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American secul arism has lost control of its identity and image.
That’s because the equation secularism = atheism is rapidly gaining
market share. It is increasingly employed in popular usage, political
analysis, and even scholarly discourse. This formula is muscling out
an infinitely more accurate understanding of secularism as a political
philosophy about how the state should relate to organized religion.1
If this association prevails, if secularism simply becomes a synonym
for atheism, then secularism in the United States will go out of busi-
ness.
Which is fine by the Revivalists and which may account for why
they perpetuate this confusion. In these circles secularism has be-
come another word for godlessness. As one journalist perceptively
observes, “secular” is a “code in conservative Christian circles for
‘atheist’ or even ‘God-hating’ . . . conjur[ing], in a fresh way, all the
demons Christian conservatives have been fighting for more than 30
years: liberalism, sexual permissiveness, and moral lassitude.”2
Not only foes draw this link, but friends as well. The website of the
Secular Coalition for America describes the group as “a 501(c)4 advo-
cacy organization whose purpose is to amplify the diverse and grow-
ing voice of the nontheistic community in the United States.”3 This
as having laid down the initial tracks of the secular vision. The sec-
ond, which is preferable, points to the high-speed thought corridor
that stretched from the Reformation to the Enlightenment. It was
there, in early modernity, that the Luther-Locke-Jefferson line car-
ried the secular vision into the sunlight of Reason.
Others, however, identify a completely different starting point: the
winter of 1851, when the Englishman George Jacob Holyoake (1817–
1906) recalls having coined the word secularism (his contribution
being the suffixing of that -ism onto the word secular). He shared
that recollection in a book written forty-five years later, so, unless his
memory was flawless, perhaps we should not canonize the precise
date.13 Suffice it to say that secularism experienced a third and auspi-
cious birth sometime during the mid-nineteenth century.
For some it is Holyoake, not Jefferson, nor Locke, nor Luther, who
is the true father of secularism. And if secularism suffers from a def-
initional crisis today, let us note in passing that to him must be as-
cribed some responsibility for that as well. In his works, such as The
Principles of Secularism of 1871, he somehow managed to define sec-
ularism in about a dozen different ways.14
This complex figure lived a long and tumultuous life in what must
have been a very interesting era to think outside the confines of Chris-
tianity. The viselike grip of ecclesiastical control was clearly loosen-
ing in Victorian England. This context provided a perfect, though not
necessarily risk-free, environment for Holyoake and countless other
“infidels” to mount a ferocious attack on the status quo.
In his youth, Holyoake was a relentless critic of Christianity. Like
so many Victorian dissenters, he spent time in jail for blasphem-
ing.15 In 1843 he bitterly, but eloquently, recounted the tale of his im-
prisonment in his essay “A Short and Easy Method with the Saints.”
There, the twenty-five-year-old protests that “religion is ever found
the mother of mental prostration, and the right arm of political op-
pression.”16
Holyoake was understandably enraged at having been thrown in
a dungeon for an off-the-cuff poke at Christianity he had made while
taking questions after a lecture. He complained that this religion
forces the concession of “man’s noblest right, the right of expressing
his opinions.”17 “Infidels have never received anything from Chris-
. . . [it is] a series of principles intended for the guidance of those who
find Theology indefinite, or inadequate, or deem it unreliable.”27
Holyoake’s sympathetic readers were variously confused, elated,
or angered by this definition. Let’s begin with confusion: a passenger
on the Luther-Locke-Jefferson line might be justifiably flummoxed.
Where is the reference to order? the state? the church? In truth, po-
litical conceptions of secularism were always an afterthought for
Holyoake. He did occasionally contemplate the role of government,
as when he wrote, “The State should forbid no religion, impose no re-
ligion, teach no religion, pay no religion.”28
Ethicists, however, might be elated by a definition that placed
the accent of secularism on moral behavior instead of politics. Holy-
oake, as we have seen, spoke of principles that were to guide secular-
ists, what he called “a code of duty pertaining to this life.”29 Foremost
among them were the following mantra-like propositions: (1) “the
improvement of this life by material means,” (2) “science is the avail-
able Providence of man,” and (3) “it is good to do good.”30
Holyoake’s definition(s) not only stressed ethics, but ethics geared
to the present. “Secularity,” he commented, “draws the line of sepa-
ration between the things of time and the things of eternity. That is
Secular which pertains to this world.”31 The emphasis on ethical ac-
tion in the here and now is constant through all of Holyoake’s think-
ing. Holyoake went so far as to opine, “Giving an account of ourselves
in the whole extent of opinion . . . we should use the word ‘Secularist’
as best indicating that province of human duty which belongs to this
life.”32
Thus far we have encountered two species of definitions of sec-
ularism: the political and the ethical. The political was born of the
Reformation and the Enlightenment. It stresses the relation between
religious institutions and government. Its bearers were our five vi-
sionary architects. The ethical definition was engendered by Holy-
oake and later on we will note its affinities with the thought of Saint
Augustine. We would add, parenthetically, that Holyoake’s approach
has lived a long and healthy life in dictionaries and encyclopedias in
the entry titled “Secularism.” Curiously, many reference books tend
to favor this ethical definition over the older political one that devel-
oped in Christian political philosophy.