Respicius Shumbusho Damian

Contemporary Politics in Tanzania

CONTEMPORARY POLITICS IN TANZANIA: How did we Get Here? Respicius Shumbusho Damian1,
P.O. Box 35042, Dar es salaam Mobile: +255713428318 E-mail: shumbusho@udsm.ac.tz

A Topic Presented at the MS-TCDC Youth4change Line of Event, 28 February 2012,and 6th March2012 in Dar es salaam. Introduction Aristotle, a famous political philosopher of the 4th century noted that man is by nature a political animal. This means that man cannot be kept away from politics. The attempt to keep this political animal (man) away from political process may be successful at once, but not keeping that political animal away from politics in its holistic sense or all times. Even if we are not politicians (who do politics) or not political analysts who look at politics scientifically and interpret political signals, we talk politics, and we behave politically. When we start behaving politically, we prove that we are undeniably political animals. It is clear that the political signals in Contemporary Tanzania are even attracting all of us to talk politics, analyze politics, discuss politics, and indeed behave politically. Nevertheless, it is my belief that we need to take a keen look at the environments under which the key political institutions were born and groomed so that we can be able to interpret their current behavior and how they interact with the rest of the society. The objective of this brief topic is to present blueprint analysis of how should participants understand the Tanzanian contemporary politics. It is not easy to cover all the aspects that would allow someone to comprehend what characterizes the Tanzania political system and political institutions, but at least using historical institutionalism, the simplest approach we can make a more simplified view into the etymology and current behavior of political actors, institutions, and process. The analysis will cover three main aspects; first, the conceptual framework for defining politics (and what is not politics). Secondly, it will provide a simplified historical analysis of the major landmarks in the development of political institutions in Tanzania. The third and last part will analyze the Tanzanian contemporary politics (starting from the 2005 general elections to the present). Conceptual Ground for Understanding Politics An Approach for Defining Politics We all have some idea about politics, but we broadly differ on what constitute politics or what is not politics. There are three broad theoretical approaches for defining what politics is? The first approach is based on a narrow scope that confines politics to the exercise of state and government power. Supporters of this include Austin Ranney (1991) who defines politics as the governing of men and David Easton (1953) who sees politics as authoritative allocation of values. This approach leaves out all forms of political interactions, influences, and behavior
Respicius Shumbusho Damian is an Assistant Lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at the University of Dar es salaam, His areas of expertise include Democracy and electoral Processes, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Management of Public Service, Political Theory, and Public Policy
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that happen out of formal governmental institutions. In this view, politics is limited to processes like election campaigns, rallies, polls, parliamentary debates, budgetary sessions, and cabinet meetings. The second approach looks at politics as a more generalized and universal process, which has existed wherever human specie has been found. This approach is based on the original meaning of the term polis in the Ancient Greek city States of Athens. In Athens, politics did not mean governing, but it meant the affairs of the city-states (or society) in which all citizens had to participate. It is from this logic that Aristotle (384-322 BC) claimed that man is by nature a political animal. In its broadest sense, politics denotes all social processes that are aimed at deciding and influencing decisions that affect day-to-day affairs of the society. The other definitions that stand at the middle of the two approaches include Harold Laswell (1936) who defines politics as who gets what? How? and when? (power).In the same category, politics has been defined by Miller (1962) as a process where a group of people with shared, but divergent interests make collective decisions and reach consensus. The third approach looks at politics as some kind of power entrepreneurism. This approach is much supported by philosophers like Albert Camus (1913-1960), a French philosopher who believed that politics and the fate of mankind are shaped by men without ideals and without greatness. According to Camus, men who have greatness within them do not go in for politics. In addition, based on an old tale of the politicians, politics is regarded by a normal citizen as an art of deception2. However, in some common experiences, politics has come to denote ideas related to propaganda, non-implementable policies, empty political promises, electioneering, and other forms rent-seeking power relations in public and private affairs. Related to the second approach (which shall be adopted), politics may generally be defined as a process that involves obtaining, exercising, using, sharing and enjoying power and influence in society so as to fulfill public interests and needs. Politics as a process is related to exercise of public power (authoritative), but the relations that arise from exercising public power like political behavior, political influence, attitudes, and idealization form day-to-day political interaction, which in turn define politics of a given society. Thus, substantive forms of political interactions can be found in smaller units than the state (starting at family level, in churches, mosques, CSOs, sports clubs, and market institutions). What to Include and what to Exclude from Politics From the approach that has been adopted, politics is part of day-to-day life. Politics is a method through which collective interests and needs are fulfilled. Fulfillment of collective interests and needs in all societies involve differences, competition, and some kind of overt and covert scramble to allocate resources and values. Political actors are not only politicians or political institutions, but also the common men and women in society. Politics is about differing and reconciling those differences (on course of reaching collective end). Since
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This old tale goes like this: the five politicians were travelling in a car. They suddenly got a car accident in the old farmers farm. The old farmer took the dead bodies of the politicians and buried them in a single grave. As he was telling the story to the comrades, one comrade said; I heard that they were six. The old farmer answered; these politicians! Let me go and recount them, I know that they are not reliable, it might happen that they were six, but after death they faked that they were five.

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differences are part of human existence, politics is also part of human existence and appears wherever there is more than one man. Politics is like a ladder where different groups have prescribed role to play to influence different decisions, actions, and policies in harmonious environment. When there is no harmonious environment (like inequality, corruption, and social deprivation), one group may be forced to play the role of the other group (for example, commonly when civil society associations start to produce and distribute services). However, it must be noted that the highest end of politics is to achieve fulfillment of collective interests and goods for the public (better services, equity, respect, justice, and social protection). Illustration 1: The Ladder of Political Roles and Political Actors
Forms of Political Influence International Community, Actor Group 'F' Donors, Superpowers Actor Group State and Political Institutions (Presidency, Cabinet, 'E' Political Parties, legislature, laws, constitution,etc) Actor Group Representatives of the people 'D' (MPs, Councilors, President) Organized Civil Society Actor and Civil Society Government and Group 'C' associations Bureaucracy: Citizen Groupings and Collective Good: Social Actor Group Incidental public services, social protection, Public Needs 'B' collectivities human rights, standard of living, and security. Interests Individual Citizen

Actor Group 'A'

Source: Modified from Damian (2010), Voter Turnout in the 2010 Tanzania General Elections, pp.37 From illustration 1, the normal citizen becomes a political actor through participating directly in campaign rallies, ballot, referenda, neighborhood meeting, and indirectly through elected representative. However, in some instances, individuals may act in non-organized collectivities in support or against a policy. A good example may be an incident where a certain group of voters refrains from voting, a group of taxpayers builds their own road, or a group of students breaks roads requiring the government to control road accident rates. In the way that the virtue requirements in the social contract is that; the state and its government in has to exercise collective control of resources and provide public goods, most of the visible forms of political influences are channeled to the state and its government. When representatives cannot fairly represent the normal citizen, this normal citizen shall always seek avenues to participate through non-organized groups. When public needs and demands become well shared among individual groups, groups of actors in civil society realm organize them and articulate them so as to create more formal forms of demands and influence. The civil society actors are virtually mandated by the social contract to protect their members through educating them, mobilizing them, and organizing them out of formal state and market realms so as to influence and control authoritative political actors when they do not fulfill their contractual obligations. As in the Lockes social contract theory, the use of methods like demonstrations and strikes by civil society actors implies the only remaining means through which the dishonest civil authority (which is the agent of civil society) can be

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forced to terminate the social contract. It is therefore clear that the happening of tensions in society is a result of failure of one of the groups of political actors in the ladder to work responsibly in furthering collective ends. In the incident of lack of harmonious environment, each group of political actors in the ladder will always try to use all the available means to make sure that it influences its opponent and gets its voice heard. For instance, when group C struggles to influence group E unsuccessfully, the autonomy of group C becomes jeopardized and group C has to surrender to the wishes of group E. This is the nature of continuous political influence relationship between different political actors in the ladder and the government.

There are many empirical examples that can illustrate this kind of continuous attempts of political influence between the three realms (citizenry groups, civil society, and state). Very recently, the interns and medical doctors in different hospitals boycotted against misuse of public funds in several projects and meager allowances respectively (Citizen, 9 January 2012; Citizen 10 February 2012). The responsible ministry decided to relocate the interns while the prime minister ordered that the doctors should resume their work (otherwise, they would loose their job). Here, the doctors were behaving politically, but they were not doing politics. On the other hand, the ministry and prime minister had provided political statements backed up with authoritative powers. In this sense, they were doing politics. On 11 February 2012, members of different Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) led by the Legal and Human Right Centre (LHRC) demonstrated to influence political and administrative leaders who had mishandled the doctors-government case to resign. On the same day, two top leaders of very influential CSOs were taken in for questioning by the police (probably to silence the rest of CSOs). All the strikes and boycotts cited above were indeed to demonstrate that people have power on public affairs. People must behave politically when political actors are not doing their right job. This is natural. It has indeed existed since the times of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke (social contract theorists who suggest that the government is a result of contract between the civil society and public authority). However, the dynamics of influence and power relations between the people and the political authorities differ depending on philosophical strand. Those who believe in Hobbes are likely to say that when people have elected their leaders in power they must completely surrender their power to them (no questioning or attempting to influence them to resign). On the other hand, those who support John Locke believe that people do not surrender all their power to political authorities. Creation of political authorities is just a contract between civil society and civil authority. If the political authority (state and its government) fails fulfill the terms of contract (including better services and managing public resources humbly), the civil society deserves a right of going beyond behaving politically and thus do politics (removing leaders from authority by use of force). The Major Political Landmarks Tanzania has gone through different changes in history. However, to make the presentation simple, the major political landmarks shall include colonialism, independence, and building of the new government, Arusha Declaration and single party politics, multiparty democracy and the mode of democratization, and lastly; liberalization and Crisis of Legitimacy.

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Tanzanian Politics during the Colonial Period Germany Colonial Rule (1985-1918): The bad and the Good At Once The land currently called Tanzania (formerly Tanganyika) was under colonial rule for almost 80 years (1880s-1960s), beginning with Germany colonialism (1885-1919), and later British rule (1919-1961). Zanzibar on the other hand had been under control of several powers including the Portuguese, the Sultanate of Oman, and then became a British protectorate by the late 19th century. The process of colonization involved replacement of traditional relations with new relations. The introduction of new forms of economic and political relations faced resistances from African tribes, which included the Hehe resistance (1891-1894), Rufiji resistance (1902), and the great Maji Maji uprising of 1905-1907. After successful occupation in 1897, Germans introduced new economic practices like cash crops production, starting mining in Lake Victoria in 1894 and Sekenke in 1902, construction of railways (for example1,247 km from Tanga to Moshi and ) and road networks. The Germans further created new modern stone buildings that led to development of new cities like Bagamoyo, Lindi, Kilwa, and Tanga. Apart from developing the basic economic infrastructures some of which serve a great purpose to the present, the Germans introduced formal education. While other European colonial powers were hesitant to invest in African formal education, the Germans initiated education, which they divided into elementary, secondary, and vocational education. Despite, extremist Afro centric scholars criticize that Germany colonial education was introduced to alienate Africans from their own cultures, it was bookish and did not suit African needs of the time (Rodney, 1973); other scholars argue that Germans had built standard education (compared to the British) in colonial Tanganyika (Walker, 1940). The schools were well equipped with Teachers and enough books (despite they were
truly irrelevant to what the Africans were referring to as development.

Politically, the Germans with they Direct rule ruled brutally and established direct control over the economy. The Germans weakened and suppressed traditional authorities and established an order of direct control where the major decisions were made in Germany. The Germans further rejected traditional and cultural based boundaries in the colony and established a united and centrally administered Germany East Africa colony, which was divided into 22 administrative districts. In areas where people were not ready to cooperate with Germans, they retained previous traditional chiefs, but reduced their power subject to the central law while slowly replacing them with young graduates called Akidas and Jumbes. Recruitment in the public and political offices was made official and merit based where the ability to communicate in Kiswahili was one of the requirements to hold an office. Generally, Germans can be said to have laid the first ground for formation of national identity. In case of the role of the state in service production and delivery, a good percent o the returns from colonial production was spent on developing economic and administrative infrastructures. To verify this, historical data show that none of the countries in colonial Africa (except Togoland) made profit for Germany Empire; instead, they all depended on subsidies from the main treasury in Berlin to finance infrastructures development in the colony (Sturmer, 2000).

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Generally, politics during the Germans rule involved both the use of overt power. However, they were politics of commanding respect from the ruled to achieve high participation in colonial production. Political power and influence was used as a means of achieving not only respect of authority, but also unification and amalgamating resources to form a single well disciplined nation. The only fact that made Africans protest against Germans colonial rule was that, the Germans used force to replace traditional African institutions that served their own symbolic and economic ways of life with a new institutional and economic order that was aimed at satisfying the development of capitalist economy at home. British Colonial Rule (1919-1961) It is agreeable among political scientists that both the Germans and British had economic motives behind occupation of colonies. The difference came to appear in political and ruling systems since the Germans had created the colony, but the British had just inherited the colony after the defeat of Germans in the First World War. Thus, British occupation was much taken as a way of helping the colonized. Under this logic, the British as protectorates took the former Germany colonies. Since the British government had taken a vast part of Africa, there were no enough personnel, who would serve in political and administrative positions. Thus, the British decided to use the cheapest, most dividing, and fakery sympathizing method, which involved ruling through traditional African chiefs. The local chiefs under British indirect rule system were powerless, voiceless, and selfish in the sense that they were ruling to please the British Area Commissioners who watched them very closely. Economically, the British colonial administration was not investment conscious. The colonial rulers were just consumerists who believed that engagement of the state in direct production and service delivery was a luggage. They therefore invited the private sector to run the economy and services. The colonial government was a good planner, but implementation was always delayed, or passed to settler and commercial companies such as the Imperial British East Africa Company. The British discouraged interaction between tribes and the economies that would encourage it. For instance, in the plantations and settler farms, people from different tribes were kept separately while the industry sector was discouraged since it could encourage rural urban movements and thus rise of the working class movements (like Luddism in 1811 and Chartism in 1839 at their home). The British colonial state abandoned the previous Germans initiatives for development of economic infrastructures and social services in the country. For example, despite the fact that the British ruled the colony for 42 years (compared to 33 years of Germans), they could not construct newer and durable roads and railways compared to the Germans. From 1938 and 1960 (the period they settled down to develop infrastructures and produce), roads were only extended from 15,000 miles to 20,464 moles. Out of these roads, they only extended main roads from 2,700 miles to only 3,770 miles. In case of railways, the construction was as insignificant as extending from 1,370 miles to only 1,760 miles (Ellis, 1983). In case of health facilities, the British focused on serving production areas while in urban areas initiatives were taken to control pests and diseases, which were not friendly to whiles like tsetse flies (sleeping sickness), Malaria, Bilharzias and Cholera. Education on the other hand, there were few schools owned by missionaries and education was offered on basis of inequality based on

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color. A meager part of the government expenditure was allocated for education. For example, in 1933, only $290,000 (0.2%) was allocated for education. Still, there were schools well served with facilities for the whites, the second preference in both facilities and financing were those, which prepared sons of chiefs to assume political responsibilities (and some privileged tribes like the Haya and Chagga to serve in low status jobs. In summary, the British political administration was organized in the way that it should justify domination. The use of indirect rule was typically a camouflaged tactic for fooling the local population that the British Empire existed to prepare the colonized societies for self-rule. The justification of a faade faith that they were preaching to the Africans was that; since Africans were ruled by their own chiefs, they were a half way to becoming independent. Indirect rule was successfully used as a political tool that manipulated the situation and fooled Africans not to question about economic and social welfare for more than 40 years. The British system of ruling and service provision was a designed tool for dividing the Africans and killing the sense of consciousness. The Struggle Independence and Building of New Government It is it is widely held that at independence the new political administration inherited superimposed colonial structures. I strongly agree with scholars who support this position. However, it is not 100 percent true that the colonialists were the source of all problems, which Tanzania faced after independence. The so-called irrelevant structures were inherited by nearly all the countries, which were colonized. Some scholars who do not sorely agree with this view hold that having those structures in place was better than starting Afresh. The logic behind this argument is that; political institutions like the legislature, the cabinet, and infrastructure like urban centered hospitals, theoretical and bookish education have been inherited by other countries in South America and Asia, but they were able to reform them to suit their desired developmental objectives (Mitchell, 1982). The strongest argument might rather be that the post-colonial administration inherited a political system that could hardly sustain itself due to both internal and international economic realities of the 1960s and 1970s. It is right to ground the point that colonialism had adversely negative impact to development of the Tanzanian society, but this does not deny the truth that the it was the responsibility of the postcolonial administration to design better policies, institutions, and strategies for economic recovery, services improvement, and satisfying the needs of the indigenous population. It is an intellectual misdeed to say that the postcolonial political leadership took wrong initiatives after independence, but still I can personally suggest that the top political leadership took hard decisions without making thorough analysis of available options and their long-term impact on the newly created nation. If the scan of future environment was done, it was just short focused and was not broader to look into the world history and forecast what was likely to happen in the center and periphery of the world political and economic system in the distance future. In this sense, it is better to focus on the central political decisions, which were reached after independence, how they were reached, and why they were reached.

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It is hard (for me) to agree that there was active struggle for independence in Tanzania (Tanganyika). The struggle for independence was organized around good political values of unity, freedom, and equality under which active civic groups that were emerging were forced to marry the giant trade union that was in form of movement. The growing civil society associations were suppressed by amalgamating them to the Tanganyika Federation of Labour (TFL), which was a real partner of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), a party that was struggling for independence in Tanzania. For example, in 1955, out of 23 registered trade onions and associations, 17 became part of the TFL. TANU and TFL worked as partners to win support of the workers (who were indeed visionary). The two organized different boycotts in working places including the Breweries workers in 1958. However, as Andrew Coulson notes it, this partnership was just a political strategy forged by TANU to win support during the independence movement (Coulson, 1982). The support from TFL allowed TANU under Julius Kambarage Nyerere to get independence from the British. The struggle for independence in Tanzania took a form of non-violent movement. The movement started as a an international movement that wanted Britain to grant independence to all her protectorates by 1960s, then it was internally popularized by an informed nationalist of the time, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere. The British were not ready to leave Tanganyika by 1960s. In 1957 they had proposed that they would rather let Tanganyika become independent 25years later. Upon hearing this, the majority of the groups and their leaders had resorted to start strikes immediately, but Mwalimu Nyerere convinced them to use peaceful means during the Tabora conference of 1958. (Kleemeier, 1984). In this sense, the use of non-violence was much attributed to Nyereres personal approach and the capacity to seek information and participate in the international movements for African independence such as the 1958 United Nations Summit where he strongly opposed the British intention to grant independence after 25 years. While many trade unions and civic associations of groups were amalgamated to TFL during the independence movement, after independence they were not satisfied since their voices were not heard in the political sphere and many decisions were reached without consulting. Soon after independence in 1961, TFL was suffocated. Following political disappointment and disillusionment, there were secretly reorganization of strikes and boycotts, which in 1962 only counted 152 (Ibid; Kleemeier, 1984). The cooperatives (which could not be moved) were co-opted through appointing their vocal leaders into the government (though some remained dissatisfied). Following the military mutiny in 1964, the new government under President Nyerere reacted by enacting the National Union Trade Association (NUTA) Act in 1964, that made NUTA a compulsory trade union for all workers (probably due to fear of being overthrown). After the army mutiny of 1964, many soldiers were put to detention while the other who at the forefront questioning about the fruits of independence were set out on peacekeeping missions in different countries (Lawrence & Macrae 2007). From the nature of struggle for independence and the relationship, that TANU and its government maintained with civil society and Trade Unions, few important lessons can be learnt. First, the struggle for independence was latent in the way that it qualifies to be called am movement (rather than a struggle). Mwalimu Nyerere (as an informed leader) became popular and in most cases used, the strategies he thought were right in his own right.

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Mwalimu Nyerere was a non-consultative leader as it is clear from his own words in 1973 said, No one person has the right to say, I am the People. No Tanzanian has the right to say, I know what is good for Tanzania and others must do it. In this respect, the debate behind the independence was just a discussion between Nyerere and the British (former rulers) whereby behind Mwalimu Nyerere was a popular support of TANU members and united groups of civil society associations.
As I am sure that the public and civil society associations did not have voice in the designing of the new independent government institutions, I am not sure if Mwalimu Nyerere had strong power and influence on what institutions were to be good for Tanzania (mostly due to the need to abandon some institutional arrangements soon after independence). The new constitution was designed by the British and provided to the new government. The new government was designed as parliamentary system under which executive ministers had to legitimated by the legislature and remain accountable to it. Under the Westminster constitution, the head of the state was to be the governor who represented the Queen of the British Empire while the head of government was to be a prime minister from the party that won majority votes. In 1962, the first elections were held where TANU under Nyerere won majority vote and Nyerere became a First Ministers. In the same year, TANU under Nyerere changed the constitution and formed a presidential system where, Nyerere as a president assumed the roles of head of state and head of government plus commander in chief of armed force and retained the governors powers of preventive detention and appointment of ministers. In 1964, after the Zanzibar revolution, which expelled the sultanate rule, the heads of states of Zanzibar and Tanganyika united the two states forming the United Republic of Tanzania. Immediately, the two years old constitution was modified to accommodate the union. Since the majority of those who participated directly in the independence movement differed with a new political leadership and no attempts were made to reconcile those differences, the filling of sensitive positions in the new government was carefully done. The government found itself entrusting responsibilities to new leaders, who included incompetent ones to assume higher political positions in the political offices. As some scholars had observed, it was easy for president Nyerere to control them and keep this power safer, but they were a threat to a new nation since they were not conscious of the new nation, its resources, and its people (William, 1986). It is from this point that most of the politicians in post independence Tanganyika became politicians for the sake of politics (later on some of these were sent to Kivukoni College of Politics and ideology, which was sponsored by the party). Thus, the politics of the early after independence era were mainly politics of suspicion and distrust where difference on government policies were always resolved on secret tables or were to be kept away from the public ears.

Single Party Politics and the Post-Arusha Declaration (1965-1985) As a step forward in seeking for political and economic development after independence, it was that resolving differences and disagreements among cleavages denied the political leadership to concentrate on development administration for the people (Nyerere, 1966). In early 1965, Nyerere argued that the independence struggles, which had initiated cleavages, were over, the new challenge that the nation needed was not many parties and political liberalization as it was provided by the independence constitution, but needed unity. All cleavages out of TANU (and ASP for Zanzibar) were abolished and the interim constitution was hastily modified several times to accommodate one party system. Indeed, all those changes from 1955 did not mean presenting proposals before the delegates or parliament to

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discuss, but just the main three (Nyerere, Rashid Kawawa3, and Oscar Kambona4) usually decided, they were to differ secretly, reconcile secretly, and go to the public to defend the matter (however in few incidents Oscar Kambona used to oppose the two openly). Up to 1965, the political leadership had realized that the efforts to bring about national development had isolated people who are indeed a subject of the process. Between 1961 and 1065, the efforts of the state were mounted to silencing the dissatisfied groups, which were accusing the government of not sharing the fruits of independence with them (including political power). Therefore, after controlling differences, the politics took form of policies and statements that aimed at encouraging people to take part in economic plans implementation. Despite this intention, it was still clear that most of the government policies were originally personal policies of Mwalimu Nyerere and were originated without consultation, long term formal situational analysis or pilot studies to find out if they are likely to work or not. The unique point about the policy orientations of the 1965-1980s was that; both politics and policies were the policies that focused on the rural life and rural population Shamba Politics and were popular even in rural areas. Some of the common policy slogans, which were transformed into popular slogans, included those, which encouraged farmers to work hard so as to make the country sustain its food demand such as we must run while others walk, which aimed at encouraging people (especially in rural areas) to work hard. The other agrarian politics were Agriculture is a Matter of Life or Death (Kilimo cha Kufa na Kupona), food is life (chakula ni uhai), politics is agriculture (siasa ni Kilimo) and Green Agriculture (kilimo cha kijani). After the Arusha declaration, Tanzanian political leadership highlighted a bold emphasis that Tanzania was a socialist and self-reliant society. Mwalimu Nyerere claimed that he was not imposing socialism, since Africans are traditionally socialists. What he emphasized is to perpetuate the African socialist values of unity, equality, respect, and protection of individuals dignity. The means of production were declared to be under the workers and peasants. Under a self-reliance police TANU declared to be at war against poverty of all. Moreover, Tanzania is a democratic state since it is elected and ruled by the peasants and workers. The political emphasis was to shift from the industry and money to hard working (especially in agriculture). The important preconditions for development are; (i) People; (ii) Land; (iii) Good Policies; (iv) Good Leadership. The Arusha declaration was not just a policy, but it became a political and ideological guide for economic development and service delivery between 1967 and 1985. Related to rural oriented socialist oriented policies and political decisions was the villagelization policies of 1970s. Despite the justification that the establishment of Ujamaa villages was aimed at bringing the people together so that they can be easily provided with important social services, villagelization was perceived as an imparted and unnecessary policy
Rashid Mfaume Kawawa was a prominent nationalist during independence movement and first Prime Minister of the United Republic of Tanzania. 4 Oscar Kambona was also a prominent nationalist during struggle for independence. He became the first Minister of Home Affairs and Security. Kambona and Chief Abdallah Fundikira, the first Minister of Constitutional Affairs were greatly opposed to Nyerere on single party and socialist ideologies.
3

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of which the cost benefit analysis demonstrated higher cost to the poor. Indeed, formation of villages and forcing the people to go there was done illegitimately. Moreover, people were not given reasons to why they were supposed to migrate to villages so that they could themselves aspire joining villages (Kleemeier, 1984). The operation was combined with ideological and intellectual manipulation where people ware being prepared to believe that development would be attained through collectivization and self-help strategies (which were actually difficult). Up to 1973, more than 2 million peasants had joined Ujamaa villages. In short, unlike the model villages like the Mexican Ejido, Soviet Kolkhoz, and Chinese communes; the Ujamaa villages were more of a political project that was owned by TANU, Mwalimu Nyerere and the government rather than people. The other central feature of single party politics of 1970s and 1980s was that; party politics ruled each and everything. A famously known Kiswahili saying was that of Chama Kimeshika Hatamu (meaning that the party has assumed supremacy). TANU and its stretched leadership network worked hard to exercise its control over the rest of the institutions including the parliament, the judiciary, and bureaucracy. For example, the party leader at ten house cell level could summon a bank manager and give him a warning if the bank operations do not agree with the party leadership expectations. As it is observed by Mc Henry Jr (1976), the political lullabies of the time were political irons. Both socialism and democracy of the time did not consider the ruled. As he corrects the Authority of the time which changed democrasi into domocrasi(rule by the mouth), democracy is rule by the people, and not rule by the mouth (pp.46). The other irony was that, the formal laws were enacted by the parliament, but still the words and ideas of Nyerere had more influence on how the government and its institutions operated. In summary, the politics were politics of individual top leaders and the party. The citizens had little or no control over political process, policies and decisions. Liberalization and the Transition to Multiparty Democracy The post 1985 years were years of global political and economic reforms. They were indeed called reforms since they were planned and organized. Many countries including Tanzania found themselves under inevitable pressures to reform their political and economic systems. In the context of Tanzania, economic reforms became evident after the 1985 general elections that led President Ali Hassan Mwinyi into power. President Mwinyi set up an encouraging atmosphere for liberalized economy and expansion of the private sector. It must however be acknowledged that economic liberalization and the shift from state centered economy were the only existing choices due to the prevailing claim that the growing poverty, scarcity of basic goods and services, and economic decline were a result of state controlled economy. Apart from the internal economic realities, economic liberalization was used by Briton Wood Institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank as a condition for accessing economic recovery funds in terms of loans and grants. The political side of liberalization involved the famously known song of democratization. While in ancient societies like the Greece city states democratization meant deliberation of political processes including ensuring that people participate in decisions that affect their lives, in Tanzania before 1990s democracy had meant unity, togetherness, collectivism, and collective ownership by the state on behalf of all the people. It was basically the anti-capitalist

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democracy. This kind of democracy could only survive if the USSR socialist ideology had survived to rule the world. Unfortunately, up to 1990 the opposite had become true that with the collapse of the USSR the last man was the liberal (Fukuyama, 1992). Even within the conservative ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), influential figures including Nyerere were accepting that their single party democracy, their rural politics, their collective ownership (which were indeed anti-liberalism) did not work well (optic: 65). Thus, the post 1990 was a time for redefining, reinvigorating, and reshaping political institutions to agree with the liberal conception of the best political system of the time, which is a democracy. The building of liberal political democracy was strongly coordinated and funded by Briton Wood Institutions. This process involved the following structural and institutional changes: 1. Replacing the single party system with multi party system, which involved a ersatz consultation of the public. 2. Broadening the legal framework for the foundation and expansion of civil society sphere and its organizations. 3. Opening up the room for expansion of private media sector including the print, visual and electronic media 4. Instituting multiparty elections at all levels of governance. This includes at the central government (the presidential, parliamentary) and local government (council, village, and neighborhood levels) 5. Implanting the liberal values of political individual freedoms and liberty, accountability, constitutionalism and rule of law 6. Insisting on the distancing of the state dominance in different aspects of policy making and implementation to allow for other actors to take party in the policy cycle (especially at the level of implementation)-This is what came to be generalized as governance. The general changes in political institutions and political structures was facilitated from outside. It was quick and promising that full democracy would shortly be achieved. It created aspirations for creating a fair and just political system (which actually became clearer known by the political activists and the common citizen. However, the concern of a normal politician was to see the changes in terms of improved life standards and alleviation of poverty. The commonly agreed mistake in the hasty of reforming the political system was that; the reforms were just at institutional and structural level while neglected the behavioral aspect. Of course this was one of the best biggest mistakes that the political administration did. On the other side, it is not a matter to blame the political administrators since they were implementing programs that they had not themselves designed and the one who had designed such programs had little insights and control of political institutional and individual behavior. Instead, democratic reforms were one-size-fits all project that were imagined to take the same direction and yield the same results in all political systems. Retarded Democracy and the Crisis of Legitimacy Up to the year 2005, after 13 years of multiparty democracy in Tanzania, it was easy to learn what had been improved and what was still demanding. The positive effects were much observable in economic growth where the National GDP grew from 4.62 in 1990 to 11.40 in 2005 (Damian, 2010). There was a massive expansion of the press sector, private investment, and the civil society sector, but the freedoms of individuals, freedom of press, accountability

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of the government and political leaders remained the cultures which were not supported by the government of President Benjamin William Mkapa (1995-2005). Economically, the Mkapa government is praised to for having built important economic infrastructures for growth, but still it is blamed for having groomed and perpetuated the culture of an unquestionable philosopher king and harsh attitude towards both the oppositional parties and the growing civil society sphere in policy making and implementation. It is from this point that the 1995-2005 years can be claimed to be a starting point for the retardation in the process of democratization and contributed to the decline in the degree of legitimacy among political institutions and leaders. The logic behind this is that; at the point of replacing single party politics, the people expected to do away with the boss government and build a servant government, but the go government that was created as a servant government was not a listener of the people. Contemporary Politics: A Brief Analysis Reversed Expectations of the Masses From 1992 to 2005 were 13 years of building democratic structures and institutions. From 2005 to 2012, the other 7 years of building democracy makes 20 years of democratic political transformation. In other words, 13 years of building expectations and 7 years reaping the goods (or bads) of democratization. If it was an age of a human being, that is enough for us to expect seeing the off-springs of his/her own and not to be taught how to behave as a grown up person. People expected to see immediate changes after replacing single party politics with multi-party politics. This did not happen during the 1990s. So they went on and waited to see changes in the early 2000s, but the results remained frustrating and discouraging. Thus, instead of seeing democracy reaching the point of democratic consolidation where democratic institutions are not expected to break down, people have experienced contradictory institutional behavior, which demand that; the people themselves should take party in democratizing democracy. In short, people expected the changing political institutions and growing civil society associations to be true representatives of the interests of a common voter, but this has not been realized for closer to a century; thus they have themselves decided to take action. When a democracy behaves undemocratically, it is a normal routine for people (whom we called political animals to demand the space in politics and try to build a polity they think will suitably accommodate their needs and wants. However, the difficult question remains how can disorganized squads and masses of people influence competent and resourceful rulers (who are not ready) to act in relation to their own interests and expectations? The Change in Political Culture and the Scope of Politics Political culture combines two aspects; civic culture and nature of the authority (political institutions and political system) (Almond and Verba, 1963). Political culture in the way defines the relationship between the political authority and the citizens. The political authority has specific legacy and symbols that determines how they interact with the people. Civic culture on the other hand determines how people perceive and interact with political institutions, authority, and how they participate and perceive their role, power, and competency in political processes. It should be noted that culture is not constant. It is

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dynamic, and changes to respond with changes in the macro and micro environment. Thus, realities show that both civic and political cultures have been influenced to change and they can not be characterized as they were in 1990s when the last political culture baseline survey was conducted. From the 1990s political culture baseline surveys, Baregu (2001) and Gasaras (2001) had observed that Tanzanians were to some extent characterized by passivity, parochialism and cosmopolitanism. This means that they were not participants by virtue, but the studies shown that in up to 2001, the participant civic cultures were emerging (though they were highly controlled). On the other hand, the political authority was characterized by use of force and suppression, external fragility and forcing public respect, overconfidenciality and patronage culture. The recent study by Damian (2011) demonstrated that the change in political culture (of the authority) has been very ill while there has been fast change in civic culture. People (especially the youth and in urban areas) is becoming more of a participant. However, the means of participation is curbed by the changes in technology where many people are eager to get information, discuss them and comment on them through phones, computers networks and informal social meeting places (Vijiwe). Politics is currently a clash between the culture of the authority and civic culture. While the civic culture is dynamic, the authority is conservative. While the outcry and struggles of the people is to participate, to be informed, to be told deliberately and openly; the struggle of the political system is to make the policy windows closed, to deny access to some crucial information that would generate the strength of the public to question on important matters of extremely higher political and economic concern. The culture of fearing the political system is now disappearing away mainly due to the transformation of politicians and voters relations from boss-subordinate relations to servant-client relations. We have witnessed groups of people criticizing the president, ministers, Members of Parliament and public officials through open media discussions, virtual online forums and mailing lists. All these prove that the civic culture of participating is a half accepted by those in authority, but the individual political leaders and political institutions would take long to agree being criticized openly due to the surviving behavioral orientation of the 1960s-1990s. The definition of politics is presumably varied between the political authority and the people. While the authority (state and its instruments) define politics as a separate arena that is elevated from the affairs of normal people, what we broadly called politics from the broader perspective is dominating both the definition and the practices on ground. The state and its instruments through their functioning demonstrate that there is very little degree of readiness to share power with non state actors. The NGOs, CSOs, self-help groups and disorganized associations are perceived as jumping into a ground of politics which is restricted for politicians and political institutions. In this sense, politics has become a forest for hiding matters that should not be reached by the public through independent institutions. Good example examples of cases that were constitutionalized include the case of an independent presidential candidate, land ownership, citizenship and some powers that are conferred to the presidential appointee decision makers on issues of higher political concerns such as the head of the National Electoral Commission. Once a case is about those constitutional matters or a decision is provided by such institutions as the NEC, the issues become out of reach of the

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public. Therefore, those in power define politics and political matters as excluding the public and the institutions that represent their interests out of the state and political institutions. Besides the state and its instrument as centers of politics, the political and economic realities have led to increased capacity of the public to define themselves as having space in politics. These beliefs, which indeed demonstrate maturation of the governance paradigm and liberal ideology in Tanzania is mostly influenced by the expansion of civil society at national and international level. People have learnt that they are owners of the government, the state in power has the responsibility of serving their interests, the resources of the country belong to the people, and that they pay taxes to get collective good. From these innate lessons, the members of the public define many issues that have been traditionally regarded by the political leadership as delicate for non political individuals and institutions to touch as existing in their areas of control. For example, the normal citizen feels free to speak in public that the MP, Prime minister, or minister must resign (while it is traditionally known that it is not easy). The confidence of the people that they have the power to influence the government through organized and disorganized groups has extensively increased. In the more recent cases, we have witnessed CSOs organizing their members and the general public to influence the state to make hard decisions of listening the doctors and call the responsible officials out of offices for investigation. Not only these, but also so many incidents of popular democracy among the machinga (small traders) and university students in different universities. All these demonstrate that people feel power within them; they are no longer the passives, the parochials, or the cosmopolitan whose culture is hard to define. The real participants and democratic citizenry is emerging. It has indeed got to the point of influencing the political system and it hears their concerns. The only remaining anomaly is that; the state and its political institutions has been entrusted with many resources including authoritative use of force and coercive instruments; that is why in most cases justifiable demands of the common people are still subjected to decisions of those who hold power. The Gap between Politics and Delivery While consolidated democracies are concerned with satisfying the people by providing assured and quality services, Tanzania is still at the point of ensuring access to the basic services. In terms of education, the challenge since 2003 has been reducing literacy rate to zero (which up to this moment has not been achieved). While the educational sector initiatives have included improving the quality of education, data show that there is great scarcity of facilities in schools to the extent that there are schools in Morogoro and Rukwa regions where the ratio of teachers and students is 250 students per teacher. While such a situation exists at primary school levels, at secondary school level, the initiatives looks at making sure that each ward has a secondary school so as to make sure that all students who complete primary education are enrolled in secondary education. Apart from that, there has been quick expansion of enrollment in higher education including direct investment of the state in higher education and encouraging the investments in higher education. Despite such quantitative increase in education, it is widely held that the quality of education is declining at all levels.

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The decline in quality of education is attributed to several factors, but the most important being using investment in education as a political marketing strategy rather than a pure public good for a country that is at the foot of economic take off. Secondly, the policies are not well coordinated and the institutional alignment between education stakeholders institution is very weak. For example, the building of new schools at ward level was not implemented without planning how the need for teachers would be accomplished shortly, as a result the government decided to recruit unqualified teachers (form six leavers or graduates in irrelevant fields). Third, there is lack of policy control mechanisms to enhance the quality of education that is standard for both private and public schools, which has even resulted into widening level of social inequality in education. Fourth, commercialization of higher education which has often created a class based system of education where economically weak families cannot afford accessing higher education through the cost sharing system. Generally, the political administration has been good in planning, but when it comes to coordinating and overseeing how can the implementation of policies can be streamlined with the current needs of the social (society) and the market (employers), it is doubted if education can serve as a means for sustaining the present social and economic development. Apart from education, the current government-public efforts have become divergent in most of the service sectors. The government is becoming aware that the public is today taking closer steps to assess the performance of political leaders, political institutions and bureaucracies. While the political system is playing with information technology so as to make access of information too late, the public is playing with technology to discover the more simplified, cheaper, and quick methods of accessing information. While the political system is fighting to justify the role of the state in satisfying the interests, needs of the people, and achieve economic and social development (e.g. building schools, hospitals, roads, free primary education, and free health services to the aged), the public and young generation are playing with the formerly secret information to discover corrupt conducts of political and administrative authorities in critical sectors like health, higher education financing authority, and the economically potential ministries like Ministry Of Minerals and Energy. Politics of Services Politicization While the role of politics is expected to be facilitating for proper provision of services and enhancing decision making processes how the services should be produced and distributed, the current politics in Tanzania influence services negatively. The political authorities in Tanzania are not functioning to speed up policy implementation and ensuring that higher quality services are provided to the public. In the first way, politics is used as an arena of struggle betweens to prove to the public who is powerful and who is powerful. The concept that politics is all about power and influence has taken a negative direction where the competition between politicians affects positive public service delivery decisions. A case example is the more recent situation in Ubungo ward (Ubungo constituency) where after the collapse of the Msewe Bridge. Following the collapse of the bridge along the Kibo-Msewe road in December 2011, the water supply to Msewe area was interrupted. The scarcity of water led into raise of water prices from 100 TZS to 500 TZS. While the other bridges, which collapsed due to the December rainfalls in Dar es salaam were constructed within a week or two, the construction

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of Msewe bridge did not start up to late January 2012. Whereas the biggest outcry was water accessibility, there were some kind of rumors that the cutting of water pipes during bridge construction was a business opportunity for suppliers of water who are claimed to communicate closely with the street authorities so that water supply can be delayed. While the residents of Msewe claim to be ready to contribute money for diverging the water pipes so that a temporary water solution is found, some people claim that the street leaders did not take any action. While the Ubungo MP (CHADEMA), Mr. John Mnyika was taking conscious physical action to enforce that the bridge construction is completed so that the water supply can begin by 15th February 2012, the councilor of Ubungo who is a CCM member was said to be denouncing the efforts of the MP simply because they are not from the same party. While cooperation between these parts would have provided a solution, their antagonism has delayed water supply solution up this time (March 2012). The politicization of services administration is indeed a cost to the voiceless public, while politicians use service projects as a way of proving influence of their own and their own parties. Politics of Powerless Government and the Big Men It is clearly observed that the current politics in Tanzania are characterized by much diminished control of the state and its government on collective public affairs. Since 2005, the rule of politicians over the private sector has substantially decreased while the rule of the same of civil society has been intensified. One observer, the famous professor and my teacher used to tell me that it is the rule of the big men. These big men, notably the business community have indirect control over political processes and political decisions since they have economic power. They finance campaigns of candidates, they finance political parties, they give them luxury cars for campaigning, they give them fuel during campaigns, and bad enough they sponsor them to accomplish the projects that market them in their constituencies. Given that the big men have placed the state and decision makers in power, they continue controlling them indirectly so that they can make decisions and policies that favor them. When policies are penetrated by other groups like civil society organizations and interest groups, the policies sound fair, but during implementation, the big men do not respect the laws and regulations. Some interesting examples of the effect of control by the big men may include the state control over petrol and diesel prices in December 2011 when the traders refused to sell fuel on the directed prices and cut down the supply. The government put it clear that the profit level is satisfactory and there is no reason for raising prices. The government gave them an order to start supplying fuel within three days on condition that if they do not, their licenses would be closed off soon. It is obviously remembered that the majority of the traders did not agree with the government order, but no further action was taken by the government. The same situation of proving the muscles of the business sector over the state can be observed through bus owners, microfinance institutions and sugar. The most intriguing question is whether there are justifiable reasons for the raise in prices or not? However, in most cases, the answer that is given by the economic analysts is that there are no justifiable reasons, but rather the failure of the state to control the economy. The Reemerging Politics of Identities Identities are common in all societies. However, the identities may include both positive and negative identities. Some common identities in societies are based on colors, religion, culture

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and nationality. These are indeed positive identities, which also became prominent at different times in the history of Tanzania. For instance, during colonial era; identities were based on colors (Europeans, Asians, and Africans), after independence were created national identity (Tanganyikans), after the Union we also managed to control two nationality identities (Zanzibarians versus Tanganyikans) into a single national identity (we Tanzanians) while remained with religious identities, which did not sound too much. These identities did not have significant effect to national identity up to 1990s and 2000s. Today, on street the analysis show that there are overcrowding identities which are dominating the way different groups look at each other. The newly growing identities are indeed based on negative attitude and hatredness. Each group defines the other as constraining its opportunities or placing it at a disadvantaged position. To mention a few; racial identity (for example the Indians in business), economic identities (based on economic classes (for example wavuja jasho versus wavuna jasho) meaning those who sweat and those who feed on others sweat. Moreover, on the economic identities we have the identities like wadosi, wakali, wazito, vigogo, wenye nchi, mapedizhe, matawi ya juu, mafisadi, mabosi, ma-VIP. On the opposite side of the economic identities there are labels like wa-four, walala hoi, hahehahe, wazibua mitaro, mikono migumu, alosto, wachovu, wa kawaida, mwenzangu mimi, and other many identities, which signify poverty. The level of hate between the rich and the poor is raising as life is becoming difficult. For instance, anybody who have a nice luxurious car is called fisadi (meaning the corrupt/great squanderer of public property). Having noticed this, the streets are becoming divided on basis of economic classes. For example; Masaki, Mikocheni (first class), Tabata, Sinza (middle class, emerging), Ubungo (third chass, mixed), Buguruni (uswahilini, insecure streets). Even services are getting more improved and security is strengthened in areas like Masaki while areas like Buguruni are becoming neglected. If a person passess in areas like Buguruni with a car and steps at a cart boy, it is obvious that the car shall either get stonned or side mirrors shall be picked off, but if a street boy steels an old mothers phone and runs away shall be given shelter so that the police and angry crowd do not harm him. Generally, this is a result of development of negative economic identities. Not only economic identities, the identities which are also prone to destructive fractures can be found around nationality (sanitarians versus Tanzanians), employed versus unemployed, born towns versus immigrants, religious identities (like the born again versus wa mataifa, the Christians versus Muslims, and traditional believers versus believers in formal religions). Unlike in developing countries where MPs argue to influence the parliaments to fulfill the needs of their constituencies, the Tanzanian MPs in most support or argue against the MPs proposals and agendas on basis of party identity. For example, it is commonly hard to hear the followers of CHADEMA for instance supporting the agenda that is tabled by a CCM MP even if it is justifiably considering public interests at its heart. Bad enough, identities tend to give birth to other identities, for example; the Civic United Front (CUF) is identified with the Musilims and the people of regions like Tabora, Shinyanga and Zanzibar while CHADEMA is identified with Christians and tribes like the Chagga. Last, but not least in the political system itself there are growing identities, which are based on ethical considerations (mafisadi versus the patriotic) while age is also becoming a new factor where the old (conservative) politicians looks at youth (revolutionalists) as a threat to national peace and integrity.

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The Position of Youth in the Change Process We dont want to make mistakes one of the respondents told me during the study on voter turnout in Ubungo constituency. He was indeed suggesting that once they elect the old fashioned leaders the constituency will remain old fashioned. On my side, I want to use it to justify that if the youth do not take correct steps to build their nation, the long term consequences of wrong and unfair decisions shall be born by current youth and their sons and daughters. Our fathers taken it for granted, but it was a cost for them and now to us who are their sons and daughters. For example, in Morogoro around 1980, all the mountains were breeding water due to natural forests. Nobody was poor by the time. People could live good life through farming. The same generation cleared natural forests without replacing them. As a result, water sources have dried away, soil fertility has lost, and most of the land has become unproductive. This has widely led to increase of unemployed young vagabond even in smaller rural business centers like Matombo, Mtamba, Mkuyuni, Lolo, Nyandira, and Tawa. This is indeed a cost to the young generation of today, but it was created by their parents. The same, the present bad plans, polities and contracts in education sector, in health sector, and mineral sector will cost us in the sense that by 2040 most of us are likely to become baggers or houseboys and house girls in the kitchens of the growing bourgeois class. The worst point will happen when the brothers and sisters who consider themselves to be good Muslims will be forced by the prevailing economy to seek employment in the pig farm. The role of youth in changing the current political system is justified on basis of several reasons. To begin with, the youth form a group of an energetic workforce of which the advantage should not be exploited during bad fortunes like wars. It is rather our role to seek opportunities and influence policies that encourage utilizing their potentials in the public and private employment. For example, if we can collectively influence for a policy that requires the retirement age to be sharply 50 years without replacement, a vast number of employment opportunities can be created every year. Secondly, the youth are the only group that is truly conscious of national development today. The aged may consider themselves as being conscious, but what makes them conscious? Probably the future of their sons and daughters. It is obvious true that saving for oneself is likely to be possible compared to saving for next of the kin (especially in Africa). On top of all, psychological researches have shown that there is relationship between age and brain activity. It is convincingly true that brain activity is required for healthy and productive planning and implementation of projects and programs including public policy initiation, management and evaluation. In this sense, the youth generation (whose current knowledge of global affairs is high compared to the aged people) has a desirably crucial input in the process of coming up with policies that are development oriented. These include policies and laws related to public resources management, public spending, public procurement and prioritization in public budgeting. This does not mean that the aged are useless. While the youth are responsible for being quick and active thinkers who can look at the world in a more technological and modern way, the elders are good advisors in issues related to peace, tolerance, love, ethos and tranquility. While the youth have a crucial input in using modern research methods and designs so as to come up with reliable solutions for national economic and social development, the elders will remain important in informing the youth about past experiences so that some mistakes are not repeating themselves.

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That is the End, but do we know the Proper Means? The point I have made early that the youth are forming a strategic population in any nation gives some imaginative worry when trying to suggest the means for placing the youth at the center of political processes. This is simply because in the context of Tanzania, youth is a free capital. Youth have been impoverished both economically and intellectually. Bad enough, few of the youth who are intellectually well off are at a 24 hours tempting point to be impoverished since they are economically poor. As I can make the youth remember the poem I wrote on 14th October 2011 (Nyerere Day) titled Vijana wa Tanzania, Wamegeuzwa Ngamia (The Tanzanian Youth have been changed into Camels), it is clear that many of the Tanzanian youth are used by politicians as a means for achieving certain personal or group objectives. In this way, entrusting power into hands of some youth to represent us may be another terrible mistake. Therefore, it will be hard for me to suggest many ways through which the youth potentials shall be profitably and effectively utilized. The only way I think can help the youth to reach the decisions and policy table is the use of organized countrywide transformational campaigns through which all the youth must say in a single voice that they want to make decisions on their future. I opt for transformative method since I am also against the cost of revolutionary methods. Equally, I do not believe in evolutionary change since evolution is not organized, monitored, and sometimes may force the process to the revolutionary stage and sometimes have unnecessary repetitive huddles within the process. The process of transforming the position of youth must not be hosted by a political party, government, or ministry, but it may require support from such institutions as they are institutions of legitimating political action. This cannot be done through a national youth organization since it will create environment for co-optation of the process. It should rather be a campaign that must bridge between youth (organized and disorganized), the political system, and the other sectors (employment, business, etc). The last point I want to suggest is that, the youth out of the formal political institutions should start with fighting to control the youth who are in formal policy and decision making institutions including the legislature, the parties, and the government bureaucracy so that they should place the interests of the youth at the heart of their words and deeds. More important, the youth interests, wishes and desires for developing the nation for their best future should be communicated openly and frankly. Conclusions I was driving to my workplace on February 25, 2012. I found I group of nursery school children walking back from school. When I stood so that they can cross the road, I heard them singing Tanzania, Tanzania, Sikupendi kwa moyo wote (meaning Tanzania, From the Bottom of my heart I dont love you). I could not care what they were thinking, or where they had learnt such a song, but what was most important to me was to change the conclusion of this piece of writing. I therefore decided that I should conclude that for us to successfully build a country where people will live better life and enjoy their identity as Tanzanians, we must invest in making the youth love their country and take responsibility to do the best to make their country the best today and years to come. Consciously, the youth themselves will seek to build a polity in which the country resources are respected and decisions that are made aim at creating sustainable development for the current and future generations.

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Msekwa, P (1995), Essays on the Transition to Multi-partysm in Tanzania, Dar es salaam, Dar es salaam University Press. Msekwa, P. (2000), Reflections on the First Multiparty Parliament, 1995-2000, Dar es salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press Mwakikagile, G. (2006), Tanzania Under Mwalimu Nyerere: Reflections on African Statesman, Pretoria: New Africa Press Nyerere, J. K. (1966), Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1966. Nyerere, J. K. (1968), Freedom and Socialism, Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press Rodney, W. (1973), How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Publishing House Saul, J.S . (2011), Tanzanian Socialism and Africas Future: Mere Footnote or First Step on a Long March, Unpublished Paper,http://www2.carleton.ca/africanstudies/ccms/wpcontent/ccms-files/Saul-Nyerere-Carleton-2011.pdf, Retrieved on 30th January 2012 Sebudubudu, D and Z.B. Osei-Hwedie. (2005), Democratic Consolidation in SADC: Botswanas 2004 Elections. Johannesburg: EISA. Sturmer, M. (2000), The Germany Empire, New York: Random House. Wallas, G. (1983), Human Nature in Politics, Political Psychology, Vol.4 (4) William L. L. (1986), Post-Capitalist Industrialization: Planning Economic Independence in Tanzania, New York: Praeger

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