Académique Documents
Professionnel Documents
Culture Documents
Final Report
(In collaboration with UNICEF-Nepal)
November 1996
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Foreword
The timely and proper education of all children, both boys and girls, particularly those
under ten years of age, is unarguably the basis for the future of any country, no less Nepal. This
final report of Nepal Multiple Indicator Surveillance on primary education in Nepal attempts to
miffor the reality in communities and to indicate where attention should focus for improvements.
I recommend educationists, and all others having interest in the field, to study the report and
dialogue on what could be done to accelerate improvements.
The National Planning Commission commends the Chairman and members of the
Steering Committee for their coordinated guidance and supervision of the survey. Special thanks
also goes to UNICEF for its financial support and facilitation, to CIET International for its
technical inputs, and to New ERA for conducting the field work.
Singha Durbar
November 1996
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PREFACE
This is the final report on the second cycle of Nepal Multiple Indicator Surveillance
(NMIS) conducted during April to June 1995 on primary education in Nepal. As in the first
cycle on health and nutrition conducted during January to March 1995, the report
disaggregates findings from 18,825 households of 126 rural and 18 urban clusters by each
development region, by eco-zone of each region, by rural and urban settings and by age and
sex of the findings.
These findings, as well as those from the first cycle, have contributed significantly
towards the mid-decade review of His Majesty's Government's National Programme of
Action for CHILDREN.and DEVELOPMENT for the 1990s (NPA). Both , have also served
as a basis for the formulation of HMG/UNICEF Programme of Collaboration for 1997-2001.
The National Planning Commission Secretariat hopes that government agencies, multilateral
and bilateral donors as well as international and national non-government agencies involved
in the development of the social sector look into the report and use the findings. The
Secretariat strongly believes that there is considerable benefit in establishing and using a
common database. NMIS serves as a rapid and low cost vehicle for enriching such database.
Besides, NMIS holds considerable potential for empowering local government and
institutions as well as communities to participate in data collection, analysis and, as
important, to take active part in the design and implementation of relevant local actions. A
series of workshops on these findings have so far kindled considerable interest in regions,
sample districts and communities. The NPC Secretariat foresees that a more interactive and
continuous communication on the most pressing findings with those most concerned all over
the country will go far beyond occasional workshops.
Methods
This second cycle of the NMIS used the framework established for the first cycle, and again used the cross-
design of methods characteristic of Sentinel Community Surveillance, allowing quantitative data to be combined
with co-terminous qualitative data from representative sites throughout Nepal. Data collection took place from
the 144 representative communities selected for the first cycle of the NMIS. A household questionnaire
collected information from 18,825 households: a total of 101,295 people, 13,238 of them children between 6
and 10 years old. In addition, 411 teachers in the schools serving the sentinel communities were interviewed
and an institutional review was conducted of the 176 schools themselves. A focus group discussion about
educational issues was held with mothers of 6-10 year old children in each of the 144 communities.
Results
Literacy
The weighted literacy rate for adults (15 years
old and over) is 40%: 57% in males and 23%
in females.
Literacy (reported ability to read and write a simple letter) is highest among 11-15 years olds at 77% in males
and 56% in females. It falls steadily with increasing age, down to 29% in males and 2% in females of 61 years
or older. Taking age into account, females have nearly four times the risk of males of being illiterate. Literacy
is higher in urban areas and varies considerably between different areas of Nepal, being highest in the Western
Region.
School enrolment
Taking age into account, girls have more than two and a half times the risk of boys of not being enrolled into
school. Children continue to enrol into school at well beyond the age of 6 years and some enrol at less than 6
years. School enrolment varies a lot between different areas of Nepal, being highest in the Western Region
higher in urban sites than rural sites. Enrolment rates vary between households of different ethnicities and
different mother tongues. Children from households with a female head (relatively rare) were more likely to be
enrolled into school. The Basic and Primary Education Programme was associated with a modestly higher
school enrolment in both boys and girls, with the same gender gap remaining.
Parents in focus groups gave strong reasons for wanting their children to go to school. Reasons for not sending
their children to school were the associated costs and the need to have the children helping with work at home.
Some parents felt it was not worth sending children to school, especially girls. Teachers often blamed the
parents' lack of interest or knowledge for children not being in school. Measures to reduce costs were often
cited as ways of increasing school enrolment.
School attendance, repetition and drop-out
Of 6-10 year old children enrolled into school, 24%
(weighted value) are reported to have repeated at
least one class.
Information on attendance, repetition and drop-out was obtained from household questionnaires and from school
registers. Boys have only 0.86 times the risk of girls of repeating a class. Households reported a drop-out rate
of children enrolled into school of only 3% (weighted value), with boys being at half the risk of girls of
dropping-out. As with school enrolment, there is variation across Nepal in rates of repetition and drop-out from
school.
Children who do not receive help at home with their studies are more likely to have repeated a grade or to have
dropped-out of school. Nearly all (90%) of children enrolled in primary school are said to have a full set of
textbooks. Few have other study materials, especially in rural areas, and those that do have less risk of having
repeated a grade or dropping-out. Repetition rates in 6-10 year old children are lower in sites with the BPEP
operating.
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Average class attendance rates are about 55-60% for Class One and 60-70% for Class Two, somewhat higher in
boys than girls. Repetition rates are about 30% in Class One and half this or less in Class Two, lower in boys
than girls. Drop-out rates estimated by teachers are 2-3% in both classes.
Costs of education
Payments for examination fees, registration fees and other costs (such as tuition fees) were reported
for 90% of schoolgoing children.
The mean annual expenditure is 488Rs, while the median was 40Rs. Nearly all have expenses of stationery,
with an annual mean of 443 Rs (median 250 Rs). Uniforms and shoes cost an annual average of 634 Rs per
child (median 500 Rs). For all items, boys have more spent on them than girls.
Schools with better facilities tend to have better attendance, repetition and drop-out rates. This may be because
they are in better-provided areas. Schools from sites with the BPEP have better figures for attendance and
repetition than those from sites without the programme. The effects of teacher characteristics on attendance,
repetition and drop-out are diluted because the rates apply to each school rather than uniquely to each individual
teacher. The only clear effect is of gender of the teacher.
Female teachers are associated with higher
attendance and lower repetition and drop-out in
Conclusions both classes and for both boys and girls.
Community-based data from this cycle of the NMIS can
be compared with the target figures for the education sector in Nepal in the National Plan of Action. Literacy
rates are lower than those aimed at for 1996, especially among women. This is despite efforts to run adult
literacy classes. School enrolment rates are also below the target levels for 1996, with a large gender gap such
that girls are notably disadvantaged.
Once enrolled into school children rarely drop-out completely but frequently repeat grades. The drop-out rates
reported here (particularly from household data) are lower than those reported in routine data collected by the
Ministry of Education. This discrepancy is probably because in this study children were counted as drop-outs
or repeaters, whereas in routine data they could be counted as drop-outs and then as repeaters if they
subsequently returned. The households only reported their children as dropped-out if there was no intention of
their returning to school. The proportion of children completing primary education within the correct age band
(one of the NPA target areas) was not estimated from this study, but some of the results suggest it is likely to be
low. Many children start school at later than 6 years old. They repeat several early classes and then leave aged
10 without completing all the grades.
Class attendance rates are poor at less than 60% for Class One and this probably contributes to the high
repetition rates. No direct measure of educational quality is available from this study but the low class
attendance rates and high repetition rates, together with the lack of training of teachers, are an indication that
quality is often poor.
Key problems highlighted by this cycle are the gender gap of about 20% between boys and girls in school
enrolment, the difficulties for poor parents in finding the money for the various school charges, the differing
perceptions of parents and teachers for the reasons behind poor school attendance, and the relatively low level of
training in teaching skills among the teachers.
Pointers towards possible solutions are the positive effect of women teachers on class attendance and repetition
rates and the positive, if modest, effects of the BPEP. The level of expenditure reported by parents on
educational materials indicates the likely costs of possible government programmes to help parents who cannot
afford education costs.
In regional workshops, educational officers highlighted the need to improve the status of primary school
teachers. Training of teachers could include consideration of what elements of style and teaching methods lead
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to the positive effects of women teachers. Local actions could include fostering constructive dialogue between
parents and teachers about ways to increase school attendance. It was suggested by education officers that
school management committees had an important role to play in this process.
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CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1
CONTENTS 4
List of tables 6
List of annexes 7
INTRODUCTION 8
Existing data, targets for education indicators 8
METHODS 10
Background: the NMIS methodology 10
LITERACY 13
Literacy in different parts of Nepal 14
SCHOOL ENROLMENT 15
Age at school enrolment 15
School enrolment in different parts of Nepal 16
Factors in initial school enrolment 16
Person deciding on child's education 16
Mother tongue spoken in household 17
Ethnicity of household 17
Importance attached to education for children 18
Number of siblings aged 6-10 years 18
Gender of household head 19
Effect of Basic and Primary Education (BPEP) 19
Views about school enrolment 19
Importance of children going to school 19
Reasons why children are not in school 20
Ways to ensure children go to school 22
School enrolment and views of parents 23
CONCLUSIONS 48
REFERENCES 50
ANNEXES
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LIST OF TABLES
1. Nepal goals for children and development in the 1990s: education sector 9
18. School repetition among girls and boys aged 6-10 years, among children who had enrolled in primary
school 25
19. Drop-out among boys and girls aged 6-10 years, among children who had enrolled in primary school
28
20. Journey times to school for school-going children aged 6-10 years 29
21. Help with studies at home and repetition among children aged 6-10 years
enrolled in primary school 29
22. Help with studies at home and drop-out among children aged 6-10 years
enrolled in primary school 29
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27. Mother tongue of household and school repetition and drop-out in children
aged 6-10 years enrolled in primary school 31
28. Ethnicity of household and school repetition in children aged 6-10 years enrolled in primary school 32
29. Ethnicity of household and school repetition in children aged 6-10 years
enrolled in primary school 32
30. Ratings of priorities for children and repetition and drop-out rates among
children aged 6-10 years enrolled in primary school 33
31. Presence of BPEP and repetition and drop-out among children aged 6-10 years
enrolled in primary school 33
32. Views of teachers about why children made poor progress with their studies 35
33. Teachers' views about how to solve the class repetition problem 36
34. Reasons given by households of children aged 6-10 years who dropped-out
of school for the child dropping-out 37
35. Suggestions by households of children who had dropped-out for how their
drop-out could have been prevented 38
36. Expenditure on school related items last year for boys and girls
aged 6-10 years attending school 39
37. Class attendance, repetition and drop-out rates among boys and girls
in Class One and Class Two 40
41. Attendance, repetition and drop-out rates of girls and boys in Class One
and Two in relation to school facilities 43
45. Most popular teaching methods used for Classes One and Two 46
46. Attendance, repetition and drop-out in girls and boys in Classes One and Two in relation to teacher
attributes 47
LIST OF ANNEXES
1. NMIS sites and Districts by eco-region 1(1)-1(5)
4. Weights applied to each District and tables to show weighted indicators 4(1)-4(11)
A4.4 School repetition in 6-10 year olds enrolled in primary school 4(8)
A4.5 School drop-out in 6-10 year olds enrolled in primary school 4(10)
This report begins with a brief background to the methodology used in the NMIS; describes the methods used in
the second cycle, including the instruments used and the sources of data from households, institutions, key
informants and focus groups; gives the results of the cycle nationally; and considers some of the implications of
the results. Results disaggregated by urban/rural split, and by Region, Eco-region and District are given in
annex 5. The section on the implications of the cycle results draws on discussions with many people in Nepal
and is intended to stimulate further dialogue around the data between people in the education sector, parents and
others.
Several important themes emerge from this second NMIS cycle. The cycle will not be truly completed until a
communication strategy about these
themes, aimed at those who need to take action on each issue, is designed and implemented. The results have
been presented at a national workshop in Kathmandu in September 1995 and subsequently in four regional
workshops in Biratnagar, Kathmandu, Synagja and Nepalgunj in December 1995-January 1996. The comments
and suggestions of workshop participants have been incorporated into this report as far as possible. Further
discussion of the results, their implications and the actions they seem to indicate, with people within the
education sector will be one important step in the development of a communication strategy. Feedback of the
results to the communities that generated them, seeking their views on how to create messages that will be
effective to change views or behaviours, will be another equally important step. This feedback and discussion
in communities is taking place during the data collection for the third cycle of the NMIS, beginning in February
1996, when the communities will all be revisited. The summary report format for Districts and Communities is
shown in annex 5.
The National Programme of Action for Children and Development for the 1990s2 includes several indicators
from the education sector, quoting figures for 1990 and targets for 1996, 1998 and 2001. Slightly different
figures and targets are given in the UNICEF Master Plan of Operations for Nepal3. Information from both
documents is shown in Table 1. Data on two of the three target areas are available from the NMIS second
cycle: net school enrolment and adult literacy rates. These 1995 data can be used to assess progress towards the
NPA goals. Ideally, they should be close to the 1996 target figures.
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Table 1. Nepal goals for children and development for the 1990s: education sector
Global goals for 2000 Source 1990 situation in Nepal Intermediate goals Nepal goals for
2000 / 2001
1996 1998
NPC= NPC, HMG Nepal. National Programme of Action for Children and Development for the 1990s. Kathmandu, January 1992.
(reference 2)
UNICEF=UNICEF. Master Plan of Operations 1992-1996. Country Programme of Cooperation between HMG Nepal and UNICEF.
Kathmandu, January 1992. (reference 3)
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METHODS
THE NMIS METHODOLOGY
The NMIS uses a methodology known as Sentinel Community Surveillance (SCS). This is described in detail
elsewhere4,5,6. In principle, it aims to 'build the community voice into planning'. It is a multisectoral community
based information management system. Collecting data from cluster sites, chosen to be representative of a
district, a region or a country, it combines quantitative data from household questionnaires with coterminous
data from institutional reviews and key informants and qualitative data (also coterminous) from focus groups in
the sentinel communities. It is efficient by concentrating data collection efforts: in time (a series of cycles in the
sentinel sites, at approximately 6 monthly intervals); in space (representative communities are surveyed rather
than collecting data from all communities); and in subject of information (each cycle focuses on one area at a
time, rather than trying to collect all possible data on every occasion). SCS employs a type of cluster survey
methodology, but the clusters are larger than in many cluster surveys: typically 100-120 households per site,
rather than the 10-50 used in most cluster surveys. And in the SCS method, there is no sampling within each
site: every household is included, so the site is essentially a 'mini-universe'. This gives greater statistical power
in the data analysis and also allows the linkage of data from the household questionnaires to other data from the
same site, such as institutional reviews (of health facilities or schools, for instance), interviews with key
informants and focus groups. This data relating to the whole site is combined with the household data in a so-
called 'mesoanalysis'6.
A key issue in the SCS methodology and in the NMIS is the selection of sites so as to be representative. In
many countries, random sampling is not a possibility because no adequate sampling frame exists. In these
situations, purposive selection is used, drawing on local knowledge of conditions to choose sites as
representative as possible of the situation in a district, region or country. When possible, random sampling
methods can be used and this was the case in Nepal, where a good census sampling frame exists. In both cases,
stratification is first used to ensure certain types of site are included in proportion to their occurrence in the
population. For example, stratification can be by urban and rural sites, or by ecological zones. In the NMIS, the
sample sites for the cluster surveillance were drawn by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), after
stratification into development regions, ecological zones and urban/rural sites. The details of the sampling
method and the selected sites are given in the report of the first NMIS cycle1 and the annexes to that report.
METHODS
Sample sites
As described above, these were the same sites as for the first cycle, selected by a multi-stage random sampling
method. As discussed in the report of the first NMIS cycle, they are representative of the country, of the five
development regions, of the three ecological zones, and of urban and rural situations. Among rural sites, in 18
districts there are sufficient sites (four or more) to ensure district representativeness. In a further 19 districts,
only 1-2 sites were selected so they cannot be relied upon to be representative of that district.
A total of 144 sites were included, 126 rural and a further 18 urban. The location of the sites is shown on the
map in annex 1. Annex 1 also gives the names of the Districts in the NMIS sample, with the number of sites in
each. It also includes a list of all Districts in Nepal grouped into the 15 eco-regions. This allows non-NMIS
Districts to find which results most nearly approximate to their situation (the results for the relevant eco-region).
A questionnaire was administered to 411 teachers in schools serving the communities covered by the household
survey. School registers and facilities were examined and recorded for 176 schools serving these communities.
A focus group discussion was held with mothers of 6-10 year old children in all 144 communities.
Instruments
The instruments used in the cycle are reproduced in annex 2. They include a household questionnaire, a focus
group guide, a guide for the institutional review (in this case for review of the school(s) serving each site), a
questionnaire for teachers interviewed in the schools and a guide for interviews with key informants (head-
teachers in this case). The instruments were based on experience of SCS cycles on education conducted in other
countries, modified according to the knowledge and experience of members of the Steering Committee in Nepal,
including educationalists.
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The household questionnaire includes questions about literacy (for all members of the household) and more
detailed questions about school enrolment and attendance for each child aged 6-10 years in the household.
Further questions ask about reasons for children not attending school, costs of school attendance, help with work
and availability of books, and ideas on what would help to improve school attendance.
The questionnaire for teachers asks about demographic details, training and qualifications, teaching methods and
class preparation and views about improving school attendance. The school institutional review includes
examination of the registers for Class One and Class Two and examination of the school premises and facilities.
The interview with key informants (head teachers) seeks views about why children did not attend school or
dropped out and what could be done to prevent this.
The focus group guides cover questions to explore attitudes about sending children to school, reasons for not
going to school or repeating or dropping-out, and ideas about what could be done to prevent repetition and drop-
out.
Having agreed the form of the data collection instruments, coding sheets and data entry formats were created for
each instrument. The data were initially entered using the FoxPro database programme and later converted into
EpiInfo format (version 6) for analysis.
The questionnaires and other data collection instruments were piloted several times to ensure they were
appropriate to the households, schools and teachers concerned and the coding and data entry arrangements were
satisfactory.
New ERA, with assistance from CIET, conducted training on the specific needs of the second cycle on
Education: familiarization with the content, flow and coding of the survey instruments (questionnaires for
households, teachers and key informants, and guides for school observations and focus groups); the method and
importance of household mapping; and pilot testing of the instruments and process.
In addition, CIET held training sessions on the SCS methodology and on conducting focus groups and giving
community feedback of results from the first cycle. Most of the interviewers had very limited exposure to
qualitative methods, usually through limited-depth discussion groups. In order to familiarize them with the
methods and importance of the more in-depth approach of focus groups, role playing was conducted to illustrate
the ways a focus group can provide a more complete understanding of data, as well as contribute to community
involvement. Pilot focus groups were also conducted in the field to test the topic guide and to give moderators
and recorders experience in the method. Three pilot focus groups were conducted in the Tarai town of Birgunj.
Analysis
The analysis had several aims: to produce indicators for the education sector in Nepal (basically school
enrolment, attendance, repetition and dropout rates); to examine variables that might explain the levels of these
indicators; and, most importantly, to look for contrasts so as to discover actionable factors that might help to
improve the situation in the education sector in the future. The first of these aims was met with descriptive
analysis of the data collected from the households and schools. The second two required an analysis to examine
the risk of certain situations of interest (for example, school non-attendance) in relation to possible explanatory
variables (for example, the gender of the pupils, the gender of teachers, the facilities provided by the school).
The effects of variables in combination were examined using multiple stratification techniques.
The analysis was performed using the EpiInfo package (version 6). This is a public domain computer package
that assists with questionnaire creation, data entry and data analysis. Where appropriate, the statistical
significance of differences was tested using X2 statistics or t-tests.
The quantitative analysis was supplemted by qualitative analysis using data from focus groups and views of
teachers and households about education. The records of the 144 focus groups (one for each community) were
reviewed to get an overview of the ideas expressed. Each focus group was then coded according to the issues
raised by the participants. These codes were then related to information from the household questionnaires and
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institutional reviews of the same community. The focus group themes and their codes are shown in annex 3.
Because the standard of recording of the focus group discussions was high, it was relatively easy to get an
impression of the feelings and ideas expressed, often enriched by direct quotations from group participants.
Net school enrolment (i.e. current school attendance) - obtained from the responses to the household
questionnaire: the number of children aged 6-10 years old in the survey who were currently said to be
going to school out of the total of children of this age in the survey
School repetition - obtained from the responses to the household questionnaire: the number of children
aged 6-10 years who had repeated one or more classes out of the total of all children this age in the
survey and out of children who had gone to school
School drop-out - obtained from the responses to the household questionnaire: the number of children
aged 6-10 years who had dropped-out of school out of the total of all children of this age in the survey
and out of children who had gone to school
Class attendance - obtained from the examination of the school registers as part of the institutional
review: the average number (over the last six days) of children attending in Class One and Two out of
the number on the register for these two classes
Class repetition - obtained from the school registers: the number of children who repeated in Class
One and Two out of the number registered in that class
Class drop-out - obtained from the school registers: the number of children who dropped-out of Class
One and Two out of the number registered in that class
In the following sections, these indicators and variables associated with them are taken separately although they
are in practice closely related to one another. The main report gives the results for the whole of Nepal: the
indicators and the variables associated with them. The results for key indicators by development region, eco-
region, District and divided between urban and rural sites are given in annex 5.
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LITERACY
Table 2 shows the literacy rates among males and females of different ages. Literacy here means the reported
ability to read and write a simple letter. No test of literacy was applied at the time of the household survey.
Literacy rates are highest in the 11-15 years age group in both sexes. Rates in the 6-10 years age group should
be interpreted with caution, since children are learning to read and write at this age and therefore the rates will
be changing rapidly. From 16 years upwards, literacy rates fall steadily with increasing age, in both sexes. At
all ages, females are less likely to be literate than males. This discrepancy is more marked as age increases, as
indicated by the increasing risk (Odds Ratio estimates in Table 1) of women being illiterate compared with men.
Taking age into account, females are almost four times more likely than males to be illiterate. The interaction
with age is significant, with the difference between men and women being more marked in the older age groups.
Males Females
YES NO YES NO
OR=Odds Ratio. The figures in brackets after the OR are the 95% Confidence Limits for the OR. Mantel-Haenszel combined OR=3.98;
95% CI 3.85-4.10. X2 for interaction 1106.47, p<0.0001.
For the combined population of six years old and above, the weighted literacy rate is 42%: 57% among men and
27% among women. For the population aged more than ten years old, the weighted literacy rate is 43%: 60%
among men and 27% among women. For the population aged 15 years and above, the total literacy rate is 40%:
57% among men and 23% among women. The total figure for the population 15 years old and above is below
the target for total adult literacy for 1996 of 54% (or 49%) (Table 1). In particular, the figure for females is
below the target of 38% (or 35%) shown in Table 1.
Literacy rates in males and females by eco-regions are shown in Table A5.3 and Fig A5.1 and by Districts in
Tables A5.4 and A5.5 (Figs A5.2 and A5.3) of annex 5.
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SCHOOL ENROLMENT
Of the 13,238 children in the survey aged between 6 and 10 years, 70% (weighted value) are currently attending
school. This figure is the net enrolment for children of this age. It is distinct from gross enrolment, which in
Nepal is calculated as the total number of children enrolled in school, divided by the population of 6-10 year old
children. Because children below 6 years and over 10 years may be in school, figures for gross enrolment of
greater than 100% are sometimes given.
The current school attendance (net enrolment) measured from the household data is the number of 6-10 year old
children who, at the time of the survey, were considered by the household respondent (usually a parent) to be
'going to school'. This may not, of course, mean they were at school that day, that week or even that month. It
meant they had been enrolled into school and were not considered to have dropped-out completely. The number
of children currently attending school is, in fact, very similar to the number reported as having ever been
enrolled into school (69% v 71%). The small difference represents the number considered by households to
have dropped-out of school completely (see below).
In many of the analyses in this section, initial school enrolment is the outcome variable considered. Because net
enrolment (current attendance) and initial enrolment (ever enrolled into school) rates are so similar, the
associations with net enrolment are virtually the same as those shown with initial enrolment.
The net enrolment (weighted) is higher among boys than girls (80% v 60%). This difference in school
attendance between boys and girls is present for all ages between 6 and 10 years. Taking age into account by
stratification, a girl has more than two and half times the risk of not currently attending school compared with a
boy (Table 3). There is a significant trend for the risk of girls not attending school compared with boys to be
greater in the older children (Table 3). However, the main reason for the difference in net enrolment between
boys and girls is the lower initial school enrolment in girls, rather than a much higher drop-out rate in girls (see
below).
The net enrolment figures found in the NMIS in 1995 are lower than the target figures in the National Plan of
Action for 1996 (see Table 1). The total for boys and girls of 70% compares with a target for 1996 of 86% (or
80%) and the figure for girls of 60% compares with a target for 1996 of 76% (or 65%).
Table 3. Net school enrolment (current school attendance) in 6 - 10 year old children
Age Attending school No. Attending school
Unbiased Mantel-Haenzsel Odds Ratio 2.64, 95% Confidence Interval 2.44-2.86 X2 for interaction 14.01, P=0.007
Notes:
The data in this table were obtained from the household questionnaire and therefore only include children aged 6-10 years at the time of the
questionnaire. This table is based on data from those children still attending school (more than 90% of those who have ever enrolled). Age
at enrolment into Class One was similar for those few children who had subsequently dropped out of school.
Age at enrolment was calculated from age at the time of the questionnaire and year of enrolment; it is therefore a composite figure for
enrolments over the last five years.
Among the ecological zones, the Tarai has the lowest enrolment rates and the biggest gender gap at 25%. In the
Tarai, a girl has nearly three times the risk of a boy of not being enrolled in school. Rural sites have lower
enrolment and a bigger gender gap than urban sites.
School enrolment rates in boys and girls by eco-region are shown in Table A5.7 and Fig A5.4 and by District in
Tables A5.8 and A5.9 (Figs A5.5 and A5.6).
The delay in school enrolment beyond six years is found throughout Nepal (Table A5.10). Average age at
enrolment is lower in urban than in rural communities. Among the regions, enrolment ages for boys and girls
are highest in the Far Western and Mid Western regions. Among the ecological zones, enrolment age is highest
in the Mountains.
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Boy Girl
YES NO
Others 2 (100%) 0
Ethnicity of household
There are many different ethnic groups represented by the households in the survey. These have been collected
into 13 groups, coinciding with the 13 groups in the recent national census. The school enrolment for boys and
girls from households of different ethnicities is shown in Table 7. There is a marked variation in school
enrolment. Highest enrolment rates in both boys and girls are reported in Brahmins and Newar people.
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Table 7. Ethnicity of head of household and initial school enrolment in 6-10 year old children
n n n
(%enrol) (%enrol) (%enrol)
1. Brahmins 1040(96) 1072(93) 2112(95)
There is, of course, considerable variation in the proportion of ethnic groups in the population in different parts
of Nepal. The ethnic groups in different eco-regions in the NMIS sample are shown in annex 5, Table A5.11.
YES NO
There is some variation in different parts of Nepal in the importance attached to education for children, although
it is highly rated everywhere. The variation is illustrated in Table A5.12 in annex 5.
Table 9. Number of 6-10 year old children in the household and the school enrolment of each child
Boys Girls
n(%enrol) n(%enrol)
Table 11. The BPEP and school enrolment in boys and girls aged 6-10 years
BPEP operating in Children ever enrolled in school
site
Boys Girls
n(%enrol) n(%enrol)
No 4845(79%) 4687(59%)
Views about why children should go to school, why they did not and what could be done to ensure they did,
were elicited from household respondents, from focus group participants and from school teachers.
Then the idea that education will make their children into better people, and secure their future:
"If the children study they might be learned and wise. If they study they might get big-big jobs. Hoping they would not have to carry
fodder and weight like us, I have sent them to the school."
"If you send your children to school there are benefits. Education opens their eyes. They can write and read letters. Unlike us, they do not
have to put forward their thumb subserviently when a signature is required."
"At present, many teachers from outside the village have come and got employed here. Our children, after getting education, should take
their places, sending them back.
..So that the children from our own village can be employed in the post office."
"Instead of struggling with spade and plough for ever, they will deal with pens and paper. They will take great care in sanitation."
And educated children will be able to fulfil their duty of looking after their parents:
"The sons must support us. If he studies, he will be able to read, get a job and earn money. Then only he can support us."
The commonest reason given for both boys and girls (29%) was that the parents were too poor to pay the
registration fee and other expenses. The reasons given for boys and girls were generally in the same order,
except girls were more likely to be not going to school because of being needed for household work and to tend
animals or younger siblings while parents worked outside the home (26% for girls v 14% for boys). It was
explicitly stated by the household respondent of 6% of non-school-going girls that it was not their practice to
educate girls, as they would be going to live in another man's house (on getting married).
Focus group discussions confirmed the views expressed by households. In contrast to the rather sweeping and
even grandiose expressions about why children should be educated, reasons given in focus groups for children
not going to school were down to earth and the reflect harsh realities of making an existence in difficult
circumstances. Inability to afford the fees associated with sending children to school and the need to have them
help with work at home were common themes. There was also, in some communities, a view articulated that it
was actually not worth while sending children to school, as they would be no better off:
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"Those who are educated haven't yet found a job and have gone back to farming. We have also done farming like this. You don't need any
education to do farming; this can be done without going to school. There are a lot of people like this."
"There are many educated people in my village but unluckily they dig and plough the farm because of not getting a job. Did their parents
spend money [on their education] to enable them to work in the field? If not, what is the significance of education and qualification? Why
should I enrol my children since their future is obviously to be farmers, which needs not education but physical strength?"
Although no direct question was posed to the groups about the different views on girls' and boys' education,
some groups raised this issue themselves. They explained why they sent their sons but not their daughters to
school. The daughter's role is to do work in the house, rather than to be educated:
"Daughters are only meant to look after cattle and not to go to school. If they go to school then who will look after the household work?
We have to go to work early in the morning. Then who will cook the rice, who will stay home and who will look after the cattle?
There is no point in educating daughters because they will not support their parents but go to another man's
house on marriage:
"Daughters when they grow up go to another man's house. They will not support us. That is why I haven't sent my daughter to the school."
"What to do by sending the daughter to school? After all, they go with their man and must perform all the household jobs. It is better to
teach her all the household jobs than to send her to school. When married and if she cannot perform the household jobs then we the parents
are blamed. Besides, this Dami down there sent her daughter to school. But what to do? Until now his daughter is not married because he
sent her to school. We can't marry our educated daughter with an uneducated man. An educated man seldom comes with a proposal. That
is why I don't get enough strength to send my daughter to school."
These views did not go unchallenged in some of the groups. Some participants were scathing about parents who
did not send their daughters to school:
"They hate their daughters and they think to enrol daughters in school is useless."
Others expressed why they thought daughters should be given the benefit of education:
"If a child studies well s/he may become a social worker or a teacher in the future who can educate other children of the village. Except this,
the females of this village are not taught. But if we educate our daughters too, they can fight the injustice happening over them because after
they are educated they know what is just and fair. They will also know what should be done to maintain dignity in the society. Males and
females are equal; women should get their rights etc. Realising all these things, they may fight for their rights."
"Daughters, if educated, will be able to get a job. They will have knowledge regarding various things and won't be as ignorant as us. Even
after their marriage, nobody can dominate them. In this way they will have a good future."
Parents need their help with household work during peak 58(33)
agricultural season
Parents don't care about children not attending 37(21)
No suggestions 6% 6%
The themes emerging from the focus groups about school enrolment are given in annex 3, together with the
summary codes used to refer to each of these themes. Annex 3 also shows the proportion of the 144
communities where the focus group mentioned each theme. This is not a quantitative analysis, but it is clear
some of the ideas and views were much more common than others.
Table 15 shows the initial school enrolment rates in 6-10 year old boys and girls, in communities who
mentioned themes related to why children should go to school, and why they were not in school. There is little
difference in enrolment rates between communities mentioning and not mentioning most of the themes. Those
themes expressing an actual physical difficulty getting to school (it was too far away, the journey was difficult)
or with the child (too small, unwell) tended to be expressed in communities with lower average enrolment rates.
The relatively rarely expressed theme of problems with the schools (especially the teachers) was more likely to
be voiced in communities with lower enrolment rates. Where the issue of not educating girls was raised,
enrolment rates for girls were somewhat lower, but so were those for boys. Enrolment rates were higher in both
boys and girls in communities where the focus group gave as a reason for children not going to school the
perception that education 'was not worthwhile'. This perception may be less of a hindrance to school enrolment
than the actual difficulties of finances and distance expressed in other themes.
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Table 15. Initial school enrolment and themes expressed in focus groups from the communities
Themes expressed in focus groups in the communities of the same children Theme Enrolment rates
expressed
Boys Girls
So that they won't be cheated later in life (in loans etc) Yes 79% 61%
No 80% 61%
No 80% 61%
So they will obey their parents/make them happy/look after them Yes 82% 64%
No 78% 56%
They are needed to work at home/in agriculture/for other people Yes 80% 61%
No 81% 61%
Perception that education is not worthwhile for any children Yes 85% 66%
No 79% 57%
Education is not worthwhile/ is a bad thing for girls Yes 79% 59%
No 81% 62%
No 79% 60%
The schools are too far away; the journey is difficult Yes 75% 56%
No 81% 62%
There are problems with the school; teachers are not good etc Yes 71% 35%
No 81% 62%
Mothers unable to control children; no support from father Yes 82% 70%
No 80% 61%
Problems with the children: too small or chronically unwell Yes 79% 56%
No 81% 62%
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CURRENT CLASS ATTENDANCE
Repetition rates are higher among girls than boys. Table 18 shows repetition among girls and boys of
different ages, among children who have enrolled in school and are not in pre-primary class. In all
but 7 year olds, repetition rates are higher among girls. Boys are at less risk of repeating than girls in
all other ages. Overall, boys have 0.86 times the risk of girls of repeating. Older boys and girls are
more likely to have repeated a class, probably because they have had more opportunity to repeat than
younger children.
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Table 18. School repetition among children aged 6-10 years, who had enrolled in primary school
n %rp n %rp
OR=Odds Ratio. The figures below the OR for each age are the 95% Confidence Interval for that OR.
MH combined OR=0.86, 95% CI 0.78-0.95
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Table 16. Class attended by boys and girls of 6-10 years old
Age & sex School class attended
Pre-school Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4 Class 5 Class 6 Class 7 Not in school
6yrs Girls 110 (9%) 391 (33%) 74 (6%) 5 (0.4%) 608 (51%)
7yrs Girls 87 (6%) 416 (31%) 199 (15%) 59 (4%) 8 (1%) 577 (43%)
Boys 128 (10%) 512 (39%) 268 (20%) 78 (6%) 12 (1%) 302 (23%)
8yrs Girls 47 (3%) 328 (24%) 280 (20%) 130 (9%) 34 (2%) 4 (0.3%) 561 (40%)
Boys 86 (6%) 400 (27%) 360 (24%) 236 (16%) 78 (5%) 13 (1%) 309 (21%)
9yrs Girls 22 (2%) 171 (14%) 242 (20%) 232 (19%) 97 (8%) 37 (3%) 4 (0.3%) 405 (33%)
Boys 30 (3%) 229 (20%) 284 (25%) 259 (22%) 154 (13%) 34 (3%) 10 (1%) 149 (13%)
10yrs Girls 12 (1%) 90 (7%) 185 (14%) 233 (18%) 177 (13%) 112 (9%) 43 (3%) 469 (35%)
Boys 21 (1%) 163 (11%) 263 (17%) 295 (19%) 278 (18%) 200 (13%) 68 (4%) 6 (0.4%) 234 (15%)
Total Girls 278 (4%) 1396 (22%) 980 (15%) 659 (10%) 316 (5%) 153 (2%) 47 (1%) 2620 (41%)
Boys 485 (7%) 1856 (27%) 1251 (19%) 881 (13%) 522 (8%) 247 (4%) 78 (1%) 6 (0.1%) 1411 (21%)
Comments:
1. These are data from the household questionnaires and only refers to children aged 6-10 years. The column percentages in this table (if calculated) would give inflated proportions of each age group in the
whole class, which will include children outside the ages of 6-10. This would affect particularly class one and the upper classes. The row percentages given do not quite total 100% because the few cases of missing
data are not shown.
2. For both boys and girls, many are in classes below those 'expected' for their ages, reflecting the high repetition rates and the tendency for children to enrol at ages above 6 years (see Table 4).
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Table 17. Class attendance rates and focus group themes in the same sites
Themes expressed by focus groups in the communities served by the Theme Class attendance rates
schools expressed
Will become good/serve the nation/be respected Yes (112) 60% 60% 60% 65%
Will obey parents/make happy/look after them Yes (117) 56% 58% 61% 63%
Needed to work at home/in fields/for other people Yes (112) 53% 56% 57% 61%
Perception that education is not worthwhile Yes (62) 61% 62% 59% 66%
Perception that education not worthwhile for girls Yes (37) 51% 58% 47% 64%
Not enough money to buy books, uniforms etc Yes (118) 58% 59% 60% 65%
Schools are too far away; journey is difficult Yes (27) 48% 52% 57% 64%
Problems with the schools; teachers not good etc Yes (7) 36% 47% 34% 53%
Drop-out rates, as reported by the household respondents, are notably low. Drop-out in the analysis is defined as
having been enrolled into school but not currently attending school. Nearly all the children reported to have enrolled in
school are still considered to be going to school (even though this might be quite irregularly). The weighted drop-out
rate among 6-10 year old children is 3% (2% among boys and 5% among girls). The number of children enroling and
subsequently dropping-out is 2% of the total population of 13238 children aged 6-10 years. It seems children are only
reported as dropped-out by households if there is no intention of their ever returning to school in the future, even if
they are not attending that day, that week or even that month.
Again, girls are more likely to have dropped-out of school than boys. Table 19 shows the drop-out rates for boys and
girls of different ages, among children enrolled in school and not in pre-primary class. Taking age into account, boys
have only about half the risk of girls of dropping-out . For both boys and girls, 10 year old children are the most likely
to be reported as having dropped-out.
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Table 19. Drop-out among boys and girls aged 6-10 years, among children who had enrolled in primary school
n %drp n %drp
Table A5.15 (Figs A5.7 and A5.8) in annex 5 give the repetition and drop-out rates for 6-10 year old children by eco-
region. These data are from the household questionnaires. Tables A5.16 and A5.17 (Figs A5.9 and A5.10) in annex 5
show the school repetition rates (from the household questionnaires) by District. And Tables A5.18 and A5.19 (Figs
A5.11 and A5.12) show the drop-out rates as reported by households by District.
1-9 389 5 5
10-19 1672 20 25
20-29 1572 19 43
30-39 1824 22 65
40-49 677 8 73
50-59 124 2 75
60-89 1515 18 93
90-119 169 2 95
120-149 353 4 99
150-179 29 0 99
Of children aged 6-10 currently going to school, nearly all walk to school (97% of boys and 98% of girls). In view of
this, no attempt was made to associate means of getting to school with repetition and drop-out rates.
Children who have repeated one or more grades are less likely to receive help with their studies at home (Table 21).
Taking sex and age into account, children who receive help with their studies have 0.81 times the risk of repeating a
grade of those who do not receive help.
Similarly, children who drop-out of school are less likely to have been helped with their studies at home (Table 22).
Taking sex into account, children who are helped at home have about a quarter the risk of those who are not helped of
dropping-out. This association may be exaggerated because it may have been reported that children who dropped out
did not receive help at the time of the survey, as they no longer went to school.
Table 21. Help with studies at home and repetition among children aged 6-10 years enrolled in primary school
Help with studies at Repetition of at least one class
home
Boys Girls
n %rep n %rep
No 2886 24 1923 26
n %drop n %drop
No 2886 3 1923 6
Help with studies is more common in girls throughout Nepal and more common in urban than in rural sites. This is
shown in Table A5.20 of Annex 5.
Textbooks
Nearly all children aged 6-10 years en rolled in primary school have a full set of textbooks (90% in both boys and
girls). Rather surprisingly, there is a higher proportion of children repeating a year among those with a full set of
textbooks, both boys and girls (Table 23). Taking sex into account, those with a full set of textbooks have twice the
risk of repeating of those without a full set. Perhaps those children who have repeated a year or more have more
chance to collect a full set of textbooks?
Table 23. Possession of textbooks and repetition of at least one class among children aged 6-10 years enrolled in
primary school
Full set of Repetition of at least one class
textbooks
Boys Girls
n %rep n %rep
No 491 13 370 14
There is a strong association between a full set of textbooks and drop-out (Table 24). Taking sex into account, those
with a full set of textbooks have only a tenth the risk of having dropped-out of those without a full set. This could be a
spurious association because drop-outs may have relinquished their set of textbooks.
Table 24. Textbooks and drop-out among children aged 6-10 years enrolled in primary school
Full set of Dropped-out from school
textbooks
Boys Girls
n %drop n %drop
No 491 10 370 22
Nearly all children in school have a full set of textbooks in most areas of Nepal, in rural as well as urban sites (annex
5, Table A5.21).
Table 25. Additional study materials and repetition of at least one class among 6-10 year old children enrolled
in primary school
Study Repetition of at least one class
materials at
home
Boys Girls
n %rep n %rep
No 4360 23 3264 25
Table 26. Additional study materials and drop-out among 6-10 year old children enrolled in primary school
Study Dropped-out from school
materials at
home
Boys Girls
n %drop n %drop
No 4360 3 3264 4
The availability of additional study materials at home varies across Nepal and is notably more common in urban than
rural sites (annex 5, Table A5.22)
School meals
School meals are rarely provided. Only 2% of boys and girls enrolled in school receive school meals. There is no
association between provision of school meals and either repetition or drop-out.
Mother tongue
As with school enrolment, there is variation in children's school repetition and drop-out rates with mother tongue
spoken in the households. The data are shown in Table 27. Of the two commonest languages, Nepali and Maithali,
children from households where Nepali is the mother tongue have higher repetition rates but lower drop-out rates.
Ethnicity
Repetition and drop-out rates for different ethnic groups are shown in Tables 28 and 29. For many of the ethnic
groups, the number of children is too small for the data to be interpretable. Of the three largest ethnic groups
(Brahmins of the hills, Chhetri and Kami, Damai etc), children of the hill Brahmins have marginally the highest school
repetition rates. Children of the Chhetri, Damai and related groups have notably higher school drop-out rates.
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Table 27. Mother tongue of household and school repetition and drop-out in 6-10 year old children enrolled in
primary school
Mother tongue Boys Girls
Gurung/Thakali 89 27 1 64 23 8
Tamang/Bhote/Sherpa 128 18 3 84 14 4
Aawadhi/Marwadi/Dehati 167 11 4 86 16 7
Magar 54 20 2 60 33 3
Danuwar/Satar/Santhal 2 0 0 0 0 0
Hindi/Urdu/Bengali/Panjabi 57 28 2 36 28 0
Thami/Chepang/Jirel 20 50 5 16 31 13
Dhimal/Majhi/Kumale 12 17 0 17 35 0
Raji/Darai/Bote/Raute 2 0 50 0 0 0
Others 1 100 0 1 0 0
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Table 28. Ethnicity and school repetition in 6-10 year old children enrolled in primary school
Ethnicity of head of household Repetition in 6-10 year old children enrolled in prim school
Ethnicity of head of household Drop-out in 6-10 year old children enrolled in prim school
Table 30. Priorities for children and repetition and drop-out rates among 6-10 year old children enrolled in
primary school
Relaxation 49 33 2 32 28 9
Family 41 20 0 29 21 7
stability
Effects of BPEP
School repetition rates in boys and girls are lower in sites with BPEP operating than in sites without, in both boys and
girls (Table 31). There is no difference in drop-out rates with the presence of BPEP.
Table 31. Presence of BPEP and repetition and drop-out among children aged 6-10 years enrolled in primary
school
No 3508 24 2 2608 27 4
KTM 108 16 0 83 10 0
The drop-out rates in this survey, based on teachers' estimates, are well below the rates reported by the Ministry of
Education, based on data also collected from schools. A possible explanation for the discrepancy is that in this survey
children were only counted once, as either drop-outs or repeaters, whereas in routine data they could appear twice, as
drop-outs when they leave and as repeaters when (if) they subsequently return.
"The education they get at school is not good. There are only two teachers and one of them does not come to school at all. If he comes one day
then he won't come for another 15 days. How can only one teacher concentrate in all the areas?"
"Some mothers complained teachers always entered the classrooms after drinking alcohol. Others said teachers are always chatting with each
other, do not care about teaching classes and sometimes go to an isolated place (forest) to play cards."
The views of teachers were sought about why girls and boys in Class One and Two did not make good progress with
their studies. The responses are shown in Table 32. Apart from the child being under age (in class one), the most
common views were that the parents did not care about the child's study at home or that the child was frequently
absent from class. Thus the teachers tended to put the blame for childrens' poor performance on their parents.
Table 33 shows teachers' views about what measures could reduce the problem of class repetition. The most popular
suggestions were that parents should be educated through non-formal education, that parents should help children with
their studies at home, and that parents should be informed when their children were not attending school regularly.
The teachers thus put the onus on parents for reducing the problem of class repetition.
These household views were confirmed in the focus group discussions. Common reasons expressed in the groups
were the need to have children working at home or helping out with agricultural work.
"During the peak agricultural season most of the children are not released from household chores. Therefore the farming season is identified as the
peak drop out season."
This was linked to the inability of parents to afford to keep their children at school, because of the school costs and the
loss of help at home. Another set of reasons sometimes raised about childrens' drop-out was related to the teachers
and their attitudes towards and treatment of the children:
"The teachers do not teach them with love and care. They punish them. If they wear an old uniform or are a bit dirty, the teacher punished them
and the children do not go to school for fear of it. The teacher punishes them badly so they do not go to school."
"To punish the children for their fault of not learning is a normal thing. But giving physical punishment carries bad impacts on the minds of the
children. As a result, the children start escaping from school and refuse to go to school from home for fear of being beaten by the teachers."
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Table 32. Views of teachers about why children make poor progress with their studies
Reasons for making poor progress with studies Class One Class Two
Child under age/too young 127 (31%) 117 (29%) 21 (5%) 22 (5%)
Parents don't care about home studies 111 (27%) 118 (29%) 116 (28%) 117 (28%)
Child frequently absent from class 90 (22%) 100 (24%) 100 (24%) 105 (26%)
Child has to help with household work 28 (7%) 24 (6%) 51 (12%) 54 (13%)
Child does not have paper and pencils 22 (5%) 20 (5%) 26 (6%) 25 (6%)
Too few teachers for number of children 6 (2%) 6 (1%) 5 (1%) 6 (2%)
Parents too poor to buy stationery and other materials required 100 (39%)
"The teachers love the children of rich people. They do not care for and love the children of poor people. They hate them. So such children are
dropped out."
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How drop-out could have been prevented
Frequently-voiced suggestions in focus groups were about actions the government should take to prevent drop-out: to
provide free educational materials, free school meals, and employment prospects for parents. Better teaching methods
were advocated by some groups.
"If the government opened a child care centre to take care of all the babies in the village, many children would be free from looking after the babies
(their small brothers or sisters) and could go to school regularly."
Suggestions by the respondents in households of children who had dropped-out about how their drop-out could have
been prevented are shown in Table 35. The most popular suggestion was that drop-out could have been prevented if
the school had been nearer to home (16%), followed by teachers finding ways to interest the children more (14%), free
stationery for school (13%) and more manpower to help with household chores (12%).
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COSTS OF PRIMARY EDUCATION
Households who reported having a child attending school were asked about how much they had to pay for various
items in the last year. The data on expenses associated with children's education are summarised in Table 36.
Table 36. Expenditure on school related items in last year for children aged 6-10 years attending school
Item % of hh Amount per child last year (Rs)*
paying
nil
Boys Girls
Mn Md Mn Md
Travel expenses
For 99% of children, no expenses associated with travel to school are incurred since they walk to school. The mean
expenditure per child in the previous year for the remaining 1% is 1,110 RS; the median is 840 Rs. A small number
have very high expenditures, presumably from sending their children to far distant schools. The expenditure for boys
is higher than for girls but this difference could easily have occurred by chance.
The overall figures for attendance, repetition and drop-out rates in girls and boys in Class One and Class Two are
shown in Table 37.
Table 37. Class attendance, repetition and drop-out rates among boys and girls in Class One and Class Two
Boys attendance 58 61 63 68
rate
Boys repetition rate 33 32 17 13
Data for attendance, repetition and drop-out in Classes One and Two by region and ecological zone are given in annex
5, Table A5.23.
SCHOOL FACILITIES
School location
Most of the schools (141, 80%) are in the ward where the site is situated. Table 38(a) shows walking times from the
centre of the site to the school when it is not located within the ward. There is some discrepancy between these data
and the journey times to school reported from the household questionnaires (Table 14). This is illustrated in Table
38(b). Childrens' walking times to school from the household estimates are higher than the teams' estimates of times
to reach the school from the centre of the site. The framework for estimating time and distance may differ between the
households and the institutional review teams.
1-14 minutes 1 1 81
15-29 minutes 11 6 87
30-59 minutes 18 10 97
30-59 minutes 10 32
60 minutes or more 3 25
River or stream 2 1
1-5 minutes 47 27
6-10 minutes 16 9
11-15 minutes 8 5
16-20 minutes 5 3
21-30 minutes 3 2
31-60 minutes 2 1
Sanitation
The type and condition of toilets in the schools are shown in Tables 40(a) and 40(b). Two-thirds of the schools have
no toilet or an open air toilet, with or without a fence. Where there is a toilet of some sort, a third are in bad condition
(22 out of 65 - see Table 40(b)). Of the 69 schools with a specific toilet, 20 (29%) have a separate toilet for girls.
Type of toilet n %
Physical conditions
Most schools (150, 85%) do not have electricity and very few (27, 15%) have a library. The condition of the school
walls was rated as very good or good (very few cracks) in 115 (66%) of schools, with poor condition walls in 22
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(12%) and no walls in 6 (3%). The condition of the roof was rated as very good or good (very few leaks) in 112
(64%) schools, with a bad condition roof in 21 (12%) and no roof in 5 (3%). Most of the schools have less than 10
rooms. There were 7 (4%) open air schools (or open air for classes 1 and 2), 52 (30%) with 1-5 rooms, 67 (38%) with
6-10 rooms and smaller numbers with more rooms. In 11 schools classes 1 and 2 share one large room, and 3 schools
rent rooms or use rooms in other government buildings.
There is no apparent effect of increasing distance of the school from the centre of the site. However, as noted above,
this does not tally very well with the reported time to reach the school from home from household responses. There
does seem to be an effect of poorer access to drinking water in the school, with longer times to access water associated
with lower attendance rates. This may be an indirect effect of schools in better provided areas having better access to
drinking water.
CHARACTERISTICS OF TEACHERS
Gatt Grep Gdrp Batt Brep Bdrp Gatt Grep Gdrp Batt Brep Bdrp
Electricity - (150) 55% 34% 3% 57% 36% 3% 59% 16% 3% 63% 18% 2%
Toilet 1 (140) 54% 35% 3% 56% 38% 3% 58% 16% 2% 62% 17% 2%
Toilet 2 (36) 67% 22% 2% 64% 17% 3% 66% 12% 4% 69% 15% 4%
Female toilet+ (20) 68% 19% 2% 65% 15% 3% 69% 14% 5% 68% 16% 6%
Female toilet- (49) 57% 30% 2% 58% 27% 3% 63% 15% 3% 64% 15% 2%
Library + (27) 66% 23% 1% 67% 20% 1% 69% 13% 3% 66% 15% 4%
Library - (149) 55% 34% 3% 56% 36% 3% 58% 16% 3% 63% 17% 2%
Distance - 'nil' (141) 57% 32% 3% 58% 31% 3% 60% 15% 3% 62% 16% 3%
Distance 1-29 min 60% 40% 1% 51% 51% 2% 51% 18% 1% 64% 21% 1%
(12)
Distance >30min 52% 30% 2% 61% 39% 3% 63% 16% 3% 67% 17% 3%
(23)
Water - 'nil' (92) 60% 31% 2% 60% 30% 2% 66% 15% 3% 64% 14% 2%
Water - 1-9 min (51) 55% 29% 4% 57% 33% 5% 55% 15% 3% 63% 22% 4%
Water - 10 min+ (30) 50% 41% 2% 54% 46% 3% 51% 18% 2% 62% 17% 1%
Water - bring it in (3) 46% 28% 0% 52% 31% 0% 26% 3% 0% 40% 19% 0%
Toilet 1=no toilet, latrine type; toilet 2=toilet with septic tank. Distance 'nil'=school in ward; minutes are time to reach school from centre of the site.
Water 'nil'=water drinking water available within school; minutes are times required to get water from school.
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Table 42. Basic and Primary Education Programme and Class attendance, repetition and drop-out rates
Enrol Attend Repeat Drop out Attend % Repeat % Drop out %
About two-thirds of the teachers have had some form of training (279, 68%). However, in many cases this is very
limited. Table 43 summarises the number and percentage of teachers who have undergone different types of training
for varying lengths of time. Only a quarter of them have received basic educational training and lesser proportions
have received other forms of training.
Table 44 shows the length of time the teachers have been teaching Classes One and Two. About a third have five
years experience or less, while more than 40% have been teaching these grades for between 6 and 15 years. There are
46 (11%) teachers who do not teach in Class One and 61 (14%) who do not teach in Class Two. Most of the teachers
(343, 84%) are permanent appointments; 62 (15%) are temporary appointments. Very few (15, 4%) have taken part in
a school mapping exercise.
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Table 43. Training received by the teachers
Type of training re ceived Total duration Number of teachers % of teachers
42-84 11 3%
150-200 78 19%
200-420 13 3%
1100-2100 4 1%
1-9 72 18%
10-19 13 3%
20-49 3 1%
50+ 2 1%
1-9 14 3%
10-24 23 6%
20-49 15 4%
150-300 30 7%
10-19 5 1%
20-149 2 <1%
150+ 3 <1%
1-9 7 2%
10-19 21 5%
20+ 1 <1%
2-14 3 <1%
75+ 3 <1%
21 years or more 38 9%
Preparation for lessons is similar for Classes One and Two. In each case, about a third of teachers who teach that class
make no preparation, about a quarter read the lesson carefully, and about a fifth make a lesson plan.
Most of the teachers (339, 83%) reported having met parents or guardians to discuss their childrens' performance. The
most common reasons for not having met parents are: too busy with their (the teachers') household work (27, 7%);
seeing the parents every day and the parents knowing they were teaching well (18, 4%); and parents not paying
attention to their advice anyway (5, 2%). A wide variety of reasons were given for meeting parents or guardians. The
single reasons most often cited were: to find out if children were also studying at home (11%); to remind parents about
the importance of regular school attendance (10%); to give feedback about childrens' performance at school (5%); to
advise parents about helping children with study at home (4%); and to find out why children were absent (3%). Often
multiple reasons were given for meeting.
Table 46 summarises the class attendance, repetition and drop-out rates for boys and girls in classes one and two, in
relation to important teacher variables. The only teacher characteristic with an important effect is gender. Female
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teachers are associated with higher attendance and lower repetition and drop-out rates in both classes and for both
boys and girls. The differences by teacher gender are significant at the 5% level.
The effects of gender of the teacher are seen in all regions except the Eastern region, in all ecological zones and in
both urban and rural sites. This is shown in annex 5, Table A5.24.
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Table 46. Attendance, repetition and dropout in girls and boys in classes one and two, in relation to teacher
attributes
Gatt Grep Gdrp Batt Brep Bdrp Gatt Grep Gdrp Batt Brep Bdrp
Male (303) 54% 36% 3% 58% 37% 3% 59% 16% 2% 63% 16% 2%
Female (108) 67% 22% 2% 65% 21% 4% 69% 12% 4% 70% 16% 4%
<SLC (21) 57% 36% 2% 60% 38% 4% 55% 17% 3% 68% 17% 1%
SLC (250) 57% 34% 3% 59% 34% 3% 63% 15% 3% 65% 16% 3%
Training +(279) 58% 35% 3% 59% 35% 3% 63% 16% 3% 64% 17% 3%
Training - (132) 58% 26% 2% 60% 29% 3% 58% 13% 3% 64% 15% 2%
Mapping- (396) 58% 33% 2% 60% 33% 3% 61% 15% 3% 65% 17% 3%
Perm (343) 57% 34% 2% 59% 34% 3% 61% 16% 3% 64% 17% 3%
Temp (62) 62% 22% 3% 64% 25% 3% 64% 10% 3% 68% 11% 3%
Volunt (4) 76% 31% 1% 67% 39% 3% 73% 15% 2% 81% 12% 0%
Parents + (339) 57% 32% 2% 60% 33% 3% 61% 15% 3% 64% 16% 2%
Parents - (72) 59% 35% 3% 59% 33% 5% 64% 16% 4% 67% 15% 4%
16-25 yr (86) 60% 24% 3% 63% 27% 3% 59% 14% 4% 68% 17% 3%
26-35 yr (205) 58% 34% 2% 58% 35% 3% 62% 14% 3% 64% 16% 3%
36-45 yr (91) 56% 37% 2% 59% 32% 2% 61% 20% 2% 63% 17% 2%
Training: Training += has had any training related to teaching, however brief
Training - = has had no training at all
CONCLUSIONS
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The community based data collected in this cycle of the NMIS allow a direct examination of the
working of the educational sector in Nepal. Levels of adult literacy are below the targets set for
1996 in the National Plan of Action. The figure for females in particular is some way below the
target. This is despite the provision of adult literacy classes. Future efforts may need to be
concentrated in areas where the literacy of women is particularly low, as indicated in the eco-
regional and District level results here.
One important way to increase adult literacy in the future is through an effective primary education
system. This cycle of the NMIS provides community-based data about school enrolment,
repetition and drop-out. The net enrolment rates are below the targets set for 1996 in the National
Plan of Action, with a persisting gender gap of about 20%. This information would be missed in
information only collected from the schools themselves, since most of the children not attending
school have never enrolled. Once enrolled children rarely drop-out completely (although they may
be recorded as drop-outs in routine statistics, they often subse quently return and repeat the grade)
but frequently repeat grades. Class attendance rates are poor at less than 60% for class one. In
view of this and the lack of training in teaching skills of most teachers, high class repetition rates
are not surprising. These high rates may also be related to children under the age of six enroling
into school and are shown here to be related to lack of help with studies at home and lack of
additional study materials.
Girls are disadvantaged compared with boys by being less likely to be enrolled into school (the
main difference); also they are more likely not to attend classes and to repeat or drop-out
altogether. The disadvantage to girls is underestimated if only schools based data are considered.
It is clear from the responses to the household questionnaire and from the focus group discussions
that most parents value education for their children, even though many teachers consider parental
indifference or lack of understanding is the reason why children do not attend school. Parents
were more willing to criticise teachers in the focus groups than as individuals. They have good
intentions about sending children to school, recognising the importance of education. Indeed, they
may have unrealistic ideas of how much their children would be able to achieve as a result of
completing primary education. Their intentions towards their daughters' education are sometimes
less positive, with some parents believing education for girls is inappropriate or not worthwhile,
or even actually harmful (in terms of their marriage prospects).
Parental good intentions about sending children to school are thwarted by their inability to afford
the costs associated with this theoretically free education. The costs are quite significant, as
demonstrated by data from the household questionnaires. Parents in focus groups tended to favour
government action to improve matters, in particular by providing free materials and improving
employment prospects for parents. Estimates of the potential costs to government of providing
free materials for needy parents can be made from the figures on the mean and median costs of
educational materials given by parents in the household questionnaire.
In addition to government action, the difference in views of parents and teachers suggests dialogue
between parents and teachers may help to resolve some of the difficulties identified locally. In
regional workshops, participants felt it should be the role of school management committees to
facilitate such local dialogue.
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What is the role of the BPEP in improving the performance of the education system? There are
positive effects of the BPEP demonstrated in this cycle but they seem to be modest, and there
seems to be no narrowing of the gender gap in those areas with the BPEP in operation.
Unfortunately, it is not known whether the BPEP sites were similar (in educational performance)
to non-BPEP sites before the programme began and this makes interpretation of the findings
difficult. The effects of further interventions in the education sector could be evaluated by
including key questions about education in a future cycle of the NMIS, if intervention sites
included some from within the NMIS sample.
When considering ways to improve the performance of the education sector, positive effects of
women teachers are notable. It may be too simplistic to conclude that what is needed is to recruit
and retain more women teachers. Discussions in the regions indicated this could be very difficult
to achieve in some parts of the country, often the same areas with particularly low enrolment of
girls and low female adult literacy. Perhaps the style and teaching methods of women teachers
having a positive effect could be studied and male teachers could be trained in these aspects, to
supplement the recruitment of more women teachers. In some focus groups there was a call for
improvement in teachers' attitudes and skills; these issues could be addressed through additional
training and support for teachers in the lower classes of primary school.
Regional education officers in workshops highlighted the low status of primary school teachers;
this tends to be work people do while waiting for something better to come along. Perhaps
specific training in the special skills required for teaching young children needs to be accompanied
by other means of raising the status of primary school teachers to help retain those with an aptitude
for this work.
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REFERENCES
2. National Planning Commission. HMG Nepal. National Programme of Action for Children
and Development for the 1990s. Kathmandu, January 1992.