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Unlock Democracy has conducted two survey projects to analyse campaign activities during the Scottish Referendum. This report is an analysis of the survey responses and provides an insight into how the campaign of the two sides was received by voters.
Unlock Democracy has conducted two survey projects to analyse campaign activities during the Scottish Referendum. This report is an analysis of the survey responses and provides an insight into how the campaign of the two sides was received by voters.
Unlock Democracy has conducted two survey projects to analyse campaign activities during the Scottish Referendum. This report is an analysis of the survey responses and provides an insight into how the campaign of the two sides was received by voters.
#indyref Watch Report
Emily Randall, Pete Foster & Erik Cummins
[Unlock 4
jemocracyExecutive summary
+ Two surveys were carried out, one comprising data from 1,079 respondents
following the referendum, the other consisting of weekly surveys throughout the
pre-referendum period, with 121 respondents... Page 3
* 84% of respondents had encountered some kind of campaigning activity, with
leaflets being the most common. There was greater awareness of campaigning
activity from the Yes campaign than the No campaign... Page 4
+ Opinions of friends and family were rated as most influential in how
respondents voted in the referendum, followed by TV debates and social media.
Respondents reported perceiving a media bias towards the No campaign... Page 6
+ Respondents perceived currency, oil, and self-determination to be the most
prominent issues raised in the campaigns, with local issues coming last...Page 8
+ There were clear differences in how respondents perceived the focus of the
campaigns. The No campaign was seen to focus more on economic issues, and
personalities while the Yes campaign was seen to be focusing mostly on self-
determination, education, civil liberties and electoral reform...Page 10
+ Issues surrounding the economy and/or self-determination were most likely to
persuade respondents to vote one way or the other...Page 12
+ The Yes campaign was rated as more positive overall than the No
campaign...Page 14
+ While a quarter of respondents were convinced to vote yes by the Yes
campaign, 15% were driven to vote no. 5% were convinced to vote no by the No
campaign, while almost 48% were put off by it...Page 15
+ Conclusions drawn from these data are discussed...Page 16#indyref Watch Report
Unlock Democracy has conducted two survey projects to analyse campaign
activities during the Scottish Referendum with the aim of getting an insight into
how the campaign was conducted by the two sides and received by voters. The
following is an analysis of the survey responses.
The online surveys were carried out among Unlock Democracy supporters via
social media platforms and through the organisation’s website. While the
responses cannot be said to accurately reflect the referendum electorate (among
respondents more than two thirds voted for independence), they do provide voter
feedback on how the two sides approached campaigning and how those
campaigns were received.
Survey responses
The largest of the surveys, the Snap survey, was carried out after the final
referendum vote, with responses solicited from Unlock Democracy supporters as
well as being promoted via social media. Scottish Referendum Watch (SRW), on
the other hand, was a weekly survey among a smaller number of mostly regular
responders that ran for the last 10 weeks of the campaign. Responses were
primarily from Unlock Democracy supporters.
The Snap survey, which provides the main data for this analysis, received a total
of 1,079 responses. While every Scottish local authority area is represented, the
responses for Edinburgh and Glasgow accounted for almost half of the total, a
bias towards the two cities which, in the actual referendum vote, only accounted
for 20% of the votes cast. It is also worth noting that a significant number of the
respondents, around 40% of both those voting yes and those voting no, were
actively involved in campaigning.
The smaller SRW surveys received a total of 121 responses over the final 10
weeks of the campaign, with a number of respondents providing continual
feedback over several weeks of the campaign. The responses were spread across
just 10 of the 32 local authorities, with Aberdeen and Edinburgh representing more
than half of the total.Campaign activities
+ 84% (905/1079) of respondents encountered some campaigning activity
* Overall the respondents were aware of one third more instances of
campaigning from the ‘Yes’ campaign than from the ‘No’ campaign.
+ The form of campaigning seen most often was leaflets through the door and
posters/banners in houses.
+ The biggest differences in the impact of campaigning activity between the two
sides was the ‘Yes’ campaign's use of ‘events’ such as town centre canvassing. A
number of comments were received about the appearance of pop-up shops.
+ The ‘Yes’ campaign was also more prominent on social media and direct
emails, significantly more than the competition, as well as door-to-door
canvassing.
+ The ‘No’ campaign seems to have relied a lot more on phone canvassing and
traditional media than the ‘Yes’ campaign. There was also more awareness of ‘No’
campaign TV advertisements.
+ Several respondents noticed the use of cinema advertising by both campaigns.
anabettertogether'f.Which of the following campaigning activities did you encounter?
Online Ads
Direct Email
Leaflets through
your door
Door-to-door
canvassing
Telephone
canvassing
Events
Social Media
Posters/banners
‘on homes.
Posters/banners
on commercial
ad space
Ha
2
10% 20% KHONG TOR THOM 10H
Yes canpoin i No cempagnInfluence of campaigning
When it comes to scoring various campaigning and related factors on their
influence on voting intentions, it was friends and family rather than any campaign
activity that came out as most important, scoring an average of 4.7 out of 9 for all
respondents. This is a reminder that the referendum was a much more personal
issue than most political campaigns.
Not surprisingly, the TV debates were seen as the second most important factor, if
only for their wide coverage and the media coverage they generated. But very
close behind was direct contact via social media, followed by public meetings,
both of which were areas where the Yes Scotland campaign was judged to be
more active. On the other hand, phone canvassing, where Better Together was
seen as more prominent, scored lowest of all — with an average score of just 1.6
out of 9 (almost 80% thought it was ‘irrelevant’ in it’s influence on voting).
The comments showed a great scepticism about media coverage with many
respondents believing that there was a media bias towards the ‘No’ campaign,
which may have undermined the message. For example, one person commented
“TV/radio/newspaper coverage was decisive as it made me vote the opposite of
what | saw. There was no Yes campaign on television or news, but the clear bias is
what actually put me off the No campaign and the media in general’.
There were also several
references to people doing
their own research, either
online or reading from a wide
range of sources: of the 157
respondents who chose to
include a comment in the
‘Other’ section of Q4, 42%
indicated that they had sought
further information with which
to inform themselves. Many of
the comments indicated that
respondents had done this so
that they could get as
complete a picture of all the
facts as possible, though some respondents went as far as to say that doing their
own research was the only way to avoid gaining information via biased media. As
one respondent put it: “I researched the facts for myself. The media are a shower
of liars and manipulators so | went to source material.”How would you score the following influence on how you
voted in the referendum?
On a scale of 1, irrelevant, to 9, decisive
TWads
Online Ads
Direct
campaign emails
Media Editorials
Leaflets through
the door
TV debates
Door-to-door
canvassing
Work colleagues
Telephone
canvassing
Public Meetings
Town centre
canvassing
Friends and
Far
Social Media
Posters/banners
‘on homes
Postersibanners on
commercial ad spaceMain issues raised
The currency issue — perhaps the main point of controversy in the two televised
debates — was judged to be the most prominent topic of the campaign, followed by
more general economic
aspects. These were
followed by the oil
situation and the general
issue of self-
determination and
moving away from
Westminster rule.
The areas receiving
least campaign
coverage were local
issues — not surprising
since this was, if nothing
else, a national
question. There was
also little coverage of
civil liberties and
electoral reform.
Various issues were
raised in the ‘Other’
section of this question.
54% of the respondents
who included a
comment here stated
that the NHS was a
prominent issue that
received a large amount of attention from both campaigns. This was followed by
Trident and the nuclear deterrent, which many respondents considered separately
from defence, while issues relating to social justice and equality were close
behind.Please choose the five main issues
i.e. those topic areas that were most prominent and received most
focus from the two sides throughout the campaign
Civil liberties
Cost of living
Currency
Defence
Economy and
prospects
Education
Electoral
reform
EU
Local issues
Nuclear Power
Oil/Resources
Personalities
Self
determination
Tax
Welfare!
pensions
Other
0% 10% 20% 9% AO «SOT 7DK «DK GOK 100% gCampaign Focus
Respondents were asked which campaign focused most on each of the various
issues. There was a very clear difference across most topics.
Better Together was seen as focusing primarily on economic-related topics —
currency, cost of living, welfare/pensions and tax — as well as defence issues. The
No campaign was also seen as based more on personalities than that of Yes
Scotland.
In contrast, Yes Scotland focused on a range of issues, led unsurprisingly by self-
determination. Civil liberties, education, electoral reform, nuclear power and local
issues were also seen as high on the campaign's agenda.
From the responses it seems that Better Together managed to set the agenda for
the referendum campaign as a whole; the areas that the campaign focused on
were those that were seen by respondents as most prominent during the
campaign.
The much smaller SRW surveys reflected these findings on issues and campaign
focus:
+ The economy, currency, self-determination and oil were cited as the main
issues covered most often in TV ads. While economic issues were seen as
prominent in the advertisements from both sides, the No campaign ads were seen
as particularly focusing on the currency issue and the ‘Yes’ campaign ads on self-
determination.
+ While the personalities of those involved was not seen as one of the major
campaign issues, the SRW survey also suggested that it was a more noticeable
aspect in the ‘No’ campaign advertisements than was the case for the ‘Yes’
campaign.Which of the two campaigns, Yes Scotland or Better
Together, focused most on each of these issues
Civil liberties
Cost of living
Currency
Defence
Economy and
prospects
Education
Electoral
Reform
Local issues
Nuclear power
Oil/Resources
Personalities
Self determination
zd
2
g
m
c
Welfare/Pensions
0% 10% 20% «30% «= 40% S070 UN.
2
(Yes Scotland focussed most lj Better Together focussed mostRelevance of issues
Respondents were asked how important the various campaign issues were to
them in their decision on how to vote.
The responses show a concern for a range of issues. The only one that scored
significantly below the rest was that of the personalities involved.
The economy/prospects and self-determination vs Westminster were the two
topics most likely to persuade respondents to vote one way or another. But issues
of civil liberties, education, electoral reform, EU, oil and welfare/pensions were all
close behind.
While the previous questions
suggest that the No campaign RE:
set much of the referendum => SOURCE
agenda, with its focus on
economic topics, a range of a ww FOOD AND DRINK
other issues which were WE HAVE sey. OF Tit JUST 1%
important to voters seems to CH BEEF U'S
have been given much lees MORE aiostié POPULATION
consideration. TOPUNIVERSITIES aa YET OVER 20%
Pe OF EUROPE’S
ER HEAD THAN
There were many comments ANY OTHER #13 BILLION FISHERIES oe
from respondents on a variety COUNTRY’ AYE, YEAR
of issues they thought
important. The NHS stood out
in particular. Issues such as
social justice, equality,
women's rights and human
rights also ranked highly with puRsu GENERATES
respondents, as did Trident 26.2 BILLION A YEAR’ aad s
and the issue of nuclear HORE
weapons, Referring back to iat WIND ANG TIOAE
Q5, several of these issues OUR - %. OvER POTENTIAL
are the same as those that “PvE 10% OF EuRape’s
respondents felt were GREATIVE Yi WAVE ENERGY
focused on most by the two | .MMSTRES ERS Roun | soma i a
campaigns. However, those ECONOMY EVSIL RESER Ti
that ultimately voted ‘No’
gave higher scores to
economic and finance
issues in their responses to
this question, so these were clearly a significant factor in voting ‘No’.How important were each of these issues to you in
how you decided to vote?
On a scale of 1 - 5, where 1 means of little or no
interest and 5 means one of the most important topics.
Civil liberties
Cost of living
Currency
Defence
Economy and
prospects
Education
Electoral
Reform
EU
Local issues
Nuclear power
Oil/Resources
Personalities
Self determination
Tax
Welfare/PensionsTone and impact
Respondents were asked to score the tone of the two campaigns. The responses
showed an overwhelming view that Yes Scotland conducted a much more positive
campaign, scoring an average of 6.6 out of 9, compared with 2.4 for Better
Together.
How would you assess the overall tone of each of the two campaigns?
Ona scale of 1, entirely negative, opposing the views of the opposition,
to 9, fully positive, only putting forward their own outlook
Yes Scotland
Better Together
Not surprisingly, those respondents that ultimately voted ‘Yes’ saw the ‘No’
campaign as much more negative, whilst those that voted ‘No’ saw little difference
between the two campaigns
The SRW respondents were asked more specifically about the tone of the TV
advertisements and the feedback showed an even wider gap between the two
sides. Of the people that saw Yes Scotland's ads, 90% thought them more positive
than negative. Of those that saw advertisements from Better Together, three
quarters thought they were more negative than positive.Campaign Impact
Bearing in mind any negative campaigning, respondents were asked to score the
effectiveness of the two campaigns. A score of five meant that the campaign
convinced the respondent to support that cause whereas a score of one meant the
campaign had the opposite effect of that intended — it made the respondent more
likely to vote the other way.
Campaign Effectiveness
60%
50%
ax No Campaign
30%
Yes campaign
20%
= = |
= = :
1 2 3 4 5
More likely to Convinced me
vote against to support
On that basis, respondents said that overall the Yes Scotland campaign convinced
more than a quarter of them to vote ‘Yes’, although it also made almost 15% more
likely to vote ‘No’. In contrast, Better Together’s campaign convinced just over 5%
to vote with them but put over 48% off to the extent that they were more likely to
vote ‘Yes’.
However, it should be borne in mind that more than 30% of respondents said that
neither campaign made any difference to their decision; many of the comments we
received pointed out that respondents had made up their minds years ago and the
campaigns did no more than reinforce those decisions one way or another.Observations and Conclusions
With the referendum question framed as “Should Scotland become an
independent country?”, did the fact that Better Together was trying to persuade
people to vote ‘No’ mean they adopted a negative approach? Certainly there is a
perception among survey respondents that the ‘No’ campaign was more negative,
primarily anti-independence rather than pro Union. The surveys also reflected a
view that, while personalities were not one of the major factors in the campaign, it
was more often part of Better Together's strategy, although this may partly reflect
the high proportion of ‘Yes’ voters in our survey.
What does seem clear from the responses is that the ‘No’ campaign focused
strongly on financial issues and this turned out to be the major focus of the
campaign overall, despite the fact that Yes Scotland was covering a range of other
topics significant to the electorate. The ‘No’ campaign strategy seems to have
worked since those respondents that ultimately voted ‘No’ gave greater weight to
economic and finance issues than those that voted ‘Yes’.
There was a belief among many that the media was biased towards the ‘No’
campaign. But, perhaps as a reaction, there were also a significant number of
respondents who commented that they had done their own research on the
campaign issues using a variety of sources.
Yes Scotland adopted a more online and dynamic approach, making better use of
social media than its opponents as well as creating pop-up campaign stalls and
generating other activities in town centres. Better Together relied on more
traditional campaigning techniques — phone canvassing and TV ads. The use of
social media is likely to have been a significant factor in the Yes campaign,
particularly with respondents saying that friends and family had more influence
than anything else on voting intentions. The use of social media is likely to have
been even more important in this campaign than most political votes.
From the survey responses, it seems that the ‘No’ campaign managed to set the
referendum agenda and ultimately focused on the topics that decided the vote,
even though there were a number of other issues that were also important to
voters. However, based on the findings of our survey, the Better Together
campaign is likely to have lost support along the way because of the tone of its
campaigning. Our survey was biased towards Yes voters but when almost half of
our respondents report that the ‘No’ campaign actually made them more likely to
vote ‘Yes’, the message was clearly not delivered well.