Running Head: ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY: THE THIRD SPACE

Annotated Bibliography: The Third Space Emily J. Kelly Queens University

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY: THE THIRD SPACE

Amundson, N. E. (1994). Negotiating identity during unemployment. Journal Of Employment Counseling, 31(3), 98-104. In this body of work, Amundson presents key concepts pertaining to identity negotiation within the context of the unemployment experience. Described as an emotional roller coaster, he cites while challenging (within 3-6 months, displaced workers lose sight of past successes), many workers rise up in a process of renewal, a form of renegotiation. He proceeds to describe key strategies for a successful negotiation of identity: an understanding of personal interests, values style and aptitudes, as well as acquisition of labor market knowledge. Citing the interplay between self and the labor market as creating the nucleus of identity negotiation; his statement proves further of an emotional gap between employment and unemployment the third space. This article supports the existence of an emotional third space between the construction of identity as defined through the lens of employment vs. unemployment as well as provides insight pertaining to the overall unemployment experience. His prescription of four factors to defining and managing your new identity (that of a displaced worker) support Geertzs concept of self; a western, modern construction under constant evolution. Kletzer, L. G., & Fairlie, R. W. (2003). The long-term costs of job displacement for young adult workers. Industrial & Labor Relations Review, 56(4), 682-698. Kletzer and Fairlie examine the effects of long-term costs of job displacement for young workers. Described as workers aged between 14 and 22 years old, the researchers examined the extent to which young workers experience job loss, calculating the rate of displacement between 1984-1993. Their findings indicated young workers were at a high risk of experiencing a job displacement during his sample period and the risk did not decline during the sample time period. While wages did not decline for displaced workers, earnings growth remained flat from

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the two years before job loss through the year of the loss, then begin to rise steadily. Further economic factors, such as earnings and wage losses relative to expected levels for displaced workers are also cited. This article focused on the economic detriment of younger workers displacement; while useful economic and historical context, it did not further support my topic or research questions. My hope was to extrapolate the emotional associations of job displacement among younger workers from the data or uncover the sense of identity linked with wage earning; however, I was not able to neither discover nor correlate these distinctions within this particular set of research. Hironimus-Wendt, R. J., & Spannaus, F. (2007). The social costs of worker displacement. Social Policy, 37(3/4), 83-89. While brief, the article focuses on the societal and emotional effects of worker displacement as well as the impact displacement has upon the workers communities. Hironimus-Wendt provides numerous statistics pertaining to the household effects of displacement, citing over half (54%) of workers displaced from the closing of a Bridgestone/Firestone plant had taken new jobs; that 10% filed for bankruptcy and that over half had moved to a different city or county after the plant closed. Personal and familial costs include personal sacrifice (i.e. the sale of rental property, a car or recreational vehicle) in addition to emotional costs, such as anger, anxiety, depression, sleeplessness. Thirdly, he outlines the community impact that 13.5% of displaced workers tried to sell their homes after leaving the plant. This created depreciation throughout the citys housing stock, affecting the quality of schools, protective services and infrastructure as property taxes decline.

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This article proved useful in outlining the societal, emotional and community ramifications of worker displacement. While not central to my theory, it provided insightful as to what steps or sentiments may be expected from displacement on a local and emotional level. This information supports previous findings and contributes to a picture of holistic identity construction; that its not solely constructed or experienced by the individual, but the community at large. Davies, K., & Esseveld, J. (1982). Unemployment and identity: A study of women outside the labour market. Acta Sociologica (Taylor & Francis Ltd), 25(3), 283. Davies and Essevelds study outlines the challenges of unemployment and identity, specifically the implications of employment for women. The study seeks to answer questions such as What are the implications of unemployment for women? What happens to womens identity when they become unemployed? How do they cope with unemployment? What does paid work mean to women? While the study focuses on the experiences of women in the Swedish labor market, the characteristics exhibited and sentiments expressed by the studys participants prove applicable in a western labor market. Davies and Esseveld illustrate the negative emotional and loss of identity through adult hopscotch, or the periods of employment interrupted by periods of employment and periods at home. Their findings support research that states unemployed workers lose their sense of time, feel isolated, purposeless, without identity and self-esteem. Per these findings, identity did not shift or change, rather, it is categorized as lost. Further, the researchers suggest that while the consequences of unemployment are to some extent comparable for women and men, differences exist due to womens labor market participation being affected by their ties to

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the home. These differing ideologies about womens roles suggest the problem of unemployment may be even more complex for women. Other findings support this complexity the absence of employment is cited as the most immediate consequence of unemployment, yet the definition of work is murky. The participants considered everyday household tasks work but if the discussion referred to employment, the women stated they did not work if they did not hold a salaried job. The double devaluation process, or the undervaluation of a womens sense of self illustrates this conflict by not having paid work. The participants often had their days filled with social obligations, childcare and/or household management tasks. However, the women held a devalued sense of self as while they had many skills and activities, their work was less important and given less priority over their husbands salaried employment. The study notes specific differences in a womans labor market participation experience and that response to job loss differs, if not exists in greater complexity, from a mans. Ashcrafts four frames of identity are implicitly woven throughout this work; supporting the merit of reviewing gender perceptions and differences within identity construction in the third space. This piece opened up greater possibility for further examination of gender differences in identity construction within the third space. Sluss, D. M., & Ashforth, B. E. (2007). Relational identity and identification: Defining ourselves through work relationships. Academy Of Management Review, 32(1), 9-32. doi:10.5465/AMR.2007.23463672 Sluss and Ashforth explore the meaning and significance of relational identity and relational identification, building on the notion of the relational self, or the concept of relational identity and how it is derived from our cognitive hierarchy of schemas. Secondly, they demonstrate the

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conception of relational identity and identification converging and diverging with organizational contexts. Thirdly, they discuss relational identification, relational disidentification and ambivalent relational identification. While Sluss and Ashforths research speaks specifically to relational identity and relational identification as defined by participation within an organization, their research pertaining to relational disidentifications proved fascinating. Per their findings, the relational disidentification occurs when the others role and person-based identities have negative valence, or the encouragement for one to disidentify with a relationship. Given the desire for cognitive consistency or balance (also stated by Petriglieri; noted below), assuming a negatively valent role-based identity may bias perceptions of the person. If the construction of self is framed by a compilation of inputs from others, the nature of the role-relationship may be projected onto the individual. Additionally, Sluss and Ashforth state relational disidentification provides a valuable foil for clarifying the boundaries between who or what one is (or would like to be) and who or what one is not (or would not like to be). This statement confirms and could serve as definition of the third space. Similar to Burkes identification by antithesis, whether voluntary or chosen, Sluss and Ashforths findings support the existence of this space and provide perspective for understanding how individuals define themselves within organizations. Petriglieri, J. (2011). Under threat: Responses to the consequences of threats to individuals' identities. Academy Of Management Review, 36(4), 641-662. doi:10.5465/AMR.2011.65554645

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Petriglieri cites discord among researchers regarding the definition of identity threat. She cites three points of discord: The temporal aspect of identity threat: Do threats harm identity in the present or do they warn of potential harm to identity in the future? Can specific experiences be objectively classified as identity threats? What is the manner in which threat affects an individuals identity?

From these three points of contention stem three research streams: the perspective that threats impact is a devaluation of the individuals identity, in that their self-worth derived from holding the threatened identity is reduced, and secondly, researchers regard the threats effect as rendering the meanings associated with an identity unsustainable the threatened identity no longer says what it used to about the individual. Thirdly is the concept of identity enactment that the threatened identity can no longer be expressed as freely or consistently as it used to be. Drawing from social identity theory and identity theory, she describes identities as the vehicles for sustaining an individuals sense of self-worth. While identities grow and change, individuals tend to be motivated to maintain and enact their current identities in order to achieve a sense of stability and continuity over time. Threat appraisal is described as two-pronged a process by which people evaluate their significance of an experience fro their well-being (primary appraisal) and determine what to do in response to it (secondary appraisal). She proceeds to outline the definition of identity threats, their varied sources and effects while clarifying the three theoretical points of contention. Stating identity threats arise from an individuals subjective appraisal of an experience, threat responses individuals use to minimize

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the likelihood of harm are discussed. In conclusion, Petriglieri develops a theoretical model that explains the conditions under which individuals pursue specific responses to identity threat. This article proved most useful and thought-provoking in my research could it serve as counterpoint to an individuals framing of identity in the third space? Her insights and findings clearly articulate emotional responses to identity threat; could they also assist in defining the third space; the very lack of identity definition through employment or unemployment? Petriglieri clearly states further research is warranted in uncovering how and why individuals respond to identity threats as well as the potential for further investigation of the impacts of time on an individuals response to a threat namely, will an individual who is exposed to ongoing threats (such as job displacement) change their response to the threat over time? This research question opens the door to the exploration of the third place as response to an identity threat; I seek to uncover how the individual frames identity post-threat when the prior source of identity is removed.

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Summary In conclusion, the existing body of research served to further support inquisition into the third space and how individuals construct identity, grounding in the theories of framing, identity and sensemaking. Selecting one overarching theory did not prove to be the best approach to the research; sampling from a variety of theorists proved useful in determining the existence of this space and how individuals would not only recognize its existence but also elect to align themselves with this definition. Karen Ashcrafts four frames of identity provided a valuable foundation for examining the role of gender perceptions and differences within identity construction while Kenneth Burkes articulation of identification, particularly in grounding the desires of self persuasion and belonging, helps frame the desire of individuals to belong. If there is a deficiency in definition if youre neither employed nor unemployed the desire to identify still exists, even outside of the organizational context. Moreover, Karl Weicks stating organizational members structure the unknown, supports my theory that members outside the definition of an organization also structure the unknown, affording the ability to cope with the adult hopscotch of organizational and role transition. These findings prove content worthy of presentation, in an academic/theoretical context as well as economical. With the job market in a state of flux and a weakened economy, the topic is unfortunately relevant at this particular time in our nations history. Im both inspired and delighted by the findings and look forward to further research and presentation.