1

Pukka Tackie
Pols 279
November 27th 2015
Country Paper
Patronage Systems within the Media- Ghana
The year 1992 was a pivotal year for Ghana. The country made a drastic move from a
military dictatorship to a democracy. This opened many doors for the media, especially the
private media to finally have a voice after years of suppression. After many battles to revoke the
newspaper licensing law, success was attained by 1992 in lieu of democracy, and many
newspapers flooded the scene. About forty private newspapers were founded around this
time(Hasty, 2005, 105 ). In the early 2000s these numbers shot up exponentially. There are
currently about 200 authorized fm stations, 12 private television stations and hundreds of
newspapers.(Owusu, 2012, 16). Though Ghana is considered a forerunner of democracy in Subsaharan Africa, recently the media is beginning to carry an identity that is soiled with corruption.
The preeminence of the patronage system within the media has brought to question the
transparency of the media. However, more interestingly, the roots of this patronage system is a
mind boggling question as its counter to a system of democracy.
In this paper, I would argue that the patronage system(ie, the patron- client relationship)
between the media and political actors was caused by three barriers the media encountered and
failed to overcome after democracy in 1992. I would further argue that this patronage system has
greatly compromised has the trust of the citizens of Ghana have in the media to provide
transparent and unbiased information. I would justify the first argument by suggesting the three
major contributing factors to the birth of this patronage system: First, the capitalizing on existing
biases between state owned and private owned media reporting by political actors for their
political agenda. Second, the inability to regulate the behavior of the many rising media houses
under the code of ethics and thirdly the unfavorable financial situation of media organizations. I

would then justify the second argument by describing the unique role the media has in shaping
political conversations, post cold-war , followed by a discussion of a case study involving five
newspapers in Ghana which demonstrates how the factor of patronage systems has undermined
the transparency of the media.
Barrier 1: Capitalizing on existing biases between state owned and private owned media
reporting by political actors for their political agenda
Before Ghana became a democracy, political reporting was strictly regulated by the
government. Particularly during the revolutionary 1980s, publishing political newspapers
became so dangerous that editors and journalists channeled their talents into weekly sportspapers
(Hasty, 2005, 106). Hence state news media operated in a monopoly in reporting on political
news. After many battles to revoke the newspaper licensing law, success was attained by 1992,
and many political newspapers flooded the scene. This new found freedom fueled the repressed
passions of journalists to freely report on politics. They took full advantage of this freedom,
some would say to a fault, where their reporting seemed to be solely focused on demonizing the
government whereas the state-owned newspapers stayed committed to do the exact opposite.
Hasty (2005, 103) provides a clear example of these biases if reporting through the Kweku
Baako and Harruna Attah case court case in 1999. These two editors, both of private
newspapers, went on trial for a story they published on an alleged complaint the then First lady
of the Ghana, Mrs. Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings about the betrayal of her sister in marrying
Harruna Attah. Mrs. Rawlings filed a libel case against these two men banning them from any
further publication concerning the initial publication. Regardless of the injunction filed, the two
newspapers continued to carry stories about the case which let to prison sentences and fines due
to contempt of court. A group of 25 private journalists converged and rallied in a demonstration,

whiles also reporting on the demonstration. State journalists did not participate in the
demonstration, they stood at the side lines and reported, the Daily graphic, Ghanas first state
newspaper didnt send a reporter to the demonstration grounds to report. One could argue that
these biases were in order as the private media was still harassed by the Rawlings administration
through the use of the Criminal Libel law to restrict their movement, whereas state owned press
didnt go through this pressure. However, even after the Criminal libel law was repealed in 2000,
this dichotomy between state and private news reporting was still evident. As a result political
parties have exploited this bias by using the media to promote their political agenda.The 2012
Media Sustainability index suggests that the media tend to reflect the orientations and promote
the interests of those who fund them. (2012, 179). This trend tends to tow the line of the state
leaning to the incumbent and the private media to the opposition. In the same IREX report
member of the National Media Commission (NMC) Gyan- Apenteng is quoted saying that
too many of our journalists are [beholden] to partisan brokers. As a result of 2012
being an election year, the media became either instrumental accomplicesor victims and
unwitting pawns in trading negative propaganda and fear mongering between the two main
contenders in the December elections.
It is no wonder that politicians and political parties have their own preferred journalist or news
media, who they invite to cover stories(Ndangam, 2009, 830). In the long run when a particular
political party wins elections, these journalists are sometimes able to secure high paying jobs.
Barrier 2:The inability to regulate the behavior of the many rising media houses under the
code of ethics
The second barrier that contributed to the birth of patronage system is the inability of the
GJA and the NMC enforce the code of ethics, with the soaring number of media houses. One of
the major feats of the ratification of the Code of ethics was the initiation of a democratization
process in the media. The early 1990s saw its own level of success with the emergence of about

forty private newspapers (Hasty, 2005, 105 ). As at 2012, there were about 466 registered
newspapers, magazines, and journals; 286 FM radio stations; and 28 free-to-air/subscription
television stations registered in the country.(175) However, most alarming is the trade off for the
quality in news reporting. There are many factors that have contributed to the reduction of news
quality, primarily the inability of the GJA and the NMC to logistically regulate all news media
outlets. Diedong argues that in his research on three major news outlets; the Ghana Palaver, the
Ghanaian Chronicle and the Daily Graphic, there was no evidence of the use of the GJAs code
of ethics to resolve controversial ethical dilemmas(Diedong, 2006, 16). He also reports that
incidents where citizens have sort redress for publications they find problematic, the GJA and the
NMC have not been able to satisfactorily address these issues, making citizens to disregard these
organizations, and seek attention they want from the courts(Diedong, 2006, 2). William Yeboah
Owusu also assert the same point from his research results that,
the radically divergent views expressed by the newspapers on the issues give a sense of
a media landscape that 67 is operating without checks and balance. It further gives a sense that it
has lost its moral and ethical direction and professional control.(Owusu, 2010, 66)
A repercussion of this is the entry of unqualified journalists onto the media scene. Paulitsch and
Hummelink of the Central Press, published an article that indicated this issue of the ease of ill
trained journalists. They suggest that, In Ghana, everyone is able to work as a journalist,
sometimes even without basic education(quote). The IREX 2012 report also suggests that there
are no clear guidelines which define clearly the prerequisites for who a journalist is, as a result,
there have been imposters and charlatans who gain easy access into media reporting(179). As
there is limited regulation. In this situation, similar to the first, political actors easily take
advantage in paying journalists to report on happenings that would promote their political
agenda. Since there there are many media houses that do not adhere to the code of ethics, its
easy to strike deals with them to write stories that are in essence advertisements. Furthermore

since there are unlicensed journalists who could also present political reports, Political actors can
even bargain for cheaper prices. These unlicensed journalists are able to have impacts in villages
and small townships where people do not have access to the major media outlets. The ripple
effect is even more outrageous as when larger media organizations began to realize the back door
deals, they begin to place demands on political actors for higher prices to cover stories for them
that would have nationwide reach, or stories that would be most relevant to the literate in Accra,
where bigger news outlets have leverage.
Barrier 3: Unfavorable financial situation of media organizations
The last and most interesting barrier is the poor financial situation that journalists face in
Ghana. Though the freedom of the media became more realized through the democratization
process the media was rendered somewhat ineffective because it generally had challenges with
funding. Skederal( 2010, 387) suggests that African journalists are usually subject to poor
salaries. Agbemenu and Tandoh also assert the same position when they are argue that media
men are poorly remunerated in Ghana(7). Diedong also argues that amongst the many factors
that prevent effective reporting in Journalism in Ghana is the unavailability of funding(Diedong,
2006,7). This issue is more acute with private and freelance media.It drastically limits the scope
of their reach. Given the expenses of printing and staff salaries, only the proportionately larger
readership in the Capital,Accra, can support private papers.(Hasty, 2006, 106). Private
newspapers resorted to using their reports as a type of advertisement business. Faced with
resources crises, private newspapers such as the Ghanaian Chronicle and the Palaver have
tended towards the commodification of news in order to stay in business (Diedong, 2006, 17).
So as to ensure survival media organizations turn to politicians for funding in cash or kind. The
consideration of this factor of poverty as a reason for the practice of patronage systems is the

most controversial. Private media suggests that the funds they receive from politicians after
reporting a story is an appreciative gift. This kind of appreciative gift is known as payola, brown
envelope or most popularly soli. Soli is derived from 'solidarity' denoting that the source has
some sort of sympathy with the despairing situation of the journalist and therefore wants to
extend a helping hand which can also strengthen the ties between the two parties(Agbemenu and
Tandoh, 3). Through the lens of gift giving, soli is justified because gift giving is a big part of the
Ghanaian culture. Though some would suggest that it is an appreciative gift, there are still
questions about if the acceptance of gifts would not skew reports. Generally scholar in
journalism ethics describe brown envelope journalism as unethical.(Skederal, 2010, 374) As
stated in the words of Johnan Retief, Never use your poor salary as an excuse for accepting
meals(Retief, 2002, 135). Besides state media who should be in a better position still seek soli
in their news reporting. Hasty (2006, 278) describes the state press behavior with soli in The
pleasures of corruption: Desire and Discipline in Ghanaian Political Culture, she states
Waiting for the informal gifts of cash customarily provided by the host to journalists
with the state press, journalists may rub their fingers together in the air, signaling money,
impatiently commenting, Ei, Charlie, something has got to flow. For journalists, small
prestations of cash motivate the flow of information and representation into the public sphere of
discourse
Furthermore Edmund Bamiro documents that the term brown envelopes, also know as soli
originated from the practice amongst Ghanaians to discreetly enclose bribe money in envelopes
(Bamiro, 1997, 110).
The Role of the Media post 1992.
With this analysis on the issue of the patronage systems, we now consider the role of the
Media in order to assess the impact of the patronage systems on the nation. Mukhongo suggests
that that there is a strong correlation between the media and improved government (2010, 350).
He further suggests that there are three main roles the media played during this transition period,

as avenues for furthering the democratization process. They are: being a watchdog over the
powerful, providing civic forum for political debate and serving as an agenda setter for policy
makers.(2010, 349). There is no doubt that the Ghanaian media has played these roles
consistently throughout the countrys history. This is evident especially during election periods.
According to the Commonwealth Observer group for the Ghana 2012 presidential and
parliamentary elections, the various media outlets: radio, television. and print generally did a
good job in covering the stories. The print media strong analysis of manifestos, different party
platforms and also the work of the Electoral Commission. Where as radio and television media
hosted programs dedicated solely to analysis of political parties and their manifestos.There were
also live streams of the political rallies leading up to the day of elections. For the 2009 elections
a report by Susanne Giese suggests that the media was of considerable help in ensuring
transparency in the election process. It published results and recommendations from the preelection observations and provided a platform for the public to exchange political opinions. From
these facts we see that the media has been a powerful tool in promoting democracy in Ghana.
The Factor of Patronage Systems
Based on the understanding of the role of the media in shaping the democracy in Ghana,
there is cause for one to consider the factor of patronage systems and how its presence in the
media would greatly affect its consumers. The research work of William Yaw Owusu:The
Ghanaian Media Landscape: How unethical practices of journalists undermine progress provides
evidence to show the factor of patronage systems has caused distrust with the public. Along with
other research questions, Owusus work investigated the effects of unethical practices of the
media on democracy. He did an analysis on transparency of two particular stories reported by
five different newspapers( a combination of state and private). His results showed a clear partisan

rhetoric with all the newspapers in reporting these political news items. In his conclusion he
reiterated the fact that the medias obsession with politics has blinded them from paying attention
to issues that concern the general public such as unemployment. Hasty in the Press and Political
Culture also agrees with this point. She states that, their(the media) preoccupation with big men
in urban politics, caused them to neglect broader social issues especially in rural areas(Hasty,
2005, 105).
Conclusion
As of today, scholars, members of the NMC and past presidents of the GJA contemplate
the merits of the freedom of the media in Ghana. The inability to overcome the hurdles that
came as a result of the freedom attained has caused more harm than good. Some, including the
former Chief Justice of Ghana suggests that the constraints of the Libel law was good for the
media and should be reinforced. However, as stated before the presence of codes of ethics do not
guarantee adherence. This issue is clearly a moral issue. As the public continues to lose trust in
the media it would expedient for the country to reevaluate itself on how to keep the media
accountable in order to maintain the integrity of democracy that has been fought so hard to
attain.

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