Libya's Arab spring: the revolution that ate its children

(Source: The Guardian, Feb 16, 2015)

It was better under Gaddafi, says the young Libyan student, studying the froth bubbling over
the top of his cappuccino in a cafe in Tunis as he contemplates the revolution that
swept Muammar Gaddafi from power four years ago. I never thought to say this before, I hated
him, but things were better then. At least we had security.
Tuesday marks the fourth anniversary of that revolution but nobody is celebrating. Egyptian air
strikes now hammering Islamic State positions in the east of the country, in response to the
beheading of 21 Egyptian Christians, is a further twist in an already grim civil war. Four years
ago the student picked up a gun and joined rebel militias. Now he wishes he had stayed home.
If I had that time again, I would not join [the rebels], he says. Like many of his former
comrades, he has left the country, but wont give his name, fearing retribution against his family
back home.
In the past, we would have a party for the anniversary of the revolution, but not this time, says
Ashraf Abdul-Wahab, a journalist. A lot of people tell you it was better under Gaddafi, that the
revolution was a mistake. What they mean is, things are worse now than they were then.
Libyas Arab spring was a bloody affair, ending with the killing of Gaddafi, one of the worlds
most ruthless dictators. His death saw the rebel militias turn on each other in a mosaic of turf
wars. Full-scale civil war came last summer, when Islamist parties saw sharp defeats in elections
the United Nations had supervised, in the hope of bringing peace to the country. Islamists and
their allies rebelled against the elected parliament and formed the Libya Dawn coalition, which
seized Tripoli. The new government fled to the eastern city of Tobruk and fighting has since
raged across the country.
With thousands dead, towns smashed and 400,000 homeless, the big winner is Isis, which has
expanded fast amid the chaos. Egypt, already the chief backer of government forces, has now
joined a three-way war between government, Libya Dawn and Isis.
It is all a long way from the hopes of the original revolutionaries. With Africas largest oil
reserves and just six million people to share the bounty, Libya in 2011 appeared set for a bright

future. We thought we would be the new Dubai, we had everything, says a young activist who,
like the student, prefers not to give her name. Now we are more realistic.
Just why Libyas Arab spring went so badly wrong is a matter of hot debate. Some blame
NATO for not following up with political support after its air campaign; some argue that it was
the lack of institutions to make democracy work, or Libyas atomized tribal structure that makes
cooperation hard and magnifies distrust. Many have simply given up.
So many of the revolutionaries of four years ago have gone to ground, they have fled, says
Michel Cousins, editor of the English-language Libya Herald newspaper. They say a revolution
eats its children.
Journalists flocked to Libya four years ago. Now Tripoli, after a series of Isis attacks, is too
dangerous for all but the most intrepid, while Tobruk, in lockdown after a series of car
bombings, has told the media to stay away.
The new government, hunkered down in a hotel in Tobruk, is riven by disputes, with many
fearing it will fragment. In Tripoli, Libya Dawn has struggled to impose firm rule on a city now
giving way to anarchy. Dawn commanders have reconvened the former government, the general
national congress, but true power lies with the militias.
Zealots are making themselves felt in the capital, which was once Libyas most liberal city.
Women can no longer leave the city, on the few flights still operating, unless they have a male
chaperone. Gunmen have attacked statues, Sufi mosques, a library and the art college, warning
against displays of idolatry. Beauty salons are closed and schools segregated by sex. This week
one unit announced the arrest of a woman for witchcraft, posting photographs of her and a
mutilated black cat.
I know people say it was safer in Gaddafi times but not for everyone; one of our relatives was
kept in prison then, he was starved and beaten, says a Tripoli resident, again declining to give
her name. Our problem were the elections. Many of the candidates were full of enthusiasm but
with no experience in politics.
Meanwhile, Benghazi, Libyas second city, where the revolution first began with protests outside
the courthouse, is being transformed into an Arab Stalingrad by fighting between government
troops and Islamist militias. Four years ago, Courthouse Square was festooned with flags,

revolutionary banners and youngsters singing songs in brightly painted tents. Now it is a
pulverized wilderness.
NATO [helped] Libyas revolution, its bombing the key to victory, but alliance leaders now look
on aghast at the result, not least the growth of Isis. Unknown in Libya before last summer, Isis
has taken advantage of the chaos to expand rapidly. Its execution of the Egyptian Christians,
captured in December and January, has triggered an Egyptian response that promises to turn
the war into an international conflict. London, Paris and Washington, prime movers behind
NATOs intervention, worry that Isis could launch strikes on Europe across the Mediterranean.
Meanwhile, Italy is dealing with the arrival of tens of thousands of migrants funneled through
Libya, many drowning on their hazardous journey.
Amid the chaos, some politicians on both sides are scrambling to make a deal. We are
fearing the disintegration of the state, said parliaments deputy speaker, Mohammed Ali
Shuhaib, who spent 10 years in political prison under Gaddafi. He is pushing for a new unity
government. There is hope, not all Libya Dawn supporters are fanatics.
The problem is that Libya is now polarized, a majority backing the government, a sizable
minority turning to Libya Dawn, with the room for compromise shrinking fast. The UNs envoy,
Bernadino Len, abandoned peace talks in Geneva last month after Libya Dawn refused to show
up.
Egypt, allied with the recognized government, may now tip the scales in favor of Tobruk.
Already, by dint of its international recognition, the government is acquiring military hardware,
an expanding air force proving the trump card in recent battles with Libya Dawn.
Len insists his priority is saving Libya before it attains complete meltdown. With oil exports
plunging, the country is surviving on fast-depleting foreign reserves. He fears Libya will soon
run out of money to feed itself, run power plants, and fuel the pumps that supply the cities with
water from deep wells in the Sahara. Libya is falling really very deeply into chaos, he says.
For ordinary people, life is now a battle for survival, and amid the power, water and petrol cuts,
the most acute shortage is optimism, a quality flowing so abundantly four years ago. Where it
exists at all, it is cautious and circumspect. Martin Luther King said I have a dream, and I still
have the dream, says Shuhaib. Its not the same dream as four years ago, people now are
disappointed and frustrated, but the dream is there.

Guided Questions:
1) In the first paragraph, what does the young Libyan student mean when he says It was
better under Gaddafi? Explain.

2) According to this article, what happened in Libya immediately after Gaddafis death? Use
evidence from the article to support your response.

3) Who is the big winner of the Libyan revolution, according to this article? Use evidence
from the article to support your response.

4) Explain the current Libyan governments situation. (page 3)

5) How has the international community responded to the current situation in Libya?
NATO, United States etc.

6) Libyan Dawn (the new Libyan government) has been struggling to seize real control of
the country. According to the article, what are some reasons for this? Explain.