1 POPULATION | CLASSIC 4 search, sss ZU crtusss ao ne mer ee of Life city is to discover the CONTEMPORAR] cxpalznon ht pte LOUIS Wirt ‘manent, compact sett heterogeneous individ. urbanism will assume extreme form in the m tions with which itis ¢ the larger, the more den: heterogeneous a comm Ithe characteristics assc For many decades, sociologists in Europe and the United States have commented on the distinctive qualities of urban social life. In 1938, US. sociologist Louis Wirth integrated ‘these various insights into a comprehensive theory of urbanism. Although it has been challenged and reformulated over the years, Wirth’ theory remains probably the best- jomie justification choice of the principal known sociological statement on urbanism. A SOCIOLOGICAL DEFINITION OF THE CITY, Despite the preponderant signe of te oy in ow civitaion, our kaowleie oft atts truism and én poouscf whescaton seme, soteiisandieg any aarp toto sane suishng crass ofan ie Coops Fstorans comin, tnd poli sents hoe incerraied the poof vbw afer eae tive docile in dvonedtnitons of he oy. Whi inno see inened tosuponed hee te realae oem eeee iced ap ieidnalh ae eee aoa ae | tbo between em by empatoie te ee eee | cthumanecection Becptsons ST dgfinition of the city seeks to select those elements \ tas ih nk a ince de ot ee i ‘Sars Fo econ rma Srcohag Re. July 1938 p. 1-24, copyaghe © 1994 oy Fhe Unversity af ‘Chicago Pes Reprinted by pemison othe Unversity a hcg Pree ” ih, What makes a Ci a distinctive “socia 440 (world C ya parkeviae for For sociological purposes a city may be defined as a relatively large, dense, and permanent sette- ment of socially heterogeneous individuals. On the basis of the postulates which this minimal def- inition suggests, a theory of urbanism may be formulated in the light of existing knowledge con- cerning social groups. A THEORY OF URBANISM Given a limited number of identifying characteris- tics ofthe city, I can better assay the consequences or further characteristics of them in the light of general sociological theory and empirical research hope in this manner to arrive at the essential pro- positions comprising a theory of urbanism. Some \F these propositions can be supported by a con- siderable body of already available research materi- ls; others may be accepted as hypotheses for which ‘a certain amount of presumptive evidence exists, but for which more ample and exact verification would be required. At least such a procedure will, it is hoped, show what in the way of systematic age gsociahen m of h a inition ofthe city, a defi inclusive and at the sami sible without unnecessa: large numbers are nece ‘means, of course, large restricted area or high dk are, nevertheless, good ‘numbers and density as each may be connected cent social consequence: adding heterogeneity tor necessary and distinet er bbe questioned, since we ¢ differences to increase v it may be said that the © agree of heterogeneity of be wholly accounted for bers or adequately repres ‘mal distribution curve, B the city does not reproduc fnigrants from other ete in the United States, The city has thus histor pot of races, peoples, and vorable breeding-ground ‘cultural hybrids, Tt hag nv warded individ \_Barrere from the et i | | |a> a vay commented on the 's Wirth integrated ugh it has been vbably the best- ‘oses a city may be defined nse, and permanent settle geneous individuals. On #8 which this minimal def- ory of urbanism may be of existing knowledge con- NISM of identifying characteris- le assay the consequences sof them in the light of ory and empirical research, arrive at the essential pro- theory of urbanism. Some fu be supported by a con- + available research materi= ced as hypotheses for which ssumptive evidence exist, ple and exact verification ast such a procedure will, in the way of systematic humor © Mec nciehen knowledge of the city we now have and what are the erucial and fruitful hypotheses for future re- search. "The ceniral problem of the sociologist of the city is to discover the forms of social action and) “organization that typically emerge in relatively per- ‘manent, compact settlements of large numbers of} heterogeneous individuals. We must also infer that urbanism will assume its most characteristic andi ‘extreme form in the measure in which the condi tions with which itis congruent are present. Thus the larger, the more densely populated, and the more heterogeneous @ community, the more accentuated lhe characteristics associated with urbanism will ‘Some Jumification may be in order for the choice of the principal terms comprising our de inition ofthe city, a definition which ought to be as ‘nelusive and at the same time as denotative as p sible without unnecessary assumptions. To say that large numbers are necessary to constitute a city means, of course, large numbers in relation to a restricted area or high density of settlement. There are, nevertheless, good reasons for treating large numbers and density as separate factors, because ‘each may be connected with significantly differ- tent social consequences. Similarly the need for adding heterogeneity to numbers of population as a necessary and distinet criterion of urbanism might be questioned, since we should expect the range of differences to increase with mumbers. In defense it may be said that the city shows a kind and de- gree of heterogeneity of population which cannot be wholly accounted for by the law of large num= bers or adequately represented by means of a nor- ‘mal distribution curve. Because the population of does not reproduce itselffit must recruit ‘nigrants from other cies, the countryside, and— in the United States. . .—from other counties. ‘The city has thus historically been the melting pot of races, peoples, and cultures, and a most f vorable breeding-ground of new biological and ccultural hybrids, It has not only tolerated by warded individu ees, It has brought to- Falher people from the ends of the earth because UH chee reward jadyvl eating 10 UrbanimasaWavof ike 441 they are different and thus useful to one another. rather than because they are homogeneous and like: minded ‘A number of sociological propositions concer ing the relationship between (a) numbers of popu Tation,(b) density of settlement, (c) heterogeneity of ‘habitants and group life can be formulated on the ‘basis of observation and research. Size of the Population Aggregate Ever since Aristotle’ Politics, it has been rec: ‘ognized that increasing the number of inhabitants ina settlement beyond a certain limit will affect the relation tween them and the character of the city) Large numbers involve, as has been Tamed out, a greater range of individual varia~ tion, Furthermore, the greater the number of indi- viduals participating in a process of interaction, the greater i the potential differentiation between them. The personal traits the occupations, the cul~ tural life, and the ideas of the members of an urban ‘community may, therefore, be expected to range ‘between more widely separated poles than those of rural inhabitants. “Phat such variatvons Should give FRE TT tial segregation of individuals according to color, ethnic heritage, economic and social status, tastes and preferences, may readily be infeed. The bonds of kinship, of neighborliness, and the sentiments arising out of living together for generations under common folk tradition are likely to be absent oF. at best, relatively weak in an aggregate the mem- bers of which have such diverse origins and back= grounds. Under such circumstances competition land formal control mechanisms furnish the sub- stitutes for the bonds of solidarity that are relied upon to hald a folk society topether. GreAE TH the number of inhabitants of @ Aesrowmunity beyond a few hundred is bound to limit the possibility of each member of the com ‘munity knowing all the others personally. Max Weber, in recognizing the social significance of this fact, explained that from a sociological point of view large numbers of inhabitants and densityHA Nyt cof settlement nica a fie of that mutual aequain- tanceship which ordinarily inhepss between the inhabitants in a neighborhood. The increase in eso chaingéd character ot the raumbers thus ins sos folationships, As Georg Sinnel porns wut If] the unceasing extemal contact of nuses cof persons in the ety Shon be met the same bumsher oF inner rections sinh smal 4 ‘which one hive alos! every person he mets aid to gach of who he fas positive telat sip. ne sould he compl pally al oul fall sata an auuinkale mental conition: ont of pasts Tat} SatwoF eraction undsr conditions whieh make | thie contacts ill persnaltis impossible pro | tl sometines beet seize upon by | jv atomized inter duces that se ships which students of the mental lie of the eities pkasation for the “schizakl” character of urban personality. This iS not ho say taal the urbe habitants have ewe Inabitants, tor the reverse may actly be trues means rather that in relation to the number of peele wh they see and with shin they a tls inte course oF ly Tie hey kaw | sanaller proportion, and of these they have less | imensive know eu Ta highly segmental roles, ey are te stn salen teristicaly, urbanites meet on slent pon inure people fr he satisftions of Heit Iifesnoeds than are raral people ana thus are asso. ciated wu bout they are fess dependent upon particular persons an hei de highly Haetionalized aspect oF the ether’ re sar unber oF organized groups, Jonge upon others s confined to ingen. spr Tie reserve the inline which urbanism om ti elation thus be rnd ces or immu th SGI REAST RE petsoinal era ep er tpaentenrntncmaenms tam yey eats east The superficiality, the anonymity, and the tran sitory chara rk imellisib ity usin the sense that the rule which each one plays in our life is eneruhelmingly regard asa meats forthe aehevement of our on ids, Whereas the ua cortain degree ind temanvipation oe ied othe person onthe lr ha the ytanus ele the Tia ad he seme of participate cones with ving ian ingrid soviet. This const essen the sae Kanani the i Durkben Wudkesirattempt- 1 sarious Fors of social di five ‘organization in techno The segmental chiracter nel iniliian decent ‘of interpersinal relations ithe vily: Fx! their institutional expression in the proliferation of sp cial tanks wich we see in thir most developed Hin athe professions. The op ns ofthe pect hiaey nevus lea to predatory relationships. which tend to obstruct the efficient functioning of the ‘octal order unless eheeked by profesiemal coos * and vecupsational etiquette. The peersinnn put upow lility and ellicieney suggests the adaptahibity of the composite device forthe organization of ente prises i which inuividuals e only in ¢ that the corporation has tiser the individual entrepreneur and the par fron the possibilty it aflonals of centralizing reseiarees of thousands individals OF front the t ‘of limited ability andl perpetual ssiecession, bat fran the Biel that the corporation al privile Fas my so The specialization of individuals, particularly in their occupations, cin proceed only. as Adkum Smith pointed out pon te basis oF an market. whieh i tur accentuates the division off A plod by the erty’s hinterland; i is founel among the large numbers that the eity turban lite are sion of labor ions, this ints increase by tf se in hase fit advantage. Ina comm inl iualsth sand gas Beas fey anicubite ae slotegation. Typ eftsetive throm heard with a the muanibers fs Wile this « Taras it aerive any mais es eht be drat Liowship ot the the behavior of the assertions it Density Asinthe ration a Ti or relevance in emerge, OF thes As Darwin p 1» Durklcity io sng men and th complesity uf thy / Vet enymity, and the tran- cial relations make ation and the rational feller. Our acqusin- ationship of uility which each one plays regarded asa means sym ends. Whereas the sand, a certain degree from the personal and ate groups, he loses, seous self-eigression ‘of participation that grated society. This ate of or the malhidestratiempt- 5 forms of socal dis L society and TTTaFTaN BCSEHE 1 the city find their proliferation of spe- their most developed perations of the pecu- relationships, which it functioning of the 'y professional codes 1e premium put upon 's the adaptability of srganization of enter- can engage only in the corporation has ‘eur and the partner- orld derives not only s of centralizing the lividuals oF from the bility and perpetual that the corporation viduals, particularly ‘ceed only, as Adam basis of an enlarged sates the division of is only in part sup- in large measure it imbers that the city itself contains, The dominance of the city over the surrounding hinterland becomes explicable in terms of the division of labor which urban life occasions and promotes. The extreme degree of {interdependence and the unstable equilibrium of turban life are closely associated with the divi- sion of labor and the specialization of occupa tions. This interdependence and this instability are jncreased by the tendency of each city to special ize in those functions in which it has the greatest advantage. {n.a community composed ofa larger number of individuals than can know one another intimately and can be assembled in one spot, it becomes nec essary to communicate through indirect media and fo articulate individual interests by a process of delegation. Typically inthe city, interests are made fffective through representation. The individual ‘cunts for litle, but the voice of the representative E heard with a deference roughly proportional to the numbers for whom he speaks. ‘While this characterization of urbanism, in 80 far as it derives from large numbers, does not by ‘any méans exhaust the sociological inferences that right be drawn from our knowledge of the rela- facteris- | of nuisances such as noise, tionship of the size of a group to the char tic behavior ofthe members, forthe sake of brevity the assertions made may serve to exemplify the sort ‘of propositions that might be developed. Density ‘As in the case of numbers, so in the case of con- ‘consequences centration in limited space certain of relevance in sociological analysis of the city temerge. Of these only a few can be indicated. ‘As Danwin pointed out for flora and fauna and fas Durkheim noted inthe case of human societies, ‘an increase in numbers when area is held constant (Ge., an increase in density) tends to produce diffe entiation and specialization, since only inthis way ‘can the area support increased numbers. Density thus reinforces the effect of numbers in diversify~ s and in inereasing the jing men and their acti ‘complexity of the social structure Reading 10° Urbanism as oWavoflife 443 Cn the subjective side, as Sime! has suggested the close physical contact of numerous individuals rcearly produces a sift i the media trough neh we orient ourselves oth urban mile, es Fava to or feli-men, Typically, ou physical tant The tbs tem premium on visual ra ron We see the uniform which denies the” he role oF he Tanetionaries, and are obTivious to the 744 \y Wie tend to acquire and develop & Sensitivity 8, ~, ‘world of artifacts, and become progressively farther.” Pes, Temoved from the word of nature We are exposed to glaring contrasts between splendor and squalor between ches and poverty. seectimence and ignorance, order and chaos The a on oF SpHCe Te BPE 0 Takeo area senrally tends to be put othe use which yes Serereatestevonomie reir, Place of work tends we eene disoiated from place of residence. for tne proximity of indusial and commercial athens makes an area both exonomicaly st aowally undesirable for residential purposes. Dons nd ales, ental, acess, heath fatness pesige,aestic consideration, absence smoke and dir dete irabiliy of various areas of he city ferent sections of ‘mine the des as places of settlement for di the population. Place and nature of ‘come, racial and ethnic characteristics, social sta~ tus, custom, habit, taste, preference, and prejudice fare among the significant factors in accordance with which the urban population is selected! and inct settlements Diverse population eTements inhabiting @ settlement thus become segregated from one an- other inthe degree in which their requirements and ‘modes of life are incompatible and in the measure in which they are antagonistic. Similarly, persons ‘of homogeneous status and needs unwittingly drift select, or are forced by circum into, consciously art of the stances into the same area, The different ¥ acquire specialized functions, and the city con smble a mosaic of social ther cit sequently comes to reset ‘yortds in which the transition from one tothe ot& dute, ble, cedicte vals €5$ én A adherence to \s $44. pudacion and Urbaniation is abrupt. The juxtaposition of divergent personali- ties and modes of life tends to produce a rela tivistic perspecti differences which may be regarded as pretequi sites for rationality and which lead toward the The close living together and working togethet of individuals who have no sentimental and emo: tional tics foster a spirit of competition, aggran ddizement, and mutual exploitation, Faxmaal controls} ane insted counteract TResponsib-and potential disorder Without rigid adherence pre seayely Be able To atin Tea The soo a social onder Inthe urban worl. Hequent else physical contact couple with ret social stan tutes the reserve of unatacke indivi toward one aber and. unless eompensited by other opportune for response, gives ie 1 lone cay aT ETT Taber of individuals ma congesed abiat causes thtion and leation. Nervous trans which derive fom such personal fustation are increased by the rapid tempo and the complicated technology under which ie dense areas must be lived Heterogeneity The social interaction among such a variety of personality types in the urban milieu tends to break down the rigidity of caste lines und to complicate the class structure; it thus induces a more ramified and differentiated framework of social statifiea- tion than is found in more integrated so The heightened mobility of the individual, which brings him within the range of stimulation by a feat number of diverse individuals and subjects him to fluctuating status in the differentiated social groups that compose the social structure of the eity, brings him toward the acceptance of instability and insecurity in the world at large as a norm, This fact helps to account, too, for the sophistication and ccosmopolitanism of the urbanite. No single group e and a sense of toleration of bas the undivided allegiance of the individual. The groups with which hei affiliated donot lend them selves readily ta simple hierarchical arrangement. By virwe of his differen interests arising out of diferent aspects of socal life, the individual ac quires membership in widely divergent groups, sGghoT which functions only with reference 1 a Single segment of his psrsauality. Nor do these groups easily permit a concentric arrangement so that the narrower ones fall within the circumfer ‘nce of the more inclusive ones, a is more likely to be the case in the rural community or in primi tive societies. Rather the groups with which the person typically is ailited are tangential to each other or interseet in highly variable fashion, Partly as a result ofthe physical footlooseness of the population and partly as a result of thee sovial mobility, fhe tumover WT EROOP Tbe ship generally rapid, Place of residence. plae| and character of employment, income, and interests fluctuate, and the task of holding organizations| together and maintaining and promoting intimate (and lasting acquaintanceship between the members is APES staking to the Toca areas Within the city into which persons become segre- gated more by virtue of differences in race, lan guage, income, and social status than through choice or positive atraction to people lke them selves. Overwhelmingly the city-dweller is not a home-owner, and since a transitory habitat does not generate binding traditions and sentiments, only rarely is he a true neighbor. There is litle ‘opportunity for the individual to obtain a concep tion ofthe city asa whole oF to survey his place inte total scheme, Consequently he finds it difi- cult o determine what i to his sun “best interests” and to decide between the issues and leaders pre- sented to him by the agencies of mass suggestion Individuals who are thus detached from the ong nized bodies which integrate society comprise the ‘uid masses that make collective behavior inthe urban community so unpredictable and hence so problematical ‘Although the city, through the reerutment of saiant types to perform its diverse tasks and the accentuation of the tition and the prem efficient performan ahighly differentia 8 leveling influene differently constitu process of depersor cling tendency int basis of the city. TI at Feast in the mode upon the concent: of the factory mad an impersonal mat} the possibilities of production, howeve dardization of proc economy goes hand production. Progres upon a background the pecuniary nexus ity of services and relations as the basi under these cireum ‘categories. When 1 common use of fac facilities and institu the average person 1 individuals. The ser the recreational, edt tions, must be adjust ilaly, the cultural in: the movies, the radio, of their mass client as leveling influe appears in urban lle Tess one examined th mmiodern propagandaoe ofthe indvidua The ted do ne end them iratchiealarangement inerest arsng ou of ifthe individu divergent groups, aly ath reterence 2 Fvthin the eeumir ones, a is more likely ‘mmunity orn prim troupe with which the {ae tangenta to each variable fashion bhvsicalfootooseness fre ‘eri group member ce of residence place ‘income, a interes bolding organizations] sd promoting inmate between the members myobebarmes ersons become sep” Feences in race, lan status than though te peopl like them citedweler snot ansitory habitat does ons and setiment, abr There is ite Ito obtain concep 1 survey his place rly he finds i sown best intrest" ves and leaders pre- of mass suggestion ched fom the org. sity comprise te sve Bekavor in the cuble and hence so 1 the recruitment of iverse tasks and the accentuation of their uniqueness through compe- tition and the premium upon eccentricity, novelty, efficient performance, and inventiveness, produces highly differentiated population, i also exercises a leveling influence. Wherever large numbers of differently constituted individuals congregate. the process of depersonalization also enters. This lev= eling tendency inheres in part in the economic basis of the city: The development of large cities, at least in the modern age, was largely dependent upon the concentrative force of steam. The rise of the factory made possible mass production for an impersonal market. The fullest exploitation of the possibilities of the division of labor and mass production, however, is possible only with stan- dardization of processes and products. A money economy goes hand in hand with such a system of production. Progressively as cities have developed upon a background of this system of production, the pecuniary nexus which implies the purchasabil- ity of services and things has displaced personal relations as the basis of association. Individuality under these circumstances must be replaced by categories. When large numbers have to make comnion use of facilities and institutions, those facilities and institutions must serve the needs of the average person rather than those of particular individuals. The services of the public utilities, of the recreational, educational, and cultural institu- tions, must be adjusted to mass requirements. Simt- ilarly, the cultural institutions, such as the schools, the movies, the radio, and the newspapers, by virtue Of their mass clientele, must necessarily operate as leveling influences. The political process as it ‘appears in urban life could not be understood un- less one examined the mass appeals made through ‘modern propaganda techniques. If the individual Reading 10° Urbanism ave Wir of ike 448 ‘would participate at all in the social, political, and ‘economic life ofthe city, he must subordinate some of his individuality to the demands of the larger community and in that measure immerse himselt in mass movements On the basis of the three variables, number. density of settlement, and degree of heterogencity of the urban population, it appears possible to ex- plain the characteristics of urban life and to ac- count for the differences between cities of various sizes and types. CRITICAL-THINKING QUESTIONS 1. What basic issue should a sociological theory of urbanism address? Why is Wirth’s approach to studying urbanism also termed “ecological”? 2 How does Wirth define a city? How do the three defining factors give rise to an urban way of life? 3. According to Wirth, what are the qualities of social relationships in cities? What moral conse- ‘quences seem to fallow? NOTES 1, Wirtschaft und Geslschft (Tbingen, 1925), pa chap. 8, p514 2. “Dre Grosse und as Gistesishen” Die Grsstad ‘4. Theodor Peterman (Dresden, 1903). pp 187-206 3, B, Dut, De le division dv tre social (Pai 1932), p.248 4, The exon to which the segregation ofthe population ita distinct ecological and cull areas andthe reslang ‘ial atitde of tolerance, rationality and secular mental arc functions of density ae ceinguished frm beteogstet Sifficl to determine. Most key we are dealing here With phenomena which are consequeees ofthe simultaneous op ration ofboth factors