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10 140 15 20 25 30 Za 35 445, Is not same, i.e, had received no such augmentation or diminutior this plainly the case of the quantity xdy + ydx, augmented or dim~ inished by the quantity dxdy? Have you then done fairly and justly by this Great Man, in concealing all this from your thinking readers to whose judgment you refer your self, and in telling then that this quantity is rejected without the least ceremony? You will tell me perhaps, that you do not allow of this postu- Jatum, Why then you must not read the Marquis de 1'Hospital's Book. The postulatum is placed at the very beginning of it, as an express declaration to his readers, that unless that be allowed him, he will not undertake to demonstrate what follows. If you admit his postu Latum, you will find him proceed clearly and evidently and like a Mathematician in rejecting the quantity dxdy: if not, you / have no right to attack his proposition founded on that postulatum, but only to give your reasons against the postulatum itself. And thus much in vindication of my first master, that great.and clear-headed Geo- netrician, the Marquis d_1'Hospital, whose only misfortune it was to have met with muddy waters, and not to have drunk of the fountain it- self. I come now to consider what course Sir Isaac Newton hinself has taken to avoid this formidable rectangle ab, this fatal rock, this Bishop and his Clerks, that threatens destruction to him and all his followers, and here, Sir, in order to give your reasoning its full force, I shall transeribe the greatest part of the ninth section of your discours, after which I shall do the same justice to Sir Isaac Newton, by giving his demonstration in his om words, Your ninth section begins thus. “Having considered the object, I proceed to consider the prin- “ciples of this new Analysis by Monentums, Fluxions, or Infinitesi— "mals; wherein if it shall appear that your capital points, upon which “the rest are supposed to depend, include error and false reasoning; it "will then / follow that you, who are at a loss to conduct your selves, "cannot with any decency set up for guides to other men, The main “point in the method of Fluxions is to obtain the fluxion or momentum “of the rectangle or product of two indeterminate quantities. Inas- 10 142 15 20 25 30 143 35 446 "much as from thence are derived rules for obtaining the Fluxions of 'all other products and powers; be the coefficients or the indexes “what they will, integers or fractions, rational or surd, Now this “fundamental point one would think should be very clearly made out, "considering how much is built upon it, and that its influence ex- ‘tends throughout the whole Analysis, But let the reader judge. This 'is given for demonstration.* Suppose the product or rectangle AB "increased by continual motion: and that the momentaneous increments “of the sides A and B are a and b. When the sides A and B were de~ "ficient, or lesser by one half of their moments, the rectangle was "Aa x B= Yb i.e. AB- ab - WbA + kab, And as soon as the sides "A and B are increased by the other two halves of / * Philos. Nat. Princ, Math, Lib. TI, Lewm, 2. "their moments, the rectangle becomes F¥¥a x EFUB or Ab + 'saB + 4bA + kab. From the latter rectangle subduct the former, and the “renaining difference will be aB + bA, Therefore the increment of “the rectangle generated by the entire increments a and b is ab + A. Q.E.D, But it is plain that the direct and true method to ob- “tain the moment or increnent of the rectangle AB, is to take the “gides as increased by their whole increments, and to multiply them “together, A +a by B+ b, the product whereof AR + aB + bA + ab is “the augmented rectangle; whence if we subduct AB, the remainder “ab +bA + ab will be the true increment of the rectangle, exceeding “that which was obtained by the former illegitimate and indirect “method by the quantity ab. And this holds universally be the quan- “tities a and b what they will, big or little, finite or infinitesimal, “increments, moments, or velocities. Nor will it avail to say that ab is a quantity exceeding small: Since we are told* that in rebus nathematicis errores quan minini non sunt / * Introduct. ad Quadrat. Curv. "/eontemendi, Such reasoning as this, for demonstration, nothing but “the obscurity of the subject could have encouraged or induced the "great author of the fluxionary method to put upon his followers, and "nothing but an implicit deference to authority could move then to "admit. The case indeed is difficult. There can be nothing done till 10 144 15, 20 25 35 447 "you have got rid of the quantity ab. In order to [do] this the “notion of Fluxions is shifted: It is placed in various lights: Points “uhich should be clear as first Principles are puzzled; and terms which “should be steadily used are ambiguous. But not withstanding all this “address and skill the point of getcing rid of ab cannot be obtained "by legitimate reasoning. It is now time to hear Sir Isaac Newton. Princ. Lib. II, Lenm, 2. Cas. 1. "Rectangulum quodvis motu perpetuo "auctum AB, ubi lateribus A & B deerant momentorum demidia }; a and "(sic) bb, fuit A - ba in B - 4b, seu AB ~ ha ~ YbA + abs & quam~ “primum latera A & B alteris momentorun dimidiis aucta sunt, evadit "A + ia in b + Yb, seu AB + 3s / ab +¥bA+ hab “rectangulum prius, & manebit excessus aB + bA, Igitur laterum incre- De hoc rectangulo subducatur “mentis totis a & b generatur rectanguli incrementun aB + DA. Q.E.D. Having now fairly laid before ay reader what both your self and Sir Isaac Newton have delivered upon this subject, I come to examine which of you is in the right. [6] In the first place, I find you take it for granted that what Sir Isaac Newton is here endeavouring to find, by supposing the sides A and B first to want one half of their moments, and afterwards to have gained the other halves of their nosents, is the increment of the rectangle AB. In this I conceive you are mistaken, For neither in the denonstration itself, nor in anything preceding or following it, is any mention so much as once made of the increment of the rectangle On the contrary it plainly appears that what he endeavours to obtain by these suppositions, is no other than the increment of the rectangle A> YaxB > %, and you must own that he takes the direct and_true method to obtain it. But you will say, is it not the busi- ness of this lemma to determine the moments of flow- / ing quantities? And is it not the design of Case I to determine the moment of the rectangle AB? I answer that it is so: but that rigorously speaking the moment of the rectangle AB, is not, as you suppose, the increment of the rectangle AB; but it is the increment of the rectangle A TB (sic). In order to clear up this point, I must observe, 10 /46 15 20 25 /47 30 34 448 1. That the word moment is used by Sir Isaac Newton and your self to signify indifferently either an increment, or a decrement. [7] 2. That aB + bA + ab is by you demonstrated to be the true in- crement of the rectangle AB. 3, That aB + bA - ab is the true decrement of the same rectangle AB; as plainly appears upon taking the same true and direct method for finding the decrement; as you have used for finding the increment. Now, Sir, I would humbly beg leave to inquire of you, who see so much more clearly into these matters than Sir Isaac Newton or any of his followers; which of these two Quantities, aB + bA + ab and aB + bA - ab, you will be pleased to call the moment of the rectangle AB? The / case indeed is difficult. The difference between them is no less than 2ab, just the double of the same ab, which has given us all so much trouble; and yet each of them plead an equal right to the title of moment, So equal a one, that, though I am very sensible of your address and skill, yet there seems to be no possibility of de- ciding the controversy between them by legitimate reasoning. I see but two ways of doing it. One is that they should toss up cross or pile for the title: Or if that be thought too boyish and unbeseeming the Gravity of Mathematical quantities, they must even end their dis- pute in an amicable manner, and without claiming any preference one of another, agree that they make two moments between them, Then, Sir, I apprehend the case will stand thus: aB + bA + ab + bA ~ ab making twice the moment of the rectangle AB; it follows that aB + bA will make the single moment of the same rectangle, You see, Sir, after all the pains you have taken, this affair comes out, even upon your own concessions, just as Sir Isaac Newton and his followers would have it. Believe me, there is no remedy. You must acquiesce. / Only, if it may be any Statisfaction to you to know why Sir Isaac took this indirect way of finding the increment of A - ‘sa x B- kb, instead of proceeding directly to find the moment of the rectangle AB, I shall be ready to oblige you as far as can be ex- pected from one of those, who have shown themselves more eager in applying his method, than accurate in examining his principles. 10 18 15 20 25 169 35 449 The final cause or motive to this proceeding, I find, is not unknown to you; you say it is very obvious, meaning, I suppose, that thereby it was intended to exclude this same troublesome rectangle ab, Why truly, Sir, in a book of strict denonstration, as Sir Isaac Newton intended his Principia should be, it was certainly more proper to ex- clude that quantity, so as not to suffer it to appear, than first to introduce it into the reader's view and then to reject it. You add that it 4s not so obvious or easy to explain a just and legitinate reason for it, or shew it to be Geometrical. How far it nay be obvious or easy to assign such a reason, I will not dispute: though I am apt to think what is easy to me, cannot be difficult to other persons, provided they / use the same endeavours to find the truth, as I have done. Now, I apprehend the reason of this proceeding of Sir Isaac Newton to be the following very plain one: That in order to find the moment of the rectangle AB, it is more consonant to strict Geometrical rigour to take the increnent of the rectangle A~ Ya xB-™%, than to take the increment of the rectangle AB itself, And if I can and make this appear, you must allow that he had a ju: gitimate reason for pr. You know very well that the moment of the rectangle AB is proportional ceding as he did, to the velocity of that rectangle, with which it alters, either in in- creasing, or in diminishing, Now, I ask, in Geometrical rigour what is properly the velocity of this rectangle? Is it the velocity with which the rectangle AB becomes A+ a x EF 5: ‘B? I find myself exactly in the case of the or the velocity with which from AB it becomes Aa x E Ass between the two bottles of hay: I see no reason, no possibility of a reason to determine me either one way, or the other. But methinks 1 hear the venerable Ghost of Sir Isaac Newton / whisper me, that the velocity I seck for, is neither the one nor the other of these, but is the velocity which the flowing rectangle has, not while it is greater or less than AB, neither before, nor after it becones AB, but at that very instant of time that it is AB, In like manner the moment of this rectangle is neither the increment from AB to Xa x°B 5; nor is : It ds not a moment common it the decrement from AB to A- ax B to AB and K¥a x B¥b, which may be considered as the increment of 150 10 15 20 51 30 35 450 the former, or as the decrement of the latter: Nor is it a moment common to AB and a x B~6, which may be considered as the decrement of the first, or as the increment of the last: But it is the moment of the very individual rectangle AB itself, and peculiar to that only; and such as being considered indifferently either as an increment or decre- ment, shall be exactly and perfectly the same. And the way to obtain such a moment is not to look for one lying between AB and AF ax +b; nor to look for one lying between AB and K-axB~-b: / that ts, not to suppose AB as lying at either extremity of the moment; but as ex- tended to the middle of it; as having acquired the one half of the moment, and as being about to acquire the other; or as having lost one half of it, and being about to lose the other. And this is the method Sir Isaac Newton has taken in the demonstration you except against. What say you, Sir? Is this a just and legitimate reason for Sir Isaac's proceeding as he did? I think you must acknowledge it to be so. For even if you should still have any doubt whether his proceed- ing be rigorously Geonetrical; yet you cannot but confess that whether monents be considered as infinitely small, or as finite quantities, his method approaches nearer toGeometrick rigour, than that which you pro- pose. I think likewise you cannot but be sensible of great want of caution in your own proceeding; inasmuch as that quantity which Sir Isaac Newton through this whole Lemma, and all the several cases of it, constantly calls a moment, without confining, it to be either increment or decrement, is by you inconsiderately, and arbitrarily, and without any shadow of reason given, supposed and de- / termined to be an in- crement, And this, Sir, naturally leads me to give you a piece of friendly advice, which you seen to stand much in need of. It is that, whenever you take it into your head to criticize upon Sir Isaac Newton's writings, you first examine and weigh every word he uses; and if you translate him, keep closely to his expression. Believe me, this Great Man, among his other extraordinary indowments, had a peculiar sagacity in foreseeing objections, as well as an aversion to disputing. To these two qualities accompanied with extreme humanity and condescension it is owing, that he uses such accuracy in his expression, that an in- telligent and attentive reader can never mistake him; and that he does 132 10 15 20 30 35, 451 of himself first propose, and then remove such difficulties, as may naturally arise in the minds of even candid and judicious persons, who are not yet masters of the subject he treats of. But as for the Homines stolidi & ad depugnandum parati, he contents himself with observing that prudent caution in every word he uses, that as they shall find nothing to mislead them, so on the other hand, if they underservedly and un- advisedly attack him, they shall certainly and una-/ voidably induere in stimulos latentes, and expose thenselves to the scorn and con- tempt of every unprejudiced observer. This great example, which in any the lowest degree to imitate is the highest honour I can ever arrive at, or even desire, moves me to propose and remove an objection which may possibly arise in your mind, and hinder you from acquiescing in one part of what I have just now laid before you, It is that I have supposed the rectangle AB extended to the middle of its moment; as having acquired the one half of it, and being about to acquire the other; or as having lost one half of it, and being about to lose the other. You may say this is strictly and ex- actly true in respect of the sides of that rectangle; which sides, from A ~ 4a and B - 4b, are become A and B; and are about to become A ~ 4a and B- kb: but this is not equally true of the rectangle composed of those sides, which from K- Ya x B- 4b, or AB - %aB - YbA + kab, is become AB; and is about to become AF ka x B+ %b, or AB + ‘ab + YbA + kab: since the part of the moment which AB is supposed to have / gained, nanely 4aB + 4A - kab, is not equal to that part of the moment which is about to be gained, namely 'aB + 4bA + kab; the difference be- tween them by kab, In answer to this I reply, that these two quantities kab + 4bA - kab, and 4saB + 4A + kab, so long as a and b are finite quantities, are undoubtedly unequal; but that the more a and b are diminished, by so much nearer will these quantities approach to an m, the quantities equality; and if a and b are diminished, ad infin will then be perfectly equal, See this deomonstrated Princip. Sect. 1. Lem. 1, Which Lenma, for your own sake and mine, I could wish you had consulted sooner, [8] Lastly, to remove all scruple and difficulties about this affair, I must observe, that the moment of the rectangle AB, determined by Sir Isaac Newton, namely aB + bA, the increment of the same rectangle, we determined by yourself, namely aB + bA + ab, are perfectly and exactly equal, supposing a and b to be diminished ad infinitum; and this by the Lemma just now quoted. 5 I now come to your second instance of false reasoning, which you 154 take from the / Book of Quadratures; and passing by the Lemma you so gravely lay down to shew, that when two contrary suppositions are made, nothing can be inferred from either of them; as a truth that no School-boy can be ignorant of; I shall here transcribe this instance 10 of false reasoning as you give it, with your observations upon it. *"Let the quantity x flow uniformly, and be it proposed to find the "Pluxion of x", In the same time that x by flowing becomes x + 0, the power ® becomes ¥F Ol", i.e, by the method of infinite Series AED gox™? 4 ge. and the increments o and nox! + BEB o 2 Hox 15 “one co another as 1 tom! BERond-?+ ge, Let nov the increments vin~ ish, and their last proportion will be 1 to nx!, But dt should seom that “this reasoning is not fair or conclusive, For when it is said, let the incre-/ * Analyst p. 20 [(n° 856), 72.] 1/55“ Jments vanish, i.e, let the increments be nothing, or let there be no 2" “or that there were increments, is destroyed, and yet a consequence of increments, the former supposition that the increments were something, "that supposition, i.e. an expression got by virtue thereof, is re- “tained. Which, by the foregoing Lemma, is a false way of arguing. “Certainly when we suppose the increments to vanish, we must suppose 25 “their proportions, their expressions, and every thing else derived “fron the supposition of their existence to vanish with them." You are pleased to go on for some nunber of pages, to make this point plainer, to unfold the reasoning, and to propose it in a fuller Ligh 30 fully unfolded it, that if this be the way of reasoning of our Mathe- But I think we may as well stop here, You have already so matical Infidels, I pronounce our Religion out of all danger from that quarter, From this time our Reverend Clergy may sleep in quiet, and be under as little apprehension from the unbelieving Analyst, as from the most ignorant of the Popish Monks, the most stupid of the Jewish 156 Rabbi's, of the most empty and contemptible / praters among the Minute 10 15 25 30 138 35 453 Philosophers. I have only one doubt upon me. Pray, Sir, are you very sure that this is the real doctrine of Sir Isaac Newton? Are you ab- solutely certain you have not mistaken him? You seem, I must confess, to be exceedingly cautious, you blame others for not being accurate in dining his Principles, you talk of preventing all possibility of aking you, and you treat him and his followers in such a manner, oxai mis! that you are to expect no quarter from them in case of ill success. And yet this is so great, so unaccountable, so horrid, so truly Boeothian a blunder, that I know not how to think a Great Genius, a Newton could be guilty of it. For God's sake let us examine it once more. Evanescant jam augnenta illa, now let the increments vanish, ise, let the increments be nothing, or let there be no increments, Hold, Sir, I doubt we are not right here, I remember Sir Isaac Newton often uses the terms of momenta nascentia and momenta evanescentia. I think I have seen you likewise several times using the like terms of nascent and evanescent increments. Also, if I am not mistaken, both he and you consider a nascent, or evanescent moment, an increment or de- / crement, as the same quantity under different circumstances; sometimes as in the point of beginning to exist, and other times as in the point of ceasing to exist, From this methinks it should follow that the two expressions subjoined, will be perfectly equivalent to each other. Nascantur iam augmenta illa, & eorum ratio prima erit Evanescant iam augmenta illa & eorum ratio ultima erit ‘The meaning of the first can possibly be no other than to consider the first proportion between the nascent augments, in the point of their beginning to exist. Must not therefore the meaning of the latter be to consider the last proportion between the evanescent augments, in the point of evanescence, or of their ceasing to exist? Ought is not to be thus translated, Let the augnents now become evanescent, let them be upon the point of evanescence? What then must we think of your interpretation, Let the increments be nothing, let there be no incre~ ments? Do not the words ratio ultima stare us in the face, and plainly tell us that though / there is a last proportion of evanescent incre~ ments, yet there can be no proportion of increments which are nothing, 10 15 159 20 25 30 35 454 of increments which do not exist? I believe, Sir, every thinking person will acquit Sir Isaac Newton of the gross oversight you ascribe to bim, and will acknowledge that if is your self alone, who have been guilty of a most palpable, inexcusable, and unpardonable blunder. 1 now come to the third head of your objections, 3, Arts and fallacies used by Sir Isaac Newton to make his false reasoning pass upon his followers, On this head I shall not need to take up much of your time, because having already fully proved that Sir Isaac Newton was not guilty of false reasoning in the instances you alledge, I suppose no- body will think he had any occasion to make use of arts and fallacies to impose upon his followers, But you have one observation upon this head, which is so very singular, that I cannot but think it worthy rts of particular consideration, Considering, *say you, the various and devices used by the Great Author of tl ionary method many lights he placeth his Fluxions: and in what different ways he / *Analyst, p. 27. [(n° 856), 75.] how 1d be inclined { attempts to demonstrate th think he was himself suspicious of the justness of his own demon— strations: and that he was not enough pleased with any one notion steadily to adhere to it. ‘Thus much at least is plain, that he owned himself satisfied concerning certain points, which nevertheless he could not undertake to demonstrate to others. Really, Sir, this seems to be very hard usage. Sir Isaac Newton has made a new and great dis- covery, by which he has not only out-done all the Geometricians that even went before him, but can enable such ordinary proficients in Mathematicks, as you and T, to surpass all the great masters of an- tiquity: He is so good as to instruct us of his method; and because if requires some pains and discernment to comprehend it rightly, he sets it in several various lights, that by means of sone of these we may not fail of understanding it. Pray, Sir, have you and I any rea~ son to complain of this? For my part, I think myself greatly obliged to him for his condescension: If he had not taken so much pains to explain his doctrine, I doubt I should never have understood it. But, for God's sake, what is it you are offended at, who do not still / 160 10 15 161 20 25 30 35 455 J understand hin! You are all in the dark, and yet are angry at his giving you so much light, Surely the fault is not in Sir Isaac Newton, but in your own eyes. So thick a drop serene has quench'd their orbs, Or dim suffusion veil'd. But is this not he himself, say you, suspiciou: of the justness of his own dewonstration? Pray, Sir, when a Divine is instructing his hearers in a weighty and important point of Religion, if from a desire that every one should perfectly understand him, he is at the pains to use several arguments, and to set his Doctrine in various lights; would it be reasonable, or just, or grateful in any of his auditors to infer from this, that the Preacher was suspicious of the justness of his own reasoning? When you, after all the denonstrations that had been given of the being of a God, by the learned Fathers of the Church, and by the wisest of the Philosophers of all ages, thought fit to introduce that new and singular one of a Visual Language, would it be fair in me to suppose that you were suspicious of all the / former proofs of the existence of a Deity, and left that great and important truth to depend upon a methaphorical agrument? Surely one argument may be just, and conslusive, and per- fectly satisfactory to him that uses it; and yet the matter treated of may be of that difficulty or of that dignity and importance, as not only to admit of, but to require several others for the instruction and conviction of his hearers. And thus much may suffice for your third and last head of objections against Sir Isaac Newton and his followers: Only before I conclude I must advise you to correct one word in your extract from his* Letter to Mr. Colli 8, 1676, or rather to give up that extract intirely, as being of no manner of service to you. There is a great deal of difference between saying I cannot undertake to prove a thing, and I will not undertake it. Sir Isaac, in that And besides letter says, I will not the point there mentioned is not the point here in debate; so that you have no right to draw any inference from that point to this. Having now done with every thing necessary to the vindication of Sir Isaac Newton and his followers, and thereby driven / 162 10 15 163 25 30 456 *analyst. p. 27 [(n° 856), 75.] / you entirely out of our intrenchnents, I am considering whether I should sally out and attack you in your own, You have thrown up some works, I see, which at a distance make a pretty good appearance, and seem capable of defence: But upon taking a nearer view of them, I judge them to be very slight and untenable, and to be guarded rather by a new-raised, undisciplined Militia, than any thing of a veteran regular Troops; so that it would not be very difficult to carry them by assault. But as they seem rather designed for shew, than use, more to amuse your self, than any way to annoy us, I am determined to leave you in possession of them, [9] : Only your supposition of a* double error in the method of Flux- ions, and the use you make of it to shew how true conclusions are ob- tained fron false principles, by means of two contrary mistakes exactly compensating one another, has something in it so extraordinary, as to require and deserve a particular consideration, [10] This darling Phantom, this beloved offspring of your teeming brain, which is like Minerva issuing armed from the head of Jupiter, her spear / *Analyst. p. 31 & seq. to p. 49. [(n° 856), 79.] / in one hand, and her Shield with the Gorgon's head in the other, is to turn all our Mathematicians into stocks, and stones, and statues, is forth with so much art and skill, and is dressed out in so advan- tageous and pompous a manner, to draw the attention and to dazzle the imagination of the spectators, that it would be unpardonable neglect and rudeness in me to pass it by unregarded, I shall not therefore content my self with saying that one® of thse errors is already become evanescent, i.e. is nothing, is no error at all; and that the other of then ill Likevise dmediately disappear 1ikel the Gho a departed quantity, 4£ you exorcise it with a few words out of the first section of the Principi On the contrary, I propose so far to gratify your fondness for this hopeful scheme, as to give it a fair and full exanination. We are to consider therefore what be the reason, that in the method of Fluxions the conclusions are exactly true: For in the exactness of the conclusions we are both agreed; though there be a wide difference 164 10 15 20 30 35 457 between us in respect of the means by which Mathematicians arrive at that/ * See p. 46-53. tanal. p. 59. [(n° 856), 89.] / exactness. I conceive that the conclusion is therefore exact, becaus it is deduced by just reasoning from certain principles. You on the contrary are of opinion that Sir Isaac Newton is guilty of a capital and fundamental error in rejecting the quantity ab, so often talked of, and that the conclusion comes out right, not because the quantity re~ jected is infinitely small; but because this error is compensated b; another contrary and equal error. And this you say, +perhaps the Demon- Strator himself never knew or thought of. Tre he had committed only one error, you would not have come at a true solution of the Problea. But by virtue of a two-fold mistake he arrives, though not at science, yet at truth. For science it cannot be called, when he proceeds blindfold, g_how or by what means. This is the way you account for what you justly say, §may perhaps seem an unaccountable Paradox, that Mathematicians should deduce true Propositions from false and arrives at the th not knowi Prinipcles, be right in the conclusion, and yet err in the prenises; that error should bring forth truth, though it cannot bring forth science. Now truly, Sir, if this Paradox of yours / * Amal. p. 35. [(n° 856), 78.] +p. 36. [p.79-] Tp. 34. tp.77] § p. 31. [pp.67-77.] 7 should be well made out, I must confess it ought very much to alter the opinion the world has had of Sir Isaac Newton, and occasion our talking of him in a very different manner from what we have hitherto done. What think you if, instead of the greatest that ever was, we should call him the most fortunate, the most lucky Mathematician that ever drew a circle? Methinks I see the good old Gentleman fast asleep and snoring in his easy chair, while Dame Fortune is bringing him her apron full of beauti- ful Theorems and Problems which he never knows or thinks of: just as the Athenians once painted her dragging towns and cities to her favorite General. For what else but extreme good fortune could occasion the con~ clusions arising from his method to be always true and just and accurate, when the premises were inaccurate and erroneous and false, and only led to right conclusions by means of two errors ever compensating one another 166 10 15 25 30 168 35 458 to the utmost exactness? What luck was here? That when he had made one capital, fundamental, general mistake, he should happen to make a second, as capital, as fundamental, as general as the first; That he should not proceed to commit three or four such/ mistakes, but stop at the second: That these two mistakes should chance not to lie both the same way, but on contrary sides, so that the one might help to correct the other; and lastly, that the two contrary errors, among all the infinite proportions which they might bear to one another, should happen upon that of a per- fect equality; so that one might in all possible cases be exactly bal~ anced or compensated by the other. With a quarter of this good fortune, a man might get the 16666 1. prize in the present Lottery, with a single Ticket. [11] But to come to our point, we are to examine whether the exactness of the conclusion is owing to the exact compensation of one of these errors by the other, or to those errors being utterly insignificant, being in reality no errors at all, And in order thereto I propose to see how the conclusion will come out, when only one of these errors is committed, so that there is nothing to compensate it. In your 21 Section, which with its figure I here refer to, the BB x PB = PB / the second error is making ay, instead of first error is supposed to be the making of the subtangent or If both these errors be committed, or if neither of them be com ‘ mitted, the conclusion is agreed to be equally just and right, giving S = 2x. RB x PB ad z tain the second, by supposing ay my conclusion will be 5 and re~ a x SPE * 4 On the other hand if I commit the first error, and avoid the second, If I avoid the first of these errors, by making ny conclusion will give me S= 2x x 723 Now I affirm that these two several values of S, which are the result of one error only without anything to compensate it, are both true and equally exact with the forner value, 2x, which is the result of either of tvo errors, or of none at alls You, Tam sensible, will dispete this vith Y me; you will say that one of these, 2x x —“%—~y is less than 2x3/ and z Dy + ay the latter, 2x x SEH, so sn ene sane pFopollton oi er than 2x. I beg 10 15 169 20 25 30 70 459 beg leave therefore, for the information of sone of my readers, to ask you a question. Supposing the true subtangent 2x to be a thousand miles in length, how much will the second value of that subtangent, 2x x kh 2y + dy an inch? None of these you confess, nor the thousandth, nor the thousandth fall short of a thousand miles? Will it be a yard, or a foot, or millionth part of an inch. I ask farther, what then is this difference? Is it possible in all the infinity of fractional numbers to find any thing small enough to represent it? You own, you confess it is not: You must confess likewise, that if these three several values of $ were all to be expressed in numbers, without being reducible to which, in your* opinion, they can be of no use, they must every one be expressed by 1000, without the least tittle of var- dation, addition, or dinunition. Behold, Gentle Reader, what a mightyt beam here has been discovered in the eyes of Mathematicians, in comparison of which/ * analyst Query 24. + Motto to Analyst. Jali the difficulties in Divinity are but as motes and atons! [12] Since therefore these errors are wholly insignificant, my conclusion when reduced to nunbers, coming out exactly the sane, vhether the first, or second, or neither, or both of these errors be committed; and since by cormitting both these errors, the calculus, which would otherwise, es- pecially in the higher operations, be exceedingly tedious and laborious, is now rendered surprisingly expeditious and eary; it seems to me that this is so far from being any defect in the method of Fluxions, that on the contrary it 1s one of the greatest advantages and excellencies of that invention. But you tell me it is not the usefulness of this method that is the matter in dispute: all the question is whether 1t be seten- tifical, whether those who use it, see their vay distinctly, or proceed blindfold and arrive at the truth not knowing how or by uhat means, 1 have spoken to this before, but must add a word or two more in this place. You, Sir, are for avoiding these two errors; I am for retaining then. When you avoid them, do not you see your way distinctly? And if I retain then, voluntarily, and with ny eyes open; / may T not nevertheless clearly see the effect of these errors, or of either of then, in every step I take and in the conclusion I at last come to? May I not therefore like~ 10 m 20 25, 30 (72 35 460 wise be said to see my way distinctly? Now, if you and I can see our way so well, I am afraid it will be construed as great presumption in us to suppose that no body does so besides our selves: and much more, if we should say that the Great Inventor of this method, and the Author or so many other wonderful discoveries, never knew or thought of what to us appears so plain and manifest; that’he who gave us so much Light, was in the dark himself; that he who opened our Eyes, had no sight of his own. For my part I can never concur with you in thinking that I see farther, or go beyond Sir Isaac Sed longe sequor, & vestigia pronus adoro. But it you think fit to persist in asserting that this affair of a ton double error is intirely a new discovery of your own, which Sir Isaac and his followers never knew nor thought of, I have unquestionable evi- dence to convince you of the contrary. I must acquaint you therefore with what all his fol-/ lowers are already apprised of, that these very objections of yours were long since foreseen, and clearly and fully re~ moved by Sir Isaac Newton, in the first section of the first book of the Princpia; the greater part of which section, particularly the first and seventh Lemma, and that admirable Scholium at the end of it, was written to this very end and purpose only, and to no other in the world. I have now no more to do, but only to acquit my self of the premise I made a while ago, to rectify 2 mistake you are fallen into with regard to another of the greatest men the English nation has produced. In order to which I must here transcribe the greater part of the CXXV article of your New Theory of Vision. "After reiterated endeavours to apprehend the general Idea of a “qriangle, I have found it altogether incomprehensible. And surely if “anyone were able to introduce that Idea into my Mind, it must be the “author of the Essay concerning Human Understanding; He, who has so far "gistinguished hinself from the generality of Writers, by the clearness “and significancy of what he says. Let us therefore see how this cele~ "prated Author describes / the general, or abstract Idea of a Triangle. "Te must be, says he, neither Oblique nor Rectangular, neither Equi- Seals but all and none of th it is somewhat imperfect that 10 3 15 20 30 114 461 “some parts of several different and inconsistent Ideas are put together, “Essay on Human Understanding, B, iv. C. 7, S. 9. This is the Idea, “which he thinks needful for the Enlargement of Knowledge, which is the “gubject of Mathematical Demonstration, and without which we could never “come to know any general Proposition concerning Triangles, ‘That Author “acknowledges it doth require some pains and skill to form this general "Idea of a Triangle. Ibid, But had he called to mind what he says in “another place; to wit, that Ideas of mixed Modes wherein any incon "sistent Ideas are put together, cannot _so much as exist in the mind "ive, be conceived, Vid, B, 111, C, 10, 8, 33, Ibid, I say, had this “occured to his Thoughts, it is not iuporbable he would have owned it “above all the Pains and Skill he was master of, to form the above~ "mentioned Idea of a Triangle, which is made up / of manifest, staring “contradictions, That a Man who thought so much, and laid so great a “stress on clear and determinate Ideas, should nevertheless talk at "this rate seems very surprising, In this section you plainly accuse Mr, Locke of contradicting hin~ self in two several particulars, 1, ‘The above-mentioned Idea of a Triangle, say you, is made up of manifest, staring contradictions, 2, You represent the two following propositions of Mr. Locke as contradictory one to the other. It, The general Idea of a Triangle, is an Idea, wherein some parts of several different and inconsistent Ideas are put together. Ideas of mixed modes, wherein any inconsistent Ideas are put to- gether, cannot so much as exist in the Mind, I propose to clear up these two points, and to shew that inneither but first, in of them Mr, Locke is guilty of contradicting hinsel! order thereto, I must take up a little of your time in considering the notion of general, or abstract Ideas, which pains I am rather inclined to take because, though I have carefully perused what you / have written upon this subject, I am one of those who still adhere to the vulgar, or rather universal error of all Mankind, that neither Geometry, nor any general science can subsist without general Ideas, [13] 10 115 15 20 25 30 116 35 462 Though the words general or abstract Ideas are indifferently used by Writers as having the same common signification; yet as it may be a means of rendering what I have to say upon this subject something more intelligible, I shall beg leave to make a distinction between then, not as being different in themselves, but only in respect of the manner in which they are commonly formed or introduced into the mind, I shall confine the name of abstract Idea to that, which the mind forms to itself from the consideration of some number of different species, by abstracting from those particular Ideas in which the species differ from one another, and retaining those in which they agree. I shall call that a general Idea, which may be produced in the mind without any consideration, or even knowledge, or different Species. [14] ‘An example will make this very plain, When Mr, Ray is forming his Method of / Plants, he observes that Mint, and Sage, and Lavender, and Rosemary, and many other Plants, besides their particular character isticks by which they are distinguished from one another, have some other marks in which they all agree; as in their leaves growing in pairs opposite to each other, @monopetalous labite flower, with four seeds growing at the bottom of it, and those inclosed in no other vessel than the perianthium, By joining together these counon marks he forms his compound Idea of that Genus of Plants which he calls verticillate: which from his laying aside, or abstracting from all the peculiar dis- tinguishing marks of the several species, is properly named an abstract Idea, [15] But if Mr. Ray will teach me Botany by his Method, he. must take a different course; he must begin with me where he himself ended; he must first introduce into my mind the general Idea of a verticillate plant, and afterwards descend to particular species, He tells me a verticil~ late plant is one whose leaves grow in pairs opposite to each other, ‘and whose flower is monopetalous and labiate, with four seeds at the bottom of it, and those inclosed only in the perianthium./ This in me is properly called a general Idea, because I shall find it to compre~ hend all the particular species of verticillate plants: but I have no reason to call it an abstract Idea, because not knowing as yet any of the particular species, or their characteristick differences, I have 10 m7 1b 20 25 30 178 463 nothing to abstract from, The abstract Idea therefore is that of the Master or Philosopher; and the general Idea that of the Disciple, ‘The former requires, as Mr, Locke observes, some pains and skill to form it: the latter demands neither pains nor skill, it needs only a little attention to conceive it. In like manner a person acquainted with the several species of Triangles, is from the consideration of these to form an Idea of a Triangle in general; his method will be to examine the several compound Ideas of the different species of Triangles, and to distinguish between such parts of those compound Ideas as are the peculiar characteristicks of each species, and such parts as are common to all of then in general, ‘Then connecting these last together into a new compound Idea, and ab- stracting from all the rest, he will have the abstract Idea of a Tri- angle; which is that of a space compre- / hended by three right lines, add if you please, containing three angles. [16] When he has got this Idea himself, it is the easiest thing in the world, to give it to another, Let him take a Learner, a Boy, suppose, who has never learned what a triangle is, much less what any particular specics of Triangle is, and tell him a Triangle is a space comprehended by three right lines: I say that the Boy, as soon as he understands the meaning of these words, will have acquired the general Idea of a Triangle. If you doubt of it, shew him a rectangular Triangle drawn upon paper, and ask him what it is; he will without hesitation tell you it is a Triangle: afterwards shew him separately all the other species of Triangles, and you will find he knows them every one to be a Tri- angle, His Idea of a Triangle therefore is general, inasmuch as it suits all the particular species, And the acquiring this Idea either abstract, or general, in Teacher or Scholar, seems to me to be attended with so little difficulty, that I think Mr. Locke has said full enough when he declares that the first requires some pains and skill to form it: and it is to me surprising to hear a Gentleman of your pene-/ tration profess, that after reiterated endeavours to apprehend the general Idea of a Triangle, you have found it altogether. incompre— hensible. Put your self but once in the case of a Learner, endeavour to divest your mind of all your preconceived Geometrical Ideas, and 10 79 4s 20 25 30 180 35 464 then turn to Euclid's definitions; and I'll venture to assure you, you will find no more difficulty in apprehending the general Idea of a Tri- angle, than in apprehending the Idea of an obliqueangled, or of a sca~ lene Triangle, or even that of an Angle alone; there being no objection against the first, but vhat may with equal reason be brought against any of the others; as will easily appear to him that considers, that an angle in general, an obliqueangled Triangle in general, and a sca- lene Triangle in general can no where exist but in Idea only, any more than a Triangle in general. [17] Having premised thus much concerning the abstract, or general Idea of a Triangle, I come now to examine into your charge against Mr. Lock introduced in’an unfair and injust manner. If any one were able to and in the first place I must take notice that this charge is introduce that Idea into my mind; say you, it must be the Author of / the Essay concerning Hunan Understanding; &¢, Let us therefore see how this celebrated Author describes the general, or abstract Idea of a Would not any body imagine from these words that Mr. Triangle Locke were here purposely describing this Idea, in order to introduce into the mind of one who had it not already? If that were his intention, it is certainly a most miserable description; since no person living who does not already know what a Triangle is, can ever have that Idea introduced into his mind from what Mr. Locke here lays down, And yet that Idea is introduced into the mind with all the ease in the world by vhat he gives us to understand in another *place, that the Idea of a Triangle is that of three lines, including a space. Could he possibly talk so clearly in one place, and so cloudily in another, if his in— tention were the same in both? Is it not plain to any one who at~ tentively reads the passage you refer to, that his intention there was not to describe the general Idea of a Triangle, but only to shew from the seeming inconsistencies in that Idea, supposed to be already known, that it required some pains and skills to form it, as well as other / * Essay on Hum, Underst. B, IT, C. J abstract Ideas? Observe his vords, "For abstract Ideas are not 50 “obvious or easy to children, or the yet unexercised mind, as particu- “lar ones, If they seem so to grown men, 'tis only because by constant 10 781 15 20 25 30 182 465 "and familiar use they are made so, For when we nicely reflect upon "then, we shall find, that general Ideas are fictions and contrivances “of the mind, that carry difficulty with then, and do not so easily “offer thenselves, as we are apt to imagine, For example, Does it not “require some pain and skill to form the general Idea of a Triangle? "(Which yet is none of the nost abstract, comprehensive and difficult.) "Vor it must be neither oblique, nor rectangle, neither equilateral, “equicrural, nor scalenon; but all and none of these at once. In “effect, it is something imperfect, that cannot exist; an Idea wherein "some parts of several different and inconsistent Ideas are put to~ “gether.” We come now to the manifest, staring contradictions [18], contained in this Idea of a Triangle: the first of which, I suppose, is contained in these: words, all and none of these at once, The Enantiosis, I confess, is pretty strong: and yet the meaning of it is plain- / ly no more than this, that the general Idea of a Triangle is a part of the Idea of every species of Triangles here enunerated, but is not the in— tire Idea of any one of then; is comon to them all, and confined to none. It is something imperfect that cannot exist, may possibly be another of your contradictions. It does not appear so to me, For every individual Triangle, every Triangle that can exist, must be something more than a space included by three lines, it must also have the characteristick mark of some one of the particular species of Tri- which angles; without which it would be imperfect, it could not exist is what Mr. Locke here says of a Triangle in general. 2, But the great contradiction of all seens to lie in the two following proposition, which are brought together from different parts of Ur. Locke's work, and set to stare one another in the fact to dis~ grace their Author, It is an Idea, wherein some parts of several different and incon- sistent Ideas are put together, Idea of mixed nodes, wherein any inconsistent Ideas are put to- gether, cannot so much as exist in the mind, Here, Sir, I strongly apprehend you are fallen into one of those traps, which this Great Nan would sometimes divert hinself with setting to catch unwary cavillers, the Homines stolidos & ad depungnandum 10 183 20 25 30 184 35 466 _paratos, that I mentioned a while ago, Had his first proposition run thus, It is an Idea wherein several different and inconsistent Ideal are put together, it would undoubtedly have been contradictory to the second, But that is not the case: pray observe the words of this cautious and accurate Writer, It is an Idea, wherein SOME PARTS OF several different and inconsistent Ideas are put together. Now, we know that the several compound Ideas of a rectangled, an oblique, and an acuteangled Triangle are different and inconsistent one with another, No two of them can be put together so as jointly to exist or be con~ ceived in the mind, Likewise the several compound Ideas of an equi- lateral, equicrural, and scalene triangle are inconsistent with one another, But yet some parts of one of these inconsistent Ideas are not only consistent, but are perfectly the same with some parts of another. To shew this I beg leave to divide two of these inconsistent Ideas into several parts, The compound Idea of a rectangled The compound Idea of an acute- ‘Triangle may be divided into angled Triangle may be di- these parts. vided into these parts. 1, A plane space, 1, A plane space, 2, Comprehended by right lines, 2. Comprehended by right Lines, 3. Three in number, 3. Three in number, 4, Containing three angles, 4, Containing three angles, 5, One right, two acute, 5, All acute. There is, we see, no difference between the four first parts of the compound Idea of a rectangled Triangle, and the four first parts of that of an acuteangled Triangle: it is owing to the fifth part along of each Tdea, that these two Ideas are different and inconsis- tent. [19] And as it is easy to see that these first four parts are the same in all the other particular Species of Triangles; and that the sane four parts do conpose the general Idea of a Triangle; it is plain that the general Idea of a Triangle is an Idea, wherein SOME PARTS OF several different and inconsistent Ideas are put together. The first therefore of the two propositions / in question is un- doubtedly true; and as these parts are no way inconsistent with one another, it is manifest that the second proposition is not contra— dictory, or at all repugnant to the first. 10 16 467 I come now, Sir, to take my leave of you, and hope that if an honest zeal for truth in the first place, and in the second for the reputation of those Gentlemen to whon I conceive the whole body of mankind, at least 1 must acknowledge my self to be highly indebted, has given occasion not only of differing from you, but even of repre~ hending you with the utmost freedom wherever I thought the truth and your behaviour require it; you will not impute the liberty I have taken to any disrespect for your person, which I am an utter stranger to, though I have @ very great estcen and value for your uncommon abilities and many of your writings, and am with sincere respect, sir, Your most obedient Humble servant, PHTLALETHES CANTABRIGIENSIS FINIS. NOTES AU TROISIEME APPENDICE 468 [1] La controverse autour de 1'Analyst de Berkeley (i) commence par la publication de ce livre en 1734. Adressé @ un "infidel mathemati- cian", probablement Edmund Halley (ii), l'essai est beaucoup plus profond que Jurin en avait pensé. I1 a touché a un probléme fonda- mentale de 1a nouvelle méthode des fluxions, celui de 1a nature des infinitésimaux. Méme si l'on n'a pas compris la portée de sa criti- que, les réponses A ses arguments ne tardaient pas. Une véritable bataille de livres s'en suit. Buffon fait mention de quelques titres, mais on peut se demander s'il les connaissait aussi bien qu'il le prétend. La premire réponse, celle que Buffon semble connaftre, est celle de James Jurin, ici reproduite. En 1735, J. Walton, le direc teur d'une école & Dublin, publie en défense de 1a méthode de cal- ma_of Sir Isaac Newtor cul infinitésimal de Newton, A Vindict: Principles of Fluxions against the Objections conta: lyst. Buffon n'en fait pas mention dans sa Préface A la traduction din the Ana- de Newton en 1740. Mais i1 fait mention de la réponse que Berkeley fit aux pamphlets de Jurin et de Walton, intitulée A Defence of inking 4 plus importantes A Jurin A leur propre place dans L'appendice. Jurin (G44). Nous noterons les réponses les a Mathema répliquera par le Minute Mather uatician, or the Free-thinker no Just~ Thinker en 1735 (iv), cité également par Buffon. Berkeley ne fit aucune réponse 2 ce tract offensant, mais écrivit 1'opuscule Reasons chism of the Author of the Minute Philosopher fully answer'd, paru en cette méme année de 1735, que Walton avait publié pour se dé- fendre contre les attaques de Berkeley. Buffon ne semble pas con- naitre de tout cette controverse entre Berkeley et Walton. Mais il connait, au moins 1'existence, d'autres ouvrages issus de cette con- troverse: Benjamin Robins, A Discourse concerning the Nature and Cer~ (n® 314), cité par Buffon, et (mn 856). (4) Berkeley, Analy (4i) Voir 1'introduction 4 1'Analyst par Luce & Jessop, (n° 856), 56-57. (144i) Berkeley, Defence (n° 315), cité par Buffon, et (n° 859). (iv) Jurin, Minute Mat henatician (n° 519), eit® par Buffon. 469 tainty of Sir Isaac Newton's Method of Fluxions (1735) (i), et le Treatise of Fluxions (1742) de Maclaurin. (11) (2] La calomnie de Buffon envers Berkeley ne semble venir que de Jurin. Nous noterons les points de rencontre entre les passages de sa Pré~ face de 1a traduction de Newton de 1740 et le texte de Jurin. Tei, comparez, nous vous prions, cette fin de paragraphe avec Buffon, 0.2, 454 A 14-16: "j'ai reconnu que ce n'est pas le zele, mais la vanité qui a conduit sa plume;. [3] Buffon reproduit 1a néme liste d'objections" de Berkeley: nous dit... que le Calcul de 1"Infini est erroné, fautif, obscur, que les principes n'en sont pas certains, & que ce n'est que par hazard quand i1 mene au bout," (iii) Nous verrons bient6t que la critique de 1a notion de 1"infinitésimal, qui est 1a vrate question de 1'Analyst, dans cette Préface de 1740 n'est pas trés Eloignée de celle de Berkeley. [4] Dans 1a Defence (iv), Berkeley se défend contre les prétendues dé- naturations des mots de Newton en rapportant deux citations, une tirée de 1a Quadrature des courbes, 1’autre des Principes nathéma- nominando tigues: 1, Motuum vel increnentor: ness 2. Velocitates incrementorum ac decrementorum quas etiam, motus, mutationes fluxiones quantiatun nominare licet, "And that he acmits fluxions of fluxions, or second, third, fourth fluxions, &. see his Treatise of the Quadrature of Curves." [5] A propos de 1"insignifiance du petit rectange ab, Berkeley dirar "This you dwell upon and exemplify to no other purpose but to amuse your reader and mislead him from the questions which in truth is not concerning the accuracy of computing or measuring in practice, but (4) Robins, Discours (n® 700), cité par Buffon, (44) Maclaurin, Treatise (n° 1090). Buffon ne ete pas cet ouvrage, mais il en connait d'autre du méme: Geometria organica (nO 570) et Trea. tise of Algebra (n® 571). (444) Buffon, 0.7. 454 A 5-8, (iv) Berkeley, Defence (n® 859), §25; 119. 470 concerning the accuracy of the reasoning in science." (1) Le souct de Berkeley n'est pas 1a précision de L'application du calcul infi- nitésimal, L'Analyst rejoint le De Motu de 1721 et "introduction des Principles of Human Knowledge de 1710, pour s'attaquer aux fonde~ ments rationnels némes de la science. [6] Berkeley affirme le contraire: il y a expressément mention de la différentielle du rectangle dans le passage de Newton cité par Jurin lui-néme, ".,,the great author in the end of his demonstration under- stands his increnentum as belonging to the rectagulum quodvis at the beginning. Is not the same also evident from the very lemma it self prefixed to the demonstration? The sense whereof is (as the author there explains it), that if the moments of the flowing quantities A and B are called a and b, then the momentum vel mutatio geniti rec- tanguli AB will be aB x bA. Either therefore the conclusion of the demonstration is not the thing which was to be demonstrated, or the rectanguli incrementum ab x bA belongs to the rectangle AB." (1i) [7] Berkeley argumente que 1a différenticlle dans 1a conclusion est &~ gale au momentum du lemme. "But let us hear Sir Isaac's own words: Earum (quantitatum scilicet fluentium) incrementa vel decrementa momentanea sub nomie momentorum intelligo." (iii) [8] "Afterwards to remove (as you say) all scruple and difficulty about this affair, you observe that the moment of the rectangle determined by Sir Isaac Newton, and the inerewent of the rectangle determined byne are perfectly and exactly equal, supposing a and b to be diminished ad infinitum: and for proof of this, you refer to the first lemma of the first section of the first book of Sir Isaac's Principles, I an— swer that if a and b are real quantities. then a b is something, and consequently makes a real difference: but if they are nothing, then the rectangles whereof the are coefficients become nothing likewise: and consequently the momentum or incrementum, whether § (4) Berkeley, Defence (n° 859), §24; 119. Ga) Ihia., $27; 120-221. (iii) Ibid., 528; 121. 47 Isaac's or mine, are in that case nothing at all."(i) Voici le noeud du probl@me, ce que Jurin ne senble pas avoir compris, Les contra- dictions que Berkeley a fait observées ont leur origine chez Newton lui-néme, Dans son article "The Analyst Controversy: Berkeley as a fathematician" (ii), John Oulton Wisdom a examiné 1a nature de 1a différentielle chez Newton pour déterminer si Berkeley a machiné un argument pour établir une contradiction par 1a dénaturation inten- tionnelle de la pensée vériatble de Newton, conme le voulait Jurin. A propos de la différentielle chez Newton il conclut: "I would con- clude that to Newton the use of the infinitesimal was absolutely necessary; that in this form it was, as Berkeley asserted, flagrantly "in the sense that it contradictory; that the theory was not “wron; would have to be discarded and replaced by another one; that it is not directly justified or supported by the later valid theory of 1i- nits; but that with certain premisses it can by this means be justi- fied and have its contradiction renoved. I would conclude further that Newton made no serious attempt to base the method on limits, or, nore precisely, that his conception of a limit was not sufficiently near the right one to serve as an alternative basis to infinitesi- nals. For, so far as a fluxion was the value with which the infini- tesimal constituents of the increnentary ratio vanished - and no more apt description than the ghost of departed quantities can be given - there are the implications that the zero-increnents were ceasing to be increments and were becoming zero, the contradiction that was to prove so difficlut to handle, and that a limit was essentially a barrier that was steadily approached, whereas the important feature of Cauchy's concept is the capacity of a function to find itself in the neighbourhood of what is to be its limit - irrespective of how the approach was made." {9] Buffon dira: " vérité [que la Métaphysique est 1a science 1a plus trompeu on peut dire que son Ouvrage est un exemple de cette se dans les (4) Berkeley, Defence (n? 859), 532; 123-124, (n® 1428); cité est a la page 120. (41) Wisdom, "The Analyst Controversy’ an applications qu'on en fait, & la plus difficle a suivre sans s'éga~ rer], puisqu’avec sa Néthaphysique il conmet des erreurs trés— grossiéres & fait des raisonnemens trés-faux;...". (i) Jurin ne parle pas de la métaphysique berkleienne, mais peut-@tre a-t-il com muniquer quelques indications sur le propos du Principles of Human Knowledge ou de Three Dialogue between Hylas and Philonous & Buffon dans une lettre perdue jusqu'a maitenant, Sur la correspondance Buf- fon-Jurin, voir ci-dessus, & 1a page 10, note 10, [10] Sur 1a question de 1a compensation d'erreurs, il semble que c'est Berkeley qui est en effet en erreur. Voir Wisdom, "The Analyst con- troversy" (n° 1428), 116. [11] Voir 1a remarque de Buffon, que Berkeley argumente que dans le cal- cul infinitésimal, " but." (it) [12] "Some fly to proportions between nothings. Some reject quantities sce n'est que par hazard quand il mene au because infinitesimal. Others allow only finite quantities and re~ ject them because inconsiderable. Others place the method of flu- xions on a foot with that of exhaustions, and admit nothing new therein, Sone maintain the clear conception of fluxions, Others hold they can demonstrate about things incowprehensible. Some would prove the algorism of fluxions by reductio ad absurdum; others a priori. Some hold the evanescent increments to be real quantities, sone to be nothings, some to be limits, As many men, so many minds: Each differing from one another, and all from Sir Isaac Newton." (iii) Crest en effet cette imprécision a propos de 1a nature des "infini- ment petits" qui fait tous les paradoxes et les contradictions de a méthode de fluxions. Voici le problem central pour Berkeley. En accord avec toute sa philosophic, Berkeley veut que ces infinitési- maux ne sont que des abstractions mathématiques, On les emploie comme des entités réelles qui sont des éléments constituants des courbes réelles. Si cela est vrai, ces particules infimes doivent G) Buffon, 0.P. 454 A 32-36. Gi) OLB. 454 A 8-9, (Ait) Berkeley, Defence (n° 859), 544; 133 473 @tre finies, Cest curieux que Buffon n'a pas vu la contradicition implicite dans 1a notion de 1"infininent petit, puisqu'il reconnait que la notion d'infini "n'est qu'une idée de privation, & n'a point d'objet réel." (i) Par abstraction des qualités réelles des étres finis, un nouveau @tre est “eréé" (11), La raison d'étre du calcul, infinitésimal est sauvée seulement par son mérite "dans 1"applica~ tion", (411) Et 41 semble stapprocher a 1a pensée de Berkeley a un tel point qu'il dira: "La pldpart de nos erreurs en Nétaphysique viennent de 1a réalité que nous donnons aux idées de privation, nous connoissons le fini, nous y voyons des propriétés réelles, nous 1"en aépouillons, & en le considérant aprés ce dépouillement, nous ne le reconnoissons plus...". (iv) Voici déja énoncé en 1740 ltessentiel du principe métaphysique de 1749, Mais la critique des "abstrac~ tions", si saillante dans les trois volumes de 1749, ce que nous avons vu lors de 1a critique logique, est ici absente, N'est-ce pas qu'entre cette préface et la rédaction des premiers volumes de 1"Hi toire naturelle, il a mieux étudié les textes de Berkeley, pour mieux les employer par 1a suite? [13] Nous donnerons en notes les réponses de Berkeley en défense de sa critique logique des abstractions étant donnée 1" importance des con- cepts dans la dialectique buffonienne, A propos de 1'"Idée générale" Berkeley réplique: "This implies that I hold there are no general ideas. But I hold the direct contrary, that there are indeed general ideas, but not formed by abstraction in the manner set forth by Mr. Locke." (v) Berkeley a toujours soutenu cette these; erreur de Jurin est, en effet, de ne pas avoir compris la critique de Berkeley contre les abstractions, retenant justement 1a notion d'idée géné- rale", (4) Buffon, O.P. 448 B 44-45, (1) O.P. 449 A 56. (ii) O.P. 449 B10. (iv) 0.P. 449 A 49-55. (w) Berkeley, Defence (n® 859), $45; 134. 476 (14) La distinction de Jurin est inutile; selon cette définition, 1'idée abstraite et 1'idée générale sont identiques. Mais c'est justement ce que Berkeley critique. La mani8re dont elles se forment dans Lesprit ne peut pas les différencier si l'abstraction a partir didées particulidres est niée, ce qui est Ihypothse de Berkeley, et ce que Jurin a du critiquer, s'il pouvait. [15] Selon Berkeley, ceci n'est pas une idée abstraite, mais une idée générale. Voir Principles of Human Knowledge, de 1' "Introduction" jut then it doth not appear to me that those notions are formed by abstraction in the manner premised; universality, so far as I can comprehend not consisting in the absolute, positive nature or con- ception of any thing, but in the relation it bears to the particu~ lars signified or represented by it: by virtue whereof it is that things, names, or notions, being in their own nature particular, are rendered universal." (i) {16] Un espace compris par trois droites, contenant trois angles, n'est pas une idée abstraite, mais une idée générale, selon Berkeley. En contradiction avec le paragraphe & suivre, Berkeley précise qu "It is Mr. Locke's opinion that every general name stands for a general abstract idea, which prescinds from the species or indivi- duals comprehended under it. Thus, for example, according to him, the general name colour stands for an idea which is neither blue, red, green, nor any other particular colour, but somewhat distinct and abstracted from them all." (ii) Dire qu'un triangle est un es- pace compris par trois droites, c'est la définition du triangle, et non pas 1'idée abstraite du triangle, ".,.1 believe we shall ac~ Kmouledge, that an idea, which considered in it self is particular, becomes general, by being made to represent or stand for all other particular ideas of the same sort." (iii) L'idée générale étant 1a d6finition de l'objet considéré, i1 devient possible de 1'appliquer légitimenent & tous les objets particuliers qui répondent aux mémes (4) Berkeley, Principles of Human Knowledge (n® 864), 815; 33-34. (44) Berkeley, Defence (n° 859), §47; 135. (44i) Berkeley, Principles (n® 864), §12; 31-32. 475 propositions de 1a définition, La science est possible, et doit @tre faite a partir d'idées générales. Mais 1'idée abstraite, une espce d'image mentale qui dépouille l'objet de ses propriétés ac~ tuelles, voil&ce qui est impossible et contradictoire. L'exemple du géom@tre qui démontre 1a méthode de diviser une ligne droite en tracant une Ligne d'une pouce au crayon, nous montre avec 1a plus grande clarté L'argusent de Berkeley: ".,,as that particular line becomes general, by being made a sign, so the Name line which taken absolutely is particular, by being a sign is made general, And as the former owes its generality, not to its being the sign of an abstract or general line, but of all particular right lines that may possibly exist, so the latter must be thought to derive its generality from the same cause, namely the various particular lines which it indifferently denotes." (i) [17] N'ayant pas compris 1a distinction que Berkeley fait entre les ab~ stractions et les idées générales, i1 est évident que Jurin va dé- rober & Berkeley 1a plus géniale et 1a plus significative contri- bution de L'argument. C'est justement parce que L'idée générale ntexiste ailleurs que dans 1'Idée, que 1a science est possible. L'idée est générale simplement par le fait qu'elle puisse s'appli- quer & tous les objets sous sa dénomtnation, La signification d'une idée générale, puisqu'elle est une définition, ne concerne pas un ‘objet, mais une proposition relative a l'objet. " "Tis one thing for to keep a name constantly to th? same definition, and another to make it stand every where for the same idea: the one is neces- sary, the other useless and impracticable." (ii) lesidées abstraites de Locke ne sont pas seulement enigmatiques ou contradictoires, elles sont inutiles. [18] Berkeley démontre le contraire a Defence (n® 859), 546; 18-135, [19] Aprés 1a discussion ci-dessus , 11 devient inutile de dénontrer les erreurs de Jurin. Disons seulement qu'il confond, encore une fois, les idées abstraites et les idées générales: ce qu'il donne (i) Berkeley, Principles (n° 864), §12; 32. (ii) Ibid., $18; 36. 476 pour la “compound Idea of a rectangled Triangle" est sa définition, et non pas 1'Idée abstraite dans le sens de Locke, On peut méme se demander si Jurin a compris Locke, ESSAI A LA BIBLIOGRAPHIE 477 Nous avons distribué les ouvrages de 1a bibliogpahie en plusiers parties: une premt@re partie, ceux qui se rapportent & Buffon, une deuxitme, des ouvrages de 1'époque de, ou antérieure a, Buffon. Une troisi’me conporte une liste des ouvrages modernes consultés pour la rédaction de notre thse. Sections: I, Oeuvres de George Louis Leclere, comte de Buffon (signalées dans 1a bibliographie Genet-Varcin & Roger) IL. Oeuvres de Buffon (pour servir de supplément & la bibliographie Genet-Varcin & Roger) III, Littérature sur Buffon . (signalée dans 1a bibliographie Genet-Varein & Roger) IV. Littérature sur Buffon (pour servir de supplénent la bibliographie Gener-Varcin & Roger) V. Bibliographie de Buffon VI. Sources générales VII, Littérature générale La premi@re et la troisi@me ne donnent que les références aux ou- vrages consultés, qui ont déja 6&6 répertoriés dans 1! importante "Biblio— graphie de Buffon", établie par Emilienne Genet-Varcin et Jacques Roger, 513-575). Des fois, les éditions que nous avons employées se different de celles et qui accompagne 1'édition des Qeuvres philosophiques (0. données dans cette bibliographic. La deuxitme et la quatrime peut servir de supplément & cette biblio- graphic, soit en apportant des ouvrages (tres peu!) avant 1954 que nous avons pu repérer, et qui ne se figurent pas dans cette bibliographic, soit en apportant ceux, par une liste aussi compléte que possible, qui sont parus depuis cette époque. SECTION V: La "Bibliographic de Buffon" veut repérer tous les ouvrages expli- citement consultés par Buffon avant, et pour la rédaction des trois premiers volumes de 1'#istoire naturelle de 1749, 11 y a plusieurs noyens de connaftre cette lecture, D'abord, nous avons dépouillé la 478 correspondance extante avant 1749, Ensuite nous avons pu retrouver quel- ques livres signés et datés par Buffon. 11 y a dans les régistres de L'académie des sciences de Paris des rapports de Buffon, en tant con~ missaire de cette Académie, qui donnent des comptes rendus de certains rages. Derni®renent, il y a plusieurs références dans le traductions ajoutés par Buffon lui néne; les volunes de 1"Histoire naturelle sont eux-ménes pleins de références assez précises pour @tre répertoriées. Cette "Bibliographic" a posé quelques problémes cependant. Des fois Buffon cite un ouvrage, sans donner des indications précises quant & L'édition consultée. Dans le but d'identifier avec précision 1'ouvrage, et pour vérifier son existence, nous donnons soit la référence de 1a premire Edition, soit celle d'une grande édition avant 1749 que Buffon a pu consulter, soit, dans le cas de la correspondance, 1'édition la plus proche avant la date de la lettre de Buffon. I1 est moins important dtavoir retrouvé 1'édition exacte, que est souvent impossible & faire, que d'identifier la source avec précision. Nous ne somes ménes pas sir que Buffon avait lu ou néme conculté tous les livres de cette répertoire. En effet, dans 1a Liste des "introuvables" qui termine 1a section, nous voyons des noms d'auteurs qui ne semblent m&me pas existés! Lorsque Buffon cite un certain "Krank", ne s'agit-il pas plutét du gand his- torien Albrecht Krantz? Dans la préface & la traduction de Newton, il cite un grand nonbre de mathématiciens pour faire une courte histoire de L"invention du calcul infinitésimal. Nous avons donné toutes les ré- férences nécessaires pour identifier les ouvrages en question. Mais Buffon, les a-t-il lus? La plupart de ses renseignements ne senble venir que de John Collins (q.v.). Mais méme s'il ne les a pas tous lus, 1a con~ clusion de notre long travail est une qui était tout a fait inattendue, L'importance de cette répertoire ne se trouve pas dans la liste des ouvrages cités; ce sont ceux qui n'ont pas été cités explicitement par Buffon qui nous senblent les plus intéressant: Quant A la distribution dans notre répertoire, il y a plusicurs remarques & faire. D'abord, 1a Liste connence par les "Anonynes". Les Wistoires de L'HARSP sont donnés par ordre chronologique sous le nom "Fontenelle" (aprés les ouvrages de Fontelle). Les ouvrages suivent autrement L'ordre alphabétique, selon les noms d'auteurs ou des livres. 479 Les noms donnés par Buffon sont toujours donnés, mais des fois pour ren voyer le lecteur A un autre, d'aprés le syst®me moderne de classement. Par exemple: GREGOIRE DE SAINT-VINCENT. Voir SAINT-VINCENT, Grégoire de. Lorsque Buffon ne donne que le titre d'un livre dont 1'auteur est au- que: LETTRE SUR LES AVEUCLI Jourd'hui connu, le néne systine s'ap Voir DIDERO?, Denis. Si 1'édition citée n'est pas la premi@re, la date de la premi®re est donnée entre parentheses aprés le titre du livre, exception faite aux ouvrages anciens. Les titres sont donnés exactement (nous espérons!), et ne comportent jamais de "(sic)" lorsqu'il y a dé~ viation dans l'orthographe. Par exemple, A (n® 268), le nom de 1'éditeur est donné "Jaques" et non pas "Jacques". Tous les titres sont donnés en entier; la nécessité devient transparente lorsqu'on lit les commenta~ teurs de Buffon qui nous revoient A d'autres livres que ceux dont parle Buffon. Voir notre discussion de Toland, Letters to Serena, page 11 A la note 31, ci-dessus. Mais aussi, conme outil de référence, il était né- cessaire d'en faire une liste des titres aussi précise que possible, car pour repérer oeuvre d'un auteur cité par Buffon, il peut y avoir plusieurs sources possibles, en particulier en ce qui concerne les récits des voyageurs. Un exenple bien saillant - Buffon cite 1'auteur anglais "Campbell" et sa description de 1'Angleterre, Nous avons eru qu'il pou~ vait stagir de Willian "Canbden" (q.v.), jusqu'au moment que nous avons transcrit la référence de 1a collection de voyages de Harris (n° 490), oD nous avons trouvé que 1'éditeur de la réédition de 1744 & 1748 était un "Campbell". Est-ce celui que nous cherchions? Nous ne pouvons pas L'affirmer, mais pour que cette répertoire puisse servir aux autres chercheurs, il a fallu rapporté des indications aussi complétes que possible. Pour cette raison nous avons dépouillé les périodiques pour s_édifiantes, rapporter les articles dont Buffon fait mention ~ des Lett! des Philosophical Transactions et la version abrégée, des HARSP, etc. ms des auteurs (ou anonynes). Les articles sont rapportés selon les 1 Mais lorsqu'il est impossible de connaftre Lauteur d'aprés les indica- tions de Buffon, ils se trouvent dans le rubrique "Périodiques", sous les titres des périodiques, avec des renvois aux auteurs qui figurent aphie de Buffon. Cette liste dans la premi’re partie de cett bibliog des périodiques ne comportent que ceux nécessaire pour retrouver les 480 auteurs, ou ceux dont Buffon était abonné (par exemple, La Connais- sance des Temps (n° 802)). Ce n'est pas une liste de tous les pério~ diques - par exemple, le Journal des scavans ne sera pas inclus parce que Buffon nous renvoye A une lettre de Nartoseker 3 ce journal, mais pour indiquer un article d'un anonyme, dont la référence chez Buffon nest que "Journal des scavans. 1680", Pour la référence A Hartsocker, nom donné par Buffon, voir 1'entrer sous ce nom. Nous avons ajouté des indications de quelques collections de voyage, celles deMelchidédech Thévenot et de John Harris, qui ne sont pas citées par Buffon, mais qui contiennent plusieurs récits cités par Buffon. Aprés chaque référence 1'endroit chez Buffon ot se trouve sa mention de cet ouvrage est donné. Les sources chez Buffon sont indiquées par les sigles suivants: C.N. ~ Correspondance Nadault. Correspondance inédite (n° 29). C.L. - Correspondance Lanessan, Correspondance générale (n° 30). C.Bézard. - Correspondance Bézard, Lettres _de_de Brosses & Loppin de Gemeaux (n° 880). Voir (nO 54). €.Brown. - Correspondance Brown. Buffon and the Royal Society (n° 119), C.Hanks. - Correspondance Hanks. Buffon avan (no 198). C.Muséum, - Correspondance Muséum. "Lettres inédites" (n° 31). C.Rit. - Correspondance Ritter. “Lettres & Jalabert" (n° 49). C.W. ~ Correspondance Weil. "Correspondance Buffon-Craner" (n° 96). IN, - Histoire naturelle (n° 19). Volumes I, IT, ou III. 0.2. ~ Oeuvres philosophiques (n° 83). Lorsque L'ouvrage est cité dans 0.P., nous n'avons pas donné une deuxitme fois les pages corres- pondantes dans 1'H.N.. - Mémoire. Les mémoires sont identifiés quant 4 leur date dans Je MARSP et raccoureie A L'année du XVITTe sivcle: 1745 = "45, Par 1a page donnée aprés le sigle, le ménoire est repérable dans la Liste des némoires (n° 1) A (no 16). T.H. — Traduction Hales. Statique des végétaux (n® 17). quelles correspondent Le sigle est suivi par les nunéros de pages a les références. Si Buffon cite littéralement d'un livre, la page sur la~ quelle il le faic est marquée ainsi: (cit). S'il y a plusieurs références différentes au mmc ouvrage sur la nBme page de Buffon, elles sont 481 (2), (3) ete. notés par le nombre de fois cité entre parentheses, ainsi Pour dire cité deux fois, trois fois, ete. Derni’rement, tous les personnages qui figurent dans les références, B l'exception bien entendu des noms des Editeurs qui suivent les Lieux 4¥impression, sont donnés dans un "Index des personnages de 1a biblio- graphie", qui la suit inmédiatement. 482 I, OFUVRES DE GEORGE-LOUIS LECLERC, COMTE DE BUFFON (signalées dans la bibliographie Genet-Varcin & Roger) MEMOTRES (ordre chronologique) 1, BUFFON, "Recherches de 1a Cause de 1'Excentricité des Couches 1ig- neuses qu'on appercoit quand on coupe horizontalement le Tronc d'un Arbre; de 1'inggalité d"épaisseur, & du différent nombre de ces couches, tant dans le bois forms que dans 1*aubier," MARSP 1737 (1740) :' 121-134, 2, BUFFON. "Observations des différens Effets que produisent sur les Végétaux, les grandes gelées d'Hiver & les petites gelées du Prin- temps." MARSP 1737 (1740): 273-298, 3. BUFFON. "Mémoire sur un moyen facile d'augmenter 1a solidité, la force & la durée du bois." MARSP 1738 (1740): 169-184. 4, BUFFON, "Mémoire sur la conservation et le rétablissenent des forests." MARSP 1739 (1741): 140-156. 5. BUFFON, "Expériences sur la force du bots." MARSP 1740 (1742): 453-467. 6, BUFFON, "Fornules sur les échelles arithmétiques. (1744): 219-221. RSP 1741 7. BUFFON, “Expériences sur la force du bois. Second Mémoire." MARSP 1741 (1744): 292-334, 8, BUFFON, "Sur 1a culture des for@ts." MARSP 1742 (1745): 233-246, 9, BUFFON, "Dissertation sur les couleurs accidentelles." MARS? 1743 (1746): 147-158, 10. BUFFON. "Dissertation sur la cause du Strabisme ou des yeux louches. MARSP 1743 (1746): 231-248, 11, BUFFON, "Réflexions sur la Lot d'Attraction." MARSP 1745 (1749): 493-500, 12, BUPFON, "Addition au Mémoire qui a pour tite sur_la Lot d'Attraction," MARSP 1745 (1749): 551-552. Réflexior 13. BUFFON, "Seconde addition au Mémoire qui a pour titre: Réflexions sur la loi ton." NARSP 1745 (1749): 580-583. 14, BUFFON, "Invention de miroirs ardens, pour brusler a une grande dis~ tance." MARSP 1747 (1752): 82-101 15, BUFFON, "Découverte de la liqueur séminale dans les femelles viv: pares, et du réservoir qui la conticnt."” MARSP 1748 (1752): 211-228. 483 16. BUFFON. "Nouvelle invention des miroirs ardents." MARSP 1748 (1752): 305-312. ‘TRADUCTIONS 727) Par M. glois par H. Chez Debure i*ainé, 1735, In-40, xviii-408p. [Avec "Préface du traducteur" (reproduite dans 0.P, 5-6) et "Appen- ice" des Haemastaticks (1733) de Hales (n® 485). 18, NEWTON, Isaac, La Méthode des Fluxions, et des suites infinies (1736), "Par M. "Te Chevalier Newton, Paris: Chex Debure 1'ainé, 1740, In-40, xxx-148p Avec "Préface" de Buffon (reproduite dens 0 447-455) . HISTOIRE NATURELLE (ordre chronologique) e naturelle, générale De 19, BUFFON & DAUBENTON, Louis-Jean-Marie, Histoi et particuligre, avec la description du Cabinet du Roy, Pai ‘T'imprimerie royale, 1749-1767, In-40, 15 vol, 20. BUFFON & MONTBEILLARD, Guéneau de & BEXON, 1'abbé Gabriel-Léopold~ Charles-Ainé, Histoire naturelle des oiseaux. Paris: De 1'Inprinorie royale, 1770-1783. In=40, 9 vol. 21, BUFFON, Supplénent @ 1'Histoire naturelle, Paris: De 1'Inprimerie royale, 1774-1789. In-4, 7 vol. 22, BUFFON, Histoire naturelle des minéraux (et Traité Paris: De 1'imprimerie royale, 1783-1768. In-49, 5 vol. DISCOURS (ordre chronologique) 25, BUFHON. Discours prononcés dane 1*Aeadénie frangoiee, Le samedi 25 ‘a Ja réception de M, de Buffon. Paris: De 1'In- primerie de Bernard Brunet, 1753, In-40, 2Ip. [Discours de Buffon, pp. 3-16. Suivi de la Réponse de M. de Moncrif. au Discours de M. de Buffon, pp. 16-21.] 24, BUFFON. Réponse de M. de Buffon, au Discours de M. de La Condamine. In: Discours prononcés dans 1"Aca it 12 Janvi C. UXT. a la ré Brunet, 1761), 22-26. 25, BUFFON, Réponse de I. “Chez Ia V. Brunet, Watelet (Paris 176), TXE, 4 1a reception de ¥, 19. 484 26. BUFFON. Réponse de M. le Comte de Buffon, Directeur de 1'Académie Francoise, au Discours de M. le Chevalier de Chastelleux. In: Dis~ cours prononcés dans 1’Académie frangoise, le jeudi xxvii Avril M. DCC, LXXV, A la réception de M. le Chevalier de Chastelleux (Patis: Chez Denonville, 1775), 29-36. 27, BUFFON. Réponse de M. le Conte de Buffon, Directeur de L'Acadénie Francoise, au Discours de W. le Harechal Duc de Duras. In: Discours Prononeés dans l*Acadénie frangoise, le lundi xv Nai N. DCC. LXXV. A Ja réception de M. le Marechal Duc de Duras (Paris: Chez Demonvil- Je, 1775), 11-24. 28, BUFFON. Projet d'une réponse A M. Coetlosquet, ancien évéque de Limoges. Tn: H.N.S. IV, 14-19. CORRESPONDANCE, Collections (ordre chronologique) 29. [BUFFON.] Correspondance inédite de Buffon, recueillie et annotée par M. Henri Nadault de Buffon. Paris: Hachette, 1860. In-8°, 2 vol. 30. [BUFFON.] Correspondance généra uffon, recueillie | pariily Waddie ae Batten! [Zeeaiplucieies sdditiensl: int Gaurrer con plates de Buifon. Nouvelle édition annotée et précédée d'une intro- duction par J.-L. Lanessan (Paris: A.LeVasseur, 1884-1885), t. XIII & XIV. 31. [BUFFON.] "Lettres inédites de Buffon." In: Buffon. Edité par le Muséum national d'histoire naturelle (n° 123), 181-224. Lettres particuligres (par ordre alphabétique des récipients) 32, BUFFON. Lettre & 1'Académie de Philadelphie, du 31 mars 1787. In: W.F.Falls, "Buffon, Benjamin Franklin et deux académies anéricaines" (n® 130). Léon Gabriel du 33. BUFFON. Lettre 3 Mme Allut, du 26 janvier 1778. 1 Pélissier, "Lettres de quelques Gcrivains francais," Bullet Bibliophile et du Bibliothécaire (1906): 224. 34, BUFFON. Lettre & Auelot, du 15 décembre 1739. En fac-similé dans Ja collection Moulin 4 1a Biblioth@que de "Institut de France. 35, BUFFON. Lettres & 1'abbé Bexon, des 21 décembre 1776 et 15 juin (17802). In: W.F,Falls, "Cinq lettres inédites de Buffon," The Romanic Review (1933): 336-340. 36. BUFFON. Lettre au capitaine Burbure, du Mans, du 12 novembre 1777. In: Marcel Hédin, Les Vieilles Forges de la Sarthe (Le Mans: Impr. de Monnoyer, 1914), z du bullet la Société d'agr: ture, sciences et arts de la Sarthe XLIV (1914).) 485 37, BUFFON. Tettre A Gabriel Graner, du 4 avril 1744, In: Margaret Her- ring, "Un résumé de quelques années de la vie de Buffon. Lettre iné- dite," Modern Language Notes (1934): 317-320. (La bibliographie de Genet-Varcin & Roger né reconnait pas que cette lettre est adressée A Cramer. Mais elle est identique & celle de 1a méme date publiée par Richmond Laurin Hawkins, "Une vingtaine de lettres inédites,” Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France VLII (1935): 593-600.) 38. BUFFON. Fragment d'une lettre & Gabriel Craner, de 1749. Int Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France XXXII (1925): 627. 39. BUFFON. Lettres A Daubenton, des 29 février 1764, 18 janvier 1765, 7 mai 1766, 21 mai 1766, 5 mars 1767, octobre 1772, 17 janvier 1778 et 5 mars 1783. In: Gustave Michaut, "Buffon administrateur et houme d'affaires," Annales de 1'Université de Paris (1931): 15-36. 40. BUFFON. Analyse d'une lettre de Buffon 2 Mne Daubenton du Patis, s.d, In: Revue d'Histoire littéraire de 1a France XLII (1935): 149. 41. BUFFON. Analyse d'une lettre l'architecte Doussin, du 27 juillet 1751. In: Revue d'Histoire littéraire de 1a France XLII (1935): 149. 42. BUFFON. Lettres 3 Martin Folkes, des 18 juillet 1741, 4 Janvier et 14 mars 1743. In: Harcourt Brown, "Buffon and the Royal Society of London" (n° 119). 43, BUFFON. Lettres A Benjamin Franklin, des 1 janvier et 18 juillet 1787. In: W.F.Falls, "Buffon, Benjamin Franklin et deux académies anéricaines" (n° 130). 44. BUFFON. Fragment d'une lettre & Guéneau, s.d. In: Revue d'Histod Littéraire de la France XL, (1933): 461. 45. BUFFON. Lettres & J.-B. Guillaunot, des 3 avril 1779 et 13 mars 1782. In: W.F.Falls, "Deux lettres inédites de Buffon," Modern La guage Notes (1932): 170-172. 46. BUFFON. Lettre & Guyot de Morveau, du 7ou8 juin 1772. Int Jean Pelseneer, Une lettre inédite de Buffon A Guyot de Morveau & propos du phlogistique (n° 153). 47, BUFFON. Lettre & Heerkens, du 27 janvier 1777. In: J.A.Worp, "Let- tres de Voltaire, de Buffon et de Malesherbes A G.N.Heerkens, médecin et homme de lettres hollandais," Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France XXI (1914): 188-191. 48, BUFFON. Lettre A Hume, du 4 aofit 1774. In: John Hill Burton, Letters ‘of Eminent Persons addressed to David fume (a9 975): 305-306. 49. BUFFON. Lettres A Jallabert, des 11 janvier 1740, 2 avril 1745 et 29 mai 1748. In: Eugene Ritter, "Lettres de Buffon et de Maupertuis adressées & Jalabert (sic)," Revue d'Histoire é de) VIIT (1901): 650-656. 486 50. BUFFON. Lettre & M. deLa Place, de 1'Académie des Sciences, du 21 avril 1774, In: Journal officiel de 1a République francaise (24 mai 1879): 1262. 51. BUFFON. Lettre 3 Louis~ i 1774, In: Paul Bonnefon, "A travers les autographes," tofre littéraire de la France VI (1899): 136-138. 52, BUFYON. Analyse et fragment d'une lettre 3 1'abbé de Launay, du 4 juin 1773. In: Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France XLIT (1935): 149. 53. BUFFON. Analyse d'une lettre & M.Le Neuil, du 11 juin 1776. In: Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France XXXI (1924): 713. 54, BUFFON. Lettres & Loppin de Gémeaux, des 25 juin 1739, 7 juillet 1739 et 29 novembre 1739. In: Président de Brosses, Lettres & Ch.-C. Loppin de Géneaux (n® 880), 345-347. 55. BUFFON. Lettres & MM. de Madi@res, des 29 et 30 aofit 1739. In: Gus- tave Michaut, "Buffon administrateur et homie d'affaires" (voir (m0 39) ci-dessus). 56. BUFFON. Lettre & 1a belle-m8re du comte de Montoison (2), du 4 cembre 1774, In: Marcel Hervier, "Une lettre inédite de Buffon, French Quarterly (1921): 224-228. 57. BUFFON. Lettre 2 Mne Necker, du 9 décembre 1780. In: Le Garnet his torique et littéraire 1 (1899): 217. 58. BUFFON. Lettres 4 Mme Necker, des 24 février 1783 et 22 avril (2). In: Richmond Laurin Hawkins, "Unpublished French Letters of the Eighteenth Century," The Romanic Review (1930): 214-217. 59. BUFFON. Lettre A Panckoucke, du 20 aod 1787; lettre a Panckoucke (@), du 19 novendre 1783, In: W.F.Falls, "Cing lettres inédites de Buffon" (voir (n° 35) ci-dessus.) 60. BUFFON. Lettre au baron Ph. Picot de la Peyrouse, du 22 mai 1786. In: W.F.Falls, "Cinq lettres inédites de Buffon" (voir (n° 35) ci- dessus) . 61. BUFFON. Fraguent d'une lettre A un potte, du 23 décembre 1782. In: Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France IX (1902): 348. 62. BUFFON. Lettre 2 Ribot, du 12 jutllet 1782. In: L. de Richemond, “aprés la révocation de 1'Edit de Nantes. Lettres inédites," Académie de_Lakoch i ittér: nnales 23 (1885): 172-174. 487 63, BUFFON. Fragments d'une lettre a Richard de Ruffey, du 5 aote 1732 (datée du 4 aoft in Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France XXX (1923): 251 et publiée sous la date du 9 aodt in Lanessan (n° 30), AUIT, 13). In: Rewue d'iistoire Littéraire de la France XLIT (1935): 64. BUFFON. Lettre au président de Ruffey, du 24 décembre 1753. In: Rich~ mond Laurin Hawkins, "Unpublished French Letters" (voir (n° 58) ci- dessus). 65. BUFFON. Lettre AM. Smellie, du 18 février 1780. In: William Jar~ aturalist's Library (London: Chatto and Windus, s.d.). IL, 34-38. 66. BUFFON. Lettre & Théodore Tronchin, du 17 février 1769, In: H. Tron- chin, Un médecin du XVIIle sitcle: Théodore Tronchin (Paris: Plon- Nourrit; Gen&ve: Kuendig, 1906), 380-381. 67. BUFFON, Lettre & X..., de 1738. Lettre en fac-similé dans la collection Moulin de France. X..., de 1739. Toutes deux la Bibliothéque de 1"Insti- 68. BUFFON. Analyse d'une lettre 4 X..., du 26 novembre 1755. In: Revue éraire de la France XXX (1923): 251. 69. BUFFON. Lettre & X..., du 6 septembre 1769. En fac-similé dans la collection Moulin A la Bibliothéque de 1"Institut de France. 70. BUFFON. Analyse d'une lettre & X..., du 29 aodt 1778. In: Revue d'Histoire littéraire de la France XL (1933): 461. 71. BUFFON. Lettre 2 X..., du 4 mars 1756. In: L'Encyclopédie et les encyclopédistes. Exposition (Paris: Bibliothque nationale, 1932), nunéro 61 du catalogue. 483 II, OEUVRES DE BUFFON (pour servir de supplément & la bibliogeaphie Genet-Varcin & Roger) MANUSCRIT 72, BUPFON, Notes manuserites & son exemplaire de 1a Fau ica de Linné (n° 561), que poss8de maintenant 1a Bibliotheque nationale sous le céte S, 13117. [Wores, peu noabreuses, de c, 1770.) DES ARCHIVES DE L'ACADEMTE DES SCIENCES 73, BUFFON. "Expériences sur le manitre de tanner les cuirs." Registres de l'Académie, séance du 3 mars 1736, f, 36r0-37v°, In: Lesley Buffon avant 1'"Histoire naturelle" (n° 198), App. 3. 74, BUFFON & MAIRAN, Jean-Jacques Dortous de, "Rapport des conmissaires sur un mémoire de M. Péreire: Sur les effets de son art pour appren- are A parler aux sourds-muets de naissance; et, en particulier, les progrés faite par ¥, d'Azy d'Etavigny, son lve." Registres de 1"A- fe, séance du 9 juillet 1709, ff. 345-348, Crands extraits in: dO, Séguin, Jacob Rodrigues Péreire.,. Notice sur sa vie et ses travaux, et analyse raisonnée de sa méthode, pi a de l'éloge ar Buffon (Peris: J.-b.bailliere, 1847), 57-60. 75. BUFFON, "Résumé des résultats obtenus dans ses expériences sur la génération." (Daté du 17 mai 1748) Pli cacheté, déposé le 18 mai 1748, conservé aux Archives de 1'icadémie des sciences, dossier Buffon. In: Correspondance de Lanessan (n° 30), XIII, 54-55. adémie, séance 76, BUFFON, "Sur les fusées volantes." Registres de 1" juffon et les du 23 aoGt 1740, £, 180r°-183v°, In: Lesley Hanks, fusées volantes" (n° 199), ‘TRADUCTION 77, NEWTON, Isaac, La Méthode des Fluxions et des suites infinies (n° 18). Reprint éd. Paris: Albert Blanchard, 19 WISTOIRE NATURELLE 79, BUFFON. De 1'homme, Présentation et notes de Mich@le Duchet. Paris: F.Maspero, 1971. In-80, 408, (Revues: Jacques Roger, Revue d'His UXXIY (1974): 704; Paul Sardin, 489 80. BUFFON. De l'homme, histoire naturelle. Introduction de Jean Ros tand, Paris? Vialetay, 1971, In-89, xx-339p. 81. BUFFON, Les Epoques de la Nature. Edition critique avec le manu~ scrit, une introduction et des notes, par Jacques Roger. In: Mémoires du Muséum national d'histoire naturelle, nouvelle séric, série C Geiences de la terre), t. X. Paris: MusGum, 1962, In-8°, clii-344p. (Revues: W.Colenan, Modern Language Notes 80 (1965): 395-400; Michtle Duchet, Revue d'Histoixe litréraire de la France 64 (1964): 111-113; Y.Laissus, Revue d'Wistoire des sciences 17 (1964): 191-192; voir Stephen F.Milliken, "The Lyricism of the Intellect" (n° 222). 82, BUFFON, Les Epoques de la Nature. Précédé d'un premier discours. Introduction et notes de Gabriel Gohau, Paris: Editions rationalis- tes, 1971. In-160, xxv-221p. (Revues: Bulletin critique du livre francais XXVII (1972): 581; Albert DeYorme, Revue de Syntitse XCV 1973-1974), 187; Emile Naner, Revue de métaphysique et de morale LEXVIZI (1973): 237-238; Paul Sardin, Dix-huitiéme sitele 5 (1973): 434.) 83. BUFFON. Oeuvres philosophiques de Buffon. Texte établi et présen| par J.Piveteau, avec 1a collaboration de Maurice Fréchet et Charles: Bruneau, Bibliographie de Buffon par Emilienne Genet-Varcin et Jac~ ques Roger. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1954, In-40, x1-616p. ‘TRADUCT XTRAITS DE_BUFFON ‘ is DY 84, BUFFON, "The Initial Discours to Buffon's Histoire naturelle: The First Complete English Translation." By John Lyon. In: Journal of the History of Biology 9 (1976): 133-181. Edinburgh. New York: Arno Press, 1977, In-A%, 2 vol. 86. BUFFON, Storia naturale. Primo Discorso. Sulla maniera di studiare Ja storia naturale. Secondo discorso. Storia e teoria della Terra. Acura di Marcella Renzoni. (Avec des notes importantes.) Torino: Paolo Boringhieri, 1959. In-8°, xxi-581p. EXTRAITS, MORCEAUX CHOISIS 87, BUFFON, Un autre Buffon, Introduction de Jacques-Louis Binet; intro~ duction et annotations de Jacques Roger. Paris: Hermann, 1977, In-160, 200p. 88, BUFFON. Buffon. Lettre-préface de Georges Duhamel. Gravures de Ger- main de Coster, Paris: Imprimerie de Frequet et Baudier, 1951. In-fol., 109p. 490 89, BUFFON. Les chants du printemps. Orné de burins originaux de Tavy Notton. Conbrault (Seine-et-Marne): L'artiste, 1957. In-42, 109p. 90, BUFFON. Extraits, avec Jean de LaFontaine ville. Avant=propos de Raymond Dumay. Paris In-16°, xiv-260p. fables". Images de Grand- Club des éditeurs, 1959. 91, BUFFON. L'Histoire naturelle. Fxtraits. Paris: J.Taillandier, 1975. In-80, 235p. 92, BUFFON. La Nature, 1"honm x. Textes précédés d'une pré- face & Buffon par Roger Hein, ct suivis du Voyage A Montbard d'iérault de Séchelles (voir les (n° 139) et (n® 201)). Illustrations de Séve pour 1'édition originale de 1749-1789. Paris: Club des Libraires de France, 1957, In-16°, xx-652p. 93. BUFFON. Les Philosophes du_ Buffon, Diderot, Montesquieu. 465p. [Buffon = pp. 421-472.] 94. BUFFON, Portraits d'oiseaux de nos bois et de nos jardins. Textes choisis et préseni?s par Olivier Tancernay, dessins de Terrence Lan- bert. Paris & Bruxelles: Elsevier Séquoia,'1977. In-4°, 128p. du XVITTe siecle: J.-J.Rousseau, Voltaire, Paris: Aristide Quillet, 1953. In-160, CORRESPONDANCE Manuscrits signalés 95. DAWSON, Warren R. (éd.), The Banks Letters script Correspondence of Sir Joseph Bai Museum (Natural History) and Other Col. Great Br. don: Printed by Order of the Trustees of the British Museum, 1958), p. 183. [Deux lettres de Buffon & Banks analysées: des 10 juin 1772 et 23 juin 1783, toutes deux conservées au British Museum. Noter nombreuses allusions & Buffon partout la correspondance de Banks voir index.] Collections 96. [BUFFON.] "La Correspondance Buffen-Cramer." Publiée par Frangoise Weil, Revue d'Histoire des sciences XIV, 2 (1961): 97-136. générale de Buffon, recueil nin Son. [Preface par 1e Dr. Jean-Louis de Lanes- Ttes de Buffon éditées par lanessan (n? 30), €8, 1971. In-89, 2 vol. san]. In: Oo Reprint éd. 491 Lettres particuliares (par ordre alphabétique des récipients) 98. BUFFON. Lettres & Joseph Banks, des 10 juin 1772 et 23 juin 1783. In: Stephen F.Milliken, Buffon and the British (n° 220), 457-466. 99. BUFFON. Lettres @ James Bruce, de 1774 (2), et des 3 juin, 13 juin et juillet 1774. In: Alexander Murray, Account of the Life and Wri~ tings of James Bruce of Kinnard, Esq. F.R.S. (Edinburgh: George Ram- say and Co., 1808), 240-246, 100, BUFFON. Lettre 3 Du Tour (?), du 4 novembre 1783. In: Lesley Hanks, Buffon avant 1'"Histoire naturelle" (no 198), 285-259. 101, BUFFON. Lettre AM. le Duc, du 29 mai 1736, In: Marcel Bouchard, 'Un épisode de 1a vie de Buffon. La direction de la pépini8re pu- blique de Montbard" (n° 114), fac. I, 28-29, 102, BUFFON. Lettres aux Elus des Etats de Bourgogne, des 23 janvier 1741, 15 aoGt 1742, 17 mai 1743. In: Marcel Bouchard, "Un épisode de 1a vie de Buffon" (n°114), fac. 1, 37-41. 103. BUFFON. "Abstract fron a Letter sent by Monsieur Buffon, Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, &c. to Martin Folkes Esq} Pr.R.S. concerning his Re-invention of Archimedes's Burning Specu- la." Philosophical Transactions XLV, No, 489 (1748): 504-505, 104. BUFFON. Lettres 4 Folkes, des 10 aot 1739, 30 juillet 1742, 6 avril 1750. In: Lesley Hanks, Buffon avant i'"#istoire naturelle" (no 198), 259-268. 105. BUFFON. Lettres A David Hume, du "diamnche 24" [le 24 mars 1765] et du 24 décembre [1765] . In: Stephen F.Milliken, Buffon and the British (n° 220), 452-456. 106. BUFFON. Lettre 2 un inconnu, du 15 mai 1780, In: Chabrillant & P. Huard, "Une Lettre inédite de Buffon." Comptes-rendus du Congres des sociétés savantes de Paris et des départements tenu & Dijon en 1959. Section des sciences (Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1960), 35-36. 107. BUFFON. Lettre & Thomas Jefferson, du 27 mars 1787. In: Stephen F. Milliken, Buffon and the British (n° 220), 467-472. 108. BUFFON. Extraits de deux lettres & Lantin, des 25 février et 25 aoit 1739. In: Emile Deberre, La Vie littéraire A Dijon au XVITTe sidcle, d'aprés des docunents nouveaux (Paris: Alphonse Picard et fils, 1902), 229-230. 109. BUFFON. Lettre & 1'abbé LeBlanc, du 22 février 1737. In: Lesley Hanks, Buffon avant 1'"Histoire naturelle" (n® 198), 68-69; aussi, in: Stephen F.l the British (n° 220), 445-451. 492 pIscouRS 110. BUFFON. Discours sur le style. Introduction et notes par Pietro Battista, Roma: Signorelli, 1968. In-?, 64p. [on n'a pas pu retrouver cet ouvrage. Voir revue dans Culture fran- gaise XV (1968): 268.] oO 493 IIL, LITTERATURE SUR BUFFON (signalée dans 1a bibliographie Genet-Varcin & Roger) 111. AUDE, Joseph. Vie privée de Buffon, suivic d'un recueil de possie dont _quelques-unes sont relatives & ce grand hone. Publié par le comte de La Tour. Lausanne: 1788. In-8°, 141p. 112. BERTIN, Léon. Buffon ho: 87-104, e Ataf. aires. In: Buffon. Muséum (n° 123), 113. BLESSEAU, Mlle. Vie de M. le conte de Lanessan (n° 96), IT, 403-405. de Buffon. In: Correspondance 114. BOUCHARD, Marcel. "Un épisode de 1a vie de Buffon. La direction de la pépiniére publique de Montbard, d'aprés les documents inédits." Annales de Lest 4° série, 2¢ année (1934): fac. I, 21-43; fac. IT, 197-213. 115. BOUGOT, le P. Ignace. Notice sur la vie privée de M. le comte de Buffon. In: Correspondance de Lanessan (n® 96), II, 405-412. 116. BOURDIER, Franck. Buffon d'aprés ses port! (m9 123), 167-180, aite. In: Buffon. Muséum 117. BOURDIER, Franck. Principaux aspects de la vie et de 1'oeuvre de Buffon. In: Buffon. Muséum (n° 123), 15-86. 118. BOURDIER, Franck & FRANGOIS, Yves. "Buffon et les encyclopédistes. Revue d'Histoire des sciences IV, 2-3 (1951): 228-232. 119, BROWN, Harcourt. Buffon and the Royal Society of London. In: Stud- ies and Essays in the History of Science and Learning offered to George Sarton.... Edited by N.F.Ashley Montagu (New York: Henry Schuman, s.d. [1946]), 137-165. 120, BRUNET, Pierre. "Buffon mathématicien et disciple de Newton." Mémoires de 1'Acadénie des sciences, arts et belles-lettres de Dijon (1936): 85-91. 121, BRUNET, Pierre. "La Notion d'Infini mathématique chez Buffon." Archeion XIIT, 1 (1939): 24-39. 122, BUFFON, le chevalier de (frére de Buffon). Essai_sur les qualités morales et la vie privée de M. le conte de | dance de Lanessan (n® 96), If, 396-403. 123. BUFFON. Edité par le Muséum national d'histoire naturelle. Paris: Publications frangaises, s.d. [1952], In-8°, 244p. 124. CONDORCET, Jean, marquis de. Eloge de M. le comte de Buffon. Paris: Buisson, 1790. In-80, 82p. 494 125, CUVIER, baron Georges. Buffon. In: Joseph Francois Michaud, Bi ‘graphie universelle ancienne et moderne (n° 1383), VI, 117-121. 126. CUVIER, baron Georges. Note sur la vie de Buffon. In son édition des Oeuvres complates de Buffon (Paris? Dupont, 1830-1834), I, 7-29. 127. DE In: Buffon. M HANBRE, “Ed. L'Article des chiens dans 1'"Histoire naturelle" gum (n° 123), 157-166. 128, DINIER, Louis. Buffon. Paris: Nouvelle Librairie Nationale, 1919. In-160, 309p. 129. DUGAST DE BOTS-SAINT-JUST, Jean. Notice sur Buffon. 1 pondance de Lanessan (n° 96), II, 417 Corres- 130. FALLS, W.F. "Buffon, Benjamin Franklin et deux académics américai-~ nes." The Romanic Review (1938): 37-47. 131. FLOURENS, Pierre-Maric-Jean. Buffon. Histoire de ses travaux et de ges idées. Paris: Paulin, 1844. In-8°, v: 132, FLOURENS, Pierre-Marie-Jean. D + Paris: Gar nier fréres, 1868, In-18°, xcv-298p. _ 133. FLOURENS, Pierre-Marie~Jean. Notice sur Buffon. Tn son édition des Ocuvres conplai (aris: Garnier fréres, 1853-1855), I, 1-36. 134, FRANGOIS, Yves. Buffon (n® 123), 105-124. Jardin du Roi. In: Buffor 135. FRANCOIS, Yves, Voir BOURDIER, Franck & FRANGOIS, Yves. 136. GENET-VARCIN, Emilienne. La Théorie de la génération chez Buffon (1749). Paris: Centre de documentation universitaire Tournier et Constans, 1934. In-49, 45p. (Extrait in Buffon. Muséum (n® 123), 137-156.) 137. GEOFFROY SAINT-HILAIRE, Etienne. Fragments biographiques, précédés. g'études sur la vie, les ouvrages, les doctrines de Buffon. Paris: F.D.Pillot, 1838. In-8°, viii-359p. 138. HEIN, Roger. Préface Buffon. In: Buffon. Muséum (n° 123), 5-13. Reproduite (sauf pour le premier paragraphe) in: Buffon, D re, de l'homme, des animaux (n° 93), ix-xix. 139, HERAULT DE SECHELLES, Marie~Jean. Voyage A Montbar (sic) [fait en 1785], contenant des détails trés-intéressans sur le caractére, la personne et les crits de Buffon par feu iérault de Séchelles. Cet 495, tres morceaux de Littérature du méne auteur. Paris: Chez Solvet, an TX. in-80, xij-136p. [Voyage = pp. 1-70. 140. HUMBERT-BAZILE. Buffon, sa famille, ses collaborateurs et ses fami- liers. Mémoires par M. Humbért-Bazile..., mis en ordre par N. Henri Nadault de Buffon. Paris: Chez la veuve Renouard, 1863. In-8°, xv- 432p. 141, LACEPEDE, Bernard-Germain-Etienne de 1a Ville~sur-Illon, comte de. Eloge du conte de Buffon. In: Oeuvres du conte de Lacépade. Nouvel- le édition par A.-C.Desmaret (Paris: Chez Ladrange et Verdiare, 1826-1833), IV, 1-12. 142. LANESSAN, Jean-Louis de. Préface. Notice biographique. Introduction. In son édition des Oeuvres complétes de Buffon (Paris: A.Le Vasseur, 1884-1885), I. [Notice biographique = 1-50; Introduction = 51-452. ] 143. LELARGE DE LIGNAC, abbé Joseph-Adrien. Lettres a un Anériquain sur A'"Histoire naturelle générale et particuliére” de M. de Buffon. Wanbourg: 1751. Tn-12°, 5 vol. 144. LELARGE DE LIGNAC, abbé Joseph-Adrien. Suite des lettres 3 un Ané~ riquain sur_les IVe et Ve volumes de 1'"Hisroire naturelle” et sur_ Je “Traite des Animau le M. 1'abbé de Condillac. Hambourg: 1756. Tn-120, 4 vol. ~ 145. "LIVRES de 1a bibliothéque de Buffon." Intermédiaire des chercheurs et des curieux XLVI, 2 (1902): col. 846. 146. HALESHERBES, Chrétien-Guillaune-Lanoignon de. Observations... sur L'"Histoire naturelle générale et particulitre” de Buffon et Dauben- ‘ton. Publiées avec une introduction et des notes par Louis-Paul Abeille. Paris: Charles Pougens, an VI. In-8°, 2 vol. 147. MATOUSEK, Otakar. "Buffon and the Philosophy of his Natural His- tory." Archives internationales d'Histoire des sciences, nouv. série d*Archelon, XXVIII (1948-1949): 312-319. 148. MONGRIF, Paradis de. Discours prononcés da: cadémie_francoise le 25 aofit 1753 la réception de M. de Buffon (voir (n° 23) ci-des~ sus). 149. MUSEUM national d'histoire naturelle (Service de Muséologie). Ex- position Buffon (24 juin-15 septerdre 1949). Inventaire des docu- ments prés Introduction par Georges Bresse. Liste relevée par A.Barets et Y.Francois, et mis au point par Y.Francois. Paris: Musé- un national d'histoire naturelle, 1950, In-4°, 27p. 150. NADAULT DE BUFFON, Henri. Notes 2 sa fon (no 29). pO: 496 151. NOURRISSON, Jean-Félix. Philosophies de la nature. Bacon, Boyle, Toland, Buffon. Paris: Perrin, 1887. In-160, exix-264p. 152, PIVETEAU, Jean. La pensée religicuse de Buffon. In: Buffon. Muséum (m9 123), 125-132, 153. PELSENEER, Jean, Une lettre inédite de Buffon & Guyot de Morveau & ‘propos du Phiogistiqes, Int Buffon, Nuséum (n° 123), 133-136. 154, ROGER, Jacques. "Un nanuserit inédit, perdu et retrouvé: Les A dotes de 1a nature de N.-A.Boulanger." Revue des seci fase. 71 (1953): 231-254. 155. ROULE, Louis. Tuffon et 1a deseription de la nature. Paris: Flan- marion, 1924, In-16, 246p. 156. SAINTE-BEUVE, Charles-Augustin. Port-Royal. Texte présenté et an- noté par Maxime Le Roy. Paris: N.R.¥.-Gallimard, "Bibliothéque de Ja Pléiade", 1953. In-16°, 3 vol. [Pour les références & Buffon, voir 1"index de chaque tone.] 157, VICQ D'AZYR, Félix. Discours pron: ans_1'Acadénie frangoise, Je jeudi 11 décembre 1788 & la ri ie M. Vieq d'Azyr par le Paris: Chez Demonville, 1788. In-40, 34p. [Eloge de récipiendair. Buffon 497 IV. LUTTERATURE SUR BUFFON (pour servir de supplément 4 1a bibliographie Genet-Varcin & Roger) 158. ANDERSON, Elizabeth, "La collaboration de Sonnini de Manoncourt A A'Histofre naturelle de Buffon." Studies on Voltaire and the Eigh~ teenth Century 120 (1974): 329-358. 159. ANDERSON, Elizabeth. "Nore about Some Possible Sources of the Pas~ sages in Guiana in Buffon's Epoques de la nature." Trivium (I) = 8 (4973): 83-945 (II) =9 (1974): 70-80. 160, ANDERSON, Elizabeth. "Some Possible Sources of the Passages on Gui- ana in Buffon's Epoques de 1a nature." Trivium (1) =5 (1970): 72-84; (II) = 6 (1971): 81-91. 161. BADEY, Lucien. "Buffon, précurseur de la science démographique." Annales de géographie 38 (1929): 206-220. 162. BOEM, Dwight & SCHWARTZ, Edward. "Jefferson and the Theory of De- generacy." American Quarterly 9 (1957): 448~453. [Jefferson contre la théorie de Buffon de la dégénération de la faune américaine.] 163. BONNEFOY, Claude. "Le Buffon inaginaire." Les Nouvelles littéraires du 8 septembre 1977, p. 8. 164. BOWLER, Peter J. "Bonnet and Buffon: Theories of Generation and the Problen of Species." Journal of the History of Biology 6 (1973): 259-281. 165. BROC, Numa. "Peut-on parler de géographie humaine au XVIIIe sigcle en France?" Annales de géogeaphie 78 (1969): 57-75. [Buffon = 62-65.] 166. BRUNEAU, Charles. Buffon et le problame de la forme. In: 0.P. 491- 499. 167. BRUNET, Louis. "Apropos d'une idole... ataraxique. Quelques varia~ sur le style [Stendhal, Renan, Buffon] ." Défense de la langue fran gaise 31 (1966): 19-22. 168, BRUNETIERE, Ferdinand. Buffon. In: Ferdinand Bruneti®re, Nouvelles questions de critique (Paris: Calnann Lévy: 1898). 127-151. 169, CASTELLANI, Carlo. The A Critical Comparison, > and Society in the Renaissance (New York: Science | TI, 265-288. 170. CHALON, Jean. "Découvrez... Buffon." Le "Figaro" littéraire du 8 septembre 1977, numéro 1627, p. 11. 498. 171. CHARLIER, Gustave. De Buffon & Bernardin de St. Pierre. In: Gusta- ve Charlier, "Le sentiment de la nature chez les romantiques fran- sais." Acadénie royale de Belgique. Class ences morales et politiques et cl série, 9 (1912): 128-157. 172. CHINARD, Gilbert. "Eighteenth Century Theories on America as a Human Habitat." American Philosophical Society: Proceedings 91 (1947): 27-57, [Buffon 4 propos de la faune américaine = passim, nais en particulier, pp. 29-32.] 173. CHURCH, Henry Ward. "Corneille de Pauw and the Controversy over his Recherches philosophiques sur les Américain." PMLA 51 (1936): 178-206. [De Pauw and Buffon sur 1'Anérique: Buffon* passim, mais fen particulier, pp. 189-192.] 173bis. Voir la fin de cette section. 174, DUCHET, Mich8le. Anthropologie et histoire au si&cle des 1 Buffon, Volt: ‘jus, Diderot. Paris: Maspero, 1971. In-8°, e=Paris: Flammarion, 1978. In-8°, 446p.) 175. DUJARRIC DE LA RIVIERE, René. Buffon: Sa vie, ses oeuvres, pages choisies, Paris: J.Peyronnet, 1971. 176. ECHEVARRIA, Durand. “Roubard and the Theory of American Degenera- tion." Prench~Anerican Review 3 (1950): 24-33, [Buffon sur la dé; nération en Anérique=p. 25. 177, EDDY, John H. Jr. Buffon, Organic Change, and the Races of Man. Dissertation Abstract International 38 (1978): 5672-A. University of Oklahona, 1977. 196p. 178, FAGUET, Emile. Buffon, In: Emile Faguet, Dix-huiti&me si&cle (Paris: Boivin et cie., n.d.), 425-487. 179. FARBER, Paul Lawrence, "Buffon and Daubenton: Divergent Traditions within the Histoire naturelle." Isis 66 (1975): 63-74. 180. FARBER, Paul Lawrence, "Buffon and the Concept of Species of the History of Biology 5 (1972): 259-284. 181. FARBER, Paul Lawrence. Buffon's Concept of Species. Dissertation Abstract International 31 (1971): 4656-A, University of Indiana, 1970. 209p. Journal, 182. FELLOWS, Otis. "Buffon and Rousseau, Aspects of a Relationship." PMLA LXXY (1960): 184-196. 183. FELLOWS, Otis. "Buffon's Place in the Enlightenment." Studies Voltaire and the Fighteenth Century XXIV/XXVIT (1963): 603-629. 499 184, FELLOWS, Otis. Encore un détracteur de Buffon, In: Werner Bahner (6d.), Beitrage \d_zur_spanischen Literatur. Festgabe fth Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1971), 83-95. 185. FELLOWS, Otis. "Voltaire and Buffon: Clash and Conciliation.” symposium IX (1955): 222-235. 186. FELLOWS, Otis & MILLIKEN, Stephen F. Buffon. New York: Twayne, 1972. In-16°, 186p. (Revues: R.Favee, Studi francesi XVIII (1974): 166-167; George R.Havens, Diderot Studies XVIII (1975): 211-215; Emile Lizé, Dix-huitiame sigcle VII (1975): 413-414; J.Robert Loy, Studies in Burke Time XVI_(1974-1975): 302-3053 Jacques Roger, The Romanic Review LXV (1974): 136-137; Martine de Rougemont, Revue d'Histoire littéraire de 1a France LXXIV (1974): 905-901 Kenneth L.Taylor, The French Review XLVII (1973-1974): 1186-11875 P.J.S.Whitmore, Modern Language Review LXX (1975): 902-903.) 187. FLOURENS, Pierre-Marie~Jean. Buffon. Histoire de ses travaux et de ses idées. 2e éd., Paris: L.Hachette, 1850; reprint éd., Gentve: Slatkine reprints, 1971. In-8°, 386p. Un autre reprint édition, Paris: Aujourd"hui reprints, 1971, In-8°, 363p. 188. FLOURENS, Pierre-Marie-Jean, Des Manuscrits de Buffon (n° 132). Reprint &d., Gen&ve: Slatkine reprints, 1971. In-8°, xev-298p. 189. FRECHET, Maurice. Buffon conme philosophe des mathématiques. In: O.P, 435-446. 190. GAILLARD, Yann. Buffon. Biographic imaginaire et réelle. Paris: Hermann, 1977. In-16°, 176p. (Le texte de Gaillard est suivi du Voyage @ Montbard d'Hérault de Séchelles (voir (n° 201) ci-dessous) .) 191, GEOMETRICAL Probability and Biological Structures, Buffon's 200th anniversary: Proceedings of the Buffon Bicentenary Symposium on Geometrical Problems, Image Analysis, Mathematical Stereology, « their Relevance to the Determination of Biological Structures in Paris, June 1977. Ed. by R.E.Miles and J.Serra. Berlin & New York: Springer-Verlag, 1978. In-4°, xii-338p. 192, GERBI, Antonello. The Dispute of the New World: The History of a Polemic, 1750-1900 (1955). Revised and enlarged edition, translated by Jeremy Moyle. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973. In-8°, xviii-700p. [Plusieurs références a Buffon. Voir son index. ] In: Jean Volta: 193, GILLET, Jean, Buffon et les sensations du premier Gillet, Le Paradis perdu dans la littérature francaise _ A Chateaubriand (Paris: Rlincksieck, 1975), 439-446 194, GOHAU, Gabriel. "Naissance de la théorie cellulaire: De Buffon a Virchow." Raison présente 5 (1967-1968): 93-100. 500 195. GOULEMOT, Jean-Marie & LAUNEY, Michel. Nature des lois et lois de la nature! Montesquieu et Buffon. In: Jean-Marie Goulemot et Michel Launey, Le sitcle des lumisres (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1968), 44-70. 196. HABER, Francis C. Time and World Processes in E: Outlook: Buffon's vat the World 3 to Darwin (Baltimore 1959), 115-136. ighteenth Century : Francis C.Haber, The Age of The Johns Hopkins Press, 197, HAGA, Toru, "La pensée de Buffon 4 propos de 1a science." [En ja. jonais.] Journal of the History of Science [Japan] 26 (1953): ? = 2. f jous n'avons pas pu vérifier cette référence.) 198, HANKS, Lesley. Buffon avant 1'"Histoin elle". Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1966. In-80, 319p. (Revue: Jacques Roger, Revue d'Histoire des sciences 29 (1967): 97-98.) 199. HANKS, Lesley. "Buffon et les fusées volantes des sciences XIV (1961): 137-154. Revue d'Histoire 200. HASSLER, Donald M. "Erasmus Darvin and Enlightennent Origins of Sci- ence Fiction." Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 153 1046-1029. J (1976): 1045-1056. [Buffon comme natu 201, HERAULT DE SECHELLES, Marie-Jean. Voyage & Montbard chez Monsicur de Buffon par Kérault de Séchelles (n® 139). [Texte intégral, mais ‘sans les mi @'Héravlt] In: Buffon, La Nature, l'homme, les ani- maux (n° 92), 593-627; aussi in: Yann Gaillard, Buffon. Biographie imaginaire et réelle (n° 190), 141-171. 202. HERVE, Georges. "Buffon et son oeuvre ethnologique." Revue _anthro- ‘polesique (I) = 28 (1918): 195-218; (11) = 30 (1920): 1-19. 203. HOFFMANN, Paul. Le Femme dans 1a pensée des Lumitres. Préface de Georges Gusdorf. Paris: Ophrys, 1977. In-4°, 621. [La physiologic sexuelle de Buffon, pp. 99-103; anthropologie, pp. 352-358; aussi passim. Voir son index. ] 204. JAMES, Charles Harold. La méthode scientifique-pottique de Diderot et de Buffon. Dissertation Abstract International 36 (1976): 5336-A. Fordhar jersity, 1975. 247p. 205. XANAEV, Ivan I. "Buffon et la science russe." Actes du XITe Congrés international de 1'Histoire des sciences en 1968 11 (1971) 77-79. 206, KANAEV, Tvan 1. Jeusarpagt phot, 1707-1788. Moc:n: a, 1966. In-16°, 266p.— ‘ox JtyH Jlexsep ne aBeTDO 207. XANAEV, Ivan I. "Gete i Buffon." Iz Istorii Biologischeskikh Nauk 2 (1970): 71-89. = 501. 208. KANAEV, Ivan I. "Geothe und Buffon." Goethe 33 (1971): 157-177. 209. KNOWLES MIDDLETON, W.E. "Archimedes, Kircher, Buffon and the Bur- ning Mirrors." Isis 52 (1961): 533-544. 210. KOULTABKO, E.S. "Les Rapports scfentifiques de Buffon avec 1"Acadé— nie des Sciences de Pétersbourg." [Ex russe avec un résumé en fran- cais.] Annuaire d'études francaises (1971): 282-286. 211. LANE, Lawrence. "An Enlightenment Controversy, Jefferson and Buf- "Enlightenment Essays III (1972): 37-40. 212. LAUNEY, Michel. Voir GOULEMOT, Jean-Marie & LAUNEY, Michel. 213, LEBEL, Maurice. "Buffon." Modern Languages, Etudes littéraires 1 (1964): 151-169. 214, LEPENIES, Wolf. "Von der Naturgeschichte zur Geschichte der Natur. Erlautert an die Schriften von Barthez, Buffon und Georg Forster aus dem Jahre 1778." Schweizer Monatsnefte LVIII (1978): 787-795. 215. LOVEJOY, Arthur 0, Buffon and the Problem of Species. In: Glass et al. (éd.), Forerunners of Darwin (n° 1322), 84-113. 216, MALESHERBES, Chrétien Guillaume ée Lamoigne de. Observations sur "Histoire naturelle générale et particulitre de Buffon et Dau- Benton. Publiges avec une introduction et notes par Louis-Paul Abeil- Te (n° 146). Reprint éd. Gen’ve: Slatxine reprints, 1971. In-80, 2 vol. [Ensemble dans le reprint.] 217, MIDDLETON, W.E.Knowles. Voir KNOLES MIDDLETON, W.E. 218. MILIC, Louis T. Rhetorical i Stylistic Option. The Consei~ ous and Unconscious Poles. In: L Papers from the In- ternational Symposium on Literary Style at Bellagio, Ttaly in August 1969. Edited and in part translated by Seymour Chatman (London & New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 77-88 (avec discussion = 88-94.) [Buffon & propos du style, en particulier = 77-88.) 219, MILLIKEN, Stephen F. "Buffon and Janes Bruce." Rocky Mountain Re~ view 1 (1963-1964): 63-80. 220. MILLIKEN, Stephen F. Buffon and the Sritish. Dissertation Abstract International 10 (1965): 218, Colunbia University, 1965. vili-488p. 221, MILLIKEN, Stephen F, Buffon's "Essai_d'arithnétiquc John Pappas (éd.), Essays on the Enlight of Otis Fellows (Genéve: Droz, 1974), 197-206. 222, MILLIKEN, Stephen F. "The Ly: cise of the Intellect: Buffon's Epo- ve VI (1954): 293-303, [Revue de 1"Gdi- ure donnée par Jacques Roger (n° 81).] Epoques 502 223, MILLIKEN, Stephen F. Voir FELLOWS, Otis E, & MILLIKEN, Stephen F. 224. MORAVIA, Sergio. Buffon e Bonnet gull" uomo. In: Sergio Moravia, Il pensiero degli Idéologues: Scienza 6 filosofia in Francia (1780- 1815) (Firenze: La nuova Italia, 1974), 133-143. 225, MULLER, Armand. Buffon. In: Arvand Muller, De Rabelais & Paul Vale- ry. Les grands écrivains devant le christianisme. Préface de Pierre Moreau (Paris: Imprimerie Foulon, 1969), ? - ?. [N'ayant pas eu de dépot légal a la B.N. nous n'avons pas pu vérifier cette référence. ] ch: 226. NISSEN, Claus. Ein _unbekannter und unvollendent get stich der "Planches enluninges” von Buffon und Daubei &R.J.Ch.V. ter Laage (éds.) in Biohistory (Utrecht: Inter- national Association for Plant Taxonomy, 1970), 149-152. 227. NOURRISON, Jean Félix. “La Philosophie de Buffon." Institut de France. Académie des sciences morales ct politiques. Séances et tra~ vaux. Compte rendu 119, no. 19 (1883): 378-388 & 683-695, 228. PEARCE, Roy H. The Savages of America, a Study of the Indians and e_Ide: lization. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953. In-8°, xv-252p. [Jefferson 4 propos de l'avis de Buffon concernant L'Anérique = 92-93.] 229. PERRIN, Carleton. "Early Opposition to the Phlogiston Theory: Two Anonymous Attacks." British Journal for the History of Science 5 (1970): 128-144. [Buffon a propos de phlogistique “140.7 230. PIVETEAU, Jean. Buffon et le transformisme. In: Roger Heim (éd.), Précursours et _fondateurs de 1'évolutionisme. Textes et allocutions Prononcées le 5 juin 1959... au Muséum national d'histoire naturelle (Paris: Editions du Muséum, 1963), 19-24. 231, PIVETEAU, Jean. Introduction 3 l'oeuvre philosophique de Buffon. In: wiinwxxvit. 232, POLANSCAK, Antun. Buffon i_stil. In: Antun Polanscak, Od povlerenja mnje. Problemi francuske knjizevnosti (Zagreb: Naprijed, 1966) Nous n'avons pas pu vérifier cette référence. ] 233. POULET, Georges. "La Nausée de Sartre et le cogito cartésien." ‘Studi francesi 5 (1961): 452-462, [Moment de 1a conscience sensualis~ ‘te chez Buffon = 454.] 234, RAT, M. Gram 1963. In-16°, 288p. [Buffon ixiens et amateurs de beau langage. Paris: Michel, 144-149, 235. RAT, M. "Grammairiens ct amateurs de beau langage." Vie & langage 7 (1958): 17-22. [ine texte qui n° précédent. J 503 236. RICHARDSON, Robert Alan. The Development of the Theory of Geo- ‘graphical Race Formation: Buffon to Darwin. Dissertation Abstract International 29 (1969): 3095-A. University of (isconsin, 1969. 252p. 237. ROGER, Jacques. "Die Auffassung des Typus bei Buffon und Goethe Naturwissenschaften 52 (1965): 313-319. 238. ROGER, Jacques. Buffon. In: Jacques Roger, Les Sciences de la vie dang 1a pensfe francaise (n° 1406), 527-584. SSS 239. ROGER, Jacques. "Correspondances de savants et de naturalistes au XVITIe et XIXe si&cles." Revue de Synth8se 97 (1976): 143-146. [Buffon 144; ce: article signale des collections de lettres, toutes mentionées dans notre bibliographic. ] 240. ROGER, Jacques. “Diderot et Buffon en 1749." Diderot Studies IV (1963): 221-233, 261, ROGER, Jacques. L'Esprit scicntifique de Buffon. Int Comptes-rendus du Congrés des Sociétés savantes de Paris et des départements, tenu 1960), 21-34. 242. SAISSELIN, R.G. "Buffon, Style, and Gentlemen.” Journal of Aesthe- tics and Art Criticism 16 (1957-1958): 375-361. 243. SLOAN, Phillip R. "The Buffon-Linnacus Controversy." Isis 67 356-375. cies in the Seventeent! '§ Problem. Dissertation Abstract International 31 (1970): iniversity of California, San Diego, 1970. 439p. 245. SLOAN, Phillip R. The Idea of Racial Degeneracy in Buffon's ire naturelle" Harold E.Pagliaro (6d.), Racism in the Eight- ry (Cleveland: Press of Case Western Reserve University, 321. 246. SOLINAS, G. "Illuminismo e storia naturale in Buffon." Rivi tica di Storia della Filisofia 20 (1965): 267-312. 247. STAROBINSKT, Jean. "Rousseau et Buffon." Gesnerus 21 (1964): 83-94. [Le méme texte se trouve dans la référence suivante. 248, STAROBINSKI, Jean, Rousseau ct Buffon. In: Jean-Jacques Rousseau et son oeuvre: Problames et recherches. Conmémoration et colloque aris, 16-20 octobre 1962, organisé par le Comité national pour ‘Ja coanénoration de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. (Actes et colloques, (@aris: Klincksieck, 1964), 135-146. [Suivi d'interventions de Jac- ques Roger & M.fabre A propos de Buffon. } 504 249, STENGERS, Jean. "Buffon et la Sorbonne." Etudes sur le XVIITe sidcle I (1974): 97-127. 250, STROHL, J. Buff Gallimard, 1962; In: Tablea éj8 publié a de la littérature francaise (Paris: 1939), 250-261. 251, THEODORTDES, Jean. "Buffon jugé par Stendhal.” (2968): 193-202. 11 Club 38 252. THOULET, et Buffon." Mi 1909): 214-256. . "L'Etude de 1a mer au XVIIIe si€cle: De Maillet, Buache de Stanislas ser. 6, VI (1908- 253. t'SERSTEVENS, Albert. Buffon. In: Albert t'Serstevens, Escales parmi les livres (Paris: Nouvelles ditions latines, 1969), 112-120. 254. VIER, Jacques. "Buffon." La Pensée catholique 18, 92 (1964): 59-81. [Le méme texte se trouve dans la référence suivante: 255. VIER, Jacques, Buffon. In: Jacques Vier, Histoire de la 1ittératu- re francaise: XVille siacle. T. I: L'Armature intellectuelle et norale (Paris: A.Colin, 1965), 307-337. 256. VIGARELLO, G. "Buffon et 1a machine 186-196. nimale." Episteme 7 (1973): 257. WATTS, George B. "The Comte de Buffon and his Friend and Publisher Charles-Joseph Panckoucke." Modern Language Quarterly 18 (1957): 313-322. 258. WILKIE, J.B. "The Idea of Evolution in the Writings of Buffon." Annals of Science 12 (1956): (I): no. 1, 45-62; (II): no. 3, 212- 221; (EIT): no. 4, 255-266. 259. WOHL, Robert. "Buffon and his Project for a New Science." Isis 51 (1960): 186-199. 260. WOLKER, Robert. "Tyson and Buffon on the Ourang-utan." Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century 155 (1976): 2301-2319. 261. ZAVALA, Silvio Arthuro. América en el esprit francés des siglo XVIIL. Mexico City: Colegio nacional, 1949. In-6°, 314p. [Buffon et De Pauw a les américains = 192, Autres références 4 Buffon, voir son index. ADDITT 173 bis. DECLAUX, Madame, Agnes Mary Frances Robinson dit. Buffon, the Natura: In: Madame Declaux, The French Ideal (Freeport, New York: Books for Libraries Press, 1967), 233-274. (1t¢ in— pression est de 1911.) 505 V. BIBLIOGRAPHIE DE BUFFON (répertoire des ouvrages consultés par Buffon) 262. [ANONYME.] "Abregé d'une relation espagnol, De la Vie & de la Mort du Pere Cyprien Baraze de la Compagnie de JESUS, & Fondateur de la Mes Moxes dans le Pérou. Tmprinée 3 Lima, par Ordre de Monseigneur Urbain de Matha Evesque de la Ville de la Paix." Lettres édifiantes Rec. X (1713): 186-252. HAN, IIT, 505. 263. [ANONYME.] "An Eruption of M. Aetna in 1669, by some English Mer- chants." Philosophical Transactions Abridg'd’ (fron Philosophical Transactions IV, NO 51 (1669): 1028) II, 387-391. WAN, I, 531. 264. [ANONYME.] "Extraits de deux lettres ecrites de Zeel. & d'Angleter- re AM. Tustel le 18. Octobre & le devxiéme Novenbre derniers." Journal des Scavans du Lundy 15. Janvier 1680, p. 12. 265. [ANONYME.] "[Compte rendu des:] Observations Physiques et Mathéma- tigues, envoyées de Siam A 1"Académie Royale des sciences (par des Peres jesuites frangois,... Avec des réflexions de messieure de 1'A~ cadémie et quelques notes du P. Goiige.) &e servationes phy- sicae & mathematicae, e regno Siam ad Ac: an_scientiarun Parisios missae &c. Parisiis, anno 1688. in 8." Actorun Eruditorum quae Lipsiae publicantur supplementa I, sec. VIII (1692): 403-407. WLAN. T, 493. 266. [ANONYME.] "Quelques propositions de trigonometrie." [Ce mémoire n'a pas été publié & notre connaissance. ] Rapport des commissaires Nicole et Buffon. Registres de 1"Académie. Séance du 14 mars 1736, £. 41r°-v?, 267. [ANONYME.] "Russie." [Gazette d'] Amsterdam du 28 février 1747. [Buffon donne, incorrectenent, cette indication: "Pétersbourg." Gazette d'Ansterdam du 24 féveier 1747. Pour Amsterdam voir N Journal (n° 813).] HAN, I, 224, 268. [ANONYNE.] "A Stone Quarry near Maestricht; by...." Philosophical Transactions Abrig'd (from Philosophical Transactions V, NO 67 (1670): 2051), TT, 463-464. HAN. 1, 549. 269. [ANONYME.] "A Summary Relation of what hath been hitherto discover- ed in the matter of the North-East Passages... communicated by a good Hand." Philosophical Transactions X, NO 118 (1675): 417-424. WLN. I, 217. 506 270. ACURA, Cristobal de. Relation de 1a riviere des Amazones (1639), tradvite par le feu NF de Honberville de 1'Acadenie Francoise. Sur Loriginal espagnol du P. Christophle d'Acutia Jesuite dissertation sur la riviere des Anazones pour servir di Paris: Chez 1a veuve L.Billaine, 1682. In-12°, 4 vol. HN. TIT, 505. 271. AGRICOLA, Georg. Natura eorun quae effluunt ex terra Basileae: Per H.Frobenium et N.Episcopium, > In-fol., 487p. O.P. 59 Bs H.N. 1, 542. 272. ALDROVANDE, Ulysse. Opera omnia. Bononiae: Apud Franciscum de Franciscis Senensem, 1599-1668. In-fol., 13 vol. OP. 15 AL 273. ALDROVANDE, Ulysse. Ornithologiae, hoc est de avibvs historiae Libri xtr [Xx].... Bononiae: Apud Franciscun de Franciscus Senen- ‘sen, 1599-1603. In-fol., 3 vol. O.P. 265 A. 274. ALEMBERT, Jean Le Rond d'. "L'intégration des Equations différen- tielles & deux variables." [Mémoire qui n'a jamais été pulblié a notre connaissance. ] Rapport des conmissaires Clairaut et Buffon. Registres de 1'Académie. Séance du 11 mars 1741, 82-83. 275. ALEMBERT, Jean Le Rond d', Réflexions sur la cause generale des vente, Fidce qui a tenporté le prix propost par lvAcadémie royale année Paris: Chez David T'ainé, 1747, In-40, xxiij-194p. (texte Tiigels), 138p. (origi- nal latin). HN. I, 459. 276. ALFRED OF BEVERLY. Aluredi B is Annales, sive Historia de_gestis regum Britanniae, libris IX. E codice pervetus exarato, in bibliotheca viri clarissini Thomae Rawlinsoni, armige- ri, descripsit ediditque Tho. 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