The Struggle to Be Seen: Social Movements and the Public Sphere in Brazil Author(s): John A.

Guidry Source: International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, Vol. 16, No. 4 (Summer, 2003), pp. 493-524 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20020183 Accessed: 25/12/2008 22:13
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International

Journal

of Politics,

Culture

and Society,

Vol.

16, No.

4, Summer

2003

(? 2003)

I. New Research

in Social Movement

Theory

The Struggle to Be Seen: Social Movements and the Public Sphere in Brazil
John A. Guidry

paper analyzes how community movement activity in three popular in Bel?m, Brazil, shaped the dynamics of contention in the neighborhoods in public sphere. Popular social forces, elite actors, and the state mutually fluence each other across three moments of public interaction: clarifying the struggle to be seen, and routine politics. The article popular discourse, reverses the usual picture in movement research, which emphasizes move ments as organizational to be explained, outcomes and instead builds on a can contribute of research that explores how movements to broader body processes of political change. This
KEY WORDS: social movements; public sphere; democracy; Brazil.

This article analyzes the role of social movements in making popular claims visible in the political arena across three moments of public interac tion: clarifying popular discourse, the struggle to be seen, and routine politics. social forces gain visibility and clarity in Through movement organizations, ac popular public spheres (Somers 1993), where relatively disempowered tors challenge more powerful politicians and hold them accountable to both the law and their campaign promises. Movement actors "work the linkages" back and forth between the everyday life and politics (Levine 1992) and in so doing develop connections between local spaces and the important system. The central argument of this paper is that move larger political ment action shapes and reshapes the boundaries of public spheres, allowing social forces, elite actors, and the state to mutually influence and popular transform each other. This reverses the usual picture inmovement research,
Political Science Department, poguidry@augustana.edu. Augustana College, Rock Island, Illinois 61201; e-mail:

493
0891-4486/03/0600-0493/0? 2003Human Sciences Press, Inc.

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as organizational which emphasizes movements outcomes to be explained et al. 1996), and instead builds on a Morris and Mueller McAdam 1992, (see body of research (Seidman 1994, Tarrow 1994) that explores how movements can contribute to broader processes of political change. There is a growing tendency among scholars of contentious politics to across differ explore the linkages between actors, events, and organizations ent levels of political systems (McAdam et al. 2001). Of special concern in era are the quality of citizenship and public politics, especially the neoliberal where democracies must deal with persistent that call into ques inequalities tion the very potential of the democratic project itself (Furet 1998,0'Donnell both actors 1993, Dahl 1996, Fraser 1992, Unger 1998). In Latin America, and scholars have highlighted role of social movements the in pushing con a process of "deepening of opposition tention beyond the politics toward exist alongside politics.1 Kenneth Roberts characterizes this shift?"rather than pro (1998,24) as in vide a facade for class domination, could be conceived democracy and social transformation finitely elastic, allowing popular empowerment as the logic of political majorities to develop cumulatively gradually sup and social hierarchies." Evelina Dagnino pressed class privileges (1998, 33) of contentious for the "crucial role played by social movements" in persuasively in their democra the relations between culture and politics "resignifying of public tizing struggles" (2002) rethinking (p. 46). Leonardo Avritzer's of Latin America sug spheres and public space in the evolving democracies arenas are becoming more open to the con gests that state and governmental cerns that social movements carry from popular discourse into public politics. There is also a growing literature on local, progressive administrations that are changing the terms of the public sphere by building programs of popular that has been developed such as the Participatory Budget by the democracy in the last 12 years (Fedozzi 1997, Baiocchi Workers' Party forthcoming). Yet while there is no shortage of reasons why robust social movements of democracy should contribute to the development (even while some move ments clearly do not2), as well as growing evidence supporting this conclusion argues et al. 1997, Ball 2000), the process that mediates between popular of everyday life and the public sphere is not so clear. Roberts experiences in and other analysts note that in Latin America, movement actors, whether streets or within the state, face a difficult task in deepening the democracy, (Meyer roots of inequality in the region (see given the deep social and historical This article expands our understanding of also Stokes 1995, Weyland 1996). the role of social movements in creating a public that process by examining from the political of exclusion politics that addresses popular perceptions
process.

in which democracy," street demonstrations

institutional mechanisms in the tactical repertoires

and venues

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For many analysts of Latin American politics, the transition from oli garchic rule to forms of democracy incorporating popular sectors has been the defining political dynamic of the twentieth and century (see Collier Collier 1991, Casta?eda 1993).3 Current debates over citizenship (O'Donnell 1993; Roberts 1998; Fox 1994; Dagnino 1998; Baierle 1998; Yashar 1999; Caldeira 2000) are only the most recent chapters in that story. In an ex amination of women's movements and democratization in Latin America, Ver?nica Monteemos (2001,177) notes that "the historical un-representation of women in political life and their subordinate status in the economy and the family are unlikely to change if pluralistic representation is not expanded and if citizen participation in policy-making remains limited." The struggle to be seen characterizes this dynamic, and the pages that follow turn to a local can affect the scope and boundaries level exploration of how movements of public politics. The research for this article was carried out in Bel?m, Brazil, in various from 1992 to 2000. A series of 70 open-ended life history interviews stages 1.5 to 2.5 hours) with people of all classes were completed between (ranging and November, two respondents 1993. Ten had interviews January one mother/daughter, one teenage boys), yielding (eight husband/wife, 80 respondents?14 from the upper class, 12 from the middle class, and 54 from the popular class. Life history interviews were triangulated with stud ies of community in three popular neighborhoods from which organization were drawn and informant interviews conducted over one full respondents and 2000. Informants year in 1992-93 and shorter return trips in 1995,1998, civil represent all classes and walks of life, span the diversity of Brazilian and include politicians, office holders, activists, police officers, and society, selected for observation, journalists. The three neighborhoods Jurunas, Bom Futuro and Aura, reflect the variety of associational life that can be found at the community level in Brazilian popular neighborhoods. Bel?m is home to 1.6 million people, about 1.2 million of Metropolitan whom live in the city proper. Bel?m is the capital of the state of Para, which straddles the lower regions of the Amazon River. It was founded in 1617 and is one of Brazil's historic regional capitals, though it is one of the poorest cities in a country that has one of the most unequal income distributions in the world. Although Bel?m and the Amazonian region in general are pictured as more conservative and "backward" than the national norm, by Brazilians as elections recent political history suggests otherwise since 1994 have each new figures into executive positions, victories by the Left brought including in the 1996 and 2000 Party (PT, Partido dos Trabalhadores) wing Workers' elections in Bel?m. mayoral The paper's first section examines popular and politics. This is a vision of politics developed discourse about inequality by those "on the bottom,"

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Giiidry

as respondents system that is far away and relatively put it, of a political a model unconcerned about ordinary people. The second section develops in the spaces of popular politics to address the of how movements operate concerns raised in popular discourse. Through mobilization and contentious a popular public sphere that challenges the ex action, movements develop Brazilian democracy. The third section clusionary character of contemporary outlines the cases of movement action in Jurunas, Bom Futuro, and Aura, and the fourth places the cases in the context of protest cycles (Tarrow of Latin American countries 1994, 153) in the broader redemocratization after 1980. The fifth section situates the paper in a broader discussion of the social memory and political the public sphere, as movements politics. action in learning generated by collective build the fundamental of routine practices

BEING SEEN: EVERYDAY LIFE, ACTIVISTS, AND PUBLIC POLITICS

for contentious that The struggle to be seen is a metaphor politics selected emerged from the analysis of interviews across the neighborhoods leaders and residents of other areas for study, as well as with community to seeing and being seen, references in the city. Repeated by respondents looking at and looking after the poor, seeing suffering and knowing what to do something for poverty feels like were linked to a sense of obligation those in need.4 Their manner of talking about everyday life was replicated in the way they discussed politics, especially in conversations about what politi cians do and do not know about the country and its citizens. The politicians even avoid seeing the conditions of the poor, and as one respondent put of this they cause poverty."5 In as much as most politicians it, "because at being poor ("they're born in a golden cradle"), lack any actual experience as an effort to grab and hold the actors view popular politics popular attention of more powerful actors. In their portraits of contemporary politics, between what politicians pay people move quickly to establish connections and political obligations attention to, the inequality of everyday experience,
across class lines.

and neighborhood vendor, Aura: As for the business Nilma, 38, housewife people some kind of law should exist to obligate them to help out... of Brazil... They it. They don't think about Brazil's future. No, they That's only think about money. and etc. will their grandchildren future that their children, don't think about Brazil's so for this and more and more rich. And have... They just think about getting more reason I think there ought to be a law to teach them that they have this obligation to help out their country to help out, since they haven't taken any initiative already and society.

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Across the board, working and poor people in Brazil articulate a politics of exclusion from the public sphere in Brazil. Their statements characterize a gulf between to bridge that gulf they must themselves and politicians; enter the public sphere and articulate the kind of claim for accountability that Nilma makes. The problem, however, is that entering public politics seems difficult, if not impossible, for most people. Barriers include a lack of a lack of time, the social scorn of the upper (and whiter) classes education, for those who are poor (and brown or black), and so forth. These sorts of caricatures of class politics paint with broad strokes a concrete commonplace sense of how "low-intensity citizenship" (O'Donnell 1993) is experienced When most often by ordinary people in the popular class. of entering the public sphere, ordinary people turn to methods tell stories about good community or neighborhood leaders, they people who are "educated" (educado) and "know how to speak" (ele sabe a grocer in Aura, discussed the falar), as the saying goes. One respondent, of the "public man," who people trust and might elect to public office. work The picture is one of accountability and public pressure on elected officials.
are going I really walk around here seeing what people 39, grocer, Aura: over there [at city if I couldn't done with the authorities get anything through. Even I Because fundamental. all, this is what's hall], I'd at least take the incentive. Above from the mayor, but I'd be like a corn on his foot, insisting, "Mayor, might get nothing are making on me, and we need the people demands [help]." We have to be there. It's his job if we elected him... But then they forget... and we always have to go there beating the doorbell this time; I'll go back [at city hall]. So I don't get anything to the people and say, "Look, I didn't get anything, but I was there yesterday and I got this, and he promised me that." One day it could be that I get nothing done, but I would go back again... This here is the work of the "public man" that people elect to do exactly this sort of thing. Gilberto,

and communicated

leaders and activists give these kinds of grievances specificity them in concrete issues or events. They tie local problems to by grounding about citizenship, mobilization, and obligation. propositions accountability, "barons" of popular discourse, They put names and faces on the anonymous and they picture a dynamic process of interaction between opposing publics and politicians through individual and collective agency.
some politi activist, Jurunas: Now secretary and neighborhood street and promises the world and more?and he doesn't do it. Are you going to vote for him in another For the love ofGodl election? In all these I go, I put this up front. I think that people are very complacent, where meetings if you're not satisfied with this garbage because truck coming down your street, what do you do? You get together with the residents and don't pay your property tax. Go to it! Do it, and if it doesn't work call the press, put it in the press. Do anything you Carolina, 32, school to your cian comes can, because they're obligated.6

Movement

The common

of claims-making relationship formula that exemplifies well

and taxes made by Carolina is a the kind of modular, cross-cultural

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Guidry

social movements around the world frames that characterize mobilizational et al. 1996, Tarrow 1994, McAdam et al. 1986, Snow and Benford 1988, (Snow in de Vol? 2000). Leaders of community movement organizations Bayard Bel?m and around Brazil have stressed this inmeetings with residents?"we pay taxes just like the rich, and we deserve the same services;" "it's not true from taxes." but it's the people's, the government's money, and individual claims and frames collective grounds citizenship Tax-paying to political problems. The framing of grievances with tax-paying approaches leaders to paint a dynamic picture of and public services allows movement between local counterpublics interaction (Fraser 1992) and political elites concerns are given context and, most state. Everyday impor through the that it's really for resolving them that involves the agency of ordinary tantly, a framework associations. people through community associa of community movements?in The emergence neighborhood of collec forms tions, demonstrations, petitions, and other, less contentious, even the most sedentary politicians and office holders tive action?reminds that there is a public out there discussing issues, debating politics, and, in democracies, casting ballots that determine who will hold public office. In the this sense, the struggle to be seen is a point of analysis that challenges that "politics creates and and gets at the notion of outcomes" "primacy of life" (March and Olsen 1984,741). As movement interpretations it pushes this of popular discourse, clarifies the political imagination logic further, showing how the public politics of citizenship contests ordinary "instruments of life and challenges the symbolic and material interpretations of life" at stake are of the interpretive order" (ibid.).1 The "interpretations the stories told by dominant publics about the laziness of the poor, the com politics, and placency of the poor, the inability of the poor to understand creates the gulf between the popular classes and that the like?everything affirms action formal politics.

PUBLIC SPHERES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

and leaders like Carolina or Gilberto's "public Community movements concerns of everyday life and place them into the dominant man" take the the public sphere of politics. They are important actors "crucial to reorienting new issues to the fore" (Calhoun 1992, agenda of public discourse, bringing the popular public sphere of the neighborhood between 37). They mediate or workplace and the dominant public sphere of party discourse, elite debate, actors organize public events, contacts news media. These movement and and public officials, and other actions that force the neighborhood between concerns and localized grievance on to the agendas of both more powerful actors and other movement actors in similar situations.

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A public sphere emerges when people come together to debate political of political that involve the nature and constitution authority.8 the ideal of a singular public sphere Democratic systems express political issues the pub that should in theory be open to all citizens. In practice, however, forms of social stratification lic sphere tends to institutionalize that existing are grounded in social, cultural, and economic This is espe experiences. in the dominance of electronic and print media by a few, cially reflected cities are owned by histor large, corporate concerns that inmany Brazilian the exclusion of families.9 Thus we see a tension between ically prominent from the dominant public sphere (Fraser 1992, Dawson marginalized publics that bringing oppositional 1994, Hanchard groups 1999) and the proposition into a common public sphere can unleash a powerful potential for "social integration" (Calhoun 1992, 6). In all cases, debate by politically dominant actors in the public sphere constrains the terms by which both material resources (such as labels, names, memberships and ideological in the goods are allocated in society. "Subaltern counterpublics" community, voice, etc.) public spheres (Somers 1993)?in (Fraser 1992,123) develop sites?popular the local spaces of everyday life and political authority, where public debate over power and politics may occur. At the same time dominant actors seek to exploit or constrain the action of subaltern publics through media control and the sponsorship of the major political parties and actors that set the of popular and dominant publics is only half the story. The other half tells of an "interlocking" transforma relationship of mutual tion in political discourse and agendas 1992, 426). Dominant (Habermas and popular public spheres function in tandem. Even while popular groups carve out separate spaces in which to develop strategies or discourse, they confront political and social authority by bringing the concerns of popular public spheres into the public sphere of liberal democracy. Popular classes and marginalized groups become seen as "the exclusion of the culturally and lower strata entails a pluralization mobilized of the public sphere." politically This process brings to the surface "tensions... in the liberal public sphere" that are "potentials for [its] self-transformation" (ibid.). We can think of the relationships of popular public spheres, social move of interac ments, and the dominant public as unfolding over three moments tion: clarifying popular discourse, the struggle to be seen, and routine politics mobilize (see Table 1). Where movements growing number of constituents can repeat in cycles of activity and realize initial objectives, these moments that feed back on each other and promote processes of political learning and the building of collective memories. In the first moment, movement actors discourse by organizing highly local, public activities such as clarify popular debates, street theatre, games, social events, and so forth. These meetings, public agenda. Yet the opposition

500
Table 1. Movements and Engagement in the Public Public Popular First Moment: Discourse Sphere popular Dynamics publics a gulf the Movement build Sphere

Guidry

Action

Clarifying
Popular Discourse

exclusion, emphasizes that the perception "politics" occurs far and that more actors powerful either ignore or do away, not know the concerns of everyday life

perceive between

system political and the concerns life of everyday

popular public local sphere: organize street meetings, theatre, social events, prayer groups, and other small forums of for the exchange local concerns and

Second Moment: The Struggle to Be Seen

appoints specific and grievances known emphasizes (or suspected) agents of exclusion, targets for develops action contentious

engagement encounter

and

debate about politics extralocal organize actions: demonstrations; small public protest; to meet committees with public officials or politicians; broad that unite campaigns localities separate and grievances; contact with other movement organizations, government and political NGOs, agencies,

between popular and more actors powerful whose voices are in the present dominant sphere public

Third Moment: Routine Politics

attachment

of new to grievances known agents and agencies

cyclical repetition these three moments, cumulative experiences, learning, political collective memory

of

concessions

parties from the

state; legislative action and debate; networks develop with other broad movements, coalitions, support-service NGOs, politicians, bureaucrats, parties, and other public actors

build upon already existing public and social events, institutions, and practices that may or may not have been concerned with political issues ac or grievances in the past. In clarifying and focussing debate, movement a popular public sphere around specific issues, persons or agencies tors build for either the origin or redress of these concerns, and responsible potentially to the problems.10 specific solutions a popular public the more The more sphere becomes, developed activities resources to frame grievances and their so have at their disposal "resonate" with their constituents lutions in ways that (Snow and Benford enter the struggle to be seen with movements 1988). In this second moment, actors

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public actions that move beyond the immediate locale and space of everyday small committee meeting with public officials; life. Through demonstrations; broad campaigns; and contacts with other movement groups, NGOs, politi seen in the cal parties, or officials, movements begin to make local problems the media are controlled by powerful groups dominant public sphere. Where actions from coverage, activists use disruptive that exclude the movement's tactics and alternative communication networks to force their way on the public stage. build a history of practices Over time, successful community movements et al., 1986) and create counterpublics that construct identity (Degregori that become formally recognized through political concessions (such as the a continuity or mutual participation in state agencies), provision of services of public action, and a predictable (if not always contentious) relationship to the state.11 At this point, we arrive at the third moment, routine politics, when the movement has forced the issues of the popular public organization opens sphere on to the agenda of debate in the public sphere. This moment of popular politics to the way up the possibility of a shift in the relationship and elites behave in the dominant public sphere. In this moment politicians and citizenship come together to expand popular grievances, accountability, the scope of the public sphere.12 In turn the popular public sphere either takes on new issues, contracts, or becomes absorbed into the dominant public
sphere.13

NEIGHBORHOOD MOVEMENTS AND POPULAR PUBLIC SPHERES: A COMPARATIVE VIEW

of Jurunas, Bom Futuro, and Aura were The popular neighborhoods to be chosen as sites for study because they reflect the standard variation found in Brazilian urban history, organization and politics. The spatial poli tics of urban community movements (as a subcategory of social movements more generally) have the advantage of presenting in clear terms how pop ular public spheres develop in localized sites and then move beyond them areas. to address the boundaries of the larger public sphere of metropolitan out the basic points of comparison, Table 2 lays consistent with the mo ments of public politics refer back to this table developed throughout in the previous section; the individual narratives readers may of the three

neighborhoods. On maps, Bel?m appears as a peninsula, surrounded by rivers, fluvial islands, and floodplains, with an elevation varying from 3 to 16 meters above sea level. Rainfall is abundant year-round, from January though heaviest to May, with a shorter period from September through November being

502
Table 2. Community Movements Jurunas Context dates to early 1900s, high dates and the Public Bom Sphere Futuro 1988, dates in Three Neighborhoods Aura from

Guidry

from

1990,5,000+

100,000+
inhabitants, density, population close to downtown, a long history of community movements varied local in and

8,000+ density, inhabitants, high "new

low inhabitants, density, "new periphery," suburban municipality, experienced leadership, of movement continuity action in

periphery," corrupt neighborhood association, inexperienced little leadership, of continuity movement action

organizations subsections First Moment:

Clarifying
Popular Discourse

1970s (mid-late localized forward) in organizations subsections neighborhood; competition between small street organizations; theatre, church groups, organized social events of the

MOJOC: (from
1992) meetings, prayer groups, social events,

(1991 through present)

prayer surveys, neighborhood meetings, door-to-door campaigns groups,

(1993-1998)
vocational training, classes; meetings, inactivity karate

(1998-2000) fewer (1992) Block the

"Highway Death" of

Second Moment:

(1979-86)
demonstrations, land invasions, electronic and print media coverage

(1992 forward)
for Life"; "Movement mass petitions; cycles of large community meetings, petition, demonstration, committee with interaction

The Struggle
to Be Seen

Third Moment: Routine Politics

(mid-1980s-present) title given to invaded lots, broad of federation neighborhood organizations, ties political between politicians and localized in organizations of the subsections neighborhood

nonexistent

agencies School, (1992) Anani city bus service;

(1993) new bridge on

main road, establish formal neighborhood association; (1995) city garbage collection, of construction Catholic leader policing; (1998-present) of "Movement in Occupations Ananindeua"

(1996) election of
to city council, neighborhood

chapel;

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is close enough to the ocean for its river bays to be dry. Bel?m of high tides and influenced by the sea tides, and the combination heavily in lower lying areas of town, rainfall can cause dangerous flooding heavy as sewerage and with devastating hygiene and public health consequences Over time, Bel?m floodwaters mix and contaminate whole neighborhoods. a class-based pattern of neighborhood has developed consis development tent with these topographical and natural conditions. Upper class persons, as well as early urban planning programs, initially pushed the city's boundaries tolerably out along higher ground, founding along the way the bairros nobres (lit., "noble neighborhoods," region 1 on the map). In the years after 1900, lower in the homes or businesses of the elite began to fill class persons who worked in the low lying areas, called baixadas (Region 3), that surrounded wealthier
areas.

is a baixada adjacent to some of the wealthiest bairros nobres It is one of Bel?m's oldest working class neighborhoods. Unlike the reflect and modern bairros which urban nobres, planning design, the baixadas' development and construction has largely been the work of the residents themselves. Thus the boundaries between baixadas and bairros nobres may be felt not only in decreasing elevation but also as streets to narrow, straight to curved or haphaz go from paved to muddy, wide ard. Houses become smaller, made of wood or unplastered brick, in vari ous stages of never-ending and the population ismuch more construction, Jurunas in Bel?m. than 3 times the density of the bairros nobres densely concentrated?more in some cases. And from January toMay, heavy rains and tidal shifts flood to general public health problems the baixadas and contribute and untold property loss among the working and lower classes of Bel?m. Region 2, the "institutional belt" as it known locally, is an area of mixed under governmental elevation control. This area reflects Bel?m's role as a regional administrative center and is home to large military bases from all armed services, an international airport, the federal university, water 2 also defines the Primeira L?gua the works, etc. Region (First League), the 1950s and beyond, the baixadas' crowded city's original boundary. By and increasingly unhealthy environment, conditions, congestion, along with increased rural-to-urban migration Bel?m out be throughout Brazil, pushed 4, the "new periphery," where both yond the institutional belt, into Region Bom Futuro and Aura are located. Region 4 also spreads into surrounding Bel?m's suburbs, beginning with Ananindeua municipalities, for several miles along the Bel?m-Bras?lia Highway, which land route into the city. The new periphery is a mixture and continuing is the only major of older villages

lit., (e.g. Icoaraci, Region 5), planned housing projects (e.g. Cidade Nova, New City, Region 6), both private and public, and seemingly endless squatter invasions that house upwards of 200,000 people.

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A Glorious Past of Contention in the Public Sphere. Jurunas has a long tradition of community activism that, during its heyday in the late 1970s to mid-1980s, matched rather closely the academic portraits of successful in terms of density smaller community movements (high, with numerous groups and linkages to other groups across the metropolitan area), issues (the standard urban services list or transportation, health sanitation, education, and militancy the care, and land tenure legalization), (focused on opposing and usually linked to the political Left) (see Castells 1983). As the of Brazil government military (1964-1985) began to ease the repression of political expression in the mid 1970s, neighborhood groups from Jurunas military

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of the Bel?m Neighborhood Commission spearhead the development a city-wide community movement de Bairros de Bel?m), Comiss?o (CBB, that was able to influence city and state politics through the 1980s. The CBB's for the first public program was officially launched in 1979?The Campaign to Shelter (Campanha pelo Direito de Morar)?and it was aimed at Right helped freeing up several large, vacant tracts of land in central Bel?m that were not functions. being visibly used for any productive this era, the population During density of Jurunas reached saturation to the few remaining parcels turned their attention and residents levels, not given over to housing development. These of land in the neighborhood citizens in some cases, the state lots were vacant but had owners?private in others. From 1983 to 1986, residents organized a series of invasions that eventually wrested control of these lands from their owners and settled them that already characterized most a group was this movement Particularly of Jurunas) that was orga called COBAJUR Community (Neighborhood nized by residents in the poorest areas adjacent to "vacant" lots called the had over 800 members and was "Radional" area. At its height, COBAJUR in the dense Jurunas. patterns of baixada of housing to important at the front of local efforts to legalize land invasions and press the govern ment for services such as sanitation, drinking water, electricity, education, public safety (policing) and health care. Through children's programs, street theatre, and other sense of community
action.

cultural identity

events, COBAJUR that could mobilize,

sought to build a public focus, and frame collective

With these activities, COBAJUR created a popular public sphere in which debates about solving these issues, not just complaining about them,
became part of everyday conversation?the first moment in movement me

diated public sphere development (Table 2). As the group organized larger the immediate in the area, brought open to the public outside meetings invasions of vacant or unused prop media, drafted petitions, and organized the movement into the second moment, inwhich popular claims erty, passed became "seen" by politicians and officials. Their target was the state's gover nor, Jader Barbalho (PMDB, Party of the Brazilian Democratic Movement), whose populist political machine also dominated the municipal government. "The invasion," as one resident put it, "was their weapon" that initiated a and began to alter the terms of entry into the pub process of bargaining lic sphere by making the claims of poor, marginalized persons compelling to politicians. Rosana and Beatriz, both founding members of COBAJUR, discussed the public contention involved in the invasions,
so that the govern Rosana The community became united?united (36, housewife): ment would we got free up these areas [for settlement]... We had a demonstration, in front centers, saying "Look, today get together together with all the [community]

506
of the palace the movement. all that stuff of demonstrations, Banners, you know, [city hall]"... And there was a commission to talk to the government. that went

Guidry

of

retired factory Beatriz activist, (53, community worker) Whatever [the governor] has done, it's because of pressure from the community... when the community, the there [in the streets], beating pans. 'We want water, all those things, food,' go people, want But all the same, it's difficult. you know? The people transportation. [The see the side of the periphery... doesn't because where governor] they come from, a all these things. person never has to live with the lower class, with poverty, necessity,

"All that stuff of the movements" is the set of modular practices of con tention (Tarrow 1994) that COBAJUR and corresponding organizations around the city used to build the CBB and mobilize thousands of people in marches, and rallies across the city and on the steps of demonstrations, city hall and Par?'s Legislative Assembly buildings. COBAJUR's ac local campaign and the CBB's city-wide campaigns pushed collective tion into the second and third moments of interaction in the public sphere (Table 2). In Jurunas alone, thousands of residents received legal title to lots they invaded. The major streets were paved, public transit extended through the area, energy services regularized, and the delivery of potable drinking water established. was matched The work of COBAJUR in other by similar organizations parts of Jurunas and around Bel?m, all of which tell roughly the same story of development around basic urban service and land-use issues from the of central Bel?m 1970s through the 1980s. In every baixada neighborhood 3 on the map), thousands of families were able to obtain lots and (sector build houses on vacant lands that were invaded and then expropriated from their private owners by the state. The CBB's Right to Shelter campaign was followed by others?education (1980-84), transportation (1981-ongoing), to the military poverty (1984), opposition dictatorship (1984), the direct in the constituinte election of the president (1984), participation (1987-88, one massing thou in which a new national constitution was written)?each in the streets for demonstrations sands of people and marches that ended in front of city hall and the state's legislative assembly. By this downtown, the community movement in Jurunas and Bel?m as point, in the mid-1980s, a whole had radically altered the terms of public politics, unleashing popular claims that ultimately became heard in the process of writing the postmilitary constitution. High Start-Up Costs on the New Periphery. Bom Futuro and Aura are founded during a wave of squatter invasions smaller, newer neighborhoods the process begun in the that began in the late 1980s. This wave extended of old 1960s, in which people began to leave the crowded neighborhoods Bel?m, such as Jurunas, for newer areas far out from the city center (region 4 on the map). As the governor's race of 1990 approached, however, organizers Bel?m's

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a strategy centered on the election: to lead an invasion and then developed use that effort (and the potential votes involved) to bargain for the legal ization of land tenure and other political goods. As the "new periphery" became an escape valve for population pressures, the practices and methods of organization learned in the glorious past of the CBB became transplanted,
however unevenly, across the metropolitan area.

Futuro has about 8,000 inhabitants and lies within the city limits of Bel?m, near the border with Ananindeua. The neighborhood dates back to 1988, when a woman who had some experience with community orga in Jurunas led a group on to privately-owned land and divided it up nizing into lots. Then they "sold" the lots to all comers, fueling a poor-person's land speculation bubble. These kind of invasions took place throughout the area, and tjie police were not able to expel the invaders, who metropolitan had hoped (correctly, as it turned out) that the new governor would simply or buy out the landowners the invasions and expropriate in acknowledge volved. In Bom Futuro, however, the group that founded the invasion, as well as its one neighborhood sold individual lots many times over, association, for the land. The founders also leaving claimants to fight among themselves ran a burglary ring that stole appliances from residents' houses and engaged in other crimes that by 1991 resulted in their expulsion by residents. A bus ride from the neighborhood to downtown Bel?m takes about 40 45 minutes. Bom Futuro are other small squatter invasions? Surrounding Carmel?ndia, others?that I, Cabanagem II, Jardim Sideral, Satelite, and Cabanagem a super the close of the 1990s have begun to resemble by the Augusto Montenegro that is about the size neighborhood along Highway of present-day Jurunas and is referred by city planners simply as Each of the neighborhoods within the area has its own or "Cabanagem." no federation and there is presently of structure, however, ganizational for the area as in Jurunas and other older, large associations neighborhood area are in fact The neighborhoods of the larger Cabanagem neighborhoods. like the microneighborhoods of Jurunas, such as Radional, each with its own like COBAJUR. associations, neighborhood Bom Futuro's one neighborhood "Unidos Venceremos" association,

Bom

has alternated between episodes of activ ("United We shall be Victorious") ity and inactivity. For the most part, the association has been staffed and run between by residents who had hoped to establish clientelistic relationships and the community. In this scheme, the neighborhood associa politicians tion is a both a fulcrum between the neighborhood and the larger city as well as a source of income and local power for its leaders?which reflects schemes. Attempts to clean up the origins in land speculation or organize residents for any other reason have association neighborhood tended to demonstrate the high start-up costs of mobilization. the area's

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These high start-up costs and the difficulty of building the kind of con is demonstrated in tinuous, vibrant public discourse created by COBAJUR Bom Futuro by a youth group that sought to fill in the gap left by the stag nation and corruption of the neighborhood In 1992, MOJOC association. Catholic Workers' Movement, affiliated with the national move (Young ment of the same name), had begun working in the neighborhood through of 10-15 young people in small meetings, (aged 13-30) gathered and social events. Here they entered the first moment of public prayer groups, sphere development (Table 2). One of the group's first attempts to mobilize residents was around the issue of traffic accidents on Augusto Montenegro at the entrance to the neighborhood. the highway?the Highway Crossing a daily hazard for residents, and enough into the city center?was only way people had been injured and killed by speeding vehicles along this road that residents called it the "Highway of Death."14 On the morning after a vehicle killed three teenagers and badly injured another Christmas, 1992, entrance. The youths were relatives of right in front of the neighborhood's to block the highway and create a pub local residents. MOJOC decided lic demonstration, thus entering the "struggle to be seen." They disrupted and got a photo of it in the major traffic on two separate occasions lo cal daily newspaper. As an issue, the problem of traffic accidents held all the synergy that could result in a high level of public discourse and mo was not ready to take such action. MOJOC but MOJOC failed bilization, more broadly; to mobilize had not done the pa the neighborhood they and negotiations tient and systematic work of meetings with residents that In the end, itwas just a would have led large numbers to the demonstration. to pull trees and things across the highway for a bunch of kids who managed while.
Geraldo, activist: Only the group did the demonstration. 27, student and MOJOC They saw that it was a minority. So up until now, nothing [the public and the government] if everyone has happened. Because from the area would have gotten together, went to the street, and did the demonstration, I called the government's attention?then think something would have already happened.15

a nucleus

In this public action, MOJOC made a serious grievance "seen" in the but not beyond the already existing level of local understand public sphere, ing that traffics accidents were a major problem. The action did not engage in a way that would the process of building public debate and discourse move of public sphere development from the second to the third moment notes that both the residents and the government offi (Table 2). Geraldo saw that both the group its potential for cials who cleared the roadblock to act was rather small?unlike the way in which the government forcing had used land invasion as a "weapon" of the movement. COBAJUR

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of public returned to the first moment For the next five years MOJOC discourse that with hopes of creating neighborhood sphere development, over time, help to construct a larger, more visible movement would, capable like the road-block of pulling off demonstrations they had attempted. As contract to teach vo 1993 wound down, the group secured a government These hall. and typing) in the Catholic church's meeting are typical of the income-generating and cultural programs usually taken up by community groups around Brazil and were, in fact, the original types of activities that led to the formation of COBAJUR involved with Bel?m's and the other organizations community movements of the 1970s and 80s. The classes were very successful, enrolling dozens of residents each year and generally creating a positive public image for the group. The classes cational kinds skills (manicure of activities

were

overall mission of reaching out to youths to develop part of MOJOC's to common forms of street life (gangs, crime, drugs, etc.) and alternatives for personal mobility. By 1997, the group added karate classes, opportunities as a way to engage young people in physical, recreational activities. Karate was chosen specifically because of its appeal to young boys of recruitable age

activists hoped that their karate lessons would also for street gangs. MOJOC spaces open these boys up to thinking about their world by providing help for identity formation separate from the world of the street and gang activity. In 1998, however, thieves broke into the church and the parish board karate class. The board immediately suspected the youths in the MOJOC's to stop the classes, though itwould be permitted to continue asked MOJOC toMOJOC, which did not ac its vocational This was not acceptable training. cept the thesis that their students broke into the church and saw abandoning the class as contrary to its mission. After reviewing available alternatives, the group decided to end its affiliation with the church and attempt to work for Bom Futuro's with the "reform" ticket that had won recent elections in a latest attempt to rebuild that organization. association neighborhood from church groups (the Catholic Church, several Pentecostal Apart MOJOC and the neighborhood churches, and Afro-spiritist organizations), are the only organized groups in Bom Futuro. MOJOC's association activi ties and the periodic attempts to revive the neighborhood association indi cate that there are groups of residents who would like to see a popular public sphere develop in the area, providing a forum to discuss issues of importance nor the neighborhood to the community. But neither MOJOC association can provide Bom Futuro must leave the neighborhood this. Residents of to pursue claims about politics. Those who have the time and resources do other social movement in other parts of just that?through organizations for the rest there is no locally viable outlet for community-based town?but
grievances.

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A note regarding social memory and learning curves iswarranted. These aren't sealed off from one another, and the residue of mem neighborhoods ory from the CBB and the glory days of Jurunas is known and felt by residents in the area. One woman inBom Futuro who had grown up in Jurunas recalled and fondly COBAJUR, the demonstrations, the invasions very accurately to make in the 1980s, how the group leaders appeared on television their appeals, and how the governor finally arrived to inaugurate a school and From 1998 through 2000, legalize land tenure. These stories are well-known. the MOJOC in the community. They tried again to gain a public platform some contacts with professional grassroots support organizations developed see Fisher 1998), and became involved in attempts to renew the (GRSOs, association. These attempts failed, however, and the group is neighborhood to live in the neighbor continue inactive, though many of the participants hood and remain in contact with each other. These are latent sources for the construction of a popular public sphere, though at present little more than
that.

and Cycles of Contention. Aura is home to about High Mobilization in the suburb of 5,000 people and lies about 15 km from central Bel?m a separate municipality is contiguous with is that Ananindeua. Ananindeua Bel?m. The growth of the "new periphery" has fueled a population explosion movements to around 250,000 inhabitants. Community in in Ananindeua Bel?m work together in organizations Ananindeua and across metropolitan federations.16 The Aura Road takes off from like the CBB and metropolitan the Bel?m-Brasflia Highway just across from the city hall of Ananindeua, between a small hospital and a Catholic seminary for the Silesian Order. In a young man named Orlando the invasion of some organized early 1990, lands that were surrounded by swamps and a few agri government-owned for a cultural concerns. Orlando thought he could marry his own ambitions of Jader Barbalho, former gover city council seat to the political machine nor from 1982-86 and the expected winner in the 1990 race (and eventual) did not. He lost for governor. The invasion proved successful, but Orlando from his bid for a city council seat in 1992 and by 1994 had disappeared like so many of an electoral machine, the area. Instead of becoming part of the invasions that sprang up around the 1990 elections, Aura developed one of the strongest community movements inAnanindeua, reminiscent of activism in the 1970s the CEB, and the heyday of community COBAJUR, and 80s. settled named Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho In 1991, three ex-seminarians a small prayer group that met one night and established in the neighborhood a week. As residents of the neighborhood, the young men formed relation into a family participating and friendships, and Jo?o eventually married ships it started in the prayer group. Shortly after the prayer group began meeting,

The

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of poverty, vio experiences the wealthy, and so forth?asking relationships live with these things but rather how the community in effect, a semipublic might change them.17 The group began promoting, discussion of the area's servicing needs and possible ways to address them. with In November the group's presence by carry 1991, Jo?o and Julio expanded out a small survey of 250 families about community concerns. Education ing was the topic most frequently cited, in keeping with the sentiments of the vast to material in all classes, who directly link education majority of Brazilians
success and security.18

to engage discussions lence, unemployment, not how one should

As a result of the survey, the prayer group decided to build a "community not unlike movements, school," a project typical to Brazilian neighborhood in Bom Futuro. Community the vocational MOJOC training sponsored by res schools are small pre- and elementary schools staffed by neighborhood In the original invasion, Orlando had idents and funded by the government. set aside some land for a community school, and Jo?o's group was able to the state of Para to apply for gov that lot. Next, they approached acquire ernment funding, but they were told that they needed to have their own building and teachers before January of 1992, the group with priests at the Silesian highway and Aura Road. The Silesians helped from a German organization. nongovernmental the state would consider the application. In formed a small committee of residents to meet Seminary on the corner of the Bel?m-Bras?lia to secure start-up funding

residents, Neighborhood excited by the prospect of a nearby school for their children, joined together to help construct the three connected buildings with several classrooms and an administrative office. The "Anani Community School" was named af was named and teaches the ter the tree for which the town Ananindeua North American equivalent of kindergarten through the fourth grade. Two hundred fifty students enrolled in classes that began on 9March 1992, and on 1April the state government to pro finally granted a contract (convenio) vide renewable annual funding, including salaries for teaching, clerical, and of the prayer group staffed the school, and thereafter general staff. Members the entire neighborhood began to refer to Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho simply
as "the teachers."

In the Anani movement school, the neighborhood gained a major re source. The school provided income to activists, who were now able to pursue neighborhood organizing on almost a full-time basis. The school extended the movement's reach into hundreds of families, providing a service that was an image valued. The school gave "the teachers" and the movement highly of success?it demonstrated that the group could formulate a plan and raise the necessary capital and labor to pull it off. The school became a central meeting place, helping to build a larger popular public sphere in which to

512 issues and politics. develop public debate about community school was a concrete symbol of the community's identity and role in building that identity. In short order, Jo?o prominent a formal aimed at establishing began to hold regular meetings which they did on September association, 26,1993. ment

Guidry In the end, the "the teachers" and company neighborhood

to other urban servicing issues as the move This process was extended to discuss the relationship between taxes, services, and class began through the lens of citizenship. Jo?o and the other leaders asserted that the residents were already paying for services?like garbage collection?that

and they were not receiving. Instead, they were paying for the cleanliness Jo?o emphasized the proprietary security of wealthy neighborhoods. rights of citizens to the allocation of public funds; "it's not true that it's really the from taxes."19 During meetings, money, but it's the people's, government's Chiquinho typically brandished a small paperback copy of the Brazilian con was that urban development stitution, shaking it in the air and proclaiming indeed a right of citizenship. At times they read from the constitution?"the fundamental of Brazil" are "to construct objectives of the Federal Republic a free, just, and solidaristic society," "to guarantee national development," "to eradicate poverty and marginalization and to reduce [social exclusion] social and regional inequalities," and "to promote the well-being of all, with out regard to origin, race, sex, color, age, and other forms of discrimination" Tit. I, Art 3). Their point was that the promise of (Brazilian Constitution, to democracy, carries with itmaterial which is fundamental political equality, of poverty and wealth correlates about the geography that raised questions in Aura. After the raising these questions, experienced daily by everyone teachers asked residents what should be done. as the movement in Over time, a cycle was established continually the passage through the first, serted itself into public politics by repeating second, and third moments public sphere development (Table 2). Every few to discuss a particular problem months, facing they would call a meeting service and crime/public the state the community?bus safety inmid-1992, and a of the bridge on the road into Aura in mid-1993, garbage collection on crime/public elections in renewal of efforts safety inmid-1995, municipal about a topic would explore residents' feelings mid-1996. The initial meeting on the issue and, with the help of Jo?o, Julio, and Chiquinho's to references the national and state constitutions, question the relationship of government to what action the commu to the issue. A next meeting would be devoted nity should take. In this period, Aura became known as home to the most inAnanindeua. association neighborhood provocative of causes: a (semi)professional lead The reasons include a combination action that created resource bases, the benefits generated ership, collective by the movement, and the continuous development of the neighborhood's

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and public actions that altered sphere through meetings of residents, movement activists, and local politicians. bargaining position at city hall and with other public officials, encounters With every round of built out from the neighborhood's the movement popular public sphere to in the larger public sphere, changing the terms of that challenge discourse the discourse and registering Aura as a legitimate public actor. Through successes framed and plotted fu previous public sphere, the movement's popular public ture actions. Thus by the movements Olsen 1984, 744) constitution. The movement the public sphere to the "normative" promised by ties the material benefits obtained and "symbolic order" (March and in the and enumerated citizenship

has been in the neighborhood. School alent of fourth grade, have tended to turn out Meetings of Ananindeua's

able to draw upon a consistent base of support to the U.S. equiv from preschool enrollments, 400-600 students since 1993. stayed between 100-300.

30-50 people, demonstrations (usually in front Petitions well over 1,000 or city hall) gathered 1993, over 700 residents voted to formally 2,000 signatures. In September, In establish a neighborhood and elected Jo?o as its president. association, of the group publicly announced that 1995, Jo?o and several other members Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, they were affiliated with the Workers' on the left. The neighborhood Brazil association sup largest party PT), in ported them and also agreed to endorse Jo?o as a city council candidate the 1996 municipal elections. By the barest of margins, he won a seat, which a new voice in city hall and an even larger the movement then provided

inAnanindeua and metropolitan Bel?m. presence Jo?o's term on the city council, he and Julio began to construct During a larger organization to turn out over a thousand people for that managed a demonstration in June 1998. This led to the formation of the Movimento das Ocupa?oes de Ananindeua?MOA, lit. the Movement of Occupations in Ananindeua.20 MOA was to be larger version of what had taken place already inAura, though more highly politicized. They developed ideological affini ties and concrete linkages to the Landless Movement in Brazil (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra, MST), which is a rural organization MST that occupies privately owned farms and agitates for agrarian reform. The to emerge is the most radical and well-publicized grassroots movement in Brazil since the 1970s.

CONTRACTION AND CYCLICAL DEVELOPMENT

in the 1990s demonstrate Jurunas in the 1980s and Aura clearly the themes" of urban social movements identified by Manuel Castells "major

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focus on the collective of services provided (1983, xviii)?a consumption state (sanitation, education, by the etc.), the formation and defense of an itself, and the mobilization identity linked to the neighborhood (territory) aimed at local governments the youths (city and state). In Bom Futuro, were thinking in these terms, but they lacked the experience in MOJOC a community movement to develop with a broad base, deep roots, and a credible continuity in public action. Movements, however, go through "cycles of protest" that reflect a dynamic relationship of internal resources, identity, to the political opportunity structure mediated and mobilization by the state and the decline of the community movement in Jurunas (Tarrow 1994,153), and some setbacks in Aura prompt us to think about movements' relation to public politics over time. The community movement of Jurunas and greater Bel?m that began in the late 1970s was part of a large cycle of protest that extended through out Latin America, in countries dominated by military especially regimes and authoritarian In this cycle, broad opposition movements governments. labor movements, human rights brought together community organizations, women's and racial identity organizations, groups, progressive religious ac to left wing tivists (in both Catholic and Protestant churches), and moderate Perlman Eckstein 1976; 1988, 1989; Hipsher 1996; Castells politicians (see Levine 1986,1992; Gay 1994; Stokes 1995). The transitions to democ 1983; the region opened up racy that began in Peru in 1980 and rapidly engulfed and provided the impetus for an explosion of organizing in space political civil society that carries on to the present (Casta?eda Escobar 1994,203-36; et al. 1998). Yet as observers note with increas and Alvarez 1992; Alvarez the proliferation and variety of organizations in civil society ingly frequency, of progressive has also been linked to a fragmenting political movements, labor and parties of the Left, that have traditionally been key to especially such as those discussed the redress of popular grievances above (Roberts

1998).
movements in Bel?m and Jurunas com The history of neighborhood a national in the library of FASE, grassroots support organization piled see Fisher 1998), shows a precipitous decline inCBB and COBAJUR (GRSO, activism from the late 1980s on. Part of the decline of the CBB is explained to co-opt community movements by the attempts of Jader Barbalho through a state-sponsored federation.21 Though the CBB is still active today, it cannot the kinds of large-scale campaigns it did prior to 1990. Dozens of continue to be affiliated with the CBB, but or neighborhood organizations are not backed by mobilization. At the same time, numbers ganizational with the state the CBB has also moved away from direct confrontation and toward a professionalization and the politics of mass demonstrations put together of activist leadership, strong connections to FASE and other GRSOs, and

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515 with office-holders and bureaucrats sympathetic to

negotiated
the movement.

relationships

ues

COBAJUR's history in Jurunas reflects this process. The group contin its work as one of 33 community associations serving the 100,000-plus residents of Jurunas, each association of smaller subsections representing the neighborhood. Some groups consist of only a few families and represent one street on one block; larger associations may represent an area of several

square blocks with a few thousand inhabitants (though many fewer are active members of the organization). A federation of neighborhood associations these groups together to coordinate to the claims and relationships brings and state governments, but in general the movement relies more municipal on its "glorious past" than any significant accomplishments (demonstrations, improved services, land tenure concessions, etc.) in the period since 1985. In both Jurunas and Aura, though much more so in the former, leaders tell a story that emphasizes how residents who were mobilized around some the school and some very specific projects (the land invasions in Radional, or too busy to of the services around Aura) became satisfied, complacent, continue working for the community movement. see many of the Leaders residents as only self-interested and concerned with material benefits, and not with the development of the group, a very common concern in move ments of all kinds. What begins as a "free rider" effect (Olson 1965, see also in the case of Jurunas, simply can, especially Bayard de Vol? 2001,189-97) result in a movement the interest of residents to the point at which losing collective action depends on starting over?looking to the popular discourse of a community in order to define issues and mobilization potential. The flux in mobilization also represents an ebbing of concentrated collective action related to the larger cycle of democratization in Brazil. To some extent, the exit from power in 1985 and the return to democratic military's government eroded the solidarity of the community movement of the 1980s as individual associations became affiliated and, in many cases, co-opted neighborhood the populist and clientelist politicians who held sway in Bel?m until the by late 1990s.22 was able to fend off Barbalho's machine, In Aura, the movement and the Anani to provide an important resource and source School continues of identity to the movement. But the school and the movement grew apart somewhat when Jo?o left to take up his seat on the city council in 1996. however, has kept his job as a teacher there, but Jo?o lost his city Chiquinho, council seat in the 2000 elections, presenting the movement with a serious setback. Jo?o received just about the same number of votes in 2000 as in 1996, but under Brazil's proportional system, a very popular representation from the centrist bloc of parties opposed to the PT was able carry mayor several candidates on his coattails.

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LESSONS LEARNED: MEMORY, MOVEMENTS, AND ROUTINE POLITICS

In this way, just as movements contract, the public spheres they generate can also contract, shrinking back from the robust encounter with the domi nant public sphere represented inTables 1 and 2, where the concerns of an op can affect the discourse and actions of politicians and position counterpublic the state. We should note well, however, the "social memory" (Uehling 2000, The "glorious past" may be over in Jurunas, of earlier mobilizations. 262-63) inAura treading water for the time being, but these move and the movement are present in the memories ments and the public politics they generated of not only where they have residents. People still talk about these movements, that continue tomotivate been successful, but also as models activists in Bom Even persons who have stopped going Futuro and similar neighborhoods. to meetings of the past, in the same way that leaders do, and speak longingly that will be an important resource in together they sustain social memories a revival of neighborhood of changing activism there, given the probability structures, party coalitions, and electoral contests. opportunity Movement social through popular public spheres, and memory becomes even as residue it never loses that public quality that allows general, anony mous persons to share it, including those too young to have been present or in the urban context, one neighborhood's who arrived too late. Moreover,
glorious past is an example of what other communities could achieve now.

inTables 1 and 2 and in the histories The iterative, learning process presented of Jurunas and Aura apply both within and beyond the borders of any partic ular group or community. Latent identities and concerns (Gamson 1992) are tangible resources that fuel public discourse. In cases around the globe, social has been identified as a major resource for identity formation and memory Tatars in the post-Soviet Crimea of mobilization: (Uehling 2000), mothers de Vol? 2001), African Americans in the slain soldiers inNicaragua (Bayard involved in the Greek Resistance civil rights era (Harris 1994), and women of public sphere Movement through processes organizations, (Hart 1996). remake the past into the elements of contempo formation and meditation, rary politics as they seek to represent the grievances and concerns of persons who are marginal to, or excluded from, public politics in democracies. in consid and latency becomes manifest importance of potential or popular public iterations of the process. An oppositional ering repeated about everyday sphere can develop where people share similar grievances similar stories about how those everyday situations came life and potentially but they only consol to be. Movements coalesce around these grievances, can frame these situations with stories idate and grow when organizations as directly as possible to visible actors and solutions, that link grievances The

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public sphere. This is usually in formal politics and through the hegemonic movement the "resonance" that analysts recognize as how frames develop crucial to popular mobilization (Snow and Benford 1988). The repetition and successive interactions in meetings, of public politics demonstrations, the cultural frames and iden small) with the state strengthens (however and of actors at the nexus of hegemonic tity resources. In the relationship pro public spheres, repetition works to alter the bargaining oppositional cess. Events and expectations of "routine politics" build the third moment action that constructed the popular (Table 1), when the kinds of collective the "modular" (Tarrow 1994) tactics public sphere (Somers 1993) become to other publics. At this point, and are available of movement repertoires are a well-traveled the contours of contention map for actors on either side.

CONCLUSION
action transforms lived experience into compelling political Collective more powerful actors see the terms of claims with two consequences: (1) interaction differently, while at the same time (2) less powerful political actors see their own agency and capacities in a different light. This very to a transformative of "working the linkages" is fundamental process politics and the force of public commitments (Levine 1992) that alters expectations in such as way as to imagine, at the very least, institutional change. Effective movement leaders employ strategies of framing that translate the language of the neighborhood into the language of power, putting into action the critical substance of the statements discussed earlier in the first section of the paper. They turn block parties, prayer groups, and social events into arenas of political debate. Gramsci (1971, 331) refers to this as "renovating an already existing activity," and in this process the discourse of everyday life moves actors become toward resistance. Movement important at this point in translating the language and emotions of resistance into a constructive attempt to alter the rules of dominant public spheres. Beyond exchange actors work to alter the rules governing behavior and brokerage, movement on both sides of the gap in which they work. Movement leaders may help define a popular public sphere in one place, but they are working with one foot at the door of the dominant public sphere.23 Movement actors suggest, and actions, changes in the way that citizenship is perceived and ordinary people alike. by politicians The struggle to be seen describes this process of change and suggests can be contested and reenvisioned how citizenship in contemporary Brazil in a way that pushes beyond the "low intensity citizenship" described by O'Donnell very (1993) in the region. In this article, we have discussed through words

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Guidry

to develop popular public spheres that contribute to attempts more sweeping analysis of how movements have begun to Dagnino's (1998) In this struggle, common membership push for the expansion of citizenship. to the distance between in the polity is juxtaposed the rich and poor. The to be seen" bridges that gap and puts in play a public process of "struggle and commitment that are, at least potentially, transformative. recognition These events do not stand alone but are part of an iterative process in which is defined and refined at each moment claims citizenship through distributive that serve as material markers for a larger project of identity construction. In and other political actors come to shared, repeated interaction, movements no less contentious, if of what it means to be a member definitions of a in the polity (citizenship) is tied to polity, and not infrequently membership the kinds of services and political goods a person receives from the state. The "routine politics" that movements seek to establish is crucial to re idea analyzed by Roberts alizing the potential of the "deepening democracy" the kind of consistent pressure to open up the public sphere (1998). Without and place both popular actors and their claims on the political landscape, the "logic of political majorities" (p. 24) cannot move forward. In his survey in the early post-Cold War years, Jorge Casta?eda de that occurs in the movement the kind political transformation from the struggle to be seen to routine politics and party linkages: "...popular protest must transcend its purely social origins and forms of struggle, reach 1994, 364). The struggle to be seen ing into the political arena" (Casta?eda condition for electoral advances by popular movements is thus a necessary that claim to represent ordinary and political parties, usually left-of-center, scribes
people.24

of the Latin America

ENDNOTES
In Latin American cases, see Fais Borda (1994, 364), (1992), Mische (1995), Catsa?eda et al. (1997,165), and Smith (2000); elsewhere, Meyer Sassen Korzeniewicz (1996,60-61), Robertson (1992). that movements 2. There is growing illiberal, or even may also be undemocratic, recognition et al. 1994,5) isolated from their own constituencies 2000; Dirks (Derluguian class" historically Levine that the term "popular involves "at a 3. Daniel (1986, 6) notes some notion of subordination shared by divergent sectors of and inequality" minimum... class. the population, from the poor to the lower middle a woman to go back and 4. For example, from the countryside why she wanted explained "I want my husband to visit her family there. Marisa, 60, retired factory worker, Jurunas: than I am. there are a lot of folks so much poorer retire, [then] I'll go back there because I?we have things?old these things?and sometimes And clothes, they come here to get ... And to go back there and bring more, to save up I have this promise the stuff from me there we see how it hurts: how poverty hurts. things here so I can take them there. Because hurts. That's so, I want to go back there." Poverty just it. And Bom Futuro. 5. Jorge, 22, unemployed, 1.

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in Jurunas for about 10 years at the in neighborhood had been involved politics time of our interview in 1993 and still is today. see case that analyses in politics, contention 7. For an interesting symbolic comparative and the crisis of the socialist state in Poland. Kubik's (1994) study of Solidarity across a growing literature. that follows is consistent 8. This definition and the characterization Calhoun See Habermas (1993), Fraser (1992), Dawson (1992), Somers ([1962] 1989,1992), 6. Carolina

(1994,1999), Keane (1996),Hanchard (1999), and Zaret (2000).

a paramount in both print and electronic the Maiorana position family exercises are affiliated all of which the major media: TV-Liberal, Liberal, daily, O Liberal, Radio in the the largest media that is among with Brazil's Globo media network corporations world. are not the only actors that clarify to note that movement It is important 10. organizations or stimulate of popular public spheres. Political the development parties popular discourse as do a myriad of the process, of civil society also contribute and the formal organizations of and communication life that involve the social networks in everyday informal practices ties to and roots in these to each other. Movement individuals may develop organizations in this other organizations and processes 1999), and the model presented (as inMcAdam to the relationship of other organizational and informal processes paper can be extended to public spheres as well. 9. In Bel?m, 11. The movement studied by Robert (1994) in the neighborhood Gay See also Stokes Janeiro is a classic example of this moment. (1995), and Mainwaring Levine (1992), Bayard-de-Volo (1989), Fais Borda et al. (2001, 7-8), we may say that in In the language of McAdam second 13. tained" The model demonstrates should be careful to note to the third moment forms of contention. of interaction, how movements shift from of Vidigal Mainwaring (2000). the passage in Rio de (1989), from the to "con

12.

"transgressive"

14.

the discourse of public spheres can shift over time, but we conces of this process. Services and other political are certainly gained in the process, as the cases the quality of citizenship sions that enhance et al. 1986, movements below and in the literature on community demonstrates (Degregori of the full restructuring Gay 1994, Seidman change?i.e. 1994). But long-term, qualitative to meet Marshall's criterion of "rendering all differences irrelevant citizenship (1964,165) as much as much a normative to social status"?remains ideal as it does a distant objective. are filled with reportage on pedestrians run over by cars and the re newspapers Daily the limitations

of collective anger by poor residents. A typical story found in Bel?m's sulting expressions major daily, O Liberal 1993), told of a taxi driver who had hit a man on a busy (3 May street. When to aide the victim, he was dragged the driver stopped away and killed by res as was the case with idents. Frequently, block the roads in acts of protest, angry residents 14 June 1993), and of Juquitiba, 25 recent incidents 3,000 residents protesting (O Liberal, a neighborhood in this study, where in Bom Futuro, included residents refer to the nearby 8 February and youths are roadway as the "highway of death" 1993). Children (O Liberal, between frequent victims. In the 18 months January, 1990, and July, 1991,736 minors were hit by automobiles, in 137 deaths 16 June 1993). resulting (O Liberal, is 8 kilometers 15. No organization along the highway, which long, was ever able to put together more than very limited actions of this type. The complaints about traffic went unanswered for a long time. By 1995, the city had begun placing traffic lights on the highway, and between 1998 and 2000 more of traffic laws lights, speed bumps, and police enforcement 16. 17. had greatly the situation. improved I was originally taken to Aura by community CBB function in December, I was 1992, where This kind of discussion is fundamental leaders from Ananindeua who attended a

18.

present. to the kinds of consciousness-raising (conscientiza?ao) pedagogies suggested by the Brazilian priest and activist Pavlo Freir?, a kind of mobilization whose Pedagogy manual among of the Oppressed (1983) provided sectors of Catholic activists. progressive One of Janice Perlman's in her seminal major findings of Marginality study, The Myth of Aura's held most (1976) was that Rio de Janeiro's favelados (the equivalent invaders)

520
of the same education. 19. 20. 21. social values as the Brazilian middle class, included

Guidry
a very high priority on

22. 23.

24.

1993. and others, 2 February Interview with Jo?o, Julio, Chiquinho, to "invasions," since the latter implies ownership the term "occupations" They preferred is not being used. the former implies taking what while relied to the military in Para, Barbalho the candidate As leader of the opposition regime in 1982. As governor, he moved swiftly upon the CBB and other movement organizations state- and metropolitan federations movement to co-opt the community by establishing in public politics. to represent that, like the CBB, purported neighborhood organizations were able to and the State Federation Federation Funded by the state, the Metropolitan not available to the CBB. These and opportunities activists resources offer neighborhood were never able to organize like the CBB had and were public campaigns organizations was a model of populist his early career, Barbalho politics, During notably moribund. a slow trajectory based largely on urban land tenure issues, but since 1994 he has followed he as voters demise of political politics increasingly reject him and the corrupt machine represents. the return in Peru in the early-mid notes a similar situation Stokes 1980s, where (1995,55) for clientelism..." and incentives to "civilian rule opened up new opportunities do A Provincia in one of Bel?m's article It was through a newspaper daily newspapers, there. The and the movement Para 1992), in fact, that I learned of Aura (19 December children could to obtain a creche where that local residents had mobilized article reported their parents were away at work. receive food and care while of Brazil's is clearly demonstrated This party, largest left-of-center by the relationship and progressive the Workers' religious movements Party to its base in labor, community, in 1979, the Workers' Party has slowly built up a na 1994,197-98). Beginning (Seidman a relationship, to balance that has managed tional organization contentious, frequently success in every that has led to increased actors and its own politicians between movement of October elections In the national since 1982 (Guidry forthcoming). round of elections in the lower house of the national the largest delegation legisla 2002, the party became ture, with about a quarter of the seats, and its leader, Luis In?cio Lula da Silva, was elected president with over 60% of the votes cast.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research has been funded by dissertation grants from the SSRC and Travel Grant (1995), International the Hewlett HE Fulbright (1992-1993), to acknowl The author wishes and Augustana College (1998, 2000, 2002). of readers present during the 2000 Summer the helpful comments edge Politics at the Center for Advanced Institute on Contentious Study in the Be Mark Sawyer, David Laitin, Peter havioral Sciences especially (Palo Alto), as well as the anonymous referees for the and Doug McAdam, Houtzager,
journal.

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