Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Preface
Tis book is an altered and revised version of my PhD dissertation defended at
the University of Aarhus in May 2001. Due to other obligations and a certain
fatigue and nausea at the thought of taking another swing at the large corpora
(they do tend to have a rather musty odour), the manuscript was put in the
drawer. Earlier this year it would remain hidden no longer. Over the sum-
mer and during a stay in Rome in the autumn, the tedious task of checking
the entries in the catalogue and editing the text was carried out. Two major
changes have been made. First of all, the three separate papers that formed
part of the dissertation: Te Epigraphic Evidence Concerning Portrait Statues
of Hadrians Heir L. Aelius Caesar, Imperial Visits as Occasion for the Erection
of Portrait Statues?, and Te Statue Bases of Claudius. A Reassessment of Te
Portraiture of Claudius by M. Stuart have been published elsewhere, and
are therefore not included here (see bibliography). Tis meant that a good
number of cross-references had to be sorted out and text supplied where nec-
essary. Secondly, the catalogue of statue bases has been revised and updated.
A number of inscriptions included in the dissertation, as pointed out by the
assessment committee, demonstrably did not belong to statue bases, and have
consequently been excluded. In addition, a number of inscriptions that seemed
too uncertain to include have also been removed. On the other hand, more
material has been published in the intervening period. Te catalogue has been
updated to include the bases mentioned in Supplementum Epigraphicum Grae-
cum 2000 and LAnne pigraphique 2001. In the dissertation only a minimum
of information about the individual bases went on paper, while the bulk was
stored on a CD-ROM. Here I have chosen to include more information in
the printed text, which has resulted in a rather voluminous catalogue. It is
vvii.ci 3
my hope that the expanded format will improve its usefulness and encourage
others to make use of the collected data, which I believe holds potential far
beyond what has been covered in this book.
Since my interest in Roman imperial statue bases was frst aroused by reading
Meriwether Stuarts dissertation from 1938 on the portraiture of Claudius,
which includes the frst attempt at systematically compiling and analysing the
epigraphical evidence from statue bases, many friends and colleagues have
commented and made valuable suggestions that have greatly improved the
outcome. Some require particular mention: Ittai Gradel for inspiration and
rewarding discussions. His encouragement is one of the primary reasons why
the study has been brought to completion. Niels Hannestad and Lise Hanne-
stad, my supervisor, for valuable help and advice both during and afer my
time as a PhD student. Niels interest in Roman sculpture and imperial por-
traiture in particular initially got me started on this project. Robert Fleischer,
my external supervisor, for making my much too short stay in Mainz pleasant
and rewarding. More importantly for his comments on the part of my original
project, which will unfortunately have to stay in the drawer for some time
yet, namely an unfnished study of the statue bases for the Hellenistic kings.
Te external members of the assessment committee Geza Alfldy and Jane
Fejfer, who gave precise criticism and good directions for both possible and
required improvements far beyond the call of duty. I have tried as best I could
to follow their recommendations. Finally and most dearly I want to thank my
family, who have tirelessly accompanied me on countless journeys in (ofen
futile) search of statue bases.
Te book was made possible by generous fnancial support from the Uni-
versity of Aarhus, the University of Aarhus Research Foundation, Elizabeth
Munksgaard Fonden, Landsdommer V. Gieses Legat, and the Danish Research
Council for Humanities.
Arhus, December 2004
Jakob Munk Hjte
6 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Contents
Pvii.ci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Lis1 oi Fic0vis .u T.niis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
I1vou0c1io. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Tvvis oi Mo0mi1s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Identifcation of statue bases. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Te language of the inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Types of statue base. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Literary testimony for imperial statue bases and inscriptions . . . . . . . 40
Statue types and materials used for imperial statues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Te cost of imperial statues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Damnatio memoriae and the reuse of statue bases. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
D.1ic 1ui Iscviv1ios
ivom Imvivi.i S1.10i B.sis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Imperial nomenclature and honorifc titles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Other dating criteria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
Dating by negative evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
Reliability of the dating criteria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
Dating accuracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
Dates chosen for dedicating imperial statues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
co1i1s 7
Tui Avviic.niii1v oi 1ui Eviuici
oi 1ui S1.10i B.sis 1o 1ui Ex1.1 Pov1v.i1s . 81
Tui Giocv.vuic.i Dis1vin01io
oi Imvivi.i Pov1v.i1 S1.10is . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Te geographical distribution of extant imperial portraits . . . . . . . . . . 86
Te geographical distribution of statue bases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Te number of sites and the number of bases per site. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
S1.10is Diuic.1iu Biiovi .u Ai1iv . Riic . 123
Pre-accessional dedications. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Posthumous dedications. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
Occ.sios iov Evic1ic Imvivi.i S1.10is . . . . . . . 143
Accession. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
Jubilees (decennalia and vicennalia) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Imperial visits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
Patterns of chronological distribution during a reign. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
Diuic.1ovs oi Rom. Imvivi.i S1.10is . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Statues dedicated by communities or their executive bodies . . . . . . . . 168
Private dedicators. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Public or private: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Corporations as dedicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Military units as dedicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Statue bases without dedicators. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
Regional diferences and developments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
Coci0sio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Biniiocv.vuv . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
8 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
C.1.ioc0i . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
I1vou0c1io 1o 1ui C.1.ioc0i . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
What is included: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
Sorting system. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
Geography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
Chronology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
Distribution maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
Histograms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
Annvivi.1ios .u Biniiocv.vuv
iov C.1.ioc0i . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
C.1.ioc0i oi S1.10i B.sis
Avv.ciu Accovuic 1o Emvivov . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
Augustus 229 Tiberius 263 Caligula 288 Claudius 294
Nero 319 Galba 319 Otho 330 Vitellius 330 Vespasian 330
Titus 344 Domitian 334 Nerva 363 Trajan 373 Hadrian 404
Antoninus Pius 466 Lucius Verus 309 Marcus Aurelius 331 Marcus
Aurelius or Lucius Verus 369 Avidius Cassius 371 Commodus 371
S1.1is1ic.i A.ivsis, Emvivovs (T.niis SE 1-8) . 391
Augustus 391 Tiberius 392 Caligula 393 Claudius 394 Nero 393
Galba Otho and Vitellius 396 Vespasian 397 Titus 308
Domitian 309 Nerva 600 Trajan 601 Hadrian 602 Antoninus
Pius 603 Lucius Verus 604 Marcus Aurelius 603 Commodus 606
S1.1is1ic.i A.ivsis, Giocv.vuic.i
(T.niis SG 1-i) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 607
Italy 607 Northern provinces 609 Gaul 611 Spain 613 Western
North Africa 613 Greece 617 Asia Minor 619 Eastern provinces 621
co1i1s 9
S1.1is1ic.i A.ivsis, C omv.v.1ivi
(T.niis SC 1-i) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 623
Cuvooio cic.i Dis1vin0 1io (uis1o cv.ms)
(Fics. C 1-io) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 633
Augustus 633 Tiberius 633 Caligula 634 Claudius 634
Nero 633 Vespasian 633 Titus 636 Domitian 636
Nerva 637 Trajan 638 Hadrian 638 Antoninus Pius 639
Lucius Verus 639 Marcus Aurelius 640 Commodus 641
All emperors 642 East-West comparison 642
Gio cv.vuic.i Dis1vin0 1io (uis1vin0 1io m.vs)
(Fics. G 1-1o) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 643
Augustus 633 Tiberius 644 Caligula 643 Claudius 46
Nero 647 Vespasian 648 Titus 649 Domitian 630 Nerva 631
Trajan 632 Hadrian 633 Antoninus Pius 634 Lucius Verus 633
Marcus Aurelius 636 Commodus 637 All emperors 638
10 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
List of Figures and Tables
Fig. 1. Statue base in the National Museum in Athens with oval
depression for a marble statue.
Fig. 2. Base for a statue of Claudius (Claudius 87) in the Athenian
Agora.
Fig. 3. Statue base for Trajan in Delphi (Trajan 110).
Fig. 4. Built-up bases in a building adjoining the forum in Lucus
Feroniae.
Fig. 3. Marble slab from a built-up base for Trajan (Trajan 37) in
Lucus Feroniae.
Fig. 6. Statue base for Marcus Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius 20) from
Fidenae.
Fig. 7. Exedra opposite the theatre in Emerita Augusta, with
statues of the imperial family placed in niches in the wall.
Fig. 8. Consoles carrying statues of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aure-
lius and Lucius Verus on the colonnaded street in Apamea
ad Orontem.
Fig. 9. Comparison between extant portraits and bases according
to region.
Fig. 10. Damnatio memoriae.
Fig. 11. Te number of bases per year in Italy.
Fig. 12. Te relative importance of the statue bases in Italy.
Fig. 13. Te relative importance of the statue bases in the northern
provinces.
Fig. 14. Te relative importance of the statue bases in Gaul.
Fig. 13. Te relative importance of the statue bases in Spain.
iis1 oi iic0vis .u 1.niis 11
Fig. 16. Te relative importance of the statue bases in western
North Africa.
Fig. 17. Te relative importance of the statue bases in Greece.
Fig. 18. Te number of bases per year in Asia Minor.
Fig. 19. Te relative importance of the statue bases in Asia
Minor.
Fig. 20. Te number of sites according to region and the number
of bases per site.
Fig. 21. Te percentage of sites with statue bases according to
region.
Fig. 22. Te number of sites in relation to the number of bases for
individual emperors.
Fig. 23. Te number of precisely dated bases according to year of
reign.
Fig. 24. Public and private dedicators.
Fig. 23. Map of the Roman Empire.
Tables SE 1-SE 48. Statistical analysis according to emperor.
Tables SG 1-SG 24. Statistical analysis according to region.
Tables SC 1-SC 24. Comparison between emperors and regions.
Figs. C 1-C 20. Chronological distribution. Histograms.
Figs. G 1-G 16. Geographical distribution. Distribution maps.
12 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Introduction
When the senate voted him [Didius Julianus] a statue of gold, he declined to
accept it, saying: Give me a bronze one, so that it may last; for I observe that
the gold and silver statues of the emperors that ruled before me have been
destroyed, whereas the bronze ones remain. In this he was mistaken, for it is
virtue that preserves the memory of rulers; and in fact the bronze statue that
was granted him was destroyed afer his own overthrow.
Dio C.ss. 74.14.2a
In a short perspective the refections of Didius Julianus and Dio Cassius on
the preservation of ones memory for posterity were to some extent correct.
Until AD 193, the year Didius Julianus for a brief period succeeded in bribing
his way to the purple by ofering a large sum of money to the praetorians, the
Roman Empire had witnessed a long period of stability. Since the murder of
Domitian in AD 96 the emperors, even if they were not equally liked, at least
had the privileges of choosing their own heir, dying of natural causes and being
elevated to divinity. Te murder of Commodus some months previously had
ended this era and once again brought the Empire to the verge of civil war. It
is not entirely clear whether Didius Julianus, in Dios rendering of the speech,
is supposed to be referring to the statues of his two immediate predecessors,
the unfortunate emperors Commodus and Pertinax, or to those of former
emperors in general; but being a virtuous ruler was apparently no guarantee
against having ones statues made of precious metals ending up in the melting
pot, and such images generally seem to have had a rather short existence.' Dio
1. Pekary 1983, 66-67 and below p. 47.
i1vou0c1io 13
Cassius and his audience, knowing the fate of Didius Julianus, could in hind-
sight of course see the folly of his argument. In a longer perspective, however,
it was not necessarily the kind of virtue advocated by Dio that would preserve
the memory of an emperor. Nero, who had been hated with good reason by
the senatorial aristocracy to which Dio belonged, seems to have been rather
popular in the late fourth century to judge from the frequency of his portrait
on the contorniats of the period.`
When it comes to the preservation of the memory of a ruler by means of
statues, which was evidently the intention of such monuments to judge from
the speech by Didius Julianus, neither bronze nor virtue has proven efective.
Instead, the single most important factor for preservation of portraits and
statues for posterity was whether they were made of stone. Bronze seems to
have been the preferred material for honorary statues in most parts of the
Roman Empire, but of the countless bronze statues of emperors made in
antiquity only a minute fraction have been preserved because their value as
commemorative monuments soon fell below the relatively high scrap value of
bronze.` Consequently they were melted down for other uses, the same fate
that has overcome practically all portraits in precious metal. To a large extent
only bronze statues placed out of human reach by unusual conditions, like
those aforded by the eruption of Vesuvius or landslides like that in Boubon
(or statues lost at sea or in rivers during transport) have survived. Te scrap
value of marble statues was much lower, and they thus stood a larger chance of
survival, although lime kilns have taken their share of these too. Tis process
of selection has profoundly infuenced the study of imperial portraits, which
naturally must begin with the preserved specimens i.e. the marble portraits.
Te issue of how these relate to those originally in existence has unfortunately
not received the attention it deserves. Te primary aim of nearly all studies
of imperial portraits has been to compile the genuine specimens, establish a
typology, and date the introduction of new portrait types. To this end the
numismatic evidence has proven especially useful, since the typology of the
coin portraits regularly corresponds to that of the portraits in the round, and
2. Mittag 1999, 128-133.
3. Lahusen & Formigli (2001), in their recent monograph on bronze portraits, include 43
portraits of emperors from the frst two centuries AD. In contrast, more than 1,000 mar-
ble portraits are known.
4. For the contexts in which bronze portraits have been, see Lahusen & Formigli 2001, 433-
439.
3. Pfanner 1989, 162; Rose 1997b, 108-120; Pollini 1987, 8-17. Tis approach is prevalent in
the series Das rmische Herrscherbild and in most museum catalogues.
14 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
the coin legends ofen supply an exact date. Because of the strong focus on the
extant portraits, which ofen have no archaeological context, and because of
the remarkable advances made within the feld of portrait studies during the
last two generations, other archaeological, literary and epigraphical sources
related to the dedication of imperial statues have been relegated to a very
subordinate position in nearly all studies of imperial portraits. It is the aim
of this study of one of these documentary sources namely the epigraphical
evidence from the statue bases to compensate for this lack of research and
show that the study of statue bases is relevant if not crucial for the understand-
ing of Roman imperial portrait statues.
In his signifcant study Te Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire, Ramsey
McMullen observed that Papyri and ostraca from Roman Egypt survive in
sumcient numbers to invite statistical analysis and thus to teach us something
out of the numbers themselves that is not evident in the body of any single
text.' Tis applies to the statue bases of Roman emperors as well. By them-
selves the inscriptions from each individual base yield information about the
specifc statue once placed on the base, but since these almost invariably have
been lost or moved beyond recovery of their original context, the immedi-
ate testimony has little direct value for the study of imperial portraits. Of the
limited number of portraits that have been found with their accompanying
inscriptions, only the relief from Ostia dated AD 160 showing Lucius Verus
in the portrait type, thought to have been created on his accession a year later,
has modifed the chronology of an emperors portrait types during the period
under consideration here." By systematically compiling the statue bases and
using them as statistical data, however, they can reveal valuable information
about where imperial statues were erected, when, by whom and for what rea-
son; questions that cannot be answered by studying the extant portraits.
6. Te term statue base will be applied below to all types of inscribed monuments intended
to carry a sculpted representation of the emperor, see p. 19. In the text, statue bases are
referred to as numbers in the catalogue.
7. MacMullen 1982, 234.
8. Fuhrmann 1939, 294-302 = (Lucius Verus 16). Other frst and second century portraits of
emperors that have been found with accompanying inscriptions: Herculaneum (Tiberius
13 (theatre); Claudius 8 (basilica); Lanuvium (Claudius 9 uncertain); Misenum (Vespasian
8 [augusteum]); Neilly-le-Real (Augustus 73 [bronze bust]); Lepcis Magna (Augustus 114,
Tiberius 76, Claudius 73 [Temple of Roma and Augustus]); Olympia (Antoninus Pius 201,
Lucius Verus 108 [Nymphaeum of Herodes Atticus]); Aphrodisias (Claudius 113, Nero 40,
41, [Sebasteion]; Domitian 37 [theatre]); Boubon (Lucius Verus 113); Perge (Hadrian 373
uncertain); Philadelphia (Commodus 87 [relief ]); Cyrene (Tiberius 109 [Strategeion]).
i1vou0c1io 13
Te epigraphical evidence from statue bases has been discussed before in
connection with imperial portraits. Te frst person to systematically compile
the statue bases for an emperor was Meriwether Stuart, who collected all the
documentary sources relating to statues of Claudius in 1938.' Soon aferwards
followed studies along similar lines concerning the other Julio-Claudian em-
perors'" and the family of Augustus.'' Te statue bases of empresses have been
systematically compiled for Sabina'` and Julia Domna,'` and so have those
for the emperors from the mid-fourth century AD to the end of antiquity.'
Although the results of these studies were noteworthy, they have had limited
impact for two reasons. Firstly, a direct relationship between the chronological
distribution of the statue bases and that of the extant portraits has not been
established. Secondly, the studies have been too scattered chronologically to
ofer comparative evidence that could reveal any consistent patterns in fre-
quency and geographical and chronological distribution of the statue bases.
It is characteristic that the recent works on the portraits of Augustus,' Ca-
ligula,' Hadrian'' and the Antonine princes'" that do include investigations
of the epigraphical evidence make limited use of it for questions relating to
the extant portraits. Other studies have dealt more or less thoroughly with
the statue bases relating to portraits in a certain setting or region. Examples
of these are the excursus in Inan and Rosenbaums study of the portraits from
Asia Minor,'' the regional studies of statue bases in Conventus Tarraconensis
and in Venetia et Histria,`" and recent works concerning Julio-Claudian statue
groups`' and imperial women in the Greek East.``
To overcome the obstacle of lack of comparative material, this study com-
piles the imperial statue bases from a long continuous period. It includes all
the emperors from Augustus to Commodus, a period of approximately 230
9. Stuart 1938.
10. Stuart 1939, 601-617.
11. Hanson & Johnson 1946, 389-400.
12. Carandini 1969.
13. Fejfer 1983, 129-138.
14. Stichel 1982.
13. Boschung 1993a.
16. Boschung 1989.
17. Evers 1994.
18. Fittschen 1999.
19. Inan & Rosenbaum 1966, 42-33.
20. Alfldy 1979, 177-273; Alfldy 1984.
21. Rose 1997a; Boschung 2002a.
22. Hahn 1994.
16 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
years that covers a large part of the principate including the second century
AD, when the production of portraits of emperors reached its height. Te
compiled corpus of statue bases comprises 2,300 monuments from nearly 800
diferent sites throughout the Roman Empire and beyond. Te broad chrono-
logical perspective of this large sample shows that the statue bases provide a
consistent and reliable picture of the geographical and chronological distribu-
tion of imperial statues in antiquity which challenges previous assumptions
regarding the principles that governed the erection of imperial statues in a
number of ways.
i1vou0c1io 17
Types of Monuments
Portrait statues in antiquity were almost invariably placed on some sort
of base that acted as a support for the statue, lifing it of the ground or
creating an architectural setting for it. Te term statue base traditionally
describes a free-standing monument consisting of one or more square or
round blocks of stone sumciently large to carry a statue, and erected for
this purpose alone. In the following, however, the term will be broadened
to signify any monument intended to carry a three-dimensional represen-
tation of approximately life size and larger. Tis wider defnition may seem
awkward when applied to singular monuments, such as an arch or a niche
holding a statue, but it may prove useful in describing the function of the
variety of monuments, which all served the same purpose despite their dif-
ferent appearance.
Identifcation of statue bases
All the monuments compiled in the catalogue of imperial statue bases have
one common feature. Tey carry an inscription that identifes the emperor
whose statue was placed on the base. Tis was, naturally, not a require-
ment for a base, but merely the only means by which we can identify them
today. Imperial statues could be placed on uninscribed bases, but since im-
perial portrait statues have only very rarely been found together with their
accompanying bases, these are practically impossible to identify. Te in-
scriptions as a general rule follow the standardised pattern for tituli hono-
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 19
rarii,`` allowing us with a high degree of probability to identify monuments
as statue bases from their inscriptions alone. Tis is useful because numer-
ous inscribed monuments are inadequately described in publications. In
particular, the editors of the early corpora of inscriptions generally showed
little or no interest in the physical form of the monuments on which the
texts were inscribed, or in the context in which they had been found; and
since many of the inscriptions have later disappeared, such information has
been irrevocably lost. Even if satisfactorily published, the state of preserva-
tion of the monument ofen does not allow unambiguous identifcation as a
statue base from the physical properties alone; either because the inscription
has been removed from the monument and reused in another context, or
because only a fragment of the monument without any recognisable features
has survived.
In his study of the portraits of Claudius, Stuart established two criteria
for identifying statue bases: One, whenever an inscription employs a dative
formula in Latin or an accusative in Greek and is cut on a stone reliably de-
scribed as a statue base or as part of an arch or other monumental pedestal,
there can be no doubt of the portrait character of the inscription. Two, when-
ever a description of the stone on which an inscription is cut is not available,
the dative case of the imperial name in Latin, or the accusative in Greek, is
presumptive proof of the portrait character of the inscription.` Te frst
criterion encompasses approximately 1,300 inscriptions, or well over half of
the monuments in the catalogue. Tis criterion is nearly foolproof. It should
be noted, however, that for lack of a common terminology for diferent types
of monument, descriptions may be misleading. One example, emphasised by
Benjamin and Raubitschek, concerns a number of monuments from Athens
described as statue bases by the editors of Inscriptiones Graecae, which on
closer examination proved to be altars.`
913 inscriptions in the catalogue (40 of the total) have been identifed
as being or pertaining to statue bases according to Stuarts second criterion,
23. For Greek tituli honorarii, see Gerlach 1908; Larfeld 1914, 432-436; Klafenbach 1966,
63-69. For Latin see Cagnat 1914; Kajanto 1971, 3-19. Tituli honorarii consist of two ele-
ments: the name of the honorand and the name of the dedicator. To this basic scheme
can be added a variety of information about the nature of the dedication, the date or the
dedicators reason or motivation for erecting the monument. For an interesting view of
the development of Latin honorifc inscriptions, see Salomies 1994, 63-106.
24. Stuart 1938, 13-14.
23. Benjamin & Raubitschek 1939, 63-83.
20 vom. imvivi.i n.sis
which as he himself pointed out is not unfailingly accurate.` Tese inscriptions
fall in two groups. Te frst and largest consists of about 600 monuments that
lack description altogether, or are described in terms so vague as to preclude
determination of the type of monument involved. Ofen this is no longer pos-
sible because of the present state of the monument; but in many instances,
especially with regard to the inscriptions in the older corpora, it is simple
negligence on the part of the editors. Te other group consists of inscriptions
cut on what is described as tabulae or plaques of stone. Tese may have been
deliberately sawn from a larger block of stone for secondary use, even for
display in museums as is the case for the inscriptions in the Lapidarium of
the Vatican Museum, but normally they were meant to be am xed to built-up
bases or otherwise non-monolithic structures. Te problem with the second
criterion is that monuments other than statue bases employ inscriptions that
follow exactly the same schema. Tis is especially pronounced for Latin in-
scriptions, where the dative case for the name of the emperor was used not
only for statue bases, but also for altars, milestones and building inscriptions.
Statue bases with Greek inscriptions can more easily be detected, because
to my knowledge no other types of monument use the accusative formula.
Whenever a reliable description of the stone is lacking, it is necessary to take
into consideration all the available information concerning dimensions, layout
of the inscription on the stone, size of the letters and content of the inscrip-
tion; and, based on comparison with other monuments identifed as statue
bases, in each case to judge whether the monument could have served as a
statue base.`' Tis method, of course, is open to mistakes, and a number of
entries in the catalogue undoubtedly should not have been included, while
some statue bases probably have been unjustly excluded. Given the number
of statue bases, however, this inaccuracy should not have any impact on the
conclusions drawn from the material unless the fgures involved are exceed-
ingly small, in which case caution at any rate should be taken.
Aberrant formulations
Whilst close to 90 of the inscriptions in the catalogue follow the standard
pattern for honorifc inscriptions described above, Stuarts criteria do not take
26. Stuart 1938, 14.
27. For a discussion of the construction of statue bases, see Alfldy 1984 and Fabre, Mayer
& Roda 1984, 11-21.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 21
into account the remaining 10 that belong either with certainty, or with a
high degree of probability, to monuments that served as statue bases but for
a variety of reasons employ aberrant formulations. Since these inscriptions
have not been discussed before in the general context of imperial statue bases,
it is necessary to present the various types and the reason for their inclusion
in the catalogue.
Te use of the dative case in Greek
Te commonest deviation from the standard formula for honorifc inscrip-
tions on statue bases is the use of the dative case in Greek for the name
formula of the emperor. Te 133 examples of this can be divided into three
categories. Firstly, the form of the Greek inscriptions could be favoured by
the Latin practice of using the dative case. Tis is most obvious in the bilin-
gual inscriptions, where both the Latin and Greek texts normally employ the
same case (p. 27). It is also frequently found among dedications with Greek
inscriptions erected in predominantly Latin-speaking areas in the West (An-
toninus Pius 10, 13; Marcus Aurelius 1, 2, 9), as well as in cities in the East
with a strong presence of Latin speakers. Secondly, buildings dedicated in the
name of the emperor in Greek inscriptions take the dative case, and monu-
ments that served as statue bases but whose physical form resembles that of
buildings, such as arches and city gates, therefore always follow the pattern
for building inscriptions and employ the dative case. One monument, an ar-
chitrave in Perge with an inscription for Claudius in the accusative case, was
long believed to pertain to an arch (Claudius 143).`" New excavations on the
site have shown that the arch according to the newly found inscription was
instead dedicated to Domitian and the deifed Vespasian and Titus (Vespa-
sian 70; Titus 61; Domitian 61). Te nature of the monument for Claudius
remains obscure. Even monuments that were much closer in form to statue
bases, and which served no other purpose, like the pillar on the Athenian
Agora originally constructed as a monument for Attalos II of Pergamum but
later re-dedicated to Tiberius (Tiberius 89),`' could employ the dative case.
Finally, the dative case could be used to give the dedication religious overtones
and connotations, since the dative case was generally reserved for statues of
28. Merkelbach & Sahin 1988, 110, no. 10.
29. Vanderpool 1939, 86-90.
22 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
gods as distinguished from honorifc statues with inscriptions in the accusa-
tive case.`" One particularly interesting example of this is found among the
statues erected in the temple consecrated to Vespasian in Kestros in Cilicia.
Te cult statue of Vespasian placed centrally against the back wall of the cella
stood on a base with an inscription in the dative case, as would be expected
for a cult statue (Vespasian 76). On both sides of the cult image stood statues
of his sons, and later those of successive emperors lined the side walls of the
cella; but unlike the original cult statue, all of these were accompanied by
inscriptions in the accusative case.
In only two instances do we fnd the infuence reversed in the form of
the accusative case used in Latin inscriptions (Augustus 194; Antoninus Pius
273). Both bases stem from the interior of Asia Minor, where neither Latin
nor Greek inscriptions had long traditions. Te inscription for Augustus from
Lystra is described as a pedestal, and although consecravit in l. 3-6 is unusual
for a statue base, it has parallels in Asia Minor (Antoninus Pius 217). Te other
inscription lacks description. Two further such monuments for Caracalla, Julia
Soaemias and Julia Mammaea, which beyond doubt served as statue bases,
are attested in Pergamum.`'
Te use of the nominative case
Te name of the emperor in the nominative case could be used both in Latin
and in Greek as a label under a statue that formed part of a large ensemble
of statues with a common dedicatory inscription. An illustrative example is
the numerous bases in Eleusis, which may have been placed on the arches
outside the entrance to the sanctuary or, in analogy to the Nymphaeum of
Herodes Atticus in Olympia, could have been placed on the nymphaeum
identifed next to the southern arch (Hadrian 247; Marcus Aurelius 191).``
Other examples are the group of statue bases for deifed emperors erected
in Tugga in the third century AD (Augustus 118; Vespasian 42-43; Tra-
jan 91; Hadrian 160; Marcus Aurelius 170), and the labels under the reliefs
placed between the columns in the two upper storeys on the two porticoes
30. Mitford 1947, 224; Veyne 1962, 49-98; Price 1984, 179.
31. Wiegand 1932, 34-33, no. 7 a-b.
32. Clinton (1989, 36-68) proposes two arches with imperial statues. Fittschen (1999, 122-
126) suggests the nymphaeum as a possible location for the bases. For the nymphaeum at
Olympia, see Bol 1984.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 23
fanking the processional way from the propylon to the imperial temple in
Aphrodisias (Claudius 113; Nero 40, 41, and possibly 39). 22 further monu-
ments with the emperors name in the nominative have been included in
the catalogue. Tese have predominantly been described as statue bases or
arches (Trajan 72). Te exceptions are inscriptions with the name of Tiberius
in Aenona and Chalkis (Tiberius 48, 91), which entirely lack description.
Te portrait character of the latter is implied by the presence of an identical
monument for Gaius Caesar.`` It is not entirely clear why the nominative
case was chosen for these bases, but they may originally have belonged to
a group of bases such as the one in Eleusis. Naturally, the bases may have
supported objects other than statues of the emperors, and the emperor may
in fact have been the dedicator. Tis might be the case for three bases found
in the theatre in Lepcis Magna (Hadrian 149-131). Except for the base for
Tiberius in Iader (Tiberius 49), erected by the seventh and eleventh legions,
none of the statue bases with the name of the emperor in the nominative
case mention the name of the dedicator.
Te use of the ablative case
Te name of the emperor in the ablative case is frequently used in Latin
building inscriptions to indicate the date of construction, and this must be its
function in the inscription on the city gate erected by Sex. Iulius Frontinus in
Hierapolis (Domitian 34). Te gate, however, probably also carried a portrait
statue of Domitian. Te inexplicable use of the ablative case on a base for
Caligula in Narbonensis (Caligula 6) might be a simple spelling error.` Four
inscriptions from Tamugadi that employ the ablative case have been included
in the catalogue (Antoninus Pius 143-147; Marcus Aurelius 131). All are de-
scribed as bases, and have been accepted as such by Zimmer in his study of
the statues bases from the forum of Tamugadi.` Te three inscriptions for
Antoninus Pius mention a paved street constructed from public funds, and
we cannot be absolutely certain that the statues placed on the bases were in
fact those of the emperor.
33. IG XII, 9, 940.
34. Caesare for Caesari in l. 1.
33. Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989, 78, no. T 21; 82-83, T 43.
24 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Inscriptions with deviating compositions
Te inscriptions normally begin with the name of either the emperor or the
dedicator. Tere are, however, exceptions to this rule. Te most important are
i tu the 38 Greek inscriptions headed by the formula Ayo0p pi. All except
one of these a marble gable with a bust of Commodus that continues with
ar u and the genitive case (Commodus 89)` otherwise follow the standard
pattern for honorary inscriptions. Tar and the genitive case is found on six
further monuments all described as statue bases (Augustus 173; Tiberius 124,
134; Caligula 26; Vespasian 62). In these instances the bases most probably
carried imperial statues, but otherwise the formula most commonly appears
in building inscriptions on buildings dedicated on behalf of the emperor.`'
ar o normally indicates altars, Pro salute or the Greek equivalent u omtpi
but in a few cases the formulation was employed on arches (Hadrian 411;
Marcus Aurelius 133; Lucius Verus 83). One monument described as a base,
although it was more likely an altar, carried an inscription specifying that
the dedication consisted of both imagines and an ara (Marcus Aurelius 103;
Lucius Verus 69). Te altar probably carried the inscription, and the statues
stood in the immediate vicinity. In Stratonicaea an inscription begins by stat-
ing the reason for the dedication apparently that Hadrian had carried out a
successful hunt in the citys territory (Hadrian 360). Other bases begin with
a dedication to a deity in the dative case: Aphrodite at Paphos (Tiberius 148-
130) and Artemis at Ephesus (Trajan 144), or they are joint dedications to one
or more gods and the emperor (Hadrian 362; Antoninus Pius 103).
Te language of the inscriptions
Latin was the omcial language of the administration of the Roman Empire.
However, thanks to its wide use, Greek attained a status almost equal to that
of Latin. Other languages were spoken in various parts of the Empire, and
some, like Neo-Punic, found their way into the epigraphical record of the
frst centuries AD. Hieroglyphs also continued to be used for religious writ-
ings until late antiquity, but none of these languages are attested on imperial
36. Premerstein 1911, 43-48.
37. Tis type is particularly common in Egypt. For example Milne 1903, no. 176.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 23
statue bases.`" Te epigraphical evidence shows that Latin was the predomi-
nant language, at least for writing on stone, north and west of a line running
approximately from the point on the Adriatic coast where the Via Egnatia
begins to the mouth of the Danube and in the landscapes west of Cyrenaica
in North Africa. Te province of Moesia Inferior is divided evenly between
Latin and Greek inscriptions.`'
Statue bases with Latin inscriptions, a total of 1,309, completely domi-
nate in the western part of the Empire, and in addition 129 bases with Latin
inscriptions have been found in provinces where Greek or other languages
were otherwise more common. Tese bases are concentrated in two settings:
Roman colonies and areas with a strong military presence. In the province of
Iudaea, for example, four out of fve attested imperial statue bases are in Latin.
A military unit dedicated one in Samaria (Hadrian 408), and the decuriones
in Colonia Aelia Capitolina another (Antoninus Pius 288). Likewise, the other
provinces in the East had large percentages of statue bases with Latin inscrip-
tions: Syria (34), Cappadocia (33), Galatia (43), and Aegyptus (23).
Apart from these predominantly military dedications, we fnd statue bases
with Latin inscriptions in the provincial capitals of Ephesus and Gortyn, and
in the Caesarean and Augustan colonies: Alexandria Troas, Ancyra, Antiochia
en Pisidiae, Berytus, Knossos, Comana, Corinthus, Germa, Iconium, Lystra,
Olbasa, Parium, and Philippi. In many of these colonies, Latin was persist-
ently used for centuries afer the original infux of Latin colonists, at least for
omcial documents." In Athens the colonies of Caesarea Antiochia and Iulia
Diensium (Hadrian 207, 208) employed Latin for their contribution to the
statues of Hadrian in the Olympieion. To complete the picture, we fnd statue
bases with Latin inscriptions in the civitas Stektorion in the province of Asia,
and in the municipium of Stobi in Macedonia.
Te use of Greek is almost completely confned to the area east of the lan-
guage division line. Of the 973 inscriptions in Greek, the only exceptions are
eleven bases in Rome and two more in Italy that were dedicated either by Greek
cities or in two instances by Greek individuals (Claudius 13; Titus 14).
38. Hieroglyphs are frequently found on statues and bases of the Ptolemaic kings (Stanwick
2002), and also appear in connection with reliefs depicting the emperor as pharaoh, for
example at Philae.
39. Marrou 1963, 377 shows a map with an indication of the approximate language bound-
ary.
40. Corinth serves as an example. Here the preferred language gradually changes from Latin
to Greek throughout the frst and second centuries AD (Kent 1966, 18-19). Among the
imperial statue bases, 14 of 17 inscriptions are in Latin.
26 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
23 inscriptions, predominantly from Asia Minor and the northeastern
provinces, are bilingual. In most instances the Greek text is an exact translation
of a Latin original with the emperors name in the dative case in both Greek
and Latin.' Only one inscription on a base found in Sagalassos (Claudius
146) translates the meaning of the text and employs the accusative case in the
Greek text. Other inscriptions use the Latin formula for the emperors name,
but have the name of the dedicator, usually a Greek city, in Greek alone or
in conjunction with a Latin translation.` Tis could indicate that the name
formula of the emperor in Latin was readily identifable even for a Greek-
speaking audience,` while the other elements had to be in Greek to ensure
comprehension.
Types of statue base
No typology exists for statue bases from the Roman imperial period like those
devised for the statue bases from the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic peri-
ods. What follows is not an attempt to produce a typology for statue bases
41. Augustus 191; Tiberius 132; Caligula 20; Claudius 121; Nero 44, 32; Titus 33; Domitian
34 (ablative case in Latin), 37; Nerva 43; Trajan 173; Hadrian 84, 287, 288, 373; Antoni-
nus Pius 66, 67.
42. Augustus 6, 167; Tiberius 7; Hadrian 196, 217.
43. Basic knowledge of the imperial nomenclature in Latin could be learned from coins with
Latin inscriptions that circulated freely in all parts of the Empire. Even if only a frac-
tion of the population in antiquity was truly literate, the number of people that could
read simple formulaic inscriptions must have been many times larger. Te content of the
inscriptions on imperial statue bases certainly had an audience, and could certainly be
understood by the peers of the dedicator, who ofen use the bases for self-glorifcation,
see Eck 1994, 630-662. On epigraphic literacy in general, see Harris 1983, 87-111; Harris
1989 and Franklin 1991, 77-98.
44. Bulle 1898; Jacob-Felsch 1969; Schmidt 1993. Bonnevilles (1984, 117-132) proposal for a
system to achieve a uniform description of primarily Latin epigraphical monuments divides
inscriptions on stone into 14 diferent categories, each with a number of subgroups. Tis
typology focuses on the form of the monuments rather than their function, and the statue
bases in this study fall within four of the fourteen diferent categories. Type 4 pidestaux,
for example, only include monolithic bases and bases with a monolithic shaf, either cir-
cular or polygonal with a moulded bottom and plinth. Built-up bases with am xed marble
slabs can be found under type 8 and 9 Pierres et plaques moulures et non moulures
which also include a broad range of other types of inscription. Te best discussion so far
of western Latin statue bases is that of Alfldy (1984, 23-33) concerning the bases from
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 27
of the Roman imperial period, being rather intended as an introduction to the
variety of diferent types of base that were used for imperial statues, together
with an evaluation of their frequency. Given the strict hierarchy that existed
for dedications with regard to placement in towns, materials used and monu-
ment size, it is reasonable to expect that statue bases for emperors deviated in
a number of respects from those erected for persons of lower social standing,
and a typology for imperial statue bases does not necessarily apply to statue
bases in general or vice versa.
Bases for life-size standing statues
By far the most frequent type employed is a free-standing base for a life-size
standing (or sitting) statue. Tese could be constructed in a variety of ways.
Te simplest consisted of a square or cylindrical monolithic block of marble
or sandstone, on which the plinth of the statue was attached for marble stat-
ues (Fig. 1). Bronze statues were normally fastened directly into sockets on top
of the base (Fig. 2). Some form of moulding was ofen carved at the top and
bottom of the base (front page). Te mouldings were very frequently carved
separately and fastened with dowels to a monolithic shaf, in which case we are
unfortunately ofen lef with nothing but the shaf, and no means of determin-
ing the material of the statue (Fig. 3).' Te same is true of orthostat bases in
the Hellenistic tradition, which were still used in the Roman period in Greece
and Asia Minor. Te second large group of bases consists of built-up cores to
which marble slabs were fastened (Figs. 4-3). Unless the slab with the dedica-
tory inscription is found in situ or with great certainty can be associated with
Venetia et Histria. Here a diferentiation between bases and altars with similar inscrip-
tions is achieved on the basis of the cuttings on top of the monuments, and slabs from
built-up bases are identifed by their dimensions and the layout of the inscription.
43. Te catalogue includes approximately 60 cylindrical bases. Tis form was particularly
popular in Asia Minor and in Achaea, where round bases had a long tradition, but they
are also found in Southern Spain and in North Africa. Polygonal base shafs that are com-
mon in late antiquity have only been attested in one instance for imperial statue bases
from the fst two centuries AD (Commodus 96).
46. Te choice of stone naturally depends largely on what was available locally. Granite is
reported in Spain (Titus 23; Lucius Verus 39) and in Egypt (Caligula 28). In Syria basalt
was used (Lucius Verus 133; Commodus 108).
47. For a number of drawings of the impressions on tops of base shafs without the top mould-
ing, see Alfldy 1984, 167-169.
28 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Fig. 1. Statue base in the National Museum in Athens with oval depression for the plinth
of a marble statue (Authors photo).
Fig. 2. Base for a statue of Claudius (Claudius 87) in the Athenian Agora with typical
traces from a bronze statue (Authors photo).
1vvis oi mo0mi1s 29
a base-like structure, identifcation of the type of monument to a large extent
rests on the formulation and layout of the inscription. However, the dimen-
sions of the slab with the inscription ofen correspond to those of the front of
the base, i.e. tall and narrow unlike building inscriptions, which are generally
wider than they are tall." Obviously built-up bases were far more susceptible
to damage than monolithic ones, and the slabs are ofen rather fragmentary.
Not all built-up bases were covered with marble slabs. Sometimes bronze sheets
were used instead. In areas with a dearth of stone suitable for cutting inscrip-
tions, this would be a particularly attractive solution, but the use may have been
more widespread as shown by its occurrence in Rome on a base for Tiberius
dedicated by the Aenatores tubicines liticines cornicines Romani (Tiberius 1).
Because of the high scrap value of bronze, very few of these monuments have
survived. Bronze sheets pertaining to imperial statue bases have been found in
Augustomagus in Lugdunensis (Claudius 47),' Fodinae in Baetica (Nerva 19),
and Herculaneum (Claudius 8). Other less durable media for inscriptions may
have existed as well inscriptions painted on stucco, for example. However, in
Pompeii and Herculaneum, where such inscriptions have been found in great
numbers, none were painted on statue bases."
In Italy built-up bases covered with stone slabs seem to have been more
common than elsewhere judging from the large number of monuments found
here described merely as tabulae. Tese bases are generally taller than they
are wide, but depending on the setting, they may also be low and squat, such
as the bases on the podium in the Caserma dei Vigili in Ostia (front page).
Te height of the bases in Italy and the western provinces generally ranges
from 0.80 to 1.40 m. Te tallest complete bases for a standing statue in Italy, a
base in Puteoli (Marcus Aurelius 33), measures 1.74 m, while there are more
examples of signifcantly taller bases in western North Africa. A pair of bases
for statues of Marcus Aurelius and the deifed Lucius Verus erected in the
basilica in Cuicul (Marcus Aurelius 99; Lucius Verus 67) measure about 2.40
m. Bases over 2.00 metres tall are an exception, however.
48. Of course this is only a general rule. Built-up bases had the same variety of form as other
bases, and in addition the plaque with the inscription did not necessarily cover the en-
tire front of the base. Even busts could stand on built-up bases, as shown by the fnd of
a bust of Cato in Volubilis (Lahusen & Formigli 2001, 42-44). Tis bronze bust with an
inscription on its lower part stood on a tall, very narrow brick base that originally must
have been covered in plaster.
49. Piganiol 1939, 430-437; Boon 1980, 117-132.
30. For inscriptions on bronze plaques, see France-Lanord 1960; Eck 1997, 193-207. For the
unlikelihood of monumental inscriptions on wood, see Eck 1998, 203-217.
30 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Fig. 3. Statue
base for Trajan
in Delphi
(Trajan 110)
with sepa-
rately sculpted
mouldings
top and bot-
tom (Authors
photo).
In the Greek East relatively few bases of the built-up type exist.' Instead,
orthostat bases seem to have been used to save expencive building material,
especially for large monuments. Troughout the period two diferent formats
of base were in use: the taller narrow type common in the West (Fig. 3), and
a much lower type with a height of between 40 and 63 cm (Fig. 2). Although
there are a few monuments with a height above 2 m in Asia Minor (Augustus
31. Examples are attested in Pergamum (Trajan 168), Ephesus (Nerva 33) and in Corinth
(Nerva 23); all places with a strong Italian presence.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 31
Fig. 4. Build-up bases in a building (Augusteum?) adjoining the forum in Lucus Feroniae
(Authors photo).
182; Antoninus Pius 263; Marcus Aurelius 248; Lucius Verus 118; Commodus
104), the tall and narrow bases tend to be slightly lower than those encoun-
tered in the West. Common for all statue bases used for approximately life-size
statues is that their width generally ranges from 30 to 73 cm. Most bases are
square, but ofen material and transport costs could be lowered by making
the bases slightly rectangular.
Te letter size varies according to the language used. Of the 638 monuments
described as statue bases with Greek inscriptions, only eight contain letters
taller than 7 cm, and on 83 the letters range between 2 and 3 cm. While
Greek bases almost always employ a homogeneous letter size throughout the
inscription (Fig. 2-3), bases with Latin inscriptions ofen use very diferent
letter sizes to emphasise important elements in the inscription, typically the
32 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Fig. 5. 10 cm. thick marble slab from the front of a build-up base for Trajan (Trajan 37)
from the Augusteum? in Lucus Feroniae (Authors photo).
names of the emperor and the dedicator (Fig. 6). Te less signifcant elements
of the inscriptions are normally written with letters of approximately 4 to 3
cm; the name of the emperor normally appears in letters 6 to 8 cm high.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 33
Fig. 6. Statue base for Marcus Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius 20) from Fidenae, now in
Museo Nazionale Romano, with varying letter sizes for the diferent parts of the inscrip-
tion (Authors photo).
34 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Equestrian statue bases
Equestrian statues ranked above standing statues in the hierarchy of honours,`
and their majestic size and the fact that they could be viewed from all sides
made them ideally suited to defne and dominate open spaces like fora. Te
equestrian statues in the Forum of Augustus and of Trajan and the Forum
Romanum serve as excellent examples of this. Tus equestrian statues would
seem an obvious medium for representations of the emperor. However, only
17 statue bases for equestrian statues of the emperors of the frst and second
centuries AD have been identifed.` In one instance, the inscription mentions
that the statue was an equestrian statue (Marcus Aurelius 133), but otherwise
the size and especially the depth of the base or the marks of hooves on top
of the base are the only criteria for identifcation. Tis of course means that
if only the part of a monument with the inscription has been preserved, it is
not normally possible to identify it as an equestrian base, and we must ex-
pect the actual number of such bases to be somewhat higher than the extant
examples indicate. It is worth pointing out that the percentage of statues for
emperors among the equestrian statues does not exceed the percentage of
imperial statues among standing statues.
Tere are three types of equestrian base. One consists of a built-up core on
which marble or limestone slabs are amxed. Bases of this type were preferred
in the West, for example the two bases in the forum in Veleia (Claudius 27;
Vespasian 14). In the East the Hellenistic tradition for orthostat bases con-
structed from several blocks continued (Tiberius 99), but equestrian statues
with the horse standing on its hind legs only could also be placed on a single
block (Claudius 94). Apart from this last example, which is rather shallow, the
depths of the extant examples range from 1.44 m (Claudius 119) to 3.78 m (An-
toninus Pius 110), the widths being from 0.60 m to 2.00 m. Like equestrian
statues in general, the majority of the imperial equestrian statue bases belong
32. Cic. Phil. 9.13.
33. Augustus 32 (uncertain), 103, 192; Tiberius 71, 99, 101, 130; Claudius 27, 63 (uncertain),
94, 119; Vespasian 14; Trajan 62 (uncertain); Hadrian 114 (uncertain); Antoninus Pius
110; Marcus Aurelius 133; Commodus 99 (uncertain). For equestrian statues, see Berge-
mann 1990; 1992, 313-324.
34. Less than one-quarter of the epigraphical material relating to equestrian statues of the
imperial period concerns statues of the imperial family (Bergemann 1990, 119-133). In
Venetia and Histria, imperial statues made up 20 of the total (Alfldy 1984, 36-38), and
in the forum in Cuicul more than 60 (Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989, 33).
33. For the size of equestrian monuments, see also Bergemann 1990, 119.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 33
to the Julio-Claudian period (63). Afer the reign of Claudius we only have
six examples, so the decline in the number of equestrian statues did not result
from this honour becoming a prerogative of the emperor, although afer the
second century AD hardly any examples of non-imperial equestrian statues are
known. Tey seem to have gone out of use for other reasons.
At the eastern end of the forum in Tamugadi, seven extremely large statue
bases made of orthostat blocks have been identifed. Te largest, a monument
for Antoninus Pius (Antoninus Pius 148), has a width of no less than 6.23 m
and a depth of 3.90 m, and another for Marcus Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius
131) a width of 4.10 m. Zimmer proposes reasonably that the bases carried
quadrigae. In Hierapolis a recently published inscription on a base constructed
of at least four blocks mentions the erection of a o o, which in this connec-
tion can only mean that the statue of the emperor stood in a quadriga. While
such statue groups certainly stood on many arches, the bases in Tamugadi
and Hierapolis are to my knowledge the only certainly identifed bases for
quadrigae.'
Arches, columns and pillars
According to Pliny the Elder, the function of columns and arches was to el-
evate the statue of the honorand above other mortals." While columns are
rare included in the catalogue are only the well-known columns of Trajan
and Antoninus Pius (Trajan 13; Antoninus Pius 17); a third column in Rome
still to be seen today, that of Marcus Aurelius, does not have its base with the
inscription preserved' triumphal and honorary arches and other types of
gate and portal imitating the architecture of the triumphal arch are prolifc
in all parts of the Empire." Most of (if not all) the arches dedicated to the
36. Bergemann 1990, 3, n. 22.
37. Bergemann 1988, 113-128.
38. Pliny, HN 34.27: Columnarum ratio erat attolli super ceteros mortales, quod et arcus
signifcant novicio invento.
39. Columns as statue bases have been discussed most recently by Jordan-Ruwe (1993). See
also Settis 1988 and Vogel 1973.
60. Te catalogue of Khler (1939, 373-493) is still the most complete collection of Roman
arches. De Maria (1988) updates and expands the Italian evidence, see also the review by
Kleiner 1989b, 193-206. Other recent works on arches include Pensa et al. 1979; Kleiner
1983; Pfanner 1983; Hesberg 1992, 277-293; Wallace-Hadrill 1990, 143-181; Eck & Foer-
ster 1999, 294-313; Kader 1996; Kpper-Bhm 1996; Roehmer 1997.
36 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
emperor seem to have carried some form of sculptural representation of the
emperor, and thus fall under the defnition of statue bases. Unlike most other
arches, the one example of an arch where the presence of a statue of the em-
peror is disputed, the arch of Hadrian in Athens, does not carry a dedication
to the emperor but instead a statement about the two sections of the city that
the arch separates, and is thus excluded from the catalogue.' Most of the
106 statues from 86 arches in the catalogue have been identifed by associa-
tion with fnds of architectural fragments. 20 of the inscriptions pertaining to
arches specify that the object was an arch. Six inscriptions also mention the
statue placed on top.` To the 86 identifed arches should perhaps be added
a small number of inscriptions described as lintels, architraves and epistyles
that might have belonged to arches.
Pillars were a favoured form of pedestal for statues of kings during the
Hellenistic period, but they seem to have fallen out of use during the imperial
period, and we know of no new pillars constructed for statues of emperors.
However, existing pillars could be reused for imperial statues, like the pillar
in front of the Stoa of Attalus II in Athens, which was supplied during the
reign of Tiberius with a new inscription and possibly a new or re-modelled
quadriga on top.`
Statues in architectural settings
Many imperial statues were placed in an architectural setting. Sometimes they
stood on separately worked bases, as can be observed on the Nymphaeum
of Herodes Atticus in Olympia (Antoninus Pius 201; Lucius Verus 108), the
Nymphaeum Traiani in Ephesus (Nerva 33; Trajan 143), or in the scenae frons
of the theatre in Aphrodisias (Domitian 37). Statues that stood in niches, on
the other hand, were accompanied by an inscription on a marble plaque am xed
61. Adams 1989, 10-16; Post 1999, 179.
62. Arch and statue mentioned in the inscription: Trajan 86; Hadrian 142 (statue and quad-
riga); Antoninus Pius 109, 179; Marcus Aurelius 132, 132. Arch but not statue mentioned
in the inscription: Augustus 164; Tiberius 116, 79 (inscription on what is described as a
lintel. Te inscription concerns the dedication a forum, a paved area, an altar of Augustus,
a temple of Saturn and an arch. It seems reasonable to associate the inscription with the
arch); Claudius 74, 73, 117; Vespasian 36; Hadrian 121, 147, 132; Marcus Aurelius 133,
132, 136; Lucius Verus 83, 91.
63. Tiberius 93. See, Vanderpool 1939, 86-90.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 37
Fig. 7. Exedra opposite the theatre in Emerita Augusta with statues of the imperial fam-
ily placed in niches in the wall. Te fastening for the inscribed plaques are visible below
the statues (Trillmich, W. et al. 1993. Hispania Antiqua. Mainz, taf. 49c).
under the niche. An excellent example of such an arrangement of imperial
statues has been preserved in the theatre complex in Emerita. In a small room
attached to the peristyle opposite the theatre, seven statues were placed in
38 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
niches. None of the dedicatory inscriptions are extant, but their positions
below the niches can still clearly be discerned (Fig. 7). Te posthumous inscrip-
tion for Vespasian in Misenum that was reused from a Domitianic dedication
(Vespasian 8; Domitian 3) almost certainly belonged under the niche that
held a nude statue of Vespasian in the back wall of the meeting house of the
Augustales. Te inscription measures 30 by 93 cm, and its portrait character
would thus not be immediately recognisable if it had not been found near the
statue. Te same can be said of the 143 cm wide inscription for Tiberius from
the theatre in Herculaneum (Tiberius 13), which may have been fastened to
the wall under the bronze statue of Tiberius found there. In the South Bath in
Perge, two wide panels found in the apodyterium were fastened below niches
that held statues of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus (Marcus Aurelius 238;
Commodus 93). One could suspect that many of the monuments described
as tabulae whose measurements do not comply with the average size of statue
bases may have been placed under niches holding statues.
Other types of monument
In Cilicia and Syria there was a local tradition for placing statues on consoles
high above the ground along the colonnaded streets that were a common
feature in the area. Even though this position ofen rendered the inscriptions
virtually unreadable, they still comply with the standard pattern for honorary
inscriptions. Consoles with imperial statues are known in Olba (Tiberius 143),
Pompeiopolis (Augustus 196, 197; Hadrian 401; Commodus 103), Palmyra
(Hadrian 407), and Apamea ad Orontem (Antoninus Pius 282; Marcus Au-
relius 231; Lucius Verus 134) (Fig. 8).
Reliefs with portraits of emperors accompanied by dedicatory inscriptions
have been included when the dedication concerns the emperor portrayed.
Tese are the reliefs from the sebasteion in Aphrodisias (Claudius 113; Nero
40, 41), the fragmented relief with a portrait of Lucius Verus in Ostia (Antoni-
nus Pius 36; Marcus Aurelius 27; Lucius Verus 16), and the pediment with a
portrait of Commodus in Philadelphia (Commodus 89).
Generally the object of the dedicatory inscriptions in the catalogue is the
statue of the emperor. However, a few inscriptions recording the dedication
64. Fuchs 1987, 167-169.
63. Franciscis 1991.
66. IGSK 34, 148-149.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 39
of buildings have been included either because statues were closely asso-
ciated with the building in question, or because a statue of the emperor is
mentioned in the inscription together with the structure dedicated. To the
frst category belong two monuments described as aediculae with statues of
Vespasian and his two sons in Side' and Lamos in Cilicia" (Vespasian 72,
77). To the second belong a macellum in Tolocaesarea in which the statue of
Hadrian evidently had a prominent position since it is mentioned before the
building in the inscription (Hadrian 362),' and two temples with statues in
Uzaae and Volubilis (Trajan 92; Antoninus Pius 102). Finally the horrea in
Myra with busts of Hadrian and Sabina inserted over the inscription (Hadrian
371) and the Tropaeum Augusti (Augustus 80) have been included, although
it is not absolutely certain that the second monument actually carried a rep-
resentation of Augustus.'"
Literary testimony for imperial statue bases and inscriptions
While imperial statues are mentioned frequently in the literary sources,'' there
are far fewer references to statue bases and their inscriptions.'` Among the
few examples that we do have, there is a wide variety of monument types. Te
smallest is a bust of the young Octavian with an inscription in iron letters nam-
ing him Turinus, seen by Suetonus;'` the largest the colossus of Nero in his
Golden House,' which was later changed into a statue of Sol before being re-
vamped as Commodus in the guise of Heracles. At least in this last instance an
inscription following the normal pattern for dedicatory inscriptions must have
67. Mansel 1962, 198-208.
68. Bean and Mitford 1970, 208-209.
69. Hadrian 366: o [o]tpoov Tooxoioo v o vt]o xoi to [o vr r[i to voio 0ov xoi to
]oxr x[tm x]m v. Te most probable reconstruction, but of course ov r v tp p aom
other objects than a statue could come into question.
70. Lamboglia 1938.
71. Lahusen 1984, 61-91, 111-120.
72. For inscriptions in literary sources, see Stein 1931.
73. Suet. Aug. 7.1, with comments by Gross 1980, 126-34. A pair of bronze busts of Augus-
tus and Livia with inscriptions engraved on the bases (Augustus 73) have been found in
Neuilly-le-Ral, now in Paris, Louvre Br 28 & 29.
74. Bergmann 1994.
40 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Fig. 8. Two of the originally three consoles carrying statues of Antoninus Pius, Marcus
Aurelius, and Lucius Verus on the colonnaded street in Apamea ad Orontem (Antoninus
Pius 282; Marcus Aurelius 255) (Authors photo).
been present, since Commodus, according to Herodian, had the title Germani-
cus replaced by the number of his victories as a gladiator.' Another lost monu-
ment known through literary sources and coins is the columna rostrata of Oc-
tavian in the Forum Romanum, crowned by a golden statue voted by the senate
afer his victory over Sex. Pompeius in 36 BC. Te base carried an inscription,
part of which is repeated by Appian.' To the ancient spectator, the statue and
base constituted a single inseparable entity; and like statues, which have ofen
73. Hdn. 1.13.9: u o tp ori ou ri 0ooi ooiixo io o aoyo i o tou o m xoi aotm vti
or Irovixou ovoo ou vixp ou ii oovto. Similarly in SHA Comm. 17.10:
ac suum imposuit et titulum more solito subscripsit, ita ut illum Gladiatorium et Efemi-
natum non praetermitteret.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 41
only been recorded because of their exceptional size or material costs, inscrip-
tions have been handed down because of their unusual content or their remark-
able aferlife. Of particular interest is the inscription from a triumphal statue
of Domitian, mentioned by Suetonius,'' which was torn of in a storm and fell
into a nearby grave shortly before the death of the emperor. Even though the
story is most probably an invention, it illustrates that to a contemporary Roman
audience it was not an unfamiliar phenomenon for inscriptions to fall of their
bases the point of the anecdote being where the inscription eventually ended
up. Evidently the base must have been built up and covered with plaques, in this
case most likely of bronze, since marble plaques would hardly have been car-
ried away by a storm however thin they may have been cut. Another example of
removal of an inscription is a base for a statue of Augustus on the Capitol that
was struck by lightning in AD 14, damaging the inscription and leaving only
aesari for Caesari, which meant god in Etruscan.'" Te missing C supposedly
indicated the time of his death 100 days later. Other references are to the con-
tent of inscriptions on statues in general. Inscriptions from statues of Galba, for
example, evidently postulated a family relation to Q. Catulus,'' although this
cannot be confrmed in the epigraphical record. Statues of Titus with inscrip-
tions, again according to Suetonius,"" were erected in great numbers during his
term as military tribune in Germania and Britannia. Tis has not been con-
frmed archaeologically either. Te only extant inscription from a statue base
mentioned in the literary sources is the one from the Tropaeum Augusti near
Nicaea, which Pliny the Elder reproduced in full (Augustus 80)."'
aiyop ouoo, o v ri vpv r vpv r 76. App. B Civ. 3.130: r v r ti 'tp p otooioor x aoou
ouvr v xoi 0o otpor xoto tr yp oooov. See also Jordan-Ruwe 1993, 64-66. Te phrase
by land and sea occurs in inscriptions for Sextus father Pompeius Magnus in the East
(see Amela Valverde 2001, 87-102), for example on statue bases in Mytilene (IG XII, 2,
202) and in Miletupolis (IGSK 26, 24), and we fnd it in other inscriptions for Augus-
tus (Augustus 173: ao xoi 0oo ao v ao xoi ao op yp oop r atpv, 200: to op yp op
oop o 0oo ovto, 180, 187). Te phrase is used once on a base for Tiberius, but then
disappears until the reign of Trajan.
77. Suet. Dom. 13.2: E basi statuae triumphalis titulus excussus vi procellae in monimentum
proximum decidit.
78. Suet. Aug. 97.2 and Dio Cass. 36.29.4. For a similar incident, this time concerning a Greek
inscription, see Dio Cass. 76.11.2.
79. Suet. Galb. 2.
80. Suet. Tit. 4.1.
81. Lamboglia 1938. Pliny HN. 3.136-137.
42 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Statue types and materials used for imperial statues
Imperial images were transmitted using almost any material imaginable.
Owing to poor conditions for preservation of organic materials in most
areas of the Roman Empire, painted images one of the commonest types
of portrait in antiquity have been lost almost entirely. No painted images
of the emperors under consideration have been preserved. Te style may be
glimpsed from the example in Berlin showing Septimius Severus with his
wife and children."` Te emperors portrait appeared on the obverse of the
majority of the coins in circulation in the Empire. It could also be found on
ceramics"` and silverware," lamps," cameos" and medallions, and in the
military the standards carried their portraits, as did the weaponry in some
instances."' Buildings and commemorative monuments carried reliefs show-
ing the exploits of the emperor,"" or had decorative elements with imperial
portraits like imagines clipeatae."' Portraits in the round range in size from
miniature portraits'" and other transportable images'' to busts and life-size
statues, or portraits of truly colossal proportions.'`
Te portraits of the emperor that were accompanied by inscribed bases
represent only a fraction of these diferent representations, namely the life-size
or larger standing, sitting or riding statue. Tere are three basic types: statues
of the emperor wearing the toga (togata) or with his head covered by the toga
(togata velato capite) in his capacity of pontifex maximus, cuirassed statues
(loricata) stressing the aspects of the emperor as general, and nude or semi-
nude statues of the emperor in a heroic pose or in the guise of a god.'`
82. McCann 1968, 79-80. See also Euzennat 1994, 111-113; Blanck 1969b.
83. Facsady 1996, 21-23.
84. Te Boscoreale Cup with a portrait of the triumphant Tiberius, Hron de Villefosse 1899.
83. Buchholz 1961, 173-187.
86. Megow 1987.
87. Exhibition Catalogue Berlin 1988, 338-360, no. 383-386. Among these Te sword of Ti-
berius in the British Museum, inv. no. PS 107808.
88. Bonanno 1976.
89. Winkes 1969; Winkes 1999, 91-93; Budde 1963, 103-117.
90. Schneider 1976; Jucker 1964, 81-92.
91. Blanck 1971, 90-93.
92. Kreikenbom 1992. On the largest statue in antiquity the Colossus of Nero, see Bergmann
1994.
93. For the use of statue types in general, see Wegner 1939, 283-287 and Niemeyer 1968, 14-20.
Togate statues: Goette 1990. Cuirassed statues: Stemmer 1978. Heroic statues: Maderma
1988.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 43
Statues mentioned in the inscriptions from statue bases
In the original context it was normally quite obvious what the object of the
dedication was, and consequently this information was superfuous in the
dedicatory inscription. If, however, the dedicator wished to specify the con-
ditions under which the dedication took place, or if the inscription was not
placed immediately below the statue, the object could fnd its way into the
inscription. Against this background, we should not expect the examples to
constitute a representative selection of the monuments in existence.
Since the statue bases under discussion for the most part carried life-size
standing statues, it is not surprising that the most commonly used term in the
Latin inscriptions is statua, which roughly translates to statue.' In a few of the
43 occurrences, the type of statue dedicated is described in more detail. A statua
triumphalis of Trajan was erected in Olvera in Baetica (Trajan 68), and a statue
of Hadrian is specifed as being seven foot tall (Hadrian 113). One inscription
mentions an equestrian statue (Marcus Aurelius 133) erected in connection
with the building of the basilica in Tugga, four others mention statues placed
on arches (Hadrian 142; Antoninus Pius 109, 179; Marcus Aurelius 132). In
Tugga, Nanneia Instania Fida dedicated two colossal statues (Marcus Aure-
lius 169; Lucius Verus 97). A newly elected sevir dedicated statuae sacrae of
Antoninus Pius and his two sons because of the honour of omce and out of
gratitude for the citys new aqueduct (Antoninus Pius 93; Marcus Aurelius 92;
Lucius Verus 61). Tree times we hear of statues that needed repair (Claudius
60; Tiberius 78 [aedem et statuas corruptas]; Marcus Aurelius 16 [vetustate cor-
ruptis]). Imago was used to denote a wide range of diferent types of portrait.'
In the ten instances where the word is mentioned on statue bases, however, the
meaning seems to be bust or statuette, fve of which were made of silver (Trajan
92; Hadrian 123; Antoninus Pius 63; Marcus Aurelius 66, Lucius Verus 38). A
diminutive base (0.143 x 0.233 x 0.21 m) mentions an aedicula with an imago
of Nero (Nero 3). If this image was placed on the base, it must have been a bust
or a statuette. Another inscription, evidently from an altar dedicated to the
wellbeing (pro salute) of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus (Marcus Aurelius
103, Lucius Verus 69), mentions that the dedicated objects included both the
altar and imagines. Since there was more than one imago, those of the emperors
seem more probable than personifcations of Salus. Tese inscriptions imply
94. For Latin and Greek terminology for various types of portrait, see Roux 1962, 366-380;
Daut 1973; Letta 1978, 3-19; Price 1984, 176-180.
93. Daut 1973.
44 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
that imago, at least when used on imperial statue bases, ofen referred to reli-
gious objects. One inscription refers to statues as signa (Augustus 31; Tiberius
38) placed in a temple. Because the marble slab on which this inscription is cut
has three separate dedications to Augustus, Gaius Caesar and Lucius Caesar
(with later additions of Tiberius and Agrippa Posthumus), it was most prob-
ably amxed to a large base carrying the statues. Two terms for statue frequently
found in the literary sources, simulacrum and ef gies, are not attested on the
statue bases in the catalogue.'
voio and o Te two commonest Greek terms for statues, o yoo, both
denote life-size statues. Te distinction between them seems to be one of con-
text and function rather than one of type or material. Avoio, the slightly
more frequent term (12 examples),'' refers to honorifc statues, whereas
o yoo (known in eight inscriptions)'" has generally been interpreted as
meaning cult statue. Unfortunately the contexts of nearly all these bases have
been lost, but the frequent use of the dative case in inscriptions referring to
yo o oto supports the notion. However, the dative case was not restricted to
cult statues as seen from its use on a base for an o voio in Lyktos (Trajan
131). Ei xmv, the vaguest term applied to imperial images, like imago denotes
a likeness. It is only mentioned in one inscription (Trajan 188) for an image,
probably a bust or miniature representation that was part of a larger dedica-
tion of four futed columns, an iron door, three craters and three kantharoi.
Bronze or marble
Te vast majority of the extant portraits of emperors are made of marble. Tis
does not refect the situation in antiquity marble portraits have simply sur-
vived better than metal ones. During the Hellenistic period marble generally
seems to have been used for statues of deities, while honorifc statues were
far more ofen made of bronze.'' From this it has been inferred that marble
96. Plenty of examples in Lahusen 1984, 61-91.
97. Augustus 168; Claudius 131; Nero 32; Vespasian 18; Titus 18; Nerva 34; Trajan 131; Hadrian
273, 341, 362; Antoninus Pius 212, 260.
98. Tiberius 148; Trajan 197; Hadrian 267, 423; Antoninus Pius 14, 298; Marcus Aurelius 9;
Commodus 93.
99. Discussion by Tuchelt 1979, 70-90. Tuchelt (1979, 76) found that 26 out of 30 bases for
promagistrates in the province of Asia erected during the last century BC carried bronze
statues. Tis tendency is confrmed by the evidence from Kos collected by Hghammer
1993, 68-70.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 43
was the more valuable material, and that honorifc statues in marble, because
of their amnities with cult statues, also had religious signifcance.'"" Accord-
ing to Lahusen the distinctive meaning of marble statues continued into the
Roman period, and in his opinion this could explain why so many portraits
of the imperial family in marble still exist compared with portraits of private
individuals. Te former could be erected in public, whereas the latter were
presumably only erected in private houses and villas wo es fr das Mate-
rial und die Form der Bildnisreprsentation keine Einschrnkungen gab.'"'
Countless examples prove the incorrectness of this assumption, of course, and
during the Roman period there does not seem to have been any connection
between the function of an image and its material. Both marble and bronze
could evidently be used for public honorifc statues.
We can obtain an idea of the frequency of lost bronze statues by close
study of the statue bases. By investigating the marks on the top of fully pre-
served statue bases, it is ofen possible to discern what type of material the
statue that stood on the base was made of.'"` Bases for marble statues some-
times have a large round, oval or square depression into which the plinth of
the statue could be lowered. Te plinth of the statue could also be placed on
top of the base, like the statue of Hadrian in the library in the Asklepieion
in Pergamum, in which case detection is rendered more dim cult. Bases for
bronze statues, on the other hand, have footprints on top or two to four
dowel holes for fastening the feet of the statue (Fig. 2). Unfortunately very few
publications of inscriptions record this type of information, and in order to
obtain reliable fgures for the marble/bronze ratio all bases would have to be
re-examined. Te only systematic investigation of the issue within the impe-
rial period is that of Alfldy for the statues from Venetia et Histria,'"` which
showed that bronze statues were slightly more common than marble ones in
this area. However, the percentage of bases where anything defnite could be
determined about the material of the statues was rather small, and as pointed
out by the author, the choice of material may have varied depending on the
rank of the honorand. A small sample of statue bases on Kos shows that the
100. Tuchelt 1979, 79-86. On the other hand, Smith (1988, 3) remarks about the portraits of
the Hellenistic kings that: Our surviving portraits are mostly lower-grade works in mar-
ble, ofen very generalised in character.
101. Lahusen 1992, 192.
102. For illustrations of the diferent traces lef by marble and bronze statues, see Alfldy 1984,
164-163.
103. Alfldy 1984, 37.
46 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
preference for bronze statues extended into the Roman period,'" and in the
fora in Cuicul and Tamugadi bronze statues predominate from the second
to the fourth century.'"
Another indicator of the frequency of bronze statues in an area is the ratio
between extant portraits and statue bases. Since bases survive regardless of
the material used for the statues, the ratio between extant bases and portraits
should change with the preference for marble or bronze statuary. In Italy
there are about the same number of portraits as bases (Fig. 9), and in the
northwestern and Hispanic provinces the ratio is two bases for each extant
portrait. In Greece and North Africa the ratios are 3:1 and 7:1 respectively,
and Asia Minor and the northeastern provinces top the list with around ten
bases for each extant portrait. Although this by no means constitutes a very
precise measurement, it indicates that large diferences in the choice of material
prevailed within the Empire. In the East the Hellenistic tradition for bronze
honorifc statues seems to have continued unchanged, while in the West and
in Italy in particular marble was more popular.'"
Statues in precious metals
Tere is an extensive body of literature drawing on a large number of ancient
literary sources on the topic of imperial statues in precious metals.'"' Te ques-
tions of whether statues in silver and gold were a prerogative of the emperor,
and whether they implied divine properties and had religious connotations,
which has occupied much of the discussion, need not detain us here since
the statue bases ofer no new insight regarding this question. Instead we can
consider their frequency among the honorifc statues, as well as considering
which emperors had this type of monuments dedicated, who erected them
and where.
Unlike the ample literary evidence, the archaeological evidence is rather
scarce. Hardly any examples of imperial statues in precious metals have sur-
104. Hghammer 1993, 68-70.
103. Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989, 34-84.
106. Te same tendency can be seen for the 130 attested Julio-Claudian statue groups collected
by Rose (1997a). Among the western examples more than 30 are attested by sculptural
evidence, while the fgure for the statue groups in the eastern part of the Empire is only
13.
107. Most importantly Scott 1931, 101-123; Pekary 1968, 144-148; Pekary 1983, 66-80; Lahusen
1978, 383-393; Lahusen 1999a, 231-266; Lahusen & Formigli 2001, 303-324.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 47
Fig. 9. Te number of extant approximately life size or larger imperial portraits (before
slash) and the number of statue bases (afer slash) according to region.
1
Notice that while
the numbers are approximately even in Italy, there are far more bases than portraits in
most other regions.
Emvivov I1.iv Nov1u- G.0i Sv.i Nov1u Gviici Asi. E.s1
iv Aivic. Miov
Augustus
2
77/69 0/7 10/11 13/22 6/11 19/40 14/41 8/2
Tiberius
3
-/47 -/3 -/8 -/14 -/7 -/30 -/41 -/1
Caligula
4
14/2 2/0 1/9 2/0 2/0 3/6 3/10 0/1
Claudius
3
28/38 1/7 2/11 4/10 2/10 6/31 2/46 1/1
Vespasian
6
19/17 1/3 1/1 2/8 4/14 1/9 1/26 0/3
Titus
7
23/17 0/2 0/0 1/7 2/14 1/8 1/16 1/2
Nerva
8
14/12 0/3 0/1 0/2 0/3 0/7 0/18 0/1
Trajan
9
60-70/41 3/14 3/3 6/10 2/24 8/43 3/37 3/11
Hadrian
10
93/73 2/24 3/2 4/13 8/32 16/124 10/113 10/11
Antoninus Pius
11
ca. 40/63 0/13 3/1 7/18 3/82 6/31 3/70 1/10
Lucius Verus
12
39/38 0/10 1/3 3/13 17/36 7/10 4/22 2/7
Marcus Aurelius
13
ca. 70/66 4/16 2/2 3/9 8/84 8/31 3/42 9/10
Commodus
14
ca. 20/17 2/3 0/0 0/3 1/36 4/13 4/31 1/4
1 Tis is by no means an all inclusive illustration of the geographical distribution of the extant impe-
rial portraits, and neither do the fgures lend themselves for comparison between diferent emperors.
Since the chart was built on the works of others its accuracy depends entirely on these. Note that the
date of publication efects the number of known portraits. A more correct chart of the geographical
distribution could naturally be worked out by consulting the publication of each individual portrait.
Tis would, however, require a considerable efort. In the most recent studies cited, Evers for Hadrian
and Boschung for Augustus and Caligula, great efort has been exerted to identify the provenience of
as many portraits as possible, and these therefore ofer the most reliable evidence for the geographical
distribution of the portraits.
2 Boschung 1993a, 227-230.
vived until the present'"", and most probably had a very short lifespan.'"' Tose
that have survived, although we would expect them to be the most outstand-
ing examples of Roman art, are of rather mediocre quality at best, and also
seem to deviate from the omcial portrait types in marble. Te evidence from
108. From the period in question, the imperial portraits in precious metal are: a gold bust
found in Aventicum, most probably a likeness of Marcus Aurelius (Jucker 1981c, 3-17;
Witchel in Stemmer 1993, 237-262; Lahusen 2002, 46-63). Silver portraits have been at-
tributed to Galba (Die Silberbste des Kaisers Galba 1993), and Lucius Verus (Bendinelli
1937) (from Marengo, now in Torino Mus).
109. Statues could even be melted down during an emperors lifetime (Tac. Ann. 3.70.1). Note
also IGSK 11, 1, 23, on the reuse of old imperial portraits in Ephesus.
48 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
3 No complete fgures exist for all the portraits of Tiberius. However, a list of 23 specimens of Typus
Kopenhagen NCG 623 can be found in Fittschen & Zanker 1983, no. 10. 9 of these derive from Italy,
9 from other parts of the empire, notably 4 portraits from Egypt, and 7 with no known provenience.
Fittschen & Zanker 1983, no. 12, also lists 23 specimens of Typus Berlin-Neapel-Sorrent of which at
least 13 have provenience in Italy. Only the portraits in Toulouse, Tripolis and Carthage have defnitely
been found outside Italy. Boschung 1990, 363-367. and Boschung 1993b, 36-38 lists a total of approxi-
mately 90 portraits of Tiberius.
4 Boschung 1989.
3 Based on the 34 portraits appearing in Fittschen (1973, 33-38, cat. no. 17). Updated fgures will appear
in Massner, forthcoming. Massner has kindly informed me that she has found approximately 80 life
size portraits of Claudius in the round.
6 Daltorp, Hausmann and Wegner 1966 and Bergmann and Zanker 1981, 332-349.
7 Daltorp, Hausmann and Wegner 1966, Fittschen 1977, 63-67, cat. no. 21, and Bergmann and Zanker
1981, 332-349.
8 Bergmann & Zanker (1981, 380-403) believed 14 life size portraits of Nerva in the round to be in ex-
istence. Of these only two or three were new creations while the others were reworked mostly from
portraits of Domitian. Most if not all the portraits seem to derive from Italy.
9 Gross 1940. Balty (1977/1978, 43-61) enumerates a total of 120 portraits but his catalogue does not
always include precise information about provenience.
10 Evers 1994.
11 Wegner 1979, 96-123. Many of the entries lack precise information about provenience. Very ofen the
location of the museum gives a good indication of the fnd spot, especially in the case of local muse-
ums, but for the large European and North American collections, whose portraits to a very large extent
was bought in Italy, this method is useless and the proportion of portraits from Italy may therefore be
even higher. Te portraits from the old Italian collections have been counted as having been found in
Italy.
12 Wegner 1980, 38-66. See also note 11. Fittschen (1999) suggests that 11 of the 17 known portraits of
Lucius Verus erected prior to AD 161 come from Italy. For the distribution of the portraits of the fourth
portrait type, see Fittschen and Zanker 1983, 79-81.
13 Wegner 1979, 139-181. See also note 11. Fittschen (1999) suggests that 44 of 61 portraits of Marcus
Aurelius with known provenience erected prior to AD 161 come from Italy. Te remaining portraits
have been found in the Eastern provinces 4, North Africa 3, in the Northern provinces 4, Asia Minor
2, Spain 2, Greece 2.
14 Wegner 1980, 76-181. See also note 11. Note also Fittschen 1999 for the portraits prior to AD 180.
Tirteen portraits of Typus Capitol are known. Eleven have been found in Italy.
the statue bases is somewhat richer, but it does not seem that they were as
common in antiquity as the volume of ancient literary references and modern
scholarship devoted to them would suggest. Tis may well be a result of the
tendency of ancient authors to give prominence to the unusual at the expense
of the ordinary. Of course the nine inscriptions from statue bases mentioning
thirteen portraits are a poor representation of the statues in precious metal
once in existence, since our only way of knowing whether statues were made
of gold or silver is if the material is specifed in the inscription. Te purpose
of mentioning the material in the inscription was not to state the obvious, but
to denote the weight of the metal used for the statue or bust. Tis measure-
ment seems to have been of some importance, and occurs invariably except
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 49
when the statue is referred to indirectly (Trajan 92).''" We may therefore have
a fairly representative segment of the inscribed statue bases for statues in pre-
cious metals permanently amxed in one place. Transportable images, on the
other hand, such as busts and statuettes in gold and silver used by the army
and as cult objects, seldom had accompanying inscriptions and consequently
do not appear in the epigraphical evidence.'''
Imperial statues in gold referred to in inscriptions from statue bases are
for the most part found in Rome. Tis could explain their overrepresenta-
tion in the literary sources, which to a large extent concern circumstances in
the capital. In Rome, Gaius Geminius Atticus dedicated an image of Tiberius
weighing 3 pounds of gold and 3 pounds of silver (Tiberius 8). Te base is
described as small, and probably carried a bust of the emperor. A centurion
of the third Augusta, Gaius Papirius Aequos, spent 10 pounds of gold on gilt
statues or busts of Vespasian and his two sons (Vespasian 3; Titus 1; Domitian
1). Outside Rome we hear of a statue of Titus in Conimbriga erected by the
province for which 10 pounds of gold was used (Titus 23). Te fact that the
provinces of southern Spain erected statues in gold naturally refects the rich
deposits found there.
Silver statues seem to have been more common even outside Rome. Te
largest amount of metal used that we know of from the inscriptions is 300
pounds of silver for a statue of Claudius in Minturnae (Claudius 10). Unfor-
tunately, the identity of the dedicator of this statue is unknown. For a statue of
Tiberius in Teate Marrucinorum, a centurion of the sixth Ferrata bequeathed
10 3/12 pounds of silver according to his will and testament (Tiberius 31), and
in Rome Marcus Petronius Sura, a procurator, joined his two sons in spending
just over fve pounds of silver on an image of Hadrian (Hadrian 11). From
Bosa on Sardinia there is a dedication of small silver busts of Antoninus Pius
and his family paid for by Q. Rutilius V[- - -] according to a decree of the
decuriones (Antoninus Pius 63, Marcus Aurelius 66, Lucius Verus 38). Tese
busts may have belonged in an augusteum.''` Finally, an imperial temple or
shrine with a silver image of Trajan of unspecifed weight was dedicated by
a newly appointed famen in Uzaae (Trajan 92). In Hippo Regius a duumvir
quinquennalis, in addition to a promised silver statue perhaps of the emperor,
110. Note also that Domitian set a minimum weight for the statues of himself in gold and sil-
ver erected on the Capitol, Suet. Dom. 13.2: Statuas sibi in Capitolio non nisi aureas et
argenteas poni permisit ac ponderis certi.
111. Blanck 1971, 90-93.
112. L. 1: [Imagines in Augusteo] has is however, a restoration.
113. Scott 1931, 123.
30 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
made an ofering of at least two smaller silver images of Hadrian with golden
crowns (Hadrian 123).
Even though this sample of thirteen statues is rather small, it gives a co-
herent picture of the use of statues in precious metals. Apart from the statue
of Claudius in Minturnae, the amounts of metal referred to in the inscrip-
tions are quite small, 3 to 10 pounds (enough for a bust or perhaps to plate
a bronze statue). Even the 300 pounds or close to 100 kg of silver used in
Minturnae would hardly sumce for a life-size statue. Geographically Rome
and Italy dominate, and with the exception of the statues erected by the two
provinces on the Iberian Peninsula, they are all private dedications. It would
seem, therefore, that the choice of erecting statues in precious metal was a
result of personal devotion on the part of the dedicator rather than being the
obligation of communities.
Portraits in precious metals could be powerful symbols with connotations
of monarchy and divinity, and almost every emperor felt obliged to formulate
a policy regarding this type of portrait.''` Several emperors renounced them
altogether, and most at least placed restrictions on their use. Te exceptions
were Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Commodus and Caracalla, who according to
the ancient authors actively promoted the erection of such images in a variety
of contexts.'' Te evidence of the statue bases on this point contradicts the
literary sources. Domitian is the only one of these notorious emperors that
we fnd among the statue bases, but the image in question was erected during
the reign of his father years before he developed autocratic tendencies. It is
true that our record of their statue bases has been diminished because of their
damnatio memoriae (pp. 36-62), but still we should expect at least some evi-
dence if the extent of the practice paralleled the literary accounts.'' Instead
we fnd statues of Tiberius, who according to the literary sources observed a
very restrictive policy with regard to his images including those in precious
metals'' the otherwise miserly Vespasian,''' and Trajan, who according to
Pliny forbade images in silver and gold.''" Te truth of the matter is probably
that the emperor had rather limited control of and interest in placing restric-
tions on what was practised outside the public sphere in Rome. When asked
directly for permission, some emperors saw it as an opportunity to display
114. Scott 1931, 123.
113. Dio Cass. 67.8.1.
116. Suet. Tib. 26. Tac. Ann. 3.18.2.
117. Suet. Vesp. 23.3.
118. Plin. Paneg. 32.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 31
modestia. Te image of emperors wanting excessive amounts of statues in gold
and silver is nothing but a topos exemplifying the bad emperor.
Te cost of imperial statues
Duncan-Jones, in his study of prices and price-levels in North Africa and
Italy, presents a large number of inscriptions mentioning the cost of erecting
statues.''' A large percentage of these pertain to imperial statues.'`" Te study
sufers, unfortunately, from the evidently wrong assumption that where noth-
ing else is specifed in the inscription a marble statue was probably present.'`'
Until the material included in Duncan-Jones study has been re-examined for
traces lef by the statues on top of the bases, I would be inclined to think that
the opposite was the case (pp. 43-47). Te evidence from Cuicul and Tamu-
gadi collected by Zimmer certainly shows a preference for bronze.'`` One of
the exceptions, a base from Cuicul for a marble statue of the deifed Marcus
Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius 100), mentions a price of 7,000 sesterces.'`` In
three further instances where the cost is noted in the inscription, we know
the material of the statue. Two bases in Cuicul carried bronze statues of Mar-
cus Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius 99) and Lucius Verus (Lucius Verus 67), the
frst costing 3,000 sesterces and the other slightly more, and in Tamugadi a
base for a bronze statue of Antoninus Pius (Antoninus Pius 140) mentions
a price of 3,000 sesterces. Tese few examples where the price and material
of the statue can both be determined with certainty, together with the base
for Marcus Aurelius from Tuburbo Maius, where a bronze statue costing
just over 2,000 sesterces is mentioned in the inscription, indicate that marble
statues were the more expensive of the two, but the sample is rather small to
be of wider signifcance.
Olivers attempt at calculating the price of a bronze statue from its metallic
value plus the wage of a bronze-worker as specifed in Diocletians Edict on
119. Duncan-Jones 1982, 78-79, no. 77-212. Te North African material is particularly prolifc.
Te Italian, on the other hand, is more restricted and generally refers to the weight of the
statues instead of the cost.
120. Of the approximately 130 inscriptions in the catalogue, 33 mention the price of statues
of the imperial family.
121. Duncan-Jones 1982, 94.
122. Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989, 34-84.
123. Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989, 69, no. C66.
32 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Maximum Prices is highly problematic, although he achieves a result within
the normal price range found in the inscriptions.'` Apart from the fact that
he calculates the cost of the material for the bronze statue in question (a
headless statue in the Cleveland Museum of Art said to be Marcus Aurelius)
from the weight of a sesterce, whose purchasing power during the Empire was
not justifed by its metal value, it is highly questionable whether the cost of
manufacturing set at 8 of the value of the metal in Diocletians edict applies
to a second century AD sculpture workshop as well.'`
In the catalogue there are 24 inscriptions (1 of the total) which mention
the cost of the statue expressed in sesterces.'` However, with one exception
these examples are limited chronologically and geographically to second-cen-
tury North Africa. During this period it became customary in this region to
note the summa honoraria paid for holding omce in dedicatory inscriptions.
Consequently, there is a fairly large amount of statistical material available
concerning the price level of statues in North Africa. But there is great un-
certainty as to how this relates to other regions of the Empire, or to the cost
of statues during the frst century. Te prices mentioned are relatively homo-
geneous, but this might very well have been caused by the similarity in the
type of funding.'`' On the other hand, it matches the general price-level of
other types of statue in Duncan-Jones study,'`" although there may be a few
more examples at the very expensive end. Most fall within the range of 2,000
124. Oliver 1996, 146-147.
123. Doyle 1976, 96.
126. Te inscriptions mentioning prices are: Hadrian 123 (17,000 sesterces for silver statues
with golden crowns); Hadrian 142 (42,600 sesterces for an arch with a quadriga); Hadrian
136 (3,323 sesterces for statues of Hadrian and L. Aelius Caesar); Hadrian 163 (2,400 ses-
terces); Antoninus Pius 46 (4,000 sesterces); Antoninus Pius 109 (30,000 sesterces for an
arch with three statues); Antoninus Pius 113 (6,000 sesterces); Antoninus Pius 134=Lucius
Verus 86 (10,407 sesterces spent on two statues. An additional silver bust of Faustina only
cost 1,393 sesterces); Antoninus Pius 140 (3,000 sesterces); Marcus Aurelius 99 (3,000
sesterces); Marcus Aurelius 101 (12,000 sesterces); Marcus Aurelius 126 (3,000 sesterces);
Marcus Aurelius 137 (38,000 for two statues, either both of Marcus Aurelius or one of
Marcus Aurelius and one of Lucius Verus); Marcus Aurelius 164 (8,000 sesterces); Marcus
Aurelius 166 (2,000 sesterces); Marcus Aurelius 100 (7,000 sesterces); Marcus Aurelius
169 and Lucius Verus 97 (13,000 sesterces for each of two colossal statues); Lucius Verus
93 (3,000 sesterces); Lucius Verus 67 (3,000 sesterces); Commodus 37 (10,000 sesterces);
Commodus 49 (2,000 sesterces).
127. Te few examples of prices for statues that were not erected for summa honoraria were
signifcantly higher than the average (Hadrian 123; Antoninus Pius 109; Marcus Aurelius
101, 137).
128. Duncan-Jones 1982, 78-79.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 33
to 8,000 sesterces, with the lowest price being 2,000 (Marcus Aurelius 166;
Commodus 49) and the highest being 38,000 sesterces for two statues (Mar-
cus Aurelius 147). Te only price of an imperial statue base known outside
Africa 4,000 sesterces for a statue of Antoninus Pius in Fagifulae in Regio
IV (Antoninus Pius 46) is slightly below the average in North Africa. Arches
naturally cost considerably more. Te three examples with imperial statues
(Marcus Aurelius 132; Hadrian 142; Antoninus Pius 109) cost 120,000, 42,600
and 30,000 sesterces respectively. Te latter two were cheap compared with
the prices paid for other arches in North Africa.'`'
On the evidence available at present, we must conclude that we are un-
able to diferentiate between prices for marble and bronze statues and that
therefore we have no means of determining which was considered the more
valuable. In addition, we should expect considerable regional diferences in
the price levels for statues. Te price of marble statues would depend on the
availability of marble and the amount of transport involved in dedicating a
statue at a certain location. Furthermore, we have reason to believe that the
price of marble statues fell throughout the period from the late frst century
BC to the second century AD. It certainly became easier to obtain larger blocks
of marble suitable for making life-size statues, as shown by the drop in the
number of statues pieced together from more than one block.'`" Tere were
many other contributing factors: the re-organisation of the quarries under
imperial administration, the beginning of full-scale operations in the Car-
rara quarries, and safer, more emcient transport at sea being the most impor-
tant of these. Furthermore, the higher em ciency gained by mass production
probably resulted in a lower price for each individual piece. Te material for
bronze statues was costlier than marble but easier to transport and involved
less labour, but how this afected the price over time is extremely dim cult to
determine.
Dedicating a small statue or a bust in precious metals need not have been
more costly than dedicating a statue in bronze or marble. From a base in Cil-
lium (Antoninus Pius 134; Lucius Verus 86) we know that 12,000 sesterces
were spent on statues of Antoninus Pius and Lucius Verus and a silver bust of
Faustina. Furthermore, the inscription specifes that the two statues together
cost 10,407 sesterces, which lef only 1,393 sesterces for the silver bust, well
below the average price of a life-size marble statue. Otherwise the prices of
129. Duncan-Jones 1982, 91.
130. Claridge 1988, 139-132.
34 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
statues in precious metals are expressed in terms of weight. Duncan-Jones
suggests, on the basis of a few inscriptions for which both the cost and the
weight of an object is known, that manufacture constituted roughly 30 of
the total cost.'`' It is curious, however, that the dedicators, who in inscriptions
for statues in bronze and marble ofen state the amount spent on the dedica-
tion down to the last sesterce, should choose to mention a fgure that bore
only a slight relation to the actual outlay. So I think that the cost of imperial
portraits in gold and silver was generally relatively close to their bullion value
or alternatively that the cost of manufacture was taken out of the amount of
metal supplied for the portrait. Te dedications of imperial portraits in pre-
cious metals range from the humble to the extravagant. An inscription from
a statue base for a duumvir in Beneventum relates that he had dedicated a
silver quadriga with a statue of Hadrian weighing 1,367 pounds of silver (ap-
prox. 312 kg).'`` Te bullion value alone exceeded 700,000 sesterces. Te cost
of the golden images of Vespasian, Titus and Domitian in Rome weighing 10
pounds was more than 40,000 sesterces (Vespasian 3, Titus 1, Domitian 1),
which was indeed a substantial donation for a centurion whose pay was prob-
ably in the vicinity of 20,000 sesterces a year.'`` Smaller silver images, like the
one of Hadrian dedicated by a procurator in Rome (Hadrian 11) at a bullion
value of approximately 2,300 sesterces, or those of the family of Antoninus
Pius in Bosa (Antoninus Pius 63), must have been afordable compared with
bronze or marble statues.'`
Imperial statues can be considered a luxury commodity. However, with a
general price level of between 3,000 and 8,000 sesterces (sometimes less) for
an imperial statue suitable for public display in provincial towns in North
Africa in the second century AD, honouring the emperor with a statue was
not a privilege reserved purely for a small, exceedingly wealthy aristocracy.
Compared to other types of munus, like outlays for the construction of temples
and public buildings,'` erecting an imperial statue was a relatively cheap way
131. Duncan-Jones 1982, 126. Martial (3.62) mentions a price of 3,000 sesterces for a pound
of worked silver. Here manufacture would account for about 90 of the cost. A similar
calculation for a marble statue indicates that manufacture consumed approximately 9
of the total cost.
132. CIL IX, 1619.
133. Brunt 1930, 71.
134. Numerous similar images weighing one or two pounds are listed in an inventory from a
collegia in Ostia (AE 1940, 62).
133. Duncan-Jones 1982, 90-92, 107-108, no. 324-341 (individual sums paid in honour of of-
fce), 108-110 (summae honorariae).
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 33
of showing benefcence towards the city and thereby also having ones own
name preserved for posterity.'`
Damnatio memoriae and the reuse of statue bases
During the frst and second centuries AD, imperial statues were, as a general
rule, only changed or demolished if the emperor had been deposed.'`' Tis
fate befell no less than eight of the nineteen emperors included in this inves-
tigation: Caligula, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Domitian, Avidius Cassius,
and Commodus. Following their deaths, their statues and the monuments
inscribed with their names were destroyed either spontaneously or by decree
of the Senate.'`" Modern scholarship has coined the term damnatio memo-
riae for all such incidents, but the legal and practical aspects of the phenom-
enon difered from case to case.'`' Omcially sanctioned destruction of statues
seems to have occurred only afer the murder of Domitian and Commodus.
It has always been common knowledge that bronze statues and portraits
were melted down and reused.'" Te consequence for imperial portraiture
136. For the self-glorifcation of the dedicator on statue bases for others, see Eck 1994, 630-662.
137. Naturally, there were exceptions to this rule. Granius Marcellus had charges brought against
him for having exchanged the head of a statue of Augustus with that of Tiberius (Suet.
Tib. 38.1; Tac. Ann. 1.74.3: in statua amputato capite Augusti em giem Tiberii inditam.
Note the choice of terms used), and a silver bust of Tiberius was melted down while he
was still alive (Tac. Ann. 3.70.1). Tere exist at least two portraits of emperors not sufer-
ing damnatio memoriae that were re-worked within a century of their erection: a portrait
statue of Tiberius in the basilica in Veleia re-cut to Vespasian (Rose 1997a, 124), and a
portrait of Octavian now in the Vatican re-cut to a young Nero (Jucker 1981b, 284-293).
For examples of statue bases, see below pp. 63-64.
138. Literary evidence for the removal of imperial statues: Claudius prevented the senate
from omcially banning the images of Caligula (Dio Cass. 60.4.3-6), but had his statues
removed at night (Dio Cass. 60.4.3 & 60.22.3). Nero (Suet. Nero 49.2). Antonius Primus
and Domitian restored statues of Galba in Germania and Rome in AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 3.7
& 4.40). Images of Vitellius were torn down in military camps, for example in the camp
of the feet in Ravenna (Tac. Hist. 3.13). Later they were reinstated for a brief period in
Germania (Tac. Hist. 4.37). Domitian (Suet. Dom. 23). Commodus (SHA Com. 20.4).
139. Vittinghof 1939; Rollin 1979, 131-174; Pekary 1983, 134-142; Varner 1993, 2004.
140. Statues of Sejanus ended up as pipkins, basins, frying-pans and slap-pails (Juv. 10.38-
64), but ofen a mere change of heads was all that was required, for instance in the bronze
equestrian statue of Nerva from Misenum (Franciscis 1991) and the naked bronze statue
of Septimius Severus in the museum in Nicosia (McCann 1968, 133-134, no. 11).
36 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
in marble was not fully realised until a quarter of a century ago, when it was
pointed out that a large number of portraits, especially those of the Flavian
emperors and Nerva, had in fact been re-cut from those of their deposed
predecessors. Tis explains the curious inconsistencies in the iconography of
these emperors.'' While the portraits have been closely scrutinised for signs
of re-working over the past years, no one has so far given any thought to the
epigraphical evidence from the statue bases,'` even though it ofers valuable
information about the aferlife of monuments and the level of efectiveness
of om cial damnatio memoriae.
Two things could be done to monuments to obliterate the memory of a
deposed emperor. Either they could be removed and destroyed, or they could
be transformed into monuments honouring other emperors. Both these op-
tions can be observed in portraits as well as in statue bases. Generally, there
are slightly more fragmented inscriptions and poorly preserved monuments
for the emperors who sufered damnatio memoriae. So the logical conclu-
sion must be that at least some of these fragmented monuments had been
subject to deliberate destruction shortly afer the emperors death. However,
it is well-nigh impossible to determine the exact time of destruction of each
individual inscription, and monuments could have been removed without
inficting damage to the inscriptions. In fact, inscriptions taken down and
reused as fll or building material may feasibly have had a greater chance of
survival than those exposed to weathering over the centuries. Altered inscrip-
tions lend themselves more easily to detection, especially if only parts of the
inscription have been changed. Even if the inscription was completely removed
and another put in its place, it is usually possible to discover faint traces of
the former inscription.'`
Ten of the 28 extant statue bases for Caligula show signs of destruction
or reuse. Most of these had large parts of their inscriptions containing the
141. Jucker 1981b, 236-316; Bergmann and Zanker 1981, 317-412. Previously Blanck (1969a)
had discussed the general practice of re-using monuments.
142. Blanck (1969a) includes very few examples of reuse of imperial statue bases. Pekary (1983,
134-142) consulted the index of ILS and ascertained that inscriptions for emperors who
sufered damnatio memoriae have in fact been preserved despite the fact that they should
have been destroyed. Varner (2004) includes sporadic information about the reuse of im-
perial statue bases.
143. A recently re-examined inscription for Domitian from Puteoli (Domitian 8) ofers a very
interesting example of a nearly completely eradicated inscription that can in fact be re-
stored in full on close examination.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 37
name of Caligula removed (Caligula 2, 7, 12, 13, 14, 13). Fragments of one
inscription were found in a well in a house in Spoletium (Caligula 1), where
it probably ended up shortly afer Caligula had been murdered. Te inscrip-
tion for Caligula on the scenae frons in the theatre in Tera (Caligula 17)
was completely removed and another for Vespasian inscribed in its place. Its
existence can only be inferred from the survival of the inscriptions honour-
ing the parents of Caligula, Antonia as Hestia Boulaia and Germanicus as
Zeus Boulaios, fanking it.' Te block may well have been lef blank in the
intervening period. More curious is the existence of a base for Caligula from
Syene in Egypt (Caligula 28) with its inscription intact that was later reused
as a base for a statue of Trajan (Trajan 203). Perhaps the base had been placed
so that the former inscribed surface faced a wall. Te partial removal of lines
one and two in an inscription from Didyma (Caligula 21) seems to have been
an attempt to change the dedication to one for his father Germanicus. Tis
practice was later carried out with greater success with monuments for Nero,
Domitian and Commodus.
Te simple removal of the word Nr mv made it possible to change the
Greek inscriptions for Nero into dedications honouring Claudius,' and this
proved an attractive solution in eight instances (Nero 36, 40, 41, 42, 43-47, 33).
It seems likely that this involved a change of the head of the statue as well, but
we cannot tell with certainty. On one statue base the inscription was changed
to the name of Augustus (Nero 23). Similarly, monuments for Domitian could
be altered in a variety of ways. By removing the name Domitian from inscrip-
tions dedicated before the death of Vespasian, these could pass as dedications
for Titus (Domitian 27, 38 and perhaps 1'). In several inscriptions both the
name Domitian and the victory title Germanicus, which was clearly identi-
fed very closely with the deposed emperor, have been erased. Tis leaves a
generic imperial formula of Au tm Koi toxo oo Erooto that could imply
Augustus, Vespasian, Titus or his successors Nerva and Trajan (Domitian 41,
38, 39). Either Nerva or Trajan was certainly intended by the removal of the
144. IG XII, 3, suppl., 1393-1394. Rose 1997a, 160-161.
143. Monuments altered in this way have not been included in the catalogue of statue bases
under the emperor to whom the inscription was changed, unless new inscriptions were
added.
146. Since the name of Titus already appears in this inscription from Rome, it was more likely
a matter of removing Domitians name. However, this was not done very thoroughly since
princeps iuventutis was lef untouched.
38 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
name of Domitian in an inscription in Lilybaeum (Domitian 14). Further
dedications in Athens (Domitian 29), Idyma (Domitian 33) and particularly
Ephesus (Domitian 42-33) were changed to Vespasian. Another base seems
simply to have been destroyed (Domitian 60). Te commonest modifcation
of statue bases for Commodus is the removal of the name Commodus and
the epithet Felix, in which case the honorand could pass as Marcus Aurelius
(Commodus 17, 91, 100, 102, 106, 107). Two of these bases (Commodus 106,
107) had a rather peculiar history. Originally funerary cippi of the fourth
century BC, they were changed to accommodate statues of Commodus and
placed in the parodoi in the theatre in Salamis. Upon his death the name of
Commodus was removed, so the inscriptions could be taken to concern the
deifed Marcus. Finally, a century later, they were turned and supplied with
new inscriptions for Constantius Chlorus and Gallerius. An attempt at chang-
ing an inscription in Rome (Commodus 1) from Commodus to Lucius Verus
did not turn out very successfully because of the obvious problem of the fli-
ation.
We cannot be absolutely certain that the monuments whose inscriptions
had been partially removed were actually reused as bases for other emperors,
but the care exercised in removing only the elements specifcally referring to
the deposed emperor indicates that this was indeed the intention.
It is interesting that while portraits were predominantly re-cut, or trans-
formed by other means to portray the successor or a member of the new
ruling family,'' the exact opposite can be observed from the inscriptions on
the statue bases. Te vast majority of these were altered to honour the father
of the deposed emperor. Reuse of a base for an immediate successor can only
been observed in three instances. In Tugga an arch originally intended to
honour Caligula was dedicated to Claudius instead in the frst year of his reign
(Claudius 73), and in Lilybaeum a base for Domitian afer his death seems to
have accommodated a statue of either Nerva or Trajan (Domitian 14). Finally,
a monument for Domitian in Histria (Domitian 13) with a Greek inscription
in the dative case was turned over and supplied with an inscription for Nerva
in the accusative case (Nerva 13). Tis contradiction between the evidence of
the portraits and the statue bases may stem from regional diferences in the
reaction to damnatio memoriae. With few exceptions, the imperial portraits
of the frst and second centuries AD that show signs of re-working originate
147. Varner (2004) enumerates 23 portraits reworked to former emperors, while 98 portraits
were changed to a successor or a later emperor.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 39
in the West.'" Here existing inscriptions on statue bases seldom reveal altera-
tions intended to bring them in accordance with the nomenclature of other
emperors. Instead, they seem to have been destroyed or otherwise removed
from view. For example, the plaque under the statue of the deifed Vespasian in
the meeting place of the Augustales in Misenum carries the name of Domitian
on the reverse side (Vespasian 9). Te inscriptions from the Greek East, on
the other hand, lend themselves much more readily to alterations because of
their shorter form and frequent omission of the fliation. Since bronze was the
preferred material in the East, we unfortunately do not possess any examples
of portraits altered to previous emperors. Another possibility, of course, is
that the statue remained unaltered, and that it was simply taken to represent
whoever the inscription honoured.
Damnatio memoriae was not observed with equal enthusiasm everywhere,
as the statue of Domitian with its original base found in the theatre of Aph-
rodisias clearly shows (Domitian 37). According to the excavator, this statue
was still standing on view well into the third century.'' By comparing the
number of extant bases for emperors who sufered damnation with those of
other emperors of the same period, we can obtain an idea of the efective-
ness with which damnatio memoriae was carried out. Naturally, we can only
say anything defnite about the number of monuments that were completely
obliterated, since the extant monuments may well have been removed from
view as a result of the changed political situation.
Te low number of extant bases for Nero, Domitian, and Commodus can
easily be attributed to damnatio memoriae (Fig. 10). Tese emperors only
have approximately one-third as many bases per year as their predecessor. If
we assume that the number of dedications stayed constant, or perhaps rose
slightly to match the general trend throughout the frst one and a half centu-
ries of the principate, then about two-thirds of the original bases must have
been completely obliterated. Te evidence for Domitian from the reign of
Vespasian is particularly interesting because the number of extant bases can
be compared directly with the number for Titus. From this period we have
13 bases for Domitian and 33 for Titus. Domitian had defnitely not been
promoted nearly as much as his older brother during the reign of Vespasian,
148. Varner (2004) includes only 12 portraits with provenience in the Greek East out of a total
of approximately 130 reworked portraits (cat.nos. 1.3, 1.22, 1.23, 1.33, 2.6, 2.13, 2.32, 2.37,
2.62, 4.3, 3.22, 6.7).
149. Erim 1973, 133-142. For continued display in general, see Varner (2004), 42-44 (Caligula),
79-81 (Nero), 134 (Domitian).
60 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
0
3
10
13
20
23
0 20 30 30 60 80
/
-30 -20 -10 10 40 70 90 100 110 120 130 140 130 160 170 180 190
Year
B
a
s
e
s
y
e
a
r
Fig. 10. Te number of extant statue bases per year of reign. Te lower bars for the em-
perors Caligula (37-41), Nero (54-68), Domitian (81-96) and Commodus (180-192) in-
dicate the number of bases per year that do not show signs of alteration or destruction.
and the number of his statues and consequently statue bases around the Em-
pire was undoubtedly lower. Tus the rate of destruction could have been no
higher than two-thirds, probably less. Tis ratio in turn indicates that during
his own reign Domitian did not have more statues erected than his predeces-
sors, even though the literary sources declare the opposite. But then bad
emperors were always characterised as wanting excessive numbers of statues
erected, particularly those made of precious metals and those in temples.'"
Te situation for Caligula is somewhat diferent, since there are actually more
extant bases per year of his reign than per year of Tiberius, but short reigns
sometimes produce a higher frequency of statues because the accession could
give impetus to the erection of more statues, and the frequency is still sig-
nifcantly lower than for his successor Claudius. If, however, we subtract the
altered bases and those that show signs of destruction, the fgure for Caligula
compares with fgures for Nero, Domitian, and Commodus (Fig. 10). It would
seem, therefore, that complete obliteration of monuments for Caligula was
not as common as it became later for Nero and Domitian. Te statue bases
130. Dio Cass. 67.8.1: xoi tooou i r o0p m oov o you ori v oi to outm pi otr ao i v tp xou-
r v u to oov ri vmv ou voio yum vpv tp a ou v ou xo tou xoi o vtmv xoi o v xoi uomv
apo0p r voi.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 61
for Commodus have survived in slightly larger numbers than bases for the
deposed emperors of the frst century AD. Tis may be explained in part by
his rehabilitation three years afer his death, when Septimius Severus claimed
to have been adopted by Marcus Aurelius. Te fctitious adoption made Com-
modus the brother of the reigning emperor, a fact that was heavily propagated
through the erection of statues of the deifed Commodus (pp. 138-139). Te
policy may also have involved the re-erection of dismantled monuments, and
it may have prevented the destruction of others. Tus, statues of Commodus
may not have been such an unusual sight afer his death. Statues of Caligula,
Nero and Domitian were rarer, although some evidently escaped destruction
and remained on view long afer they ought to have been removed.
While the efectiveness of damnatio memoriae varied from one emperor
to another, there do not seem to be any consistent geographical diferences
in its observation. Statue bases for Caligula are certainly underrepresented in
Italy (Table SG 1 & Fig. G 3), but the fgure is subject to uncertainty because
of the limited statistical material, and a similar tendency cannot be observed
for Nero and Domitian. In Asia Minor a relatively large number of statue bases
have been identifed for all the emperors who sufered damnatio memoriae
(Table SG 19). However, many of these monuments have only been preserved
because they were altered to accommodate statues of other emperors. Neither
do we fnd any discrepancy among the dedicators of the remaining bases for
deposed emperors and those for other emperors (Tables SC 7, 10, 11), and
consequently both publicly and privately erected monuments must have suf-
fered damnatio memoriae equally.
Reuse of older monuments as statue bases for imperial statues
Te reuse of old statue bases was not an uncommon phenomenon in antiq-
uity,'' particularly in sanctuaries where the accumulation of statues would
cramp the limited space available. Statue bases for imperial statues, however,
relatively seldom show signs of previous use, perhaps because the dedicator
would be less inclined to save money on a prestigious object like an imperial
statue. A few examples do exist. On the Acropolis in Athens, a third century BC
monument later served as a base for statues of Augustus, Drusus the Younger
and Tiberius (Augustus 130; Tiberius 88). In the sanctuary of Aphrodite in
131. Blanck 1969a.
62 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Paphos, where a large number of statues had been dedicated during the Hel-
lenistic period, we fnd statue bases for Tiberius and Caligula (Tiberius 148,
130; Caligula 27) with earlier Hellenistic inscriptions, one of which had for-
merly served as a base for a statue of Ptolemy V Epiphanes. A fourth-century
equestrian base was reused for a statue of Claudius in Delphi (Claudius 94),
and in Side the Side branch of the ecumenical synod of Artists of Dionysos
erected his statue on a three-hundred-year-old base (Claudius 148). Bean
wonders why such a solution was chosen at a time of general prosperity,'` but
the fnancial beneft may not have been the primary motivation for reusing
this old monument. Again on Cyprus a statue base in Kourion, originally sup-
porting a statue of a second-century BC governor of the island, was later used
for a statue of Nero (Nero 33). Trajans statue was placed on a Hellenistic base
on Kos (Trajan 133), and a base for a statue of Antigonos Gonatas of around
272 BC erected in Epidauros four hundred years later was used as a base for
a statue of Hadrian (Hadrian 230). Finally, on Crete a base for a statue of the
Spartan king Areus was changed to honour Augustus (Augustus 138).
Reuse of imperial statue bases
Few imperial statue bases from the frst and second centuries AD show signs
of secondary usage as statue bases except in case of damnatio memoriae. If
they were reused it was primarily as building material at a signifcantly later
date, when the practice of erecting honorary statues had largely vanished.'`
Apart from the two bases in the theatre in Salamis mentioned above, there is
a base in Tegea that may have been a statue base for Antoninus Pius (Antoni-
nus Pius 204), later reused as a base for a statue of a M. Aurelius Agathokles,
whose name implies a date afer the Constitutio Antoniniana of AD 212, and
a base in Carthago for Marcus Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius 143) was altered
to support a statue of Constantine the Great. In Tugga a cycle of statues
of deifed emperors was erected in the Forum in the early part of the third
century AD. For some reason, some if not all of the inscriptions were cut on
existing imperial statue bases. A dedication to Antoninus Pius (Antoninus
Pius 173) was replaced by one to Augustus (Augustus 118), and another to
132. Bean 1963, 47, no. 147.
133. Imperial statues largely disappear during the early part of the ffh century AD, see Stichel
1982 and Smith 1983, 209-221.
1 vvis oi mo0mi1s 63
Marcus Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius 43) was changed to Vespasian (Vespasian
42). Whether the remaining three bases in the group for Trajan (Trajan 91),
Hadrian (Hadrian 160) and Marcus Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius 170) were also
reused older imperial statue bases is not noted in their publication. In Tanagra
a base for Augustus (Augustus 149) later carried a statue of Vespasians wife
Flavia Domitilla in the guise of Tyche.
64 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Dating the Inscriptions
from Imperial Statue Bases
One of the principal reasons for studying the inscriptions from imperial
statues is that unlike the extant portraits, these can ofen be dated with great
accuracy enabling us not only to determine when individual monuments
were dedicated, but also to determine the chronology of dedications during
the reign of an emperor.
In the following the diferent types of information by which inscriptions
can be dated will be discussed. It was not always a conscious choice of the
dedicator to date monuments, and ofen when a system of dating was intended
it is incomprehensible to us, for instance any mention of the eponymous
magistrates of a city. Still, most inscriptions contain several diferent pieces of
information that can date a monument more or less precisely. Furthermore,
some important aspects such as the reliability of the information supplied
in the inscriptions, and whether the dated evidence is representative of the
material, will be discussed.
Imperial nomenclature and honorifc titles
Te most important criterion for dating inscriptions is imperial nomenclature
including the name, om ces and honorifc titles of the emperor in question.'
Roman omces were as a general rule limited in time. Te title conferred on
134. For a discussion of imperial nomenclature and titles with relevant literature, see Kienast
1996, 1-38; Syme 1938; Deininger 1972; Alfldy 1991.
u.1ic 1ui iscviv1ios 63
the person holding omce was, however, not confned to the term of om ce. It
followed the person instead of the om ce, and when the cursus of a person is
listed in inscriptions, no distinction is made between holding om ce and hav-
ing held om ce. Tus, when someone was elected consul he could use the title
of consul. When his term of omce was over he could still use the title, now in
the sense of once consul. An inscription calling Hadrian consul twice can
therefore be dated to AD 118, the year he was consul for the second time,
but only because he was consul for the third time the following year. On the
other hand, inscriptions calling Hadrian consul three times cannot be dated
more precisely than between AD 119 and his death in AD 138, since his third
consulship in AD 119 was his last. In other words, omces like honorifc titles
in essence only provide a terminus post quem.
Tribunician power is no exception to this rule. However, since it was
renewed annually it provides the most accurate criterion for dating the in-
scriptions from imperial statue bases. Augustus, like Caesar, had assumed the
power of a tribune without actually holding the omce as a patrician he was
in fact not eligible. With the settlement of 1 July 23 BC Augustus laid down
the consulship that he had held continuously since 31 BC, and the tribunician
power was from then on numbered, used perhaps instead of consulships to
count regnal years.' Tribunician power without numbering appears in an
inscription from a statue base dated no later than 20 BC (Augustus 63),'
which could signify tribunician power for the frst time. However, numbering
tribunician power does not seem to have come into regular use in inscriptions
until a decade later.'' Te earliest inscriptions from statue bases to number
tribunician power belong to the year 13-12 BC (trib. pot. 11) (Augustus 2, 30),
and from then on almost every year is known from statue bases (Fig. C 1). All
succeeding emperors received tribunician power upon accession or shortly
thereafer, if it had not already been conferred on them from the moment of
their adoption.'"
Given the importance of tribunician power as a precise dating criterion
for all types of epigraphical evidence, including inscriptions on coins, the
133. Hammond 1938, 24. On the use of tribunician power for counting regnal years, see also
Dio Cass. 33.17.
136. Te date is given by the title imperator 8 in l. 3, although this is a reconstruction. If there
is room for VI[iii], the date would be before 13 BC.
137. Judging from the indices of CIL, Augustan inscriptions with tribunician counts of less
than ten are extremely rare.
138. For instance Tiberius, Trajan, L. Aelius Caesar, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. Titus
and Commodus likewise received tribunician power during the reigns of their fathers.
66 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
question of when exactly the renewal took place each year has been studied
in great detail.'' However, consensus has not been reached as to the exact
date for all emperors. In general, tribunician power in the frst century AD
was renewed on the day of its frst conferment, usually a day shortly afer the
accession, or perhaps even the dies imperii. At some point afer the Flavian
emperors the date was changed to 10 December, the traditional date for the
election of tribunes. We are still not certain who instituted this change, and
for what reason. Chastagnol has advocated Nerva as the originator because a
third tribunician power is mentioned in a few inscriptions.'" Tis could only
have occurred if his tribunician power had been renewed twice in AD 97, and
it could explain why the vota soluta decennalia II for Trajan took place in AD
113-116. Others have maintained that these inscriptions are erroneous and
that the change occurred under Trajan, who wished to return to constitutional
government, or that it was a result of Trajan counting his tribunician power
from the accession of Nerva.'' Hadrian seems to have begun using his dies
imperii but changed the date later in his reign, whereas Antoninus Pius may
have used the day of his adoption, 23 February.'` Whatever the correct in-
terpretation of the sometimes inconsistent evidence may be, we must expect
some confusion as to the exact count, especially in areas with a tradition for
counting regnal years'` and where people were unaccustomed to the Roman
cursus. As we shall see, minor mistakes can also be observed in the inscrip-
tions from statue bases.
Approximately 700 of the 838 bases datable to specifc years (Table SC 4)
are dated on the basis of their tribunician count. Tat is about 30 of all the
statue bases. Unfortunately, the tribunician count predominantly appears in
Latin inscriptions, which is the primary reason for the diference in dating
accuracy between the inscriptions from the Latin West and the Greek East
(Table SC 16). Roughly half of the Latin inscriptions can be dated to a specifc
year, whereas this is only possible for one-quarter of the Greek inscriptions.
Te other two consecutively numbered elements in the imperial title,
consulships and imperatorial salutations, occur as ofen as tribunician power,
139. Most important Hammond 1938, 23-61; 1949, 36-73; 1936, 63-133; Mattingly 1930, 78-91;
1949, 36-76; Mommsen 1887, II
3
, 796-802; Le Roux 1999, 33-63.
160. Hammond 1938, 38; Chastagnol 1984a, 282-284.
161. Mommsen 1887, II
3
, 796-802; Hammond 1938, 38; Mattingly 1930, 138, 183-184, n. 12.
162. For a brief discussion of the tribunician power of Hadrian, see Hojte 1999, 220-222. For
that of Antoninus Pius, see Mattingly 1930, 82-83.
163. Alexandrian coins, for example, continue the Hellenistic tradition of displaying regnal
years, Frscher 1987.
u.1ic 1ui iscviv1ios 67
but seldom ofer the same accuracy of dating. Te number of consulships
constitutes the most precise dating criterion, either alone or in conjunction
with other information, in approximately 230 inscriptions. Particularly the
inscriptions for the Flavian emperors and Nerva, who held the consulship
almost continuously throughout their reigns, can be dated this way. Hadri-
ans third consulship, Antoninus Pius second, third and fourth, and Marcus
Aurelius second consulship also help us narrow the date range for several
monuments. Salutations to an emperor can be used to date monuments less
frequently. Tey are most useful if parts of the inscription with more accurate
information are missing, and only in a few of the 38 examples are they used
as the sole dating criterion.
Te remaining elements in the imperial cursus have less importance when
it comes to dating inscriptions. Te emperors assumed the highest priesthood,
pontifex maximus, shortly afer their accession because this position fell vacant
when the previous emperor died. Only for Augustus was there a substantial in-
terval. He waited until his former colleague in the triumvirate, Lepidus, died in
12 BC before taking over the position as head of the state religion. As an indica-
tor of date, pontifex maximus only serves as the most precise criterion in eight
inscriptions (Augustus 22, 34, 38, 43, 33, 67, 137, 138). Augustus, Claudius and
the Flavian emperors held the omce of censor, which dates nine inscriptions
(Claudius 64, 63, 92; Vespasian 38; Titus 2, 33; Domitian 23, 63).
Honorifc titles and epithets supply dates for numerous inscriptions, al-
though seldom with the same precision as the consecutively numbered ele-
ments of the cursus. Teir most important contribution is that they lower the
number of undated inscriptions considerably for some emperors, which allows
us to obtain a far more detailed picture of how dedications are distributed
within their reigns, and to minimise the uncertainty of the chronology of the
undated inscriptions. Especially Greek inscriptions, which regularly omit the
Roman cursus, usually include honorifc titles and epithets, and can thus be
assigned an approximate date.
Te origin and signifcance of victory titles has been discussed thoroughly
by Kneissel,' and only their relevance for dating inscriptions needs to be
considered here. Domitian is the frst emperor whose inscriptions can be
dated by victory titles. Afer his expedition against the Chatti and the tri-
umph in AD 83 he was given the title Germanicus, which is the sole dating
criterion in 20 of the inscriptions from statue bases. Te title Germanicus
was closely associated with the Julio-Claudian dynasty, and several emperors
164. Kneissl 1969.
68 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
and male members of the imperial family carried the name. However, none
of the statue bases for any of the Julio-Claudians included in this investiga-
tion can be dated based on its inclusion. For the statue bases for Trajan we
depend to an even larger degree on victory titles as a dating criterion. 40
of all statue bases for Trajan can be dated more precisely on the basis of the
victory titles Germanicus, Dacicus and Parthicus, and because of these the
number of bases for Trajan with no indication of date is as low as 27 or 13.2
of the total number (Table SE 32).
Te following honorifc titles are important when dating the inscriptions
from statue bases. First of all pater patriae, the title that Cicero held to be the
highest, which the senate voted for Augustus on 3 February 2 BC and was
ofered to all succeeding emperors within the frst year afer their accession.
Most emperors accepted it, in which case it is of no consequence as a dating
criterion. Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus declined the title for a
period, and accepted it only when they had earned it, possibly in imitation
of Augustus, who had received it for his long service to the state.' Of the
emperors of the frst two centuries AD, only Tiberius and Otho never received
this honorary title. In all, 30 statue bases can be assigned an approximate date
because of its inclusion in the inscription. However, since it was such a com-
mon element in the imperial name it is not a foolproof dating criterion. It
mistakenly appears in a few instances in inscriptions for emperors who had
not accepted the title at the time (p. 73). Other titles and epithets were given
to specifc emperors only. In August AD 114 the senate voted in favour of a
decision to call Trajan optimus princeps, but, as with pater patriae, this is not
an unfailing criterion since it was sporadically used prior to this date (p. 73).
Te epithets Olympios and Panhellenios given to Hadrian, on the other hand,
were most probably new innovations from the time of Hadrians second and
third sojourn in Athens in AD 127-128 and 131-132 AD. Olympios is found
as the sole dating criterion in 39 inscriptions, and Panhellenios in 3.
Titles and omces of other members of the imperial family can date statue
bases either if they appear in fliation in the inscription, or if statues of sev-
eral members of the imperial family comprised a statue group likely to have
been erected simultaneously. Most of the approximate 130 examples of this
pertain to pre-accession dedications. Te early statue bases of Tiberius, for
example, can normally be assigned an approximate date because of the titles
of Augustus. Twenty bases for Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus before they
became emperors can be dated to specifc years because of the appearance
163. Res gestae 34-33.
u.1ic 1ui iscviv1ios 69
of the number of Antoninus Pius tribunician count in the fliation. Finally,
the year of reign is indicated in a few inscriptions in eastern Asia Minor, on
Cyprus and in Egypt, where this system of calculating years was frequently
used during the Hellenistic period.'
Other dating criteria
Apart from the imperial nomenclature, a range of other information given
in the inscriptions can help us to date monuments. Ofen the information
was intended to supply a specifc date for the dedication, but sometimes it
is mere coincidence. In other instances, a monument can be dated because
of external reasons such as the context of the dedication, or because it was
erected together with more accurately dated statue bases. Compared with the
imperial titles these criteria are far more rarely applicable, and seldom ofer
the same accuracy in dating.
Local calendars
Many cities throughout the Empire kept local calendars using eponymous
magistrates, and used these frequently to date om cial documents, including
inscriptions on statue bases. Unfortunately, with a few exceptions these are
meaningless to us. Te most obvious exception is the calendar of Rome, where
years are named afer the two ordinary consuls. Tis calendar also gained
acceptance far beyond the city of Rome, and inscriptions from statue bases
dated by consuls have been found in Ostia, Praeneste, Cures and Perusia in
Italy, in Vicus Marosallensis in Belgica, and in Collippo (Claudius 6, 46; Trajan
19; Hadrian 13; Antoninus Pius 13, 33, 92; Marcus Aurelius 9, 32, 42). Te
other calendar using eponymous magistrates known to us in some detail is
the Athenian, by which three bases can be dated (Augustus 129; Hadrian 186,
194), including the one for Hadrian in the theatre of Dionysos in the year he
held the om ce of archon himself. Cities could also date documents in years
from their founding, or as in the case of Sebastopolis in Cappadocia, from its
synoichism with Karana in 3-2 BC (Trajan 182, 184).
166. Tiberius 148; Nero 38; Trajan 190, 193, 194; Hadrian 298, 391; Commodus 78, 106, 107,
110.
70 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Regional calendars
In addition to city calendars regional calendars were employed for inter-city
relations, particularly in the East, where the Roman consular calendar was
seldom employed. Te oldest functional calendar used for dating statue bases
during the Roman imperial period is the Seleucid era, starting with the tak-
ing of Babylon by Seleukos I Soter in 312 BC. A base for statues of Marcus
Aurelius and Lucius Verus in Palmyra was dedicated in the 478th year of the
Seleucid era (Marcus Aurelius 233; Lucius Verus 137). A few of the republican
calendars also survived into the imperial period. Te Sullan era, calculated
from Sullas expulsion of Mithridates VI Eupator from Greece and the prov-
ince of Asia in 83 BC, has been observed on statue bases in Traianopolis and
Apollonia (Domitian 38; Hadrian 363; Marcus Aurelius 230; Lucius Verus
124), and the Lucullan era was used for a single inscription from Amastris
(Antoninus Pius 212). In Macedonia the years were counted from the year of
the reorganisation of the province (Augustus 119; Tiberius 80; Vespasian 46;
Marcus Aurelius 73). Te base for statues of Divus Augustus and Tiberius in
Berge shows the year of the Actian era as well as the year of the provincial
calendar. Finally, a base for Hadrian (Hadrian 417) found in Pantikapaion
uses the Bithyno-Pontic calendar going back to the year 297 BC.
Other individuals
Members of the imperial family have been mentioned as a criterion for dating
imperial statue bases, but the names and titles of other individuals sometimes
supply useful information as well. Te most important of these is the name
of the governor at the time of the dedication, either because he erected the
statue himself, or because he had been given the honour of dedicating a public
monument.'' North Africa and Asia Minor fgure prominently among the
61 examples of inscriptions dated by governors. Only fve bases from other
regions feature the name of the governor. Te dates for the reigns of Dynamis,
queen of the Bosporan Kingdom at the time of Augustus, and Kotys, king half
167. It is not always possible to discern the role of the governor from the inscriptions them-
selves. In Tamugadi M. Aemilius Macer seems to have paid for the equestrian statue of
Marcus Aurelius (Marcus Aurelius 133). L. Novius Crispinus, on the other hand, only
dedicated the statue of Antoninus Pius paid for from public funds (Antoninus Pius 144).
Tis was also common practice for arches as well as for other public buildings.
u.1ic 1ui iscviv1ios 71
a century later, help us date the statues they dedicated to Augustus and Nero
(Augustus 202, 203; Nero 39) in Pantikapaion and Phanagoreia.
External criteria
With varying degrees of cogency, external criteria have previously been em-
ployed to date imperial portraits and statue bases. Te commonest assumption
is that portrait statues were erected at the time of imperial visits. Another as-
sumption connects military victories and triumphs with statues, for example
the bronze equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius in Rome.'" As will be shown
below, such criteria are highly uncertain, and possible connections with his-
torical events have therefore deliberately been omitted as dating criteria for
the statue bases in the catalogue, except in those few instances where abso-
lute certainty prevails for instance the base for Hadrian in Hadriani in Asia
(Hadrian 327), which must post-date the founding of the city in AD 123, and
a base for Tiberius in Paphos (Tiberius 149) that was erected afer the city had
become a colony in AD 13.
Dating by negative evidence
Most statue bases can be dated more or less precisely on the basis of the ap-
pearance of elements in the emperors name formula, or at least a terminus post
quem for the dedication can be obtained. Imperial titles accumulated during
the course of a reign, so there are in general more criteria to date monuments
towards the end of the reign of an emperor. Tis applies especially to victory
titles and other honorifc titles. Te efect of dating by positive evidence is
that dated monuments will tend to be overrepresented in the later material.
Te extent of the distortion depends on the evolution of the imperial title,
and difers from emperor to emperor. Te only dating criterion from the early
part of Hadrians reign (apart from the tribunician count) is consul once and
twice in the years AD 117 and 118. But from the latter half of the reign the
titles Olympios and Panhellenios were frequently used in the Greek East, pater
patriae from AD 128 mostly used in the West, and imperator twice afer the
end of the Jewish rebellion. Together these criteria make a noticeable impact
168. Knauer 1990, 277-306.
72 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
on the histogram of the bases of Hadrian (Fig. C 12, notice the diference in
the height of the blue bars before and afer AD 128). Te question therefore
arises whether it is possible to obtain a terminus ante quem for dedications on
the basis of the omission of elements in the imperial title. Tis can without
further consideration be accepted, if the omitted element forms part of a list
of accumulating elements such as victory titles. An inscription for Marcus
Aurelius containing the titles Armeniacus, Medicus and Parthicus must date
afer AD 166. Te lack of the title Germanicus in the same inscription almost
certainly indicates that the base was dedicated before the Germanic triumph
celebrated in AD 172. Te next question is whether inscriptions for Marcus
Aurelius containing no victory titles can be dated before Marcus Aurelius re-
ceived the frst victory title in AD 164. Te evidence from the statue bases for
Trajan makes a strong case in favour of this possibility. Trajan received his frst
victory title, Germanicus, while still on the Rhine frontier before he became
emperor, and in efect all inscriptions from his reign should include at least
one victory title. Of the 208 inscriptions from statue bases for Trajan, 182 do
in fact include Germanicus, and 23 of the remaining 26 inscriptions (Table SE
32) are too fragmentary to allow determination of the presence of any victory
titles. Tus only three inscriptions do not include any victory titles (Trajan 142,
179, 188). Tis indicates that this particular element of the imperial title was
very rarely omitted deliberately. However, the victory titles of Trajan seem to
have been especially closely attached to his person, and he is one of the few
emperors that retain any of his lifetime titles afer deifcation Divus Traianus
Parthicus. Among the inscriptions for Marcus Aurelius, the victory titles are
missing in two instances demonstrably later than AD 176 (Marcus Aurelius
211, 216). Less disconcerting is their absence from an inscription dated AD
170, since Marcus Aurelius renounced the use of the victory titles won by his
deceased brother afer AD 169 (Marcus Aurelius 137). Generally, the inscrip-
tions omitting the victory titles are in Greek, and do not contain any other
elements of the imperial name formula. We do however have one example
of a base with a Latin inscription, with the emperors full name formula and
dedicated by a military unit, which omits a newly won victory title (Lucius
Verus 48). So the omission of victory titles can in most instances be used to
date inscriptions, but the criterion is not unfailingly accurate. Te omission
of pater patriae can be used with some confdence to date Latin inscriptions,
but its use in Greek is too sporadic to ofer a reliable terminus ante quem.
Among the statue bases for Hadrian erected in the Olympieion in AD 132,
for example, the title only appears in 2 out of 23 fully preserved inscriptions,
although he had received the title om cially four years previously.
u.1ic 1ui iscviv1ios 73
Another problem is posed by the omission, in both Latin and Greek, of
the numeral one afer the frst consulship and tribunician power. Imperatorial
salutations are not afected since the names of most emperors already include
imperator as a praenomen. Consequently, this element only appears twice in
inscriptions if there are any succeeding salutations. Te numeral afer consul
and tribunician power could sometimes be omitted for other reasons, and we
cannot be absolutely certain of the date of these inscriptions unless other ele-
ments support the date. Tribunician power for the frst time is almost certainly
meant in fourteen inscriptions (Caligula 10; Claudius 22; Nero 31, 32; Trajan
203; Hadrian 33, 139, 233, 276; Antoninus Pius 43, 180, 282; Lucius Verus
39, 84). However, there are plenty of inscriptions from statue bases that with
certainty are dated later than the year of the frst conferment of tribunician
power, but which nevertheless lack a numeral.''
Reliability of the dating criteria
Using statue bases as statistical material to answer questions about the chrono-
logical distribution of imperial statues requires that we can rely on the cor-
rectness of the information supplied in the inscriptions. For those who believe
that the administration in Rome was asked for permission every time someone
wanted to erect an imperial statue, the problem is non-existent.''" Te cor-
rect imperial title could simply be copied from the rescript from the emperor
granting permission to erect the statue. Even if one does not subscribe to this
theory, imperial correspondence with cities and individuals must have been
the most important source for knowing the correct nomenclature and titles
of the emperor at any given time.
Tere are several ways to check the reliability of the dating criteria found
in the inscriptions. Firstly we can estimate the number of observable errors
in the imperial titles. Te most easily detected mistakes are inconsistencies
between the tribunician count and the number of salutations, consulships or
victory titles. It must be kept in mind that there could be a considerable lapse
of time between events taking place in Rome and the arrival of the information
169. Caligula 28; Nero 33; Titus 12; Nerva 38; Trajan 80; Hadrian 267, 310; Antoninus Pius
73; Marcus Aurelius 192, 248; Lucius Verus 104.
170. Rollin 1979, 102-112.
74 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
in the provinces,''' and while tribunician power and sometimes consulships''`
could be calculated for a specifc date, salutations and honorifc titles could
not, and some delay for their inclusion should be expected. Te observable
mistakes are remarkably few. In an inscription for Titus in Perinthus (Titus
41), consul seven times must be a mistake. Both imperator ten times and
tribunician power for the sixth time indicate AD 76. A base for Augustus in
Saguntum (Augustus 91) presents an insoluble problem, as the numbers of
tribunician powers, salutations and consulships indicate three diferent dates
between 9 BC and 2 AD. Te error in an inscription on a base from Luna
(Augustus 48) is easier to explain. Here the stonecutter by mistake has written
consul six times instead of consul twice. Te count of the tribunician power of
Antoninus Pius seems to have caused some confusion, and several minor inac-
curacies occur. Te inscription from the Mausoleum of Hadrian (Antoninus
Pius 16), made in the period between his death and his deifcation, mentions
a 24th tribunician power also known from a few other bases (Antoninus Pius
69, 133). In Ain-Ghechil, however, they must have thought that the last count
was the 23rd. Tis is apparent from one of the few posthumous inscriptions
to include all the emperors titles (Antoninus Pius 132). In Kainepolis, an in-
scription for Lucius Verus includes the title Germanicus (Lucius Verus 104),
although he never received it, and in Acci the tribunician count is fve even
though it must have been at least seven, because of the appearance of consul
three times (Lucius Verus 32). A commoner mistake is the premature use of
the title pater patriae for emperors who had not accepted the title on or im-
mediately afer their accession. An inscription from Beneventum for Hadrian
from the year AD 126-127 (Hadrian 49) includes the title, although he only
accepted it omcially a year later. Te same mistake is found in an inscription
from Singilia Barba (Hadrian 113), with the addition of the curious mistake
imperator six times. Similarly, the titles optimus princeps and Parthicus ap-
pear on statue bases for Trajan before they became omcial titles (Trajan 46, 62,
67, 68).''` Optimus princeps continued to be used in inscriptions for Hadrian
and Antoninus Pius (Hadrian 42-44, 46, 100, 110; Antoninus Pius 12, 19, 73,
99, 133, 233), although it was not an om cially accepted title. Te same is true
171. Duncan-Jones 1990, 7-29.
172. Emperors, like other senators, were usually designated as consuls for the following year.
173. For unomcial imperial titles see Frei-Stolba 1969, 18-39. Tree out of nine inscriptions
for Trajan in the province of Baetica use titles not omcially recognised. In Cisimbria and
Olvera Parthicus appears in AD 114 (Gonzales, 1987, 237-230) and in Nescania optimus
maximusque princeps appears as far back as AD 109.
u.1ic 1ui iscviv1ios 73
for the victory titles of Trajan (Hadrian 234, 273, 273, 404). Antoninus Pius
appears as Olympius in an inscription from Parium (Antoninus Pius 249)
this epithet is otherwise unattested for emperors besides Hadrian, except
for an inscription for Caligula on Mytilene (Caligula 24). Tese examples may
indicate some uncertainty on the part of the dedicator as to the om cial title
of the emperor, although they may also be an attempt to show exceptional
honours to the emperor. Although only a minority of the inscriptions can ac-
tually be checked for chronological inconsistencies between diferent pieces of
information, we can with some confdence conclude that mistakes were rare.
Naturally, it is always possible that the information included was outdated at
the time of dedication, even though it had once been correct. Furthermore,
we do not know whether the imperial titles in the inscriptions refer to the
moment when the decision to erect a statue was taken, or the time when it
was dedicated. If we can take the inscription for Claudius from Vicus Maro-
sallensis (Claudius 46) at face value, there could be a considerable interval
between the two. Tis base, to judge from the imperial titles, seems to have
been adopted in AD 43 when Claudius passed through Gaul to Britannia, but
the statue was not dedicated until 27 September, the anniversary of Augustus
birthday, the following year.'' In Rome the interval, not surprisingly, was
much shorter. Hadrian adopted Antoninus Pius on 23 February 138, and 80
days later a statue of Antoninus Pius was dedicated (Antoninus Pius 1).
Another way to check the reliability of the information is to examine the
distribution of the tribunician count. If the dedicator, or indeed the stonecutter,
had no clue as to what number he should write, he would be naturally inclined
to choose a fgure divisible by ten or fve.'' Tis of course only applies to Latin
inscriptions, which fortunately account for the majority of the inscriptions
mentioning this element of the title. It must be kept in mind that the round
fgures for tribunicia potestas coincide with the decennalia and the vicennalia,
which have been proposed as occasions for erecting imperial statues (p. 137).
Counting the number of occurrences of each number,'' we can observe that
the tenth tribunician power is more frequent than the ninth, equally frequent
with the eleventh, but less frequent than tribunicia potestas 7, 8, 13 and 14.
Te ffh and the ffeenth tribunician power occur less frequently than an even
174. Stuart 1938, 23-24, n. 143.
173. Te same phenomenon that can be observed in Roman funerary inscriptions, Moretti
1939, 71; Duncan-Jones 1992, 79-92.
176. Te number of inscriptions assignable to specifc years on the basis of tribunicia potestas
are as follows:
76 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
distribution might lead us to expect. Only for the twentieth tribunician power
do we see a pronounced diference from the previous and the following year.
However, compared with the 16th, 17th and 18th tribunician power the fgure
is not conspicuous. Te sharp drop afer the twentieth is to be explained by
the falling number of emperors to rule this long.''' Against this background
we can conclude that whenever a date is supplied in an inscription, whether
intentionally or not, the information is most probably correct.
Dating accuracy
An average of 37.3 of the inscriptions from imperial statue bases can be
dated to specifc years (Table SC 4), predominantly on the basis of the tribu-
nician count. During the reign of the three frst emperors the percentage is
somewhat lower, while it remains steady around 40 for the rest of the period
studied. An additional 30.8 can be dated to limited periods within the reigns
to make the total of dated inscriptions 68.1. Here the diferences between
emperors become more apparent. Te statue bases of Trajan have the highest
percentage of datable inscriptions at 86.8, followed by those of Titus and
Domitian at 86.4 and 81.3 respectively. At the low end, only 28.6 of the
statue bases for Caligula have criteria for dating.
Te question is whether the two-thirds of the inscriptions that are datable,
either to specifc years or within a limited period within the reign, are repre-
sentative of the whole group of statue bases. A substantial part of the undated
inscriptions are either too fragmentary or otherwise illegible to determine the
date, although they once must have included some form of dating criteria.
Trib pot Inscrip-
tions
Trib pot Inscrip-
tions
Trib pot Inscrip-
tions
Trib pot Inscrip-
tions
Trib pot Inscr.
2 30 10 17 18 28 26 3 34 4
3 37 11 17 19 18 27 1 33 2
4 42 12 12 20 26 28 3 36 2
3 26 13 19 21 13 29 3 37 2
6 23 14 19 22 7 30 6 38 3
7 22 13 16 23 6 31 2 39 0
8 27 16 26 24 6 32 3 40 0
9 13 17 23 23 3 33 3 41 0
Sample size: 320 inscriptions.
177. Te last tribunician count was 18 for Commodus, 21 for Trajan, 22 for Hadrian and 24
for Antoninus Pius.
u.1ic 1ui iscviv1ios 77
Tese almost certainly have the same chronological distribution as the dated
inscriptions, since weathering and destruction are independent of chronology.
In addition, it is worth pointing out that the inclusion of the imperial titles by
which the inscriptions can be dated depends heavily on the language used.
Among the Latin inscriptions the percentage of bases which can be assigned
to brief periods within the reign is much higher than for the Greek counter-
parts. In North Africa, 32.0 of all inscriptions can be dated to specifc years,
whereas the fgure for Asia Minor is as low as 20.6 (Table SC 16). In Italy
and in North Africa close to 80 of the inscriptions hold some form of dating
criteria, and if we add to this the inscriptions that cannot be dated because of
their fragmentary state, we achieve a very high accuracy. Tis is not the case
with the Greek inscriptions from Greece and Asia Minor, where the tradi-
tion for recording the Roman omces of the emperor by which we can date the
inscriptions was not practised. Here just above half of the inscriptions can be
dated more precisely, and chronological diferences between the dated and
undated inscriptions could potentially distort the outcome. However, there are
no apparently signifcant diferences in the chronological distribution within
the reign between Latin and Greek inscriptions, as the particularly well-dated
evidence for Trajan shows. Tus, we can say with a high degree of probability
that the dated inscriptions are representative of the material as a whole. Still,
conclusions concerning chronology drawn solely on the evidence from the
Greek East should be treated with caution.
Dates chosen for dedicating imperial statues
Te exact date on which the dedication of a statue took place is seldom men-
tioned in the inscriptions. We do however possess a small group of 13 statue
bases, predominantly found in Italy, which specify the date on which the dedi-
cation took place. Eight of these were dedicated on the emperors birthday, his
dies natalis (Tiberius 146; Claudius 4; Trajan 19; Hadrian 233; Antoninus Pius
92; Marcus Aurelius 42; Lucius Verus 3, 13). In addition, a base for Claudius
was dedicated on Augustus birthday. Tis was most probably a conscious
choice, since the decision to erect the statue was apparently taken a year and
a half in advance (Claudius 46).''" Te remaining fve bases two for Nerva
178. Stuart 1938, 23-24, n. 143.
78 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
and Trajan from the meeting place for the Augustales in Misenum dedicated
19 September and 9 November (Nerva 8, Trajan 13), two bases for Antoninus
Pius dedicated in Rome on 13 May and in Perusia on 21 March (Antoninus
Pius 1, 33), and a base for Commodus in Alexandria dated 8 January (Com-
modus 110) cannot be connected with any red-letter day in the imperial
fasti. Although it is tempting to do so, we cannot deduce from this small sam-
ple that imperial statues were regularly dedicated on the emperors birthday.
Since the inscriptions would have to be prepared in advance, the date could
only be included if a choice of date had already been made. We can however
infer that the emperors birthday was apparently a favoured occasion when a
specifc date was chosen.
u.1ic 1ui iscviv1ios 79
Te Applicability of the Evidence
of the Statue Bases
to the Extant Portraits
Te epigraphical evidence from the preserved statue bases of Roman emper-
ors constitutes a chronologically random sample within each reign, and their
chronological distribution is beyond all reasonable doubt representative of
all the statues accompanied by bases carrying dedicatory inscriptions that
were originally erected. Te date on which any given statue base was erected
within the reign of an emperor is not a contributory factor in determining
its chance of survival. Diferences in survival rates between diferent areas of
the Roman Empire, on the other hand, may have caused minor biases if the
chronological distribution difered regionally. Te question is whether the
chronological distribution of the statue bases applies to the extant portraits
as well. While this may seem a logical conclusion, it is not necessarily true.
Te extant portraits and statue bases represent two diferent excerpts of the
entire body of imperial portraits and portrait statues once in existence. Te
vast majority of the extant portraits are made of marble and have predomi-
nantly been found in Italy, whereas the statue bases have a much wider dis-
tribution and regularly carried bronze statues. Furthermore, some portraits
have been found in contexts where inscribed bases were superfuous, such as
busts erected in private houses and villas and cult statues in imperial temples,
and these portraits may have been erected for entirely diferent reasons and
at diferent times than the honorifc statues erected in public. Consequently,
their chronological distribution within a reign may not have been congruent.
However, there is evidence indicating that this was in fact the case. Trough-
out the frst and second centuries AD the ratio between extant portraits and
extant bases remains fairly constant. More importantly, the length of reign
of an emperor was not a factor in determining the ratio, and thus it can be
1ui .vviic.niii1 v oi 1ui iviuici 81
concluded that chronology was not a factor in determining which portraits
and statue bases were preserved. It follows that the chronological distribu-
tion of the extant portraits in general terms must have been the same as that
of the statue bases.'''
As a general rule there are two statue bases for each portrait. For some
emperors, however, calculating the ratio is made dimcult by the lack of recent
studies with updated catalogues of their portraits. Claudius is a case in point.
Using the number of portraits listed in Stuarts study from 1938 the last
published compilation of the portraits the ratio is rather high at 2.7 bases
per portrait. In the forthcoming study by A.-K. Massner in the series Das r-
mische Herrscherbild, the ratio may be lowered to approximately 1.8:1.'"" Tis
ratio corresponds well with the ratio for Tiberius, which can be calculated as
being approximately 1.7:1.'"' Te ratio for the Flavians, if we use the number
of portraits reported by Daltorp, Hausmann and Wegner (1966), is approxi-
mately 1.8:1. Tis rises to around 2.6:1 to 2.8:1 during the period from Nerva
to Antoninus Pius. During the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus
the ratio drops again to approximately 1.3:1. Two ratios, those of Augustus
and Caligula, deviate signifcantly from the others. For both the ratio is ap-
proximately one to one. In his review of Boschungs book on the portraits of
Caligula, Smith pondered on the basis of the then known ratios of Claudius
(2.7:1) and Julia Domna (2.4:1) on the curious ratio for Caligula, which ac-
cording to the material presented by Boschung was even as far removed as
1:2. Smith invoked chance, the brevity of the reign and forgery as contributing
factors, rightly ruling out the efect of damnatio memoriae, as the same pat-
tern could not be detected for Nero.'"` I think the brevity of the reign can be
ruled out as well, since the evidence for Nerva clearly points in the opposite
direction. Chance could very well be a factor as the fgures are quite small, but
one cannot rule out the possibility of forgery. Imperial portraits are ofen col-
lected using the stamp collectors method one of each. Portraits of Caligula
would be among the more sought afer, thereby increasing the incentive for
making forgeries. Te reason for the low ratio for Augustus must be sought
elsewhere. According to Boschung, nearly 200 life-size or large portraits of
179. See also Hojte 1999.
180. A.-K. Massner has kindly supplied me with information about the number and format of
the portraits included in her catalogue (Massner forthcoming). For the number of por-
traits of individual emperors see Fig. 9.
181. Boschung (1993b, 36-38) mentions around 90 portraits.
182. Boschung 1989, with a comment on the curiosity of the ratio by Smith (1992, 272-273).
82 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Augustus still exist,'"` a number equal to that of the statue bases. Te reason
for the odd ratio clearly lies in the large number of surviving portraits. Te
number of bases is as high as we should expect it to be given the steadily ris-
ing frequency of dedications throughout the frst 130 years of the principate
(Fig. C 19). Tus, either a larger share of the portraits was placed in contexts
where dedicatory inscriptions were not needed, or the portraits had a higher
survival rate than usual for imperial portraits.
One of the factors that might afect the ratio is the geographical distribu-
tion of the dedications. A higher percentage of dedications in Italy, which
clearly has the highest survival rate for sculpture, should result in a lower
ratio. While this goes some way to explain the low ratio for Augustus, and, as
we shall see, for heirs to the throne whose statues were more frequent in Italy,
it certainly cannot explain the low ratio for Caligula, as statue bases for him
are almost non-existent in Italy (Table SG 1). However, these discrepancies
between the ratios for diferent emperors do not afect the claimed similarity
in the chronological distribution, as long as the ratio does not depend on the
length of the reign of an emperor. We can therefore with confdence apply
the chronological distribution of the statue bases to the extant portraits.
In some instances, this new insight into the chronological distribution of
the dedication of imperial statues ofers an opportunity to verify the dates as-
signed to the diferent portrait types of an emperor. If the proposed chronol-
ogy of the portrait types causes the portraits to have a signifcantly diferent
distribution within the reign than that of the statues bases, it is probable that
one or more of the portrait types have been assigned wrong dates. Since the
introduction of new portrait types regularly did not terminate the production
of older types,'" it is of course only possible to detect the portrait types that
have been assigned dates too late in the reign in this way. Tis seems to be the
case for the Decennalienbildnis of Trajan dated by Gross to AD 108.'" Tis
portrait type and the following types that depend heavily on it account for
approximately two-thirds of the extant portraits.'" Te later part of the reign
of Trajan is characterised by a slightly higher frequency of dedications (Fig. C
11), but an earlier date for the Decennalienbildnis, perhaps AD 103, would
183. Boschung 1993a.
184. Several examples of this exist. Even long afer the introduction of the Prima Porta type,
earlier portrait types of Augustus continued to be produced (Boschung 1993a, 70), and
on the column of Trajan a range of diferent types appears (Gross 1940, 43-33).
183. Gross 1940, 93. Jucker 1984, 17-78 suggests instead AD 107.
186. Gross 1940, cat. no. 26-74. See also Fittschen and Zanker 1984, 43 and Bergmann 1997,
141-142, who include more copies of the portrait types prior to the Decennalienbildnis.
1ui .vviic.niii1 v oi 1ui iviuici 83
bring the portraits into better accordance with the chronology of the bases.
Another example is the fourth portrait type of Marcus Aurelius, the Typus
Imperatori 38. Tis portrait type has been dated either AD 169, when Mar-
cus Aurelius became sole emperor, or AD 176, in connection with his return
to Rome and the triumph over the Sarmatians.'"' Given the large number of
copies of this portrait type,'"" and the very low frequency of statue bases for
Marcus Aurelius during the 170s (Fig. C 17), the later date can easily be ruled
out. Even the earlier date hardly brings consistency between the chronological
distribution of the portraits and the bases, and an even earlier date may be
preferable. Te primary argument against dating the portrait type before the
death of Lucius Verus is that no comparable portrait type existed for Lucius
Verus.'"' However, the two emperors did not necessarily have new portrait
types created simultaneously.
Tese two examples of portrait types that have been assigned wrong dates
are the most obvious, but it is quite possible that closer studies of the chrono-
logical distribution of the portrait types of other emperors might reveal other
instances of types dated too late in the reign.
187. Wegner 1939, 43-44; Fittschen and Zanker 1983, 71-73.
188. Wegner and Unger 1980, 12-116; Bergman 1978, 26; Albertson 1982, 36.
189. Fittschen and Zanker 1983, 72.
84 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Te Geographical Distribution
of Imperial Portrait Statues
Te literary sources are almost silent when it comes to the question of how
imperial portraits were produced and distributed throughout the Empire, and
the preserved monuments are therefore our primary source of knowledge.
Tis of course has been a challenge to archaeologists, and perhaps one of the
most important motivations behind the enormous efort put into compiling
and studying Roman imperial portraits.''" By detailed study of the portraits it
was hoped that it would be possible not only to determine stylistically where
portraits were created, but also to detect unique traits such as technical pecu-
liarities and mannerisms that could identify works as having been produced
in a specifc workshop. Tis could give us an insight into how production and
distribution were organised, not just with regard to imperial portraits, but pos-
sibly also with other types of sculpture. However, the extant portraits by no
means constitute a representative sample of the statues originally dedicated,
and the conclusions drawn from this material cannot be applied to the Em-
pire as a whole. Where both the literary sources and the extant portraits are
strongly biased towards Rome and Italy, the statue bases represent a far more
random sample and can thus give a more correct impression of the distribu-
tion. Furthermore, imperial statue bases survive in sumcient numbers to allow
statistical analysis of developments of the practice of erecting imperial statues
within a region, and in relation to other regions of the Empire, which we can
relate to the political and economic situation in an area. Before turning to the
evidence of the statue bases, let us frst look at what has been discovered so
190. Zanker 1973, 10.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 83
far from the extant portraits with regard to the production and geographical
distribution of imperial statues.
Te geographical distribution of extant imperial portraits
A consensus has been reached among scholars of imperial portraits that new
omcial portrait types were created by a court artist at the wish of the emperor
or his closest advisors, and that the initiative may have been connected with
important events related to the emperor.''' Tis procedure normally took
place in Rome; and only under special circumstances, for instance when a
newly elected emperor was not present in Rome, could an image be created
elsewhere in the form of either a painting or a three-dimensional image.''`
Plaster casts or some other form of copy of the original portrait or Urbild
were then distributed for serial production among workshops in Rome,''`
which may or may not have been under the control of the administration.
Soechting, who was the frst to investigate the question of workshops producing
191. Tis very important question for the understanding of imperial portraits has not received
the attention it deserves. Numismatic evidence sometimes suggests a connection. It is,
however, impossible to establish a governing principle for the creation of new portrait
types. While one type of commemorative event may have served as an occasion for the
creation of a new portrait type of one emperor, it can be proven not to apply to others. For
instance, it has been proposed that Hadrians second and third consulship was the occasion
for the creation of the types Chiaramonti and Rollockenfrisur (Fittschen and Zanker
1983, 48-31). However, this suggestion only makes sense because Hadrian was consul
only three times. Domitian, on the other hand, was consul 17 times and consequently any
connection with portrait types would be absurd. Te fact that the many diferent portrait
types of Faustina Minor should be connected with childbirth, as proposed by Fittschen
(Fittschen 1982), seems reasonable. But there is no similar principle that can explain why
there are seven diferent portrait types of Trajan and Hadrian (Gross 1940, Evers 1994)
and only one of Antoninus Pius (Fittschen and Zanker 1983, 64). Furthermore, the crea-
tion of new portrait types did not always relate to the most obvious occasions, as shown
by the presence of the latest portrait type of Lucius Verus on a relief dated a year before
his accession (Fuhrmann 1939, 294-302, Calza 1964, no. 8, plate V). For Lucius Verus,
and in analogy possibly Marcus Aurelius, no new portrait type was created on their ac-
cession, and neither did the triumph celebrated in AD 166 or his acceptance of the title
pater patriae call for this. It seems highly problematic, therefore, to automatically assume
that new portrait types were connected to important events in the life of the emperor.
192. According to Herodian 3.3.6, Elagabalus had his picture sent to Rome from Syria before
his arrival, apparently to accustom the Romans to his strange appearance.
193. For the procedure see Pfanner 1989, 137-237; Trillmich 1971, 179-213.
86 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
imperial portraits, identifed four workshops in Rome producing portraits of
Septimius Severus. He saw in the organisation an analogy to the imperial mint
in Rome, which although controlled by the emperor was split into a number
of of cinae.'' However, a coherent output of portraits could be achieved by
other means than the unifed management of the workshops proposed by
Soechting, and the production may easily have been lef to privately owned
workshops and the ordinary channels of the art trade.'' Although the emper-
ors clearly had an interest in presenting themselves in a certain fashion, and
although their portraits and portrait types were ofen carefully designed to
convey specifc political and dynastic messages, it would also be in the inter-
est of the purchaser to follow current fashion. From Rome portraits or exact
models'' were distributed to centres in the provinces where local workshops
copied the Roman models more or less faithfully, but usually supplied the
copy with a distinctive regional style or tradition to suit the taste of the local
audience.''' Each time the process was repeated and portraits moved from
the regional centres to local workshops, the result would be further removed
from the original.''" Tese local copies ofen startle us, because we have grown
accustomed to seeing high-quality work from the best workshops in Rome,
and the fact that there are relatively few of them among the extant portraits
has caused them to be treated as a phenomenon separate from the orderly
Replikenreihen of the portraits produced in Rome.'''
Te geographical distribution of the extant portraits shows that between
one-half (Augustus and Caligula) and two-thirds (Hadrian) of all portraits
have been found in Rome and Italy (Fig. 9). Tis would be the natural market
194. Soechting 1972, 83-106 & 273-282. Te of cina system defnitely existed during the third
and fourth centuries AD, and most probably in the second as well, see Gbl 1974, 898-903.
For the question of whether it existed during the Julio-Claudian period, see MacDowal
(1978, 32-46), who advocates the idea, and Kaenel (1986, 232-233), who rejects it.
193. Stuart 1939, 601-617.
196. Swif (1923, 286-301) proposed that wax models were disseminated throughout the Em-
pire upon accession of a new emperor. Stuart (1939, 601-617) argued that this was not
the case during the Julio-Claudian period.
197. For provincial portraits in general see Zanker 1983. Regional studies of imperial portraits
or general studies of portraits including imperial portraits: Greece: Stauridis 1970, Asia
Minor: Inan & Rosenbaum 1966 & 1979, Syria: Skupinska-Lovset 1999, Egypt: Jucker
1981a, Kiss 1984; Bonacasa 1971, Cyrene: Rosenbaum 1960, Spain: Baena del Alcazar
1983, 230-246.
198. Pfanner 1989, 138-161.
199. A rather long section in Wegners (1936, 33-44) study of the portraits of Hadrian is de-
voted to the portraits from the provinces. Only portraits from Italy were discussed under
the diferent portrait types.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 87
for portraits produced in Rome. Rome was undoubtedly the most important
production centre in the Empire, and these workshops, with their products
of superior quality, certainly had a large share of the long-distance trade. It is
characteristic, however, that the portraits attributed to workshops in Rome
have predominantly been found in the much closer markets of Rome and
Italy. Among the 84 portraits attributed by Soechting to four workshops in
Rome, only the portrait from the legionary camp in Bonn, the three portraits
from the villa at Chiragan and two portraits in Maastricht and in Luxembourg
originate from outside Italy.`"" Another attempt by Evers at distinguishing
workshops in Rome, this time concerning the portraits of Hadrian, shows a
similar tendency.`"' With the exception of the portrait from Carthago now
in Paris, the interesting portrait from Milreu showing traits of two diferent
portrait types,`"` and possibly the statue in Vaison-la-Romaine, the 63 por-
traits attributed by Evers to fve diferent workshops all originate in Italy. Te
predominance of the Italian material among the extant portraits, and the
superior quality of these products, has led to an overestimation of the degree
of centralisation and the importance of Rome as a centre of production. Te
extent to which the geographical distribution of the extant portraits was biased
towards Rome has not yet been fully realised. Tree factors have contributed
to the high survival rate of sculptures in Italy. First of all, marble seems to
have been preferred to bronze in Italy for honorary statues. Secondly, we have
knowledge of a large number of private contexts in Italy where marble busts
seem to have been the preferred medium for imperial portraits. Finally, the
long tradition for collecting sculpture in Italy has saved portraits that else-
where might have ended up in lime kilns.
Te geographical distribution of statue bases
Since the factors that have biased the selection of the portraits infuence the
preservation of statue bases to a much lower degree, we can obtain a more
correct impression of the distribution of imperial portrait statues by studying
these. Tis is not to say that the distribution of statue bases mirrors the situa-
tion in antiquity exactly. Conditions of preservation vary from one region to
200. Soechting 1972, 130-131, no. 28, 133, no. 34.
201. Evers 1994, 293-333.
202. Fittschen 1984, 197-207.
88 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
the next, and diferences in the degree of investigation and excavation natu-
rally afect our knowledge of statue bases the same being true of portraits.
In addition, the survival rate is infuenced by the durability of the preferred
medium for writing inscriptions in the area. Was bronze or inferior stone more
susceptible to wearing used, this naturally efet survival rates.`"` Tese condi-
tions, however, are of little importance compared with the crucial diference
that statue bases have an equal chance of survival regardless of the material
used for the statue. Tus we should exercise some caution in comparing dif-
ferent regions directly in terms of the absolute numbers of extant statue bases.
Within a single region, on the other hand, we can compare the evidence for
diferent emperors and determine developments over time, since chronology
is only a factor in determining the survival rate of statue bases to a very lim-
ited extent. Statues of former emperors were, as we have seen, generally not
removed except in case of damnatio memoriae (pp. 63-64).
Te Roman Empire has been divided into eight regions in order to facilitate
comparison.
Italy: Rome, the eleven Augustan regions, Sicilia, Sardinia
and Corsica
Northern provinces: Moesia Inferior, Moesia Superior, Dacia, Dalmatia,
Pannonia Inferior, Pannonia Superior, Noricum,
Rae tia, Germania Superior, Germania Inferior,
Britannia and the Bosporan Kingdom
Gaul: Belgica, Lugdunensis, Aquitania, Narbonensis,
Alpes Maritimae, Alpes Cottiae and Alpes Graiae et
Poeniae
Spain: Tarraconensis, Lusitania and Baetica
Western North Africa: Mauretania Tingitana, Mauretania Caesariensis,
Numidia and Africa Proconsularis
Greece: Tracia, Macedonia, Achaea and Creta et Cyrene
Asia Minor: Pontus et Bithynia, Asia, Lycia et Pamphylia,
Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia and Cyprus
Eastern provinces: Syria, Judaea, Arabia and Aegyptus
203. Duncan-Jones (1982, 360-362) calculates that a maximum of 3 of the inscriptions origi-
nally in existence in North Africa have been recovered. Te fgure, as pointed out by the
author, is highly uncertain due to the many variables involved, and in addition North Af-
rica probably has one of the highest survival rates for inscriptions due to the low number
of continuous settlements.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 89
Italy
339 imperial statue bases from the period from Augustus to Commodus
have been found in the region of Italy. Tis amounts to 23.4 or just under
one-quarter of the total number of bases within the Empire (Table SC 13).
Although this places the region among those with the highest concentration
of evidence, it does not by any means justify the dominating position of the
extant portraits from Italy. While Rome and the surrounding regions Latium,
Campania and southern Etruria certainly have the highest concentration of
statue bases anywhere in the Empire, other regions of Italy show remarkably
little evidence of imperial statues. From Regio IX on the Ligurian coast only
three bases are known, and the area thus has one of the lowest concentrations
of statue bases. Te Augustan regions II, III, V and XI likewise show very
little evidence of statue bases (Fig. G 16, insert). Central Italy, on the other
hand, not only had a higher concentration of cities each city also produced
more bases. Tis may be a result of more systematic investigation in Central
Italy, but these cities were probably more prosperous because of their prox-
imity to the capital and consequently could be more richly adorned with
statues. Te geographical distribution of imperial statue bases in Italy almost
exactly parallels that of honorary inscriptions for other individuals, as seen
in a recent collection of 482 honorary inscriptions from the eleven Augustan
regions.`" Tis of course does not confrm that the distribution of the extant
bases matches that of the original distribution, since both groups have been
subject to the same conditions for preservation. But it does indicate that the
economic, social and political factors that governed the erection of imperial
portrait statues were the same as those regulating the erection of honorary
statues of other individuals.
Te frequency of imperial statue bases in the region of Italy expressed in
terms of number of dedications per year of reign generally shows a slightly
rising tendency from Augustus until the 170s (Fig. 11). Te most signifcant
fuctuations in the frequency can readily be explained as the result of damna-
tio memoriae of Caligula, Nero, Domitian and Commodus, the efect of the
brevity of the reign of Nerva, or because of the joint rule of Marcus Aurelius
and Lucius Verus from AD 161 to 169, which practically doubled the number
of dedications.
204. Forbis 1996, 233. Te regions I and VII have slightly higher percentages of imperial stat-
ues, while the sixth region accounts for only 8 of the total number of imperial statues
in Italy but 16 of statues of others.
90 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
0
1
2
3
4
3
6
7
8
0 20 30 30 60 80
/
-30 -20 -10 10 40 70 90 100 110 120 130 140 130 160 170 180 190
Year
B
a
s
e
s
y
e
a
r
Fig. 11. Te number of statue bases per year in Italy. Based on Table SG 1.
Because the number of imperial statue bases in most other regions of the Em-
pire increases more rapidly than in Italy, and because the practice of dedicating
statues of the emperor spread to new territories, the importance of Italy within
the Empire, at least as a market for imperial statues, seems to wane almost
continuously throughout the period (Fig. 12). During the reign of Augustus
more than one-third of all statue bases were erected in Italy. By the time of
o
f
t
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t
a
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n
u
m
b
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o
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a
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e
s
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a
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m
p
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o
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40
33
30
23
20
13
10
3
0
-30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40 30 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 130 160 170 180 190
Year
Fig. 12. Te relative importance of statue bases from Italy expressed as a percentage of
the total. Based on Table SG 1.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 91
Claudius the fgure had dropped to 24.7, and to 20.0 under Trajan.
During the early Antonine period the proportion of statue bases in Italy
again rises slightly, but then drops sharply during the reign of Marcus Aurelius.
Te relatively high fgure of 23.4 for Marcus Aurelius (Table SG 1), being an
average for the reign as a whole, conceals the fact that only 13 of the bases
dating to the 170s AD were erected in Italia. Te only reasonable explana-
tion for this sudden change must be the devastating efect of the Antonine
Plague, which seems to have been particularly hard on Italy.`" Te low level
of activity in Italy continues during the 180s AD under Commodus, and can
be traced into the third century as shown by the statue bases for Julia Domna.
Only 10 of these originate in Italy.`" Later the region may have recovered.
Regio X, from which we have the only reliable fgures, certainly seems to have
prospered during the third and early fourth centuries, but this could be a local
phenomenon connected to the growing importance of Northern Italy as a link
to the northeastern frontier that may not apply to the whole region.`"'
Regional diferences in the development within Italia can be observed
during the frst and second centuries AD. Te northwestern part of Italy, the
regions VII, IX, and XI, witnessed a signifcant decline afer the Julio-Clau-
dian period. In Etruria, where statue bases had been prolifc during the early
Empire, the change is particularly abrupt. Nearly two-thirds of the statue bases
in this region were erected before the end of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, com-
pared with 31 for the whole of Italy and only 23.3 of the total number of
bases within the Empire. On the other hand, the regions in the eastern part
of Italy, Regio V and VI, seem to prosper during the Antonine period. Dur-
ing the whole period the percentage of bases from the city of Rome remains
constant between 4 and 6 of the total. Te evidence for Nerva (10) is
the exception.
Te northern provinces
Te provinces along the northern Rhine-Danube frontier were for the most
part clearly marginal areas for honorifc imperial statues. An exception within
this region are the Greek cities on the Black Sea coast, which follow the pattern
203. Duncan-Jones 1992, 108-136.
206. Fejfer 1983, 129-138.
207. Alfldy (1984, 31-32) in Regio X enumerates six frst century AD imperial statue bases
and ten second century, but no less than 23 from the third century.
92 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
12
o
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a
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b
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o
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a
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e
s
f
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e
a
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p
e
r
o
r
10
8
6
4
2
0
-30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40 30 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 130 160 170 180 190
Year
Fig. 13. Te relative importance of the statue bases from the northern provinces. Based
on Table SG 4.
of the cities of the Aegean as far as the practice of dedicating imperial statues
is concerned. Along the frontier hardly any bases have been found. Two fac-
tors have contributed to this poor rate of discovery. Firstly, we have reason
to believe that limited access to good-quality stone for making inscriptions
may have facilitated more widespread use of bronze-covered bases, which are
less likely to survive (p. 30). Te preference for bronze also explains the very
limited number of extant portraits from the region. It is certainly true that
the overwhelming majority of the sculptural evidence found within military
installations is made of bronze.`"" So the fgure of 3.2 of the total number
of bases may not accurately refect what was once in existence. Secondly, the
tradition for dedicating honorifc statues with inscribed bases seems not to
have extended to the military contexts that dominate the area. It is probable
that life-size imperial statues were present in the military camps, but epi-
graphically they are invisible.
In the western part of the region the evidence is much too scarce to show
any patterns. In the eastern part a higher level of activity can be detected from
the reign of Trajan, which probably relates to the Dacian Wars. Whereas the
statue bases for the Julio-Claudian emperors are almost completely confned
to the coastal cities of Dalmatia, where the three colonies of Iader, Narona
208. Gamer 1969, 76-77; Stoll 1992; Pop 1978, 133-163; Vzy 1988, 148-131.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 93
10
%
o
f
t
o
t
a
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n
u
m
b
e
r
o
f
b
a
s
e
s
f
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a
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m
p
e
r
o
r
8
6
4
2
0
-30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190
Year
Fig. 14. Te relative importance of the statue bases from Gaul. Based on Table SG 7. Te
percentage for Caligula is no less than 32.1%
and Salona fgure prominently (Figs. G 1-3), the dedications move to the cit-
ies on the coast of the Black Sea under the Flavians, with the emphasis on
the second century AD (compare Figs. G 1-2 with Figs. G 11-12). While the
practice of dedicating imperial statues had penetrated very slowly into the
area in the frst century AD, we see an abrupt change in the latest addition to
the Empire the province of Dacia. Although no dedications for Trajan exist,
there is quite a lot of evidence for his immediate successors.
Gaul
In Gaul and in the small Alpine provinces, the majority of bases belong to
the period before the reign of Nero. Of the 33 bases, 39 were erected between
Augustus and Claudius. Since northwestern Italy is the only other area where
a similar pattern can be observed, it is natural to see the two as part of the
same development. With the advent of the Flavians the number of dedica-
tions declines sharply (Table SG 7). A similar development can be observed
for other types of monument. Curious are the nine bases for Caligula in the
area, four of them erected prior to his accession, which have escaped the
destruction of monuments following his death. Compared with the number
of extant portraits (Fig. 9), relatively few statue bases have survived. It must
94 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
0 20 30 50 80
l
-30 -20 -10 10 40 60 70 90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190
Year
%
o
f
t
o
t
a
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b
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o
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b
a
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o
r
Fig. 15. Te relative importance of the statue bases from Spain. Based on Table SG 10.
be remembered, however, that a large part of the second-century imperial
portraits originating in Gaul stem from a single context, the late Roman villa
at Chiragan.`"'
Te somewhat surprising dearth of statue bases in Gaul can to some extent
be explained by the relatively poor chance of fnding such bases. Te provinces
in Gaul are characterised by a high degree of continuous occupation since an-
tiquity, and the ancient towns are largely buried deep beneath modern cities.
Where fora have been fully excavated, as in Ruscino and Glanum,`'" imperial
statue bases have been found (Tiberius 36; Caligula 3; Marcus Aurelius 71;
Lucius Verus 39).
Spain
Te frequency of imperial statue bases in the provinces on the Iberian Pe-
ninsula remained fairly constant during the frst and second centuries AD
(Table SG 10). As in Italy, this of course meant that the proportion of these
bases within the Empire continuously declined (Fig. 13). Te one exception
209. Esprandieu 1908, 29-93. For a discussion of the imperial busts, see Hannestad 1994,
127-133.
210. Barroal and Marichal 1987, 43-34; Giacoppi-Lequment 1993, 282-286.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 93
is the Flavian period, when the reforms of Vespasian`'' seem to have had an
immediate impact on the number of statue bases, but no long-term efect.
Overall the share of the bases from Spain drops from 11 during the reign
of Augustus to between 4 and 6 during the second century.
Within the region, the province of Baetica has produced the most evidence,
and ranks among the provinces with the highest concentration of statue bases
throughout the period under consideration (Fig. G 16). Tarraconensis is
unusual compared with the rest of the Empire. Te evidence is limited, but it
clearly seems to be concentrated in the coastal area afer the Julio-Claudian
period when other regions show penetration into the hinterland. Most of
the inland sites like Bilbilis, Clunia, Segobriga and Valeria show no evidence
later than the reign of Claudius.
Western North Africa
North Africa is the region within the Empire that underwent the most dra-
matic change during the frst and second centuries AD as far as the number of
imperial statues is concerned. From a position as one of the most insignifcant
areas throughout the Julio-Claudian period, the area rises in prominence dur-
ing the late frst and early second centuries, and emerges during the Antonine
period as the area with the most evidence of imperial statue bases (Fig. 16
and Table SG 13). Only four statue bases for Augustus are known dedicated
during his lifetime in all of western North Africa. During the much shorter
reign of Antoninus Pius there were no less than 66, plus many more for his
two sons Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus.
Te high level of activity in North Africa seems to continue into the Sev-
eran period, or it may even rise in some areas, notably in Proconsularis and in
Lepcis Magna in particular, the home town of Septimius Severus. Te statue
bases for the Severan emperors have yet to be compiled, but the number of
bases for Julia Domna indeed suggests an extremely high concentration in
North Africa.`'`
During the Julio-Claudian period dedications concentrate in the coastal
areas and in a few major cities in Proconsularis. Later the evidence becomes
more prolifc further west in Numidia, and we fnd more statue bases in the
211. Mackie 1983, 213-217.
212. 30 of 120 or 41.7 of the bases for Julia Domna compiled by Fejfer (1983, 129-138) have
been found in western North Africa.
96 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
%
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a
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u
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b
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o
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b
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e
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p
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35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
-30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190
Year
Fig. 16. Te relative importance of the statue bases from North Africa. Based on Table
SG 13.
inland towns, many of which were founded or granted new status during the
late frst and early second centuries AD. Tis includes many of the towns that
have revealed a notable amount of imperial statue bases like Cuicul, Diana
Veteranorum, Lambaesis, Sitifs, Tamugadi, Tevestis, Tubursicu Numi-
darum, Tamugadi and Verecunda.
Greece
Te provinces of Trace, Macedonia, Achaea and Creta and Cyrene account for
17.7 of the total number of statue bases slightly more than North Africa.
Greece had a long tradition of erecting honorary statues, and until the very
end of the Republic the area produces the most evidence of statue bases for
Romans and Italians.`'` Even during the early part of the reign of Augustus,
213. Payne (1984) collects the evidence for statue bases for Romans and Italians in Greece. Te
evidence for statue bases in Italy and the western part of the Empire during the republic
is very limited. While statue bases for Caesar erected before his deifcation are fairly com-
mon in Greece and Asia Minor (Raubitschek 1934, 63-73), they are practically unknown
in Italy and the West (three are known in Alba (CIL I
2
, 2966), Bovianum (CIL IX, 2363),
and Vibo Valentia (AE 1967, 107).
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 97
nearly half of the known imperial statue bases come from Greece. Some were
erected afer his victory at Actium, but most belong to the period before this,
when Augustus, or at that time Octavian, had relatively little direct infuence
in the area.`' Te statues and bases for Marc Anthony, which surely must
have existed, were evidently thoroughly removed afer his death since none
have survived in either Greece or the province of Asia.
During the reigns of Augustus, Tiberius and Claudius, approximately 20
of the evidence derives from Greece. For Nero the fgure rises to 23.8 (Table
SG 16), and one is inclined to see this increase in the light of Neros interest in
Greek culture. However, the specifc events of his visit to Greece and the grant
of freedom to the province came too late to have any general infuence, and
only a single base can be connected with his sojourn in Greece (pp. 161-162).
Te contrast to the Flavian period is striking, and further suggests that the
policy of the emperor towards a province could result in fuctuations in the
number of dedications of imperial statues. Whether in this particular case it
was as a result of a decline in prosperity afer the province had come under
direct Roman control again, or because of general antipathy towards the re-
gime, cannot be determined. Although Nero sufered damnatio memoriae,
there are actually twice as many extant bases for Nero as for Vespasian. Im-
mediately following the Flavian period the area regains its former importance,
and reaches its zenith with an impressive 124 bases during the reign of the
second philhellene emperor, Hadrian. No less than 29 of these bases belong
in the Olympieion in Athens, where the member cities of the Panhellenion
each dedicated a statue of Hadrian at the inauguration of the temple of Zeus
Olympios in AD 131-132 (Hadrian 203, 208-233).`' Without this evidence
the relative frequency for Hadrian would not be signifcantly higher than
that of his predecessor Trajan, for whom, it must be remembered, a paral-
lel situation exists in that no less than 13 bases for Trajan have appeared in
the small town of Lyktos on Crete. Te actual number of bases is of course
much higher for Hadrian than for any other emperor, since the frequency of
dedication during his reign was exceptionally high, not just in Greece, but
throughout the Roman Empire. With the advent of the Antonine dynasty,
the frequency of dedication again falls to a constant level comparable to that
of the Julio-Claudian period in absolute numbers, and to that of the Flavian
214. On the other hand, Boschung (1993a, 87) found no early portraits of Augustus in the
Greek East, and explains this by the dominance of Marc Antony in the area.
213. Benjamin 1963, 37-86.
98 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
35
%
o
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a
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o
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30
25
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15
10
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-30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190
Year
Fig. 17. Te relative importance of the statue bases from Greece. Based on Table SG 16.
period in relative terms (Table SG 16). While statue bases for Hadrian have
been found at 30 diferent locations, those for Antoninus Pius have appeared
at only 23, and those for Marcus Aurelius at 12.
Te statue bases in Greece are mostly concentrated in the relatively small
area of the province of Achaea with 293 bases. Tis high fgure is achieved
due not only to the large number of sites with statue bases in the province,
but also to the fact that several bases have been found at each site. Within
the region as a whole the number is 3.70 bases per site, in Achaea alone 4.74
bases per site (Table SC 14).
Asia Minor
With 392 statue bases, the region of Asia Minor has the highest number of
imperial statue bases within the Empire. Te geographical distribution of the
bases is nearly congruent with the distribution of the evidence for imperial
cult in Asia Minor.`' Both depended on the distribution of cities that were
heavily concentrated in the coastal regions of western and southwestern Tur-
216. Price 1984, XXV & 78-100.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 99
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
-30 -20 -10 0 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190
/
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Year
B
a
s
e
s
y
e
a
r
Fig. 18. Te number of statue bases per year in Asia Minor. Based on Table SG 19. Te
frequency for Nerva is actually as high as 11.25.
key (the provinces of Asia and Lycia et Pamphylia), while the interior and the
northern coast have fewer, more scattered communities (Fig. G 16). Fluctua-
tions in the distribution during the period are limited to a slight tendency
towards a growing importance of the interior and the northern coast in the
second century.
Of all the regions, the chronological distribution of statue bases from Asia
Minor most closely resembles the development within the Empire as a whole
(compare Fig. 18 with Fig. C 19). However, small variations do occur. Te
region reaches its height of importance during the second half of the frst cen-
tury AD, when more than one-third of all known imperial statue bases were
erected here. During the Antonine period the frequency remains high, but
their share within the Empire falls to between 13 and 20, primarily as a result
of a tremendous rise in the number of bases in North Africa. Te frequency
of statue bases for Nerva in most regions exceeds that of other emperors be-
cause short reigns were likely to produce a higher frequency of statue bases
(p. 133). In Asia Minor, however, the frequency is conspicuously high. If not
accidental, this shows that the cities in Asia Minor responded more rapidly
to the changed political situation afer the death of Domitian than cities in
other parts of the Empire.
100 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
-30 -20 -10 0 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Year
%
o
f
t
o
t
a
l
f
o
r
e
a
c
h
e
m
p
e
r
o
r
Fig. 19. Te relative importance of the statue bases from Asia Minor. Based on
Table SG 19.
Te eastern provinces
Te evidence from the eastern provinces is extremely scarce, probably as a
result of the low survival rate in the area afecting not only the epigraphical
evidence, but other archaeological material as well.`'' From the frst century
AD only twelve imperial statue bases have survived. A monument consisting
of a cornice, with cuttings for statues of Tiberius, Germanicus and Drusus II,
was erected in the temple of Bel in Palmyra before the death of Germanicus
(Tiberius 133).`'" An inscribed stone, probably a statue base, with only the
frst line with the name of Vespasian preserved has been found in Seleukeia
Pieria (Vespasian 80), another inscription with uncertain portrait character
has recently been uncovered in Caesarea (Vespasian 81), and in Heliopolis
two posthumous bases for Vespasian and Titus (Vespasian 79; Titus 63) were
erected as testamentary gifs. Te remaining seven bases come from Egypt,
which is the only place within the area where bases were dedicated continu-
ously throughout the period. During the reign of Trajan the frequency of
217. Skupinska-Lovset 1999, 13-18 for the preservation of portraits, and below pp. 103-106,
n. 227.
218. For the history of this monument, see Rose 1997a, 189, no. 130.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 101
dedications rises to approximately 0.3 bases per year, at which level it remains
constant to the end of the second century AD (Table SG 22). Te rise can
mainly be attributed to the active policy of Trajan. Tis involved not only the
long Parthian campaign towards the end of his reign, but also the annexa-
tion of the Nabatean kingdom in AD 106, signalling a growing prosperity in
more outlying areas as well as a stronger and more dispersed presence of the
army. Te military presence infuenced the frequency, since army units were
responsible for several of the dedications (Table SC 20).
Conclusion
Te evidence of the statue bases shows that the practice of dedicating imperial
statues with inscribed bases was observed in cities in all parts of the Empire.
However, the frequency with which imperial statues were erected difered
widely from region to region. Four areas (central Italy, the provinces of Africa
Proconsularis and Numidia, the province of Achaea and the provinces of Asia
and Lycia [Fig. G 16]), each with approximately the same number of bases,
clearly emerge as the most important centres. Nearly two-thirds of all impe-
rial statue bases known today have been found in these relatively restricted
geographical areas. So the dominance of extant portraits from Italy does not
refect the situation in antiquity, but rather the uniquely high survival rate for
sculpture in this area. Since the majority of the portraits found outside Italy
seem to have been manufactured locally, and the same is presumably true for
the many lost bronze statues, we can assert that the workshops in Rome ac-
counted for a signifcantly smaller share of the market for imperial portraits
than can be discerned from the extant portraits. Greece and Asia Minor prob-
ably sustained an overall production almost comparable to that of Rome.
As the Roman Empire expanded, the practice of dedicating imperial stat-
ues penetrated into the newly incorporated areas; during the frst century AD
rather slowly, but more rapidly during the second. Te development can be
discerned by comparing the distribution of the statue bases for Tiberius (Fig.
G 2) with that of Hadrian (Fig. G 11) a century later. Te provinces along
the Danube and the Black Sea, the central and northern areas of Asia Minor,
western North Africa and Syria, which hitherto had been practically without
imperial statues, all had them in the second century. Although the number of
bases in these peripheral areas within the period investigated does not reach
levels comparable to the numbers applying in central Italy and the provinces
of Achaea and Asia, it certainly diminishes the importance of particularly
102 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Italy as the primary market for imperial statues. Furthermore, it indicates
the beginning of a development away from the core areas that becomes more
pronounced during the third century`'' and is completed in the late fourth.
By then cities in Italy outside Rome and in Greece completely stop dedicating
statues of the emperors.``"
Te number of sites and the number of bases per site
Nearly 800 diferent sites are represented among the 2,300 imperial statue bases
from the frst and second centuries AD. Te vast majority of these sites can be
described as urban centres. Only a very limited number of bases have been
found outside urban areas.``' Such sites include military installations, extra
urban sanctuaries or points of interest in the landscape, like the Tropaeum
Augusti or a bridge at the crossing of a river (Trajan 60; Antoninus Pius 113).
Consequently, the number of statue bases found in an area closely resembles
the degree of urbanisation and the concentration of cities.```
Te number of statue bases found at a site does not necessarily bear any
relation to the size of the city, nor to its prosperity. Tis depends to a large
extent on the survival rate for inscriptions, which varies even more between
cities than it does between regions. Chief factors to be considered are the level
of investigation and excavation carried out at a site, and the level of reuse of
material from the site in antiquity as well as in more recent times. However,
within a large sample like the present one, with close to 800 sites represented,
it is possible to detect a general correlation between the size of a city and the
number of imperial statue bases found there (Fig. 21).``` Twelve cities have
produced 20 or more bases. Naturally Rome takes frst place with 127 dedi-
219. Fejfer 1988, 299, fg. 2 and Fejfer 1983, 134-136.
220. Stichel 1982, 73-113.
221. Also noted by Alfldy (1984, 32) in his study of the statue bases in Venetia et Histria.
While bases for statues of gods are also found in the countryside to some extent, he only
records one imperial statue base outside a city centre. Tis base, which was found in con-
nection with a way station, may, however, have been dragged there from Tergeste.
222. Te illustration of the concentration of cities found in Pounds (1973, 120) needs revision,
and only includes the European part of the Empire. Te maps in the Barrington Atlas
(Talbert 2000), on the other hand, cannot easily be compared.
223. Determining the sizes of antique cities is of course exceedingly dim cult. Te Barrington
Atlas (Talbert 2000, Guidelines for Reference) has adopted a system of a range of fve sizes
that gives an impression of the distribution of diferent types of city.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 103
cations, or 3.3 of the total number of bases found throughout the Empire.
Athens is second with 89 bases, helped by the extremely large number of
bases for Hadrian in the Olympieion. If the evidence for Hadrian is excluded,
Athens falls behind both Ephesus and Ostia, where 69 and 48 bases have been
found. From these four cities there is a large gap to the next group, which
is dominated by fve North African cities: Tamugadi with 34 bases, Lepcis
Magna with 24, Tugga with 22, and Lambaesis and Cuicul both with 20. Te
fgures for the relatively small towns of Tamugadi and Tugga of course do
not refect their size or importance within the Empire, but rather their unique
state of preservation.`` Carthago, one of the largest cities in the Empire, has
produced only six bases due to its poor state of preservation. In Pergamum
24 bases have been found, and Puteoli, Romes other harbour besides Ostia, is
also to be found on the list with 20 bases. Finally, we fnd the city of Lyktos on
Crete represented with 22 bases. Although Lyktos was a regional centre, the
large number of bases is nowhere near justifed by the size of the city. Instead
it can be ascribed to a high survival rate for inscriptions, due to the limited
rebuilding and robbing of the site.`` With one exception all the largest cities
in the Empire are represented in the material, although not with a number
of statue bases that matches their importance. Only Antiochia ad Orontem,
perhaps the second largest city, has not produced any evidence of imperial
statue bases. Tis can be ascribed to the limited number of excavations car-
ried out. Among the cities with at least ten but less than twenty bases we fnd
Miletus with 19, Magnesia ad Maeandrum 18, Corinthus 17, Delphi 16, Ol-
ympia 13, Megara 14, Perge 14, Tera 12, Tarraco 12 and Verecunda 11. Ten
bases have been found in Herculaneum, Diana Veteranorum, Aphrodisias,
Attaleia, Kestros and Salamis.
What is more remarkable is the extremely wide distribution of the statue
bases. Nearly 700 sites had between one and three statue bases, and at another
100 sites between four and nine bases have been found.
In Spain, for example, bases have been found at 74 diferent sites. Only four
of these are represented with more than three bases: the provincial capitals
of Tarraco with 12 and Emerita Augusta with 7, and two smaller towns, Ol-
isipo and Munigua, with 6 each. In the remaining 70 cities only between one
and three have been found. In Gaul the same situation prevails. Bases have
been found at 37 sites, but only Vienna in Narbonensis had more than three
224. On the preservation of Tamugadi, see Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989, 13-16.
223. For a discussion of the statue bases from Lyktos, see Harrison 1993, 203-211.
104 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Ricio/o. oi n.sis 1- - 1o-1 >io
Italia 131 21 1 3
Northern provinces 37 8 0 0
Gaul 37 1 0 0
Spain 70 3 1 0
Western North Africa 102 16 2 3
Greece 77 12 3 2
Asia Minor 139 31 7 2
Eastern provinces 27 6 0 0
Total 660 98 16 12
Fig. 20. Te number of sites categorised by region and number of statue bases.
bases, and only because of the surprising three pre-accessional inscriptions
for Caligula. Tis may indicate that dedications of imperial statues in these
areas were distributed among a large number of cities of approximately equal
size. It could, on the other hand, be a result of conditions of discovery in these
areas, and if the survival rate was higher we might be able to detect a higher
degree of diferentiation between cities, like that found in Italy, Greece, Asia
Minor and North Africa (Fig. 20). Finally, it is possible that imperial statues
erected in the forum and other public buildings were simply an indispensable
element of any town, regardless of its size (down to a certain limit naturally),
because it was one of the features that defned a city in relation to the emperor
and not least in relation to neighbouring towns.``
Tere is a clear correlation between the size of a city and the chance that bases
have actually been found (Fig. 21). If we consider the Empire as a whole and
ignore any regional diferences in survival rates, this chance must depend on
the number of bases once in existence at a given site.``'
226. A fourth century petition from the town of Orcistus to Constantine for a grant of higher civic
status mentions, as one of several justifcations, that the forum held statues of the former
emperors: forum istatuis veterum principum ornatum, (MAMA VII, 303).
227. Regional diferences in the survival rate for statue bases certainly did exist, but their exact
extent is unfortunately very dim cult to determine. If we assume that the number of im-
perial statue bases once in existence in a city primarily depended on its size and not on
its geographical position within the Empire, we can compare the percentage of sites that
have yielded imperial statue bases in diferent regions to obtain some idea of the survival
rates. Te following percentages of cities of Barrington category 1 to 3 have yielded impe-
rial statue bases: Asia Minor 31, North Africa 49, Italy 47, Spain 42, Greece 33,
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 103
Sizi c.1icovv
(B.vvic1o)
To1.i o.
oi si1is
No. oi
si1is wi1u
n.sis
oi si1is
wi1u
n.sis
Aviv.ci
o. oi
n.sis
1 12 11 92 27.0
2 180 104 38 3.4
3 1001 367 37 2.8
4 : 133 : 1.8
3 : 49 : 1.4
: - 133 - -
Fig. 21. Te percentage of sites with statue bases and the average number of bases per site
according to the size of sites as found in the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman
World.``"
Almost all the cities in category 1 in the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and
Roman World have produced imperial statue bases, and so have the majority
of the cities in category 2. Just over one-third of the cities in category 3 are
represented. Tis share is sum ciently high to demonstrate that all (or nearly
all) of the locations in this category, which could be called the average Roman
provincial town, must have had imperial statues with inscribed statue bases
erected by the city council and by private individuals in the forum and in other
public buildings.``' From category 3 to 4 the number of sites with statue bases
falls from 367 to 133. I have not counted the category 4 sites in the Barrington
Atlas, but their number certainly exceeds that of category 3. Te percentage of
Northern provinces 33, Gaul 31, Eastern provinces 18. In reality the number of
imperial statues erected in a town of a certain size probably did vary considerably from
region to region, and the lower percentages for the areas along the northern frontier could
reasonably be attributed to a lower level of development of the civic architecture such as
fora, theatres, baths etc., in which context most of the imperial statue bases belong. Te
very low percentage for the eastern provinces indicates a low survival rate which is no-
ticeable for other types of archaeological evidence as well. Te seemingly small regional
diferences in survival rates confrm that the geographical distribution of the extant statue
bases in general refects the distribution of imperial statues in antiquity.
228. Talbert (2000). Te number of cities in category 3 is a close approximation. It has not been
taken into account whether towns of this category during the Roman imperial period
had become defunct, or were founded only at a later date. I have not counted the sites in
category 4 and 3, but their number is certainly many times greater than the number in
category 3.
229. Pompeii, Cuicul, Nicopolis ad Istrum and Priene could serve as examples of well preserved
towns of this type.
106 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
0
30
100
130
200
230
0 100 130 200 230 300 330 400 430 30
Number of bases
N
u
m
b
e
r
o
f
s
i
t
e
s
Fig. 22. Te number of sites in relation to the number of bases for individual emperors.
sites with statue bases in this category is thus much lower than the percentage
in category 3, probably between 3 and 10 percent. Te decline is signifcant
because it seems to indicate a lower limit to the size of cities where we can
expect to fnd imperial statues as a general feature. Naturally, smaller settle-
ments could have imperial statues like the one described by Pausanias in the
small town of Kynaithai in the landscape Achaea: in their market-place
have been made altars of the gods and a statue of the emperor Hadrian.``"
Since Pausanias seldom mentions any of the imperial statues that must have
been a conspicuous element in most towns he visited, we can assume that the
forum in Kynaithai did not have much else to ofer. Tere are two reasons why
it is not surprising that the statue portrayed Hadrian. Hadrian had visited the
Peloponnese, and although there does not seem to be any immediate rela-
tionship between imperial visits and the erection of statues, visits might have
had a motivating long-term efect.``' What may have been more important
is that the number of sites where bases for a particular emperor have been
found rises proportionally with the total number of bases for that emperor.
Tis means that the higher the number of bases for an emperor, whether due
to a long reign or a high frequency of dedications within the reign, the wider
the geographical distribution of the extant bases (Fig. 22).
Te one fgure that deviates signifcantly from this pattern is the fgure for
Hadrian (the dot furthest to the right in Fig. 22), and as we have seen before
230. Paus. 8.19.1.
231. Hojte 2000, 221-233.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 107
this can be explained by the exceptionally large number of bases for him in the
Olympieion in Athens. We cannot deduce with absolute certainty that more
cities erected statues of Hadrian because of the large number of extant bases
for him, since in efect all cities may have erected statues of all emperors. It
seems probable though, and we can at any rate say that a rise in the number
of dedications was distributed evenly among all cities both large and small.
Te geographical distribution of imperial statue bases was far wider than
that of statue bases for the Hellenistic kings,``` and to some extent wider than
the distribution for Roman generals and promagistrates in Greece``` and Asia
Minor`` during the republican period that tends to cluster in a few locations,
typically the Panhellenic sanctuaries. Te prevalent competitive element of
the Hellenistic and republican monuments with regard to their size, execution
and visibility within a sanctuary had disappeared. It was replaced by a system
where honouring the emperor, by erecting his statue, became an integral part
of the life of every community.`` It was not only a way for a city to show
loyalty towards the emperor and the imperial system. Dedicating imperial
statues became, as we shall see, a feld of competition for the local elite, who
could show themselves as benefciaries to the city, and at the same time have
their names associated with that of the emperor on the base.
232. A catalogue of the statue bases for the kings of the four most important Hellenistic king-
doms was compiled in connection with the preparation of the dissertation. It was ori-
gianlly intended as a comparative study to the statue bases for the Roman emperors. Te
evidence for the Hellenistic kings however, is numerically far inferior and thus does not
lend itself to statistical analysis like the Roman imperial material. With regard to geo-
graphical distribution, the Hellenistic evidence has a pattern quite distinct from that of
Roman imperial statue bases. 130 statue bases are known for the kings of Macedonia (18
bases), Egypt (81 bases), Pergamum (31 bases) and the Seleucid Kingdom (20 bases). Of
these 39 or 26 have been found in the Panhellenic sanctuaries on Delos, in Delphi and
in Olympia. Further statue bases are known in regional or local sanctuaries in Epidauros,
Oropos, Termon, Kos, Lindos, Samothrace, Termon, Didyma, Letoon, Miletus, Per-
gamum, Sardis, Kourion, Paphos and Cyrene, and on the island of Philae. For statues of
Hellenistic kings in the province of Achaea, see also Hojte 2002, 33-63.
233. Payne 1984.
234. Tuchelt 1979.
233. Hojte 2002, 61.
108 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Context
Portraits of the Roman emperors were omnipresent, and could appear in
nearly any context imaginable. When moving about a city in antiquity, one
was constantly reminded of the emperor by the presence of his image, as we
learn from the ofen cited letter from Fronto to Marcus Aurelius.`` Te im-
ages referred to by Fronto as being of poor quality and not doing the young
prince justice are not the type of statue under discussion here, but rather
painted portraits, busts and miniature representations used to decorate inte-
rior space of a private or semi-private nature, much like images of present or
former rulers are used in many countries today.
Several studies have dealt with the question of the context of imperial im-
ages. Te most comprehensive to date, by Pekary, contains an impressive list
of diferent known contexts, primarily based on the literary sources with the
addition of a few pieces of epigraphical evidence.``' Unfortunately, this study
makes only a vague attempt to distinguish between the importance of each
context. Niemeyer addresses this issue for the extant imperial statues, but the
poor conditions for discovery and the common lack of exact origin leaves him
with an empirical material of only 33 groups of statues with known contexts
too small a sample to be of any statistical value.``" As shown above, neither
the literary sources nor the preserved portrait statues are a representative
sample of the statues originally in existence. Tese sources may, therefore,
not give an entirely reliable impression of the frequency of diferent contexts.
Te literary sources, however, are important because they record contexts in
which imperial statues generally were not accompanied by inscribed bases
for example in private houses.
Better results have been achieved by studying diferent types of sculpture
in a given context, for example fora, theatres, baths or villas,``' or in a certain
236. Fronto Ad M. Caes. 4.12: Scis ut in omnibus argentariis mensulis pergulis tabernis pro-
tectis vestibulis fenestris usquequaque ubique imagines vestrae sint volgo propositae, male
illae quidem pictae pleraeque et crassa, lutea immo, Minerva fctae sculptaeve; quom in-
terim numquam tua imago tam dissimilis ad oculos meos in itinere accidit, .
237. Pekary 1983, 42-63. Lahusen has compiled and discussed the literary evidence for impe-
rial statues in Rome (Lahusen 1983) and in the Empire in general (Lahusen 1984).
238. Niemeyer 1968, 28-36 with a review by Blanck 1971, 93-93.
239. Fora: Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989. Teatres: Fuchs 1987, Ozren 1996, 99-128. Baths:
Manderscheid 1981. Villas: Neudecker 1988; Koppel 1993, 193-203.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 109
region.`" Tese studies not only give a more precise impression of what types
of statue were used and where. Tey also ofer valuable information about the
importance of imperial statues in comparison with other types of sculpture.
Te scope of these studies, however, necessarily limits the geographical area
included or the number of diferent locations singled out for closer examina-
tion.
Te strength of the epigraphical evidence from imperial statue bases with
regard to the question of context lies in its large volume. Of the 2,300 statue
bases in the catalogue, more than one-quarter have a reliable context. Given
the size of the material, it has been impossible to make a detailed study of
the context of each individual base. Closer scrutiny of the evidence would
undoubtedly increase the number of known contexts, and yield more pre-
cise information about the location of each base, but this falls outside the
scope of this investigation. Te following is not an attempt to describe the
exact context of individual statue bases, but should rather serve to give a
general impression of the frequency of imperial portrait statues in diferent
contexts, refecting chronological and regional diferences in the distribution
pattern.
Although the percentage of bases with a known context may not seem
impressive, they are numerically many times more plentiful than the extant
portraits. Tere are two primary reasons why contexts can no longer be de-
termined. Reuse of bases as building material, both in antiquity and in more
recent times, has removed a signifcant proportion of the evidence from its
original location. Church building in particular has taken its toll. Te other
is insum cient publication. Te early editors were ofen unconcerned about
the context of inscriptions, and they do not seem to have made a great efort
to investigate the circumstances of the fnds. Such information is now ofen
beyond recovery even if the material is re-studied. One further source of error
that must be taken into account is that some contexts, like theatres and fora,
are more easily identifable than less distinctive buildings. Such information,
therefore, may have been more likely to go on record.
240. Alfldy 1979 (Conventus Tarraconensis) and Alfldy 1984 (Regio X, Venetia et His-
tria).
110 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Forum/agora and adjoining buildings
Fora and agorai and their adjoining buildings seem, from the surviving evi-
dence, to have been the most favoured place for erecting imperial statues.
Tis is not surprising, since the forum not only served a variety of political,
judicial and religious functions in which the imperial portrait ofen played a
central role, but was also the representational area of a city.`' Since the actual
point of discovery of statue bases within the forum is seldom known with
precision, it is ofen dim cult to determine whether the statue base belonged
in the square itself, was connected with one of the temples that regularly
adorned the forum,`` or was placed in a basilica, curia or some other build-
ing adjoining the forum.
Tere are two studies ofering comprehensive investigations of statue
programmes in fora. Both concern North Africa.`` Zimmer and Wesch-
Klein, who selected the two remarkably well preserved North Africa cit-
ies of Cuicul in Mauretania Caesariensis and Tamugadi in Numidia for
closer investigation, concluded on the basis of the study of a collection of
approximately 120 statue bases found in these fora, that statues of emperors
and their families held a dominating position. Tis is true not only in the
choice of location and size of the dedication, but also in sheer numbers,
particularly in Cuicul, where 60 of all statue bases belonged to statues of
emperors, members of the domus Augusta, or personifcations of the virtues
of the emperor.` In Tamugadi the fgure is somewhat lower (39).` Te
large number of emperors represented by only one statue base might indi-
cate that the objective of the city was to have at least one representation of
each emperor in the forum. Since imperial statues, unlike statues of ordinary
citizens, could not be demolished to make room for more dedications, this
eventually led to an accumulation of imperial statues that lef little room in
the forum for other statues. At both locations we fnd a majority of emper-
ors from the second century together with a signifcant number of dedica-
241. Witschel in Stemmer 1993, 334-336.
242. Te temple of Augustus and Roma in the Forum Vetus in Lepcis Magna, for example,
Aurigemma 1940, 1-94.
243. Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989; Kleinwchter 2001. See also Zimmer 1992 and Witschel
in Stemmer 1993, 342-332.
244. Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989, 17-37, esp. 20-21.
243. Zimmer & Wesch-Klein 1989, 38-31, esp. 40-43.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 111
tions for third- and early fourth-century emperors. We can also turn the
evidence around and fnd out how many of the imperial statue bases found
in these two cities were erected in or near the forum. In Cuicul fourteen of
the twenty imperial statue bases seem to have been erected in the forum
(Hadrian 117, 118: Antoninus Pius 110; Marcus Aurelius 98, 100; Com-
modus 32), in the adjoining basilica (Marcus Aurelius 99; Lucius Verus 67;
Commodus 31), or near the Capitol (Hadrian 116; Antoninus Pius 106, 107;
Marcus Aurelius 97; Commodus 30). Of the remaining six, one is an arch
for Antoninus Pius (Antoninus Pius 109), and the last fve have no known
context (Trajan 69 (taken to Paris); Antoninus Pius 108; Marcus Aurelius
96, 101; Lucius Verus 66). In Tamugadi the situation is similar, with fve
bases defnitely attributed to the forum, four being erected in the basilica,
and three in the curia. In addition, four inscriptions not included in Zim-
mers study seem to belong to statue bases that have been found in or near
the forum (Hadrian 133, 134; Antoninus Pius 142, Marcus Aurelius 130).
Another six inscriptions belong to arches or city gates, and the remaining
ten have no record of a reliable context. Tis means that well over half of
the imperial statues in these two cities during the period investigated were
erected in or near the forum. However, Cuicul and Tamugadi were not or-
dinary Roman provincial towns, and the focus on the imperial house is not
repeated to the same extent elsewhere. Tis can probably be explained by
the fact that both cities were new foundations with a military background.
In the early history of the cities, the forum was the only suitable place to
dedicate statues, while towards the end of the second century imperial stat-
ues appeared in the newly constructed baths and theatre. Te cities, in ad-
dition, lacked the local aristocracy that in older cities accounted for a large
percentage of the honorary statues dedicated in the forum.`
Kleinwchters monumental study of North African fora also includes in-
formation on the statue programmes displayed, and ofers valuable additions
and corrections to Zimmers study of Cuicul.`' Unfortunately, none of the
other localities treated (Carthago, Mactaris, Pheradi Maius, Calama, Lepcis
Magna and Tubursicu Numidarum) can match Cuicul and Tamugadi in
terms of the amount of material found or the precision with which the bases
can be located.
246. Alfldy 1984, 38-60.
247. Kleinwchter 2001.
112 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Pompeii, one would think, should be the ideal place for an investigation
of the position of imperial statues in a forum. However, because of the un-
systematic way excavations were carried out, we cannot associate any of the
inscriptions naming emperors with the remains of the monuments preserved
in the forum. On the south side of the forum a number of republican eques-
trian statues were moved during the Augustan and Julio-Claudian periods,
possibly to another location in the forum, to make room for three monumental
bases, which still dominate the forum today. It has been suggested that the
central base in the form of an arch, the earliest of the three, carried a statue of
Augustus, and that the other two carried statues of Claudius and Agrippina.
Tere can be no doubt that these bases carried colossal statues of emperors,
and perhaps empresses, but since the inscriptions are lost we have no way of
knowing which. Te same can be said for the supposed equestrian statues of
Caligula and Nero in the central part of the forum, and for the arches placed
on both sides of the Capitolium on the north side attributed to Julio-Clau-
dian princes, because of the similarity with the arrangement in the Forum of
Augustus in Rome.`"
Te imperial statue bases from the fora in Rome itself have been studied in
detail,`' but their number compares unfavourably with our knowledge from
the literary sources, and they add little to our knowledge.`" Only eight bases
have been found in or close to the Forum Romanum (Augustus 1, 3; Tiberius
7; Titus 2; Trajan 9; Hadrian 7, 12; Antoninus Pius 7). With the exception of
the inscription from the arch erected for Augustus afer the battle of Actium,
and a monument with images (possibly imagines clipeatae of Tiberius and
Lucius Caesar) in Basilica Aemilia,`' their exact position can no longer be
determined. Te evidence from the imperial fora is even more limited. In the
Forum of Augustus two bases for Trajan have been found (Trajan 1, 4), but
the point of discovery of these inscriptions does not necessarily correlate with
their original position. In the Forum of Trajan the most prominent statue base,
naturally, was the column of Trajan (Trajan 13), topped by a large bronze statue
of the emperor, but there were several other images of him placed around the
forum. It was long believed that the three identical bases in front of Basilica
248. Mau 1896, 130-137. Zanker 1993, 110-113.
249. Lahusen 1983, 18-30.
230. For an overview of honorary statues in the Forum Romanum, the Forum of Augustus
and the Forum of Trajan, see Zanker 1968; Zanker 1972; Packer 1997.
231. Rose 1997a, 111-113, no. 40.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 113
Ulpia stood by each of the three entrances to the basilica (Trajan 10-12). But
recent work by Packer`` shows that the bases stood beside the entrances in-
stead, and that originally the group consisted of a total of eight statues. Tis
rules out the suggestion by Zanker that the statues illustrated the emperors
three primary functions as commander of the army, magistrate and pontifex
maximus.`` Tis display attracts interest because it is one of the very few
examples of dedications of multiple statues of the same emperor in the West.
In the East this particular type of statue group was not uncommon, as shown
below.
A total of 167 bases have been found in fora in 30 diferent cities, predomi-
nantly in the Latin West.` Te evidence is generally too limited to determine
whether it was the objective of cities to have at least one statue of each em-
peror in the forum, as suggested by the bases in Tamugadi. Te dedications
in other African towns (Cuicul, Gigthis, Tibilis and Tugga), and the colo-
nies of Tarraco and Corinthus, seem to point in that direction. On the other
hand, in Ephesus, Magnesia and Miletus` there are numerous statues of the
same emperors, apparently erected very close to each other in the agora. Te
fact that there is a geographical and historical diference between these two
groups of cities may be coincidental, but might also indicate a fundamental
diference in the approach to dedicating imperial statues between the Latin
West and the Greek East that can be traced in other contexts as well.
Te forum was public property, and the local executive body regulated
the dedication of statues. Tis does not mean that the forum was reserved
for public dedications, and the ratio between publicly and privately spon-
sored statues in fora almost exactly equals that of the complete corpus. Pri-
vate individuals however, had to obtain permission from the executive body
prior to the dedication of statues a procedure that is expressed in the for-
mula l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) or simply d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)
found on several privately sponsored monuments as well as on most public
ones.
232. Packer 1997, 218: In each of the four bays between the porches, two white marble ped-
estals stood on the giallo antico steps, aligned with the two columns behind. All eight
pedestals apparently had the same inscription. Two large oval sockets in the top show
that the pedestals originally supported an over-life-size standing statue, probably of gilt
bronze.
233. Zanker 1970, 321, n. 71.
234. 33 cities in the West and 13 in the East.
233. Pekary 1978, 727-744.
114 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Teatres
We have no evidence that statues of Hellenistic kings were used as permanent
installations in theatres;` but many theatres in the Roman period, particularly
in the Greek East, were adorned with statues of emperors.`' Tese could be
placed almost anywhere in the theatre either in the scenae frons (Tera, Ca-
ligula 17; Vespasian 32, the theatre in Aphrodisias, Domitian 37), in the paro-
doi (in Salamis, Commodus 106, 107) or in the cavea (in Athens, Hadrian 186,
188-191, and Ephesus, Antoninus Pius 227-232). But ofen their exact location
can no longer be determined. Among the 60 examples of statue bases in thea-
tres, the vast majority belong to the Hadrianic and Antonine periods. Te ear-
lier examples predominantly belong in Italy and the western provinces, where
more theatres had a sacellum above the cavea containing imperial statues that
may have been connected with the imperial cult.`" Otherwise the evidence for
imperial cult images in theatres indicates that transportable busts or statuettes
were used instead of life-size statues as pointed out by Blanck and Pekary.`'
One array of imperial statues in a theatre that deserves mention is the sculp-
tural decoration of the Teatre of Dionysos in Athens. Here, one of the two
pre-accessional bases for Hadrian in existence was erected when he served as
archon of the city in AD 112-113 (Hadrian 186), and at a later date prior to AD
128, further statues of Hadrian were added.`" Four extant bases, dedicated by
four diferent phylai (Hadrian 188-191), strongly suggest that each of the twelve
phylai dedicated a statue. Ostensibly these statues were placed facing towards
the stage in each cunei lef and right of the central statue erected in AD 112-113.
Apart from obstructing the view for a considerable number of people in the
audience, they would only have been visible from the back! In Ephesus a group
of six statue bases for Antoninus Pius dedicated by diferent phylai has been
236. Schwingenstein 1977, 104-114.
237. Bases are known in theatres in Caere, Cales, Casinum, Firmum Picenum, Herculaneum,
Falerio, Lanuvium, Pompeii, Beneventum, Tauromenium, Eburovices, Tarraco, Emerita
Augusta, Rusicade, Lepcis Magna, Demetrias, Athenae, Corinthus, Sparta, Tera, Hier-
apytna, Aphrodisias, Ephesus, Hierapolis, Magnesia ad Maeandrum, Pinara, Termessos,
Hiero Kastabala and Salamis.
238. Fuchs 1987, 180. Tiberius 14.
239. Blanck 1971, 90-93; Pekary 1983, 47-49. Te busts of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus
in Athens (Oliver 1941, 108-111), and the interesting dedication of Vibius Salutaris in
Ephesus including silver busts of Trajan and Plotina carried from the temple of Artemis
to the theatre and back on the birthday of the goddess (IGSK 11, 1, 27 and 28-36).
260. For the date of the dedications see Graindor 1934, 43.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 113
found (Antoninus Pius 227-232), and although nothing certain is known about
their original position within the theatre, the analogy with the bases from Ath-
ens suggests a similar arrangement. Te only certain example of statue bases in
an amphitheatre is a group consisting of statue bases for Marcus Aurelius and
Lucius, found in the amphitheatre in Hierapytna (Marcus Aurelius 206, Lucius
Verus 110).
Baths and gymnasia
Manderscheids study of the sculptural decoration of 66 baths throughout the
Empire shows that statues of emperors were not part of the standard repertoire
of decoration.`' Of the 360 pieces of sculpture found in these baths, only
19 were portrait statues of emperors,`` and there are only 3-7 extant impe-
rial portraits from the period under discussion.`` One characteristic of the
extant portraits, at least in the second century, is that statues of the emperor
were ofen erected in his capacity of donor of the baths just as many of the
private portraits were. Unlike statues in most other contexts, those erected
in baths were almost invariably made of marble, owing to the high level of
humidity. Consequently we should not expect to fnd many more bases in
baths, since both statue and base would have approximately the same chance
of survival.
Te earliest base in a bath is that of Augustus reported in the tepidarium
in the Stabian Baths in Pompeii (Augustus 23). However, this may have been
moved there at a later date. Te same could be the case for the base for An-
toninus Pius in the Omce Baths in Sabratha (Antoninus Pius 169). Two fur-
ther bases in baths, in Octodurum (Trajan 38) and Augusta Praetoria (Marcus
Aurelius 61), are known from the West. Otherwise our evidence stems from
Asia Minor. In the Hellenistic gymnasium in Stratonikeia in Caria, a base for a
statue of Titus was found in an exedra together with bases for Domitia and the
261. Manderscheid 1981, 28 & 33-38.
262. To this should be added a number of statues of empresses and other members of the im -
perial family.
263. A statue of Trajan (Manderscheid cat. no. 36) and possibly two statues of Hadrian (cat.
no. 37, 38) in the bath in Italica, a statue of Trajan (cat. no. 99) in the Bath at Porta Ma-
rina, possibly a statue of Hadrian (cat. no. 474) in the bath in Hippo Regius, a statue of
Antoninus Pius (cat. no. 416) in the Baths of Antoninus Pius in Carthage, and possibly a
statue of Marcus Aurelius (cat. no. 221) in the Baths of Faustina in Miletus.
116 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Demos. It has been suggested that the exedra functioned as a location for the
imperial cult, but there is no further evidence to support this notion.` In the
south apse of hall BSH in the bath-gymnasium complex in Sardis, a base for
Lucius Verus, still in situ, has been found (Lucius Verus 123).` It seems likely
that another for Marcus Aurelius once stood on the opposite side of the build-
ing in the north apse, although this was replaced at a later date by a statue group
of the children of Kore. Two severely fragmented plaques, carrying inscriptions
with the names of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus in the accusative case, have
been found in the apodyterium in the South Baths in Perge (Marcus Aurelius
238; Commodus 93). Tey were most probably placed under niches with statues
of the two emperors.` Finally, two bases for Hadrian and Antoninus Pius have
been found in the Scholasticia Baths in Ephesus (Hadrian 319; Antoninus Pius
233). Te low number of statue bases confrms that imperial statues were not
particularly common in baths and gymnasia.
Other public structures
Apart from the statue bases in military installations and in sanctuaries, which
will be discussed below, there is very little evidence of imperial statues in extra-
urban contexts.`' Te bases that have been found outside cities mostly relate
to bridges. An inscription from an arch (Trajan 60) was found at the Pons
Alcantara in Lusitania, where a small temple or naiskos for the imperial cult was
also constructed. Te highly interesting inscription from the temple dedicated
by the architect of the whole complex has survived, as one of the few examples
of a building signed by the architect.`" Similarly, on a bridge in Mauretania
Caesariensis a statue of the deifed Antoninus Pius was erected (Antoninus
Pius 113). Te emperors were deeply involved in constructing and maintaining
the infrastructure of the Empire, and the name of the emperor responsible for
a particular stretch of road appears on its milestones. It is only natural, there-
fore, to fnd their statues at the most exposed point on the road, for instance
on a bridge. However, compared with the number of known milestones there is
surprisingly little evidence of statue bases along the road network.
264. For a discussion of imperial cult in baths, see Manderscheid 1981, 36-37.
263. Yegl 1986, 169-170, no. 2.
266. IGSK 34, 148.
267. Alfldy 1984, 32.
268. CIL II, 761. Donderer 1996, 230-233.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 117
Honorifc arches and city gates adorned with imperial statues were com-
mon in most parts of the Empire, but since the context of almost all these
monuments can be identifed, their frequency should not be compared with
that of bases in other contexts. Teir share of the total number of bases is in
fact lower than 3. Te 86 arches (with 106 statues) from 37 diferent sites
served a variety of functions.`' Relatively few of the arches seem to have
been erected in celebration of a specifc triumph, and those that were mostly
belong in Rome (Actium: Augustus 1; the Britannic victory: Claudius 3; the
Sarmatian triumph: Marcus Aurelius 14). However, as the arch of Titus (Titus
7) commemorating the triumph in AD 71 but according to the inscription
only constructed at least a decade later shows, it is sometimes dimcult to es-
tablish such a connection unless the inscription mentions the military victory
in question, or the sculptural decoration contains references to events that can
be placed geographically or chronologically. Even when not directly related
to a triumph, the origin and the intent of the monuments were sometimes
transmitted through the sculptural decoration, such as the spolia and captives
on the arch at Arausio.`'" Outside Rome, arches with imperial statues more
commonly mark the entrance to a city`'' or serve as a demarcation between
diferent sections within the city. Te occasions for their erection were ofen
determined by the urban development of the city, for example the monumen-
talised entrances to fora found in Ephesus (Augustus 166), Athens (Augustus
129), and Viroconium Cornoviorum in Britannia (Hadrian 96).
A few other public contexts deserve to be mentioned, although they rep-
resent a rather insignifcant number of dedications. In the Asclepieion in
Pergamum, the library donated by Flavia Melitine contained a statue of the
deifed Hadrian one of the rare examples of a statue found with its ac-
companying base. In Olympia, the Nymphaeum of Herodes Atticus carried
an elaborate group of statues showing the imperial family together with
Herodes own family (Antoninus Pius 201; Lucius Verus 108). In Ephesus
the Nymphaeum Traiani seems to have included statues of Trajan with his
269. Arches are discussed by Khler 1939, 373-493, De Maria 1988, Kleiner 1989b, 193-206.
Wallace-Hadrill 1990, 143-181, and Eck & Foerster 1999, 294-313.
270. Amy, Duval, Formig, Hatt, Picard, Picard & Piganiol 1962.
271. Arches could be placed either in or immediately in front of the city wall as at Asseria
(Trajan 91) or at Beneventum (Trajan 22, Rotili 1972), or as free-standing monuments
further away, for instance at Orange (Tiberius 36), Tamugadi (Marcus Aurelius 129=Lu-
cius Verus 79, Marcus Aurelius 132) and Gerasa (Hadrian 411).
118 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
deifed father Nerva (Nerva 33; Trajan 143). Of semi-public nature are the
statues erected posthumously in the mausoleums of Augustus and Hadrian
(Tiberius 11; Vespasian 4; Nerva 3; Hadrian 16; Antoninus Pius 16; Lucius
Verus 7; Commodus 3).
Military installations
Images of the emperor certainly played a prominent role in the military, and
every soldier was well accustomed to the appearance of the emperor. Portraits
of the reigning emperor were placed inter signa in the sacellum in the prin-
cipia`'` where soldiers took their oath of allegiance; small busts were carried
on the signa; and the emperors portrait could appear on weapons. Except for
a large group of bases found in or near the so-called praetorium in Lambae-
sis (Hadrian 123, 126; Antoninus Pius 126-128; Marcus Aurelius 112-113,
113-117) and a single base in a military camp near Dumeir in Syria (Lucius
Verus 133), the statue bases located in military camps have been found on the
northern frontier. Where exactly within the camps the bases stood can only
be determined in a few instances, and none of these can be shown to belong
in a sacellum.`'` Tis may be coincidental, but it might also indicate that bases
with honorifc inscriptions generally did not accompany these images. Such
bases have however been found in the fre station in Ostia, the Caserma dei
Vigili, in what has been interpreted as the sacellum of the detachment of fre
fghters (front page). Whether this arrangement refects that of the sacella
of regular military camps, or whether it is peculiar to fre stations, remains
unclear.`' Statues could also be erected at the approach to the camp, as at
Mogontiacum, where a plaque, once amxed to a large base, was found next to
an arch 30 metres east of the entrance to the Castellum Mattiacorum (Trajan
34). Not surprisingly, all the bases found in military installations were dedi-
cated by military units or their om cers.
272. Domaszewski 1972, 90-93.
273. Te extant fragments of statues from military camps along the northern frontier accord-
ing to Gamer (1969, 76-77) cluster around the principium, and he proposes that they
belonged in or in front of the sacellum. For statues in general in the military installations
on the Limes between the Rhine and the Danube, see Stoll (1992).
274. Lanciani 1889, 72-83. Te bases CIL VI, 1037-1038 may have belonged to a similarly ar-
ranged display of imperial statues in the station of the cohors V vigilum in Rome.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 119
Sanctuaries and temples
Afer fora, sanctuaries were the commonest place to erect imperial statues.
Imperial statues in fora are overrepresented in the western part of the Em-
pire, and statues in sanctuaries are overrepresented in the eastern part. To
some extent, this is due to the fact that the position of many Greek sanctuar-
ies outside cities, for instance Delphi, Olympia, Eleusis, Epidauros, Didyma,
Kos, Samos and Paphos, facilitates the identifcation of a general context. In
the west temples were regularly placed in a central place in the city, which
renders exact identifcation of context more dimcult. One extra urban sanctu-
ary in the west, that of Diana Nemorensis, has produced bases for Vespasian
and Hadrian (Vespasian 9; Hadrian 23). Most of the 131 statue bases found in
sanctuaries defnitely belong to the category of honorary statues, which were
erected in great numbers for both public and private benefactors within the
temenoi of all sanctuaries. A few may have served as bases for cult images,
erected in temples dedicated to other deities, but there are no absolutely cer-
tain examples of this, and it was certainly possible to erect honorary statues
within the cella of a temple as well. Tis seems, for example, to be the case
for a base for a statue of Hadrian erected in the Parthenon (Hadrian 187),
which Pausanias also saw.`'
Imperial cult
Temples and shrines dedicated to one or more emperors naturally had some
form of representation that served as a cult image.`' While many such tem-
ples have been identifed epigraphically, inscribed statue bases are attested far
less frequently, and there is reason to assume that cult statues of emperors,
like cult statues of deities, regularly did not carry dedicatory inscriptions.`''
Furthermore, it is not always entirely clear which images in a temple received
cult, and which did not. Te most famous example of this is the statue group
in the Metroon in Olympia.`'" In his discussion of this building, Pausanias
says that it no longer held a cult image (o yoo) of Meter, but instead statues
273. Raubitschek 1943, 128-133. Paus. 1.24.7.
276. For cult statues in imperial temples, see Price 1984 and Hnlin-Schfer 1983.
277. Veyne 1962, 63.
278. For the statues and the chronology of the group, see Hitzl 1991 and Stone 1983,
377-391.
120 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
voio (o vtr) of the Roman kings.`'' His choice of words certainly indicates
that these were not cult images. An inscription over the entrance of rather
poor quality indicates that the building, probably referred to in the inscrip-
tion as a vo o (restoration), was dedicated to Augustus.`"" Tus the colossal
statue of Augustus placed centrally at the back of the cella must in fact have
been the cult image. Unfortunately, the base for this statue is not preserved.
However, the six other statues placed along the side walls were not necessarily
cult images. Two fragmented inscriptions from statue bases for Vespasian and
Domitian (Vespasian 30; Domitian 31), one found in the cella of the Heraion,
the other in a lime kiln near the treasuries, may indeed have belonged to the
statues found in the Metroon. Teir use of the accusative case might explain
why Pausanias judged the statues to be honorifc rather than cultic statues. A
similar arrangement of statues is found in Kestros. Te temple dedicated to
Vespasian held a cult statue of Vespasian with an inscription employing the
dative case (Vespasian 76), surrounded by statues of his sons with inscriptions
in the accusative case (only Titus 63 preserved). Te later additions of statue
bases likewise employ the accusative case (Nerva 46; Trajan 187; Hadrian 397,
398). Tis distinction between the original cult image and the later additions
may indicate that they did not receive cult. In Boubon, however, all the in-
scriptions from the so-called sebasteion employ the accusative case (Nerva
32; Lucius Verus 113; Marcus Aurelius 213; Commodus 81),`"' and so does
the inscription on a base for Commodus from temple B in Cyrene (Com-
modus 76). In both instances it has been generally accepted that the statues
served as cult images.
Two dedications of imperial temples have been included in the catalogue
because the inscriptions mention both the temple and cult statue (Trajan 92;
Antoninus Pius 102). Whether the inscriptions were placed in the immediate
vicinity of the images is unknown in both instances. In Pagus Stellatinus a
2.44-metre wide slab of stone that may have belonged to a built-up base has
ordinary honorifc inscriptions for Augustus and Gaius and Lucius Caesar
(Augustus 31), but the object of the dedication according to the inscription
was an aedes with signa, which could imply a cult building. Statue bases have
also been found in buildings belonging to the Augustales in Misenum (Ves-
279. Pausanias 3.20.9.
280. IvO 366.
281. Inan 1993, 213-239.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 121
pasian 8; Domitian 3, 6; Nerva 6, 7, 8; Trajan 13) and in Rusellae (Augustus
33), but there is no proof either that these images ever served as cult statues or
whether only those statues erected in the imperial temples received cult.`"`
Private contexts
From the literary sources we know that portraits of the emperor were found
in private houses and villas in great numbers,`"` and many extant portraits
are known to have been found in such contexts, notably in Italy.`" Te com-
monest type of portrait in private contexts seems to have been the bust, but
there are also examples of life-size statues, like the statue of Augustus in Livias
Villa at Prima Porta. Small portraits of emperors kept in the lararium, reported
by several authors,`" have not been identifed archaeologically, but may exist
among the numerous extant miniature imperial portraits.
In sharp contrast to this, we hardly have any epigraphical evidence for
statues in private contexts. Te only two imperial statue bases found in private
houses may have been moved there from some other location. Te frst was
found in the well in the atrium of a house in Spoletium. Te base belonged to
a statue of Caligula, and it seems probable that it found its way into the well
afer Caligula had been murdered (Caligula 1). Te excavator however, suggests
that the base once stood in the atrium. Te other inscription has been found
in a villa near Knossos (Domitian 33), but again it may have been re-utilised
there.`" In both instances the bases belong to emperors whose portraits and
inscriptions were removed from public view, and it is probable that they did
282. Statues in aedes augustales have been discussed by Witchel in Stemmer 1993, 367-381.
283. Pekary 1983, 33-34.
284. Neudecker (1988, 84-91) discusses the archaeological and literary evidence for imperial
portraits in villas in Italy. Eight of the 78 villas in the catalogue contained imperial por-
traits of the frst and second centuries AD. Imperial portraits in villas outside Italy are less
common, but we have examples in Chiragan (Hannestad 1994, 127-144) and in the two
villas of Herodes Atticus at Marathon (portraits of Marcus Aurelius Lucius Verus found
at Probalinthos: Wegner 1939, 183-186) and at Loukou (a portrait of L. Aelius Caesar:
Stauridis 1983, 339-341). Portraits in domus are known from Rome (Hill 1939, 401-409),
Lanuvium, Velia (Johannowsky 1980, 201-204), Ephesus (Fleischer 1972-1973, 438-442),
Notabile on Malta (Ashby 1913, 34-39), and Patras (Petsas 1971, 131).
283. Ovid, Pont. 2.8.1-6. Suet. Aug. 7.1. SHA, Alex. Sev. 29.2.
286. Chaniotis and Preuss 1991, 191, no. 1.
122 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
not serve as bases at their fnal destination. However, even damned emper-
ors in some instances continued to be revered privately, as the portrait of the
young Domitian found in a grave near Ostia suggests.`"'
Te almost complete lack of inscriptions in private contexts naturally
raises the question of the purpose of inscriptions on statue bases. In private
contexts inscriptions of the honorifc type were superfuous, since there was
no doubt as to the identity of the dedicator of the statues. We could expect
some form of labelling of the portraits, but this does not seem to have been
prevalent. Hardly any busts with imperial portraits carried inscriptions unless
of course they had been made of a perishable material.`"" It seems reasonable
to conclude that labelling imperial statues was not essential for the purpose
of identifcation of the emperor at least not to a contemporary audience in
a private house. By analogy this cannot have been strictly necessary in public
contexts either. Tose who could read the inscription were probably familiar
with the appearance of the emperor already. So why do the inscriptions on
imperial statue bases consistently adhere to the honorifc formula: Te im-
plication is that the imperial statues with inscribed bases were intended and
understood as honorary statues that in principle were not distinguished from
the dedication of statues of any other benefactor. Furthermore, this stresses
the importance attached to the second element in the honorifc inscriptions,
the identity of the dedicator.
287. Calza 1964, 47-48.
288. To my knowledge the two bronze busts of Augustus (Augustus 73) and Livia are the only
examples of imperial busts with dedicatory inscriptions, and since they were ex voto they
probably did not belong in a private context. Another curious example is the date written
on the back of a bust of Commodus in the Sala degli Imperatori del Museo Capitolino,
inv. n. 443: IMP. COM. IIII|AUF. VICT. II|COS|PR. K. F.
1ui cio cv.vuic.i uis1vin0 1io 123
Statues Dedicated Before
and Afer a Reign
Pre-accessional dedications
Prior to their accession, most emperors had been heirs to the throne for a
while, and in the capacity of crown prince would have had their portraits
erected. Tese dedications are interesting for three reasons. Firstly, because
it has been argued that the presence or absence of statues erected prior to the
accession afected the rate and speed at which statues were erected once a
new emperor ascended the throne.`"' Tis problem will be further elaborated
below (p. 144) in the discussion of occasions for erecting imperial portraits.
Secondly, diferences in the geographical distribution and the composition of
the group of dedicators between the pre-accessional bases and those erected
during the reign of an emperor may illuminate regional diferences in attitudes
regarding the honouring of Roman emperors. And fnally, the number of pre-
accessional bases indicates the likelihood of the existence of pre-accessional
portraits and portrait types of an emperor.
289. Stuart 1939, 602.
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 123
Te pre-accessional statue bases during the Julio-Claudian period
Te statue bases for Tiberius from the period before his accession total 41
(26.8 of the total number, Table SC 3).`'" Of the emperors under discussion,
only the fgure for Marcus Aurelius exceeds this. Te earliest attested base for
a statue of Tiberius is dated to the years immediately prior to his frst consul-
ship in 13 BC (Tiberius 64), and from this time onward portrait statues were
erected throughout the Empire (Figs. C2 and G2). Unlike the statue bases
for most other heirs, those for Tiberius have largely been found in the Greek
East. Although relatively few bases can be dated with precision, they seem to
have been dispersed fairly evenly throughout the period. His voluntary exile
on Rhodos during the period 6 BC to AD 2, when Gaius and Lucius Caesar
were Augustus frst choices as heirs, cannot be shown to have decreased the
number of statues. Te adoption in AD 4, when Tiberius became heir appar-
ent for the second time, resulted in a slight increase. Tere is a clear distinc-
tion between the western and the eastern part of the Empire in the attitude
towards erecting statues of Tiberius before he became emperor. In the east 16
of the 23 statues were dedicated by cities or their executive bodies, while only
four name private individuals. Of these four, two were erected in Olympia
by the same person, Tiberius Claudius Apollonios (Tiberius 99, 102). In the
west the exact opposite prevails. Here we fnd six bases dedicated by private
individuals, and only one by a city. Contemporary dedications for Augustus
in both the West and the East show a nearly equal share of private and public
dedicators. Generally we fnd a tendency for a larger share of public dedication
in the East than in the West (Tables SC 19 and SC 22), but for Tiberius this
tendency is strongly accentuated, and its signifcance is confrmed by similar
observations for other later heirs to the throne. Of the six identifed portrait
types in the round of Tiberius, the fve frst seem to have been created dur-
ing the reign of Augustus!`'' Only the last, Typus Kopenhagen 624, has no
copies dated prior to AD 14. Even if we assume that most of the copies of the
Typus Chiaramonti created in the late Augustan period belong to the reign
290. Te statue bases for Gaius and Lucius Caesar compiled by Hanson and Johnson (1946,
389-400) show approximately comparable fgures, allowing for the fact that the amount
of evidence has increased slightly since their investigation. Tese have also for the most
part been found in the Greek East. For the extant portraits of Gaius and Lucius Caesar,
see Pollini 1987.
291. Boschung 1993a, 36-38.
126 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
of Tiberius or later,`'` there is still a curious predominance of portraits from
the period before his accession compared with the 26.8 of the bases. Perhaps
other portrait types also continued to be used afer his accession.
Like Tiberius, Caligula was not an unfamiliar face before his accession to
the throne, thanks to the popularity of his father Germanicus. Eight statue
bases are known from the period before AD 37 (Caligula 2, 3, 7-9, 20, 22, 23).
To this should be added an unknown number of bases, destroyed or reused,
afer Caligula had been deposed. Whether the pre-accessional bases of Caligula
were treated less harshly than those dedicated during his reign we cannot tell.
Even if we subtract the three bases found in Vienna, which are clearly not
representative, it is still reasonable to conclude that a fair proportion, perhaps
as much as one-ffh, of the statue bases of Caligula, were dedicated before he
became emperor (Table SE 8). It is curious, therefore, that no portrait types
or even sculpted portraits of the prince have been identifed with certainty.`'`
Apart from the two bases on Kalymna dedicated by the Demos, nothing is
known of the dedicators of these statues. Tose at Ephesus and Ruscino (Ca-
ligula 3, 20) belonged to groups honouring the family of Germanicus, and it
is likely that some of the others originally did so as well.
I have discussed the extremely meagre evidence for pre-accessional statue
bases for Claudius elsewhere.`' Te situation for his adopted son Nero during
the four years from his adoption to AD 34, when Nero became emperor on the
death of Claudius, was rather diferent. During this period a relatively large
number of statues of the young prince were erected, particularly in Italy and
in Asia Minor (Table SE 14). Tese are either part of family groups (Nero 2, 6,
46, 49), or dedications to Nero alone (Nero 7, 8, 33, 42, 31).`' Only the statues
in Pompeii and Halasarna on Kos were dedicated by communities, while fve
were by private individuals. In Apollonia Salbakes, Apollodorus, who seems
to have been a priest of the young prince (Nero 42), dedicated a statue, and
another statue in Magnesia was erected by a priest of his father (Nero 49). G.
Iulius Sostratos, who dedicated a statue in Olympia (Nero 33), was apparently
also highly devoted to the imperial house. He called himself ioxoi oo.
292. As in the case of the statue of Tiberius from the Claudian statue group in Lepcis Magna
(Rose 1997a, 184).
293. Boschung 1989, 62-70, with literature for previous attempts at identifcation.
294. Hojte 2002, 370-371. Only three pre-accessional bases are known: one from the reign of
Augustus, and two from the reign of Caligula (Claudius 30, 37, 111).
293. Naturally, some of these may also have belonged to statue groups that have lef no trace
apart from the base for Nero.
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 127
Te Flavians
Te next four emperors, during the years AD 68 and 69, became emperors
rather unexpectedly, and not surprisingly there is no evidence of honor-
ifc statues of them before their accession. Vespasians two sons Titus and
Domitian, on the other hand, had a large number of portraits erected prior
to their accession. We know of 34 bases (31.3 of the total) for Titus from
the reign of Vespasian, or nearly half the number for Vespasian himself
(Table SE 23). For his younger brother, who had not been given a share in
the government but only carried the title princeps iuventutis, we know of
13 bases. However, to this should be added an unknown number of monu-
ments that were destroyed afer the murder of Domitian. Two characteristics
clearly distinguish the pre-accessional statue bases for Titus and Domitian
from those of their father. Tey are far more prolifc in the West than in the
East, and they were predominantly dedicated by private individuals. 76
of the pre-accessional bases for Titus have been found in the West, none
have turned up in Greece, and in Asia Minor only one of the seven bases
found was not apparently part of a statue group together with his father
(Titus 31). Only six communities appear as dedicators (Titus 16, 19, 20, 23,
30, 39), while no less than 12 mention private individuals or corporations.
By contrast, among the statue bases for Vespasian from the same period we
fnd nearly twice as many public as private dedications. Nearly half of all the
pre-accessional bases for both Titus and Domitian can be shown to belong
to statue groups with Vespasian, and more may have done so in antiquity.`'
Dynastic commemoration thus seems to have been a prevalent reason for
erecting these statues.
Te heirs of the adoptive and Antonine emperors
Marcus Cocceius Nerva, a most distinguished senator and twice consul, was
chosen by the Senate as the new emperor afer the murder of Domitian. We
have at least three bases dedicated to a Marcus Cocceius Nerva,`'' but since
the emperors father, grandfather and great-grandfather had all carried that
name, it is dimcult to distinguish between them. Two of the bases almost
296. Titus 1, 3, 18, 28, 33, 34, 37-39, 30, 62-64; Domitian 1, 22, 23, 27, 34, 62, 64.
297. Tanagra: (Nerva 28). Lagina: BCH 44 (1920) 73-74, no. 4. Teos: SEG 4, 604.
128 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
certainly carried statues of his grandfather, but the one in Tanagra (Nerva
28) probably refers to the future emperor.
Nerva adopted Trajan, who was stationed on the Rhine frontier at the time,
late in October 97 AD and approximately three months before his own death
on 28 January 98. While cities were busy erecting statues of Nerva, no statue
bases for the new heir have been preserved from this period. Te time avail-
able seems to have been too short, especially during the winter, when sailing
was avoided if possible.
Troughout the reign of Trajan, Hadrian had been the emperors closest
male relative, and with the betrothal to Sabina around AD 100, he had been
brought closer into the family. He never achieved the position of heir apparent,
and was not adopted until immediately before the death of Trajan in August
AD 117, if at all.`'" Te number of statue bases erected before his accession
is limited to two bases in Athens and Coronea (Hadrian 186, 238). Te frst
almost certainly belongs to the year AD 112-113, when Hadrian served as
archon in Athens,`'' and the second may well have been erected on the same
occasion. It is remarkable that there are only two statue bases for a relative of
the emperor during a period of twenty years, and this certainly indicates that
Hadrian had not taken an active part in the administration of the Empire,
and was not presented as the obvious successor to Trajan.
Antoninus Pius had only been heir to the throne for four and a half
months when Hadrian died at Baia. Tis period was only slightly longer
than between the adoption and the succession of Trajan, but unlike 40 years
previously we possess bases for Antoninus Pius erected during his period as
heir to the throne. One was dedicated in Rome on 13 May. Te other was
erected in Cyrene together with a statue of Hadrian at an unspecifed date
(Antoninus Pius 1, 209). Prior to that a statue had been erected in Hierapolis
when he served as governor in Asia (Antoninus Pius 233). Antoninus Pius
was not Hadrians frst choice as heir. In the autumn of AD 136, Hadrian had
adopted L. Aelius Caesar, and in the period from his adoption to his death,
approximately a year and four months later, L. Aelius Caesar was honoured
with an extraordinarily large number of statues for a designated heir.`"" Te
high level of activity apparently extended to the second choice Antoninus
Pius as well. Tis striking diference between the number of pre-accessional
298. On the adoption of Hadrian and its consequences, see Syme 1984, 32-33 and Mertens
1977, 247, 260.
299. Graindor 1934, 18.
300. Hojte 1999, 217-238.
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 129
statue bases for Hadrian, and Hadrians own choices of heirs, indicates that
the emperors policy on succession was made public, and that communities
in some way were encouraged to dedicate statues of the heir apparent. Tey
were not necessarily instructed to do so, but they may have felt an obliga-
tion. Personal devotion or general popularity, like that of the young princes
Gaius and Lucius Caesar, Titus and Domitian or Marcus Aurelius and Lucius
Verus, was probably not the reason in light of the relatively short period L.
Aelius Caesar and Antoninus Pius were heirs. Communities erected the vast
majority of the statue bases for L. Aelius Caesar. Te systematic way in which
statues of Hadrians heirs were distributed strongly suggests that an omcial
portrait type of Antoninus Pius had been conceived at the time of the adop-
tion.`"' However, it is far from certain that any pre-accessional portraits of
the emperors from Nerva to Antoninus Pius should have been preserved.
During the reign of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius was clearly more
favoured and promoted than Lucius Verus judging from the surviving state
bases, as we possess more than twice as many bases for Marcus Aurelius (77)
as for Lucius Verus (33) (Tables SE 41 & SE 44). With regard to the portraits
the diference seems to be even more pronounced.`"` However, once they both
became emperors this discrepancy immediately disappeared and throughout
the 160s an equal number of statues were erected to the two emperors (Ta-
bles C 13 & C 17). Although the number of bases for each prince varies, their
geographical distribution is almost identical. 40 were erected in Italy, about
30 in North Africa, and 13 in Greece and Asia Minor. Compared to the
contemporaneous dedications for Antoninus Pius, Italy had a far larger share,
whereas the Greek East seems to have been less interested in dedicating statues
of the princes. We have little knowledge of the chronological distribution in the
period AD 138 to 161, since relatively few of the bases can be dated with any
precision. Te 18 precisely dated bases for Marcus Aurelius and the nine for
Lucius Verus seem to have been erected continuously throughout the period
(Tables C 14 and C 16). Te numbers are generally too small to identify any
connections with historical events. One diference in the evidence of the two
princes is worth commenting on. Tere are far more communities among the
dedicators of statues of Marcus Aurelius than of Lucius Verus. Tis may refect
301. As also suggested by Evers (1991, 249-262).
302. Fittschen (1999, 13-31) enumerates 69 portraits of Marcus Aurelius of Typus Capitol and
Typus Umzien-Toulouse. Presumably no portraits of these types were created afer his
accession. In contrast there are only 17 portraits of Lucius Verus (32-43).
130 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
the position of Marcus Aurelius as omcial heir to the throne afer Antoninus
Pius.
Te earliest evidence of a statue base for Commodus is the plaque found in
the Capitolium in Sabratha belonging to a large monument for all the children
of Marcus Aurelius and Faustina Minor. Tis must have been erected afer AD
164, but before AD 166 when Commodus was given the title Caesar. He was
only three to fve years old at this time (Commodus 33). It is no longer possible
to determine where the monument originally stood. Before Marcus Aurelius
elevated Commodus to co-regent in AD 176-177, two or perhaps three further
statue bases are known (Commodus 6, 33, 72).`"` Fittschen remarks that there
is surprisingly little evidence of statue bases in the period from AD 176 to 180
compared with the number of extant portraits, and ascribes this to the destruc-
tion of monuments afer the damnatio memoriae of Commodus.`" However,
in addition to the four monuments referred to by Fittschen (Commodus 22,
80, 82, 83), I think we can add another 13 (Commodus 1, 2, 10, 11, 24, 30,
34, 61, 63, 72, 73, 92, 93). Even with the addition of these there still seem to
be more portraits than bases.`" With respect to the composition of the group
of dedicators, the pre-accessional bases for Commodus deviate signifcantly
from the norm. In all 16 instances where the identity of the dedicator can be
determined, communities had dedicated the statue. Tis does not necessarily
signal a changed attitude towards erecting statues of Caesares, since the same
development can be observed for the statue bases for Marcus Aurelius. With
the exception of North Africa, where summa honoraria continue to pay for a
few statues, private individuals almost completely disappear as dedicators of
imperial statues during the 170s.
Conclusion
Two characteristics distinguish the statue bases for heirs from those for em-
perors. Geographically they tend to be far more numerous in the Latin West
than in the Greek East. Italy in particular accounts for a high proportion of
303. Te base in Sitifs (Commodus 30) can probably be dated prior to AD 172 because of the
lack of the title Germanicus in the name formula of Marcus Aurelius, but as we have seen
this criterion is not infallible.
304. Fittschen 1999, 62, n. 336 and 66, n. 343.
303. Fittschen (1999, 33-66) enumerates 23 portraits of the four types created before the acces-
sion in AD 180.
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 131
the dedications. Exceptions to this rule are the heirs of Augustus, who seem to
have been very popular in Greece and in the province of Asia. Te view that
the Greeks were more interested in paying honours to the reigning emperor
is confrmed by the nearly identical distribution of the statue bases of Divi (p.
139). Te higher percentage of dedications in Italy may also explain the high
survival rate for the portraits of the Flavian and Antonine princes compared
with the epigraphical evidence. Te second distinguishing characteristic is that
with regard to the composition of the group of dedicators, the epigraphical
evidence shows that private individuals generally were more inclined than
communities to honour an heir to the throne even when the geographical
diferences are taken into account.
Posthumous dedications
Since external reasons can rarely be used to identify portraits as posthumous
typically statues belonging to dynastic statue groups`" and since it has
proven impossible to determine any characteristics unique to posthumous
portraits, their identifcation relies predominantly on stylistic analysis. Tis
method is of course open to subjective opinions, and scholars ofen disagree
on which portraits of an emperor are posthumous. Furthermore, the method is
unlikely to distinguish between portraits that were produced only a few years
or even months apart, because the largely mechanical method of copying por-
traits would repeat stylistic traits beyond the period to which they belong.`"'
Te evidence of the statue bases can help us determine more precisely how
common posthumous statues of emperors were in antiquity, as well as giving
us valuable information about who dedicated statues of Divi and where.
306. Statue groups with deceased emperors were particularly common during the Julio-Clau-
dian period, see Rose 1997a, cat. nos. 13, 17, 18, 23, 29, 30, 43, 30, 31, 63, 69, 83, 123, 126,
127.
307. See the discussion of the identifcation of posthumous portraits of Augustus in Boschung
1993a, 66-68.
One trait that can be used to identify portraits of Divus Augustus is the radiate crown,
but these crowns could feasibly have been added posthumously to already existing por-
traits. Te statue types showing the emperor naked or half-naked may have been preferred
for statues of Divi, but they are not exclusively used for this purpose.
132 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Augustus
As the founder not only of the Julio-Claudian dynasty but of the imperial
system, Augustus enjoyed great popularity afer his death. Honorary statues
of him continued to be erected in signifcant numbers into the third century
and probably later. No less than 47 or almost one-quarter of all the dedica-
tions of statues of Augustus were posthumous (Table SC 6).`"" Italy accounts
for the largest share, but the bases generally have a wider distribution than
that of the later Divi. Posthumous dedications are more frequent in Spain
and the Greek East in particular. 13 of these bases can be shown to belong to
statue groups. In most of these the statue of Divus Augustus was included to
lend an aura of divinity to his successors Tiberius: Lucus Feroniae (Augustus
47),`"' Berge (Augustus 119), Apollonia (Augustus 139), Lindos (Augustus
176); Caligula: Veleia (Augustus 36); Claudius: Casinum: (Augustus 14),`'"
Herculaneum (Augustus 16), Verona (Augustus 62), Cyzicus (Augustus 164),
Lepcis Magna (Augustus 114), and even Vespasian: Tarraco (Augustus 93),
Tibilis (Augustus 110). In the Greek East, communities dedicated nearly all
the statues of Divus Augustus. In the West, on the other hand, the initiative
to a large extent came from private individuals, very ofen people involved in
the imperial cult. We fnd a famen Divi Augusti provinciae Lusitaniae dedicat-
ing a statue in Emerita (Augustus 96), and the Augustales dedicated statues
in Herculaneum, Trebula Sufenas, Clunia, Conimbriga, Olisipo and Corinth
(Augustus 17, 37, 88, 94, 97, 133).
Te Julio-Claudian emperors
Tiberius was the only emperor who was not deifed, but still had statues
dedicated afer his death. Te lack of omcial recognition within the state
cult, however, does not seem to have afected the number of posthumous
statues negatively. Te nine known bases are naturally far below the number
308. Augustus 7, 8, 14, 16-18, 23, 27, 33-37, 41, 47, 49, 36, 39, 62, 72, 88, 92-94, 97, 99, 108,
110, 113-113, 117, 118, 119-122, 132, 133, 134, 139, 160, 164, 176, 191, 194.
309. Moretti 1983, 71-109. A large number of fragmented marble slabs with inscriptions for
members of the Julio-Claudian family have been found in Lucus Feroniae. It seems prob-
able that they once belonged in the building adjoining the forum with remains of several
bases, including one for Trajan (Figs. 4-3).
310. Fuchs 1987, 22-26.
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 133
for Augustus, but exceed the number for Claudius.`'' Te frst posthumous
dedication was probably the huge base in the Mausoleum of Augustus (Ti-
berius 11). Although the emperors name appears in the nominative case, it is
reasonable to assume that the stone served as a support for a representation of
the emperor.`'` Te only other base that may date to the reign of Caligula is
the testamentary gif by M. Pulfennus of a silver bust of the emperor in Teate
Marrucinorum (Tiberius 31). Te other bases belong to the reign of Claudius,
and most frequently form part of dynastic groups (Tiberius 14, 41, 76, 116).
Te nature of the dedication in Tarracina (Tiberius 19) is unclear, but may
have been accompanied by statues of Tiberius and Livia. From the inscription
it would appear that the statues had been erected during their lifetime and then
changed and re-dedicated afer Livia had been deifed in AD 42. While there
are fve dedications sponsored by private individuals, only one city chose to
honour Tiberius afer his death. Te city of Sardis dedicated a statue of him
during the reign of Claudius (Tiberius 139) in his capacity of founder and
benefactor, and out of gratitude for his care for the city afer the earthquake
in AD 17. Te base was later reused, and its original setting is unknown. It
may have stood in one of the building projects initiated by the emperor.
Te inscriptions from the posthumous statue bases for Claudius are much
less informative than those for Tiberius.`'` Only the base from Ephesus, which
probably carried statues of the deifed Claudius and Nero (Claudius 121),`'
and a monument with statues of Claudius and Vespasian (Claudius 81), can
be assigned approximate dates. It is unclear whether the second dedication
was conceived as a group, or whether the statue of the deifed Claudius was
later joined by one of Vespasian and possibly one of Titus.`' Two inscriptions
carry information as to the motive for the erections. One was a testamentary
gif (Claudius 33), and the inhabitants of Volubilis dedicated a statue because
the city had been elevated to the status of municipium by Claudius (Clau-
dius 68).
311. Tiberius 11, 14, 19, 31, 41, 76, 90, 116, 139.
312. Te function of the inscribed blocks from the mausoleums of both Augustus and Hadrian
is not entirely clear. All the inscriptions from the Mausoleum of Hadrian have long been
lost, but the well preserved base for Nerva (Nerva 3) from the Mausoleum of Augustus
defnitely looks as if it served as a statue base. See also Hesberg and Panciera 1994.
313. Claudius 26, 33, 68, 70, 80, 81, 121.
314. Te identifcation rests on the assumption that the statues erected by the procurator were
those of Divus Claudius and Nero mentioned earlier in the inscription.
313. Stuart 1938, 16.
134 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Te Flavians
Apart from the bases erected in the provincial temple in Ephesus, which were
altered afer AD 96 from dedications for Domitian and seemingly placed in
diferent places throughout the city (Domitian 41-33), all the statue bases for
the deifed Vespasian belong to statue groups.`' In Tarraco (Vespasian 26)
and in Tugga (Vespasian 43) the statues belonged with bases for Divus Au-
gustus, and the latter seems to have been erected in the third century AD. In
Munigua (Vespasian 28; Titus 23), and in Heliopolis (Vespasian 79; Titus 63)
the statues were accompanied by those of the deifed Titus. Te frst two were
erected by the municipium, a status the city of Munigua had received from
Vespasian, while the other two were testamentary gifs. Te combination of
Vespasian and Titus is also found in the meeting place of the Augustales in
Misenum, probably erected in the post-Domitianic period since the inscrip-
tion cut on a marble plaque accompanying the statue of Vespasian (Vespasian
8) on the reverse side contains a dedication to Domitian (Domitian 3).`''
Monuments honouring Domitian, which also included statues of Vespasian
and Titus, have been found in three locations in Asia Minor (Vespasian 36,
60, 70; Titus 31, 33, 61; Domitian 36, 36, 61). Te remaining eight dedications
for the deifed Titus do not seem to have been part of statue groups. Only
the two arches in Rome, one of them dedicated by Trajan (Titus 10), can be
dated with any precision.`'"
Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian
Nerva was in a sense the founder of a new dynasty that lasted into the third
century. Tanks to his fctitious adoption by Marcus Aurelius, Septimius
Severus became a descendent of all the emperors back to Nerva. Te fact that
he promoted this dynastic link is seen not only in the fliation in his inscrip-
tions, but also in a monument he dedicated to his great-great-grandfather in
Rome (Nerva 3). Possibly this inscription is the sole survivor of a group of
statue bases for all the ancestors of Septimius Severus. Te dynastic role of
Nerva probably also caused him to be included in the statue group dedicated
316. Vespasian 4, 8, 23, 28, 42, 43, 36, 60, 70, 79; Titus 6, 7, 10, 23, 26, 36, 42, 48, 31, 33, 61,
63, 66.
317. Franciscis 1991.
318. For the date of the arch of Titus, see Pfanner 1983.
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 133
by Plancia Magna in Perge during the reign of Hadrian (Nerva 43). Divus
Nerva also appears on a base together with Trajan (Nerva 49), and once he is
referred to as the father of Trajan (Nerva 41). Otherwise the bases are rather
uninformative.`'' Since Nerva reigned for only a very short period, his statues
could not possibly have been erected in all the contexts in which statues of his
predecessors stood, but there does not seem to have been any attempt to add
his statue later; unless of course some of the many bases seemingly erected
during his lifetime in fact only went up afer his death with the inscriptions as
they would have appeared at the time the statue was decided on. Te number
of posthumous statue bases for Nerva equals those for earlier Divi Vespasian
and Titus. Still, with more than a quarter of the bases erected posthumously
(Table SC 6), we should expect a fair share of the portraits of Nerva to be
posthumous creations.``"
Contrary to what we might expect judging from the popularity of Trajan,
both in his own and in later times, remarkably few posthumous bases for
statues of him exist.``' Tis becomes even more curious when we consider
that the reign of Hadrian probably saw more imperial statues being dedicated
than during any other period of the principate (Fig. C 19). Te deifed Trajan
appears in the series of Divi in Tugga (Trajan 91) and the monument dedi-
cated by Plancia Magna in Perge (Trajan 173), both mentioned above; all the
other eight bases are single monuments, and it would seem that Trajan was
not particularly promoted as a dynastic link during the reign of Hadrian.
We know of 18 posthumous statue bases for Hadrian almost twice as
many as Trajans. Only the base from his mausoleum (Hadrian 16) and three
bases that refer to Hadrian as the father of Antoninus Pius can be dated with
certainty (Hadrian 136, 163, 407). Although Hadrians arrangements for the
succession in AD 138 had far-reaching consequences, his role in the dynasty
was apparently not emphasised to any great extent. A statue of the deifed
Hadrian was included in the family group on the Nymphaeum of Herodes At-
ticus in Olympia,``` but probably only because of his relationship to Herodes
Atticus family. Later we fnd the scene of the adoption depicted on a relief
from a monument, possibly in honour of Lucius Verus in Ephesus.``` A no-
319. Nerva 3, 3, 11, 13, 17, 20, 21, 24, 23, 33, 41, 43, 49.
320. For the portraits of Nerva, see Bergmann and Zanker 1981, 380-403.
321. Trajan 17, 40, 47, 61, 66, 84, 90, 91, 173, 191.
322. For the arrangement of the group, see Bol 1984.
323. Hannestad 1983, 201-204.
136 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
table change from former Divi is that the bases for Hadrian were predomi-
nantly dedicated by communities, three of which honoured Hadrian as the
founder of their municipium (Hadrian 113 [Choba], 162 [Turris Tamalleni],
94 [Mursa]). Tis may refect the very active policy of Hadrian towards the
cities of the Empire, which caused a number of cities to erect his statue not
only during his reign, but also afer his death.``
Te Antonine emperors
Afer Augustus, the 26 bases for Antoninus Pius is the largest number of
dedications. It is curious that while plenty of evidence exists for statue groups
of Antoninus Pius with his two adopted sons, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius
Verus,`` we only possess one Antonine group of statue bases including the
deifed Antoninus Pius. In Apamea his statue, fanked by those of Marcus
Aurelius and Lucius Verus, was placed on a console on the colonnaded street
(Antoninus Pius 282, Fig. 8). Tus the large number of bases cannot be ex-
plained solely by his dynastic role. However, seven inscriptions state that An-
toninus Pius was the father of the reigning emperors (Antoninus Pius 18, 103,
110, 113, 121, 163, 177). Communities become more numerous as dedicators
of posthumous statues, and at least two of the communities that dedicated
statues of the deifed Antoninus Pius, Lanuvium and Verecunda, did so to ex-
press their gratitude for benefts they had received from the former emperor
(Antoninus Pius 23: Senatus populusque Laurens quod privilegia eorum non
modo custodierit sed etiam ampliaverit, 130: Ex cuius indulgentia aqua vico
Augustorum Verecendens perducta est). Private initiative was still frequent,
and statues were dedicated both as summa honoraria (Antoninus Pius 104,
103, 121), and by people who had enjoyed direct benefts like the alimentari
in Sestinum (Antoninus Pius 31).
Lucius Verus was one of the deifed emperors to have the fewest post-
humous statues dedicated. All eight bases seem to belong to the reign of
Marcus Aurelius, and at least three of them are companion pieces to bases
for Marcus Aurelius (Lucius Verus 44, 67, 97). Te obvious explanation for
the limited interest in dedicating posthumous statues of Lucius Verus is that
he had only been a junior colleague to an emperor who was still reigning,
324. Boatwright 2000, 39-40.
323. Fittschen 1999.
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 137
and that according to later sources he was incapable as an emperor.`` On
the other hand, the number of statue bases for Lucius Verus erected during
the almost eight years of joint rule equals or may even exceed that of his
colleague Marcus Aurelius (compare Figs. C 13 and C 17). A more correct
interpretation of the evidence should take into consideration that the 170s
AD, the period when we should expect statues of Divus Verus to be erected,
generally show very little evidence of dedication of imperial statues, possi-
bly because of the efects of Antonine Plague and the ferce and costly wars
being fought on the northern frontier.
When Marcus Aurelius died in AD 180 the number of dedications of im-
perial statues had risen again, and consequently we fnd more posthumous
bases for Marcus Aurelius than for Lucius Verus.``' Furthermore, Commodus
was the frst emperor since Domitian to inherit the throne from his natural
father, and the numerous bases referring to Marcus Aurelius as the father of
Commodus may refect the political use of Marcus Aurelius to legitimise the
rule of Commodus. However, only one of these bases can be shown to belong
to statue groups with Commodus. In Eleusis one or more cycles of statues,
placed on either one or both of the arches fanking the greater propylon or
in a nymphaeum near the arch, included statues of both the deifed Marcus
Aurelius and Commodus, although the base for the latter is not preserved
(Marcus Aurelius 191).``"
Afer being declared a public enemy and having his name removed from
public monuments, Commodus was rehabilitated and deifed in AD 193 as
a consequence of Septimius Severus attempt to legitimise his rule by claim-
ing that he had been adopted by Marcus Aurelius ffeen years previously.
Tis in efect made Commodus the brother of the new emperor. Te post-
326. Te harsh judgement of the author of Historia Augusta, for example, looms large over
Wegners (1939, 37) wonderful yet dubious characterisation of his portraits: ber die
Gesichtszge des Lucius Verus scheint sich ein Abglanz der hohen und edlen Gesinnung
des Marcus Aurelius zu verbreiten. Darunter aber verbirgt sich ein gemeiner Charakter.
Hinter der niedrigen Stirn fndet kein weiter und hoher Gedankenfug Raum. Der Blick
der Augen ist leer und vordergrndig. Trgheit und Schlameit zeigen sich in der unbe-
weglichen Ausdruckslosigkeit der glatten Wangen. Unsteten Hang und Treibhafigkeit
verrt die ungeschlachte feischige Nase. Am Mund, an den sinnlichen Lippen, ist das Ver-
langen nach ppiger Schwelgerei zu erkennen. Es ist das Bild eines verantwortungslosen,
ausschweifenden Schwchlings, den Marcus Aurelius mit Nachsicht und Piett an seiner
Seite ertrug.
327. Marcus Aurelius 74, 93, 100, 101, 119, 141, 163, 170, 177, 191.
328. Clinton 1989, 36-68; Willers 1990, 93-96; Fittschen 1999, 122-126.
138 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
humous statue bases of Commodus clearly refect the propaganda nature of
the dedications. Nearly half of the inscriptions, particularly those erected in
North Africa, use much more space on enumerating the titles and om ces of
Septimius Severus than on the name of the actual honorand (Commodus 4,
26, 32, 33, 36-38, 42, 39). However, we have no evidence of Severan statue
groups in which statues of Commodus were included. No less than 21 post-
humous statue bases are known for Commodus; a fgure only surpassed by
Augustus and Antoninus Pius.``' Te large majority of these were dedicated
by communities that were evidently eager to right the wrong that had been
done three years previously with the removal of monuments, and thereby
please the new regime. A further factor that might explain the high fgure
is that imperial statue bases again became much more common during the
reign of Septimius Severus, and this may have extended to the posthumous
dedications for Commodus.``"
Conclusion
192 or 8.3 of the statue bases in the catalogue were dedicated posthumously
(Table SC 6). Te number of posthumous dedications for each individual
emperor remains fairly constant throughout the period, with Augustus as
the notable exception. Tere are nearly twice as many posthumous dedica-
tions for him as for the second most commonly honoured Divus, Antoninus
Pius. Tus, whereas the number of pre-accessional bases depends on how
long the later emperor had been the obvious heir to the throne, the number
of posthumous statues is independent of the length of reign. Te rise in the
number of imperial statue bases from the frst to the second century only in-
fuenced the rate of posthumous dedications to a limited extent. With regard
to geographical distribution, the posthumous bases show a pattern distinct
from that of reigning emperors (Table SC 18). Posthumous dedications, like
pre-accesional bases, are much more frequent in the Latin West than in the
Greek East, where honours in the form of statues as well as cult generally focus
329. Commodus 3-3, 16, 21, 26, 30-32, 33-38, 42, 43, 43, 31, 39, 60, 94, 101, 108.
330. Te statue bases of Julia Domna have already been mentioned (Fejfer 1983, 129-138).
Further indications are the large number of extant portraits of Septimius Severus (Mc-
Cann 1968; Soechting 1972) and the large number of statue bases in North Africa and
Asia Minor (Inan and Rosenbaum 1966, 42-33).
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 139
on the ruling emperor.``' Italy, which had been the most important place for
posthumous statues of Augustus and Tiberius, has waning importance afer
the Julio-Claudian period, and, with the exception of the city of Rome, such
statues disappear from Italy almost completely during the Antonine period. At
this time posthumous dedications become very common in North Africa, and
these account for more than half the total of the second-century evidence.
With the exception of Augustus, it is characteristic that statues of Divi
were generally erected within a very short period afer their death. 64 of the
posthumous bases for Divi, other than Augustus, can be dated more precisely.
38 of these belong to the reign of the immediate successor or in the case
of Tiberius, Vespasian and Commodus to the reigns of Claudius, Domitian
and Septimius Severus. 33 of the bases can be dated more precisely within
the reign of the successor, and of these 24 were dedicated within fve years
of the death of the emperor. Te bases dedicated later are the monuments in
Larissa with statues of Divus Claudius and Vespasian, which may originally
have been a Neronian monument, the arch for Titus dedicated by Trajan in
Rome (Titus 9),``` a base for a statue of Nerva dedicated by Plancia Magna
in Perge during the early Hadrianic period (Nerva 43), a statue group which
also included a statue of Augustus (Augustus 191), and fnally the base for
Nerva dedicated by Septimius Severus (Nerva 3). Another three bases may
be added to the list if the group of Divi in Tugga is included in the Severan
period (Vespasian 42; Trajan 91; Hadrian 160). As regards the less well-dated
monuments, we have no reason to believe that these should have a diferent
chronological distribution, and it would seem that with the exception of
331. Price 1984, 216. Only 3 of the bases in Greece and Asia Minor are posthumous. Latin
inscriptions make a clear distinction between dedications to living and dead emperors
by exchanging all titles and omces with Divus, and are thus easily recognised. In Greek
inscriptions the transition is much less clear. Oro could be employed as a translation
of Divus denoting deifcation, as seen in the bilingual inscriptions dedicated by Plancia
Magna in Perge (Augustus 191; Nerva 43; Trajan 173), but these are very literal translations
you using for example Au otmi instead of Erootmi . Oro was also frequently employed
in dedications for living emperors in the sense divine (Augustus 142, 144, 173, 190, 202;
Tiberius 144; Caligula 19, 23; Claudius 131, 149; Nero 33, 34, 36; Domitian 39; Trajan
112), and it is sometimes dim cult to diferentiate between the two meanings. Te Greek
posthumous dedications, like their Latin counterparts, tend to use an abridged name for-
mula (Hadrian 407), but its usage is not consistent. In the corpus those inscriptions that
can be dated by the content of the inscription or because of its context, and those that
employ the abridged name formula, have been assigned posthumous dates.
332. Magi 1973, 100-116.
140 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Augustus portraits erected long afer the death of an emperor were extremely
rare. Tis argument is further strengthened by the fact that while the major-
ity of the posthumous bases for Commodus refer to him as the brother of
Septimius Severus, no posthumous bases for Marcus Aurelius refer to him as
his father, and it would seem therefore that none of these were erected afer
the death of Commodus. On the other hand, statues of Augustus were erected
over a longer time span. Te last known base was dedicated in the early part
of the third century (Augustus 118). Somewhat earlier we fnd a base during
the reign of Hadrian (Augustus 191). At this time we also fnd the last coin
portrait of Augustus before the mid-third century consecratio coins under
Decius and the fourth century contorniates again revive the portraits of former
emperors.``` Seven bases can be assigned to the Tiberian period (Augustus 8,
18, 72, 113, 119, 139, 176), one to the reign of Caligula (Augustus 36), fve to
the Claudian period (Augustus 49, 62, 96, 114, 164), and two to the Flavian
period (Augustus 93, 110).
Private initiative was more prevalent among posthumous dedications than
among dedications of statues of reigning emperors; and when public bodies
decided to honour a deifed emperor, they regularly had very specifc reasons
for doing so for instance the granting of a higher civic status (Augustus
108; Claudius 68; Trajan 47; Hadrian 94, 113, 162), or because of benefts
and gifs given during the lifetime of the emperor (Tiberius 139; Hadrian
41; Antoninus Pius 23, 130). Personal devotion seems to have been a factor
for the dedicators of the statues. Among the Latin inscriptions, 8 out of 26
testamentary outlays for imperial statues were for Divi. Perhaps the emper-
ors named in the testaments had died afer a testament was drawn up and
before it was executed, but it is equally possible that the testators wanted to
honour an emperor they had served, or who had furthered their careers. For
instance, famines and seviri were responsible for the majority of the privately
funded dedications for Divus Augustus (Augustus 17, 37, 88, 94, 96, 97, 133).
During the second century AD, famines erected a number of statues of Divi
from their summa honoraria in North Africa (Hadrian 136; Antoninus Pius
121; Marcus Aurelius 100; Lucius Verus 67, 97; Commodus 37, 38), although
it was always more common for priests in the imperial cult to erect statues
of the reigning emperor. Among the dedicators of posthumous statues, we
also fnd an unusually large number of people who do not seem to have held
public om ce.
333. Mattingly 1949, 117-118. Mattingly 1930-1940, vol. II, 404. For emperors on fourth cen-
tury contorniats, see Mittag 1999, 127-146.
s1.10is uiuic.1iu niiovi .u .i1iv . viic 141
In the Julio-Claudian period, Augustus and to some extent Tiberius as
well as other prominent members of the imperial family, were included in
dynastic statue groups to legitimise the position of the reigning emperor. Afer
the Flavian period, the political role of the Divi diminishes and they largely
disappear from statue groups, which instead emphasise succession. Statues
of Divi more ofen appear as single monuments erected by communities or
individuals that had a specifc reason for honouring the former emperor. Te
continuity of the imperial system is instead expressed by appending statues
of reigning emperors to already existing statue groups, for instance in the
Caserma dei Vigili in Ostia, in the basilica in Veleia, in front of the Parthenon,
in the Metroon in Olympia, and in the so-called augustea in Boubon, Kestros,
Asar, Patara, Syene and Cyrene.``
334. Ostia: Lanciani 1889, 72-83; Veleia: Saletti 1968. Rose 1997a, 121-126; Athens: Trajan 103;
Olympia: Hitzl 1991, Stone III 1983, 377-391; Boubon: Inan 1993, 213-239; Kestros: Ves-
pasian 76; Titus 63; Nerva 46; Trajan 187; Hadrian 397. In Asar a group of nearly identical
bases for the Antonines have been found (Antoninus Pius 2763; Marcus Aurelius 231).
Similar to the arrangement in Kestros, the base for Antoninus Pius employs the dative
case for the name, whereas the others are in the accusative (Brard 1892, 436-438); Pa-
tara: Hadrian 372; Marcus Aurelius 237; Lucius Verus 128; Syene: Trajan 203; Antoninus
Pius 291; Lucius Verus 139; Cyrene: Goodchild 1961, 83-87.
142 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Occasions for Erecting
Imperial Statues
In order to understand not only the practical aspects of production and dis-
tribution but also the meaning and function of imperial statues, it is neces-
sary to know what occasions motivated their erection. Although portraits of
emperors have been studied systematically for the past two hundred years,
and we today have knowledge of minute details in the arrangement of the
hair on many of the extant portraits,`` ideas about when and for what reason
imperial statues were erected have remained intriguingly obscure. Tis lack
of knowledge is closely connected to the problems inherent in the current
methodology in the study of imperial portraits described above. Te strong
focus on the determination of the characteristics and the date of the Urbild
for each successive portrait type, have led to an overemphasis on imperial
propaganda and occasions related to the emperor as a motivation for erect-
ing statues. Well-dated coins show that the introduction of new portrait types
sometimes coincided with important events in the life of an emperor, with
accession, military victories, jubilees, the holding of magistracies and the
granting of honorifc titles being the commonest of these. Since the portrait
types on coins usually correspond to portrait types in the round, they must
have had a common origin, most probably a statue created for that specifc
occasion by a court sculptor. Te fact that new portrait types were sometimes
created in connection with specifc events related to the emperor, and that these
Urbilder were erected at a prominent position in Rome to commemorate
333. For example, the thorough study of the portraits of Augustus by Boschung 1993a, Bei-
lage 1-9.
o cc.sios iov ivic1ic imvivi.i s1.10is 143
the event, does not mean that such events necessarily served as occasions for
erecting imperial statues throughout the Empire. Since very few portraits can
be dated with enough precision to address such issues, the literary and epi-
graphical evidence has been scrutinised for answers. Te approach, as adopted
for example by Pekary,`` is to fnd examples of occasions mentioned in liter-
ary sources and inscriptions. Tese sometimes confrm the pre-eminence of
the role of the emperor for the choice of occasion.``' Te problem with such
investigations, however, is that they only take into account the relatively few
examples that explicitly state the reason for the dedication, and leave out all
the ones that do not. By detailed investigation of the chronological distribu-
tion of a complete corpus of inscriptions from statue bases of an emperor,
we can obtain a much more reliable impression of the importance of events
related to the emperors person.
If it was customary for communities throughout the Empire to erect im-
perial statues on such occasions, this should have a noticeable impact on the
histograms. On the other hand, if it is not possible to establish a general con-
nection between important events in the lives and careers of the emperors
and increased frequencies of dedications, it can be inferred that these events
did not generally serve as occasions for erecting imperial statues, and other
motivating factors must be sought.
Accession
Literary and epigraphical sources, together with preserved portraits of em-
perors and empresses who reigned for only a brief period, testify that impe-
rial portraits could be erected within a very short time span.``" However,
the fact that this was possible does not necessarily mean that it was actually
336. Pekary 1983, 22-28.
337. Although Pekary stresses that there was not necessarily a specifc reason for erecting im-
perial statues and that local conditions played a role, all the occasions discussed except
one relate to the emperors person.
338. Te literary evidence for rapidly erected imperial statues appears in Friedlnder (1923,
III 61-62), together with a few epigraphic examples. Swif (1923, 299-300) merely repeats
this. Pekary (1983, 23-24) adds a few more pieces of evidence. For portraits during the
brief reigns of Galba, Otho and Vitellius, see Fabbricotti 1976; Jucker (1961-62, 331-337);
Bergmann and Zanker (1981, 346-347); Varner (1993).
144 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
widely practised. In certain contexts and situations it was obviously desirable
to have the current emperors portrait in place within the shortest possible
time afer his accession. Te frst concern of a new administration was to at-
tend to the legions, and it is quite possible that portraits of the new emperor
were despatched to the military camps to be erected in the sacellum where
the soldiers took the oath of allegiance. Tis naturally became more urgent
in times of political turmoil, such as in AD 68 following the death of Nero
or during the third-century anarchy, to which periods most of the literary
evidence symptomatically belongs. Whether this urgency also extended to
civilian contexts, where the majority of portraits in the round once belonged,
is another question.
It has been argued that communities were obliged to erect statues of the
emperor,``' and if (as is generally accepted) erecting statues was considered
an expression of loyalty towards the emperor, it follows logically that failing
to do so could be considered an ofence preferably to be avoided.`" Te ac-
cession should consequently rank as the single most important occasion for
erecting imperial statues, since every community would want to erect statues
of the new emperor as soon as possible. Te fact that this was not always the
case was frst shown by Stuart, who, on the basis of the epigraphical evidence
from the statue bases, concluded that during the Julio-Claudian perioda new
administration was, if not indiferent, at least unconcerned about the speedy
or widespread distribution of the imperial portrait.`' Stuart found that the
frst year of reign of the Julio-Claudian emperors was characterised by very
few statue bases, whereas the second had an above-average number of dedi-
cations (Figs. C 2-3). Only in the case of Claudius, however, did the number
rise signifcantly. Stuart explained this surprising result by the fact that statues
of the Julio-Claudian emperors, with the exception of Claudius, were already
present in most cities before their accession, and that these could serve as
models for portraits of the new emperor wherever these were necessary for
339. For example, Alfldy 1984, 36: Die Verehrung des Herrschers mit Statuen war fr die
Gemeinde eine stndige Verpfichtung politischer und zugleich religiser Natur, ohne da
sie hierfr jeweils einen konkreten Anla bentigt htten. Die Hauptsache war ofensich-
tlich, da jede Gemeinde jedem Herscher wohl je frher nach seinem Regierungsantritt,
desto besser mit einer Ehrenstatue huldigte.
340. Pekary 1983, 22: Selbstverstndlich war es jedem Untertan klar, da die Nichtaufstellung
von Kaiserbildern bereits einer indirekten Kritik am Herrscher gleichkam und deshalb
nicht ganz ungefhrlich war.
341. Stuart 1939, 602.
o cc.sios iov ivic1ic imvivi.i s1.10is 143
judicial or religious purposes. Te relatively slow distribution showed that the
administration was not actively involved in distributing portraits or models.
Instead, this was lef to the ordinary channels of the art trade.
Suetonius and Tacitus, in their account of the events in AD 68-69, refer to
statues of Galba and Vitellius that must have been erected within a remarkably
short period afer their proclamation as emperors.`` Since third-, fourth- and
ffh-century sources indisputably show that portraits were distributed by the
new administration upon accession,`` and that cities were ordered to erect
images of new emperors or caesares,` a change in attitude concerning im-
perial images has been attributed to the reign of terror under Nero and the
subsequent civil war, which allegedly should have taught cities the importance
of showing loyalty to the emperor by erecting his portraits rapidly.` As we
shall see, in the light of the epigraphical evidence from the statue bases of
the later frst century AD, this evidence is not attainable. A change towards
greater emphasis on the accession can only be traced in the second century
AD, and even during this period the pattern is not consistent.
Te accession during the Julio-Claudian period
Even though much new material has been published since Stuarts study,`
his general conclusions about the distribution of statues upon accession of a
new emperor during the Julio-Claudian period still prove correct.
Augustus ascent to power was a gradual process, and no specifc date could
have been understood by the Roman people as the beginning of Augustus
reign. Tus there was no accession to celebrate with statues. Te frst succes-
sion was that of Tiberius in AD 14, at which time statues of Tiberius must
have been in existence in most cities (p. 126). In the frst couple of years of his
reign the number of bases is only just above average for the reign (Fig. C 2).
Tis can to some extent be attributed to better criteria for dating during this
342. Tac. Hist. 3.7; Tac. Hist. 3.12; Suet. Vitell. 9. See Stuart (1939, 616, n. 6) for a discussion
of the meaning and signifcance of these passages.
343. IGRR III, 481 and Swif 1929, 297-300.
344. Pekary 1983, 23; Bruun 1976, 122-131.
343. Pekary 1983, 24, 132.
346. Stuart in 1939 (1939, 603-609) enumerated 119 portrait inscriptions for Tiberius, 13 for
Caligula, 103 for Claudius, and 40 for Nero. Today the fgures have risen by approximately
30-80 to 133 for Tiberius, 28 for Caligula, 134 for Claudius and 39 for Nero.
146 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
period, for example connection with statues of Germanicus and Livia, who
died in AD 19 and 29 respectively.
No bases can be dated with certainty to the initial period of the reign,
the second half of AD 14. An inscription on a reused base from a statue of
Ptolemy IX in Paphos (Tiberius 148) specifes that the statue was erected in
the frst year of his reign. However, Paphos is called Paphos Augusta, a title
the city did not receive until AD 13. Two further bases from Grumentum
and Saturnia in Italy (Tiberius 23, 39) can be dated to late 13 or early 16 AD.
Although the inscriptions from statue bases for Tiberius are not among the
most precisely dated (Figs. SC 3 and SC 4), there is no reason to distrust the
evidence, which clearly shows that the accession was not considered an impor-
tant occasion for erecting statues of the successor of Augustus rapidly afer his
death. Te reason, as Stuart argued, may have been that portraits of Tiberius
were already present in most cities around the Empire. Tiberius reluctance to
accept honours has also been suggested as an explanation, but the ofen cited
passage in Suetonius regarding prohibition against erecting statues without
the emperors consent clearly concerns statues in sacred contexts, and in all
likelihood did not extend to statues in secular ones.`'
Te evidence regarding Caligula is less signifcant, because only four inscrip-
tions from statue bases can be dated with precision within his reign (Caligula
4, 6, 10, 28). Two of these were erected in AD 37, which might suggest that his
accession gave some impetus to the erection of his portraits (Fig. C 3).
Claudius, unlike his predecessors, must have been practically unknown
before his unexpected elevation to power, and not surprisingly we fnd a
diferent pattern of chronological distribution of the statue bases within his
reign than for statue bases of his predecessors (Fig. C 4). Te second year had
far more bases, and a higher frequency extends into the third to ffh year.
Although much material has been found since Stuarts study from 1938, his
conclusions are still to a large extent valid, although the tendency is no longer
as pronounced as Stuart thought.`"
Since Claudius died on 13 October 34, we should not expect any bases
for Nero from the remaining two and a half months of the year. Nero held
his frst consulship in AD 33, and any inscriptions omitting to mention this
should date to this short interval. None have been identifed with certainty.
347. Suet. Tib. 26.1: Templa, famines, sacerdotes decerni sibi prohibuit, etiam statues atque
imagines nisi permittente se poni; permisit que ea solo condicione, ne inter simulacra
deorum sed inter ornamenta aedium ponerentur.
348. Hojte 2002, 369-373.
o cc.sios iov ivic1ic imvivi.i s1.10is 147
A fragmented inscription from Rome (Nero 3) combines Neros imperial ti-
tles with at least one of the minor priesthoods he held prior to his accession.
Tis implies that he had not been elected pontifex maximus at the time of
the dedication. Whether the inscription should date to AD 34 or early in 33
is unfortunately impossible to tell, due to its fragmentary state. Te second
year of Neros reign has more inscriptions than any other (Fig. C 3). Five bases
dated to AD 33 were erected in Marchena, Delphi and Messene (Nero 19, 27,
31, 32), and two further bases in Rome and in Delphi (Nero 4, 28) can be
dated to either AD 33 or 36. Tis peak in the second year can reasonably be
connected with his accession.
Accession during the Flavian period
Te epigraphical evidence we possess for statues of Neros three unfortunate
successors is too limited to be of any signifcance. Only four bases (Galba 1, 2,
Otho 1, Vitellius 1), three from Central Italy and one from Salona in Dalmatia,
have been preserved from the approximately 18 months these three emperors
reigned. Tis gives a rate of 2.7 statue bases per year a fgure that compares
unfavourably even with the evidence regarding other emperors who sufered
some form of omcial damnatio memoriae (pp. 36-62). Te destruction or
reuse of imperial monuments was widely practised in AD 68-69,`' but one
suspects that the low fgure was also a result of the relatively few statues origi-
nally in existence. Te origin of the four preserved statue bases may imply that
there was simply insumcient time for a wider distribution (Table SE 16).
On the other hand, for the fourth contender, Vespasian, who primarily
difered from his predecessors in that he succeeded in staying in power, we
possess plenty of exceptionally well-dated statue bases.`" Tis applies to his
two sons as well, particularly Titus, who held all the imperial titles and of-
fces except those of pontifex maximus and pater patriae. Needless to say, no
statue bases for any of the Flavian emperors have been preserved from the
period before 1 July 69, the day from which Vespasian counted his reign.`'
349. For reused imperial portraits of the period, see Bergmann and Zanker 1981, 317-412 and
Varner 2004.
330. Te numerous consulships held by the Flavian emperors supply very exact dating criteria
alongside the tribunician power. See tables SC 3 and SC 4.
331. Statues of Titus erected during his service at the Northern frontier are reported by Sueto-
nius Tit. 4.1.
148 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Following Stuarts theory that accessional portraits could be modelled from
pre-accession images, the Flavian family presented a problem, and in addition
the new emperor was not even in Rome but in Egypt at the time. Te early
portraits could of course have been in other forms and media than those re-
lated to statue bases painted images, portrait busts etc. but given the lack
of statues of the new emperor around the Empire before AD 69, we should
expect a pattern of chronological distribution somewhat like that applying
to Claudius, i.e. signifcantly more statue bases at the beginning of his reign
(Fig. C 4).
Te earliest dated statue bases for Vespasian are an arch and a base erected
by the people and the council in Xanthos in either AD 69 or 70, possibly with
the active involvement of the governor Sextus Marcius Priscus, who had served
in Lycia from AD 67.`` Vespasian may have stopped here on his way from
Alexandria to Rome in AD 70,`` but the dedication need not have any con-
nection with this. To AD 70 belong two further bases in Formiae (Vespasian
6) and Veleia (Vespasian 14). In AD 71 the Roman senate voted a statue for
the reason that Vespasian had restored the streets of the city, which had long
been neglected (Vespasian 2), and at Nemi the senate and people of nearby
Aricia erected a large monument probably with statues of Vespasian and his
two sons (Vespasian 9).` Te same year Vespasian was honoured as master
of all Bosporus by the Bosporan king at Phanagoreia (Vespasian 83). In AD 72
to 73 six bases were erected (Vespasian 3, 12, 16, 24, 23, 47) two by private
individuals and two by public bodies. Since 36 statues bases for Vespasian can
be dated to specifc years (Table SE 20), the number of dated statue bases from
the frst four and a half years of Vespasians reign is just below the average for
the whole reign (Fig. C 6). Te exact same pattern is repeated for the statue
bases for Titus (Fig. C 7). Te earliest dated evidence of a statue of Titus is the
monument erected in Rome as a testamentary gif by Gaius Papirius Aequos,
a centurion of the third Augusta (Vespasian 3, Titus 1, Domitian 1), carrying
golden images of the imperial family busts, judging from their weight of
only ten pounds.
Only in the year AD 74 does the number of statue bases match the level
known for Claudius afer his accession in AD 41. Tere is no apparent ex-
planation why the dedications cluster in this year, and unfortunately we only
332. Eck 1970, 244.
333. Halfmann 1986, 178-180.
334. Since l. 3 of the inscription seems to extend across the preserved block to the lef and to
the right, the editor suggests that these carried statues of Titus and Domitian.
o cc.sios iov ivic1ic imvivi.i s1.10is 149
know the dedicator in a few instances. Q. Cornelius Placidus dedication was
a testamentary gif (Vespasian 13), and T Flavius [- - -]ni[- - -]us erected the
statue because he had been appointed pontifex. Since they were motivated by
very personal reasons, it is probably coincidental that they dedicated statues
in this particular year.
Te epigraphical evidence, therefore, does not support (either in relative
or absolute numbers) the notion that the accession of Vespasian served as an
occasion for erecting statues of him or his sons, and that these were distrib-
uted rapidly. Instead, it seems as if communities and individuals responded to
the political turmoil by refraining from erecting statues altogether. Perhaps it
was considered safer not to erect statues of the emperor than to have erected
statues of a losing candidate in the struggle for power, or perhaps few found
it worthwhile to spend money on statues that stood a good chance of being
destroyed shortly aferwards. Only afer it had become evident that the new
imperial family was unlikely to be deposed did the number of honorary stat-
ues rise. A further contributing factor to the low frequency at the beginning
of the reign may have been the strained economic situation afer the civil war.
Te treasury in Rome was certainly empty, but whether the crisis had afected
the cities other than those directly involved in the fghting negatively is more
dim cult to determine.
Titus portraits were widely distributed before he became emperor (p. 128,
Table SC 7). Vespasians wish that Titus should succeed him was widely
known`, and with the exception of being pontifex maximus he held the
same omces, titles and powers as his father. In addition, Titus seems to have
enjoyed great popularity. When Vespasian died, the transition of power went
smoothly, and the incentive to show loyalty to the new emperor may not have
been great. Of the 17 bases for Titus erected during his brief reign, only four
can be assigned to specifc years, and consequently we obtain no direct infor-
mation about the importance of the accession as an occasion for erecting his
statues. Te average of 8.0 statue bases for Titus per year is almost identical
to the fgure for Vespasian (Table SC 2), so the accession does not seem to
have been a motivating factor.
Te destruction of statues and inscriptions following the murder of Domi-
tian has greatly reduced the evidence and rendered it less reliable for the
present purpose because even small numbers of bases can change the con-
clusion signifcantly. Domitian had not been promoted nearly as much as his
older brother during the reign of Vespasian, and he had not been given the
333. Suet. Vesp. 23.
130 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
same share in the government. Te number of his statues around the Empire
was undoubtedly lower than that of his brother (p. 128), and greater impor-
tance may have been attached to his accession as a consequence.
Titus died on 13 September 81, and no statue bases for Domitian can be
dated before the end of the year. In both AD 82 and 83 one base was dedicated,
and three further bases date to 84/83. Tis places the output during the frst
four and a half years close to the average for the reign if we do not consider
the very large number of bases dedicated in Ephesus in AD 89/90, which are
clearly an exception. 11 inscriptions from bases more than one-quarter of
the total do not include the title of Germanicus, which might indicate a date
before the summer of AD 83. However, ten of these are either too fragmentary
to actually determine the date, or they do not include the full imperial title.
Only the base in Emerita Augusta (Domitian 17) may belong to the period
before Domitians frst triumph. Te accession thus had no noticeable efect
on the output of statues of Domitian (Fig. C 9).
Accession under the adoptive emperors
Te accession of Nerva marks a turning point in the practice of dedicating
imperial statues. We have seen that the number of statues of the Flavians was
surprisingly low, and that the distribution of statues upon their accession was
rather slow. Nervas dies imperii was 18 September 96. Before the end of the
year statues had been erected by the seviri Augustales in Ostia (Nerva 9), but
also in faraway Kition (Nerva 47). Te number of statue bases per year during
the short reign of Nerva soars to 23.3, a rate more than three times that of
Titus less than 20 years before (Fig. C 10 and Table SC 2). It is true that statues
of Titus were to be found in most parts of the Empire before his accession,
but this cannot wholly account for the diference. Vespasian had not been
known before his accession either, and more than half the number of statue
bases from the ten-year reign of Vespasian was reached within just over a year
under Nerva. While the geographical distribution of the bases of Domitian and
Nerva is almost identical to judge from the surviving evidence (Figs. G 8 and
G 9), the share of bases dedicated by communities or their executive bodies
rises signifcantly from around 30 during the Julio- Claudian and Flavian
period to 33 under Nerva. Te statues of Claudius erected within the frst few
years of his reign were likewise dedicated predominantly by communities.`
336. Hojte 2002, 369-371.
o cc.sios iov ivic1ic imvivi.i s1.10is 131
Te brevity of the reign may therefore in part explain the rise. However, the
same high percentages of public dedicators are found for Nervas successors
as well (Table SC 7). Especially the cities in the Greek East were quick to re-
spond to the new political situation. Statues dedicated by public bodies have
been found in Histria, Delphi, Gythion (by the koinon of Laconia), Tithorea,
Knossos (dedicated by the colonia; inscription in Latin), Aphrodisias, Boubon,
Ephesus, Herakleia Salbakes, Lindos, Magnesia, Stektorion (dedicated by the
civitas; inscription in Latin), Arneai, Letoon, Pednelissos, Kestros and Kition
(dedicated by the civitas; inscription in Latin). From Italy and the western
provinces we only have bases erected by communities in Tusculum, Brixia,
Axima and Arupium.
Tis signifcant change in the practice from the Flavian period raises the
question of the trustworthiness of the evidence. Is the rate of 23.3 statues per
year merely a consequence of the brevity of Nervas reign: As argued above
(p. 78), we have every reason to believe that undated monuments have ap-
proximately the same chronological distribution as better dated ones, so the
length of the reign should have no efect on our interpretation of the undated
evidence. In addition, more than half of the bases for Nerva can be dated to
specifc years, and these alone signify a change. 14 bases for Nerva date to
AD 97. In comparison, the second year of reign of the three Flavian emperors
have 3, 4, and 1 dated bases respectively.
With regard to the question of the accession as an occasion for erecting
statues, particular importance is attached to the evidence relating to Trajan
because of the very low number of bases with no criteria for dating during
the reign (Table SE 32). For other emperors it could be suspected that a large
proportion of the undated bases belongs in the early part of the reign. With
Trajan we can determine the number of bases within three periods defned
by the use of the victory titles of Germanicus, Dacicus and Parthicus with
almost absolute certainty.
Afer the extremely large number of statues of Nerva erected immediately
afer his accession, the early bases of Trajan show an entirely diferent pat-
tern complying more with that of the Flavian emperors than the succeeding
adoptive emperors. In AD 98, throughout which Trajan reigned with the
exception of the frst 27 days, bases were dedicated in Sitifs, Neviodunum
and Sebastopolis in Cappadocia (Trajan 48, 70, 182). Two further bases in
Tubursicu Numidarum and in Pappa Tiberiopolis (Trajan 81, 181) do not
have an indication of the tribunician count, and may well belong to the frst
year of reign although this criterion is not infallible (p. 74). In Tisbe and in
Syene bases were dedicated in either AD 98 or 99 (Trajan 123, 203). In AD 99
132 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
bases were dedicated in Larinum, Mogontiacum and yet another in Tubur-
sicu Numidarum (Trajan 27, 34, 83). In addition, 23 bases of Trajan can be
dated to the period AD 98 to 102 because of the victory title Germanicus
without mentioning Dacicus. With one exception, these have all been found
in the Greek East. Tey are so to speak the less well-dated Greek parallels
to the precisely dated Latin inscriptions. To parallel the evidence regarding
Nerva, the early bases of Trajan before AD 102 were predominantly erected
in the East by communities or their executive bodies. Later bases in the West
become more numerous, and during the reign as a whole Latin and Greek
inscriptions are found in equal numbers. Te level of activity and the speed
at which statues of Trajan were erected nowhere near matches that of Nerva
only a year before, and the number of bases from the frst three years of the
reign is actually lower than the average for the reign. One explanation of the
diference between Nerva and Trajan could be the numerous statues of Domi-
tian that were available for re-modelling into portraits of Nerva. Te reuse
of portraits, however, continued well into the reign of Trajan as most of the
early portraits were evidently altered from portraits of Domitian.`'
Hadrian counted 11 August, the day he received news of Trajans death, as
his dies imperii. At that time he was in Antioch as governor of the province
of Syria, and it is not entirely clear how the issue of an om cial portrait was
handled.`" Still, before the end of the year AD 117 statues were dedicated in
Amiternum and in Sarmizegetusa in Dacia (Hadrian 33, 88). Te inscription
from Sarmizegetusa mentions the second tribunician power of Hadrian, but
has no number afer consul. Since a number follows the tribunician power,
the omission of a number afer consul must be intentional. Whatever the of-
fcial day for the renewal of Hadrians tribunician power was, the inhabitants
in Sarmizegetusa evidently believed it to be 10 December, and the inscription
thus dates between 10 and 31 December 117 AD. Surely this portrait erected
in Sarmizegetusa could not have been based on a new om cial portrait type
sent from Rome within an interval this short. During the year AD 118 no
less than 17 bases were erected (Hadrian 4, 3, 37, 31, 72, 73, 91, 102, 103,
139, 233, 273, 276, 287, 288, 316, 418) in all parts of the Empire, and even in
Tyras at the mouth of the Dnestr. Tis marks a signifcant increase over the
level in the later part of the reign of Trajan, and is more than three times the
average number of precisely dated bases for Hadrian (Fig. C 12). However,
337. Bergmann 1997, 138-147.
338. Wegner 1936, 34.
o cc.sios iov ivic1ic imvivi.i s1.10is 133
from the following year the frequency had already fallen to an average level.
14 or 82 of the bases in AD 118 were dedicated by communities, while the
fgure for the whole reign only amounts to 49.3 (Table SE 36). Tis pattern
is repeated afer the accession of Antoninus Pius, although the high frequency
of dedications starts as soon as the autumn of AD 138 with no less than six
bases in Rome, Ostia, Sipontum, Dertosa, Tugga and Hatne (Antoninus Pius
2, 27, 43, 87, 173, 283), and extends into the third year. Furthermore, there
are slightly more private individuals among the dedicators (Fig. C 13). Even
though a few of the bases for both Hadrian and Antoninus Pius can only be
dated to their second year of reign because of their second consulship men-
tioned in the inscriptions, there can be no doubt that their accession served
as an occasion for erecting their portraits.
No other heirs to the throne had been honoured with a number of statues
equal to that of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus during the reign of An-
toninus Pius. Despite this, their accession as joint regents in AD 161 caused
a signifcant increase in the number of dedications that lasted until AD 164
(Figs. C 13 and 17). For each emperor the number of bases in the second and
third year is somewhat lower than for Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, but added
up it constitutes the highest frequency experienced during the frst two cen-
turies AD. For Lucius Verus in particular the dedications cluster in the early
part of his reign, and we should expect that the majority of the portraits of
the fourth portrait type belong to this short period.`'
Given the custom that developed during the second century AD for com-
munities to dedicate statues of the new emperor upon accession, it is surprising
that the accession of Commodus apparently had no efect on the frequency of
his dedications (Fig. C 18). In fact the number of bases in the frst years afer
AD 180 barely equals those erected in the years prior to the death of Marcus
Aurelius. Perhaps the fact that Marcus Aurelius had already elevated him to
co-regent with all the powers and titles of an emperor in AD 176 to 177 made
the transmission of power less of an occasion for celebration. It is also to be
noted that the decennalia of Commodus was celebrated in both AD 186 and
190.`"
339. For the portraits of the fourth portrait type of Lucius Verus, see Fittschen and Zanker
1983, 79-81. Fittschen suggests that it is not possible to discern the portraits chronologi-
cally within the reign.
360. Chastagnol 1984b, 110-113.
134 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Conclusion
From the evidence of the precisely dated statue bases, we can conclude that the
accession of many emperors served as an occasion for erecting their statues.
During the frst century the accession of Claudius clearly gave impetus to the
erection of his portraits, and for Nero we likewise fnd a slight increase in the
frequency of dedications during the frst few years of his reign. Te very large
number of statues erected during the short reign of Nerva signals a change
in attitude towards the accession as an occasion for erecting statues, which
had a clearly noticeable impact on the chronological distribution of the statue
bases of Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. Tere
are exceptions to the rule. For Tiberius, Vespasian and Trajan, the number of
dedications during the frst years are close to the average for their reigns, and
in the case of Commodus the number even falls below the average. Since the
accession had no noticeable efect on the frequency of dedications for Vespa-
sian and Trajan, Stuarts assumption that the lack of pre-accessional dedications
gave a strong impetus to dedicate statues immediately upon accession of the
new emperor proves wrong. Neither did the countless statues in existence of
the princes Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus decrease the enthusiasm for
erecting their statues once they became emperors.
Te distribution of imperial portrait statues upon accession of a new em-
peror was generally not very rapid. And it is never the frst year of a reign
that shows an above-average frequency it is the second (Fig. 23). Tis in-
dicates that the imperial administration in the frst and second centuries AD
was generally unconcerned about the rapid and widespread distribution of
the imperial portrait. Very ofen the increased frequency continues into the
third and fourth years of the reign. From the ffh year onwards the number
of dedications normally remains stable until the end of the reign.
Te increase in the number of dedications applies to both public and
private dedications, but it is much more pronounced for public dedications
(especially in the second century AD), and for statues erected in the second
year of a reign. Tis could indicate that communities from the reign of Nerva
onwards felt some obligation to erect the emperors portrait more rapidly afer
his accession.
One possible explanation for the interval between the accession of a new
emperor and the erection of the majority of the monuments evidently con-
nected to this event might be that in some instances communities sent del-
egations with petitions to the emperor for permission to erect his statues.
While these certainly were not obligatory every time an imperial statue was
o cc.sios iov ivic1ic imvivi.i s1.10is 133
Yi.v oi viic P0niic Pviv.1i To1.i
1 28 8 41
2 72 28 110
3 28 13 61
4 32 16 39
3 20 13 38
6 19 11 42
7 13 10 33
8 18 9 37
Fig. 23. Te number of precisely dated statue bases categorised by year of reign. Public
dedications include both communities and the military, private dedications include both
individuals and corporations. Included are only those emperors whose reign lasted more
than eight years.
erected,`' many communities probably saw the occasion as an opportunity to
direct the emperors attention to problems that the city might be experiencing.
Te London Papyrus 1912 containing a rescript from the emperor Claudius
in response to a decree of the Alexandrians sent by an envoy to Rome con-
cerning diferent honours for the emperor is particularly interesting because
of its precise date.`` Te letter was read aloud in Alexandria by the prefect
of Egypt on 10 November AD 41 nearly ten months afer the accession of
the emperor. And even more time would pass before the statues of the impe-
rial family that Claudius had consented to could be procured. Te dedication
could have taken place in the spring of AD 42 at the earliest. Te three golden
chariots also mentioned in the letter from the emperor would probably have
taken even longer to manufacture.
361. Te speed at which statues could evidently be erected shows that the emperors consent
was not required.
362. London Papyrus 1912, l. 20-21: your envoys delivered your decree to me and dis-
coursed at length concerning the city, directing my attention to your good will towards
us, (Hunt and Edgar 1934, II, 212). Another rescript concerning the erection of statues
dated to the frst year of the reign of Caligula has been found in Delphi (IG VII, 2711).
136 vom. imvivi.i s1.10i n.sis
Jubilees (decennalia and vicennalia)
In his explanation of the Augustan restitutio rei publicae of January 27 BC,
Dio says that Augustus received extraordinary powers for a ten-year period
only, but that when this period came to an end another was voted frst for
fve years, and later for ten years and then repeatedly until his death. Under
the year AD 24 Dio relates that there was no vote for the continuation of the
powers conferred on Tiberius upon his accession in AD 14, but that the tenth
anniversary was celebrated nonetheless.`` Tis practice continued through-
out the principate.
Te exact timing of the tenth and twentieth anniversaries, the decennalia
and the vicennalia, has already been discussed at length. Te most straightfor-
ward solution, that it took place on the emperors dies imperii ten years afer
the accession, has its adherents.` However, a date earlier in the year, perhaps
even the day of the beginning of the tenth year, may also be considered at
least in the second century AD.` Both options will have to be considered
here.
Te decennalia and vicennalia as occasions for erecting statues are interest-
ing for two reasons. Firstly, these events could be predicted and could therefore
be prepared in advance, unlike the accession and military victories. Dedica-
tions commemorating the event should consequently fall within a very limited
period. Secondly, because they have been suggested as the occasion for the
creation of new portrait types, most notably the innovation of a whole new
concept for the portrait of Trajan, which Wegner termed the Dezennalien-
bildniss.` Te decennalia and the vicennalia have likewise been suggested
as occasions for the creation of new portrait types of Hadrian`' and Antoni-
nus Pius.`" But this did not actually apply to Antoninus Pius, because all his
portraits are variations of the same type, not three independent types.`'
363. Dio Cass. 33.16.2-3 and 37.24.1.
364. Rachet 1980, 200-242.
363. Mattingly 1923-1940 III, lxxvi and Chastagnol 1984b, 104-124.
366. Gross (1940, 83-98, especially 93-96), following Strack (1931-37 vol. I, 29), who dated
the corresponding type T
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