Alistair McShee

Unification of Germany Revision Notes

Prequel; Prussia and Austria:

Prussia and Austria seemed to divide Germany through the middle with
the North states tending to look to the former for advice and the South
states to the latter. The key driving force behind Austria was their foreign
minister, later to be Austrian Chancellor {1821} Clemens von Metternich
{1773-1859}. Described as vain and arrogant, he was pessimistic of his
time frame and decisive about the future by being totally opposed to
democracy; his biography (on Page 11 in the textbook) lists some
important quotes about him and his opinions. The Austrian kings Francis
and Ferdinand the First {1804-35/1835-49} proved themselves to have
little influence on matters, especially that of liberal reform. Prussia lacked
such a strong opinion at the time and so King Frederick William III of
Prussia held a similarly detached viewpoint, simply allowing culturally,
economically and religiously divided state to continue to exist in much the
same format until the 1848 revolutions.

Likelihood of unification in 1848:

The chances of unification at this time were small, not least because of
the strong absolute rulers controlling many of the states. From 1815, the
first real sense of nationalism arose from the War of Liberation, resulting
in the Battle of Leipzig where Napoleon Bonaparte and the French forces
were driven out of German territory and he was forced to abdicate during
the German retaliation. One of the main reasons for the German
populations indecisiveness was the split beginning to emerge between
the greater powers. As neither Prussia nor Austria was in favour of
democratic liberal action, the German Confederation was set to remain
much as it had been for the past few decades. Some politically minded
university student groups were inspired after the Leipzig Battle and joined
together to campaign for a united Germany, but this relatively small
number of Middle and Upper Class young people did not have the
influence to sway the uneducated peasant masses {Rural Apathy} and
certainly not the politicians at the time.

The Zollverein:
Bought about by complaints in 1818 from Rhineland manufacturers to the
King of Prussia over the post-1815 customs barriers and internal tariffs
from the 39 states managing their own economies as well as the
multitude of different currencies and exchange rates used throughout the
Confederation, meaning there was higher competition from unrestricted
duty-free foreign imports and consequently the home industries struggled

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to find trade. The result came in the form of the Prussian Tariff Reform
Law, which spawned the Prussian Customs Union, a service that removed
the network of internal taxes and replaced them with one fee charged at
the Prussian border frontier. This disappointed the Rhine manufacturers as
they had hoped for a highly protectionist policy of raised charges,
especially on British goods. However, the rates remained at no charge on
raw materials, an average of 10% on manufactured goods and 20% on
luxury goods including sugar and tea. This was in fact to reduce the
already prevalent smuggling from increasing further and to stop reaction
tariffs in other countries importing Prussian goods, as this taxation war
would put an end to German-external trade. This move proved successful
and eventually, charges were placed on raw materials, especially iron and
cotton yarn to protect home industries and appease the Rhine
manufacturers. The success was so great that soon smaller states
requested entry to the newly named Zollverein to extend the benefits of
free inter-German trade. As the Union expanded south, crossing over the
River Main in 1828 when Hesse-Darmstadt joined, the price of German
goods dropped as goods moved more freely and at cheaper prices,
although not every state saw the benefit and resisted Prussias
encouragement to join. Rival customs unions were established and by
1830 the Middle German Commercial Union run by Hanover, Brunswick,
Saxony and several smaller states stood alongside another union between
Bavaria and Wrttemberg. The former of which was formed with the
primary objective of spiting Prussia, rather than reaping the trade
benefits. Prussias location meant it stood well to control the routes
through Germany and while the Middle Union worked hard to avoid paying
the heavy duty for travelling through Zollverein states by building new
routes from the North Sea, Prussias finance minister encouraged the
building of roads directly to states of opposing unions in addition to
extending the Zollverein further by signing an agreement with the Dutch.

The 1848 Revolutions:

Amidst a cholera epidemic, 1848-9 was seen as time when conditions
were right for widespread revolutions across Europe, with France being
among the first to fall when problems sparked them in February of that
year. Germany itself was ripe for reform; towns were crowded, the
countryside was expensive, living and working conditions were poor and
the people were not happy. These squalid conditions led to prosperity of
disease outbreaks such as typhoid and cholera. The economy was
suffering equally as the potato crop had been poor that year; as the staple
food-stuff of the average German peasant, starvation and poverty were
likely, tensions were running high and unrest bubbled up to the surface. In
Berlin, food riots led to shops being looted and the Crown Princes palace
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being attacked before solders restored order. Class conflicts may have
been an issue and historians following the opinion of Carl Marx, German
revolutionary, consider this a major issue. Political turbulence was
certainly an issue as the increasingly educated middle class grew against
the politicians in power at the time. Changes in Baden, a small Southwestern state (where the citizens were more politically educated than
most), meant that the liberal majority took control and demanded a plan
for unification. By the beginning of 1848, the economic situation had
actually begun to improve, however on 24th February 1848 King Louis
Philippe was overthrown by a republic in France. This was the first domino
in a long chain; next to fall was Austria {13th March, Metternich fled the
country}. This in turn encouraged the German revolutionaries who rose up
changing whatever they saw fit; peasants attacked their landlords
castles, feudal records were destroyed, artisans destroyed new machinery
they feared were a threat to their trade. In Baden, Radicals tried to raise
the peasants but there was little support and they were soon suppressed
by the Liberal Government. When the middle classes arose, their main
weapons were discussion and demonstration as they aimed to work with
the existing princes, not destroy them. The revolutions were mainly shortlived in Germany, as leaders quickly gave into rebel demands, if only
temporarily. Elections were held, constitutions overhauled and liberal
ministries were appointed. The Declaration of Heidelberg {5th March
1848} agreed between Prussia, Bavaria, Wrttemberg, Baden, Nassau and
Frankfurt to Germanys political changes before they were altered too
drastically by the revolutions. The only resulting major clashes between a
military force and the people occurred in Austria and Prussia. On the 13th
of March 1848, a workers demonstration in a Berlin square soon escalated
to a battle between Prussian troops and workers armed with small rocks.
By now the initial reason of pay and working conditions had been lost and
this was a vague conflict for rights of the people. When news of
Metternichs departure reached Berlin on the 16th, King Frederick Wilhelm
IV of Prussia agreed to a new constitution and the end of censorship. More
fighting, sometimes thought of to be an accident, on the 18th left 300
rioters dead and the military in control of the city once again. As the King
had never been in support of needless bloodshed and [atypically for a
Prussian king] was disinterested in military matters, he recalled the
troops, wrote a personal letter of apology and agreed to withdraw his
forces on the condition the street barricades were demolished. By the
21st, the King was walking the streets in the German national colours, a
sign of support of the revolution. By May 1848, Austrian Emperor
Ferdinand had agreed to a new assembly for the Austrian constitution
where the members were fairly elected. As Austria was a large empire, it
had many rebellions to deal with and could therefore not oversee the

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German situation as many had come to expect them to from previous

negotiations. The overall result was that the peasant revolutions did not
achieve a great deal. Other than the abdication of King Ludwig of Bavaria,
the old absolute rulers on the whole survived and watched, waiting for a
return. To add insult to injury, the new Liberal governments still held the
same view on rural destruction at the hands of the peasantry and there
are multiple reported cases of troops being sent in to defend the private
property of the landlord.

The Frankfurt Parliament:

- Origins:
Following the Declaration of Heidelberg, the proposal of an assembly of
German men was offered and swiftly accepted by the people. On the 31st
of March 1848, the newly selected 574 representatives of the
Vorparlament met in Saint Pauls Church in Frankfurt and debated for five
days on how a National Parliament for deciding on a constitution for
Unified Germany should be elected. Their decisions resulted in a

Parliament that should meet in Frankfurt, consist of one member for

every 50,000 citizens and should be elected by those old enough
and economically independent, although the definition of this last
statement was left to the discretion of each state. The exclusions were
therefore set as being females, servants, farm labourers and those on
benefits (large proportions of some cities such as Cologne). The elections
then followed quickly and without interference, although a weighted
system meant the people chose electors who then selected
representatives. The result was not representative of the population;
many prominent figures from towns stood out in the 596 members, 80%
had university degrees and included in the mix was one lone peasant. The
Frankfurt Parliament met for the first time in May 1848. The political
demographic of the parliament was not wide; most were moderate liberals
with only minority representations for the other parties. Their main aim
was to establish a united Germany under a constitutional monarch who
would rule through an elected parliament, coupled with the fact that both
major powers Prussia and Austria were otherwise engaged with
revolutions still ongoing and the old Diet had named the Parliament as
their legal successor made sure the Parliament was met with approval
from Germany.
- Initial Successes and Failures:
Having the body up and running in little over a month was a great starting
achievement and pleased everyone, although soon the flaws shone

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through; the task itself was a mammoth one: To create a constitution that
all German citizens were to accept to live by, in addition to writing the law
on a number of issues such as freedom of the press, taxation, political
rights regardless of religion and German citizenship. To top this, the
Parliament felt it should have a far stronger central government than the
Confederation as this allowed the states a great degree of independence
from federal control. It was therefore decided that states could make laws,
providing they do not interfere with the National Laws. By the end of May,
their authority had been stated and all that was left was to draw up a
constitution for the Future of Germany. Here it becomes apparent that
there is no decisive leadership in the almost 600 members and so the
Parliament became a place for arguments and discussion, rather than
action. To maintain control over the long wait while the constitution was
decided, the Provisional Central Power was set up with Austrian Archduke
John as the Prince Regent, although with minimal resources, his rule
though his ministers was highly ineffective.
- Indecisions:
By the end of Summer 1848, it had become clear that the Parliament was
not going to produce a united Germany and it was a great surprise when
the Fifty Articles were released and made law; these mostly covered
freedom, class discrimination and equality with regards to the press,
religion and law; an all-round success for the Parliament. No matter what
victories were obtained in the area of law, the biggest issue still remained
with the main task and major factors such as the definition of Germany
still existed. Should all of Prussia and Austria be included when they
themselves contain many ethnicities and languages? Lands excluded from
the Confederation but have a mainly German-speaking population existed
and should they be a part of the Parliament? The Austrian Empire as a
whole was gigantic and Germans were in a minority, thereby leading to
the debate of whether any, some or all of Austria should be a part of the
Parliament. This spawned two definitions of Germany and a division in the
members; Klein und Grodeutschland either included or did not include
Austria. To include meant leaving Catholic Austria as the controlling state
whereas Kleindeutschland passed power to Protestant Prussia. The
argument continued without conclusion and the faith in nave European
Liberals that peace would descend once the revolutions had finished soon
diminished along with relations with other nations. More national conflicts
broke out and the Parliament had little sympathy for non-Germans as they
felt this detracted from German power. They therefore refused Polish,
Czechoslovakian and Danish claims over German land including Posen,
Bohemia and Schleswig-Holstein. Of course, the typical divisions

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between political groups also existed; the Liberal majority sought a

moderate system where the rights of both the individual states and
the central government were both protected, however opinions
ranged from the Radicals who sought to rid Germany of the ruling
princes and run a republic in their place, to Conservatives seeking
almost no influence from a central body, leaving independence with
the states. Within the main divisions, there were other differing
opinions and to top it all, there were numerous individuals each with
an opinion of their own and a requirement to share it, leaving
meetings with hundreds of views on every issue, making it easier to
understand why little was reached in the Parliament. One opinion that
was lacking was that of the Parliaments leader Heinrich Gagern, a liberal
politician who lacked the force of character to control over five hundred
and fifty opinionated Germans.
- Continued Failures:
From this point onwards, the failings of the Parliament show strong; it had

no ability to collect taxation and verily had no financial power and

no army. In 1848 the military situation was so poor that the only usable
national fighting force was the Prussian army. As this was the case, a
Prussian General was made Minister of War, but consequently accepted
the post on the basis he would never be called upon to act against the
Prussian King. The statement still stands that the Parliament had no army
because refusals to the Ministers pleas from every other major state
as they were effectively still borrowing Prussias if the time for war ever
came. In addition to not supporting the people in times of war, during
peace they werent exactly brilliant; other councils were formed by
artisans in Hamburg and Frankfurt in 1848 and put forward The
Industrial Code to regulate working hours, pay and retain the restrictive
practices of the old Guild system, however the mainly liberal Parliament
rejected this immediately, stating political freedom and economic
freedom as inseparable principles. This action lost a lot of support from
the working classes. When Denmark absorbed the two provinces of
Schleswig and Holstein, Frankfurt responded loudly and clearly, however
their lack of an army showed when Prussia, who had managed to occupy
the duchies, turned down the fight and withdrew amidst threats from
Russia and Britain; {Malmo Armistice} Despite Frankfurt expressing their
clear displeasure, Prussia commanded their own forces; a prime example
of the problems faced when using another countrys army . Frankfurts
leadership was again questioned when the Malmo Armistice prompted
Radical movements from all around Germany {Around 200 Delegates} to

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meet in Frankfurt and agree to a Republican Movement based in Berlin.

The Radical troubles continued when, on the 18th September 1848, a
radical mob stormed Saint Pauls Church [Pauluskirche], which was
defended by Austrian, Prussian and Hessian troops. Eighty people were
killed including two conservative deputies. This disruption prompted
Archduke John to place the city of Frankfurt under martial law and the
other opposing political parties joined together to combat the radicals who
were also discredited by the German people. The radicals attempted to
maintain structural integrity; however a second Berlin meeting in October
of the same year where the Parliament was pronounced illegitimate and
new elections demanded could not help them as Conservative counterrevolutions were already counteracting the effect of the previous attack.
- A Decision:

By March 1849, a new Constitution for a German Empire had

actually been agreed! It aimed to please as many groups in the
middle of the spectrum as possible by including a Lower House
elected by men over 25 and of good reputation, and an Upper
House made up of the reigning monarchs and princes from the
Confederation. Between them, they would have control over the
areas of legislation and finance, however most of the power was
held by the Emperor who would hold office for a limited time. The
new Germany would also exclude Austria and other non-German
territories.
The Final Failures:
The Imperial Elections were held in the same month and with 240
abstentions, 290 votes in favour, Prussian King Frederick William was

selected as Emperor of Germany. He promptly refused the position

on the basis of the fact that the position was not Parliaments to
offer; William was a complex character who believed in the Divine Right of
Kings, he stated that this was the crown being handed over at the

grace of butchers and bakers. He also distrusted the Gentlemen of

Frankfurt as he believed they had absorbed their role without legal
authority and was not prepared to put himself and his Prussia under the
control of the Frankfurt Parliament. This also had serious foreign policy
implications including war with Austria. Rulers of Bavaria, Saxony,
Hanover and Prussia all rejected the Constitution, a blow to morale that
lost many members. [Around 130 remained, most from South German
states.] The remaining few attempted to regain support by holding new
elections for the new German Parliament, also called the Reichstag for

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the first time. Despite this infusion of enthusiasm, the hopes of the
masses had been lost. The Frankfurt Government removed the Parliament
from the city and moved to Stuttgart [Capital to Kingdom of Wrttemberg]
where in June 1849 they were forcibly dispersed by the Kings soldiers.
The final nail in the Frankfurt Parliament Experiments coffin came in 1849
when Franz Joseph, Austrian Emperor regained control of his territory, the
Austrian Government totally opposed all revolutionary change and once
Austrian authority was recovered no state dared to be seen as taking a
lead in establishing a German Empire. Thus, the Frankfurt Parliament,
Council of Germany had failed.
- Post Mortem:
Often historians, especially Marxists, are harsh on the Parliament; blaming
it for not overthrowing existing power structures, however this not what
most wanted; they were not violent revolutionaries; they were educated,
mild-mannered people trying to reform their country. Others blame them
for wasting time discussing ideals that were clearly impractical and for
wasting six months of everyones time because of it. Because they could
not agree on a constitution, they failed to grasp the power vacuum quickly
forming in the wake of 1848. In actual fact, if they had been as decisive as
they were in setting up the Assembly, they would have simply been
disbanded faster as William and other leaders with far much more power
than them had the Parliament dissolved. If they had possessed an army of
their own, the result may have been different, however they relied on the
good will of the surrounding states, most of whom still preferred their own
rule and did not want a higher power dictating their own autocratic
actions. Moreover, the two most powerful playing-pieces on the board of
Europe were Prussia and Austria and in their current state, both needed to
agree with the terms of the constitution and to national unity or else any
move contrary would simply provoke a war that would undoubtedly end
badly for Frankfurt. Austria liked Germany in its current state as the
annexations of the Austrian Empire could fit in easily between the German
states. Alone, the states were weak and with inter-state relations being
what they were in the 1840s, Austria could ensure they stayed divided.

Metternich stated that any state that considered revolution and

unity would be swiftly snubbed out by the powerful Austrian forces ;
the only state with any hope of suitable defence at the time was Prussia
and even they were weaker than they should be for their size. Even
without their old Chancellor, Austria was still entirely against the idea of a
united Germany, especially one that excluded them as it was customary
for this external body to act as a moderator in German affairs. Frankfurt
would have replaced this role and this meant a loss of benefits for Austria.
No part of this plan appealed them. The Parliaments only real option then
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was Prussia, who had failed to grasp the opportunity of chaos in Austria to
gain control of German political policy, mostly due to the Berlin Riots of
the same year. William was also not keen to see the concentrated Prussian
culture dissolved with the differences of Germany, at least not in the way
the Frankfurt Parliament had envisioned. It was not just Prussias William
who had doubts about the authority of Frankfurt; most of the individual
states questioned the implications of such a system, however the princes
feared their power and even their thrones because of the revolutions and
were therefore more than happy to subdue their people with promises of
democracy and worried that opposing it would only encourage the
revolutionaries all the more. However, as soon as their authority had been
re-established, they followed Prussias lead and opposed the Assembly.
The concept of a United Germany was a good one, but the individual loss
of power for the rulers of each kingdom was simply too great.

Prussia vs. Austria:

- Prussia, late 1848:
After making promises he later regretted regarding the Berlin Revolutions,
King Frederick William retreated to his loyal army in Potsdam; he then
turned away from his apparent liberalism and talked of the humiliation of
making concessions for the people and how he disposed the idea being a
Citizen King. However, he did not take immediate action and allowed the
furthering of a Prussian Liberal Ministry. The members of this Body were
loyal to the crown and determined to oppose social revolution; workers
riots and demonstrations were quickly put out. Elections of general
suffrage for the Prussian Parliament were supervised by the Ministry and
this Parliament met in May 1848. Mainly consisting of Liberals, although a
third were Radicals and when tasked with creating a new constitution,
there was little agreement. The biggest success for the Parliament was to
continue the abolition of the Feudal Order by removing the privileges of
the Junker Class. On an international level, the Ministry supported German
claims on the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein and declared war on
Denmark for them. The Conservatives, displeased by the treatment of
landowners met in Berlin in August 1848 to form the League for the
Protection of Landed Property, also dubbed the Junker Parliament by the
Radicals, their main aim was the abolition of the Prussian Parliament and
the dismissal of the Liberal Ministry. Their main hope lay with the army, as
most generals were appalled at the success of the Liberals. In Potsdam,
William was inundated with Conservative advisers [Junkers, army generals
and government officials] urging him to win back power. The
conservatives were not total reactionaries, however they aimed to
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modernise Prussia, but insisted that reform should come from a King, not
his people. The masses seemed to be turning towards their favour as by
Summer, most Prussians had lost interest in revolution and unity, thereby
isolating the Liberal Ministry. August saw Williams return and his resuming
control of foreign policy with the first act being armistice with Denmark, at
the disgust of the equally liberal Frankfurt Parliament. Support from the
middle classes was won by William when further Riots took place in Berlin
come October as Prussia seemed to drift back towards the traditional
ways of ruling from the Upper Class and this was strengthened by
Williams dismissal of the Prussian Parliament and liberal ministers.

November saw the appointment of Williams uncle Count

Brandenburg to head a new Ministry, which immediately set counterrevolutions in action. The Prussian Parliament was ordered out of
Berlin, the Civic Guard that had protected William during military
mistakes was dissolved and Berlin was placed under Martial Law as
thousands of troops moved in. Political clubs were closed and
demonstrations forbidden: There was little resistance. The army
finished industrial unrest in the Rhine & Silesia and then found the
relocated Prussian Parliament, which was dissolved by Royal Decree
in December. William proclaimed a constitution of his own; enter the
Prussian Constitution.
- The Prussian Constitution:
Combining a strange mix of Absolutism and liberalism, this delivered

freedom of religion, assembly and association for Prussians and

provided for an independent judiciary. Akin to the Frankfurt Parliament,
Prussias had an Upper and a Lower House; the former for election by
property owners and the latter for manhood suffrage with voters being
divided into three classes based on taxation rates, ensuring the rich more
voting power than the poor. William also ensured his rights remained
above all: In emergency, the King could collect taxation without reference
to Parliament, ministers were appointed and dismissed by the King; being
responsible to only him and not parliament. The reigning monarch also
had total freedom of the written constitution and control of the army. This
ensured his Divine Right to Rule, while appeasing the Liberals by limiting
his power to act, however William was keen to state this was him limiting
his own power, rather than his people doing so. A legitimate parliament
had also been created, although it served crown rather than country. This
was well received by the people of Prussia and was generally accepted,
especially by Williams ministers, to be a better model for a united
Germany than the Frankfurt Parliament. Within Prussian Government,

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there were now ambitions to make Prussia the leading state in Germany,
thereby making William the leading monarch.
- Post-1848 Prussia:
Despite appearing to lose interest in rebellion, the people of Germany had
not quite had their fill yet with popular uprisings in Saxony, Baden,
Bavaria and some of the Rhine were all swiftly suppressed by Prussian
forces. Governmental changes still occurred, including constitutional
revoking from leaders in Saxony, Hanover and several smaller states.
Throughout Germany, Liberals were arrested and some even executed.
However, in Prussia the revolutions had most definitely failed and the
Liberals defeated. The police now held more power and local governments
less; the illusion of democracy was maintained while the three-class
taxation system of the Lower House ensured equality was merely for
show.
- Post-1848 Austria:
Counter-revolution movements in Austria took the form of genocide; In
October 1848, two thousand people lost their lives in Vienna as the
government brutally regained their control, plucking it from the hands of
the Radicals. In December, Franz-Joseph became Austrian Emperor aged
just eighteen. His violent policy saw the sum total of power in the Austrian
Empire return to Vienna by mid-1849, including Hungary where rioters had
often rebelled against Austria to such extents as refusing to pay taxation.
The Austrian Constituent Assembly [an organisation more divided than

most as it contained the standard political spectrum, but from most

factions in the Austrian Empire] was dissolved and Franz-Joseph
maintained a firm grip on his empire, often imposing martial law in areas
where liberalism still existed in large numbers. As was the case in most of
the German Lands, the Old Order had returned by 1850 and in 1851
Metternich even returned from exile to live as a revered elder statesman
in Vienna.
- Politics (Post-1848):
Despite having refused the crown from the Frankfurt Parliament, William
liked the idea of leading a united Germany. Encouraged by the success of
the Prussian Constitution, he knew he would need the consent of the
Princes for this to succeed. In 1849, nationalist and old friend of Frederick
William, General Radowitz, proposed the Prussian Union Plan, also

known as the Erfurt Plan; suggesting a Kleindeutschland under

Prussian control which met with the Kings approval. The plan
suggested a Federal German Reich, excluding Austria, with a strong
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central government, based on Frankfurts constitution and with the

Prussian King as Emperor. While Austria would not be part of the
Reich, there would be a special and permanent union with the
Habsburg Empire. While trying to bridge the gap between the two sizes
of Germany, it was still not acceptable in Austrias eyes; Austrian Chief
Minister Schwarzenberg accused the plan as being the first steps in
excluding Austrias influence from the Confederation; however internal
events and a Hungarian uprising meant an effective response could not be
sent immediately. This, and the fact their army was the strongest
authority in Germany, allowed Prussia to continue with the plan. To get the
larger states on board, the Three Kings Alliance between Prussia, Saxony
and Hanover was sufficient and a number of smaller states followed.
Radowitz called a meeting for representatives to Erfurt in March 1850 to
launch the new Reich; there were 28 votes for and several important
states declined on the basis of dubious Prussian reasoning and the threat
from Austria. Having suppressed the Hungarian Revolutions,
Schwarzemberg was then free to reassert Austrias position in Germany by
proposing a Grodeutschland governed jointly by Austria, Prussia and
other major states. Tempted by the offer of more power, the larger states
of Saxony, Hanover, etc. supported Austrias plan far more than Prussias.
To ensure legitimacy, Schwarzemberg then summoned the long-forgotten
Diet of the Old German Confederation who met in Frankfurt in May 1850
to a warm reception. By Summer, Germany had two councils; Prussias
Erfurt Parliament and Austrias Frankfurt Diet. The problems of such an
issue became apparent when a revolution in Hesse-Cassel, a strategically
placed state separating main Prussia from the Rhineland as well as being
a member of the Erfurt Parliament. However help was requested from the
Frankfurt Diet. What resulted was a standoff with the Prussian army being
mobilised and Austria issuing an ultimatum that only troops of the Old
Confederation had the right to intervene. Small-scale fighting between
Prussia and the Confederation resulted in William dismissing Radowitz and
employing a new Minister-President [Prime Minister] (Edwin Manteuffel)
who shared Williams views on the need to avoid war.
- The Capitulation of Olmutz:
A meeting at Olmutz between the Ministers of Austria and Prussia was
established and on the 29th September 1850 the Prussian Union Plan
was officially abandoned. A Dresden Conference in early next year was
also agreed. This was a major diplomatic success for Austria and Prussia
was humiliated. At the Dresden meeting, Austria lost out as their Middle
Europe Plan incorporating 70 million people and both German and
Austrian Empires was refused by the smaller German states as they would

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lose power and significance. Eventually, it was agreed that the original
German Confederation of 1815 was to be revived and so Europe returned
to a state of close co-operation. However, relations between the two
superpowers were not close and many Prussians blamed Austria for the
humiliation at Olmutz, hoping that Prussia would one day dominate
Germany. Later, in 1856, Statesman Otto von Bismarck commented

that Germany was too small for both Prussia and Austria and that
war was imminent.
- Economy (Up to 1866):
Upon realising the potential political implications of Prussias economic
success with the Zollverein, in 1849 Schwarzemberg proposed a Zollunion
between the existing Zollverein and Austria. This failed. Alongside this
failure lay the equal ruination of attempts to create an alternative customs
union featuring the few other German states not incorporated into
Prussias Union. Austria had seen some success in industrial expansion,
however this was not sufficient, neither were taxes and the central
administration could not function properly, or maintain an efficient army.
Austria was incredibly vulnerable by the end of the Crimean War [October
1853-February 1856] mainly due to the military costs of keeping the army
mobilised, although the European Depression of the late 1850s did not
help either. This was the beginning of Austrias decline as they maintained
the political influence, but watched in dismay as Prussia grew in economy
before them. Prussian economy boomed during the 1850s with industrial
production, railway construction and foreign trade all more than doubling.

Apart from the Zollverein, which is often given too much credit as it
did not protect the Prussian industry nor unify Germanys economy,
other factors include a good education system up to university level,
plenty of raw materials for sale and use including coal, iron and
chemicals, a wide communications system and entrepreneurs such
as Alfred Krupp who opened factories across Germany that were
thoroughly well established by 1866. Good economy and strong
industry meant the Prussian War Machine was readily available for the
inevitable war just around the corner, however neutrality in previous wars
including Crimea and the North Italian War {1859, Page 55} ensured that
Prussia gained diplomatically from continued friendship with Russia as well
as the other European powers. Austrias wavering diplomacy lost the
alliance with Russia without gaining that of Britain & France. Prussia could
have gained more from siding with Piedmont and France against Austria,
however the anti-French feeling was strong in Prussia and so they did not
involve themselves beyond offering Austria help in exchange for
supremacy in Germany, (albeit unsuccessfully). A long series of Prussian

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Reforms {Page 54-5 in the textbook} helped to reduce Liberal unrest and
also improve lives of the working class ensuring Prussia maintained the
strange mix of reactionary and repressive politics, socially reforming and
economically prosperous.

Prussian Constitutional Crisis:

Still keen on the idea of Prussia leading a United Germany, King William
was keen to upgrade and modernise the army, as he believed this was the
key to future greatness. Also, little had been done to modify the size or
capability of the army since the Wars of 1815. The matter also came to
light in the North Italian War of 1859 when the army was mobilised
although the war had in fact finished by the time it had organised itself
into some sensible order, meaning William lost an opportunity for some
political advantage. General Roon was employed as Minister of War and by
1860 this tactical and administrative genius, also extreme Conservative,
presented a Bill of Reform aiming to double the size of the army,

increase compulsory service time from two to three years, reduce

the roll of the Landwehr [reserve army consisting of old, poorly
trained men] and re-equip the troops. This ran into issues when
presented to the Liberal majority in Prussias Parliament, as they feared
that this new increased army was to be used against its own people, much
as it was in 1848-9. Also, the Landwehr was popular with the Liberals (for
some reason). Now came a clash of wills as the King believed that military
matters should be kept above a parliamentary level, while Parliament
knew they needed to keep hold of the financial matters of the army if they
were to maintain any power at all. And so, a Constitutional Crisis set in;
Parliament would only accept the new budget for a year, and excluded
increasing the service time. By June of 1861, the Liberals had formed The
Progressive Party who were committed to a peoples army, rather than a
royal one. When Parliament was re-elected in December, the Progressives
took the majority and refused to pass Roons Money Bill. William tried
dissolving Parliament and removing his Liberal Ministers, however
Parliament returned stronger than ever in the May 1862 elections with the
Progressives dominating the Lower House. When the Bill was again
refused, the Conservatives hoped William would overthrow the
Constitution in a Royal Coup, however in actual fact he was considering
abdicating, fearing civil war in Prussia. On the 22nd of September 1862,

Otto von Bismarck was appointed as Chief Minister at the suggestion

of General Roon. This action changed the course of Prussian,
German and European history forever.

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1862-1871:
- Bismarcks Diplomacy:
When becoming Minister-President in 1862; his initial aims were far more
modest than the final result of Germany in 1871. Bismarck looked no
further than Prussian domination of North Germany, rather than full
national unity. However, his day-to-day ambitions lay not with the quarrels
of the Prussian people, but to King William to whom he was ever loyal. His
lack of interest in the Prussian population is shown in the late 1850s, when
he saw the popular nationalist movement as a source to be manipulated
in the interests of obtaining further Prussian Power. The first step to
Prussian rule, as he saw it, was to displace Austria as the dominant state,
however he initially sought to find a way that did not involve military
conflict.
Throughout his political life, Bismarck followed one characterising policy;
Realpolitik. Realpolitik is a term used to describe the ruthless

and cynical policies of politicians, like Bismarck, whose main

aim was to increase the power of a state . Bismarck did not so
much have his own guiding political ideas as follow what he saw as the
correct path for Prussia, and when at the helm of the government, when
he wanted to change the course, the course was changed. Many at times,
including William I, the Prussian Military and political lites distrusted him
for his unorthodox methods and sly tactics, however he was always
respected as his unscrupulous methods always bought results;
indispensable to the Prussian Monarchy for nearly thirty years, Bismarck
made the difficult process of German Unification appear, with hindsight,
easy.
- Napoleon III and France:
Frances involvement was slight in the years building up to the AustroPrussian War; having promised neutrality to Bismarck and (in the hope of
French territorial gain) offered mediation services (which were not
needed), they were left disappointed firstly with their lack of involvement
and secondly with the expansion of Prussia. Although Napoleon III had
actually encouraged Bismarck to continue and annex the South of
Germany, they did not receive the same diplomatic alliance from such
advice as they had hoped for. One of the main flaws in Napoleons
government was the number of decisive figures under a comparatively
weak leader; there have been tales of Napoleons Wife making
internationally relevant decisions on behalf of the Emperor and they kept
a series of rabid foreign ministers who wanted nothing more than total
French control. Bismarck knew how to play this to his advantage, as
demonstrated by re-wording the provoking Ems Telegram.
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The Role of War:

- Austro-Prussian War (1866):
On the premise of the situation in 1862, after Bismarcks appointment as
Minister-President and his earlier threat to Austria of imminent conflict
between them, the likelihood of such a conflict looked small; as Austria
outnumbered Prussia greatly in size, army and population, Prussias
position straddled in the middle of Germany was weak and even
Bismarcks own time in the Prussian government looked slim at best; he
was distrusted by the German Liberals and looked upon with hostility and
contempt.
Bismarcks diplomatic failure in the 1863-64 Polish Revolt where he
managed to anger both the Russian Tsar; Alexander II and Britain, France,
Austria and the Prussian Liberals through an offer of assistance towards
Russia and then a diplomatic U-turn upon realising such resistance from
Western Europe. However, due to Austrian and French criticism of
Autocratic Russias suppression of the Poles, it was more likely that Russia
would remain neutral in the event of Austro/Franco-Prussian conflict; a
better result that Bismarck had expected.
When Schleswig-Holstein exploded again in yet another difficult conflict
involving Denmark, Bismarck saw not a chance for the German people to
gain a nationalistic figure; the Duke of Augustenburg, but rather a chance
for two very nice duchies in North Germany to be annexed and strengthen
Prussian power. Under the pretence of Traditional Policy, a joint Austrian &
Prussian force marched into Schleswig through Holstein and when
Denmark surrendered, yet another London Conference was called in July
1864, followed by a further treaty in Vienna (October 1864) where
Denmark surrendered the duchies. Plenty of political negotiating then took
place with Bismarck seeking annexation and the rest of Europe for
Augustenburg to become Duke. International relations were poor in the
interim time. Neither power wanted war as Austria couldnt afford it and
Bismarck didnt think that he would win. At the August 1865 Convention of
Gastein, it was agreed that as Holstein was next to Prussia, Austria would
administer it, while Prussia could have Schleswig. This was fine by
Bismarck as he could get his war at any time by invading Austrias duchy.
One final step towards preparing Europe for the Austro-Prussian War was
to ensure good Prussian relations with France. By this stage, Bismarck was
confident that both Britain and Russia would remain neutral, however his
one worry was France. Bismarck therefore met with Napoleon III at Biarritz
in October 1865 to discuss Frances position in the event of war between
Prussia and Austria. There was no definite agreement, neither man
wanted that; however French neutrality was agreed as Napoleon saw that
an inter-German war would be exhausting for all concerned and there was
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much to be gained through mediation.

By 1865-66, Austria had agreed on a confrontational policy with Prussia,
however it did so from a position of no allies, near-bankruptcy and with
their duchy sandwiched between Prussian territories. {For further
statistics, see Table on Page 67 in the Textbook.} Bismarck ratified
Austrias suspicion by declaring that war was imminent and would decide
not just the duchies, but also who controlled Germany.
Bismarcks groundwork for such a war consisted of a secret alliance with
Italy made in February 1866, agreeing that Italy would follow suit if Prussia
declared war on Austria in the next three months. In return for their
support, Austria would acquire Venetia from Austria. As soon as this treaty
had been signed, Bismarck prepared for war by stoking up tension over
Holstein and proposing ludicrous suggestions to the Diet that he knew
would be unacceptable to Austria. As Austria feared a surprise attack,
they were forced into taking the aggressive move of mobilising in April,
Prussia returned fire by mobilising in May. When Britain, France and Russia
proposed a constitution to discuss the situation, Bismarck felt obliged to
agree, however was relieved when Austria refused. When Austria referred
the issue of the duchies to the Diet, (a breach of previous promises),
Bismarck sent Prussian troops into Holstein on the 9th of June. Austrian
troops were permitted to withdraw peacefully. This had still not resulted in
Bismarcks desired war and so he proposed further outlandish suggestions
for a Federal Constitution. When Austria requested these proposals be
dismissed, Prussia left the Confederation, declared it dissolved and offered
all other states ally themselves with Prussia against Austria. Most
mobilised against Prussia. Bismarck issued an ultimatum to the three
northern states of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel and Saxony, advising them to
side with Prussia or be regarded as enemies. When the ultimatums were
ignored, all three states were taken quickly with only Hanover putting up
any resistance.
What followed is now known as the Seven Weeks War. The Prussian army
had been heavily upgraded from the shambles of 1859 and was now
under the command of tactical genius General Helmuth Moltke, known as
a gifted military leader. This and advance planning, preparation and

use of railways for the moving of troops meant that Prussia was
ready far before Austria. While Prussia was more mobile, on paper, it
appeared that Austria should have the upper hand; {Page 69 in textbook}
100,000 more troops than Prussia, a central position with support from
most of the German states, while even many Prussians were lukewarm
about the idea of the war. However, Prussia had further support from Italy,
meaning Austria was forced into fighting a war on two fronts; North
against Prussia and South against Italy. The Austrians easily defeated the
Italians on the 24th of June 1866 largely down to their being weak and
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inefficient. This led to a dilemma for Moltke; in order to stop the victorious
southern troops from linking up with the Austrians in the North, he would
have to invade Bohemia and for fastest movement of troops, the five
Prussian rail lines connecting to Bohemia would have to be used and thus
divide up the army, compared to the single-track line from Vienna to
Bohemia. Austrian High Command missed many opportunities to

annihilate the separate Prussian armies, a mistake that could have

avoided the entire subsequent war.
On the 3rd of July 1866, the Battle of Sadowa [known as Kniggrtz by
Prussia] took place, involving nearly half a million men and two fairly
balanced sides. Austrian artillery was used well in the beginning of the
battle, but was soon caught in a Prussian pincer movement. Prussias
main advancement was the new Breech-loading Needle Gun that could
fire seven shots per minute, five times higher than any barrel-loading
technology used by the Austrians. This clearly lead meant five times as
many casualties for Austria; 45,000 men were killed compared to Prussias
9000. This had the impact of causing the Austrian army to flee in a
disordered panic and give Prussia not only the battle, but also the war; the
Austrian government recognised that further fighting would lead to further
defeat without fail and estimated that Prussia now possessed the ability to
take down the Austrian Empire, meaning ending the fight was a priority.
Prussias victory meant they could now dictate the terms of surrender and
a personal success for Bismarck who would now hold this respect of a
mighty leader for a quarter of a century. He returned to Berlin to a

heros welcome; presented with a reward of 60,000, which he later

used to buy a Pomeranian estate and was given a promotion to
Major General. At previous war cabinet meetings, he had chosen to wear
civilian clothes as any uniform he was entitled to at the time would have
marked him as the lowest ranking officer at the table, a shame he could
not have borne. Now he had earned his colours, he would never be seen
again to appear in public in anything less than full dress uniform.
With Austria at the mercy of Prussian forces, the one-time reluctant King
William now proposed a full-on march on Vienna as being required to mark
the takeover of Austria. Bismarck was less keen; he now had all the
victories he desired; personal promotion and Prussia at the forefront of
German matters and the dominant state, he felt there was little to be
gleaned from a further insult directed at Austria or another Prussiancontrolled state, he also was wary of intervention from either Russia or
France. Bismarck therefore counselled that Prussia should avoid

wounding Austria too severely [] leaving behind unnecessary

bitterness or desire for revenge. {Full letter on Page 71 of the
textbook] An angry cabinet meeting between William I and his senior

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generals raged on July 23rd against Bismarck and his policy, but he stood
his ground; breaking crockery, crying and even threatening suicide by
throwing himself from the roof of the building in which they were currently
situated. Eventually, his advice was taken begrudgingly and the only

territory lost by Austria in the Seven Weeks War were Holstein to

Prussia and Venetia to Italy as payment for their support . This
moderate peace was concluded in August where Bismarck was mainly
concerned with remodelling Northern Germany; Prussia annexed both
duchies, Hesse-Cassel, Hanover, Nassau and Frankfurt, while every
other German state to the North of the River Main was to join the
North German Confederation, headed by Prussia. {Map on textbook
Page 73}
Bismarck could have pushed for full unification in 1866, however he
feared a French invasion if Prussia was seen to absorb too much too soon.
Thus, the four Catholic Southern states retained their independence, yet
all signed a secret agreement stating that they would not only fight

alongside Prussia in the event of war, but would put their armies
under the control of Prussias King. While technically a step towards
unification, this actually can be seen as more dividing Germany into three
separate parts; the Southern states, the North German Confederation and
the Austrian Empire.
While moderation was shown towards Austria, Bismarck was merciless in
his treatment of Prussias latest annexes; none of Schleswig, Holstein,
Hesse-Cassel, Hanover, Nassau or Frankfurt were consulted on the matter
of joining Prussia and the King of Hanover was exiled and his private
fortune was confiscated in punishment for resisting Prussia during the war.
(This fortune was later used to bribe the King of Bavaria in 1871.) Those
states left with independence have sparked a debate as to their purpose;
historians often see them as a trial run by Bismarck for a larger
confederation when Germany was united, stating that it would have been
easy to annex them, yet he chose not to in order to demonstrate to the
states South of the Main just how beneficial membership could be. Other
arguments are that there was no purpose in Bismarck taking these states
and so they were left to exist as they were. One fear Bismarck possessed
was the Prussia would become too diluted in a larger Germany; rather
than Prussia absorbing Germany, Germany would be dissolving Prussia.
- North German Confederation (1867-71):
By the end of 1866, Bismarck had begun to draft a constitution for the
North German Confederation, which was accepted in April 1967 and came
into effect in July. While the confederation itself only lasted four years, this
constitution would later be used as the basis for the new German Empire
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of 1871, fitting the requirements of Prussian Power and, of course,

Bismarcks own political position.
One of the many strong political ideas Bismarck possessed was on the
subject of models for government; he had always opposed the British
Parliamentary System as this reduced the power of the crown to a
symbolic status and put the power in the hands of a parliament. As his
view of his fellow Germans political abilities was rather low [Quote on
Page 72], it is surprising that he fought for universal manhood suffrage in
the election of the Reichstag, however he still felt that the traditional
loyalties of the peasants would preserve the conservative order in
Germany. Bismarck never intended the Reichstag to play a major part in
the day-to-day politics of Germany; essentially it was an organ for public
opinion. In the long term, he hoped to destroy parliamentarianism by
parliamentarianism (His intention was that the activities of a weak
Reichstag would help to discredit parliamentary institutions in German
eyes. This was laid down through the original construction of this
organisation whereby ministers and the Chancellor were neither members
nor responsible to it.
Bismarcks support had grown throughout this period; on the same day as
the Battle of Sadowa, elections were held in Prussia and this patriotic
fever resulted in far more Conservatives being elected into the Prussian
Parliament; numbers jumped from 34 to 142 while Liberals lost from 253
to 148. Personally, Bismarck also earned far more respect out of the war
and this ensured a period of harmony between Bismarck and the
Parliament. His new Indemnity Bill only had seven votes against its plea
for Parliament to grant indemnity for any actions taken by the
Government without the consent of Parliament over the previous four
years, stating the need to work together to build a new Germany.
This spirit of reform soon spread to the other parties in the Reichstag; the
old Liberal Party formed the National Liberal Party and pledged
themselves to Bismarcks nationalist policy, but pledged to maintain the
liberal constitution against any government attempting to undermine
them. On the right, however, the Junker Party opposed Bismarcks
motions, labelling him as a traitor to his class and accusing him of
whittling away the royal prerogative and losing Prussias identity in the
new unified North Germany. In the middle, moderate Conservatives
formed the Free Conservatives and together with the National Liberals
were to provide the support that Bismarck needed to carry out his policies.
With the first Reichstag elected in February 1867, the National Liberals
were the largest single party and held the balance of power between
Bismarcks Conservative supporters and his various opponents. Bismarck,
now Federal Chancellor, allowed some compromises in these early months
including the right to pass an annual budget; financial control in the
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Parliament was minimal as the military budget was managed by the

Government and accounted for around 90% of the Confederation
spending. Bismarck agreed that he would have free reign for five years,
until 1872 and then the military spending would be fixed and this figure
would have the Reichstags consent. On the whole, the Reichstag tried to
support Bismarcks policies and was used to carry out measures towards
unification.
- Franco-Prussian War (1871):
The international position of Prussia by the end of 1966 was a surprisingly
strong one; Britain actively welcomed a strong European counter-weight
to France and Russia, Russia was pleased to have an ally against Austria
and Austria were too preoccupied with internal matters, namely Hungarian
nationals, to mount a war of revenge. However, Bismarck knew that the
unpredictable Napoleon III would see a strong power east of the Rhine as
a threat to his security.
Napoleons foreign policy has remained somewhat illogical to historians
with the general agreement that he simply wanted to restore France to a
position of influence in Europe, ideally through peaceful means. He did,
however, lack the staying power of a man like Bismarck or even his uncle
Napoleon I who could ruthlessly see a motion through to its logical end.
This put him at a marked disadvantage and often made his actions seem
erratic, inconsistent or unpredictable.
Bismarck and Napoleon first met in Paris in 1855 and this was a success
on a personal level, with the two parting on good terms, meeting again
ten years later at Biarritz to discuss Frances involvement in the AustroPrussian War. Historians speculate that little was committed by way of a
reward from either side, but that Bismarck presumably suggested the
opportunity for French expansion (potentially even in the Rhineland) after
a Prussian victory over Austria. The general gist of this meeting was that
there was good will and support offered from both sides. Napoleon had
hoped to make gains from mediating the 1866 war and was dismayed by
the speed and totality of Austrias defeat, especially when the Prussian
ambassador arrived in Paris to advise him that the independence of the
South German States was Napoleons reward for Frances neutrality.
The situation in 1866 concerned Napoleon as Prussia now ruled over two
thirds of Germany and expansion of the Zollverein into the four remaining
independent states and the upgrade to the Zollparlament managing the
German economy was a sure sign that full-on unity was just round the
corner. The four states were by no means a united front; they distrusted
everyone including each other, Bismarck and [rightfully] Napoleon,
believing that he had designs on their land, although as did most others at
this time. When detailed plans were presented to Bismarck by the French
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ambassador on the subject of France acquiring Hesse and Bavaria,

Bismarck was left in a diplomatic dilemma of alienating Napoleon or giving
up German territory to France, neither of which he particularly wanted to
do. He therefore suggested that Napoleon should look for expansion not in
the Rhineland and pointed him in the direction of French-speaking areas
further North in Belgium and Luxemburg.
The Luxemburg Crisis of 1867 provided a strong opportunity for Napoleon
to try and prove that France was still the dominant power in Europe.
Bismarck initially started by helping to persuade the King of the
Netherlands/Duke of Luxemburg to relinquish the duchy and hand it over
to France. The Duke readily agreed as he had little interest in the area,
however Prussia had ties with the garrison of the fortress that dated back
to 1815 and the Vienna Settlement, this made the fortress part of the
German Confederation. By the end of 1866, Bismarcks feelings towards
Napoleon had cooled, especially as French forces were now stirring up
demonstrations in Luxemburg against the hated dominion of Prussia. For
this reason, and to encourage a nationalist sentiment, Bismarck now
referred to Luxemburg as German and declared the potential departure to
France as being a humiliating injury to German national feelings, stating
that their honour had been violated and war was more likely than their
yielding.
Prussia was in fact not ready for a war at this stage; the army was weak
and the North German Confederation still fragile and so this nationalist
hysteria may have been to buy himself time while Napoleon became
further provoked into starting a war later on, although this sudden show of
support could have been for the benefit of the German nationals whose
support he could not afford to lose.
Now locked in a series of diplomatic battles, Napoleon met Bismarck on
numerous occasions to discuss, however Bismarck released the secret
documents showing the treaties made between Prussia and the South
German states, showing they were in fact not as independent as many
had thought. Napoleon retaliated by using the Kings fears of Prussian
invasion for Dutch territory to negotiate a deal whereby France protected
the Netherlands for Luxemburg, however the King wrecked this scheme by
agreeing to sell Luxemburg for five million guilders, providing the
transaction had the approval from the Prussian King, which could suggest
that Bismarcks use of German patriotism worked to his advantage when it
came to the Dutch Kings decision process. However, Bismarck then took
it out of their control and appealed to the Great Powers at a conference in
London. It was decided that the Prussian Garrison was to be

withdrawn and Luxemburgs independence and neutrality would be

guaranteed by the Great Powers. This may have seemed like a
compromise, but no territorial gain for Napoleon was a heavy blow.
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Revenge was sought in meetings with Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph,

however (fortunately for Bismarck) these came to nothing as no terms of
agreement could be found, as Franz-Joseph was aware that most GermanAustrians opposed a pro-French policy. Some historians see the
Luxemburg Crisis as the point Bismarck stopped being a Prussian patriot
and became a German one, although he may not have seen this change
himself, especially in his cynical use of national feeling as a weapon
against France, however he did start to look at national unity and
considered that only a war with France which would raise national
consciousness and bring all Germans together to accelerate the process.
The next steps to the 1871 Franco-German War occurred in 1868 when
Queen Isabella of Spain was driven out of the country by revolution. The
Spanish Government sought to find a new ruler from the monastic families
of Europe and an official offer was eventually made to Prince Leopold of
Hohenzollern in February 1870. His father referred the request to William I,
as head of the Hohenzollern family. Left to his own devices, William would
have refused the offer, as this would have left France encircled with a
Hohenzollern in Berlin and Madrid, both pursuing anti-French policies.
Bismarck encouraged him to change his mind with little other reasoning
beyond his feelings that is was in Germanys political interest. William
therefore gave his consent, providing Leopold himself wished to accept. As
he did not, this seemed to bring an end to the matter, until Bismarck
bribed him to take the position.
Bismarck had intended for this news to be sent to Madrid and announced
when the Cortes [Spanish Parliament] was in session, amidst general
rejoicing, however a timing issue at the Prussian Embassy meant that the
official news arrived when parliament was not in session and was leaked
before it could be withdrawn. This news reached Paris on the 3rd of July
1870 where Napoleon and his new aggressive Foreign Minister Antoine
Gramont regarded the candidature as totally unacceptable and sent a
forceful telegram to Prussia saying so. The French Ambassador in Berlin,
Count Benedetti was given instructions to travel to the spa town of Ems
where William I was taking the waters, explain the French case to him and
advise him that if Leopold left for Spain, there was a high chance of war.
William (who was keen to avoid this in the first instance) ratified Prussias
friendship with France and on the 12th of July, Leopolds father withdrew
his sons candidacy.
Bismarck was humiliated and threatened to resign at this victory for
France, however was saved from making good his threat when Napoleon
was encouraged by Gramont to overplay his hand by demanding an

official renunciation from William I, on behalf of Leopold, for all time,

and the French ambassador was ordered to see the King again and
obtain his personal assurance. When they met on the 13th of July,
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William refused outright to give the assurances stating he found this

deeply insulting. When he finally passed on the matter, it was to give
Bismarck full control and permission to notify the Press. When Bismarck
received the Ems Telegram, he was dining with Generals Moltke and Roon.

He is said to have opened it, read it and then edited it in front of his
guests, but not by adding or augmenting the document, merely
striking words from it to give it a more uncompromising feel.
{Moltkes reaction to the telegram is on Page 89 in the textbook}
Bismarck sent the new challenge to Paris, the Press and Prussian
embassies with the intention of sharing this news as far as possible. When
William saw the updated version of the document, he is said to have
remarked with a shudder This is war.
As predicted, this news caused eruptions on France with the media
demanding that war be declared immediately to defend French honour.
Napoleon, now being pushed by his wife, ministers, Chamber of Deputies
and the public opinion, declared war on Prussia on the 19th of July 1870.
Bismarck is likely to have prepared for this war from France anytime from
1866 onwards, providing that it was French-provoked and it looked like a
defensive motion from Prussia. It was a war of this style that he had been
hoping for as it would clearly and easily bring the South German States
into the Prussian fold and the Hohenzollern Affair provided the perfect
opportunity to start one. He most certainly did not control each aspect of
the affair, however used it to navigate in the vague direction of war with
France. A set of French mistakes and a hunger for war helped to kindle the
fire even before it was lit with the Ems Telegram; If Bismarck set a trap
for France, it was largely one of Frances own making . Bismarck

then played the card he had been waiting to use for half a decade;
he called on the South German States for support in accordance with
the terms of their military alliances with Prussia. Convinced that the
Fatherland was in danger, they agreed to support Prussia.
The 1871 Franco-Prussian War was a turning point; it mainly marked the
beginning of Todays Germany, but was also renowned for the speed and
effectiveness with which the German troops dominated the battlefield;
while mostly Prussian, every state contributed to the fight and remembers
1871 proudly, united by a hatred of all things French and further
encouraged by contemporary anti-French propaganda in the form of
letters, speeches and articles.
Diplomatically, the initial setup of this war was very similar to the last;
throughout Europe offers of support were made to France, but they were
either too expensive or scared off by the threat of Russia joining Germany,
meaning yet again, it was just Bismarck versus the opposition. Britain,
who distrusted the unpredictable Napoleon III anyway, refused to come to

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Frances assistance when Bismarck suggested the French Emperor was

contemplating a Belgian invasion using draft documents preserved from
the 1867 plans of the French ambassador which were sent to The Times
newspaper. This would have been in defiance of a long-standing British
guarantee of Belgian independence.
The well-trained German troops were mobilised by rail to the Alsace
border and nearly half a million were prepared by the beginning of August.
German rail lines outnumbered the French six-two and Germany was
under the command of General Moltke. French troops had still not
organised themselves by the end of the month when Napoleon arrived at
Metz to take control.
First battles took place at the beginning of August, however Moltkes
grand strategy failed due to mistakes from his field commanders. The
French fought strongly in the early battles, now armed with the breechloading Chassepot Rifle and early machine guns, however Prussias Krupp
artillery meant that the battles at Lorraine went to the Germans. This had
the effect of encouraging Napoleon and his Chief Commander Marshall
Bazaine to go on the defensive and withdraw 180,000 men into the
fortress at Metz. German forces crossed the Moselle River at several

points on the 14th of August, marched past Metz and blocked off any
escape route the French had to Paris. One quick attempt was made to
flee north, but a violent battle had the French retreating back to the
fortress, which was besieged until its surrender at the end of October. This
decision to hide in the fortress was a fatal one, as the bulk of Napoleons
best troops were unable to fight.
When the fighting began at Metz, Napoleon left for the Marne River where
a new French army of 130,000 men was hurriedly assembled under the
command of General MacMahon. Setting off with the intention of rescuing
the army stuck at Metz, the German forces intercepted this new battalion
and drove it in confused panic towards Sedan, near the Belgian border.
The First of September saw the most crucial battle of the war, which was
surveyed from a hilltop by William I, Bismarck, Moltke and other German
princes. MacMahon refused to surrender, despite facing around six
hundred German guns. When the French had failed to break out of Metz,
Napoleon was seen roaming the battlefield looking for a bullet or a shell,
so that he would not have to face the shame of surrender. In a letter to his
wife, Bismarck described how the French suffered great casualties; The

day before yesterday and yesterday [1st and 2nd September 1871]
cost France one hundred thousand men and an emperor. This has
been an event of vast historic importance. {Full letter on Page 93}
News of Napoleons capture reached France on the 4th of September and
he remained a German prisoner until 1872 when he was exiled to England

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Alistair McShee

and died in Aldershot in 1873. In France, he was marked as a

revolutionary, the Second Empire was abolished and the Third

French Republic was established in its place.
Despite sounding quite final, the war actually continued for a further six
months as the German forces advanced on Paris and had it surrounded by
mid-September. The new government tried to raise an army in the South,
but this overly patriotic and disorganised mob was no match for the
experienced German army. It took until January 1871 for the French
government to accept the armistice, which they did due to the starving
and bombarded population. Finally, the Germans had decimated their way
through Western Europe, however now to come were the difficult legal
matters of setting up the new German Empire.

Proclamation of the German Empire:

From the very beginning of the war, Bismarck knew that William I should
head the new German empire, but there were many people to persuade
before his wish could become a reality; firstly, William himself was not
overly keen on the idea of a German title to put above his Prussian one.
Williams other trepidation was that this offer should come from the
German princes, rather than the people, as it had done in 1848. Beyond
their new leader, Bismarck had to convince the Southern states that they
should accept their new leader and join the Confederation. Bismarck was
helped in the last of these matters by the wave of German patriotism
following the war; pressure for the wartime alliance to become permanent
was building daily in the four remaining independent states and this all
went to strengthening Bismarcks negotiating hand with the Southern
rulers. He was also confident that he wanted a system near identical to
that in place in the North German Confederation, while in contrast the
other rulers logically wanted a looser system with more rights. Bismarcks
diplomatic skill was to be called in, although he held the trump card of
calling on the German people to campaign for what they wanted and
remove the rulers who stood in the way of unity. There were small
concessions made here and there; Bavaria wanted its own peacetime

army and independent postal service, while their king, Ludwig II was
eventually bribed by Bismarck using the King of Hanovers fortune
confiscated in 1866. Four separate treaties were then signed with each
of the rulers whereby they agreed to join the new German Empire under
the Federal Reich State. Domestic matters were left up to each state,

while the main body of power rested in the hands of the Emperor,
William I, Bismarck (now Imperial Chancellor) and their army officers
and handpicked ministers.
Ludwig II was persuaded to put his name on the letter sent to William
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Alistair McShee

asking him to accept the position of Emperor. This appeal was seconded
by the other princes and the North German Reichstag and achieved the
desired result. On the 18th of January 1871, King William I of Prussia was
proclaimed Kaiser of Germany in the ceremony taken place in the French
Palace of Versailles. This insult added to an already bitter French reception
with a humiliating treaty and painful peace-price to come. The terms of
the Treaty of Frankfurt were harsh; a fine of 200 million to be paid

before troops would leave Eastern France and Alsace-Lorraine was to

be annexed to Germany.
General Moltke commented on such harsh terms that; What we have
gained by arms in half a year, we must protect by arms for half a
century. However Bismarck did have his reasons for imposing such a
harsh treaty; the gained territory had rich mineral ores and strong
fortresses; Metz and Strasbourg, the latter of which had been an imperial
city in the days of the Holy Roman Empire. Socially, Bismarck felt the
French would be bitter no matter what the treaty dictated and so felt that
it was safer to impose a harsh treaty to protect the new German Empire.
Also, German media during the war had portrayed the French as the guilty
party and the people felt that this was just punishment for them.
Whatever his reasons were for this and the whole idea of German
Unification were have been questioned throughout history. Bismarck
states in his Memoirs that he had intended unification from the very
beginnings of his time in power, however he had earlier contradicted
himself by stating that he was simply steering his ship as best he could.
Regardless of his intentions, Bismarck was certainly a skilled diplomat; his
ability to get what he wanted, and what was best for Prussia (through
either legal or corrupted means) and isolate a country, conquer them in a
matter of months and then simply expand into it, taking the richest
pickings from its land and building his European Superpower.

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