Marxism

1.

Domestic Level (Classical Marxism)

On the domestic level, Marxists claimed that the elites were empowered by disenchantment of voters and oppression of the working class. Thus, the elite could promote and defend the capitalist class, while labour was left powerless. Advocates of the Marxism theory composed their theory from root analysis of deals done under the table, claiming that the public were disillusioned by sweet lures by government and the nature of capitalist class protection. Marx was a firm believer in the interconnected nature of politics and economics, describing the economic substructure and the political superstructure as interlocking elitism. Marxist theories suggest a class analysis of politics composed of the capitalist class versus the working class. The capitalist class had unparalleled access to media, economic and monetary resources. Access to resources is cumulative, and as there is power in one sphere, the capitalist class will use this sphere of power to permeate another. Noticeably, Marx suggested that the capitalist class was empowered by monetary influence, and as every sphere of political policy runs tandem to their monetary allowance, the capitalist class could penetrate them. Marxism stresses market liberalism, and that the state is an instrument in the hands of the capitalist. Thus, rather than acting with due diligence and neutrality, the political vehicle was a blanket covering unseen decision-making. Thus the state is not portrayed as an arbiter or neutral arena, but softpedaled by the capitalist class and their respective interests. Contrary to pluralistic forms of governance, interest groups had little effect, unable to stretch government policy. As the state serves the capitalist class, the political sphere was seen to be a subsidiary power to economic policy, all policy-making decisions underpinned by a plethora of elite factions.

This view is instrumentalist, as it purports the view of class alignment and suggests that politics is a means to an end. Critically, political instrumentalists regard the political vehicle while in the hands of the capitalist class merely a nameplate for non-decisions, and thus see politics as a redundant activity.

2. Domestic Level (Corporate and Political Power Elite)

In Domhoffs view of corporate and political relations, Domhoff cites the revolving door syndrome between politicians and lobbying spheres of influence, exacerbating similar clubs, societies and socio-economic backgrounds as a way in which spheres of influence share common interests, morals and values. In the rise of the organization man, Marxists believe that corporate power has slowly shifted into the political agenda. With statecraft centering its focus on the economic climate, they are in need of successful corporate executives to aid them in sculpting this policy. Thus, the organization man can penetrate the government platform, networking with politicians in order to facilitate the implementation of their core vested interest. With this perspective, Marxist theorists cite the socio-economic background of politicians as paramount to those of the capitalist class. With vested interest in similar policy objectives, the elites in political power will draw plans that repress the working class agenda.

3. Domestic Level ( Gramscis Marxism) Whilst Marxist theory was adopted as realistic, the advocates of marxism assumed Britain to be the first to revolt. This was because of industrialism and following this corporatism, the working class squeezed by a larger power elite. However it was Russia that was the first to revolt, and being one of the last superpowers to industrialize.. How do we therefore explain the longevity of the capitalist rule?

Gramsci: - Identifies a relative autonomy of the state (Less economic, and rather contingent to rigid politics) - Sees the state as biased, but preserves class divide by independence away from the capitalist class. - Cites subtle and indirect class domination, but notes that government will attempt to appear legitimate by legislative earmarks that con the public into believing that the capitalist state is acting in their interest. - Ideological Hegemony, as capitalist rule tricks the people into false cooperation. - In tricking the working class, Gramsci states that the state uses populist concessions in order to buy off the working class support. Thus, the working class is given an incentive to believe in the helpfulness of the state, but underneath the deceit there are still non-decisions being made. - Gramscis perception of the state is much broader, and spans to courts, education and the media. In utilizing these state mechanisms, the capitalist class is able to brainwash the working class. Thus, the state preserves capitalist rule. 4. Domestic Level ( Structural Marxism)

Structural Marxists were critical of instrumentalists, stating that personnel is not important and that in a historical perspective the state was originally controlled by socialist labour groups. The state character downplays individuals, and as such should be able to retain enough freedom to act as if its offering help to the working class. In order to preserve the interests of the capitalist class, the state may have to act against the interests of capitalists. This is one of the paradoxes of state power. The state tries to confuse mobilization of the working class, offering material concessions and a welfare state. Thus it broadens the arm of the state, whilst aiming to help the working class. The states helps to organize capitalists as the ideal capitalist collective. However these capitalists are often juxtaposed in viewpoint, and often clash. Thus, more often than not there is no consensual understanding. (e.g. a situation where the financial sector has no capital buffers, yet businesses wish for them to lend. Thus there is fragmented opinion) The capitalist class needs someone to forge the iron triangle of power. The state plays this role in connecting the sectors. The state provides transport, education, training and subsidies to the private sector, as private institutions do not wish for free riders, feeding from their skill set and then moving with the Great Brain Drain. The state protects the capitalist class through legal barriers and dissolving trade union power. The state also provides general public services, infrastructure improvement and a legal format that they can play. The state thus performs the role of preserver, and is structurally dependent on the capitalist class. it is crucial to this apparatus, and thus they form a monetary relationship. The state NEEDS capitalist class funding just as the capitalist class NEED state improvements. As both the state and capitalist class have trade-offs and gains, the state helps businesses gain output and income with lower corporate tax and higher barriers to trade. (infant industry) Thus the state gains, and so do the capitalist class.

5. Domestic Level ( Criticisms)

What is the general interest of the capitalist class? Can the state know this interest, or understand it fully? The state has little knowledge of finances and corporate affairs. Is the state controlled fully or partially by capitalist classes?