AMERICAN
INDIAN
COLLEGE
SUCCESS
AT
A
MAINSTREAM
UNIVERSITY:





FACILITATORS
AND
BARRIERS
TO
ACADEMIC
ATTAINMENT






































































































































By




SCOTT
D.
FLEMING

































A
dissertation
submitted
in
partial
fulfillment
of
the
requirements
for
the



Doctor
of
Philosophy


Major
in
Sociology


South
Dakota
State
University


2010


 ii




AMERICAN
INDIAN
COLLEGE
SUCCESS
AT
A
MAINSTREAM
UNIVERSITY:




FACILITATORS
AND
BARRIERS
TO
ACADEMIC
ATTAINMENT












 This
dissertation
is
approved
as
a
credible
and
independent
investigation
by


a
candidate
for
the
Doctor
of
Philosophy
degree
and
is
acceptable
for
meeting
the


dissertation
requirements
for
this
degree.
Acceptance
of
this
dissertation
does
not


imply
that
the
conclusions
reached
by
the
candidate
are
necessarily
the
conclusions


of
the
major
department.



 
 
 
 
 
 








____________________________________________________________


 
 
 
 








Timothy
J.
Nichols,
Ph.D.
 
 










Date


 
 
 
 








Dissertation
Advisor












 
 
 
 





____________________________________________________________


 
 
 
 







Diane
Kayongo‐Male,
Ph.D.
 
 









Date


 
 
 
 







Head,
Rural
Sociology







 iii


Acknowledgements



 There
are
many
without
whose
support,
encouragement,
and
assistance
this


dissertation
could
not
have
been
possible.
To
those
people
I
offer
my
deepest


gratitude
and
eternal
debt.
First
and
foremost
among
my
supporters
are
my
family,


Ranae,
Hannah,
and
Tyler.
Without
their
sacrifice
and
perseverance
throughout
the


many
long
years
that
I
sought
my
own
academic
attainment,
this
would
not
have


been
possible.



 To
the
faculty,
staff,
and
administrators
of
PSU,
who
graciously
shared
with


me
their
thoughts,
feelings
and
opinions
on
the
Native
American
college
experience


at
this
university,
I
offer
many
thanks.
Their
commitment
and
dedication
to
Native


student
success
will
serve
as
my
model
throughout
the
years
to
come.



 Finally,
and
most
importantly,
I
must
acknowledge
the
many
American


Indian
students
who
placed
in
me
the
trust
that
allowed
them
to
share
their
hopes,


and
aspirations
for
college
and
the
frustrations
that
many
experience
along
the
way.


It
is
my
sincere
hope
that
this
dissertation
plays
a
part
in
getting
their
voices
heard


and
is
of
service
in
the
facilitation
of
academic
attainment
for
all
Native
students


interested
in
pursuing
higher
education.
To
all
of
those
who
participated
in
this


research,
and
whom
I
consider
my
friends,
I
offer
my
sincere
and
heartfelt
thanks


and
everlasting
appreciation.





 iv


Abstract


AMERICAN
INDIAN
COLLEGE
SUCCESS
AT
A
MAINSTREAM
UNIVERSITY:


FACILITATORS
AND
BARRIERS
TO
ACADEMIC
ATTAINMENT


SCOTT
D.
FLEMING


2010



 This
study
is
an
ethnographic
exploration
into
the
barriers
to
academic


attainment
and
the
factors
that
facilitate
retention
and
graduation
for
American


Indian
students
at
a
predominantly
White
university
in
the
upper
Midwest.



 Works
in
critical
education
theory
and
critical
race
theory
provide
the


framework
for
the
investigation.
Reference
group
theory
provides
the
basis
for


investigating
the
role
played
by
a
‘third
place’
as
a
safe
environment
where


American
Indian
college
students
can
affiliate
with
a
normative
reference
group
that


shares
common
cultural
capital
that
aids
in
navigation
through
the
university


environment.




 The
ethnographic
research
methods
of
intensive
interviews,
focus
groups,


and
participant
observation
with
university
administrators,
faculty,
staff,
and


students
are
used
to
gather
data.
Quantitative
data
on
university
enrollment,


retention,
and
graduation
by
race/ethnicity
is
also
presented.




 Findings
show
among
the
most
salient
facilitators,
support
is
the
most


significant,
followed
by
culture
and
financial
resources.
Among
the
most
powerful


 v


barriers,
the
most
salient
was
found
to
be
institutional
barriers,
followed
by
a
lack
of


support,
poor
high
school
preparation,
and
the
lack
of
opportunities
for
cultural


expression
and
participation.




 Implications
and
recommendations
for
the
pragmatic
application
of
findings


to
the
field
of
higher
education
for
American
Indian
students
are
discussed.



Recommendations
for
further
study
are
included.





 vi


Table
of
Contents


Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………………………….….iv


List
of
Tables……………………………………………………………………………………………….….....ix


Chapter
One:
Introduction…………..………………………………………………………..................1


Chapter
Two:
Literature
Review…………………..……………………………………………...…10



 A
Brief
History
of
American
Indian
Education………………………………………….10



 The
Current
State
of
American
Indian
Higher
Education………………………..…17



 Studies
in
American
Indian
Higher
Education…………………………………….....…23



 Barriers
to
American
Indian
Higher
Education……………………………………..….24



 Factors
Leading
to
American
Indian
Success
in
Higher
Education……………..28



 Specific
Strategies
for
Success
in
Higher
Education…………………………………..31



 The
Role
of
Ethnic
Identity
and
Empowerment………………………………………...35



 The
Role
of
a
Shared
Place
for
American
Indian
Students………………………….41



 Summary
and
Conclusion
to
Literature
Review………………………………………...43


Chapter
Three:
Theoretical
Orientation……………….………………………………………....47


Chapter
Four:
Methodology……………………..……………………………………………………....61



 Research
Questions………………………………………………………………………………....62



 Study
Institution……………………………………………………………………………………..63



 Study
Participants…………………………………………………………………………………...63



 Research
Design……………………………………………………………………………………...66



 Methods…………………………………………………………………………………………...……..67



 Data
Collection
and
Analysis…………………………………………………………………….73


 vii



 Consideration
of
Human
Subjects……………………………………………………………..80


Chapter
Five:
Findings:
Quantitative…………………..…………………………………….……..84


Chapter
Six:
Findings:
Facilitators…………………..…………………………………….…………89



 Facilitator:
Support………………………………………………………………………………….91



 Facilitator:
Financial
Resources……………………………………………………………...101



 Facilitator:
Culture………………………………………………………………………………...104


Chapter
Seven:
Findings:
Barriers………………………….……………………………….……..107



 Institutional
Barriers……………………………………………………………………………..109



 Poor
High
School
Preparation………………………………………………………………...115



 Prejudice
or
Racism……………………………………………………………………………….121



 Lack
of
Support……………………………………………………………………………………..123



 Family…………………………………………………………………………………………………..128



 Financial……………………………………………………………………………………………….131



 Community……………………………………………………………………………………………135



 Culture………………………………………………………………………………………………….137



 Dominant
Culture
Reference
Group………………………………………………………..142



 Place……………………………………………………………………………………………………..147


Chapter
Eight:
Discussion……………………………………………………….……………………...152



 Facilitators……………………………………………………………………………………………153



 Barriers………………………………………………………………………………………………...163


Chapter
Nine:
Summary,
Conclusions,
Recommendations
and
Limitations....201



 Summary/Conclusions…………………………………………………………………………..201


 viii



 Limitations……………………………………………………………………………………………213



 Recommendations………………………………………………………………..……………….216



 Suggestions
for
Further
Research……………………………….………………...………..222


References……………………………………………………………………………………………………...224


Appendices



 A:
Interview
Guide
for
Administrators
and
Faculty……………………….………...235



 B:
Interview
Guide
for
Students……………………………………………………...………238



 C:
Participant
Consent
Form
for
Personal
Interview………………..............……...242



 D:
Participant
Consent
Form
for
Focus
Group
Interview………………………….245



 E:
Participant
Consent
Form
for
Personal
Interview

 
 
 


 
 Administrator/Faculty………………………………………..………………………248




 F:
Introduction
to
Focus
Group
and
Demographic
Questionnaire…………….251



 G:
Native
American
Scholarships…………………………………………….………..........253





 ix


List
of
Tables


Table……………………………………………………………………………………………………………...page


5.1
 Ethnic
Origin
SDSU
Student
Population………………………………………………….…85


5.2
 Retention
and
Graduation
Rates
of
Full‐Time,
First‐Time
Bachelor’s



 Degree
seeking
Student
Population
(Total
Population)…………………………..…88


5.3
 Retention
and
Graduation
Rates
of
Full‐Time,
First‐Time
Bachelor’s




 Degree
seeking
Student
Population
(Native
American
Population)………..…..88


6.1
 Primary
Facilitators
of
American
Indian
Educational
Attainment
Sample



 Quotations…………………………………………………………………………………........……...90


7.1
 Primary
Barriers
to
American
Indian
Educational
Attainment




 Sample
Quotations………………………………………………………………………………...108
 CHAPTER
ONE


Introduction


Plains
State
University
(PSU)
is
a
predominantly
White
institution
in
a
state


with
a
significant
and
growing
American
Indian
population.
PSU
offers
a
diversity
of


programs
aimed
at
helping
American
Indians
succeed
in
college.
However,
the


mechanisms
that
impact
the
efficacy
of
these
programs
are
not
well
understood.


This
study
explores
facilitators
and
barriers
to
educational
attainment
for
American


Indian
students
at
PSU.


This
study
seeks
to
determine
what
factors
combine
to
enhance
academic


attainment
in
higher
education
among
American
Indian
students;
and
conversely,


what
factors
work
as
barriers
to
academic
attainment.
This
study
explores
the


factors
that
contribute
to
educational
attainment
among
American
Indian
students


at
a
predominantly
White
university
in
a
Midwestern
plains
state.


Throughout
the
history
of
contact
between
European
colonizers
and
the


indigenous
peoples
of
North
America,
Indian
education
had
as
its
primary
goal
the


reshaping
of
the
Indian
into
the
mold
of
the
European
man
(Meriam
1928;
Collier


1947;
Berkhofer
1978).



 
 
 
Berry
(1969)
illustrates
the
failure
of
America’s
long
history
of
failing
to


educate
the
Indian
into
the
White
man’s
image.
Berry
attributes
this
failure
to
the


history
of
relations
between
the
dominant
society
and
tribal
groups
regarding


academic
achievement.
Berry
points
out
that
nearly
every
conceivable
barrier
to


 2


educational
success
was
at
work
regarding
the
educational
experience
of
the


American
Indian
student.



 In
the
book
Native
American
Higher
Education
in
the
United
States,
Carney


(1999:147)
lists
several
problems
that
are
manifest
at
the
individual
level
that
act
as


obstacles
to
success
in
higher
education.
These
include:
a
persistently
high
dropout


rate
during
or
before
high
school
(Tierney
1992);
a
low
proportion
of
high
school


graduates
entering
college
(Belgarde
1992);
a
strong
sense
of
isolation
and
of


insurmountable
cultural
barriers
(Richardson
and
Skinner,
1991);
a
general
lack
of


academic
preparation
and
skills,
a
lack
of
role
models,
financial
problems,
negative


cultural
pressure
(Guyette
and
Heth
1983);
culture
shock,
lack
of
motivation,


English
deficiency,
unrealistic
career
goals,
distrust
of
the
institution,
and
a
general


lack
of
support,
socialization
and
counseling,
(McIntosh
1987;
Wright
and
Tierney


1991).



 According
to
Huffman
(1999)
students
who
are
less
assimilated
to
the


mainstream
culture
will
experience
more
culture
shock
upon
arrival
at
college
and


will
be
more
likely
to
drop
out
and
return
home
without
some
support
or
services


designed
to
facilitate
the
transition
from
the
familiar,
more
traditional
environment


to
the
mainstream
college
environment.
Association
with
culturally
similar
peers


helps
soften
the
harsh
effects
of
culture
shock
and
smooth
the
transition.



 In
the
book,
The
Great
Good
Place
(1989),
Oldenburg
makes
a
strong
case
for


what
he
terms
‘the
third
place’
as
a
place
where
informal
public
association
serves

 
 3


to
facilitate
a
sense
of
community
well
being
and
solidarity
based
on
shared
values


and
common
life
experience
at
the
local
community
level.



 
Garrod
and
Larimore
(1997)
compiled
narratives
from
American
Indian


students
at
Dartmouth
and
found
that
the
group
known
as
“The
Native
Americans
at


Dartmouth”
provided
a
chance
for
support
and
solidarity
for
Native
students
in
the


foreign
world
of
an
Ivy
League
campus
in
the
Northeastern
United
States.
Many


contributors
cited
the
formation
of
such
a
reference
group
as
the
primary
factor
in


their
college
success.
The
Native
American
House
at
Dartmouth
provided
a
safe


place
for
the
formation
of
the
reference
group.


Given
the
continuing
disparity
between
graduation
rates
of
American
Indian


and
non‐Indian
students
(Pavel,
Skinner,
Farris,
Calahan,
Tippeconnic
and
Stein


1998;
DeVoe,
Darling‐Churchill
and
Snyder
2008),
this
study
has
wide
ranging


implications
for
the
implementation
of
culturally
relevant
programs,
policies
and


curricula
focused
on
increasing
retention
and
graduation
rates
for
American
Indian


students
in
higher
education.




 
 
 Several
studies
show
a
disproportionate
graduation
rate
between
Native


American
students
and
non‐Indian
students
at
both
the
secondary
and
post‐

secondary
levels.
Native
American
students
are
consistently
shown
to
be
more
likely


to
drop
out
before
the
completion
of
high
school.
Several
reasons
for
the
disparity


include
alienation,
feeling
of
powerlessness
and
inferiority
estrangement,


depression,
and
lack
of
support,
sufficient
help
to
succeed
and
lack
of
success


experiences
(Wax
1967;
Berry
1969;
Falk
and
Aitken
1984;
Lin,
LaCounte
and
Eder

 
 4


1988;
Gilliland
1988).
Academic
difficulties
and
nonpersistence
of
Native
Americans


in
college
are
similarly
well
documented
(Steward
1993;
Pavel
et.
al.
1998;
DeVoe,


Darling‐Churchill
and
Snyder
2008).
At
the
college
level,
despite
evidence
of


academic
ability,
dropout
rates
are
higher
for
Native
Americans
than
for
any
other


minority
(Reddy
1993;
DeVoe
et
al.
2008).
Native
Americans
are
also


underrepresented
in
graduate
programs
(LaFromboise
and
Low
1989;
Pavel
1998).


Native
Americans
consistently
have
lower
educational
attainment
than
other
ethnic


minorities
(Lin,
LaCounte
and
Eder
1988;
DeVoe,
Darling‐Churchill
and
Snyder


2008).




 
 
 What
factors
might
account
for
academic
success
among
American
Indian


students
at
PSU?
Existing
programs
such
as
2+2+2
(Nichols
and
Nichols,
1998),
Trio,


Upward
Bound
and
Success
Academy
(Lee
2006)
and
the
Native
American
Club
at


PSU
are
believed
to
facilitate
successful
transition
for
students
into
the
mainstream


university.



 The
critical
theoretical
tradition
provides
the
conceptual
framework
for
the


study.
Works
relating
to
critical
education
theory
and
critical
race
theory
are


identified
as
particularly
salient
for
this
examination
of
retention
and
graduation
of


American
Indian
students
from
Plains
State
University.




 The
critical
school
of
sociological
theory,
commonly
referred
to
as
the


Frankfurt
School,
developed
in
the
early
1900s
out
of
the
Marxian
perspective.
At
its


core,
critical
theory
develops
a
mode
of
inquiry
that
goes
beyond
surface
illusions
to


uncover
real
structures
in
the
material
world
(Neuman
2000).
Critical
theorists
hold


 5


that
facts
cannot
be
separated
from
the
effect
of
the
dominant
values
of
a
society


(Althusser
1969;
Bottomore
1984;
Neuman
2000).
Critical
theory
is
value
laden
and


emancipatory
in
that
it
seeks
to
liberate
human
existence
and
ameliorate
oppressive


social
conditions.



 Gramsci’s
(1932)
concept
of
hegemony
is
relevant
to
this
study.
Cultural


hegemony
is
a
social
condition
in
which
the
ruling
class
manipulates
cultural


symbols
in
such
a
way
that
leads
other
classes
or
cultural
groups
to
effectively


contribute
to
their
own
subordination
(Gramsci
1932).
This
form
of
domination


operates
through
vital
social
functions
in
social
institutions
such
as
education


(Friere
1974),
and
is
of
particular
interest
to
this
study
of
American
Indians
and


higher
education
at
PSU.



 This
study
employs
an
inductive
research
approach
to
explore
factors


influencing
secondary
educational
attainment
of
American
Indians.
In
keeping
with


the
critical
theoretical
tradition,
the
methods
of
qualitative
ethnography
provides


thick,
rich
description
from
the
insider’s
perspective.
The
concept
of
‘praxis’
as


introduced
by
Marx,
is
a
guiding
principle
in
the
design
and
implementation
of
this


study.
Praxis
has
as
its
goal
to
ameliorate
oppressive
social
conditions
through
the


application
of
pragmatic
action
that
is
based
in
theoretically
generated
ideas.
This


study
is
directed
at
enhancing
understanding
so
that
more
American
Indian


students
are
able
to
attain
their
higher
education
aspirations.
























 Data
collected
for
this
research
includes
focus
groups,
intensive
interviews,


informal
interviews,
field
observations,
participant
observation,
and
documentary


 6


data
analysis
including
quantitative
data
on
enrollment
and
retention
of
Native


American
students.
This
data
provides
useful
insight
for
an
enhanced
understanding


of
the
research
questions
that
follow.


Based
in
the
critical
theoretical
tradition,
this
project
investigates
the


following
research
questions:



 
 1.
What
factors
facilitate
educational
attainment
for
American
Indian




 
 students?



 
 2.
What
factors
act
as
barriers
to
educational
attainment
for
American



 
 Indian
students?



 Based
on
a
review
of
the
literature,
this
research
includes
the
examination
of


issues
relating
to:


a. Support
programs

b. Financial
resources
 

c. Campus
environment

d. Family
relations

e. Pre‐college
academic
preparation

f. Faculty
expectations


g. Faculty,
staff
and
student
attitudes

h. Curriculum

i. Culturally
based
reference
group

j. Cultural
factors

k. The
3rd
place

l. Individual
(personal)
drive
toward
academic
attainment




 The
measure
of
educational
attainment
is
determined
through
comparative


rates
of
retention
and
graduation
for
American
Indian
students
and
all
other


students
at
PSU.



 7



 In
the
interest
of
protecting
confidentiality
the
name
of
the
university
has


been
changed
to
Plains
State
University
(PSU).
The
state
in
which
it
is
located
shall


be
called
Prairie
State
and
the
city
in
which
it
is
located
shall
be
known
as
Railtown.


All
other
communities
mentioned
throughout
have
also
been
renamed
in
order
to


safeguard
the
identity
of
those
who
speak
of
those
places
in
a
way
that
links


themselves
and
their
history
to
those
places.




 Students,
administrators
and
faculty
at
Plains
State
University
provided
the


multiple
voices
and
viewpoints
contributing
to
this
study.




 In
February
of
1881
the
Territorial
Legislature
granted
120,000
acres
in


Prairie
State
for
the
establishment
of
an
‘Agriculture
College’.
In
1889,
congress


granted
an
additional
40,000
acres
for
the
future
PSU.
By1923,
instructional


programs
were
organized
into
five
divisions
including:
Agriculture,
Engineering,


General
Science,
Home
Economics,
and
Pharmacy.

The
future
PSU
was
beginning
to


take
shape.




 
According
to
the
PSU
Office
of
Institutional
Research,
for
the
fall
semester
of


2009,
total
student
enrollment
was
12,
376.
After
excluding
824
students
of


unknown
ethnic
origin
and
those
refusing
to
provide
information,
8.4
percent
of
the


total
student
population
was
listed
as
minority
students.
American
Indian
students


enrolled
at
PSU
comprise
the
second
largest
of
minority
groups
and
were
2.1


percent
of
all
students
enrolled.
The
only
minority
group
larger
is
Asian/Pacific


Islanders
at
3
percent,
the
majority
of
which
are
international
graduate


student/research
assistants.
In
what
can
only
be
described
as
an
overwhelmingly


 8


White,
mainstream
university,
2.1
percent
is
disproportionate
when
taking
into


account
the
total
Native
American
population
in
Prairie
State,
which
is
commonly


cited
as
between
eight
and
nine
percent,
according
to
the
U.S.
Census
Bureau.




 
Given
the
continuing
disparity
between
graduation
rates
of
American
Indian


and
non‐Indian
students

(Pavel
et
al.,
1998;
DeVoe,
Darling‐Churchill
and
Snyder


2008),
the
implications
of
this
study
may
have
wide
ranging
applications
for
the


implementation
of
culturally
relevant
programs,
policies
and
curricula
focused
on


increasing
retention
and
graduation
rates
for
American
Indian
students
in
higher


education.
Toward
this
end,
I
plan
to
organize
and
execute
seminars
at
PSU
for
all


stakeholders
interested
in
the
findings
of
this
research
and
how
these
findings
can


be
implemented
to
enhance
the
understanding
of
factors
that
combine
to
hinder
or


facilitate
retention
and
graduation
of
American
Indian
students
at
Prairie
State’s


largest
mainstream
university.
In
keeping
with
the
critical
perspective
of
this


research,
it
is
hoped
that
increased
understanding
of
such
factors
will
lead
to
policy


changes
that
greatly
increase
the
chances
for
educational
attainment
for
Native


students.



Throughout
the
conceptualization,
design
and
implementation
of
this


research,
I
have
sought
to
provide
a
medium
for
the
delivery
of
the
voices
of
all


those
administrators,
faculty,
support
staff
and
students
who
are
the
stakeholders
in


academic
attainment
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
Of
primary
significance


are
the
students
themselves
who
were
eager
to
be
heard
and
who
remain
hopeful


for
positive
social
change
leading
to
empowerment
and
academic
success.
It
has


 9


been
my
goal
to
provide
a
detailed
picture
of
the
college
experience
at
PSU
through


the
eyes
of
the
Native
American
student.



There
are
realistic
limitations
of
such
an
endeavor.
Among
those
limitations,


it
must
be
noted
that
this
research
spanned
only
one
year
in
the
lives
of
those
who


participated
and
in
the
history
of
the
institution
itself.
As
such,
it
is
only
a
brief


snapshot
in
time.
During
the
course
of
that
year,
many
positive
changes
have


already
come
to
life.
Most
notably
among
those
changes
is
the
commitment
by
the


university
administration
for
the
creation
of
an
American
Indian
Education
and


Cultural
Center
scheduled
to
open
during
the
fall
semester
of
2010.

Also
of


significance
is
the
planning
and
development
of
an
enhanced
curriculum
in
the
form


of
the
American
Indian
Studies
major
to
accompany
the
current
minor
in
that
field


of
study.



While
the
long
history
of
barriers
to
educational
attainment
for
American


Indian
students
at
PSU
is
formidable,
it
is
of
considerable
significance
and
cause
for


renewed
hope
that
PSU
is
moving
in
a
positive
direction.


In
the
chapters
that
follow,
relevant
literature
and
theoretical
perspectives


are
presented.

Methods
are
discussed
and
qualitative
and
quantitative
findings
are


presented.
The
dissertation
concludes
with
a
discussion
of
these
findings,


conclusions,
and
recommendations.





 10


CHAPTER
TWO



Literature
Review



 Plains
State
University
is
a
predominantly
White
institution
in
a
state
with
a


significant
and
growing
American
Indian
population.
PSU
offers
a
diversity
of


programs
aimed
at
helping
American
Indians
succeed
in
college.
However,
the


mechanisms
that
impact
the
efficacy
of
these
programs
are
not
well
understood.




 In
order
to
gain
an
improved
understanding
of
mechanisms
that
impact


American
Indian
post
secondary
educational
attainment,
this
literature
review
will


examine
a
history
of
American
Indian
education
from
its
earliest
inception
up
to
the


current
status
of
American
Indian
higher
education.
In
addition,
common
barriers
to


educational
attainment
for
Native
American
students
and
specific
strategies
that


have
proven
successful
for
overcoming
these
challenges
will
be
explored.
Previous


research
investigating
the
link
between
ethnic
identity,
empowerment
and


educational
attainment,
along
with
the
role
of
a
shared
space
for
American
Indian


students
in
predominantly
White
institutions
of
higher
education
is
discussed.


A
Brief
History
of
American
Indian
Education


Early
American
Indian
Education



 Prior
to
European
colonization
of
the
Americas,
tribal
nations
had
diverse


systems
of
education
that
were
designed
to
teach
youth,
according
to
the
tribes’


specific
cultures,
the
skills
necessary
for
survival
in
their
environments
(Zinn
1980).


 11


This
system
of
Native
education
was
accomplished
primarily
through
informal


observation
and
interaction
with
parents,
relatives,
elders
and
religious
and
social


groups
(Pewewardy
2002).



 Throughout
the
history
of
contact
between
European
colonizers
and
the


indigenous
peoples
of
North
America,
Indian
education
had
as
its
primary
goal
to


reshape
the
Indian
into
the
mold
of
the
European
man
(Meriam
1928;
Collier
1947;


Berkhofer
1978).

European
values
such
as
competition,
individual
achievement
and


the
accumulation
of
wealth
were
commonly
seen
as
more
civilized
than
were
the


values
of
cooperation,
communalism
and
a
harmony
with
the
Earth,
which
were


more
common
to
the
traditional
beliefs
of
many
American
Indian
tribes
(Eastman


1902;
Standing
Bear
1928;
Neihardt
1932;
Brown
1953).
The
spiritual
life
of
Native


Americans
was
seen
by
many
Europeans
as
heathen
and
was
supplanted
by


Christianity
as
the
pathway
to
civilization
(Berkhofer
1978;
McBeth
1983;
Oppelt


1990;
Deloria
Jr.
1994;
Boyer
1997;
Calloway
1999).
In
order
to
achieve
this
goal,


colonizers
supposed
the
identity
of
the
American
Indian
would
have
to
be


deconstructed
and
reconstructed
in
the
image
of
the
White
man
(Berkhofer
1978;


Bordewich
1996;
Utter
2001).





 According
to
Pewewardy
(1998:8),
American
Indian
populations
were
not


defeated
by
military
force
or
pandemic
disease
introduced
by
Europeans
but
rather


by
“politically
structuring
educational
institutions
for
American
Indian/Alaska


Native
students
to
mold
a
colonial
ethos.”
Citing
Williams
(2000),
Pewewardy


(2002)
continues:


 12


Since
its
invasion
of
America,
White
society
has
sought
to
justify
through
law

and
legal
discourse
its
privileges
of
aggression
against
Indian
people
by

stressing
tribalism’s
incompatibility
with
the
superior
values
and
norms
of

White
civilization
(Williams
2000:103).




 
 Oppelt
(1990)
details
the
history
of
Indian
education
from
the
missionary


schools
of
the
colonial
times
through
the
federal
government’s
tenure
with


education
policy.
This
history
includes
the
major
motivations
of
those
proponents
of


Indian
education.
Among
these
motives
are
the
early
intentions,
in
colonial
times,
to


civilize
the
Indian
through
Christianization.
By
the
mid‐nineteenth
century,
the


federal
government’s
education
policy
was
to
remodel
the
American
Indian
into
the


Euro‐American
image
(Hertzberg
1971;
Berkhofer
1978;
Utter
2001).

Richard


Henry
Pratt
implemented
this
policy
when,
in
1879,
he
opened
the
first
federal


boarding
school
in
Carlisle,
Pennsylvania.
Pratt
summarized
his
goal
of
complete


assimilation
in
his
often
quoted
motto;
“Kill
the
Indian
and
save
the
man”
(Utter


2001).

This
was
to
be
accomplished
by
teaching
the
Indian
the
value
of
land


ownership
and
stewardship.
The
goal
was
to
eradicate
the
culture
of
the
indigenous


people
through
the
process
of
assimilation
and
acculturation,
thus
blending
the


Indian
into
the
Euro‐centric
mainstream.
This
would
be
accomplished
by
removing


children
from
their
homes
and
placing
them
in
boarding
schools
away
from
their


parents
and
extended
family
(Hertzberg
1971;
McBeth
1983;
Utter
2001).
In
this


way,
family
structure
would
disintegrate
and
Native
cultures
would
fade
away
as


Euro‐American
norms
and
values
and
the
learning
of
a
vocational
trade
replaced
it


(Hertzberg
1971:16;
McBeth
1983;
Calloway
1999:359).


 13



 
 Oppelt
(1990)
chronicled
the
historical
antecedents
of
contemporary


American
Indian
higher
education.
In
particular,
he
describes
two
prominent


periods
in
Indian
education.
Oppelt
first
describes
the
‘Missionary
Period’
from


approximately
1568‐1870,
which
was
characterized
by
early
European
efforts
to


religiously
convert
the
Native
people
of
North
America.
The
first
school
for


American
Indians,
founded
in
1568
by
the
Jesuits,
the
efforts
of
John
Eliot,
known
as


‘Apostle
to
the
Indians’,
Harvard
University’s
early
objective
to
educate
American


Indians
and
Eleazar
Wheelock’s
Dartmouth
School
for
Indians
are
among
the
many


examples
of
early
attempts
to
educate
the
Indian
in
the
‘White
Man’s
Image’


(Berkhofer
1978).
Oppelt
points
out
that
resistance
by
the
various
tribes
and
their


attempts
to
establish
their
own
school
systems
were
negated
by
policies
aimed
at


making
American
Indians
into
docile
Christians
who
acted
in
ways
congruent
with


the
White
European
goals.



 


Oppelt’s
(1990)
second
period
is
the
‘Federal
Period’,
which
was
from
1870


to
1968.
This
period
was
characterized
by
off‐reservation
federal
boarding
schools


that
were
organized
around
the
primary
goal
of
assimilating
the
American
Indian


into
the
Euro‐American
mainstream
society.
Curricula
at
these
boarding
schools


were
centered
around
manual
arts
and
vocational
trades
while
heavy
focus
was


directed
at
eradicating
all
aspects
of
Native
culture
including
language,
ceremonial


ritual
and
even
family
and
kinship
ties.
With
the
distractions
provided
by
World


War
I
and
World
War
II,
along
with
the
continued
protests
of
tribal
leaders
and
non‐

Indians,
criticism
started
to
mount
against
the
boarding
school
system.
“Much
of
this


 14


criticism
is
justified:
the
involuntary
removal
of
children
from
their
parents
and
the


brutal
treatment
of
students
rightfully
embittered
some
Indians
against
all
types
of


‘White
man’s
education’”
(Oppelt
1990:
20).


Rethinking
the
Goals
and
Methods
of
American
Indian
Education



 
 In
1928
the
U.S.
government
published
a
report
generally
known
as
the


Meriam
Report
named
for
its
lead
researcher
and
organizer
Lewis
Meriam.
The


report,
requested
by
the
Secretary
of
the
Interior,
was
the
result
of
a
survey
of
the


economic
and
social
conditions
of
American
Indians
up
to
and
during
the
1920s.


Researchers
covered
95
different
jurisdictions,
including
reservations,
Indian


agencies,
hospitals,
schools
and
communities
where
American
Indians
had
migrated.


The
report
is
large
because
of
the
diversity
found
among
American
Indian
tribes.


The
report
is
organized
into
the
following
sections:
1)
a
general
policy
for
Indian


Affairs,
2)
health,
3)
education,
4)
general
economic
conditions,
5)
family
and


community
life,
including
the
activities
of
women,
6)
migrated
Indians,
7)
legal


aspects
of
the
Indian
problem
and
8)
missionary
activities
among
Indians.
Relevant


to
this
study
is
the
section
on
Indian
education.
Meriam
researchers
found
the
state


of
Indian
education
to
be
inadequate
and
ineffective.
The
history
of
mission
schools,


federal
boarding
schools
and
then
local
reservation
day
schools
all
left
much
to
be


desired
in
the
education
of
American
Indian
youth,
according
Meriam
(1928).


Particularly
detrimental
to
the
education
of
the
Indian
child
was
his
or
her
removal


 15


from
the
family,
in
order
to
eradicate
traditional
culture
and
replace
it
with
that
of


the
dominant
mainstream
society.
The
Meriam
report
quotes
Dean
James
E.
Russell:


However
important
may
be
the
contribution
of
the
schools…the
atmosphere

and
conditions
of
the
home
are,
especially
in
the
early
days
of
the
child’s
life,

the
primary
determinate
in
the
development
of
the
child,
and,
since
it
is
the

parents
who
determine
these
conditions
and
create
that
atmosphere,
it
is

they
who
are
of
necessity
the
most
important
educational
factors
in
the
lives

of
their
children
(P.349).




 
 Another
Meriam
passage
is
particularly
poignant:


Moreover,
it
is
essential
for
those
in
charge
of
education
for
the
Indian
to

remember
that
the
Indian’s
attitudes
towards
society
have
been
determined

largely
by
his
experiences,
and
that
these
can,
wherever
necessary,
be

changed
to
desirable
social
attitudes
by
exposing
to
a
corresponding
set
of

right
experiences
in
the
relationships
of
home,
family
and
community
life.

(P.354)




 
 The
Meriam
Report
(1928)
marked
the
beginning
of
the
reformulation
of


ideas
concerning
the
education
of
the
American
Indian.
This
approach
was
centered


on
a
valuation
of
Native
culture
and
its
incorporation
into
education.



The
Tribal
College
Movement



 
 Oppelt
(1990)
and
Boyer
(1997)
describe
the
development
of
the
Tribal


College
movement
as
an
educational
manifestation
of
self‐determination
for


American
Indians.
Tribal
colleges
have
led
to
the
greatest
gains
for
American
Indian


higher
education
to
date
(Oppelt
1990).




 
 In
1968
the
first
tribal
college
was
formed
by
the
Navajo
nation.
This
was
the


beginning
of
the
movement
toward
the
development
of
a
national
network
of


tribally
controlled
colleges
where
higher
education
was
made
available
on
a
more


 16


localized
basis
that
allowed
Native
Americans
access
to
education
opportunities


which
were
previously
unattainable.
Most
of
the
first
students
to
take
advantage
of


these
new
educational
opportunities
were
females.
They
were,
on
average,
older


than
traditional
college
aged
students.
Many
were
mothers
looking
for
a
pathway
to


a
better
life
for
themselves
and
their
children
(Oppelt
1990).




 

 Oppelt
(1990)
lists
three
major
factors
underlying
the
development
of


tribally‐controlled
colleges
in
the
late
1970s.
These
are:
1)
Non‐Indian
institutions


of
higher
education
proved
inadequate
in
meeting
the
unique
educational
needs
of


the
culturally
diverse
groups
of
reservation
Indians;
2)
The
concept
of
self‐

determination
encouraged
Indians
to
take
control
of
the
development
of
their
own


higher
education
institutions;
3)
The
need
for
training
and
education
on


reservations
to
develop
natural
and
human
resources
had
become
more
evident
to


American
Indian
leaders.




 

 Oppelt
closes
with
observations
pointing
to
the
need
for
a
link
between


education
and
the
hope
for
employment
opportunities
for
American
Indians.
Among


these
observations
is
the
need
for
government
funding
for
tribal
colleges.




 
 Boyer
(1997)
also
describes
the
Tribal
College
Movement
and
its
impact
on


the
educational
and
social
opportunities
for
Americans
Indians
through
higher


education.
The
core
concept
upon
which
tribal
colleges
are
built
is
the
notion
of


providing
a
culturally
relevant
curriculum
that
is
made
accessible
to
tribal
members


who
may
not
otherwise
have
access
to
higher
education.
Boyer
includes
a


description
of
the
state
of
being
of
the
27,
(at
that
time,
in
2010
there
are
37)


 17


tribally
controlled
colleges
and
the
challenges
faced
by
them.
The
most
significant
of


these
challenges
were:
lack
of
funding,
the
tenuous
relationship
between
the
federal


government
and
tribal
colleges,
in
terms
of
financial
and
more
general
support
and


the
sovereign
status
of
tribal
governments
in
relation
to
tribal
colleges
(Boyer


1997).


The
Current
State
of
American
Indian
Higher
Education



 
 DeVoe,
Darling‐Churchill
and
Snyder
(2008)
provide
a
comprehensive


overview
of
the
status
of
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives
in
Postsecondary


Education
in,
Status
and
Trends
in
the
Education
of
American
Indians
and
Alaska


Natives:
2008.
Findings
most
relevant
to
this
research
are
highlighted
below.


Demographic
Overview



 In
2006
there
were
4.5
million
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives
in
the


United
States
representing
1.5
percent
of
the
total
U.S.
population.
In
2006
almost


half,
(49
percent)
were
residents
in
western
states.
In
2003,
there
were
more
than


560
federally
recognized
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
tribes.
The
largest
are


Cherokee
and
Navajo.

Since
1990,
the
median
age
of
American
Indian
Alaska


Natives,
including
those
of
Hispanic
ethnicity,
increased
by
five
years,
from
26
to
31.



In
2006,
the
median
age
for
the
general
population
was
36
years.
In
2006,
27


percent
of
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
individuals
lived
in
poverty
compared
to


13
percent
of
the
general
population.
At
36
percent,
the
American
Indian/Alaska


 18


Native
poverty
rate
was
higher
among
families
on
reservations
than
among
families


in
other
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
areas
(DeVoe
et
al.
2008:iii).


Postsecondary
Education




 
 The
number
of
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
students
enrolled
in
colleges


and
universities
has
more
than
doubled
in
the
past
30
years
(DeVoe
et
al.
2008:v).
In


2006,
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives
accounted
for
1
percent
of
total
enrollment


in
colleges
and
universities.
Of
all
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
students
enrolled


in
public
and
private
degree
granting
institutions
in
2006,
more
than
half
were


enrolled
in
4‐year
institutions.
This
is
in
contrast
to
the
years
between
1976
and


1994
when
more
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives
were
enrolled
in
2‐year


postsecondary
institutions
than
in
4‐year
postsecondary
institutions.
In
2006,
a


smaller
percentage
of
American
Indians/
Alaska
Natives
between
the
ages
of
18
and


24
were
enrolled
in
colleges
or
universities
when
compared
to
other
ethnic
groups


(p.
126).
Twenty
six
percent
of
American
Indians
18‐24
years
old
were
enrolled


compared
to
41
percent
of
Whites,
33
percent
of
Blacks,
27
percent
of
Hispanics
and


58
percent
of
Asians
(p.
127).
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives
comprised
1.1


percent
of
the
total
college
and
university
enrollment
in
2006
representing
an


increase
from
0.7
percent
in
1976
(p.
126).
Between
1976
and
2006,
college
and


university
enrollment
of
American
Indian
and
Alaska
Native
males
and
females


grew
at
different
rates.
In
1976,
38,500
American
Indian
males
and
37,600American


Indian/Alaska
Native
females
were
enrolled
in
degree
granting
colleges
and


 19


universities.
By
1978,
the
number
of
females
exceeded
that
of
males
enrolled.
In


2006,
111,000
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
females
(61
percent)
and
71,200


males
(39
percent)
were
enrolled
in
colleges
and
universities
(p.
128).
The
only


racial/ethnic
group
to
have
a
wider
percentage
spread
between
males
and
females


enrolled
in
college
or
university
is
Black
students
for
whom
the
ratio
is
65
percent


female
to
35
percent
male
enrolled
students
(p.
128).



 
 In
2006,
there
were
32
tribally‐controlled
colleges
and
universities,
located


in
12
states
across
the
west
and
Midwest
with
one
located
in
Alaska.

Tribally‐

controlled
colleges
and
universities
are
designed
to
foster
environments
focused
on


American
Indian
culture
in
order
to
preserve,
enhance,
and
promote
American


Indian
languages
and
traditions
(DeVoe
2008:130).
Students
at
these
institutions


are
generally
older
than
24
years
of
age
(p.130).
Total
enrollment
in
tribally


controlled
colleges
and
universities
increased
by
23
percent,
from
14,000
in
fall


2001,
to
17,300
in
fall
2006
(p.
130).
American
Indians/Alaska
Native
students


numbered
13,600
in
tribally
controlled
colleges
and
universities,
representing
79


percent
of
total
enrollment,
were
(DeVoe
2008:130).
Eight
percent
of
all
American


Indian
students
were
enrolled
in
tribal
colleges
or
universities.
Between
2001
and


2006,
enrollment
of
Native
students
in
tribal
colleges
or
universities
increased
at
a


faster
rate
(17
percent)
than
did
enrollment
of
Native
students
generally
(15


percent)
(DeVoe
et
al.
2008
:130).



 
 In
the
2003‐04
school
year,
82
percent
of
American
Indian/Alaska
Native


students
enrolled
full‐time,
full‐year
in
undergraduate
degree
programs
received


 20


financial
aid
(p.
132).
During
this
time,
the
only
group
with
a
higher
percentage
of


financial
aid
recipients
was
Black
students
at
89
percent.
This
is
compared
to
White


students
at
74
percent,
Asian/Pacific
Islanders
at
66
percent,
and
Hispanics
at
81


percent
(p.
132).


According
to
DeVoe
et
al.
(2008:134),
between
1976‐77
and
2005‐06,
the


number
of
degrees
awarded
by
colleges
and
universities
to
American


Indians/Alaska
Natives
more
than
doubled
for
each
level
of
degree
(DeVoe


2008:134).
In
1976‐77,
2,500
associate’s
degrees
were
conferred
on
American


Indians.
That
number
steadily
increased
to
5,600
by
1995‐96
(p.
134).
The
number


of
associate’s
degrees
earned
by
Native
students
in
2005‐06
reached
8,600.
This


represents
an
increase
of
53
percent
between
1995‐96
and
2005‐06.
The
number
of


associate’s
degrees
for
all
students
rose
only
28
percent
by
comparison
(p.
134).


This
same
pattern
was
also
apparent
in
the
number
of
bachelor’s
degrees
earned
by


Native
students.
In
1976‐77
around
3,300
bachelor’s
degrees
were
awarded
to


American
Indian/Alaska
Native
students;
by
1995‐96
that
number
increased
to


7,000,
and
to
11,000
in
2005‐06
(p.
134).
This
represents
an
increase
of
57
percent


compared
to
28
percent
for
the
total
population
between
1995‐96
and
2005‐06


(p.134).
The
number
of
post‐baccalaureate
degrees
awarded
to
American


Indian/Alaska
Natives
also
increased
between
1976‐77
and
2005‐06
from
970
to


3500
for
master’s
degrees,
from
100
to
230
for
doctoral
degrees
and
from
200
to


710
for
first
professional
degrees
(DeVoe
et
al.
2008:134).


 21



 
 While
a
greater
percentage
of
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
students


earned
their
bachelors
degrees
in
business
than
in
other
fields
in
the
2005‐06


school
year,
the
percentage
that
earned
their
degrees
in
business
(19
percent)
was


smaller
than
that
of
all
students
(21
percent).
In
2005‐06,
52
percent
of
master’s


degrees
awarded
to
American
Indian/Alaska
Natives
were
in
the
fields
of
education


and
business.
Forty‐eight
percent
of
doctoral
degrees
awarded
to
American


Indians/Alaska
Natives
were
in
the
fields
of
education,
psychology
and
social


sciences
and
history.


Social
and
Economic
Outcomes
of
Higher
Education



 
 In
2007,
44
percent
of
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives
age
25
or
older
had


attended
some
college
or
completed
an
undergraduate
or
graduate
degree.


Approximately
36
percent
of
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives
had
completed
high


school
without
continuing
on
to
a
postsecondary
institution,
and
20
percent
had
not


finished
high
school
(p.
148).
A
higher
percent
of
American
Indian/Alaska
Natives


did
not
finish
high
school
when
compared
to
Whites
(9
percent),
Asians
(12


percent)
and
Native
Hawaiians/Pacific
Islanders
(11
percent)
only
Hispanics
had
a


higher
percentage
that
did
not
finish
high
school
at
40
percent
(p.
148).




 
 A
higher
percent
of
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives,
16
and
over
were


unemployed
in
2007
(12
percent)
compared
to
percentages
of
Whites
(4
percent),


Hispanics
(6
percent)
and
Asian
Pacific
slanders
(3
percent)
(DeVoe
et
al.
2008).


But,
in
2007,
the
unemployment
rates
were
lower
for
American
Indian/Alaska


 22


Natives
with
higher
levels
of
education
(p.
148).
Specifically,
only
2
percent
of


American
Indians
with
a
bachelor’s
degree
or
higher
were
unemployed,
compared


to
12
percent
of
high
school
graduates
and
29
percent
of
those
who
did
not


complete
high
school
(p.
148).
In
2006,
the
median
annual
income
for
25‐34
year


olds
in
the
general
U.S.
population,
who
were
employed
full‐year,
full‐time,
was


$35,000.
For
25‐34
year
old
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives
the
median
annual


income
was
$27,000.
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
young
adults
with
a
bachelor’s


degree
earned
29
percent
more
annually
than
those
who
only
completed
high


school.




 
 In
summary
of
the
DeVoe
et
al.
(2008)
document,
dramatic
gains
are
evident


in
American
Indian
higher
education.
Enrollment
of
American
Indians
in
colleges


and
universities
has
more
than
doubled
over
thirty
years.
Enrollment
in
tribally‐

controlled
colleges
topped
17,000
in
2006;
over
82
percent
of
American
Indian
full


time
undergraduate
students
received
financial
aid;
the
number
of
every
level
of


degrees
conferred
upon
American
Indians
has
more
than
doubled
since
1976.
Still,


in
2006,
American
Indian
students
accounted
for
only
1
percent
of
total
college
and


university
enrollment.



 
 The
statistics
in
this
report
show
a
pattern
over
time
that
increasing


numbers
of
Native
Americans/Alaska
Natives
are
going
to
college
and
that
their


expectations
of
academic
attainment
have
also
increased.
Employment
and
salary


statistics
demonstrate
the
positive
value
and
impacts
that
increasing
levels
of
higher


education
are
having
on
American
Indian
communities.
Still,
despite
gains
made


 23


over
the
past
thirty
years,
progress
has
been
uneven.
There
still
exist
significant


differences
between
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
college
and
university
students


and
students
of
other
ethnic/racial
groups
on
the
key
indicators
of
educational


performance
reported
by
DeVoe
et
al.
(2008).



 
 Current
studies
on
the
state
of
American
Indian
higher
education
are


discussed
below
including
barriers
to
educational
attainment
and
strategies
for


overcoming
those
barriers.


Studies
on
American
Indian
Higher
Education




 
 Barriers
to
college
success
are
often
in
place
long
before
the
student
gets
to


the
college
or
university.
Factors
that
hinder
academic
success
for
American
Indian


students
are
often
in
place
throughout
the
students’
entire
academic
career.
Several


studies
show
a
disproportionate
graduation
rate
between
Native
American
students


and
non‐Indian
students
at
both
the
secondary
and
post‐secondary
levels
(Wax


1967;
Jackson,
Smith
and
Hill
2003).

Native
American
students
are
consistently


shown
to
be
more
likely
to
drop
out
before
the
completion
of
high
school
(Wax


1967;
Berry
1969;
DeVoe
et
al.
2008).
Reasons
for
this
disparity
include
alienation,


feelings
of
powerlessness
and
inferiority,
estrangement,
depression,
and
lack
of


support,
lack
of
sufficient
help
to
succeed
and
lack
of
success
experiences
(Wax


1967;
Berry
1969;
Falk
and
Aitken
1984;
Lin,
LaCounte
and
Eder
1988;
Gilliland


1988;
Jackson
et
al.
2003).



 24



 
 Academic
difficulties
and
nonpersistence
of
Native
Americans
in
college
are


similarly
well
documented
(Steward,
1993;
Pavel
et
al.,
1998;
DeVoe
et
al.
2008).
At


the
college
level,
despite
evidence
of
academic
ability,
dropout
rates
are
higher
for


Native
Americans
than
for
any
other
minority
(Reddy
1993;
DeVoe
et
al.
2008).


Native
Americans
are
also
underrepresented
in
graduate
programs
(LaFromboise


and
Low
1989;
Pavel
et
al.
1998;
DeVoe
et
al.
2008).
Native
Americans
consistently


have
lower
educational
attainment
than
other
ethnic
minorities
(Lin,
LaCounte
and


Eder
1988;
Pavel
et
al.
1998;
DeVoe
2008).


Barriers
to
American
Indians
in
Higher
Education



 
 
Berry
(1969)
discusses
the
long
history
of
America’s
failure
to
educate
the


Indian
into
the
‘White
man’s
image’.
Berry
covers
the
reasons
for
this
failure


through
the
history
of
relations
between
the
dominant
society
and
tribal
groups.


Among
current
problems
resulting
from
this
academic
history
are
age


appropriateness
for
grade
level,
and
the
high
drop
out
rate
for
Indian
students.


Berry
(1969)
suggests
the
relations
between
White
teachers
and
Indian
students


commonly
result
in
a
self‐fulfilling
prophecy
where
teachers
do
not
expect
students


to
achieve
and
the
students
do
not
expect
to
excel.
Berry
(1969)
points
out
that


nearly
every
conceivable
barrier
to
educational
achievement
is
at
work
regarding


the
educational
experience
of
the
American
Indian
student.
In
addition
to
those


listed
above,
other
roadblocks
to
educational
attainment
include
challenges
in
the


form
of
language
barriers,
cultural
barriers
and
cultural
deprivation,
lack
of
parent


 25


involvement,
culturally
insensitive
teacher
training
and
teacher
expectations


regarding
American
Indian
students
(Berry
1969).

Many
of
these
barriers
are


rooted
in
the
history
of
forced
assimilation
and
ongoing
attempts
to
destroy


indigenous
cultures
(Berry
1969).



 

 Many
of
the
barriers
to
college
success
for
American
Indian
students


originate
long
before
the
student
arrives
at
the
university.
Those
barriers
begin
in


elementary
school
and
continue
through
high
school
and
carry
over
into
the
college


experience.
Problems
identified
by
Wax,
Wax
and
Dumont
(1964)
involved


perceptions
and
misconceptions
on
the
part
of
non‐Indian
teachers
regarding
the


social
dynamics
of
the
Indian
culture.
Many
White
teachers
did
not
attempt
to


understand
the
value
of
the
Native
culture
but,
rather,
sought
to
teach
from
the


Euro‐centric
mainstream
cultural
base
of
values
and
norms.
The
perspective
of
the


teachers
was
that
the
ability
of
the
Indian
student
to
learn
was
limited.
As
such,
the


teachers
provided
instruction
at
what
they
thought
was
an
appropriate
level.
In
fact,


this
amounted
to
tracking
based
on
inaccurate
presumptions
(Wax,
et.
al
1964).




 
 Wright
and
Tierney
(1991)
describe
the
harsh
reality
of
Indian
education.


Among
these
realities
are:
most
native
students
come
from
economically
depressed


remote
areas
and
only
3
out
of
100
9th
graders
will
eventually
receive
a


baccalaureate
degree.
Those
four‐year
institutions
with
the
highest
Indian
student


population
are
in
economically
depressed
states;
and,
Tribal
colleges
receive


woefully
inadequate
funding.



 26



 
 Carney
(1999)
lists
several
problems
identified
by
researchers,
including


Tierney
(1992),
that
are
common
among
individual
American
Indian
students
and


that
act
as
obstacles
to
higher
education
attainment.
These
include:
a
persistently


high
dropout
rate
from
high
school;
a
low
proportion
of
American
Indian
high


school
graduates
continuing
on
to
college;
an
overwhelming
sense
of
isolation
and


alienation
resulting
from
insurmountable
cultural
barriers
while
at
college;
poor


academic
preparation
and
skills
before
entering
college;
a
lack
of
American
Indian


role
models
for
educational
success;
financial
problems;
disharmony
between


traditional
culture
and
that
of
the
mainstream
college
environment;
culture
shock


upon
arrival
at
college;
lack
of
motivation;
language
barriers;
unrealistic
or


unplanned
career
goals;
distrust
of
the
institution
as
one
whose
goal
is
assimilation


into
mainstream
culture;
lack
of
support
from
family;
inappropriate
socialization


into
college
environment;
and,
lack
of
counseling
or
counseling
from
the
dominant


Euro‐centric
perspective.



 According
to
Carney
(1999),
difficulties
experienced
by
Native
American


college
students
can
be
traced
to
cultural
causes
of
two
types.

Both
can
be
classified


as
types
of
cultural
discontinuity
(Wax,
Wax
and
Dumont
1964;
Huffman
1999).


First
is
the
generally
unsupportive
situation
in
which
Native
students
find


themselves
as
they
enter
a
mainstream
institution
of
higher
education.
Native


American
students,
particularly
those
from
rural
reservation
communities,
may


come
from
high
schools
that
are
poorly
funded
and
lack
the
support
systems
needed


to
make
an
effective
transition
from
the
local
community
high
school
to
the
college


 27


environment
where
the
milieu
is
based
on
traditional
Euro‐centric
norms
and


values.
These
values
including
competition
and
concern
for
self
over
group
welfare


may
be
in
conflict
with
the
common
values
in
contemporary
Native
families,
such
as


primary
concern
for
extended
family
and
community
over
individual


accomplishment,
competition
and
self
promotion.
Students
leaving
home
for
the


first
time
find
themselves
at
college
feeling
isolated,
alienated
and
wanting
to
return


home
to
the
familiar
environment
of
support
as
traditionally
provided
by
the


extended
family
and
local
community
(Garrod
and
Larimore
1997;
Carney
1999).


Such
culture
shock
can
be
traumatic.



 
The
second
cultural
discontinuity
consists
of
the
fundamental
cultural


differences
in
U.S.
mainstream
‘Euro‐American’
and
American
Indian
culture.
Native


American
students
may
find
themselves
in
a
formal
educational
environment
that
is


unfamiliar
and
uncomfortable
for
them.
This
conflict
is
the
direct
result
of


fundamental
differences
between
White
and
Native
culture.
The
American
Indian


student
who
adheres
to
the
traditional
cultural
beliefs
and
practices
sees
him
or


herself
as
connected
to
both
the
natural
physical
world
and
to
all
people
and


creatures
in
it.
This
holistic
frame
of
reference
is
in
opposition
to
the
fragmented


and
compartmentalized
frame
of
reference
that
characterizes
academic
knowledge


as
separate
and
distinct
disciplines.
It
is
also
incongruent
with
the
social
structure
of


the
academic
world
that
is
shaped
by
the
dominant
social
structure
itself
and
is


characterized
by
status
differentiation
and
hierarchical
relationships
(Tierney


1992).
The
necessity
for
the
American
Indian
student
to
function
in
this


 28


compartmentalized
academic
style
may
leave
the
Native
American
student
feeling
a


sense
of
incompleteness
and
inadequacy
(Carney
1999).




 
 Feagin
(1996),
reporting
on
the
college
experience
of
Black
students
at


predominantly
White
college
campuses,
states
that
prejudicial
attitudes
abound
on


White
campuses
among
White
students,
faculty
and
administrators.
If
racial


insensitivity
has,
in
fact,
been
institutionalized
on
mainstream
college
campuses
in


the
form
of
a
Euro‐centric
curriculum,
lack
of
interest
in
Black
students,
and
the


expectation
by
faculty
that
individual
Black
students
represent
the
entire
Black
race,


as
Feagin
(1996)
suggests,
the
same
may
hold
true
for
Native
American
students
on


majority
White,
mainstream
campuses.



 
 Despite
these
historical
failures
and
barriers
to
success
as
seen
in
the


literature,
DeVoe
et
al.
(2008)
demonstrate,
American
Indians
are
making
positive


gains
along
many
indicators
of
educational
attainment.
The
scholarly
understanding


of
‘what
works’
is
growing
and
is
discussed
below.


Factors
Leading
to
American
Indian
Success
in
Higher
Education



 There
are
many
factors
leading
to
success
in
college
for
Native
American


students.
According
to
Jackson,
Smith
and
Hill
(2003)
qualitative
interviews
with
15


successful
American
Indian
college
students
who
grew
up
on
reservations
identified


the
following
themes
related
to
their
persistence
in
college:
family
support,


structured
social
support,
faculty/staff
warmth,
exposure
to
college
and
vocations,


developing
independence
and
assertiveness,
reliance
on
spiritual
resources,
and

 
 29


overcoming
racism.
Factors
contributing
to
non‐persistence
included
the
culturally


relevant
theme
identified
as
the
nonlinear
college
path
that
interviewees
described


as
breaks
in
attendance,
for
various
periods,
before
degree
completion
or
attending


a
number
of
different
schools.
Interviewees
also
cited,
as
a
barrier
to
persistence,


cultural
discontinuity,
in
the
form
of
conflict
between
academic
success
as
defined


by
the
dominant
society
and
maintaining
traditional
cultural
ties
with
family
and


community
that
may
not
accept
the
student
as
a
college
graduate.
The
results


indicated
that
stable
mentoring
relationships
and
programmatic
support
are
two


factors
that
can
be
implemented
at
the
institutional
level
that
may
be
beneficial
in


helping
American
Indian
students
overcome
roadblocks
to
educational
attainment


(Jackson,
Smith
and
Hill
2003).



 
 In
a
review
of
literature
regarding
what
works
and
what
does
not
work
in


educating
American
Indians,
Demmert
(2001:38‐9)
lists
several
factors
identified
by


researchers
as
leading
to
success
for
American
Indians
in
college
those
factors
are:


1. Family
Support:
Family
support
and
encouragement
play
an
important
role,

 
 r


 and
are
predictors
of
student
success
in
college
(Brown
1993).




 
 2.

 Cultural
Identity:
The
maintenance
of
cultural
identity
and
traditions
was




 
 found
to
be
instrumental
in
the
success
of
Native
students
at
the

 



 
 postsecondary
level
(Huffman,
Sill
and
Brokenleg
1986).




 
 3.


Personal
determination
and
goal
setting:
Personal
determination
has




 
 been
shown
to
be
a
factor
leading
to
college
success
for
American
Indians




 
 (Kerbo
1981;
Wilson
1983;
Rindone
1988;
Davis
1992;
Barnhardt
1994).


 
 30
















4.
 Financial
support:
American
Indian
students
commonly
identified





 
 financial
support
as
an
important
factor
in
staying
in
college
(Wilson




 
 1983).


5.

 Academic
skills:
Good
academic
performance
prior
to
college
has
been



 linked
to
good
academic
performance
in
college
(Brown
1993).



 













6.
 Mentors
and
supportive
faculty:
Native
students
in
Alaska
reported



 accessibility,
approachability,
genuineness
and
caring
by
college
or



 university
faculty
as
necessary
for
learning
success
(Wilson
1997).





 













7.
 Bicultural
curriculum:

A
bicultural
postsecondary
curriculum



 incorporating
both
Euro‐American
and
traditional
Native
knowledge
was



 linked
to
significant
Native
student
retention
and
program
completion,



 exertion
of
leadership
and
closer
ties
with
community
and



 intergenerational
relationships
(Barnhardt
1994;
Ball
and
Pence
2001).

















8.

 Student
support
services
respectful
of
the
needs
and
interests
of



 culturally
diverse
students
are
seen
as
an
important
factors
leading
to



 success
(Barnhardt
1994).



 Prior
research
indicates
that
a
combination
of
factors
work
toward


increasing
retention
and
success
for
the
Native
college
student.
Among
these
factors,


family
support,
a
fundamental
foundation
in
the
education
basics,
motivation,
a


sense
of
self
based
on
ethnic
identity,
lack
of
language
barriers,
early
goal
setting


and
supportive
mentors
have
all
been
shown
to
be
influential
in
whether
a
Native


American
student
stays
in
college
and
succeeds
academically
(Demmert
2001).



 31


Specific
Strategies
for
Success
in
Higher
Education



 
 Wright
and
Tierney
(1991)
make
a
case
for
the
support
of
Indian
education


by
the
federal
government
and
society
in
general.
There
is
great
need
for
culturally


relevant
curricula
and
the
valuation
of
Native
culture
as
a
social
asset
rather
than
a


deficit.
Wax
et
al.
(1964)
and
Garrod
and
Larimore
(1997)
suggest
that
Native


students
and
their
families
place
great
value
on
education.
It
is
therefore
incumbent


upon
the
institutions
of
higher
education
to
break
from
the
historical
Euro‐centered


mold
and
provide
an
educational
experience
based
on
the
cultural
and
historical


social
characteristics
of
the
American
Indian
student.



 
 The
Tribal
college
movement
and
its
impact
on
the
educational
and
social


opportunities
for
Americans
Indians
through
higher
education
has
been
well


documented
(Oppelt
1990;
Stein
1992;
Boyer
1997;
Pavel
et
al.,
1998;
Fox
et
al.


2005;
DeVoe
et
al.
2008).
According
to
these
authors,
the
core
concept
on
which


tribal
colleges
are
built
is
the
notion
of
providing
a
culturally
relevant
curriculum


that
is
made
accessible
to
tribal
members
who
may
not
otherwise
have
access
to


higher
education.
These
concepts
could
be
beneficially
applied
to
mainstream


colleges
as
an
avenue
for
increased
retention
and
graduation.



 
 HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
(2002:3)
describe
a
program
developed
by


American
Indian
educators,
social
work
professionals
and
university
advisors
from


four
Montana
tribal
colleges
in
cooperation
with
the
University
of
Montana
that
they


have
called,
‘The
Family
Education
Model’
(FEM).
FEM
was
based
on
three


assumptions
relevant
to
American
Indian
students.
These
assumptions
are:
1)
Many


 32


students
and
their
families
need
college
to
act
as
their
liaison
with
existing
health


and
social
services
in
times
of
crisis;
2)
Tribal
colleges
must
facilitate
the
ability
of


family
members
to
support
their
student’s
efforts;
and
3)
Tribal
colleges
need
to


engage
family
members
in
the
life
of
the
college
community
through
building


partnerships
and
involving
them
in
social
and
cultural
activities.
The
benefits
of
the


FEM
are
explained
by
HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
(2002)
as
social
and
cultural


activities
such
as
dances,
socials,
sports
and
outdoor
activities
to
which
families,


spouses
and
children
are
regularly
invited
to
join.
Through
their
participation
in


these
activities,
the
family
members
develop
a
sense
of
belonging
to
the
campus


environment
and
are
no
longer
resentful
of
the
time
spent
on
campus
by
their


student
family
member.
According
to
HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
(2002:3)


“Establishing
and
maintaining
a
sense
of
‘family’
both
at
home
and
at
college


fortifies
American
Indian
students’
academic
persistence.”



 
 Guillory
and
Wolverton
(2008)
applied
the
Family
Education
Model
(FEM)
in


a
study
of
Native
American
students
at
predominantly
White
institutions
in


Washington,
Idaho
and
Montana.

American
Indian
students
in
the
study
identified


family
and
student
social
support
and
the
desire
to
give
back
to
their
community
as


important
persistence
factors.
Interestingly,
non‐Indian
administrators
at
the
same


institutions
identified
financial
assistance
as
the
most
important
factor
influencing


Native
American
student
persistence.




 
 These
researchers
suggest
a
“shift
away
from
dealing
with
Native
American


student
persistence
through
purely
monetary
means
and
toward
creating
ways
in


 33


which
Native
American
students
can
connect
with
both
the
university
and
their


home
communities”
(Guillory
and
Wolverton
2008:81).
They
suggest
collaborative


programs
with
tribes,
supporting
day
care,
and
bringing
higher
education
to
Native


American
communities
(Guillory
and
Wolverton
2008).



 Carney
(1999:
147)
suggests
solutions
to
the
problem
of
American
Indian


persistence
and
postsecondary
educational
attainment
as
numerous
as
the


problems
they
address.
Among
the
solutions
Carney
suggests
are:
expanded


recruitment
programs
that
include
students
and
their
families,
as
well
as
more
non‐

traditional
students
who
have
been
out
of
school
for
a
few
years;
more
elaborate


socialization
and
orientation
programs
designed
to
ease
the
transition
of
Native


students
into
a
mainstream
campus
environment;
increased
monitoring
of
progress


and
ongoing
support
for
Native
students;
and,
the
development
of
Native
American


faculty
and
job
experience
by
Native
students
that
would
prepare
them
for


employment
beyond
the
college
experience.
In
all
cases,
there
is
the
need
for


increased
funding
to
support
programs
(Carney
1999).

However,
before
funding


can
be
realized
as
the
primary
consideration,
there
needs
to
be
an
awareness
of
the


needs
of
Native
students
and
a
willingness
by
those
in
positions
of
authority
to
take


action
on
behalf
of
those
students
(Boyer
1997).




 
 Fox,
Lowe
and
McClellan
(2005)
compiled
a
list
of
recommendations
for


college
administrators
to
meet
the
needs
of
American
Indian
students.
These


recommendations
are
of
particular
value
as
they
come
directly
from
American


Indian
educators.



 34


They
include:


1. Enhance
knowledge
about
Native
Americans
and
their
culture
among




 higher
education
professionals.


2. Expand
appreciation
of
diversity
among
American
Indians
at
both

micro



 and
cultural
levels.



3. Improve
educational
professionals’
understanding
of
tribal

sovereignty.


4. Shift
to
higher
education
model
incorporating
Native
American
values,



 worldviews
and
experiences.


5. Build
stronger
recruitment
and
retention
efforts.


6. Improve
communications
and
implement
bureaucratic
procedures
that



 bridge
the
culture
gaps
between
Indian
students
and
their
families
and



 mainstream
social
systems
that
are
intimidating
and
inhibiting
to
Indian



 people.


7. Recruit
and
retain
American
Indian
faculty.


8. Expand
research
in
all
areas
of
Native
American
higher
education.


9. Involve
American
Indian
people
in
all
aspects
of
Native
American
higher



 education.



 
 From
the
literature
by
researchers
including
Berry
1964,
Wax
et
al.
1967,


Fox,
et
al.
2005,
Oppelt
1990,
Carney
1999,
Huffman
1999,
and
Demmert
2001,
we


have
seen
themes
relating
to
the
salience
of
cultural
dimensions
of
Native
American


students
repeatedly
emerge.
The
concepts
of
ethnic
identity
and
empowerment


 35


discussed
below
may
also
contribute
to
an
improved
understanding
of
what
can


help
American
Indian
students
succeed
at
college.

 



 
 The
Role
of
Ethnic
Identity
and
Empowerment





 Field
(1994:433)
defines
ethnic
identity
as
“the
degree
to
which
the


individuals
thought
of
themselves,
organized
the
meaning
of
their
social


relationships,
and
interpreted
their
experiences
in
terms
of
their
nationality


background.”



 The
concept
of
“symbolic
ethnicity”
as
proposed
by
Herbert
Gans
(1979)
is


used
as
illustration
of
the
way
in
which
individuals
will
pick
and
choose
from
a
store


or
cache
of
cultural
items.
Swidler
(1986)
referred
to
this
store
as
a
type
of
‘tool
kit’


of
ethnic
or
cultural
items
to
be
brought
out
and
used
at
particular
times
in


particular
situations.
Nagel
(1994)
sees
the
construction
of
ethnic
identity
as


accomplished
by
choosing
items
from
a
‘shopping
cart’.
Nagel
sees
societal


constraints
as
determinant
of
the
shape
of
the
cart,
whereas
external
forces
beyond


any
one
individual’s
control
limit
ethnic
identification.
Such
limitation
may
apply,


for
example,
to
American
Indian
college
students
on
predominantly
White
college


campuses.



 In
his
classic
1969
work,
Ethnic
Groups
and
Boundaries,
Fredrik
Barth
posits


the
concepts
of
the
cultural
constructionist
model
of
ethnicity.
Ethnic
groups
are


situational
and
contextual.
This
is
to
say
that
they
are
the
result
of
particular


interactional,
historical,
economical
and
political
factors
in
combinations
that
lead
to


 36


the
formation
of
ethnic
boundaries.
Throughout
the
long
colonial
history
since
the


first
contact
between
American
Indians
and
European
settlers
there
have
been


historical
attempts
by
the
Euro‐dominant
culture
to
eradicate
the
culture
and


identity
of
the
Native
Americans.
Given
this
history,
a
complex
set
of
factors
may


influence
how
American
Indian
students
develop
an
ethnic
identity
and
a
student


identity
within
the
mainstream
college
environment
and
how
those
two
aspects
of


self
work
with
and
against
each
other.



 
 In
her
book
entitled
Empowerment
through
Multicultural
Education,
Sleeter


(1991)
explains
how
people
empowered
by
education
can
understand
the


oppressive
nature
of
the
social
structure;
act
proactively
toward
reaching
their
own


goals;
succeed
as
individuals
within
the
dominant
social
structure
of
schools
and


other
social
institutions;
advocate
for
themselves
as
individuals
within
the
larger


social
system;
and,
work
collectively
for
social
justice.
Freire
(1970)
argues
that
it
is


through
the
process
of
conscientization
that
oppressed
people
realize
that
their


cultural
values
are
legitimate.
Deyhle’s
(1992;
1995)
research
shows
that
the


difference
in
drop
out
rates
between
Ute
students
in
a
border
community
and


Navajo
students
from
a
more
traditional
reservation
community
are
anchored
in
the


degree
of
connection
to
traditional
Native
culture
and
the
strength
of
Indian


identity.




 
 Researchers
(Oyserman,
Harrison
and
Bybee
2001;
Oyserman
et
al.
2003)


have
examined
the
effects
that
a
strong
racial
identity
has
on
providing
a
“positive


buffer
against
declining
academic
efficacy”
(2001:384)
This
is
predicated
upon
the


 37


idea
that
being
a
member
of
a
minority
group
can
have
a
‘deflating
and
stigmatizing’


effect.
Racial
identity,
the
researchers
argue,
can
be
a
crucial
element
affecting
how


some
adolescents
make
sense
of
their
selves.

 



 
 Oyserman,
Gant
and
Ager
(1995:
1222)
describe
the
strategies
used
by
Black


and
White
university
students

“to
obtain
achievement
related
possible
selves.”


Oyserman,
Bybee
and
Terry
(2006)
explain
“achievement
related
possible
selves”


and
“academic
possible
selves”
as
definitions
of
self
that
are
supportive
and


consistent
with
achievement
and
academic
success.
Oyserman
et
al.
(1995)


recognized
that
such
socially
constructed
selves
are
heavily
dependent
upon
the


backing
of
important
others
in
the
social
environment.
These
important
others
may


include
family
members,
teachers,
and
members
of
the
wider
support
network
and


reference
groups.
The
social
environment
is
the
arena
in
which
educational,


economic
and
other
types
of
resources
are
gathered
as
‘social
capital’
that
allows


youth
to
become
a
valued
member
of
his
or
her
social
group
(Oyserman
et
al.
1995).



 
 At
the
Plains
State
University
20th
Annual
Consider
the
Century
Conference


held
October
8th,
2008
the
President
of
Sitting
Bull
College
at
Fort
Yates,
North


Dakota
was
asked,
‘To
what
do
you
attribute
the
success
of
Sitting
Bull
College


students
as
measured
by
retention
and
graduation
rates?’
President
Laurel


Vermillion
replied
by
explaining
that
Sitting
Bull
students
“Know
who
they
are
and


where
they
come
from.”
In
short,
some
students
have
a
strong
anchor
in
the
form
of


ethnic
(Indian)
identity
that
may
lead
to
empowerment
and
academic
attainment.



 38



 
 Zitzow
and
Estes
(1980,1983)
have
proposed
a
Heritage
Consistent—

Heritage
Inconsistent
Continuum
as
a
counseling
approach
with
American
Indian


students.
This
continuum
is
used
to
assess
the
extent
to
which
an
individual’s


lifestyle
reflects
the
major
elements
of
his
or
her
historical
tribal
culture.
Where
an


individual
falls
along
the
continuum
is
determined
according
to
that
individual’s


knowledge
of
and
participation
in
the
material
and
non‐material
culture
and


customs
of
their
tribal
group.
This
positioning
on
the
continuum
appears
to
have
an


impact
on
self‐concept,
acculturation,
internal
conflict,
and
identity.
As
Huffman


(1999)
reports,
these
aspects
of
ethnic
identity
can
have
a
determinant
effect
on


how
the
American
Indian
student
perceives
the
college
environment
and
navigates


his
or
her
way
through
it.



 
 According
to
Huffman
(1999)
students
who
are
less
assimilated
to
the


mainstream
culture
will
experience
more
culture
shock
upon
arrival
at
college
and


will
be
more
likely
to
drop
out
and
return
home
without
some
support
or
services


designed
to
facilitate
the
transition
from
the
familiar,
more
traditional
environment


to
the
mainstream
college
environment.

Huffman
(1999)
has
created
taxonomy
for


classifying
Native
American
students
along
a
continuum
of
cultural
traditional


lifestyle
ranging
from
Assimilated
at
one
end
and
Estranged
at
the
other
end.


Huffman
explains
how,
while
for
the
Assimilated
student,
transition
to
college
and


the
mainstream
culture
poses
little,
if
any,
challenge
or
threat;
the
Estranged
student


will
be
most
likely
to
drop
out
of
college
quickly
because
that
student
will
feel


threatened
by
the
mainstream
campus
environment
and
see
the
university
as
an


 39


institution
whose
sole
purpose
is
one
of
total
assimilation
and
the
eradication
of


traditional
Native
values
and
lifestyle.
Between
the
Assimilated
and
Estranged


students,
in
this
taxonomy,
Huffman
classifies
Marginal
students
and


Transculturated
students
as
those
who
are
able,
to
varying
degrees,
to
balance
out


the
challenges
posed
by
living
in
both
the
traditional
and
the
mainstream
worlds.


According
to
Huffman
(1999),
the
Marginal
student
is
one
who
attempts
to
live


simultaneously
in
the
both
the
traditional
Native
culture
and
the
mainstream


culture
while
fitting
comfortably
into
neither
one.
Conversely,
the
Transculturated


student
draws
strength
from
his
or
her
ethnic
identity,
which
serves
as
an
anchor


and
stabilizing
factor,
providing
resilience
and
confidence
for
navigation
through


the
mainstream
social
structure.




 Lee
(2006:6)
describes
Tinto’s
model
of
college
student
departure
as
what


Tinto
termed
“longitudinal
and
interactional”
(Tinto
1975,
1993).
According
to


Tinto,
a
student’s
decision
to
remain
in
college
or
leave
is
the
product
of
a
process


that
occurs
over
time
and
is
shaped
through
the
interaction
of
characteristics
of
the


individual
student
and
those
of
the
institution.
The
model
suggests
that
those
who


complete
college
degrees
are
those
who
were
able
to
assimilate
and
become
firmly


integrated
into
the
mainstream
academic
and
social
systems
of
the
university


environment.
This
becomes
problematic
for
some
students
of
color
because
it


requires
them
to
conform
their
ethnic
identities
to
fit
into
the
predominantly
White


institutional
environment
(Lee
2006).
Tinto
has
since
revised
his
model
so
that
he


now
allows
for
the
need
for
supportive
campus
communities
and
inclusive


 40


university
environments
for
students
of
color
if
they
are
to
be
retained
(Lee
2006).


Other
researchers
still
challenge
Tinto’s
model
as
one
that
is
still
firmly
embedded


in
a
framework
of
necessary
assimilation
and
acculturation
by
the
minority
student


if
that
student
is
to
persist
in
college
(Ogbu
1978;
Rendon,
Jalomo
and
Nora
2000;


Tierney
1993,
2000;
Lee
2006).




 In
her
work
Ethnicity
Matters:
Rethinking
How
Black,
Hispanic
&
Indian


Students
Prepare
For
&
Succeed
In
College,
Lee
(2006),
reviews
four
model
programs


designed
to
help
ethnic
minority
students
achieve
academic
success.
Several


common
denominators
for
success
include:
timing,
early
and
intensive


interventions
(college
preparatory
programs
beginning
in
the
seventh
grade),


persistence,
geography,
communication,
high‐level
administrative
support
and


collaboration,
financial
support,
and,
data
driven
approaches
based
on
quantitative


and
qualitative
assessments.
Lee
also
cites
critical
mass
as
a
common
factor
in


successful
programs.
Numbers,
she
argues,
count
in
the
empowerment
of
ethnic
and


racial
minorities
and
their
ability
to
participate
in
the
dominant
social
structure.


Numbers
of
enrolled
and
graduated
racial
and
ethnic
minorities,
Lee
suggests,


should
be
proportionate
to
the
percentage
in
the
general
population.




 
Lee’s
(2006)
analysis
of
programs
successful
in
serving
the
needs
of
ethnic


and
racial
minority
students
in
their
quest
for
academic
success
shows
that
when


people
work
together
to
address
the
needs
of
minority
students,
and
when
they


understand
how
ethnicity
matters,
great
progress
can
be
made.
Through
the


implementation
of
the
above
principles
developed
by
the
trailblazers
in
the
field
of


 41


higher
education
for
minority
students,
there
can
be
developed
and
implemented
a


new
pedagogy,
what
Freire
(1974)
called
a
‘pedagogy
of
hope’
in
which
education


becomes
a
two
way
street
between
the
treasure
of
historical
cultural
knowledge
and


that
of
the
dominant
social
structure
which
has
been
institutionalized
in
the
world


of
higher
education.
One
application
of
this
understanding
is
the
development
of
a


shared
space
for
American
Indian
students
on
predominantly
White
campuses.


The
Role
of
a
Shared
Place
for
American
Indian
Students



 

 Oldenburg
(1989)
makes
a
strong
case
for
what
he
terms
‘the
third
place’
as


a
place
where
informal
public
association
serves
to
facilitate
a
sense
of
community


well
being
and
solidarity
based
on
shared
values
and
common
life
experience
at
the


local
community
level.
‘The
third
place’,
according
to
Oldenburg,
is
neither
home
nor


work,
but
one
that
offers
the
familiar
comfort
of
both
without
their
incumbent


responsibilities
or
social
restrictions.
In
the
‘third
place’
one
finds,
through
informal


association
with
others,
the
source
of
recreation,
recuperation
and
rejuvenation
as


well
as
validation
and
social
support
for
individuals
against
the
oppressive
grind
of


the
daily
life
in
the
dominant
social
structure.
In
addition,
it
provides
a
safe
and


nurturing
environment
through
association
with
likeminded
individuals.
Just
as
the


local
pub,
the
barbershop,
the
café
and
the
German
beer
garden,
offer
places
for


group
affiliation,
the
Native
American
House
on
the
campus
at
Dartmouth,
and


similar
such
facilities
at
other
universities
across
the
country
may
offer
a
place
for


the
development
of
a
social
support
network.


 42



 

 Garrod
and
Larimore
(1997)
compiled
narratives
from
American
Indian


students
at
Dartmouth.
Contributors
cited
the
existence
of
the
Native
American


House
along
with
the
Native
American
Studies
program
and
the
support
of
Native


American
faculty
as
primary
factors
in
their
college
success.
The
Native
American


House
at
Dartmouth
provided
a
safe
place
for
students
who
were
experiencing
a


type
of
culture
shock
arising
from
conflict
between
academic
and
traditional


American
Indian
values
(Garrod
and
Larimore
1997).
The
group
known
as
“The


Native
Americans
at
Dartmouth”
provided
support
and
solidarity
for
Native


students
in
the
foreign
world
of
an
Ivy
League
campus
in
the
Northeastern
United


States.




 

 The
University
of
Minnesota
recently
held
a
celebration
in
honor
of
the
fifth


year
of
operation
of
the
American
Indian
Cultural
House
(AICH).
AICH
is
a


“University
effort
to
help
American
Indian
students
adjust
to
campus
life”
(San


2008:1).
As
testimony
to
the
effectiveness
of
the
University
of
Minnesota’s
Native


American
Cultural
House,
one
Native
American
alumnae
stated,
“As
a
freshman,
it
is


often
hard
to
transition
into
life
on
your
own
.
.
.
The
Cultural
House
gave
me
an


informal
education
about
how
to
survive
and
how
to
incorporate
Native
traditional


ways.
The
house
gave
me
a
home;
a
community
in
which
I
belonged…the
best
thing


is
that
being
a
part
of
the
Cultural
House
was
like
having
your
own
family.
It
was
a


good
stepping
stone
to
the
campus
for
first
year
students”
(San
2008:1).



 
 The
importance
of
a
shared
place
for
the
formation
of
supportive
groups
has


been
shown
at
both
Dartmouth
and
the
University
of
Minnesota.

American
Indian


 43


students
provide
testimony
to
the
vital
role
played
by
the
‘Native
American
House’,


to
use
a
generic
term,
in
their
successful
transition
from
the
traditionally
supportive


environment
provided
by
the
extended
family
and
community
from
which
many


American
Indian
students
come,
to
the
foreign
atmosphere
of
the
university


environment
that
is
the
institutionalization
of
the
Euro‐centric
education
system


and
the
dominant
mainstream
social
structure.
There
is
ample
evidence
to
suggest


that
the
existence
of
such
a
house
may
be
beneficial
to
American
Indian
students
at


universities
where
no
such
‘third’
place
currently
exists.


Summary
and
Conclusion
to
Literature
Review



 A
review
of
the
literature
regarding
Native
American
education
with
a
focus


on
higher
education
attainment
shows
that
early
attempts
sought
to
re‐educate


Native
Americans
into
the
mainstream
Euro‐American
mold
(Eastman
1902;


Meriam
1928;
Standing
Bear
1928;
Collier
1947;
Berry
1969;
Berkhofer
1978).
This


re‐education
was
largely
based
in
the
Christian
values
and
the
indoctrination
of


European
norms
and
values
into
the
Native
society
(Berkhofer
1978;
McBeth
1983;


Oppelt
1990;
Deloria
Jr.
1994;
Boyer
1997;
Calloway
1999).



 History
shows
these
goals
to
have
failed,
resulting
in
a
gap
in
educational


attainment
between
American
Indians
and
other
ethnic
groups
DeVoe
et
al.
(2008).


Beginning
in
the
late
1960s
tribal
colleges
began
a
new
movement
in
self‐

determination
for
American
Indian
higher
education
(Oppelt
1990;
Boyer
1997).


This
new
model
for
Native
American
education
is
based
on
tribal
culture.
Tribal


 44


colleges
and
more
responsive
mainstream
institutions
have
helped
American


Indians
achieve
an
upward
trend
in
educational
attainment
(Oppelt
1990;
Boyer


1997;
DeVoe
et
al.
2008).
In
2008,
high
percentages
of
Native
American
students


sought
associate,
and
bachelor’s
degrees
at
both
two
and
four‐year
institutions
and


received
more
graduate
degrees
than
ever
before
(DeVoe
et
al.
2008).



 While
much
progress
has
been
made
in
American
Indian
higher
education,


barriers
to
educational
success
for
Native
students
remain
(Wax
et
al.
1964;
Wax


1967;
Berry
1969;
Tierney
1992;
Carney
1999).
Among
these
barriers
are:
lack
of


familial
and
financial
support,
lack
of
culturally
relevant
curricula,
few
Native
faculty


and
staff
to
support
Native
students,
a
lack
of
culturally
based
student
support


services,
age
inappropriateness
for
educational
level
and
inadequate
preparation
for


college
(Wright
and
Tierney
1991;
Tierney
1992;
Carney
1999).





 Educators
working
in
American
Indian
higher
education
have
identified


factors
leading
to
success
and
strategies
for
educational
attainment
(Wax
et
al.


1964;
Wright
and
Tierney
1991;
Demmert
2001;
HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
2002;


Jackson
et
al.
2003
Fox
et
al.
2005).
Among
these
factors
are:
family
support,


increased
cultural
identity,
personal
determination
and
goal
setting,
financial


support,
improved
academic
skills
prior
to
college,
supportive
mentors
among


college
faculty
and
staff,
and
culturally
appropriate
curricula.




 Some
researchers
have
identified
a
link
between
ethnic
identity
and


educational
attainment
for
minority
students.
For
example,
Zitzow
and
Estes
(1980,


 45


1983),
Oyserman
et
al.
(1995,
2001,
2003,
2006),
and
Lee
(2006)
have
all
found
a


link
between
the
development
of
a
strong
ethnic
identity
and
academic
success.




 One
approach
that
shows
potential
for
enhancing
educational
attainment
is


the
existence
of
a
Native
American
house
as
a
place
for
the
formation
of
reference


groups
providing
support
and
the
opportunity
to
develop
a
strong
ethic
identity
that


is
seen
as
a
cultural
asset
that
may
improve
retention
among
American
Indian


students.
Oldenburg
(1989)
and
Garrod
and
Larimore
(1997)
illustrate
the


importance
of
a
safe
gathering
place
where
like‐minded
people
form
a
community


and
find
support
other
than
that
found
at
home
or
at
work.
The
American
Indian


Culture
House
has
improved
the
success
of
American
Indian
students
in


transitioning
from
home
to
the
predominantly
White,
mainstream
campus
at
the


University
of
Minnesota
(San
2008).
As
President
Laurel
Vermillion
explained
when


asked
what
factor
is
most
beneficial
to
students
at
Sitting
Bull
College
in
achieving


academic
success,
‘They
know
who
they
are
and
where
they
come
from.’

As


HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
(2002)
have
found,
family
and
the
community
are
of


critical
importance
to
American
Indian
students
in
terms
of
their
retention
or


persistence
in
college.



 Even
given
the
progress
made
in
identifying
barriers
and
developing


strategies
to
overcome
those
barriers,
there
remains
the
need
to
better
understand


the
mechanisms
that
impact
educational
attainment,
particularly
as
they
apply
to


the
lives
of
American
Indian
students
at
predominantly
White
institutions
such
as


PSU.


 46



 Sociology
of
Education,
Critical
Race
Theory
and
Critical
Education
Theory


along
with
theoretical
focus
on
the
formation
and
function
of
reference
groups
will


inform
this
work.
These
perspectives
will
be
covered
in
the
next
chapter.

 47












CHAPTER
THREE















Theoretical
Orientation



 This
study
explores
the
factors
that
contribute
to
educational
attainment


among
American
Indian
students
at
a
predominantly
White
university
in
Prairie


State.
The
critical
theoretical
tradition
provides
the
conceptual
framework
for
the


study.
Works
relating
to
critical
education
theory
and
critical
race
theory
are


identified
as
particularly
salient
for
this
examination
of
retention
and
graduation
of


American
Indian
students
from
Plains
State
University.




 The
critical
school
of
sociological
theory,
commonly
referred
to
as
the


Frankfurt
School,
developed
in
the
early
1900s
out
of
the
Marxian
perspective.


Theorists
most
associated
with
the
critical
school
include
Max
Horkheimer,
Theodor


Adorno,
Erich
Fromm,
Herbert
Marcuse
and
in
more
modern
times,
Jurgen


Habermas
(Bottomore
1984).
Critical
theory
aims
to
uncover
aspects
of
the
social


world
that
may
be
taken
for
granted,
or,
on
the
surface,
go
unnoticed
but
that
may


be
oppressive
or
restrictive
of
the
freedoms
of
individuals
or
groups
(Neuman


2000).
The
basic
motive
of
the
early
critical
theorists
was
to
criticize
life
under


capitalism
and
the
dominant
ideology
that
explained
and
promoted
it.
Critical


thinkers
stressed
the
importance
of
culture
and
were
critical
of
art,
aesthetics
and


the
mass
media
as
products
of
the
oppressive
dominant
social
structure
(Bottomore


1984;
Neumann
2000).

Critical
theory
is
value
laden
and
emancipatory,
seeking
to


liberate
human
existence
and
ameliorate
oppressive
social
conditions
that
are


 48


dominated
by
values
of
efficiency
and
control
through
the
use
of
technology


(Bottomore
1984;
Neumann
2000).
The
critical
perspective
seeks
to
combine
theory


and
action
as
praxis
(Bottomore
1984;
Tierney
1992).




 
Gramsci
(1932)
discussed
the
concept
of
hegemony.
Cultural
hegemony
is
a


social
condition
in
which
the
ruling
class
manipulates
cultural
symbols
in
such
a


way
that
leads
other
classes
or
cultural
groups
to
effectively
contribute
to
their
own


subordination
(Gramsci
1932).
This
form
of
domination
operates
through
vital


social
functions
in
social
institutions
such
as
education
(Friere
1970),
and
is
of


particular
interest
to
this
study
of
American
Indians
and
higher
education.



 Ogbu
(1978,
1985)
argues
that
lack
of
minority
student
achievement
in


school,
and
afterwards,
is
the
result
of
a
macro
structure
designed
specifically
to


keep
the
power
in
the
hands
of
the
White
Euro‐American
majority.
In
support
of
this


position,
Ogbu
(1985)
suggests
a
taxonomic
classification
system
of
minority


groups.
These
classifications
range
in
level
of
oppression
from
barely
separated


from
mainstream
as
in
the
autonomous
minorities
such
as
Amish,
Jews,
Mormons,


and
White
European
and
Asian
immigrants,
to
the
most
openly
oppressed
group,


castelike
minorities,
including
Native
Americans,
African
Americans,
and
Mexican


Americans
(Ogbu
1985).



 
 Feagin
(2000),
reporting
on
the
college
experience
of
Black
students
at


predominantly
White
college
campuses,
states
that
prejudicial
attitudes
abound
on


White
campuses
among
White
students,
faculty
and
administrators.
If
racial


insensitivity
has
been
institutionalized
on
mainstream
college
campuses
in
the
form


 49


of
Euro‐centric
curriculum,
lack
of
interest
in
African
American
students,
and
the


expectation
by
faculty
that
individual
Black
students
are
representative
of
the
entire


race,
as
Feagin
(2000)
suggests,
the
same
may
hold
true
for
Native
American


students
on
majority
White,
mainstream
campuses.




 
 Tierney
(1992)
describes
the
realistic
challenges
of
the
college
and
university


experience
for
American
Indian
students
in
Euro‐American
mainstream
colleges


and
universities.
The
title
of
Tierney’s
1992
book
is
illuminating
in
itself:
‘Official


Encouragement,
Institutional
Discouragement’
is
the
reality
of
college
experience
for


many
Native
American
students,
he
argues.
Indeed,
many
scholars
contend
that


barriers
and
obstacles
to
academic
attainment
for
American
Indians
are
the
result
of


generations
of
blocked
opportunities
for
members
of
subordinate
minority
groups


(Wax
et
al.
1964,
Berry
1969;
Hertzburg
1971;
Oppelt
1990;
Tierney
1992,
2000;


Carney
1999).






 
 Fordham
(1996)
explores
structural
barriers
created
by
the
mainstream


dominant
society
against
Black
Americans
(and
other
racial
subordinate
groups)


regarding
achievement
in
the
work
force,
market
place,
and
educational
system.


Such
barriers
include:
prejudicial
attitudes
among
mainstream
students,
faculty
and


administrators
(Feagin
1996);
fundamental
cultural
differences
in
U.S.
mainstream


‘Euro‐American’
and
American
Indian
culture
(Wax,
Wax
and
DuMont
1964,
Tierney


1992,
2000,
Carney
1999);
inadequate
college
preparation
from
poorly
funded


schools
in
minority
(including
reservation)
communities
(Carney
1999);


unsupportive
mainstream
campus
environments
(Wax,
et
al.
1964,
Tierney
1992;


 50


Huffman
1999);
inadequate
financial
support
for
Native
students
(Guillory
and


Wolverton
2008);
language
barriers,
lack
of
parent
involvement,
culturally


insensitive
teacher
training
programs
and
low
teacher
expectations
regarding


American
Indian
students
(Berry1969).



 Fordham
(1988)
looks
at
the
conflict
between
Black
students
and
their


cultural
kinship
ties
and
the
culture
of
higher
education
built
upon
the
ideals
of
the


dominant
mainstream
social
structure.
Fordham
posits
that
students
are
pulled
by


their
dual
relationships
between
the
community‐focused
Black
social
structure
and


the
individualistic
emphasis
of
the
dominant
social
structure
that
is
the
basis
for
the


competitive
ideology
of
the
mainstream
education
system.



 For
the
castelike
subordinate
minority
(Ogbu
1985),
the
roadblocks
to


academic
as
well
as
life
goal
achievement
are
significant.
As
ethnic/racial
group


boundaries
are
set
and
maintained,
the
castelike
minority
members
adopt
new


culturally
specific
ways
as
a
reaction
against
norms,
values
and
expectations
of
the


hegemonic
mainstream.
Some
of
these
mechanisms
are
seen
as
oppositional.
For


example,
a
Black
student
will
not
partake
in
school
activities
that
will
be
seen
by


peers
or
members
of
his
or
her
in‐group
as
‘acting
White’.
In
this
regard,
it
is
seen
as


better
to
remain
loyal
to
the
group
than
to
be
seen
as
a
sell
out
to
the
White
majority


power
structure
(Ogbu
1978,
1985;
Fordham
1988).




 Fordham
(1988)
describes
two
methods
adopted
by
racial
minorities
for


dealing
with
the
necessity
of
compromising
in
order
to
succeed
in
the
dominant


culture.
‘Selling
out’
refers
to
developing
a
state
of
‘racelessness’
in
order
to


 51


downplay
racial/ethnic
culture
while
adopting
the
values
of
the
dominant
society.


Alternatively,
students
may
cling
to
the
solidarity
of
racial
identity
and
downplay


the
values
of
the
dominant
society.
This
strategy
is
comparable
to
Huffman’s
(1999)


‘estranged’
student
who
chooses
to
‘drop
out’
rather
than
‘sell
out’.



 
 Huffman
(1999)
interviewed
American
Indian
students
at
higher
education


institutions
in
the
upper
Midwest,
developing
a
typology
to
characterize
their
level


of
acculturation.
According
to
Huffman
(1999)
the
estranged
American
Indian


student
is
immersed
in
his
or
her
traditional
tribal
culture
and
feels
like
a
fish
out
of


water
in
the
college
environment.
For
the
estranged
American
Indian,
the


mainstream
college
campus
seems
foreign.
The
estranged
student
is
most
likely
to


drop
out
of
college
and,
among
Huffman’s
types,
is
the
quickest
to
do
so.
For
this


student,
the
mainstream
Euro‐cultural
values
of
individualism
and
competition
are


not
welcoming
or
comfortable.
This
student
sees
the
goal
of
the
university
as
the


assimilation
into
the
mainstream
culture.
This
threat
to
the
student’s
traditional


values
serves
to
push
them
away
from
the
campus
environment;
concurrently,
many


experience
a
“pull
back”
to
their
home
tribal
community.



 
 When
the
higher
education
system
fails
to
recognize
the
value
of
minority


students,
these
students
may
fail
to
achieve
in
the
university
environment.
This
is


not
a
failure
of
the
student
or
of
the
students’
cultural
groups,
Huffman
(1999)


argues,
but
rather,
the
failure
of
the
educational
systems
built
upon
mainstream


values.





 52



 
 Critical
Race
Theory
(CRT)
has
its
ontological
roots
in
the
life
experiences
of


marginalized
people
of
color
(Yasso
2005).
It
has
long
been
assumed
that
if
people


of
color
do
not
adopt
the
worldview
of
the
dominant
middle
and
upper
middle


classes,
then
those
people
of
color
lack
the
cultural
capital
required
for
social


mobility
(Bourdieu
1977;
Ogbu
1978,
1985).
Those
in
hegemonic
mainstream


power
positions
view
such
a
lack
of
cultural
capital
from
the
dominant
classes
as
a



deficit
(Yasso
2005).
This
has
historically
been
the
case
in
the
field
of
education


regarding
ethnic
and
racial
minority
students
(Wax
et
al.
1964,
Berry
1969;


Hertzburg
1971;
Oppelt
1990;
Tierney
1992,
2000;
Carney
1999).




 
 CRT
challenges
the
construct
of
race
by
examining
the
ideology
of
racism.


“CRT
finds
that
racism
is
often
well
disguised
in
the
rhetoric
of
shared
‘normative’


values
and
‘neutral’
social
scientific
principles
and
practices”
(Yasso
2005:74).
It
is


the
goal
of
CRT
to
challenge
racism
by
bringing
to
the
forefront
of
consciousness
the


unique
aspects
of
a
culture
that
form
the
store
of
cultural
wealth.
From
the


recognition
of
cultural
wealth
comes
the
beginning
of
the
process
of
empowerment


that
starts
with
the
replacement
of
the
cultural
deficit
framework
and
in
its
place


the
view
that
cultural
wealth
is
an
asset.
 



 
 Fordham
(1988)
and
Huffman
(1999)
suggest
that
remedying


underachievement
among
African
American
and
American
Indian
students
requires


a
multilayered
approach.
First,
minority
students
need
role
models
that
show
that


they
can
achieve
in
school
and
in
the
work
place
without
losing
their
ethnic
identity


or
their
membership
in
a
kinship
network
or
extended
tribal
family.
Second,
the


 53


structural
and
cultural
barriers
that
have
been
seen
to
work
as
roadblocks
to


success
must
be
torn
down.




 
Yasso
(2005)
expands
on
Bourdieu’s
(1977)
work
on
‘cultural
capital’.


According
to
Yasso,
rather
than
define
minority
cultures
as
those
suffering
from


deficit
of
cultural
poverty
and
disadvantages
when
compared
to
the
mainstream


Euro‐American
culture,
they
can
be
seen
as
a
wealth
of
cultural
knowledge,
history


and
connection.
These
assets
provide
a
strength
and
stabilizing
anchor
for
the


minority
students
as
they
make
their
way
through
the
system
of
higher
education


that
is
devised,
implemented
and
dominated
by
predominantly
White
members
of


the
mainstream
educational
hierarchy.

Cultural
wealth
can
be
conceptualized
to


include
both
material
and
non‐material
cultural
items.
According
to
Yasso
(2005),


Critical
Race
Theory
defines
cultural
wealth
as
a
set
of
assets
rather
than
a
platform


of
deprivation.
Yosso
describes
forms
of
cultural
capital
to
include,
“aspirational,


navigational,
social,
linguistic,
familial
and
resistant
capital”
(2005:69).
From
these,


students
can
draw
strengthening
resources
based
on
their
life
experiences,
familial


bonds,
and
cultural
traditions
that
will
serve
them
in
the
college
classroom.





 To
overcome
educational
obstacles
and
create
opportunities
for
minority


students
to
achieve
without
feeling
disloyal
to
their
group,
educational
programs


need
to
incorporate
ways
of
instilling
cultural
pride
and
the
recognition
of
the


groups’
contributions
to
society
in
general
(Fordham
1988;
Tierney
1992;
Carney


1999).
This
requires
a
new
way
of
thinking
both
on
the
part
of
educators
and


students.
As
Ogbu
(1985:868)
suggests,
“At
the
level
of
practice,
teachers
and


 54


schools
can
develop
programs
to
help
minority
students
learn
how
not
to
equate


mastery
of
school
culture
and
language
with
a
loss
of
group
identity
and
security”.



 Tierney
(2000)
argues
that
those
who
work
with
low‐income
or
minority


students
need
to
reorient
how
they
think
about
and
work
with
such
students.


Programs
that
enhance
the
students’
cultural
awareness
can
expand
their
assets


allowing
them
to
envision
and
enact
a
positive
achievement
outcome.
From


Tierney’s
(2000)
view,
students
who
are
encouraged
to
embrace
their
identity
may


be
empowered.
This
empowerment
may
lead
to
increased
efficacy
in
school


performance
and
retention
for
some
minority
students.
Tierney’s
work
(2000)


points
to
the
need
for
mainstream
universities
to
nurture
students’
ethnic
identity


as
a
strength
and
asset
for
all
members
of
the
campus
community.



 
 By
building
a
positive
racial/ethnic
identity,
along
with
skills
in


understanding
and
navigating
mainstream
institutions,
student
efficacy
is
increased.


This
has
been
shown
to
be
effective
in
the
example
of
the
South
Central
Los
Angeles


intervention
known
as
the
Neighborhood
Academic
Initiative
(Lee
2006).




 
 Trueba
stresses
the
importance
of
culture
as
a
factor
in
school
achievement.


According
to
Trueba
(1988),
culture
is
important
at
the
collective
level,
(i.e.
ethnic


group
in
a
macro
structure),
and
at
the
micro,
(context
specific)
level
of
the
student.




 
 Trueba
(1988)
supports
an
emphasis
on
the
unique
role
culture
plays
in
the


entire
process
of
learning.
For
Trueba,
culture
is
paramount
to
the
acquisition
and


processing
of
information.
When
culture
is
accounted
for
in
the
school
experience
it


allows
students
to
overcome
hegemonic
forces
in
education
built
upon
a
history
of


 55


colonialism
and
imperialism.
According
to
Trueba,
“There
is
a
great
need
for
the


development
of
a
theory
of
academic
achievement
that
takes
into
consideration
the


home
culture
of
the
students”
(1988:279).



 
 The
inclusion
of
culture
into
the
educational
process
is
achieved
through
the


use
of
‘activity
settings’
(Trueba
1988)
during
the
learning
process.
When
culturally


appropriate
activities
are
included
in
the
curriculum
the
student
is
able
to
integrate


the
mainstream
culture
through
the
education
process
by
linking
it
with
culturally


specific
experiences
as
he
or
she
has
been
socialized
with.
Lee’s
work
with
ethnic


minority
students
in
China
(2001)
and
in
examining
model
programs
in
support
of


students
of
color
in
predominantly
White
institutions
in
the
U.S.
(2006)
is
further


evidence
of
how
ethnicity
matters
regarding
minority
student
academic
success.



 Guajardo
and
Guajardo
(2002)
describe
the
Llano
Grande
program
in
Elsa,


Texas
as
a
project
designed
to
capitalize
on
minority
students’
cultural
assets.
The


Llano
Grande
project
was
highly
successful
in
helping
students
conceptualize


cultural
assets
such
as
familial
bonds,
oral
history,
and
Native
language
as
a
basis
for


cultural
pride
and
empowerment.
By
giving
the
students
a
voice
they
were
able
to


see
the
wealth
of
their
ethnic
history
and
apply
it
to
possible
future
outcomes


toward
positive
change.
(Guajardo
and
Guajardo
2002).
The
positive
impacts
of
the


Llano
project
include
thirty‐six
students
from
the
community
attending
college
at


Ivy
League
schools.
Other
students
attend
local
universities.
There
is
a
trend
toward


these
students
returning
to
the
community
after
receiving
their
university


educations
to
give
back
to
the
community.



 56



 
 Guillory
and
Wolverton
(2008:59)
cite
several
studies
(Belgarde
1992;


Brown
and
Robinson
Kurpius
1997;
Carney
1999;
Cibik
and
Chambers
1991;
Lin,


LaCounte
and
Eder
1988;
Pavel
and
Padilla
1993;
Wright
1985”),
showing
that












“
.
.
.
participation
at
American
Indian
student
centers
can
lead
to
academic
and


social
engagement
for
American
Indian
students
and,
subsequently,
can
contribute


to
retaining
this
particular
group”.
These
studies
indicate
such
Native
American


‘Houses’
or
student
centers
across
the
country
may
provide
culturally
appropriate


activity
settings
that
nurture
the
salience
of
ethnic
identity
and
empower
students


for
success
in
the
university
environment.



 
 According
to
Erickson
(1963),
the
development
of
the
individual’s
sense
of


self
begins
as
a
child
is
able
to
differentiate
itself
as
an
object
separate
from
family.


This
sense
of
self
as
a
meaningful
object
is
developed
through
the
process
of
first


taking
the
role
of
a
few
significant
others,
most
likely
parents
and
siblings,
and
then


taking
the
role
of
the
generalized
other
(Mead
1934).
According
to
Hewitt


(1994:90),
reference
groups
are
“social
groups
that
provide
generalized
others
to


whom
the
individual
refers.”
Singer
(1981)
explains
reference
groups
as
those


groups
that
provide
an
orientation
for
social
comparison
of
one’s
self.
Reference


groups
provide
a
framework
from
which
the
individual
is
able
to
shape
his
or
her


evaluations,
attitudes
and
behavior
(Singer
1981).




 
 
Reference
groups
have
been
conceived
of
as
comparative
and
normative.


“The
consequence
of
normative
reference
orientation
is
conformity”
whether
it
be


conformity
to
a
belief,
attitude,
a
value
or
a
behavior
(Singer
1981:69).
A


 57


comparative
reference
group
serves
as
a
“standard
of
comparison
for
an
appraisal
of


either
the
self
or
other”
(Singer
1981:77).
Stouffer’s
(1949)
theory
holds
that


individuals
use
multiple
reference
groups
in
order
to
make
evaluations.



 
 This
study
examines
whether,
and
to
what
extent,
the
formation
of
culturally


based
reference
groups
help
American
Indian
students
navigate
their
way
through


predominantly
White
institutions
that
are
based
in
mainstream
norms,
values,
and


experiences;
thus
acting
to
facilitate
their
educational
attainment.



 
 In
a
classic
study
of
normative
reference
groups
performed
in
the
1930s,


Newcomb
(1958)
notes
a
general
trend
of
attitude
change
from

“freshman


conservatives”
to
“senior
neoconservatives
among
Bennington
college
students”


Newcomb
(1958:275)
concludes
that
such
attitudes
“are
not
acquired
in
a
social


vacuum.
Their
acquisition
is
a
function
of
relating
oneself
to
some
group
or
groups


positively
or
negatively.”




 
 
Oldenburg
(1989)
makes
a
strong
case
for
what
he
terms
‘the
third
place’
as


a
place
where
informal
public
association
serves
to
facilitate
a
sense
of
community


well
being
and
solidarity
based
on
shared
values
and
common
life
experience
at
the


local
community
level.
‘The
third
place’,
according
to
Oldenburg,
is
neither
home
nor


work,
but
offers
the
familiar
comfort
of
both
without
their
incumbent


responsibilities
or
social
restrictions.

In
the
‘third
place’
is
found,
through
informal


association
with
others,
the
source
of
recreation,
recuperation
and
rejuvenation
as


well
as
validation
and
social
support
for
individuals
against
the
oppressive
grind
of


the
daily
life
in
the
dominant
social
structure.
In
addition,
it
provides
a
safe
and


 58


nurturing
environment
through
association
with
likeminded
individuals.
Like


minded
individuals,
sharing
common
values,
common
life
experiences
and
common


life
goals
will
form
reference
groups
for
comparison
to
others,
both
inside
and


outside
of
their
group
while
also
forming
normative
reference
groups
for
the


validation
and
continuation
of
shared
norms
and
values
(Singer
1981).
American


Indian
students
on
mainstream
campuses
may
seek
such
a
special
‘third
place’.




 The
Multicultural
Student
Affairs
Office
at
PSU
may
offer
such
a
place
for
the


development
of
a
social
support
network
that
serves
to
empower
students
through


the
strengthening
of
a
common
American
Indian
identity.
One
point
of
exploratory


interest
in
this
study
is
whether
PSU’s
Office
of
Multicultural
Affairs,
which
utilizes
a


‘Global’
definition
of
diversity,
wherein
all
minority
groups
on
the
PSU
campus
are


seen
as
a
unified,
‘non‐dominant’
group
provides
such
an
environment
for


development
of
academic
empowerment
through
affiliation
with
a
culturally
based


normative
reference
group,
or
whether
the
‘Global
Diversity’
concept
fails
to


account
for
each
minority
group’s
cultural
capital
as
uniquely
empowering
based
on


each
group’s
individual
cultural
characteristics
rather
than
based
on
the
group’s


collective
status’
as
non‐dominant.




 Critical
theory
suggests
the
values
and
structures
of
the
dominant


mainstream
society
serve
as
barriers
to
educational
attainment
of
minority
students


in
the
U.S.
(Bottomore
1984).
Cultural
hegemony
describes
how
those
in
power


manipulate
cultural
symbols
so
that
other
classes
or
cultural
groups
effectively


contribute
to
their
own
subordination
(Gramsci
1932).
This
form
of
social


 59


domination
is
evident
throughout
the
history
of
American
Indian
higher
education


(Meriam
1928;
Collier
1947;
Hertzberg
1971;
Berkhofer
1978;
McBeth
1983;
Oppelt


1990;
Deloria
Jr.
1994;
Boyer
1997;
Calloway
1999
Pewewardy
2002).



 Ogbu
(1978,
1985)
illustrates
how
structural
barriers
such
as
prejudice,


inadequate
finances,
and
academic
preparation
are
realities
for
oppressed,


‘castelike’
minorities.
According
to
Ogbu,
these
structural
factors
effectively
limit
the


opportunities
for
academic
advancement
and
life
in
general.



 Feagin
(1996),
reports
that
prejudicial
attitudes
are
still
prevalent
on


predominantly
White
campuses.
Such
institutionalized
discrimination
works
at
both


the
structural
and
cultural
levels
to
create
barriers
to
academic
attainment
for


American
Indian
students.
Additionally,
Tierney
(1992,
2000)
shows
the
ways
in


which
predominantly
White
institutions
of
higher
education
are
created,


implemented
and
maintained
according
to
Euro‐American
mainstream
values,
goals


and
perspectives.
This
orientation
holds
that
the
responsibility
for
academic
success


rests
exclusively
upon
the
student
who
is
viewed
as
deficient.
Conversely,
the


critical
perspective
(Tierney
1992,
2000)
places
responsibility
on
the
institution
to


adapt
programs
and
approaches
that
build
on
students’
ethnic
identity
and
cultural


background
as
assets
that
can
lead
to
their
empowerment
and
educational


attainment
(Tierney
1992;
Trueba
1988;
Guajardo
and
Guajardo
2002;
Lee
2006).



 Newcomb
(1958)
and
Singer
(1981)
describe
the
formation
of
reference


groups
that
serve
to
provide
individuals
with
a
framework
of
social
comparison
and


from
which
to
gauge
and
formulate
personal
norms
and
values.
Oldenburg
(1989)


 60


describes
how
the
‘third
place’
serves
as
a
gathering
place
where
individuals
may


share
commons
norms,
values,
life
circumstances
and
concerns.




 Built
on
a
critical
conceptual
framework,
this
study
examines
whether
the


formation
of
normative
reference
groups
through
programs,
support
structures
and


a
‘third
place’,
such
as
a
‘Native
American
Cultural
Center’
may
serve
to
mitigate
the


structural
and
cultural
barriers
to
success
that
American
Indian
students
encounter


at
predominantly
White
institutions.
In
addition,
other
factors
that
combine
to


hinder
or
facilitate
student
retention
and
graduation
for
Native
American
students


at
PSU
are
explored.

 61


CHAPTER
FOUR


METHODOLOGY



 This
project
employs
an
inductive
research
approach
to
explore
factors


influencing
secondary
educational
attainment
of
American
Indians.
In
keeping
with


the
critical
theoretical
tradition,
the
methods
of
qualitative
ethnography
provide
the


framework
for
the
exploration
into
the
research
questions
that
yield
thick,
rich


description
from
the
insider’s
perspective.
The
concept
of
‘praxis’
as
introduced
by


Marx,
remains
a
guiding
principle
in
the
design
and
implementation
of
this
study.


Praxis
has
as
its
goal
to
ameliorate
oppressive
social
conditions
through
the


application
of
pragmatic
action
that
is
based
in
theoretically
generated
ideas.
This


study
is
directed
at
enhancing
understanding
so
that
more
American
Indian


students
are
able
to
attain
their
higher
education
aspirations.
























 Data
collection
included
focus
groups,
intensive
interviews,
field


observations,
and
documentary
data
analysis
including
quantitative
data
on


enrollment
and
retention
of
Native
American
students.
Analysis
of
data
was
useful


in
gaining
new
insight
and
an
enhanced
understanding
of
the
research
questions


that
follow.





 62


Research
Questions


Based
in
the
critical
theoretical
tradition,
this
project
investigates
the


following
research
questions
to
develop
an
enhanced
understanding
of
American


Indian
educational
attainment
at
Plains
State
University.


1. What
factors
facilitate
or
enhance
educational
attainment
for
American











Indian
students?


2. What
factors
act
as
barriers
to
educational
attainment?



 Based
on
a
review
of
the
literature,
this
research
includes
the
examination
of


issues
relating
to:


a.
Financial
resources
 

b.
Campus
environment

c.
Family
relations

d.
Pre‐college
academic
preparation

e.
Faculty
expectations


f.

Faculty,
staff
and
student
attitudes

g.
Curriculum

h.
Cultural
traditions

i.

Culturally
based
Reference
groups

j.

Cultural
factors

k.
The
3rd
place

l.

Support
programs

m.
Individual
(personal)
drive
toward
academic
attainment




 The
major
research
focus
of
this
study
is:
what
factors
combine
to
facilitate


or
hinder
educational
attainment
for
American
Indian
students
at
a
major,


predominantly
White,
university
in
Prairie
State?
The
measure
of
educational


attainment
is
determined
through
comparative
rates
of
retention
and
graduation
for


American
Indian
students
and
all
other
students
at
Plains
State
University.



 63



 Total
student
enrollment
in
the
fall
of
2009,
was
12,376.
Of
those,
8.4percent


were
listed
as
minority
students.
American
Indian
students
enrolled
at
PSU


comprise
the
second
largest
of
minority
groups
enrolled
at
2.1percent
of
all


students
enrolled.
Records
available
through
the
office
of
the
Native
American


Student
Advisor
show
249
students
identified
as
American
Indians
enrolled
at
PSU.


There
is
no
breakdown
of
the
number
of
students
attending
the
Railtown
campus
as


separate
from
University
Center
or
facilities
in
any
other
part
of
the
state.
Forty‐four


Native
students
are
listed
as
freshmen.
Thirty‐nine
students
were
assigned
rooms


on
campus
in
residence
halls.


Study
Institution



 Students,
Administrators
and
faculty
at
Plains
State
University
provided
the


multiple
voices
and
viewpoints
contributing
to
this
study.
The
history
of
PSU
has


unfolded
concurrent
with,
and
parallel
to
the
history
of
American
Indians
state
and


nationwide.



 


Study
Participants




 The
sample
population
for
this
study
includes
Native
American
students


currently
enrolled
at
PSU.
In
addition
to
students,
faculty
and
staff
who
are
involved


in
programs,
services
or
curricula
that
are
designed
specifically
for
Native
American


students
or
that
are
frequented
by
Native
American
students
are
included
in


intensive
interviews
and
field
observations.
University
administrators
are


 64


interviewed
in
order
to
gain
an
insider’s
perspective
from
the
mainstream


institutional
point
of
view
regarding
the
issue
of
American
Indian
student
retention


and
graduation.
Methodological
approaches
to
each
of
these
groups
are
described


below.


Native
American
Students



 PSU
has
a
Native
American
student
population
largely
from
the
plains
states



of
the

Upper
Midwest.
As
such,
the
tribal
affiliations
of
students
at
PSU
are
more


similar
than
may
be
seen
at
some
universities
in
parts
of
the
country
further


removed,
and
with
a
more
diverse
Native
population.
Even
given
the
similarity
of


American
Indian
students
attending
Prairie
State
universities,
the
diversity
among


tribal
groups
and
individual
students
must
be
acknowledged.
For
this
reason
the


term
‘American
Indian
student’
will
be
homogenized
into
a
more
‘pan‐Indian’


(Hertzburg
1971)
concept
of
Indianness
based
on
similarities
shared
as
Prairie
State


American
Indian
university
students.
This
is
keeping
with
the
approach
used
by


Guillory
and
Wolverton
(2008).




 The
sample
of
Native
students
for
this
study
was
developed
with
the
help
of


the
Native
American
Student
Advisor
whose
office
is
currently
housed
within
PSU’s


Multicultural
Affairs
Office
(OMA).
His
familiarity
with
the
American
Indian
students


enrolled
at
PSU
helped
ensure
interviews
and
focus
groups
included
students
with
a


diversity
of
ages,
genders,
family
status
(whether
or
not
one
is
a
parent),
year
in


college,
majors,
and
financial
resources.


 65


Given
the
similarities
and
differences
of
students
when
conceptualized
along


cultural
dimensions
it
must
still
be
recognized
that
Indianness
aside,
there
still


remain
individual
differences
among
American
Indian
students.
Because
of
his


familiarity
with
the
American
Indian
students
and
their
personal
and
life


circumstances,
the
Native
American
Student
Advisor
was
of
immeasurable
value
in


developing
the
sample
population.


University
Administrators,
Teaching
and
Non­teaching
Faculty



 Individual
interviews
with
two
University
Vice
Presidents,
the
Director
for


Diversity
Enhancement,
PSU
Admissions
Office
Minority
Student
Recruiter,
and


three
faculty
members,
including
one
Native
faculty
member,
were
conducted
on
the


campus
of
PSU.
University
Vice
Presidents
were
interviewed
because
they
were


considered
to
be
the
“voice”
of
the
institution,
and
those
most
directly
holding
the


power
to
shape
the
institutional
culture
(Guillory
and
Wolverton
2008:68).


University
Vice
Presidents
at
PSU
are
the
institutional
leaders
responsible
for


implementing
policy
that
directly
influences
the
environment
in
which
American


Indian
students
exist.




 The
Director
for
Diversity
Enhancement
provided
a
detailed
history
of
efforts


made
toward
providing
services
for
the
wide
range
of
students
from
diverse
racial,


ethnic,
and
cultural
backgrounds,
as
well
as
for
members
of
PSU’s
mainstream


population
including
faculty,
staff,
and
community
members.


 66


The
faculty
members
were
interviewed
because
of
their
ability
to
directly


impact
the
experience
of
the
students
that
they
encounter
through
teaching
and


advisement,
(Astin
1982;
Cibik
and
Chambers
1991;
Hornett
1989
Pascarella
and


Terenzini
1991).



The
Native
American
Student
Advisor
was
interviewed.
He
provided
an


invaluable
insight
into
the
daily
milieu
of
the
PSU
Native
student
population.
In


addition
to
this
insight,
he
also
proved
to
be
a
valuable
liaison
between
PSU


administration,
faculty
and
students.


In
depth
interviews
were
also
conducted
with
University
Student
Support


Staff
housed
in
the
Grassroots
Center
on
the
campus
of
PSU.
These
program


directors
provided
a
detailed
description
of
student
support
services
available
to


Native
students
and
the
extent
to
which
those
services
are
utilized.




A
digital
audio
recorder
and
handwritten
notes
were
used
to
record


responses
and
observations
in
each
interview.
In
all
cases,
interviews
were
held
at


the
offices
of
the
persons
being
interviewed.
Field
notes
were
transcribed
within
24


hours
of
the
interviews.
Audio
recordings
were
transcribed
verbatim
within
1‐2


weeks
following
the
interviews.
 



Research
Design



 This
study
is
designed
as
a
critical
ethnography
focusing
on
Native
American


student
success
at
Plains
State
University
(PSU).
Organizational
case
study
(Denzin


and
Lincoln
1994)
provides
the
methodological
framework
for
a
critical
detailed


 67


description.
Embedded
within
the
organizational
case
study
are
individual
case


studies
of
students,
staff,
faculty
and
programs.
Documentary
data
relevant
to
the


research
questions
were
investigated
to
provide
a
fuller,
richer
description
of


comparative
cases.




 For
the
implementation
of
this
study,
contact
was
made
with
the
faculty,


staff,
and
students
at
PSU
and
arrangements
were
made
to
secure
participation
in


carrying
out
the
methodological
strategies.
In
keeping
with
the
tenets
of
the
critical


perspective,
this
study
utilized
qualitative
ethnographic
techniques
in
order
to
gain


an
insider’s
view
through
the
use
of
in
depth
interviews,
observations,
and


participant
observations
of
institution,
students,
support
programs
and
gathering


places
on
the
campus
of
PSU
(Bogdan
and
Biklen
1982).
The
ultimate
goal
of
this


critical
qualitative
ethnography
was
an
enhanced
understanding
of
various
factors


that
work
independently
or
in
combination
to
create
a
campus
environment
and


university
experience
that
either
facilitates
or
impedes
success
for
Native
American


students,
as
measured
by
retention
and
graduation
rates.



Methods


Researcher’s
Place
in
the
Research


I
am
a
person
of
ancestral
descent
from
the
Meskwaki
people
of
Iowa
and
the


Cherokee
people
the
Southeastern
United
States.
I
have
been
around
Native
people


and
communities
all
of
my
life.
I
have
worked
and
lived
on
reservation
communities


in
Minnesota
and
Wisconsin.
I
have
participated
as
a
traditional
dancer
in
Pow


 68


Wows
across
the
country.
I
have
long
been
interested
in
modern
issues
facing


American
Indian
people,
particularly
how
to
improve
the
conditions
for
educational


success
for
American
Indian
students.
I
have
been
involved
with
PSU
for


approximately
12
years
over
which
time
I
have
become
very
familiar
with
the
social


reality
of
life
on
this
campus.
During
this
time
I
have
been
a
casual
observer
of


American
Indian
student
life
and
of
the
social
structure
on
campus
and
in
the


Railtown
community.


Focus
Groups



 Focus
group
interviews
were
employed
as
a
data
gathering
method
in
order


to
create
an
environment
in
which
the
Native
student
participants
could
feel


comfortable.
These
students
were
familiar
to
each
other
and
provided
mutual


support
in
a
situation
where
trust
was
not
immediately
established
between
them


as
participants
and
myself
as
researcher.




 In
order
to
establish
rapport
and
build
trust
early
in
the
focus
group


interview,
I
immediately
introduced
myself
in
the
context
of
my
own
Native


American
family
heritage
and
my
personal
involvement
with
American
Indian


people
and
communities
throughout
my
life
experiences.
Toward
this
end,
I


provided
the
group
with
an
introductory
letter
attached
to
a
group
introduction
and


demographic
information
form
that
each
participant
completed
at
the
outset.
See


Appendix
F
for
introductory
letter.


 69



 Three
focus
group
interviews
were
conducted
with
Native
American


students.
The
first
focus
group
was
held
in
late
April
of
2009
and
took
place
at
the


PSU
Student
Union.
The
number
of
interviewees
for
the
first
group
was
nine.
The


second
two
focus
groups
were
conducted
early
in
the
fall
semester
of
2009
at
the


conference
room
in
the
office
of
the
Dean
of
Honors
College/Interim
Director
of


Diversity
Enhancement.
The
second
group
included
six
interviewees.
The
third


group
also
included
six
interviewees.
The
total
number
of
focus
group
participants


was
21.
Three
groups
were
conducted
in
order
to
involve
a
number
of
participants


useful
in
gaining
a
detailed
picture
of
the
Native
student
experience
at
PSU.
The


greatest
challenge
in
conducting
these
focus
groups
was
in
scheduling
times
that


would
work
considering
the
various
schedules
of
student
participants.



 
Sessions
lasted
between
90
to
180
minutes.
On
each
occasion,
one
or
more


students
stayed
later
to
further
discuss
these
issues.
An
audio
recorder
and


handwritten
notes
were
used
to
record
the
student
responses
and
observations


during
the
focus
group
interviews.
In
addition,
personal
background
information


was
obtained
through
a
brief
questionnaire
distributed
at
the
beginning
of
the
focus


group
sessions.
Between
the
three
groups,
an
adequate
number
of
participants
were


included
to
ensure
a
sample
representative
of
the
diversity
of
American
Indians


enrolled
at
PSU
(Berg
1984).





 The
students
chosen
for
the
study
were
purposively
selected
based
on


availability
and
experience.
Every
effort
was
made
to
ensure
that
within
the


population
of
students
available
to
participate,
a
sample
was
obtained
that
reflected


 70


the
diversity
of
American
Indian
students
and
their
experiences.
Toward
this
end,
a


cross‐section
ranging
from
freshmen
to
graduate
students;
traditionally
and
non‐

traditionally
aged
students;
gender
representation
proportionate
to
the
American


Indian
population
at
PSU;
students
highly
involved
in
the
university
milieu,
such
as


Native
American
club
presidents;
and
student
commuters
with
little
campus


involvement
was
purposively
sought.
Students
were
invited
to
participate
by
a


primary
contact
from
the
PSU
Native
American
Student
Advisor.



Intensive
interviews



 An
in‐depth
personal
interview
(Denzin
and
Lincoln
1994)
was
conducted


with
PSU’s
Native
American
Student
Advisor
at
the
Office
of
Multicultural
Affairs
on


the
campus
of
Plains
State
University.
Interviews
were
also
conducted
with
Native


American
students
and
faculty
and
administrators
on
the
PSU
campus.
Among


administrators
interviewed
were
two
University
Vice
Presidents,
the
Director
of


Diversity
Enhancement,
two
Directors
of
Student
Support
Service
programs
and
the


Admissions
Office
Minority
Student
Recruiter.
Also,
four
individual
Native
American


students
were
interviewed
apart
from
the
three
focus
groups
conducted
with
Native


students.
These
individual
student
interviews
provided
for
an
in‐depth
exploration


of
the
Native
student
experience
at
PSU
on
a
much
more
personal
level
allowing
for


an
even
greater
emic
perspective.
These
students
were
extremely
eloquent
and


articulate
in
the
description
of
their
history,
and
their
life
experiences
in
Railtown


and
at
PSU.


 71



 Faculty
members
interviewed
include
one
Native
American
professor
and


three
professors
highly
involved
with
Native
American
students.
These
four


dedicated
professors
have
demonstrated
extraordinary
commitment
to
Native


students
through
their
continued
dedication
and
service
at
PSU.
Each
interview
was


conducted
individually
and
provides
an
insider’s
perspective
from
the
standpoint
of


Native
students,
PSU
faculty,
and
staff
and,
from
university
administrators,
an


institutional
voice.



 
An
interview
protocol
(Berg
1989;
Babbie
2007)
was
used
to
guide


questions
regarding
activities
and
services
provided
by
the
staff
of
the
organization.


The
goal
of
the
interviews
was
to
provide
an
enriched
descriptive
explanation
of
the


social
processes
inherent
with
mainstream
university
life
that
serve
to
facilitate
or


hinder
educational
attainment
of
Native
American
students
at
PSU.
The
interview


guide
used
was
modeled
after
that
used
by
Guillory
and
Wolverton
(2008)
with


permission
granted
by
Dr.
Raphael
Guillory
of
Eastern
Washington
University.
The


interview
protocol
focused
on
the
sensitizing
concepts
previously
discussed
as


derived
from
a
review
of
relevant
literature
and
was
designed
to
gain
an
emic


understanding
from
students,
faculty
and
administrators
of
factors
facilitating
or


hindering
educational
attainment
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
A
vigilant


eye
was
kept
for
the
emergence
of
new
meanings,
concepts,
and
themes
throughout


the
interview
process.
Follow‐up
interviews
and/or
additional
interviews
were


conducted
with
key
informants
to
clarify
information
and
gain
a
deeper


understanding
of
meaning
from
the
insider’s
perspective.


 72


Observation



 Field
observations
(Berg
1989;
Denzin
and
Lincoln
1994;

Babbie
2007)
were


conducted
as
an
ongoing
process
throughout
the
spring
and
fall
semesters
of
2009


PSU.
Observations
focused
on
many
areas
of
organizational
structure
and
social


interaction
such
as
the
physical
environment
of
the
campus,
the
economic,
social,


and
cultural
environment,
the
semantic
environment,
and
the
human
environment


of
teachers,
students,
and
staff.



Participant
Observation



 My
involvement
with
the
students,
officers,
and
activities
of
the
Native


American
Club
was
invaluable
in
gaining
the
highest
possible
degree
of
emic


understanding.
Close
contact
and
cooperation
with
the
Native
American
Student


Advisor
made
it
possible
for
me
to
be
welcomed
and
accepted
by
the
club
members.


While
it
is
always
a
concern
for
the
social
researcher
to
maintain
the
appropriate


distance
from
the
research
subject,
I
believe
I
have
accomplished
this
while
also


developing
many
friendships
based
on
a
genuine
fondness
of
and
commitment
to


the
people
who
are
the
focus
of
this
study.


Documentary
Data
Analysis



 Qualitative
description
and
inductive
exploration
also
guided
the
analysis
of


multiple
documentary
data
sources
(Miles
and
Huberman
1984;
Berg
1989;
Denzin


and
Lincoln
1994;)
provided
by
each
university
entity
dealing
with
Native
American


 73


students.
These
sources
include
curriculum
of
American
Indian
Studies
programs


listed
in
the
PSU
course
catalog,
literature
for
incoming
students,
Native
American


web
pages
on
university
sites,
calendars
of
American
Indian
cultural
events,


testimonials
from
current
and
former
students,
and
other
sources
that
were


discovered
throughout
the
research
process.
This
wide
array
of
documentary


materials
served
as
background
to
provide
an
enhanced
contextual
understanding


of
what
PSU
currently
offers
its
Native
American
student
population.
University


records
of
retention
and
graduation
rates
for
Native
American
students
were
also


collected.


Data
Collection
and
Analysis




 From
the
beginning
of
this
project,
the
process
of
data
collection
was


continuously
intertwined
with
the
process
of
data
analysis.


Data
Collection



 During
each
interview,
handwritten
field
notes
were
made
on
the
interview


guide
and
consisted
of
the
condensed
account
as
described
by
Spradley
(1980).



Immediately
after
each
interview,
these
condensed
notes
were
transferred
into
a


more
detailed
field
journal
(Spradley,
1980).
This
journal
contains
detailed


descriptions
of
the
tone
of
the
interview,
including
my
impression
of
the


interviewee’s
level
of
interest
in,
and
commitment
to
the
interview,
as
well
as
my


own
reflexive
interpretation
of
the
experience.
In
all
cases,
field
notes,
including


 74


condensed
notes
and
field
journal
were
attended
to
and
completed
in
as
much
detail


as
possible
within
24
hours
of
the
interview.




 Full
field
notes
consisted
of
verbatim
transcripts
of
exact
comments
made
by


each
interviewee.
These
transcripts
were
accomplished
through
the
use
of
two


redundant
systems
of
digital
recording.




 Each
interview
session
was
initially
recorded
using
two
Olympus
Digital


Voice
Recorders
model
VN‐3100PC.

These
recorders
were
placed
in
a
balanced


position
relative
to
all
speakers
involved
in
the
interview
in
order
to
ensure
the
best


possible
sound
quality.
Another
reason
for
using
two
recorders
was
as
a
redundant


system
in
case
one
of
the
recorders
malfunctioned.
Fresh
batteries
were
installed
in


each
recorder
prior
to
each
interview.



 Immediately
after
each
interview,
I
transferred
the
digital
audio
files
onto


Gateway
PC
laptop
computer
using
software
provided
with
the
digital
recorders.


Each
file
was
labeled
using
indicators
for
date,
time,
interview
subject
or
focus


group
identifiers.
Once
the
digital
audio
files
were
transferred
to
the
laptop


computer
and
were
verified
to
be
sound,
the
original
recordings
were
deleted
from


the
Olympus
digital
recorders.
This
was
done
in
order
to
ensure
the
safeguarding
of


participant
confidentiality
as
the
digital
recorders
could
have
been
misplaced.
The


digital
audio
files
stored
on
the
laptop
remained
securely
locked
in
my
office.



 In‐process
memos
reflected
the
continually
developing
interpretation
of


qualitative
data
as
well
as
the
unfolding
of
my
own
reflexive
process
as
the


collection
and
interpretation
data
progressed
throughout
the
transcription
process


 75


and
subsequent
interview
sessions.
These
memos
are
contained
within
the


interview
transcripts,
as
((parenthetical
Comments)).
They
are
also
contained


within
fieldwork
journal
entries
and
condensed
field
notes
on
the
interview
guides.


Data
Analysis



 The
process
for
transcribing
each
interview
session
was
concurrent
with
the


process
of
data
analysis
through
the
formation
of
categories
relevant
to
the
research


question.
For
each
separate
interview,
that
process
started
as
I
listened
to
the


interview
in
its
entirety.
During
this
audio
review,
I
made
further
detailed
notes
on


the
interview
guide.
These
notes
were
focused
on
relevant
points
and
the


connection
between
such
points
and
those
made
by
other
informants
or
in
other


interviews.
These
notes
were
accompanied
by
time
markers
taken
from
the
counter


provided
by
the
digital
audio
software
that
was
always
visible
on
the
PC
laptop


display.
In
this
way,
I
was
able
to
refer
directly
to
any
given
statement
made


throughout
the
interview
and
quickly
retrieve
it
if
necessary.
This
initial
audio


review
was
very
valuable
in
allowing
me
to
become
increasingly
familiar
with
the


content
of
the
interviews
while
simultaneously
allowing
for
some
foundational


categorizing
of
the
substantive
data.



 The
next
step
in
the
transcription
process
was
by
far
the
most
time


consuming
and
labor
intensive
step
in
the
process.
This
was
the
actual
verbatim


transcription
of
each
interview.
This
was
accomplished
through
listening
to
and


typing
every
word
that
was
contained
in
the
audio
recordings.
Throughout
this


 76


process
I
also
made
notes
regarding
mood,
tone
of
voice
and
emotions
that
were


evident.
This
was
a
tedious
process
that
required
constantly
stopping
and
re‐

winding
the
recording
in
order
to
accurately
transcribe
each
interview.
Great
care


was
taken
throughout
this
process
in
order
to
assure
validity
of
the
data
by


transcribing
to
the
highest
possible
level
of
accuracy
while
constantly
safeguarding


the
original
meaning
in
context
and
content.
The
completion
of
the
transcription


phase
left
me
with
a
high
quality
textual
form
of
data
gained
in
the
interviews.
The


next
step
in
the
analysis
of
the
data
would
be
the
categorizing
of
data
into


meaningful
groupings
of
data
relevant
to
the
research
question.



 Based
on
sensitizing
concepts
gleaned
from
a
review
of
current
relevant


literature,
a
coding
scheme
was
developed
allowing
for
the
categorization
of
data


gained
from
focus
group
and
intensive,
in‐depth
interview
transcripts,
and
the


resultant
field
notes
and
reflexive
memos,
into
theoretically
meaningful
‘data
bins’.




 These
data
bins
were
then
further
refined
into
increasingly
detailed
units
of


meaning
coming
directly
out
of
interview
texts
and
directly
related
to
the
research


question
as
indicative
of
factors
that
serve
as
either
facilitators
or
barriers
to


American
Indian
academic
attainment
at
PSU.

The
coding
scheme
was
color‐coded


using
a
highlighter
function
available
on
Microsoft
Word
for
Mac
2008.




 The
bin
labeled
‘Facilitators’
was
color‐coded
YELLOW.
The
bin
labeled


‘Barriers’
was
color‐coded
GRAY.
The
bin
labeled
‘Culture’
was
color‐coded
BLUE.


The
bin
labeled
‘Place’
was
color‐coded
RED.
The
bin
labeled
‘Reference
Groups’
was


 77


color‐coded
GREEN.
The
bin
labeled
‘Emergent
Themes’
was
color‐coded
PURPLE.


And,
the
bin
labeled
‘Normative
Statements’
was
color‐coded
TURQUOISE.



 Once
the
coding
scheme
was
developed
and
tested
against
the
foundational


categorization
of
data
as
carried
out
from
the
beginning
of,
and
concurrent
with
the


process
of
data
collection
and
analysis,
the
process
of
actual
coding
could
be
done.


Toward
this
end,
I
re‐read
each
interview
transcript
and
applied
the
color‐coded


highlight
to
all
text
falling
under
a
conceptual
category
as
labeled
in
the
coding


scheme.
For
example,
in
applying
the
coding
scheme
to
Focus
Group
#1
interview,
I


read
that
interview
transcript
from
top
to
bottom
and
applied
a
YELLOW
highlight


to
any
and
all
text
having
to
do
with
the
conceptual
label
‘Facilitators’.
Likewise


were
done
with
the
conceptual
label
‘Barriers’
and
the
GRAY
highlight.
And
so
on


throughout
the
text.
This
process
was
applied
to
each
interview
text
for
each
of
the


conceptually
labeled
categories.
The
end
result
of
this
process
was
the
application
of


multiple
colored
highlighted
texts
throughout
the
interview.




 It
should
be
noted
at
this
point,
that
in
many
instances,
a
block
of
text
might


apply
to
more
than
one
conceptual
category.
For
example
a
given
quote
might
be


dealing
with
‘Culture’
color‐coded
as
BLUE,
and
how
culture
can
be
a
facilitator,


color‐coded
as
YELLOW.



 The
next
step
in
the
coding
process
was
the
actual
separating
out
from
each


interview
of
conceptually
color‐coded
texts
into
categorical
bins.
This
process
was


again
achieved
by
re‐reading
each
interview.
At
this
step
however
coded
categories


were
taken
from
within
the
context
of
the
original
interview
and
put
into
a
new
bin


 78


specific
to
a
given
category.
For
example
all
texts
coded
as
‘Facilitators’
and


highlighted
YELLOW
would
be
cut
and
pasted
into
a
bin.
During
this
phase,
text


blocks
or
quotes
were
categorized
by
interviewee
class.
For
example,
a
facilitator


bin
was
partitioned
for
all
quotes
made
by
faculty
or
administrators,
or
students
and


so
on.
This
process
was
carried
out
for
each
conceptual
category.
The
result,
at
this


point
was
a
bin
each
for
facilitators,
barriers,
culture,
place,
reference
groups,


emergent
themes
and
normative
statements.
Each
of
these
conceptual
bins
was


partitioned
according
to
interviewee
class,
i.e.
faculty,
administration,
students,
or


staff.



 The
final
phase
in
coding
the
data
involved
further
refining
the
categories


into
even
more
detailed
bins.
The
contents
of
these
refined
bins
included


subcategories
within
each
conceptually
categorized
bin.
For
example,
the
facilitator


bin
was
further
refined
to
include
a
breakdown
of
all
facilitators
including,
support,


family,
finances,
and
so
on.
Furthermore,
the
facilitators/support
bin
was
then


refined
into
more
detailed
subdivisions
including
facilitators/support/faculty,
or


facilitators/support/peer
reference
group,
or
facilitators/support/family.

This


refining
of
each
categorical
bin
into
more
detailed
subdivisions
was
applied
to
each


of
the
original
seven
conceptual
categories.



 
Through
the
careful
application
of
this
coding
scheme
to
the
painstakingly


accurate
transcription
of
qualitative
interviews
I
was
able
to
develop
the
ensuing


rich
description
of
the
American
Indian
experience
at
PSU.

It
is
the
emerging


 79


insider’s
viewpoint
that
allows
for
illumination
of
what
factors
combine
to
facilitate


or
hinder
academic
attainment
for
these
students.



Validity
and
Reliability



 Issues
of
validity
and
reliability
are
concerns
in
all
research
and
especially
so


in
qualitative
research
projects
such
as
this.
When
collecting
data
in
the
form
of


narratives,
the
issues
concerning
validity
have
to
do
with
both
the
researcher
and


those
subjects
providing
the
narrative.
Detailing
the
relevant
context
of
observation


is
of
paramount
concern
in
striving
to
achieve
reliability
(Kirk
and
Miller
1986).


Toward
this
end,
four
separate
kinds
of
field
notes
have
been
kept.
These
include;


condensed,
in
the
form
of
notes
taken
throughout
the
interview
process
and


recorded
directly
on
the
interview
guide,
an
expanded
(verbatim)
account,
in
the


form
of
digital
recordings
kept
on
file,
a
fieldwork
journal,
including
notes
and


reflections,
and
a
running
record
of
analysis
(Spradley
1980).



 Validity
is
indicated
by
the
constant
testing
and
retesting
of
emerging
and


repeated
themes
over
the
course
of
data
collection
and
data
analysis.
Throughout


the
data
collection
process
the
same
themes
emerged
from
numerous
sources
at


various
times
and
from
unconnected
sources.
The
point
was
reached
where
the


interview
guides
became
less
useful
as
a
navigational
tool
and
more
of
a
mile


marker
of
predictability.
At
this
point,
it
could
be
said
that
theoretical
saturation


was
reached
and
further
sampling
had
reached
a
point
of
diminishing
returns.




 80



 Validity
is
also
enhanced
through
the
triangulation
of
qualitative
methods


including
intensive
interviewing,
field
observation
and
documentary
data
analysis.



Toward
that
end,
interviews,
focus
groups,
observation,
and
documentary
data
all


contributed
to
a
holistic
understanding
of
the
American
Indian
student
experience


at
PSU.
A
valid
study
is
one
that
strives
to
derive
meaning
from
the
perspective
of


the
informant
(Kirk
and
Miller
1986).
Interview
schedules
and
observation
guides


were
pre‐tested
and
re‐tested.
Throughout
the
data
analysis
phase,
a
continuous


process
of
coding
and
re‐coding
the
interview
data
yielded
intra‐rater
and
inter‐

rater
reliability.



 In
an
additional
attempt
to
ensure
validity,
drafts
of
coded
data
were


submitted
to
the
Coordinator
of
PSU’s
American
Indian
Studies
Program,
and
the


Native
American
Student
Advisor
for
a
double
coding
from
the
Native
perspective.


Both
were
asked
to
review
my
coding
scheme,
my
application
of
that
scheme
to
the


data,
and
for
possible
alternative
interpretations
of
the
data.
These
two
outside


coding
advisors
had
no
disagreements
with
the
data
as
coded.



Consideration
of
Human
Subjects



 The
purposes
and
procedures
of
this
study
were
clearly
stated,
informed


consent
was
obtained,
and
all
participants
were
informed
of
their
right
to
refuse
to


participate.

All
subjects
were
assured
that
their
responses
are
to
be
held
in
strict


confidence.
All
informants
were
assured
anonymity.
As
soon
as
possible,
all


identifying
information
was
separated
from
data.
Copies
of
the
dissertation
will
be


 81


made
available
to
those
with
interest
and
will
be
provided
to
those
study


participants.


Confidentiality



Focus
group
sessions
and
personal
interviews
were
recorded
using
a
digital


audio
recorder.
No
individual
identification
information
was
attached
to
these


recordings
except
for
the
time,
date
and
place
of
the
focus
group
or
interview.


Respondent’s
identifying
information
and
their
responses
were
kept
strictly


confidential
with
no
possibility
of
connecting
them
with
their
responses
in
any


reports
or
articles
arising
from
this
research
project.
Interview
transcripts
were


organized
using
a
coding
system
with
identity
codes
kept
separate
from
actual


identification.
All
identifying
links
to
data
were
destroyed
once
data
collection
and


analysis
was
completed.
Interview
recordings
were
kept;
along
with
original


identification
information
and
consent
forms
were
kept
in
a
secure
location.
Any


respondents
mentioned
in
the
final
research
report
were
identified
using
a


pseudonym,
and
birthplace
or
place
of
residence
was
kept
confidential.
Any
place


names
used,
such
as
specific
reservation
communities,
are
referred
to
using
only
by


generic
regional
identifiers.
Each
interview
was
transcribed
in
the
quickest
possible


manner
after
which
original
recordings
were
deleted.



After
transcription
of
personal
interviews,
respondents
received
a
full


transcript
for
their
review.
Follow
up
contacts
were
made
with
each
participant
in


order
to
confirm
their
agreement
or
disagreement
with
the
content
as
transcribed.


 82


There
were
no
disagreements,
and
in
most
cases,
participants
wanted
to
add
more


information.


Recruitment


Students
were
invited
to
participate
through
primary
contact
by
Native


American
Student
Advisor
in
PSU’s
Multicultural
Student
Affairs
Office
(OMA).
I,
as


the
researcher,
made
no
cold
contacts.
Once
contact
was
made,
students
interested


in
participating
were
directed
to
contact
me.
I
then
scheduled
individual
interviews


and
focus
group
dates.
Pizza
and
soft
drinks
were
provided
for
the
participants,


facilitating
an
informal,
comfortable
atmosphere.
A
Native
American
faculty
member


was
also
present
at
the
first
focus
group
meeting.
This
helped
create
an
atmosphere


of
trust
and
facilitated
more
open
communication
among
the
group.
No
such


measure
was
needed
for
subsequent
focus
groups.


Administrators
and
faculty
members
were
sent
a
letter
of
introduction
along


with
a
description
of
the
research
project
and
an
invitation
to
participate.


Appointments
were
then
scheduled
through
the
appropriate
channels.


Praxis:
the
Practical
Application
of
Research



Given
the
continuing
disparity
between
graduation
rates
of
American
Indian


and
non‐Indian
students
(Pavel
et
al.
2008),
the
implications
of
this
study
may
have


wide
ranging
applications
for
the
implementation
of
culturally
relevant
programs,


policies
and
curricula
focused
on
increasing
retention
and
graduation
rates
for


 83


American
Indian
students
in
higher
education.
Toward
this
end,
I
will
organize
and


execute
seminars
wherever
and
whenever
possible,
starting
at
PSU,
for
all


stakeholders
interested
in
the
findings
of
this
research
and
how
these
findings
can


be
implemented
to
enhance
the
understanding
of
factors
that
combine
to
hinder
or


facilitate
retention
and
graduation
of
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
In
keeping


with
the
critical
perspective
of
this
research,
my
hope
is
that
increased


understanding
of
such
factors
will
lead
to
policy
changes
that
greatly
increase
the


chances
for
educational
attainment
for
Native
students.





 84


CHAPTER
FIVE


Findings:
Quantitative



A
Quantitative
Picture
of
Diversity
at
PSU



 The
Prairie
State
Board
of
Regents
Fact
Book
for
the
fiscal
year
2010


provides
a
quantitative
snap
shot
in
time
of
the
diversity
of
the
PSU
student


population.
For
the
fall
semester
of
2009
the
total
number
of
students
enrolled
at


PSU
was
12,376.
At
10,577,
White
Non‐Hispanic
students
are
the
overwhelming


majority
at
83.9
percent
of
the
total
student
population.
At
436,
the
group
identified


as
Asian/Pacific
Islanders
is
the
next
largest
group
and
the
largest
of
all
minority


student
groups
at
3.1
percent
of
the
total
student
population.
According
to
several


administrators
I
interviewed,
the
majority
of
Asian
students
at
PSU
are
graduate


student/research
assistants.
Native
American
students
number
249
and
comprise


the
second
largest
ethnic
group
at
PSU
at
2.3
percent.
There
are
168
students


identified
as
African
American/Black
Non‐Hispanic
at
PSU,
comprising
1.5
percent


of
the
total
student
population.
The
group
numbering
the
fewest
of
any
identified


ethnic
population
is
Hispanic
students,
at
122,
or
1.3
percent
of
the
total
student


population.




 Regarding
the
quantitative
categorization
of
PSU’s
minority
populations,
the


caveat
must
be
made
that
any
accounting
of
minority
numbers
is
dependent
on
how


minority
students
place
their
own
ethnic
identity
in
the
hierarchy
of
salience
at
any


given
time
and
in
any
given
situation.
For
purposes
of
this
research,
while
allowing


 85


for
the
possibility
that
the
group
numbering
824
students
who
refused
information


or
are
listed
as
‘unknown’
may
in
fact
include
members
of
any
ethnic
minority


group,
including
American
Indian
students.
This
‘unknown’
group
has
been
excluded


from
the
accounting
of
ethnic
groups
expressed
as
a
percentage
of
the
total
student


population
due
to
the
unknown
nature
of
the
diverse
make‐up
of
the
group.
This


leaves
only
those
individuals
who
self‐identify
as
a
member
of
the
groups
listed,


including
those
who
self
identify
as
Native
American.
Table
5.1
displays
the


diversity
of
the
PSU
student
population:


Table
5.1

Ethnic
Origin
PSU
Student
Population:


American
Indian/Alaskan
 249
 

2.3
percent
 


Asian/Pacific
Island
 436
 

3.1
percent


African
Am/Black,
Non‐Hispanic
 168
 

1.5
percent

Hispanic
 122
 

1.3
percent

Information
Refused
 

81
 

0.7
percent

Unknown
 743
 

7.2
percent

White
Non‐Hispanic
 10,577
 83.9
percent

Total
Ethnic/Racial
Origin
PSU
Student
Population
 12,376
 100
percent




Source:
Prairie
State
Board
of
Regents
Fact
Book
FY
2010,
Regents
Information

Systems
.







 


 86


A
Comparison
of
Retention
and
Graduation
Rates



 Statistical
data
on
retention
and
graduation
rates
for
all
PSU
students


categorized
by
ethnic/racial
group
is
available
through
the
PSU
Office
of


Institutional
Research.
For
the
purposes
of
this
research,
and
in
keeping
with
the


research
question,
I
will
make
comparisons
only
between
the
Native
American


student
population
and
all
other
students.



 
Tables
5.2
and
5.3
show
comparative
retention
and
graduation
rates
of
the


first‐time,
full‐time,
Bachelor’s
Degree
seeking
student
population
categorized
as


Native
American
students
(5.3)
compared
to
the
total
number
of
first‐time,
full‐time


Bachelor’s
Degree
seeking
PSU
students
(5.2).
This
data
ranges
in
time
from
the
fall


semester
of
2000
through
the
fall
of
2009.
Some
students
beginning
in
2000
are
still


continuing
into
the
tenth
year.
Data
is
limited
for
students
beginning
in
2008
and


will
be
of
further
interest
with
the
passing
of
time.



 Some
observations
can
be
made
from
these
data.
First
is
the
vast
disparity
in


cohort
size.
Over
the
course
of
time
depicted
in
the
table,
some
years,
incoming


Native
American
freshman
students
were
outnumbered
by
over
100:1
when


compared
to
all
other
incoming
freshmen.



 Another
significant
disparity
is
quickly
observable
in
the
number
of
students


that
continue
from
the
first
to
the
second
year.
For
the
total
incoming
freshman


students
the
retention
rate
from
first
to
second
year
is
77
percent.
By
comparison,


the
retention
rate
from
first
to
second
year
for
Native
American
students
is
48


percent.



 87



 The
study
now
turns
its
attention
to
enhancing
understanding
of
tribal


students’
experiences
at
PSU.
In
the
ensuing
chapters,
qualitative
data
will
be


presented
from
interviews
with
administrators,
faculty,
staff
and
students
to


develop
further
insight
into
facilitators
of
and
barriers
to
educational
attainment
for


American
Indian
students
at
PSU.


 88


 89


CHAPTER
SIX


Findings:
Facilitators


“So
much
of
it
is
about
relationships.
It’s
not
just
the
bricks
and
mortar
of
a
place
for

community
.
.
.
it’s
about
the
relationships
that
people
build.
It’s
from
that

community—those
relationships
that
people
find
the
strength
and
the
support
they

need
to
succeed—in
anything
really.”








 Analysis
of
the
data
reveals
that
several
factors
act
as
both
facilitators
and


barriers
depending
on
context
and
the
people
involved.
This
chapter
will
explore


those
factors
that
primarily
act
as
facilitators
to
academic
attainment
for
American


Indian
students
at
PSU.





 
 Table
6.1
lists
those
factors
most
commonly
cited
as
facilitators
of
academic


attainment
for
Native
American
college
students
at
PSU.
Facilitators
are
listed
from


top
down
with
the
most
salient
listed
first.
This
rank
order
was
derived
from
a


compilation
of
data
from
administrators,
faculty,
staff
and
students.
Whereas
any


one
group
may
rank
facilitators
differently,
this
table
combines
the
viewpoints
of
all


groups
for
an
overall
best
fit
of
all
factors
cited
as
facilitators.







 90


Table
6.1:
Facilitators
of
American
Indian
Educational
Attainment
at
PSU.





Facilitator
 Sample
Quotation

Support
 It
boils
down
to
support
.
.
.
making
an

environment
where
students
feel
supported.

(Support
Staff)



Culture
 .
.
.
But
these
elders,
they
showed
me
that
my


 religion
.
.
.was
important
when
I
was
growing
up

.
.
.
That
was
my
strength,
for
me
to
familiarize

myself.

.
.
.sweat‐‐‐and
that’s
like
our
church.









.
.
.
and
eventually
the
Sun
Dance.


(Native
American
Student)



Financial
 .
.
.
we
do
have
several
Native
American

scholarships…
the
only
[ethnic]
group
on
campus

that
has
specific
scholarships
geared
toward

them.


(Administrator)







 Among
those
factors
that
act
as
facilitators,
in
this
study,
of
foremost


significance
is
the
over‐arching
theme
of
support.
Contained
within
the
support


theme
are
several
more
specific
areas,
or
issues
encountered
by
Native
students


wherein
support,
or
lack
thereof,
is
the
number
one
factor
impacting
educational


attainment
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
Without
support,
the
college
career


of
a
Native
American
student
at
PSU
may
be
short
lived.





 91


Facilitator:
Support


Supportive
Family











 Among
faculty
and
administrators
interviewed,
there
was
universal


agreement
that
family
support
plays
an
important
role
in
college
success
for


American
Indian
students
at
PSU.

Among
these
voices
is
the
non‐Native
Director
of


a
recruitment
and
student
support
program:


I
think
family
is
hugely
important
in
our
students’
success.
Many
of
our

successful
students
have
strong
family
support.

Family
can
be
quite
a

number
of
different‐‐I
look
at
family
as
very,
very
broad
sense.
It
could
be
a

spouse,
it
could
be
a
partner,
children,
it
could
be
parents,
it
could
be

guardian,
aunts,
uncles,
grandmothers,
whatever,
but
so
many
of
our

successful
students
do
have
a
family
network
that
supports
and
bolsters

their
education
.
.
.

We
are
trying
to
incorporate
family
more
into
our
holistic

approach
to
helping
students
succeed.
So
I
think
that’s
a
huge
factor
in

American
Indian
student
success.




The
White
male
Coordinator
of
University
Diversity
Enhancement
agreed


with
the
importance
of
family
support
for
Native
American
students:


Family
is
extraordinarily,
extremely
important.
While
it’s
important
for

everyone,
it’s
especially
important
for
Native
students
because
they
have

traveled
from
one
world
to
another
and
when
they
arrive
here,
they
often
are

quite
isolated
from
the
kind
of
emotional
support
that
a
family
can
provide





.
.
.
Significance
of
family
for
native
students,
especially
those
raised

traditionally
on
the
reservations
is,
in
my
opinion,
far
more
significant
than

for
the
typical
non‐Indian
in
this
particular
culture.




 Many
PSU
Native
students
cite
family
as
a
major
source
of
support.
Family


members
provide
emotional,
motivational
and
logistic
support
for
students
who


often
feel
out
of
their
element
on
a
mainstream
university
campus.


 92



 Several
Native
students
commented
on
the
importance
of
family
support
of


their
college
experience.
A
female
student
from
a
reservation
community
spoke
of


family
support:


My
mom
didn’t
finish
college
like
a‐‐‐what
do
you
call
it?
Traditionally.

Then

she
went
back
to
Sinte
Gleska
and
she
got
her
degree
for
teaching
Native

American
Studies
so
she’s
really
excited
that
I’m
going
to
college
and
getting

an
education
and
she
encourages
it,
no
matter
what
and
she
thinks
it’s
the

most
important
thing
because
she
didn’t
get
to
do
that.

Another
female
student
raised
in
a
reservation
border
town
said:



Like
my
family
is
the
most
important
thing
to
me.
We
are
very
close
and
it’s

just
as
hard
for
me
too
move
away.



A
third
female
student,
also
from
a
reservation
border
town,
agreed:



Personally,
I
have
100
percent
support
from
my
family.
No
questions
asked

in
any
aspect
of
anything.
100percent
support
there.




 Not
all
Native
students
at
PSU
are
from
the
Midwest.
Adding
a
bit
of
diversity


among
Native
students,
one
graduate
student
spoke
of
the
importance
of
family


support
of
the
college
experience
from
the
viewpoint
of
a
southwestern
Native


American
family
background:


My
family
has
played
a
huge
role
throughout
my
schools
and
degrees.
My

sister
went
to
Notre
Dame.
Both
of
my
parents
were
migrant
farm
workers.

They
didn’t
get
an
education‐‐‐well
my
mother
had
a
sixth
grade
education,

my
father
had
an
eighth
grade
education.
But
he
also
got
his
GED
at
25
years

old.
But
at
an
early
age
they
would
always
tell
us;
education,
education,

better
yourself,
better
yourself.
You
know
and—sometimes
it’s
easier
said

than
done.
A
lot
of
times
people
who
don’t
have
the
means
go
into
the

military.
And
then
sometimes
you
go
in
there
and
learn
discipline.
But
my

father
didn’t
want
us
to
go
into
the
military.
One
thing
that
helped
us,
my

sister
and
I,
is
that
my
mother
took
us
out
when
I
was
10
and
my
sister
was
9

to
help
in
the
fields.
We
worked
out
there
one
day.
That’s
all
it
took
and
I

said,
“no
this
is
not
for
me.”
And
then
when
we
got
home,
my
dad
told
us;
“
If

you
don’t
get
an
education,
the
fields
will
never
say
no
to
you.
There’s
always


 93


a
job
for
you
out
there
in
the
fields
without
an
education.”
So
I
would
think

family
is
the
best—or
the
major
thing.



Family
members
often
provide
logistical
as
well
as
emotional
support.
This
is


especially
true
for
single
parents
who
rely
on
family
for
help
with
caring
for
young


children
while
parents
are
in
school
or
working,
often
at
more
than
one
job
while


also
taking
a
full
credit
load.
A
non‐traditional
student
cited
the
importance
of


family
help
with
childcare:


The
reason
I’m
staying
here,
the
number
one
reason
is
my
Mom
and
my

daughter.

Without
my
mom
I
wouldn’t
be
able
to
continue
doing
well
in

school
.
.
.
the
only
reason
I
am
staying
is
because
I
have
someone
to
help
me

with
my
daughter.






Supportive
Friends











 After
family
support,
a
network
of
friends
was
commonly
cited
as
an


important
source
of
support.
One
Native
student
said:


I
think
people
are
an
asset.

You
know?
People
that
are
there
to
support
you,

and
people
that
encourage
you
and
say
‘you
can
do
it’.
‐‐‐We
kid
around
but

it’s
a
kind
of
support
for
each
other
to
get
through
college.




 One
faculty
member
pointed
to
the
formation
of
supportive
relationships
as


of
primary
importance
to
student
success.
These
relationships
are
not
restricted
to


friendships
or
family,
but
also
include
mentorship
by
faculty
and
staff
in
and
around


the
campus
environment:


So
much
of
it
is
about
relationships.
I
think
that
when
we’re
in
our
own

community
with
people
who
are
like
us,
that’s
a
lot
easier
to
pull
together

than
when
you’re
alone.
But
so
much
is
about
relationships.
It’s
not
just
the

bricks
and
mortar
of
a
place
for
community.
That
definitely
can
help,
but
you

can
do
it
in
a
tent
or
wherever‐‐‐it’s
about
the
relationships
that
people
build.


 94


It’s
from
that
community—those
relationships
that
people
find
the
strength

and
the
support
they
need
to
succeed—in
anything
really.





Native
Community




 
 There
was
almost
universal
agreement
among
PSU
faculty,
staff
and


administrators
on
the
importance
of
a
Native
community
and
peer
reference
group.


Several
Native
students
speak
openly
about
how
a
supportive
group
of
peers
is
a


facilitator
to
college
success.
A
non‐traditionally
aged
male
student
from
a


reservation
community
cited
the
importance
of
a
support
network:


Regardless
and,
like
I
said,
if
you
have
that
family,
away
from
home—then
we

can
make
it.
You
know
like
here—there’s
a
group
of
a
lot
of
us—there’s
many

of
us
but
then
we
all
sick
together
and
it
just
branches
out
and
we
all
try
to

keep
each
other
here
and
.
.
.



A
traditionally
aged
female
upper
classman,
from
a
border
town:



You
know
I
think
more
than
anything,
we
keep
each
other
here
rather
than

PSU
keeps
us
here.
I
mean—




 And,
a
traditionally
aged
male
transfer
student
from
a
reservation
town


mentioned
the
importance
of
the
peer
supported
found
in
the
Native
American
Club:


Yeah,
I
have
a
local
network.
I
mean,
I
come
in
and
I
meet
these
guys.
I
see

them
more
as
my
friends
than
the
people
I
knew
before
I
came
to
school

here.
It’s
because
we
have
so
much
more
in
common.
And
it’s
like;
I
love
the

Native
American
Club.
That’s
my
favorite
thing
about
this
school.
I
come,

hang
out
with
people
with
the
same
kind
of
background,
the
same
sense
of

humor.
It’s
a
lot
more
relaxing
and
I
think
if
we
had
a
house
it
would
even
be

a
lot
better.




 Several
students
commented
about
the
importance
of
humor
among
Native


students:


 95


That’s
a
good
point
with
that
sense
of
humor
part.
Because
if
you
can
imagine

yourself
here
without
that
club,
how
often
would
you
be
laughing?
And
what

is
humor
to
Native
people?
It’s
a
form
of
survival—So
whether
you
register
it

that
way,
that’s
what
one
of
the
things
is
for
you.
It
just
takes
a
lot
of
the

stress
away—from
everything
else.




 Many
faculty
and
staff
members
share
an
understanding
equal
to
the


students
themselves
of
the
importance
of
a
community
to
Native
student


persistence.
One
commented:


Well
I
think
that
they
need
to
feel
at
home
here,
and
the
primary
way
that

they
can
feel
at
home
is
if
they
can
make
connection
with
other
tribal

students.
So
the
Native
American
Club
is
especially
important
for
some
of

them‐‐‐and
or
some
kind
of
support
group
of
other
Native
students,
which

gives
them
some
sense
of
community.

I
think
that’s
important
for
them
to

have
tribal
role
models
here.
So
I
think
it’s
very
important
for
them
to
have
a

Native
American
Student
Advisor,
a
Native
American
Club
Advisor,
and

Native
American
faculty,
which,
we
have
some
of
that—but
not
nearly

enough
of
it.




 A
White
female
student
service
support
program
director
draws
an
analogy


to
other
peer
groups
who
provide
supportive
community
for
their
members:


And
then
again
finding
a
place
where
they
can
all
congregate
together,
just

like
everybody
else
does.
But
likes
stick
with
the
likes,
and
I
don’t
know
if

that’s
a
bad
thing.
But
it
happens
all
over;
football
players,
basketball
players,

Greeks,
theater
people,
student
government
people,
rodeo
people‐‐‐all
of

these
people
find
a
group
of
people
like
themselves,
with
common
interests

and
common
backgrounds.
You
go
with
who
you
have
stuff
in
common
with.

It’s
the
same
with
careers
and
majors,
all
the
people
with
common
interests

hang
together…What
people
always
get
so
hung
up
on
is;
‘Why
do
they

always
want
to
be
together?
Why
should
we
encourage
that
segregation?

But

I
try
to
explain
to
people,
it’s
like
that
wherever
you
go.

If
I
go
to
a

conference,
I’m
going
to
sit
with
a
group
of
women.
I’m
not
going
to
go
to
a

table
full
of
men
and
say;
‘Hey,
how’s
it
going.’
Wherever
you
are,
you
look
for


like
people.











 96


Supportive
Faculty











 American
Indian
students
at
PSU
pointed
to
the
importance
of
supportive


faculty
members
in
contributing
to
college
success.

A
non‐traditionally
aged
male


student
from
a
reservation
community
shared
his
perceptions
of
some
faculty


members:


Some
teachers
will
totally
understand
where
you
are
coming
from—and

ahh—like
your
family
issues
and
like,
you
know,
your
culture.



Another
male
student
from
a
reservation
community
added
his
thoughts:



There
are
professors
here
that
know
about
the
culture
and
the
history
and

they
teach
the
subjects
from
the
heart
and
from
a
real
deep‐seated
interest
in

Native
culture,
history,
and
people.




And,
from
a
traditionally‐aged
female
from
a
border
town:



I
mean
the
genuine
people
.
.
.
they
fought
for
us.
They
really
cared.
They

would
be
here
hours
later
than
they
had
to
be—doing
whatever
it
was
that

we
needed.

.
.
.
I
think
there
are
some
instructors
that,
no
matter
how
many

students
they
have
in
their
class,
they’ll
go
to
any
lengths
to
make
sure
that

student
learns.

Some
are
really
committed
and
supportive.




 Among
PSU
American
Indian
students,
and
others
interested
in
American


Indian
education
at
this
university,
it
is
generally
agreed
that
there
is
a
core
group
of


faculty
and
staff
that
are
deeply
committed
to
the
fostering
of
a
positive
educational


experience
for
this
university’s
Native
students.

This
cadre
of
support
is
well
known


and
commonly
mentioned
in
various
circles
and
contexts
regarding
the
Native


student
experience.
Throughout
my
interviews
concern
was
repeatedly
mentioned


for
the
time
when
these
supporters
will
begin
to
retire.

Students,
administrators


 97


and
faculty
have
all
pointed
to
the
need
to
bring
in
new
faculty,
staff
and


administration
that
will
carry
on
this
tradition
of
support.




 One
student
said
it
especially
well.
“It
makes
you
wonder
what
will
happen


when
these
people
retire.
If
they
are
not
replaced‐‐‐‐
then
we’ll
have
no
one.
If
it


weren’t
for
a
couple
of
them,
this
campus
would
be
three
decades
back.
We’d
be


even
further
behind
than
we
are
if
it
wasn’t
for
them.”




 A
high‐ranking
administrator
also
mentioned
a
particular
professor
who
is


seen
as
a
champion
of
American
Indian
students
and
mirrored
this
sentiment.
That


professor
speaks
of
progress
made
toward
increasing
faculty
support
on
campus:


I’m
encouraged
these
days
by
the
fact
that
more
and
more
of
my
colleagues

are
trying
to
be
more
inclusive
in
their
thinking
and
in
their
teaching.
And

administrators
are
showing
some
signs
of
wanting
to
be
more
proactive
and

to
do
the
kinds
of
things
that
are
long
overdue.




.
.
.
They
(the
students)
need
an
understanding
faculty—and
by
that,
I
mean

faculty
members
who
have
some
appreciation
of
their
history
and
culture,

where
they’re
coming
from
and
what
they
are
hoping
for.
We
certainly
have

improved
dramatically
in
that
area
through
the
years
and
various
programs.



I
would
say
that
most
of
the
tribal
students
who
give
it
a
chance,
find

supportive
faculty
members.


 



Supportive
Administration




 Without
university
administrators
sensitive
to
issues
particular
to
American


Indian
students
and
interested
in
providing
a
quality
college
experience
at
PSU,


chances
for
Native
student
success
would
be
limited.

Indications
are
that
Plains


State
University
does
have
a
very
supportive
administration
dedicated
to
creating
a

 
 98


university
environment
conducive
to
academic
success
for
its
Native
American


student
population.





 In
July
of
2009,
PSU
appointed
a
new
Provost
and
Vice
President
for


Academic
Affairs.
One
faculty
member
who
has
played
a
pivotal
role
in
helping


American
Indian
students
make
the
adjustment
to
life
on
a
mainstream
college


campus
speaks
of
the
support
of
and
commitment
to
academic
success
for
Native


students:



 Our
current
Provost
is
just
hugely
supportive.
I’ve
said
this
many
times
in

many
contexts‐‐‐
their
work
on
the
2+2+2
program‐‐‐just
set
the
model
for

American
Indian
collaboration,
and
for
the
success
of
American
Indian

students
at
PSU.
And
because
of
the
way
they
did
things,
they
were
so

inclusive,
‐‐they
were
not
only
wonderful
models,
and
wonderful
innovators,

‐‐um—and
energetic
leaders,
but
in
the
process
of
2+2+2,
they
brought
in
so

many
people,
like
me,
who
just
learned
from
them.
So
our
Provost,
from
the

academic
side
is
hugely
supportive.





 In
the
words
of
the
Provost
herself:




 I
think
primarily—well,
let
me
start
out
by
saying
that
there
are
several

different
offices
and
groups
of
people
who
really
have
been
charged
to

further
diversity
efforts
on
campus.
Then
we
have
some
advisory
groups.
We

have
a
diversity
advisory
group
that’s
made
up
of
about
16
people.
It
includes

Student
Affairs
and
Academic
Affairs
faculty
and
they
meet,
generally
about

once
a
month.
And
they
really
take
on
diversity
issues
and
try
to
provide

advice
and
council
back
to
the
Director
for
Diversity
Enhancement
who
then

kind
of
carries
out
the
work.





 …
Having
said
that,
there
are
a
whole
lot
of
other
advisory
groups,
and
I

won’t
be
able
to
tell
you
all
of
them
but—for
example,
Athletics,
has
a

diversity
advisory
group.
I
mean
there
are
many
other
things
out
there
as

well.
So
I
can’t
just
point
to
one
person
and
say

‘they
do
it’
,
but
yet
we
kind

of
have
this
University
Director
of
Diversity
Enhancement,
and
then
we
have

a
lot
of
other
things
happening.
We
kind
of
ask
that
person
to
keep
their

finger
on
the
pulse
of
what’s
happening
on
campus.
To
bring
issues
up,
to
try

to
do
programming
and
other
things
so
that
we
can
be
as
diverse
of
a
campus

as
we
can
possibly
be
at
PSU.

 
 99



 So
I
think
what
we’ve
really
tried
to
do
is
to
provide
very
overt
ways
that

they
can
have
a
voice.
For
example,
one
of
those
ways
is
in
trying
to
have
an

active
as
possible
of
a
Native
American
Club.
Where
they
can
come
together

and
they
can
be
an
identifiable
group
and
where
they
do
have
a
voice.
Where,

if
they
do
have
a
concern,
they
have
an
avenue
that
they
can
take
that
up.
You

know?
‐‐through
their
club,
through
their
advisor
and
so
forth.
So
I
think

that’s
a
way
that
we’ve
really
tried
to
enhance
minority
students
on
this

campus.
We
have
a
number
of
programs
that
we
have
tried
to
develop
that

not
only
recruits
them
to
come
here
but
also
tries
to
help
them
be
successful.






University
Community
Support









 The
Native
American
Student
Advisor
described
the
campus
support
system


this
way:


I
think
there
is
a
lot
of
support
for
Native
American
programs
on
campus
in

different
areas.
Some
have
suggested
that
it’s
the
size
of
the
school
that
can

be
intimidating,
but
I
think
if
you
find
a
community,
it’s
not
that
big.
You

know?
Spread
out
wise—number
wise
it’s
big.
But
no
student
here
knows
all

12
thousand
of
the
PSU
students.
That’s
why
community
is
important
in

providing
support
that
they
may
have
had
at
either
boarding
school
or
at

their
home
community
.
.
.
like
a
sort
of
extended
surrogate
family.





Support
Services










 From
the
viewpoint
of
the
PSU
Admissions
Office
Minority
Student
Recruiter,


support
services
for
minority
students
are
of
utmost
importance:


The
ideal
situation‐‐‐‐You
know,
for
me,
I
just
keep
coming
down
to
student

services.

That’s
what
it
comes
down
to,
for
me.
If
students
feel
like
they
are

supported
through
student
services,
I
feel
like
they
can
excel.
Again,
there
is

no
one
answer,
but
I
do
feel
that
student
services
make
a
big
impact
on
how

comfortable
a
student
feels.
And
I
had
to
say;
well,
actually,
we
do
have
a

little
bit
more
than
some
places.





 Some
Native
students
are
aware
of
Student
Support
Services
and
have
made


use
of
the
help
available.
One
student
spoke
of
his
experience
with
support
services:


 100


Tutoring.
The
Writing
Center.
I
didn’t
know
a
paragraph
or
a
sentence
had
to

have
a
noun
or
an
adjective.
I
just
wrote.
When
I
did
a
diagnostic
test
in

English
1,
it
was
all
marked
up.
So,
I
went
to
the
Writing
Center
and
that
last

paper
that
I
wrote,
I
wrote
on
my
own.

I
got
an
A
on
my
last
paper.
That

helped
me
a
lot.
So
did
the
Chemistry
one
too.





Staff
at
PSU’s
Student
Support
Services
Center
offers
a
variety
of
services
for


qualified
Native
students
interested
in
getting
help
in
adjusting
to
college
life.
The


director
of
Student
Services
explains:


We
try
very
hard
to
make
them
aware
of
the
opportunities
that
are
available.

When
they
are
still
in
high
school,
we
try
to
send
them
information
by

whatever
means
we
can,
about
the
possibilities
and
what’s
available.
We

have
a
pretty
good
network
within
this
state,
within
the
Trio
organizations.

There
are
actually
different
programs
that
fall
under
the
umbrella
of
what
is

called
Trio.
Pretty
much
all
of
them
are
based
in
helping
students
that
are

low
income,
first
generation
students
with
or
without
disabilities,
to
gain

college
access.
We
have
a
couple
of
them
here
on
campus,
Student
Support

Services
is
the
one
I
work
with
and
then
Upward
Bound
is
the
other
one
here

on
campus
which
is
a
college
access
program
that
helps
the
students
to
kind

of
make
that
bridge
from
high
school
into
college.



And
beyond
that,
we
also
have
the
academic
programs
in
place
that
address,

at
least
to
an
extent,
the
minority
academic
training.
For
example,
we
have

the
American
Indian
Studies
Program.



We
have
a
retention
program
with
that
and
it’s
open
to
all
American
Indian

students
and
that
involves
a
study
table
for
American
Indian
students.
It

involves
block
scheduling
so
that
students
can
get
into
the
same
classes

together
so
they
are
not
the
only
Indian
in
a
class
here
at
PSU.
It
also
involves

communal
housing.




 Student
Support
Service
programming
is
based,
in
part,
on
the
belief
that


sociability
is
key
to
a
fulfilling
college
experience:


A
huge
part
of
what
we
do
in
our
program
with
all
of
our
students
is
to
help

them
come
to
campus
and
put
down
roots
and
feel
comfortable
here,
and
feel

like
this
is
home.
It
is
absolutely
important
to
have
that
personal
contact.

Trying
to
find
–even
if
it’s
just
one
or
two
people—but
somebody
who–
maybe
as
a
student,
you
look
up
to
them,
maybe
not,
maybe
just
somebody


 101


you
just
meet
at
orientation.
But
they’re
a
friendly
face,
somebody
that

knows
what
your
name
is
and
why
you’re
here
and
what
you’re
up
to.
I
will

have
students
tell
me
that
they
just
had
somebody
take
an
interest
in
them

for
30
seconds
at
orientation,
but
that
made
a
difference.
It
really
made
a

difference,
because
somebody
cared
what
my
name
was,
why
I’m
here,
where

I’m
from.

 



If
we
can
just
make
that
connection,
then
on
the
way
home,
they
take
away

the
feeling
that
someone
really
cared.
That
little
stuff
goes
so
far.
A
friendly

face
or
an
outgoing
personality
can
be
tremendously
influential—it
doesn’t

have
to
be
faculty—it
can
be
a
food
service
worker
or
a
custodian
in
a

residence
hall.
Just
because
that
person
said
‘good
morning’
as
that
student

was
heading
out
for
the
day.
Silly
little
insignificant
things
that
make

personal
connections
are
such
huge
deals
for
students,
especially
when

they’re
in
a
circumstance
where
they
really
kind
of
feel
like
they
are
an
alien

in
a
different
world.




 Student
support
services
and
the
dedicated
staff
at
PSU
appear
to
be
an


important
facilitator
of
Native
student
college
success.
Of
particular
interest
to
me


as
I
interviewed
support
staff
was
their
obvious
level
of
commitment
to
helping


Native
students
succeed.
Aside
from
the
comments
they
made,
non‐verbal


communications,
including
body
language,
voice
inflections
and
even
an
occasional


teary
eye
were
evidence
of
the
deeply
felt
meaning
that
their
jobs
as
facilitators
of


success
held
for
them.







Facilitator:
Financial
Resources








 Across
the
board,
students
cited
financial
concerns
as
significantly
important


regarding
college
success.

Interestingly,
it
was
not
mentioned
as
the
most
salient


factor.
In
fact,
while
financial
resources
are
important
to
all
students,
the
Native


students
I
interviewed
generally
did
not
bring
up
the
topic
unless
asked
specifically


 102


about
it.
The
data
reveals
a
mixture
of
viewpoints
about
the
amount
of
and


availability
of
scholarships
for
Native
students.
For
example,
one
administrator
and


one
Native
student
said
that
there
were
not
very
many
scholarship
opportunities
for


American
Indian
students
at
PSU.

Another
administrator
said
that
there
are
an


abundance
of
scholarships
specifically
for
Native
students.

Furthermore,
at
PSU,


American
Indian
students
are
the
only
minority
group
to
have
scholarships
directed


specifically
toward
them.



 
It
appears
that
this
discrepancy
is
mainly
a
matter
of
being
informed
of


financial
aid
opportunities.

My
interview
with
the
Director
of
the
Plains
State


University
Office
of
Financial
Aid
made
it
abundantly
clear
that
financial
aid


resources
are
available
to
Native
students.

A
list
of
scholarships
available
to
Native


students
is
included
in
the
appendices.




 However,
even
subsequent
to
that
interview,
I
continued
to
hear
divergent


opinions
about
the
availability
of
financial
aid.

Financial
realities
are,
in
fact,


different
for
each
student,
as
are
the
sources
of
potential
support.
One
finding


relating
to
this
is
the
need
for
greater
awareness
among
Native
students
of
the


opportunities
for
financial
assistance
that
are
available
to
them
at
PSU.



 I
asked
the
director
of
Financial
Aid
about
the
percentage
of
Native
students


who
rely
on
financial
aid
to
attend
PSU:


A
high
percentage—91
percent
of
all
of
the
students
at
PSU
receive
some

type
of
financial
aid.
And
so
the
Native
students,
if
they
are
enrolled
in
a

degree
program,
and
if
they
apply
for
a
scholarship,
and
if
they
have
other

eligibility,
meaning
that
they
are
academically
prepared
in
the
sense
of

having
a
2.0
or
higher,
they
are
receiving
some
type
of
a
scholarship.
So
the


 103


answer
as
a
percentage
is
100
percent
if
enrolled
full‐time.



Now,
there
is
some
misunderstanding
about
finances,
because
there
is
no

free
ride
for
the
Native
students.
And
as
costs
have
increased,
other
funding

sources
have
not
kept
up
with
the
increased
costs—and
so
most
students,

including
Native
students
are
taking
out
significant
student
loans.
It’s
a

misperception
among
many
people
that
Native
students
are
going
to
school

for
free.
In
Prairie
State,
there
are
no
state
programs.
Some
states
do
allow

students
who
are
Native
to
their
state
to
go
with
no
tuition
and
fee
expenses.




 One
administrator
listed
scholarships
as
a
facilitator
relieving
financial


strain,
“Financial
.
.
.
we
do
have
several
Native
American
scholarships
.
.
.
more
than


for
any
other
minority
group.
Actually,
that’s
the

only
group
on
campus
that
has


specific
scholarships
geared
toward
them.”



 There
is
an
extensive
list
of
scholarship
opportunities
available
specifically


for
Native
American
students.
Many
of
those
are
specifically
for
PSU
while
many


others
are
available
for
American
Indian
students
regardless
of
where
they
attend


college.



 One
interesting
note
for
consideration
is
that
of
all
students
interviewed,


none
mentioned
financial
aid
of
any
kind
as
a
facilitator
to
college
success,
rather,
it


was
cited
by
administrators.
I
have
learned
from
various
administrators
that
several


Native
students
at
PSU
are
the
recipients
of
scholarship
awards,
some
of
which
are


quite
generous
as
in
the
case
of
the
Gates
Millennium
Scholarship.
One
possible


conclusion
to
be
drawn
may
be
that
students
see
support
in
the
form
of
human


interactions
such
as
an
encouraging
word
or
a
warm
greeting
as
of
primary


significance
over
finances.



 
Appendix
G
lists
scholarships
available
to
Native
American
students
at
PSU.


 104


Facilitator:
Culture






 
 Just
as
family
support
emerges
as
a
primary
facilitator
for
college
success,
the


issue
of
culture
emerges
as
an
integral
part
of
the
American
Indian
student’s


identity.
Culture,
family
and
identity
are
intertwined
and
can
provide
a
strong


buttress
against
the
discomfort
that
can
come
with
the
cultural
discontinuity
of


movement
from
the
reservation
community
to
the
mainstream
university.
How
that


cultural
identity
is
nurtured
and
expressed
throughout
the
PSU
experience
may
play


a
pivotal
role
in
the
success
of
the
Native
student’s
college
career.




 
 Nothing
describes
this
experience
better
than
the
voice
of
an
American


Indian
PSU
student:


I
was
thinking
of
one
of
the
things
that
is
important
from
a
student’s

perspective,
not
only
myself
as
a
non‐traditional
student,
is
their
self‐
confidence—and
being
in
this
type
of
setting.
Because
one
of
the
things
that

need
to
be
considered
is,
where
they
come
from.

What
kind
of
relationship

they
had
with
their
family—their
respected
elders—even
like
their
teachers,

or
someone
in
authority.
So
‐‐‐‐you
know—in
that
environment
at
home,
of

course
there’s
confidence.




 For
the
Native
student
who
brings
from
home
and
family
a
strong
sense
of


cultural
identity,
culture
provides
a
sort
of
empowering
sense
of
comfort
in
a


strange
environment.



 One
of
the
common
themes
cited
as
a
facilitator
was
the
opportunity
for
the


Native
students
at
PSU
to
express
or
participate
in
traditional
cultural
activities.



While
such
an
opportunity
is
universally
seen
as
a
positive
experience
for
PSU


 105


Native
population,
it
must
be
mentioned
conversely,
that
lack
of
such
opportunities


present
a
barrier
to
college
success.




 One
student
shared
his
perspective
of
culture
as
a
facilitator
in
this
way:



One
thing
I
keep
getting
chopped
off
from
saying
is‐‐‐‐umm‐‐‐just
growin’
up

and
comin’‐‐‐I
had
a
lot
of
dead
time
after
the
service
just
drinkin’
and

packin’
on
the
poundage‐‐‐Doin’
nothin’
ya
know?

I
wasted
that
time
but‐‐.
I

didn’t
have
that
supporting
cast
–from
the
beginning.
You
know?
I
had
to
find

it
on
my
own.

And‐‐‐I
started
growin’
my
hair‐‐‐and‐‐‐not
shavin’
anymore,

not
runnin’
anymore
(laughter
from
everyone.)
You
know?




‐‐‐But
these
elders,
they
showed
me
that
my
religion‐‐‐what
I
thought
was

important
when
I
was
growing
up‐‐‐cuz
on
my
dog
tags
it
said
Roman

Catholic.
And
I
know
I’m
not
Roman,
‐‐so
why
am
I
Catholic?
Ya
know?
So
I

reverted,
I
converted
back
to
‐‐‐okay‐‐‐I
watched
all
these
historical
movies;

Rabbit
Proof
Fence
and
ah‐‐‐Bury
My
Heart
at
Wounded
Knee,
and
a
Tattoo

on
my
Heart,
Running’
Brave‐‐‐
But
that’s
what
I
reached
out
to
when
I

started
to
realize
my
identity
and
that
was
my
supporting
cast.
That
was
my

strength,
for
me
to
familiarize
myself.
I
said‐‐‐okay
um‐‐‐sweat‐‐‐and
that’s

like
our
church.
…and
eventually
the
Sun
Dance.




It
took
me
15
years
to
quit
drinking
and
to
survive
off
the
reservation‐‐‐I

learned
that
in
the
service‐‐‐but,
to
come
back
home
to
Prairie
State,
nothin’

changes
here.
I
mean
stuff
does
but‐‐‐you
know,
as
far
as
this
Indians
and

Whites
thing
goes,
it’s
always
gonna
be
there.
It’s
like
gangs,
drugs,
violence
it

never
goes
away.
So
for
me,
that
supporting
cast
of
helping
me
find‐‐‐like
a

re‐birth
of
my
spirit‐‐‐that
helped
me
so
I
can
be
here
today.
So‐‐‐no
matter

how
many
scars
I
got
on
my
face,
or
on
my
knuckles,
I
don’t
care
anymore.
I’ll

walk
through
here
like
a
sore
thumb
and
I
don’t
care‐‐‐People,
I
think,
they

just
kinda
look
at
me
and
just
kinda
walk
away
and
look
around.
I
don’t
care.

I’m
here
to
go
to
school
so‐‐.




When
I’m
done,
I
wanna‐‐‐I
think
I
would
be
more‐‐‐more
helpful
outside‐‐‐
out
within
the
Native
American
communities
rather
than
be
on
the
outside.

But
I’d
like
to
work
on
the
outside
to
get
experience.
And
I
think
I
would

probably
have
already
without
graduating
right
now,
but
I
wanna
graduate

so
that
way
I
can
at
least
go
back
and
have
that
with
me.
‐‐‐But
that’s

important
for
me.
It’s
gonna
be
a
thank
you
back
to
the
kids.
You
know?
Some

of
our
kids
grow
up
with
their
Grandparents
because
their
parents
still

wanna
drink
and
party.
The
‘you
only
live
once
attitude.’
But,
you
waste
all

that
time.
And,
I
did
that
so‐‐‐
I
don’t
know,
I’d
like
to
kinda
help
be
a


 106


supporting
cast
for
young
adolescents.
And
whether
it
be
coaching
or

(unintelligible)…

I
want
something
better
than
that,
but
if
I
can
relate
to

kids‐‐‐you
know?
That’s
important
to
me
because
a
lot
of
reservation
kids

don’t
have
that.
They
don’t
have
that
supporting
cast.




 The
most
significant
way
consistently
cited
by
American
Indian
students
for


faculty
to
be
a
part
of
that
“supporting
cast”
was
through
cultural
awareness,


cultural
sensitivity,
understanding
and
acceptance.



 Conversely,
one
of
the
most
hurtful
barriers
commonly
cited
by
Native


students
were
their
experiences
with
culturally
insensitive
or
hostile
faculty.
In
the


next
chapter
I
will
address
some
of
these
experiences
along
with
other
barriers
to


academic
attainment
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.



 





 107


CHAPTER
SEVEN






Findings:
Barriers






 
 From
the
review
of
literature,
one
can
see
many
barriers
encountered
by


American
Indian
college
students
are
rooted
in
the
history
of
education
as
a
tool
to


force
assimilation
and
attempts
to
destroy
indigenous
cultures
(Berry
1969).


Though
as
outlined
in
the
preceding
chapter,
positive
progress
toward
educational


attainment
has
been
made
in
the
education
of
American
Indians,
many
barriers
still


remain.
Strides
have
been
made
toward
American
Indian
college
success
at
PSU,


based
on
comparison
of
qualitative
data
gathered,
indications
are
that
for
the


subjects
participating
in
this
research,
barriers
outweigh
facilitators
by
more
than
a


2:1
ratio.
 



 
 Table
7.1
provides
a
list
of
the
most
salient
barriers
to
academic
attainment


for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.

Barriers
are
listed
from
top
down
with
the


most
salient
listed
first.
This
rank
order
was
derived
from
a
compilation
of
data


from
administrators,
faculty,
staff
and
students.
Whereas
any
one
group
may
rank


barriers
differently,
this
table
combines
the
viewpoints
of
all
groups
for
an
overall


best
fit
of
all
factors
cited
as
barriers.





 108


Table
7.1
:
Barriers
to
American
Indian
Educational
Attainment
at
PSU.




Barriers
 Sample
Quotation

Institutional
 I
think
that
institutional
change
is
in
order,
but
is
very
difficult

Barriers
 because
this
is
the
way
it’s
always
been.


(Faculty)

Poor
High
 One
of
the
greatest
shortcomings
I
see
with
Native
American

School

 students
coming
into
our
university
is
preparation.

Preparation
 (Support
Staff)

Prejudice
or
 I
think
a
barrier
is
racism
on
campus.
I
think
that
there
is
a
lot

Racism
 of
it.


(Native
American
Student)

Lack
of
 But
for
us‐‐‐we
just
want
to
have
people
on
our
side
.
.
.if

Support
 somebody
comes
here
from
the
rez
and
doesn’t
already
have

that
connection
it
would
be
harder
for
them
.
.
.

(Native
American
Student)

Family
 Some…parents
have
actually
put
in
their
kids
heads
that
the

university
is
out
to
‘make
you
one
of
them.’
.
.
.
In
fact,
I’ve
had

more
than
one
student
who
would
be
doing
very
well,

academically,
but
are
getting
calls
from
home
that
are
saying;

‘You
need
to
come
home.
You
don’t
belong
there.’


(Support
Staff)

Financial
 So
few
of
the
students
come
in
with
ample
financial
backing.

Resources
 These
students
come
from
such
incredibly
poor
backgrounds.


(Support
Staff)

Community
 Well,
Prairie
State
is
actually
the
heart
of
Indian
and
White

racism.

(Native
American
Student)

Culture
 Yeah,
I
just
think
PSU
generally
doesn’t…
they
really
don’t

embrace
Native
Americans
at
all.


(Native
American
Student)

Dominant
 One
of
the
things
I
noticed
was
that
a
lot
of
the
students
come

Culture
 from
situations,
which‐‐‐the
White
society‐‐‐or
mainstream


Reference
 America
views
differently.


Group
 (Support
Staff)

Place
 First
of
all,
we’re
the
only
school
for
hundreds
of
miles
around

(AIECC)
 with
a
significant
Native
population
that
doesn’t
have
a
Native

American
House.
So‐‐‐you
know‐‐
there’s
a
huge
gap
in
service

here
and
what
should
be
just
a
natural
part
of
what
we
do

here.

(Faculty/Administrator)


 109



 
 Data
collected
at
PSU
for
this
research
supports
previous
research
cited
in


the
literature
indicating
that
institutional
structural
barriers
may
be
a
significant


factor
hindering
academic
attainment
for
American
Indian
students.



 Everyone
I
interviewed
agreed
that
social
change
focused
on
improving
the


chances
for
American
Indian
academic
success
at
PSU
must
start
with
the
PSU


administration.
Some
discussed
it
in
terms
of
the
institutional
mission.


Institutional
Barriers



 A
veteran
professor
speaks
of
the
history
of
the
American
Indian
college


experience
at
PSU
specifically,
how
that
college
experience
has
been
a
product
of
an


institutionalized
structure:


I
think
that
institutional
change
is
in
order,
but
is
very
difficult
because
this
is

the
way
it’s
always
been.
Generations
worth
of
Indian
people
being
just
a
blip

on
the
screen,
or
not
on
the
screen
or
tangential
or
peripheral,
or

subordinate,
or
whatever
you
want
to
call
it.
It’s
pretty
hard
to
unlearn
that.

There’s
no
model
for
it
in
the
educational
experiences
of
most
Ph.D.s.
They’ve

just
basically
gone
through
their
various
systems
without
much
of
an
interest

in
diversity.
Diversity
in
general,
let
alone
diversity
of
American
Indians.



I
think,
historically,
the
university
has
been
reactive
rather
than
proactive.

And
so
there’s
been
quite
a
few
things
in
response
to
accreditation
reports

and
accreditation
teams
coming
here
and
evaluating
programs,
and
so
forth,

North
Central
and
otherwise—evaluating
programs
and
pointing
out
that
we

need
more
diversity
emphasis.
So,
we’ve
been
behind
the
curve
for
as
many

years
as
I’ve
been
here.



But
historically,
here,
like
other
places,
it’s
been
mostly
reactive.
And
the

problem,
of
course,
with
that
is
that
you
can’t
institutionalize
change
that

way
because
it’s
something
that
looks
minimally
satisfactory
on
paper
but
it

doesn’t
fundamentally
change
the
institution—and
so,
if
you’re
going
be

proactive,
I
think
you
have
to
re‐think
the
whole
system
and
make
changes


 110


that
are
truly
foundational
so
that
you
are
not
only
accommodating
diversity,

but
welcoming
it
and
immersing
in
it
and
learning
from
it.




 Regarding
the
Land
Grant
Mission
of
the
university,
the
same
professor


continues:


.
.
.
It’s
been
a
glaring
omission
actually,
that
tribal
kids
have
been
under

served.



.
.
.
University
administration,
as
a
structure
from
the
top
down,
doesn’t

directly
take
responsibility,
as
a
priority,
for
addressing
issues
of
diversity,

particularly
related
to
Native
students,
but
rather,
that
responsibility
falls
to

individual
pockets,
or
enclaves
within.
It’s
safe
to
say
that
through
the
years,

the
central
administration
have
been
reactive
rather
than
proactive.

Sometimes
responsive
to
what
some
of
us
are
doing
and
asking
for,
but

rarely
are
initiators.
Except
for
giving
lip
service
to
it,
of
course.
They
are

really,
really
good
at
that.


 
 
 


 One
university
administrator
addresses
issues
concerning
the
history
of
PSU


and
remaining
barriers
to
American
Indian
academic
attainment
from
an


institutional
perspective:


I
don’t
know,
structurally,
and
I’m
talking
organizationally,
if
we’ve
quite

landed
on
the
best
organization
to
work
with
diversity.
So,
I
think
we’re

siloey,
if
that
makes
sense.
You
know
we
live
in
our
little
silos,
and
I
don’t

think
we
have
enough
cross
integration
happening
with
our
work.
Let
me

give
you
an
example;
I
don’t
know
how
well
Admissions
goes
out
and
recruits

Native
American
students.
I
don’t
think
they
are
doing‐‐‐I
probably
shouldn’t

say
this
but—I
think
we
could
improve
.
.
.
Admissions
office
that
is
not
doing

very
much.
So
that’s
an
example
where
I
mean,
I
don’t
know
organizationally,

if
we’re
really
working
across
the
way
we
should
and
if
we
have
everybody

on
board.



Sometimes
I
think
we
get
so
comfortable
working
in
our
little
realm
of
the

campus
world—that
we’re
not
doing
enough
together
.
.
.
we
have
got
to
do
a

better
job
of
bringing
academics
and
student
affairs
together.
They
kind
of

operate
in
their
own
little
worlds
right
now.
So
that’s
an
PSU
problem.
And
it

impacts
how
well
we
do
out
there
with
recruiting
and
actually
servicing

students
when
they
come
here.




 111



 The
issue
of
PSU
commitment
to
minority
recruiting
is
one
that
was


continuously
questioned
by
all
interviewees,
including
administrators,
faculty
and


staff.

One
administrative
staff
member
speaks
frankly
about
priority,
historically,


for
minority
student
recruitment,
including
recruiting
Native
American
students:


We
don’t
have
a
very
extensive—(sigh)
recruiting
program.
We
don’t
have

very
extensive
information
for
minority
students.

.
.
.
But
I
feel
like
at
PSU,

we
were
not
really
getting
that
from
anywhere
else,
you
know?

.
.
.
We’re
not

really
getting
that
push
from
anywhere
so
we’re
not
doing
it.




 One
faculty
member
has
worked
toward
enhancing
diversity
at
PSU
for


decades.
Among
his
many
passions
was
working
toward
an
enhanced
appreciation


for
Native
American
students,
and
an
appreciation
for
indigenous
culture
as
an
asset


to
the
university.



I’m
of
the
view
that
we
are
not
fulfilling
our
mission
and
purposes
very
well.

We
need
to
really
focus
on
that
and
do
a
better
job
of
it.
But
it’s
there.
It’s
in

the
mission.
It’s
what
we
are
to
be
doing.
We
are
to
be
making
our
institution

at
least
reflect
the
diversity
that’s
within
our
own
state,
because
we
are
to

embrace
all
of
the
population.
But
we
also
need
to
recruit
individuals
into

higher
education
to
provide
those
diversity
experiences.




For
example,
there
are
high
schools
throughout
the
reservations
that
are

never
visited
by
PSU
even
though
the
non‐native
schools
are
all
visited
by

PSU.
The
view
that’s
been
presented
to
me
is
that
the
yield
of
students
who

actually
will
come
to
PSU
is
small,
and
that
funds
for
recruitment
are
better

spent
elsewhere.




So—I
think
that
there
is
an
immediate
conflict
there
with
our
mission.
The

admissions
office
seems
to
be
looking
more
toward
total
numbers,
while
the

mission
of
the
university
is
looking
toward
serving
all
of
the
people.
And

those
two
missions,
those
two
approaches
have
not
yet
been
properly

integrated
in
my
view.




The
administration,
in
my
opinion,
needs
to
both
better
fund
and
better
insist

that
minority
students
be
recruited
and
retained.
That
is,
there
needs
to
be

direction
from
higher
administration
that
minority
students
are
recruited


 112


and
that
funding
be
provided
for
that
purpose.
We
have
minimal
funds

directed
to
that
effort
right
now.

So—the
administration
definitely
wants
to

see
it
happen—but
the
orientation
towards
making
it
happen
just
doesn’t

seem
to
have
materialized
as
yet.



They
see
it
as
a
problem,
but
not
one
that
they
want
to
spend
a
lot
of
money

on.
Or
even
very
much
money
on.
It’s
a
problem
that’s
been
assigned
to

others
who
are
under
funded
and
have
difficulty
making
it
happen
.
.
.

So
it

gets
complicated
making
these
things
happen.
But
I
would
say
the

administration
just
hasn’t
properly
funded
or
directed
it
to
happen.
But
if
you

talk
with
any
administrator,
they’ll
tell
you
diversity
is
important
and
they’d

like
to
see
more
of
it.
They
are
just
not
making
it
happen.
It’s
not
a
very
high

priority.
Total
numbers
sadly
seems
to
be
a
higher
priority
than
diversity

within
those
numbers.




 It
quickly
becomes
apparent
that
one
of
the
barriers
to
academic
attainment


for
American
Indian
students
has
its
genesis
in
the
divergent
viewpoints
concerning


what
the
priorities
are
in
addressing
diversity
issues.
More
specifically,
how
the


official
university
policy
addresses
American
Indian
students
within
the
overall


issue
of
diversity
has
a
direct
impact
on
the
Native
American
college
experience.


 Another
university
administrator
discusses
their
perspective
on
diversity


and
even
the
definition
of
the
term.
Clearly,
it
is
a
broad
issue
that
extends
beyond


the
parameters
of
this
research:



I
think
it
was
very
interesting
to
me—and
I
think
it’s
still
a
stumbling
block,

to
really
define
‘what’s
diversity’.
You
know‐some
people
are
very
passionate

that
it
includes
everything,
ethnicity,
sexual
preference,
the
whole
gamut,

including
gender.
And
there
are
other
people
that
really
want
to
narrow
it
to

just
ethnicity,
and
that
don’t
want
to
deal
specifically,
with
sexual

preference—that’s
supposed
to
be
a
hotpoint
for
some
people.
But
I
just

found
that
very
curious.
My
sense
and
my
approach
is
that
diversity
is
very

global,
and
that
we
need
to
be
respectful
of
all
people.
And
that
that
includes

not
only
you
know,
people
tend
to
focus
on
what’s
easy,
which
is
the
color
of

someone’s
skin,
and
we
seem
to
be
able,
as
a
society,
to
see
what’s
politically

correct
there.
But
I
also
think
that
my
view
is
that
we
need
to
be
respectful
of

women,
and
I
still
think
there
are
issues
with
gender.
Not
here,
but
nation


 113


wide—I
mean
everywhere.

And
I
think
sexual
preference
is
a
major
issue.

And
I’d
say
that
when
you
talk
about
diversity
in
Prairie
State,
obviously

working
with
the
Native
American
population
is
big
for
Prairie
State
because

of
the
number
of
reservations
and
our
make
up.
But
I
would
tell
you
that

sexual
preference
is
another
hot
button
in
this
state.
And
that
is
an
area
of

concern
for
us
working
with
students
because
that’s
another
major
prejudice

that
tends
to
pop
up.
And
that
doesn’t
mean
that
you
give
preference
to
one

area
over
another,
but
that
you
need
to
work
on
all
areas
if
we’re
going
to
be

a
community,
a
university
that’s
respectful
of
all
difference.





 From
a
Director
of
one
of
the
student
support
services
on
campus
comes


further
testimony
regarding
the
confusion
of
what
diversity
means,
who
is
defined


as
diverse,
and
where
priorities
lie:


I
think
there
are
people
on
this
campus
who
don’t
include
Native
American

kids
as
part
of
their
outlook
for
diversity.
Which
is
silly.
When
you
look
at
the

population
of
our
state,
I
mean
the
incredible
wealth
of
potential
ability
that’s

there
in
the
Native
kids—how
we
can
not
look
on
that
as
a
resource
is

asinine,
to
me,
frankly.
Um—but
there
are
those
who
want
to
make
diversity

a
euphemism
for
worldly.
Ah‐who
‘want
kids
from
Kuwait
and
we
want
kids

from
Nepal,
and
we
want
kids
from
wherever.’
‐‐on
the
other
side
of
the

globe
because
that
makes
us
a
more
worldly
university.
And
there’s
some

truth
there.
I
mean
that
absolutely
has
some
worth
there.
But
to
close
out
one

group
in
favor
of
another,
kind
of
diffuses
the
whole
meaning
of
the
word

diverse.




 A
faculty
member
who
has
remained
very
involved
with
American
Indian


students
for
many
years,
addresses
the
issue
of
diversity
and
expresses
deep


concern:


I
guess
if
you
are
a
Native
person,
a
White
institution
is
not
attractive
to
you

especially
if
that
institution
doesn’t
have
a
good
reputation
as
being

welcoming
and
valuing
the
Native
culture.



Sometimes,
you
get
the
feeling
that—well
maybe
it’s
more
than
a
feeling—
sometimes
the
word
diversity
is
thrown
around
because
it’s
politically

correct
and
it’s
something
that
has
to
be
addressed,
rather
than
something

that
is
addressed
because
it’s
a
universally
held
value‐‐
addressed
for
the

right
reasons.


 114





 A
faculty
member
who
has
administered
a
successful
program
for
Native


students
discussed
how
the
university
deals
with
diversity:


In
a
word,
insufficiently,
I
think
we’ve
made
a
lot
of
progress,
but
still,
a
lot
of

people
do
not
appreciate
the
strength
and
the
benefit
that
comes
from
having

diverse
faculty
and
diverse
students
who
are
a
part
of
the
whole
big
world

we
live
in.
I
would
say
there
is
less
open
racism,
but
we
still
have
a
lot
of

education
to
do
when
you
have
people
who
have
been
here
forever
in

leadership
positions
and
they
really
don’t
understand
it
.
.
.
And
there
are
still

a
lot
of
people
here
who
have
never
been
exposed
to
–to
know
how
it
can

benefit
this
institution
and
them
as
their
own
person.




 One
professor
discussed
administrative
support
as
fundamental
to
the

institution’s
mission:



The
first
thing
that
pops
into
my
head
about
that
is
the
knowledge
that
this
is

a
land
grant
institution
and
that
Tribal
Colleges
have
the
land
grant
status
as

well.
And
that
means
we
should
all
be
in
this
together
about
using
our

resources
to
make
people
be
better
through
education.





 Another
faculty
member
who
is
primarily
involved
with
Native
American


students
comments:


This
is
a
Land
Grant
institution.
And
it
is
significant
to
say
that
in
this
state,

we
have
nine
reservations,
and
those
reservations
occupy
20
percent
of
our

land
mass
.
.
.
If
our
mission
is
to
serve
the
people
of
the
state,
and
we
don’t

get
that
those
people
in
terms
of,
certainly
people
of
color
are
American

Indian
people
and
that
is
our
calling,
then
we’ve
really
sort
of
missed
the

boat.



If
our
mission
is
serving
the
people
of
the
state,
we
have
a
gigantic

underserved
population,
right
here,
who
are,
in
terms
of
the
university,
who

are
our
neighbors
.
.
.
our
front
yards
join
each
other.
And
for
a
large
part
of

our
history,
the
history
of
PSU,
and
the
system
of
higher
education,
the
gates

have
been
closed
to
our
neighbors.
And
so,
to
me,
it’s
a
total
no‐brainer.
It’s

totally
obvious
that
collaboration
with
American
Indian
communities
and

services
to
American
Indian
students
is
first
and
foremost
in
the
mission
of

this
university
and
what
we
do
here.






 115


Poor
High
School
Preparation






 Congruent
with
findings
from
previous
research,
high
school
preparation


was
a
common
barrier
to
college
success
mentioned
by
administrators,
faculty,
staff,


and
students
at
PSU.




 A
Native
American
upper
classman,
working
toward
a
major
in
Math
speaks


of
his
experience
in
high
school
in
a
reservation
town:


My
parents
both
taught
and
they
sent
me
to
(Public
school)
just
because
the

education
there
was—well
their
math
and
science
programs
are
way
better

than
(Tribal
school’s).
(Tribal
school’s)
highest
math
class
is
geometry,
which

is
ridiculously
low
if
you
had
any
hopes
of
becoming
an
engineer.
Cuz
you

need‐Calc
and
Trig—but
anyways
I
mean
um—at
(Public
school),
it’s
like
an

uphill
battle.

When
you
go
into
a
classroom,
you’re
not
even‐‐teachers
don’t

even
look
at
all
the
students
equally.
And
I’m
not
saying
that
all
of
the

teachers
are
like
this,
but
most
of
them
are.
And
being
Native‐‐you
really

have
to
prove
yourself
there.
I
mean,
once
you
are
consistently
on
their
A
or

B
honor
roll,
then
they
will
start
to
respect
you,
but
you
have
to
do
that

everywhere
you
go
at
(Public
school)
.
.
.




 Another
upper
classman
working
toward
a
degree
in
Range
Science
recalls


his
tribal
high
school
experience
in
a
different
reservation
town:


I
can
remember
in
my
four
years
there,
the
staff
would
select
certain

students
that
were
doing
good
academically
and
they
would
solely

concentrate
their
efforts
on
those
students.
The
rest
of
them
probably
got
left

behind.
And
so
when
they‐‐‐
(pauses
and
coughs)
Alright,
I’ll
put
it
this
way.

When
I
was
a
freshman,
we
had
about
160
students
in
my
class.
When
we

graduated—there
was
only
48
of
us
that
graduated.
The
rest
of
them
either

fell
back
because
the
teachers
just
weren’t
giving
the
time
of
the
day
to

actually
help
them
with
their
studies—making
sure
that
they
learned
the

material
for
the
classes—all
of
that.
Ummm—a
lot
of
teachers
would
rather

have
one
of
the
good
students—the
ones
that
were
getting
As
and
Bs
come
in

after
school
and
do
extra
stuff
for
classes
and
earn
the
extra
credit
or

whatever.
So
a
lot
of
students—I
had
a
couple
friends
who
just
thought;

‘what’s
the
point
of
being
in
school?’
‘What’s
the
point
of
going
to
college?’

Those
teachers
don’t
care
about
us
.
.
.
and
out
of
the
48
of
us
that
graduated;

only
12
of
us
went
on
to
college.


 116





 A
Native
graduate
student
recounts
her
experience
at
a
tribal
reservation


high
school:


I
actually
went
to
(Tribal
school),
where
the
highest
math
was
geometry.

They
offered
Algebra
2
online
with
like
all
of
Prairie
State,
but
it
was

ridiculous
because
the
teacher
would
always
be
calling
(Tribal
School)
out.


They’d
be
like;
‘(Tribal
school),
you
are
two
chapters
behind.’
We
were
like;

‘We’re
trying
to
teach
ourselves
thanks.’
So
I
went
to
college
terrified
of
any

math
or
science
courses.





 Some
students
speculate
that
one
factor
leading
to
substandard
high
school


education
at
reservation
high
schools
stems
from
a
bad
fit
between
reservation
high


schools
and
personal
traits
that
some
non‐Indian
teachers
bring
to
those
schools.


One
shared
his
perspective:


Teachers
there
are
terrified
to
teach
at
tribal
schools.
Sometimes
when
I
do

go
by
(Tribal
school)
or
I’ll
go
and
talk
to
my
mom,
the
teachers—they
just

have
the
hardest
time
communicating
with
Natives.
They
just
have
a
horrible

time.
I
don’t
know
where
the
interaction
breaks
down.
I
don’t
know
what
the

cause
and
effects
are.
I
don’t
know
if
it’s
because
you
have
a
bunch
of‐‐‐
basically,
a
bunch
of
White
people
you
know—it’s
what
we’re
fighting
with

here
at
PSU
–they
just
really
don’t
know
the
culture.
They
just
really
don’t

know
Native
American
people.
They
just
don’t
know
how
to
deal
with
them.

And
they
have
just
huge
problems
trying
to
teach
them
anything
because

they
don’t
click
like
that.



A
lot
of
teachers
will
go
there
and
just
get
their
time
in.
And
then
‘boom’
once

their
time
is
in,
they’re
out
of
there.
And
during
that
time,
they
don’t
take
the

initiative—that’s
all
they
are
there
for
is
just
a
job.
They
don’t
take
the
time

to
get
to
know
the
culture,
or
know
the
area.






 Agreement
among
the
students
indicates
that
this
is
a
common
experience


for
students
attending
reservation
high
schools.
Another
student
recalls
her


experience
of
conflict
between
Native
students
and
non‐Native
faculty:


 117


Yeah,
I
think
we
had
people
like
that
too.
Like
they
would
just
be
there
for
a

little
bit.
Like
I
actually
went
into
college
knowing
that
my
guidance

counselor
wrote
my
college
a
letter
saying;
‘She’s
not
gonna
make
it.’
‘I
don’t

think
she’s
prepared
for
the
courses
you’re
going
to
be
offering
her—and
I

don’t
think
that
you
should
accept
her.’
And
so
I
was
like,
‘Okay.’
And
my

parents
were
like,
‘Ignore
that.’
‘She’s
some
White
woman—just
ignore
her,

you
can
do
it.’




 Another
student
from
a
rural
reservation
community
attended
a
reservation


high
school.
He
recalled
the
conflict
between
American
Indian
students
and
high


school
faculty:


There
were
students
down
to
(Reservationtown)
that
were
the
same
way,

but
it
was
the
attitude
of
the
staff—well
for
one;
they
didn’t
live
right
in

(Reservationtown).
They
came
from
(Bordertown
#1),
you
know—
(Bordertown
#1)
and
(Bordertown
#2)
are
known
for
(pause)
the

(Bordertown
#2)
School
District
is
known
for
hating
their
own
Indian

students
in
the
school
district.
I
think
a
lot
of
teachers
from
(Bordertown
#2)

and
(Bordertown
#1),
both
towns,
don’t
like
Indians.
So
obviously
they’re

going
to
have
that
attitude.
And
it’s
weird
for
them,
coming
from
those
towns,

to
teach
at
a
school
on
a
reservation,
where
98
percent
of
the
students
are

Indian.




 Whatever
the
cause,
every
student
I
interviewed
agreed
that
there
is
a


difference
in
the
quality
of
education
between
reservation
high
schools
and


mainstream
high
schools.
Some
of
the
Native
students
I
interviewed
attended


mainstream
high
schools
and
did
not
experience
the
same
educational
deficit
upon


entering
college.
This
may
indicate
that
the
problem
is
with
reservation
schools
and


not
with
American
Indian
students.




 One
Native
American
PSU
student
had
high
school
experience
in
both


mainstream
and
reservation
high
schools.
She
recalls
the
difference
and
the
effects


that
differential
quality
have
on
Native
students
from
reservation
schools:


 118


I
went
to
school
in
a
city
school
in
Rapid
City.
So
I
finished
that
city

curriculum
so
I
went
to
(Tribal)
High
School
on
the
reservation.
And—I
was

involved
in
activities
ranging
from
drama
to
basketball,
to
running
and

everything
at
these
White
schools.
And
then
I
went
to
(Tribal)
and
I
was

involved
there
too.
But,
I
could
see
a
big
difference
in
the
atmosphere—and

just
what
they
do
socially
and
the
way
they
communicate,
and
the
way
of

dress,
I
mean
everything
was
just
so
different
from
that
White
society.
And

then
I
think
when
kids
get
here,
they
feel
like
such
an
outcast
.
.
.

But
um—
the
reservation
schools
were
just
not
up
to
par.
And
that
is
very
hard
because

you
have
students
coming
here
that
could
maybe
read
okay
but
only
at
a
10th

grade
level.
Or
not
read
as
fast
and
comprehend
that.
So
they
have
special

learning
circumstances,
where
these
classes
are
so
hard
for
them.
I
mean

even
just
general
classes.
I
was
roomed
with
a
girl
from
(Tribal)
High
School

who
I
became
friends
with
–and
she
came
here,
but
she
didn’t
last
that
year

because
she
could
barely
do
anything.
I
tried
to
help
her
as
best
I
could
and

stuff,
but
it
was
just
too
hard
and
overwhelming
for
her.
And
when
there

were
traditional
White
students
spending
10
hours
in
the
library
to
study
for

this
really
hard
pathology
course,
these
Natives
need
like
days
to
prepare.

You
know?
It
is
just
hard
for
them.
They
don’t
learn
those
study
habits.
They

don’t
learn
that.
They
didn’t
have
the
same
opportunities
before
getting
to

college.
So
it
is
very
hard.
They
are
playing
catch
up.



Another
Native
student
who
attended
a
mainstream
city
high
school
speaks


of
the
experience
of
students
from
reservation
schools:


I
know
a
lot
of
people
that
because
rez
schools
are
not
advanced
as
some

other
schools,
who
were
a
big
deal
in
high
school
and
then
they
come
here

and
their
writing
skills
are
behind,
or
their
math
skills
or
science
skills
or

whatever.
And
then
they
come
here
and
it’s
like
this
defeat
for
them
right

away.
And
so
then
they
think
‘wow,
I
can’t
do
it.
I’m
not
as
smart
as
I
thought

I
was.’




 Another
challenge
concerns
Native
students
who
come
to
PSU
from
boarding


schools.
The
Native
American
Student
Advisor
who
works
especially
closely
with


incoming
freshman
students
many
of
whom
have
been
in
a
highly
structured


environment
throughout
their
entire
school
career
detailed
this
possible
barrier
for


me:


 119


Another
thing
that
might
be
a
barrier
is
the
structure,
or
the
lack
of
structure

for
students
who
come
to
college
from
a
boarding
school.
In
the
boarding

schools
everything
in
daily
life
is
highly
structured.
But
this
goes
both
ways.

There
was
one,
who
felt,
because
(Support
Program)
is
very
regimented
and

structured,
he
felt
uncomfortable
because
he
said
it
made
him
feel
like
a

special
needs
students.
He
felt
categorized
or
separated
as
if
he
were
in

‘Special
Ed’.
So
he
had
a
difficult
time
fully
participating
in
that
program

because
he‐‐‐but
yet
without
it,
he
wouldn’t
have
been
here.
So
that’s
the

difficulty.



And
then
a
lot
of
the
students
talk
about
a
part
of
the
troubles
going
back
to

the
fact
that
a
lot
of
the
students
come
straight
here
from
some
of
the
tribal

schools
have
been
in
boarding
schools
most
of
their
lives
so
they
are
used
to

that
structure.
And
they
get
here
and
they
don’t
have
that.
And
part
of
that

structure
even
includes
homework
time
and
study
time
and
tutor
time.

Whereas
it’s
not
quite
as
structured
here
through
the
program,
but
yet
at
the

same
time,
there
is
so
much
more
freedom
that
they
are
not
used
to.
And

most
of
them
have
come
through
an
entire
system
of
boarding
schools,

starting,
probably
from
elementary,
through
middle
school
and
high
school

so
that’s
what
they
know.
And
they
just
have
a
hard
time
with
it
here.




 Some
Native
students
come
to
PSU
unprepared
for
college
level
work.
There


is
extant
detailed
literature
on
this
subject.
Faculty,
administration,
admissions
staff


and
the
students
themselves
are
well
aware
of
the
educational
handicap
many


American
Indian
students
begin
their
university
career
with.
An
admissions


counselor
commented
on
high
school
preparation:


Getting
back
to
enrollment
and
wanting
students
to
succeed
here;
one
of
the

things
that
I
found
kind
of
surprising
and—well—it’s
just
very
interesting…

from
being
on
reservations
myself,
‐‐umm‐just
seeing
what
kind
of
schools

the
Native
students
come
from‐‐.
And
I
think
that’s
part
of
the
problem
too
in

that
sometimes
the
schools
don’t
prepare
them
to
come
to
college.

So
when

they
get
here,
we
can’t
always
admit
them—you
know?
Or
they
come
here

and
they
don’t
do
well.





 120



 Among
those
who
may
be
most
qualified
to
speak
on
this
issue
are
those
who


work
in
the
area
of
Student
Support
Services.
A
support
services
administrator


spoke
at
length
on
this
topic:


One
of
the
greatest
shortcomings
I
see
with
Native
American
students

coming
into
our
university
is
preparation.
We
need
to
go
back
to
that

preparation
thing,
and
helping
our
students
to
come
into
the
system
in
a

manner
in
which
they
have
an
ability
to
succeed.
Because
the
way
they’re

coming
in
now,
they’re
standing
in
a
hole
3
feet
deep
the
day
they
walk
in
the

door—metaphorically—and
they
just
have
such
a
disadvantage.




The
quality
and
the
depth
of
preparation
of
the
Native
students,
simply
is
so

far
below,
I’m
sorry
to
say,
that
of
the
general
population.
And
one
can
look
at

the
boarding
schools
of
course,
which
we
deal
with
quite
often.
Um—one
can

look
at
the
some
of
the
private
schools
versus
just
the
general
population
of

the
reservation
schools,
and
there
are
some
vast
variances
in
the
quality
of

preparation.
Not
surprisingly,
more
often
than
not,
the
private
schools
tend

to
send
the
students
to
us
with
a
little
bit
better
preparation
amongst
those

groups.
But
overall,
the
academic
preparation
is‐‐we
spend
so
much
time

trying
to,
for
lack
of
a
better
phrase,
make
up
the
difference—catch
those

Native
students
up,
just
so
they’re
at
a
basic
level
of
understanding
with

many
of
the
other
students
coming
in.
It’s
a
true
disadvantage
to
those
kids.

So
many
of
them
end
up
coming
in
and
immediately
getting
plugged
into

remedial
classes
in
the
hopes
that,
perhaps,
they
can
do
some
catching
up.

And—boy
frankly,
sometimes
they
can,
and
sometimes
it’s
just
such
a

colossal
task
because
so
many
of
them
have—just
don’t
have
the
basis
of

understanding
to
even
know
where
to
start
on
a
lot
of
those
subjects.
That’s
a

huge
disadvantage.
They
start
out
from
a
big
handicap.
You
understand
that

I’m
looking
comparatively
with
other
students
that
I
am
working
with
that

are
also
low
income,
that
are
also
first
generation,
perhaps
with
varying

types
of
disabilities.
I
mean
these
are
not
just
your
everyday,
walk‐
in
off
the

street
students
either.
I
mean
these
other
students
are
disadvantaged
as
well,

but
even
though,
when
you
compare
the
two
groups,
still,
the
Native
kids
are

coming
in
so
poorly
prepared.
And
it
it’s
‐‐‐I
feel
terrible
for
so
many
of
them

because
they
have—absolutely,
from
an
intellect
standpoint,
and
an
ability

standpoint
of
general
knowledge,
they
have
the
tools—without
question.

Many
of
them
come
in
with
some
wonderful
scholarship
opportunities
and

some
various
types
of
backing
from
the
tribes
and
whatnot
that
financially;

often
times
give
them
some
great
opportunities.
But
they
just,
often
times,

don’t
have
the
basis
to
utilize
that.
It’s
a
shame.
It’s
a
horrible
shame.




 121


So
often,
these
students
have
told
me
how
at
a
lot
of
these
general

reservation
schools,
so
many
of
the
teachers
and
the
administrators
are

focusing
so
much
of
their
time
on
just
trying
to
keep
the
peace.
And
trying
to

hold
the
physical
building
together,
that
the
opportunity
for
advancement
is

very,
very
low.
And
then,
if
a
student
does
excel
in
that
environment,
it’s
still

comparative
to
low
standards.
I’ve
been
told
that
some
students
come
from
a

reservation
school
thinking
they
were
an
academic
superstar,
only
to
find

that
they
are
still
behind.
Hence,
a
handicap,
even
for
a
student
who
came

here
with
confidence.



So
they
may
feel
that
separation
happening
very
quickly.
Of
course
we
cannot

generalize.
And
I
don’t
want
to
say
that
the
cards
are
stacked
against
them—
but
over
and
over,
I
hear
the
statement;
that
they
feel
like
they
are
on
the

outside
of
PSU
looking
in‐‐that
they
don’t
feel
like
Prairie
Dog
freshman,

rather
they
are
Native
students
at
PSU.







Prejudice
or
Racism








The
voice
to
best
describe
experienced
racial
prejudice
is
that
of
the


American
Indian
students
themselves.
There
is
no
shortage
of
such
stories.
During


the
fall
semester
of
2009,
I
was
made
aware
of
a
case
of
threatening
messages,


including
death
threats
directed
at
an
incoming
freshman
living
in
a
residential
hall


on
campus.
The
case
was
reported
to
the
Native
American
Student
Advisor
and
to


the
University
Police
Department.
Investigations
were
conducted,
but
no
person
or


persons
were
ever
determined
to
be
responsible
for
the
messages
nor
was
anyone


held
accountable.
While
the
student’s
Resident
Assistant
and
other
students
on
his


floor
were
supportive
throughout
the
ordeal,
the
source
of
the
threats
remains


undetermined
leaving
that
student
with
the
lingering
discomfort
of
the
knowledge


that
someone
close
enough
to
slip
written
messages
under
the
door
of
his
room
may


want
to
do
him
harm.


 122


Another
Native
student
recalls
his
first
year
on
campus:


My
first
year,
my
freshman
year
here
I
lived
in
a
residence
hall.
I
lived
on
the

fourth
floor,
the
very
top
floor.
I
was
the
only
person
of
color
on
the
floor.

And
there
was
two
incidents
where
I
had
two
floor
mates
come
up
to
me
and

tell
me
they
“F’n
hate
Native
Americans”.
And
I,
you
know,
I
didn’t
get
scared

or
anything.
I
just
sort
of
say
‘Okay,
thanks
for
letting
me
know”.

Uhh‐
I
said,

“I’ll
try
not
to
create
and
uncomfortable
situation
for
you”.

“I’ll
try
to
avoid

you
at
all
costs.”

But,
that
was
one
incident.
Uhm,
and
there’s
been
some

things
in
a
few
of
my
courses.




 Regardless
of
whether
a
specific
incident
is
recalled,
Native
students
at
PSU


agree
that
racism
directed
toward
American
Indians
is
a
common
reality:


Well,
Prairie
State
is
actually
the
heart
of
Indian
and
White
racism.
That’s
all

it
basically
is.
A
lot
of
people
in
my
class
have
even
admitted
that
they
come

from
communities
where
it
is
predominantly
White,
where
they
only
really

interacted
with
each
other—like
.
.
.
As
much
as
people
will
preach
or
talk

until
they
are
out
of
breath
saying
it
doesn’t
exist
in
Prairie
State‐‐it
does.
It

does.
Everywhere.






 Another
Native
student
expressed
her
awareness
of
racism
on
campus


alluding
to
the
complexity
of
Native
student
identity:


I
think
a
barrier
is
racism
on
campus.
I
think
that
there
is
a
lot
of
it.
I
know
a

lot
of
other
people
I’ve
talked
to
that
felt
that
there
were
racist
attitudes
in

classrooms
that
they
went
into
and
they
get
looked
at.
I
know
one
girl
who
is

almost
full
blood
Ojibwa,
and
she’s
pretty
dark
skinned.
She
was
telling
me

that
she
gets
looked
at
all
the
time.
People
look
at
her
and
they
think
she’s

mean
and
all
this
stuff,
and
they
just
have
this
assumed
attitude
of
her

because
she’s
dark
skinned
Native.
So—and
then
there’s
the
flip
side.
I
have

another
friend
who
is
lighter
skinned.
She
doesn’t
necessarily
look
Native

when
you
first
look
at
her
and
she
didn’t
grow
up
feeling
Native
and
so
she

has
trouble
coming
into
her
own
being
Native
because
she
already
senses
the

racism
on
campus.
And
so
she
doesn’t—so
it’s
a
big
stress
for
her.




 While
racism
undoubtedly
stings
the
worst
for
American
Indian
students


who
live
it,
others
are
also
aware
that
it
does
exist.
One
Native
American
faculty


member
has
seen
it
from
the
perspective
of
student
and
professor:


 123


Racism.
Over
the
years
I’ve
seen
and
heard
of
incidents
where
I
know
some

students
have
really
had
a
hard
time
in
some
of
their
classes
because

teachers
have
made
racist
remarks.

.
.
.
So
racism
is
alive
and
well
and
I
know

students
have
experienced
racist
attitudes.







Lack
of
Support




 Many
factors
combine
to
affect
the
university
experience
and
chances
for


academic
success
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
Depending
on
context,
many


of
those
factors
act
as
facilitators,
barriers,
or
both.
As
seen
above,
it
appears
that


support
may
be
the
most
significant
facilitator.
Conversely,
the
logical
conclusion


can
be
drawn
that
a
lack
of
support
may
be
the
most
significant
barrier
to
college


success
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
The
lack
of
support
takes
many
forms


including
friends,
faculty
community
environment
and
family.


Lack
of
Support:
Friends








 One
non‐traditionally
aged
Native
male
student
commented:



How
I
came
up
here
to
go
to
school
was
I
knew
some
people
here
and
I
came

up
to
visit
them.
And
eventually,
I
came
to
school
here.
It
was
the
same
way

with
my
brother.
But
for
us‐‐‐we
just
want
to
have
people
on
our
side
.
.
.
but

if
somebody
comes
here
from
the
rez
and
doesn’t
already
have
that

connection
it
would
be
harder
for
them
if
they
don’t
know
about
the
club
or

have
somebody
to
introduce
them
and
help
them
along.





 Another
Native
student
recalls
his
first
year
at
PSU
before
he
developed
a


support
network
of
friends.
“My
freshman
year,
in
the
fall
of
03,
I
had
no
idea
that


the
Native
American
Club
existed.
Honestly,
that
first
year
and
a
half
was
the
hardest


for
me
because
I
felt
I
was
the
only
Native
American
student
on
campus.”


 124


Non­Supportive
Faculty






 To
the
American
Indian
student,
already
feeling
like
a
stranger
in
a


potentially
hostile
environment,
among
the
most
hurtful
experiences
are
encounters


with
non‐supportive,
culturally
insensitive,
or
openly
hostile
professors,


administrators
or
staff.
Many
of
the
students
I
interviewed
were
eager
to
share
such


experiences.
It
was
evident
through
voice
inflection
and
body
language,
as
well
as


the
content
of
their
stories,
that
these
had
been
hurtful
experiences
One
non‐

traditionally
aged,
but
culturally
traditional
Native
student
recalled
such
experience:


There
are
professors
that
need
to
understand
that
sometime
we
do
have
to

go
home
for
some
reason,
maybe
family
or
a
death
or
whatever.

Professors

need
to
understand
that
if
somebody
needs
a
week
to
go
home
that
they’re

not
going
to
fall
behind
or
give
‘em
grief
for
it.
I’ve
had
friends
in
the
past
that

had
to
go
home
and
the
professor
just
didn’t
want
to
give
them
a
chance
to

catch
up.
If
they
weren’t
sick
or
if
there
wasn’t
some
sort
of
university
reason

to
miss
class—it
was
.
.
.
if
it’s
a
funeral,
they
expect
you
to
be
an
immediate

brother
or
sister.
You
can’t
even
be
a
cousin
to
go
back
for
it.
I
mean
because

we
know
on
reservations—like
out
at
Pine
Ridge
it’s
kind
of
big,
but
normally

they’re
pretty
small
so
you
know
everybody.
You’re
practically
related
to
half

of
everybody.
I
don’t
know.
I
had
to
go
home
and
bury
a
cousin
too.
And
I
was

told
to
bring
a
funeral
program
back,
and
the
professor
said
‘
oh
where’s
your

name?
Were
you
a
casket
bearer
a
pallbearer?
I
said
“no”.




 A
traditionally
aged
and
culturally
traditional
female
student
also
recounted


her
experiences
with
culturally
insensitive
professors:


Some
teachers
are
so
closed
minded
that
“no”—you
know
they
hold
you
to

that
same
White
standard
‐‐that‐‐‘you
should
be
able
to
leave
your
family’—
that
you
have
no
connection,
that
your
family’s
doing
great
without
you.
Like,

they
think
that
and
they
hold
you
to
that
standard.
But
as
Indian
people,
I

mean,
this
year,
I’ve
had
my
little
sister.
You
know,
they
don’t
understand

that.
They
just
think‐‘oh
well,
that’s
their
choice’,
or
something.
But
it’s
that

close
family
tie.
They
don’t
care
to
know
your
story.
They
don’t
care
to

understand
you.
And
I
think
that’s
really
hard
sometimes
for
some
of
these

cases.


 125





 Some
faculty
actions
reflected
a
lack
of
cultural
understanding:



I
know
of
an
instance
where
the
student
had
to
talk
to
the
professor
and
they

didn’t
make
eye
contact‐‐‐out
of
respect
for
the
teacher,
they
didn’t
look
the

teacher
in
the
eye.
Because,
back
home,
that’s
what
you
do.
Well
that
teacher

just
blew
up
about
not
looking
them
in
the
eye.
You
know,
that
student
was

out
there
doing
something
right,
and
it
was
just
a
big
confusion.




 Other
times,
this
lack
of
cultural
understanding
was
explicit
in
the
classroom.


A
very
culturally
traditional,
non‐traditionally
aged
male
student
spoke
of
a


professor’s
handling
of
a
sacred
ritual
in
a
class
lecture:


I
think
that
for
those
instructors,
there
are
some
cultural
sensitivities
that

they
just
overlook.
You
know‐‐‐just
terminology‐‐‐
you
know‐‐‐briefly
flying

over
a
description
of
a
Sun
Dance…
And,
for
me,
in
my
mind‐‐something
like

that‐‐that’s
a
part
of
our
culture
yes.
And,
it’s‐‐‐their
purpose
is
to
teach‐‐‐but

that’s
not
anything
to
be‐‐‐‐spoke
of
a
lot‐‐‐especially
at
a
school
setting
like

that.
But,
what
I’m
getting
at
is
that
sensitivity…





 Another
non‐traditionally
aged
male
from
a
reservation
community
shared


an
experience
with
insensitivity:


I
was
in
a
class
where
the
instructor
said
‘Indian
wrestling’‐‐‐and
I
said;

‘what’s
Indian
wrestling?’
and
he
said;
‘Well,
don’t
you
wrestle
with
your

legs?’

You
know‐‐‐nobody
can
take
their
degrees
away.
But
that
doesn’t

mean
they
can
just
say
whatever
they
want,
if
they
don’t
know
what
they
are

talking
about.





 In
some
cases,
cultural
insensitivity
does
not
stem
from
hostility
to,
or
a
lack


of
understanding
traditional
cultural
practices
or
cultural
identity,
but
rather
from
a


lack
of
understanding,
or
recognition
of
modern
tribal
life
as
it
relates
to
modern


technology.
These
issues
can
be
present
in
a
wide
range
of
academic
disciplines.
A


Native
American
Range
Science
major
explains
how
a
professor
could
take
such


social
differences
into
account
in
the
curriculum:


 126


I
know
for
me–most
of
my
classes
are
agriculture
based
so
it’s
all
in
the

Animal
Range
Science
department.
I’m
the
only
minority
in
those
classes
and

so
a
lot
of
times
when
we’re
addressing
issues
around
agriculture‐‐‐
I

constantly
have
to
raise
my
hand
and
say
‘Well,
you
know,
I’m
from
Rosebud‐
‐‐from
that
aspect,
it’s
a
lot
different.
I
always
felt
that
for
range
professors,

or
even
animal
science
professors
here
at
PSU‐‐‐there’s
nine
Sioux
tribes
in

Prairie
State.
I
would
have
always
thought
they
would
have
an
understanding

as
far
as
reservations
and
Native
American
agriculture
producers
and
how

they
operate
as
well.
I
have
that
constant
fight
that‐‐‐I
don’t
know
which
is

right
and
so
sometimes
I
have
to
address
it
with
the
professor.
Like
we’re

talking
about
this‐‐‐but
I
want
to
address
it
from
my
perspective
but
it

doesn’t
apply
to
your
lecture
because
if
I
apply
it,
then
you’re
not
going
to

understand‐‐‐you
know.
I
can
relate
to
it
but
I
have
to
put
myself‐‐‐I
have
to

put
my
way
of
thinking
as
a
White
person.
But
then
sometimes,
if
I
apply
my

perspective
on
something,
I
always
get
weird
looks
from
someone
or
other

students
in
class
will
be
like,
‘well
what
does
that
have
to
do
with
this
class?’

So
sometimes
I
won’t
say
anything
in
class
just
because
of
that.




 Some
faculty
members
are
aware
of
these
issues
and
point
to
needed
change.


One
veteran
Professor
said:


I
think
that
we
need
much
more
faculty
re‐education
in
regard
to
Native

American
histories
and
cultures
so
that
they
have
a
better
understanding
of

Native
students,
and
are
better
able
to
encourage
them
and
be
supportive
of

them.
You
know,
it’s
not
uncommon
for
tribal
students
to
have
the

experience
of
a
faculty
member
misrepresenting
tribal
issues,
and
mysteries

and
so
forth,
stereotyping
Indians
in
various
ways‐‐‐not
being
sensitive
to

cultural
context.


.
.
.
Maybe
after
an
initial
bad
experience
some
students
get

discouraged
and
hang
it
up,
or
for
various
other
reasons,
don’t
do
what
they

need
to
do
to
hang
in
there.




 One
American
Indian
Professor
saw
the
faculty
issue
this
way:



There
is
indifference
among
faculty.
Some
don’t
care‐‐‐they
don’t
care.
I

know
in
my
department
there’s
faculty
who
wouldn’t
do
things
unless
they

were
forced
to
do
it‐‐‐so
I
think
there
are
just
some
people
who
don’t
care

whether
they
have
Native
students
or
not.
And
then
there
are
some
who
care

for
the
wrong
reasons.
…
I
think
if
you
are
an
outstanding
student,
you
have
a

good
relationship
with
your
teachers.
You
know?
And
there
are
some

teachers,
um,
‐‐
whether
you
are
Native
or
non‐Native,
if
you
have
problems,

they
could
care
less.





 127



 Inappropriate
comments
from
the
privileged
position
of
faculty
in
the


university
system
can
have
lasting
negative
impacts.
Another
comment
from
an


American
Indian
faculty:


I
know
that
when
I
was
in
school
there
were
some
students
that
really
had
a

hard
time
here.
And
one
really
had
a
hard
time
with
professors
who
were

prejudice
or
derogatory
towards
Indians.
And
there
was
one
incident
where

she
REALLY
had
a
hard
time;
she
was
very
upset
one
time
in
a
class
where

her
professor
said
that
gonorrhea
came
from
Indians.
She
was
so
upset
that

she
didn’t
go
to
class
the
next
time‐‐‐and
she
cried‐‐‐




 PSU’s
administration
is
also
aware
of
the
various
attitudes
toward
diversity


in
general,
and
specifically
American
Indian
students
and
the
divergent
levels
of


commitment
to
their
college
success.
According
to
one
administrator,
“The
problem


still
remains
that
we
have
a
lot
of
faculty
members
who
just
do
not
understand
or


appreciate
Native
American
students
or
their
concerns.”



 One
University
Vice‐President
put
it
this
way:


We
don’t
have
a
lot
of
people
at
PSU
who
outright
say
things
like‐‐‐I
don’t

think
they
are
bigots.
I
don’t
think
we
have
a
lot
of
folks
like
that.
Maybe

they’re
more
subtle,
but
they’re
not
vocal
about
it.
We
have
people
who

maybe
could
step
up
and
do
more
and
don’t.
You
know,
we’ve
got
a
group
to

work
on.



One
university
administrator
sees
diversity
in
all‐inclusive
(global)
terms:



So,
going
back
to
that
global
definition
of
diversity.
Are
we,
as
a
university,

going
to
say;
‘we
need
to
move
toward
respect
for
all
differences.’
We
have

faculty
who
put
down
students
of
different
sexual
preference.
We
have

faculty
who
make
negative
comments
about
Hispanic
students
and
Hispanic

culture
.
.
.
I
think
a
campus
that
makes
inappropriate
comments,
makes

students
feel
unwelcome.
Now
we’ve
talked
about
some
of
that.
I
think
that

(pause)
so
a
lack
of
sensitivity.
That’s
a
better
way
to
say
that‐‐‐a
lack
of

sensitivity
to
our
students
of
color,
obviously
including
Native
Americans,

sometimes
we
still
don’t
get
it.




 128


Barriers
to
Support
Services






 A
Native
American
upper
classman
recalls
her
feelings
of
discomfort
and


those
of
her
friends
and
classmates
about
using
the
university
student
support


services
for
academic
assistance:


A
lot
of
Native
students
are
always
kind
of
scared
to
tell
someone
that
they’re

not
doing
well.
They
don’t
want
to
go
to
a
tutoring
center,
they
don’t
like

going
to
those
centers
for
tutoring
help
because
they
feel
like
they
might
get

judged
if
they
ask
for
help.
If
they
go
to
the
tutoring
center
they’re
gonna
go

in
thinking
that
the
people
there
are
gonna
say
‘Oh
here
comes
some
dumb

Native
student
who
needs
help
with
class.’
So
a
lot
of
Native
people
don’t

want
to
admit
that
they
need
help
so
they
don’t
go
there.
They
don’t
wanna

say
that
‘I
don’t
know
.
.
.







Family






 Some
Native
students
may
experience
either
a
pull
toward
the
familiar


comfort
of
home
or
a
cultural
push
back
home
from
the
unfamiliar
environment
of


the
mainstream
community.
Whether
the
student
feels
a
push
or
a
pull
is
dependent


upon
context,
the
degree
to
which
a
student
is
immersed
in
traditional
culture,
the


strength
of
family
ties
and
the
ability
to
reconcile
those
ties
with
cultural
shock
and


the
transition
to
the
campus
environment.
The
concept
of
a
cultural
push
back
home


will
be
covered
in
more
detail
later
in
the
section
dealing
with
cultural
barriers.



 As
discussed
above,
family
support
can
be
a
powerful
facilitator
to
American


Indian
college
persistence.
However,
it
must
be
kept
in
mind
that
generalizations


cannot
be
made
regarding
any
factor
serving
as
a
facilitator
or
a
barrier.
Indeed,


whereas
for
some
students,
Native
and
non‐Native,
family
acts
as
a
facilitator,


 129


conversely,
for
others,
family
factors
can
be
barriers
to
student’s
educational


attainment.




 For
many
American
Indian
students,
the
importance
of
family
is
an
integral


part
of
their
culture.
This
may
be
especially
true
when
the
American
Indian


student’s
family
is
very
much
anchored
in
traditional
Native
culture
and
is


suspicious
of
the
mainstream
university
as
one
whose
goal
is
the
assimilation
of


their
Native
student.
In
such
a
case,
the
family
acts
as
a
pull
back
home.
Whether
or


not
the
student
adopts
this
perspective
may
be
less
significant
than
the
family


applying
pressure
to
the
student
to
return
home
out
of
fear
based
in
seeing
the
goal


of
the
university
as
assimilation
to
mainstream
culture
and
away
from
the


traditional
worldview
by
which
the
family
back
home
still
lives.



 For
some
Native
students,
their
family
is
adamantly
opposed
to
their
student


attending
a
mainstream
university
away
from
home.
Such
cases
can
be


heartbreaking
as
described
by
a
Director
of
Student
Support
Services
who
has
often


seen
students’
hopes
for
a
college
education
overridden
by
family
pressure:


There’s
a
feeling
on
the
part
of
many
of
the
Native
students
that
I
deal
with,

that
as
they
come
in
the
door,
they
are
expecting
us
to
be
an
adversary.
The

day
they
walk
in
the
door,
they
are
expecting
an
adversarial
relationship.
It

could
possibly
be
not
from
anything
of
our
doing.
It
could
be
from
any
one
of

a
hundred
things.
It
could
be
from
something
they
picked
up
in
their
home

schools.
It
could
be
parental.
I’ve
certainly
had
Native
kids
that
I
have
worked

with,
that
I
have
counseled
in
my
program,
where
we’ve
really
had
to
work

on
undoing
a
lot
of
the
attitudes
that
were
given
by
their
parents.
And
I’m

certainly
not
saying
that
we
are
the
all
knowing,
or
trying
to
destroy
belief

systems,
but
we
have
kids
who
come
in
who
have
essentially
been,
either

purposefully,
or
non‐purposefully
been
instructed
by
their
parents
that

Caucasian
people
are
‘against
you’,
that
they’re
‘working
against
you’
and

that
they
are
going
to
‘keep
you
from
succeeding’,
‘assimilate
your
culture
out


 130


of
you’.
Some
of
these
parents
have
actually
put
in
their
kids
heads
that
the

university
is
out
to
‘make
you
one
of
them.’
I’ve
heard
that
phrase
before.
In

fact,
I’ve
had
more
than
one
student
who
would
be
doing
very
well,

academically,
but
are
getting
calls
from
home
that
are
saying;
‘You
need
to

come
home.
You
don’t
belong
there.’
I
can
think
specifically
about
one
young

lady
that,
it
just
broke
my
heart,
was
a
Gates
scholar
um‐‐‐was
pursuing
a

health
care
degree,
incredibly
bright
and
doing
well
academically,
and
just

had
such
a
bright
future
and
someone
I
was
lucky
enough
to
work
with

individually.
And
that
was
one
of
those
conversations
we
had
just
about

every
time
we
meet.
Which,
at
times,
was
once
a
week.
And
that
was;
‘I
just

got
off
the
phone
with
my
dad.
I
just
got
off
the
phone
with
my
mom.
She
told

me
to
get
my
ass
home.’
‘I
don’t
belong
there.
I
don’t
know
what
you’re
doing

there.’
‘We
need
you
here.’
And
my
first
question
was
always;
‘What
do
they

need
you
there
for?’
‘Why
do
they
need
you
there?’
And
it
was
usually
just
a

matter
of;
‘Because,
your
not
being
here
breaks
up
the
family
unit.’
Her

parents
worked
on
her
so
constantly.
And
they
did,
they
completely

undermined
it,
and
it
was
like
2
½
semesters
and
she
was
gone.
She
went

home.
She’s
never
been
back
to
school.



I
think
this
is
part
of
that
perception
of
some
people
on
the
reservations
–
those
who
persuade
their
kids
to
drop
out
and
return
home‐‐‐the
perception

is
that
‘this
is
us
and
we
aren’t
gonna
go
anywhere.’
When
Native
students

come
here,
they
carry
that
label‐‐‐they’re
not
just
students,
they’re
Native

students,
and
they
know
that.
And
so
everything
that
they
do,
or
are
seen
to

do
happens
through
that
lens
or
that
identity
as
a
Native
student.
We
need
to

do
away
with
that
filter.





 Other
students
find
the
support
normally
offered
by
family
in
substitute


places
while
at
the
university
but
still
feel
a
pull
back
home.
This
pull
may
be
out
of


responsibility
for
helping
with
various
family
responsibilities
that
may
include


contributing
to
family
support
or
caring
for
younger
siblings.
A
traditionally
aged


female
student
from
a
border
town
shared
her
thoughts:


I
think
people
are
an
asset.
You
know?
People
that
are
there
to
support
you,

and
people
that
encourage
you
and
say
‘you
can
do
it’.
Because,
sometimes

we
don’t
get
that
away
from
home.
You
need
to
be
in
college
but
some

families
don’t
support
that.
They
want
you
home
to
help
take
care
of
their

younger
ones
or
something.


 131


Financial



Financial
Resources







 Among
all
those
I
interviewed
it
appears
that
the
majority
of
American


Indian
students
do
not
come
from
a
background
of
financial
wealth,
or,
in
many


cases,
even
financial
stability.
Again,
it
must
be
reiterated
that
sweeping


generalizations
cannot
be
applied
across
the
board
regarding
the
PSU
American


Indian
population
as
a
whole.
However
when
looking
specifically
at
Prairie
State’s


Native
population,
it
is
relevant
to
note
that
none
of
the
nine
reservations
in
the


state
are
wealthy
as
compared
to
some
of
the
wealthiest
in
the
nation
with
small


tribal
enrollments
and
huge
gaming
profits.




 Faculty,
staff
and
administrators
are
all
well
aware
of
financial
need
as
a


significant
barrier
to
college
persistence.
A
professor
commented:


And
you
know,
another
obvious
obstacle
is
financial.
A
lot
of
these
students

come
from
poverty
regions.
And
they
don’t
have
the
fallback
funds
that
a
lot

of
non‐Native
students
have.
They
can’t
necessarily
count
on
family
financial

support
when
coming
from
areas
where
unemployment
is
60,
70,
80percent.

And
that’s
one
of
the
big
myths
about
Native
students‐‐‐‘that
they
get
all
this

money
to
come
to
school’
and
that’s
yet
another
untruth‐racist
assumption
at

worst.
So‐‐‐you
know‐‐‐finances‐‐‐getting
here
and
staying
here‐‐‐that’s
a
big

part
of
it.




 An
administrator
offered
this
view:



The
typical
students
that
come
here
have
back
up
in
a
variety
of
ways
that’s

often
unrecognized.
Most
students
can
ask
a
friend,
a
family
member,
a

parent
for
extra
funding
if
they
need
to
say‐‐‐suddenly
make
a
trip
home.
A

Native
student
often
doesn’t
have
that
kind
of
back
up.
Their
families
do
not

have
extra
money.




 132



 Beyond
the
general
lack
of
financial
resources
held
by
Native
students
and


their
families,
some
PSU
support
staff
I
interviewed
pointed
to
the
lack
of
money


management
skills
that
American
Indian
students
possess
upon
their
arrival
as


incoming
college
students.
As
a
primary
support
person,
the
Native
American


Student
Advisor
has
seen
this
as
a
significant
issue:


One
of
the
barriers
that
I
have
seen
through
my
position
with
the
students
is

a
lack
of
financial
understanding,
financial
preparedness.
They
haven’t
had

the
kind
of
instructional
background
in
financing
to
manage
their
affairs.




I
think
there
were
a
couple
of
students
from
a
few
years
ago
that
left
because

they
got
hooked
into
some
of
the
quick
loan
type
things
or
credit
cards.
I

know
one
girl
that
left
because
she
took
a
semester
off,
and
she
left
in
good

standing
with
the
school
but
she
was
just
drowning
in
credit
card
debt.




 The
Director
of
Student
Support
also
deals
with
the
money
management


challenge:


So
few
of
the
students
come
in
with
ample
financial
backing.
These
students

come
from
such
incredibly
poor
backgrounds,
that
not
only
do
they
not
have

any
money,
but
they
have
no
concept
of
the
money,
if
there
is
some
dropped

into
their
hands.
It’s
just
an
entire
education
that
has
to
go
on.




 Perhaps
no
one
I
interviewed
is
more
qualified
to
comment
on
financial


resources
as
a
barrier
to
college
success
than
the
Director
of
the
PSU
Financial
Aid


Office:


Well,
the
barriers
would
be
finances
in
the
overall
picture.
Looking
at
it
from

my
perspective
is
that
they
are
taking
loans—they
are
reluctant
to
take
loans

because,
culturally
it’s
something
that
they
haven’t
had
exposure
to.
And
to

fill
out
the
forms
it’s‐‐‐it’s
not
easy
for
them.
Sometimes,
you
have
to
do
it
for

these
students;
otherwise
it’s
not
going
to
get
done.
And
then
where
do
you

stop
and
say;
‘Well,
eventually,
you’re
gonna
have
to
do
it
yourself.’
That’s
the

hard
part
of
it.
How
do
you
tell—when
each
person
is
different—do
you

continue
to
kinda
do
it
for
them?
Or
do
you
let
them
miss
out?




 133



 There
seems
to
be
some
difference
of
understanding
among
some


administrators,
faculty,
staff
and
students
with
regard
to
availability
of
financial
aid


in
the
forms
of
student
loans
and
scholarships
and
grants
for
American
Indian


students.
One
campus
administrator
told
me
that
there
are
not
many
scholarships


available.
“We
haven’t
talked
about
it
but
funding
is
an
issue.
The
cost‐‐‐and
we


don’t
have
very
many
scholarships
to
offer
them.
So
I
think
cost
is
an
issue,
much


more
for
that
population
than
we
give
it
credit
for.”



 A
Native
American
upperclassman
was
adamant
about
the
lack
of
funding
for


American
Indian
students
at
PSU,
“The
pure
lack
of
scholarships
for
Native
students


is
a
problem.
American
Indian
Studies
only
has
one
scholarship
and
it’s
for
$500.00


for
the
full
year.
I
think
that’s
ridiculous.”




 This
student
further
recounts
how
her
dealings
with
the
financial
aid
office


has
been,
from
her
perspective,
less
than
rewarding:


Financial
aid
is
a
nightmare
here
because
there
is
no
one
who
is
either

willing
or
able
to
help
Native
students
with
all
of
the
things
they
need
to

know
but
don’t
even
know
that
they
don’t
know
or
need
to
know
.
.
.




I
went
into
the
Financial
Aid
Office
one
time
and
I
left
crying.
I
called
my

mom
right
afterwards
and
I
was
bawling
upset
because
I
couldn’t
go
to

summer
school
because
everything
had
gotten
so
screwed
up
and
no
one
told

me
I
had
to
take
12
credits
to
get
financial
aid
.
.
.
And
then
I
had
to
re‐do
all

of
my
financial
aid
and
I
had
to
verify‐‐‐I
was
just
completely
upset.

I
walked

out
crying
I
was
just
like
‘I
can’t
believe
this!’
and
how
it
all
set
me
back.
Then

I
planned
on
graduating
in
December
of
2010‐‐‐and
now
I
can’t
because
I
get

set
back
a
whole
semester
because
of
the
people
in
Financial
Aid
.
.
.



So
this
is
the
kind
of
thing
that
makes
people
feel
frustrated.
Because
no
one‐
‐‐there’s
not‐‐‐there
needs
to
be
someone
specific
just
for
Native
students
on

things
like
financial
aid
and
all
these
things.
Someone
who
can
tell
them
the

things
that
they
need
to
do‐‐‐instead
of
going
into
that
office…


 134



 As
a
follow
up
to
these
comments,
I
asked
the
Director
of
Financial
Aid


questions
specifically
about
financial
aid
to
American
Indian
students.



 While
there
is
cultural
awareness
training
for
financial
aid
staff,
according
to


its
director,
many
Native
students
do
not
take
full
advantage
of
its
services:


Most
students
do
not
timely
complete
applications,
including
forms
needed

for
tribal
higher
education
awards.
The
PSU
Native
American
scholarships

are
awarded
after
students
complete
a
scholarship
application
that
is
either

mailed
or
emailed
to
them.
The
tribal
grants
vary
among
the
various
tribes

depending
on
availability
of
funds
and
whether
there
is
a
reservation
based

postsecondary
school.


 He
continued
with
a
more
in
depth
discussion
of
issues
faced
when
dealing


with
some
Native
students
in
addressing
financial
need:


The
financial
awareness
is
more
limited
for
Native
students,
especially
the

FIS
and
other
boarding
school
students.
It’s
true
that
some
of
the
students

who
are
from
the
FIS
or
some
other
boarding
school
arrangement,
where

they
have
that
high
degree
of
oversight,
or
in
other
situations
where
they

have
been
used
to
a
high
level
of
structure,
do
not
do
well
with
their

managing
of
finances
or
their
dining
plan
or
whatever
things
they
might
have

to
do
outside
of
the
academic
classroom.
The
reservation
students
also
have

more
difficulty
in
financial
awareness
in
budgeting
their
dining
plans
and

money.



Cultural
change,
financial
change,
if
they
have
some
resources
and
they
just

don’t
budget
well
as
compared
to
other
students
who
may
budget
to
think

about
what
happens
afterwards,
they
are
probably
too
generous
in
a
sense
of

sharing,
if
they
have
a
meal
plan,
with
somebody
else,
or
in
a
family
situation

where
they
may
be
willing
to
help
someone
out.
And
they
may
not

understand
some
of
the
things
because
they
are
not
use
to
having
to
pay
for

items
or
meals
‐‐
and
they
may
not
choose
the
right
amounts
of
things
that

they
buy.















 135


Community




Local
community




 The
best
way
to
understand
what
it
is
like
coming
to
a
predominantly
White


mainstream
city
like
Railtown,
Prairie
State,
from
a
reservation
community
or


reservation
border
town
is
through
the
experiences
of
those
American
Indian


students
who
have
lived
the
transition.
It
is
through
the
senses
of
those
students


that
we
may
begin
to
gain
an
insider’s
perspective
of
culture
shock
and
adjustment


they
experience
when
they
come
to
PSU.



 One
Native
student
compares
the
move
to
Railtown
to
the
safety
and


confidence
of
the
home
community:


Cuz
a
lot
of
the
things
that
need
to
be
considered
is;
where
they
come
from.


What
kind
of
relationship
they
had
with
their
family—their
respected

elders—even
like
their
teachers,
or
someone
in
authority.
So‐‐you
know—in

that
environment
at
home,
of
course
there’s
confidence.

So
when
they
get

here—you
know‐‐‐Where’s
that
confidence
go?
Why
does
it
drop
off—right

then?




 Another
Native
student
recalls
the
experience
of
growing
up
in
Railtown
and


being
educated
as
a
minority
student
in
the
Railtown
school
system:


We
got
treated
like
crap
here.
We
got
teased
all
the
time.
We
got
the
peyote

jokes.
We
got
all
kinds
of
stuff.
You
know,
we
were
the
only
Native
students

in
our
high
school.
And
growing
up
me
and
my
brother
were
constantly

teased.
We
got
teased
beyond
belief.
From
elementary
school
up,
we
got

teased.
I
didn’t
even
want
Mom
to
come
on
Native
American
Day,
to
our
class.

Because
that
only
made
it
more
obvious
that
we
were
different.
Like
I
just
felt

soooo—You
were
just
trying
to
fit
in.
And
it
was
all
the
time
that
people

would
just
know
that
you
are
something
different
and
they
would
tease
you

and
hurt
you.
So
I
just
didn’t
wanna
be—I
didn’t
wanna
be
Indian.
I
was
so‐‐‐
and
then
my
dad
was
in
our
textbooks
in
high
school.
We
would
watch
videos

in
our
class
and
then
my
uncle
would
be
on
it.
I
was
like
ohhhh
more
crap
to

remind
me
that‐‐‐you
know?
And
so,
I
didn’t
wanna
be
an
Indian.


 136





 One
veteran
professor
commented:


PSU
is
in
a
very
serious
circumstance,
in
my
view,
in
that
it
is
both

geographically,
socially,
and
to
a
large
degree,
politically
isolated
and
our

current
composition
is
overwhelmingly
White.
We
are
not
a
very
diverse

university.
We
are
about
95
percent—94
percent
White.





 If
the
local
Railtown
community
is
perceived
as
generally
uncomfortable
for


American
Indian
students,
how
does
the
university
community
environment
create


a
feeling
of
cohesive
welcome
or
isolation
for
the
Native
student?



University
community







 A
faculty/administrator
who
is
very
involved
with
American
Indian
student


success
speaks
candidly
about
the
campus
climate:


I
think
we
have
some
significant
issues
here
in
terms
of
the
campus
climate.

You
know
we
can
create
a
very
protective,
loving,
supportive
environment

for
our
students,
that
nurtures
their
success,
but
that
does
not
necessarily

always
protect
them
from
the
slings
and
arrows
that
they
face
in
the
larger

university
community
or
the
Railtown
community.
That
prejudice,
racism,

discrimination
are
all
very
painful,
very
damaging
to
identity,
very
damaging

to
success,
very
damaging
to
one’s
self
confidence,
self
esteem,
sense
of
self.

So
I
think
that’s
something
that’s
really
a
barrier.




 An
American
Indian
student
comments
on
the
feeling
of
standing
out
as


different
in
a
crowd
of
uniformity:
“For
me,
it
would
all
go
back
to
the
confidence


and
comfort.
How
comfortable
and
confident
is
anyone
sitting
in
the
Student
Union


like
the
dark
spot
in
the
middle
of
a
piece
of
paper?”


 137



 A
student
support
staff
member
speaks
through
one
voice
the
thoughts
that


were
repeated
throughout
all
of
my
interviews
regarding
the
lack
of
any
visible
sign


that
the
Native
American
culture
is
valued
and
celebrated
on
the
campus
of
PSU:


I
don’t
think
we
have
anything
on
campus
like
a
plaque
or
a
statue
or

anything
like
that
that
signifies
that
this
was
Indian
land,
you
know?
‐‐‐
Anything
like
that.
I
mean
there
is
no
acknowledgement
anywhere
that
this

was
once
Yankton
Sioux
land.
It’s
not
taught
in
the
classes
and
no
one
has
a

clue.
Indian
people
are
not
even
really
recognized
let
alone
celebrated.
PSU

could
do
so
much
to
bring
itself
up
to
date
and
really
embrace
the
culture
of

the
people
who
were
here
long
before
the
university
or
even
White
people.

Native
students
and
Native
culture
could
be,
should
be
seen
as
a
resource
for

this
university.





A
recently
retired
administrator
mirrored
the
same
thoughts:



We
need
to
have
a
campus
that
is
warm
and
welcoming
and
has
the
kind
of

décor
exhibited
that
lets
the
students
know
that
their
culture
is
recognized,

that
it
is
celebrated,
that
it’s
understood
that
the
land
that
this
institution
is

on
is
land
that
was
ceded
by
the
Native
American
population
at
some
point
in

the
past.
That
we
are
a
land
grant
institution
and
the
land
that
was
granted
to

fund
this
institution
was
originally
Native
land.
So
we
do
need
to
do
that.
We

don’t
have,
in
my
opinion,
any
external
décor
on
this
campus
that
would

indicate
that
native
culture
is
celebrated
and
appreciated.
And
we
do
need
to

do
that.







Culture


 

Culture
Shock




 Culture
shock
can
make
for
a
traumatic
transition
for
anyone
entering


college.
Many
faculty,
staff,
and
administrators
I
interviewed
were
quick
to
make


this
point
regarding
how
most
incoming
freshmen
must
make
this
adjustment.
For


many
American
Indian
students,
however,
this
adjustment
is
compounded
by
many


 138


factors.
Not
only
must
the
Native
student
deal
with
the
adjustment
to
college
level


work,
and
living
in
a
new
environment
among
strangers,
but
for
many
Native


students
these
challenges
are
is
magnified
through
differences
in
physical


appearance,
cultural
traditions,
beliefs,
and
practices
and
the
general
disconnected


feeling
one
has
as
‘not
fitting
in’.

This
is
especially
significant
since
the
majority
of


American
Indian
students
attending
PSU
are
from
Prairie
State
or
neighboring


states.
For
an
understanding
of
what
it
feels
like
to
be
a
stranger
in
one’s
own
home


state,
the
best
voices
are
those
of
the
students
who
have
lived
the
experience.
Here,


two
student
voices
speak
for
many.



 A
traditionally
aged
male
from
a
very
rural
reservation
community
recalled


his
first
experience
at
PSU:


Sometimes
I
feel
like
I
have
more
in
common
with
the
foreign
students
than
I

do
with
the
local
White
kids,
which
shouldn’t
be
happening.
Some
people

look
at
us
like
we’re
some
sort
of
cartoon
thing.
They
think
stereotypes,
the

scary
Indians.
I
think
the
things
we
touched
on
before,
coming
off
of
the

reservation,
the
culture
shock
is
a
big
part
of
it.
My
freshman
year,
I
had
no

idea
that
the
Native
American
Club
existed.
I
also
didn’t
know
that
the

Multicultural
Affairs
Office
existed
.
.
.
honestly,
that
first
year
and
a
half
was

the
hardest
for
me
because
I
felt
I
was
the
only
Native
American
student
on

campus.
So
I
had
to
adjust
from
being
‐‐‐to
coming
from
the
reservation
to

being
my
own
individual
self
in
a
predominantly
White
university.
I
had
to

learn
how
to
live
in
two
worlds.
In
the
White
world—here
at
the
university

and
then—convert
when
I
go
back
home
to
being
on
the
reservation.
So—
that
for
me
was
a
challenge.
I
had
to
learn
how
to
balance
that.
Otherwise
if
I

didn’t—after
my
first
year,
I
probably
would
have
quit.
But
I
saw
the

challenge
and
I
had
to
address
it.
Thankfully
I
adapted
to
it.
So
that

connection
to
the
community
is
an
important
thing.
Otherwise
you
might
feel

like
you
are
alone
on
the
outside
looking
in.




 139



 A
non‐traditionally
aged
but
culturally
traditional
male
from
another


reservation
community
also
commented:


You
know,
when
a
Native
American
comes
from
home,
up
to
a
great
big

school
like
this,
you
take
him
out
of
that
comfort
zone—and
instantaneously,

when
they’re
just
trying
to
blend
in
they’ll
feel
too
bucky
to
even
ask

somebody
for
directions—like
where
is
this
building
or
where
do
you
do

this?
They’ll
just
try
to
do
it
all
on
their
own.
Cuz
I
did
that
so
.
.
.




 Some
campus
administrators
are
aware
of
this
difficult
transition
for
the


Native
student:


The
fact
that
you’re
bringing
somebody
how
many
hundreds
of
miles
away

from
home
and
off
the
reservation,
which
has
been
home,
and
that’s
their

comfort
level,
and
you’re
bringing
them
to
this
place,
which,
you
and
I
think

is
just
fine,
but
this
is
a
huge
place
to
somebody
coming
from
a
Pine
Ridge
or

Rosebud
or
wherever.
So
I
think
there
are
some
real
cultural
issues
too.
And,

they’re
coming
to
a
predominantly
White
faculty,
who
don’t
necessarily

understand
their
culture
or
their
background—so
there
are
more
barriers

there.






Cultural
Push
Back
Home



 This
dynamic
may
be
at
work
for
the
student
who
is
strongly
anchored
in
the


Native
culture
but
sees
the
university
environment
as
a
threat
to
that
cultural
way
of


life.
In
this
case,
the
university
environment
creates
a
push
toward
the
safety
and


comfort
of
home
and
family
as
a
refuge
from
the
perceived
threat.
In
every
case,


context
is
an
important
consideration.
Some
Native
students
may
have
a
difficult


time
adjusting
to
life
at
PSU
for
a
variety
of
reasons,
whether
concerning
cultural


differences
or
not,
the
escape
from
which
can
lead
to
seeking
comfort
at
home
with


the
family
one
is
used
to.



 140



 
Students
who
are
less
assimilated
to
the
mainstream
culture
will
experience


more
culture
shock
upon
arrival
at
college
and
will
be
more
likely
to
drop
out
and


return
home
without
some
support
or
services
designed
to
facilitate
the
transition


from
the
familiar,
more
traditional
environment
to
the
mainstream
college


environment.



 The
Native
American
Student
Advisor
recalls
a
very
traditional
student
for


whom
the
mainstream
culture
of
the
campus
environment
was
not
a
comfortable
fit:


I
had
that
very
same
discussion
with
a
young
man
last
year.
He
came
in
very

quick.
He
saw
no
connection
between
what
he
was
doing
here
and
what
he

grew
up
doing,
culturally.
And
his
desire
was
to
be
more
of
a
leader
in
that

community.
To
be
more
of
a
–ah‐‐,
pretty
much
he
was
on
a
spiritual
journey‐
‐‐to
be
a
leader
among
his
people‐‐
cultural
leader,
a
spiritual
leader‐‐‐and
he

just
had
no
connection
with
what
he
was
doing
here.
.
.
.
I
think
part
of
it
too

was
cultural
insensitivity,
because
one
day
when
he
came
in‐‐‐he
had
really

long
hair
and
he
had
cut‐‐‐oh,
I’m
sure,
10
inches
off.
And,
you
know,
for
you

and
I,
we
understand
that’s
a
sign,
that’s
telling
us
that
he’s
going
through

something.
Something’s
happened,
there
was
a
reason.
It
wasn’t
for
the
look.

It
wasn’t
a
style
decision.
At
the
time,
there
were
some
other
staff
members

here
and
they
were
like
“
Oh
my
gosh!
Why’d
you
cut
your
hair?
I
can’t

believe
you
did
that!”
You
know,
there
was
no
consideration
of
‐‐‐He
just
kept

trying
to
shrug
it
off.
And
at
the
same
time,
I
know
that
made
him
very

uncomfortable.
I
could
see
it
in
his
face.
I
could
see
it
in
his
posture.
And
that

made
me
consider
the
difference,
the
cultural
difference
of
becoming
a
man‐‐
‐of
growing
up
in
a
man’s
culture
and
this
culture.
And
all
of
a
sudden
you
are

in
a
place
where
women
are
professors,
or
women
are
staff
that
direct
what

you
do.
You
know
those
are
two
things
that
are
in
direct
contrast
of
what
to

do.
And
so
I
think
that
was
a
part
of
his
struggle
of;
‘
what
do
I
do
with
that?’

‘How
do
I
handle
it?’
Ultimately,
he
did
leave.
He
just
had
a
difficult
time

coming
to
that
balance.
And
I
do,
I
understand
that
too.
There’s
a
lot
of
times

where
I
face
situations
where,
you
know,
okay,
I’m
here
and
they
don’t

understand
what’s
happening
so
I
kind
of
go
with
it.
But
at
the
same
time,
I

really
identify
with
what
he
was
struggling
with
and
he
just
saw
no

connection
between
being
in
school
here
and
what
he
really
desired,
in
his

heart,
to
be
at
home
with
his
people.





 141


Lack
of
traditional
culture
opportunity





 Prior
research
indicates
that
the
maintenance
of
cultural
identity
and


traditions
was
found
to
be
instrumental
in
the
success
of
Native
students
at
the


postsecondary
level.

The
vast
majority
of
Native
students
I
interviewed
cited
the


lack
of
such
opportunities
as
a
major
draw
back
to
life
at
PSU.
One
veteran
professor


cited
the
importance
for
opportunities
for
the
practice
of
cultural
traditions:


In
this
community
we
have—I
don’t
know
how
many
churches.
It
seems

there’s
a
church
around
every
corner.
We
have
four
or
five
Lutheran

churches
.
.
.
we
have
a
Catholic
church
of
course,
and
Baptist
churches
and
so

on,
just
a
lot
of
churches.
We
have
a
mosque
for
Islamic
ah‐
Muslim
students.

We
do
not
have
any
facilities
for
Native
students.
A
sweat
lodge
is
something

that
a
Native
American
Center
could
provide,
but
we
don’t
have
that.

Students
who
are
feeling
a
spiritual
need
and
are
native
really
have
too
go

back
to
the
reservation.
So
that
is
another
area
in
which
I
think
there
is
a

barrier
to
students
being
comfortable
here.

Unless
they
have
a
set
of
friends

and
colleagues
who
are
supportive
of
that
particular
need,
they
are
going
to

feel
very
alone
and
isolated
here.




 Once
again,
the
students’
own
voices
give
us
the
best
idea
of
what
it
is
like
for


them
to
see
their
culture
discounted
or
ignored.
A
male
student
from
a
reservation


town
spoke
with
discernable
frustration
about
he
sees
Native
students
received
at


PSU:


Yeah,
I
just
think
PSU
generally
doesn’t—I
mean
if
you
break
it
down
and

really
analyze
it
like
we
have
right
now—they
really
don’t
embrace
Native

Americans
at
all.
Considering
the
location—we’re
in
the
northern
plains.
And

since
I’ve
been
at
PSU
I’ve
had
people
who’ve
said
‘Well
what
do
the
Native

Americans
do?”
‘Well
they
have
a
big
pow
wow
in
the
spring.’
And
that’s
as

far
as
it
goes.
And
it
stops.
The
only
way
Native
American
students
here
are

going
to
be
able
to
embrace
their
culture
outside
of
that
one
weekend
is
if

they
go
to
a
Native
American
Club
meeting
and
meet
other
Native
Americans

who
are
from
Prairie
State
and
then
maybe
go
home
with
them
over
the

weekend.

Our
university
does
not
provide
any
outlet
for
cultural
things
what

so
ever.
None.
So
I
mean—you
can
almost
tell
that
by
looking
at
the
outside—

 142


I
mean—same
thing.
Do
we
have
our
own
facility
for
us?
No.
Do
we
have‐‐‐we

don’t
even
have
a
major.
Those
are
two
big
flags
right
there
that
a
lot
of
other

universities
do
have.
Which
I
just
think,
in
my
opinion,
makes
PSU
look
like

crap.
I
mean
really.
I
mean
we’re
the
biggest
university
in
the
state—but
yet

we
have
these
couple
of
major
indications
that
they
completely
shun
us.




 This
student
voiced
the
feelings
of
many
Native
students
I
spoke
with
about


how
they
feel
shunned
and
discounted
by
the
mainstream
community
both
at
PSU


and
Railtown
in
general.






Dominant
Culture
Reference
Group




The
American
Indian
student
that
comes
to
PSU
may
quickly
find
oneself


feeling
alone
in
a
foreign
environment.
As
discussed
above,
the
importance
of
a


supportive
community
formed
of
peers
is
significant.
Without
a
reference
group
of


peers
to
provide
the
comfort
and
security
that
one
left
behind
with
family
and


friends,
the
student
is
left
surrounded
by
a
dominant,
mainstream
society
in
which


one
may
feel,
as
one
Native
student
described,
“like
a
dark
speck
on
a
piece
of


paper.”
This
dominant
group
then
serves
as
the
Native
student’s
reference
group.
It


is
in
comparison
to
this
group
that
the
Native
student
will
make
self‐appraisals
of


one’s
fit
into
the
PSU
and
local
Railtown
environment.


The
underlying
source
of
the
feeling
of
isolation
that
erodes
self‐confidence


is
a
lack
of
cultural
understanding
among
the
dominant
society.
Students
repeatedly


commented
that
they
have
learned
from
non‐Indian
classmates
that
many
members


of
the
mainstream
have
never
met
any
Native
Americans
and
know
nothing
of
what


 143


life
may
be
like
for
many
students
coming
from
reservations,
reservation
border


towns,
or
even
a
Native
subculture
within
larger
cities.


The
dominant
mainstream
society
serves
as
a
reference
group
against
which


the
Native
student
compares
oneself
in
attempting
to
find
ways
to
fit
into
the
local


community
and
the
overwhelmingly
White
campus
environment.
All
of
the
students


I
interviewed
cited
this
cultural
discontinuity
as
a
barrier
to
college
success.
The


following
sections
detail
some
of
the
challenges
Native
students
face
in
making


adjustments
to
fit
into
or
live
among
the
dominant
group.


Cultural
Conflict:
Cultural
awareness
and
diversity
experience
lacking



 The
Native
American
Student
Advisor
is
in
a
position
to
witness
the
effects
of


this
cultural
disconnect
on
a
regular
basis:


One
of
the
things
I
noticed
was
that
a
lot
of
the
students
come
from

situations,
which‐‐‐the
White
society‐‐‐or
mainstream
America
views

differently.
So
if

‘a
child
comes
from
a
broken
home’,
then
right
away,
the

majority
of
Americans
would
say,
‘okay,
the
parents
are
divorced
and
the

child
is
deciding
which
parent
to
live
with’.
For
a
lot
of
the
students
I
dealt

with,
it
wasn’t
that
way.
A
lot
of
times,
Dad
was
never
in
the
picture
to
begin

with.
And
they
were
competing
with
Mom
to
stay
at
Aunties’
house
or
to
stay

at
Grandma’s
house.
It
wasn’t
‘Mom
is
gonna
take
care
of
me’,
it
was
‘I’m

competing
with
Mom
for
space’.
So
to
say
in
reports
‐‐‐if
it’s
on
paper
that

they
came
from
a
broken
home‐‐‐you
know,
whoever
is
going
to
see
that

report
is
going
to
see
it
one
way,
but
the
reality
may
be
totally
different.







 It
must
be
acknowledged
that
not
every
cultural
misunderstanding
is
on
the


part
of
the
non‐Native
directed
to
the
Native
American.
The
reality
is
that
many


Native
Americans
lack
experience
with
diversity
just
as
do
many
Whites.
One


 144


student
who
attended
mainstream
and
reservation
high
schools
recalls
being
with


some
Native
students
the
first
time
they
were
ever
off
the
reservation:


The
big
difference
is
cultural.
Like
how
you
are
brought
up.
Many
Indian
kids

don’t
even
ever
get
off
the
reservation.
I
know
I
went
to
my
senior
year
at

(Tribal
High
School),
and
for
our
senior
trip,
half
the
kids
hadn’t
even
been

off
the
reservation,
and
we
went
to
Minneapolis.
And
we
went
to
Valley
Fair,

and
we
went
to
the
Mall
of
America
and
they
were
just
amazed
because
none

of
them
have
even
been
off
the
rez,
let
alone
been
in
a
whole
place
that
was

predominantly
White
society.
And
I
think
that’s
scary
for
them.
You
know,
so

it
doesn’t
have
to
do
with‐‐‐everyone
does
get
homesick
for
other
kids,

whether
they
are
Black,
White,
whatever
they
are.
We
all
agree
on
that.
But
I

think
that—just
culturally,
we
are
so
different—




 The
Native
American
Student
Advisor
recalls
a
student
who
was
unable
to


reconcile
his
own
sense
of
self
with
the
dominant
reference
group
in
which
he
was


embedded
at
PSU:


I
think
sometimes,
as
Natives,
we
tend
to
think
our
experience
is
unique.
And

maybe
it’s
just
a
cultural
difference
of
how
we
go
about
expressing
our

personal
spiritual
beliefs
or
our
cultural
beliefs.
Not
everyone
wears
it
on

their
sleeves
so
it
isn’t
transparent.
If
we
look
only
amongst
our
peers,
it’s

easy
to
see.
But
is
it
so
easy
for
others
looking
into
our
peers.
So
like,
for
as

Natives
we
may
be
able
to
recognize
others
who
Sun
Dance
and
who
sweat

and
practice
traditional
native
religion.
As
Natives,
we
can
quickly
assess
that

just
through
conversation,
through
mannerisms,
through
behaviors.
But
to

other
cultural
groups,
can
they
identify
that
within
us?
They
might
read
those

things
differently.
So
the
Natives
within
that
group
might
think
‘yeah,
this
is

something
unique
to
us.’
But
yet
in
another
cultural
sense,
they
might
be
able

to
identify
each
other
by
some
other
connecting
force.
I
think
it’s
a
matter
of

being
open
to
see
that
each
group
is
able
to
have
the
same
kind
of

experiences
but
just
maybe
in
slightly
different
variations.




 A
final
example
of
cultural
conflict
stemming
from
a
lack
of
experience
or


understanding
occurred
when
the
Native
American
Club
participated
in
the
2009


Hobo
Day
Parade.
A
group
of
Native
students
recalls
the
reactions
of
some
of
the


mainstream
crowd
lining
the
streets
as
the
Native
American
Club
float
passed
by:


 145


The
parade‐I
don’t
know—did
any
of
you
feel
like‐you
were
on
display?



It
got
quiet
like
every
time
we
came.




Yeah
it
would
either
be
like
dead
silent,
or
people
would
be
cheering.
I’m
like

‘what
are
you
cheering
for?’




Well
I
think
they
were
applauding.

And
then
like
here
we
come
and
we
get

closer
and
we
get
closer
and
then
when
we’d
get
there
it
would
be
like
‐‐‐
silence.



It
never
used
to
be
like
that
though.
It
used
to
be
way
bad
years
ago.
Like,
my

first
year
that
I
was
in
the
parade.
Like
there’d
be
guys
throwin’
beer
cans
at

us—or—umm
like
doing
those
war
whoops
or
like
jump
on
the
street
and

start
dancing
around
or
whatever.
And
you’d
hear
people
hollering
“F’n

prairie
niggers!”
and
stuff
like
that.
It
was
bad‐‐Just
real
bad.



Nobody
here
knows
anything
about
Indians.
Nobody
cares
to
know
anything

about
Indians.





Too
few
Native
American
faculty/staff











 
 All
administrators,
faculty,
staff,
and
students
I
interviewed
universally


agreed
that
PSU
would
benefit
from
more
American
Indian
educators.




 
 From
the
perspective
of
a
university
Vice
President,
“I
think
that
one
of
the


issues
we
have
is
that
we
are
very
lean
staffing.
And
that’s
an
issue
for
us.
We
need


more
people
to
work
with
minority
and
Native
American
students
and
we
don’t


have
a
lot.”



 A
representative
from
the
university
offered
this
perspective:



I
think
there
really
needs
to
be
a
strong
push,
a
stronger
push
to
say
‘we
need

more
minority
faculty
and
staff.

.
.
.
It’s
not
a
priority
of
the
administration,
or

of
the
administrative
leadership.

.
.
.
Some
of
the
positions
aren’t
filled
.
.
.
I

haven’t
heard
of
any
push,
outside
of
the
positions
that
were
open
here,
to

hire
any
more
minority
faculty
members
or
staff
members.
I
don’t
think
that

the
university
has
said
that
‘we
need
to
make
this
commitment.’


 146



 From
the
Native
student
viewpoint:
“One
thing
that’s
wrong
is
that
they
don’t


really
have
any
Native
faculty
really.
So
I
think
not
having
Native
staff
around
is
a


real
shortcoming.”



 An
American
Indian
female
graduate
student
describes
the
frustration
that


many
Native
students
experience
from
having
their
own
culture,
including
religion,


taught
to
them
by
a
non‐Indian
instructor,
from
a
Euro‐centric
academic


perspective:


It’d
be
nice
to
have
an
academic
Indian
point
of
view—like
‘okay,
they
say

this—but
as
a
culture,
we
believe
this—you
know?
—And
to
tell
that
to

White
people,
because
they
believe
whatever
the
teacher
is
directing
towards

them
when
we’re‐‐‐‐well
you
know—I
mean
in
that
class—one
thing
I
was

mad
about
was
how
they
just
tried
to
take
our
identity
away
by
saying
we

were
like
Siberian
or
Chinese‐‐‐and
I’m
like
WHAT???
You
know
what
I

mean?
.
.
.
I
think
we
need
more
Native
professors.
Like
how
many
are
there?

Are
there
two?
.
.
.Cause
like
I
know
that
the
students
I
work
with—they
went

into
a
Native
religions
class
and
they
were
like
completely
taken
aback

because
it’s
some
White
dude
teaching
it
and—he
doesn’t
know
what
he’s

teaching.

And
so
those
girls
were
like
‘How
are
they
gonna
have
a
White
guy

teach
us
about
religion?’—Like
our
Native
religion?




 A
non‐traditionally
aged
male
graduate
student
shares
his
reaction
to
a
non‐

Indian
professor
teaching
about
the
most
sacred
of
rituals:


I
think
that
for
those
instructors
there
are
some
cultural
sensitivities
that

they
just
overlook
.
.
.You
know—briefly
flying
over
a
description
of
a
Sun

Dance.
‐‐‐And,
for
me,
in
my
mind—something
like
that—that’s
a
part
of
our

culture
yes.
And
it’s—their
purpose
is
to
teach‐‐‐but
that’s
not
anything
to

be‐‐‐‐spoke
of
a
lot‐‐‐especially
at
a
school
setting
like
that.
But,
what
I’m

getting
at
is
that
sensitivity
is
‐‐‐the
way
she
described
certain
things
at
a
Sun

Dance—and
the
certain
time
of
year.‐‐‐She
didn’t
give
that.
She
didn’t
give

those
descriptions,
or
reasons,
or
anything.
It
was
just
a
pole
in
the
middle

and
it
was
done
once
a
year.
So—it
was
just
very
broad
and
general.
To

somebody
on
the
outside
that
doesn’t
understand
it—that’s
enough,
that’s
all

they
need
for
their
instruction.
But
for
somebody
that
goes
through
it
and
–

 147


it’s
apart
of
their
life,
that’s
whole
different
thing.
That’s
being
very

insensitive.


 It
was
universally
agreed
upon
by
everyone
I
interviewed
that
PSU
should


make
it
a
priority
to
recruit
and
retain
more
Native
American
faculty,
staff
and


administrators.


Place




Hard
Feelings
at
OMA




 Early
on
in
the
first
of
three
focus
groups
I
conducted
with
American
Indian


students
it
became
clear
that
there
was
a
discernable
tension
when
the
topic
of
the


Office
of
Multicultural
Affairs
(OMA)
was
the
focus
of
conversation.
Some
students


in
the
first
group
readily
pointed
to
the
ways
in
which
the
OMA
was
seen
as
a


facilitator
to
college
success.
As
discussed
above,
that
aspect
seen
as
a
facilitator
had


to
do
with
the
OMA
serving
as
a
place
for
congregation
as
a
Native
community,
the


only
such
place
on
campus
to
serve
that
purpose.
Beyond
that
point,
was
a
much


more
significant
dynamic
at
work.
I
pursued
this
point
in
the
first
group.
In


subsequent
focus
groups
the
topic
of
‘Place’
became
the
first
and
most
salient
to
the


Native
American
students.



 Among
all
of
the
American
Indian
students
I
interviewed,
the
consensus
was


best
summed
up
by
one
student
who
said:
“I’d
rather
be
someplace
where
I
know


it’s
comfortable—the
atmosphere
is
comfortable,
where
we
feel,
as
students,
that
we


belong
there—you
know?”


 148



 Another
Native
student
commented
on
the
issue:



I
kind
of
miss
hanging
out
down
there
with
all
of
us
that
comfort
zone
has

been
taken
from
us
and
we
want
a
new
spot.
Even
if
it’s
a
house—if
you
look

at
USD,
they’ve
got
a
house
right
across
from
campus.
If
we
could
have

something
like
that—you
know?
Hey,
we
could
have
our
meetings
there.
We

could
cook
our
meals
there.
We
could
have
our
socials—you
know

everything
that
you
could
think
of,
we
could
do
right
there.





 This
entire
conversation
was
filled
with
an
emotional
tone
signifying
hurt


feelings,
anger,
resentment,
and
a
feeling
of
frustration
and
powerlessness.
It
is
very


apparent
that
the
PSU
American
Indian
students
do
not
feel
comfortable
in
the
space


that
was
designed
to
accommodate
them
and
all
other
minority
students.



 Collectively,
the
Native
students
of
PSU
interviewed
for
this
research


conveyed
a
level
of
discomfort
and
frustration
born
of
the
feeling
of
being


marginalized
as
a
group:


I
don’t
know
if
we,
as
a
group,
are
heard
hear—I
mean‐‐‐does
anybody
hear

our
concerns?
Does
anybody
care?
I
really
don’t
know‐‐‐If
we
did
have
a

voice—you
know—considering
that
our
group
has
the
biggest
student

organized
event
on
campus—and
then
when
they
put
it
in
the
newspaper—
we
are
put
on
the
back
page
‐‐just
a
little
blurb
here
and
there.
How
strong
of

a
voice
is
that?
Our
space—which
we
share
with
other
groups,
all
put

together
and
labeled
as
diversity
groups
is
in
the
basement
and
our
biggest

event
is
put
on
the
back
page.
What
does
that
say
about
how
we
are
seen
on

this
campus?










 The
concept
of
a
Native
American
Culture
Center
specifically
for
the
PSU


American
Indian
population
has
been
considered
at
PSU
for
several
years.
Both


sides
of
the
argument
in
this
debate
admit
that
it
is
a
point
of
contention
that
has


lingered
without
resolution.




 A
high
ranking
university
administrator
comments:


 149


One
of
the
things
that
we’ve
talked
about
is
trying
to
have
a
physical

structure
for
minority
students
and
particularly
Native
American
students.

There’s
been
a
little
bit
of
debate
on
campus
in
terms
of
whether
it
should
be

a
Multicultural
Center
or
whether
it
should
be
a
Native
American
Center.
And

to
be
honest,
we’ve
gotten
a
little
hung
up
on
that
issue.
But
that
is
another

issue
hanging
out
there
that
we
have
not
been
able
to
resolve
yet.
And
it

needs
to
be‐‐‐we
need
to
move
forward
on
that
too.




 The
idea
of
a
Native
American
Center
also
has
faculty
support.
One
veteran


Professor
is
particularly
outspoken
on
the
subject.
As
is
the
case
with
the
students
I


interviewed,
this
professor’s
single
voice
represents
the
position
of
many
people
I


spoke
with:


College
is
enough
of
an
adjustment
for
all
students,
and
that’s
why
a
number

of
students
don’t
continue—but
for
at
least
some
of
our
Native
students,
it’s
a

greater
adjustment.
It’s
like
coming
from
one
world
to
another.
And
so
that

can
be
a
significant
problem
and
a
significant
obstacle.
I
think
that
we’re

disadvantaged
in
that
we
don’t
have
a
Native
American
Center,
a
Native

American
Student
Center.
I
think
that
we
need
much
more
faculty
re‐
education
in
regard
to
Native
American
histories
and
cultures
so
that
they

have
a
better
understanding
of
Native
students,
and
are
better
able
to

encourage
them
and
be
supportive
of
them.




 From
the
experienced
perspective
of
one
former
student
and
American


Indian
faculty
member,
the
issue
of
place
comes
down
to
the
need
for
a
Native


American
Culture
Center
specifically
for
Native
students
rather
than
a
shared
space


with
all
diverse
students:


I
think
that
it
would
good
if
they
had
a
Native
American
Center
where
they

could
congregate
and
feel
like
a
community,
rather
than
scattered
around
the

campus.
Um‐‐‐‐when
I
was
a
student,
I
looked
for
other
Native
students—and

this
is
a
big
campus
and
if
you
look
around,
you
don’t
always
see
them.
And
I

think
it
would
help
them
feel
like
they
belong
here,
that
they’re
not
just
being

used
as
diversity
statistics,
that
the
university
would
really
provide
a
place

for
them,
let
them
know
that
they
are
valued.
And
you
know
there
are
some

programs
that
the
students‐‐‐you
know
we
should
be
educating
our
students

to
become
leaders
and
I
think
if
they
had
a
Center
and
they
could
feed
off
of


 150


each
other
and
elevate
their
status
and
help
them
to
feel
better
about

themselves
and
increase
their
cultural
values.
You
know,
a
lot
of
times

students
don’t
want
to
stand
out
and
be
noticed
alone‐‐‐but
if
you’re
as
a

group‐‐‐there
is
comfort
and
confidence.
I
think
a
Center
would
help
them

build
community.




 Another
faculty/administrator
offers
her
views
on
the
importance
of
a
Native


American
Culture
Center
where
none
currently
exists:


First
of
all,
we’re
the
only
school
for
hundreds
of
miles
around
with
a

significant
Native
population
that
doesn’t
have
a
Native
American
House.
So‐‐
‐you
know‐‐
there’s
a
huge
gap
in
service
here
and
what
should
be
just
a

natural
part
of
what
we
do
here.



If
students
are
constantly
stressed
about
something
or
feeling
under
stress,

under
strain,
then
do
those
students
have
all
of
their
energy
to
reach
their

full
potential
as
scholars,
as
human
beings,
as
whatever?
Well,
we
could
do

this
for
our
students
in
such
a
simple
way
as
providing
a
house.
If
we
could

do
that
and
wipe
away
a
good
part
of
this
uneasiness,
this
stressfulness—if

this
is
what
they’re
saying
they
need
to
help
make
their
education
more

complete,
then
I
just
think
it’s
a
no‐brainer
that
we
really
have
to
have
that

here.
So
I
mean
the
house
would
provide
that.




 An
administrator
with
previous
involvement
in
the
area
of
university


diversity
enhancement
has
been
a
long
time
proponent
of
a
Native
American
Center.


“I
think
the
state
should
make
it
a
requirement
that
every
university
should
have
a


Native
American
Cultural
Center.
I
think
that
should
be
just
a
given.”



 Support
for
the
Native
American
Cultural
Center
is
not
unanimous.
Some


believe
there
is
not
a
‘critical
mass’
of
Native
American
students
to
justify
a
Center,


and
as
such
the
issue
simply
boils
down
to
numbers
and
the
best
way
to
allocate


resources
such
that
the
greatest
number
of
minority
students
benefit
from
a
limited


pool
of
resources.






 151



 One
university
administrator
voiced
concern:



The
Native
American
Cultural
Center,
I
struggle
with.
When
we
looked
at
one

several
years
ago,
the
research
done
with
our
students
at
that
point
really

pointed
toward
a
multicultural
center,
‐‐where,
as
we
talked
about
earlier,

we
could
build
synergy
because
we
don’t
have
critical
mass.




When
we
did
the
research,
campuses
encouraged
us
to
create
a
multicultural

center,
and
to
build
off
of
that.
And
at
one
point
we
had
talked
about
a

Multicultural
Center
and
as
we
grew,
you
could
have
wings
for
the
different

groups
but
still
have
a
center,
and
the
center‐‐‐um—and
we
seem
to
have

gone
away
from
that.
And‐‐
and
if
we’re
ready
to
do
that
and
there
is
a
lot
of

campus
support,
maybe
we
need
to
do
that,
I
don’t
know.
I
don’t
know
how

you
get
your
arms
around
that.
I’m
still
trying
to
get
my
arms
around
that.




 Comments
of
Native
students
and
others
involved
in
tribal
student


programming
and
student
support
suggest
that
the
time
has
come
for
the
institution


to
build
off
its
current
multicultural
concept
and
to
get
its
collective
arms
around


the
concept
of
a
Native
American
Cultural
Center.
The
main
point
to
be
made


regarding
a
place
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU
and
how
that
becomes
a


barrier
to
college
success
is
simply
that
no
such
place
currently
exists.

 152


CHAPTER
EIGHT


Discussion


In
this
chapter,
I
will
turn
my
attention
to
a
discussion
of
the
implications
of


findings
as
outlined
in
chapters
six
and
seven.

In
order
to
provide
the
most


comprehensive
possible
coverage,
I
will
include
the
voices
of
those
who
have


offered
their
opinions,
often
passionately,
in
the
form
of
their
own
normative


statements,
and
will
integrate
these
voices
with
significant
related
findings
from
the


literature.


Over
the
course
of
conducting
interviews
for
this
research,
there
emerged
a


category
of
data
that
I
have
labeled
‘Normative
Statements’.
Normative
Statements


is
a
category
of
emergent
themes
that
includes
‘shoulds
and
oughts’
as
well
as


opinions,
demands,
and
specific,
subjective
viewpoints
relating
to
the
American


Indian
college
experience.



Without
exception,
those
interviewed
were
quick
to
offer
their
viewpoints
on


every
aspect
of
the
topic
of
American
Indian
academic
success
at
PSU.
While
these


statements
do
not
fit
neatly
into
categories
as
either
facilitators
or
barriers,
they
are


of
significant
importance
in
creating
a
detailed
picture
from
the
perspective
of
those


participants
interested
in
academic
attainment
for
Native
students
at
PSU.
The


omission
of
these
viewpoints
would
create
a
serious
gap
in
representation
of
the


current
reality.



 153



 As
outlined
in
CHAPTER
SIX,
among
those
factors
that
act
as
facilitators,
of


foremost
significance
appear
to
be
the
over‐arching
theme
of
support.
Contained


within
the
support
theme
are
several
more
specific
areas,
or
issues
encountered
by


Native
students
wherein
support,
or
lack
thereof
is
the
number
one
consideration
in


college
success.
Without
support,
the
college
career
of
a
Native
American
student
at


PSU
may
be
short
lived.


Facilitators


Supportive
Family











 Family
support
and
encouragement
play
an
important
role
in
student


retention
and
academic
success
in
college
(Wilson
1983;
Rindone
1988;
Huffman,


Sill
and
Brokenleg
1986;
Davis
1992;
Barnhardt
1994).
The
education
level
and


occupation
of
parents
are
found
to
be
important
predictors
of
student
success
in


college
(Brown
1993).




 Among
faculty
and
administrators
interviewed,
there
was
universal


agreement
that
family
support
plays
an
important
role
in
college
success
for


American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
The
Director
of
one
Native
student
support


program
commented
on
how
PSU
could
improve
the
level
of
service
to
students
as
a


way
to
compensate
for
the
loss
of
support
provided
by
the
family
when
the
student


is
away
from
home:


I
think
the
implications
of
the
importance
of
family
support
are
that
we
need

to
incorporate
family
much
more
in
our
work
with
American
Indian
students.

I
think
an
area
that
we
can
really
grow
a
lot
in
is
bringing
in
family
because


 154


we
know
that
that
is
a
hugely—again—not
to
over
generalize
but
for
many
of

our
students
it’s
a
hugely
important
part
of
who
they
are.




 Family
members
often
provide
logistical
as
well
as
emotional
support.
This
is


especially
true
for
single
parents
who
rely
on
family
for
help
with
caring
for
young


children
while
parents
are
in
school
or
working,
often
at
more
than
one
job
while


also
taking
a
full
credit
load.
Many
PSU
Native
students
cite
family
as
a
major
source


of
support.

Family
members
provide
emotional,
motivational
and
logistic
support


for
students
who
often
feel
out
of
their
element
on
a
mainstream
university
campus.




 
 Regarding
the
importance
of
family
support
cited
by
Native
students
at
PSU


and
previous
research,
from
other
universities,
supporting
the
same
findings,


indications
are
that
American
Indian
students
at
PSU
would
benefit
from
an


enhanced
institutional
focus
on
providing
support
based
on
family
centered
models


in
place
at
other
tribal
and
mainstream
institutions,
in
addition
to
cultural,
financial,


and
academic
needs.
Family
based
programs
modeled
after
prior
research
will
be


discussed
in
the
Barriers
section
below.
Relevant
to
the
current
discussion
is
the
fact


that
recognition,
by
campus
administrators,
of
the
importance
of
incorporating


family
into
the
total
support
package
for
the
Native
PSU
student,
is
in
and
of
itself,
a


potential
facilitator.



Supportive
Friends











 After
family
support,
a
network
of
friends
was
commonly
cited
as
an


important
source
of
support.
Administrators,
faculty,
staff,
and
students
all
pointed


 155


to
the
formation
of
supportive
relationships
as
of
primary
importance
to
student


success.
There
was
almost
universal
agreement
among
PSU
faculty,
staff
and


administrators
on
the
importance
of
a
Native
community
and
peer
reference
group.


These
relationships
are
not
necessarily
restricted
to
friendships
or
family,
but
also


include
mentorship
by
faculty
and
staff
in
and
around
the
campus
environment.




 Campus
climate
was
mentioned
as
an
important
factor
in
the
ability
of
Native


students
to
come
together
in
a
community
of
peers
that
would
offer
the
comfort
and


support
often
cited
as
of
primary
importance
to
persistence
and
academic
success


for
American
Indian
students.
One
element
of
that
climate
often
mentioned
was
a


place
for
Native
students
to
come
together
as
a
community
of
peers
in
support
of


each
other.



 The
topic
of
such
a
place
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU
will
be


discussed
in
further
detail
in
Chapter
Nine.
Relevant
to
the
current
discussion
is
the


need
for
such
a
place
at
PSU
where
none
currently
existed
at
the
time
I
conducted


interviews.
Given
the
significance
of
a
supportive
network
of
friends
as
cited


unanimously
by
participants
in
this
research,
it
could
be
concluded
that
of
utmost


importance
for
the
formation
of
such
a
support
group,
is
a
place
for
that
community


to
exist
safely
and
comfortably.
Beginning
in
the
fall
of
2010,
the
newly
formed


American
Indian
Education
and
Cultural
Center
will
offer
such
a
place.





 156


Supportive
Faculty





 In
prior
research,
Native
students
in
Alaska
reported
accessibility,


approachability,
genuineness
and
caring
by
college
or
university
faculty
as


necessary
for
learning
success
(Wilson
1997).

American
Indian
students
at
PSU
also


pointed
to
the
importance
of
supportive
faculty
members
in
contributing
to
college


success.



 One
of
the
most
important
facilitators
I
found
at
PSU
for
the
educational


success
for
American
Indian
students
is
the
existence
of
a
core
group
of
people
who


are
proven
to
be
extremely
dedicated
and
eternally
committed
to
fostering
a


positive
academic
experience
for
Native
students
at
PSU.
It
is
widely
agreed
that
this


core
group
of
faculty
and
staff
are
deeply
committed
to
the
fostering
of
a
positive


educational
experience
for
this
university’s
Native
students.



 The
students
I
spoke
to
recognize
the
presence
of
this
group
and
are


appreciative
of
all
that
these
people
do.
Throughout
my
interviews
concern
was


repeatedly
mentioned
for
the
time
when
these
supporters
will
begin
to
retire.



Students,
administrators
and
faculty
have
all
pointed
to
the
need
to
bring
in
new


faculty,
staff
and
administration
that
will
carry
on
this
tradition
of
support.




 The
members
of
this
core
group
have
been
the
pillars
of
support
to
the


American
Indian
student
at
PSU
for
many
years
and
remain
so
to
the
present
day.


However,
as
mentioned
by
many,
if
new
people
with
a
similar
commitment
to
Native


student
success
are
not
brought
into
the
university
as
others
retire,
the
support


these
people
provide
will
most
assuredly
be
missed.


 157


Supportive
Administration




 Without
university
administrators
sensitive
to
issues
particular
to
American


Indian
students
and
interested
in
providing
a
quality
college
experience
at
PSU,


chances
for
Native
student
success
would
be
limited.

Indications
are
that
Plains


State
University
does
have
a
very
supportive
administration
dedicated
to
creating
a


university
environment
conducive
to
academic
success
for
its
Native
American


student
population.





 In
January
of
2007,
the
university
came
under
new
leadership
with
the


inauguration
of
the
its
19th
President,
an
alumnus
of
PSU.
During
the
20th
Annual


PSU
Wacipi
(pow
wow)
the
President
announced
the
coming
of
a
newly
formed


American
Indian
Education
and
Cultural
Center
opening
in
the
fall
of
2010.




 In
July
of
2009,
PSU
appointed
a
new
Provost
and
Vice
President
for


Academic
Affairs.
During
my
interview
with
the
Provost
she
discussed
the
forward


moving
vision
she
holds
for
support
of
Native
students
including
an
enhanced


curriculum
in
the
form
of
a
major
field
of
study
in
American
Indian
Studies.




 Both
of
these
university
leaders
have
demonstrated
a
commitment
to


American
Indian
students
at
PSU
both
in
the
present
and
through
a
vision
for
the


future
that
will
lead
to
that
top
down
institutional
change
mentioned
by
several
of


those
I
interviewed.







 158



University
Community
Support









 Of
significance
to
Native
students
on
the
PSU
campus
is
the
experience
of
one


of
their
peers,
a
first
year
graduate
student
who
was
a
2009
graduate
of
Dartmouth


College.
Dartmouth
is
well
known
for
its
American
Indian
Studies
program
and


Native
American
House
(Garrod
and
Larimore
1997),
and
might
serve
as
a
model
of


success
for
PSU.
That
student
describes
her
experience,

“In
my
undergrad


experience
we
were
greeted
right
away
by
the
Native
community
.
.
.
that
connection


to
the
community
is
an
important
thing.
Otherwise,
everyday,
you
feel
like
you
are


alone
on
the
outside
looking
in.”



 The
importance
of
support
for
the
American
Indian
student
cannot
be


overstated.
It
must
also
be
recognized
that
support
is
already
in
place
in
many


instances
and
that
by
modeling
the
successes
at
places
such
as
Dartmouth,
PSU
can


move
in
great
strides
toward
an
enhanced
system
of
supportive
elements


throughout
a
wide
range
of
services
and
facilities,
and
personnel.


Native
American
faculty/staff











 One
significant
move
toward
an
enhanced
environment
of
support
is
in
the


hiring
of
additional
American
Indian
Faculty.
This
addition
nearly
doubled
the


number
of
American
Indians
working
in
faculty
or
staff
positions
bringing
the
total


number
to
five.



 159



 In
2009,
PSU
appointed
an
American
Indian
faculty
to
the
position
of


Coordinator
of
American
Indian
Studies.
He
is
currently
working
on
the


development
of
an
American
Indian
Studies
major.




 Also
of
significant
value
to
PSU
is
the
addition
to
the
athletics
department
of


one
of
just
a
few
Native
American
women
to
play
and
coach
Division
1
athletics.


Together,
these
valuable
additions
bring
with
them
impressive
academic
as
well
as


experiential
credentials.




 Throughout
my
data
collection
I
both
observed,
and
heard
testimonials
of
the


important
influence
they
have
had
on
the
Native
student
community
in
providing


valuable
mentoring
support
and
leadership
while
serving
as
the
best
possible
role


models.


Support
Services










 Student
support
services
respectful
of
the
needs
and
interests
of
culturally


diverse
students
are
seen
as
an
important
factors
leading
to
success
(Barnhardt


1994).




 Among
all
those
I
interviewed
for
this
research,
it
did
not
escape
my


attention
that
while
many
are
extremely
devoted
to
Native
student
success,
those


working
in
the
area
of
student
support
services
were
among
the
most
outwardly


passionate
and
visibly
moved
as
they
spoke
on
the
topic.
To
put
it
succinctly,
these


people
are
facilitators
to
Native
student
success
first
and
foremost
in
their


understanding
of
the
role
they
play
and
what
they
strive
to
accomplish.


 160





 If,
as
suggested,
the
overarching
theme
in
the
facilitation
of
academic
success


for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU
is
student
support,
then
these
student
support


professionals
must
be
recognized
as
essential.
Once
again,
it
becomes
apparent
that


human
relationships
are
the
key
to
creating
a
supportive
environment
for
Native


students
at
PSU.


Financial
Resources





 Throughout
my
interviews,
regardless
of
whom
I
spoke
with,
I
was
struck
by


the
fact
that
everyone
knows
the
director
of
the
Financial
Aid
Office
at
PSU.
Some


students
affectionately
referred
to
him
as
Dad,
or
as
Santa
Claus,
saying,
“If
you
need


some
money
to
stay
afloat,
he’s
where
you
turn.”
No
one
could
speak
negatively


about
this
man
and
what
he
has
done
for
all
students
at
PSU
to
facilitate
their
college


experience.
As
I
interviewed
him,
I
was
cognizant
of
my
own
experience
with
him
as


a
graduate
student
over
the
last
several
years
and
it
was
clear
as
we
spoke
that
he
is


unwaveringly
committed
to
fostering
educational
attainment
for
Native
students


through
any
and
all
means
at
his
disposal.
During
the
20th
Annual
PSU
Wacipi
in


February
I
observed
him
visit
with
Native
students
throughout
the
evening
and
take


a
genuine
interest
in
the
event
and
the
people
in
attendance.
The
man
is
in
a
word,
a


“facilitator”.



 Interestingly,
while
some
of
the
students
I
interviewed
complained
about
the


perceived
lack
of
financial
aid
opportunities
available,
and
the
Financial
Aid
Office,


 161


or
more
accurately,
the
personnel
in
the
office
with
whom
first
contact
is
most
often


made,
none
complained
about
the
director
of
that
office
or
questioned
his
level
of


commitment
and
dedication
to
either
them
or
their
financial
needs.
This
reaffirms


the
notion
of
the
significance
of
relationships
between
people.
Perhaps
the
most


significant
finding
here
is
the
need
for
improved
lines
of
communication
through


which
healthy
relationships
can
be
built.
Such
communication
would
necessarily
be


achieved
through
a
mutual
lack
of
preconceived
notions
leading
to
cultural


discontinuity.


Traditional
Culture





 The
maintenance
of
cultural
identity
and
traditions
was
found
to
be


instrumental
in
the
success
of
Native
students
at
the
postsecondary
level
(Huffman,


Sill
and
Brokenleg
1986).




 
 Just
as
family
support
emerges
as
a
primary
facilitator
for
college
success,
the


issue
of
culture
emerges
as
an
integral
part
of
the
American
Indian
student’s


identity.
Culture,
family
and
identity
are
intertwined
and
can
provide
a
strong


buttress
against
the
discomfort
that
can
come
with
the
cultural
discontinuity
of


movement
from
the
reservation
community
to
the
mainstream
university.
(Wax
et


al.
1964,
Berry
1969;
Hertzburg
1971;
Oppelt
1991;
Tierney
1992,
2000;
Carney


1999).

How
that
cultural
identity
is
nurtured
and
expressed
throughout
the
PSU


experience
may
play
a
pivotal
role
in
the
success
of
the
Native
student’s
college


career
(Fordham
1988;
Feagin
1996).



 162



 One
of
the
common
themes
cited
as
a
facilitator
was
the
opportunity
for
the


Native
students
at
PSU
to
express
or
participate
in
traditional
cultural
activities.
In


order
for
Native
American
students
at
PSU
to
make
full
use
of
the
benefits
derived


from
participation
in
cultural
activities
as
a
facilitator
to
academic
success,
there


needs
to
be
more
opportunities
for
the
practice
of
such
activities.
The
provision
of


those
opportunities
may
be
accomplished
in
large
part
in
the
newly
promised,
and


long
awaited
American
Indian
Education
and
Cultural
Center.

Such
was
the


experience
of
a
Native
graduate
student
as
she
recalled
her
undergraduate
years
at


Dartmouth:


We
had
a
house
at
my
under
grad
where
you
actually
could
live.
There
were

two
floors.
The
top
floor
had
three
beds
and
then
the
bottom
floor
and
the

middle
floor.
And
the
students
could
live
there
if
you
applied
to
live
there.

And
like
everybody
wanted
to
live
there
and
everybody
was
always
there.


Like
I
don’t
know
if
it
was
because
we
had
a
huge
community—I
don’t
know

what
it
was
but—everybody
was
always
there.
We
were
like—during
the

afternoons
we
would
be
in
the
NAH
all
crowded
on
the
couch
just
eating

together
and
then
in
the
evenings,
we’d
be
in
the
dining
room
at
two
big
long

tables.
We’d
be
just
studying
or
laughing.
And
then
there
was
a
basement

where
we’d
watch
movies.

.
.
.
But
that
was
how
I
kept
my
connection
with

home.
And
there
was
a
drum
group‐‐‐we
had
a
lot
of
guys
from
the

Southwest,
so
it
was
kind
of
a
southern
drum
group.
They’d
come
in
and
they

would
like
sing
and
they’d
be
in
the
Native
American
House—they’d
be
in
the

basement
and
they’d
sing.
And
it
felt
so
good
to
hear
that…that’s
what
we’ll

do
sometimes.
Like
people
will
just
start
playing
hand
drum
songs
and
we’ll

just
sit
there
and
listen
to
it.
It’s
nice
though.




 It
makes
sense
to
acknowledge
those
factors
already
in
place
at
PSU
that
act


as
facilitators
to
academic
attainment
for
American
Indian
students.
It
has
been


demonstrated
that
the
university
has
many
assets
to
its
credit.
These
assets
are
in


the
shape
and
form
of
people
dedicated
to
the
success
of
Native
students
and
the


 163


programs
that
those
people
administer.
One
professor
said
that
‘bricks
and
mortar


can
only
allow
for
so
much,
and
that
the
most
important
thing
is
relationships


between
people.’
It
has
also
been
demonstrated
that
the
most
valuable
of
all
assets


at
PSU
are
those
people
dedicated
to
the
success
of
Native
students
and
the


relationships
they
foster.



 These
assets
working
as
facilitators
may
serve
as
a
starting
point
from
which


to
build
and
strengthen
the
opportunities
for
Native
American
college
success.


Perhaps
if
PSU
builds
on
its
strengths,
the
weaknesses
will
take
care
of
themselves.
I


will
now
turn
the
focus
to
a
discussion
of
barriers
to
academic
attainment
for
Native


students.


Barriers



 In
his
1999
book,
First
Peoples:
A
Documentary
Survey
of
American
Indian


History,
Calloway
provides
a
timeline
for
American
Indians
that
can
be
intertwined


with
the
history
of
Plains
State
University,
as
provided
in
the
university’s
officially


published
Bulletin
(Plains
State
University
Bulletin
Quarterly,
Volume
99,
Number
2,


May
2008).
Together,
these
histories
create
a
picture
of
Prairie
State’s
mainstream


educational
institution
and
the
Native
people
of
Prairie
State.
While
PSU
has
grown


and
continues
to
grow
into
a
premier
research
and
teaching
university,
there


remains
third
world
like
conditions
on
many
of
the
states
reservations.
It
is
clear


that
this
is
a
history
in
which
the
development
of
one
is
not
in
synch
with
the


development
of
the
other.



 164



 This
history
begs
the
questions;
how
has
the
mission
of
PSU
as
an
1862
Land


Grant
institution
been
applied
to
the
Native
people
of
the
state?
To
what
extent
have


American
Indians
gained
access
to
higher
education
at
PSU?
And,
where
does


responsibility
lie
for
the
level
of
academic
attainment
reached
by
Native
Americans,


both
historically
and
presently?



Once
again,
caution
must
be
taken
against
broad,
sweeping
generalizations.


Qualitative
data
gathered
throughout
this
research
suggests
a
wide
variety
of
factors


acting
as
either
facilitators,
or
barriers,
or
both
depending
on
context
and
those


individuals
and
groups
involved.
Among
those
factors
are
individual
personal


characteristics
such
as
drive
and
determination,
and
structural
characteristics


including
racism
at
varying
levels,
availability
of
facilities
for
Native
students
and


cultural
discontinuity
between
Native
students
and
the
mainstream
community


(Berry
1969;
Kerbo
1981;
Wilson
1983;
Huffman,
Sill
and
Brokenleg
1986;
Rindone


1988;
Wright
and
Tierney
1991;
Tierney
1992;
Davis
1992;
Barnhardt
1994;


Barnhardt
1994;
Carney
1999;
Huffman
1999).




 Together
these
factors
intertwine
and
overlap
to
create
a
complicated
matrix


that
is
difficult
to
sort
out
or
display
graphically
or
even
narratively.
The
one


constant
is
that
the
only
accurate
understanding
of
this
complex
issue
can
be
gained


through
the
voices
describing
the
worldviews
and
experiences
of
all
those
involved,


whether
they
be
student,
faculty,
staff
or
administrator.
From
these
various


standpoints,
no
unilateral
responsibility
can
be
assigned
for
such
a
vague
concept
as


Native
American
college
success,
or
lack
thereof.
As
with
all
things
in
the
social


 165


world,
it
is
a
combination
of
factors
in
any
given
context
that
results
in
what
we


perceive
as
reality
at
any
given
moment.
What
we
perceive
as
real
is
a
product
of


our
own
socially
constructed
reality.
As
W.I.
Thomas
stated,
“If
men
define


situations
as
real,
they
are
real
in
their
consequences”
(Thomas
and
Thomas,
1928:


572).



 This
research
represents
only
a
small
slice
in
time
considering
the
entire


history
of
PSU,
the
complete
history
of
American
Indian
higher
education
to
the


present
day,
and
perhaps
most
importantly,
the
history
of
contact
between
the


indigenous
people
of
this
continent
and
all
those
who
came
later.
It
must
be
noted


that
the
complexity
of
all
aspects
relative
to
this
issue
must
be
kept
salient
in
our


attempts
to
understand.
It
is
also
imperative
that
we
understand
and
remain
aware


that
how
we
assign
meaning
to
the
component
parts
of
this
complex
issue
is


dependent
upon
the
values
we
as
individuals
hold
the
most
dear.



 Historian,
and
educator
Howard
Zinn
cautions
on
the
use
and
application
of


history
in
his
1990
book
Declarations
of
Independence:


We
can
.
.
.
decide
for
ourselves,
based
on
our
own
values,
which
accounts
are

most
important
and
most
useful.



Anyone
reading
history
should
understand
from
the
start
that
there
is
no

such
thing
as
impartial
history.
All
written
history
is
partial
in
two
senses.
It

is
partial
in
that
it
is
only
a
tiny
part
of
what
really
happened.
This
is
a

limitation
that
can
never
be
overcome.
And
it
is
partial
in
that
it
inevitably

takes
sides,
by
what
it
includes
or
omits,
what
it
emphasizes
or

deemphasizes.
It
may
do
this
openly
or
deceptively,
consciously
or

subconsciously.
 




 166


The
chief
problem
in
historical
honesty
is
not
outright
lying.
It
is
omission
or

de‐emphasis
of
important
data.
The
definition
of
important,
of
course,

depends
on
one’s
values.
(P.51)





 One
professor
commented
on
the
importance
of
knowing
where
we
must


start
in
addressing
barriers
to
college
success
for
Native
students:


So
we
need
to
be
sincere
about
the
present,
but
we
also
have
to
be
realistic

that
we
have
a
lot
of
things
to
overcome.
We
have
a
troubled,
troubled

history,
and
the
folks
we
serve
now
are
part
of
that
history.
We
are
part
of

that
history
so
I
think
we
are
just
at
the
very
beginning.


 A
thorough
understanding
of
the
barriers
to
American
Indian
academic


attainment
at
PSU
must
begin
from
an
acknowledgement
of
the
histories
of
the


institution
and
of
the
Native
population.
Through
the
use
of
what
Mills
(1959)
called


the
Sociological
Imagination
we
can
attempt
to
look
back
in
time,
through
the
eyes


of
American
Indians
in
Prairie
State,
and
nationwide,
to
see
how
life
possibilities,


including
the
possibilities
for
academic
attainment,
were
influenced
within
the


context
of
social
climate
of
the
times.



 In
February
of
1881
the
Territorial
Legislature
granted
120,000
acres
at


Railtown,
Prairie
State
for
the
establishment
of
an
‘Agriculture
College’.

Less
than


ten
years
later,
between
200‐
300
people,
mostly
elders,
women,
and
children
of
Si


Tanka’s
band
of
Minniconjou
Oyate
were
gunned
down
by
the
Seventh
Cavalry
at


Wounded
Knee
Creek
(Calloway,
1999).







 167



 By
1923,
instructional
programs
were
organized
into
five
divisions
including:


Agriculture,
Engineering,
General
Science,
Home
Economics,
and
Pharmacy.

The


future
PSU
was
beginning
to
take
shape.




 The
following
year,
1924,
all
American
Indians
were
granted
U.S.
citizenship.


The
Johnson‐O’Malley
Act
and
the
Indian
Reorganization
Act
were
passed
in
1934.


Through
Johnson‐O’Malley,
the
federal
government
provided
funds
to
school


districts
for
American
Indian
children
attending
public
schools
(Calloway,
1999).



The
Indian
Reorganization
Act
provided
for
Indian
self‐determination
through
the


development
of
tribal
governments
(Calloway,
1999).



 1956
Brought
a
sixth
undergraduate
division
in
the
field
of
nursing.
Also
in


1956,
the
federal
government
passed
the
Relocation
Act
to
encourage
Native


Americans
to
leave
the
reservation
and
move
to
urban
centers.
This
was
believed
to


be
a
way
to
assimilate
Native
people
into
the
Euro‐centric
mainstream
culture


(Calloway,
1999).
In
1957,
the
Graduate
Division
was
created
at
the
current
PSU


while
American
Indians
moved
to
Chicago,
Minneapolis,
San
Francisco,
Cleveland


and
other
large
cities
in
search
of
mainstream
opportunities.




 1961
saw
the
founding
of
the
National
Indian
youth
Council
and
the


emerging
development
of
a
Pan‐Indian
identity
among
Indians
relocated
to
urban


centers
(Hertzberg,
1971).

In
1964,
the
name
of
the
Agriculture
College
at
Railtown


was
changed
to
Plains
State
University
at
which
time
the
colleges
of
Agriculture
and


Biological
Sciences,
Arts
and
Science,
Engineering,
Home
Economics,
Nursing,
and


Graduate
Studies
were
created.




 168



 1973
saw
the
Siege
of
Wounded
Knee,
or
what
has
been
called
Wounded


Knee
II,
when
members
of
the
American
Indian
Movement
gathered
nationwide


support
from
the
burgeoning
Pan
Indian,
Red
Power
movement
in
protest
of
poor


living
conditions
and
mismanagement
by
the
Oglala
Sioux
Tribal
government.
This


protest
quickly
turned
into
a
full‐scale
conflict
between
government
forces,


including
State
Patrol,
National
Guard
units,
and
the
FBI
on
one
side
against
AIM


members
at
its
supporters
on
the
other.



 In
1989,
the
Division
of
Education
was
officially
named
PSU’s
College
of


Counseling
and
Education.
Also
in
1989,
The
National
Museum
of
the
American


Indian
was
established
by
an
act
of
congress
as
the
16th
museum
of
the
Smithsonian


Institution
in
Washington
D.C.
The
museum
opened
in
2004.




 In
the
2003‐2004
school
year,
PSU
began
the
process
of
moving
to
NCAA


Division
1
athletics,
with
full
Division
1
status
achieved
in
2008.
In
the
fall
of
2008,


student
enrollment
was
11,995.
By
the
fall
of
2009,
total
student
enrollment
was
12,


376.
Of
those,
8.4
percent
were
listed
as
minority
students.
American
Indian


students
enrolled
at
PSU
comprise
the
second
largest
of
minority
groups
enrolled
at


2.3
percent
of
all
students
enrolled.
In
what
can
only
be
described
as
an


overwhelmingly
White,
mainstream
university,
2.3
percent
is
disproportionate


when
taking
into
account
the
total
Native
American
population
in
Prairie
State,


which
is
cited
by
the
U.S.
Census
Bureau,
as
between
eight
and
nine
percent.




 Throughout
the
parallel
histories
of
PSU
and
the
Native
American
population


of
the
state
and
of
the
United
States,
American
Indian
students
have
not
been


 169


proportionately
represented
regarding
academic
attainment.
The
reasons
for
this


disproportionate
college
success
cannot
be
separated
from
that
history.



 


Institutional
Barriers/Administration



 
 Data
I
collected
at
PSU
for
this
research
supports
previous
research
cited
in


the
literature
indicating
that
institutional
structural
barriers
may
be
a
significant


factor
hindering
academic
attainment
for
American
Indian
students.



 
While
strides
have
been
made
toward
American
Indian
college
success
at
PSU,


based
on
comparison
of
qualitative
data
gathered,
indications
are
that
for
the


subjects
participating
in
this
research,
barriers
outweigh
facilitators
by
more
than
a


2:1
ratio.



 
 Everyone
I
interviewed
agreed
that
social
change
focused
on
improving
the


chances
for
American
Indian
academic
success
at
PSU
must
start
with
the
PSU


administration.

Some
discussed
it
in
terms
of
the
institutional
mission.



 A
veteran
professor
speaks
of
the
history
of
the
American
Indian
college


experience
at
PSU
specifically,
how
that
college
experience
has
been
a
product
of
an


institutionalized
structure:


I
think
that
institutional
change
is
in
order,
but
is
very
difficult
because
this
is

the
way
it’s
always
been.
Generations
worth
of
Indian
people
being
just
a
blip

on
the
screen,
or
not
on
the
screen
or
tangential
or
peripheral,
or

subordinate,
or
whatever
you
want
to
call
it.
It’s
pretty
hard
to
unlearn
that.


As
I
told
the
President
in
a
meeting
not
too
long
ago,
‘We’re
progressing,
in

some
ways,
academically,
but
an
American
Indian
Cultural
Center
is
–you

know—50
years
overdue.
((laughs))
If
you
look
at
comparable
institutions

everywhere,
we
are
sucking
wind
compared
to
them
because
we
haven’t


 170


been
proactive
enough
to
understand
that
you
can’t
really
be
of
much
appeal

to
tribal
students
if
you
don’t
have
a
place.



Regarding
the
Land
Grant
Mission
of
the
university,
the
same
professor
continues:



.
.
.
It’s
been
a
glaring
omission
actually,
that
tribal
kids
have
been
under

served.



.
.
.
University
administration,
as
a
structure
from
the
top
down,
doesn’t

directly
take
responsibility,
as
a
priority,
for
addressing
issues
of
diversity,

particularly
related
to
Native
students,
but
rather,
that
responsibility
falls
to

individual
pockets,
or
enclaves
within.
It’s
safe
to
say
that
through
the
years,

the
central
administration
have
been
reactive
rather
than
proactive.

Sometimes
responsive
to
what
some
of
us
are
doing
and
asking
for,
but

rarely
are
initiators.
Except
for
giving
lip
service
to
it,
of
course.
They
are

really,
really
good
at
that.


 
 
 
 


 A
high‐ranking
university
administrator
addresses
issues
concerning
the


history
of
PSU
and
remaining
barriers
to
American
Indian
academic
attainment


from
an
institutional
perspective,
“I
don’t
know,
structurally,
and
I’m
talking


organizationally,
if
we’ve
quite
landed
on
the
best
organization
to
work
with


diversity.”




 One
faculty
member
has
worked
toward
enhancing
diversity
at
PSU
for


decades.
Among
his
many
passions
is
working
toward
an
enhanced
appreciation
for


Native
American
students,
and
an
appreciation
for
indigenous
culture
as
an
asset
to


the
university.
“I’m
of
the
view
that
we
are
not
fulfilling
our
mission
and
purposes


very
well.
We
need
to
really
focus
on
that
and
do
a
better
job
of
it.”




 It
quickly
becomes
apparent
that
one
of
the
barriers
to
academic
attainment


for
American
Indian
students
has
its
genesis
in
the
divergent
viewpoints
concerning


what
the
priorities
are
in
addressing
diversity
issues.
More
specifically,
how
the


 171


official
university
policy
addresses
American
Indian
students
within
the
overall


issue
of
diversity
has
a
direct
impact
on
the
Native
American
college
experience.


From
a
Director
of
one
of
the
student
support
services
on
campus
comes
further


testimony
regarding
the
confusion
of
what
diversity
means,
who
is
defined
as


diverse,
and
where
priorities
lie,
“I
think
there
are
people
on
this
campus
who
don’t


include
Native
American
kids
as
part
of
their
outlook
for
diversity.”




 A
faculty
member
who
has
remained
very
involved
with
American
Indian


students
for
many
years,
and
who
is
a
well
known
as
a
mentor,
addresses
the
issue


of
diversity
and
where
Native
students
fall,
as
a
matter
of
priority
in
the
diversity


issue
expressed
deep
concern,
“I
guess
if
you
are
a
Native
person,
a
White
institution


is
not
attractive
to
you
especially
if
that
institution
doesn’t
have
a
good
reputation
as


being
welcoming
and
valuing
the
Native
culture.”



 Another
faculty
member
who
has
administered
a
successful
program
for


Native
students
discussed
how
the
university
deals
with
diversity,
“.
.
.
a
lot
of


people
do
not
appreciate
the
strength
and
the
benefit
that
comes
from
having


diverse
faculty
and
diverse
students
who
are
a
part
of
the
whole
big
world
we
live


in.”




 Another
faculty
member
who
is
primarily
involved
with
Native
American


students
comments,
“If
our
mission
is
serving
the
people
of
the
state,
we
have
a


gigantic
underserved
population,
right
here,
who
are,
in
terms
of
the
university,
who


are
our
neighbors
.
.
.
our
front
yards
join
each
other.
And
for
a
large
part
of
our


 172


history,
the
history
of
PSU,
and
the
system
of
higher
education,
the
gates
have
been


closed
to
our
neighbors.”



 The
issue
of
PSU
commitment
to
minority
recruiting
is
one
that
was


continuously
questioned
by
all
interviewees,
including
administrators,
faculty
and


staff.






Poor
High
School
Preparation





Good
academic
performance
prior
to
college
has
been
linked
to
good


academic
performance
in
college
(Brown
1993).



 Whatever
the
cause,
every
student
I
interviewed
agreed
that
there
is
a


difference
in
the
quality
of
education
between
reservation
high
schools
and


mainstream
high
schools.
Some
of
the
Native
students
I
interviewed
attended


mainstream
high
schools
and
did
not
experience
the
same
educational
deficit
upon


entering
college.
This
may
indicate
that
the
problem
is
with
reservation
schools
and


not
with
American
Indian
students.




 Native
students
often
come
to
PSU
unprepared
for
college
level
work.
There


is
extant
detailed
literature
on
this
subject.
Faculty,
administration,
admissions
staff


and
the
students
themselves
are
well
aware
of
the
educational
handicap
with
which


many
American
Indian
students
begin
their
university
career.
 





 173


Prejudice
or
Racism








Feagin
(2000),
reporting
on
the
college
experience
of
Black
students
at


predominantly
White
college
campuses,
states
that
prejudicial
attitudes
abound
on


White
campuses
among
White
students,
faculty
and
administrators.
If
racial


insensitivity
has
been
institutionalized
on
mainstream
college
campuses
in
the
form


of
Euro‐centric
curriculum,
lack
of
interest
in
African
American
students,
and
the


expectation
by
faculty
that
individual
Black
students
are
representative
of
the
entire


race,
as
Feagin
(2000)
suggests,
the
same
appears
to
hold
true
for
Native
American


students
on
majority
White,
mainstream
campus
of
PSU.



One
veteran
professor
offered
his
perspective
on
addressing
racism
through


curriculum
reform:


And
so,
we
need
quality
control.
We
need
program
development.
We
need

these
courses
authored
by
people
who
are
passionate
about
them,
who
care

about
them
in
the
heart
as
well
as
in
the
head—and
who
can
persuade

aspiring
teachers
of
the
importance
of
them
and
how
they
can
be
used
in
a

variety
of
circumstances
in
our
school
systems.
Because,
of
course,
that’s
the

problem
here‐
you
can
still
get
a
university‐an
PSU
degree
without
having

your
most
foundational
and
fundamental
superficial
racisms
addressed.
You

don’t
have
to
process
any
of
this.
You
can
come
here
a
racist—you
can
leave

here
a
racist.
You
can
weave
your
way
through
the
program
and
still
not

know
the
first
thing
about
American
Indian
histories
and
cultures.




 Regardless
of
whether
a
specific
incident
is
recalled,
Native
students
at
PSU


agree
that
racism
directed
toward
American
Indians
is
a
common
reality,
one


student
relates
his
perspective
“Well,
Prairie
State
is
actually
the
heart
of
Indian
and


White
racism.
That’s
all
it
basically
is
.
.
.”


 174



 The
ugly
truth
is
that
racism
has
been
a
part
of
U.S.
society
from
its


beginning.
Great
people
have
spent
their
lives
attempting
to
overcome
racism,


others
have
lost
theirs
in
pursuit
of
the
same
goal.
Whether
or
not
it
is
comfortable


to
admit,
racism
does
exist
at
PSU.

While
history
has
shown
that
there
is
no
simple


cure,
perhaps
the
starting
point
within
reach
is
for
each
of
us,
as
individuals,
to


become
aware
of
those
ideals
we
have
been
socialized
with
and
of
those
with
which


we
have
not,
and
of
the
things
we
take
for
granted,
and
of
those
things
that
have


become
institutionalized
to
the
point
of
becoming
invisibly,
subconsciously
taken


for
granted.
Recall
those
I
interviewed
who
said,
“So
much
of
it
is
about


relationships
.
.
.
It’s
from
that
community—those
relationships
that
people
find
the


strength
and
the
support
they
need
to
succeed—in
anything
really.”




Lack
of
Support




 Many
factors
combine
to
affect
the
university
experience
and
chances
for


academic
success
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
Depending
on
context,
many


of
those
factors
act
as
facilitators,
barriers,
or
both.
As
seen
above,
it
appears
that


support
may
be
the
most
significant
facilitator.
Conversely,
the
logical
conclusion


can
be
drawn
that
a
lack
of
support
may
be
the
most
significant
barrier
to
college


success
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
The
lack
of
support
takes
many
forms


including
friends,
faculty
community
environment
and
family.



 A
Native
student
recalls
his
first
year
at
PSU
before
he
developed
a
support


network
of
friends.
“My
freshman
year,
in
the
fall
of
2003,
I
had
no
idea
that
the


 175


Native
American
Club
existed.
Honestly,
that
first
year
and
a
half
was
the
hardest
for


me
because
I
felt
I
was
the
only
Native
American
student
on
campus.”



 Helen
Keller
is
quoted
as
pointing
out
how
little
we
can
do
alone
and
how


much
we
can
do
together.

Again,
relationships
may
be
the
key
to
student
success.


Non­Supportive
Faculty






 To
the
American
Indian
student,
already
feeling
like
a
stranger
in
a


potentially
hostile
environment,
among
the
most
hurtful
experiences
are
encounters


with
non‐supportive,
culturally
insensitive,
or
openly
hostile
professors,


administrators
or
staff.
Almost
every
student
I
interviewed
had
a
story
regarding


hurtful
behavior
directed
toward
him
or
her
by
insensitive
faculty.
Some
faculty


actions
reflected
a
lack
of
cultural
understanding
simply
manifested
through


ignorant
or
ethnocentric
behavior
or
remarks.
Other
times,
this
lack
of
cultural


understanding
was
explicit
in
the
classroom
as
evidenced
again
by
inappropriate


curriculum
or
the
way
in
which
lecture
material
was
delivered.
Some
faculty


members
are
aware
of
these
issues
and
point
to
needed
change.
One
professor
said:


I
think
that
we
need
much
more
faculty
re‐education
in
regard
to
Native

American
histories
and
cultures
so
that
they
have
a
better
understanding
of

Native
students,
and
are
better
able
to
encourage
them
and
be
supportive
of

them.
You
know,
it’s
not
uncommon
for
tribal
students
to
have
the

experience
of
a
faculty
member
misrepresenting
tribal
issues,
and
mysteries

and
so
forth,
stereotyping
Indians
in
various
ways‐‐‐not
being
sensitive
to

cultural
context.




One
American
Indian
Professor
saw
the
faculty
issue
this
way:




 176


There
is
indifference
among
faculty.
Some
don’t
care‐‐‐they
don’t
care.
I

know
in
my
department
there’s
faculty
who
wouldn’t
do
things
unless
they

were
forced
to
do
it‐‐‐so
I
think
there
are
just
some
people
who
don’t
care

whether
they
have
Native
students
or
not.
And
then
there
are
some
who
care

for
the
wrong
reasons.

.
.
.
I
think
if
you
are
an
outstanding
student,
you
have

a
good
relationship
with
your
teachers.
You
know?
And
there
are
some

teachers,
um,
‐‐
whether
you
are
Native
or
non‐Native,
if
you
have
problems,

they
could
care
less.





 Inappropriate
comments
from
the
privileged
position
of
faculty
in
the


university
system
can
have
lasting
negative
impacts.
PSU’s
administration
is
also


aware
of
the
various
attitudes
toward
American
Indian
students
and
divergent


levels
of
commitment
to
their
college
success.
According
to
one


faculty/administrator,
“The
problem
still
remains
that
we
have
a
lot
of
faculty


members
who
just
do
not
understand
or
appreciate
Native
American
students
or


their
concerns.”



 Through
my
own
experience
at
PSU,
through
observations
I’ve
made,
and


conversations
with
Native
students
and
instructors
of
a
particular
course
dealing


with
the
Indigenous
People
of
the
North
American
continent,
I
must
point
out
a


lingering
reality
of
a
course
specifically
required
for
Education
majors
in
order
to


complete
a
diversity
requirement.

A
professor
who
taught
this
course
for
years


described
her
frustration
with
the
fact
that
education
majors
were
in
the
course
for


no
reason
other
than
to
fulfill
that
requirement;
this
is
to
say
they
were
there


begrudgingly.
Some
of
these
students
saw
no
value
in
learning
about
the
indigenous


people
of
the
state
into
which
they
were
about
to
embark
on
a
career
in
teaching.

As


a
result
of
this
disinterest,
many
students
in
the
course
were
only
minimally


 177


interested
or
involved
while
others
were
outright
disruptive.
This
is
an
example
of


the
cultural
discontinuity
described
by
(Berry
1969;
Wax,
Wax
and
Dumont
1964,


and
Huffman
1999).
It
also
provides
some
possible
explanation
to
the
accounts,


offered
by
students
in
the
focus
groups
I
conducted,
of
the
attitudes
and
behaviors


of
some
non‐Indian
teachers
they
had
encountered
in
reservation
high
schools.




 Granted,
a
direct
correlation
between
PSU
students
fulfilling
a
diversity


requirement,
teachers
in
reservation
high
schools
and
insensitive
college
professors


may
not
be
possible.
However,
there
may
be
a
common
thread
in
the
characteristics


of
educators
in
training
and
those
veteran
educators
in
high
schools
or
at
PSU.
That


common
thread
may
be
described
as
insensitivity,
cultural
discontinuity
or
outright


racism.
However
it
is
labeled,
and
to
whomever
that
label
might
be
applied,
the
end


result
is
that
it
is
hurtful
to
Native
students
and
counter
productive
to
college


success
at
PSU.


Barriers
to
Support
Services






 Student
support
services
respectful
of
the
needs
and
interests
of
culturally


diverse
students
are
seen
as
an
important
factors
leading
to
success
(Barnhardt


1994).




 A
Native
American
upper
classman
described
her
feelings
and
those
of
her


friends
and
classmates
about
using
the
university
student
support
services
for


academic
assistance.

She
described
a
reluctance
on
the
part
of
some
Native
students


to
reach
out
for
help
for
fear
that
they
will
be
looked
down
on
or
labeled
as


 178


unworthy.
These
feelings
were
based
in
the
belief
that
they
were
seen
as
less


capable,
or
less
valuable
than
mainstream
students.
In
many
cases
these
feelings


from
within
were
the
barrier
to
be
overcome.



 My
interviews
with
student
support
service
professionals
indicate
that
this


inaccurate
view
held
by
some
Native
students,
is
unfortunate
and
is,
in
itself,
a


barrier
to
Native
students
getting
the
valuable
help
that
they
may
need
and
that
is


available
from
people
eager
to
provide
it.
I
recall
the
passion
exhibited
by
the


support
staff
I
interviewed.
Barriers
to
Native
students
receiving
academic
support


may
be
overcome
by
addressing
these
feelings
whether
accurate
or
not.
It
may
be


that
simply
improving
communication
between
Student
Support
Services
and


American
Indian
students
could
go
a
long
way
in
overcoming
this
barrier.


Family





 For
many
American
Indian
students,
the
importance
of
family
is
an
integral


part
of
their
culture.
This
may
be
especially
true
when
the
American
Indian


student’s
family
is
very
much
anchored
in
traditional
Native
culture
and
is


suspicious
of
the
mainstream
university
as
one
whose
goal
is
the
assimilation
of


their
Native
student.
In
such
a
case,
the
family
acts
as
a
pull
back
home
(Tierney


1992;
Carney
1999).




 This
dynamic
may
also
be
at
work
for
the
student
who
is
strongly
anchored


in
the
Native
culture
but
sees
the
university
environment
as
a
threat
to
that
cultural


way
of
life.
In
this
case,
the
university
environment
creates
a
push
toward
the
safety


 179


and
comfort
of
home
and
family
as
a
refuge
from
the
perceived
threat
(Tierney


1992;
Carney
1999).
In
every
case,
context
is
an
important
consideration.

Some


Native
students
may
have
a
difficult
time
adjusting
to
life
at
PSU
for
a
variety
of


reasons,
whether
concerning
cultural
differences
or
not,
the
escape
from
which
can


lead
to
seeking
comfort
at
home
with
the
family
one
is
used
to.




 For
some
Native
students,
family
is
more
than
just
a
common
barrier,
but


rather
is
adamantly
opposed
to
their
student
attending
a
mainstream
university


away
from
home.




 Huffman
(1999)
has
created
taxonomy
for
classifying
Native
American


students
along
a
continuum
of
cultural
traditional
lifestyle
ranging
from
Assimilated


at
one
end
and
Estranged
at
the
other
end.
Huffman
explains
how,
while
for
the


Assimilated
student,
transition
to
college
and
the
mainstream
culture
poses
little,
if


any,
challenge
or
threat;
the
Estranged
student
will
be
most
likely
to
drop
out
of


college
quickly
because
that
student
will
feel
threatened
by
the
mainstream
campus


environment
and
see
the
university
as
an
institution
whose
sole
purpose
is
one
of


total
assimilation
and
the
eradication
of
traditional
Native
values
and
lifestyle.



 Whether
or
not
the
student
adopts
this
perspective
may
be
less
significant


than
the
family
applying
pressure
to
the
student
to
return
home
out
of
fear
based
in


seeing
the
goal
of
the
university
as
assimilation
to
mainstream
culture
and
away


from
the
traditional
worldview
by
which
the
family
back
home
still
lives.



 180



 Regardless
of
the
combination
of
familial
factors
at
work,
previous
studies


discussed
above
point
to
the
value
of
programs
incorporating
family
members
into


the
milieu
of
the
student
and
campus
life.




 
 HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
(2002:3)
describe
a
program
developed
by


American
Indian
educators,
social
work
professionals
and
university
advisors
from


four
Montana
Tribal
colleges
in
cooperation
with
the
University
of
Montana
that


they
have
called,
‘The
Family
Education
Model’
(FEM).
FEM
was
based
on
three


assumptions
relevant
to
American
Indian
students.
Among
these
assumptions
are


that
Tribal
colleges
must
facilitate
the
ability
of
family
members
to
support
their


student’s
efforts,
and
that
Tribal
colleges
need
to
engage
family
members
in
the
life


of
the
college
community
through
building
partnerships
and
involving
them
in


social
and
cultural
activities.
The
benefits
of
the
FEM
are
explained
by
HeavyRunner


and
DeCelles
(2002)
through
the
examples
of
social
and
cultural
activities
such
as


dances,
socials,
sports
and
outdoor
activities
to
which
families,
spouses
and
children


are
regularly
invited
to
join.
Through
their
participation
in
these
activities,
the


family
members
develop
a
sense
of
belonging
to
the
campus
environment
and
are


no
longer
resentful
of
the
time
spent
on
campus
by
their
student
family
member.


According
to
HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
(2002:3)
“Establishing
and
maintaining
a


sense
of
‘family’
both
at
home
and
at
college
fortifies
American
Indian
students’


academic
persistence.”



 
 Guillory
and
Wolverton
(2008)
applied
the
Family
Education
Model
(FEM)
as


described
by
HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
(2002)
in
a
study
of
Native
American


 181


students
at
predominantly
White
institutions
in
Washington,
Idaho
and
Montana.



American
Indian
students
in
the
study
identified
family
and
student
social
support


and
the
desire
to
give
back
to
their
community
as
important
persistence
factors.


These
researchers
suggest

“
.
.
.
creating
ways
in
which
Native
American
students


can
connect
with
both
the
university
and
their
home
communities”
(Guillory
and


Wolverton
2008:81).
They
suggest
collaborative
programs
with
tribes,
supporting


daycare,
and
bringing
higher
education
to
Native
American
communities
(Guillory


and
Wolverton
2008).



 
 The
creation
of
the
planned
American
Indian
Education
and
Cultural
Center


(AIECC)
at
PSU
may
provide
a
place
where
family
can
come
to
be
with
their
students


while
visiting
Railtown
and
build
that
partnership
of
support
between
family,
home


and
university.
Through
planning,
programming
and
staffing
at
the
AIECC
family
can


be
incorporated
into
the
support
structure
available
at
PSU.


Financial
Resources






 American
Indian
students
commonly
identified
financial
support
as
an


important
factor
for
staying
in
college
(Wilson
1983).



 Among
all
those
I
interviewed
it
appears
that
the
majority
of
American


Indian
students
do
not
come
from
a
background
of
financial
wealth,
or,
in
many


cases,
even
financial
stability.

Again,
it
must
be
reiterated
that
sweeping


generalizations
cannot
be
applied
across
the
board
regarding
the
PSU
American


Indian
population
as
a
whole.
However
when
looking
specifically
at
Prairie
State’s


 182


Native
population,
it
is
relevant
to
note
that
none
of
the
nine
reservations
in
the


state
are
wealthy
compared
to
some
of
the
wealthiest
in
the
nation
with
small
tribal


enrollments
and
huge
gaming
profits.




 Beyond
the
general
lack
of
financial
resources
held
by
Native
students
and


their
families,
some
PSU
support
staff
I
interviewed
pointed
to
the
lack
of
money


management
skills
that
American
Indian
students
possess
upon
their
arrival
as


incoming
college
students.
Several
respondents
have
mentioned
new
student


orientation
programs
designed
to
help
incoming
students
adjust
to
college
life.

It


may
be
useful
to
include
some
basic
training
in
financial
management
for
those
in


need
of
it.




 There
seems
to
be
some
difference
of
understanding
among
some


administrators,
faculty,
staff
and
students
with
regard
to
availability
of
financial
aid


in
the
forms
of
student
loans
and
scholarships
and
grants
for
American
Indian


students.
One
campus
administrator
told
me
that
there
are
not
many
scholarships


available.
A
Native
American
upperclassman
was
adamant
about
the
lack
of
funding


for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU,
“The
pure
lack
of
scholarships
for
Native


students
is
a
problem
.
.
.”
 




 As
a
follow
up
to
these
comments,
I
asked
the
Director
of
Financial
Aid


specifically
about
financial
aid
to
American
Indian
students.
He
provided
detailed


information
of
scholarships
available
to
Native
students
in
the
form
of
a
list.
See


appendix
G
for
a
list
of
scholarship
opportunities.





 183



 According
to
the
Director,
“Most
students
do
not
timely
complete


applications,
including
forms
needed
for
tribal
higher
education
awards.”




 It
appears
that
this
is
a
case
of
either
a
lack
of
information
available
to
Native


students
regarding
scholarship
opportunities,
or
a
breakdown
in
communications


between
Native
students
and
whomever
might
be
advising
them,
or
it
may
be
the


case
that
Native
students
simply
are
not
taking
the
steps
to
fill
out
the
appropriate


forms
and
applications
in
time
to
take
advantage
of
those
financial
opportunities


that
one
campus
administrator
pointed
out
are
in
fact,
more
numerous
for
American


Indian
students
than
for
any
other
minority
group.

“.
.
.
we
do
have
several
Native


American
scholarships
.
.
.
more
than
any
other
minority
group.
Actually,
that’s
the


only
group
on
campus
that
has
specific
scholarships
geared
toward
them.
There
are


no
scholarships
for
Hispanic
students
or
African
American
or
Asian
American


students.
There’s
none.
There’s
none.”



 As
with
the
case
of
financial
management
skills,
improved
programming


providing
increased
awareness
of
scholarship
opportunities
and
structured
help
in


securing
that
aid
may
be
required.




 One
Native
student
commented
on
her
discomfort
in
dealing
with
initial


contact
people
or
gatekeepers
in
the
Financial
Aid
office.



 While
this
student
attributes
the
difficulty
to
culturally
insensitive
behavior


by
the
Financial
Aid
office
staff,
the
Director
assured
me
that
his
staff
does
receive


cultural
sensitivity
training.





 184



 
In
keeping
with
experiences
described
by
several
Native
students
I
spoke


with,
there
appears
to
be
a
common
theme
of
Native
students
reporting
that
they


were
treated
rudely
in
mainstream
offices
throughout
the
campus.
This
is
might


very
well
be
simply
a
matter
of
perception
and
viewpoint,
for
which
we
might
once


again
invoke
the
Thomas
theorem,
which
as
previously
mentioned
states,
“If
men


define
a
situation
as
real,
it
is
real
in
it’s
consequences”
(Thomas
and
Thomas
1928).



Regardless
of
the
differences
in
perceptions
between
office
personnel
and
Native


students,
if
students
feel
they
have
been
treated
poorly,
then
the
consequences
are


as
if
they
have,
in
fact
been
treated
poorly.
The
solution,
as
mentioned
in
several


examples
above,
might
come
in
the
form
of
improved
communication
leading
to


improved
relationships.



Local
 community




 The
best
way
to
understand
what
it
is
like
coming
to
a
predominantly
White


mainstream
city
like
Railtown,
Prairie
State
from
a
reservation
community
or


reservation
border
town
is
through
the
experiences
of
those
American
Indian


students
who
have
lived
the
transition.
It
is
through
the
senses
of
those
students


that
we
may
begin
to
gain
an
insider’s
perspective
of
culture
shock
and
adjustment


they
experience
when
they
come
to
PSU.
It
must
be
reiterated
that
we
cannot
make


sweeping
generalizations
to
include
all
of
Prairie
State
or
all
of
Railtown.
Still,
the


best
understanding
of
the
PSU
experience
comes
from
seeing
that
experience
from


the
perspective
of
the
students
themselves.


 185



 Even
though
Native
students
may
feel
out
of
their
comfort
zone,
and
may
live


some
harsh
experiences
in
Railtown,
there
are
some
people
in
the
community
who


or
are
empathetic.
A
group
of
people
comprised
of
Railtown
residents
and
business


people
together
with
university
faculty
and
staff,
both
current
and
retired,
meet


regularly
to
address
issues
relevant
to
Native
Americans,
the
mainstream


community,
both
local
and
statewide
and
the
history
of
interaction
between
the
two


groups.
The
Railtown
Reconciliation
Council
works,
through
continued
dedication


and
commitment,
toward
the
amelioration
of
historical
discord
and
mistreatment
of


the
Native
population
by
mainstream
society.

An
ongoing
interest
of
the
group
is


the
facilitation
of
successful
university
experience
for
American
Indian
PSU


students.
Toward
that
end,
the
RRC
continues
working
for
increased
awareness
of


and
appreciation
for
Native
American
people
and
culture
in
Railtown.
One
possible


shortcoming
of
these
efforts
is
the
limited
exposure
of
the
group
to
Native
American


PSU
students
and
vice
versa.
It
is
highly
likely
that
the
majority
of
PSU
American


Indian
students
are
unaware
of
the
RRC
and
its
commitment
to
reconciliation,


including
the
facilitation
of
academic
success
for
Native
students.



 Even
given
the
support
of
some
within
the
Railtown
community,
if
the
local


Railtown
community
is
perceived
as
generally
uncomfortable
for
American
Indian


students,
how
does
the
university
community
environment
create
a
feeling
of


cohesive
welcome
or
isolation
for
the
Native
student?





 186



University
community








 One
of
the
greatest
barriers
to
be
overcome
in
order
for
PSU
to
facilitate


college
success
for
Native
students
is
the
lack
of
a
welcoming
environment
in
which


Native
students
and
culture
are
valued
and
appreciated.
A
faculty/administrator


who
is
very
involved
with
American
Indian
student
success
speaks
candidly
about


the
campus
climate:



 I
think
we
have
some
significant
issues
here
in
terms
of
the
campus
climate.

.
.
.You
know
we
can
create
a
very
protective,
loving,
supportive
environment

for
our
students,
one
that
nurtures
their
success,
but
that
does
not

necessarily
always
protect
them
from
the
slings
and
arrows
that
they
face
in

the
larger
university
community
or
the
Railtown
community.
That
prejudice,

racism,
discrimination
are
all
very
painful,
very
damaging
to
identity,
very

damaging
to
success,
very
damaging
to
one’s
self
confidence,
self
esteem,

sense
of
self.
So
I
think
that’s
something
that’s
really
a
barrier.




 An
American
Indian
student
comments
on
the
feeling
of
standing
out
as


different
in
a
crowd
of
uniformity:
“For
me,
it
would
all
go
back
to
the
confidence


and
comfort.
How
comfortable
and
confident
is
anyone
sitting
in
the
Student
Union


like
the
dark
spot
in
the
middle
of
a
piece
of
paper?”



 As
with
prejudice,
racism,
discrimination,
and
any
measure
of
intolerance,


dealing
with
the
harmful
effects
of
the
narrow‐mindedness
that
permeates
some


peoples’
entire
worldview
remains
a
challenge
throughout
all
of
society.
Once
again,


‘It’s
all
about
relationships.’





 187


Culture




 Culture
shock
can
make
for
a
traumatic
transition
for
anyone
entering


college.
Many
faculty,
staff,
and
administrators
I
interviewed
were
quick
to
make


this
point
regarding
how
most
incoming
freshmen
must
make
this
adjustment.
For


American
Indian
students,
however,
this
adjustment
is
compounded
by
many


factors.
Not
only
must
the
Native
student
deal
with
the
adjustment
to
college
level


work,
and
living
in
a
new
environment
among
strangers,
but
for
many
Native


students
these
challenges
are
magnified
through
differences
in
physical
appearance,


cultural
traditions,
beliefs,
and
practices
and
the
general
disconnected
feeling
one


has
as
‘not
fitting
in.’




 Indeed,
some
Native
students
come
from
monocultural
environments
where


community
neighborhoods
and
schools
are
populated
with
relatives,
tribal


members,
and
a
majority
of
Native
people
like
themselves,
sharing
a
common


history,
culture
and
worldview;
where
Native
art
and
ceremony
are
omni‐present,


where
radio
stations
play
traditional
and
modern
Native
music,
including
pow
wow


songs,
where
tribal
programs
and
cultural
resources
are
readily
available,
where


their
tiospaye
(extended
family)
is
all
around
them
offering
support.
To
leave
the


comfort
and
safety
of
the
home
place
and
come
to
a
place
such
as
PSU,
where
none


of
that
exists,
is
a
huge
and
sometimes
overwhelming
adjustment.
Without
the


proper
people
and
support
services
in
place
to
assist
students
with
the
transition
to


this
very
different
environment,
their
chances
for
successful
educational
attainment


are
diminished.


 188



 The
maintenance
of
cultural
identity
and
traditions
was
found
to
be


instrumental
in
the
success
of
Native
students
at
the
postsecondary
level
(Huffman,


Sill
and
Brokenleg
1986).



 One
PSU
Office
of
administrator
speaks
to
the
importance
for
opportunities


for
the
practice
of
cultural
traditions:


We
do
not
have
any
facilities
for
Native
students.
A
sweat
lodge
is
something

that
a
Native
American
Center
could
provide,
but
we
don’t
have
that.

Students
who
are
feeling
a
spiritual
need
and
are
Native
really
have
too
go

back
to
the
reservation.
So
that
is
another
area
in
which
I
think
there
is
a

barrier
to
students
being
comfortable
here.

Unless
they
have
a
set
of
friends

and
colleagues
who
are
supportive
of
that
particular
need,
they
are
going
to

feel
very
alone
and
isolated
here.




 In
1978,
congress
passed
the
American
Indian
Religious
Freedom
Act
with


intent.
“.
.
.
to
protect
and
preserve
for
American
Indians
their
inherent
right
of


freedom
to
believe
express,
and
exercise
their
traditional
religions,
including
but
not


limited
to
access
to
site,
use
and
possession
of
sacred
objects,
and
the
freedom
to


worship
through
ceremonials
and
traditional
rights.”
(Calloway
1999:
491)



 My
interview
data
unequivocally
demonstrates
the
value
some
Native


students
place
on
the
adherence
to
and
practice
of
tribal
culture.
The
maintenance


and
use
of
a
sweat
lodge
was
repeatedly
mentioned
in
connection
with
students’


hopes
for
a
place
of
their
own.

Such
a
place
would
provide
opportunities
for


culturally
specific
practices
that
cannot
be
accomplished
in
the
OMA.



 A
non‐Native
administrator
pointed
out,
“In
this
community
we
have—I
don’t


know
how
many
churches.
It
seems
there’s
a
church
around
every
corner.
We
have


four
or
five
Lutheran
churches
(he
names
several)
.
.
.
we
have
a
Catholic
church
of


 189


course,
and
Baptist
churches
and
so
on‐‐‐just
a
lot
of
churches.
We
have
a
mosque


for
Islamic
ah‐
Muslim
students.”
Also,
on
or
adjacent
to
the
PSU
campus
are
the


Catholic
Campus
Parish
and
the
University
Lutheran
Center,
yet
as
mentioned


above,
no
such
facility
currently
exists
for
PSU
Native
students
for
the
nurturance
of


a
traditional
spiritual
base.




 There
are
other
aspects
of
culture,
aside
from
religion
that
mainstream


students
may
take
for
granted,
but
that
are
readily
available.
Whether
those


traditions
are
expressed
through
activities,
social
clubs,
sporting
events,
or
any


number
of
possible
cultural
activities,
the
opportunities
for
Native
American


cultural
activity
has
focused
primarily
on
the
annual
Wacipi,
also
called
‘the
pow


wow.’



 
Over
the
course
of
a
year,
I
attended
several
Native
American
Club
meetings


and
had
countless
conversations
with
Native
students
and
the
Native
American


Student
Advisor
regarding
the
possibility
for
social
gatherings,
during
which


cultural
activities
like
social
dances,
or
working
on
crafts
such
as
pow
wow
regalia,


quilting,
or
even
the
formation
of
a
drum
group
could
have
been
done.
For
one


reason
or
another,
these
gatherings
never
materialized.
Whether
responsibility
for


the
limited
expression
of
culture
rests
wholly
with
the
university,
or
with
the
Native


students
themselves
is
probably
not
important.
What
is
of
significance
is
that
the


newly
promised,
and
soon
to
be
forthcoming
AIECC
may
provide
a
place
where
such


activities
can
occur.
It
will
be
interesting
to
see
the
effects
such
an
opportunity
will


have
on
both
the
Native
community
and
the
Railtown
community
in
general.
One


 190


possible
positive
outcome
might
be
that
increased
expression
of
Native
culture
will


lead
to
an
increased
awareness
and
appreciation
for
Native
American
students
and


their
culture
across
the
local
community
and
the
region.
Such
a
development
would


go
a
long
way
toward
overcoming
the
discomfort
many
Native
students
feel
as
they


find
themselves
feeling
alone
and
on
the
outside
of
the
dominant
culture.


Dominant
Culture
Reference
Group



 
 According
to
Hewitt
(1994:
90),
reference
groups
are
“social
groups
that


provide
generalized
others
to
whom
the
individual
refers”.
Singer
(1981)
explains


reference
groups
as
those
groups
that
provide
an
orientation
for
social
comparison


of
one’s
self.
Reference
groups
provide
a
framework
from
which
the
individual
is


able
to
shape
his
or
her
evaluations,
attitudes
and
behavior
(Singer
1981).
A


comparative
reference
group
serves
as
a
“standard
of
comparison
for
an
appraisal
of


either
the
self
or
other”
(Singer
1981:77).


The
American
Indian
student
that
comes
to
PSU
may
quickly
find
oneself


feeling
alone
in
a
foreign
environment.
As
discussed
above,
the
importance
of
a


supportive
community
formed
of
peers
is
significant.
Without
a
reference
group
of


peers
to
provide
the
comfort
and
security
that
one
left
behind
with
family
and


friends,
the
student
is
left
surrounded
by
a
dominant,
mainstream
society
in
which


one
may
feel,
as
one
Native
student
describes,
“like
a
dark
speck
on
a
piece
of


paper.”
This
dominant
group
then
serves
as
the
Native
student’s
reference
group.
It


 191


is
in
comparison
to
this
group
that
the
Native
student
will
make
self‐appraisals
of


one’s
fit
into
the
PSU
and
local
Railtown
environment.


The
underlying
source
of
the
feeling
of
isolation
that
erodes
self‐confidence


is
a
lack
of
cultural
understanding
among
the
dominant
society
(Berry
1969;
Carney


1999;
Huffman
1999).
Students
repeatedly
commented
that
they
have
learned
from


non‐Indian
classmates
that
many
members
of
the
mainstream
have
never
met
any


Native
Americans
and
know
nothing
of
what
life
may
be
like
for
many
students


coming
from
reservations,
reservation
border
towns,
or
even
a
Native
subculture


within
larger
cities.


The
dominant
mainstream
society
serves
as
a
reference
group
against
which


the
Native
student
compares
oneself
in
attempting
to
find
ways
to
fit
into
the
local


community
and
the
overwhelmingly
White
campus
environment.
All
of
the
students


I
interviewed
cited
this
cultural
discontinuity
(Carney
1999)
as
a
barrier
to
college


success.



Cultural
difference:
Lack
of
diversity
experience




 It
must
be
acknowledged
that
not
every
cultural
misunderstanding
is
on
the


part
of
the
non‐Native
directed
to
the
Native
American.
The
reality
is
that
many


Native
Americans
lack
experience
with
diversity
just
as
do
many
Whites.



 The
Native
American
Student
Advisor
recalls
a
student
who
was
unable
to


reconcile
his
own
sense
of
self
with
the
dominant
reference
group
in
which
he
was


embedded
at
PSU,
“I
think
sometimes,
as
Natives,
we
tend
to
think
our
experience
is


 192


unique.
And
maybe
it’s
just
a
cultural
difference
of
how
we
go
about
expressing
our


personal
spiritual
beliefs
or
our
cultural
beliefs.”


Too
few
Native
American
faculty/staff











 
 Fox,
Lowe
and
McClellan
(2005)
compiled
a
list
of
recommendations
for


college
administrators
to
meet
the
needs
of
American
Indian
students.
These


recommendations
are
of
particular
value
as
they
come
directly
from
American


Indian
educators.

Among
those
recommendations
is
the
recruitment
and
retention


of
American
Indian
faculty.
All
administrators,
faculty,
staff,
and
students
I


interviewed
universally
agreed
that
PSU
would
benefit
from
more
American
Indian


educators.




 
 From
the
perspective
of
a
university
Vice
President,
“I
think
that
one
of
the


issues
we
have
is
that
we
are
very
lean
staffing.
And
that’s
an
issue
for
us.
We
need


more
people
to
work
with
minority
and
Native
American
students
and
we
don’t


have
a
lot.”



 From
the
Native
student
viewpoint:
“One
thing
that’s
wrong
is
that
they
don’t


really
have
any
Native
faculty
really.
So
I
think
not
having
Native
staff
around
is
a


real
shortcoming.”




 As
mentioned
above,
PSU
has
recently
made
positive
strides
in
this
direction


with
the
addition
of
two
Native
faculty
members.
These
people
have
quickly
proven


themselves
to
be
of
great
value
to
Native
students
and
to
the
university
as
a
whole


 193


through
their
leadership,
scholarship
and
unwavering
support
and
enhancement
of


the
PSU
American
Indian
college
experience.


Place





 Early
on
in
the
first
of
three
focus
groups
I
conducted
with
American
Indian


students
it
became
clear
that
there
was
a
discernable
tension
when
the
topic
of
the


Office
of
Multicultural
Affairs
was
the
focus
of
conversation.
Some
students
in
the


first
group
readily
pointed
to
the
ways
in
which
the
OMA
was
seen
as
a
facilitator
to


college
success.
As
discussed
above,
that
aspect
seen
as
a
facilitator
had
to
do
with


the
OMA
serving
as
a
place
for
congregation
as
a
Native
community,
the
only
such


place
on
campus
to
serve
that
purpose.
Beyond
that
point,
was
a
much
more


significant
dynamic
at
work.
I
pursued
this
point
in
the
first
group.
In
subsequent


focus
groups
the
topic
of
‘Place’
became
the
first
and
most
salient
to
the
Native


American
students.



 Among
all
of
the
American
Indian
students
I
interviewed,
the
consensus
was


best
summed
up
by
one
student
who
said:
“I’d
rather
be
someplace
where
I
know


it’s
comfortable—the
atmosphere
is
comfortable,
where
we
feel,
as
students,
that
we


belong
there—you
know?”



 Collectively,
the
Native
students
of
PSU
interviewed
for
this
research


conveyed
a
level
of
discomfort
and
frustration
with
the
status
quo
and
their
place
in


the
OMA:


 194


I
don’t
know
if
we,
as
a
group,
are
heard
hear‐‐I
mean‐‐‐does
anybody
hear

our
concerns?
Does
anybody
care?
I
really
don’t
know‐‐‐If
we
did
have
a

voice‐‐you
know‐‐considering
that
our
group
has
the
biggest
student

organized
event
on
campus
(annual
wacipi)‐‐and
then
when
they
put
it
in
the

newspaper‐‐we
are
put
on
the
back
page
‐‐just
a
little
blurb
here
and
there.

How
strong
of
a
voice
is
that?
Our
space‐‐which
we
share
with
other
groups,

all
put
together
and
labeled
as
diversity
groups
is
in
the
basement
and
our

biggest
event
is
put
on
the
back
page.
What
does
that
say
about
how
we
are

seen
on
this
campus?










 Throughout
the
course
of
conducting
interviews
for
this
research,
Native


students
at
PSU
repeatedly
told
me
that
they
do
not
feel
that
their
voice
is
valued.


These
students
demonstrated
to
me
that
one
of
the
most
devastating
effects
of


belonging
to
a
marginalized
group
is
the
feeling
of
powerlessness,
the
feeling
of


being
invisible
and
inaudible.

The
Native
students
who
reached
out
the
most
to
me


were
those
that
lingered
after
a
focus
group
meeting
to
voice
their
concern
that


nothing
positive
would
come
of
my
research.
They
were
certain
that
their
voice


counted
for
nothing
and
were
quick
to
point
to
a
long
history
of
broken
promises.


Their
frustration
was
palpable.
The
topic
most
often
cited
as
a
source
of
their


frustration
was
the
issue
of
a
special
place
for
the
Native
community.


Native
American
House

Garrod
and
Larimore
(1997)
compiled
narratives
from
American
Indian


students
at
Dartmouth
and
found
that
the
group
known
as
“The
Native
Americans
at


Dartmouth”
provided
a
chance
for
support
and
solidarity
for
Native
students
in
the


foreign
world
of
an
Ivy
League
campus
in
the
Northeastern
United
States.


Contributors
cited
the
existence
of
the
Native
American
House
along
with
the
Native


 195


American
Studies
program
and
the
support
of
Native
American
faculty
as
primary


factors
in
their
college
success.
The
Native
American
House
at
Dartmouth
provided


a
safe
place
for
students
who
were
experiencing
a
type
of
culture
shock
arising
from


conflict
between
academic
and
traditional
American
Indian
values
(Garrod
and


Larimore
1997).



 

 The
University
of
Minnesota
recently
held
a
celebration
in
honor
of
the
fifth


year
of
operation
of
the
American
Indian
Cultural
House
(AICH).
AICH
is
a


“University
effort
to
help
American
Indian
students
adjust
to
campus
life”
(San


2008:1).
As
testimony
to
the
effectiveness
of
the
University
of
Minnesota’s
Native


American
Cultural
House,
one
American
Indian
alumnae
stated,
“As
a
freshman,
it
is


often
hard
to
transition
into
life
on
your
own
.
.
.The
Cultural
House
gave
me
an


informal
education
about
how
to
survive
and
how
to
incorporate
Native
traditional


ways.
The
house
gave
me
a
home;
a
community
in
which
I
belonged
.
.
.
the
best


thing
is
that
being
a
part
of
the
Cultural
House
was
like
having
your
own
family.
It


was
a
good
stepping
stone
to
the
campus
for
first
year
students”
(San
2008:1).



 The
University
of
Montana
is
also
recognized
as
a
progressive
leader
in
the


field
of
American
Indian
higher
education.
The
first
of
its
kind
in
the
United
States,


the
$8.6
million
dollar
30,000
square
foot
Native
American
Center
at
the
University


of
Montana
was
built
for
the
express
purpose
of
housing
the
Native
American


Studies
Department,
American
Indian
Student
Services
and
other
related
campus


programming.

One
Native
graduate
student
explains
the
value
of
the
new
NAC,
“
It’s


really
important
to
have
a
place
where
we
can
develop
our
extended
families
away


 196


from
home.
Once
we
get
to
know
each
other,
then
we
do
the
same
things
for
each


other
as
we
do
at
home”
(Baynham
2010:16).



 Some
Native
American
students
at
PSU,
including
many
of
those
who


participated
in
this
research,
are
well
aware
of
facilities
such
as
the
Native
American


House
at
Dartmouth
and
the
American
Indian
Cultural
House
at
the
University
of


Minnesota,
and
the
new
Native
American
Center
at
the
University
of
Montana.
For


many
upper
classmen
still
in
attendance
and
for
many
more,
decades
removed
from


their
days
on
the
campus
of
PSU,
it
has
been
a
dream
for
such
a
house
to
exist.
Such


a
house
where
there
could
develop
a
Native
community
of
people
with
similar


worldviews,
and
prideful
traditions,
and
similar
fears
and
concerns.
At
its
best,
this


would
be
a
community
not
segregated
from
mainstream
campus
or
students
but


serving
as
an
enhancement
to
the
university
community
through
the
celebration
of
a


cultural
identity
that
has,
for
years,
kept
many
Native
students
from
truly
feeling


like
a
part
of
PSU
campus
life
and
community.



 A
Dartmouth
graduate
and
current
PSU
graduate
student
has
experienced


both
worlds:


It
was
like‐‐‐like‐‐‐I
don’t
know—in
my
undergrad
we
had
a
space.
It
was
in

the
Native
American
Program
Office.

It
was
just
like
a
little
lounge
with
like

three
couches
in
it.

And
all
–like
the
Natives
would
pile
on
those
couches
and

we
would
eat
lunch
together.
And
we
would
be
laughing
and
it
would
be

loud.
And
it
would
just
be
a
real
cool
space.



We
had
a
house
at
my
under
grad
where
you
actually
could
live.
There
were

two
floors.
The
top
floor
had
three
beds
and
then
the
bottom
floor
and
the

middle
floor.
And
the
students
could
live
there
if
you
applied
to
live
there.

And
like
everybody
wanted
to
live
there
and
everybody
was
always
there.
I

don’t
if
it
was
because
we
had
a
huge
community—I
don’t
know
what
it
was


 197


but—everybody
was
always
there.
We
were
like—during
the
afternoons
we

would
be
in
the
NAH
all
crowded
on
the
couch
just
eating
together
and
then

in
the
evenings,
we’d
be
in
the
dining
room
at
two
big
long
tables.
We’d
be

just
studying
or
laughing.
And
then
there
was
a
basement
where
we’d
watch

movies
and…
But
that
was
how
I
kept
my
connection
with
home.
And
there

was
a
drum
group‐‐‐we
had
a
lot
of
guys
from
the
Southwest,
so
it
was
kind

of
a
southern
drum
group.
They’d
come
in
and
they
would
like
sing
and

they’d
be
in
the
Native
American
House—they’d
be
in
the
basement
and

they’d
sing.
And
it
felt
so
good
to
hear
that.
I
don’t
know
if
we
could
get
like

that
same
place
here
then
.
.
.





 A
review
of
the
literature
coupled
with
the
voice
of
PSU
Native
students


reveals
the
underlying
value
of
such
places
as
the
Native
American
House
at


Dartmouth,
the
American
Indian
Cultural
House
at
the
University
of
Minnesota,
the


Native
American
Center
at
the
University
of
Montana,
and
the
future
PSU
American


Indian
Education
and
Cultural
Center.
That
value
is
in
what
Oldenburg
(1989)


termed
the
third
place.
The
third
place
is
not
work
or
home,
but
rather,
a
place
for


congregation,
a
place
for
fellowship.
In
short,
the
third
place
is
a
place
for
the


formation
of
a
supportive
community
of
peers.

Such
a
place
may
provide
an


environment
that
would
foster
a
strong
American
Indian
identity
as
an
asset
rather


than
a
deficit
(Yasso
2005).
This
could
be
a
facilitator
to
college
success.



 The
concept
of
a
Native
American
Culture
Center
specifically
for
the
PSU


American
Indian
population
has
been
considered
at
PSU
for
several
years.
Both


sides
of
the
argument
in
this
debate
admit
that
it
is
a
point
of
contention
that
has


lingered
without
resolution.




 The
idea
of
a
Native
American
Center
also
has
faculty
support.
One
veteran


professor
is
particularly
outspoken
on
the
subject.
As
is
the
case
with
the
students
I


 198


interviewed,
this
professor’s
single
voice
represents
the
position
of
many
people
I


spoke
with:


As
I
told
the
President
in
a
meeting
not
too
long
ago,
‘We’re
progressing,
in

some
ways,
academically,
but
an
American
Indian
Cultural
Center
is
–you

know—50
years
overdue.
(Laughs)
If
you
look
at
comparable
institutions

everywhere,
we
are
sucking
wind
compared
to
them
because
we
haven’t

been
proactive
enough
to
understand
that
you
can’t
really
be
of
much
appeal

to
tribal
students
if
you
don’t
have
a
place
.
.
.
I
think
that
we’re

disadvantaged
in
that
we
don’t
have
a
Native
American
Center,
a
Native

American
Student
Center.





 From
the
experienced
perspective
of
one
former
student
and
American


Indian
faculty
member,
the
issue
of
place
comes
down
to
the
need
for
a
Native


American
Culture
Center
specifically
for
Native
students
rather
than
a
shared
space


with
all
diverse
students:


I
think
that
it
would
good
if
they
had
a
Native
American
Center
where
they

could
ah
congregate
and
feel
like
a
community,
rather
than
scattered
around

the
campus
.
.
.
And
I
think
it
would
help
them
feel
like
they
belong
here,
that

they’re
not
just
being
used
as
diversity
statistics,
that
the
university
would

really
provide
a
place
for
them,
let
them
know
that
they
are
valued…
You

know,
a
lot
of
times
students
don’t
want
to
stand
out
and
be
noticed
alone‐‐‐
but
if
you’re
as
a
group‐‐‐there
is
comfort
and
confidence.
I
think
a
Center

would
help
them
build
community.




 The
recently
retired
administrator
was
a
long
time
proponent
of
a
Native


American
Cultural
Center:


If
we
could
have
a
‘Center’,
a
‘place’
where
Native
students
would
feel

welcome
and
comfortable
and
at
home,
a
place
where
they
could
meet
with

their
friends,
families,
peers
who
are
Native,
engage
in
social
events,
engage

in
ceremony,
be
able
to
study
and
work
together
.
.
.
would
be
an
enormously

positive
development
for
this
campus,
for
serving
students.
So
I
think
that
is

an
important
element
that
needs
to
be
developed.





 199



 Support
for
the
Native
American
Cultural
Center
is
not
unanimous.
Some


believe
there
is
not
a
‘critical
mass’
of
Native
American
students
to
justify
a
Center,


and
as
such
the
issue
simply
boils
down
to
numbers
and
the
best
way
to
allocate


resources
such
that
the
greatest
number
of
minority
students
benefit
from
a
limited


pool
of
resources.




 One
university
administrator
voiced
concern:



The
Native
American
Cultural
Center,
I
struggle
with.
When
we
looked
at
one

several
years
ago,
the
research
done
with
our
students
at
that
point
really

pointed
toward
a
multicultural
center,
‐‐where,
as
we
talked
about
earlier,

we
could
build
synergy
because
we
don’t
have
critical
mass.




When
we
did
the
research,
campuses
encouraged
us
to
create
a
multicultural

center,
and
to
build
off
of
that.
And
at
one
point
we
had
talked
about
a

Multicultural
Center
and
as
we
grew,
you
could
have
wings
for
the
different

groups
but
still
have
a
center,
—and
we
seem
to
have
gone
away
from
that.

And‐‐
and
if
we’re
ready
to
do
that
and
there
is
a
lot
of
campus
support,

maybe
we
need
to
do
that,
I
don’t
know.
I
don’t
know
how
you
get
your
arms

around
that.
I’m
still
trying
to
get
my
arms
around
that.




 Comments
of
Native
students
and
others
involved
in
tribal
student


programming
and
student
support
suggest
that
the
time
has
come
for
the
institution


to
build
off
its
current
multicultural
concept
and
to
get
its
collective
arms
around


the
concept
of
a
Native
American
Cultural
Center.



 From
the
perspective
of
the
American
Indian
student,
while
incorporating


culture,
building
a
supportive
community,
and
enhancing
the
development
of
Native


American
identity
as
an
asset
rather
than
a
deficit
(Yasso
2005),
the
debate
can
be


reduced
to
the
words
of
one
student
who
repeatedly
said
to
me,
“I
am
not


Multicultural,
I
am
Native
American.”



 200



 The
main
point
to
be
made
regarding
a
place
for
American
Indian
students
at


PSU
and
how
that
becomes
a
barrier
to
college
success
is
simply
that
no
such
place


currently
exists
at
the
time
of
this
research.
But
there
is
great
hope
and
enthusiasm


for
the
future
with
the
coming
of
the
American
Indian
Education
and
Culture
Center


coming
in
the
fall
of
2010.





 201



 
 
 
 












CHAPTER
NINE














Summary,
Conclusions,
Recommendations
and
Limitations



This
chapter
includes
a
summary
of
findings
displayed
as
a
list
of
facilitators


and
barriers
to
academic
attainment
at
PSU.
In
each
category,
I
have
listed
factors
in


a
hierarchy
of
salience
from
high
to
low
with
those
factors
listed
first
ranking
as
the


most
important
as
seen
from
the
perspective
of
all
participants
included
in
this


research.



After
summarizing
the
findings,
I
have
outlined
conclusions
drawn
from
the


data,
and
made
recommendations
based
on
those
conclusions
for
improving
the


quality
of
the
college
experience
for
American
Indians
at
PSU,
and
for
increasing
the


likelihood
of
student
persistence
and
academic
attainment.



Finally,
I
discuss
the
limitations
of
this
research
and
recommendations
for


future
research
that
may
possibly
expand
the
parameters
of
this
study
to
include
all


of
Prairie
State’s
institutions
of
higher
education,
with
a
focus
on
collaborative


efforts
toward
enhancing
the
chances
for
academic
attainment
for
American
Indian


students.


Summary/Conclusions


Quantitative



 The
Prairie
State
Board
of
Regents
Fact
Book
for
the
fiscal
year
2010


provides
a
quantitative
snap
shot
in
time
of
the
diversity
of
the
PSU
student


 202


population.
For
the
fall
semester
of
2009
the
total
number
of
students
enrolled
at


PSU
was
12,
376.
At
10,
577,
White
Non‐Hispanic
students
are
the
overwhelming


majority
at
83.9
percent
of
the
total
student
population.
There
is
an
equally


significant
gap
between
the
White
numerical
majority
and
the
next
largest
ethnic


group.
At
436,
the
group
identified
as
Asian/Pacific
Islanders
is
the
next
largest


group
and
the
largest
of
all
minority
student
groups
at
3.1
percent
of
the
total


student
population.
According
to
several
administrators
I
interviewed,
the
majority


of
Asian
students
at
PSU
are
graduate
student/research
assistants.
Native
American


students
number
249
and
comprise
the
second
largest
ethnic
group
at
PSU
at
2.3


percent.
There
are
168
students
identified
as
African
American/Black
Non‐Hispanic


at
PSU,
comprising
1.5
percent
of
the
total
student
population.
The
group
numbering


the
fewest
of
any
identified
ethnic
population
is
Hispanic
students,
with
at
122,


approximately
one
half
the
number
identifying
as
Native
American
at
1.3
percent
of


the
total
student
population.




 Data
on
comparative
retention
and
graduation
rates
for
Native
American


students
relative
to
the
total
student
population
show
two
significant
differences.



 1.
Incoming
Native
American
freshmen
are
overwhelmingly
outnumbered



 compared
to
total
incoming
freshmen
of
all
racial/ethnic
groups.

Many
years



 between
2000
and
2009,
the
ratio
was
roughly
100:1.




 2.
There
is
significant
disparity
between
Native
American
freshmen
and
all



 other
freshmen
that
return
for
a
second
year.
Retention
from
first
to
second



 year
for
Native
American
students
averaged
roughly
48
percent
between

 
 203



 2000
and
2009.
Retention
of
total
incoming
freshmen
from
first
to
second



 year
averaged
roughly
77
percent.


Facilitators



 The
following
factors
emerged
in
order
as
the
most
significant


facilitators
of
American
Indian
educational
attainment
at
PSU.


• Supportive
Family


• Supportive
Friends


• Supportive
Faculty


• Supportive
Administration



• Supportive
University
Environment
 
 
 


• Native
American
Faculty/Staff


• Student
Support
Services


• Traditional
Cultural
Opportunities


• Financial
Support



 Supportive
Family



 Of
all
the
facilitators
cited
by
American
Indian
students,
support
is
clearly
the


most
salient.
All
factors
considered
the
support
of
family
is
clearly
the
most


important
from
the
perspective
of
the
Native
student.




 Supportive
Friends



 In
the
absence
of
family,
a
supportive
network
of
friends
is
the
most
likely


facilitator
to
Native
students’
persistence
in
college.
Without
a
supportive
network


of
friends,
Native
students
reported
feeling
alone
in
a
foreign
environment,
as
if
to


 204


be
‘an
outsider
looking
in’
at
a
place
and
people
overwhelmingly
different
from


one’s
self.



 Supportive
Faculty



 Faculty
support
in
the
form
of
cultural
sensitivity,
willingness
to
understand


and
embrace
the
college
experience
from
the
Native
student’s
perspective
and
some


flexibility
from
the
mainstream
norm,
is
of
vital
importance
to
the
Native
student’s


making
a
comfortable
adjustment
to
the
mainstream
institution.












 Supportive
Administration




 Institutional
barriers
are
within
the
domain
of
PSU
administration.


Overcoming
the
history
of
structural
barriers
to
academic
attainment
for
American


Indian
students
at
PSU
begins
with
a
strong
commitment,
by
university


administration,
to
fulfilling
the
mission
of
PSU
as
a
land
grant
institution.
PSU


administrators
have
demonstrated
such
commitment,
and
steps
toward
that
end


have
already
begun
with
the
announcement
of
the
coming
of
the
American
Indian


Education
and
Cultural
Center
and
the
planning
of
an
enhanced
curriculum
in


American
Indian
Studies
to
include
a
major
in
that
area
of
study.


Supportive
University
Environment



 Leadership
by
university
administration
toward
the
goal
of
an
enhanced


academic
success
for
Native
students
can
create
a
university
environment
that
is


built
on
a
foundation
of
embracing
American
Indian
students,
faculty,
staff,
and


administrators,
and
their
culture,
as
an
asset
to
the
university
and
the
local,
state


and
regional
communities.


 205



 Native
American
Faculty/Staff



 Native
American
students
place
great
value
on
the
presence
of
American


Indian
faculty
and
staff.
These
individuals
serve
as
supportive
mentors
and
role


models
to
Native
students
at
PSU.



Student
Support
Services



 Student
support
services
are
vital
resources
for
some
American
Indian


students.
This
may
be
particularly
true
for
incoming
freshman
students
who
are


statistically
reported
to
be
less
likely
to
return
to
PSU
for
a
second
year.
Increased


use
of
student
support
services
may
increase
the
likelihood
of
persistence.
Student


support
staff
is
dedicated
in
their
commitment
to
helping
Native
students
be


successful.




 Traditional
Cultural
Opportunities



 Opportunities
to
engage
in
the
practice
of
Native
traditional
activities
were


cited
by
students
as
an
important
facilitator
allowing
them
to
maintain
a
link
to


their
life
at
home
and
with
family
while
at
PSU.
The
Native
American
Club
and
the


community
formed
by
those
active
in
the
club
were
about
the
only
opportunity
to


engage
in
such
activities
discussed
by
participants.



 Financial
Support



 The
Native
students
I
interviewed
were
all
aware
of
the
necessity
of,
and
the


availability
of
financial
aid.
Interestingly,
and
in
keeping
with
my
review
of
the


literature,
financial
concerns
were
consistently
mentioned
only
when
asked
directly.

 
 206


This
supports
prior
research
findings
that
financial
concerns
are
low
in
a
hierarchy


of
salient
factors
either
as
facilitators
or
barriers.


Barriers



 The
following
factors
emerged
as
the
most
powerful
barriers
to
educational


attainment
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.


• Institutional
Barriers


• Lack
of
Support


• Inadequate
High
School
Preparation


• Non‐supportive
faculty


• Lack
of
Traditional
Cultural
Opportunities


• Lack
of
Special
Place
for
Development
of
Supportive
Community


• Prejudice/Racism


• Cultural
Discontinuity


• Culture
Shock


• Discomfort
in
Local
Community


• Discomfort
in
University
Community


• Too
Few
Native
American
Faculty/Staff


• Family
Discouragement


• Inadequate
Financial
Resources
 





 207



 Institutional
Barriers



 Throughout
the
130‐year
history
there
have
been
several
significantly


successful
Native
American
students
graduated
from
PSU.
However,
data
gathered


through
this
research
indicate
limited
emphasis
on
recruitment
or
retention
of


Native
American
students.
Many
respondents
mentioned
that
PSU
is
a
land
grant


university,
but
that
it
has
historically
failed
to
include
the
Native
American


population
of
Prairie
State
as
a
focus
in
providing
educational
opportunities.


Additionally,
campus
climate,
in
terms
of
embracing
diversity,
and
Native
American


cultures
has
been
less
than
optimal.




 Lack
of
Support



 The
data
show
that
support
for
Native
American
students
comes
in
a
variety


of
forms.
A
weakening
of
any
of
the
possible
components
of
support
may
lead
to
an


apparent
overall
lack
of
support.
While
student
support
staff
is
dedicated
in
their


commitment
to
helping
Native
students
be
successful,
it
appears
that
some
of
those


students
may
under
utilize
such
services.
Possible
reasons
for
under
utilization


include,
lack
of
awareness
of
the
availability
of
services.
Some
Native
students
are


hesitant
to
seek
out
help
and
utilize
existing
support
services,
either
for
lack
of
trust,


cultural
discomfort,
or
fear
of
being
seen
as
less
capable
than
mainstream
students.




 Inadequate
High
School
Preparation



 Poor
high
school
preparation
is
well
documented
in
the
literature
as
a


significant
barrier
to
academic
attainment
for
Native
American
students.
Data


revealed
in
this
study
is
congruent
with
findings
cited
in
prior
research.
Remedial


 208


needs
of
some
Native
students
can
be
addressed
at
PSU
through
student
support


services
and
understanding
faculty.
However,
in
many
cases
the
academic
handicaps


with
which
many
students
arrive
at
PSU
may
be
difficult
or
impossible
to
overcome.


Some
Native
students
I
interviewed
have
experienced
both
tribal
and
public
high


schools
and
were
quick
to
describe
the
differences
between
them
in
terms
of
the


quality
of
preparation
for
college.




 Of
particular
significance
relative
to
students
with
inadequate
high
school


preparation,
as
mentioned
above,
are
faculty
members
unwilling
to
make


adjustments
for
students
needing
remedial
help.
Students
needing
remedial
help


can
quickly
become
lost
if
faculty
are
inflexible
or
insensitive
to
that
student’s
needs.


Such
needs
however,
may
be
difficult
for
individual
faculty
to
accommodate,
and


thus
require
a
more
intentional,
systemic
remediation
program.



 Non­supportive
faculty



 Faculty
members
are
in
a
position
to
act
as
either
facilitator
or
barrier
to


college
success.
At
times
this
influence
can
be
extreme
in
either
direction.
Many


students
told
of
instances
of
extreme
insensitivity
and
inflexibility
of
professors
to


cultural
differences,
family
obligations,
and
a
variety
of
other
issues.
Many
students


told
of
highly
inappropriate
remarks
made
by
faculty.




 Lack
of
Traditional
Cultural
Opportunities



 All
of
the
students
I
interviewed
mentioned
the
lack
of
opportunities
to


participate
in
cultural
activities
as
a
barrier
to
feeling
comfortable
at
PSU.
Many


cited
such
activities
as
their
only
link
to
the
comfort
of
home
and
family.
The
Native


 209


American
Club
provides
the
only
available
outlet
for
cultural
expression
for
Native


students
at
PSU.
It
appears
that
the
main
focus
of
the
Native
American
Club


throughout
the
year
was
the
planning
of
the
annual
PSU
Wacipi,
held
in
February.


Other
than
the
planning
of
that
event,
I
witnessed
no
other
culturally
specific


activities,
even
though
such
activities
were
sometimes
mentioned.
Data
gathered
in


focus
groups
and
personal
interviews
indicate
that
there
is
a
high
level
of
interest
in


participating
in
cultural
events
and
activities.




 Lack
of
Special
Place
for
Development
of
Supportive
Community



 Even
though
the
lack
of
a
special
place
is
not
at
the
top
of
the
salience


hierarchy
as
a
‘make
or
break
factor’,
it
is
undoubtedly
the
one
issue
about
which


everyone
I
interviewed
was
most
passionate.
The
lack
of
a
Native
American
Culture


Center
has
an
impact
on
every
other
category.
It
could
provide
a
place
for
the


formation
and
meeting
of
a
supportive
community
of
Native
students,
faculty
and
all


those
who
embrace
Native
people
and
culture
as
a
valuable
asset.
It
could
provide
a


place
where
students
feel
secure
in
asking
for
help.
It
could
provide
a
place
for
the


organization
of
and
participation
in
cultural
activities.
It
could
provide
a
place


where
family
members
could
come
to
PSU
to
be
supportive
of
their
college
student.


It
could
provide
a
place
for
the
interface
of
the
local
mainstream
community
with


the
PSU
and
local
Native
American
community.
This,
in
turn
could
lead
to
an


increased
appreciation
of
Native
culture
within
the
Railtown
community.
The
Center


could
provide
a
safe
and
comfortable
environment
for
Native
American
students.


Perhaps
most
importantly,
it
could
provide
a
place
for
a
network
of
support
to


 210


empower
Native
students
in
such
a
way
that
they
could
better
deal
with
all
of
the


factors
that
combine
to
work
as
barriers
to
academic
attainment
for
Native
students


at
PSU.




 The
conclusion
I
draw
on
this
point
is
that
a
place
specifically
for
Native


Americans
and
their
supporters
is
of
keystone
significance
to
the
facilitation
of


academic
attainment
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
Relevant
to
all
of
the


points
listed
above,
the
American
Indian
Education
and
Cultural
Center
can


potentially
serve
in
the
amelioration
of
the
detrimental
effects
of
those
factors
listed


immediately
below
that
work
as
barriers
to
college
persistence.



 Prejudice/Racism



 Even
though
prejudice
and
racism
are
not
topics
most
people
speak
about


comfortably,
everyone
I
interviewed
cited
the
existence
of
such
attitudes,
beliefs
and


behaviors
as
a
barrier
to
academic
attainment
for
Native
American
students
at
PSU.


Prejudice
attitudes
and
racist
beliefs
do
exist
across
the
U.S.,
Prairie
State,
in


Railtown,
and
at
PSU.



 Cultural
Discontinuity



 There
is
a
gap
in
the
experiences
with,
the
level
of
exposure
to,
and
the


understanding
of
cultural
differences
between
both
the
mainstream
and
the
Native


American
populations
at
PSU,
and
in
the
local
community.
Many
Native
students
I


interviewed
have
had
limited
experience
off
the
reservation
and
can
speak
of
others


they
know
with
the
same
limited
exposure
to
the
mainstream,
dominant
culture.


Likewise,
Native
students
gave
numerous
accounts
of
their
interactions
with


 211


classmates
who
had
never
met
a
Native
American
or
been
to
a
reservation.
This


cultural
discontinuity
leaves
a
void
easily
filled
with
the
narrow
mindedness
of


prejudice
and
racism.



 Culture
Shock



 The
lack
of
exposure
to
a
world
different
from
that
which
one
is
accustomed


to
can
easily
lead
to
disorientation
for
some
Native
students
coming
from
the


reservation
home
community
to
PSU.
This
is
most
significant
for
those
students


coming
from
culturally
traditional
home
environments
to
Railtown
and
the


overwhelmingly
mainstream
culture
of
the
university
environment.




 Discomfort
in
Local
Community



 Having
cited
the
possibility
of
having
racist
encounters
in
Prairie
State
and


Railtown,
many
Native
students
I
interviewed
gave
accounts
of
feeling


uncomfortable
in
the
mainstream
community.
It
cannot
be
assumed
that
everyone


feels
at
home
in
mainstream
establishments
such
as
restaurants,
grocery
stores,
etc.



Discomfort
in
University
Community



 Quantitative
data
show
that
for
every
incoming
Native
American
freshman
in


any
given
semester
there
may
be
100
or
more
non‐Native
freshman.
Without
a


network
of
support,
and
without
a
reference
group
of
peers,
many
Native
students


retain
an
initial
feeling
of
discomfort
throughout
their
entire
first
year
at
PSU.
This


became
evident
during
my
research
as
several
Native
students
left
PSU
even
as
late


as
April
of
their
freshman
year.





 212



 Too
Few
Native
American
Faculty/Staff



 Native
American
faculty
and
staff
are
significant
facilitators
to
Native
student


success.
With
only
five
total
currently
at
PSU,
there
are
too
few
to
be
as
effective
as


could
be
the
case
with
more
such
individuals
to
serve
as
mentors,
role
models
and


an
enhanced
network
of
support.
Commitment
to
the
recruitment
and
retention
of


Native
American
faculty,
staff,
and
administrators
is
vital
to
the
creation
of
a


supportive
university
community
and
environment
that
embraces
Native
people


and
culture
as
an
asset.




 Family
Discouragement



 It
appears
that
the
most
devastating
type
of
a
lack
of
support
is
the
non‐

supportive,
or
actively
discouraging
family.
Information
conveyed
by
support


professionals
indicate
that
a
lack
of
family
support
has
been
a
common
barrier
for


some
American
Indian
students,
particularly
those
coming
from
reservation


communities
where
their
families
are
traditional
and
feel
threatened
by
the


university
as
an
institution
whose
goal
is
to
assimilate
the
culture
out
of
their


student.
Such
familial
pressure
has
proven,
over
time,
to
be
nearly
insurmountable


for
many
Native
students.



 Inadequate
Financial
Resources



 As
mentioned
in
the
conclusions/facilitators
section
above,
none
of
the


Native
students
I
interviewed
listed
financial
needs
without
direct
prompting.
This


indicates
that
while
financial
needs
are
an
issue
that
must
necessarily
be
addressed,


those
needs
are
ranked
as
much
less
salient
among
all
of
the
barriers
listed.
This
is


 213


congruent
with
findings
from
previous
studies,
including
Guillory
and
Wolverton


(2008)
who
found
that
Native
students
consistently
list
family,
friends,
and


community
as
more
important
to
their
college
success
than
financial
concerns.


Limitations



 The
goal
of
qualitative
research
is
to
provide
a
rich
descriptive
picture
of


people
or
groups
of
people
in
a
given
context
and
most
importantly,
to
create
that


picture,
as
closely
as
possible,
from
the
perspective
of
those
being
described.
I


believe
that
this
goal
has
been
accomplished
thanks
to
the
eager
cooperation
of
the


Native
students
along
with
faculty,
staff,
and
administrators
of
PSU.
However,
the


study’s
limitations
must
be
kept
in
mind.



 As
is
the
case
with
all
qualitative
research,
this
study
provides
a
picture
of


the
Native
American
student
experience
at
PSU
as
only
a
single
slice
in
time,
almost


a
sort
of
photographic
moment,
considering
the
entire
history
of
PSU,
of
American


Indian
education,
and
of
contact
between
White
mainstream
Euro‐centric
society


and
the
indigenous
people
of
the
continent.
Even
though
the
planning,
preparation


and
completion
of
this
project
spanned
a
little
over
two
years,
the
collection
of
data


that
provides
that
picture
was
accomplished
during
the
final
weeks
of
the
spring


2009
semester
and
mostly
over
the
course
of
the
fall
2009
semester.
There
have


been
some
developments
during
the
course
of
this
research
that
may
change
the


nature
of
the
Native
student
experience
at
PSU
in
the
future.
Two
such


developments
include
the
announcement
and
planning
of
the
American
Indian


 214


Education
and
Cultural
Center
to
begin
service
in
the
fall
of
2010,
and
the
proposal


and
planning
of
a
major
in
American
Indian
Studies.
 



 Another
limitation
lies
in
the
fact
that
while
this
research
attempts
to
provide


a
thorough
description
of
the
Native
college
experience
at
PSU,
it
is
only
one


university,
at
one
point
in
time
and
cannot
be
generalized
across
other
universities


in
Prairie
State
or
the
Midwest.



 A
related
limitation
is
that
only
a
small
proportion
of
all
American
Indian


students
registered
at
PSU
participated
in
the
study.
The
participants
in
this


research
represent
a
purposive
sample,
chosen
largely
for
their
availability
and


willingness
to
participate.
They
were
not
randomly
selected,
and
therefore


generalizability
is
limited.
While
student
participants
included
freshmen
through


graduate
students,
traditional
and
non‐traditional
aged
students,
males
and
females,


most
were
members
of
the
Native
American
Club
or
were
otherwise
active
in


campus
events
and
thus,
the
perspectives
shared
in
this
research
may
represent
the


biases
of
that
group.
Related
to
this
limitation
is
the
possibility
that
those
who


participated
in
the
focus
groups
may
have
been
somewhat
guarded
in
their


responses
as
a
result
of
social
pressure
to
conform
to
the
group’s
viewpoint.
While
I


went
to
great
lengths,
with
the
help
of
the
Native
American
Student
Advisor,
to
get
a


sample
population
representative
of
the
wide
ranging
diversity
among
American


Indian
students
at
PSU,
one
significant
roadblock
is
that
the
249
Native
American


students
listed
as
registered
at
PSU
are
those
who
self
identify
as
American
Indian.


It
is
likely
that
there
are
Native
students
unaccounted
for
if
they
chose
not
to


 215


provide
information,
possibly
because
their
Native
identity
is
not
high
in
salience
for


them.




 Another
limitation
in
sampling
is,
perhaps
more
significant,
and
could
in


itself
be
considered
a
finding
of
the
research.
If
we
consider
the
total
Native
student


population
at
PSU
to
be
at
249,
it
is
interesting
to
note
that
the
vast
majority
of
those


students
go
unnoticed
and
largely
unaccounted
throughout
the
school
year.
In
the


fall
of
2009
I
attended
several
meetings
of
the
Native
American
Club.
Interest
was


high
at
that
time
of
the
year
and
attendance
was
typically
right
around
20
students.


As
the
school
year
progressed,
students
became
busy
with
studies
or
otherwise


distracted,
leaving
attendance
at
NAC
meetings
fluctuating,
with
a
low
of
six,
but


normally
in
the
teens.
The
highest
number
of
students
involved
with
NAC
activities


was
during
the
weekend
of
the
20th
annual
Wacipi,
during
which
many
students
that


I
had
never
seen
before
turned
out.
This
is
further
testimony
to
the
importance
of


the
opportunity
for
cultural
expression.
The
low
number
of
regular
participants
in


NAC
activities
begs
the
question:
where
are
the
other
two
hundred
and
twenty
some


Native
students,
and
why
do
they
not
participate?
This
might
be
a
question
for


future
research.



 This
research
is
based
upon
the
theoretical
perspective
of
Critical
Sociology.


As
a
critical
ethnography,
this
research
is
admittedly
value
laden
and
openly
focused


on
the
emancipatory
amelioration
of
oppressive
social
conditions
for
the
population


being
researched.
The
political
nature
of
critical
sociological
research
makes
the


reporting
of
findings
potentially
uncomfortable,
controversial
and
potentially


 216


invalidated
if
not
safeguarded.
I
have
been
involved
with
American
Indian
students,


faculty
and
staff
throughout
my
entire
time
at
PSU.
At
times
I
found
it
necessary
to


pull
back
and
engage
in
a
reflexive
re‐evaluation
of
my
level
of
participation
in,
and


the
degree
to
which
I
was
embedded
in
my
own
research.
I
became
aware
of
the


danger
of
‘going
native’
and
potentially
damaging
the
validity
of
my
data
by
losing


focus
on
the
goal
of
the
research
as
academic
rather
than
activist.
Fortunately,
I


recognized
this
danger
early
on
and
was
able
to
keep
it
in
check
by
processing
it


with
my
advisor
and
others
whose
opinions,
and
advice
I
value
and
respect.
Among


those
were
both
Native
and
non‐Native
people.


Recommendations



 Summer,
2010,
is
a
critical
moment
in
the
history
of
Plains
State
University


and
its
work
with
American
Indian
students.
Given
the
institution’s
recent
Higher


Learning
Commission
visit,
and
its
renewed
commitment
to
diversity,
the
findings


from
this
research
are
presented
at
an
opportune
time
for
PSU
to
consider
these


data
in
its
strategic
planning
in
the
areas
of
diversity,
academic
and
student
affairs,


and
campus
master
planning.
Building
on
this
study’s
base
in
critical
theory
and


praxis,
its
ultimate
goal
is
to
put
to
use
the
relevant
theory
and
data
that
has


emerged
from
the
research
to
overcome
barriers
and
enhance
facilitators
in
order


to
enhance
academic
attainment
for
American
Indian
students.
Based
on
the
data


presented
in
this
dissertation,
I
make
the
following
research
based


recommendations:


 217



 1. Beginning
in
fall,
2010,
the
newly
announced
American
Indian
Education


and
Cultural
Center
(AIECC)
should
include
programs
reaching
out
to
Native


students
who
have
previously
been
non‐participants
in
the
Native
student


community
at
PSU.

Additional
programming
should
be
based
on
the
Family


Education
Model
(FEM),
as
described
by
HeavyRunner
and
DeCelles
(2002).




A
cadre
of
current,
successful
American
Indian
student
leaders
may
be
best


positioned
to
conduct
this
outreach.



 2. The
AIECC
should
receive
strong
support
and
backing
from
the


administration,
faculty,
staff,
students,
families
and
all
stakeholders


concerned
with
American
Indian
student
educational
attainment.
Such


support
is
paramount
to
the
Center’s
success
as
a
facilitator
to
college


success
for
Native
students.
The
danger
of
not
having
such
collaborative
and


cooperative
support
is
that
personalities,
opinions,
and
struggles
for
the


dominant
influence
could
make
the
Center
a
point
of
political
contention
to


the
detriment
of
programming
and
personnel
whose
primary
goal
should


remain
the
benefit
of
American
Indian
college
students
and
their
families
as


they
seek
to
improve
their
chances
in
life
through
academic
attainment.



 3. Programming
provided
through
the
Center
and
throughout
campus
should


address
the
salient
facilitators
and
barriers
presented
in
this
research.
For


example,
in
building
on
the
finding
regarding
support
(or
lack
thereof)
as
a


 218


facilitator
(or
barrier)
to
student
success,
models
that
bring
together


multiple
support
services
should
be
advanced.
Such
integrated
services
may


include
academic,
social,
family
needs
(e.g.
child
care,
health
care),
financial,


and
cultural
components.



 4. PSU
should
move
forward
aggressively
with
its
plans
for
a
new,
permanent


American
Indian
Education
and
Cultural
Center.
Centers
such
as
those
at
the


University
of
Montana
and
Dartmouth
may
be
particularly
impressive


models.
Important
components
of
the
new
Center
include
support
programs,


offices
for
key
contact
people,
tutoring,
study,
meeting
and
lounge
space,


computer
laboratory,
kitchen,
space
for
cultural
activities
and
a
classroom


for
American
Indian
Studies
courses.
Space
for
tribal
art
and
cultural
artifacts


should
also
be
available.



 5.
PSU
should
sponsor
continuing
education
and
faculty/staff
development


programming
that
shares
the
findings
of
this
research,
along
with
suggested


intervention
strategies
and
best
practices
for
enhancing
Native
American


student
academic
attainment
at
all
levels.
Such
programming
may
include


more
informal
brown
bag
discussions
or
more
formal
workshops
and/or


training
sessions
that
are
required
or
strongly
encouraged
for
all
faculty.



Without
such
an
approach,
many
participants
who
most
need
or
would


benefit
most
from
such
training
may
not
participate.
Materials
should
include


 219


specific
information
designed
with
each
target
audience
in
mind.



 6. PSU
should
foster
relationships
across
campus
and
in
the
Railtown


community
that
contribute
to
Native
American
student
college
success.
This


should
include
administration,
teaching
faculty
in
all
academic
units,
student


services
staff,
and
members
of
the
Railtown
Reconciliation
Council
in
its


efforts
to
bridge
the
discontinuity
between
the
mainstream
Railtown


population
and
the
PSU
and
Prairie
State
American
Indian
populations.



These
relationships
can
strengthen
the
network
of
support
available
for


Native
American
students
at
PSU,
and
ultimately,
their
academic
attainment.



 7. With
the
new
American
Indian
Education
and
Cultural
Center
(AIECC)
as
a


focal
point,
PSU
should
expand
the
presence
of
Native
American
material


culture
on
campus.
The
presence
of
tribal
art
and
cultural
artifacts
in


prominent
places
campus
wide
(i.e.
not
only
at
the
AIECC)
–
on
the
grounds


and
in
administrative
and
academic
buildings
–
will
help
ease
the
transition


for
tribal
students
and
make
them
feel
that
their
culture
is
indeed
present


and
valued
at
PSU.
In
a
related
recommendation,
PSU
should
build
on
the


success
of
its
current
series
of
cultural
events
(e.g.
speakers,
pow
wow,


musicians,
etc.)
and
work
to
expand
student
and
faculty
participation.






 220



 8. PSU
should
take
aggressive
action
toward
enhancing
the
social
climate
for


American
Indian
students
and
professionals.
The
issues
of
material
culture


and
cultural
programming
described
above
should
be
complemented
with


educational
efforts
to
combat
racism
and
cultural
insensitivity
that
occur
on


campus.
Current
Native
American
students,
faculty
and
staff
should
have


input
into
designing
these
programs.



 9. PSU
should
increase
its
focus
on
American
Indian
student
recruitment


throughout
the
state,
and
region.
This
should
include
the
allocation
of


necessary
resources
to
achieve
a
‘critical
mass’
of
Native
students
at
PSU.



Efforts
should
include
a
regular
presence
at
tribal
high
schools
and
colleges,


campus
visits,
family
involvement,
and
strategies
for
overcoming


shortcomings
in
prospective
students’
academic
preparation.
Once
again,
the


active
involvement
of
current
Native
American
students
and
staff
in


designing
and
implementing
such
programming
will
be
critical
to
its
success.



 10. PSU
must
develop
an
improved
system
of
accounting
for
its
Native


American
students,
including
accurate
contact
information,
where
they


attend
and
how
they
are
progressing
toward
their
academic
and
professional


goals.
Careful
monitoring
will
help
alert
faculty
and
staff
to
barriers
Native


students
may
be
experiencing
in
time
to
help
them
overcome
these
barriers


and
facilitate
the
students’
academic
attainment.
An
early
alert
system
can
be


 221


implemented
that
will
include
the
Native
American
Advisor,
academic


advisor,
teaching
faculty
and
residential
life
staff
and
make
them
all
more


aware
of
and
responsive
to
each
students’
strengths
and
challenges.
This


support
network
then
becomes
a
‘safety
net’
when
problems
occur
and


otherwise
encourages
the
students’
college
success
and
academic
attainment.



 11. PSU
should
increase
its
emphasis
on
recruiting
and
retaining
American


Indian
faculty
and
staff
in
order
to
reach
numbers
proportional
to
and


representative
of
the
state’s
American
Indian
population.
Recruitment
efforts


must
be
intentional
and
could
be
targeted
at
either
PSU
Native
graduates
or


other
programs
with
large
numbers
of
American
Indian
graduates.
Once
on


campus,
Native
faculty
and
staff
should
have
a
mentor
to
assist
them
with


adjustment
to
the
campus
and
community
and
who
can
help
them
find


comfort
and
success
at
PSU.

This
should
include
introduction
and


networking
with
the
other
tribal
people.



 12. PSU
should
develop
an
enhanced
American
Indian
Studies
curriculum
to


include
a
major
in
the
area
at
the
Bachelor’s
level,
along
with
the


development
of
graduate
degrees.

This
implies
recruitment
of
additional


Native
faculty
and
promotion
of
the
program
to
both
Native
and
non‐Native


students.





 222



 13. A
collaborative
organization
composed
of
stakeholders
in
Prairie
State


American
Indian
Higher
Education
should
be
formed.
This
could
include
a


cooperative
board
of
educators,
from
Regental
and
non‐Regental
institutions,


together
with
the
state’s
tribal
colleges
and
universities.
The
group’s
primary


goal
should
be
working
together
to
address
common
barriers,
enhance


facilitators,
share
best
practices,
and
work
toward
improved
recruitment,


retention,
and
graduation
of
American
Indian
college
students
in
the
state.



Suggestions
for
Further
Research


 1. Further
research
at
PSU
should
collect
survey
data
from
a
broader
cross‐

section
of
the
campus
Native
student
community.
In
addition,
majority


student
and
faculty
attitudes
and
experiences
might
be
examined
to
better


understand
their
attitudes
toward
American
Indians
and
the
broader
context


of
the
Native
student
experience
on
campus.



 2. Careful
evaluation
research
that
documents
the
effectiveness
and
best


practices
of
current
campus
diversity
initiatives
should
be
undertaken.



Currently,
while
there
exists
an
array
of
programming
aimed
at
recruiting


and
retaining
Native
students,
there
is
not
a
clear
understanding
of
what


about
those
programs
is
and
is
not
working
to
enhance
American
Indian


student
academic
attainment.
Differential
graduation
rates
between
Native


 223


and
Non‐Native
students
suggest
there
is
room
for
improvement.
More


intentional
program
assessment
should
be
conducted
and
results
shared


widely
so
that
successes
can
be
built
upon,
common
missteps
avoided,
and


limited
resources
may
be
strategically
directed
to
successful
programs.



 3. The
approach
executed
in
this
research
could
be
similarly
applied
to


enhance
understanding
of
barriers
and
facilitators
of
educational
attainment


for
other
students
of
color,
including
African
Americans,
Latino/as,


Asian/Pacific
Islanders,
and
the
diverse
array
of
international
students


attending
PSU.
While
common
themes
may
emerge,
additional,
unique


insights
would
be
gained
from
this
broader
focus.



 4. Further
research
focused
on
similar
universities
in
Prairie
State
and
the


Midwest,
and
any
other
comparably
size
institution
with
a
substantial
Native


American
student
population
should
be
conducted.
Such
research
should


include
more
intensive
individual
interviews
with
Native
students
in
addition


to
the
focus
group
interview
technique.
The
use
of
additional
intensive


interviews
will
provide
a
safeguard
against
possible
inhibitions
resulting


from
socially
constructed
group
viewpoints.
Such
investigations
will
enhance


the
understanding
of
both
common
and
unique
barriers
encountered
by


Native
American
students
and
best
institutional
practices
for
facilitating


student
attainment.


 224



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Louis.
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Harmondsworth,
England:
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Astin,
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W.
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Babbie,
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Ball,
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Alaska­Fairbanks.
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 of
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Higher
Education
in
the
Twenty­

 First
Century.
Toronto,
Ontario:
OISE
Press.



‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
2000.
“Power,
Identity
and
the
Dilemma
of
College
Student
Departure.”
Pp.


 213–234
in
Rethinking
the
Student
Departure
Puzzle,
edited
by
J.
M.
Braxton.


 Nashville:
Vanderbilt
University
Press.



Tinto,
Vincent.
1975.
“Dropout
from
higher
education:
A
theoretical
synthesis
of


 recent

research.

Review
of
Educational
Research
45:89‐125.



‐‐‐‐‐‐
1993.
Leaving
College:
Rethinking
the
Causes
and
Cures
of
Student


 Attrition.
Chicago:
The
University
of
Chicago
Press.



Trueba,
Henry
T.
1988.
“Culturally
Based
Explanations
of
Minority
Students’


 Academic
Achievement.”
Anthropology
&
Education
Quarterly
19:270–287.








 233


U.S.
Census
Bureau:
State
and
County
QuickFacts.



 EDThttp://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/46000.html
Last
Revised:


 Thursday,
22‐Apr‐2010
08:35:35



Utter,
Jack.
2001.
American
Indians:
Answers
to
Today’s
Questions.

2nd
ed.,
revised.


 Norman,
OK.
University
of
Oklahoma
Press.



Vermillion,
Laurel.
2008.

Plains
State
University
20th
Annual
Consider
the


 Century
Conference.
Past
and
Present
College
Presidents’
Perspectives
on
the


 Past
Twenty
Years.

Railtown,
SD.
October
10th
,
2008.

Wax,
Murray,
Rosalie
Wax,
and
Robert
Dumont.
1964.
Formal
Education
in
an


 American
Indian
Community:
Peer
Society
and
the
Failure
of
Minority


 Education.
Prospect
Heights,
Ill:
Waveland
Press.



Wax,
Rosalie
H.
1967.
The
Warrior
Dropouts.
Lawrence,
KS:
University
of
Kansas


 Press.



Wilson,
J.
G.
1983.
“Wisconsin
Indian
Opinions
of
Factors
Which
Contribute
to
the


 Completion
of
College
Degrees.”
Program
report
83‐13.
Madison:
Wisconsin


 Center
for
Education
Research,
Madison.
(ERIC
Document
Reproduction


 Service
No.
ED237274).



Wilson,
P.
1997.

“Key
Factors
in
the
Performance
and
Achievement
of
Minority


 Students
at
the
University
of
Alaska‐Fairbanks.”
American
Indian
Quarterly


 21:535‐44.



Williams,
R.A.
2000.

“Documents
of
Barbarism:
The
Contemporary
Legacy
of


 European
Racism
and
Colonization
in
the
Narrative
Traditions
of
Federal


 Indian
law.”
Pp.
94‐105.
In
Critical
race
theory:
The
Cutting
Edge.
Edited
by
R.


 Delgado
and
J.
Stancic.
Philadelphia,
PA:
Temple
University
Press.



Wright,
B.
1985.
“Programming
success:
Special
Student
Services
and
the
American




 Indian
College
Student.”
Journal
of
American
Indian
Education
24:1‐7.



Wright,
Bobby
and
William
G.
Tierney.

1991.
“American
Indians
in
Higher


 Education:
A
History
of
Cultural
Conflict.”
Change

23:11‐18.



Yosso,
Tara
J.
2005.
“Whose
Culture
Has
Capital?
A
Critical
Race
Theory
Discussion


 of
Community
Cultural
Wealth.”
Race
Ethnicity
and
Education
8:69–91.



Zinn,
H.
1980.
A
People’s
History
of
the
United
States:
1492
­
Present.
New
York:


 Harper
Collins
Publishers.


 234




Zinn,
H.
1990.
Declarations
of
Independence.
New
York:
Harper
Collins
Publishers.




Zitzow,
D.
and
Estes,
G.
1983.
“The
Heritage
Consistency
Continuum
in
Counseling


 Native
American
Students.”
National
Indian
Education
Association
Journal.


 4:133‐13.












































































 235


APPENDIX
A:




 Interview
Guide
for
Administrators
and
Faculty
 


I
am
Scott
Fleming
of
the
Sociology
Department
at
Plains
State
University.


Thank
you
for
taking
the
time
to
speak
with
me.
I
am
a
person
of
ancestral
descent


from
the
Meskwaki
people
of
Iowa
and
the
Cherokee
people
the
Southeastern


United
States.
I
have
been
around
native
people
and
communities
all
of
my
life.
I


have
worked
and
lived
on
reservation
communities
in
Minnesota
and
Wisconsin.
I


have
participated
as
a
traditional
dancer
in
Pow
Wows
across
the
country.
I
have


long
been
interested
in
modern
issues
facing
American
Indian
people,
particularly


how
to
improve
the
conditions
for
educational
success
for
American
Indian


students.


I
am
doing
my
doctoral
dissertation
in
the
area
of
Indian
higher
education,


specifically,
what
factors
combine
to
facilitate
or
hinder
educational
attainment
for


American
Indian
college
students.


As
part
of
this
study,
the
following
interview
is
designed
to
enhance
our


understanding
of
what
factors
work
toward
the
facilitation
or
hindrance
of


educational
success
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
With
your
permission,
I


will
record
our
conversation
on
a
digital
audio
recorder.
As
I
transcribe
the


interview
all
identifying
information
will
be
removed
thus
keeping
your


participation
in
the
study
anonymous.

 
 236


I
will
also
provide
you
with
contact
information
in
case
you
would
like
to


further
discuss
any
information
or
issues
you
may
have
after
the
interview
is


completed.


Do
you
agree
to
participate
in
this
interview
as
I
have
explained
it
to
you?


Do
you
have
any
questions
for
me
before
we
begin?

















 To
Administrators
and
Faculty:



• Describe
how
the
university
addresses
issues
of
diversity?



• How
does
the
university
address
issues
relating
to
minority
students,
specifically

Native
Americans?



• What
three
or
four
factors
do
you
believe
help
Native
American
students
persist

through
college?



• What
do
you
perceive
as
the
three
or
four
greatest
barriers
to
completing
college?



• How
does
helping
American
Indian
students
succeed
fit
with
the
mission
and

strategic
plan
of
the
university?



 
 237


• What
are
some
of
the
problems
administration
sees
in
recruiting
and
retaining

Native
American
student?




• What
is
the
relationship
between
Native
Americans
students
and
faculty?



• What
can
the
state
do
to
ensure
the
university
is
supporting
diversity,
especially

Native
American
students?



• Describe
ideal
situation
for
Native
American
students
to
flourish
at
the
university.



• Could
PSU
better
serve
its
American
Indian
students?







 238



 






































APPENDIX
B:



Interview
Guide
for
Students


I
am
Scott
Fleming
of
the
Sociology
Department
at
Plains
State
University.


Thank
you
for
taking
the
time
to
speak
with
me.
I
am
a
person
of
ancestral
descent


from
the
Meskwaki
people
of
Iowa
and
the
Cherokee
people
the
Southeastern


United
States.
I
have
been
around
native
people
and
communities
all
of
my
life.
I


have
worked
and
lived
on
reservation
communities
in
Minnesota
and
Wisconsin.
I


have
participated
as
a
traditional
dancer
in
Pow
Wows
across
the
country.
I
have


long
been
interested
in
modern
issues
facing
American
Indian
people,
particularly


how
to
improve
the
conditions
for
educational
success
for
American
Indian


students.


I
am
doing
my
doctoral
dissertation
in
the
area
of
Indian
higher
education,


specifically,
what
factors
combine
to
facilitate
or
hinder
educational
attainment
for


American
Indian
college
students.


As
part
of
this
study
the
following
interview
is
designed
to
enhance
our


understanding
what
factors
work
toward
the
facilitation
or
hindrance
of
educational


success
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
With
your
permission,
I
will
record
our


conversation
on
a
digital
audio
recorder.
As
I
transcribe
the
interview
all
identifying


information
will
be
removed
thus
keeping
your
participation
in
the
study


anonymous.

 
 239


I
will
also
provide
you
with
contact
information
in
case
you
would
like
to


further
discuss
any
information
or
issues
you
may
have
after
the
interview
is


completed.


Do
you
agree
to
participate
in
this
interview
as
I
have
explained
it
to
you?


Do
you
have
any
questions
for
me
before
we
begin?



To
begin
with,
I’d
like
to
learn
a
little
about
you:



 Demographic
Characteristics:


1. Your
age:


2. Gender:


3. Tribal
Affiliation:


4. Place
of
birth:


5. Marital
status:


6. Number
of
children
(if
any):


7. Year
in
school:
College
Major




 
 240


To
Students:


• Describe
how
you
perceive
how
the
university
addresses
issues
of
diversity?



1. Have
you
experienced
any
instances
of
prejudice
on
this
campus?

2. If
so,
will
you
tell
me
about
that?




• How
does
the
university
address
issues
relating
to
minority
students,
specifically

Native
Americans?




1. Do
you
feel
that
there
are
challenges,
as
an
American
Indian
student,
here
at
a

mainstream
college
that
do
not
exist
for
non‐Indian
students?
Explain

2. What
ways
do
you
have
for
dealing
with
that?

3. Do
you
spend
time
at
the
NACC/MAO?
How
much?
When?

4. Do
you
find
it
helpful?
Comfortable?

5. How
so?

6. If
not,
why?




• What
would
you
consider
to
be
three
or
four
factors
that
have
led
you
to
persist

through
your
university
so
far?



1. In
what
ways
would
you
say
your
family
has
been
supportive
of
your
college

experience?


2. In
what
ways,
if
any,
do
you
draw
on
traditional
native
culture
to
help
deal
with
the

challenges
of
college
life?

3. Do
you
have
a
supportive
network?
Friends,
Faculty
Family?

4. Tell
me
what
support
services
provided
by
the
university
you
take
advantage
of?




• What
have
been
the
three
or
four
barriers
to
overcome
in
trying
to
complete
your

education?



1. How
do
you
cope
with
__________
as
a
barrier?

2. If
respondent
mentioned
money
as
a
problem.
Do
you
work?
Do
you
receive

financial
aid?
In
what
specific
ways
do
financial
concerns
cause
you
problems?

3. Has
your
family
been
non‐supportive
in
any
way?
Explain.


 
 241


4. Where
did
you
go
to
High
School?
Describe
your
H.S.
experience.
Did
you
get
good

grades?
Did
you
have
a
favorite
subject?
Were
your
teachers
helpful?

5. Do
you
think
H.S.
prepared
you
for
college
level
courses?




• If
you
think
about
friends
that
have
started
college
but
not
finished‐what
do
you

think
kept
them
from
doing
so?



• What
would
be
your
ideal
institution?




• Could
PSU
better
serve
its
American
Indian
students?












 242


APPENDIX
C:

PARTICIPANT
CONSENT
FORM




(To
be
signed
in
the
presence
of
the
researcher/participant
copy
provided)

PARTICIPATION
IN
PERSONAL
INTERVIEW

Plains
State
University


Railtown,
PS
XXXXX



Project
Director:
 Scott
D.
Fleming



 
 
 Department
of
Rural
Sociology


 
 
 Plains
State
University



Phone:
(605)
XXX‐XXXX


Please
read
the
following
points,
and
feel
free
to
ask
any
questions
that
arise
as
you

do
so.


This
is
an
invitation
for
you
to
participate
in
a
research
project
under
the
direction

of
Scott
Fleming.
The
name
of
this
project
is
“American
Indian
Educational

Attainment:
A
Comparative
Analysis
of
Factors
that
Hinder
or
Facilitate
Educational

Success
for
American
Indian
Students
at
PSU”.


The
purpose
of
this
project
to
gain
an
increased
understanding
of
the
factors
that

combine
to
hinder
or
facilitate
educational
success
at
two
predominantly
White,

mainstream
colleges
in
Prairie
State.

The
proposed
study
will
use
the
qualitative

research
methods
including;
focus
groups,
personal
interviews,
field
observations

and
documentary
data
analysis.

Participants
in
the
study
will
include
American

Indian
college
students
at
both
Plains
State
University
and
the
University
of
Prairie

State.

Additionally,
University
Presidents,
Diversity
Coordinators,
faculty
members

and
Program
Coordinators
will
be
interviewed
in
order
to
gain
as
enhanced

understanding
of
those
factors
outlined
in
the
research
questions
from
an

institutional
perspective.


This
portion
of
the
study
consists
of
a
one
on
one
personal
interview,
the
total

number
of
which
will
be
10
to
12
American
Indian
college
students.
This
process

will
include
a
taped
group
interview,
and
will
probably
last
1
to
2
hours.
Your


 243


identifying
information
and
responses
will
be
kept
strictly
confidential.
Every
effort

will
be
made
to
ensure
that
there
will
be
no
possibility
of
connecting
them
with
their

responses
in
any
reports
or
subsequent
works
arising
from
this
research
project.

Your
transcript
will
not
be
identified
by
either
name
or
location.
Original
contact

sheets
will
be
kept
in
a
locked
cabinet
in
the
office
of
the
Dean
of
the
Honors
College

at
Plains
State
University.
This
interview
will
be
transcribed
onto
a
hard
copy

format
at
which
time
the
digital
recordings
will
be
deleted.

Please
note
that
all

information
discussed
during
this
session
is
confidential,
and
that
with
your

signature
and
participation
you
agree
to
keep
all
information
in
this
discussion

confidential.


There
are
no
known
risks
to
you
for
participating
in
this
study.
Please
be
aware
that

your
participation
is
voluntary
and
that
you
have
the
right
to
withdraw
at
any
time

in
the
course
of
the
study.

If
you
have
any
questions
or
concerns
relating
to
your
participation
in
this
focus

group
you
may
contact
me
by
phone
or
e‐mail
as
listed
above.

You
may
also
contact

my
research
supervisor
Dr.
XXX
XXXXXXX
at
(605)
XXX‐XXXX,
or
by
e‐mail
at.
.
.
.


In
addition,
if
you
have
questions
regarding
your
rights
as
a
participant
in
this
study,

please
contact.


Dr.
Ph.D.

Chairperson
of
the
Human
Subjects
Committee

Box
2115,
Library


Plains
State
University

Railtown,
PS
XXXXX

Office:

(605)
XXX‐XXXX




Project
Director:
 Scott
D.
Fleming


 
 
 Department
of
Rural
Sociology


 
 
 Plains
State
University


Phone:
(605)
XXX‐XXXX

The
PSU
Institutional
Review
Board
has
approved
this
project.




Approval
No.
:
__________________


 244


As
a
research
participant,
I
have
read
the
above,
have
had
any
questions
answered,

and
agree
to
participate
in
the
research
project.
I
will
receive
a
copy
of
this
form
for

my
information.




Participant’s
Signature________________________________________________

Date
______________



Project
Director’s
Signature
__________________________________________

Date
______________










































 245


APPENDIX
D:

PARTICIPANT
CONSENT
FORM




(To
be
signed
in
the
presence
of
the
researcher/participant
copy
provided)

PARTICIPATION
IN
FOCUS
GROUP
INTERVIEW

Plains
State
University


Railtown,
PS
XXXXX



Project
Director:
 Scott
D.
Fleming



 
 
 Department
of
Rural
Sociology


 
 
 Plains
State
University



Phone:
(605)
XXX‐XXXX




Please
read
the
following
points,
and
feel
free
to
ask
any
questions
that
arise
as
you

do
so.

This
is
an
invitation
for
you
to
participate
in
a
research
project
under
the
direction

of
Scott
Fleming.
The
name
of
this
project
is
“American
Indian
Educational

Attainment:
A
Comparative
Analysis
of
Factors
that
Hinder
or
Facilitate
Educational

Success
for
American
Indian
Students
at
PSU
”.



The
purpose
of
this
project
to
gain
an
increased
understanding
of
the
factors
that

combine
to
hinder
or
facilitate
educational
success
at
two
predominantly
White,

mainstream
colleges
in
Prairie
State.

The
proposed
study
will
use
the
qualitative

research
methods
including;
focus
groups,
personal
interviews,
field
observations

and
documentary
data
analysis.

Participants
in
the
study
will
include
American

Indian
college
students
at
both
Plains
State
University
and
the
University
of
Prairie

State.

Additionally,
University
Presidents,
Diversity
Coordinators,
faculty
members

and
Program
Coordinators
will
be
interviewed
in
order
to
gain
as
enhanced

understanding
of
those
factors
outlined
in
the
research
questions
from
an

institutional
perspective.


 246


This
portion
of
the
study
consists
of
a
focus
group
including
10
to
12
American

Indian
college
students.

This
process
will
include
a
taped
group
interview,
and
will

probably
last
1
to
2
hours.
Your
identifying
information
and
responses
will
be
kept

strictly
confidential.
Every
effort
will
be
made
to
ensure
that
there
will
be
no

possibility
of
connecting
them
with
their
responses
in
any
reports
or
subsequent

works
arising
from
this
research
project.
Your
transcript
will
not
be
identified
by

either
name
or
location.
Original
contact
sheets
will
be
kept
in
a
locked
cabinet
in

the
office
of
the
Dean
of
the
Honors
College
at
Plains
State
University.
This
interview

will
be
transcribed
onto
a
hard
copy
format
at
which
time
the
digital
recordings
will

be
deleted.

Please
note
that
all
information
discussed
during
this
session
is

confidential,
and
that
with
your
signature
and
participation
you
agree
to
keep
all

information
in
this
discussion
confidential.


There
are
no
known
risks
to
you
for
participating
in
this
study.
Please
be
aware
that

your
participation
is
voluntary
and
that
you
have
the
right
to
withdraw
at
any
time

in
the
course
of
the
study.


If
you
have
any
questions
or
concerns
relating
to
your
participation
in
this
focus

group
you
may
contact
me
by
phone
or
e‐mail
as
listed
above.

You
may
also
contact

my
research
supervisor
Dr.
XXX
XXXXXXX
at
(605)
XXX‐XXXX.
In
addition,
if
you

have
questions
regarding
your
rights
as
a
participant
in
this
study,
please
contact.



Dr.
Ph.D.

Chairperson
of
the
Human
Subjects
Committee

Box
2115,
Library


Plains
State
University

Railtown,
PS
XXXXX

Office:

(605)
XXX‐XXXX






Project
Director:
 Scott
D.
Fleming


 
 
 Department
of
Rural
Sociology



 
 
 Plains
State
University




Phone:
(605)
XXX‐XXXX


 247


The
PSU
Institutional
Review
Board
has
approved
this
project.



Approval
No.
:
__________________


As
a
research
participant,
I
have
read
the
above,
have
had
any
questions
answered,

and
agree
to
participate
in
the
research
project.
I
will
receive
a
copy
of
this
form
for

my
information.



Participant’s
Signature________________________________________________

Date
______________


Project
Director’s
Signature
__________________________________________

Date
_____________







































 248


APPENDIX
E:

PARTICIPANT
CONSENT
FORM




(To
be
signed
in
the
presence
of
the
researcher/participant
copy
provided)

PARTICIPATION
IN
PERSONAL
INTERVIEW
ADMINSTRATOR/
FACULTY


Plains
State
University


Railtown,
PS
XXXXX



Project
Director:
 Scott
D.
Fleming



 
 
 Department
of
Rural
Sociology


 
 
 Plains
State
University



Phone:
(605)
XXX‐XXXX




Please
read
the
following
points,
and
feel
free
to
ask
any
questions
that
arise
as
you

do
so.

This
is
an
invitation
for
you
to
participate
in
a
research
project
under
the
direction

of
Scott
Fleming.
The
name
of
this
project
is
“American
Indian
Educational

Attainment:
An
Analysis
of
Factors
that
Hinder
or
Facilitate
Educational
Success
for

American
Indian
Students
at
PSU”.



The
purpose
of
this
project
to
gain
an
increased
understanding
of
the
factors
that

combine
to
hinder
or
facilitate
educational
success
at
two
predominantly
White,

mainstream
colleges
in
Prairie
State.

The
proposed
study
will
use
the
qualitative

research
methods
including;
focus
groups,
personal
interviews,
field
observations

and
documentary
data
analysis.

Participants
in
the
study
will
include
American

Indian
college
students
at
both
Plains
State
University
and
the
University
of
Prairie

State.

Additionally,
University
Presidents,
Diversity
Coordinators,
faculty
members

and
Program
Coordinators
will
be
interviewed
in
order
to
gain
as
enhanced

understanding
of
those
factors
outlined
in
the
research
questions
from
an

institutional
perspective.


 249


This
portion
of
the
study
consists
of
a
one
on
one
personal
interview
with
a
member

of
administration
or
faculty.
This
process
will
include
a
taped
group
interview,
and

will
probably
last
1
to
2
hours.
Your
identifying
information
and
responses
will
be

kept
strictly
confidential.
Every
effort
will
be
made
to
ensure
that
there
will
be
no

possibility
of
connecting
them
with
their
responses
in
any
reports
or
subsequent

works
arising
from
this
research
project.
Your
transcript
will
not
be
identified
by

either
name
or
location.
Original
contact
sheets
will
be
kept
in
a
locked
cabinet
in

the
office
of
the
Dean
of
the
Honors
College
at
Plains
State
University.
This
interview

will
be
transcribed
onto
a
hard
copy
format
at
which
time
the
digital
recordings
will

be
deleted.

Please
note
that
all
information
discussed
during
this
session
is

confidential,
and
that
with
your
signature
and
participation
you
agree
to
keep
all

information
in
this
discussion
confidential.


There
are
no
known
risks
to
you
for
participating
in
this
study.
Please
be
aware
that

your
participation
is
voluntary
and
that
you
have
the
right
to
withdraw
at
any
time

in
the
course
of
the
study.


If
you
have
any
questions
or
concerns
relating
to
your
participation
in
this
focus

group
you
may
contact
me
by
phone
or
e‐mail
as
listed
above.

You
may
also
contact

my
research
supervisor
Dr.
XXX
XXXXXXX
at
(605)
XXX‐XXXX.
In
addition,
if
you

have
questions
regarding
your
rights
as
a
participant
in
this
study,
please
contact.



Dr.

Ph.D.

Chairperson
of
the
Human
Subjects
Committee

Box
2115,
Library


Plains
State
University

Railtown,
PS
XXXXX

Office:

(605)
XXX‐XXXX






Project
Director:
 Scott
D.
Fleming


 
 
 Department
of
Rural
Sociology



 
 
 Plains
State
University




Phone:
(605)
XXX‐XXXX


 250




The
PSU
Institutional
Review
Board
has
approved
this
project.




Approval
No.
:
__________________

As
a
research
participant,
I
have
read
the
above,
have
had
any
questions
answered,

and
agree
to
participate
in
the
research
project.
I
will
receive
a
copy
of
this
form
for

my
information.




Participant’s
Signature________________________________________________

Date
______________




Project
Director’s
Signature
__________________________________________

Date
______________












 251




APPENDIX
F:
 


Introduction
to
Focus
Group
and
Demographic
Questionnaire


I
am
Scott
Fleming
of
the
Sociology
Department
at
Plains
State
University.


Thank
you
for
talking
with
me.
I
am
a
person
of
ancestral
descent
from
the


Meskwaki
people
of
Iowa
and
the
Cherokee
people
the
Southeastern
United
States.



While
I
am
not
an
enrolled
member
of
any
tribe,
I
have
been
around
native
people


and
communities
all
of
my
life.
I
have
worked
and
lived
on
reservation
communities


in
Minnesota
and
Wisconsin.
I
have
participated
as
a
traditional
dancer
in
Pow


Wows
across
the
country.
I
have
long
been
interested
in
modern
issues
facing


American
Indian
people,
particularly
how
to
improve
the
conditions
for
educational


success
for
American
Indian
students.


I
am
doing
my
doctoral
dissertation
in
the
area
of
Indian
higher
education,


specifically,
what
factors
combine
to
facilitate
or
hinder
educational
attainment
for


American
Indian
college
students.


As
part
of
this
study,
the
following
interview
is
designed
to
enhance
our


understanding
of
what
factors
work
toward
the
facilitation
or
hindrance
of


educational
success
for
American
Indian
students
at
PSU.
With
your
permission,
I


will
record
our
conversation
on
a
digital
audio
recorder.
As
I
transcribe
the


interview
all
identifying
information
will
be
removed
thus
keeping
your


participation
in
the
study
anonymous.

 
 252


I
will
also
provide
you
with
contact
information
in
case
you
would
like
to


further
discuss
any
further
information
or
issues
you
may
have
after
the
interview
is


completed.


Do
you
agree
to
participate
in
this
interview
as
I
have
explained
it
to
you?
Do


you
have
any
questions
for
me
before
we
begin?


Demographic
Information







To
begin
with,
I’d
like
to
learn
a
little
about
you:


Demographic
Characteristics:


1. Your
age:


2. Gender:


3. Tribal
Affiliation:


4. Place
of
birth:


5. Did
you
grow
up
on
or
near
a
reservation?


6. Where
did
you
go
to
high
school?


7. Marital
status:


8. Number
of
children
(if
any):


9. Year
in
school:


10. College
Major:





 253








































































APPENDIX
G:



Native
American
Student
Scholarships:
Specific
to
PSU.


Abbott,
Kasey
&
Karla
‐
Jr.
and
Sr.
S.D.
students
in
science
majors.



Berg,
Sherwood
&
Elizabeth
‐
Preference
for
health
care
majors.

Leadership


qualities
exhibited
in
Native
American
culture/community
services.


Crazy
Horse
Memorial
Scholarships
‐
Any
major
with
financial
need.


Crazy
Horse
Health
Majors
Scholarship.


Daktronics
‐
Engineering
major.


France,
William
‐
Prairie
State
tribal
affiliation.


Houda,
Eugene
&
Mary
Milner
‐
Preference
for
science,
health,
economics,
and


family
service
majors.


Man
Afraid
of
His
Horses
‐
Preference
for
College
of
Agriculture
and
Biological


Sciences
majors.


Massachusetts
Indian
Association
‐
For
full
time
undergraduate
or
graduate


students.


Marken,
Jack
&
Marty
‐
Preference
for
English
or
communication
studies
majors.





 254


Native
American
Scholarship
‐
Prairie
State
Tribal
Enrollment.


Nichols,
Henrietta
‐
Must
be
enrolled
(or
have
a
parent
enrolled)
with
the
Yankton


Sioux
Tribe.


Reifel,
Ben
‐
Prairie
State
tribal
enrollment.


Roberti,
Helen
Trust
‐
Preference
for
Education,
Science,
and
Health
majors.


Sander,
Brede
&
Siri
‐
Engineering
majors.


Native
American
Scholarships:
Non­PSU
specific.


American
Indian
College
Fund.
The
American
Indian
College
Fund
(AICF)
awards


several
designated
scholarships
each
year.



Ford
Motor
Company
Tribal
Scholarship.
Ford
Motor
Company
will
award
up
to


$5,000
annually,
based
on
financial
need.
The
scholarship
is
for
students
studying


math,
science,
engineering,
business,
teacher
training,
or
environmental
science.


American
Indian
Education
Foundation.
Must
be
Native
American
or
Alaskan
Native


descent;
full‐time
student;
attending
an
accredited
2
or
4‐year
college
or
university


or
a
vocational
technical
school.
Three
types
of
scholarships
are
available:
freshman


scholarships;
undergraduate
scholarships;
continuing
student
scholarships.



American
Indian
Fellowship
in
Business
Scholarship.
Each
year,
the
National
Center


for
American
Indian
Enterprise
Development
awards
five
scholarships
to
American


Indian
college
or
graduate
students
majoring
in
business.



 255


American
Indian
Scholarship
Fund
Association.
Provides
scholarships
and
loans
to


Native
American
students.



American
Indian
Science
&
Engineering
Society
(AISES).
The
AISES
mission
is
“To


substantially
increase
the
representation
of
American
Indian
and
Alaskan
Natives
in


engineering,
science,
and
other
related
technology
disciplines.”



Burlington
Northern/Santa
Fe
Foundation
Scholarship.
This
scholarship
is
available


to
5
new
American
Indian
high
school
seniors
every
year,
who
reside
in
states


serviced
by
the
Burlington
Northern
and
Santa
Fe
Pacific
Corporation
and
its


affiliated
companies:
Arizona,
California,
Colorado,
Kansas,
Minnesota,
Montana,


New
Mexico,
North
Dakota,
Oklahoma,
Oregon,
Prairie
State,
and
Washington.
The


award
is
for
4
academic
years
(8
semesters)
or
until
baccalaureate
degree
is


obtained
(whichever
occurs
first).




A.T.
Anderson
Memorial
Scholarship.
This
scholarship
is
awarded
to
members
of


AISES
who
are
American
Indian/Alaskan
Native
college
students
pursuing
academic


programs
in
the
sciences,
engineering,
medical,
natural
resources,
and
math.



American
Indian
Services
Scholarship
(AIS).
AIS
of
Utah
has
funds
available
to
assist


Native
American
students


Association
of
American
Indian
Affairs
(AAIA).
The
AAIA
has
several
scholarships


available.
The
various
scholarships
are
based
on
financial
need
and
merit.
Grants
are


paid
directly
to
accredited
educational
institutions.
The
monies
can
be
used
for


 256


tuition,
books,
and
other
academic‐related
expenses.
Students
are
chosen
on
the


basis
of
their
application,
an
essay,
transcripts,
and
two
letters
of
recommendation


as
well
as
proof
of
Native
American
heritage.
The
blood
quantum
requirement
is
a


condition
set
down
by
the
donor
of
this
scholarship.


Allogan
Slagle
Memorial
Scholarship.
The
Allogan
Slagle
Memorial
Scholarships
in


the
amount
of
$1,500
are
available
to
undergraduate
students
who
are
members
of


State
Recognized
tribes
that
are
not
federally
recognized.


Adolph
Van
Pelt
Scholarship.
This
scholarship
is
available
to
undergraduate
and


graduate
students
in
amounts
ranging
from
$500
to
$800.
A
grant
is
renewable
for


up
to
four
years
of
support
towards
any
one
degree.
Each
year
the
grant
is
renewed,


$100
is
added
to
the
student's
scholarship.


Displaced
Homemaker
Scholarship.
This
scholarship
($1.500)
is
based
on
financial


need.
It
is
designed
to
assist
Native
American
students
with
childcare,


transportation,
and
some
basic
living
expenses.


Elizabeth
and
Sherman
Asche
Memorial
Scholarship.
This
$3,000
scholarship
is


available
to
undergraduate
and
graduate
students
pursuing
a
major
in
Public
Health.



David
Risling
Emergency
Aid
Scholarship.
This
scholarship
is
available
in
amounts


usually
ranging
from
$50
to
$400
during
the
academic
school
year.
The
program
is


for
full‐time
undergraduate
students
only;
is
based
on
financial
need;
and
is
limited


by
the
availability
of
scholarship
funds.
Students
may
only
receive
one
scholarship


 257


per
academic
year.
Applicants
must
have
a
critical/sudden
need
due
to
a
change
in


circumstances
(death
in
family,
medical
emergency,
car
emergency,
loss
of
job,
etc.)


–
a
need
that
wasn’t
expected
or
would
prevent
the
student
from
attending
school.


There
are
no
deadlines.



Emilie
Hesemeyer
Memorial
Scholarship.

This
scholarship
is
for
full‐time
students


with
preference
to
students
majoring
in
Education.
The
scholarship
amount
is


$1,500
and
may
be
renewed
up
to
4
years
based
on
academic
grades.


Catching
the
Dream.
Provides
financial
assistance
for
American
Indians
in
fields
that


are
critical
for
the
political,
social,
and
business
development
of
Indian
tribes.


Scholarships
are
not
need‐based
but
are
awarded
on
merit
and
on
the
student's


ability
to
improve
the
lives
of
Indian
people.



MESBEC
(Math,
Engineering,
Science,
Business,
Education,
and
Computers)
is
a


program
for
high
potential
Native
Americans
planning
to
study
in
these
fields.


Maximum
award
is
$5,000
per
year.



NALE
(Native
American
Leadership
Education)
is
for
high
potential
para‐

professional
Native
Americans
who
plan
to
complete
their
degrees
and
obtain


credentials
as
teachers,
counselors,
or
administrators.


Tribal
Business
Management
Program
Management.
Is
for
students
in
business,


finance,
management,
economics,
banking,
hotel
management,
and
related
fields


who
plan
to
work
in
economic
development
for
tribes.



 258


Continental
Society
Daughters
of
Indian
Wars
Scholarship.
A
$500
award
is
available


to
certified
tribal
members
enrolled
in
an
undergraduate
education
or
social


services
program;
student
must
plan
to
work
on
a
reservation.



Dakota
Indian
Foundation
Scholarship
(DIFS).
The
DIFS
was
established
to
further


educational
advancement
of
aspiring
American
Indian
students
with
priority
given


to
those
of
Sioux
heritage.
This
is
a
$500
per
term
scholarship
for
undergraduate
or


graduate.



Gates
Millennium
Scholarship.
This
scholarship
is
intended
to
increase
the
number


of
African‐Americans,
American
Indians/Alaska
Natives,
Asian
Pacific
Americans,


and
Hispanic
Americans
enrolling
in
and
completing
undergraduate
and
graduate


degree
programs
in
disciplines
where
ethnic
and
racial
groups
are
currently


underrepresented.



Indian
Fellowship
Program.
Fellowship
grants
are
awarded
to
students
to
pursue


courses
of
study
leading
to
undergraduate
degrees
in
business
or
administration,


natural
resources,
engineering,
and
related
fields.



Indian
Health
Services
Scholarship
Program
(IHSSP).
The
IHSSP
is
available
to


conduct
three
inter‐related
scholarship
programs
to
train
the
health
professional


personnel
necessary
to
staff
IHS
health
programs
and
other
health
programs
serving


the
Indian
people.



International
Order
of
the
King’s
Daughters
and
Sons,
Inc.
Provides
a
$500
grant
to


 259


Native
American
students
enrolled
in
a
technical,
vocational,
or
undergraduate
level


course
of
study.



Massachusetts
Indian
Association.
This
is
a
scholarship
for
undergraduate
or


graduate
students


National
Society
Daughters
of
the
American
Revolution.
Provides
a
one‐time
award


of
$500
to
Native
Americans
based
on
financial
need,
academic
achievement,
and


ambition.



Native
American
Education
Grants.
Scholarships
($200
to
$2,000)
are
available
to


students
who
meet
the
following
criteria:
preference
to
members
of
Presbyterian


Church
(membership
not
required);
US
citizen
or
permanent
resident;
enrolled
full‐

time
at
an
accredited
institution
in
the
United
States;
making
satisfactory
academic


progress
toward
a
degree;
demonstrate
financial
need;
photocopy
of
tribal


identification
card.



Native
American
Scholarship
Program.
Up
to
$2,500
per
year
is
awarded
to
Native


American
high
school
seniors
who
have
at
least
1/4
Indian
blood.


Native
Vision
Scholarships.
The
guiding
principle
for
Native
Vision
is
to
cultivate
the


core
strengths,
values,
and
positive
relationships
for
American
Indian
youth
that


will
make
them
resilient
to
the
prevailing
risks
and
help
them
transition
to
healthy,


productive
and
fulfilling
adulthood.
Native
Vision
hopes
to
foster
school
completion,


self‐esteem,
cultural
attachment
and
personal
identity,
and
healthy
lifestyles.
Two


 260


$4,000
scholarships
are
available.


Udall
(Morris
K.)
Scholarship.

Up
to
6
students
each
year
for
the
Morris
K.
Udall


Scholarship.
The
awards
will
be
made
on
the
basis
of
merit
to
TWO
groups
of


Students:

1)
those
who
are
college
sophomores
or
juniors
in
the
current
academic


year,
have
outstanding
potential,
and
who
study
the
environment
and
related
fields.



2)
Native
American
and
Alaska
Native
students
who
are
college
sophomores
or


juniors
in
the
current
academic
year,
have
outstanding
potential,
and
are
in
fields


related
to
health
care
or
tribal
public
policy.



US
Department
of
Agriculture:
Natural
Resource
Conservation
Service
(NRCS)


Scholarship.

The
aim
of
the
Tribal
Scholars
Program
is
to
strengthen
a
partnership


between
NRCS
and
1994
Land‐Grant
institutions;
increase
the
number
of
students


studying
in
agriculture
and
agency
related
disciplines;
and
to
offer
employment


opportunities.
Tribal
scholarships
are
awarded
to
U.
S.
citizens
who
are
pursuing
a


degree
in
agriculture
or
related
natural
resource
sciences
at
a
1994
tribal
land‐grant


institution.
The
scholarship
provides
full
tuition,
fees,
books,
use
of
a
personal


computer
and
software
while
on
scholarships,
room
and
board
each
year
for
up
to


four
years
as
well
as
employment
and
employee
benefits.



American
Indian/Alaska
Native
Employee
Association
for
NRCS.
Scholarships
will


be
awarded
to
an
American
Indian
/
Alaska
Native
student
pursuing
a
degree
in
a


natural
resources
field.

The
scholarship
amount
is
$200.

There
are
two
categories:


one
for
members
of
the
AI/ANEA
and
one
for
an
American
Indian
or
Alaska
Native


 261


student
in
the
natural
resources
field.


US
Department
of
Education.
Fellowships
of
$600
to
$24,000
are
available
for


American
Indian
or
Native
Alaskan
undergraduate
or
graduate
students
studying


education,
psychology,
guidance
counseling,
or
a
related
field.


Presbyterian
Native
American
Scholarships.
For
Alaska
Natives
and
Native


Americans
pursuing
full‐time
post‐secondary
education.

Criteria:
preference
given


to
members
of
the
Presbyterian
Church
(USA);
be
high
school
graduated
or
GED


recipients;
be
US
citizens
or
permanent
residents
or
the
US.

Demonstrate
financial


need.

Preference
will
be
given
to
students
who
have
completed
at
least
one


semester
of
work
at
an
accredited
institution
of
higher
education.