Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Desr Barnard
Essay submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the
Honours degree in
VISUAL STUDIES
in the
TABLE OF CONTENTS
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LIST OF FIGURES...................................................................................................ii
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION..........................................................................1
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
LIST OF FIGURES
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iii
As the default racial category, whiteness has been historically rendered the
invisible but privileged identity which was formed over centuries of white
oppression of non-white people (McDermott & Samson 2005:245). Studies of
whiteness posit the notion that the position of whiteness within discourses of
race is usually centralised, dominant, unraced and invisible that is, whiteness
is not directly addressed as a race, but functions as the norm (Dyer 19971-2).
Whiteness is thus the construct against which the non-white Other is measured
(Heavner 2007:65).
bell hooks, in the video interview Cultural Criticism and Transformation ([sa]),
argues that whiteness traditionally occupies a central position within cultural
discourses, which echoes Richard Dyers (1997:3) contentions. In his essay
White (1988) and book White (1997), Dyer argues that owing to the centralised
position of whiteness in discourse, whites have been left unidentified in terms of
race and whites are not of a certain race, theyre just the human race. In order
to address whiteness, Dyer (1988, 1997) attempts to problematise the
construction of whiteness by pitting it against the binary opposition of the nonwhite Other. In South Africa, however, whiteness has been pivotal to identity
construction, and as such has been historically acutely visible (Van der Watt
2005:121).
South Africas most recent musical export, rap-rave sensation Die Antwoord,
have achieved almost overnight international success1. Following the release of
their 2012 album Ten$ion, Die Antwoord have earned themselves the streetcred needed to reject a recording deal from Interscope Records, home to
artists such as Lady Gaga and Eminem. Die Antwoord is co-fronted by Ninja
1
After Zef Side (NINJA & Metelerkamp 2010) went live on the Internet in February 2010, Die
Antwoords Web site reportedly crashed after millions of hits. Interscope Records offered Die
Antwoord a record deal after flying them to Los Angeles. Their YouTube channel has thousands
of subscribers and their videos share millions of views.
(Watkin Tudor Jones), Yo-Landi Vi$$er (Anri du Toit), with DJ Hi-Tek (Justin de
Nobrega) providing next level rap-rave beats (Die Antwoord [Sa]).
The main objective of this study is to interrogate Die Antwoord as subverting the
myth of whiteness. The myth of whiteness, in terms of imperialistic rhetoric and
ideology, constructs whiteness as dominant, rational, ordered, contained and
controlled, advanced, clean, pure and moral (Dyer 1997:30-40). The premise of
this study situates Die Antwoord as embodying a whiteness that is contrary to
this rhetoric, and will draw specific reference to the subversion of conservative
Afrikaans identity construction. Through an engagement of a semiotic analysis,
specific focus is given to whiteness as performed in the music video for I Fink U
Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012). Die Antwoord are Giftge Misfits because their
subversive whiteness does not conform to traditional constructions of whiteness
in South Africa.
Contemporary South African culture demands closer attention owing to the fact
that cultures and cultural products have formed several subcultures which have
developed under the democratic dispensation. One of the most prevalent of
these subcultures is zef. Die Antwoord can be considered both creators as well
as products of the counter-culture of zef. Zef is a contraction of the name of a
popular Ford, the Zephyr, a car owned by many working-class people from the
East and West Rand of Johannesburg. The term zef became associated with
common trashy white people, but after Die Antwoord appropriated the term, it
has become trendy to be zef.
Ninja describes zef as the underbelly of Afrikaans; an embarrassing thing
they want to hide away (Hoby 2010:[sp]), while in the same interview, Yo-Landi
is quoted as saying:
Zef's kind of like you don't give a fuck and you have your own
flavour and you're on your own mission. It's associated with
people who soup their cars up and rock gold and shit. Zef is,
you're poor but you're fancy. You're poor but you're sexy, you've
got style.
1.2
Literature review
flesh; chastity is an absence of sex. This absence translates into the invisibility
of whiteness, and the manner in which whites come to connote not an ethnicity
but the human race (Dyer 1997:3). Dyer (1997:145-183), through a series of
case studies, examines the representation of ideal white male bodies in films
such as Conan the Barbarian (Milius 1982), Rambo: First Blood Part II
(Cosmatos 1985) and Predator (McTiernan 1987). Actors such as Sylvester
Stallone, Arnold Schwarzenegger and Dolf Lundgren are shown to possess the
ideal white bodies, muscular, toned, tight, hairless and oiled. These bodies,
Dyer (1997:164) argues are products of careful planning, restraint, discipline
and mind triumphing over aching body. White women in imperial narratives,
Dyer (1997:184-206) argues, are set to take the fall for the failure of the empire.
Dyer (1997:186), with focus given to The Jewel in the Crown (OBrien &
Morahan 1984), argues that the introduction of women into colonial territory
disturbed the pattern of homosociality and native prostitution, bringing to an
end the white males use of native women. Theirs is a role of conscience, of
liberal commentary on imperialism, and as such are positioned as a threat, thus
needing to be delegated to a position of doing nothing (Dyer 1997:206). Dyer
(1997:207-223) draws the concluding chapter around the relationship between
whiteness and death longing for and bringing death to non-whites. In order to
illustrate the point of whiteness being death, Dyer (1997:211) turns to films as
discussed in his essay White (Dyer 1988), and includes the Alien films, as well
as Blade Runner (Scott 1982). Central to the films discussed, Dyer (1997:215)
argues, is the issue of inability to reproduce the vampires, androids and
zombies cannot reproduce sexually, while the alien is capable of monstrous
reproduction. Dyer (1997:216) draws the parallel between these reproductions
and inabilities to reproduce with white paranoia about non-white reproduction
and that whites are going to be swamped and engulfed by the non-white
multitudes. Dyer (1997:222-223) concludes by considering the function of
extreme whiteness in relation to ordinary whiteness. The majority of white
people, and the representations of whiteness, are not virginal women or hypermasculine, and the characteristics of whites drawn throughout the book of
tautness, tightness, rigidity, controlled and controlling are not representative of
ordinary white people (Dyer 1997:222). Extreme whiteness, Dyer (1997:222223) is utilised in order to establish whiteness as superior, but this extreme
whiteness has left residue on contemporary whiteness, particularly the nonparticularity of whiteness and how whites have come to be humanitys most
average and unremarkable representatives.
bell hooks ([sa]), in her criticism of whiteness, maintains that there exists an
interconnectedness of racism, sexism and capitalism in systems of oppression
and class domination. In the video interview Cultural Criticism and
Transformation, hooks ([sa]) argues that the representation of blackness in
contemporary popular culture should be viewed in terms of white supremacist
capitalist patriarchy. Through the term white supremacists capital patriarchy,
hooks ([sa]) attempts to create a discourse through which all cultural products
should be viewed. hooks ([sa]) argues that the term is meant to emphasise the
interlocking systems of domination which inform how we function and
understand in daily life.
hooks ([sa]) posits that images and situations are traditionally only viewed
through certain lenses, such as age, race and gender, and that there is a need
for a new lens through which to understand. The term racism, hooks ([sa])
argues, does not allow for a discourse of colonisation and decolonisation, nor
does it allow for internalised racism in people of colour racism keeps
whiteness at the centre of the discussion. hooks ([sa]) states that white
supremacy as a term does not just invoke white people, but a "...political world
that we all frame ourselves in relationship to...". White supremacists capitalist
patriarchy is therefore a way in which one can consider not only the
implications of representation of women and of blackness, but also how to
consider internalised racism, such as black on black violence. Popular culture,
hooks ([sa]) argues, is a site which deserves consideration through the lens of
white supremacist capitalist patriarchy.
hooks ([sa]) argues that cultural products, specifically films, are a prime mode of
pedagogy. hooks ([sa]) posits that the representation of femininity and
blackness are created in terms of white capitalist interests, with a focus on
misogynism and racism. These representations, for hooks ([sa]), are created by
a capitalist media who has control of the imaginations of the masses. This
media, hooks ([sa]) argues, refuses to admit conscious construction of a
blackness which is transgressive and commodified. hooks ([sa]) states that the
reason for this oppressive construction stems from young white liberals who
have control over the production of cultural products (such as rap music and
films). hooks ([sa]) goes so far as to argue that white culture is not transgressive
enough for it to be exciting, and thus young white suburban males are singled
out as the perpetuators of the commodified blackness. In terms of feminism,
hooks ([sa]) argues that women have been represented as sexual objects in
order to subvert feminism, which she considers as the most important political
movement of the last century. hooks ([sa]) parallels her argument with postWorld War Two mass media which encouraged women out of factories, back
into the domicile. hooks ([sa]) states that contemporary popular culture is
working to reposition women, which is a backlash to feminism, ushering in a
new version of an old version of the desirable woman. By way of example,
hooks ([sa]) notes that this motivated representation of women can be seen in
Leaving Las Vegas (Figgus 1995), where Sera (Elisabeth Shue) exploits her
self, telling Ben (Nicolas Cage) that for $500 he can get pretty much whatever
you want...you can fuck my ass; you can cum on my face. Smoke (Wang
1995), hooks ([sa]) argues, shows how filmmakers consciously construct
blackness as transgressive. The film is based on a story by Paul Auster who,
hooks ([sa]) notes, does not racially identify the young thief, but Wang made the
character black. hooks ([sa]) believes that this is a device used in order to give
the movie more zip, and to enhance the good white man/bad black man binary.
Images such as these, hooks ([sa]) argues, perpetuate white supremacy,
misogyny and racism.
All of these images, in both film and in (specifically rap) music videos are based
in racist, capitalist, patriarchal and misogynist construction which, hooks ([sa])
argues, no one will admit to consciously constructing.
Several American studies deal with white trash and whiteness in relation to
Eminem. Russell White (2006) discusses Eminem in relation to the
carnivalesque, and suggests Eminem is a post-industrial take on blackface
minstrels of the nineteenth century. White (2006) continues to note how
Eminems different personalities, Marshall Mathers III, Slim Shady and Eminem,
have come to represent different aspects of his personality, but also of society.
Eminem uses these personas for credibility, identifying with the poor white trash
so as to fit into the American rap genre, where white trash is linked with
working-class blackness. White (2006) plays Eminem off against Vanilla Ice,
who was exposed as a fraud, ending his career, while Eminem has maintained
his credibility by being from a poor background. In terms of post-industrial white
masculinity, White (2006:70-71) contends that Eminem adopts the persona of
Slim Shady as a form of self protection, a mask to hide behind, allowing him to
say whatever he pleases. Slim Shady is, for Bozza (in White 2006:71) a
disenchanted white youth, marginalised by society and emasculated by
feminism, articulating a perceived crisis of American masculinity. White
(2006:65;78) argues that these personas, and the often misogynist, violent and
profanely homophobic lyrics are intended as a parody, and that through these
personas, Eminem exemplifies linguistic play and performance inherent in the
signifying tradition. This concept of personas corresponds with Watkin Tudor
Jones and Anri du Toit adopting the personas of Ninja and Yo-Landi. Watts
(2005) also addresses identity construction in relation to Eminems semiautobiographical film 8 Mile (Hanson 2002).
In South African academic literature, whiteness studies have been unpacked in
terms of Die Antwoord and zef by authors such as Marx and Milton (2011) in
their investigation of the reconfiguration of Afrikaans identities, mediated
through zef. Marx and Milton (2011) argue that zef artefacts articulate a
perceived marginal and liminal experience of white Afrikaans youths in South
10
black people and are thus ostracised by their community. These two categories
are problematised, Reid (2012:56) suggests, when the new white identity
construction is broached. In Invictus (Eastwood 2010) the protagonist is nonfictional, and the representation of his whiteness is thus complicated. Francois
Pienaar (Matt Damon) is shown to be in no way implicated in the past, and the
myth of the good white perpetrator is evoked, but it is not the myth of a
perpetrator he is not burdened with guilt and remorse. Reid (2012:57-58)
argues that this could suggest a new identity under construction, noting that the
myth of the good white and bad white perpetrator is currently in flux. Reid
(2012:59) suggests that this flux indicates a remythologisation in the mythic
narrative of South African post-apartheid whiteness.
1.3
Theoretical framework
1.4
Methodological framework
This study of Die Antwoord will be a qualitative analysis of their music video
I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012). Their performances will be placed into
the context of contemporary South African culture, and specific attention will be
given to the manner in which they represent their whiteness. Consideration will
be given to their dress style, mannerisms, language and intended meaning of
their performances in order to investigate their construction of strange
whiteness.
12
13
1.5
Outline of chapters
This chapter has formed the introduction to this paper. Included above is a
review of literature pertaining to whiteness studies, imperative to understanding
the broad scope of whiteness studies; an outline of the theoretical framework as
well as the methodological framework is given above in order to situate this
study in the broader discourse in visual culture studies of whiteness studies and
semiotic analyses. Chapter Two turns focus to the discourse of whiteness
studies, with specific focus on Richard Dyers (1997) conception and
interrogation of whiteness. The chapter outlines the main theories of whiteness
and of myth and the construction of the myth of whiteness, both internationally
and locally. Counter theory is discussed in terms of bell hooks ([sa]) discussion
of whiteness. The chapter then moves focus to the construction of myth in terms
of South African whiteness, and specifically Afrikaans whiteness. Chapter Three
comprises of the in-depth semiotic investigation of I Fink U Freeky (Ballen &
Ninja 2012). A brief outline of Roger Ballens work is given in order to
2
As seen in the music video for Babys On Fire, (Die Antwoord 2012).
14
15
16
Morality, virtue, cleanliness and purity in paintings of the Virgin Mary are
associated with her light complexion, a white complexion (Dyer 1997:74). In
binary opposition to this white pureness, non-whites are associated with
corporeal impurity, dirt and faecal matter, amongst others (Dyer 1997:76). To
look white, Dyer (1997:76) emphasises, is to look clean. However, difference in
skin tone was not considered in terms of race until the Crusades (Dyer
1997:67). The Crusades are understood as a struggle of Christianity against the
non-Christian (specifically opposing Islamic possession of the Holy Land), Dyer
(19997:67) states, which brought with it a tradition of black:white moral dualism
to bear on an enemy that could itself be perceived as black. In effect, the
Crusades played an integral role in the heightened awareness of skin tone
difference which perpetuated the black/white, moral/immoral dualisms.
Whiteness can therefore be understood as clarity, cleanliness, enterprising,
controlled and controlling (Dyer 1997:21,72). White as a colour signifies virginity
and innocence, morality purity and divinity, thus whiteness as a race is more
clean, more moral and closer to the divine than the blackness/darkness/colour
of non-whites who, by way of opposition, come to represent dirt, immorality and
evil (Dyer 1997:73-76).
Under imperialism, Dyer (1997:38-39) argues, the construction of white identity
was less important than obtaining a position of disinterest in order to maintain
superiority. This position of distance, abstraction, separation and objectivity is
the position that Dyer (1997:38-39) takes interest in owing to the position it
affords the viewpoints of texts a philosophical position of everything and
nothing. Dyer (1997:39) argues that the formal organisation of texts may be
characterised as white, male and upper or middle class, and no other gender,
class or ethnicity may aspire to it. This is Dyers (1997:39) conception of
whiteness being without properties, which is important in visual culture.
In order to further separate white bodies from non-white bodies, Dyer
(1997:145-183) argues that whiteness had to be represented as superior and
possessing certain qualities, such as muscular bodies. Dyer (1997:146) states
17
that it was rare to see a semi-naked white man in popular culture and mass
media until the 1980s. Dyer (1997:146) discusses the presence of semi-naked
bodies in art galleries, sports and pornography offered socially acceptable or
restricted images, but the 1980s introduced the champion or built body in such
films as Conan the Barbarian (Milius1982), and First Blood (Kotcheff 1982).
These bodies are shown as undergoing strict training, diets and anguish in
order to achieve their perfection, and as such, these characters were portrayed
as being able to master, control and transcend the white body (Dyer
1997:23,27). Tasker (1993:79) echoes this sentiment when she notes that built
bodies in mass media films and body-building magazines specifically such
as those of Sylvester Stallone and Arnold Schwarzenegger, are commodified,
sexualised, and made the ideal to which (white) men should strive. Tasker
(1993:79) argues that these bodies, within the action of cinema, tell stories of
subjection and resistance, so that muscles function to give the action hero the
power to resist, at the same time as they confirm him in a position that defines
him almost exclusively through the body.
bell hooks ([sa]) contends that the impact of whiteness is wide spread and
profoundly influences every facet of daily life: from politics to representation
within films, from feminism to misogyny, hooks ([sa]) argues that whiteness is at
the core of every debate. In the video interview Cultural Criticism and
Transformation, hooks ([sa]) outlines her concept of white supremacist
capitalist patriarchy as a discourse which should inform critiques of, amongst
others, everyday life, popular culture, mass media and considerations of the self
(specifically the black self and the black female self). hooks ([sa]) contends that
the term racism perpetuates the centrality of whiteness in discourse, and as
such uses white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to decentre whiteness and
highlight it in the interlocking systems of domination which control us. hooks
([sa]) argues that whiteness, patriarchy and capitalism drive depictions of
women and of non-whites in order to oppress and control. hooks ([sa]) states
that Girl 6 (Lee 1996) is a movie that challenges (white run) Hollywood. Spike
Lee, according to hooks ([sa]), comments on what blackness has come to mean
with reference to the character Director #1 - NY (Quentin Tarantino).
18
Director #1 -NY symbolises the idea that the image of blackness can be
negotiated by any maker of culture and cultural products. hooks ([sa]) continues
by stating that Lee was only labelled as a failure because he is black. Lees
films were not highly grossing, nor were they very popular, but hooks ([sa])
maintains that white directors who have the same grossing and popularity ratio
are not considered failures because of their colour. hooks ([sa]) argues that this
is a mechanism used in order to maintain the privilege and legitimacy of white
directors over representation. Similarly, hooks ([sa]) argues that mainstream rap
music is made for the young white male target market as they are the
economically empowered. This, hooks ([sa]) argues, perpetuates the notion that
whites can appropriate cultures that are not their own simply because they are
white. Nakayama and Krizek (in Giroux 2010:382) echo hooks insofar as their
argument that the primary tasks of whites should be to demystify and unveil
whiteness as a mode of domination. Giroux (2010:382) argues, however, that
the correlation between whiteness and domination, oppression and privilege is
based on a singular assumption. Giroux (2010:382-383) argues that such
theories work to abolish whiteness as a racial category as well as a marker of
identity. But Dyer (1997:3) argues that whiteness is indeed invisible and
privileged, and it is necessary to make whiteness visible. However, whiteness
as a construct in South Africa can be understood as historically visible, even
hyper-visible, as seen in the racial segregation of apartheid (van der Watt
2005:122).
19
2.1
Myth is ideological and, for Barthes (1973:117), myth is not defined by the
object of its message, but by the way in which it utters this message: there are
formal limits to myth, there are no substantial ones. Barthes (1973:123)
argues that instead of being content specific and substantive, mythologies are
defined by form. Myth, Barthes (1973:123) argues, is a second-order
semiological system which builds on denotative signs. Denotative signs have
meaning as signifiers at a second mythological level. When meaning becomes
form, history is evacuated and the sign empties itself (Barthes 1973:127). Myth,
therefore, over-simplifies and naturalises the way things are.
The myth of the South African Rainbow Nation3, Habib (1996:[sa]) reasons,
focused efforts to consolidate democracy in South Africa on a race variable
many people of many colours living in harmony. However, Habib (1996:[sa])
notes that the political and ideological assumptions made by the term Rainbow
Nation did not factor in class variables, thus resting its focus on the presumption
the predominant conflict in South Africa is racial antagonism. The myth of the
Rainbow Nation is therefore meant to naturalise the racial integration under
democracy, which in turn naturalises the occurrence of cross-cultural synergies.
Die Antwoords adoption and appropriation of several cultures, particularly Cape
Coloured culture in terms of language and cultural signifiers such as tattoos
is an acceptable practice under the myth of the Rainbow Nation. However,
critics such as OToole (2012:398) argue that Die Antwoords pastiche of
cultures is inauthentic. Perhaps the inauthenticity of their parody of South
African cultures breeds the authenticity of their remythologisation (Reid
2012:45) of a post-apartheid whiteness.
The construction of the myth of whiteness in post-apartheid South African films
forms part of the investigation undertaken by Reid (2012). Reid (2012) notes
that there are binary constructions of good white characters and bad white
3
The term Rainbow Nation was coined by Archbishop Desmond Tutu in 1991, and the term
encapsulates the multilingual and multicultural diversity of South African citizens.
20
characters present in the narratives. These myths have implications for the
understanding of post-apartheid whiteness and are implicit in the construction of
a new white South African collective identity.
Reid (2012:48) considers the primary functions of myths to reinforce beliefs and
values; to function as escapism, romanticising settings which are removed from
daily life; to emphasise certain aspects of life, which reinforces Barthes notion
of myth emptying and making remote the signified history (Rose 2012:132);
myth may also function to serve patriotism. Myth, Reid (2012:47) argues, is a
system of self-definition whereby identity is encoded with norms attributed to
members of certain groups, which in turn defines boundaries for that group and
determines its otherness from another group. Reid (2012:48) posits that political
myths work to counteract social contradictions within society, making certain
beliefs more coherent and help an individual understand society, where the
group originated from, how it became what it is presently and why it is in its
present predicament. This is done through orientating the present situation in a
narrative. Reid (2012:48) argues that political myth and counter myth are
paramount to considerations of contemporary South African mass media. Reid
(2012:48-49) argues that contemporary South African films are political in
nature, and can be considered to encourage reconciliation and the adoption of a
new national identity while reconfiguring white identity construction; the counter
myth construction stems from their opposition to previously dominant myths
of apartheid-type oppression and social separation. It can thus be considered
that the counter myth of white Afrikaners is constructed by Die Antwoord in the
form of a pastiche, and are forming part of a backlash to puritan Afrikaner
idealism and the construction of idealistic masculine identities. Du Pisani
(2004:80) identifies tropes within idealistic Afrikaans masculine identity
construction in the media, and argues that three categories exist: the Boer
warrior, the farmer and the hunter. Du Pisani (2004:80,92) notes that these
three categories possess strong puritan characteristics and that the essence of
the Afrikaner identity can be found in Puritan insistence on, amongst others,
assiduousness and a sense of fulfilment in physical labour, strong work ethic
and placing responsibility before pleasure.
21
The ideal Afrikaans man, du Pisani (2004:92) respects the traditions of his
forefathers, and is of resolute moral integrity. In reaction to this myth of
Afrikaner masculine identity, perhaps Die Antwoord are engaging in the
subversion of white identity that Reid (2012:49) identifies. Die Antwoord perform
Afrikaans identities which subvert the Puritan traditions and moral integrity
insisted upon in the construction of Afrikaans identities their lyrics often
include explicit references to sex, their performances are not in line with
emphasis placed on fulfilment though physical labour and they seem to place
materialistic wealth ahead of family values. Locally and internationally, Reid
(2012:49) argues, there is a need to reconfigure the characterisation of the bad
white Afrikaans-accented figure in popular media. Ninja, Yo-Landi and DJ HiTek offer a reconfiguration insofar as they purport to be good whites with
Afrikaans accents: not racist and accepting of all classes, races and sexual
orientations, subverting the popular construction of the bad white Afrikaans
racist that Reid (2012:49) identifies.
2.2
Sub-conclusion
This chapter has outlined the discourse within whiteness studies, and has
situated this study within the broader context of whiteness studies. Primary
focus was given to Dyers (1997) study of whiteness owing to its consideration
of a wide range of media and discourse. Whiteness and white identity have
been delineated to express concerns of corporeality, morality, cleanliness,
control and social superiority. bell hooks ([sa]) conception of white supremacist
capitalist patriarchy provided a counter argument which serves to demystify
whiteness and reveal ideologies of domination. The myth of whiteness in postapartheid South Africa was discussed in terms of Reids (2012) investigation
into myth and identity construction in South African films. Traditional narratives
and tropes in Afrikaner culture was discussed in terms of du Pisanis (2004)
investigation into the construction of Afrikaner masculine ideals. This section
concludes by stating that Die Antwoord are engaging in a subversion of the
myth of whiteness in South Africa.
22
Many of their songs, particularly Super Evil (Die Antwoord 2010), denounce the ANC, as well
as images in music videos, such as Fok Julle Naaiers (Garrett & Ninja 2012) where hot bum
sex is advertised next to Viva ANCYL. The scene also shows a cell phone number,
assumedly to call for the hot bum sex - the cell phone number belongs to Mail & Guardian
online editor, Chris Roper (who gave a less than shining review of Die Antwoords 2010 album
$O$).
23
Ballens enigmatic photographic style was adapted for video in 2012 when
Ballen collaborated with Die Antwoord for the music video for I Fink U Freeky
(Ballen & Ninja 2012). The video has positioned itself as an art piece, and has
24
created a name for Die Antwoord and Ballen in the respective worlds of art and
popular culture. Ballen says that working with Die Antwoord introduced [his]
work to endless people that would have never seen or been interested in it
before, so it got into all sorts of peoples heads through the music and through
the images that would have never experienced it (Schiering 2012). The video
functions to signify the subversion of the myth of whiteness through the
intertextuality of the images which constantly reference Ballens uvre.
3.2
video are in white clothing, but not pure white clothing. The pants, underwear
and shirts are all dirty, some are torn, and some have drawings on them that
mirror the recurring aesthetic trope of art brut (Ballen 2012/09/05) prevalent in
Ballens works mise-en-scne (Figure 3, first frame).
Whiteness in I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012) is placed within and comes
to be a symbolic sign of disorder, disarray and chaos, both literally and
psychologically. The white bodies in I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012) are
semi-naked, uncontrolled or erratic, and unclean. The display of bodies
(specifically white male bodies) in I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012)
importantly symbolise impurity as they are dirty, covered in what appears to be
soot or dirt, and they are never fully clothed (Figure 3). Nakedness also reveals
the inadequacy of the body on display in relation to social ideals. In the scene
with the bath (see Figure 13), Yo-Landi is seemingly naked, thus rendered
vulnerable as well as socially inadequate or inappropriate, in terms of Dyers
(1997:146) argument that clothing marks status. In terms of Bergers (1972:54;
2003:39) distinction between nakedness and nudeness, to be nude is to be
modest to be nude is to be clothed in art. However, to be naked is to be
submissive and revealing, without disguise, which involves nakedness in a
shameful and inauspicious display of the body. In I Fink U Freeky (Ballen &
Ninja 2012), performers are naked rather than nude because they actively
engage in the display of their made-strange bodies. Their nakedness, however,
is not shameful as they seem to proudly display their bodies. This nakedness of
performers in the video connotes disruption of modesty, and signifies the
subversion of social adequacy and conformity to conceptions of moral selfdisplay and self-representation.
Viewers understand the myth of whiteness through markers, or signs, such as
the controlled, clothed and clean body. The bodies in I Fink U Freeky (Ballen &
Ninja 2012) are signs that connote the subversion of this myth.
26
.
Figure 3: Screen shots of unclean and uncontrolled white bodies in I Fink U Freeky, 2012.
To be white is to be clean, expunged of dirt (Dyer 1997:76) yet the dirty bodies
in I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012) may connote a transformation into a
colour that can be charted because, as Dyer (1997:207) notes, whiteness
denotes a colour that signifies absence of colour. To be white is to be restrained
and in control of emotions and bodies, in a kind of Cartesian mind/body split
where the superior intellect of the white man is able to transcend corporeality
(Dyer 1997: 28,150). However, the white males performances in I Fink U
Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012) are characterised as erratic and energetic in their
movement, which suggests a lack of control over emotions and the body. Du
Preez (2011:105) echoes this when she notes that the energetic performances,
specifically of Yo-Landi, signal danger. The energetic performances in I Fink U
Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012) can also be understood signs signalling literal and
psychological danger through disorder and chaos. The disorder and chaos
represented here threaten to undermine and subvert the myth of control of
whiteness and the ideal white body.
Dyer (1997:147) posits that whiteness is related to spirit and transcendence of
corporeality, and that this may have led to a belief that non-white bodies are
better and stronger. Importantly, an albino man features in I Fink U Freeky
(Ballen & Ninja 2012), and he appears to be a powerful and aggressive body-
27
builder. The body of this man is white by virtue of a congenital disorder, but he
possesses the most built body. His is a stark contrast to the biologically white
yet gaunt body of Ninja (Figure 4). Ninjas body is riddled with tattoos which are
indexical signs, mimicking culturally specific markers that signify allegiance to
several Cape Flats gangs and prison-gangs. Haupt (2012) notes that his
tattoos make reference to the knife as well as Richie Rich and the graffiti image
of Casper the friendly ghost wielding a large penis [are] reminiscent of prisongang tattoos and gang graffiti. These indexical signs depend on the viewers
understanding of the intertexual references, and serve to subvert the myth of
law abiding white culture, pure and untarnished by non-white culture.
Figure 4: Screen shots of muscular congenital whiteness compared to gaunt biological whiteness in I Fink
U Freeky, 2012.
Much like Ballens arresting portrait Dresie and Casie, Twins, Western
Transvaal, 1993 (Figure 2), medium close-up shots form an intertextual theme
in the music video. The spectacle of strange faces seems to be put on display;
their eyes are fixed directly on the camera as if they are judging the viewer, or
perhaps challenging the viewer to turn their gaze introspectively.
28
In I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012) many of these portrait-like frames are
of peculiar looking, semi-naked children (Figure 5). The nakedness once again
emphasises the display of their bodies and their inferred social inadequacy, and
their unusual appearances draw the viewers attention to the perverse desire to
observe the carnivalesque extravaganza (du Preez 2012:102).
The children are all displayed against a light background, save Sixteen Jones
(Ninja and Yo-Landis daughter) who is painted black and appears against a
dark background, underscoring the contrast of her white Yo-Landi mullet and
the whites of her eyes. She is shown with a ball python wrapped around her
shoulders and, as discussed later, a snake connotes evil. This darkness of
Sixteens skin may point to the impurity and death of white innocence and
femininity, as discussed later in relation to Yo-Landi.
Two of the children are shown screaming silently, with sharpened front teeth
which make them appear animalistic, while a third defiantly gives the viewer the
finger5. These images create an amplified sense of insolence owing to the fact
that these are children as children symbolically represent innocence and purity.
Ballen states that his work is meant to unsettle the viewer, arguing that arts
purpose is to have an effect on the viewer, one that sits within their
consciousness and changes the way they think (Lynch [sa]). These images of
children serve to subvert the myth of innocence in (white) children.
An offensive gesture, showing the middle finger straight up as a sign of derision. (The Free
Dictionary [sa]).
29
Insofar as white bodies are effectively theatrically displayed in the music video,
it is interesting that all but one of the white performers show their faces in a
portrait-style shot. The child performers, majority of white, all show their faces
directly, whereas the three black boys in the video are not shown as natural:
one is painted completely white; the second has a box over his head which
transforms him into a kind of monster; the third has an elephants trunk attached
to his face, bestowing him with bestial attributes (Figure 6).
30
Figure 6: Screen shots of black boys represented as unnatural in I Fink U Freeky, 2012.
Ballens work often features animals and he explains that his use of animals is
connected to the fact that animals are mysterious, more complex in some
ways; you cant put your finger on the animal, what he thinks or what he means
(in Sandals 2009). However, some animals can be interpreted as symbolically
or metonymically connotative of certain notions or ideas. Ninja is shown in
several frames with a ball python, either slithering over his face or as a phallus
(Figure 7). In Judeo-Christian traditions, the serpent is a symbol of evil and, in
the Book of Revelation, it is implied that the Serpent is Satan (Harris 1985).
Ninja is thus associated with not purity and virtue, but sexual impulses and evil.
Ballens work regularly features animals, wall paintings, objects and people
(Guadagnini 2010), symbolic tropes which all become props in the anxious
backdrop of Ballens exclusively black and white jarring images.
31
3.3
Masculinity
32
Figure 8: DJ Hi-Tek represents a subversive masculinity through a monstrous appearance in Fok Julle
Naaiers, 2012.
6
DJ Hi-Tek does not appear in I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012). One of his masks makes
an appearance in the scene where Yo-Landi lies on the dirty mattress (Figure 16).
7
At a press conference in 2008, Tyson responded to a reporters comment with a verbal assault
(Romano 2012).
33
Watkin Tudor Jones matriculated from Parktown Boys High School in 1992, and as such,
much criticism has focused itself on the inauthenticity of their back stories and accents.
9
Du Pisani (2004) argues that the ideal Afrikaans masculinity is aligned with puritan ideals of
responsibility to the family and country, as well as morality and rejection of material wealth.
10
An apposite example is Beat Boy (Die Antwoord 2010).
34
(literally here), and unable to do anything about being literally beaten while they
are metaphorically down, with the exception of turning to violence.
Figure 9: Helpless white male in Umshini Wam, 2012. Screen shot by author.
Bottomleys Poor White (2012) traces the history of poor white people in South
Africa from the Dutch settlers in 1880s. The idea of a new white poverty under
apartheid and Black Economic Empowerment is simply inaccurate. For
decades, white governments (both imperial and Afrikaans alike) have
systematically created a mythical collective past. This myth was perpetuated by
the National Party and, Bottomley (2012:140) notes, the myth worked to
suppress the existence of poor whites in order to maintain a veil of prestige
the poor whites vanished from public discourse. Attention in contemporary
media has situated white poverty as a seemingly new phenomenon. Following
the publication of Ballens Platteland: Images of rural South Africa (1994), the
white urban population recoiled at photographs such as Man Shaving on
Verandah, Western Transvaal (1986) (Figure 10), which undercut the image of
the colonial white in South Africa prior to the end of apartheid (Lynch [sa]).
Bottomley (2012:178) notes that poor white culture has recently been adopted
by white youth who ironically grow moustaches and wear threadbare clothes
35
with the most successful, and most strange [example] in the international
popularity of Afrikaans music groups such as Die Antwoordwho construct
themselves as members of this poor culture. Ballen has similarly been accused
of exploiting the marginalised subjects of his photographs. Ballen (in Enright
2011) responds:
When people look at one of my photographs, they don't have one
tenth of an idea about what went into it. The more the picture has
affected them psychologically, the more they scream exploitation.
I pry open the wound and it starts to leak pus. I don't know what
more to say. But I would certainly say that ninety percent of the
people in those pictures are proud they are in my books, and they
would be even more proud to see their pictures hanging in a
museum or gallery.
Whiteness, in the corpus of Ballens and Die Antwoords work, has come to
represent psychological disorder, chaos and angst. Ballens evocative formal
elements and provocative visual language may be considered by some as
psychologically disturbing.
Figure 10: Roger Ballen, Man Shaving on Verandah, Western Transvaal, 1986. (Roger Ballen
Foundation).
36
Ballen (in Pryor [sa]) states that his images were shocking because they were
contrary to the myth of whiteness as controlled and ordered:
Those people didnt symbolise an aspect of white culture that the
government wanted to promote at that time-a symbol of white
people being in control, being ordered, being authoritative, being
confident. These pictures showed a group of white people being
just the opposite of that[i]t wasnt exactly what the white
government and a lot of middle-class South Africans wanted to
see of their country.
Die Antwoord offer a similar disruption of popular narrative of whiteness,
specifically in terms of Afrikaans critics, owing to how they seem to pride
themselves on being as offensive and as anti-conservative Afrikaans as
possible. OToole (2012:398) argues that what is offered by Die Antwoord is
[a]t best, a temporal and spasmodic sense of South African whiteness, but is a
sense driven not by the will to clarify, rather to profit off an impoverished, ersatz
entertainment aware of its own unavoidable obsolescence. Yet, as Krueger
(2012:406) posits, Die Antwoords mockery through zef of the poor white
Afrikaner may be read as an attempt to reconcile unsettling qualities inherent in
a new South African white identity in opposition to the elite white Afrikaners
who instigated apartheid. In line with this thought, consideration should be given
to how Die Antwoord navigate their cultural hybridity11 and their apparent
disavowal of moral Afrikanerdom. Such an investigation cannot be undertaken
here as it falls outside the scope of this study.
Their lyrics are riddled with expletives and their performances are sexually
suggestive, as well as often employing male-on-female violence most notably
when Ninja punches Yo-Landi during live performances of the song Doos
Dronk, such as the performance at RAMfest (Lambrechts 2009). This behaviour
undermines the traditional construction of Afrikaans culture which is traditionally
concerned with the religious, patriarchal nuclear family paradigm as discussed
by Viljoen and Viljoen (2005:97-98,101).
11
As seen in Ninjas insistence that he represents all of South African culture, and that his body
is covered in tattoos which are recognised as Cape Flats gang tattoos.
37
In the scene where Ninja and Yo-Landi sit at a table in a grimy kitchen, a
subversion of this paradigm may be argued. The scene assails the notion of the
religious Afrikaans dinner setting, where their use of God se Jesus in the lyrics
accompanying the visual the images anchorage12 are not so much an
exaltation of the Christian God as purely blasphemous (Figure 11). As an
indexical sign, the food in this scene refers to a culturally specific understanding
of the walkie talkies and skop13 (offal) being not necessarily the kind of meal
the contemporary, advanced and pure (white) Afrikaans family would be eating.
The scene may be understood as a denotative synecdochal and iconic sign,
one that suggests that these whites, rapping in Afrikaans and looking
dishevelled, are the new configuration, the remythologisation (Reid 2012:45)
of the Afrikaans couple.
Figure 11: Dinner table in I Fink U Freeky, 2012. Screen shot by author.
In I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012), one scene shows Ninja and Yo-Landi
on a couch covered in what appears to be news papers (a traditionally black
and white medium), the walls are covered in newspapers with two headline
12
Barthes argues that when text accompanies an image, the viewer, or in this case the listener,
is lead to a prescribed reading of the image (in Rose 2012:120). The lyrics in this case offer
what Barthes terms a complementary relay-function (in Rose 2012:120), suggesting a parody
of religion.
13
Skop is boiled head, usually of a pig, sheep or cow, and is a delicacy favoured by African
men (Joburg 2012). Walkie talkies is a popular dish consisting of boiled chicken feet and
beaks.
38
boards alluding to bestiality and HIV/AIDS, and their clothing is made out of
newspaper (Figure 12). The headline boards come from Cape-based, Afrikaans
daily tabloid Son (sister paper to the English The Daily Sun). Son is modelled
on the British tabloids, and includes the same kind of sensationalist gossip and
celebrity news, as well as the scantily clad Page Three Girl (visible on closer
inspection of the newspapers on the wall). Crouching in the left corner is a white
rabbit which, along with the snake discussed above, form one of the themes of
Ballens canon.
The significance of this frame can be seen in the debased consumer culture
that Son represents. The readers of this publication could be condescendingly
understood as less educated and more concerned with corporeality and
sexuality (the Page Three Girl representing the latter), that is, not the white ideal
of educated and having control over their sexual urges14. Interestingly, The
Daily Sun, the English version, does not include the Page Three Girl. This may
suggest that the conservative and morally ideal Afrikaans culture has been
corrupted by deviant sexuality.
Figure 12: Ninja and Yo-Landi surrounded by newspapers in I Fink U Freeky, 2012. Screen shot by author.
14
Dyer (1997:27) argues that white people, with the emphasis of the mind in the mind/body
dualism, have control over their sexual impulses through will power. Sexual drives, Dyer
(1997:28) notes are characterised as dark, a darkness that white men have to struggle with,
and ultimately master.
39
Dyer (1997:132) discusses the white heterosexual couple as the bearers of the
race represented in a variety of films, paintings and photographs, contending
that white women are used to illuminate the men in the images. Yo-Landi,
submerged in a bath with a white duck, naked and vulnerable, seems to be
illuminating Ninja (Figure 13), and in general she is shown as lighter than Ninja.
Ninjas face is cast half in the shadows, possibly connoting his half-evil nature,
which it can be assumed means that his only chance at redemption is through
the light, and its inferred implication of morality and purity, of the white woman.
Figure 13: Yo-Landi illuminating Ninja in I Fink U Freeky, 2012. Screen shot by author.
The bath is filled with a black liquid, and skin is marked with black dirt, which
contrasts her iconic pallid complexion (Figure 14). The idealisation of angelic,
glowing and pure white women in the nineteenth century, Dyer (1997:127)
contends, was the symbol of white virtuousness. Yo-Landis whiteness,
however, is the opposite of this ideal of white as aesthetic superiority. While she
is white to the extreme white hair, white eyebrows, white clothing, white rats
her demeanour is decidedly dark, sexual, challenging and threatening.
Yo-Landis language, movements and clothing all connote danger and
hypersexual sex appeal through the intertextual understanding of the
construction of the myth of whiteness as virtuous and controlled.
40
Figure 14: Screen shots comparing Yo-Landi's contrasting skin tones in I Fink U Freeky, 2012.
3.4
Mise-en-scne
41
the subjects and the set. Ballen employs the full range of shots15, with the
majority being long shots (70). Medium shots are the second most prevalent
(26) and interspersed are close-ups (25), medium long shots (9), medium closeups (5) and extreme close-ups (4). Whereas the other kinds of shots place more
emphasis on the subject suggesting the shots function in a documentary
fashion it is significant to note that the long shot consists of one or more
subjects, but emphasis is placed on the scene. These shots repeat themselves
throughout the music video, repeating the eight different scenes.
In I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012) the complex mise-en-scne entices the
viewer to look past the performers in what Monaco (in Rose 2012:69) terms a
closed screen frame because no reference is made to what is happening
outside the mise-en-scne. Closed screen frames, Monaco (in Rose 2012:69)
discusses, suggests particular moods or emotions. The sets in I Fink U Freeky
(Ballen & Ninja 2012) are, in keeping with Ballens highly stylised canon of work,
sublime yet grimy abject in-door spaces, which suggest the music video intends
for the viewer to consider this the video as an internalised psychopathological
navigation of abnormal behaviour in emotionally fraught milieus.
The editing is fast paced, with an average of 1.6 seconds per frame which
amplifies the psychological tension. Known as post-classical editing, or the
MTV style (Mathis-Lilley, Sternbergh, Yuan & Eells 2006), this style creates a
sense of angst as well as intrigue as the viewer is not afforded the chance to
get a prolonged look at the videos construction and display of strange
whiteness.
Whiteness is construed as unsettling and jarring, unfamiliar and anarchic, and is
effectively rendered as a theatrical prop, utilised in the construction of a counter
myth of traditional whiteness; a culturally specific prop that propels the notion of
a remythologisation (Reid 2012:45) of traditional (Afrikaner) whiteness. As a
15
The music video consists for 149 shots: three shots introducing the music video much like a
film (firstly Die Antwoord in association with Roger Ballen; secondly presents; and finally I
Finky U Freeky), 145 shots in main music video and the final frame showing credits. Of the 145
frames, this study counted 139 as having significant content, while the remaining 6 were left out
owing to their content of inanimate objects.
42
counter myths prop, whiteness in I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012)
represents disorder and dirt, a subversion of the traditionally constructed
ideology of whiteness. Ideologies work to legitimate social inequalities, and
whiteness as an ideology works to legitimate the supremacy of whites over nonwhites. In I Fink U Freeky (Ballen & Ninja 2012), whiteness becomes an
ideology that works to subvert social inequalities by undermining traditional
configurations of whiteness. Die Antwoord, Ballen, and the zef counterculture
have effectively created a whiteness that is made strange, something that can
be designed, constructed and mass produced through an artifice of soiled,
derelict and scarred settings, minimal clothing and expletives.
3.5
Death
43
Figure 15: Ross Garrett, [Yo-Landi's pale complexion], 2010. (Gabrielle de Gersigny).
In several sections of the music video, Yo-Landi lies on a dirty graffiti covered
mattress as discussed previously, seductively writhing and being touched by a
dark hand on her pale, white skin. Considering the mise-en-scne, Yo-Landis
white (not blonde) hair and petit figure symbolically casts her as the virginal
white woman yet she is surrounded by rats, which connote decay and disease
(Figure 16). Du Preez (2011:105) notes that Yo-Landis appearance veers
between traditional categories of submissive female beautyand overwhelming
female prowess. Even though she is dressed in white, her clothing barely
covers her body, and she does not conform to the ideal, angelic, virginal,
virtuous white female (Dyer 1997:122-142). It could be understood that these
images represent the death of purity, the death of virginity, and the death of
what it means to be a white (woman).
44
Figure 16: Yo-Landi as a virginal figure, surrounded by rats in I Fink U Freeky, 2012. Screen shot by
author.
The music video ends with Yo-Landi submerging herself into a shimmering
black liquid. Her wide eyes, almost entirely eclipsed by black contact lenses,
close and she disappears under water, her face surrounded by a halo-like
reflection of light (Figure 17).
Figure 17: Yo-Landi disappearing into black liquid, signifying death in I Fink U Freeky, 2012.
Screen shot by author.
The white halo-like light stands in stark contrast to the black liquid on which it
finds its reflection, emphasising the intense distinction between light and dark,
45
Figure 18: Giovanni Battista Salvi da Sassoferrato, The Madonna in Sorrow, c1600. Oil on canvas, 62 x
58 cm. Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, Italy (Artflakes).
disappears into a sinister black liquid that engulfs her. Yo-Landi can be
understood to transcend corporeality as well as the miasma of mayhem and
psychological angst by disappearing into the black liquid, but it could also
connote whiteness as weak, succumbing to blackness, disappearing and losing
its relevance.
3.6
Sub-conclusion
This chapter has discussed the diegetic construction of I Fink U Freeky (Ballen
& Ninja) as a cultural product which constitutes a remythologisation of the myth
of whiteness, one that is subversive of the traditional understanding of
whiteness in South Africa. The chapter began by situating Roger Ballens
images within the discourse of whiteness studies, and then continued on to an
in-depth semiotic analysis of the music videos mise-en-scne. Consideration
was given to the subversive representation of whiteness throughout the
investigation, with specific mention given to constructions of masculinity, as well
as the relationship between whiteness and death.
47
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