The Impacts of the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill on the

Psychological Wellbeing of Residents of Cordova, AK

Kelsey Wallach
1125685
Honors 222A: Disaster Science
Word Count: 3,973

Well I'm standing by a river

But the water doesn't flow
It boils with every poison you can think of
And I'm underneath the streetlights
But the light of joy I know
Scared beyond belief way down in the shadows
And the perverted fear of violence
Chokes a smile on every face
And common sense is ringing out the bells
This ain't no technological breakdown
Oh no, this is the road to Hell
- Road to Hell by Chris Rea

Abstract
This paper will evaluate the effects of the 1989 Exxon Valdez Oil Spill on the
psychological wellbeing of the residents of Cordova, Alaska. Data collected from a variety of
studies will be used to highlight the significance of Cordovas strong ties to the surrounding
environment, the disruptive cleanup activities and the impersonality of Exxon Mobils response
in the creation of abnormally high levels of chronic psychological stress within the community. I
will introduce the concepts of technological disaster, renewable resource communities and the
conservation of resources stress model before beginning an examination and critical analysis of
recorded data. These empirical findings support the need to re-evaluate the role of mental health
resources in oil spill response measures.
Oil Spills as a Technological Disaster

Growing reliance on technology has brought attention to the unique qualities and
catastrophic impacts of events that arise from technological failure. Highly destructive and
unpredictable, technological disasters have become a realistic threat to the physical and mental
health of all people. The negative consequences of disasters stem from social responses to
extreme stressors, yet some stress responses can vary depending on the perceived source of the
triggering event. Psychological studies have shown that technological disasters have a
significantly larger psychological effect on affected populations than natural disasters such as
hurricanes or tornadoes (Jarmail). Dr. Anthony Ladd, a professor of sociology at Loyola
University explains,
"With natural disasters, there is this sense that they will get through it and there is a light at
the end of the tunnel. Yes this is horrible, yes we've lost our homes, yes people have been

killed, but we're going to pick ourselves up at some point, dust ourselves off and we can see
recovery down the road. But with technological disasters you don't get that. It's a very
different spiral into a malaise, into anxiety, into a feeling that there is no end in sight. You
don't know when the impacts are going to stop."(Jarmail)

Natural disasters are frequently seen as blameless Acts of God and with no specific source
that can be held responsible communities are more likely to be able to unite and rebuild.
Technological disasters violate the common belief that human-regulated technology can be
controlled and accidents can be prevented. When technological disaster does strike the sense of
security in the community crumbles. Uncertainties about the extent and consequences of
technological disasters often results in long-term community disruption and unresolved chronic
psychological stress. And because the disaster is triggered by human error, blame and anger is
usually readily directed towards the responsible party. This perpetuation of blame prolongs the
communitys ability to reach closure and rebuild damaged resources. (Marquette).

Renewable Resource Communities and Conservation of Resources Stress Model

Members of Renewable Resource Communities (RRCs) are particularly vulnerable to the
psychological consequences of an oil spill. A RRC is a population of individuals who live
within a bounded area and whose primary cultural, social and economic existence is based on the
harvest and direct link between seasonal ecosystem cycles (Picou, and Gill). This relationship
governs their economy which in turn provides a cultural context for harvesting, trading,
consuming and maintaining natural resources. Socioeconomic and social status within the
community are determined and enforced by this relationship. Understanding the environment-

social relationship within an RRC is essential to understanding the often-neglected psychological

side of oil spill disasters.
The solidity of a RRCs social structure can be defined in terms of threats posed by to its
key natural resource. Any threats to natural resources become stressors to both the community
and social structures within a RRC. Empirical studies indicate that such stressors can cause
measurable psychological problems (Picou, and Gill). The Conservation of Resource Stress
Model (CORSM) is a method used to analyze stressors and their affects within a RRC. Creator of
the CORSM psychologist Stevan Hobfoll postulates that people strive to retain, protect and
build resources and that what is threatening to them is the potential or actual loss of these valued
resources (Picou, and Gill). The model maintains that any event which results in actual or
perceived loss of these resources will result in psychological stress. The more resource
dependent a community the more likely it is to suffer psychological distress from a destructive
event. While technological disasters often result in loss of physical objects and economic
resources, consideration of other less tangible losses is also vital to understanding the subsequent
psychological effects.
The Exxon Valdez Oil Spill and the Recorded Psychological Consequences
On March 24, 1989 the super tanker Exxon Valdez (owned by Exxon Mobil Corp.) ran
aground on Bligh Reef in Prince William Sound, Alaska. The tanker leaked approximately
257,000 barrels of crude oil into the surrounding ocean, coating over 1,000 miles of pristine
shoreline and contaminating valuable commercial fishing grounds. (Exxon Valdez Oil Spill
Trustee Council). The Exxon Valdez Oil Spill (EVOS) remains the second largest oil spill in US

history and its psychological and environmental consequences are still readily apparent over 20
years later.
Dr. Lawrence Palinkas, a professor of the School of Social Work at the University of
Southern California, conducted a study that extensively measured the psychological effects of the
EVOS. His study consisted of ethnographic fieldwork and surveying in 22 communities and a
quantitative study of over 600 households in Cordova and the surrounding towns. Information
was organized by severity of exposure, a variable that was measured by multiple factors such as:
affected area used by household, participation in cleanup, other contact with oil, property
damaged or lost, and relation to commercial fishing. Subjects were divided into three categories:
no exposure, low exposure and high exposure. These categories were used as variables to study
the relation between exposure to the spill and presence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD),
generalized anxiety disorder, and depression. Below are statistical representations of Palinkass
findings from a lecture given at the University of Southern California.
Fig. 1

This graph demonstrates the correlation between exposure to oil and the presence of generalized
anxiety disorder, PTSD, and high CES-D scores (scoring used to determine levels of depression).
In all cases, subjects who were classified as high exposure had significantly higher prevalance
rates of all three psychological disorders than those with lower levels of exposure. High exposure
to the oil was also correlated with increased levels of violence and addictive tendencies.
Palinkass study yielded these results:
Fig. 2

Again, the correlation between exposure to oil and the emergence of destructive psychological
changes is apparent. Palinkas study also reports that these drastic changes to the mental health of
adults had a significant effect on their children. Subjects reported declines in their relationships
with their children as well as increases in youth behavioral problems. Children were reported as
less playful with their peers and more insecure about separation from parents ("Columbia
University Mailman School of Public Health").

Psychological Evaluation from a CORSM Approach

The small town of Cordova was not directly affected by the spilled oil; however its
population is recorded to have suffered the most psychological distress and indirect effects of the
spill. Accessible only by boat or aircraft, Cordova has a unique economic and cultural
relationship with the Sound.
Cordovas reliance on commercial and recreational fishing qualifies it as a RRC, and
therefore the recorded psychological distress recorded post-EVOS can be evaluated in terms of
the CORSM. In context of the CORSM, Cordovas reliance on fisheries label them the valued
resources that are necessary for social, economic, and cultural continuity within the community.
With this assumption, damage to the fisheries is capable of disrupting the social institutions,
patterns of life, and the economic viability of life in Cordova. Thus, damage to the fisheries and
the resulting disruption of these communal factors would lead to a state of elevated
psychological stress within the community.
Disruptions to Economic Viability
Damages to wildlife as a result of the EVOS played a large role in the economic
downswing that confronted Alaska in the years following the spill. Fisheries in Prince William
Sound lost over $155 million in the immediate two-years following the spill (Picou). While
many of the species affected by the spill have recovered, two species: the pigeon guillemot and
herring, have seen no gains since their populations were decimated by the oils effects
(Questions and Answers).The herring population was considered a cornerstone species in
Prince Williams Sound; it provided a bountiful food source for numerous predators as well as a

sustained much of Alaskas commercial fishing industry. The devastation of the herring
population was concerning to all Alaskans, but particularly so to the commercial fishermen and
citizens of Cordova.
Cordova has a cash economy derived primarily from commercial fishing. Cordovan
fishermen hold nearly 90% of the Prince William Sound commercial fishery permits and over
50% of jobs in Cordova are related to the fishing industry(Whetstone; Russel, Downs, Strick,
Glaginaitis, and et al). Prior to the spill, Cordova was consistently in the top ten of the USs most
profitable fishing ports. Only years before the EVOS, herring profits, which accounted for more
than one-third of Cordovas fishing revenue, were at record highs (Gill, Picou, and Ritchie). 20
years after the spill, the herring population is only 15% of its former clout. The closure of the
entire herring fishery in 1997 forced fishermen to begin annual harvests two months later than
they did pre-spill. (Picou). An estimated $240 million has been lost from the Alaskan economy as
a result of the shutdown of the herring fisheries.
The widespread reliance of Cordovas residents on the commercial fishing industry as
their main economic activity places the town at high risk of complete economic disaster. For
many fishermen the loss of a harvest season meant a loss of an entire years income. The
widespread anticipation of economic hardships as a result of the EVOS manifested itself in
increased levels of depression, PTSD and anxiety within the community. As reported by a
psychological study undertaken at the University of Toronto we found that individuals who
were experiencing economic hardship were between 2.6 and 3.9 times as likely to experience
loss of sleep, constant strain, unhappiness and depression, and bad memories as individuals who
do not experience hardship (Simich). Because so many members of the community relied on the

fisheries for economic sustenance, feelings of anxiety, tension and frustration were pervasive
throughout the town.
Disruption to Social Institutions and Patterns of Life
The CORSM also considers the cultural and social ties that a RRC has to its valued
resource. While only about 20% of Cordovas community identifies as Eyak (native Alaskan) the
isolated town has strong ties to the native culture. One of the largest native organizations in
Alaska, the Eyak Native Corporation, bases its operations in Cordova (Russel, John, Michael
Downs, Betsy Strick, Michael Glaginaitis, et al.). The EVOSs impact on fish populations was
incredibly destructive to many of the revered native traditions practiced in Cordova and other
Native communities.
I really miss my Native foods after the spill. Lots of things I would get
before from relatives elsewhere. We'd get clams, octopus, crab,
shrimp, and herring. And we haven't gotten that for the last two years.
The last time I got herring was two years ago, on March I st [1989]

And the spill was March 24th. Without those things a part of us
is missing (Meganack).
The effect of cultural and spiritual loss from the disruption of the environment should not be
underestimated. The meaning that this loss holds to the community identifies the core cultural
relevance of this RRCs valuable resource. Levels of psychological stress among Eyak natives
and others with strong cultural ties to the environment were evaluated using the Impact of Events
Scale (IES) in 1991 and 1992. The IES consists of 15 questions that are designed to assess
mental health and has been found to be correlated with symptoms of PTSD following disasters.

The average score of Cordovan subjects in 1991 was 13.4 and rose to 14.6 in 1992. These scores
are incredibly similar to those given to clinically evaluated victims of traumatic events. For
example, patients undergoing grief therapy for the death of a parent had a mean IES score of 13.8
six months after the death (Gill, Picou). With such tangible evidence of psychological distress,
the correlation between the cultural ties to natural resources and the psychological well-being of
Cordovans is clear.

Consequences of Disruptive Cleanup Activities and Exxon Mobils Impersonal Response

While the CORSM provides a logical explanation for the rise in psychological distress
post-EVOS, I argue that it does not fully explain the drastic psychological changes recorded in
Cordova. I do agree that Cordovas strong ties to the fishing industry and the loss of this resource
are responsible for much of the chronic psychological stress. However, the difficulty in studying
psychological effects is that it is impossible to trace them back to only one specific source, rather
we must examine them as influenced by perhaps hundreds of factors. In the case of the EVOS I
argue that the two other significant factors: disruptive cleanup activities and the impersonality of
Exxon Mobils response, both played an equally substantial role in creating community-wide
psychological distress.
The human spill of Exxon representatives, government officials, lawyers, scientists,
cleanup personnel, and reporters flooded Cordova in 1989. This human spill added thousands
to the small towns population of approximately 2800 (Russel, Downs, Strick, Glaginaitis, and et
al). The simple addition of bodies to the small town undoubtedly caused stress to local public
services designed to support a much smaller populace. Prices of gas, electricity, food and

housing increased dramatically, only adding to many Cordovans impending sense of economic
crisis (Impact Assesment 1990b). The arrival of so many strangers in such a short time also
caused unease among members of the community. An Alaskan native explained It was like
living in an apartment and then all of a sudden there are ten people that you don't know who
come in and live with you (Imapct Assesment INc. 1990b). Assertive media reporters disrupted
community life for months following the spill. It became stressful for residents to merely leave
their homes for fear of being accosted by the raptor-like journalists.
It did not matter where the news people came from or their particular field of media,
they all were insensitive to the community, arrogant, frightening to the children, and
abusive to the elders. Reportedly they chased children and elders into homes, attempted
to take pictures through resident's windows, and laughed at people who were caught off
guard (Morrison).
Tensions between residents of Cordova grew as a result of public disagreements of the role they
should play in assisting with Exxons cleanup. Those who supported Exxons cleanup measures
by leasing out boats and equipment were labeled with the disparaging nickname Exxon whores
while Purists wanted nothing to do with the cleanup. Purists accused the Exxon whores of
exploiting oil spill cleanup and putting their greed for money before community needs. This
increased tension added to growing levels of psychological stress as well as decreased the
potential for a social support system within the community (Raw Story).
The cleanup activities provided opportunities for employment with higher earning wages
for many Cordovans. As a result, the citizens of Cordova experienced a sudden and dramatic
increase in cash income. However, instead of creating a positive impact on the community this

money spill actually lead to more problems. Unaccustomed to such wealth and facing the
depressing prospect of long term economic hardship, many of the profiting Cordovans (dubbed
Spillionaires) used this influx of fast cash to purchase considerable quantities of alcohol and
drugs. According to studies surrounding the effects of collective trauma many residents, tired of
the angry venting and arguments about the EVOS, would simply purchase liquor and drink alone
at home instead of drinking in one of the multiple social bars (Yeoman). The Chief of Behavioral
Health for the Alaskan Area Native Health Services Dr. Bill Richards commented
I know of villages that had many alcohol-related problems in the past, but had begun a
slow and painful process of recovery, with many villagers sober prior to the spill. After
the spill, village leaders began drinking again, and many in the village have now "fallen
off the wagon" with re-emergence of the numerous alcohol-related problems-child-abuse,
domestic violence, accidents, etc.-that were there before (Gill and Picou 167-187).
Although the negative effects of this money spill may sound incredulous to those in the
mainstream economy, it is important to recognize the connection between quickly earned cash,
degrading mental health, and the consumption and abuse of illegal substances.
Dr. Palinkas findings (Fig 2) display the correlation between the emergence of high drug
and alcohol abuse, increased social tension and intensified domestic and social violence. These
disruptions of ordinary family life were accompanied the by added strain caused by the
employment of parents in the cleanup activities. A resident of Cordova explained that the jobs
were not just 8 to 5 jobs. They were like 7 to 12 [at night] and sometimes longer. They worked
until midnight unloading boats, got home slept three hours, and got up and went to back to work
(Gill and Picou 167-187). As a result, many children received less attention and care from

parents during the months following the spill. This lack of parental supervision led to increased
levels of misconduct, insecurity, drinking and drug use among children and teenagers (Impact
Assessment Inc. 1990b). Experiencing similar problems, the village of Tatitlek requested
$40,000 from Exxon to provide sufficient child care for those whose parents were working as
cleanup crew. Despite pressure from state officials, Exxon ignored the request. It was pretty
incredible, commented a village administrator that Exxon would spend eighty-thousand dollars
to save an otter but wouldnt spend any money on the children(Impact Assessment Inc. 1990b).
Exxons Impersonal Response
This attitude of incredulity towards Exxons insensitive response was widespread
throughout the affected areas. As previously discussed, the ability to assign blame to a single
party for a disaster can result in long-term and unresolved psychological distress within a
community. Exxons impersonal relations and ineffective attempts at appeasing the affected
citizens only served to exacerbate the unsettled feelings of anxiety, anger and depression in
Cordova and other Alaskan towns. Exxons response can be assessed throughout two time
periods, during the immediate clean-up response activities and in the lengthier litigation process
that spanned the following years.
Exxons insensitivity to the presence of knowledgeable native and fishing cultures in
Cordova was a source of frustration and outrage for many. Cordovans extensive knowledge of
the shores, tides and water currents of the Sound were brushed aside by authorities, most of
whom were in the area for the first time. Regardless of their enthusiasm to assist in the cleanup,
most Cordovans were given peripheral and banal tasks such as collecting garbage and
transporting equipment (Gill, Picou). Members of the Eyak population in Cordova as well as

multiple other Native groups claimed they suffered from various forms of racism during the
Exxons cleanup. Discriminatory comments disparaging Native women and lazy Native
workers were reportedly broadcasted over the maritime radio. A similar racist comment was
recorded during an interview with an Exxon official I asked, "Have you talked to the
Native communities, to see how they feel about using 9580 (a chemical
dispersant) on their beaches?" He (Exxon's expert in toxicology) cynically
laughed and replied, "Would they even understand this sort of stuff!"(Gill,
Picou) Similarly, when questioned about the lack of Exxon funded childcare,
the Executive Director of the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill Council responded with a
detached assertion saying parents of families were not forced to go out and
work at cleanup sites. It was their decision to do so(Whetstone). The
Director blindly overlooks that the EVOS destroyed many jobs, and that
working on a cleanup crew was the only way some parents could provide for
their families at that time. This blatant insensitivity among Exxon officials
furthered feelings of outrage and powerlessness within Cordova. The
prolonged anger and the overwhelming of Cordovans by the outsidercontrolled cleanup undermined the formation of any sort of therapeutic
community within Cordova.
Weeks after the spill, suits against Exxon had been brought into both
state and federal courts. Finally, 5 years after the spill, an Anchorage jury
awarded commercial fisherman, Natives, landowners and other plaintiffs $5
billion in punitive damages against Exxon. Days after the ruling Exxon
appealed this decision and the award was cut in half. Exxon appealed this

ruling once again, and the dance between the multi-billion dollar corporation
and the judicial system had begun. After nearly 15 years of appeals the case
finally reached the Supreme Court in 2008. The justices reduced the previous
payment to the plaintiffs from $2.5 billion to a mere 507 million-roughly 1/5
of the original fine. It was not until nearly 20 years after the spill that
residents of Cordova and other affected towns received compensation for the
physical, cultural, environmental and psychological damages caused by
EVOS (Pitts). This seemingly interminable litigation process explains the
persistence of the psychological effects of the EVOS over the 23 years since
the spill. Exxons repeated appeals left Alaskans with no choice but to
continue to ruminate over the disastrous consequence of the 1989 spill.
Psychological tests with members of Cordova District Fisherman United found
that those involved in the litigation had significantly higher levels of
depression and ongoing anxiety than those who were not involved.
This intensification of Cordovans animosity towards Exxon Mobil
because of insensitive responses and drawn-out legal processes prolonged
their ability to recover from the psychological traumas and disorders caused
by the EVOS.
Conclusion
The drastic changes in mental health recorded in Cordova as a result of the EVOS
illuminates the pressing need to recognize the presence of psychosocial stress as a consequence
of oil spills. Understanding sources of distress through the CORSM and close analysis of local

culture and lifestyle is imperative if attempts are to be made of mitigating negative social and
psychological impacts. Studies of the EVOS also reveal that without the resolution of uncertainty
and conflict within affected communities that the persistent threat of economic, cultural, and
ecological loss will produce patterns of chronic psychological stress.
The effects of the EVOS manifested in severe declines in mental health, a consequence
that was not predicted nor appropriately responded to. The disastrous psychological effects
brought attention to the need for preventative and responsive measures that protect the mental
wellbeing of those affected by oil spills. After my research and analysis of the psychological
impacts of the EVOS on Cordova, I would recommend instituting formal and informal mental
health resources within at-risk communities for the purpose of mitigating potential stress, social
disruption, and other psychosocial problems. At risk populations such as Natives, children,
those predisposed to anxiety, and those closely tied with key resources should be identified and
included in planning for adequate psychological response and prevention measures. Additionally
we should expand standard spill response methods to include mental health services to affected
communities.
We must no longer consider the EVOS as just an ecological disaster. We must remember
that the thousands of barrels of oil that spewed into Prince William Sound also coursed through
the culture, economy and psychological wellbeing of the residents of Alaska.

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