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Nawab Akbar Shahbaz Khan Bugti

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Table of contents
Topic
Introduction of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti Life of Akbar Bugti A Life Sketch Family Pakistan's Military Buildup in Balochistan Death of Akbar Bugti Targeting the Rebel Response to the death Aftermath of the Death International Silence The Shameful Realization Burrial of Bugti They Buried Bugti or his duplicate Implications for the National Unity Conclusion

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Introduction of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti

Nawab Akbar Shahbaz Khan Bugti (July 12, 1927August 26, 2006) was the Tumandar (head) of the Bugti tribe of Baluch and served as governor of Balochistan Province in Pakistan. An Oxford-educated man in a land of widespread illiteracy, he was a towering personality in Baloch politics for more than five decades.

After an armed struggle started in Balochistan in 2004, Bugti was widely perceived as a leader but went underground in 2005. On August 26, 2006, after several attempts were made on his life in the preceding months, he was killed in his cave in Kohlu, about 150 miles east of Quetta, leading to widespread unrest in the area, where he is widely regarded as a hero and martyr. With a wide following that crossed tribal lines among ethnic Baloch groups, the contradictions in this western educated tribal leader roused strong emotions, both positive and negative. Despite making harsh decisions at times, he was considered a pacifist by many and certainly did not espouse a violent path in his early political career. In recent years, he was accused by the Pakistani government of being a warlord and running a well-organized militia, sometimes thought to be the shadowy Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) with members numbering in the thousands. The BLA allegedly ran dozens of militant guerrilla training camps. While campaigning from the mountain ranges of Dera Bugti, he was, according to the Pakistani government, directing a Omar Mukhtar, Fidel Castro and Che Guevara style guerrilla war. In July 2006, Pakistani president General Musharraf targeted him through aerial bombing, using air force jets and gunship helicopters. The leader of Balochistan National Party, Sardar Akhtar Mengal said, "The increase in bomb attacks in the

Page No. 4 Bugti and Marri areas are meant to target Baloch nationalist leader Nawab Akbar Bugti and his associates" and called upon the international community to take note of the situation. With names such as The Tiger of Balochistan, The Trade Unionist, or Gas Man (supposedly having ownership of many gasfields), he was a towering figure in the Baloch world. The longstanding conflict in Balochistan stems from the quantum of autonomy the province was promised when they joined Pakistan in 1947 and then under the 1973 Pakistani constitution. Today a large faction continues to campaign, sometimes violently, for an autonomy which Balochistan's citizens believe to be their due under the promises made to them by various Pakistani leaders. The BLA is painted by the Pakistani government as a "great threat" to law and order in Balochistan and was recently banned by the Government of Pakistan as well as by the United Kingdom.

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Life of Akbar Bugti

Bugti, meeting with Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Akbar Bugti was the son of Nawab Mehrab Khan Bugti and a grandson of Sir Shahbaz Khan Bugti. He was born in Barkhan on July 12, 1927. He was educated at Oxford, England and Aitchison College, Lahore. It is alleged that he committed his first murder when he was only 12 and that he had several men killed to avenge the assassination of his son, (Salal Bugti). Nawab Akbar Bugti was elected in a by-election to the National Assembly of Pakistan in May 1958 to fill the vacancy created as a result of the assassination of the incumbent, Dr Khan Sahib, and sat on the government bench as a member of the ruling coalition. Bugti (Republican) served as Minister of State (Interior) in the government of Prime Minister Malik Sir Feroz Khan Noon (Republican) from September 20, 1958, to October 7, 1958, when the cabinet was dismissed on the declaration of Martial Law by President Iskander Mirza. He was arrested and convicted by a Military Tribunal in 1960 and subsequently disqualified from holding public office. As a result of his legal battles, he did not contest the 1970 general elections. Instead, he campaigned on behalf of his younger brother, Sardar Ahmed Nawaz Bugti, a candidate of the National Awami Party. However, Bugti developed differences with the NAP leadership, especially the new Balochistan Governor, Mir Ghaus Baksh Bizenjo. He informed the Federal Government and President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (Pakistan Peoples Party) of the alleged London Plan, which resulted in the dismissal of the provincial governor as well as the Chief Minister Sardar Ataullah Khan Mengal and his cabinet on February 14, 1973.

Page No. 6 The next day, the Federal Government appointed Bugti as the Governor of Balochistan, and the Pakistan Army was deployed in the province as part of a crackdown on the National Awami Party. He resigned on January 1, 1974, after disagreeing with the manner in which the Federal Government was carrying out policies in Balochistan. The army had deployed 100,000 men in Baluchistan and with the help of the Iranian airforce killed large numbers of Baluchis. Muhammad Raza Shah Pehlavi, the King of Iran, sent F-14 fighter jets and AH-1 gunships along with his pilots, to help Pakistan Army combat the insurgency. The Pakistani army is alleged to have killed more than 4000 Baluchis, mostly Marri insurgents, in these operations. Akbar Bugti is said to have supported the military action. There was a lull in his activities when General Rahimuddin Khan was appointed Governor of Balochistan in 1978. Bugti remained silent throughout the course of Rahimuddin's rule, which was often characterized by hostility towards the Baloch Sardars.

In 1988, he joined the Balochistan National Alliance and was elected Chief Minister on February 4, 1989. His government frequently disagreed with the Federal Government led by the Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan Peoples Party). Bugti resigned on August 6, 1990, when the provincial assembly was dissolved by Governor of Balochistan General Muhammad Musa Khan in accordance with the instructions of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who was exercising his authority by virtue of Article 58 (2 b) of the Constitution of Pakistan. The incoming caretaker, Chief Minister Mir Humayun Khan Marri, was his sonin-law. For the 1990 General Elections, Bugti formed his own political party, the Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP), being Balochistan's single largest party and was elected to the provincial assembly.

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In 1993, he was elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan, representing the JWP in parliament. Also, in 1993, Nawab Bugti announced his candidacy to be President of Pakistan but later withdrew his candidacy and announced his support of the eventual winner, Sardar Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari. In 1997, Nawab Bugti was re-elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan, representing the JWP. Bugti was involved in struggles, at times armed ones, in Balochistan in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. He led the current movement in Balochistan for greater autonomy. He was the public face and provided political support for the movement while his grandson, Brahamdagh Khan Bugti, led the Bugti tribesmen.

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A Life Sketch
Following is the profiled highlights of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, senior Baloch leader and president of the Jamhoori Watan Party. . Born in Barkhan on July 12, 1927. Akbar Khan Bugto was the son of Nawab Mehrab Khan Bugti and the grandson of Shahbaz Khan Bugti. . Bugti was the Tumandar (head) of the Bugti tribe, which comprised 250,000 people. Better known as the Tiger of Balochistan. . Legend has it that he killed his first man at the age of 12 Bugti was involved in failed insurgencies in Balochistan in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. . May 1958 - Bugti was elected in a by-election to the National Assembly of Pakistan. . September 20, 1958 to October 7, 1958 - Bugti served as Minister of State (Interior) in the Malik Sir Feroz Khan Noon Government. .1960 - He was arrested and convicted by a Military Tribunal and subsequently disqualified from holding public office. . February 1973 - Nawab Akbar Bugti was appointed the Governor of Balochistan. . January 1, 1974 - Resigned after disagreeing with the manner in which the Government was carrying out policies in Balochistan. . 1988 - Bugti joined the Balochistan National Alliance. . February 4, 1989 - Elected Chief Minister. His government frequently disagreed with the Federal Government led by the Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan Peoples Party). . August 6, 1990: Governor of Balochistan General Muhammad Musa Khan dissolves assembly on the instructions of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan 1990: Bugti forms his own political party, the Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP), being Balochistan's single largest party and was elected to the provincial assembly. 1993: Nawab Akbar Bugti was elected to the National Assembly of Pakistan representing the JWP in parliament.

Page No. 9 . Ordered the killing of 100 men to avenge the assassination of his son Nawabzada Salal Akbar Bugti. .2004: Actively launches the Balochistan freedom struggle .August 2006: Bugti killed in an army operation in the hills of Kohru . Use to read at least 13 newspapers a day, besides several periodicals, and watch television . Believed to be the mentor of the shadowy Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), which represented the violent side of the Baloch people's struggle for rights. (ANI)

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Family
Nawab Mehrab Khan Bugti, son of Sir Shahbaz Khan Bugti had two sons, Nawab Akbar Bugti and Sardar Ahmed Nawaz Bugti. Nawab Akbar Bugti had three wives and six sons and two daughters.

His Baloch wife gave birth to four sons: Nawabzada Saleem Khan Bugti, Nawabzada Talal Khan Bugti, Nawabzada Salal Khan Bugti, and Nawabzada Rehan Khan Bugti. Of these four sons, three have died. Nawabzada Salal Bugti was murdered in a shootout in Quetta by the rival Bugti Kalpar sub clan in 1993. Nawab Akbar Bugti's second wife was a Pathan; she gave birth to Nawabzada Jameel Khan Bugti. Nawab Akbar Bugti's third wife was Iranian, and she gave birth to Shahzwar Khan Bugti. Jamil Akbar Bugti, Talal Akbar Bugti, and Shahzwar Khan Bugti are the surviving sons of Nawab Akbar Bugti. Sardar Nawab Akbar Bugti's daughter is married to Mir Balakh Sher Mazari's son who is the chieftain of the neighbouring Mazari tribe. Sardar Ahmed Nawaz Bugti had four sons: Tanvir Khan, Anees Khan, Farooq Khan, and Naveed Khan. Tanvir Khan, who was the oldest, also passed away in 1991 due to natural causes.

Akbar Bugti (right) and his Grandson in the mountains of Balochistan.

The Bugti Grandchildren consist of Brahamdagh Khan Bugti, Mir Aali Khan Bugti, Washane Bugti, Ahmad Marri,Saad Khan Bugti, Muhammad Marri, Sarang Khan Bugti ,Taleh Bugti, Shahzain Bugti, Gohram Bugti, Tabish Bugti.

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Pakistan's Military Buildup in Balochistan

Pakistan has been watchful of Balochistan's violent surroundings, especially since the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan, which delivered Kabul from the Taliban's dogmatic theology and strict social order. Yet the Taliban, however repugnant, were Pakistan's guardians of its northwestern frontier with Afghanistan and its southwestern border with Iran, freeing up Pakistan's military resources to allow it to fortify its eastern border with India. Since the Taliban's toppling in 2001, Pakistan feels that its western border is now exposed to "hostile intentions. It has since moved fast to build up its military presence in Balochistan, planning a host of garrisons all across the province, especially in its resource-rich, but Islamabad-wary, bits of Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Khuzdar.

In parallel with army establishments, Pakistan, for the first time, began to build naval defenses in Balochistan to safeguard its nearly 1,000-kilometer coastline. One such defense installation is the Jinnah Naval Base at Ormara, which is the Pakistan Navy's (PN) second-largest base after its flagship naval port in Karachi. The Jinnah Naval Base has displayed Balochistan's paramount naval importance that has long been envied by regional powers, including the former Soviet Union and India. Yet the Jinnah Base is ancillary to the development of Pakistan's ultimate naval defenses in Balochistan's coastal town of Gwadar, which sits along the Arabian Sea coast. Pakistan, in collaboration with China, is building one of the world's largest deep seaports in Gwadar.

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The Baloch, who are weakly represented in the military government in Islamabad, were opposed to the planned militarization of their province and "colonization of their natural resources," which include 29 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, six billion barrels of oil and about a 1,000-kilometer coastline (Terrorism Focus, September 6). They raised their voice against Islamabad's moves to "occupy their land." Islamabad dismissed them as "miscreants," "saboteurs" and "terrorists," responding with a large-scale military deployment to crush opposition. The conflict that ensued pushed Oxford-educated Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti, who was internationally acclaimed as a statesman, especially in neighboring Afghanistan, Central Asia, the Middle East, India and Iran, to become involved.

Nawab Bugti first called on his political reserves to persuade Islamabad against advancing on Balochistan's constitutionally protected "provincial autonomy." He, instead, offered a negotiated settlement of the dispute over appropriation of Balochistan's natural resources by reconciling federal claims of "eminent domain" with constitutionally protected "provincial autonomy." Islamabad agreed. Two parliamentary committees were formed to work out a settlement (Daily Times, July 31, 2005). When one of the committees announced its recommendations, Musharraf did not accept them and turned to military means to resolve the conflict.

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Death of Akbar Bugti

On Saturday August 26, 2006, around 2230 hrs (PST), Bugti was killed in a bombing operation that caused the cave roof to collapse on him. His location was traced through the satellite phone he was using, and Pakistani secret service agencies pin-pointed his location. (It is not clear if he was pinpointed through a satellite phone) The news of his death was broken to the media by Makhdoom Amin Fahim, leader of Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians. Pakistani President, Gen Pervez Musharraf, has termed his death a victory for Pakistanis and congratulated the secret service chief who carried out this operation. Pakistan's Information Minister Mohammad Ali Durrani, confirmed that the operation included both air and ground assault. In a short telephonic interview made to a private television network, Pakistani Information Minister said that Bugti's death occurred as the cave he was in collapsed. There have been stories reported in the press that Akbar Bugti's otherwise Marri allies, who apparently were still embittered by his support of the 1970s military operation against them, exposed his hiding place to the Army, who surrounded the area and sent in a few senior officers in charge of the operation along with a Bugti guide into the Nawab's cave to negotiate a surrender.

Given Akbar Bugti's renowned stubbornness and non-compromising attitude, it is thought that Bugti or his associates detonated explosives in the case, killing all present inside, including the army negotiators and Akbar Bugti himself. Thus creating a legacy that Bugti was a 'martyr' for Baluch rights and freedom.

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On August 24, 2006, under controversial circumstances, some Bugti tribesmen announced an end to the Nawabi system and requested the handing over of Nawab Bugti to authorities. His property was seized, and he was declared as a "proclaimed offender."

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Targeting the Rebel

Pakistani forces had established the whereabouts of Nawab Akbar Bugti, chieftain of the Bugti tribe, by monitoring satellite phone intercepts of the rebel leader. British-educated Bugti, who was hiding in a cave complex when the army assault took place. General Musharraf reportedly gave the go-ahead for the final operation even though Bugti was in communication with the government till the last moment.

An ISPR statement said that two army helicopters, flying over the general area of Tartani in Kohlu on August 23, were fired upon from the ground and one helicopter was damaged. Another chopper was then dispatched to investigate and was also hit, but returned safely.

The military launched air strikes against a cave complex in the mountains on the border of the Dera Bugti and Kohlu districts, where the chieftain was said to be hiding. There was little fighting on the ground, they said. The missile raid destroyed the entrance to the rocky hideout and Special Forces moved in on Saturday to carry out a cordon and search operation. Heavy

Page No. 16 fighting broke out as the insurgents returned fire, killing several soldiers including the leader of the commando team, the official said. The soldiers eventually secured the area and ascertained that Bugti was among the dead. As many as 21 army commandos and 37 rebels were also killed in the same operation, which targeted 50 to 80 of Nawab Bugti's closest family members and top commanders. Key members of Bugti's family were reportedly killed in the operation. Media reports indicated that General Musharraf, on hearing about Bugti's killing, commended the security forces for successfully eliminating the veteran rebel leader. Musharraf reportedly termed Bugti's killing as a 'great victory' for Pakistani army. Bugti's killing evoked criticism from ordinary people in Pakistan as well as in the subcontinent.

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Response to the death

Within hours of Nawab Bugti's assassination, reality began to sink in for Islamabad. The backlash to his murder swept the country and shook the government. Many government leaders, except Musharraf, publicly grieved for the slain Nawab. Most importantly, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, whose power base is the majority province of Punjab, called Musharraf a "killer"

The political leadership in Pakistan also condemned the killing and criticised the army for using brute force rather than resolving the issue through negotiations. Former Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said that Bugti's killing would be always be remembered as a black day in the history of Pakistan as his death was a national tragedy which would prove harmful for the integrity of Pakistan.

President of Baloch National Party (BNP) Sardar Akhtar Mengal said that this incident would have long-term negative implications as it would consolidate the

Page No. 18 Baloch movement by bringing together different factions. Mengal also warned that the rebels would seek revenge for the murder of their leader.

PPP President Makhdoom Amin Fahim said Bugti's death would lead to massive destruction in Pakistan that could have lethal consequences for the polity. MMA leader Hafiz Hussain Ahmad said that Bugti's death could adversely affect the sovereignty of Pakistan. In an interview to Geo Television, he said that the dispute with Bugti should have been resolved politically. He also claimed that though the government had made agreements with Akbar Bugti, it resorted to a military operation to establish its writ in Balochistan.

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Aftermath of the Death

Bugti's death was followed by rioting by hundreds of students from the state-run Balochistan university. As the news flashed across television screens in Pakistan, the government deployed Rangers and paramilitary forces across major cities to prevent a backlash and impose a curfew in the provincial capital, Quetta.

Security arrangements for the Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf have been beefed up to the highest level, and his movement has since been very restricted, fearing a retaliatory attack. Security arrangements have been further enhanced in and around all airports of Pakistan.

The four Parties Alliance, Poor and Oppressed Nations Movement, carried out a rally to condemn killing of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, not handing over of his dead body to his family members and against the army operation. The media both in Pakistan and outside have severely condemend the killing as the "militarys second biggest blunder after Bhuttos execution" and calling it a "political nightmare". Others have likened it to the East Bengal crisis of 1971 where military violence eventually led to the Bangladesh Liberation War. On August 27, 2006, some private media broadcasted news that Bugti's grandsons, Bramdakh and Mir Ali, are still alive, but no official confirmation has been made.

Page No. 20 On September 1, 2006 Bugti was buried in Dera Bugti with three locks on cofin, next to the graves of his son and brother. His family, who wanted a public funeral in Quetta, did not attend the burial, their protest against his body was locked in cofin .

This is one of the few instances in Asia of a government killing a political leader who had previously served in high official positions as a cabinet minister, Senator, and Governor.

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International Silence
Observers have said that Bugti's killing was the second high profile political assassination by the Pakistani army, which had earlier executed former Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Bugti's killing clearly exposed Musharraf's deep dislike and intolerance towards any form of dissent. Musharraf had earlier forced former Prime ministers Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, as well as several other leaders, to leave Pakistan in order to safeguard his political interests and continue as the unchallenged political and military head of Pakistan. Bugti's killing once again established that democracy has never been institutionalized in Pakistan, which has remained under the Army's watch since independence. Pakistani army's stranglehold on the country's politics was reaffirmed on 29 August 2006 when the no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz was defeated in the parliament. Despite the fact that there was open resentment even within the ruling party over Bugti's killing, Musharraf ensured that his prime minister did not have to face an embarrassing defeat in the parliament.

For several years, Bugti had been fighting for the rights of the Baloch people, who have suffered due to exploitation of their province's resources by the Pakistani military establishment. Despite the fact that Bugti had always kept the door open for negotiations, General Musharraf never encouraged a serious dialogue with the rebel leader. In fact, Musharraf went on to say that "this is not the 1970s when you can hit and hide.

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You will not even know what hit you this time." Musharraf proved his point as the veteran Baloch leader was finally killed by a laser-guided bunker-buster missile, which did not give Bugti any chance of escaping. Some media reports also claimed that the weapons used in the operation against Bugti were in fact supplied by the US to Pakistan for boosting its anti-terrorism operations against Taliban and Al Qaida militants hiding in the Waziristan tribal agency. Bugti's killing clearly exposes the brutal face of the Pakistani army.

However, the international community, including the US, did not condemn the incident. Even the international media did not pay much attention to Bugti's killing; the 27 August 2006 edition of US daily The New York Times carried only a 91-word news item on the incident.

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The Shameful Realization

Pakistan has repeatedly hurled accusations about human rights violations against neighboring India. At all international and regional forums, Pakistan has accused the Indian security forces of committing human rights abuses in Kashmir. On several occasions, several international organizations have given statements that were clearly influenced by Pakistani allegations. However, what is not recognized is the fact that Indian forces have never resorted to aerial bombing or massive military operations against militants operating in Kashmir and other parts of the country. Compared to the Indian position, the Pakistani army has not hesitated to use brute military force against its own people. The assassination of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti establishes the fact that the Pakistani army continues to commit grave human rights violations against its own people whether it is in Balochistan, Northern Areas or Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Dialogue as a means of resolving genuine grievances has no place in the Army's vocabulary. However, Bugti's killing has, in fact, served as a message to Baloch rebel factions that they have to unite in order to fight for their rights. It remains to be seen whether General Musharraf adopts a democratic approach for redressing longstanding Baloch grievances. If he fails to do so, Pakistan could suffer dismemberment similar to the one that took place in 1971. Rather than establishing the writ of the government as claimed by Musharraf, Bugti's killing has, in fact, opened up what could eventually end up as another bloody chapter in Pakistan's turbulent history.

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Burrial of Bugti
Tribal chief Nawab Akbar Bugti was buried in Pakistan's Balochistan province six days after being killed in a military raid. No relatives were among the handful of people who saw the sealed coffin laid to rest in his home town of Dera Bugti. The only person to see and recognized the body during the funeral was the mullah who performed the ceremony. All inhuman cruelty to crush the sentiments of the family and the whole Baloch community was done in hurry by the Mush army. Imagine the anger of the deceased leaders followers. The sorrow ness of the sons, great sons and other family members is unimaginable.

Pakistani army wrote black history on Black Friday. The burial took place amid a nationwide strike called by opposition parties to protest Bugti's killing. Bugti's son-in-law Agha Shahid Bugti said the family had asked the Government to hand over the tribal leader's body for burial. "It is inhuman and unacceptable. It is even un-Islamic to bury a person against the will of his family,".

One of Bugti's sons, Talal, said they were not even asked to identify the decomposed body and queried whether it was that of his father. For the time being tribes could be kept silent to surround them by the troops. But how much time and in what way the situation will be calm?

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They Buried Bugti or his duplicate:

Deceased followers and family members suspicion is fuelled by the reluctance of the Government to hand over the body of Bugti. They even suspect that buried body might not be Late Akabar Bugti. Bugti's watch, wallet and spectacles were shown to journalists. But why body was not shown to them. Suspicion is not without base.

Army officials said four more bodies had been retrieved from the rubble. "But they have been in a state beyond recognition. As sighted in a foreign paper, Baloch knew that in the past hundred and hundreds were butchered to the extent that Children were killed and their bodies were not allowed to be buried and hungry dogs were left to feast on them.

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Implications for the National Unity

It needs to be understood that military should have no role in the politics of the country as it was not possible for them to achieve the goal of nation building. The critical role of ruling elite and military has pushed Pakistanis to a seriously alarming situation where they are living with uncertainty and skepticism. The state should be a sovereign entity, however after 9/11 Pakistan has lost its sovereign status. The powerful forces of military, bureaucracy and newly emerged corporate imperialism have deprived the nation not only of their sovereignty and independence but also of their rights. Akbar Bugti always had good relations with establishment and supported federation but his assassination in such circumstances might lead to horrendous effects for the both nation and country. Such incident happened because Akbar Bugti did not have access to the law of necessity. Only a genuine democracy could ensure freedom, rights and more provincial autonomy for the people. Pakistani masses, particularly the intellectuals, leaders and civil society should be urged especially from Punjab to play their due role by rising against the military dictators. During the 59 years of countrys independence, all the citizens had been forced to live under the slavery by the army-dominated establishment, as they were not given their due rights by the Army that had tightened its hold on national resources. Who ever tried to dissent was coerced to follow the government line or be eliminated like Mr. Bugti.

By launching the military operation and assassinating the Baloch leader the army crossed all the limits adding that the prevailing situation in the country was worse than the 71' crisis.

Page No. 27 Instead of establishing educational institutions, promoting science and technology and launching development projects, Musharraf government has been setting up cantonments just to have more control over the provinces, he added. We need to show solidarity with the Baloch people. Balochistan crisis was not a new issue, which basically lingered since 1950s but the critical events during last two years have led to the situation, which can be called as a blackest era for Pakistans history after 1971.

There was no talk of separation in Balochistan 2 years back rather Akbar Bugti wanted to negotiate with the Centre when parliamentary committees were engaged in the negotiation process with him but the continuous use of force and extra judicial killing of Akbar Bugti have made the situation worst. Balochistan issue is a strategic and complex issue that can eventually cause disaster to Pakistans federation and national unity as brutal assassination of Akbar Bugti, eventual Baloch nationalism and great game of oil by international powers were serious and potential threats, if the matter was not resolved through political process. The government should make public the details of agreements with Akbar Bugti, reports of parliamentary committees. The fake explanations of the governments different departments to hide the facts of Kohlu incident made the situation even worst. Institutions are weak and personalities are strong in the country, this fact has always seriously damaged the national unity. Every Pakistani condemned the incident while only one person (General Musharraf) congratulated his forces for this extra judicial crime. There were 77 Sardars in Balochistan but the government had been targeting only one because he had opposed the policies of military and more particularly

Page No. 28 of General Musharraf. The government was never serious to resolve this issue through dialogue and political means because the committees never presented their reports in the parliament. Pentagon has strategic interests in Balochistan and military regime was facilitating them to achieve their goals. The government not only brutally killed the federalist and centralist national leader but also it buried him in a very disgraceful manner. The government denial to hand over Akbar Bugtis body to his heirs was an inhuman act which would further aggravate the feelings of his family, supporters and Baloch nation. We have not learnt any lesson from history and rulers have again shown their bankruptcy by murdering a veteran politician who voted for the independence of Pakistan in 1947 in the Jirga. Parliamentary democracy and national contract with the Balochistan are needed to express solidarity and to resolve the issue of Balochistan.

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Conclusion
What happened poses many questions but the Big Unknown is what effect Bugtis assassination will have on ordinary Baloch people. If the rebellion becomes a mass movement, especially in towns and cities like Quetta, then the dead Nawab can cause far worse headaches for Musharraf than he ever did during his lifetime. With so little independent reporting coming out of Balochistan, it is hard to tell which way public opinion is headed. So much for Balochistan. The Pakistani army just proved how good it is in chasing and eliminating terrorists who seek refuge in the remote areas bordering Pakistan and Afghanistan. The question the world should ask is, why then is it unable to do the same with that other terrorist that everyone is interested in.