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Department o Goernment
D-leel paper
lall 2006
PROS1I1U1ION, ORGANIZA1ION AND LMPOWLRMLN1
- A (OMPARA1IVL S1UD\ Ol 1\O ARGLN1INL ORGANIZA1IONS lOR \OMLN
IN PROS1I1U1ION
Author: Annika Daln
Superisor: Lars Rudebeck
CON1LN1S
ABS1RAC1 i
RLSUMLN ii
J. IN1RODUC1ION 1
J.J. BACKGROUND 1
J.2. PURPOSL OI 1HL S1UDY AND PROBLLMS LXAMINLD 3
J.3. DISPOSI1ION 4
2. 1HLORL1ICAL IRAMLWORK 4
2.J. CONCLP1UALIZING LMPOWLRMLN1 5
2.].]. PO!R 6
2.].2. COC
2.].. COC)1 .C)O^ 9
2.].1. MPO!RM^). C^DR .^D PRO))|)O^ 10
2.2. OPLRA1IONALIZING LMPOWLRMLN1 12
3. ML1HOD 14
3.J. QUALI1A1IVL ML1HOD 15
3.2. 1HL IILLD S1UDY 15
.2.]. ^)R1! 15
3.3. WRI11LN MA1LRIAL 16
3.4. LIMI1A1IONS 1
4. PROS1I1U1ION IN ARGLN1INA 18
4.J. LLGAL IRAMLWORK 18
4.2. LIIL IN PROS1I1U1ION 19
5. 1HL ORGANIZA1IONS S1UDILD 20
5.J. AMMAR-C1A 21
:.].]. )ORY 22
:.].2. .C)1) 23
:.].. 1! O^ PRO))|)O^ 24
5.2. AMMAR-CAPI1AL 25
:.2.]. )ORY 26
:.2.2. .C)1) 26
:.2.. 1! O^ PRO))|)O^ 26
6. PROS1I1U1ION, ORGANIZA1ION AND LMPOWLRMLN1 28
6.J. PROS1I1U1ION AND DISLMPOWLRMLN1 28
6.2. ORGANIZING WOMLN IN PROS1I1U1ION 29
6.3. 1HL LMPOWLRMLN1 PROCLSS IN 1LRMS OI CHOICL 32
..]. RO|RC 32
..2. .C^CY 33
... .C1M^) 34
6.4. 1RANSIORMA1IVL IMPAC1 35
.1.]. ^D1D|. 36
.1.2. COC)1 3
6.5. A COMPARISON BL1WLLN 1HL ORGANIZA1IONS 38
7. IINAL DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS 39
RLILRLNCLS 41
BOOKS AND PUBLISHLD AR1ICLLS 41
NON-PUBLISHLD MA1LRIAL AND IN1LRNL1 SOURCLS 42
IN1LRVILWS 42
i
ABS1RAC1
1his paper is the result o a ield studv conducted in Argentina principallv between December
2005 and March 2006. 1he aim o the studv was to inestigate whether the dierences in the
iews on prostitution between two organizations created bv and working with women in
prostitution implies dierent outcomes in terms o the empowerment processes or the
members. 1he main research question is: ao tbe orgavi.atiov.` rier. ov pro.titvtiov bare avy ettect ov tbe
evporervevt proce..e. tor tbe rovev participativg ava it .o. iv rbat ray.
1he theoretical point o departure or the paper is empowerment. which its into the broader
political science ield o democracv and democratization theorv. Lmpowerment is broken down
into the notions o cboice. with its dimensions resources. agencv and achieements. and o
trav.torvatire ivpact. on an indiidual as well as a collectie leel. 1he primarv material or the
studv consists o nine deep-interiews with women rom the two organizations. which is assessed
using these concepts.
1he two organizations o the studv work with empowering women in prostitution in erv similar
wavs. 1he signiicant dierence between them is that whereas one. AMMAR-(1A. sees
prostitution as sex work. the other. AMMAR-(apital. sees prostitution as oppression that cannot
be a job.
Ater ealuating the material. it becomes clear that the work o both organizations promote the
empowerment processes o the women participating. It is less obious. howeer. whether the
dierences in the iew on prostitution has anv signiicant impact on these processes. Possiblv.
the sex work` position brings about a more positie sel-image construction. but the question o
the consequences o this stand in the long run also need to be taken into consideration.
Neertheless. the great inluencing actor on empowerment lies in the organizing itsel.
ii
RLSUMLN
Lste trabajo es el resultado de un estudio de campo realizado en Argentina. entre diciembre de
2005 v marzo de 2006. Ll propsito del estudio ue inestigar si las dierencias en las ormas de
er la prostitucin entre dos organizaciones creadas por v trabajando con mujeres en prostitucin
implican resultados dierentes en trminos de los procesos de empoderamiento de las miembras.
La pregunta principal de la inestigacin es: tievev ta. torva. ae rer ta pro.titvciv atgvv etecto ev to.
proce.o. ae evpoaeravievto ae ta. vviere. participavao. y ae .er a.. ae qve vavera.
Ll punto de partida terico del trabajo es empoderamiento. que cabe en el mas amplio campo de
ciencia poltica de democracia v teoras de democratizacin. Lmpoderamiento es escindido en las
nociones de etecciv. con sus dimensiones de recursos. agencia v logros. v de ivpacto tra.torvatiro.
tanto en un niel indiidual como en un niel colectio. Ll material principal para el estudio
consiste en nuee entreistas en proundidad con mujeres de las dos organizaciones. lo cual es
ealuado usando estos conceptos.
Las dos organizaciones del estudio trabajan con empoderando a las mujeres en prostitucin de
maneras muv parecidas. La dierencia signiicatia entre las dos es que mientras una. AMMAR-
(1A. e la prostitucin como trabajo sexual. la otra. AMMAR-(apital. e la prostitucin como
una opresin que no puede ser un trabajo.
Despus de haber ealuado el material. esta claro que el trabajo de las dos organizaciones
promuee los procesos de empoderamiento de las mujeres participando. Sin embargo. queda
menos obio si las dierencias en la orma de er la prostitucin tienen algn impacto
signiicatio en estos procesos. Posiblemente. la posicin de trabajo sexual` da lugar a una
construccin de imagen personal mas positia. pero tambin se necesita tomar en cuenta la
cuestin de las consecuencias de largo plazo que conllea esta postura. No obstante. el actor
importante de inluencia esta en el organizar en s.
1
J. IN1RODUC1ION
1his paper has its starting-point in the empowerment discourse. which its into the broader
political science ield o democracv and democratization theorv. 1o illustrate empowerment and
links between empowerment and dierent tvpes o organization. a case studv o the organization
o poor women in prostitution in Argentina is presented.
J.J. BACKGROUND
Deelopment research has or a long time pointed to a connection between gender inequalitv and
poertv. and between empowerment o women and social and economic progress.
1
Due to
traditional unequal gender roles. women. especiallv in poor countries. oten hae limited access to
sae work. air pav. accumulation o economic assets and inluence oer important decisions
aecting their lies. such as marriage and childbearing. Lnabling girls and women to reach their
ull potential has positie implications or the whole societv. both because women are ital
economic contributors with their paid and unpaid labour and because o their role as primarv
caretakers or the next generation:
2
\hen discriminatorv burdens are remoed. the capacitv and earning power o women
increase. lurthermore. women tend to reinest these gains in the welare o their children
and amilies. multiplving their contributions to national deelopment. Lmpowering women
propels countries orward towards the MDGs and improes the lies o all.
3
In 2001. Argentina`s economv collapsed completelv ater a long economic recession. 1he countrv
had returned to a democratic svstem in 1983 ater seen vears o militarv dictatorship. 1he
militarv junta let a countrv heailv indebted. with hvperinlation and a deastated economv. 1he
politics pursued bv the ollowing presidents was one o intense priatizations and market
liberalizations. and the Argentine peso was tied to the US dollar. 1his created an illusion o
economic prosperitv. which became increasinglv diicult to keep up with an oeralued exchange
rate. poorlv run public inances and an increasing international debt. 1he possibilitv o a uture
collapse in the dollar exchange rate led to a svstematic low o capital out o the countrv. and
when also ordinarv people started emptving their bank accounts the goernment decided to
reeze them. lrom one dav to the next a withdrawal limit o 250 pesos or dollars per week was
imposed. 1his aected not onlv the middle class who saw their lie saings taken awav rom
1
See or example chapter 1 and 2 in UNlPA. 2005: )be .tate ot rorta popvtatiov 200:. )be provi.e ot eqvatity.
2
UNlPA. 2005: pp 9-10
3
ibid.: p 1 MDGs ~ Millennium Deelopment Goals: the UN declaration or reducing world poertv. to be
achieed bv 2015,
2
them. but also the poorer sectors o societv. largelv dependant on the inormal economv. whose
cash low was now choked.
4
Popular protests. that had been growing during the last ew months now escalated. and
culminated into large demonstrations all oer the countrv in the end o December 2001. 1he
president was orced to renounce his post. leeing the goernment building surrounded bv the
protesting masses. in a helicopter.
5
A political crisis ollowed and between December 20
th
2001.
when lernando De la Rua resigned. and Januarv 1
st
2002 when Lduardo Duhalde entered oice.
Argentina had no less than ie dierent presidents. In Januarv o 2002. the peso was dealuated
and a dollar now cost three pesos instead o one. 1he (entral Bank lost billions o dollars o its
reseres.
6
Poertv rates in urban areas rose rom 35.9 to 5.5 in a vear and a hal. rom Mav
2001 to October 2002.
INDL(: Porcentaje de hogares v personas bajo las lneas de pobreza e indigencia en los aglomerados urbanos v
regiones estadsticas. desde mavo 2001 en adelante`
8
del (armen leijo. 2003: p 123
9
Danielsen. 2006
10
Lipszvc. 2003: Discriminacin de gnero en la Argentina contemporanea. Bree diagnstico`: p 95
3
women moreoer tend to hae the lowest paid jobs within this sector.
11
Along with the rise in
poertv and the acute necessitv or additional sources o income in manv poor households.
prostitution became a surial strategv or some women. a group that increased signiicantlv with
the economic crisis.
12
1he collapse in 2001 was a hard blow or the attainment o sustainable deelopment and
substantial democratization in Argentina. lence. on the road to recoerv. it is indispensable or
Argentina to strengthen the position o women as a wav o reaching this goal.
J.2. PURPOSL OI 1HL S1UDY AND PROBLLMS LXAMINLD
Various studies are made that point to a positie relationship between some orms o
organization o marginalized or disadantaged groups and the empowerment o these groups. It
is or example oten claimed that women`s communitv organizing in poor countries promotes
their political and economic empowerment.
13
Using this established idea as its point o departure.
the purpose o this studv is to take the idea one step urther bv looking at the possible impact o
the ideological content o the organization on the empowerment processes.
1he organizations selected or this case studv. two Argentine organizations created bv and
working with women in prostitution. are interesting since thev oer erv good possibilities to
make comparisons. 1he two organizations work with basicallv the same group o women and
arrange erv similar actiities. which are all related to the empowerment o the women in
dierent wavs. \hat distinguishes the organizations rom each other is principallv their iew o
prostitution - while one claims that prostitution is work and the women call themseles sex
workers`. the other organization sees prostitution as oppression that cannot be a job. but an
actiitv that the women carrv out or their surial in lack o a job and thev call themseles
women in a prostitution situation`. Logicallv. this could be expected to hae implications or the
wav certain actiities are carried out and or the content o those actiities.
1he hvpothesis on which this studv is based is that this dierence between the two organizations
could implv dierent outcomes in terms o the empowerment processes or the participating
women. In order to inestigate this. it is necessarv to ind the answers to questions such as i and
11
(LPAL. 2005: a. veta. aet Mitevio y ta igvataaa ae gevero. t ca.o ae .rgevtiva: p 44
12
Daln. 2004: Pro.titvtiov iv .rgevtiva iv tbe !a/e ot tbe covovic Cri.i.
13
A discussion o this can be ound in Jaggar. 2005: Arenas o (itizenship. (iil societv. state and the global order`
4
how being in the organization has changed anvthing in their lies. and what has changed. i their
own iews on prostitution coincide with those o the organization and i this is a signiicant
actor or being organized where thev are. 1he main issue examined in this studv is about the
ollowing question: ao tbe orgavi.atiov.` rier. ov pro.titvtiov bare avy ettect ov tbe evporervevt proce..e. tor
tbe rovev participativg ava it .o. iv rbat ray.
J.3. DISPOSI1ION
lollowing this introduction where a brie background has been gien and the purpose o the
paper stated. chapter two is dedicated to presenting the theoretical ramework upon which the
studv is built. It consists o a thorough exposition o the empowerment discourse and how it will
be applied in the analvsis. 1hereater the method used when carrving out the studv is described in
chapter three. (hapter our gies the context in which the studv is placed and in chapter ie the
speciic organizations o the case are presented. In chapter six the important results o the studv
regarding prostitution. organization and empowerment are interpreted and analvzed. with its
point o departure in the empowerment discourse. examining the questions posed in the
introduction. 1his is ollowed bv a concluding discussion in chapter seen.
2. 1HLORL1ICAL IRAMLWORK
In this chapter. the theoretical ramework. which will be the point o departure or the analvsis. is
presented. 1he central concept is evporervevt. which will be extensielv elaborated on in the
sections below.
Lmpowerment its into the broader theoretical ield o democracv and democratization theorv.
In modern political science. as pointed out bv the Swedish political scientist Lars Rudebeck
among others. there are principallv two wavs o iewing democracv. One is what can be seen as a
minimalist deinition. which limits democracv to its most essential institutional maniestations:
uniersal surage. regular elections and basic ciil rights. \ithin the other. substantial iew.
democracv is conceptualized as political equalitv in actual practice.
14
According to the minimalist
iew. Argentina is a democracv. It is howeer the substantial iew that is the most releant one
14
Rudebeck has summarized his arguments in: On the 1woold Meaning o Democracv and Democratisation`
2002,: p 4
5
or the case at hand and where the empowerment discourse would it in. 1he substantial iew
does not settle onlv or the juridical institutionalization o political equalitv and basic reedoms as
does the minimalist one. but holds that democracv has to do with the realization o these ideals in
practice. 1he equalization o political power. as well as social justice and equalitv. thus become
essential or democracv as such.
15
In order or a political svstem to lie up to a substantial
deinition o democracv. the inclusion o marginalized groups in societv is imperatie. and in this
context the empowerment o women becomes crucial.
2.J. CONCLP1UALIZING LMPOWLRMLN1
Lmpowerment is a widelv used term in manv contexts. aboe all in the gender and deelopment
discourses. 1here is a lack. howeer. o a general consensus on how to deine the term. \hat is
generallv emphasized when reerring to empowerment is that it relects a process. It is neither a
static condition nor a mere change in or example access to basic necessities. 1he discussion in
this section has its point o departure principallv in two works bv the social economist Naila
Kabeer. a specialist in gender and deelopment issues.
16
\ith this as a basis or the discussion. I
will also bring in some relections rom other texts which I hae ound ruitul.
Larlv discussions in the deelopment discourse on the role and place o women. rom the 190`s
onwards had a !ovev v Deretopvevt t!D) ocus. seeing women as a ulnerable group that
needed to be targeted bv special women`s projects`. designed to help them. but positioning
women as objects rather than subjects or agents o their own change. Although this was an
important perspectie to put ocus on women`s position within deelopment processes. its
limitations became increasinglv criticized. and in the late 1980`s the Cevaer .va Deretopvevt
tC.D) perspectie emerged. 1his takes in unequal gender relations and adopts a gender
mainstreaming approach. \omen are not seen as a special issue`. a gender perspectie should be
applied to eerv aspect o the deelopment process. lurthermore. women and men should be
seen as subjects in their own right rather than objects o external interention. a iew that is also
a crucial part o the empowerment discourse.
1
15
Rudebeck. 2002: pp 4-6
16
1hev are Resources. Agencv. Achieements: Relections on the Measurement o \omen`s Lmpowerment`
2001, and Cevaer eqvatity ava rovev`. evporervevt: a criticat avaty.i. ot tbe tbira Mittavivv Deretopvevt Coat 2005,
1
(onnelv. etc.. 2000: leminism and deelopment: 1heoretical perspecties`: pp 5-64. and de Vvlder. 2004:
`Jmstlldhet och attigdomsstrategier`: p 90
6
1here is a strong link between poertv and the disempowerment o women. 1he link is direct. or
example when the exclusion o women in decision-making structures results in the necessities o
women being ignored or resources being distributed unequallv. Indirect links are or example the
dependencv o women on men. which limits their possibilities to negotiate on crucial issues. such
as the number and spacing o their children.
18
Deelopment initiaties and projects directed at
guaranteeing basic necessities and at themes related to inrastructure can acilitate women`s
empowerment. loweer. it is important or the impact o these initiaties that thev are also
directed toward the alue svstems that mav preent women rom participating in actiities
outside their houses. lurthermore. or the poertv reduction initiaties to hae a transormatie
impact in the long run thev hae to create possibilities or the women themseles to take
possession o the process.
19
Beore going more deeplv into the discussion o empowerment. a brie oeriew o the concept
o power is necessarv. since it is an intrinsic part o the whole empowerment discourse.
2.].]. PO!R
1he question o how to deine power is ast enough to desere a paper o its own. lere. I will
onlv brielv touch upon and discuss the concept. concentrating on its relation to gender and
empowerment.
Power is commonlv diided into two tvpes. porerto and porerorer.
20
\hile power-to has positie
connotations. reerring to people`s abilitv to make their own lie choices and act upon them. een
in the ace o opposition rom others. power-oer comes with negatie associations. relating to
actors` capacitv o oerriding the agencv o others. or example bv using authoritv. iolence or
other orms o coercion. Power-oer also operates in the absence o anv explicit agents. as or
example cultural biases or norms can constrain people`s abilitv to make and act upon their own
lie choices.
21
1he lrench sociologist Michel loucault has deeloped a theorv where he sees power as a
network svstem. Power is relational: it originates rom and is exercised in relations as an intrinsic
18
Strandberg. 2001: Covceptvati.ivg vporervevt a. a )rav.torvatire trategy tor Porerty raaicatiov ava tbe vpticatiov. tor
Mea.vrivg Progre...
19
ibid.
20
In some literature. two additional tvpes are mentioned: porerritb people organizing to achiee collectie goals,
and porerritbiv sel-conidence. sel awareness and assertieness,. loweer. the two orms mentioned aboe are the
most common.
21
Kabeer. 2005: p 14. See also chapter 3 in lollowav. 2002: Cbavge tbe rorta ritbovt ta/ivg porer
7
part o these.
22
Although this wav o iewing power has been criticized bv some eminist scholars.
who claim that it leaes room onlv or indiiduals exercising power in relation to other
indiiduals. while denving the existence o structures.
23
it can be used to enhance eminist theorv.
Len in a network o power relations there can be patterns o domination and the exercise o
power. but these patterns are not seen as constant and unchangeable. 1he existence o svstems o
control or domination can be an eect o the interaction and concentration o dierent channels
o power.
24
lence. the contribution o loucault or eminist theorv can be a loosening o the
sometimes rigid hierarchic model o men as oppressors and women as the oppressed. and the
addition o explanatorv models or how men can be powerless within the svstem and how
women can sometimes contribute to their own oppression. how submission to an oppression can
sometimes be perceied as more worthwhile than resistance. Nobodv has` power. but people and
groups are positioned dierentlv within the networks o power relations.
25
(onsequentlv. a
gender svstem o unequal power relations between men and women can it within loucault`s
concept o power. seeing the svstem as relational. dvnamic and interdependent o other networks
o power relations.
Kabeer conceptualizes power as the abilitv to make choices. 1hus. being denied choice means to
be disempowered. and empowerment reers to the processes bv which those preiouslv denied
the abilitv to make choices acquire this abilitv. Lmpowerment. thereore. is a process o change.
which means that powerul people. who exercise a great deal o choice. are not necessarilv
empowered. unless thev were disempowered to begin with.
26
Lmpowerment. as acquiring the
abilitv to make choices. is then a positie orm o power acquisition. linked with power-to. It can
be interpreted as the process o enlarging one`s sphere o action within the network o power
relations.
2.].2. COC
1he concept o empowerment is closelv related to the abilitv to make choices. According to
Kabeer. in order or choice to qualiv as such. two conditions must be ulilled. lirst. there must
be alternaties. and second. the alternaties must be perceied as alternaties.
2
lurthermore. she
distinguishes between irst and second order choices. lirst order choices are what she calls
22
loucault. 196, 2004: evatitetev. bi.toria. ava ]. 1itiav att reta: pp. 102-10
23
See or example lartsock. 1990: loucault on Power. A 1heorv or \omen`
24
loucault. 196, 2004: p 105
25
Bordo. 1993: `leminism. loucault and the Politics o the Bodv`: pp 181-182. 190-192
26
Kabeer. 2001: pp 18-19
2
ibid.: p 14
8
strategic lie choices. which are critical or people to lie the lies thev want. since thev constitute
the deining parameters o lie. such as where to lie and whether to marrv and hae children. or
example. 1hese in turn rame the second-order. less consequential choices. 1he empowerment
process is concerned with the expansion o people`s abilitv to make strategic lie choices.
28
1he notion o choice. within the context o empowerment. can be thought o in three inter-
related dimensions: agevcy. re.ovrce. and acbierevevt.. 1he agencv dimension reers to the abilitv to
deine one`s goals and act upon them. and represents the process bv which choices are made and
put into eect. Although agencv is oten perceied in indiidualistic terms. it can encompass
indiidual as well as collectie relection and action. But agencv is more than just the obserable
action: it is also the sense o agencv among actors.
29
1he second dimension o choice. resources. is the conditions under which choices are made. It
reers to material resources as well as social and human ones that enhance the abilitv to exercise
choice. 1he abilitv to deine priorities and enorce claims conditions how resources are
distributed and made aailable. 1he empowerment process then inoles not onlv an increase in
the access to resources. but also a change in the conditions under which resources are obtained.
30
1ogether. agencv and resources make up people`s potential or liing the lies thev want. 1he
extent to which this potential is realized is what is reerred to bv the third dimension.
achieements. In other words. achieements relect the outcomes o people`s eorts. \hen the
issue o power is releant. i.e. when a ailure to achiee can be associated with asvmmetries in the
distribution o capabilities behind it. it can be seen as a maniestation o disempowerment.
31
1hese three dimensions o choice are inter-dependent as thev all contribute to and beneit rom
each other. Achieements lead to enhanced resources or agencv and consequentlv capacitv or
making choices urther ahead.
32
Kabeer points out that it is important to distinguish between dierences in the choices that
people make and. which is what is o interest or assessing empowerment. inequalities in people`s
capacitv to make choices.
33
In the discussion o choice. a central issue to take into account is the
28
Kabeer. 2001: p 19
29
ibid.: pp 19-22 and Kabeer. 2005: pp 14-15
30
ibid.. 2001: p 20 and 2005: p 15
31
ibid.. 2001: pp 21-22 and 2005: p 15
32
ibid.. 2001: p 19
33
ibid.: pp 22-23
9
restraints that preerences and alues can put on the choices people mav make. 1hus. in
considering i an achieement represents a meaningul choice it is not onlv o importance
whether or not other alternaties were materiallv possible. but also i thev were regarded to be
within the sphere o possible choice.
34
1he transormatie components o choice and agencv
must also be taken into account. that is. those that do not simplv address immediate inequalities
but are also used to initiate longer-term processes o structural changes. 1hus. in situations o
gender discrimination. eidence that an improement o women`s agencv has led to a reduction
in preailing gender inequalities in achieements. can be iewed as eidence o women`s
empowerment.
35
2.].. COC)1 .C)O^
Although empowerment can be conceied as an indiidual process. Kabeer points out that:
|.| indiidual empowerment is a ragile gain i it cannot be mobilised in the interests o
collectie empowerment.
36
A undamental idea behind the collectieness o the empowerment process is that women`s
unequal conditions are collectie. rather than a question o indiidual ailures. lence. women`s
subordination should also be put to an end bv collectie action.
3
\omen`s collectie action can
help expanding their own room or action in seeral wavs: the impact o the communitv in itsel
in strengthening women`s sel conidence. organizing collectielv can help improing women`s
material conditions. and stereotvpical ideas in societv about gender can be questioned.
38
In a
paper prepared or a UN expert meeting on empowerment and poertv eradication. the
connection between the indiidual and the collectie leel o empowerment is described in the
ollowing wav:
Unless the gendered power structures that subordinate women on the societal leel are
addressed. indiidual women cannot take ull control oer their lies. And unless a group o
women eel worthv o saetv and able to act together. a law prohibiting iolence against
women will hae little eect on women`s abilitv to change their situation.
39
(onsequentlv. the dierent leels are connected and mutuallv reinorcing in such a wav that
gender equalitv becomes both an outcome o the empowerment process and a catalvst or
women`s empowerment on the indiidual leel. loweer. gender equalitv describes a state
34
Kabeer. 2001: pp 23-26
35
ibid.: pp 39-40 and Kabeer. 2005: pp 15-16
36
ibid.. 2001: p 48
3
Lduards. 2002: rbivaev bavativg. Ov /rivvor. orgavi.erivg ocb tevivi.ti./ teori: pp 15-16
38
ibid.: p 16
39
Strandberg. 2001
10
whereas empowerment reers to a process.
40
Lqualitv is the result o a renegotiation o power
relations. and requires that poorer women not onlv are able to gain access to goods. but that thev
are able to do so on terms that respect and promote their abilitv to deine their own priorities and
make their own choices. the essence o empowerment.
41
2.].1. MPO!RM^). C^DR .^D PRO))|)O^
1he term gender` is connected to sex`. but it reers to the social and historical construction o
what is seen as masculine` and eminine`. as opposed to the biological sex. It thus represents a
social constructiist iew. rather than an essentialist or biologist one.
42
1he svstem o power
relations between the genders in societv is oten called gevaer .y.tev.
43
1he gender svstem is usuallv
described as being marked bv two principles: the one o separation and the one o the supremacv
o the male norm. 1he principle o separation means. in brie. that the sexes are separated bv
being assigned certain gender qualities and spheres o actiitv. 1he principle o the supremacv o
the male norm. in turn. reers to the norms and structures within the svstem itsel. ascribing men
as a group a higher alue and a superior power position.
44
In an unequal gender svstem where women are svstematicallv disadantaged compared to men.
the role o prostitution can be interpreted in dierent wavs. Some. commonlv reerred to as .e
raaicat.. sometimes argue that prostitution can be empowering or women. whereas raaicat tevivi.t.
usuallv argue that prostitution disempowers women.
1he rationale or seeing prostitution as empowering or women is that it challenges the whole
structure o gender inequalities bv going against stereotvpes o women`s work as domestic with
long hours. and o emininitv as being ragile. passie. nurturing and emotional. 1his
conentional paradigm is deied bv the women in prostitution as thev bring into the public sphere
and oer to manv men the serices that women are tvpicallv expected to perorm in priate. or
one man onlv. and or ree. 1his destabilizes male power oer women`s bodies and sexualities.
and challenges patriarchal images and representations o women.
45
Manv sex radicals argue that
the main problem with prostitution is not that it would be oppressie per se. but rather that it is
40
Strandberg. 2001
41
Kabeer. 2001: p 53
42
Gemzoe. 2003: evivi.v: p 80
43
Gender svstem` is a deelopment o. and a more dvnamic wav o iewing. the widelv used but more static term
`patriarchv`. lor a discussion on patriarchv ersus gender svstem. see or example chapter three lran patriarkat till
genussvstem` in Gemzoe. 2003.
44
ibid.: p 93
45
O`Neill in Scambler. 199: Prostitute women now`: p 4
11
todav sociallv stigmatized due to cultural blindness and sexual taboos.
46
1he sex radical iew o
prostitution as a wav to empowerment is related to an indiidualistic iew o societv in general.
with a ocus on eerv indiidual`s right to a ree choice. een i that choice is prostitution. 1here
are women who choose to prostitute themseles because o the economic beneits. the reedom
it brings. or simplv because thev like it. Len though some oppressie structures that can hae
negatie outcomes or women in prostitution are recognized. this is not seen as an argument
against prostitution. but rather against societv as ormed todav.
4
1he radical eminist wav o interpreting the unction o prostitution. on the contrarv. is as an
expression o power inequalities. Men dominate sexualitv. and the existence o prostitution
unctions as a public recognition o men haing a right o access to women`s sexualitv. thus
legitimizing this order.
48
Prostitution gies men unilateral access to women`s bodies. as the male
client pavs to use the woman`s bodv or his own sexual satisaction.
49
\hile sex radicals see
prostitution as an economic transaction inoling sexual serices. most radical eminists see
prostitution as the commodiication o women`s bodies. Being turned into a commoditv among
others means being a saleable object submitted to sexual domination bv men. which is both
degrading and disempowering.
50
lor the purpose o this studv I hae chosen to deine prostitution` as the actiitv o haing sex in
exchange or monev. using a wide deinition o sex`. thus including other sexual actiities besides
intercourse. O course there exist borderline cases. where it is not erv clear whether it is
prostitution or some other tvpe o relation. Neertheless. this studv is not about those kinds o
cases. but about clear-cut prostitution.
An important issue to clariv or this studv is how to name the actiitv in question and the
women exercising it. since the choice o term in this case has ideological implications. As alreadv
mentioned. there are two main currents: one o which emplovs the term sex work` and sex
workers` while the other one uses prostitution` and women in a prostitution situation`.
respectielv. Principallv. this has to do with the controersv oer whether it is possible to
understand prostitution as a job or not. 1he purpose o this studv is not to decide whether one
46
See or example Lricsson. 1980: `(harges against Prostitution: An Attempt at a Philosophical Assessment`: p 353
4
Scambler in Scambler. 199: (onspicuous and inconspicuous sex work: 1he neglect o the ordinarv and
mundane`: p 120
48
Gemzoe. 2003: p 96-99
49
Pateman. 1988: )be .evat covtract: p 198
50
Shrage. 1989: `Should leminists Oppose Prostitution`: p 34
12
side or the other is right. lence it is preerable here to use the most neutral term possible. lor
this reason I hae decided not to use sex work` and sex worker`. as that would mean explicitlv
positioning mvsel on one o the sides. I do not want to use the term prostitute` either. to name
the women exercising the actiitv. since the word has negatie connotations and is oten used in a
degrading wav. lurthermore. the word imposes an identitv on the woman. that she is primarilv a
prostitute. not aboe all a woman who in turn exercises prostitution or sex work.
In terms o the actiitv. the most neutral words I hae been able to ind. and which I will
thereore be using in this paper. are prostitution` and exercise prostitution`. lor the women who
exercise prostitution I will use women in prostitution`. I am aware that this is not a completelv
neutral term. but I hae not been able to ind a better one either. taking into account that it
should neither be a term that imposes a ixed prostitute`-identitv on the women. nor one that
explicitlv indicates prostitution as a job.
2.2. OPLRA1IONALIZING LMPOWLRMLN1
Ater presenting an interpretation o the empowerment discourse. the question o how to
operationalize the concept in order to make it inestigable. remains. 1he United Nations
Deelopment Programme. UNDP. has in its annual luman Deelopment Report an index called
Cevaer vporervevt Mea.vre. which is an attempt to measure women`s opportunities. It uses three
ariables:
Political participation and decision-making power. as measured bv women`s and
men`s percentage shares o parliamentarv seats.
Lconomic participation and decision-making power. as measured bv two indicators
- women`s and men`s percentage shares o positions as legislators. senior oicials
and managers and women`s and men`s percentage shares o proessional and
technical positions.
Power oer economic resources. as measured bv women`s and men`s estimated
earned income PPP US>,.
51
Argentina ranks 19 on the Gender Lmpowerment Measure list. and receies a alue o 0.69.
where 1 is the maximum. i.e. ull empowerment o women.
52
Although this is an interesting
example o a well-established wav o measuring empowerment. its macro-leel and quantitatie
51
UNDP. 2006: vvav Deretopvevt Report 200. eyova .carcity: Porer. porerty ava tbe gtobat rater cri.i.: p 398 PPP stands
or Purchasing Power Paritv and is an exchange rate that accounts or price dierences across countries. which
allows international comparisons o real output and incomes,
52
ibid.: p 36
13
approach is not appropriate or the studv at hand in its current orm. loweer. the basis or
these indicators: women`s decision-making power and inluence in important spheres o lie and
control oer kev resources. remains the same also or an operationalization on the micro-leel.
But since this studv is based on in-depth interiews. thev need to be operationalized in a more
qualitatie manner in order to be applicable.
As pointed out in the preious section 2.1.2.,. choice is a central component o empowerment.
and thereore the three dimensions o choice. re.ovrce.. agevcy and acbierevevt. need to be taken into
consideration. \hen it comes to resources. Kabeer points out that this is more about abilitv to
choose than about concrete choices made. 1o examine this I will look at the extent o control
that women can exercise oer important resources. or example in terms o being able to
inluence issues related to speciic resources.
53
Agencv in terms o measuring empowerment is
associated with decision-making agencv. I will base mv measuring o the agencv dimension on
the women`s perceptions o their roles in relation to decisions with consequential signiicance or
their lies. loweer. it is also about the renegotiation o power relations in the decision-making
processes. since haing a sav in important decisions does not necessarilv mean empowerment
unless some change in this inluence has taken place.
54
1he inal dimension. achieements. is the
result o the two preious ones. Assessing achieements will be done bv looking at the extent to
which desired outcomes are realized in practice. 1he ealuation o the results will be done both
bv considering the women`s own perceptions o their empowerment and bv considering
inormation and acts rom the interiews and other material that can help an assessment o the
empowerment processes.
A crucial point or assessing empowerment is not to merelv look at concrete outcomes in
exercising choice. but also at the women`s own perception o agencv. 1he lie situation manv
poor women in prostitution are in does not allow or a great deal o actualized choice. loweer.
since empowerment essentiallv is a process rather than an outcome. it is still interesting to look at
whether the women or example perceie themseles as subjects in their own right. who although
a series o alternaties mav not be aailable to them. at least hae the sel conidence enough to
eel that thev are entitled to the right to make choices were it possible or them.
So ar. I hae onlv dealt with the more indiidual-leel aspect o measuring the empowerment
process. loweer. as pointed out beore. empowerment is as much a collectie as an indiidual
53
Kabeer. 2001: pp 28-31
54
ibid.: pp 32-35
14
process. 1he women as indiiduals can undergo empowerment processes rom participating in
the organizations. but it is also necessarv to look at the possible collectie empowerment o
women in prostitution as a group. Both when considering the indiidual and the collectie
empowerment processes. the transormatie impact in terms o long-term structural changes is o
ital interest.
1o sum up. these are the actors that will be considered when analvzing and interpreting the
results o the studv:
Actual andor perceied resources
Actual andor perceied agencv
Actual andor perceied achieements
1he transormatie impact o the organizations and the empowerment process on an
indiidual leel
1he transormatie impact o the organizations and the empowerment process on a
collectie leel
3. ML1HOD
Ater ormulating the theorv. it is time to turn to practice. In this chapter the method used or
conducting the studv will be introduced and some important choices regarding the studv will be
explained. 1he practical details concerning the ield studv are presented and the limitations o the
studv are discussed.
3.J. QUALI1A1IVL ML1HOD
As pointed out in section 2.2. Operatiovati.ivg evporervevt. the studv in this paper is based on a
qualitatie method. ocusing on a more proound understanding o the case at hand using deep-
interiews as primarv data in addition to literature related to the subject. Statistics are used when
necessarv or complementarv background inormation but thev do not orm a major part o the
material. Since the main interest or the studv is the subjectie positions o the interiewees. the
best wav to acquire inormation is through deep-interiews. 1his more qualitatie methodologv
permits the interiewee to dwell on and deelop the themes especiallv important to her. In
15
addition. it allows the interiewer to rephrase questions and in that wav eade potential
misunderstandings.
1he diision between qualitatie and quantitatie method is not a erv clear-cut one. and thev can
be said to be dierent directions rather than completelv separate methodologies. 1he choice o
method. howeer. has implications or the kind o results and the conclusions that can be arried
at. Generalizations. or example become more diicult to make when haing an in-depth ocus
rather than using ast amounts o data. 1his studv is thereore best seen as an illustration o how
the links between dierent organizations and empowerment processes can be understood.
55
3.2. 1HL IILLD S1UDY
1he studv was conducted or the most part during our months. in Argentina. Manv o the
contacts with people in the two organizations were established during a preious ield work
period or a (-leel paper entitled Prostitution in Argentina in the \ake o the Lconomic
(risis`. written in 2004.
56
Upon arrial in Argentina in late August o 2005. these contacts were
resumed. but the more svstematic ield work or this paper and the interiews were initiated in
December o 2005 and continued until March 2006.
Besides doing interiews I participated regularlv in arious actiities o the two organizations.
such as meetings. workshops and outreach work in Buenos Aires prostitution neighbourhoods.
1he entire ield studv. meaning all the contact with the organizations and the interiewees within
them. as well as anv additional gathering o material. was conducted in Spanish.
.2.]. ^)R1!
1he interiew material consists o nine deep-interiews. which are listed in alphabetical order in
the list o reerences. lie o these were rom AMMAR-(apital and our rom AMMAR-(1A.
1he interiewees were strategicallv chosen in order to get as much diersitv as possible in the
material and include both members o the directie committees o the organizations and regular
participants. and there are newer members as well as women who were there rom the start.
55
lor a urther discussion on qualitatie and quantitatie methods. see chapter 4 in Assarsson & Sensson. 1996: .tt
traga ocb .rara. v ivtroav/tiov titt .tat.retev./aptig vetoa
56
Daln. 2004
16
\hen interiewing the women I used semi-structured open questions to leae space or the
interiewees to elaborate on the answers. loweer. some kev questions. like the ones presented
in 1.2. Pvrpo.e ot tbe .tvay ava probtev. eavivea. were used in almost eerv interiew.
\hen conducting interiews. there is alwavs the risk o the interiewee consciouslv or
unconsciouslv giing what she thinks the preerred answer is. 1o aoid this as ar as possible I
tried to ormulate the questions in a erv open and non-leading` manner. 1o gie one example:
the interiewees were alwavs irst asked whether their lies had changed in anv wav rom
participating in the organizations. and onlv i their answer was airmatie would thev be asked
urther questions about how this change was maniested. I the interiewee was asked a question
she did not understand. I tried to reormulate the question without using examples as ar as
possible. in order to aoid orcing the answers in anv direction. loweer. een with necessarv
precautions taken. it is alwavs important to be aware o this possibilitv and take it into
consideration when using the interiew material in the analvsis.
All interiews were recorded. with the interiewees` permission and knowledge. and later
transcribed bv me. I hae in a ew cases changed the name o the interiewee. 1his has been
done upon request o the interiewee in order to presere her anonvmitv. It is indicated in the list
o reerences.
3.3. WRI11LN MA1LRIAL
1he written material reerred to in this paper is mainlv books and articles. As a basis or the
theoretical ramework. two texts bv Naila Kabeer are used. as presented in the preious chapter.
and in addition to those. inormation rom some other books and articles is also applied. lor the
parts that relate to the more speciic context in which this studv is set. mainlv chapters 4
Pro.titvtiov iv .rgevtiva and 5 )be orgavi.atiov. .tvaiea. much o the inormation comes rom mv
preious paper on prostitution. reerred to aboe. 1o the extent that internet has been used. it
has been limited to oicial goernment web pages and the home pages o the two organizations
in the studv. Other written material that has come to use in this paper are inormation pamphlets
handed out bv the two organizations.
17
Some o the written material comes rom libraries in Uppsala. whereas other was obtained during
the ield work in Argentina. Although some is in Swedish. the greater part o the material is in
Spanish and Lnglish.
3.4. LIMI1A1IONS
Although none o the two organizations in this studv explicitlv prohibit men rom being
members. there are to mv knowledge no actie men in prostitution in neither o the
organizations. and thereore the ocus in the studv naturallv is on women. Some o the women in
the studv are currentlv in prostitution. whereas some hae let it behind. and some exercise
prostitution on an irregular basis: when their economic situations are such that thev are let no
other choice. loweer. thev hae all at some point in their lies exercised prostitution. and thev
are all currentlv members o one o the two organizations studied.
One o the organizations. AMMAR-(apital is limited to the citv o Buenos Aires. whereas
AMMAR-(1A has branches in seeral Argentine cities. Its headquarters is in the citv o Buenos
Aires. 1he main ocus in the studv is on the organizations` work in the citv o Buenos Aires.
loweer I also interiewed one representatie or AMMAR-(1A in (rdoba.
\hen conducting a social science studv it is neer possible to completelv isolate or all potential
inluencing actors and single out just one independent ariable. 1hus. anv dierences in the
empowerment process can neer with complete certaintv be attributed to onlv one actor. A
signiicant dierence between the organizations. apart rom their iew o prostitution. is the act
that AMMAR-(1A belongs to (1A. Cevtrat ae to. )rabaiaaore. .rgevtivo. Argentine worker`s
central,. which is one o Argentina`s largest workers` unions. whereas AMMAR-(apital is an
independent organization. 1his is an issue which will be urther discussed in chapters 6
Pro.titvtiov. orgavi.atiov ava evporervevt and ivat ai.cv..iov ava covctv.iov..
18
4. PROS1I1U1ION IN ARGLN1INA
In this section some brie. but necessarv background inormation on the prostitution situation in
Argentina will be gien. in order to put the results o the studv and the analvsis into context. 1he
ocus will be on prostitution in Argentina. especiallv in Buenos Aires. todav.
5
4.J. LLGAL IRAMLWORK
Argentina has an abolitionist approach to prostitution in its laws. It is regulated in the penal code
under the title crimes against sexual integritv`. It is not illegal or an indiidual to exercise
prostitution. the one criminalized is instead:
le who promotes or acilitates the prostitution o minors o eighteen vears o age. een
taken into account the consent o the ictim |...|.
58
|...| he who or proit or to satisv wishes o other people promotes or acilitates the
prostitution o those oer eighteen vears o age using deception. abuse o a relation o power
or dependencv. iolence. threat or anv other means o intimidation or coercion.
59
|.| he who economicallv exploits the exercise o prostitution o a person. using deception.
coercie or intimidating abuse o a relation o dependencv. authoritv. power. iolence. threat
or anv other means o intimidation or coercion.
60
1he seeritv o the punishment depends on the ictim`s age and on how much orce was used.
lor anv person oer 18 vears o age the pimp or the traicker can onlv be punished i it can be
proen that their ictim was somehow orced or ooled into prostitution.
In addition to this regulation in the ederal penal code. there are local and proincial laws. such as
the codes o oences or misdemeanours tcaigo. ae tatta. y ae covtrarevciove.). which urther regulate
prostitution. 1hese laws are erv oten aguelv ormulated. such as public disgrace` te.cavaato ev ta
ra pvbtica). leaing erv much room or interpretations. which lavs the ground or arbitrarv arrest.
1he Autonomous (itv o Buenos Aires has since 2004 a new code o misdemeanours tcaigo
covtrarevciovat). which was approed despite strong popular protests. Its article 81 regulates the
oer and demand o sex in public places` and stipulates one to ie davs o work or public
5
lor a historic oeriew o prostitution in Buenos Aires. see or example Guv. Donna: 1994: t .eo petigro.o. a
pro.titvciv tegat ev vevo. .ire. ]:]::: Lditorial Sudamericana. Buenos Aires. and Alonso de Rocha. Aurora:
2003: )ri.te. cbica. ategre.. Pro.titvciv y poaer ev vevo. .ire.: Lditorial Leiatan. Buenos Aires
58
Argentina Penal (ode. Article 125 bis. mv translation,
59
ibid.. Article 126 mv translation,
60
ibid.. Article 12 mv translation,
19
use` or a ine o between 200 and 400 pesos.
61
Although the article explicitlv states that the
oence cannot be based on appearance. clothing or behaiour. this is not alwavs the case when it
comes to practice. (orruption is widespread in Argentina. also within the police orce. 1hus.
brothel owners. who hae an interest in keeping street prostitution down in order to control
competition. erv oten get awav with their own actiities bv bribing underpaid police oicers not
to arrest them and at the same time go ater women in street prostitution.
4.2. LIIL IN PROS1I1U1ION
Since Argentina`s economic collapse in 2001. prostitution has increased drasticallv. 1here are no
oicial statistics on prostitution. neither beore nor ater. but no statistics are needed or the alert
obserer to notice this act. Although poertv cannot be said to be a cause o prostitution. it is a
contributing actor and prostitution can perhaps. in cases o poertv. work as a surial strategv.
Not onlv the number o women in prostitution increased ater the economic collapse. but also
their age span. Both vounger girls and older women than beore can now be ound in
prostitution. Apart rom poor women ound in street prostitution and in brothels. the market or
sex tourism in Argentina has also increased. where international executies are willing to pav
sums that or voung. well-educated girls are incomparable on the tough Argentine labour market.
lor the ast majoritv o women in prostitution. howeer. the economic collapse has meant a
drastic decrease in earnings and a much greater insecuritv.
62
Prostitution is a high-risk enterprise or most women. Although Argentina still has a airlv low
lIVAIDS prealence. women in prostitution constitute an especiallv ulnerable categorv.
63
Not
onlv because thev are constantlv exposed to this and other sexuallv transmitted diseases. but also
due to their weak position when it comes to negotiating condom use with clients. It is not
uncommon or clients to oer a higher pav i thev can hae sex without using a condom. and
een knowing the risks inoled. there are sometimes women who just cannot aord reusing.
64
61
Gobierno de la (iudad Autnoma de Buenos Aires: Caigo Covtrarevciovat. articte ]. Mv translation. 200 Argentine
Pesos is approximatelv 50 Luro. in December 2006. 1he Argentine goernment draws the extreme poertv line at
just aboe 400 pesos per month or a amilv o two adults and two children.,
62
Daln. 2004
63
1he rate is 1.1 or men and 0.3 or women UNlPA. 2005,. loweer. the maleemale ratio is declining
rapidlv: until 198 it was 921. whereas it now is down to 31. and heterosexual relations without using protection is
now the most requent wav o transmitting the irus (LPAL. 2005,.
64
Daln. 2004
20
Another common risk actor is the constant threat o iolence. rom the clients as well as rom
the police. Manv women in prostitution express a continuous anxietv when going o with a new
client. since there is neer anv guarantee that thev will come back alie. \omen in prostitution
murdered bv their clients are not something unheard o. and sexual and other phvsical abuse is
een more common.
65
As mentioned beore. the lies o most women in prostitution in Argentina are not ones o
economic surpluses. rather the complete opposite. Lspeciallv since the economic collapse it has
become diicult or manv to make ends meet. It takes longer hours on the street and more
clients to earn the suicient monev. 1he alternatie to street prostitution is brothels. 1hev are
erv common in Argentina. and manv o the women in street prostitution at one point started
out there. Although brothels oer more securitv in terms o access to a stable clientele. the pav
per client is lower. the working hours are longer. and there is not the same reedom to. at least in
theorv. be able to turn down unwanted clients.
66
1here are no programs aimed speciicallv at women in prostitution rom the part o the
Argentine ederal goernment. Some proincial goernments. and the goernment o the
Autonomous (itv o Buenos Aires gies inancial support to indiidual projects initiated bv
AMMAR-(1A and AMMAR-(apital and the two organizations are allotted quotas o
goernment aid programs or persons in poertv to administer or their members.
5. 1HL ORGANIZA1IONS S1UDILD
In this chapter the two organizations in the studv will be presented. Inormation comes rom the
interiews I hae made with representaties o the organizations. and rom inormation material
handed out bv the organizations as well as rom their respectie homepages.
65
Daln. 2004. lor example there is the case o 25 vear-old Rosa Andrea Machado murdered bv a client in (rdoba
in 2003: 32 vear-old Sandra (abrera. secretarv general o AMMAR-(1A`s Rosario chapter. murdered in 2004.
probablv bv the police: and the 30-something women in prostitution disappeared andor murdered in Mar del Plata
since 1996. probablv bv the police and inluential brothel-owners.
66
ibid.
21
Beore moing on to the presentation o the organizations. it is necessarv to clear up some
terminologv issues. Both organizations claim the name AMMAR.
6
I hae separated them bv
calling one AMMAR-(1A and the other one AMMAR-(apital. 1hese are howeer not the
names used bv the organizations themseles. 1he organization I hae chosen to call AMMAR-
(1A simplv calls itsel AMMAR. 1he Buenos Aires chapter o AMMAR-(1A is called AMMAR
(apital. loweer. this name is also claimed bv the other organization. which I call AMMAR-
(apital. 1he conusion originates in the act that it all started out as one organization. As most o
the members o the Buenos Aires chapter a ew vears later decided to break with the main
organization and start their own. thev took the name with them and are now a registered
organization under the name AMMAR (apital. Neertheless. AMMAR-(1A which then ormed
a new Buenos Aires chapter still claims the right to that name. I hae chosen to use the terms
AMMAR-(1A because the organization is a part o (1A Cevtrat ae to. )rabaiaaore. .rgevtivo..
Argentine workers` central,. and AMMAR-(apital since that is the actual name o the
organization. \hen reerring to the Buenos Aires chapter o AMMAR-(1A I will use this term.
since calling them AMMAR-(1A (apital would simplv be too conusing.
5.J. AMMAR-C1A
AMMAR-(1A still uses the original abbreiation or the name. and has vviov ot .rgevtive .e
ror/er. iv actiov tor tbeir rigbt. as a watchword. As an organization thev are part o the (1A. but the
indiidual members o the organization are ailiated directlv to AMMAR.
AMMAR-(1A consists o a national organization and o 15 local chapters in 10 out o
Argentina`s 24 proinces
68
. 1he national organization`s oice is located in (1A`s national
headquarters in the citv o Buenos Aires. and the oice or the Buenos Aires chapter o
AMMAR-(1A is on the premises o (1A Buenos Aires.
In total. the national organization has around 3000 ailiated members all oer the countrv. out o
which around 300 belong to the Buenos Aires chapter. Anvone who is either in prostitution or
used to be in prostitution. and is o age. i.e. eighteen vears old or oer. can become a member o
6
1he original name AMMAR is an abbreiation o ..ociaciv ae Mviere. Meretrice. ae .rgevtiva. or Association or
\omen Prostitutes o Argentina.
68
1o be exact. Argentina has 23 proinces and one ederal district. which is the autonomous citv o Buenos Aires.
AMMAR-(1A is thus represented in 9 proinces and in the ederal district. \hen reerring to the Buenos Aires
chapter o AMMAR-(1A in this paper. it is the local chapter o the citv o Buenos Aires that is reerred. not the
proince o Buenos Aires.
22
AMMAR-(1A. 1here are no ormal restrictions against men in prostitution as members or
against transestites
69
. but the oerwhelming majoritv o the members are women. 1here are erv
ew men in prostitution in Argentina. and or transestites there are other organizations. that
AMMAR-(1A sometimes cooperates with or some o their actiities.
AMMAR-(1A has a national board elected eerv vear and each chapter has a directie
commission consisting o around six to eight members. loweer. the goal is that all ailiated
members should be able to participate so once a week there is a meeting where eervbodv is
welcome and where most o the decisions concerning the organization are made.
0
1he organization is inanced rom membership ees. which are 5 pesos per month.
1
1heir oices
are within the (1A buildings so thev do not need to pav anv rent. None o the representaties o
the organization receies anv salarv. and or the dierent projects the inancing is usuallv
dependent on external unding.
:.].]. )ORY
2
1he earlv historv o AMMAR-(1A oerlaps with that o AMMAR-(apital since there was onlv
one organization in the beginning. It started out in 1994 in the citv o Buenos Aires. At that time
arbitrarv arrests were erv common. and manv women in prostitution spent almost as much time
in jail as outside it. 1he dierent pimps. who at that time controlled almost all street prostitution.
had to bribe the police with large weeklv sums or the women to be let alone. I thev could not
aord to pav. the women were simplv arrested bv the police. and oten beaten up and abused in
jail. It also happened that police rom one district were paid and then the women were arrested
bv another police district instead.
\hen some women in prostitution irst started to organize it was to trv to stop this heav police
repression. 1here were two anthropologists studving prostitution in Buenos Aires at the time.
encouraging the women to organize and helping them when starting out. 1hev were soon joined
69
It is not uncommon with man-to-woman transestitestranssexualstransgender in prostitution in Argentina. in
particular in the citv o Buenos Aires. Some use onlv emale accessories. whereas some hae gone through surgerv to
arving degrees. 1hev are all commonlv reerred to as transestites` in the public discourse in Argentina. and thev
also generallv reer to themseles bv this terminologv.
0
1his inormation comes rom the interiews with the secretarv generals o the chapters o Buenos Aires. Jorgelina.
and (rdoba. Mara Lugenia. According to them. all AMMAR-(1A chapters unction in roughlv the same way.
1
5 Argentine pesos are approximatelv 1.25 Luro in December 2006.
2
1he inormation comes rom mv interiews with Sonia AMMAR-(apital,. December 1. 2005. Llena AMMAR-
(1A,. December 9. 2005. Jorgelina AMMAR-(1A,. lebruarv 10. 2006 and Graciela AMMAR-(apital,. March 29.
2006 and rom inormation materials rom AMMAR-(1A and AMMAR-(apital
23
bv two lawvers teaching them more about their rights. In the beginning. howeer. it was erv
diicult. \hereer thev tried to meet. on the street or in bars or caes. thev were alwavs taken
awav bv the police. een the anthropologists and the lawvers. In 1995 thev were oered a place in
(1A and could continue organizing more in peace.
As the organization grew stronger. and with the support o the (1A. thev managed ater a couple
o vears to put an end to much o the police abuse. \hen the immediate threat rom the police
was reduced. the organization started working with other pressing issues. such as health and
promoting human rights. 1he organization also expanded to other Argentine proinces. and a
local chapter in Buenos Aires was ormed. besides the national chapter at the (1A headquarters.
Len i the organization almost rom the erv beginning had been a part o the (1A. which is a
national labour union organization. it was not until ater a couple o vears that the question o
unionizing women in prostitution became an issue within the organization. \hen demanding
rights as workers. such as access to social welare and pensions. came up on the agenda. some
women who ormed part o the Buenos Aires chapter reacted against this and in 2002 thev
decided to leae the (1A. 1heir primarv reason or separating was that thev did not agree with
the notion o prostitution as work and did not want to become recognized as sex workers.
Ater the separation. AMMAR-(1A ormed a new Buenos Aires chapter. and is todav an
organization in continuous growth.
:.].2. .C)1)
AMMAR-(1A counts on a wide range o actiities. which include weeklv meetings or the
members. workshops on health. preention. human rights. unionization and sel esteem. 1hese
actiities take place both at the organization`s oices and in the dierent prostitution
neighbourhoods where the actie members o the organization do outreach work. both giing
inormation and handing out condoms.
lurthermore. the organization has lawvers and social workers that work oluntarilv with assisting
the women in soling problems. and psvchologists that help working with mental issues. 1hev
also hae agreements with some hospital clinics where the women can receie health care.
especiallv gvnaecological exams. in a comortable enironment.
24
In Buenos Aires. the (1A has a school where the women can inish their education. since manv
hae not completed primarv school and in some cases cannot een read or write. In (rdoba.
AMMAR-(1A has started an oicial school. with inancial help rom the proincial goernment.
In the ramework o the ptav iete. y ieta. ae bogar plan heads o households,: a subsistence program
inanced bv the goernment and channelled through NGOs where persons in poertv receie
200 pesos per month
3
in exchange or doing communitv work or work skills training. the
organization has established micro enterprises where some women can learn sewing in order to
ind an alternatie income to prostitution. 1hev also administer a goernment alimentarv support
program. ptav vaciovat ae .egvriaaa ativevtaria. aimed at persons in a situation o social ulnerabilitv
with the purpose o improing health and nutrition. where the beneiciaries receie a box o basic
groceries each month
:.].. 1! O^ PRO))|)O^
AMMAR-(1A is a union or sex workers. 1here are two main reasons or taking this stand. 1he
irst is a reaction against what thev see as a ictimization o them. seeing them as pobrecita. poor
little things`,. bv those who claim that prostitution is not a job. 1he second reason relates to the
liing conditions o women in prostitution in Argentina todav. and the necessitv o indicating
prostitution as a job to be able to claim rights as workers.
AMMAR-(1A considers saving that prostitution is something else than a job part o a discourse
imposed bv societv. 1he women I interiewed oten pointed out that thev used to see themseles
as unworthv persons. doing something bad. since that was what societv had them beliee.
Starting to see themseles as workers helps them aboe that:
It is all a process o growth. where one savs. listen. this gae me the possibilitv. this job gae
me the possibilitv to gie to mv children what I did not hae. \hich is education. health and
a home.` 1hen. i this is not decent. then where is the dignitv
4
1hev want to bee seen and respected as women and workers. and not as poor little prostitutes to
be elt sorrv or.
Although thev consider prostitution a job. AMMAR-(1A does not promote it. Rather the
opposite. manv sav that thev would neer wish it or their daughters or sisters. since it is a erv
hard lie. and i it were not or the economic desperation. hardlv anv woman would oluntarilv go
3
200 Argentine Pesos is approximatelv 50 Luro. in December 2006. 1he Argentine goernment draws the extreme
poertv line at just aboe 400 pesos per month or a amilv o two adults and two children.
4
Interiew with Llena AMMAR-(1A, December 9. 2005
25
into prostitution. 1hus. one o their goals is that no woman should hae the necessitv to go stand
in a street corner in order to surie. loweer. in the meantime. thev organize as workers to
improe their liing conditions and claim the rights o anv other worker. One important issue is
or example the right to pension beneits so that women in prostitution should be able to retire.
Being workers also makes it easier to claim a position within the working class. o which thev
consider themseles a part and share manv problems with.
Not wanting to recognize prostitution as a job originates in the double standards in societv.
according to the secretarv general. Llena. 1he women work with something that supposedlv is
or procreation. and that is not to be talked about. She points to the act that there are manv
women who lie with husbands that abuse them or simplv are neer home. that receie monev
rom them to lie each month. 1his is more accepted than women in prostitution coming to an
agreement with a client about proiding a serice in exchange or monev. Paola rom AMMAR-
(1A points out:
I consider mvsel a sex worker. I go and I work. And I charge mv work. Just like I could go
and clean loors I charge mv work. I am a worker. 1hose are mv rights. to call mvsel a
worker.
5
1he objecties o AMMAR-(1A are to deend their human rights as women and persons. to
work or their health and sexualitv without risks. and or their labour rights to be recognized bv
societv.
5.2. AMMAR-CAPI1AL
AMMAR-(apital works under the watchword a..ociatiov ot .rgevtive rovev tor bvvav rigbt.. 1he
organization onlv has one chapter. which is in the citv o Buenos Aires. with around 480
members. Although most members are women either currentlv or ormerlv in prostitution. this is
not an excluding requisite or membership. Instead. thev sav that thev are an organization or
women in a situation o social ulnerabilitv. since it is also a wav to preent women rom ending
up in prostitution. seeing that ulnerabilitv and marginalization can work as contributing actors.
loweer. most women in the organization either are or used to be in prostitution. and the ocus
o the organization`s work lies there. Neither are there anv restrictions against men or
transestites as members. but the prioritv is on women.
5
Interiew with Paola AMMAR-(1A,. lebruarv 15. 2006
26
AMMAR-(apital has a directie commission consisting o seen members. since a ormal
direction is a requirement or being a registered organization. loweer. in practice the goal is to
hae a horizontal organization where all members are able to participate on an equal basis.
1he organization is inanced rom membership ees. or those who can aord to pav them. 1he
oice is proided bv the socialist partv and some o the actiities are held on the premises o a
Methodist church. None o the representaties o the organization receies anv salarv. and or
the dierent projects the inancing is usuallv dependent on external unding.
:.2.]. )ORY
1he historv o AMMAR-(apital coincides with that o AMMAR-(1A up until 2002. when some
members decided to orm their own organization. Ater leaing the (1A Buenos Aires oice.
thev moed to the neighbourhood llores where thev are still todav. Ater the separation thev
hae built up their own organizational structure and is now a growing organization.
:.2.2. .C)1)
1he actiities o AMMAR-(apital are erv similar to those o AMMAR-(1A alreadv described.
\here the two organizations dier in terms o actiities is that AMMAR-(apital has no school.
although thev hae had a ew minor education programs. and that the micro enterprises are more
expanded than in AMMAR-(1A. where onlv a couple o women participate so ar. AMMAR-
(apital started with their micro enterprise programs in 2003 and each semester one or two
groups o between 15 and 20 women hae completed them. At the time the studv was conducted
thev had one micro enterprise where the women learned sewing skills and one where thev learned
hairdressing.
:.2.. 1! O^ PRO))|)O^
AMMAR-(apital does not want to see prostitution as a job. and just like AMMAR-(1A. thev
hae both ideological and strategic rationales or this position. lirst o all. just because thev earn
monev to surie through prostitution. this does not necessarilv turn it into a job. It is rather a
surial alternatie. low could it be a job when practicallv eervbodv is to get out o
prostitution. and nobodv would wish it or their children
27
|.| because vou cannot recognize something as a job when there is still exploitation.
slaerv.
6
1hev want rights and equalitv. but thev do not want them as workers. lor example. thev do not
want retirement as prostitutes. a situation that thev hae alwavs tried to get out o. and that manv
hae been hiding:
low can a person that lied her whole lie about what she lies rom. the actiitv that she
lies rom. when vou are old and can`t take it anvmore. sixtv ie vears old. be going to
recognize something that vou were hiding vour whole lie and that vou will hide alwavs
Retire as a prostitute when vou lied vour whole lie
1hev want the right to pension beneits. but rather as housewies or autonomous women. or
anvthing but prostitutes.
lurthermore. thev are opposed to recognizing themseles as sex workers. since that would mean
a de acto acknowledgement that thev alreadv hae a job. 1hat remoes the possibilities to
demand the right to a job or to work training: the goernment can instead hand out condoms
and claim that thev acilitate or improe the women in prostitution`s working conditions.
I hae a proposal: the condom that the goernment gies me. I gie it back to them. In
exchange or mv bodv. Let us do an exchange. I don`t want more condoms rom the
goernment. but I don`t want them to expropriate mv bodv anvmore. I don`t want them to
expropriate mv subjectiitv anvmore. I I appropriate mv bodv and mv subjectiitv. I know
what I will want. I will be able to decide. i I should protect mvsel or not. I will decide what
to do. whether to stav in the street corner or do something else.
8
loweer. thev point out that this position in no wav aims at ictimizing the women in
prostitution. thev do not see themseles. nor do thev want to be seen as ictims bv others.
1he objecties o AMMAR-(apital are to improe the liing situation or women. both through
pressing the state to generate public policies o emplovment. decent housing. health and
education and through strengthening the women themseles to oercome their situation. 1hev
also want to work or the respect o the human rights o women and to eradicate all orms o
iolence against women.
6
Interiew with Graciela AMMAR-(apital,. March 29. 2006