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I
HE SUBJECT I would have wanted to discuss is: "A Theory of
Philippine Politics/" But, since a theory, strictly defined, is a set of
propositions systematically interrelated with a view to describing,
explaining, and predicting reality, and since I have written only two books
about Philippine politics, which analyze only some of its aspects, I know it
is not possible for me to expound on this topic. Howeygr, jf theory *r, used
in a more limited way, e.g., as a model or a paradigm, which is a set of
propositions designed to be more or less isomorphic with an aspect of
reality with a view to indicating the general patterns and relations of the
significant parts of that aspect of reality, I believe I can discuss with you
Philippine politics from a theoretical viewpoint. Thus, I have entitled this
discussion ""The Organic-Hierarchical Paradigm and Politics in the
Philippines."
The organic-hierarchical paradigm of Philippine politics is one of the
fruitful results of my study on the politics of Occidental Mindoro, which
was recently published under the title The Political Elite and the People}
That study showed that the people and the political elite in Occidental
Mindoro perceived the society and the polity as an organism composed, of
hierarchical elements. One principal indicator of their perception of society
and the polity as an organism is language. The other is political and social
behavior.
The linguistic terms used in Occidental Mindoro, a province which had
been peopled by Uocanos, Tagalogs, Visayans, and other Filipino
ethno-linguistic groups, for the basic unit of society, the family, for
instance, are all organic. Thus, Ilocanos call their brother or sister kabagis.
Bagis means intestine literally and umbilical cord figuratively. Prefixed with
ka, the term, therefore, means part of one's intestine or umbilical cord. A
relative among Ilocanos is kabagian, whose root word bagi means body.
Published as Monograph No. 1 (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1973).
II
In discussing and analyzing the politics of die last 100 years from 1872
to 1972, we must begin with the principal part of the political system, the
principalia, from which the top political elitethe headship in the
Philippinesis recruited. This principalia, which is composed of social
elites, is also the torso of the polity. The source from which the important
leaders of the top political elite are also recruited/ the principalia did not
emerge instantly but gradually developed in stages before and during the
100-year period. Parenthetically, even today it is still growing through a
politics of incorporation.
The original elements of the principalia were an aggregate composed of
the traditional principalia (cabezas de barangay, capi tones and gobemadorcillos),
- who were also a landed elite3; an emerging commercial elite (natives and
mestizos who were becoming prosperous as middlemen between, on the one
hand, the traditional principalia producing sugarcane, abaca, tobacco, and
coffee and, on the other, foreign businessmen who had established
themselves in the Philippines after the termination of the galleon trade in
1815); and an emerging new agricultural elite which had been recruited
from the emerging commercial elite.5 Their political ideology at the time
was not yet crystallized, although they were well known for their
pragmatic orientations. In the 1870s, the starting point of our analysis, these
elites were already well-established. They were to be joined later by other
elites.
The ilustrados were the next aggregate of elites who joined the
principalia. It was soon invigorated tremendously when the landed and
commercial elites of the Spanish regime became more prosperous during
the first two ^decades of the Apierican regime. Much later, it was further
broadened by the inclusion of professional, industrial, and technocratic
elites. It must be taken for granted, however, that the religious and the
military elites are also significant elements of the principalia. The religious
elite has been a significant social force in the Philippines since the Spanish
regime, but the military elite is relatively a newcomer.
The ilustrados were intellectuals who flourished during the Propaganda
Movement (arbitrarily fixed here from 1872-1895) and the Philippine
Revolution (1896-1901). Their principal representatives are Jose Rizal,
Graciano Lopez Jaena, Marcelo H. del Pilar, Felipe Calderon, and
Apolinario MabinL Their major contribut:on to the politics of 1872-1972 is
the political formula of liberal democracy and nationalism.6
The ilustrados were an ambitious social force, the products of higher
education either at Manila or abroad, especially Spain, during the closing
decades of the Spanish regime. In general, they came from families which
had grown rich in commerce in urban towns or had become prosperous
from agricultural enterprises. However, a few came from the lower class
who were helped by rich patrons, Spaniards or native Filipinos. Most of
them were mestizos, Spanish or Chinese, and natives whose parents were
traditional local political leaders (i.e., capitanes, gobemadorcillos and cabezas
de barangay).
The ilustrados desired power and status as enjoyed by the Spaniards,
but these were closed to them by the Spanish colonial system. Thwarted in
their ambitions and rising expectations, they inevitably clashed with the
Spaniards. In their struggle for power and status, perceived in terms of
liberty, they developed nationalism and liberal democracy.
lO
In short tle professionals have been incorporated into the body politic.
Because of their strategic positions and high status, they have also become
part of the principalia.
Industrialists relatively are latecomers as a social force in the
Philippines. If a decade is to be chosen to mark their coming of age, it is
probably the 1950s. In any case, the Philippine Chamber of Industries was
founded in 1950.22 Its economic belief system, like that of the landed and
commercial elites, is free enterprise. Since liberal democracy safeguards ib
economic ideology and interests, it also adopts liberal democracy as its
political formula. Industrialists have also joined the principalia of the
Philippines. They emerged as a social force principally through
governmental subsidy. In the late 1940s, the Quirino Administration
adopted economic policies on import controls, tax exemptions to infant
industries, and similar legislation.
Technocrats are probably the latest additions to the principalia. They
are spill-overs from the professionals, the business elite, the industrial elite,
and the military. They are ltighly regarded as experts in various fields.
Believing in efficiency, they themselves are efficient in the advocacy and
implementation of their ideas based primarily on means-end analysis. With
a pronounced distrust against politicking, they are a sharp contrast to
compromising and contentious politicians. Theystarted to become important
in the 1960s, with the election of President Diosdado Macapagal.23 Under
President Ferdinand Marcos in the late '60s and early 70s, technocrats were
given additional positions of authority. They are now incorporated into the
political system.
The religious elite, on the other hand, has been a significant social force
since the Spanish regime. In fact, during the Spanish regime, in Christian
Philippines, it was the dominant partner in the duumvirate of church-state
government24 Although religion has been separated from the state since
1899 by a constitutional provision, it still remains so significant a social
foxcc that it cannot be cast aside in our consideration of the recruiting
ground of the poli^cal elite. In Muslim Philippines, most political leaders
tend to be Muslim religious leaders until now. No non-Catholic has been
elected President of the Philippines thus far, and Catholic interests have not
been without some representative or defender of the faith in the national
government2 The Iglesiar ni Kristo has played significant roles in the
election of political elites,26 and to a certain extent the Protestants and
Aglipayans have also influenced governmental elites. In any case, whether
religion is a direct recruiting ground of the political elite or not, it is
definitely a major social force in the Philippines if only for the reason that
religion, whether Muslim, Catholic, or otherwise, is followed by almost 100
percent of the nation; and as such, incidentally, it also has an inhibitory
influence against the success of communism.
The military is another significant social force in the Philippines.
Although it is not a very big military force, having only about 50,000 men
and officers in 1971, still it is a most significant social force to reckon with
because of ib more or less monolithic organization, professional leadership.
the 1950s, city officials followed suit. In 1959, the office of the ViceGovernor of provinces became elective too, and by the 1960s, even local
barrio officials were placed under the people's control through die ballot
Third, the people also won the fight to reformulate and adopt a
constitution for the nation. In 1934-1935, the people won this right in
substance for in spite of the fact that the Constitution adopted had to be
. approved by the President of the U.S. and certain conditions had to be
complied with, on the whole, the people were allowed to exercise the
constituent role. In 1967, again this right was exercised by the people to
elect delegates to propose amendments to the 1935 constitution. In 1970, the
people did elect the delegates, and in 1971 the delegates convened at
Manila to propose the amendments.
Fourth, representation of the people on a geographical basis was
broadened by functional representation through activities of interest group
leaders. The broadening of the base of functional representation was
effected with the proliferation of interest groups.41
And fifth, the party system of the country progressed from a oneparty system at the beginning of the century to a two-party system after
World War II. Philippine elections, therefore, became more competitive.42
As regards progress in promoting the welfare of the people, the
advances made in education, life expectancy, local autonomy, social
legislation, and housing have also been very significant.Tn education, for'
instance, literacy increased from 25 percent in 1903 to 33 percent in 1970.43
In life expectancy, the increase was from 11.54 years in 1902 to 51.17 years
in 1960 for males and from 13.92 years in 1902 to 55 years in 1960 for
females.44
With regard to local autonomy, the barrio people were granted powers
of electing barrio officials as well as enacting referendum measures in the
1960s. As regards social legislation, laws protecting child and women labor,
protecting labor rights to form unions and go on strike, and providing for
retirement insurance and medicare benefits for both public and private
employees, have also been enacted. And with regard to housing, people
living in houses made of light materials had been reduced from about 94
percent in 1903 to 68.6 percent in 1939. By 1960, only 57.52 percent lived in *
houses of such materials; and in 1970, this was further reduced to 42.15
percent. On the other hand, people who lived in houses of strong materials
increased front 4.7 percent in 1939 to 12.2 percent in 1960 and to 32.05
percent in 1970.45
And what was the basic relationship between the political elite and the
people during the period from 1872 to 1972?
During the latter part of the Spanish regime and the early part of the
American regime, the political elite definitely were leaders and the people
docile followers. Thus, the political elite led the Propaganda Movement; and
although the initial leaders of the Katipunan were not the ilustrado political
elite, ultimately the leadership of the Revolution went to them. In the end,
when the ilustrados laid down their arms and collaborated with the
Americans, the Revolution finally collapsed. The people abandoned the
revolution when their leaders decided to come to terms with the United
States.
After the collapse of the Philippine Revolution, various new social
forces emerged and developed in the Philippine political system, gradually
broadening the principalia of the country until it included not only the
traditional principalia and the ilustrados but also the new religious leaders,
landed, commercial, professional, industrial, technocratic, military elites and
spill-overs in civic organizations from various elite groups. From the
prindpalia the political elite, whose main motivation was to win power and
status, were recruited. To realize their desiderata, the political elite adopted
a politics of patronage vis-a-vis die people and a politics of incorporation
vis-a-vis the emerging social forces. Ultimately, they established a Filipino
democracy in the country.
It is Manuel L. Quezon who can serve as the representative of the
political elite of 1872-1972.46 In terms of political strategy and tactics,
Quezon adopted the politics of incorporation, the basic pattern of politics of
1872-1972. He incorporated into the Nacionalista Party, practically every
major sector of Philippine societythe landed and commercial elite, die
professionals, the Americans, the Democratic Party, Claro M. Recto the
Oppositionist, Gen. Douglas MacArthur, the youth, the women, the civic
groups, and the mass media. He even attempted to incorporate labor, the
peasantry, the socialists and the communists.
What Quezon could not incorporate, he tried to destroy or neutralize.
Thus, he fought Governor-General Leonard Wood and other political
enemies tooth and naiL
Quezon served under a Constitution wliich provided for a presidential
system of government, with separation of powers of the coordinate
branches of the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary. But this system
of government was contrary to his conception of being head of the
Philippine body politic. So, after being elected President of the
Commonwealth, he immediately asserted his leadership of the government
Professor Joseph Ralston Hayden, vho was also Vice-Governor of the
Philippines in 1933-1935, wrote that President Manuel Quezon definitely
acted as Head instead of President of the Commonwealth because Quezon
transformed the Office of the President to that of a National Chief. Hayden
added:
Mr. Quezon has not only known how to govern, but has actually
governed. There is no evidence that he has been emharassed by the
"interference" of any other element of the state, or by any group
within the Philippines. Mr. Quezon has been both President and
"national leader . . " He has dominated both the executive and die
legislative branches of government . . . Especially during the early
days of the Commonwealth, the presidential direction of the
legislative machine was perfectly open and undisguised. When he
submitted his initial program and some twenty "must" bilb to the
first special session of the National Assembly which was called ten
m
We have just finished the analysis and description of Philippine politics
from 1872 to 1972 in terms of the organic-hierarchical paradigm. In that
analysis I sought to show that the organic-hierarchical paradigm is a useful
heuristic device for indicating the principal patterns of politics of the last
100 years. Is the paradigm also bright enough to shed light on the politics
of martial law which was proclaimed in the Philippines last September 21,
1972?
I shall argue that it is.
We might begin the analysis by finding out how President Marcos
perceived himself, his subordinates, and the Philippine polity in general in
the context of the martial law he declared. Three of his recent speeches
during the martial law period definitely showed that his perception of the
martial law administration was in terms of the organic-hierarchical
paradigm. To the President, he is the head of the national polity, and the
various government officials are his eyes and ears, his arms andfingers. He
is also the father, and the rest of the people are his children. The nation,
therefore, is one extended family, an organic whole in which everyone is a
kabagian, a relative, to everybody.
In a speech delivered in Cebu on July 4, 1973 before the governors and
city and municipal mayors of the Visayas, Presidennt Marcos told the local
officials: "I want you to be the eyes and ears of the President . . . You are
directly under me. You are my implementing fingers and arms."4* The
same thoughts were conveyed to the members of the Kutipunan ng mga
Barangay at Malacaftang Palace on September 11, 1973. President Marcos
addressed the barangay leaders: "You will be the principal instruments of
progress. Keep in touch with the people. This is my message to you on
.my birthday . % . Be my eyes, my cars, my tongue, be my hands and arc-3
. . . Since this is your role, perform it well. I will perform mine with all
the energy and talent God has given me."49 And in the Manila speech
before the public accountants celebrating their golden jubilee cn March 19,
1973, President Marcos said: "I wanted to congratulate you on your 50th
anniversary ... 1 wanted you to bear the message to everyone that I have
come before you, to appeal as a patient father who lcoks at the . . .
children ready to break the crockery and the chinaware. But before you
break the chinaware, father is watching and may have to spank yOu if you
do. I don't believe that there will be any necessity for that because we
have reached a level of responsibility."50
President Marcos also adopted the politics of incorporation in his
martial law administration. The President, soon after announcing his
proclamation of martial law on September 23, 1972 by nationwide TV and
IV
We have just applied the organic-hierarchical paradigm to past and
present Philippine politics.
There remains the future, which is the most significant period,
especially to creative political participants. Of the two aspects of timepast
and futurethe latter is the more significant because, as Bertrand de
Jouvenel says, with regard to the past, "man can exert his will only in
vain; his liberty is void, his power nonexistent"; but "the future is a field
of liberty and power."60 We cannot change or undo what happened in the
past but we are free to formulate, revise, or redirect our future goals, and
we have some power to realize them. And compared with the present, the
future is still more significant, for the present is merely an infinitesimal
period while the future is vast. Since it is also an area of liberty and
power, it provides political actors much room for tactical or strategic moves
m order to carry out or change goals.
In relation to our subject, the relevant questions are (1) In the
immediate and distant future, what ends should we pursue or seek to
attain? (2) In order to attain those ends, wliat paradigm must we use? (3)
Are lliere dangers that could arise from the use of the paradigm? (4) If
there are dangers,, how can we cope with or avoid them?.
In order that the ends for the nation which we shall posit will be
realistic and relevant, we must relate them to actual Filipino concerns and
to man as man. According to Cantril, in a 1959 survey of the Philippines,
the aspirations Filipinos had for themselves were61:
Percent
Children
37
19
Family life
17
Own house
17
13
Wealth
10
Success
Modem conveniences
Congenial work
On the other hand, the aspirations Filipinos had for their nation at the
time were62:
Percent
Good government
34
24
17
Employment
11
Peace
-10
Economic Stability
National Independence
The logic of the original paradigm, which can take care of political
modernization, is die logic of the dominant head. According to this logic,
all parts or elements of the system not linked or related to the head
should be linked or related to it.
Thus, in the political system where the structure of authority is
composed of contradictory social forces and norms, rationality can be
realized by bringing to bear upon it the logic of the organic-hierarchical
paradigm. This was in fact effected through the proclamation of martial
law, which subordinated all units and agencies of the government under
the martial law administrator and suspended or aboHshed the activities or
operations of political organs which ran counter to the work or objectives
of the administration. However, the organic-hierarchical paradigm need not
necessarily appear in the form of martial law administration. It could
underlies man's fmitude. But man is not only made for material things.
With a spark of the divine, he aspires for higher values of the
spiritfreedom, justice, and human dignity. Therefore, because man is
unique, he cannot be treated like lower animals. Lower creatures, such as
pigs, may be contented if their material needs are provided for. To man, a
contented pig, fed with the best food and housed in a well-lighted,
air-conditioned, faultlessly sanitary pen, is still a pig. Without liberty,
justice, and human dignity, what is economic development for? Or, as
Aldous Huxley has argued with cogency in his Brave New World, "What is
life for, if man's humanity and dignity are denied?"74
Let us summarize the argument of this section so that it can be related
easily and clearly to our final point
To take care of Filipino concerns and man as man, two goals must be
pursuedpolitical modernization and political development. Political
modernization can be effectively taken care of by the original paradigm
because it has a powerful logicthe logic of the dominant headto bring
it about. Political development can also be taken care of, if the head
follows the logic of the precept; Ang sakit ng kalingkingan ay damdam ng
buong katawan. Of the two political valuespolitical development is the
higher value, because man is the ultimate end.
As matters stand, it can be seen that jpofitUgl development ne. d -not be
given higher priority by the government or the head even if it has been
posited to be of higher value. In the first place, the head may not believe
in the rule of law, civility and social justice, and it may not follow the
precept of giving special care for the poor, the weak and the minority
because the head is superior, powerful, and autonomous. In the second
place, there are no political or social institutions provided which will see to
it "that the head does not abuse his powers, discretion, and authority.
The original paradigm, therefore, is fraught with possible dangers. As I
see it, there are at least three dangers which could arise from its
application, setting back what has been gained thus far in Philippine
political development
First the original paradigm may lend itself to endangering the rights
and liberties of the people, especially their constitutional and democratic
rights and liberties. During the last 100 years, the Philippines had gained a
lot of ground in this area. For this reason, students of politics have
concluded that among the numerous new nations of the Third* World, the
Philippines is one of the very few which have succeeded in establishing
and maintaining a constitutional democracy.75 The original paradigm posits
organic unity and coordination. In the attempts of the head to coordinate
and integrate all persons and groups into, as well as rationalize the
structure of authority in the body politic, the head could impose absolute
conformity or uniformity. Although rights are not absolute, there are valid
limitations to them as they are exercised in a social context Still, there are
areas of human dignity, liberty and happiness which the government or
head should not encroach upon or violate. Otherwise, man, the ultimate
end, is regarded as worthless, a mere thing or means. Considering that the