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n e t
Jesús Martín-Barbero
[276]
2
A bolero is a slow, romantic ballad (Trans. N.).
Memory and Form in the Latin American Soap Opera
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For the Latin American public did not perceive the cinema
as a specifically artistic or cultural phenomenon. The real
reason for its success was its relation to life. This public saw
the cinema as an opportunity to experiment: to adopt new
habits and to see cultural codes – iterated (and dramatized
with the voices that they would have liked) have and to
hear –. They did not go to the movies to dream; they went)
learn.
(Monsiváis 1980: 16)
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3
Concerning this point see the following: R. Ortiz, S. H. Borelli,
and I. Ortiz Ramos, Telenovela: história e produção (Sao Paulo:
Brasiliense, 1989); M. Coccato, "Apuntes para una historia de la
telenovela venezolana," Videoforum (1-3) (Caracas, 1979); I. Gon-
zález, Las vetas del encanto: por los veneros de la producción mexicana
de telenovelas, mimeograph (Colima, Mexico, 1990).
Memory and Form in the Latin American Soap Opera
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What has made soap operas into a strategic enclave for the
Latin American audiovisual production is their weight in
the television market as well as the role that they play in the
production and reproduction of the images Latin American
peoples make of themselves, and by which others recognize
them. This fact makes it indispensable to analyze the differ-
ent meanings of the soap opera on the national, regional,
and transnational plane, as well as its importance within
these planes.
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[281]
The development of the soap opera and its role in the de-
velopment of television in an appreciable number of Latin
American countries is tied to its capacity to displace North
American television series from prime-time spaces, a phe-
nomenon that is linked to cultural and commercial reasons.
The fact that the soap operas moved from the "housewives"
time slot, in the middle of the day, to prime-time family
hours, was because television viewers discovered something
in the soap operas which North American serials, despite
their visual attractiveness and narrative skill, did not offer: a
complicity with certain markers of cultural identity like
those pointed out previously. However, in the Latin Ameri-
can television industry, the soap opera's legitimization by its
occupation of the "noblest" time slots in daily [282] pro-
gramming also meant taking the step to audience manage-
ment (Mattelart 1989: 77 ff.); that is to say, not only in
terms of its quantitative measurement, but also in terms of
sounding its demands and changing tastes.
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put into motion in the 1940s and 1950s by the Mexican and
Argentinean cinema, and by the tango, the ranchera, and the
bolero. It is a process of sentimental integration of the differ-
ent Latin American countries – a standardization of ways of
feeling and expressing, of gestures and sounds, dance
rhythms, and narrative cadences – made possible by the
cultural industries of radio and cinema. The soap opera and
the logic of its production and consumption are a landmark
in the development of this dynamic of integration. That is to
say, they are the place where the references and motives of
Latin American integration – the countries in their national
plurality and cultural diversity – are influenced by the dy-
namic of transnational globalization of the world market.
The internationalization of the soap opera thus responds to
the movement of activation and recognition of that which is
specifically Latin American in a television genre which
began by exporting national hits. Contradictorily, this inter-
nationalization also responds to the movement of progre-
ssive neutralization of the characteristics of Latin Ameri-
can-ness in a genre which the logic of the world market
must convert into transnational from the time of its produc-
tion.
(The Rich Also Weep) which are broadcast from Italy to pre-
sent-day Russia.
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References
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