Professional Psychology: Research and Practice

2007, Vol. 38, No. 3, 321328

Copyright 2007 by the American Psychological Association

0735-7028/07/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0735-7028.38.3.321

Color-Blind Racial Attitudes and White Racial Identity Attitudes in

Psychology Trainees
George V. Gushue and Madonna G. Constantine

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Teachers College, Columbia University

Is it really important to talk about race in therapy? Does discussion of societal racism have any place in
the consulting room? The American Psychological Associations (2003) recent multicultural guidelines
highlight the limitations of a racially color-blind perspective for clinical practice. This study explored
the relationships between color-blind racial attitudes and White racial identity. In a sample of 177 White
counseling and clinical psychology trainees, we found that higher levels of attitudes that minimized or
distorted the existence of contemporary racism (i.e., color-blind attitudes) were positively related to
attitudes associated with less integrated forms of racial identity. Conversely, the results indicated that
greater awareness of racism was related to more integrated White racial identity statuses. Implications for
assessment, treatment, training, and future research are discussed.
Keywords: trainees, multicultural, racial attitudes, color-blind attitudes, Whites

note that even though some people may adopt a color-blind

perspective in an effort to counter racial prejudice, the effect may
be quite the opposite. The guidelines cite the need for increased
multicultural awareness on the part of psychologists. An important
dimension in providing culturally competent services to clients of
color is psychologists ability to recognize and acknowledge that
racism exists and can be especially damaging to people of color
(Carr, 1997; Gushue & Carter, 2000). Accordingly, empirical
studies (e.g., Constantine, 2002) have begun to examine the roles
of White racial identity attitudes in the context of counselors
self-perceived ability to work with culturally diverse clients. However, few investigations to date have explored the degree to which
White counselors racial attitudes might be related to their conscious or unconscious minimization, denial, or distortion of race
and racism, also known as color blindness (Neville, Lilly, Duran,
Lee, & Browne, 2000; Neville, Worthington, & Spanierman,
2001). In the present study, we examine the associations between
White racial attitudes and color-blind racial attitudes in a sample of
counseling and clinical psychology trainees.

Professional psychologists can expect to see the ever-increasing

racial and cultural diversity of the United States reflected in their
practices. Although many White practitioners are comfortable
considering how cultural dimensions such as ethnicity, religion,
or national origin influence their own identities and shape their
approach to treatment, many are less comfortable when it comes to
race. Yet race may be a particularly salient aspect of a therapists
identity for some clients, particularly clients of color. How do
White therapists think and talk about raceif at all? The field of
professional psychology has begun to pay closer attention to the
ways White practitioners possess multicultural competence (Constantine, 2001; Parker, Moore, & Neimeyer, 1998).
The recent adoption of multicultural guidelines by the American
Psychological Association (2003) has important consequences for
both the practice and the training of psychologists. The guidelines

GEORGE V. GUSHUE received his PhD from the counseling psychology

program at Teachers College, Columbia University. He currently teaches in
the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology at Teachers College, Columbia University. His research examines the influence of racial,
cultural, and gender role attitudes on social cognition in clinical assessment
and practice and in career development.
MADONNA G. CONSTANTINE received her PhD from the program in counseling psychology at the University of Memphis. She teaches in the
Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology at Teachers College,
Columbia University. Her research interests include exploring the psychological and vocational issues of African Americans; developing models of
cross-cultural competence in counseling, training, and supervision; and
examining the intersections of variables such as race and ethnicity in
relation to mental health and educational processes and outcomes.
WE THANK Rebecca Christensen, Christine Clarke, Tasha Prosper, Karen
Pantzer, Cecilia Rougier, Kolone Scanlon, Daniel Sciarra, Robin Goldstein, and Melissa Whitson for their comments on a draft of this article.
CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING THIS ARTICLE should be addressed to George
V. Gushue, Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology, Teachers
College, Columbia University, Box 64, 525 West 120th Street, New York,
NY 10027. E-mail: gvg3@columbia.edu

White Racial Identity

A number of models have been proposed to describe White
peoples psychological orientation to their own race and to other
racial groups in the context of racial socialization in the United
States (Hardiman, 1982; Helms, 1990, 1995; Rowe, Behrens, &
Leach, 1995; Rowe, Bennett, & Atkinson, 1994; see Sue & Sue,
2003, for an overview and synthesis). Two of the models have
been the subject of extensive empirical research (Helms, 1990;
Rowe et al., 1994). First, White racial identity theorists (e.g.,
Carter, 1995; Helms, 1984, 1990, 1995; Thompson & Carter,
1997) have postulated six distinct clusters of attitudes, beliefs, and
behaviors (i.e., racial identity ego statuses) that describe differing
psychological stances regarding race and, consequently, differing
levels of adherence to or distancing from the values and norms of
the dominant culture (see Carter, Gushue, & Weitzman, 1994).
Alternatively, other theorists (e.g., Behrens, 1997; Rowe et al.,
321

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322

GUSHUE AND CONSTANTINE

1994, 1995) have taken issue with Helmss approach, arguing that
Whites racial attitudes can be explained more parsimoniously by
the empirically derived unidimensional construct of White racial
consciousness (vs. the multidimensional structure suggested by
Helmss statuses). These authors have limited their discussion to
racial attitudes instead of identity and have rejected the epigenic components of Helmss theory. LaFleur, Rowe, and Leach
(2002) recently proposed two basic underlying constructs for
White racial consciousness: racial acceptance and racial justice.
Although the debate about the precise structure of Whites
experience of race (unidimensional vs. multidimensional) is far
from resolved, certain points of convergence have been noted
(Block & Carter, 1996; Sue & Sue, 2003). Both models suggest
that certain identifiable clusters of attitudes may be described
within a broad spectrum ranging from racist to nonracist. In so
doing, both groups of theorists offer a nuanced vocabulary for
discussing the complexity of Whites experience of race. The
present study has adopted the White racial identity model insofar
as Helms (1995) has explicitly linked her conception of racial
identity to information-processing strategies. It has been suggested
that these differences in racial identity and cognitive processing
may be related to the types of cognitive distortion suggested by the
color-blind racial attitude theory (Neville et al., 2000, 2001). That
potential relationship constitutes the focus of this investigation.
According to Helmss (1990, 1995) White racial identity theory,
a healthy White racial identity emerges when Whites abandon their
conscious or unconscious racist attitudes and progress toward
more racially aware and nonracist identities. White racial identity
attitudes have been conceptualized in terms of six interactive ego
statuses marked by varying clusters of attitudes and beliefs about
both Whites and people of color. Helms (1995) noted that there are
no pure statuses, that at any given moment people may exhibit a
blend of statuses, and that differing situations may cause different
statuses to become salient. She aligned the statuses on a continuum
ranging from less advanced or integrated to more advanced racial
identities. Helms (1995) also suggested that different statuses are
associated with varying information-processing strategies. In the
following paragraphs, we describe the racial identity statuses in
order from least advanced (contact) to most advanced (autonomy).
In the first racial identity status, contact, Whites are unaware of
the realities of institutional and cultural racism and the benefits
they receive as a result of its existence. Helms (1995) suggested
that these individuals are cognitively oblivious to contradictory
information. The disintegration status is associated with White
peoples initial response to their emerging awareness of their
membership in the dominant racial group in a society marked by
racism. This nascent awareness of how one has benefited from
racism, albeit unintentionally, is often accompanied by feelings of
confusion and guilt. According to Helms (1995), this may lead to
a tendency to suppress information pertaining to privileges associated with White racial group membership. The reintegration
status represents one potential resolution of feelings of White guilt.
This status is characterized by an idealization of White values and
accompanied by distancing from and denigration of people of
color. According to Helms (1995), White individuals for whom
this status is salient may selectively attend to information that
romanticizes their own racial group and negatively distort information about other races (thus endorsing existing racial inequities).

Alternatively, Whites whose racial identity is characterized by

the pseudoindependence status have begun to understand and
acknowledge more readily their contribution to the existence of
racism but may also continue to foster ideals of superiority and
intolerance toward other racial groups. For instance, Whites for
whom pseudoindependence predominates may focus on the need
to save the disadvantaged (i.e., people of color). Certainly,
helping others is a laudatory goal. However, doing so from a
position of implied racial superiority is problematic. Helms (1995)
suggested that this status may be characterized as reshaping racial
stimuli to fit ones own liberal societal framework (p. 188). The
immersion/emersion status represents Whites desire to seek a
personal, nonracist definition of Whiteness as well as their initial
quest to incorporate racial activism into their lives.
Finally, White individuals for whom the autonomy status is
salient have incorporated a positive racial identity that values a
wide range of cultural perspectives. Autonomy is also characterized by an activist stance that seeks to end social inequities and
surrender the privileges gained from racism. With respect to cognition, Helms suggested (1995) that this status is associated with
more flexible analyses and responses to racial material (p.188).
Helms and Carter (1990) developed the White Racial Identity
Attitude Scale (WRIAS) to measure the degree to which White
individuals endorse contact, disintegration, reintegration, pseudoindependence, and autonomy attitudes, as measured through the
respective subscales. A subscale to measure immersion/emersion
attitudes was later added (Corbett, Helms, & Regan, 1992).
In addition, Helms (1984, 1990; see also Gushue, 1993) proposed that differing combinations of racial identity statuses would
influence interpersonal interactions in therapy dyads, group, or
family settings. In a setting of unequal social roles, such as
individual therapy, Helms categorized as progressive a dyad in
which the therapist possesses a more integrated and mature racial
identity than the client. She viewed this type of dyad as optimal for
treatment, because the therapist is in a position to facilitate the
clients development. Conversely, a dyad in which the clients and
therapists salient racial identity statuses represent affective opposites regarding race was termed crossed and considered a potential
predictor of a breakdown in treatment. Helms also discussed dyads
she characterized as regressive (the client is at least one status
more advanced than the therapist) and parallel (the therapist and
client express similar attitudes). Helms (1984) made predictions
for common affective issues, counselor client strategies, and
counseling outcomes on the basis of each pairing and observed that
therapists cannot facilitate growth in racial identity beyond the
level that they have achieved.

Color-Blind Racial Attitudes

As a result of White individuals socialization in the United
States, a place in which they hold a position of social power
relative to people of color, many Whites have developed a sense of
entitlement, often unconsciously, to privileges that members of
other racial groups have been systemically denied (Sue, 2003). To
protect their privilege, White people may deny, avoid, and distort
the impact of race, as reflected in the adoption of color-blind racial
attitudes. For some, the refusal to consider race as meaningful in
any way may even be viewed as a way of prevailing over overt
racial prejudice. However, White practitioners, in particular, who

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COLOR-BLIND RACIAL ATTITUDES

adopt color-blind racial attitudes could seriously impair their ability to serve clients of color effectively and in a culturally sensitive
manner. For example, a White counselor who espouses a colorblind philosophy and who possesses high levels of unconscious
racism could attribute income disparities between Whites and
Blacks in the United States to his or her perceptions that the latter
group is lazy, lacks sufficient motivation to improve its financial
standing, or possesses inferior intelligence, as opposed to considering factors such as a historically unequal distribution of power
and resources and institutional racism in such income disparities.
With greater awareness of their own racial and cultural attitudes as
well as an acknowledgement of the unearned privileges that they
receive from membership in the White racial group, White counselors presumably would be better able to appreciate the myriad of
issues and dynamics associated with race and racism in the context
of working with clients of color.
Color-blind racial attitudes reflect aspects of contemporary racism. Unlike more overt forms of racism, the color-blind perspective does not necessarily make explicit claims about White superiority. Rather, color-blind attitudes reflect the seemingly benign
position that race should not and does not matter. Included in this
stance, however, is a denial that racism continues to benefit White
individuals (Neville et al., 2000, 2001). The color-blind perspective maintains that all people today do, in fact, have equal access
to economic and social success, regardless of race (Frankenberg,
1993). Thus, racism is understood to be a horrible thing of the past
that has been rectified and no longer forms part of the social fabric.
According to Frankenberg (1993), individuals who foster colorblind attitudes (even those who do so in an effort to be unprejudiced) are more likely to focus on similarities between individuals
across racial groups, which, nevertheless, has the effect of obscuring the abiding impact of White privilege. Research has suggested
that adherence to a color-blind perspective could increase individuals racial prejudice and act as a rationale for racial oppression
(Carr, 1997; Cha-Jua & Lang, 1999; Gushue, 2004). Thus, the
inescapable, ongoing reality of racism in U.S. society makes it
imperative that White practitioners be cognizant of the continuing
existence and impact of race and racism in individuals lives
(Constantine, 2002; Gushue & Carter, 2000).
Although any psychologist, regardless of racial or cultural background, could espouse a color-blind racial stance, White individuals, in particular, are more likely to adhere to color-blind racial
attitudes than their counterparts of color (Carr, 1997; Neville et al.,
2000). For many White practitioners, the adoption of color-blind
racial attitudes is an attempt to reduce the dissonance associated
with the sincere desire to believe in racial equality and the simultaneous recognition at some level that they benefit from unearned
advantages and privileges because of their racial group membership (Neville et al., 2001). In their quest to work as multiculturally
competent helping professionals, White counselors must understand their personal racial attitudes and perspectives and acknowledge broader systems of racial oppression. Therefore, the purpose
of our study is to investigate the associations between White racial
identity attitudes and color-blind racial attitudes in a sample of
counseling and clinical psychology trainees. On the basis of previous research, we hypothesize that a higher endorsement of colorblind racial attitudes will be related to less advanced racial identity
attitudes (i.e., more racist) among White counselors, whereas
lower levels of color-blind racial attitudes will be associated with

323

more advanced racial identity attitudes (i.e., less racist) in this

sample.

Survey of White Counseling and Clinical Psychology

Trainees
Participants
Participants were 177 White graduate students drawn from
counseling and clinical psychology courses from schools located
in the northeastern United States. Respondents ranged in age from
21 to 52 years (M 26.86, SD 6.00). Of the participants, 19.2%
were men, and 80.8% were women. Participants reported their
socioeconomic status (SES) as working class (8.5%), middle class
(51.4%), upper middle class (35.6%), and upper class (4.5%). The
majority of the respondents were enrolled in degree programs in
counseling psychology (71.0%), followed by clinical psychology
(21.0%), other applied psychology programs (5.0%), and educational psychology (4.0%). Participants reported that they had
completed a mean of 2.61 (SD 1.81) semesters of their graduate
program.

Survey Procedure and Assessments

Packets of questionnaires were distributed during classes for
graduate-level counseling and clinical psychology students. The
participants were asked to complete a packet that included the
Color-Blind Racial Attitudes Scale (CoBRAS; Neville et al., 2000)
and the WRIAS (Helms & Carter, 1990) and a personal data
questionnaire specifically designed for this study.
CoBRAS. The CoBRAS (Neville et al., 2000) is a 20-item
measure of contemporary racial attitudes. The scale measures
participants lack of awareness or denial of racism in the United
States. Items are assessed on a Likert-type scale ranging from 1
(strongly agree) to 6 (strongly disagree). The total scale is composed of three subscales. The first subscale assesses unawareness
of White racial privilege and includes 7 items (e.g., Everyone
who works hard, no matter what race they are, has an equal chance
to become rich). The second subscale measures unawareness of
institutional racism and has 7 items (e.g., Social policies, such as
affirmative action, discriminate unfairly against White people).
The third subscale, which has 6 items, assesses unawareness of
blatant racial issues (e.g., Racial problems in the U.S. are rare,
isolated situations). Item scores are added to obtain subscale
scores and a total score. A higher score means higher levels of
unawareness or denial of racism.
In their validation study, Neville et al. (2000) reported concurrent validity between scores on each of the subscales and the total
score and scores on a number of related measures of racial and
social attitudes. For instance, the subscales of the CoBRAS were
all negatively related to both the Global Belief in a Just World
Scale (Lipkus, 1991) and sociopolitical dimensions of the Multidimensional Belief in a Just World Scale (Furnham & Procter,
1988). Similarly, the subscales and total score of the CoBRAS
were positively correlated with the Quick Discrimination Index
(Ponterotto et al., 1995), a measure of racial and gender intolerance, and the Modern Racism Scale (McConahay, 1986), a measure of racial prejudice. No strong association was found between
the factors of the CoBRAS and the MarloweCrowne Social

GUSHUE AND CONSTANTINE

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324

Desirability Scale (Reynolds, 1982), a measure of social desirability. Neville et al. (2000) reported Cronbachs alphas ranging from
.70 (Blatant Racial Issues) to .86 (CoBRAS total). Coefficient
alphas for the sample in this study were .80 (Racial Privilege), .76
(Institutional Racism), .61 (Blatant Racial Issues), and .86 (total
CoBRAS).
WRIAS. This scale was rationally constructed by Helms and
Carter (1990) to measure attitudes associated with the original five
White racial identity development statuses theorized by Helms
(1984). The scale consists of 50 items assessing Whites racial
attitudes using five distinct 5-point Likert type subscales ranging
from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The researcher
derives scale scores by summing the 10 appropriately keyed items
for each attitude scale. Accordingly, each attitude has a raw scale
score that could range from 10 to 50. Helms and Carter (1990)
reported internal consistency reliabilities (Cronbachs alphas) of
.53, .77, .80, .71, and .67 for the Contact, Disintegration, Reintegration, Pseudo-Independence, and Autonomy subscales, respectively. The scale also now includes an Immersion/Emersion subscale developed by Corbett et al. (1992) to measure attitudes
associated with that status. For the sample included in our study,
Cronbachs alphas were as follows: Contact (.70), Disintegration
(.71), Reintegration (.69), Pseudo-Independence (.74), Immersion/
Emersion (.82), and Autonomy (.52). Helms (1997) suggested that
suppressed alpha coefficients may reflect the existence of some
constraints in the sample studied. Thus, the low reliabilities on the
Autonomy subscale may represent a restricted range in responses
among participants (suggesting homogeneity regarding this status)
or may be due to more or less equivalent patterns of cross-racial
experience for this student sample. Additional reliability and validity information for the WRIAS was reported by Helms and
Carter (1990). Evidence supporting the content validity of the
scales has been provided in a number of empirical tests (see Carter,
1995, for a review of this literature).
Demographic questionnaire. A personal data sheet was used
to investigate participants personal characteristics and family
background. Participants were asked to indicate their age, sex,
race, ethnicity, number of years of education, academic program,
and self-reported SES.

Data Analyses and Survey Results

Preliminary Analysis
A multivariate analysis of variance revealed no significant differences among the participants on the variables of interest on the
basis of gender (Wilkss .95), F(9, 129) 0.71; SES (Wilkss
.77), F(27, 337) 1.33; academic program (Wilkss
.74), F(36, 485) 1.12; age (Wilkss .93), F(9, 129) 1.01;
or level of education (Wilkss .95), F(9, 129) 0.76. Thus,
the data for all participants were analyzed together. The means,
standard deviations, and correlations of the scales used in the
principal analysis of this study may be found in Table 1.

Principal Analysis
Because the primary purpose of our study was to explore the
relationships among aspects of color-blind racial attitudes and
racial identity statuses, we conducted a multivariate multiple regression analysis to examine our data. We chose this specific
procedure for several reasons. First, a multivariate multiple regression analysis is able to control for the possible intercorrelations
among the predictor and criterion variables (Haase & Ellis, 1987;
Lunneborg & Abbott, 1983; Stevens, 1986). Thus, for both predictor and criterion variables that are moderately to highly intercorrelated, this analytic procedure is a way to account for multicollinearity among the variables. Second, a multivariate multiple
regression analysis can accommodate multiple predictor and multiple criterion variables, all of which are continuously distributed,
from which follow-up tests can determine the unique contribution
of each predictor variable on each criterion variable (Lutz &
Eckert, 1994). In our study, the predictor variables were the three
subscales of the CoBRAS, and the criterion variables were the six
WRIAS subscales.
Overall, multivariate tests revealed that the three CoBRAS
subscales accounted for significant variance in the WRIAS subscales: denial of racial privilege (Wilkss .92), F(6, 168)
2.58, p .05, 2m .08 (where 2m is the multivariate effect size);
denial of institutional racism (Wilkss .86), F(6, 168) 4.58,
p .01, 2m .14; and denial of blatant racism (Wilkss .92),

Table 1
Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations for the Color-Blind Racial Attitude Scale (CoBRAS) Subscales and the White Racial
Identity Attitude Scale (WRIAS) Subscales
Variable
CoBRAS
1. Racial Privilege
2. Institutional Racism
3. Blatant Racism
WRIAS
4. Contact
5. Disintegration
6. Reintegration
7. Pseudo-Independence
8. Immersion/Emersion
9. Autonomy
M
SD

.59**

.61**
.57**

.25**
.17*
.19*

.23**
.38**
.34**

2.91
1.00

2.89
0.93

1.72
0.61

Note. N 177. Item means and standard deviations are reported.

* p .05. ** p .01.

.11

3.52
0.66

1.94
0.49

.20**
.33**
.35**

.07
.12
.20**

.46**
.43**
.44**

.30**
.21**
.31**

.06
.62**

.07
.56**
.34**

.41**
.12
.22**
.17*

.43**
.40**
.48**
.42**
.42**

3.92
0.50

1.37
0.39

3.39
0.58

3.27
0.73

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COLOR-BLIND RACIAL ATTITUDES

F(6, 168) 2.56, p .05, 2m .08. We then conducted

follow-up analyses to examine the unique contribution of each of
the predictor variables on the criterion variables. Results of these
analyses indicated that higher levels of denial of racial privilege
were negatively and significantly related to contact, F(1, 176)
4.54, p .05, 2 .03, and immersion/emersion attitudes, F(1,
176) 6.93, p .01, 2 .04 (where 2 is the univariate effect
size). Furthermore, higher levels of denial of institutional racism
were significantly predictive of higher levels of disintegration,
F(1, 176) 10.83, p .01, 2 .06, and reintegration attitudes,
F(1, 176) 6.72, p .01, 2 .04, and lower levels of
immersion/emersion attitudes, F(1, 176) 4.72, p .05, 2
.03. Finally, greater unawareness of blatant racism was significantly predictive of higher levels of disintegration, F(1, 176)
5.21, p .05, 2 .03, and reintegration attitudes, F(1, 176)
9.40, p .01, 2 .05, and lower pseudoindependence, F(1,
176) 5.81, p .05, 2 .03; immersion/emersion, F(1, 176)
5.01, p .05, 2 .03; and autonomy attitudes, F(1, 176) 4.88,
p .05, 2 .03.
There are a number of limitations to this study, and our results
must be interpreted with caution. First, because the participants in
this sample were trainees, the results cannot be readily generalized
to experienced practitioners. Further research is needed to confirm
whether the relationship between color-blind racial attitudes and
racial identity statuses found in this study also obtains for psychologists in the field. Second, as we have noted, 81.5% of the
sample were women. Some researchers (Carter, 1990; Pope-Davis
& Ottavi, 1994) have observed that women are less likely to be
overtly racist given their experience of gender discrimination.
Thus, further research with larger samples is needed to examine
potential differences between men and women regarding the relationships we have reported. Third, in this study we used self-report
measures of racial attitudes. Recent literature has noted the possibility that participants may respond to such instruments in socially
desirable ways (Constantine & Ladany, 2000). In this case, respondents might have avoided responses that appeared racist, even
if those responses reflected their true attitudes. Finally, insofar as
the study used self-report measures in a cross-sectional design,
common method variance cannot be ruled out as a potential
influence on the results. To address these limitations, we need to
confirm our findings with research using other methodologies
(e.g., behavioral observation, qualitative design).

Implications for Practice and Training

Numerous authors (e.g., American Psychological Association,
2003; Carter, 1995; Helms, 1995; Neville et al., 2000) have observed the potentially covert racism inherent in a color-blind
perspective and the implications of color blindness for the practice
of psychology. That is, by denying the importance of race (both for
Whites and for people of color) in contemporary society, one
endorses the status quo and undermines efforts to acknowledge
and correct racial inequities. This study explores the relationship
between color-blind racial attitudes and White racial identity attitudes. In a sample of 177 White counseling and clinical psychology trainees, our findings reveal that higher levels of attitudes that
negated or distorted the existence of contemporary racism were
positively related to attitudes associated with less advanced White
racial identity statuses. In addition, the data indicate that greater

325

awareness of racism was positively associated with more integrated racial identity statuses. Thus, the results offer support for
the hypothesized relationship between color-blind attitudes and
more overt forms of racism, consistent with findings reported by
Neville et al. (2000). As such, they have important implications for
practice and training in psychology. A summary of the implications for clinical practice and training are outlined in Table 2 and
discussed in detail in the following sections.

Practice
Clinical assessment. The results of this study have implications for clinical assessment. At the heart of most clinical assessments is a judgment as to whether a clients reported feelings or
behavior are a normal response to external events. For instance,
context helps an evaluator distinguish sadness from depression in
an individual, just as knowledge of cultural norms helps a family
therapist determine the difference between closeness and enmeshment in a particular family system. Awareness of the various forms
of contemporary racism provides an essential context for evaluating issues raised by both White clients and clients of color. For
instance, for a client of color, could distancing in cross-racial
social situations be seen as a learned response to previous unintentional racist comments or slights, sometimes referred to as
microaggressions (Franklin, 1999; Sue & Sue, 2003)? A colorblind therapist might characterize such microaggressions as harmless, unintentional misunderstandings to which the client has
overreacted. From this perspective, a treatment goal might be to
explore the causes of the clients oversensitivity and consider
strategies for better coping in similar situations as a way to
improve his or her overall social functioning. Conversely, a therapist with greater awareness of the manifold expressions of contemporary racism might validate the clients experience. Although
the incidents described by the client might not have been intentionally hostile, they may well reflect contemporary forms of
racism. In this instance, a racially aware therapist is more likely to
resist locating pathology automatically in the client but rather to
consider the racial climate surrounding the incident. From this
perspective, a treatment goal might be to validate the clients
reactions to such situations and to help the client determine personally optimal ways to respond to such provocations. The capacity to evaluate behavioral data against a context of contemporary
racism has important consequences for assessment and treatment
planning.
Working alliance. The findings we have reported also suggest
that denial of racism may influence practitioners ability to form
both interracial and intraracial working alliances with clients. The
Table 2
Implications for Practice and Training
Area

Implication

Practice

Clinical assessment
Working alliance
Interpretations and interventions
Mental health services operation and policy
Trainee self-reflection
Racial/cultural contextual material throughout curriculum
Training with diverse client populations

Training

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GUSHUE AND CONSTANTINE

results indicate that White psychologists awareness of the racial

context in which treatment takes place is related to their own racial
identity, which, in turn, has important implications for their interactions with clients (Helms, 1984, 1995). For instance, the data
show that failure to recognize situations reflecting blatant racism
was positively related to racial identity attitudes associated with
denigration and hostility toward people of color and negatively
related to attitudes of racial openness and positive White racial
attitudes. Because racial identity attitudes reflect distinct types of
worldviews and values, a mismatch between therapist and client
(of different races or of the same race) may lead to conflict,
impasses, and early termination of treatment (Helms, 1984, 1995).
Conversely, formation of a working alliance is facilitated when the
therapist and client have similar worldviews or when the therapist
has a more integrated and flexible racial identity than the client. To
the extent that race is a recognized and valued aspect of a clients
identity, a psychologist who is cognizant of both the racial context
and the impact of race on his or her own identity will have a better
chance of creating a therapeutic alliance in which clients feel that
their experiences are validated. For instance, a White therapist who
minimizes societal racism may take pride in treating everybody
the same. Yet this perspective can have disastrous consequences
when therapist and client have very different culturally based
expectations about both the process and the goals for treatment
(see Sue & Sue, 2003). In this case, treating everybody the same
likely means treating everybody as though they were White. A
therapist working from a racially color-blind stance may feel that,
compared with peoples shared humanity, race is simply unimportant. Yet it is hard to imagine how he or she might form a
successful working alliance with clients of color, who receive
constant reminders that race has very important consequences for
their lives.
Interpretations and interventions. There are also implications
for how race might be addressed in interpretations and interventions in treatment. One possible reason for premature termination
of treatment is clients perceptions that they may not be able to
address certain cultural issues with their therapist (Wallace &
Constantine, 2005). Certainly, clients and therapists may collude in
avoiding discussion of any number of difficult or emotionally
laden subjects, particularly racial or ethnic issues. It is quite
possible that unacknowledged tensions related to racial differences
in the therapeutic relationship may be manifested in the transference or countertransference. To work therapeutically with racial
issues, practitioners must be aware of the potential racial meanings
derived from social context and be comfortable with their own
racial identity. For instance, a White therapist who minimizes
racism may be less likely to entertain the possibility that the
re-creation of racial social power inequities in the counselor client
dyad might be influencing treatment. Practitioners who endorse a
greater awareness of racism and have more personally integrated
racial identities may show a greater capacity to acknowledge racial
dynamics in a clients life or in the treatment relationship.
Mental health services operation and policy. In addition, minimization of institutional racism may have an important impact on
the delivery of mental heath services. Many clinics or hospital
settings are managed and run by White providers and, although
they are not overtly racist, may reflect White cultural values in
their operation and policies (e.g., Gushue, Greenan, & Brazaitis,
2005). For instance, a waiting room that White clients may see as

simply well ordered or clinical may be perceived as distancing

and unreceptive by clients with a different worldview. The efficient approach of clinicians and staff under pressure to log a
certain number of client contacts a month may be less off-putting
to clients from cultures that value low-context (i.e., direct, verbal)
communication than to those from cultures that value high-context
(i.e., implicit, nonverbal) communication. A White practitioner
who minimizes institutional racism may not appreciate the impact
that the clinic setting itself may have on his or her clients, attributing frequent missed sessions to either resistance or lack of
motivation.
The preceding paragraphs highlight the potential effects of
practitioners awareness of the racial context in which therapy
takes place. This is not only because unawareness of racism may
be related to more racist forms of White racial identity integration,
as results of this study suggest, but also because both White
therapists and clients and therapists and clients of color are influenced by the larger social systems in which they live. For instance,
many practitioners instinctively will inquire about clients family
and interpersonal relationships as a way of establishing a context
for clients behavior and concerns. The results of this study suggest
that psychologists also should routinely attend to the ways the
larger racial context may or may not inform the issues that clients
present. In the United States, an essential part of that racial context
includes a history of racism as well as its contemporary expressions. This is not to say that all issues can or should be reduced to
race but rather that, like family systems or gender socialization,
racial context should be considered with every client. Only a
psychologist who is cognizant of contemporary forms of racism
will be able to do so.

Training
Trainee self-reflection. The results also have implications for
training. Training for multicultural competence has become an
increasingly important aspect of psychology training programs
(American Psychological Association, 2003). The findings we
present offer support for approaches that facilitate White trainees
self-reflection and growth in awareness of White privilege and the
varied ways racism continues to exist in the United States. This
suggests that the goal of multicultural training should not be to
help trainees to see beyond color or simply to treat people as
people regardless of their race. On the contrary, it may be that the
goal of multicultural training should be to help trainees to see
race, that is, to make it explicit. To adequately assess and work
with their clients, therapists in training need to attend to the
meaning of race for themselves, for their clients, and for the
therapeutic relationship.
Racial and cultural contextual material throughout the curriculum. To accomplish this, training programs need to infuse consideration of racial and cultural context throughout the curriculum.
Thus, rather than include one course that focuses on multicultural
issues, a more fruitful approach (consistent with the recent American Psychological Association [APA] guidelines) would be to
consider the contextual dimensions of each course. For instance, a
class in theories of treatment might examine the underlying cultural assumptions of the various theoretical approaches to therapy.
A skills-based course might consider which common helping skills
or therapeutic interventions are more culturally congruent with

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COLOR-BLIND RACIAL ATTITUDES

which cultural groups. An assessment class might examine how

psychological presentation may differ across cultures and the
consequences for accurate diagnosis. Students should be familiar
with the potential for cultural bias in particular assessment instruments or research measures. Systemically, the goal of consistent
integration of culture throughout required coursework needs to be
reflected in APA accreditation criteria and enforcement.
Training with diverse client populations. Finally, to help future practitioners to be aware of racial and cultural context in
therapy, training programs need to provide them opportunities for
training with diverse client populations. Future clinicians need the
opportunity in training to work with clients who are both racially
similar to and dissimilar from themselves. However, this will be
beneficial only if supervisors are also comfortable considering the
implications of racial context in their work. This is true for both
cross-racial and same-race trainee client dyads and supervisor
trainee dyads. Unless supervisors are aware of the potential implications of racial context for students work with clients and with
themselves in supervision, they are unlikely to address this issue.
To paraphrase Helmss (1984) observation, supervisors cannot
help trainees to be aware of the racial and cultural dimensions of
their work beyond the awareness that the supervisors themselves
have attained. Thus, one part of incorporating an awareness of
racial context in training may be the ongoing education and reflection on the part of faculty and supervisors. Although training
experiences with diverse client populations and supervisors of
color are critical, the findings we report also suggest that racially
aware White practitioners may play an important role in the
multicultural training of White supervisees.
Training for multicultural competence can only be effective to
the degree that the complex web of relationships among the racial
attitudes of practitioners and trainees is known and understood.
The findings we present suggest that the goal for trainers is not to
help students look beyond skin color but rather to help them
acknowledge color by becoming more aware of the impact of race
and racism on their own lives and on the mental health of their
future clients. Clients ultimately will be helped to the extent that
practitioners can see clearly who the clients are and are aware of
the larger contexts that influence therapists and clients alike.

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Received November 15, 2005

Revision received May 17, 2006
Accepted May 31, 2006