The Chongryun Schools of Japan

Robin Baugus

Introduction
The nation of Japan has long boasted it's ethnic and linguistic homogeneity. However,
this view has been challenged by scholars the world over, forcing Japanese citizens to recognize
that Japan is home to a variety of ethnic minorities with unique circumstances and needs which
can no longer be ignored. The World Factbook (maintained by the Central Intelligence Agency,
hereafter referred to as the CIA) indicates that of Japan's estimated 127,253,075 citizens,
approximately 1.5% are members of an ethnic minority (CIA, 2013).1 All sources agree that
Koreans in Japan make up the largest minority, though the size of this group of citizens is
uncertain. The World Factbook places the percentage to 0.5% of the total population, while
others claim it may be as high as 1% (Fukuoka, 1993 as cited in Ahn, 2012).2 If Fukuoka's
predictions are correct, this boosts the numbers provided by the Factbook of Japan's minority
population significantly.
There are several reasons an accurate number of Koreans in Japan is difficult to attain.
This ethnic group, like others in Japan, has faced varying degrees of segregation, discrimination,
and socioeconomic difficulty. However, they have the unique ability of being able to easily
pass as a Japanese native by assuming a Japanese name (known as tsumei), Japanese cultural
practices, and the Japanese language. As a result, Koreans in Japan have, in some ways, become
an invisible minority at times indistinguishable from their Japanese counterparts who they
act to emulate.
While many may choose to pass as Japanese natives, other Korean families actively
attempt to maintain their Korean heritage. One way of doing this is to send their children Korean
ethnic schools. This paper will examine those ethnic schools run by the North Korean affiliated
1 Central Intelligence Agency. (n.d.). The World Factbook. Retrieved November 27, 2013, from
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ja.html
2 Ahn, R. (2012). Korean student's minority schooling experience in Japan. Intercultural Education, 23:3, 249263.

Chongryun system. It will attempt to present the situation surrounding these Chongryun schools
by examining a brief history of the Chongryun system and ethnic schools in Japan, the general
curriculum assumed by Chongryun schools, relations between Chongryun schools and the
Japanese government, the end results of Chongryun education, and the growing decline in
Chongryun attendance.

A Brief History of Ethnic Schools and Chongryun in Japan

Koreans arrived in Japan a variety of ways. Many came in search of greater economic
prospects and employment after being removed from their land during Japanese colonization;
some were forcibly taken from their homes and shipped to Japan to fulfill the nation's labor
shortage during the war. While colonized, Koreans were considered Japanese citizens and
required to attend Japanese schools, however 1945 saw the end of Japanese rule and the
liberation of Korea and many prepared to return home.
In October 1945 the League of Koreans was formed, serving as an advocate for Korean
rights and needs in Japan. Among their activities, they assisted in the establishment of Korean
ethnic schools which would teach the Korean language and culture to students under the
assumption that the students and their families would soon be returning to Korea and needed to
be prepared for the adjustments that would entail. By the end of 1946, 525 such schools were in
operation. (Okano, 2006)3
While these schools were initially tolerated, allowed by the central Japanese government
to be registered on the prefectural level (Okano, 2006), in 1948 it was announced that in order to
remain accredited these ethnic schools must adhere to the 1947 School Education Law. This
required that the medium of instruction be in Japanese with the Korean language relegated to an
3 Okano, K. (2006). The impact of immigrants on long-lasting ethnic minorities in Japanese schools: globalisation
from below. Language and Education, 20(4), 338-354.

extracurricular course. (Tai, 2007)4 These restrictions prompted social protests by Koreans in
Japan and eventually culminated in the closure of Korean ethnic schools as well as the forced
disbandment of the League of Koreans by the Japanese government. Following their closure,
Korean students attending ethnic schools generally matriculated into standard Japanese public
schools.
At the time of it was dissolved, the League of Koreans publicly supported the regime of
Pyongyang. (Okano, 2006) As such, some view it as the predecessor for the emergence of the
Chongryun system (or, the Association of North Koreans in Japan) in 1955. Chongryun was
largely supported by both North and South Koreans in Japan who viewed the new northern
regime under Kim Il Sung with a greater degree of validity than that of the south under Syngman
Rhee for a variety of reasons. First, Kim Il Sung had participated in the fight against Japanese
imperialism (Ryang, 1993)5, furthermore the financial support provided for educational purposes
by the North Korean government indicated proof of the powerful growth of the North Korean
economy. (Ryang, 2000)6 Schools established by the Chongryun system were more aligned to
the ethnic schools established years earlier by the League of Koreans which taught subjects in
Korean. Schools established by the South Korean Mindan system taught courses in Japanese
with Korean as an additional class only a few hours a week. (Okano, 2006)
The newly formed Chongryun schools were not, and fail to this day to be, accredited by
the Japanese government. Rather they are established as miscellaneous schools the results of
this classification will be discussed later.

4 Tai, E. (2007). Korean ethnic education In Japanese public schools. Asian Ethnicity, 8(1), 5-23.
5 Ryang, S. (1993). Poverty of language and the reproduction of ideology: Korean language for Chongryun.
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 28(3-4), 230-242.
6 Ryang, S. (2000). Koreans in Japan: critical voices from the margin. London: Routledge.

Chongryun School Curriculum

The Chongryun system has schools at every level. In 2005, the number of schools totaled
the following: 65 primary, 41 middle, and 12 high schools in addition to Korea University.
(Okano, 2006) However, this number is dwindling. Ryang, in her 1993 article listed Chongryun
as running three nursery, 81 primary, 56 middle, 12 high schools and Korea University. (Ryang,
1993) Why Chongryun education is in decline will be discussed later in this paper.
The course of the academic year, including term breaks and holidays are in line with the
corresponding Japanese schools of each level. (Ryang, 1993) In addition, Ryang indicates that
there is a significant overlap in the Japanese to Chongryun curriculum, with both teaching
Japanese, mathematics, English, natural science, history, geography, physical education, music,
and art. However, certain classes are replaced. The childhood of Father Marshal Kim Il Sung
takes the places of Japanese primary school moral studies, and the moral and social studies
taught in Japanese middle schools are replaced by the Chongryun system with the revolutionary
activities of the Great Leader Kim Il Sung. Furthermore, hours in Japanese history and
geography are sacrificed to make room for their Korean counterparts. (Ryang, 1997)7
As mentioned above, Chongryun schools use Korean as the medium of education,
teaching English and Japanese in separate language classes. However, the Korean used by
Chongryun schools is decidedly unlike the Korean spoken by the citizens of North Korea. As the
teachers in Chongryun schools are all graduates of the Chongryun system, the Korean spoken in
classes is recycled year after year. The Korean language of Koreans in Korea (as are all
languages around the world) is living and changing as words are added and fall into disuse with
the times. However, the Korean language of Chongryun schools is static, memorized for the
purposes of exams and repeated word for word with little variation or greater depth. Students
7 Ryang, S. (1997). North Koreans in Japan: language, ideology, and identity. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press.

can recite their lessons in Korean but lack the knowledge to discuss emotions or the vocabulary
of daily life outside of school. For many students, the language of the home and the language
their parents speak is Japanese, and despite the Chongryun school's 100% Our Language
policy (which requires students to speak only Korean at all times during the school day and while
on the school campus, including lunch and break times) Korean, for them, is simply not an
accessible language. (Ryang, 1993)
Included in the recited language of the Chongryun classroom are memorized titles for
Kim Il Sung (our Father Marshal or the Respected and Beloved Leader) and his family
including his mother (Mother of Korea), father (the revolutionary and patriot of iron will),
former wife (mother of the revolution) and son Kim Jong Il (our Dear Leader). The use of
which affects the children's grade when answering questions and responding in classes. (Ryang,
1997)
These specialized titles are taught with the help of textbooks specifically designed by and
for the Chongryun system which sends teachers to North Korea for this purpose. These
textbooks are published by Chongryun's own publication company for use and their content,
because of Chongryun schools' classification as miscellaneous schools, are not subject to
approval by the Japanese government. (Ryang, 1993) It is through these textbooks and the
education of teachers who are products of the Chongryun system that, in addition to standard
school subjects, North Korean dogma can be taught.
Included in this dogma is the leader/Kim Il Sung worship which characterizes the North
Korean nation. In addition to the specific titles mentioned above for him and his family, this
leader worship also includes the hanging of portraits of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jung Il in
classrooms accompanied by statements of or relating to Kim Il Sung's ideology, known as Juche.

(Ryang, 1997)
However, in addition to the Juche of Kim Il Sung, students are taught to follow Japanese
laws and societal conventions. (Ryang, 1993) This is one of Chongryun's initial founding
principles, established by its founders, which states that they will not interfere in Japanese
internal affairs. This relationship between the Chongryun system and the Japanese government
will be discussed in the next section.

Chongryun Schools and the Japanese Government

There are a variety of reasons that the Japanese government might continue to accept the
presence of Chongryun schools throughout Japan. As discussed above, the Chongryun system
adopted a policy of non-interference regarding Japanese internal affairs. As such, the Chongryun
system educates all its students to behave accordingly and produces model citizens (Ryang, 1993
refers to them as law-abiding and socially-conforming) who cause little trouble for the
Japanese or their government. According to Ryang (1993) the children are instructed to behave
as little diplomats of the fatherland.
The unique classification of Chongryun schools (and other ethnic schools of a similar
nature, such as those of Brazilian immigrants) as miscellaneous results in a likewise unique
financial situation. While governments and school systems on the local level may opt to provide
financial support for these schools, being outside of the standard Japanese school system, the
Japanese government is not responsible for funding Chongryun or other such classified ethnic
schools lightening the strain on the governmental purse. (Ryang, 1993)
Rather the financial burden of running Chongryun schools comes, largely, from members
of the Chongryun system themselves especially from the tuition paid by parents of Chongryun
students. While Chongryun schools were initially being established, money came regularly and

in large sums from the North Korean government. As mentioned above, the provision of aid
from North Korea served as a legitimizing factor for Chongryun and the Pyongyang regime.
However, the money from North Korea has ceased to arrive, slowing first to intervals and then
ceasing all together as economic strain has prevented the North Korean government from
providing monetary support. (Ryang, 1993)
Lastly, the Chongryun system's miscellaneous classification allows the government to
place another restriction on Chongryun (and other students of miscellaneous schools) students.
As non-accredited institutions, high school diplomas awarded by the Chongryun system do not
permit graduates to apply to Japanese universities and sit for their entrance exams. Rather,
students must take an extra set of exams which qualify them, in the eyes of the Japanese
government, to be considered on the same level as Japanese high school graduates. (Ryang,
1997)

Results of Chongryun Education

One might assume that the education provided by the Chongryun system would yield
predictable resultsthat graduates of Chongryun schools are rather similar to their North Korean
counterparts in loyalty to the Fatherland and its leader. This is not necessarily the case.
The initial purpose of Chongryun schools was, as was the purpose of schools established
by the League of Koreans, to prepare students for their families eventual repatriation to Korea.
It presented glowing reports of life in Korea and instilled the belief in students and their parents
that, as Suzuki (2007) put it, all Koreans in Japan would eventually board the repatriation ships
and go home to North Korea it was just a matter of deciding who went first. (Suzuki, 2007)8
However as Korea split and time wore on, families realized that such a journey was becoming
8 Suzuki, T. (2007). Exodus to North Korea: shadows from Japan's cold war. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield
Publishers.

less likely.
In fact, as the generations progress it seems that the effectiveness of Chongryun teaching
is declining. Many students may attend the school and adhere to its policies (such as the use of
Korean at all times), but when school is let out for the day they exchange their uniforms for
street clothes and may be indistinguishable from their Japanese counterparts on the streets.
Repatriation is no longer a goal and many students, as well as their families, recognize and admit
that they know they will never leave their Japanese homes or even speak the Korean language.
It is true that the education provided by the Chongryun system may instill a support and
love for North Korea, but many Chongryun students confess that they wouldn't want to live there
and are thankful for their home in Japan (McBride, 2008)9 knowledgeable of the poverty and
economic strain rampant in North Korea. Some even admit that they do not approve of North
Korea as a country, as one student of the Chongryun system (given the fake name Kwang in
McBride's article) says, Anybody can tell that North Korea is a bad place. Those who support
Kim Jong Il look like the odd men out now. (McBride, 2008)
The Koreans that the Chongryun system seeks to attract seem to be of the older
generation whose ideals are dying out as new students grow up in a Japanese world without the
desire or the inclination to repatriate to North Korea. An article published in the Economist by
an anonymous author indicates that many dislike the regime in Pyongyang, but remain loyal out
of respect for their parents or their desire to preserve their heritage. (Anonymous, 2013)10 It is
clear that Chongryun is in decline.

9 McBride, B. (2008, December 16). Young 'Zainichi' Koreans look beyond Chongryon ideology. The Japan
Times. Retrieved November 20, 2013, from http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2008/12/16/issues/youngzainichi-koreans-look-beyond-chongryon-ideology/#.Uox6c-Kd6So
10 Anonymous, (2013, Jun 15). Class action; North Korean schools in Japan. The Economist, 407, 38. Retrieved
November 10, 2013, from http://search.proquest.com/docview/1368124440?accountid=14784

Decline of Chongryun Attendance

There are several reasons that Chongryun attendance is in decline. Some of them were
mentioned above, including that the current generation no longer feels as sympathetic to or
aligned with Chongryun beliefs and North Korean dogma. Some have lost their faith in North
Korea following the abduction of Japanese citizens and others have shed their support of the
communistic system after having experienced and learned more about the world. (McBride,
2008) Many families simply cannot afford the economic strain that Chongryun tuitions create.
Additionally, Koreans face significant discrimination in Japanese society to the degree
that many prefer to pass as Japanese, using tsumei (Japanese-sounding names), speaking and
dressing as Japanese, and opting for Japanese citizenship when possible, rather than embrace
their Korean heritage. This discrimination also affects Chongryun attendance. The negative
attitudes surrounding North Korea by the Japanese media generate uneasy feelings in parents
who wish to send their students to Chongryun with their neighbors. (McBride, 2008)
Furthermore, parents are increasingly less inclined to send their students to a school
which will afford them little opportunity upon graduation. Chongryun high school diplomas, as
mentioned, do not permit access to Japanese colleges. And a degree from Korea University
affords little employment opportunities outside of the Chongryun system. Chongryun teachers
cannot teach in Japanese schools, and Chongryun work experience means nothing in the
Japanese work force. (Ryang, 2000)
What's more, Chongryun Koreans are neither accepted by Japanese society nor the North
Korean with which they might identify. As discussed, they have a rudimentary, static
understanding of the Korean language and, as Ryang indicates, given...the ambivalent sentiment
that Korea still retains toward Japan's past colonial rule, resident Koreans from Japan are
particularly looked at with suspicion. (Ryang, 2000)

As a result, it is simply easier to undertake a Japanese identity than remain a Korean,

especially a Chongryun Korean. And as the introduction to this paper indicated, that is what
many are choosing to do. More and more, Koreans who were considered permanent-residents
have decided to naturalize and take on Japanese citizenship approximately 10,000 yearly. (Tai,
2006)11 Intermarriage between Koreans and Japanese has increased and the children of these
marriages are, more often than not, taking Japanese nationality. It is easier to excel economically
and to live without discrimination as a Japanese than as a Korean, and many are taking the steps
to become Japanese for this reason. Choosing a Japanese lifestyle comes at the sacrifice of
Chongryun education, but, as discussed, a Chongryun education is losing its value for many
anyway. This trend shows no sign of changing, and even Ryang believes, as stated in
Anonymous' The Economist article, If you were to just leave Chongryun alone, it will die off in
three years. (Ryang, as quoted in Anonymous, 2013)

Conclusion
This paper has sought to illustrate the Chongryun school system as well as the way it
interacts with its members and the Japanese nation in which it operates. It has done its best to
examine this unique educational system from its founding to the present day as well as a look at
what might be in store for the system in its future.
While initially well supported by most Koreans, North and South, in Japan at the time of
its establishment, Chongryun has since been in decline. The ethnic education it offers no longer
appeals or speaks to many of its students who are looking elsewhere some deciding to live as
Japanese citizens. The number of Chongryun schools has declined, and continues to do so as it
becomes irrelevant to the Koreans in Japan.
11 Tai, E. (2006). Korean activism and ethnicity in the changing ethnic landscape of urban Japan. Asian Studies
Review, 30(1), 41-58.

Bibliography

Central Intelligence Agency. (n.d.). The World Factbook. Retrieved November 27, 2013,
from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ja.html

Ahn, R. (2012). Korean student's minority schooling experience in Japan. Intercultural

Education, 23:3, 249-263.

Okano, K. (2006). The impact of immigrants on long-lasting ethnic minorities in

Japanese schools: globalization from below. Language and Education, 20(4), 338-354.

Tai, E. (2007). Korean ethnic education In Japanese public schools. Asian Ethnicity, 8(1),
5-23.

Ryang, S. (1993). Poverty of language and the reproduction of ideology: Korean

language for Chongryun. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 28(3-4), 230-242.

Ryang, S. (2000). Koreans in Japan: critical voices from the margin. London: Routledge.

Ryang, S. (1997). North Koreans in Japan: language, ideology, and identity. Boulder,
Colo.: Westview Press.

Suzuki, T. (2007). Exodus to North Korea: shadows from Japan's cold war. Lanham,
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McBride, B. (2008, December 16). Young 'Zainichi' Koreans look beyond Chongryon
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http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2008/12/16/issues/young-zainichi-koreans-lookbeyond-chongryon-ideology/#.Uox6c-Kd6So

Anonymous, (2013, Jun 15). Class action; North Korean schools in Japan. The
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Tai, E. (2006). Korean activism and ethnicity in the changing ethnic landscape of urban
Japan. Asian Studies Review, 30(1), 41-58.