WIPO - Traditional Knowledge and Indeigenous Poeple - 1014

Traditional !
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Knowledge & &
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Edited and translated by Ulia Popova-Gosart ' ! -"!#
L’auravetl’an
Information & Education
Network of
Indigenous Peoples
Traditional Knowledge & Indigenous Peoples || )D48<J<BAAB9 A4A<9 & !BD9AAO9 $4DB8O 1
Traditional Knowledge & Indigenous Peoples

Edited and translated by Ulia Popova-Gosart
Traditional knowledge is an important element of the intellectual and cultural heritage of

indigenous peoples. It reflects their social and historical identity and significantly contributes
to the future well-being and sustainable development of these peoples.
In 2007, the L’auravetl’an Information & Education Network of Indigenous Peoples

(LIENIP) organized a series of educational conferences, aimed at fostering greater
understanding on the nature and evolution of this phenomenon and encouraging mutually-
beneficial relationships among representatives of indigenous communities, academia,
professional entities and international organizations.
This publication is comprised of several articles written for and speeches made at these
events, and also includes a glossary of related concepts. It is made possible thanks to
LIENIP’s collaboration with the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). The
publication is offered in English and Russian.
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Copyright Notice and Disclaimer
© L'auravetl'an Information & Education Network of Indigenous Peoples (LIENIP) and

World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), 2009.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated and
disseminated, in any form, whether for commercial/for profit or non-profit purposes, without
prior permission in writing from LIENIP and WIPO. For this purpose, LIENIP and WIPO
may be contacted through the contact information indicated below.
The photographs appearing on the cover and throughout the publication have been reproduced
with the kind permission of the respective rights holders. The photographs may not be
reproduced or disseminated in any form, whether for commercial/ profit or non-profit
purposes, without the prior permission in writing from the rights holders. The design on the
cover has also been reproduced with the kind permission of the designer and this may equally
not be reproduced or disseminated without the prior permission in writing from the right
holder. For this purpose, each individual rights holder may be contacted through LIENIP.
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors, and not necessarily those of
the WIPO Secretariat or any of its Member States.
This publication is made available in English and Russian. The original language is English,
and the Russian translation has been prepared by LIENIP.
For general information contact:
L'auravetl'an Information & Education World Intellectual Property Organization

Network of Indigenous Peoples (LIENIP) (WIPO), Global Intellectual Property
Issues Division
Address: 649000, Altai Republic Address: 34, chemin des
Colombettes
Gorno-Altaisk
P.O. Box 18
P.O. Box 126
CH-1211 Geneva 20
Russian Federation
Switzerland
Telephone: +7 (388 22) 26990 Telephone: +41 22 338 8587
Fax: +7 (388 22) 26990 Fax: +41 22 338 8120
Email: lienip@indigenous.ru Email: grtkf@wipo.int
ugosart@ucla.edu
Webpage: http://www.indigenous.ru Webpage: http://www.wipo.int/tk
Foreword
Dear indigenous sisters and brothers, colleagues and friends,
This bilingual English-Russian publication, made possible by the efforts of many, began as a
reflection on the character and scope of existing projects and programs devoted to the
intellectual and cultural heritage of indigenous peoples under the common theme of
Traditional Knowledge. In the 1980s, UN agencies’ discussions on issues related to
indigenous peoples began to increasingly focus on this concept. Reasons for this reflected the
wider economic and political developments, which included the development of a knowledge-
based economy; the desire to employ non-Western ideas in commerce; the recognition for the
need to include “underrepresented populations” in decision making at higher levels; concerns
for protecting the environment; and the rise of indigenous political activism at the
international level.
Many projects have thereby been developed, focusing on this interrelationship between
indigenous issues and traditional knowledge and the wide range of aspects involved, which
required the expertise, study and practice of specialists in the areas of law, politics and
academic research. Despite this endeavor, there is still yet a need for a comprehensive
understanding on these issues and particularly, in relation to the creation, development,
dissemination and protection of traditional knowledge.
To elucidate the nature of these existing practices, the L'auravetl'an Information & Education
Network of Indigenous Peoples (LIENIP) organized a series of educational conferences,
aimed at, amongst others, representatives of indigenous peoples’ organizations, the academia
and UN agencies. The first event was the seminar entitled Traditional Knowledge of
Indigenous Peoples, which took place during the Sixth Session of the United Nations
Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNFPII) and the second, a workshop on Traditional
Knowledge, which was organized during the 60th annual United Nations Department of Public
Information Conference for Non-Governmental organizations (DPI/NGO). Both events took
place at the UN Headquarters in New York in the year 2007. Although each event was
organized for a different audience, both were attempts to bring together experts from diverse
professional and academic settings for the purpose of enhancing the understanding on the
concept of “traditional knowledge” and discussing the importance to protect the intellectual
and cultural heritage of indigenous peoples from multiple perspectives.
This publication is a compilation of materials from these two events. It has been made
possible thanks to LIENIP's collaboration with the World Intellectual Property Organization
(WIPO), which has not only contributed substantively to the contents of the publication, but
also provided funding for the development of this publication. We hope that this publication
will foster greater understanding on the issues involving the protection and preservation of
traditional knowledge and encourage further cooperative efforts among representatives of
indigenous communities, academia, professional entities and international organizations in
reviewing and resolving current issues and obstacles related to the intellectual and cultural
heritage of indigenous peoples.
With our best regards,
Ulia Popova-Gosart Gulvayra Sharmatova

LIENIP International Representative LIENIP Director
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Acknowledgements
Gulvayra Shermatova, Director, LIENIP, Russian Federation, extended her support and
contributed to the development of this bilingual publication.
Ulia Popova-Gosart, LIENIP International Representative, based at the University of

California at Los Angeles (UCLA), Los Angeles, United States, conceived, coordinated and
supervised the development of this bilingual publication and the translation into Russian of
the English text.
Wend Wendland, Head, Traditional Creativity, Cultural Expressions and Cultural Heritage
Section, Deputy Director, Global Intellectual Property Division, WIPO, Geneva, Switzerland,
extended his expertise on the subject matter and supported the development of this bilingual
publication.
Simon Legrand, Counsellor, Traditional Creativity, Cultural Expressions and Cultural

Heritage Section, Global Intellectual Property Division, WIPO, Geneva, Switzerland,
supported the development and promotion of this bilingual publication.
Jessyca van Weelde, Consultant, Traditional Creativity, Cultural Expressions and Cultural
Heritage Section, Global Intellectual Property Division, WIPO, Geneva, Switzerland,
coordinated and contributed extensively to the development of the bilingual publication on
behalf of WIPO.
The contributions of the following are also much appreciated.
For their support in the development of this bilingual publication:
Andrey A. Nikiforov, Member, United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues

(UNPFII), Russian Federation.
Yury Boichenko, First Counsellor, Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation to the
United Nations, Russian Federation.
For their respective papers and participation in the educational events:
S. Rama Rao, WIPO Officer-in-charge, WIPO Coordination Office, New York, United
States.
Mattias Ahren, Head, Human Rights Unit, Saami Council, Sweden.
Roberto Borrero, President and Chairman, NGO Committee on the UN International Decade
of the World’s Indigenous People, United Confederation of Taino People, New York, United
States.
Kenneth Deer, Secretary, Mohawk Nation, Kahnawake, Canada.
Ramiz Alakbarov, Program Specialist, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), New
York, United States.
Jane Anderson, Research Fellow, Institute of Law and Society, School of Law, New York
University (NYC), New York, United States.
Anne Gilliand, Director, Center for Information as Evidence and Chair, Department of
Information Studies, University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA), Los Angeles, United
States.
For their respective photographs appearing in this bilingual publication:
Gulvayra Shermatova, LIENIP Director, Russian Federation.
Ulia Popova-Gosart, LIENIP International Representative, Los Angeles, United States.
Kenneth Deer, Secretary, Mohawk Nation, Kahnawake, Canada.
Mihail Egorov, Photographer, Udmurtia, Russian Federation.
Alexandr Gluscko, Photographer, Udmurtia, Russian Federation.
Aleksei Pomosov, Photographer, Udmurtia, Russian Federation.
Oleg Egorov-Rakovsky, in relation to the photograph appearing on the cover, which was
taken from his family archive.
For their assistance in the editing of the English text:
Kim Anderson, University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA), Los Angeles, United
States.
Dan Haley, University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA), Los Angeles, United States.
Irene Kaludi, University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA), Los Angeles, United States.
Eric C. Weissler, Esq (consulting services), Member of the Californian and New York Bars,
United States.
For their assistance in translating the English text into Russian and the editing
thereof:
Ekaterina Moore, University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA), Los Angeles, United
States.
Oleg Popov, Cherkassy, Ukraine.
For their assistance in the design of the cover for this bilingual publication:
Robin Weisz, Graphic Designer, Los Angeles, United States.

For their support in the educational events that were the foundation of this bilingual
publication:
Jennifer Zanowiak, New York, United States.
Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation to the United Nations.
Secretariat of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII).
Organizing Committee for the DPI/NGO Conference.
Center for Information as Evidence at the University of California, Los Angeles.
Office of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

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Table of Contents
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Foreword 3
BCD@9C6<M>?6 B<?3? 4
Acknowledgements 5
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Executive Summary 13
!A1C;9: ?28?A B?56A71>9P 15
I. Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Indigenous Peoples 17

by Ulia Popova-Gosart
4M<F4 FD48<J<BAAB7B ;A4A<S < >BD9AAOI A4DB8B6 26
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II. The Relationship between Intellectual Property and the Protection of

Traditional Knowledge and Cultural Expressions 40
by Rama Rao
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III. Legal Aspects related to Traditional Knowledge 53

by Mattias Ahren
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IV. Developments in Intellectual Property and Traditional Knowledge

Protection 58
by Jane Anderson
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V. Caribbean Indigenous Peoples and Climate Change 71

by Roberto Borrero
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VI. Population and Development Approaches to Traditional Knowledge 86

by Ramiz Alakbarov
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VII. Indigenous ICT Taskforce 94

by Kenneth Deer
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VIII. Traditional Knowledge and Information Systems 124

by Anne Gilliand
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IX. Bibliography 136

(C<EB> ?<F9D4FGDO (4A7?.) 136
X. Glossary 142
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Executive Summary
This publication focuses on the present scope and trends of international policies and
activities related to the protection and preservation of traditional knowledge. The publication
is based on a series of educational events organized and conducted by LIENIP. It comprises
several articles written for and speeches made at these events, and it also includes a glossary
of related concepts. This publication is offered in English and Russian.1
Below are short summaries of these articles:
Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Indigenous Peoples
Ulia Popova-Gosart looks at the historical sequence that influenced the formation of the legal
concept “indigenous peoples.” She aims to reveal casual connections between theoretical
grounding of this concept in the position of indigenous groups as dependent populations
and/or territories and the “protectionist” aspect of present projects and policies related to
traditional knowledge.
The Relationship between Intellectual Property and the Protection of Traditional Knowledge
and Cultural Expressions
S. Rama Rao provides updates on the ongoing work WIPO conducts in the field of intellectual
property and traditional knowledge and cultural expressions. His paper outlines some of the
major legal and practical issues involved at the international level.
Legal Aspects related to Traditional Knowledge
Matthias Ahren highlights aspects related to the legal protection of traditional knowledge
from the perspective of the Saami community. His paper proposes a conception of a legal
theory of knowledge protection based on the current protection of indigenous lands.
Developments in Intellectual Property and Traditional Knowledge Protection
Jane Anderson provides an insight into the social impact of laws protecting traditional
knowledge, and discusses the consequences of such legal protection for indigenous peoples.
Her expertise is based on her work with indigenous communities in Indonesia and Australia.
Caribbean Indigenous Peoples and Climate Change
Roberto Borrero stresses the importance of traditional knowledge for finding solutions to
emerging issues related to climate change and focuses on the situation of the Caribbean
indigenous peoples of small island states.
1
Whilst the original content of this publication was composed in the English language, the translation
into Russian has been completed with the aim of fidelity to the authors’ thoughts rather than the strict
order of the words in their sentences. In entering this “queer world of verbal transmigration,” as
Vladimir Nabokov once called the art of translation, the translator on behalf of LIENIP has tried to be
faithful rather than pedantic. LIENIP therefore bears the sole responsibility for the Russian language
version of this publication.
Population and Development Approaches to Traditional Knowledge
Ramiz Alakbarov highlights the importance of recognizing and sharing knowledge, and
portrays the vital role women play within the indigenous communities. His paper explains
how development efforts can be more successful by acknowledging and re-instituting the idea
of humans living in harmony with their environment (Eco Civil Construction), and by
emphasizing strategies that increase diversity in these communities.
Indigenous ICT Taskforce
Kenneth Deer discusses the ethical aspects of traditional knowledge management in the global
information society. This article was written as a contribution to the follow-up process of the
World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), and provides a series of recommendations
to the international community on the legal and ethical means of protecting traditional
knowledge in a global economy.
Traditional Knowledge and Information Systems
Anne Gilliand concludes the publication by addressing the issues of protecting traditional
knowledge from an academic perspective and touches upon ethical and technical issues in the
relationship between indigenous communities and academia, and proposes solutions to
support indigenous research by representatives of academia.
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I.
Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Indigenous Peoples

Ulia Popova-Gosart1
1. Introduction
Since the 1980s, the discussion of issues relating to indigenous peoples by various United
Nations agencies has increasingly centered on the idea of Traditional Knowledge (herein
referred to as "TK"). This recognition of TK on the international level is comparatively
recent, when one considers that the formal study of this subject matter began at the second
half of the 19th century.
Changes in the world economy and the international political climate after World War II
played a major role in the recognition of the economic, cultural and political value of
traditional knowledge at the international level. There were at least three aspects to this
recognition. In the 1970s, as the growing world economy became more dependent on the
application of knowledge and technology, as opposed to labor and capital, the “information
potential” of indigenous knowledge was accorded greater recognition. In addition, the
recognition of TK's importance as an intangible aspect of cultural/intellectual heritage
(connected to the economic potential of TK, yet separate and distinct from it) also goes back
to the 1960s-1970s. In this period, the traditional indigenous knowledge is reflected in
discussions related to the protection/preservation of “intangible cultural property” for the
benefit of the state and/or humanity. Finally, the “political” potential of indigenous
knowledge, or more precisely, its promise for what Waziyatawin Angela Wilson called
“indigenous empowerment,”2 emerged from the growth of the human rights movement. The
consequential rise of the international indigenous politics supported indigenous claims to
reinstate the recognition of indigenous intellectual/cultural heritage as a legitimate knowledge
resource (harmonizing indigenous knowledge with Western science), and as a unique
foundation for indigenous identity in an increasingly multicultural global society. Within this
context, perceptions of indigenous knowledge rested on the dialectical tension between the
“colonial” views of indigenous historic, cultural, and intellectual knowledge and the
understanding of these bodies of knowledge as expressed by indigenous peoples themselves.
Here the indigenous knowledge in its forms and content results from the process of turning
the “disciplining discourse” on indigenous issues into a “liberating” one, as put by Louis
Rodríguez-Piñero.3
These interconnected trends of course, do not exhaust the current direction of the TK field.
The scope of the research endeavors and associated projects devoted to traditional knowledge
is very broad, and it continues to grow. A review on current projects in support of indigenous
issues funded by certain UN agencies indicates that many of them are related to the issue of
traditional knowledge. Such projects focus on, amongst others, the protection of the world’s
food crops, securing genetic resources, defending subsistence farmer’s rights, safeguarding
traditional medicine, the development of customary law, and the protection of indigenous
peoples’ rights. Groups interested in this subject include governments, researchers,
institutions and indigenous representatives.
1
Ms. Ulia Popova-Gosart is a descendent of the Udmurt indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation
and a LIENIP international representative.
2
Waziyatawin Angela Wilson. “Introduction: Indigenous Knowledge Recovery Is Indigenous
Empowerment.” The American Indian Quarterly 28, no. 3&4 (2004): 359-72.
3
Luis Rodríguez-Piñero. Indigenous Peoples, Postcolonialism, and International Law: The IlO
Regime, 1919-1989. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005, p.340.
Yet, despite this broad range of work, the nature of TK remains somewhat mysterious. With
hundreds of descriptions, dozens of theoretical approaches, and a wide range of practices, we
lack a comprehensive understanding of what it is that we need to protect, and why.4
A brief analysis of recent UN documents reveals a range of the diverse and vague descriptions
placed under a category of TK. It has been characterized as:
“complex bodies and systems of knowledge..[and] practices,”5 that also could mean
“content or substance of knowledge held by traditional communities,”6 that form a part
of an “intangible cultural heritage” of indigenous peoples, and a part of “the heritage of
humanity.”7 Traditional knowledge is seen as “developed from experience gained over
the centuries and adapted to the local culture and environment…transmitted orally...”
and is a potentially “source of wealth.”8 Its “bodies and systems” are seen as being
held collectively, and take “the form of stories, songs, artistic expressions…cultural
events, beliefs, rituals,...laws, languages, agricultural practices,...[and] know/how
relating to architecture, textile-making,... fishery, health, forestry management.”9 The
nature of the TK of indigenous peoples is also seen as “highly sacred and secret.”10
From this complex description, we could infer that TK is broadly regarded as being a part of
the heritage of indigenous peoples, and of humanity. It is perceived as both the “content” and
“systems” of knowledge that result from collective actions of indigenous individuals. TK is
seen as being formed historically and expressed as ideas and practices, which range from
spiritual to legal and scientific developed out of the traditional ways of living of indigenous
communities. It is also considered a potential source of wealth to be employed for the benefit
of both indigenous communities and the world. The projects related to the safeguarding of
TK further demonstrate a perceived need to protect TK, as an endangered, yet valuable,
entity, which indigenous peoples across the world currently possess. This assertion of a
commonality of indigenous forms of knowledge implies the perception of a related nature of
this knowledge among all indigenous collectives. It is only on these grounds that it could be
claimed, that collective activities (such as rituals, traditional forms of economy, customary
laws, etc.) of indigenous men and women, who live in different parts of the world, historically
and geographically, allow them to see and discover the world from a perspective common to
them all, a perspective called tradition, which is expressed in forms and processes of TK.
4
What is even more unsettling is that past efforts to safeguard TK have had unintended consequences,
often bringing more harm than benefits to the indigenous communities.
5
Secretariat of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. “Report of the International
Technical Workshop on Indigenous Traditional Knowledge.” New York, NY: United Nations
Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 2006. UN Document E./C.19/2006/2.
6
Secretariat of the World Intellectual Property Organization. “Information Note.” In Proceedings of the
Workshop on Traditional Indigenous Knowledge , Panama , 21-23 September, 2005. Panama: United
Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 2005.
http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/workshop_TK_WIPO.pdf.
7
United Nations Development Group. UNDG Guidelines on Indigenous Peoples’ Issues. Office of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2008.
http://www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/indigenous/docs/guidelines.pdf.
8
See respectively, Secretariat of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. “Working
Paper for the 23-d Session of the Working Group on Indigenous Populations.” United Nations
Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 2005. UN Document E/CN.4/Sub.2/AC.4/2005/CRP; and
UNDG, UNDG Guidelines.
9
Secretariat of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, “Working Paper.”
10
Secretariat of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. “Report of the Secretariat
on Indigenous Traditional Knowledge.” United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 2007.
UN Document E/C.19/2007/10.
But is it, in fact the case that these commonalities exist across the collective activities of
different groups who are characterized as “indigenous peoples”?
1.1. Buryat Medekhe and Matauranga Mori11
Let us briefly consider the situation of the Buryats of Russia and the Mori of New Zealand in
order to examine the settings in which their knowledge forms are created.
Both groups are recognized as indigenous peoples, according to the standards of the
international community.12 Yet, unlike the Mori, Buryats are considered an ethnic minority,
according to Russian law.13 Buryats inhabit an area in the South-central region of Siberia
bordering Mongolia, which is one of the most economically disadvantaged regions in the
world,14 whereas the Mori live in one of the most prosperous regions. Buryats are part of the
Altaic peoples and their cultural roots are related to those of the Mongolians. The Buryat
language is a part of the Turkic language group. Mori, on the other hand, are the Polynesian
peoples of New Zealand, and their language is part of the Eastern Polynesian language group.
Both languages are recognized as the official language of their respective territories. The
“russification”15 of Buryats, which consisted of the incorporation of their lands into Russia,
and the conversion of their culture into Russian ways of living, can be traced back to the 17th
century. It has continued until recent times. The Soviet educational system instituted
numerous assimilation measures, including mass population movements, which to a
considerable degree destroyed the Buryat language, culture, and religious practices. In
contrast, the colonization of New Zealand by the Europeans began in 18th century with the
establishment of British colonies, bringing heavy cultural and human losses to the Mori until
the second half of the 20th century, when the Mori began gaining political power and social
recognition.
11
See in this publication the paper by Kenneth Deer for more information on Matauranga Mori.
12
Reference is made here to the standards of treatment of indigenous peoples, as stated in the
Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007).
13
International legal mechanisms and Russian laws employ different standards in defining indigenous
populations. Unlike international community, Russia recognizes as indigenous only those peoples
whose populations remain lower than 50.000; hence – referral to indigenous groups in Russia as
“small-numbered peoples”. The Buryats, who account to about 275 thousands, cannot be considered
indigenous peoples. For the situation of Buryats as seen by the Russian researchers, refer to The
Commission of the Russian Federation to UNESCO. Report by the Russian Federation to the General
Conference on Measures Taken to Implement the Recommendation concerning the Promotion and Use
of Multilingualism and Universal Access to Cyberspace, UNESCO: Moscow, 2007.
http://portal.unesco.org/ci/fr/files/25841/12016214923russian_federation_EN.doc/russian+federation+
EN.doc.
The Mori population is about twice as big as the Buryat, counting to around 586 thousands. For more
information on Mori, see Aroha Te Pareake Mead. “Emerging Issues in Mori Traditional
Knowledge.” In Proceedings of International Workshop on Traditional Knowledge, Panama, 21-23
September, 2005. Panama: United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, 2005.
http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/workshop_TK_mead.pdf.
14
United Nations Development Programme. “Russia's Regions: Goals, Challenges, and
Achievements.” Human Development Report for the Russian Federation, 2007.
http://www.undp.ru/nhdr2006_07eng/NHDR_Russia_2006_07eng.pdf.
15
While the term encompasses a broad range of meanings in this context, it is used to denote a general
process of acculturation.
The Buryats refer to their knowledge as Medekhe,16 while the Mori employ the term
Matauranga Mori.17 While both names signify characteristics of the social being of the both
groups that on a very general level could be referred to as traditional knowledge, they have
few concrete comparable aspects. From a legal perspective, the Buryats and the Mori differ
in the way in which their respective nations define the boundaries between indigenous and
non-indigenous groups; from a geo-political point of view, they inhabit different climate and
political zones and are subject to different economies. Their social histories have followed
very different paths, each of which has determined the current conditions of these groups.
The Buryats and Mori speak different languages and have different spiritual and cultural
practices. Their very different social collectives form distinctive ways in which thought
emerges and crystallizes into ideas and social practices. On an empirical level, the Buryats
and Mori can hardly be considered as “holders” or possessors of a contiguous traditional
knowledge already because (as demonstrated by this brief note) they are both distinct
products of a history that for each of the groups took a different route.
Apparently, the perception that TK is common to both, Buryats and Mori, is not rooted in a
comparative analysis of the life conditions of these groups. Rather, it comes from the relation
of TK to the “indigenousness” of these groups taken as a prime cause for their historic
development. Such a view not only creates an impression that the social structures of both,
Buryats and Mori, and knowledge practices based on these structures as essentially related,
but also suggests that individuals belonging to both groups are representatives of essentially
the same and only reality.18
Where, then, does the idea of “indigenousness” come from, and how does it govern our
perception of TK?
2. Idea of “Indigenousness” and International Law
Indigenous peoples, as prominent legal scholar James Anaya has defined them, are “living
descendants of pre-invasion inhabitants of lands now dominated by others.19 As the definition
suggests, the factor of domination is the essential one in forming 1) the living conditions of
indigenous peoples, and 2) our perceptions of these peoples. The history on the concept of
“indigenousness”, greatly influenced by the development of international law, demonstrates
how the politically and economically dominated position of these groups influenced the
formation of a concept on them as communities and individuals essentially different and
distant from those who made the conceptualization.
16
Erjen Khamaganova. “Traditional Indigenous Knowledge: Local View.” In Proceedings of the
International Workshop on Traditional Knowledge. Panama: United Nations Permanent Forum on
Indigenous Issues, 2005. UN Document PFII/2005/WS.TK/9.
http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/workshop_TK_khamaganova.pdf.
17
Russell Bishop. “Addressing Issues of Self-determination and Legitimation in Kaupapa Mori
Research.” In He Paepae Korero: Research Perspectives in Maori Education, edited by Beverly
Webber. Wellington [N.Z.]: New Zealand Council for Educational Research, 1996.; Graham
Hingangaroa Smith. “The Development of Kaupapa Mori: Theory and Praxis.” PhD Thesis:
University of Auckland, 1997.
18
See Maurice Zeitlin’s work on methods of socio-historical analysis, which greatly influenced the
author’s thinking. In particular, Maurice Zeitlin. The Civil Wars in Chile, or, the Bourgeois
Revolutions That Never Were. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984, p.3-21, 217-238.
19
Rodríguez-Piñero, Indigenous Peoples, p.6. (supra 3).
2.1. European Colonialism and Discovery of the “Savages” and “Barbarians”
The history of European colonialism suggests that the formation of the legal concept of
“indigenous peoples” was mainly shaped by the relationship among leading European powers
in solving the problems related to territories subjected to their guardianship. While the
European countries began the exploration of other continents in the 15th century, it is only in
the 19th century that colonial expansion acquired the mission of civilizing less developed
societies. Using scientific ideas prominent at that time, which promoted a vision of social
evolution, Europeans conceptualized indigenous societies as occupying the lowest levels of
civilization. People living in colonized areas were “savages” or “barbarians” in comparison
with “civilized” Europeans.20 This low status characterized both, the types of social
organizations “discovered” in colonized territories, as well as the moral and intellectual
development of the individuals who lived there. To “civilize” meant to advance the state of
primitive societies to a level where they would become capable, as groups of responsible,
moral and rational individuals, of supporting the main principles of the existing order.
The causes of the colonial expansion at the end of the 19th century, as well as the relationships
among the leading European nations at that time, determined the standards of the first
international laws affecting those colonized populations that would gain the status of
indigenous peoples half a century later. Envisioned as an extension of scientific principles,
the first laws provided the means of legitimizing the presence of Europeans as a ruling power
in conquered territories. They created a political order among the European nations in regard
to their colonized lands, and helped to resolve the moral dilemma arising from the idealized
vision of civilization and the brutality of colonial conquest. Colonized peoples were denied
equal status with Europeans within this legal system. Instead, they were considered less
civilized and incapable of governing themselves in the modern world, and were put under the
control of their colonizers. The doctrine of trusteeship, which gained its primacy in the most
prominent legal document at the time, the 1919 Covenant of the League of Nations, not only
established the guardianship of Europeans over their colonies, but subjected colonized
peoples to this guardianship as their responsibility to the “family of nations” as part of a
common goal of a civilized future for all.21 It is within the doctrine of trusteeship that the
rights of “natives” and “aboriginals” began to emerge as rights of “undeveloped
individuals.”22 By the time that the term “indigenous populations” emerged in the
International Labor Organization Convention 107 in 1957, the notion of indigenousness as a
primitive condition was firmly ingrained in representations of colonized non-Europeans.
Thus, the “classic” notion of indigenousness did not emerge from a characteristic of a group
denoting historical particularities of social relations among people in indigenous
communities. Rather, it resulted from a view of other societies that included a significant
degree of condescension. Indigenousness as the naturally lower state of development of the
non-European peoples on the scale of civilization was a “normative location” that both,
“entailed a duty to ‘civilize’...” and relegated colonized peoples “to the margins of
20
Ibid., p.19. (supra 3).
21
The Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations (1919) reads: “To those colonies and
territories which as a consequence of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States
which formerly governed them and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves
under the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should be applied the principle that the well-
being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilization and that securities for the
formance of this trust should be embodied in this Covenant.”
22
One vivid example of the way the rights of the colonized peoples were envisioned at the time is the
perception of James Lorimer, one of the founders of the discipline of international law: “[T]he right of
underdeveloped races, like the right of undeveloped individuals, is a right not to recognition as what
they are not, but to guardianship – that is to guidance – in becoming that of which they are capable, in
realizing their special ideals.” J. Lorimer, as quoted in Rodríguez-Piñero, Indigenous Peoples, p.19,
note 14. (supra 3).
international law” as Luis Rodríguez-Piñero put it (Rodríguez-Piñero, 39). As Article 22 of

the Covenant of the League of Nations indicates, the norms of colonialism became the norms
of international law that supported the goals of colonizers. That provision helped to
crystallize the idea of “primitivism” as a scientifically grounded category, which explained
differences in the social (or cultural) organization of groups as determined by the process of
history.
2.2. ILO Convention 107, 1959
Even while the colonial perception of indigenousness, grounded in the relationship among the
European powers at the end of the 19th century, gained in status by the creation of the ILO
Convention 107 in 1957, the relationships between colonizers and their colonies had altered
drastically. Colonialism lost its prominence after World War II with emergence of new
norms and principles governing relations among states under the United Nations Charter.
The UN decolonization policy led to the process of nation building.23 Yet within the newly
independent states, there remained peoples with their cultures distinctively different from the
dominant ones. Due to these differences, these peoples were not only perceived as incapable
of self-government, but also as a hindrance to the process of nation-state building. Their
economic and social “backwardness” remained a matter a “humanitarian concern” for the
international community. This concern took the form of the international developmental
regime, headed by UN agencies, to help states to assimilate and acculturate their indigenous
populations, perceived as obstacles to modernization and progressive development.
These new goals of the international community led to an altered understanding of indigenous
groups as territories to be politically and socially integrated with their respective states.
Perceived as locations, in the possession of their states, indigenous peoples became a
“technical category” toward which international development projects were directed.24 A
version of indigenous peoples’ rights, promoted by the Convention,25 considered only their
rights as citizens of the new nations. Their cultural practices and unique social and political
organizations mattered only in relation to how they facilitated (or impeded) the aims and
process of assimilation.
23
Roger Brubaker describes this period in the following manner: “[This was] a moment of high
political confidence in Western models of political development and their transferability to the
developing world, sustained by robust epistemological confidence in a generalizing style of social
science capable of discovering universal patterns of social and political development and of validating
policies aimed at promoting such development.” The “nation-building” literature of the 1960s,
according to Brubaker, had a central idea, that “[t]he ‘nation’ is simply the citizenry, to the extent that
it becomes a unit of identity and loyalty… [where]... [n]ationhood... was seen as strengthened... by…
modernizing forces... [while]... ethnicity could be understood as a potentially serious impediment to
nation-building and national integration.” Rogers Brubaker. Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and
the National Question in the New Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, p.80-82.
24
As Luis Rodríguez-Piñero explains: “The ILO standards were conceived as a set of technical
guidelines that should guide state developmental policies toward these peoples, where indigenous
cultures mattered only as factors in the success or failure of these policies, and where the international
legal form was only meant to represent the international community’s moral commitment to the
solution of the ‘indigenous problem’.” Rodríguez-Piñero, Indigenous Peoples, p.144 (supra 3).
25
The preamble to the ILO Convention 107 reads that “adoption of general international standards on
the subject will facilitate action to assure the protection of the populations concerned, their progressive
integration into their respective national communities, and the improvement of their living and working
conditions.” [Emphasis is the author’s] International Labour Organization. “Convention Concerning
Indigenous and Tribal Populations.” Convention 107, 1957.
http://www.ilo.org/images/empent/static/coop/pdf/Conv107.pdf.
In the post-colonial context, indigenousness remained a characteristic that denoted an inferior

and temporary social state of peoples, now approached as territories possessed by their
respective states. This characteristic did not reflect the actual conditions of the indigenous
societies – conditions that differed significantly across the world and, in many instances, even
within one country. The later proposed theory that all post-colonial peoples were equally
victims of the colonial regimes and should be uniformly deemed indigenous only enhanced
the abstracted character of the term indigenousness.
2.3. The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
The modern revision to the concept of indigenousness emphasizes the cultural difference of
indigenous groups from the dominant social and political structures of the nation states within
which they are located. The diverse forms of indigenous social settings are no longer
perceived as a disappearing abnormality, but rather as a crucial part in the world’s intellectual
and cultural diversity. Indigenous peoples remain parts of their states, and by their location
are subject to the political and economic influences of those states. Nonetheless, the
internationally recognized standards of treatment for indigenous societies – with the major
one being the Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples – stress the right of indigenous
peoples to control and maintain their social and cultural differences by living according to
their own historically developed ways of life.
The adoption of the Declaration by the UN General Assembly in 2007 was, of course, chiefly
due to the influence of the worldwide political upheaval of indigenous peoples and efforts by
organizations working on their behalf. The indigenous political movements in different
countries26 not only influenced changes in the content of the category “indigenous peoples”,
but once again (to a different degree in different places) the relations between subjected
peoples and their states. For the first time in history legal standards for the treatment of
indigenous societies were established with the active participation of indigenous
representatives. The milestones of this upheaval included the 1971 Resolution of the UN
Human Rights Commission to conduct a study on “the problems of indigenous populations.”
This study became known as the Martinez Cobo report on the “Problem of Discrimination
against Indigenous Populations” and took over a decade to complete. A further step was
taken at the 1977 NGO Conference on Discrimination against Indigenous Populations in
Geneva, which led to the creation in 1981 of a UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations
that functioned, until recently, as an open international forum for indigenous leaders to bring
their grievances and aspirations into the international arena. Its most significant achievement
is the composition in 1994 of a Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which
was adopted by the UN General Assembly in September 13, 2007 as Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Declaration, envisioned and written with the active
participation of indigenous activists, is the main internationally recognized instrument for the
protection of indigenous rights, in which the aspirations of indigenous movement are
expressed. However, the significance of the Declaration is limited to the ethical power, as it
26
The account of causes of these events must include the actual political actions by indigenous peoples
within their states, such actions of: The American Indian Movement, an organization established in
1960s in the United States that became a powerful national voice on the issues of indigenous peoples.
In Australia, the 1966 cattle workers’ strike by the Gurindji peoples at Wave Hill resulted in the
uprising of the Aboriginal movement throughout the whole country. In 1975, in British Columbia, an
international conference of indigenous representatives of North, Central, and South America, Australia,
New Zealand and Scandinavia was held, resulting in formation of the World Council of Indigenous
Peoples, one of the first UN associated NGOs of the intentional scope and influence. See generally
Kenneth Coates. A Global History of Indigenous Peoples: Struggle and Survival. Palgrave Macmillan
Press: New York, 2004. For the Australian history refer to John Summers. “The Parliament of the
Commonwealth of Australia and Indigenous Peoples 1901-1967.” In Vision in Hindsight. The
Parliament of Australia, 2000. http://www.aph.gov.au/library/Pubs/rp/2000-01/01RP10.htm.
has no status of a legally binding treaty.
3. Conclusion
Despite advances, historical patterns in the discourse of indigenous peoples continue to

sustain a dissonance between the abstract ideas engendered by the functional legal category of
“indigenous peoples,” and the contrasting realities of indigenous life.
As we have seen, the perception of indigenousness resulted from the relationships between
members of the international community in their attempts to resolve issues regarding their
dependent populations. That perception has changed over time, reflecting changes in the
political environment, but the tendency to ignore differences in histories, environmental
conditions, political environments and economic circumstances of indigenous communities
across the world continue to influence the understanding of who indigenous peoples are and
what their daily life is.
As dependent groups, indigenous peoples were assigned to the status of socially and
economically underdeveloped territories of their states toward which protective policies were
of necessity directed. Diverse and varied populations gained existence (and, within the values
of the international community, a degree of legitimacy) as indigenous peoples through the
often a priori intercession of the international community, without connection to the
properties of the actual communities from which this quality ostensibly had emerged. By
“stamping” their subjected populations as historically differently developed entities that
needed to be protected, the nation states have inevitably fostered a common “integrationist”
approach to widely varying indigenous communities. They have justified this approach as a
way to improve the conditions in which the peoples live.27 However arguably well intended,
this approach tends to ignore the fact that the problems which the changes seek to address
result from vastly different historic circumstances – and thus, require a multiplicity of
solutions. “Disadvantaged,” “poor,” “vulnerable” indigenous populations continue to be
objects of protection, seen as unable to survive on their own. The safeguarding tendencies in
regard to indigenous traditional knowledge, is thus, only a reimagined expression of the
protectionist mission established in the 19th century.
On the other hand, the disappearing of indigenous cultures and languages persists as a
problem. Yet the solution to this problem should not be conceptualized as the global
preservation and/or rescue measures to save the relics or vestiges of disappearing cultures that
remain of artistic, scientific, historical or economic interest to the community of nation-states.
As, when we speak of indigenous knowledge, we speak about relationships among concrete
people within which their ideas and thoughts arise. These relationships are constantly
changing and determine the way in which these people as individuals and as groups see the
world, interpret their surroundings and shape their lives. When we bring up the theme of
rights, we speak of economic opportunities and political conditions within which men, women
and children in Russia or New Zealand may realize their full potential. Despite the advances
of the indigenous movement, indigenous communities continue to be territories within their
states, and as territories, they are essentially defined and determined by the political and
27
For the general sources, see the documents of the World Summit for Social Development
(Copenhagen, 1995), and the sources that refer to it, such as, for example, Secretary-General report for
the ECOSOC substantive session 2005, where the need for social integration of indigenous
populations, as “disadvantaged,” and “vulnerable” groups is especially emphasized. United Nations
Economic and Social Council. “Report of the Secretary-General.” In Proceedings of the Substantive
Session 2005, Toward Achieving Internationally Agreed Development Goals, Including those
Contained in the Millennium Declaration, 29 June-27 July, 2005. United Nations Economic and
Social Council, 2005, UN DocE/2005/56.
economic characteristics of those states. The reason for the indigenous cultures to face the
dangers of disappearance lies not in their traditional nature that due to the “laws of history”
faces extinction in the modern world, but in the simple fact that indigenous individuals in
different parts of the world are united by the lack of opportunity to participate in decision-
making processes related to their own communities. Even indigenous politicians, the
vanguard of the human rights indigenous movement, are often economically dependent on the
income from their politically obtained jobs. This limits their actions and at times makes them
mere servants controlled by the leading national and international political associations.
The economic, political and cultural difficulties, which indigenous individuals face, do not
result from their position as victims, but from the conditions of their life that define them, and
that in turn are transformed by their very actions. If we are to speak of the knowledge of
indigenous individuals, of the way they structure their thought, we must first reject the “ready
made” formulas currently imposed on indigenous communities by the a priori political and
academic representations of indigenous peoples. We must reject the necessity of constructing
an agreed upon definition/conception of traditional knowledge, and recognize that if we
attempt to conceptualize this changing social world, we inevitably abstract its processes into a
form that fits the goals we are trying to achieve. We must begin not with a concept of
“indigenous knowledge” processes and forms as something to be protected by laws, but with
understanding of concrete conditions of living of particular communities and nations.28 We
must also recognize that the laws that currently exist to protect indigenous individuals and
their intellectual creations are the product of a particular historic development that took place
outside of indigenous communities. Only then could we begin realizing the complexity and
scope of our tasks, which despite all the mysteries that surround them, face problems that are
very real, and very different from what we think of them at present.29
28
See the classic work in the field of sociology of knowledge, Ideology and Utopia by Karl Mannheim.
He writes: “…Men living in groups do not merely coexist. They do not confront the objects of the
world from the abstract levels...nor do they do so exclusively as solitary beings. On the contrary, they
act with and against one another... These persons, bound together into groups, strive... to change the
surrounding world of nature and society or attempt to maintain it in a given condition. It is the
direction of this will to change or to maintain, of this collective activity, which produces the guiding
thread for the emergence of their problems, their concepts, and their forms of thought.” Karl
Mannheim. Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge. Harvest Book &
Harcourt, Brace and Company, Inc.: London & New York, 1936, p.3-4.
29
By no means should this writing be considered a research paper; rather it is an essay where the author
attempts to briefly examine connections among particular historical moments that led to the present
perception of indigenous peoples and the consequent character of policies in relation to their traditional
knowledge.
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(@. Waziyatawin Angela Wilson. “Introduction: Indigenous Knowledge Recovery Is Indigenous
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11
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21
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6AB1<MB;9: =9A>L: 5?4?3?A, EFD. 7-15. ;84A<9 "<F<;84F4 $!. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S:
http://www.hist.msu.ru/Departments/ModernEuUS/INTREL/SOURCES/Legnatust.htm
22
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23
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4EE<@<?SJ<< E@. Rodríguez-Piñero, Indigenous People, EFD. 117-144. (supra 3).
24
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(‘indigenous problem’). Rodríguez-Piñero, Indigenous People, EFD. 144. (supra 3).
25
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CB?GC?9@9AAB= B5D4; :<;A<, 6 A9;46<E<@OI EFD4A4I.” !?>36>G9P #%) 107, 1957. 1?9>FDBAA4S
69DE<S http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/russian/docs/conv107.htm
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26
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@9:8GA4DB8AB@ GDB6A9 E@., > CD<@9DG, Kenneth Coates. A Global History of Indigenous Peoples:
Struggle and Survival. Palgrave Macmillan Press: New York, 2004. BFABL9A<< E<FG4J<< 6
6EFD4?<< E@. John Summers. “The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia and Indigenous
Peoples 1901-1967” In Vision in Hindsight. The Parliament of Australa, 2000. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S
http://www.aph.gov.au/library/Pubs/rp/2000-01/01RP10.htm.
27
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28
(@., > CD<@9DG, E?98GRM<9 8B>G@9AFO: World Summit for Social Development (Copenhagen,
1995), United Nations Economic and Social Council. “Report of the Secretary-General.” In
Proceedings of the Substantive Session 2005, Toward Achieving Internationally Agreed Development
Goals, Including those Contained in the Millennium Declaration, 29 June-27 July, 2005. United
Nations Economic and Social Council, 2005, UN DocE/2005/56.
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30
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Indigenous Udmurt People1
Udmurt traditional necklace. © U. Popova-Gosart
Udmurts (outdated Votyaks) – &2:A>@I (GEF4D. 3?CP;9) –

are people indigenous to Udmurtia, >BD9AAB9 A4E9?9A<9 *8@GDF<<,
Russian Federation. The Udmurt 'BEE<S. .<E?9AABEFP 637,000 FOE.
population is about 637,000. Their K9?. 3;O> – G8@GDFE><= (G7DB-
language is Udmurt (Finno-Ugric H<AE>4S S;O>B64S E9@PS).
language family).
1
Sources for this section include: Korobeinikov, A., Saharnih, D. (2005). Gerber. In Ethno-Journal,
08/2005. In Russian. Sanchez, D. (2006). Cultural profile of the Udmurt. Paper presented at
Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, April 25, 2006, USA.
Gerber

Gerber. Udmurtia. © M. Egorov
Gerber is the national festival of the 3>/3O> – A4J<BA4?PAO= CD4;8A<>

Udmurt people (from Udmurt gere-plow; G8@GDFB6 (G8@GDF. 46A6 – EBI4; 26A6 –
bere – after). Before 1917, Gerber took CBE?9). B 1917 7B84 CD4;8AB64?ES
place either in the spring (after the 69EAB= (CBE?9 B>BAK4A<S E964) <?<
planting season) or in the summer ?9FB@ (C9D98 A4K4?B@ E9AB>BE4). *
(before the hay harvesting season). The R:AOI G8@GDFB6 <;69EF9A F4>:9 CB8
southern Udmurts also call this festival A4;64A<9@ 4LA?Q> 2L5C?Q> (5G>6.
“giron bidton,” which literally means “B>BAK4A<9 C4IBFO”). ( 1992 7B84
“the end of the plowing season.” From BF@9K49FES >4> B5M9D9ECG5?<>4AE><=
1992, Gerber is celebrated as a national CD4;8A<>.
holiday of Udmurtia.
Traditional Udmurt gathering
Traditional Udmurt gathering. Udmurtia. © M. Egorov
Vorshud (Udmurt folk holiday).

Udmurtia. © A. Gluschko
Making of “perepechi”
" %
Making of perepechi. Udmurtia. © M. Egorov
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made of dough and stuffed with either 5?R8B <; F9EF4 E @SEAB= <?< E?48>B=
meat or sweet fillings. Sweet perepechi A4K<A>B=. (?48><9 C9D9C9K< CB84RFES
are eaten with tea (below). > K4R.
Perepechi. Udmurtia. © A. Pomosov

II.
The Relationship between Intellectual Property and the

Protection of Traditional Knowledge and Cultural Expressions
S. Rama Rao1
Introduction
Traditional knowledge (TK) and traditional cultural expressions (or “expressions of folklore”)
(TCEs) are important elements of the cultural heritage and social and historical identity of
many local and indigenous communities, as well as many nations and regions with a shared
cultural history. They are increasingly recognized as key elements of the future well-being
and sustainable development, as well as the intellectual and cultural vitality, of those
communities and are often seen as part of the “common heritage of mankind”2 in the sense
that all humanity should share in their benefits.
TK and TCEs are, on the one hand, valuable cultural assets of the communities who maintain,
practice and develop them. On the other hand, they are also economic assets as they are
creations and innovations that can, if so wished, be traded or licensed for income-generation
and economic development. They may also serve as an inspiration to other creators and
innovators who can adapt them to derive new creations and innovations.
It is, however, too often the case that TK and TCEs are vulnerable to acts of misappropriation
and misuse. Such acts may include the use of traditional medicinal knowledge by scientists
and multinational corporations for research, scientific or commercial purposes and the fusion
of traditional sounds with modern music rhythms to create best-selling “world music” albums,
with, in either case, no benefits accruing to the communities of origin. Legal forms of
protection for TK and TCEs have therefore been identified by many as important to secure the
protection of TK and TCEs against such forms of misuse.
Many international forums are currently discussing and acting on the enhanced preservation,
promotion and protection of TK and TCEs. The World Intellectual Property Organization
(WIPO) specifically addresses the relationship between intellectual property (IP) and TK and
TCEs. WIPO’s work complements the work of other agencies and organizations, such as the
Permanent Forum, the Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The focus of
this paper will, however, mainly be on WIPO’s work in this field.
1
Mr. S. Rama Rao is the Officer-in-charge for the WIPO Coordination Office in New York. As the
author of this paper, he wishes to acknowledge Mr. Wend Wendland (Head) and Ms. Jessyca van
Weelde (Consultant), Traditional Creativity, Cultural Heritage, Cultural Expressions Section, Global
Intellectual Property Issues Division, WIPO, Geneva, Switzerland, for their contribution and assistance
in the preparation of this paper.
2
The “common heritage of mankind” is well enshrined in international public law and has become the
legal foundation for outer space and deep seabed area beyond national jurisdiction. For instance, see
“Towards a System for Deep Sea-bed Exploitation: A Study of Participants, Methods and Efforts”,
Indian Yearbook of International Affairs 19 (1986):303-332; “Exploitation of Sea-Bed Resources and
the Last Phase of the Law of the Sea Conference in Agbarwalal.” New Horizons in International Law
(1985): 308-346.
The Use of Intellectual Property to Protect TK and TCEs
“Intellectual property” refers to creations and innovations of the human mind, such as
inventions, literary and artistic works, and symbols, names, images, and designs. The IP
system protects such creations and innovations from unauthorized use, including unauthorized
copying, adaptation, commercial use and communication to the public. IP rights are diverse
in character and in the objectives they seek to achieve. They are therefore governed by
different sets of rules (i.e. patent law, copyright law), which affect the nature and scope of the
rights and the duration and circumstances in which those rights can be put into practical use.
Copyright, for example, protects literary, artistic and musical works against unauthorized
economic exploitation. It also provides authors with “moral rights”, which enable them to
defend their works against distortion and the right to be identified as the author.3 Patents, on
the other hand, protect inventions with industrial usefulness against a range of unauthorized
uses in order to incentivize subsequent innovations and protect the inventor’s investments for
a limited period of time.4 Trademarks seek to eliminate confusion in the marketplace for the
benefit of consumers by preventing the misleading and deceptive use of brands, indications
and other marks used in trade. All in all, the IP system presents authors and inventors with
choices as to if and how they wish to regulate access to and use of their intellectual
creativity.5
Traditional forms of creativity and innovation can also be protected to some degree by the
conventional IP system, and there is ongoing discussion at WIPO and elsewhere on
developing new forms of IP protection for TK and TCEs. The IP protection of TK and TCEs
is also the subject of several practical capacity-building projects being undertaken by WIPO.
“Protection” in this context means defending the intangible (“intellectual”) components of

TCEs and TK against some form of unauthorized use by third parties. It is this kind of
protection, rather than preservation, which is the general function of the IP system, including
in the area of TK and TCEs. “Positive” protection of TK and TCEs entails the active exercise
of IP rights in TK and TCE subject matter. “Defensive” protection refers to strategies aimed
at ensuring that third parties do not gain illegitimate or unfounded IP rights over TK and TCE
subject matter (for example, patenting an age-old and widely known remedy).
IP protection (sometimes referred to as “legal protection”) is therefore distinct from the

preservation or safeguarding (sometimes referred to as “material protection”) of TK and TCE
subject matter.
Above it was noted that TK and TCEs can be protected by the IP system to some degree. For
example, contemporary expressions of traditional cultures are protected by conventional
copyright6 and performances of TCEs are already protected internationally.7 Copyright and
3
See also Understanding Copyright and Related Rights. WIPO Publication No. 909. World Intellectual
Property Organization, n.d.
http://www.wipo.int/freepublications/en/intproperty/909/wipo_pub_909.pdf.
4
The maximum period of time for IP protection using patents is 20 years.
5
For more information about IP in general, see Intellectual Property Handbook: Policy, Law and Use.
WIPO Publication No. 489. World Intellectual Property Organization, 2004.
http://www.wipo.int/about-ip/en/iprm/index.html.
6
See for example Terry Janke. Minding Culture: Case Studies on Intellectual Property and Traditional
Cultural Expressions. WIPO Publication No. 781. World Intellectual Property Organization, 2004;
Consolidated Analysis of the Legal Protection of Traditional Cultural Expressions/Expressions of
Folklore, WIPO publication No.785. World Intellectual Property Organization, 2003, p.35-44. For an
application of these principles under Chinese law, see for example The Local Government of Ethnic
Hezhe Sipai Village, Heilongjiang Province v. Guo Song and Chinese Central Television and Beichen
special protection also exists for compilations and databases of TK and TCEs. These
possibilities do not necessarily address all the concerns of indigenous peoples, but they
provide at least a partial response. Certification trademarks and labels of authenticity have
also been used by indigenous communities in Tonga,8 Panama,9 Fiji10 and New Zealand11 to
curb the sale of fake traditional creative arts.12 Copyright’s resale right (droit de suite) could
also be used as a benefit-sharing mechanism to funnel proceeds from the sale by auction
houses of indigenous art to artists and their communities. In addition, “soft” tools are also
being used13. Indigenous peoples have started to develop their own IP protocols and consent
agreements for managing access to, benefit-sharing and use of their resources and
knowledge,14 which recognize their customary laws and respect their rights and interests.
Many cultural institutions have developed IP protocols, codes and guidelines for managing
their indigenous collections and thereby fostering better relationships with indigenous and
local communities. The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa is one of such
examples as it has developed a range of guides15 and established partnerships with the local
communities of New Zealand.16
For these reasons, it can be seen that indigenous and local communities, as the custodians of
their TK and TCEs, are not entirely unfamiliar with the IP system and do derive some benefit
from it. Yet, the conventional IP system does not respond fully to all their needs and
aspirations. The WIPO Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic
Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC) is actively exploring new, tailored
forms of IP-like protection for TK and TCEs (so-called “sui generis”17 options). WIPO is
also engaged in a series of complementary capacity-strengthening activities.
WIPO’s Activities on TK and TCEs
WIPO’s activities on TK and TCEs are based on and drawn from extensive fact-finding
missions carried out in 1998 and 1999 on the IP needs and expectations of indigenous and
Shopping Centre of Beijing, (Case No. 246). Beijing, China: Beijing Higher People’s Court
Publication, 2003.
7
Refer to “WIPO Performances and Phonograms Treaty (WPPT)”. World Intellectual Property
Organization, 1996.
8
M. Talakai. “Tongan Cultural Expressions and Its Intellectual Property Challenges: Findings from a
Survey Entitled “Intellectual Property and Safeguarding Cultural Heritage in the South Pacific” and
from Phd Dissertation Fieldwork in Tonga.” In Proceedings of the Tonga Research Association
Conference, Nuku’Alofa, Tonga, July 2007. Tonga, 2007.
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/resources.html.
9
L. Davis. “Régimen Especial de Derechos de Propiedad Intelectual de los Indigenas de Panama.” In
Proceedings of the Fourth Session of the WIPO IGC, Geneva, December 2002. WIPO Document.
WIPO/GRTKF/IC/4/INF 4. World Intellectual Property Organization, 2002.
http://www.wipo.int/edocs/mdocs/tk/es/wipo_grtkf_ic_4/wipo_grtkf_ic_4_inf_4.doc.
10
“Defining Fiji’s Art,” Living in Fiji, September-November 2006.
11
See the Maori’s Toi Iho website at http://www.toiiho.com/ (accessed October 5, 2007).
12
See Consolidated Analysis.
13
“Soft tools” are agreements, protocols, guidelines and codes of ethics that can be used for protecting
and preserving traditional knowledge. These tools complement the actual laws that are in place, also
referred to as “hard tools”.
14
For examples, see WIPO’s searchable Database of Existing Codes, Guidelines and Practices at
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/folklore/creative_heritage/.
15
Ibid.
16
For a short WIPO case study on the “Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa”, see
http://www.wipo.int/export/sites/www/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/casestudies/nz_museum.pdf.
17
“sui generis” is a neo-Latin expression meaning its own kind/genus.
local communities.18 This fact-finding phase established a firm empirical foundation for
WIPO’s work, and led to the creation of the WIPO Intergovernmental Committee in 2001.
Norm-Building: the IGC
The IGC is an international forum mandated by WIPO’s Member States comprehensively to

discuss and address policy development and norm-building in relation to IP and TK and TCEs
(as well as genetic resources, not the focus of this chapter). WIPO’s Member States and
several hundred accredited observers participate in the process, including many indigenous
organizations, such as the L'auravetl'an Information & Education Network of Indigenous
Peoples (LIENIP), which have benefited from a facilitated accreditation process19 and the
WIPO Voluntary Fund.20 The observers also include several intergovernmental
organizations, such as the UNPFII Secretariat and the Secretariats of UNESCO, FAO and the
CBD.
The IGC has held 13 sessions so far in which it has covered diverse policy, legal and practical
questions and witnessed intense – if not at times heated – discussions on the extent to which
IP is relevant to meeting the needs of indigenous and local communities and on how useful
the present IP system is for the protection of TK and TCEs. There are many views on these
and related questions, and no consensus has as yet emerged.
Whereas IP was firstly applied to the steam engine during the industrial revolution, it is now
applied to cyberspace technologies. This shows that the IP system is not only diverse as
outlined earlier, but also flexible and capable of adjusting to new demands and situations. It
remains to be seen how WIPO’s Member States eventually address the protection of TK and
TCEs.
The IGC is examining, amongst other documents, draft provisions for the sui generis
protection of TK and TCEs21. These Drafts recognize collective interests in TK and TCEs,
which are “characteristic” of a distinct cultural identity. These interests would be respected
for as long as a traditional community continues to be associated with the knowledge or
cultural expressions concerned.22
18
Refer to Intellectual Property Needs and Expectations of Traditional Knowledge Holders (1998-
1999), WIPO Publication No. 768(E). World Intellectual Property Organization, n.d.
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/tk/ffm/report/index.html.
19
For more information, please, refer to WIPO’s web page on the Intergovernmental Committee:
Accreditation process at http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/igc/accreditation.html.
20
The WIPO Voluntary Fund was established in 2005 to further facilitate the participation of
indigenous and local communities in the work of the IGC. For more information see WIPO booklet on
the Voluntary Fund (2008) or WIPO’s web page at
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/ngoparticipation/voluntary_fund/index.html.
21
Current drafts are published in 2007 as WIPO Document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/12/4(c) entitled The
Protection of Traditional Cultural Expressions/Expressions of Folklore: Revised Objectives and
Principles, available at http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=89833 and WIPO
Document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/12/5(c) entitled The Protection of Traditional Knowledge: Revised
Objectives and Principles, available at
http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=89835.
22
It has namely been argued by many representatives of indigenous communities that the limited legal
protection provided by IP does not adequately correspond to their perception of TK and TCEs to live
on in perpetuity.
More recent sessions of the IGC have also discussed key issues23 associated with the
protection of TK and TCEs, as well as “gap analyses”24 which have set out the protection
available for TK and TCEs at the international level, which “gaps” exist and options for
addressing those gaps. The next IGC session (the fourteenth session) is scheduled for late
June 2009.25
Capacity-Building: the Creative Heritage Project
Legislative action is not the only possible response to the protection of TK and TCEs.
Practical measures can also be useful, often together with legislation.
One example of WIPO’s program developing practical tools is WIPO’s Creative Heritage
Project,26 which brings together a range of complementary practical activities, such as
national and regional consultations, legislative assistance, awareness-raising and training.
This Project is, for example, developing practical tools and materials, such as protocols and
model contracts, for managing IP issues when documenting, digitizing, recording, and
disseminating cultural heritage.
WIPO has already commissioned and published surveys of existing practices, protocols and
policies and developed a searchable database of existing resources relating to IP and the
digitization of intangible cultural heritage. Forthcoming are a compendium for museums,
archives and libraries, and a set of draft IP guidelines for indigenous and local communities
on developing their own IP protocols.
In September 2008, WIPO has also, in collaboration with the American Folklife Center at the
Library of Congress (AFC/LoC) and the Center of Documentary Studies at Duke University
(CDS), launched a pilot training program27 on IP management and cultural documentation for
the benefit of both indigenous and local communities and museums, libraries and archives.
The Maasai community from Laikipia, Kenya, was the first to benefit from this training
program.
New technologies provide communities with fresh opportunities to document and digitize
expressions of their traditional cultures, meeting the strong desire of communities to preserve,
promote and pass on their cultural heritage to succeeding generations. Yet, these new forms
of documentation and digitization can leave this cultural heritage vulnerable to unwanted
exploitation beyond the traditional circle. This training program recognizes both the utility of
23
These issues include the question of ownership, the concept of free prior informed consent (FPIC),
the definition of TK and TCEs, the potential beneficiaries and the objective and term of protection. See
WIPO’s IGC Review of Policy Issues, available online at http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/igc/issues.html.
24
Current drafts are published in 2008 as WIPO Document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/13/4(b) Rev. entitled
The Protection of Traditional Cultural Expressions/Expressions of Folklore: Draft Gap Analysis,
available at http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=109673 and WIPO Document
WIPO/GRTKF/IC/13/5(b) Rev. entitled The Protection of Traditional Knowledge: Draft Gap Analysis,
available at http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=109672
25
The exact date is subject to change. It is advised to check WIPO website at
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/ or contact WIPO at grtkf@wipo.int
26
This is an intensive, hands-on training in documentary techniques and archival skills necessary for
effective community-based cultural conservation. It also includes IP training provided by WIPO staff.
For more information see WIPO’s Creative Heritage Project at
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/index.html.
27
For more information on the training program, refer to “WIPO-AFC-CDS Cultural Documentation
and Intellectual Property Management Training Program” available at
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/wipo-afc-cds.html or contact heritage@wipo.int.
technology28 for indigenous communities and the paramount need to empower communities
to make informed decisions about how to manage IP issues in a way that corresponds with
community values and development goals.
Conclusion
TK and TCEs have intrinsic value, including social, spiritual, economic, intellectual,
scientific, ecological, technological, commercial, educational and cultural value. TK and
TCEs are also frameworks of ongoing innovation and distinctive intellectual and creative life
that are fundamentally important for indigenous and local communities and are as valuable as
other knowledge systems.
Many recognize the need for IP systems to enhance respect for TK and TCEs and to promote
and support their preservation, revitalization, appropriate use and protection against
misappropriation and other forms of unauthorized, misleading and unfair use. Any systems
and measures for the protection of TK and TCEs should take into account their special
characteristics and should respond to the particular needs and aspirations of indigenous and
local communities as directly expressed by them, should be balanced and equitable and
should recognize and take into account as far as possible the customary laws and protocols of
indigenous and local communities.
The WIPO IGC is grappling with these complex issues. Many believe that IP principles,
including both conventional and sui generis systems, can play a role in meeting the needs of
indigenous and local communities regarding the protection of their TK and TCEs by
providing them with the rights to exercise due authority over access to and use and diffusion
of their knowledge and expressions thereof. Whether or not new sui generis systems will be
established at international level, and when that might be, is still unclear. Yet, the WIPO IGC
remains the key international forum addressing specifically IP questions. Indigenous and
local communities are encouraged to participate in sessions of the IGC and to take advantage
of the fast-track accreditation process and, once accredited, the WIPO Voluntary Fund. At
the same time, WIPO’s capacity-building programs are also valuable and directly and
immediately beneficial to communities.
28
After the completion of the training program, WIPO will provide the community with a basic kit of
field equipment, computers and software for their own use back home.
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69DE<S http://www.wipo.int/about-ip/en/iprm/index.html.
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6
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http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/resources.html.
9
L. Davis. “Régimen Especial de Derechos de Propiedad Intelectual de los Indigenas de Panama.” In
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10
(@. Defining Fiji’s Art”, Living in Fiji, September-November 2006.
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(@. EFD4A<JG the Maori’s Toi Iho – http://www.toiiho.com/ .
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15
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http://www.wipo.int/export/sites/www/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/casestudies/nz_museum.pdf
16
(@. “Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa” ;89EP:
http://www.wipo.int/export/sites/www/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/casestudies/nz_museum.pdf
17
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18
(@. Intellectual Property Needs and Expectations of Traditional Knowledge Holders (1998-1999),
WIPO Publication No. 768(E). World Intellectual Property Organization, n.d. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/tk/ffm/report/index.html.
19
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27
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III.
Legal Aspects related to Traditional Knowledge

Mattias Ahren1
I have been involved in issues related to traditional knowledge and cultural expressions for
some years already, yet I continue to find it rather difficult to address these kinds of seminars,
due to the broadness of the topic and the many issues involved. I will here focus on the legal
aspects related to traditional knowledge, and I appreciate how others have so eloquently
outlined the reasons why these aspects are extremely important to indigenous peoples. I will
say a few words about why I believe traditional knowledge should be better protected than it
presently is.
The changes inherent in the modernization of a society have usually resulted in the loss of
traditional knowledge and the destruction of artifacts, customs, and expressions that are
integral elements of the indigenous cultures. Once lost, these elements are lost forever. For
that reason, it is very important to talk to men and women from these societies today while
they are still alive and carry this venerated knowledge. The Saami peoples, which I am a part
of and presently involved with, have experienced this loss of knowledge through the
destruction of their traditional environments caused by climate change.
Other causes for the destruction and loss of traditional knowledge include the lack of legal
protection. It has already been mentioned that the UN organizations overseeing activities
related to traditional knowledge and cultural expressions have not fully addressed the issues
of indigenous peoples. For example, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) have
approached the issues of traditional knowledge with the idea that it either belongs to
humankind in general or should be in control of a nation state. This is of course not exactly
the desire of the indigenous peoples. Another example is the World Intellectual Property
Organization (WIPO), which, as the organization's name suggests, addresses these issues from
the perspective that knowledge is mostly associated with an identified individual or
corporation. This approach is mainly based on the industrialized and individualized concept
of ownership and therefore does not fully respond to the needs and objectives of indigenous
peoples as they need and aim for something more based on a communal ownership.
Indigenous peoples do not wish their culture to necessarily belong to others, even though they
are often happy to share and when they share their culture, they wish to do so on their own
terms.
Indigenous peoples have neither customs nor norms that stipulate that the elements of their
culture belong to an individual, as these are rather perceived by the indigenous peoples to rest
in the collective ownership. This perception is therefore at odds with the conventional
intellectual property (IP) system. The main criterion for a work to be subject to IP protection
is that it has to be new, novel, or original. Most works of indigenous cultures have been
around for a long time and would therefore not meet this criterion. However, works created
today, which are based on the “old” expressions, may be eligible for protection, but once
again, for the benefit of individual creators, indigenous or not. Furthermore, IP protection is
usually bound with certain time constraints, providing a much shorter time span for the
protection of works than indigenous peoples are used to. However, the main stumbling block
1
Mr. Mattias Ahren is a descendent of the Saami indigenous peoples of Sweden and Head of the
Human Rights Unit of the Saami Council. This article represents a speech that he has given at the
seminar held during Sixth Session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, May
21, 2007.
for indigenous peoples to use the IP system is, as already mentioned above, that the system
primarily protects the rights of individual creators rather than the communal creativeness of a
community. For this reason, a major part of the cultural works of indigenous peoples remains
unprotected. Such lack of proper protection has resulted in the exploitation by parties in the
cultural industry, which in turn could lead to the stigmatization of the indigenous cultures as
the peoples thereby become less proud and less secure of their own cultural identity, leading
to the assimilation of a culture and the loss of a cultural identity.
Lately, I have been considering a legal theory for the protection of indigenous intellectual
rights, which is based on the human rights systems and international legal systems related to
the protection of indigenous lands and resources. There has recently been a development on
the right of non-discrimination and the protection of the indigenous culture in general.
National courts, international tribunals, and UN treaty bodies are furthermore developing a
practice for the overruling of domestic legal decisions involving indigenous property rights.
Although these bodies recognize private property rights, they are increasingly determining
that indigenous territories are the property of the states. These rulings have affected many
indigenous territories, including the Saami region.
In general, the Saami traditional territories are not subject to private property rights, as these
are more or less owned by the individuals living there. At the international level, however,
the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the Inter-American Court of
Human Rights are saying that they no longer accept it. Nonetheless, if they recognize the
right to private property over lands, they should also consider that the communal use of land
by indigenous peoples would give rise to certain property rights too. In essence, the
recognition of private property rights over lands is similar to the recognition of intellectual
property rights over creations as the concept of legal protection for both is rather the same.
Legal protection has been applied to individual creativeness in non-indigenous societies, but it
has left the collective creativeness of indigenous peoples unprotected and essentially “up for
grabs” so to speak. I believe we will witness the development of indigenous intellectual
property rights at the international level as we have seen for land rights. I do not see any legal
reasons to distinguish between the two types of property rights. This development would lead
to an increased protection for indigenous peoples’ cultural heritage, an issue, which is
essentially one of self-determination.
Indigenous peoples should not have to accept laws that have been imposed on them,
particularly those that affect how their cultural heritage is being managed, and who may be
entitled to use it. Such legal precedents would be better left to the customs or legal systems of
indigenous peoples themselves as they could set the norms for the way in which their cultural
heritage should be managed. They might choose to restrict its use, to share or even to
commercialize it, but they should not have the present IP system imposed on them as it
basically provides them with inadequate control over their own culture.
I will end my remarks by saying that I think we would see this inevitable development, more
quickly and smoothly when there is going to be a document putting its precepts in place.
Having such a document in place would provide counsel and direction on how to implement
this legal system for a fairer use of indigenous culture, a better partnership between
indigenous cultures, and a better partnership between these cultures and the State. I am
referring here to the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples presently being
considered by the UN General Assembly.2 I would plead to my colleagues from the Russian
Federation to do whatever they can to contribute to the adoption of this very important
document for indigenous peoples.
2
It should be noted that the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples has
already been adopted in September 2007. Its full text can be retrieved at
http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/en/drip.html
III.
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IV.
Developments in Intellectual Property and

Traditional Knowledge Protection
Jane Anderson1
Abstract
In order to protect indigenous/traditional knowledge, intellectual property (IP) law must be

leveraged in a way that is responsive to the dynamic inter-relationships between law, society,
and culture. Over the last decade, increased attention to indigenous concerns has produced a
wealth of literature and prompted recognition of the diverse needs of indigenous peoples in
relation to law, legal access and knowledge protection. There is much more that needs to be
done, especially in closely considering what the consequences of legal protection are for the
ways in which traditional/indigenous culture is understood and experienced by indigenous
communities and others. This paper will consider the latest developments within this field
and discuss what possibilities for further legal action exist within both international and local
contexts.
Paper
This paper derives from research conducted by the author for the last six years in the field of
intellectual property and indigenous/traditional knowledge protection. In general, the author’s
work focuses on the social impacts of law. This approach considers the consequences of legal
protection for the ways in which traditional/indigenous culture is understood and experienced
by indigenous communities and others. It acknowledges that framing indigenous and/or
traditional cultural practices as IP may have unintended effects on the very processes of
transmission and reproduction that communities need to maintain. Correspondingly, it
recognizes that there are circumstances where IP can advance and secure ownership in
traditional communities that are facing external threats in the use of community-specific
knowledge.
This work has been both theoretical and practical in scope. In particular, the author has
worked with numerous indigenous artists, cultural practitioners and communities in Australia
and Indonesia. This work has involved long periods of talking with artists and community
leaders about what problems are facing their traditions and cultural practices, where the
greatest threats are coming from, and what specific ideas they have for strengthening both
community control over traditional knowledge and ensuring the future for the traditional
practices.
Practically, the author’s work has focused on moving beyond the abstracted characterizations
of problems that appear only to be remedied by developing more intellectual property
protections. For example there are often a range of inter-connected issues that make the
‘problem’ in the first place, and most often law cannot, or indeed, may be inappropriate, to
address these additional issues. In this sense my work has been about broadening both the
1
Ms. Jane Anderson is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Law and Society, School of Law, New
York University (NYC). This paper was delivered at the 60th Annual United Nations Department of
Public Information Conference for Non-governmental organizations New York, September 5-7, 2007.
It is reconstructed from speaking notes and has references where possible. Any mistakes or oversights
are the responsibility of the author. The author finally wishes to thank Ulia Popova-Gosart and
LIENIP.
legal and non-legal possibilities for managing the social relationships around knowledge
access and use in changing cultural contexts.
This paper discusses some of the recent work on IP and traditional knowledge conducted in
Australia and Indonesia. Recent development in this area within Indonesia and Australia
suggest that a more conceptualized and localized approach to IP and traditional knowledge
issues can deliver outcomes and planning strategies that are meaningful and useful for local
peoples and local communities seeking to secure their knowledge and knowledge practices.
The Story So Far
As many would be aware, the discussion of IP protection has increased steadily over the last
thirty years. There are many reasons for this. One key reason relates to the united voice that
indigenous peoples have been able to build within the international system. Indigenous
participation in forums such as the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the World
Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and the United Nations Permanent Forum on
Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) make visible indigenous concerns. Indigenous perspectives can
no longer be ignored or sidelined.
National governments are also taking the issue seriously. For instance, Indonesia is in the
process of developing three new pieces of legislation specifically designed to protect
traditional knowledge. Whilst there are a few concerns that need closer attention within these
new legislative developments, Indonesia is also influencing other countries within South-East
Asia to make the issue more of a priority.
Indigenous interests in intellectual property are valid and important, yet crucial questions
remain as to how we are to develop workable strategies that indigenous peoples are actually
able to access and activate. It is not enough that discussions occur in international
organizations or within national governments or bureaucracies. It is important that
indigenous peoples are provided with the advice and tools to choose how to control and
protect their cultural resources and traditional practices.
Of course, there are vast differences within and between indigenous communities. Not every
indigenous community is the same or is faced with exactly the same problem. This means
that solutions need to be flexible, and have the capacity to change over time as the community
and the issues will also change.
There is also another fundamental point here – traditional knowledge and traditional cultural
practices can only survive when the communities themselves are supported. There is no use
protecting traditional art or knowledge unless the community, from which that knowledge
derives, is also provided with support to develop into the future as that community chooses.
Unfortunately this is not the job of IP alone. This means that IP needs to be used
strategically. There needs to also be concerted attention given to the development of other
potential non-legal solutions that might also be useful in advancing indigenous interests.
Intellectual property is a specific cultural tool that favors western individualistic modes of
expression and art. This is its history and it will be very hard to disrupt its current social,
cultural and economic trajectory [this is especially the case after IP became heavily tied to
trade through the 1994 Agreement on the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property
(TRIPS)].
That said, the power of IP is that it permeates so many parts of our social worlds, and this is
what makes it useful and possible to strategically harness. But we need to remember that IP is
not a panacea. There are too many examples of this body of law reducing cultural practices
and freezing them in time so that no one, not even members of the community, can put those
cultural practices to use. IP has significant dangers associated with it (an example of that is
given a little later in relation to plans to patent batik in Indonesia).
One approach – and this comes from talking with hundreds of artists and community leaders –
is to develop strategies that address specific concerns, to utilize already existing laws and
legislation, and to provide better access to law and legal advice to indigenous communities. If
there is a role for IP in supporting indigenous people’s cultural practices, it is to enhance and
encourage the very conditions in which the everyday processes through which those arts have
flourished in the past, and continue to exist today, can be maintained and strengthened. In
short, there is a need to get creative with intellectual property law.
What the Problems Are
Below are some of the concerns that traditional knowledge holders in Indonesia have raised to
a team of researchers, of which the author was a member,2 followed by a brief discussion on
some of the strategies that have been developed or are in the process of being developed to
deal with some of these problems.
Beforehand, it is worth remembering that these concerns, which were specific to artists and
traditional knowledge holders across the Indonesian archipelago, also have parallels to issues
that have been raised in Australia. A key point remains that whilst international dialogue
around these issues as an important pre-cursor to developing solutions, they can only be
enhanced by discussions with artists, traditional knowledge holders and community leaders
themselves.
Importantly, many concerns expressed by artists and community leaders were about the life of
the traditional knowledge and arts and how they might be passed on. The concern was not
just about outsiders coming and ‘stealing’ or ‘taking’ the cultural knowledge but significantly
about how this knowledge will be successfully transmitted within the community into the
future. In general, it was clear that as the problems were explained they mirrored a more
fundamental anxiety: namely that the traditional arts and knowledge are a living, embedded
part of everyday existence, drawing meaning from and infusing meaning into, social life. The
individuals with whom the researchers spoke were centrally concerned about the survival of
the social institutions and practices in which the knowledge, knowledge practices and arts are
based, maintained and transmitted within and between communities.
Generally, the concerns can be summarized in the following way, and this is directly drawn
from the Research Report:
In the context of traditional arts and cultural practices, the most frequent concern identified by
Indonesian traditional artists and community leaders was the problem of audience;
specifically how to maintain and increase the number of people who are interested in seeing,
2
This research project was conducted between 2005 and 2007 with funding from the Social Science
Research Council, Ford Foundation and American University. The Research Report from which this
brief summary draws is: Peter Jaszi, ed. Traditional Arts: A Move Toward Protection in Indonesia.
New York: Social Science Research Council, 2007. Members of the research team and authors of the
research report include: Jane Anderson (New York University), Lorraine Aragon (University of North
Carolina), Ignatius Haryanto (Lembaga Studi Pers dan Pembangunan), Peter Jaszi (American
University), Abdon Nababan (Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara), Hinca Panjaitan (Indonesia Law
and Policy Centre), Agus Sardjono (University of Indonesia), Rizaldi Siagian (Yayasan Karya Cipta
Indonesia) and Ranggalawe Suryasaladin (University of Indonesia).
hearing or using the work that artists produce. The problem of audience has several more
components, the most immediate of which relates to local interest in the traditional arts.
Artists repeatedly expressed anxiety that their practices were at risk of becoming detached
from the day-to-day social life of the community. Thus, weavers who have successfully
maintained or even revived old textile arts traditions told the research team that fewer and
fewer local people actually wore these locally produced cloths, either because of shifts in
taste, or for straightforward economic reasons. Likewise, musicians reported that they were
now in less demand for local ceremonial and social occasions. On occasions when, in the
past, a full traditional ensemble would have been expected to perform, recorded music or a
small ensemble playing electronic instruments might be employed instead. This decrease in
community support for the cultural arts was disturbing to many of the artists and the
community leaders. This lack of support and the need to find new ways to invigorate the
traditions so that they were part of the broader community fabric were immediately raised
with the research team.
The struggle to maintain inter-generational transfer of knowledge was the issue next most
commonly identified by the artists and community leaders who the research team spoke with.
Regular recruitment of new artists, musicians and performers is a necessary precondition for
the continued health of Indonesian traditional arts and knowledge. Concern was raised about
how this was possible if there was no economic value associated with the arts. For instance,
children were not being encouraged to become community artists because there was little
financial gain, and the family required the younger members of the family to contribute to the
family’s subsistence in very specific financial ways. These communities were generally
disenfranchised and impoverished – people tended to work in very difficult conditions, with
little pay and for long hours. This economic reality was affecting the extent that the next
generation could become responsible for learning and mastering the traditional artistic
practices. This was of great concern to community leaders.
This concern about commensurate economic reward for maintaining community traditions
was paralleled by concerns about the lack of appropriate recognition for the artists and for
their local traditions and products derived from these. This issue was so substantial that it
came up, in some way, in practically every conversation that the research team had with
traditional artists and community leaders. Many arts communities believe that their particular
local practices and products receive insufficient recognition. Further, many of the artists were
concerned that when local traditional artistic productions entered the national or international
market, little or no credit is given to the community in which these traditions have been
maintained, nor is any information provided about the stories that lie behind the material.
This meant that there was little reverse flow in terms of recognition, attribution or even
economic reward. This loss of acknowledgment was a real problem as it meant that the local
artists became featureless, and indistinguishable, even sometimes within their own or
neighboring community. This disrupted hierarchies of authority and the sense of pride that
communities have because of their distinctiveness from others. As a response to this the
research team encountered a number of traditional communities, especially cooperatives of
traditional weavers, who were experimenting with various kinds of “branding” to identify
their hand-made productions in the local, regional and national markets.
Many artists also saw issues around the type of acknowledgment provided when local visual
motifs or musical figures were used as source material for mass-produced decorative products
or new works of popular culture. If any acknowledgment was given, it tended to be general
and uninformative, such as “traditional design” or “traditional song.” Here the desire is for
specific acknowledgment, both because the artists reasonably believe that the
acknowledgement is legitimate for themselves and the communities, and because they believe
that in making more people aware of the living sources of Indonesian traditional knowledge
and arts, acknowledgement may work, sometimes indirectly, to the benefit of the
communities.
Additional concerns about counterfeiting were also raised. Weavers, for example, were
concerned that reasonable copies of cloths that require weeks or months of their time might be
produced in hours in factories using semi-mechanized looms. These same cloths then were
available at reduced prices. This was seen as unfair competition that discriminated against
traditional methods, materials and techniques. The concern, incidentally, was most frequently
articulated in terms of “knock-offs” that might potentially be made and sold within Indonesia
itself.
Many artists, musicians and dancers also raised the problems of misappropriation of works by
unauthorized recordings, reproduction and/or distribution. Many of these artists were
concerned that the new technologies, which make high-quality audio and video recording
easy, inexpensive and inconspicuous, would lead to an increase in cases where individuals
who attend traditional performances, were able to make good quality recordings and later
commercialize them for their own benefit. There were many examples of these available for
sale in markets in Jakarta, hundreds of kilometers away from the source community and with
no attribution.
These were some of the issues that local traditional and indigenous communities remain
concerned about in relation to their knowledge and artistic practices.
Some Solutions that Utilize Legal and Non-Legal Approaches
Protocols, which work as agreements on appropriate uses of works, seek to embolden

community capacity to respond to infringements and to encourage the development of new
contexts where knowledge and arts can be shared within communities and with external
parties. Protocols are actually about setting codes of conduct or establishing behavioral
norms. If legislation alone cannot solve all these problems, then there is need to consider
what other options could be developed that are useful, easy to utilize and effective.
Whilst Australia has developed a range of strategies, one of the most useful is the
development of protocols, agreements and, more recently, community-based protocols. The
utility here is that they can be changed and augmented over time as the issues within the
community change. This is not something that is easy to do within a legislative regime.
Indigenous communities need law but they also require flexible strategies that can therefore
avoid the ‘one size fits all’ paradigm of law and legal intervention.
Another strategy that was utilized in Australia with moderate success was the development of
Labels of Authenticity, which functioned as labels of origination, designating where the work
was made and by whom. These can function in similar ways to trademarks. While the
problem of registration persists, especially for communities who have trouble accessing legal
advice, there are other forms of branding in use. These are being adopted in Indonesia and
Australia. In short, these aim to address the problem of attribution mentioned above, as they
recognize the community, family and/or clan responsible for the artistic or cultural product.
To conclude this paper, the author wishes to share a story from Indonesia about patenting
batik in order to illustrate why there is a need to be careful about advocating that IP alone can
solve some of these problems.
In Indonesia, the batik community mostly resides in Java in a town called Solo. There are
numerous batik producers – some still practice the batik in the traditional way, and some
prefer the quicker more mechanized process. Most batik artists consider their art to be a
traditional art form, and this is also how the Indonesian government views the artistic
practice. Motifs that are used in batik contain stories and histories. Many also contain family
designs that have been passed down generation-to-generation and adapted along the way to
suit changing markets. In order to protect the traditional batik designs from misuse and
misappropriation, the local government in Solo has decided to develop a program for
patenting the traditional designs. This means that thousands of batik motifs need to be
registered and permission will be required for their use.
As an abstract strategy, this seems like a good idea. Indeed an Indonesian representative at
the United National Development Program (UNDP) has praised the efforts of the Solo
government. However, there is a catch and it is significant. To register the traditional designs
there is a fee charged. Ownership of the traditional design is then assigned to the company or
family of producers who have registered the motif – i.e. the ones that can afford it. Many of
the smaller producers cannot afford this initial fee, nor the accompanying fee for using the
registered design. These smaller producers are usually the families or communities who
employ the traditional process and designs. But with this registration process, they are being
further marginalized from the industry that enables their livelihood.
The point is that IP can be a double-edged sword. It can enable at the same time it can
restrict. IP creates hierarchies and privilege. It is also about fostering exclusions and
monopolies. It can be very useful. It can be completely inappropriate. Accessing as much
information as possible is the only way a community can make an informed decision about
what the appropriate course of action is or could be.
In summary then, there are two final points to be made:
Firstly, there is a need for much more sustained and active engagement with indigenous
communities on what the problems are. This will help in finding solutions that are
appropriate to the problems that are experienced and presented. There is no longer time to
work in abstract universalisms, generalizations or binaries – there is too much at stake.
Secondly and finally, there is a need to get imaginative and creative with how IP as well as
other strategies can be utilized. Only by extending beyond what seems self-evident and
normative can real possibilities for protecting and enhancing indigenous rights and interests in
protecting knowledge – and thus enabling it to be transferred to future generations – be
achieved.
IV.
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V.
Caribbean Indigenous Peoples and Climate Change

Roberto Borrero1
In recent years, there has been increasing recognition among mainstream sectors that
indigenous peoples are highly vulnerable to climate change. A related trend also
acknowledges that the traditional knowledge of indigenous and local communities should be a
part of international efforts to find solutions to mitigate the global climate crisis.
At a press conference held in May 2007 to launch the draft report of the Convention on
Biological Diversity (CBD) on the effects of climate change on indigenous and tribal
communities, it was noted that “indigenous and local communities’ traditional knowledge,
innovations, and practices were an inseparable part of their culture and, as such, should be
protected and utilized in the development of measures to mitigate the effects of climate
change.”2 The CBD is an international treaty to sustain the diversity of life on earth.
The CBD Secretariat stated that indigenous and tribal peoples from the increasingly polluted
mountain ranges to the slowly sinking small islands were now the “human face” of the effects
of global warming and, noted that an examination of the “social factor” is what has been
missing in all the research on global warming and the loss of biodiversity.3
Small Island States
The CBD report focuses on indigenous and local communities living in the different
geographical regions. One of the regional studies highlights the situation of indigenous
peoples from the small island states. The Caribbean indigenous peoples welcome the report
as it recognizes that indigenous peoples do exist on the islands and not only throughout the
Pacific and Indian Oceans. The CBD report also takes into consideration the many
similarities and differences among diverse island communities in regard to the issues on
climate change.
The CBD report, however, is not the only high-level recognition of the critical situation the
island communities face in relation to global warming and climate change.
The United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) also reported on the
regional impacts of climate change noting the situation of the “Small Island States”4. The
IPCC is a scientific body tasked to evaluate the risk of climate change caused by human
activity. The panel was established in 1988 by the World Meteorological Organization
1
Roberto Múkaro Agueibana Borrero (Borikén Taíno) is on staff at the American Museum of Natural
History’s Department of Education. He currently serves as President and Chairman of the United
Confederation of Taíno People (the website of the organization is available at www.uctp.org) and as
Chairman of NGO Committee on the United Nations International Decade of the World’s Indigenous
Peoples, a Special Committee of the Conference of NGOs in Consultative Relationship with the United
Nations (CONGO).
2
United Nations Department of Public Information. (2007). “Press Conference on Indigenous Peoples
and Climate Change.” 2007.
http://www.un.org/News/briefings/docs/2007/070522_Indigenous.doc.html
3
Statement made by Mr. John Scott, Social Affairs Officer of the Convention on Biological Diversity.
4
Please refer to M. Ali. “Small Island States.” In IPCC Special Report on the Regional Impacts of
Climate Change: An Assessment of Vulnerability, edited by R. Watson, 2001.
http://www.grida.no/publications/other/ipcc_sr/?src=/climate/ipcc/regional/index.htm.
(WMO) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), which are two United
Nations intergovernmental organizations.
While the IPCC report does not offer a study on indigenous islanders specifically, it does
highlight important regional characteristics. For example, the IPCC reported that the ocean
exerts a strong influence on small islands. As such, the climate of islands is moderated by the
“maritime influence” and, given the tropical location of many islands, this results in
uniformly high temperatures throughout the year. There are variations, however, as distinct
seasonal patterns, such as rainfall distribution, resulting in wet and dry seasons. Some islands
are subject to tropical cyclones (i.e. hurricanes or typhoons) and even those that are outside
the main storm tracks are still affected by the high seas and swells associated with such
events.
The IPCC report also notes that the economic activities of many small island states are
frequently dominated by agriculture and tourism. Both activities are sensitive to “external
forces” and are “strongly influenced” by climatic trends. The IPCC acknowledged that
fisheries are another important economic activity for the islands. The report predicted that the
increasing human demands on island, coastal and marine resources coupled with the impacts
of climate change would result in the degradation and loss of natural ecosystems and
indicated that this should be a cause for great concern.
The World Health Organization (WHO) similarly reported in 2005 that many small island
states share characteristics that increase their vulnerability. These include their small sizes,
isolation, limited fresh water and other natural resources, fragile economies, often-dense
populations, poorly developed infrastructures and limited financial and human resources.5
The WHO is a specialized agency of the UN that acts as a coordinating authority on
international public health. In 2005, the WHO reported that it was interested in understanding
potential health impacts of climate variability and change in the small island states as well as
increasing the abilities and resources of individuals to cope with climate change through
adaptation planning.
Indigenous Views from the Shore
Before scientific reports predicting a rise in extreme weather and climate events such as
hurricanes, floods, droughts, and sea-level rise were being issued publicly, indigenous and
local community elders from throughout the islands had long observed environmental signs
alerting them to these types of imminent climate-related changes. Among remnant
indigenous Caribbean island groups, such as the Carib and Taino, this awareness is a result of
traditional practices, such as farming or fishing.
The highly detailed observation of weather patterns and changes in the “natural order” are as
much a part of indigenous culture now as it was in the ancient past. The ancestors needed this
vital information not only to survive, but to assure the survival of future generations. Without
over romanticizing past realities, these multi-generational observations instilled the ancestors
with a sacred respect for the natural world that is all but lost in modern day consumer-driven
societies.
To provide a brief window into how the ancestors viewed the climatic world around them one
needs only to review the word “hurricane”. This English term derives from the indigenous
Taino and Carib word Hurakan, which in turn was incorporated into the Spanish language as
5
C. Corvalán and K. Lewis. Climate Variability and Change and their Health Effects in Small Island
States: Information forAdaptation Planning in the Health Sector. Geneva: World Health Organization,
2005.
well. For the Taino, Hurakan was not merely a term used to identify the weather pattern, but
was also used to identify a spiritual action related to a specific Cemi (sacred being) called
Guabancex. This Cemi is identified in the feminine sense and the term “hurakan” is
translated as the “breath from her center” or “her powerful breath.” In this indigenous
understanding, the hurricane is a spiritual action manifested in physical form. The ancient
islanders respected this action and did not view the hurricane as an “evil” occurrence or an
“evil being” contrary to the writings of early Spanish explorers. The ancestors did not have a
word for “evil” in the Judeo-Christian sense. Further, the fact that Guabancex is recognized
as “female” verifies that a concept like “evil” would not apply because Taino women and all
things “feminine” are traditionally respected as the life-givers of the communities.
The modern attribution of a feminine quality to hurricanes finds its origin in the Taino culture.
This is why hurricanes were always given “female names” by weathermen until very recently.
At the start and during the hurricane season, it was customary for traditional communities to
sing songs to Guabancex as an expression of respect for the coming annual changes and the
new life that would begin following her visit. Taino elders today note that there are not many
people singing to Guabancex any more and thus she continues to remind the peoples of her
presence by appearing more frequently and in more powerful manifestations. Honoring Cemi
is one of the reasons why many Taino, especially in Boriken (Puerto Rico) are revitalizing the
“arieto” or sacred song aspect of their ancient culture. While this view may seem quaint to
some, it is actually imbued with a sacred sense of respect that many non-indigenous
environmentalists are now attempting to access and promote in the international climate
change dialogue.
The problem remains, however, that while the values and “teachings” of indigenous peoples
are becoming more widely accepted and sought-after commodities, indigenous peoples
themselves are still not viewed as legitimate partners who deserve a seat at the dialogue table.
A Seat at the Table
The right of indigenous peoples to a “seat at the table” – meaningful participation – was
recognized at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in
1992 and reaffirmed on September 13, 2007, when the United Nations General Assembly
adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Declaration also
enshrines the fundamental human rights of indigenous peoples to their lands, territories and
environment.
These rights were violated a month after the Declaration’s adoption during the 13th United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change held in Bali, Indonesia, in December
2007.6 According to indigenous delegates, who were officially invited to the meeting,
indigenous representatives were forcibly barred from entering the meeting between United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Executive Secretary Yvo de
Boer and civil society representatives. The indigenous peoples at the UNFCC meeting also
noted that not only was there no “seat or name plate for indigenous peoples in the plenary but
neither was there a seat designated for the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
(UNPFII), the highest UN body that addresses the rights of indigenous peoples.7 The
UNFCCC or FCCC is an international environmental treaty produced at the UNCED meeting
6
Independent Media Center. “Indigenous Peoples Locked out from Climate Negotiations.” 2007.
http://www.indymedia.org/or/2007/12/898121.shtml.
7
B. Norell. “Indigenous Barred from UN Climate Negotiations in Bali.” Atlantic Free Press,
December 13, 2007.
– informally known as the Rio Earth Summit – held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. The UNFCCC
treaty is aimed at reducing emissions of greenhouse gases in order to combat global warming.
The systematic exclusion of indigenous peoples in the UNFCCC is contrary to aspirations

promoted throughout the UN system, especially by the CBD. In May 2007, at the CBD’s
press conference on indigenous peoples and climate change, it was stressed that expanded
communication between indigenous groups, governments and international organizations,
scientists and civil society groups was critical in adapting to the climatic changes that were
already underway and averting the worst consequences of global warming.8
At the same press conference UN official John Scott stated that the CBD called for
“Governments and parties to respect indigenous knowledge and culture.”9 This is an
important point to stress as indigenous peoples are not only being excluded at an international
level but many Western nations continually dismiss traditional knowledge as “folklore” when
it is actually the result of thousands of years of experience.
Indigenous peoples from around the world highlighted this dismissal in the Declaration of the
First International Forum of Indigenous Peoples on Climate Change issued in Lyon, France in
September 2000. The Declaration states, among others, that “[t]he scientists of Western
society have dismissed us as sentimental and superstitious and accused us of being an obstacle
to development. Paradoxically, those that previously turned deaf ears to our warnings, now
are dismayed because their own model of "development' endangers our Mother Earth.”10
At international, regional, and national meetings, indigenous peoples from throughout the
Caribbean region have continuously stressed the desire to be an active part of all processes
that affect their communities. These calls for inclusion are often ignored except for
participation in cultural displays that encourage tourism. While cultural arts expressions are
important aspects of the peoples’ culture and highlight their diversity, the meaningful
participation and inclusion that indigenous peoples are referring to at international meetings
include participation in the development of climate change strategies.
The Tools Are Available
As Latin American and Caribbean countries continue to affirm the urgent need to find a
balance between socio-economic development and environmental protection and conservation
through sound management of natural resources and control of environmental impacts,11 full
attention needs to be given to the important role and contribution of the indigenous peoples
from the region.
This is not a new or radical concept as Ministerial and other meetings held to promote and
implement regional cooperation continuously support these goals.12 Further, such objectives
8
United Nations Department of Public Information, “Press Conference.”
9
Ibid.
10
See The First International Forum of Indigenous Peoples of Climate Change. “Declaration of the
First International Forum of Indigenous Peoples on Climate Change” Lyon, France: September 4-6,
2000. http://www.treatycouncil.org/new_page_5211.htm.
11
These aspirations were affirmed within the Declaration of Brasilia, at the Sixth Ministerial Meeting
on the Environment in Latin America and the Caribbean: The Governing Council. Sixth Ministerial
Meeting on the environment in Latin America and the Caribbean.
http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.Print.asp?DocumentID=71&ArticleID=944&l=e
n.
12
See for example CARICOM Secretariat. “Joint Communiqué Issued at the Conclusion of the Fourth
Caricom-Central America Ministerial Meeting, Georgetown, Guyana, 22 March 1999.” 1999.
http://www.caricom.org/jsp/pressreleases/pres31_99.htm.
are clearly enshrined within related international standards that the region generally
subscribes to, such as the Barbados Program of Action (BPOA).13 The BPOA adopted the
Program of Action for the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States,
implementing the principles outlined by Agenda 21, which was itself adopted at the United
Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in 1992. Agenda 21
reflects a global consensus and political commitment at the highest level to address
development and environmental cooperation.
Indeed, indigenous peoples are recognized throughout the BPOA document and it affirms
that: “Critical to the effective implementation of the objectives, policies and mechanisms
agreed to by Governments in all program areas of Agenda 21 will be the commitment and
genuine involvement of all social groups. New participatory approaches to policy-making
and implementation of sustainable development programmes will be necessary at all levels.
In that regard, there is a special role for groups that include women, youth, senior citizens,
indigenous and local communities, as well as the private sector, labour and non-governmental
organizations. Agenda 21 (Section 23.2) states, “One of the fundamental prerequisites for the
achievement of sustainable development is broad public participation in decision-making.
Furthermore, in the more specific context of environment and development, the need for new
forms of participation has emerged.” In addition, “Any policies, definitions or rules affecting
access to and participation by Non-Governmental Organizations in the work of United
Nations institutions or agencies associated with the implementation of Agenda 21 must apply
equally to all major groups” (Section 23.3).
While it is possible to verify that governments, at least those associated with the BOPA, have
agreed to a process that recognizes the inextricable relationship between environmental
concerns and socio-economic development, a review of various country reports documenting
its implementation reveals a different reality for indigenous peoples at the local level. For
example, in the 2003 BPOA + 10 report submitted by the Commonwealth of Dominica, the
list of those consulted did not include the Carib Chief or Carib Council.14 Dominica is
currently home to the only Caribbean island to have a State-government recognized
indigenous territory. Similar cases of the near invisibility of Caribbean indigenous peoples
are also evident in the reports from Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as well as Guyana.15
This situation is a clear indication that while there are mechanisms available, which
encourage and set the stage for broad based participation in decision-making to address
climate-related issues, these are not being fully utilized and access is not provided to all the
affected parties.
Mending the Sacred Hoop
Regarding the concept of “not accessing available tools” to find solutions to current climate
and environmental problems, a “prophecy” shared from a Taino perspective is important to
note here.
13
Global Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States. Report of the
Global Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing States. UNGA
Document A/CONF.167/9. UNGA, 1994.
14
Ministry of Agriculture & the Environment. Environmental Coordinating Unit. Dominica’s National
Report on Barbados Programme of Action + 10. Ministry of Agriculture & the Environment, 2003.
15
These reports as well as other National and Regional Assessment Reports of the Small Island
Developing States can be accessed at the SIDS Network website at
http://www.sidsnet.org/Mauritius2004/NAR.html.
This particular prophecy relates to the arrival of an adolescent Manati (manatee) that
appeared in a certain coastal lagoon in Boriken (Puerto Rico) some years ago. Even though
this was an occurrence that had not taken place in some time, it received minimal local media
attention. Taino elders, however, viewed the event as very significant, explaining that, to
them, the Manati appearance meant “what once sustained the people is revealing itself and
returning again.”
The Manati was once revered by many Caribbean indigenous peoples in a similar way that the
American Bison was revered by Plains Indian Nations. Almost every part of a manatee was
used after their capture from the meat for consumption to the bones for tools. What the elders
also shared was that the Manati “return” was a prophetic sign and not an invitation to renew
the hunting of these animals again. The elders were conveying a sense of sacred renewal and
honoring the respectful commitment the peoples once had for these creatures and the world
around them. They suggested that if the peoples begin to once again “see things” in this
manner, they will experience positive changes in their lives as well as the “life” of the
environment.
Recently, the Taino community received a confirmation of this “prophecy” as other

indigenous nations encountered similar signs. As indigenous peoples in North America were
celebrating the very rare births of several white buffalo calves, most people paid little
attention to the incredible journey of a large male Manati traveling up the Hudson River in
New York during the same time period.16
The birth of a white buffalo calf is seen by many Native Americans as a most significant
prophetic sign, similar to the “weeping statues, bleeding icons, etc. that have become
increasingly prevalent among Christian faithful.”17 The births also symbolize a time or
opportunity for sacred renewal that some native elders refer to as beginning to mend life’s
sacred hoop. However, these elders also point out that the mending will not take place by the
observation or acknowledgement of the sacred occurrence alone but rather by the acceptance
by all human beings of their responsibilities as caretakers of this sacred creation – Mother
Earth.
To many Taino community leaders the appearance of a Manati – a creature of tropical climes
– traveling up New York’s Hudson River is an affirmation of the earlier Manati prophecy
from Boriken; it is an opportunity for sacred renewal. The prophecy reminds the peoples that
“what once sustained humanity” is still there not only in a physical form, but spiritually and
that the peoples only need to respectfully access these tools to benefit their lives. This
particular Manati also re-affirmed the importance of the connections of the peoples of the
South and the North of the Western Hemisphere similar to the “Eagle and the Condor”
prophecy, which speaks about renewal and the unification of indigenous peoples. The Manati
prophecy reminds the peoples not only of the importance of sacred respect for life and
sustainable ways of living but the need to reestablish honorable connections between Nations
and the natural world. The fact that the Manati appeared in New York, the home of UN
Headquarters, two days before the commemoration of the International Day of the World’s
Indigenous Peoples, did not go unnoticed by the Taino community leaders.18
16
Jennifer Lee. “Massive Manatee Spotted in the Hudson River.” New York Times, August 7, 2006.
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/08/07/nyregion/07manatee.html?_r=1&oref=slogin.
17
B. Stockbauer. “White Buffalo Calf a Good Omen.” Share International Magazine, September 2006.
18
UCTP Taino News. “Manatee Seen as a Good Sign to Taino People.” The Voice of the Taino People
Online, September 8, 2006. http://uctp.blogspot.com/2006/08/manatee-seen-as-good-sign-to-
taino.html.
Later that month, on August 25th 2006, the third birth of a white buffalo calf took place on a
Wisconsin farm.19 The implications are profound for many indigenous peoples around the
world.
As the global community continues to accept that the current critical state of the environment
is mainly a result of the industrialization models and patterns of consumption adopted in the
industrialized countries, they will also continue to witness the accelerated deterioration of the
planet's natural resources and the detrimental impacts to traditional indigenous ways of life as
indigenous peoples are in the immediate frontline of vulnerability to climate change.
There is a legal and moral imperative that indigenous peoples be actively involved in
designing, implementing and evaluating initiatives to mitigate the global climate crises. The
tools needed to facilitate meaningful participation are available from a variety of resources
and what remains is for all sectors of society to respectfully access and implement these with
a view toward mending the sacred hoop, not only for the present generation but also for future
generations.
19
E. Fredrix. “Third Rare White Buffalo Born on Wisconsin Farm. The Associated Press, September,
2006.
V.
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(@. United Nations Department of Public Information. (2007). “Press Conference on Indigenous
Peoples and Climate Change.” 2007. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S
http://www.un.org/News/briefings/docs/2007/070522_Indigenous.doc.html
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6
(@. Independent Media Center. “Indigenous Peoples Locked out from Climate Negotiations.” 2007.
1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S http://www.indymedia.org/or/2007/12/898121.shtml.
7
(@. B. Norell. “Indigenous Barred from UN Climate Negotiations in Bali.” Atlantic Free Press,
December 13, 2007.
8
(@. United Nations Department of Public Information, “Press Conference.”
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10
(@. The First International Forum of Indigenous Peoples of Climate Change. “Declaration of the
First International Forum of Indigenous Peoples on Climate Change” Lyon, France: September 4-6,
2000. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S http://www.treatycouncil.org/new_page_5211.htm.
11
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< !4D<5E>B7B 4EE9=A4. (@. The Governing Council. Sixth Ministerial Meeting on the environment
in Latin America and the Caribbean. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S
http://www.unep.org/Documents.Multilingual/Default.Print.asp?DocumentID=71&ArticleID=944&l=e
n.
12
(@. CARICOM Secretariat. “Joint Communiqué Issued at the Conclusion of the Fourth Caricom-
Central America Ministerial Meeting, Georgetown, Guyana, 22 March 1999.” 1999. 1?9>FDBAA4S
69DE<S http://www.caricom.org/jsp/pressreleases/pres31_99.htm.
13
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14
(@. Ministry of Agriculture & the Environment. Environmental Coordinating Unit. Dominica’s
National Report on Barbados Programme of Action + 10. Ministry of Agriculture & the Environment,
2003.
15
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16
(@ Jennifer Lee. “Massive Manatee Spotted in the Hudson River.” New York Times, August 7, 2006.
1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S
17
(@. B. Stockbauer. “White Buffalo Calf a Good Omen.” Share International Magazine, September
2006.
18
(@. UCTP Taino News. “Manatee Seen as a Good Sign to Taino People.” The Voice of the Taino
People Online, September 8, 2006. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S http://uctp.blogspot.com/2006/08/manatee-
seen-as-good-sign-to-taino.html.
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19
(@. E. Fredrix. “Third Rare White Buffalo Born on Wisconsin Farm. The Associated Press,
September, 2006.
VI.
Population and Development Approaches to Traditional Knowledge

Ramiz Alakbarov1
Concerns of indigenous communities are increasingly attracting the attention of governments,

international organizations and researches. The nature of these problems is complex and
includes, among others, economic, political, human rights and cultural and gender issues.
Although there is already some progress in understanding the scope of these problems, there
is also a need to reflect on what has been achieved and where the priority action areas lie. It
is furthermore important to understand the specific impact these emerging development issues
have on the indigenous communities and what could be done to address these.
Problems associated with globalization, such as global warming, climate change, labor
mobility and expansion of economies, are not unique to indigenous peoples. The emerging
global culture and value systems promoted by the mass media, Internet, and music are easily
picked up by the youth worldwide. They prefer learning international languages, which open
opportunities for economic and social life, often at the cost of not studying the native
indigenous languages. In turn, these impulses cause the loss of the cultural identity, language
and tradition. These globalizing factors affect not only the indigenous communities, but
every other nation and individual. Indigenous communities are, however, more vulnerable to
the negative impacts because their coping mechanisms, economic and political decision-
making power are limited. The answer to the problems posed by global processes on
indigenous communities is an articulation of their specific needs in national and international
policies, budgets and action plans. Such actions will assist in mitigating the negative
influences, while also allowing communities to benefit from the advantages offered by global
public goods.
United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) supports and advocates programmes specifically
tailored to address the needs of women to improve their health and social status. Solutions to
the problems of indigenous women include the alleviation of the overall poverty levels of the
communities and increasing women’s awareness of their reproductive health and rights. The
health and social status of women are often influenced by traditions determining important
behavioral features of the communities. These traditions often do not prioritize the
importance of women’s health and education. For this reason, it is important to ensure that
every human being, every couple, every family, has the right to freely exercise their
reproductive rights and have access to quality health services and information.
Indigenous populations are under increasing pressure of environmental degradation. Living

in these communities often provides limited social and economic opportunities. As the result,
the younger population groups often decide to relocate to larger urban areas in order to seek
alternative opportunities. Men tend to become more mobile in search of economic
opportunities, often on temporal or seasonal basis, and may not frequently return to their place
of origin, sometimes they may not return at all. All these factors impact the fertility levels of
the indigenous communities as their reproductive choices are influenced. These factors also
contribute to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS. Most families
with many children have difficulties in sustaining the livelihoods and affording educational
opportunities. As a result, a vicious circle of disease, impoverishment and human suffering is
created. With growing numbers of female-headed households, the traditional, social and
1
Mr. Ramiz Alakbarov is a Program Specialist at the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and
this article represents a speech that he has given at the seminar held during Sixth Session of the United
Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII), May 14-25, 2007.
income-generating roles of women within the indigenous communities have changed. In the
difficult circumstances of daily life, women often remain the only source of economic support
to their families. Along with the economic burden, they carry the important function of
bringing up the children, part of which is preserving and transferring their traditional
knowledge and culture to the next generations. Today’s indigenous women do so in an
environment with few or no health services. They may be subject to domestic violence and
their right for access to health services and education may be limited. Despite the important
role the indigenous woman is playing, her ability to influence the decision-making on the
community’s well-being is extremely limited.
UNFPA is supporting national governments, civil society organizations and indigenous

communities to implement programmes for the purpose of ensuring that people have access to
comprehensive and quality reproductive health services and information. Important to the
success of these programmes is the appreciation of the value gained through investment in
women and girls, because of their important social functions. Educated, healthy and
empowered women have proven to do miracles not only in sustaining their families, but in the
preservation and passing on of valuable knowledge and culture, which is central to the
indigenous ways to life.
Preserving traditional knowledge and culture is therefore not only an issue of documenting
and sharing culture and practices through the support of academic studies and research, rather
it is an important daily life issue, which has a considerable gender dimension to it.
Recognizing this dimension and providing women with the support needed to meet this
challenge is the collective responsibility of all players, including the communities and their
leaders, regional and national authorities, and international organizations.
Traditional knowledge is one of the main agenda items in the modern debates on indigenous
issues. A standard approach to the matter places indigenous/traditional knowledge within the
context of its potential use in researches on pharmacological drugs and other goods (such as
food and cosmetics), thereby focusing on the possible economic benefits of traditional
knowledge. While this approach is promising, it is not yet proven to benefit many
communities where this knowledge is taken from and, despite the progress already achieved,
a lot more needs to be done in this field.
There may be an added value in the increased investment for improving research on other
aspects of indigenous knowledge and life. Research studies in the field of human
development emphasize the need for a balance between economic development and
population growth and the impact on the environment. Recent studies describe “eco-civil”
societies – where human settlements exist in a complete balance with the environment – as an
optimal developmental goal for humanity. Such societies would entail, amongst others,
environmental friendly production and less energy consuming homes with low pollution.
Modern societies must put more effort in the development of a future world with such
settlements and find the right paths to get there. On the other hand, traditional societies have
been able to preserve this balance for centuries long and it seems to be a natural choice to
look for some of the solutions in their wisdom. Such knowledge may function as a good
guidance for the global knowledge base by providing guidelines for practice. It may also be
of good use for local and regional planning and decision-making.
Effective partnerships are essential to creating solutions. Seeking common values and better
cooperation between national authorities, indigenous peoples’ organizations and communities,
the private sector and international players is one of the good ways to create sustainable
opportunities, which will not evaporate with the sudden withdrawal of aid or centrally-
sponsored funding.
VI.
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The Echoes of a Proud Nation Pow-wow in Kahnawake,

Mohawk Territory, Canada1
"! #-#
$, " " ' $,
The Echoes of a Proud Nation Pow-wow in Kahnawake.

Canada © Kenneth Deer
1
Sources for this section include: Blundell, V. (1993). Echoes of a proud nation. In Canadian Journal
of Communication, 18 (3). Wikipedia. (n.d.). Kahnawake. Retrieved May 3, 2009. Carney, J. (1997).
Native American loanwords in American English. In Wicazo Sa Review, 12 (1).
Mohawk (Kanien'kehá:ka in Mohawk -

“the people of the flint”) are North
American Indians indigenous to the
upstate New York (USA), southern
Quebec and eastern Ontario (Canada).
Their language is Mohawk (Iroquoian
language family). Kahnawake, an Indian
reserve, is located on the south shore of
the St. Lawrence River in Quebec,
Canada, with a residence population
about 8,000.
Pow-wow (from Narragansett,

(Algonquian language family) powwaw -
“spiritual leader”, literally means ‘he
dreams’) - is a ceremonial gathering of
North America's indigenous peoples that
comprises of dancing, singing and
sharing traditional foods.
The Echoes of a Proud Nation Pow-wow in Kahnawake.

Canada © Kenneth Deer
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The Echoes of a Proud Nation Pow-wow in Kahnawake. Canada © Kenneth Deer
“We have a tradition of bringing all “* >1B 6BCM CA159G9P B?29A1CM

people together, so that they might live 3B6F 3=6BC6, HC?2L ;175L: =?4
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Committee, July 13, 1992) A1>..” (<; B5D4M9A<S !B@<F9F4 &4G-
64G !4IA464>9, 13 <R?S, 1992 7B84).
VII.
Indigenous ICT Taskforce: Managing Traditional Knowledge in the

Information Society – From Indigenous Customary Law to Global
Internet Governance
Kenneth Deer1
This paper is the last of a threefold series on “Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous

Peoples.”2 The three papers cover the aspects Access to Knowledge, Indigenous Ethics and
Managing Traditional Knowledge in the Information Society. They are intended as
contributions to the follow-up process of the World Summit on the Information Society
(WSIS), that is dedicated to implement the Geneva Declaration of Principles, the Tunis
Commitment and the Action Plan that have been developed over three years of work. In these
documents, indigenous peoples are recognised as a stakeholder in the Information Society.
Ensuring the promotion of cultural diversity in its evolution would require taking into account
indigenous perspectives – and particularly on those issues that affect their cultural survival.
Traditional knowledge is at the heart of indigenous cultures and identities. Therefore, it is of

paramount importance for indigenous peoples to foster intercultural understanding about its
nature as well as about the consequences of improper modes of application. These three
papers hope to initiate a dialogue between indigenous and non-indigenous stakeholders in the
Information Society to achieve clarity on the issues at stake and to explore pathways to find
solutions for occurring difficulties that arise from differences in concept.
Since traditional knowledge is holistic in nature, the three papers closely relate to each other.
Some of the issues are presented in various ways in each of them, but always from a different
perspective related to the respective theme – access to knowledge, ethics or management of
traditional knowledge. To avoid duplications, the current paper indicates in the text when
further explanations of a specific aspect can be found in the complementary papers.
The author hopes that the “traditional knowledge series” will become a step for exchange of
views and concepts that will lead to a better understanding on how to build an Information
Society for All.
1. Managing Traditional Knowledge – An International Governance Issue?
To a non-indigenous stakeholder of the Information Society, the connection between

management of traditional knowledge and global Internet governance might not be
immediately visible. For indigenous peoples, however, the whys and hows of this
interrelationship can become a question of cultural survival or an opportunity for ICT
supported cultural and economic development.
The issues at stake are rather complex and multi-layered. At the core is the unauthorized
dissemination of traditional knowledge of indigenous peoples and its far-reaching
consequences for their cultures as well as for individual knowledge holders. Unauthorized
1
Mr. Kenneth Deer, a Mohawk of Canada, is a Secretary at the Mohawk Nation, Kahnawake, Canada.
2
The previous two works could be found here:
1)http://www.incomindios.ch/arbeitsgruppen/infosociety/documents/Indigenous_Ethics.pdf;
2)http://www.incomindios.ch/arbeitsgruppen/infosociety/documents/Access%20to%20Knowledge
%20in%20the%20Information%20Society%20IGF%2006.pdf .
dissemination and subsequent commercial exploitation of traditional knowledge becomes

particularly important in the framework of the evolving Information Society and its
knowledge-based economy. The public domain concept of Western economic philosophy
plays a special role in this context3.
A thriving public domain is an important element of the Information Society. The Internet on
its part is a major vehicle to access and disseminate (public domain) knowledge. Therefore,
all knowledge that is shared, disclosed or generally known are prone to be freely used,
including for commercial purposes.
In indigenous societies, this kind of a “public domain” does not exist. Even knowledge that is
publicly displayed at times cannot automatically be considered public knowledge. Neither
does public display or disclosure necessarily imply permission for its subsequent use by
people other than those who are entrusted with the rights and responsibilities for its
management. Even these traditional rights holders may not be allowed to freely disseminate,
use and apply traditional knowledge as they see fit. They are bound by ethical regulations
and provisions embedded in customary law.4
Some indigenous peoples may readily share their knowledge because they view it as being a
part of the common heritage of mankind. Culturally unacceptable utilization can nevertheless
deeply violate indigenous ethical provisions attached to its application. Indigenous concepts
of “sharing” might significantly differ from the Western idea of it. The free availability of
traditional knowledge, for instance, cannot be understood as a natural permission for its
unconditional commercial use and exploitation.5
The Internet allows for a real-time global dissemination of digital content. The accessible
information not only includes text, but also images, audiovisual content and audio recordings.
Anybody can place any kind of content on the web – including traditional knowledge of
indigenous peoples. Its unauthorized dissemination and/or exploitation, however, can cause
serious harm to indigenous cultures. It may disrupt often complex management systems
founded on ethics and detailed sets of cultural protocols, anchored in the holistic nature of
traditional knowledge. Both are part of indigenous customary law. These regulations also
relate to the sharing, use and application of indigenous knowledge.
Many art forms and other cultural expressions are an integral part of the traditional knowledge
systems since they serve as a direct mean to express, teach, transmit and preserve its content.
Arts and other cultural expressions often represent “physical containers” of traditional
knowledge and thus are governed by the same systems of management. Violations of
indigenous ethics and customary law may as well occur with the unauthorized reproduction
and digital dissemination of indigenous cultural expressions such as paintings, designs,
artworks, songs and performances.6
Generally, indigenous rights holders may well be held responsible for the misuse and
improper management that occurs with unauthorized dissemination and exploitation of the
knowledge – often considered a serious offence under indigenous customary law.
Furthermore, they may be expected to remedy the situation. But with digital dissemination,
3
For further details on the public domain and indigenous peoples see A. Håkansson and K. Deer.
“Access to Knowledge in the Information Society: Indigenous Perspective.”
http://www.incomindios.ch/arbeitsgruppen/infosociety/documents/Access%20to%20Knowledge%20in
%20the%20Information%20Society%20IGF%2006.pdf
4
A. Håkansson and K. Deer. “Indigenous Ethics: Practicing Cultural Diversity in the Information
Society.” http://www.incomindios.ch/arbeitsgruppen/infosociety/documents/Indigenous_Ethics.pdf.
5
See Håkansson, A., Deer, K. supra note 2 (1).
6
On the nature of traditional knowledge, protocols of sharing see ibid.
they are practically barred from enforcing cultural obligations and protocols in guarding the
knowledge under their responsibility. Yet, neglecting them challenges their rights for its
continued use and compromises their ability to protect and preserve it for future generations.
Ultimately, the knowledge – in its deeper holistic or practical content – may be lost
altogether.
At the international level and within the UN system, it is increasingly recognized that
indigenous peoples have to be involved in the decision-making on the use and application of
the knowledge they are guarding. Particularly the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD)
and the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) seek to address key issues related to
the utilization and management of traditional knowledge and simultaneously to develop
mechanisms for indigenous participation in relevant decision-making processes.7
The follow-up process of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) has not yet
taken up this task. However, with its focus on access to knowledge, digitalization of cultural
heritage, a thriving public domain – and especially in the context of Internet Governance – it
would be highly necessary to establish a similar mechanism that can complement the work of
other international processes.
Making the benefits of ICT4D opportunities available for indigenous peoples would require
such an approach. Indigenous systems for managing traditional knowledge have to be
recognized and their decision-making respected. Otherwise opportunities can quickly turn
into challenges that easily contribute to the loss of indigenous cultures.8
2. Indigenous Management Systems for Traditional Knowledge – Some Examples
Managing traditional knowledge usually involves the entire indigenous society. Specific
knowledge may be held and managed according to gender, age and under the responsibility of
certain social groups such as clan and extended family or specialists. Traditional knowledge
is in fact collective in nature. Furthermore, it links past, present and future generations with
the latter as strong rights holders. The present generation is therefore entrusted with the task
to act as guardians or caretakers of the collective traditional knowledge of indigenous peoples.
2.1. The Nature of Traditional Knowledge
Maori elder Charles Mohi describes traditional knowledge (Matauranga Maori) as:
“Matauranga Maori in a traditional context means the knowledge, comprehension or

understanding of everything visible or invisible that exists across the universe.”9
The nature of traditional knowledge is holistic. It is usually embedded in the stories of

creation of an indigenous community with its culture, knowledge and its ancestral territory.
Creation stories also explain and define the relationship between them. Creation stories not
only contain the content of traditional knowledge, but also a description of how and under
what conditions it has been handed down for generations. The conditions attached to its
continued use commonly include a set of cultural obligations and an application ethics that
have to be observed. Thus, creation stories provide rules and regulations for human behavior
7
For further details, please, see Annex to this paper.
8
See also A. Håkansson and K. Deer. “Indigenous Media Network 2006: Indigenous peoples and ICTs:
Millennium Development Goals 8 and the Information Society.” 2006.
http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/gaid/unpan033376.pdf.
9
A. Mead, “Emerging Issues.”
and therefore set the framework for customary law. At the same time, creation stories
themselves belong to the corpus of traditional knowledge. For indigenous peoples culture,
knowledge, law and ethics are intrinsically intertwined.10
Traditional knowledge relates all aspects of human and non-human life into interconnected
“networks.” At the same time, it provides ethical guidance for humans on how to interact in
these “webs of life.” One of these “networks” is the relationship between traditional
knowledge, cultural expressions, “natural resources” and ethics. Handicrafts, such as the
Maori philosophy and practice of weaving, provide a good example to illustrate this intricate
interrelationship:
“Weaving is more than just a product of manual skills. From the simple rourou food
basket to the prestigious kahu kiwi [kiwi-feather cloak], weaving is endowed with the
very essence of the spiritual values of the Maori people.
Part of this is the connection with the past, found in the traditional weaving patterns
that are handed down from generation to generation within a tribe, and regarded as
tribal property, as tapu or protected knowledge. And many of the patterns themselves
represent Maori spiritual values…11 The materials used are seen as having a life of
their own, not simply as means to the worker’s ends. The materials are available for
use, but must never be regarded as mere means. The project must be directed towards
some worthwhile outcome. In the case of weaving, the outcome must be a thing of
beauty, even if it is a simple food basket, used only once.”12
Part of this network of respect and reciprocity is the treatment of “waste”: It is returned to the
flax field and deposited at the plants from which it was taken to assist them in their further
growth.
Traditional knowledge also links past, present and future generations. The word “traditional”
does not imply that indigenous knowledge is static. Instead, it is applied by each generation
to the historic conditions they find themselves in. In her statement to the 2005 International
Workshop of the UN Permanent Forum on Traditional Knowledge in Panama City, Maori
representative Aroha Te Pareake Mead provided some further insight into Maori concepts of
traditional knowledge:
“There are tribal variations in knowledge about different aspects of the Maori culture.
There are some forms of knowledge, e.g. cosmological that are common across all
tribes.
Most Maori would agree that Matauranga Maori: is based on a set of cultural inter-
generational values, is enriched and modified by successive generations to guide and
adapt to the socio-cultural-environmental issues of the day, is integral to the identity
and well-being of current and future generations of Maori, and has value and
application for others when proper protocols are observed.”13
The sharing of traditional knowledge with non-Maori is possible on Maori terms. Sharing,
however, needs to be based on observation of proper protocols as set by the Maori customary
law.
10
See A. Håkansson and K. Deer, supra note 2 (1).
11
A. Mead, “Emerging Issues.”
12
Ibid
13
Ibid.
2.2. Management Principles
Generally, management principles for traditional knowledge include, both a managing ethics
and philosophy as well as a specific set of rights, obligations and protocols for sharing,
communicating, displaying, reproducing, transmitting and accessing the knowledge.
On the philosophical level, key concepts are care taking, guardianship and stewardship.
These key concepts are common among indigenous peoples and usually represent the
philosophical cornerstones of an elaborated management ethics with culturally specific rules
and regulations.
Fulfilling these ethical requirements is considered particularly important because knowledge

is viewed as a gift for responsible use. Reciprocity is, for instance, a managing principle that
is at the core of many cultural obligations attached to holding the rights to the knowledge.
Protection against misuse is another core obligation of knowledge holders. If the entrusted
knowledge is not properly guarded, the rights of those who are holding it may cease. Rights
and obligations thus always belong together and form an intricate network of rules,
regulations and protocols for culturally appropriate management. Due to its holistic nature,
the loss of rights to knowledge can imply far-reaching consequences – including the loss of
title to ancestral territories.
The close relationship between traditional knowledge, artworks and ancestral territories has
played a major role in various court cases initiated by Aboriginal artists in Australia to protect
their works against unauthorized reproduction. Aboriginal paintings, for instance, had been
misused by the textile and tourism industries as designs for mass produced fabrics or carpets.
The designs, however, are part of the traditional knowledge. They relate to the stories of
creation, including the creation of the land, its landscape and environment. The rights in
holding and managing the designs are often linked to the rights in the land itself – to the
extent that both can only be held in communion. Reproducing the paintings in a culturally
appropriate way is a responsibility of the rights holders. One of the affected Aboriginal artists
explained this relationship in his affidavit to the Court:
“Land is given to Yolngu people along with the responsibility for all of the Madayin
(corpus of ritual knowledge) associated with the land. In fact for Yolngu, the
ownership of land has with it the corresponding obligations to create and foster the
artworks, designs, songs and other aspects of ritual and ceremony that go with the
land. If the rituals and ceremonies attached to land ownership are not fulfilled, that is
if responsibilities in respect of Madayin are not maintained, then traditional
Aboriginal ownership rights lapse.”14
Improper management thus may not only lead to loss of rights in the knowledge but also of
rights in the land. Any misuse such as unauthorised reproduction as such and/or application
of traditional knowledge in an inappropriate context can therefore have serious consequences
for the individual artist as well as collectively for all other rights holders.15
Managing traditional knowledge also includes an ethically appropriate “policy of disclosure”

and “art of sharing.” In part, the knowledge is not publicly available at all because it is
considered sacred. But even the knowledge that might be disclosed in public or is
subsequently transmitted from generation to generation may consist of several layers of
14
John Bulun Bulun & Anor v R & T Textiles Pty Ltd., 39 Australian Indigenous Law Reporter (1998),
2. www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/AILR/1998/39.html.
15
On unauthorised reproduction and further details on these court cases see A. Håkansson and K. Deer,
supra note 2 (1).
“inside” and “outside” versions with a varying degree of being publicly accessible. The same
may be true for related cultural expressions such as paintings.
Both, sharing and disclosing traditional knowledge is highly context-bound. Time and place,
occasion, purpose and audience (for instance in terms of age, gender, social group) play an
important role. The maturity of the recipients is another essential aspect when sharing
traditional knowledge. Mohawk researcher Marlene Brant Castellano explains this
responsibility as follows:
“In passing on knowledge the teacher has an obligation to consider whether the
learner is ready to use the knowledge responsibly…This is the reasoning behind the
refusal of many elders to allow their presentations to be taped, and their resistance to
having their traditional teachings transcribed so that they can be disseminated in print
form. Teachers who allow these things relinquish the possibility of adjusting their
teaching to the maturity of the learner and thereby influencing the ethical use of the
knowledge.”16
At the same time, it is the responsibility of the rights holder to pass it on to the next
generation so that the traditional knowledge is not lost.
Adherence to cultural protocols is therefore vital for disseminating, communicating,

displaying, using and applying traditional knowledge. In this context, it is also important that
rights to access the knowledge may not automatically include rights to use the knowledge.
This aspect is, among others, explained in a statement of the Tulalip Tribes from Washington
State (USA) made at the WIPO Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and
Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore:
“Open sharing, however, does not automatically confer a right to use the knowledge.
Many songs or stories, for example, are held by individuals or families. These songs
and stories are performed in public, and may be known by all members of a
community. However, the right to sing these songs or tell these stories falls only to
the individuals or families who are caretakers of the Creator’s gifts.
Even knowledge shared and used widely does not fall into the public domain. When
knowledge is shared, it is shared among those who are trusted to know their roles and
responsibilities in using the knowledge.”17
Punishments for violations of the ethical provisions and cultural obligations attached to
managing traditional knowledge could be harsh under customary law. The respective rights
holders are held responsible even if they have not been aware of the breach, for example, in
the case of unauthorized reproduction of a painting. Among the Yolngu in Australia
offenders could be put to death in serious cases. Examples for other forms of punishment are:
outcasting from the community, removal of rights such as those to participate in ceremonies
or to reproduce paintings and providing compensation (e.g. a money payment).18
16
B. Marlene. “Updating Aboriginal Traditions of Knowledge.” In Indigenous Knowledges in Global
Contexts, edited by G. Dei, 26-27. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000.
17
Tulalip Tribes of Washington. “Statement on Folklore, Indigenous Knowledge, and the Public
Domain.” In Proceedings of the Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic
Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore, Fifth Session, Geneva, July 6-17, 2003. 2003.
http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/igc/ngo/tulaliptribes.pdf.
18
John Bulun Bulun & Anor v R & T Textiles Pty Ltd.
2.3. Levels of Management
Managing traditional knowledge is intricately interwoven into the social fabric of indigenous
societies. Gender, age and a variety of social groups are the main levels of management. On
all of these levels, adherence to the culturally specific management ethics and related
provisions of customary law is required.
2.3.1. Gender-specific Management of Traditional Knowledge
In many indigenous cultures men and women manage gender specific traditional knowledge.
Gender-based knowledge systems often also relate to gender specific economic activities and
to resource management of ancestral territories. A United Nations Environment Programme
(UNEP) publication on cultural and spiritual values of biodiversity refers, for example, to the
gender-based knowledge systems of the Yukuna and Tanimuka of the Colombian Northwest
Amazon.19 Their elaborate systems on gender specific rights to traditional knowledge not
only build the foundation for sustainable management of the knowledge but also for
sustainable management of the rainforest with its complex ecology. Women and men hold
knowledge in different domains of life. Women, for instance, hold rights to knowledge
related to plant cultivation while men hold rights to knowledge related to managing the non-
domesticated flora and wildlife of the rainforest. At the same time, women and men hold
knowledge related to different geographical localities, since the women are in-marrying into
the men’s communities. Their combined knowledge on the environmental level may thus
encompass a broad and detailed network of information on various rainforest areas. Women,
however, not only learn from their own mother and female relatives of their group, but also
from their mother-in-law. Women, therefore, acquire and subsequently manage knowledge
from two distinct regions of the ancestral territory.
The gender-specific knowledge is passed on in a holistic way, even if taught in the context of
everyday activities. While mothers show daughters how to tend plants, they simultaneously
explain their symbolism and relate it to the way nature is managed. In the course of their
working day – for example when processing food or producing pottery – the women use the
opportunity for conveying lessons to the girls, transmitting knowledge about resource
management, the meaning and significance of female-made artifacts and the traditional
knowledge encoded therein. Ultimately, they relate it to the female ancestress and female
leaders of the creation stories.
Female education methods may generally be fundamental for the transmission of traditional
knowledge to a child from earliest age on. Lullabies might, for instance, be an important
method of instruction. One example can be found in Jomo Kenyatta’s famous
anthropological study, Facing Mount Kenya: The Traditional Life of the Gikuyu, where the
first president of the Republic of Kenya points out that lullabies used to contain the entire
history and tradition of the Gikuyu families and clans.20
Kenyan researcher Njoki Nathani Wane provides some insight into the ethics and protocol of
gender specific education among Embu women in Kenya. Passing on their knowledge to the
researcher – who was a relative from the city – took place in a well-defined context:
19 E. Reichel. “Gender-Based Knowledge Systems in the Eco-Politics of the Yukuna and Tanimuka of
Northwest Amazon, Colombia.” In Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity, edited by D. Posey,
82-86. Nairobi and London: UNEP, 1999.
20
Jomo Kenyatta. Facing Mount Kenya. The Traditional life of the Gikuyu. London: Secker &
Warburg, 1965, pp.83-84.
“The proper use of language, verbal and nonverbal, was central to the interview
process. The women used proverbs, idioms, songs, wise sayings, events and incidents
as their mode of communication. To indicate that I was actively participating and
listening, I had to keep saying, ‘uhumu.’”21
However, Njoki Nathani Wane was only able to go through this education process after some
time of testing. The older women – or Elders – began to share their knowledge when they
were convinced of her sincere interest to learn from them. This also required a search for her
own identity and demonstrating a common lineage and legacy. Wane calls this process a
‘threshold crossing ritual.’22
2.3.2. The Role of Elders – Transmitting Knowledge in the Context of Social

Relationships
Passing on traditional knowledge generally takes place in the context of social relationships.
Family, clan and lineage are important reference systems. Age plays a central role for
preserving, holding and transmitting knowledge. As does her colleague Njoki Nathani Wane,
Native Hawai’ian researcher Leilani Holmes23 emphasizes that the teaching of traditional
knowledge is embedded in social relationships. These teachings often take place in everyday
life settings. Although they are rather informal occasions of knowledge sharing, certain
protocols are followed. Knowledge is held and passed on by the Elders, kupuna in the
Hawai’an language. The kupuna first establish a social relationship with the receiver(s) by
verbally recalling their family relation. After having set this formal stage, they can share the
knowledge that they themselves have received from their kupuna. For this process, they use a
certain mode of communication that is appropriate to the situation, whilst also containing
underlying ethical lessons. In such a way, the knowledge has flown from generation to
generation and the present kupuna have the responsibility to properly transmit it to the
younger generation, but also to adults who will become kupuna themselves in the foreseeable
future.
Generally, Elders play a central role in indigenous cultures to link past, present and future
generations. It is mainly them who are responsible for guarding the traditional knowledge
according to the related ethical principles and provisions of customary law. Thus, inter-
generational relationships are at the core of preserving, protecting and transmitting traditional
knowledge in a culturally appropriate way.
2.3.3. Social Groups as Managers for Traditional Knowledge
The knowledge that is being passed down in the family or extended family also includes
medicinal knowledge. However, in indigenous cultures diet, health and healing might be
interrelated to an extent not common to Western medicine. Thus, medicinal knowledge may
not only be guarded by specialists, but also within families, clans or lineages:
21
N. Wane. “Indigenous Knowledge: Lesson from the Elders; a Kenyan Case Study.” In Indigenous
Knowledges in Global Contexts, edited by G. Dei, 55-69. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000.
22
ibid, 54.
23
L. Holmes. “Heart Knowledge, Blood Memory, and the Voice of the Land: Implications of Research
among Hawaiian Elders.” In Indigenous Knowledges in Global Contexts, edited by G. Dei, 55-69.
Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000, pp 37-53; L. Holmes “Elders' Narratives in Hawai’i: An
Ancestry of Experience.” Centre for the Study of Curriculum and Instruction, Faculty of Education 4,
no. 1 (1997), http://ccfi.educ.ubc.ca/publication/insights/online/v04n01/elders.html.
“To the Aymara-Quechua people all food should be medicinal and all medicine
should be nourishing… Every family has their own stock of basic recipes, which they
guard as oral memory to attend to health problems within the family. They only need
a doctor in extreme cases.”24
Some traditional knowledge is guarded in an informal way and its caretakers decide according
to the occasion when, how and with whom to share it. However, rights holders may also have
to consult widely if they request to use, disclose or disseminate traditional knowledge in ways
that affect other rights holders or the entire indigenous society. Artists may, for instance,
need permission from a variety of rights holders for producing a painting and using certain
designs. Digital recording of indigenous knowledge for indigenous education may as well
involve an extensive consultation and decision-making process.
The provisions of customary law on managing traditional knowledge can also be highly
formalized. In Aboriginal societies, for example, it is commonly the clan that holds the rights
to traditional knowledge. Its senior members are responsible for guarding it in a culturally
appropriate way. In English terms, they are referred to as ‘traditional owners’ of both, land
and related knowledge. However, managing land and traditional knowledge often includes an
intricate system of sharing responsibilities, rights and interests across different clans.
Traditional owners are usually supervised in properly fulfilling their cultural obligations by
senior members of other clans with whom they are often related through the female line.
These supervisors – generally translated as ‘managers’ or ‘policemen’ – also have to be
consulted on the use of the knowledge and the land. Their role is to ensure that both are
managed according to customary law. On the other hand, it is possible to obtain rights in
producing artworks through, for instance, the maternal clan.
3. Sharing of Traditional Knowledge on Indigenous Terms
Sharing of traditional knowledge in a wider framework is possible if it is based on terms set

by indigenous peoples themselves. Sharing is a principle common to indigenous peoples. It
often carries the idea of reciprocity and may rather be practised in a framework of mutual
exchange.
Sharing of traditional knowledge takes place among indigenous peoples as well as between
them and the non-indigenous society. Inter-indigenous exchange may also occur across
considerable distances:
“In the Andes of South America, we find peoples that for thousands of years have
dedicated themselves to protect the health of this continent. In Northern Bolivia the
inhabitants travel across the border to Peru … to different parts of the country,
bringing medicinal plants and seeds for gardening. This has been done for a very
long time. They exchange knowledge, medicinal plants and seeds among each other.
They also go to the different celebrations held by the indigenous peoples of the
region, where they exchange their knowledge. In general, this way of teaching is
given to the youth from father to son, from generation to generation.”25
Sharing indigenous knowledge with non-indigenous recipients may involve financial returns
in the context of reciprocity. On the part of indigenous rights holders such “transactions” can
nevertheless be carried out on the basis of the respective management ethics for traditional
24
A. Håkansson and K. Deer. “Give us the Stuff and We’ll Figure it Out.” 2004.
http://www.itu.int/wsis/stocktaking/docs/activities/1101892714/Survey-BriefWSIS-Stoc-21.doc.
25
ibid.
knowledge. The production of indigenous arts for sale might provide an insight of difference
in concept regarding to “commercialization.”
Among the Yolngu, the production of paintings for sale is regulated through their system for
managing traditional knowledge. The individual artist can not use collectively held designs
without permission. Depending on the purpose and version of the painting (the degree of
“inside” or “outside”) an extensive consultation process with all rights holders may have to
take place. For some types of uses, it has been agreed in principle that they are allowable and
direct consultation and approval may not be necessary. These cases include, for instance,
licensing to a publisher for reproduction in an art book. Generally, sales to museums, art
galleries and craft shops are considered allowable as well. The purpose of the exchange is
decisive: renown art publications, museums and craft shops are seen as a mean to educate the
non-indigenous world about aboriginal culture and to foster intercultural understanding.
If, however, the artist wanted to license a painting for mass production, such as for T-Shirt or
carpet designs, he or she would need to consult widely. In these cases, there must be total
consensus. Again, it depends on the type of design if approval can be given. However, if the
design is not related to the creation stories, consultation may not even be necessary at all.26
Mass reproduction of traditional knowledge for commercial exploitation or mass distribution

through the Internet remains a serious problem for indigenous peoples. Managing traditional
knowledge according to indigenous ethics and customary law becomes impossible.
Unauthorized commercial exploitation may even become a problem in cases where

indigenous peoples readily share their knowledge on a global scale. The following
contribution from the Yukagir in Russia to an indigenous survey on the Information Society
may serve as an example:
“With the exception of some religious or spiritual rituals, indigenous peoples’

knowledge should be fairly free and available. The spiritual and material cultures of
indigenous peoples must be accessible to any person, because it is an integral part of
the common human heritage. To “manipulate the market” so to speak, to speculate
with traditional knowledge is against the core principal of what makes most
indigenous peoples indigenous. Thus, when “the others” are trying to profit from the
indigenous traditional knowledge, they are offending the memory of our ancestors
and must be stopped unequivocally.”27
4. Customary Law and Western Governance System – A Search for Solutions
Preliminary conclusions:
1. For indigenous peoples, managing traditional knowledge has evolved from a local
task to an international issue. In the evolving global Information Society, it can not
be regulated any more by customary law alone. Instead, it has become an issue of
global governance.
2. The clash of concepts between indigenous and non-indigenous management ethics for
knowledge causes widespread unauthorised dissemination and use of traditional
knowledge that violates indigenous customary law. The public domain concept and
26
John Bulun Bulun & Anor v R & T Textiles Pty Ltd.; George Milpurrurru, Banduk Marika, Tim
Payunka and the Public Trustree for the Northern Territory v. Indofurn Pty Ltd., Brian Alexander
Bethune, George Raymond Kind and Robert James Rylands, 54 FCR 240 (1994).
www.austlii.edu.au/au/cases/cth/federal_ct/unrep7290.html.
27
Håkansson and Deer, “Give us the Stuff.”
the protection of traditional knowledge against unauthorised reproduction,

dissemination and application are key issues in this context.
3. The digitisation of traditional knowledge and its real-time global dissemination

through the Internet multiply the difficulties for indigenous peoples.
4. If determined by indigenous peoples themselves, the benefits of ICT and the Internet
could become positive incentives for economic development in the Information
Society that strengthens their cultures and identities. At the same time, it could foster
intercultural understanding.
5. Other international bodies such as the CBD and WIPO have started to recognise the
importance of indigenous management systems in decision-making on use of
traditional knowledge. These bodies also have established mechanisms to address
critical issues in dialogue with indigenous peoples.
6. So far, the WSIS follow-up process is unable to complement the work of other
international bodies. However, access to knowledge, the public domain concept,
digitisation of cultural heritage as well as ethics and cultural diversity in the
Information Society are pressing issues for indigenous peoples that might affect their
cultural survival.
Recommendations:
1. Tackling these issues at stake can only be successfully achieved in the context of a
high-level mechanism, bringing together indigenous and non-indigenous actors in the
Information Society.
2. In order to ensure co-ordination with other international bodies such as the CBD,
WIPO or the UNPFII, this mechanism should be established under the umbrella of the
Commission of Science and Technology for Development (CSTD).
3. The composition and task of this mechanism should be discussed between indigenous
peoples and other stakeholders.
4. To this end, the CSTD is requested to carry out a seminar to initiate dialogue on the
creation of an appropriate mechanism.
5. One of the key issues of work might be the development of a protocol on the
digitalisation, dissemination, access and use of traditional knowledge.
6. The purpose of the work would be to enable indigenous peoples to benefit from
ICT4D opportunities without risking to lose their cultures and identities.
Annex: Managing Traditional Knowledge in a Globalized World: International Responses to

the Needs and Aspirations of Indigenous Peoples
Some international processes have begun to respond to the problems that arise for indigenous
peoples with unauthorized recording, use, application and exploitation of their traditional
knowledge on a global scale. They also seek to develop mechanisms to involve indigenous
peoples into relevant decision-making processes.
The CBD has been pioneering in addressing issues that are related to the recognition,
preservation and commercial exploitation of traditional knowledge, in this case mainly
botanical and medicinal knowledge. Article 8(j) of the Convention provides:
Each contracting Party shall, as far as possible and as appropriate:

Subject to national legislation, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge,
innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional
lifestyles relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity and
promote their wider application with the approval and involvement of the holders of
such knowledge, innovations and practices and encourage the equitable sharing of
the benefits arising from the utilization of such knowledge, innovations and practices.
Article 8(j) also recognizes the decisive role of indigenous management systems and the
importance of involving the holders of traditional knowledge in governing its utilization.
A Working Group on the implementation of Article 8(j) and related provisions has been
established by the Conference of Parties to the Convention, with a full and active role of
representatives of indigenous peoples and local communities. The CBD Secretariat notes on
the work of this body:
“Traditional knowledge is considered a “cross cutting” issue that affects many aspects
of biological diversity, so it will continue to be addressed by the Conference of
Parties and by other working groups as well… Indigenous and local communities
attach considerable importance to the Convention, which they view as a key
instrument for advancing the recognition, preservation and promotion of their
traditional knowledge. Consequently, their representatives have been invited to
participate fully in the working group on traditional knowledge, including the group’s
decision-making.”28
WIPO is another international body that acknowledges the need to develop innovative
mechanisms to find adequate solutions for protecting traditional knowledge from
unauthorized use.
In October 2000, the WIPO General Assembly established the WIPO Intergovernmental
Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and
Folklore (IGC). The IGC is an international forum for dialogue and debate addressing the
interrelationships between intellectual property and traditional knowledge, traditional cultural
expressions and genetic resources. It consists of the WIPO Member States and accredited
observers, including inter-governmental organizations, indigenous organizations and NGOs.
Member States have expressed their support to directly involve as many as possible
representatives of indigenous and local communities in the Committee’s work.
The IGC distinctively includes in its proceedings the close link between traditional knowledge
(TK) and traditional cultural expressions (TCEs, also referred to as expressions of folklore). It
also allows for dialogue on different concepts on the public domain and IP rights as expressed
in customary law and indigenous philosophies on the one hand and Western economic theory
and philosophy on the other. Furthermore, it enables indigenous peoples to present
information on indigenous management systems for traditional knowledge with its related
ethics and to strive for an understanding of their fundamental roles in their societies.
28
Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Traditional Knowledge and the Convention on
Biological Diversity. http://www.cbd.int/traditional/intro.shtml.
So far, the Committee’s work focuses on draft provisions for the protection of TK and TCEs
and related sets of issues. Furthermore, the Committee is developing an “intellectual property
management toolkit” for the documentation of traditional knowledge.29
Both, the CBD and WIPO increasingly recognize that indigenous peoples have to be involved
in decision-making on the use and application of the knowledge they are guarding.
29
Draft Outline of an Intellectual Property Management Toolkit for Documentation of Traditional
Knowledge. WIPO Document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/4/5. World Intellectual Property Organization, 2002.
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http://www.incomindios.ch/arbeitsgruppen/infosociety/documents/Access%20to%20Knowledge%20in
%20the%20Information%20Society%20IGF%2006.pdf.
4
(@. A. Håkansson and K. Deer. “Indigenous Ethics: Practicing Cultural Diversity in the Information
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9
(@. A. Mead, “Emerging Issues.”
10
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(@. A. Mead, “Emerging Issues.”
12
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13
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14
(@. John Bulun Bulun & Anor v R & T Textiles Pty Ltd., 39 Australian Indigenous Law Reporter
(1998), 2. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/AILR/1998/39.html.
15
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16
(@. B. Marlene. “Updating Aboriginal Traditions of Knowledge.” In Indigenous Knowledges in
Global Contexts, edited by G. Dei, 26-27. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000.
17
(@. Tulalip Tribes of Washington. “Statement on Folklore, Indigenous Knowledge, and the Public
Domain.” In Proceedings of the Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic
Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore, Fifth Session, Geneva, July 6-17, 2003. 2003.
1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/igc/ngo/tulaliptribes.pdf
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(@. Jomo Kenyatta. Facing Mount Kenya. The Traditional life of the Gikuyu. London: Secker &
Warburg, 1965, pp.83-84.
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21
(@. N. Wane. “Indigenous Knowledge: Lesson from the Elders; a Kenyan Case Study.” In
Indigenous Knowledges in Global Contexts, edited by G. Dei, 55-69. Toronto: University of Toronto
Press, 2000.
22
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23
(@. L. Holmes. “Heart Knowledge, Blood Memory, and the Voice of the Land: Implications of
Research among Hawaiian Elders.” In Indigenous Knowledges in Global Contexts, edited by G. Dei,
55-69. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000, p.37-53; L. Holmes “Elders' Narratives in Hawai’i:
An Ancestry of Experience.” Centre for the Study of Curriculum and Instruction, Faculty of Education
4, no. 1 (1997). 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S
http://ccfi.educ.ubc.ca/publication/insights/online/v04n01/elders.html
24
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5OFP CD9E9K9AO 6 >BDA9, >4> BE>BD5?9A<9 C4@SF< A4LB6.”27
26
(@. John Bulun Bulun & Anor v R & T Textiles Pty Ltd.; George Milpurrurru, Banduk Marika, Tim
Payunka and the Public Trustree for the Northern Territory v. Indofurn Pty Ltd., Brian Alexander
Bethune, George Raymond Kind and Robert James Rylands, 54 FCR 240 (1994). 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S
www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/AILR/1998/39.html
27
(@. Håkansson and Deer, “Give us the Stuff.”
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28
(@. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Traditional Knowledge and the
Convention on Biological Diversity. 1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S http://www.cbd.int/traditional/intro.shtml
29
(@. Draft Outline of an Intellectual Property Management Toolkit for Documentation of Traditional
Knowledge. WIPO Document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/4/5. World Intellectual Property Organization, 2002.
1?9>FDBAA4S 69DE<S http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=15385
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<ECB?P;B64A<S FD48<J<BAAB7B ;A4A<S, A9BECBD<@B.
VIII.
Traditional Knowledge and Information Systems

Anne Gilliland1
I will begin by providing you with some background on the work that we are doing at the
University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). The Department of Information Studies
prepares students to become librarians, archivists, museum specialists and scholars who
address a range of questions and concerns related to the information practices, policies and
technologies of individuals, institutions, communities and cultures. I also direct a research
center called the Center for Information as Evidence. In both the Department and the Center,
we are guided by a principle of social justice and seek to work with diverse communities in
California and around the Pacific Rim. Currently, a number of projects associated with these
two bodies are investigating how different systems for knowledge and knowledge
preservation can be integrated into professional education and research. There is no doubt
that the education of information professionals and researchers can and should include more
community perspectives, including those of indigenous peoples. Moreover, we need to
develop new ways to assist and support indigenous information professionals in working with
their own knowledge systems and empowering their communities to use those knowledge
systems in such actions as sovereignty cases, redress movements, and land claims, as well as
in their daily lives.
In addition to my administrative responsibilities, I teach courses and conduct research that

relate to the preservation of knowledge systems focusing particularly on issues of memory
and identity. My specialization area of archives and archival systems entails work with
records, testimonies and stories that are expressed in a wide variety of forms. As appropriate,
I use technology to capture and document knowledge systems; to protect and preserve them;
to make them accessible; and to support ways for people to learn of their own heritage before
it disappears.
In this work, we encounter many difficulties. One is that this field is very under-informed
about indigenous methods of acquiring and maintaining knowledge. Our field has historically
been very focused on the fixed document, on text. Very few researchers, professionals and
especially teachers come from indigenous communities, which makes it hard to teach future
professionals who wish to work in those communities. Most of the practices that are taught
and are considered to be best practices come from international and national standards and
“best practices” that have been developed from a Western perspective. The same is true of
the research methodologies that are taught and the knowledge frameworks that are vested into
our curriculum. Often, indigenous ways of knowing, their ontologies and belief systems, are
at best invisible or not seen as authoritative, or at worst they are ignored totally or
appropriated and used in other contexts.
We have three major goals that we have been working on in our research and our teaching
agendas. One is to ensure ethical and equitable research engagement between the academy,
and indigenous communities. A second is to bring indigenous ways of knowing and
preserving inside the academy, so that they can be taught appropriately, and can be imparted
to future cultural information and preservation specialists – both those who are indigenous,
and those who need to know how to engage with indigenous communities in culturally
1
Ms. Anne Gilliland is the Director of the Center for Information as Evidence and Chair of the
Department of Information Studies, University of California in Los Angeles (UCLA). This article
represents a speech that she has given at the seminar held during the Sixth Session of the United
Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII), May 14-25, 2007.
sensitive and appropriate ways. A third goal is to develop long-term educational research and
practice relationships that engage indigenous communities and members on their own terms,
that help them to address their own research needs, and that prepare them to work with their
own communities to preserve their knowledge systems.
So what do we believe needs to happen to ensure these goals? To ensure ethical and equitable
research engagement, there are several things that have to happen. One is that research
agendas should address the research needs that are central to the communities. This means
that those needs should first be identified and articulated by the communities. Too often
research questions have been formed inside academia, predominantly from western and Euro-
centric perspectives, which have been imposed on indigenous communities whose assistance
is required in order to address them. The focus of the research, therefore, is not necessarily
what is most important to the communities, but rather what individuals and institutions
external to those communities find most interesting to investigate about indigenous
communities. Accompanying this approach is all too often what we might call “hit-and-run”
research, that is, research where researchers enter a community for a very short period of
engagement. They appear, they collect data, they leave when they have what they need, and
there is no long-term sustained relationship between the researchers, their institutions, and
those communities. Moreover, the actual researchers working on a specific project may
change over time, which may also preclude the development of a long term, trusting
relationship between them and the community.
A second area that needs to be addressed is the issue of ethics clearances for research.
Indigenous perspectives and approval should be a part of these clearances when researchers
work with indigenous communities. Improving this situation involves several components.
Universities need to engage indigenous members on ethics clearance. There needs to be
institutional review boards (IRBs) or ethics clearance processes in place in all indigenous
communities in which researchers work, and there should be indigenous members on
university boards. IRBs do exist in several, but not in all communities, and their expansion
may mean providing funding to allow them to function. These boards would be responsible
for ensuring that the goals and protocols of the proposed research meet the communities’
values and that they anticipate and propose means for mitigating any foreseeable risk to the
community and its members. The universities sponsoring such research also need to
recognize and require clearance by those community institutional review boards. In
establishing a community institutional review board, there needs to be a clear understanding
of who can speak for the whole community to ensure widespread participation and agreement.
The time it takes to get ethics approval also must allow for sufficient deliberation among
community members. University researchers, who are often working with funding and
publication deadlines, can seem impatient to the communities with whom they wish to work,
and may not always understand they need to wait until the appropriate group can meet, and
they need to allow appropriate time for thought and discussion to take place.
Recently I was reading an ethics policy for a university in North America where it stated that
its researchers should consult with the community, but that if they did not hear back in a
reasonable amount of time, that they should just move ahead. I do not consider this to be
appropriate. We need to make sure that the kinds of ethics agreements that have been reached
are documented, and if they prove not to be fair to the communities, that they can also be
revisited. When community members are asked to participate in research in any way
including interviews, the contribution of their stories, the videotaping of their dances, or the
recording of their songs, they should be offered an informed consent form so that they know
what they are consenting to, and that they understand the cultural and physical risks that are
involved. They need to understand what will happen to the data that they contribute. Will
that data go into a database? Who might have access to that database, and under what
circumstances? Will the original or copies of data be returned back to that community after it
has been collected and analyzed? If images have been collected, what will happen to those
images?
Researchers may encounter situations in which the community has one set of research
protocols, and the university has another. We need processes of negotiating that kind of
situation. We also need processes to prevent cultural appropriation. This involves adhering
to declarations of rights, national laws, and international conventions that relate to gathered
artifacts, stories, songs, dances, and mandate such actions as returning gathered objects and
data back to the communities after they have been analyzed. When the research is completed,
the community should receive copies of research reports in forms that are understandable to
its members so that they may share in the benefits of the research. The research reports
should also assign appropriate credit. That might be authorship or ownership credit if that is
appropriate. If not, then other forms of acknowledgement or credit should be included. Also,
the way in which the research is gathered and used should observe the community’s belief
systems. It should address how language may be used and shared, how stories may be shared
or repeated and with whom and when, how images may be displayed, and how places may be
referred to.
A final thing that would help to strengthen research processes is nurturing and supporting
indigenous researchers – by recognizing and validating indigenous ways of knowing, by
demonstrating the importance of the role of indigenous researchers within their communities,
and by respecting and acknowledging how their research practices and experiences may be
different from what we might think of as Western, empirical, or scientific methods. For
example, the research itself may have a sacred dimension for the indigenous researchers, or it
may address culture as a living process rather than something that is static and more easily
categorized.
I wanted to finish by mentioning a few of the education principles that could be applied to
address some of the issues I have already mentioned. At UCLA, we endeavor to train cultural
information professionals who come from indigenous communities or who are able to work in
an informed way with those communities. What this requires is more direct involvement with
indigenous communities and their members, and consultation with them on relevant
curriculum and pedagogy. The traditional forms of education and traditional educators, such
as tribal elders, within these communities should be engaged in this process. Schools like
ours need to endeavor to create more shared forums between indigenous cultures and
universities. As a non-indigenous academic, I believe that we should include indigenous
methods of knowing and keeping information. We need to teach more about the sacred
dimensions of the practices, objects and knowledge that we are working with. We need to
understand more about different concepts of knowledge ownership. We need to prepare
professionals who can work across communities. We need to understand the relationships
between information practices and of such aspects as rights and sovereignty movements, the
preservation of memory and traditional knowledge, and how information and knowledge
systems help to establish identities. We need to teach preservation ethics including an
understanding of when objects should be allowed to deteriorate and return back to their
elements. We need to work with everyone within communities we research, and to do so in
their language. We need to build awareness of how important it is to preserve indigenous
knowledge and to establish a pipeline of professionals who can work within their own
communities to do this. And we need to recognize problems where it is best to bring together
traditional knowledge and a western scientific knowledge base to solve them.
One final issue I want to address is the use of information technology, which can be a double-
edged sword. Technology and technology standards could be potentially hegemonic,
resulting in a new form of colonization. They are processed primarily through the English
language. They incorporate software development and data and metadata standards that have
not been developed with indigenous frameworks in mind. On the other hand, we can use
information technology to bring together dispersed communities in new ways. We can use it
to capture and store language, song, dance, and stories in a new ways, and preserve them for
the communities from which they originate. Information technology allows us to move
beyond a primary focus on print and textual forms. We can help communities to develop
their own information presentations and to present themselves to the rest of the world in their
own ways. And we can also help to educate people so that as they present to your cultures,
they do it in ways appropriate to their audience.
VIII.
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El Oyin1
-&
El Oyin. Altai Republic. Russia. © G. Shermatova
1
Sources used for this section: All-Russia Population Census, 2002; personal communication with the
author of the pictures.
El Oyin. Altai Republic. Russia. (2) © G. Shermatova
The Altai peoples are the indigenous .><2I 9@.M- >BD9AAB9 A4E9?9A<9
peoples from the Altai Republic and ?F4=E>B7B >D4S < '9ECG5?<>< ?F4=:
Altai krai, Russian Federation. Altai F9?9A7<FO (2.399), >G@4A8<AJO (3.114),
peoples include the Telengits (2,399), FG54?4DO (1.565), K9?>4AO (855),
Kumandins (3,114), Tubalars (1,565), F9?9GFO (2.650), LBDJO (13.975) <
Chelkans (855), Teleuts (2,650), Shors 4?F4=JO (67.239). ?F4=E><9 S;O><
(13,975), and Altai peoples (67,239). CD<A48?9:4F > FRD>E>B= S;O>B6B=
Altai languages belong to the Turkic 7DGCC9.
group of languages.
El Oyin (from Altai “all-people holiday”) “+9-!7I; – (4?F. “6E9A4DB8AO=

is a traditional festival of the Altai peoples. CD4;8A<>”). $4 CD4;8A<>9 EBEFS;4RFES
During this festival, competitions are being E>4;<F9?< < @4EF9D4 7BD?B6B7B C9A<S,
held amongst storytellers, masters of throat F4AJBDO, @4EF9D4 CD<>?48AB7B <E>GEEF64,
singing, dancers, craft makers, and <ECB?A<F9?< A4 A4J. @G;O>4?PAOI
musicians performing on traditional <AEFDG@9AF4I. *EFD4<64RFES EBEFS;4A<S
instruments. There are also several 6 A4J<BA4?PAOI 6<84I ECBDF4,
traditional sports contests held, such as the 6>?RK4RM4, @9F4A<9 89D96SAAB= 5G?46O,
wooden maces, lifting stones, racing on CB8ASF<9 >4@A9=, E>4K>< A4 ?BL48SI.”
horseback.” (G. Shermatova). (. /9D@4FB64).

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Glossary
This informal glossary has been prepared by Ulia Popova-Gosart, on behalf of LIENIP, whilst
WIPO has made certain contributions to it. It should be noted that the glossary does not
necessarily reflect formal and agreed definitions of all terms, as it is rather built on using
credible and authoritative reference sources.
Term Abbre- Related Definition

viation Expressions
Agenda 21 “A… plan of action to be taken globally, nationally and locally by

organizations of the United Nations System, Governments, and Major
Groups in every area in which human impacts on the environment…
adopted by more than 178 Governments at the United Nations
Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Rio
de Janerio, Brazil, 3 to 14 June 1992.”
Source: UN DESA. (2004). Agenda 21. Retrieved February 21, 2009

from http://www.un.org/esa/sustdev/documents/agenda21/index.htm
Covenant of the Charter of the The charter of the League of Nations, completed as a draft in 1919 and
League of League of Nations entered into force in 1920. The League of Nations was an inter-
Nations governmental organization created as a result of the the Treaty of
Versailles in 1919–1920 with aims to prevent armed conflict, uphold
rights of man, and settle disputes among its members through
diplomacy. The League evolved to become the United Nations (1945).
The UN Charter contains similar provisions and shares structure with
the Covenant.
See full text at: Yale Law School Avalon Project. (2008). The Covenant
of the League of Nations. Online at
http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/leagcov.asp
Colonialism “[T]he extension of a nation's sovereignty over territory beyond its

borders by the establishment of either settler or exploitation colonies in
which indigenous populations are directly ruled, displaced, or
exterminated.”
Source: Wikipedia. (2007). Colonialism. Retrieved February 21,

2009, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colonialism
Convention on CBD Biodiversity “[A]n international treaty... adopted in Rio de Janeiro in June 1992.
Biological Convention The Convention has three main goals: conservation of biological
Diversity diversity (or biodiversity); sustainable use of its components; and fair
and equitable sharing of benefits arising from genetic resources.”
Website: http://www.cbd.int
Source: Wikipedia. (n.d.). Convention on Biological Diversity.

Retrieved February 23, 2009, from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Convention_on_Biological_Diversity
Copyright “Copyright is the body of laws, which grants authors, artists and other
creators protection for their literary and artistic creations.”
Source: WIPO Publication No. 450 “What is Intellectual Property?”,

available online at
http://www.wipo.int/freepublications/en/intproperty/450/wipo_pub_450
.pdf
For further readings: WIPO Publication 891 “Guide to the Copyright

and Related Rights Treaties Administered by WIPO and Glossary of
Copyright and Related Rights Terms”
Culture Culture (from the Latin cultura ... “to cultivate”) – a very broad
concept developed and employed in social sciences and referring to a
range of issues from distinct ways of communal living (such as Buryat
culture, American culture) to a human’s intellectual and creative
capacities.
For a detailed discussion of the development of this concept refer, for

example, to Kuper, A. (1999). Culture: An anthropological account.
Harvard: Harvard University Press
Cultural diversity Multiculturalism, In the broadest sense, a variety of distinct ways of collective living.
Heritage of Within the sphere of international policy making the term signifies “the
humanity common heritage of humanity... embodied in the uniqueness and
plurality of identities of the groups and societies making up
humankind… a source of exchange, innovation and creativity.”
Source: Article 1, UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural

Diversity, (2001). Available online at
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001271/127160m.pdf
Cultural heritage National heritage, Tangible and intangible aspects of a particular culture, including sites
Heritage of of historic, scientific or cultural significance, or those that have an
humanity “outstanding universal value” (UNESCO World Heritage Convention
(1972), Art. 1), and tangible and intangible objects, considered as
“cultural property” (owned by nations or belonging to humanity).
Source: UNESCO Portal on World Heritage, Tangible and Intangible

Heritage at UNESCO. (2009). Culture. Retrieved on February 21,
2009, from http://portal.unesco.org/culture/en/
Customary law An aspect of law derived from customs; legal capacity of the customary
law is recognized by the Statute of the International Court of Justice,
Article 38(b).
“… customs that are accepted as legal requirements or obligatory rules

of conduct, practices and beliefs that are so vital and intrinsic a part of
a social and economic system that they are treated as if they are laws.”
Source: Black’s Law Dictionary, 7th edition, 1999
Declaration on “[A] comprehensive statement addressing the rights of indigenous

the Rights of peoples. Drafted and formally debated for over twenty years prior to
Indigenous being adopted on 29 June 2006 during the inaugural session of the
Peoples Human Rights Council. The document emphasizes the rights of
indigenous peoples to maintain and strengthen their own institutions,
cultures and traditions and to pursue their development in keeping with
their own needs and aspirations. Other U.N. bodies address indigenous
rights through Conventions such as the International Labor
Organization’s Convention No.169 and the Convention on Biological
Diversity (Article 8j).”
For the full text,

see http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/en/drip.html
Source: United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues.

(2007). FAQ: Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/FAQsindigenousdeclar
ation.pdf
Development Modernization, A concept encompassing a “complex set of meaning” denoting “natural

integration or reduced change by means of social engineering.. [and] rooted in..
uni-direction conception of social change.”
Source: Rodríguez-Piñero, L. (2005). Indigenous peoples,

postcolonialism, and international law, p.184. Oxford: Oxford
University Press
Elders Traditional Members of traditional leadership structures (forms of governance

leadership based on local, communal practices and believes).
Genetic GR “Genetic material of actual or potential value.”

Resources
Source: Article 2 of the Convention on Biological Diversity, see full
text of Convention at http://www.cbd.int/convention/convention.shtml
Geographical GI “A sign used on goods that have a specific geographical origin and
indication possess qualities, reputation or characteristics that are essentially
attributable to that place of origin. Most commonly, a geographical
indication includes the name of the place of origin of the goods.”
Source: WIPO web page “About Geographical Indications”

http://www.wipo.int/geo_indications/en/about.html
For further readings: WIPO Publication No. 450 “What is Intellectual

Property?”, available online at
.pdf
Human Rights Rights of all humans to be “free and equal in dignity and rights.” (Art.
1, “The Universal Declaration of human rights”, adopted by the United
Nations in 1948). These rights include political and civil rights,
freedom of expression, right of equality before the law, rights to
education, to food, to equal work opportunity, and right to participate in
one’s own culture.
For the full text, see United Nations. (2008). The Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, available online at
http://www.un.org/Overview/rights.html
Identity “[I]n philosophy, problem of distinguishing sameness from change, or

unity from diversity; primarily examined in connection with personal
identity, universals, and the law of identity in logic… The term [is
also]…important in modern psychology largely through the work of
Erik Erikson.. [who].. used the term to designate a sense of self that
develops in the course of a man’s life and that both relates him to and
sets him apart from his social milieu.”
Source: The Columbia Encyclopedia. (2001). Identity. (6th ed.). New

York: Columbia University Press
Industrial Design “An industrial design is the ornamental or aesthetic aspect of an article.
The design may consist of three-dimensional features, such as the
shape or surface of an article, or of two-dimensional features, such as
patterns, lines or color.
Industrial designs are applied to a wide variety of products of industry

and handicraft: from technical and medical instruments to watches,
jewelry, and other luxury items; from housewares and electrical
appliances to vehicles and architectural structures; from textile designs
to leisure goods.
To be protected under most national laws, an industrial design must

appeal to the eye. This means that an industrial design is primarily of
an aesthetic nature, and does not protect any technical features of the
article to which it is applied.”
Source: WIPO web page “What is an Industrial Design?”

http://www.wipo.int/designs/en/designs.html
For further readings:

WIPO Publication No. 450 “What is Intellectual Property?”, available
online at
.pdf
Information and ICT4D “[A] general term referring to the application of Information and
Communication Communication Technologies (ICTs) within the field of socio-
Technologies for economic development.”
Development
Source: Wikipedia. (n.d.). ICT4D. Retrieved February 23, 2009, from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Information_and_Communication_Technol
ogies_for_Development
Information Professionals working in services related to information. These include

professionals online and manual information retrieval, research, document delivery,
database design, library support, consulting, writing, and publishing.
For more information, see Reitz, J. (2004). (Ed.). Dictionary for

Library and Information Science. Santa Barbara, CA: Libraries
Unlimited
Information “[A] term [that].describe[s] a society built on technologies of

Society information storage, retrieval, and transmission.. characterized by
networking, globalization, and the flexibility, individuality, and
instability of work…”
Source: Mayhew, S. (2004). Information society. In A Dictionary of

Geography. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Intellectual IP “Intellectual property refers to creations of the mind: inventions,

property literary and artistic works, and symbols, names, images, confidential
information and designs used in commerce.
Intellectual property is divided into two categories: Industrial property,

which includes inventions (patents), trademarks, industrial designs, and
geographic indications of source; and Copyright, which includes
literary and artistic works such as novels, poems and plays, films,
musical works, artistic works such as drawings, paintings, photographs
and sculptures, and architectural designs. Rights related to copyright
include those of performing artists in their performances, producers of
phonograms in their recordings, and those of broadcasters in their radio
and television programs.”
Source: WIPO web page “What is Intellectual Property?”,

http://www.wipo.int/about-ip/en/
For further readings: WIPO Publication No.489 “WIPO Intellectual

Property Handbook: Policy, Law and Use”, available online at
http://www.wipo.int/about-ip/en/iprm/index.html
Institutional IRB “IRB…also known as an independent ethics committee.. or ethical

Review Board review board (ERB) is a committee that has been formally designated
to approve, monitor, and review biomedical and behavioral research
involving humans with the aim to protect the rights and welfare of the
research subjects [human beings participating in research]”.
Source: Wikipedia. (n.d.). IRB. Retrived February 23, 2009 from

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Institutional_Review_Board.
Knowledge Information “A computer-based system.. that.. provides information to users in one

system system or more organizations...”
Source: Daintith, J. & Wright, E. (2008). (Eds.). Information system.

In A Dictionary of Computing. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Methodology “A body of practices, procedures, and rules used by those who work in
a discipline or engage in an inquiry; a set of working methods.”
Source: Pickett, J. et al. (2000). (Eds.). Methodology. In The

American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language. (4th ed.).
Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Ontology Existence, being.
Patent “An exclusive right granted for an invention, which is a product or a

process that provides, in general, a new way of doing something, or
offers a new technical solution to a problem. In order to be patentable,
the invention must fulfill certain conditions.”
Source: WIPO webpage “General FAQs on Patents”,

http://www.wipo.int/patentscope/en/patents_faq.html#patent
For further readings: WIPO Publication 485 “Patents – Comic

Book”, available online at
http://www.wipo.int/freepublications/en/patents/485/wipo_pub_485.pdf
Public domain “[T]he state of belonging or being available to the public as a whole…
not subject to copyright.”
Source: McKean, E. (2005) (Ed.) Public domain. In The New Oxford

American Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Related right Neighboring right “In the traditional narrower sense, the term “related rights” (or its
synonym “neighboring rights”) means the rights of performers in
respect of their performances, the rights of producers of phonograms in
respect of their phonograms, and the rights of broadcasting
organizations in respect of their broadcasts.”
Source: WIPO Publication 891 “Guide to the Copyright and Related

Rights Treaties Administered by WIPO and Glossary of Copyright and
Related Rights Terms”
Safeguarding “Safeguarding” means measures aimed at ensuring the viability of the

intangible cultural heritage [which includes traditional knowledge as a
part of indigenous peoples’ intellectual and cultural heritage] including
the identification, enhancement, transmission, particularly through
formal and non-formal education, as well as the revitalization of the
various aspects of such heritage.”
Source: Article 3 of the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of

the Intangible Cultural Heritage, (2003). Full text available online at
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001325/132540e.pdf.
Stakeholder “Two main senses, one more collective, the other more individual. In
the first sense, one who has a stake in a business or a policy… A
stakeholder's stake may be labour, or land, or a consumer interest in the
business or policy… In the second sense, the term is increasingly used
in connection with new forms of social policy based on individualized
assets/accounts (‘stakes’).”
Source: Ed. McLean, I. & McMillan, A. (2003). (Eds.). Stakeholder.

In The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Oxford: Oxford
University Press
Trademark “A sign capable of distinguishing the goods or services of one

enterprise from those of other enterprises.”
Source: WIPO webpage “Trademarks in general”,

http://www.wipo.int/madrid/en/faq/trademarks.html
For further readings: WIPO Publication 483 “Trademarks – Comic

Book”, available online at
http://www.wipo.int/freepublications/en/marks/483/wipo_pub_483.pdf
Trade Related TRIPS The Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property
Aspects of Rights, that introduced intellectual property standards into multilateral
Intellectual trading system. TRIPS was negotiated at the Uruguay Round of the
Property General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade in 1994, and is presently
administered by the World Trade Organization (WTO).
For the full text of the Agreement, see

http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/tif_e/agrm7_e.htm
Traditional TCEs Expressions of Article 1:

Cultural folklore (a) “Traditional cultural expressions” or “expressions of folklore” are
Expressions any forms, whether tangible and intangible, in which traditional culture
and knowledge are expressed, appear or are manifested, and comprise
the following forms of expressions or combinations thereof:
(i) verbal expressions, such as: stories, epics, legends, poetry,
riddles and other narratives; words, signs, names, and
symbols;
(ii) musical expressions, such as songs and instrumental music;
(iii) expressions by action, such as dances, plays, ceremonies,
rituals and other performances,
whether or not reduced to a material form; and,
(iv) tangible expressions, such as productions of art, in particular,
drawings, designs, paintings (including body-painting),
carvings, sculptures, pottery, terracotta, mosaic, woodwork,
metalware, jewelry, baskets, needlework, textiles, glassware,
carpets, costumes; handicrafts; musical instruments; and
architectural forms;
which are:
(aa) the products of creative intellectual activity, including
individual and communal creativity;
(bb) characteristic of a community’s cultural and social
identity and cultural heritage; and
(cc) maintained, used or developed by such community,
or by individuals having the right or responsibility to do so in
accordance with the customary law and practices of that
community.
The specific choice of terms to denote the protected subject matter

should be determined at the national and regional levels.
Source: WIPO Document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/12/4(c) “The Protection

of Traditional Cultural Expressions/ Expressions of Folklore: Revised
Objectives and Principles”, available online at
http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=89833
Traditional TK Indigenous Article 3:

knowledge knowledge, “… the term “traditional knowledge” refers to the content or substance
indigenous of knowledge resulting from intellectual activity in a traditional
environmental context, and includes the know-how, skills, innovations, practices and
knowledge, learning that form part of traditional knowledge systems, and
indigenous knowledge embodying traditional lifestyles of indigenous and local
ecological communities, or contained in codified knowledge systems passed
knowledge, local between generations. It is not limited to any specific technical field,
knowledge and may include agricultural, environmental and medicinal knowledge,
and knowledge associated with genetic resources.”
Source: WIPO Document WIPO/GRTKF/IC/12/5(c) “The Protection

of Traditional Knowledge: Revised Objectives and Principles”,
available online at
http://www.wipo.int/meetings/en/doc_details.jsp?doc_id=89835
Unfair “Any act of competition contrary to honest practices in industrial or

Competition commercial matters constitutes an act of unfair competition”
Source: Article 10bis, Paris Convention for the Protection of

Industrial Property (1979), for the full text, see online at
http://www.wipo.int/treaties/en/ip/paris/trtdocs_wo020.html#P213_355
15
United Nations UN “[A]n international organization, based in New York and Geneva, set
up by the United Nations Charter in 1945 to replace the League of
Nations. The main aims of the UN are:
• to maintain international peace and security and to bring about
settlement of international disputes by peaceful means;
• to develop friendly relations among nations;
• to achieve international cooperation in solving international problems
of an economic or cultural nature and in promoting respect for human
rights. The Charter sets out certain fundamental principles, which

include the undertaking to refrain from using or threatening force
against the territory or political independence of any state…”
Website: http://www.un.org
Source: Martin, E. & Law, J. (2006). (Eds.). United Nations. In The

Oxford Dictionary of Law. Oxford: Oxford University Press
United Nations The treaty that establishes the United Nations.

Charter
See online text: “Charter of the United Nations”,
http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/
United Nations UNCED Earth Summit “The United Nations.. Conference on Environment and
Conference on Development..[that] took place in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from June 2-
Environment and 14, 1992.. where [g]overnment officials from 178 countries and
Development between 20,000 and 30,000 individuals from governments, non-
governmental organizations, and the media participated.. to discuss
solutions for global problems such as poverty, war, and the growing
gap between industrialized and developing countries. The central focus
was the question of how to relieve the global environmental system
through the introduction to .. sustainable development [that]..
emphasizes that economic and social progress depend critically on the
preservation of the natural resource base with effective measures to
prevent environmental degradation.”
Source: Cleveland, C. Kubiszewski, I., Miller, M. (2007). United

Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), Rio
de Janeiro, Brazil. In Cleveland, C. (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Earth.;
Retrieved February 23, 2009 from
http://www.eoearth.org/article/United_Nations_Conference_on_Enviro
nment_and_Development_(UNCED),_Rio_de_Janeiro,_Brazil
United Nations CSTD “[A] subsidiary body of the [UN] Economic and Social Council
Commission of (ECOSOC)…[that] provides the General Assembly and ECOSOC with
Science and high-level advice on relevant science and technology issues.”
Technology for
Development Website: http://www.unctad.org
Source: UNCTAD. (2002). Commission on Science & Technology for

Development (CSTD). Retrieved February 23, 2009, from
http://www.unctad.org/Templates/Page.asp?intItemID=2696
United Nation UNDP “UN’s global development network, an organization advocating for
Development change and connecting countries to knowledge, experience and
Program resources to help people build a better life. Its mission is to be an agent
for change to promote human development and to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals (MDG).”
Website: http://www.undp.org
Source: UNDP. (2009). Welcome to UNDP. Retrieved February 23,

2009, from http://www.undp.or.id/
United Nations UNEP An organization within the United Nations that “coordinates UN
Environment environmental activities, assisting developing countries in
Programme implementing environmentally sound policies and encourages
sustainable development through sound environmental practices. It was
founded as a result of the United Nations Conference on the Human
Environment in June 1972 and has its headquarters in Nairobi, Kenya.
UNEP also has six regional offices and various country offices.”
Website: http://www.unep.org
Source: Wikipedia. (n.d.). United Nations Environment Program.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations_Environment_Programme
United Nations UNESCO “[A] specialized agency of the United Nations established on 16
Educational, November 1945. Its stated purpose is to contribute to peace and
Scientific and security by promoting international collaboration through education,
Cultural science, and culture in order to further universal respect for justice, the
Organization rule of law and the human rights and fundamental freedoms proclaimed
in the UN Charter.”
Website: http://www.unesco.org
Source: Wikipedia. (n.d.). United Nations Educational, Scientific and

Cultural Organization. Retrieved February 23, 2009, from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/UNESCO
United Nations’ IPCC “[A] scientific intergovernmental body tasked to evaluate the risk of
Intergovern- climate change caused by human activity. The panel was established in
mental Panel on 1988 by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and the
Climate Change United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). The IPCC shared
the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize with former Vice President of the United
States Al Gore.”
Website: http://www.ipcc.ch/
Source: Wikipedia. (n.d.). The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate

Change. Retrieved February 23, 2009, from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intergovernmental_Panel_on_Climate_Ch
ange
United Nations UNFPA “[A]n international development agency that promotes the right of
Population Fund every woman, man and child to enjoy a life of health and equal
opportunity. UNFPA supports countries in using population data for
policies and programmes to reduce poverty and to ensure that every
pregnancy is wanted, every birth is safe, every young person is free of
HIV/AIDS, and every girl and woman is treated with dignity and
respect.”
Website: http://www.unfpa.org
Source: UNFPA. (2008). About UNFPA. Retrieved February 23,

2009, from http://www.unfpa.org/about/index.htm
United Nations ILO “[A] UN agency.. that.. brings together representatives of governments,
International employers and workers to jointly shape policies and programmes..[in
Labor regard to the issues of].. employment and work.” Founded in 1919.
Organization
Website: http://www.ilo.org
Source: ILO. (2009). About the ILO. Retrieved February 21, 2009
from http://www.ilo.org/global/About_the_ILO/lang--en/index.htm
International ILO C107 Indigenous An ILO instrument on indigenous populations adopted in 1957 and
Labor Conven- and Tribal later revised to form the basis of the ILO Convention 169 (1989). In the
Organization tion 107 Populations ILO Convention 107 (Art. 1 & Recommendation N104) the definition
Convention 107 Convention, 1957 “indigenous, tribal and semi-tribal” populations was used for the first
(1957) time.
For the full text, see http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/cgi-lex/convde.pl?C107
United Nations UNPFII An advisory body within the United Nations System that operates as a
Permanent Forum forum for matters relating issues and rights of the indigenous peoples.
on Indigenous Established in 2001 and currently mandated to discuss issues related to
Issues the economic and social development, culture, environment, education,
health and human rights of indigenous peoples.
Website: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/
World WIPO The World Intellectual Property Organization is a specialized agency of

Intellectual the United Nations, established by the WIPO Convention in 1967. It is
Property dedicated to developing a balanced and accessible international IP
Organization system, which rewards creativity, stimulates innovation and contributes
to economic development while safeguarding the public interest.
Website: http://www.wipo.int/
WIPO Creative A WIPO capacity-building project aimed at the development of best

Heritage Project practices and guidelines for managing intellectual property issues when
recording, digitizing and disseminating intangible cultural heritage.
The Project’s aim is to assist communities and cultural institutions to
manage IP options so as to both preserve cultural heritage and protect it
against misappropriation and misuse.
See WIPO’s Creative Heritage Project’s webpage at

http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/index.html
For further readings: WIPO Publication L934/TCH “Creative

Heritage Project: IP Guidelines for Digitizing Intangible Cultural
Heritage”, available online at
http://www.wipo.int/export/sites/www/tk/en/folklore/culturalheritage/pd
f/creative_heritage_brochure.pdf
WIPO Inter- IGC The Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic
governmental Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore is an international
Committee on norm-building forum for debate and dialogue concerning the interplay
Intellectual between IP and TK, TCEs and GR.
Property and
Genetic Source: WIPO webpage “Intergovernmental Committee”,
Resources, http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/igc/
Traditional
Knowledge and
Folklore
World Health WHO “[A] specialized agency of the United Nations.. that acts as a
Organization coordinating authority on international public health. Established on 7
April 1948, and headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland.”
Source: Wikipedia. (n.d.). World Health Organization. Retrieved

February 23, 2009, from
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_Health_Organization
World Summit WSIS “[A] a pair of United Nations-sponsored conferences about

on the information, communication and.. the information society that took
Information place in 2003 in Geneva and in 2005 in Tunis. One of its chief aims
Society was to bridge the so-called global digital divide separating rich
countries from poor countries by spreading access to the Internet in the
developing world.”
Website: http://www.itu.int/wsis/index.html.
Main documents: WSIS. (2003). WSIS Declaration of Principles.
Retrieved February 23, 2009 from
http://www.itu.int/wsis/docs/geneva/official/dop.html
WSIS. (2003). WSIS Plan of Action. Retrieved February 23, 2009 from
http://www.itu.int/wsis/docs/geneva/official/poa.html
WSIS. (2005). WSIS Tunis Commitment. Retrieved February 23, 2009
from http://www.itu.int/wsis/docs2/tunis/off/7.html
Source: Wikipedia. World Summit on the Information Society.
Retrieved Feb. 23, 2009, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Main_Page
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http://www.un.org/russian/ecosoc/unfpa/
Traditional knowledge is an important element !' #"
of the intellectual and cultural heritage of +& -# ##$,
indigenous peoples. It reflects their social and $,#$! " !+& !.
historical identity and significantly contributes
#! " #+ "', "#!("
to the future well being and sustainable #("# ! ",
development of these peoples. #!' .(+ !
" " ! !'"" $"#(
In 2007, the L’auravetl’an Information & Educa- !# %!! $"
tion Network of Indigenous Peoples (LIENIP) *"# ""# !+&
organized a series of educational conferences, !.
aimed at fostering greater understanding on
the nature and evolution of this phenomenon 2007 $ %!'-!#,
and encouraging mutually-beneficial relation- "#, !+& ! “,+!-#,”
ships among representatives of indigenous ! ! *!#,+&
communities, academia, professional entities ! !# '& " (
and international organizations. )! %,
!!+ "# $( " #
This publication is comprised of several #!' ; -# ! !#
articles written for and speeches made at these # + !+ ""#
events, and also includes a glossary of related ". ++& #)
concepts. It is made possible thanks to $ !"## * !+&
LIENIP’s collaboration with the World Intel- !, $( "*"#,
lectual Property Organization (WIPO). The " '!+& $(!
publication is offered in English and Russian. $!+& !'.
$' ""# #!

-#& ! !# "!# " "##,
#"#+ +"#$ , # ""!
#, "+& " # #!'
. $' "#
! "#!$("#$ “,+!-#,” "
"!
!' ##$,
"#"# (
). #!+
!"#+ " !$""
+&.
WIPO Publication No. 1014E/R

ISBN 978-92-805-1841-2

WIPO - Traditional Knowledge and Indeigenous Poeple - 1014

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Traditional !

Traditional Knowledge & Indigenous Peoples

Traditional knowledge is an important element of the intellectual and cultural heritage of

In 2007, the L’auravetl’an Information & Education Network of Indigenous Peoples

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Copyright Notice and Disclaimer

© L'auravetl'an Information & Education Network of Indigenous Peoples (LIENIP) and

For general information contact:

L'auravetl'an Information & Education World Intellectual Property Organization

Dear indigenous sisters and brothers, colleagues and friends,

With our best regards,

Ulia Popova-Gosart Gulvayra Sharmatova

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Ulia Popova-Gosart, LIENIP International Representative, based at the University of

Simon Legrand, Counsellor, Traditional Creativity, Cultural Expressions and Cultural

The contributions of the following are also much appreciated.

For their support in the development of this bilingual publication:

Andrey A. Nikiforov, Member, United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues

For their respective papers and participation in the educational events:

Mattias Ahren, Head, Human Rights Unit, Saami Council, Sweden.

Kenneth Deer, Secretary, Mohawk Nation, Kahnawake, Canada.

For their respective photographs appearing in this bilingual publication:

Gulvayra Shermatova, LIENIP Director, Russian Federation.

Ulia Popova-Gosart, LIENIP International Representative, Los Angeles, United States.

Kenneth Deer, Secretary, Mohawk Nation, Kahnawake, Canada.

Mihail Egorov, Photographer, Udmurtia, Russian Federation.

Alexandr Gluscko, Photographer, Udmurtia, Russian Federation.

Aleksei Pomosov, Photographer, Udmurtia, Russian Federation.

For their assistance in the editing of the English text:

Oleg Popov, Cherkassy, Ukraine.

Robin Weisz, Graphic Designer, Los Angeles, United States.

Jennifer Zanowiak, New York, United States.

Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation to the United Nations.

Secretariat of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII).

Organizing Committee for the DPI/NGO Conference.

Center for Information as Evidence at the University of California, Los Angeles.

Office of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

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