Meee 93 some M pathway neurons.”® This re- sidual M-stream population re- sponse {present even at some behav- iorally determined isoluminant point) could, in principle, be used to establish motion correspondence. Perhaps the most direct way to determine whether P input to the M pathway contributes to the observed chromatic influences over motion correspondence would be to deacti- vate the P laminae of the LGN and test, both psychophysically and neu- rophysiologically, for selective dis- ruptions of chromatically facilitated motion correspondence. Such ex- Periments will soon be under way ‘and promise to reveal much about functional interactions between mo- tion and color processing streams. Notes 15M. Ans, Phi movement a a sbatve proces, Visa Rrgaey 10 1aN1-1a30 (590, 2. Leo, Paral pathways: A teen, Ve sion Repeats, 20, 301-59 1980 3 EA, DeVoe end CV. Van an, Concert rocesirg steams money wal eae ends In Mewroscenes. #1, 219-298 188 4M, Unread DH, Fabel, Paycho- ‘dal eidance or separate chanel ee per “Expo oom, Eola, rawermet, ahd deh at, ‘alot Newrescence 316-3466 0387 5. Pi sehler, NK Logotatis and E&, hates, Furtion ofthe colourepparent and {yoad tand chen he vl sys Ne, Sah cosa 16. Cavanagh, Co. Tver and OL. Foes, eceued sel of moving chromate grt, Jean ote Opal Sai of re, 8 sore, 2, . Cavanagh ard SM. Art, The conte Aionot color ten inner nd coer drt ‘tue, Uison Rese 3), 210 2I4a 191, ‘Ck, Doing an TD. Albis, ha ap pews it Ouanges alge whan over Poche {ea expenerans othe ne ct ckrnab Psa Aoton deco, Vision Baserch 3, WSO 993 9.1.8 Mahon and WT, Newsome, Newt foundations of sual mon pecetion, Curent OF ‘eos Payal Sire, 1-35-3999. 1 Sato, K. Tana H. ona M4, Yasud, ana A liam), Devctonally selene reaps of ells in the middle tampon are iat of the macaque menkey othe ovement of ecules noe oponent color surly Experimental drat Re: ‘earch 75, 14 090%, TILK, Dobhins an 7.0. Albright, What hap ens changes color aben ime! On ea fe of chromate m1 macaque vu sr ‘avast Sabie or pbcon (1585 12.PH Seiler and CL. Colby, Tw sponses single cli inthe ata geicult cir of ie ‘esi monkey olor ad lminace coma Son Resear 23, WSIch644 N98 13, G. Scar H.R, Maunell and P. Leni, Cading a image conan cena oth Wy tho racague monkey, Vso Reeuc 3, Tio nase VA AAt Deriogan, | Krush, al P. Lene ‘Crema mechani in ster elt ‘le of macau Sout of Phsilogy 337, 2N1— 63 19, 15 NA Louies PML Seiler, €R, Cars, an AC Hate, Percept! dete andthe 3 {iy of te colosoppament and ross band path war turin Science 207214219 190, SNS Rsummmmnereneenenee eee} Rule Governance: Basic Behavioral Research and Applied Implications Steven C. Hayes The changes in basic behavior analysis over the past decade and a half are almost totally unknown out- side this field. it is not widely known, for example, that basic be- havior analysis has developed a ro- bust research program in human leaming, with findings of relevance to both basic and applied psychol- ony! RULE-GOVERNED BEHAVIOR Psychologists of many persua- sions have been interested in rules and rule governance. For a behavior analyst, rule governance does not refer to actions that are describable by rules, but rather to behavior that is controlled by rules, The behavior- al approach to rules has evolved. Most behavior-analytic interpreta~ tions of psychological events are based on an analysis of the dynamic interrelationship between action and its context—what behavior analysts term contingencies. Skinner origi- nally defined rules as “contingency specifying stimuli," that is, events that have their effects not because contingencies are experienced but because they are specified.” Skinner ever provided a technical analysis ‘of what it means to specify an event, but more recent work in relational responding has provided behavior analysts with a working definition of verbal specification.” For present purposes, we can think of rules sim- ply a5 instructions or other verbal formulas that govern behavior. Several conclusions can be teached from the behavioranalytic literature on rule-governed behav- ior: opi © 1993 American Pychslogc!Socay Conclusion 1: Rules Alter the Impact of Programmed Contingenci ‘One of the most robust findings in the basic human operant literature is that verbal rules can often produce ‘changes in the impact of contingen- cies programmed by the experi- enter. tn general, instructions pro- duce more rigid patterns of behavior that are frequently less sensitive to Programmed contingencies than ‘other forms of behavior. This basic finding has been studied in many ways? One of the initially popular meth- ods was the analysis of details of schedule performance on certain key schedules, such as a fixed inter- val. in a typical study, humans re- spond on a simple manipulandum fe.g., a telegraph key} in order to earn points worth money. The first response atter a fixed interval of time. (e.g., 30 3) since the last point will earn another point. Adult humans tend to show either (a) relatively high and steady rates or (b) very low rates with only a few responses at the end of the interval, rather thana iri ee —————————ee— the nonhuman pattern of ow catesat | structed subjects, Similarly, subjects | only fow rates of responding earned the beginning of the interval and | unexpectedly exposed to extinction | money. M subjects were told to 16: high ates at theend. This difference } schedules Gn which no pattern of |) spond rapidly to earn money, most sar appears wo be due fargely to | behavior can yield results) are gen- | subjects ntally did so— and in bol) self-rules, erally more likely to persist in re- | conditions. This pattern of respond- When asked to explain their be- | sponding if the original behavior ) ing changed the contingencies con- havion or fixed-inerval schedules, } was established by instructions than] tacted by subjects: They. earned adults who show relatively high | if it was shaped by tral and error. money in the high-rate condition but rates of responding tend to describe ‘These various lines of research | not the low-rate one. Some subjects Tre chedule os tate based, whereas lead to a common conclusion: Be- ) continued to follow the tule those showing very low rates tend to | havior that is guided by verbal rules | throughout (never earning money in eesibe tas interval based. The in- | differs from behavior that is guided the low-rate condition), but others ceric also tue. When subjects are | bydirectexperience. The nature and | gradually stopped responding in the Tai hat the schedule is ete based, | source of this difference are pres | low-rate condition. These latter sub- : they generally show high rates; | ently active areas of research. jects paradoxically began earning ‘when told itis interval based, they ‘money in the low-rate condition as show low rates. The latter group, in | Conclusion 2: Rules Alter How soon as their rates fellow enough. If particular, often reports counting) Contingencies Are Contacted subjects were told to respond slowly during the interval. When steps are to earn money, most subjects ini- taken to reduce counting, for exam- ‘The impact of context on behav= | tially did so—and in both condi- ple, by requiring concurrent verbal | ior is not a matter of what the envi- | tions. This patern of responding a0 ek scch as mental math or reading | ronment theoretically affords but | changed the contingencies con- loud, response patterns on fixed- | rather of the relations between ac- | tacted by subjects, but in the eppo- see schedules look more lke the | thon and context that are actually ex- | site way: They earned money in the nonhuman patter. petienced by a subject. That is, the] low-rate condition but not the high- Developmental studies have also | issue is not the programmed contin- | rate one. Some subjects continued been done, because the impact of } gencies but the actual contingen- | to follow the rule twroughout (never eetbal rules should be much less in. | cies. The two are not necessarily the | earning money in the high-rate cone Nenryoung children, Human infants | same. For example, the experi- | dition but continuing to cespond rey Specdinterval performances | menter may have arranged condi. | slowly), but others gradually thature like nonhuman patterns. By | tions in which rapid responding of | stopped responding entirely in the ge 7 chldzen assume the patterns | some kind would fead to a greatly | high-rate condition, Thus, the end shown by adults. enriched environment. If, however, | results were greatly influenced by “Another preparation has exam- | the subject responds very slowly for | verbal rules, because these rules in ‘nad inttucted subjects’ sensitivity | some reason, then the actual effect | effect altered the contingencies.* to unannounced changes in pro | of behavior will be the continuation I the rigidity characteristic of rammed contingencies: For exam- | of an impoverished environment | rule-governed behavior were exclue ple, in one study, subjects were | (ie., an extinction schedule). sively a matter of a change in the trained to earn money by pushing a Verbal rules are an extremely ef) range of behavior available to con Lt aed then pausing, The initial | ficient way of producing character-] tact the environment, this finding petormance wae eithe: instructed | isc paters of behavior, Thus, one | would be of limited practical inter, Petbally or shaped by wal and ertor | obvious way that verbal instructions est. Any undesirable rigidity covld Without specific instuctions. When alter the impact of contingencies | be eliminated simply by using rules the subjects were suddenly (and se- | programmed by an experimenter is | thatthemselves calle for variability. Cetly) no longer required to pause that they chanwe the forms of action | But more is involved Ss long, the response rate increased | sutficiently to change the actual con- more for uninstructed than in- | tingencies themselves. Conclusion 3: Rules Can Engage in one study, for example, sub- | Social Contingencies for jects were exposed to a signaled | Rule Following ‘Steven C. Hayesisa Univers of Ne- | condition in which high rates of re- ‘vada Foundation Professor and Direc- | sponding earned money; this condi When a verbal rule is delivered, Yor of Clinical Training inthe Depar- | tion alternated with a second condi- often the social community sets up ent of Psychology at the University | tion (with its own characteristic consequences for compliance (or ‘of Nevada, Reno, NV 89557-0062; | signal so that subjects could discrim- | noncompliance) with the rule. Sup- email: hayes@unssun.nevadaeds. | nate between the two) in which | pose a father tells is daughter, “Ws Published by Combe Une PetPee cold outside. | want you to wear a siveater when you go.” If she wears the sweater, it might be because of the described nonarbitrary conse- quences of doing so {i.e., being warm), but it could also be to avoid aversive consequences from her fa ther. Such behavior has been termed pliance—tule following under the control of a history of socially medi- ated consequences for a correspon dence between a tule and the be- havior specified by the rule.” For example, in the study just mentioned,” subjects were actually told to respond rapidly when one light was on and to respond slowly when another was on. In Condition 1, only the “Go Fast” tight was ever lit, and in Condition 2, only the “Go Slow’ light was on. This study had a third condition, however, in which the instruction lights alternated dur- ing each contingency condition: When high rates were required, the subjects were told to respond rapidly and then to respond slowly, and when low rates were necessary, they were likewise given both instruc- tions. The instruction lights within ‘each of these three conditions were thus accurate only half of the time. (A "Go Slow” instruction was accu- rate only during the contingency in ‘which low rates earned money; a "Go Fast" instruction was accurate ‘only during the contingency in which high rates eamed money; if given both instructions alternately ‘uring both contingencies, the sub- jects had accurate and inaccurate i structions half the time in each con- tingency.) To assess the impact of these dif fesences, after an initial session, half the subjects within each of the three instruction conditions suddenly had all instruction lights tuned off, The crucial finding is that subjects in the alternating-instruction condition— but not the other two conditions— immediately earned money under both response contingencies when the lights were tumed off, but not before. We can describe the results this way: If subjects were given only fone instruction, the narrow range of behavior that resulted produced rapid learning about how to earn money during only one of the two response contingencies. When the instructions were removed, no great ‘change was seen. If, however, highly variable responding was in- structed during both contingencies, subjects learned how to earn money in both, but they failed to act on this leaming while the instructions were present. When the instructions were removed, the subjects immediately showed that they knew how to eam money in both. My colleagues and I conceptualized this latter group's persistence in rule following despite having leamed the task as a pliance effect. Subjects were doing what they were told even when it cost them money they knew how to earn because of the social contingencies for rule following implied by the ex- perimental environment. The plausi- bility of this analysis was strength- ened by subsequent research showing that this rule-following ef fect increased when an experi menter was physically present.® There are many other factors ine volved in rule-governed behavior. For example, when a rule is formu- lated, evidence for the confirmation of that rule is more sought, more sa- lient, aod more remembered than disconfirmatory evidence. Thus, rules can alter the impact of direct environmental contingencies by linking contact with them to the pro- ‘cess of rule confirmation rather than the direct shaping of behavior. Lack ‘of space precludes the examination ‘of such issues here. ‘APPLIED IMPLICATIONS OF ‘THE RULE-GOVERNANCE LITERATURE Although there are many implica: tions of this work, two applications that have been examined empiri- cally are especially important, Cope 199 American BychoogicalSovety Implication 1: Piiance Is Pervasive Most psychotherapeutic ap- proaches involve a social, verbal in- ‘erchange between client and thera- pist, and thus pfiance might readily be established. When pliance ac- counts for therapeutic change, inter- ventions should not be effective if clients believe that the rules and their compliance with those rules cannot be monitored. This idea has been examined with several clinical procedures, and the results have been congistent.? In one study, speech-anxious college stu- dents were given the same coping self-statement either publicly or pri- vately and told to repeat it to them- selves both before and during speeches. All subjects selected their statements from a container that they were falsely told held different types of statements. Subjects in the private group retumed their statements to the container without showing them to the experimenter; subjects in the public condition showed theirs to the experimenter. Thus, private sub- jects thought that no one knew which setf-statement they had re- ceived. On both self-report and be- haviorat measures, the public sub- jects improved relative to a control ‘group, but the private subjects did rot. Simifar results were obtained a study in which coping self- statements were used to increase pain tolerance. Only subjects in a public group improved. In a third study, children who were fearful of the dark were given coping sel-statements either with or without disinhibitory models (.g., a videotape of a coping model enter- ing a dark room while saving coping statements aloud}.® In both condi- tions, half of the subjects received the treatment privately. To enable the privacy deception, the children were asked to push one of several ‘buttons on a panel, each of which ‘supposedly would turn on a specific and different “television show." In the public condition, the childrenwere asked to show the experi- menter which button they would push after the experimenter lef; pri- vate subjects were asked not 10 re- veal which button they would press Thus, the public subjects knew that the experimenter knew which show they were watching. The private subjects were deceived into thinking no one could know which show they watched. Regardless of the but ton pressed, of course, the same tape was displayed. Coping self- statements alone or with modeling were found to he equally effective in subsequently increasing the amount of time the children would spend in a dark room, but only when pre- sented in a public context. Subjects receiving private treatment actually decreased their dark tolerance by an average of 2 s. Other studies have shown the same public-versus- private effect for self-reinforcement procedures and for goal setting.? Thus, pliance has been impli- ‘cated as a crucial change process in several widely used clinical proce- dures, with both adults and chil- dren. Ths isa process of change that differs dramatically from the pro- cesses imagined by most cognitive ‘or cognitive-behavior therapists, ‘who prefer an analysis that fs much smote internat and less contextual. In many cognitive and self-control pro- cedures, it is apparently not what you know, but who knows you know it Implication 2: Rule-Induced Rigidity Should Often Be Avoided If nules tend to induce a degree of behavioral rigidity, then rule-based therapies should be used primarily when such rigidity is desirable (e.g, self-control problems such as smok- ing of weight control, impulsive be- havior, aggressive outbursts). When behavioral rigidity could be detri- mental {€.g., in spontaneous oF s0- cially sensitive behavion, rule- oriented interventions should be avoided. Social Skills Training ‘Apprime example of the failure of rule-based treatment models sin the area of social skills training. Social stills training has been driven by the idea that socially ineffective people have specific skill deficits that must be identified and described so that the therapist can instruct behavior change and provide feedback on the degree to which performance ap- proximates the instructed ideal. This ‘made! has been pursued for decades by dozens, even hundreds, of re- searchers, and yet there is still no Useful list ofthe specific components of social skill Social behavior involves many thousands of specific response forms (facial expressions, gestures, verbal requests, movements, etc.) that seem exquisitely sensitive to such factors as the audience, setting, and flow of the interaction. It seems un- likely that a. comprehensive list of rules of social skills will ever by identified, and even if it were, that such a list could he trained. Several minutes at a calculator can quickly confirm that even a few dozen re- sponse forms and contextual factors can quickly lead to billions of spe- cific combinations and sequences.” But even if this problem could be solved, the basic literature on rule governance suggests that rule- governed social behavior might be less sensitively modified by its con- sequences than is social behavior that is not rule-governed. Rule- governed social behavior could well seem rigid or artificial. There is an alternative, however: Shape the be- havior directly by presenting and amplifying its consequences.” The first study my colleagues and | conducted focused on cues of s0- cial interest displayed in heteros0- Cial interactions ® We reasoned that these cues may be one of the major ‘modulating events in a heterosocial interaction. Male subjects were asked to view a videotape (no audio) fof a femate conversing with an un seen male; each minute, they rated Palit by Canbsdge very Press ‘how interested they thought she was in the unseen other. In the original taping, the female had given such ratings each minute, and her ratings were used to assess the male sub- jects’ accuracy. Treatment consisted simply of giving subjects feedback ‘on the accuracy of their guesses. Thus, this strategy allowed both as- sessment and shaping of sensitivity to social interest cues, even though we had no idea what these cues were (as we would need to if we were developing a rule-based inter- vention) The results showed that with feedback, subjects improved in their ability to discriminate social interest. This ability generalized to previously unviewed women and led to im- provements in social skills in subse- quent role-play situations, In another study,” experiential and instructional approaches to so- cial skills training were compared in the treatment of adults with sociat difficulties. Subjects repeatedly role- played social situations. The experi- ential intervention consisted of the therapist stating his “gut reaction” about the overall quality of the role- played performance without de- scribing the behaviors he liked or disliked. The instructional interven tion consisted of therapist: or client- generated rules about effective so- cial behaviors, The results of this study suggested that subjects shaped by experiential feedback improved more than sub- jects who did not receive feedback and were more likely to generalize improvements to new situations, In- structions did not improve overall performance. Psychotherapy The development of procedures that alter clinically relevant behavior Via direct experience is not limited to social skills. Other shaping-based behavioral interventions have been developed, including a form of in- tensive adult outpatient psychother-eee ee apy called functional analytic psy- chotherapy."° ‘Analternative to the avoidance of tule governance via shaping is to al- tec rule control. Rather than attempt- ing to change rules directly, some procedures attempt to change the impact of existing rules by altering the social-verbal context for tule fol- lowing, These techniques include paradoxical procedures that alter the likelihood of pliance in response to socially supported rules. For exam- ple, if a therapist were to say to a client, “I suggest you not believe anything | say,” the subject could rot easily show pliance, or other- wise follow the rule literally. If the client dutifully did not believe the therapist, he or she apparently did believe the therapist. Such a para- dx attacks the basis of literal rules, rather than avoiding their use. Some behavior therapists have recently de- veloped such contextual techniques designed to shift the focus from spe- cific behavioral change to the healthy acceptance of behavioral events, particularly private events such as feelings." My own accep- tance and commitment therapy (ACT) is an example.'? CONCLUSION: The basic behavioral literature is providing @ rationale both for treat- ments that are supericially “nonbe- havioral” and for the more directive therapies such as traditional behav- jor therapy. The issue is not whether rules are useful, but when they are Useful. Sometimes itis helpful to di- sect behavior rather than allow it to emerge by trial and error, At other times it is not. Perhaps too much emphasis has been placed on the generation of rule-oriented tveat- ments when the nature of the prob- lem should have made this strategy questionable. The literature on rule Bovernance suggests that both direc- tive and more experiential therapies have important roles to play. Notes 1. S..Hayes a. Hayes, etal vltion ae tbe ein of Bakar ayer Ameo Popol, 47, 1385-1305 (1993), 32-8. Sans, An epee snc problem sobing.n Pes Shing Research, Method, and Theat, 8. Kleinman, E3 tWiey, New ork 1968 For amew otha sc, st 5. Hays, 0. Zeite,and Ror, ele flowing. 6 Ful Covad Behavior: cagnon, Contes 4nd inarcnal Cora 86 Hayes Cd ena Frm, New nk, 1985), 4.56. Howes, A. froamscn, 2D. Zee Roses, and 2. Kem, Rule goved behavine 2nd seul t9 honging consenurnces off ‘ponding Jounal cf ne permenant Behn, £5. 1372286 1986 nn 30) ace and PA Chase, Slecy of pone vai on the sensi legen cai, furl o the Sprmetl Anat ebay $4,281 262 1580, 5, DM, aren, SM. Des, GR Cay, an 6 Quinn, The lcs of programmed Cig let and sel conden On ‘eons eee ‘ahamster. The syehoogeat Record 3 ‘as.s0s son 6.1 Romar and SC. Hayes, Soil vandard sexing! The Achilles fe of iorstonal ecors Gl erapeae change Behar Thsany 15 S15. Sipaseat 2. hak my cllage Witsen C.Flle or this pos He as suusrted We shaped Sle poe ‘ade and Nr ene to chopra tevonssne WC Folte Mi Doughen, 8 Dy sia, ead SN. Gompion Teacan empl sacs) Jeiovan ute hschtoarenn gc {ngea faba, paom presi at ree ‘he Asrition for Advanceret lB Te 2 Boston var 1882 Organizational climate has been 2 topic of conceptual and methods ‘ological interest in psychology and related disciplines fe.g., organiza- tional behavior, management) since Kurt Lewin and his colleagues stud- ied the “social climate” of boys’ groups in the late 1930s.” In this re- search, Lewin and his colleagues demonstrated that boys who worked under a democratic leadership style produced as much as those who ‘were taught under authoritarian con- Copyright © 1993 Ammrican Prychaocal Society 8. Fors review, see SC. Hayes, BS. Kalen ‘erg and .60 hetancon, avon and feng tule conol as 2 srtegy of vnal tate Sut -Governed tare Copniton, Coreen, nd ianetena Col Hayes Cd Brent res Now Yor, 1988, 15, Rosena, 5. Hayes, and MLM. Line han, istucion, i expereal etude tenoert of socal sie etn sel, Fp ‘fey. theo. Reach and Paice 76 2e2- sre 10, Ri sohenbes ad MT Functor ar sive evehaherapy, aychotioapan nie Iraciee” Commie and Schovere! Pospectes, NS bcebson, £4. alld Pres, New Yo 1 For rome appre of accepting, se Sc Mayes and bi Hay Same Cina elie Aomolconenuaise tehsvoram thease! ‘2piton, Sohmon Therapy 125-be) 1990) Pacer, tehaviral cole hey. Anew Bronin sever Terps 23 45506 990) 12, ACT wat fore own compreensve ncing S25. Pavey A const pach ‘eit dara n conic. cai heces'Coptint and Beaver Pesci ee atuon eCard Fre, ee Yo DoariC Mave and $M Mcencon Cone: fee dseeing, prado, ane the Waar 6 holinal molar, faces) Moats Porctoteapy. MMe Ed Cello ess he sore nn Recommended Reading ees) and Chase, Pn £65 1990, O foguesn' Vrbl Behan (Cann Pest, Re, ne Heyes. 5. Ed 900). SulsCoveme has foe: Copii, Contngencin, and tnsaucnal (Cont Phrum Pre, Re Yor. Hayes, SC. nd Hayes fa (19921 Uae peaning eit Reston: (Content Pes, Ren, NO a Service Climate for Service Quality Benjamin Schneider, Beth Chung, and Kenneth P. Yusko ditions but behaved more coopera- tively with each other and more ‘openly with the teacher (leader), exe perienced less stress, and appeared happier with their experience. Lewin and his colleagues thought of the different leadership styles stud- Jed as strategies for creating different kinds of social climates, each of which entailed 2 set of conditions that, in the aggregate, yielded a total situation that would be experienced psychologically as a gestalt—as a