnieni, for the pntpose of inflainingpnUic reaentment against Philip. It was a treaty of friendship, tiaterni^, and id- liance, oAnaive and defenaiTe, betmen tbo Carthaginians and their allieson the one put, and the Haoedonians and the otber Greeka, their allies, on the other ; and it stipnlued that Philip should aid tbe CarthaginiaDa in their war with the Romans, and that, whan this ahould be brought to a the Romana ahould n" their poaaeasiona on the eastern sHe o( tns Adriatic, and should restore all that they bad takwn from Demetrius of niaros : die Caitfaa- nn^na mre to soooonr Philip uainst t' Romans, and all other enemiea. It aniea: tlierelbre, that he bad i thoBgbta of oonqoeat in the West, and snly wished to be relieved 6tMa the restraints which Rtnne had laid on hia ambition ; but it is not clear what advantage he was to derive from the treaty : wliereas,aocordinffto other reports,Oreeee, Epins, and the a . The pi dbya a squadron of only ._._ taehed from the fleet at Lilyhmm. Phihp, however, after a Mboit stay, to colour bia fli^t with some pretence of aflaiia to be tranaacied in Peloponnesus, returned to Macedonia, and ^ipears to have remained inactive during tbe reat of the year. In the meanwhile the battle of CannK seemed to have extinguished the last hopes of Rome. Philip's aid was beoome BO much the less important to the conquerors ; and if he had ever expected conceaaions of leirilory in Italy, as tbe price of his alliance, be could DO longer flatter himaelf with such a ptoapect. Yet, aceordisg to Livy,' it wa" only after he bad received the tidings of this third great dinater of the Roman aims that be resolved on sending envoys to Hannibal. But it aeems hardly credible that there should not have been, aome previouacorreepondence between them, and the difficulty of eluding de- tection might perhaps account for the lengtb of tbe delay, and for Philip's apparent aupine- nesa. Now, however, towards tbe end of the ^ year B.C. 31S, he sent an embassy, with Xe- nophanes, an Athenian, at its head,to conclude a treaty with the Carthaginians. The envoys landed safely in tbe south of Italy, but were stDn"ed in Ajtulia, on their road to Capua, by Roman soldiora, who led them to the camp of II.Valeriua Lsvinns, the prKtor. Here Xc- nophanes pretended that he waa on his way to RMse, to conclude an alliance between Fbilip I a^ieais. Three Carthaginianenvoys were aent with Xe- nophanee when he returned ; but the ship in which they sailed was captoredby a Roman sqoadron, which waa guarding Uie coast of Calabria. Xenophanes endeavoured to de- ceive the Rwnan oommander by a repetition of bia fbnner artifice ; hot the presenoe of tbe CarthagiDians led to a iKaoovery of the truth, and the envoys were sent, vrith afltheir papers, to Rome. The senate imsMsdialely resolved not to wait for a Macedonian invaaion. A fleet of fifty sail waa ordered to watcb Philip's movemeDt) ; and the prntor, M. Valerius,was directed, if occaaion should afpeu, to cross over to Macedonia, and endeavour to find em- ployment for the king at home. In the mean- ' PHILIP BEFORE APOLLONIA." DEATH OF ARATUS. 437 while,bowsTCT, Pbllip learned the diBwrter of Im nnbaBBy from a ship which escaped when they were taken ; but as he did not exen know the resnlt of the negotiation, he waa (Aliged to KDd a fresh embaatj to Hannibal ; and,Ihoagfa it executed its eoroniiaeioD auoceMnilly, the nnnnMr "3I6) was spent before it retnrned to Macedonia. We hear of no mttitaiyoperations (mdert^un by Philip this Tear. But he paid a nut lo P^ponneaas, with what view does Dot appear, accompanied bj Demetrius the Fbarian ; and on this occasion we learn bow littlehe had imbibed the liberal principiea of AgelaiiB. Discord bad grown so fierce between the aristocraticaland the democcstical party It UessKie, that it threU"ned to break oat into open violence. Aratus, again for the sii- leenth time General of the League, was on his road lo Messene, with his son, to preserve tranqnaiity and heal the breach. But Philip "rrived the dsj belbre, and tecretly ftnned the lUme, artiag the magistrates whether they had BO taws to eontr"ri tl^ mnltittide, and Ab den- oeratica]leaders irttether they had not bands io reatst tyrants. Thns instig^ed, the party is power provoked its adversaries by injndi- ooua severity, and a tumnlt ensned, in whidi all the magistrates and abnat SOO privatepersons *ere massacred. It seems to have soon be- *Bd,even after it had taken plac", instead of okleavoaring to reconcile the contending par- lies, he manifestly did his utmost to irritate ikeir mutual animosity. Aratus and his son vere deeplydisgusted with this conduct, and "^younger, who had hitherto treated Philip vith the affection of an elder friend towards U amiable youth,gave vent to his indignation n bitter reproaches, addressed to him in the ^Mtre. Philip was evidentlystung, but fbr- "e to reply, and proceeded with the elder Aratusand Demetrius to sacrifice on the sum- "iulof Itbome, At the usual inspection of the Bntrails, he consulted his two advisers,whether a seemed to be the will of the gods that he "uld keep the citadel,or restore it to the Messenians. The Pharian bade him interpret the omens as a king, and hold the ox by both ''"'ug. Thekingunderstood the allusion to the 'wo Bttongbolds which commanded the penin- "", and entreated Aratus, who remained long ""ent,to deliver his opinions. At length be ramnded the king that he had not tbongbt it ''^'^"sary to seize the mountain holds of Crete, w B"sot!a, or Phocis,or Acamania, but had "i"rlo found itsufficient in those lands to se- '"n the affection and confidence of the people, tad he would never gainany stronger fortress "an thosein Peloponnesus, Philip, though he must have been conscious that this truth was "p longer seasonable, still retained so much '"tie or respect for Aratua, that he dropped, ""'the time, his half-formed treacherous proj- f^ But Aratus felt that his influence was *Jt, and he kept henceforth more and more ""Of froTi the court ; and the next Bumroer, "|Mn Philip undertook a fresh expeditioa to the "^t of Illyria, declined to accompany him.* rhilip'a object in this expedition was to ^^himselfmaster of Apollonia and OricBm, the possession of which he seems to have n-' garded as an indispensable preliminary to the invasion of Italy. He had sailed np the Aous" with 120 galleys, had taken Oricum by assaulir and was besiegingApollonia, when the pretor, M. Valerius, to Whom the people of Oricum had sent for succour, anirei on the coast. He immediately recovered Oricum, and a de- tachment of SOOO men. which he sent to Apol- lonia, surprised the Macedonian camp in the night, and as Valerius immediatelybrought np his fleet to the mouth of the river,Philip was forced to bum his ships and retreat over land, leaving his baggage,ammunition, and a great part of the arms of his troops in the enemy's hands. Sucb was the issue of his firsttrial of strength with Rome. In the interval of leisaro left by this disaster, he a^in turned his thoo^ts to Peloponnesus. Whatever impres- sion had been made on his mind t^ the maiimr of AratOB bad been eShced by the suggestions of Demetrins, who was always by his side. As if repenting of his weakness, he sent De- metrius to surprise Messene ; but the attempt failed, and Demetrius himself was slain,* His genius,however, seemed ever after to preside' in Philip's councils, for it was, in fact,not un- like Philip'sown, Polybius seems to have- greatlyexaggerated the influence which this adventurer eiercised on the young king's char- acter, and Plutarch saw more of the troth, when he supposed that the germes of all the vices which rendered the man so odious were- only concealed in the boy, and waited for time and 0|q)0rtnnity to unfold lhcm,f though Plu- tarch appears also to exaggerate, when he rep- resents Philipas. even in tiis early years, only restrained by fear Irom the full indulgence of his evil nature ;t it was, no doubt,constanUy gainingslrength. and not merely brought ta light, but cherished and matured by prosperity^ and power, flattery and bad councils. But. when he had stifled his sense of decency and honour, and thrown off his respect for public- opinion, his progress in crime became fearfnlly rapid. To revenge himself on the Messenians for his disappointment and for the loss of his- favourite, he ravaged their territory, and Ara- tus did not suppress his displeasure. He had also discovered that Philip had abused his son's- hospitality to corrupt bis wife, and it was per- haps chiefly on (his account that Philip resolveif to silence his remonstrances. He found s ready instrument in Taurion, who undertook to remove Aratus, as his master proposed,by slow poison.^ It took effect while he wa" filling the office of general for the seventeenth time. The symptoms seemed to him to betray the cause of his disorder, and he referred it at once to its author, but he only once disclosef bis anspicions to a. trustyattendant, observing,, as he noticed one of the tokens of the poison, " This is the reward of my (riendship for * PdTb,, fii., 19. ihkt of Appuji, i"bi dguh bT lbs Ronuiu, t Ar., 1 1 Pofyb., nil,, 14, nm., Ar., M. irtti h" """! indipcDifBDcanTunii "pnufiDCe njlb RnoM, On (h* otki LDthnTtl^ flnallrDotwaif hf li"fii"7XttT- tonfinstd bj thtopjaioaat iLfr HISTOBV Of OBEBeE. Pliilip." H"waB aebHtied,Polybiuacemarka,* of Philip'B iugralituile. But tlus shame wa" probably blended witli a more or less distinct coDsciauanesa of those fatal errors b; which he bad himself suuk in the esteem of all re- Heeling men. He uiiild scarcely but feel that Ptiilip coutd Dot haiB been imgratelul, if he himBelf had not been culpabljimprudent, and had not saciifioedtbeweUara of his country to pet^ paaaiona. That ha Aould perishthrough the STta of t)M man whom he had bo faithfuU; served,w"s a kind of retributionwhich might well hare awakflned both abame and remorse. His coimtiTiiien,howeTer, remembered onJj bis ancient eeTTioM. Hi* remains were cwt- vejed from jfiginm, where he died,to his Da- tive city, which earneatlyclaimed them. Both law and a deefdy-rooted superstition forbade the buiying of a corpse within the walla ; but an oracle was brou^t from Delphi, which waa understood aa an iqjunction to treat the re- mains of Axatus aa the relioa of a tiero, and tbeywere interred with feslife pomp in an ea- cloaure dedicated to him a* the founder of the city, aitd one of its tutelarypowers. The day on which be had delivered it from its tyrants, as well aa that of his birth,were commemora- ted by yearlysacrificea, for which a priestwas asaigiied to him, uid these ntea were still celebrated, thoiuh with diminished splendour, in the time of Plutarch, three centuries after his death,when his poaterity were stilldwell- iug in Sicyon and Fellens. Valerius, with s ain^ legion and a fleet of "llyships,keptPhilipoccupied, while the Ro- mans were recoveringground in Italy. Until the tidehad beguD to turn, allGreece remained in suspense. Even the ."tolians, though as iHistile as ever to Philip, and now again weary of peace, did not venture 1" declare "^selTes. But after the faU of Syiacnse and Capua, Vale- liiis, havingpreTioudy sounded Scopaa andDo- nmachus, induced then) to aumokon an assem- bly, which be attended in person, and whicli he persuaded to conclude an alliance, offensiveand defenaive,with Rome, Ehs and Sparta, Scer- dilaidasand his sou PleuratuB,tand Attalus of Fergamus, were included in the treaty as their ^lies. The conquered towns and territory were to belongto them, the qioil to the Jlomaus ; and it wae expresslystipulated that Acamania should be reduced under their dominion. They then declared war againstPhilip, and the Ro- nians began to execute their part of the coo- (tact,though the year (3U) was now drawing to a close. They made themselves masters of Zacynthua all but the citadel of the town, and wrested CEniada and Nazos from the Acama- nians ; and having delivered all up to their al- lies, returned to Corcyra. Philip bad l^en up his quarters for the winter at Fella when thia news reached him, and as he eipected that his presence would be required in Greece early in the following spring, he immediately took the field again to striketerror into bis western and northern neighbours. Afteran expedition into Illyria, in which he advanced as fiir as Apollo- nla, he returned eastward to the borders of B) dnchlhd mi tht aoa at S" : Tbessaly, where he left4000 man under Per. B"us to guard the pass of Tempo, and then ' marched northward to invade the territory of the MKdiaoa, a tribe la the interior of Thrace, wtio were used to infest his frontier during his absence from home. He had laid siege to their chief city,Jampborina, when Acamanian en- voys came to his camp to implore his succour against the .^lolians,who, hearing of bis Thra- cian expedition, had collected all their forces under Scopas for the conqnest of Acaroania. In the mean while,however, tbe Acamaaiana 49paaed a firm oountenance to their enemy's ai^Miior force. They sent their wives,children, and men past sixty into Epims ; the rest bound themselves by oath to conquer or die, pronoon- ced tenible imprecations on all Acamaniaoa who should harbour a fugitive from tbe army, and adjured the Epirots not to receive dds, but, should fortnne prove adverse,to inter the slain ia a oonunon grave, with an inscription record- ing that they bad fallen in defeoce of their country against the violence of the .i"tolians.' Thus prepared,they marched to the border to await the enemy's aroroacb. But the Italian leaders began to doubt whether itwould be safe to drive men who showed such a spiritto ex- tremilicB ", and when they heard that Philip was on his march to succour the Acamaniana, they abandoned their enterprise. The king had advanced by forced marches south of Dium, when he was informed of their retreat, and he then returned to Fella for the rest of the winter- Early in the next spring(310} Lcvinus sailed into the Corinthian Gulf, and combined his for- ces with those of tbe ."toIians, to besiege the Locrian town of Anticyra ; and when itsurren- dered, disposed of the place and the booty ac- cording to the terms of the treaty. He was called away immediately after by tidings that he bad been elected consul, and P. Sulpicius Galba appointedto succeed him ; and on bis return to Rome he advised that the legion should be withdrawn, as tbe fleet would su]Sce to secure the coast of ItalyagainstFhilip, who was now occupied with a war nearer home. Galba found himself indeed strong enough lor this purpose, and for aggresaion on Philip's de- fenceless allies, though not for any more im- portant operations. . He made his appearance on the eastern coast of Greece, conquered i"gina,and,having carried off the inhabitants as slaves, put tbe .Italiansin possession of it.t But their united forces were not able to raise the siogeofEchinus, which surrendered to Phil- ip after they had been defeated in an assault on Ihe Macedonian camp.l The presence of the Romans only served to keep the balance even, which would otherwise have inclined in Phil- ip's favour. The war in other respects assumed Ihe character of that which had been termioa- ted by Ihe treaty of Naupactus. Spartawas again induced to side with her own allies, though now under a didbrent leader. Lycur- guB, who bad Boon forced his young colleague Agesipolis lo go into exile, hod been succeeded by another usurper named Machanidas, tboufh he had left a son of tender years, Pelnps, who seems to have been permitted to retain a shad- ow of royally. The Achseans again found in.,8,9, 1 ibu.,ii., a PHlLOPtEMEN." PHILIP AT ARGOS. 4U Ihemaetves exposed to the descents of tbe ."lo)iBns on their coasts, while Machanidas and the Eleaoa pieaaed them on the land aide ; and in the year 209 they were bo much distressed by these attscks, that they were obliged 1 licitaid from Philip, Yet they now poaaessed an adraittage which they had not enjoyeit tbe last war : they had a man amon^ them " pable of seeing and drawing forth their military strength, aswell as of conducting it in the field. Pfailoptcmen had returned, aftera longabsence, to hia native city. AAer the battle of Sellasia he had declined tbe offers of AntigoDus, who irould hare taken him into hia serrice.* He wiahed to enlarge hi* militaty esperisDce, but not to caerifice hia penonalindependeDce-, and be therefore preferredseekingemployment i Crete, which waa at thia time agitatedby _ civil warbetvreenCnoaansaDd Lyttus, in which all the other citieBofthe island took part. Cnoa- soa was in alliance with the j"toliana, and ob- tained jEtolian anccotir ; and when the Social War broke out, her enemies addressed Ihem- selres to Philip aitd the Achsana, who admit- ted them into their alliance and furnished them with troops. The contest thus became mately connected with that which waa carried on Bt the same cime in Greece ; and Ihmigh Ptiiloptemenonlysought far a school of war there can be little doubt which aide he choee , and in the end the whole island was bronght over to the Achno-Macedonian confederacy.t Philopcemen.however, seems not to hare re- tamed to Greece ao soon as tranquillity was restored io Crete, but to have remained abroad until the time when tbe Achteans began to be harassed by the attacka of Machaoidas. His reputation had precededhim, and at the next election he was appointed commaDder of the Achsan cavalry. He found this,as allother parts of the army, in a very dcfecliie condition. The wealthier citizens, though bound by lawto personal aervice in the cavalry, had been al- lowed, ttirough connivance of tbe magistrates who precededPhilopcemen, to evade the per- formance of their duty,t and they had been used to send substitutes wretchedlymounted, unpractised, and timid. He immediately a^ plied his attention to remedy this abuse. By the exertion of hia authority, combined with personalinfluence, he induced tbe youths of the higher class 1o serve in peraon, excited their zeal and emulation, and in the course of a short time, by training and exercise,formed Ihem into a well-organized body, which exe- cuted all iiB movements with easy and orderly promptitude.Philipcomplied the more readily with the request of tbe AchEans, aa Attalus of Pergamns. on whom the /CtoSians,by sn ex- tmordinary decree, had conferred the title of their chief magistrate, was reportedto be on the point of crossing over to Europe. On his march throughThessaly he found an "lolian army at Lamia, re-enforced by auxiliariea fur- nished by Attains, and 1000 Romans sent by Gnlba,4 under the command of Pynhia^, who had been appointed either colleague or lieutcn- 1 Ibul.,J . Plot, Ptiilar.. T t P"ilyb., .ii" ant to the King of Pergamus,* lliey were worsted, however, in two enzagements, and forced to take shelter behind the walla of La- mia, while Philip advanced to Phalara on tlM Malian Gulf Here he waa met byenvoya from Ptolemy, Rhodes, Chios, and Athens, who came to offer their mediation', and tbe ."to- lians themselves were so far moved by the re- monstrancea of the envoys, who pointed out the imminent daofferwith which the liberty of Greece waa threatened by Roman interference, that they had engagedAmynander, chief of the Athenian*, to negotiate on their behalf A truce was concluded for thirtydays, within which a day was fixed for anAchEasassemUr at j"giQin. Philip then continued his mai^ southward,and,having left a punton at Chal- eis In Eubtea,to protect it againstAttalus, pro- ceeded with a KnaU escort of cavalry and U^ troops 10 Argoe, where he was honoured with the presideoce of the Heman and Nemeon games expresslyon the ground of his Argive descent : a delicate piece of flattery, which as- sumed his connexion with the ancient line of the Macedonian kings: a relation whioh he Ibndtyclaimed, but could hardiy prove. After the celebration of the Hersa, he repaired to the congress at .lEgtum.t But, in the mean while, the views of ^e .Etotians had been changed by the arrival of Attains at jEgina, and of the Roman fleet at Naupactus.They now took the tone of conquerors, and demanded the realitn- tion of Pylos to the Messenians, and cesaions of territory for the Romans and their Dlyrian allies. Philipindignantly broke off the ne^ tiatioo, and leaving 4O00 men for the protection of the AchEeans, returned to Argos to celebrate the Nemean festival. But in the midst of this entertainment, be was called away by the ti- dings that Galba,having crossed over from Naupactus, was ravaging the coast between Sicyon and Corinth. Tie immediatelypat him- self at the head of his cavalry,ordering the in- fantry to follow, and hastened to repel the in- vasioD,surprised the Romans while theywere spread over the country and encumbered with spoil, and drove them, with some loss,to their ships. He then returned to enjoy the gloiy of his victory, and to finish the celebration of tha games at Argoa. He was stillfond of Iheshad- ow of popularity, thoui^ he cared littlefor real aflectionand esteem. To gratify the multitude, id aside the diadem and the purple, and as- sumed the garb of a private citizen ; but,at the same time, he indulged his passions in the most tyrannical license ; and where the arts of se- duction were unavailing, forced husbands and parents to aacrifice the honour of their families to his lust. He hsd already carried offthe wife of the younger Aratns into Macedonia, and had murdered her husband by drugs which deprived '"'m of his reason. Soon after tbe festival he set out od an ex- ^dition against Etis, which had received an "tolian garrison within itswalls. Philiphoped to expel the .lEtolians, and again to enrich hia army with the spoil of that fertile region. At Qyme he was jomed by the Achaan forces iin- lAt.,an.,3D. Dorm Pjnlm,^raai"i lama tr '""- ^"ftlW^ 4H HISTORY OF GREECE. der UiB General Cjdiades Bud Philopamen. Nsiu the banks of the I.arisua, the oonfine of Elia and AchaJa,they (bund the enemy waiting toi tbem, and a sharp akinnish of cavalry en- Boed, Id which Philoptemen slew ths Etean oommandeT Damophantus with hia own hand. The JDvadera met with no farther reeistance until the? reached the gates of "Ub : but they were not aware that Galba had landed at Cyl- lene, and had entered the city with 40(X) mea The presence of the Romans was only discoT- OTsd aAer an engagement had begun between the jGtolians and the Macedonian lighttroops. It was too late to retreat, and Philipcharged the Romans at the head of bis caTalry. His hone waa killed under him, and he narrowly escapedbeing made prisoner, but fought brave- Ijonfoot until the combat became too unequal, "ud he was forced to mount another horse and quit the Held. Vet the enemy had not gained any ndnntage which tempted them to seek a fresh eagagement. He marched the next day "gainst the stronghold where most of the eoontiy peopto bad taken tetage with their cattle, carried it at the first assault, and foand 4000 pereona and 20,000 head of cattle within. Whils he was dividing this spoQ, he received tidings of revolt in his own dominions, and of flmatening movements among the Dardanians, and hastened back to the north,leaving MiOO men for the protection of the Achnana. It turned oat that the Dardanians had been en- oonraged to invade Macedonia by a rumom- of his death, arising out of an accident,through v^ch one of the omaraents of his hehnet hav- ing been broken off, had follen into (he hands of an Mtoi\a.n, who had sent it Ut Scerdilaidas. After his departure, Galba sailed eastward to join Attains at "gina, which the .iGtolians made over to their royalally for thirtytalents,* and the Achasana found themselves strong enough to invade Messenla. and gained a vic- tory over Uie Eleans and j^totians near Mes- Tbe prospect which opened on Philip with the followingspring(208) was more threaten- ing than any that had presented itselfsince his Mcession to the throne. A storm seemed to be gathering in every quarter of his horizon. IDs enemies, either by concert or coincidence, were preparing to attack htm at once on every "ssailaUe point, Qalba and Attains, having wintered together at ^gina, sailed to Lemnos with a fleet of sixtypentereme galleys, of irtiich twenty-five were Roman, and were vis- iUy meditating a blow on some of his maritime possessions, while the J^tolians resumed their operations with redoubled activity in the West. Philip had assembled his forces at Larissa, and took up hie quarters at Demetrias, as the most convenient station for watching the ene- my's movements, and here he received alarm; 1m and importunate embassies from all his alues. The Achnana again needed succonr, liMr Machanidas had taken the field with a Ibree which, it seems, turned the scale deci- dedly against them. The neighbours of the ."toliana,especially the Acanianians, were suffering from their inroads, and they were fortifying the pass of Tbermopylc with a fosse and rampart. At the same time,the Illyrians " NrtL, uii.,M"^ and MndisiiB were stirring to invade Macedo* nia in his absence, and the hostile fleet had crossed over to Peparathus, its troops were iging the island, and its chief town wss hardly able to hold ont. It was on this side that the danger seemed moet pressing, for it ~ ~ s clear that Attalue and Galba were aiming attack on Eubifa, the loss of which would have almost entirely shut out the King of Ma- oedonia from the south of Greece. Philip dis- missed allthe envoys with cheeringpromiaes, his first care was to send troops into Pcp- arethus and Bceotia, and to strengthen the gar- rison of Chalcis. He himself proceeded t" Scotussa, to put himself at the head of his army, and moved by forced marches upon Her- aotea,hoping to surprise Attains and an ."to- lian assembly which had been convened there to confer with their royalally. But he arriTod. loo late for this purpose, and,havingravaged. the Malian plain, rotreatad to Scotassa, where he left his army and returned with his saoort to Demetrias. Not knowing what point wouU soonest require hia presence, be ordered bea- cons to be erected on conspicnonsheights in, Phocis,Eubisa, and PepareCbus, and a watch- ' er on Mount Tisscus,at the entranoe af bay of Pagass, so as to eomraanieate the earliest intelUgenee of the enemy's approach. The allied fleet had moved from PepareUiua. Nicna, on the Malian coast, and thenoe CTosaed over to the north of Eubsa, to lay Orens. Altalus was to invest it on the land side, the Romans from the ssa ; butr before they began the assault,they gained Plator, the commander of the Macedonian gar* risen,who betrayed the town into their handa. He interceded,however, for the garrisOQ, which was sent by sea to Demetrias : he him- self entered the service of Attains. The Ro- mans plundered the town. "Rirough Plater's treachery, the beacons had not informed Philip, of the danger of Oreus until it would have been too late to relieve it,even if he had been able to send succours by sea. But when, he learned that Chalcis was threatened, he in* stantlyrejoined hia army at Scotussa, ami marched southward with almost incredible ra- pidity, forcing his way through the .^tolian intrenchments at Thermopyls, and reaching: Elatee the same day. But, in the mean while, the Roman general had abandoned the enter- prise of Chucis, where the road was danger- ous, the town strong and well garrisoned, and the officers faithfulto their master, as hope- lass, and had sailed back to Cynus, the port- of Opus. The city surrendered at the first eight of the enemy, and was abandoned by Galba ts the Asiatic troops, as a compensation for the plunder of Oreus ; and Attains was. nearlysurprised hero by Philip, while he lin- gered 10 extort money from the principal citi- zens. He was soon after recalled to Asia by intelligenoe that hia dominions had been inva- ded by hia neighbour, Pruaias of Bythiitia, and SulpiciuB, on his departure, retreated to j"gi- na. Philip, after the conquest of two or three places held by the j^tolians, proceeded to Ha- lea, where he had appointed a meeting with the envoys of Ptolemy and the Rhodians, who had been renewing their attempts at mediation in the J:toIian wsembly at Beradea. Bat PHILIP'S MOVEMENTS." PHILOPCBHEN'S REFORM. the Gonferenoa wai ioMmipMd by m report that Miichaaiilas "aa prepariog to anack Olym- piaduiiugltaecelebratiODorihegainea. Philip, m^r to tppear as the protector of the national aoleamilj, diamisMd the enToya with profea- sk"na of Ub desire Tor peace, and aet forward towanU EUa.* But when he arriTed id Arca- dia, tw fouad that Maehantdaa, alarmed b; the i^Kirt of hie approaoh, hed retnmed to Sparta. He himselT prooeeded to jEgimn, to meet a ooogieae of the AchBana ; aod he aeeins to ]ia*e felt it itecoBaary, not only to auiniUe bis alUee 1^ exaggeiaied Btatemenla of hii re- Mnt aneceBS, but to atrengthea their attach- Ktent by some ooDceaaions of territory.He, at leaat,lecoptiaed the claim of the Achnana to Tiii^lia and Hema, and that of Megalop- oile to Alipheta.-t He had expected to find at "giiim a Carthanniaii fleet which had been broo^t to hia aid the year before,} and had "eat a aqoadrOD to join it in the Corinthian QidT.^ Bnt the Carthaginianadmiral, hBTina burd that Attaloa and the Raaians had 1^ whhiB the golf, had lailed aw^ to the eoast "f Aeanania. He, neveitheleeB, oroeaed over with aix AehMan gaUeya to Antioyra, where he Arand hia own aqnadron,and, after a de- acent (or the pnrpeae of plunder on the coast of "ttdia, aailed to Corinth ; and, lending hia land foreea home throughBootia, rstamed by aea to Demetriaa, and thenoe to Macedonia, wbere he waa occupiedduring tbe reat of the year with the cbaatiaemcnt of the Dardaoiaaa, Bod with the enlargement ofhia navy, for which he placed 100 war galleys on the stocks at Caasandrea. Tbe ftoliana would, it aeema, have been willing, after the departure of Attains, to aban' don the war, in which they had gainedno ad- Tsntace adequate to their eObrts ; bnt Galba eludea their wiahea under tbe idea that be bad no auUiority to treat for peace, while, in a se- cret deapatch, be represented to tbe senate that the iotersat of Rome required the contin- nanoe of the war in Greece. The senate is said to bare fortidden them to treat, and to hare sent a re-enfbrcement to their ud, with which they made themselves mastera of Am- Inaeia.ll But it appears that these iWii tnuj wiLb Philip(Lii., were soon recalled, and that for two yean af- ter tbe .lEtoliana were left to carry on tbe war alone. The; would acorcely have been able to maintain it ao long if Philip had not been freqaenlly diTertsd from tbem by the hostility of his bwbetiaD neighbours; for,during this interval, the energy of PbUojKemen infused new vigour into tbe Achnan League, and de- livered it from its most formidable enemy. At tbe election which followed next after the campaign just related,Philopcemeu was raised, for uie firat time, to the office of gen- eral.* As t)w Buocess of tbe reforms which he had introduced In tbe cavalry bad contribo- ted mainly to his elevation, it both enoouraged him to undertake still greater changes, and served to smooth the way for them. As a Greek,jealous of liberty, as a patriotic citixea of the Actusan League, and as a soldier pas- sionately fond of hie ait, he had reason to be very mucb dissatioGed with die existing stata ofthiag*. HelbuidtbeAcbsaiis,tlion^lbe]i 1 . " ._. TeWea. to a. which they might have repelledb. . exertions, and purchasingsuoooors, which kept them subject to Macedonia, by aubaidiea whieb. ought to have contributed to the aumwit of tbeir own armies. Though almost always at war, tb^ had aot become a militarypeople.. Tbeir chief strengthlay in their nwrcenai^ force,which,tbougb a heavy burden on Hwir- resources, sometime* failedtham in the hour of need, and waa never quitetnwtworthy in tbft service of a free state. This defect was inti- mately connected with tbe personalqualitioa of the man who had for so many years exer- cised almost abeolute sway over their councils. Aratus, himself destitute of military talenta and martial spirit, was neither capable nor de- sirous of training a, nation of soldiers. For the extension of the League, he reliedon bold stratagems, deilerous negotiations, or simid" corruption ; and be was content to meet everj exigency aa it arose by eu"A expedients as ne- cessity suggested. 'Hie men who filled thsr chief magistracyduring the same period, in the- alternate years, were mostlf his friends and' creatures, withont either ahUityor cbaraeter adequate la the conception of a ditrerent qs-- tem. The habits of the Acbmui citizenswer" totallyforeignto a milituy life -, the; had "" keen taste for luxurious eiyoymeDts, and weiA- much addicted to frivolous ostentation in dresA and furniture, b; which many were led into ex* penditure whicli exceeded their mean*. These tastes the; carried with them into the camp, while Ibeyregarded its service as an irksome task, and grudged whatever they were obliged to lay out on tbeir martial accoutrementa. Philopcemen saw that to raise bis eouiitr;mea to the place which theyought to occupy among tbe states of Greece, it was necessa^ both to inorganixe the army and to cbai^ tha wbola course of their social usages, tastes, ud fe"d- ~~ . (p.m, a. 4M HISTORY OF GREECE. inp. The former of th"e objects was by ftr the least difficult: it onlyreqntred the conseiit of the assembjr to his scheme, and a fen moDtha' trainins, tc carry it hrto eBect. The latter would ha*e seemed hepeleaa to another man, and could only hare been acoomplirited by the peraoDal influence of one in whran his fbUow-citiiena felt pride aa weD as confldenee. PhilopcBineD achiered both with stngnlerease, and in a aurprisingty short tiine. He Mbsti- ShteUa for the light v^pmenta' of the AchcaD tnbntiy, and trauied it to tbe chiee anay and mm^oated erohitions of Uie Macedonian pha- lanx. At the aame thne that he obtained teave to introduce thia changCihe,by aajnglespeech, tBrned tbe current of publicopinion and aenti- meni into a new channel. He exposed tbe ef- Ibmiaacy of that lumry in whtofa the wealthy youtha had been nsed to Tie with one another, and poinled their emolatioD to diflbrent objects, ia irtiioh peraonaldis^y weald be sMOciated with tlie ideaa of (oil,bardahip,danger,patri- otic aaerifioeo, doty, and glory, and eo would be neither enemting nor fiitile. When tbe point of honour waa onoe ahilled, the baUta oftikc rich anderwant a ruiid change. They b^an to take pride in the a|Nendour of militaiy "quipments, and to ourtail their other eipen- MS, tiiU tbey niiriit niake a better appearance "t Uie teriew. Ttieir plate waa aent to the onieiUe, to be employed in the deooralion of aniia aiid eaparisons. No arta were so much in tequeet as those which rainiBtered to Ibe pomp and Inaire of war. It waa thoi^t ridio- nloiia to be seen ricbly attired except on tbe parvde. Philopcnnen took can that tbeae ez- bibitiona abould wM be an empty show, but "ocompanied with a constant invgiess in the knowledge and practice of a"rfdienWp. He went Toond tbe cities of tbe Leagueto nwpect and exereise their contingenta, ud to asiiiiate them br hia exhortatioBa and hia exainpte. In the course of lesa than eig^t montlM he had Armed on army, with wtUch he was ready to take the field against Machanidaa. The Spartan chief bad entered Arcadia with a foimidaUe force,and expected to overrun Tegsa that the Achsana had aasemtded tbeir ftroes at Mantinea, and he hastened, tbe next day, to meet tbem there, with full confidence of a deciniTe Tictoiy, which would make hitfi master of PdoponneaoB. The core of his army was a LaoedBmonian phalanx, armed and t"r- ganiied like that of tbe Atdueans ; but he had also a attoQg body of meroeDBriea in hia ser- vice. Stioh were alao the gioaterpart of Phil- fitreea before Mantinea,so as to place his pha- tanx brtiind a trench which erosecd the middle oftbei^ain, with the lightinlhntry in one wine and the eaValry tn the other. The piogreaa of nitilaiy art ta marked 1^ a feature which does not appear in the description of the eaiiier hat. "md DB both aidci (Pol., li., _ " unitifHOf TucntsD. II VB oolj " HUH tai " ngciei of Iihvt omln. 9ttph. Mr^inol lie nic Ml^ XPt"!^ tnmttn ntAAB. orougnt enginea far the discharge of heavy missiles,which he di^nsed at intervals along the whole front of hia hne, to |day upon the enemy and throw them into confusion before the eneoanter began. I%il- opsmeo forestalled the eflbct of the aTtiUeryby a charge of hia Taieatine oanlry, tiltkdiled to a generalengagement between tbe meroenaries of hodi sides. Those of Machmidaa soon showed tberoselTes soperiorto their antago- nists, not only in aunher, bat in conditian, ud at Iragtb pot (bam (o fli^r and Ptriybim points out that no other readt was to bars beea expoeted, where tbe oombatants on ths one side tbngfat Ihr a master irtto woold he Bure stwajsto need, and must, fhtntan, re- ward their eeirieea ; while those on Oe other knew tliat, the more deciMTe Ifaelr Tiotoiy, the eartier Utey woald be diseiiarBed.* Mftobani- das, however, inatead of fUlowing np this si - witti an attack oi - - " -' _ . bsyond the tali of battle. In the mean while,niilopnmen, bar- ing changed the position ofhis jdialaax to meet the new emergency, waited nntil tbe LaeedB- moniaus, eager to CMnfHete the victoiy which they saw began, moved ftnward to oroas tbe ditch,iriiicb,on their side, oflbred an easy descent, and was at this time nearly dry. While their ranks were diaoidered by this op- eration and by tbe difficotty of tiie aaoent, nul- owsmeo oharaed, and rtmlod diem with great riau^iteT, aniT was alreadyoompleielymaster of the field, when Macfasnidas ntwned from the poisaitand found hunsetf intoreepted. Af- ter a f^tiess attempt to out his way tbiou^ the enemy, at tbe paaaage of a bridge, he waa overtaken by niilopoBmon, who alow bim with Ilia own huid aa he waa apurring hia hone aoToss the ditch. His head was cut off ant shown to tbe oDnquerors, to animate them in the pursuit, which was continued as ^ as Te- gea, where, having carried tbe town award in band, they baited for the night: Ponr tbonsaad ' emonians were left on tbe field of battle, still greater number, together with all i" l" wu |"M HToHtr. [Iman fnl MlliiaD sT lbs Vatieui Pnc". sf PolTk,p. tt, 9i Mii^ onniftil u to tiiB efaiaialis^ """" """ t Aa ii"" TMui*/*,d., IL kw bMB N END OF THE WAR." LEGISLATION OF SCOPAS. 13T 8 biMage ant e AoMMiUt 1 I, fenii I* of the AoluMiUt whoM toae wa" uiAiDf. He next d^r Philopteoitn M^oyed the plesauTe of enosnqiuig oa tttebanks of the E^mtsi ; and, ttioDgh be did not vaoUiTe to "Uack SpaTU, he carried his raTsges t" Ike larlbeat eomer of After this vidoTy, the AehKani stood in no need of Macedonian succours, thoudi Hwhau- tdaa waa aoon aiUrmad saeeeeded bj aootb- er uamper named Nabia, nhe became, in time, as fuimidable aa hie pradeccaser, and a much more odiona tynnt ; ""d Philip, wben be was lea at iMBUM by hia IHyrian and Thraeiao Bci^ibaaiB, Doutd Unit hi* aima agaiiwt the MtatiMom withent iuem^kw. We h"*e but aeantj and fnmeBitry BOtiees of hia opeia- tioaa agawat them ; but it aiveara thttfhe wraated Ambncia fhim then,* and made at leaat one expeditlMi into tbe heMt of their eeantiy. He had feined Amynander to his wterost bj the oeaaion of the islMid of Zaeyn- thDB,t and waa Uuu eoabled.te lead hia foreee iperpait " ' inroad! he again Id his aaenl^Woa davaat- " in the aaactuai7 of ApaUa.t Th" "to- lina, apparantly deaertad bath hj AUahis and ' " 'leearDeauydMiioDaof Buoa, began u and of tMir " "esotiation with Philip, and aceqHed Ite tenns whuh ha jn^soribed.Tb^ were, no doubt, modeTsto enou^ if,aa Livy intimatea, ho knew or soape^ed tliat tbe Romana WMe en the point of aending a (reah armament to the jEtfdiaaa. The treaty had aoareely been con- (daded, when the proeonBul, P. Semproniua, bnught orer a fleet of 3G gaUeya,10,000 foot, awl 1000 hotae,and, finding that he had erri- lad too late for hia main object, aailed 1" Dyr- lachinm, and endeaTouTed to ronae the adja* cent lUyrian tribes agaowt Macedonia ; but, "eeing that hia forces were not suffioient to meet Philip in the field, and that he could not induce the .ftoliane to break the recent treaty, be listened to the propoeals of the Epirota, who, being IhemaelTea weary of the war, assumed the character of mediatora, and at lengthpre- vailed on Philip and the proconaul to come to a ctmference at Phteuice, which wan attended by Amynander and the Epirot and Acanianian Sempronina demanded tbe oes- e parta of myria to tbe Romans, Oieaa eonditiona, wbicb were t" be subject to the aanaU's qiprobatiou,Philip couaented. The abaent allies ofeaeh party were induded in the treaty : on Philip'a part, the Adicans, BnoUans, and Hkesaaliasa, ^"^ Pnisias of Bithynia ; on that of Rome, the Eleana, Mea- aemans, and AUienians, Nabia,Pleumtua, and Attains. To these, in hononi of the legendby irtiich iitB Komana traced their ongin to Aaia, "aa added the name of Iliiun. A tmce of two montha waa granted to allow time for an em- basay to Rome, where the aenate, inteiU on tbe approaching crisis of the struggle with Car- thage, and hnawing that H would MeT" be tao late to reopen the diBcueaton with Philip, adopt- ed the treaty, aad It waa ratified by the ui moua auflhifea of the tribes. Tbe ."to' who had been the atandwst alliea of R and tbe chief auflerersin her a ed over in the treaty in an ouunoiu which showed that she considered aU ber oU" ligations towards them as caooeiJed I claim of independeBee. For a fbw yeara after the battle of M Greeoa ramained tranquil. The."toliaciawem liiUyoooupied with ueir domeatic eoDoenM. Tbe longBeiwa of wars in whk^ Uiay had baa" engaged bal, it aeems, enriched aasa, bM, while it impovenabed tiM state, had rvinad moat ni*ue fortunea; for whaterar gain it yieVledto aoeeeaaAil adventurers waa c"na"- mod by the growing prodigality of thebr main at living. Tbe two ehiab who, to gntlQp Ibair ' itien, badriaaged ite b"- _U waiB, iWiBflChoa nad Soopai,wen aemeches deeplyisrebad n ' lAen, t^ tbe peaoe, tb^ w"M nt th^ owB eMsmnbered paliiiwa niea,they sfpear to have itmxMi to n nmr kind of spaliaUooi whtefa Ukoy earned on milBr the tbnae of Uw. Through the iBtrigBes "f " party, wbi^ cn^rebmded aS who wm" in Ue enbanaaaMnl with thanaelna,tbey mo* investedwith an eatraordinaTy eofamiaawn to the laws. The history of a ' ' " ' " Appiu. Hu., t. if ( lii^ludnUi^Erwiiid there can be littledoubt that they chiety ""w- cemed the lelatian between debtor and cowli- and tbe cbwacter of tbe men rendera it easy to conceive the uae they would main af soch an opportunity ; espeoially as we are !"- foimed that one main object wbicb Soopaa bad in view in the exeoution of bis task waa to ae- eore his election to the chief ma^iatra^.* In this,however, he was disqipomted, and ba then quitted bis country to seek his fortane at Alezaudria, where be waa admitted into tha king's service on very liberal terms, but aAar- ward lost his treasure and his lifethroodi Ua insatiable r^iaoity. In jEtoUa, his kgiBiatien gave occasion to civil discord, whi^ frequent- ly broke out in open virience and bloodahed. In PGloponneaUB, the "n" of Philopcsmaii was sufficient, lor a time,to rc^RCaa ai^ indi- nation which might exist among the eBsmiaa of the Aohmns lo diaturb tbe peaoa. At Ibe Nemean fbativilwhioh next followed his great victmy,being a aeoend time general, be exhib- ited his pfaalaBX uaid tbe adnuration and m^. planae of the sasMibled Graeka, and waa grm- ed in the theatre aa the pMeMor of Oieeian libOTty. A renown ae pore aeema to have ex- cited Philip's envy and hatred ; and be waa, at least,generally believed to bare aubomed emiMariee to take away the lifeof PhilopMuan by the method whieh he bad practiaedag"nat Aratna, but tbe plot was" we are not inibrmad bow" detected and bafted.t A mere mmoor, which ^oved to be gronndlesa, of bis approadi is said to have atrnok such tenor into a B"a"" tian army which was on the point of asianltint Megara, that it precipitately retreated,leaving ita scaling-ladders ftsteoed to Uie wall*. la " Pdjfc"jiii., I,t i jviiL., JM8. I . t Flit., niiisv., IS. Jhui, nl., 4J^ K 438 HISTORY OP GREECE. tiiemean whOa, bowarer, a power "a" growing up at Sputa, of a kind whkih had aoaraelir been "Ter befure witnused in Oreoco. Ws are nut iDforroed b; what means Nabia aeiied the tb- "aiit Ihraoe -, bui they were probablj like those hy whicb he maintained himself in it. One or his first acta waa to despatcli Pelope,* whom Machsnidas had suSfered to preserve a title irhich kept up aonie resemblance to the ancient fonn of Spartan royally, and thue gave a show "f legitimacy to his goremment. Nabis reign- ed, aa withoDt a coitesgne, ao without any atTec- tation of respect for the ancient Constitution. He had emancipated a great nundier of slajes "T Helota, and had made " new diatribationof knd in their taToor. Btit it was not ob their vnppOTt that be ehieBy relied. He had ooUeet- "da body of meroenaiies from Uie vilest refiiae Xifaooiety. The wofat eriminala, tha ittostdes- .perateontlawa, foond an asylam at Spaita, a feoantifhl patTon, and a gracioua master in Nabis, and were preferred as hia gnards end the ministers of hie will.t The eitiieos most ' eminent for birth and wealUi were either put to 'death or drifen into exile, and their wires and Aitonea tranaferred to the tjrant's lavouritaa. They were not aafe even in exile, but were "iftenmnrdered Iqr hia emissariea, even in the cities where tfaey had taken refhge. Those who remaJDed at Sparta were anhjectto inces- "uit ezaetions and to exqniutelortnres, if they ' mre auspected of poeseasing more than they disolDeed, or reftased to comply with his de- nunda.t He aeema to have Talaed power chieflyas an instrument for amaasiogwealth, and he tnmed Sparta into a nest of inrates and He the c ' of Crete, and received a share of their booty ; ' "nd be sent out gangs of villains, irtio roamed ttnugh Peloponnesna,wayl^ing and mnider- Ingtravellera, nnd plnodering housea and tem- piM, and divided Ibe spoils with their master, when he had eanied on this system for two or Hiree yeara he grew bolder from impanity, and began to meditate greaterenterprisea, A pre- text was easily found. One of his most valu- aUe horses had been carried off by some B"xo- lians,who, being overtaksn at Megalopolis, sp- pealed to the magiatrates, when their pursoers would have dragged them away, and were pro- tsDted tnm their violence, Nabis, under colour "tf' retaliation, made inroads into the territory of Megalopolis, which, however, did not imraedi- " ate^r pnxa\ie boslilities on the side of tbe ' AehRans. He seems thus to have been en- couraged to make an sttetnpt which no one oonU have Ibreaeen,as it was directed against ' an ally fVcm whom be had received no provoca- tloB. He anrprieedMeesene, and made himself tnaaler of the town. PhilopCNnen at this time ' Wed no office, and be could not prevailon the "enerat,Lysippne, to march to tbe relief of Meaaene, which appeared to him to be irrecov- -"rably lost. But, by his privateinSuence, he eolleoiedthe fbrcesorHegalopolis and ted them into Messenis, and Nabis,hearing of his ap- proscb, evacuated the town by the opposite I IM., s. 1 PBljb., "iu.,(, 7 1 iw.. 11. I n" hid rnnlnwr 1 "rin ninvHniiaf kii wifc Amgv which cluisd UK "pOVrtrlaiu nnbniM, ud ftinwrhriB gate, and made a hasty retreat intc Lnoaaia.* In bis third year of olSce,Philiqmraen,having aesembled the forces of the League with great secrecy at Tegea,! led them to the borders of Laconia, where he drew the tyranl'a merce- naries into an ambuscade, and defeated them. with greatslaughter, so that Nidiis did not ven- ture beyond the frontier for the rest of that In the mean while, tiie contest between the two great poweia of the West was decided by the battle of Zama, and the senate was left at leisure to turn its attention towards the afTairs of Greece. Philip, as mighteasily be supposed, bad watched tbe approach of the criais which so ehwe^afl^ctedhis interests with deep ani- ietj. But his oondnct during this interval "eems atrangely at variance,not only with ths dictatea of an enlightenedpolicy, but with the plainest msxims of common prudence. He knew that the enmity of the Romans contiDoed unabated, sod that itwas not in bis power to conciliate them unless by unqualified sabmis- sion. But this was no resson why be ahould provoke them by demonstraitons of hostili^, which ccDld neither hurt them nor benefit him- self. Yet this be did. He sent a body of 4000 men, under the command of Sopater, a Maee- donitn of the highestrank,beingdistantly con- nected with Ibe royalftmily, to join the Car- thaginian annj in Aftica,together vritb a aap- ply of money,! and be eeene not to have tlt- Btalned Oom petty aggreeaioiM on bis neigh- boun who were in alliance with Rome, Com- plainta on these hesds were brought against him before the senate, which sent three envoys to remonstrate with him, and M. Aureliua,one of the three,stayed in Greece, under the pretext of protecting the sUiesof tbe republic, andollea engaged in open combat with Philip's offioeia. It might,indeed, be suspected, if Philip bsd shown more discretion in other respects, that these qoarrelahad, from the first, been foment- ed by Roman intrigues. After the battle of Zama, when a Macedonian embassy cane to Rome with a reply to tbe senate's remon- strances, the senate declared its approbation of the conduct of Aurelins,and sternlyrejected the king'sexcnses, with the Ibrest : *" He vras seekingwar, and, ifhe persisted, he would boob find it," He had reason, indeed,to expect it, even though he had taken the ntmost (ains to avoid it, and therefore prudencerttqoircd that he should employ Ibe interrsl of peace in ths most active preparations for the defence of his kingdom. But instesd of this,he provokednew enemies, and embarked in fresh wars and expe- ditions, which, even if successdil, would have yielded but little advantage to bint in his con- flict with Rome, and he formed plans of ag- grandizement which were merely visionary, so long as the issue of that conflictremained hb- certain. The death of Ptolemy Philopator, whose heir,Epipbsnes,was a child four or five yesra old,opened a prospect which so inflamed tbe ambiiion of Philip and Antiochos of Syria, that they entered into a compact to divide his " Flut,, Philop.. It. Peljtt.,im.. It, 17. Phihiu (i."M, lb] mt'u of t "ET""tlHi : iiV'BB' tn"ntiK. ud liii..M, 5. HlwitK i'6twiyin. t Folrb.,rri., M. MuiK (S|"iM, iii.,I, p. 101) hu "rmwDuity uainad thii Hntwca la th* aup^ra at lh" jw IM } Lit.,ui ,!",II. PHILIP AND ANTI0CHU8." BATTLE OF CHIOS. 4S" ominions between (hem. It wes agreed that LRtiochuB should lake posseiuinn of Egjpt and iypriia, and Philip of Cjrene, and all the con- aests of Ptolemy Euergetea in Ionia and the 'jcladea, and that tbe; should aid one another a effpct these conquesla. Pliilip seems lo hare hoped Ibit, befora he hould have a war tvilh Rome on his hands, he light eaiabliah his aacendency in the ^E^an, 0 as to i}ar the Roman fleets fmm the eastern oasts of his dominions ; bat though perfectlj eckless of honour and giMd faith in the means rhich he chose to compass this end, he appears 0 have miscalculated his streogth, and the lor- Lious policy lo which he trusted for snccess cly led him into dangers and diflicnltieBwhich le would otherwise have avoided. The two Teat [uaritime powers which stood in the way r his design were Attatus and Rhodes. Atta- iis wa" a rival and an enemy, and the breach etwecn the two Itings had been widened by 'hilip's alliance with Fruaias of Bithynia, who lad married his daughter. The Rhodians were "; no means hostile to Philip, and hod given ufficient proof that tfaej would not willingly LEve sacriGced him to the Romana. Sutitwas lear thai they and Atlalus, if either were at- acked, would defend each other. Philip, how- ver, resolved to force the Rhodians into a war rjth him, while he inflicted a heavy blow on hair marine by an act of perfidious aggression. le had men in his service who were capable "f every crime. Replaced a squadron of twenty alleys under the command of the ^lolian, )ic"archus,with general orders to levy conlri- 'Utions among the islands of the "geaD, and o treat all trading vessels as lawful prjies, and rith special instructions to aid the Cretan pl- ates against the Rhodians, who had been ibliged to declare war on Ihem for the proten- ion of their commerce.* The spirit in which )icsarchus executed his coimnission may be ;athcredfrom hla practice of erecting iwo altars, olmpiety and Lawlessness,at the places where is anchored.! Yet this was the most open and lOn Durable part of Philip's scheme, and itserved 0 cover a fouler device, which he intrusted to .nother very fit agent, IheTareniine Heraclides. rhis man, who haviiu attempted first to sell lisnative cityto the Romans, and then to be- ray the Romans to Hanmbal, had been forced 0 fly from Italy.t had been admitted hj Philip 0 a degree of favour and conlJdence tike that thich he had formerlygranted to Demetrius he Fharian, and, by calumnious accosations, le had induced the king to put fire of his prin- ipal comicillora to death.f Hence there were ome who attributed the corruption of Philip's haracter to Heraclides,]! and with,perhaps, as auch reason as those who referred it to De- netrius. In each case Philiponly attached him- clf to a congenial adviser. Heraclides tinder- ook to destroy the Rhodian navy in a way voTthy of his reputation. He renewed the itralagem of Zopyrus, and pretendedto seek efuse at Rhodes from Fhihp'acruelty. The Ihodiana were not blindlycredulous, but their luapicione were lulled to rest by the sight ifa letter of Philipto the Cretans,producedby he fugitive, in which he undertook to make t Poljb.,IT war on the Rhodians. Having Ihtn pined their confidence, Heraclides only wailed fbr the first windy night, and then set fire to the arse- nal, and made his escape in a boat.*' The cod- Bagralion did great damage ; bat it was not bj a stroke of this kind that a niae enemy would have thoDgbt to crush such a power as Rhodes. Yet the Rhodians were slow to declare war againstPhilip, and they continued lo hesitate even after another ai^al specimen of bis bad faiib and rapacity. He bad reduced the towns of Lysimachia,Chalcedon, and CiuB, thongh they were all in alliance with the jGtoliatts, and carried olTlbe inhabitanls as slaves. Clns he sacked in the presence of the envoys of sev- eral Greek cities,who had come to intercede for it, and the news was brought to Rhodea at the time when a Macedonian ambassador was harangning the Rhodians on his master's mag- nanimous forbearance towards the conquered ejty.t He afterward treated Thaaoa in the aame manner, alter it had camtulated vrith his general, Metrodon".t The Rhodians now made prcparationa for war ; but yet hostilities were begun almost without their consent by their brave admiral,Theophiliscos, and it was not until the first blow had been Blruck llut they applied themselves in earnest to the con- test, and induced Attains to comhine his tanxn with theirs. Philip had taken Samoa, and was besieging Chios,where he made a (hlitlesa at- tempt to excite the slaves to revolt, 4 when the fleets of the allies appeared in superior nnm- He attempted to escape to Samoa, but deed, to claim the Tictory, because he h forced Atlalns to run his galleyashore, and to leave it in the enemy's hands ; but he declinod a aecond combat when it was offhred to him, Boonafter,hylhecombinedlleetB. TheRhodian admiral died of his wounds the next day, aikd it was, perhaps, this event thai turned the foitnoe of the war for some time in Philip's favour. The allies parted their fleets, and the Rhodians were defeated ofTLade.T This Tictoi; enabl"d Philip to make himself master of Samoa and Chios, and probably of several other placeson the coast of Ionia,** and to invade the domin- ions of Attains, where he committed much use- leas havoc on sacred buildings and worka of art in the neighbourhood of Pergamui, but throDgb the precautiona which had been taken 1^ At- talus, found it difficult to provide for the anb- sistence ofhia troops. t+ Ha aftsrward Bgaln t n"id.,M. " FslTEii.,T., n, a. Pelfb.,1 t INHrb.,IT,, U. 1 jDia.,"w t Pill.,D( Hoi. ViR.,X"". Ha UmitKl IlMBwtUi tt* vfkr of Jib*t^ Kut ^^ir But*E9' ttith. Aentdiiifto ., 14, 11. LiTT (mi., 14^ "" - - ' Ibi RbDilIU uUun, 3 "dqiHd tlieamBn' tIftlliBiuil, whoo PolTbiD "" Ai^u, Umc., i. ft PMFti.,in., 1. Bat IhitfnAnI ij^Han tnhaniK plwd. ThullKiiiTHiiiBi/ihiaiiiiuBiauiirAIULlHn nl"H|"Dt to tbt liuilta of Chica ud Lulu, wv te utn- hv hn fliimplfl, indiHvd iltlakiHto bepn heauiitiH "fiaiA t^ilip ( Schnm. p. "l, B. 9). but jsrhiH Hall um dtai- liTslr tnm Etiilip'i fltm.(Pnlrb..iTii,,t) Ihit Atulu ud HISTORY OF OREBOE. raomd aoothwud, and ravaeed the territorr of Um Rhodiani oa (bo loain land, and made bun- self maater of acTeial lowoa, bnt when tae wmild bafe Tetanad to Europe, found himaelf Uookaded 1^ Attalna and tiie Bliadiaii*, who bad agaiD united tboir annamenta, and ha waa compelled to winter In Caria,mucb giraitened for proTisions, and in ^eat uuiety abon aafety of bis own damintons.* He aitricated bimaelf, however, fiom this smbarraaaiagpua tioo,early in Ibe next apiing(B.C.200},by atraugem. He sent an Egyptian to tbe em my, wbo, pretending lo hat" deaerlAd, infonned tben that Philip waa preparingto engage Ibe next day. Tbe report waa coofiimed by an on- oetuUmunber of fire*which weraligUed in the Haoedonian camp daring the night. The block- ading aquadronwaa recalled to make prepara- tion fiw the battle, and in tbe DMHrningPbilip vaafkr out at aeB,tand,thoagfapnraaMbyAt- tBhM and tbe Rbodiana, arrived aafely in Mace- It waa highlinM, for Rome bad already de- clared war against hint Tbe aenate had dia- cloaed ita intentionsor disposition, even before tbe coDcIuaion of Ibe peace with Carthage, and needed no Ireeb motive to atimulate ijie spirit of conqueat and domination in the whole body, , . adenoe before tbe battle""*Zaina. Yet .. waa gladto find more of theae, and to receive IVeah complaintaagainst bim tram ita alliea, for tbe Koman people, which waa ultimately to de- cide tbe question of war or peace, bad not alto- feUier the same interestswith tbe men wbo commanded its armies, governed ita prorincea, and conducted ita negotiations : itwaa juatat this lime weary of war, and loaged for an in- terval of repose. Tbe senate, therefore, gave willingaudience to the envoya of Attalus and tbe Rbodiaas,when they came to report Phil- fp'Baggresaiona ; and, thcugb it rejected tbe petition of the .,"tolians, who aolicited a re- newal of their alliance, it carefully treasured np their complaintsagainstPhilip.^ Another grouod of quarrel still more aco^itable was tack Dpu ARaln tafbn Oh mH-tgla. Bm hat nrfcd Ui lano fHwilnm (Lit., u^ , IS),ud XniUoi Tinull "dMtltkifKI. Cinnptn. hnwmr. Pslfb.,iTi.,M. Th TuiBU Vncmui Hi Fulrbim(p.1091,In "[irlr* nvn XhWmi i4tn")Hr A^ HDux'n nl ra*t ii"r'Mill unUwroiMu.Thff' ArnWrnMrv nrf " "'"- f Ciri. "*|i|iun{MI].""" u inlimua IkU l"* Imttl*of U"i* pr"d*rikM (" Cbjgi,od Lnht admi A)) aoBdii- "f ttui XMbn pnm m bJAL 'nw ooj* "UF- . ..-jHilalhemdnKrUHiiuUMialkHiv. B with thuwlwh wa and nlwa L"i;inl"ls (no. supplied by the AtfaeniaiM, and they eanwd tbr uiU^iKr diatiBclionof auggeating tbe immsdi- ale occasion of the war. Two young Aeama- ntana, wbo, through ignoraoea of tba sacred obaerTanoea, bad entered tbe temple at Eleusis during the celebration of the mysteriea, had been discovered, and though there was no doubt aa to Ibe innocence of their error, were put to death by tbe prieata. Their coontrymen were indignant at this cruelty, and preTsiled on Phil- ip to furnish them with a body of Macedonian troops, with which they overran Attica, and re- turned laden with ipoil.* Henceforth tbe Athe- nians, who, it seems, bad steadily leaisted aU Phibji's overtures.t were incessantly baiaased by Haoedonian prtvateen flrom Cb^cis and by inroada ftma Corinth,and ibeyw"n threaten- "d with another iovasiao, against which they soughtprotection at Rome, lAere their eoyoji received the tfaankaof the aanata fortheir cooi- ageona Bdelity. But the views of the Rmnan government were, perhaps, most efibetnally (br- warded by the aceounta received Aom H. Aire- liua of Philip's miliUry and naval preparatinna, and of his movemeots in the JSgean. The de- spatch described Philipas a second PyrrtLoa, equallyambitious, and much more formid^de. and nrged tbe neeeaaity of forestaning his de- signs upon Italyby the invasion of Macedonia. This was a compuison which might work opoa tbe feelings of the comitia ; and it proved very nseflil to the senate ; (br when tbe var wiik PhOipwas proposedt^ the eonsol, P. Snlpidua Oalba,to whose lot the i^ovtnce of Maoedonia bad fallen, it was, at Bnt, rejectedby a great majority of the centuries, and itwas only when the coQsnl, in a second comitia, inaistiiu on the examine of Pyrrhus,argued diat tbe onlyques- tion left was, wbether ^e war should be waged in Macedonia or in Italy, that tbe people, una- ble to detect the fallacy, gave a ralutitant a*- Attalus and tbe Rhodian admiral, when Ih^ followed Pbitip to Europe, made first far "ff- na, and as they happenedto arrive there at tbe time when three Roman envoya, who wen oa. their way to Alexandria, were stayingat Atb' ens, Attalus crossed over to Pirmia, and was received by the Athenians with extravaguit adulation : a new tribe was created to bear his name, and tbe Athenian IVanchlse or isopolilT was conferred on tbe Rhodian peoirie. Attalus declined prcaenting himaelf b^re the aaaem- bly on the plea of modesty ; but addressed a let- ter to the petmle, in whidi he recounted tba benefita he had bestowed on them, and exhort- ed them to declare war igainstPbilip. Itwas not yet known that Rome bad deebred war ; and the Roman envoys sent a meaaage to Phil- ip'agener^,Nioanor, who bad made an inroad into AtUea, and had advanced near to tbe city gatea,bidding him inform hia master that, ifhA would have peace with Rome, he mnat aMaiu fhHn hoatilities against the Greeka, and mtut make such compensation to Altaloa as tbooU ''- awarded by an impartial tribunal. Tbis isage had induced nicanor to withdraw bis troopa.lTettheAtheniana,withatleastl)ieU- cit sanctiM) of the Reman envoya, declared war "UtT.x. UiatflM C'.oogic PHIUP AT ABYDOS." BEFORE ATHENS. 441 ir tlwir "eoarity. Tbs Rhodjane niM Avajr to Rhode*, onlyotM^Mlling the wlaads which 1^ Ml their patneei all bat A^nia, Pa- nts, and Cjthnoa,to rahmit to tbem. AthUiu lingeredkiDg in uttor inaction at Mgio", wut- ing the resultof an embway which he had sent to the jEtoliuis, but whieh oonld not nam then) to take up anna. Id the meaa while, Philipwas leftat Uberty to etrengUien himself by new conqneats. On his return to Macedo- nia, be had aent Philodea, with a small fone, to ravage Auioa, while be cwidiiciad u exna- and,aftarhariiig nined hitheito oceafHeoby Plolamy'a auiiaona regim, laid aiege ta Abydoa. Tl)eAbydeDea, lain that ted, but Philiprequired them to Enneni.__ _. diacretiOD. Being thna driTSn to deapoir, lliey dsTotcd tbenuelves to destruction ; and the conqueror, when he took poesessioa of Sie city, found hardly a liring person in it bsaidea the women and children. During the aiegs, Jd. ^mffina, one of the three enniy* who were proceeding to Alexaiidria, was deputedby bia colleagnea to repairto Pbilip'a camp, and re- nonatrated with him in a tone to which the king's ear was not yet accuatomed,repeating the demands which bad been before oonreyed lo him throughNicanor, with an addition in fa- Tonr of Ptolemy and the Rhodians. Philipre- torted with a sarcastic defiance, which he had no reason to regret,as, an his return to Hace- donia, he learned that the Roman consul had already landed in Epiius. It was late in the tmnmer when Qalba arriTed,and,having taken up hia own qnarters at Apallouia, he sent a sqoadron detached from the fleet which was stationed, nndea' L. Apuslius,at Corcyra, under the command of C. Claudius Centbo, for the proiectioD of Attica. Claudins not only chased the enemy's piivateers fiom the Attic coast, but,sailingby night up the Euripus,surprised Chaleis, made s greatslaughter of the gairison and the hibsbitants, aet fire to the magazines and armory, broke open the prison, threw down the kin^B statnes, and carried off n rich booty. His forcewas not soffioientto retain possession of the {dace, unless he had withdrawn that which WBB needed for the defence of Attica. Tet the abandomnent of Chalcia did not enable bim to eecnn Attica ; and the eTOs which he drew upon it were greater than any Ihuu which he had hithnrto preserved it. Phil^ was at Demetrias when he received intelUgeDoe of the disasterwhieh befhll Chaleis ; and he hiunediately set out with SDOO foot and 300 horse,in the hope of surprising the Ro- mans there. But as, notwithstanding the ra- pidin of his roanft, he found nothing but the smokingruins, hii nest thought wsa to rethliate by a like blow ; and.leavinga few of bis men to bury the dead, he continued his march with equal speed towards Athens. He would prob- ably have succeeded in his attempt, ifthe move- Pent of his column had not been descried by a Vol. n." K I * Fgljl)., Hi., t7 aeirtiaelOma a wateh4ower, wb" ran IbrwwS and Tomed the city fiom Its midnight slnmbers. Philipcame up a few boora later,yet befbro daybreak ; and peroeiving lights and other aigna tbat Ua approach had been diaoovarad, baited to lethis troops take bresth,purposing stilltO' try the event of sn open assaDlt. But when he ad vanned along tbs broad oauaeway which tad from the city to the Academy, the gate was , thrown open, and the Athenian*, with a body of , raenmuuiee and sane Pergameniaasoziliarira, came forth in battle array. Philip, however, charging them with great fhry at tbe head of bts cavalry, aooD forced thsm to take shelter behind th"r walla. He then eaemped in Um ootAirtat and pKweeded to wnak hia veageaiMM on tha Atheaian*,a* he had indnlgaditatThar- mas and Pergwuw. Ha deatnqwd or dehoad an the mnniDWrta of reUgim and of an, aU Hw aaored and ptesaantptaees which adonad Ui" aubnifa*. Tbe Academy, Um lo'eaam, and Cj- noeaige*. with their templa*,aahoala,grovaar and gardena,were all vnmtai with fira. Nat even the aepalchres were spared. The oat few milaa farther off;sad, afteran nnaucneaa- fnl attempt to surpriseEleuai*,proeeBdedIft Corinth, and aoddenty made bia appearanoe at Areoa in an assembly of the Acboans, whioh bsd bean convoked to delibemte on means oT dafenoe against Nabia. PhilopcEmen had been sncoeeded in hia tMoa by Cycliades, aman not only of very inferior abil- ities, but of very different views, beingr^ard- ed BB a devoted partisan of Philip. It was ap- parently on this account, and not through im- patience of a private station,or for want of saOcient occupation at borne, that Philopomeo, at the request of the Gortynisns, made another voyage to Crete, and undertook the command of their force*.* His absence enoonraged Na- bia to renew hi* aggreaaionaon Hegalopolis. which he reduced to aiicb diabcas qr lUs in- cessant inroads, that the inhabttaota wen "in to sow tbe open apoces within the wall* to ward off famine. The AcbNaa aiB^ bad bee" disbanded, and it waa neeeaaary, before aoo- cour could be sent to Megalopolis, lo Ax thft- contingentaoftheseveralcitiaa. Philip ofliirad to take the whole charge on himself, and not oidy to drive the enemy back into his own ter- ritory, but to carry the war into Laconia. Tfaw proposal was received wilb great spplsuaev bot the gratitude of tbe aasembly was cooled when Philipadded, that he ^tonU expect th" Acbaan*, while be protected dmn againat N"- bis,to aerre in tbe garriaoiwat Corinth aad in EHbcea. It aeemea dear tbat his olgectwaa* to employ the Achsan forces so a* lo have them completely in hia power, and to involv* the League in bis contest wiUi Rome.t But even bis friends seem not to have been willmg to go this length in hi* cauae. An A^icaa . embassy had been sent eaiiier in the year to ' Rhodes, to offer its mediation between him and tbe Rbodians,who, however, were forlnd- den to accept it by tbe Roman envoya.l: Thia was, perhaps, the greatest efforttbat hia Acluc- 442 HISTORY OF GREECE. u paitisBni eoold vontnn oa in hie Atout ; CjrdiadesIhoagbt it sareat not to provoke a diaciUBioo, but alleging that be had no power ' to propoae any other queMion than that which tliey were met to coitBider, alter a decree had been passed Tor the levy of troops against Na- bis, dismissed the assembly. Phiiip.having only collected a few Tolunteera in PeJoponne- au9, returned into Attica. There he was joined by Pbilocles, who had, it seems, taken up his . headquarters in Eubiea. But after some Truit- less attempts on Eleueis, the Piraus, and Ath- "ens itself, they again divided their fbrces, and -carriedthe same kind of devastation which had 'beeBrecenllyexercised within sight of the city, tbioogti the whole length and breadth of Atti- ca, le*elling and burning all the rural eanctua- Ties, Ibe temples of the demes, which, though leas sumptuoosly adorned than those of the capital, were mostly of still more venerable antiquity, having been founded before Athens bad become the centre of the united state, and "enriched with many precious works of art.' "When no more subjects could be found for bis terbaroas rage to wotlt upon, Philip returned to Macedonia. In the mean while Galba, stUl remaining him- aetr near the coast, had sent Apustina with a ' part of his forces mto the npper valley of the Apeua, and the IJeutenant had taken several -towns, ravaged the Macedonian border, and defeated a bodj of Macedonian troops, and had returned, laden with booty, to the consul's -"ainp. The success of this expedition eacoui- aged the Dardanian and lUyrianprinces, and tha Athamanian Amynander, to ot^r their ser- "Tjces. Galbasent Apustius back to the fleet at Corcjra, with orders to join Attalus at j^gina. He himself seems to have delayedopening the campaign in person until he had made an at- tempt to engage the jEtoliaos on his side. The "enete was no longer averse to receive them into alliance,and Amynander was directed to exert his influence to animate them aoainst Philip. But the "taUan assemhly, whidi vas beld soon after to debate tbe question of war "r peace, and was attended by Macedonian. Roman, and Athenian envoys, came to no de- cision, a result which seems quiteintelligible, when we consider tiow littleeither of the bel- ligerents had done to earn the confidence of the .Italians, without the cause reportedby lArj, that Damocritus, the presiding magis- trate, had been corruptedby Macedonian gold. The neutrality of the .^tolians, however, was, at this juncture, of great moment to Philip. "Who had to expect an attach, which would try "biB strength to the utmost, from the Roman -army and their Illyrian allies, on the landside. while the Roman fleet, with Attalus and the Rhodians, threatened his eastern coast. He Intrusted the armament which he had collected at Demetrias, and the defence of the maritime region, to Heraclidea ; sent a body of troops, nomiually under the command of hia son Per- seos, a hoy of twelve,but with a council of ofll- oers at his side, to occupy the passes ttirough which tbe Dardanians were used to penetrate into Macedonia, and then devoted his whole at- " Lit.,HE.. W. AiiMido Ufa sf Iban, niidic Ih* """ SmtllH. IkU Iknll wn laiiM itiitfitifm r^ HXi "" iiXaxit tention to preparatioDB for resiatanee to tlieRo- man invaaioD. While be was atill aasenihling his forces, Galba had taken the fiehl. He bad taken a circuitous route, perhaps with the view of effecting a junction with the Dardanians. which brought him into tbe upper valleys of the basin of the Axiue, where Philip first fell in with him. Philip, however, declined a bat- tle, but thought it necessary to send for the division under Perseus, and thus to open the passes to the Dardanians. The consul,though superior in the field, did not venture to push forward towards the eaatcm coast of Macedo- nia, but overran the central highlands, where he found it difficult to provide for the subsist- ence of his troops, and he finally returned to hia winter-quarters at ApoUonia, without any much more importantadvantage than tbe con- Siuest of a few towns. Siili, he had been nni- ormly successful, and had worsted tbe enemy in two or three engagements of cavalry; the Dardanians,too, with the Illyrians under Plen- ratus, had taken tbe opportunity to invade Macedonia; and, as Attelus and the Roman fleet were at the same time threatening Eu- bcea, Philip's situation seemed less hopeful than at the beginning of the campaign. This aspect of his afaira put an end to the hesita- tion of the ."lolians; and Damocritus him- self now stronglyurged them to join the victo- rious side,and to press upon their fallingally. They forthwith declared war againstPhihp, and, in conjunctioo with Amynander, inpaded Thessaly, where they stormed and sacked some towns, and, againstAmynaoder's ad- vice, spread over the level country in quest of boo^,as if perfectly secure from attack. Yet an enemy was close at hand. Galba'a retreat had induced the Dardanians to betake them- selves homeward, and Philip,having aent a body of lightinfantry and cavalry under Athe- nagoras to harass their rear, hastened into Tbeasaly, where he aurpriaed the "toliaas, as they were encamped in the plain near the town of Pharcadon. Amynander had taken the pre- caution of intrenching himself on risingground. He was thus enabled to afford a refuge to his allies, when they were farced to abandon their camp ; aud when they tied,paalcstruck, the next night, he guided them over the mount- ains, 80 as to ^ude' the enemy's pursuit, into "toha. Athenagorus likewise executed his commission successfully, though the good or- der in which the Dardanians' conducted their retreat secured them from much loss. Sooo afterward the number of Philip's enemies was reduced b^ a cause in which he had no share, but which produced the eBbcl of a diveraion in his favour. Scopas returned from Alexandria with a largo sum of money, and an Dnlimited commission to levy troops in lEtolia for tbe king of Egj'pt. He raised 6000 men, horse and foot, and would have carried away more, if he had not been checked by the Temonatian- ces of Damocritus,who, either from patriotic anriely, or because Scopas had not bribed him, interposed hia warnings and authority to pre- vent the country from being drained of all its citizens of militaryage. Apuatius, with the fleet,joined Attalus at Cape Scylleum on the coast of Argolis, and they then aailed together into PirKuo. The THE ROMAN FLEET." PL AMININUS. 4" Athenians, now released fhun allfsar of Phiiip, gave vent to their anger in a decree, b; nhich they condemned him to perpetualignominy and " execration, while thejheaped honours no leaa .extravagant on their protectors. The course of the combined fleets, which were re-enforced 7ilh twenty lllyrian boats, and subseqi They conquered An. Atob, and made descents on Eiibcea, but failed in an attempt on Cythnus, and were repulsed, with considerable loss, from Cassandrea, Acan- thus, which they stormed and sacked, was the extreme point which they reached. They then Tetunied, heavily laden with booty, to Eubcea, and aAer a conference with an .fItoUan em- baaay at Heraclea, from which Attains and the ^ti^iana departed in mniual displeasure, laid sie^ to Oreus, which yielded after an obstinate resistance. Tliis was their last, as their mast important conquest. Here, as in aU other cases, the town was given up to Attains, the spoil and captives to the Romans. As by this tiiKe the autumnal equinox was approaching, ApustJua returned by Malea to Corcyra; and Attalus, after having celebrated the Eleusinian . mysteries,passed over to Asia, and the Rhodi- aiiB to their island. In the division of the provinces at Rome in the beginning of tbe year, Macedonia had fallen to the consd P. ViUius Tumulus. It was late in the antamn when he arrived, and before he , took up his quarters for the winter at Corcyra, he was occupied with the suppression of a dan- ^rouB mutiny which had broken out in the ar- my. It had been far some time gathering to a head, and had perhaps contributed, in some degree, to retard the progress of his predeces- sor. About SOOO of bis troopa, who, after the battle of Zama, had been transported to Sicily, and thence to Macedonia as volunteers, com- plained that they had been embarked against their will, and tomulCuously demanded their discharge. The consul appeased the disturi)- ance by a promisethat, if they returned to their doty, he would lay their case before tbe senate. Fhjlip, towards Uie cloae of the year, had un- dertaken the aiege of Thaumaei,a town strong- ly situated near the defilesof Mount Othrys; but was compelled to abandon it by the vigor- ous sallies of a body of .Italians who threw themselves into the place. During the be sent an embassy to the Acheeana to i their yearly oath of fidelity, and, at the same lime, to conciliate them by a fresh promise of the cession of Tripbylia and Hersa, to which he now added Orebomenua.* He also thought it expedient to aachfice his profligate minis- ter, HeraclidcB, to tbe publicindignation, and threw him into prison, to the great Joy of all his subjects,! In the mean whQe he carried on his militarypreparations with unremitting activity, liceping his troops in constant exer. ciae during the winter ; and early in the fol- lowing spring sent Athenagoras with the light infantry into Chaonia,to occupy the defiles near Antigonea. He himself followed a few days, afler with the main body,and,havingcarefully inspected the features of the country, resoli ed to fortify a position on the River Amui, vritere it flows between two high bills,jEropus and Aanaus, leavingonly room for a narrow road on ooe bank. He had not been longencamped here before Villius came over from Corcyra, juided to the pass by Charops,an Epirot of great influence, who, almost alone among his countrymen, had declared himself a partisan of the Romans.* Having viewed the enemy's positioo, he held a council of war on the question, whether he should "ttempt t" force his way through the defile,or should take the more circuitous route by which his "r had invaded Macedonia the year before. The deliberation occupied several days ; and he was stillin perpleTcily, when he received advice that the consul T. Quinctios Flamininos, to whom the province of MacedO' oia had been assigned, had already etxwsed over to Coreyra. Flamininus bad mounted,hy one step, frtm the tedtleahip to the cotksulship, notwithatand- ing the protest of two tribunes againata nov- eliy which they regarded both as dugeroHB and illegal. He had not yet comjdeted bfa thirtieth year, and had performedno very im- portant services, either military or civU ; tboogh ' the government of Tarentom, and the aettlft- ...eut of two colonies, he had displayed talenta for business which might prove that he was qualilied for higher offices. It must have been chiefly to his manners and address that ha owed his extraordinary elevation. He was a Roman of the new school,which stadied to soften the homely roughness of tbe (^d Italian character, and to adapt the forms of Roman so- ciety to the altered relations of the state. He was conversant with the Greek language, now an indispensable instrument for a Roman states- man, who looked beyond the narrow fleld ol the old Italian politics into the new sphere of war and negotiation now opened for tbe Roman arms and diplomacy among the nations and princes of the East, and who was ambitious of conducting the affkiraof the commonwealth la these regions. A happier lot for Rome had rarely fallen than that by which the Maoedoni- an war was committed to Flamininus. II waa a work which required such a man, and which probably would never have prospered in tba hands by which itbad hitherto been carried on. Much was felt to be wanting for the fhlfilment of the omen which Galba had reported to tbe senate ; that a laurel bad spnmg up in the ateni of one of hia galleys.t The contest with Phil- ip, which had now occupied two succesalTO consols, had scarcely been brought a step near- er a decision, and was even beginning to as- sume a more threateningaspect; for an em- bassy bad come from Attalus to annonnce that his dominions had been invaded by Antioehns, and to request the senate either to send a force sufficient to protect him, or to permit him to employ hia own fleet and troops for tbe defence of bis kingdom. The senate did not choose to provoke Anliochus at such a juncture. It de- clined to send succour to Attalus,against a prince who was the ^end and ally of the Ro- man people, but left him at liberty to uae his own forces as he thought fit, and promised to i..II. Ut.,ii HISTORY OF GREECE. ' I 'with AnlMcIiuH in his behalf. A 1if the conquerors had not been obatTncted in re-"nforcemeat of 8000 foot and 800 horae thcpuTauilbytlienature of thegrouod. PluUp was decreed for the army of Macedonia, and halted at a few miles' distance, to collect tbe Flamininns selected them among the veterans fugitives, and found only SOOO missing. With wbo had served in Spain or Africa. He also prevailedon the senate to appoint his brother Lncins to the command of the fleet. Instead of staying at Rome, like his predeoessors, enjoy the civilhonours of his office, until the season for warfare was spent, he embarked o Epirus, and hast- )n the Aous, wli d TiUiua,and,' while he waited the reM of hia tioope, deliberated with his coun- cil on the plan of his Aitore operations. If he took the mlei and more circuitous route, it was probable that another summer would be wasted in marches and countennarches, in reaping the harvest of the hi^:iliind valleys, and in trifling engagements. He therefore de- leimioed on the more arduoua and dangerous attempt, which promised the greatest advan- tages la case of success, and bent all his thoughta towards forcing the enemy's position. But to see what Aas most desirable was noch easier than to find means of accomplish- ing it. He remained fortydays in presence of the enemy without any decisive movemej Philip conceived the hope that hs might put end to the war by negotiation ; and,through the intervention of the EpitDtmagistrates, interview took place between him and the c "nl on the bdnka of the river,at a point where it was "o narrow that they could hoar one an- other tiom the opposite sides. The substance of the consul's demands was, that he should withdraw his garrisons ttom the Greek towns, and make restitutionor reparation for his ag- gresajona. ''And Philipprofessed himself not unwiOing to resign his own conquests. Bui when theyproceededto details, and Flamininua began wUh a demand of liberty for the Thes- safians, Philipindignantly broke olT the confer- ence, exclaiming, " Wliat harder terms would you impose if 1 were conquered !" The neit day the Romans made a vigorous assault on the enemy, but gained no ground ; and they must protnbly have abandoned the attempt if a berdsnun,sent by Charops, had not offered to show a pathby which theymight reach the SDmmit of the d^e in the rear of the Macedo- nians. Flamminus sent a tribune, wiUi 4000 men, to foBow the riiepberd'a guidance, with the requisite pracaations againsttreachery, and with instructions to signifr theirarrival on the heightsby a bonfire,ana on a preconcerted aignal to "II upon the enemy. The detach- nent, marching onlyby night, and reposing in the daytime,made ttm circuit in two days. On the third morning a column of smoke an- nonnced their presence, and Flamininns gave orders for a general assault. The Macedoni- Biu, who advanced to meet it,were driven into their intrenchments ; but the advantagewas, as usual, on their aide, when the Romans had entereit into the defile, until, after the consul raised the appointedsignal, they found them- selvee attacked from behind. A generalpanic immediately ensued ; the whole army took to flight, and would have been utterlydestroyed the rest he took the road to Thessaly. He expected that the Romans would speed- ily follow him thither ; and, as he did not ven- ture to await their coming, determined to de- prive them, as far aa possible, of the fruits of their victory.This, at least,was the pretext under which he plimdered and destroyed sev- eral Thessalian towns, after havingcompelled the inhabitants to quit their homes with as much of their property as they could cany away. At Pherc, however, the gates were abut against him ; and,fearing to be overtaken by the Romans, be made no farther attempt on it, but retreated into Macedonia. 7^ suc- cess of Flamininns had roused the jEtolians and Antynander, and they,too, invaded Thes- saly at the same time,though with separata forces ; the .Xlolians apparently with a view merely to plunder ; Amynander to the eon- quest of Gomphi and some other strong places adjacent to hia own territory. In the mean while Flamininua had traversed Epirus,where, ' rithstanding the dissAbction wfaicb had " betrayedby the peo^ towards Rome, he ed their fields, ami, s^ing for Amynander guide acroBs the motmlains, entered Thes- saly fn"m the northwest. Re stndied to ex- hibit a contrast to Philip's barbarous policy, trf the care which he took to restrain lus titiops from all wanton outrages,and, instead of Uving at the expense of theTbessalians, sent over to Ambracia for a supply of com, which he had previously ordered to be brou^C from Corcyra. Yet several of the Iowbb which were delended by Macedonian garrisons ofiered a vigorous, and some a successfiil, resistance. He vras oc- cupied for a long time with the siege of Atrax " the Feneus, and, at last,was constrain- to abandon it as hopeless. He then passed ) Fhocis,where, for the sake of easier c("ii- nication with the Corinthian Qulf, he de- signed to fix bis winter-quarters. For this purpose he made himself master of Anticyn, which he selected for his magazines; and sev- eral other small towns yielded to him witt lit- resistance ; but Elatca set htm at de- fiance, and sustained a siege. He was BtiU lying before it when the cause of Rome re- ceived a weighty access In Pelopounesos. While the consul remained encamped on tli" banks of the Aous, his brother Locins,having succeeded Apustius in the command of ths fleet, had sailedround Males, and arrived at Pirteus at about the same time that Attains and. the Rhodian admiral Agesimbrotns, irtio tAd combined their fbrces near Aodros,began the siege of Ereiria. Luoias soon after joined them there. The Macedonian garrisonkept the town in awe, but after Philocles had be"a repulsed in an attempt to re-enforce it from Chalcis, could not prevent overtures of capitu- lation being made to Attalue. While Uimo which soon aftersurrendered. Tbe town con- tained httle treasure, except works of srt, in which itwas uncommonly rich. Carrstuaca- pitulated a few dayslater, the Macedonian gar- C'.oo";lc ASSEMBLY AT SICYON. ison being lUowed to depart at a fixed nm- om, without their anns, and the allied fleets hen sailed to Cencdirece, and made prepara- tons for the siege of Corinth, But before the; pened the siege, it was thought adTisahle to lake an attempt 10 gain over the Achstaa "ague, and, with the oonoal's apiirobBtioa, an niba"i7composed, of enTO^B repreMDling the tiree ^ied powers and Athens, wu sent to icron, where an aMeabif was held to receive 3elrpropoaall. AnibMaBdarsfToni Philip were lao present. "Die put; whiA esponaed the Loman InMreat amoDg the Aohwans had al- 9Bdy so Ou prerailed, that CjcUadea had been [aeedontan oounexian,*._ , . n open ood MAhnn purtjaan oT I of the peojde , . ._"_ -- nost eqnnBj'di- ided on the eubject. It nre rise to diepntea D violent as to diatnih um peace of IhmiUes nd to imbitter all the ^eaauree of aooial in- iTwmne. It was the standingtopic of oon- enation In every companT', the great matter "T cowottntion in eveiT fandtr-rortbeqmv- ion was one which deeply afibcted not only liewelfare of Ute atate, but the aaftty of every itisen, and itwas one of which the moei eu- ghlened and patriotic etatesraen, the most ex- mpt from prejudice and passion,might lake pposite views. Philip was in poeeesaion. The riumph of the Romans was by no raeans oer- lin,especially if Antiochos should throw his rei^t into the opposite scale. They might be itcei to abandon theiralliesto the reeentinent f the King of Macedonia, who wonid be the Mire ofl^nded bj the defection of tbe Aohteana, s be had of late been striving to conciliate tietr good wis byapanUneoos eoneeeshnis ; and ttle as he was entitled either to their confi- ence or their gratitiide, to tnrn aceiDst him vitboot any firesh provocation in his hoar of anger, wore tbe appeaisDce of treachery and asenesB. Least of allwas it possible to fore- ee whether Roman protection would prove less enlensome than Macedonian dominion. No FOnder that the Achnans felt Ukemselvea in a trait ; but Uie manner in which th^ betr^red heir perplexity, according to IJvy'sdeaorip- ion, was ahnoBt ladicrons. Tbe AM day of be aasemUy was occupied with Hie speeches ifthe envoys. A diSbrence might be ooserved etween tbe tone of the Koatans and their al- ios, and that of PhSip'sambeaaador, Cleome- on. The Romans urged the League not only D enter into their alliance, hot to take an ac- ive part in the war, and held oot tbe restora- ion of Corinth as a recompense. Cleomedon aked so fiunlly for support, as made itevident Hat hie master hoped for nothing more than eutraltty on the inrt of the Acboaos. The ext day, when the usual invitationhad been iven by the herald,no orator rose to address he assembly. It was in vain that Aristenus, s president, endeavoured to excite a debate ; ot a murmur was heard among the mnltitude. irislRniis then undertook to plead the cause of ^eRoniaiM himself. HeiosisledchienyonPhil- "'smanifest inferiority aud hie inabUity to pro- 9Ct the AchKsns if tlwy should b" attacked by 'Ln^mli., 18. Fiilrb.,11 u, 1. the allied fleets, while Nabis prened tbem inthe interior of the peninsula. Even ibis speech, however, producedonly confused murmnrs aad contention, but no regular debate. The demi- urges themselves, to whom it belonged to pot the question, were equally divided : five de- clared their intention to take the votes of the assembly on the alliauoe with Rome ; the other five pnnested against this imweeding sb a bieBCh of the law,by which It was ftntMden that my measnre adverse to the sUiaDoe with miip eboold be eiUier [Mvpoeedby the magia" trates or decreed br tbe assembly. Hie net of ttie day was apent m vhflent bat ftnitleaaalter- oationa. On tfae third, wtien ttelnrnqnirad that the decree "bonld be moved, oae of the ptMeetors, "riiaw resohtion had givenway t" bis father^ threats,went over to the ReDM party, and tbe Ksneral aenae of the aaecab^ now showed itselfso clearly on the same side, Aat, before (he qneatkn was pal to tbe Tole, benefits whiidi Philip had leeently oenfenad on Dyme, baring nnaamed ite ekiaena ftou the maetere to vniom they had been sold after the town waa taken by the Romans, Bod his aup" posed descent tioin an Argive atook, and hia manifold relations of ftiendship Bnd hoapitalttjr with Argive families, Itraished reasiKis fivr their conduct which vrere admitted to be soflU eient even by the Romana and their partisans. Tbe decree of nllianeewith Attaloa and the Rbodians vras then carried fctdiwith : the al- lianee with Rome was on^ defenred tnUfl the ; requisite sanction of the Roman pei^ eonld be obtained. In the mean while, itwas deenod that all the foroee of the Leaffoe riiooldmarch to the aid of L. Qninctlae, who, baTine taken CenchretE,was now layingriege to Corllltb. He had reckon ed on a dlvlMon between the Co- rinthians and tbe Macedonian garriaon. Bat tbe cltiEens and tbe soldiers appeared to be an- imated by one spirit, as if defending their oom- mon country. And he was also deceived in bin calenlations as to the strength of the garrieoa. its^ which, besides the Oreeke and Haosde- nians,. included a great nambei of Italian d"' setters,who, having the fisarof an ignomlniotN death before their eyee, fought with denteiat* toTj; and when it had been re-enforced by " bod; of leoo men broughtby Philooles, Allahu advised Lncius to nbaadon the hopeleaa entcf prise - the Roman dung to it a little lenger, but at last,seeiag the obalades to be plajnl;r insQimountaUe, raised tbe siege, and returned to winter at Corcyra. Tbe consul, about the same time, made himself maater of Elatea ; but,on the other hand, PhilocleB, after tbe relief of Corinth, WBB invited to Argosby tbe Msce* donian party, and had anrpriaed Luissa in tbe night. There was " garrieoa of fiOO AehKAiM in the town, commanded by the Dymean JEn"- sidamua, who, at first, made some show of te- siatanoe, but seeing himself far outnumbered, he accepted the permission olTered by Pldlodee for hia troops to depart. He himself reHiaed to abandon his post,and, with a few followerB who remained by hia side,perished in a riiower of misailea. , . , . ..C.ooglc HISTORY OF GREECB. Alter Dm election of th" ooosol* for (be eo- sningfMr, the frienda of Flamininiis exerted alltheir inflaenoe to preheat htm from beinx "apeneded by either of the new consuls, and thraugh the ioterceukia of two tribunes, the console were induoed to Hubmit tbeir claims lo tba plcomre of the eenate, which decided that kaaboold retain his commaDd until " auocesBor "hoold be appointed in tua room, and that both the eoDMilB ^onld remain that year in Italy. re-ealbmement of 6000 foot and 800 borse i dMreed tar his army, and 3000 for the fleet, whioh wss also to remain under his brother's eoaunand. Before Titus linew that his wishes Itad been thus grati"ed, and while he wa the point of beaie^pg the citadel of Opus, where ka had be^ admitted into tlieton Iqr u ~~~ twntieal party,though the .ftoliana bad inrioinly inTlted by their adTeraarlea, he re- "MTed a proposal from Philip, who was winter- ing at Demetrias, to appoint time and place for aa latarview. Flamininaa desired, above all tUnga, tbe liononr of teimioating the war ; and being nocertain bow long his command might last,wiUioglyeomplied with the king'srequeet. Itaf met on Um coast near Nicoa, in the Mbi- liaa QulT, Flaminiaas accompaniedbyAmjnsD- 4"r,Diwyaodoras, an envoy from Attains, the Rhodian admiral Ageaimbrotu*,PlwBneas, the Jtolian atrategiM, and seToral of hia conntry- wuam, and the Achieans, Aiietanua and Xeno- |bon, Philui only biinging wi\h him, besides Ua two Macedonian aeeretariea, the Aduean Mile Cycliadea, and BrachyUaa, hia leading jWTtiaan in Boeotia. Flaminiaus stood on the beaoh ; the king at tbe prow of hie galley, de- clining to land,on the plea of diatrust towards the .fAoliaus. Philip, though he was Uie only "peakeion his own side, siiowed himself more than a malob forallhis adTersaries in Uie man- agement of his eaose, onlyindulging his hu- BOOT in aatoaatio salliesand retorts more freely than was thought to beseem his dignity.* The nam articlein the conditions requiredby the Komans was, that he should withdraw hia gar- liacma from all the Greek cities ; they also de- manded that he should deliver up the prisoners and deserters,restore the places in Illyria Which he bad taken since the tresly of Epirus, and all tbo"e belongiug to Ptolemy which he had conqnered since the death of Philopalor, "at each of the other allied states had its sep- aiaie oomplaints and demands, which, with Ailip'erephes,occupied the greater part of Ibe day,and, towards evening, it was agreed fhstthey should set down in writing the terms whioh they insisted on, and that tbe conference ibonld be renewed at the same place the next morning. But on the morrow he did not ap- pear before the afternoon, pretending lo have Men perplexedby the difficulty of the demands made on him, but apparentlywishing to avoid fresh altercation, and then proposed a private JBlerview with Flamininus,to which the Roman consented. The result,however, did not satis. ly any of the allies, and the conference was againadjonmed. At the third meetingPhilip oitaioed leave to send an embassy to Itomc, and a two moniha' armistice for that purpose ; but aa the price of this favour, lie was obliged immediately to withdraw all his garrisons from " Pgljb., !?".,I,ML LJv,,mu.,tt. Phocis and Loeris. FIsmininus and tlw allien likewise sent envoys to wstch the proceedings of the king's ministers at Rome, and to pat the senate on ita guard against them. These en- voys obtained an audience at Rome beltee Phil- ip's ambataadora, and they drew the senate's. attention chiefly to one point: ttiat Greece could never be reallyindependent so long as Cbalcis,Corinth, and Demetrias remained in Philip's bands. Thesewere, as he himself wa" used insultingly to call them, the fetters of Greece, and she could not stir a limb while Peloponnesus was commanded by the garrisoa of Corinth, the central provinces threatened from Chalois, and Thessaly overawed by a force stationed at Demetrias.* The seuata seised this handle, and stoppedPhilip's ontor at the beginning of his qieechby the qnestioB, wheth- er his maater was read; to evacuate Corinth, Cbalcis, and Demetiiaa ; and when it njipeBred that the ambassadors had received no instroo- tioQS on this head,they were roughly diamiss- ed. The terms on wliitji peace should be grant- ed were left lo tbe discretion of Flamininus, who, finding the senate so readyto meet hia wishes, declined a ft"sh interview with Philip,, and declared that he would reoeire no embasay from him which did not lay dovm ss the basis, of the negotiation the entire emandpatioa of In the course of the winter,Philipreceived, anotber mortifying intimation of the o^nion, which generallyprevailed in Greece aa to the. issue of the contest. Now that the crisia of his destiny seemed to be approaching, he could ill Sparc the force which might be necessary ta defend Argos ; and he, no doubt,thought he had devised a happyexpedient for relieving himself from this burden, while he secnred a useful ally, when he instructed Philocles to commit Argos to the custody of Nabis, to bo restored if his arms should prosper, aud to hint that the kiogwas wiLIing lo give some of his daughteia in marriage to the tyrant's sons. Nobis,aa thib occasion, conducted himself in a manner wor- thy of his leputalioD. He at first affected to decline the proposal unless the Argivee should consent to the transfer. But when in theit publicBsaembl; they rejected his protection with the strongestexpressions of loathing and horror,having now a sufficient liandle for hia purpose, he immediately closed with the over- tures of Philocles, and was admitted by night into the city. A few of tbe opulent citizens made their escape in the tumult, and only lost their pn^rty, which was immediately confis- cated. The rest were not only robbed of bU their gold and silver, but compelled to raise large sums by fear of torture, which was inflict- ed on all who hesitated or were suspected oC concealing their wealth. Having thus sustain- ed the character of the tyrant, he proceeded to play (he part of a demagogue, and called an as- sembly, in which he proposed a decree for the cancelling of debts, and the redistribution of the land. It was a repetilion of the process bj which he had made himself master of Sparta. FLAUININUS AT THEBES." BATTLE OF CYNOCBPHALjE. 4i7 It oulf remiined for him to aeenra hi* aoquiai- ' lion by anolher piece or perfidy. He aent en- rays to open a negotiation with FlamiaiauH and with Altalus,axid imilad tbem to an intcr- Tiew at Arg03. It took place at a littledistanca from the city. The Roman required that Na- biB ahould maie peace with the Acbsaas and send Buziliaries agaiastPhilip. Nabis consent- ed so far as to gnat a truce for four mouths, and ba supplied the proconsul with 600 of his Cretans. But though be professed to baie come to Argoe a* its protector, at the request of the people, Attains could not indues him to wiLh- draw bis troops, that ibeymightfreelj declare their mind. lielefl a garriaon in the city, and on bis retum to Sparta sent bis wife to Argos to ooinplete the spoliation which be bad begun. Apegm was worthy of such a cmisort ) and her dJMimulation,avarice, and cruelty were not un- Siljrepresentedbyttieengine of toitnre which NabiB bad MtitriTed in b^ image. She aom- Boned tbs Argivewomen of the higher data into ber^neeence,anddidnot let tbemgonntil, by threat* or torments, abe bad stripped them of eTeT7omunentoftbeirpenons.* Flamininus, OD hia way back to bia winter-qotrters, stopped at the gate of Corinth to show his Cretans as a proof of the tyrant's defection ; and havfaig in- Titad Pbiioclea to ui interriew, b" foand that eren hia fidelity was beginning tn warer, and that he was watching the turn of eventa for a fitteraeason to betray hie trust. There were now only two states soalh of Tbennopyle which had not declared them- selvea inltiToiirofRome; AoamaniaandBcM- lia. The Acamantans, portlyibrongh their teoM of honour,parthrthrough their enmityto the ^:t(riians, adhered to Philipto the last In B"otia Thebes was the stronghold of the Ma- cedonian interest. The Tbeten paitiaans of Maoedonia,at firat a very small faction,with BiachyUaa, the chief of the bcuae of Neon, at their bead,had, under the proiectien of Antigo- nns Doson and Philip, become masters a{ the Mate. They kept the people in good humour by largesses from the treasury, and by conni- Tanee at theirtransgressions of tbs law, wbile Ihej ihemselTes eluded all inquiry intotheir ad- otiniatratian, and spent their fbrtnnea in a oon- linoal roaod of (easting. Itwas this wretched nai" of things which bad induced the Mc^rians toretom to their connexion with the Aehsans ; and the Bceotian force whioh was sent to re- cover Megara was scared away, as we have seen, by the mere ramoor of Philop"Bmen's ap- proach.t When the Romans bad established theniaelTea Id the heart of Greece, and aaemed to be on the point of bnnging their contest with Philipto a sueceaaful close, his partisansat Thebes were in a stillharder strait than the Achnans had been before their last decision, Tbey could not bring themselves to renounce the advantages ithich ibsy owed to Maoedonian therefore,to be allowed to remain nentral ; but, in their attempt to escape between two oppo- site dangers,theywere to unhappy as to fall into both without the merit or honour of either. " So r'"ljV"^Twii.,n. Birr hit altUi iii^cHs- MoiuiUtMwwids. t Poljb., n., "-" They were neither constant to Philip, nor ac- quired the favour of Rome, but were betrayeS' by their own duplicity into the hands of Plami* ninuB. Having caused a generalassembly of the Bteotians to be summoned to the capital, he marched from Elalea with 2000 legionaries, and. encamped five miles from Thebes. The next day,accompaniedby Attalua and by the minis- ters of the allied states, he advanced towards, the city,ordering iho troops to follow at the in-' terval of a mile. At half way he was met by the Bceotarch Antipbilus, with whom he en- gaged in friendly cooversalion, but alackensC his pace as they drew near to the city, to let his men overtake him. In the bustle of his en-, trance, their approach was not peroeived until it, was too late to exclude them. He was thn" master of Thebes, and the assembly which was held the next day could only exhibit the vaia serablanoe of free consultation. Attains opeeed. the proMedings with a speech in fikvoor of. Rome, but the exertion caused a fitof paralj-.' sit, in which tiewas cairied away fVom the aa- sembly, awl which, though not immediately f"~ tal,be did not aarvive many months. The de- cree, however, of alliance with Rome waa eais Tied without a dissentient voice ; and Flamini- luiB could thus turn all his thou^tsto the a|"- proaching oonleat without any anxiety as la the part of Greece which be would leave bebin" him when be next marched againstPhilip. Early in Uie spring of I9T,Philip assenUedL his forces at Dium for the decisive conflict. If itbad been possibleto elode itmuch longer, ther delay would only have exhausted all the i*- somves whioh affoided bim a hope o( auccew. Even now the population of his kingdom had "oshiuak during the long series of wars waged by bim and his ancestora, that he waa obliged to fill np the muster-rolls with boys of sixtean. and veterans paat tbe age of military aerTice. He therefore resolved to give battle in the plain*. ofThesaaly, where he would have the advan- tage of favourable ground, and bis kingdom tot fallback upon. Flamininns was detained two- or three days on his march northward at Thei^ mopyln, while an iEtolian assembly, held at. Haradea, waa debatingon the amoont of th" force which it should aend to him. On tbft- borders of Tbessaly he waa Joinedby 3000 fbofc and 400 horse under Phaneas, and after an uft- snooeasnil attempt on the PthioticThebes, en- oamped about aiz miles from Phene. Philip had already advanced to Lariasa,and, as soon as be heard of the enemy's position, maicheA to meet him. While the two armiea layoear Phene, a skirmish of cavalry took place,in which the jGtolians were victorious. But the. ground about the sutnirbs of Phers. being thiot^ lyplanted and intersected with walla, waa ilL suited for the operations of either army ; and the two commanders, as if in concert, moved at the aaiike tinM towards the territory of 8oe- tnssa, attracted by tbe ooni, which was justripe.. Without anyinteDigence of each other's move- roenta theyencamped on opposite sides of ". ridge,called, from acme rocky summits, Cy-: nocephaln (the Do^'-heads). This was tbei field of the battle which decided the fate of the Macedonian monarchy.* The two armies were about equal in nam-' " Fpljti., iTiii., 1-1". Liv.,iBiil.,"-l".,| . HISTORY OF GREECE. bers ; the Macedonian pbalsnx consisted of 10,000men, to which were added 7000 light infantry and !tOOO caTBlry, The Romans had the adfantageby the number or the ^tolian feoiBe. It waa the flrsttime that an opportuni- ty had occoired for the phalani and the legion to measDre their strengthBgainst each other, and the empire of the civiliied world depended on the remilt. Yet, to a superticiiil observation, 4t might aeem that on thia occasion a blind flhuice had interfered to jnerent pnison. On the morning of the bBttle, the noond was covered by so thick a mist, that ndlip, thinkiBg it impotalble that any action MvU lake ^aeetiiUd^, had eent oat -AHmtiy, and dlsooTer the enemy's position, All in with one wUeh he bad posted"n the heiottfa '- " ~it onsned, in which the Romai which the Roman* fray, when the .ftoliana and tnmed the fbrtune of the fight.Philip was obliged to send his cavalry, and the great- "r pan of his lightin"ntry, to support the firat detachment, and their arrival againcbanfed the scene. The Romans were dislodged from the heighta, and driven down into On plain, "nd they wonid have be"n completely routed if they had not been protectedby the jGtolian Vtmtay, whiiA la admitted by Polybius to have been Ibe beat in Greece for service of this kind. Flaminimu now deemed it necessary to Ining np the legionaries, who quiektfput the MacedoQianH to flight. In the mean wliile Philip had been indnced,by exaggerated ac- counts of the first successes obtained t^ his troops, to aet the iriialanx in motion. Tet it was only a pan of it that was brought into action. Ramolantly, and against bis better jtidgment,misliUng,as he deolarsd,both the ^aOB and ttte time, he nevertheless, in compli- ance with the iroporRmity of his officers, hast- ened fbiward with the rightwing, that be might not loee the suppoeed lavmiraUe junc- ture, ordering VM rest to follow as qnicUy as possible. And tiiis rightwing, which reached Ae top of the heights In time to protect the fhgitives, who were driven l"ack by the ad- "ancs of the legionaries, was eompletriy vio- torious over the left of tlie Roman army. I^ Roman arms ooold make no impression on that Aedge of apeare, ten of which were pointed against each soldier.* The Macedonians also atood on the highergronnd, and after the Urat abode, irtdoh waa aooompanied with a tretnen- dotis riMMt of both anmea, continued to gain 40 the retreating fiie. Flamininus soon per- ceived that the day waa lost on tiiis ]"an of lite "eld. Bat the reet of the phalanx, which was just appealing on the heights, had fcrmed,and was impeded by the am of the gronnd. While it was stillin tnis con- fusion, the Roman general,having first sent the elephants to increase the disorder, charged it with the whole of bis force not previously engaged ; and as the phalanx, if not irrMiati- He, was utterly helpless, it was p"senily nnted, and the Romans had ontv to shagMei their defenceless enemies. One divisionraised its sarissas in token of snrrender ; but as the Romans did not understand the sign, it ttti only the more exposed to their attaok ; lad Qninctina, thongh he discovered the errnr, conld not, or would not, prevent the carnage. Tlte victory was completedby the promptnoa of a Roman tribane.who, without orders, like Philoptemen at Sellasia,charged the Mace- donian rightwing in the rear. UnaUe to change its fnmt, and seeing the enemy, win had hitherto been retreating befwe it,now making a stand, it could an^ aedi safety it flight.Philip, havingllrst, with a few fMlow- era, asoended an eminence, Grttm whidi, a" the miat had now rallad away, be ooEild survey Ae fieUefbatUe, and having satisfiedhimself tbit Ae day was irreooveiaUykm, rode off at M speed towvds Tempa ; and havli^alopped lor one day at Gonni,to otdleet aa mair of "l"e (tagitives aa could overtake him, and haviig seat to Lariasa to deatn^ hia papeia tbere, pursued hia way into Maeedoata. On hi* sids 8000 were slain, BOOO made priaoaen. Tha leas of the Romans was estimated at do moie than 700. Such waa the issae of tiie battle of Cyno- oephalE ; and it might seem, aa has been ob- served, at first aigbt, raUier a work of ebaace, prodneedby an eztraordinaiy ec"tbinaiion of fortuitous circumatancea, than a proof of say intrinaic auperlority of the one army over the other. And eo it appears to have been eom- mon among the Greeks to attribute the suoeeai of the Romans to fonune. But Polybiaa hai pointed oat very clearly that the very essence of the advantage whirfi the legion had owr the phalanx lay in this : that there was "" much room iu all militaryopeniifoti tm tbe intervention of fortoitoua circumstances. The efficacy of the phalanx was, in fact,mer^ conventionsl ; it depended on certain con^ tione,which no general could command, sad oo events which none could foraaee. It was, therefore,no match for a force which couU readilyadapt itself to every positiott and amei' gency. Philip lost the battle only as bs tnii* have done in every other case, uoieas his ene- my had allowed him to chooee his own time and gronnd. The Romans, on their raturu tnm the pv^ salt,proceeded to tdnnder tbe Macedonian camp ; bnt th" found that tbe ftoliaa* bad already carried off the greater part of ito booty; and tbc^- were the more onbnded witb tbe greediness of their allies, as the J"oliu OBVtdrymight have done much barm to tbe flyingenemy, and, peihqia,mi^ have otst- taken the king himaelf. The mutrours ^icb le from this oircomatanoe were a preluiie nore serioos differences. The jGw*ana," have seen, had done good service in tlie earlier part of the battle ; but they claiinetl li- moat the whole glory of the victory : and iw Roman general himself wae deeply displeiMd irae venea vrhicb cireidated tbioagb in* . ., in which the Btine of the ifiiolian* *^ foremost, and he and hia anny weie ^**"''^ if they bed taken a subordinate part in "le work' There waa another atUl deeper grww * Rbi.,no*-, 9. I NEGOTIATION." MUBDE" OF BBACHYLLAS. if offence. The AtoliAiH had pretaoeioDa vhich were at vaiionce with ihe inMreete of lotae : and FlaminiuuB soon made tbem feel he cbange which had taken pUce ia their re- ationa with him, from the oiament that he had to farther use to make of them. At Lariasa te was met by three eoroys from Phdip, who ame to wk the ordinarytruoe foi the burial if the alain, and leave to aend an embassy to he Roman cantp. Flanuninus granted a truce or lifleeii days, and conBented to admit Philip o a conference at Tempe, adding an encour- ^ng message, which gave sreat oRence to be Xltohana,who comptainod thai they had lot been consulted,aa they used to be on all aatters Ifeforethe battle, and threw out iosin- lations that the Roman general waa making dTasBes to the king from corrupt motives. A ew days before that which had been fixed for he eonferenoe, Flantininus held a council to onsider the tenng of peace which should be emanded. The iGtolians would hear of none, ut urged him to fcrflow Dp the victory, until "bill]) should be despatched, or driven out of is kingdom: sn occasion which Fiamininus id not neglect, to eidaige on the generosity rith which Rome was wont to treat tier van- uishcd enemies, Amynander iooocentiyex- reseed a hope that the terms would be such 8 would enable him to maintain hineeif gainstPhilip, a^ei the departure of the Ro- lans. At the conference Philip cut off all dis- ute at the outset, by a declaration that he ac- epted all the conditions which had been pie- iouslyprescilbedto him by the Romans and heir allies, and was ready to sulmut to the ecree of the senate on other points. But an jigry altercation ensned between Fiamininus jid the /GtoUana, who demanded the restitii- ion of tbeii Thessalian towns, while the Ro- nan refused to give up any which hod opened heir gatea to him : Ptbiotic Thebes, which had leen taken by force after It had refused t tirrender, theymight deal with as the; would. L truce of four montha waa concluded with 'hilip, who was required to pay 300 talents mmediately, and to deliver his son Demetrius ad some of his friends as boMagea ; bnt the noney and hoatageawere to be restored t lim if the treaty should be broken offat Rome. It was not any magnaubnons feeling, but the hreateningmovements of Anliochus Uiat had endered Fiamininus unwilling to push Philip o extremities ; and Ihe same canse made the enate anxious to terminate the Macedonian Far. Notwithstanding,therefore, the opposi- ion of the new consuls, each of whom wished or the Macedonian proviuce, the peace was ecrned and confirmed by the comitia "f the ribes. The heads of the treaty were imbodied a an ordinance of the senate, and tea coomis- ionera were appointed,according (o eslab- ishod usage, to carry it into effect, and to onsult with Fiamininus on some pointa which re re left to their discretion. The battle of Cynocepbabe put an end to he resistance of the Acamaniana. Their uaKistrates and leadingmen had yieldedb olicitaliona of L. Quinctius, or saw i learly than the common people that it Vol. if" Ll' r-K. tif.. i,11-11. the power of Rome ; and they held a congress at Leucas, in which a decree waa passed in the name, but without the authority, of the nation, Ibr alliancewith the Romans. But this decree was soon after indignantly annulled by the people, and its au- thors called to account, though pardoned on acknowledgment of their offence. Luciua,ae soon as he heard of this reaction, sailed from Corcyra and laid siegeto Leucas, which mads a long and most gallaat resistance,though exr posed to attack both by sea and land,and oo^ Burrendered after the enemy had been treach- erously admitted into the citadel. A lew day* after, the contest was decided in IlieBsaly, and the rest of the Acarnanian towns submitted to the conquETors. About the same time the AchBana, under their general,Nicostratus,gained a victory over Androsthenes, the commander Of Cotintk, which d^Lvered the Achtean territory from the ravages which it had previously suffered fron the garrison;andabodyof AchRanaoxilianes aided the Rhodjans to recover the greaterpart of the Pertca. Philip himself did not remain inactive after his defeat ; but when the Darda- niana,auppoaing that they might now insult him with impunity, made an inroad into Mace- dooia, he hastily collected a small army, fell upon them suddenlynear Stobi, and chased them, with great slaughter, out of his domiu- Towards the close of the year Ihe tranquillity of Qreece was shahtly disturbed by some strug- gles of the two fiteotian factions, which kept up their contest after that of their patrons had ceased. Nut witlistan ding the alliance whioh had been concluded with Rome, a number at Bceotians fought on Philip's side at Cynoceph- alB, under the command of Brachyllos ) and he, with many others of them, waa among the prisoners.Fiamininus,however, to oonoiUate the Bteotians, consented to release them ; but he could not soothe their hostility by thia fa- vour, which they affected to ascribe to Philip's intercession ; and Brachyllas, on his retuto, was elected Bceotarch. The chiefs of the op- posite party, who had promoted the alliance with RjDOie. began to be uneasy ahnat the lot which awaited them when their adversario* should be no longer overawed by the vicinity of a Roman army, and they consulted Fiamini- nus on the expediency of removing Brachyllas. Fiamininus weuld not meddle with such a transaction himself, but advised them to speak to the .Italian general, Aiexamenee. By him they were furnished with six men, three JEii"- Uans and three Italians, who killed BraolijUis M ha was returning home at night with soma dissolute companions from a feast. But the contrivers of the murder were afterward de- tected, and one of thera waa put to death, after he had been examiood by torture, in which i" probably disclosed the connivance of Fiamini- nus. The discpvery inspired alt claases of tha Bieotians with mortal hatred towards the Ro- mans ; and as they did not venture to exhibit it openly,they wreaked it by a series of cow- ardly assassinations on the individual Roman soldiers who haniened to pass through BiBOtia. When, at length, search waa made by the orda: " "u,"="j,im .wic- 400 HISTORY OF GREECE. of Flamininui, MM corpses were f elear signs of violent death,at the tbe Lake Copais. Flaniminua demanded the deliTerj of the murderers, and imposed it con- tribution of liOO tiJcnts on tha Bceotions. When Ihey offered excuses inslead of compli- ance, he invaded the country, and laid siege to Acraphia and Coronea, the tonus nearest to the principal scenes of bloodshed. The BceO' tians now were readjr to submit, but could only otilain forgivenessthrough the intereeasion of the Achauns and the Athenians, and on condi- tion of surrendering the guilty, and paying a floe of thirty talents. By the decree of the senate which was brooght bjr (he ten commiasionera, peace was granted to Philipon the following terms : allthe Greeks, botb in Eompe and Asia,were to he free,and ^verned by their own laws ; but with one very importani exception. T^e districla subject ' Philip, and the (owns held by his garrisoi were to be delivered up to the Romans before the next Isthmian games. Yet this exception, s^n.was so quali^ed, that several towns were named which he was immqdiatflylo evacuate, and to reatow to absoluto freedom. These were EuTomua, Pec'asa,Bargylia, and laasus in Ca- rta, Abydus,Thssoe,Myrina, and Perinthiis, all , places far remote from Greece. Titus was to write toPrusiBsof Bithynia, in the name of the "enate, on behalf of Cioa. Within the tinu Philip was to surrender all the Koman prisoners and deserters, snd his ships of except five boats and bis state galley, a huge and useless vessel ; and he was to pay 1000 tal- ente, one half immediately, the rest by insial- These articlea, aocordingto Poiybius, diObaftd nniveraal jnythroughoutGreece, except among tho .flolians : they alone complainedthat the libertyannourtced by the decree was a mei" name, destituteof reality.Polybiua attributes theae cnmplainls to iheir resentment, yet he admits thai Iheywere not without plausibility ; and though the sagacity of the .*:to!iana may have been quickenedby their diaappainlment, itis probablethat their suspicinnswere shared by many who had not the courage to express them. They observed that, since the towns which Philipwas to set at liberty were named, itwas clear thai those which he was to deliver Xto the Romans were not included in the same ss.ortoenjoylheaamefreedom; andamong IhesB, besides Oreus and Ereiria, were Chalcis, DemetriBB,and Corinth. It was, therefore,evi- dent that the fitieti of Greece were not to tie nnlocked, but only to be transferred to the grasp of a stronger hand. Polybius, with a breach of candour into which he is often betrayedby his ill-willtowards the ."totians, treats these objections as mere verbal cavils and exaggera- tions. But it is certain that the .*;toliansnot onlyput a fair construction on the language of the decree, hut penetratedthe intentionsof tha aenate. The senate meant to keep these im- portant places in its own possession ; not, in- deed, so moch throughdiatrast of the Greeks, B" for the sake of precaution against Antiochus. It had not, however, finallydetermined this point, biitleft it to the decision of the comniis- sioDers after consuttation with FlamininuB ; for tbera was room for hetiution a* to the eqteiU- enoy of the meaaure. If.on the ona htnd, it was dangerous to leave these placesexposed to attack from Antiochus. it was also unsafe,il such a juncture, to forfeitthe confidence and ali- enate the good will of the Greeks. Tbe ques- tion ttecame the subject of a long and warm d^ hate between Flamininus and the comraiBaio*. era, who were inclined to carry out the senate'* original design in every part. But PlaminiDDt so stronglypleaded the necessity of slopping the mouths of the JEMans. and of makingpMd the professions which the Romans had so ^ea held out to their alliea, that tho coromissionei* yielded, on some poinla. to his opinion. It wis settled thai Corinth should be immediately il" livered up to tbe Achasans, according lo tbt terms of their late treaty with Rome, but that the Acrocorinthus, Chalcis, and Demetrin shonld be retained by Roman garrisons. Livy supposes it to hsve been expressly declsred ii the decree of the council, that this occupatios should be merelytemporary, to last only as long as the movements of Antiochus ahou'ld afliin cause for anxiety; but Polybiua is silentai le any such reslriction.* These deliberations took place at Corinilc and the Anal decision ofthecommiasionenwai to be published at the Isthmian festival, whiek- was now near at hand. It wa" attended by a* unusual concourse of Greeks, anxious to leara the fate of their country, and the use which tha Romans would make of their victoiy. This wit the subject which engrossed all oonversaliaA and various conjectures were formed abnni it i hut the prevailingopinion, as reportedby Po- lybiDs.f seems not lo have differed very widelT fhim thai of the floiians. When tbe apect"- tora were assembled, before the games bsgtn after silence had been bidden by tbe soDnd of the trumpet, proclamation was made by a her- ald that the Roman senate, and Titas Qutncti- us, having overcome King Philip and tbe Ma- cedonians, giveliberty lo the Corinthians, Pho- ciana,Locrians,Eub"eans, Acbcans of Phlhia, Magnetos.Thessalians, and PerrhEbians, nillt exemption from garrisons and tribute, and per- mission to govern themselves by their heredi- lary laws. The catalogue included every part of Greece which had hitherto been occupied liy Philip; and the proclamation was in subatanecF as it was sometimes described,a declsraliajt that the independence of Greece was restored. So it was underatood by those who heard Jt. A about of joy rent tbe air,snch, that l"in" which were flying over ihe heads of the malli- are said to have dropped lo the ground; and the herald was obliged to repeat the prn^ lamation,as well for Ihe sake of those who had It hcarxl it dialinclly, aa because the rest cculd iareely believe the evidence of their senses. The shout then rose again stilllouder than be- fore ; tho spectacle which followed passed un- heeded: the whole assembly was occupied wiw one thought and one feeling. Titus,as be with- drew at the end of the games, was ahnoal slillea by the throngwhichcrowdedabout him, logM* and applaud, to grasp his hands, and sheer garlands and filletson his head. Yet we nV suspect that tbe pressnre which he fontMl ino" painflil was that of undeserved gratitu"l" ; " "PBl7b.,rtii.,". liv,^il(t,^i Ij^* "*"-"" TREATY OF PEACE." ANTIOCH US THE GREAT. . 4S1 be probaUr tboDghl much less highly of bis own MTVices tban Polybiua, wbo does qoc scnipls lo observe tbar,eiiraTagnnt aa the display of grat' ibide mightBeem, it fellahortoftbe obligation ; a reflection so glaringly wide of the tiutb, that ITS can hardlyeipJainit,ao as not to question either his jndgmsnt or his sincerity. The en- thnslasm of the multitude waa more excuaahle, w they could not foresee all tbe adTsnta^ wtitcb the Komans were lo reap from their Tto- toiT over Philip, and either did not yet know that they had resolved to keep tbe fetters of Greece in their hands,or believed that tbia waa only a tempoTary measure, and a necessary jrecsntion. But the joy of tbe more considier- "te might have been damped by tbe thought that EDch a boon conld only be bestowed Sya master who waa able to reanme it al his pleas- tnv. After tbe festiTsI,Flamininos and tbe com- miMioners proceeded to adjust the other affairs which were eonunitted to their discretion. The envoys of Antiochus were dismissed with a peremptary tnjmiction to their master, lo evac- nale allthe Asiatic cities which bad belonged eitber t" Philipor to Ptolemy, and to abstain from anreMion on those which retained their iDdependence, and, abave all,not to pass over in person, or to send forces into Europe; but it waa annonnced that' some of the ten would shortly seek an interview with the king. The province of Orestis, which had revolted from Philipduring the war, waa declared independ- ent, and bs was thus, to his bitter ntortificatton, prevented from takingrevenge for iie disloyal- xj.' Tbe niyrian districta of Lychnisand Par- Ihi, which had been subject to Philip, were given to Pleuialua. Thessaly was, as fax as poaaible, dismembered ; the PerihKbians. Dolopes. and Magnetea were detached from it as independ- ent states ; Phthiotis, however, was annexed to it, with the exception of Thebes and Pharea- hw. Tbe claims of the jEtoliana to Pharsalus and to Leuca* were referred tn tbe senate ; but ibey were permitted to renew their former re- latMns with Phocis and Locria. Corinth, Tri- phylia, and Herca were restored lo the Acba"- ans. The commisaloners wished to bestow OreoB and Eretria on Eumenes, who had auc- eeeded his father Attains on the throne of Per- gamas, but,on the remonstrance of Flamininns, tbe question was referred to the senate, which decided that these towns, logether wiih Carys- tiis, should be restored to liberty. Valerius An- ties,a writer of very slightauiborily, related that,by the original decree of the aenale, "gi- BB, which Attains bad pnrchased from the "to- bans, and the elephants, were given to his son of tbe same name ; and that the Alheniaas were rewarded with the lordship of Paros, Im- bros,Deloa, and Scyros.t Nothing but the ai- leoce o( Polybius throws a doubt on either fact. Hie commissioners then parted lo undertake various missims. Cn. Cornelius,who was sent to Philip,prevailedon him, that he might nol seem to be reserving himself for Antiochus,lo sue for alliance and amiiywiih Rome. Come- lins next proceeded to the ."tnlian assembly ai Thetmus ; but he was there received with eomplaintB,tipbraidings, and reproaches, which t Ibid.,J u.,n. grew, at last,so violent that he Ihought it safbst to decline discussion, and to advise them to send an embaaay to Rome, where Ibey wuuld be sure to obtain satisfaction of all reasonable demands. So ended the Macedonian war, wilb a plentiful sowing of the dragon's teeth. CHAPTER LXV. AHTiocaoB, the son of Seleucus Callinicoat and tbe eiith from the founder of his dynasty, sumamed by bis contemporaries the Great, was, perhaps, eminent in energy and abihtj above most of his line,though ceruiinly not comparable in this respect to bis ancestor the Conqueror. He seems to have owed that title " which, however, imported littlein an age ao lavish ofeuch distinctions, thalbis grandfather, a vile and odious prince, waa sumamed the God " chied; to the contrast between the low state into which the Syrian monarchy had fall- en when he ascended the throne, and that to which he finally raised it, but especially to his expedition for the recovery of the eastern provinces, which had been t^n from it by the Parthian and Bactrian kings, an expedition which, by its extent, duration, and dazzling success, might, to a degenerate race, recall the achievements of tbe Macedonian conqueror. ' He seeroB to have been elated with the sound- ing epithet,* and to have forgotten how largely he was indebted for his triumphs to the imbe- cility of his Egyptian neighbours; and in aa evil hour he conceived the project of enlarging the bounds of hia empire, until it should in- clude all the conqueata made by the firstSo- leucuB after his victory over Ljsiiaachus. In the prosecution of this undertaking, he crossed the Hellespont in the spring of 196, and made himself master of the Thracian Chersooesus^ and being struck with Ihe advantageous sita of Lyainiacbia, which had been ruined by tho Thracians atler Philip had withdrawn hia troops, he determined to rebuild it, and make It the capital of his Europeandominions, which he intended should comprehend the whole kingdom of Lyeimachua.l While this work was goingon, he collectedas many as be could of the old inhabitants, many of whom he rai"- somed from slavery, and invitednew colonists J He was thus employed when L. Cornelius, who had been sent by the senate to mediata between him and Ptolenty, and tiirceot !*;e commissioners who had just been regulating the affaiiB of Greece, came to Lysimachia. They were amicably received and hospitably 45S HISTORY OF 6REB0B. entertaiaed. But wlien they required him to restoro the conquests he hid made rrom Ptol- em; and Philip, and itemanded an explanation of the purpoBe for which he had come o"Pr to Europe, he firmlyrejected their dictation,re- roinded them that Rome had no mora to do with Asia than he with ItaJj, aod aaserted bis claim 10 the European as well aa the Asiatic possessiona of Lysimachua. The conference, which had been carried on in a very high and "harp tone on iMth sides,was abruptly broken "ff by a false nimour of the death of the young feing of Egypt) which induced Antioctius to re- turn to Asia, leaving his son Seleucus at Lys- fmachia. The commissioners, on their return to Rome, mode a report which pt"par"d the senate for an approaching war with Syria,and, at the same time, directed ita attention to the hostile temper of the iGtoiians and the inde- pendent attitude of Nabia. The only doubt with refardto Itabis was, whether there was any sufficient pretert for a declaration of war against htm ; and it appear- ed so difficultto find one, that it was decided to refer the qnealion of war or peace to Flam- ininns. As soon as thia decree of the senate reached him, he anmrnoned a congress of the alliesat Corinth,and,professing that he shonld be entirelyguidedby their wishes, bade them consider whether they would have Argoa left in the power of Nabis. tt ^aa a matter in which Rome had no concern, except so far as It interfered with the liberty of Greece, and tiiUB impaired the glory of her work. The Athenian deputies extolled the Roman magna- niniLty, with some reflections on the malignity of its detractors : an allusion which roused the Cohans, against whom it was pointed.They had been deeply offended by the result of Iheir last embassy to Rome, where the senate, as if to aggravate injury with insult, referred their claims again to their adversary Flamininus.* They now inveighedagainst tlui meanneas of the Athenians, complained of the wrong by which they were defrauded of Echiaiu and PharsaluB, and taxed the Romans with dissim- ulation and hypocrisy. "They pretended to be the liberators of Greece, and yet hrid it in its old fetters. Argos and Nobis were only pretexts to corer tiiecontinued presence of Iheir army. Let the legions be embarked for Italy, and the A^toUang would undertake that Nahis should withdraw his garriaon from Ar- gos." The troth would only have displeased the Romans : the boast disgusted the other aJlieB. The Achaean general,AristKnus, de- claimed bitterly against the jGtolians, and in- treated Flamintnns not to leave Peloponnesus until he tiad secured it against their a^gres- Bions. T^ie rest of the deputiesjoined m the same strain, and the war against Nabis was nnanlmously decreed, Flamininus,having sent for his troops from Elatea, marched againstArgos, and at Cleonie was joinedby Ariatienus with an Achcan army tri" 10,006 foot and 1000 horse. Nabis had committed the command of the garriaon at Argos to Ms wife's brother Pythagoras, who WBs also his son-in-law,and he made the best prvparations for its defence. He sapprossed - - 1 which was prematurely at- " Liti"iBiiii.,uii, of the cititens on flw sp- {nuBch of the l^mans, and no ftrtfaer bovs- meat took place within when Fiamininaa ea- camped in the suburbs. Finding Dm hups disappointed, be called a coonoil to driibsnce on a siege. Ail the Greek officers,exccjii Arist"nu9,thoogfat tiiat,as Argos was Um oc- casion of the war, the first operations of lt" army sho[^d be directed against it But Hiis- ininus adopted the advice of Anstcnm, to carry the war into the snemy's oogntry, sad, having reaped or xrasted the harvest i" Uib plain of A^oe, he marelied to the borden of Laconis, vriiere lie waited some time for a is- eufoTcenieiitwhich he especMd frooi Philip, and for a supply of p * * " " " " '-' ordered the Pelo[ He was joinedby IBOO K Thesaalian horse, and by a amneioiis iotj of LaoedBiaoniau exiles,with Agesipob u their head. Abont the same time, his brottasr Lucius had sailed into the Gnlf of Laecw witli fbrtygalleys, and EumeDes aitdUm Bho- diaiu were appioaching with tlieir oombist' Nabis,liowe"er, did mot stasto despair,though bis whole font ) no mora th^ IS,OOD men, beiag oomposed of SOOO Cretans, 3000 other nur- ceosries, and 10,000 Laeonian troops. Hb strengthened the defences of his eapitsl vilt a new ditch and rampart, and stnok nKiw into his subjectsby the arrest of eighty m*- pectedcitiiens, whom he put to death the fbl- towing night, and by the execntian of soax Helots,who were durged with having altennl- ed to desert. When the RiMDana, ^viiif da- scended the vsle of the CEnus to Uie buAs ti the Enrotas, were proceeding to pilch tlieir camp within a short distuiee from Spsrts, they were thrown into great coafkisionby i sudden charge of the tyrant's auiiliariea, WIb were only repeUed by the adrance of the I*- gionariea, and the nan day, when the Rocsn column, moving southward, had passed the city, Nabis again sallied out and f^ upon if rear with his mercenaries ; but Ibe Roedh*, who anticipated an attack, dtifted their frost so rapidly, and in such good order, that, sA*'' an obstinate cmnbai, lie was pot to flight, t^ the Achsana were enabled,by tbeir koDWlsdgB of the ground, to intercept or overtake mt^ of the fhgitives before tliey coald gain ths ci? gate. Flamininus then ravaged the adjaMil plain without Arther interruptioa, sad altst- ward continued his devastations down to the seacoast. In the mean while,Lucius, after he had li- ken BCTeral df the snoaller towns on tbe soiA laid siege to Gythinm, the anenal of ^P*'*^* populous and well-fortilled city ; and. ai w- menes and tbe Rbodians arrived about tke same time, the works mode npid pngrMi Two officers, Oorgopas and Dezagoridaa, ewn- maoded the [dace with equal aatifority. D"^' agaridas. when defence seeuMd hopeleu, opM- ed s olandeatine aorrespondence with "" Roman general, but was detected and put K death by his ooUeague. But he, too, wai n- duced to despair, when Titos came up ^'' * body of 4000 men to snniort the besi^MSi and he aurrendered on c"mditi"m Ati the gV' rison ahould be allowed to withdnw, Suu, WAR WITH NABIB. "Imm^ hs had been le-eaferned by lOOO mer- Mnariee and 3000 Ai^vea under Pytbtgoras, who bad isft Argoa under the oherge of Timoc- ratea, an AchBui, when he heaiS of the foil of Gythinm, b^an to think liis situation des- perate, and aent Pytbegwas to solicitan inter- view with Flaminimis. Thi" teqoeat was frairted ; and the]'met, with a few attendants on eaob side, in the jdaiu of Spaita. In the oooloreiKieiaa reportedby Livy, the strength sf tke aigumeBt seems to bare been on the aide of Nabia ; for it was diffionltto poiot out uj ehaoie that bad taken plaoeto aflbrd a joA croond for boetiliiy againat him since the d^ wlien Flamiainua accepted his aid against Philip. The Roman had Uien TirtuBlly, if not eqreaalf, reoogniaed his title,not only to Sputa, bat to Argoa- The answer which the Roman histortan pnia into the moath of hia aotudiyman is ha]41yintelligiUe, but apparent- ly qnta inconsiateot whh the feta Kcorded bj the hialotlan. FlamiBDOa is nade to deny fhKt the RoHians had eoDtnctad any frinidabip or aUianoc with Nabia, and tlwB to allege the Meaaene, hie allianee with Phil^ and his pita- oea, aagrouDda of war; but the validiqr of all theae grounds manifestlydepended oo the unth of an asaeitioa whicb, if Livy'snarratiTe ia to be belisTed, waa notonoosly false. Flam- ininna,bowcTer, waa in a position in which it might be oonaiderei] aa a condeeceasion to MaaoD even on false premises. AnstcoBS laere ingemioiisly exhorted Nsbis to abdicate bis powar. and reminded bim of many tyrants who had descendad oT their own accord to a privateatation, "id had afterward lived in safety and honour among their fellow-oitiieiia. Bat Nabis had not so nsed his power that he could feotore to resign it. The conference waa adjourned to the morrow, and then Nabis offered to eracute Argoa, and to give up his piisoaera and deserters ; if the Romans had any otber demands to auie,he desired that they might be set down in writing, tiiat he might deliberate on them with hia frienda. A truoe was granted,during which Flaraininua conferred with his alliee on the question of peaee. At first, tbey were all oowilling that it should be granted to him on any terms ; and FlamininuB, who had private motives for desi- ring it" chiedy the fear that he might other, wise be superseded berore he had brought the war to a cloae " could not bring ihem over t - bis miml imtil be had frightened them with pmp"ot of the heavy conUibutioaa which he rhniP'' be obliged to lay on tbem for the sup- port of the army if be was forced to undertake the sie^ of Sparta, which he represented as likely to laat thniu^ the winter. He was then allowed to preaoribe terms of peace. Tlwy wer" aaffioiently hard. One of Uie more BBportant artiolea provided fbr tbe diamember- mentofLaconia. Oythimn and tbe other mari- tiaae towns were to ha sevetad from tbe do- minion of Nabis,aa independent allies of Rome. He was also to give up all the towns which he pasaeesed in Crete to the Romana, and to " render his whole navy, retainingonly boats. He was stdcUy confined to I^aconia, and forbidden even there to build or fortify, well SB to Biaius war But he was leftabsolute master ot Spana, and ilyprovmioa introduced in favour of tha exiles was an article by which their property, which inchided the emancipatedaiaves, their children, and as many oftbeir wives as wisbed to share their fortimee,were to be restored to them. Nabis was to pay IDO talents immedi- ately, and 400 more by instalments in ei^ years. A aix months' tiuoe was to be granted ' r an embsasy to Rome. Nobis,hovrever, found the uonditions iaaap- portable, espeoialty thoee which deprived biia of his maritime posaeaaioaa. which were tbs chief soDice of his wealth, snd furnished tba lin strength of his army. The article of re*- niion to the exiles waa no leae disagreeatdo the great maas of bis craatuies and depend- ants, and the mereenariea dreaded the end of a profitatde oeenpation. Nabis iniomed ths geft- sral discontent, and the Romans warn aooa ap" prised,by a lanawnl of hostHitiM, that the n*- gotiation waa broken off Flaminiana now aav himaelf oUiged tomake an attenqtieaSpana; biK his olyeet etiU waa, it seams, rather to tar- rify tbe qrrani into aobmiasmn than to make himself master oftbe eby. He sent for alltba orews of tbe three allied fleets, and when ttwjr arrived his whole force amovnled to no lesa than 60,6M. With this multitnde he sDrrouod- ed the city, and ordered a generalaaaauU, wfaila three divisions of bis best troopa ware led against three qoarlers in whitli the forttio^ tiims bad not been cmnpleted. The city would have been carried at these points if Pyihagoita bad not set lira to the a4iaeentfaousesi and tbtu compdled tba asaailanta to luttte. Tha main pnrpDseofFlamininn*,however, had been answered ; lor,three days after.Nahis aent bis son-in-law to implorepeace. It was granted on the same conditions which had been before prescribed : the money was paid, and hoatagea, including a son of Nabis. delivered. In tbe mean while, tba Argives,having heard of tha tyrant's danger, rose and expelled his garriaen. Flaroininas arrived at Argos, soon alVar, witb bis victorious anny, and was invited to preaida at the Nemean restiTal,wbidi, having been omitted in the season of pobUo dietreaa. waa now celebrated in honour oftbe reoentd^vo^ aace (B.C.195). Tbe liberty of Argoa waa solemnly proclaimedby a herald during tite games, and tbe uaiveraal joy was onlyallayed by one reflection, which afforded fresh matter for the invidious insinuations of tbe .ftollans, that Rome itiU saaciioned and upheld tbe tyr- anny of Nabis, while tbe rightful beii of the Spartan throne was allowed to remain in exiio. Tbe senate ratified the treaty with Nabis, and resolved to withdraw its army from Greece, and its garrisons from the Greek towns, eitiier moved by tbe influeuoe of Flamininua, or b"- cause the good win of the Greeks and tha hon- our of Rome appMred more important than the advantage which wduU be derived from the continued oeenpation of these places in a war with Antioohua, which was still, indeed,ex- pected aa much aa ever, but with more eager- ness than anxiety. Tbe repntalion of Flamini- nus, aa the paUon of Greece, required thia measure to enaUe him to complete bis taak, lie his mission with lustre. During after hia campaign ia Laecmja,he 4H HISTORY OF GREECE. remBined at Elatea,occupied with tbe settle- ment or the internfllaffairs of the Greek oicieg, in which tbe Macedonian interest had bithertc been predominant; and i1 had, probably, been everywfaBre bo much abused, that he might "eom 10 be merelyredresBingwrongs and pro- tecting liberty, while he torned the scale in fa- vour of Rome. In the spring he summoned the deputies of all the alUed cities to Corinth, where, as he took his leave, he recounted the benefits which they owed to the Romans, to hia iiredeceaaoTB, and to himself; Tindicaied the peace wtlb Nsbis aa necessary to save "pait" from destruction ; and announced that he was on the point of returning to Italy, with his whole array ; tbat he ahould immediately pot the Achieans in posseasion of tbe Acroco- linthns ; and that, nithin ten days,they would bear that tbe Roman garrisons had been with- drawn from Demelrias and Chalcis. They would then know what credit to give in future to the charges of the .ftoliana. He concluded trilh an exhortation to use tbeir libertysoberly and discreetly; to cherish concord both be- tween city and city, and within each, and to Bhow themselves worthy of the boon bestowed on them by the Roman people ; remembering that,though their freedom had been won for tbem by the anna, and restored to them by tbe (ood faith of a foreignpower, it could only be preservedby their own care. It was, no doubt, an earnest and fi-iendly warning, and it drew tears from the audience, which aflbcted the apeaker himself. After a short pause, he add- ed " partingrequest, that they would collect aa many Roman citizens as they could find living among them in slavery, and send them aAer him, wjtbin two morlbs, into Tbessaiy. This was gladlypromised, and the number redeemed in A"^aia alone amounted to 1900, and cost the Achxans 100 talents. Before the assembly was dismissed, it saw the gsTrison descend bom (he citadel end march out of the city. Flamlninus followed it, amid acclamations of Citnde from the Greeks, and took the road Co ea. He tiien sent his lieutenant, Ap, Clau- dius, with all the forces,to Oricum, there to wait for him, and proceeded to Eubisa, where he withdrew the Roman garrisons, not only from Cbaleia, but froEi) Oreus and Eretria,and, in a oongresa of Eubcean deputies, repeated the advice which he had given at Corinth. He next passed on to Demetrias,where, while be withdrew the garrison, he seems to have taken nessores to aecnre the ascendency ofthe par- tiaans of Rome ; and be probably, at tbe same time,regulated the federal CoDstitation of the Magnetos, who henceforth have a magistrate attheir head,with the titleof Magnetarch. Hia last work was to restore order and tranquillity id ThesBBly, which he found in extreme oon- ftsion. The character of the people is de- "eribed as turbulent and unsteady,and, under the Mscedonian government, which superseded the forma of tbeir ancient Conatitntion. but sub- BtitQted no definite system in its room,* they seem to have experienced the evils of anarchy and despotismby turns. t Tbe object of Flami- "inus appftara to have been to assimilate tba I Thessalian Constitution to that of tbe Aehtu . League,establishing a perfectequality with 're- 1 gard to the election of the federal msgislralM and the administration of public affbirs:'for this waa ths feature in the Acbisan Constit^ tion which, as it tended most to limit the pow- er of ths League, best suited the views of Rome. But the polity which he iattoduml into tbe cities approached nearer to that of Rome itself: it was what the Greeks calleda timoeraoy, an oligarchy founded on the buls of property.t The government waa lod^ io a senate, or conncil of the wealthier citiieiia. and a pecuniaryqnalihcation was required br the exercise of judicial functions, Eveiy oli- garchical party throughout Greeee regarded Rome as Its patron. J It was, no doubt,lo re- liance on the efllcacy of these measures forlbs security of the Roman interest that he bad ad- vised the withdrswing of the troops ; tnt be knew that Rome bad nothing to l^ai if he sbonld be deceived in his calculations. He then proceeded to embark at Oricnm, withhli ransomed coantrymen, and returned to Italy to receive the honours of a triumph, which few Roman generals ever deserved belter. Hia conduct in Greece is entitled to nearly sa higb praise as il was possible (or him to earn in such a station. He probably n"ver finra mo- ment lost sight of the "gnaadiwiiteBt of Rome, as the mark to which aU his aims were direct- ed. But hia policy was as liberal as was e""- sistent with this object ; and, aa appean fitiia the opposition which he encountered, few sf bis contemporaries were capshle of equal mod- eration or generoeity. He would, possibly, not have shrunk from any violence or fraud which he deemed necessary for the est^lisbment of tbe Roman ascendency in Greece ; but he n" willing, and even desirous, that tbe Greeks should enjoy the largest meaanr^ of prosperi^ and apparent freedom tbat coold coexist with real dependence on the will or Rome. Tte part of his conduct which it is,perhaps, most difficult entirely to justify, even from this point of view, IS that vrtiich relates to Nabis, wtaon he seems purposely to have lett as a thom is the side of the Achsans, while he committed the maritime towns of Laconia to their pmtac- tion,though itwas easy lo foresee that the re- sult would be a fresh coDisInn between them. The jEtoliaos were ready to give the neoes- sary impulse. In their contest with PbHip. thou^ it arose out of their own aggressioaa, the .ftolians might, with some colour of truth, represent themselves as champions of the na- tional independence. Tbeir connexion with Rome might,perhaps, be defended on the plet of a supposednecessity, though no fair excose conid tie ol!bred for the iniquitous compact into which they entered with her. But they were now about lo set Greece in a flame, withoot any assignabls motive but luat of power and gain,jealousy ofthe AchBana, and resentmenl against the Romans. They waited for a lime, alter the departure of Flamininua, in the hope that it would be a aignal for the enemies of Rome to enter tbe var" '-'-" '"- """" but, when " Niibsl InU lurul liuliiiT 9f TbMHlj. JITOUAN INTRIGUES." WAR WITH NABIS. 465 the; found chat all Tcmaioed quiet,the; held an asaembly tt Naupactus. and,by the advice "of their genera!,Thoaa, resolved lo do their ut- most to kindle a fresh war. They sent envoys at the same time to Antiachus. Philip, and Na- Ihs. to work upon the BDibition or revenge of "ach by appropriatearguments. Anliochus wan, indeed, meditating war, and he had now Hannibal at hia aide,to urge and direct him ; tint the season for the commencement of hos- lilitiea againatRomehad not yet arrived. Phil- ip had bought his experience too dearl; to let himself be drawn bo soon intp a alrufgleao much more hopeless than the last. Nabis,as he was more impatient of the condition to which he hajl been reduced, yielded more easi- ly to the peiBuasions of the ^tolian envoy, and began immediately to make attempts for the recovery of the maritime tovras, gaining some of the leading men by bribes, and removtnK those who adhered to the Roman cause hy as- BBBsination,and,finally, laid siege to Gylhium. The Achseana, aa protectors of these towns, while the; remonstrated with Nabis, sent a body of aqxilieriesto Gythimn, and envoys lo Rome. Philoptcmen had now retnmed from Crete. Hia absence at a period when hia ser- vices were supposed to be required for the de- fence of his country had given so mnch offence at Megalopolis, that a decree waa ver; nearly carried for depriving htm ofthe franchise ; and this dishonour was only averted through the interpocition of AristBBiu, (he general of the ijetgae,who, though afterward, at least, op- posed to Phtlop^Einen in his political views, was induced to intercede iti his behalf We are toformed that Pliilopamen was moved, by Tesenunent for this aSront, to aid severel of the BQbject Arcadian towns in an attempt which the; made to deliver themselves from their dependence on Megalopolis.* The motive as- sign^ for this step is certainly too petty far "och a man ; but wo do not find any reason to believe that this was a democratical measure.f Tf these towns were admitted into the League, it was, most probably, Phitipcemen'aobject simply to counterbalance the preponderance of the old Achttan lowtis, as we shall lind hira af- terward the author of another innovation mani- I^tl; designed for that end. Now, however, he was again general of the League. But though Nsbis, while he vigorouslypressed the aiege of Gythium. made inroads into the Acbn- an territories, it was not thought prudent to nndertafce an; offensive operations against him Pint., Philop.,t). So h i" nprocnbid bj NHoch (FiiI;taDi. p. IT), who i"d wftb Fhi1cp|"it"ii^i nilitBry ""TanLian* chat tkaj at hiapoliliHl plau ;" Ihat It, m other wohli.wB htffl Htiafmctnry avidancfl reniiUnini tt lo their real Bt"ure. U np'lli Toid. 'rh'i'utlle iorlof^Kilneh ilXl"5 Oeu of iba wDifc it, itilthe senate's pleasure should be known. fen when they learned, on the return of their envoys, that the senate had directed the prstor, A. Atilius,to carry succours to their Laconian allies,they would not eome lo any resolution until they had consulted their patron Plamini- nuB. They then held a counoU at Sicyon. It seemed evident thai Gythium and the whole coast would be lost unless measures were speedily taken to check the progress of Nabis ; and these would have been voted unanimously if a letter of FlamininuB had not been read, in which he advised them to wait for the prstor's arrival. The opinions of the assembly were then divided. Phllopcemen declined to express wn, hut declared himself ready to eiecuto decree, whether it were for peace or war.' This was construed as a sulScient guarantee: decreed, and the time and mode of conducting it left to hia discretion. Philopce- men himself would willingly have waited for the Roman fleet ; but the danger of Gythium seemed to admit of no delay, and there was iCtle hope that any relief could be brou^l to it unless by sea. He resolved,therefore, though totally destitute of knowledge or experience id marine affairs, to attempt a navul expedition for that purpose. The Achsan navy was not Strang; but Niibia,having so lately surrender- ed all his ships to the Romans, had only bi ~ ~ cunstanl exereise. Philop"Emen had heai^ of a large galley of war, which was laid up at "gium, and, believing that it would be a valu- able accession to his fleet,ordered it to be manned, and placed it under the command of Tiso, the Acheean admiral ; but he seems to have forgotten that it had been capturedeight; ;ears before,* and he was not informed that ita' timbers were utterlydecayed. Yet it perfonn- ed the voyage to the Gulf of Laconia, and led the way with gallantport against (he enemy: but, at the first shock which it received from one of the tyrant'a new ships, it went to pieces, and the whole crew was taken. The rest, dia- mayed by the fate of their admiral, took to flight, and did not stop till ihey reached Pairs. Happily,Philopcemen was on board one of the smaller vessels. He was not disheartened b; a failure which detracted nothing either from his military or nautical reputation, but was onl; stimulated to set all the resources of bis art in action against the tyrant. He soon after, with a detactiment of lighttroops, surprised a divia" ion of the enemy which was slatiooed a little to the easl of Gythium, set fire to the camp, which was formed chiefly of huts of reed, and made a great slaughter ) and, having ravaged a part of Laconia, proceeded lo Tegea, where " he assembled all hia forces snd sunmioiied a council, which was attended by ministers from Epirus and .^carnania. He now resolved,a" the last expedient fur the relief of Gythium, to t forty yr tinX" 4S6 HISTORY OF GREECE. niarcli againstSparla; but. on the very day wbeo he crossed the border,Gjribiuin was ta- ken by ftssault, and Nabis, baviag tDlbrmation or hie moTements, baslencd la occupy a pass' by wbicb he expected be would descend into the vale of the Euralas. Philopieineii, though taken by surprise, and at a great disadTantage, not only extricated himself by a skrlful ma- D"euTte Irom bis periloussituaticin, but drew tiie enemy into an ambuscade, scattered his whole army on the mountains,and, havingpost- ed some of his own troops on two or tbe roads which led to Sparta,Intercepted so great a number of the fugitiveB, that hardly a fourth Sirt was belieied to have escaped. Nabis no inger ventured to stir beyond the walls ; and Philopiemen,havingravaged Laconia for about thirtydays, returned home, with the gloiy of a victory, which his admiringcountrymen were inclined to prefer to all tbe achievements of FlaraiainuB himsclf.f Flaraininus, in tbe mean while, bad returned to Greece, having been sent as envoy, with three colleagues, to counteract tbe macbina- tiona of the ^Etoliana, and to keep the other Greeks steadfast in the Roman alliance. He is said to have been so much offended by the comparison drawn between himself and Philop- vmen, that he interposed hia authority for the protection of Nabia, and granted him a irucot Bol, however capable Flamininna may have been of anch jealousy, there are strong reasons, be- aides Livy'ssilence, for donbting that ho be- trayed it in this manner. His mission required tiiathe should carefully conceal any displeasure which he might feel towards the Acheans, and it ia related Uiat he relied on their hostility to Nabis as a pledge of their friendly disposition towards Rome. 4 Nor does it appear Ibat the supposed truce could have had any object; for itis not probable that PhilopiEroen would have nndertaken the siege of Sparta, which Flami- ninna, with 60,000 men at hia command, bad treated aa so arduous an enterprise. The war "eetns only to have been intermitted through tbe weakness of Nabis,who. however, made re- peated applications to the ."tolians for Bucconr. The four Roman envoys, after a very short stay in Achaia, proceedednorthward, Uirough Athens and Chalcia,to attend a council of the Theasaliana. They appear to have ipet with no symptoms of disaOection until they came to Ilemetrias, where an assembly of the Magneles was convoked to meet them. Here they found that great alarm bad been spreadby a report that Dcmetrias was to be restored to Philip ; and on this ground or pretext several of tne leadingmen, among whom was the Magnelareh Eurylochus, had declared themselves in favour of the .C]toliBas. The envoys did not venture either lo acknowledge or deny the truth of the report\ for it seems clear, and it is even inti- mated by Livy, that the senate, to prevent a nnlon between Philip and Antiocbns, had not only released the Prince Demetrius, and remi^ ted tbe arrears of tbe Macedonian tribute,but had, at least, held out a hope 10 Philip that ho T,Pyn-M" hms'i'iiiif^' ',l^^t^m^'x'P^i Bf'Til^.,',"i9, vith vhicli ilII kidIouihM tijH"n". Ep.,i",,],p 40!. t Lll..Di"" M. IMiit.,Phllap., It; IkaDib lun should recover Demetrias. The envoys, thna- fure,were obliged to elude the inquiries mi complaints of Eurylocbus and his party on Ihts head, by the recital of past services, and oitier irrelevant topics, which produced little itnpies- sioo on their hearers ; and when, in the coursa of the debate,Eurylochus ventured to observe that even then Demetrias was free only ia semblance, but reallysubject to the beck of the Romans,* there were many assentingmurmurs, though tbe envoys and their adherents assumed a tonaof indignant astonishment. The Roman interest was, indeed,so strong that, when Iha assembly broke up, Eurylocbustliougbt it pru- dent to make bis escape from tbe city, and took refuge in .^tolia. About this time Thoas, the ^tolian ambas- sador who had been sent to Antiocbns, return- ed, accompanied by Menippus, an envoy fran tbe Syrianking. An assembly was summoned to give them audience,and, in the mean while, they circulated extravagant accounts of the fa" ces and treasure of Antiochua. Quini:liu$, who had agents in .Xtolia, by whom ho was in- formed of ^ that took placethere,sent an Athe- nian embassy lo plead the cause of Rome in the assembly; but the popularfeelingwas so stiong againstit, that the assembly could hardly be per- suaded to admit the Romans themsfdves la a bearing. Quincttna, however, availed himself of thia permission, not with any eipeotalico of preservingpeace, but with the view to fiilbs blame of the war on the JEtolians. This en* he accompliahed; fbr theypassed a decree in his presence, inviting Antiochus to come and emancipate Greece ; and when he asked fora copy of this decree,Damocrilua, the genetal, replied that he could not then attend to bis n- quest, but would shortlypublish the decree from the .iltolian camp on the Tiber. It """ the absurd vanity of tbe ^tolians, rather than- the violence of their resentment, that precipita- ted the war in a manner very advantageous tot Home. Having now thrown off all reserve, they wished to strike some important blow be- fore Antiochus arrived to share their gloty. " was resolved, in tbe council of the Apoclelf, to make an attempt on the same day on De- metrias, Chakis, and Sparta. At Demcln" the enterprise succeeded. Diodes, to whom it was intrusted,having been appointed to escort Eurylocbus, who had been recalled from ewle. took possession of the cilyby means of a strat- agem like that which had made Flamininus mas- ter of Thebes. But st Chalcis, the partisans of Rome called in the Eretrians and Caryswns to their aid, and presented such a front to Tho- as, who waa sent, with a small anny, to ""'' prisethem, that he was obliged to retire, con- cealing hia dlaappoinlment under professions ol friendly intentiona. At Sparta the plan '"I succeaafully executed, but its suthors, ^''"'fl the blmd greedtneBs of their agents, '"*'. ., frtiitof their iniquity, which was reaped by tkew enemies, while they tliemselvea only reiauiM the guilt and shame of a foul crime. , ,^ _. Nabis, aa has been said, had importuneo tn" for succour, to enable bim to carry on the " into which they had urged him. AUittiB""" was now sent, wlBi 1000 foot and 30 chotea ""l'rrftf\jT?' DEATH OF NABIS." HETOLT OF DBMETRIAS. horsemen, wtio were instructed bj Damocritoa, in the eooncEl of the Apocleles, to execute what- ever onler theymight receive from their com- mander, hcnrever Btrange and perilous it might seem. Aleiameniis,on his arrival at Sparta, represented Antiochns as aheadjon hia wa;lo Greece, and exhorted Nabis (o exercise hia troops, that they might bo ready lo bear their part in the grest contest which was now ap- proaching, AccordiD|Iy, reviews were fre- quently held in the plam near the city, at which Nabis waa only attended by a few horsemen, and Alexamenus made ithis practicefrequent* ]]( to ride off lo one wing, where the ^lolian troopa were posted,as jf to inspectchem, and then to haaten bach to the tyrant's side. Hav- ing thus goardedagainst all auspinion of his de- sign, one day, when he had reminded his hnrae- men of their tecret inatmctions, he bade them fcdiow him with their apeats couched, and imi- tate his exampie. He then charged Nabis, 'wIm waa riding up to him, and threw him on the ground, where he was sooa despatched. Sefore the tyrant's goerds, who were posted in the centre of the line, had recovered from their "unaaemeDt, Alexaoienas had quitted the Held, wKh all the 'Gto)ians,lo tnke possession of the palace. It now only remained to invite aB who wore averse to lyninnj lo declare themselves, and the -"UHianB would soon have been hailed by the multitude as the liberators of Sparta. But the leader and his men followed their na- tional instinct ; while he ranaacked the palace, they began to ptnnder the city. At length, in- dignation armed the people with courage (o col- lect their forces in defence of their property. Ttiej fonnd a boy of the royalblood, who had been brooghtop among the tyrant'schildren, and having aet him on horseback as a rallying- point, fen upon the spoilers. Aleiamenos was ItiDed in the palace; most of hia troops, within the precincts of the Brazen Hoose, to which they fled aa an aaylum. The few who escaped out of LaconJa were stopped on their way Ihnngh Arcadia,and sold as slaves. Philopie- men, as Boon as he heard of Iheae events, hast- ened to Sparta, which he foand in great confu- eion ; end, having assembled the principal citi- zens, persnadetl them to enter into the Achtean League. The arrival of Alilius, with a fleetof twenty-fourgreat galleys, at Gythinm, coulrib- nted to overcome all opposition. The League received an accession which Aiatns had scarce- ly dared lo hope for. ARsr the repnlae of the ."[olians from Chal- ets, Qoinctius sailed into the Euripus, where he met Eomenes of Pergnmus, who strengthened the farrlaoB with 600 of his troops, and proceed- ed to Athena, while the Roman envoys contin- ued their voyage to Demetrias. They hoped that the failm" of the recent attempt on Chel- CLS would tend to inclinethe Maguetes to renew the ollianee with Rome. Tillius,one of their number, was sent forward to sound the disposi- tion of the people at Demetrias, while Euno- mas, the Thesaalian general, waa directed to assemble all the forces of Thessaly to encour- age the partisans of Rome, But Villius waa not allowed to enter the harbour of Demetrias, and, after an angr^ altercationwith Euryluchus. was obtigedto rejoin bis colleagues, wlio sailed back to Corinih. Vol. II." M h n ra^h counaets. and induced bim to begin tbo- contest he had so long meditated without suffi- cient preparation, and in a manner moat disad- vantageous to himself He had alreadyshown, by bis treatment of Hannibal, how largely ho- had been indebted to fortune for his past sun- cesaes, and he was now about lo prove still moie clearly how unequal he waa to the great de- signs which he had conceived. Hannibal, driv- en out of Carthageby the jealousy of the Ro- mans, had taken refuge at his court ; for a war with Rome, the tnistiest and ablest of counsel lois ; bringing imbitlered hatred of their com- mon enemy, with enlarged experience and knowledge both of her strength and ber weak- ness, wantingonly the means which Antiochna. 'assessed in abundance, to annoy and distress ir, if not to bring ber once more into mortal peril. He ashed for 100 galleys, 10,000 foot, and 1000 horse. With Ibis armainent be un- dertook to rouse Carthage to revolt,to invadfr Italy, and keep the Romans employed, while An- tiochos took possession of Greece, and threat- ened to cross the Adriatic. Antiochos had fbr a time adopted this plan, and Hannibal sent an emissaiytoCarthage to concert measures vriHt his friends. His projects, of which various ru- mour* had reached Rome from time to time, seem to have alarmed the senate much moi" than the power of Antiochus; and it waa, ap- parently, on this account that, alter the return of Flamiuinus from Greece, P. Sutpicius and P. ViUins were sent to the Syrian courL Anti- ochua had fixed hia residence at Ephesus,but, when the enT"^ arrived, was engaged in ait expedition to Pisidia ; and, during his absence, they held frequent conferences with Hannibal. These meetings, when reported to Antiochus,. inspiredhim, as the Romans designed, with. distrust ol hia guest,* who waa, for a time,ex- cluded from hia councils, and seems never en- tirely to have recovered his confidence. But the real cause ofhia alienation appears to have- been, that he could not help seeing that,not- withstanding bis title,Hannibal was the greater man; andhe willingtylent aneartotheGreeka, who flattered and deceived him. The project of the expedition to Italywas not laid aside, but it was reserved as a sohject Ibr maturer de- liberation ; and itwas the less necessary lo de- cide upon it immediately,as the farces which he had been collecting in the eastern proTliK"". were still at a distance, and on the weatem coast of Asia he had not yet been able to over- power the resistance of Smyrna, Alexandria, TroBs, and Lampsacus, which he wished to se- cnre before he passed over to Earope. He was- thus wavering when Thoas, the jEtoliao, cam" to annonnce the revolt of Demetrias, and to nrge him to go over lo Greece without delay. All Greece, llioaB made him believe,was readj to welcome hun ; the ."tolJans and Sparta wers already in arms ; Philip was onlywaiting Ibr his arrival to declare himself; for the present, be needed no greater force than he had already with him. This, however, was the very force- '.. 141Of n raffHunibsi, it " tas HISTORY OF GRKBCE. " it amounted,at least, to no more than that" "which Hannibal reqnired for his propoaed eipo- diiion. Thoas,therefore, endeavoured to dis- "uade the kiDg from thin project; and, b; in- sinuations which revived bis jealousy of Han- nibal, induced him to drop it altogether, and, without any farther preparatiuns, at once to cross over lo Europe. Antiochus,having firstsacrificed at Ilium,aa if to appease Rome's tutelary deity,embarked, -with no more than 10,000 foot, EOO horse, and six elephants, in a fleetof 100 galleys, of which only forty were completelydecked, and 200 transpnrlB. He made fnr the Gulf of Pagasn, Bod waa received at Demelriaa with great Joy ly Eurylochus and his party. Ha soon ader proceeded with a thousand men to Lamia, to at- tend an assembly of the "tolians,in which he was created commander-in-chief oflhe national forces, with uncontrolled authority,' and thirty of the Apocletcs were appointed to assist him -with Iheir counsels. It was resolved to begin operations with a fresh attempt on Chalcis, "Where itwas thought bis presence would over- come all opposition. He therefore set out with the force which he had brought from Demetri- na, and a small body of iGtolians, and,having encamped at Salganeuson the Euripua, crossed ever, accompaniei]by his ."tolian counsellorB, to Chalcis. The magiatrstes and chief fnen of the city,among whom Mictio and Xenoclides, the leaders of the Raman party, were foremost, wentout to meet him, and a conference ensued between a select number on each side. It was conducted in a friendly lone, as ths ."tolians afTected to regard alliance with Anliochus, who liad only come to restore liberty to Greece, as conaiatent with the friendship of the Romans. But Mictio, who was tliechief speaker on the oUier side, declared that the people of Chalcis, JD common with all Greece, alreadyenjoyed perfectliberty, for which they were indebted to the Romans, without whose sanction they would neither conclude any fresh alliance, nor Teceive any foreigners within their walls. With this answer, as he waa not prepared to use /oroe, AntiochuB was obliged to return to De- metrias. It was then determined to try the elTect of negotiation with the Acbcans and Bce- olians, and with the king of the Athamanians, Amynander, a weak man, was easilygained, through his wife's brother Philippus, a native ofMegalopolis. but of Macedonian family, which claimed descent from the great Alexander ; and Ihe jElolians,huntourtng him in this preten- flioo, prevailed on him to draw Amy nander into an alliance with Antiochus, The Bceotians were well known to be illaflecled towards "Rome, and the answer theygave to the appli- cation " that Ihey would deliberate when the ling himself ahould have come into Bieotia " was equivalent toconsent- With the Achsans, on the contrary, (here was no apparent ground to hope for succeaa. but the supposition of per- eonai rivalry and animosity between PbUopce- men and Flamininus,which, even if il exist- ed, could not have produced any such result. Flamininus himself was present at the assem- bly which was held in ..Ggium to give audience to the envoys of Antiochus and the .^tolians. ig tliadtwpjr fipan Appiu, Sft., IS (u made, both by land and sea, to overwhelm hia enemies, and pompously enumerated the vari- ous distant nations which were to swell hi* countless host. All that they asked, however, of the AchKans was neutrality. Flamininui ridiculed(heir bombast with some humour, and pointed out the glaring contrast between ths might; armaments which they had described, and the paltry force with which Antiochus bad actually landed in Greece. Il was, indeed. h loo small to ana lo the test, slightest hesitation, resolved that they and the Roman people would have both frienda and en- emies in common, and declared war against Antiochus andthe .^toliana, though the Ro- mans themselves bad not yet done so. Ibey also,at the request of Quinctius, sent fiOO men for the protection of Chalcis, and as manylo Piraus i for Antiocbus had found partisans at Athens, who were endeavouring to draw Ihe needy multitude over lo his side by the pros- pect of royallargesses, and the a^ereotsof Rome thought it necessary to .send for Quinc- tius, whose presence, with that oflhe AchBsn troops,quelled the spirit of diaaSection, and ApoUodoTUB, who bad Ibmeuted it, was con- demned to banishment. Anliochus, when he heard of the vote of the AchBans, sent his gen- eral, Menippus, with aOOO men, and his whoie fleet under Folyxpnidas. lo intercept allsac- conrs destined for Chalcis,and,a few days alter, followed them with 6000 men of his own, snd as many jElolians aa he could collect at Lamia. They did not arrive until the Achcan troops, with some auxiliariesfurnished by Eumena*, had been safely conducted into the town by Xenoclides ; but Mictio, who bad been sent to request an addilional re-enforcement from Quinctius, and had obtained 600 Romans,* on his return found the road to Aulis barred t^ Menippus, and be therefore tnrned aside to Delium. Here, before they found means ofet* barking for Eubma, while the men wandered about,Bome in the sacred grove, otheis for forage in the adjacentSelds,apprehending no hostility, as war had not yet been begun, or de- clared, and believing themselvea shelteredby the sanctity of the place, which possessed the privilege of an asylum.Ihey were suddenly at- tacked byMenippus, and almost allcut 10 piece* or taken. A few escaped with Miclio in " amall transport. The Romans hardly regretted a loss which enabled them to exclaim sC^'"^ Antiochus as the aggressor; and the Greeks thought it an illomen that be had begun (be war with an act of sacrilege. t To him, bo*' ever, it may not have been useless,as, on hi" next summons, when he arrived at Aulis, no^ withstanding the remonstrances of Mictio and Xenoclides, the Chalcidians opened their gat^ him ; and their example waa followed by all the other towns in the island. At Chalcis he received an embassy from ^- , JB, headed hy ibe ssme Cliarops who had be- fore stood almost alone on the side of die IW- The Epirols, in cauliously-goaried afl" , V, PROPOSAL OP HANNIBAL." BATTLE OF THERHOPYLjC!. "omewliBt perplexedlangaage, intimBted that Ihey would gladly admit him into their hirboura and towns if he brought a fleet and an army to nrolecl them ; but Ijing so near as they did to Italy, they could not Tcnturs sooner to declare themseliea in his favour. The Gleans, pro- fessing to fear an invasion from the Achnans, Boliciled aid, and a body of 1000 men was sent for their defence. Antigchiw himself then re- paired lo Thebes, where he was watmly wel- comed, and. though he stillaflbcted only to ask that the Bceotians should receive him into their an iancelwithout prejudico to their connexion with Rome, a decree was passed which amount- ed to a declaration of war against her. He tben returned to Demetrias, where he held a council with the jEtolian commissioners and Amynander, at which Hannibal, whom he had Dot for a long time before called in to lahe a share in his deliberations, was likewise pres- ent. The qnestion for discnssion was, whether an attempt should be made lo gain the Thessa- Hans, and, all being unanimous on this point, "^inions were only divided as lo the time and manner of the enterprise: some thought it best to try the eflect of negotiation, others,to make adisplay of force; whether immediately, or not before the spring, was another question. Han- nibal had remained silent ; but when bis advice was asked, he pointed out the futility of all that the king had hitherto done in Greece, and of the measure which was then the subject of de- bate ; how littleit imported towards the l^aue of the war. whether he had the Thessaliana or "ay other Greeks " who would always be with the strongest " on his side ; how great a mis- take he had committed when he came over with so small a force,trusting to the promises of the ."tolians ; that the only power on that side of the Adriatic which coald either serre or injure bim materially was Macedonia. The sum of bis advice was, thai his forces should be brought over as early as possible from Asia ; that Philip Bhoald either be won hy persuasion, or, if he adhered to the Romans, should be kept occu- pied in his own dominions by attacks, which Seleacns might make from Lysimachia, on his northeast frontier ; that one division of the Syr- ian fleet should infest the south coast of Italy, While (he rest was stationed at Corcyra, aad Autiochus himself,with allhis land forces,took up a position in Epirus,threatening, and always ready, if occasion required, to pass over into ll^. Iliifl was, indeed, the plan which the Romans dreaded, and against which they had been en- deavouring to shield themselves by timely pre- cautions. But AntiochUB and hjs other coun- sellors were too jealous of the sagacity which -exposed their shortsightedness to profitby it, snd the only result of Hannibal's advice was, that Putyxenidas was sent to hasten the pas- sage ofthe armament from Asia. Gavin's were "ent to the Thessalian asaemby at Larissa, while Antiochus moved against Pherv , where be was joinedby Amynander and the .^tolians. Here be committed a fatal mistake. He sent a body of 2000 men to collect the bones of the slain at Cynoccphals, and interred them with mignilicenCobsequies, and he assigned the commend in ttiis expedition (o Philippus, the pretender to the Macedouian crown, a cdioioe ' which probably rendered this invidious osien- tation of sympathy doubly offfeusive lo Pliil:[i. He had hitherto wavered, and had taken no de- cisive step, but he now invited the Roman pra- pTKtor, M. BshiuB,who was wintering with his army at Apollonia, to a conference,that Ihcy might concert measures to check ibe progress of Antiochus in Tfaessaly.Antiochus, when the Thesealians rejected hi* overtures, made himself master of Pherai and Scotuasa, and several other towns, and procooOed to laysiege to Larissa ; but he let bimselfbe srared away by tho stratagem of Ap. Claudius,who, after the meeting between Bebius and Philip, was sent with a smalt detachment into Thessaty, and led the enemy to believe that the whole allied army was approaching, Antiochus took up his winter-quarters at Chatcis,thai he might gratify the passioh he had conceived for the daaghterofone ofthe citizens,and havingmar- ried her,BB if he had no weightier buaineaa o His officera, following hie example, laidai-. military cares and exercises,and when the army was reassembled in the spring, it was found that, in the long interval of ease and luxury, discipline had been dissolved,and the babiu of the camp were almost forgotten, so that Phil- ap"emen was heard to regret that be was not at this time general of the Achteans,to have sur- prised and cut down the Syrians, as theyroved from tavern to tavern.* His first operation was an expedition to Acarnania,where, through the treachery of two leadingmen, whom he bad corraptedby bribes, he gainedpossession of Mediou : but while he was besiegingThyrium, he was alarmed by a report that the consul, M. AciliuB Glahrio, had entered Thessaly with hi" army, and he immediately hastened back to Chalcis. BKbiuB and Philip had pieviously united their forces,and were recovering tlie Thessalian towns which had submitted to Antiochus and the Athamanians, when the consul arrived. Oq his appearance all opposition ceased. The pretenderPhilippus surrendered to him, and, after having suffered the mockery of his rival, sent in chains to Rome, Philip won the will of tlieAthamanian prisonersby mild treatment, and through them, having dismissed them to their homes, soon alter made himself master of Athamania. Amynander fled with his ramily lo Ambracia. While Philip was thus occupied with his own interests, he permitted the consul to advance without him to the vale of the SpercheuB, and afterward, either being detained by illness, or feigning it, did not over- take him until the crisiswas past. Antiochus, as the enemy approached, sent messenger afier messenger to Polyrenidas, lo hasten the pas- sage of his forces from Asia ; but with so ht" tie edbct, that when the Roman army, about 40,000strong, had nearly reached TheimopylK, he had only10,000 foot and 600 horse to bring against them. The ^tolians,too, failed him almost entirely in his hour of need. Onlysome 4000 could be induced to take part in the une- qual conflict. These, after he had intrenched himself with a double rampart,fosse, and w^ C.oogic 460 HISTORY OP GREECIS. in Thennopyls, he sent to prelectHypata and Heracles againsl the Romans ; but the consul, havJDgrsTa^ed their fields, encamped near the Bea, and the ^tolians threw tliemeelTes sraclea. Antiochiw now dsBpaiehed a i aenger to then) to request that,at least,the; wciuld guard the path over the monatain, that he mightnotBDRbrthe Tate or Leonidas without Me glory. Only half of them complied with this request,and,dividing themselrea into three bodies,occupied the summits CsUidramus, Hhoduntia,and Tichins. The consul sent two Of hia tribunes, M. Fartitis Cato and L. Vale- rias Flaccus, with 3000 men, to dislodgethem, while he attempted to force tha pa** below. This he wonld probaUynever b"Te "ceooqiliah- "d,aa the force oTAniiochus waa saffloientto defend his fortifleationa i hot in thebest of the eonBlct,Cato, hsTing eDrprieed the fioUosa on Ctffldromae, and driven ihem fVom their post, appeared with hia troops, chasing them ' before him, on the heights in the rear of the Syrians. As soon aa this was perceived, panicspreadthrough the host of Antiocfaos ; a threw down their arms and fled. Antiochus himself did not atop antil he reached Elatea, "nd then, with as manj foDowera aa he coold coDect,proceeded toOhalcis. But the Roman cavalry made such havoc among the Itagitives, that not more than SOO are said to have Mcaped. The whole loss of the Romans waa eatimated at 200. The JEtolians in Heraclea took the opportunity to attack the camp of the conqner- ora in their ahaence, and were not repulsed without loss on the part of the Romans. The conenl now marched towarda Chalcia,recr" ingon his way the aubmisaion and tleprecati ot the revolted Phocian and Boiotian towns, which he treated with clemency. On his ap- proach, Antiochus embarked for Aaia with hia Eubcea,* the onlypermanent acquisition he had made in Greece. The island auhmitted with- out resistance to the conqueror, who, at the in- tcrcessioD of Flamininns,spared even Chaleis. The Italians were thus left to maintain the contest, which they had so rashly and prema- turely begun, alone. Yet, hopelessas it now appeared, their pride did not permit them im- mediately to abandon it, and theyrejected the consul's overtures, when he summoned them to surrender Heraclea,and to throw them- selves on the clemency of Rome, Heraclea anatalned a siege which lasted nearlya month, dnrinB which the assault was continued night and day without intermission. At the same time Philip, who hnd met the consul on hia re- turn fnnti Baotia with congratulations and ex- casea for his absence. laid siege to Lamia, Bat when Heraclea had fallen,Acilins desired him to desist,as the Romaos, who had wtm the victory, were entitled to its fruits. Yet he did not himself turn hia arms against Lamia ; Ibr there now seemed a prospect that the war would be soon ended. A few days betore the capture of Heraetea,an jGtohan council,ss- "emUed at Hypaia,had decreed to saad an ent- bassyto Antiochoa,to requestthat, ifhe coold not imitiediately pass over again, with all his forces, into Greece, he would support diem in the straggle with aobsidieB et"d iroopa. Bat " ttljb., n., a. Afin CIn-,"}, EMcq. the loss of Heraclea sunk their spirits, and, before they had received an answer from An- tiochus, they sent envoys to the consul to sue for peace. He granted an armistice of ten days, and sent his lieutenant, V^erius Flaccus, hack with them to Hjpata,.Here, when tbey would have pleaded their ancient services, Flaccns bade them consider all such claims as forfeited by their recent injuriesto the Ro- mans, and advised them to confine thccoselies to the language of humble supplication.They believed that they were following hii advica when they passed a decree by which they oom- mitted themaetves to the Rranan Fiira. Bat th^ had adopted a phiaae of tho Roman inter- natioHl law under a miatricen notion of it* ' meaning ; and while tbey aappoaed that they had idaced themselvea under the aafeguard u the Rotaan hononr and piety aa siqiidiants, they had unconsciauBly surrendered at diacrelioo. The consul, however, expounded the phraee very lucidly to tlieir envoys when they came to him with the ieci^ ; for when they heiits- ted to giveup Amynander and aome other ob- noxious persons whom he demanded, he onler- ed them to be put in cbains ; and it waa only through the intercession of Flaccus thai tb^ were aUowed to return to consult with Ibeir countr^nnen at Hypata. There vehement in- dienation was excited by the report of the coa- sill's hebaviunr,aa well as by the unreamia- bteneas of hie demands ; and, ae it happened that at this juncturea aupply of nuoey was brou^ to them from Antiochus by one of their envoys, together with cheering promises and dazaliogdescriptions of the king's prepara- tions, they resolved to hold out stul loonr be- fore they threw themselves on the Romin fauh. But they seemed to have no spirit leA for any other than defensive hostility ; awl when Acilius crossed Mount Corax to heaiege Naupactus,they neglected the opportunity of attacking hia army, which was heavily laden with baggage, on a most difficult road, where they might,prohahly, have repelled the inva- ders with a defeat not less disastrous than the Athenians had formerly suffered in the same region. Nanpactos,however, made a vigor- ous defenco, and as the garrisonwas stroiiger than at Heraclea,after the consul had been ly- ing before it two months, it was stillin a coa- ditiiHito occupy hint much longer. In ihs mean while,Phdip waa making conqneMs in Thessaly and the adjacentregiona. He bid obtained pennission ^otn the consul, when be- set out frCKn Naupactus,to recover the places whic^ had revolted from the Roaune. Dem"- trias,fearii^ the ve^eanoe of the Romaos, had opened its gatM to biro,notwittwiandiag the efforts of Eurylochus, who slew himself aa the Macedoniam entered. The soldiers and vessels of Antioc^os were allowed to deput Philip then proceeded to reduce the towns which bad not yielded in Dolopia,Aperantia, and Perrh"bia. His progress did not eseape the observation of FlamiBinus, and fhrniahedhim, least, with a pretext for interposition in be- half of the "toIiana,who, when he came orar Naupactus,eantesUyimplored his iateroes- "n. They liad,indeed, littleclaim to bis good offices,but it belonged to his cbaraclei, " patrm of Greece,to extend his ^otecttok PHILOPOHEN AT SPABTA."INFLUENCE OF FLAMININUS. Ml to thHO. He tberafbn drew the consul's U- tenticMi to Philip's acquieitione, and persuadefl him to giant a tmoe to the JGIoliana, that they might BGixi an embassy to sue for peace at K"nae. A stop was thos pot to the progress "f the Macedonian aims. Acilioa raised the sinflT, and sent his aim; into Phocis, while he aoomnpanied Qainctins to "gmin, wliere tbejr had busineB* to transact with the Acbean as- mmtitj. The expedition of Astiocboe had apperentl; anjoKited the interests of the AchcaDs, aa the PelopcnineBian states which still kept aloof frMn the League were induced to declare IhniiimiliiII on bis aide, and thus aflbsded a Vrewzl for the renewal of hostilities against Iham. Indeed, if ere maj tnut Plutarch,* aeoae moTements in favour of Anttochus look fiace, or seemed to be tfanatened in Achaia it- aelf,at Patrc,Xpam, and Corinth,eo that be- Ibte the bottle of llianiuf^, Aciliua thought It BeceaMry to aend Cats to maiRtain tranquil' lity there. Ilia more certain that Sparta ^utw- "d a dispoaitkui to reroK, and that Diophaaes, the Achnan general, aened Oie oecaaion to Bake wi expedition into Laoonia. Diophanea 'waa not, it appears, so devoted a pailtsan of lUnne as Ariataenua ; but he was a personal liTal of FbilopcemeD, though itwas in his school be had aoquuvd all his militai;experience :t be was eager fi"r repatatiiw, and hoped, with 1ht aanetion of Ibe Romans, to gainimportant adTantasea for the Lsacoe. It was in rain that Phflt^Msmen prirald]' remonstrated with -faim, and pointed out that, at a jwicture when the comteat between Antiodme and th" RO' mans was still pending in Greece, it would bs more prudent for the Achcans qnietlj to await Uie isBue.t Siophanes was coufhraed In hia design ky the approbation of Flamiainus, who aooompanied him into Laconia. Philopiemen then ventured on a verr bold step. He hasten- ed to 8parta, and compoeed the disturbances wbitA bad broken out there,bf his authoiitf, "nd by wamingt of the approachingdanger ; mo that, when the Achnan armj arrived,tbere was no appearance of any commotion to jnatify bostQe meaauree, and tteiUier Kophanes nor Flamininus entered the ci^. This is probablj all that we are to mtdentand when it is said that he shM the gates agaiMt them.f The Spartans betiersd that PhUc^Msmsn had deliv- "red them from a great c^amity, and they wished to show their gratitudeby a present of ISO talents, the sum which bad been brou^t into the treaenry by the sale of tbe property at Nabia. But Timolaua, whom they aent with tbia oAbr to Megalopolis, waa so struck by the "implicity of Philopcemen's domestic hsbits, and tbe dignity of bis conversation, that he "ould set aununon eourage to deliver his mes- "age until be was aent a third time. I^ilopce- eieo, who was superior to allsuch temptations; though he declined tbe offer, did not neglect tbe opportunity it afforded of strengtbening his He went to Sparta, and advised ??tS^. njii.,10,'4 1 nl., T. t iwbOkurc,not.,u. " them to tfan su^ gifts for their enemies o"d bad men, whose mouths they might atop 1^ bribes, hut not to attempt to corrupt and de- grade men of honour, who wore already tb^ friends. Tbe flight of Antiochufl, though it did not produoeaiQrgieat change in tbe state of affairs in PeloponiMsua,was attended by a sensible alteration in the tone and deportment of the Romana towatds their Greek allies, and re- moved all doubt as to the position which the itiiB were bencefoitb to occupy. But though no reasonable man amoag them could any knger hope for absolute iadependeno", much might turn on tbe attitude whioh they Cained in their tranaactioaa with the snpe- tior power. There wera two extremes be- tween which it was poasibleand advirHble to : on the One hand, an ezceea of servility, which, while it degraded the national etaaiao- ter.wonld invite iaaottand oppreaaion;as tba other,an afihotationof defiaijice, whitA wwU "ui]y provokeresentment, and plunge tbmn into Dtter nun. One of theae txtrioaim was iep"- aented byAriatauus, who did not seniideopear ly to reoommeud unreaerved oompiiaivo with the will of the Romana in every point, phik opoemon, who saw quite as clearly that the powt er of Kome was iireaiatible, nevertheleaB in- dignaqtlyrejected theae slavish maxima, and ebajply censured tbeir author,who, he said, was precipitating the deatiny of Qreece. Ha aaw that there was a mean whioh oombined honour with safety, and that the natian wonld not snfler the worse treatment tfit showed a ) of itsown dignity while it acknowledged the majesty c^ Ropie.* Diophanea,on tb* other hand,se^ns to have cberisbed extras"- gant hopes, and to have deceived himself with a vain reliance on the forbearsnce of the Ro- mans. He believed that the time was now come to force Elis and Messenia to enter into the League, The Eleana, when they were Bummoned, retraned an evasive answer, prom- ning that they would conaider tbe proposal when tbe Syriantroops still remaining in Glis had been diamiaaed. Tbe Meaaeaians to^ no other notice of the reqnisition than to prqiare for war. But when Diophaneabegan to nr* age tbeir territoiy, and to threaten Meaaans, they sent to Flamininus, who waa then at Chat cis,oObring to surrender to the Romans. He hastened to Hagalopolia, and ordered Dio)dia- nes immediately to raise tbe aje^ and OOSM to him ; and when theymet, bavmg gentlyre- proved him for engaging in such an eitfeiphae without his sanction, bade him diaband his forces. He, however, enjoined the Meaaeniaae to jnc^irpoiate themselves with tbe Acbvan League, and lo recall their eidlea ; bot gave them leave to apply to him if tbey wUdted for any irdalgence or security. Diophanea had attempted to maXe another acquiution for the League. Zacynthna, when Philip oeded it to Amynander as the price of his alliance, had been committed to tbe charge of a Sicilian named Hierocles, who, when he heard of the defeat of Antiochus. agreed with Dio^anes to deliver it up to the AehKans. But the Ro- mans new put in their claim to tbe laland, and *""";; t;ooglc HISTORY OP flREECB. "aid tbat it wu not for the benefit of IMi^dia' nea and the Achsans ^lat their legions had fought at ThennopjiB. Oiophanes ventured to vindicate hia own conduct and the righte of the League, but there were many voices in the A"diieaQ connoil, among them, no doubt, tbat of Ari8t"siias, whkh condemned his pertinacity, and proposed Co submit tbe question (o the judgment of Flaroininua. Flamininus, on tbia oocasiOD,compared the I.eague to a tortoise, which is safe enl; so long as it keeps within hs shell : so the Achcana would be in danger "5 soon as thejbegan to sallTbeyondPelopon- OBSiu. The League drew id ita head, and the Mand was givenup to the Romans, The Spanins who showed themselves so gniBfai to Pbilopcemen seem to have been only a party, and not a very numerous or pow- erful party. It was probably the same whioh bad been placed at the head of aflhirs by Phil- ttfoaaea: when he flratunited Spoita with the Aetaan Leagoe,and,having lost ita ascend- encrinthereaetionprodnoedibyihe arrival of AuUoohns, was restored to power, as we have "een, tbroaghPhilopiEmen's intervention. Bnt a* aoon as the danger was past, itsadveraorieB appear to have recovered Iheir supeiiority, and one of their first measnree was an inlHngement at once of the Conatitutien of tbe Acluean League, and of tbe treaty between the A"^b- aaa and Rome, which provided Chat no embas- "y should be received at Kome from any of the Kates, members of Itie League,apart from tbe entire body.* They, nolwitbalanding, sent rai- TOya to request tbe aenate to release their host- ages, and to restore the maritime towns to the dominion of Sparta. One of their com- nUints with regard to these towns was, that, so nog as they were abut out from their coast, tiwy could not convenienUy send aml)asaadars 'to RoiBe, though by the Acbs^n Constitutioa, which had been affirmed by tbe treaty,they were forbidden to do so. But tbe motive which rendered them most anxious to recover these placeswas, that they afforded a refuge fur tbe exiles. The return of the exiles was what all claases at Sparta,except the party which was IKOteeted1^ Philopramen, most dreaded,as it waa likelylo be attended by a revolution, in whidk tbe greater part of the new eitizena ad- mitted \xj tba tyrants would have been in dan- ger of losing tlteir property, their ftanobise, and their personal freedom. The main object of the embas^ to Rome waa, apparently, (o avert this oalamity, and it is probable that the exiles at the same time sent envoys to support their claims thete. The seoate reserved the petition as to the hostages for farther consid- eration,! but,some time after, released all of them except the son of Nabis, who would, pei- bapSi ^so have been sent back if he had not been carried ctf by sickness.^ The question as to the towns itreferredto the decision of Flam- ininuB and bis ooUeagues : onthe subject of the exiles it seems to have anawered with studied ambiguity,ezptesaingsurprise that they were not recalled to their homes, now that Sparta was once more free. This waa the business on which Flamininus came with Glabrio to ."gium, after the siege of Naupactus had been " Pua, 'ii.,9, i. t p"ini.,i raised. The cause of On exyes w viewed with favour by the Romsn 9 as tliat of an oligarchical party, ana loeo m- toration could not failto produce li"[Deat "- casions for Roman interrentitw- Pfailopoan also wished to bring it aboat, Inu Ibi a vny different end; to rcdnoe Sparta iato more es*. pletedepeodance on the Leagoe ;' and be pn- vailed an tbe council to reject tlte isquMi of Flamininus and the consul, when ttaey ialan- ded inbehalf oftheeziles.t Hie caae oTEtai was discussed at tbe same time. The Etens no longer relosed to enter into the Leagne, M theydesired, itis said,to be admitted on tta own applicatioD. rather than through the ata- vention oftbeKomanB.t But it may have keca the jealousy of tbe ind"iendeiit party asMsg the Adueana which doebned tbat mMrvaiaaa in this case, as in that of tbe exiles. Tfan"," last, tbe vrorfc begunby Aratns was conpleicd^ the whole peoinsulawaa onUed in tfaeLeaf"^ but tbe tuna vrtMU it duu reached ila gicaioi compass of territorialezleni waa tbe kegis. ning of a period in vrtiiehit oootiaiied lo de- scend from one degree of humiliation ta a- oUier, ontil it ssnk into total mbjectioa W i foreignyoke. The ^toljan envoys, though flanuninos, aii had retuioed tc Rome, plewded in their bebiK fonnd tbe majority of Ute senate i^lmlantll^ and, alUr a warm debate, vrhich lasted sennt days, they were bidden to ehooae "iw t" vtv conditions : to suirender at diaeretion, 01 a pay 1000 talents, and to adaiowledae the alba and enemies of Rome as their owil Wbci they heaitated between the extinction of theii freedom and a burden which they oooM sol aupport, and attempted to make ntipiiLs*!" ', they were sternly dismissed. Oq the leton of their envoys, the JEXdHauB, tau^t by eif"- rienoe, secuied the passes of Mount Com; and Acilius,finding that he could not safety return to Naupactus,suddenly marched agauul Lamia, wliicb he stormed in the course of two days. He then sat down before Ampfatasa, sd^ was still occupied with the aiege, when be wu supersededby the new consul, L. Scipio, irte came, accompanied by bis brother Africanas, to carry on the war with Antiochua in Asa. With such an object before them, they had "" mind to be detained by an lElolian town ; asl theygladlyaccepted the mediation of tbe Atto- Eiians, who interceded in behalf of tbe .lEloli- ans. Yet they could nol relax the rigoui at tbe terms which had been preacr^ied at Rome, and the ."toUane were persuaded by Uku Athenian friends once more to solicit a Eruee. that theymight againimplore tbe clemency of the senate. The Scipioswillingly granted six. months for this experiment, and tliea prooeed- ed on their march to the East Philip, -vioa tbe senate bad gratified by the release of lii" son Demetrius, bad alreadyprepared roads, bridges, and magazines, for the passage of Um Roman umy throng Haoedonia and Thiace, and be escorted itin person as "i as the Hel- lespont. He was rewarded for his loyalty 4 the remission of the remainder of his tribste. Before the issue of the contest with Asli- liii., )L ..C.oogk SIEGE OF AMBRACIA." INNOVATION OP PHILOP(BMBN. MS ochuB became known in Greece, the ftoliana. though they had sent an embtway to Rome, " rashlycreilitjns, as it seemB, a tudiout or the defeat of the Roman Bimy id Asia,* resumed hoatilitiee agaiastPhilip, restored Amyuander to his dominionB, recovered Ampbllochia and Apemntia, and droie the Macedonians oat of Dolopia.t Tbese unToitanate conqueata reach- ed the eara of the senate while the iGtolian envoya were slill in Rome, and inflamed the Tesentment which theyprovokedby their inju- diciona language. They were dismiaaed, with notice that an jGtolian embassy which ^oald come to Rome nnaccoinpaniedby a Roman comnUsaioner would be treated as enemiea.t The tidJDga ofthe battle of Magnesia had struck the .ftoliana with dismay: the answer of the aenate plunged them into deapair, as tbey learn- ed, at the aame time,that the new consul, H. Tulnoa Nobilior,had crossed over to Apollo- nia. In their terror, they entreated the Rho- dians and Athenians to intercede for Ibem with the senate, and, notwitbataoding the recent prohibition, sent a fresh embassy,which, how- erer, was intercepted by ttie Epirota be/bre it reached Italy. 4 Fuliioa began bis operations with the siege of Ambracia, which was in uni- on with the iEtoUan League. The Ambracians tbenwelves afterward alleged that they were ready to subnut, but compiled, by unprovoked hostility, lo ck"s" their gates against him.|l They reeelred a re-enforoemetit of 1600 .,Eto- liaus, and defended tbemselres with perseve- Tiagcourage. The consul might,peibaps, have been fbrced to raise the siege if Ihe Italians had been able to employ alltheir foices for the relief of Ambracia ; but they were obliged, at the same time,to guard their coast against the combined attacks of the Htyrians and Achnans, aod to repel the Macedonians, who, under the command of Philip'sson Perseus, had laid aiege to Amphilocbia. Thus pressed on three aidea,they resolved to end the unequal conflict "t any price. Through the intercession of AaynBoder, who had aubmitled to the Romans, and the more powerful inSneoce of C. Valerius, the consul's half-brother, and a son of that Lk- vinns who concluded the first treaty with the .^tolians, they obtained an abatement of the tribute which had been demanded by the sen- ate to BOO talents, of which they were to pay 300 immediately, and the rest by instalments in six years. The Ambracians had, with some difficulty, been induced to aurrender,by the fneaiiy advice of their ancient guest Amynan- der. The cit^ waa stripped of all its worka of art, with which it was richly adorned during the period when it waa the residence of Pyr- ihna, but ensured no other injuryi^ and Uie eonqneror'eClemency was acknowledgedby a deerae of a golden crown of the value of ISO talents. C. Valerius accompanied the jEtoIian envoys to Rome, where tbey (bond that a Ma- eedonian etnhassy was endeavouring to prcjn- dioe the senate against them. But perhaps Plulip'sanimosity may ta littlehave injured their oanse, aa it was probably aided by the el- oquence of the Rhndian and Athenian orstora who pleaded in Iticirbehalf. The senate appa- rently grantedpeace because no greater advan- tage could have been expected from a continu- ance of the war, and it waa not even desirable entirely to crush a people bo hostile to Philip. By the aiticles ofthe treaty they became, with regard to their foreignrelations, mere vassals of Rome, and were bound to serve in her wars. They renounced their title lo all the posses- sions which had been taken from them sinca the consulship of L. Quincttus Flamininus and Cn. Domitins Abenobaiiius.* (Eniadn and its territory was annexed to Acamania. CephiU- lenia was expressly excluded from the beneSI of the treaty; for the senate was determined to take posaeaaion of thia,aa ofthe other Ionian islands. No change was made in the articls relating to the tri,bute. Thus ended the resist- ance of the "tolians : and their humiliation ongbt to have been imbtttered by the rededioD that they deserved their fate ; that their pdlicf had been unifotmly at once selfish, iniqnitons,. and ehorl-sighted ; and that they had contrib- uted more than any other people,by their blind rapacity and reckless ambition,to hasten a"t aggravate the de^adation of Greece, t After the aubmiasion of the jEtollans, Pnlvina crossed over to Cephallenia, and summoned the four towns of the island to aiirreoder AIT obeyed, and gave the hostages demanded 1^ the Fonaul. But the people of Same, excited report that the Romana intended to diai placethem, flew lo aima, and cloacd their gatesi They held out fur four months ; and itwas onlj after lliey had been reduced to a handftil of men, weakened by wounds and fatigue, that the town was stormed. From Cephallenia, when the conquest was completed, the consul passed over into Pekf ponnesua, to settle some diOerences in which he had been requested to interpose his author-" ity. Fhilopiemen wns now sgnin at the head of the League -. and he had taken Uie oppsrtn- ity to introduce a change of some importance I its laws. As an Airadian, he could feel nrr sympathy in favour of any exclasive privileges ofthe old AchBan towns, and he now propt^ed to aboliali that which had hitherto been vajnyoA by "ginm, as the plsce of assembly, and "" share ibis advantage in rotation among all Iba cities of the League. t For the same reason that if^giumloudlyprotestedagainst this inne* vation, it was received with great complacency by the other cities. Philopcemen had sum- moned an assembly for the discnssion nf hi*. ure to ArgoB, and notwithstanding the op- poeition of the demiDiges, who attempted ti^ iranafer it to .iGgium, it appeared so clearly that they could not collect one there, that Fulviua himself,thouj^ he vriahed to thwart Philopte. waa obliged to attend at Argoa, and h" found the general inclination aoatrongin favour of the proposal, that he thoi^t it best to give' way. His dislittsto it seems to indicate that, in his judgment at least, it tended to promale- the Blidiility and prosperity of the League, Buc ' Pol^liiiim lldi..It],ud, "ftar him, Lify (lunii.,N), hBv" BliulBftmiBtmiB in Ihfl pnuamrn of QainctiuB. t 1 do Bol jatkt thflH T"inftlklwlUuat hnvioff w"i|;b"l th* atmpu Khjcli imw IiuIt bun mtd* bj PUiba utt tOm wriMn (u Nibauh, Pa^Mu) to nUisa Ilu DOHlnin tf ~Uilisiiiin 1 binr liiht. t Smmlt,f.XI. HISTORY OF GREECE. Ikia presence was requiredby another atill gra- Ter question. The Spartans,growing more and more impatient of tbe rcBtrainL imposed on them by the viciaity oftbe exiles and the losa of their maritime towns, surprised one of these lawns named Las, in the nigbt. Thejr were soon dis- lodged by the inhabitants ; but (he sltempt so roucb alarmed the other towns on the coast, and Uie exiles, tliat they complaioed of the aggcea- sion to the Acbsans. On the motion of Philo- svemcu envoys were sent to Sparta, witb a dec- Uiatioa tbal the AcbKBus would consider their tieaty with Sparta as dissolved, unless the Spar- tans BorreDdered the authois and abettors of the attack on Las. This demand roused both "DdignatiOD and alarm at Sparta, whero it teas viewed not onlyas an insult, but as a prelude to the restoration of the exiles. Thirty of the jMity which had been supportedby Phklopcemen -were put to death, and the aaaembly of the peo- jde decreed to renounce the connexion with the JLchsana, and to send an embassy to Fulvius, with an oSfer to surrender to the Romans. When the AcbBcen envoys brought iMck a re' sort of these proceedings, the Achean assem- bly uunimously decre^ war againstSparta; tiutthe "eason was too far advanced for the fiommencement of regular hostilities. Fulvius caused aa aaaembly to bo convoked at EUs, where ha ezpreaaed himaeLf so aa to foster the bopes of eaoh party, but eqjotned both to ab- stain from war until thej should hare consult- "d the senate. Each, accordingly, sent an em- baasy to Rome. That of the Achnans, to which the Spartan exiles likewise committed their "ause, was conducted by Lycortss, the father "f Polybius, the historian, a partisan of Philo- pcemen, and by his rival Diophanea, who bad retaioed tnxn Asia with a great increase of rep- tltatioa, Iram brilliant exploits which he had achieved in the Roman service against Anti- oduis, at the head of tbe Acbssan auxiliaries. The envoys did not act in concert with each other. Di^haneawaa willing to refer the whole diapnte to the arbitrationof the senate. Lycor- tM iuaisledon tlie rights of the League. The "Beats dismissed both partiea with an answer $o Iramed that each might oonstiuo itaa suited iiaown intereat. The Achsuns understood it M a permission to deal as they would will) "parta. PhilopoHneawa* re-eleated (or the (bUcwiag fear, aM in the spring led an anny to Compa- "ium, "m tbe froMiers of Laconia, where the Spartan exiles flocked lo his camp. He sent a aeeaige to Sparta,repeating the demand for the suirender of tbe aggreMore, aonie of whom Jm named, but wtlti a. promise that they should bave a iair thaL On Ute faith of this promise, Ummo who were demanded by name repaired to tbe AChsaD camp, acoompaniedbymany friends and advocates. But aa theyapproacbedtbej were assailed by the exiles, firatwith invec- tives, and at tength with personal violeiice. Tbe aav(7" and Pbilopaemen endeavoured in vain to all^r the tumult,in which the Achuna, iaatigatedby the exiles, took an active part against the Spartans. Seventeen were arrest- "d and put to death on the spot, and sixty-three more the next day, aftera mock trial in which tbeir enemies were judgea. Those who re- nained in the city were "o cowed by this exe- culioD that they oSbred no resistance to the orders of Pbilopcemcn. Ho required that tbe walls of Spana should be razed ; all the foreign mercenaries who had served under the tyrants sent out of Laconia; that all who had been emancipated by the tyrants should leave the country before a certain day, under pain of being seized and sold for slaves ; and that the lawa and discipline of Lycurgus should be abolished, and the Actuean institutionsestablished in their room.' It would seem, from Livy'sdescription, that tbe restoration of the exiles was not exact- ed luilQ the other demands were so far ruMlled (bat the city was left completely defenceless. It was decreed in an assembly which was held at Tegea : and as, at the same time,intelligence was received that apumber of the disfranchised citizens, instead of quitting Laconia, were lurk- ing in the country, FhiloptEmen was directed to return with a body of lighttroops, and seize as many aa he could find. He took about 3000, who were all sold, and with the produce of tbe sale a colonnade at Megalopolis, which had been in ruins since the lime of Cleomenes,was re- built. The debated territory of Belemna was likewise re-annexed lo Megalopolis. These measures were undoubtedlyai^uat,tyrannical, cruel, and impolitic.They violated tbe wisest maxims which PbQopcemen himaelf had adopt- ed, and which he appears to have abaerved Is alinoet every other case; for they afforded a freah occasion for Roman inloi^reace, whioh itshould have been tbe chief aim of every Greek statesman as much as possible to prevent. But it seems as if the feelings of the Megalop"ditan were too strong for bis ordinary moderation and prudence, and blinded bim to ibe real ebaracter and tendency of bis measures. He could not resist the temptation of so signala triumph over the old enemy of his counlry, of such am- ple retaliationfor tbe iiuunes it bad suffered from Cleomenes. The surprise which may be felt at tbe bold- ness of these meaaurea is somewhat abated, when we find that at this time tbe most power- ful princes of tbe East in alliancewilb tbe Ro- mans courted tbe friendship of tbe Adueans, snd were esger to purchase it by ccetly pres- ents. While PbiIop"Eineo found it necessary to send an embassy to Rome, beaded by an Elteao named Nicodemos, to apolo^ae for tbe recent transactions in Laconia, he mtrodooed into tbe Achcantsaemblyan envoy from PtolemyEpi|^ anes, who came to solicita renewal of the a cieut alUance between An embassy, headed h; Alexandria, to negotiate a fresh treaty, ^\'bea this embassy returned,Pbiloptemen had tteea succeeded iu office by Aristtenus, the leader of the oppositeparty. Lycartaswas accompanied by ambassadtHS from Ptolemy, snd in the same assembly in which they were admitted to an audience, ministera likewise appeared Irom En- menes and Seleuce* Fbilopalor, who had just succeeded Auliochns on (be ^rone of Syria. Tbe Egyptiansbrought a present of 6000 auiis of armour, and 800 talents of copper money. But the ratificationof the treat; was postponed, and Ariatamus gained a triumph over his ad- by the discoverythat, whereaa several es of alliance bad been concluded at va- ' Pint,,rtiilap,, K. Lit., inrtit "-tL BHBASStliS TO THE ACH^AN LEAGUE. 4K" lieuB timeE between the two powers on diverse (wnditioDa. it had been neglecled, io the recent negotiation, to deternnoe wbLch of Uiete was to be relieved. Tbe envoys of Eumenes were in- sttucled to oaer ilie sum of 1^ talents for a "iDgularpDTpose. It was to be put out to in- terest, and the produce was to be applied to tbe paymeat of "alaries to the membeis oftbe Acbn- an cooncil. But ApoHonidas of Sicyon, one of FbilopceiDen's party, warmly protesteda; sinst the accepUDca of a donative which be de- nounced BB an odious bribe,desinned to exttO' guiah the freedom of their future deliberations. The feelinn of the "asembly were stillfoithsr turned asunst EinnenM by an ^inptaa, who lemjnded itthat his utiTe islandwaa Mill oc- cupied by the King of Pevgamua. ThemagDi"- cent freoant wta indigoaiit^ rejeoed, and a decree waa paaaed,Iqr which allsuch honours eonferFed on Eomanee aa were illegal and an- seemly were ab"dished.* Seleneae,likewise, desired the renewal of the allisiieenhioh bad aubsiated between his houae and tlu AchBsns, and aS%r"d a Bquailnin of tan galleys of war to the League. But towarda him the assembly aaemned an equallydigniSed attitude. The si- Jianoe was accepted, the present refbsed. It seems clear that these princesmopt have ex- pected some advantage from the oonnexion which theywere ao auioua to form with the league,though what itwas we can hardly con- jecture, unless that,as will be seen hereafter, oceauons someiimes aroae in which Achvan troops mi^it render them important aervice in Iheir waia.t But tbe tendency of such scenes waa undoubtedlyto encourage and atrengthan the party which wished, as lar aa possible, to preserve the tone and demeanour of iodepend- "iice in the nalional transectiona with the Ro- But every fresh transection between Rome "nd the I"eagae contributed more and more to 4ispel M iUuaiona aa to the real footingon which thej stood with aaob other. Immedi- ately afterthe laat ren"hitionat 8[nita,a Lece- dsmenian embaa^ broughtcomplaintsto Rrane -againat Pbitopomen'atqipressive measures, and the conaul, M. ."iaitJtiB Lepidos, addreaaed a letter to tbe Achvans, expreaaing hla disappro- bation of their proceedings.PbUDpomen, in "i"iseqaenoe, sent Nioodemna to Roma, and be Tetnmed and made hia report at tbe s"ne time Chat tbe Ibreign emhaasies joat mentioned were "dmitted to an aodienoe in ^e Aelusan aasem- My. Bnt while Philop"emenwas etiU in office, be was foreed to lend hia sanction and support 1o another encroachment of tbe Roman senate -on tbe independence of Greece. Zenxippna, tbe author of the asaasaination of BrachyllaB, liad been longendeavouring to accomplish his retnn) rron exile through tbe iniereat of Flam- ininos, and the senate was at length induced to aend an older for his restoration. He had not yet been formally convicted of the murder, because, through the iolriguea of the ruling party, there had been a aospension of forensic business in Bteotia for five-and-twenty years.! But his enemies now hurried two indictments, which had been long laid agaliuthim,one for a BBcrilegioua embezalemenl, the other for the murder aC Bracbyllas, through their remaining "Pd7l..,miii.,T. tn Vol. 11.^-14 " a t IM, n stages, and when the order of tlieseDBte arrived, they were able lo plead the senience which bad just been passed on him, us a ground for decli- ning to obey the senale's order. Tbe senate, however, paid no icgsrd to this excuse, and ordered tbe Ji^iolians and Acbcans to restore Zeuitippus ; and alter friendly exhoilatioDB had proved ineflectual, Pbtlopcemenwas obliged to resort lo measures which would have led to a war if tbe aenaie liad thought fitto insist on the execution of its mandate.' Tbe answer which Nicodemue had brought from Rome signified tliesenate's disapprobation of the treatment which Sparta had suffered, bnt intimated no intention of lepealing the aotsof the league. Not long after,however, the Achaans were called to account for their oon- duct by Q. Ccciltus Metellua, who had been sent with two colleaguespn an embassy to Macedonia, and seems to have been instriMsted to inspect the condition of Pelopouneaus,aOer ha had finished his more importantbuaioesawtUi Philip. AriatsnuH convened a meeting of the Acluean magistrates at Argus, where Meiellu" censured the course which had been adopted to- warda Sparta, and urged tham to redress the wrongwhich had been done. Arise enus remain- ed sileut, as havingno vindication to offer ; but Diophanea openly condemned the measnrea "f Phiiopmmen.notmly with regard to Sparta, but loMeasenia. Metellus.beins tbuasupported.be- came more rehement intiisdemands. ButPhita- piemenand his frienda vindicated their proceed- ings, and the senseof tbe majority waa on tbeir aide. Meiellus then called upon themagistiatM to eonvoke a generalaasemblyj but being unable to show any inatructiona from the senate which he had to communicate, be was informed (bat tbe law did not permit them to comply with hia request. Me withdrew, deeply mortified and displeased, and would not even receive tbe written answer whjcb was tendered to him.t As it was easy to foresee what kind of report he would make at Rome, tbe AchKsna aent an embassy, beaded by Apollonides, to explain and defend their conduct. But their envoys not only had to encounter the accusations of Me- telluB, but found themselves opposed by the Spartan exUes themselves, whom Pbilopsmen had restored. Tbe exilee had not wiahed to see their coutttty reduoed to soeh a state of behileaaaeBs and abject dependanoe on the Acbaan League as bad been the result "f Riilapcemen'smeasures, and they had aent two (tftheir number, Arous and Alcibiades, to coratdain to the senate. As a fresh embasqr, with Apphis ClaQdiuB at its head, had just been a^ointwl to visit Macedonia, it was diioetad lo proceed to Greece, and there to arbitratethe dispute about Sparta. Tbe senate accepted the excuse ofibred by the Achcan envoys for the deniid of the assembly to Metellns, bnt required that the law should be altered for the future,bo that a Roman ambassador might never, be again subject to a similar refusal. AristKnus had been succeeded in office bj Lycortaa when Ap. Claudius conducted th" embassy to Macedonia ; and, before be came into Greece, the Achsan general beM an as- sembly to jnrepare tbe puUio mind fw his r"- "PoWlk, t IM,u 11.,10-lS. Ut.,h HISTORY OP GREECE. Mption. He or his friendspointed the indtgna- lion of the Hsaemblyagainst t)ie Spartan eiilea. mora especially the two who had represented them at Rome, and a decree was tumuliuousiy passed hy which Areus and Alcibiades were condemned to death. A Tew days ofler,Appius Ctaadius and hie colleagues amved in Pelopon- nesue, and an assembly was called at Chtor, in Arcadia,to receive tfaem ; but, to the dism"y of the Ach"ane, they came accompanied by Areus and Alcibisdes. Appiue went over tbe BUne heads of complaint which Metellua had dwelt on the year belbre ; the massacre at Compaaium, the dismantling of the walla, the abolitionof the old Spartan inBtitations. I.y- OotUfl,aa belonged to his offloe, and his politi- eal ooaoexions, undertook to leply. If Livy foand any good authority for the argnments which be pnta into his month, he ventored on acme alluaions Co passages in Roman history, which it would hate been more prudent to have avoided, and exposed lbs inoonaiatency of the senate's interrention in sncta a case with the liberty which had been proclaimed at the lath- mian gunea.* But he took his stand on giound whieh seems less solid. He alleged that reli' gion ftrbade the Acbaans to rescind acts which had been oonlinned by an oatli, and recorded on maaimiente of atone for perpetual remem- braoee. ThereiBnowrongarfolJywhichmight not be made irrevocable, if such Bcruplea were to be admitted. If the Ach"ans bad sworn to perpetuate injualice, the impiety waa in the oath,not in the breach of it. Appiua,howeTer, disdained to reason, and would only ad vise the Achcaiu to comply while they oould with a good grace, and not to wait until they were forced to yield. The assemblygroaned at the threat, but felt chat it was not to be defied. The religiotjs sanction, howeTer, stillafforded "ome shelter to the national dignity. The Ro- mans were requested to make what changes they would in tlie state of Sparta, but not to compel the AchKans to incur the guilt of perju- ry. The only concession immediately made to Appius was the repeal of the decree paised againat Areus and Aicibiades. All other points were again referred to the decision of the s"k- "te, and fresh embassies were aent to Rome. both from the League and from Sparta. From Sparta the senate received oiinistBrB who repre- sented thecUims of four distinct parties, t The eiiles were divided among themselres. One body, which had the prince Ageaipolis at its head, claimed the entire reatitution of ttieiran- oient poBseaeiona. The rest, amotig whom were Areus and Aicibiades, would have been oenteDt to recover a portion of tbeir property, to the value of one talent. There waa a third party, which desired (he re-establishment of Che order of things which had been settled ju Sparta before the late violent changes, hut so ae to preseriQ the union with the Achtean League. Whether it was adverse to the ex- jtcB, or only wished to see the walls rebuilt,and the laws "rf Lycurgua revived, does not clearly appear. A fourth deputationrepresented those wbc had been condemned to death or banish- ment by Itie decree vf the Achsan assembly, and prayed that they might he restored to iheir country, ITie senate referred these intricate u-,M. t F"il;b., 1 I.,*. controversies te a committee composed of Flamininus,Metellua, and AppiusClaudius, all more or less unfriendly to Philupcemen and the- Acliaana. There were, however, two points nn which the four parties seemed to be agreed. None aaked Co be separated from the Achaan League ; and the petition of those who wished to have their condemnatioo reversed was not repugnant to the claims of any of the rest. At the suggestion of Flamininus,an agreement waa drawn up, including these two articles only, and was subscribed hy all the Spartan deputies. It was then proposed to the Achsan envoy Xe- narehna,who, not seelne how to reject the one and accept the other, JiKewise put his seal Uf the whole. But the question of property was led undecided,probably becauae it was seen ti" be of much greater moment for the tranquillity) of Sparta, Sparta, in fact, became soon after the scene of fresh commotian. in which the original exiles were againexpelled, aod Age- sipolis was alaln by pirates aa be was on hie voyage to Italy, with other envoys, for tlie pur- pose of another appeal to the senate.* When FlamioiDue annexed MeaseDia to th" Achttan League, be had encouraged the Mes- senians to seek protection or redress from Rome, if they should be oppresaedby the Achoun govemmentt It had been the policy" of PhilopiBmen to strengthen tbe popolai' party at Messeoe, as of principles most oangenul ta the Constitution of the League. The measures which he had tainn for this purpoes were otm- demned, as we have seen, by his ptdilical oppo- nents in the Ach"an eounnla; and it waa by- thia time well Itnown that he was not viewed with a favourable eye at Rome. The oligsrcli- ical faction was thus stimulated to make an effort to recover iu power under Roman pat- ronage, and aent Dinucrates,one of its leading men, and a personalenemy of Philap"EmeR,to plead its cauae before the senate. He arrived m Rome at the time when Q. Marcius Philip- pus had just been appointed ambassador to Macedooia and Greece, and Flamintnua to PrU' Bias of Dithynia. He had fonnerly insinuated hlmaelf into (be intimacy and favour of Flamini- nus, though hie character and habits could only inspire the Roman with contempt ;t but he waa- not the less useful as a political insmiiDent. Flamininus entered into hia views, and when he sailed for Greece, on hia way to Asia, toot Dinocnites with him. On his arrival at Nan- pactua, he wrote to the Ach"an magistrates to- summon an assembly. Pbilopcemen was imw- general for the eighth lime. He waa aware- of the object for which Flamininus desired an audience ; but he also knew that he had re- ceived no inBtructions with regardto Greece. He, therefore,replied tliathe would call an as- sembly if Titus would atale the business which he had to bring before it -, since the law did not permit an assemtdy to be summoned without '. notice. No answer cocld be devised to objection, and Flamininus proceeded ou his journey without having been able to eflfect anything either for Dinocraies or the newly expelled Spartao exiles, who had likewise reckoned on hia'patronage 4 Dinocratos, how- * Pi"^k.',"'i' I LlT",II ir. phSlnik DEATH OP PHILOPtEMEN." WAR WITH MESSENE. "3 ever, thoonkdisai^inted. was not diMOVnged. He had pinbably received issDiances of sap- port from Plamininas, and jierhBpa had previ- ously concerted raeunrea with his partiBana, which he did not Ihink U sal^ to d^er,or Tor which he eouW not eipeet a ftircr opportunity, eince Philopienien was lying sick of " fever al ArgOB.'' On his return to MeBsene, he eO"cted a revololion,by which the goTeiument was ptaced in the hands of his faction. I^e; piv- daimed Messenia independent of the Achnan ijEagMe, and made preparatiana for the defence of the country. Pbilapcemen, as bood as he heard theae tidings, de"p"tctied I.ycortas, with all the forcea at his dispoaal, into Messenia. Bat not withstandingJiisillneaa, and though be waa now in the kaventieth year of his age, he ooald not bear the confinement of a aick room at BQCh a jnnoture, and a day or two after set out fbr Megalop^is, whidi he reached in one day. Here he collected a Email body of the Megatopolitancavalry, and pushed on to over- take Lyeortaa.Dinocrates,however, had taken auch preeantiona to secure the passes leading into Messenia, that Lycortaswas not able to Jbrce bis way through. We want the details which would have explained how it was that Phikipceaien neither met him on hia letreai, nor was checked bf the same obstacle. Livy Bays that hia objectwas to relieve Corone, which bad not yielded, and was threatened by the enemy. -t He advanced near to Messene, and worsted Dinoontes in a skirmish, b"it waa Boon forced to retreat by the arrival of a fresh body of Meaaenian Iroopa; and while he exert- ed himself beyond his strength, and ezpioecd liimeeir to the brunt of the enemy's chai^, ' eover the rear of his little squadron, he w thrown from bis horse, and,being stunned the faD, was taken and led in triumph to Mea- sene. Dinocrales and his party, to gratify the curiosity of the multitude,exhibited him for a abort time in the theatre, but apprehending that the spectacle was likely to rouse the public aympathy in behalf of Iheir noble prisoner,they harried him away to their council chamber, and theo threw him into a dungeon called the Ti nry, a pit with only one openiDg, a hole at the top, which was sectued by a heavy slab of a Here he was kept in chains tillthe moi when his enemiea, alarmed, it seems, by the indications which they peroeived of popular feeling in hia favonr, held another secret coun- cil, in which it was resolved to despatch him. An eiecntioner was sent with a cup of poison; and PhflopiEmen, when he had learned that Ly- cortas was safe, and that the Megalopolitan cavalry had escaped,cilmly swallowed the fa- tal draught. The laal great man whom Oreece produced, or fbr whom she could have found any St em- ployment. Even he came too late to do more than giveproof of abilities, by which, in a dif- ferent age, he might have rendered more im- portant services to his country. We can hard- ly help thinking that the part he had to auatam nila^. IS (of UiBser Slur iMli !ili" InPK K"iiii"(i" mtimMHiY. Cckmii,or Ciriaa- Piu, it.,M, 8 : T* K"^ better suited to the genius of Aratus, and that,if he bad lived earlier, the iudopendence uf Greece might not have expired so soon. The tidings of his death excited vehement grief and indignationthroughout the league, except in the small party oi liis political adver- saries ; for PhilopcemBn was not only the pride * B nation as the greatest, indeed,the only very able commander ithad to boast of; he also possessed its confidence and esteem, as he rep- resented its feelings and wishes. An assem- bly was immediately summoned to Megalopolis, where the petqile manifested their feelingsby the election of Ljcortas lo supply his place ; and there would probably have been no hesita- ir disputeas to the immediate adoptionol! nost active measures for avenging his death, had it not happened that,at Ibis junc- ture, Q. Marcius arrived in Peloponneaas on hia relum from Macedonia. It appears that he was present when the decree of war against Messe- nia was broughtforward, and he endeavoured to divert the AchKans from their purpose, and to induce them to wait nntil they had consulted. Che senate. But the Bsaembly was not in a temper to take this advice,even if it had be-. lieved that it might obtain satiefaclion at Roote. War was declared, and liycortasimmediately invaded Messenia with an overpowering fbrce, and ravaged it with vindictive animoaily. It was, however, thought advisable to send an embassy to Rome to propitiate the senate. The Spartanexiles, and the party now in pos- seaalon of the city, also renewed their apphca- tions. But Harcios returned about the same time, and the policy of the senate was deter- mined by his report and advice. He suggested that a slight hint of the senate's displeasure to- wards the Achsans would encourage Sparta to make common cause with Messene, and then the I"eague wotild be glad to place itself under Roman protection.Accordingly, the agents of the Spartangovernment were informed that the- senate bad already done all in its powei for them, and did not consider the business as one- which concerned it any lunger. The Acbsao envoys requestedthat, if they might not hope for aid from Rome, according to the terma of the alliance, in their war with Messene, tho - senate would at least prevent arms or provis- ions from being Wugbt to the enemy out of Italy. The senate did not even notice this re- quest, but declared that the Achcans must not be surprised, thougliSparta, or Corinth,or Ar- goa should revolt from tbe league, if Uie Ro- mans did not regard this as their concern,; an. answer which, as Polybius observes,* wa" equivalent to a proclamation of a license to'all members of the I^eague to dissolve their con- nexion with it. The Achrean envoya, however, were detained at Rome, until it should be seen what Inm events touk in Messenia. The olisarchical government at Messene was neither alue to resist the enemy in the Geld,nor was it strong at home. For some time,indeed. it suppressed the murmurs of the peopleby ter- ror, and declined the profTcrcd mediation uf tho Bc-otians, But at length the general discon- . tent, under the sofTering producedby a war car- ried on 10 aerve the interest of a small faction, broke onl in demauda which the ttileradid not " niv., ID. HISTORY OF GREECE. Tcnture ta resJBt. Dinocrates and hia fHcndi retired to their houies, while the BBsemblj' of the people,rollowing the advice or some of tlie elder citizen* and of the Bceotian envoys, who had not yet quitted Measenc. appointed atcbas* sadora to Lycorlaa, to sue for purdOD and peace Lycortaaprescribed three conditions : that the authors of the revolt and of Philoptemen's death should be given up to him ; that ell other per- BOUs and muttGrt should be subject to the decis- ion of the national assembly; and that tbe cit- adel should be immediately mrrendered. Ai none but the oligarchical party had anything to dread from the vengeance oftbeAcheana, these tenns were gladlyaccepted. Lyoortas, when he had garriaoned the citadel, entered the city, and cheered the Messenians with a promise of lenient treatment, but he sent orders to allwho had taken a part in the oondemnatioo of Fhilo- pcemen to put an end to tbeii own live*. Di- uoCTutes had already killed himself There were others, it seems, whose cases wens re- served for the o^nizance of tha Achssan as- sembly.* The body of Philopamon was burn- ed, and his bones were carried in solemn pro- cession to Megalopolis. The om which con- tained them was borne by Polybius the histori- an, and was abnost hidden under the load of gsrlands and fiUeta which were showered npoo It. At Megalopolis the remains were magoiA- cently interred with heroic honoQra.t and, ae- cording to Plutarch, Messenisn prisonerawere atoned to death at his grave. If this is true, they must have been the wretches who, as Plutarch also relates, but without confirmation from PolybiuB,proposed to put him to death It happened to be the time Ibr one of the or- dinary Achsan assemblies, and Megalopolis "was the place of meeting.} )n this assembly tbe Mesaenians were readmitted into theAche- an League. But the towns of Thoria, Abia, and Pbam were separated frmn MeMene, and constituted distinct members of the Leagne.4 Tbe Achnan envoys now returned frooi Rome, and with an answer very diflferentfrom that which they had at lirat tecoived there. The senate, as soon as it learned that the AdiKans did not need its aid, descended to the menn- ness of declaring that it had taken measures to prevent the exportation of aims and provisions from Italy to Messene. Lycortassoon after convened another ass^ablyat Sicyon, to decide on (he relations which should subsist between Sparta and the League. The questionseems to have been, whetbierthe League should rec- ognise the party which had expelled the exiles as the legitimate government of Sparta. The senate, by the evasive answer with which it had dismissed the Spartan envoys, seemed to have droppedthe cause of the exiles, and to have left the Achvans at liberty to act as they would. Lycortastook advantage of this sup- posed permissionto peraaade the assemblyto acknowledgeSpartaas a member of the League, and,notwithstanding the opposition of Diopha- nes, a decree was passed to that effect, but on the condition that those of the exiles who had " F^Tt., ui"., "" RnL, Phiiof.,11. Piuu., tiii.. ui..,il!!i not shown thenuelvea hostile to t! should be recalled. Tbe senate, which was again consnlled, seemed to acquiesce in this arrangement, though it wrote a letter to tbe Achmois in favour of the exiles. But, as the Ach"ao etivoy, on his return, represented this letter as written merely to get rid of their im- portaaity. no farther notice was taken of the reoommendatioD so long as Lycortas remained in office.* Tbe senate, however, probably fore- saw tbat itwould serve as a ho"^ whereon to bang fresh intrigues. In the mean while tbe League enjoyed a abort interval of repoae, ia whioh it mi^tB"em to have recovered its dig- nity and indepegdenoe. The administtalioa at home was at once mild and vijptrous. Tti" Messenians were , relieved by an exemptioa (him taxes for three years, as a oanpeaaatioa for the damage their eoantiT had aiiirered da- ring the war.t The AcbKan general exercised a wholesome anperintendence aver tbe internal aAirs of Sparta. A yonng man of low vigin, named CliEroD, who had beea tbe agent of tbe SpartanaproBcribedby Philopoemen at Roaw, seemed to be treading in the steps of the ty- rants. He bad anqnired sufficientinBueime to carry an enactment, by which the propeitj which had been led even by Machanidas and Nabis la the female relativea and ehildran of tbe exiles who ramaioed at ^nna was confis- cated, and diatribated in a capricioDsmanner amoDf (he indigent multitude. He next ob- tained son"e office whioh placed the publio rev- enues at hia disposal, and misapplied them to Atrther his own ends, and, finally, when an at- tempt was made by aome of the aitixena to bring his malversation to light, he suborned as- sassins to murder tbe diief manager of tbe in- ^niry in open day. Lycortashereupon nwde a journey to Sparta, caosed ChBn"n to be broaght to trial, convicted,and tbrown into prison, and directed the investigation to be earned on, and the confiscated property to be restored to tba Amilies of tbe exiles.t It was about the same time that the Leagaa received a fresh "mbaBsy from PtolemyEpipba- nes, with the offerof a aqnadron of ten gaUeys conqdeielyrigged. The qnestion of tba aUi- anoe, which had been left in suapenae, aeeaiB to have been droppedby taoit ccoaent, as of so auHDCnt. All the entU of both parties wwe satisfied, it appears, by the nuiolenaaee of mo- tnal good nMerstandiDg. The aasembtj ao- eepteatheking'soflbr, though it had before dr- eUaed a similar one from SefaocDa, and ^ipoint- ed Lycortas, hia am Ptdybius, and Antus, a grandson of the first, enn^ to Alexandria,1" retom thanks for the former proaent, ud lo tatie charge of tbe ahips. Bat before they aet ont news arrived of Piotoray's death,wbicdi,as hii successor, Philomelor,was a child of six years old,pnt a stop to tlie embassy.( There was onlycue safeguardbj whioh Ifae Achasan League bad hitherto been protected " PlJ,b..X4 t Poljb.,vCT-i Sitrpnt^j nfoninf to ihe duBMj ritevipas Etrm^Mpdti H Itkfl nwiiul of the nlifrvi YalTfTuBh ( A^Kh, p. m, a. 1),witkMB " |h" ^ ""S?=^"'" EMBASSY OF CALLICRATES. 46" Mnate the s]r|[ht"M Inuch of any mBgiiBni- a feeling, which might have indncec it to BOr becauM itviewed the eftortaof the Greeks to preaerve a shadow of independence with contemptuoiie indiRerenee, It wa mth QMhiDg short of their absotate sabmissiOQ to its despoticwill, and no impulse of , gCDerosity diverted it for a inonieiit from Ihe prosecution of this purpose. But even these sreat inaaters of polilica] deception eoutd do MTiee anj artifice by which they contd per"nadi tiieRoman people, as they bad with reganl to Pbilip and Antiochus, that the Aehsan Lea^e waa an object of alarm to Rome, or Uiat any- thing bad taken place in Greece to provoke hos- tility, or to require the Jnterrention of a Roman army. They had also a character of cnodera- lioo to BUfitain, which was of great use in nego- tiation with foreignpowers, and wbich itwould not bare tieen prudentlighUj to for^il by openactofwantontyianny. The senate, thera- iore, in itstransactions with the Achtean League, was confined to the exercise of its diplomatic arts, in which it probablysurpassedevery cab- inet, whether of the ancient or the modem world. Its aim,wbich it keptsteadily in view, was to foster diviaions in Peloponnesus, and tc aflbrd as much encouragem^t and support ae U could with decency to tW enemies of the Leasoe. Still, so longas this van the* case, couM hardly be said that the liberty of Greece waa merelyprecarious. An Achnan statesmaD j had ground to stand od, where, by circumspec- tion and address, he mighthope, notwithstand- ing Ihe opposition of the senate, to keep hia footing with hononr and advantageto hia coun- try. As longas he avoided directcollision with the senate, treated it with respect, and ' ed from all acta that couM aSisrd a provocation or pretext for hostility, he might safely and fimtly inaiston any pleas with which the lawa and Constitution of the League might fumiah him The success, however, of this peaceful reaiatance would dependon the unanimity with which he waa aupportedby the great body of the people. Hitherto,aa we have seen, the patriotic party, that of PbOopcemen and Lycor- tas, had a decided preponderauoe in the coon- cilB of the League over those who, possibly with uprightintentions, argued for unreserved obe- Ateuce to every intimation of the senate's pl" ure. But now, in the year 180, a ehange gins, a new epoch opens in the history of the downfall of the League,which ia marked by the appearance of Callicrates. In this year Lycortaswas succeeded in of- fice by HyperbatuB, a partisan of Aristtenus and INophanes. The new general, with what motive does not appear, but probably at the in- etigUion of Callicrates, recalled the attention of the AchBan assembly to the letter which the senate had written the year before in favour of tlw Spartan exiles. Lycortas contended tliatthe seoate, though willing to succour the unfortunate as far aa justicepermitted, could not wiah to force the Aclieeans to violate a re- ligions engagement, and that it would desist mna it* a^uication ifit was iDformed that the thing it deeired was inconsistent with the tt^- dsmental laws, solemn oatfaa,and puhlioreo- ords of the L^uue. Mypeibatos and Caliio- rates reooonnraided simpleutii(UBlified oompli- ance with Ihe wishes of the senate. Bu as a question had been raised t* to the senate's real mind, it was reaotved to aend aa mAoeqr to Rome, to explain the groonds stated by Lycor- tas, which compelled the AchKaa* to disobey the senale'a iDJanctions on this point. CaOio- ratea himself was appointed to this embaasy, perhaps under the belief that his ptdrtical priit- ciples would give the greater weight to th" plea which he was instiacted to maintain. With him were associated L^iidaaof Meg"- lopolia, and Aratu, both pnilMMy fiisDdi af Lycortas, But when they were admitted to an audience at Rome, GaHiorates, instead of pleading the cause of his countrymen, oDhred hia best advioe to their enemies. ""The sen- ate," he said, " had only itselfto blame if the Greeks did not obey all its commands. There were in every citymen enough who were will- ing to inculcate the necessity of submission to Rome, bnt they Deeded encoaragement snd support. The cause of their adversaries, irho apjkaled to the laws and federal compacts "f the League, waa the more national and popa- lar, and wonld alwaya prevail with the multi- tude, unless the senate would show some cotiB- tenance to the other side." Callierates him- self afforded a fair sample of the goodly crop of traitora, sycophants, and sophists whieli might be expected to springnp in Greece tra- der the sunshine of Roman patronage. The senate adopted his advice, and issued a re- script, calculated to silence the patriotic party in the I^agne, and tu invite all who coveted power and influence to follow his examfde. It repeated the injunction to restore the ex- iles, and proposed Callicratea as a model which all Achsan statesmen would do well to imi- tate. But, at the same time, letters were sent to most of the northern states,to the jfitoli- ana and Epirots, to the Atheniana,Beotians, and Acamanians, exhorting them to lend their aid towards the same object. It would not be for want of encouragement from Rome if they did not come into collision with the Achaeans, and it was probablyonly their weakness that prevented this rceult. Callicratea, on his re- turn, could show that his adversaries had mis- represeated the senate's mind, and that he en- joyed itsentire confidence. He, of course, did not make an exact report of the advice he had giventothe3enate,ihongh.if ithad been heard by his coUeagnes, it is not clear how he couM have concealed it, as he ia said to have dooe. But through the influence which be thus acquir- ed, with the help of corruption, for which he may have been au)^lied with means at Rome, he carried his election to the office of general, and the Srst measure of his administration was to store the exiles both to Sparta and Messene.* Polybiushas, perhaps,assigned too much iportance to the embassy of CallicrBles. His lusiona to the Roman generosity, compassion, and love of justice,might have been properly inlroduf"d in a speech of Lycortas, but are quite out of place in ahistory; and itwould be absurd to suppose that the senate needed " les- " Filjb., r .,1-3. 470 HISTORY OF GR""CE. -aon from OaUicnte* in state policy. It bad already ^own in nniDberiMS inatanres, like -those of Zeuxippiu and Dinocrates, that it was thorangUy cOBTeraant wiUi the maxima whicb he taia down. NeTerthdesa, it may be true that,through the treacliery of CallicrateB, a reg- ular correspondence and coiuieiJoD was first established between the Roman govemment and the party in the Aohnan League, which was willing to become the cool of the stranger, for the sake of securing its awn aacendeni^y at home : the senate waa encouraged to adopta more imperioua tone and harsher measures, "nd the defences by which the patriots endeav- oured to avert or retard the ruin of the League were more rapidlyswept away. CHAPTER LXVL Thi Romans, as we have seen, had treated . Philip with some degree of forbearance so long as they had anything to h(^ or to fear from . him. To aoothe him after the affront he had auSbred when he was compelled to abandon the siege of Lamia, he had been permittedtn make Mnae petty conquests in T^esaalv and . the adjacentregions. The release of bis son and the remiasion of the tribute concurred with lus distrust of Antiochus and the .lEloU- ans, to retain him on the Roman aide until the contest with the Syrianmonarchy was decided . by the battle of Magnesia. But he had learn- ed by very costlyexperience that no reliance , could be placed on the moderation of Rome ; [ and, after the concluaion of the peace, he bad bent all his thoughts towards repairing his loss- es, and increaaitig the internal strength of his kingdom. He began to recruit its exliausted pojmlation as well by regulations tending to en- courage the erowtb of families,as by large draugBts of Thracian colonists whom he trans- planted to Macedonia ; and strove to replenish his treasury, both by Ihe improvement of ail the branches of his ordinaryrevenue, and with the prtidnce of the mines ; resnming old works which had been interrupted, and opening others in many places before untried. On the other' hand, the Romans could feel no confidence in ' a prince whom they had so deeplyinjured. It was notwithontmisgiving that the Scipios com- mitted themselves to Ms guidance in their march to tlie Hellespont ; and when Manlius was attacked by the Thracian tribes on liisre- turn from Asia, there was a strong suspicion that they had been secretlyinstigated by Phil- ip.* It is not certain that in these measures '. be aimed at anythingbeyond his own security; i though he was no doubt eager for revenge, atid " wouM have sciied any opportunity of seeking '" itwith a tolerable prospect of suoccna. Butin ' the eyes of the Roman senate,preparations for' aelf-dcfencc.andawislifor independence,were I sufficientevidence of hostile intentions in a I neighbouringsovereign; and the more flour- 1 iahing the state of his dominions,the more it ' eiciled the Soman cupidity and ambition. The senate only wanted a preieW for a fresh war with Philip, and soon made it known that it was willing to receive complaintsagainst him. Envoys from Eumenes, and from others of his neighbours who had claims or grievances to allegeagainsthim, found an attentive and fa- vourable audience at Rome ; and though Phil- ip also sent an embassy to vindicate hia rights before the senate, three commissioners, L. Cv- cilius MeteUus, M. BKhius Tomphilua, and Ti, Sempronius, were appointed to go and decide the question alter they should have heard his own defence of himself. There was a twofold advantage in this course : the certainly of hu- mlhation to Philip, and the Ukelihood that he would be betrayedby indignation into some in- discretion. The three commissioners firstheld their court near Tempe, and the King of Mace- donia came before them to plead his cause against the Thessalians, Perrhebians, Mag- netos, and Athamanians, who claimed the res- titution of the places which he had occupied in their territory. They were the conquests which he had made with the express consent of Acil- ius. But a cavil was now devised to elude this title ; and the commissioners decided that he must evacuate all these possessions, and con- fine himself to the ancient limits of Macedonia. In the heat of the controversy,Philipdropped an angry word, which was carefiilly treasured by the Romans: Iht tut lun had nol yet ttl. He^waa next obliged to appear before them at Thessalonica, to answer for some addiliona which he had made to his territory on the coast of Thrace. There he had made himself master of .^nuB and Maronea after the Syrian garri- sons had been withdrawn ; and Eumenes, to whom the senate had grantedLysimachia and the Thracian Chersoncsus. pretended that these towns had been included in the grant. Philip, while he denied this assertion,seems to have taken this occasion to complain of the treat- ment he bad suffered from the Romans. Tbe commissioners reserved the question of right for the cognisance of the senate, but required that the Macedonian garrisons should be with- dran-n from the Thracian towns ; and on their return to Rome, the senate sent another em- bassy, with Ap. Claudius at its head, to see whether their orders had been obeyed, and to clear the Thracian coast of Macedonian tro"T)a The object of this interference was plainlynot so much to weaken Philip as to gall and irri- tate him ; to provoke him to some rash ste^ which might aflbrd a decent colour fur a decuF ration of war. And such was its effect ; for Philip, having been apprized of the senate's de- cision before the arrival ofAp. Claudius,wreak- ed his vengeance on the inhabitants of Maroneti by a bloody massacre, which he afterward tried to represent as the result of their own intestine dissensions. But a% the Roman envoys de- clared themselves dissatisfied with this state- ment, he thought it necessary to send his son Demetrius to Rome, to plead in his behalf, or deprecate the senate's displeasure. In the mean while he made an expedition into Tlrace, under the pretext of succouring the B3'"anlians, defeated the Thracians in battle, and took pris- oner one of their chiefs named Amadocus. The arrivalof Demetrius seems to have suff- DEMETRIUS AT ROME." HIS DEATH. 471 getted a oaw jdao lo llis senate ; for it can hardly be supposed that it did not foresee the coDseqnences of its behaviour towards him. It received ^""\ with the most graciousbenig- ni^ : when he appeared to be perplexedby the iDuItiplicily or complaintsbrouglitagainst his father " for,as the ecnate's disposition became more notorious, the number of Philip's accu- sers rapidly increased " he was called upon to read the private instructions which he had brought with him ; and thus the senate heard many comments on the unjust and insdent con- "Juct of its envoys which Philip had not intend- ed for its ears. The answer which it gave to Demetrius was (ituned in terms the most grat- iJying to him, but calculated, in the same de- gree, to wound his father's feelings. The sen- ate consented, for bis sake, to overlook much which it could not approve, end would not oth- erwise have endured, in his father's conduct ; it reposed entire coniSdencein the friendritip and honoQr of Demetrius : it knew that his heart remained a hostage at Rome, after his person had been restored to his father : to show Its regard for him, it would send envoys to Macedonia, that past omissions might be sup- jdied in an amicable way. And itwished Phil- ip should understand that he owed this indul- gence entirely to his son. There can be no doubt that every phrase in this answer was calculated for the effect which it produced. Whether smbitious hopes were -directly infused into the mind of the young prince during his stay at Rome, we do not linow ; bot the senate's language was of itself sufficient, and was apparentlydesigned,to sug- gest them i and, even if it failed to corrupt De- metrius, eould not but excite ihe jealousy of his elder brother. There was thus a fair pros- Ciet of a feud in Philip's family, which might odJe a civil war, and was almost sure to af- 'fbrd some fresh occasion for Roman interfe- rence. Livy admits thai Demetrius, on his re- turn home, showed hiniselfelated by the sen- ate's favour, and that it was generally believed 'among the conimon people in Macedonia that the Romans would place him on the throne af- ter his father's death.* At the same time, m- right was thus threatened, Philip found himself reduced to depend, as it were, on the patronage "rhia younger son, and deprived ofhis authori- ty OD the question of the succession to the -crown. But his jealousy and resentment were much inflamed by the arrival of the Roman en- voys, who not only exacted the performance of .allthe injunctions which he had previously re- ceived, but brought fresh requisitions from the .senate, which he obeyed,indeed,to avoid af- fording a pretext for war, but wjth the bitterer vexation, as he observed that Demetrius passed more ofhia lime in the society of the envoys -than at court. Whether Demetrius was realiy as Innocent as be appears in Livy'spathetic narrative,must remain a secret to us; but his -conduct aObided a ground for suspicion, and Fhilip had reason lo look upon a son who was a filvouritewith the senate as an enemy and a Iraitor. His distniat of Demcltius grew with 1. FioU., S. his haired of the Romans, and both are said to have been fostered by the artifices of Perseus, and the principalcourliers,who, pen^iving Philip's alienation from his younger son, took part with the heir-apparent. Bui Demetrius,at least, lent a handle lo their machinations by the unguarded warmth with which he defended the Romans whenever they were attacked in bis presence. He was now, it seems, eiclnded from the council in all deliberations relating to Rome, or to the negotiations which Philip was carrying on " as the senate gave out, with hos- tile designsagainstItaly " with several barbari- an tribes in the north. A luslration of the army,' and sham fight, in which the two princes com- manded the oppositesides, led to some scenes 00 which Perseus founded a charge, that his brother had made an attempt a^inst his life. Demetrius, il seems, convinced his father ofhis innocence on tbts head ; but Phiiip sent two en- voys, Philocles and Apelles, to llome, with se- cret instructions to inquire into the troth ofan- other accusation which Perseus had brought againsthim, that he had disclosed his ambitious designs to Flamininus and other Romans. In the mean while the king made an expedition into the wilds of Thrace, professedly for the purpose of ascending the highest summit of the Ballian, which was reported to command a view reaching on Uie one side to the Euxlne, and on Ihe other to the Adriatic ; but undoubtedly he did not undertake this laborious march, wtiich was not altogether free Irom danger,merely to gratify his curiosity' It is bigiily probable that he really entertained the project attributed to him by the Remans, of inducing some of (he northern barbarians to make an irruption into Italy, and that this journey to the Balkan was in some way connected with that plan. He took Perseus along with him, but left Demetri- us behind, under the colour of parental tender- ness, at Riobi, and directed Didas, the governor of Pteonia, to escort him lo Macedonia, Didas had been secretlygainedby Perseus, and inain- uBted himself into the confidence of the young prince to betray him. He soon after reported, whether truly or falsely we car onlyconjecture, that Demetrius was meditating to escape into Italy, and had solicitedhis aid ; Philip hastened his return lo investigate this matler, but remain- ed in suspense until his envoys returned from Rome. He had chosen Philocles and Apelles for this commission, because he believed them to be impartial between the brothers. But they. too, were devoted to Perseus, and, among otb' er calumninns impostures,brought a forged let- ter purporting lobe addressed to Philip by Flam- ininus. so composed as to imply the reality of allthat had been impnicd to Demetrius, while It deprecated his father's displeasure. Herodo- rus, the most intimate friend of Demetrius,was pat to the rack, aiK died under Ihe torture, bnt no information could be extorted from biro. Philip, however, was now convinced of hi* , son's guilt, and, it is supposed, instructed Didas secreily to despatch him. Demetrius was poi- soned at a banquet, and his dying exclamations against his murderers were stifled with tmul vzolence. Philip did not long survive this event, and his end was hastened by remorse and an- guish at the discovery that bis son hadboenlbe victim uf a conspiracy, and that the pretended 478 HISTORY OF GREECE. letteroT Flamininua was a forgery. The fraud was detected, it appears, an as to leave no mon for duubt,[hrougli tlie exertions of tbe king'. couBln,Antigonus, a nephew uf Antigonus Bo- son. Fcraeua henceforth kept at a distance from the court, but having no fear of a rival, WB3 indifierent about his father's reseotment. Philip, now doublyirritated, conceived the de- sign of transferring the succession to Antigo- nus, aod endeavoured to recummend him to the acceptance of the Macedonians ; but he waa overtaken by death at Amphipolis, while Antig- onus was reluruing from an embassy on which be had been sent to invito the Bastarniana,* Aom beyond the Danube, to invade and setUe in tbe Liod of the Dardaniana. The king'sphy- glctan,as soon as be perceived the ajraiptoms of his approachingagouy, sent notice to Perse- us, who was thus enabled to take possession of the throne without resistance ; and one of the firstacts of his reign was to put Antigonusto death. Philip lefthis kingdom in a condition to defy any powKr but that of Rome ; with an abundant population, a well-filled treasury, an army of 30,000 foot and 6000 horse, and largemagazines of aims and ptovisioits. It remained to be seen what use would be made of these prepaTailons, and into what hands they would finally pass. PeiseuB, with the crown, had inherited all the motives of enmity which had subsisted between Jiisfather and tlieRomans, together with a large addition on bis own account. Ro must have I"ltthat tbe war which had been averted through the mediation of Demetrius was now inevitable ; and hifi policy was entirely directed to two ob- jects : to hold himself in readiness for the im- pending struggle, and to defer it as longas pos- sible. As long as his eierttons were required for no other purpose than this, be displayed a degree of energy and prudence which seemed worthy of bis station. But though his character bM undoubtedly been misrepresentedthrough JuMtile prejudices and wilful calumny, and he was probably neither so odious not so despica- ble as itsuited the senate's interest to have him d"*cribed,f he was cloariy stillless equal to a oontest with Rome than his father ; and not- withstanding the sympathy which we cannot re- fuse to the justice of his cause, we can feel none with the man. It is true that he seems to have been free from some of his father's vices ;t but it was, perhaps, because his own were ofeu op- posite kind. He was temperate, and addicted to no liceatiouB pleasures ; so that either on this iccoimt, or because, like his ancestor, An- tigirans, he took some interest in the specula- tions of the schools,he is termed by the author wbo has led the moat favourable description of his aharaoter,a philosopher.^ On the other IrahllKl.Sc^r"p. "orAbjGlubal "'.p- MO, n that thtj *im mDM jirobaUj" nT"il nc hand, he is charged with a Wind and abject love of money for itsown sake ; and so many gtariog instances of this failing are recorded in his his- tory, that it is impassible to consider them all as malicious inventions.' He was apparently deficient in moral, if not in personal,courage. His dread of the Romans stimulated him to vig- orous exertions,so long as they were at a dis- tance ;' but seems to have deprived bim of bis presence of mind when they came in sight. The worst acts imputed to him appear to have been the effect of this timidity. We have no reason to believe that he was inclined to wan- ton cruelty, or inordinately passionate or vindic^ tive ; but he was probably as unscrupulous as his father about the choice of means for the ac- complishment of his designs, and never shrank from the perpetration of a safe and useflilcrime- Still, when compared with most of the contem- poraiy kings, ho almost rises into a hero ; and his misdeeds are few and light, if weighed against the enormous guilt contracted during the same periodby the Romait senate. t The firstmeasmvs of his administration, af^ ter he bad established himself on the throne, were, indeed,extremelyjudicious, and calcula- ted to suggest the best hopes of hia government. Heremittsdallarrearsof debt due io the crowiir and released all who had been thrown into pris- on for offences against his father ; and be pub- iisbed an amnesty for those Macedonians wbo had fled from the pursuit of the law, wheUier io puUio or privatecauses, and invited them to re- turn to their homes, with promises of security for their persons and property. As he csased this act of grace to be recorded in the temples of Dolus,Delphi, and Coronea, his liberahty and clemency became no less generally known to the Greeks than among his own subjects-t Soon alter his accession he found himself com- pelled, in self-defence, to make war on a Thra- " PlathffImboon an LnEgvm. Khodei wid P"rfkiniii, 871U and Kg^rp*.J -ut nrnL thai tht piw^ which hB hM -""--- _ rt (^ tbJi prupontLiA mn ml comirjaiuan _r^l/b.; iiTT., S. Sehcrn (^. "") ni"d""tui "lilH niid cmO^wi i mod llw una AAnw iwtptp^iitvMi, inU "" no (nnibrvr tciiiiJi)" J^' "!"bamc Mvri, "Mn B" HitlwriisdKiliiabtUiUIlMpaniiiiidiaenMmM Mi- MEASUREB ANI" ALLIANCES OF PERSEUS. 473- cimn chiaf nameil Abrnpolii, who had made bd inroad on the mines of Pangnoni, and not only repelled hie aggressions, but made himself master of his territories. "Die cnnqaest may have streiiglfaened bis northern frontier ; but it exposed him to danger on another aide ; for ' Abfupriis WM an ally of Rome.* He hiatened, ' hoiterer,to aTert this danger hy an embassy, whi^ be sent to renew the treaty which the Romans had concluded with bis father. The aflkirof Abrapolis was notoTGrloolied ; the Mo- cedooiaa eDvoys were instructed to Tindicate their master's proceedings ; hnt the senate tooh care not to bind itself byanydistinctsdmissioiif It Tiewed Persetw as a prey, on which it re- sDlTed to ftsten as mod as an opprntonejunc- tnrearriTed; bnttbeetatoof itsaflbirs wasnot at this time snch that itcould eonvenienity em- bark in a war with Macedonia ; nor had it hith- eno any suffleient provocation to allege. It therefore tacitly reserrcd the subject of Abnipo- JiB sa a fhtore ground of complaint, anil, En the reoeiTedhim father.t Penens did not let himself be tolledinto a Alse securityby the bvoorabie result of this ne- gotiation, or relax his endeavours to provide as be best might against the impending storm. He CQlltrated the relationsof Iriendahip into which Phihp had entered with several of Uie Tbiscian,myrian, and CeKic tribea ;I and the OdryBian king,Cotys, who ia described as sn intelligent, active, and estimable prince.f be- came his steadyally.Philip's plan for the ex- teimiDatioo of the Dardanians bad been icter- mpled by bis death. The Bastamians, who were on their march through Thrace, when they received tidings of that event, began to comtoit disorders which provoked the hostility of the Thraclan tribes, and the greater part were forced to return acroaa the Danube. Thirty thousand of them, however, are aaid to have penetrated into Dardenia,n and perhaps these were aAerward re-enforced by fresh bands of their countrymen. They made war on the DardaniBOB, in concert with the ScOrdiscans,a kindred race, and some of their Thracien neigh- bours, and seem, for some time at least,to have pressedvery hard upon them. Tbis war be- came a fresh subject of complaintagainst Per- sens at Rome. The senate, under what pre- text we know not, was continually sending en- voys to ex|rfore the stale of Macedonia, and was thus firstinformed of the war. Arterward it received au embassy from the Dardanians, who were joinedby the Thessalians, soliciting protection, and attribnting the invasion of their territory to the itistigation of Persens.T The senate appointed commissioners to ascertain the fact, and Perseus was obliged to send fresh en- voys to defend him from thia chai^, and to deny that he had any share in the enterprise of the Baalamians. It was true that it had ' been planned and set in motion hy Philip, llie senate waived this qoestion, and contented it Midir evtggantv tbt imponaaH of tlm-vtr. Fnmhin Ivmfftflr, w" Itsm thtt Atnpol]i"u kiiii;Dftlie Sianju Cr. 8ln^.itl.,]i. M". Diodota., Eic" f. sn. jLiT., il.,M. 1 Mjb., mS.,". Yol- II." O o o self with a grave admonition to the king to be- very careflilto avoid all appearances (tfan ia- IVingemenc of the treaty.' The warningpob- ably served to quick";n his vigilance and acttvi- ty. His agents appear to have been bnoyia every quarter from which he could expect any accession of strength or reputation. He had fonned a connexion with the lUyrianking, Gen- tias. perhaps at the same time that he adbrded ", shelter to some consptrators who had killed Ar- thetams,anoth^ Itlyrisn chieftain,who was aa ally of liome. He was also r^iorted to havo sent ministers to Carthage; and, as die Car- thaginians were, at this time, almost driven to- despairby the senate's p"Tfldjaoa connivancet with Masmissa's unrelenting boati]l^,t the re- port may have been well Ibmded, Ibougfa it rests on no better evidence dkan the aasertiott of Roman envoys,t and answered the donble- purpose of s eharge a^insl Oarthage and against Perseus. But it is oertsin that his al- i coveted by several of the Aslalio ^ Pnieias of Bithynia, and Seileticu" Philopator of Syria,thoagfal themselves lb*o"ir- ed when he granted bis irttlerto the one, and " having, it was said,put to death a fortner wM)- " accepted the other's daughter in msrHage. They evidentlyr^arded Macedonia as 8 bel- wark against die encroBchlnents of Rome; nil the liee Greek cities of Asia looked to Persena with like feelings Even tfae RJiodiana,thoi^ they had nominally received a large trad of continental territory as the reward of their ser- vices in the war with Antlodiue, and bad not yet Ihlly discovered bow littlereason they had to he grateful for it,paid their conrt to him iit a very signal manner. They lent their galleys- . to convey the Syrianprincess Laodice to Mace- donia,4 and were rewarded 1^ a present of tim- ber for their fleet,as well as by other royal gills. On the same occasion, Perseus received innumerable embassies of congratulation, ac- companied with pressnts. In Greece, too. he had a fair prospect of re- covering the influenne which his father had lost. The good wishes of every Greek,eicopt Ihos* who had either sold,or were reedy to mD them- selves to the Romans, were on bis side. In MUA'm end Thesealy the generalpoverty, caus- ed by the calamities of war and the Roman ex- actions, had given rise to a struggle of parties which, in iEtolia, was attended wiUi terrible- scenes of hkfodshed.ll The irealthy, wlio ag- gravated the dtstress of their eomitr^en by usnrions extorttons,hoped for protectiob froia the Romans; tbe Indigent, who eonU only ex- pect relief throughsweeping and violent chan- ges in the diatribation of property,. seem to have- turned their eyes towards Perseus as tbeir friend.^ In Bteotia fear alone prevented hi" partisans from openlydeelarit)g Ihemselvea ; tbe feelings of the people were everywherir 474 ^th him. HISTORY OF OREECB. II wu, no doubt, to Rnimatebis weii-tiriBDerB by " displij of bis power and bi moderation tbat, in 174, be made an ezpEvlilin into Ibe heart of Greece. Tbe Dolopians, wh had been allowed to remain sabject to Macedr ntan rule, bad revolted, and put hia goTemor t a cruel death.* They would then have appealed 10 Rome, but Peraeua invaded their country, "od r^uced them to eubmiasion ; and then, pretendingsome religiousscruples, marched acroas tbe range of (Eta to Delphi,aod, after a sojourn of three dajrsthere, returned home through Tbesaaly,leaving a very favourable impresstouby the excellent discipline which b"^ enforced Ihiou^out his march. t He was m"~' anxious to draw the Ach"aas into friendly bliona with him ; but as, in the warmth of their zeal for tfaa Romans, they had pasaed a decree V" exclude all Macedonians from their terrilo- hee, it waa not ea^ to gain access to them. Tlw Mparalioii, however, thus made between ifae two alatn, bad been attended with aMMM terj amkoying to tbe AcbKaoa, who no remedy wbea their runaway Blaves took nfoge in Macedonia. Perseus now collected as many of these fugitives as he could God, and wrote a tetter, in which he offered to restore them to Ibeir owiteia, but,at tbe same time, re- minded the Adwatu that it rested with Ibem- .""Itc" to guard against losses of the aame kind for tbe future. Tbe letter waa read in the AehKBU aaaembly by Xenarchus, the general, 40d a motion waa founded up"n it for the re- jteal of Uie inhospitable decree, but was reject- ed Ihrbn^ the influence of CaUicrates, who Tepreaented Persmia as on the ere of a war with Rome. Livy supposes that some offence waa taken beoause an embassy was not sent with the letter; and so, it appears, Peraeua himself had been infotmed: but when he sent envoys to repair thia omission,they could uot obtain an audience.! The senate continued to send ambassadors scroBB the Adriatic,to inspect the state of af- fairs in Macedonia and Greece, to keep tbe Greeks quiet, and to collectinformation against Perseus. Nothing waa done to relieve the misery of the ."i"uiana ; but hostageswere ta- ken Gram the contendingparties, and lodged at Coriath,so as to jdace both more tban ever in the power of tbe Romans 4 In Thesaalysome- thing was done to mitigate the evil; by the authority of tbe Roman envoy, the rate of io- lereat was reduced,and a longterm allowed for the payment of debts by yearly instalments. II The Achaans " that is, Callicrates and bis par- ly " were praised for the firmness with which they had adhered to the decree which interdict- ed commerce with Macedonia " a declaration of enmity to Perseus which might serve at "nce to irritate him, and to give countenance U the Achoan partisans of Rome.T But, in B"Eotia,the Maoedonian party gained the as- cendency, and concluded a treaty of alliance with Perseus,copies of which were preserved at TTiehes,Delphi,and Deloa." Two leaders of the oppositefaction, Evercas and Callicritna, were despatched on their return from Rome, aad this violenoe was laid to the charge of Per- aeua.* The Roman envoys reported that tlier had found it difficult to obtain an audien":e of bim, but pretended to have observed, not onl; that he was preparing for war, but on tbe poinL of beginning hOBtililies.l Yet he, too, coaiin- ued to send embassies to Rome, with apokigies for his proceedings, which were received, ii seems, by tbe aenale, with apparent acqnies- Tbe rupture waa hastened by the efforts o! Eumenea. He was either so blinded by ambi- tion or animosity that he did not perceive bo"r much hia own safetydepended on that of.Per- seus, or, believing the war to be inevitable, de- sired to pay hia court to the senate by advice which met its inclinations. In the year 171, he came in person to Rome, for Ibe purpose of desoribing the formidable prepaiatioas, eiten- sive alliances, and hostile acta of Perseus, and warned the senate that, if it remained passive much longer, itwould have to contend with him foe the possession of Italy. Thia alarm ftf.inva- sion, which had done good service when a ^- lext was wanted for the firstMacedonian war, would now have been a littletoo stale, as ""ll as absurd, in the mouth of a Roman ; but, coni- ing from a foreignprince, it had a more plauii- ble sound. In the whole of his speech, as it- portedby Livy, there is only one wlwlesonie troth, which he hardly ventured to intimate, but which he might be the mote willing to iti"- cloae,as it tended to enhance tbe merit ofhis own loyally; this was, that Perseus owed his popularity to the hatred everywhere fell to- wards the Romans.^ Envoys had come at ibe same time from Macedonia,Rhodes, and nunf ofthe Asiatic cities; for the journey of Eunie- ncs bad raised a ^neral expectation of smm important result. But the senate would not i^ low the Macedonians to be confronted with hjm; arid Harpalus, the chief of the embaMJ^ finding his audience steeled by their prejudicei against all bis arguments, i" said to have been provoked to use language which sounded li"e defiance. The Rhodlans fared no better, thoufh they were permitted to plead with Eumenee ; their complaintsagainst him only seeoied to strengthen the senate's preposaessions in hu favour. He departed with the highest honoon it could bestow on a stranger,among which in ensign of Roman magistracy, the cumle chau, ~'Bs accounted tbe chief. Still, nothing that he had allegedagainst Per- us waa thoughtworthy to be published, at tlie ne, as a ground for war. He was destined lo accomplish his intention in a manner ^kicli be bad neither foreseen nor wished " at the w- pense of pereonalsuffering and danger. Ini hisrelumtoAsia, hepaidaviaittoDetpbi; """"' between Cirriia and the temple, be was waj' laid, and nearly kilted by heavy slonei wnicll were rolled down on him from the lop of a ira" under which he waa passing. The asMilanla. said to have been four in number, made Ibcir escape to the top of ParLiassua, and the rojai " Ll... Appian, Use.,i ASSAULTS ON BUHBNES." BOHAN EMBASSIES. 476 guards oalildnot OTertnka Ibem ; hat,aoooidiag CO tbe noman storj,they were sood diacnvered to haTe been emiaaariea of Peraent,oae Ei der, B Cretan oflicer in his Borvjoe, and three Maeedoniana, who had been reconmended by letters from the king (o tbe hoapitaltty of Trealthy Delphianlady named Praio. She be self WBfl, soon sAer, broDght to Rome by one c tbe Roman enroya who had beea lacC sent I Macedonia, and, of course, confirmed the charge against Peiaeua ; for her eiidence waa heard and reportedbybie enemies. But,at the same time, the senate received infbrtnation of a atill finder plot, conirived by the same nnscmpulons file. One Rsramius, or Evennios, a principal citizen of Brandasiatn, was brongbt to Rome 'With Pram, and related that he had been Boli- "ited bj PerseoB to poison the Roman eom- manders and envoys, who usuallylodged at his botise when they embarfced "t Bmndnaiun). This last story is so improbable in itseV as to throw additional doubt od the former,which, though Btrange, ja appareothr better attested ; -as the inaiD fact, the aasauk on Enmenes, is nnqnestioaable, and not otherwise accounted lor. Revenge might,certainly, have impelled Persene lo stieh a deed,though we should liave expected that he woold have chosen a means to compass his end. The other charge is hardly credible. If Perseus was capable of tbe attempts imputed to him, the senate was, at leaat,eqasllycapable of as vile a calumny. The stories,true or false,were moat happily suited to its purpose, and far better fittedto work on the publicmind, and to excite general indignation aninst Peiaeus.than any enumera- tion of bispoiiticaltransgresfiiona. According- ly, war with Macedonia was now resolved on, and prepatationa fcrit were immediatelybepin, though it was not to be fonnally declared until the^earaller, on accoantofa quarrel in which the senate was involved with the consuls, C. Popilina and P. jEliua, Orders were given for a levy of troops to be earned over to Epims, to occupy tbe towns on the coast, and aecnri safe landing for tbe consul to whose provii Mst^onia might fall. In the mean while, a bsssadors were scot to demand reparation from Feraeos, and, in case of refusal, to renounce his Aiendship and alliance. He had been al- ready appriwd by Harpalus of the senate's temper, which rendered it evident that peace could not laat much longer, aud we may there- fore easily believe that he was earnestly en- eaged in preparations for the defence of his tingdoni. Bat the envoys, on their return, not only described his warlike altitude, but reported that he had replied to them in a atrsin of re- ;ffoach and defiance ; had declared that he do longer considered himself bound by the treaty which his father had made with Rome, and would consent to none unless on terms of "quality;and, when they renounced bis alli- ance, ordered them to quit his dominions in three days. After such a scene it might have been sup- poeedtha^be must have abandoned all thougbta of peace. But wo find the case to have been so far otherwise, that he lost whatever advan- tages he might bare derived fmn tbe forward Elate of his preparations, through his anxious desire and cieduloua hopea of averting the ut- evitatto war. We have, therefore,strong raa- "DD to suspect that his language was violently exaggerated and pervertedby the envoys, even if the answer which they pretended to have received fnm him was not a mere forgery. It is,at least,certain, from tbe admission of the Roman historian himself, that the senate's transactions withPeraeus in the course of tito year preceding tbe commencement of the war were a tissue of the most disgraceful frauds, and perhaps the extraonlinary inconsistencies which perplex this part of Liyy'a narratiTe . may have arisen from his unwilliii,gness to un- fold the full extent of the senate's duphcity. As soon as the conauls of the ensuingyear, P. Licinius Ciassua, and C, Cassias Longinus. entered into office,the decree of war was car- ried through the comitia. The province of Macedonia fellto Crassus, and the new leviaa were proMcuied with tiieutmost aotiviiy. But earlier in tbe year 17", the prator, Cn. Sitan- iue,' had eroeaed over to Epiros with MOO foot and 300 hone, encamped in tbe territory of Apollonia, and thrown garriaoBS into Mvenl placesnear the weatem border of MacAdonis; and,nearly at tbe same time, five commissioii- ers, Q. Marcins, A. Atilius, a PoblinB, and a ServluB Comeltua Lenlulus,and L. Deeimim, were sent into Greece. Marcins, it most be observed, was connected, by an hereditary r"" tation of hospitality, with the royal bouse of Macedon. Thej were escorted as far as Cor- cyra by a thoustnd men ; and then, having ar- ranged their various destinations with one another, divided the escort into three parties. But, before they separated,they received a letter from Perseus, inquiring, it is said, for what purpose tbe Roniane had broughttroops over to Greece, and occupied towns there i but they dismissed the messenger with d verbal answer, that it was for the security of tbe towns themselves. They then set out on their several missions : Decimus to the lUyrianking Gentius, who was still wavering between Rome and Macedonia ; the two Comehuses to Pelo- ponnesus, where they made a circuit of the principal towns, exhortingall, without distino- [ion, to maintain the loyslty to Rome whi"di they had shown in her wars with Philip and Antiochus : a concision of dissimilsr oases, which is said to have given great offence to the AchKans, who found that,notwithstanding their long and steady attachment to the Roman cause, they stood no higher in the estimation of Uie Romans than the Eleans and Mesee- who had sided with Antiochus, and had It account been annexed against their I the AchnBD League, Possibly it was meant that they should be reminded that the latest services alone posaessedany value in the eyes of the Romans. Marcius and Atilins passed over to Epirus, where they prevailed the assembly to send 400 men for the pro- tion of Orestis. and then proceededthrough .dolia, where they only stayed to see Lycia- cuB, n partisan of Rome, elected in the room of the deceased general, into Thcssaly. Here " seemed, at first, that they had nothing to do It to exchange professions of friendship with the Thessaliaus ; hut it soon became clear that their mission had a farther and more im- portant object. Perseus, who was at Diura, 476 HUOTORY OF GREECE. h"*Td thai Marcitw. the son of Ma fotiter'i friend,was at LariBsa. lie cdnceired a hope that,throngti his interen,the neRotiation with Rome might be renewed with a fairer prospect of soccesB. and sent to request a peraonal con- ference with him. Marciua encouraged this hope, and intimated that be had come for that Tery purpose, but pnt off the inteiriew oi plea of indiapoEition. The meeting at lengfth took place on the banks of the Peneoa ; and, as Perseus wished for a fresh hearing before the senate, Mareiin, aa if he was granting great faionr, consented to a trnce, that U kingmight send ambassadors to Rorne. I^us his hands were tied for the interrn] that was " csmpleto the Romsn prepwa- is 1 and Ibis wu the object whkh Marctos nad ID Tiew, and probably the main end of his From Uteaaalir, he and AtiMos proceeded to -BcBotia. Thej had already,on tlwir arriTal in TheaaalT, been ihet by Btsotian depvtiee, who, beinf npbnided with the aUiance which had been eonehuM witli Persena,had represented it ai the work of a faction beaded by Iioienias, and aa carried against the will of several town- ships. Mareius took this occasion to hint that be dioiUd soon diseoier which of the towns "o"kl daim tbe benefit of this excuse, as they wonld be at liberty to take measures each for iteelf. The eHiMt of tbis hint bow became TlatUe ; it had produoed a general anxiety anKMtgUkeBcMtian towns to sever their cauee "ofn that of the federal Bteotiaa body, and to plaoe Aenuelvea indiTiduaily under Roman protection. The Roman eomnissionera fixed themadvee at Chalcia,to receive the embas- sies of the towns. They were aceompanied by a band of Tbeban exiles, who had been re- cently "atidemned in a struggle for office with lamenias,one of the new Bceotarchs.' lame- nias himself came to Chalcis, and proposed that the Btedtian nation should submit in a body ta the Romana. Bat thie proposal was dbectlycontrary to the views of Mareius,who aimed at Uie dissolntionof the B"eotian League ; and therelbre, while he gave a most gracious ree^tkm to the deputies of those towns which ""ie wmiDg !" entar separate^ into the same relation to Rome, he treated Ismenias with "oA banhneaa and contumely as encouraged bis eneoaie* to attack hiip, and he was obliged to seek shelter ftom their furyat the tribiuul of the Homams. In the mean while a fresh contest took plaoe at Thebes, in whitdi the Haeedonian party was supportedby an influx of strangeiB Irom Coronea aod Haliartus, bat it ead"d in the con^te trinmph of their ad- veraariea. like friendsof lameaiaa were foroed to wiiMraw, and fled to Chalcis, while decrees were paaaed for a separatetreaty with Rome, and tbe reatorationof the exiles. Thus the objectorMaicios was completely attained: the B"M)tiaa confederacywas broken i^i; itstowns became severallyaubject to Rome ; Ismenias and oUters of bis party were put to death. Neon, tbe head of the hoose of Brachyllas, fled to Macedonia. The commissioners next pni- oeeded to Pelopoimssus,while Ser. Cornelius took their place at Chalcis ; and the Actasaos, at Ihoir desire, sent 1000 men, to serve at once Cornelius to Rome.' When they made then- report in the senate, and boasted of the ma- nieuvre by which they had fettered ibe "^eta' tions of Perseus, a few of the elder aenotors were startled,not at tliebasensBS of tUir cun- ning, but at the distrust which it seemed to- imply in the superiority of the R"iitaa arms. The majority,however, applauded their coo- duct, and they were sent back to Greece " Mareius with full powers to act aa tuigbt ap- pear e^wdient, Atilios to occupy Luissa witk 3000 Dien, whom lie was to take from Skrinius. The envoys of Perseus, who came about ttie same timo,t were, for the sake of decency, admitted to an audience ; but the oitly answer vouchsafed to their arguments and deprcca- tiona was an order to them and all tkeir coun- trymen residing in Rome to leave the- city ifat same day, and Italy within thirty.! Peiaeua was not more suooeasAil in tbe other embas- sies which he sent during this interval, which. he might have employed to dialodgs tbe Ro- mans from the coast of Epirus, and to guard against the impending invasion. From tha Rhodians he could not obtain even the promise of their mediation ; for they had been visited a littleearlier by a Roman embassy, which had decided their fluctuation in favour of Roma. On the other hand, in Bceotia, Coronea and Haliartus still clung to him, and implored his aid against Thebes -, but he felt himselfobliged to refuse their request, that be miffht not breaJt the truce. Liciuius set out from Rome at the beginning of June,ITl, and appeaxa to have landed wiib his army in Epirus about the same time that Perseus learned from his envoys the trick by which he had been cheated of a golden oppor- tunity. Yet be had councillors who still ad- vised htm to sue for peace, and, if possible, to purchase it either by tribute or by cession of territory; and he would probably have been glad to do BO, if be could but have hoped to re a portion of bis kingdom against, the encroacbmeots of Roman ambition. It was in spirit of desperateresolution,rather than irf cheerful courage, that he at length threw him- aelf on hie own resources, and yet they were- such as no former king of Macedon, since Al- exander, had ever possessed: an army of nnl xuhOh. Lit.,lUi.. 44, IHIDcipk} bumu. YH W ha pnmailj nUud (e.U) tut ibi |mui C. Lacntiu . . .whiah It MX ttaoliUtlv i"- tbe Iftogna^ dT Poljbiui. t Compuv Ut., Till., to,40. t r"ijk,ixni.,7. Liv.,iJil.,48.Diodis B"H u lb* bMfaunK o^Xna,uri ID. ." wKT nad bsea altBadjotonui"viiiwKt wu "be lanph of BellDm. ud whicb na tbui ordrrrd ooifiition uywhtn m "MMi/i ud hM* nfamd t]uA le Iw VICTORY OF PERSEUS. .*n 9,000 fbot and 4000 horse, including i pha- ' inic of 30,000, and all troops inured to service, lith stores and treasure sufficientfor Llie sup- ly of its wants for ten yeai".* Tbe Macedo- equixiDg them to provideoarriages for mnuinition. Having collected all Lis forces, e marcbed into TheasBly, made himself mas- tr of some towns in the north, and finally "ok up a strong and commadiaus positionat fcurium, near tbe foot of O"aa. But be neg- scted to occupy the pasaes between Epints ud Thesaaiy, where bo might easily have Lopped the enemy'sprogress, sud wuidd prob- bly have dorcated hun with great slaughter, liciniuawas allowed to penetrate,unmolested, uuu^h tike highlands of Atliamania, with an "ny mferior m numbers, and consisting moet- ' of raw recruits. In his camp, on the Peue- a, be was joinedby Bumen^ and his brother .ttaluB, with 4000 foot and 1000 horse, and Keivcd other re-cuforcemei^s which raised le whole amount of his forces nearly to an quality with that of the enemy. Yet for some me he shrank from aa eogageraent, and suf- "cd tbe fields of Phern to be ravaged, before e would accept the challenge which Perseus 3peat"dly offered. An action at length took lace, in which tbe Macedonian cavalry was ictorious, snd the Komana lost2400 slain and DO prisoners. But tbe timid or treacherous ouncils of Evander " the Cretan whom he 'as said to have employed for the attempt on DC tifo of Eumenes" prevented him from fol- iwing up this advantafre, and probably saved le Roman army from total discomfiture. The onaul thought it necessary, for the safety of is camp, to transfer itto thjDother aide of the 'eneuB in the night, and then,to console his roopa, shifted the blame of the disaster on the Btolians, who were the first, it wss alleged, I turn their backs. This account of the mat- 3r not only saved the credit of the Roman nns, but served as a pretext on which three Btohan officers, who were supposed to be ad- erse to the Roman interest,were sent to laly, to undergo a trialon the charge oftreach- ry.t But not even victory could animate tbe ontage of Perseus. lu the midst of bis tri- mph ne still quailed under the ascendency of be genius of Rome, and let tumself be pcrsua- ed to solioit peace trom his vanquished ene- iy, on the same terms to whioh his father ad submitted after he had lost the battle of lynocephabe. But his pusillanimitywas ardlyequalto the Roman arrogance. Licin- is, b; the advice of his council, replied, that 'erseus could only obtain peace by uncondi- ional submission to the will. of (he senate. ^ven this repulse did not rouse his pride or lis resentment, but only niged him into lower lepths of dishonour, and induoed him to mate arger offers,which were rejected with ittflei- ble disdain. WTien he found every humiiia* ion fiuillcM, be resumed his hostile position. t The campaign ended without any other impor- ant eveot. The Romans, on one occasion, claimed a alightadvantage ; but,on the whole, " Ln., ;ll^l ilji., II. they remained on the defensive untilPersetis led his army back to Macedonia for the winter. But such a negotiationmight well have ap- peared to Ihem equivalent to a victory. Nevertheless, Ibe report of their defeat con- tributed to aggravate the calamities of Qreeoe by the eucourasement which it gave to the par- tisans of Macedonia. It seems to have caused a reaction at Thebes, which restored their as- cendency there. Haliartus, with the aid of a re-enforcement from Ccrunea, defended itself obstinately against the pnetor C. Lucretius, who commanded the Roman fleet, but was at length stormed, pillaged, and razed to the gioand. The old men and children were most- ly put to the sword : the garrison was sold as slaves. He then marched againstThebes, which Buirendered without resistance, and was do- liveted up to the elites and their faction. Their adversaries were probably all condemned to . death or banishment, as their property is said to have been confiscated " The IliebaDS were now harBBsed by the hostility of Coronea, which alone, of all the Boeotian towns, stilladhered to Perseus, and on their entreaty, the consul,after he had recovered a few places in Tbessaly, and had lelt the greater part of his forcesin winter- quarters there,marched with the rest into Bceo- tia.t We gather from an incidental allusion,^ that he made himself master of Coronea by a capitulation, which be broke to indulge his cruelty and avarice ; that he put the leading men to death, and sijd the rest as slaves ; and we know that he treated several other towns, the names of which are not recorded, in like manner. The prstor Lucretius carried his ra- pacity still farther, and did not even spare the stanchest allies of Rome, against whom he at Antium with statues and pictures, and aban- doned the property and persons of the citizeos to the outragea of his lawless marines, wboia he quartered in their houses. Another mode of oppressionpractised by tbe Roman command' ers is illustrated by tbe example of Atheni, The Athenians sent the largest miliiai^ and na- val force which they were able to furnish to the aid of tbe Romans ; but the consul and prnitoc fiectined their services, and demanded a laTRft quantity of com, though Attica itself depended on tbe impuriation of foreigngrain for its biiI"- sisteace.f Tbe Greeks mred no better tba next year, when Licinluswas succeeded by ths new consul A. Hostilins, and L. Horlensios took the command of the fleet. Hortensiusfrt- lowed the example of his predecessor at Ghal- cla, and having treacherously stormed Abdeik during a truce,gave it up to pillage, and exer- cised the like cruelty towards the inhabitants as those of Coronea bad suflbredtroaiLiciniui. Complaints were brought lo Rome by the in- jured Greeks, and the senate showed Itself willing to interfere, aitd, as far as possible, to redress tbe wrong. It reprimandedHortensius, ordered the enslaved citizens of Coronea and Abdera to be restored to freedom, and called Lucretiusto account. He was brought to trial by the tribunes, and condemned lo a heavy fine. But the love of justice had very littleshare ia " Lit., t IIjM.,.1.1., r, I tIM.1. )'^!C 478 HISTORY OP QREEOB. anf of these proceedings-They were sppa- Tenily connected with the it!saccesB which at- tended the Koman anna during the first iwo years of Ihe war, which seemed to render it ad- Ttaable to soothe thn Greeks by the correctioo of some of Ihe more flagrant abueee under which the; were groaning. A great part of Epirus had been driveo to revolt by the Bjstem which the setiate had adopted at the suggestion of Gallic- rates. There it had a stillmore proSigale in- Btrumcnt of its tyranny in the person of Cha- rops, a grandson of the man of the Mme name who distinguished himself by his attachment to tbe RomaD interest in the first Macedonian war. The younger Charops was sent to Rome hy his grandfather after his father's death, in his boyhood, lo learn the Latin langaage, and contneted an acquaintance with many of the principal Romans. On his return to Epirus he endeavoured to puali his way, by arrogant pre- tensioos and base intrigues, to the head of af- ftirai and the war with Perseus gave him an opportunity of exciting the senate's jealousy against the rivals whom he wished to supplant, whom he accused of a leaning to the Macedo- nian interest. The charge was the more )dau- aible, as the leading men of the oppositeparty, Cephslus and Antinous,had been on terms of friendship with the royal honse of Macedon. Bat the course of policy which they had pur- Boed was that pnident and honourable mien which it had been the aim of Philoptemen and Lyoortas to preserve in the councils of the Aichaan League, They were aware of the"al- umnies with which Charops was assailing them, but, conscious of their innocence, believed for a time that they might defy his mahce. But when Ihey saw the ."tDlian officers sent as culprits to Italy, theythought it no longer safe to trust themselves in the power of the Ro- mans, and openly went over to Peraeus.* A plotwas laid by some of their partisans foraeiz- )ttg HostiliuB on his way throughEpinis, and givjA^ him up to Perseus ; and the consul only escaped through an accidental chan^ in his plans.i He displayed as little capacity or en- ergy as his predecessor in the prosecution of the war, was repulsed in an attempt which he made to penetrate into Elymiotis, and aner^ ward remained on ibi defensive in Thessaly, and acknowledged the enemy's superiorityby declining a lultlc. Perseus not only made him- self master of several towns in Thessaly, but found leisure for an expeditionagainst the Dar- danians, defeated them with great slaughter, and carried off much booty.! He was even en- couraged by the supineness of the pmtor, who seenis to have been much more intent on the plunder of his allies than on the annoyance of the enemy, to make an attack on the Roman fleet at Oreua, where he took or sank a great nDmt"er of transports and several galleys of The accounts which the senate continued to receive of the conduct of its ofGcers in Greece induced it to issue a decree,by which it for- bade any one to furnish supplies for the purpo- ses of war at the requisition of the Reman "P"dib.,inlt.,IS. Li".,illii.,18. D"j.,En.,i". t PloL, iCim]. hall., t. Ut., ilili, !". I nu., AniL PailL, t. quaners at Larissa, and sent C. Popillins and Cn. Octavius to publish it in Greece. They carried it first to Thebes, and then roond the cities of Peloponnesus, which had probably all suffered from arbitrary exactions. But irtiile Ihejdisplayed this pnxjfof the senate's clemen- cy and kindness,they dropped several intimi- tions of their displeasure at Ihe conduct of men who. in their hearts, were hostile to Rome, and, under the pretence of moderation and discrs' tion,were onlywaiting tbr an opportunity nf declaring themselves against her. It was well understood that these hmts were pointedagainit Lycortas,Archon. and Polybius; and it was supposed that the envc^s had designedIbrmally to accuse them in the assembly at X^am. But they could Hai no colonrable grounil fbr any chaife, atnl,perhaps,perceived that the temper of the assembly was not favourable Id such an attempt. They then passed over to ."tolia,where, in an 'aasembly ht^d at Thy- mus, they endeavoured to obtain hostages fiont llie patty which was suspected of diraflMioit to the Roman cause ; and in this demand they were supported, not onlyby Lyciseas, bat by Thoas, who had now the baseness to iBstigale the Romans against the men through whose in- tercession he had been released afterhe hsd been delivered up by Antiochus. But Ihe pop- ular feelingdisplayed itself so stronglyagainst his treachery and ingratitude, that the envoy* thought it prudent to waive their demand In Acamania, which they visited next, their par- tisans ventured on a stillbolder attempt, and exhorted them to introduce Roman gsrrisoni into the towns as a security against the macbi- oationa of the Macedonian party ; but the aver- sion which the people manifested to the meas- ure induced them to abandon it, and they it- turned to Larissa without having aocomplished any other object, t As their mission was one of conciliation, and the juncturerequired an ex- hibition o{ gentleness and ^oibearance. It was not difficult10 foresee what would be the fals of the Greeks as soon as the motives which l^d Ihe senate to spare them should have ceased to operate. In the depth of the winter, when the snow lay BO deep on the Cambunian hiUs as to be an insurmountable barrier against an invading ar- my, Perseus undertook an eipedition into D- lyria, chiefiy with a view to draw Genlius i""" his alliance. In the field his operations wrre successful : he made hiraselfmasler of Bsveral strong places, and advanced near to the fron- tier of the dominions of Gentirs ; but the nego- tiation which he then proceeded to open wilh the lllyrian king was long protracted without any eflfect, though Gentins, from the fits': ^^ claied himself willing to make war on the Ro- IDS, because Perseus could not bring himwlf spare the subsidy which he required. After i return to Macedonia, he made another la- borious expedition into "Ui\ia. There SiraiM would have opened its gates to him, **" '"J principal ciiixen, Arehidamus, had bean goanM into revolt by the calumnious accusations oi Lyciscos and Thoas,as Cephalusby those of Charops ; bat C. PopilMin.who had beeaj^ TIMIDITY OF PERSEUS. tn by ae eonsol, wHh 1000 men. to Ambracia, having received intelligeQce from the opposite party of the approach of Pencua, arriTed in time to save Stratus, and to prevent the ^to- lian ^neral, Dinarchua, rrom joining the Ma- cedonian army with all the troops under his command. Aperantia,however, wae induced, thmagh the inflaeneeorArchidatnus.to aubmit to PeraeuB, as would probably have been the case with alt the rest of .^olia, but for the timely intervention of PopiUjua. During the aame time, the Macedonian general,Clevaa, ODocecsTDlly defended the revolted Epirota agaiuM a Roman anny under Ap. Claudius, and forced him to retire, with loss, into Illyria Early rn the spring of 169 Hostilins waa su- peisededby the new consul,Q. Marcius Philip- pua, wbobroughtaTe-enforcemeDt of SOOOmen to the army. Marcius, notwithstanding his ad- vanced age and unwieldy peison,* eeems to have been a man of greater energy than either of his predeceBBors in the cDiamand ; and he wan most probably stimulated hv the impa- tiet"c"wbich had been excited at Rome by the kwg oontinaaDce of (be war to more vigorous eflbrta. As toon aa be had put himself at the bead of the amrria Thessatv, be resolved lo penetrate into Macedonia. The pass ofTempe was BO strongly fortified as to preclude all at- tempts Dn that aide. Hia choice lay between the diS^rent passes of the mountains, all diffi- cult, even ifno resistance should be offered by the enenay, and, if defended,extremelydanger- otis. He selected the eastern route, which led over Mount Olympos, down lo the aeacoast of Pieria, where Perseus himself waa encamped, near Dinm, He had been apprized ofthe con- sol's design,though not of ihe route which be meautto take, and he hadsent abodyoflS.OOO men, under Hippias.lo occupy the heights of Olympus, and 10,000 lightinfantry to the pass over ibe Cambunian range. But these precau- tions teemed to have exhausted all his powers of thought and action. He remained on the coast awaiting the issue,which, by a slight ex- BTtioD of fbresigbt and alertness, he might have determined in hia own favour. Hippias main- tained his grounil, and a desultory combat was carried on between the lightinfantry of each fbr two dajrs, during which Perseus, who was not more than twelve miles from the scene of action,might have come up with fresh troops, , which would probably have forced the Romans to a disastrous retreat. Bat instead of this, Marcius, having left a body of 4000 men to ob- serve Hippias, wae allowed to descend by a ravine of indescribable difficulty, where a hand- ful of men might have destroyed his whole ar- my. This was only the firstof a aeries of fatal errors, by which Perseus threw away the fair- est opportunities and marred the brightest pros- pects. When Maroius had come down safely into the plain, his aituation wsa still extremely perilous. He waa enclosed in a narrow space between the monntains and the sea. Retreat was vtterlyhopeless, and a very slight fortifi- cation would have rendered the king'sposition at Dium impregnable. The consul,therefore, moat have remained motionless as longas the enemy ehose to keep guard over him,and, in the mean while,depended fi"raubaistence en- tirely on the fleet, that is,on the weather and the season, and before even the first necessary supply could arrive would have been reduced to extreme distress. From Jhis embarrass- ment, however, he was immediately extricated by the infatuation of Perseus,who, seiied with a panic at the approach of the Romans, aban- doned himself to despair at the very moment when an abler general would have conceived' the mast sanguinehopes of a decisive advan- tage. He not only abandoned Dinm, after hav- ing removed tbe gilt atatoes on board the fleet, and fcH back upon Pydna, but withdrew all tho pirrtsons which guarded the strongholds of Tempe, and sent Nicias, his treasurer, to Pel- la, with orders to sink all his treasures deposit- ed there in the lake,* and Andronicns to Thes- salonica, with a commission to bum the arse- nal. Maroius advanced to the distance of two days' maroh beyondDium, hardlybelieving that a place so rich and strong could have been abandoned to him nnlesB with a view to some stratagem ; but the scarcity of provisions com- pelled him to retreat to Dium, and afterward Ur Phila. The fleet brodght no sui^ly, and his army would have starved if it had not been seasonably relieved by the com found in the evacuated fortresses of Tempe, This retro- grade movement a little revived the courage of Perseus. He again took poasession of Dium, ' and encamped five mitea to the south,on the left bank of the river Eaipeua. Re now began to be ashamed of his cowardice, and to wish to conceal it. He accused the generals, whom he bad recalled from their posts, of throwing open. tbe pastes to the enemy. Andronicns had wisely deferred the execution of his frantic or- der. The treasure had been thrown into the lake, but was mostly recovered by diving ; aai Perseus is said to have put the divers, as wel^ as Nicon and .A.ndronieuE, to death, in the hope of covering his own disgrace. Tbe Roman fieet, under the prater, C. Marcius Pigulus, who was accompanied by Eumenes, made unsuc- cessful attempts on Thessalonica, Cassandrea. andTorone ; and a division of the army, which had been sent by the consul lo besiege Meli- IxEa, was put to flightby the Macedonian gen- eral, Euphranor, who, though he had but S(iW" men unaer his command, was likewise able t" protect Demelrias and its territory against the fleet which lay at lalcus. The armies on bottt sides went soon after into winter-quarters; and at the end of the third campaign, notwitb^ Btandihg the folly of Perseus, tbe Romans liait onlygained a footing on the threshold of Mace- donia, without any clear prospect that they would be able to advance a step farther, Mar- cius himself,when a Rbodian embassy came to- his camp at Heracieum, with congratulations on hia BuccesB, auggested to the envoys that their government would do well lo offer its mediation between the belligerent powers. This intimation encouraged the Macedonian party at Rhodes, as a proof that the Romans themselves did not consider their alHiirs as prosperous ; and the consequence was, that an embassy waa aent to Rome, which tendered ita- " Lir.,xltv.,10. GuuB ID mm dsjiri PeU". Diodo- HISTORY OF GBEEOE. TDediation io baughtf and almoat threatening lercDB. Polybius belieTes tbet Marciue,expect- ing that the war would soon be brought to a triumphaDt issue againstPeraeua, desired to embroiJ the Rhodians in a quarrel with Rome, and to rurnish a preinxi Toi hoalile proceedings towards them.* There can be no doubt Ihal Ite was quitecapable of such perfldious cun- ning ; but it may be questioned whether he Telt ao much confidence as to the approaching ler- ininatioD of the war, and would not hare wish- Ad that peace should be granted to Peraeua be- fore he was himself superseded. "ven Eume- iws began to warer in his loyallyto the Ro- mani. He entered into a privatenegoiiatioo wiUk Perseus, and went so far as to cooKut to accept a subsidy from him, possiblyhoping to "TeiTeach him, and to avoid any overt act of hostility towards Rome ; but the treaty was broken oB" because Perseus would not part with his gold.t This wretched parsimony was sttU more conspicuouslydisplayed in two other transactions,nearlyat the same time. Ho had at length made up his mind to purchase the aid 'Of Qentius at the pries which the Blyrian de- manded, 300 talente. The hostages were Jnter- -changed, and the treaty solemnly ratified by Perseus in the presence o( the Macedonian cavalry, whom he wished to encourage by the intelligenoe of this important alliance. Ten talents were sent to Gcntius as an earnest ; the rest was sealed in the presence of his envoys, to be conveyedto him by Macedonian bearers, who were directed b; Perseus to wail, when they reached the frontier, for farther orders. Oentiiu now embarked frankly in the cause, "nd not only sent ambassadors to accompany those of Perseus to Rhodes, but threw two Ro- inan envoys into prison. Peraeua, as soon as be heard that his ally had thus broken,past all hope of reparation, with the Romans, retained ttie rest ci' thesubaidy.t In like manner, he lost the serrices of an army of S0,000 Bastai- nians, whom he might have taken into his pay. Ihe bai^ain was concluded ; the Celts advan- ced vrithin five or sii days' march of his camp, when Perseus, unable to endure the sacrifice of so much treasure, even for the sake of a kingdom, resolved to engage only fiOOO of the cavahy ; but,as he did not send the stipulated sold even for these, the Celtic chief indigoaat- ly marched away. At Rome, though no apprebensionwas felt aa to the hnal issue of the Maoedoaian war, its state at the end of the third year was not re- carded as promising -, and L, ^milius PauUu* was raised for the second time to the consulaLe, "With a generalhope that his tried abilitieswould bring the contest to a speedyclose,though the province was not assigned to him, as Plutarch Telates,4 but, apparently at least, fellto liim by lot.II He himself,sAer his election, ceased oommissionera to be sent to inspect the condi- tion of the arrqy, and their report of it was not at all cheering. A levy of 14,000 fool and 1300 horse was decreed to jp-enforqe it. He set aut from Rome with Cn. Octavius, who oom- manded the fleet,on the firstof April; arrived St Gorcyraon the same day on whidi he sailed from Bmndusium ; Sve days after, celebrated a sacrifice at Delphi, and in five more had reached the camp in Pieria.* His soldierB, who bad been accustomed to great llcea3e,t soon learned,by the regulations which he in- troduced, that litey bad now a general as well as a consul at their bead;t and Perseus no longer felt himself safe behind the Enipeus when he saw the Roman camp moved forward, to the opposite bank. The terror with which he was inspiredby the fame of Paullus wu aoon heightenedbytidings thai whatever hopes he had built on his alliance with Gentius had fallento the ground. After a war of not more than twenty or thirtydaya, Gcolius beiitg be- sieged in his capital, Scodia, surrendered to the prastor Anicius, and was carried, with all his family, to Rome, to adorn his triumph,having received ten taleals as the price of hts thiooe and his hberty. Perseus,however, did ool neglect the precautions which his situation re- quired. He fortified his position on the Enip- eus ; detached a body of caf alt; to protect the coast of Macedonia from the operations of the Roman fleet, which had entered the Gulf of Thessalonica ; and seot 6000 men to guard the northern pass of Oiympos at Petra,which open- ed a way near the highest summit of the mount- ain, the Pythium,by which an enemy might descend to the plains in his rear. This was, indeed, the danger which he had most reason to provideagainst; for PauUus, baringweigh- ed all the modes of attack by which he might, attempt to dislodge the enemy from his posi- tion, finally decided on this. He sent P. Sci^o Nasica,accompanied by bis eldest son, Fahms Maxtmua, with SOOO men, to force this pass, while he occupied the attention of Perseus with a aeries of asssultson his intrenchments. Nas- ica. alter a long circuit, surprised the Macedo- nians at Petra, and drove Ihem down before him ; and Perseus, at bis ai^roach,hastily abandoned his position, and retreated towards Pydna, where the consul,having been joined by Nasica, came up vrith him the same day, but deferred giving battle until the morrow. An eclipse of the moon, which look [dace in the night, filled the Maoedooians with super- stitious terror : the Rinnans had a tribune in (heir army who was able to predict and explain it. Perseus, " though with Uauk misgivmgs, yieldedto the advice of bis friemja,who es- horted him to risk an engagemeBl: be could not but pereeive that farther retreat would be attended with the dispenion of his forces and the loss of his kingdom. The next day (Juna S3, B.C. i6S) a short combat decided the fate of the Macedonian monarchy. The power of the phalanx was againtried, under circnntstan- ces the moat advantageous to it, and again fail- ed, through the same causes Vhich occasioned tbe loss of the battle of Cynocephala. Vic- torious on Ihe level ground, itfellinto disorder when ithad advanced upon the retreating caemy to tbe foot of the hills, where it couU no longer preserve Ibc evenness of its front and Ihe com- pactness of its mass, and opened i t Ll(.,^liT., SI. PlsL, JSoU. Full., 13. Dlods l""alh Pnll.,10, 0(ji Unmc (Xf^i rtrlrdti. * Ut., vliT., 17. DadnBldB mtUmfi* HCttn plaAOil OTjbeiH ..... "MiitiBMiadflBK*r^L t I.IT., IIt.,U. t Ptal..."mlL Pnll., I). Ut., iIit.,1 iprdtaUtnf BATTLE OF PYDN A." SURRENDER OF PERSEUS. "1 ^Mssa^s through ila nnks for the le^onaiiea, who rushed in la an almoat nnteaialcd slaugh- ter. The Blain on the Macedonian side are eaid to h"ve Braininled to 20,000 ; upward of 10,000 were made priaonera : Ihe Komana lost scarce- ly 100 men. Penens look little pari in the battle, aa tbe Romans gave out, through cow- ardice ; bin it appears Ibat he bad received a Iddc from a bona the day before, which com- pelled htm to uM a litter.* It is certain,how- ever, that,as BOOn as the rout began, be left the field with the esTalrj, which remained uu- touched, and fled lowaida Pelta, He waa aoon deaerted b; hia Macedonian followers,and, even at Pella, fiioDdthat he was no longerobeyed bj his mrigecti. In tbefiratmoreroeDtof hispas- aioD, be killedtwo oflloeraoThis booaebotd with bis own hand, and oontinued his flight with no attendants beudes the rajral page* bnt three Ibreigneis" ETandar the Cretan,neon tbe B"e- Otian, and tbe ""tcdian Archidaatw" With fiOO Cretans, whoae attaohinent waa oa\j reiained hy permimion to phmdor the rcTBlplate, which Peraeas aRerward recovered timn them by a diegrac^l triok. At Amphipcdis he saot three "persons of low rank, tbe onW tneaaengers he "conld find, with a letter to Pwillua, bat only .stayedUmg enooih to emhsA tbe treasure de- iposited there,and sailedwith itdown tbe Stry- iBon to Galepaos, and tbence to Samothrace. . Little loyalty coold seem doe to suofaa king, eren if bis fartODea bad been lass de^ieiate. The whole of Macedonia sabmitted immediate- jy wititoat resistance to the conqueror. The JtMnan fleet soon pursaed the royalfngitiTe to .^amothrace. But Oetaviua spared the sancti- ty of tbe BsylDm, and on^ demanded Erander, "s a man whose bands were stained with the Uood of Eumenee, and Persena was said to hare despBtehedhim, to prevent a discloenre of bis own guilt. Bnt be sullbredbtns^tobe overreached by another Cretan, who engaged to convey him to tbe coast of Ttarace, where be hoped to find refugeat the court of Cotys; bnt "ailed away without bim, as soon as his treas- ttie had iMen pot on board. He then hid biui- aelf in a nook oftbe temple, nutil his remaining .aerrants had been temptedby a promise of free pardon to surrender themselves, snd his toude- er children bad been betrayed into the hsnoa "of Octaviua by tbe friend who had charge of them. He then gave himself up, with his eld- est son, Philip, to tbe pmtor, and was immedi- ately conducted to the consnl's camp. He was courteously received by tbe conqueror, bnt is .said to bare finfeitedtbe respect which would have been paid to his rank, bj tbe abjectneaa "of bis demesotwr ; though he was thought to have been guilty of eztravsgant presomption, when, in the letter nbicb he wrote immediato- Jy after bis defeat, he retained the titleof king. About the aame time that these events were taking]dace in Macedonia,Aniciita,after the subjugationonilyria. marched into Epirua. At PfaauolB,where Ihe plot had been laid for tbe seizure of Ihe consul,Hoslilius, tliewliole popu- lation went out to meet bim wllb tbe ensigns of suppliants. All tbe other towns of Epirus submitted likewise nitbout resistance : oiUy in foiu', in Molossis,nas there so much as an ap- pearance of hesitation, which was the effect of Vol. II," P 1 the presence of Cephelus, and some other lead- ~~~ of the Macedonian party.* But thisobsta- was soon removed by their execution ot voluntarydeath, and these towns also sarren* dered without any opposition. Anicius dis- tributed hia troopsamong the principal citiea, and left the nhc4e country perfectly tranquB, when he returned to Illyria to meet the five eommisaionen who were sent from Rome li" regulate ila aflairs. A commiaaion of ten was appointed, ju uiual, to settle those of Macedonia. In the anrnmsr of 167, before the arrival of the coomiisBionen, PauUoB,accompanied by his second son, Ute Aiture conqoeror of Carthage and Nomaatia, and by AtheMMis,a biMher of Eumenee, made atoarinGTe"e"; MotiriaiaBypoliUealoli^eel, - bat simidy to gratil^ the coriosi^ ora stimger, wbo waa ftmiliar with Greek Uteratore, end whose bouse at Rome was fullof Gredt ibeto- ricians, and artiats.and masters of allUndefer the education of hia aona. He went to view Uie monuments of art, scenes celebr^ed in U" loiy or ftble,or hallowed by religion : to oem- pare Phidias with Homer.f It was not ooN Athena and Sparta,Sicyon and Argos, and E^ dauToa,Corinth, and f^mpia that attracted hia attention : the oomparatively obecnre abrioea of Lebadea and On^Hwwere not witbont tMr interest for the Roman augur, who was no Im" exact in the observance of tbe sacerdotal litnat than in the maintenance of mihlarydiscipline,! but sacrificed at Olympia before the woA of Phidias with as much devotion as in Ibe Cari" tol. He did not, indeed,whollylay aside am tDBjeaty of the proconsul; at Delphi he t"dered ' bis own statues to be placed on the pedeotalt which bad been erected fi" those of Pereeva. But he made no inqoiiies into recent potitieal iransections, and displayed his power wieffy hi sctaofbeneBcence;for, amid so many inanni^ als at ancient prosperity, be everywhere fooad signs of preseut poverty and distress, and tbe vast manunesof con and oil which had lallM into hia hands in Hacedonla enabled hintto r"" Ueve the indigence of tbe Greeks by liberallai- gesses.^ His visit to Greece is a jdeiuii^ i^^ lian episode in a liledividedbetween the aenaU and tiie camp ; and it is characteristio of tiw beginning of " new period,being,as fsr as w" know, the firstever paid to thd country fin'soeh It would have been happy for Greaoe if her destiniea had now depended on Hie will of Paulina. But he was the minister i^ a system by which the rapaciousoUgBichy, which wield- ed the Roman legiooa, was enaUed to treat the lairest portion of tbeciviltied worid aaiupngr, and, as it grew bolder with auoeesa, beeaae more and more callous to shame and remorse in tbe prosecution of its iniquitoua ends, whloh it scarcelydeigned to cover with the tbresdban mantle of its demure bypoorisy. Such men aa Q. MarciuB and C, Fopillins were now tbe filteat agenla for ita work. A acene occurred to Paul* luB,as he passedthroughTbessalyon his telum to Macedonia, which exhibited a slight prelude 483 HISTORY OF GREECE. to the miteriea which Greece was lo endure under the absaluta aacendenc; of [his system. He was met by a multitude of j"lolians in the gaib o{ suppliants, who related that Lyciscus and aootber of hia paitj, having obtained a body of Iroopa from a Koman officer, had aur- TouDded the council- room, had put 550 of their exponents to death, forced others into exile, and taken possession of the propcity both of the dead and the banished, Paullus could only bid tbe auppliantsrepair to Amphipalia, where , he wa" to arrange the aOairs of his province in concert with the ten commiBainnera, who had alreadyarriTedinMacedonia. Tbey bad bfoughC With them the outlines of a decree,*which, when the details had been adjusted,was aoi- emnly published fivm the proconsular tribunal at Amphipoiis, in the presence of a great con- course of people; lirstrecited in Latin by Paui- lua, and then in a Qreek translation by tbe pro- prxtor Octaviua. By its proviaiona Macedonia was divided into four districts, to which Amphip- (^, Thessaloiiica,PeUa, and Pelagonia were "oaigned as capitals.They were to be govern- ed each by its own councils and magistrates, and were to be not only independent of each olber, but separated from each other by the strictest prohibition of mutual iutercourse, both of intermarriage and of contracts for the acqui- "ition of land or houses, beyond the border wiibinwbich either of the parties dwelt.f Even tbe importation of aalt was forbidden, as wcU u the working of gold and silver mines " to guard against the abuses which were admitted to be inseparable from tbe administrelion of UteM royalties on the Roman systemt " and the felling of ahip-timber. Aa the three regions Whi^ bordered on tbe territories of barbarian uibea were expresslypermitted to keep gani- Mna for the protection of their frontiers, the nas of arms for any other purpoae seema to have been tacitly, if not expressty. interdicted , A tribute of 100 taloats,one halfof the amount of the taxation under the royalgDvernment, wu reserved for the Romans. Whether the bordana of the people were lightened to the same extent, or the diOerence waa more than aual to the increased expense of tbe quadruple miniatrslion,has been, perttaps. justlyques- tiooed.^ The most important benelits conferred on the conquered nation were exemption from the rule of a Roman magistraie and the rapacity frf" Roman farmers of the revenue " which, buw- ever, was only a precarious and temporary boon " and a new code of laws, compiled under the care of Paailus himself, and therefore proha- Uj framed on equitableprinciples, and wisely adapted to the condition or the country, as it is Mid to have stood the test orexperieuce.That, nevertheless, the decree was received with daep discontent hy every Macedonian who re- tained any degree of national feeling, may be eaaiJyanpposed ; and we hardly know whether Iiivy is in earnest, when he affects to correct the error of those who complained of the dis- memberment of their country, not aware, he thinks,how adequate each regionwas to UiA- supply of Its own wants. The Jealousy of Ihe senate, however, was not satisfiedwith thsw precautions. Tbe government of each regioa was committed to an oligarchical council ,* and to secure an election of its members conforma- ble lo tbe interest of Rome, all the Macedoni- ans who had held any office in the king's ler- vice were ordered, under pain of death, to go with their children who had paaaed the age of fifteen lo Italy. The authority of the commissioners was not confined to Macedonia. They were invested with an unlimited juriadiction over alt pohtical causes in Greece, and even beyond the sbores of Europe ; for they seat one of their number to raze the town of Anlissa in Lesbos to lbs ground, and to remove its whtde population to Metbymna, because it had received a Macedo- nian admiral in its port, and supphed hi" fleM with provisions.Every part pf their inslrao- liona seema to have breathed the same spirit of vindictive cruelty, and insolent, shameleas tyranny ; or they were directed to follow tbe counsels of Callicrates, Charops,andLyciicui. From all parts of Greece the principal trailon and sycophants Socked lo their tribunal, forn" state ventnred lo send any repreaentatives but the men who had been most forward on the side of Rome. FroiaAchBia,CaUicntea, Aiii- lodamua, Agesiaa, and Philippus; from Bceo- tia, MnasippOB ; from Acamania, Cbranea ; from Epirui,Charopa and Nknaa ; "rom "u"- lia, Lyciscus and Tisippua " the authors of tto recent massacre " are named among the men who came to share the trimnph of the Romans, and to direct their persecutionagainst tbe best and most patriotic of their fellow-cauntiymen. Faullus saw and despised the baseoesa oftheie miscreants, and would not have sacrificedbet- ter men to their malice ; but his was only ons voice against ten i Hia colleagues were bet- ter Informed as to the intentions of the seaatSr and knew that Callicratcs and Charops pcssesa- ed, aa they deserved, its eniiro confideacs. The manner in which they decided on the caaa of the .lEtoliana. who had been the victims of the recent violence, removed all doubt as t" the course which they meant to pursne, aud encouraged their partisans to lay aside all shame and reserve. No inquiry was made ei' cept as to the political principles of the aclois- and the sufferers.T Tbe bloodshed, the banish- ment, and the confiscation, were all sanctioned and ratified ; only Bebiua was pronounced tO' have been in fault, when he tent his soldiers for such a purpose. Still,even."tolia was not deemed to be yet sufficiently purged from dis- afiection. There, as well as in Acamania, Epi- ms, Bceotia, and Achaia, as tbe commissioa- ers were assured hy their Greek advisers, there were still many covert enemies of Rome. and" until this party was everywhere crushed, ana the ascendency of the decided advocates of the Roman supremacy firmly established, tbsie could be no security for the pubhc loyalty and traitquiUity. Lists of the suspected citizens were drawn up by their adversaries, and leticw were despatched in the name of the proconsul * Ut.. lit,,33, SiDiloni, qa" S/ntdna nmt- SPOLIATION OF EPIRUS." POLYBtUS. to .Ctolia,*Acarnania,'Efina, and Bicotla, eommanding them all to proceed to Rome to take Ibeir trial. With tbe Acheans it was tboQgbtprudent to adapt a didferent course, for it was doubled whether they might submit bo quietly to such an order ; especially aa no pa- pen had beea discovered in the Macedonian archives to implicateany of their proscribet! ejtizeos in the charge of correspoodeuce with , Perseus. Two of the commiasioners, C. Clan- ' diuB and Co. Domitius,were seat to Pelopoone- SQS, to accomplish their object without danger of tumult or uppositian. la the mean wbjle, toi a specimen of the justice which awaited Ibe acouaed, Neon the Bceotian, and Andron- icoa tbe jEtoliao,were beheaded : Neon, aa the aulhor of Uie alliance with Perseus ; An- AronicuB, because he had followed his father to tbe war against the Romans. When these affairs had been transacted, af- ter having celebrated magnificent gamea al Am- phipolis, in which the spoils of the Macedonian BOnarchj, which were about to be transported to Rome, formed the most splendidpart of the spectacle, PauUua set out for Epirus. On his HTival at Passaro, he sent for ten of the prin- cipal ciliiena from each of aeventy towns, aiOBtljr of the Holossians.t which had been in- volved in the revolt of Cephalua, or in a sus- ^ioo of disloyalty to Rome, and ordered that tbe gold and silver of every town should he collected and brought forth into the public place. Adetachment of soldiers was then "ent faito each, in such ordor that allwere occupied precisely at the same time ; and at the same bouT,at a preconcertedsignal,were all given "p to pillage. The intaabitanta, whoae fears had been previously lulled by an intimation that the garrisons were to be withdrawn,! were earned away as slave*. A hundred and filly thousand human beings were thus at one blow torn from their homes and reduced into the lowest depth of wretchedness. The produce of the spoilwas divided among tbe troops.^ The guilt of this atrocious wicKcdness rests with liie senate, by whose express command it was perpetrated.PauUus, though a severe exBCter of discipline, who threw the deBeiters under the feet of hts elephants, IIwas of an af- fectionate and gentlenature, softened by study, Inclined to contemplation, deeply sensible of tbe instability of niortalgreatness, and shrink- ing with religioUB awe from wanton oppression of a vanquished enemy, as be showed when, after his triumph, he interceded for Perseus, and procured bis release from the dungeon tu which he bad been mercilesslyconsigned.T That such a man should have been made the instrument of such a deed, may be numbered t Lii.,iIt., M. Appinn (111., 0) uj" (her wtn imn- t Flucuch. "a"iL PhII., ". ud Lixy, il".,14,fiillow ^^PlBMKh, ."mai. Pull., 3T. Diodcna. Fi rf banariui*,wlia ki "in br dppnviu hia rf thM u killedutnaalf, "rrl?niph h* ibDiildinn among the most melancholyexain^es of wit- itary servitude. That the conduct of the Roman government towards the Achsans may be belter appreci- ated, we must resume the thread which W0 dropped after an account of the embassy of PopiJlius and Octavius, The threats thrown out by the envoys against the neutral or mod- erate party, induced the men of all shades oT political opinion, who might regard tbcmseiveer as affected hy them, to hold a conference on the common danger and the means of avoiding- it. Lycortas stilladhered to the view which he had before taken of the course which it be* came them to pursue : to keep aloof from a contest in which they could not wish success to either party, but least to that which it woulil have been madness to provokeby direct oppo- sition. There were others who agreed y^itt him as to the necessity of this neutrality, but thought it desirable to present an attitude of firmer resistance to the slavish and mercenary faction which was voady to surrender every- thing to Rome. The majority,however, re"' membering tbe intimations which they h^ m* lately heard from the Roman envoys, thought that theyought so far to yield to circumstan- ces as to avoid givingany handle for calumnT- to their advareecies. Oo this side were Ar- chon,Polybius, and Xenon ; and Archon, aa ther representative of this opinion, was promotedtof the chief magistracy, Polybius to the commsnil of the cavalry. An opportunity was very soon afforded for an indication of the policy whi^ they had adopted,by the arrival of envoys from Attains, who came to solicittbe restoration of his brother's honours ; and in this suit they were supportedby Polybius, who obtained a. decree for tbe restitution of all such honours- to Eumenes as were not either illegal or de- grading to the Achieans.* Wlien Marcius bait taken the command of tbe Roman army id Thessaly, a more decided movement was made in the same direction. A decree was passed to place all the forces of the League at the- consul's disposal, and an embassy was sent to him, with Polybius al its head, to learn hi" pleasure on the subject. When this embassy arrived in Thessaly, Marcius was just on the- point of crossing the mountains, and Potybiuv did not obtain an audience from Mm until h"f had effectedhis descent into Pieria. He, how- ever, then declined the offer, as having no need of additional forces,which, indeed, in that crit- ical position would probably have increased his' difficulties. Polybius sent his colleagues home with this answer, hot remained himself in ttie- Roman camp until Marcius learned that Ap- Claudius, who commanded in lUyria with " very smalt army, which had been weakened by 3 disaster m the precedingcampaign,! had ap- plied to the Acheans for a re-enforcement of 5000 auxiliaries, Marcius now sent PolybtuB to PeioponnesuB, with private inatructionB to prevent his countrymen from complying with. the callof Apptus. Polybiusprofesses to doabt whether his object was, as he pretended,to relieve tbe Achteans, or to thwart Appius, ct"- identlybelieving the latter to have been bis real motive. But itmightnot be animpnAabte " Fdljb., n 1..0,T. WliV,^iiw 484 or unjust bi HISTORY OK GREECE, le Ihat he also wished (d entrap " a, refuBal, wbich miglit alter- ward be used an " groand of accusation against them 1 and thua, wbea the detnand or Appiua was brought before the Acbsan assembly, Po- tjbiua fouud himself placed in a very embar- rassing position: on the one hand, nut feeling himseff al liberty to revea] the instructions which he liad received from Marcius ; on the other,fearing tu incur the appearance of oppo- sition to the interests of Rome. To extricate himself from t^is dilemma, he appealed to the recent ordinance, which forbade compliance with such requieilions uiJeas authorized by the senate. Tiie question was conscqueutly re- ferred to the consul,who, of course, dacided accoidinj to the tenmi of the ordinance ; and thtis the appearance of entire submission to the win of the senate was preaerTed,though Folybius was conscious that be had probably given mortal offence to Ap, Claudius.* In this affair the moderate independentparty had avoided all collision, not only with Rome, but even with Callicratea : but before Marcius had been superseded, another transaction oc- curred, in which Calhcrates found an opportu- nity of displaying his servility, and,perhaps, a handle againat his adversaries. The Ptotc- laies, Phllometer and his brother,Eucrgetes II.,or Fhyscon,having composed their diflcr- ences, needed protectionagainst Antiochus Epipbanea, and sent envoys to obtain a body of auxiliaries from the Achaana. They asked for 1000 foot and SOO horse, and desired that Polybiusmight have the command of the car- tliy, and that the whole might be under the orders of Lycortas. This request was opposed by Callicrates, on the pretext that, so long as the contest with Perseus remained un(iecided, the Achsans ought to keep all their forces at home, to be at the disposal of the Romans in case of need. Polybius reminded the assem- bly that the consul had declined their profltred aid, and that, ifitwere otherwise,a state which could bring40,000 men into the field,might well spare a handful for the service of an old ally. The discussion was adjourned at the in- stance of Callicrateson a point of legalform, and bt the interval,it appears, he called in the aid of Marcius ; for when the subject was brought before another assembly, in which he Eroposed that, instead of sendingsuccours, the eaeue should tender its mediation between the Ptolemies and Antiochua, when the motion at Lycortas was on the point of beingcarried, a courier anived with a letter from Marcius, in which he exhorted the Acheeans, in con- formity vriththe wish of the senate, to endear- Onr to reconcile the kings. This was a mere pretext ; foi the attempts which had been made by the aenata itselffor the same purpose had bitherto failed. But itanswered the end of si- lencing the party of Lycortas. Envoys were appointed to act as mediators, and the Egyp- tian ambusadors then produced a letter trom their toasters, which was only to bo delivered if their first request should be rejected, solicit- ing that Lycortas and Polybiusmight be sent to Egypt,to aid them with their counsels in the war. The celebrated circle of PopiUlas "pdjFlfc X i., 10,II. precluded the need of this or any other assist- Such appears to have been the entire amount of provocation and ground for jealousy that bad been given to Rome by any party in the League, before the arrival of the two commis- sioaers, C. Claudius and Cn. Domitius. Wa may, therefore, but faintly conceive the mixturs of astonishment and indignation with wbirtt the Ach"an assembly, summoned to receive them, listened to their demands, when they al- leged that there were some powerful men who hsui contributed, both by supplies of money and in other ways, to the aid of Perseus, in the war, and required that they should all be con- demned to death. After sentence had been pronounced, the commissioners would publish the names of the criminals. The assembly, however, was not yet so broken to the yoke as to submit to such an outrageousmockery of jus- tice, and called upon them finrtto name the ac- cused. TTieywere not disconcerted by this re- pulse, and, at the snggcstion of Callicrates, de- clared that all who had filledthe office of gen- eral since the beginning of the war were in- volved in the charge. Xeno now came forward to assert his innocence ; but he was betrayed by the warmth of his feebngs into an impru- dent offer. He, too, had been in that office ; but had never either done wrong to the Ro- mans, or shown favour to Perseos : and this he was ready to maintain either before an AchKan, or even a Roman tribunal. The Ro- mans caughtat this undertaXing, and required that all the accused should go to be tried at Rome.t Xeno's offer served as a pretext to cover tbe fear which induced the assembly to consent to this tyrannical demand ; if,indeed, its consent was asked ; for we know only the result. Calbcrates drew up a listof more than 1000 names, of course including all who, by station or character, had any title to his fear or his hatred " the best and purest portion of the nation. All were forced to embark for Italy, and, on their arrival, instead of beingpnt upon their trial,were, by order of the senate, distributed among the Etruscan towns. Only Polybius was permitted to find a home in the house of Paultus,^ having probably becoms known to him or his sons in Greece. Here he contracted an intimate friendship with Scipio JImQianus, the (hture conqueror of Carthage and Numantia, wbich enabled him to render added much to the value of his history,though its inflnence on the tone and spirit of his nar- rative may not have been always favourable to an unreserved exhibition of the truth. The men who had been carried away from Peloponnesus were not a faction, bat repre- sented the feelings, and were accompanied by tlie good wishes of the whole nation. Great anxiety,therefore, was felt about their fat", which, for a time, was believed to depend on the event of the expected trial. But When yearafleryear rolled by, end nothing more was heard of them than that they were stilldetain- ed in the Italian cities, and it was no longer possible to suppose that the senate bad been preventedby the pressnre of other businesB " PolT*.,nil., B-IO. t P"""-i*U-,W- CHAROPS." CALUCRATES. 406 from takingcogniunce of tbeir cause, an em- bassy was Bent to Kome to request that Ibey might be brought to trial. The senate, in iU answer, affected to be surprised that the Achfe- ans should make such a request with regard to pcraons whom they themaetves had already eondemned* A freah embasay,therefore, was Bt-nt, in the year 164, to correct this mis- take, to inform (he senate that the prisoDers had never been either condemued, or even heard,by their countrymen, and to pray that they might not be left to waste their lives in coiUiuement without a trial ; and thai, if the senate itaelfwas not at leisure to ait in judg- ment on them, it would commit the inquiry to the Achnane, who would endeavour to conduct itwith,the Btrictesi impartiality. This propo- sal drove the senate out of its last subterfuge, and extorted a declaration of itainteatious od the subject. It dismissed the envoys with the answer, that it did not seem to it expedient, either for the interest or the Romans or of the Greeks, that the priaoners should relnmliome. This decision, while it crushed the hopes of alt patriotic Achsaos, inspiredCalltcratea, and all the other creatures of Roman tnAoence throughoutGreece, with fresh coofideoce.t The insolence of Charops now began to break through every restraint which either fear or the sense of decency had hitherto imposed on his cruelty and rapacity ; and he established a tyr- anny in Epirus similar to that of Nabia, but with the difference, that his favour with the senate supplied the place of foreignmerce- naries, ana secured tbe unresisting submisaion of his countrynien to his despotic will. For a time he contented himself with a series of murders,perpetrated through his emissaries an some of the wealthier citizens, oflea in the face of day, and in publicplaces, either in the cities or on the high roads,as well as in their own houses -, and followed by the confiscation of their whole properly to his use. He after- ward ventured on a more sweeping measure, and published a list,including aU the most op- ulent Epirots of both sexes, as condemned to banishment. It was, however, soon generally UDderstood that this was only intended as a new mode of spoliation, and that the proscribed mi^t make privatebargains with Charops for leave to remain in Epirus, While he himself drew large sums from the men, as the price of this induJgence, the women wore directed to address themselves to his mother Philotis,!in whom he found as willing and able a coadju- irixin the work of rapine as Apega bad proved to Nabis, But when he bad obuined all that could be extorted from them by the fesr of ex- ile, he nevertheless accused them before the assembly of disafiection to Rome, and, by in- timidation or corruption, caused them to be condemned to deaU;. As they mo"tly made their escape, he thought it necessaiy to exert all his interest to obtain a ratificationof his proceedings from the senate, and for this pur- pose undertook a journey to Rome, well fur- msbed with money, which, it seems, was al- ready known to possess great inflaenee over the deliberations of that assembly. Two doors, " Piirh.,. -Emilius Paullus nor M. J5milius Lepidus, then chief pontiff and firstof the senate, would let him enter their houses ; and it is probable that the protector of Polybiusactivelyopposed his application to the senate. The result was, thM he was dismissed with the answer that the senate would instruct envoys of its own to in* quire into the case, , Charops feltthat such aa answer was equivalent to an expression of dis- approbation, and that itwonld give a danger- ous shock to his authority at home ; and im therefore suppressed it on his return, and sub- stituted another conformable to bis wiahea; k fraud which we can hardlysuppose he would hare ventured on if he had. not received privat" iotimation from his patrons that he might do so with impunity, and that the threatened io- vestigation was merely a colour to save ^"- pearances. Still, this repulse seems to har" operated aa a check upon his conduct, whicb kept him within bounds short,at least, ot hia, previous excesses, and somewhat alleviated the miser; of the peoplesubject to hia rule ;, and as he died a few years after at Brundo- aium,on bis way to or from Romef it may bo inferred that he continued to regard Us posi- tion as insecnrs. He bad proluibly- done so much to afflictand exhaust Epirus, that even the jealousy of the senate was satisfied with the degree of weakness to which it was now reduced, and believed that the time had come wben it might interpose its protection without fear of restoringstrength sufficient for any in- dependent movement. An embassy sent from Epirusto Roma in the year after hia death, re- ceived a promise that the commissioners, who were about to proceed to lllyria, should be fHi- nished with instructions for tbe regulation of affairs in Epirus. The state of thingswas, perhaps, not very different in ,"tolia,Acamania, and BtBotia, though none of the partisans of Rome, wba held rule there, equalledCharops in,ferocitj and recklessness. But still it was a happy riddance, and the beginning of quieter times for ."tolia, when the bloodthirstyLyctscua came to his end ; and nearly at the same tima Acamania was delivered fiom Chremee, and Bteotia from Mnasippus. Each had so abused his power that his death was a public bless- ing, and attended with a salutarychange in the Btate of afihirs.' Callicrates survived all these kindred spirits, and retained his ascend- ency to the end of his life. He was prob- ably as unscrupulous,shameless, and greedy as any of them, and would have shrunk front no kind of outrage which he could commit with safety. But, notwithstanding the Ro- tikan patronage, his power was limited by tlM spirit which stillanimated the Achnan League, and which bad a force still at its commaitd by no means contem^ble in itself, thoughquite in- capable of sostaining " struggle asamst R("iie. The removal of hia adversanes did not screen him from the most galling marks of general loathing and contempt, which he did not dare to resent. He found himself shunned in public places as an infection, and beard himself hoot- ed as a traitor by the boys in the Btreeta.t t llnd. ui., K U "i,n Ob du aOm btai, w 489 HISTORY OF GREECE. Even in the atBcmUj, where he conid wield the terrora of Roman tcngeance to OTerawe opposition, he was not omnipotent. He could not prevent a series of embassies from bein(( Bcnt to Rome to solicit the release of tlie tires. It may, however, have been, in [ owing to his counteraetion that these attcmpls were eo long unsucccsBrui. Direct atlacka, therefore,on the persons or property of his fel- low-citizens, such as Charops and Lysiscus might venture on, were beyond the means of CaUieralea ; and the advantages which be de- rived from his infamy seem to have consisted chiefly in the price which he received for the "iercise of his influence. Soon after the senate had declared i ttons with regard to the detained Achi .sospicions were directed againstEumenes, and it was induced to send C. Sulpicius Gallus and M. SergiuB to Asia to investigate the charges which had been laid againsthim, or to collect materials for future accusations ; and it in- stTucted them to visit Greece on their way, and telle cognizance of the dispute which was "tiU agitated between Sparta and Megalopolis Jibont their confines.* According to Pauaa- niss,a like question had been revived between "parta and Argos.l But whatever conirover- Bies of this nature may have been brought be- fdre him, Gallus, it seems, thought them all be- neath his notice, and referred them to the de- cision of Callicrates,an opportunity which his ilelegate probably did not neglect, to enrich him- self at the expense of one or both the panics. Callus,however, had received some other more secret inatmctions, which he could only cxe- "cute by the exarcise of hii own authority. He was directed to take measures for detaching as many places as he cotild from the AchKan League. Yet within Peloponnesus he seems to have fonnd no occasion or pretext for any "et of dismemberment, and we only hear that he gave an encouragingreception to the ."toli- SBS of Pleuron, when they came to him with a petition that their connexion with the AchEeans might be severed, and permitted them tu send an embassy for thai purpose to the senate, which finaUy decided in their favour.]: The conduct of Gallus towards Eumenes in Asia, as (tescribed by Polybius,^ josttfies the belief ibzi there is no exaggeration in the account given, in generalterms, by Fausaniasof the arrogance with which he treated the Greeks. To mortify and humble them by all means in his power was probably a part of his insiroclions, and he "otdd not execute this conunission belter than bf conferring honours and favours on Calltc- Bot so long as the exiles were detained in Italy, the voice of Callicrates seems to have been sufflcient lo decide all queslions of public policy in the AchEean assembly. In the year 198, on the occasion of a war which had broken 4hU between Crete and Rhodes, envoys from "achisland cametosolicit Bid from the Achcans. "When both aides had been heard, the inclina- tion of the assemblymanifestly leaned in favonr oTIUiodes, But Callicratesthen rose, and put an ond to the debate, with lbs simple declaim- tion that the Achcans ought not either lo wage war or send succours without the sanction of Rome.* On such questions he was listened to aa the organ of the senate, and the speaker's unpopularity did not at all lessen the weight of his counsels. Yet, justly odious as ho was, the time was at hand when bis countrymen found reason to look back with regret on the period of his sway, and might be tempted to believe thai they could not have followed wiser guidance. At the end of seventeen years after their transportation to Italy, when, through a variety of causes, which, however, might all be traced to the sickness of hope deferred, the original number had shrank from above IIHK) to below 300, the exiles were permitted to return to Peloponnesus. The "n- bassies which had been aent to intercede for Ihem, after the senate had refused to grant tbem a trial, had waived all pleas of right, and confined thetnselves to the language of humblest supplication, but with no belter effect. The senate would not even consent to the relsase of Polybius and Stmlius. when this was made the object of a specialrequesl.t It was not before the year 154 that any indications oonld be discerned of a more favourable disposition at Rome. Opinions were then so divided on the subjectthat, when the question was debated, if the presidingprstor, A. Postumius, had not been adverse to the exiles, there would have been a majority in their favour.^ Yet, twg years after,another suppliantembassy was dis- missed with anoiherperemploryrefoaai.^ The Roman friends of Polybiuswere, it seems, too well acquainted with the views and temper of the senate to intercede directly, even in his be- half. It was not until long after the death of Paullus that a prrupect was opened to enooor- age them to m^e any attempt in behalf of the whole body of his fellow-sufTerers. But in the year 161, when the question was raised once more, Scipio jGmilianus exerted his interest with the censor Cato, whose son had married their side -. and Cato's authority turned the scale in their favour. It was, however, only after a longdebate, and then by an appeal, not to the justice or the humanity of the senate, but to the Roman pride. " Have we nothing better to do," he ashed, "than lo be deliberating a whole day abont a few old Greeks, whether they shall be put in the grave here or in tbeir own country 1" But when the restoration was decreed, and Polybiusproceeded to solicit Ca- to's intercession for an additional boon, that he and his friends might be reinstated in all the privileges which they had enjoyed belbre thob deportation, the old man warned him, with s smile, not to venture back into the cave of the- Cyclops for the sake of any trifles which he ight have left behind there. N It seems clear, from this anthentic account, that the senate was taken by sarprise, and shamed out of its jealousy, and granted the in- dulgence which had been so longimportunatelT mplored in mere indifl^rence end contempt. [f it had foreseen the results which were to ;a^s"'i."- RETURN OF THE EXILES." CONDITION OF ATHENS. 487 rorst calamity that c Ve have to deplore tt fork of Poljbius ount of the charai org whom hem nsue from the return or the exiles, it would lost prohablj havfaconeented to it sooner; but hey n-cre such as itwas hardlypossible to cal- ulate,* Among the reslored were some whose ireseuce in Greece was, at this juncture, the luld befall (heir country, the loss of (hat part of the I which he gave a full ae- er and history of the men, lee Diffiua and Damocritua, ilcainenes,Theodec(es,'andArchicrate3.t But ram the terms in which he speaks of them in he extant fragmenls, and from the facts ra- orded of (hem. we may collect that they were, ike BO many who have been placed In similar ircumstancea, men who bad learned nothing nd forgotnothing in their exile, who came back luming with haired and thirst of vengeance, lOt only against the Romans, bat against all rhom theyregardedas frienda of Rome, bent in sadaEing this vengeance at any cost, but |nileincapable of a sober estimate of the means hey possessed of compassing (heir end. There vere, probably, several among them who had "een carried away lo Italy when (hey were just 'Dteiing OD publiclife.t In the seclusion of (he talian (owns they could gain bnt httle political experience ; and the longindulgence of matig- lant passions, the dreams of ambitioD and re- renge, with which they beguiled their tedious loura. the perpetual fluc(uaiions t"e[ween san- ;uiiie hopes and listtesa despondency, common o men in such a situation, could only tend to weaken and distort their natural judgment. iVhen to allthis it is added, that (hey were as nercenaryand unprincipled as Catlicratea him. lelf, it will be evident thai Ihey were even still ess fitted than he lo direct the councils of the lation, and that nothing but min waa to be ex- lected from the predominance of their influ- :nee. Poljbiusalso revisited Greece for alime. n the first year of the thlnl Punic war, he was lummoned to attend (he consul Manilins at Lily- icum ; but when he reached Corcyra,having 'eceived intelligence of the snbmiaaion of the i^arthaginiana, he relumed to Peloponnesus, 4 )0t, however, it appears, to make a longstay here. He probably found that his intimacy with Scipio, and (he favour by which he bad been distinguished at Rome, were ho many bar- riers which intercepted his prospects of honour, authority, and useful activity in his Qatiie land. Passibly he abandoned hijnself too soon lo de- spair, was too eager to return (0 the society of his Roman friends, and lo the great thentre where he had an opportunity of witnessing, from the most favourable position, the' moat momentous scenes in (he his(ory of mankiod, to record which was the main business of his life. He may have deceived himself wi(h the belief that he wis likely to be more uaefbl to his country in Italy than at home. Perhaps he would have acted a more generooa part if he had remained in Peloponnesusto support the patriotic efibrta of his friend Stratius. His proper placemay have been at Corinth, whea be was Blacding before Carthage. But, besides that he may again have been obeying order* from Rome, we can onlysay, that in him Booh devotion to a sinkingcause would have been singularly magnanimous; (here appears not tbe smallest likelihood that it would have produced any sensible eflfecton the coone of events. The closing scenes in the history of the Ach"- an League are represented as having been la- troduced by a transaction in which Atbena bora a principal part, and wbioh is chiefly remailLa- ble as an illustration of the state into which that city had now sunk Even before the disastrooa war in which i(a terrilory suflered so macb ftmn Philip's merciless ravages. Ithad been driveD to seek occasional relief from the growing pres- sure of poverty at the hands of the eaatam princes,particularly the Ptolemies, whoee mii- nilicence it endeavoured (o adract and requite by the most profuse and exquisitedalleiy.* The policy of Euryclides and Micio, who di- rected its affairs during several years of Phil^t's reign, seems to have consisted almost wholly in such mendicancy. I(b connexion with Rome, which set ll(tlevalue on its choicest hononn and roost soundingphrases, was rather burdsn- sorae than profitable.Aceording to Valerius Andas, indeed, the senate had rewarded it for its loyalty at the end of the first Maeodoniaa war by tbe grant of Paros, Imbros,Qeloe, and Scyros.t But the fact is questionable, aa we learn from PoIybius,t that after the teimination of the war with Perseus,they sent an embas^ to Rome to ask for Delos and I"emnos. Tbe same envoys were instructed to intercede for the people of Hahartus ; but, if they found the senate inexorable, then to beg thu the territery of Haliartua might be annexed to Attica, The senate rejected the fint of these petitions, but granted the territory of Haliarlusf and the two islands : and, in answer to the remonstrmooeB of the Delians, decreed that they should mignle with all llieir moveable property to Aobaii.ll They were there admitted to the Irancbise, and the Athenians were compelledby the senate to adjust the differences which arose out of tbe (ransfer according (o the Achsan laws. The senate, at the same time, declared Delos a (t"e port, and was thus enabled to strike a luiDuns a.. 11. c. V.l., p. W7. rtiE fwAAov A s 7iv'A\itfrUfixi- HISTORY OF GREECE. 488 Uow U tbe commerco and revenues of Rhodea.' But the possess ion of Delas, and the sovereign- ty of Lemnos, could iiut afliird any very impor- tant reliefto tbe poverty of AlbeiiB; and in tbe jev 166 the public distress was su urgent there, that tbe people was persuaded,by some advi- sers, it seenns. less scrupulous and discreet than Micio Bud Euryciides. to reaort lo an exiraordi- narj runedy. An eipe"lition was undertaken egauietOijopua, which was surprised and plun- dered. Tbe Oropianscomplained of this out- rage to the senate, wbich was indignant at such eneroaohuHQt on its monopoly of rapine, and directed the Sicyonians to lay a mulct on tbe Albeniana,proportioned to the damage done to Oropus. No advocates appeared in behalf of Albens at Steyon, and the sentence ioiposed llieenormous penalty of 600 talents. The eX' travaganoe of this sum, wbetlier as compared Witb the ralae of ibe spoil carriedoff from Oro- pusi or with the resources of Athens, may bn the better estimated Ifwe reraenber that Po- lybJOB calculates the amount of all tbe booQ' IJMrad by Cleomenes in Megaltqx^ at 300 tat- snts, and that no more than 600 were exacted by tbe Romans themselves, in the atmost bit- terness of their anger, from all."tolia. It was to obtain a remission, or mitigation, of this pen- alty that the Athenians sent tbe celebrated em- bwsygf the three philosojdiere to Rome: tbe Stoic Dtogenea, the Peripatetic Critolaus,f and CameBdee, the founder of the third Academic aobooL If thay were not profoundthinkers, Ibej were, in their various styles,among the mast eloquent talkers of the day. Yet it is probabletliey would scarcely have been select- ed for such a mission if their success had de- pended entirelyon the iiapression which their pleadingmight mahe on the senate. But it was known that there was now a large circle amonf the highest tamilies of Rome, in which tlM ClmchiDglogic of Diogenes, the ethical par- adoses of Critolaus, who maintained that pleas- jm was an evil,]: and the speculntive impartial- ity of Carneades " whose roost intimate scholar oould never discover what opinion he really held on anyquestion,4as there was none which be could not maintain with equalplausibility " would be received with avidity and delight. Tbe envoys, in fact, found numerous patrons "nd admirers at Rome. On their firstintroduc- tion to the senate, their speeches were transla- ted by a senator, C. Acilius, who also supported tbeir enit in his own person ;!( and while their oanse remained pending, esch of them, but es- pecially Carneades, drew crowds of the young mbilityto tbeir private exhibitions of philosoph- iMl HtetoricT Calo was deeplydispleased and "larmed by tbe reports he heard of the fascina- tka which they were exertingon tbe Roman youth; and in his place in the senate he cen- Bm^d tbe msgistrstes, who had allowed a set *^" il|*" drrVl Tf"i,":)"v. TbtinmaBtMmuU- nw. Sm BosrJlti. \lh, SluUh,, lit.,S) lai tank fm itiwthi Fuilo. (Plal. nifBttadi tmiA per oAUbBniBa nxbdi lock nu of men to be waiting so long for the despatdi- of their business, who were able to gainassent to whatever proposition they would.* It was not, however, we must observe, the matter of their discourses,nor the indifferencewith which Carneades, aller he had descanted in praise of justiceone day, showed on the next that a* much might be as well said againstit,t that gave oflence to the old censor, who had him- self unconsciously imbibed the priaciplea of Fo- lus,Thrasymacbus, and Gorgiae. to his heart's core, bad never been able to perceive a distinc- tiou between might and right, justiceandeipe- diency,t and thought itno bad argument for lbs destruction of Carthage, that the African figs were so large and good.4 The danger which be dreaded was, lest the growing entbusiaaoi for foreign literature and arta should supersede the old ftalian tastes and modes of thinking, and the young Romans should be diverted from the business of the forum or the camp by a passion for frivolous disputations. The suc- cess of the philosophers in tbe object of their embassy was greater in appearance than in nt- ality.n The senate, indeed, reduced the peaaltr to 100 talents ; but it must have been known that even this was much more than it waa in the power of Athens to raise. Nor was itever paid. By meatis of a negotiation, which is re- lated in a manner not perfectly intelligible to us, the Athenians prevailed on the people of Oropus, not only to forego the compensatioa which had been awarded to them, hut to accept an Albenian garrison, and to givehostagesto the Athenians 4 oaeondjtionthat,if tbeysluNild create any fresh ground of complaint to the Oro- pians, the garrison shouU be withdrawn and the hostages restored. i^ In the year following the return of the exiles this case arose. The Athenian garrisoncom- mitted some outrage on tbe townspeo|de, who demanded tbe restitution of tbe hostage*, and the evacuation of their town. This the Athe- nians refused to grant, but offered to punish tba oflenders, Tbe Oropiansapplied. to the Ach"" an League for redress ; but the Achnan assem- bly, which had no authority over either party, and bore no illwill to Athens, declined to inter- fere. A Spartan named Mennlcidas was, at this time, chief magistrate of the League,and his character seems to have been so notorious as to encoursge the Oropisns to tamper with him. For a bribe of ten talents he undertcNdc to espouse tbeir cause : and that he might bo able to execute his engagement, he promised five talents to Callierates as the price of bis assistance. The influence of Callicralea, we find, stillcontinued unimpaired, and be carried " decree to send succours to Oropus. Tbo Athenians,however, no sooner beard of tt thaa they made another expedition to Oropus,again pillaged the town, and then withdrew their gar^ t Lutuliai, Div, Tut, 1 I Aoemdiiifta .Sliu (T, n Tapi role"Fufnicxt,dI r* ai"iV.^i ""psitir^ ORIGIN OP THE ACHflAN WAR." WAR IN MACEDONIA. riaOD. The tiro asaoclalea then ariFed tbe in- vasioD ofAtiLca, bul met with oppusition. it is saitl. from the Lacedaunoniaa troops, which in- duced tbein to desist and disband their forces. Menalcidas,though he had reodered do seivice to the Oropiarts. exacted payment of his bribe ; but when he had isceived it, defrauded Callicra- tea of his share, CaHicrates, in revenge, brought a capitalchargeagaiastMenalcidas, when he had gone oul of office, as having endeavoured to persuade the Romans to detach Sparta from the AchKan League. Menalcidas found him- self in so much linger, that he thought it ns- cesaaiy to purchase the protection of hi* suc- cesaor Disus with a brit"eof three talents, and with his help escaped condemnation. But be was so generalif odious, that Dieeus inctured aoch obloquj through his interference,and, according to Pausanias, it was to divert public attention from this subject that be pushed the Achcans into violent measures egaiuatSputa, whicb, in ibe end, involved the League ina dual Struggle with Ro"me,* The occasion seems to have beep furnished bj an appeal which the Spartan* made to the "eoata acainet the decision of CaUiorUes on tlie boundary dispute. The answer they had received was, that they must submit to the de- cree of the Achnan aasemhly in all matters not involvingqaestiona of life or death. But DicQS misrepreseDted Ibia answer, snd persua- ded the assembly that it was invested with an unlimited jurJadiction over Sparta; and, when the Spartansproposed to ascertain the fad by a reference to the senate, charged them with an infringement of the fundamental articleof the Constitution, which forbade any of the uni- ted states to tend an embassy to a foreign power without the sanction of the whole body. On this ground wai was declared againstthere, and DiKUB made preparations for the invasion of Laconia. Conscious of their inability to re- aiat, they sent embassies to the principal cities of Ibe League to deprecate (he Ibreatened at- tack, and endeavoured to propitiate DiKus him- telf; but every city declared itself bound to obey the orders of the general when be called for its contingent. And Oicus professed that be was not going to make war on Sparta, hut on the men who disturbed ber tranquillity. On tbia hint the gerusiainquired the namea of the indtTidnals who were the objects of his hostili- ty, and he tent in a list of four-and-twenty of the principal men in Sparta. They adopted the saaaciouB proposal of Agasisthenes, who advi- sed them to seek refuge at Rome, with fullcon- fidence that they would soon be restored by the senate. After their departurethey were eoo- denmed to death by a Spartantribonalt and the Achnans sent Callicratest and Diana to Rome to oppoae their restoration. Callicrataa feU ill, and died on the road,at a juncturewhen, for the firsttime in bis life, ho might have done some service to his country ; though the nature of his relatitms to Dirus is too obscure to per- mit more than a very uncertain conjecture on tbia point; but it ia not improbable that he migbt have checked the violence, and have ooimtaracledtbeintrignesorhisradleague. At Rome, Dicus found Menalcidas his chief antag- onist i though he does not seem to have beea oncof the twenty-four; and a warm altercation arose between them in the senate. But tba answer which they carried back declanid that the senate was about to send envoys to decida the dispute between Sparta and the AohMtn League. This embassy,however, delayed ita appearance somewhat long,and, in the mean while, both Diaaus and .Menalcidas, having,per- haps, been themselves the dupes of the senate's equivocation, deceived their countrymen yiilh a false report of their success, Disiaa gave out that the Spartans had been enjoinedto obey the AchKans in all thing* ; Menalcidaa,tw they were to be detached flmu the Aoh"B League,* Thus the Achvana were eDCoaraged 10 renew hostilities, the Spaitanato ventme In the mean while a fieeh war had brokeit out in Macedonia, where AadriMoa, a yomic^ man of low birth,a native, it is said, of Adra- myttium,giving himself out to be a son of Psr- seus, whom he resembled in his peTs"Hi,f and assuming the name of Philip, bad been nnim- saUy Bi^nowtedged as king. We are the lsa" BurfH'ised at his success, when we obaerre (hat Macedonia bad been the scene of oontinnaldia- orders and tumults ever sioM the establishment of s republican government; and we can baidly doubt that the senate foreaaw and deawneo this effect of the new Constit^ion. llireD years after the battleof Pydna, Raman envoys- were sent to inspect the state of Macedonia^ because, as Polybiusremarks, the Macndoni' ans, being unused to a democratical and repre- sentative government, were divided into fao- lions.t Two years after, we find a Macedoaian, named Damasippus.who, after having massa- cred the members of one of the legislative coun- cils, had Bed with his wife and children,sailing in the same galley with a Roman envoy ;iand, if we might rely on an insulated statement, of uncertain anthority. we should be led to Infer that^ in the year B,C, 1G8, at least one impor- tant change was introduced into the intemnl adnunistration of Macedonia; for we are in- formed that the mines, the closing of which had been considered aa indiapensabls for the prea- ervation of tranqaillity, then began to be work- ed again, II In the sanke year in which the- Achnan ezilas returned ,a Macedonian embaa- sy had beea sent to Rome to request that JBu^ ianus might be appointed oommlssiotiertolMai their dissensions.T It was natural,thra"lbi". that any pretender who held out a proapect of internal peace, together with the reatomtion of the monarchy, should be hailed by all parties " P*a("ni., IS. I Zoauu, ii. tt. li*..EpiM-, lUi. Fknt, iL, 14. EiwiiiiUIiidliuiniillppi.Ftndii-Fhiliiipunaldtu: fitb- Mj 1 (ootwliii " "-'' """ """ ' '--' K' n'^^U'nt'to'Pbiii^tiMirriM^ nam. FnoPdrD-. EntVi mM "uppflaMl Lbar* thai b" Wl iiiBff Omi Phifipi PUGp^HkKm ... " u" "rftha pna*- ". luuUi la Mmdiiius uo HISTORY OP GREECE. \rith an eager welDome. Andriscai,or, u the Romans c^led him, Paeudo-PhiJippiis, appears to have been endowed with qualities which he could scarcely have inherited from ihe father 'w^oln he claiioed, and wliich rendered him worthier of the throne than any son of Perseus 'would prohahl; have been. But Ihe accounte remaining of his actions are bo scanty, thai we may be in danger of overrating his abUitiea. Having failed in hie first attempt to excite an inBurrecIion in Macedonia,he had dcd to Sjria to solicitaid from Demetrius Soter ) but by tiira 'Was sent as a prisoner to Rome. The senate "t think him worth notice,or was not loath lernn bim to depart. He collected a band of adven- tDTere, drew several towns east of the Stiymon over to his aide, and strengthened himself by alliances with the Tbracian (nbes, which sup- plied him with a largebody of aoxiliaries.with which he made himself master of Macedonia, And adTaoced into Thessaly.* The senate, at first, thought it sufficient to send Scipio Nasica to qnell the revolt by a peaceable intervention ,t bat soon learned ^at the danger had grown se- rtoua. Nasica collected an Achean force,! inarched into Thessaly, and compelled Andris- cuB to retreat into Macedonia, and kept him oc- cupied there until he was relieved by the arri- Tai of a Roman army nnder the prstor, P. Ju- ventiuB Thalna. A battle ensued, in which Tlialna was defeated and slain, and Andriscus again invaded ThesBaly. The next year the prnter, Q, Csicilius Metellus,was sent against him with a stranger forL-e. Melellus arrived in Macedonia nearly at the same time that Damocritns, who had succeeded Diteus as gen- eral, was preparing to invade Laconia. At this ianctiire a Roman embassy was on its way to Asia,and, at the desire of Metellus, endeavonr- "d to prevent hostilities in Peloponnesus, and VTged the Achaians to wait for the commisaion- CTB who were coming from Rome to compose "beir dispote with the Spartans. Damocrilus, bowever, paid no heed to their advice,but,as aoon Bs ihey were gone, marched into Laoonia. The Spartansgave him battle with, it seems, "very inferior numbeiB, and were defeated,with the loss of IDOO of their beat troops. It was gen- -eralty believed that, if Damocritus had followed up his victory with due activity, he would have made himself master of Sparta, and at the close of his official year he was brought to trialon a charge of treachery, and condemned to a fine of fiftytalents,which, as he was unable to pay it, force dhim to go into exile. He was Bucceeded ia office by Dieus. In the meanwhile the war in Macedonia was broughtto an end. AltalusofPergamuBbrought a fleet to second the operations of the Roman army, and Andriscus,beingobliged to provide for tiie defence of his coast, fellback on Mace- donia. Near Pydoa,bowever, he defeated the " P"Mi" En. Vu., B. 44S. tUfarl ric M r"r Hon- t Ur.. Eput, 1. T^hhJii vam H illui inwian "nn M "enpare PHuds-P)iiliii|iiB tsIIm Mr l*fM" Rs- MaoMir Pi.^,Eu. VU.. P.44T. "t^r2!ai rpSf^ Roman eavalry, but was afterward iDdnend to divide his forces into two oorpe, which were separately routed by Metellus. Andriscus es- caped into Thrace, where he collected another army, with which he againgave battle to the Romans, but lost the day, eud. having taken refuge with a Thracian chief named Byzes, was delivered up to Metellus* While he wailed in Macedonia for the arrival of the commisaion- crs who were to reduce it into a provinoe, Dirus was preparing to prosecute the war with Sparta; but,being warned by Metellna to de- sist, promised to suspend hostilitiea until the expected mediators should arrive. But if he observed the letter of this promise, he broke it in substance, for be introduced Achnan troops into the Laconian towns in ibe vicinity of Spar- ta, which, it seems, continued to inrest the coun- try by frequent inroads. The Spartans were driven by their distress to an expedient like that to which the Athenians had resorted in the case of OropuB : they surprised and plundered the border town of lasus. But as this was a palpable breach of the armistice, and an act of direct disobedience to the injunctions of Hete4- lus,they soon repented of their rashness, and Menaloidas, who had drawn them into the nn- dertakiag, was so alarmed at the prospect of the consequences, that he put aa end to his own life by poison. t The embassy which was to restore traiM]ail" lity to Greece seems to have been purpoeelj delayed untd the end of the Macedonian war, when it might safely assume a tone of abaolute authority, which would hardly have been pru- dent while Andriscus was stillfonnidable. It arrived in Peloponnesus while Di"us waa in office, and the chief commissioner, M. Anrelius Orestes, called a meeting of the Achean ma- gistTstes to Corinth, and plainly informed tbem that the senate did not think it right that either Sparta or Corinth itself should any longer be comprehended in the Achean League, but de- sired that Argos and Heraclea io Trachis, and the Arcadian Orchomenus. ahoold be restored to independence,being of diflercat origin and late accessions to the League. In other words, the League was to be reduced to its primitive Btste, when it included only the Achnan towns. The Achaean magistrates were so indignant at this demand, that they did not even wait until Orestes had ended bis speech, but rushed ool into the'streets, and hastily Bummoned an as- sembly, to which they commnntcated the pro- posal which they had just beard. It roused a fiirious burst of popularresentment, which, however, was directed against Ihe Spartaaseo- jouming in Corinth. As many of them as oonM be found were arrested, and some of them were draggedaway from the house of Orestes him- self. It was in vain that he espoelulated with the multitude, and warned them that theywere omring wrong and insult to Romans. All who had liMn seiied. and who proved to be Spar- tans, were, a few daysafter, thrown into prison. Orestes himBelf and his colleaguesnsrrowly escapedviolence.]: On their return to Rome they complained, with much exaggeration, of the treatment they had received, which they maliciously represented as the effect of delil" rii., U. Eiut., I. Fhraa, "., I u.,?i".,M. rolri,a iii.,L CRITOLAUS. rate aontriTancc. The senate appointeda "osh embaasj, with Julius Sextua at its head, lit instrucied him to use the miJdest language f friondly admonition, and on!j (a require salis- tclion (roTa the authore or the outrages. Po- fbius would consider this as a proof that the bjectof the insirurtions given to Orestes was, ot lo break the League, but merely to frighten nd liumhie the Achsana ; thou^ there were amo, he observps, who regarded this forbear- nee as mere dissimulation, adopted bceausc le warwithCarthagewasstillunGnishcd. He imself proresses to belieTe that the Romans rishcd to spare the Achcana, and only sought J inspire them with a wholesome terror.* But liis supposition is utterlyinconsistent, both 'ith the character of the senate and witli the olicy ithad hitherto parsned towards the AchK- na, aa well as towanla the other states of ireece. The diBSolution of the League was tie object to which its measures had ))een mg tending, and it iniglil easily foresee that liesudden change in itatoue would be so mis- iterpreted as to give occasion to some freab idiscretion, which mijhl aflbrd a fair pretext "r greaterseverity. Alter the departure of Orestes, the Acheans ad sent Thearidas at the head of an embassy 3 ofTbr an apology for the scene which had la- en place at Corinth. Their envoys met Stx- us on their way to Rome, and,at his desire, re" jmed with him lo Peloponnesus. Diaus had aw been succeeded in office by Crilolaus,an qualljvioleiit and imprudent enemy of Rome, nd no less bent on widening the breach, in rhich he probably believed all hia hopes of au- borily and influence, and even hia personal afety, to depend. The pacific language of the ComaoB in the assembly at ."giumwaa treated y him and his partisans aa a symptom of fear. Tie senate, theysupposed, or endeavoured to "rsuade the multitude, felt itself embarrassed y the Celliberian and Carthaginianwars, and herefore wished to avoid a almggle with the Lchzans. It mnat also have been imagined hat the state of Macedonia was not yet auffl- ienttytranquil to permit Metellus to employ is troops elsewhere,and, in fact, alter the over- hrow of Andriscua,a fresh pretender, named Licxander, started up, calling himself a son of 'erscus, and estabtiahed himself for a time on le banks of the Nestua, but was forced lo ty efure Metellus intoDardania. Acourteousan- wer, however,was given lo Sextos. Theari- as was directed lo proceed on his misaion lo .ome ; but the Roman envoys were invited to conference al Tegea for the pnrpose of ad- usling Ihe dispute with Sparta. Scxlus and is colleaguesaccordinglyrepaired to Tegea, 'here they were met by Spartan miniatcra -, ut after they had been kept longwaiting for ie arrivalof the Achsans, Critolaus came al- lost alone, and after an interview with Ihc partans, informed Sestua that he had no au- lority to decide on such questions, but that he 'ouldrefer them lo the next regularassenbly, liich was to be held at Ihe end of six months, extus saw that a plan had been laid to de- eive and alfront him. and immediately sel out n his return to Iialy. His report seems to ave induced the senate lo decree war trilh the AchDian League. Critolaus, in the mean while,was exerting his utmost eflbrta to hasten the rupture. In the course of the winter he made a circuit through the principal towns, to inflame the paasions of Ihe peopleagainst the Romans and the Spartans,by,perhaps,partial and exaggeratedaccounts oftbe conference at Tegea ; and he won the moat numerous dass of the community to his aide by an order which must have been a great strain of the preroga- tivea of hia office, that the magistrates should suspend all legalproceedings for the recovery of debts until the war should be brought to a Metellus had hoped to follow up the conquest of Macedonia with the pacification of Greece, id the intelligence which he received of the lurse which aflTairswere caking in Peloponne- BQB induced him to send four of his officers to attend the Achsan assetnbiy at Coiinih,and, if possible, altay the ferment which had been excited by Critolaus. They were instructed, it appears, to repeat ihe gentlewarnings and ad- vice of Sextus. But the popular ^iiw had now been so strongly roused against Heme, that their smooth phrasesonly served lo foed the flame, and Ihey were obliged to retire uoid the jeers and hootinga of the multitude, and were even bespattered with mud as Iheypassed through the streets. t Polybius,indeed, inti- mates that Critolaus was chieflysupportedby the lowest of the populace, and by (be soldiery.t This was, no doubt,so far true, thai those who had most to lose were least willing to expooa themselves to the risk of a war with Rome, and moat clearlyperceived the danger. But titers is no reason tu believe thai the hatred towards Rome was confined lo any dass ; and Polybius himself observes that allthe citiesof the League were infatuaied, but Corinth most generally and deeply. 4 Critolana took this occasion to deliver an inflammatoryharangue, in which he inveigh- ed against the Romans, threw out hints that he had received promises of assistance from for- eign powers, and told the peoplethat, if Ihey were men. they would be in no want of allies, nor, if weaklinp, of maslcrs.!! He set Ihe uouucil,T which attempted to restrain him, at defiance, and declared thai be feared neither ta nor Itome, but only the traitors who in correspondence with the enemy and divulged the secrets of the stale. By such arts he carried a decree of war, nomin^ly, as Po- lybius observes, with Sparta, but reallyagainst Rome. It was in itself equivalent to an asser- tion of the absolute independence of the League^ and by another decree the general whs invested with unlimiled authorily; and it was thas left to the discretion of Crilolaus to conduct opera- tions in the way which he might think best cal- culated lo provoke boatitilieswith the Romans. Such appears to have been the use whicli he made of his enlarged powers. Wken he took the field in the spring of 146, it was to marcU, not againatSparta, but northward lo the vale i XHTtiii;4, S : Riviuiih M^v^ al nJUiE,VKmhUl itloi v^rrd rut t ~" KofirBlur. I U. I., tS: 'EoiiiirMpitSui'.tttinftninii nt- udx"; li' f Sripor'^'(U""""ni",Mii, p. W, iiifAn- 4 T^ fb yiftvaln, nntalily, u I ban ilrudr ob- nrnd, A" DaBiirp*. S" atfi,p. KB. Am HISTOitY OF GASBCB. of the SperobeoB, where he laid siege to Hera- dea, which had renouaced ila connexion with the Aohnan League, or refused lo enter into it This movement eeem* to have beeo uoderlakei in the hope of exciting a general revolt in Bceo- tia and Enboa. The Thiebana, apparently un- der the preswua of the general poverty, had nude iiUMds into the lerritorieB of their neigh' bonra, and had been condemned by Metelliu u pay three fines,one to the Fhocians, another tc the EutKEBns, the third to the Locrians of Am- pbissa.* In their misery and despair, they had promised to join Crllolaua with alltheir forces, and the Baotarcli Pytheas, who seems to have hftd some privategrounds of alarm, had insti- gated the AdiKans to the war. Whether Chat- oia was urged by any stronger motive thaa the remembraBce of the oppression ithad sulTered fioMithe Romans, we are not inlonned ; but il BCM a body of aiuiliarieato the Acheean army. Ilwas nonkitownlhettheoaauDajwlof tlie for- MB dMtined for the war with the Achteans hail tosa anigned to the eaaSDl L. Mummius, who wai ei^wetedsliortly to arrive in Greece. As Ifatelbia was, on this account, more an tban ever to bring the Ach"aDS to terma, night reuooably expect that, when such a MiMm wae gathering over their heads, they WOnld be ntore wilting to listen to his over- tarea. He again sent to assure them that they Med Dot despair of pardon, if they would even BOW comity with the injuiictions of the Romans wtaioh had been conveyed to them by Orestes, and abwidou their connexion with Sparta, and the other cities which it bad been proposed to Mpaiale from the League.! Critolaus, howev- er, had gone too far lo recede with safety, and remained InAexible. According to Fausanias, Metellus had begun his march from Macedonia at the same time that his envoys set out on their mission, and he was, therefore,probably already in Thessaly when he met them on their letom. He is said to bare advanced with auch a|Med, that he had already crossed the Spsrct^nabefore the Achaeana were apprized M his approach. Their leader was then seized with oonateniBtion equal to bis previous temer- i^, artd not only raised the siege of Heraclea, but did not even venture to malce a stand at niermopylffi. Yet he allowed himself to be overtaken a littlesouth of the pass, near Scar- phea: hia forces were there entirelybroken, and he himself disappeared, and was never beard of more.t The victors,advaaciog to ChEsronea,fell in with 1000 Arcadians,who were returning to Peloponnesus,having march- M as far as Elatea to joinCritolaus, when they beaid of his defeat, and cat them allto ptocea.f dtniHriiiif OiutH,H"hnib(J (c.]",I). t fuiM, {fiL,13,4) vappuw hiia ut ht.'nbftendrownod. Zqduu (ix.,Si) nu lillllllj KttrokAav Kteivrot. from Lit.,BpiK.,lii., it vould MB ibu 1" mpBd rma the UUl*: CriloluH TJiian lilii ioiirt"im miKiili. Bnlthsn uudlhilufDiaD. The country through which Metellna poraued his march towards the Isthmus was a scene of desolation, misery, and dismay, for which Polyblus can hardly find expressions suScieul- lystrong, though he sets before us itieiuhatii- lants of the towns quitting their homes to wan- der in the mouulains ; uambers takingrefuga from their fears and sufferings in suicide ; oth- ers attempting to provide for their own Btklf by voluntary information against their neigti- hours, or to propitiate the conqneror by the must abject hamiliatiau. Thebes was Ibttnd entirely deserted ; and,thoughMetellus would not let the fugitives be pursued, many must hare perished, from hunger and hardstups, in the trackless wilds to which they fled. iTtlie- as escaped, with his family, to Peloponnesus. * Id the mean while, Disus had taken the place of Critolaus, by virtue of the law which providedthat,on tLe death of the general, his predecessor should resnme the command until an assembly was held for a new eleotioa. Die- us was, no doubt,awai" that resistance was ut- terly unavailing; but as the mildest late tis had to expect, if he fellinto the power of tha Romans, was perpetualexile, he was resolred to bold out to the last. He immediatelj scat Alcamenes,one of bis partisaoe, with 4OO0 men 10 occupy Megara, and himself proceeded U" Argos to superintend the levy of fresh troops. He ordered all freemen of militaryage to ap- pear in arms at Corinth, and 12.000 houiehold slaves to be set at liberty, and equipped forIha field Bt the expense of their masters i and rais- ed lajrge sums, under the name of voUmtary coDtributions, from the opulent,compettiiig th" women to part with the ornaments of their per- sons. t As those who were called upon lo make these sacrifices knew that they must be friiit- less, and had not the same motives for despair as Dicus,they obeyed his orders with r"lDC- tance, especially as he showed grest partialily in the assessment of the emancipated slaves, and frequently eluded them, for the whole amount of the new levies,including the free"l- men, appears never to have eicenied 14.000 foot and 600 horse. EL's and Messenia, which had never been well alfected towards the League, now openly kept aloof Even Iba township of Tcnea, in the territory of Corinlt, is said to have revolted from the Goriathiara, and to have joined the Romans, who aderwini rewarded it for its desertion.}:Before Di"s" Corinth,B council was held there by the vice-general, Soaicrates, in which itwas re- solved to attempt negotiation with Metdlus; and Andronidas, Archippus, and Lagius war' sent to his headquarters.HeWBBeagertolermi' nate the war on any terms consistent with iba dignity of Rome, and not only dismissed tbsnt with fair promises, but sent Philo,a Theasalian, with similar proposals to Corinth. In the mean while he advanced towards the Isthmus. Al- io bis approach, made a hasty retreat from Megara, and the cityopened its gatwW th"H ArvAuH nvTt ided bv Di-a I "hik PdI.,il.. . 11,10]IHIIH 10. , ud pat to doMh bj }b TUt ToiiMtn hid uothrr aim 6a lie taioar "{t^ ' Itirr pnMDdid lo 1m ofTiqisnSTifii, Fu)., ii.:"i*' DESTRUCTION OP CORINTH. the Romans. But the arriTal of Disns at Co- rinth eilinguished all hopes of accominodation. He vaa conlimiFd in his office b^the asxembtj, and so prejudiced llie peopleagainBt the enroys, by charges of treasonable correspondence with the enemy, that, on their retnm, they were ar- Tested, and dragged to prison with Ihc greatest indignities. Philo was admitted to an audience, and Stratins,now an oM man, earnestly im- be included in the benefit of any treaty, he tinned inexorable, and urged the people to vio- lent tneasDres against tua adTerenries. Ha caused Sosicrates to be condemned to death for the pari he bad taken in the negotiatioa nith Metellus, and endeavoured to extort a confession of ^ilt tnan him bytonare, under which he expired,BBserting his innocence to the last. The envoys woiud have suffered a nice fale.bnt the cruet treatment of Sosicrates produced a reaction in their faTour, and two of them propitiated DIkus with bribes ; for,gloomy as his prospects were, he was nol the less in- tent on every opportunity of sordid gain. Such was ihe stale of aflkiis when Munnnius arrived at the Istbmua,accompaniedby Ores- tes, who seems to have come to see vengeance exacted for the aOronta he had endured. Mum- mios immediately sent Metellus bach to Mace- donia with his army. Hia own forces, when they were all assembled, amonnled to S3,(H"0 foot and 3S00 horse, besides Cretan bowmen and a body of auxiliaries sent by Attalue, under the command of his geuerfiI,PhilopiEmen. The Bontana felt so secure In the consciousness of their superiority, that they let their advanced posts be surprisedby the enemy, who carried away 600 shields i the last trophies of independ- ent Greece. DisEus was so elated by this tri- fling victory, that he immediately led his troops "ut to battle. Mummius readilyaccepted the challenge.* The Achffian cavalry, all belong- ing to that class which was adverse to the meaa- urea of Dieus, did not even wait for the charge "f the Romans, bullied at the beginning of the battle. The infantry, though discouragedby this desertion, kept their ground bravely, until they were attacked in their flanks, which should have been protectedby the cavalry. The slaughter was probably not very great, as the field of battle was not Ikr fVom Corinth ; and Grbaps tha citymight, as Pauaauiaa thought, ve been allowed to capitulate ifit had stood a siege. But it may have been better for Greece that her agony came soon to an end; and, ac- cording to Potybiua, the Baying in every one's mouth was, "If we had not been ruined be- times,we should not have been saved."! Dic- ns, whether he had last all presence of mind, "r feltthat he could not retain his authority du- ring a siege, did not attempt to take shelter in Corinth, but broaght the first tidings of the dis- aster to Megalopolis, and having hilled his wife OVTT "wu ti^ apoit, aDd placfd thfir wiral btuI ohij. ,B oo th" toj. o( A. "" ""'" - -- - "- - ncted ticWTj, hsou tduia [p. 161)iaui With his own hand, awallffWfld a draoglit ef pot- son.* The ftigitives who escapsd from the bat- tle quitted Corinth the same nigbl,togeth"rwtth the greater part of the inhabitanta, Muminias had not expected so easy a oonqoeat, and. though informed that the gates were open, snqiecliDg some stratagem, suffered an entire day to pus before he marched into the city. Though no resistance was offered,allthe men flnmdwitblK the walls were put to the sWord ; the womn and children were reBerred Kir sale ; and when bH itstreasDres had been carried away, on " sig- nal pven by blast of the tnmpel tfao city waa DODsignedto the fames. So, ftia said, the "eii" atehadex]M""8lydecr"ed.f Bnt vengeanee tbr the insotts offered to the Romafi mmyi waa probablymore the pretext than the motive for this cruelty. { ltwas,atIeBsl,nDleMaeTiBe,iB the eyes of the Roman soHien, ttai Coiinth was the richest city of Greece. Secrody iBj olhar was adorned with so man; preciesaworta tt art. Mummiua himself bM as Utile m At them as any of his men, who made diee-MMOd* of tbe finest master-pieeea of patBting;^ bnt be knew that sneh thingswere hlgUy VidMd ^ others, and he therefore preserred theae vAieb were acconnted the ehoieeat to emb^Mi Ida triumph ; stipulating with the contractors who undertook to transport them to ftaly, that Ihey should replace allthat might be loM on the pas- ssge with new pieces of eqnal worth.l Tboaa of inferior note he sent as a present to Atttfos. It seems to have been chiefly by this Indifllir- ence that he earned the praise of disinteieated- nesB which is bestowed on him, not onlyby Un Roman writers, but by Po1ybias,T and it BBsma stillmore questionable how far he waa entitled to the character of lenity, which is attributed to him by the same historian, whose narrative of these events in Ihe extant fragmenta somettaw aounda rather official than hlatorieBl. Befim the arrivalof the ten commissloneTs, who weia sent in the Bntnmn to regulate the state of Greece, he made a circuit in Pelopomweue to Inflict punishment on the cities and perscms that had taken an active share in the war. Hia walls of all such towns were dismantled, and their whole pc^nlation disarmed. "" The ad- herents of Dietis were sentenced to death or IT tddi that he " -RrfU " nolftti "rmnl- Cld., Pro Laj. Mu., ft: Land qind VTmnt ippellitiiumiMdi. Campue Clc, Dt OE., 1.,11 ; iii., "" im.uri "" ih.. oMnieT (jp,Stnlj.,Tiii.. p. S"}, na "nd wu pQfttwed by Attfelu u s"."'vt.': ar- tha kf^ m. Din Chrn- inittiuM of hk 1 il.,II. IJT..,Epit.,liU.,ibaI"ii"Bai"lBiiiai""raiBiiifl. ok, ii.,at : luliam "a" qua r " Pii".,ili.. ia,9. Tliumul 1,1) nhich npnaaate all Iha m IwTt unirtd At iiiiK tiaatwBL . Cic.,Da HISTOBY OF ORBECB. exile, and Ibcur property eonfiaoeted ; and the AcbKBiu " that ia, tbe cities whicb had contrib- uted lo the war " were condeumed to pay SOO taleots to Sparta. The greaterpart of the Co- rialhian territory was annoxed to Sicyon, which undertook tbe Buperinlendeoce of the IsthmiaD featival.* Mummiua afterward maruhed north- ward to deal like retributioa among Ihe Insur- BeatB or Bceotia and KuUea. He raxed Thebeg BDd Chalcia " or, at least, their waJIs " to tbe groundj cendemDed the B"Eotiana and Eubte- ana " or, more probably, tboee cities alone " to pay 100 tatenta to Heraclea, which they had belped to besiege -, and at Chalcis be shed so much blood of the principal citiuna. that Po~ Ifbius tkiniaeU'can only reconcile hJa conduct with (he supposed mildneas of his character by the BUgcestion that he waa urged by his coun- cil to nnwooted seTerity.l It reotained for the ten cotDmisstonera, ac- cording to the insttucliona of the senate, to Si tke fiiture condition of the conquered nation. All Greece, as far as Macedonia and.Epirua, was ooDstituted a Roman province; and Achaia emoyed the melancholy distinctionof giving its name to the whole. t But the senate's jealousy was not aatisliedwith tbe formal eatabtishment oTita sovereignty; ithad also decreed a series of regulations tending, aa much as possible, to re- "Irict every kind of union and intercourae among tbe Greeks, and to reduce them to the lowest stage of weakneaa and degradation. All feder- al aseembliea, all democratical polities, were abolished, and tbe government of each city com- mitted to a magistracy, for which a certain amount of property was required as a qualifica- tion. No one mightacqoire land in any part of Ihe province bot ^at in which bis franchise lay. The delaila of this outline, and all temporary neuVTBafw tbe aettlemeut of the country, were leftto the discretion of Mummiua and the Ten ; and Polybius, who appears to have arrived in Greece soon after tbe fallof Corinth.^was now able, in some degree, to alleviate the calamity wUoh be had found it impossible tu avert ; and pwbapa it would not have tieen equally in his power U" tender such services Co his country- "len ifhe bad been previoualy leas alienated,at p. Sei. Fini. * il.. Il', 4, it. Zoimm, II,.' 31. Td Dite 'R^Xitvii^ Ttl nrhiu'liM'S'Upius Mfomiitiair "^ '-- :hnlU(^ HOlld taJrJTOti J it'ifnt of ii least in appearanoa, IhRD the oatiooal cause. Aa the intimate friend of tbe conqueror of Car- thage, he was treated with tike bigbeatrespect and coofidence; and be employed his infloenca so aa to win the esteem and gratitude of his fel- loW'Citizena. He refuaed to accept any portion, of the property of Disua ; and induced bis friends,fur the most part, to abstain from par- cbasing that whicb had been confiscated in oth- er cases ; and it seems probable that it was rather to his intercession than to Uie mercy of the liomaos that the wives and children of tbs condemned were indebted for the permissioti they received to retain tbe property of their htte- bands and fathers. A Roman, whom he either did not deign, or did not think it prudent, to name, urged the commiastonera lo extend the inquiaitioawtiichtbey were carrying on against the AchKans, who had shown themselves ene- mies of Rome, even to thoee who bad been long dead ; and. on this ground, botli lo remove tba statues of Philopiemen, and to abolish the oom- memoraiive rites with which he waa atillhon- oured, Polybius was obliged to treat the diarga " which really did more bonoor to the memory of bin countryman than any statue " aa a calum- ny ; but ha was able to prove, to the satislactioa of the commissioners, that I^ilapoenien's oppo- sition to the measures of the Romana had nev- er exceeded the limits of mild and reapectfal remonstrance, Not only were hia remaininf statues permitted lo atand, but Ihoee which bad been already carried away lo Acarnania fbr "m- barcation,one of the mythicalAchftna, of Ara- tUB, and of Pbilopcemeu" perhaps the most val- ued as works of art" were reatored to Pekipon- nesua.' Mummiua himself, when sated with bloodshed and rapine, showed a disposition to conciliate the vanquished. Before bis depar- ture, though he had removed the statue oTthe IstbiniaQ Poseidon,to dedicate it" in groas vio- lation of religious propriety " in the lem[de oT J uptter at Rome,t he repaired the damage which had been dune to the publicbuildings on the Isih- mus, adorned the templea of Olympia and Del- phi, and made a circuit round the principal Greek cities lo receive tokens of their gratilude.j PoIybiuB rendered other services to his ooan- try which were clearly more solid and impor- tant, though we are not sufficiently infonnad as 10 ttieir precise nature fully to appreciate them. We tearu from Pauaanias that ha framed political institutions and laws for Ihe cilics of the Achnan Confederacy,} and he himaelf relates that he was directed by the cnmmisaionera, when they were on the point of departinghomeward, in the spring afler th9 fall of Corinth,to make a circuit round th" cities, for the purpose of determining doubtful poinlB, until the people should have become familiar with the Constitution and Ihe lawa.l riKiii-iSlaf r"" IJdMr fc JtMifM- t FnlA.il., II. hi".. T., 10, S { H, t,"d 8. mrOtttr,n^ 'Pwo'ca ttmra afrai IIiUCi^ ifm "*. I tl.,10 1 M^x^ "t nniAinr IxMi r^ n^kiriJ^ nl nit "4iuii(,TbH* tam. ikanrnn, wtn isw, ud wan pnb- lUr thiH of wUgh Fausnlu niiiti LEGISLATION OF POLYBIUS." GREECE UNDER THE ROMANS. 4W It would ueBta, titantan, that he draw sp the laws aad ronna of municipal gov ernmeDt, of which Panaanias speokB, in tbe oourse of the (Hreceding winter. We do not know whal cit^ ie" Bhajred the benefil of hia legislation, Tor which the Macedooiao code of^milina Paul- " the aenate'a decree, elrictly oligarchical.. and, in thia reapect, no alteration aeema ever to hsTe been gianladby the Koman gorern- meaL But, in some other pointa, tho rigour of its original reguleCiona wa", a few jeara af- terward, greatly leUixed. The Gne" imposed on tho A"Si8eanB, and on the Bteotians and Eu- biBBna, were remitted ; the reatraJnta on inter- coorae and commerce were withdrawn ; and the fedu^ nniona, whicli had been abotiahed, ware revived,* There can be no doubt but that thia indulgence waa obtained through the Btterceaajon of Polybiua, and Uie infuence of hia friend ."milianua.t An inaciiptioQ on the base of a elBtne erected to Polybiuaby his gratefulcountrymen at Megalopolia, recorded hia extMiaive travela, the eervicea be bad ren- dered to the Romana in their wars, and the "ucoeea of hia mediation,by which hie had ap- peased their reaentment againat the Greeks. An inscription on another atatae declared that Greece would not have fallenif ahehad always foUowed the advice of Polybiua, and that, alter br fdl, she had found auccour through him alone.^ TheRomauB.iDtheir officiallanguage, seem to Iutc described thia renewal of tbe old Iorai" aa a reatoration of liberty to Greece.4 " Flu., Ti".,it, 10: SinUfa HnL Krt iniiUmMtr t Plnt^ B"p., a"- PnK,, IR. IToAiiliHml IIarsiTi", r j Znijianc liinff tfit "(rglfJirf^laris larfliaiiiff t Hoi. rtii.,U, IT. PaMiu liiniU (Hil, p. 4H) jT)f. ttlftfUIEfir" mtif ntr ^fayiiinHjm4"ii(iir iXvA- tN. 1M". BdhUi ud RoK, p. MB. An iuaiyUoE fosvl UBDM Iha niw of Dteh kj Mr. HmUiu, mud n- KBMd t" bin Id llii libniT uT TrrnitjCcILigB,Cltabrii^ : " laitsi fiom (lia pnEDunl, Q^gitiai MiiTmoi. Q. F.. Id dafTH proinbla, tliml t whom the prnoomnl hmi Ha, mrt ihs cOTl^reu " ia" i.*ftffui, ddl mtvoBQ it VDvm* impcviblB (o Biplun Ulb elUualod to Lbs ruUtrDtJDn of lib. .rj imioin: si mj! KiASdum mttffoi axy Mlhip. ba in'lho itjt of Pumniu (Tii.,M. 4). Thim I'nMrplioo [^ .ifrj. "EW4' 'P"!""!" i-ffirBfoSf J.i-iy'Ovro), Zinbi.HB (C"Kh. G^buJuidi, p. MS),lbml Achiii wu )L[ul'i^'iiditniiia""(Aahaii,wlucli|b*'MiT, "Mdrfnl But even ifthe monrnnent, in which tbia Bounds ingphrase appeara to be appliedto it, did not itaeU" illustrate the vigilance with which the exercise of political freedom was checked by the provincial government, we might be surs that these revived confederations answered no other purpose than that of affording an odo"- "iuD for some periodical festivals, and aoma cmpt)'titles, soothing, perhaps,tn the fbelings of the people, but without the slighteat tifmtit on their welfare. The end of tbe Aclueait war waa the last stage of the lingering proceea by which Home enclosed her viaim in tha coils of her insidious diplomacy, covered il with the slime of her ayoophanta and hireUnge, crushed it when it began to struggle, and thea calmjjpreyed upon its vitals. _ We have brought the political hiatory of an- cient Greece down to a point which m^ btt fitly regarded as its close -. since, in tbe ctaan- ges which afterward befell the country, the people remained nearlypassive, Tho erent* of the Mithridatic war, in which the Adueaoa and Lacedatmoniaus, and ail Bceotia except TheapiK,are said to have declared themselvea againstRome, and the royal aimj in Greece received a re-enforcement of LacedKOWiiaik and Achean troopa,* might serve to indicate that the national apirit was not whollyeztinctr or that the Roman donunion was felt to be in- tolerably oppressive. But Athena certainly no more deaerved Sylla'sbloody vengeance for the resistance into which she was forced by the tyranny of Athenio than for the oredulitj with wliich she had listened to his lyingproni' isea. In another point of view, however, it will not be foreign to tbe plan of this work ti"' take a brief survey of the fortunes of Greeo* after ita incorporation with the Roman empira. No historical factis more clearly ascertained than that from this epoch the nation was ooo- tinuallywaating away. Strabo, who visited Greece but a littlemore than a century later (B.C.29f). found desolation everywhere pre- vailing. Besides bis special enumeration of ruined towns and deserted sites, and his em- phatic silence as to Ihe present, while he ex-. plores the faint vestiges or doubtftil traditiona- of the past, the deacription of almost eveiT' region furnishes occasion for some general remarkillustratingtberaeiancfaoly truth. Mes- aenia was, forthe most part, deserted \ and th"- population of Laconia very scanty in compari- son with its ancient condition ; for, beaidea- Sparla. it contained but thirty small towns, ia the room of the hundred for which it had onca been celebrated. t Of Arcadia itwas not worth while to say much, on account of its utter de^ cay. 4 There waa scarcelyany part of the land in tillage, but vast sheep-wallis, and abundant pasture for herds of cattle,especially borsea i "fttni la Fcljbiai mnl HHntuf J ihii iDlf rpr"tation of hii wnfdt,. t viii., p. VA: 'K'XrAcfv^tvFK T^niydtrvn-ixn rt ui J|Aij""vi"i iatanipil,.ftn^ir^ipi, til,"lDiiF iWr- I, tip xOut M rur crvHxi^''"Ufixr (fstM^tn . . . n)iirix"VrDirwfrfnrrntaXiMnoir. -.qXq 4W HISTORY OF GREECE. and 9D the BOlitude of jGtolia and Aeaniania had becoms no leaa favonndile to the rearing of boraea than Theaaaly. Both Acamaoia and ^tolia, be repeats-elaewbere, are now utlerlj iTorn out and exhanated ; aa are many of the "theT nations.* Of the towna of Doris scarce- ly a trace was left: the caae waa the same with the jEnianea.t Thebes had sunk to an tnsi^ificanltillage ; and the other Boottan cities in proportion, that is,as be elsewhere explainahimself,they were reduced to ruins .and names, all but Tanagra and Tbespiee, ivhich,compared with the othera, were tolera- bly well preeerred.!:Thessaly would fumiah a long list of celebrated names, but few of its towtis retained their earlyimportance; Laria- "a more than any other. 4 It has been osiul, in BW"dani timea,to attrib- ute this decline of population to the loss of in- .dependence ; to tiie withering infloenoe of a Ibreifnjoke ; in a word, to Roman miarule. And it wonU be bold, aod probably an error, to assert that it was wholly unconnected with the natare of the go"eninien( to which Greece Iras eubjeetaa a Roman province. It is too well known what that goTemment was : how celdom tt was uprightlyadntiniatered,)! how "BBily, tten in the puresthands, it became the '^nstrimKnl of oppression .T The ordinaiybur- dens were lleaTy, The fisherman of Qyarns, "who wa* sent ambassador to Augustus, to complain that a tax of 160 drachitiaa was laid vpon his island, which could hardlypay two thirds of that sum,** af^rded but a specimen "r a common grievance. Greece waa not ex- "mpt fivm those abuses which provohed the massacre of the Romans in Asia at the out- fcreak of the Mithrldatic war ;tt and,even if "we had no express iDformation on the subject, we mi^t have concluded that itdid not escape the stillmore oppressivearbitrary exactions "of corraptmagiatratea and their greedy ofEcera. "Who does not know," Cicero aakB,tt "that Ihe Achnans pay a large sum yearly to L. Piso T" It was notorious that he had received 100 talentsfrom them, besides plunder and ex- tortion of other kinds. M The picture which p. MOi Nsy! iih ttt u nlim ^W'^ft. _ . _. t ii.,p., 4M : Qf^rmrn bUvrifwr lUi ^vfi illW(, JiUi tojais HioUfot Tixinr wil^tisi.ui iXXtu il w"ltt .iMXiyaT, i\"r Ta^rfll td eumdi' ttnu F inn); nrfi- .-ftttwnrfit iahat i:ptrlliiryat. P,4III: Ktri ^i^ nta- nn(9lni"l] rSv BoufTwr nlXwr naiTiymYfa- rir i' "Him iftiwuitat JHliurraXAoitat. t ii.,p.4)D: THr ^itai, iXlftieiUnii rt wirpiH S- of txiroi airijftit'P Irrqitritirh Cicerv draws of the evils inflicted by him upon Greece is,no donbt, rhetorically overcharged, but it is one of utter impoverishment, exhaus- tion, and rain.* And here we may remain that the privileges of the free cities included in the province affbrded no securityagainst the rapa- city and oppression of a Piso or a Verres. The I^acedsmonians, Strabo obaerreB,wer" pecu- liarly favoured, and remained free,paying no- thing but voluntary offeringa.t Bat these were among the most burdensome imposts;t and so Athens, which enjoyed the like immu- nity, vraa nevertheless,accordingto Gieeto's phrase, torn lo piecesby Piso. To this it must be added, tluttthe oligarchical institatiODB everywhere established " and even Athens was fon;ed ao to quality her democracy that littio more than the name seems to havs been leftt " tended to promiite the accumulation of prop- erty in few hands ; as we read that the whole island of CephaUenia was subject to C. Aato- nins as his privMe estate.H NeveithelesB, it seeots certahi that, when these are representedas the main cauaea of the dedine of population in Greece, which followed the loss of her independence, their importance has been greatlyexs^erated, wlrile others, mnch more efficacious, have been overtooked or disparaged.For, on the other hand, it is clear that thia decline did not begin at that epoch, but had been going on for many genera- tions before. A comparison of the foroes broul^t into the fieldto meet the Celtic invaaion by the states of nortbeni Greece with tboee wbidi they famished in the Persian war, wonld be sufficient to prove the bet with regard to them ; while, as to Peloponneaas, it is "prwaly at- tested by Polybiua, who does not eenipleto de- clare that, in the period of the Cleomenic war, it had been utterly wasted.lT PolyliiuB is, in- deed, in this passage, speaking of the financial resourcesof Ihe Peluponnesians; but the cause which he assigns for their decay ia maiufesUy one by which the population muet have tmea aflhcted in proportion. He attributea it to for- eign invaaion and intestine warfare." The Icnig continaanoe of deetroctive wars is,also, the caoae assignedbj Strabo for the desolation which he beheld. Yet, in his time, Petopoo- nesus and the greater part of northern Greece had enjoyed a century of aninlemipted peace and tianquillily. This shows that the evil lay deeper than the ravages of war. And we have now the evidence of Polybiuattthat, in the po- * Fil.,to, Achli* "ihaa"U: Tlinnlit null.: Ik*- rtba AthfiiB : Locri,Pbocii, Baotii eiuli. t Tiii.,p.SBSi 'Kri^iBiicaii SiaftfimH lal f/uimlXli- 4 Slnln. indul (i..,p. NS). (ir" T""a!" jmfaitMr- TicaUraA('l^"i4"parn,u/FL'ihf ^ifAaFdVT^faAraMfiinalroir al n)r AiDflifliai. Bal Appiu (Mittuld.,30]KUndn lo tbn niirictioiu impoaad oo Lhem by Iha Rowii ttter Ihi fniKjaDaL. vrtiicliwor" rraewBd " pTotftUy "iLb incrtuvl rfour " hy StU*; bui! thn rocorerj of the dcnDcncT (ni" Sti^Kpiriar iftuiriptaulM-ovti """" "w of the bftitabald qui lo Iham hy Athonis (Kaidoo. "p. Alhra.,r., ^S.51J. So Lhnu, 1"" Alhtruion StutiiPoIiIIodiihI* t.b Achiici Fo- I Sljaln,I., p. *a : Tift SXnr r^i ^Tfuoi Inn, it CAUSES OF DEPOPULATION. 407 od either (nunedlately precedJng or immedl- ie!feubaequent to the establiahment of the Oman government " a period which he do- sriheB aa one of concord and comparatiTepros- erity,* when the wornida which had been in- icted on the peninsula "were begmning to beal -even then the population was rapidly shrink- ig, throngh canaes quiteindependent of any iternal agency, and intimately connected with le moral character and habits af the society self. He is giving an example of a case in -hich it was anneeeMaryU eonmili an oracle. For instance," he obeeiVes, " in our times all Ireece has been afflictedwith a fiiilnreof ofl"- pring; in a word, with * scarerty of men ;t bo lat die cities have been left desolate and the ind waste ; though we have not been visited itber with a series oT wars or with epidemic iseases. Would it not," he asks, " be absurd t send to inquire of the oracles by what mesns ur numbers may be increased, and our cities ecome more BouTishing, when the cause is lanifest, and the remedy rests with oatselres t 'or when men sive tbemselres up to ease, and omfort, and indolence, and would neither mar- y nor rear children bom out ofmarriage, or, at lost,only one or two, in order to leave these Ich, and to bringthemup inlnnry, the evil soon pread,iroperceplibly, bnt with rapidgrowth; It when there was only a child or two in a unily for war or disease to carry off, the inev- table consequence was, that houses were lell esolate, and cities,by degrees, became like eserted hives.I And there is no need to con- ult the gods about the mode of deliverance ram this evil ; for an; man would tell as that he fir^t thing we hare to do is to change our labits, or, at all events, to enact laws compell- ng parents to rear their children "f AVe see, then, the evilwas not that Uie stream if population WHS violently absorbed, but [hat it lowed feebly, becanse there was an inflnence t work which tended to dry ap the ^ntain- lead. Mairiagea were rare and unfrnitfiil, hrough the prevalence of indifferenceor aver- ion towards the doties and enjoyments of do- nestic life. The historian traces this nnhealthy tale of feeling to a taste for luxuiy and esten- Btion, But this explanation, nbi^ eooU only pply to the wealthy,aeenu by do means ade- nate to the result. The real cause stmch eeper, and was much more widely spread. )ef"eribed in generalterms, it waa a want of everence for the order of nature, for the natn- al revelation of thewill of Ood; andthesauc- ion of in"oticide was by do means the most r the most loatbsMne form in it!taV tiiSrII t(.W'""i lOV. nai iq* mfnani niflrna to ia laib 1MB DOU tnowi wmlla loTnAXDMn OmrefawS, "" trd n iraBE llr lUiiiAliriirjcat i^tUsi Aai niHffaiH. tattif ttrt nXf lav ffbTD^i' inpjitintr felc ofrr Xoi/utOyrtftordvrur. t Tair Mfiiim (l(iX(("i"lB'tai fOutrft^orin' *" a} Badufftar vmrptui^ntiinot H BnMulytgi/ aAtt raaa^ \ tltnm I)Ha tita nt rliofaBc Tttrmt mBAintv "i TarnA"rrw 9fUV"l, raxBX "kaA tJ nuto at^qafr- tt. tip \ii^Jtrpc H ^liv,to^TW hi rdv "titrtfAxMSf" hIbvi lit Iflifmt, n) MaSinp M r"r ^Airmr rd *ftr"ii rti 4rJ" rninouMTjftwiti nil niXnt linaiiD^tHtitinvrtit. ' Mc"ivn III', itrolii'liniv iitraiignm rJr ;qX",1 which itmanifested iUelf' This cer which had been for many gei ing into the life of Greece. The progress of luxury which followed Alexander's conqueals no doubl qnickened and extended its ravages, and the subsequentptdilical changes probably contributed to heighten its effbcts. though no others could have remedied or materially check- ed the mischief The despondencyprodncedby a single overthrow drove the Bnotlaos, as Po- lybius informs us.f IdIo a round of seDSoal dis- sipstlon, in which all duties, both pnblie and private, were utterly negjected; and we cannot doubt (hat the far heavier deapair which weigh- ed upon the spirit of the entire nation,when at length it(elt its chains, and saw itselrbestrid- den by tbe Rnnan Coloeens,was everywhere, in some degree, atteikled with like conseqoeB- ces. Tbe more active and hopefblmigrated to seek em^doymeot,wealth, and reputation in It- aly or the East, How little the Tioes of Ike Rmnan govern- ment had to do with the decrease of popolatim in Oieeee beeomoa stillmore apparent as we bdlow it* oMine tbrough the history of the "m- IHre. Tike ehait|9 ftom repobtioan to monandii- cal inatilntloaa waa, in gennal, benelielilto the proTinoea, and eapedally to Gree e, whidt was not only exempt ft^im the danger of arbi- trary Ofqwession, bat was diatiiiguiihedbymaBy marks i^ imperial lavonr. Within tiie space of " few years, about the beginning of this period, three new colonies animated tbe south coast His great rivalrestored Corinth,and. ifhe bad lived longer, would perhapa have mened a oft- nal throngh the lalhmus. Thoagh the com- merce, which, at the MI of Corinth, had been diverted to DelM,4 and afterward di^ieraedby the MKhiidatio war, may not hare whollyre- tamed into its ancient (thannd, atiU there can be no qoeation that the advantages of thisresto- ration were very largely fait throaghant Greece. Augustus fbonded anoUier populous Koman col- ony at Patrs, which onjajed the privilege* of a free clty.llNicopolia, indeed,was nlbsr de- aigned aa a monaraent of his victory than to promote tbe proaperity of Greece ; for it was pecqded from tbe decayedtawna of the a4"aceat regiona, and the efl^ was to tum Aeanmiia and JEUlit into a wifcteraeM.f Athens, Urn, had soon repaired the loss it auflbred through Sylla'amassacre, though FirtHS did not rise out of itaruins. "" But IfaeAthenian pqwlation was recTuiled, aa it had hmg been, ay tbe lav- ish grant or cheap saleof the ftandiise. Itwas like the galley of Thesene,retaining nothing bnt the name and semblance of tbe oU Athenian peotde, wiihont any real nalaral identity of Vol. II "y rf^rrtt In rptitnt rii^ut^^t^. " aerr. "iLnaBB, fio. ma hit., a-. 4"B HISTOBV OF GSEECE. race; ao that it was ao exksgeration whin Pi- 8D called it a Jomble of diverB natioDS.* Tlie povert;, indeiid, of Cbe city, which had beeo a main causa of its unfortunate acceBsioQ to the aide of MithridateSit still CDDtioaed, and was but slightly relieTed by the bounty of benefac- tors like Ponponius and Herodes Atticus,or eve[" by the growing influx of wealthy Btnn- gera who came to pursue ihetorical or philo- Bophical studies there. While its splendour was increased by the magni"ceot atructures added to it by Hadrian and Herodes, perhaps tike larserpart of the freemen were never quite Mcure of their daily meal. Still, the good will of the earlyemperors was unequivocally mani- fested. Tbey seem always to baie lent a fa- TODraUe ear to the complsiiila and petitions of the prorinee;t and Nero went so ^ as to re- wvd the Greeks Ibr their sitilfnl flattery of bis muaical talents byan entira and gweral exratp- tioB from provincialgoTemment, which may ksTe oonqtraMted for tits pnMMa be exacted ftum Uteiii.4 The Greeks, it ia said, abased their itew priTilages by disoMd and luinDlu, "nd Vespawin lertored the pmoMWular admin- iMntioit, and, sbore all, tbe tribute" wbich was, perliaps, his real motire " with the remark, that tt^j had forgotten the use of liberty. II But it is erident that, on the whole, from the reign of Augustus Ui that or Trqan, the increase of the popolatioDwas not checked by oppression or by any calamity. Vet,at the end of this pe- riod, we find Plutarch det^isg that Greece had shared man Jajeelj xbaa any ether ooun- try in the genenl faUure ot populatioit which bad been eausad by the wai* and civiloonHiota of former tintBaover dmoat allthe worid if ao that it could tben haidly fbnueh 3000 heavy- armed soldiers, the nuinber raised by Megara aloDS loT the PersiaB war ; and bis aaaertion is oonfinDed by tbe pictures drawn by another oon- temporary witness of the desolation wbiob had overaimad some of itsmost fertile regions.* " In times when the present was so void end chMrieas, the fiitnreso dark and hopeleaa, it waa natural diat men should asek consolation IB the past, even though it had been less full, than was the ease among the Greeks, of power and bean^, pniaperity and glory. Nor was it ncecssaiy, then, to evtriieits images by learned toil out c/t the dott of libraries or archives. The -trMe land was covered witiiits monu- mants bt the most fiuittleea productions of hu- man genius and art. There was no region so deaolata, no comer so secloded,as to be deati- tnteof Ihem. Even therapacity of thsRomana ooold not exhaust tbese treasures.. Though la was said to have filled Italy with ^ scolpturea which be cairiad away, itis proba- ble thai, in the immense multitude which re- mained, their absence, in point of number, might be scarcelyperceived. If Nero robbed Delphi of 500 statues,* there might atillbe more than 2000 left Uiere.t The expressive silence of these memonala waa interpreted by legends which lived in tbe mind and the heart or the people; and so long as any inhabitants remain- ed in a place, a guide was to be found thorough- ly versed in this traditional lore. The town of Panopeus, at tbe northern foot of Parnassus, though celebrated by Homer as a royal resi- dence4 had been reduced, when it was visited by FausHuias, to a misErubie assemblage of huts, in which the traveller could find nothing to deserve the name of a city, as it contained neither an archive nor a gymnasium, nor a the- atre, nor a market-place, nor a fountain; but the peojde remembered tliat they were not of Phociao, but of Pblegyan origin: Uiey could show the grave whicb covered tbe vast builtof the great Tityus, and remnants of the clay out of which Prometheus bad moulded the human race.) Relics of like antiquity were at the same periodreverently treasured in most parte ofGreece.ll The memoiy of the past was still more effectually preservedby a great variety of festivals, gaines. publicsacrifices, and other reilgious solemnities. After the extinction of the national independence, the battle of PlatKa did not cease to be commemorated by tbe Feast of Liberty;T as, notwithsiaoding tbe abseoco- of all political interests, the rorms of delibera- tion were kept np in the Amphiotyooie,** the A^"an, niocian,tt and BiaotiBo eoiuieils.lt Tbe bellies, both of (he mythical and historical age, were stillhonoured with aitniTersat; rites : Aratusf} and DenuMthenes.illl and the slain at Maratbon,ff no less than Ajax**' and Acbil- lea.ttt Temenus,Ut Phon)oeaB,^ai"d Helam- pus.lllill Tha religion of the Greeks, which vras so in- timately connected with almost alltheir social {Measures, and their most iD^tortant a"irs, had never lostits hold on thegreatbody of tbe na- tion. WehearmuohofibeobsngewTotigbt in the state of religiona feelingby the speculations of tbe s"^iats, and tbe laterkindred philosoph- iDBl8chiMls,by the ftequeitt examples of sacri- lejpousviolenoe, by the progress of luxury, and the growing con"ptioa of manaarB. But the . - " , ir, Ui 5 De l)ef.0r.,8: Tm ,",ljtaif'ifft ..."Xdm" '"BluClu7".,VtiimUi. SH"iiiKii]IrT.I.,p.m,ItwA, Brfji., p. 11 : Ofx i Ibni* fc^i*" f-l^^rrMK, **% " Piu. I., T, 1. I So. ths hoDU at Fa^opa [Paoi..ni.,11. ]], of AmB ("iii., i, S,uidMI,8), u/Lmmlii., M. S),Itu bMd of lliduK In,.", S).uid ktr but ("iii., 4T, S|,th" ikii of QtfiMtwii^t TtEaiis . , ifb iwi iltdanti ^K"iut avtlmetfof^vajj- ti ix-r 84. 1. Ja tha bactWT bt Ibe Ihniiui Athsli*- k rlt mutt ntitit hraida s[bevtnl liiitro. M^nut^,_Ar., U. II FHj..ii.,ll,S.lti.,n.4. IllL,'U, t. '" tlH*i" "I'Ar#"' I.,K, t. REUGIOMT." SCLAVONIC SETTLERS. 4D9 effect! large cirele of the higher eluHa. With the conupon peo|dePagknlem continued,probaMj A long aa it nboUtad it "U, to be not i that tliBj oiKiU hear the piping of Pan on the top of Men- aloa.'l' The natiMial miafbttnoe*,u tiitj led the Ghveka to cling the more toaHj to ttieir teinllectionn at the past, tended to atrengthen the inlnenca of the aU religion, and rendered them tin lea* diapoaed to admit a new faith which ahooked their patriotic pride, and dia" pelledmanj pleaaitig illnsions, while it isn coanter to all their taatM and baiiita, and de- prived thraa of tbeirpfiDoipaleq)oyiiienU. Ao~ cordingt;, it aeema that ChriatiuiitT. notwith- atsnding Ute oonMilationa it oArad tbr all Uiat it took away, made very dew ^rogreaa beyond the ciliea io which it was first planted ; and its ascendeitcr waa not finnlf eatabtiabed long be- fore the beginning of " period in which a aeriee of new ca"mitiea threatened the very exist' ence of the nation. Tbe reanlt of the Peraiaa inraaion, in the mind of tbe victorioiu people,was a feeling of exaltingaelfHSonfldence, which fbatered the de- velopment of an ita powers and i"aonrces. The terror of the Celtic inroad was (bUowed by a senae of securityearned, in a greatlaeainie, by an honourable struggle. Far differentwas the impression left by the inuption of Alaric, when Oieece wae, at length, deh"ered from his pres- ence. The progress of the barbarians had been st"^"pedby no resistance before they reached (he utmost limits of the land. They retreated, indeed, before Stilicho, but not brolien or dis- comfited, canying off all their tiooty to take un- distnibed poaaesaiOQ of another,not a distent province. It was long,indeed, before the Greeks experienced a repetition of this calamity, but henceforth they lived in the consciouBnesa that they were continually exposed to it. They neither had strength to defend themselves,nor could rely on their rulers for protection. Hie safety of Greece waa one of the last objects which occupied the attention of the court of Con- Btantinople. In the utter nncertaintj how aoon afresh invader might tread in the steps Of Alaric, every rumour of the movements oif the hordes which ancceaoively crosaed the Danube might well spread alarm even in tbe remotest comera of Peloponneaua. The direction which they night take could be as little calculated as the course of lightning. Who could have foreseen that Attila and Theodoric would be diverted from their career to fall upon other prey ? that Genseric, after bis repulse before Tenarus, would not renew his invasion " that the Bulga- rians would be BO long detained by die plunder of the northern provinces 1 In the reign of Jus- tinian the advances of the barbarians became more and mon threatening, and in (he year MO Northern Greece was again devastated by a mixed swarm of Huna and other equally fero- cious apoilerB, chiefly of tbe Sclavonic race. The adengtheited Ibttifications of (he Isthmus, indeed,withstood this flood, thoaghIbey could not sheHer the Peloponnesians from tbe earth- qnakes and the pea(ilence which,during Ibia nnhap^ period,were coistantlywasting the scanty remains of the Hdlenic population whidi had escaped or Bturvited tbe inroads of tbe bi"- barians, Justinian's enormouB hne of fortress- es revealed the imminence of the danger, but could not long avert it. In the conrse of tbe seventh and eighth-centuries the worst forebo- dings were revised : after msny transient in- curaions, the country waa permanentlyoccnpied by Sclavonic setUeta. The extent of the trans- formation which ensued is most clearlyproved by the number of the new names which suc- ceeded to those of the ancient geography. Bnt itisalso dsMribed by historiansin tertne which have suggested the bdief that the native papa- lotion waa nttetlyswept aw^, and (hat the modem Greeks are the deseendants of bsriw- tribes whi^ snbaeqnently became subject Byzantine raisaionaries and Anatolian colonists: and such is tbe obscurity which hangs over the final destiny of the most renowned nation of the earth, (hat it Is much easier to show the weak- neaa of the grounds on which this bypotbesia has been reared than to prove that it is veiy wide of the truth.* i.,T. l.,"^8. uahor nf EhiihnMbtfli (FdU ns) BMiilr Ini)^an . |"- 1., n., ID lis wUch 111. Am imiliTHl SiDfidgn.Aiiclillllia, nl t4" 'CAMte idfn . . . imMirrtt twmm n) wrf. nAfVtnt) ; m littarof " purluvb (f CaWutinDpIg ii lb _ __ _ Jm Oim. _. ._, . _.., iriiidiIk* Ann ua idd to hiv* mnipiid PalooiBHiw ' "IS nan bwlon lit*Jalinnm of nin" "d SOT i bI ^vaffBvhr aiiri *VuiuUid" Mat CncRiBtiiw PotphfrDfanltaa (dfl Lwa trma tha faoftapbical n ._ ..._ .V " . "j" r- took placein tbi* jw- . Bit than Iha allW Albaalan ImiBlantiiA FaUmaimjm dao is- ef (be di] diataota orjba In- alHt cimlaiiu aU Oiaak n the nila. On Iba ijiier li . ._ .., ._ iisl obnmr (Brasilia, Millluitngc* ttUr Oriici^tilmti, lii., p. O:" who, bowoTir, adniU l"ol Iho (mt salontj of th" ancwat popnJatim wu cxtiqialad in tba aavantli Had "ightli oaatQnoa " ecnealTiia Ibat tha moAata Gnek lut- rnaga aihibitia chandoT {jncaadlnUa Hilb Fallsaanyai^ nrpiXbeaiaofjcaorifiii.Anotbar impartialand lotallinnt tnTollar, whna jqdgldaiit CWTiaa nitb jt all tb* vaight tbal CBB ba daiind IniDi aa acciiimla ksovltdga at Otnau, b^^huitnaandai ilia (BrtsdiUd, ttrittn in OriicJM- iBii,Vomda. p. ml.),aliaanH, " Ihu (ba nodeni Onaka raaanMa IbaiT iinlalbata.tba Hallanaa,hi Ibair naninl aodowHanta, tliaii bilnga, tbair form and pfaTalonomT, nneh kura dknal/ than could bnn baan airpactaa.**It abnU sat ba (giiottaIbit Ika piiBltlva Hallaia tra np- naantad aa baaring a vary annU profHttKB In point of nuv^ ban U Ibn aailior jH^latioii : tfaongb, on tbe otbar band. to balHTa that tb" jnal m poKloa of tha 3claT" 80O HISTORY OF GREBCE. The diacusaion of this snbjecl would be alto- ' sacli an inuetrions origin. But atill, itfsweD ,_ . r beyond ihe limits of this work, and the queation hss been Huded to only for the sake of one concluding remark. We have lived to wilreaa a momorabte and happj coincidence. The prtigtration of Greece under the Turkish yoke was intimately con- nected with the revival of the study of Greek literaturein the west of Europe. The opening of a new era for philology, even more impor- tant than that of tbe Glleenth century, one which has already added mor" to our knowl- edge of the old Grecian world than had been S linediathethree precedingcenturiea, has been llowed by the emancipation of tbe Greeks Awn tbeir bondage, and was certainly not with- "at ita share in the preparation of that glcrioua """," The better the free Greeks become aoqnainted with the people from which they believe titemselvea sprung, the mora unwilling they mast be to part with the persuasion of * Sh Jieota,Vtno. Schi.,a. "., p. IH-IM. that tbey should remember that their titleto the sympathy of civilized Europe, and to the rich inheritance of their land and their language, does not reat on their descent, bat has been earned by strugglea and sacrifices of their own. eqnal to any recorded in history : alruggles and sacrifices, however, in which their Alhanisn brathren, who make no pretensions to such a descent, bore their full share. And it might, perhaps, be a. leas burdensome, and yet equally animating conaciousness of ttieir retstioa to their great predeceaaorB, if they were content to regardthem, not aa anoeston, whom they represent, and whom they may, tberafore, ba expected to resemble and emidate, but aimply as departedbeneraeton, whose isenMRT they are bound to cherish, while tbey snjoythiBirb^ quests, but not BO a* eitfaer to overlook their errors snd fanlts,or to attain after ths excel- lence of a mould which the power that formed it aFpeara to have broken. n,gti7cdT:G00glc APPENDIX TO THE SECOND VOLUME. rsd m Ihs oocuian nf " fnih (mbiH;r ttan O^nthi rn Uiim pout, u well v on Iha olhir,opToirmidiArt % M"" wbo BgxvB Da ths ooa qnuckn m^j uka r^ipiHita nd A* to iha OMuiai, It Heiu dtir Ilut!Dicie7t"tii, wli-_ " "xiatt M AmiP., o. 101 fiui ]'jpIfxnra KgUifiix"! f ' ""{tJi it;'OXsrSn' ptiiSdat iwimi^ii 'A^valii"r 1iildchoToi wen cnntod M lithUu xluntrntioDi of iMaoMhanH, vid Umt l"HcliM lo comiiiaiid to thiH dntlai nppou'thuL ud IL wm Mil ilaHnnilIwlin UT iDc- onn hKl l""i"ml. Thii DpuiiM hn ban idinud brA- I- BaektPT, Ui" uitlidrof orronl Tiliublo woru ca D"- DoRbsDH, MHlbT- " muluion of Dm nithdUHwitknUthna. 6i . lU (UoiioB,ndi u Bight ban bHB aipadot on tha .rmrj nppoBJtiiAIn tin lut tfrD oratlou, whkheTar IbaT "eic, to fucconn ftlraidj aaiU^ It aevim aTidnDt,indeed, .hftiif Ihu ti^madt bu uj forea, it uptut compal dh idopttbe niH oBDlotiaa with nnid lo illthitc, Ni t BU7 b* dificnltto aicplniB bow il happfntrd^ if u e^t litioahad baan not aaljdvTvad. but aent, tbat thir onl ihonld ban mada bo loaDtioiiof it,when be via ni^ ipokan aa ifBUI buid, ifBotdi" daena bad bean i bja liteiiceoa thii nbfacl,wbn IT vhKb alnlieaoaa aa tba iraalal on tbit ainonliaB ia IIK aiinEH iBpnbaUlitT Ibu SnutbnBa "u"ld bn* made threeapaeohaabalmaD tba ftnt and aacoDd aBbaiaj of tha CNTnluuia,iriiila, u Iha oecaaloa of tha aaond en- buir, mu, aocgcdiDf to PbibnAarna,theiidiBnaa waa Boch analtr iiXOtflimr rf nXtfiv), lod altar tba thiid, oben thedengarhad baooiDa alillmm pmaliig, aithar be did net ipiakat all,or bia (tnacbathm not baan praaarn at lean, of tha Ihna waa delimtad oa tba oeiaaif of ma Ihrea epocha ef du war dwvibad br PhilochorV- ^lie pnanmpdm appaaia to baoobllnnad vtaan waooDadar their Didei d( Di"TaiiiB. Tbeae indeed be mueh loMa (dtabla, if Iha eana of tba deln wu lllefear which the Atheniane antaltainad af PblUp'a vanllT Impn^bla, thai Iha more pMilj tba a[ie*di, if deliiired to baattn the eaadinfof bd aiMiUDa preiiooilj Tbe AiheniBm, in flMirontaat a "naD dilatorr and remiee,and letalipbhut bet weha"e oonaeoq to think that thiawaa i. of timiduj;. Their ordiaarj boil,wa know, wai oua of ia tbairwar wttb bim, itwould be etmnn that b""ldhat* natniiiadtbaa fciM niipiirtlai iha thaj bad bd long deaired (o draw orai at tbe epeeohm ii.aa ItofpthetindepofUlnnl of it. If all the three "i Tbe lueationaa Miha Bietaiuaia, ar to placotbe BeB" factain a aew pointof . ifUna waa tba caae, tba laaltwo apeKbea mifbl b* derod aa np|ilaiiienta"7 ta tba fiiil. wbicb might en- 3Ba- But if the three maohai wan dalinred on flia ieu deactibadby PhilatAania.npc^ the need and rba " ""eta irrnringmore nd Taora praiaing- from the be- ^ tha eikdof the pariod,wa natnnllj expect ti" onloi^ toae ooTRapDBdin; to the altered ilala of rhii ia the Tiew hf which I bare been detanninad of the order of Dn^lua. .be precediagjmn of Ihiavolame wna eept to tba fciechaer, entitled J^wtr PJaN S/aaf(a, Ooettiuea, JBD, which food cntidem. Bat tha aotluir h jecl,p.lit,wbicb aeemi to n" to i iiloij af Phllt|i, bj gnit deal of ear which he inipiEed. Now the aappoiiii had ennaed a delaf of the meditated ein ir^.t iijialHohabia ditatecf einadiilo id it, aa I iiaic "] if FbiHp'egnatneaa w I7lagprnti ilaalfto the otaliT mere natanlljr, whas Iha aoalaat bagoi hj Olntbaa bad jut e^aiKd a prt^aet of rettieriiif what bad beaaloatthiDHrh natbaKlivaBDe,lhaii afkatUik jmaiiedhad baea "mnloiidad, and thecnwiBr diinaaa of the OlTnlhianathnalened Atiianabanalf *lS alillaion inmiitent daafar. After eilbet of tha olbar "- tiosB.tbiavoaldhaTefbniadBii'" ^-'"- *" "-'"""|falorilBoli)Kt: w"" "" laetadapinucfthaAt npreaaata llrdeelana in III. (H.,D.1 aad in ,... . .rd"'0^i"at"rn^""^.Jd"JK'j|"M- aalai. Tha daaenptioii of tAa prtttatjiutclm which fa)-. ' "ithaCntaaaaa(aia,(lM"nara)r(rnXM(#ran(- '^aiXlh^ra.Tha eaeaadprcoeedawith thaworda. s^nfri: aalfbom thihpr,anna. Vi,Ibe firat it 11 iboe Doticed : nOr*. la tha aecood, vSv aT/itdJ( ivriv i^ir.%inpm t"vr IhtaM^crfd^f ^r.p. Until irrtxn ri rl* inl of iPT Bjtd hvpn iJn d b("r Oiiil.^ircorgigmgi "mtlBiclilt EttUiatM. ml I, I. w,. p. TeSl"Ihn I "' '. tiiitf inciiroXej 603 HISTORY if^r mnif tcnmAt ibddIi man lHu Ihs Itu^a^ of thmUAoa AiluPB. if aut ftnd "nj("]riiHii" ihDakl b" pr itr Wtffa wrifilU, ttlflStlttJt " KMtrpiaJt) IIDUM BN, facinnr, hi npiKHd that I anndn (hn* poJBi(a ft duianBl oooclniuia, Thaj luva bHB lurs pTo" IfTDfliu] 4^ mj own ofiJBhm. Hdw llutba ^oaHkB itiLJu IrvnhBnBffMtnlinDfhLlaaiatuf^oCoijdBcUifBifik' " -" ta anrj om who li*t illlaqflBiBMlwith Uu liunl iho sanuani^. U mwU ba tuftelalif naBMUuni Ib a" who boMi Uw Tiow hn* sdiipMil to "" cnftlaniih*i hihuuTlnd Bt Iba Dnth, "" itOB hudljFb* iliBHilUut iiib Ihs Dppanta Kbk' Tfat HAfW judgment of DunrvvB, vhich Dut htro bo lol fA uo drwwBUIig. fdtfil d tritlnlmm mi- jteu l;. r. iUAUt]8Ul,wh"H opiBioDdoBTVOBiuttcohoth for Ih* nonlij of Iho thoaghtud Ik Ihe oUbonu duou- thiHctndoiubuBTaioiUJaBBdbjniiluchonBfadAmiBp, 0) m BUI, not bT th* plfBthlUB, hot br Umii bUiu Iho clndxl. It oBBa mo iDoi aftor Iho M OJfubiu oiBbBH)'. thai Philoeharu apaika of il am aTiruf ahou Iho aana tlna : niil rit oiriv xftnv- 1^ Chilcidianahad boao tm aiuotod \"jFbilTp; ud Ol/nthu, luliTlthalaBdiBi hia pMoaluioDa, both udad thoin with hac limn "", thinkuv harvojfin daafor,appliod to AcbeBa fur alLmwa "Bdascunr. Whik Uh AihuiaBa ibland ihoJrhalp, iha ChBhwIioiia, ladiBf thoiBialna "" Bad bncb ft hi id hj iha war-Baal *" aBbaaqr of Ihalr own for tba pu- nisa. ThiB wbs th* ocsaeicn of th* bn OIjiuUbo (IIL, !"."I Bad biilh Chans and Chaildamaa wen Bnl W the thoalta id war, Chani to jmlKl Iha Chalddiaa towsa, CliaiidBHaaMiataitbBalguaninBaBiaud PaUaaa, irhwh von than wnpiad bj tho HacadowBBBt aad auihl ttwnfun bo nfaidod ai a nan of Uaeodoaia, *kidi Do- wiMhaBn ftnpwd to iataifa.ta iha laoan whih, Pbi%, boiat calM aw^ bj' tba aSain t" ThHBalj, iBBtoa paan witblbaOlTiUhiaiio.*hiilhBabi*aktbolilaanewllh Alk- "aa-, hatvbsD.ahianlaTBftvaTWMaljliiihafUlvir- lnta|iriii((MB),hB naawB hk hoatJUtiaa aiawt tba Chal- aIiBBMllJ"hBBBnBaWiihMtUBiB(aia,aadDowialhaBaa daliroiBIho aaoo^ (XralUae(I.,D.),Upnaaada tha Atba- Tha OljBihiaiiaeasdunUMr oahaaCT lot aiwidr, vbieh flKb Iha lltaniiliiaUM wiDi soDOLHa bj aow ati^t BBDoaaaaa of CharidoBU. aid dnamiBK ataoot tnakfaiaf Philtfi. ThianadMoaaaiiiBofltethudOlTii"ivXU., IBIBBCm "lal^l bitlB*! "tthaliti nlhootlfl^liaitatfChakUin. Tho ... . . . .goaidond Sawtothor Phikaharai "'-^ not haTB daanibad Olnlhu br tha oxiOMaioa ZaXxi .^ 1-1 a^._ That k* " iAt to tc ' "dVrZii pT4H. ~it'thi ftcsaFUhdi oooidond iaiABthor Philoahgni Biffat "d Olrnlhu b7 tho oipmaioa ZaXxiJiw That k* H^ do ao laaaa olaar(TOO fna IB Cslwl Loaho,ftotWm fta", "nlaa to bo aiM whalhac aaj oh --'-Bhhohadiii-'" - that Iha aeoind paaaaga aunoBB t howoTor, odnooina that tha aUnaiaB WDida i^nUfiv, boi in Iha dalo i J*S' "m; -CMoMk .Blatod ia Ibo fim oitn-^ d (rtj.tT.[i yj^ow) ta- " . Thaoajm' " " ' biaa} mlaht aot bo futod (km Ihat nS tho flnl b; aa m- larral of at Joan a mooth "rtwot Haaoror, ilioovidaat that theu oTania, whalanr Ihajwon, fbllawed tho ai" '-"" '-- -"-iraa,nsDtiiBMl in Bia Sn" iitratt, which in pncodad thai wiaadad br (Aarido- UM* WDoU ba a Habaan "" OlTBliiBiiiiDt lanaatBd br aaf Muhaaax. SSIaaiaBB, hawonr, hat b( laui mdand """ nhnlila agrrinlo^ imt "/ hJBMT I* tha hat iBBIlis of Ub aa- aaj, whsn ha ponB oat bow Iho aoeoBBt (inn bf Doaoo- tbonoa, of the aaocaan fanlahod br tha AtKiahaa "" O^nthB, mar ba rasoaeikd with that tt Phjiockoni. T. ^i BBoaliaof BftT tnniaia, WfM "ganonaiiaB, aaa. PUlodunaaf W nirnH (I(4-1M-IT), (WXhfMDt], aad MM hanranssJeilfana, oomoaofcataliy, 180 iBtwaariai, am XeAtba- 'hich naamd tha ibuq triiaaaalint ai lainiAad bj -"- '" ' """" I up tho 1 aiod thtm- DoBOalbaaaa apoaha of Iho Athooia tho laasi; and in tbBasamorUionaf thoahip"h.u_r._' abl7 iKiltod IboBO whioh aiilad li Iha bat aipaditiim,rf- thaihocaiita ihifwora nan tmapcni. or boeaBia ilioThal haau alnadr agiplgr"' """ "'""anda" Btwhidi Snt Bailad " ocDbioe tho loeoiula (ma tifAlBiaa- "f Iha opanlioia iaunadialolTpraeadlBC tba battltofIhdi, and XoLaphDa'a deacripdoik of tho laarn of Cjn* OBt of Cilicia into Sjiia, w""- """- "" " " bot to apoah of Iha co ^ ' oiialLoaho (Joonial I Tmu in Aaia HIbot, p. M8) ob- oaoi Loan (Jonniai oi " 'luii la Aaia ibibot, p. "; ( aama, " Snabo, FlolonT.and tho Sudlaanna agn* Ib i Biinfftwo nia m- paaaai forUfiad with a wall aad fiim Iho haad of Iho lalf(ofIhuI, aaoalr, tba Gala oT Aa.- Boa, which was in Cilicia,sod tho CiliciaaCalfc which fofmod Iho diviaioiibaiwaan Svria aad CiUoia- Tho poai- tion of 1"th of Ihoao pjla haa haan aictRaiBad: tha Bora- oia or ABaaia, boiwsoa Ajta aad Bajta, at iht aonhwni or inaoTMt ommitj of tho (Olf,b- 14 rnXoniry tol titd^ aa tho ScadiaiBia haa wall daartihad It ; tho sootb- Ola HI Cilician, hatwaaa BajAa aad laliondoittn, not Ibt froiB,if Bdt oiacU^at, Iho plaeawhon Pococko and ochal "aodoiB Innllan oboanid aoaa niu Tnlnil} knowa bf tho naaia ^ Iho FiUan of JonsL Tbo Pasa of BaUtlL kadina ftoB lakondorta vror tho aHBntaJa into tha ptahi i" Antiuek, wia a thinl mla, whioh haa heah woll didiafiilah- "d hjPtalaaiT fin ilioolhor two, oad waa Joatlf caOod iho Oala ef STria." Cotooal Laaka llieslirncaida to n- fUo aa apiaka of IbjorKoBMlTa aa to Slnhe^ '*/" -tAt *inUii,Hd in tho non pan add^ "Than waa a loarth 9 pjla, wai platwl oni also allBdea to caa (at mo aiga n 'Tna, inon Hiog gaij two ivnuw dindoa ^ two proiinoaa i ^ui S^aa " Cilicia aqoa- I diwlia dindit/ Tho othorpasa to wkich ha atindea I that of BaiUa." " aifhl BBoD, thsnAm. Ihal all waa clou m lliiamh- joeli bnt Ibo fan ia,thai Iho poailica of tha pjla which "-" " IU"k*(a7a baaboaa ooMri*M*i kenroiaiilj- doubt- .J " !" nnukahU. Ihat una of tho Iraiollon U ^^ I of Iho HiaWr cf l"" Bipa- hlaiBad tbo opwicQ neatiaa' ponlioB of lho_aoBthan ai Xaaopkon'i linr Ktrm, which flowad batwoon tha aUoa in tho JIaibrir, aad thinks thai tha Caatk of JIsAu, i^di Ha"v Raaaall (llli.. ditniof CfTaa,p.U) od bf Cobnol Loaho as u tas poniioa ot ino i pjl*"XoBophoa'aOatoaofSTTiaaad C. ami l1" KamuDt Xnuiidillli, lad thi kal ltt3iMTWJimp C. Nitbulu, in tbe Uiinl lalumi o( hii Intili,jnlilii 1S3?t llflBlii a' ^u put of tha covt u foUowi, p. 1 -.-"s balow bj tbs IB iku iiDUUt "" "DhI On Pillin dC Jddu; ud thi "uun CkiiKiuu hni " Wgnd Ibu it wu ke" -"- pnnlut ou nmiud ipgn ilK diT land b" ihi Sik.' 111.Suuuii (Joann. p. ini lUo obwriM, in I "aiFtkn of hiiynnisj from Piu (Biyu, Fiiu) u dnnuB, " AX Ik* Buth mil (n iho nuna of " cwis, nr asBiiaillT aiuuud u lbs Amtoftkaiwuituiu, which ban "pnmiDUa Uh mm, aad B"r it, on " pntMCIu polal of lud, Ihs nmuu of a aonof skaliik,iMianauy amdant. AX Of malfth nil* a naall bat rtfU riTar, vHh lU^ aad \igk baoka,aoawariiiff lb* deaeripbRa firaa b^ Airiu of iba Piaanar aad abnal baJf a aula Finbar. Iht frafoaBeB '''"Laiajr wiUalnUiDC leLDtb"ae*^*' Wa bh that Iha riyar wb^Vb. E lUiai lauti jOT RaavaU baLiaTaa ta ba ' " _r nair biBHlf, p. IM, btlitnd Zaaopbim'a I tdtrvQl wbii^ deacaada down (be ratiu* i tba Porba Synie clna* u Piu, and on tbe /opajf bf/iBffajIhu ' faaUorrcmw arlutr of. "B*t,"ba pnoHda, "'la ilh and aaat Df (be la(UT "" ban mo daUaa,wUdi arc 1ba*e allndcU to DBdar Ibe daainatiDii if Spit """ '""- -* " ""- '" "d S(raita cf Amaaai. Tbi dn Tba otgactitai paUi^ U" 8"! Xr^meir^MThai*^' mToee"!! Idle,wbaa bl" yianrnj waa pobiljihiJ"iB (ba feUooiuf IHT be proper LB tb!e place to add a word raipactlbf '" daaanDLioQ uf tha ainii vhicl " ' ' D TBan after Cmu. ll.,""^.."..^" ." itJj aM a AjCIe, Unsfb aliDBtTD jiin after Crxu. tbat kiad c/ froqad vbidi wogld Btthedi: Sd^mui beiBi partlcolmrt)' . . 1,aad otkan; ftir . 10*, BouL (f (b* BiTar Mabanj, the nni It ap br " Darnm tiact of hilli,wbicb bae c Ba abrdpt deacaat to tha eea, and an tba BooqLain of Amaoaa, wbirb learea ool* ia (be aatnra of a "*i(f. bat "- ' foolaadtba aea. cod caaid of ID deacand frrmi tba hiUi,beiTif conihiad to a very aamiw I taka it foi graalad Iba nadei li bwbt* (hat,ttt (he jaaaaa aia nqnirad, tmi marltine, (hniii(hwhieb (b* nd M onluf Cilicia lalo Sjria Bloagtha ooaicaad two laland, which cmaaed tba ndga of M oual Amaaaa, aad of which tha me laj Is (ha aarik of tha athar. So far (h* BsMeBli __j__j i_j mgj^ip jHHitioiL of tbaoB jHasafl, id alTDadfKivea abow tb vmrianca 1^ opidiona, liia BDTtbani a n. Iboqgli Cnrtiiii,iii-i 7, T,ma between Maltui and laeu' *" , rn Cape or Denif I Sipu. wbich ia mentiooei) br all Iiaipllen mbn ban paia- ad itiiimad, and ii deaciitMd br Mr. Kinneir.p. '*' atCaeta- litMdbYMi ra, "" Tbeac* we directed ont n anielopei,wlieTiwe anterad a".--.. ,," ?, clothedwith lbirl(CD"ewmd and erarirrflflBa- wa paned ui^ar aji nrrb of an old oalewaj, ba paia eipanded liamedjatelrwhan we btd gate, Old anerifeotle drmntof abootainila a BBnsw bell, haTinttl" Ovtf of Beaidenin lit l^aji "r il|1it bald,(Bl at flia fbstaf tha hJDa aaar ba rained Iowa of Ana." Aeooidliflr, Celoaal ua aiap 10 bia Tanr IB lata Miibv,IdaMile* Dc ^-b tbe P]Fto A- -'" - -- " tha aoflhen noarid Dia who iaapnu Cotonal Laaka'a map, at nadi Mr. Xia- aaii^ acoowl of hie "n"B )aann, aad Ala "a to airiaiB what Alnaadar waa ititg at MrtiBBAna if hi) a^ WBB to aaak Duioa ia Sjria; and tUa dillcaltTia fa- tienlari; f iBTiaiaeaafdiBf ID Mr, KbiBtti^ bnotheaiB, thM Daiiu ereaaed ABHina bf the Pais af Didlui,wblU A)n- aadai la" at HfriaBdnia. H BarpailiapB b* Aaerwd,that .. J.-. .... -i,-^-- II Yliiliii iiiaiiiile. IlliiMia Dariae, Bad tbaih* coliBWd bit maieh aieactba oom Ib tha hoiwthat the aaey weald maa the BWOBtalBB Sat boaa* Bv h"n bBBB, ba kad HI, wbaa Ih euH la MtM- ed daelfB of vanMat bf Uh HaiBBt lead la aaebt,wUeb, a"Dn]iB( ts t(r.Eiaiair^ hnDtliatia, woold hna baaa ta BbjIbb: aoi tbauh IMoT RaBBdl atd CakMd Laaln w"" aw"n that k wiB aat br tUa. hat hr a BoniwiB paa of Abbbib IhM Dariaa aatand CiUda, Ihair 1 1 i il .. -J hat haB" tbit IbbbmiBi' mt antalr niatalaHl by Hr. WIDiaH, in ii, Xmmj " tha QeDn^ihr af tha Aaabaaii. Ha onetlna (a. fin that Ihebataarfliniaaiid Cillda wen Ktaal* at tk* Pbb af Danir Sapi ; Oat tbiB waa tba paai gsnatad hr Alan- d*T la tha ijfhtbafan tha iMth ; that thu lawa af tW " Bi*Btioaed bj Cieare, the e(b*r batar Oat hr aa Bioaad tbt luiaataiBa!aad thttlli. Kl"- (hmuhlUhiB, iBBtaad (" taUac Iha Bpp*i"rOB"br Mtaailk wenlf kBT* haad tha EM of banle abant faar wlaa la (ha aeatbwaal af lb* deUa. Hr. WilBaa* iteiaHtiaabom naaoubrba31eTlB" that aa mad aiiitad tbnnah tha Pasa ofBailaa ia tha titaa af Alenadar ! and he h^ Piaa la ba lb* Baden rapiweBtatna of Hrriaadna, aad lafan to a Bap of SfTia,publiBbadbj Anawaailth, aositnetad ae- aadiBf Id actSBl abaerntioa* af Captiia Cony, ia wMA I All hTpMhaeit wvaU it- nl^ ,M la Aleiaadat^ y* n of Btin eOR ^naattea -a DBampniw of tba Deailr Kap" BBVBi* (a thai whiiA AiMa (tiaa af lb* aaaa (SBa- piad bj Alanader ia lb* at^bl bafbia tb* bald*, Bad BOO uXeDapbaii^id'tbeOanaof S7i"BaadCIMala,lhta ^ rhkh wa ttad of tba eoutry baniaaa Baiaa lad Saaa- danaa. Mt. WOllaBt, bowanr. inaiBliiwBOaoalT "" Mr. Kisaeir^ aateiMoB tut tkere if "* "0lla *r MiaUaia H" - tn Aft ft fk"d"faea, takaa aa wKlaa of INer lan^abaimtiaHoatbiaaMfaBt. H*otaemtta.|t|) "a dtffialike that af Da^r ar Can CapB, la tJi* iB- oaUwithlt.' Thil,hDweTar,d*p*adBoa IkaatiM- of a BUBBB at Iba benaa, "Uh Hr. WimaBB aa- (. paihapa hhIibUt aaaach,hil wllkaot aaaaalhatttr Mr. Kiuefr,lAOB OH ahaold ha"a anaaWd "* BBB- lifbahadBaaaaH. AaiAar patat wfooh Mr. WOU leoUicad t* BOHBe iltb* eiteuaea of a BBittet MM )aoa*lbannaaDaBUBadK^nBad(h*aila"f Hal- nia, hawrrar, ji agtaa aifOHaianiaM Ibe hjpeth- bat (olr a Bab)Bct *f puttilg, whifli Bifkt eaaaa to "" iifTifn -iiiiB.Bikkii illi laiii fin ban lahaa plaeaaiMa dH Aiftof Ali"" n la BBOIher dMoBttT, whiok la,tt iMiatU BtoiMad, ..". IhoBfb aat a Ibtalobfactiiia. Tba poeiliaawMefc Mr. WilHaaa aa^nt to Hn^anlra laat ntuiwa wi(h (h* "IB el Sirabo and holaBT,whs ' the andnTappwa u" Ihalabwtt U" rn l^pathait*, I aa paipaae af piethwthai the eita at the aadaat euital af tMia la aeaaidad,aai, ai BUM BOkotan han baliarad, br HISTORY OP OREBCE. Hmnlm.biil bj lipihu. Ileusol be nppDHd Iliit" b" tiu "hDiru Oal ittdliu nrj hipplr mth Ih* tccuaiii K'"4D bj DiodoTui (u"., IV) of ;kianunJi at Ad:]boiiub "tt (lu DHghbourliood of 3oj" to Ecbiiuim" tad witb tha liai Mainwl tij" DudonH (iii.,"Sj for Um mucb oi Ad- tifSBU fioa fcilMUM to PtnMulii. I "kt not 117 ihu thus "" tbt oalr ufumntc vnioh fi** % cuIqut to (hu kypndiiua,but Uwj hsk u "" Uu itronfut. ThuH Wkieh m dnwn friw tlw swntw of Alaiuder ua. I IbiBk,"lugHku { uu doM lit,WiUJuu obuh Hi. WiLUuivu udaiibMiU^ will Kauiaud'. lai- dm of Cbuu, In bii Itusmri', uutlsil Irsftiu lUfual. nuatioDAfecitT, K*)''U"^,w1ignwH"I"iipl"af Axunuft, in TJjjpaiMadia, uiHtHa t^nu fntt ApobtunL Thu dHRipticM, lod ia bn diipgUil b^HrTWiUiuu. Bu" u peua " pUi4 ttiare ipellAd Kuumwur ^ uu] wh"D ve know Ibal tFiu pkjCo. which liabvui lony-flTS miln from Hwdi- " tKH'il' r"" "tf protability, if not uppToaflbing mif, tbit BhuIdob, lliiRjr-timi duIm to th* "HUkma of Kuncnwur, ga tbt mm hat at nmt, with a bi|^ Hipondicolar nek utlftDjaU/ ""wthwl, and "ikiUiiicKiliinntibw afiiisHr ID bo of tho am* ago and chanaui aa tbnae of PtnapnlU (bm Kinnair,Momov, p. taif 1S7 ; and Ker ForUr, ji.,p. 1^ fcpjl-j, Tepraaanla In- aUlue of SBULirtrniiand a pilUr,thoDfh tbii may not tn Ut Baaiiaan ia likiwiao, aa appoaad, the Mount Bagia- "---" " ""' " ' "--' "- -- " -lioB of twelira atadiaiii bad bf Koi Porui, Ti nano*ari a higb dagroA ot uaaoiiinu 07 AtT r-ontr in-i I hlocAiiBf Vala of Karmaaabah. ptUseid atnaK Uut [ onr bad ianUHi oa 1 a"'"" wiiniBl7Gfliafad trtaa wbifl i.,s. W), IhM in tba Foiiaii nd k: " ""-jnu) haaamTwkHaiakaBthaBlwi* tialiU- , "S^ ... ainiiflaiwUknl wilUn, aad ii aatiafao- toriLyaipluDed bj Kmnair*aa aHudinfftn lbs onrhunB^ "iaiai"otKiiit)ia"iik(alooiTS[itiaB J Bafiatu, lhe^ia" tf lac fardia." Tbia aoniacmn, "rar)' asa moir " -- vttarij lumaUa. Bnt that tfi, nnlan. ia ths tbo aaiH BafiaCandm^ ia auaafflBfljr probabta ; a lam" wbo, aa ba qipaaJa to 1.1. " S?C| rla,Dariui apon [a^WfUana Kaitioa whicli ii motalj giUgitraia : that tho eipsdi- affainat tha Uordi, mentioned hj Gartini.r., 0| was ume u thata"niaatlhoPhirm4Cieapoken of hr Arrian, divreaiiDn o( aallnown duratioD, in tbe manrh to BcbUana. Tha Lairitorj, tbarflfare, at Ctiat tjme oecupied bj tha Pa- nilaCB. mul bare Iwa lituntebetween Pa ma Ftoimi and Matdilaf aurthnf Poriepolii, Droraea placaa ibem in tho a rranndlalaaaaumptioD, and that than !" aa liltletrauAf /"7. othelwiaa Artian wnnld lii?e Bentionod it." And n I fniia Panepoljl to Edialana occupisil liilsan dnja. "CiS.; lu^ "Timourpnrtilde China lo"in"t . lar. I'an TDJ llStbJnne, HOT). II put "ahu (MoharTJ^niej. r'lX^m. iuft. Il appeara, howevor, ^wn tha bsBD Tarj mucb laa rmpii. Ur. Wil! fratnitoualf) ttial lUoiandar'a Bkarch poaa tbat hu jnta of marcbingmapei "iBtan, aad Uud he oonld Ttrr wait hi tanca balwaan Peroepolia aad lapahanin iwaire oaj^ And h"n a ^naatioo miibt ba raiaad,vbetlwr il ia aad- ible that Altundar ahoold ban raBiaiBadfine smtba as Darioa, oraB ifho did MC, dntin| that tina,Biain an oipa- ditioB, aa Hr. WiUiaaaa anppoaao, toaratdi tha Donh ; aiidp. go tha nlhai hasd, irtiolhoTitia pnbaMo that Duiaa lihaald hM" taktn vp hiaraaidance aftor Ibe baula ao Baar to Par- anidia. Thu egHMantina mi^Atpnhapo ba lUrir ifipo- waiuiimilhai.obH"iiBlinoaodMi. Wil]iaiaB"with acon- Tiolioii, dcpandiBC ok inanl (nHinda u (trmf aa if gnniid- ad aa adantillsdodaclioBa, thaihad Haaiartaa ba"o Bcba- Lana, AJaxander WQold navar hava anroaGbad it,but bf a. enaa-foad bara Gained at loaat two dayi' manb oinai the TojalfugiliTa." p. IT. Thia coaaidanliaa wae, that AIu- ander. wbea time dava' manhdiataat frtm BcbalBBai haatd of tbe eacape rt Danui 6n dan bafora in tha diivstioB of Ibe Caapian Galea. But it maj- bo daiibtad wbethai Alai- andat'iohanotat iaaoiaoaaaiataatwithth"iwita"hiebha ia(anaralli belirrad to ban takaa aa lb. WilUaau iuppo- aaa. UmBatbonBHBharadthatlh8cniBa-i"dw"1d bete tniataad a pan of tho Onal Salt I"aian ^ that Aleaandar imU aot har* kaowa the aiacl dinetion at Iha nanth of Dahaa. who had the cihoioaailharof cnain^ Iha chain of of Iha Caapiaa , 01 of akiitiBgIhe nmtb- Bt ; Ihatbo mijht niob to IWI into Iha would ba lun of tncUnf thsftafiti" '" *'^y nUagt pru flipa/wt. ii fanj miln auntb of It- loiior,Jouccef. p. IX-iKh On the other band, thirty mllaa (Mlh of Penepolii(Kinnoir, p. T9J ; "' ' " - --"'---*--" ---\BjiAl.piaia- , lli*t"" cmuM BMwd to ]n" miftitnadsr It tdnalil* ftrUn u. Acaodjiic la Iba eamaoB t^ outa ^ wUeb hi pvKiKd Duioi, ( thii Hi. Williuu itfiUj mn ; bach* lw" liMii liK^ iDngh la llnd" pMMf* i*htn Stnbo, aiMiit ApaUada- huie, ud enfiullT nllailRbigeiLH 30* luiK of the Cuplu GUh. llr.Villiuii^ W; he FooUj obeeTTei of Alaiudei*! muchi " In alareL lyi he isu"ed sWn plaoedb/ Stnbo ebnl lUnr bIIh "uth 4/ the Caepiu OetUtUd, "OBHoqenllj, DDt la M eiii- .unded with Ihe Anbiu Be/, non thu atlj mflei u the jnbiTud of them." Itwh, iadnit," nMiin nf lllii at eaih la Iba kjpotba^i; aaJ nnvUJ mnctioD . As niMuad ariOo woald car- er u !u u the Cupiu Gue" uhI Rtu- "iiMri-In talTiiifrfi wi^Or Karrlww^lcS'ritj^', nt " xifut, fm Tli Mnelac Mtrifw). Can UT ana who nowi the liliiatieii g/ tin TapTnuu dmU whalbu this hagv via noMh oraoDtlLiif tba Cufiu Qataal The jmiins^ of Tobiu rim the T^gtii llmuih EctnlHU " Rban, CDiQcidiikfwith Iba lioa oT Iijclora'a ItloaTBTj, lightalio hare aaemad ttrj diKcnll to raeocf Qa with iha ad lba"T lua to ui owd. ... I piucaad 10 Balica Umb, I wiD )iw obaim tint Ir- WilliaiDa baa ttrj daitaravaij eeothTtd to Bitnvt av- .ranoa'HarcaUlau, vhi^^ban aiawaaJ bj "" "d'oeau n the Dihar nil* , woold ajKieaz loto diradlr eroaaad Id it. .mmiknu., iijn..t,]", daaciibaa BcbWu. "a nt yaiaiw /sn/f u nrrii lit* Snwunlennt. Oh mmld bar* Ihmiht lit io tbia ittcnH"m lb* aiUalkn tt (he lint Jmmn -aa mora likolf to Ihrm lijtht apon Out of Ecbklaiu tban le lamlsrr of Ilia SriD-MadiMa, Iha pneta* enaH af iffienit Id ucBTtaJa. New Stnte, li.,p. tM, TaocE., de- :nbei Mmiat JaaouBD u a (TeatmauiiIilD atiinethl Caa- lan Gitil i" tbe lallhand Idfetlilyabllfru" Kanlaia "i\atIr ipinrlff, juAaiifunr'latirior).Tbs name it- ilf flDlliciaikllj proTBa Ibat it vaa ia Iba north of Modiit. le authuiiiea which^rour hi" hypolheiii,bacvua " Flat inj eipteodj aaaana Ibal Sjio-Media waa Iha aautbam laiicmf Madia, nuinf panllal withFetiia." Now tbia Tferanceto PtolemyiaaapD"Aed of the almoat imifbra I ariaiienl. Ptolem)', oh jiiat before de- 1 partanl icmrd- iioi (ol i Mftirit xti/ul, ooiiclwln hii "const at Ma- in "ilh the wotda ieImil' Ui|" ii)"IIiiwMi 4 TvfaimiLi. hia Mr. Wiliiama csUt DipreaalT uaaiting thai SyroH*- ittuthe aouibam diairictof Media. Plolemjheta aaji J a.n at Sjro-Madia Ifaon he might ban uid oC Medii 'tha"M.^ut'5aai"i"iiia'"a^iutl; lurke iiii"" of the iucciincy t nan numtiDBao. _". w{o]iiitl"("i^i*itlt ihilMt. V/imia larl) Unci "H. Aa I hin a o po(u out MhaT isaluk' . .. . IhitlhamMJnjFwhlDh. ixai^a% IS Arrjaa,bnti SDt at OpU, nail/ happeiud, a* I"iadan"nluea,*iSiuai udha tndaanni* ta diaw thai tUa appaaa fkia Iho woda wUeb Airiai hlmaolf,Tii,, 10. Ml Ms Aluudai^ mouh, and which Mr. WHVum. p. n. tiudalaa aa Mlowa: "Oa, ud unomiEa that after Alexaadar, jovr Luf .,- - ^ had baaa HJalrccadacted b/ jvg to Sua, jaa Oire deaaitad him.' Mr. Williaiu ptlnla Iba wad Oan i" lulic^but,t an aftild, ut br iha aaiH parpoae that worda an aa paulad in oar trutdalioa af tJia Bible;for " tUa woid (km the whsja i" hia aifaaent depoada, aiad r*l then ia Dothiiif uawniaf 10 it ia A^ tiai-a laiL who aiaudji aaja dc di latea Jnnr'l'irc da*- htimt laxuSt. Tbl taaaea whj Boaa. aad not Opia,ia ' ' ~" In Iha otbriul woald have in- bat hia aoldien had baaa IB the painl of karlaf him aa ua flratratnra 10 Snaa. "_ _.".._, uoicMta hia Bavy "Kb aa '"ttaapt la I amn that han poUall; prerailadao Ihi* " , laatlwathBaaaadi"aR:^''aadit iriawa" Um-'lobHlD Witt Folrbiia.'lUa asuaibililj b, bow- ...... _,_. " J. ^ ^j^, Y^" t," aparad if ha pUBHeTTftaaMUof Oaleuh^of PalTMiuufi4- \m: "Madia la eadrelad with Oreciu ciliei aiW the el of Alezaader, ia order la g^iard it afmiiut the naifb- rtnr barfaaiiua, with the aie^iCiai ef Ecbatanl, It (ahonU be Ihti cily, atni)la plaeed id Ihe nonhani fana "i Aria (" ulaprinl,pnbaHj, fiirMedial, hvi it liea una im orerhanfBj thoae pane of Alia which an reiiad Msotia "id tbe Euiue.'' And ha Ihaa pnmdi la ahaina, Ihu "if thii paa^affl ha not deplonblT corrqpCed,it pnraa dial Polrhioa mual ban bead lotalljr inoaat of Ihe ffeofraphj' of Upper Alia, (or 00 do aaiiptM laliEada of eoaamelioB oaa il be allowed thai the E^ntaai enn of nulaniT wu pitfed near, or ovrriiDU. the diitilcli ronod the Mieotli "Id the Euiine." The phran which Mr. Witliiu mu- )ai" Itti ruar, gr eecrtswt, iatainirei ; bsl be leaiBi tn tuie nrerlmked the mouiu el Polibiae,which, if Ecbat- """ \m.j ia the mitthwfit oTMedia, (" neithei aninloiriiiibta nor abaoid. Ba'in( menlioBed ths Gnah dtiaa whiehhal beat! pUntad imgd Madia I? Alauadn^ dinecieB oa av euait at Ihe aaifhboDriicbaibariisa,he dlMiBiniahaa Ee- halau aa Iba aiHHeat euiial (|Jwl"ciar ifJMh H4fai"}. hut dneiibaa ilwith rafannes to Ihe lani* peiltiea] ofejeer which he had notlead ia Ihe eaie of the Greek citiea. It ]ar in the WHlh of Media, aod waa opwaed la the ionada (rftbfl bartlKnaBI i^ou tiie aide of Iba ItfBetia aid the Bui- ine. Thialhaliere tobethemeaiuogofMcurai. IVitrb- iia "T bBTa been lhiiikiii( of the Hicient eroptioiief iha ScTlhiaoi; bit,ai all aniU, the wold doee sol uaeeaaril} Mr.WUian ploctada to ebaam: " That itia either a loinptidnef lienor a laiatakd^ die aaiheT.iiatidanl (nathaeibaaniaBthleuiTcomparedwilhlhaiaap.'' New wbatiathiahinoiTl AccoidliftoMr.WtUiau,iilithii, which be laeana tot 1 niaalatioa of hl;biga : - Anaca* aipected that Antiochu vovhl have nached RrJiatana,hat that ha wostd nut dare, at the held of aa 1*i|ean aiBjr, M adnnoe thnaib the deeait which bwdend apea it." Now nadaa ia at a oaat dtateaaa (ran it. H eanet, J, atand OB Ihe ailaat Bohatuia. Saehialhanft- aoalngwhichMr. Waiiaaiabaildaomhiepaaaaia.aBdTWT ,, " ' " ' - -'iieljiiaflladfaiMSatBiiKeaa* doaa u. la e. H ha dracrlbaB nlaadoor of F-*-" " and thai nil Mr. WilUama Inialiue. "" and Ihuca proeaeda, c U, 'Eatt Stnbo'a tun comia nelt. Mr, WiUiami dg he wai amuuDieJ with the tme poaitioo not. Hot., for iuXKIce. ii " paaM"o -hi "ahan ; "' Media, torthe looel part, 11 high an Bi RhagB and the Caiclai Uatsi, and Ibiinca lo Matiana nd 10 the north , and no othei Caapian Gatee, Itii Iha Caapian Cuae, Ainiiig tbe eeat (wert T) of the Gnat Doaert,and joining that pMt of M"a( Zagme which Bepa" atei Media from Penia. iiwaa aoTer dovbted bat bf the "hallow and blaidanngPinlierton." Let m Ihen lom ftom ihia aballow blunderer ta the Dneh ten, which deambae theee au"I"u ta tlit nil tf Edna"aa, and wa ihall 9nd that the oordi which Hi, Wdliania id tranilaUa an rl - lafanlHnlrt: ihemomlainiwhiohb* Amirblloil VI (o tooK mr EOHHU in m T"r7 aiaervDi quartvt rrom Ib- A"Uiu Iha HianH W Uh Buplinieiud tht "niM, ii Bid(Ii,,p.lN,'rucb.)lalMiiarthaiwllsiillii(liiEci- bUUh A|r*il,Slntio(ITl,,p.ltt,Tmiieh.)c]MlFaLTc1ei- tm, who Hid thtl tha hicheaiiioDnuiD"ir""iD Ihtuntli- HISTORY OF OHBECE. Hoimt JiK L" npQOTtda doM oot dfiilf^to lh" "" ,- .- -- tiut *' than t"v pungti cleul/ iDdiata lun ban u Eebuiu Kiatwiuir- - "'-- - MHRtBlB*,*' IDd OwB h* pItlMlU CUM* ~"r Iki tRon IkM han ] "r the lut tm lliniinnil fun." " Hh laeii^Hn daHzibt ih"* dilo of i^ uiu of ZibUuLtba H"Uu,IhiPiniu.Hd U" arriu." Ts lUa Ua Mr. WOUuu adda luuthtr, " u Estiuuu bsiWHB Iba Ticm ud t)w BiHmuiu u Ihi tMl, la tha tMuit of ibi Coni.' nil iithtt Egb*tui whkb Plnunh "m- UiM (Ul.,m u " plus i" Bdrrkola wlun* lb"i m " "princ or tn, ud Ur. WilUiBi Ixilian* ibu ttlaUm auu vhigfi Abdihiiu bhbI (uiiL, 0. tt) whan Iv BOaband TiAalau wllk Nboi, AiMa, ud Owutaak, laav tha oUaa of AdIikHH 1 ud iH ~ikaa vt oTA^aw hnutlia- " to atpteiiia uaiaca of Btnbo (Ii., p. ]", Tuch.) wUcb kti ban Iboulil U abow tbat BnloadHua pluad Eotaal- u"uarijlB Iba auM laUtada"lUi dibabud "ba Caqd- riaiu,at da aibjar t troUTanC ^ qui pahia al at mntrriF. Mr. Kiimali^daaciipliaB ("aaKilr,B.n)rfthl Kalab SoT- faad petftca)' agraai vilb CbanfMdiB*a ; bat ba iddr "' A d"p ud mnutle (leu, (nattci|ip"d b* hifb ud b TDckL and aboal tirva nlLaiabdahalfnMftb,iapa tbia lortnaalniai tba KMoJi Siicnab{ViiaBaBBaics Ssbnb), ona of Iba laOfMIud liuisb'a danripUgg gl Iha Bab- nmncilad with iba othar two, if . aasaplaG^. hitnttiakmBtfotiror par- Cto Dteam" vbal BMUng but (ha anthoaiaaB lAJcb rad bjpcptbaaia luplraa oonld bi~~ ' " tba/alltalliitDlbaaai "u Iba IvD paaaairaa o" Stnbo,wbiak, Bila,claarii iahcaa that Uiara nnal ba^ aai aoBawluira in tha riciuitj of Iha no balaiK ii uaatiaiisd ij itaaltTwiUtiHil aof djatliiniatiiii "pilbal a" marli,u; othartbu tha famoaa eapi^of H( dusanbi mannl? Coald PulfdaKaa, 01 ' ha Idlmrad, i[ be ni bioMlf Inor HbifbiB Inef Uaraadanbidaiiarbaaidii^udwbHib ItaarinnJd ba nta In ooafoiud wiib anotbar,ooa of tha mo^ oalebih- tal aitieaof Aala,and in a imnUydiBamt poaitioBI Than an aOaarpoiauiB^IIr. WiDiaaa'aaiiVBanl par^ hi4^aquHj vubiarabla. tba Niaon Plain appaa ilmoldiulbo diOealti "., Iba tumir hwiltnt (il-" p- Ml. Taiuta.), oompan Dhidona (iTii.,IID) aad Aniu (tu.,It),elaat!" p ' " Kasu Plua "b"cb Alaiudar tiawad m Eiia a Niaon Plain appaarlaiaaailramalTacqdiiitlca]; aad mold lul bo diOeolt u ahow that Strabo'a dHcTipdgn of aiupA'twrit- -' - "' --"'"" " -- iodor. (nii.. "I tba Kacu ! u Ecbauuli^ Rdeat to Hnra that Et apaiiof BbDWiaf wbai 1j it(u bardlj ba donbcad IbM tba nad b^vbich Alai- aadar aianbad ma ftnn ta Pananotia waa (bat wbl4 ia BO Bisntalr daaoiibad bj ChaiaMdie, III., M, it baa naln- Eiatrii. (lir.WiUiaaaliDMakutbodibaBaaalaiof thaawH. ItdBaaaWaanldaCaWhrflbaPnniiMrhBt AilVJU(Cai"l^lhauhltwHalaac^adKalab-l-IN*a-Sa W.thaCiatlid'thaWbhaD" u,ln"l|M"io"lanwl hawavai, a difinal^ah"t tba anot poalUiB Df tba Oual, if HanBdar^ attain (" latd^aa aeBlana aTqit*aLpatHab*. b^3"!'i2 a Iba a.B. aMa. Thia ta wituonl UOQM, tba paia nHiiliOBad bj Ani wnlan under tbo ippallatim of tha Panlu If,than,Iba K"alii Iba paadolHidadbTj wbat naa did h* Baka of tba Ealah^i-Safldf bow naa a hu^nad ibalJknian'a aaiboRuadauooalianef Iba pa- f^li.T f..tn.M n/ tiii. Mi".Ttrf.l. fii.T.iii 1 HovdidAlai- andai^ TicUnr at Iba Paaa Ml bin i" piaaiw'ia if thia plaaa,Thioh aaauradlj ba did boI leava Id tba aaeAT^a haadaT Iam uaaUa to auwar Oaaa ^aathni,ud manly Ihnw thaa dqI Ce pxaaoCa fotbaa isqtiiET. 1 obaatva tbaf Ur. Lmi, ii hia I" "tfAulaal Paiala, latiutaa a doobt ?^J? annaata aiwitbarranarii. 1 bava eallad tba aapaOa tba modan Baadauir. EdidiutkaBv tbara waa a denbt aa la Ibjipaisl lUI I aaw Iba fallvviat niaarfc in a papnlai woili of,I baiiara,a laamad aatber (Bavat Biislaaaaff tba Hiddla Ana, la tha Libraryof Ed- uitainiicKanladia, p. 11")7^Awd-oA^wlat had a dika ocmaOSBlsd amaa Iba Rinr Kur, uar tba nina of ParaapoUa. Ilwaa oalladtha Sn"d-A_aar (Prinea'aDAa}. "npiiaed UBadii Itaatr. Wa mul aot, tba la Rnobh a ladr aiBfinc Cain Bod niU,bajoii Nanr waa rid/enli ranaik Mitainlr woold not qntllim, Band Emit, at tba aame tima tbat be a of iha name. " Tli* creitaat,'' ba ofaae Tiii.,p. Ill), "of "U IboriTenof Pan for diaticctieo'ilake alio called Band E Dika." Whkt, in fact, oimld be more natorai uah w att- inata Iha river br Iba noma of ibis remarhabla objectT So,aa Babei infanna oa, tbe nnr of Samaieaad "na ailed Ibe Kobik, tna a biUoch nur Ihnt citj. 1 will add Von Rasunar"B nmark, thai tba Oraakl calM tha lini of Pai^ ipijil Iba AIan^ Ibat of PalugHla tha C}nm. which I Ihe Km. aiactlT nhen Paraia,biit .the Piinca'a IV. na n OMaiflBC that " Bactilu ehiaf aaold ban anjnhinlto do with Sifdiaiia, or abtnldhura InokadAr a laft^banad tba Dma. whaa tba PannaBlalia,with illHuunita and ta- oaaaaa, ptaaaalad a ulnnl ratml br Iha iBanvan iMina. B* ia, ttwafoia, atraflT innlinadlahalian thai Iba nek Baorikwbaia Bmba^aaaa It (il.,p. Ma/Tudi.,tbat la, Iba Ku of Sjaiattbraa)- " If.ibarefoTa," ha coaelDdea, " ilwaa iB Baflila, Ibara cu ba bo doiM tbat Itwaa the aaaa bill-lbitraaa wkicb waa eaanind bjiTtounr prannBa Is bia aipaditioB isU Isdla,lod tba daacripliin cf which uiwan aiaeth U the Rook of Otynm. Aaniaf la Aa bsdltion af iba latlna,il bad baas baaiif ad In tbIh br tha (iHl Iftandar.' Tba aanltT which Hi. WlUaaia han ntea aeaaia ai- aaadlB4r ibf bl ; lor asi^ itwu natnril asovgh tbal Oi- nitaa abavidooaauilblaiWilf lo tba prstaetioB of u aOr la a maartal)^ ftnu fonrem, tboagh ilhmmianad to bo Bonhaf Iba Ona. Botbii conjaclnn ai taitapmlina.if IIwaa ta Baonia, about wbich he thinta Ibere can ba bo docdx, ia aitnuiwitlT improbabla. The hiU-fennaa be allndaa toiaao othar tiiu Ibat of Eitnaror Keiun, d"- icribad h^ Chanfeddin, ir..1. A (liiin al Ihe map, aad Mr. WilUaoa al" Ihinbe Ibat Ihe Malrlnia nf CartlH, I..ID, ia Naniana, and hia Oehna Iha tad)an, BBd that, aa oa nod Iha Parauca and ttia Mardl coDCinuailrnn- osdad wilh each Mher, it ua^ Ibixlj ba InfcttedIbal tha 607. ^1 arpedituq to Hufiutt. thit ecejvecar* if vxw"y dB' unbla. Wluamr hn nwl Ilia danipUou ctf Silu ii Fnaai'i KhmiUi Appodix, p. [I "nipUoD ctf Silu i J,fbO.,whicb naj' \ ornmnd whli" ft liH M llx . Clunniia. No dHBiip- ippbcaU* lo tlu Rock of Chtritm H, Jan dHim u ba BiitiMd, tliu HuiU- ipondii, p. )M) "" iIh cQiiaf nlr of F"r- , ueonlliif u Waddjuun'i aai " Bitar, OwHt (faio AJl-h. n,gti7cdT:G00glc n,gti7cdT:G00glc INDEX. AMIIH. UH, 1., TO. JtmmUim, ih* tjTut of Bktdh, tli*crultiH ud doth if, Ualumi,ck InMhuu, ii., Ml. Atidnm,l^git"sf,".,1M. Aiitmnm, frincm at aAmin,fl.,m,nf,tn,Ml. Sw CHiMk7liia"a,*M. niii "1. OH iWAHaut"i'(a"il(,i., Ml. Ab^^HlnpiifSiia^.,iaI. Bii ilnb, U., IM. l.b]rdlH, HtfB Hf,!!., Ml. DO fifliartBu"T !." W7. jiis, " Ixn, iti"mltJ bj Ftslu Em^ ii., ""1. Annin, tlw PtqilHl,(., Ml. Akshi. Tiisi,which, untlm vil into th" Imhii.ii., "il, fa. Aebun, tiu provliH*cf, " "*' Ihi Boau Suui.Mt. Bmbuardf CdliciUu, ud ip- Bnaohin* dnirqCB]!of tb" L"Bf^, iA. EJInrtB c^ Rams ukn"kilu|"nniirihiL""C".4W. S"n" d"lMin mi uuut Ih* I^uu, Wl. FtH illCoiisth,ud iha "^ aTlba AohHO nr, tM. JldiH^Uis.l.M. AUiiuKwgr,wl[hFhilir,"HiBiHbi7 G^tentiDBi,ii.,431. R"["r to "Ach" a LnpH" asd MtiYof, i.,r. _ Jldi, qqt"n of Cuim, Ii, idK,"id(nrDfIdil*ui, , hawu f*B*n1, 1.,^, tM. AdiHtu, king of (hi Maluiiuii, 1,, 101, AdBinlHntiBi of FiHdii, 1.,Ill AdnnrniiiD,!)!* town "(.,"[. AdMtw, i..IN. Adrimlk Ba, ibt,i., M. AdiutiLfH fuiud br rtdUp,ii., ItT. fv tht rtlud, i.,n. Xtctm. tlH tYnnt, i., MD. X^ndm "^ Kplnii)th* fmihir irf PjrTThuf, il.,MS. VSfht of,inla .Xutit, IM. lUniMd hi" Ihnu, b" (Uhcud "Ad bIud bj Philima, r^ JUtem^^y-- " '" " '" XalM.Uiif gfColc) S^. MftM sh, tu, I.,n. ."|HI, i., ti. .K|al"ii",(h(,i.,". lu, lU iliudiif, TTiD, IN, IT ... _. , tha,i.,Ml. Mfit^tt, Iki mirar, i, HI. jflpiiL, kipfoTArfiia,!., idt. ffiHB, tnli*oTltw,1.,M. .SmPocuoi, haute oK I.,48$. .Xhu, ilw Amdiu ftHial. ii.,M. .AoUboi, Hflv hiMffT at tk*. i" Ml ' fi"ii^iiM,".,a. .Solu im U* H" M " dhWoB oTlk* OiHk Mtk^l., W. JpTtonfMiiinii.i.. 140. .XT("u,UH"irilHiadiiite,U.,M. JtBUnMTiT,T4. BsbMn gf, to Amdk, 111. hnd of,oa Um fawKU aaf otiideahnnaB PUfipaada"", IIS. Hii aaiwH to tha ihaiwai InatU """"' Wa kr DMthiaw.lll). HI* Mon i^ Ih* HI PUllB,IM. lit"" "-" " "ODUttal.in. L. " Conad, ii.,tl*,"t LB M"^"^ *"" Ward.. niiHd uniiwt tlua br ih* jgllaaa uafaa, UP. Than aawtiaBciu with Fhibp, ii, DiapaiiBaaa of Iha alBaa, 4U. Saacaaa af Ihairgaaazal*, 4X3. Thair aaaallT la- ndadlvndJip,41". Tliamaa Mtwad, aad Ih* auad baiMivi lM"d, a. Tiaaai a^ naaaai of Ihrit wn, IWt nilll|iaii"iaianiiMliiif iiiaa. IM Tat^mUm aflhaSaiil*IWu,j". ThaiBlaliaaaaBlaTtattiatnatr offMBTa Hd dafoaaiiawith S"a, 4M. Thaii BihtaiT aaHattoH, iL Th" hb*w Ihali alUaaea with PhUa, or. LaglikUaa af Doiiauahaa and aeapaa, i". Da- fiaaaad at*!* "" tha anatir, tt. n*|r daidn* w" aialaal PhiUp, 441. Thaii hmitilaa """ -' - rfFlanlaiiiiB"iaaOi " "" " of Hanclaa, 4M. ticK oT thair awrnn at br tha aaaua, 4U. fiaatad br Raiaa, ib. AAin ofSaana, i.,IM. A"ln of Awd^ it., in. Afaaiada, dauhtar of Alni Afanita, andvoc* of.i.,411. A^atbarehQB, tha fnt paiataf of aaaaair acagdlag i-uIbiof baaar penpactna, i., 110. Apthinin. Ihi Corinlhiu adiaiTi], i.. 1T4. Afatborlaj.ihaHHoCLTiimaolioi.ii.iUl. Hiac^ "runii Daaialnni, li..JW. Mudai of,iL,Mt. IMMa tW Ait"*t( n ika butk of Cmwa, MS. ttlOiilwi A* gpMBii toffmuijlm Atmaaim, Kt. cUiMi W " " " ' Iba "r*ditis lOt bj Ipuu "f HuliHa, ii., II. H" (xptditioii ifiiiwt FUIh, IS. HiiaipBlllioB*i^Bi(Th"bu,ll. CrwiM* Ih* SfHOB amMmner, M Bia daUk, ITl. Af"ipiili*,kiii("i('LM*dii ' "* '-" ._i_ij..t- ID "pun, 514. T^ nU iiUBit Wialiim. li.,ii .Ifii, Uu (f Spun, i., lis. _ e]ii4M " nx wllk Aim, Ml. InU Ik* C^iHU b"lnl,4M. Ihakadof Iki Mntimmlii butt, 4 "iih AkAildK 4U. WMelllW-A nKKW. HiadMhiHa. *"l^ Ik* koua, i., IM. An and AldMaiia, L, MA. lllilli.liai iiflki Miili^aai. ii , U "-"- ^Ikai "" liTba) Md NMaMmia, U.. IM. Hia a"hlamUi*TPaidiaiaa,tte. Hi pati Cnan^, B vl FUtn. u 4"ath,d. Hli d"fs In lAtaia tai*,a. Hto "Hta HVikiilT, NT. Hk fiial *PP**nBea ia fabUo lili, M. Bb aanoriw u aau^ii. Itiiil iiiikartiaiaiiil"iiiliniiii| Il |6aa^. HiaiafcaM talk* ainaucalo Main Ckaifad with tmfiaiti tka iabUMudaciaa a(aiaatllia HltUMnaatotktAtkaaiaaaiaaBUTdailBf tbalabala M Ika airadlUanla SMil]i,4IS. C(ai(aaagawl kiia. tU. HI* trialjm("C U aa inMklU |iahD""". Sam- "aiHdWAlkutaataBdkJaDial,lia. Putkwdiarn* ' Maisi(Uai,4^ Rariawjf Ih* lOTWdlin* MaiaM kua, W S"Mbb" if daatk ^lA aaaa kin, ad Ui ptqp- - - . "" - . "-- " T, 6" ^ aiirniani ii"tk* a^jiitiiki ajOi TtantMaa^ 0. lUnaiu ta Bawia, tM. Amiti I hy TiMiiianiaa. a"J "*" TriaMimi "aidl% "M. KAau hi* .aaiBa 1* Gla- aana".tt. Hla"r|"aditi"Bt*Jii"tAkr]u,4A. Kafii- a" Innli^ lb* tnatj' uda witk Ik* CkalcaJMlaiM, tm. Katuaa HAtteaa.tl. Iiiiiiiriim iiMBialli ii ekiaf ef "" eoBBinaaUk balk br kad and ih, 4W. Bla anaditiea to BlaialL 411^ B*B""d frea kk aaa- piBai.a",MS. r.Tit Aln,plaiaaor,l.."". Alaotaa, klv "" EpinM, U., te. llnamii, "" triba* a(,i., 41. Alaiu, Tarin* aoooaau (rfika aaau bxirkkkka aeUnad lb*iitlaatiifC"ialh,i. lis. Alag**, (k* aalabnud ^rJBM ftia wbaa Ik* tHH* af A* Aliaad* diiind itanaiH, I., 170 1 U., IN. AlaUKlir and Ariatod*. li" IM. Alaiadii Ika Spaitaa, ii., M. AlanadarifPhm.ii., a,n. m. fi-H-i j-, 7S. MoidarDCK. Alanadar if BuTua, daalkaf. Ii., JSt. Afanadarlk* A^ia* "l*Aala and dara Pulfslaa is Tkt^ Uial at .S|"a, 1(0. Sit* " ITS. blan I^eia-aad Df tbaTr^- --" - """ ttr,d.,n AaafdrKa* rfkMb"y , _ ",]". rariodofkauuneaa wiikAiiMt1*,U" Di"a]liHiifkB^Btim,IM Hb .in. Hii anaditiw vIdTIiw, IB. Ik* Ctlu, JMTCaMani Uuba^ '"*" dmia wUi ui "7m^ ft.. in lb* bull* of Giaueaa, [B1. Coupncf lyauil bii lib, _ t_..i. ID* inifldoi* oC aftar Ibaltttarif PuiK, I, IM. lh*b*nl"D^ni,lgT. Hi IB). HoUra* wbieb Indwd bim Id udulibi df ^yiai IWv ffaiam tb* Hfa itfGala, IfO. ad, A Javiib tnditfoB ralaiji* tnbiaBazek ]*", it. Bia nlua u FkmicU. IH. Hia nnwt if Danna, IW. Bia triiuifkaiU uiUT 1""" Babjlc^ Mdt EatBi P*ti*piiIiB,aBd laU In with bia ovb kanda ta Ikw tufwl palaaa, SOS. Baranaoa wbick b* ibewa id IW UmbikCmt,m. Hia*aicttla*DbdaalbalfaidtaH, KM. Muj of.Wrr. M). Couinoj afaiaM bia lift, 111. Comb Ibfwaid kiHalf aa tk* a"u*T*f Phikiaa, 11). Bia*^adili"a)^M(BMaH,llt. HusHiaiea "oqaaUlk* wnltia Sii(diaaa,SlS- Hia aaiMit witk Ika AiuCnSc7tUua,lll). lad*ftal*dbTtbaBc7^uia,HI. Hia ftvasfl*, ih. Hia iaIemBw witk Fbaramianaa, SL Hia mBfTiBf* with a^"p-, su. Hia co^lail wiik a licsv. m. DaicripliiaiifbiBeaiinal Ibiattma,!!}. Hian- laona foi tb" BBldai of CLitu, tt, Coiniiacj agwa^ Uftitn. DMaclifii*rih*|iliilaadpuiiakBiuaf tb* itpiiBtDn, U. Hia qiiaiT*! wilh CaUiHbaM*. " ontpintor*t laaptiac ita( " ,"," ailM, "i. Sacrila* M Atbiu at Ifksa, Ika Hia' aanb in lb* IndaalT^ Hia avian of li"andi'Aci^ "u, tM. Tab** Diaar ala^aua, it. Baackia tba la- daa aad bnildi a Baal, ik. ait flaU"nn coaRpan kim fa"- Dignaaa Ka ika alnilarilT af Ibar tediaa tnuanlia, il. SaocUeaa to Bacdma at Nyaa, W. Sal* af hli upadi- Ilgaacnaa Ika ladiia.it. Hit imiitatka Is Pgna, O. Croaaea Ika Hydaapsa, tld. Hii Tictdrr oral- Fma, SXL IM. Raiutaui huaaalf in kii kisgdoiB, US, t3". Ra- dne*! tba Cilhiniia, tSS. Hit isnar saalwud daa*. at th* eDodDiiMi at lbs BnibuiB wiib lb* Handn*, or So[ladgi.MO,M[. Kia indignaliog in B*^ kk eiB- qaaata"aatn("d)D"ajtaraliidiab)r bia acldiazj nfnaiBf 'notb* SaBna,MO. Hia (pint br fulbar dia- " ,MI,Mj. HiaDiaukaaiu(iiBtcifEaac*a aBTaii".H"^MI, M). Hian I"Taphr, MS, MI. Flaat BiKti altara IB Ika "di, aad ai"..HI,MI. r--!^- " H7daq"*a,Stt. I li,SU, MS. BtT c^ul,144^Mfc Ealan Sotdiiu: Iba [adBa,M. E Ua raooTviy, MS, Oxjowua, *sd nkaa hia citiaa Bicanoi ud aoma BnhBioa ta " HB^aaata oa (ka Luwir ladsa, . Bqliina Ik* Dalu o[ (he la- laltolba aaa, i*. Baciiflcaa to raiiaea and docka, and aiwa Ik* "ditiinto th* PaniaD Galf u Na- if Saajiramja. ti. Amoaat aC hia a. ThaOrilHiB INDEX. nun dumiua,Ul. Pauu udisdslfenni,19I,t". utKu*. md tciid* hin c Inpr if Pinii on PeuuBsa, SU. I criH,uul Rhi ga Ih* BuplintH, "1 dtiBH AbnlitH. ud lU)* OiMkiea IH, [imuTBHioB of Ihi MtdH n" ijua,S3r Am ".' At San hi c hi MfedBi mppnaed, it. Ha ptr- numr, IM, MO. Bia pslicfof (uiLiDclha Ma"daiuw"dPamuiiiUi"(", JBB. ^ii DSpIiili villiSutirLUl, lis. Hii ni ligi Buiiu, US. TIm rD]"lMnl, it. Bii liri"B to Um "xuj.iSt, Bf nowt ciowMof gold uiibii apuiM, MT ^ - "---- tiw^ tniDed "ccordjdtu Iha Mucedoai " ,j , " He iniTiji th" Tifxii ind Iki DilU oiUi Nuitlliu, it. iLiBUBiog Iha TM"lta"" too. . ._ niK la npanads AnUtHUri ii. Hb MoiiBt iIm Grseiu "ut"u"nallA"l[liviulwdritiini,lM,3(W. BHdi- cm la tliu obwot,IK. Aid ta ntT dinaa hciunn Is hiBHlf,we, re. H"npu"ME^u*iw,3M. FtniT- ilka inMada una liu ntDn ftm bdiL it, Hii Itiaf Ibi Iha laa of^ephMioB. Ml, M. Bia "ipi"Ii" aiainn the riiinaiii. Mi. la nntd by th* ChiUiaia K'oalaiiat tovnUr BuO'loUtMt. AAd bjr tha Kuthaam Ltlufon*,it. Th* kisf hwilMM, ;ral auan tha eilj, It. Dtugf hlaratDBM BibjloBTtt. B-" "' " Bama, wad ftoB swr aatiiinaid Iha "" EaU, )", "U. CI snaDi, W. Hia n -" -iij. lirtnm.anililiiTh.lirt TTf I taih, MS. Dian of thadmBia M^ HafmTahiariniiiriiiHlbll ~ ' ' "t3*^"iBaUa"d.Mt,N7. "tfiKnhip,M7. Biaaduii^ la,Uula adranuta OB aUkv hia miisuit. NMiUwcinr.it. ' anabUalanlwi' ue Aiiauct, m, an. laobbu ca Iha Macadoalaii n "nl"uki"dae"*aa,M8. DiaaonMal af thaaahlian,!) A kiof dwaas, it. Tha emiiHl Mmaa Paidioaai" MolaMi, ITl. Pmitniif Iha innMai of Iha aiaHL_ ft. or Alanadai^ )Jua, ITl. Hit bad* oidand ta ba onia^ to Iha npnlahn af tb* MaaaJaaiaii Unfa at "Urm, it. Tha faaanl cai, MS. Conajwl by tha " crd Arridania ta Duummu. S. Fiu% d "- PtolaiiviiIha oanaUn gf th* " ' " Faithar aUuIoiii u, tli. jUaundar JBfua, " "' ' , SalOcattoD of,176. Iho UtaadoBiu " nnlw,u.,"7S,S7t. iBBrimadiiilb aandci. ni,". Who enaaa Ihia ^ Alaiandar, aOD ot PolrnHRhon, aaoampa bafor* Athooa,i " II. Ha funifiaa Iha lathaiiu,tSS. Dafouda Ilhu annul CataapjWr,13". la aaaHainalod at Sicjia,i Hii mikiv Cntoiipolij, it, Aleiauilai,iiicniKic at PTTttmaas Iha Ihlw* of "jui A^fl^Hhtor,TaODter btothar of AAdpater,bj tha aid I Iliaalum at lb* appnaah of Damatrino. it. Ueata ai ncaiiMhlmhoBGanblratDiDni, it. Madiulaa hi*a Alliaa,diapoBitHn*of tha,ii., AUie*. naolauou of tha,ii., Alphaua. Iba ri"*r,I.,M. Altaa', Iha lung,i., Jo. Alyba, tha couoiry kiiig'"fSaidia,i.,SU. a, a cilj- of CmoMf i., nft I. umtKT of ih*. 1., W. ia,aifct of,lU MI. TaiT id oniil* at,iL,iU, Ml, W, Ml, Mt. AHipnam, um VFwa at, i^ i*i. Amphiala, capa of, i-^ IT. Anphiaraaa, the Ai|^te propbat, AuphiotjonioDDaTedarvTr I.- 1' apajtm aul Phoda,ii.,n. if, t^iaC Anphipolii, oitv of,i.,SI tei"r"aoa,.ii.,M,76. AnphMTy^ ropulad ftthar of Hajcnlat,L, Tt. Amynlu, kiaa of Maaadwiia. J.,3M. Conaentati anaaalofllaiiu. IM. Lmjiital II.of Mioadaii, ii. iB,i-l_. idaefUic,iq"). ABfthaoa, lennd af,i,,fit, Aueharali, I.,Ul. AxcioriiiB, aakiij' "" L, MI. Aoaiihljatiia, i.. W. * i., 87. Taaecaofhli "alK hlia,HI. '---'Spait^i.,l". "ba"l Auiibiiia.Ih* Ipaitu adsiinU i,,M7. . HIa "afaal n I of Rhaaiimi,I.,"71, Ml. (TuT^Ui-Dphr, L,lu, Ul. "a,i.,"RrTai"alat"lii*^IlaBflV.a lnprfnBaBlof,417. L_^_ _ ana hia fiiaada, A. PnaacntKd of,SIJ. Hia aanhaaaj to AB^IX"a oalonT at Lahadaa. i..IVT. ' i,u"itteerofDaBalTiai,hi*ln"k"7,li.,M". Aadnva, th* Rtwaaa kiiw,i.,M. Aadriaeaa,hia uanatiaia at tha aanaBa ivwar in Uaaa- doaiajLlM. dia oulilaiTontacicaia,MO, Bia bin- aioB af Thaaaalr, it. B* dabau Iha Koaiaii ut*^, O. fiainc biiuaalf smoaBM, b* "acaii** iabi Thno*. ISO. Asdnclea, Uh of Uw^a, i., U" Aftdndaa, Iha iW^f^OaiU, aMariutin " L,in. AadnaaohUB, Iha "leaa panaral, iL,51. Aadnpoaipiia,cakHir of.at Labadoa, i^ IVTV Andna, tha i^udri, i.,IM. AadzoBtheoaa, rajtfa at,IL,BOl- AiugTUB,th* liver,i., Oft. Anippoa, tha Sjiaeuaat a., M. - -'idw,lhepeaceof,i.,S7ailL,lD. MM. b SHt into a fit and la, daain of PloleBjr Jm I 10 of SopLodea,i,,lUk Aatlimila ob Iha On -JSrJSis iiiTaaiaaof Umaia, 411. .. . . Biionasiia than, 411. Hia death,' hia adaiaadn, Phitia III., ' Btinnu CuuUia, il.,Uik. . of Mandmiia, no. Hia defeat of tha Calta, ooma Caaaandna trom Iho tjranlApdJadmu, it. I iaatuckodbrP^trtina.anddafeiiud, 171. Sialaii(w "ubnut,fTB. Braala fi^hnriDf hia ^"'^ *^* """~"- ~-' ef Philip,iaapnutad , ,. j_ ^ ' "- - ".,IM, m. Ha liaa fraia A* ' "nniia, MS. WatwJjiti] of FhiTflabT Ob~the daaSt sis "IrfbiiiniT,lot. Sii "IUun-ithAiitipiUr,SM, Rh oocnlitn ealhtoiiHt of An"Miiiiir,SO" Hla siapuia ^aiBM Eibuh, "1T. Tinta Sim, A. Hit "tnticm* ininH Bwnaih SIS, IIV. DafHU hJB, ud usmudi him u 1M KhtiiI, and Kt u d*uli,II*,no. D"di"d nfat,ni,IW,RT, " iHiT. MS. SiiUnH n"7|J"ud"]mi,ni), Ul. On hta miin fton tha Eut, b* (tadim for Alaiudar "fti" Ukd RnaiAt I3t, 3tt. Ht* dtapilt*with hii Baphew Flalgaiiaiu, it. Ha iunda EfTpt, 3S*. Hk " DenHtriiH bedtcH Bbndn. and ii npolaadiMO, Ml Hit e^ul ABtignia " tha Onnlo, M9. Hia cubpaJfB BfaiiiMLyaiBaehiBft, t^ Hit nllul coadoct U At bull* of Inu, whtn ha iiilaia,Mb AncuMDidu ud hit brMbn Akniii Ikt pott, i.,I9S. AiiliKhii,tomidad b" Salaoeu (a Uw Omua, ii.,Ml. AaDochiiL Iha Atbanian "ui"nl, L, 471- Hia dharHttr, a. Slain la l)ittMll(i3NoIillDI,4Tr. J"li"hiia,ann"HdthsOnal.Uaf rfSnla,U,,UI. Ria pt^tataltan^iutmftn.tt. Ha i^Mb (ta dk- ttlLa "" Uh RiBiH MtfiMMdnt. 4H. Hfa dHni sa S"KS,"8. CeBsnoBtMtf liDMiUUai,tt. CanBdl u DoMriB, 4St. Hii*dnB"gaPbaT",". Caltln- Ooa of bii uuTtet* u Ckdnii, t(. GaiHnldiiiiilDtaHaa Bulla of ThtiB^Tl"i "a. BiTaimjn"i"d, ti. Ha ulark* tin Aiii, it. Efocu of Ui daputura ne Ibr ""aanl ItHbuiB Oraaea,ii,,Ml. kadpatar, ii.. ill.IT*. IntantiaD uf n)v"adiii( bim 1b HaeadoBla br Cnuru, IH. Sii naiinaala la b" Alai- mWr, it, Chltaa da"lbi/tbikliic,blapinreT"9n(bind StbaoDBBcilafttia vaTa(Bri^iia.". OBlkaHn Alaiudar'ilaciwa.baaaB' ' " Hia pToapiritta af 1 "taa, vbo WH alain in Theaaalr, IflO. " i KiUi Cnun, kg iMalM " fistOT orn Ha canaa Oa aubniaiiiB of Iba Latria, ML 1 tar, n". Bia ncaption of Iha Alba ' HibeHBda uanhaiRlDlbaAlba- , .. ipaetaafasBan,i". Biad"baI,cH rhich ha lakaa rafafa al l^iiua, MO, ML Hia lUiasoa Alheaa to, it. Hia saaanraa U - -- ... airibaa and pal* Un Aibaidaa gnfasa u daub, TO, IM. lajiaiiail b7AarifiBiuuidI"aiialriiia,SKI,Mi. Hapn- Hi(Mbrinraf(iutFanllaou,tl. Saada Cimtarna and naortalannaafaiaalEananat, tt. Ha piwaada to Pan- diata In Snia, aai iainnatad with tba atnraBa aalbai- %10l. 1aianeoKiliUioa U Saidia oitt Claq^Mra, . Hia ntnni to tba HaOaapoot, "l. Sia iliaordai likalyto puTB teal, UT. Damadaa rapainto AnQpaUr aftai intri^ioi;m ttiFquae of Ferdiocaa, and ia bV him cait Into a doBKVon. it- At hia death ha ^ivanta FdIj. BparchoD loiucnad hiai in Ihr nfan^vit. CoDtaUl^t Taaolta fram tbii will of Ancipatar.WT, 308. Bo anc- OHda kia bnUiat Philip in tba pmnuimt, IH. Ha "antsia hia moUutr. 3M- Hii kinffdom Joradad tnr P)rT- aader,i". Oa tba daaiK of^AliTu"". and *Iactl"i to Iba oovaraigiBtT of Damatriiu, ha ropaiia to tba ooatt ctf Angina caswandi iha Ciarb ronfaderataa U laaJa oa the dtatb of Lasathtiwa,ii., V". Defaala Lacamuaa In Tbtlaalji MS. ladalsalsdb^ AnUpatai al Cnnnin, Kl. Ho tTVMia with Ih* nfaot, BM tha nmkfadarataa lajdowa thaii aima, MI. AnTina,'^ia'iHaiiaticB of BociUaa, i.,m. Aocoaa, Indian hihflirt. Okaa br AlalnlllaT,U.,HI, IM. Apallaa,intri^naaof, anloat Philip,ii.,U4.T^iacharrof, VI. FoTfeiu the kint'aoooMtBa, il. Baal la Coriuh Apbidiw, tha towi, i.,' 149. Apbtca, Iba bartogr of,1-,V8. Apbrkaa or BiTi. tha AManarJaa,il., Hi. AphndiaiB. tho buqaal, ii., IB. AphTodil*,tFBflaof,I , so. Apoclatea,tba," Coaacil gf Dapuja* aacnf Utt lEtdi- ana, II , *ia. Apadotiana,niba (f,1.,M. Apollo,i., h. ApoUodorat, a aiandiaT of Iha Pira Haadnd, 11.,101. AptAlodorna,a enpnia of Alakand*r% LL, Ml. Apolloma,aiofoof,by Philip, ii.,411. Afwltoudaa irBDBiaioaal)"aipol]ad hen im gnat amf, i., AjMtkaidaabuna tha Fiia Hmdiad or eeiudl tf Aitea, Ap^hthafaiataLaooaica,i..Ml. dealb,Ul,tM. "a, Iha Emlina UbianaT^trib Ife,it. Traha cf int,T(.'*'n'i. ^ all partMa, it. Ha ia appoinladnnanl of tha AFtaaaa Uagna, U". Ha aotpnaaa Corinth,184, M9. Ho oh- taisa Kwatiim of tb* dij, Ml. AlHsipta apoa Aifoa, it. Fartbrr aipadiUOH, at. Ha ianlaa Albca. feO. FanharAtuiaplaapoa Ait"a,it.Hia numaaua in Iha aoath,N7, HianaaliufluaotistbeAchBin LaafiHiii. Ha li dalaalodV daooniea, Ml. Hia daiit"v~ i"- ln|naa,4tl. Raaina tba tHlt f" Snuant Aou a''ilaraU, l"^. I hiaaon, 411. U " rtl itf t^ ArhwB Laajrna,li.,411. Ha aocmpaniaa Philipin bll eipaditiona, 411. Ha laina Iha kinf^oon- Maan, 4M, Conoaiioa di^oatU aiana paila^Thilip^ eondun, 411. Atuna, capa of,I-, Aichidainiu,Unf of Spatta,L, tOO. Hia adrica to iba aa- aambly donof Iha dabala aa Iha aabjaotof Iha Cwinthi- an war, Sfl. Hia addriB to tht araij U Iba bvainniaa of tba war with Athtaa, SM. Hia nato(iaIiia" with Iha Plataaiu,198. Hia aitnonllnaij aipadioBtu tba aia(a Anbidamna, Iba " i" Afaailaai,opadiUin gf; U.,It Aof, U. rt,!., I Anhipaluro, Iba Oiaak, i,,ST. liaaIba fonniaaslof Babrlnla,II.,1T a Sioal chief,Ua aOiaBca with Aa Alh Anna, hiof^bla nBaiiuaaafal aipadilkaafainaC tha M Aliadaa, tU,ii, ITI. At(Biu Bitanpla la BooBt Iha ibnaa itf HamOoa,IL,M Ai(ulhcuH, Iha l^na^aa kiof , I.,IH. 9a of,S71. .FTrf.lT**-' Ia - ifaaaatic aipadltioa,tafaadof,L,TT. Ralialoi WDTkofthalMaed.TS. ttahiMancal fauulnlii eoanoiiga wiiE ibtTn^wnr, 80^ I., W. Plain oMk Tbaial ritb iUa,Mi; and wiih Spaita, Hwav "" uH policyof, it. Daa|ar of. 401. rarolatioa, 400. Baniiq|ofIhaPmanooiaud liecoeDcll if tba Pin HmiAad at,il., MT. On- "Ui, m. AunM d AiMu """, Mi. SiloiHHB of laMHtH, W. fU'iHl oC,W^"f."" of,hT N*- . 1JbutT of,Hltmnly jHUlUHa "^ ""- ii.,)ie. T)tijK~ " *Br" AiwruiiH, ii.,in. DWmJM. """ pat la dMth iftAn* .teimmiii, Uh FIubh fKanli t-, Hi. AristanuH, Hmp ol Phiraia, ii.,IW. AjiMnn",bMu|"li[JuiiUllu"(,i.,U9. ymilaniiOm "iji"liiuni,SM. InoiiHiliaIniiim w nnll, 1"B. -^^ " -'n of Talmi*iu"t AUgmdirt l^du HtHhmjvt, I,lit. junw", i" Cnmlhwi aaauAn. i..Hi. Aliflidu, i.,IH. Hii inUrritw wilh llwmiitoclai,M. Bmbliihn hia CDuatjT in vi hcannl"lt aad wl^iMid Arutippiu, hia cowbfliio* "viUiCjrv, L, ttfl. AtiMe, "tnuniB "(,i.,4M. AiiHubulDi,)!., m.SU. Hilil"Uil"oflblilulli(ifUnr. uitar, lU. "i.,i,.1ST. hk Imtliir Xtnu, i^M. " ' u7iip"rMigH,i., STD. SU,,1S. SBbmiaino (f, fimntuq, " fimntuqj j.,70. . fonnauf, Ii.,110. aU. BiaiTDdliH.lH. UiingolMliiciiia MlMJ. An*",*llM*ii|"i.nchH"t,i.,""" ".~ Aiituooiu, ir,S"a, M"rW Aii"mi", 1., IM. AriwcBhiw, Uh own pDM, i.,IS7. Rtriair g( U" wri- Bafi,ti;. Uu piliitolTwwi, MB. AluDlii Uu Sifk- nb, OH. UdtivH itluck iodowl liiBiM3. Inuivlun, U* gnlv, li., M. AiiBoiuaBt, tTniin/ iinl duih cf,ii..HT. AiiHotli, i., H. Hli indaiiK* " [b" Bixl md ohuHUT cf ALtiudei tha Omi, ii., IM. !" npoTUd b; urn to hoTv bMB r"i"tii"d m poiioniiifAlonadv, loTcad to wilhilnw frooi .Alhvna cm " duTfl of iBbacLlai "T lufbriBg fton paiHn fn"n br Oljntfima,1 Piooiiimxl kini bj Ui" Miotdouu UBf "" Burlm. Ptrdieeu ogaMniu bin la ouiib Ib" ^lUmam aC Hwi- n|oi wiihd"ib,"l. EdHtoi;na. tiratuiaak "ter n butio bf 4h" OtrnpiH, Itt. Atnnl oT Cilippiu,I., 423. *mn] of tbi itbioiu umuHut u Ilbitlu. i" 411. Anile*. MEnp of Vhrjp^. ii^IT An, pnfm* of, i., IW, MM. Anibaaai.1.,3M. . Ulpal SjHTUU (B UH lb .__.. H u oan|i Uiiii nmirjoan in u euaduuB uaiut ABio^Ma. Hii awm u" ihi Gmto, MJT BiidMb, Anuiith noMii of C"i". I.. 160, M" ; iL, !"", IM. AtlimiKua. bill! of.I.. K, 40. AnbBi"uofZilei,i"3U. Aiu of tba Oixki ii'llis bank """, 1.,W, M. AiTbu, kiac of Epinii,iu tM. AHidar, ii.,170,^ SUi^ Ctoia,tOt.M". rmn of Bjna, ii..Ml. tnmifc "" no- - . . . llyCyn A"yluaofCnua,l..lM. Aitpebaa, iho idHinl, i.,*t^4t [" MinTH Ha^ i..IW. I, Iha Syncuau mlw, 1.,414. !,M4. daimrtiinc^,l.,4l","l. r, i.,10T;ii.,H. uon, i.,an, 5M. ,ii.,US, in, 113,141, ML Atbf BJVi preparvtioa Erftdonu, kuli n*, ITI. Pandioa.^. Eain of Tb^a, ITS. Enai- loctoil IbolnbsIln.it. Ttiniiii aiilriiail il IhafnaJ "r of tbe 4*momaT, ITt. riinihM gf Ua olinfoliri ni. 114. The(ribaaiiibdi"iiladfaiuipto"ltM,lf4, in. Wacihip of Zona ud Apollo at, IT4. OiVFUioaafM*- aaMtesau,ITk DaMV of Oadna; kii aap tiaitgan. ^initioB if HipiHiDaua, 17ft,ITS. Ajaail tmHtm, INDEX. Lrnnu. Han^B, trnt1 fcadDM at, IBB. Fmnr .. _ Ittl. Tnnki bain brldB, 1*0. Hlpfurtu daJB bj Huwdiiu nd AHMofiittB.I". in. lynnytCmp- "tuLimn. ThfABphictTonnbuU^lbilnplaif Zi^ inndt AtUs, in, IM. M.^Uu-hm if th* AtkalHa*mttwBiHiiiai.uilMCliiilcii,lH. Kk*"- H,^,1M. NtfMJHlia wiih Spun, '" " . Alhniu mkuBM to Pkilip,Uh hOmU., III,1I7, IIV, I- " - ^ with th" aoMi^, Itt. "flb*AlkMi- ofAl* d"L__ oTths Ht mu OUR "ini"ra H BppaaH aiB ; jhoi wiom.iat. TlutinsaftniorHin^lii "0(M*lHiu "B4Hnr. "", IH. Ml. int7MAtt"."". Dnudiirtbinn "", 1T4, rrt. ImimAiiiiM if LnciMu br Lrmni. "7". Tb* aiiln,(IS. " , DafM df AiMiiiuir h^L"m"hiBH. """ msniii n !.""", Ml. DabU rf iIh Aibniu "nr br CLitoi,IM. B^tMiin "" A^pua. Wl, ML ~-^-- "-" "" HI. C^lilulgBto AnUnMr, NI. "d tv th. HHileun^m^ NT. At(Kkii|m,b7pliitin,"l. KaikwT"rthi^%naPhi- kHphvn IS lt"H. MS. Attxa, Hmml. L, U. Allu. ih" kill,1., IDI. OnwinV^nuff!!^!. AlnAtH, Htnii or Madia,ti.,M. M^m. Auaek OD Dalphi,H..IN. Aluck HE Pjlu, l.MS. Attaek on SphaaEeria, i-, ^t. Auaek* oa Pwialn. I.,til. Auafinni of Theba, r., "". Auilaa,ii.. lU. Kiiilaatb,IR. Atlalai tt Ptrnma ineliidadii tba tnttf af tbt JtttltwmM wiihltiiiii".li.,"Sl Hum-" ^_ " Attaloa,adninl i"r Paidin-u m. Tak" T/n, Ml. Sr l", MM. Hh Mlarpriai*, t ABsnpt apan Hafaia, 1., IT7 . Anbia.!., ITI. 4Biao""w)r,L,Il*. Auic wbu, i . "". m. Naa . Bf AalifKW^ITS. BfAl Aadua, Ulrrlaa pciueaiai ij.,998. Aa_aa.kia"arHlk.l.,li Aaria. pm or, i , HI. Aabirfalba,"..M. A""l'"Atl""w^tba.i.,49. Aabirlaa. ibt AibHiu laoHy, il"7T. Aaii-";"DapaiudaaibEfofdari/lbalViiqr.i.,Wfc Aai'i|illndiiaa,^RapaflbaTap"iaBa.ii.,9M Aaiia"hniilauia,iaua|iaf Lnlia,ii..IM, Aias'ia.lh.a".i.,^. labTl",tHiniabntaitrT"'Ahn^irfa"s,H.,9eo. Th*. |nu tampla i/,9H. I"Htb of Alnawlw lb* Oiaat^ BaubtUda Ba"i"ii. iMi is, cnMa ^^rpnlabjPai HIU ot Ii., W I, pcn'aTi^im. Laataa,latnLP of A BmbataBT. I..Ml. Banmiai, the Hada, U Ailtiaaf AiliBuan.I.,aioi. Bank of C(npeili"",ii..Ml Battia "d CyttoeapbaL. ii., Ml. Biatb ef Gaafamala,ii.,IM. B"dtltifI|iHia.ti., MT. BalUa or Laanra. ii., St BalUa i^Prdna, ii., M). Bua* 4f lieiBiT^ i r., U9. BatlH, tacaadofTi., 9W. BitMallT"..M9. BatlH III., it. BmMin, Ma e^aara br Alansdar, ii,199 Bataaia,Httaa oT Sjriaaad Aaajria, 1.,t Ballaiqibim. biaiJVaaUiraa. I., 11. Deaaai.aatrap if BaOiia, ii., UJ. Ca BBUof.iif. i""or,ni. BiauR, "., in. Biaa. f., Mt. Bill^ajaae. thaj j,. "T. BaiiT ibbabiiantaVM. baatjaAa,tba,aaaanioa af Iba BB, bal aAanvafd IbaraahiB af tbaraapla,M laaaarfPaMatri ,".af. "isj BB, bal ananvafd Ibar' a. At Iha laHtfatiiB af Pr^baa. Ibiia acaia afW a pmtndad aiaaa. aanaadar at dlocnUcB,"VI. BiaMiae fbnciaaa, i..49.47. Bft, tit Pamiaa fPianw gTSlam f.,991. Hracbillil^ noTdei a(,II.. 449. BTahiniaaiichoFiua.i..lH;"., t". 999. Biakaime. indaeaa iTlbe.li.,141, MT. Braajdla.alpluitaf, i., M3. Cuanca and Kal id;M9. Hia aapadiiian la TliTKa, r*. Ta Handaia. (78. HiaqaarralwiibPanliiisa,!*, HaiebaaaKaiaalAapbip- olie.lat Popiilaritir "if, itO. Cuaqaaata if.n4. Pi"- SlaiE la Ihl liaula gf Amphipolia. MB. Brna, tba Aiain cbiaf,1..MO. Ban^la. "ily tbaadad apia Ika dead) af tba bcaaa Bm- Badma, pmaf.i'., 9M. Babe. SaaBpa"ibiaa.i"9"4. Balaa,ifieatIf Aibaa*. i..n. B]riaatiBB,i"^aaf.U"l4t.B^Jatiia idtba tiiaaawtj^ ba mitm t^bal, Ii.,19 w kii.(.I.. IM. .-.- , ,d"ua.,i..91 ,,, INDSX. unl, a. Hit pndietiai Catiuil*. iilud of,i.,M. Ihu\ af DauiatHi in Uw Uniplii ^ FoHidH or NeptDH Is,u., tH. Ca1tuia,'"M*Bii). ud Qnak ciili"ku U" Enilu, ii. CiUiu, Uia uluDiu fnml, I., tSi. Slain Ik (ki butla CiUicntHdiMlBnuhtdMth* own bauMfblprngBin tlu CivciuinijTi-.tTS. CiUUcTaiei,vulwij offii.,IW- Hii LoBaaiidBin Oi" ani"- cili of tho AcbiuB LEAflQi,4H- Hia aarrilitj biwanb RuDc, 1H. Hiaeniell^auJn^MOltj.MS. Conaralda- Caltieratilai iiKCHilf Ljwdar a* adninl, i.,HI. Ba"- CmUidniBn. lb Waal, E,,'U. CaaiiBiKbsa,tha Kil'in*"A"""MS. CalliKHdom iba aKk, hia a^dnn o" AXipaHt, ii., Ml. CalLiDua, tlia Bjiluaiai poM, i., W). Callirboa,tha foQDUin oC i.,IM. CalJiaU,Iha iakad,i., IIT. Cal]iailuiQ"hIba Aihaniaa nikaral,U.."8. DUAraU """- BinDIa aa to Ihg munn l/Ua daalli. Itl. CiJiiatmaa, thaAlbanian tir*tai. ii.,K,9". Calliianui oonea IbnnnI aa tba aceaar of lb* Alhaaiab aanarala, i., 41". - "alpe,portof, i.j MS. Catfdnn,i., rt,"!. Ca^Tdouanboar, dnaa if Oa, I.,IT. CalTJiap, i. " a.dabuea CaoTiwiiiain Buiiia and Sogdiua, ii., no. Caiadsnian biUa,tlu, i. M. CambTaaa, Uia aoa and hail at CTnia,1.,96. Sa i Captom nf Tbahea, i sa oL i., SW. laacna, iij I9T. ri, i.,W mi, Ao^ i.,MS. Canana, Saa " ^laaaa," i., ". Cvnanla, ii., Htf.JLlaxuilR oM* d"i"aia,191.lHimetloB"iril"Ci CaFaaaafa"inl,i.,Ml. Cartbata.dlT oC i., tW. G^nbafiniui,Iha,IL, ML C"rT",i.,Ml. CarrKoa, aiafai" I.,tO. Caibniin^kiafdaBa",'ii.."tt. .Caaiaaa"aartan^d" ftU to anion Oa, "!.,"",I". Caiaandar, ii,ITS, SM. Hia iauiTteir "i" Alaiaadar al Babfloa.Mt. Bl iMd br llB Uac, """ lapxnad M ban takai nttan, tt, I" anmaud lAtUandi in muiiial of Iba canliTbr Ua ^at, AalifUn, Mt Ha ordait tba aiaemon ofPaMaJaa tai Ptnaa^ lOT. IBa"Mi"- Antilatar, at, "" "4..J.i~ UjAt, tM. Tba Alha- "la" eijinlau la Cuaaadar,in. Ba la;aaiafa to FrdBa, M. Maka hiBalf bmm of Manifla. u" pan Olnpiaa,Matbar of AlanBdor tba Oraal,la daub, tH. Ha iBptiaeifl KoianK and bat ana al AAphipoliiL (t. MaRiaaThaMl"u"a.iiidr.oiditb*alie*of1W aalonlcs aad Caaaandraa, A. FMwa Iho puaof Tbai" DopxlH, nt. SabaiUa ite Bmiiaa Tbabaa, i". Pota Koiaaaasd AlaiandarJEnalodatfb.Mt. Hi* oiiawa oanpaiwl wiik Ibaaa tfVia mala fm powar, IM. Hia nnucxaaifal allaiapl to necnr Coinn, Ul. Hia iara- atooDf AUJ's.ii. Ha raUmiataliaa bia diajan, tt. Hia daalh,it. iiii"i3a"WbThiaaoePbllip,UL Caaaaadna, ncarerj cf,b^ Antifmaa, ftoA ApoUadona, Caii^ua Loaiiaua,Iba piamaid, i., M. CaalDlDa.iImbUh c",i.,UK. Caibiui,' iBdiu !", ii.,lat. Thiit MildatMlir Al- .'a* d^ I., {(t! Ctnopida,Aa, I^M. Caoopa,i.,44. Httdo ~ Cna. ialaot 1, 41. Call*,lba,IbairT bia Iklbar, Tawaga, al Aifoi, i.,tlT. " UBeriUaadiHa,K..Mt. IlaeaM" ti. Jliairinn"lalnto."toli",IW. AtUAia , -,- ,-- -lianamaaUcmwJIk "ana, SO. la mniciad tn [ha InMT wiu KiBf Philte, . BiadaKlai[aiiinTadadhinill^tfMac"lon,{(. 'itCbaramHOB, iL,61. Chuactar cf Faiaa . . , . Iha Atbanian aHeadau? in l^biaa, W. Daath nL 81 Cbalea,i.,44l. Cbalcadoa.atafaof,i., M7. " '^"-a,luaawlitioBMCbl"a,iT*"". TaIrala,Mei laa, Iha,Iba in* Or"ii\ who niaad a ftalju !" i.,IM, " baUabpriaata van Aloiaadar of bia i m. Thair piadJctiiBi of Iha pffwvT of _ _ _ Cb^doaoa,Uh, i.,9M. Chaloaataa, pnxnoalorTof,L, 41. Cbaanaa, Iba,i.. 44. Chwudaiia.I.,Ma Cbandttia,tba,I., 4IB. CbanaaCl., *M. ClmnoB, i.,198. CSuinia,eitaliliiliad a trrant m PaDaaa,ii., tn. Cbanidaa billadla tba battk of Hnajv hia,i,Wt. Cbanaadaa, b'l'i anadMioa (a SMIr. i- MS. Chan, ii.,IB. nacad al Iba baad (f tba (awaM I\aba*, with tba Utk (f Bwlai^ l"v CbaindH, 1.,liT. Cbailaca af Taaaa, I., US. Ch*iTMa|"hna.T, "1. Biadaalb, B41 Cbaiab hnr, naMd Iba Aaaiaai. ii,tN, Ml ChoBooeasa, th* 'nuaolan, i_ B1. Cblaai,tba,I.,M. Ghuia,i^TS. IWOa of,iL,4W. Cbaaa,Cboiapaa,ir KraiiilaliTOr,il., m. CbatiaBaa.il., MT. Cbrjaaa, Iba pTiaal, 1., W,"!*)*. Cbraeaaiala.tha Ciataa,i.,71. of ^ Syneaaaa aaaiUaiiaa, II., IT. Claudar, ii., IM. Pal te daath brAlanadai, HI. ClaaiEhu, hia aipadilion to tba Hall ClaiSi",V tnaat of SicreB,L, ISt. IV". Ap^itaiad aalnr rf l"M", Wk 1" Coogic itu^ bit^d oT lb* Hntnfic, hlaaddrti isenraftoribaliaulaofHaiTiihih l.,MII. I Fipaditiai ifiintn^bo, U.|M. Skin im tka baol* ifl^uan. Si. CltiiMd",aiiitdllioa"1"',tcilf"lH,L,4(B. TngiallM*, 4N. CtMHnH, kiif or Sm^ '-"IH ^^" '"i^nlilrt"7 im "mkudiM. aHBHBH, aitnii. of BfTpt, il- 3M, M4, tTS. CltiiBUH n., kiu of finuti,li., 371. deoaeBai, hb id MoudUi hit vofriut to A^vtia, wido* If Afii IT.,ii.,K". Bar fnit iiiSiiiiix ant Eiini, ik. Bli "nnmlni isiIm Ibnue " tha rlHlliif LHnJdu, it. B* "fiil"t"i ft liiulu nfom u Uut (ttinpiMl b^ ^fil,"i. h HHHUd of Ibo ninrdar of EoTTrlimirlii, n of AfEi^WT Bueesn of hi* fint millluyazpMli- tioBi, IN. Hii aondiKt tatn da Ardudaoio. U. Fu- imlitn in kpaHL 400. Ha maona lh" aphnltr, miBplu*biaMHtiVaatalli*Faopla,4"). Ha uUda Ua plant ef taliinB, O. Hiiniw attlad hii nfira*, ba "uuiiJa "" liaalianaditiaiu, iDL HIa (nal MBitat. lOl. Cli ""lati u Aifoa. W9. Hit tagMttitet wilh AcalUtW- TattkarniOTemCDU, 407. Baagiiatioform- Uion ofUh datllloT AgitLia,408. ClaDmenn al Manlop- all^40". Hiadafauitthabiultof S"UmU.4I1. Be aftilafor Alaiandha, i*. Claomanea al Alaxaa^a, 413, a, it. flit ileub,ii. ClMmidu, " cenDtndit of Ftolmj'i, U Corinth,ii.,137. daoajwia, ilaiD IB Iha butls of Leuettt,jj., n. Clainina, 9pattjn,lahHCon!pm,ii.,S44. 3t*l"lh*"ld of iVrrlnato wnat ttiaoruwn fitivAnna, 371. Cl"apnt%,dsithlor oF Ftulip ud Oljupiaa, hat hand "DUghl br LvnmilDa, li.,U8. Sbs ll pnoiiiad Vj Iha BHaa UFHdHnaiit. Haioanuala toEnnitntaBtSai- 1 lit. Mi. Ja Bsrdsnd 1^ooiaiud of AnLifnu whan (bow to mtaj nolain, 3H. iSaeiiun, vidow of Faidiccu of Maoadon, ii., M. Claeva'niwMt at Aiulaa, bar iMin^a *iib Fliilip "" Maeadta, ii.,Ut. HwdaTwi b^ Olmpiaa. lU. C3"ophaa, {., 405. Hit iiiniiifamiil ud dtMh, 480. CIaaponp".L, tM. CljtauaaOa. !., 108. Ohobi, Ik* Sputao ftdanal, i, tK. Cudw, U IW Cbobu,!., 111. CaalltiiMafilM Tfaaba, ii., 04. Cadni, kiu of Athom i.,4". Ohh, ii.,ho, tM, IM. HuHrntt Al MaattHj of qoiniiis bdla^MO. Si* fn In tiibalUT tb , ... Cmrn. amqqaal "/, In Qamatrioa, ii. Carern, lot! of.JL.M. [inth, tht onfiaalEnuTn. I,, ._.. Ii lUTlnHd br Pidtw, hint of Bfnt, ii., "M, SniraiuUn U DiBBtriu fm- ttSum,Ml Coarraa U, "44. MonBua of Antaa oii,9St.aHttaf,bTL.(tiiBai"a,iili. Dtaanoioa^ Cwnaa, Iha batlU D^ i.,W. CoTooio,i.iB7_ CinMiia, Iha kiiy of tha LipUha, i. Cortonat town oT i.,40. CorrdtUtit,taiUaof.i., 17. Corjitilw, of Aatiom. i..HO. Coijlai, the Pashlanniaa hjat,i., MT. CotTi.kior of Fapblarmta. f., SM. Coin, kiD" of Thiaca,II.. U. ftariaimf hi Hii "ioleol daalli, TB. DlTiaJOU of hit Ul|d" C"u"dl M Bibrloa.il.. MO. _-p" A Catda faaaral, tatabliibtoaat hf him n __. nl UifdoaBin Tlinoa, ii.,MS. Onpilan,i., 4H. Culitianaal ptaoa, li,, ISA. CoDfidaBi7,Aihnbia,ii..tl. "" *-' 1, OlinihiiB, li..11. ofh"OH.II.,44". Oacttw a" Dalphi,ti., 44. ConfraaiatTbabn. H.,4S. Cmrn, U 471. Dafaaia tba 8^ flnnlitisiia aC ml Iba FanitB tn wllb Anuanai. U8. HItlnqr Caatnaittof TLmotbtv. il.,Tl. " Concr^ "t^B" PUlto, il-4". CoHtiutHHi of AmdiZil., M. CannilUim of Athtu, 1.,MO. i.'ffisj. Cnlaidat, i.,1W". Cnlcnia dafaala Anfapbilna ud Uano. "liaoanamilm of tba Cieatii emlcdMtoa, il., 100, 901. Cnlana, aulabntadiBstaiii in Iha Indian oaniiailTiiiadn' Alalandar, ii.,133. Vl, 138. BBiidi aoua ni" cilHt than, 130. doDdwla Iha Kandaniu adnnead (a"ri" OB the king'italnm. down Iba IlfdaqM, HI, ML Bu "i"i(irionamarch Ibtoufh Andwuio, u n)oi" Ui'^'^' in Cttmtliin,MT, 131. Hll naHilln vilh AniiKIu, In Sanl with Iba Tttaiaoa U IlKadaaim lU. Puv" "" bii miaiioD.tl. Appoiiud nnnl in Cnrnt loniaB with Antipatar.MO. Hit UTinl ib TUmIj "riu "al- "nn En"pa Fnaa AuL 100. aaairaOaMiiiiandaJha ntau Antiutat, il. He mniet PhiU, daaf hiai fl U- aft]itHteadoaiuitni7tothiB,10a. touiiual^ "aaaa topnrtBlbiaEnoatftttHncofsi^^"altTat.af' CiBtana,BeRaUr mBada^ ia laaiauad Iv Iha wlaif Gnlanit, oaonnlar ofIha Albaaiai atnla liiaiaBaatti i , ff* Cslaa, an AAaaiu phjtoaoiihar, haadi Ik* uiktav U Da- mamnt. li., MO. _ Oral 111 ualii, widow af Alaiasdar,iwana Siniai,"nW" 04. VintofDamtUinatghar, tor. Cntaiippidaa, Iha Albanian adnirnl.i.,401. Cnilwia, an Atbulan roslh,nlostarily da"olaa Wamir la bit cxBrirv, and it "iiiatd in datlk if hit himi Ai*- Ciaainia,Mont, i., H. CmphoBlct, i., Ill IIS, 140. CnOM Ida.i.,U. Crate,i.,31,74. Ciathaaa,i., g(l;ii.,UL CnnaaofAttloa, ".,U. Criiaama,Iba,i.,'lai ". , CrlKdaDt,i^"^DflhaA[lH"uLaaciia,ii.,4"L HiiaC- fititau" EaaUn Iha ibiaaiMwl inptnia wiib BtH "f} Upuo Ihtdecrat of wu bjrthaLaaraa.be H/laoaldUtf Matallaa,an(liid*{atud,4M. "; Criliu.I., 4C0. Killad in Iba battlecfNiUT"1""*"^"'' Cnudamna. pbniciu, ii.. M9. Cnoodileaortheladu, ii.,Ml. Of bha Nila, MI- Ciana, kinc of Ljdia,i.,118,HI, Ml. Crnni.tba ntiarsf,i" 40. Cnmnua, tien of,lj.,n. CromniTtin, iba asw of,i., 74. sfCtiB|ihiB,ii,,lI*.l'^ rout, wur of ^luudcr Uh GnU, ii. yBocophiLk, bi *, ("pt, i. ii.,US. HuaAi nit . Tb* uui* of,m TdUBt tha dAR, i.,AS Tiinii, wui is. ii.,1"T. Itt, nr. Dmdl^l htg c/ thi luiilT af Niceelci is,tU. Or^ata ' ' yaisl)u,ii.,4IB, yptaildk, tad, i^,W0. ck!L]i, IM. Hii chi rpnuiwar.li., isr. na uu th* C^natica ndncad bj Ptolaaj^ fsaanl s, i., sn. Hii d"m[l^ US. Hii xiialglinat PwHf La ToBUrtT, Htnp sf tha ,""... HI, fici: ic, iT^O^. Hii uMtian,W. ^lotar Aa"i*|kiBf ^ Cilida, A30. Slua ia Ijnciai, Ui balUa cf,i.,4IM. laaiaKiti, cttfnn oC,iL, 137. Manu, wih or (Ms of Srhhi, i.,HI. laiaumtu,kiiwi'SruU,I,*a. DapoaitiOBo^ A. "uaia fMina Fcdnaarohm to ahaadai tha litf* "^ JItcfc l~gli^.,lit, MT "iWia, kgaad i^,i., St. UdaB, U IIM. Widimii, DciHiUta,iL.US. uier oTClao^anm, i^ m. ifhaltaTaHofnn IB Seniiia, "t. lU. Biaaadaai 1^Tknot, nt. Bit ad Kill Iha loaiaa nbaHifai, t^ iDfaiHB isf Onaoa, 141. Ha damaada tRnblaa, Mt. Pnpanticu of,"!. Uiadaath.)*. Caapain (^ Ml. 'ariiu,iDii if Xenai, i.,]"ll. "anaal[.,i., n. lialn anrtana lo Sparta. W. "ria" CodoDiaaaaa, accaaaiaa af, ii.,174. Bia Aatrnjach UTunu,l"l. MacniflBiiaa af hiantiiua, a. Hi* march la JHaa.aad nwaiUlaaa (or baltla,lU. Tliiht of,187. Hi! laoar la jUaiaadtt.ISft. Hii " ' "l"abanIaafOama~la, IW. Biihgpaa c^. lidoaaia ih at kittAotMtt XI . -^ . Anailaiii,IT(. An^jiiolii, 14. AmMB. A"ialT.,BH. AkiUailai,i ,"W. Uae- tas. It., to. Alauodat JlfU. U*. iJaaadar Oa Gnat, MS. Alaiaadn, tba aw (f PoWgrchin, SIS. .-..a..... " .^., " .^ jUitipMn.SM. rtidaa,I.,ne. Ap- _. , : Brackyllaa,4H. Calaaiia,ii, MS. CUlicialtt, OS. ns. CoUa, Ii,,It. Ciatenu, tW. ^ana, tK. Ct- na, i..ni. cyniatba ycBnicr, SSI. Daiiia,ii..lA. Ditaaiaa,ITO. Damadai, W. Demetiiiii. "1, tn. !.,9M. HacbuiJai, ii.,4X. Maiini- "i. I., na. lauuadea, MB. MDtaippDa,il.,I7,Nitiii, tU. Oljnpiai,to. Oaaniachua, 6j. ?ani"iio,til. rvoaalaa, 1.,MB. Faloaidai,ii.,a. Paiduieat,Mi. Faridaa,i.iM3. I"liili]i,il..47t. nilomatgi. M. Pkil- iJioiBaB,M7. FhiliitaLtll. nByUutS. PiihDB,IM). ni]TcntaLL,tS7. -PTtrtina,ii.,in. Buaaa,m, 8a- lauaD^MI. Sola,!., IBS. "FHaiiHB(a.ii..SSS.Talan- tlu.14. namiatoctea, I.,1S8. numaytnluiL 97S. 1^- Bii:(luiU,l".,M. Ti"iibaniaa,i.,S"a. Debate al Athaia, i.,SSO, W9 ; ii.,Bt. Dabala at Cauaiiaah i., i". I"acliiiasf pi^iilal.-- DacT"aaa of popnlalioD DsncD aniul (he Mi 'a "oldian,ii.,190. ";'*"" gau^, a'., n Ara aninat Danish of Uia AiDnfiiclTana farllw imlafltian(rf'Cbailda- maa, ii.,IM, DacT"aa, AmpbiclToBle,agaiatt Phocii and Sparta,ii., M. Dafaal of Aichinaa, 11.7974. AKit, MM. Alaclaa, MS. Aoaiituui, i.,37$. Analvi, ii., MS. CTU*n",")l. L* amaoia, it., Mg. Uaaiaiiiia. i., 179. KatMiffOM,ii.,fT. NaoptolaiDaa, 3W. OaoniacbBa, S7. Pbiionalat,i,.(IS. Sntameoaa, li.,MS. Tlba Adwana, MV. Tht AEiiaiii- aBt,i.,4ai. n* Illniaaa,il.,M. Tba Ioalu"i.,n" Tha HaeedoBtani. ii.,S", Tha Scrlhiaaa.lIB. Defecta ia tliaiuatituiiDBaof DaiiuHyatatpn, i.,St. Dafa.niifP(ti'"aea,i..S3g. DaTtiica oT Philotaa, i.,111. Dafaoaa gf Sjiacoaa,i., tin. Dafanca of lliarauanaa,i.,"tT. DafeBca af TbBTmwylB, ii.,307. DafaaaiTa neanTaa of tlw ilthaaiaiu, [.,437. I"efliiitJonof demacracT, i., 100- Cafiaitiaiof l)ia Banfe Afa, i., 71. Dearea af aalliTalioBoflliafiiia aila, i., \0%. DeHtaoiia lakaa laTUfa with Oljaipti* and Banu in Pjd- Dal^untaa, ao"it"a tf. imWltand bj a tTa"ioal aOtmtr hraofhl IB hia b; tha daadlr batrad of Ui chlldtn,i-r Data, G"akaaalat,i.,t7t. mf ftoatioDof Aa U DalpU, i..Its. Caacnaa at, ".. 44. Atiaeh mj Dalphk onela,!., ]n,Kl. T^aatniaa of, in dabfar,il.^ Dalphia,ii.,IS. Daiaadaa, Alhrniaa damanfna, li.,101, iti. Ml. Hia. auaaioo,tofatliar vilh nHnioa, to AoIipataT "1 ThAaa, tn. Ha iobigdaa with Pardiccaa ininat AAtipatar, and thia oQodact comiiif u tha kaawiadt* aftba Iinar, Dt- madti, with bia aon Demaaa, ara pm 1o daalh,307. Dania^Dffnaa, tha,i,, 309 i il., S3- Damaad br Alaaaader af dtriaa hnosra, ii., ITS. Daiaaoil oflba AthtDiu onbTa, ii..IMI. maTchni, tha Sararann naaial, i.,"S9. awaa. Hs of Daaiadta, u pat to daath }"fCaaModar, mclriaa, rarah of,itainflnaBca oa iha ftituradeatiidaa of 31. Bai ihortljaAar uMtoi."". ITaRhaa repDlaad1^ 1h" Anlja of tha ba tiua af aad noln WB^. 4]nM"."t. BiiuBU , EnvoHi E iim Dcaatriu Pbabmii, ud Huli bin u Thibai. .MT H" dMBUtlu MaoTchil. it. HacQDn derread klB by tiltAlhniui, 1ST. SfiuH ll" cilj of Miglra, uth* "aliciluioeafth* AlhHiuw, a. Hiirint u" Cn- Iwtpdliii ftUncted by liarnpntuioti fot baautr,iA. Hit E"irji}ct. widow of 0]")iiil1u, it. by hit rtthtr,ik. Swti for Cfprat, ud dtrtut Htntltui (I Stlunit,tM. Dtfnti PtDltBT, ud dutroTi hi! Iltal, in Iks Kcoid built of StUiiit in Cfpn*, ii. Utiwlail urtwdan bim trat u, rt. G"i- . tmitr sf DtiKtTiiii diiplirtd uwvdi FttHmj, ii. , BiDdl AritUdlSU ta hIgu AnlignaQt u klU| ii. Tb* Dtw kinn. tfr. Ht jaiu in the tTpaditian dT Antigmiu kfiJiitt EfT^ 13V- QuiltingC^a, hit Oh! nffaltb^n MonOt tA Hit rttrvit front Simt tnd Kr jpL lA. \aj* "!"(* io Rbadu, MD. Hu ingiDo "" itttdi, callsd Htlip- aliii,MI.S41.HuinOCwrurHillinllLit. Hiinptuu, Aldau ud Hul"t,i" ittin bf itatRhodiui, H3. Ttmi (nelad of ibi siiliHt,it. AIMt ft ^tu'ilitft, ud (hit btif otpitQlktiGnT ho vitbdnwi hit foKst^tl. iLfnaiaHl loibtEi srffi- wauvivt tfwiwt PolTtptTthon tad o M,"M. Bt nlint IS CinchioB. nod pnkp Inl "ajt Ml. SlcYon n St ilotUM/B tW dl ind lo him ^ P "lE'i. "( DtaiDui^. Coriub it tumodeml ts hiB b) Pi ftllBI,t^ Etpntai DoidunLt^ titur of PTrrfLOB, Ai(", M4. B( dioIiUa t*nat u" Cuiuder, who .. "HMs ttidf"" m Itunt with Lyilmnchat and Ptoltnir tha rinl Unn. *ni^il Antlffniii,M4, H". Hi toUi Lutes Cnnutf, 149. Tthtt Phem, ii. Tnui wItt CtBudtlt "Bd ttik (o Asm to joro Aati|mnlt M0 1U" EyliMu, nd mwhet is Iha HiUoipont.i". Pin- CHLUToll'on.uiboniDulbarthtEiiiini.it. Ityn "d br PTTrbu, M7. Amoonl "i tha onoT uf AUitonni bihw E^un% MS. It nrnnd HlmlSBn inUAIhe t(. Rmin to tht Iithau, ii. Findi be hid forfti tbi onlduii* of Ibi Gmli tnd MictdonitBt,M9. "-- '^^b.il'ir oI^thT ftlf^ (Toi dufhlR StntoniM in Burian, SM. ^"^^ towirdt SrrUi,ud "tBtl br Selnciu. a. Ha i"]"r"" the oltimt 4U BtUDCu, and t npttuv auostiSSI. Ht DDdtrtshtt u t^odiiisg afiliHiAtbni, H,. Hi nngn tba cdgd- -Dt froB Eliui to KhiBisi, an. BteoBtt Bitter vi AtbtBC, Ul. Hit i"ctad aufsinimitj, it. He pn- oMdt to Utut Spuu, (t. Hi it dinitad Fnai hi" ob- "n liT dhar pntptata dl THKarT, tSI. Hi alheia tba BBidn if AlannSir, IM. B" it iWnad ta di. aaw ^npovarbj (hiToiDaarth*aiBruidUMptoiili, IW. Bb BoraBaati agaiaitBmotti,it. IInbBili to hliu- aefin.it. Henwcba iaiaTbnee.lU. Haiianaat- "ad in hit iBHiiiifaleaiatr br mwi sf tb* lanh of Bov- lii,UT. DaBMriuitAlhini.tlT. Hit iBaanlia with n^aal la Iha P/thiu QaBit, il. Hii notiiaa fW thii, ift.Hi*inTM*gBof.aidia.i(.Ha it Utatked ^adia- fHaaa iriatB. US. CuEhidio a Inoa witb l^baa, . aad iHnnt Re Ibe Bait,it. PrtifantbRaliluitnatT, ' "^ ^^^ cxoBBn ananiT ifiinu Denatiiiii,UB. "tatkaiabtTialicbt,MO. Hit nKtanaga, A. Itafiia al Ih* bitd tl aa amj, aad bainni Albeaa, it. Ha nim tha lian. aad coaclidit uwuer tnur with Fti" ihiii,i). bailor Miletoi,it. la(bii* Barhid la Pul- amit, daachiaro(EniTiUcs*, it. Hon " '" ' " "' Hurbta into CilicU,it. Hit nicrto ol KSI laadad bjr CiDKH, it. Adonu Aihino, it. Wu i diKi- pb ti Tbaoiitanitii^ il. Hit ptnan^ hibitt,it. After a Bild ffontmvnl bi nddaa[| obiaM le tyraimf tit- BUIaea, it. It altackad b]rDaBtlriat,ton of Antifoniii, ML It diHRid bj NupDlllw,ud llndi a nfujia at Ikabai, it. PiUonUad b; Pialony L u Aluudni, it. Hit death ia Eml, it. DaBttnaa H.^eoaot Aatifonat Oomtnt, hit niairltn with MiSBa, widow of Alaiuder, ii.,nt. Eocctadi bii br ther ia the kin(doB, H7. Unoinaistjr omnected with kit Ueton. it. Ble death, and iBpoitaat mulu of it le aiaiea,NO. .SeBilriaLIH It nuUp m. ^m",^"i. Cahoot iorLiiitiii",M. in hth"Ucif~ihTM^n^]UDt. Ym. Oj^jn^ thi loS. Hiimi!^fathiRlHd!ui,ll"!*'Biii|ilSrh*.^^ nb)eetc"'lhi alliuicibilwHoOlTalboiindAthi-ni. IDT. Hit niwi with ngard Idtb* aigotirttoaawitb Pbilip r" l(u*dim,na. Appnialsdanaoriht eiilBBTDrMa,llS. Hit iptoCh on the finau aifatiUioB witb Philip, it. Anieilou of, 118. Eufti hieitelf itreBBaiHlf to pnmiU paue, 111. Rvceitaa Iha IIt"fd"iiumiLBbeBi7 with ^r^ oca, it. Hit CTDwinr liuffaanc* and coantaiBci the pnanii o( ihe Me- - .III. Occuion of i"t nccad Fhifap- pio,in, Hit impafecbnient of Aa^inei, IH. Hit a*a- tico oa tbii occuiiD, 138. The thitd Philippic'M. Hia maamni to pnoota tha tieilT with Thebea, 14ft. Appointed Is daUnr ibi fUHn] ormtim "mr Iha numi whb fellat Charoaai, lU. Hii condad en bairiar of Pbilip'i laauaitialiiin, IM. Coaaidaniics of hie Hfulin- tiontwith Pinia, IT). Hit iipaeuiion that AkuBdat """'"' "^ orembalaad by the Paniu mcwvh. it. Ao- of,Ihr luiiiniiitia in bM opujat Aloiandtr u tUi ooigBKrlan, S71,rs, aaT A (aidea m-n "oO""" tobiB%rhit*u__ ar itfthe thtaiio faad, t the thtaiio faad,tT4. Hia dtfeaee in i*bIt it^I"tCctaDl,"4,"n. Hit iBbaHie, et. to theAthniaai not lo naalTa HelpalBi,Ht. " uMiim, with reciiTiaca bribe froB HarpaJu, tSQ,VI- Hatlhteutodyofthatraaea*orBirpilaa,"e- lieied "Bdb"aidiad,nil, Kl.W). Bii adriee to the Aihaw- aaa- lAA Pemeii of ihe oraun and fritadeIt libem br '^" "" -' ^ " "^ , iM. Bf"mi afibeir --, -" ofIhe thouead Ac"aaai, DepOBliiBifPhalw"t,ll, tll- I"eil7lHdH,i.,4H. bpedilioa"f,H BiiKee,SH. DuQlBi epncdnled OBe g"a Ihe AtheiJau, IL.IM. I"eTdat,fifDCec^ElBl",ti-, H. DnenI gf the ladai,Ii., MS. Daiirt."karrHl Ba^, b DuirnaofArami. il.,MCI. hitfNicii I, n.. Its. Daapondncy il _^ Daqiotie acti of Oi , " IlutnctlcinDfCci[inih,ii-,dn. Balicwa,i.,4a. Cnrtiia, M). Iiaoria,ii.,vn. Laraedi, itTPlitea. M. Sib- ehi, I.,IIR. The I^ " " " " " *- Tbaapla.M. DalhroBaBint of A^wat, i.,ttt. Denlofaeel ofthi SpaiteaCoBnitatwa, i..Mi. DiTico of ThemiBsclie, J.,3W. Diaoe, fenenl df Ihe Aaaaa Laafve.h.,dSt. 1 death of Chtoleo^ he laaaBed the "b^bI, *M prapiTatioDtUk oppooiaf the RtBan oewar. Ml proceedlitft nl Cerinlh,k boa, uid^waadetMed, il DU]ee^ the Bpie. i.,OT. nai J, tttatut ftma '"'Sic uuck lb upga MrnlmM. L, of tka OiHk finw, il^ m. "r"k""jiirnii"i"BMB. it. HRinii",a. " UcibiKiH, L, tit.Xl- u Dfini ^ii"|ikr, 1., "DDlidB OI.AIJ. " BMnvm ftmiM Oh shh if Hm llll;^niu*, L, Ht. l"iotnmtH,Miaiiim,Um" -""--"""" '"- " "'" "- " - -ih"Smlc"aAL__ " =" " rf,t" Ml. " itof, m. " H, u Adrtbi *i11",ifiKrialvd to tb" "" TlbailMi. 4pbvicnu Ifljtnd of hu IidiAn flxptdil MJ. T)i* lird or I^ au. Hit faRiTil o AltuBi"er*t Eiikatuk, ii..MO. SioBhuH, tbi ActutuiHiint, kit undllla "ift, im GOBipbij wilh P^Blunao, h.| 461. " aoaku wllh Cornau, ii., MS. ofllHflnak '-- "" "" Dliiaiuajif rkMHlfi l.,it. Dvraitiia Hf tha htroic kiBdI. I., M. D..M.o[B"0",i1.:tel! ''''"" DaiU-.i, iirikiir ef. i.. M. Tbiir Mnealn willi Ih) Ia- piikZ'iU. ttiftr-naiHinsiiiiifnUinhllt. Tndni"i - - "'-" "" mih ihi Binaloidi, III iiHiMtiOH, )M. Poonliv tlw Dohu ahuKUr, IM. I Uh HinnF-r. Wt. b iOH l^dT*'-' Dunndrr, tnacbwT oT i-i 141^ Dnni. uikor tl """ IM witl Dnini, Ik* OmiH. 1.. 111. IITWUI of Xw-ptuB, 1., Ml. Runh^Bdu u St"Ie, 1,, Wt, Ecbtajfc iMtBr"d by AlwmdM A" Git, U-, IM. h*. - E(lMaiu,'kiB^ irT"|M.l., IlI,lTt. Erli]JHi"l)wiw".i.,11l. Bdi"ttaaJBCnu,i., Itl. Of AkibiH",lM. Of jUu- - udtrlte Onit,ii.,IM. If PiMillmii. IW OfPn- ld",i.,Wt. Of miip u TkokH, "L, ". orajiuMa im",i.,lU. OfflpHtUTaub/i*. OflbtAd"ta B"BU ii(ilw |l"ni at Atkiu,i., BHiru tftlH ZiSniui,L, ML M BOMilbr ' "'" "as iiairCuitqnM,i^"U. Ian-- diisinaof Aotimwa, Ml. -", ""iTliHktnJiiigu.i-U. EcTftiu ookoiM ii Aipl'* ""1 M^i"ri^i.. tt. BiTr"iu mn" ii..IW, WD, ML ^ ^^ bypdaia ud rtuHleiui mliniiod Qths*, I., H. Etotfinn of " w "*ii*j*la bj thvOm Bkohuli ef ImS^ ii., "!" tM. EUOUn of HW ((iiuala bi tb" OnakL i., Ml. B^riitfiH (f AldMalH IS, _,.__--, .-.""*" bmu tin "ni"o" "it aWnI. BuHlrltoa orVhitip uubk, Oa. WBtf, ta. oSlSw of, i'., M^""'"'' 'mkmini Inm Spwu to At^u, i,, W. Bputs tn TW- liL Ml. libiiiiiiih ii., 140. At BiMpii. m Tka AOniuaUABtipaur, Kl. R"u, 471. nuiUw M MS. At)uiiiuloPanim,ITl,4"r. '" " TR BmIw-j of OoniH, i., MS ^Pkoi, IP7. Vram ^1 444. Gmk, u kao", 4"3. Tmipi. b L"(i"t, 4M. CoUicnlM u Rudh. 4"8. Tk* itkiloBpfafln, 487. Oraotoit 4B0. iftn of Ddioi. _ iplovnHBl vf HinsDvm, n., /i. Zmataabint iplrit of (Ujuplu, li'. lit. EiMMiipnnM of"rl uil [lunton tj ! ~ ' ' OolrA dTiiwn, I., Ml. Of lb" Mowl MHnnM 4M. fH'llM Hdd mr, ii., U. Df tho Luin. BDjiai, "" of AfcHWuln. i., 4". Soit br Iko SpuMM -Ilk u "abuaj' to Atkuo, *i(k anmni et p"o", M. . MotpriM t" Bfittmum, ii., tKL :nMninM"ifCubTW,l.,n". orDooM)a,M4. :anj "" AfaBBdH A* OiHt liio Bobjilon, II ., ISK la*on of Coftntfa ud GnKTto "! Arh"n" i . nt SabiffK of.ii"AlktiH,H., I", III Of ~ 1, ia TkiiiidT, 4U. ~ Barla*, klaiof BrMoa."j., 181. te^BoodH BDd-Poloflfca, Ii., 4". FtiaWikip "t, hr PahipidBL II. Bi" ipHcb doriai lb* avitiaiioa vMk Spwu,M. Thaftsadarof lliaHBi,4I, Ckirivdwnli . 'kni^U tOt tLi., li., iri Mt. CUjal, . Xpki.lM, i.,*W. ChuffH ru.,100. A. ^" :--. Splxmltr.ttit. DriKliiiticB of tht AitOfm- DOJEX. "EvrjUa, dM^btn of LjiiaaoliM, U., brjlHliH, "., US. "fts... Kpic diilKt,I., Wl. Epic^lei. i., 4B1. DHth uf, AuWwitr ^ alKtiiv "4^, IM. i., "18. 'Si ,18. AITdnar.Bl. InnniB t^', I"tHh Ai- BlactwkoT.Ml. Tbi silhMi af,n"ob- iDitir OB bihilf "( Itet tialoslHl iitr, tt. "supwl bf tht Alhi^iiui, i" 411. MlfU uMid ; AikHi, in. I"- ZpinB, i.,11. HsUniH l" issi: "d bj Fbiliji, ii., 11 (ilhoUM ,3S' t^Srf . DfwiKt oef" ukd dHtiDctloik of,1^ fU. BncnliilDt,III*Atbnrin naonl, iLpTI. ETipiiii(,ii.,l]". DeMli of, IM. Eroaiu, Hit tutls of,r.. m. Kmotonff riAwi of ibfldiilribationei png Kn{" ^Hupdno,ii.,W". EBan (" Philip fnilD Cuii, It^ 411. BHhito, rmnduioa of,ii., IIT. Snort, til*MBoedobiui ctirpt of,vudDr Air EiUMiikmnl rftba nuRj at Atteu. L, "tl lUnvlHH, tha SpHUn nmnun of Tlitn, oxpoliioaof, i..4W. ChxiuiDiu or,Bl China,481 Elblst^iu. lie.i., Ira, BDnTii, t)i(TTTTheginu iiilialiiudA* ooHta " 11.,ML Esaptsiu, iliirrof,i..140.141. EBti"".ru"iufor iuooner iiiiui.1., N. UonuHilcB wi[)i Bmtw. i.. IH. HifnUiai frm u4 W. TO. Eohulu, In or.i]., 104. PoUoTrf,1)1. Bomn mudir of, i., 4H. BoDthii, Ih* CoriDlhiin pool,i.,I4II. Btmmitm, HcntuT u Aitaaaei Ihs Onu, U., MB. Hia ouinua.lU. Hii lua to in aninnt (UtHB, ITS. Sap- PFardioaa, ib. ApponUd aatnp im Aack Hiadr; FsidiDW ii hia cwapuni J rinpaJnrii,Piiidia, am Cilkii",tK,"T. B" la"iaa and iliaiiipliua a boilr af raiiiailialaiiiiaiaTii.tn HixnalauaiToiar Ciap Mn* ud HaqpUtaBoa.MO, m. Bia ki^ npilatiiB, BiaatzBUnB annat Cn tanadaUau^O. TMlpua pnpMH Cirinr uilaal, M. I)*"W""f;Iwta]uanf"ifaiiiNDi",MS,M8: D*~ AUda Ika TaatiisliiBof Ua "'OvfT btm Aatifona, MM. Ba aanapa ina Noia,MM. Hia oarmpoadtBea *iUi OlrBpiaa a"l PalnaiakM, MNt Ha a^^vB IWir una, ii. Tb* nml MM. and hia diaui i Mr, IK. Hia apa"^ ". HanlHa IMa ItMhnod I7 AalifiBaa m tha Euhntaa, laa lh" atiuacM of hia atago" I, lit. ta finad to ntnal, 31R. Tha Airnondi Mil* ktis br traachaiT, ML U hauaJH^ud .laiTbTiioMMd af AatiwaM. A. Eaadaua awl lUaa, ITtTRaUUn in hia InalH *a BiiB*,4aO. Bstan iBtnapiiUa Mntiatw with Pat- aaaa, tt. Ha aoliaaoaaiitlTbraaka with htB, M. Bwwiitea, tka.a'.'EHhTliia, [., Ml Barlina' ol' Oiwu, ii.,SI. Buhaaa. klu of Uaaanda. 1..141. IvjUolia aniHt Aa- idAnMMnil ip, S * " tpiiala with S*' ioCi.,1 r,"9. of Otaa, L. Mt. "of,M. C^B. Drifiau,41S. Fmrth"rDpanliniti(,4H.D"alhif,t)i. lamtolaain, ".."", ""i |- t 'i ' 'i T filiiaiiaiH BMbanarlhalMUIiefAttuaM,47ll. niaam^iii chair dafaaoo,H. iltyolaa. 111 Nisiaa,*!. Tinuaoaa."". HUtooraK, ii.,n. Eiocniion if tha traatiaa, 1., IM, Of Oa daciaa a"itetf Pboeia,tt., IM. ' """ "--","* AlhaM.i., MM. h KiliI ala.!!. afNioi?' ,(M. ^OictafAi EipaditiiiB of tViolaa annit Palnpm AtheoiaBB to Eijpt, IvO. Tb* Spai Tolndita., " " Eiila(f Thaniato i^miiS MO. lliiuTdMaa, ML ~ " n,A,Il. AihaiasMl 1 aiBCMioa bf Anlifi^rt pEilip rtapattiHK, II*. LiMn.,l.,M". TV* , _ .jnui MDoria,MI. .i"^T""aniu MalH. tST. Damtln- " i.lW. EgTyadiai and Snphoelo*,MS. Niciaa *a"iiiat Ihtlalhiaaa, in, Biuidaa uThran, ITS. rjidiaIa(hr|lHn,i". AfalaM LTOoaaUa,3K. OTChcai, 189. To Haloa,IBS. PolnpoBuaiai aninat Cbio*. 4M. ~ 4M. CViu laElaari*,401. Of '- "4ft, MB. JTirBh", r- Doa, n. AfeaiLaoa, ST. Pelopidai to ThnaaW, 44. ThiFd,ofBlBmiDtniiluiDbiPalDpoiintniaj4T. ToBDlHEat BD. PhiliptoThaanlr.BT.PhlGpuTlinoa, IM. Atbo- BlaitoBal^I4B. Philiato Sgnhia, M". Philip In Pil- ofnuaaoa. 191. AJeiudac to nraoa, ISl. Daaatrina taBaM(iB.tII. AutiRBDi ualiiH Erne, IH. T"ta"- _^__ ^ -.. -1, MI. DamaSoa ts lbs Waal, " '- Elit,dn. Fnam n 4T8. a, '/., 111. Por tha la- intfAa'hnitdelf Palan 1., IT. OftkaoadKt Enakiaif Cl"ithaaaa,l.,in. Of Iha Tanr HnidiW, Ai. or BlaiHloaa, th* Qianu aonnor, bna Thifcia, dW. or DamatriBa tha I^Uaiiu Em AHwaa, iL, Mi. m, aHfaRhlcaL iatrinaa of,U tff7. M (TLaTiv, 1., in. MOMa, Ml. AfiBA, Ml. F^'wTuihipBlii, IL,m Haatiaaa, dOB. ' Palaa ea^iloKaof Iha Onab, ii., llL PaalUaiin af tha awh Oratha with tha arta c^lib,L,ID. FatalHi af Iha Onaka, I., Bl. FoM"tP*cihaa,UUI. Tha laadiu cdifuAa " AlhMi, dH. TteNHH.tr. Thairt"" "" "- "" .'autafUbaitr, i..Ml. Th* wuria FaaUi"ii^lhaAIb"iaM,i..d",Hli PaiiAla chaneMi i" Oiatea,U n. ViM of hatllaof lawa, ii.,ISt. anana (ha BariT''Ol*tka, I., IBB ofroric]aa,i..Ut.orOaAot Fint Haaauraa cf Panaoa, ii.,4T1. ~' patnrert)i*araaka,i., ". ITT..I ,ny Ta(iMi"r I* U IM. "d.oaonil oCi-.WT. WTian U la., li^ Ml a^lNi ii.,lU, 1I" ta(f,IH. ilA Hit natotiatioa wilh Philip, U, Hit !*"" niiilad,A. Hta utaet on PUli^ *i^, aid TlaMt7, i*, Ba ta""" tinaad in Iha onaalahipal tha aaaiial tlaatiua, dtt. INDEX. rftkpkilip M moH, iU. lu nnht, wilh ihi .SLjtliii. ll. Tnilr " Dec1aniiri4 oT thn indBpemlf IlinnUPIoainiTID: -. H.bi.._.. .._,_ .. ,__ . Iruiu p*ae* to AifOa, it. Hii dtpinijn tot Itil^. Ii"lefoTiiH !" ThttMlT. g. EnlDfigm as liii com rhils In Gn"ia, M. FUminfnu a(iu in Gnece, " LoadHi|i"ai" Dlooluui into Luoul, 46L. Uia nekt aaaBnn, tt. Hs1" ippnirtad. ia acniuiiai wiih otLan, ilUrr at Daaalriu k Ht of FeniL i., SM Dslu.STI. SonatL :shl Df MilliulH, i., MO. 1 lu, ii., see. Seiauciu, 311. rcsd mwch to RhttB, "i., MS. !"" of Iha Ons^ L, rM. Of ifai Psniui ud G -"- XSM. OfA1"udBr,U.,UI. Of Iha Oi Of Onon U "ptanof.ttt. . K4. Ajilifo- itiiu,MT, lU. limJuBlioai^WS. Ii"AehBu L"cw" U-. *M. of reliffioa ftsoaf tb* CmlLL UDDDf thg Qniki, L, ico.lW. InAindii, lU. SaliAitiw ISI. .nifieUioBofAlbiu.i^lM. TIh I^thu. MS. P/Jat, U7. Eetii"","ST, Ctulcii, 481. Tha nuiau ChB- jTtnat H ChoriuiH, ii,, VT- 1, i.,UO. 1, i., 47a. Of Aloaadln* is EnM, "dri"EKJwtt. tlT. ,ii., 40. OIPUiiipi,Tl. , iluf.i., IBt,UI. Ein^mofta. MuMiiiiou of, with BputB, UI. "r\Mn'wu,lb".il-lSl. wufnU ilmiiou of Ihe Oiwli ulim, i., 91. aDnb iDxiHs of Auia, i., US. iHikv of ibD AiiialUn. i., ns. ncmaiiafGnBCt.^jn. Cnta, 111. ;ii"di of FolytaMj "- "u- j.Uifti'llMTi Ck"uOuD(iir UlTTfi, ns CnuUr.M. ""ugUi, ii., m. fc I I (f Cm ilnudtt J^ ud Koou, U., m. 4}luni,ifCUTiilai, i., IH. Oljrotn, caMntod Albdut conrtHu, ii.,tSL Om(t1ii", Of CoriBtMu soBBudar, i.,4H. OonLgm. ii.. IBl. Ooifiai, calibnud la n" of lbs gariiartud Um dcM aaj- '"a.-K.i ipUlB of Alaiudat^ ' oraooi a itu iDdiui war, iLf Df BpuU, i.,BT. GoramiDi I KcU;, in. la A^ "irataffam and dt B"^i,ii."lfti; OoniTDOHot of Piiiatnliia, i., IBS. 'ianiaatvt oflbc Gnglu in tht Haieig Aft, i., n. ioTsriuiioal of tha Pliiatnliila, i., IW. 'naca. declam.ton of (ha iodcpaibdaDca of, aod tha laiji Iimoa, the bDundanet of. i-, 33. Gaovrmpliicid ontliaca ofjit. F"nilitjof,4l. Earti.rt inhiSuiiiu i.f,41. K- MiliatilTCif, mlhlhBanioflifa.SO, Firal rMtrj of,**. Fnaman of,Ea. Faaala ehiiviir in.ST. ^uutilft, 101. Flaal of.al Dalaa,371. ProapocU of.il.,ST,IK, " IS. Monminu ia,IH,3DT. SUU oL an, 31T, b. ilia of,taatond. K9. War in, 308. tiptdlUoa dT cooaaiiiMiil 'i^^'oiiwi, UO. Sosiaa "ioUritnon is."*. A tnaan jmniaaa, 4B1. Populuiou in,daeieaaad, Iti, Graak aad EfjptiH IndiEiona, coiDddaiace o^ f ., A". ""^h innj, pcailiofk of,i.,S75. lak adimiaa is UUf, i.,IM. I., 189. 4k omJoltiBti, "i., 73. -.jtk aziloa, liatontiai of,Ii., 37". Gnwll liviUoiil, apilil af,i., 3M. ~ ' - - imtBta of,i., m. Iiaali,Iba, and illajn of GrHct, i.. 13. Tkair ralatioiia nithtlia Pila^ani. 18. Objacti and funna of tlieiroOT- ahip daniad from liyin. M. Tcndoncy of, to poimnia- catioa, AT. CDoiiiral unj^ca at tha, S9. AmiuBiiisnls of, deriac the banio age, BO. Earlian form of natiual nli(iDii.W. Oriiia of the GrrokDijlboIogy.M, Qual- i"atioaa laiiaind foiIba pricathnod. M). Orarlai of tha, VT. Saufaralad uotioaa antonainad bj tha, of HomaT^ lausliicToS. Thau Idaaaofiharomof ihoaanh, IDO. Of tliauuna of Iha ana, it. Dagiaa lD*h"cbtha uiafol anauprai w haia btea cnlliialad iij, IIO. Tha flM art*. IM. Eaiiiralpredonioii of ttieiralatBin conKcn- tad lolba aatiica of nliiiDn, IDO. Origia of tbaii alpha- bal.lOT. Nationaliniutatiunaaiid"inHaofBDxniEkast. 140. EITacta of Iha Olnupii:faaljnl. lU. Lagasda it tha Djtbical aohuiiai of tha, IX. ElUuioo of thaitdo- Biiaiou, KO. Than donunioii Dnaly aiUbliahad in Cr- nnaiaa,Mll. Tbaitptogiaa tDCT"iluiUoa,X3. Ljrlal pottrr of tha, MO. Orifio of pnaa coBpoailioii, UO. Fiiatdawn Diphiloaopbfaaioog At, HI. LanndoCUu Sdas tnpod, it. Pbilaaaiihial Ulanlan of Ida, 114. ""k cokuiaa ID Daelria aad Sofdivw,ii.,I40,1U.1M. " ^ fevfnphara but littloooqTazoaiu with Iha nUliv* t,ai9i!"K,ti. Csnab " ~S,Mi, aitdtlu ladua, of ,MI. itocallof aUciiiunabui^OudforDolii qgtKoa onfailod by thia n^al com ' The dliea reqaired to HT dirioa hoi ,MO._TaBplaaof.Sca. Graaoa " of Fata rafoui ahiaiaa military and Co fi" Ateaudac^ da_ . "ar,"a,lU. Ranliitioaiiit)"oir"lbira,indwbat"n- "fdond to haia baaa a balwaiii of Ihair tibuliaa, V3. PuUic opiniunnHociiof tha dosluoii aad wv^DaaU of Aloiaodir, ITS. Radaoiooa ob thadaa*^ for Iha au- nadaraf Iha Athoniaa onion, ud IhaboodngooTThaka^^ m. "naQnabaiaftdanoj'.M*. Viclwr*i"d"taathcf Laoathoilea, 98d. 997. Anliphilaa aoocaadl fa hia onua* . ..AA TT --"*"- -"--jofLaaia.aDddafoaraLa* Aati^luar.iaO.Ml. ^" Aadpalac. "". Snlh it C^^^^te^ous'paliia'or'Ilbaiu. m, IIS. Daaih af " " " BinaafAi " ~ - ' . . - .. - iaa. IIO. D__._ . _ iofThabaa.llS. "lauaf SawMl CaaaaDd Ph"ic"Mi.3l". 110. Daub af PhiSp and EaijUiM, _. DfThabaa.llS. "lauaf QnaLaia IM rf AniifM ari P"aliiM, m. DaaiiMidDv INDEX. , ith."f- 1 Id GrHog, Kt. EVtet nl lb* 1 HHiuaiuaB, ptiaoB ot Oaiit,ii.,107. "" ' '^--T"i"i.ii.,IM. EActoTt Mtr" ta Oiuii*,Ml. Kntnli^ rf SpBte "" A* if- Bupn^ltaM^ewHgMrd.i.ltl Ur af,U" jUtteaaB Id Giwoa, Kt. Eft"( tf lb* HujJa, U., IM. Aniwd "^ A bnfU""(lbt Gusli *B4aili"naBih"illiiniifGTH", "* " rD.i.J~:- Ha. Tb* Ctkia iDiailn,MS. Dtluea iifThHwin"lB, mil loSX^Trfllwri^k, no. DntbofFT^H "a iMHftut nodi i" Qnriu Umdit, If4. Sum d Ontet fhiB H" daMh tt PfiAin to tbt non -" ' Aallnaii DgHn. IT4. A"Abu Lons. iu i"A" lh"JiitlDi"i"rfinK*,t". PnnlaxK If dim - " " - ~ " - ;Ka. Tbt BiKlii Dfunfm of ABtifona _ . .. iH a Sputa, iA. " " ctf HulinH, inlUitbTdKfoaW OMM,4TiL Dtith uT iMifsau, nilifinwmnfrhitirlll.il' Fnn ibi iMnH of Sil- !""" W ibi (Bd nf tka Soeul Wi " " " - LmfU^m. Dnifnatf Apallaa tnm ika a"d (f lb* Scdd War Aa VbartT itfOiaaaB udar Robu umacttoa, 490. VUlsHwa biiHHvd aa lb* pnxactor a( Oiadaa llbac It, 411. Hatila ialultDU of Hub* Uwmnia Onaot, at. Batik tf Cblat, 4N. DwOantieB of nr br KaM, 440. Mowiala of Fluiniiaa ta Onoca, 44C CaalinBaa af Nkwi, 440. FlawaUiu u Tbabah 44T. ""HlaitfCnaaaBbala,448. Rsa" aiaau psaoa lo Pbtl. ^,490. bd ofibo IlicailBiiiumi, "l. ?ros tba wataBatioa if tba libtrtTif Gnaoauihi mliaanof CaUkmaa le KiaH, it. .fiuliaa lauitvaa, 4H. FUb- biliiu *|(J" IB Oiaaaa, tia. Kamll af DomoIiiH,tOT. Aatioebga la Onaea, 496. Baulg if TbnnapriB, 490. Oiaat aiUHtoD if iba AckaaB Lima; 4M. "olgiica- tfaa of Sputa, 494. Baou aoniHbwaia, 4a). Dawli Jaiaaaa,it. Good faaUif of tba Indj of Iba Creak u- Uia Uwaido biBh 471. Hiatila "wnmula "d FbOip "fainat tba RoKaB powor, 4T4. Oparalima if Koaa in aBiylDf g" itadtaifaof tba "oliiaiBtioii of Craaca,470. Triudl; toar af Finlu, Hoaias laaal aad fnanl ia "anala of iu iatintioni FomacUaf Iba Acbi laRoBa,4S9, Tbay ira iabaagaaiitlj hi Bfaci* of thairinnUTitihatradaf Rial, DaolanlioB 1^Iba aibaM,4"9. bubrtb OwkL faaii ajuf, M I 2T^an' It Tatna of,15T, n of,n. U TeniiH,SM. W. FmjM.it. Kt. Po- ZabalDi l"|i, MI. Ql13DDdiof iKe falH I io"SM. Viirl.lhrou,hS,rn,". Vic- rn.t iDd rmf of Uu^i nrg niKiali, J". OrrllBh Ihn an "ifXinaBtiaB,II., 99. OjFliM mil*. Idliai a/Lhiam, lU "imiHlar lo FluBJaini Uh Biaaa taaaiaL ii.,4U. Tatia bj aaaaalt by Iha Aebaaai, 499. B. HMwaft)io|"an|i)a.il.,4l9. atairi'alTw.nu, ii'.'W PbHia anlan iaWHfalte- tiuK mitb Mn. 4MI. Elau4arubiaiaiBT(dallalf,4S7. ".. IW. Haba, a nylbolotltal paiaoa, L, M, BilapoUa, tlia|^npl""7ad br Daoatnai al u itaf* iT' Hiilaa, Ibl raintadIbaadaT of Iba BaOaaic nca, "-, ST. IMI"H. Iba,ia Bpina, I.,9T. Kalui"~ o( u tba Ai*^ nn,tkg,i.,ST. ' ' tba"., 179. Haba, lb plalatf,i.,40. BaMa, Iba,orifiaof,i.,JM, IM. Hopbaatioa anompaaiH AlinniloT M tba India,U.,m, m. Hixomaiad ap" tbaiMraaloflbiMBadoBls^ Mi,t41,l". BiaDajitlila*illiI"rnatl","""of 31a- lin,l"9. Biinwanli,ltT. HiidtatVMO. Obaafaiaa of,Ml. CaaatnetioB dT Iba gnal tewar larTiaK aa hia faaanl fila, tU. Wonbippad a" a baro, M4. Taailaa Harieln, SpaitaaibIob)al. i.,19T. Sl^a Bad laiiaialair af,li.,4"d,40l. Pneaadiuaat."ia. BolaolaMi,Ibl,aadDonVH,]., Ill,114. HiiadidM, it., 199. HJi oaaaaiioa wiib PbiKp, 4M, 4"t. aan puaaiafa, ia. i^ifaaaa ii, va, ti. nii aapmiiHa HuaMTnT,81. B"faraaoalatbatia4iiiaiifbia(aila" ia Iba aHiBll (Blba look Aoniaa, U.,m, n4. Akaai- dai4 iarocaligBif; oa Ui ntraal IWm Ibt Hnba^ Ml. nil Mlawira, aad BaMnn tradllliBa" a. Tbabtnilir Ronalaa avpiwl br Alatudar, M9. larealai," of Alanadit by Baniat, U.,199. Bii pn- taaaiou to Iba aacnwoa niHntad by Kaaiabaa, M. leiadiUrr KinllT of tha Hanis Uan, I.,H. Iarn"i Inula,"alUaUoa af tha,I., 4ll. laririBbaMMBta of O lof.U.' f'nailbBiaatlof.it. UaaJiafaaaiaiT iracur er,"BT. Fnoa"ip dan't^'IT '%o"- ""'"" ""'iSa,**. FriMU,U^O". , tk Bara-vnaahip, ri".~CariJniiaa'eribaana.(*. Anifw, ldH,i". P"a ana, lot. PoMiT.tt. Miaac, 4, TaiBDlaa,it. Holy fnaac lai,09. Ouy, a. iMTiaa f, 1". Bhmdiaiaof;iO". *""'!'_'"':"":. lenaakviia, Iba,i., 9 of tba Pkookaa, i. "d v'lb Of tha Taiaoa, it. I. OTlbaOraabi,glO. arfmiiml, i.,977. iiani, kiB(ofSyiaaaia, laJ FalyiHta, i.,(91. [Ian aaila aloBf Iba ihona of Ardia, li,, 191. HiaraayBai of Cairiia, kvvnpbn and friand of Fniaa u.,)H. AfpiijiadtatafM-taaml of Baiitia, 199. K. tmithar of SaBrtilu Tkdnnit ii., (M. Hu 'rt Astiiiun, it. I duneUT, U l". llDnliTi^tn. ncur, i.. 191. TrruB/ if.it. Quili 11- UES, OJ. Jil SparU, IM. l"n""nk" W Itu (XHit ^ !)"- liui, ]"}. ifilppuDlm, tvnKt iif liimnaniii i . IM. BippocoDQ. kibj of I^BWun, i.*71. Uippocntos. L|MO. BipiBcntM 'h^nljh-1 k" Kabm to brineiinr ""* "S"- Jmn rf H"gM"BJiTjM, I.,4W. SlunUlbaiugiifCbil- eidoa, WT. .HlHiBO*, Ib" trniN of MilMH. i ,. Ml. Curi*d prJBHT sf,Sn. li gnnaul bj onter of AinphiMi. MO. BiMcrio*] Tiaw at tks Tniu wur, i., Sb. "Hi"on^Xuopbi_.i.,tar OfSiilai.lhaaarir.lTT.Of Ik* AibMii LHfoa, ii.,174. BoIt fimidi, i,, Bt. ~Bi"*r, I., 40. Hii Dptdia at Iki ivIt bhiUtiHli oT OiHM, 41. Gna*nMd opnlm iBItrtuud bf llii CiHki (f Ui lniu"(, M. BiiidHdJ UMbrKiiftlu "Bjth,ud af tbftCDOH* af thv tu, 100. 0ii ptMBia Aivt " 'towriliu, m. Thtii KiiiB wnpHd ip is .. .. -'traii|ijg4Mi,*iiil"asansiHh" nisi Uw Plulaiiu MiiTx ttw i(rUAIh(ii",tt. A sf,i.,na. I, Ii., ni. D"M Hsmatte iBOinpkT, i., M. HoawrH poana. aathontj of Iba, naptotiu hiatnrifl Ihu,!., BI. Aalhontf ""f"""i nransct Is "*" nut c4' SoBaite fia* of " (Uan ",I.,M. |H"U" .Uw, i.,in hTS^^^Il., W4. BBSHn to Iha daad u PLUaa, "., M). Boilaa iBd ptau of Dariua, ii.^Mt. BaqiiuUtT in ih* Harac a"a, i.,87. Eotila llaatiin ttia Ennpua, 11., m. ""al ofjbalnan Alhu* ud "puU, ii., tg. of tka ta" "'""-* Cra"ki, L, ni. DmfllaBa of Pgnu, tS. Kb- ampMBi on, t". Alaimik]ir-iiww"Bf"t,lM,13r. BalOa of Iko. US. run bull Vt"k SM, HI, Ml. r*Oi iaut tho Uaa, it. "BTdn"tB,rntT,li.,AS. Hueh la, tt. Atrfnl u, ttB. XHinta,MI. Csalwaat -' -"^ "- " " '" *"" .Srdraa,lbt"ri_idaf,i.,4D. .Bnuldaa, antv, m fMaad of Daualhaua. il.,IK, 184. ibJ Phaeiat, )M. Hii naaakinlba daathofLaiBha- Ha, MS. Hla lliflil u a nmatuiT, Wi, "". Fol to a (THl daath b; AMipUac, fM. Bmtaa. Uafof Mann,V,IS). Bnbaaia, "unA of Alaiudar lowaidi Oia, II., VA.~ Ita oaflgaaeawilb^SilMKa.MO. Daurt Ifiiteutwud, lami. eai tnra of,1.,WL latrtieln, oppointodova of iba flmbaaaf a/ 1 IbT". the pofri.i.,Jlo, lobltroptiagiafiha Makiu ceaat, ii- M(. Icblb,..Ci^.i,4l. IdDiuH. (JLoigliMr u, I.'. IN. UnaoL kiiifof Caiia,il.,IM, 171. DlaM of Alamdar, ii.,"". IlLH_i"fboHHa.ii.,IlT. IllaaaofPUHB,U.. tM. B^iia, aifMl"Brf Fkww tl,U.,m. Dia. htiifof nnr, i " M. iBpaaahuaM of Ginoa, i..WT. lapaaaiiBaiit of TharuHaaa, 1" 4V7. lapoauaea of AaplkipoliB, ii., M. IvpnaaaaaBI of Pak^idai b^ Altoadir, ii.,49. iBpmdam pnuadiBga of tba Athauau. H.,IM. lapgtalina oa Iha aHanoat of DtmoallHBea,ii_ St. iBaaliuof Pkilip,li.,l04. lBataLkiiicofllwlJbTaBtnbat,i.,lDI. Da*lh"f,NI. iKowiUM proeaadiBn al Atbana, il.,SO. Inenua of iribat*w Aibtaa, i.,(07. -hilt/ U Aihena,i.,4119. ,191 dai tha Onit. ti.. Ml. How br as. BaUapr of,aid lai^atiibu* acta, it. Tba autsro IndiuMt- TBB Biiuaaaa vnuand br Alnaadar, ISI. ""4. Hm r"od|ab, Sit. VD. Aleaz"dar^ ncUrioaa nianh fren Iha BjdaapM Id Iha Ufphau, 117,140. DaaBtbamw Iha tactir tiTat wid Iba Gascai,MO. Kis( of Iha Oan- nridta Bad Pnaiaaa npoftad lo ha Beta powarfidlh"a Kii"Pona,tt. AlauBdai*i ntiua Is San, Ml. Mar- iMiH oaBuinalcalion baKnaa EfTpl aad bdia,tH,M- IiidiBaI4na,ii., nt? ladiacntien of Aloibiadaa,i., M8. Indiii.cuBqnaau of Aliiandar OS Ihe Uppar,iL,IB, M7. Delta of tbi,147. Float nf AJaundar on ^ Uii, IM, Ml. Hp aiiJa down Lha Hrdafpaa,Aoatiaat,aad ladaa onhia nnn.Ml. Coloiuoi oMabliihad vOaLoww Iadu,M7. Honlbiofthaiinr, M7, M8. ..ilaBcaof (btThiiti .orihtCMka,i., - a,'". Ilapr iB" froeitha Paluffiaa lattiaaiaDla ill bfii^WH0rA"ad"a'^4ni^l|T, 4K.' ' ii..41) afCoaiadr, !.,US. Inflnanoaof FJtha|oru at Cnit laflqapca of tho pwla oa roUfion.i.,00. iBllaanoa of Iha Thriduu on Qnak poolii, I.,48. lalaaaiia of Tiitadr,i., IIT. UAnMltioB Df aorltdta,L, 410. iBBBWioD IB 111*AlhoBiaB CoBUllatioa,i, WT. Imkovallca of P^lofwiBeB, 11- 403. iBitiniln of Iha Saeisd Band at Thabaa, ii.,n. iBaUMltoaa In Claiathanaa,1., lOt. hililaiigHl7DaiiuB7*laapaa,l.,M8. DafacnlLlSK bMitnlloni for pnaamBf Iba public paaoa la Iha Bawtt An, i.,81. lanTtothma. nilituTi tha,of Spaita,L, IM. luUtmliiniDfCnta, i.,110. of Pjrihatocaa.1.,110. ofSo)a8,i.,iaL HspHeitT o";IM. of Spina, latiqaitTaf,1.,In oflhBCaLialas,l-10t. ofnaaaai,i.. 171. "rilaia at A^i^ i.,MT. afCBila,l,,n. OfCTIinB,SK. At BaM*, Atbana, 4in. Au( iha Oraik tAnlam te ucf "tcdia,ii.,"4". laofSpuu^tSt. O?^ Bi Ataaia, 1., an. t BiMini, (- tlS. Of tha CortntUiK, MS. iphott, m. Of PinndEt al Athtn, 4*7. Of the olifiRhical hetiOD,487. OfPardiocai, il., W7. Of Dandoi, SOS. Of Pilhga, SM. Of AibIbb, 4M. Of Ap*UaB,WI. Ofthaft("iBi,4M. Innnoa of Altlet br Span*, 1.,IM, MS, Wt. MO. M(^ SS(.Hr,44I. 'X^Kj^^C"anwit.Va. OfSoTOia SDaiioa, IM. Orfmia br tlie Paraiana, MS. Of aoa,IU. OfPlatH, m. Of AaipUkchia, US. Of ^"UaanubrlhaAiiixia.lOO. Of Artoliabf tha Inr- lana, 400, 071. OrCuia,SSt. Of AiinaBta, M^ ITS. " J ,. " ^ .. ... ,u "i^unaaaBi bj- "'"- IftTof Xaa Of Ueonla.il.. )"I.M."M. Of F" natmiB, 41. Of Epinii br Fhtlip, Ml. Ofatolla.W".SS7,ttT,411. Occa*. too. Of Snia br PulOT, S br PrnhBa, lU, 170. OrBlia,4tt. l","nppo.*dBi"eaatorotaeIoaiiu,L,M,"t; I ";i*.A"."b-,iTfc ..Coo*^!' ^cm; igaofFolelw, tl^ =ir,;-s;ii;:.'"_,_ ifOOf WUU 01 AUM" THUmOf j.,ft74H Urn "fPikvoDHou B"t, i.,"K lam tt Oanma. H..tt. T I 1 """ ~ "- ". LotH, tbg,of EffM mo iamSd into AtcdItv, td. Lj^dlUbi*. tb" tfrmol oT Nkitri,i., tM, LTnoMlTia,eipecTition affjiift, i.,3B6. Lrriealpoetry, i.,100. hjtaaitr^ bri Hrlh, puwntii^, uid tthmtkn D"""1 pnn"rtt"Dt At Biihmiit 473- Dfffeiu fralfofAt"l*M, sot, Tntrijoai li A"aii^ui, 5H, Hit daitti. H th* TMm It Ipmi onr Anlislnai.M9, MT. iuoe with rtolemj, M". IH" immm wilb At- on, PtsltiB;^diDrtnr. "ti Kli trmtonM iondad M DaiDrtrlu.IM^ Bli pnimnhn f" ttw Nnnh. SH, HI*"|iHKtinii|ilMtilwOel"."M. R* I* ctiHrrdto nmadn to Dw^a^mtea,", Wba Inati lilm hononr- "Mt, ud diiiuriw bin aid hit ottsgn. A. Hnxwi bii "HFue wHh BalriKn nd PtolgiBj i^iDit Dgmtiin. tM. Dafaoloi al bii nntnbi tad tnrf. Ut. Bli hiHiiMs, m. ToTM Em dih unhiM [VtrhSi, it. awtiiha dumb rf Dtisnint, ". Hs ;"" "- ' " "- "" - he tunrerpiir, wlijch fcllowedlb* inXb it A la"i"in of. by Pyrrbdi. J7(, Wuof IT. a. Th" inuur ii^ria of "ctorthtimr "i"ib("l"tiin nfakinq, ncnt m tiMdtUb of AliiudH', HS.tTl. Tb* "ritiaidBlMN uAllioa.rrt. OBihadlBlfa- "5W ttniiih Ajia Miimr. St". Of tba Onsta tbidorb StHi, 9M). OfllKCrHk"lhnti"hAmi"iii",Hd. OfAhlu- dn Ibrmgh Curia, li.,IW. To Ihih, I8(. Tbraoab FIvnrida,IW. To Enpl, IW, Tbnaah Mai ' "" a,"ll Porcad mircfll " Rl Mtrc"in,"l.,atnlainiii^, it., 473. Panetnwt into Pjarta, VaTem of CaiTOoa, tho flrn wba waa hoooDrod witb tho dif"Ij Df tba iaprama CDmaaad ia tba Aoheaa Laai^ua, Hir^ana^lha, ii.,"". Maidcmiai, aipaditionaf,i., S4I. Hia anfgl adrla to Xenei, HS. Witb tho Orask sradn. tn. ProiMiBla t^,to 1b" Oraoka, trs. ObLaiaa poaaaailoii of Athasa, "loT, m. Ikaattiof, it. Ibiins of Spniasnrfara, i'., JEnroi,tho Modim nnanl, i.,tU. VWanB br wbldi tha DoTiana aflvctad 114. Tha poiHiUi,rf fenclti, WT. The daa,M. OfIXii"atbanH,ii.,t48. (bt Oiaaka, IS*. Of Panana, 4n. HodaaudJ"'-.TR Uadaaadi .,"4. leAiti- H4. Pntrsn of Kracim "" Ontt tbRn(b, H^tioD of Jaa(BKiiiai(tb"t1n"ka,U.,U. OfFo^W- Madiouo, kaowlodfoof,in tha Honio A(o, ".,IN. Kedioa,Iu^hi oTAIoiBiidorat Ibe hooaa c^,lad bla cod- laqnat A?*t, iJ-, M". Uanbataa, ticitad Ibo anmitT el Aiiitanraa br bli mol- tj and aoTirily,i., IM. Mspbaioa waa comtniniooed by I"iTioato iMiIiptela Ifao cwqtigat of the Oioeb ntiaf on tha HeUeapont,i.,IM. HenlDi"ii", fonndauooor, ii.U. (HlUnt defanca o^ far Daii.ii. S(4. Joined the AehiuiL Leaguo, see. FalTo^ odtoadjaaltbairdillaiaiKaa,4tr' TnnqoiIliiaBtho poo- Megalopolitau dafinidail br DnDOalbgDna, ii., M. WetiTL copqnaatof,t., IIB, Thao^noa, Eha tynat dC Hernia, iTm. ^EOTWaJi enhrfw " i-*^lc ".Eti! LI, iMnodof, j.iflS, dH, Sptnaa vdmin], i^ ' MaLuani, Wind of,i..SI, MilulliBt, Unr oT Mtmm. i.,11 M*\MmfMT, iL, m t3T. Ha OD slvBwl kinr, m. 170. Ii dirt Ii put 10 dtuh bjrfain. ii. ^If"t"fIT Hod MflDtfltU,COUpiTJJI llalawTii Hiui th* nnniBienl " tin d"Wli if Cuwt- UH, hii bmikir. ii^ At. HilHipni, tba Sotiun aBTor. i.,SM. llallni, bloodj "nculioa oC,li.,4C". Haln"a. irfSuM, utwu i/tui |"kih"D|ikr, I. .HaDoK, ii.18. Pluad i( iba h"4 of I*-- - Tbabaa, oith tlH tillaof Bosurcli, ID. Main, acBftou* It,i.,"S. Enuipiu* 10,0. .., _ja ofTlM- fint "mural UO. Tha batinnj^ oftliairfint wv, I br.U, n""iliaiHif,l"in%ltb"sa, .-. Antwv.Ut. Saoondou, lA. Tha pmila of,fai^ Bin,IM. B^aflhaaaaoBdwii.UT. timiUti-muJ, IBS. EirfaribilUrd'inr.lOt. Anniwwg^U-,4IS. "Kaaaailui, tb*.tbaii aabiHaliiiB taSooa, ii.,Ml. War bcbndi(UHIt"iaBb/lbaAab"aLaapH,"7. tliaiT "tf" iartf la Lraortaa,tft. Ttaii Mliniiin iilo tlw TTiiaiiiiaanai . tuaiaiiiii if iliifim. 1 1 HI TWiiiMl, Its. TI"tbinl,M9. MateDaa, q. Cadlln, KiMa rtmnt, Ua praaaadjua wJUr "a AAaan Luna, li.,4W. Bia delaat if Aadriaoia, "0. Hia fwMa laadiMka witb tba !"""". """ Ha .IbHB, Iba AtUiiaa "aCmumai. L, UI. IDei*, irllh " MawAiaian Ibnia. iiiTaili" Attica, iadafaat- ad b" PbodoB asd riain,ii.,W. lUraUambwIaa,!.,111. .Xdian. I". loBiu, lie. kCfiitiaBi from and la Eabn, 1, 10. 'InlHita eelaiiaa,1., "M. Mitalaa,fiietiauof, L, HI. Attack et,b* AliUtai,MO. f^aimra of,1". Haiolt of,440. Baldi d",441. Ta- nall U, "U. .KOitmrf,Inrtiludona.i,,IM, PnpanliiHU el Epbaaaa, UO. Prapualioai of DamaCriQL u., 1ST. Opanttiau of Acia-Ha. Milo, diaciflt orP]Flbi"ani,I.,II R. l^ol s Iba BaUaapsI, 4SI. Vimlu-oa, i., iSn. OparatioBj MJnv, hia cbanctar, ]., 74. La^od t^ bia Doriaj axaaiiaed,70. Hia poiilical iDatiluciaaa" 70. Ifiarua, Iba.I,N. In Laonia u^ TtiBhTlU, 11 MiicoadDctofAM(D0hB,i.,44t. of Iba AlRa paaaulnr, i.,ITt. nuM"f"3nM",iL,4". ""inof, i.,S4S'. Siaiaof,MT. ..:____ ... ",n,odar at; US. tiO, Darraa aaaiaat.npaalad. Ut. Hiiiaii"iHa"lCortTn,li.,17.IIiadaatb,ML HaaauiAiii, Inul of Cbalctt,ii.,60. Maaaiiitailiia. I)" Albaoiu uauanaii, i.,MS. Modan Oiaclii. Iba,ii., SOO. Hiarti,Mabi-njah t obiaf of Fuuli, ii.,MT. Mu" rehy, tba LTdJan, riaa c/.i., 110. MnutbaiMi ib tba Bnak nnbeliicT, i.,01. HmaooB, ibaamibHl. ii.,SSS,KM, MO. M"uM"BitfiliaPal"siav,i.,Sl; tai ti^itiai Onafak ii..407. Haoa.aeUiiaaof Iba,i.,4)1. Bdota,Iba, TiObflT of IpbicrmUi aivT, l.,S7l. Monl alaoa af Tba placua it Atbaaa, i., Ju. Monditir aad raliiioa, amuiaiuB banaan, i.,M. Kooni CUnax, il., Matamaita of Uw fn^ flaat, u, "mT'ot ^Onf M, KO. Olifnaluoal.itfFiHDdir.dSO. OTLiwHlaT.ta. !" Onaoa. ii., IS*. At Aibana, 100. or^)(riM, tOt. In Iba ,"gHB, IBT. lBOna",S07. OfAMinHiM LraiBKbnhUt. Of Damauioi, H9v Of niiGpin Pal- iBoaaaaiu, 4M. Of Iba RoKaBOaat, 44"L Kotlaii, madan eiiTU, ii.,*4J. tlawuat, Roibaa fanait], bii dsfaat i" Dima^ mad da* itnicti" of Coriitb,il., "M. Hia btlbar lata af ma- naiiea,40t. MoaiBcaac* of CIidob,i.,M7. HoafabU, Iba battla of.i.,SOO. Oaeapiad br a MaaadI "DO. Diagiaiillad br Damaniai, " HurabioB, Iba laiHlb,raaaitaa tba d Kaldar if Hippaicbiia.i., 101. Of PbTvaiebaa, 4ST, Of EaBhna,ii.,4" Of Uaiaidar of Pbam, OT. Of nil- iniM. OfDiriaa,MS. Of Staiin, m. Of Roui, "n. Of Alaiaadai Xtat, it. Of Hamlai, *". of M. MNiiu^dll (Saoiwtra,tM. OfAJu^ar,'; Of AnAiibBBa, IBO. Of EtiacbrUoa, " Haman at Aihaw ataian Paindt*, i. If aaaaiB, faniScatiaaaof Um, ii.tSS. Huis ia Iba Banto Ata, i., lo" lfaaiaiaaa,aabiaiaai(B"( to AlaiaadaT,H.,MS. Uaa italaaarBakbaia,a. Rarall aad ondliiai af;MT. HatUabqi af the Eanaa baata,L, 411. MmiBT W (Ma, ii- MT. Al Triiiatadinu,ML Hanil nlatioaa ottha aana ia ^ Banio i"a, i, 80;. Ksli" _ ""' " ~'Ua,rfAi"illaa,i.,B7. 'aid, bialiajIn, of Iba flnt dainbaaaa, Its. DjaaatT id,ISO. Mnaudaaa, tba l^gaafPitas 141. Aadq _j- _ Iwtaaa, i-,t73. Mr^le^adauaa^Ii^r^^Df ^a. L^IB^, Cillaa, tba faaaial at (alila, tjiuaT of of SpwuTilja. i.,437. Hi: Sia anaaai tAFria.44" , ti. Hit paiOdj, 447. inwioB of tba thiaoa oowltb.ti. Hialii "abaanafiao bafaidlioaif "ML,i., lu. Tnur "(;tL,a*. """" , a Sjudum. i., "8. Mknl powirrf ADtipnu. ii.,m. Manl wT" Qr""'ii" H". MaTlgsUn dirint the Hirsie Aff(, i. KstifKlioa sf Itu [ndu by Alaiuula Muaa.inTuimtf, 1.,1U. Smdtof.tBJ. Albaidu sol- say la. 110. Atl"iiiauwut"TU,4II). B"lIIiiir,il.,"t. Kwiiku. li^ ]M. lit acaonpaniM AJtiandaT to thfeIft- du, IH, art. AJBinl of lUx^kWi'a flHl, tU. Hii "]"(" of diae""7 u Ihs Puoiu Oalt MS. E" ludi iiit to Anuft, ud foativii vj fimSId"'' 10hw"1 Tm(0 of, Ii*. : "oU, UI. SsinTi tl" llfiit, ii. at B"cbI*l u if Alaiu"r,IM. Nsetuaku, kmf of I^Tp(,liii 4alaiiBn ^*|iuMloiu" M. MoMiulia* bMirwn dw Pt*M*w ud AMWdiani, I., m. PorpoKio botmn A* AllMHiiH ud Bpuu, MS. BotvHB BiHuud Snuu, m. Sf Ik* Foot Hndnd with apuu, M. Botnu Ailitii*ud Srwn, W, BOS. For pouo witli Agooilwi, S7I. Bomooa Alkna and Spwu, iL. tt. 6tan, of PbilipwUk AOhdo, " Wttb CoMWoptoi, 8D. 0]i"iiBcof,WinoBPluUBi ) [lllli,IM, In PalnoB~""u- "lt. Alhui.. I AtThiWW. Boimn 10, MM. OfFIuiiBi- tonibar vita Cnttnu, iA. KintiaUty oTtha iKwUut, ii., UI., linctine udou tho aiiitu of Spaitat i*.MS. iwioU cajataT of tho kmidom 1^ Cabal, il.,tn It* iIoX,i*."" '" """"""" IB Uh Hjittfmi,liaudodl,ii.,) N.c.r.tu^ ""ralimi ot i.,IK. Kiou, hifl sxpoditiDB uwnit Molo*. i.. tSff, Oil eip*- dilioB u tbo [otlimiu,"?x. Eipediciiis if, to C^ihoi. ITl. Kteorm ofMocdo bj, 3H. And Pliitoui, 3"a. Chineln of,3M. Fhoo nido by, 9"1. Hii firtJitt niatioH, 4U1,118, 434. Ui* letur id tho pupli of .Al^Hi,4*l.Pn^uiiiiirDraiu-fi|t)"".4M. Hiotg- pontitioui Itin ot tbo iclipooof tbo nuoa, lU. Bii llr^m" Somulu "f,4U. EiKDliua of,ug. Fui- dl of,lis. KkocIoo, pot (a dootb Id Cjjiniflbj PtfdoaiT 1^ a cana- noBdoiao with Aatitmu, it,, tU. Tn(iD lau uf bu Miaxd^! oaooiiogr of Atawidu in Ibo Ihim of 8 Hirht ituek oa BjnaAm, i.. IM. Milo,Uh iDolTtctDorxtooipioDf PtrdJBsaaUonLii.tMI. CioeDdilHsf.doToS[Wa6orki"HUion,tt. llitiaT,aari "Ma a Iko Homo Aft, i^ Bt OT 8) 0(w|orih.oooiMrfcniad)irFTtkit",l,lU. Oflka im Pbilijiiiie, ii.,101. Ohjooto of Ljom^B, [.,ItO. Otatnuoo of th* aaaoatf at AlluH, I.,Sit. Obaorralliao o( Eiiodalao ga tbo PolMfiu laafwf*,i., Obrta^ to tl* oioeatiaii of Ibo tmtiai ia Onooi, "., (SO. Oeoapalica of DoliuB, t!/no.''of Plonrian. ttl. Ot Dcoolat, 419. OrnTWl7T1inirballu,4". OehloeiaoT. tha,1.,ISl. OGligB,aeBawoaof,li., ITO. Hu "|"adlti"a uajut Stiloa, ITI. And o(Uut %n", ITl. Indnlcoo hu n"oiif* ia tbo "j1doot oxDoooeo of tynoBical cnalLv ud iikJao*. 171. Sio dutli ki Him, i;i Odiaau, sllr at,il., M. "" " ' *"- ""- i..Ml. Rar^ of Ihi OdrT^uv !.,871. not AoI[a,li.^"l. S^S'"S !i tluT ittiliMrt tkaEranRT, L(. - 11,148. CHifHBlia, bti of Ibo Itoiliai,it Atbou, L, 4M. Olinn^, atlfiael,L, 1S7, RoocCiau al AtkoB% (taintt. CHpit,' tlM batUa cf.1.,Mt. Ohnaiao, tbo battlo of,ii.,H. OljiapiM, wib of Pbilip of Mandaii, ii.,lU. Sonitctad at hudariof bar hailiand, IW. KnEnachiDS opiritg^ 111 SoDdo Ooiipaln into Alio, hD)ilD|U iiiniiu IlU- uo* witll FoHioDoo, MS. Bor eaooo onpponwl b; Pglf- "poieboa ud BsiaanH, M). Sh* nnandon id Pjidna. lo CovandoT, wba boItuuulT Bidoro htr ououtlcB, tU, IM. OlnitaofoMtnLi., lU. Eflbctl of,IM. Oljiapio lanoa, i.,IH. 1H. OlTnpai, Ibo TbHtaliu, i.,101. OlynpHHlaniB, tho AthoniaD gaaato], ii. HI. 8aaka ud otuiBO th* balp of tbo XuHitaM a("BO( Caooaadd, A. ointtloo, )"1oaoTof Spana ogiinot, ii.,11. Kaoodvli UUHIonod bf. 11. Wor docntd iif Sputa atalDat,tt Eipodicioa ofTolonlioa uainot, it, Brdselicai ol,IS R^nrs of. with PhtlihlOD. Woi with Philip. IDS a. n.Mm,^,tiiin,.'m. Oporadau of tho Athoniuio in Chalcidwo AthoaioBl iaSioiLj, J74. OfAUcbiodn 100. OfMciuuJl.BoiaTc1iDi, iTiDi, 418. Bofon Sjrv Hi."danii In Iho Holln] Oo^llu dofoau Tbinbnm, oad ndasao Crmwica to ite^ dienooloPiolomt. ii.,18T. 0|4nii"o about Codmna, i.,SI. OpiDiDDi of tbo OrHkOeaaiionuof thottitiaoftbttaillaiC of^o'tJar icoiotf Alouadot BI, il.,m, 898. OpjnilsTiowoof tba ItaiilatioB of LToorni. i.,IM. ^HOilioBof Thamiatncloo toSpatta,i,,100. Oto, fonnoo of,11.,813. Oncio of Ammtm, ii.,IBS. - a ia Uh HoniD An. i , SO. noniDoi Al^ibiaJoo. Ibo uaioTarAo,L,nT. a It Uia f " - - " " " tnoua, kiac of MicadoDio. il..M. hai"iaa. MTAonliuo,ohiof "/ tho oaaiB""aoam *yHi"far InHoao laaoUd tka a"in of iha Arkaw LwfM, Ii* "Onn, riif* ud tolnTilaf,il, OiniiiBliuD oTtbe Spulu ui Onrn dT tin Porimni,i.,M. I*I1U% or olinnhT. I! cm. IW. Of ill*J tM. OrtbaSui OriM, tba,li., M*. Oriti*.out dthm,K.,M(, m. Onm, ill*o[.ii.. IM. OnM,tt"p1iiuar, l.,M. OntH, Blrap (/ SHnTlB^i., W. Omtot, Erik]ADd BjAcntriA of,iL,t "."urnotMrni,!!, IN. taua. lUPaniu.li.,IW. u.Hlnp of Media. ii.,n OnnK, Albiin daprind of,fi..M a/.b/cha Ai)ianiuu.48e. Nafoti Onliajiitu.'hi'rinl'aunctini, i.,H OiUa^ui, or'Kicaa, li.,IH. Onuaa. ooiidgMauioii aC.ii.,MI. OatTv^uq, Alcihiadai thnalaqtdifi Otuii, hi! eifaditioii, i,, US. OUii7ada", iha Spin*n til j.tn. Of tha JUhaan mr, I mt Ta^aa- wKatv hp andail hia daja, H3. Paaauiiu! Ih/nlua'^ orPtt'l'lVp of Kaeadna. jl" IM. Paui bj Cimmi, i.. 104. Daaind br Csinlb, ii.," FiTuiiitrri AlW., niaan sTlba.i., m. Parutiar ci leamauiim fa tba Dariaiiatenrtar, I.,1" PecuLimr jioaiEion oftba Spanana, j.f IBV. Pailbon,Iha aatnp. li.. Ml, M? 9f"'.'''CaiiM"aa Mle"^ WT. ColiiBMa hb ()" Lvnr Indsa MaMsbad bj. A Hiaacodaot oaUiadaalbDr Alaiudar,m. H-Tiaa. tj anr Iba Gnak iii*bt|"iii" in Aaia, Vw. Ha jalaaIba araij nf Aritipatar iD Syna. and raqnaatt Ud t" liaaliia hia amra] on Iha daatb of FardiocaB, Ml. Triad hf er- dar t^ Antifonna, aad pal to daaib,n). PalaillaaorMn sTlha Arnadiaiu,i.,M. PaluEiiu, Ibt,I..41 la TbaaaalT.41. UA"alia,44. la VahnKuaiaa,a. Is Acdiua, a. U Anadta, * Tnbamfiha.i*. Analic,4". Couaa of Iba mImtiM at 48. Ratatlsnof, (etbaOraaka.it. Laiiniuairf',4 41. ".ulaawBla a, ia IHIr, 4f. ClTiliatiin rf, ML their aaiwa indjtioa, tt. Fanlbavitr aC isfUla.a. Tradtlloaa af, il. Masa^nla A":hi"u(,abnwhrf,W. Balif^oBirf^, N. lintf pf Anp^ij, '" wit^ba ar a^jp,j.,i.o I., la. Sia friaidahipfor ZpaBiBas [hahaad af tb" aonramant of Thabaa, aManh, I". ifii Rial ud aen " ' ta Thau^r. 4S. H" daatb, M. " "" BipadiHaa 4M). BipadiHi iw gf,{,, n, Tba Palaatlanaii, .BlinDifvfif tba kmlaa aattla"fl"(a Tbe DorlaDa bnak ta,W. LanndiorBaTciileain.Tl. ialo.lia. ^nier Aiuoa.JW, ni. miiid.m. EipadlluoofPandaa tinnaafAkiMadMlmtW. BhasUi Pinaa, 4n. DiMraH of Iba,4St. "g"un "aa" oi, ii., t4. Tha Thcliau Ib.38. landoii bT, br tha Tha- bani. 41. EipadttioB of SnuDinaadai into.4T,31. A^ l*ii"or,N. N^LKiBlin ia, 111. Bipi^iliaa af nai; In.IH. BipaditiasnCDainacnBBin.Mt. Wlntar aa. P"i"niB,4t{. MonBaMaafPblliplB, 4*4. Pilnpa.inland oT,i.. M. EiphnaliBn of, W. AnnialiiiD of PlolaDif baron a niLtarraaaaBibl/ al, il. Paadjab.or Pnnjab^ha, para Iributa to Daiina, ii^ 0L Tatllaa. hiDB of.Mi. Itaatate,and diatzibatiqiar pav- ar ID. in. 9i8,i4a. The oonban Faadjab, Ml. Pa"plB,BiaBBbliBBoftba,[.,131, in. PaidiDcaa.kiai af HaEadoB, i.,IM. JBa auRal wHh BiBfdaa,r8. TnwawllbNi " FBidicaaBlI. BUtaofUB PatdimB III.,ii..M, dl. Pg'u%lH"tf to dWh, raotlog oTtba Cnak oli tbadBBlBBo^AI I* iaaatfad with tha apwar " - HaUfar It, il. PulB liafa^ A^i n.^. . aiBAal^M. OrdaiaUaaa. t ID whwh tbvj win batnT* ag, "o. niB evnpaifii BfalaM flriiialhaa. 41. Ha*inff pat that pnB'v Xa dpalh, b" narahaa into PiiidiB and daBtroTB tha lowia of I.Biuda aad bam, OT. Hia na- liliealiDinii:ue(.ll)l, Hiabaatillt^la PlolaM7,lM. Ss- hnta and obtaioa the hand of Nic"a, ^wbtar i^Antipar tai, il. He kaepanp onraapaadaaaa Hitt Olnniiaa aad UnpUTa.il. UfdaiatbadaalhofCr~al.il. Bnia- aoaaADti|oD in loukahii trial, who fliaawith DaBatrl Of Ptolasj u b'pp^bi b"r"r* a ooa^SlM PalaaiiiB,"i. Hi "tianpti to cn^ tha Nila at tha fonraaa naiaartfhdaPa Wall, XII. kfnalratad.aadiBaiThaBlawmTdB Manphia, il. Hii man penib in tba Hila and ata daiauad br eroDodiia, il. Hutiar ii bis "aip, ooMavaaM ea Ufi diaanmfltara, il. Faithod Bad Salaina eaaapiiaafaiBaf him.il. H.iBBhinbTAntii*n",Bl. Blaahwlaraiid oriBHBoanB.dand.Mt. UisIaUtaiaiBaMalhaoiiawar, i.."H. OfApallaa,*] Pilfirnama of Iha t(*ti,H'l*""" TuMH. IM. Ua arp^'ihia u Dihihi, m. ' -ilk TtocriiilH, m. OklKU sf lia nlicy . BnbUAMidnscnti-lCouilnbDDat ^iM"Ti we. Oiavivd wlih "itnofdUHrr bfvnn en hi* niacmloAllMn,(W. LHdh" ftWam af hii nMui, iaciBUTniihnUiu,*!*. Hh naouln with Anu, MO. ftimwdMm imImI Mm, Ml. RMOnnUifis- an UKi iBd Bn" pMiOM. 4. KtUnau Iniiii - "nd BoniUr oluter inlart kin, (M. Bli pn " M"^ m Hi! aradMsB (a FilinouMiii. Homan innM his, U. Biidaltie* nf ttii BaU"" m. ltntiiidBhtiiiflin,g. RitfiurfirtlwkwondaWB, B4S. Hi"4wlh,a. PnidiBHu, !"""" "" I.,M. Patlbu, IL,ITO,m. "nK"iasruiU"dv,L,UT. Of Ihi Ontin, IL,MS. tnapoUi, bDiwnf of tM patu* o^ H., V"l. Rsr^ of AkuB^r " Tjnriw tha niH af ttB nnl fdHa u, m, "naw, 1., BT. Bia dmitiin^Tl. rvnaaa, aa if PhiHp III.itffbaadaa,ehandar " II. 4T1. Bii Julguf of hia bntliar Danatriw, a. BIl ohaTfii Bfalnfthla, it. Ba anrftipaalrt tiiakiaa In aa "Miaiittm mts Thno*. A. Hia daain) aniBat 1)aa"- Biaa. a. HM ariiiiiia,ITt. Bia hatnd of Rgni J". OaaanliaaaitaiBUa poaltiia H^BhaiaiM',a, B^ HaaaaJaaa iihaiiyioRmaiU. naaftmuaUHfth. "" hia paaidaBt i^- Bia pnapaala la Ornflca, lA, RiAiu , , _. Jia pnaMcu la On anagia H, tH. Saaka u aBJiara wiib "" " ---'alUaBga with BoBtlaitt. " ",m, Chaiaaa alliiait ami ' "- mnifRmat, araliaaaaf'm-iv an, toakla,Um ua* catirTlBf an tha war IbpeiidliiJt niMnn ihM Ud, a. Fns- " Bin af Row, ITS. DaplMlTiK of kia aehaaHt tA. Pet' ' kaiTiifManliia,a. B. rllh Boaa, 477. Hi* firat aofaf;*- Roiua laa^ "". Hia eijHiitica lata IHriia, O. Bu proeaadiBcain "to1la,{A. Appnaekaf tha Riuanannv Bad"rqrilaRlD"PliiUppi"a,4n. Panau^ liul errDn, it. Bii iDbliatln aad Awhl rna Dlnm. t". AdnsH af Haiciiu. tf. NafotiatioB tC Tama with Xaiiiam, 480. TnatrwiUiaanli"n,U. HiaalamallhiaiipKK'-b oTPaDlna with Oa Bnua vmT,i*. Ennnmaiit itflhi liiiHl1"an"iaa,aidilafaaiorikaHaeadi""au,"". FUahi of Panaoa to Pilli,IBl. Ha ^Itia himulf ap m tka ftn- PeTaia,t3". TKan^ Satijii|"tiiin nf tho Ind ta of, m. Wiaak rf. Pmiaii innpa of Alaiandar Ida Gnat. 11.,tM, IM. Ha" ear omftnad tm lbs u"nn of,US. IM. Faniani. Iba. i., m ; and Had". il. Bnbilii* Aaia.nt. lunda Fnosla, tU. At BanllKn, HI. At Dalpkl,tSl. Laaaai of,XN. DaKnctioB ci( "7t. Fonaa of, at Sala- J"aF"4op"ia"ai"a",MI.Hia faaareaia, "E " wlih Aiaailaaa. W. HonaaMa^"n. RuBBandai of Ihi PaphUimiiaaa Oldai Xs- aa of'naaaljr,aiiiiatiiltuiI* A"- nwnt, imiBmtC,U. **" idaa,Iba (hat pnaa an liaalaa,ika Jmliiii at, H., lib,wifa of Dananiu. ii..H". Jaia kar tilllaailta UanyaiataSgnia,*). B"da bar Uk bf priaaa,M. PhiMai, "a Oiiakimanl, i.,Ml. PkilafM-aoaotiiaroflfaafiitnii of l\na"M, M^Wt naUp aflUndaa, Ua adaaaiiaa at Thabi^ U., "1. Bk okansMr.M. liMinBnaawitkAtkaaa.H. iMttMW Iba pUiU, M, (Sl ^ Int ts aaMbUak a aMCH mtmr, W. Hia aaont tntf uUh At^mm, M. Kna" tbadtvtfPkflippl.TI. Bia anadittoa la naaal*. O. Rapton batnaa km aad OI:r*""L IM. TiawaaMw lS.%la* a. Ml. Bia ai. Itl. HitMiriHi igaUaa,IM. HU li,"). SjBWafnl(a,H trktobnAar "billp III., aoCH tfUa taint ((". . _-_ rnaa ai Coaiatk,it. Botakaatbafla of JCWIa, bn ta Urailad firaa bia niaiaa, aaa. rniup at ABbraeia, O. la Alalia, "". AI Laiia^, O. H riiofmmiin,4U. Ha tajialaia ir"Fii^bia,irklok Mia hns bia kao^ ". Olbac aaoMAI aiMdItlaBak tt. PhlUaalAtria,U.lotilpaa of ApallH, tM. Coa^i- "BrnnBadtniiiatblii.at. Hia epamlieBa ai"lii"Wn AiAuia, a. Fbaip at TkoTMa, it. Ba laSaeaaUw etadal. aad bgraa ika mttti bailAiaca, it. Bu nlan T- I iiaaaa."1t Faitbar anaditioaa,it. IWaokaijol Apal1a",it. Tk*"oaaalnsrcnubad.*n. Moral adkaM Mlbaia troata apoa Fliilip, it, Ba radHat Bylabalt. WS. Pbilip ai Artoa, 419. Pnp^Ktaaf jnea wiik padiUoa nliat Blia. ""aa..4*4. HiaiMaa KiitpaJ Cbioa.m. m Abidoa,441. I ^^lldoainw] iniiiaa,444.Ba r*)acu tha Dmml lama. v "d bf iba Romaai. and nalwi, tt. Sa tf "an wilk Iba Boaiaii fanaial. 440. Tba " nt Ricbt,it. Tbraaiaalw m- Rapidilf of bia aiaxHKia, It. (M, 4N. Ha takaa Bamea arf " ialo Maaadeula, 440. PhlNpat :k apoD Albeaa, it. Bia dai^aa BaaiifaaThHumiri, ud thnm 41. Bi" DalMlaiiona with RaK- "aaca cnalad ta kiai bj Roaa. 410. Ha nalli "a"ana agaiaalAaUaakaa.4". BlaBllilUT it. Bit MBfuaK In TbaaaalT, 4W. Ha ss IliaoipadilioB iaie Tknoa, it. HL . _ loaTietlfli of Ika taih of DoBatrlaa, wbaa ka pneona a ba poiasaad at a baaqoac, O. Bia aabaaqjaat ""- "anaoadiamnriBc blaiawoaBa.il. Blabaib,*!*. . -ilippi,(aasdiH orrii., Tl. Philiiipia, tba. li!, iDl, III, 140. "hitlpiHi*, phpiaJaa a Attiaadar ika flraat,D., la. kilipina, anaiawd atrap of iha TlpparTadoa. ii., Uf, Ml M04ii,tn.l...nl.nHlbTbiliW"aurioa.UI.^ Pkillppaa. fnarat of Caaoadoa.dariialaJC"cidia,ibabl- " Idac,Krka Mil la ballla, ii. "" mmi Uupulni Id. timt.Bt,l Uiiir cmmalina wiih Anli["Mr,ngudiii" il pgpuluiV.SDS^ ud NiemBur,tlO. [n lia M0lril(1iu,ii" 11,13. .,ii"lJ,S3, in. itvu FhnidftM and Eiti FliiTrB,ii.,181. Anlinniii in,1 ni[iui,"lS. VKL n" nnlu with FulnoME Pbvmto, sjirruiuiKsT,i..MO, Jll. PhiWrlM. ii., "S. flmlaphtnwi, aU^ of B/niua ~takIu, i.r^t _.^D"iinn of,U9. rhj",u Anic wuu, pgnoDita Al]ull*,i.,m. Ptitlioccapwd br Tluiiiliiiliia, i.,W). nnHduotAleiHulBr, u., in. rilllfiillhi kutu of Epinu, li,, 481 Fiodu-.UwThtbH pii"t,L, Jit. Uui ctltbntMd br.ii., ". Pinoj, ii., 14. nraiu, foniHalhra sf.i., ns. AlttiinM, A. SiupriM or,M1.STT. Thnijbaiiii In, HO. nniboai, 1h" Lipitlirhit(,i,, M. Tttm.lerribUT of,i-, tl. riHuder. ttitSpiFUniJniTiJ.I., 44S. lawud olA fsll S7B"p"rlrilAtluii".4SI. I"d"r"Uiwlihuh,MT. riwii. I., M. ' PMtE, Ihi Aifin nsH^, il., 48. FIndH. ii.,11^1. ^""iMntldi, fonni Pimlnuiifc '. '"" unrofAili " nUm or,**. _. , , . , . Bii ilaih, it. I" nicetaJwl lijhii wu, Ifli. ^"olliiin,Uh BU"t", I., UO. Hii kImUjoii ud di 4K4S". !" tamrdi^ I.,ITS. Tb" btf. ()" of.ITS. AlumH of of,ir. SrofB of.ns. riu"Hn".uuiap(i"fiha,'i., U8. PufaihBnt rfUw, tM. 'T^vt til Anrf4.1-, n.^ riu Ibr nnTiurropindnai U liiaBt, 0.,m. rkno(UlaBiW,iL,4M. aiulwii wilh Pkillp of Kmdoa, a., tl. PkiiBRbBi, bnlkn- of Cuwtdti, Um bio Oat ia " "urn, Ii.,tU. Joiu Lniauhu, it. Eu tomml" Plomrriiigi, motprua al, \., 417. Fliobsuu, kiB( of Sfiuu, i. Mi. "Bwfiil updilH Plu of Ciiidis, 1.,UT. Of DIbbu, ii.,III. Of lb p*(",)38, rim to laniriie Cbiv, i., 481. PlaUnih, bio doBtiptioi of Iha SjwUn twls^ (.,Ilff, Anonu if, of the nnlnlioo tneud li ibi SpHiu CooHltauon bf Lrmifiii, IM. AoKdou pnoaciHl bj, 437. D(UiU of.nupiclisr tlu nck"m ii" Akoiudor lb* Cent u B^lmu ii.(m. Pooln of il" Hoisiii Af", i.,IM. Of Ikt Crwl*, Kt Lyiim.SIM. P"u,iDlliiaiieoorilio,i]DnliniiB,[.,M). 'nafonaonef roina in ibe looinplif o! AtoiudoHi muthu, Ii.,Mti Polaios,(D offinr ofPoTiliczu.il . IM. Polirjnrib"M""n".o kinn. i.,IK. Of iba (rruu,l" BieniituidMann,NI. or iho Tbinj, 4n! orPbO- yt Fnlyaporohm, Aloiuilai,WT. Of DamoatkuH, Ml, Ir,i.,IflB. ooloBiaa,"., 101. CklDa of Ik* Foliiiail tnla, i., III. Political""*" ofpTibanna, 1., 1 PKlllin.Tbabin, Ii.,147. II",144. A. Iiroofht to a eJoar 1 PolTbi"ilM,ilIi _., _ _. . ... FoI"li]iiiand hia fritnill.ii.,4U1. Ar.i.mi Uf, ii. "il"iiuit^"il, "i'.ciaiafLiI hoDoiu Po'^iiim, tun of.I..140. PolidlM. a Mamhmiaii cuuIb, hia daatb Tbaaaalj,ii., HO. Fol jcrmufl. ttaaxynnt of Samoa, i., IM. Bji igaomluiou Ml, giT, HiidoWh,it. Folidamai, li.,M. Uii traalT, IS. ". Foljounui, ii.,lU. ArnoodufDaBoalhaiii Fo),.p., " " - .. . . ID jda^imn. U8. Ida DO in Tba""a]i IB TbanlT, ofiba Albaoiaa",at PTlaa.in. PoaitinD dT Grtece. "aoanphial.1.,S". Poailioa of tba Cnak usf, i" 377. Pnilion of Iho SpaKaoa. i.. III. Potaolil, Uw Sirscuvu'nnnnl. L, 461. Foiid",aii" d(.i.,snl; Rondt itf. nt. aM^^,Ko, PmrtT ami naulailoo oFSparte, 1., 148: PowarofPUlaiii;. li , *M. PgwCfDfnw BiAon, i.!'l-'* FswMa(U"tiibaabla,i-. ogle PMalauBgnligTSparu, i.Ti! PlnazAdma of tba AtbaBiuu^ . , "M SN. or ihriB, "io. ur Sf Sfi"n",4J., Millui7,i/Epbtm, ! "ludn-, )TB. Put Liii )r Crrn. 9tT. Rir tMtla,Ut. L At Alhtu, "t..ISl. Bf Al- ia imiluiiaiiftlH rBdiI*,MI. Of ABi"r"iu,nD. HiaUiT, of I"7nkBM. UT. Psivu.MS. Pnn^ulTU tl Ihi hnoe Uigi, )., 89. Bi^, of Ik* ApBTtvi khifa,1st. Pmidanr* c"'ib* Olniilc guinn, i.,IN. Pnuudar. *, ta Iha Uuna af Alaiuutar, HtmlM, U.,tH Pnttnnnu gf Pjrtliicgna,i.,llS. Pratoiu Tor Wat bf At Hsan^il., UO. PlHaHJBlbaHaiaMAfa.i., BK A aqwita dw, A. PiiBei|d*"fllH Sputu ir' " 2*n*oun u Spuauiia, riraiiiJiugi aTBlia "fiiul SpaRa, i 4M. OfLnaiidv,4Tl. AcaiaM " 47" AtB"nKl*,MS. At Swu, ii., 11. iHuaialaiu, "t AOmh, n. Tiabnt, if Ibt Tlwbaia,a" Tafa", U. In|inibu.a(tluAUiHitu,IM. Of lk" A^AInmk CanaeO, IM. Of Haul aa, MS. I"TaclaHHlicia U iIh Idlwian niBH, II., 4M). Pmala*. i.,lit. Daalh of,IW. I""i"nia af Caa*. I., SIS. IliniliaciH "" bnbodlan, I.,HI ; lad "" Proogaaliet eapiial ' "" Alaianltr. Ill, II Pndaiaa and madaialiaa Ulif Aeanuiami, J.,MO. PaaMmfUehu, kJD( af Enpt, i.,IM. hasbii,liat* aid aamBdar " li.,Ut. FwhiiiBa. aaplieir af Aat%B"", H.,IM, m, Ml. ] atbar Buriasa VlalaaiTaad LnlaiaehBB, """"." auana ihh aiaam IUb acaiaat Bwlriaa. "L,tU. ftalaayCnMagi. tta TkaaaaiWt. an af Akn^ar aMl "BTilf", il., m. Upaa ha aidiHtoD """ Iha aaaaaa- rioB, bt aaaka laAn wlilk Liaiollliaa, M. B" Bal- kan AfaUiaelaa,W. H" aampaaiaa IniHcliia a" kia ana^liai, it. Ha lUk "ita Ib ' ~ ". tthamba il AliaUbalaa, it. Sarricaa c^ ja . mi.."f. " j"i""u ijapaipi^Ma- Eapaaae* a lUiq|itar af ATBbaiaa, 199. OMaiu EunK, *o., ia Ika painUaB "r llH Maaa^an aiapn, xh, V7I,IM, UT. Ba pata ClaaBtaai Id daatb,and anui bli lna"afa,MT. Ha aaaila Ophalha u CyiaH la atuek Tbiiabna, and ac- faiiH pn iiaiof Iba CylaaafM, U. Ha dafaalaIk* IB- iHloaefB(rFib7FRdiRa",30(l,Ml. Oaiaa a Tlcl"]r (*tr Danalnaa aad Pitiua al Gaia, aid radiuM PkiB- "Kia.HI, Bia iru uakal Auiitwi*, Ml, HI. Ei- pHthigiiu Oraaea, oC W- Vifaroaa mawim, Ml. Ha basana Haliaaruana, i". H* takaa Curinib aad ^ OpmthM ia fcria,M F. Ml. Bound ba bb PbSw' PaUie Dainna h adbbb, i., iia. PaUte tttht at Atkna, U., in. FaaWmiMi if th* Tbrtoa, i.,Ml. Iba nciiiibaaii, KM. Of Aa pana. IM. 'o7lk"riiuada.ia. aSi^i^ U Faaiihwata la tM Harato A"*, i..W. Pan, Iha iiuiialaf aitopila.U.,Ml. Pari"aliaD of Delaa,L. HO. PBi*altofDailga,ii., IW. Pfdaa,biriagad trfCmmtOn aad OlnaplH, aoa by IkniiH u nmadar, lU,m, M4. "lUa af, Ptrlaa, Ib ba* af,eaMtalad ^ ' " "^ "OH af NamiH, 1.,41. af,MT. Bnaidai at, it. PYTTbna, oa tha dapoaitka tactad bf (llaaaiaa. Uag of IllTri*, W niaaoia w tka IhroH gfE^raa, af.WT. SaiJd* ...MS. Ia Ud. Jalaa' Empataoai aaloor dlaplajadat Ipau IB tl|iBtu,(t. Ha I*aaat u tba cauK af J muilT jar Iha aiasaUaB af tk* iiwy batwaan Pialaanr and DnattTlB*.IMl BaaHkataiafiMiuakiBatirwilk Ptdaair, it. Ha nnlaa Ik* Iknat af Bpiraa, 154. Ha eaaaaao, at Ua ittin if AJnandar, Id miah apiaa* Aalipatar,it. HadatacUaa au"npt as Ik* pan if W- "IniBiihai la 4ta"ln klu, it. Caadilitaa trpaae*, A. laaaaiairklalnTiMiTbjtkebm* "( Daauina, MT. *^^ " ^" '"- ekaUMuad b^ hjitavckaB" lb* ^aenL "" , to aiafla*.****"', aad ii Tietanaaa, it. H* ", tS7. Ama" "iC. a!'pBiiadr'ofUa , ISa. PTTTkai al Albiaa, MO. ^a eom- rars: tackad bv LralBicrbaa aaar Bdeaaa aad dtfaaud, M. Ha vilkdiaw* hUD Bpim, it. Ralam "/,le Epuna, ITO. ..__, ,__ ._., i,aadlBiadaaM*Bad"ia, faaanl "harafu Pylkacataa, Onakwhr terifbi*) , Ha ia mBDdad, ITS. 1 aiama at OlTmpiB, 111. . UUkrfhb . Tbabit Pj-tbifoiaa, Ik* Spartan ailBinJ. Pylliaiaraauat Tbd Pjlkaa*, Ika UsB-kai PjFtkaaa, bia apaaak i hnMBia, U.,tn. Pjlkiaapa"aa,lk*,il., IM. ^Uaa, Iba wifa af Aiimtla, U.. 174. ^tkadom. hia arpaditiiia, i., W. Sulia atulkBiad M kin,li.,MO. PjFlhaa, il., 78. HlaqiaadiinTiadkMiiaof PkiUpVei^ '-"a, 113,141. IUBipUaa,lk*8putiBanar,t^SH. ZipadlllBo^ Ml Kuaailt of tka Bana agauadan, ii., 4TI. BalUtath* gflha tiaatj, ii..lU. Rataata in Lanania. br PkikipaiaaD. ii.,4U. II"a"SoBa(aiBMIb*oli(anbjalAtkaiu,l.,4M. OfaAta in Spana,ii.,nt, - "" -^ .,417,41 UllfDClll rLTaiaHCkDB.dl l}fl5"D*ITin*.li..llT. ju* of AdEMln f.,MI. maHnlalRhaiium.fll. Oflbaa" unapa, J]-, X9a- ttararan of Salaaii*,1.,178. Of Maadt. Vj Nleiai,MB OrTenma.bTCiUDa.SOT. Of Bahrtan.br S*laac",U, HO. Oibitlibanr,brLrBiiui"bp".U". . BadaoIoB aad diamaiabaisnl af Maaciaaa. it.,II. "" OtjntkBa, tl. Of Pkliu, it. Of Cotinik,Ml; Of M" ,glc ' "wir"ii,i.,WI. BrAjri*,ii., uAilitiii.i.. ISi. Sftb* KaJaotioBolibK profnwtJi for p4i0" by ']1"lTV^ L.,"B0- BdMflllflK'W tb" "rnrml of Niuchai, iL,SSi. Il*"li"at Ihg cliHH under ThiHDi, i.,]T1. Of till colaniei to Ihn m-mnl iIm^l KHL Of Souta ta L^ Aek^ sirfst'" lUlMM of lh( 1 Xdlaf af tlK A B.liriiiii T" Ukin "! SjAuctarii I Aitie puuatrfp i-i1^^- ^' uP""lu(im,i.,"a. bfl"n"ci". Hinlily, rnmnini teHrHB, M lUptti ttifedB by JStcbiBfi Hfpnbasrib* Tlubaiu. i (Xtha Aihei"iui".4H. n. Of FcdnpaTokcq, S BanitMiiiiiof Sputa, i,. 1 Bh'iUDU of XlhTcl-, i. JtnUnlinB of Piiiltnlni m. Of lb* ]"" "lilu, ii.,9Tg, OfihemndiTiiif: Spvu.i.,lH. or ChiMlmH, lU, ."M,4M. OfCrio",4g7. Of Aid- ul"ruPh"Hici".ii., ]". OfAloiudnlDthaHjFdM- rH,MI. Of AlaiudirUSu^UJ. Of DHin"h.." to AtlHBi,nr. Of Aninaiu (o (bg - Itawt ' m. orth"ceiu "pan, CT. Of I Eftturnof Lj'cargni Xlnun al Of Alciu ]UT"I""HI^rth"b" Snian of Uu F( IM, Slf"of AUumiuu "D Xgin '"T "bt (lalau of ihg liD buiim,i.,Si. ion,pcnodio], of th* fawi %imV."- ~OrSvux,Kr ooTnt. Of Hod*, I8d. " HiMM ik Of XbodM (Mb Aihi 4ie. Of Dm Wmutb "Urua. ii-. . _ .. " "^ OfSotanu i,, MS. Oftbe AtboDiuee ("ii""ciiil.,Il,T3. Of tb" AcbMB U"gB", *7*. l"ohofH""l..""i. r"'" " """ a". Of sjdDB, iTi. _ u.us. orTb.h", Ut. OfDnHtrtei, UT. *- ' -lu (AMd at Sput* br Ltcib|v, i.,IM. Of a, Wl. In tkt cout of FMidt,W. AtMwnn, - Arfo","t:ir., "". At Albao^ i., 4M. la i^^ AI Sputa,40D, tW. AlMna",MI. ",(ba,i, 110. noaptun "ifAlejbiadu a^ i., 111. ItlMaa of Bi^iaduw, ii.,"a. . FoAttdattcaof,471. __ja, du Cntu t . . . Bbod","Tiilte^fnn Atbwii,i.,MS. Fmadit U^a oi: bj DauMriu MiorraUa, li,.Ma. ouoa tf lb" atTiMoS wnt. and di^. Ut. Tba am, """IpMi*,patatiivi, and fdifiaaof, iw. IUmhu, tba nchiniil, boiUar of tbe Tanpl* of Hart at Sana, i., MS. Km ofa nav diatinetioD imcoff tbo i "* of Lb* AchiwB l-auDS, il,IT Kinli "a,i!r!w-'' Xonun iinhaiaiu,ii, tnT EnbiHr in Onaca, Ht. To Ik AabaiB Laina, M4. Xomau aBTDji la noimlr, iL,U9. Ta Pmona, (Tt. ta Gi"u, 4rt. Jl- pntut fir "!, iL,440. iUaaa pnniDOa. Oraaaa *, Ii.,4U. Knwn tfibnMi, udtb* Spaitanaphon,!,,HI, li^B^pngnat^lboiluiuialtilj.ti, lit. VImi if ^m aiaM num. ii. f wjfll* af Alttrry "" PmuHdinn uaiiiM MaiMdiaua,lU. SncaeBH* aid "- "naa, Ml Thalr aunok OB Phil^sad" FlamiDia StljTBbna,litt:* of.""-.HI. *^*rapia, tba nfltrala of AUxaadar T* AiJaa "tf, It Babylaa,iBfvriaf it ("of Atid",i.,H- m JHW, -" -oe.MT. OfIMhiB,ni. i^uuimo. MC or PliliDi,ii..II or Maibona, M. Of Sri "nbtn, H 1 OCByaat - " ' Of M^t, }rCiii~,MI: Of , Of 1"", Jl" AUwDlu real oTtlM Auia Hty, it. Via *nr uid It* Uwi, IW. HI M tapenutiut trtaabr.ia Otmlhin ifOmo, Ml. Cimw oriainf .Hi w"itii"n,tt. lUMU It tha uoMn of Afii IT., 301. BIM( tf A(ii I* fcrini"bBiitk IhoHiih nfiott, ^ Tmrwnr want if ti. ilwiHMUif,4M. Bufitiinwitliih*lcbKiK.il B""jB|"i"i jf SpMU by tmcfmota, O. Fi"iHili""i 1h,MS. PutiM is Sjiw- i.,lU. TribM, 111,981. ""iSuiS^.'' PanlTup^^gaafrii I^SS^oiy ud ae"ytW "4 U., M. 4puUBiaMitiiliiH,ali4BiR"r,i.,lU.Ti Hob]n,l)i. AwBtiUw^tl"p"rl",i". *(. XiM*,W. t|iiian.lU.G"iu"1ei__ "** "----WIN. Millwt.ft. Siftmsf -\ ,_' ^ *"7"" """f,lH. Wh diifU "1H.U..IIT. IMnla^teaaf, -K, aimp of BaliflMi, ii.,nT. ur, aalrmp of Anuk "' WIT, i.,]"",* "uUdu, 1..II ""l.llUBMb u Sepiii,i.. Stw "tfIhi Tn^ wir, i.,TS-8t. OrFsl7(AuH,lti. Sinbo, ihi Hwnplwr, L, U. Stniutm 2 TbwiMiKlK, i.,MS, IBL Of Aitea, OK. S)mu", i.,HJ. K5, 418,Ut, m US. Sri"i"wTiin cf DtDHiriu to,u., UD. arrow, iiii( of lh" TrilKlliaiii, ii.,lU. f^irui. uid uid dawiU "f Owlniii, or lh( H cf Altudu Jn th*,tl.,m. sJwilHofJhWt, i.,IM. Of Sputa, IM, T. Tutiot, inUitMT,Snuftan rrUan at I.,Iff. TuiTn^ tenU oC "-I " Tasagra, baola at,i.,ID! Taraiu, amnl of Cym IteiK' Tuilai. kiiif sf m. jRinltfAlnndar. dn oBtk* UpiHT ladni.II.,W. I" Pndiab. KOjtbi tki alliasDtof Alai- II Ml" rorui, ii.| tn. Bawanitd b" thi Wmriln t"ci")a"iir,tB, tn. MI, ITI. Tarntaa, a elaia (f maiutaiiii ia Gnaog, 1.,40, 'FuH,"ubMwHD,uidSpaKa,l., 147. r"ina"dftut- "- "-' 3un"riaa)"Mi"MBtliatutiouaC,il"lT.. llafaicUaTlubauatiU., U. nO^at, TafTia, batik ^Ji, U. Takbiwi, liia'fabM """" of Uu Ma, ].,M. Talaclu. Idu of Sparta,i., I4P. ""iMlUa,til* poatM, i.,Ml. WkHphgni, aian "d,10 PtldMuiini to IDlkw etUH -" " *" "-" " -" " I, w raiopomiaai t m. bnltol^ai f,ii., _. _. - _^ , jadplimdemlllia tamplguOljmrfa.m. T^niiaa,i-tT". iuTnwi4 Pirn, S7T. EiHiUUon of, "^"H Olnihu, ii.,II. S*ewl o*aii"i|B oC It. ijriliada, tlU inaaaTV. i., tTT. Taap*, Aa nl* of, il, n. TIh Onab at, SH. TaB|d" ta tha Banis AaL. W. Ta",llwoiniicUi"f,i.,"oI. KabuiTor,IsFhillp, ll.,IIdw Ttadaiier gf Ox Orxb la paaniillacliiii, L^H. ttHj, iaJttliaa, nCtba itauilu a natimal oiuoe, ITD. TaiuHa, kin. ofSid", u., ITS. Tsni, tHliBtT of, lo hiilip, ii., 1S8. Tiiibinu, tlw Min^l., Ht; li.,KT. T*HIIiB,lbatrniili"rBIiiun,l.,"TI. '-- -l" poal,i" "". Or"ki,l.,*ST. TioDbatia,tna of.""., 397. ~ la, oaaB et DlTria,mmatiti iUra il Oa |aii*n" law lU, M. KiiultjaiJ wailS* evtntlaw " ". ibaitM u tbi Bociaiia, "M. la"ofMilaHit,H"di"tiBruabiaHM"tBfU"jMliH|tr, naul,"i*nof;B-."I- , ,,CoO"^lc r^tmnm, a* tjtat rflfapiM.^.. KT. n"u aitoi. nunrrn rfOi, li.,II TIhI" palitto, 11 H 1"T. rtrfdia,!.,"}. Ananrt of,"n Pl" R"nata(* "" " -" _. .. -1 "_ "H de'lDCTad by Ibi, W. TkaliH, lefiiUtliin al Pfailtliin tX, i,,IsT. Buqut it, tit. TmtT bWwHB, ud Ai^u, Ml. P)ttu|"iT"" at, ii- la. Dsliiirua gC, I*. BipsdiCiin of ArHiUn "Ibi, n. lubBIJoi !"'tlM Sund Bud W, fl. Si- ^odad from t)H tna^af naa, W. Thi ti)iigi""U"7. 1 egililtn uiiuLM. "ni)KU nC lUiuicii with. 111. Nrtka bC W. KHJt of, IM. DntnetiiMi sT IBS. Budifs of, ITt. BatTilHiii of, t". Rnoll " SH. VH"d bf Dmttrioi, n7. niniauiiu u, MT. " ^" '-' -'i" rfltalntriTr. *1". tf,totlH Prrieo of,lA. ''" vitk^Eai " ""if^r riM of,I Ham. Bwl. Biilo la, u. PHii*.l". Il"Ub""*n. " " " ,1". E mticiil poM, 1.,W, Bitncti ?a Bpnti, an. Biili III, it. loai ^""-htn. vnoiif.tn. BumEum or,let. Ih tb" Mn, i., 1A. Di*lh"rfri4T, IW. Tk"""r?H"Hal. 1.,91. nooiHaur. th" Urut of Sun, i., ML TbHaoBpu,!., lio, ua^ ii.,1B,1M. TkonwH*. i.,441 Douhsf.M. nflrVBflB*s,lhopnBukiBdarof ths otifutMcaleen"ptncj 4U. qjMntiau of,4M, 49S. Kpptnti ibi rnnmoB "KBr i"a "cciiHR el ihi Atbsniin tooonk, 41" Bm- hwy of,480. Impochngu of, 487. KmnlkB i^ ii. A"u,orp*di'lioiior,i., I1T. Tkamopyla, LHaidu It, l.,tH. CoBbitatiB. I^iHp "pala"l fiom, ii., US, DafoE* of,KT. Dodiln lianl* llianiu, PliiUpU, "i.,411. Thmi, m umiiJ Hmal" , 1.,IS. BiiAof, Tt. Pnat- "M (^ U. LHud sfW adnDnm f ~ C(iHc**iM"d^]ifail*Auka,171. Ir-'- na^a, dHtnotioa " ii" N. ttiipLii,4hiIi of; hi Fanii, it, i Thiiiii, ilia soal,).,tit. T^MMlfiai."Ifntigv "t.i.,III. _ MHUIk(,IW. PTvuuleniof, Ul. n"ati"Ia, Buriaia of,vtUi CtiaudR, TWmIu, a Onak acur, li.,191. TkaiialH, ifai "balaaa pncaBiua of Ika 111. cKsncUToT,m. nMWlT,t.,n. DJTialou eC 34. Trwa i" tha Fala^- Ma tL 41. Tba Ailiaaa In, M. Tha DalilH faTM. Tka IskiiaBa la. 63, M. ^aitica] diniioB ol, IN. Hank "d BnaMaa ihniiith, tn. A""ilnic ia, MS. MtfttjiU^ Kiaaiiliaa af Palapidaau, 44. but- 4idaB of PbilipW, ST. AOaiTm of, ih. Arrinlaf ^ lanaolllt *ad Cl"nilrr in, 344. AolbcritT of ilaa actaowladn4 "n, tti. PhiUp la,4M. AA- of rUlipiBtBilM.Coiatlntiao sr,4M. Bohs f.l.,Ul. Saatbi HarpaluiB Cnw, ofruiiB ".y^ll.4U. nialaoo, aipadldHiof.I., Ul. Saatb r" STB. af,at Cnaaa. ttT. TUni, ottaUiihauat of [ht, DtaaaHioaa taaat tlio.4M. bat of Iha Im^ of, tKM. ^ataa of Lariva, i.|171. M, il!, 118. SdlflT of tta, MS. sflba.tM. D"- "/tlM",lM. 110. PUltp^iipaAtJai idltla to, 111. PuUtaj ftnlOeatioB Id tha,i., U". Cadad l^ofllia, i.,4","T. M"Hoa of, to nnc lirlhaBi rf"We. nneydidia, aiB of Hokriia, hta i^tiea] a^ ailittiTM" livand bf Iba Conmoaa ud Cbriathus aiahaa" laaa tit-. I9, al Atkna, il". Eiila^iSf.W Thuii, Albaalan 00)007*^ "'" 311 ThrmaAana, "., 45B. Aolhina of, tn 1 TtTiDMaa, Uan of Auioa, i.,110. Th7"a, oaptora " 1,, 174, Tiniia,iiaiai|ii uriiiii, i . fltn.ii.,tfT. Tioaa, tho aoMi, InnifHa of,vlth A TiiaafoiM, I.,M4, 4M ; H., 47. TiaanAiu, l.,4"T. Trial of,il.,1ST, 1)8. Tiitfditr W P""a, ii.,470. TiBoeiaer ("tbo obiui^i., 197. Timoonua, aiiaaionof,to Oraooa, i.,Ml. nuonoB of hlTlaa, a Bbodian poat, lAanatar "( A* wrilia(aof,i..WO. TiBataui.iMl. Tba CotintliiudopBtr, aM. Tfauaaaohu, tb* Alhaniaa faaaitl.ii.,TT. T"iDMlM"a,"naditiaor,l"alaWaa^ti.,M. Tiialaf.M. Xapilaa al Anphipalia,M. Canqnaalaa^ 71. 1Mal(4 M. Daalkof,!*. TMdaMi, ganraat of PonapoUi, li,, MS. TiaaBBoii^ Um naal oaMmwd dinim ia QiMOa, i.,STI. Ti"jilinaii. ^(Htatiaau oC w tba | a^inl af Aa ^*wltbL^a""aHO(borSpai" ' IntiiBaflrof.wilb AldbiadH. 441. . PiaaBd*i,44". liuniawoC, wiiblba " a, 440. Potter-"" '" "' i, mlb"SrP , Ua dolVnsa of Bpbaaoa, 4M. VImi at. ._. with a miinri Sm Aituama, 1"7. Aaecf"laJ tba Gnaka H Srtaoa, 138. iBWrriaw af, wiih Claaicbais Ml, Amialiea oiad* br, wilb DarerUidK. Mt. Tne* HBcladailbT. wiUf AnaiIaiu,U". EiaealioB 0^,SM. Ttriaa,ajpaditioBof, u^aloa, i.,4(B. TitbTaBiUi, noooiaai of Tiaaapbonaa is Ua mat-rtt """ "pof CoTBamia. ^,171. iviBiiaaa, oxpaonm oa, 1., 101. D^b af. In, 'I^^afC^a,H..I03. Tansa, aaniiia ol;I., 183. Itaaamy ef;387. Taruia i/PbUoMa, ii..SIS. Ta"inaofBpinH,Binaaa at,il..4SS. TncaaoftbaFMa^iaubilliaaaalr.l., 43. OflkaFI "iBfaaaiBlbaO"aklac"adi.tft. Of HuXbaiam ia I i7ib(4ofj, 81. tho Bjgptiaa i^ a, 11.,110; aad dolaat of Ha*- Dafoan Alheu md Aipia, tB^ rllIla,44B. WIlhAlt "" Tbabaa and Albaaa, Ml. Bat"a" Spana, 11.,SO. RatMnliaa of, ill. Batmaa Atbai* and Thobaa. 14*. Of NanpHAni, 4SB. Batnaa Kom ud U" iEKiHaaa. 431. O^ Philip with Koaa, 418. IX Spaita with Ifahia,4tS. With iba StoHaia, 481 TrialafKpiBii)aadaa,ll..4t. Of Polopidaa, it. OTIbUo- niot, 81 Of UaoiUaa. 171. Of Potrnntea, SU. Trlala-pditlAl.1.,911. For ITnaaoB, li.,114. TtiboBof the Halloole aatioa, l.,B7. Whiefa goapoaadlba AaiphlATOiilc Laana. IM. Tha Losiaa, IBB. Aa WrUD, ""l. Tha Ab", 170, 983. TrlEanak u Athau, jnar of,1.,184. MMnaJilM 4^ TtibiHa, ItII" a. t^ aad tha SpaiUB "fh"a Matanl^ iilnu,ii.,IOL Tnuj cl fMtiimtl,a. " npanu. "I'W- TW Mlnnnaii, HI. TrBui. urriMT of.i.,". Tha Dmim ia, UT. Tn^ mr, i.. fa-ea. Tniubl"iiCanirn.i'.SU- M STnesH, MI. Dmaitie, "r PiMliii, u^ M. T^1UIaKirlliin)r)rHn,L,10a. BalwHiSputciiHlAllHH, W4. Dmwhb Sputaud Aigca.MI. WJtkTuivlm- at, UT. Wltk tha Muiimnt. ii.. Ml. TisuliirMllani.j., U*. In Atbru, "". TyilauL (ha ALhiniui rmmmalt i., 184. TinniKsl dTDUti**, Jn,L, 1SD. IW. TjwiiT.aHniiof.i., IH. OTHiHHU.lM. OfUahuH, "i^iiiEi"ulB,40a. ' ' ' " TrrwucfHaiu*.!., IM. Of Sk7"B,U.,M, U. Trnnta, pulicT ef llio,i., 1M. ^n. i""ct sf,Ii.. IM. atonn of, in. Xatiuia iL In Aualai,)*!. AwmblT u, tW. T^riuBH. ii.,m. IN, lit. '^TTOi kfflbd a(,i.,01- AJtnHln u BmbjiiK, ii., fU. "' TwIMnr nf Pfrttam, Violent jmtingi ViMil hi EIUUHI, . t PlluflU RilMl, i.,M. "BM, i,, I4i, of Uh AiliniiiH, IM. u.,UT. Ori^iH"i"n.rSici"iu,4". L sonnning Philiii^powa, ii., 110^ et lh" TlKbuu u Tft, iL,N. I Bou, ii., 47S. War, ait oT,I.. Il". Th* AcIibbb, leiaiaatla gf,ii.,4". T1i" Mvxihmiaa, WT. The Social, iir w. Vfan, IhaTliahan, i-. In. Ths Trt^va^n. !!"""" of, 8V. OCSpam. Willi Ann and Amilia, IN. TIh Iru Mii- a""Jan,ltO. Tha aKiad M""HBiai, IM, 147. Batnaa Sparta aMl T"(H. I1T, Thn flnl Sund war, IM. B"- Iwhh Amha and Blii, il.. 91. Tlia SoqW, "I. St. TtHSicnd. IH, lit. Of FliiloiMliiiwitkAiBphiaa.M. S^iwHB Phihp add Olinlhui, 109. In Cniu, MT. WrihibaRhodiaaa.^nR. Cinl. in Nacadoaia. lU. B^ "'wKhKaM^ 'Winii^grNinu.i., 4ie. 'MAi^m, ff, 4M. Waakaaaa of Spans, ii.,M. Williniia.1i(a of Alanadai, bj, iJ.,MI, MO. Att^ at "W=ai.B, tha Spanan. iTlSr^ii Albmiaa, IBl. Woadarfal aiploili ami aacapa of ArijlMaaaai, 1- 141 WanbipiaihaHanicAaa, i.,H. OCB*nii,"T. WmiBf, Ika an af,i.,lOT, IW. XaalWalaa, tin Onak fanaral.I.,HA XaaUippiu,"i"fA"ii"kaa.i.,"IT. BHiafad Sarta, KS. Zaniai.L, H8. Mbiu if.Is iHHiaa tka Btaaai "i Eb"- la. MS, Xananaiia. tha philiainbar, Platanli'ichuaalar of, iU in. MiwiB of. to Aclipalar, aouanua( tba Kasda- Xanophanaa, taaau of bU jiUlwipT, L, Sit. ,, a of C7nia.Ml. .._ draaa of,to Iba Graak aricr, MS. Endanmirnd U oafD- liataaiiiioa'itlitbaCaidilobiana.MS. FFtgaclof, HS. Finwi*. of, "0. tania, i., B1. Aonaaiaa nf, US. InnaJoa of OiHKa b. MR.Hl. Kipadilionof.lil. AdnBi"of,"ll. BaDaal of, 107. Harder of, IM. Zaaa, taiHili uf hia philuaophj, i.,tl- Zsul|ipaa and tba Homao laiiala, ii. ZopTnia.tnacharj of.i,,Mt Zmwlar, oedi i^lan b^, L, US. APPENDIX. n atalut,i., S8T. Pianaontln i"," . . bra, f wi(|Tap1nr of,Ii.,SOI. Araopaiaa, pniaad'd powar ol,i.,IM Ailwia, Cnaatiuiu* of, i, 900. AalbararthainlHnai CluKvaa agaiaat Paiidn, l" SSS. Cbsrlanaa, fnnnaa of,il.,Ht, Caodaal of Hiliiadai ia Iba Scrtbian easpa^B, L, M UlaliMntlSD of Iha Thirl7 al Alhaaa, L, tttT DariBi, "nibhu" cwBniitB "I.UUL Daeraa afOBBBOiiiia. ClM KatBlaaa, Iba alia of, li..9M. nana al Salinii. i.,H4. faaoa,lb* banla af,ii,.MM. lOWMlar, ranlatinian pvM* " L, M. Milliaiiaa, Iba oadurl of, !"MO. OlTilblaca, At trdar of tkt,ii., BOI. Paridaa,rbai(aa aniaat. i., 901. Pacaiia giiaa, Ibaiii., Mt. fli|iliaai. Iba rack,ii.,Mt. Spaitaaanir, tha,i.,in. "panaB Usolilalioa, Lba.1.,MS. "swiaa Iflba*. aaaibar af tba. L, SO. naMMaalaa, BUataiaa "r,i, ML n,gti7cdT:G00glc