PARTHA CHATTERJEE “A powerful and impassioned intervention in our thinking, ec ofl tr ge au eb lesly NATIONALIST THOUGHT AND THE ‘demonstrates how the derivative character of colonial discourse hhas produced both the power as well as the predicament of nationalism in che twentieth cencury. This book provides critical insight into the character of the post-colonial condi —Nicholas B Dirks, Professor of History and Anthropology, Univesity of Michigan COLONIAL WORLD “Partha Chacterjee usefully problematizes the concept of nationalism, and challenges the usual claims made in its defence... His work will be valuable not only to students and scholars of history, bu to all those involved in studies of colonization and the complex and painful processes of —Sauth Asia Bulletin ‘A detailed analysis of nationalist discourse... The historical hastening of nationalism is outlined perceptively and subtly.” — Journal of Peasant Studier deco “A fascinating and provocative study... Chateerjee's work is bound to have a lasting impact on the diverse disciplines of social science. — Third World Affairs “An important book, lucidly written from acritical Macxise perspective.” — Economic and Political Weebly Professor Chatterjee received his university education in the sity and various American Universities, Among, published works are The State of Political Theory (1978, co- author), and Bengal 1920-1947: The Land Question (1984). He is a member of the editorial group of Subaltern Studies: Writings con South Asian History and Society. He is currently Professor ‘Brilliant, globally learned, uncompromising, lucid. ISBN 0-86232-553-6 ee © gn feading for anyone interested in the bistory, theory, Icurta. | Cale AEE | and politics of nationalism.’ Zed Books L | 086232 5528 Hb 9 "780862! 325554") > a GAYATRI SPIVAK (086252 5536PbTo Ranajit Guha and Asok Sen from whom I have learnt the most PARTHA CHATTERJEE NATIONALIST THOUGHT AND THE COLONIAL WORLD A Derivative Discourse @ ZED BOOKS London‘Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse ‘was first published on behalf of the United Nations University, ‘Tokyo, by Zed Books Ltd in 1986, Copyright © United Nations University, 1986 Second Impression 1993 of America by the University of Cover design by Andrew Corbett Printed on acid-fee paper and bound in the United Kingdom by Biddles Ltd, Guildford and King’s Lynn All rights reserved, No part of this publication may be reproduced, ‘stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in: Library of Congress Cataloging No. 92-42176 US ISBN 0-8166-2311-2 (pb) ‘The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity ‘educator and employer. British CIP is available from the British Libraty ‘UKISBN 0 86232 $53 6 (pb) em W669 © OA- AOEB _ Contents Preface Nationalism as a Problem in the History of Political Ideas ‘The Thematic and the Problematic ‘The Moment of Departure: Culture and Power in the Thought of Bankimchandra ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre: Gandhi and the Critique of Civil Society ‘The Moment of Arrival: Nehru and the Passive Revolution ‘The Cunning of ReasonIf there are obstacles the shortest line between two points may well be a crooked line. Bertolt Brecht, Life of Galileo. scene 14 last scene of Bertolt Brecht’s Life of Galileo, the scientist is quoted as there are obstacles the shortest ine between two points may well ? Given the abstract neatness of the theoretical world of jes aring of irony. Inthe much Jess well- litical theorists have taken seriously the ‘in an ideological world in which words ‘where notions are inexact, and have and hence capable of kis about a political revolution, but y selecting from history two points of logical history of nationalism. ranted to call this book Crooked Line. But friends more knowledgeable in the ways of the publishing world have persuaded me that that would not best way to reach my potential readers. I have deferred ir te ing this book in the 1981-82 academic year which Is -ge, Oxford. I am grateful to the Nuffield Foundati ing fellowship. [continued the work during my short stay in ing Fellow at the Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian viiNationalist Thought and the Colonial World Nationalism as a Problem National University, Canberra, and completed iton my return to Calcutta, Tam of Calcutta tn, ‘of course, the Library of the Centre for jences, Calcutta, for their help. Algiers, Oxford, Canberra, Baroda, Paris and Calcutta. My thanks to all participants at those seminars. ‘Lam grateful to Kinhide Mushakoji and Anouar Abdel-Malek of the United ‘0 trouble oneself with the task of dealing with something that has been adequately dealt with before is superfluous, 2 result of ignorance, or a sign of evil intent. ‘bu Bakr Muhammad Ton Bajjah [Avempace], radbir al-mutawahhid Advani of Oxford University Press, New ion of this book. My thanks also to May preparing the typescript. to record my gratitude to Gouri for her Finally, T take this oppor ‘support and understanding, Partha Chatterjee Calcutta December 1985 ke the attempt to remove those lof progress may have been xy were based upon a set of ich, in their social and intellectual Britain and France may have been the the accoptance ofa niveral standard of progress hed produced ah viiiNationalism as a Problem Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World thought would hardly have been affected Thor proce doctins are harly woch analysing title peor gnuine deca innov: ‘precisely, the necessary philosophizi (Geliner quaintly refers to is contradictory proce "unparalleled philosophical ss is therefore deepl same dilemma can be seen in the st notably in the work of Hans Kohn, ism is, essentially, the general imposition of a high culture on society, previously low cultures had taken up the lives ofthe majority, and in some 5Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World ‘cases of the totality, of the population. It means that generalized diffusion of a. 4 the new high culture happens tobe the product of an alien imposition? supersede the various folk cultures and become a truly ‘culture? Is there not a problem of incommensu universal acceptance of the re does manage to overcome (Genly increased inter soa! communication) We may 6 man to be even less enslaved to bis local culture than Nationalist though, in other words, does not pose any special problems by a recourse to sociology, i rms, and then ‘sympathetic expressing distaste forthe failings of these peoples. ‘In a world in which the strong and rich people have id the weak peoples, and in which 1d to be a mark of digni ings, in such a is kind of nationalism is the inevitable © reaction of the poor and the weak.""* fn unrepentant critic of nationalism like Elie Kedousie will say: powerful and corrosive dogs, have accepted the charge without alism being a rational and self-conscious attempt by the weak stonomy and liberty is demonstrably " quaint or bizarre, depending on one’ joms, But they can be dismissed quite easily. inuing debate with Kedourie, and the hesitant, almost instance, objects that it is misleading to portray nat piracy and terrorism of nihilism and tot {obody would dispute that these have been Features of some nationalisms r they operated... KedourieNationalist Thought and the Colonial World {desl of univers Enlightenment pi diately destroy the central , namely, the autonomy of from the very first sentence of his » For the non-European world, in short, nationali an autonomous discourse. Nationalism as a Problem...Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World : Nationatism as a Problem... ‘such a perspective, the problem of ‘of a much more gené characterization of national is unwarranted. He then points which most of these national test faiar problem which the Wester anthropologist faces when Id by other peoples approximation means theit continued subjection under a world order which tionality, we should be ct only sets their tasks for them and over which they have no control? | ost beliefs are correct’. Among the set of alternative interpretations of 10 uNationalist Thought and the Colonial World ° only when such an area of agreem interpretation becomes possible. ee ‘The pragmatic argument in favour ofthis prin ‘men, are ordered. The anthropol the symbolic ‘meaningful in relation to other beliefs or actions within that order. 12 Nationalism as a Problem... be patently ( Words;’are the reasons for apparently absurd way? indeed be attributed to the specific social ‘merely explained away by tem or the internal logic of ‘incommensural (0 our criteria of rationality and pronouncing them irrations there is no single cross-cultural rical scheme for ordering reality ‘would make the beliefs held by forward procedure. If the thought-system of ensurably different from those of others, we would not even have the Sfground of consensus necessary to recognize the diferences. This would ake relativism completely uninteligible. Furt judging cultures from the outside. hich would make any kind. ble, because our own perception of the the one which we betong to — can only dually specific. most of those who have argued fo s-cultural understanding do not seem to favour so strong an interpretation i case, And curiously enough, many of those who think that a strictly 13Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World Nationatiom as Problem. necessarily also becomes a means tothe power ofthe Self would destroy any viable basis for at We Taowiedge becomes the means tothe domination ofthe ¢ assert that weakly interpreted, as 1 things about an undogmatic ial sciences. We are back, it would seom, to em to be to answer the question by ree Teasonat ti accepted methods, provedures and theories in the paricu™ Oe Se ie aincpline to which the belief relates, Thus, the question ‘of whether Kalabari cout the curative properties of particular herbs are tus Of not ean be ‘omledge currently provided by medical science, ible psychosomatic effects of the particular argument originates in a critique tthe main attackis directed: are at all yuestions of | , ‘or culture will be in principle * je theories, ethnicity currently establis an irrelevant consideration. by pointing out that answers {0 su within ‘currently accepted” scientific methods or theor ‘cannot be answered onl ich questions are only meaningful xy can of vn an essentialist conception of cultures which of any scientific attempt at cross-cultural understanding. ‘appear, ends up by accusing the other of the same crime: | acknowledging the historic if fectansecuratereflectionof |—_—they rest only on the currently prevailing h ein factanaceuratrefecion of | __ Toro penumbra where they are sobjess of erring dense ST = fal eto evenet vert methods are subject to change, including paradigmatic oat eae Sn an fected (assuming we are thanges of the Kuhnian type, and that they to are ave developed in the Westin the rot prepared to 20 ‘by the soci Enlightenment view assumes a very definite form. rational knowledge. At ‘are now conceived is th process of the appropriation of nature to Iso enters into the society comes ‘around concepts such as wealth, productive ‘efficiency, prog ch are defined in terms of the promotion of terests". Yet ‘interests’ in society are necessarily diverse; indeed, 7, Consequently, the subject ire which is central to the new conception Of the sciences of nature is now subtly transferred, through the ‘rational! ‘conception of society, to relations between man and man, Thus, the sciences ~}} of society become the knowledge of the Seif and of the Other. Construed inNationalist Thought and the Colonial World ir speculative philosophies about the nature of the their theorotical formulations about specific physical rational or not, one does not relation to currently accepted of awareness ofthe philos was the meaning of the concept of rational be rationality in sociological theory would be reduced to one of very ional. No, rationality as than mere scientific truth, ooking a the properties of nature, ~ of its precise content — an ethic. Rationality becomes the normative principle of a certain way of life which is said to promote a certain way of thinking, namely, science. Hence, the question of culture does become relevant. the wider notion of rationality as an ethic. So much so now seen to be characteristic of‘ y- by entire cultures. What results is an essentialism: certain historically specific correspondences between certain elements in the structure of beliefs in European society and certain, albeit spectacular, changes in techno-economic conditions ‘of production are attributed the quality of essences which are said to charac terize cultures as a whole. It is an essentialism which, when imposed and casts every other culture of the world into the darkness \ entialism enjoys a straight- forwardly ethnic privilege: the” superiority of the European people. Later, Nationalism as a Problem... i in the post-Enlightenment given # moral privilege, encompassing as in the post Eni s — positivism, utilitarianism, Weberian sociology — sally progressive phiosop hen all of these anything to do with cultural een to outdo the other in the radical oa Ibn se so einer een ‘Western cultures 3 is precisely why we do not, and probably never will, But it would not: have a Kalabari anthropology of the white man. And that is why even @ Kalabari anthropology of the Kalabari will adopt the same representational form, ifnot the same substantive conclu ‘of the Kalabari. For there is 2 relation of tional passion, it does sobecause go of the Enlightenment and ails to do so. sovereignty as the universal idea}, needs is all about, Vv is jionalism can be ‘So far I have argued that the problems of a liberal doctrine of nationalism can! traced back to a much more fundamental question about the moral and ot hope to settle ~tnowledge. For we see much the same sors of problems in Marist discussions of nationalism as well. il not go into the issue of what Marx himself had to say aboutNationalist Thought and the Colonial World nationalism.”* However, what can be said quite definitely on this subject is in his own work Marx never directly addressed himself to nationalism as a theoretical problem. Much of the debste on this question is about the implications of his general theoretical scheme, or about inferences from the ‘comments he made on the subject ducing a very active literary and concerned here about the more influential determination.” But Lenin’s proposals were not directed towards the construction of a general theoreticel paradigm for the study of nationalism, and. historically fused with a colonial question. The * colonial exploitation. Yet an asse consequences. ‘Nationalism, thea, is not in 18 ‘was, therefore, a form of the struggle against its probable historical rational, but it may be the rights of nations to self- Nationalism as a Problem... irrationally applied. Atavistic nationalism cannot be condemned out of hand; a8 part of a movemer ple to regain its pride and self constructive aspect. thing, oven an abstract thing, but a process, an implement .. . One does ‘can opener, or any other Thave in mind Benedict Anderson’ intervention is highly unorthodox, be tendency in Marxist discussions on the ‘nz by Stalin’s oft-quoted formulation, he ia. On the contrary, he fundamentally sub jon.** What does ‘creation’ mean? follow Anderson's argument. the political community of nation superseded the preceding ‘of Protestantism and print hat, ina positive sense, made action between a system of production and the emergence of ‘unified fields of exchange and communications’ below Latin and above the spoken veraculars, gave a new fixity to language, and created new kinds of ‘languages-of-power’ 19Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World since some dialects were closer to-the print-languages while others remained dialects because they could not "The second nde yas that ofthe Engi natontons of Eu mel ofthelndendert al at whch ener became valde pian from which too-marked deviations were heracter of the early European nation a by the most backward social groups, serfdom had to 20, because the conceptual mode 20M century us as rele fa imperial administrative unit, so did the ‘brown or black Englishman’ when hhe made his bureaucratic pilgrimage to the metropolis. On roturn, the apex of his looping Might was the highest administrative centre to which he ‘was assigned: Rangoon, Accra, Georgetown, or Colombo, Yet explained by the variegated crowds’. 20 Nationalism as a Problem... ogrammes sponsored by the colonial state as well-as by le education created a large gh the European language-of state, to articular, to the models of natio in the course of the nineteenth cent 1d national 10th century thus came to acq rracter. ‘They can, and do, draw on more than acentury anda half of . Ne lea brought into the world is now nestled firmly in tually inseparable from -an now be imagined wi ‘nostros los Americanos, ry has demonstrated to be p ‘contribution tothe Me ‘pose the ideological creation of ty of national movements. In doing | problemin the: | social process of creation of modem language corm k ‘pursuing the varied, and often contradictory, seals up his ‘on 20th century nationali change in ways of perc social world which occurs before ni can emerge: Gellner change to the requirements of society’, Anderson more ing describe the characteristics of the new cultural homogen¢ tion: for Gellner thi common high culture ‘Anderson the process involves the formation of a shared experience journeys’ undertaken by the e: In the end, both see in third-world nationalisms a profoundly ‘modular’ stours outlined by given ", too-marked devia: is th woking ofthe magiaton, the intellectual processof , beeguse even when nations jguishing cultural marks simply aNationalist Thought and the Colonial World Nationalism as a Problem... ed after the fact and always ‘a matier of a vanguard popular nationalism and nationalism, Like religion an anthropological fac, and there is nothing else Marxists have found it extremely hard to escape the liberal dilemma we contending trends other rational and pr functionalism, ‘questioned the whole premise of the characterization of the ‘ ‘even the categories of tradition/modemity. The main theot hich these critiques were located was a reassessment of relationship between culture and structure or, to use an orthodox Marxist terminology which already in the very thrust of the critique seemed to lose some. ofits theoretical value, between superstructure and base, It was all very well, these critics argued, to pick out the many undoubtedly modern elements in the tought of the 15th century socal reformers and ideologues, but what of the national smework, but earlier severely criticized. development — and inescapably, into bad and good: despotism and liberty, superstition and enlightenment, priestcraft and the triumph of reason. For India, 2Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World Nationalism as a Problem. progressive trend. He then argued: ‘An una to the economy” was utterly anomalous. production, There lay the travesty of imported ideas of individual rationality.” merchants and entreprenet because colonial subjection would never pe modernity but only a ‘weak and dis to a major backlash after 1880 in the form of were openly hostile to the trex th fore, the argument becomes sharper. The 19th century “may, have genuinely welcomed the new ideas of reason and cultural influence of phenomenon givi ication, But in an economy prospect forthe rel smpt to relate developments in thought to the evolving socio- icture of a colonial country inevitably led, therefore, to the problem 25Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World 1 country and the question of loyalty or ‘once put in that perspective, the modem . Not only that, the image of the ‘agninst the predatory planter, as believing in the cry from any truly of the strength of ture of interes and events Inthe overl estimate, such opposition only pened up that characteristic ideological gift of nineteenth-century Bri meee pre-empt and replace the urge for a revolutionary society. ‘The formulation of the problem now encompasses & great deal of co eal of complenit in the relations between thought, culture and power Frst ofall there i the «question ofthe effectiveness of thought asa vehicle of change. Ifthe imperatives, 26 to think out Nationalism as a Problem fons and consequences of change have been thought out wi framework of knowledge, does proces {he conditions forthe emergence ofa nationalist ideology forthe transformation The only point ‘could be said to have favoured the transformation of a medieval agrarian society” {nto a rational modern one were not unambiguously national ‘were opposed to colonial domination were not necessarily ‘ransformati ‘Second, there is the question of the relation of thought to the existing culture + ‘of the society, i.e. to the way in which the social code already provides @ set of correspondences between signs and meanings to the overwhelming mass of the people. What are the necessary steps when a new group of thinkers ‘and reformers seck to substitute a new code in the place of the old they set up a radical group of nonconformists, or do they gradually ‘modernize’ transformation does take place, whats the role ~ i banging there is the question of the implantation into new cultures of iced in other — alien — cultural in these frameworks neutral tothe they have differ ‘consequences when projected on Even more interestingly, do the categories ‘context? What then of the positivity of knowledge? framework of thought is directly associated with a the cross-cultural context of power, what, in the specific changes which occur in the original and relations within the domain of thought? That is to say, ifrelations ween cultures, ‘which is what happens under colonial rule, what are t of thought conceived in the context of the dominant culture are society under colonial consequences of particular frameworks of thought produced in the metropolitan 21alist Thought tnd the Colonial World Nationalism as a Problem... “renaissance”. uestion’. Recent European discussi importance of his ideas not merely in context of revolutionary politics in Europe, but for problems such as the hatiogl ae colonia qentions orth tue ofthe oso tis Gramsci's conception of the state ‘the struggle for power as ‘domination ph India in terms of the aspi moral leadership over a moderni ippositions — ‘modern’ presuppositions — as those of the inant classes, opted for a path in which the demands of anew society would 29.Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World ina reformist manner — in such away that | preserve the political and economic position of the old feudal rarian ref to avoid the popalar masses experience such as occurred in France in the in 1831, and their economic, political and ideological be Indian case seems a particularly good example, ‘of moder Indian history in terms of this problematic has only just begun, What Iwill outline here is an analytical framework in which the ‘ideological history of the Indian state can be studied, The framework attempts to locate, within a historical context of ‘passive revolution’, the problem of the ‘autonomy of nationalist discourse as a discourse of power. ‘Nationalist texts were addressed both to ‘the people’ who were said to constitute the nation and to the colonial masters whose claim to rule nationalism questioned, To both, nationalism sought to demonstrate the falsity of the colonial claim that the backward peoples were culturally incapable of ruling themselves in the conditions of the modern world, Nationalism denied i it also asserted that a backward challenged the colonial claim to also accepted the very intellectual premises of domination was based. How aro we to sort out these contradictory elements in nationalist discourse? Notes 1. John Plamenatz, ‘Two Types of Nationalism’ in Eugene Kamenka, ed., Nationalism: The Nature and Evolution of an Idea (London: Edward Arnold, 1976), pp.23-36. 2. Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York: Macmi Age of Nationalism (New York: Harper, 1962); Nationalism. History (Princeton, NI: Van Nostrand, 3. For a discussion of this distinction in Kohn, see Aira Kemi Nationalism (Jyvaskyla: Jyvaskylt: Kesvatusopillinen Korkeakoulu, 1964), pp.llStt 4 Ken Wolf, “Hans Kohn's Liberal Nationalism: The Historian as Prophet’, Jounal of the History af Ideas, 37, 4 (October Deventber 1976), Nationalism as a Problem... jan of nationalism, proposed a -72, Catton Hayes, the American ° Pion tte caant from a liberal, humanitarian and “i (Marchstr: Mancha User Pre, 1982) "Thowgtand GhangetLomin, WatetcndNichio, David E. Apter, Fd Pol sm, despite a rather elaborate of Plamenatz, with the yunn is somewhat less gentle: 1 a political force is in some ways a reactionary and irrationalist ay. the populations of most int edd peaceful eccnomic nationalism But ‘ purely damaging, fit conduct for Palestinians. more of less reflex jngerens are disastrous inadequate. The relaxed economic nationals ‘of operating states, although itis a natural outcome of the dynamics ofthe wor ‘economy, poses @ real threat to the future of the species, while the terrorist politics of national liberation, uaprepossessing though it certainly is in itself, 31Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World is premised upon very deep truths about the human political condition whichis wildly imprudent for us to ignore. Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge: Cambridge 979), p71. Kedourie, ed., Naiionalism in Asta and Africa /eidenfeid and Nicolson, 1970), p.2. ithony Smith, Theories of Nationalism, pp.12-24, bid, p.23. 18, Ibid, p.15. 19, Nationalism (London: Hutchinson, 1960), p.9. 20. Nationalism in Asia and Africa, p29, 21. Ibid, p.36. represent Bryan R. ‘be two ‘conceptual both largely true but not translatable from one to the other, rests on a iotheory of meaning, vz., that to give the meaiing of any s age we need to give the meaning of every sentence or Wor This is false. 1 so, then Davidson shows that there can be no saying that another scheme is different from our own in the table. And if we cannot say schemes are different ly say they are the same. Hence, the only intelligible procedure would be to that most of the beliefs ina scheme are true and that every other language is ble into our own. Donald Davidson, “On the Very Idea of « Conceptual Scheme’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Association, 17 (1973-4), pp.5-20. 31. The ‘principle of humanity’ suggests that instead of attempting to maximize “agreement, one should try to minimize disagreement, specifically in those cases in sthich we find the beliefs apparently unintelligible. Here the underlying assumption Ys that ofthe unity of human rom which basis it is argued that, excep’ smiall number of bizarre cas ld be possible to explain most cross-cultural terms ofthe varying circumstances in which other peoples live. Thatis to say, one assumes a cer iversal instrumental rationality for all human beings and then asks: are the particular beliefs according to which a fic social circumstances? If so, then their beliefs anid behaviour would become intelligible to us. We would then in effect be saying that had we been placed in exactly the same circumstances, we would have held the same belies. 32, ‘Consider for instance, the following exchange: Alasdair Macintyre: ... at any given any given society the criteria in ‘current use by religious believers or by scientists will differ from what they are at 32 Nationalism as a Problem... tin the practice of those who hold and use them, ‘Understanding Religion Compatible with Believing?” in ison, ed., Rationality, pp.62-71. fom ing relativism, as he claims, Maclntyre - far from overcoming re ‘as [have tried to show, he accuses teria and concepts have a history’. ith the concepts and criteria itwhen he comes total res ca hestptMee iekewen ioe twee tl peers ra tg cd ni hr ars et : ‘Outside that context we could not begin to. {or having imposed the image c fs exactly what Macintyre himself is doing her, avery simple and print isteation, OF, Becomes unheipl a ti point. Peter Winch, “Understanding a Primitive Sociey’, American Philosophical Quarterly. 1 (1964), pp. 207-28 3 aionalsm isthe starkest politcal shame ofthe tvenceth century. Ae ogee to which its prevalence is still felt as a scandal is itself a mark of the inenpestedess ofthis predominance, of te sharpness of th chock which thas sdministted to Europe's admiring Ealigitenment vision of the Cuming of Renson.Innalinais at last or 901 a resent soma, the Cunning of Reason has move than met te match John Dunn, Western Poieal Theor, pS. 4 Thre enss a se of ntabocks by Mare, which E . We have retained the ‘such things, we would become ater due deliberation decided ith our hands and feet. solution to the social evils of indust not inks these so-called ly do what we coal only a complete change t ange our perceptio cial needs and thus enable us once again to set {to social consumption. Nothing short of seceed, harmony and comfort is necessary, but above a stead of help. Therefore the ideal of the central ith a new bbe exploited for economic purposes. Ga emphatically as early as in Hind Swaraj crucial theoretical foundation of his production is the craving for excessive Gandbi interprets the modern spirit of advance; a tendency to let the mindNationalist Thought and the Colonial World resistance led to wat suzerainty over the Trat Kruger whether there problems can be’ solved by accept the above statement Thus, in the case of modern imperialism, moral lated to the primary consi is directly related to a speci by the purposes and the processes of product jandhi is in this particular historical instance long as the purpose of to continually expand it in order to satisfy an endless urge consumption and as long as the process of producti increased mechanization, Purposes and processes of production take on this particul Production is primarily directed not towards the creati immediate use but towards exchange — exchange between and between metropolis and colony. Any kind scale would have to be based on certain det Industrialization on a mass scale will necessarily lead to passive or active blems of competition and marketing come rate on the village being self-contained, ‘The mere socialization of industries would not alte this process in any way at all, Pandit Nehru wants industrial would be free from the evils of in industralism, and no amount In fact, Gandhi’s argument was that there is no feasible way in which any ‘Process of industrialization can avoid the creation of expl relations of exc when he argues is quite clearly the only sound economic proposition for India. 88 | | | | The Moment of Manoeuvre 5, ‘ended to emphasize the sti soromissgument a eatin ge satan econmy with an abundance of ye labour Dusting the 192 an 1930, he peri f he rovth onal movement he would olen fet Sed the dl inieply tosay that they tar out che thoy have dgpaced thosandsof wor GearestKhadi woven inthe ¥i nly a. ‘ing point, an. attempt to bring round to the cause of sic mopranme tenth dd not share hinder pilesopbia cate ert so oon, tenet e ard abou he praca con of Kha, he would remind hs Teaderswherg exactly he stood with regard to the fundamental moral issues. would mest assuredly dstoy o aialy change much hat ete tan of eden evizaton. But that an old tory oi. The adn the propagation attempt, excapt sai Of non-violence, ean be described as such an attempt damental principles of organization ‘Even when it came to a question cof the fur dament : of economic Gandhi would nhesatingly ste Ns opposion tthe ence af the Rome veconomicus, 0 the supposed benes of the soci 89Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World ‘The Moment af Manoeuvre ‘by which supportis mobilized on behalf of particular leaders or rests is equally unworthy of moral approval. “English voters their newspaper is their Bible. They Thewspapers which are often dishonest. The same by different newspapers, according to the party ‘edited ... The} people change their views frequent ike the pendulum ofa clock and are never steadtast. The people would re Jue orator ora man who gives them partes, receptions, eo-* that the government e entire collecti of equality before stitutions only Have the eff . {egal practitioners to indeed to create new ones. ir clients and to find out ways and are often, [The Javyers’] duty frguments in favour The law india, by projecting an image of neutrality with ety, not only upholds the rigours of ivisions wit ‘caste system, but actually such as the ones imposed by xd by the people ‘morality that the minority smoved. As a political deal, therefore, Gandhi ‘and inequalities and divisi concentrated upon securing the suecess of his party. His caro is not always that 1Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World counterposes the system of representative government an und where the commu: apsulates the ible in the economic and political 1ores completely the ethical aspect of edi individual within the collect and this can only be done: in providing the needs of the body. ad by intellectual labour? No... . Mere mental, that the soul and is its own satisfaction, It should never ‘of body labour and not a division tobe confined toone class and body labourto be confined. inquiry and technological innovation too is aimed ‘indulgence and luxury than towards the discovery of ‘The Moment of Manocuvre cience of medicine, for instance, on whose behalf the tal tors of modemity, concerns me moe than withthe removal of ise ain, re peed te pons Ee ne dost ervened and helped me to ‘adule myse at all withthe problematic of nat sitar apyleabe ap much tothe counties ofthe West his purpose. History, he says, force of the soul but peace. reawa Jovethat waslying ‘Two broer qual ont them repens ane wang th ova iat wee rms orgotolaw te slr dine ould be immediately noid nthe Press, they Would be he talk 93‘The Moment of Manoewire Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World ‘would probably go down in history. And what is tue is true of nations.” sefore, does not record the Truth. Truth lies outside histor inchanging, Truth has no history ‘structive to compare the method Gandhi ith those followed by pract 1 — Bankim , : torical examination of ti /Notiearned men sure in the experience jandhi does not both istoriity of Krishna, although he was 4 ns. Mahadev Desai, in his originalis discovered, it ry moment of whose 7 jn absolute honesty, earnestness a 3w by heart, in defence ‘One may however say that, even when this veh difference to souls like Gandhi ‘can say from personal know! itis the message that abides Further, Gandhi did not regard the Taveart ax part, asa historical narrative, The historical underpinnings were ary device; the message had nothing to do with histo tanjust and immer texts was proof that they 898-9, when I ist became acquainted withthe Git, I oor, but that, under the guise of physical wart cli _ This a custom whoserigin 1 do not ine ign sat et ao Caste has nothing to do with r ‘and national growth ‘and do not nced to know for that itis harmful both to Salgion andthe Gite, A study ofthe Mahobharata gave it added confirmation T seer regard the Mahabharata as ahistorical work inthe accepted sense: The “Riparva contains powerful evidence in support of my opinion. By ascribing fo ‘ere actors superhuman or subhuman origin, the great Vyasa made shor ce atthe history of kings and their peoples. The persons therein described may "he author of the Mahabharata has used them merely to drive theme.” ;gament about the great ‘of warfare and violence ich as the Gia as a practical ics, Gandhi would insist that the truth that conta the mother of the race «| in texts. that are repugnantte Moment of Manoeuvre Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World a 2 al. The converse I hold to be equally t ie could not prove ‘The true dharma is unchanging, whil to follow some of the tenets of Ma 7 hhave quietly discarded them altogether,” Not only did Gandhi not share the hi did not share thei insane orunmanly. That tol the weak. My inne ; superstitious, bu hep not know how to make JJ deep down inme . . . You are free tol i or to reje this intelectual elev truth, “The face of truth is hidden by a golden lid.’ The reasoning ise a thousand issues, Only one thing will save us from these and that is faith,® Perhaps the most celebrated public controversy over Gandhi's preference for instinctive faith over the claims of sci reasoning was when he history, nor did science have any i, unchanging and traifscendental. Jnnocent, since an earthquake is indi strengthening the forces of unreas Phenomena had something to do with the fate of human bei ition wit istic firmness, bi was a reply.” He refused to entertain tion, somewhat unusual touch of acerbity questions about the rationality of divi Tam not affected by posers such as ‘why punishment for an age-old sin punishment to Bihar and not to the South’ of ‘why an earthquake and not some other form of punishment’. My answer is: I am not God. Therefore Thave but a limited knowledge of His purpose."” ize Gandhism as yet another sntsia in many parts ofthe world ‘example of that typical reaction of the ” 96Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World {othe social and moral depredations of advancing capitalism: roma tance, despite the backwardness of his solut problems of a society in the throes of capitalist bigstep forward’ by posing, comprehensively ‘moral aspects the democratic demand of the s ly sympathetic to many of ‘European romantics and increase of ‘man’s powers of production, brought on by the advent of modem science and technology, draws him away om his true Self, (3) rom "and how it works ‘in every way to disintegrate and corrupt man — ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre ie unite any of she. European - mands of ReNationalist Thought and the Colonial ght and the Colonial World ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre characterization of tao ‘expression of morally was complete and implacabl ‘accompanied by any specific pol ‘action of a few individuals, resisting the snee, would sway the people towards a in one aspect of his thought, Gandhi shared the same standpoint; but specific ideological aspect. Ar down, because Gandhism also concerned i izational questions of a political movement, And its formulation ofthe problem of town-country rt the domination of the new urban educated society, Gandhism adopted a standpoint th the thematic o i thought as well Tee ant emightenment thought, and hence of‘The Moment of Manoewvre Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World difficult to talk about the subject wit ms of those concepts. But once again, ‘my argument, Imust, therefore, accept tion, and without explaining, ‘the coexistence of these contradictory aspects to the celebrated concepts of aitimsa Be was not necessary ‘tue principles of social organization. ‘was necessary now was to fiad a way of protecting that social Fructive consequences of colonial rule and of ‘brought upon the people. The answer was than a utopian d [process within which the movement was to functio ‘organizational principles of| © of Gandhian thous ‘conception of truth became the pr means by which all the seemingly {aeconellable parts of that ideology were put together. Consider satyagrah Jebrated Gandhian form of mass political Eternal Princ, that is God. Ther are amumerabl dati ‘of God... But am secking after ‘There did exist an Absolule Truth, abso 4 tras the purpose o cr ver. Bui ous cui aly proceed (o ; . that sanyagraha Ws 0 ae bxperionce of living, through an unswerving moral and truthful ‘eine tints 2 lca na Sametime, one at be prepared to lear or experi re sm aie Pie wes nots to the test, to accept the consequences and revi x vise tho found waning Only then wouldone hae for coos moral i eee foundation that was both certain and flexible, determinate and yet adaptable, ean We can fee ourselves ofthe unjust rule of the Goverament by defing Te categoria So uch has now been witen about Gandhi : nah’ “rts! — Trai which moat be sug fo, nd he various lave uke Of i Wedonotbeat malice ‘unjust rile and accepting the punishment , when we do not desire rowards the Government. When we set 103foment of Manoeuvre Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World a por nae armed assaults on the administrators, nor to unseat them from! but QRlY to get rid of their injustice, they will st ones bs Sobers estion of leadership, and of the relation bet 's being particularly problematical in the poli ‘Teamie in general always folow inthe footsteps ofthe noble, There is no doubt difficult to produce a Our ex -.. The birth of such a man can ia in no time, Not only India but the whole wold an. We may in the meantime prepare the ground as * 7 ional prin ‘much as we can through satyagraha’ ee ‘And from this fundamental discovery lowed anew organizational p he cplained in the Autobiography: ly spontaneous strength of popular resistance a the call tothe nation to join in the agitations in 1919 | wondered how Tepud hey fled o perceive vit re was Tittle concern yet about the distinction that before a people could cr the satydgraht and the masses, or about the tried, pare-hearted voluntee satyagraha,”* i satyagrahi as leader. In the ‘Thus was born the political concept of the satyag oe course of his viene before he Hunter Committee apointe canine qthether You ate satygrahis or not, so long as you disepprove ofthe Rowiatt she Rowlate Bl agains, Gandhi was asked a {esisltion, all canjoin andT hope that there willbe sch «response throughent relation between leaders 105 104Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World it that your scheme, as you conceive it, invol the right path and the true path by people judgment of people who are caps ‘exercising better judgment and equipped with better moral and intel in human nature, but I exact nothing more th ‘human being.”” Jagat Narayan. My points, having regard tothe circumstances, a sort of sane attaches to the laws of the Government of the time being? Gand} he would have tofollow somebody. The masses willhaveto choose ‘most decidedly.” 4 ‘The point was further clarified when Gandhi was asked abouthis understanding of the reasons why the agitations had become Ahmedabad, Gandhi had told a mass meetin complained of have been done in an organized manner. clever man or men behind them . 2d into doing these deeds by such people.” Elaborating on what he meant by ‘organized manner’, Gandhi said to the Hunter Committee: absolutely unlettered men, who would be able to make no fine distinctions — ‘then you have got the idea of what that organisation is ... There were these poor deluded labourers whose one business was to see me released and see Anasuyabai released. That it was a wicked rumour deliberately started by ‘somebody I have not the slightest doubt. As-soon as these things happened the people thought there should be something behind it, Then there were the half- 6 . There seems to bea | definite design about them, and I am sure that there must be some educated and ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre Tet _ Tet town angst youths. Thi ese ens etre Fa sows, seh 8 the a er rena oh ee Eres as Sea aan alee tema a pee Ee ony te mle ui with the political leadershi structure of decision-* pot a utopian conception at all. There was no assumption,Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World for that would be wishing ecisions were to be take Second, the practice of ie” of mass political action a did not depend upon eve be regarded as a valid polit fact, was the only way it could become a genera ving the practical problems of an organized political movemer 8 creed, the breath of life. But itis never ia or, for that mater, before a it the Congress as a ‘employed for the solution of practical problems,” Dan sen men gi ponerse ‘Pages of Hind Swaraj, 1 Seeer ii cg tpl aa ta amelioration of the economic condition of the country." In 1930, on the eve of the Dandi March, we find Gandhi that he did not know what form of democracy India shoul hee He act have. He was not, 108 the Ci ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre ‘method alone interests me, and by the wishes ofthe people are reached. and force; the other is that of mere day-dream, a ty that the problem snoteven from the accordance of that programme or project with a collective perception of _Sommon interests or goals, It derived entirely from a moral claim — of personal adherence to truth So much so that the Af, That was the final proof of ‘Anand, in the middle of the not staging a play; its effect will ot pledge — if ing in Karachi during im to the Congress ‘And when Jairamdas Doulatram was injured ina pol Disobedience movement, Gandhi sent a office saying: CONSIDER JAIRAMDAS MOST FORTUNATE. BULLET WOUND ‘THIGH BETTER THAN PRISON. WOUND HEART BETTER STILL. BAPU.* 109‘The Moment of Manoeuvre Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World Gandhism finally reconciled the iti eecscal aoaeens the contradictions between the utopian and and mn the end, it saved its Truth by es the overall unity of that ideology, of the tutional historical impact of the Gandhian ideology on the evolution of ignificance. : ‘remain untouched by the e: tone gwaraj can only come through 30 ty that was the, ‘a to Congressmen was to make a choi lost faith ingts ered and it aa which depends its rel strength, to secede from it it conetiyn sake and proving his living faith inthe creed and proper by ‘actising te former and prosecuting the latter asil he had never ‘seceded from the Congress of his ideal." the ideal of property as trust was “true in theory only’, Like all ble ideal, solong as we are alive, bat towards which we must intent behind Gandhi’ ts the arch was for an eologica remain an unatting a own ney now re ke to beta ike tutes fein tau ccna yale istine socieonen see eaaeesly zon bal othe poo. ou may say tat tuseeshin 1c ee eee Holding i rsteesp is an absiracon Hike Buel’ definition of « us‘The Moment of Manoewre Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World attainable, But if we strive for it, we shall ate of equality on earth than by any other meth i vate possession s incompatible with non-violea ies re symptomatic of the eurous relationship, re has tomake to those who earn money but w ir earnings for the benefit of mankind. At other times, it woul Sophisticated reading of the lessons of political f0.d0 with the practi ee mine what this truthful political al movernent, Gandhisim woul was noteay todetermine whet his truth Lets not be obsessed with catchwords and seductive slogans imported from the wn di astern foreign to the essential genius of India which is capable of ‘Communism broad-based on the fundamental rights ofall and equal justice to all Sometimes, in trying to defend his politcal strategy of nationalist strugse, Gandhi would even feel forced to resort to some of the most naive culseai ‘essentialisms of Orientalist thought: By her very nature, Ind Kamal Pasha succee of a Turk, The Turks have followed the path of peact lover of peace .. .On the other hand, Mustafa th the sword because there is strength in every nerve ‘een fighters for centuries, The people of India have © for thousands of years... There is at the preseat , iitcan vantit,you may selection tothe Assembly ifitea REGin oucony extn o our part anon te lear understanding htt Pile 112Nationalist Thought and the Colonial ee ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre to these, Gandhi suggested two other areas in which the preservation of ettle wealth and the spread of b the also proposed a modality of work: the im the bureaucracy ‘honest and yuidance of organizations such asthe {india Vilage Industries As fasure, though bearing the Govern inthe role of minister in charge of the revival of ‘decision problem which he thought the new that Congress should contest ev never be the honour et in, 7 that a sest in a legi have to spend money on the elect nothaveto n elections. Nominees 2 por ould be elected witout amy effort on te laters Las examin q the uility value of legislatures... He who'can tell the peop sere ctae wef eure lo reve unex al government jas the support it might provide in mid-1946 he even made some specific suggestions ‘The Government should notify er a notify the il i ‘manufacture khaddar forthe n lagers that they will be expected ompulsi manuf had: for te ness of thei villages Within ed date nied ‘compulsions of bourgeois politics for two andl Vilager withcotee mn. Tae Governments in ther tam wil supply ‘of his life resumed tho struggle for Utopia. villagers ced or eaton wherever required t cast price and te tool enewed conv “Political necessarily means the removal ofthe control ofthe British army in sie tet oa Sega ne dc ee en hn sre nem 3 cities and towas of India." or shape a gas entire freedom from British capitalists and capita, a also 5 i ssaNationalist Thought and the Colonial World fence forces. My concept ti sh amy by an Nr has governed by even is national ara But no mater how relentless relonlesiy Gand bate it hed by then become patty ‘Congress leadership was now 7 ite machinery on # ne 3 2 meri rious that the main body of the ‘engaged in the task of running a moderq the full range of its coercive) it acquired greater ancy in the midst of the mad vi a fe which marked the transfer of power. In sorow not unmixed heneet with anger Gandhi sy Cones should stop ting abot rth and nonilene ange 116 ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre ‘peaceful and legitimate’ from its constitution. “Tam at:so long as the army or the finues to be used for the administration we shall remain subservient to the British or it respective of whether tention and was cons “had been carried out for so long. “The ciple had been lost sight of. ‘outlook and the spirit which was to under! But today Icannot continue imarily for self-consumption and: , because the emphasi morality cannot be called true economi ‘What was this morality? The moral its relation to the true conception of svardj. It was a mistake to regard kinddi a7Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World 4s any other industry and to work: the marketplace, If iad is an indust sconomics in terms ofthe prine only way to redeem the people ference, the only way to generate in them moving away from the ‘pract argument about the economic necessity of khadi with which for more than decades he had sought to persu presuppositions. Now he was reasserting the In pr also been achieved since cloth age homes. But Gandhi was unwilling ‘What Gandhi suggested now was khadi programme, raged to produce im on payment of Wages and to use that income to buy mill-made cloth, Tewas this dependence of the small producer on the market which the xhadi Programme must attempt to break. The present t town and country must be reversed.'” Now every entire yarn needed to snough tofind employm chance to survive and the rest were doomed to starvat make khad? ‘The Moment af Manoeuvre bow opr ‘there were not enough work ‘hem, Gandhi replied: If todo the new work being demar ‘lence -| «would then tags there canbeno sara hough novice | Lv of i co work ‘s " ‘own way even if I have renounce the «We ata eing ourselves we std Ato way Be 1 ‘development’. The of national development The of localized centres of rebel teristic of mas foxms characteristic of mass of a progr collapse of the established ordNationatist Thought and the Colonial World small producers not has of labour, Gandhi original task, the task he had power would create new volunteers to carry out tion. In that case, the task of setting up those (of British rule, in which case the the state, In his discussions with, the problem in so many words ‘Wemay be expected to clothe the whole country with khadi after gett power. Should wenot therefore make ‘other hand, if te state did not provide this opportunity, then the . a means for obtaining true svardj, must be carried To be an instrument of swaraj, naturs under Government or any other patronage spite of the resistance from Government: spinning and weaving mi villages as against the Gandhi, in other words, now fully anticipated the possi ‘The historic battle for freedom had prepared to participate in the struggle. leadership would not cooperate with any de ‘political swaraj' would itself become a major “real swaraj’ and the m: 120 ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre he would cooperate with others, the way in which members of afaraily of decentralization waste vilage in el in cconomicmaters ut lsoinruling possible and free and yyond the us form of expanding circles — a group ince, and so on, each self-reliant in its own te dominate a smaller one. ‘but only asmall surplus, much smaller than at presen and the 700,000 villages of India will dominat manufactures.” But tis was 0 ton my it. The ancien tom had many grave defects, most notably and aa fe despetim ofthe sate, and these could have no place ideal structure of socie ‘But how would the strugate be carried out in leading society to the path towards this ideal state? The period of colonial rule had resulted inthe entrench 121Nationalist Thought ai rial Thought and the Colonial World ‘The Moment of Manoeuvre ; c 2s iption and vio D aoe within the foundations of Indian socety. And now ater he strength of popu i ssn meen as resistance against col hhad been aroused and m on honourable pastime to dismiss from consideration honest servants ‘by dubbing them idealists, dreamers, fanatics and faddists, [Let not capitalists and other entrenched personages range themselves against om from bettering their lot by dignified tis hardly an the ir the Madras Government il go wrong, they ae, Yet mere honesty nd competence could hardly ensure that such a scheme Jd be “blessed by all, There was decidedly a question of overcoming a jous political opposition. Here to attribute the likely failure of the scheme to ‘ack of honesty and competence of the government was to evade the fact that ‘neither: constrictive worker, Gandhi s mn between th implications of sed, asitnow was wgh respect to the ian could not He will so win over the village Supposing I go and settle down ned enough each sin knowledge, True knowledge gives ‘andng and moral stengt. Everyone seeks the advice of such mans same time I believe that som¢ armchair or armed sociali The peopo, then, wosld follow the iediator because of his mora which would uence of his knowledge, which in turn oud Bs Our mills may export fundamental Gandhian premise about the need to dependence between nations. Gandhism hed no answer. ‘The same problem appeared when the question of suggesting a concrete structure of self-government for the village arose. Despite his fundamental disbelief in the institutions of representative government, Gandhi suggested that election by secret ‘was pethaps the only pr step. Yet the ‘dangers were obvious: ‘While exercising centralized power over the country, the British Government has polluted the atmosphere in the villages. The petty village offi servants, So great care has to be taken to ensure that these gangster = do not get into the panchayats.’ But how was this to be ensured if they could by force or trickery y other and more so than most. Anyway, I Ihave no substitute is to be based on non-violence,'** 123Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World Serap much of her past her the whole » nara ‘answer went on, till they woul ce , shandra, the peasant leader of Uttar would endeav Se it to ‘beg’ the great thought, but 1 affection on us and looked on us with Toving and hopeful the bearers of good tidings, the guides who were to ead them . and their misery and overflowing sth sbame and sorrow, shame at my own easy-going and ire and our petty politics of the city which ignored this vast raked sons and daughters of row atthe degrada edo se before thin us, casual land overwhelming poverty of India. A new pict ime, naked, starving, erushed, and uterly miserabl 146 147Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World visitors from the distant bility that fright ics and the state, about the pri is between leaders and the ma strategies and tactics. therefore learn to ‘act. rise up on the , turn out to be ‘irresponsible ‘api organised the peasantry to some extent he made all manner of po io them, vague and nebulous but full of hope for them. He had no prop. any kind and when he had brought them toa pitch of excitement res} to others....he tamed out later to be a very Tues hat if or someone [the peasants} trusted had been there and had aked have dispersed. They refused to take their orders from 148 The Moment of Arrival < imum p ations inorder to put maximem only oftheemotions which dwe nes Se ars epessns wee fe sof agrrian ne ‘that they could easily be misled into eae ote dour eduse: alin those days of what T 1082 Who en a female oeNationalist Thought and the Colonial World their true and rational interests, int experience of agrarian upheavals bility of peasant conscious ‘desperate and at white heat resistance by the peasantry into the broad sal freedom was the task of the “organized nat = country in which th ion was ‘more than ionary” knows Indi Shaken up Ina nos. Nehru says, an almost magician?” Nehru had Cntreme dsologia csagreement™ In fac ‘The Moment of Arrival of reason; om the contrary, the appeal suspension of reason. 1s would hold one and gently probe into the depths; Timpid, would purr its way into the heart and evoke an 1d of one person oF his voice, tional the action and the ical assumptions be fe had an amazing ‘a very difficult person to underst simost incomprehensible to an average modern. But we apagh to realise he was a great and unique man and a glorious leader, and ‘put our faith in him we gave him an almost blank cheque time bel Teast, Often we discussed his fads and peculiarities among Tar homorously, that when Swaraj came these fads mist not be encouraged. 51Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World unstated deduction Gandhi has the powerto mobilize the masses towards Swar almost blank cheque for the time being. is fads and peculiarities must not be encouraged, state leadership reco, intervention. It was a rojects like ‘constructive workin the Was necessary first of ail to concentrate on the immediate political rh lf government. The task of transforming the countryside could Bi ament.. own unless the peasantry not be overthrown unless the pean ‘approval because it was fu le, was worthy of approval . ‘equenees. “Communalist’ interventions, equally incomprel conseMoment of Arrival powers of mobilization, were to be di disay of aod hence diction intl on ayrroved of becate tay wands the formulation of a public sector. The whole philosophy of i .ps in a modem language, was not only . form and land reform. Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World The reconstituted into the moni Co anal a eo tte montte unity of inear pro logy as a massive and cynic ‘tum would confound the ve of the ideol ‘ofa mature nationalist ideology cost re would see that the Gandhi in the passive revolution part of the ‘bridged the gap betwen ‘the and ‘forced [the now pushed back into the zone of the ‘ its political conseque ofthe ‘purely religi i poltical consequences were ‘re psychological revolt ibn fact, he was more than a mere representative: psychological moment. jovernment, ‘hata problem and a puzzlche has been not only tothe British G put to his own people and his closest associates!" 155Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World ‘The Moment of Arrival be the appropriate guide at this stage of the journey. The disjunetare 's could be successfully handled only to the conclusion that Gandhiji’s difficulties had been caused because he ‘an unfamiliar medium. He was 8 special field of ingly led him to take the right ‘and making others work quietly sbsolute wat oF His power to mov 4 were re people was incom © not. Many who joined him eo an polities was not guided by ‘cleanly conceived ends’ by a conception id no agro with istrical objectives. “In spite of the closest association ‘my own mind samstances, or even how ‘struggle was now one of race between the forces of peaceful progress and construct er... We can view this prospect as yas and mental make-t seers or ash their own weak shoulders, hoping r ing ofthe real history ofthe nation. And thus it was political consequences of that intervention were fully appropriated of real history defini hat then are we aiming a? Wek the creation structure Ths peered fe ceatin of ne nana rte. And hs ould re pespetve wa tha of talking about the socialism . And it was obvious, therefore, that Gandhi fas equally forthright: ‘The emotional a that Gandhi could ppetltosovalism isnot enough. This mustbe supplemented by an intelectual Nehru had said when: criticizing theoretical and not paying enowgh 157Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World based on facts and arguments and would represe interest ofthe people asa whole. It would not be d truth of history that only an indus resources for the balanced satisfac lanced - Everywhere, ely developed count ons ina way which possibly a socials fy yeas ago GU ot ‘economic activities, ‘mean a fundar this was now a ek ‘The Moment of Arrival had nothing to do with socialism per 5 ing a constituent part of modemit ly pa Frases industrialization required equality of © standards had been already set by those matters. Only the s f the economy a5 of those aspects. yuestion of ut pinch "Any suchatlempt enormous energy ad opportunity. location ofr society, OF 2 national path remained to be dete cing and opti‘The Moment of Arrival Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World technicism would fead to that, most nr younger Jawaharlal would have hing fe Wh rae I ta the abstract, and allow prir to develop out of such consider fates aloe co re Mote ano Perera Say aaa biggest sin ‘unemployment, were so great that ‘compelled to think on new state! Wait not i : stern vous par of 0 ction’ and gress? Would 20 to move those preservation of society as a whole. No squabbles, no struggles for power, no inthe path red to exercise power to remove t politic ll your prayers at the feet of the sarkar, the omnipotent and supremely enlightened state, and they will be duly passed 4 lanning forthe overall progress ofthe county Ifyour reqs are consistent with the requirements of progress, they will Sociaism, Nehra would now repeatedly wa lar: “We cannot bind the future, We can only deal) proses bal ies of power, accel withfacts asthey ae." Anditisnotsuprisingthatanattemptnow to morally seeepted the EeThe Moment of Arrival Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World the French savant’ on the charms 1934, criticizing communal a seca em ean seg selected Works of Jawaharlal 3 to the press, Allahabad, § January 1 hereafter SW), vol.6, pp.184-5. “Orient Longsnan, 1972-8 in Nehr’s works where he says. do with religion, that its causes i the economic problems are jehru, An Autobiography (London: Bodley Head, 4. jawaherlal Nehru, iscover c ava fhru, The Discovery of India (New York: John Ds favours from a third party — the ruling jon of foreign forhis own particu! arguments and demand eotations from Schopenha i, Romain Rolland, even H.G. Wel 163Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World resng argument on this pint, see Carmen tra Revlon, Brian Pears (Seger Hens 47. DI, pp.286-7. 48. DI, p.300, fou have written to me that ou ing to reed anand Me fens fee se ei eg icular Sumi ussion of the symbolisms of this phase of middle ac, The Swadeshi Movement tn sing House, 1973), cop pros 5 Hayat Sida (New Delhi 66. 4! Pool , pp.61-2. 67. 4, p54. 68. 4, p59. tote for the sake of compar te sae of ompson what Nebr wt on our ideas and our Rass also the revolutionaries of tn elder genase ‘The Moment of Arrival of theory, and hardly believed in the realisation oftheir ideals. But Lenin ith his Gitectness and realism and shook the fabric of old time orthodox faim and revolution. He taught people to think that the ideal they had med of and worked for wasnot mere theory" erealised then there. By amazing foree of will he hypnotised ‘demoralised people with energy and determi re and suffer for a cause. 12-3. 5 Specch atthe inauguration of production atthe Integral Coach Faciony, 2 October 1955. Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speeches (New Delhi reafter S], voL3, p.23. ‘Welfare in 2 Developing Economy, New {in Parliament, 22 August 1963. S, Note written in Naini Central Jail, SW, vol4, pp444-51. 1, pPS8B9. ‘Sheesh in Parliament, 15 December 1952. S, vol.2, p93. ‘Address. to © December 1953. S, vol.3, p59, ‘Speech in Parliament, 21 December 1953. S, vol-3, p13. ‘Speech ata public meeting, Bangalore, 6 February 1962. S, vol4,p.151. . DE, pp-532-3. ‘the Associated Chambers of Commerce, Calcutta, 14 165,Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World 3. DI, p.s ‘ . | The Cunning of Reason “Thus God knows the world, because Hee conceived it in Violence of privat Tis mind, as if fom the outside, before it was created, ‘than te groups and : ‘and we do not know its rule, beet it, ‘paving fou Umberto Eco, The Name of the Rose “The Mind of a Judge’, SW, vol.6, pp.487-8. hich the leading characte ance’ in Bengal and, ith two native sentries) ‘Nimehand. {looking atthe lamp in the Sergeant's hand) ‘ail, holy light, ‘of Heaven first-bom, Or ‘co-eternal beam, ee unblamed? Me Sergeant. Whi Sentry 1. A ‘Sergeant. Wi with you? 7 ‘Nimchand. Tid it: never shake at me. Sergeant, » Bog zeared? You know what'll happen 10 Yous dor’ you? Serseam™ | Spear sunt, hold out your arms, sve me! Lam Aba turned into ‘Sergeant. You'll have to come to the Nimehand, Man but a rush against Oth ‘And he retires. ‘Sergeant, Who are you? Sergeant Tm Maitaka so ofthe mountain, now cooling my WinBs the Sergeant. ‘the Hooghly. Nimehand. 167pieeaee ‘ationalist Thought and the Colonial World The Cunning of Reason , guarantor and legitimator of productive invest- between Reason and capital has That isthe story of Eng ‘emic privilege, namely, ‘development’ as dictated iceman, and the api icateexample of ‘vays in which the conilict beteen capital ‘consequences appro- ia readily appear ‘unresolved. They are apparent rationalist regime in the world. In numerous movements based on ethnic ident “the natior is shown up.The Cunning of Reason Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World "Hegel, Lectures on the Philosophy of World History: Introduction, I, a iniversity Press, 1975), p.89. a (cae er apse to Vera asulch now avalblen = a en Lae Marsan te Rashon Road (Lando [ tion in’ 7 of this cent visualized, In fact, man show to what extent dations of colonial 1881 ‘the finest chance’ much that has been suppressed\in the historical creation of post Scots much that has been erased or glossed over bie life history, bear the marks of the and wholly unequal battle The critique of natio new universality, tospeakon behalfof and to challenge the presumed sovereignty ofa sence which ats {he service of capital, toreplace, in other words, the ola roblematicand ic with new ones, 170Bibliography ‘seat sh works) (ed). Jogesh Chandra Bagal (Cal vet eed rh “i ‘of Mahatma Gandhi, 87 vols. 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