MONTVERT PUBLICATIONS SELEUCID AND PTOLEMAIC REFORMED ARMIES 168-145 BC. VOLUME 1: THE SELEUCID ARMY Nick Sekunda Colour plates by Angus McBrideSELEUCID AND PTOLEMAIC REFORMED ARMIES 168-145 BC VOLUME 1: THE SELEUCID ARMY UNDER ANTIOCHUS IV EPIPHANES Nick Sekunda Colour Plates by Angus McBride Published by Montvert PublicationsPublished in 1994 by Montvert Publications ‘©Copyright 1994 Montvert Publications All rights reserved, No part of this publicatin may’ bo reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopying. recording or any information storage and retrieval system without the prior written consent of the publishers, Montvert Publications. 2 Kingswood Grove, Reddish, Stockport SKS 6SP Montvert Publications (Distribution). PO Box 25. Stockport SK5 GRU ISBN 1 874101 027 A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library A note to the reader: This is one of a series of Montvert titles which aim to present some of the best up to date analyses ofthe history, dress. equipment and organization of various ancient and medieval armies ‘Typeset by Legend DTP Stockport, Cheshire Printed by Joseph Ward Colourprint Ltd. Dewsbury, Yorkshire AUTHOR'S DEDICATION. To my wonderful Dad. PREFACE. The history of the Hellenistic kingdoms during the period under examination is complicated. The ancient historical narratives which once dealt with this period are preserved only in fragments, and the publication of new inscriptions or papyri requires a process of constant revision of (he chronological framework. Limited space permits only a condensed account of rapidly-changing events in this book, [ have, nevertheless, attempted to make my historical sections as up-to-daic with current scholarship as possibie. Conscious as T am of my own literary shortcomings, 1 have not hesitated to incorporate some of the better-tummed_ phrases penned by Mahafly, Bevan, and Tarn, which articulate my’ sentiments so much better than I could ever hope to. I have attributed the lengthier sections, but the discerning reader may detect many other patches of prose beneath which, consciously or subconsciously, lies the hand of one of these old masters, * 1 would like to thank Keith A.B. Roberts and Richard Brzezinski for their help im obtaining the biographical deiails of the career of Captain John Bingham which T have made use of in Chapter 2. Andy Callan has helped me greatly throughout the text, and by supplying me with the odd “vignette” quotation. Finally, i should like to thank the series editor, Phil Greenough, for his patience and support, * Editow ¥ note: The sections referred to here have, in this volume, heen drastically edited to ‘skeleton’ form. The interested reader should consuét Nick Sekunda’s forthcoming book. Late Hellenistic Romanized Armies 165-148BC - The Military Response to the Defeat of Macedon. Thave acquiesced to the author 5 request not to use line drawings but readers who like them should note that this does hot mean they will be omitted from other books in the series. Philip Greenough (editor)EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION, his hook and its companion (Volume 2, which deals with the Prolemaic army dering the reign of Ptolemy t Philometor) are bridgements of Nick Sekunda's nich larger academic work, Hellenistic Romanized Armies 163-148BC ~ The Military sponse 10 the Defeat of Macedon iforticoming). In the ent work the historical sections have heen edited down 10 letan form for reasons af space and because they are less rinent to the revit of the series. also felt that superficially less severe editing of the chapters in question would be wnfair the flow of the author's arguments which need to he read in or not at all. have endeavoured to keep Chapters 2.3 and which Tfeel have a direct interest for more readers of the vert series, completely tract INTRODUCTION, many, the Hellenistic period is a shadowy drama of rapidly unfolding historical events, illuminated by an amorphous mass of uncatalogued and largely undated archaeological material, The ‘Hellenistic’ period, though, s best understood not as a single entity, bul rather as a collection of smaller chronological subdivisions. < period between the fall of the Antigonid Empire to Ronie in 168, and the death of Ptolemy V1 Philometor in 45, is one of the most interesting periods in Hellenistic ty. Gone is the age of the Diadochoi, the uccessors’, when Empires rose and fell with onishing rapidity’ as Alexander's marshals fought for inheritance, Gone also are the titanic clashes of one lenistic Empire with another. and then the desperate gles with Rome. The year 168 marked the beginning £ Roman supremacy in the easter Mediterranean. This sonvithstanding, during these two and a half decades sso able monarchs, Antiochus IV in Syria and Ptolemy VI Philometor in Egypt. were able to respond effectively supremacy of Rome, They managed to limit Roman political interference in the internal affairs of their states. and (0 institute internal administrative and military reforms along Roman lines to increase the power of their Both monarchs witnessed a chance to unite the cucid and Ptolemaic Empires under one crown, but both monarchs saw that opportunity pass unfulfilled Given the relative quiescence of the Roman Senate, hatever the precise political reasons imay have been al me. a strong Hellenistic ruler certainly had the jortunity during this period to steer his own course. ecially if he spent liberally in Rome on bribes, However in L46 Carthage fell and was sacked: in the year the army of the Achaean League was defeated Leukopetra, and Corinth was sacked. Henceforward chance of opposing the might of Rome vanished. and the independence of the remaining Hellenistic states was entirely dependent on the extent to which the Roman Senate might be looking the other way. A culture-shock was experienced by the whole Hellenistic world upon hearing of the defeat of the Macedonian military system by the Roman, first at Kynoskephalai in 197 and then at Pydna in 168, The astonishment that was fell is echoed in the words with which Polybius concludes his comparison of the Macedonian phalanx and the Roman legion. He thought it necessary to speak on this subject at some length, he tells us. “because many Greeks on the actual occasions when the Macedonians suffered defeat considered the event as almost incredible, and many will continue to wonder why and how the phalanx comes to be conquered by troops armed in the Roman fashion’ (Polyb, 18.32.13, trans.Paton, Loeb), The shock was particularly enhanced because the Romans placed principal trust in hand-to-hand combat ie. in the sword, Livy (31.344-5) describes the dismay which swept through the Macedonian army when they saw what horrific damage the Romans' Spanish sword had inflicted on the bodies of the dead during a skirmish in the early stages of the Second Macedonian War against King Philip. Modern historians. too far distanced from events, have dismissed Hellenistic history after Pydna as hardly worthy of study. assuming that the ultimate conquest of the castern Mediterranean by Rome was inevitable. But the evidence implies that the surviving Hellenistic monarchs did not think it inevitable, This is not to suggest that cither Antiochus IV or Ptolemy VI thought they could win a war with Rome, but who could foresee what might happen in the future? Over the next few decades substantial efforts were made to increase the power of their kingdoms for the future. presumably in the belief that circumstances might change in an entirely unpredictable way. It is generally understood that Hellenistic armies started to use Roman equipment and tactics during the first century BC, but the evidence for military reforms along Roman lines in the second century has never been properly studied, or even gathered. Lis a commonplace of military history that successful armics are always imitated. usually quite superficially However, the extent of ‘Romanization’ of the organizational and tactical structures of the Seleucid and Ptolemaic armies which took place around the time of the Third Macedonian War. or shortly thereafter, is quite remarkableCHAPTER THEREFORMS OF ANTIOCHUS 1 Thischapler tea skelegon abridgement ofa chapter in [Nick Sehunda' Late Hellenistic Romain’ Armies 16S [HSBC The Miltary Kesponeto the Defeatof Macedon Uerthocming). Readers wishing lo pursue futher ave recommended a cansultheaferementioned work The Defeat of Antiochus Il ‘The Great’ epithe oe successes ofthe Selves hey caval ‘Aniochas TI “The Great’ lest the Bale of Magnesia, Iutcintheyear SOB. A preliminary peace wasaranged raified in tho "Treaty of Apameia™. The defeat of Antiochus encouraged seecessionsst tendencies throughout the Empize, and Antiochus ws forced to rare to he Kast 1 hold the Empare together, Im the fel sur of 187 the great king ded on campaign Belews” passive ue. ulkumatey proved tobe nore ‘damaging then his multi inactiviny. The Eewpire increasingly fell under the dominatin ofthe power Chit minest, one Heodorar Onthethied of Seprerber V75 BC Seleveus vas assassinated by Hetndors, who Pltoed his second son Antiochus, aged furor five, 38 the done, together wih the dowager queen Laodike Hehdros emsized, however, the power Bund the throne, ‘The Accession of Antiochus TV Epiphanes Meanshilein Rane the Ste ig eis Epibanes, like Polybivealer hi, had bean more-or-less een “frsinwashed nt belieingin the supesonty of Roman inatitions Ile was paobably bor around 212, und 20 ‘wes only inhisteens when heist weivedat Rome he had acquired rather ap excessive adriraton for Rome's pmwer and methods’. Te certainly had plenty of Enporunty watch them sn opeition, and cre may ume thal Antiochus had acquires dele keseldae {oF Roman ways tnugh personal obscrvzion. When Selewsus LV was murdered in 175, Antichus seized te Syrian throne with the seve supporto he Pergimene king Eumsnes I. The newh-returmed king Antechus ‘doped his nephevs. the young second xan af the ‘murdered king Seleusus Vashon gon and asued {nero with i ‘The First Yours of Antiochus’ Reign. The year 173... ean" Antiochus ansume the tte of Epiphanesor‘God Manifest ruler sheding hight for hiscontenprariee’.. A couple of yews afer Anticelus accesion tothe throne, relations Between Rome and ‘Maceanstotedtedetencrte in 17. Koma embassy ‘wis set to Sra and war persed othe endl auite ‘of Antiochus, andthe fllowing year a Sorin erchssy ‘wetsentto Rome undethe eleven minister Apollonius don of Menestheus, In 171 er broke oot betvecn ‘Rome ant Mavedon, and Antiochus took avantage of the opportunity this war llered er eit with Eg The Sith Syrian War In Egypt Polemy VIPAilometar ad come tothe throne 1 the ae of five folowing the death of Ptolemy Epiphanes in 180... In Ocoberorexty Noweraber 170 hilomeos, bis ssterleoatra and his younger broler uolemy VITT Euergetes I, were all asweatad the fron in a joint tiple rule. AL ebout the sare time Pilomatur held prieipl me, wadelae tobave ome of aye. Aniiohos moved to Cie lo eestre fonder, appointing his mnier Androscos 1 rule in Satiogh during hig absence. in 13!) BC. Andromicas ‘murdered the bey-king Amochus, sn of Selecus TV ‘removed de soure ef nteml disso ine Ep Antioch Fest Invasion of Bayt ‘Towards the end of 170 Fulains and Lenaios (met ation). the Bale of Mount Case even he strengh and composition of the two aries svaknown, ‘We do, however, ow from Jewish sources (2 ace 1.17) that Antioch had aesembled! a ponertl fore of shite, elephants ad esl ‘Despite vitry inthe Fld, Aces cou not exploit issues. Asiochus won naval ver offtbe cost te Petusm The Egyptian goverment witli 12 ‘Alesndria. establihed a new joint government of (Cleopatra an Pole Evegces. (They) despatched avembassy toRome tn ask thehelp ofthe superpower “Thosiege (of Alexandria continued for some tine. the autumn of 169 Antiochus withdrew frm he cided ‘country, maintsning Seleucid garnsomatPelusium and Philometr in Memphis a his puppet Oo hs retum to [Antioch Antiochus struck a sries of coins hearing the rely sumed ttle of Nikephoras ‘The Bringer of Vietory ‘he Second Invasion of Egypt. “The winter of 169-8 saw ites diplomatic atv. the Polemaiand SelesidUlepstions had both reached Rome, The Roman Senate despatched an emo to egy with instructions to tring the Wa 1 an end and empowered ttn beak off Rome's friendship and Sth either party Io the confer. In the abvence of [Antinchus, the two brothers Ptolemy managed a teconciition, and aged. once span orl jst. Antiochus Fit sent his fleet against Cypas theeatly spring where he won x naval isto... Aioehus ten marched against Egypt onot ain, he. sted himself King of Lay now Fle was reserved bythe inhabanss with. got, and expecially bythe nate Eytian Soldiers whom he ad tested 20. geneouly fer the Pate of Mount Casios. The main body ofthe army advanced on Alexandria by shomt matches, and Aketachments were fen otto Socupy the other dit: of Ege ‘The ‘Day of Eewss. The fnte nthe Hellenic world had meanile ben scaled by the deen of emeus at Pydna on June 2, The Roman casey under Pops senas.- met Ansioenst a Eleusis ‘The king, presumably also aware of the ‘Macedonian defeat Py rected them and ered Fishand Pop In reply Populus hands Antiochus tablets containing the reslution ofthe Roman Senate ‘Gn reading the ables Aetiochs sa tht he would cll an the council of his “Friends andcnsir what to do Pps, however dre’ tle round the king withthe sta he wns crying and ordzed him 10 give him an mse he could sen back to he Senate before leaving fhe cgle. «suck dim by the srssness of Poplist” tehaviour, Antiochus agreed to submit to the wishes of the Senate, The Seleucid army walzew from: Fa Popitusthen went ontoCypass. andere thessan tothe Polemies Whist Antiochus’ allempis to wite the Prolene and Seleved kingiom under his solerule hag Sled, alert the expedition to Egypt ad brought him. vieory, and had scoiched Egyptian atlempls to detach Kovle-SyniaFom he Seles more “The Reform of Antiochus IX ntiocis mbirked upon sees of ainsi and eer refanns based upon Kernan models. Ihe) target hostile propaganda gaan Anions} sels he firmly rejected. and (his policies and reforms should eaceenedeniousy. We cannot date the inistrave tnd muita reforms of tuochus Epiphanes With ay cai Adminitatve Retorm at Andach There evidence fora lot of actly in atuoch dung, Antiochus short reign nd hide lived log rnayandeed hive beth wardcomed . esenouslhopes Toremedel the cv administration ofthe capital ely of ‘Antiosh along the liacs of Reme, Antiochus also inodced gladiator comb tothe sity... 280 pis of ‘lain are mentioned ae paticpsting athe Daphnae Parade, andthe games, sladatrial combats, and hans which llowed the Para sted fil ity days (Pays $31.28 5, 3.261), Amnehus expanded bis capt. The Roman architect Cosaitivr wns probably ievolvod inthis jean Keeping with Antioch’ positon a the new Rome we aretld Livy 209) thatthe king founded temple to Jupiter Capitlinus in the city, panelled troughou in poe Administrative Reform Rivewhere ln the Empire. ‘Theta... evidecethat Antiochus temple ia fot public life within the ets of the Empie.. gymnaia ‘were especially important m Antioch! plang, a8 thay ‘erate inattions whereshe young men received hes nlitary taining. There is some evidenoe that ‘Aotchus tempted ls noduce Roman forms of cy ‘niministsion inthe Emp, As well as estenag ewe lie within the existing Greek cities ofthe Empire Antioshsaleo added considerably to thes aurber ‘The Cultural Counter-Oftensive CGutside the pie, olownng” he Day ofEleuss’ the king conducted cullarl sounter-ffensive 10 wink fayour and tespect in the minds of the Greeks and Macedonians as the ony effective counter-poise to Roman power ‘Comelusions. Te arould be eaty forthe moder historian, following Polis, tosis Antioch innovations as eccentric theatrialities, bul thi would be a grave mistake (Walhank, Commencary , 286). During his residence fin Rome Antioehix scorns to have ienifed thee Key lemments wick, i his opinion, contributed most to [Rom soe. Fust was an ambitionamong the Romans te become involved in public life. Antiochus did what (he could we eapauage ne ym Macedonians to become mere involved in public Iie. Serond was the Ilan lave of violence, The stauionalzationcf viene, even inthe recreations of Romp cet, wa the ge which held together. Antiochus eer to have identiiod laditorel combat san import ingredient. During the thie entay warfre became increasingly regulated “The hrs and Fil point which Ansiocks deified ‘sa source of Ronan sucess was thei miltany system. Sista it seems that Aniochus took personal command of his army, and that his cine and olhe reforns were inteoduent on fis ov inillive and under bis personal oro. there is every reason to believe that the rly Felons ierodces by Antioch were aiid pan hus om persona stave, and cared out under his pers inepestion 11 wa inthe charscer af Antiochus to Lavish smost obsessive persnalalention upon the rimutiae of these refer it wan aot hs nate to delegate responsibility We ae tld (Diod. 33 16.2) that tre pernnlly managed the Dephnse Parade, ing on 8 cheap pony ordering same to avance, some tat and ‘thers to their post as the situation demanded? Consecstly i ie iiclt to believe that Antiochus delegated responsibly fo arying through the iltry tefoxms to anyone ele, rather than making them his person respi. We fist become abrare ofthe Inrodustion of Reman military institutions ino the Selous any trough descriptions inthe ancient sources cof Anitochs victory parade at Duphane, which mentions ‘uoops amet in the Roman fashion and ae9unts ofthe ate of RethZachara, whieh ato mention oops quipped: the Roman manzee. 4