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Were European Mid Upper Palaeolithic burials merely fortuitous or were they meaningfully linked to wider cosmological beliefs? Introduction The archaeological importance of funerary remains has been recognised for quite some time as they have informative social implications. Examples of inhumed individuals in any society, as well as telling us about the post-mortem process of respectful preservation, actually reveal a lot about the active processes of daily life. In the case of the European Mid Upper Palaeolithic, a period awash with socially complex activity including the occurrence of the burial of individuals which was not by any means universally practiced, no archaeologist would reasonably suggest that there was no meaning behind the burials as they display signs of a very selective burying of individuals, with the accompanying goods and chosen location also being notable. This allows us even at first glance to rule out a completely fortuitous take on the burials. Clive Gamble, writing on the routines of the Doln-Vstonice-Pavlov locale suggests that the performances associated with these rituals.can be both mundane as well as special, showing that these habits are probably deeply engrained in tradition as well as being events of immense social and therefore archaeological importance (Gamble, 1999, 399). The purpose of this essay is to see how well this applies to a particular ritual: namely, Mid Upper Palaeolithic burials. The Mid Upper Palaeolithic is not the first period in which we see evidence for burial the Middle Palaeolithic does indeed have examples of inhumation, but none have been found with features such as an open air setting, an elaborate structure or, perhaps most critically, associated grave goods (Gamble and Roebooks, 1999, 11). Because of this lack of ornate burials before 30,000 BP, Mid Upper Palaeolithic burials have been the subject of many investigations into society and the socio-cultural tendencies of the period. The areas covered by a trend of ornate and selective (in the sense that the individuals in question were chosen) burials include the west of Europe with the Gravettian/Perigordian, the Willendorfian/Pavlovian group of central Europe and Kostenki/Avdeevo situated on the

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Russian Plains, hereafter referred to in one massive cultural grouping known as the GPWKA (Roebrooks et al in Pettitt, 2006, 292/3). Burials of the Mid Upper Palaeolithic: A case study Central to our understanding of burials in the Upper Palaeolithic is the understanding that modern humans would have had about death. Relatively primitive in nature, their ideology would have had them see death as a transitional rather than an absolute process, and for this reason a structured cosmology that centred around the burial of individuals that stood out from society in a physical way is extremely important to consider. In the case of the Mid Upper Palaeolithic, pathological conditions in the form of ones that have been apparent from birth as well as cases with evidence of trauma can be found in an astonishing amount of GPWKA burials. From these archaeologists have inferred that they do not represent the wider society in which they existed, and that as far as an apparent concomitant cosmology is concerned, the inhumation of these individuals involved a conscious choice in which pathological conditions or physical deformities set them apart from the rest of society (Pettitt, 2006, 293, Formicola, 2007, 446 and Formicola and Buzhilova, 2004, 189). The finest example of this trend can be found in Russia, at the site of Sunghir, where a double burial consisting of two children buried head to head covered with red ochre yielded the richest assemblage of associated finds found in any GPWKA burial (Formicola and Buzhilova, 2004, 189). Thousands of ivory beads that presumably were sewn onto clothing, spears of straightened ivory and perforated arctic fox teeth were among the finds that help make the Sunghir children stand out from GPWKA burials, even before the meaning behind them was examined. Such a high level of ornamentation is conventionally taken to be indicative of a matching level of importance in society. If the preparation of each ivory bead took around an hour (White, 2003), and even if these were done far ahead of the death of the individuals, the sheer amount of human labour that was involved in the final result is immensely impressive: several thousand person-hours of labour must have gone into the ornamentation of these two individuals. (Pettitt, 2006, 300)

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Furthermore, prestigious preservation on the scale that we can see at Sunghir in a period with very few child burials (Formicola and Buzhilova, 2004, 195) makes it clear that the inhumations should form a central part of our argument for a deeper cosmological meaning behind GPWKA burials. A simultaneous inhumation is most likely, due to the lack of evidence for disruption with regards to the ornamentation of the burials most notably the spears running parallel to the bodies (Formicola, 2007, 451). Although there is no evidence for trauma, with the pathological condition having been apparent since birth, the only explanation available for the Sunghir double inhumation not involving ritualised murder is disease or epidemic which, as we will see, does not seem to be a valid alternative. The most in-depth studies of Sunghir 3 have concluded that the pathological condition the shortening and antero-posterior bowing of the two femora in an asymmetric fashion is the result of congenital bowing of long bones or CBLB, and that this condition would not have affected the daily life of the girl to the extent that she would not have been able to engage in an active lifestyle (Formicola and Buzhilova, 2004, 196). But a holistic understanding of the cosmological implications of GPWKA burials comes from examining the other, remarkably similar burials of the period. The infamously named Red Lady of Paviland (a young male) does not show any signs of pathological or other abnormalities. However, this is not the only factor in the GPWKAs cosmological make-up: the associated finds are equally important, and when compared with other burials we can see a striking continuity in the ornamentation and typology of the finds that frequent GPWKA burials. The site of Paviland has yielded similar results to Sunghir with the body being placed in a shallow grave in association with the remains of a large herbivore, elaborate shell decoration and evidence for ochred clothing (Pettitt, 2006, 296). Evidence for a repeated usage of the site, perhaps for the same reasons we see behind pilgrimage, exists and points to a magico-religious significance behind the site (Aldhouse-Green and Pettitt, 1998, 768). Site visits continue until around 21,000 BP despite the radicalisation of climatic conditions to an almost uninhabitable stage towards the Last Glacial Maximum, and it is for this reason that a model stating that Paviland acting as a locus consecratus held cosmological power similar to that of Sunghir (Aldhouse-

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Green and Pettitt, 1998, 770) does not require too much imagination. With its roots firmly in archaeological evidence, and when in context, it is a valid model. The site of Doln Vstonice II in Moravia provides us with another multiple burial example, this time a triple burial in which two males were placed either side of the middle individual (all which were genetically related to each other) who has been diagnosed with a series of abnormalities. Although it is still disputed, the sex of the central individual is thought logically to be female on the basis that the condition it most likely suffered from actually kills males in their infanthood, and the DV 15 partial skeleton had survived into early maturity (Formicola, Pontrandolfi and Svoboda, 2001). There is little doubt that the three individuals were buried simultaneously, and the murder of at least one of these individuals is apparent with the finding of the remains of a wooden pole in the hip of the left male. Ochre staining and arctic fox and wolf teeth jewellery take centre stage as far as ornamentation and associated finds are concerned. Most importantly at Doln-Vstonice II is the evidence for a correlation between distributed human and cultural remains, deposited consciously by modern humans, suggesting that defleshed bones (which have a strong situational association with fire and hearths) may have been viewed as powerful human relics (Pettitt, 2006, 298). A series of recurring features are apparent across the whole range of GPWKA burials. Sunghir and Doln Vstonice alone share elements: a multiple burial of different sexes interred at the same time, with a pathological individual and an unusual layout (Formicola and Buzhilova, 2004, 196). With a wider Mid Upper Palaeolithic viewpoint, a symbolic association with fire and the bones of large, dangerous animals, the extensive use of oche to colour clothing, elaboration of the head and clothing in general with shells and the use of mammoth ivory can all be associated with GPWKA burials (Pettitt, 2006, 300). These similarities essentially act as a blueprint for our understanding of one widespread symbolic construct in GPWKA society. Although it is important not to generalise when examining something spread out so much over space and time, these shared characteristics allow us to make some conclusions

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on the ritual and purpose behind GPWKA burials, because they clearly transcend simplistic interpretations of burial practice. For instance, although a social stratification of limited intensity did exist, these individuals clearly were not buried solely for their standing in society, like many other ornamental and eventually monumental burials of a later date. Moreover, developed opinions involving a cosmological structure should not be viewed as mere speculative guesswork when they are based around archaeological evidence. Instead what should follow is a more in-depth discussion revolving around the social and cosmological dynamics of the period, allowing this to take us far further than simple dichotomies between the living and the dead. (Pettitt, 2006, 306) Discussion Clearly, GPWKA burials raise questions about the nature of Upper Palaeolithic funerary practices with regards to ideas about how the process of death was viewed, if and how it included a magico-religious belief system and finally how society was organised around this (Formicola, 2007, 451). Firstly, some conclusions on their nature can be offered. Both Sunghir 3 and the incomplete central skeleton from Doln Vstonice had pathological conditions that did not prevent them from leading an active life. If we read further into this, we see that Doln Vstonice 15s survival to maturity points to a high level of social support from infancy which in turn tells us that Pavlovian populations were able to provide a highly supportive social system (Trinkaus et al, 2001, 1304). Furthermore, if we conclude that individuals in multiple burials most likely were buried (and possibly even died) at the same time (e.g. Formicola, 2007), then a reason behind this must be sought for. Although we should not rule out natural causes, the frequency of multiple burials combined with the young age and mixed sex of the individuals in question points to something other than epidemic disease or accident (Ibid, 451). Sacrificial practices, if we accept that natural or non-human processes were most likely not the cause of death given the number of these inhumations in the Mid Upper Palaeolithic, seem like a valid alternative. Ritual has already been heavily involved in the post-mortem process, and Doln Vstonice II hints at it being the possible cause of at least one of the deaths, with

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Taylor putting forward the scapegoat theory where sacrifice would compensate for disasters and so forth (Taylor in Pettitt, 2006, 299). As symbolism clearly pervades GPWKA society, it is not hard to imagine practices that are as selective as the burials involving a sacrificial element, but any sweeping statements involving the application of this to all GPWKA burials must be met with extreme caution. A sophisticated belief system appears to have been embedded in the ceremonial burials and accompanying art forms, allowing us to draw a link between the two (Formicola and Buzhilova, 2004, 195). For example, GPWKA cosmology seems to have included the Venus figurines found, which when linked to the burials suggests that they were seen as active rather than passive ritualistic processes in which both held significant amounts of power (Pettitt, 2006). If one were to try and determine what kind of temporal and spatial continuity this model had, one could include the late upper Palaeolithic Romito Dwarf from Italy, buried with a woman underneath an engraving of a bull. Using the severe abnormalities shown in the Romito skeleton, a pattern may be drawn between congenital and pathological individuals and special burial treatment across a large geographic and temporal range (Formicola, 2007, 449). Even the relatively limited number of examples in this essay have demonstrated that the model carries validity through its continuity over space and time.

Conclusion Each sites magico-religious importance is evident in different ways through the archaeological record: for example in the sheer amount of associated finds that make up the ornamentation of Sunghir, and the continuation of visits to Paviland Cave that are reminiscent of repeated pilgrimage. When compiled, they form a strong body of evidence for a Mid Upper Palaeolithic cosmology. A clear focus on abnormal people those with

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pathological conditions is the most obvious piece of evidence. Continuity is the GPWKAs strong point when it comes to burials, and the persistence of a uniform ornamental methodology can be linked into the idea of a wider cosmology that clearly formed peoples beliefs with regards to who was to be buried as the burials clearly do not represent Mid Upper Palaeolithic society as a whole, and how these individuals were to be honoured symbolically. Mid Upper Palaeolithic burials clearly hold too much spatial and temporal continuity for them to be merely fortuitous.

Bibliography Aldhouse-Green, S. and Pettitt, P.B. (1998), Paviland Cave: contextualizing the Red Lady in Antiquity 72(278), 756-772. Formicola, V. (2007), From the Sunghir Children to the Romito Dwarf Aspects of the Upper Palaeolithic Funerary Landscape in Current Anthropology Vol. 48 No. 3, 446-453.

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Formicola, V. and Buzhilova, A. P. (2004), Double Child Burial from Sunghir (Russia): Pathology and Inferences for Upper Palaeolithic Funerary Practices in American Journal of Physical Anthropology 124, 189-198. Formicola, V., Pontrandolfi, A. and Svoboda, J. (2001), The Upper Palaeolithic triple burial of Doln Vstonice: pathology and funerary behaviour in American Journal of Physical Anthropology 115, 372-9. Gamble, C. (1999), The Palaeolithic Societies of Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gamble, C. and Roebrooks, W. (1999), The Middle Palaeolithic Occupation of Europe, Leiden: University Press. Pettitt, P.B. (2006), The living dead and the dead living: burials, figurines and social performance in the European Mid Upper Palaeolithic in Knsel, C. and Gowland, R. (eds.) The Social Archaeology of Funerary Remains, Oxford: Oxbow, 292-308. Trinkaus, E., Formicola, V., Svoboda, J., Hillson, S.W. and Holliday T.W. (2001), Doln Vstonice 15: Pathology and Persistance in the Pavlovian in Journal of Archaeological Science 28, 1291-1308. White, R. (2003), Prehistoric art: The symbolic journey of humankind, New York: Harry N. Abrams.