Marcos and the New

Society:
A Political Biography
[ RESEARCH PAPERS ]

A Research Paper Submitted in Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements in Political Science 262Elites in Politics

Submitted to:

Dr. Clarita R. Carlos

Department of Political Science
College of Social Sciences and Philosophy
University of the Philippines-Diliman

Submitted by:

Jose Angelito P. Angeles

2003-78545

October 2005

Ferdinand

E. Marcoss greatest moment

was EDSA 1, when he was no longer just a
bar topnotcher of unprecedented record, or
the most decorated Filipino hero of World
War II, or when he became President of the
Philippines or the only reelected President
of the Republic, but Ferdinand E. Marcoss
greatest moment was EDSA 1 when as
President and Commander in Chief of the
Armed Forces of the Philippines, the most
powerful man in the country, he did not use
Power to Hurt or Kill those who betrayed
him, but He used Power Selflessly for Peace
and Love. At this point He no longer was
just a Bar Topnotcher, War Hero, President
or Father of a Country, at this point in

President Ferdinand E. Marcoss life, he too had become a Mother of the Nation,
with Selfless and Endless Love for his Country and People

-Imelda Romualdez- Marcos

Introduction
In 1965, President Marcos was elected on a wave of hope that he would make
this nation great, with a broad electoral mandate to deal with the countrys chronic
socio-economic problems. His first term was innovative; he surpassed the achievements
of his predecessors put together. In 1969 he became the first Philippine President to be
reelected but corruption and lawlessness and the wide disparity between the rich and
the poor that gripped the country were as pervasive as ever. The growing threat of
communist insurgency and the secessionist problem in Mindanao further eroded the
political stability of the country. In September 1972 President Marcos declared martial
law to restore law and order and to build a new society.
This paper discusses the political biography of Ferdinand E. Marcos during the
twenty years of his presidency, with emphasis on the reforms and policies he instituted in
pursuance of the New Society and the problems that President Marcos faced during the
crucial years and how he dealt with them. Further, the paper also deals with the
achievements and failures of
the New Society.
The

researcher,

in

coming up with this research,

used

both

documents
presidential
issuances,

primary

(official

and

records,

decrees
Supreme

and
Court

decisions, presidential speeches, books, newspapers and magazines) and secondary

sources (journals, articles, film and other books). Further, the researcher also
interviewed Former First Lady Imelda R. Marcos at her residence in Makati and Ilocos
Norte Congresswoman Imee R. Marcos at her office in the Batasan Complex.
The researcher went to the following places to gather data: Marcos Museum in
Batac and Sarrat, Ilocos Norte; University of the Philippines College of Law Library; UP
Main Library; UP Asian Center library; UP College of Education library; UP Manila College
of Arts and Sciences library; Manila Bulletin; and the National Library. The researcher also
used his collections in this research.

His Early Life

The man who ruled the

Philippines with an iron fist was
born on September 11, 1917 in
Sarrat, a small town in Ilocos
Norte. Named by his parents,
Mariano Marcos and Josefa
Edralin, after King Ferdinand of
Spain, Ferdinand Edralin Marcos
was a champion debater, boxer,
swimmer and wrestler while in
the University of the
Philippines.
As a young law student of the University of the Philippines, Marcos
was indicted and convicted of murder (of Julio Nalundasan, the man who
twice defeated his father for a National Assembly seat). [1] While in
detention, he reviewed and topped the 1938 Bar examinations with one of
the highest score in history. According to Former First Lady Imelda
Romualdez-Marcos He (Pres. Marcos) wanted to be the top of tops. So his

record was unprecedented in history. In bar history, he had 98.8 many said
it is impossible, siguro nandaya yun (maybe he cheated). He had to had an
oral exam so that they (the Supreme Court) [can] revalidate (the score). [2]
He

appealed

his

conviction and argued

his

case

before

Supreme

the

Court.

[3]Impressed

by

his

brilliant legal defense,

the

Supreme

unanimously
him.[4]

Court

acquitted

When the Second World War broke out, Marcos was called to arms in
defense of the Philippines against the Japanese. He was a combat
intelligence officer of the 21 stInfantry division. He fought in Bataan and was
one of the victims of the infamous Death March. He was released later.
However, he was re-incarcerated in Fort Santiago. He escaped and joined
the guerilla movements against the Japanese. He became one of the finest
guerilla leaders in Luzon[5] and his greatest exploit was the Battle of Besang
Pass though many are questioning the veracity of his claims. Because of his
valiant bravery during the war, Marcos was awarded with thirty-three
medals,

the

most
decorated
soldier

in

Philippine
history.
After
the

end

of

the war and

the

establishment of the Republic, President Manuel A. Roxas appointed Marcos

as special technical assistant. Later, Marcos ran as Representative (of the
2nddistrict of Ilocos Norte) under the Liberal Party the administration party.
During the campaign he told his constituents Elect me a Congressman now
and I pledge you an Ilocano President in 20 years. He was elected thrice as
Congressman. In 1959 he was catapulted to the Senate with the highest
number of votes. He immediately became its Minority Floor Leader. In 1963,

after a tumultuous rigodon in the Senate, he was elected its President

despite being in the minority party.[6]
When President Diosdado Macapagal reneged on his promise not to
run for reelection and to support Marcos candidacy for the presidency in
the 1965 elections, Marcos resigned from the Liberal Party. With the support
of his wife Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, he joined the Nacionalista Party and
became its standard-bearer with Senator Fernando Lopez as his running
mate.
The First Term (1965-1969)
Marcos defeated Macapagal and was sworn in as the sixth President
of the Republic[7] on December 30, 1965. In his inaugural address he stated
the grim situation of the Philippines:
The Filipino, it seems, has lost his soul, his
dignity, and his courage.
We have come upon a phase of our history
when ideals are only a veneer for greed and power,
(in public and private affairs) when devotion to duty
and dedication to a public trust are to be weighted
at all times against private advantages and personal
gain, and when loyalties can be traded.
Our government is in the iron grip of
venality, its treasury is barren, its resources are
wasted, its civil service is slothful and indifferent,
its armed forces demoralized and its councils sterile.
We are in crisis. You know that the
government treasury is empty. Only by severe selfdenial will there be hope for recovery within the
next year.[8]
To rally the people, he vowed to fulfill the nations mandate for
greatness:

This nation can be great again. This I have

said over and over. It is my articles of faith, and
Divine Providence has willed that you and I can now
translate this faith into deeds.[9]

In his first
State of the
Nation
Address
(SONA),
President
Marcos
revealed his
plans

for

economic
development
and

good

government. President Marcos wanted the immediate construction of roads,

bridges and public works which includes 16,000 kilometers of feeder roads,
some 30,000 lineal meters of permanent bridges, a generator with an
electric power capacity of on million kilowatts (1,000,000 kw), water
services to eight regions and 38 localities.
He also urged the revitalization of the Judiciary, the national
defense posture and the fight against smuggling, criminality, and graft and
corruption in the government.

To
President

accomplish
Marcos

his

mobilized

goals
the

manpower and resources of the Armed

Forces of the Philippines (AFP) for action
to complement civilian agencies in such
activities as infrastructure construction;
economic planning and program execution; regional and industrial site
planning and development; community development and others. [10] The
President, likewise, hired technocrats and highly educated persons to form
part of the Cabinet and staff.[11] The employment of technocrats in key
positions and the mobilization of the AFP for civic actions resulted in the
increasing functional integration of civilian and military elites. [12]As a
consequence, Marcos surpassed the achievements of his presidential
predecessors put together.
Despite the achievements and success of utilizing the Armed Forces
on various infrastructure projects of the administration, Senator Benigno
Ninoy Aquino, Jr. criticized it as creeping militarism in his first privilege
speech in the Senate:
Unhappily, our armed forces is undergoingsurely if unperceptibly- a reorientation and a
redirection geared fundamentally to suit and
advance the political aims of President Marcos.
President Marcos justifies it in the name of speeding
up socio-economic development, but it politicking of
the most insidious stripe.
Clearly, the programme is taking shape. And
I am alarmed. I see it in the presidential order to the
Philippine Navy to equip and support medical, rural
teams and civic action centers. And this, Mr.
President, to a navy which still has to put all its ships
out to sea and to bring up its manpower to the
required levels.

I see it, too, in the order of the Philippine

Air Force to organize an engineering construction
battalion- and added to this, to set up civil action
centers and to field rural medical health teams. And
this, Mr. President, to an air force hard-put in filling
its duties with its meager resources.
The administration men have arguedrepeatedly, I must note- that army engineering
battalions are far more efficient than their civilian
counterparts. The facts, I am afraid, belie this.
The North Diversion Road is there as proof of
army engineering inefficiency. It has cracked by
longer than five kilometers in certain portions, and
in most other portions, it is rapidly deteriorating into
what newspaper wit has termed our corrugated
roads.
What went wrong with this road, this main
artery of men and commerce which the surveyors of
the cult of the Great One had intended to
ballyhoo as the start of a lace of monuments to His
Greatness?
in their hurry to create impact, they forgot
the age-old adage, haste makes waste. And all
because they wanted to log achievement.[13]

The accusation, however, was considered during that time as plain

and simple politicking to discredit President Marcos.
Aside from infrastructure development, the following were some of
the notable achievements of the first four years of the Marcos
administration:
1. Successful drive against smuggling which Leonides Virata, President of
the Philippine Chambers of Commerce, described as a national
calamity.[14]

In 1966, more than 100 important smugglers were arrested; in three

years 1966-68 the arrests totaled 5,000. Military men involved in
smuggling were forced to retire.[15]
2. Greater production of rice by promoting the cultivation of IR-8 hybrid
rice. In 1968 the Philippines became self-sufficient in rice, the first
time in history since the American period. In addition, the Philippines
exported rice worth US$ 7 million.
3. Land reform was given an impetus during the first term of President
Marcos. 3,739 hectares of lands in Central Luzon were distributed to
the farmers.
4. In the field of foreign relations, the Philippines hosted the summit of
seven heads of state (the United States, South Vietnam, South Korea,
Thailand, Australia, New Zealand and the Philippines) to discuss the
worsening problem in Vietnam and the containment of communism in
the region.
Likewise, President Marcos initiated, together with the other four
heads of state of Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and
Singapore), the formation of a regional organization to combat the
communist threat in the region the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN).
5. Government finances were stabilized by higher revenue collections
and loans from treasury bonds, foreign lending institutions and foreign
governments.
6. Peace and order substantially improved in most provinces however
situations in Manila and some provinces continued to deteriorate until
the imposition of martial law in 1972.
The Critical Years: 1969-1972

In 1969, President Marcos was reelected for an unprecedented

second term because of his
impressive performance or,
as

his

critics

claimed,

because of massive votebuying

and

electoral

frauds.
The second term
proved to be a daunting
challenge to the President:
an economic crisis brought
by external and internal
forces;

restive

and

radicalized studentry demanding reforms in the educational system; rising

tide of criminality and subversion by the re-organized Communist
movement; and secessionism in the South.
Economic Situation - Overspending in the 1969 elections led to
higher inflation and the devaluation of the Philippine peso. Further, the
decision of the oil-producing Arab countries to cut back oil production, in
response to Western military aid to Israel in the Arab-Israeli conflict,
resulted to higher fuel prices worldwide. In addition, the frequent visits of
natural calamities brought havoc to infrastructures and agricultural crops
and livestock. The combined external and internal economic forces led to
uncontrolled increase in the prices of prime commodities.
A Restive Studentry The last years of the 1960s and the first two
years of the 1970s witnessed the radicalization of student population.

Students in various colleges and universities held massive rallies and

demonstrations to express their frustrations and resentments.
President Marcos, astute as he was, established dialogues with
students in various schools to hear their legitimate grievances. The
President clearly discerned the reasons of the restiveness of the Studentry:
Many issues have been raised in the student
demonstrations. But they can all be summed up in
one outcry- and that is, that their schools had dealt
with them without compassion, and failed to provide
for their needs with human feelings.
Specifically, the students in all campuses are
now crying out for these: reduction of tuition fees,
greater press reforms or greater press freedom,
greater autonomy for student organizations, greater
participation of students in the formulation of school
policies, and improvement of standards of quality of
instruction and of school equipment and facilities.
As I have previously said, the ills that
prompted the students to seek these reforms have
been accumulating through the years. They are ills
which the lack of compassion has bred. In their quick
and single-minded drive towards expansion, many
school administrators have forgotten the plight of
the students who, more often than not, are poor and
unable to meet progressively heavier financial
burdens imposed on them.
In my dialogue with student leaders, one thing
was quite clear: The students want their schools to
be institutions of learning, not institution of earning,
and I quote a young student leader. In other words,
they expect a fair return for the money that they
pay in terms of instruction, aids to learning, and
greater human dignity.[16]

In response to the demands of the students, President Marcos

created

the

Youth

Student

Affairs Board

recommended

by

and
(as
then

Education Secretary Onofre

Corpuz) composed of 15
members
student

from

different

organizations,

[17] ordered the setting up

of a Php 3 Million trust fund

for student welfare and civic action projects, released Php 5 Million for all
state colleges and universities, released Php 5 Million for the unprogrammed
budget of the University of the Philippines, [18] and ordered the setting up of
scholarships for technological and science high school graduates.
However the reforms initiated by the President were apparently not
enough. On January 30, 1970, demonstrators numbering about 50,000
students and laborers stormed the Malacaang Palace, burning part of the
Medical building, crashing through Gate 4 with a fire truck that had been
forcibly commandeered by some laborers and students. [19] President Marcos
recalled the incident, a year later, in his speech before a meeting of local
executives in Malacaang, excerpts:
And it turns out now from the reports the
New Peoples Army agents, these men who will
testify in a few days in these public hearing that I
have directed to be conducted so that everyone
may know what has happened, it turns out now that
the attack was premeditated. Do you know what
they reported on that attack on January 30, 1970?
The intention was to kill the President of the
Republic of the Philippines. This was the mission of

one of the New Peoples Army commanders, who

was here in the attack against Malacaang. And who
was beside me during this attack? While I was
directing the men, telling them not to use their
firearms because to use the firearms would be selfdefeating, because these were only young people
mostly. Who was beside me when I was directing the
troops and assessing the situation as to whether it
was possible to repulse them. The man was beside
me in my command post, because a command post
was established, was Secretary Blas Ople, Johnny
Ponce Enrile, Ernesto Maceda, these were the men
who were beside me when we were fighting for
survival here.
Many of you did not know what happened
here but there were serious suggestions that I
withdraw from Malacaang, and that I withdraw
because Malacaang may become untenable. And I
laughed in their faces. I laughed and said: Do you
know how many battles I fought in places that were
less tenable than Malacaang? Do you know how
many times I fought single-handed? And do you know
what my assessment of this is? One single soldier
who is resolved to fight can drive away this entire
crowd in single minute.[20]

The President drove them alright! The Metropolitan Command

(Metrocom) of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) repulsed them, pushing them
towards Mendiola Bridge, where in an exchange of gunfire, hours later, four
persons were killed and scores from both sides injured. The crowd was
finally dispersed by tear gas grenades. [21]

Violent students protests however did not stop. In October 1970, a

series of violence occurred in numerous campuses in the Greater Manila
Area: an explosion of pillboxes
in

at

least

two

schools.

TheUniversity of the Philippines

was not spared when 18,000
students boycotted their classes
to demand academic and nonacademic reforms in the State
University

resulting

in

the

occupation of the office of the President of the University by student

leaders. Other schools which were scenes of violent student demonstrations
were San Sebastian College, University of the East, Letran College, Mapua
Institute of Technology, University of Sto. Tomas and Feati University.
Student demonstrators even succeeded in occupying the office of the
Secretary of Justice Vicente Abad Santos for at least seven hours. [22] The
President described the brief communization of the University of the
Philippines and the violent demonstrations of the Left-leaning students as an
act of insurrection[23].
The re-emergence of the Communist movement The reemergence of the Communist movement and the threats it poised to the
Philippine Republic may be best narrated by the Supreme Court in Lansang
vs. Garcia on December 11, 1970, excerpts:
In the language of the Report on Central
Luzon, submitted, on September 4, 1971, by the
Senate Ad Hoc Committee of Seven copy of which
Report was filed in these cases by the petitioners
herein
The years following 1963 saw the
successive emergence in the country of several mass

organizations, notably the Lapiang Manggagawa

(now the Socialist Party of the Philippines) among
the workers; the Malayang Samahan ng Magsasaka
(MASAKA) among the peasantry; the Kabataang
Makabayan (KM) among the youth/students; and the
Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism
(MAN) among the intellectuals/professionals. The
PKP has exerted all-out effort to infiltrate,
influence, and utilize these organizations in
promoting its radical brand of nationalism.
Meanwhile, the Communist leaders in the
Philippines had been split into two (2) groups, one
of which- composed mainly of young radicals,
constituting the Maoist faction reorganized the
Communist party of the Philippines early in 1969
and established a New Peoples Army. This faction
adheres to the Maoist concept of the Protracted
Peoples War or War of National Liberation.
In the year 1969, the NPA had according to
the records of the Department of National Defense
conducted raids, resorted to kidnappings and taken
part in other violent incidents numbering 230, in
which it inflicted 404 casualties, and in turn,
suffered 243 loses. In 1970, its record of violent
incidents was about the same, but the NPA
casualties more than doubled.
At any rate, two (2) facts are undeniable:
(a) all Communists, whether they belong to the
traditional group or to the Maoist faction, believe
that force and violence are indispensable to the
attainment of their main and ultimate objective,
and act in accordance with such belief, although
they may disagree on the means to be used at a
given time and in a particular place; and (b) there is
a New Peoples Army, other, of course, than the
armed forces of the Republic and antagonistic
thereto. Such New Peoples army is per se proof of
the existence of rebellion, especially considering
that its establishment was announced publicly by
the reorganized CPP. Such announcement is in the
nature of a public challenge to the duly constituted

authorities and may be likened to a declaration of

war, sufficient to establish a war status or a
condition of belligerency, even before the actual
commencement of hostilities.
We entertain, therefore, no doubts about
the existence of sizeable group of men who have
publicly risen in arms to overthrow the government
and have thus been and still are engaged in
rebellion against the Government of the Philippines.
[24]

The Supreme Court ruling in Lansang vs. Garcia affirmed the basis
of President Marcos issuance of Proclamation No. 889, which suspended
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, on August 21, 1971 following the
Plaza Miranda bombing.
On January 7, 1972, President Marcos restored the privilege of the
writ of habeas corpus throughout the country.[25]
Not long thereafter, the country was again faced with a massive
resurgence of subversive activities which President Marcos described as a
conspiracy of the Radical Left (the Communists) and the Radical Right (the
oligarchs) to overthrow the Republic:
On one hand, the entrenched oligarchy,
which controlled Congress, now set itself adamantly
against Mr. Marcos program of reform. On the other,
firebrands from the Manila student movement
fanned the endemic Communist insurgency in the
peasant regions of Luzon. Soon the President found
himself caught between Radical Left and Radical
Right.[26]

Bombings were intensified, targeting public and private properties

and residences of prominent personalities to sow terror to the populace, as

shown by the following incidents: 1970 A bomb exploded at the Joint US

Military Advisory Group Headquarters in Quezon City [27] in January, two
Catholic schools and two government buildings in Calbayog City were blasted
with dynamites in December; 1971- Oil firms in the city (Manila) were the
object of bombings resulting in death to at least two persons and injuries to
others.[28] 1972 In January a
grenade was hurled at the ABSCBN tower in Quezon City; a
month later the United States
(US) Embassy was bombed; in
March, pillbox explosives were
hurled

at

Malacaang

the

gate

Palace

of

the

and

an

explosion resulted in a fire in the Greater Manila Terminal Food Market in

Taguig, Rizal, Arca Building and a branch of the Security Bank and Trust
Company in Espaa Street were bombed; in April, the US Embassy was again
bombed and hand grenades in Cabugao, Ilocos Sur were thrown resulting in
13 casualties; In May, more explosions occurred in the US Embassy; In June a
time bomb exploded in the Court of Industrial Relations; In July, the
Philamlife Building in Ermita, Manila was bombed; In September a bomb
blast in Carriedo Street in Quiapo, Manila resulted in one death and sixty
(60) injuries; the Manila City Hall was bombed injuring two telephone
operators, and two time bombs exploded in the Quezon City Hall which
disrupted the plenary session of the Constitutional Convention (Con Con) and
proceedings in a subversive case before the Court of First Instance.
The spate of bombings and subversive activities led President Marcos
to declare that there is throughout the land a state of anarchy and
lawlessness, chaos and disorder, turmoil and destruction of a magnitude

equivalent to an actual war between the forces of our duly constituted

government and the New Peoples Army and their satellite organizations
and that public order and safety and security of the nation demand that
immediate, swift, decisive and effective action be taken to protect and
insure the peace, order and security of the country and its population and to
maintain the authority of the government.[29] On September 21, 1972
President Marcos issued Presidential Proclamation No. 1081placing the
entire country under martial law but it was announced only two days later.
In proclaiming martial law, President Marcos assured the public that the
proclamation of martial law is not a military takeover [30]and that civilian
government still functions.
The
Presidents
proclamation
was met with
silence and
surprise by
the people,
but their
apprehension
disappeared
when the
President
explained
that his
proclamation
did not mean
a military
takeover. In
general, the public showed a favorable reaction to martial law. According to
Senator Helena Benitez: Since the President opted to use the extraordinary
powers granted him by the Constitution, we must pray with him and work
with him and contribute constructively.

Likewise, most businessmen supported the martial law declaration.

According to Dr. Wigberto Clavecilla, Vice President of the Chamber of
Commerce of the Philippines: the martial law order of President Marcos
will in the long run benefit Philippine business as a whole because businesses
cannot operate in an atmosphere of terror and tension brought about by
daily bombing threats if not actual bombing of business and public
establishment.[31] Similarly,

Jose

Tambunting

of

the

Tambunting

Development Corp. said we had bad fears over it (martial law) and now
that we have it, we find that it is not as bad as we felt and feared it to
be[32].

Martial Law and the New Society

a. Martial Law

Initial Measures - In his first address to the nation after issuing

Proclamation No. 1081, President Marcos said that martial law has two
objectives: (1) to save the republic, and (2) to reform the social, economic
and political institutions in our country.
In accordance with the two objectives, President Marcos issued
general orders and letters of instruction to that effect [33]:
General Order No. 1 The President proclaimed that he should govern the
nation and direct the operations of the Government, including all its
agencies and instrumentalities, as Commander-in-Chief of all the armed
forces of the Philippines;

General Order No. 2 The President directed the Secretary of National

Defense to arrest or cause the arrest and take into his custody the
individuals named in the attached list and to hold them until otherwise so
ordered by the President or by his duly designated representative, as well as
to arrest or cause the arrest and take into his custody and to hold them
otherwise ordered released by him or by his duly authorized representative
such persons who may have committed crimes described in the Order;

General Order No.3 The President ordered that all executive departments,
bureaus, offices, agencies and instrumentalities of the National Government,
government owned or controlled corporations, as well all governments of all
the provinces, cities, municipalities and barrios should continue to function
under their present officers and employees, until otherwise ordered by the
President or by his duly designated representatives. The President further
ordered that the Judiciary should continue to function in accordance with its
present organization and personnel, and should try and decide in accordance
with existing laws all criminal and civil cases, except certain cases
enumerated in the Order.[34]

General Order No. 4 The President ordered that a curfew be maintained

and enforced throughout the Philippines from twelve o clock midnight until
four o clock in the morning.

General Order No. 5 All rallies, demonstrations and other forms of group
actions including strikes and picketing in vital industries such as in
companies engaged in manufacture or processing as well as in production or
processing of essential commodities or products for exports, and in
companies engaged in banking of any kind, as well as in hospitals and in
schools and colleges are prohibited.

General Order No. 6 No person shall keep, possess or carry outside of his
residence any firearm unless such person is duly authorized to keep, possess
or carry any such firearm.

Letter of Instruction No. 1 The President ordered the Press Secretary and
the Secretary of National Defense to take over and control or cause the
taking over and control of newspapers, magazines, radio and television
facilities and all other media of communications for the duration of the
national emergency

Letter of Instruction No. 2 The President ordered the Secretary of National

Defense to take over the management, control and operation of the Manila
Electric Company (Meralco), the Philippine Long Distance Telephone
Company (PLDT), the National Waterworks and Sewerage Authority
(Nawasa), the Philippine National Railways (PNR), the Philippine Airlines, Air
Manila, Filipinas Orient Airways, and other public utilities.

Letter of Instruction No. 3 The President ordered the Secretary of National

Defense to take over the possession, control, operation of all privately
owned aircraft and watercraft of whatever make bearing Philippine registry
and to keep such under his custody for the duration of national emergency
or until otherwise ordered by the President.

Letter of Instruction No. 4 The President ordered the Secretary of Foreign

Affairs not to issue travel papers such as passports and other like documents
to any citizens of the Philippines except to those who are being sent abroad
in the service of the Philippines.

Letter of Instruction No. 5 The President ordered the Secretary of Justice

and all subordinate officials under him not to issue any police or immigration
clearance to any citizen of the Philippines who may wish to depart for other
country.

Letter of Instruction No. 6 The President ordered the Secretary of Finance

and all subordinate officials under him not to issue any tax clearance to any
citizen of the Philippines who may wish to depart for other country.

Pursuant to General Order No. 1, the following were arrested and

detained, which in the words of Press Secretary Francisco Tatad are living
in comfortable quarters with all the conveniences of home including radio
and television, by the military: Representatives Roque Ablan, Jr.(Ilocos
Norte), Rafael Aquino (Sorsogon) and Rolando Puzon; Senators Benigno
Aquino, Jr., Jose W. Diokno and Ramon Mitra; Governors Rolando Puzon
(Kalinga-Apayao) and Lino Bocalan (Cavite); former Senator Francisco Soc
Rodrigo; Con Con delegates Napoleon Rama, Enrique Voltaire Garcia, II,
Teofisto Guingona, Jr., Bren Guiao, Alejandro Lichauco, Jose Nolledo, Jose
Concepcion, Jr., and Jose Mari Velez; journalists Joaquin Chino Roces,
Maximo

Soliven,

Teodoro

Locsin,

Sr.,

Amando

Doronilla,

Renato

Constantino, and Luis Mauricio. Others arrested are as follows: Hernando

Abaya,
Quang,
Beltaran,

Ang

Nay
Luis
Jorge

Bocobo, IV, Ramon

Chramico, Cipriano
cid, Chua Giok Su @
Bob Chua, Herminio
Caloma,
Dizon,

Romeo
Armando

Eufemio, Rolando Fadul, Rolando Feleo, Jose Fuentes @ Joey, Rosalinda

Galang @ Roz, Go Eng Guan, Flora Lansang, Teodosio Lansang, Guillermo

Ponce de Leon, Joel Rocamora, etc. Most of the arrested were members of
the opposition sympathetic to the rebels or supporting the rebel
movement and members of the communist movement.
In October 1972 Iloilo City mayor and former senator Rodolfo Ganzon
was arrested by the Philippine Constabulary for going around the city
wearing a military uniforms and lording it over the residents and terrorizing
city residents in public places,[35] in violation of General Order No.3.
Likewise, Vice Consul Fernando Santos was arrested for suspected gunrunning activities.[36]
As a result of LOI No. 1, all newspapers, television and radio stations
and other means of mass media were closed and placed under military
control. Some of them were later permitted to reopen but under strict
censorship.[37] On September 22, 1972, the President signed Letter of
Authority No.1, authorizing the Press Secretary and the Secretary of
National Defense to permit the operation of Radio Philippines Network
(RPN), Kanlaon Broadcasting System (KBS), and the Daily Express, it having
been established that they have not participated in a conspiracy to seize
political and state power in the Philippines and to take over the government
by force and violence.
Former First Lady Imelda R. Marcos explained the Presidents
declaration of martial law in the light of the cultural genesis of the
Filipinos, si Malakas at si Maganda:
How did he use power? He even proclaimed
Martial Law to get more power. Why did he want to
get more power? Because the Communists were
already there in the doorsteps of Malacaang. They
have an ideology that power comes from the

barrels of the gun. So he had to proclaim martial

law but he used [that] power for peace.
Althroughout the martial law [period] he never
implemented a death sentence to a Filipino. I said
to him Ferdinand, if you do not believe in the
death sentence, throw it away and he said
Imelda, the art in the use of power, power is not
used, its only felt. Its like a gun with one thousand
bullets, once you used the gun once, you no longer
have one thousand, you only have nine hundred
ninety-nine. He used power for peace that
should be our culture and we can share the world
this [concept].[38]

When asked by Dan Moser of the National Geographic, why he

declared martial law and when would it end? President Marcos replied:
There was no alternative if the republic was
to
continue.
In
Luzon,
Communist-front
organizations were staging violent demonstrations.
We had a secessionist movement in the south.
Things degenerated until our economy came to a
stop. The country was in a state of anarchy.
When I proclaimed martial law, I announced
that the purpose was to extirpate the causes of
rebellion the social injustices, the distortion of
our democratic elective process.[39]

On the other hand, critics claim that Marcoss real motive in

declaring martial law was to perpetuate his personal power, and that he is
simply replacing an old feudalistic order with a new one. [40]
b. The New Society

The specific areas of the new society envisioned by (President)

Marcos for reform were identified during the early years of the martial law
regime, namely:(1) Peace and order; (2) Land reform; (3) Education
reforms; (4) labor reform; (5) Government reorganization; (6) Economic
reform; and (7) Social
services.
Peace

and

Martial

Order -

Law

was

proclaimed to restore law

and order. Immediately,
the

military

broke

up

more than 149 private

armies, crime syndicates
were

dismantled,

more

than half a million loose

firearms were confiscated, thousands of criminal and lawless elements were
either captured and detained or killed in encounters with the combined
military-police operatives.[41] Guntoters have practically disappeared from
the streets.[42]
As a result of a step-up drive against criminality, crime indices fell
during the first year of martial law. The crime rate in Greater Manila Area, a
notorious haven for criminality as described in the issue of Time Magazine on
October 21, 1966, leveled off.[43] In fact Manila had one of the lowest index
crime rates among the big cities in the world during the martial law period.
Dan Moser of the National Geographic observed first-hand the
changes brought by the martial declaration in the peace and order situation
in the country, especially in Manila:
Supporters of the administration often say to
foreign visitors, You see no tanks on the streets,
do you? And indeed there us little visible evidence
that the country is squirming under a dictators
bootheel. Ordinary people I talked with taxi

drivers, fishermen were delighted with their

freedom from harassment by holduppers and the
torpedoes hired by local politicians. And the
economy has returned from near disaster.[44]

However in the latter years of the martial law period there was a
resurgence in the trafficking of narcotics and illegal drugs, smuggling,
counterfeiting, gun-running and illegal gambling despite the numerous
operations of the combined Constabulary-police operatives.
In response to the resurgence of criminality, President Marcos
pursued the adoption of total-approach concept using punitive police
action complemented with prevention programs. Barangay tanods were
organized in every community to assist the police in preserving law and
order. Barangays were required to report to the police and other lawenforcement agencies the presence of criminal elements in their areas, and
to conduct surveillance on crime suspects.[45]
To bolster the drive against criminality, President Marcos issued
Presidential Decree No. 765 in 1975 integrating the local police forces, fire
services and jail personnel into the Philippine Constabulary. The Philippine
Constabulary-Integrated National Police (PC-INP) was headed by a DirectorGeneral who was also the Chief of Constabulary, Gen. Fidel V. Ramos. [46] On
orders of President Marcos, salaries of policemen were standardized with a
180-pesos monthly allowance, and police equipment and facilities were
upgraded and modernized. In 1979 the President created the National AntiOrganized Crime Committee to curb the resurgence of organized or
syndicated crimes in the country. President Marcos likewise issued decrees
stiffening the penalties on arson, illegal gambling,
and fencing.
The Communist and Secessionist
Movements The mailed fists policy of the Marcos
martial rule regime took a heavy toll on the
Communist Party of the Philippines-New Peoples
Army (CPP-NPA). The important leaders of the
communist movements were captured, among
them were Jose Maria Sison (Chairman), NPA chief
Bernabe Buscayno @ Kumander Dante, and the

renegade Lt. Col. Victor Corpus. The insurgency movement lost more than
9,000 of its regulars and support elements, two-thirds of whom surrendered
to the government.[47]
On September 23, 1974 the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP), the
Marxist-Leninist communist group, surrendered en masse to the government
and agreed to support the New Society from principle to deeds. The
military arm of the PKP, the Bagong Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (the
Huks) turned in all weapons and ammunitions.
Down south, the Armed Forces waged a precarious war against the
Muslim secessionist group, the Moro National Liberation Front (led by Nur
Misuari, a former political science student of the University of the
Philippines). The purpose of the group was to dismember some parts of
Mindanao to create a Bangsa Moro state.
A month after the declaration of martial law, the MNLF launch a
massive offensive in Marawi against the government and followed by a brief
occupation of Jolo and Cotabato in 1973.
On May 21, 1976 six Muslim rebels hijacked the Philippine Airlines
BAC-111 jetliner and forcibly landed it in Zamboanga. The passengers were
taken hostage for three days which resulted to the death of six persons
(including the three rebels).
In response to the secessionist threat, President Marcos increased
the budget of the Armed Forces from Php900 million in 1972 to Php6.9
billion in 1976. Likewise, the President issued decrees, orders, and letters of
instructions adhering to the cultural, historical, political, economic and
religious aspirations of the Muslim people.[48]
On November 14-16, 1976 Mrs. Imelda Marcos made a historic visit
to Libya and successfully
secured a commitment
from Libyan President Col.
Muamar Al Qathafi, top
financial supporter of the
MNLF, to resolve the Moro
problem in Mindanao the
Tripoli Agreement.

However, President Marcos initial success in the drive against the

communist movement and secessionism in Mindanao did not last long. In
fact, the United States estimated in 1986 that the NPA had 20,000 rebels,
supported by a mass base of more than a million. They controlled at least a
fifth of 41,400 barangays.
Land Reform One of the social ills that bred insurgency and
rebellion in the countryside is the exploitation of the poor and landless
peasant by their landlords. In response to the worsening insurgency
problem, President Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 2 on September
26, 1972 proclaiming the whole country as land reform area. [49] The
following month, on October 21, the President issued a handwritten decree
(Presidential Decree No. 27) abolishing tenancy and emancipating the
tenants from the bondage of the soil by transferring to them the ownership
of the land they till, thus:
In as much as the old concept of land
ownership have spawned valid and legitimate
grievances that gave rise to violent conflict and
social tension,
The redress of such legitimate grievances
being one of the fundamental objectives of the
New Society,
Since reformation must start with the
emancipation of the tiller of the soil from his
bondage,
Now, Therefore, I, Ferdinand E. Marcos,
President of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers
in me vested by the Constitution as Commander-inChief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and
pursuant to Proclamation No. 1081, dated
September 21, 1972 and General Order No.1 dated
September 22, 1972 as amended, do hereby
decree and order, henceforth from this day on
October 21st 1972, the emancipation of tenantfarmers in the Philippines.[50] (Emphasis supplied)
Land reform was one of the centerpiece programs of President
Marcos under the New Society. In the end of April 1974, the government had
issued more than 250,000 land transfer certificates covering an area of

360,000 hectares worked by 200,000 tenant-farmers. [51] These

accomplishments, however, covered only rice or corn lands fifty hectares
and above in size.[52] By the end of martial law in 1981, 532,153 tenantfarmers had become owners of rice and corn lands in forty-five (45)
provinces.[53]
To ensure the success of the land reform program, loans were
extended to the land beneficiaries and cooperatives were established
nationwide. A total of about Php 300 Million in rural credit were extended
under a specific project, Masagana 99. Under the Masagana 99, rice
production dramatically increased from 4.4 million tons to 5.5 million tons
in the first year of the program. By 1978, the Philippines became selfsufficient in rice. In fact, it even began exporting rice. In launching the
program, President Marcos said:
Masagana 99
is a simple project
which aims at getting
the farmer to
produce 99 cavans of
rice per hectare
instead of the
average 30 cavans
per hectare before
martial law. Through
the application of
technology, knowhow and system, we
are in position to
raise our harvest levels in rice farming. It is a
program that is aimed directly at meeting the
coming rice shortage in the short run, and realizing
self-sufficiency in the long run
It will cover 600,000 hectares 500,000
hectares of irrigated land and 100,000 hectares of
rain-fed land. Included in the program are 43
provinces, some of them with very sketchy
irrigation systems, especially provinces like Ilocos
Norte.
But this is not a question of area.
Masagana 99 is a technological approach to rice

production. It is the product of research and

agricultural extension programs[54]

Despite the success of the program some members of the

opposition, notably Rigoberto Tiglao, criticized it as a classic example of
capitalist project to exploit the farmers. According to him:
There was a shift from extraction of
landlord rent on the basis of land ownership: profits
by traders who sold the fertilizers and pesticides
assumed a major role in the extraction of surplus
value. Even small landowning peasants were drawn
in the orbit of commercial exploitation owing to
the increasing requirements for inputs. The
countrys rice agricultural sector may have been
freed from its dependence on nature but it fell
within what was perhaps the more volatile
influence of the international market economy. The
fertilizers and pesticides were petroleum-based:
when the second oil price shock came in 1979, the
government could no longer subsidize through low
interest rates the purchase of these inputs. The
result was massive impoverishment of peasant.[55]

Interestingly, the present administration of President Gloria

Macapagal Arroyo, of which Rigoberto Tiglao is the Chief of the Presidential
Management Staff and former Presidential Spokesman, launched the
Ginintuang Masaganang Ani (GMA) program to boost rice production. The
GMA program is similar, if not an exact duplicate of the Masagana 99 of
President Marcos, since it also calls for the planting of rice varieties that
requires huge amounts of fertilizers and pesticides.
Educational Reforms According to President Marcos, true
progress is not and should not be confined to the satisfaction of the material
needs of man. It must extend to the development of his mind as well as the
fulfillment of his spirit. It must fill him with knowledge and wisdom and it
must enrich the quality of human life.[56] Cognizant of the important role

of education toward the goal of the New Society, President Marcos vowed
that his administration shall educate our children, our men and women,
and ourselves.[57]
In accordance with the educational reform program of the New
Society, President Marcos issued the Education Development Decree of 1972
(Presidential Decree 6-A) which defines a more responsive role for the
education system.[58] The decree provided a Ten Year Education
Development Program (1973-1982) which included: the establishment of
science education system, accelerated manpower skills training to respond
to regional industrial needs; a regional agricultural education programs;
emphasis on work-oriented programs; a policy of bilingualism; the National
College Entrance Examination which classifies students by profession or
vocation; and a Study Now, Pay Later plan which is intended to help poor
but deserving students.[59]
Pursuant to the Ten Year Educational Program, curriculum were
revised in almost all levels of the school system in order to improve
content and effectiveness of instruction as well as to conform to new
educational goals more directly related to national development goals, [60] a
Youth Civic Action Program was introduced to enjoin students in community
and development projects, teachers were provided advance education and
training, a bilingual system of instruction (Pilipino and English) was
introduced in 1974, and a National College Entrance Examination (NCEE) was
instituted in 1974.
In 1976 the President issued Presidential Decree No. 932 or the
Educational Assistance Act providing loans to poor but deserving students. In
its two years of operation, it enabled 3,636 students to pursue higher
education with a funding of Php 14.9 million.[61]
Students, especially elementary pupils, were inculcated with the
goals and the changes brought by the New Society. Here is a good example
of a Grade-5 Civics and Culture textbook exhorting young students to
support the aims of the New Society:
Ang mga pamilya sa isang pook na maliit ay
halos magkakatulad ng pamumuhay. May kanikaniyang tungkulin ang bawat kasapi sa pamilya
mula sa ama at ina kasama pati ang mga anak.

Isang halimbawa ay ang pamilya ni Nestor.

Siya ay nag-aaral sa ikalimang grado. Naninirahan
siya sa isang pook, Kasama niya ang kaniyang mga
magulang at isang kapatid na batang babae.
Tuwing umaga pumapasok si Nestor sa
paaralang bayan, Pagkatapos niyang kumain ng
agahan kinukuha na niya ang kaniyang mga aklat.
Pagkatapos magpaalam sa kanyang mga magulang,
tumutungo na siya sa paaralang pinapasukan sa
bayan, Ngunit ang kanyang kapatid na babae, si
Catalina, ay hindi niya kasama dahil sa itoy sa
mababang paaralan sa kanilang pook nag-aaral.
Upang makarating si Nestor sa kaniyang
paaralan, siya ay naglalakad lamang kahit may
kalayuan iyon sa kanilang bahay. Pagdating niya sa
bagtasan ng daang papunta sa kaniyang paaralan,
lagi niyang natatagpuan ang kaibigan niyang pulis
na si G. Cruz na namamahala ng trapiko sa kanto
ng daan.
Samantalang naghihintay si Nestor na
makatawid, napupuna niya ang mahusay na pagaayos ng trapiko. Pagsenyas ng pulis na si G. Cruz,
hinto agad ang mga sasakyan pati ang mga taong
tumatawid.
Naiisip ni Nestor, Kailangan talaga ang
tuntunin sa trapiko, at lalong kailangan ang
mahigpit na pagsunod sa mga tuntuning ito. Kung
hindi ay maraming masasaktan sa malimit na
banggaan ng matutuling sasakyan.
Samantalang nasa paaralan siya, sumaisip
niya na kahit sa paaralan ay may mga tuntunin
ding dapat sundin ng bawat mag-aaral at pati ng
mga guro. Isa na riyan ang tungkulin mag-aral ng
liksiyon ang bata bago pumasok sa kanilang klase.
Pagkatapos ng klase, si Nestor ay naglalakad
na pauwi. Iniisip niyang kailangang sumunod sa
mga tuntunin, hindi lamang sa trapiko kundi pati
sa tahanan, sa paaralan at sa mga pook sa
baryo. Lahat ng iyon ay ipinag-uutos ng
pamahalaan sa Bagong Lipunan..[62](emphasis
supplied)

The preceding excerpt of a grade 5 textbook inculcated to the young

students the slogan of the New Society movement Sa ikauunlad ng bayan,
disiplina ang kailangan. It emphasized that discipline means law and order
and a maturing democracy. Hence, economic and social development.
In 1985, President Marcos implemented the National Service Law
(Presidential Decree No. 1706, dated 8 August 1980). It provided for the
training of students not only for military service but also for civic welfare
and law enforcement under the direction of the Ministry of National
Defense. Although students could opt for any of the three programs civic
welfare, law enforcement, military service only the latter was
implemented and made compulsory for all senior high school students and at
the college level, all male freshmen and sophomores. [63] Maria Serena
Diokno, daughter of civil rights activist and former Senator Jose W. Diokno,
described the law as a militarization of Philippine education. [64]
Labor Reforms President Marcos declared on the first Labor Day
under martial law that the struggle for development and growth, the
establishment of a new society, the restructuring of our economic, social
and political institutions all of these are for one purpose alone, the
upliftment of the Filipino common man.[65]
In accordance with the objectives of the New Society respecting
labor, President Marcos issued numerous decrees to that effect: Presidential
Decree No. 21, providing for the speedy and just settlements of labor
disputes through the National Labor Relations Commission; Presidential
Decree 99, establishing minimum wages for household helpers; Presidential
Decree No. 143, repealing the Blue Sunday Law and providing a mandatory
rest for every worker once a week; Presidential Decree No. 148, eliminating
the discriminatory and anti-employment provisions of the Woman and Child
Labor Law; and Presidential Decree No. 197, providing a more effective
adequate apprenticeship program.
In May 1, 1974 the President signed into law Presidential Decree No.
442, otherwise known as the Labor Code of the Philippines. The said law was
drafted by the Labor-Management Congress, composed of members of the
labor sector, with some revisions by the President and the Secretary of

Labor, Blas Ople. The Labor Code made labor laws more concise, simpler
and, in the words of President Marcos, more development-oriented and
more employment-oriented. The Code aimed to afford protection to labor,
promote full employment, ensure equal work opportunities regardless of
sex, race or creed, and regulate the relations between worker and
employers.[66] Further, the Code assured the rights of workers to selforganization, collective bargaining, security of tenure, and just humane
conditions of work.[67]
The Code was amended by Presidential Decree No. 823 to
encourage and fortify the right of the workers to self organization and to
free collective bargaining. On May 1, 1976, President Marcos issued
Presidential Decree No.928 increasing across-the-board the minimum wage
from Php 8.00 to 10.00 a day in Metro Manila, and Php 9.00 a day for outside
Metro Manila. Likewise minimum wage for agriculture workers ranged from
Php 6.00 7.00, subject to regional adjustments. Further, an emergency
allowance is guaranteed for employees receiving less than Php 6.00. A
13th month pay was also guaranteed. President Marcos established the
Medicare to secure the health and welfare of workers and their dependents.
In response to unemployment, the Department of Labor set up
regional skills training centers to facilitate the matching of skills with jobs,
provide employment counseling and gather labor market information. [68]

With the rapid growth of the economy and the various social
legislations issued by President Marcos, labor conditions relatively improved
during the martial law
period.
Government

Clean-up

and Reorganization- On
September 24, 1972, the
day after Martial law was
announced,

President

Marcos issued Presidential

Decree No.1 adopting the
Integrated Reorganization
Plan. The plan aimed to
weed out corrupt officials of the government. As a result, 6,655 employees
were dismissed or forced to retire from government service during the first
year of martial law. The most affected agencies were the corrupt-ridden
Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) and Bureau of Customs.
The Presidents crackdown on corruption was not limited to small
fry employees only

but included high-ranking officials as well. For

instance, on September 26, 1972, President Marcos terminated the services

of Commissioners Jose Evangelista and Associate Commissioners Filemon
Kintanar, Gregorio Panganiban, Josue Cadiao, and Paz Veto Planas of the
Public Service Commission, which was abolished by PD No. 1; dismissed
Justiniano N. Montano, Jr. as chairman of the Games and Amusement Board
(GAB) on various charges[69]; accepted the resignation of Alfredo Lozano as
member of the GAB; removed Wenceslao l. Cornejo as city judge of Manila
for (a) willful violation of the Constitution and the Rules of Court and (2)
intervention in the disposition of a case in another branch of the City Court

of Manila; and removed Enrique A. Cube as assistant city fiscal of Pasay City
for gross misconduct and dereliction of duty.
From September 29 to October 5,1972 the President issued Letters
of Instruction in relation to government re-organization and clean-up, to
wit:
Letter of Instruction No. 11 - directing all officers of the national
government to submit their resignations through their department heads to
make the government machinery more responsive to the needs of the people
and effect economy.

Letter of Instruction No.12 the President directed the Secretary of Finance

to dismiss all officials and employees of the department (including those in
the BIR and Customs) as recommended by the Secretary.

Letter of Instruction No.13 The President directed all heads of

departments and government agencies and offices to require all officials and
employees in their department, office or agency who are facing charges or
notoriously undesirable to tender their resignations immediately or else face
charges and immediate suspension.

Letter of Instruction No. 17-A, dated October 1, 1972 The President

directed the Secretary of Social Welfare and the sub-ordinate directors to
dismiss or to require resigning certain officials and employees of the
department as recommended by the Secretary.

Letter of Instruction No. 20, dated October 2, 1972 The President directed
the Secretary of Public Works and Communications to dismiss immediately or
to consider as resigned or to suspend for one year all officials and
employees as recommended by the Secretary

Letter of Instruction No.21, dated October 4, 1972 The President directed

the Secretary of Education to dismiss or to consider as resigned or retired
certain officials of the Department as recommended by the Secretary.
The immediate effect of
the

crackdown

government

against

corrupt

officials

and

employees was the improvement of

revenue collections and renewed
public trust and confidence in
public

servants.

Presidents

Further,

popularity

the
was

enhanced.
To

facilitate

efficient,

effective and responsive services to

the

public,

new

executive

departments were created starting

with the Department of Public Information [70] and the Department of Local
Government. Later, it was followed by the Department of Tourism,
Department of Trade and Industry, and the Department of Environment and
Natural Resources. Furthermore, the plan also called for the creation of an
economic planning agency the National Economic and Development
Authority (NEDA).
However, by the end of his 20-year rule, all the initial gains and
successes of his reform programs in the bureaucracy were all but forgotten.
The President suffered the same fate as those officials and employees he
ordered to be dismissed. He was ungracefully removed from office on
various allegations of corruption, nepotism and for plundering the
economy.

Barangay Democracy On December 31, 1972 President Marcos

issued Presidential Decree No. 86 creating citizen assemblies in each barrio
(or barangay) in municipalities and cities to broaden the base of citizen
participation in the democratic process and to afford ample opportunities to
express their views on important national issues. Later Presidential Decree
No. 557 amended the Barrio Charter and changed the barrio into the
barangay as the basic political unit. According to Mrs. Marcos:
The institution that President Marcos
founded in this country was not anchored on the
institution of democracy like America. Marcos
anchored it on natural law, Gods fundamental law.
Our democracy, perhaps the only democracy in the
world anchored on natural law. The smallest unit of
society is the family, and the extended family is the
barangay> In our culture when we were only 51
million, we identified 42,000 barangays. Each
barangay has two sets of leaders, the older and the
youth. When we were only 51 million, we had 3
million elected officials. In America they dont even
have half a million and there are hundred of
millions of people. That is our democracy, none like
that.[71]

The barangay as a basic political unit, became a forum for the

discussion of national issues and an effective tool for Marcos to project to
the world that democracy still existed in the Philippines under martial law.
Later, President Marcos established legislative councils in the
provinces (Sangguniang Panlalawigan in lieu of Kapulungang Panlalawigan),
cities (Sangguniang Panlungsod in lieu of hunta municipal) and municipalities
(Sangguniang Pambayan). In Metro Manila, the President created the Metro
Manila Commission with the First Lady as its governor.

The President divided the country into thirteen regions with

Metropolitan Manila[72] as the National Capital Region
Economic Development At present, one often hears from those who
lived during the martial law period: Mabuti pa noong panahon ni Marcos
(life is better during the time of Marcos). With rapid economic growth and
lower prices of commodities during the early years of martial rule, no
wonder

several

people these days

are nostalgic of the
good old days.
The
economic
performance of the
country during the
martial law period
was
from

remarkable,
a

near

economic collapse in 1972 to a rapid economic growth from 1973 until the
lifting of martial rule in 1981. In 1973, the Gross National Product grew at
the rate of 9.3 percent. From 1973- 1979, the countrys GNP grew at an
average of 6 per cent annually. The economic resiliency of the country was
spurred by renewed optimism and business confidence in the government.
Employment increased by about 5 percent annually from 19721977[73] while unemployment fell to an average of 4 percent from 1973
1980. The fall of unemployment rate was brought by the influx of foreign
investments and the deployment of skilled and unskilled workers abroad,
known then as OCWs (Overseas Contract Workers).

President Marcos prioritized industrialization in his economic

development program. The industrialization program of the regime was
geared on expansion of the cement industry, electronics industry, textile,
petro-chemical, heavy engineering and integrated skills, coconut industry
rationalization and even shipbuilding.
In 1972, the domestic electronic industry produced 20,073 radiophonographs worth 30 million pesos and 58,212 television sets worth 70
million pesos. The fledging textile industry was strengthened with the
infusion of $120 million by the government through machineries and
technical support. The local cottage industry which includes bag-making,
hat-making, patis-making (fish sauce-making), and others were promoted by
the government. In fact, the government set up trade centers to promote
locally-made products abroad. Aside from that, the government also
provided financial (through the Asian Development Bank, SSS, and other
financial institutions) and technical assistance (through NACIDA) to foster
the local cottage industry.
The local shoe industry also boomed during this period. No wonder
many local shoemakers were grateful to former First Lady Imelda Marcos,
one of their avid patrons. There were approximately 700 shoe factories in
the country employing 50,000 workers. In 1976 the country exported four
million pairs of shoes worth $ 6 million dollars to the United States, Hong
Kong, Canada and Australia.
Table 1
GNP Growth Rate

Year

Annual Rate of Growth

Pre-War
Post-War
1978-1979
1979-1980
1980-1981

3.3%
5.5
6.1
5.4
4.9

Source: National Economic and Development Authority as cited by Cristobal

Pagoso, Progress and Development, (Manila: Rex Bookstore, 1984), p. 70

Table No. 2
Six Key Industries of the Philippines
Pre-War (1920-1940)
Rice

Post-War (1946-1970)
Rice

1978-1980
Coconut

Corn

Corn

Centrifugal Sugar

Sugar

Sugar

Lumber/plywood

Coconut

Coconut

Copper/iron concentra

Abaca

Logs

Fruits/vegetables

Tobacco

Copper

Miscellaneous manufa

Source: J.P. Estanislao & Vaugh F. Montes, Philippine Economic Structure

From the 20s to the 70s (Manila: SinagTala Publishers, Inc., 1975), pp.24-28
as cited by Cristobal Pagoso, Progress and Development, (Manila: Rex
Bookstore, 1984), p.69

On May 11, 1973, President Marcos created the Department of

Tourism to intensify the tourism industry in the country. This industry did not
only generate employment but earned foreign exchange for the country
from tourist receipts. World-class hotels, convention and cultural centers
and tourist amenities were constructed. Public beaches, resorts, gardens
and parks, golf courses were developed. Historical and cultural sites were,
likewise, preserved. With all these plus, the world-renowned Filipino

hospitality, tourism became the fourth largest dollar-earning industry in the

country. In fact, in 1980 tourist arrivals reached more than one million
which generated an approximately $450 Million of tourist receipts.
Filipinos living abroad were lured by the Department to visit the
country to see for themselves the changes and improvements made under
the New Society. Many were attracted to return because of the privileges
and benefits accorded to them under the Balikbayan program.
Despite the positive macroeconomic fundamentals of the Philippines
during the New Society, mass poverty remained to be the problem,
especially in the slum areas of Manila (the infamous Smokey Mountain of
Tondo) and other urban areas of the country, due to unequal distribution of
wealth. The poor became poorer and the rich became richer.
The lopsided distribution of wealth in addition to exposes in the
early 80s of the alleged unexplained wealth of the Marcoses and their
cronies led to the demise of the Marcos regime and the New Society in
1986.
Infrastructure To facilitate better transportation and delivery of
goods and to encourage foreign investment, President Marcos embarked on a
massive
history.

infrastructure
On

September

project
26,

in

1972,

President Marcos issued Presidential

Decree No. 3[74] appropriating funds
for public works involving rehabilitation
and capital development.
The

following

sum

were

appropriated for rehabilitation of: (a)

school buildings, Php 50 million; (b)
highways, Php 331 million; (c) flood

control and drainage, Php 14 million; (d) Php 75 million. On the other hand,
the following sum were appropriated for capital development projects, such
as: (a) school buildings, Php 90 million; (b) highways, Php 2,550,500,000; (c)
national railways, Php 40,500,000; (d) water supply and sewerage, Php
504,000,000; (e) flood control and drainage, Php 500 million; (f) irrigation,
Php 200 million; (g) airports, Php 500 million; (h) portworks and maritime
navigation, Php 274 million; (i) telecommunications, Php 195 million; and (j)
preliminary studies, Php 50 million.
During the martial law period, the Pan Philippine Highway was
constructed connecting Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao through land and sea
transport. The San Juanico Bridge, one of the longest bridges in Asia was
built linking Samar and Leyte.
The massive infrastructure project of the martial law regime had a
profound effect on the economy: it provided jobs and boosted domestic
trade.
Social Services The Marcos administration extended social services
available to the people, especially the poor and rural folks. The social
welfare program aimed at making them self-reliant and productive.
According to Mrs. Imelda R. Marcos, social services must lead the poor to a
life of self-reliance and not to a lifetime of begging.
Health and Nutrition - Before martial law, the Philippines health
service was inadequate and unsatisfactory, the rapid population growth was
unchecked, and housing was a serious problem.
In response to the inadequate health service in the country, the
martial law regime restructured the health-care delivery system. The
government renovated 2,135 of the 3,172-barangay health centers and made

them more functional.[75] A total of 1,707 additional rural health centers

were established throughout the country. Fifty (50) mobile hospitals and
eighty (80) community hospitals and health centers were made available.
Further, four (4) regional hospitals and seventy-three (73) emergency
hospitals were built by 1979.
In Manila, the government constructed highly specialized hospitals,
namely: The Philippine Heart Center; Lung Center of the Philippines, the
National Kidney Center Institute; and the National Mental Hospital.
To make health services more accessible to the rural masses,
medical and nursing graduates were mobilized in the countryside under the
Rural Health Practice Program. Barangay residents were trained in first aid
and health care to provide immediate assistance in remote areas.
In 1978 the government extended Medicare to almost the entire
population.[76]
To eradicate the serious problem of malnutrition, the government
set up nutri-pak plants and processing centers throughout the country.
The government implemented the Philippine Nutrition Program,
which included food assistance to families with malnourished children,
health

protection,

food

production,

family

planning

and

nutrition

information and education.[77]

Day-care centers were established to stave off malnutrition and
ensure the adequate and normal development of preschool children from
sub marginal-income families. These centers provide creative group
activities and supplementary feeding for children, nutritional education, and
family-planning motivation and information for mothers. [78]

Family Planning With a population of 45 million increasing at an

annual rate of 2.9 (the highest in Asia), President Marcos vigorously pursued
its family-planning program nationwide despite the opposition of the Roman
Catholic Church. The program offered a variety of birth-control methods in
consonance with the policy to make available to the people the right to
select the methods that suit them well.[79]
Housing and Human Settlements The human settlement program of
the Marcos administration aimed to liberate human communities from
blight, congestion, and hazard and to promote their development and
modernization.[80] Many squatter families from Metro Manila were relocated
to major resettlement sites in Carmona, Cavite and in Sapang Palay (San
Jose del Monte, Bulacan).
In the financing of private housing, government lending institutions
contributed substantially through the extension of individual residential
loans and participation in mass-housing projects. [81] From 1973-1979, the
government financed a total of 58,623 houses with total disbursements of
Php 1.5 billion.
Bagong Lipunan Sites and Services (BLISS) communities were
established in several areas in Metro Manila through the initiative of First
Lady Imelda Marcos, whom President Marcos appointed as Governor of Metro
Manila and Minister of Human Settlements. The BLISS project was
inaugurated in 1979 to improve the living conditions of low-income workers
by providing them the 11 basic needs.[82]
The first three BLISS projects were in Barangay Sta. Cruz, Paco;
Barangay Sta. Rita, Makati and Barangay Tadlak in Los Baos, Laguna. The
project revolutionized the governments housing policy from a single unit to
a condominium-apartment concept in order to accommodate more families
in a limited space.

c. Constitutional Authoritarianism
The 1973 Constitution On March 16, 1967, the Philippine Congress
passed Resolution No. 2 calling for a Constitutional Convention to change
the Constitution. Election of the delegates to the Convention were held on
November 20, 1970 pursuant to Republic Act No. 6132, otherwise known as
the 1970 Constitutional Convention Act.
The Constitutional Convention formally began on June 1, 1971. Former
President Carlos P. Garcia, a delegate from Bohol, was elected President.
Unfortunately he died on June 14, 1971 and was succeeded by another
former President, Diosadado Macapagal of Pampanga.
Before the Convention could finish its work, martial law was
proclaimed. Several delegates were placed under detention and others went
into hiding or voluntary exile. The martial law declaration affected the final
outcome of the convention. In fact, it was said, that the President dictated
some provisions of the Constitution. [83] On November 29, 1972, the
Convention approved its Proposed Constitution of the Philippines.
On November 30, 1972, the President
issued Presidential Decree No.73 setting
the date of the plebiscite on January 15,
1973 for the ratification or rejection of
the proposed Constitution. On January
7, 1973, however, the President issued
General Order No. 20 postponing
indefinitely the plebiscite scheduled on
January 15.

Suprisingly, on January 17, 1973 the President issued Proclamation No.

1102 announcing that the proposed Constitution had been ratified by an
overwhelming vote of the members of the Citizen Assemblies, organized by
Marcos himself through Presidential Decree No. 86. [84]
Various legal petitions were filed with the Supreme Court assailing the
validity of the ratification of the 1973 Constitution. On March 30, 1973, a
divided Supreme Court ruled in Javellana vs. Executive Secretary (6 SCRA
1048) that there is no further obstacle to the new Constitution being
considered in force and effect.
The 1973 Constitution would have established in the Philippines a
parliamentary government, with the President as a ceremonial head of state
and a Prime Minister as the head of government. This was not implemented
as a result of the referendum-plebiscite held on January 10-15, 1972 through
the Citizen Assemblies whereby an overwhelming majority rejected the
convening of a National Assembly. From 1972 until the convening of the
Interim Batasang Pambansa in 1978, the President exercised absolute
legislative powers.
On October 16-17, 1976 majority of barangay voters (Citizen
Assemblies) approved that martial law should be continued and ratified the
amendments to the Constitution, proposed by President Marcos. [85]
The 1976 Amendments were: an Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP)
substituting for the Interim National Assembly, the President would also
become the Prime Minister and he would continue to exercise legislative
powers until martial law should have been lifted. The Sixth Amendment
authorized the President to legislate:

Whenever in the judgment of the President

there exists a grave emergency or a threat or
imminence thereof, or whenever the Interim
Batasang Pambansa or the regular National Assembly
fails or is unable to act adequately on any matter
for any reason that in his judgment requires
immediate action, he may, in order to meet the
exigency, issue the necessary decrees, orders or
letters of instructions, which shall form part of the
law of the land.

The Batasang Bayan and the IBP - The Interim Batasang Pambansa
was not immediately convened. Instead, President Marcos created the
Batasang Bayan through Presidential Decree No. 995. The Batasang Bayan is
a 132-member council that advised the President on important legislature
measures.
On April 7, 1978, the first national election under martial law was
held. The election for 165- members of the Interim Batasang Pambansa
resulted to the massive victory of the administration coalition party, the
Kilusang Bagong Lipunan ng Nagkakaisang Nacionalista, Liberal, at iba
pa[86] or KBL. First Lady Imelda Marcos, KBL Chairman for NCR, won the
highest number of votes in Metro Manila. Only 15 opposition candidates in
other parts of the country won.
On June 12, 1978 the Interim Batasang Pambansa was convened with
Ferdinand E. Marcos as President-Prime Minister and Querube Makalintal as
Speaker.

The 1980 and

1981
Amendments[87]
The 1973 Constitution
was further amended
in 1980 and 1981. In
the 1980 Amendment,
the retirement age of
the members of the
Judiciary

was

extended to 70 years.
In

the

1981

Amendments, the parliamentary system was modified: executive power was

restored to the President; direct election of the President was restored; an
Executive Committee composed of the Prime Minister and not more than
fourteen members was created to assist the President in the exercise of his
powers and functions and in the performance of his duties as he may
prescribe; and the Prime Minister was a mere head of the Cabinet. Further,
the amendments instituted electoral reforms and provided that a natural
born citizen of the Philippines who has lost his citizenship may be a
transferee of private land for use by him as his residence.
The 1984 Amendments The Constitution was further amended. It
abolished the Executive Committee, restored the office of the Vice
President, provided for the election of members of the Batasang Pambansa
by province instead of by regions, provided that the agrarian reform
program included the grant on distribution of alienable lands of the public
domain to qualified tenants farmers and other landless citizens, and the
state was tasked to take urban land reform and social housing programs.

The 1973 Constitution, as amended legalized and further consolidated

the extraordinary powers, including legislative and constituent powers and
even judicial powers, of the President. According to a respected
constitutionalist, Fr. Joaquin Bernas, constitutional authoritarianism as
understood and practiced in the New Societyis authorized by the letter or
at least by the spirit of a legitimately enacted Constitution. [88]

The Fourth Republic, 1981-86

The end of martial law and
the

1981

Presidential

Elections - After putting in

force

amendments

to

the

Constitution and legislations

securing his sweeping powers
and with the Batasan under his
control,

President

Marcos

lifted martial law on January

17, 1981.
On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the
first presidential election in twelve years was held. As to be expected,
President Marcos run and won a massive victory over the other candidates
Alejo Santos of the Nacionalista Party and Cebu Assemblyman Bartolome
Cabangbang of the Federal Party. The major opposition parties, Unido
(United Democratic Opposition, a coalition of opposition parties, headed by
Salvador Laurel) and Laban, boycotted the elections.

Unido alleged that Marcos failed to meet the minimum and

reasonable requirements to ensure honest, orderly and clean elections.
Marcos countered the allegations in an interview:
We granted most of their conditions. They
demanded 120 days for campaigning. This is not
allowed by our Constitution, which allows anywhere
from 45-60 days. It would be preposterous to violate
our own Constitution.
Secondly. They wanted a review of voters
lists. We gave them this by authorizing a meeting of
the voting committee before the election and
prohibiting the registration of voters ten days
before the election, so there can be no padding.
This gives sufficient time to exclude non-resident or
unqualified voters.
So we have kept our part of the bargain. But
apparently they also received the independent
survey report that their strongest candidate would
get only 12% of the vote and that in some places
theyd get 6% to 8%. I would get anywhere from 57%
to 78%. This disorganized and demoralized the
entire Opposition.[89]
In an almost one-sided election, President Marcos won an
overwhelming 80% of the votes, the highest in Philippine electoral history.
The Nacionalista candidate Alejo Santos won more than 10% of the votes.
On June 30, 1981, President Marcos was inaugurated in grandiose
ceremonies and proclaimed the birth of a new Republic. The new Republic
lasted only for less than five years. Economic and political crises led to its
demise.
State of Economy After seven years of rapid economic growth, the
Philippine economy began to slow down in 1979 and it continued in the early
years of the 1980s. In 1979 the GNP growth slowed to 5.4%, in 1980 it was

4.9% and in 1981 the economy grew only by 2.3%. The economic slowdown
from 1979 1983 were attributed to external forces such as (a) weak export
demands; (b) unfavorable trade deficits; (c) recessionary pressures brought
by the worldwide oil crisis; and (d) the fall on world prices of our traditional
export crops sugar and copra. Moreover, financial scandals and bank
closure, such as the closure of Banco Filipino, also dampened the economy.
The 1983 assassination of former Senator Ninoy Aquino and the
political crisis it brought further devastated the economy. The GNP fell to
negative 7.1% in 1984 and negative 4.1% in 1985. According to economist
Bernardo Villegas: Crony capitalism and dictatorship led to the destruction
of the economy and society. [90]
The Philippine National Bank and other financial institutions were
almost bankrupt with billions of behest loans it extended to alleged Marcos
cronies. Several banks were forced to close, such as Banco Filipino.
The Philippines foreign debt ballooned to $27 Billion in 1983 from
$600 Million in 1965. From 1983 until 1985 the country failed to make
principal payments for its debts.
According to President Aquinos Finance Secretary Jaime Ongpin:
This is the worst economic disaster to hit this country since World War II.
[91]
Poverty was widespread. Arthur Zich and Steve McCurry described in
the National Geographic the sad condition of the country:
Leveriza is one of Manilas densest most
dispiriting slums. Here 25,000 people live on onefifth of a square mile with communal water faucets,
only occasional electricity, and no public sanitation

whatever. Here I met Nita, a husky, forthright

mother of ten- five of them married with five more
children of their own. Nitas whole family, 24
strong, lives together in a one-room hut. Her
husband works as a janitor for 700 pesos ($35) a
month and is grateful for the work: Unemployment
in Manila runs more than 20 percent. Breakfast that
morning, Nita said, had been coffee and a thumbsize piece of bread Lunch was sugared rice with the
cold leftover coffee. And supper would be one
three-peso bag of vegetables split 24 ways. Things
were better a couple months ago, Nita said
apologetically. My son had a job. What happened?
I asked. He got stabbed to death, Nita
explained. [92]

The Aquino Assasination After seven years of detention, President

Marcos allowed former Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. to leave the country
for a coronary by-pass operation in the United States. Aquino agreed to the
Presidents request that he would not make any statements criticizing the
Marcos regime. Before he left, Aquino told the First Lady: I would like to
express my profoundest gratitude for your concern In the past, Ive been
most critical of the First Ladys project I take back all my harsh words
hoping I do not choke.
However, Aquino broke his promise and called on President Marcos to
return the Philippines to democracy and end martial rule. He urged
reconciliation between the government and opposition.

After three years of exile in

the United States, Aquino
decided to return. The First
Lady tried to dissuade him but
in vain.
On August 21, 1983,
former Senator Aquino
returned to the Philippines. He
was shot dead at the tarmac of
the Manila International
Airport while in the custody of
the Aviation Security Command
(AVSECOM). The assassination
stunned the whole nation, if
not, the whole world.
In a mass show of
sympathy and awe, about two
million people attended the
funeral of the late senator
from Sto. Domingo Church to Manila Memorial Park.
Meanwhile, President Marcos immediately created a fact-finding
commission, headed by Supreme Court Chief Justice Enrique Fernando, to
investigate the Aquino assassination. However, the commission lasted only in
two sittings due to intense public criticism. President Marcos issued on
October 14, 1983, Presidential Decree No. 1886 creating an independent
board of inquiry.[93] The board was composed of former Court of Appeals

Justice Ma. Corazon J. Agrava as chairman, Amando Dizon, Luciano Salazar,

Dante Santos and Ernesto Herrera.
The Agrava Fact-Finding Board convened on November 3, 1983. But,
before it could start its work. President Marcos charged the communists for
the killing of Senator Aquino: The decision to eliminate the former Senator,
Marcos claimed, was made by none other than the general-secretary of the
Philippine Communist Party, Rodolfo Salas. He was referring to his earlier
claim that Aquino had befriended and subsequently betrayed his communist
comrades.[94]
The Agrava Board conducted public hearings, and invited several
persons who might shed light on the crimes, including AFP Chief of Staff
Fabian Ver and First Lady Imelda R. Marcos.
After a year of thorough investigation with 20,000 pages of
testimony given by 193 witnesses, the Agrava Board submitted two reports
to President Marcos the Majority and Minority Reports. The Minority
Report, submitted by Chairman Agrava alone, was submitted on October 23,
1984. It confirmed that the Aquino assassination was a military conspiracy
but it cleared Gen. Ver. Many believed that President Marcos intimidated
and pressured the members of the Board to persuade them not to indict Ver,
Marcos first cousin and most trusted general.
Excluding Chairman Agrava, the majority of the
board submitted a separate report the
Majority Report indicting several members of
the Armed Forces including AFP Chief-of-Staff
Gen. Fabian Ver, Gen. Luther Custodio and
Gen. Prospero Olivas, head of AVSECOM.

Later, the 25 military personnel, including several generals and

colonels, and one civilian were charged for the murder of Senator Aquino.
President Marcos relieved Ver as AFP Chief and appointed his second-cousin,
Gen. Fidel V. Ramos as acting AFP Chief. After a brief trial, the
Sandiganbayan acquitted all the accused on December 2, 1985. Immediately
after the decision, Marcos re-instated Ver. The Sandiganbayan ruling and the
re-instatement of Ver were denounced by several sectors as a mockery of
justice.
The Impeachment Complaint On August 13, 1985, fifty-six
Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President
Marcos for graft and corruption, culpable violation of the Constitution, gross
violation of his oath of office and other high crimes.
They cited the San Jose Mercury News expos of the Marcoses
multi-million dollar investment and property holdings in the United States.
The properties allegedly amassed by the First Family were the Crown
Building, Lindenmere Estate, and a number of residential apartments (in
New Jersey and New York), a shopping center in New York, mansions (in
London, Rome and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three
condominiums in San Francisco, California.
The Assemblymen also included in the complaint the misuse and
misapplication of funds for the construction of the Film Center, where Xrated and pornographic films are exhibited, contrary to public morals and
Filipino customs and traditions.[95]
The following day, the Committee on Justice, Human Rights and
Good Government dismissed the impeachment complain for being
insufficient in form and substance:

The resolution is no more than a hodgepodge of unsupported conclusions, distortion of

law, exacerbated by ultra partisan considerations.
It does not allege ultimate facts constituting an
impeachable offense under the Constitution.
xxx
In sum, the Committee finds that the
complaint is not sufficient in form and substance
to warrant its further consideration. It is not
sufficient in form because the verification made
by the affiants that the allegations in the
resolution are true and correct of our own
knowledge is transparently false. It taxes the ken
of men to believe that the affiants individually
could swear to the truth of allegations, relative to
the transactions that allegedly transpired in
foreign countries given the barrier of geography
and the restrictions of their laws. More important,
the resolution cannot be sufficient in substance
because its careful assay shows that it is a mere
charade of conclusions.[96]

The 1986 Snap Elections The growing strength of the communist

movement, estimated by the US to be 16,000-20,000 strong, and the threat
it posed to American interests in the country, and the worsening economic
and political situation of the country forced President Marcos to call for a
snap presidential elections.[97]The election was set on January 17, 1986 but
was later moved to February 7, 1986.[98]
Initially the announcement was met with stiff
opposition from some members of the
administration party (KBL) and the opposition.
Manila Assemblyman Arturo Tolentino, Marcos
would-be running-mate, said neither President
Marcos nor the Batasang Pambansa by law can

validly shorten the Presidents constitutional six-year term [99]unless he

resigns.
Opposition Quezon City Assemblyman Alberto Romulo concurred with
Tolentino and said President Marcos automatically ceases to be president if
he runs for the same office, in which situation he is required to resign first
[100]

On November 11, 1985 President Marcos tendered his conditional

resignation to the Batasan: I hereby irrevocably vacate the position of
President effective only when the election is held and after the winner is
proclaimed and qualified as President by taking his oath of office ten days
(10) after his proclamation.
Many questioned the conditional resignation of President Marcos
but the Supreme Court upheld its validity.
In December, 1986 Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino accepted the request of
her supporters to run against President Marcos. Former Senator Salvador
Laurel, who at first declared his intention to run for the presidency, was
persuaded to be Mrs. Aquinos running-mate.
Mrs. Aquino was a formidable foe. She had the support of the
Catholic Church and most of the businessmen. She was leading in voters-rich
areas of Metropolitan Manila, Cebu, Zamboanga, Davao, Baguio, Central
Luzon, Southern Tagalog, Bicol Region and Western Visayas. However, Marcos
controlled the Solid North and several provinces of Visayas and Mindanao.

In his campaign sorties, Pres. Marcos

would usually boast of his experience and
capability to run the government. He said
that a President must possess the proper
training drawn from the past and present
generations so that he could lead the
people with wisdom, lucidity, and creative
mind. The President charged Mrs. Aquino
of inexperience and of being a communist
sympathizer: Inexperience can lead to
national disintegrationthere is simply no
way to craw for the presidency.[101] In a
political sortie in Caloocan City, he
ridiculed Mrs. Aquinos capability: The model Filipino woman is demure,
does not challenge men, is intelligent but keeps it to herself, teaches her
husband but only inside the bedroom. [102]
Mrs. Aquino responded: I concede that I cannot match Mr. Marcos
when it comes to experience. I admit that I have no experience in cheating,
stealing, lying or assassinating political opponents they are issues which
only a dying dictator can think up the real issue is Marcos himself. [103]
Aside from tirades of political mudslinging and accusation between
President Marcos and Mrs. Aquino, turncoatism was also common during the
election period. Leticia Ramos-Shahani, sister of AFP Vice Chief-of-Staff
Fidel Ramos and distant cousin of the President, and Ambassador Norberto
Romualdez, III, Mrs. Marcos nephew, defected to Mrs. Aquino. Several KBL
governors and mayors also pledged their support to Mrs. Aquino.

After a tumultuous campaign, 26 million registered voters went to

their respected precincts to cast their ballots in the most bitterly contested
elections in history. According to foreign observers and the opposition, there
were massive irregularities, cheating, intimidation, electoral fraud,
violence, terrorism and vote-buying during the election.
On February 15, 1986 the KBL-controlled
Batasang Pambansa proclaimed President
Marcos and Assemblyman Arturo Tolentino as
the duly-elected President and Vice President,
respectively. President Marcos received
10,807,197 votes against 9,292,716 votes for
Mrs. Aquino. However, the unofficial canvass of
the National Movement For Free Elections
(Namfrel) showed otherwise: Mrs. Aquino was
leading at around 800,000 votes against
President Marcos.
On February 16, 1986 the opposition held a huge rally in Luneta
attended by a mammoth crowd of more than 650,000 people. Mrs. Aquino
called for a peaceful non-violent civil disobedience and boycott of
companies identified with the Marcoses.
On February 22, 1986 Defense Minister Juan
Ponce Enrile, the architect of martial law, and
AFP Vice Chief-of-Staff Fidel V. Ramos, the
chief implementer of martial law, announced
their withdrawal of support for the government
of President Marcos. Enrile accused the

President of massive cheating in the snap election and declared that it was
Mrs. Aquino who had won the election.
Later, the Archbishop of Manila Jaime Cardinal Sin appealed to the people to
protect the two defectors. Thousands of people heed the request and
immediately went to EDSA (Epifanio delos Santos Avenue) to form a human
barricade around the two camps (Camp Aquinaldo [headquarter of the AFP]
and Camp Crame [headquarter of Ramos PC-INP]). The event became what
is now known as Edsa People Power 1.[104] Several soldiers, including the
members of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (who had initially
planned to stage a coup) supported Enrile and Ramos.
Several high ranking officials of the Marcos regime likewise
defected, such as Gen. Ramon Farolan of the Bureau of Customs,
[105]Postmaster General Roilo Golez,[106] and former AFP Chief of Staff

Romeo Espino.Even Superstar Nora Aunor, crowd-drawer in Marcos

political campaign rallies, joined the defectors. [107]
On February 24, 1986
President Marcos appeared
on MBS (Maharlika
Broadcasting System)
Channel 4 to dispel rumors
that he had already left
the country. On-air,
General Ver told President
Marcos: The air force is
ready to mount an attack.
Fighters are flying now. President Marcos fearing a bloodbath in Edsa

restrained him and instead declared a state of emergency and a curfew. The
curfew was never implemented.
President Marcos was silly enough to make one desperate effort to
regain what he cannot help seeing he had lost. He made a last ditch effort
to hang on to the presidency and called Enrile:
President Marcos: I am waiting for a graceful way
out. Why dont I cancel the election and name a
provisional government? Then I will remain as
honorary president until 1987. You can run the
government in the manner you want.
Minister Enrile: Mr. President, it was never the
intention of my group to take over. Our main
intention was merely to see to it that the will of
the people, the sovereignty of the people must be
respected. And besides, its too late even to
discuss any arrangement because we have already
committed ourselves to Cory and Doy.[108]

Referring to his telephone conversations with President Marcos, US

Senator Paul Laxalt described the President as a desperate man grasping at
straws. The President suggested to Sen. Lazalt that he would share power
with the opposition in a transitional government. But the American senator
told him that power-sharing would be impractical and instead suggested: I
think you should cut, and cut cleanly. I think that the time has come.
[109] Sen.Laxalt described the response of President Marcos: the pause
was so long I thought he left the line. At last Marcos said softly, I am so
very, very
disappointed, and
hung up.[110]
On February
25, 1986 Mrs. Aquino
took her oath of
office as the
eleventh president
of the Philippines
before Supreme
Court Justice
Claudio Teehankee at Club Filipino in San Juan. Likewise, Salvador Laurel
took his oath as Vice President of the Philippines before Justice Vicente
Abad Santos. The inauguration was televised over Channel 4 (renamed
Peoples Television). President Marcos held his own inauguration before
Chief Justice Ramon Aquino in Malacaang. On the night of his inauguration,
President Marcos and his family left the Philippines for a five-year exile in
the United States. Quirico Lim, a political leader in Mindanao, recounted the
events in Malacaang that night: I saw President Marcos cry The President

tried to comfort his wife. I will be by your side to the lost moment. I
know, I know was her mournful reply.

Post-Script

Immediately after assuming office, President Corazon Aquino removed

all appointed and elected officials of the
previous regime. Enrile and Ramos were
appointed Defense Minister and AFP Chief-ofStaff, respectively.

Marcos lawyer Oliver Lozano questioned the

legitimacy of the Aquino government with
the Supreme Court. The Aquino-appointed
Justices of the Supreme Court dismissed the
petition.

On July 6, 1986 a group of soldiers and politicians loyal to President

Marcos took over the Manila Hotel and installed Arturo Tolentino as
Acting President of the Philippines. The coup failed.

Six successive RAM led military coups followed. In November 1986,

Defense Minister Enrile resigned from the Aquino Cabinet. Enrile ran in
the 1987 senatorial elections under the pro-Marcos Grand Alliance for
Democracy coalition.

Vice President Salvador Laurel resigned as Foreign Affairs Minister and

joined the opposition. He was implicated in the failed 1989 coup
attempt.

President Marcos died in exile on September 29, 1989. President Aquino

refused to allow the return of the Marcos remains due to national
security. The Supreme Court upheld the decision of the government
in Marcos vs. Manglapus (178 SCRA 760). In July 1993, the remains of the
late president was finally returned to the country. His body up to now
remains unburied.

In 1991 Former First Lady Imelda Marcos was finally allowed to return
home. The former First Lady ran and finished fifth in the seven-way
presidential race in 1992. ( Note: the Marcos vote was split between her
(with 2,338,294 votes) and Ambassador Eduardo Cojuangco, a Marcos
crony, who had 4,116,376 votes. Ramos, Aquinos anointed candidate ,
received 5.3 million.). In 1995 she was elected Congresswoman of Leyte.

In 1992 Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. was elected to Congress. He is the present

Governor of Ilocos Norte.

Imee Marcos is the present Congresswoman of the second district of

Ilocos Norte

Bibliography
Interviews

Marcos, Imelda Romualdez. Makati City, August 26, 2004

Marcos, Ma. Imelda Imee Romualdez. Batasang Pambansa, Quezon City,

September 6,
2004
Books

Agoncillo, Teodoro A. History of the Filipino People, 8th ed. Quezon City:
Garotech
Publishing, 1990.

Bernas, Joaquin. The 1973 Philippine Constitution: A Reviewer-Primer.

Manila: Rex
Book Store, 1981

Chee Soon Juan. To be Free: Stories from Asias Struggle against Oppression.
Clayton,
Australia: Monash Asia Institute, 1999.

De Dios, Aurora Javate, Petronilo BN. Daroy, and Lorna Kalaw-Tirol.

Dictatorship and
Revolution: Roots of Peoples Power. Metro Manila: Conspectus
Foundation, Inc.,1988.

Espiritu, Augusto Caesar. How Democracy was Lost. Quezon City: New Day
Publishers,

1993.

Francia, Beatriz Romualdez. Imelda and the Clans: A Story of the

Philippines. Metro
Manila: Solar Publishing, Corp., 1988.

Gagelonia, Leticia. Hamon sa Kagitingan: Marcos ng Silangan. Caloocan City:

Ricsons
Enterprises, 1972.

Let the Marcos Truth Prevail.

Marcos, Ferdinand E. Todays Revolution: Democracy. Manila, 1971

__________. Notes on the New Society of the Philippines. Manila, 1973

__________. The Democratic Revolution in the Philippines. Manila, 1975

__________. Notes on the New Society of the Philippines II. Manila: National
Media
Production Center, 1976

__________. Five Years of the New Society. Manila, 1977

Marcos of the Philippines. Manila: Department of Public Information, 1975

Mauricio, Luis R. Renato Constantino and the Marcos Watch. Quezon City:
Karrel, Inc.,
1986.

Pagoso, Cristobal M. Progress and Development. Manila: Rex Book Store,

1984.

Paterson, James Hamilton. Americas

Philippines. London:

Boy:

The

Marcoses

and

the

Granta Books, 1998

Polotan, Kerima. Imelda Romualdez Marcos: A Biography of the First Lady of

the
Philippines. Cleveland, Ohio: The World Publishing Co., 1970.

Serion, J. R., A.L.

Santos. Ugnayan ng

Ellamil,

D.C.

Serion,

C.U.

Santos,

and

J.L.

Pamahalaan at Mamamayan. Manila: Bedes Publishing House, Inc.,

1979

Sohmer, Karla, Salvador Escalante, and J, Augustus Y. De La Paz. Hubris:

When States
and Men Dare God- The Persecution of the Marcoses. Quezon City:
Katotohanan
at Katarungan Foundation, Inc., 2000.

Spence, Hartzell. Marcos of the Philippines. Cleveland, Oh.: The World

Publishing Co.,
1969.
The Commission on Elections. Manila: Commission on Elections, 1984

Zaide, Sonia. The Philippines: A Unique Nation. Quezon City: All Nations
Publishing Co., Inc., 1993.

Articles

Caoili, Manuel A. The Philippine Congress and the Political

Order, Philippine Journal
of Public Administration, Vol.XXX no. 1 (January, 1986).

Caoili, Olivia C. The Batasang Pambansa: Continuity in the Philippine

Legislative
System, Philippine Journal of Public Administration, Vol. XXX, No.1
(January, 1986).

de Roos, Robert. The Philippines: Freedoms Pacific Frontier, National

Geographic
(September 1966).

Moser, Dan. The Philippines: Better Days Still Elude An Old

Friend, National
Geographic (March 1977).

Zich, Arthur and Steve McCurry. The Philippines: A Time of Hope and
Danger,
National Geographic (July 1986).

Presidential Speeches

Mandate for Greatness, 30 December 1965

The Student Unrest, 9 February 1969
To Transform the Nation- Transform Ourselves, 30 December 1969
The Quest for a New Society, 6 September 1970
The Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus, 1 September 1971
The Larger Tasks of the AFP, 21 December 1971
First Address to the Nation under Martial Law, 23 September 1972
A New Code of Conduct, 29 September 1972
Second Address to the Nation Under Martial Law, 21 October 1972

Martial Law and Congress, 29 October 1972

A Health Service Program for a Developing Country, 15 December 1972
The New Society is in Peril, 7 January 1973
Labor Reforms in the New Society, 1 May 1973
A Program of Survival, 21 May 1973
The Four Freedoms, 20 May 1973
The Law and Martial Law, 25 May 1973
An Ideology for Development, 8 June 1973
Report to the Nation after One Year of Martial Law, 21 September 1973
Official Documents/ Records

Supreme Court Decisions

Aquino vs. Enrile, L-35546, September 17, 1974

Javellana vs. Executive Secretary, 6 SCRA 1048

Lansang vs. Garcia, L-33964, December 11, 1971

People vs. Marcos, 70 Phil. 468

Sanidad vs. Comelec, L-22640, October 12, 1976

Congressional Records (Senate)

Privilege Speech of Senator Benigno S. Aquino (on militarism), February 5,

1968

Privilege Speech of Senator Benigno S. Aquino (on Jabida), 25 March 1968

Official Gazette. Manila: Bureau of Printing

Government Pamphlets:

A Package of Services in the New Society

Peace and Order: Toward a Safer Society

Philippine Foreign Policy: Meeting Challenges in a Changing World

Question and Answer About the Philippines. Manila: Ministry of Public

Information,
1985.
Seven Years of Martial Law: An Overview

The Proposed Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines

The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, as amended.

Film

Diaz, Ramona. Imelda. Ramona Diaz Independent Television Service, 2003

Newspapers and Magazines

Asiaweek
Manila Bulletin Today
Manila Times
Philippine Herald
Philippines Daily Express
Philippine Free Press
Philippine Public Affairs Magazine (March-April 1981)
Times Journal
Malaya

NOTES
[1]

excepts:

The facts of the case is stated in People vs. Marcos , 70 Phil. 468,

In the elections of 1934 in which Mariano Marcos and

Julio Nalundasan, both of Batac, Ilocos Norte, were rival
candidates for the office of representative for the second
district of said province, Nalundasan was elected. The
term for which the latter was elected was, however, cut
short as a result of the approval of the Constitution of the
Philippines under which the general elections for members
of the National Assembly were by law set for September
17, 1935. In these general elections Julio Nalundasan and
Mariano Marcos resumed their political rivalry and were
opposing candidates for assemblyman in the same district.
In the strife Nalundasan again came out triumphant over
Marcos. In the afternoon of September 19, 1935, in
celebration of Nalundasans victory, a number of his
followers and partymen paraded in cars and trucks through
the municipalities of Currimao, Paoay and Batac, Ilocos
Norte, and passed in front of the house of the Marcoses in
Batac. The parade is described as provocative and
humiliating for the defeated candidate, Mariano Marcos.
The assemblyman-elect, Julio Nalundasan, was not,
however, destined to reap the fruits of his political laurels
for on the night of September 20, 1935, he was shot and
killed in his house in Batac. Very intensive investigation of
the crime by the Government authorities, particularly the
Philippine Constabulary, followed as a consequence of
which an information was filed in the Court of First
Instance of Ilocos Norte charging one Nicasio Layaoen, a
businessman of Batac, Ilocos Norte, with having committed
the murder of Nalundasan. After trial, however, Layaoen
was acquitted. The acquittal resulted in another
protracted investigation and detective work by
Governmental agencies, particularly the Division of
Investigation of the Department of Justice, with a view of
solving the Nalundasan murder. On December 7, 1938, or
more than three years after the death of Nalundasan,
Mariano Marcos, Pio Marcos, Ferdinand Marcos and Quirino
Lizardo were prosecuted for the crime of murder in the
Court of First Instance of Ilocos Norte After the
conclusion of the trial, the Court of First instance found

Ferdinand Marcos guilty of the crime of murder. (See

People vs. Marcos in the Appendices)
Interview with Mrs. Imelda R. Marcos, 26 August 2004, Pacific Plaza,
Makati City.
[2]

In Marcos of the Philippines, written by Hartzell Spence, Marcos

alleged that his conviction was politically motivated by Manuel Quezon,
President of the Commonwealth. His father, Mariano Marcos, supported the
candidacy of Bishop Gregorio Aglipay for the presidency in 1935. (see Marcos
of the Philippines by Hartzell Spence, p. 102-04)
[3]

[4] Justice Jose P. Laurel penned the ponencia and concurred by Chief
Justice Avancea and Justices Imperial, Diaz, and Horilleno.
[5]

He was the leader of the Maharlika guerilla unit in Northern Luzon.

Senator Almendras of Davao, a Nacionalista, voted for Marcos

because of his enmity with Senate President Eulogio Rodriguez and Senate
President Pro-tempore Fernando Lopez. In spite of Marcos presidency in the
Senate, the Nacionalistas still controls most of the committee chairmanships
in the Senate.
[6]

President Marcos predecessors are Presidents Manuel A. Roxas (the

last President of the Commonwealth and the first President of the Third
Philippine Republic), Elpidio Quirino, Ramon Magsaysay, Carlos P. Garcia and
Diodado Macapagal.
[7]

[8]Mandate

for Greatness, First Inaugural Speech of President

Ferdinand E. Marcos, 30 December 1965.
[9]

Ibid.

Manuel A. Caoili. The Philippine Congress and the Political

Order, Philippine Journal of Public Administration, Vol.XXX no. 1 (January,
1986), p. 21.
[10]

To
name
a
few:
Carlos
P.
Romulo, Secretary
of
Education (later Secretary of Foreign Affairs); Rafael Salas, Executive
Secretary; Jose Yulo, Secretary of Justice; Marcelo Balatbat, Secreatary of
Commerce; Cesar Virata, Secretary of Finance; Jose Aspiras, Press
Secretary; Paulino Garcia, Secretary of Health; Narciso Ramos, Secretary of
[11]

Foreign Affairs;Claudio Teehankee, Undersecreatary of Justice; Onofre

Corpuz , Undersecretary (later,Secretary) of Education; Juan Ponce
Enrile, Undersecretary of Finance (later Secretary of National Defense);
Fernando Campos, Undersecretary of Commerce; Romeo Edu,Commissioner
on Land Transportation; Teotino Aguilar, Undersecretary of General Services;
Benjamin del Rosario, General Manager of the Government Service
Insurance System; Blas Ople, Social Security Commissioner (later, Secretary
of Labor and Employment); Col. Salvador Villa, Chairman of the Philippine
National Railways; former Press Secretary Jose Nabu, Presidential Assistant
on Housing; and Jose Zulueta, Presidential Consultant on Local Government.
[12]

Manuel Caoili, op. cit

Privilege Speech of Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr., 5 February

1968,Congressional Records (Senate), Vol.III, No. 9, p. 130-141. Speech
available at the Appendices.
[13]

Robert de Roos. The Philippines: Freedoms

Frontier, National Geographic (September 1966) p. 319.
[14]

Pacific

Hartzell Spence, Marcos of the Philippines (Cleveland: The World

Publishing Company, 1969),p. 359.
[15]

The Student Unrest, Address over Radio and Television, 9

February 1969.
[16]

The 15 student organizations were as follows: Student Councils

Association of the Philippines, The National Union of Students of the
Philippines, The National Students League, the Confederation of Student
Leaders in the Philippines, the Kabataang Makabayan, the College Editors
Guild of the Philippines, the Student Catholic Action, the Student Christian
Movement, the World Union of Students, the Philippine Youth Corps, the
Conference Delegates Association of the Philippines, the National Students
Conference, the School Volunteer Program, the Muslim Students Association
of the Philippines, and the Student Reform Movements.
[17]

Likewise, President Marcos authorized the release of Php 1.6

Million for the National Science Research Center of the University of the
Philippines, and Php 300,000 for Mass Communications Building. Further, the
President also released Php 300,000 for the UP Iloilo.
[18]

[19]

Ferdinand E. Marcos, Todays Revolution:Democracy,(Manila, 1971),

p. v
The Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus, Address given by
President Ferdinand Marcos at a meeting with local executives, Malacaang,
1 September 1971
[20]

[21]

Ferdinand E. Marcos, op cit.

Aquino vs. Enrile, 59 SCRA 183, Concurring Opinion of Justice

Cecilia Muoz Palma citing issues of the Manila Times on October
1,3,4,5,8,13,23 and 24, 1970.
[22]

Some of the violent student demonstrations reported are as

follows: On February 2, 1971, Manila Times - A freshman student of the
University of the Philippines was shot and critically wounded, 35 injured, 26
were arrested in violent incidents at the campus which at that time was in
barricades, while in downtown Manila more than 2,000 students occupied
Claro M. Recto Avenue and 16 persons were injured in separate clashes
between the police and students; February 3, 1971, Manila Times A senior
engineering student was shot when government forces drove into the heart
of the University of the Philippines campus to disperse students who had set
up barricades in the area, and at least 30 women students were wounded in
the climax of the day-long pitch battle in the University between students
and the local police and soldiers; February 13, 1971, ibid The UP Los
Baos Armory was blasted by an explosion; February 17, 1971, ibid In the
Province of Davao student riots erupted in the University of Mindanao killing
at least one student; May 2, 1971, The Philippine Herald Labor Day, May
1, was celebrated by the workers and student activists with a demonstration
before Congress , and a clash between demonstrators and the police and the
Metrocom forces resulted in death to several demonstrators and injuries to
many.; In March, 1972 , Manila Times The student demonstration on its
way to Congress to agitate for the repeal of the anti-subversion law resulted
to injuries to a good number of student demonstrators when they clashed
with security guards in front of the University of Sto. Tomas; and June 13,
1972, ibid The Philippine Independence Day was marred by rallies of
youth and worker groups which denounced US imperialism, with
demonstrators numbering about 10,000 from Southern Luzon, central Luzon
and the Greater Manila Area converging at Plaza Miranda and during the
demonstration explosions of pillbox bombs occurred.
[23]

Lansang vs. Garcia, 42 SCRA 449. The ponencia was penned by

Chief Justice Roberto Concepcion and concurred by Justices J.B.L. Reyes,
Makalintal, Zaldivar, Teehankee, Barredo, Villamor and Makasiar. Justices
Castro and Barredo concurred fully in a separate opinion.
[24]

On September 18, 1971, President Marcos issued Proclamation No.

889-B, lifting the suspension of the privilege of writ of habeas corpus in the
following: provinces Batanes, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Abra, La Union,
Pangasinan, Batangas, Catanduanes, Masbate, Romblon, Marinduque,
Oriental Mindoro, Occidental Mindoro, Palawan, Negros Occidental, Negros
Oriental, Cebu, Bohol, Capiz, Aklan, Antique, Iloilo, Leyte, Leyte del Sur
(Southern Leyte), Northern Samar, Eastern Samar, Western Samar; subprovinces: Guimaras aand Biliran; and cities: Laoag (Ilocos Norte), Dagupan
(Pangasinan), San Carlos (Pangasinan), Batangas City and Lipa (Batangas),
Puerto Princesa (Palawan), San Carlos (Negros Occidental), Cadiz, Silay,
Bacolod City, Bago City, Kalaon ,La Carlota, bais, Dumaguete, Iloilo City,
Roxas, Tagbilaran (Bohol), Lapu-Lapu City, Cebu City, Mandaue, Danao,
Toledo, tacloban, Ormoc, and Calbayog.
[25]

On September 25, 1971, President Marcos issued Proclamation No.

889-C, restoring the writ of habeas corpus in the following: provinces:
Surigao del Norte, Surigao del Sur, Davao del Norte, Davao del Sur, Davao
Oriental, Bukidnon, Agusan del Norte, Agusan del Sur, Misamis Oriental,
Misamis Occidental, Camiguin, Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga del Sur,
and Sulu; and cities: Surigao, Davao, Butuan, Cagayan de Oro, Gingoog,
Ozamiz, Oroquieta, Tangub, Dapitan, Dipolog, Zamboanga, Isabela de
Basilan and Pagadian.
On October 4, 1971, the President issued Proclamation No. 889-D
further restoring the writ in the following provinces and cities: Provinces:
Cagayan, Cavite, Mountain Province, Kalinga-Apayao, Camarines Norte,
Albay and Sorsogon; Cities: Cavite City, Tagaytay, Trece Martires and
Legaspi.
On January 7, 1972, the President restored the writ in the remaining
eighteen (18) provinces, two (2) sub-provinces and eighteen (18) cities,
namely: Provinces: Bataan, Benguet, Bulacan, Camarines Sur, Ifugao,
Isabela, Laguna, Lanao del Norte, Lanao del Sur, North Cotabato, Nueva
Ecija, Nueva Vizcaya, Pampanga, Quezon, Rizal (Greater Manila Area), South
Cotabato, Tarlac and Zambales; Sub-Provinces: Aurora and Quirino; Cities:
Angeles, Baguio, Cabanatuan, Caloocan, Coatabato, General Santos, Iligan,

Iriga, Lucena, Manila, Marawi, Naga, Olongapo, Palayan, Pasay City, Quezon
City, San Jose and San Pablo.
Bureau of National and Foreign Information, Marcos of the
Philippines, (Manila: Department of Public Information, 1975), p. 108.
[26]

[27]

Philippine Herald, 22 January 1970

[28]

Manila Times, 23 January 1971

Proclamation No. 1081, Proclaiming a State of Martial Law in the

Philippines.
[29]

First Address to the Nation Under Martial Law, Radio-TV Address

of President Marcos, 23 September 1972
[30]

Exec says martial law good for RP business, Daily Express, 25

September 1972
[31]

[32]

ibid

The full text of the General Order Nos. 1-5 and Letter of
Instruction Nos. 1-5 are available at the Appendices.
[33]

1. Those involving the validity, legality or constitutionality of any

decree, order or acts issued, promulgated or performed by me (the
President) or by my (his) duly designated representative pursuant to
Proclamation No. 1081, dated September 21, 1972; 2. Those involving the
validity, legality or constitutionality of any rules, orders, or acts
promulgated or performed by public servants pursuant to decrees, orders,
rules and regulations issued and promulgated by me (the President) or by my
(his) duly designated representative pursuant to Proclamation No. 1081,
dated September 21, 1972; 3. Those involving crimes against national
security and the law of nations [Researchers note: Crime under this
category (Book Two, Title I of the Revised Penal Code) are as follows:
Treason and espionage, provoking war and disloyalty in case of war, and
piracy and mutiny on the high seas in Philippine water]; 4. Those involving
crimes against the fundamental laws of the State [Researchers Note:
Crimes under this category (Book Two, Title Two of the Revised Penal Code)
are as follows: Arbitrary Detention or Expulsion, Violation of Dwelling,
Prohibition, Interruption, and Dissolution of Peaceful Meeting and Crimess
Against Religious Worship]; 5. Those involving crime against public order
[34]

[note: such as rebellion, sedition and disloyalty, illegal assemblies and

association, assault upon and resistance and disobedience to persons in
authority and their agents, etc); 6. Those crimes involving usurpation of
authority, rank, title, and improper use of names, uniforms, and insignia; 7
Those involving crimes committed by public officers [Note: Crimes under
this category in the Revised Penal Code are as follows: Malfeasance and
Misfeasance in Office Dereliction of Duty and Bribery, Frauds and Illegal
Exactions and Transactions, Malversation of Public Funds or Property,
Infidelity of Public Officer, Other Offenses or Irregularities by Public
Officers Disobedience, refusal of assistance and maltreatment of
prisoners; Anticipation , prolongation and abandonment of the duties and
powers of public office; usurpation of powers and unlawful appointments;
and abuses against chastity.]
[35]
[36]

Philippine Daily Express, 14 October 1972

ibid.

Sonia Zaide, The Philippines: A Unique Nation, (Quezon City: All

Nations Publishing Co., Inc., 1993), p. 374
[37]

Mrs. Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, interview by

recording, Makati City, Metropolitan Manila, 26 August 2004
[38]

author, tape

President Ferdinand E. Marcos, interview by Dan Moser, in The

Philippines: better Days Still Elude an Old Friend, National
Geographic (March 1977), p.368
[39]

Dan Moser, The Philippines: Better Days Still Elude an Old Friend,
National geographic (March 1977), p. 369.
[40]

[41]

Peace and Order: Toward a Safer Society, p.1

[42]

ibid,

Behind broad Roxas Boulevard, where young hotrodders zigzag

furiously, is one of Manilas commercial centers: boutiques, which attract
American wives all the way from Hong Kong, stand side by side with gun
shops that sell everything from matchbox size pistols to automatic riffle.
The Philippines private citizenry owns more weapons (365,000) than the
entire military and police forces. Nightclubs, bars, even the Supreme Court
[43]

mount signs reading: Check Your Firearms Before Entering. No selfrespecting, lawless Filipino would think of complying.
All that firepower is bound to lead to trouble, as the Philippine crime
rate proves. According to the National Bureau of Investigation, crimes in the
Philippines jumped ten times in 1965. There were 8750 murders (many times
more than in New York), 5000 rapes and 6519 robberies. In Manilas Tondo
slums is a combination of the worst American and Asian street gangs: the
Canto Boys, with their distinctive made tattoos, who would soon knife a
stranger as zip-gun a passing police car. (Time Magazine, 21 October 1966
as cited by Carlos P. Romulo in his Foreword in Ferdinand E. Marcos, The
Democratic Revolution in the Philippines [Manila, National Media Production
Center], p. 14)
[44]

Dan Moser, op cit, p.369

[45]

Peace and Order, p.2

Gen. Fidel V. Ramos was a distant cousin of President Ferdinand

Marcos. He is one of the leaders of the 1986 People Power Revolution that
ousted President Marcos from power. President Corazon Aquino, who
succeeded Marcos, appointed him as Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and
later as Secretary of National Defense. In 1992 he became President of the
Philippines until 1998.
[46]

[47]

Ferdinand E. Marcos. Five Years of the New Society, (Manila,1977),

[48]

The Situation in the South.

p.14

Presidential Decree No. 2 Proclaiming the Entire Country as a

Land Reform Area, states:
[49]

WHEREAS, there is pressing need to accelerate the Agrarian

Reform Program of the Government for the early attainment of the
objectives set forth in Republic Act No. 3844, as amended;
WHEREAS, among such objectives is to achieve dignified
existence for the small farmers free from the pernicious institutional
restraints and practices which have not only retarded the agricultural
development of the country but have also produced widespread

discontent and unrest among farmers, one of the causes of existing

national emergency; and
WHEREAS, it is believed that the lasting objectives of land
reform may be sooner realized if the whole country is declared a land
reform area;
NOW, THEREFORE, I, FERDINAND E. MARCOS, President of the
Philippines, by virtue of the powers in me vested by the Constitution
as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines,
and pursuant to Proclamation No. 1081 dated September 21, 1972, and
General Order No.1, dated September 22, 1972, as amended, whereby
I have assumed direction of the operation of the entire Government,
do hereby proclaim the whole country as land reform area.
All agencies and offices of the Government are enjoined to
extend full cooperation and assistance to the Department of Agrarian
Reform to insure the successful prosecution of the Agrarian Reform
Program.
The Agrarian Reform Coordinating Council created under
Executive Order No. 347, series of 1971, is hereby directed to convene
immediately to exercise its functions
The Secretary of Agrarian Reform shall take the necessary steps
for the prompt and effective implementation of this decree.
See the Appendices for the full handwritten text of Presidential
Decree No. 27
[50]

Ferdinand E. Marcos, The Democratic Revolution in the Philippines

(Manila: National Media Production Center), p. 205
[51]

[52]

ibid

[53]

Sonia Zaide, op.cit, p. 385

A Program of Survival, address delivered by President Marcos at

the launching of the Masagana 99 Program, 21 May 1973.
[54]

Rigoberto D. Tiglao, The Consolidation of the Dictatorship,

Dictatorship and Revolution: Roots of Peoples Power, edited by Aurora
[55]

Javate-de Dios, et al., (Quezon City: Conspectus Foundation, Inc., 1988), p.

36-37.
The Four Freedoms Opening statements of President Marcos at
radio-TV interviews, Malacaang, 20 May-10 June 1973
[56]

[57]

ibid

Ferdinand E. Marcos, Notes on the New Society of the Philippines

II (Manila: National Media Production Center, 1976), p. 26.
[58]

[59]

ibid

Ferdinand E. Marcos, Five Years of the New Society (Manila:

National Media Production Center, 1977), p. 117.
[60]

Ibid (This program is funded by GSIS, SSS, PNB, Landbank of the

Philippines, and Development Bank of the Philippines [DBP].)
[61]

Josefina R. Serion, et al., Ugnayan ng Pamahalaan at Mamamayan

5 (Manila, Bedes Publishing House, Inc., 1979), p. 12-13
[62]

It was only in 2002 that the other two options- civic welfare and
law enforcement- were implemented pursuant to the directives of President
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
[63]

Maria Serena Diokno, Unity and Struggle, Dictatorship and

Revolution, p.137
[64]

Labor Reforms in the New Society, Address on Labor Day,

Malacaang Palace, 1 May 1973.
[65]

[66]

Presidential Decree No. 442, Art. 3

[67]

ibid

[68]

Labor Reforms in the New Society

Administrative Order No.339, dated September 26, 1972 states: Mr.

Justiniano N. Montano, Jr., Chairman, Games and Amusement Board , is
charged with various irregularities in three (3) complaints along with other
officials of the Board. The first case, filed by the Philippine Racing Club, Inc.
[69]

(PRCI), on March 7, 1967, is for (a) fixing of races, (b) falsification, (c)
usurpation of functions and (d) oppressive exercise of authority. The second
case, filed by Carlos H. Reyes on April 23, 1969, is for (a) gross
insubordination, (b)dereliction of official duty, and (c)willful violation of
lawful order. The third case, filed by the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes
Office (PCSO), on June 23, 1969, is for (1) usurpation of official function and
gross disobedience, (2) willful violation of law, (3)oppressive exercise of
authority, (4) grave abuse of authority and (5) dereliction of duty.
Pursuant to President Decree No. 1, President Marcos created the
Department of Public Information through Letter of Instruction No. 12. The
department is primarily responsible for the conduct of overall and
integrated information program for the Government and to render such
program a relevant and effective instrument of development consistent with
national interest and goals for the accelerated social and economic
development of the nation.
[70]

[71] Mrs. Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, interview by

recording, Makati City, Metropolitan Manila, 26 August 2004

author, tape

The National Capital Region comprises what was then known as the
Greater Manila Area (Manila, Quezon City, Caloocan City and Pasay City) ,
the former twelve municipalities of Rizal (Las Pias, Makati, Malabon,
Mandaluyong, Marikina, Muntinglupa, Navotas Paraaque, Pasig, Pateros, San
Juan and Taguig) and Valenzuela (from Bulacan)
[72]

[73]

Ferdinand E. Marcos, Five Years of the New Society, p. 54

[74]

For the text of this decree, see Appendices

A Package of Services in the New Society, (Manila: Ministry of

Public Information, 1979)
[75]

[76]

ibid

[77]

ibid

[78]

ibid

[79]

ibid

[80]

ibid

[81]

ibid

The 11 basic needs, according to Mrs. Marcos, are water, power,

food, clothing, shelter, medical services, education and culture, sports and
recreation, economic base, mobility and ecological balance.
[82]

See Augusto Caesar Espiritu. How Democracy was Lost: A Political

Diary of the 1971-1972 Constitutional Convention (Quezon City: New Day
Publishers, 1993).
[83]

On January 10-15, 1973 Plebiscite, the Citizen Assemblies voted for

(1) ratification of the 1973 Constitution, (2) the suspension of the convening
of the Interim National Assembly, (3) the continuation of martial law, and (4)
moratorium on elections for a period of at least seven years.
[84]

In Sanidad vs. Comelec, L-44640, October 12, 1976 the Supreme

Court ruled that on the basis of absolute necessity both the constituent
power (the power to formulate a Constitution or to propose amendments or
revision to the Constitution and to ratify such proposal, which is exclusively
vested to the National Assembly, the Constitutional Convention, and the
electorate) and legislative powers of the legislature may be exercised by the
Chief Executive.
[85]

The KBL Regional Leaders were as follows: First Lady Imelda

Marcos, NCR; Minister Conrado Estrella, Region I; Minister Juan Ponce Enrile,
Region II; Ambassador Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr., Regional III; Felicisimo San
Luis, Region IV; Felix Fuentevella, Region V; Roberto Benedicto, Region VI;
Lorenzo Teves, Region VII; Ambassador Benjamin Romualdez, Region VIII;
Vicente Cerilles, Region IX; Minister Emmanuel Pelaez, Region X; Minister
Antonio Floirendo, Region XI; Mohamad Ali Dimaporo, Region XII
[86]

The amendments were proposed by the Interim Batasang

Pambansa (IBP).
[87]

Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J. The 1973 Philippine Constitution: A

Reviewer-Primer, (Manila: Rex Book Store, 1981), p. 211.
[88]

[89] President Ferdinand E. Marcos. Interview by Antonio Lopez,

Asiaweek (May 15, 1981).

Bernardo Villegas. Economic Development, (Mandaluyong City:

National Book Store, 1994), p. 221
[90]

Arthur Zich and Steve McCurry. Hope and Dangers in the

Philippines, National Geographic (July 1986), p. 92.
[91]

[92]

ibid

Sonia Zaide. The Philippines: A Unique Nation, (Quezon City: All

Nations, Publishing Co., Inc., 1993), p.394.
[93]

Chee Soon Juan. To be free: Stories from Asias Struggle against

Oppression, (Clayton, Australia: Monash Asia Institute, 1999), p. 188-189.
[94]

Resolution No.644 Resolution Calling for the Impeachment of

Ferdinand E. Marcos, President of the Republic of the Philippines, for Graft
and Corruption, Culpable Violation of Constitution, Gross Violation of His
Oath of Office and Other High Crimes.
[95]

Committee Report No. 154 Re: Resolution No. 644 calling for the
impeachment of Ferdinand E. Marcos, President of the Republic of the
Philippines, for graft and corruption, culpable violation of constitution, gross
violation of his oath of office and other high crimes, filed by Jose B. Laurel,
Jr. et al.
[96]

In an interview at This Week with David Brinkley: on November 3,

1985, President Marcos said, I understand that the opposition has been
asking for an election. In answer to their request, I announce that I am
ready to call a snap election, perhaps in three months or less than that
[97]

A superstitious man, the President moved the election to February

7 because he was scared of any number which is not a multiple of seven.
[98]

C. Valmora, Jr. Caucus on polls set today, Bulletin Today (8

November 1985), p. 10
[99]

[100]

ibid

[101]

Reaching Fever Pitch, Asiaweek (2 February 1986), p.34

[102]

ibid

[103]

ibid

Edsa People Power 2, on the other hand, was held on January 1620, 2001. Edsa 2 ousted impeached President Joseph Estrada. Like Edsa 1,
the event was led by Cardinal Sin, former Presidents Corazon Aquino and
Fidel Ramos. However, Senators Juan Ponce Enrile, Teresita Aquino Oreta
(late Senator Aquinos sister), and Gregorio Honasan (former colonel of the
AFP and head of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement) were on the other
side of the fence Estradas camp.
[104]

Farolan was appointed by President Estrada to head the Bureau

of Customs again. During the height of Edsa 2, he resigned and defected to
Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
[105]

Roilo Golez joined the party of President Estrada in 1998. In 2000,

after the Juetengate scandal, Golez resigned from the party and joined the
oppositions call for Estradas ouster. In 2001, the newly-installed President
Gloria M. Arroyo appointed him as National Security Adviser. In 2004, Golez
ran and won as congressman of Paraaque under the Lakas-CMD Kampi-K4
party of President Arroyo. At the height of the Hello Garci Scandal he
defected to the opposition and called for the resignation or impeachment of
President Arroyo.
[106]

Nora Aunor, a close friend of President Estrada, defected to Vice

President Arroyo in Edsa 2.
[107]

Antonio Lopez, Lisa Beyer and Luningning Salazar. Four Days that
Ended an Era,Asiaweek, 9 March 1986.
[108]

[109]

ibid

[110]

ibid

See Lawyers League for a Better Philippines and/ or Oliver A.

Lozano vs. President Corazon Aquino, et al, GR. No, 73748, May 22, 1986
[111]