A HISTORY OF

INDIAN LITERATURE

BY

M. W I N T E R N I T Z , P H . D .
PROFESSOR OF INDOLOG Y AND ETHNOLOG Y AT THE G ERMAN UNIVERSITY OF PRAG UE (CZECHOSLOVAKIA)

VOL. I
INTRODUCTION, VEDA, AND NATIONAL TANTRAS EPICS,

PURAS,

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORI GI NAL GERMAN BY MRS. S. KETKAR

A N D R E VI S E D BY T H E

AUTHOR

Only Auth orised

Translation into

Englis h

PUBLISHED BY THE

UNIVERSITY

O F CALCUTTA

1927

PRINTED BY BHUPENDRALAL BANERJKE, AT THE CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PRESS, 8ENATE HOUSE, CALCUTTA.

Reg. N o . 8 4 B F e b . 1927B.

To RABINDRANATH TAGORE

The Great Poet, Educator, and Lover of Man This English Version of the " History of Indian Literature " is dedicated as a token of loving admiration and sincere gratitude by the Author.

T A B L E O F CONTENTS
PAGES

Preface to the English Translation ... Preface to the German edition ... List of Abbreviations used in the Notes Directions for Pronunciation of Indian and Words ... ...
INTRODUCTION ... ... ...

... ix-x ... xi-xiv ... xv-xix Names ... xx

... l-5l

Extent and Significance of Indian Literature ... 1-3 The Beginnings of the Study of Indian Literature in Europe ... ... ... 8-25 The Chronology of Indian Literature ... 25-30 The Art of Writing and the Transmission of Indian Literature ... ... ... 3 1 - 4 0 Indian Languages in their Relation to Literature 4 0 - 5 1 SECTION I . T H E V E D A OR THE VEDIC LITERATURE 52-310 W h a t is the Veda? ... ... ... 52-56 The gveda-Sahit ... ... ... 5 7 - 1 1 9 The Atharvaveda-Sahit ... ...119-163 The Smaveda-Sahit ... ... ... 1 6 3 - 1 6 9 The Sahits of the Yajurveda ... ... 1 6 9 - 1 8 7 The Brhmaas ... ... ...187-225 rayakas and Upaniads ... ... 2 2 5 - 2 4 7 The Fundamental Doctrines of the Upaniads ... 2 4 7 - 2 6 7 The Vedgas ... ... ... 2 6 8 - 2 8 9 The Literature of Ritual ... 2 7 1 - 2 8 2 The Exegetic Vedgas ... 2 8 2 - 2 8 9 The Age of the Veda ... ... ...290-310 SECTION I I . T H E P OP ULAR E P I C S AND THE PuRAS... 311-606 The Beginnings of Epic P oetry in India ... 3 1 1 - 3 1 6 W h a t is the Mahbhrata? ... ... 3 1 6 - 3 2 7 The P rincipal Narrative of the Mahbhrata ... 3 2 7 - 3 7 5 Ancient Heroic P oetry in the Mahbhrata ... 3 7 5 - 3 8 7

Vi

TABLE OF C ONTENTS

PAGES Brahmanical Myths and Legends in the Mah bhrata ... ... ... ... Fables, Parables and Moral Narratives in the Mahbhrata ... ... ... The Didactic Sections of the Mahbhrata ... The Harivaa, an Appendix to the Mahbhrata The Age and History of the Mahbhrata ... The Rmyaa, both a Popular Epic and an Ornate Poem ... ... ... Contents of the R m y a a ... ... The Genuine and the Spurious in the Rmyaa The Age of the Rmyaa ... ... The Puras and their Position in Indian Litera ture ... ... ... ... Survey of the Pura Literature ... ... The Tantra Literature (Sahits, gamas Tantras) ... ... ... CORRECTIONS AND A D D I T I O N S ... ... INDEX ... ... ... ... 387405 405422 422442 443454 454475 475479 479495 495500 500517 517530 530586 586606 607611 612634

P R E F A C E TO T H E E N G L I S H T R A N S L A T I O N . Both in Santiniketan, where I held the visiting professor ship at Visvabhrat University in 192223, and elsewhere in India, I often heard expressions of regret that my History of Indian Literature, written in German, was not accessible to the majority of Indian students. I talked about this to some of my Indian friends, and one day Professor Tarapore wala suggested that an English translation might be publish ed by the University of C alcutta. H e spoke about it to the late Sir Asutosh Mookerjee, the great champion and inspirer of Oriental Studies in C alcutta University, who at once showed great interest in the work, and at his suggestion the Syndicate of the University agreed to undertake the publica tion. I t was not difficult to find a translator. When I came to Poona in November 1922, to visit the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, I was introduced to Dr. S. V. Ketkar the learned Editor of the Marathi Encyclopedia, and to my great surprise he showed me two big volumes, containing a type written English translation of the first two volumes of my " History of Indian Literature." The translation, I under stood, was the work of Mrs. Ketkar who had made it for the use of her husband, not for publication. Mrs. Ketkar being German by her mother tongue, English by education, and Indian by marriage, seemed to me as if predestined for the work, and she agreed to revise and rewrite her translation for the purpose of publication. But not only the translator had to revise her work, I myself had to revise mine. The first part of the German original, dealing with Vedic literature, had been published in 1905, the second part, treating the Epic and Puranic literature,
c

PREFACE

TO T H E

ENGLISH

TRANSLATION

in 1908. I t was, therefore, necessary to revise the whole work for the English translation, in order to bring it u p to date. Many chapters had to be rewritten entirely, smaller changes, corrections and additions, had to be made almost on every page, and the more important publications of the last twenty years had to be added to the references in the Notes. Thus this English translation is at the same time a second, revised and, I hope, improved edition of the original work. I t is not for me to say how far the translator has succeeded in her task. But I know t h a t she has spared no pains to make her translation as accurate and as readable as possible. And for this it is my pleasant duty to thank her. I have also to thank my pupil Wilhelm Gampert for preparing the Index.

Trague Sept. 5th 1926.

M.

WlNTBRNITZ.

P R E F A C E TO T H E G E R M A N E D I T I O N . The publishers of this work have announced in a notice that the series in which the present volume, dedicated to the oldest period of Indian literature, appears, is intended, " not for learned circles, but for the educated people of the nation." With this idea in mind, the class of reader which I have kept constantly in view in the course of my work is the reader who as yet knows nothing of Indian literature, and possesses no special Indological knowledge of any kind :and yet not that reader who merely desires a desultory acquaintance with Indian literature in a leisure hour, but him who wants to make himself as thoroughly acquainted with it as it is at all possible without a knowledge of the Indian languages. An English, German or French literary history need only be a bare presentation of the course of development of a literature which presumably is already familiar. A history of Indian literature, however, in all eases in which there are no German translationsand this is unfortunately so in the majority of casesmust also instruct the German reader as far as possible in the contents of the literary productions, by means of quotations and summaries of the contents. I n other words : A history of the literature must be at the same time a descrip tion of the literature. Thus of the national epics and the Puras, with which the second half of the present volume deals, only few portions have so far become known in German translations. Without extensive descriptive summaries and quotations it is impossible for the reader to gain any concep tion at all of the works treated.
(xi
)

XU

PREFACE

TO

THE

GERMAN

EDITION

I n this way, indeed, the volume assumed larger propor tions than it was originally anticipated. A second considera tion also accounts for this increase in the size of the work. I t is precisely the oldest Indian literature, treated in this volume, which, with reference to chronology, is to a certain extent "hovering in the air." Not a single one of the numer ous and extensive works which belong to the Vedas to the national Epics, or to the Puras, can be ascribed with certainty even to this or that century. I t is simply imposs ible, in one sentence or in a few lines, to give information on the age of the Vedas of the Mahbhrata, of the Rmyaa and even of the Puras. Even for the general reader it is not sufficient to tell him that we do not know anything defi nite about the date of these works. It is necessary to mark off the boundaries within which our ignorance moves, and to state the grounds on which an approximate, even though only conjectural, date of these works is supported. Therefore considerable sections had to be devoted to the enquiry con cerning the age of the Vedas the Epics and the Puras. I emphasize expressly that these chapters, too, are not indeed written only for the specialist, b u t in the first place for the layman as characterised above, whom I had in view as my reader. If, notwithstanding, they contain something new for the specialist also,and probably also some points which might challenge contradiction,then it is because questions are here dealt with, which, just in recent years, have been the subject of new investigations, new discoveries, and manifold controversies. The references given in the Notes are partly intended for the specialist, in whose eyes they are to justify the editor's standpoint in the most important debatable questions. For it is a matter of course, that a book which is addressed to the " educated people of the nation," must also stand before the judgment of the specialist, and submit entirely to the same. On the other hand, in the Notes intended for the nonspecialist,

PREFACE

TO

THE

GERMAN

EDITION

xi

I have also made a point of referring to all German translations which are accessible by any meansand where these are wanting, to the English and French ones. I have utilised these translations only in a few cases, in which they appeared to me to reproduce the original in a particularly admirable manner. Where no translator is mentioned, the translations are my own. After what has been said, it will not be surprising that the originally intended size of one volume proved to be too narrow for this Indian Literary History. I am sincerely thankful to the Publisher for raising no opposition to the reasons which were given for the widening of the originally planned size, and for giving his consent for a second volume. This widening also thoroughly corresponds with the extent and the significance of Indian literature,for which I refer to the Introduction (p. 1 ff.). As the present volume deals in a certain sense with the " prehistoric " period of Indian literature,at least in their beginnings, both the Vedas and the national epics reach back to far-off epochs which cannot be fixed by means of any datesso the second volume shall begin with the Buddhist literature, and introduce the reader to the literature of the actually historical period of India. Regarding the works upon which I have drawn and to which I am indebted, the Notes to the separate sections give information. W h a t I owe to the "Akademische Vorlesungen ber Indische Literaturgeschichte" by Albrecht Weber (2nd edition, Berlin 1876) which paved the way for Indian literary historiography, and to those stimulating and valuable lectures on " Indiens Literatur und Cultur in historischer E n t w i c k l u n g " by Leopold v. Schroeder (Leipzig 1887) could naturally not be recorded in every single case. I also owe much, without always having specially mentioned it, to the valuable " Bulletins des Religions de l'Inde " by A. Barth in the Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, Tomes I, I I I , V, X I , X I V , X X V I I I f , XLIf and X L V (1880-1902). The ingenious

xiv

PREFACE

TO

THE

GERMAN

EDITION

essays of H . Ohlenberg, " Die Literatur des alten Indien " (Stuttgart and Berlin 1903) deal more with an aesthetic view and appreciation of Indian literature, which was somewhat outside the scope of my plans. The works of A. Baumgartner (Geschichte der Weltliteratur I I . Die Literaturen Indiens und Ostasiens, 3. und 4. Aufl., Freiburg i. B. 1902), A. A. Macdonell (A History of Sanskrit Literature, London 1900) and V. Henry (Les Littratures de l'Inde, Paiis 1904), though quite useful for their own purposes, hardly offered me anything new. The outlines of Indian literature by Richard Pischel in P a r t I, Section V I I (" Die Orientalischen Literaturen " ) , of the series " Die K u l t u r der Gegenwart " (Berlin and Leipzig 1906), exceedingly short, but a masterpiece in their brevity, appeared only when my MS. was already finished and partly printed. I would not wish to leave un mentioned the services rendered to me by the " Orientalische Bibliographie " by Lucian Scherman, which is so indispensable to every Orientalist. Finally, I express my sincere gratitude to all those who have written friendly reviews or offered expert criticism on the first half volume which appeared two vears ac:o.
m

Prag, Kgl. Weinberge, 15th October, 1907.

M.

WINTERNITZ.

LIST OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S U S E D I N T H E NOTES. ABA = Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie der Wis senschaften, Philol.histor. Klasse. ABayA = Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil. Klasse. A G G W = A b h a n d l u n g e n der Knigl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gttingen, Philol.histor. Klasse. A K M = Abhandlungen fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes, herausg. von der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft. Album K e r n = A l b u m K e r n : Opstellen geschreven ter eere von Dr. H. Kern.,.op zijn zeventigsten verjaardag. Leiden 1903. AMG = Annales du Aluse Guimet (Paris). Ann. Bh. I n s t . = A n n a l s of the Bhandarkar Institute, Poona. nSS = nandrama Sanskrit Series (Poona). A R = Archiv fr Religionsgeschichte. A S G W = Abhandlungen der philol.histor. Klasse der Knigl. Sachs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Aufrecht, Bodl. C at.==Th. Aufrecht, C atalogus C odicum MSS. Sanscriticorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae, Oxonii 185964. Aufrecht C C = Th. Aufrecht : C atalogus C atalogorum. = Leipzig 1891 ; I I , 1896 ; I I I , 1903. Aufrecht, Leipzig=Katalog der SanskritHandschriften der Universittsbibliothek zu Leipzig, 1901. BEFEO=Bulletin de l'cole franaise d'Extrme Orient. BenSS = Benares Sanskrit Series. Bezz. Beitr. = Beitrge zur Kunde der indogermanischen = Sprachen, herausg. von A. Bezzenberger. Bhandarkar, Report 1 8 8 2 8 3 = R . G. Bhandarkar, Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Bombay Presi dency during the year 188283, Bombay 1884.

xvi

LIST

OF

ABBREVIATIONS

Bhandarkar, Report 188384=R. G . Bhandarkar, Report etc. during the year 188384, Bombay 1887. Bhandarkar Comm. Vol. =Commemorative Essays presen ted to Sir Ramkrishna G opal Bhandarkar, Poona 1917. Bhandarkar, Vaiavism etc. = R. G . Bhandarkar, Vaia vism aivism and Minor Religious Systems (G rundriss I I I , 6, 1913). Bibl. Ind. = Bibliotheca Indica. B S G W = B e r i c h t e ber die Verhandlungen der Knigl, Schischen G esellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philol.histor. Klasse. BSOS=Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London Institution. BSS = Bombay Sanskrit Series. Bhler, Report = G . Bhler, Detailed Report of a Tour in Search of Sanskrit MSS. made in Kamir Rajputana, and Central India. (Extra Number of the J B R A S 1877). Burnell, Tanjore A. C. Burnell, A Classified Index to the Sanskrit MSS. in the Palace at Tanjore, London 1880. Cambridge History = The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I. Ancient India. Ed. by E. J. Rapson Cambridge 1922. Deussen, AG Ph = P. Deussen, Allgemeine G eschichte der Philosophie, I, 13, Leipzig 1894 (2nd ed. 1906)1908. DLZ * Deutsche Literaturzeitung. = E p . I n d . = E p i g r a p h i a Indica. E R E = Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings. Farquhar, Outline ==J. N. F a r q u h a r : An Outline of the Religious Literature of India, London 1920. Festschrift K u h n = A u f s t z e zur KuHurund Sprachge schichte vornehmlich des Orients Ernst K u h n ...gewidmet... Mnchen 1916. Festschrift Wackernagel Antidoron, Festschrift Jacob Wackernagel zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres, G ttingen X924,

LTST OF

AB B R E V I A T I O N S

XV

Festschrift Windisch=Festschrift Ernst Windisch zum 70. Geburtstag ..dar gebracht ...Leipzig 1914. GGA = Gttinger Gelehrte Anzeigen. GOS=Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Baroda. Grundriss = Grundriss der indoarischen Philologie und Altertumskunde. GSAI==Giornale della societa Asiatica Italiana. Gnrupujkaumud = Gurupjkaumud, Festgabe zum fnfzigjhrigen Doctor Jubilum Albrecht Weber dargebracht von seinen Freunden und Schlern, Leipzig 1896. Haraprasd Report I I I . = Haraprasad str Report on the Search of Sanskrit MSS. (18951900), C alcutta 1901 and (190102 to 190506), C alcutta 1905. HOS== Harvard Oriental Series, ed. by C h. R. Lanman. Ind. Hist. Qu. = The Indian Historical Quarterly, edited by Narendra Nath Law. Ind. Ant. == Indian Antiquary. Ind. Off. C at. = C atalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office, London 1887 ff. Ind. Stud. = Indische Studien, herausgegeben von A. Weber. J A = J o u r n a l Asiatique. J A O S = J o u r n a l of the American Oriental Society. J A S B = J o u r n a l of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. J B R A S = J o u r n a l of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. J R A S = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. L Z B = L i t e r arisches Zentralblatt. Mlanges Levi=Mlanges d'Indianisme offerts par ses lves M. Sylvain Lvi...Paris 1911. NGGW= Nachrichten von der Kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften Gttingen, Philolog.histor. Klasse, N S P N i r n a y a Sgara Press (Bombay).

xviii

LIST

OF

ABBREVIATIONS

OC=Transactions (Verhandlungen, Actes) of Congresses of Orientalists. O T F = O r i e n t a l Translation F u n d . P i s c h e l , K G = R . Pischel, Die indische Literatur, in Kultur der Gegenwart I , 7, 1906. Proc. I ( I I , I I I ) O C = P r o c e e d i n g s and Transactions of the First (Second, Third) Oriental Conference. R H R = R e v u e de l'histoire des Religions, Paris. RSO-= Rivista degli studi orientali, Rome. SBA=Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften. SBayA= Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wiss Phil.-histor. Kl. S B E = 3 a c r e d Books of the East (Oxford). S B H = Sacred Books Panini Office, Allahabad. of the Hindus, published by the

Schroeder, I L C - = L . von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur Leipzig 1887. S I F I =- Studi Italiani di Filologia Indo-Iranica. Smith, Early History = Vincent A. Smith, The Early History of India. F o u r t h Edition, revised by S. M. Edwardes, Oxford 1924. S W A = Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften. TSS-=Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. Weber, HSS. Verz. = A. Weber, Verzeichnis der Sanskrit und Prakrit-Handschriften der K. Bibliothek zu Berlin. Weber, H I L - = A . Weber, History of Indian Literature, F o u r t h Edition, 1904, Popular Re-issue, 1914. Winternitz-Keith, Bodl. Cat. = Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, vol. I I begun by M. Winternitz, continued and completed by A. B. Keith, Oxford, 1905,

LIST

Of

ABBREVIATIONS

XiX

W Z K M Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde des Morgenlandes. ZB=Zeitschrift chen). fr Buddhismus (Oskar Schloss, Mnder Deutschen Morgenlndischen

ZDMG=Zeitschrift Gesellschaft.

Z I I = Z e i t s c h r i f t fr Indologie und Iranistik, herausg. von der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft. ZVV-=- Zeitschrift des Vereins fr Volkskunde in Berlin.

DIRECTIONS FOR PRONUNCI ATI ON OF I N D I A N (SANSKRI T, P R A K R I T , P A L I ) NAMES AND WORDS, WRI TTEN I N ROMAN CHARACTERS.

Pronounce : fa ^ as a " n e u t r a l v o w e l " like English " short u " in but. r CRT as a vowel, like er in Scots English baker. o exi *\ as long e (in English they) and (in English stone), o ^ft ) without diphthongal character. Palatals. C ^ like ch in English child. j ~i like j in English j u s t

CD

th Z d like English " d e n t a l s " , while the Sanskrit dentals (t cT th sf d dh n rf) are pronounced like h ^ j dentals in Italian and French.
V u
f

( (or s, s) n (palatal) *) _, Sibilants. { ( c e r e b r a l ) ' } Uto M Jhrfh dap. Nasals.

m h

v (guttural) like ng in English sing "5f (palatal) gn in t r e n c h montagne (Anusvra) n in French Jean. (Visarga) " a surd breathing, a final hsound (in the European sense of h) uttered in the articulating position of the preceding vowel " (Whitney).

INTRODUCTION.
EXTENT AND SIGNIFICANCE OF INDIAN LITERATURE.

The history of Indian literature is the history of the mental activity of at least 3,000 years, as expressed in speech and writing. The home of this mental activity which has been almost uninterruptedly continuous through thousands of years, is a land which reaches from the Hindu-kush to Cape Comorin and covers an area of one and a half millions of square miles, equalling in extent the whole of Europe with the exception of Russia,a land which stretches from 8 to 35 N. Lat., that is, from the hottest regions of the Equator to well within the temperate zone. But the influence which this literature, already in ancient times, exerted over the mental life of other nations, reaches far beyond the boundaries of India to F u r t h e r India, to Tibet, as far as China, Japan and Korea, and in the South over Ceylon and the Malay Peninsula far away over the islands of the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, while to the West the tracks of Indian mental life may be traced far into Central Asia to Eastern Turkestan, where, buried in the sands of the desert, Indian manuscripts have been found. As regards its contents, Indian literature embraces everything which the word " literature " comprises in its widest sense : religious and secular, epic, lyric, dramatic and didactic poetry, as well as narrative and scientific prose. I n the foreground stands the r e l i g i o u s l i t e r a t u r e . Not only the Brahmans in their Vedas and the Buddhists in their Tipiaka, but also many others of the numerous religious sects, which have sprung up in I ndia, can produce an

INDIAN

LITERATURE

enormous number of literary workshymns, sacrificial songs, incantations, myths and legends, sermons, theological treatises, polemical writings, manuals of instruction on ritual and religious discipline. I n this literature there is an accumu lation of absolutely priceless material, which no investigator of religion can afford to pass by. Besides this activity in the sphere of religious literature, which reaches back through thousands of years, and is still being continued at the present day, there have been in India since the oldest times also heroic songs, which in the course of centuries have become condensed into two great n a t i o n a l e p i c s t h e Mahbhrata and the Rmyaa. The poets of the Indian Middle Ages during centuries drew upon the legends of these two epics, and epic poems arose, which in contradistinction to these popular epics, are designated a s o r n a t e epics. But, while these poems, on account of their exaggerated artificiality, which often exceeds all bounds, do not by any means always suit our Western taste, Indian poets have bequeathed to us l y r i c a l and d r a m a t i c works, which bear comparison for delicacy and intensity of feeling, and partly also for dramatic creative power, with the most beautiful productions of modern European literature. I n one department of literature, that of the a p h o r i s m (gnomic poetry), the Indians have attained a mastery which has never been gained by any other nation. India is also the land of the f a i r y t a l e and f a b l e . The Indian collections of fairytales, fables and prose narratives have played no insignificant part in the history of world literature. Indeed, fairytale researchthat most attractive study of fairytales and fairytale motives and of their wan derings from people to peoplehas only become an indepen dent branch of knowledge through Benfey's fundamental work on the famous Indian book of fables, the Pacatantra. But one of the peculiarities of the Indian mind is that it has never drawn a distinct line between purely artistic production and scientific work, so that a division between

INTRODUCTION
5

"belles l e t t r e s ' and didactic literature is not really possible in India. W h a t appears to us a collection of fairy tales and fables is regarded by the Indians as a manual of political and moral instruction. On the other hand, h i s t o r y and b i o g r a p h y have in India never been treated other than by poets and as a branch of epic poetry. Neither does a division between the forms of poetry and prose really exist in India. Every subject can be treated equally well in verses as in the prose form. W e find n o v e l s which differ from the ornate epics in hardly anything except that the metrical form is wanting. Since the oldest times we find a special predilection for the mixture of prose and verse. For that which we call scientific literature, the prose form has been employed in India only for a small part, whereas verse has been used to a far greater extent. This is the case in works on philosophy and law, as also in those on medicine, astronomy, architecture, etc. Indeed, even grammars and dictionaries have been written by the Indians in metrical form. There is perhaps nothing more characteristic than that there exists a great classical epic in 22 Cantos, which pursues the definitely stated aim of illustrating and impressing the rules of grammar. P h i l o s o p h y was very early a subject of literary activity in India, first in connection with the religious literature, but later also independently of the latter. Similarly, already in very early times, law and custom were,also first in connection with religion,made into subjects of a special law l i t e r a t u r e , written partly in verse and partly in prose. The importance of this law literature for the comparative study of law and social science is to-day appreciated to the full by prominent jurists and sociologists. Centuries before the birth of Christ, g r a m m a r was already studied in India, a science in which the Indians excel all the nations of antiquity. L e x i c o g r a p h y , too, attains to a high age. The Indian court poets (Kavi) of later periods did not give utterance to that which a god revealed to them, but they

INDIAN

LITERATURE

studied the rules of grammar, and searched in dictionaries for rare and poetic expressions ; they versified according to the teachings and rules which were laid down in scientific works on p r o s o d y and p o e t i c s . Since the.earliest times the Indian mind had a particular predilection for detailed analysis and for the pedantic scientific treatment of all possible subjects. Therefore we find in India not only an abundant, and partly ancient, literature on p o l i t i c s and e c o n o m i c s , m e d i c i n e , a s t r o l o g y and a s t r o n o m y , a r i t h m e t i c and geometry; but also m u s i c , s i n g i n g , d a n c i n g and d r a m a t i c a r t , m a g i c and d i v i n a t i o n , and even e r o t i c s , are arranged in scientific systems and treated in special manuals of instruction. But in each single one of the above enumerated branches of literature there has accumulated, during the course of the centuries, a mass of literary productions which it is almost impossible to survey, largely through the fact that in nearly all departments of religious literature, as well as of poetry and science, the commentators developed a very eager activity. Thus especially some of the most important and most extensive works on grammar, philosophy and law are only c o m m e n t a r i e s on older works. Very frequently other commentaries were again written on these commentaries. Indeed, it is not a rare thing for an author in India to have added a commentary to his own work. Thus, it is no matter for wonder, that the sum total of Indian literature is almost overwhelming. And in spite of the fact that the catalogues of Indian MSS. which can be found in Indian and European libraries contain many thousands of book-titles and names of authors, innumerable works of Indian literature have been lost, and many names of older writers are known only through quotations by later writers, or have even completely disappeared. All these factsthe high age, the wide geographical distribution, the extent, and the wealth, the aesthetic value

INTRODUCTION

and still moro the value from the point of view of the history of culture, of Indian literaturewould fully suffice to justify our interest in this great, original, and ancient literature. Butt here is something else in addition to this, which gives, just to Indian literature, a quite particular interest. The Indo-Aryan languages, together with the Iranian, form the most easterly branch of that great family of languages, to which also our language and indeed most of the languages of Europe belong, and which is called Indo-European. I t was indeed this very literature of India, the investigation of which led to the discovery of this affinity of languages, a discovery which was so truly epoch-making, because it threw such an astonishing new light upon the pre-historic relations between the peoples. For, from the affinity of languages, one was forced to conclude that there was a former unity of languages, and this again presupposed a closer tie between the peoples speaking these Indo-European languages. There certainly are widespread and considerable errors concerning this relationship of the Indo-European peoples prevailing even to-day. People speak of an Indo-European " r a c e , " which does not exist at all, and never has existed. One also hears at times t h a t Indians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, Germanic peoples and Slavs are of the same blood, descendants of one and the same Indo-European " primitive stock." These were far too hasty conclusions. But though it is even more than doubtful whether the peoples which speak Indo-European languages are all descended from a common origin, still it must not be doubted that a common language, this most important instrument of all mental activity, implies a r e l a t i o n s h i p of m i n d and a c o m m o n c u l t u r e . Though the Indians are not flesh of our flesh, or bone of our bone, we may yet discover mind of our mind in the world of Indian thought. I n order, however, to attain to a knowledge of the " Indo-European mind," i.e. of that which may be called the Indo-European peculiarity in thought, reflection and poetry of these peoples, it is absolutely

INDIAN

LITERATURE

essential for the one-sided knowledge of the Indo-European character, which we have acquired by the study of E u r o p e a n literatures, to be completed by an acquaintance with the Indo-European mind as evidenced in the distant East. I t is for this reason that I n d i a n l i t e r a t u r e , more especially, forms a necessary complement to the classical literature of Ancient Greece and Rome for all who would guard themselves against a one-sided view of the IndoEuropean character. Indian literature cannot, indeed, be compared with Greek literature in regard to artistic merit. The world of Indian thought has not, it is true, exercised by any means such an influence over modern European ideas as did Greek and Roman culture. But if we wish to learn to understand the b e g i n n i n g s of our own culture, if we wish to understand the oldest I n d o - E u r o p e a n culture, we must go to India, where the oldest literature of an Indo-European people is preserved. For whatever view we may adopt on the problem of the antiquity of Indian literature, we can safely say that the oldest monument of the literature of the Indians is at the same time the oldest monument of I n d o - E u r o p e a n literature which we possess. Moreover, the immediate influence which the literature of India has exercised over our own literature, too, should not be under-estimated. W e shall see that the narrative literature of Europe is dependent on the Indian fable literature in no small degree. I t is more especially German literature and German philosophy which, since the beginning of the 19th century, have been greatly influenced by Indian ideas, and it is quite probable that this influence is still on the increase, and that it will be augmented still further in the course of the present century. For that affinity of mind which is revealed to us in the unity of the Indo-European languages, is still clearly recognisable to-day, and nowhere so markedly as between Indians and Germans. The striking points of agreement between the

INTRODUCTION
1

German and Indian mind have often been pointed out. * "The Indians," says Leopold von Schroeder, " a r e the nation of romanticists of antiquity : the Germans are the romanticists of modern times." G. Brandes has already referred to the tendency towards contemplation and abstract speculation as well as to the inclination towards pantheism in the case of both Germans and Indians. Moreover, the German and the Indian character meet in many other respects, in a striking manner. I t is not only German poets who have sung of " W e l t s c h m e r z " (worldsorrow). " W e l t s c h m e r z " is also the basic idea upon which the doctrine of Buddha is built up ; and more than one Indian poet has lamented the suffering and woe of the world, the transitoriness and the vanity of all earthly things in words which remind us forcibly of our great poet of " Weltschmerz," Nikolaus Lenau. And when Heine says :
" Sweet is sleep, but death is better. Best of all is it never to be born,

he expresses the same idea as those Indian philosophers, who aspire to nothing more ardently than to that death after which there is no further rebirth. Again, sentimentality and feeling for Nature are the common property of German and Indian poetry, whilst they are foreign, say, to Hebrew or Greek poetry. Germans and Indians love descriptions of Nature ; and both Indian and German poets delight in connecting the joys and sorrows of man with the Nature which surrounds him. There is yet another, quite different province, in which we encounter the similarity between Germans and Indians. Mention has already been made of the tendency of the Indians to work out scientific systems ; and we are justified in saying that the Indians were the
) Thus especially by G. BrandeSy und ultur," I.eipzig 1887, p. 6 I. " Hauptstrmungen der Literatur des neunzehnten von Schroeder, " Indiens Literatur

Jahrhunderts," B erlin 1872, , p. 270, and by Leopold

INDIAN

LITERATURE

nation of scholars of antiquity, just as the Germans are the nation of scholars of to-day. I n the earliest ages the Indians already analysed their ancient sacred writings with a view to philology, classified the linguistic phenomena as a scientific system, and developed their grammar so highly that even to-day modern philology can use their attainments as a foundation ; likewise Germans of to-day are the undisputed leaders in all fields of philology and linguistic science. I n the field of Indian philology and in the research of Indian literature, too, the Germans have been the leaders and pioneers. Much as we are indebted to the English, who, as the rulers of India, took up the study of Indian language and literature as a result of practical needs, much as some prominent French, Italian, Dutch, Danish, American, Russian, and,which should not be forgottennative Indian scholars, have done for the investigation of Indian literature and culture,the Germans have undoubtedly taken the lion's share in publishing critical editions of texts, explaining and investigating them, and in compiling dictionaries and grammars. A brief survey of the history of Indological studies will show us this.

THE

BEGINNINGS

OF

THE IN

STUDY

OF
1

INDIAN

LITERATURE

EUROPE. *

The enormous mass of Indian literary works, which to-day can hardly be surveyed by one investigator, has been made accessible for research only in the course of little more than a century. Certainly already in the seventeenth, and still more in the eighteenth century, isolated travellers and missionaries acquired a certain kbowledge of Indian languages, and made
-) For this chapter see J 7 Windisch, E. " Goschichte der Sanskrit-Philologie und indischen

Altertumskunds," I, II (Grundriss I, 1, 1917 and 1920),

INTRODUCTION

themselves acquainted with one or another of the works of Indian literature. But their efforts did not fall on fruitful soil. Thus in the year 1651 the Dutchman Abraham Roger who had lived as a preacher in Paliacatta (Puliat) to the north of Madras, reported in his work " Open Door to the Hidden Heathendom " on the ancient Brahmanical literature of the Indians, and published some of the Proverbs of Bharthari, which had been translated into Portuguese for him by a Brahman, and which were drawn upon by Herder in later years for his " Stimmen der Vlker in Liedern." I n the year 1699 the Jesuit Father Johann Ernst Hanxleden went to India and worked there for over thirty years in the Malabar Mission. He was himself conversant with Indian languages, and his " G rammatica G ranthamia seu Samscrdu mica " was the first Sanskrit G rammar written by a European. I t was never printed, but was used by F r a Paolino de St. Bartholomeo. This Fra Paolinoan Austrian Carmelite, whose real name was J. Ph. Wessdinis undeniably the most important of the missionaries who worked at the earliest openingup of Indian literature. He was a missionary on the coast of Malabar from 1776 till 1789 and died in Rome in the year 1805. He wrote two Sanskrit G rammars and several learned treatises and books. His " Systema Brahmanicum " (Rome, 1792) and his " Reise nach Ostindien" (G erman by J. R. Forster, Berlin, 1798) show a great knowledge of India and the Brahmanical literature, as well as a deep study of Indian languages and especially of Indian religious thought. But yet his work too has left only faint traces behind.
1 }

At the same time, however, the English too had begun to concern themselves about the language and literature of the Indians. I t was no less a person than Warren Hastings, the actual founder of British rule in India, from whom

) The book appeared in Dutch in 1651 (" OpenDeure tot het verborgen H eydendom," in 1915 newly edited by W. Caland), and in a German translation in Nrnberg in 1663

10

INDIAN

LITERATURE

emanated the first fruitful stimulus for the study of Indian literature, which has never since been interrupted. H e had recognised, what the English since then have never forgotten, that the sovereignty of England in India would be secure only if the rulers understood how to treat the social and religious prejudices of the natives with all possible consi deration. At his instigation therefore a resolution was incorporated in the law which was to regulate the Govern ment of India, to the effect that native scholars should attend the legal proceedings in order to make it possible for the English judges in India to consider the statutes of Indian lawbooks at the formulation of the verdicts. And when, in the year 1773, W a r r e n Hastings was nominated as the GovernorGeneral of Bengal and entrusted with the highest powers over the whole of the English possessions in India, he had a work compiled by a number of Brahmans versed in the law, out of the ancient Indian law books, under the title of " Vivdravasetu " (" Bridge over the Ocean of Disputes ") containing everything important about the Indian law of inheritance, family law, and such like. W h e n the work was finished, no one could be found who was capable of translating it directly from Sanskrit into English. I t therefore had to be translated from Sanskrit into Persian, from which it was translated into English by Nathaniel Brassey Halhed. This translation was printed at the expense of the East India C ompany in the year 1776 under the title " A C ode of Gentoo Law." The first Englishman who acquired a knowledge of Sanskrit was C harles Wilkins, who had been urged by Warren Hastings to take instruction from the Pandits in Benares, the chief seat of Indian learning. As the firstfruits of his Sanskrit studies he published in the year 1785 an English
l

) A German translation appeared in Hamburg in 1778.

" G e n t o o " is the Anglo

Indian form of the Portuguese " gentio" " heathen," and is used to designate the Indian " heathens," i.e. the Hindus, in contradistinction to the Mohammedans,

INTRODUCTION

11

translation of the philosophical poem " B h a g a v a d g t , " which was the first time a Sanskrit book had been translated directly into a European language. Two years later there followed a translation of the book of fables, " H i t o p a d e a , " and in 1795 a translation of the akuntal episode from the M a h b h r a t a . For his Sanskrit Grammar, which appeared in 1808, Sanskrit type was used for the first time in Europe, a type which he himself had carved and cast. He was also the first who occupied himself with I ndian inscriptions and translated some of them into English. However, still more important for the opening-up of large departments of I ndian literature was the work of the famous English orientalist William Jones (born 1746, died 1794), who went to I ndia in the year 1783 in order to take up the post of Chief Justice at Fort William. Jones had already in his youth occupied himself with oriental poetry, and translated Arabic and Persian poems into English. No wonder that, when he arrived in I ndia, he transferred his enthusiasm to the study of Sanskrit and I ndian literature. Already a year after his arrival in I ndia he became the founder of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, which soon displayed an extraordinarily useful activity in the publication of periodicals, and especially in the printing of numerous editions of I ndian texts. I n the year 1789 he published his English translation of the celebrated drama " akuntal " by Klidsa. This English translation was translated into German in the year 179 L by Georg Forster, and awakened in the highest degree the enthusiasm of men like Herder and Goethe. Another work of the same poet Klidsa, the lyric poem " tusahra," was published in the original text by Jones in Calcutta in the year 1792, and this was the first Sanskrit text which appeared
1}

-) William Jones was not only a learned and enthusiastic Orientalist, bnt also the first Anglo-Indian poet. H e composed suggestive h y m n s to Brahman, Nryaa, Lakm. e t c ; s. E. F . Oaten, " A Sketch of Anglo-I ndian Literature," London 1908, p, 19 ff.

12

INDIAN

LITERATURE

in print. Of still greater importance was the fact that Jones translated into English the most famous and most reputed work of Indian legal literature, the law book of Manu. This translation appeared in Calcutta in 1794 under the title " Institutes of H i n d u Law, or the Ordinance of Manu." A German translation of this book appeared in 1797 in Weimar. Finally Jones was also the first who affirmed the certain genealogical connection of Sanskrit with Greek and Latin and its hypothetical connection with German, Celtic and Persian. H e had already also pointed out the similarities between the ancient Indian and the Graeco-Roman mythology. While the enthusiastic W. Jones, through the enthusiasm with which he brought to light Indian literary treasures, was primarily stimulating, the sober H e n r y Thomas Colebrooke, who continued the work of W. Jones, became the real founder of Indian philology and archaeology. Colebrooke had entered on his official career in Calcutta in 1782 as a youth of seventeen years, without troubling himself during the first eleven years of his sojourn in India about Sanskrit and Sanskrit literature. But when W . Jones died in 1794 Colebrooke had just learnt Sanskrit and had undertaken to translate from the Sanskrit into English, under Jones' guidance, a composition, prepared by native scholars, on the law of succession and contract, from the Indian law books. This translation appeared in 1797 and 17 98 under the title " A Digest of Hindu Law on Contracts and Successions" in four folio volumes. From that time he devoted himself with untiring zeal to the investigation of Indian literature. His interest, contrary to that of Jones, lay not so much in the poetic as in the scientific literature. Therefore we are indebted to him not only for further works on Indian law, but also for pioneer essays on philosophy and religious life, on grammar, astronomy and the arithmetic of the Indians. Moreover it was he who, in the year 1805, in the now famous essay " On the Vedas" was the first to give definite and

INTRODUCTION

13

reliable information about the ancient sacred books of the Indians. H e was also the editor of the Amarakoa and other Indian dictionaries, of the famous grammar of Pim of the " Hitopadea," and of the epic poem " Kirtrjunya." Further he is the author of a Sanskrit grammar, and edited and trans lated a number of inscriptions. Finally he amassed an exceedingly diversified collection of Indian manuscripts, which are supposed to have cost him about 10,000, and which, after his return to England, he presented to the East India C ompany. This collection of manuscripts is today one of the most valuable treasures of the library of the India Office in London. Among the Englishmen who, like Jones and C olebrooke, learned Sanskrit at about the close of the eighteenth centurv, was Alexander Hamilton. The latter returned to Europe in 1802, travelling through France, and stayed for a short time in Paris. An event then happened, which, though unpleasant for himself, was extraordinarily favourable for Sanskrit learning. Just at that time the hostilities between France and England, which had been interrupted only for a short time by the Peace of Amiens, broke out anew and Napoleon issued a command that all English people who were in France when war broke out should be prevented from returning to their homes, and be detained in Paris. Alexander Hamilton was among these Englishmen. But, in the year 1802 the German poet Friedrich Schlegel had also just come to Paris to
l) 2)

) The alleged translation of the Yajurveda which appeared in the year 1778 in French under the title " Ezourvedam " and in 1779 also in German, is a falsification, a pious was the author of the fraud. Voltaire regarded the the " EzourVeda " as declared the book fraud, which used to be ascribed to the missionary Roberto de ' Nobili' B ut W. C aland Th. Zachana? (GGA 1921, p. 157), and others deny, that he Voltaire received this alleged translation from the hands of an official returning from

Pondicherry and presented it to the Royal Library in Paris, in 1761, centenarian B rahman into French, and he frequently refers to to be a falsification.
2

book as an old commentary on the Veda, which had been translated by a venerable an authority for Indian antiquities. Already in the year 1782 Sonnerai (A. W. Schlegel, Indische B ibliothek, II, p. 50 ff.)

) C f. A . F. J. Remy, " T h e Influence of India and Persia on the Poetry of Germany,'

INDIAN

LITERATURE

stay there, except for a few intervals, till the year 1807, just during the time of A. Hamilton's involuntary sojourn. I n Germany attention had for a long time already been drawn to the efforts of English scholars. Especially the above mentioned translation of " a k u n t a l " by W. Jones had attracted much attention, and had been immediately (1791) translated into German. I n the years 179597 W. Jones's treatises had already appeared in a German translation. Also Jones's translation of Manus Law Book had been rendered into German already in the year 1797. The books of Fra Paolino de St. Bartholomeo too did certainly not remain un noticed in Germany. Above all, however, it was the Romantic School, headed by the brothers Schlegel, for which Indian literature had a special attraction. I t was indeed the time when people began to become enthusiastic about foreign literatures. Herder had already frequently directed the attention of the Germans to the Orient by means of his " Stimmen der Vlker in Liedern " (1778) and his " I d e e n zur Geschichte der Menschheit" (L78491). 1t wasche Romanti cists, however, who threw themselves with the greatest en thusiasm into everything strange and distant, and who felt themselves most especially attracted by India. From India one expected, as Friedrich Schlegel said, nothing less than " t h e unfolding of the history of the primeval world which u p till now is shrouded in darkness ; and lovers of poetry hoped, especially since the appearance of the Sokuntola to glean thence many similar beautiful creations of the Asiatic spirit, animated, as in this case, by grace and love." No wonder, therefore, that, when he made the acquaintance of Alexander Hamilton in Paris, Friedrich Schlegel at once seized the opportunity of learning Sanskrit from him. I n the years 1803 and 1804 he had the advantage of his instruction and the

N e w York, 1901, and P. Th. Hoffmann, " D e r indische und der deutsche Geist von bis zur Romantik " Diss., Tbingen, 1915.

Herder

INTRODUCTION

15

remaining years of his stay in Paris he employed in study in the Paris Library, which already at that time contained about two hundred Indian manuscripts. As the result of these studies there appeared in the year 1808 that book through which Friedrich Schlegel became the founder of Indian philo logy in Germany, namely, " Ueber die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier. Ein Beitrag zur Begrndung der Altertums k u n d e " This book was written with enthusiasm and was suitable for awakening enthusiasm. I t contained also trans lations of some passages from the Rmyaa, from Manu's Law Book, from the Bhagavadgt, and from the akuntal episode of the Mahbhrata. These were the first direct translations from Sanskrit into German; for what had previously been known of Indian literature in Germany, had been translated from the English.
1)

While Friedrich SchlegePs work was chiefly stimulating, it was his brother August Wilhelm von Schlegel who was the first in Germany to develop an extensive activity as a Sanskrit scholar by means of editions of texts, translations, and other philological works. He was also the first Professor of Sanskrit in Germany, in which capacity he was called to the newlyfounded University of Bonn in the year 1818. Like his brother, he too had begun his Sanskrit studies in Paris, namely, in the year 1814. His teacher was a Frenchman, A. L. C hzy, the first French scholar to learn and teach Sanskrit; he was also the first Sanskrit Professor at the Collge de France, and has rendered valuable services as an editor and translator of Indian works. In the year 1823 appeared the first volume of the periodical " Indische Bibliothek," founded and almost entirely written by August Wilhelm von Schlegel, containing numerous essays on Indian philology. In the same year he published also a

) A catalogue of these was published by Alexander

Hamilton

in Paris, 1807 (in con

junction with L. Langls, who translated E[amilton's notes into French).

16

INDIAN

LITERATURE

good edition of the Bhagavadgt with a Latin translation, while in the year 1829 appeared the first part of Schlegel's most important work, his unfinished edition of the Rmyaa. A contemporary of August Wilhelm von Schlegel was Franz Bopp who was born in 1791, went to Paris in 1812, in order to devote himself to the study of Oriental languages, and there learned Sanskrit from C hzy, together with Schlegel. But while the brothers Schlegel, as romantic poets, were enthusiastic over India, and took up their work in Indian literature as a kind of adventure, * Bopp joined these studies as a thoroughly sober investigator, and it was he who became the founder of a new science. C omparative Philology, which was destined to so great a future,and this by means of his book, published in 1816, " Ueber das C onjugationssystem der Sanskritsprache in Vergleichung mit jenem der griechischen, lateinischen, persischen und germanischen Sprache." I n the investigation of Indian literature, too, Bopp has rendered invaluable services. Already in his " C onjugationssystem " he gave as an appendix some episodes from the Rmyaa and Mahbhrata in metrical translations from the original text, besides some extracts from the Vedas after C olebrooke's English translation. W i t h rare skill he then singled out of the great epic Mahbhrata the wonderful story of King Nala and his faithful wife Damayant, and made it universally accessible by means of a good critical edition with a Latin tran slation. * I t is just this one, out of the countless episodes of the
1 2
l

) Thus Friedrich

Schlegel writes in a letter to Goethe

that he has set himself

the

task " of bringing to light that which has been forgotten and unappreciated," and there fore had turned from Dante to Shakespeare, to Petrarch and 0alderon to the old German heroic songs, " In this manner I had to a certain extent exhausted the European literature, and turned to Asia in order to seek a n e w adventure." Breslau, 1899, p. 37.) Aug. Wilh. von 8chlegel also writes ( A . Hillebrandt, AlfcIndien " (Indische B ibliothek, p. 8) that

he desires, by means of his essays, to point the w a y to a certain extent for those of his compatriots " who wish to taste the adventure (for a n adventure it remains after a l l ) . "
9

) Nalus Carmen Sanskritum e Mahabharato, edidit 1 itine vertit Bopp. London, 1819.

et adnotationibus

illustravit Franciscus

INTRODUCTION

17

Mahbhrata, which most completely forms a separate whole, and not only is one of the most beautiful portions of the great epic, but also, as one of the most charming creations of Indian poetic art, is most peculiarly suitable for awakening enthusiasm for Indian literature, and love for the study of Sanskrit. I t has, in fact, become almost traditional at all Western Univer sities where Sanskrit is taught, to select the Nalaepisode as the first reading for the students, for which purpose it is espec ially suitable also on account of the simplicity of the language. A number of other episodes from the Mahbhrata, too, were published for the first time and translated into German by Bopp. His Sanskrit Grammars (1827, 1832 and l834) and his " Glossarium Sanscritum " (Berlin 1830) have done very much to further the study of Sanskrit in Germany. I t was fortunate for the young science of comparative philology and for the study of Sanskrit, which was then still for a long time connected with it, that the ingenious, versatile and influential Wilhelm von Humboldt showed enthusiasm for these studies. I n the year 1821 he began to learn Sanskrit because, as he once wrote in a letter to Aug. Wilh. von Schlegel, * he had perceived " that without as thorough as possible a study of Sanskrit, very little can be accomplished either in philology or in that kind of history which is connected with it." And when Schlegel, in the year 1828, took a retrospect of Indian studies, he emphasized as particularly fortunate for the new science the fact that it " h a d found a warm friend and patron in Herrn Wilhelm von Humboldt." SchlegePs edition of the Bhagavadgt had directed Humboldt's attention to this theosophical poem. H e devoted special treatises to it, and at the time he wrote to Fr. von Gentz (1827) : " It is perhaps the deepest and loftiest thing the world has to show." Later, in 1828, when he sent to his friend his work on the Bhagavadgt, which had in the meantime been
1

) Indische B ibliothek, I. p. 433.

18

INDIAN

LITERATURE

criticized by Hegel, he wrote that, however indifferent he might be to Hegel's judgment, he greatly valued the Indian philosophical poem. " I read the Indian poem," he writes, "for the first time in the country in Silesia, and my constant feeling while doing so was gratitude to Fate for having permitted me to live long enough to become acquainted with this book." Yet another great hero of German literature remains to be mentioned, who fortunately for our science, had enthusiasm for Indian poetry. This is the German poet Friedrich Rckert, the incomparable master of the art of translation. Of the loveliest gems of Indian epics and lyrics there is indeed much which
1}

" Rustled thousands of years ago In the tops of Indian palms,"

and which, through him, has become the common property of the German peopled Till the year 1830 it was almost entirely the socalled classical Sanskrit literature which occupied the attention of European students. The drama " akuntal," the philosophic poem " Bhagavadgt," the LawBook of Manu, the proverbs of Bharthari, the fablebook " Hitopadea," and selected portions of the great epics : these were practically the chief works with which research was occupied, and which were regarded as the original stock of Indian literature. The great and allimportant province of Indian literature, the V e d a , was almost entirely unknown, and of the whole of the great B u d d h i s t l i t e r a t u r e nothing at all was known as yet. The little that was known of the Vedas up till the year 1830 was limited to meagre and incomplete information

) Schriften von Friedrich von Gent. Herausgegeben von Gustav Schlesier, 1840, Vol. V, pp. 291 and 3OO.
a

Mannheim,

Riickert'8

translations

from

Indian

classical poetry have been reedited by H. von

Glasenapp,

Indische Liebeslyrik, Mnchen, 1921.

INTRODUCTION

19

from the older writers on India. The first reliable information was given by C olebrooke in his abovementioned treatise on the Vedas in 1805.* C omparatively more was known about the Upaniads, the philosophic treatises belong ing to the Vedas. These Upaniads had been translated in the 17th century into Persian by the brother of Aurangzeb, the unfortunate Prince MohammedDara Shakoh, the son of the Great Mogul Shah Jehan. From the Persian they were translated into Latin at the beginning of the 19th century by the French scholar Anquetil du Perron under the title " O u p n e k ' h a t . " Imperfect and full of misinter pretations as the Latin translation was, it has become of importance for the history of learning, through the fact that the German philosophers Schelling, and especially Schopen hauer, became enthusiastic for Indian philosophy by means of this book. I t was not the Upaniads as we know and explain them now with all the material of Indian philology now accessible to us and our more definite knowledge of the whole philosophy of the Indians, but the " Oupnek'hat," that
2) 3) 4)

) Miscellaneous Essays, Madras, 1872, pp. 9ff. For the beginnings of Vedic research, see W

A German translation was published in Galand " De Ontdekkingsgeschiedenis ff. (English in t h e too little GG A., 1921, 148

1847.

van den Veda," Amsterdam 1918, and Th. Zachariae, Journal of Indian History, May, 1923.)
a

) The fate of this prince forms the subject of a beautiful, unfortunately

known tragedy by L. von Schroeder, " Dara oder Schah Dschehan und seine Shne " (Mitau 1891).
3

Anquetil

du Perron, too, was among those who were inspired by the See E. Windisch,

Upanisads, and SanskritPhilo India

was himself a kind of Indian ascetic. logie," pp 48 ff. *) The complete

" Die altindischen Religionsurkun

den und die christliche Mission," Leipzig, 1897, p. 15, and "Geschichte der title is : " Oupnek'hat i.e. secretum

tegendum, opus ipsa in

rarissimum, continens antiquam et arcanam s. theologicam, et philosophicam

doctrinam

e quatuor sacris Indorum libris Rak B eid Djedir B eid Sam B eid Athrban B eid excerptam : ad verbum e persico idiomate, Sanscreticis vocabulis intermixto in latinum conversum... studio et opera Anquetil du Perron...Parisiis 18Ol18O2, 4, 2 Vol." 1808. " Oupnek'hat " is a corruption of Partly translated into German, Nrnberg, veda " and " Atharvaveda."

" Upanisad " and " Rak B eid " etc. are corruptions of " gveda," " Yajurveda," " Sma*

20

INDIAN

LITERATURE

absolutely imperfect PersoLatin translation of Anquetil du Perron, which Schopenhauer declared to be " the production of the highest human wisdom." At the same time as Schopenhauer in Germany was putting more of his own philosophical ideas into the Upaniads of the Indians than he gleaned from them, there lived in India one of the wisest and noblest men that this land has produced, Rmmohun Roy, the founder of the " Brahmo Samj " (a new religious community which sought to unite the best of the European religions with the faith of the Hindus), an Indian who, out of the same Upaniads, gleaned the purest faith in God, and out of them tried to prove to his countrymen that, although the idolatry of the present Indian religions is objectionable, yefc the Indians therefore need not embrace C hristianity, but could find a pure religion in their own sacred writings, in the old Vedas if they only understood them. W i t h the object of revealing this new teaching, new though already contained in the ancient scrip tures, and causing it to be propagated by means of the religious community founded by him, the Brahmo Samj or the " C hurch of God," and also with the purpose of proving to the C hristian theologians and missionaries whom he esteemed highly, that the best of t h a t which they taught was already contained in the Upaniads,he translated in the years 18161819, a considerable number of Upaniads into English, and published a few of these in the original. * The actual philological investigation of the Vedas however, began only in the year 1838, with the edition, published in London, of the first eighth of the gveda by Friedrich Rosen who was only prevented by his premature death from completing his edition. But above all it was the great French orientalist Eugne Burnouf who taught at the
1

) Smaller fragments of the Upaniads und Sprache der Hindu. (18261830).

appeared also in Othmar Frank's " Chresto

mathia S a n s c r i t a " (18201821) and in his " Vysa ber Philosophie, Mythologie, Literatur

INTRODUCTION

21

Collge de France in the early forties of the nineteenth cenfury, and who, by gathering around him a circle of pupils who afterwards became prominent Vedic scholars, laid the foundation of the study of the Vedas in Europe. One of these pupils was Rudolph Roth who originated the study of the Vedas in Germany by his book " Z u r Litteratur und Geschichte des Weda " (On the literature and history of the Veda) published in 1846. Roth himself and a goodly number of his pupils devoted themselves in the following years and decades with a burning zeal to the investigation of the various branches of this, India's oldest literature. Another celebrated pupil of Burnouf was F . Max Mller, who had been initiated into the study of the Vedas by Burnouf at the same time as Roth. Stimulated by Burnouf, Max Mller formed the project of publishing the hymns of the gveda with the great commen tary of Syaa. This edition, essential for all further research, appeared in the years 18491875. Before this was yet completed, Th. Aufrecht had rendered invaluable services to these investigations, by his handy edition of the complete text of the hymns of the gveda (18611863). The same Eugne Burnouf who had stood by the cradle of Veda study, had also, by the " Essai sur le P a l i " published in 1826 in conjunction with Lassen, and by his " Introduction l'histoire du Bouddhisme Indien " laid the foundation of the study of Pali, and the investigation of Buddhist literature. W i t h the conquest of this great department of Veda literature, and with the openingup of the literature of Buddhism, the history of the infancy of Indology has reached its end. I t has grown into a great department of learning, in which the number of collaborators increases year by year. Now rapidly, one after the other, appear critical editions of
x) 2)

) A second improved edition was published in 18901892. text of the hymns of the gveda was published in

) A second edition of ufrecht's Bonn, 1877.

22

INDIAN

LITERATURE

the most important texts, and scholars of all countries strive in noble emulation to interpret them. * W h a t has been done in the last decades in the different provinces of Indian literature, will have to be mentioned for the most part in the separate chapters of this history of literature. Here only the principal stages on the path of Indology, the most import a n t events in its history can be briefly mentioned. Above all, mention must be made of a pupil of A. Wilh. v. Schlegel, Christian Lassen, who tried to gather together the whole of the contemporary knowledge about India, in his " Indische Alterthumskunde " which, planned on a large scale, began to appear in the year 1843 and comprised four thick volumes, the last of which appeared in 1862. The fact that this book is obsolete already to-day is not the fault of the author, but a brilliant proof of the colossal progress which our science has made in the second half of the nineteenth century. The most powerful lever, however, for this progress, and perhaps the chief event in the history of Sanskrit research was the appearance of the " Sanskrit-Wrterbuch " (Sanskrit Dictionary) compiled by Otto Bhtlingk and Rudolph Roth, published by the Academy of Arts and Sciences in St. Petersburg. The first part of this appeared in the year 1852, and in the year 1875 the work was complete in seven folio volumes a brilliant monument to German industry. I n the same year 1852, in which the great St. Petersburg Dictionary began to appear, Albrecht Weber made an attempt for the first time to write a complete history of Indian literature. The work appeared under the title " Akademische Vorlesungen ber indische Literaturgeschichte." A second
1

! ) A s early as 1823 A. W. v. Schlegel said very pertinently : "Will the English perhaps claim a monopoly of Indian literature P may keep ; but these mental (Ind. Bibl. I, 15.) It would be too late. Cinnamon and cloves they world." treasures are the common property of the educated

INTRODUCTION

23

edition appeared in 1876,* and it indicates not only a milestone in the history of Indology, but it has remained, in spite of its defects in style, which make it unpalatable for the general reader, for decades the most reliable and most complete handbook of Indian Literature. However, if one desires to get an idea of the truly astonishing progress which the investigation of Indian literature has made in the comparatively short duration of its existence, then one should read A. Wilh. v. SchlegePs essay, written in the year 1819, " Ueber den gegenwrtigen Zustand der Indischen Philologie " (On the present condition of Indian philology), in which not many more than a dozen Sanskrit books are enumerated as having been made known through editions or translations. Next one should glance at Friedrich Adelungs book, which appeared in the year 1830 in St. Petersburg, " Versuch einer Literatur der Sanskrit-Sprache " (A Study on the literature of the Sanskrit language *) in vvhich already the titles of over 350 Sanskrit books are mentioned. One should then compare with it Weber's " Indische Literaturgeschichte " which in the year 1852 (according to an approximate estimate), discusses close on 500 works of Indian literature. Then one should look at the " C a t a l o g u s C a t a l o g o r u m " published by Theodor Aufrecht in the years 1891, 1896 and l03, which contains an alphabetical list of all Sanskrit works and authors, based on the investigation of all the available catalogues of manuscripts. In this monumental work, at which Aufrecht worked for over forty years, all the catalogues of Sanskrit manuscripts of all the important libraries of India and Europe are incorporated,
2

-) An English translation of Trbner's Oriental Series.

2

Weber's

" History of Indian Literature" appeared

in

) This is rather a bibliography than a history of literature. Specimen Bonnae ad Rh. 1847.

About 230 edited texts

are mentioned by J. Gildemeister, torum

Bibliothecae Sanskritae sive recensus librorum Sanskri-

24

INDIAN

LITERATURE

and the number of available Sanskrit books in this " Catalogus Catalogorum " runs into many thousands. Yet this catalogue does not include the whole of the Buddhist literature, and all the literary works which were written in other Indian languages and not in Sanskrit. And how many new works have been discovered since 1903 ! The investigation of Buddhist literature has been greatly furthered by the " P a l i T e x t S o c i e t y " founded in the year 1882 by T. W. Rhys Davids. Albrecht Weber, again, with his great treatise " Ueber die heiligen Schriften der Jaina " (1883-1885) (on the sacred writings of the Jains) has opened up for science another great branch of literature, the writings of the J a i n s , a sect equal in antiquity to Buddhism. So much indeed has the amount of Indian Literature, which has become known, gradually increased, that now-a-days it is hardly possible any more for one scholar to master all the provinces of the same, and that the necessity arose for giving in one work an encyclopaedic view of everything which has, u p till now, been done in the separate branches of Indology. For this work which has been appearing since the year 1897 under the title " G r u n d r i s s d e r i n d o - a r i s c h e n P h i l o l o g i e u n d A l t e r t u m s k u n d e " (Encyclopaedia of Indo-aryan Philology and Archaeology) the plan was drawn u p by Georg Bhler, the greatest and most versatile Sanskrit scholar of the last decades. Thirty scholars from Germany, Austria, England, Holland, India and America banded themselves together, in order to compile the separate parts of this work, first under the editorship of Bhlerafterwards under that of Franz Kielhorn and now under that of H . Lders and J . Wackernagel. The publication of this, " Grundriss " is at one and the same time the latest and
l) 2)

- ) " I n d i s c h e Studien," Vols. 16 and 17.

2

) Published b y Karl J. Trbner in Strassburg, n o w Vereinigung

wissenschaftlicher

Verleger Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin and Leipzig,

INTRODUCTION

25

most welcome, as well as most important, event in the history of the development of Indology. If we wish to compare the knowledge of India and its literature as laid down in the volumes of this " G r u n d r i s s " which have appeared up till now, with that which Lassen was able to record in his " Indische A l t e r t u m s k u n d e " only a few decades before, then we can look with just pride at the progress which science has made in a comparatively short period of time.

T H E CHRONOLOGY OF I N D I A N

LITERATURE.

Much as has been done with regard to the o p e n i n g - u p of Indian literature, yet its actual h i s t o r y is still to a great extent wrapped in darkness and unexplored. Above all, the c h r o n o l o g y of the history of Indian literature is shrouded in truly terrifying darkness, and most of the riddles still remain to be solved by research. I t would be so pleasant, so convenient, and, especially for a handbook, so desirable if one could divide Indian literature into three or four periods, separated by definite dates, and place the different literary productions in one or the other of these periods. But every attempt of such a kind is bound to fail in the present state of knowledge, and the use of hypothetical dates would only be a delusion, which would do more harm than good. I t is much better to recognise clearly the fact that for the oldest period of Indian literary history we can give no certain dates, and for the later periods only a few. Years ago the celebrated American Sanskrit scholar W . D. Whitney gave utterance to these words which since then have often been repeated: " A l l dates given in Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down again. For the most part this is still the case to-day. Even to-day the views of the most important investigators with
x)

-) In the Introduction to his " Sanskrit Grammar," 1889).

Leipzig,

1879 (second edition,

26

INDIAN

LITERATURE

regard to the age of the most important Indian literary works, differ, not indeed by years and decades, but by whole centuries, if not even by one or two thousands of years. W h a t can be determined with some certainty, is at most only a kind of relative chronology. W e can often say : this or that book, this or that class of literature is older than a certain other ; however, with regard to its real age it is only possible to offer hypotheses. The surest mark of differentiation for this relative chronology still lies in the language. Less reliable are pecu liarities of style ; for it has often happened in India that later works have imitated the style of an older class of literature, in order to assume an appearance of antiquity. Often, indeed, also the relative chronology is spoiled, because many works of Indian literature, and just those which were the most popular, and therefore are the most important for us, have suffered manifold revisions, and have come to us in various modifica tions. If we find, for example, the Rmyaa or the Mah bhrata quoted in a book, the date of which can even only approximately be fixed, then the question always arises first, whether this quotation refers to the epics as we have them at present, or to the older versions of the same. Still greater does the uncertainty become through the fact that, of the majority of the works of the older literature, the authors' names are as good as unknown to us. They are handed down to us as the works of families, of schools, or monastic commun ities, or a mythical seer of primitive times is named as the author. When at last, we come to a time where we have to deal with the works of quite definite individual writers, then these are, as a rule, only mentioned by their family names with which the literary historian of India knows as little what to do, as probably a German literary historian with the names Meier, Schultze or Mller, when these are given without a first name. If, for example, a book under the name of Klidsa, or the name of Klidsa is men tioned anywhere, then it is by no means certain that the great

INTRODUCTION

27

poet of this name is meant, it can equally well be another Klidsa. * In this ocean of uncertainty there are only a few fixed points, which, in order not to frighten the reader too much, I would like to mention here. There is above all the evidence of language, which proves that the hymns and songs, prayers and magic formulas of the Veda, are indisputably the oldest which we possess of Indian literature. Further, it is certain that Buddhism arose in India about 500 years before C hrist, and that it presupposes the whole Vedic literature, as represented by its chief works, as practi cally finished, so that one can assert: The Vedic literature apart from its latest excrescences is on the whole preBuddhist, i.e. it was concluded before 500 B.C . Also, the chronology of the B u d d h i s t and J a i n literature is fortunately not quite so uncertain as that of the Brahmanical literature. The tradi tions of the Buddhists and the Jains with regard to the formation, or rather the collection, of their canonical works, have proved themselves fairly trustworthy, and inscriptions on the preserved ruins of temples and topes of these religious sects give us appreciable indications of the history of their literature. However, the safest dates of Indian history are those which we do not get from the Indians themselves. Thus, the invasion of A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t in India, in the year 326 B.C., is a certain date, which is of importance for Indian literary history, also, especially when it is the question whether, in any literary work or class of literature, Greek influence should be assumed. From the Greeks we also know that,
1

) The history of Indian literature encounters an additional difficulty in the frequent

occurrence of the same name in different forms, and in the circumstance that one and the same author often has two or several different names, as name synonyms and abbreviations of names are very general in India ; s. R. 0 . Franke, " Indische Genuslehren," pp. 57 ff. and GGA 1892, pp. 482 ff.

28

INDIAN

L TERATURE I

about 315 B.C. C a n d r a g u p t a , the Sandrakottos of the Greek writers, conducted successfully the revolt against the prefects of Alexander, took possession of the throne, and became the founder of the Maurya dynasty in Paliputra (the Palibothra of the Greeks, the present Patna). I t was at about the same time, or a few years later, that the Greek M e g a s t h e n e s was sent by Seleukos as ambassador to the court of Candragupta. The fragments which have been preserved of the description of I ndia, written by him, give us a picture of the state of Indian culture at that time, and enable us to draw conclusions as to the dates of several I ndian literary works. A grandson of Candragupta is the celebrated King A s ok a, who was crowned about 264 B.C.,* and from whom originate the oldest dateable I ndian inscriptions which have been found up to the present. These inscriptions, partly on rocks, partly on pillars, are the oldest evidences of I ndian script which we possess. They show us this powerful king as a patron and a protector of Buddhism, who made use of his sovereignty, which extended from the extreme north to the extreme south of I ndia, for the purpose of spreading abroad everywhere the teaching of Buddha, and who, unlike other rulers, in his rock and pillar edicts, did not narrate his own conquests and glorious deeds, b u t exhorted the people to virtuous conduct, warned them against sin, and preached love and tolerance. These singular edicts of the King Aoka are themselves precious literary monuments hewn in stone, but they are also of importance for t h e history of literature on account of their script and their language, as well as for evidences of religious history. I n the year 178 B.C., 137 years after the coronation of Candragupta, the last scion of the Maurya dynasty was hurled from the throne by a king P u y a m i t r a . The mention of this King Puyamitra, for instance, in a drama of Klidsa, is an important evidence for the determination

-) See Fleet, J R A S 1912, 239.

INTRODUCTION

29

of the date of several works of Indian literature. The same is true of the GraecoBactrian King M e n a n d e r , who reigned about 144 B.C . He appears under the name Milinda in the famous Buddhist book " Milindapafiha. Next to the Greeks it is the C h i n e s e to whom we are indebted for some of the most important datedeterminations of Indian literary history. Since the first century after Christ we hear of Buddhist missionaries who go to C hina and translate Buddhist works into C hinese, of Indian embassies in C hina and of C hinese pilgrims, who make pilgrimages to India in order to visit the holy places of Buddhism. Works of Indian literature are translated into C hinese, and the Chinese give us exact dates at which these translations were made. There are especially three C hinese pilgrims F a h i e n who went to India in the year 339 H s u a n T s a n g who made great journeys in India from 630 to 645 and I t s i n g who sojourned in India from 671 to 695 whose descriptions of their travels are preserved. These accounts give us many a valuable datum on Indian antiquity and works of literature. The chronological data of the C hinese are, contrary to those of the Indians, wonderfully exact and reliable. I t is only too true of the Indians, what the Arabian traveller A l b r n i , who in the year 1030 wrote a book on India, which is very important for us, said of them : " Unfortunately the Hindus do not pay much attention to the historical order of things, they are very careless in relating the chronological succession of their kings, and when they are pressed for information and are at a loss, not knowing what to say, they invariably take to romancing." Nevertheless, one must not believe, as it has so often been asserted, that the historical sense is entirely lacking in the Indians, In India, too, there has been historical writing ; and in any case we find in India numerous accurately dated inscriptions, which could hardly be the case if the Indians
l)

) See E. C. Sachau,

Alberuni's India, English Ed., II, pp 10

30

INDIAN

LTERAUR

had had no sense of history at all. I t is only true that the Indians, in their writing of history, never knew how to keep fact and fiction strictly apart, that to them the facts them selves were always more important than their chronological order, and that they attached no importance at all, especially in literary matters, to the question of what was earlier or later. Whatever seems good, true and right, to the Indian, that he raises to the greatest possible age ; and if he wants to impart a special sanctity to any doctrine, or if he wishes that his work shall be as widespread as possible, and gain respect, then he veils his name in a modest incognito, and mentions some ancient sage as the author of the book. This still happens at the present day, and in past centuries it was no different. I t is for this reason that so many quite modern works pass under the timehonoured name of " Upaniads " or " P u r n a s , " new, sour wine put into old bottles. The intention to deceive, however, is as a rule out of the question in these cases. I t is only that extreme indifference reigns with regard to the right of literary ownership and the desire of asserting it. Only in the later centuries does it happen that authors give their own names with full details, together with the names of their parents, grandparents, teachers, patrons, and scanty biographical notes about themselves. The authors of astronomical books generally also give the exact date of the day on which they completed their work. Since the fifth century after C hrist, i n s c r i p t i o n s too begin to give us information about the dates of many writers. I n the deciphering of inscriptions great progress has been made during the last decades. Witness thereof are the " C orpus Inscriptionum Indicarum," and the periodical " Epigraphia Indica." And it is the inscriptions to which we are not only indebted for the surest dates of Indian literary history, settled up to now, but from which we also hope to get the greater number of solutions of the chronological problems still unsolved at present.

INTRODUCTION

31

T H E A R T OF W R I T I N G AND THE TRANSMISSION OF INDIAN LITERATURE.

The inscriptions are of such great significance for us because they also give us information on the question which is certainly not unimportant for Indian literary history, namely, the question regarding the age of the art of writing in India. As we shall soon see, the history of Indian literature does not by any means begin with the written literature, and it is not actual writings, but only orally transmitted texts which belong to the oldest periods of Indian literary history. Nevertheless it is clear that the question as to the time since when literary productions have been written down and thus transmitted, cannot by any means be an indifferent one for the history of the literature. Now the oldest dateable Indian inscriptions which have been found up till now, are the above mentioned Edicts of King Aoka of the third century before Christ. However, it would be quite wrong, if one were to form the conclusionas Max Mller has donethat the use of writing in India does not date back to an earlier age. Palaeographic facts prove undeniably that writing cannot have been a new invention as late as the time of Asoka but must already have had a long history behind it. The oldest Indian script, from which the Ngar script, the best known in Europe, and all the numerous alphabets used in Indian manuscripts are derived, is called " Brahma script," because it is supposed to have been invented, according to the Indian myth, by the C reator, the god Brahman himself. According to G. Bhlers comprehensive researches, * this script goes back to a Semitic origin, namely, to the oldest North Semitic characters, as they are found in Phoenician inscriptions, and on the stone
1

) " Indische Palaeographie " in the " Grundriss " I. 2, and " On the Origin of the Indian B rahma Alphabet," 2nd ed., Strassburg, 1898.

32

INDIAN

LITERATURE

of Mesa about 890 B. C. Probably it was by merchants perhaps already about 800 B. C.that writing was introduced into India. For a long time, probably, it must have been used entirely for commercial purposes, records, correspondence, calculations, and so on. When afterwards writing began t o b e used also for the minutes of embassies, proclamations, records and so on in the Royal Chanceries, the kings must also have employed learned grammarians, Brahmans, who adapted the foreign alphabet more and more to the needs of Indian phonetics, and out of the 22 Semitic characters, elaborated a complete alphabet of 44 letters, as the oldest inscriptions already show it. However, since when writing has also been used in India for the recording of literary productions is a much debated question, which is hard to answer. Certain proofs of the existence of manuscripts, or even only authentic reports on the writing-down of texts do not exist from olden times. In the whole of Vedic literature it has not, up till now, been possible to find any proof of the knowledge of writing. I n the Buddhist canon, which was probably completed about 240 B. C , there is no mention of manuscripts, although in it there are numerous proofs of an acquaintance with the art of writing, and its extensive use at that time. Writing is there spoken of as a distinguished branch of learning, it was expressly permitted to the Buddhist nuns to occupy themselves with the art of writing ; we hear of monks, who through written praise of religious suicide, cause the death of others ; it is said that " a registered thief " (i.e. a thief whose name is written down in the King's palace) may not be admitted into the order as a monk ; a game of letters is mentioned; and it is said that parents should have their children instructed in writing and arithmetic. Yet in the sacred books of Buddhism there is not to be found the least indication of the fact that the books themselves were copied
1}

-) This consists of the guessing of letters drawn in the air or on a playmate's back.

INTRODUCTION

33

or read. This is all the more striking because in the sacred texts of Buddhism we are informed of all possible, even most insignificant, details in the lives of the monks. " From morning till evening we can follow the monks in their daily life, on their wanderings, during their rest, in their solitude, and in their intercourse with other monks or laymen ; we know the furniture of the rooms inhabited by them, their utensils, the contents of their store-rooms ; but nowhere do we hear that they read or copied their sacred texts, nowhere that such things as writing materials or manuscripts were owned by anybody in the monasteries. The memory of the brethren "rich in hearing "what we now call well-read was at that time called rich in hearingtook the place of monastic libraries; and if, in a community, the knowledge of an indispensable text, for instance, the confession formula which had to be recited in the assembly of brethren at every full-moon or new-moon threatened to disappear, then they followed the instructions prescribed in an old Buddhist rule for the community : " F r o m amongst those monks one monk shall without delay be sent off to the neighbouring community. To him shall be said : Go brother, and when you have memorized the confession formula, the full one or the abridged one, then return to us." Wherever the preservation of the teachings of the Master and of the sacred texts is spoken of, there is nowhere a mention of writing and reading, but always only of hearing and memorizing.
l)

From such facts one would conclude that at the time, that is, in the fifth century B. C. the idea of the possibility of writing b o o k s had not as yet occurred at all. Such a conclusion, however, would be too hasty, for it is a strange phenomenon that in India, from the oldest times, up till the present day, the spoken word, and not writing, has been the basis of the whole of the literary and scientific activity.
l

) H. Oldenberg, " Aus Indien und Iran," Berlin, 1889, pp. 22. .

34

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Even today, when the Indians have known the art of writing since centuries, when there are innumerable manuscripts, and when even a certain sanctity and reverence is accorded to these manuscripts, when the most important texts are accessible also in India in cheap printed editions, even today, the whole of the literary and scientific intercourse in India is based upon the spoken word. Not out of manuscripts or books does one learn the texts, but from the mouth of the teacher, today as thousands of years ago. The written text can at most be used as an aid to learning, as a support to the memory, but no authority is attributed to it. Authority is possessed, only by t h e spoken word of the teacher. If today all the manuscripts and p r i n t s were to be lost, that would by no means cause the disappearance of Indian literature from the face of the earth, for a great portion of it could be recalled out of the memory of the scholars and reciters. The works of the poets, too, were in India never intended for readers, b u t always for hearers. Even m o d e r n poets do not desire to be read, but their wish is that their poetry may become " an adornment for the throats of the e x p e r t s . " Therefore the fact, that in the older literary works there is no mention of manuscripts, is not absolutely a proof of the nonexistence of the latter. Perhaps they are not mentioned only for the reason that the writing and reading of them was of no importance, all teaching and learning being done by word of mouth. Therefore it is yet p o s s i b l e that already in very ancient times also books were copied and used the same as now, as aids to instruction. That is the opinion of some scholars. * Yet it seems to me worthy of notice that in the later litera turein the later Puras, in Buddhist Mahyna texts, and
2) 2

) G. Bhler, " Indische Palaeographie " (Grundriss I. 2 ) , pp. 3 f. ) On t h e age of the art of writing in India, s. also Barth, RfR 4 1 , 1 9 0 0 , 1 8 4 ff. = Oeuvres II, 317 ff. The arguments brought forward by Shyamaji worthv of notice. Krishnavarm, O0 VI, Leyden well 1883, pp. 305 ff. for the knowledge and use of writing, even at the Vedic period, are

INTRODUCTION

36

in modern additions to the old epicthe copying of books and the presentation of the same is praised as a religious act, while in the whole of the older literature no trace of it is to be found. I t is also significant that the old works on phonetics and grammar, even the " Mahbhya " of Patajali in the second century B.C ., take no notice whatsoever of writing, that they always treat of spoken sounds and never of written characters, and that the whole grammatical terminology always has only the spoken word, and never the written text in view. From all this it is after all p r o b a b l e , that in ancient times there were no written books in India. For this strange phenomenon, namely that the art of writing had been known for centuries, without having been used for literary purposes, there are several possible reasons. First of all there was probably a want of suitable writing material ; but this would have been found, if there had been a strong need of it. Such a need however, was not only not present, but it was to the interest of the priests, who were the bearers of the oldest literature, that the sacred texts which they taught in their schools, should not be committed to writing. By this means they kept a very lucrative monopoly firmly in their hands. H e who wished to learn something, had to come to them and reward them richly ; and they had it in their power to withhold their texts from those circles whom they wished to exclude from sacred knowledge. How important was the latter to them we are taught by the Brahmanical lawbooks, which repeatedly emphasize the law that the members of the lowest castes (the dras and the Cdlas) may not learn the sacred texts ; for impure as a corpse, as a burial place, is the dra therefore the Veda may not be recited in his vicinity. I n the old lawbook of G a u t a m a it is said : " If a dra hears the Veda, his ears shall be stopped with molten tin or lac, if he repeats the sacred texts, his
l)

) X H , 4 6 .

INDIAN

LITERATl'Ilk

tongue shall be cut out, if he stores them in his memory his body shall be struck in two." Then how could they have written down their texts and thus exposed themselves to the danger that they might be read by the unauthorized ? Moreover the transmission of the texts through the mouth of the teacher was an old-established method for their preservation, why should they replace it by writing, this new-fashioned invention ? And the chief reason for the fact that writing was for so long not used for literary purposes, is probably to be found in the fact that the Indians only became acquainted with the art of writing at a period when they had already since a long time possessed a rich literature that was only orally transmitted. Certain it is, that the whole of the most ancient literature of the Indians, Brahmanical as well as Buddhist, arose without the art of writing, and continued to be transmitted without it for centuries. * Whoever wished to become acquainted with a text had to go to a teacher in order to hear it from him. Therefore we repeatedly read in the older literature, that a warrior or a Brahman, who wished to acquire a certain knowledge, travels to a famous teacher, and undertakes unspeakable troubles and sacrifices in order to participate in the teaching, which cannot be attained in any other manner. Therefore to a teacher, as the bearer and preserver of the sacred knowledge, the highest veneration is due, according to ancient Indian law ;as the spiritual father he is venerated, now as an equal, now as a superior, of the physical father, he is looked upon as an image of the god Brahman, and to him who serves the teacher faithfully and humbly, Brahman's heaven is assured. Therefore also the introduction of the pupil to the teacher who is to teach him the sacred texts is
x) 2

i ) Compare especially T. W. Rhys Davids, *) I - t s i r g (Trnsl. Takaknsu, pp. 182 f.) the Vedas wore still only handed down orally.

11

Buddhist India," London, 1903. pp. 112 f.

mentions that in his time (7th century A.D.)

INTRODUCTION

37

one of the most sacred ceremonies from which no Hindu could withdraw himself without risking to lose his caste. A book existed only when and only so long as there were teachers and pupils, who taught and learned it. W h a t we call various branches of literature, different theological and philo sophical systems, different editions or recensions of a work, were in ancient India in reality different schools, in which certain texts continued to be taught, heard and learned from genera tion to generation. Only if vve keep this in view can we under stand the whole development of the oldest Indian literature. I t also must be considered, that the method of handing down was quite different in the case of the religious texts from that of the secular. The religious texts were held sacred, and accuracy in learning was in their case a strict requirement of religion. Word for word, with careful avoidance of every error in pronunciation, in accent, in the manner of recitation, the pupil had to repeat them after the teacher and impress them on his memory. There can be no doubt that this kind of oral transmission giyes a greater guarantee for the preservation of the original text than the copying and recopying of manuscripts. Indeed, we haveas we shall see laterdirect proofs that, for example, the songs of the gveda as we read them today in our printed editions, have remained almost unaltered, word for word, syllable for syllable, accent for accent, since the fifth century B.C . I t was otherwise, no doubt, with secular works, especially with the epic poems. There the texts were certainly exposed to numerous disfigurements, there every teacher, every reciter, considered himself entitled to alter and to improve, to omit and to add, ad libitumand criticism here faces a difficult, often impossible, task when it desires to restore such texts to their oldest and most original form. Nevertheless oral trans mission, where it is still possible to resort to itand this is so in the case of the oldest Veda text with the help of the old phonetic manuals of instruction ( Prtikhyas) and in other

38

INDIAN

LITERATURE

cases often with the help of commentariesis the most valuable aid to the reconstruction of our texts. For the manuscripts, from which we obtain most of our texts, reach but seldom to a great age. The oldest writingmaterials on which the Indians wrote are palmleaves and strips of birch bark ; and it is significant of the conservative mind of the Indians that even today, in spite of their acquaintance with the much more convenient paper, and in spite of the general use of print, manuscripts are still written on palm leaves. Both materials are very fragile, and in the Indian climate quickly perishable. Thus it happens that the vast majority of manuscripts which we possess, and from which practically all our text editions are made, only date from the last few centuries. Manuscripts from the fourteenth century already are amongst the greatest rarities. Only a few manuscripts found in India proper date back to the eleventh and twelfth century.* However, the oldest Indian manuscripts were found in Nepal, Japan and Eastern Turkestan. The manuscripts found in Nepal date back as far as the tenth century, and in Japan manuscripts on palm leaves have been discovered which date from the first half of the sixth century. Since the year 1889 there have been finds of manuscripts in Kashgar and its environs which take us back to the fifth century, and M. A. Stein, in the year 1900, dug up out of the sand in the desert of Taklamakn near Khotan five hundred small tablets of wood covered with writing, which reach back to the fourth century and are perhaps older still. Also by means of the Prussian Turfan Expedition and the more recent discoveries of M. A. Stein, fragments of manuscripts from the earliest centuries after C hrist have been brought to light. *
2

*) Kielhom

discovered the oldest manuscripts of Western India, of the 11th century.

(Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. in the B ombay Presidency during the year 188081, Bombay, 1881.) s ) See Lders, "Ueber die literarischen Funde von Ostturkestan," SB A, 1914, pp. 9 0 ff.

INTRODUCTION

Wood as a writing material is already mentioned in the Buddhist writings, and the use of it must be very old. The use of palm leaves also can be traced back to the first century after C hrist. Rarely in India were cotton stuff, leather, metal and stones used as writing materials. The Buddhists mention here and there the writing, not only of documents, but also of verses and maxims, on gold plates. A gold plate with a votive inscription has also been preserved to us. Records and even small manuscripts, on silver plates, have often been found in India. Very frequently, however, copper plates were used for the writing of documents, especially deeds of gift, and such have been preserved in great numbers. The C hinese pilgrim HsanTsang reports that the King Kanika had the sacred writings of the Buddhists engraved on copper tablets. Whether this is based on truth, we do not know, but it certainly is credible, for even literary works also have been found on copper tablets. I t would hardly be credible that in India literary works were also hewn into stone, if, a few years ago, inscriptions on stone slabs had not been found in Ajmere which contained entire dramatic writings, albeit, dramas of a king and his court poet. The great majority, however, of the Indian manuscripts on which our texts rest, are written on paper. But paper was first introduced into India only by the Mohammedans, and the oldest paper manuscript is supposed to have been written in the year 12234 after C hrist. I n spite of the abovementioned predilection of the Indians for oral teaching and learning, yet already many centuries ago they began to collect manuscripts, and to pre serve them in libraries. Such libraries" treasurehouses of the Goddess of Speech " (sarasvatbhagra) as the Indians call themexisted and even now exist in numbers in monas teries and temples, in the palaces of princes,, and even in the private houses of the wealthy. I t is reported of the poet

40

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Ba (about 620 after C hrist) that he kept his own reader, so he must have possessed a considerable private library. I n the eleventh century K i n g Bhoja of Dhr had a famous library. I n the course of centuries these libraries became exceedingly well stocked. Thus Bhler found in two Jain libraries in Khambay over 30,000 manuscripts, and in the Palace library of Tanjore in Southern India over 12,000 manuscripts. The systematic investigation of these Indian libraries, and the thorough search for manuscripts, extending over the whole of India, began in the year 1868, though C ole brooke and other Englishmen had, already before that, brought fairly large collections of manuscripts to Europe. However, in the year 1868 Whitley Stokes, wellknown as a Keltic scholar and at that time Secretary of the Indian C ouncil at Simla, started a complete cataloguing of all Sanskrit manu scripts, and since then the Indian Government has for years, in the Indian annual budget granted a large sum (24,000 Rupees) for the purpose of the "Search of Sanskrit manu scripts.' Thus it is through the munificence of t h e Anglo Indian Government and through the untiring industry of English, German and Indian scholars, that we now possess, to a considerable degree, a survey of the whole, enormous mass of Indian literature, so far as it is accessible in manuscripts.

INDIAN

LANGUAGES

IN

THEIR

RELATION

TO

LITERATURE. *

The whole of this vast literature which has thus been handed down to us, is for the most part composed in Sanskrit. Yet the terms " Indian literature " and " Sanskrit literature " are by no means identical. The history of Indian literature in the most comprehensive sense of the word is the history of

) See JR. Q. Bhandarkar,

J R A S 16, 245 ff.j 17, 1 ff., and O. Qrierson, B SOS I. 3, 1920 B

pp. 51 ff.

INTRODUCTION

41

a literature which not only stretches across great periods of time and an enormous area, but also one which is composed in m a n y l a n g u a g e s . Those languages of India which belong to the Indo-European family of languages, have passed through three great phases of development, partly consecutive in time, but partly also parallel. These are : I. A n c i e n t I n d i a n , I I . T h e M i d d l e I n d i a n languages and dialects, I I I . T h e M o d e r n I n d i a n languages and dialects. I. Ancient Indian.

The language of the oldest Indian literary monuments, of the songs, prayers and magic formulas of the Vedas is sometimes called " Ancient Indian " in the narrower sense, sometimes also " V e d i c " (inappropriately also "Vedic Sanskrit"). " Ancient H i g h Indian " is perhaps the best name for this language, which, while based on a spoken dialect, is yet no longer an actual popular language, but a literary language transmitted in the circle of priestly singers from generation to generation, and intentionally preserved in its archaic form. The dialect on which the Ancient High Indian is based, the dialect as it was spoken by the Aryan immigrants in the North-west of India, was closely related to the Ancient Persian and Avestic, and not very far removed from the primitive Indo-Iranian language. * Indeed, the difference between the language of the Vedas and this primitive IndoIranian language seems to be less, perhaps, than that between the Indian languages Sanskrit and Pali. The Vedic language
x) 2

It is called thus by Rhys Davids,

" Buddhist India," p. 153,

- ) This is the common original language to be inferred from a comparison of the language of the Veda with the Old Persian of the cuneiform inscriptions and the language of the Avesta.

42

INDIAN

LITERATURE

hardly differs at all from Sanskrit in its phonetics, but only through a much greater antiquity, and especially through a greater wealth of grammatical forms. Thus for instance, Ancient High Indian has a subjunctive which is missing in Sanskrit ; it has a dozen different infinitiveendings, of which but one single one remains in Sanskrit. The aorists, very largely represented in the Vedic language, disappear in the Sanskrit more and more. Also the case and personal endings are still much more perfect in the oldest language than in the later Sanskrit. A later phase of Ancient High Indian appears already in the hymns of the tenth book of the gveda and in some parts of the Atharvaveda, and the collections of the Yajur veda. On the other hand, the language of the Vedic prose writings, of the Brhmaas, rayakas and Upaniads, has preserved only a few relics of Ancient High Indian, on the whole the language of these works is already what is called " S a n s k r i t , while the language of the Sutras belonging to the Vedgas only in quite exceptional cases shows Vedic forms, but is essentially pure Sanskrit. Only the numerous M a n t r a s , taken from the ancient Vedic hymns, i.e. verses, prayers, spells, and magic formulas, which we find quoted in the Vedic prose writings and the Sutras, belong, as regards their language, to Ancient H i g h Indian. The Sanskrit of this most ancient proseliteratureof the Brhmaas rayakas Upaniads and of the Sutrasdiffers little from the Sanskrit which is taught in the celebrated grammar of Pini (probably about fifth century B. C ) . The best designation is perhaps *' Ancient Sanskrit." I t is the language which was spoken in Pini's time, and probably earlier too, by the educated, principally by the priests and scholars. I t is the Sanskrit of which Patajali, a grammarian of the second century B. C , still says that in order to learn it correctly one must hear it from the " ias" that is, from the learned Brah m a n s who were well versed in literature. But that the sphere
5

INTRODUCTION

43

of people speaking Sanskrit extended much furtherto all " educated people "we learn from the same Patajali, who tells us an anecdote, in which a grammarian converses. in Sanskrit with a charioteer and the two have a discussion on etymologies. When in Indian dramas, the languages are so distributed that the king, the Brahmans, and nobles speak Sanskrit, while the women and all the common people use the vulgar tongues, only with the noteworthy exception that a few educated women (nuns and courtesans) occasionally speak Sanskrit, whereas uneducated Brahmans are introduced speak ing popular dialects, then most probably the use of the languages in real life is reflected thereinand not only of the period after C hrist, when these dramas were composed, but also of much earlier centuries. Sanskrit was certainly not a popular language, but the language spoken in wide circles of educated people, and understood in still wider circles. For, as in the drama dialogues occur between Sanskritspeaking and Prakritspeaking persons, so too in real life Sanskrit must have been understood by those who did not speak it them selves,* Also the bards, who recited the popular epics in the palaces of kings and in the houses of the rich and nobles, must have been understood. The language of the epics is

) The linguistic conditions of ancient India, of which the dramas give us such a good It still happens that in a rich house 0. A. Grierson describes a case known

idea, have altered very little up to the present day. and dialects are spoken and generally understood. spoken. while from

with a large staff of servants who come from different districts, a dozen different languages to himself, where in one house in B engal, no less than thirteen languages and dialects are The master of the house speaks to Europeans in the refined B engali language, in ordinary life he uses the B engali of everyday intercourse, which differs widely the literary language. His wife comes from a place at a distance of His one secondary

hundred miles, and speaks the peculiar women's dialect of that district. when she is angry.

wife, whose ordinary colloquial language is the Urdu of Lucknow, lapses into a jargon The manager of his business speaks Dhk while among the servants They all It very perfectly, although each one speaks his own dialect. some speak Uriy others B hojpur, Awadh Maithili, Ahr and Chagaiy. understand each other

rarely happens that one of them uses the dialect of the person whc m he is addressing. (Ind. Ant., 30, 1901, p. 556.)

44

INDIAN

LITERATURE

likewise Sanskrit. W e call it " E p i c Sanskrit," and it differs but little from the " C lassical Sanskrit," partly in that it has preserved some archaisms, but more in that it keeps less strictly to the rules of grammar and approaches more nearly to the language of the people, so that one may call it a more popular form of Sanskrit. But there would never have been popular epics written in Sanskrit,* if Sanskrit had not once been a language that was widely u n d e r s t o o d s i m i l a r l y as today in Germany Modern High German is universally under stood, although it differs essentially from all spoken dialects. That Sanskrit is a " high language " or " class language " or " literary language whatever we may call it in contrast to the actual language of the peoplethe Indians themselves express through the name " Sanskrit." For Sanskrit S a s k t a , as much as " m a d e ready, ordered, prepared, perfect, pure, sacred "signifies the noble or sacred language, in contradistinction to " P r a k r i t " p r k t a , as much as " original, natural, ordinary, common "which signifies the " common language of the people." Yet Sanskrit should never be spoken of as a " dead lan guage, rather as a " fettered" language, inasmuch as its natural development was checked, in that, through the rules of the grammarians, it was arrested at a certain stage. For through the Grammar of Pini in about the fifth century B. C , a fixed standard was created, which remained a criterion for the Sanskrit language for all future times. W h a t we call " C l a s s i c a l S a n s k r i t " meansPini's Sanskrit, t h a t is, the Sanskrit which according to the rules of Pini's Grammar, is alone correct. * In the " fetters " of this Grammar, however, the
93 99 2

) I t has been suggested that the popular epics were originally composed in dialect This supposition, however, lacks all evidence determined by t h e Indian grammarians is called done, people speak of " Vedic Sanskrit " the

and were later translated into Sanskrit, ) Only this literary language Sanskrit by the Indians. as

from facts, as H. Jacdbi (ZDMG, 48, 407 ff.) has shown. If, as it is often

term " Sanskrit " is extended to Ancient Indian.

INTRODUCTION

45

language still continued to l i v e . The great mass of poetic and scientific literature, throughout a thousand years, was produced in this language, the " C lassical Sanskrit." Moreover Sanskrit is not a " dead " language even today. There are still at the present day a number of Sanskrit periodicals in India, and topics of the day are discussed in Sanskrit pamphlets. Also the Mahbhrata is still today read aloud publicly, which presupposes at least a partial understanding. I have myself observed with pleasure and surprise, that scenes from such ornate Sanskrit dramas as Mudrrkasa and Uttararma carita performed on a primitive stage at Santiniketan, were understood and greatly appreciated by a large audience of students, both men and women. To this very day poetry is still composed and works are still written in Sanskrit, and it is the language in which Indian scholars even now converse upon scientific questions. Sanskrit a t t h e l e a s t plays the same part in India still as Latin in the Middle Ages in Europe, or as Hebrew with the Jews.*

) There are epigraphical grounds for assuming that Sanskrit is a modification of a

Northern Indian dialect, which was developed by schools of grammar, and which in histori cal times spread slowly throughout India among the educated classes ; see Bhler, Ep. Ind, I p. 5. Sanskrit is called a sacred language (brhm vc) in the Mahbhrata I. 78, 13, society. C f. Michelson, today Windisch, JAOS 33 Deussen and it probably always was the language of a certain class of JRAS., 1904, 747 (" Erinnerungen Sanskrit f.; W. Petersen. JAOS., 32,

Ueber den sprachlichen Charakter des Pali ( 0 0 . , X I V , Paris, 1906), pp. 14 ff.; Thomas 1912, 414 ff. ; T. the India of 1913, 145 ff. About the wide use of Sanskrit in Paul

an Indien," Kiel. 1904, pp. 2 f.) says : elegance, not classical

" N o t only the professional able to handle it as well private

scholars, as especially the native Sanskrit Professors of the Indian Universities, speak with great only their hearers are aR our students of facility : philology can handle Latin, bat the numerous

scholars, saints, ascetics, and even wider circles

can speak and write Sanskrit with Maharaja of B enares :

I have repeatedly conversed in it for hours with the

manufacturers, industrials, merchants, partly speak it or understand what is spoken : in every little village m y firfet enquiry was for one who speaks Sanskrit, whereupon imme diately o n e or another friend." wfcat he had said. came forward, w h o usually became m y guide, indeed often m y When h e gave lectures in English, h e was often invited to repeat in Sanskrit

" After this had been done, a discussion followed in which some spoke

English, others Sanskrit, yet others Hindi, which therefore was also understood, to a

46

INDIAN LITERATURE

Summing up, I would, therefore, divide Ancient Indian in its relation to literature as follows : 1. Ancient High Indian : (a) Language of the oldest hymns and mantras, especially of those of the gveda. () Language of the later hymns and mantras, especially those of the other Vedas besides of the mantras occurring only in the B r h m a a s a n d Sutras. 2. Sanskrit. (a) Ancient Sanskrit, the language of the Vedic prose works (with the exception of the Mantras) and of Pini. (b) Epic Sanskrit, the language of the popular epics. (c) C lassical Sanskrit, the language of the C lassical Sans krit literature after Pini.

II.

The Middle I n d i a n L a n g u a g e s a n d D i a l e c t s .

Simultaneously and parallel with the development of Sanskrit proceeded the more natural further development of. the popular dialects spoken by the Aryan Indians. The lan guages and dialects which we distinguish as "Middle I n d i a n " are not indeed derived directly from the Sanskrit, but rather from the I n d o A r y a n p o p u l a r l a n g u a g e s which underlie the Ancient High Indian and the Sanskrit, or are related to the two latter. C onsidering the size of India, it is not to be wondered at that, with the gradual spreading of the Aryan

certain extent, because pure Hindi differs from Sanskrit in little more than by the loss of inflectional endings. Hence every H i n d u understands as much of Sanskrit as an Italian of Latin, especially as, in the real Hindustan, t h e script has remained t h e same : and a smattering of Sanskrit can be traced down to the circles of servants and the lower classes wherefore a letter to B enares with only a Sanskrit address will without difficulty reach its destination, through every postal messenger." also S. Kri>hnavarma 1885, 268 ff., 327 ff. ; Wwdisch, A s to Sanskrit as a " l i v i n g " language, see J RAS., 16, B in OC V B erlin, 1881, II b, p. 222 j R. G. Bhandarkar,

OC X I V , Paris, 1897, I. 257, 266 ; Hertel, Tantrkhyyika,

Transi, I., pp. 8 ff., and HOS., Vol. X H pp. 80 ff.

INTRODUCTION

47

immigrants from the West to the East and the South, a large number of varying dialects were formed. Of the diversity of these dialects we get an idea from the oldest Indian inscrip tions, which are all written in Middle Indian and not in Sanskrit. Quite a number of such popular languages, more over, have been raised to the rank of literary languages. Only these shall be briefly enumerated here : 1. The most important of the Middle Indian literary languages is Pli the ecclesiastical language of the Buddhists of C eylon, Burma and Siam the language in which the oldest preserved collection of sacred writings of Buddhism is written. The Buddhists themselves tell us that the Buddha did not, like the Brahmans, preach in the learned Sanskrit, but talked to the people in the language of the people. As Buddha first preached in the land of Magadha (Southern Bihar), and there displayed his best activity, therefore the Buddhists tell us that Pali is the same as Mgadh, the language of the province of Magadha. However, that cannot be right, as the dialect of Magadha which is otherwise known to us does not agree with Pali. I t is, however, probable that Pali is a mixed language the foundation of which was Mgadh. * The word Pali really signifies " r o w , " then "order, regulation, rule," hence also " sacred text " and finally the language of the sacred texts, in contradistinction to the Ancient Sinhalese, the language in which the commentaries to these texts were composed.
1

2. Besides the Pali literature there exists also a Buddhist Sanskrit literature. Now in these Buddhist works there is frequently only the prose in Sanskrit, while the interspersed metrical pieces, the socalled " Gths " (i.e. " songs " or "verses") are composed in a Middle Indian dialect, which
) This is the view of E, Windisch, " Ueber den sprachlichen Charakter des Pah " ( O C , XIV, Paris, 1906) and of G. A. Onerson, B handarkar Com. Vol., 117 ff. The latter agrees w i t h Sten Konow (ZDMG 64, 1910, 114 ff.), that Pali is similar to PaificPrfikrit The latter was probably the local dialect of Eastern Gndhra and the district of Taxila, a famous seat of learning at the time of B uddha

48

INDIAN

LITERATURE

has therefore been called " G t h d i a l e c t . " But this term is not quite appropriate, as the same dialect is found also in prose portions, and even whole prose works are written in it. I t is an old Indian dialect, which through the insertion of Sanskrit terminations and other Sanskritisms in a rather crude manner, tries to approach the Sanskrit, wherefore Senart suggested for it the designation " mixed Sanskrit." 3. Like the Buddhists, the Jains too did not use Sanskrit for their sacred writings, but Middle Indian dialects, indeed two different Prakrits : (a) The J a i n a P r a k r i t (also called Ardhamgadh or ra), the language of the older works of the Jaina Canon. () The J a i n a M h r t r , the language in which the commentaries to the Jaina C anon and the nonreligious poeti cal works of the Jainas are written. * This dialect is closely related to t h a t Prakrit, which has been used most frequently as a literary language for secular writing, namely 4. The M h r t r , the language of Mahrtra, the land of the Marathas. This is universally considered the best Prakrit, and when the Indians speak simply of Prakrit then they mean Mhrtr. I t was used principally for lyric poetry, especially also for the lyric parts in the dramas. However, there are also epic poems in Mhrr. Other important Prakrit dialects which are used in the drama are : 5. The a u r a s e n , which in the prose of the dramas is chiefly spoken by highborn women. Its foundation is the dialect of rasena, the capital of which is Mathur.
1} 2 ) 3

) S e e S. Lefmann.

ZDMG 212 ff. : and E. Senart, Ind. Ant., 21, 1892, 243 ff. For the whole of this

) The Hindus do not designate popular languages generally by the term " Prakrit " but only those popular languages which are used in literature. chapter s e e R. Pischel,
3

" Grammatik der PrfikritSprachen " (in Grundriss I, 8 Einleitung) Ueber das Prakrit in der Erzhlungslitteratur der Jainas, in RSO

and H. Jacobi in A B ay. A X X I X 4, 1918, pp. 81 * ff. ) S e e H, Jacobi, II. 1909 pp. 231 :ff.

INTRODUCTION

49

6. Persons of the lower classes speak M g a d h in the dramas, the dialect of Magadha, and 7. P a i c is spoken in the drama by the members of the lowest grades of society. The word probably originally designated the dialect of a branch of the Picas, although the Indians declared it to be the language of the demons called Piscas. A famous book of narrative literature, Gudhya's Bhatkath was also composed in this Paio dialect. 8. Lastly the A p a b h r a s a which is used in popular poetry, in Jaina romances and occasionally in the drama, stands midway between the Prakrit and the modern Indian verna culars : for "Apabhraa" is a general term for literary idioms which, though based on the Prakrit, are more closely adapted to certain popular dialects.*

III.

The Modern I n d i a n L a n g u a g e s and Dialects. *

By about the year 1000 A.D. the m o d e r n I n d o A r y a n v e r n a c u l a r s had developed out of the Middle Indian dialects, and from the 12th century onwards these languages can show literatures of their own, which are partly independent and partly dependent on the Sanskrit literature. The most im portant of these vernaculars is H i n d i , the language of the ancient M a d h y a d e a or midland, i.e. of the greater portion of the Gangetic Db and of the adjacent plain to the Himalaya in the North, to the valley of the Nerbudda in the South, beyond Delhi in the West and nearly as far as C awnpore in the East. Of the numerous Hindi dialects, K a n a u j and

) On the Apabhrasas S. H. Jacobi in A B ay A X X I X , 4, 1918, pp. 53 * ff.; X X X I . 2,

192I. pp. xviii ff., 1 ff. and in Festschrift fr Wackernagel, pp 124 ff. Jacobi is of opinion, that the Apabhrasa was first used by the poets of the bhras and Gurjaras. *) I follow 37 ff. the excellent survey of the IndoAryan Vernaculars given by Sir George Cambridge" History I,

Orierson in B SOS I., I. 1918, pp. 47 ff. Compare also E. J. Rapson

50

INDIAN

LITERATURE

B u n d l , and especially B r a j B h k h (the language of the district of Mathur), have produced literature worthy of the name. H i n d u s t a n i or U r d u , a dialect with a strong admix ture of PersoArabic elements, * is a form of the Hind langu age. I t originated in the twelfth century in the neighbourhood of Delhi, then the centre of the Mohammedan rule, in the camps (urdu) of the soldiers, hence also called " Urdu," i.e. " camp language." I n the 16th century it also began to pro duce literature. Nowadays it is the lingua franca of the whole of Northern India. H i g h H i n d is a return to the vernacular of the U p p e r Dob which is not as yet influenced by Persian. The following languages, belonging to the adja cent regions, are closely related to the language of the midland : P n j b in the NorthWest, R j a s t h n and G u j a r t in the West, E a s t e r n P a h r or N a i p l (the language of Nepal), C e n t r a l P a h r and W e s t e r n P a h r in the East. Rjasthn and Gujart are closely related. M r w r , a dialect of Rjasthn, can scarcely be distinguished from Guja rat!. E a s t e r n H i n d the language in which Tuls Ds wrote, is more closely related to the " Outer " languages. Among the latter a r e : L a h n d (the language of Western Panjb) and S i n d h in the NorthWest, M a r t h in the South, B i h r O r i y B e n g a l i and A s s a m e s e in the East. M a i t h i l i is a dialect of Bihr. Since the beginning of the 19th century literary Bengali has diverged considerably from the verna cular by reason of the absorption of so many Sanskrit words. The H i g h Hindi of Benares shows a similar tendency. Now adays, however, good authors, both in Bengali and in Hindi, are aiming at keeping their language free from borrowed Sanskrit words. The " Dardic " or modern Pisca languages, among which K m r (the language of Kashmir) possesses a considerable literature, form a separate group.
1
x

) I t is also written in PersianArabic characters,

INTRODUCTION

51

Finally, S i n g h a l e s e , the language of C eylon, is an Indo Germanic dialect descended from the Middle Indian. Through the introduction of Buddhism and the Buddhistic literature into C eylon, an early literary activity began here, which was at first limited to the elucidation of the religious texts. I n the later centuries we find, in addition, a secular literature in fluenced by Sanskrit poetry.* All the Indian languages mentioned up to now belong to the IndoGermanic group of languages. Besides these there are in India a number of nonIndoGermanic languages, namely the M u n d a l a n g u a g e s (scattered dialects in the Mahadeo Hills of the C entral Provinces, in the Santal Pargans and ChotaNagpur),the T i b e t o B u r m e s e languages (on the North ern and NorthEastern borders of India proper) and above all the D r a v i d i a n languages of Southern India. The latter must at one time have been common in the North as well, for the Indo Aryan languages show strong Dravidian influence. * The most important Dravidian languages are M a l a y a l a m (on the coast of Malabar), K a n a r e s e , T e l u g u and T a m i l . Although these languages are not IndoGermanic, numerous Sanskritisms have penetrated into them : moreover, the not unimportant literature of these languages is greatly dependent on the Sanskrit literature. I n this book we shall have to limit ourselves mainly to the Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit literature. At most it will only be possible to touch on modern Indian literature in an Appendix.
2) 3

) See Wilhelm Geiger, Literatur und Sprache der Singhalesen, in " Grundriss " I. 10
a

) Sporadic Dravidian dialects are found also in the Ganges valley and even in B alu

chistan (B rah). ) See Qrierson, B SOS., I. 3, 1920, pp. 71 I.

s

SECTION I. T H E VEDA OR T H E VEDIC LITERATURE.

WHAT IS THE VEDA ?

As the oldest Indian, and, at the same time, the oldest IndoEuropean literary monument, a prominent place in the history of world literature is due to the Veda. This is the case too when we remember that throughout at least 3,000 years millions of Hindus have looked on the word of the Veda as the word of G od, and that the Veda has given them their standard of thought and feeling. As the Veda, because of its antiquity, stands at the head of Indian literature, no one who has not gained an insight into the Vedic literature can under stand the spiritual life and the culture of the Indians. Also Buddhism, whose birthplace is India, will remain for ever incomprehensible to him who does not know the Veda. For the teaching of Buddha is in the same relation to the Veda, as the New Testament is to the Old Testament. No one can understand the new belief without having become acquainted with the old one t a u g h t by the Veda. W h a t then, is the Veda ? The word " V e d a " means "knowledge," then " t h e knowledge par excellence," i.e. " t h e sacred, the religious knowledge." I t does not mean one single literary work, as for instance the word " Koran, nor a complete collection of a certain number of books, compiled at some particular time, as the word " Bible " (the " book par excellence " ) , or as the word " T i p i a k a , " the " B i b l e " of the Buddhists, b u t a w h o l e

INTRODUCTION

53

g r e a t l i t e r a t u r e , which arose in the course of many centuries, and through centuries has been handed down from generation to generation by verbal transmission, till finally it was declared by a younger generationbut even then at some prehistoric periodto be " sacred knowledge," " divine revela tion," as much on account of its great age, as on account of its contents. I t is here not a matter of a " C anon " which might have been fixed at some council ; the belief in the " sacredness " of this literature arose, as it were, spontaneously, and was seldom seriously disputed. However, what is now called " Veda " or " Vedic litera ture " consists of three different classes of literary works ; and to each of these three classes belongs a greater or a smaller number of separate works, of which some have been preserved, but also many lost. I. S a h i t s , i.e. "C ollections," namely collections ofj hymns, prayers, incantations, benedictions, sacrificial formulas and litanies. I I . B r h m a a s , voluminous prose texts, which contain theological matter, especially observations on sacrifice and the practical or mystical significance of the separate sacrificial rites and ceremonies. I I I . r a y a k a s ("forest t e x t s " ) and U p a n i a d s (" secret doctrines") which are partly included in the Brhmaas themselves, or attached to them, but partly are also reckoned as independent works. They contain the meditations of forest hermits and ascetics on God, the world, and mankind, and there is contained in them a good deal of the oldest Indian philosophy. There must once have existed a fairly large number of Sahits, which originated in different schools of priests and singers, and which continued to be handed down in the same. However, many of these "collections" were nothing but slightly diverging recensionsSkhs "branches," as the Indians sayof one and the same Sahit. F o u r Sahits,

54

VEDIC

LITERATURE

however, are in existence, which differ clearly from each other, and which have been preserved in one or more recensions. These are : 1. The g v e d a S a h i t , the collection of the gveda. " gveda " is " the Veda or the knowledge of the songs of praise " (c plur. cas). 2. The A t h a r v a v e d a S a h i t , the collection of the Atharvaveda, i.e. " of the knowledge of the magic formulas " (atharvan). 3. The S a m a v e d a S a h i t , the collection of the Sma veda i.e. " of the knowledge of the melodies " (sman). 4. The Y a j u r v e d a S a h i t , the collection of the Yajurveda, i.e. " of the knowledge of the sacrificial formulas " (yajus plur. yaji) of which there are t w o rather strongly diverging texts, namely : (a) The Sahit of the B l a c k Yajurveda, which has been preserved in several recensions, of which the most important are the T a i t t i r y a S a h i t and the M a i t r y a S a h i t ; and () the Sahit of the W h i t e Yajurveda, which has been preserved in the V j a s a n e y i S a h i t . On account of these four different Sahits the Indians distinguish between four different Vedasand therefore one often speaks of the " V e d a s " in the pluralnamely, g v e d a A t h a r v a v e d a S m a v e d a and ( B l a c k and W h i t e ) Y a j u r v e d a . Every work that belongs to the class of the Brhmaas of the rayakas or of the Upaniads is joined to one of the enumerated Sahits and " belongs," as we say, to one of the four Vedas. There are, therefore, not only Sahits, but also Brhmaas, rayakas and Upaniads of the gveda as well as of the Atharvaveda, of the Smaveda, and of the Yajurveda. Thus, for example, the AitareyaBrhmaa belongs to the gveda the SatapathaBrhmaa to the W h i t e Yajurveda, and the C hndogyaUpaniad to the Smaveda, and so on.

INTRODUCTION

55

Every work which belongs to one of the three above mentioned classes, and to one of the four Vedas must be designated as " Vedic" and the whole Vedic literature is thus presented to us as a long succession of works of religious contentcollections of songs, prayerbooks, theological and theosophical treatiseswhich belong to different successive periods of time, but which represent a unity, in so far as they all together form the foundation for the Brahmanical religious s y s t e m , and have the same significance for B r a h m a n i s m as the Old Testament has for Judaism or the New Testament for Christianity. As Jews and Christians look on their " Holy Scripture," so the Brahmanic Indians look on their Veda, in its whole extent, as divine revelation. But it is significant that to the expression " Holy Scripture " there corresponds in the case of the Indians the expression "Sruti" " hearing," because the revealed texts were not written and read, but only spoken and heard. The whole history of Indian philosophy bears witness that not only the ancient hymns of the gveda were looked upon as " breathed out " by the G od Brahman, and only " visioned " by the ancient seers, but that also every word in the Upaniads, the latest productions of the Vedic literature, was looked upon as indisputable wisdom emanating from the G od Brahman himself. However much the different systems of Indian philosophy may vary, yet they are nearly all agreed in considering the Veda as revealed, and in appealing to the Veda, especially the Upaniadsalthough great freedom and arbitrariness prevail in regard to the explanation of these texts, and every philosopher gleans from them just what he wishes to. Most significant it is, that even the Buddhists, who deny the authority of the Veda, yet concede that it was originally given or " c r e a t e d " by G od Brahman: only, they add, it has been falsified by the Brahmans, and therefore contains so many errors. The expression " V e d a " is justified only for this literature

56

VEDIC

LITERATURE

which is regarded as revealed. However, there is another class of works, which has the closest connection with the Vedic literature, but yet cannot be said to belong to the Veda. These are the socalled Kalpastras (sometimes also called briefly " Sutras ") or manuals on ritual, which are composed in a peculiar, aphoristic prose style. These include : 1. The S r a u t a s t r a s , which contain the rules for the performance of the great sacrifices, which often lasted many days, at which many sacred fires had to burn and a great number of priests had to be employed. 2. The G h y a s t r a s , which contain directions for the simple ceremonies and sacrificial acts of daily life (at birth, marriage, death, and so on). 3. The D h a r m a s t r a s , books of instruction on spiritual and secular lawthe oldest lawbooks of the Indians. Like Brhmaas, rayakas and Upaniads, these works, too, are connected with one of the four Vedas ; and there are Srauta Ghya and Dharmastras which belong to the gveda others which belong to the Smaveda, to the Yajurveda, or the Atharvaveda. As a matter of fact, they originated in certain Vedic schools which set themselves the task of the study of a certain Veda. Yet all these books of instruction are regarded as human work, and no longer as divine revelation ; they do not belong to the Veda, but to the " V e d g a s , " the " limbs,' i.e. " t h e auxiliary sciences of the Veda." These Vedgas include, besides the works on ritual, also a number of works on phonetics, grammar, etymology, metrics and astronomy. W e shall have to speak of these too at the end of the section. After this general survey of the Vedic literature and the literature connected with it, we turn to the discussion of the most important works belonging to the Veda, above all, of the Smhitas,

INTRODUCTION THE GVEDASAMHITA .

57

Indisputably the oldest and most important of all the works of Vedic literature, is the gvedaSahit, usually called simply the " gveda." Of the different recensions of this Sahit, which once existed, only a single one has come down to us. In the text handed down to us, this consisted of a collection of 1,028 hymns (Sktas), which are divided into ten books (Maalas, " circles"). * That this collection of hymns is the oldest, or at least contains the oldest Indian literature which we possess, is proved indisputably by the language of the hymns. > But the language proves also that the collection is not a single work, but consists of older and later elements. As in the Hebrew Book of Psalms, so here also, songs which had been composed at widely separated periods of time, were united at some time in a collection, and ascribed to famous personages of prehistoric times, preferably to the earliest ancestors of those families in which the songs in question were handed down. The majority of the oldest hymns are to be found in Books I I to V I I , which are usually called the " F a m i l y Books," because each is ascribed by tradition to a particular family of singers. The names of the singers or Bsis (i.e. "seers, prophets") who, as the Indians say, visioned these hymns, are mentioned, partly in the Brhmaas, partly in separate lists of authors (Anukramas) connected with the Vedga literature. They are: Gtsamada, Visvmitra, Vmadeva, Atri Bharadvja
1] 2 3

) It is the recension of the kalakaSchool . above, pp. 2Of.

2

Regarding editions of the text, see

) B esides this there is also a purely external division, which takes into consideration only the size, namely into eight Aakas or " eighths," each of which is divided into eight A d h y y a s or " readings " which in their turn are again divided into smaller vargas or " sections," usually of five verses each. ) S e e J. Wackernagel. " Altindische Grammatik " I. pp. xiii ff. on the language of the gveda.
3

58

VEDIC

L TERATURE I

and Vasitha. These and their descendants were regarded by the Indians as is or " seers "we should say " authors "of the hymns of Maalas I I to V I I . Book V I I I contains hymns, which are ascribed to the singer race of the Kavas and that of the Agiras. But the Anukramas give us also the names of the is or " authors " of every single hymn of the remaining books (I, I X , X), and it is noteworthy that there are also women's names to be found amongst them. Unfortunately all these lists of names have practically no value at all, and in reality the authors of the Vedic hymns are quite unknown to us. For, as it has long since been proved, * the tradition which mentions Gtsamada, Visvmitra, and so on, and certain of their descendants, as the is of the hymns, disagrees with the statements of the hymns them selves. I n the latter, only descendants of those ancient is are mentioned as authors of the hymns ; the is however, Gtsamada, Visvmitra, Vasiha, and whatever they may all be calledtheir names are wellknown in the whole of Indian literature as the heroes of countless myths and legends are already in the hymns of the gveda the seers of a longpast prehistoric time, and are only called the fathers of the singer families in which the songs were handed down. Book I X gains a character of unity through the fact that it contains exclusively hymns which glorify the drink of Sorna, and are dedicated to the god Sorna. Sorna is the name of a plant, out of which an intoxicating juice was pressed, which already in the IndoIranian time was regarded as a drink pleasing to the gods, and therefore plays a prominent part at the sacrifices of the Indians as well as of the ancient Iranians, who called it Hama. In ancient Indian mythology, however, tlie Sorna drink is identified with the drink of immortality of the gods, and the seat of this divine drink is
1

^)

Olderiberg,

" Ueber die Liedverfasser des g v e d a " in ZDMG Vol. 42, pp. 199 ff.

Already previously A. Ludwig, " Der gveda " Vol. I l l , pp. xiii and 1OO ff.

INTRODUCTION
1

69

the moon, the goldengleaming " d r o p " * in the sky. Therefore in Book I X of the gvedaSahit Sorna is celebrated not only as the sacrificial drink dear to the gods, but also as the moon, the king of the sky. As the Somacult extends back into the IndoIranian period, we can also assume a fairly high age for the songs of Book I X , which are very closely connected with Sorna sacrifice. The latest parts of our collection of hymns, however, are to be found in Books I to X, which are composed of very diversified elements. * Yet that does not mean that there are not some very old hymns which have been preserved in these books, while, on the other hand, some later hymns are also scattered in the " Family Books." Altogether, the question as to which hymns are " earlier " and which " later " is not easy to decide : for the language on which this decision chiefly rests, not only varies according to the age of the hymns, but also according to their origin and purpose, according to whether they arose more in connection with the p r i e s t l y cult or with the p o p u l a r religion. An incantation, for example, can differ by its language from a song in praise of Sorna or Indra, but it need not on that account be later. * The socalled K h i l a s which are found in a few manu scripts, represent, on the whole, a later stratum of gvedic hymn poetry. The word K h i l a means " supplement," and this name in itself indicates that they are texts which
2 3

Sanskrit j " Indu " means " d r o p " and " moon . "

It is

to

the credit

of A the

Hillebrandt

to have shown in his " Vedische Mythologie " (B reslau 1891 ff.) that already in In the whole of

the gveda Sorna did not mean only the plant, but also the moon. later literature Sorna is the moon.
2

See A. Bergaigne,

J. A. 18867, on the arrangement of the hymns in B ooks IIVII, See

and A. Barth, E H R 19, 1889, 134 ff, = Oeuvres II, 8 ff. on those in B ooks I. VIIIX. also Bloomfield,
3

JAOS 31, 9 i 0 pp. 4 9 ff., for criteria for distinguishing between earlier and On the Relauvo Chronology of the Vedic Hymns " (JAOS 2

later hymns in the gveda. ) See M. Bloomfield,

X

1900, pp 4 2 4 ) ) .

60

VEDIC

LITEKATURE

were collected and added to the Sahit only after the latter had already been concluded. This does not exclude the possibility that some of these Khilas are of no less antiquity than the hymns of the gvedaSahit, but for some reason unknown to us were not included in the collection. The eleven Vlakhilya hymns, which in all manuscripts are found at the end of Book V I I I without being included in it, are probably of this kind. Of comparatively high antiquity are probably also the eleven Suparna hymns, as well as the Praiasktni and the prose Nividas, small collections of sacrificial litanies.* However, the question as to what we are to understand by " earlier " or by " later " hymns, can only be treated by us at the end of this section, where we shall have to discuss the question of the age of the Veda in general. I t must here suffice that the general view of the great antiquity of the gveda even of the " l a t e r " parts of it, is fully justified by the fact that, as Alfred Ludwig says : " The gveda presupposes nothing of that which we know in Indian litera ture, while, on the other hand, the whole of Indian literature and the whole of Indian life presuppose the Veda." Next to the language, however, the great age of the Vedic hymns is proved chiefly by the m e t r e s . For on the one hand, the Vedic metres are separated from those of classical Sanskrit poetry by a gulf, as in Vedic poetry there are numerous metres, of which there is no trace to be found in the
2 )

The Khilas have been published by I. Scheftdowitz,

" Die Apokryphen des gveda "

(Indische Forschungen, I ) , B reslau 1906.

See also Scheftelowitz, ZDMG 7 3 , 1 9 1 9 , 30 ff. ; 74,

1920,192 ff. : 75,1921, 37 ff. : ZTT I, 1922, 50 ff. ; 58 ff, Oldenberg, "Die H y m n e n des gveda" I, B erlin, 1888, 504 ff., and GGA 19O7, 210 ff. ; A. B . Keith, JRAS 19O7, 224 ff. The Khila Sivasakalpa (edited, translated and explained by Scheftelowitz, ZDMG 75, 1921, 201 ff.), is a regular Upaniad, the first part of which (113) is old, the rest late sectarian.
2

Der Rigveda, III, p. 183. C f also ibid, p. 3. " The claim to the highest age is proved

not only internally by the contents as well as the linguistic form, but externally by the fact t h a t the Veda formed the basis of literature, of the spiritual and religious life, and in the Veda again the poetical pieces are the basis of the rest, but are not based on anything themselves."

INTRODUCTION

61

later poetry, while on the other hand numerous metres in classical Sanskrit poetry have no prototype in the Veda. Again, some metres of the Vedic poetry do indeed reappear in the later poetry, but with a much more strongly marked rhythm than in the gveda. I n the oldest Indian metre only the number of syllables is fixed, while the quantity of syllables is only p a r t i a l l y determined. The Vedic verses are composed of lines of 8, 11 or 12, more rarely of 5 syllables. These lines, called Pdas,* are the units in ancient Indian metrics, and only the four (or five) last syllables are fixed with regard to the rhythm, the last syllable, however, being again a syllaba anceps. The regular form of the Pda of eight syllables is thus :

Three such lines form the G y a t r and four such lines form the verse called the A n u t u b h . In the older poetry the Anutubh stands far behind the G y a t r in popularity. Later it is the reverse : the A n u t u b h becomes the usual verse, and out of it is developed the sloka the proper metre of epic poetry. Metres of rarer occurrence are the P a k t i consisting of five lines of eight syllables, and the M a h p a k t i , consist ing of six such Pdas. The line of eleven syllables has a caesura after the fourth or fifth syllable, and its regular form is as follows :

Four such Pdas form the verse called T r i t u b h .

l

" Pda " means " foot " but also " fourth part." The latter meaning is to be supposed The word " pda " has nothing to do A breaking.np into such small units as the Grsek

here, because as a rule four Pdas make one line. with the " foot " of Greek prosody. " feet " is impossible in the ancient Idian metre.

62

VEDIC

LITERATUltE

The line of twelve syllables differs from that of eleven only in so far as it has one more syllable, for the rest the two metres are formed exactly alike. The regular form of the Pda of twelve syllables is thus :

Four such Pdas of twelve syllables give a verse which is called J a g a t . The regular form of the line of five syllables, four or eight of which together give the verse called D v i p a d V i r j is thus :

By combinations of different kinds of Pdas into one verse, a number of more elaborate metres are formed, as the Usnih and Brhail verses, composed of lines of eight or twelve syllables. How much, in old Indian metres, everything depends on the number of syllables, * is proved by the oftrecurring speculations, in the Brhmaas and Upaniads, on the mys tical significance of the metres, where the mysticism of numbers comes into play, when, for example, it is said, with strange logic : " The words bhmi (earth), antarika (atmos phere), and dyu (sky) form eight syllables. A GyatrPda consists of eight syllables. Therefore he who knows the Gyatr gains the three worlds." But t h a t the metres play such a highly important part in the mysticism of ritual, that considered as divine beings, they even receive sacrifices, * that mythology concern itself with them, especially with the
1 2) 3

)
2 3

See Weber, Ind. Stud. 8, 178 I., and H. Weiler VsihaDharmastra, X I I I . 3 and elsewhere.

ZTT I. 1922,115 ff.

) B hadrayakaUpaniad V, 15. )

D y u is to be pronounced as " diu."

INTRODUCTION

63

Gyatr, which in the form of a bird fetches the Sorna from heaven, t h a t they are created like other beings by Prajpati,* all this indicates the great age of these metres which were thought to have originated in times immemorial. Thus the age of the metres is also a proof of the age of the hymns themselves. * The best idea, however, of the great age of these hymns is vouchsafed us by a glance at the geographical and cultural conditions of the time of which they tell us. There we see above all, that the Aryan Indians, at the time when the hymns of the gveda arose, had not nearly as yet spread over the whole of India. We find them still domiciled in the river land of the Indus (Sindhu), the present P u n j a b i From the West, over the passes of the Hindukush, Aryan tribes had penetrated into " the land of the five rivers," and in the songs of the gveda we still hear of the battles which the Aryans * had to fight with the Dasyu or the " black skin ", as the swarthy aboriginal inhabitants were called. Only slowly amidst continuous fighting against the hated " nonAryans " (anrya)the Dasyus or Dsas who know no gods, no laws, and no sacrificesdo they press forward towards the East up
2 4

See for instance, atapathaB rfihmaa VIII, 1, 12.

How great a rle the metres

play in the symbolism and mysticism of the ritual, may be seen from numerous passages in the liturgical Sahits and in the B rhmaas : See A. Weber, Ind. Stud. 8, pp. 8 ff., 28 ff.
2

) )

See E. V. Arnold,

" Vedic Metre," Cambridge 1905, and A. B . Keith and

M

Arnold,

JRAS 1906, 484 ff., 716 ff., 997 ff on the metre of the gveda as a criterion of its age.
3

According to E. W. Hopkins

(the Punjab and the gveda JAOS., 19, 1898, 1928) hymns

the habitations of the Aryan Indians at the time when the majority of the Sarasouti and Ghuggar. convinced *)

were composed, should be sought in the neighbouihood of AmbalJa, between the rivers The riveis of the Punjab are praited in the famous " P r a i s e of the Rivers " (nadistuti), Rv. X, 75. Cf. A. Stein, JRAS. 1917, 91 ff. Hertel has not y e t m e that the oldest parts of the gveda were composed in Iran and not in Forschungen, 41, 1923, p. 188). Thus India (Indogerman. same race."

Ssk. ftrya = Avestic a i r y a = O l d Pers. ariya " the faithful ones," " the people of the Herodotus ( V U , 62) says that the Medes called themselves Aptot. On the close relationship

" Aryan " is the common designation of Indians and iIranians.

between the language of the Veda with the old Iranian, see above, P. 41.

64

VEDIC

LITERATURE

to the Ganges. I t is significant that this river, without which we can hardly imagine the India of all later periods, and which up to the present day plays such a prominent part in the poetry as well as in the popular religion of the Indians, is hardly mentioned in the gveda. Heine's lyric :
" There are sweet smells and lights by the Ganges, And giant trees stand there. And beautiful silent figures Are kneeling by lotus flowers,"

so suggestive of people and scenes from the period of Klidsa, does not in the least fit into the times of the gveda. Even the lotusflower, which in a manner belongs to the essentials of later Indian poetry, is not yet a subject for metaphors among the Vedic singers. Altogether the animal and plant worlds in the gveda are essentially different from those of later periods. The Indian figtree (Nyagrodha, Ficus indica) is missing in the gveda. The most dreaded beast of prey of the India of today, the tiger, is not yet mentioned in the hymnshis home is Bengal, into which the Aryan Indians at that time had not yet penetrated. R i l a t e r the chief product of agriculture and the staple food of the Indiansis still quite unknown to the gveda. Only barley is planted, and at the time of the hymns agri culture as yet played only a small part. The chief source of income was cattlerearing, and the chief cattle was the bullock. The horse also was greatly valued and, harnessed before the chariot, bore the warrior to the field, and, at the popular chariotraces, gained praise and glory for the victor. Again and again in the songs and invocations to the gods, the prayer for cattle and horses occurs. Also the strife amongst the hostile aboriginal inhabitants turns on the posses sion of cattle. Therefore, too, the old word for " war " or " b a t t l e " is originally " desire for c a t t l e " (gavii), I n the
ce

INTRODUCTION
1}

65

most extravagant expressions cows and bullocks are praised as the most previous possessions. The lowing of cows hasten ing to the calves is looked on by the ancient Indian as the sweetest music. " The singers are shouting to the god Indra," says a poet, " as mother cows low to the calf." Gods are readily compared with bullocks, goddesses with cows. The milk of the cow was not only one of the chief articles of food, but milk and butter formed an essential part of the sacrifices to the gods. The milk was by preference consumed warm as it came from the cow, and Vedic poets marvel at the miracle that the " raw " cow gives cooked milk. As the German nursery rhyme has it :
" How can it be, O tell me now. The milk is white, but red the cow,"

so a Vedic singer praises the god Indra on account of the miracle that he has put the shining white milk into the red or black cows. However, the high esteem in which cattle were held proved no obstacle to the slaughtering of cows, and especially of bullocks, at the sacrifices, and to the eating of their flesh. An absolute prohibition of cowkilling did not exist in the oldest times, although the word " a g h n y , " " s h e who is not to be killed " for " cow indicates that cows were killed only under exceptional circumstances. * Also the skin of the oxen was used. The tanner worked it up into leather bottles, strings of bows and straps. There were also already different kinds of industries. There was above all the wood workerat once carpenter, carriagebuilder, and cabinetmakerwho made especially the chariot. There were metalworkers, smiths, who used a bird's wings as bellows. Shipping was still in its first beginnings. A canoe provided
99 2

) It is quite similar among the Diukas and Kaffirs in Africa, whose present form of economics must be fairly in agreement with that of the Vedic Aryans.
2

See

A. A. Macdonell

and A. B

Keith,

" Vedic Index of Names and Subjects,"

l.ondon 1912, II. 145 ff.

66

YEDIC

LITERATURE

with oars, probably consisting only of a hollowedout tree trunk, served for the navigation of the rivers. Although the sea was known to the Vedic Indians, it is, to say the least, highly doubtful * whether there was yet an extensive maritime trade. However, it is certain that there were traders, and that an extensive trade was carried on, in which oxen and gold ornaments took the place of money. Besides oxen and horses, the Vedic singers implore the gods chiefly for gold, which they hope to receive as gifts from the rich sacrificers. But while we hear in the gveda of cattlerearing and agriculture, of trade and industry, as well as of deeds of war and of sacrifices, there is not yet to be found in the hymns that castedivision, which imparts a peculiar stamp to the whole of the social life of the Indians of later times, and which, up to the present day, has remained the curse of India. Only in one single hymn, evidently late, are the four castes Brhmaa, Katriya, Vaisya and dramentioned. C ertainly there were warriors and priests, but of an exclusive warrior caste there is in the gveda as little mention as of one or several lower castes of farmers, cattletraders, merchants, arti sans, and labourers. As in later times, so indeed already in the gveda it was the custom that, at the king's side there stood a housepriest (Purohita) who offered the sacrifices for him. But we still hear often enougheven in the later Vedic periodof sacrifices and ceremonies, which the paterfamilias performs alone without priestly aid. The wife takes part in these sacrifices ; indeed, it is reckoned as absolutely essential, that the husband and wife together perform the sacred ceremonies. This participation of the wife in the sacrifices proves at all events that the position of woman in
1

) shipping.

Tt is certainly not a mere accident, that in the songs of the gveda

countless to

similes and metaphors are drawn from cattlerearing,

while only seldom a simile refers

Contrast with this Homer's wealth of figures of speech which refer to shipping.

INTRODUCTION

67

the oldest period of the gveda was not yet so low as later, when the lawbooks absolutely forbid women to sacrifice, and to repeat sacred texts. I n the gveda ( V I I I , 31) we read of the married couple (dampat"householder and house wife " ) who " with minds in harmony press the Sorna, rinse and mix it with milk " and offer adoration to the gods. Manu, however, declares in his lawbook, that it is displeasing to the gods when women sacrifice (IV, 206), and that women who offer the firesacrifice (Agnihotra) sink into hell ( X I , 37). When we still hear in the Upaniads, that women also took an active share in the disputations of the philosophers, we must not wonder that in the hymns of the gveda women could without restrictionat feasts, dances, and such likeshow themselves publicly. I t is by no means necessary, as some scholars do, to think of courtesans, when it is said that beautiful women flock to the festival gathering. I t is not to be denied, however, that already at the time of the gveda many solitary, unprotected women" brotherless maidens " as a poet calls themgave themselves up to prosti tution ; but Pischel and Geldner, * in spite of all the trouble which they have taken to prove it, have not succeeded in proving that at that time already there existed a " grand system of courtesans " as in the time of Buddha in Vesali or at the time of Perikles in Athens. However, we must not form too exalted an idea of the moral conditions in ancient India, and not picture these to ourselves in such an idyllic manner, as certainly Max Mller has at times done. W e hear in the hymns of the gveda of incest, seduction, conjugal unfaithfulness, the procuring of abortion, as also of deception, theft and robbery. All this, however, proves nothing against the antiquity of the gveda. Modern ethnology knows nothing of " unspoiled children of nature " any more than it regards all primitive peoples as
1

Vedische Studien, I, p. xxy*

68

VEDIC

LITERATURE

rough savages or cannibal monsters. The ethnologist knows that a stepladder of endless gradations of the most] widely differing cultural conditions leads from the primitive peoples to the halfcivilised peoples, and right up to the civilised nations. We need not, therefore, imagine the people of the gveda either as an innocent shepherd people, or as a horde of rough savages, nor, on the other hand as a people of ultrarefined culture. The picture of culture which is un folded in these songs, and which Heinrich Zimmer in his still valuable book " Altindisches Leben " has drawn for us in so masterly a manner, shows us the Aryan Indians as an active, joyful and warlike people, of simple, and still partly savage habits. The Vedic singers implore the gods for help against the enemy, for victory in battle, for glory and rich booty; they pray for wealth, heaps of gold and countless herds of cattle, for rain for their fields, for the blessing of children, and long life. As yet we do not find in the songs of the gveda that effeminate, ascetic and pessimistic trait of the Indian character with which we shall meet again and again in later Indian literature. Now there have been scholars, who considered the hymns of the gveda to be so enormously old, that they thought to see in them not so much Indian as Aryan or IndoEuropean mental life ; they held, that the epoch of these hymns was still so near to the IndoEuropean " prehistoric time," that in them we are still dealing rather with " Aryans " than with actual Indians. On the other hand, other scholars have shown that the gveda is above all a production of the Indian mind, and that for its explanation no other principles must be followed than for any other text of Indian literature. This is one of the many points on which the interpreters of the gveda diverge rather widely.*
1}

) )

Berlin 1879, See Barth, Oeuvres II. 237 ff. ; H . Oldenberg , Vedaforschung Stuttgart, 1905 ; WZKM 19 19O5 419 ff.

Winternitz,

INTRODUCTION

69

We must here remember the important fact that the gveda is as yet by no means fully explained. There are, indeed, a large number of hymns, the explanation of which is as certain as that of any other Indian text. But on the other hand, there are many hymns and very many verses and isolated passages of the gveda whose right meaning is still in the highest degree doubtful. This is also of great importance for the just appreciation of these old writings. The outsider who takes a translation of the gveda in his hand often wonders that so much in these hymns is unpoetical, indeed unintelligible and senseless. But the reason is frequently only that the translators do not content themselves with translating that which is intelligible, but that they think they must translate everything, even that which has up till now not been rightly interpreted. However it is not entirely our fault, that we as yet do not rightly understand the gveda and that a complete translation of it must of necessity contain much that is in correct. The reason lies in the great age of these hymns which to the Indians themselves, already in very early times, had become unintelligible. Within the Vedic literature we find already some verses of the gveda misunderstood and wrongly interpreted. Already in early times Indian scholars busied themselves with the interpretation of the gveda. Socalled N i g h a t u s or "Glossaries," collections of rare and obscure words which occur in the hymns, were prepared. The first commentator of the Rgveda whose work is preserved to us, was Y s k a , who on the basis of the Nighaus explains a great number o! Vedic verses in his work N i r u k t a (i.e. " E t y m o l o g y " ) . This Yska who doubtless is older than Pini * already quotes no less than seventeen predecessors,
1

The great age of the Nirukta

is proved by its language, which is more archaic J RAS 16, 1885. B

than that of the remaining nonVedic Sanskrit literature, s. Bhandarlcar.

26o f. Lakshman Sarup " T h e N i g h a t u and the Nirukta the oldest Indian Treatise on

70

VEDIC

LITERATURE

whose opinions frequently contradict each other. Indeed, one of the scholars quoted by Yska declares outright that the whole Vedaexegesis is worth nothing, as the hymns are obscure, senseless, and contradictory to each otherto which Yska however, observes that it is not the fault of the beam if the blind man does not see it. Yska himself, in the explanation of difficult words, often relies on the etymology (which of course does not fulfil the scientific requirements of modern philology) and frequently gives two or more different interpretations of one and the same word. I t follows from this, that already in Yskas time the sense of many words and passages of the gveda was no longer established by an uninterrupted tradition. Of the work of the many successors whom Yska has had, tbere is nothing preserved to us, any more than of that of his predecessors. Only from the 14th century after the birth of C hrist do we possess a comprehensive com mentary, which explains the gveda word by word. This is the famous commentary of S y a a . Some of the older European interpreters of the gvedathus the English scholar H . H. Wilson, who has published a complete English translation of the gveda which entirely follows the Indian commentary depended entirely upon Syaas commentary, taking it for granted that the latter rested on reliable tradition. On the other hand, other Veda investigators did not trouble them selves at all about the native interpretation. They denied

Etymology, Philosophy and Semantics;' Introduction, Oxford 1920, p. 54, merely 5OO B.C. Yska was acquainted with all the Vedic Samhits and the most Upaniads ; s. Samp, loc

reflects

the universal opinion (without offering any new proofs) that Yska lived between 700 and important the who in Brhmaas, including the latest GopathaB rhmaa, the Prtikhyas and a few of Yska already considered the Veda as revealed ; but even in his time there were men doubted the sanctity of the Veda (s. Sarup loc, cit., pp. 71 ff.). Satyavrata 8masramin

cit., pp. 54 f., and P.D. Oune in B handarkar Com. Vol , pp. 43 ff.

an appendix to his edition of the Nirukta has an interesting treatise in Sanskrit on the age of Yska (about 19OO B.C. !) and the purpose of the Nirukta s. Barth, RHR. 27, 1893,184 ff., = Oeuvres II. einheim. 94 ff. On Yska s. also Liebich, "Zur Einfhrung in die indisch Sprachwiss, II, 22 ff.

INTRODUCTION

11

that a commentator, who lived more than two thousand years after the composition of the book explained by him, could know anything which we Europeans, with our philological criticism and with the modern resources of linguistic science, could not fathom and understand better. Among these investigators especially Rudolf Roth is conspicuous. One of his pupils and followers was H. Grassmann, who published in two volumes a complete metrical translation of the hymns of the gveda.* Most of the investigators today take up an intermediary position. While admitting t h a t we must not blindly follow the native interpreters, they yet believe that the latter did partly at least, draw upon an uninterrupted tradition and therefore should not be disregarded, and that simply because they are Indians and moreover better ac quainted with the Indian atmosphere, as it were, than we Westerners, they often hit the right meaning. Among these interpreters is Alfred Ludwig, who, in his complete German translation of the gveda to which is added a comprehensive, most valuable commentary, * for the first time thoroughly utilized the explanations of Syaa without rejecting other aids to interpretation. H e is a forerunner of R. Pischel and K. F . Geldner, who, in their " Vedische Studien " have
2 3 )

Leipzig, 1876 and 1877.

The selection " Siebenzig Lieder des gveda Mit B eitrgen von R. Roth." difficult to

bersetzt

von Karl Geldner und Adolf Kaegi.

2

Tbingen 1875, which understand, Ludiuig's Grassrnann,

also proceeded from Roth's school, is much preferable t o Grassmann's translation. ) Prag 18761888, in six v o l u m e s . Though translation is y e t more reliable than t h e smooth verses in the translation of

A good E n g l i s h translation is that of R.T.H. Griffith, B enares, 18891892.

Selections from

the gveda are translated into English by Max Mller and Oldenberg in SB E., Vols, 32 and 46 ; into German by K. F. Geldner, i a A. B ertholet, " Religionsgeschichtliches Lesebuch " (Tbingen, 1908) p. 71 ff : A. Hillebrandt, English and A . A . Macdonell, Thomas "Hymns and from E. J. " Vedic "Lieder the des gveda" Gttingen (Heritage East the of the of Series), 1913: into 1923. Geldner gveda" India Series); London

H y m n s " (Wisdom of complete translation

The first part of a new has been

3

gveda by K,F.

published in the

series " Quellen der Religionsgegchichte,"

Gttingen, 1923. AGGW

Stuttgart, 1889190I. 3 vols.

Other important contributions to the interpretation

of the gveda are : Oldenberg,

"gveda Tes_tkritische und exegetische N o t e n " ,

72

VEDIC

LIERATURE

rendered invaluable services to the clearingup of many obscure passages of the gveda. They have also clung most firmlycertainly not without exaggerationto the principle that the gveda must, above all, be interpreted as a produc tion of the Indian mind, to the right understanding of which the Indian literature of later periods provides the best key. Added to all this is yet another muchdebated question, which is of no little importance for the interpretation of the Vedic hymns, namely the question whether these hymns arose independently of all sacrificial ritual as the naive expressions of a pious faith in the .gods, as the outpouring of the hearts of divinely inspired singers, or whether they were, in a workmanlike manner, composed by priests, merely with the intention of using them for certain sacrifices and ceremonies. But how differently these songs may be judged according to the line of interpretation taken by a scholar may be shown by contrasting the opinions of two eminent scholars. I n his beautiful book, which is still worth reading, " Der gveda die lteste Litteratur der Inder,' Ad. Kaegi says of the hymns of the gveda : " The great majority of the songs are invocations and glorifications of the deities addressed at the time ; their keynote is throughout a simple outpour ing of the heart, a prayer to the Eternal Ones, an invita tion to accept favourably the piously dedicated gift To that which a god placed in his soul and caused him to feel : to the impulse of his heart the singer wishes to give eloquent expression." H e admits that also portions of inferior quality are to be found in the collection, " but there is in them all a fresh breath of vigorous primeval poetry. Whoever takes the trouble to transfer himself to the religious and moral thought
l)

N . F , Vol. X I . No. 5, and Vol. X I I I . No. 3 , 1909 and M, Bloomfield, )

1912:

Geldner,

"Dergveda

in

Auswahl " I. Glossar, II Kommentar, Stuttgart 19O719O9, and ZDMG 7I. 1917, 315 ff. JAOS 27, 1906, 72 ff. : E. W. Fay, Hid, 403 ff. : A.B. Keith, JRAS 1910, 921 ff. Leipzig, 1881. An English translation (The RigVeda the appeared 1886. Second edition,

Oldest Literature of the Indians) with a d d i t i o n , by R. Arroxmmith,

VEDIC

LITERATURE

73

and action, the poetry and the working of a people and age, in which the first spiritual development of our own race is placed before our eyes at its best, will feel himself attracted in various ways by many of these songs, here through the childlike simplicity, there through the freshness or delicacy of feeling and in other parts by the boldness of metaphor, by the flight of the imagination." Now let us hear what H . Oldenberg, the ingenious and judicious expert on Indian litera ture, says about these songs in his " Religion des Veda." H e sees already in this " oldest document of Indian literature and religion " " the^ clear trace of an everincreasing intel lectual enervation." H e speaks of the " sacrificial songs and litanies, with which the priests of the Vedic Aryans on a templeless place of sacrifice, at the sacrificial fires strewn around with grass, invoked their godsbarbarian prieststhe barbarian gods, who with horses and chariots came driving through the sky and air in order to feast on the sacrificial cake, butter, and meat, and to imbibe, with the intoxicating soma juice, courage and divine strength. The singers of the gveda in a manner inherited of old, composing for the great and pompous . ...Somasacrifice, do not want to tell of the god whom they are honouring, b u t they want to praise this god....So they heap upon him all the glorifying epithets which are at the disposal of the grossly flattering garrulous ness of an imagination which loves the bright and the garish." " Such poetry," Oldenberg thinks, " could have arisen only in the exclusive circles of the priestly sacrificial experts." To me both these opinions seem exaggerated, and the truth, in my opinion, here as in all the debateable questions regarding the interpretation of the gveda lies midway. Let us remember that the hymncollection of the gveda is composed of earlier and later portions. Just as there are hymns in the Sahit, which belong to different periods of
1]
l

) B erlin 1894, p. 3.

10

74

INDIAN LITERATURE

time, so also in contents the hymns are of greatly varying value and of different origin. There is no doubt that a great number of these hymns arose independently of all sacrificial ritual, and that in them the breath of genuine primeval religious poetry is felt. Even if many of these hymns were used later on for sacrificial purposes, t h a t does not in the least prove that they were originally written for this purpose. On the other hand it is equally certain that very many portions of the gvedaSahit were from the first intended for nothing but sacrificial songs and litanies, and were glued together in a rather workmanlike fashion by priestly singers. I t is also certainly exaggerated when W . D. W h i t n e y once said : " The Vedas appear rather like an IndoEuropean than an Indian record." B u t just as certainly is it an exaggeration when Pischel and Geldner (with H . H . Wilson) state t h a t the Indians at the time of the gveda had already attained a degree of culture, which was little different from t h a t which Alexander the Great found in existence at t h e time of his invasion of India. Although the gulf which divides the hymns of the gveda from the rest of Indian literature may perhaps not be so wide as many older investigators have supposed, a gulf still exists. * This is proved by the language, by the cultural conditions indicated above, and most particularly by the stage of r e l i g i o u s d e v e l o p m e n t , which we meet with in the hymns. So much is certain, that, whatever t h e
1} 2) 3) 4

Enthusiasm should not, however, be allowed to obscure calm criticism, as is the essay " Ueber den Geist der indischen Lyrik,"

case with H. Brunnhof er, w h o (in his

Leipzig 1882) makes t h e author of one of the later philosophical h y m n s of the gveda " A prince of poets towering up out of the mists of primitive times " (p. 15) and is carried a w a y into saying that " the V e d a is like the lark's morning trill, of humanity awakening to t h e consciousness of its greatness" (p. 41). )
s

That the Veda certainly is not 1

Language and its Study, London 1876, p. 227. Vedisohe Studien, I, pp. xxii xxvi. See also A, Hillebrandt, " Vedische Mythologie," I I 8,
?

*)

YEMC

L TERATURE I

75

poetical value of the songs of the gveda may be, there exists no more important source for the investigation of the earliest stages in the development of Indian religion, no more important literary source for the investigation of the mytho logy of the IndoEuropean peoples, indeed, of peoples in general, than these songs of the gveda. To say it in a word: what renders these hymns so valuable for us is that we see before us in them a m y t h o l o g y i n t h e m a k i n g . ) We see gods, as it were, arising before our eyes. Many of the hymns are not addressed to a sungod, nor to a moongod, nor to a firegod, nor to a god of the heavens, nor to stormgods and waterdeities, nor to a goddess of the dawn and an earthgoddess, but the shining sun itself, the gleaming moon in the nocturnal sky, the fire blazing on the hearth or on the altar or even the lightning shooting forth from the cloud, the bright sky of day, or the starry sky of night, the roaring storms, the flowing waters of clouds and of rivers, the glowing dawn and the spreadout fruitful earthall these natural phenomena are, as such, glorified, worshipped, and invoked. Only gradually is accomplished in the songs of the gveda itself, the transformation of these natural phenomena into mythological figures, into gods and goddesses such as Srya (Sun), Sorna (Moon), Agni (Fire), Dyaus (Sky), Maruts (Storms), Vyu (Wind), pas (Waters), Uas (Dawn), and Pthiv (Earth), whose names still indubi tably indicate what they originally were. So the songs of the gveda prove indisputably that the most prominent figures of mythology have proceeded from personifications of the most striking natural phenomena. Mythological investigation has succeeded, also in the cases of the deities

*) L. de la Valle Poussin, (" Le Vedisme," Paris 1909, pp. 61 ff., 68) contests this view that the V e a a presents " a m y t h o l o g y in the making " and A. B. Keith, JRAS., 1909, p. 469, agrees with him. B ut I did not mean to say that all mythology first arose at the time of the gvedaSahit. The beginnings of the Vedic system of mythology and religion

76

INDIAN

LITERATURE

whose names are no longer so transparent, in proving t h a t they originally were nothing but just natural phenomena similar to sun, moon, and so on. Among such mythological figures, whose original nature is soon partly forgotten in the hymns, and who are honoured more as mighty, lofty beings, distinguished through all kinds of miraculous deeds, are Indra, Varua Mitra, Aditi Viu Pan the two Asvins Rudra and Parjanya. These gods names, too, originally indicated natural phenomena, and natural beings. Epithets, which at first emphasized a particularly important side of a natural being, became gods* names and new gods. Thus Savitar, the " inspirer," " the lifegiver," and Vivasvat, " the shining," were at first epithets, then names of the sun, and finally they became independent sungods beside Srya. Also the gods of different tribes and different periods are in many ways represented in the polytheism of the Vedic Indians. ) Hence it is that Mitra, Viu and Pan also appear in the gveda as sungods. Psan was probably the sungod of a small shepherdtribe, before he was received into the Vedic pantheon as the " Lord of the ways," the protector of travellers, the god who knows all the paths and also brings back to the right path the cattle which have strayed. Mitra, who is identical with the Mithra of the Avesta is through this fact already dis tinguishable as an ancient Aryan sungod, who still hails from the time when Indians and Iranians formed one people. I t is not so easy with all gods to discover to which natural phenomenon they owe their origin. Still the opinions of investigators differ widely in the explanation of gods like Indra, Varua Rudra, Aditi and the Asvinsto mention
5

doubtless belong to a far earlier period than the compilation of the Sahit. y e t scarcely distinguished from one another, hark back to the time Vedic mythology. ) whole Sahit, or of the whole of Vedic religion. S e e A. Hillehrandt, " Vedische Mythologie, " II, 14 ff.

Those

hymns,

however, in which the natural phenomena and the deities embodied in them are as of the beginnings of true of the This, of course, does not assume that the same thing is

VEDIC

LITERATURE

77

only the most important ones. Thus, to one, Indra is the god of the storm, to the other an old sungod. Varua is to some a god of the heavens, while others see in him a moongod. Rudra who is usually held to be a stormgod, because he is the father of the stormgods (the Maruts), would be, accord ing to Oldenberg, a mountain and forest god, according to Hillebrandt " a god of the horrors of the tropical climate." * Aditi is, according to one view, the expanse of the sky, accord ing to another the endless, widespreading earth. The two Asvins a pair of gods who are doubtless related to the Greek Dioskuri, and also reappear in Germanic and Lettic mytho logy, were already before Yska a puzzle to the ancient Indian commentators. Some held them to be heaven and earth, others day and night, and still today some scholars see in them the two twilights, others sun and moon, yet others the morning and evening star, and again others the constella tion of Gemini.* But what is the most important is that most mythologists today agree that by far the greatest majority of the Vedic gods has proceeded from natural pheno mena or natural beings.* There were, indeed, some deities
1

See now the learned dissertation by E. Arbman Rudra Untersuchungen zum altin He sees in Rudra a primitive popular deity,

dischen Glauben und Kultus, Uppsala, 1922. the prototype ofTsiva.

2

) This is not the place to express an opinion on all the controversial questions which concern Vedic Mythology. The best representation of the facts of Vedic Mythology is given by A. A. Macdonell, " Vedic Mythology " (in the " Grundriss " III, I, A.). Whoever desires information with reference to the explanation of the m y t h s and religious belief of the ancient Indians must at all events consult both H. Oldenberg's " Religion des Veda " (B erlin 1894) and also A. Htllebrandt's " Vedische Mythologie " (3 vols., B reslau 1891.1902). Different as are the results arrived at by the two investigators, both have greatly contributed to the extension and deepening of our knowledge of the Vedic religion. Even the outsider, however, must be quite clear that, in these questions, absolute truth can never be attained, in fact can always only be approached more or less closely. Great services have been rendered to the investigation of Vedic religion and still more to the
f

explanation of t h e hymns of the gveda by the French scholar Abel Bergaigne, religion vdique d'aprs les hymnes du gveda," 3 vols., Paris, 18781883).
3

(" La

) Sten Konow, The Aryan Gods of the Mitani People, Kristiania, 1921, p. 5, has not convinced me, " t h a t the conception of Vedio religion as a worship of nature and natural phenomena is fundamentally wrong."

INDIAN

LITERATURE

that have become divine beings out of abstractions, b u t they nearly all appear only in the latest hymns of the tenth book ; thus Visvakarman = " the world masterbuilder," P r a j a p a t i = " t h e lord of creatures," or Sraddha=="faith," M a n y u = " a n g e r , " and some similar personifications. More important are certain gods of the socalled " lower " mythology, who also appear in the gveda : the bhus, who correspond with the elves, the Apsaras who correspond with the nymphs, and the Gandharvas who are a kind of forest and field spirits. Numerous demons and evil spirits too appear in the hymns as enemies of the gods, who are hated and fought against by the Devas or gods. The name Asura however, by which in the later Vedic works these enemies of the gods are designated, appears in the gveda still with the old meaning " possessed of wonderful power " or " g o d , " which the corresponding word " Ahura " has in the Avesta and only in a few places also with the mean ing of demons. In the gveda Dsa or Dasyuthus the non Aryan aboriginal inhabitants also are calledis the usual name for the evil demons, besides also Rakas or Rkasas, by which, in the gveda as well as in the whole of the later Indian literature, all kinds of mischievous, ghostly beings are desig nated. Also the Pitaras, the " fathers " or ancestral spirits, already in the gveda received divine worship. The king of these ancestral spirits, who rules in the kingdom of the deceased, high u p in the highest heaven, is Yama a god who belongs already to the IndoIranian prehistoric period ; for he is iden tical with Yima who, in the Avesta is the first h u m a n being, the primeval ancestor of the human race. As the first depart ed oneperhaps originally the daily setting sun or the monthly dying moonhe became the king in the realm of the dead. This kingdom of the dead is in the heavens, and the dying man is comforted by the belief that after death he will abide with King Yama in the highest heaven. Of the dismal belief
1]

) Cf. Oldenberg,

Religion des Veda, pp. 162 ff; V. K. Rajivade,

Proc. I O C , II. pp. 1

VEDIC

L TERATURE I

79

in the transmigration of the soul and eternal rebirththe belief which controls the whole philosophical thought of Indians in later centuriesthere is, in the gveda, as yet no trace to be found. So we see here too, that in these hymns there breathes an entirely different spirit from that which pervades the whole of the later I ndian literature. J u s t these important differences between the religious views which appear in the songs of the gveda and those of the succeeding period prove also that these songs do as a matter of fact reflect the popular belief of the old Aryan Indians. Though it is true that the songs of the gveda cannot really be called "popular poetry," thatfor the most part at leastthey arose in certain singer-families, in narrow priestly circles, y et we must not think that these priests and singers created a mythology and a system of religion without any consideration of the popular belief. Certainly there may be some things that are told of the gods, which rest only on " momentary fancies of the individual poet," but on the whole we must take for granted that these priests and singers started from popular tradition, that they, as Hillebrandt aptly says, " stood above, but not outside, the people." Thus, then, these songs are of incalculable value to us as evidence of the oldest religious faith of the Aryan I ndians. As works of poetic art, too, they deserve a prominent place in the world literature. I t is true, the authors of these hymns rise b u t extremely seldom to the exalted flights and the deep fervour of, say, the religious poetry of the Hebrews. The Vedic singer does not look up to the god whom he honours in song, with that shuddering awe and that faith, firm as a rock, with which the Psalmist looks up to Jehovah. The prayers of the priestly singers of ancient I ndia do not, as with the former, rise from the inmost soul to the heavenly ones. These poets stand
1}

) See Oldenberg, " A u s I ndien und I ran," p. 19 y RHlebmndt, " Vedische Mythologie," I I . 4.

" R e l i g i o n des Veda," p. 13;

80

INDIAN

LITERATURE

on a more familiar footing with the gods whom they honour in song. W h e n they sing a song of praise to a god, then they expect him to present them with wealth in cows and hero sons and they are not afraid to tell him this. " Do, ut des," is the standpoint which they hold. Thus a Vedic poet says to the god Indra : (v. V I I I , 14. 1, 2) :
" If I, O Indra, were like thee, Lord of all the goods that be, My worshipper should never lack For herds to call his own. Gifts would I bestow on him, On that wise singer blessings shower, If I, as thou, O lord of power, The Master of the cattle were."

And another poet addresses the god Agni with the follow ing words (v. V I I I , 19. 25, 26) :
" If thou wert mortal, Agni, and I the immortal one, Thou son of strength, like Mitra, to whom we sacrifice, Thee would I not expose to curse, good God ! My worshipper should not suffer poverty, neglect, or harm."

Yet the character of the hymnsand I am now speaking of those which contain invocations or songs of praise to the gods, without being composed for definite sacrificial purposes is very different, according to the deities to which they are dedicated. Amongst the loftiest and most inspired poems are indisputably the songs to Varua. There are indeed not many of them. Varuna, however, is the only one amongst the Vedic gods, who stands nobly elevated above mortals, whom the poet ventures to approach only with trembling and fear, and in humble reverence. Varua it is, too, who con cerns himself more than any other god of the Vedic pantheon with the moral ways of men and punishes the sinners. Con tritely, therefore, the poet approaches him and pleads for for giveness of his sins. Thus the hymns addressed to Varua

VEDIC

LITERATURE

81

are the only ones which lend themselves, to a certain extent, to comparison with the poetry of the Psalms. As a specimen I give the hymn v. V, 85 in the translation of R. T. H . Griffith :
" S i n g forth a hymn Varua imperial Who hath struck out, skin to spread in sublime and solemn, grateful to glorious Ruler, like one who slays the victim, earth as a front of Srya.

In the treetops the air he hath extended, \ ut milk in kine and vigorous speed in horses, Set intellect in hearts, fire in the waters, Srya in heaven and Sorna on the mountain.
1

Varuna lets the big cask, opening downward, flow through the heaven and earth and air's midregion. Therewith the universe's Sovran waters earth as the shower of rain bedews the barley. When Varua is fain for milk he moistens the sky, the land, and earth to* her foundation. Then straight the mountains clothe them in the raincloud : the Heroes, putting forth their vigour, loose t h e m . )
2

I will declare this mighty deed of magic, of glorious Varua the Lord Immortal, Who standing in the firmament hath meted the earth out with the Sun as with a measure. None, verily, hath ever let or hindered this the most wise God's mighty deed of magic. Whereby with all their flood, the lucid rivers fill not one sea wherein they pour their waters. If we have sinned against the man who loves us, have ever wronged a brother, friend, comrade, The neighbour ever with us, or a stranger, O Varua remove from us the trespass.
) Namely, the lightning in the cloud. ) The milk is the water of the clouds which are compared with cows. The " strong men " are the stormgod (Maruts) who, in the storm, cause the " milk " of the clouds to flow.
2 1

il

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If we, as gamesters cheat at play, have cheated, done wrong unwittingly or sinned of purpose, Cast all these sins away like loosened fetters, and, Varuna, let us be thine own beloved,"

Varuna, too, already in the gveda is, as he mythology, the god of the sea, a god of the waters, he punishes people who have sinned, particularly A simple prayer by one who is suffering from V I I , 89. I give it in the translation of R. T. H.

is in the later and therefore with dropsy. dropsy is v. G riffith :

1

" L e t me not yet, King Varua enter into the house of c l a y ) : Have mercy, spare me. Mighty Lord. When, Thunderer ! I move along tremulous like a windblown skin, Have mercy, spare me, Mighty Lord. O Bright and Powerful God, through want of strength I erred and went astray : Have mercy, spare me, Mighty Lord. Thirst found thy worshipper though he stood in the midst of waterfloods : Have mercy, spare me, Mighty Lord. O Varua whatever the offence may be which we as men commit against the heavenly host, When through our want of strength we violate thy laws, punish us not, O God, for that iniquity.

Quite a different note is struck in the songs to the god I n d r a . Indra can be designated as the actual national god of the Vedic Indians. As, however, the Indians at the time of the gveda were still a fighting and struggling nation, so Indra is a thoroughly warlike god. His enormous strength and combativeness are described again and again, and fondly the Vedic singers dwell on the battles of Indra with the demons, whom he destroys with his thunderbolt. Especially
l

) The grave, or the earthen urn in which the ashes of t h e cremated corpse are

preserved, may be meant. On t h e methods of burial of the ancient Indians, see below pp. 95ff.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

SS

the battle of Indra with Vtra is celebrated by songs in numerous hymns. Again and again the splendid victory is spoken of, which the god achieved over the demon ; countless times Indra is praised exultingly, because he slew Vtra with his thunderbolt. Vtra (probably " the Obstructor ") is a demon in the form of a serpent or a dragon, who keeps the waters enclosed or imprisoned in a mountain. Indra wants to release the waters. W i t h Sorna he imbibes courage, has tens to the battle, and slays the monsternow the released waters flow in a rapid stream over the corpse of Vtra. This great deed of Indra is graphically described in the song v. I, 32, which begins with the v e r s e s :
l)

" I will proclaim the manly deeds of Indra, The first that he performed, the lightningwielder. He slew the serpent, then discharged the waters, And cleft the caverns of the lofty mountains. He slew the serpent lying on the mountain : For him the whizzing bolt has Tvaar fashioned. Like lowing cows, with rapid current flowing, The waters to the ocean down have glided."

The songs leave no doubt that the myth of Indra's dragonfight refers to some powerful natural phenomenon. Heaven and earth tremble when Indra slays Vtra. H e does not destroy the dragon once only, but repeatedly, and he is invited also in the future always to kill Vtra and to release the waters. Already the old Indian Vedainterpreters tell us that Indra is a god of the thunderstorm, and that by the mountains in which the waters are enclosed, we are to under stand the clouds, in which Vtrathe demon of drought keeps the waters imprisoned. Most of the European mytho logists agreed with this opinion and saw in Indra, armed with a thunderbolt, a counterpart of the Teutonic Thunar who swings the thunderhammer Mjlnir, a thundergod reaching
l

) Translated by A. A. Macdonell, H y m n s from the Rigveda, p. 47.

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back into the IndoEuropean prehistoric period, and in the dragonfight a mythological representation of the thunder storm. Hillebrandt, however, has tried to prove that Vtra is not a clouddemon and not a demon of drought, b u t a w i n t e r g i a n t whose power is broken by the s u n g o d Indra; the " r i v e r s " which are imprisoned by Vtra and set free by Indra are, according to him, not the torrents of rain, but the rivers of the NorthWest of India which dry up in winter and are refilled only when the s u n causes the masses of snow of the Himalaya mountains to melt. However that may be, it is certain that the Vedic singers themselves had no clear consciousness of the original meaning of Indra and Vtra as naturegods. For them Indra was a powerful champion, a giant of enormous strength, but Vtra the most dreaded of the demons, which were believed to be embodied in the black aborigines of the land. For Indra does not fight only with Vtra but with numerous other demons. His demonfights are only a copy of the battles which the Aryan immigrants had to fight. Therefore, too, I n d r a is above all a god of warriors. Of none of the gods of the Vedic pantheon are so many individual traits given us, none is portrayed so " true to life "if one may use the expression with reference to a deityas this warlike god in the 250 hymns which are dedicated to him. Big and strong are his arms. W i t h beautiful lips he quaffs the Somadrink, and when he has drunk, he moves his jawbones with pleasure, and shakes his fair beard. Fair as gold is his hair, and his whole appearance. H e is a giant in stature,heaven and earth would not be large enough to serve him as a girdle. I n strength and vigour no heavenly nor earthly being approaches him. W h e n he grasped the two endless worlds, they were for him only a handful. H e is called by preference a bull. Boundless as his strength, is also his power of drinking, which is described, often not without humour, in the songs. Before he slew Vtra he drank three ponds of soma ; and once it is

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85

even said that he drank, in one gulp, thirty ponds of soma juice. Scarcely was he bornand his birth was no ordinary one, for still in his mother's womb he said : " I do not want to go out here, that is a bad way ; across, through the side, I will go out " (v. IV, 18, 2)when he already drank goblets of soma. Sometimes, too, he did too much of a good thing. I n the song v. X, 119, a poet brings before us the intoxicated Indra, uttering a monologue and considering what he is to do" Thus I will do it, no, thus,' " I will place the earth here, no, I will place it there," and so onwhere each verse ends with the significant refrain " Have I, then, drunk of the Sorna ? " This warlike national god is much more suitable than any other to be the chief of gods. Although in the gveda almost every god is at some time or another praised as the first and highest of all godsthis is a sort of flattery, by means of which one wants to incline the god in one's favour, similarly to the way in which later court poets have cele brated many a petty prince as the ruler of the worldyet Indra is, in the earliest times, undoubtedly a king among the gods, like Zeus of the G reek Olympus. As chief of gods he is celebrated in the song v. I I , 12, which as a specimen of an Indra song, may here be given in the translation of A. A. Macdonell :
1 }

" H e who just born as chief god full of spirit Went far beyond the other gods in wisdom : Before whose majesty and mighty manhood The two worlds trembled : he, O men, is Indra. Who Who Who Who made the widespread earth when quaking steadfast set at rest the agitated mountains. measured out air's middle space more widely, gave the sky support : he, men, is Indra.

) H y m n s from the Rigveda, pp. 48 ff

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Who slew the serpent, freed the seven rivers, Who drove the cattle out from Vala's cavern, ) Who fire between two rocks has generated, A conqueror in fights : he, men, is Indra.
1

He who has made all earthly things unstable, Who humbled and dispersed the Dasa colour. Who, as the player's stake the winning gambler. The foeman's fortune gains : he, men, is Indra. Of whom, the terrible, they ask, " Where is he? " Of him, indeed, they also say, " he is not. The foeman's wealth, like player's stakes, he lessens. Believe in him : for he, O men, is Indra. He furthers worshippers, both rich and needy, And priests that supplicate his aid and praise him. Who, fairlipped, helps the man that presses Sorna, That sets the stones at work : he, men, is Indra. In whose control are horses and all chariots, In whose control are villages and cattle ; He who has generated sun and morning, Who leads the waters : he, O men, is Indra. Whom two contending armies vie in calling, On both sides foes, the farther and the nearer ; Two fighters mounted on the selfsame chariot ) Invoke him variously : he, men, is Indra,
1

Without whose aid men conquer not in battle, Whom fighting ever they invoke for succour, Who shows himself a match for every foeman Who moves what is unmoved : he, men, is Indra.

Next to the Vtrakilling this deliverance of the cows is the greatest heroic deed It has b e e n comparedI think, r i g h t l y w i t h the deed of H ercules, who kills In the same Cf. Oldenberg , " Rel. des Veda" p. 143. f. H illebrandt, " Ved.

of Indra. way

the threeheaded Geryoneus and leads a w a y the herds of oxen stolen by him. H ercules and Caous. ) Myth," III. 260 ff. Namely, the warrior and the charioteer.

VEDIC

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87

W ho with his arrow slays the unexpecting Unnumbered crew of gravely guilty sinners ; W h o yields not to the boasting foe in boldness. Who slays the demons : he, O men, is Indra.

He who detected in the fortieth autumn Sambara dwelling far among the mountains ; Who slew the serpent that put forth his vigour, The demon as he lay : he, men, is Indra.
1 )

Who with his seven rays, the bull, the mighty, ) Let loose the seven streams to flow in torrents ; Who, bolt in arm, spurned Rauhia, the demon, On scaling heaven bent : he, men, is Indra.

Both H eaven and Earth, themselves, bow down before him ; Before his might the very mountains tremble, Who, famed as Somadrinker, armed with lightning, Is wielder of the bolt : he, men, is Indra.

Who with his aid helps him that presses Soma, That bakes and lauds and ever sacrifices ; ) Whom swelling prayer, whom Soma pressings strengthen, And now this offering : he, O men, is Indra.
3

Who, fierce, on him that bakes and him that presses Bestowest booty : thou, indeed, art trusted. May we, for ever dear to thee O Indra Endowed with hero sons address the jSynod."

) )

Name of a demon. Indra has a chariot provided with s e v e n reins (v. II 18 I ; VI 44, 24), i.e., many

horses" seven " in the gveda often means " many "are harnessed to his chariot. *) These are the four sacrificial priests of the older period.

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LI

I ERATURE

While the hymns of Varua and I ndra show us that the Vedic poets are not lacking in pathos, vigour and raciness the songs to A g n i , tlis fire or the fire-god, show us that these poets also often succeeded in touching the simple, warm, heart-felt tone. Agni, as the sacrificial fire and as the fire which blazes on the hearth, is esteemed as the friend of mortals ; he is the mediator between them and the gods, and to him the poet speaks as to a dear friend. H e prays to him, that he may bless him " as the father his son," and he takes for granted that the god is pleased with his song and will fulfil the wish of the singer. While I ndra is the god of the warrior, Agni is the god of the householder, who protects his wife and children for him, and makes his homestead prosper. H e himself is often called " master of the house " (ghapati). H e is the " guest " of every house, " the first of all guests." As an immortal being he has taken up his abode amongst mortals ; and in his hand lies the prosperity of the family. Since primitive times, the bride, when she came to her new home, was led around the sacred fire, and therefore Agni is also called " the lover of maidens, the husband of women " (v. I , 66, 8), and in a marriage benediction it is said that Agni is the husband of the maidens, and that the bridegroom receives the bride from Agni. Simple prayers are also addressed to him at the wedding, at the birth of children, and similar family events. During the marriage-sacrifice the prayer was offered on behalf of the bride : " May Agni, the lord of the house, protect her ! May he lead her offspring on to a high age ; may her womb be blessed, may she be the mother of living children. May she behold the joy of her sons ! " As the sacrificial fire, Agni is " the messenger " between gods and mortals ; and sometimes it is said that, as such, he bears the sacrificial food up to the gods, sometimes also that he brings the gods down to the sacrifice. Therefore he is also called the priest, the wise One, the Brahman, the Purohita (family priest) and by preference the

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89

title Hotarthe name of the chief priest at the great sacrifice is given to him. Beginnings of mythology and poetic art can hardly be separated, especially in the songs to Agni. By means of abundant pourings of ghee the sacrificial fire was maintained in a state of radiant flame, and the poet says : Agni's countenance shines, or his back shines, his hair drips with ghee. When he is described as flame-haired, or redhaired, red-bearded, with sharp jawbones and golden gleaming teeth, when the flames of the fire are spoken of as Agni's tongues^ when the poet, thinking of the bright fire radiating in all directions, calls Agni four-eyed or thousand-eyed, then all this may be called poetry just as well as mythology. Thus also the rattling and rustling of the fire is compared with the bellowing of a b u l l , a n d Agni is called a bull. The pointed, rising flames are imagined as horns, and a singer calls Agni " provided with a thousand horns," while another one says that he sharpens his horns and shakes them in anger. J u s t as frequently, however, Agni is also compared with a merrily neighing horse, a " fiery runner " ; and in mythology as well as in religious worship, Agni stands in close connection with the horse. But, when Agni is also called the bird, the eagle of heaven, hastening along in rapid flight between heaven and earth, then we must think of the flame of the lightning which descends from the sky. Again, another appearance of fire is in the mind of the poet when he says (v. I , 143, 5) : " Agni, with his sharp jaws, devours the forests ; he masticates them, he lays them low as the warrior his foes." Similarly another poet (v. I , 65, 8) : " When fanned by the wind, he has spread through the forests, Agni cuts off the hair of the earth." (i.e. grass and herbs).
1]

Even the actual Agni-myths have only originated in the metaphorical and enigmatic language of the poets. Agni

) I n English, too, we speak of the " roaring fire,"

12

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has three births or three birthplaces : in the sky he glows as the fire of the sun, on the earth he is brought forth by mortals out of the two pieces of tinder wood, and as the lightning he is born in the water. As he is brought forth with the help of two pieces of tinder wood (Arais), it is said that he has two mothers,and "scarcely is the child born, when he devours the two mothers." (v. X, 79, 4.) An older poet, however, says: " T e n indefatigable virgins have brought forth this child of Tvatar (i.e. Agni) " (v. I , 95, 2), by which are meant the ten fingers, which had to be employed in the twirling ; and as it was only possible through great exertion of strength to bring the fire out of the pieces of wood by friction, Agni in the whole of the gveda is called " the son of strength.' With the extensive part which the fire-cult played among the ancient I ndians, it is not to be wondered at, that the majority of the numerous songs in the gveda which are dedicated to Agnithere are about two hundred of themhave been used as songs of sacrifice, many of them having only been composed for sacrificial purposes. Yet we find among these songs many plain, simple prayers, which, perhaps are the work of priests, but certainly are the work of poets. As an example I give the first hymn of our gveda-Sahit in the translation of A. A. Macdonell :
1 }

" Agni 1 praise, the household priest, God, minister of sacrifice, Invoker, best bestowing wealth. Agni is worthy to be praised. By present a- by seers of old : May he to us conduct the gods. Through Agni may we riches gain, And day by day prosperity Replete with fame and manly sons.
-) H y m n s from the Rigveda, pp. 72 f.

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91

The worship and the sacrifice, Guarded by thee on every side, Go straight, O Agni, to the gods. May Agni, the invoker wise And true, of most resplendent fame, The god, come hither with the gods. Whatever good thou wilt bestow, O Agni, on the pious man, That gift comes true, O Angiras. To thee O Agni day by day, O thou illuminer of gloom, With thought we, bearing homage, come : To thee the lord of sacrifice, The radiant guardian of the Law, That growest in thine own abode. So, like a father to his son, Be easy of approach to us ; Agni, for weal abide with us."

Some pearls of lyric poetry, which appeal to us as much through their fine comprehension of the beauties of Nature, as through their flowery language, are to be found among the songs to S r y a (the Sun), to P a r j a n y a (the Raingod), to the M a r u t s (the Stormgods) and above all to U a s (the Dawn). In the hymns addressed to the latter the singers vie with each other in magnificent metaphors which are intended to depict the splendour of the rising dawn. Gleaming she approaches like a maiden decked by her mother, who is proud of her body. She puts on splendid garments, like a dancer, and reveals her bosom to the mortal. C lothed in light the maiden appears in the East and unveils her charms. She opens the gates of heaven and, radiant, steps forth out of them. Again and

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again her charms are compared with those of a woman invit ing love. Thus we read (v. V, 80, 5.6) * :
1

" As conscious that her limbs are bright with bathing, she stands, as twere erect that we may see her. Driving away malignity and darkness. Dawn, child of H eaven, hath come to us with lustre. The Daughter of the Sky, like some chaste woman, bends, opposite to men, her forehead down. The Maid, disclosing boons to him who worships, hath brought again the daylight as aforetime.

The following hymn to Dawn (v. VI, 64) I also give in the translation of G riffith :
" The radiant Dawns have risen up for glory, in their white splendour like the waves of waters. She maketh paths all easy, fair to travel, and, rich, hath shown herself benign and friendly. We see that thou art good : far shines thy lustre ; thy beams, thy splendours have flown up to heaven. Decking thyself, thou makest bare thy bosom, shining in majesty, thou Goddess Morning. Red are the kine and luminous that bear her the Blessed One who spreadeth through the distance. The foes she chaseth like a valiant archer, like a swift warrior she repelleth darkness. Thy ways are easy on the hills : thou passest Invincible ! Selfluminous ! through waters. So lofty Goddess with thine ample pathway. Daughter of H eaven, bring wealth to give us comfort. Dawn, bring me wealth : untroubled, with thine oxen thou bearest riches at thy will and pleasure ; Thou who, a Goddess, Child of H eaven, hast shown thee lovely through bounty when we called thee early.
) Translated by Griffith.

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93

As the birds fly forth from their restingplaces, so men with store of food rise at thy dawning. Yea, to the liberal mortal who remaineth at home, O Goddess Dawn, much good thou bringest.

To Vta the Wind, as the leader of the Maruts, the stormgods, the following hymn (v. X, 168) is addressed, which I quote in the translation of Macdonell.>
" Of Vta's car I Rending it speeds Touching the sky Scattering dust it now will praise the greatness : along ; its noise is thunder. it flies, creating lightnings; traverses earth's ridges.

The hosts of Vta onward speed together : They haste to him as women to a concourse. The god with them upon the same car mounted, The king of all this universe speeds onward. In air, along his pathways speeding onward, Never on any day he tarries resting. The firstborn, orderloving friend of waters : Where was he born, and whence has he arisen ? Of gods the breath, and of the world the offspring. This god according to his liking wanders. His sound is heard, his form is never looked on : That Yta let us worship with oblation,"

Beside these songs, which are worthy of being valued as works of poetic art, there is indeed a second class of hymns in the gveda which are composed only as s a c r i ficial s o n g s a n d l i t a n i e s , for quite definite ritual purposes. A strict line of demarcation is here, however, not possible. Whether we wish to accept a song as the spontaneous expres sion of pious faith, as the work of a divinely inspired poet, or as sacrificial prayer put together in a workmanlike fashion,
l

H y m n s from the Rigveda, p. 62.

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is often only a matter of taste. The extraordinary monotony of these prayers and sacrificial chants is certainly one of their characteristics. I t is always with the same turns of expression that one god, like another, is praised as great and mighty : always the same formulas, with which the sacrificial priest beseeches the gods for wealth of cattle and riches. Many of these sacrificial songs are already dis tinguishable through the fact that in one and the same hymn several gods, sometimes even all the gods of the Vedic pantheon, are invoked one after another. For, at the great Sorna sacrifice every god must receive his share, and every sacrificial offering must be accompanied by a verse. C ompare, for instance, with the abovequoted songs to Varuna, Indra and Agni, a sacrificial litany like the following (v. VII, 35) :
" May Indra and Agni grant us happiness by their mercy, so also Indra and Varua to whom sacrifice is offered ; may Indra and Sorna grant us happiness, welfare and blessing ! May Indra and Psan grant us happiness at the capture of booty. May B haga grant us happiness ; our hymns of praise, Purandhi, our wealth, may they bring us happiness May Dhtar Dhartar and the farextending (Earth) freely grant us happiness; may the two great realms of s p a c e ) , may the mountain, may the auspicious invocations to the gods grant us happiness. May Agni of shining countenance, may Mitra and Varuna, may the two Asvins grant us happiness ; may the good works of the pious grant us happiness ! May the mighty Windgod blow to us happiness" !
1

Thus it goes on through fifteen long verses. To these sacrificial songs belong among others also the socalled p r s k t a s , "propitiatory h y m n s " (i.e. hymns for the propitiation or reconciliation of certain deities, demons, and certain personified objects connected with the sacrifice). These hymns, of which there are ten in the gvedaSahit,
) H e a v e n and Earth.

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95

have a quite definite use at the animal sacrifice. They all consist of eleven or twelve verses, and Agni is invoked in them under various names, that he may bring the gods to the sacrifice. I n the fourth or fifth verse the priests are invited to strew about the sacred grass, on which the gods are to sit down in order to receive the sacrificial gifts. Also certain goddesses are regularly invoked in the hymns, and the penultimate verse generally contains an invocation to the stake which serves in the binding of the sacrificial animal, e.g. " O divine tree, let the sacrificial meal go to the gods." The hymns of Book I X which have already been referred to above, are throughout sacrificial songs, which are all addressed to Soma and are used in the great Soma sacrifice. I n sheer endless monotony the same procedure recurs, the pressing of the soma, the mixing and refining of the same, the pouring into the vats, and so on ; again and again I ndra is called to the drinking of the soma, Soma and I ndra united are praised, and implored for riches, or for rain, of which the soma-juice trickling down through the sieve is a symbol. But rarely in these monotonous litanies do we come across a pretty metaphor, as for instance, when it is said of Soma (v. I X , 16, 6).

" Clarified by the sieve of sheep's wool Soma rises to his fullest splendour, There he stands, as after battle Stands the hero by the stolen cows."

The fact that verses may be composed for ritual purposes and yet be of great poetic beauty, is proved by the f u n e r a l s o n g s of which a few are preserved in Book X of the gveda. In Ancient I ndia corpses were usually burnt, yet in the oldest times burial was probably the custom with the I ndians,

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as with other IndoEuropean peoples. The following beauti ful verses (v. X, 18, 1013) refer to a burial :
1 ]

"Approach the bosom of the earth, the mother, This earth, the farextending, most propitious ; Young, soft as wool to bounteous givers, may she Preserve thee from the lap of dissolution. Wide open, earth, O press not heavily on him ; Be easy of approach to him, a refuge safe ; As with a robe a mother hides Her son, so shroud this man, O earth. Now opening wide may here the earth stand steadfast, May here a thousand columns rise to prop her ; May here those mansions ever drip with butter, And here be always shelter to protect him. For thee I now prop up the earth around thee here ; In lowering this clod may I receive no harm. May the Fathers hold up for thee this column, And Yama here provide for theefit mansions."

I t would indeed be possible also to fit in these verses, as Oldenberg thinks, into the ritual of cremation. As we learn in the books of ritual, in ancient India the bones were collected after the cremation and placed in an urn, and this was buried. Accordingly these verses could have been uttered at the burial of this urn of bones. However I do not consider this probable. The words "wide open, Earth, O press not heavily on h i m " and so on, seem to me, only to be relevant at the erection of a mound over the actual corpse. The custom of burying the bones I consider to be a remnant of an o l d e r c u s t o m of the burial of the corpses, to which our verses refer.*
2)

) Translated b y A. A. Macdonell, H y m n s from the Rigveda, p. 88. *) " Religion des Veda," p. 571. ) A t t h e t i m e w h e n cremation was already a general custom, children and ascetics were still buried. B u t in the above verse nothing indicates that it is a case of t h e burial of a child or of an ascetic, W. dland, " Die altindischen Totenund B estt tungsgebruche," Amsterdam, 1896, pp. 163 ff, as against R. Both ( Z D M G 8, 1854, 467 ff.), has proved t h a t the h y m n g v e d a X, 18 is not one uniform production. Only the verses 10 to 13 form a separate poem. S. also W. D. Whitney, " Oriental and Linguistic Studies," N e w York, 1873, 51 ff., and I., v. Schroeder, WZKM 9, 1895, 11? I.
3

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97

On the other hand, the hymn v. X , 1 6 , 1 6 , probably belonging to a later period, is intended for the ceremony of cremation. W h e n the funeral pile is erected, the corpse is laid upon it, and the fire lighted. And when the flames unite above it, the priests pray :
"Burn him not up, nor quite consume him, Agni : let not his body or his skin be scattered. O Jtavedas,
1

when thou hast matured him, then send him on his way unto the Fathers.

When thou hast made him ready, Jtavedas, then do thou give him over to the Fathers. When he attains unto the life that waits him, he shall become the Deities controller. The Sun receive thine eye, the Wind thy spirit ; go, as thy merit is, to earth or heaven. Go, if it be thy lot, unto the waters ; go, make thine home in plants with all thy members. Thy portion is the goat : with heat consume him ; let thy fierce flame, thy glowing splendour, burn him. With thine auspicious forms, O Jtavedas, bear this man to the region of the pious.

Here we already find philosophical theories on life after death and on the destiny of the soul mixed u p with the mythological ideas about Agni and the fathers. These are not the only allusions to philosophical ideas, but there are about a dozen hymns in the gveda which we can designate as p h i l o s o p h i c a l h y m n s , in which, along with speculations on the universe and the creation, that great pantheistic idea of the Universal Soul which is one with the universe, appears for the first timean idea, which since that time has domi nated the whole of Indian philosophy. Quite early there arose, among the Indians, doubts as to the power, even as to the existence of the gods. Already
*) A name of t h e god Agni.

13

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L TERATURE I

in the hymn v. I I , 12, translated above, which praises so confidently the might and the feats of strength of Indra, and the separate verses of which end in the refrain, which is flung out in such full faith : " H e , O men, is Indra,even there we hear t h a t there were people who did not believe in Indra : "Of whom they ask W h e r e is he ?' Of him indeed, they also say 'He is n o t Believe in h i m : for he, O men, is I n d r a . " Similar doubts occur in the remarkable hymn v. VIII, 100, 3 f., where the priests are invited to offer a song of praise to Indra, "a true one, if in truth, he is j for many say : ' There is no Indra, who has ever seen him ? To whom are we to direct the song of praise ? " Whereupon Indra personally appears, in order to give assurance of his existence and his greatness ; " There I am, singer, look at me here, in greatness I tower above all beings " and so on. B u t when people had once begun to doubt Indra himself, who was the highest and mightiest of all the gods, so much the more arose scruples concerning the plurality of the gods in general, and doubts began to arise whether indeed there was any merit in sacrificing to the gods. Thus in the hymn v. X, 121, in which l?rajapati is praised as the creator and preserver of the world and as the one god, and in which, in the refrain recurring in verse after verse : " Which god shall we honour by means of sacrifice ? " there lies hidden the thought, that in reality there is nothing in all the plurality of the gods, and that alone the one and only god, the C reator Prajpati, de serves honour. F i n a l l y , this scepticism finds its most powerful expression in the profound poem of the C reation (v. X, I29).> I t begins with a description of the time before the creation :
6

" Nor aught existed then, nor naught existed, There was no air, nor heaven beyond. What covered all ? Wherein ? In whose shelter was it ? Was it the water, deep and fathomless ?

) Translation by R. T. H. Griffith,

VEDIC

LITERATURE

99

N o death was then, nor was there life immortal. Of day and night there was then no distinction. That One alone breathed windless by itself. Than that, forsooth, no other thing existed.

Only very timidly does the poet venture on a reply to the question regarding the origin of the world. H e imagines the state before the creation as "darkness shrouded in darkness," far and wide nothing but an impenetrable flood, until through the power of the T a p a s , " t h e O n e " arose. This " O n e " was already an intellectual being ; and as the first product of his mind" the mind's first fruit," as the poet sayscame forth K a m a , i.e. " s e x u a l desire, love, " and in this Kama " t h e wise searching in their hearts, have by meditation discovered the connection between the existing and the non existing." But only gentle hints does the poet venture to give, soon doubts again begin to arise, and he concludes with the anxious questions :
1 } 2)

" Who knoweth it forsooth, who can declare it here, Whence this creation has arisen, whence it came ? The gods came hither b y t h i s world's creation only : Who knoweth then, whence this creation has arisen? Whence this creation has arisen, whether It has been made or not : He who surveys This world in highest heaven, he may be knoweth, Or, it may be, he knoweth not.
4 )

w )

-) the
1

Tapa

m a y here have its original m e a n i n g of " h e a t " (some

" creative heat "

analogous to the heat by which the brood-hen produces life from the egg) or it may mean fervour ' of austerity ; or, as Deussen ) thinks, both m e a n i n g s may be implied in the Deussen and others assume. As sexual word.
2

N o t the " w i l l " of Schopenhauer, as

desire leads to the

3

procreation and birth of beings, so these ancient thinkers considered

sexual desire as the primal source of all existence. ) ) That is the gods themselves were created only with the rest of creation, therefore Translated into English by the author. This famous h y m n has been often they cannot tell us whence the world originated.
4

translated and discussed, thus by H. T. Colebrooke,

Miscellaneous Essays (2nd Ed., Madras,

100

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

I n most of the philosophical hymns of the gveda the idea certainly comes to the foreground of a creator who is named now Prajpati, now Brahmaaspati, or Bhaspati, or again Visvakarman, but who is still always thought of as a personal god. But already in the abovequoted verse it appears doubtful to the poet whether the creation was " made " or whether it came into being by some other means, and the creative principle receives no name in this poem, but is called " the One." Thus already in the hymns the great idea of LTniversal Unity is foreshadowed, the idea t h a t everything which we see in Nature and which the popular belief designates as " gods," in reality is only the emanation of the One and Only One, that all plurality is only imagi naryan idea which is really already expressed clearly and distinctly in the verse v. I , 164, 46 :
" They call him Indra, Mitra, Varuna, And Agni ; he is the heavenly bird Garutmat : To what is one, the poets give many a name, They call it Agni, Yama Mtarisvn."

While these philosophical hymns form, as it were, a bridge to the philosophical speculations of the Upaniads, there exist also a number of poems in the gvedaSahit there might be about twenty of themwhich form a con necting link with the epic and dramatic poetry. These are fragments of narratives in the form of dialogues (Savdas), and may therefore be fitly called S a m v d a or d i a l o g u e h y m n s . H . Oldenberg called them " k h y n a h y m n s , "
l)

1872), I, pp. 33 f. ; Max Mller History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 2nd Ed., London I860, p. 5 6 4 ; J. Muir Original Sanskrit Texts, V, p. 3 5 6 : H . W . W a l l i s , Cosmology of the igveda, London, 1887, pp. 89 ff. ; W. D. Whitney, JAOS, X I , p. c i x ; P. Deussen, Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie I (where all the philosophical hymns of the g v e d a are dis cussed);
l

L. 8cherman,

Philosophische H y m n e n aus der Rigund AtharvavedaSanhit, E. J. Thomas, etc.

Stra8sburg, 1887, pp. 1 ff. I t has also been translated by Macdonell, ) g v e d a " in ZDMG 39 (1885) 52 ff. khyna means " narrative."

" D a s altindische k h y n a " in ZDMG 37 (1883) 54 ff. and k h y n a h y m n e n im

VDC

LltERATR

101

and started a theory, in order to explain their fragmentary and enigmatic character. The oldest form of epic poetry in India, he wsaid was a mixture of prose and verse> the speeches of the persons only being in verses, while the events connected with the speeches were narrated in prose. Originally only the verses used to be committed to memory and handed down, while the prose story was left to be narrated by every reciter in his own words. Now in the dialogue hymns of the gveda only the verse portions, containing conversations, have been preserved, while the prose portions of the narrative are lost to us. Only some of these narratives can partly be restored with the help of the Brhmaas or the epic literature, or even of commentaries. Where these aids fail, nothing remains for us b u t to try to guess the story from the conversations. This theory seemed to be supported by the fact that not only in Indian, but also in other literatures, the mixture of prose and verse is an early form of epic poetry. I t is found, for instance, in Old Irish and in Scandinavian poetry.? I n India we find it in some narrative portions of the Brhmaas and Upaniads, in some of the old parts of the Mahbhrata, in Buddhist literature, in the literature of fables and tales, in the drama, and again in the camp. I t is true that, in all these cases the prose has been handed down together with the verses, but as the gveda is professedly the Veda of the verses, it was not possible to include any prose in the Sahit of the gveda. And if an khyna, consisting of prose and verse, was to find a place in the gvedaSahit, the prose portion would have to be omitted. This is the theory of Oldenberg, which for a long time was almost generally accepted by scholars.

Already in the year 1878 in a lecture delivered at the 33rd meeting of German Windisch had pointed out the significance of Irish legendpoetry, and on this occasion had also

philologists and pedagogues at Gera, Ernst quite similar phenomena in the old

already drawn attention to the related phenomena in Indian literature.

102

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Of late, however, the theory has also met with a great deal of opposition. Many years back Max Mller and Sylvain Lvi had already suggested that the dialogue poems of the gveda might be a kind of dramas. This idea has been taken up by Joh. Hertel * and L. von Schroeder, who tried to prove that these Savda hymns are really speeches belong ing to some dramatic performances connected with the religious cult. W e have only, they say, to supply dramatic action, and the difficulties which these hymns offer to interpretation will disappear. W h a t kind of action has to be supplied can of course only be guessed from the dialogues themselves.
1] 2 3)

The fact is, that poems like the dialogue hymns of the gveda are of frequent occurrence in Indian literature. W e shall find similar semiepic and semidramatic poems, consist ing chiefly or entirely of dialogues or conversations, in the Mahbhrata, in the Puras, and especially in Buddhist literature. All these poems are nothing else but ancient ballads of the same kind as are found also in the literatures of many other peoples.* This ancient ballad poetry is the

) *)

Le Theatre Indien, Paris, 1890, pp. 301 ff WZKM 18, 1904, 59 ff , 137 ff. ;23 1909, 273 ff.; Indische Mrchen, Jena, 1931,

pp. 344, 367 f.

3

Mysterium und Mimus im Rigveda, Leipzig, 1908. A. Barth ( R H R 19, 1889, 130 f....Oeuvres, II, 5 .) has already compared the

*)

khyna of Purravas and Urvasi in the SatapathaB rhmaa with the ballad of K i n g R a s l in Temple's " Legends of the Panjb." ff. ; Oldenburg, On the whole question see Pischel, GGA 1891, 355 GGA 1909, 66 ff. ; NGGW 1911, 459 ff. ; Bloomfiel, American Journal of Philo WZKM 23, 1909, 151 f. ; 25, 1911, 3O7ff. ; Die Suparasage, Lieder des gveda Winternitz,

logy, 30, 1909, 78 ff. ; A. B . Ke*th, JRAS 1909, 2OO ff.; 1911, 979 ff. ; 1912, 429 ff. ; ZDMG 64, 1910, 534 ff. ; J. C harpentier, Uppsala 1920, p. 13 ff. W. C aland AR 14, 1911, 499 ff, ; Hillebrandt, 1913, pp. 93 ff. ; E. Windisch,

passim ; K. F. Geldner, Die indische B alladendichtung, Festschrift der Universitt Marburg, Geschichte der Sanskrit Philologie, pp. 404 ff. ; M. Monatsschrift WZKM 23, 1909, 102 ff. ; Oesterreichische fr den Orient 4 1 , 1915, 173 ff.,

and the Lecture on " Ancient Indian B allad Poetry" in the Calcutta Review, December, 1923.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

103

source both of the epic and of the drama, for these ballads consist of a narrative and of a dramatic element. The epic developed from the narrative, the drama arose from the dramatic elements of the ancient ballad. These ancient khynas or ballads were not always composed entirely in verse, but sometimes an introductory or a concluding story was told in prose, and occasionally the verses were linked together by short explanations in prose. Thus it may be that in some cases there might have been a connecting prose story (as Oldenberg assumed), which, if we knew it, would make the conversations of the hymns clear. But most of these hymns are simply ballads of the half-epic, half-dramatic type, though not real dramas, as some scholars have thought them to be. The most famous of these Vedic ballads or Savda hymns is v. X. 95. This is a poem of 18 stanzas, consisting of a dialogue between P u r u r a v a s a n d U r v a . P urravas is a mortal, Urva a nymph (Apsaras). During four years the divine beauty lived on earth as the wife of P ururavas, until by him she became pregnant, when she vanished, " like the first of the dawns." H e went out to seek her. At last he found her, playing with other water-nymphs, in a lake. That is about all we can glean from the obscure, often quite unintelligible verses, from the dialogues between the deserted one and tfce goddess who is romping about in the pond with her playmates. Fortunately this ancient myth of the love of a mortal king for a divine maiden is also preserved in other portions of Indian literature, and thus we can, to a certain extent, complete the poem of the gveda. The legend of P ururavas and Urva is already told us in a Brhmaa,* and the verses of the Rgveda are woven into the narrative. We are there told that the nymph, when she consented to become the wife of P ururavas, stipulated three conditions, one

-)

8atapatha-Brhmaa X I , 5, I.

104

INDIAN LITERATURE

of which was that she might never see him naked. The Gandharvasdemigods of the same kingdom to which the Apsaras belongwanted to get Urva back. Therefore, in the night, they stole two little lambs which she loved like children, and which were tied to her bed. As Urva com plained bitterly that she was robbed as though no man were near, Purravas jumped u p " n a e d as he was, for it seemed to him that the putting on of a garment would take too long" to pursue the thieves. But at the same instant the Gan dharvas caused a flash of lightning to appear, so that it became as light as day, and Urva perceived the king naked. She then vanished ; and when Purravas returned, she was gone. Mad with grief, the king wandered about the country, until one day he came to a pond, in which nymphs in the form of swans, were swimming about. This gives rise to the dialogue which we find in the gveda. and which is re produced with explanatory additions in the B r h m a a . Yet all the pleadings of Purravas that she might return to him are in vain. Even when, in despair, he talked of selfdestructionhe wanted to throw himself from the rocks as a prey to the fierce wolvesshe only replied :
1}

" Nay, do not die, Purravas, nor perish : let not the evilomened wolves devour thee. With women there can be no lasting friendship, hearts of hyenas are the hearts of women. *

Whether and how Purravas is reunited with his beloved is not quite clear either in the gveda or in the alapatha Brhmaa. I t seems that he becomes transformed into a Gandharva and attains heaven, where at last the joy of re union is his. The story of Purravas and Urva has often been retold in India : it is briefly hinted at in the K t h a k a
l

The atapatbaB rhmaa has only fifteen of the eighteen verses of Translated by R.T.H

the

gveda.

Griffith,

VEDIC

LITERATURE

105

belonging to the black Yajurveda, it is retold in exegetic works attached to t h e Veda, * in the Harivaa, an appendix to the Mahbhrata, in the Viu Pura and in the book of tales Kathsaritsgara, and no less a poet than Klidsa has founded one of his immortal dramas on it. From the circum stance that, in spite of all efforts to bring the verses of t h e gveda into unison with the later narratives and to utilize the latter in the elucidation of the gvedic p o e m , there is still so much that is obscure and unexplained in these verses, we see how very much earlier the gveda is than any other known work of Indian literature. W e have another valuable fragment of the art of narra tion in ancient times, in the dialogue of Y a m a and Y a m (v. X, 10). An old myth of the origin of t h e human race from a first pair of twins underlies t h e conversation. * Yam tries to tempt her brother Yama to incest, in order that the human race may not die out. I n passionate words, glowing with desire, the sister draws the brother on to love. I n gentle, deliberate speech, pointing to the eternal laws of the gods, which forbid the union of bloodrelations, Yama repulses her. These speeches, in which unfortunately there is still much obscurity, are full of dramatic strength. Yam first says :
1 2) 8

" M y friend I w o u l d draw near t o m e in f r i e n d s h i p , S h o u l d he h a v e g o n e een t o t h e f a r t h e s t T h a t he b e g e t a g r a n d s o n t o his sire O n earth, r e m e m b e r i n g w i s e l y f u t u r e days. [1] ocean.

) B audhyanaSrautasStra ( s . C aland in t h e Album Kern pp 5 7 ff.) B haddevatii ) S e e especially Geldner i n t h e " Vedische S t u d i e n " I 243295. Also Oldenberg,

Saclguru8iya's commentary on t h e Sarvnukrama of t h e gveda.

2

ZDMG 39 7 2 ff. and " Die Literatur des alten Indien," pp. 53 ff. The PurravasUrva dialogue has also been translated by Hertel, Indogerm. Forschungen 3I 1912 143 ff., and Hillebrandt
3

Lieder des gveda p p 142 ff. A. Winter h a s attempted a mythological interpretation of t h e m y t h in

S e e A. Weber, S B A . 1895, 822 ff. Y a m a means " t w i n , " and Yam is a feminine

form of Y a m a .

the essay : " Mein B ruder freit u m mich " ( Z V V . V I I . 1897, p p 172 ff.), where h e compares

106

INDIAN LI TERATURE

Thereupon Y a m a replies :
" T h y friend loves n o t t h e friendship w h i c h in kindred a s a s t r a n g e r . S o n s of the m i g h t y Asura, t h e Heroes, supporters of the heavens, [2] see far around them. considers her w h o is near

Yam however, tries to persuade her brother that the gods themselves desire that he shall unite himself with her in order to propagate his race. As he will not listen, she becomes more and more persistent, more and more passionate :
" I , Y a m l a m possessed b y love of Y a m a , t h a t I m a y rest on the s a m e couch beside h i m . I as a w i f e would y i e l d m e t o m y husband. speed t o m e e t e a c h o t h e r . " L i k e carwheels let [7] us

But Yama again refuses with the words :

" T h e y s t a n d not still, t h e y never close their eyelids, those sentinels

of G o d w h o wander round u s . N o t m e g o q u i c k l y , w a n t o n , w i t h another, and hasten like a chariot wheel to m e e t him. [8]

More and more tempestuous, however, does the sister grow, ever more ardently does she desire the embrace of Yama, untilon his repeated refusalshe bursts forth into the words :
" Alas ! thou art indeed a weakling, Y a m a ; we find in thee no trace cling about thee [13]

of heart or spirit. As round the tree t h e woodbine c l i n g s , another will g i r t as with a girdle.

Rv X, 10. with a Lettio popular song, in which a brother attempts to seduce his sister incest. Schroeder (Mysterium und Mimus, pp. 275 ff.). connected with s o m e rite of fertility. 23, 1909, 118 f, and C harpentier, This is certainly wrong. See Winternitz,

to

explains the h y m n as a drama WZKM

Die Suparasage, p. 99.

VEDIC

L TERATURE I

107

Whereupon Yama concludes the dialogue with the words:

" Embrace another, Yam ; let another, even as the woodbine rings

the tree, enfold t h e e . Win thou his heart and let him
1

win t h y f a n c y , and he shall form [ s 4]

with t h e e a b l e s t a l l i a n c e . "

How the story of Yama and Yam ended, we do not know; moreover no later source gives us any information upon it. Thus the poem of the gveda is unfortunately only a torso, but a torso which indicates a splendid work of art. The S r y s k t a , v. X, 85, may also be included in the gvedic ballad poetry. This particular hymn describes the marriage of Sry (the sundaughter, as the dawn is here called) with Soma (the moon), at which the two Avins were the matchmakers. This hymn consists of 47 verses, which are somewhat loosely connected. The verses nearly all refer to the marriage ritual, and most of them, as we know from the Ghyastras, the manuals of domestic ritual, were used also at the marriage of ordinary mortals. Y e t I do not think that these verses were merely compiled from the ritual (as is the case with some of the funeral hymns) so that they would have to be regarded as a kind of compilation of all the benedictions used in the marriagerites, like a chapter in a prayerbook. I t is much more probable that it is an ancient ballad describing the marriage of Sry partly in narrative stanzas, partly in addresses to t h e Avins and Sry and partly by the insertion of the mantras (benedic tions, incantations) recited at the various stages of the marriage ceremony. B u t among t h e benedictions which we find in this Sryskta, there are many which, with their
2)

*) Verses 2, 7, 8, 13, 14 translated b y R, T. H. Griffith, t h e first verse by the author.

2

) Translated into German by A. Weber, Ind. Stud. 5, 177 ff. S e e also J. Ehni ZDMG GGA., 1889, p. 7.

23,1879, 166 ff. ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, I. 14 ff. ; Oldenberg,

108

INDIAN

LITERATURE

simple, warm, hearty tone, remind us of the funeral hymns discussed above. Thus the bridal pair is addressed in the beautiful words :
" Happy Closely be thou unite thy and prosper body with w i t h thy children here : be v i g i l a n t to this m a n , t h y lord. S o shall y e , full [27] rule t h y household in this home. of years, address y o u r company.

The spectators past whom the marriage procession goes, are thus accosted :
" Signs of good fortune mark the bride : Come all of you and [33]

look a t her. W i s h her prosperity, and then return unto your homes again.

When the bridegroom, according to ancient European marriage-custom, clasps the hand of the he recites this verse :
"I take thy hand in mine for happy fortune have that thou

Indobride,

mayst

reach old a g e w i t h m e t h y husband. Gods, Aryaman, Bhaga Savitar, Purandhi, g i v e n thee to be [36] m y household's mistress.

W h e n at last the bridal pair enter the new home, they are received with the following words :
" Be With ye not sons parted ; d w e l l and ye here ; reach sport and the full t i m e of human in your [42] life. grandsons play, rejoicing o w n abode.

And upon the bride the blessing is invoked :

" O Bounteous to man!" Indra, m a k e t h i s bride blest in her sons and fortunate. her ten sons, and m a k e her husband the e l e v e n t h [45] D Vouchsafe

) The five verses translated by R. T. H. Griffith,

VEDIC

LITERATURE

109

But some of the marriage benedictions have more of the character of magic formulas. Among them we find charms against the evil eye and other pernicious magic, by means of which the bride could injure her future husband, as well as exorcisms by means of which demons, which lie in wait for the bride, are to be scared away. These magic formulas by no means stand alone, for there are, besides, about thirty m a g i c s o n g s in the gveda. Some of these are benedictions and formulas for the healing of various diseases, for the protection of the embryo, for warding off the effects of bad dreams and unfavourable omens, while others are incantations for the scaring away of witches, for the destruction of enemies and malevolent wizards, or magic formulas against poison and vermin, verses for the supplant ing of a rival ; we also find a blessing on the field, a charm for the prosperity of cattle, a battle charm, a charm for inducing sleep, and so on. Of this kind is also the very remarkable " Frog song," v. VII, 103. Here the frogs are compared with Brahmans. I n the dry season they lie there like Brahmans who have taken the vow of silence. Then when the rain comes, they greet each other with merry croaking " a s a son his father." And the one repeats the croaking of the other, as the pupils repeat the words of the teacher when studying the Veda in a Brahman school. They modulate their voices in many ways. As priests at the Somasacrifice sit singing around the filled tub, so the frogs celebrate the commencement of the rainy season with their song. At the end follows a prayer for wealth :
" B o t h L o w i n g C o w and B l e a t i n g G o a t have g i v e n , Spotty and Tawny, too, have g i v e n us riches. for pressings
i )

T h e frogs g i v e k i n e by hundreds ; t h e y

Of Sorna thousandfold, prolong e x i s t e n c e . "

) Translated by A . A . writers, pp 194 i.

Macdonell,

H y m n s from the gveda p. 96. Metrical

A free poetical Sanskrit

translation of the h y m n is to be found in J. Muir

Translations from

HO

INDIAN

LITERATURB

All this sounds immensely funny, and almost generally the song was looked upon by scholars as a parody on the sacrificial songs and malicious satire against the Brahmans.* However, Bloomfield has proved conclusively * that this is a magic incan tation, which was used as a rainspell, and that the frogSj which, according to ancient Indian popular belief, can bring forth water, are praised and invoked as rainbringers. The comparison with the Brahmans is not intended as a satire on t h e latter, b u t only as a flatterya captatio benevolentiaeto the frogs. The frogsong was probably never a satire. I t is only we who see something comic in it, and not the ancient Indians, who actually regarded frogs as great wizards. I t appears, however, that incantations sometimes arose from secular poems. Thus, the song v. VI, 75, may originally have been a war song, which has been changed into a battle charm. While some verses of this song are distinguished by great poetic beauty and especially by bold images, other verses show only the dry, inartistic language of incantations. The first three verses sound more like a warsong than like an incantation :
2

" T h e warrior's look i s like a t h u n d e r o u s rainclouds w h e n , a r m e d w i t h m a i l , he s e e k s t h e l a p of b a t t l e . B e t h o u v i c t o r i o u s w i t h u n w o u n d e d b o d y : so let t h e t h i c k n e s s mail protect thee. the battle, with b o w t h e victors of thy

W i t h b o w l e t us w i n kine w i t h b o w in our hot e n c o u n t e r s .

-) Cf. for instance, Deussen, A g Ph 1 , 1 , pp. 1OO ff. *) JAOS 17, 1896, pp. 173 ff. Already before this M. Haug attached t o i t the following interesting information. with t h e foregoing, (Brahma und die Brahmanen, Mnchen, 187l p. 12) had explained t h e song in t h e same way, and " The song is used in connection addressed t o t h e raingod (Parjanya), even today in t i m e of great

drought, w h e n t h e ardently desired rain refuses t o come. Twenty t o thirty Brahmans g o t o a river and recite these t w o h y m n s , in order to cause t h e rain t o descend." S e e also L. v. Schroeder Mysterium und Mimus im gveda pp. 396 ff. and J. W.
f

Hauer, Die Anfange der Yogapraxis, Berlin 1922, pp. 68 ff.

VEDIC T h e bow brings

L TERATURE I

111
f o e m a n : a r m e d w i t h the b o w

g r i e f and sorrow to t h e

m a y w e subdue all r e g i o n s . C l o s e to his ear, as f a i n to s p e a k , she presses, h o l d i n g her well* loved

friend i n her e m b r a c e s . S t r a i n e d on t h e b o w , she whispers like a w o m a n t h i s preserves us in t h e combat. *

1

bowstring

that

On the whole, however, the magic songs of the gveda differ in no wise from those of the AtharvaVeda, with which we shall deal later. But it is very significant that, besides the hymns to the great gods and the sacrificial songs, also incantations like these have been included in the gveda Sahitand that by no means only in the tenth book of the latter. I t is still more significant that also some apparently quite secular poems have got mixed amongst the sacred songs and sacrificial chants of the gveda. Thus, we find, for example, v. I X , 112, in the midst of the Sorna songs a satirical poem, which derides the manifold desires of mankind. I t is probably an old popular song of the " labour song " type. I t could be sung as an accompaniment to any kind of work, and here the refrain " F l o w , Indu, flow, for Indra's s a k e " indicates t h a t it was adapted for the work of pressing Soma.>
2) 3 )

) Translated by R . T. H.
2

Griffith,

) Indu = Soma. ) There i s no justification for omitting this refrain, as s o m e translators have done, B u t see Pi?chel, Vedische Studien, I, 107. S e e K. Bcher, (Mysterium und

for instance Muir Metrical Translations from Sanskrit Writers, p. 190 ; Macdonell, Hymns from the gveda p. 90. *) S o m e of t h e Sorna h y m n s (e. g. v . I, 28 ; I X , 2 ; 6 ; 8 e t c . ) are ' labour songs' in which the whole process of preparing t h e Sorna juice is described. Arbeit und R h y t h m u s , 5. Aufl., Leipzig 1919, pp. 4 1 2 I. L. v. 8chroeder

Mimu8 i m Rigveda, pp. 4 0 8 ff.) has with bold imagination tried to show that the hymn wua used at a popular procession during a Sorna festival. this hypothesis could be founded. also C harpentier, B ut there are no facts on which t h e hymn So Oldenberg (GGA. 1909, 8 0 f.) thinks that

was intended as a prayer a t some Sorna sacrifice offered for attaining special wishes. Die Suparasage, pp. 8 0 t

112

INDIAN

L TERATURE I

I give the remarkable poem in the translation of R. T. H . Griffith :

" W e all have various t h o u g h t s and plans, and diverse are t h e w a y s of men. The Brahman seeks the worshipper, seasoned w r i g h t seeks the cracked, a n d leech the m a i m e d . The s m i t h of air. W i t h stones, and w i t h enkindled flames, seeks h i m w h o hath a store of gold. F l o w , I n d u , flow for I ndra's sake. A bard am I , Striving for wealth, my dad's a leech, m a m m y lays corn upon the s t o n e s , varied plans, we f o l l o w our desires like k i n e . with F l o w , I n d u , flow for I ndras sake. p l a n t s , w i t h feathers of the birds

w i t h ripe and

F l o w , I n d u , flow for I ndras sake. The horse w o u l d draw an easy car, g a y hosts a t t r a c t t h e l a u g h and j e s t . T h e male desires his mate's a p p r o a c h , * the f r o g is eager for the F l o w , I n d u , flow for I ndra's sake.
1

flood.

The most beautiful amongst the non-religious poems of the gveda collection is the song of the gambler, v . X, 34. I t is the soliloquy of a penitent sinner, who by means of his irresistible attraction to dice-playing has destroyed the happiness of his life. I n pathetic verses the gambler describes how the dice have caused him to lose his domestic happiness :
" She w r a n g l e s n o t w i t h For dice t h a t only m e , nor is she a n g r y : throws effected [2]

T o m e and comrades she was ever k i n d l y . luckless I've driven a w a y from h o m e a w i f e devoted. H e r mother h a t e s m e , she herself rejects m e : For one in such distress there is no p i t y . I find a g a m b l i n g m a n is no more useful [3] chattels T h a n is an a g e d horse thats in t h e market. Others embrace t h e w i f e of h i m whose T h e eager dice have striven hard to capture ; And father, mother, brothers say about h i m : W e k n o w h i m not ; lead h i m a w a y a captive " [4]

-) Expressed much more coarsely in the original.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

113

The uncanny power of the dice, too, is described in forceful terms :

" W h e n to m y s e l f I t h i n k , I'll not g o w i t h t h e m , I'll stay behind m y friends that g o to g a m b l e , A n d those brown nuts, t h r o w n d o w n , have raised their voices, I g o , like wench s t r a i g h t to the place of meeting." [5]

And of the dice it is said :

" T h e dice attract the g a m b l e r , b u t deceive and w o u n d , Both p a i n i n g m e n at play and c a u s i n g t h e m to pain. L i k e b o y s t h e y offer first and t h e n take back their g i f t s : W i t h h o n e y s w e e t to gamblers b y their m a g i c charm. D o w n w a r d t h e y roll, t h e n s w i f t l y s p r i n g i n g u p w a r d , T h e y overcome t h e man w i t h h a n d s , t h o u g h handless. Cast on the board like m a g i c bits of charcoal, T h o u g h cold t h e m s e l v e s , t h e y burn the heart to a s h e s . " [ 9 ] [7]

And however much he bewails his fate, yet he always falls again into the power of the dice.
" Grieved is the g a m b l e r ' s wife b y h i m abandoned, Grieved, too, his m o t h e r as he a i m l e s s wanders. Indebted, f e a r i n g , he desiring money [10] A t n i g h t approaches other people's houses. I t pains the g a m b l e r w h e n he sees a w o m a n Another's w i f e , and their wellordered household. H e y o k e s those brown steeds early in the m o r n i n g , ^ A n d when the fire is low sinks d o w n a beggar. "
1 2 1

[11]

-) i.e. he begins to play with the brown dice.

2

) Translated by A. A. Macdonell,

H y m n s from the Rigveda, pp. 88 ff. The hymn

has

also been translated by J. Jfuir Metrical Translations from Sanskrit Writers, pp. 190 ff. L. v. 8chroeder (Mysterium und Mimus im Rigveda, pp. 377 ff.) explains the poem as a drama in form of a monologue. Charpentier ( D i e Suparasage, pp. 83 ff.) thinks that it was composed for " didactic purposes." or Nala. It seems to me more probable that this soliloquy

of a gambler is part of a ballad, in which some epic story was told like that of Yudhihira

IS

114

INDIAN

LITERATURE

But finally he resolves to turn over a new leaf. H e implores the dice to set him free, as, according to the command of Savitar, he desires to give up gambling, in order to look after his field and live for his family. Lastly, a kind of intermediate position between religious and secular poetry is occupied by those hymns which are connected with socalled D n a s t u t i s , " Songs of praise to Generosity " (namely, that of the princes and patrons of the sacrifice, for whom the songs were composed.) There are about forty such hymns.* Some of them are songs of victory, in which the god Indra is praised, because he has helped some king to achieve a victory over his enemies. W i t h the praise of the god is united the glorification of the victorious king. Finally, however, the singer praises his patron, who has presented him with oxen, horses, and beauti ful slaves out of the booty of war, while incidentally with a few coarse, obscene jokes, the pleasure which the slaves give to the singer is recalled. Others are very long sacrificial songs, * also mostly addressed to Indra, which evidently were composed for quite definite occasions a t the request of a prince or a wealthy man, and were recited at the sacrifice ; and they also are followed by verses in which the patron of the sacrifice is praised, because he gave the singer a liberal priestly fee. These Dnastutis always mention the full name of the pious donor, and indubitably refer to historic events, or actual happenings. Hence they are not unimportant. As poems they are of course, quite worthless; they are composed to order by artisanlike versewriters, or accomplished with an eye to the expected payment. Even when they are not connected with any Dnastuti, some of the hymns of the
2 y

) Only one h y m n ( v . I, 126) is entirely a Dnastuti.

8

Otherwise it is usually only the greater, according to the

t h r e e to five verses at the conclusion of the h y m n s which contain the Dnastuti. ) W e get the impression that the honorarium was length of the poem,

YEDIC

LITERATURE

ii

gveda certainly were " h a m m e r e d t o g e t h e r " for good payment in an equally artisanlike manner. Sometimes even the Vedic singers themselves compare their work with that of the carpenter.* Nevertheless it is remarkable that among those hymns which excel at all as works of poetic art, there is not a single one which ends in a Dnastuti. W h e n , therefore, H . Oldenberg says about gvedic poetry in general : " This poetry does not rank in the service of beauty, as this religion does not serve the aim of enlightening and uplifting the soul; b u t both rank in the service of class interest, of personal interest, of fees,"he evidently forgets that among the 1,028 hymns of the gveda there are only about 40 which end in Dnastutis. I think that among the composers of Vedic hymns there were certainly artisans, but equally certainly there were also poets. There is one hymn in the gveda which is, in the higher sense, a Dnastuti, a " Praise of Generosity." I t is the hymn v. X , 117, which is worthy of mention also because it strikes a moralizing note which is otherwise quite foreign to the gveda. The gveda is everything b u t a textbook of morals. And the hymn, which I give here in the translation of A. A. Macdonell, * is quite isolated in the gveda:
2) 3

" T h e g o d s inflict n o t h u n g e r a s a m e a n s to kill : Death frequently befalls even satiated m e n , * T h e charitable g i v e r ' s w e a l t h m e l t s n o t a w a y ; T h e n i g g a r d never finds a m a n t o p i t y h i m .
4

) v. I, 130, 6 :

" T h i s speech has been built for thee b y men desiring possessions, v . I, 6 1 , 4 : " To him ( t o Indra) I send this song of

like a chariot b y a clever master."

2

praise, as a coach builder sends a chariot to h i m w h o has ordered it." ) Die Literatur des alten Indien, p, 20. ) H y m n s from the Rigveda, pp. 92 f. Freely translated b y J. Muir ( D e r Rigveda V, 561) : Metrical See also Deussen, AGPh., I. I, pp. 9 3 f. " W e do not
3

Translations from Sanskrit Writers, pp. 193 f.

*) This is very well explained by A. Ludwig

interfere with t h e rule of t h e gods b y g i v i n g nourishment to one who is nearly dying of starvation ; this is said with bitter irony against the hypocrites w h o sought t o justify

lie

INDIAN

LITERATURE

W h o , of a b u n d a n t food possessed, m a k e s hard his heart T o w a r d s a n e e d y and decrepit s u p p l i a n t W h o m once he courted, c o m e to pray to h i m for bread : A man l i k e this as well finds n o n e to p i t y h i m . H e is t h e liberal m a n w h o helps the b e g g a r T h a t , c r a v i n g food, e m a c i a t e d w a n d e r s , A n d c o m i n g to his aid, w h e n a s k e d to succour, I m m e d i a t e l y m a k e s h i m a friend hereafter. H e is no friend w h o g i v e s n o t of his s u b s t a n c e T o his devoted, i n t i m a t e c o m p a n i o n : T h i s friend should turn from h i m h e r e is no h a v e n A n d seek a stranger elsewhere as a helper. T h e w e a l t h i e r m a n should g i v e unto t h e needy. Considering the course of life hereafter ; For riches are like chariot wheels r e v o l v i n g ! N o w to one m a n t h e y c o m e , n o w to a n o t h e r . T h e foolish m a n from f o o d has no a d v a n t a g e ; I n t r u t h I s a y : it is b u t his u n d o i n g ; N o friend he ever fosters, no c o m p a n i o n : H e eats alone, and he alone is g u i l t y . T h e p l o u g h t h a t cleaves t h e soil produces nurture ; H e t h a t bestirs his f e e t c o m p l e t e s his j o u r n e y . T h e s p e a k i n g B r a h m i n earns more t h a n t h e s i l e n t ; A friend w h o g i v e s is better than the n i g g a r d . T h e one-foot strides more s w i f t l y t h a n t h e biped ; T h e biped g o e s b e y o n d h i m w h o has t h r e e feet. T h e quadruped c o m e s a t t h e call of bipeds, A n d w a t c h e s near where groups of five are g a t h e r e d . *
1

their hardness of heart by saying that the fate of the needy ones was determined the gods.

by

The irony or sarcasm b e c o m e s unquestionable through what f o l l o w s ; the

poet concludes further that, if the poor were predestined by the gods to death by starvation, then the w e a l t h y w h o had plenty of food, must live for ever." -) The translation is hardly questionable, so much t h e more, then, t h e sense. It has" been conjectured that by the " one-foot," the " one-footed ram," a storm-god, is meant, or, by others, the sun, and that the " three-footed " is the old man supported on a stick, and the " quadruped " the dog. This is by no means certain.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

ii7

T w o hands t h o u g h equal m a k e n o t w h a t is equal ; N o sister c o w s y i e l d m i l k in equal measure ; U n e q u a l is t h e s t r e n g t h e v e n of t w i n children ; T h e g i f t s of even k i n s m e n are unequal. *

The last verse but one is an example of the r i d d l e p o e t r y , very popular with ancient Indians as with other ancient nations. The hymn v. I , 164, contains a large number of such riddles, most of which, unfortunately, we cannot under stand. For instance :
" S e v e n harness a o n e w h e e l e d cart ; it is drawn seven n a m e s ; three n a v e s has the which all these b e i n g s s t a n d . " by one horse wheel, with on

immortal, neverstopping

This may mean : The seven priests of the sacrifice harness (by means of the sacrifice) the sunchariot, which is drawn by seven horses or one horse with seven forms : this immortal sunwheel has three naves, namely, the three seasons (summer, rainy season and winter), in which the life of all mankind is passed. However, other solutions of the riddle are possible. The meaning of the following riddles, too, is by no means clear :
" B e a r i n g three mothers and three fathers t h e One stands erect, and t h e y do not tire him ; there on the back of the s k y t h e y consult k n o w i n g , but not a l l e m b r a c i n g V a c (Goddess of S p e e c h ) . H e who m a d e h i m k n o w s nothing of him ; he in the
2

with

the

all him,

w h o has of

seen

from h i m he is hidden ; he lies enwrapped

womb

the mother ;

he has m a n y children, and y e t he has g o n e t o N i r t i . ) T h e sky is m y father and m y progenitor, there is t h e navel ; m y mother is this great earth. Between the two spreadout Soma is the w o m b ; into it t h e F a t h e r placed t h e seed in t h e daughter. own

vessels

-)
s

Cf. Deussen, AGPh I, 1, pp. 93 f. Nirti is the goddess of death and destruction. " To go to N i r t i " means : to be

completely ruined, to sink into nothingness.

118 I ND AN I

LITERATURE

On the other hand it is clear that the sun is meant it is said :

" A shepherd I s a w , who does not fall down, who wanders

when

up

and those

d o w n on his paths : c l o t h i n g himself in those w h i c h run t o g e t h e r and which disperse ) he circles about in the worlds."

Equally clear is the meaning of the riddle :

" T w e l v e t y r e s , one wheel, three naves : w h o k n o w s that ? are a l t o g e t h e r about three hundred and s i x t y m o v a b l e p e g s . " I n it there

The year is meant, with the twelve months, three seasons, and roughly three hundred and sixty days. Such riddlequestions and riddlegames were among the most popular diversions in ancient India ; at some sacrifices they even formed a part of the ritual. We come across such riddles again in the Atharvaveda as well as in the Yajurveda. If we now cast a glance over the varied contents of the gvedaSahit, of which I have here tried to give an idea, the conviction forces itself upon us that in this collection we have the fragments of the very oldest Indian poetry, that the songs, hymns and poems of the gveda which have come down to us are only a fragmentary portion of a much more extensive poetic literature, both religious and secular, of which probably the greater part is irretrievably lost. But as the great majority of these hymns are either sacrificial chants, or were used, or could have been used, as prayers and sacri ficial songs, we may assume that these very hymns gave the actual stimulus for collecting and uniting them in one " b o o k . " Yet the collectors, who probably had a purely
2)

) )

The rays are meant. T h e riddles of v. I, 164, have been treated in detail by Martin ffaug Vedisohe ZDMG 48, 1894, 353 I.; H. Stumme,

Rtselfragen and Rtseisprche (SB ay A 1875) and by Deu*sen, AGPh I, 1, pp. 105119. See also R.Bo/h ZDMG 46, 1892, 759 f. ; E. Wvndisch, ZDMG 64, 1910, 435 f. and V. Henry
t

Revue critique, 1905, p. 403.

VEDIC LITERATURE

119

literary interest, as well as a religious interest in the collec tion, did not scruple to include in it also profane poems, which by language and metre, had proved themselves to be equally ancient and venerable as those sacrificial chants. Only through being included in a " book " t h a t is, a schooltext intended for memorizationcould they be saved from oblivion. Certainly there was much also which they considered too profane to be included in the gvedaSahit. Of this a certain amount has been saved through the fact that it was later included in another collectionthe AtharvavedaSahit.
THE ATHARVAVEDASAMHIT. *
1

" Atharvaveda " means " the Veda of the Atharvan " or " the knowledge of Magic Formulas." Originally, however, the word Atharvan meant a firepriest, and it is probably the oldest Indian name for " priest " in general, for the word dates back to the IndoIranian period. For the Athravans or " firepeople " of the Avesta correspond to the Indian Atharvans. The firecult played no less a part in the daily life of the ancient Indians than in that of the ancient Persians, so often designated as " fireworshippers ; " the
2)
1

There are two complete English translations of the Atharvaveda, one by R.T.H. B enares 18956), and another by W.D. ( Whitney, revised and brought nearer to (S E vol. 42, 1897). B (HOS vols. 7 and 8, Cambridge Mass. 1905), a

Griffith

completion and edited by C,R. Lanman

selection of hymns in excellent English translation by M Bloomfield volume of his " Rigveda " (Prague 1878), pp. 428551.

A great number of h y m n s have been translated into German by A. Ludiuig in the 3rd A selection of hymns into German Stuttgart 1888). German (Ind. Stud., vol. verse by J. Grill (Hundert Lieder des AtharvaVeda, 2. Aufl,

translations of books IV and XIV by A. Weber (Ind. Stud., vols. 4 , 5 , 13, 1 7 , 18), of book XVIII by the same (SB A 1895 and 1896), of book X V by Th. Aufrecht 1) and of VI. l 5 0 by C A . Florenz (Diss., Gottingen 1887). V I I X I I 1 by V. Henry (Paris 1891 96). A French translation of books

Bloomfield has treated of the Atharvaveda in detail

in the " Grundriss " ( I I . I, B ) , and I am particularly indebted to this work for this chapter. For the contents and interpretation of the Atharvaveda, see also V. Henry, La magie dans l'Inde antique, Paris 1904 ; Oldenberg, AR 7 , 1904, 2 1 7 ff.j F. Edgerton, of Philology, 35, 1914, 435 ff.
2

American Journal

In Ancient Rome, too, the Flamines,

who had to perform the burntsacrifice, belong

o the oldest priests. (Th. Mommsen, Rmische Geschichte, 4. Aufl. I p. 7 0 f . )

120

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

priests of this very ancient fire-cult, however, were still, like the Shamans of Northern Asia and the Medicine-men of the American I ndians, " priests of magic," that is, priest and wizard combined in one person, as in the word " Magi "as the Athravans in Medea were calledthe ideas of wizard and priest are merged together. Thus we can understand that the name Atharvan designated also the " incantations of the Atharvan or the wizard-priest," that is, the spells and magic formulas themselves. The oldest name, however, by which this Veda is known in I ndian literature is Atharvgirasa, that is, " t h e Atharvans and the Agiras." The Agiras, similarly, are a class of prehistoric firepriests, and the word also, like the word atharvan, attained the meaning of "magic formulas and spells." The two expressions atharvan and agiras, however, designate two different species of magic formulas : atharvan is " holy magic, bringing happiness," while agiras means " hostile magic, black m a g i c " Among the Atharvans, for example, are the formulae for the healing of diseases, while among the Agiras are the curses against enemies, rivals, evil magicians, and such like. The old name Atharvgirasa thus means these two kinds of magic for mulae, which form the chief contents of the Atharvaveda. The later name Atharvaveda is merely an abbreviation of " Veda of the Atharvans and Agiras" Now the AtharvavedaSahit, usually called simply " the Atharvaveda," is a collection of seven hundred and thirty one hymns, which contain about six thousand verses, in the recension which is best preserved. * I t is divided into twenty
1] 2

) I n later literature w e m e e t also with the terms bhgvagirasa and bhguvistara (CulikaUpaniad 11) for t h e Atharvaveda. ) the The B hgus also were ancient firepriests. The t e x t of 1856. The I t is the aunaka recension of the Sahit text belonging to the aunaka school. recension is published by R. Both and W.D. Whitney. B erlin 18951898.

The Paippalda recension i s known only in one single inaccurate manuscript. Saunaka AtharvavedaSahit, with the commentary of Syaa has P. Pandit, 4 vols., B ombay

been published by Shankar

The manuscript of the Paippalda recension has

VEDIC

LITERATURE

121

books.* The twentieth book was added quite late, and the nineteenth book, too, did not originally belong to the Sahit. The twentieth book is almost entirely composed of hymns which have been taken literally from the gveda Sahif. Besides this, about oneseventh of the Atbarvaveda Sainhit is taken from the gveda ; moreover, more than half of the verses which the Atharvaveda has in common with the gveda are to be found in the tenth book, most of the remaining verses in the first and the eighth book of the gveda. The arrangement of the hymns in the eighteen genuine books is according to a definite plan, and shows fairly careful editorial activity. The first seven hooks consist of numerous short hymns, the hymns in Book I having, as a rule, four verses, in Book I I five, in Book I I I six, in Book IV seven. The hymns of BookV have a minimum of eight and a maximum of eighteen verses. Book VI consists of one hundred and fortytwo hymns mostly of three verses each, and the seventh Book consists of one hundred and eighteen hymns, most of which contain only one or two verses. Books VIIIXIV, X V I I and X V I I I consist throughout of very long hymns, the shortest hymn (twentyone verses) being at the beginning of this series (VIII, 1) and the longest (eightynine verses) at t h e end ( X V I I I , 4). Book XV and the greater part of Book X V I , which interrupt the series, are composed in prose, and are similar in style and language to the Brh maas. Although in this arrangement something quite externalthe number of verseshas been considered first, yet some consideration is also given to the contents. Two, three,

been published in facsimile by M Blonmfield and R. Oarbe

(The Kashmirian

AtharvaVeda, with

Stuttgart 1901). B ooks I. II. IVX of the Kashmirian recension have been published critical notes on the text by Le Roy C arr Barret and F Edgerton 34, 35, 37, 4043, 19061923. ) We can distinguish three main divisions of the Sahita, cf Lanwan CXXVIl ff)

in JA OS, vols. 26, 30, 32, H OS, vol. 7, pp.

1. B ooks IVI. an appendix to which is contained in B ook V I ; 2. B ooks

V 1 H X I I and 3, B ooks X I I I X V I I I . an appendix to which is contained in B ook X I X .

122

INDIAN

LITERATURE

four, and even more hymns, which deal with the same subject frequently stand side by side. Occasionally the first hymn of a book is placed at the beginning on account of its contents ; thus Books I I , IV, V and VII, begin with theosophical hymns, which, no doubt, is intentional. On the whole we can say thus : the first section of the Sahit (Books I to VII) contains the short hymns of miscellaneous contents, the second section (Books VIII to X I I ) the long hymns of mis cellaneous contents, while Books X I I I to X V I I I are almost entirely uniform as to their contents. Thus Book X I V con tains only marriage prayers and Book X V I I I only funeral hymns. The language and metre of the hymns of the Atharva veda are in essentials the same as those of the g vedaSahit. Yet in the language of the Atharvaveda we find some decidedly later forms and some more popular forms : also the metre is not nearly so strictly handled as in the gveda. Apart from Book XV, which is wholly composed in prose, and Book X V I , the greater part of which is in prose, we occasionally find also other prose pieces among the verses ; and frequently it is not easy to distinguish whether a piece is composed in lofty prose or in badlyconstructed verses. I t also happens that an originally correct metre is spoiled through an interpolation or corruption of the text. I n certain cases, indeed, the facts of language and metre indicate that we are dealing with later pieces. I n general, however, no conclusions can be drawn from the language and the metre with regard to the date of the composition of the hymns, still less with
1} 2)

On the divisions of the AtharvavedaSahit see Whitney

and Lanman

HOS vol. Irregu text

7, pp. cxxvii ff.

a

) On the metre of the Atharvaveda see Whitney,

H OS, vol. 7, pp. cxxvi f.

larities of metre are equally peculiar to t h e Atharvaveda as t o all metrical Vedic texts o t h e r than the Rgveda. arbitrarily. To correct the metre everywhere, would mean changing the

VEDIC

LITERATURE

123

Regard to the date of the compilation of our Sahit. For it always remains an open question, whether the peculiarities of language and the freedom of metre, by which the magic incantations of the Atharvaveda are distinguished from the hymnpoetry of the gveda are based upon a difference in the period of origin or on the difference between popular and priestly composition. {Of above, pp. 53 f.) On the other hand there are other facts which prove indisputably that our text of the AtharvavedaSahit is later than that of the gvedaSahit. Firstly, the geographical and cultural conditions show us a later period than that reflected in the gveda. The Vedic Aryans have now penetrated further to the Southeast and are already settled in the Ganges country. The tiger, native to the marshy forests of Bengal, and therefore still unknown in the gveda appears in the Atharvaveda already as the might iest and most feared of all beasts of prey, and the king, at his consecration, steps upon a tigerskin, the symbol of kingly power. The Atharvaveda knows not only the four castesBrhmaas, Katriyas, Vaisyas and dras but in a number of hymns, the highest privileges are already claimed (as later happens more and more frequently) by the priestly caste, and the Brahmans are already often called the " g o d s " * of this earth. The songs of magic in the Atharvaveda, which, according to their main contents, are certainly popular and very ancient, have no longer even their original form in the Sahit, but are brahmanised. These old charms and formulas, whose authors are equally unknown as the authors of the magic incantations and formulas of other peoples, and which originally were just as much " popular poetry " as the poetry of magic everywhere is, have already in the AtharvavedaSahit partly lost
1

l f

) The expression " gods " for " priests " occurs once also in the gveda (v. I, 128, 8 ) .

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisehes Leben, pp. 205 f.

24

INDIAN

LITERATURE

their popular character. W e see at every step, that the collection was made by priests, and that many of the hymns were also composed by priests. This priestly outlook of the compilers and partly also of the authors of the hymns of the Atharvaveda, reveals itself in occasional comparisons and epithets, as for instance, when, in a charm against fieldvermin, it is said that the insects are to leave the corn untouched " as the Brahman does not touch un finished sacrificial food." A whole class of hymns of the Atharvaveda, with which we shall deal below, is concerned only with the interests of the Brahmans, the feeding of priests, the fees for the sacrifice, and such like, and they are, of course, the work of priests. And just as the brahmanizing of the ancient magic poetry indicates a later period of the collection, so the part which the Vedic gods play in the Atharvaveda points to a later origin for the Sanihil. W e hure meet the same gods as in the gveda : Agni, Indra and so on ; but their character had quite faded, they hardly differ from each other, their original signification as natural beings is, for the greater part, forgotten, and as the magic songs deal mostly with the banishment and destruction of demonsthe gods being invoked only for this purpost t h e y have all become demonkillers. Finally, also those hymns of the Atharvaveda which contain theosophical and cosmogonie speculations indicate a later period. W e already find in these h y m n s a failly developed philosophical termino logy, and a development of pantheism standing on a level with the philosophy of the Upaniads. The fact that even these philosophical hymns themselves are used for magic purposes, that, for instance, a philosophical conception such as Asat " t h e nonexistent," is employed as a means of destroying enemies, demons, and magicians, * shews that here
1

) Ath. IV, 19, 6.

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125

already we have before us an artificial and very modern development of ancient witchcraft. I t is no sign of a later date that the sacredness of the Atharvaveda was not recognised by the Indians themselves for a long time, and even today is frequently disputed. The reason for this is to be found in the character of this Veda. The purpose of the Atharvaveda is, as the Indians say, " to appease, to bless and to curse." Those numerous magic formulas, however, which contain curses and exorcisms, belong to the province of " unholy magic," which the priesthood and the priestly religion endeavoured more and more to renounce. On the whole there is no essential difference between cult and m a g i c ; by means of both man seeks to influence the transcen dental world. Moreover, priests and magicians are originally one and the same. But in the history of all peoples there begins a time when the cult of the gods and witchcraft strive to separate (never quite succeeding), when the priest, who is friendly with the gods, renounces the magician, who is in league with the uncanny demonworld, and looks down on him. This contrast between magician and priest developed also in India. Not only the Buddhist and Jain monks are forbidden to devote themselves to the exorcisms of the Athar vaveda and to magic, but also the brahmanical lawbooks declare sorcery to be a sin, place the magician on a level with impostors and rogues, and invite the king to proceed against them with punishments. * Certainly in other places in the lawbooks of the Brabmans permission to make use of the exorcisms of the Atharvaveda against enemies is expressly given, * and the ritual texts, which describe the great sacri fices, contain numerous exorcismformulas and descriptions of
x) 2 3

*) i.e. to appease the demons, to bless friends and to curse enemies.

s

) S B E X, II, p. 176. ) See Manu X I , 33.

XLV pp. 105, 133, 363.

Manu IX, 28 2 9 0 ; X I , 64.

Viu

Smti 54, 25.

a

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magic rites by means of which the priest can annihilateso runs the formula" him who hates us, and him whom we hate." Yet a certain aversion to the Veda of the magic formulas arose in priestly circles; it was not considered sufficiently orthodox and was frequently excluded from the canon of sacred texts. From the beginning it held a peculiar position in the sacred literature. Wherever, in old works, there is talk of sacred knowledge, there the trayl vidy " the threefold knowledge," that is, gveda Yajurveda, and Smaveda, is always mentioned first ; the Atharvaveda always follows after the tray vidy and sometimes is even entirely passed over. I t even happens that the Vedgas < and the epic narratives (itihsapura) are represented as sacred texts, while the Atharvaveda remains unmentioned. Thus in a Ghyastra a ceremony is described, by which the Vedas are to be " laid into " the newborn child. This takes place by means of a formula, which says : " I lay the gveda into thee, I lay the Yajurveda into thee, I lay the Smaveda into thee, I lay the discourses (vkovkya) into thee, the tales and legends (itihsapura) I lay into thee, all the Vedas I lay into thee." Here, then, the Atharvaveda is intentionally passed over. Even in old Buddhist texts it is said of learned Brahmans that they are versed in the three Vedas. The fact however that already in one Sahit of the Black Y a j u r v e d a and also occasionally in old Brhmaas and Upaniads the Atharva veda is mentioned by the side of the three other Vedas shows
1} 2) 3)

) khyanaGhyasutra I. 24, 8.

) Suttanip4ta, Selasutta is especially remarkable, where it is said of the B rahman Sela that he is conversant with the three vedas, the Vedngas and the Itihsa as fifth (ed FausboH p. 101). Also in Suttanipta 1019 it is said of B hvar that he has mastered t h ' three Vedas. (8B E vol. X I I , pp. 98 and 189). ) TaittiryaSahit V I I . 5, I I . 2, where the plural of Agiras stands in the of " Atharvaveda." See above, pp 120 f.
8

sense

VEDIC

LITERATURB

127

that this nonmention of the Atharvaveda is no proof of the late origin of the Sahit. B u t even though it is certain that our version of the AtharvavedaSa7rihit is later than that of the gveda Samhit, yet it by no means follows from this that the hymns themselves are later than the gveda hymns. I t only follows that t h e latest hymns of the Atharvaveda are later than the latest hymns of the gveda. However, certain as it is that among the hymns of the Atharvaveda there are many which are later than the great majority of gveda hymns, it is equally certain that the magic poetry of the Atharvaveda is in itself at least as old as, if not older than, the sacrificial poetry of the gveda t h a t numerous pieces of the Atharva veda date back into the same dim prehistoric times as the oldest songs of the gveda. I t will not do at all to speak of a "period of the Atharvaveda." Like the gvedaSahit, so too the collection of the Atharvaveda contains pieces which are separated from each other by centuries. Only of the later parts of the AtharvavedaSahit it can be said that many of them were only composed after the pattern of the gvedahymns. I consider as erroneous the opinion of Ohlenberg, * that the oldest form of magic formulas in India was the prose form, and that the whole literature of magic verses and magic songs was only created after the " pattern of its elder sister, the poetry of the sacrificial hymns."
1

After all it is quite a different spirit that breathes from the magic songs of the Atharvaveda than from the hymns of the gveda. Here we move in quite a different world. On the one hand the great gods of the sky, who embody the mighty phenomena of Nature, whom the singer glorifies and praises, to whom he sacrifices, and to whom he prays, strong, helpful, some of them lofty beings, most of them friendly gods of lifeon the other hand the dark, demoniacal powers,
l

) Literatur des alten Indien, p . 41.

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which bring disease and misfortune upon mankind, ghostly beings, against whom the wizard hurls his wild curses, or whom he tries to soothe and banish by flattering speeches. Indeed, many of these magic songs, like the magic rites pertaining to them, belong to a sphere of conceptions which, spread over the whole earth, ever recur with the most surprising similarity in the most varying peoples of all countries. Among the Indians of North America, among the Negro races of Africa, among the Malays and Mongols, among the ancient Greeks and Romans, and frequently still among the peasantry of present-day Europe, we find ngain exactly the same views, exactly the same strange leaps of thought in the magic songs and magic rites, as have come down to us in the Atharvaveda of the ancient Indians. There are, then, numerous verses in the Atharvaveda, which, according to their character and often also their contents, differ just as little from the ma<>ic formulas of the American-Indian medicine-men and Tartar shamans, as from the Merseburg magic maxims, which belong to the sparse remains of the oldest German poetry. Thus we read, for example, in one of the Merseburg magic incantations that " Wodan who well understood it," charmed the sprained leg of Balder's foal with the formula:
" B o n e to bone, Blood to blood, L i m b to limbs, A s if t h e y were glued.

And quite similarly it is s^id in Atharvaveda IV, 12, in a spell against the breaking of a leg :
" W i t h marrow be the marrow joined, t h y l i m b united w i t h t h e l i m b . L e t w h a t hath fallen of t h y flesh, and t h e bone also g r o w a g a i n . L e t marrow close w i t h marrow, let s k i n g r o w united w i t h the s k i n , k e t blood and bone grow strong in thee, flesh g r o w t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e flesh. [4] [3]

VEDIC

LITERATURE skin with

129
skin. part,
2

Join t h o u t o g e t h e r hair w i t h hairi" j o i n t h o u t o g e t h e r L e t blood and bone g r o w strong in thee. Unite the

broken Plant.

O [5]

>

The great importance of t h e AtharvavedaSahit lies in the very fact that it is an invaluable source of knowledge of the real popular belief as yet uninfluenced by the priestly religion, of the faith in numberless spirits, imps, ghosts, and demons of every kind, and of the witchcraft, so eminently important for ethnology and for the history of religion. How very important the Atharvaveda is for the ethnologist, may be shown by the following glance at the various classes of hymns which the collection contains. One of the chief constituent parts of the Atharvaveda Sahit consists of S o n g s a n d S p e l l s f o r t h e H e a l i n g of D i s e a s e s , which belong to the magic rites of healing (bhaia jyni). They are either addressed to the diseases themselves imagined as personal beings, as demons, * or to whole classes of demons who are considered to be the creators of diseases. And in India, as among other peoples, it is believed that these demons either oppress and torment the patient from outside, or that the patient is possessed by them. Some of these spells are also invocations and praises of the curative herb, which is to serve as the cure of the disease ; others again, are prayers to the water to which special healing power is ascribed, or to the fire which is looked on by the Indians as the mightiest scarer of demons. These songs of magic, together with the magic rites attached to them, of which we learn in the Kausikastra which will be mentioned later, form the oldest system of Indian medical s c i e n c 9 . The symptoms
3

) The healing herb is addressed. Griffith. It is ) T h e name of the disease is at the same time t h e name of t h e demon.

*) Translated by R, T. H.
3

exactly t h e same, for instance, with t h e Malays : t h e y have as many names of disease spirits as of diseases known t o t h e m .

17

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INDIAN

LITERATURE

of the various diseases are often described with great clear ness in the songs, and therefore they are not uninteresting for the history of medicine. This is true particularly of the spells against fever. I n the later textbooks of medicine the fever is still called " the king of diseases," on account of its frequency and violence. Numerous charms are addressed to T a k m a n t h i s is the name of the fever imagined as a demon in the Atharvaveda. Thus, for instance, hymn Ath. V. 22, from which a few verses may here be quoted :
1]

"And

thou

thyself

who

makest

all

men yellow, consuming them b u r n i n g heat like A g n i , P a s s hence into t h e below or vanish.

with realms [2] [3] [7] us

T h o u , Fever ! then be weak a n d ineffective.

E n d o w e d w i t h universal power ! send F e v e r d o w n w a r d , far a w a y , T h e s p o t t y , like redcoloured dust, s p r u n g from a s p o t t y ancestor. G o , F e v e r , to t h e M j a v a n s , or, farther, to t h e B a h l i k a s , * S e e k a lascivious dra girl and seem t o shake her t h r o u g h and t h r o u g h . Since t h o u n o w cold, n o w b u r n i n g hot, w i t h c o u g h besides, hast Terrible, Fever, are t h y darts ; forbear t o injure us w i t h t h e s e . A n d w i t h t h y n e p h e w H e r p e s , g o a w a y u n t o t h a t alien f o l k .
3 ) 2

made

shake, [10] [12] G o , Fever, w i t h C o n s u m p t i o n , t h y brother, and w i t h t h y sister, C o u g h ,

This pious wish, that the diseases may go to other people, may visit other lands, returns frequently in the songs of the Atharvaveda. I n a similar manner the cough is sent away from the patient into the far distance with the spell Ath. VI, 105:
" A s t h e soul w i t h t h e souls desires A s a wellsharpened arrow swiftly s w i f t l y to a distance flies, t h u s do (1) (2) to a distance flee, t h u s do t h o u ,

t h o u , O c o u g h , fly forth a l o n g t h e souFs course of flight ! O c o u g h , fly f o r t h a l o n g t h e expanse of t h e earth !

) On the h y m n to Takman, see J. V, Grohmann,

2

Ind. Stud. 9, 1865, 381 ff.

) N a m e s of tribes. Griffith.

) Translated b y R. T. H.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

131

A s the rays of the sun s w i f t l y t o a distance fly, t h u s do t h o u , 0 c o u g h , fly forth along the flood of the sea " ! - ) (8)

On account of their picturesque, sublime language, some of these magic s o n g 3 deserve to be valued as examples of lyrical poetry. Certainly we must not expect too much in this poetry ; we must be content to be surprised here and there by a pretty simile, as when, in a spell against bleeding, the magician addresses the veins as red-robed maidens (Ath. I, 1 7 ) :
" Those maidens there, the veins, who run their course in robes of ruddy hue, M u s t n o w stand q u i e t , reft of power, like sisters w h o are brotherless. S t a y still, t h o u upper v e i n , s t a y still, thou lower, s t a y , thou m i d m o s t The smallest one of all stand still : let t h e great vessel e'en be still. A m o n g a thousand vessels c h a r g e d w i t h blood, a m o n g a thousand E v e n these t h e middlemost s t a n d still and t h e i r e x t r e m i t i e s h a v e rest. A m i g h t y rampart b u i l t of sand hath circled and encompassed y o u . Be still, and quietly t a k e rest."
2 )

[1] one, [2] veins, [3]

However, these sayings are not always so poetical. Very often they are most monotonous, and in many of them, in common with the poetical compositions of primitive peoples, it is chiefly that monotonous repetition of the same words and sentences of which their poetical form consists.* Often, too, as is the case with the magic incantations of all peoples, their meaning is intentionally problematic and obscure. Such a monotonous and, at the same time, obscure verse is, for instance, that against scrofulous swellings (Ath. VI, 25):
" T h e five and fifty (sores) t h a t g a t h e r t o g e t h e r neck, f r o m here t h e y all shall pass called) apakit ! away, upon t h e nape of the of the (disease (1)

as t h e pustules

-) Translated by M. Bloomfield,
2

SBE 42, p. 8. H. Schurtz, Urges-

) Translated by R. T. H. ) On repetition

Griffith.

as the crudest rudimentary form of poetry, cf.

chichte der Kultur, Leipzig and Vienna, 19OO, pp. 523 ff.

32

INDIAN

LITERATURE

T h e seven and s e v e n t y (sores) t h a t g a t h e r apakit !

together of

upon

the

neck, (2)

from here t h e y all shall pass a w a y , as t h e pustules

the (disease called)

T h e nine and ninety (sores) t h a t g a t h e r t o g e t h e r from here t h e y all shall pass a w a y , as the pustules apakit!" )

upon

the

shoulders called) (3)

of t h e

(disease

There is here again a remarkable agreement between Indian and German magic incantations. Similarly as 55, 77, or 99 diseases are mentioned in the Atharvaveda, so in German incantations too, 77 or 99 diseases are often spoken of. For example in this German spell against fever :
" T h i s water and the blood of Christ is good for the s e v e n t y - s e v e n k i n d s of fever.

A conception which the ancient Indians have in common not only with the Germans but also with many other peoples, is that many diseases are caused by worms. There are therefore a series of magic songs, which are intended to serve the purpose of exorcism and driving away all kinds of worms. Thus we read Ath. I I , 31 :
" T h e worm w h i c h is in t h e entrails, t h a t w h i c h t h a t w h i c h is in t h e ribs 1 h e w o r m s which have is in the head, and [4]

these w o r m s w e crush with this spell. and those which

settled d o w n in t h e hills, in the woods, in the have s e t t l e d d o w n in [5]

plants, in the c a t t l e , in t h e waters,

our bodies, this w h o l e breed of w o r m s I c r u s h . "

These worms are regarded as demoniacal beings, king and governor are mentioned, also male and female worms of many colours and fantastical forms, and so on instance, in the spell against worms in children (Ath. V.
S l a y t h e w o r m s in t h i s b o y . O I n d r a , lord of treasures !

their ones, : for 23) :

are (2)

Slain

all the evil powers b y m y fierce imprecation !

-) Translated by M. Bloomfield,

S B E . , 42, p. 19.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

133
about in the nose, (3)

H i m t h a t m o v e s a b o u t in the eyes, t h a t

moves

t h a t g e t s to t h e middle of t h e teeth, t h a t w o r m do w e crush.

T h e t w o of like colour, the t w o of different colour ; t h e t w o black ones, and t h e t w o red ones ; t h e brown one ; and t h e browneared one ; t h e (one like a) vulture, and the (one like a) cuckoo, are slain. all those that are v a r i e g a t e d , these w o r m s do we crush. Slain is the k i n g of the w o r m s and their is the w o r m , w i t h him his slain. Slain are t h e y w h o are i n m a t e s w i t h h i m , slain moreover all t h e quite t i n y w o r m s are slain. Of all the male w o r m s , and of all the female w o r m s heads w i t h the stone, I burn their faces w i t h fire." > do I are his mother slain, his viceroy also is slain. slain, his brother (4) (5) Slain sister (11) neighbours ; (12) split the (13) T h e w o r m s w i t h w h i t e shoulders, the black ones w i t h w h i t e a r m s , and

Similarly. German spells are directed against " heworm and sheworm " and worms of various colours are mentioned in the German spell against toothache :
" Peartree, I complain to thee. Three w o r m s are p r i c k i n g me. T h e one is r e y , T h e other is blue, T h e third is red, I w i s h they were all three d e a d . " *
2

Very numerous, too, are the incantations which are directed against whole classes of demons, which are looked upon as the originators of diseases, especially against the Picas (goblins) and Rksasas (devils). The object of these spells is the scattering or exorcising of these demoniacal beings. An example is found in the song Ath. IV, 36 against

) Translated by M Blnomfield,
2

S BE., 42, p. 24.

) The belief that toothache is caused by worms, is not only prevalent in India, In Madagascar, too, it is said of one who has toothache i And the Gherokees have a spell against toothache (James which Mooney in

Germany, England and France. " He is ill through the worm."

says : " The intruder in the tooth has spoken, and it is only a worm "

the 7fch Annual Report of the B ureau of Ethnology, 188586, Washington, 1891, pp. 357 I.),

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INDIAN

LITERATURE

the Picas, from which the following verses, here reproduced in prose, are taken, which indicated a boundless selfassertion on the part of the wizard.
" I a m a p e s t to the Picas, as t h e tiger t o the owners of oxen. thieves Picas Like [6] [7] [8]

d o g s , w h e n t h e y have perceived the lion, t h e y find no loophole. I cannot bear w i t h the P i c a s , nor w i t h forests. From t h e v i l l a g e w h i c h I enter, the From the v i l l a g e w h i c h m y vanish.

and prowlers in the

violent s t r e n g t h

encounters, t h e P i c a s

vanish ; t h e y h a v e no more evil intentions.'

Along with this belief in devilish beings which bring diseases upon mankind, we find in India also the worldwide belief in male and female demons (Incubi and Succubi), which visit mortal women and men by night. These are the Apsaras and Gandharvas of the ancient Indian popular belief, which correspond in every respect and in an amazing manner with the sprites and elves and fairies of the German popular belief. They are originally spirits of nature, river and forest deities. Rivers and trees are their dwelling places, which they leave only to entice mortals and to injure them by u n n a t u r a l cohabitation. I n order to drive away these spirits, the ancient Indian magicians made use of a pleasantsmelling plant, called Ajag (Odina pinnata), and recited the song Ath. IV, 37, from which I quote the following verses :
" W i t h thee do w e scatter t h e Apsaras and (Odinapinnata), smell ! T h e Apsaras, G u g g u l , P l , N a l a d , A u k s h a g a n d h i , and ( b y n a m e ) , shall g o to t h e river, to t h e ford away ! T h i t h e r do y e , c o g n i s e d ! ) of t h e waters, O A p s a r a s , pass a w a y , (since) y e goad (aga) the Rakshas, drive Gandharvas. O ajaringl with thy (2) Pramandan as have if blown re (3) been

t h e m all a w a y

) According to t h e magic lore of the Indians, as of other peoples, spirits and ghosts become powerless w h e n recognized and called by name. certain Apsaras, Guggulu, and so on, are n a m e s of

VEDIC

LITERATURE

135

W h e r e g r o w t h e a s v a t t h a (Ficus religiosa) and t h e banyan-trees, t h e great trees w i t h c r o w n s , thither do y e , O Apsaras pass have been recognised ! Of t h e crested Gandharva, t h e husband of the Apsaras, d a n c i n g h i t h e r , I crush t h e t w o mushkas and c u t off t h e sepas. O n e is like a d o g , one like an ape. A s a youth with pleasant t o look upon, t h e Gandharva h a n g s The are their Apsaras you know, are your ye about t h e w o m a n . wives ; immortals, y e the do not away, (since) ye (4) w h o comes (7) H i m do (11) Gandharvas go after (12)

luxuriant locks,

we drive o u t from here w i t h our powerful charm. husbands. Speed away,

m o r t a l s ! " -)

J u s t as in this song in the Atharvaveda, the elf in the German incantations is exhorted to leave the houses of mortals, and to depart to the rivers and trees. J u s t like the Apsaras and the Gandharvas, too, the Germanic water-fairies and elves love music and dancing, with which they lure mortal men and women. Just as in the ancient Indian magic song the Gandharva appears now as a dog, now as an ape, now as a youth with beautiful curls, the elf of the German legends makes his appearance in all kinds of transformations. Again, just as the Apsaras of the Indians have their swings in the branches of the banana and fig trees, the water-fairies of German popular belief swing in the branches and on the tree-tops. As here in the Atharvaveda a sweet-smelling plant serves to scare away the demons, so too sweet-smelling herbs (like thyme) were thought by the Germans to be an excellent means of driving away elves and other spirits. These points of agreement can scarcely be mere coincidences : and we may well agree with Adalbert Kuhn, who compared Indian and German incantations as long as sixty years ago, in assuming that not only certain phenomena of magic lore, but also quite definitely developed forms of magic songs and magic
2)

-) Translated by M. Bloomfield, SBE, Vol. 42, pp. 33 f. ) I n Vol. X I I I of Zeitschrift fr vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft (1864), pp. 49 ff, 113 ff,
2

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INDIAN

LITERATURE

formulas may be traced back to the IndoEuropean period, and that the German and Indian magic songs thus give us a clue to a kind of prehistoric poetry of the IndoEuropeans. The p r a y e r s f o r h e a l t h a n d l o n g l i f e , called by the Indians yusyi sktni, i.e. " hymns achieving long life," which form the second class of the hymns of the Atharvaveda, are but little different from the magic spells for healing. These are prayers, as they were used chiefly at family festivals, such as the first haircutting of the boy, the first shaving of the youth, and the initiation (upanayana). The prayer for a great age, for a life of " a hundred autumns or " a hundred winters, for deliverance from the 100 or 101 kinds of death, and for protection against all sorts of diseases, here recurs again and again in a rather monotonous manner. Book X V I I , consisting of a single hymn of thirty stanzas, belongs to this class of hymns. As in the spells of healing, the healing herb which the magicdoctor uses is often invoked, so some of these prayers for long life are addressed to amulets which are to ensure health and long life to the wearer. I n the closest connection with these prayers are the extremely numerous b e n e d i c t i o n s (pautikni), by means of which the farmer, the shepherd, the m e r c h a n t hope to gain happiness and success in their undertakings. Here we find a prayer which is used at the building of a house, benedictions for ploughing, for sowing, for the growth of the corn, and exorcisms against fieldvermin spells against the danger of fire, prayers for rain used in rainmagic, numerous benedictions for the prosperity of the herds of cattle, exorcisms of a herdsman against wild animals and robbers, prayers of a merchant for good business and good fortune on his journey, of a gamester for good luck with the dice, proscriptions and exorcisms against snakes, and so on. Only a few of these songs and spells are of any worth as poetry. I t frequently happens, however, that in a very mediocre poem of considerable length, we find single verses of great beauty. The most beautiful is

VEDIC

LITERATURE

137

perhaps the rainsong Ath. IV, 15. Here we read: Driven by the wind may the clouds pass by, and " while the great, cloudenwrapped bull roars, * may the rushing waters refresh the earth." Parjanya himself is invoked with the words :
1

" R o a r , t h u n d e r , s e t t h e sea in a g i t a t i o n , b e d e w the ground with t h y s w e e t rain, P a r j a n y a !

S e n d p l e n t e o u s s h o w e r s on h i m w h o s e e k e t h shelter, and let t h e o w n e r of lean kine g o homeward.

The least amount of poetry is found in those benedictions which contain only quite general prayers for happiness and blessing or for protection against danger and evil. Among the latter are the socalled " mgrasuktni " (Ath. IV 2329), a litany consisting of seven hymns of seven verses each. They are addressed respectively to Agni (1), Indra (2), Vyu and Savitar (3), heaven and earth (4), the Maruts (5), Bhava and arva (8), Mitra and Varuna (7), and every verse concludes with t h e refrainlike prayer for deliverance from affliction. The word " ahas" however, which we here translate by "affliction," combines in itself the meanings "distress, afflic tion " on one side, and " guilt, sin " on the other. Therefore the abovementioned litany can be reckoned among that class of Atharvaveda hymns which is connected with expiatory cerem onies (pray ascittni). These e x p i a t o r y f o r m u l a e a n d s p e l l s f o r c l e a n s i n g f r o m g u i l t a n d s i n are less different from the spells of healing than one might think. For, to Indian ideas, an expiation, a pryacitta, is necessary not only for " sins " in our sense, i.e. offences against t h e moral rule, or
3)

) The raingod Parjanya. ) A t h . IV. 15, 6, translated by R. T. H. Griffith.

I n time of drought the cows have

become lean on account of scanty food.

s

N o w the herdsman must flee before t h e rain, and

better t i m e s will come for t h e cattle (Weber, I n d . Stud., Vol. 18, p. 6 2 ) . ) Names or forms of Rudra, a god who plays a prominent part in witchcraft and in the magic songs of the Atharvaveda, while he occupies a more subordinate position in the hymns of the gveda.

18

138

INDIAN

LITERATURE

transgressions against religion, but by the side of propitiatory formulae for imperfectly performed sacrifices and ceremonies, for crimes consciously and unconsciously committed, for sins of thought, for non-payment of debts, especially gambling debts, for the marriage prohibited by the law, of a younger brother before the elder, and beside general prayers for liberation from guilt a n d sin and their consequences, we find also propitiatory formulas, and, in connection with atonement ceremonies, songs and spells by which mental and physical infirmities, unpropitious omens (e.g. by the flight of birds or the birth of twins or the birth of a child under an unlucky star), bad dreams and sudden accidents are " expiated," i.e. warded off or weakened in their effects. The conception " guilt," " sin," " evil," " misfortune " are continually merged one into the other. The fact is that everything evildisease and misfortune, just the same as guilt and sinis looked on as caused by evil spirits. Like the invalid or the madman, so is the evil-doer, too, the sinner, possessed by a wicked demon. The same fiends which bring disease, also send the unfavourable omens and the accidents themselves. Thus, for example, Ath. X, 3, an amulet, which is tied on the person, is praised extravagantly in twenty-five verses and glorified as a mighty protection against dangers and evils of every kind, against evil magic, against bad dreams and unfavourable omens, against " the sin which my mother, which my father, whioh my brothers and which my sister and which we ourselves have committed," and at the same time as a universal remedy for all diseases. Family discord, too, arises through the influence of evil demons or malicious wizards. Therefore we find in the Atharvaveda also a number of s p e l l s for t h e r e s t o r a t i o n of h a r m o n y , which stand midway between the expiatory formulas and the benedictions. For to this class belong not only the spells by which peace and harmony are to be restored in the family, but also formulas by which one can appease the wrath

VEDIC

LITERATURE

139

of a great master, or by which one desires to gain influence in an assembly, the art of persuasion in a court of law, and so on. One of the most pleasing of this kind of songs is Ath. I l l , 30, which begins with the words:
" Of one heart and of one m i n d . Free from hatred do 1 m a k e y o u . T a k e d e l i g h t in one another, As t h e cow does in her baby oalf. L o y a l to his sire the son be. Of o n e m i n d , too, w i t h his m o t h e r ; S w e e t and k i n d l y l a n g u a g e ever L e t t h e wife speak to her husband. Brother s h a l l not hate the brother, A n d the sister not t h e sister. Of one m i n d and of one i n t e n t , Speak y e words of kindness o n l y . '
! )

Of course some of these reconciliationspells could also be employed in the restoration of unity between husband and wife. But the m a g i c s o n g s r e f e r r i n g t o m a r r i a g e a n d l o v e form a large separate class of hymns of the Atharvaveda ; and in the Kauikastra we become acquainted with the manifold kinds of lovemagic and all the magic rites, which are called " s t r l k a r m i " or " women's rites," and for which these songs and spells were employed. There are, however, two sorts of spells belonging to this class. Those of the one kind have a sociable and peaceful character and refer to marriage and the begetting of children. They are pious spells connected with harmless magical rites by which a maiden tries to obtain a bridegroom, or a young man a bride, benedictions upon the bridal pair and the newlymarried, magic songs and spells
l

) This is

an almost

literal translation.

The translation by

J. Mwir

Metrical

Translations from Sanskrit Writers, p. 139, is rather free.

140

INDIAN

LITERATURE

through which conception shall be accelerated and the birth of a male child effected, prayers for protection of the pregnant woman, also of the unborn and the newborn child, and so on. Of this kind is the whole of Book XIV, which contains a collection of marriageverses and is, on the whole, a second, greatly enlarged edition of the marriage verses of the g veda.> More numerous is the second kind of these spells, consisting of wild exorcisms and curses, which refer to love intrigues and disturbances of the married life. Still fairly harmless are the spells through which a wife wishes to pacify her husband's jealousy, or the verses which are to bring the unfaithful wife back to her husband, or the charm for inducing sleep (Ath. IV, 5), in which the following verse proves that the song is used by a lover who steals to his sweetheart : " May the mother sleep, may the father sleep, may the dog sleep, may the eldest in the house sleep, may her relations sleep, may all the people round about sleep." Less harm less and partly of primeval savageness are the spells by which a person is to be forced to love against his or her will. The belief, existing all over the world, that by means of the picture of a person one can harm or obtain power over that person, is also found in ancient India. If a man wished to gain the love of a woman, he made a picture out of clay, took a bow with a string of hemp, an arrow the barb of which was a thorn, the feather of which came from an owl, the shaft of which was made of black wood, and began to pierce the heart of the picture through and through with the arrowa symbolical piercing of the heart of the beloved with the arrow of the lovegod Kamawhile he recited the verses of the magic song, Ath. I l l , 25 :
2)

) S e e
2

above, pp. 1 0 7 I. The marriage prayers as

also the

lovecharms

of the

Atharvaveda have been translated and explained by A. Weber, Ind. Stud., Vol. V. ) Bloomfie^d ( S B E . , Vol 42, p. 105) calls the h y m n a " c h a r m t an assignation," See also Th. Aufrecht, Whitney (H OS, Vol. 7 , p. 151) " an incantation to put to sleep."

Ind. Stud. 4, 3 3 7 ff., on the t w o sleeping.spells, v. V I I . 55 and Ath. IV, 5

VEDIC

LITERATURE

141

" M a y (love) t h e disquieter, bed: with heart. T h e arrow, w i n g e d undeviating heart ! with

disquiet

thee ; do n o t hold o u t upon t h y ( l o v e ) do I pierce thee in the love, whose shaft is pierce thee in t h e

t h e terrible arrow of Kama longing,

barbed

with

desire, w i t h t h a t , w e l l - a i m e d , Kama shall

W i t h t h a t w e l l - a i m e d arrow of Kama w h i c h parches t h e spleen, whose p l u m e flies forward, w h i c h burns u p , do I pierce t h e e in t h e heart. C o n s u m e d b y b u r n i n g ardour, w i t h parched m o u t h , do thou ( w o m a n ) c o m e t o m e , pliant ( t h y ) pride laid aside, m i c e alone, s p e a k i n g s w e e t l y and and t o me devoted ! I drive t h e e w i t h a g o a d from t h y mother a n d t h y father, so t h a t thou drive o u t of her ! shalt be in m y power, shalt c o m e u p t o m y w i s h . A l l her t h o u g h t d o y e , O M i t r a a n d Varuna, T h e n , h a v i n g deprived her of her will, p u t her into m y power alone ! - )

A woman acts in a similar manner if she wants to compel the love of a m a n . She makes an effigy of the man, places it before herself, and hurls heated arrow-heads at it, while she recites the song, Ath. VI, 130 and 138 with the refrain : " Send forth Desire, ye Deities ! Let him consume with love of me ! " Thus she says :
" M a d d e n h i m , M a r u t s , madden h i m . M a d d e n h i m , m a d d e n h i m , O A i r . M a d d e n h i m , A g n i , madden h i m . L e t h i m consume w i t h love of m e . ( 1 3 0 , 4.) D o w n upon thee from head to foot, I draw t h e p a n g s of l o n g i n g love. Send forth D e s i r e , y e D e i t i e s ! L e t h i m c o n s u m e w i t h love of m e . ( 1 8 1 , 1.) I f thou s h o u l d s t run t h r e e l e a g u e s a w a y , five l e a g u e s , a horse's daily stage, T h e n c e t h o u shalt c o m e t o m e a g a i n and be t h e father of our sons. > (181, 3.)
a

) Translated by M. Bloomfield,
2

SBE, Vol. 42, p . 102. I n the refrain ( 1 3 1 , 1) I have corrected "send

) Translated by R. T. H. Grieth.

forth the charm " into " send forth Desire."The author.

H 2

INDIAN

LITERATURE

The wildest incantations, actually bristling with hatred, are those which women use in the attempt to oust their rivals. One example is Ath. 1,14 :
" I h a v e t a k e n unto myself a tree. Like a mountain w i t h her parents I T h i s w o m a n shall be s u b j e c t e d to thee as t h y wife, O K i n g Y a m a ) (till t h e n ) let her be fixed t o the house of her m o t h e r , or her brother, or her father ! T h i s w o m a n shall be t h e keeper of t h y house, O k i n g ( Y a m a ) , and her do we m a k e over to t h e e ! M a y she l o n g sit w i t h her relatives, until (her hair) drops from her head ! W i t h t h e incantation of Asita of Kasyapa and of G a y a ) up t h y fortune, as w o m e n cover ( s o m e t h i n g ) w i t h i n a c h e s t . " )
8 2

her fortune and her g l o r y , as a wreath of m a y she sit a l o n g t i m e

w i t h broad foundation

do I cover

Language of unbridled wildness, of unmistakeable mean ing is also found in the songs which are intended to make a woman barren (Ath. VII, 35) or to rob a man of his genera tive power (Ath. VI, 138 ; VII, 90). These loveincantations really belong already to that class of hymns which are designated by the old name " Agiras, to the class of the c u r s e s a n d e x o r c i s m s a g a i n s t d e m o n s , w i z a r d s a n d e n e m i e s (bhicriki). Some of the charms of healing, too, can just as well be inoluded in this class inas much as they contain exorcisms against the demons of disease. Of this kind is among other things, also the second half of Book X V I , which contains an exorcism against nightmare in which this demon is told to visit the enemies. I n these exor cisms no difference is made between demons and malicious
,4)
l

) The god of death, ( SB E . , Vol. 42, p. 1 0 7 ) w h o was the first to givo a ( H O S , V o l . 7 , p. 15)

) Probably names of famous wizards. ) Translated by M. Bloomfield. correot interpretation of this difficult charm ( t b . pp. 252 ff.) Whitney describes it as an " imprecation of spinsterhood on a woman." *) See above, pp. 120 f.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

143

wizards and witches, and against them, Agni especially, the fire as a demondestroyer, is called to the rescue. Numerous popular names of demons, otherwise quite unknown, are found in these hymns, in which indeed we continually meet with ideas more genuinely popular than usual. Thus we here come across the view, deeplyrooted in the popular belief and that, of all peoplesthat disease and misfortune can be caused not only by demons, but also by malicious people who are endowed with magic power. The magic by means of which these bad people work evil, is often personified in the songs, and a magic antidotea healing herb, an amulet, a talisman is confronted with it. The spells and songs connected with this hostile magic and its magic antidotes are often distin guished by a raciness and ferocity which are not without a certain beauty. I n any case, in some of these curses and exorcisms of the Atharvaveda, there is more good popular poetry than in most of the sacrificial songs and prayers of the gveda. An example of this is the song for averting evil magic, Ath. V, 14, of which a few verses may here be quoted :
" A n eagle found t h e e : w i t h Harm thou, O Plant, the his snout a wild and boar drive dug the thee sorcerer away. B e a t thou t h e Y t u d h n a s back, drive thou a w a y t h e sorcerer ; A n d chase afar, O P l a n t , the man who fain w o u l d do us injury. A s 'twere * strip c u t round from skin of a w h i t e f o o t e d antelope. B i n d , like a golden chain, O G o d , his witchcraft on t h e sorcerer. T a k e t h o u his sorcery b y t h e hand, and to the sorcerer lead it back. L a y it before h i m , face t o face, t h a t it m a y kill the sorcerer. B a c k on t h e wizard fall his craft, upon the cursor l i g h t curse. L e t witchcraft, like a wellnaved car, roll back upon the sorcerer. Whoso, for other's harm hath dealtwoman or manin m a g i c arts, T o him w e lead the sorcery back, even as a courser w i t h a rope. his

from the earth. mischievous, [1] [2] [8] [4]

[5]

[6]

144

INDIAN

LITERATURE

G o as a son g o e s to his sire : b i t e as a trampled viper bites, A s one who flies from bonds, go back, O Witchcraft to the [10] sorcerer. >

I n a similar manner in the song Ath. VI, 37, the curse is personified and returned to the cursing one in the following vigorous verses :
" H i t h e r w a r d , h a v i n g y o k e d his s t e e d s , c a m e I m p r e c a t i o n , thousandeyed, S e e k i n g m y curser as a wolf t h e h o m e of one w h o o w n e t h s h e e p . Avoid us, Imprecation ! as c o n s u m i n g fire a v o i d s the l a k e . S m i t e thou t h e m a n w h o curses W h o curses us, himself us, as the s k y ' s l i g h t n i n g strikes t h e tree. uncursed, or, cursed, w h o curses us again, H i m c a s t I as a sop to D e a t h , as to a clog one t h r o w s a b o n e . " *
2

[1]

[2]

[3]

Here we may mention the magnificent hymn to Varua (Ath. IV, 16), the first half of which celebrates the almighty power and omniscience of G od in language which is familiar to us from the Psalms, but which is extremely rarely heard in India, while the second half is nothing b u t a vigorous exorcismformula against liars and libellers, such as are not infrequent in the Atharvaveda. I give the first five verses of this remarkable poem in the beautiful poetical translation of Muir, and verses 69 in the prose translation of M. Bloomfield.>
3)

" T h e m i g h t y lord on h i g h our deeds, as if at hand, espies ; The gods know all men do, t h o u g h men would fain their acts [1]

disguise, W h o e v e r s t a n d s , w h o e v e r m o v e s , or steals f r o m place to place, Or hides h i m i n his secret c e l l , t h e gods his m o v e m e n t s trace.

) Translated by R. T. H .

Griffith. Griffith.

a) Translated by R. T. H .
s

) Metrical Translations from Sanskrit Writers, p. 163.

*) SBE.j Vol. 42, pp. 88 I.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

145

W h e r e v e r t w o t o g e t h e r plot, and d e e m t h e y are alone, K i n g Varuna is there, a third, and all their schemes are k n o w n . T h i s earth is his, t o h i m b e l o n g those vast and boundless skies ; B o t h seas w i t h i n h i m rest, a n d y e t in t h a t small pool he lies. W h o e v e r far b e y o n d the s k y should think his w a y t o w i n g . H e could n o t there elude t h e grasp of Varuna the k i n g . [S] []

H i s spies, d e s c e n d i n g from the s k i e s , g l i d e all this world around ; Their thousand eyes a l l s c a n n i n g s w e e p t o earth's r e m o t e s t bound. Whatever exists in heaven a n d earth, whatever beyond t h e skies, Before t h e eyes of Varuna, t h e k i n g , unfolded lies. [4]

T h e ceaseless w i n k i n g s all he counts of e v e r y mortal's eyes, H e wields t h i s universal frame as g a m e s t e r throws his dice. [5]

M a y all t h y fateful toils w h i c h , seven b y seven, threefold, lie spread out, ensnare h i m t h a t shall l e t g o ! W i t h a hundred snares, O Vavua speaks falsehood : h i m t h a t speaks t h e truth t h e y [6] surround h i m , let t h e liar n o t g o T h e rogue shall s i t his belly [7]

free from thee, O thou t h a t observest m e n !

h a n g i n g loose, like a cask w i t h o u t hoops, b u r s t i n g all abont !

W i t h ( t h e snare o f ) V a r u a w h i c h is fastened l e n g t h w i s e , and t h a t which (is fastened) broadwise, w i t h t h e indigenous a n d the f o r e i g n , w i t h t h e d i v i n e and t h e h u m a n , [8]

W i t h all these snares do I fetter thee, O N . N , descended f r o m N . N , the son of t h e woman N . N . : all these do I d e s i g n for t h e e . " [9]

Roth says with regard to this hymn : " There is no other song in the whole of Vedic literature, which expresses the divine omniscience in such impressive words, and yet this beautiful work of art has been degraded into the exor dium of an exorcism. Still, here as with many other portions of this Veda, we may surmise that available fragments of older hymns were used for the purpose of refurbishing

1;

) Abhandlung ber den Atharvaveda, Tbingen 1856, pp. 29 I. where the hymn is For other translations of the h y m n see Whitney, H OS.. Vol. 7,

translated into 6lerman. p. 176.

19

146

INDIAN

LITERATURE

magic formulae. As a fragment of this kind the first five or even six verses of our hymn may be considered." I fully agree to these words. The supposition of Bloom field, * that the whole poem, just as it is, was composed from the first for magic purposes, does not seem to me at all probable. There exists a rather large class of m a g i c s o n g s , w h i c h a r e i n t e n d e d for t h e n e e d s of t h e k i n g s , partly exorcism formulas against enemies and partly benedic tions. Every king was compelled, in India, from the earliest times, to have his Purohita or family priest, and this family priest had to be familiar with the magic rites which refer to the life of a king ( rjakarmi, kings' r i t e s ' ) and also with the songs and charms belonging to these rites. The Atharvaveda therefore is closely connected with the warrior caste. Thus we here find the songs which refer to the conse cration of a king, when the king is sprinkled with the holy water and steps upon the tigerskin ; we find spells which are intended to ensure for the king mastery over other princes, and power and fame in general, prayers for the king when he girds on his armour, when he ascends his warchariot, and so on. There is an interest ing prayer (Ath. I l l , 4) at the election of a king, in which the heavenly King Varuna appears as the one who chooses the king, the name of the god being brought into etymologi cal connection with the verb var " to choose." A remark able magic formula is that for the restoration of a banished king, in Ath. I l l , 3. Among the most beautiful hymns of this class are the battlechants and magic songs of war, in particular the two songs to the drum, which is to call the fighters to the battle and to victory (Ath. V., 20 and 21). A few verses of V, 20, follow as an example :
1 c

) SB E , Vol. 42, p. 389,

YEDIC

LITERATURE

147
loud is the

F o r m e d out of wood, c o m p a c t w i t h straps of leather,

W a r - d r u m as he plays the hero. W h e t t i n g t h y voice and v a n q u i s h i n g o p p o n e n t s , roar at t h e m like a lion fain to conquer ! L i k e a bull marked by s t r e n g t h a m o n g t h e c a t t l e , Pierce t h r o u g h our adversaries heart w i t h sorrow, roar seeking our [3] foes of [5] kine a n d g a t h e r i n g u p t h e b o o t y . and l e t the r o u t e d foes desert their h a m l e t s . H e a r i n g the D r u m ' s f a r - r e a c h i n g voice r e s o u n d i n g , l e t d a m e , w a k e d by t h e roar, afflicted, G r a s p i n g her s o n , run forward in her terror a m i d t h e conflict the deadly w*eapons. >
1

[1]

The Brahmans, however, were from the beginning much too practical a people to have used the magic charms always only in the interest of kings or other people, and not also for themselves. Among the magic incantations belonging to the " kings' rites " we already find a few which are concerned more with the Purohita, the indispensable family priest of the king, than with the latter himself. And although attacks on witchcraft and exorcisms are not lacking in brahmanical literature, yet the law-book of Manu ( X I , 33) says clearly and distinctly : " Without hesitation the Brahman shall make use of the sacred texts of the Atharvaveda ; t h e word, indeed, is the weapon of the Brahman ; therewith may he kill his enemies." Thus also in the Atharvaveda we find a whole series of m a g i c i n c a n t a t i o n s a n d e x o r c i s m s i n t h e i n t e r e s t of t h e B r a h m a n s . I n these hymns the inviolability of the Brahmans and their possessions is repeatedly emphasized in the strongest manner, and the heaviest curses are pronounced
2)

) Translated by R. T. H. Griffith.

In Southern

India, even in much later times, veneration H. A. Europe."

the Battle Drum w a s an object of worship, and " was regarded w i t h the same that regiments used to bestow upon the regimental flag in the armies of Popley The Music of India, London, 1921, p. 11.
2

) See above, pp. 125 I

148

INDIAN

LITERATURE

against those who assail the property and lives of the Brah mans. Besides this, the mystical meaning of the Dakia, i.e. the sacrificial fee, is emphasized in the most extravagant expressions. The heaviest of all sins is to oppress Brahmans ; the highest summit of piety is to give them liberal fees for sacrifice ; these are the fundamental ideas running through all these songs, which are among the most unedifying of the whole Atharvaveda. Only a few of the better of these hymns contain prayers for enlightenment, wisdom, fame and theolo gical knowledge. All songs belonging to this class might unhesitatingly be included amongst the latest parts of the Atharvaveda collection. Among the later parts of the Sahit are also the s o n g s a n d c h a r m s c o m p o s e d f o r s a c r i f i c i a l p u r p o s e s , which probably were included in the Atharvaveda only in order that the latter, like the other three Vedas, might be brought into connection with the sacrifice and be recognised as a real "Veda." Thus, for example, we find two Apr * hymns and other songs corresponding to the sacrificial chants of the gveda. Prose formulae, too, which correspond to those of the Yajurveda, are to be found, for example, in Book X V I , the entire first half of which consists of formulae in which water is glorified, and which refer to some purificationritual or other. Book X V I I I , which contains the prayers pertaining to the death ritual and to ancestorworship, should be included among this class of hymns. The funeral songs of Book X of the gveda, recur here literally, though they are in creased by many additions. Also Book X X , which was added quite late, and the hymns of which, with few exceptions, are all borrowed from t h e gveda is related to the somasacrifice. The only new hymns in this book are the very curious
1 2)

) See above, pp. 9 4 f. ) See above, pp. 95 ff.

VEDIC
1

LITERATURE

149

" K u n t p a h y m n s , " * Ath., X X , 127136. They, too, form part of the sacrificial ritual as liturgies, while in content they coincide partly with the Dnastutis of the gveda, by praising the liberality of certain princes ; partly they are riddles and their solutions, * but partly also obscene songs and coarse jokes. At certain sacrifices, which lasted for many days, hymns of this kind constituted the prescribed conversa tion of the priests. * The last class of hymns of the Atharvaveda which have still to be mentioned, are the h y m n s of t h e o s o p h i c a l a n d c o s m o g o n i e c o n t e n t s , which doubtlessly belong to the latest parts of the Atharvaveda. Nothing, indeed, seems further from magic than philosophy, and one might well wonder at the fact that the AtharvavedaSahit contains, besides magic incantations, spells and benedictions, also hymns of philosophical content. However, if we look more closely at these hymns, we shall soon find that they, like the magic songs, mostly serve only practical purposes.* I t is not the yearning and searching for truth, for the solution of dark riddles f the universe, which inspires the authors of these hymns, but they, too, are only conjurers who pose as philo sophers, by misusing the well known philosophical expressions in an ingenious, or rather artificial, web of foolish and non sensical plays of fancy, in order to create an impression of the mystical, the mysterious. W h a t at the first glance
2) 8 4

) What the name " Kuntpa " signifies is not known.

2

) See above, pp, 114 I. ) Like those of the gveda. See above, pp. 117 I. The

*) A detailed account of the Kuntpa h y m n s has been given by M. Bloomfield.

Atharvaveda (Grundriss, II, 1 B ) , pp. 96 ff. They were probably pat of the jollification on the occasion of the bestowal of the dakina, which " in many instances must have led to gormandizing and drunkenness, and w o r s e " (I.e., p. 100).
8

followed

by

shallow witticisms, by obscene talk,

) C f. F. Edgerton,

The Philosophical Materials of the Atharva Veda (Studies in

Honor of Maurice B loomfield, New Haven, 1920, pp. 117 ff.).

150

INDIAN

LITERATURE

appears to us as profundity, is often in reality nothing but empty mysterymongering, behind which there is more nonsense than profound sense ; and indeed, mysterymongering and the concealment of reality under a mystical veil, are part of the magician's trade. Yet these philosophical hymns presuppose a fairly high development of metaphysical thought. The chief ideas of the Upaniads, the conception of a highest god as creator and preserver of the world (Prajpati), and even the ideas of an impersonal creative principle, besides a number of philosophical terms, such as brahman, tapas, asat pra manas must, at the time when these hymns originated, already have been the common property of large circles. Therefore, too, we m u s t not look upon the theosophical and cosmogonie hymns of the Atharvaveda as representing a step in the development of Indian philosophy. The productive thoughts of the truly philosophical hymns of the gveda have attained their further development only in the Upaniads, and the philosophical hymns of the Atharvaveda can in no way be regarded as a transitionstep from the oldest philosophy to that of the Upaniads. " They stand," as Deussen says, " not so much inside the great course of development, as, rather, by its side." Many a deep and truly philosophical idea occasionally flashes forth in these hymns out of the mystical haze, but in most cases, it may be said that the Atharvan poet is not the originator of these ideas, that he has only utilized for his own purposes the ingeniousness of others. Thus it is certainly an idea worthy of a philosopher, that Kla Time, is the first cause of all existence. Yet, it is the language of the mystic and not of the philosopher, when we read in Ath. X I X , 53 :
1} 2)

) Deussen, AGPh I, I. p. 209.

2

) On this h y m n see F. 0 . Schrder

Uber den Stand der indischen Philosophie

zur

Zeit Mahvras und B uddhas, 1902, pp. 20 f.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

151
(rays), thoughts, thousandeyed, mount him,

" Time,

the

steed,

runs

with

seven

reins holy

a g e l e s s , rich in seed.

The

seers, t h i n k i n g

all the b e i n g s (worlds) are his wheels. W i t h seven w h e e l s does this lity is bis axle. first g o d , n o w hastens o n w a r d . A full jar has been placed in m a n y forms. upon T i m e ; him, all these and so on. verily, we see e x i s t i n g call H e carries a w a y beings (worlds) ; t h e y T i m e ride, seven naves has he, these beings (worlds). immorta T i m e , the H e carries hither all

h i m T i m e in t h e h i g h e s t heaven.'

Certainly, the idea that Kla Time, has brought forth everything, finds worthy expression in the two verses 5 and 6 :
" Time out. T i m e created t h e earth, in T i m e the sun burns. I n T i m e are all beings, in T i m e t h e eye looks abroad.
J )

begot

yonder

heaven, shall

Time be,

also

(begot)

these

earths.

T h a t which w a s , and t h a t w h i c h

urged forth b y

T i m e , spreads

But immediately in the following verses and in the following hymn (Ath. X I X , 54) all kinds of things are enumerated in a quite mechanical manner as originating in Time, and especially the various names of the Divine, as they were known at that time, are enumerated as being created by Kla thus Prajpati, thus Brahman, thus Tapas (asceti cism), prna (breath of life), and so on. More mysterymongering than true philosophy is to be found also in the long Rohita hymns, of which Book X I I I of the Atharvaveda consists, in which, moreover, all kinds of 'disconnected matter appears to be thrown together in motley confusion. Thus, for instance, in the first hymn, Rohita, " the red one," i.e. the sun or a genius of the sun, is ex tolled as creative principle"he created the heaven and the earth," " w i t h strength he secured the earth and heaven "; at the same time, however, an earthly king is

) Translated by Bloomfield, SB E., Vol. 42, p. 224.

152

INDIAN

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glorified, and the heavenly king Rohita brought into con nection with the earthly king in an intentionally confused manner. I n the middle of it, however, we find also impre cations against enemies and rivals and against those who strike a cow with their feet, or make water against the sun.* Again in hymn X I I I , 3, in a few verses whose pathos recalls the abovequoted Varua hymn, Rohita is extolled as the highest being, but a refrain is attached, in which the same Rohita is told to crush, in his anger, him who torments a Brahman. For example :
" H e w h o engendered these, who In w h o m abide the made six the earth and heaven, weareth,

t h e worlds the m a n t l e t h a t he widespreading w h i c h the regions

through

bird's keen vision penetrateth,

T h i s G o d is wroth offended b y t h e sinner w h o w r o n g s the B r a h m a n w h o hath g a i n e d t h i s k n o w l e d g e . A g i t a t e h i m , O R o h i t a ; destroy h i m : e n t a n g l e in t h y snares the B r a h m a n ' s tyrant. H e from w h o m w i n d s blow pure in ordered season, from w h o m t h e seas flow forth in all directions, This God, etc. H e w h o takes life a w a y , he w h o b e s t o w s it ; from w h o m comes breath to every l i v i n g creature. T h i s G o d , etc. W h o w i t h t h e breath he draws sates earth and heaven, w i t h expiration fills the ocean's belly. This God, etc.' >
2

[1]

[2]

[3]

By the side of such sublime glorifications of Rohita, however, there are to be found instances of the mystical play of ideas, as when it is said that the two sacrificial melodies
1

) B loomfield compares this with Hesiod. fxrjftayvqzkiov C Tsa/A/xcvo barvo bfiiyuv T ( E p y X a t mAC /oat 725).

Cf. Protagoras (Diog. Laert V I I I . I. 19) : irpos rj\iov TrpaixfXVOV fxrj oixvyew.

) Translated by R. T. H.

Griffith.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

153

Bhat and Rathantara have brought forth Rohita, or when the metre Gyatr is designated as " the lap of immortality." I t would be vain to attempt to lighten the mystical semidarkness which surrounds such and similar verses. I do not think, therefore, that we have to look for great philosophical truths in a hymn like Ath. IV, 1 1 , where the Ox is extolled as the creator and preserver of the world :
" T h e O x bears t h e earth and the s k y . T h e O x bears t h e wide atmosphere. T h e O x bears t h e s i x w i d e spheres of heaven, T h e O x p e n e t r a t e s t h e w h o l e universe."

Nor are we much impressed by the fact that this ox is identified with Indra and others of the highest gods, still less by the fact that he yields milk, " h i s milk is the sacrifice, the priestly fee is his milking," and we willingly believe that " he who knows the seven inexhaustible milkings of the ox, gains offspring and heaven." This ox is of no more importance than the bull that is extolled extravagantly in Ath. I X , 4 he bears all forms in his sides, he was in the beginning an image of the primeval water, and so on,and that is finally discovered to be only an ordinary sacrificial bull which is to be slaughtered. The fact, however, that this pseudophilo sophy and mysterymongering at bottom pursues a very practical purpose, is proved by such a hymn as Ath. X, 10. Here the great mystery of the cow is announced : heaven and earth and the waters are protected by the cow. A hundred pails, a hundred milkers, a hundred cowherds are on her back. The gods who breathe in the cow, they know the cow. The cow is the mother of the warrior, sacrifice is the weapon of the cow, thought originated in her. I n this manner it proceeds till this secret doctrine reaches its climax in the words : " The cow alone is called Immortality, the cow alone is worshipped as death ; the cow became this universe, gods, 20

154

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

people, asuras manes and seers (they all are the cow)." B u t now follows the practical use : Only he who knows this great secret may accept a cow as a gift, and he who gives a cow to the Brahmans, gains all worlds, for in the cow is enclosed all the highestta (the order of the universe), Brahman (the worldsoul) and Tapas (asceticism)and :
" T h e g o d s live b y the c o w , and also m a n lives by the c o w ;
T h e c o w is this w h o l e world, as far as t h e sun looks down.

J u s t as the Rohita, the Ox, and the C ow are praised as the Highest Being, so there is one hymn ( X I , 5) in which the Brahmacrin, the Vedic student, is celebrated in a similar way. And again in the still more mysterious cycle of hymns forming Book XV of the Sahit, the Highest Brahman is conceived and exalted as the Vrtyaboth as the heavenly Vrtya identified with the Great God (mahdeva), the Lord (na) Rudra and as his prototype, the earthly Vrtya. The Vrtyas were certain, probably Eastern, tribes, whether Aryan or nonAr y an, but certainly living outside the pale of Brahmanism, roving about in bandson rough waggons covered with boards in a rather warlike fashion, owners of cattle, having their own peculiar customs and religious cults, whose members however could be received into brahmanical society by means of certain sacrificial rites and ceremonies. Such a Vrtya who has already been converted to Brahmanism, seems to be glorified in the Vrtyabook of the Atharva veda. *
1
l

See A. Weber and Th. Aufrecht

in Ind. Stud, I, 1850 ; A. Hillebrandt,

Ritual

Litteratur (Grundriss I I I , 2), pp. 139 I. ; M. Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda (Grundriss, I I , 1 B) pp 96 ff. ; Chas. Lanman HOS., Vol. 8, pp. 769 ff. Macdonell a n d Keith, II. pp. 341 ff. Rjrm Rmkrishna the yfte Bhgavat, Rudra J R A S . , 19, 1896, B Siva, see Keith, t h e Vrtyas to be nonAryans. J. C harpentier Vrtyas to be early worshippers of fecstatics of the K?atriya class Vedic Index, 357 ff. considers

( W Z K M . 23, 151 ff.; 25, 355 ff.) considers J R A S . 1913, 155 ff. ( / . Winternit?}

According to J, W. Hauer, Die Anfnge der Yogapraxis, B erlin 1922, pp. 11 ff. 172 ff they and forerunners of the Yogins.

in Festschrift for L. Scherman.

VEDIC
1}

LITERATURE

155

Deussen has taken endless trouble to discover sense and meaning in the " philosophical " hymns of the Atharva veda, and to establish certain coherent ideas in them. He finds, for instance, in Ath. X , 2, and X I , 8, the idea that deals with the " realisation of Brahman in m a n , " and this in X, 2, " m o r e from the physical teleological aspect," and X I , 8 " more from the psychical a s p e c t . " I cannot discover so much philosophy in these hymns ; I believe, rather, that here too we have only pseudophilosophers, who did not announce a new doctrine of the worldsoul in man, but who found this doctrine already existing in entirety and proclaimed it in mystically confused disconnectedness. While in a celebra ted hymn of the gveda (X, 121) a deep thinker and a true poet refers in bold words to the splendour of the cosmos and sceptically asks about the creator, in Atharvaveda, X, 2, a versemaker enumerates, one after the other, all the limbs of man, and asked who has created them :
2)

" B y w h o m are t h e heels of whom the ankles, b y whom

man

created ?

B y whom

the

flesh, the

by the

t h e w e l l f o r m e d fingers ? been placed apart f r o m

B y

whom

openings ? . , . W h y have t h e y made the ankles caps above ? W h y have t h e l e g s where are the j o i n t s of t h e knees ?

of m a n b e l o w and

knee

each other, and etc.

W h o has t h o u g h t t h a t o u t ? "

Thus it proceeds throughout eight verses. Then follow nine verses, in which all kinds of things that belong to the human organism, and indeed to h u m a n life in general, are enquired about : " Whence come likes and dislikes, whence sleep, fear, fatigue, whence all joys and pleasures of mankind ? Whence poverty and misery ? " e t c I n the same tone, all sorts of miscellaneous questions are asked, such as, who has

) AGPh, I. I. pp. 209 ff. Philosophische Hymnen aus der Rigund AtharvaVedaSam.

Cf. also Lucian 8cherman,

2

hit verglichen mit den Philosophemen der lteren Upanishads, Strassburg, 1887. ) Deussen, loc, cit., pp. 264 ff.

156

INDIAN

LITERATURE

placed water into the body, blood into the veins, whence man has obtained stature, height and name, who has endowed him with gait, intelligence, breath, t r u t h and untruth, immortality and death, clothing, long life, strength and speed, and so on. Then further is asked whence man obtains his mastery over nature, and all these questions are answered with the reply that man as Brahman (worldsoul) has become what he is, and attained all his power. So far the hymn is not exactly beautiful, but at least fairly clear. B u t now follows the usual mystical humbug in the closing verses 2633, where, for instance, it is said :
" H a v i n g s e w n his heart and his head t o g e t h e r , the A t h a r v a n being [26] box of

above t h e brain as a purifier s t i m u l a t e d ( h i m ) from above the head. T o t h e A t h a r v a n forsooth this head t h e g o d s , and t h i s head is protected mind." by belongs, a firmlylocked food and

the breath, b y

by the [27]

I think one would be honouring this kind of verses too much by seeking deep wisdom in them. Therefore, I cannot find such deep sense in the hymn Ath. X I , 8, as Deussen does, who tells us that it describes " the origin of man through the contact of psychic and physical factors which themselves are altogether dependent upon Brahman." J u s t as the liar must sometimes speak truth, in order that one may believe his lies, so the pseudophilosopher, too, must introduce here and there into his fabrications a real, philosophical idea which he has " picked u p " somewhere or other, in order that one may take his nonsense for the height of wisdom. Thus, the idea of Brahman as the first cause of all existence and of the one ness of man with the worldsoul, is certainly a t the basis of the hymn X I , 8. However, I do not think that the author had any idea in his mind while composing the words :
" W h e n c e was Indra, originated Tvaar ("the whence Sorna, w h e n c e Whence Agni was born ? Dhtar Whence ("the

Fashioner")?

Creator ") born ?

VEDIC

LITERATURE

157
from A g n i . Dhatar.

F r o m Indra was Indra born, S o m a from Sorna, and A g n i T v a a r came of T v a a r , and D h t a r is born of

Immeasurably higher than this versemaking, which is neither philosophy nor poetry, stands one hymn of the Atharva veda, which, on account of a few verses which relate to the origin of the earth, is usually included among the cosmogonie hymns, but which is free from any and every kind of mysticism and really contains very little philosophy, but so much the more true poetry. I t is the magnificent hymn to Earth, Ath. X I I , 1. I n sixtythree verses the Mother Earth is here extolled as the supporter and preserver of everything earthly, and entreated for happiness and blessing and protection from all evil. J u s t a few verses in R. T. H . Griffith's translation must suffice to give an idea of one of the most beautiful productions of the religious poetry of Ancient India :
" T r u t h , h i g h and potent L a w , the Consecrating R i t e , Fervour, B rahma, and Sacrifice uphold the M a y she, t h e Q u e e n of all t h a t is a n d S h e w h o a t first was water in t h e ocean, powers the s a g e s f o l l o w e d , M a y she whose heart is in t h e h i g h e s t heaven, t r u t h , and e v e r l a s t i n g , May s h e , this E a r t h , b e s t o w upon us out, lustre, and g r a n t us power in [8] oer w h o m the foot of V i u loftiest dominion. S h e w h o m the A v i n s measured strode, W h o m Indra, for himself, M a y E a r t h pour out her m i l k for us, a mother u n t o m e her son. [ 1 0 ] O PithivJ, auspicious b e t h y w o o d l a n d s , snowclad m o u n t a i n s . Unslain, u n w o u n d e d , unsubdued, I have set foot upon the Earth, auspicious be t h y hills and Lord of Power and Might, freed from all foemen compassed about with Pithiv m a k e ample space and room for us. whom with their Earth. [1] wondrous is to be, m a y

O n E a r t h , b r o w n , black, r u d d y and everycoloured, on the firm earth that Indra guards from d a n g e r . [HJ

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INDIAN

LITERATURE

Produced f r o m thee, on thee m o v e mortal creatures : t h o u bearest t h e m , both quadruped and biped. T h i n e , P i t h i v l , are t h ese F i v e mortal, S r y a as he rises mortal. On earth t h e y offer sacrifice and dressed oblation power, [$>] s p r i n g and g r o w a g a i n , [35] shout varied t o the way. mortals, l i v e upon t h e earth b y food i n their a c c u s t o m e d M a y t h a t E a r t h g r a n t us breath and vital P i t h i v g i v e m e life of l o n g duration ! L e t w h a t I d i g from thee, O Earth, rapidly O Purifier, let me n o t pierce t h r o u g h t h y v i t a l s or t h y heart. M a y s h e , t h e E a r t h , whereon m e n s i n g and dance w i t h and noise, Whereon men meet in battle, Supporting both the foolish with and t h e warcry and t h e drum and t h e w e i g h t y resound, [41] M a y she drive off our f o e m e n m a y P i t h i v rid m e of m y foes. b o t h of t h e good a n d evil. I n friendly concord t h e boar, E a r t h opens herself for the wild [48] Heaven, O Sage, s e t m e in g l o r y and in [63] s w i n e t h a t roams t h e forest. O E a r t h , m y M o t h e r , set t h o u m e h a p p i l y i n a place secure, Of wealth." o n e accord with human R a c e s , for w h o m , though [15] gods, men, spreads w i t h his rays t h e l i g h t t h a t is i m

s h e bears t h e death

This hymn, which might just as well be found in the gvedaSahit, proves that in the Sahit of the Atharva veda, too, there are scattered manifold fragments of ancient poetry, although the latter Sahit, more than the gveda pursues one definite purpose. I n this collection, too, as in that of the gveda by the side of much that is of little value or absolutely worthless, there are rare gems of the oldest Indian poetic art. Only both works together give us a real idea of the oldest poetry of the Aryan Indians,
T H E A N C I E N T I N D I A N SAC RIFIC E AND THE V E D I C SAMHITAS.

The two Sahits which have so far been discussed have in common the fact that they were not compiled for special liturgical purposes. Although most of the hymns of the

VEDIC

LITERATURE

159

gveda could be, and actually were used for sacrificial purposes, and although the songs and spells of the Atharva veda were almost throughout employed for ritualistic and magic purposes, yet the collection and arrangement of the hymns in these Sahits have nothing to do with the various liturgical and ritualistic purposes. The hymns were collected for their own sake and arranged and placed, in both these collections, with regard to their supposed authors or the singerschools to which they belonged, partly also according to their contents and still more their external formnumber of verses and such like. They are as we may say, collections of songs which pursue a literary object. It is quite different with the Sahits of the two other Vedas the Smaveda and the Yajurveda. I n these collec tions we find the songs, verses, and benedictions arranged according to their practical purposes, in exactly the order in which they were used at the sacrifice. These are, in fact, nothing more than prayerbooks and songbooks for the practical use of certain sacrificial priestsnot indeed written books, but texts, which existed only in the heads of teachers and priests and were preserved by means of oral teaching and learning in the priests' schools. * Now, in order to explain the origin of these Sahits, it is necessary to insert here a few words about the cult of the Aryan Indians. This is the more advisable as a complete understanding of the Vedic literature in general is altogether impossible without a certain insight into the ancient Indian sacrificial cult.
1

So far back as we can trace the VedicBrahmanic gion there have always been two varieties of the cult. have seen that certain hymns of the gveda and a number of songs and charms of the Atharvaveda were as benedictions and prayers at birth and marriage and
2)
l

reli We large used other

) C f. above, p. 36. ) C f. above, pp. 95 ff., 107 ff., 135 I.

160

INDIAN

LITERATURE

occasions of daily life, at funerals and ancestorworship, as well as at the various ceremonies which had to be performed by the herdsman for the prosperity of the cattle and by the farmer for the growth of the fruits of the field. The Indians call these ceremonies, mostly also connected with sacrifices, "grhyakarmani" i.e. "domestic ceremonies." C oncerning these the Ghyastras, which will be mentioned later, give us detailed information. At the sacrifices which this domestic cult required, the householder himself, who was assisted at most by one single priest, the " Brahman," occupied the position of the sacrificial priest.* So far as these sacrifices were burnt offerings, the one fire of the domestic hearth served as the altar for their presentation. Beside these sacrifices, which every pious Aryan, whether poor or rich, whether aristocratic or humble, performed according to ancient usage, there were also great sacrificial feastsespecially in connection with the Somacult relating to Indra, the god of the warriors,which could only be celebrated by the aristo cratic and wealthy, more especially by the kings. On an extensive sacrificial place set u p according to firmly estab lished rules, altars were erected for the three sacred fires, which were necessary at every sacrifice of this kind, and a multitude of priests, headed by four chief priests, were occupied with the performance of the innumerable, extremely intricate rites and ceremonies required for such a sacrifice. The Yajamna or " sacrificer," the prince or great man, who offered the sacrifice, had very little to do ; his chief duty lay in giving the priests a liberal payment for the sacrifice (daki). No wonder that the Brahmans selected these sacrificeceremonies, by which they gained the most, as the

) valyanaGhyas5tra a t domestic sacrifices. a t the Pkayajas (i.e.".the

I, 3 , 6 :

The appointment of a B rahman is

optional priest sacrificer

GobhilaGhyastra I, 9 , 8 f.

The B rahman is the only

" simple sacrifices " of the domestic cult) ; t h e

himself is t h e Hotar (the priest who recites the verses).

VEDIC

LITERATURE

161

subject of enthusiastic study, that they developed a regular science of sacrifice, which is set forth in those texts with which we shall become acquainted as Brhmaas, and which form an essential part of the rwti the " Revelation," i.e. of that literature to which, in the course of time, divine origin has been ascribed. These sacrifices, therefore, were called srauta karmni" " ceremonies based upon ruti" in contrast to the domestic (ghya) ceremonies, which are based only upon Srrhrti, " memory," i.e. tradition, and possess no divine authority. Now the four chief priests who were occupied with the rauta sacrifices are : (1) The JBLotar or " caller, who recites the verses (ca) of the hymns in order to praise the gods and invite them to the sacrifice ; (2) the Udgtar or " singer, " who accompanies the preparation and presentation of the sacrifices, especially of the Sorna libations, with chants (sman) ; (3) the Adhvaryu or " executor of the sacrifice," who performs all the sacrificial acts, at the same time mut tering the prose prayers and sacrifice formulae (yajus), and (4) the Brahman or high priest, whose office it is to protect the sacrifice from harm. For every sacred act, therefore, every sacrifice too is, according to the Indian view, exposed to a certain amount of danger ; if an act is not performed exactly in accordance with the ritualistic prescription, if a spell or a prayer formula is not spoken correctly, or if a melody is sung incorrectly, then the sacred act may bring destruction upon the originator of the sacrifice. Therefore the Brahman sits in the south of the place of sacrifice, in order to protect the sacrifice : the south being the haunt of the god of death, and the haunt from which the demons hostile to the sacrifice, threaten the people. H e follows the course of the whole sacrifice mentally, and as soon as he notices the least mistake in a sacrificial act, in a recitation or in a chant, he must, by pronouncing sacred words, make good the harm. Therefore the Brahman is called in an old text " the best
21

162

INDIAN

LITERATURE
l)

physician among the sacrificial priests." But in order to be able to fulfil this office the Brahman must be " full of the veda " ; he fulfils his office as sacrificial priest " with the threefold knowledge," i.e. by means of his knowledge of the three Vedas, which puts him in the position of being able instantly to detect every error. On the other hand, the three other priests need only know one Veda each. The verses with which the Hotar calls the gods to the sacrifice, the so-called " verses of invitation " (anuvkys), and the verses with which he accompanies the gifts, the so-called " verses of sacrifice " (yjys), the Hotar takes from the gveda. H e must also know the gveda Sahit, i.e. he must have memorized it, in order to compile out of it the so-called astras or " songs of praise " which he had to recite at the Sorna sacrifice. Thus the gveda Sahit stands in a certain relationship to the hotar, although it is in no wise collected or arranged for the purposes of this priest. However, to the Soma-sacrifice belong not only the songs of praise recited by the hotar, but also so-called stotras or " songs of praise, which are s^ng by the udgtar and his assistants. Such stotras consist of song-stanzas, i.e. stanzas (cah) which had been made the bearers of certain melodies (sman). These melodies, as well as the song-verses with which they were connected, were learnt by the udgtar-priests
2) 3)
l

) Satapatha-BrhmaaXIV, 2, 2, 19.

Cf Chndogya-Upaniad IV, 17, 8 I Only at a later so that Veda of the the be that the

) Aitareya-rayaka, I I I . 2, 3, 6. atapatha-Brhmaa X I . 5, 8, 7. sometimes actually called

period was the Brahman brought into relationship with the Atharvaveda, Atharvaveda w a s " Brahmaveda " or " the Brahman " and t h e adherents of the Atharvaveda declared that the a knower of the Atharvaveda-Samhit. sacrifice has nothing to do with the Atharvaveda.

Brahman must

In reality the office of the Brahman at the rautaHowever, w e can understand Brahman, as remarked For, if t h e above,

the t w o were connected with each other.

officiated as the only priest at G hya-sacrifices, he certainly had t o be familiar w i t h benedictions which occur, for the m o s t part, in the Atharvaveda.
8

) I n fact the chants (stotras) come first, and then t h e recitations (Sastras).

VEDIC

LITERATURE

163

in the schools of the Smaveda, and the SmavedaSahits are nothing but collections of texts which have been collected for the uses of the udgtars, not for their own sake, but because of the melodies the bearers of which they were. Finally, the Adhvaryupriest, at his innumerable sacrificial rites, has to utter, in low voice, partly short prose formulae, partly longer prayers in prose and versethe prose formulae and prayers are called yajus (plur. yajsi), the verses c (plur. rcah).> I n the Sahits of the Yajurveda all these prose formulae and prayers, mostly accompanied by rules and discussions on the sacrificial acts at which they are to be uttered, are collected for the purposes of the Adhvaryu priest in the order in which they were used at the sacrifices. W e now turn to the discussion of the l i t u r g i c a l Sahits, as, according to what has just been stated, we may call the Sahits of the Smaveda and the Yajurveda, in contrast to these of the gveda and the Atharvaveda.

THE

SMVEDASAMHIT.

Of the many Sahits of the Smaveda which are said to have existed oncethe Puras even speak of a thousand Sahits, only three have come down to us. The best known of these, the SmavedaSahit of the Kauthumas**
2) 3)

) The Hotar recites t h e h y m n s , i.e. he repeats them aloud in a kind of singsong, the udgtar sings the songs of praise to certain melodies, the adhvaryu mutters t h e pray*rs. Only the " Nigadas," a variation of the Yajusformulae, loudly by the adhvaryu.
2

w h i c h serve the purpose of

summoning the other priests to their various occupations, naturally had to be uttered ) Later authors also speak of a thousand schools of the Smaveda. Cf. R Simon,

Beitrge zur Kenntnis der vedischen Schulen (Kiel 1889), pp. 27, 3 0 I.
3

) The Sahit of the Rayanyas has been edited and translated by J. of the Kauthumas Ind., 1871 ff. by Th. Benfey The JaiminyaSahit has l.c

Stevenson, Satya

London, 1842 j that

Leipzig, I848 and by

vrata S~imaramin, B ibl.

been edited by W See also

Galand (Indische Forschungen, 2, B reslau 19O7). *) About this and the other t w o Sahits see C aland Oldenberg, GGA 1908, 711 ff. Introduction,

164

INDIAN

LITERATURE

consists of two parts, the A r c i k a or the " versecollection " and the U t t a r r c i k a , the " second versecollection." Both parts consist of verses, which nearly all recur in the gveda. Of the 1810or, if we subtract the repetitions, 1549verses, which are contained in the two parts together, all b u t 75 are also found in the gvedaSahit and, mostly in Books VIII and I X of the latter. Most of these verses are composed in Gyatr metre or in Pragtha stanzas which are made u p of Gyatr and J a g a t lines, and doubtless the stanzas and songs composed in these metres were from the beginning intended for singing.* The seventyfive verses which do not occur in the gveda are partly found in other Sahits, partly in various works on ritual ; some may be taken from a recen sion unknown to us, but some are only pieced together out of sundry verses of the gveda without any proper meaning. Some of the verses of the gveda met with in the Smaveda offer divergent readings, and it has been believed t h a t a more ancient text might be recognized in them. But Theodor Aufrecht, * has already shown t h a t the divergent readings of the Smaveda are due only to arbitrary, intentional or acci dental alterationsalterations such as also occur elsewhere where words are prepared for music. For in the Smaveda, in the rcika as well as in the Uttarrcikathe text is only a means to an end. The essential element is always the melody, and the purpose of oth parts is that of teaching the melodies. The scholar, who wished to be trained as an udgtarpriest in the schools of the Smaveda, had first to learn the melodies : this was done with the aid of the rcika ; then only could he
2

) This is proved by the very names " Gyatr " and " Pragtha," which are derived See H. Oldenberg, ZDMG 38, 1884, 439 ff., (2nd ed, B onn 1877)

from the verb " g " (resp. prag) " t o sing." 4 6 4 ff.

*) In the preface t o his edition of the h y m n s of the gveda II, pp. xxxviii ff. S e e also J. Brune, Maala des Rgveda clusion as Aufrecht, I.e., and Oldenberg, Zur Textkritik der dem

Samaveda mit dem achten to the same con

gemeinsamen Stellen, Dias, Kiel, 1909, who comes H y m n e n des Rigveda 1, pp. 289 f.

VEDIO

LITERATURE

165

memorize the stotras as they were sung at the sacrifice, for which purpose the Uttarrcika served. The first part of our SmavedaSahit, the rcika con sists of five hundred and eightyfive single stanzas (c) to which the various melodies (sman) belong, which were used at the sacrifice. The word sman although frequently used for the designation of the text which had been either made or destined for singing, means originally only " tune " or " melody." As we say that a verse is sung " to a certain tune, thus the Indians say the reverse : This or that melody (sman) is " s u n g upon a particular stanza. The Vedic theologians, however, conceive the relationship of melody and stanza in such a way that they say, the melody has originated out of the stanza. The stanza (c) is therefore called the Yoni i.e. " t h e womb," out of which the melody came forth. And although naturally a stanza can be sung to various melodies, and one melody can be used for different stanzas, yet there are certain stanzas, which as a rule, may be considered as the textsthe " yonis" as the Indian technical term goesfor certain melodies. The Arcika then, is nothing but a collection of five hundred and eighty five " yonis " or single stanzas, which are sung to about double the number of different tunes.* I t may be compared to a songbook, in which only the text of the first stanza of each song is given as an aid to the recollection of the tune. The Uttarrcika, the second part of the SmavedaSam hit consists of four hundred chants, mostly of three stanzas each, out of which the stotras which are sung at the chief sacrifices are formed. While in the Arcika the stanzas are arranged partly according to the metre, partly according to
2)

) S e e Oldenberg,

GGA 1908, 712 A. of 9 each, the same number of 10 each, 2 of 7 each, and

) 287 songs consist of 3 verses each, 66 of 2 each, 13 of one verse, 10 of 6 each,

9 of four each, 4 of 5 each, 3

the same number of 12 each, and one song consists of 8 verses.

166

INDIAN

LITERATURE

the gods to which they are addressed (in the sequence : Agni, Indra, Soma), the chants in the Uttarrcika are arranged according to the order of the principal sacrifices.* A stotra then, consists of several, usually three stanzas, which are all sung to the same tune, namely to one of the tunes which the rcika teaches. We may compare the Uttarrcika to a songbook in which the complete text of the songs is given, while it is presumed that the melodies are already known. I t is usually assumed that the Uttarrcika is of later origin than the rcika.* In favour of this assumption is the fact that the rcika contains many " yonis" therefore also many melodies, which do not occur at all in the chants of the Uttarrcika and that the Uttarrcika also contains some songs for which the rcika teaches no melody. On the other hand, however, the Uttarrcika is an essential completion of the Arcika : the latter is as it were, the first, the former the second course in the instruction of the udgtar. Both parts of the Samhit give us only the texts as they are spoken. The melodies themselves, in any case in the earliest times, were taught by oral, and probably also instrumental rendering. Of later origin are the socalled G a n as or " song books " proper (from g " to sing " ) , which designate the melodies by means of musical notes, and in which the texts are drawn u p in the form which they take in singing, i.e. with all the extensions of syllables, repetitions and interpolations of syllables and even of whole words the socalled " s t o b h a s , " as hoyi hva hoi, and so on, which are partly not unlike our huzzas and other shouts of

) On the stotras of the S*maveda and their use at the sacrifice, see A. Rituallitteratur, " Grundriss," I I I . 2, pp, 99 ff. ) Galand ( D e wording is older. Oldenberg, GGA van den Smaveda, 1908, 7 1 3 ,

Hillebrandt,

Amsterdam (Akad.), 1907 ; Die Jaimi this on good . . grounds. . For the de$

nyaSamhit, pp. 4f. and WZKM 22,1908, 436 ff.) endeavours to prove that the Uttarrcika 722, disputes see Galand, question of t h e origin of the Smaveda, Smaveda, Amsterdam ( A k a d . ) , 1906. Eene unbekende Recencie v a n

VEDIC

LITERATURE

167

j o y . The oldest notation is probably that by means of sylla bles, as ta, co a, etc. More frequent, however, is the desig nation of the seven notes by means of the figures 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, with which the F, E, D, C , B, A, G, of our scale correspond. When singing, the priests emphasize these various notes by means of movements of the hands and the fingers. There are, attached to the rcika a Grmageya gna ("book of songs to be sung in the v i l l a g e " and an Arayagna (" book of forest songs " ) . I n the latter those melodies were collected, which were considered as dan gerous (taboo), and therefore had to be learnt in the forest, not in the village. There are also two other books of songs, the Uhagna and the Uhyagna. These were composed for the purpose of giving the Smans in the order in which they were employed at the ritual, the Uhagna being connected with the Grmageyagna, the Uhyagna with the rayagna. The number of known melodies must have been a very large one, and already at a very early period every melody had a special name. Not only are they often mentioned by these names in the ritualbooks, but various symbolical mean ings are also ascribed to them, and they play no insignificant part in the symbolism and mysticism of the Brhmaas, rayakas and Upaniads, especially a few of them, such as the two melodies " B h a t " and " Rathantara," which already appear in the gveda. The priests and theologians certainly did not invent all these melodies themselves. The oldest of them were presumably popular melodies, to which in very early times semireligious songs were sung at solstice
1) 2) 3) 4)
l

) More details

about this the most ancient

music of the Indians can be found in

A, C Burnell, The Arsheya B rhmaa pp. xxviii xlixlviii.

a

of the Sma Veda (Maugalore 1876), Introd.,

) See W. C aland Die JaiminyaSamhit, p. 10 ; H. Oldenberg, GGA 1908, pp. 722 f.

) See C aland Die JaiminyaSamhit, pp. 2 ff *) A later author gives the number of Smans as 8,000 ! (R. Simon, loc. cit., p. 31.)

168

INDIAN

LITERATURE

celebrations and other national festivals, and yet others may date back as far as that noisy music with which prebrahma nical wizardpriests not unlike the magicians, shamans and medicinemen of the primitive peoplesaccompanied their wild songs and rites. Traces of this popular origin of the smanmelodies are seen already in the abovementioned stobhas or shouts of joy, and especially in the fact that the melodies of the Smaveda were looked upon as possessing magic power even as late as in brahmanical times. There is a ritualbook belonging to the Smaveda, called Smavidhna Brhmaa, the second part of which is a regular handbook of magic, in which the employment of various Smans for magic purposes is taught. W e may also see a survival of the connection of the Smanmelodies with the prebrahmanical popular belief and magic, in the fact that the brahmanical lawbooks teach that the recitation of the gveda and the Yajurveda must be interrupted as soon as the sound of a sman is heard. Especially distinct is the rule in pastambas law book, where the barking of dogs, the braying of donkeys, the howling of wolves and jackals, the hooting of the owl, the sound of musical instruments, weeping, and the tone of smans are enumerated as sounds at which the Vedastudy must be interrupted.
} 2) 3)

Thus, then, the SmavedaSahit is not without value

) See A. Hillebrandt,

Die Sonnwendfeste in AltIndien (Sep.

aus der Festschrift

fr Konrad Hof m a n n ) , Erlangen 1889, pp. 22 ff. 34 ff., M. Bloomjield, 8maveda, in WZKM 17, 1903, pp. 156 ff. *) The primary meaning of Sman appeasing gods and demons." soothing words." The is probably

The god Indra and the " a m e a n s for

"propitiatory song,"

word

sman also

occurs in the sense of " mildness, and chandai

In the older literature, w h e n the Smaveda is quoted, it is usnally with Chandoga means " C h a n d a s B i u g e r , " The funda it might be chanda

the words ; " The 0 b a n d o g a s say."

combines in itself the meanings " magic song," " sacred text " and " metre." mental meaning of the word must be s o m e t h i n g l l i k e " rhythmical speech " ; connected with the root chand "to " pleasing, alluring, i n v i t i n g " ) . ) I. 3 , 1Q 19. please, to satisfy, or to cause to

please," (cf.

VEDIC LITERATURE

169

for the history of Indian sacrifice and magic, and the gnas attached to it are certainly very important for the history of Indian music, even though as yet in no way exploited for this purpose. As a literary production, however, this Sahit is practically worthless for us.
1}

T H E SAMHITS OF THE Y A J U R V E D A .

J u s t as the SmavedaSahit is the songbook of the udgtar, so the YajurvedaSahits are the prayerbooks for the Adhvaryu priest. The grammarian P a t a j a l i speaks of " 101 schools of the Veda of the Adhvaryus," and it is con ceivable that many schools of just this Veda existed ; for with reference to the separate sacrificial acts, such as the Adhvaryu had to execute and accompany with his prayers, differences of opinion and sectarian divisions could easily arise, which led to the formation of special manuals and prayerbooks. The least deviation in the ceremonial or in the liturgy was sufficient cause for the formation of a new Vedic school. Up to the present we know the following five Sahits and schools of the Yajurveda : 1. The K h a k a , the YajurvedaSahit in the recen sion of the Kahaschool.*
2)

* ) Oldenberg

concludes his investigations of the Smaveda (GGA 1908, 734) Smaveda"; for, in order to penetrate to greater

with

the remark that these literary investigations " after all only touch upon the problems lying on t h e surface of the depths, then Felber the philologist would have to be a student of the history of music as well. Since

we have gained an idea of the presentday mode of reciting the Smans in E.

(Die indische Musik der vedi'schen und der klassischen Zeit, mit Texten und Uebersetzun gen von B . G e i g e r , SWA, 1912), based on the records of the PhonogrammArchiv of the Vienna Academy. It is still doubtful, however, whether this necessarily teaches us how the ancient Udgtars sang 3,000 years ago.
2

See'slso R. Simon, Die Notationen der vedi's

chen Liederbcher (WZKM, 27, 1913, 305 ff.). ) In the Introduction to his Mahbhsya. ) Edited by L . v. Schroeder, Leipzig, 19001910, Index Verborum by R Simon, text For the contents of t h e Khaka see A. Weber, JRAS I910 517 ff. ; Ind. Stud. 3,451 ff. ; for the
3

1912.

and its interpretation s. Keith, 1918 12 ff.

1912, 1095 ff.j C aland ZDMG, 72

22

170

INDIAN

LITERATURE

2. The K a p i t h a l a K a h a S a h i t , which is pre served only in a few fragments of manuscript.* 3. The M a i t r y a S a h i t , i.e. the Yajurveda Sahit in the recension of the Maitryaya school. 4. The T a i t t i r y a S a h i t , i.e. the Yajurveda Sahit in the recension of the Taittirya school, also called "pastambaSahit" after the Apastambaschool, one of the chief schools in which this text was taught. These four recensions are closely interrelated, and are designated as belonging to the " B l a c k Y a j u r v e d a . " Differ ing from them is 5. The VjasaneyiSahit or the Sahit of the " W h i t e Y a j u r v e d a , " which takes its name from Yja v a l k y a Vjasaneya, the chief teacher of this Veda. Of this VjasaneyiSahit there are two recensions, t h a t of the K v a and that of the M d h y a n d i n a s c h o o l , which however, differ very little from each other. The chief difference between the Sahits of the " black " and the " w h i t e " Yajurveda lies in the fact that the VjasaneyiSahit contains only the M a n t r a s , i.e. the prayers and sacrificial formulae which the priest has to utter, while the Sahits of the Black Yajurveda, besides the Man tras, contain a presentation of the sacrificial rites belonging to them, as well as discussions on the same. That is to say, in the Sahits of the Black Yajurveda there is that which
2) 3) 4

) See L. v.
2

Schroeder, WZKM 12, 362 f. L. v. 1887, Schroeder, pp. Leipzig, 18811886. Numerous passages from this Indiens Literatur und ff.; into German by L. v. Schroeder, 110162.

) Edited by Leipz.g

Samhit have been translated Kultur,

3

See also Schroeder, ZDMG, 33, 1879, 177

Caland, ZDMG, 72, 1918, 6 ff. ) Edited by A. W>ber in Ind. Stud, Vols, 11 and 12, 187l72; with Syaa's commentary in B ibl. Ind , 18601899, and in An SS Nr. 4 2 ; translated into English by A. B . Keith,
4

HOS Vols. 18, 19, 1914. (The White Yajurveda, Part I. The VajasanejiSahita Translated into English by

) Ed. by A. Weber

with the Commentary of Mahdhara, B erlinLondon 1852).

i\. T. H. G r i e t h (The Texts of the White Yajurveda), B enares, 1899.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

in

is called " Brhmaa " or " theological discussion," and which forms the contents of t h e Brhmaas to be discussed in the next chapter, mixed with the Mantras. Now it is easily con ceivable that in the prayerbooks intended for the use of the Adhvaryus, the sacrificial rites themselves too were discussed, for these priests had above all to perform the separate sacri ficial acts, and the muttering of prayers and formulas in the closest connection with these acts formed only a small part of their duties. I t can therefore hardly be doubted that the Sahits of the Black Yajurveda are older than the Vja saneyiSahit. Only later systematizers among the Yajur vedatheologians probably felt the necessity of having a Sahit consisting only of Mantras analogous to the other Vedas, as well as a Brhmaa separate from it. * Significant, however, though the differences between the single Sahits of the Yajurveda may have been for the priests and theologians of ancient India, yet for us they are quite inessential ; and also as to time the various Sahits of the Black and W h i t e Yajurveda are probably not very dis tant from each other. If, therefore, in the following lines I give a short description of the contents of the V j a s a n e y i S a h i t , then this is quite sufficient to give the reader an idea of the contents and character of the Sahits of the Yajurveda in general.
1
l

) I t i s usually assumed that t h e name

" W h i t e " Yajurveda means " clear, well sacrificial means

a m n g e d " Yajurveda, and that " unarranged " Yajurveda. seems very improbable to This me.

i t indicates the clear distinction b e t w e e n explanation, emanating from Indian

utterances and explanations of ritual in t h e same, while " black " Yajurveda

commentators, "revealed Yajurveda" Yajurveda

B u t already in Satap. B r. X I V , 9, 4, 33 (cf. IV, 4, 5,

19) t h e " w h i t e sacrificial u t t e r a n c e s " (Suklni yaji) are called Mityani, utterances from t h e sun (ViuPura, I I I . 5 ) , I believe that t h e "white

by the sun " $ a n d t h e Purfias, too, relate that Y javalkya received n e w sacrificial owes i t s name t o this connection w i t h the sun. In contrast to this t h e older was then called t h e " black" one. I t is most improbable " that as Pisohel thinks, KG, 172. C f. Keith,

the Sahit of the

white Yajurveda is most closely related to t h e original form of the Veda of the Adhvaryu;' HOS Vol. 18, pp. 1xxxv ff, on the mutual relationship of t h e Sahits of t h e Yajurveda.

172

INDIAN

LITERATURE

The VjasaneyiSahit consists of 40 sections, of which, however, the last 15 (perhaps even the last 22) are of later date. The first 25 sections contain the prayers for the most important great sacrifices. The first two sections give the prayers for the N e w a n d F u l l M o o n s a c r i f i c e s (Darapramsa) with the o b l a t i o n t o t h e F a t h e r s (Piapityaja) belonging to them. I n the third section follow the prayers for the daily firecult, the laying of the fire, and the firesacrifices which have to be offered every morning and evening (Agnihotra), and the S a c r i f i c e s of t h e S e a s o n s (C turmsya) which take place every four months. The prajers for the S o m a s a c r i f i c e in general, including the a n i m a l s a c r i f i c e belonging to it, are to be found in sections IV to VIII. Among the Somasacrifices there are such as last one day, and such as last several days. To the oneday sacrifices belongs the Vjapeya or " D r i n k of Strength," a sacrifice offered originally probably only by warriors and kings, which was connected with a chariotrace, and at which, besides Soma, brandy (sur) also was offered, a drink other wise proscribed according to brahmanical law. Intended exclusively for kings is the " King's inauguration sacrifice " or R j a s y a a sacrificial feast connected with many a popular usage : a symbolical military expedition, a play at dice, and all sorts of magic rites. The prayers for these two kinds of Soma sacrifices are contained in sections I X and X. Then in sections X I to X V I I I follow the numerous prayers and sacrificial formulae for the A g n i c a y a n a o r the " Building of
1} 2)

) The sacrifices of the Ancient sacrifices

Indians fall into two

great subdivisions : food and Soma sacrifices with every every The separate is

sacrifices (in which principally milk, butter, cake, pulp and grain were offered) (whose chief component part is the somalibations). groups. The animal may be classed under these two chief sacrifice

connected

sacrifices of the firat division, as well as those of the second. kind of worship of the gods.
2

In connection with

kind of sacrifice is the firecult, w h i c h is, to a certain extent, the preliminary of

) According to t h e law books, the drinking of brandy is as great a sin as the

murder of a B rahman.

VEDTC

LITERATURE

173

the Fire Altar, a ceremony which extends over a whole year, and to which a deep mysticalsymbolical meaning is ascribed in the Brhmaas. The firealtar is named no other than " Agni " and is looked upon throughout as identical with the firegod. I t is built of 10,800 bricks, in the form of a large bird with outspread wings. I n the lowest stratum of the altar the heads of five sacrificial animals are immured, and the bodies of the animals are thrown into the water out of which the clay for the manufacture of the bricks and the fire pan is taken. The modelling and baking of the firepan and the separate bricks, many of which have special names and a symbolical significance of their own, is executed with much ceremoniousness accompanied by the continuous recitation of spells and prayerformulae. The following sections X I X to X X I give the prayers for the S a u t r m a celebration, a remarkable sacrificial ceremony at which again, instead of the drink of soma brandy is used and sacrificed to the Avins to the goddess Sarasvat and to Indra. The ceremony is re commended for one who has drunk too much Sorna or with whom the Sorna does not agreeand that may have been its original purposebut also for a Brahman who desires success for himself, for a banished king who desires to regain his throne, for a warrior who desires victory, and for a Vaiya who wishes to attain great riches. Many of the prayers belonging to this sacrifice refer to the legend of Indra, who was indisposed through intoxication from excessive enjoy ment of Sorna and had to be cured by the Avins and by Sarasvati.> Finally, sections X X I I to X X V , with which the old part of the VjasaneyiSahit ends, contain the prayers for the great H o r s e s a c r i f i c e (Avamedha), which only a powerful king, a mighty conqueror or " worldruler," might offer. Old legends and epic poems tell of primeval kings, who performed this sacrifice, and it is looked upon as
l

) C f. above, p. 85.

174

INDAN

LITERATURE

the highest glory of a ruler, if it can be said of him : " H e offered the Horsesacrifice." The purpose of this great sacrifice is expressed very beautifully in the prayer Vj. Sah., X X I I , 22 :
" O B rahman ! M a y shines t h r o u g h here ! born in this and kingdom May t h e B rahmin who be is born a be who a born

sacred k n o w l e d g e !

the warrior

hero,

skilful s h o t , a g o o d m a r k s m a n , s w i f t horse, t h e g o o d w h o is assembly ! share ! " May

a powerful May to t h i s

chariotfighter, sacrificer and to

A l s o t h e c o w which yields g o o d milk, the ox w h i c h draws well, t h e housewife ! a mighty a heroson be in the May our victorious, chariotfighter eloquent our desire !

P a r j a n y a send us rain according

our f r u i t b e a r i n g p l a n t s ripen !

M a y happiness and prosperity fall t o

That the last fifteen sections are of later origin is not to be doubted. Sections X X V I to X X X V are designated even by Indian tradition itself as Khilas i.e. " appendices," " supplements." Actually X X V I to X X I X contain only appendices to the prayers of the preceding sections. Section X X X is shown to be an addition even through the fact that it contains no prayers, b u t only an enumeration of the people who are to be sacrificed at the Puruamedha or " H u m a n s a c r i f i c e " to the most diverse divine beings or to beings and powers for the moment elevated to divinity. No less than one hundred and eightyfour persons are to be slaughtered at this Puruamedha, there being offered, to give only a few examples, " t o Priestly Dignity a Brahmin, to Royal Dignity a warrior, to the Maruts a Vaiya to Asceticism a dra to Darkness a thief, to Hell a murderer, to Evil a eunuch to Lust a harlot, to Noise a singer, to Dancing a bard, to Singing an actor ....to Death a h u n t e r to the Dice a gambler to Sleep a blind man, to Injustice a deaf man to Lustre a firelighter to Sacrifice a washerwoman, to Desire a female dyer to Yama a barren woman to the Joy of Festival a luteplayer, to C ry a fluteplayer... to

VEDIC

LITERATURE

175

Earth a cripple to Heaven a baldheaded man," and so on. Surely it is hardly conceivable that all these classes of people should have been brought together and killed. We have to deal here probably only with a symbolical rite representing a kind of " human sacrifice " by which even the great horse sacrifice was to be outdone, but which probably existed only as part of sacrificial mysticism and theory, and in reality hardly occurred.* With this agrees also the fact that section X X X I contains a version of the Puruaskta, known to us from the gvedai.e. of the hymn v. X, 90, in which the origin of the world through the sacrificing of the Purua and the identification of the world with the P u r u a a r e taught, Purua " Man," being conceived as the Highest Being,and that this section, which the Brahman is to recite at the Purua medha is also called an Upaniad i.e. a secret doctrine. Section X X X I I too, is in form and contents nothing but an Upaniad. The C reator Prajpati is here identified with the P u r u a and the Brahman. The first six verses of section X X X I V are similarly counted amongst the Upaniads, with the title ivasakalpaUpaniad.* The prayers of sections X X X I I to X X X I V are to be employed at the socalled Sarvamedhaor " A l l s a c r i f i c e . " This is the highest sacrifice which exists at all, and which ends with the sacrificers presenting the whole of his possessions to the priests as sacri ficial fee and then retiring as a hermit into the forest there

) So also Oldenberg, pp. cxxxviii, w h o says : for m a n . " Hillebrandt

Religion des Veda, 2nd Ed., pp. 362 f. and Keith, system

HOS., Vol. 18,

" There can be no doubt that the ritual is a mere priestly which provided no place

invention to fill up the apparent g a p in the sacrificial Puruamedha to be a real human sacrifice.

(Rituallitteratur, Grundriss I I I . 2, pp.153), however, considers the There can be no doubt that human sacrifices legend,

occurred in ancient India, though not in the B rahmanical cultonly survivals of it can be traced in the rite of building the brickaltar for the fire, and in the unaepa this does not prove that the Pnruamedha was such a sacrifice.
2

just as cruel human sacrifices occurred even in modern times among certain sects. B ut ) Vj. Sah. 34, 16, is found as an Upani*ad in the Oupnekhat of Dnperron, and des Veda, p. 837. See above pp. 19 f.

tapslated by Deussen, Sechzig Upanishads

176

INDIAN

LITERATURE

to spend the rest of his days. Section X X X V contains a few funeral verses, which are mostly taken from the gveda. Sections X X X V I to X X X I X contain the prayers for the ceremony called P r a v a r g y a , at which a cauldron is made redhot on the sacrificial fire, to represent symbolically the sun ; in this cauldron milk is then boiled and offered to the Avins. The whole celebration is regarded as a great mystery. At the end of it the sacrificial utensils are so arranged that they represent a man : the milkpots are the head, on which a tuft of sacred grass represents the hair ; two milkingpails represent the ears, two little gold leaves the eyes, two cups the heels, the flour sprinkled over the whole the marrow, a mixture of milk and honey the blood, and so on. The prayers and formulae naturally correspond with the mysterious ceremonies.* The X L and last section of the Vjasaneyi Sahit again contains an Upaniad, the very important Upaniad, occurring in all Upaniadcollections, to which we shall have to refer in the chapter on the Upaniads. If it is already clear from the contents of the last sections that they are of a later date, it is confirmed still more by the fact that the prayers contained in the Sahits of the Black Yajurveda only correspond to those of the first half of the VjasaneyiSahit. Now as regards the prayers and sacrificial formulae them selves, which form the principal contents of the Yajurveda Sahits, they consist partly of verses (c), partly of prose sentences. I t is the latter which are called " Y a j u s " and from which the Yajurveda takes its name. The prose of these prayers is occasionally rhythmical and here and there
2)

) For details about all these sacrifices and festivals see Hillebrandt, teratur (Grundriss, III. 2), pp. 97166 ; H. Oldenberg,

" Rituallit Ed.,

Religion des Veda, 2nd

pp. 437474; E, Hardy, Die vedischbrahmanische priode der Religion des alten Indiens, Mnster i. W., 1893, pp. 154 ff. and Keith,
2

HOS., Vol. 18, pp. ciii ff.

) Only the first 18 Adhyyas of the VjasaneyiSahit are completely g i v e n ,

word for word, and explained, in the SatapathaB rhmaa of the White Yajurveda.

VEDIC

LITERATURE
1

177

even rises to poetical flight. * The verses which occur are mostly found also in the gvedaSahit. The various readings, however, which the Yajurveda often presents, are not indeed more ancient than the text found in the gveda but they are mostly intentional alterations which were made in the verses, in order to bring them more into line with the sacrificial acts. Only rarely were whole hymns of the gveda included in the YajurvedaSahits ; mostly they are only single verses, torn from their context, which just appeared suitable to some sacrificial ceremony or other, and were therefore included in the Veda of prayers. Therefore these verses are of less interest to us. The characteristic element of the Yajurveda is the prose formulae and prayers. * The simplest prayer that we can imagine is the dedica tion of a sacrificial gift with the mere utterance of the name of the deity to which it is offered. Formulae of this kind are very numerous in the Yajurveda. " Thee for Agni," " t h e e for I n d r a , " or " t h i s for Agni, or also "for Agni Hail ! " " for Indra Hail ! " etc.with such words the gift is laid down or thrown into the sacred fire. A shorter and simpler song of praise to a god can hardly be imagined than the words with which every morning and every evening the firesacrifice consisting of milk (Agnihotra) is offered : " A g n i is Light, Light is Agni, H a i l ! " (in the evening), and " Srya is Light, Light is Srya Hail ! " (in the morning). In equally brief words the purpose of a sacred act is oiten indicated, when, for instance, the sacrificial priest cuts off the branch with which the calves are driven from the cows, and says at the same time : " Thee for juice, thee for
2

) See Keith, Yajus.

2

HOS., Vol. 18, pp. cxl ff., and H. Oldenberg,

Zur Geschichte der

altindischen Prosa (AGGW. N.F., B d. 16, B erlin, 1 9 l 7 ) , pp. 2 ff. On the language of the ) We also take no account here of the 3rahmaalike theological explanations

which the Samhits of the Black Yajurveda contain besides the prayers and formulas. What is said in the following chapter about the B rhmaas is applicable to these too.

23

178

INDIAN

LITERATURE

strength ! " or the utensil which served for a sacred act is briefly named and a wish attached to it, when, for instance, the piece of wood with which the sacrificial fire is to be kindled, is dedicated with the words: " T h i s , Agni, is thy igniter ; through it mayst Thou grow and thrive. May we also grow and thrive!" If one apprehends evil or bad magic from an object used at the sacrifice, a short spell serves to avert it. The halter with which the sacrificial animal is bound to the stake, is addressed thus : " Become no snake, become no viper ! " The razor with which the sacrificer, when he is consecrated for the sacrifice, has his beard sliaved is thus addressed by the priest : " O Knife, do not injure him ! " At the consecration of a king, the king looks down upon the ground and prays : " Mother Earth, mayest Thou not injure me, nor I Thee ! " The deities are not always invoked or praised in these sacrificeformulae, but in the most diverse ways sacrificial utensils and sacrificial acts are brought into relation to deities. Thus, for example, the priest binds with a rope the sacrificed wife who takes part in the sacrifice, saying : " A girdle thou art for Aditi." At the consecration for the Soma sacrifice the sacrificer binds himself with a girdle of hemp and reedgrass with the words : " Thou art the strength of the Agiras, soft as wool ; lend me strength ! " Then he makes a knot in his undergarment and says : " The knot of the Soma art thou." Hereupon he enwraps his head in his turban (or in his upper garment) muttering : " Thou art Vius protection, the protection of the sacrificer." To the horn of a black antelope, which he wraps up in the hem of his garment he says : " Thou art Indras womb." The priest takes the sacrificial food from the car with the words: " T h o u art the body of Agni, thee for Vinu. Thou art the body of
l ) 2)

) Vj. IV, I. VI. 12.

2

II, 14. l. 1,

H I . 9.

X, 23.

) The ancient fire and magicpriests, conceived as semidivine beings.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

179

the Sorna, thee for Viu." When the priest takes any sacrifi cial utensil into his hand, he does it with the oftrecurring formula : " At the god Savitar's instigation I take thee with the arms of the Avins with the hands of Pan." The sacred sacrificial fire must be twirled in the ancient manner with the firedrill ; and the producing of the fire is already in the gveda compared with the process of procreation, the lower small board being regarded as the mother, and the upper frictionstick as the father of the child Agni (the fire). Thus are explained the formule with which the firetwirling is performed at the Somasacrifice, in which the two frictionsticks are addressed as the pair of lovers, Pururavas and Urva, already known to us, who bring forth Ayu. The priest takes the lower frictionstick with the words : " Thou art the birthplace of Agni" lays two blades of sacred grass upon it, and says : " You are the two testicles." Then he lays the small board down with the words : " Thou art Urva," touches the frying pan with the twirlingstick, saying : " Thou art yu" and with the words : " Thou art Pururavas " places the twirlingstick into the lower frictionstick. Thereupon he twirls with the formula : " I twirl thee with the Gyatri metre, I twirl thee with the Triubh metre, I twirl thee with the Jagat metre.'
1} 2) 3) 4) 5)

) Vj. I. 30
2

IV, 10.

V, 1. VI. 30. " Arais " or frictionsticks, of which the one is a in the small board until

) This consists of the two This is the

small board, the other a flame results. of mankind.

3

a pointed stick which is turned round fireproducing

implement still used at the present daj by

many primitive peoples, e.g. the Eskimos,doubtless one of the most primitive utensils ) The Malays of Indonesia still today call the small wooden board in which the Arabs, too, had two sticks for producing fire by friction, one of which was

fire drill is turned, " m o t h e r " or " woman," while the twirlingstick itself is called " man." The ancient *)
8

conceived as female, and the other as male. See above, pp. 103 t V a j V. 2. atapahaB r. I l l , 4, I. 20 ff. Of. Satapaha B r., V I H 5, 2, 1 j

Weber, Ind. Stud., 8, 1863, pp. 8 ff., 28 ff., and above, pp. 61 f.

18

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Formulalike turns of this kind, which often convey little or no meaning, are extremely numerous in the Yajur veda. C omparatively rarely do we come across long prose prayers, in which the sacrificer expresses his desires to the deity in simple words, as in the abovequoted beautiful prayer, which was spoken at the horsesacrifice. More frequent are the formulalike prayers, which, however, still convey a reasonable meaning, as the following :
" Thou, strength, give Agni, me art the protector of bodies ; protect m y body ! g i v e m e life ! Thou, Thou, Agni, art strength ! Agni, Thou,

A g n i , art the g i v e r of l i f e ; i n c o m p l e t e in m y body.

t h e giver of I I I , 17.)

m a k e c o m p l e t e t h a t which is (VSj

" M a y life prosper t h r o u g h the t h e sacrifice ! prosper t h r o u g h the sacrifice !

sacrifice !

M a y breath piosper t h r o u g h the sacrifice ! May the ear

M a y the e y e prosper t h r o u g h

M a y t h e back prosper t h r o u g h the sacrifice ! (Vj. I X , 21.)

M a y t h e sacrifice prosper t h r o u g h the sacrifice!

B u t still more frequently we find endless formulae, meaning of which is very doubtful, for example :
" A g n i has gained breath w i t h the monosyllable ; m a y I g a i n i t ! them ! Viu has

the

The

A v i n s h a v e gained the t w o f o o t e d people w i t h t h e t w o s y l l a b i c , m a y I g a i n g a i n e d the three worlds w i t h the threesyllabic, m a y I P a n has gained t h e five regions of the world with t h e T h e M a r u t s h a v e g a i n e d t h e seven B haspati has tamed gained gain them ! fivesyllabic; S o m a has gained t h e fourfooted c a t t l e w i t h the foursyllabic ; m a y I g a i n t h e m ! Savitar has g a i n e d t h e s i x seasons w i t h the

may I gain them !

sixsyllabic ; m a y I gain t h e m !

a n i m a l s w i t h the sevensyllabic ; m a y I g a i n t h e m ! the has Gyatrl gained with the

the e i g h t s y l l a b i c ; m a y I g a i n it !

A d i t i has g a i n e d Prajpati

t h e sixteenfold S t o m a w i t h the s i x t e e n s y l l a b i c ; m a y I g a i n it ! seventeenfold gain i t !

S t o m a with t h e s e v e n t e e n s y l l a b i c ; m a y I (Vj., I X , 31^4.)

However, one of the chief causes of the fact t h a t these prayers and sacrificeformulae often appear to us to be nothing but senseless conglomerations of words, is the identification and combination of things which have nothing at all to do with

VEDC

LITERATURE

181

each other, so very popular in the Yajurveda. For instance, a cookingpot is placed on the fire with the words :
" Thou art the (Vj., sky, thou 1,2.) art the earth, thou art t h e cauldron of

Mtarivan.' >

Or the cow with which the Soma is bought, is addressed by the priest in the words :
" T h o u art t h o u g h t , thou art m i n d , fice, t h o u art t h e doubleheaded A d i t l . " thou art intelligence, thou art the for the sacri ( V j . , I V . 19.)

priestly fee, t h o u art suitable for mastery, thou art suitable

To the fire which is carried about in the pan at the build ing of the firealtar the following prayer is addressed :
" T h o u art t h e b e a u t i f u l w i n g e d bird, the s o n g head, t h e G y a t r a m e l o d y t h i n e eye, t h e t w o the Yajusformule thy name, the of praise Trivt is t h y and Rathan body, the

melodies B h a t

tara are t h y w i n g s , t h e s o n g of praise is t h y soul, the metres are t h y limbs, VmadevyaMelody are thy Y a j y a j i y a m e l o d y t h y tail, the firehearths t h y hoofs ; thou art the ( V j . , X I I , 4.)

b e a u t i f u l w i n g e d bird, g o to heaven, fly to the l i g h t ! "

Then the priest takes three steps with the firepan, and says :
" T h o u art the vivalslaying stride of V i u , m o u n t the Gyatr metre, stride a l o n g the earth ! ofViu; T h o u art the f o e s l a y i n g stride of V i n u ; mount T h o u art t h e haterslaying stride the sky! metre, Thou art the stride along the T r i u b h metre, stride a l o n g the air !

m o u n t the J a g a t M e t r e , stride along ( V j , X I I , 5.)

h o s t i l e s l a y i n g stride of V i s n u ; m o u n t the A n u u b h the regions of the world ! "

W i t h reference to this kind of prayer Leopold von Schroeder says : " We may indeed often doubt whether these are the productions of intelligent people, and in this connec tion it is very interesting to observe that these bare and
l

Matarisvan is here the windgod, hence " the cauldron of M," meaning

"atmos

phere."

182

INDIAN LITERATURE

monotonous variations of one and the same idea are parti cularly characteristic of the writings of persons in the stage of imbecility " He then gives a few examples of notes written down by insane persons which have been preserved by psychi aters, and these do indeed show a striking similarity with many of the prayers of the Yajurveda.> W e must not forget that here we are not dealing with very ancient popular spells, as we find them in the Atharvaveda and in some cases even still in the Yajurveda, but with the fabrications of priests who had to furnish the countless sacrificial rites subtilised by themselves with equally countless spells and formule. Some prayerformulae of the Yajurveda are indeed noth ing but magic spells in prose. Even exorcisms and curses, quite similar to those with which we have become acquainted in the Atharvaveda, confront us also among the prayers of the Yajurveda. For there exist also sacrificial acts by which one can injure an enemy. Thus the priest says to the yoke of the car on which the sacrificial utensils are kept : " A yoke thou art, injure the injurer, injure him who injures us, injure him whom we injure.' (Vj., I, 8 . ) The following examples of such sacrificial prayers are given by L. von Schroeder, from the MaitryaSahit :
2) 3)

" Him who is hostile to us, and him who hates us, him who reviles us and him who wishes to injure us, all those shalt thou grind to dust! " " O Agni, with thy heat, glow out against him who hates us and whom we hate ! O Agni, with thy flame, burn against him who hates us and whom we hate ! O Agni with thy ray, radiate against him who hates us and whom we hate. O Agni, with thy powerful strength, seize him who hates us and whom we hate ! " " Death, Destruction, shall seize the rivals ! "
)
2

L. v. 8chroeder, I L C pp 113 f. At the same t i m e an example of the play of words, which is very popular in the The text r e a d s : dhr asi d h i v a dhrvantam, dhrva ta yo'smn

Yajusformulae.

dhrvati, ta dhrva ya dhrvma.

*)

I L C , p . 122.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

183

J u s t as these exorcismformulae have a primitive and popular air, so we find among the r i d d l e s , which have come down to us in the Yajurveda, besides genuinely theological riddles which well deserve the technical name " Brahmodya," as they presuppose an acquaintance with Brahman or sacred knowledge, also a few old popular riddles.* We have already become acquainted with this certainly very ancient literary type in the gveda and in the Atharvaveda. I n the Yajur veda we also learn of the occasions at which the riddlegames were customary, indeed, even formed a part of the cult. Thus we find in the VjasaneyiSamhit in section X X I I I , a number of riddles with which the priee(s amused themselves at the renowned ancient horse sacrifice. A few of these re mind us of our juvenile riddles, while others refer to the sacrificial mysticism of the Brhmaas and the philosophy of the Upaniads. As examples the riddles of Vj. X X I I I , 4548, 51, may be quoted :
2)

The Hotar :

" W h o wanders lonely on his way ? W h o is c o n s t a n t l y born anew ? W h a t is t h e r e m e d y for cold ? W h a t is the g r e a t cornvessel called ?

T h e A d h v a r y u : " T h e sun wanders lonely on its way. The moon is c o n s t a n t l y born anew. Fire is t h e r e m e d y for cold. T h e earth is t h e g r e a t cornvessel.' T h e A d h \ a r y u : " W h a t is the sunlike l i g h t ? W h a t is the oceanlike flood ?

On the B rahmod\as sse Ludwig,

Der Rigveda

Koegel III. 390 ff. Rud Kgel,

Geschichte der deutschen Litteratur I I. 1894 pp. 5 61 ff includes the B rahmodyas with which he compaies the Old Germanic riddle poetry, in the poetic heritage of the Indo European period.
2

Similarly a l . o in TaittiriyaSamhit VII. 4 18.

184

INDIAN

LITERATURE

A n d w h a t is g r e a t e r than the earth ? W h a t is t h a t of w h i c h no measure is k n o w n ? " The Hotar : Brahman ^

1

is the sunlike l i g h t , flood.

T h e s k y is the oceanlike

A n d greater t h a n the earth is G o d Indra, B u t it is t h e c o w , of w h i c h no measure is k n o w n . The Udgtar : " Into w h a t t h i n g s has the Purua penetrated ? A n d w h a t t h i n g s are contained in the P u r u a ? T h i s riddle, B rahman, I g i v e thee to solve ; W h a t answer h a s t thou n o w to m a k e ? " T h e B rahman : " T h e five, it is, i n t o which t h e Purua has penetrated. A n d these are t h e y w h i c h are contained in the Purua. T h a t is t h e answer I have t h o u g h t out for thee ; I n the m a g i c s t r e n g t h of k n o w l e d g e t h o u art not above m e . "
2 )

These riddle games form an equally important part of the worship of the gods as the prayers and sacrificial formulae. However, the term " worship " of the gods expresses but inadequately the purpose of the prayers and formulae, indeed, of the sacrifices themselves. The majority of the sacrificial ceremonies, as also the Yajus formulae do not aim at " wor shipping " the gods, but at influencing them, at compelling them to fulfil the wishes of the sacrificer. The gods too, love " panem et circenses," they, too, wish to be not only fed, but entertained as well : the Vedic texts very frequently assure us that the gods take a particular pleasure in the mysterious, the enigmatic, the barely hintedat.
3)
l

) This ambiguous word here probably means

" the priesthood;'

perhaps

" the spirit."

sacred knowledge." ) Purusa means " human being," " p e r s o n " and also " spirit," "universal " T h e five " a r e the five senses, which are contained in the Purua i.e. in the " human being " and are permeated by the Purua i.e. the " universal spirit."
8

) " The gods

love that which is hinted at, the

mysterious," is a sentence

often

recurring in the B rhmaas, e.g., atapathaB rhmaa, VI. 1, I. 2 ; 11 ; 2, 3 ; 7, I. 23, V I I , 4.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

185

I n the Yajurveda we find besides, already a mode of influencing the gods which prevailed very largely at later periods, and which consists of enumerating as many names and epithets as possible pertaining to a certain god and of wor shipping him under all these names, in order to obtain some thing from him. Thus, in the later literature we find texts which enumerate a thousand names of Visu or a thousand names of iva the recital of which is regarded as a particularly effective and meritorious work of devotion. The first beginnings of this kind of prayers we find in the S a t a r u d r i y a , the enumeration of the hundred names of the god Rudra, in Section XVI of the VjasaneyiSahit and in the Taittirya Sahit, IV, 5. Finally, there is yet another kind of " prayers," as we cannot help calling them, with which w e ' m e e t already in the Yajurveda, and with which also, at later periods, much mis chief was done. They are single syllables or words, which convey no meaning at all, or whose meaning has been lost, which are pronounced in the most solemn manner at certain places in the act of sacrifice, and are regarded as immensely sacred. There is, first of all, the sacrificial cry svh which we usually translate by " hail," with which every gift for the gods is thrown into the fire, while the cry svadh is employed in the case of sacrificial gifts to the fathers. Other quite un intelligible ejaculations of the kind are vasat vet, vt but above all the most sacred syllable om. This syllable, origin ally nothing but an expression of assent, * was regarded by the Indians for thousands of years, and still to the present
1

1, 10 etc. B hadrayakaUpaniad IV 2 . 2. darkly, and hate t h a t which is uttered directly." ) According

" The gods love that which is hinted at

t o AitareyaB rahmaa, V I I , 18, om means, in the language used for

the gods, that which is expressed a m o n g human beings by tath " s o be it," " yes." I n the same w a y ChndogyaUpaniad I, 1, 8 : " This syllable om expresses assent, for when a person agrees to something, he says : 'om' ! I t is probably purely a coincidence that the syllable om partly agrees w i t h the Hebrew " a m e n " in meaning as well as in sound.

24

INDIAN

LITERATURE

day is regarded, as inordinately sacred and full of mystical significance. I n the Upaniads it is identified with Brahpaau, the worldsoul, and recommended to the wise man as the highest subject of meditation. The KathaUpaniad ( I I 16) says of it : " This syllable is indeed Brahman, this syllable is the Highest ; for he who knows this syllable will have all his wishes, whatever they may be, fulfilled. To this syllable " om" are added the three " g r e a t words," namely bhr Qhupah svar (explained by the Indians as " earth, air, sky," which, however, is doubtful) of which it is said in an o]4 t e x t : * " T h i s is indeed Brahman, this Truth, this R i g h t ; for without these there is no sacrifice." Centuries later, in the Tantras, the religious books of more recent Indian sects, the use of such mystical syllables an words has become prevalent to such an extent that we frequently find nothing for pages, but inarticulated sounds such as u hr e kro phat a and so on, I t is significant too, that the wod mantra, which originally designated the verses and prayers (c and yajus) of the Vedb Sahits, later on had only the m e a n i n g of " iagic formua." Already in the Yajurveda we can trace quite clearly the transi tion, from prayer to magic formulathe two had, in fact, never been very strictly separated, However bare and tedious, unedifying the Yajurveda sahits are if we want to read them as literary works, so supremely important, indeed, interesting are they for the student of religion, who studies them as sources not only for the Indian, but also for the general science of religion. Who ever wishes to investigate the origin, the development, and the significance of prayer in the history of religion a n d this is one of the most interesting chapters of the history of religionshould in no case neglect to become acquainted with the prayers of the Yajurveda.
? 5 1

) M^it^yaVSmii^i *i

VEt)IC LITERATURE

IS? later religious these Sahit8 cannot under cannot under

For the understanding of the whole of the and philosophical literature of the Indians, too, are indispensable. W i t h o u t the Yajurveda we stand the Brhmaas, and without these we stand the Upaniads.

T H E BRHMANAS.

1}

Of the Brhmaas, the second great class of works belong ing to the Veda, M a x M l l e r once said : " However inter esting the Brhmaas may be to students of Indian literature, they are of small interest to the general reader. The greater portion of them is simply twaddle, and what is worse, theolo gical twaddle. No person who is not acquainted beforehand with the place which the Brhmaas fill in the history of the Indian mind, could read more than ten pages without being disgusted." Indeed, it is even truer of these works than of the Yajur veda, that they are unpalatable as reading, but indispensable to the understanding of the whole of the later religious and philosophical literature of the Indians, and highly interesting for the general science of religion. The Brhmaas are as invaluable authorities to the student of religion, for the his tory of s a c r i f i c e and of p r i e s t h o o d , as the Sahitas of the Yajurveda are for the history of prayer. The word B r h m a a (neut.) means first a single
2) 8 )

) Of, L. von 8chroeder,

I . L . C pp. 127167, 179190.

Sylvain Lvi,

La doctrine du

sacrifice dans les B rhmaas Gttingen, 1919, What Oldenberg

(B ibliothque de l'cole des hautes tudes), Paris, 1898.

H. Oldenberg, Vorwissenschaf bliche Wissenschaft, die Weltanschauung der B rhmaaTexte, endeavours to do justice to the thoughts contained in the B rhmaas. calls " prescientific knowledge," should, however, be more correctly Oldenberg, Zur For the prose of t h e B rhmaas, s.

called " priestly pseudoscience."

Geschichte der altindisohen Prosa, p p . 13 ff., 2 0 ff. ) Max Mller, Chips from a German Workshop, Vol. L
8

) The derivation of the word is doubtful.

It can be derived

either from

brhman

188

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

"explanation or utterance of a learned priest, of a doctor of the science of sacrifice, upon any point of the ritual." Used col lectively, the word means, secondly, a collection of such utterances and discussions of the priests upon the science of sacrifice. For although the Brhmaas fortunately contain much that has only a distant reference to the sacrificial cult, for instance, cosmogonie myths, ancient legends and narratives, yet the sacrifice is the one and only t h e m e from which all the discussions start, on which everything hinges. For the Brhmaas deal consecutively with the great sacrifices, with which we have become acquainted above in the contents of the VjasaneyiSahit, * and give instructions on the separate rites and ceremonies, attaching to them observations upon the relations of the separate sacrificial acts to each other and to the spells and prayers, partly quoted literally and partly quoted in abbreviated form. To these are added symbolical interpretations and speculative reasons for the ceremonies and their connection with the prayer formulae. Where, as is often the case, the views of the learned men differ ou certain points of ritual, the one view is defended and the other rejected. Also there is sometimes talk of differences of the ceremonies in different districts, also of modifications of certain sacrificial rites in particular circumstances. The men tion of what exactly constitutes the priests' payment, the daki, at every sacrificial act, is never omitted. I n the same way it is explained to the sacrificer what advantages, whether in this life or in the life beyond, he can gain by means of the
1 2)

(neuI.) in t h e sense of " sacred speech,

prayer, sacred knowledge," or from brahmn

( m a s c . ) " priest " in general or "B rahman priest,' ' or also from brhmaa (masc.) " t h e Brahman, the m e m b e r of the priestly caste, the theologian,"
l

) Pp. 172176 word b a n d h u " c o n n e c t i o n , same sense. Cf.

) In several places in the atapathaB rtthmaa, the whereas Weber, i n later passages t h e HIL., p. 11;

relationship," i.e. " explanation of the deeper connection, the actual significance," occurs, word b r h m a a is used in t h e Ind. Stud., 5, 6 0 ; 9 , 3 5 1 ; Oldenberg, Vorwissensohaftl. Wissens

chaft, p. 4 .

VEDIC LITERATURE

189

various sacrificial rites. I n short, if the use of the word " science" may be permitted with reference to theological knowledge then we can best designate the Brhmaas as texts which deal with the " science of sacrifice. Very many such texts must have existed. Of this we are assured by the I ndians themselves, and it is also confirmed by the many quotations from lost Brhmaas, which we find in our texts. However the number of even those Brhmaas which are still preserved is by no means small, and moreover, all of them should be classed among the more extensive works of I ndian literature. According to the four Vedic Sahits with which we have become acquainted, the four Vedas, as we know, were distinguished, and to each of the latter several Brhmaas usually belong, which issued from various schools (khs). W e have seen that the Sahits of the Black Yajurveda already contained, besides the mantras or prayers, also declarations of opinions and discussions on the purpose and meaning of the sacrifice. I n these Brhmaalike parts of the YajurvedaSahits we shall see the beginning of the Brhmaaliterature. I t was these very directions for the performance of the sacrificial ceremonies and the discussions on the meaning of the ritual, which in the Sahits of the Black Yajurveda were directly connected with the Mantras themselves, it was just these which one Vedic school after another made the subject of individual works. Soon it was regarded as a rule that every Vedic school must possess a Brhmaa. This explains on the one hand the large number of Brhmaas, and on the other hand the circumstance that some works were designated as Brhmaas, which deserve this name neither for their contents nor for their extent, and which belong to the latest productions of Vedic literature. Of this type are many socalled ' B r h m a a s ' of the Smaveda, which are nothing but Vedgas, * also th
5 1

) S e e Chapter on the Vedgas.

190

INDIAN

LITERATURE

G o p a t h a B r h m a a of the Athatvaveda. The latter fe one of t h e latest works of t h e whole of Vedic literature. There was obviously no Brhmaa at all belonging to the Atbarvaveda in early times. I t was not until a later period, when a Veda without a Brhmaa could not be imagined, that an attempt was made to fill thfe gap.* The most important of the old Brhmaas may here be enumerated. To the gveda belongs the A i t a r e y a B r h m a a . I t consists of forty Adhyyas or "lessons," which are divided into eight Paeakas or " fifths." Tradition names Mahidsa Aitareya as the author of the work. I n reality he was prob ably only.the compiler or editor of it. This Brhmaa deafe chiefly with the Somasacrifice, besides which with only the fire sacrifice (Agnihotra) and the feast of t h e consecration of king (Rjasya). I t is supposed that the last ten sections are of later origin. * I n the closest relationship with this Brhmaa is the K a u & t a k i or S k h y a a B r h m a a , also belonging to the gveda, and consisting of thirty Adhyyas or " lessons." T h e first six Adhyyas deal with t h e foodsacrifice (fire laying, firesacrifice, new and full moon sacrifices and t h e sacrifices of the seasons), while Adbyyas VII to X X X deal with the Somasaerifiee fairly agreeing with the Aitarya*
2

) For detailed t r e a t m e n t of the GopathaB rahmaa s e e M. Bloomfield, veda C" Grundriss," II. I B ), pp. 101124. Qaastra, Leyden 1919. Whilst Bloomfield the

The Athanra

The GopathaBrhrnaa has been edited by D . considers the GopathaB rhrnaa later than (WZKM 18,

Vaitnastra ( D e r Atharvareda, 101 ff, GGA. 1912, N o . 1), C aland

1904, 191 ff ) and Keith (JRAS 1910, 9 3 4 ff) consider it earlier. ") Edited and translated into English by Martin Haug B ombay, 1863. A much better dition w i t h extracts from SSyaa's commentary b y Th. Aufrecht, B onn, 1879. Edited with SSyaa's commentary in a S S N o 32. Translated into English b y A. B* Keith, than Liebich, HOS V o l . 25, 1920. According t o K e i t h (1. c , pp. 4 4 ff ) t h e AitareyaB rhmaa the Jaiminyaand SatapathaB rhmaa On the l a n g u a g e of the AitB r see

is probably older than t h e B rhinaa parts o f the TaittiryaSanihit, and certainly older
Pani li pp. 23 ff Ou M s h i d s a Aitareya s Keith, Aitareya Arayaka, Introd,

pp. 16 f.

VEDIC LITERATURE
1

191

Jr&bmaa. ? The KautakiBrahmaa is later than the AitareyaBrhmaa. However, while the latter is not the work of one hand and of one period, the KautakiBrhmaa is a uniform work. To the Smaveda belongs the T a n d y a M a h B r h m a a also called Pancavia, i.e. " Brhmaa consisting of twentyfiv book." This is one of the oldest Brhmaas and qQBtains some important old legends. Of special interest are the Vtyastomas, and the description of sacrificial cere lojues by means of which the Vrtyas were received into the community of the Brahmans.* The S a v i a B r h m a a , i.e. " t h e twetysixth Br&hmaa," is only a completion of the Tya which consists of twentyfive books. The last part of the gavia is the socalled " Adbhuta Brahmaa," a Vedgatest on miracles and omens. The J a i m i i i y a B r a h m a a of the Smaveda is even older than the TayaMahBrhmaa. This work is of special interest for the history both of religion ap legend, but unfortunate ly the mauscript material is so fragmentary that it
2) 4) 5)

) The Kausteki3rfibmaca is edited by B . Linlner^ Jpa, 1887, ajsp ip n S S N o . 6f, Keith, H OS, vol. 25, 1920 ; chapter X translated into but his quotations from a, "B ahvca

translated into English b y A . B . 1908. pastamba mentions the

German b y R. Lbbecke, Ueber das Verhltnis von B rhmanas und Srautastren, Leipzig, Kautakins, Br&hmaa," that is " a B rhmaa of the Rgvedins " do not occur either in the A jtareya or in t h e KautakiB rhma ; t h e y m u s t therefore refer t o another gvedaB rhmaa which h a s not come down to us (Keith, 1. c p . 48). Ai*. B r. and Kau B r. see W. C aland *) Edited in B ibl. Ind. 18701874. For critical and exegetical notes on ~, ZDMG 72, 1918, 23 ff. A n analysis of it has been given by E.

JEfopfcins, " Gods and Saints of t h e great B rahman a " (Transactions of t h e Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, vol. 15, 1909, pp. 2069). ZDMG 72, 1918, 19 ff.
8

Critical notes on it by C alan4

) S e e above p. 154, and Weber, HIL pp. 67 f. ) Edited b y H. F. Eehingh, Leyden 1908, and t h e first Praphaka by urt w i t h extracts from Syaa's commentary, and a German translation (Gfteralb Liebich (Indogermanische Forschungen, Anzeiger, 1895, pp. 30 f.) has shown that translated into German by A. Weber, " Zwei vdisch tbftf

Klemm, 1894).

the language of t h e advia is prepinean. *) Edited a n d Oinina a n d Portenta," A B A 1858,

192

INDIAN

LITERATURE

cannot be edited. Hitherto only portions of it have been made known. The T a i t t i r y a B r h m a a of the Black Yajurveda is nothing b u t a continuation of the TaittiryaSahit, for the Brhmaas were already included in the Sahits of the Black Yajurveda. The TaittiryaBrhmaa, therefore, contains only later additions to the Saihhit. W e find here only a description of the Puruamedha, the symbolical " h u m a n sacrifice;" * and the fact that the sacrifice is miss ing in the Sahit is one of the many proofs that it is only a rather late production of the science of sacrifice. To the white Yajurveda belongs the a t a p a t h a B r h m a a " t h e Brhmaa of the Hundred Paths," so called because it consists of one hundred Adhyyas or " lessons.* This is the best known, the most extensive, and doubtless, also on account of its contents the most important of all the Brhmaas. * s in the case of the VjasaneyiSamhit, there are two recensions of this Brhmaa, that of the Kvas and that of the Mdhyandinas. I n the latter the hundred Adhyyas are distributed among 14 books (Kas). The first nine books are simply a continuous commentary on the first eighteen sections of the VjasaneyiSariihit. They
; 2) 3 4

) A selection from the JaiminyaB rhmaa, texts w i t h German translations, h a s been edited by W. Galand (Verhandeligen der kon. Akad. van Wetenschappen t e Amster dam, Afd. Lett. Deel I, N, R. D . X I X , No. 4) been made known before by A. C. Burnell 21 ff., and b y H. Oertel 1919. L e g e n d s from the Jaim. B r. h a v e Ind. A n t . 13, 1884, 16 ff., and W. D. Whitney,

in JAOS vols. 14, 15, 18, 19, 23, 26, 28, in OC X I , Paris 1897, I, A c a d e m y of Arts and Sciences, vol. 15, Amster

225 ff. and in Transactions of the Connecticut

1909. See also C aland WZKM 28, 1914, 61 ff. and " Over en uit het JaiminyaB rahmaa " (Verslagen en Mededeclingen der kon. Akademie v a n Wetensch., AfdLett, 5, 1) dam, 1914. (especially in Syaa's gvedabhya), see H. Oertel, JAOS 18, 1897, pp. 15 ff. ) Editions in B ibl. Ind. 18551890, and n S S No. 37. Taitt. B r., see Keith, HOS vol. 18, pp. lxxvi ff. Part I I . The ata *) See above, pp. 174 I. *) The t e x t was published b y A. Weber (The White Yajurveda, pathaBrhmaa. B erlin and London, 1855). There is an excellent English translation For the contents of the The a y f i y a n a B r h m a a of the Smaveda is only known by quotations

VEDIC

LITERATURE

are decidedly older than the last five books. Probably also Books I to V are more closely connected. I n them Y a j n a v a l k y a , who at the end of Book X I V is called the author of the whole atapathaBrhmaa, is often mentioned as the teacher whose authority is conclusive. On the other hand, in Books VI to I X , which deal with the fire altar building (Agnicayana), Yajnavalkya is not mentioned at all. Instead of him another teacher, i l y a , is quoted as an authority ; and the same ilya is also regarded as the proclaimer of the Agnirahasya, i.e. of the " firealtar mystery," which forms the contents of Book X . Books X I to XIV, besides appendices to the preceding books, also contain a few interesting sections on subjects which a r e otherwise not dealt with in the Brhmaas, thus upon the Upa n a y a n a the initiation of a pupil or the taking of the pupil to the teacher who is to instruct him in the sacred texts ( X I , 5, 4), upon the daily Veda s t u d y (svadhyya), * which is look ed upon as a sacrifice to the god Brahman ( X I , 5, 68), and upon the d e a t h c e r e m o n i e s and the raising of a burial mound ( X I I I , 8). The horsesacrifice (Avamedha), the " human sacrifice (Puruamedha) and the " sacrifice of all " (Sarva medha) are dealt with in Book X I I I , and the Pravargya ceremony in Book XIV. At the close of this extensive work
f 1

with important introductions and notes, by 12, 26, 4 1 , 4 3 and 4 4 ) . latest B rhmaas; see Keith, Br. show t h e trace of the

JuliuB

Eggeling in five volumes.

(SB E Vols. Oltramare Altind.

The atapathaBrhmaa i s generally considered a s one of the HOS Vol. 18, pp. cii f. According to P. Wackernagl,

" L ' histoire des ides thosophiques dans l'Inde," I, p. 96, many passages in the Satapatha
influence

of t h e doctrines of the Upaniads.

Grammatik I, p. x x x declares that as to language, the atapathaB r. and the Aitareya Br. too is "comparatively modern," whilst h e considers the PacaViaB r. and the TaittiriyaBr. as t h e most ancient B rhmaas. ( F o r t h e opposite view, see Keiih HOS Vol. 25, p p . 46 f.). Oldenberg, " Zur Geschichte der altindischen Prosa," pp. 20 ff., gives the examples illustrating the " e a r l i e r " B rhmaa period from the TaittiryaSahit, and those for t h e " later " period from the atapathaBrhmaa.
l

) The " l e a r n i n g " or reciting of t h e Veda b y the Indians as a religious duty has a n

exact parallel in t h e Thorareading or " learning " of t h e J e w s .

25

194

INDIAN

LITERATURE

is the old and important BhadrayakaUpaniad with which we shall become acquainted in the next chapter. The difference between the Brhmaas which belong to the separate Vedas lies chiefly in the fact that the Brhmaas of the gveda in the presentation of the ritual, emphasize that which is of importance to the Hotarpriest, who has to recite the verses and hymns of the gveda while the Brh maas of the Smaveda are chiefly concerned with the duties of the Udgtar, and those of the Yajurveda with the sacri ficial acts to be performed by the AdhvaryuS I n the essen tials of their contents the Brhmaas all agree fairly well with one another. I n the main the same subjects are always dealt with ; and all these works bear the same stamp. This is the more noticeable, as we are compelled to assume a period of several centuries for the origin and propagation of this litera ture. If we could believe the tradition which, in the socalled V a a or " Genealogies," specifies genealogical trees of teachers with fifty to sixty names, then not even a thousand years would suffice to locate all the generations of teachers whose names are mentioned. These genealogies have indeed the object of tracing back the origin of the sacrifice theory to some deity or otherBrahman, Prajpati or the Sunbut they also contain so many names which have certainly the appearance of being genuine familynames, that it is difficult
1}

) Connected w i t h the Smaveda, there Vaa.Brhraaa (edited contains only a list have received t h e t h e atapatha with from the son the words : of and of 53 The explained teachers, god one from by

is A.

a special Weber, last the of There

socalled

" B rhmaa," is said

the to in

Ind Stud. 4, whom, are four

371 ff.) which VaSas

the at

Kayapa, different of the all

tradition " We have names.

Agni.

B rhmaa.

given Then

conclusion 40

work begins only mention appear. The from

this from the son of B hradvj, the son of B hradvj follow teachers, Only as the 4 5 t h in t h e list does Yjavalkya

Vtsmav," etc.

e d by their maternal

Uddiaka, who i s k n o w n to us from the Upaniads, being mentioned as his teacher. b e e n revealed b y VSc ( t h e goddess of s p e e c h ) . She is said to have received it

last (55th) h u m a n teacher i s Kayapa Naidhruvi, to w h o m the B rhmaa is said to have A m b h r i ( t h e v o i c e of thunder) and the latter from ditya (the s u n ) .

VEDIC

LITERATURE

195

to look upon them as pure fiction. However, even quite apart from these lists of teachers, there still remain the numerous names of teachers who, in the Brhmaas them selves, are quoted as authorities, and the fact remains that the collectors and compilers of the Brhmaas shift the beginnings of the science of sacrifice as laid down in them, back to a far distant past. This sacrificescience itself, however, requires centuries for its development. If we ask in which period we are to locate these centuries of the development of the Brhmaa literature, there can be as little question of any definite dates as there is in determin ing the period of the Sahits. The only certainty is, t h a t the Sahit of the gveda was already concluded and that the hymnpoetry already belonged to a fardistant past, when prayers and sacrifices were first made the subject of a special "science." I t is probably certain, too, that the great majority of magic incantations, spells and formulae of the Atharvaveda and of the Yajurveda, as well as the melodies of the Smaveda, are much older than the speculations of the Brhmaas. On the other hand it is likely that the final compilation of the Sahits of the Atharvaveda and of the liturgical Sahits was about contemporaneous with the beginnings of the Brhmaa literature, so that the latest portions of these Sahits might be of the same date as the earliest portions of the Brhmaas. At least the geographical and cultural conditions indicate this, as they are represented to us on the one hand in the Sahits of the Atharvaveda and Yajurveda, and on the other hand in the Brhmaas, in comparison with those of the gveda. W e have seen how, in the period of the AtharvavedaSahit, the Aryan tribes of the Indus land, the home of the gveda had already spread themselves further east into the region of the Ganges and the Jamn. The region which is indicated by the Sahits of the Yajurveda as well as by all the Brhmaas, is the land of the Kurus and Paclas, those two tribes whose mighty

196

INDIAN LITERATURE

battles form the nucleus of the great Indian epic, the Mahbhrata. Kuruksetra, " t h e land of the K u r u s " in particular, is regarded as a holy land, in which, as it is frequently put, the gods themselves celebrated their sacrificial feasts. This land Kuruketra lay between the two small rivers Sarasvat and Dadvat in the plain to the west of the Ganges and J a m n j and the neighbouring region f the Paclas stretched from the northwest to the southeast between the Ganges and Jamn. This part of India, the Doab between Ganges and J a m n from the neighbourhood of Delhi to as far as Mathur, is still in a later period, regarded as the actual " Brahman land " (Brahmavarta), whose customs according to the brahmanical lawbooks should be adopted for the whole of India. This region is not only the land of the origin of the Sahits of the Yajurveda and of the Brhmaas, but also the home of the whole of brahmanical culture, which first spread from here over the whole of India The religious and social conditions have changed very much since the time of the gveda. The old gods of the gveda still appear in the YajurvedaSahits and in the Brhmanas, just as in the Atharvaveda. But their significance has wholly faded, and they owe all the power they possess to the sacrifice alone. Furthermore, some gods who still play a subordinate part in the gveda step into far greater prominence in the liturgical Sahits and in the Brhmaas, as Visnu and especially Rudra or iva. Paramount importance now also attaches to Prajpati, " the lord of creatures," who is regarded as the father of the gods (devas) as well as of the demons (asuras). The word Asura^ which, corresponding to the Avestic Ahura in the gveda still has the meaning of " endowed with miraculous powers " or " God," and appears especially often as an epithet of the god Varuna, henceforth has exclusively the meaning of " demon " which it always has
l

) ee above, p. 78.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

197

in later Sanskrit, and again and again mention is made in the Brhmaas of the battles between Devas and Asuras. Yet there is nothing* titanic about these battles, as, for instance, the battle between Indra and Vtra in the gveda but the gods and Asuras exert themselves to surpass each other by means of sacrifices. For in these Brhmaas the gods actually have to make sacrifices if they wish to accomplish anything. Nothing is more significant for the Brhmaas than the tremendous importance which is ascribed to the sacrifice. The sacrifice is here no longer the means to an end, but it is an aim in itself, indeed, the highest aim of existence. The sacrifice is also a power which overwhelms all, indeed, a creative force of Nature. Therefore the sacrifice is identical with Prajpati, the creator. " Prajpati is the sacrifice " is an oftrepeated sentence in the Brhmaas. " The soul of all beings, of all gods is this, the sacrifice." " Truly, he who consecrates himself for the sacrifice, he consecrates himself for t h e All, for only after the sacrifice follows the A l l ; in making the preparations for the sacrifice, for which he consecrates himself, he creates the All out of himself. Equally endowed with magic power and equally significant is everything which is connected with the sacrifice, the sacrificial utensils no less than the prayers and formulae, the verses and their metres, the chants, and their melodies. Every single sacrificial act is treated with the greatest circumstantiality : enormous importance is attached to the most trivial circum stances, to the least details. Whether an action is to be performed to the left or to the right, whether a pot is to be put in this or in that spot on the place of sacrifice, whether a blade of grass is to be laid down with the point to the north or to the northeast, whether the priest steps in front of the fire or behind it, in which direction he must have his face turned, into how many parts the sacrificial cake is to be divided,
3

) at., X I V , 3, 2, I. I I I . 6, 3, 1

198

INDIAN

LITERATURE

whether the ghee is to be poured into the northern or the southern half or into the centre of the fire, at which instant the repetition of a certain spell, the singing of a certain song has to take place, *these are questions upon which genera tions of masters of the art of sacrifice have meditated, and which are treated in the most searching manner in the Brhmaas. Upon the correct knowledge of all these details does the weal and woe of the sacrificer depend. " Such, indeed, are the wilds and ravines of sacrifice, and they (take) hundreds upon hundreds of days' carriagedrives ; and if any venture into them without knowledge, then hunger or thirst, evil doers and fiends harass them, even as fiends would harass foolish men wandering in a wild forest ; but if those who know this do so, they pass from one deity to another, as from one stream into another, and from one safe place to another, and obtain wellbeing, the world of heaven." But "those who know," the guides through the wilder ness of sacrificial art, are the priests, and it is no wonder that the claims of the priestly caste for of such a caste we must now speak, as the caste system is already fully deve lopedin the Brhmaas (as already in some parts of the Atharvaveda) exceed all bounds. Now the Brahmans are frequently declared to be gods. " Yes, they are the very gods, the Brahmans.' * One Brhmaa states plainly enough :
1 2) 3

) Eggeling (SB E., Vol. 12, p. X ) recalls the fact that among t h e Ancient too, the Pontifices gained their power and influence through understood all the details of the sacrificial y e t been declared tremendously important.

Romans,

being t h e only people w h o

ceremonial, which details, though small, had It happened in Ancient Rome, that a sacrifice the a der

had t o be repeated thirty tirnes because some little mistake had been made at one of ceremonies; and in Ancient Rome, too, a ceremony was regarded as null and* void, if not cease playing at the right moment. C f rmischen Altertmer, Vl pp. 172, 174, 213.
2

word was mispronounced or an act was not performed quite correctly, or if the music did Marquardt and Mommsen, Handbuch

) Sat. X H 2 3, 12.

Translated by J. Eggeling,

S B E., Vol. 44, p. 160.

) TaittiryaSahit, I, 7 3 I.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

199
namely are gods, the the g o d s are the human gods. and

" Two Between studying these two

kinds

of

g o d s there are, and the studying) sacrifice

indeed,

g o d s , and the learned these

B rahmans the the human learned

t w o is

divided : the sacrificial g i f t s are for the learned

the g o d s , the presents ( D a k i s ) for B rahmans: by kinds of gods

2 )

means

of sacrificial g i f t s he pleases the g o d s , by gods, studying B rahmans : him, w h e n .they are satisfied, into the

presents he pleases

the h u m a n

transfer

blessedness of h e a v e n .

Four duties has the Brahman : Brahmanic descent, corresponding conduct, fame (attained through erudition) and " ripening of the people " (i.e. offering of sacrifices, by means of which people are made ripe for the Beyond). But the " r i p e n e d " people also have four duties towards the Brahmans : They must show them honour, give them presents, may not oppress and not kill them. The property of a Brahman may under no circumstances be touched by the king; and if a king gives his whole country with all that is in it, to the priests as a sacrificial fee (daki), then it is always understood that the property of Brahmans is excepted. A king can certainly oppress a Brahman, but if he does so, evil will befall him. At the consecration of a king the priest says " this man, ye people, is your king; Soma is the king of us Brahmans," to which the atapatha Brhmaa observes : " By this formula he makes the whole nation as food for the king ; the Brahman alone he excepts ; therefore the Brahman must not be utilised as food ; for he has Soma as his k i n g . " Only the murder of a Brahman is real murder. I n a quarrel between a Brahman and a nonBrahman the judge must always decide in favour of the Brahman, for the Brahman may not be contradicted.*
3 ) 4)

) Literally "who have heard and w h o repeat (recite what they have heard)." ) Sat. II. 2, 2 6 ; I V 3 , 4 , 4. i.e. the k i n g lives b y the people, who h a v e to pay him taxes. )

*) Sat. X I . 5, 7, 1 ; X I I I , 5, 4, 24 ; X I I I , I. 5, 4 ; V, 4, 2, 3. ) Sat. X I I I , 3, 5, 3 ; TaittiryaSamhitS, II, 5, 1 1 , 9.

200

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Everything which for some reason or another is taboo, which one may not touch, and cannot use otherwise, as, for example, the stone and earthenware vessels of a deceased person or a cow (intended for the Agnihotra milk) which becomes stubborn or ill, must be given to the Brahman, especially the remains of sacrifices and food which are taboo for others, for " nothing injures the stomach of a Brahman.
x)

Thus, at last, the conclusion is arrived at, that the Brahman is no longer a " human god " by th e side of the heavenly gods, but that he raises himself above the gods. Already in the atapatha-Brhmaa it is said : " The Brahman descended from a i indeed is all deities," i.e. in him all deities are incorporated. This presumption on the part of the priests, the beginnings of which we meet with in the Brhmaas, is not only of the greatest interest for the history of culture as an example of priestly arrogance, but it is also the precursor of a phenomenon which we can trace through the whole of Indian antiquity, and which, I think, is deeply rooted in the life of the I ndo-European mind. While, for instance, the Hebrew poet says : " W h a t is man, that Thou art mindful of him, and the son of man that Thou visitest him ? " and adds " Man is like unto nothingness," a Greek poet uttered the great saying : " There is much that is powerful, but the most powerful is man." And a German poetthe same who created the super-man Faust, who knocks violently
2) 3)

-) Taittirya Sahit I I , 6, 8, 7.

Cf. Goethe, Faust:

" The Church has a good digestion, Has eaten up whole lands And yet never over-eaten herself." ) XI I , 4, 4, 6. Later it is said in the law-book of Manu : " A Brahman, be he learned or unlearned, is a great deity," and immediately afterwards, " The Brahman is the highest deity." Manu, I X, 317, 319. *) "What awful horror seizes thee, O Super-man! "
s

VEDIC

LITERATURE

201

at the gates of the spiritworldhas sung the song of Prome theus, who calls to the gods :
" I k n o w u o t h i n g poorer U n d e r the s u n , t h a n y e , O g o d s ! "

And in India we see how, already in the Brhmaas, the priest exalts himself over the gods through the sacrifice ; in the epics we read countless stories of ascetics who, through asceticism attain to such ascendancy that the gods tremble upon their thrones. In Buddhism, however, the divine beings, with Indra the prince of gods, have fully dwindled into quite insignificant beings, who differ from ordinary mortals only in that they are somewhat better situated, and even that only so long as they remain devout Buddhists ; and infinitely high above these gods stands not only the Buddha himself, but every man who, through loce for all beings and through renun ciation of the world, has become an Arhat or saint. Thus already in the Brhmaas the way is prepared for that great movement to which Buddhism owes its origin : for it cannot be questioned that the old and genuine Brhmaas belong to the PreBuddhist period. While in the Brah maas not the least trace is shown of any acquaintance with Buddhism, the Buddhist texts presuppose the existence of a Brhmaa literature. W e can therefore say upon good grounds that the centuries in which the Liturgical Sahits and the Brhmaas originated, must fall into the period after the conclusion of the hymncomposition and the gveda Sahit and before the appearance of Buddhism. As regards the actual contents of these works, a few examples will suffice to give the reader an idea. The
} 25

) See A. Weber, SB A, 1897, I. 594, ff.

a

) I t is significant that, in the list of human sacrifices in the A n d y e t this list is probably later than the oldest B rhmanas,

VajasaneyiSamhitft,

X X X (<*f. above, pp. 147 f.) there is no mention of either monks or nuns, or of B uddhists at all.

26

202

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Indians themselves usually arrange the contents f the BrSh maas in two principal categories, which they call ViM and Arthavda. Vidhi means " r u l e , precept," Arthavda "explanation of meaning. For the Brhmaas first give rules for the performance of the single ceremonies, and to these the interpretations and explanations of the purpose and meaning of the sacrificial acts and prayers are afterwards attached. Thus, for example, the atapathaBrhmana begins with the precepts upon the vow of abstinence, which the sacrificer has to make on the day before the newmoon and fullmoon sacrifice. There we read :
" H e w h o is about t o ing between the turjned that on towards act the an east. internal pure. thus enter on the vow, touches water, w h i l s t s t a n d and Grhapatya fires, with his face water is, that is will man is indeed enter Ahavanlya

T h e re< son w h y he touches purification thinks) ; through (is for

(sacrificially) impure on account of his s p e a k i n g untruth ; and effected),for sacrificially water is purifying water I indeed (sacrificially) vow,' 'After (he becoming the pure,

because b y

purifying.
5 )

H a v i n g become

purified

one, 1 will enter on t h e

v o w , thus (he t h i n k s , a n d ) this is the reason w h y he touches water.

To such simple explanations there are often attached disttfsions of the views of various teachers upon some question of ritual. Thus here the controversy is raised whether, at the making of the vow in question, one should fast or not, and it S said :
" N o w then Svayasa, fasting. on the of the e a t i n g (or) f a s t i n g . was of opinion And that on this point s h ; b a the vow consisted in to t h e m and [7] even be unbecoming for him to take food, before one hand,

For assuredly (he a r g u e d ) , the g o d s see t h r o u g h the mind of man ; Therefore all t h e g o d s b e t a k e t h e m s e l v e s t o his house, fires, upavas) in his house : w h e n c e

they k n o w that, w h e n he enters on t h i s v o w he m e a n s to sacrifice n e i t morning. abMb by (him or the called upavasatha. N o w , as it would

t h i s ( d a y ) 's

) afc. I. I. I. I. Translated bv J. Eggeling, S B E . v l

0

12 pp. 5} f

VEDIC

LITERATURE

^3
!

men

( w h o are s t a y i n g with

with

him as

his g u e s t s )

have

eaten ; h o w no food [8]

m u c h more would i t be so, if he were t o take food before the gods ( w h o are s t a y i n g a t all. becomes a sacrificer before t h e gods it counts as not eaten. to the Fathers ;
2 )

h i m ) have

eaten : let him therefore

take

Yajnavalkya, on t h e other hand, said : '* If he does n o t eaf he thereby and if he does e a t , he eats eaten, he [9] is made, even t h o u g h he therefore eats, have eaten : let him therefore eat w h a t , w h e n F o r that of which no offering When

is eaten, is considered as n o t eaten

does not b e c o m e a sacrificer to t h e Fathers ; and b y e a t i n g of t h a t of which no offering is made, he does not e a t before t h e g o d s have eaten. Let h i m therefore e a t only
8 )

what

grows

in the forest, be'it forest

plants or t h e fruit of t r e e s . "

Etymologies, such as that of Upavasatba in the above quoted place, are exceedingly frequent in the Brhmaas. Moreover, it is regarded as a special advantage if an ety mology is not quite accuiate, for " the gods love that which is hidden.' Thus, for instance, the name of t h e god Indra is derived from indh " to kindle," and it is said : he is, therefore, actually named Indha and he is called " Indra " only because the gods love what is concealed. Or the word " ulkhala" which means " mortar," is derived from uru kaiat " it shall make wide," and " ulkhala " is declared to Jbe a mystical designation for " u r u k a r a . Like the ety mologizing, identifying and symbolizing play an even greater part in the Brhmaas than in the YajurvedaSahits : the most dissimilar things being p u t together and associated
40 5 )

) The sentences

in biackets

have

been

completed from

the

context

It is The

impossible to render t h e original accurately in English without such completions. Brhmaas are not written for readers, and so on.
a

but spoken to hearers, hence much is omitted which emphasizing certain words, manual gestures,

the speaker can express by means of

) B ecause fasting is ordained for sacrifices to the fathers ) at. I, l I . l 71O Translated by J. Bggelinq, S B E, Vol. 12, pp. 4 f. Vorwis*

*) Sat. V I . I. 1, 2 ; V I I , 5, I. 22, cf. above, p. 184.

5

) See above, p 181. On identifications in the B rbmaas see Oldenberg,

senschaftliche Wissenschaft, pp. 110 ff.

204

INDIAN

LITERATURE

with one another. On every page of the Brhmaas we find explanations like the following :
" He n o w strews sacrificial grass viz, all round (the fires), and fetches the w i n n o w i n g basket and the he the t h e utensils, t a k i n g t w o at a t i m e ,

A g n i h o t r a ladle, t h e wooden sword and the potsherds, the w e d g e and t h e black antelope s k i n , the mortar and the millstones. Virj T h e s e are ten pestle, t h e large and small thereby in number ; for the Virj. of ten syllables consists the

( m e t r e ) , and radiant (virj) also is t h e sacrifice; so that resemble two

m a k e s t h e sacrifice

T h e reason w h y he takes t w o undertake respective

a t a t i m e is, because a pair m e a n s s t r e n g t h ; for w h e n a n y t h i n g , there is s t r e n g t h in it. objects) is thereby effected. > "Now the sacrifice is the man. The sacrifice that
2 )

Moreover, a pair represents a produc copulation (of those

t i v e copulation, so t h a t a productive

is the m a n for t h e in b e i n g is the spread reason [1] sacrifice trunk. [2] breath. [3] this

reason t h a t the man spreads i t is m a d e of w h y t h e sacrifice is the m a n .

(performs)

i t ; and

e x a c t l y t h e s a m e e x t e n t as the m a n :

T h e j u h 3 ) (spoon) further b e l o n g s and so does t h e Now upabht > ; and t h e

3

to t h a t (manshaped
3

d h r u v ) ; represents its

i t is from the trunk t h a t all these limbs proceed, and for this reason

t h e entire sacrifice proceeds from the dhruv. The dippingspoon >

4

(sruva m a s c . ) is no other than the

T h i s breath passes t h r o u g h (or, g o e s t o ) all t h e l i m b s , a n d for t h e dippingspoon goes t o all t h e offeringspoons (sruc f e m . ) . That from this jub further is to h i m )
5

t h a t reason

no other than y o n d e r s k y , and t h e (earth). Now it is [4] originate : a n d from t h e dhruv,

upabht this atmosphere, and the d h r u v this s a m e (earth) t h a t all the worlds therefore, t h e w h o l e sacrifice proceeds.

) aI. I, 1, I. 22. in

Translated by J. Eggeting, the sacrificial

S BD., Vol. 12, pp. 10 f. place, such measurements as "man's

) B ecause,

measuring

length," "arm's length," "span " and so on, are employed. *) N a m e s of different sacrificial spoons. *) W i t h this spoon (Sruva) the ghee is taken out of the gheepot and poured into t h e sacrificial spoons with which it is served. ) " H e " means Pur u a, "man." B ut Puru?a also means " s p i r i t " and but also with t h e designates Hence Universal the "Great Spirit" too, w h i c h is one with Prajpati, the creator of the universe. the sacrifice is not only identified with man ( t h e sacrificer) Spirit and Prajpati. C f. above, p. 184, note 2.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

205

The d i p p i n g s p o o n t h e n is no other t h a n t h a t b l o w i n g one ( t h e wind); it i s this t h a t s w e e p s across all these

l

worlds : a n d for t h a t reason t h e [5]

sruva goes t o all t h e offeringspoons.

In countless places in the Brhmaas the sacrifice is identified with the god Visnu and equally frequently with the creator Prajpati. But the year, too, is identified with Prajpati countless times, while on the other band Agni, as the firealtar, is also regarded as the year, because the building of the firealtar takes a whole year. Thus we read: " Agni is the year, and the year is these worlds," and imme diately afterwards: " A g n i is Prajpati, and Prajpati is the year. * Or, " Prajpati, indeed, is t h e sacrifice and the year, the new moon night is its gate, and the moon is the bolt of the gate." A prominent part is here played by the symbolism of figures. Thus we read, for example:
2)

" W i t h four (verses) he takes (some of t h e ashes) ; h e thereby supplies h i m ( A g n i ) w i t h fourfooted food down a n i m a l s ; and animals b e m g With three food, i t is w i t h he t h u s supplies h i m . (verses) he t a k e s ( t h e ashes)

(to t h e w a t e r ) , t h a t m a k e s *evett, for of seven layers consists t h e seven seasons are a year, and t h e year is A g n i : as great as
3 )

firealtar,

A g n i is, as great as his measure, so great does this b e c o m e . "

Here and there these barren explanations gain a little interest through the fact that they throw some light upon the moral views and social conditions of the period to which the Brhmaas belong. Thus, for example, at the soma sacrifice one of the somalibations is dedicated to Agni Patnvat, i.e. " Agni accompanied by his wives." This libation differs in certain details from other somagifts, and these deviations in the offering of the same are explained by
4)

) at. I, 3 , 2 15.

Translated by J. Eggeling, S B E . Vol. 12, p. 78 f. S B E . , Vol. 4 1 , p. 296.

) at. V I I I . 2, I. 1718 ; X I . I. I. 1. ) at. V I , 8, 2, 7. Translated by J. Eggeling, *) Of. above> p. 88.

206 reference sex:

"With (chesama).

INDIAN

LITERATURE

to the
the

w e a k n e s s

and helplessness of

the

female

remains of g h e e left over in t h e sacrificial spoon he m i x e s mixing t h e m , but with,the is indeed a thunderbolt, a n d

O t h e r s o m a l i b a t i o n s he m a k e s s t r o n g , b y

he weakens t h i s o n e ; for g h e e

thunderbolt, t h e ghee, did the g o d s beat and w e a k e n their wives ; and t h u s beaten and w e a k e n e d t h e y had no right whatever either to their o w n bodies or to an with the heritage. A n d likewise he now beats and to their own weakens the wives thuudefbolt, the g h e e , and t h u s beaten and w e a k e n e d , t h e w i v e s w h a t e v e r either bodies or to an heritage."

have no right (at. IV,

4,
1

2, 13.)

This, then, would be a ritual argument for the bondage of w o m a n . * I n another place the relationship ot the W i f e to the husband appears*in a slightly pleasanter light. Namely, at t h e Vjapeyasacrifice, the following ceremony occurs. A ladderis l e a n e d against the sacrificial stake, a n d t h e sacrificer, with h i s > w i f e , ascends it :
" W h e n he isabout to ascend, he addresses his w i f e words : ascend.
i

in t h e

following wife, when 'As a

W i f e , let us ascend to heaven, and t h e wife answers : ' Y e s , l e t us T h e reason w h y he addresses his wife thus is this : S h e t h e individual ; b u t

is indeed his o w n half ; therefore as l o n g as he has no w i f e , so l o n g he does not propagate his species, so l o n g he is no c o m p l e t e he has a wife, then he propagates his species, t h e n addresses his wife in t h i s m a n n e r . he is c o m p l e t e .

c o m p l e t e individual will I g o t h i s w a y (to heaven), he t h i n k s ; therefore he ( a t . V. 2 , 1, 10.)

The place of sacrifice or the altar (Vedi fern.) is re presented i n the symbolismof the Brhmaas as a W Q j a n . The following rule for the erection of the altar give& us in formation upon the ancient ideal of feminine beauty :

) We also read in the B rhmaas such sentences a s : " V e r i l y , the sacrifice 1, 10, I I ) , is woman." dans

is

right (i.e. La

and truth, woman is something w r o n g " (Maitryaya^ahit, Evil personified) blackbird (the crow) are something wrong."

" Nirti See Levi

(Maitr. I. 10, 16), " Woman, the dra the dog, and the (afc, 14, 1, 1, 3 1 ) , e t c Vorwissaoaehaftliche

doctrine du sacrifice iO ff , 4 3 .

les B rhmaas, pp. 166 ff. ; Oldenberg,

Wissenschaft, pp. 44 f.; and Winternitz,

Die Frau in den indischen Religionen, I, pp. 4 f.,

" t ( t b e < t f H M f ) should be broader on the wet s i d e , contracted m i d d l e , * n d broad a g a i n on t h e eat s i d e ; for t h u s shaped w o m a n : ' bread about the bips som&what narrower between andrcontracted in the middle (or, about t h e waist). ( t h e altar) pleasiftg t o t h e g o d s .
M )

in

the a

they the he

praise

shoulders, makes it

Thereby

A .glaring Jight is thrown upon the sexual morality of that period b y a brutal sacrificial custom which occurs at one of the sacrifices of the seasons, and is described as follows :
" Thereupon t h e Pratifrasth^ wife is s e a t e d ) .
2

> returns

(to

where
3

the

sacrificers

W h e n he is about to lead the w i f e a w a y , *

he asks her,

' W i t h w h o m h o l d e s t t h o u intercourse ? to one ( m a n ) carries on intercourse w i t h a (sin) against Varuna. H e therefore in her sacrifice w i t h whatever a secret p a n g she
4

N o w when a w o m a n who b e l o n g s another, she undoubtedly c o m m i t s thus asks her, lest she should the turn sin And out when confessed will

mind ; for not,

becomes less, since it becomes truth ; this is w h y he thus a.ks her. (connection) confesses that indeed injurious to her relatives. *

This, by the way, is one of the few places in the Brah maas where morality is thought of. I t is only very occa sionally that we come across moial reflections, as for instance, when the Asuras defeated the gods by falsehood, but the gods gained t h e ascendancy in the end, we are told that in like manner when men speak the truth, they may suffer adversity at first, but will prosper ultimately, while though the liars may have success for a time, they will surely perish in the emd. Generally speaking, however, it is very characteristic of these texts that there is hardly any mention of morality in them at all. The Brhmaas are a splendid proof of the fact that an enormous amount of religion can be connected with
}

) Sat. I. 2, 5, 16
fl

Translated by J Eggeling, S BIS , Vol. 12, p. 68.

*) One of the priests, an assistant of the adhvaryu. ) Namly to the altar, where s h e * s to offer a gift t o Varuna. Translated by J. Eggelhtg, S B E , Vol 12, pp. 896 f. Wisseuasbaift, pp I X , 6, 1.1*6 I. Oldenbevg It does not amount to much. (Verwissenschaftliche
4

) aI. <I. 6, 8, 20.

) afc.

124 ft., 184 .) has taken great pains to collect all that can be foqnd*ra efcinoai i d w r the Brhma cas.

208

INDIAN

LITERATURE

infinitely little morality. Religious acts, sacrifices and ceremonies, are the one and only subject of all these extensive works, but morality is a thing with which these works have nothing to do. * On the contrary, sacrificial acts are not only performed in order that the gods may fulfil the very materialistic wishes of the sacrificer, but also very frequently in order to injure an enemy. Indeed, the Brhmaas give directions for the priests, how, by means of the sacrifice, they can injure the sacrificer himself by whom they are employed, if, for instance, he does not give them enough presents. They need only perform the prescribed ceremonies in reverse order, or employ spells at the wrong place, and the fate of the sacrificer is sealed.
1

B u t enough of this intricate science of sacrifice which forms the chief contents of the Brhmaas. Fortunately, one of the component parts of the Arthavda or the " explana tion of meaning," consists of the socalled Itihasas, Akhynas and Purnas, i.e. narratives, myths and legends, which are narrated in order to explain the reason for some ritual act or other. As in the Talmud, to which the Brhmaas have some similarity, the blooming garden of the Hagada (so beautifully described in song by Heine) stands beside the theological jugglery of the Halacha, so also in the Brhmaas the desert of desolate theological speculation is now and then pleasantly relieved by an oasis, in which the flower of poetry, a poetical narrative or a deeply thoughtful legend of the creation, blossoms.

) " Morals have found no place in this system : the sacrifice which regulates under t h e magic action of

the the than

relationship of man with the gods is a mechanical operation whioh acts by its energy ; hidden in the bosom of nature, it only emerges priest"

innermost

" I t is indeed difficult to conceive of a n y t h i n g more brutal or more material

t h e theology of the B rhmaas ; the notions, which custom has slowly refined and olothed with a moral aspeot surprise us by t h e i r savage realism." sacrifice, p. 9 ; cf. 164 ff. Sylvain Lvi, I.a doctrine d u

VEDIC

LITERATURE

209

The very old myth, already known to the singers of the gveda of P u r u r a v a s a n d U r v a narrated in the atapathaBrhmaa, * is such an oasis in the desert. I t is there related how the nymph (Apsaras) Urva loved the king Pururavas, how she stated her conditions when she became his wife, and how the Gandharvas caused him to violate one of these conditions. Then she eluded him, and Pururavas, wailing and lamenting, wandered throughout the whole of Kuruketra until he came to a lotuspond, where nymphs were swimming about in the form of swans. Among them was Urva and there ensued the dialogue which is already known to us from the dialogue verses of the gveda.
1

" T h e n her heart took p i t y on h i m . night last of the and t h e n this son of t h i n e , ) will h a v e night of t h e year,
6 2

S h e said, been born.

' C o m e here the

last

year from n o w : t h e n shalt t h o u lie w i t h m e for one n i g h t , H e c a m e there on the They then grant thee a n d lo there stood a g o l d e n palace ! will

said to him o n l y this (word), ' E n t e r ! and t h e n t h e y bade her g o to h i m . S h e t h e n said, Tomorrow m o r n i n g t h e Gandharvas H e said, he said, yourselves ! "
}

a boon, and thou m u s t m a k e t h y choice. S h e replied, * S a y , " L e t m e be one of * Gandharvas granted

s

' Choose thou for me ! * I n the morning the Let m e be one of

him

boon ; and

yourselves ! " ^

Thereupon, the Gandharvas taught him a particular form of firesacrifice, through which a mortal becomes changed into a Gandharva. To the description of this sacrifice we owe the insertion in the Brhmaa of the old wondertale from which not even the doctors of the sacrificial art could strip all the magic of poetry. I n the atapathaBrhmaa we also find the Indian

) XI, 5, I. Translated b y Eggeling,

S B E , Vol. 44, pp. 68 ff., German translation by One of the many expressions which are only

K. Geldner, Vedische Studien, I, 244 ff. See above, pp. 103 f. *) Literally : " This t h y son here." explicable in the oral presentation.
s

Similarly, " this here " in the B rhmaas often means SB E., Vol. 44, pp, 7 2 f.

" earth," " that yonder " means " sky," and so on. ) Translated by J. Eggeling,

27

210

INDIAN

LITERATURE

l e g e n d of t h e flood, which in all probability is derived from a Semitic source, in its oldest form :
" I n the m o r n i n g t h e y b r o u g h t t o M a n u water for now also t h e y (are w o n t to) b r i n g ( w a t e r ) for w a s h i n g he w a s w a s h i n g himself, a fish c a m e i n t o his hands. I t spake t o him t h e word, w i l t t h o u save m e ?
9 ( (

washing just (1)

as

t h e hands.

When

Rear m e , I w i l l save thee ! * W h e r e f r o m

9

A flood will carry a w a y all these creatures : from

9

t h a t I will save thee ! fish devours fish.

' H o w a m I t o rear t h e e ?

(2) us: When I outgrow

I t said, ' A s l o n g as w e are small, there is T h o u w i l t first k e e p t h a t , t h o u w i l t d i g a pit and keep m e in it.

great destruction for

m e in a jar.

W h e n I outgrow that, thou (of a I

w i l t t a k e m e d o w n t o t h e sea, for t h e n I shall b e beyond destruction. ( 3 ) I t soon became a jhasha (a large fish) ; for t h a t g r o w s largest all fish). Thereupon i t said,
{

In

such

and such a year t h a t flood will advice) by preparing (4) And risen, up (5) to

come.

Thou shalt t h e n attend t o m e (i.e. to m y

s h i p ; and w h e n t h e flood has risen t h o u shalt enter i n t o t h e s h i p , and will s a v e thee from i t . ' After he had reared it in t h i s w a y , he took i t d o w n to t h e sea. in the s a m e year which the fish (the advice of t h e fish) b y preparing a ship ; and w h e n the flood had he entered i n t o the ship. yonder northern m o u n t a i n . I t then s a i d , 1 h a v e saved thee. l e t not t h e water c u t descended, and thee off,
(

had indicated t o h i m , he attended t o

T h e fish t h e n s w a m up to h i m , a n d to i t s horn he passed s w i f t l y the s h i p to

9

he tied the rope of the s h i p , and by t h a t means Fasten

a tree ; b u t A s the

w h i l s t t h o u art on t h e mountain. of the northern

water subsides, t h o u m a y e s t gradually descend ! hence t h a t (slope) The flood * M a n u s descent. *

A c c o r d i n g l y he gradually m o u n t a i n is called all these creatures, and

then swept a w a y

M a n u alone r e m a i n e d h e r e . )

Thus far goes the old legend which must have related further how the human race was renewed through Manu. The Brhmaa, however, related that Manu, in order to obtain descendants, offered a sacrifice ; out of this sacrifice arose a woman, and through her the human race was propa gated. This daughter of M a n u is called Iand the

) Sat. I, 8, I. Trsnslated by Eggeling, S B E . , Vol. 1 i, pp. 216 ft

VEDIC

LITERATURE

211

narrative is inserted only to explain the significance of a sacrificial gift designated by t h e name of I. These narratives are also of importance to us as the oldest examples of Indian narrative prose which we possess. I t has already been mentioned that this prose of t h e oldest epic compositions frequently alternates with verses. B u t while in the story of Purravas and Urvas the verses appear not only in the gvedacollection, b u t in language and metre belong to the oldest Vedic compositions too, we find in t h e AitareyaBrhmaa an khyna in which t h e Gths or verses scattered among the prose approach the epic in langu age es well as in metre. This is the legend of unaepa, * interesting in more ways than one. I t begins as follows :
1

" Haricandra, childless. a son. He had

son of Vedhas a

a k i n g of t h e race of t h e I k v a k u s , but by n o n e of

was

hundred w i v e s ,
2

t h e m did he h a v e

O n c e P a r v a t a a n d Nrada * v i s i t e d h i m , a n d he a s k e d N r a d a :

" A s all m e n desire a s o n , w i s e m e n as well as f o o l s , Tell me, O Nrada what a man gains by h a v i n g a son."

A s k e d t h u s i n one verse, he replied w i t h t e n : " T h e father, w h o looks u p o n t h e f a c e of his s o n , b o r n living unto him, Discharges his debt in him, attains to immortality through him, *
8

) AitareyaB rhmaa, V I I , 1318, English translation by Max Mller,

" History of and by

Ancient Sanskrit Literature," 2nd ed, London, 1860, pp. 408 ff., by M. Haug A. B . Keith in their respective translations of the AitareyaBrhmaa. 1891,
8

German translation

; b y R. Roth, Ind. Stud., I. 457 ff. S e e also Roth, I n d . Stud., 2. 112 ff. ; A. Weber, S B A p p . 776 ff. ; Keith, H O S . , Vol. 25 pp. 61 ff. ; C harpentier, Die Suparasage, pp. 58 f. The story is called an " khySna " i n the t e x t itself. ) T w o is or saints, w h o dwell n o w in heaven, now o n earth, and often serve the ) T h e best explanation of this verse i s given in t w o B rhmaa passages, Taittirya god 8 a s messengers.
8

SahitA, V I . 3 , 1 0 , 6 : "From the moment of his birth t h e B rhman is burdened with three debts . t o t h e Ris] h e owes t h e v o w of learning the Veda, to t h e gods he owes the *

212

INDIAN

LITERATURE

O f all t h e j o y s there are for creatures on t h i s earth, In fire, a n d i n water, g r e a t e s t i s t h e father's i n his s o n . A l w a y s t h r o u g h t h e son h a v e fathers c o n q u e r e d darkness ; H e h i m s e l f is a g a i n n e w l y - b o r n , t h e son is t o h i m a r e s c u i n g boat.

W h a t avails t h e dirt, a n d w h a t t h e g o a t - s k i n , w h a t t h e beard, and w h a t a s c e t i c i s m ! -) B r a h m a n s , desire a son for y o u r s e l v e s : in h i m y e h a v e the b l a m e l e s s world of h e a v e n .

F o o d is life, c l o t h i n g is p r o t e c t i o n and g o l d o r n a m e n t s are b e a u t y ; M a r r i a g e m e a n s c a t t l e ; -* a friend > is t h e w i f e , a sorrow the daughter, ^ L i g h t i n t h e h i g h e s t r e g i o n s of h e a v e n is t h e s o n t o his f a t h e r .

4 2 3

The husband entereth his wife,

becomes the embryo in her w o m b ,

A n d is b y her b r o u g h t forth a g a i n , in t h e t e n t h m o o n , as a new man.

>

A f t e r he h a d uttered the verses, and say :

i

he said

to

him !

' Approach h i m to

K i n g Varuna

M a y a son b e born t o m e ;

I w i l l sacrifice

sac ifice and to the Fathers, offspring ; h e w h o begets a son, offers sacrifices and k e e p s t h e vow of learning t h e Veda, is freed from his d e b t s ; " and Taittirya-Brhmaa I, 5, 5, 6 : " I n descendants dost thou propagate t h y race ; that, 0 mortal, descendants ! " -) The verse is directed against t h e forest-hermits and ascetics. *) Because t h e purchase price for daughters was, among the ancient Indians as among t h e ancient G reeks, paid in cows.
3

is t h y immortality."

Already in the g v e d a V, 4, 10, it i s said : " May I, O Agni, attain t o immortality through

Cf. the " oxen-bringing maidens " in Homer. steps (maso)."

) A t t h e marriage, in Ancient India, t h e bride and bridegroom took seven

together, whereupon the bridegroom said: " A t t h e seventh step become a friend view that the birth of a daughter is a calamity. over t h e world.
8

*) F e m a l e infanticide and child marriage have been t h e dismal consequences of the See Winternitz, Die Frau in den indischen Religionen, I, pp. 21 ff. The view that a daughter is " a misery " is, however, spread all ) Here follow four verses more in Which t h e same ideas are varied.
t

VEDIC

LITERATURE

213
praying : And May Varua

thee. a Varua).

' S o be it, he said, and w e n t up t o K i n g Varua

son be born t o m e ; I will sacrifice him t o thee.

c

' S o be it (said

T h e n a son w a s born to h i m , R o h i t a by name. N o w a son

said to h i m :

has been born to thee ; sacrifice h i m to me.

H e , however, said : able for sacrifice. fice him t o thee. B ut

" N o t until an animal is over ten d a y s old is it suit L e t h i m b e c o m e over ten days old ; t h e n I w i l l sacri ' So be it.

A n d he became over t e n days old. Not until an

The

former said to h i m : ' N o w he has become over ten d a y s old ; sacrifice h i m t o me. t h e latter said : animal has g o t teeth is it suitable for sacrifice. ' S o be it. L e t him g e t teeth ; then I will sacrifice h i m to thee.

I n a similar manner Haricandra puts the god Varuna off until Rohita has attained the age of manhood. Then at last he desires to sacrifice him, but Rohita escapes into the forest, where he wanders about for a year. Thereupon Haricandra is attacked by dropsy, the disease sent by Varuna as a punishment. Rohita hears of it and desires to return, b u t Indra confronts him in the form of a Brahman, extols the fortune of the wanderer and advises him to continue wander ing on. A second, a third, a fourth, a fifth year does the youth wander about in the forest, again and again he wishes to return, and again and again Indra confronts him and urges him to further wanderings. As he was wandering about in the forest the sixth year, he met the i Ajgarta, who, tortured by hunger, was wandering about in the forest. The latter had three sons, uapuccha, uasepa, unolgla by name, Rohita offers him a hundred cows for one of his sons, in order to ransom himself through him, and, as the father does not wish to part with the eldest and the mother does not wish to part with the youngest son, receives the middle one, uaepa. With the latter Rohita goes to his
1}

) These strange

names, which mean

"dog's hinder part," "dog's pizzle"

and

" dog's tail." are probably chosen for the purpose of

making the i Ajgartathe name Nevertheless these

means " w h o has nothing to eat "appear in the worst possible light.

names also prove t h e more popular thaft priestly character of the narrative

214

INDIAN

LITERATURE

father. And as Varua agrees that uaepa shall be sacrificed to him,for " a Brahman is worth more than a warrior, said Varua he is to be offered in the place of the sacrificial animal at the sacrifice of the consecration of the king (Rjasya). Everything is prepared for the sacrifice, but no one is found who will undertake the binding of the sacrificial victim. Then said Ajgarta, " Give me a second hundred, and I will bind him." And for a second hundred cows he binds his son uaepa to the sacrificial stake; for a third hundred, however, he offers to slay him. The further hundred cows are given to him, and with a sharpened knife, he steps towards his son. Then thought the latter : " They want to slaughter me as though I were no h u m a n being ; well, I will take refuge with the gods." And he praised in turn all the most prominent gods of the Vedic pantheon in a number of hymns which are found in our gvedaSahit. But when, finally, he glorified Uas the Dawn, in three verses, one fetter after another fell from him, and the dropsical stomach of Haricandra became smaller, and with the last verse he was free of his fetters and Haricandra was well. Thereupon the priests received him into the sacrificial gathering, and uaepa saw (by intuition) a particular kind of soma sacrifice. Visvmitra, however, the i about whom there are so many legends, who occupied the position of hotar at the sacrifice of Haricandra, adopted Suaepa as his son, and neglecting his own hundred sons, solemnly appointed him as his heir. Finally it is said :
5

" That

is

the

tale

(khyna)

of

^ u a e p a w h i c h c o n t a i n s over a T h i s t h e hotar relates t o the Seated he

hundred Egvedaverses and also stanzas. > on a golden cushion he tells t h e story. ' Om
9

k i n g , after he has been sprinkled w i t h h o l y water a t t h e R j a s y a . A d h v a r y u ) g i v e s t h e responses. causes h i s g l o r y t o increase. G o l d , indeed, signifies g l o r y . is t h e response to

S e a t e d on a g o l d e n cushion ( t h e Thereby
(

a gverse,

yes '

) " GthSs" epic verses, a s those quoted above.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

215
I n this misfor then

that to a Gth. * t u n e and sin.

F o r " O m " is divine, and " y e s " is h u m a n .

w a y he releases h i m t h r o u g h the d i v i n e and t h e h u m a n word from he be no sacrificer, m a y have the n a e p a n o t t h e least sin remains a t t a c h e d t o h i m . t o t h e narrator, legend

Therefore a k i n g w h o desires to be victorious, even t h o u g h related t o h i m ; A thousand c o w s shall he g i v e a

a hundred to t h e priest w h o m a k e s the responses, and t o hotar. Those, t o o , who

each of t h e t w o t h e golden cushions upon w h i c h he sat ; moreover, also silver chariot harnessed w i t h m u l e s is due to t h e desire a s o n , shall cause assuredly obtain a s o n . "

t h e s t o r y to be related to t h e m ; t h e n t h e y will

But if this uaepa legend was already a timehonoured ancient myth for the editors or compilers of the Aitareya Brhmaa, and the narration of it at the consecration of the k i n g actually formed part of the ritual, how old must the legend itself be ! I t must be very old, also because in it is preserved the memory of human sacrifice, which must have been offered at the Rjasya in prehistoric times, although nowhere else either in the Brhmaas or in the ritualmanuals (rautastras) is there any mention of human sacrifices at the consecration of the king. Yet the uahepa legend is late in comparison with the gveda. For the hymns, which, according to the AitareyaBrhmaa, uaepa is said to have " s e e n " are partly such as possibly a i uaepa might have composed as well as any other rsi although there is not the least matter contained in them which might relate
2) 3)

) i.e., a l w a y s conclusion of p. 185, note I.

s

w h e n the Hotar recites a gverse,

the Adhvaryu

cries

at the

it : " Om ; " w h e n he has recited an epic verse, he cries " Yes." C f. above,

) As an khyna belonging to t h e Rjasya it is also related in the 5khyana It is also referred to in the Srautastras of See Keith, HOS., Vol. 25, pp 29 f., 40 f.,

rautastra, 15, 17 ff. I n the same SroutasStra, 16, 11, 13, it is mentioned as one of the khynas to be told at t h e Puruamedha. Ktyyana, pastamba, and B audhyana.

6 1 1 , 67.
8

) Namely

v. I, 2430 and I X , 3.

The Gths of the unalepakhySna are, of Y e t from the metre, it seems that

course, much later than the verses of the gveda. P. 50

they are older than t h e metrical portions of the Upanisads ; see Keith, H OS., Vol. 25,

216

INDIAN

LITERATURE

to our legend ; partly, however, they are hymns which are not a t all fitting for the lips of the uaepa of the legend, as, for instance the song gveda 1, 29, with the refrain ; " Let us hope, O generouslygiving Indra, for a thousand shining oxen and horses/ or which like v. 1, 24, even contain verses which cannot possibly have been composed by the uaepa of the AitareyaBrhmaa. For it says h e r e : " H e whom Suaepa invoked when he was seized, the king Varua may he deliver us ! " and : " uaepa, indeed, when he was seized and bound to three stakes, invoked the Aditya." These are verses which must refer to another much older uaepa legend. If the AitareyaBrhmaa places these hymns in the mouth of uaepa, then it can only be because the same tradition, in nowise reliable, which we have in our Anukra mas at the time of the AitareyaBrhmaa already ascribed those hymns to a i uaepa. W e have here again a proof of how much earlier the gveda hymns are, chronologically, than everything else which belongs to the Veda.
1}

Unfortunately few narratives have come down to us |in such entirety in the Brhmaas as that of uaepa. Mostly, the stories are prepared for the purpose which they are to serve, namely the explanation or justification of a sacrificial ceremony, and it is sometimes not easy to extract from them the nucleus of an old legend or an old myth. Moreover, by no means all the narratives which we find in the Brhmaas are derived from old myths and legends, but they are often only invented for the explanation of some sacrificial cere mony. Sometimes, however, even these invented tales are not without interest. To explain, for instance, why, in the case of sacrificial gifts which are dedicated to Prajpati, the prayers are only to be uttered in a low voice, the following pretty alle gory is related :

) See above, pp. 57 f. and below in the section on Exegetio Vedgas.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

217

" N o w a dispute once took place b e t w e e n M i n d and S p e e c h as t o w h i c h was the better of the two. am B oth better Mind than and Speech said, ' I a m excel (8) thou, for thou dost n o t speak than lent! Mind said, ' Surely I

a n y t h i n g that is not understood b y m e ; and since t h o u art only an imitator of w h a t is done by me and a follower in m y wake, I am surely better thou ! Speech said, * Surely I am I m a k e k n o w n , I communicate. T h e y w e n t to appeal to Prajpati for his decision. cided in favour of M i n d , s a y i n g (to Speech), better than (9) t h o u , for w h a t t h o u k n o w e s t , (10) H e , Prajpati, d e ' M i n d is indeed better t h a n in his (11) thus gainsaid, was dismayed a n d mis thy obla
1

t h o u , for t h o u art an imitator of its deeds and a follower in its w a k e ; and inferior, surely, is he w h o i m i t a t e s his better's deeds and follows wake. Then S p e e c h (vac, f e m . ) b e i n g carried. S h e , Speech, then said to Prajpati, ' M a y I never be Hence
1 )

tionbearer, I w h o m thou hast gainsaid ! is performed for Piajpati, that is

w h a t e v e r at the sacrifice (l)

performed in a low voice ; for speech

would not a c t as oblationbearer f o r * P i a j a p a t l . "

Vac, speech, also forms the subject of many narratives, in which she is represented as the prototype of women. Thus we meet with her, for example, in the legend of the soma theft which frequently occurs in the Brhmaas. The soma was in heaven, and Gyatrt, in the form of a bird, fetched it down. But as she carried it away, it was stolen from her by a Gandharva. Now the gods took counsel together how they could get back the stolen soma.
" T h e y said, T h e Gandharvas are fond (speech) to t h e m , and she will return to The Gandharvas c a m e after her and
6

of

w o m e n : let us send V a c with Sorna. They (3)

us t o g e t h e r

sent V c to t h e m , and she returned to t h e m together with S o m a .

said, ' S o m a (shall be) yours, and T h e y accordingly woo (4)

V c ours ! S o be i t ! said the g o d s ; ' but if she would rather come hither, do n o t y e carry her off by force : let us woo her ! ed her.

Sat. I, 4, 5, 812.

Translated by J. Eggelina,

S B E., Vol. 12, pp. 130 I.

28

218

INDIAN

LITERATURE

T h e Gandharvas recited t h e Vedas it, see h o w we k n o w i t ! *

to her, s a y i n g , * S e e h o w w e k n o w (5) and singing, saying, amuse thee ! ' dance and S h e turned t o t h e turned a w a y from song. Wherefore wise on this
2

T h e gods t h e n created t h e lute and sat p l a y i n g ' T h u s w e will s i n g to t h e e , t h u s we w i l l those e n g a g e d iu p r a i s i n g and

gods ; b u t , in t r u t h , she turned to t h e m v a i n l y , since she p r a y i n g , to

even t o this d a y w o m e n are g i v e n to vain t h i n g s ; for it was t h a t Vac turned thereto, and other w o m e n do as s h e did.

A n d hence it is

to h i m w h o dances and s i n g s t h a t t h e y most readily take a f a n c y . " >

J u s t as this little story is invented to explain an attribute of women, there are numerous narratives in the Brhmaas which deal with the origin of some matter or some institution. Such legends of origin, to which also the creationlegends be long, the Indians designate as P u r a s , in order to distin guish them from the I t i h s a s (or k h y n a s ) , as the stories of gods and men are called. Among these narratives, too, there are such as were merely invente by Brhmaa theologians, while others date back to old, popular myths and legends, or at least are founded upon a tradition independent of the sacri ficial science. Thus, the origin of the four castes is frequent ly related in the Brhmaas. Already in one of the philoso phical hymns of the gveda the Puruasukta, it is reported how the Brahman arose out of the mouth, the warrior out of the arms, the Vaiya out of the thighs and the dra out of the feet of the Purua sacrificed by the gods. I n the Brhmaas it is Prajpati who produced out of his mouth the Brahman together with the God Agni, out of his breast and his two arms the warrior as well as Indra, out of the middle of his body the Vaiya and the Allgods, but out of his feet
3 ) 4)

) As the Veda is the knowledge par excellence.

2

See above, p. 52. S B E . , Vol. 26, p. 53. cf. at. III.

) at., III. 2, 4, 26. Purna

Translated by J. Eggeling,

2, 1, 19 ff.
8

means " old," then " old legend," " old story;' especially cosmogonie and At a later period a peculiar class of works was designated as Deussen, AGPh , I. 1, pp. 150 ff, Purnas,

cosmological m y t h s .

w i t h which w e shall have to deal in a later section. ) X 9O 12 cf. above, p. 175.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

219

the dra. With the dra no deity was created ; therefore he is incapable for sacrifice. I n consequence of this kind of origin the Brahman performs his work with his mouth, the warrior with his a r m s ; the Vaiya does not perish, however much he is " consumed," i. e. exploited, by priests and war riors, for he is created out of the middle of the body, where the reproductive power reposes ; but of religious ceremonies, the Sdra can perform only the footwashing of members of the higher castes, for he arose out of the feet.* The follow ing two suggestive tales of the creation of the night and of the winged mountains, found in the MaitryanSahit, are more pleasing.
" Y a m a had died. W h e n e v e r t h e y asked the g o d s said : night ! " " Thus For at t h a t "Day oldest the T h e gods tried to persuade Y a m > to f o r g e t her, she said : " O n l y she time will indeed there was o n l y today he has died. day and no n i g h t .
2

him. Then

never f o r g e t h i m ; we w i l l create T h e gods Therefore

created n i g h t ; t h e n arose a m o r r o w ; thereupon she forgot h i m . people s a y : I , 5 , 12.) " The winged. at t h a t children earth of Prajpati swayed to were the and fro. and night

indeed let sorrow be f o r g o t t e n ! ( M a i t r . hills, and t h e y wished. were B ut

T h e y flew a w a y and settled d o w n j u s t time still

where t h e y them.

T h e n Indra c u t off t h e B u t the w i n g s be of the in the direction

w i n g s of t h e hills and m a d e the earth fast w i t h c a m e stormclouds ; therefore these a l w a y s hover mountains. ( M a i t r . I , 10, 1 3 . ) >
3

The c r e a t i o n l e g e n d s are very numerous in the Brh maas. An example will show how metaphysical thought here unites with desultory explanations of sacrificial directions. The daily firesacrifice (Agnihotra) consisting in the offer ing of a gift of milk to the fire every morning and every
4)

) TaittiryaSahit, Ind. Stud., X, 7 10. ) Twinsister of Yama.

a

V I I . I. 1,

46.

Tya rhmaa, B

VI. I. 6 H . C f. Weber,

See above, pp. 105 ff.

) The m y t h of the winged hills is already known to the singers of the gveda and

is still a favourite subject with later poets. C f. Pischel, Vedische Studien, I, 174, *) See above, p. 172.

220

INDIAN

LITERATURE

evening, is one of the most important sacrifices. Upon the origin and significance of this sacrifice a Brhmaa has the following to say :
x)

I n t h e b e g i n n i n g only Prajpati w a s here alone. self : ' H o w can I obtain d e s c e n d a n t s ? '

2)

H e t h o u g h t to h i m himself and morti A n d because he

H e tortured Agnl. Agni

fied h i m s e l f . And truly,

O u t of his m o u t h

he produced

produced h i m o u t of his m o u t h , therefore he w h o k n o w s comes a consumer of food. H i m , then,

is a consumer of food.

t h a t A g n i is a foodconsumer, he h i m s e l f be he produced first, agre a m o n g t h e is really Agri^ Agni I have produced as a than myself, would bare ; earth w a s quite and from Add from

g o d s , and therefore he is called Agni for the name A g n i N o w t h o u g h t Prajpati to h i m s e l f : foodconsumer. t h a t he m a y not eat m e up ! ' 'This B u t there is indeed no other food here For a t t h a t time this About (mouth) fled.

there existed neither plants nor trees. because he w a s afraid, was his

t h i s Prajpati w a s troubled. (Prajpati), him. ( I t is and o u t of B u t his o w n greatness

Hereupon A g n i turned t o h i m w i t h open his o w n greatness

speech, a n d this his o w n g r e a t n e s s

t h e n further related that w h i c h t h e plants arise.

Prajpati desires a sacrifice for himself,

through rubbing his hands obtains an offering of butter or of m i l k , milk, there arise Srya the s u n , and Vyu, t h e wind.)

A s t h e result of a second offering of butter or of " A n d Prajapti, his species, and on the firesacrifice,

in offering sacrifice, on t h e one hand propagated about to c o n s u m e him. on

other hand also saved himself from A g n i , from death, w h e n t h e latter was A n d he w h o , k n o w i n g t h i s , offers the his species b y m e a n s t h e one hand p r o p a g a t e s of descendants as

) Sat. II. 2, 4. ) Most of the creationlegends in the B rhmaas begin in the same way. A s the

magician must prepare himself for his magic, and t h e priest must prepare himself for t h e sacrifice, by means of selftorture and mortification, himself in the same way for the great work of creation cularly in the B uddhist literature. fervour," then asceticism itself. so Prajpati, too, has to prepare From the root iram " to exert frequently, parti t h e manifold

oneself," is derived the word ramina. " the ascetic " which later occurs " In fact, if

The word Tip is actually means " h e a t , " then " ascetic by the designation Tapas

forms of mortification are understood, then, especially in the earlier periods, the reference t o heat as the vehicle of mortification stands in the foreground." (01detiberg, Religion des Veda, 2. Aufl., pp. 401 ff.) According to Sab. X , 4, 4. 1 f., Prajpati once mortified him self for a thousand years until, as a result of the " heat " of the mortification, lights issued from his pores,and these became the stars.
s

) S e e above, p. 203.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

221
death, he is

Prajpati did, and on the other hand saves himself from A g n i , from w h e n the latter is about to c o n s u m e him. laid upon his b o d y . ) And as if fire. he were A n d when he dies, and the fire, he is born again out of the fire, the fire only H e , however, w h o does not offer the Therefore one m u s t related very by cow forth of necessity circumstantially Prajpati created.)

consumes just the the in cow, her. be the black seed firesacrifice offer how

born of his father and his mother,

so is h e born of the firesacrifice.

n e v e r a g a i n arises to new life.

( I t is then further

gods Agni, V y u and Srya, brought their turn offer sacrifices, however, A g n i , desired t h i n k i n g : c a m e milk. Therefore the

themselves " This This

and h o w t h e

was

' I would like to mate myself w i t h her.

H e united himself w i t h her and poured forth his seed into

latter is cooked, while the c o w is raw, for is in a the

m i l k is A g n i s seed ; and therefore it is t h a t milk, whether it c o w or a red one, is a l w a y s seed. of Agni. >

white and s h i n i n g like fire, because it is A g n i s

A n d therefore it is warm already a t the m i l k i n g , for it is

J u s t as these creationlegends usually begin by relating t h a t Prajpati " t o r m e n t s and mortifies himself, so we often read also that, after the creation was accomplished, he was weak, exhausted and wearied, whereupon some sacrifice is described, through which his strength had to be restored. On one occasion it is the gods who offer this sacrifice, on another occasion Agni alone shows this favour to Prajpati, and on yet another occasion he regains his strength, " a f t e r having sung hymns and tortured himself," by creating the sacrificial animals and sacrificing them. I t is indeed remarkable that this worldcreator Prajpati, who really is the highest god in the Brhmaas, has nothing lofty about him and often plays a rather pitiful part. Once he is actually even offered as a sacrifice himself by the gods ! I n a legend which is referred to in several places, he is accused of incest, which he
3) 4)
1

) One of the few places in the B rfihmaas ) C f. above p. 65.

where mention is made of life

after

death.
2 8

) Sat. IV, 6 , 4 , 1 ; V I I . 4, I. 16 ; and frequently. VI. I. 2, 12 ff. I l l , 9, l.

*) Sat. X, 2, 2.

222

INDIAN

LITERATURE

has committed with his daughter Dyaus (heaven) or Uas (dawn). I n order to punish him for this sin, the gods, out of their most frightful forms, formed the god R u d r a . The latter pierced Prajpati with his arrow, whereat Orion and other constellations arose. Very noteworthy, too, is the fact that in the Brhmanas (and in the Veda generally) there is no one Indian creation legend, which, as for instance the biblical legend in Europe, has found more or less general recognition in India, but t h i t we find a great number of creationlegends, containing the most diversified ideas and speculations, which cannot be made to harmonize with one other at all. Thus we find, for example, in the atapatha Brhmaa, soon after the above quoted legend, an entirely different account of the creation. Prajpati, here too, tortured and mortified himself, in order to produce beings. He brought forth creatures, first the birds, then the small creeping things, then the snakes. B u t no sooner had they been created than they all vanished again, and Prajpati was once more alone. H e thought diligently about the reason for this, and at last the idea came to him that the creatures perished for lack of food. So he created new beings, from whose breasts he let milk flow forth, and these remained alive. Again, in another place in the same work, Prajpati creates the animals out of his vital organs, out of his mind he created man, out of his eye the horse, out of his breath the cow, out of his ear the sheep, out of his voice the goat. Be cause man is created out of Prajpatis mind, and t h e mind is the first of the vital organs, therefore man is the first and strongest of all animals.
3 2) 3) 4)

I n the majority of the legends, Prajpati is indeed the

) AitareyaB rhmaa I I I , 33. C f. at. I, 7, 4, 1 ; I I , I. 2, 8 ; V I , 1, 3, 8. ) SaI. II. 5, I. 1.3.
3)

Sat. V I I . 5, 2, 6.

*) This refers to the sacrificial a n i m a l s in particular.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

223

only C reator, from whom the world and beings derive their origin. But, already in the Brhmaas, there are places where Prajpati himself is regarded as created, and the creation begins with the primeval water or with the non existing or with the Brahman. Thus there is the following creationlegend :
" In the beginning water. T h e s e waters they a t that themselves, yet exist there existed here n o t h i n g b u t water, a sea of They had tortured mortified not And in when them. they desired t o propagate their k i n d .

mortified

themselves.

t h e m s e l v e s > golden

a golden

e g g originated After

T h e year did

time ; but as long about. a woman time there

as t h e duration

of a year, t h i s birth

e g g swam

a year a m a n arose o u t of it ; t h a t or a c o w or a mare g i v e s H e broke t h e g o l d e n any standing as and he s a i d : became about as long

w a s Prajpati. egg the this the and Out open.

Therefore that

w i t h i n a year, for Prajpati B ut at place. S o this and golden

w a s born after a year. him, swam

did not yet exist he tried to speak,

e g g , which bore After a year became this

duration of a year. this (word) became

"Mwh"

earth; ( h e said:) " h u v a h " a n d "swvar) and this

yonder atmosphere, (he said) Therefore,

s k y yonder. bisyllabic of these

8

a child tries t o talk after a year, for after a

year Prajpati spoke.

W h e n Prajpati first spoke, he uttered monosyllabic Those (three words) form five syllables. this

words, therefore a child, w h e n it first speaks, utters m o n o he made t h e five seasons of t h e year, therefore there are five T h i s Prajpati rose up above t h e worlds created in

syllabic a n d bisyllabic words. seasons h e r e .

manner after a y e a r ; therefore, after a year, a child tries t o s t a n d , for after a year Prajpati rose up. As
4

H e w a s born w i t h t h e life of a thousand A n d , s i n g i n g praises and torturing

years. himself

one perceives t h e other bank of a river from a distance, so he perceived

t h e other bank of his life. **

) As t h e term Tapas not only means mortification, but also heat, it is possible, in

the case of t h e words " when they had mortified t h e m s e l v e s , " which might also mean " w h e n they had become heated," to think of " hatchingheat " and it is quite possible that there is an intentional ambiguity in the Sanskrit words. C f. above p. 99. and 220, Note 2, and Deussen, AGPh., I, 1, p. 182 ; 2, pp. 6 0 ff.
2

C f. above p. 186, on the three sacred words bh bhuva suvar (or svar).

) N a m e l y : Spring, summer, rainy season, autumn, and winter,

*) A s Prajpati w a s born, he must also be mortal.

224

INDIAN

LITERATURE

he lived on, as he desired to propagate his species. energy he into himself, them, and w i t h his of had created them, he saw

H e placed reproductive After (diva) had Now he

m o u t h he created the g o d s the gods (deva), that after

t h a t there w a s , as it were, d a y l i g h t

for h i m , and t h a t is t h e d i v i n i t y created And

he s a w that there was, as it were, d a y l i g h t for him.

he created w i t h the breath of life which is b e l o w , the Asuras (demons) after they I were created, he s a w that there w a s , as it were, darkness. as there was darkness it is
13

H e k n e w : " Truly, I have created evil for myself, as soon as said: " I t for at that had created t h e m . ' their d a y tiue what was t h e m with evil, and is not time Asuras, partly then

A n d even at this early s t a g e he s m o t e already done. in Therefore

is reported of the battles b e t w e e n g o d s and legends gods, now (itihsa), he smote them w i t h evil, at t h a t t i m e made day

in narratives ( a n v k h y a n a ) , partly already Prajpati

already their day was done.

A f t e r he had created t h e So there

the d a y out of t h a t which w a s l i g h t , and after he had created the Asuras, he made t h e n i g h t out of that w h i c h w a s dark. and night. (at. X I , 1, 6, l l l . ) existed

Another creationlegend is still more remarkable, though also much less clear (Sat. VI, 1, 1), beginning with the words : " I n the beginning there was here only the non existent (Asat). But it is at once added that this nonexistent was really the is for these, by means of self torture and selfmortification have brought forth everything. These is however, were the Pras or lifespirits, and thesehow they did this is quite unintelligiblecreated first seven Puruas or " persons " and then united these to a single purua to Prajpati.
"This purua (person) Prajpati desired to m u l t i p l y himself, to pro himself. After he pagate his species. had tortured Therefore fore H e tortured himself, he mortified

and mortified himself, he created first the B r a h m a n , namely, T h i s v,as the foundation for him. There

the threefold k n o w l e d g e (tray v i d ) a ) .

it is said : ' The B rahman is the foundation of the AH.

v

one stands firm, w h e n one has learnt the V e d a ; for this, t h e B r a h m a n

(i.e. t h e Veda) is the f o u n d a t i o n .

) This is tantamount to declring all the

numerous legends of the B rhraaas,

which tell of the battles b e t w e e n gods and Asuras, to be lies I

VEDIC L TERATURE I

225

I t is then further related how Prajpati, " s t a n d i n g firm upon this foundation," mortified himself, and then first created the water. W i t h the aid of the Veda he brought forth an egg ; out of the egg arose Agni, and the eggshell became the earth, and so on. I t is a very prolix and confused account. I t is, however, important to see t h a t the Brahman, originally signifying prayer or magic spell, then sacred knowledge or Veda, was here already made the foundation of all existence. From this only a step remained to the doctrine of the Brahman itself as a creative principle. This doctrine too is already found in the atapathaBrhmaa ( X I , 2, 3, 1) where it says :
" I n t h e b e g i n n i n g there was here o n l y t h e gods, a n d after i t had created as d w e l l i n g s , ^
1

the B r a h m a n . them Agni,

T h i s created these worlds

the g o d s , it g a v e earthworld t o

(namely),

this

the atmosphere

to Vyu a n d t h e h e a v e n to Srya.

Thus we see how in t h e Brhmaasand therein lies their great significance for the history of Indian thought all those ideas were already in the making, which attained their full development only in the rayakas and Upaniads. Even the fundamental doctrine of the Upaniads, as Sandilya enunciated it, is already found in the atapathaBrhmaa.
2)

RAYAKAS AND UPANIADS.

W h e n R. Garbe calls the sacrificial science of the Brhmaas " the only literary production of these barren centuries preceding the awakening of philosophical specula tion," he gives expression to a universal, but in my opinion erroneous, view. I t would be too terrible to think that, with such a gifted people as the Indians must have been,

3)

) Literally " it made them ascend t h e s e worlds."

) X, 6, 3 . C f. below, pp. 249 . ) B eitrge zur indischen Kulturgeschichte (B erlin, 1903), p. 6.

29

INDIAN

LITERATURE

even on t h e evidence of the gvedic hymns, the futile hairsplittings on the purpose and meaning of sacrificial ceremonies should have occupied t h e entire thought even of t h e priests, to say nothing of the warriors and the re maining classes of the people. As a matter of fact we do find in t h e Brhmaas themselves, as Syaa has already empha sized, and as we have partly seen above, beside ritualpre cepts (Kalpa) and the discussions on the same, also myths and legends (itihsa), cosmogonie myths (pura), epic song verses (gth) and songs in praise of heroes (nr as. I n other words : the beginnings of epic poetry reach back into the period of the Brhmaas. I t is a matter of course that the great and costly sacrifices, with which the Brhmaas deal, were only possible on the supposition of an active and industrious people ; and it is unthinkable that the warriors and merchants, the farmers and herd owners, the craftsmen and labourers of that time should have sung no songs, related no stories. A little of what was sung and narrated in India at that early period, is preserved in the Vedic texts themselves (as, for example, t h e legend of unasepa), but much is preserved in the later epics and Puras. Moreover, the Brhmaas presuppose the begin nings of grammar, phonetics, astronomy, i.e., of those sciences which were later on pursued more independently as Vedgas ; neither does the ' " awakening of philoso phical speculation " come after the period of the Brhmaas : I t comes before this period. W e have seen how in some hymns of the gveda doubts and scruples already arose concerning the popular belief in gods and the priestly cult.
3 2)

Max Mller,

" History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature," 2nd ed., London, 1860,

p, 8 4 4 . C f. Sat. X I , 5, 6, 8 7 , 9, " Knowers of the narratives " (Akhynavidas) are men tioned in t h e AitareyaBrhmaa, I I I , 25, as a special class of literary men. 1 ) On the beginnings of the Vedugas in the B rhmanas, cf. Max Mller, of Ancient Sanskrit Literature;' pp. 110 ff. " HUtory

VEDIC

LITERATURE

22?

These sceptics and thinkers, these first philosophers of ancient India certainly did not remain isolated. That they, too, founded schools of thought, that their teachings were diffused, is proved by the " philosophical " hymns of the Atharvaveda and isolated portions of the YajurvedaSa hits in which, it is true, the teachings of the philosophers often appear only in caricature. But even these carica tures prove that philosophical speculation was further pur sued also during the centuries in which the sacrificial science flourished. W e are not, however, likely to find these oldest philoso phers of ancient India among the priests, who were engaged in the science of sacrifice. For their teachings, which were directed against the plurality of gods, were in obvious contra diction to the interest of these priests. W e can scarcely imagine that the Brahmans, who lived by the sacrifices, had many men amongst them who doubted the existence of Indra himself, and raised the question whether there were any sense in sacrificing to the gods. I t is much more probable that such sceptics and thinkers were to be found among those who were the most obnoxious to the priests, among the "misers," who did not believe, i.e., who did not sacrifice and gave no gifts to the priests. The fact that the warriorcaste was closely connected with the intellectual life and the literary activity of ancient times, is proved by numerous passages in the Upaniads, in fact already in the Brhmaas. I n the KautakiBrhmaa ( X X V I , 5) a king Pratardana converses with the priests concerning the sacrificial science. I n Book X I of the ata pathaBrhmaa there is repeated mention of King Janaka of Videha who confounded all priests by his knowledge. The passage in which Janaka questions the priests vetaketu,
l) 2)

) C f. above pp. 98 ff., 149 ff, 183 I. (f. above, p. 98.

228

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Somauma and Yj avalkya as to how they perform the fire sacrifice (Agnihotra) is particularly instructive. None of them gives a satisfactory answer. But Yajnavalkya receives a gift of a hundred cows, because he has inquired the most deeply into the meaning of the sacrifice, although, as King J a n a k a remarks, even upon him the true meaning of the Agnihotra has not yet dawned. After the king has departed, the priests say to one another : " Truly, this warrior has confounded us by his speech. Well ! W e will challenge him to a theological debate (Brahmodya)." Yajnavalkya, how ever, dissuades them, saying : " We are Brahmans, but he is only a warrior. If we overcome him, whom shall we say that we have overcome ? But if he should overcome us, the people would say of us : ' A warrior has overcome the Brahmans ; do not think of such a thing ! " The two other priests agreed with him, but Yajnavalkya betakes himself to King Janaka and begs to be instructed by him.) Ayasthua, too, the sacrificer, who instructs his priest aulvyana, can, hardly be a Brahman, although Syaa declares him to be a i. According to tradition, even the is or composers of the hymns of the gveda were by no means always members of the priesthood. Thus it is said of a i Kavaa that he was the son of a female slave, a nonBrahman. W h e n he wanted to participate in a great sacrifice, the priests drove him away, to die of hunger and thirst in the desert. But the waters and the goddess Sarasvat take pity on him, he 'sees ' a hymn, whereupon the priests recognise him as a i and receive him back.>
5 2)

I n the Upaniads, however, we find not only kings, but also women and even people of dubious descent, .taking an active part in the literary and philosophical aspirations and

) Sat. X I . 6, 2 ; cf. X I . 3, I. 2 4 ; X I . 6, 3.
) at. X I , 4, 2, 1720,
8

) AitareyaB rhmaa, I I . 19.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

229

often possessors of the highest knowledge. Thus in the BhadrayakaUpaniad, 6rrg the daughter of Vacaknu, questions Yjavalkya at great length upon the origin of all existence, until the latter says : " Ask not too much, Grg that thy head may not burst. Truly, concerning divinity one must not ask too much. Thou dost ask too much, Grg; ask not too much ! " And in another place the same Grg in the midst of an assembly of disputative scholars, advances towards the famous teacher Yjavalkya with the words: " I arise against thee, Yjavalkya ! As a hero's son from Benares or from Videha strings the slackened bow and arises with two foepiercing arrows in his hand, so I arise against thee with two questionsanswer me those ! " I n the same Upaniad Yjavalkya instructs his wife Maitrey in the highest know ledge of the Atman.> How little this highest knowledge was t h e sole privilege of the priests, is again proved by the amusing story of R a i k v a w i t h t h e b u l l o c k t e a m , who is sitting under his cart and scratching the itch, b u t who, in the possession of the highest wisdom is proud as a king. Humbly t h e wealthy donor Janaruti approaches him in order to be instructed by him. Raikva calls him a d r a and laughs at the presents which the rich man offers him. Only when t h e latter gives him his beautiful daughter in marriage, does he condescend to instruct him. The following story is also delightfully ingenuous :
2) 3) 4)

" 1, wish to

S a t y a k m a , t h e son of Jabl addressed his m o t h e r a n d become I?' a B rahmacrin (religious student), mother.

said : ' I Of what

family am

) uhadSrayakaUpamssd, I I I . 6 ; I I I . 8 ; II. 4 and IV, 5. ) The meaning of sayugvan translated by " w i t h the bullockteam," is not certain. Raikva

But other explanations ( s , H. Lders, SB A., 1916, pp. 278 ff ) are n o t satisfactory. of " a member of t h e priestly class." ) The word is here used a s a term of abuse.
4

is called a " B rhmaa " in t h e sense of " one w h o knows t h e B rahman," not in the sense

) ChndogyaUpanisad, I V , I 3 .

280
2. art.

INDIAN

LITERATURE

S h e said to h i m : ' I do not k n o w , m y child, of what f a m i l y in m y father's house), I conceived t h e e .

thou

I n m y y o u t h w h e n I had to m o v e about much as a servant I a m Jabl b y name, thou art S a t y a k m a

(waiting (Phila

on t h e g u e s t s lethes). 3. 4. mother, much t h o u art.

I do n o t k n o w of

w h a t f a m i l y t h o u art.

S a y t h a t t h o u art S a t y a k m a Jabla. H e g o i n g to G a u t a m a Hridrumata said t o h i m , ' I wish to become H e said to h i m :

e

a B rahmacrin w i t h y o u , Sir. M a y I c o m e t o y o u , Sir ? Of what family are y o u , I my friend ? my about H e repHed : ' I do n o t k n o w , I conceived by n a m e , S i r , of w h a t f a m i l y I a m . thee. thou I art do n o t k n o w of Satyakma," I asked

and she answered : " I n m y y o u t h w h e n I a m Jbla

had t o m o v e

as a servant,

what family

I a m therefore

S a t y a k m a Jbla 5.

Sir. *No fuel, one b u t a true B r h m a a friend, I shall would thus

H e said to h i m : G o and f e t c h

speak o u t .

initiate you.

Y o u have

not s w e r v e d from t h e truth. " i

The passage proves how lightly brahmanical descent was treated at that ancient period, while laterin the law booksit is again and again emphasized that only the Brahman may teach the Veda, and only a member of the three highest castes may be instructed in the Veda. I n the Upaniads, however, we are repeatedly told that kings or warriors are in possession of the highest knowledge, a n d that Brahmans go to them for instruction. Thus the Brah man Gautama, father of vetaketu, goes to King Pravhaa in order to be instructed by him concerning the Beyond. And it is related that the desire of Gautama was very awk ward for the king : for the doctrine which he had to proclaim, had never before penetrated to the Brahmans, " and therefore it is that in all t h e worlds the mastery has fallen to the share of the warriorclass." Finally, however, t h e king does

) ChandogyaUpaniad, IV, 4.

Translated by Mam Mller, S B E , Vol. I. p. 60.

In

cthe Vaaas or lists of teachers of the atapathaB rhmaa numerous teachers are only mentioned by their maternal loving." SBA., 1922, pp. 227 ff. name. C f. above, p. 194 N o t e 1. Satyakma means : " truth Luders, The passage has also been translated (into German) and explained b y H.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

231

impart the doctrine to him,and it is the doctrine of trans migration, which here, where for the rst time it appears clearly and distinctly, proves to be a doctrine which emanated from the warriorclass, and was originally foreign to brah manical theology.* Another passage proves that the chief doctrine of the Upaniads, too, the doctrine of the tman the AllOne, originated in nonbrahmanical circles. Here five highly learned Brahmans betake themselves to the wise Uddlaka Arui in order to learn from him the doctrine of the tman. He, however, thought to himself : " These great and learned scholars will question me, and I shall not be able to reply to everything. Well ! I will direct them to some one else." And he directed them to King Ava pati Kaikeya, to whom they actually went for instruction.* While, then, the Brahmans were pursuing their barren sacrificial science, other circles were already engaged upon those highest questions which were at last treated so admirably in the Upaniads. From these circles, which ori ginally were not connected with the priestly caste, proceeded the foresthermits and wandering ascetics, who not only re nounced the world and its pleasures, but also kept aloof from the sacrifices and ceremonies of the Brahmans. Differ ent sects, more or less opposed to Brahmanism, were soon formed from these same circles, among which sects the Buddhists attained to such great fame. The extensive pro pagation of these sects, particularly of Buddhism, proves on what fruitful soil the doctrines of those ancient philoso phers must have fallen, and how much response the doc trines which were opposed to the sacrifice found among the cultured classes.

) ChndogyaUpaniad, V, 3. B hadrayakaUp., V I . 2. In the KauitakiUp, I, 1 the Katriya Oitra instructs the " first of the priests," Arum, about the B eyond. ) ChndogyaUp, V, XI Sat., X. 6. 1. ff. A version of tl*is narrative is already to be found in

232

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

This is, however, by no means tantamount to saying that the Brahmans took no part in philosophical speculation ; for warriors and members of the higher castes in general were educated in the Brahmans' schools, and there must have been a brisk exchange of philosophical ideas between the Brahmans and the other educated classes at all times.) Moreover, not every Brahman was a priest or an adept in the art of the sacrifice. There were Brahmans, both rich and poor, who pursued worldly professions, ) and there must have been many of these who sympathised with the scep tics and the exponents of new doctrines. Lastly, as has so often been the case in the history of Indian thought, the Brahmans had the knack of bringing into line with their own priestly wisdom and orthodoxy even such ideas as were in opposition to them. They succeeded, in doing this by means of the doctrine of the f o u r As r a m a s (stages of life),
2

) C f.

A, Hillebrandt,

Aus B rahmauas says that the

und

Upani'saden, pp. 10 ff, with whom of had the Upaniads should be

I quite doubted

agree when he that

philosophy Katriyas,

called neither a " B r a h m a n i c a l " nor a " Katriya philosophy." B ut it should not be non B rahmans, especially a considerable share in the System des Vedanta, spiritual and intellectual life of Leipzig, 1883, pp. 18 f., AGPh. ancient India. See P. Deussen, R. Pick. S. Maitra

I, I. 166 ; 1, 2, 1 7 ff. ; R. Garbe, B eitrge Zur indi's The Social Organisation in Calcutta, 1920, pp. 90 ff. Upanishaden und L'histoire p. 50 by

chen Kulturgeschichte, B erlin, 1903, pp. I f f . ; NorthEast India in B uddha's Time, transl. The view that the niad ideas, has been contested

Katiiyas had an essential share in the development of the Upa by H. Oldenberg, Die Lehre der P. Gttingen, 1915, p p . 166 f. j A. B . Keith, (p. 31) Oltramare,

die Anfnge des B uddhismus, and JRAS, in gneral

des iddes thosophiques dans I. Inde, I. 96 f. ; 1915, p. 5 5 0 ; also b y S. there existed Cambridge, 1922, pp. 33 ff., though he having exerted an important Brahmanio from were this, first schools that and all were admits

Aitareya ranyaka,

Dasgupta , A History' of Indian Philosophy, I " that among the Katriyas which must be regarded the Upaniad arranged in these as doctrines." in the texts

earnest philosophic enquiries

influence in the formation of " B rahmanical " the most circles. It

The fact is that the ancient Upauiads as literary compositions were or even essential ideas contained

in this sense. B ut it does not follow is worth mentioning that even the

conceived

in priestly

pastambyaDharma8tra (II, 2, 4, 25) permits a B rahman] to learn under a Katri y a or a Vaiya teacher " in time of need " *) Of, Oldenberg, (padi). 5, Die Lehre der Upanishaden, etc., p.

v e d i c

l i t e r a t u r e

233

whereby the ascetic and hermit life was made an essential part of the brahmanical religious system. This doctrine con sists of the principle that every " Aryan," i.e., every man belonging to one of the three highest castes, who wishes to lead an ideal life, must pass through four stages of life. First, as a pupil (B rahmacrin), he must live with a teach er and learn the Veda ; when his period of training is accom plished, he must found a household, and as a householder (Ghastha) beget children and offer the prescribed sacrifices to the gods, or have them offered. On approaching old age, however, he should quit his house, and, as a foresthermit (Vnaprastha) henceforth perform only limited sacrificial service, but meditate the more upon the mystical and sym bolical significance of the sacrifice. B ut only when he feels his end approaching, shall he give up this sacrifice and meditation also, renounce all good works, and as an ascetic fleeing from the world (Sannysin) henceforth ponder only over B rahman, the highest worldprinciple and strive for union with it.* In the B rhmaas or as appendices to them we find texts which were known as A r a y a k a s or " forest texts." These texts comprised everything which was of a secret, uncanny character, and spelt danger to the uninitiated, and which, for that reason, might only be taught and learnt in the forest, and not in the villages. The main contents of these Arayakas are no longer rules for the performance of the sacrifices and the explanation of ceremonies, but the mysticism and symbolism of sacrifice, and priestly philosophy. After the doctrine of the Aramas had been set up as the

) In cessive

the oldest of life.

Upaniads

(ChSndogyaUp.

IT, 2 3 ;

VII

I)

three
r

branch in the See ERE.,

es of an ideal life are spoken of, but there is no mention yet of thiee or four suc
stage3

Only in later Upaniads pp. 96 f ;

( Maitr. IV, 3j ERE., II.

Asrama p.), and Jacobi,

Mahabhrata Deussen, I I . 802.

and in the Dharmastras Upanishads,

the Arama theory is fully developed. 128 ff. ;

Sechzig

30

234

INDIAN

LITERATURE

brahmanieal ideal of life, these " forest texts " naturally came to be the prescribed portions of the Veda to be studied by foresthermits.) Now, the oldest Upanisads are in part included in these " forest texts, and in part appended to them ; and it is often difficult to draw the line between the rayakas and the Upaniads. These texts formed, in more senses than one, the Vednta, i.e., " the end of the Veda." Firstly most of these texts are of later origin, and fall chronologically into the end of the Vedic period. Further, we must never forget that the whole of this Vedic literature did not consist of written books, but was only transmitted by word of mouth. W h a t we find in the individual Brhmanas, therefore, and usually call " w o r k s " or "books " is nothing but the subject of instructions of various priests' schools. The subject was taught to the pupils within a certain period embracing a number of years during which the pupil had to live with the teacher and serve him. The teaching of that which was the most difficult to understand, the mysteries, the mystical and philosophical doctrines, as they are contained in the rayakas and Upaniads, naturally fell into the end of this period of instruction. These texts form the end, too, of the Vedarecital, as a sacred act and religious duty. The later philosophers, Ustly saw in these doctrines of the Upaniads not the end, b a t the final aim of the Veda.
2) 3)

) C f. Oldenberg, NGGW., 1915, 382 ff.

Die

Hymnen

des

Rigveda,

I. B erlin,

1888,

p.

291

and

Rmnuja ( S B E . , Vol. 48, p. 645) In the

states that certain

mantras Minor

and sacrificial rites are discussed at the beginning of Upaniads "owing to their having, like the latter, to be studied in the forest." Upaniads, ed. F. 0 . Schrder, 693) it is said that the and the Upaniad. I, p. 7 ; ruiUpaniad, 2 (The Upanishads des Deussen, Sechzig Veda, p. Arayaka Upaniad Mller, later

hermit should study of all the Vedas only the " the at Strict rales of austerity are prescribed

Manu, VI. 29, says that the hermit should learn

texts " (anpaniad ruth).

the reading Max

of the Upaniads, s. B audhyanaDharmastra, II. 10, 18, 15 ff. C f. also History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 313 ff.
2

) " Vednta " means

originally

only the Upaniads.

The word was only

used to mean the system of philosophy based on the

3

Upanisads.

) C f. P. Deussen, System des Vedanta, pp. 3 f. AGPh., I. 2, p. 5.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

235

As Vednta or " Vedaend," the Arayakas, as well as the older Upaniads, belong to the various Vedic schools ; they form, in fact, only component parts of the Brhmaas. Thus an A i t a r e y a A r a n y a k a , in which the A i t a r e y aU p a n i s a d is included, is tacked on to the AitareyaBrhmaa of the gveda. The KauitakiBrhmaa, which also belongs to the gveda, ends with the K a u i t a k i r a y a k a of which the K a u t a k i U p a i a d (also called the KauitakiBrh manaUpaniad) forms only a part. In the Black Yajurveda the T a i t t i r y a A r a y a k a is only a continuation of the TaittiryaBrhmaa, and the conclusion of the Aranyaka is formed by the T a 11 i r y aU p a n i a d and the Maha N r y a n U p a n i a d . In the great atapathaBrhma^aof the WhiteYajurveda the first third of Book X I V is an Aranyaka, while the end of the book is formed by the greatest and most important of all Upaniads, the B h a d r a y a k aU pa n i a d . The C h n d o g y a U p a n i a d , the first section of which is nothing but an Aranyaka, belongs to a Brhmaa of the Smavedaprobably the TyaMahBrhmaa The socalled J a i m i n y aU p a n i a dB R h m a n a is an Arayaka of the Jaiminya or Talavakraschool of the Samaveda, and the K e n aU p a n i a d, also called Talavakra Upaniad, forms a part of it. With the exception of the MahNryaaUpaniad, which was only added to the Taittiryarayaka at a later
x) 2) 3)

) The A. B . Keith

AitareyaArayaka (Anecdota

has

been published and translated into Series,

English

by an

Oxoniensia Aryan

Part IX, Oxford 1919) and as

appendix to it a portion of the khyanarayaka ( V I I X V ) . this Arayaka are published and translated by W. Friedlander,

AdhyyasI and I I of Der mahvrata Abschnitt Calcutta 1901.

des CakhyanaArayaka, B erlin 1900, Adhjyas III to VT, by C owell, JRAS.,

2

On the title, antiquity and contents of the khyana or Kauitakirayaka. &. Keith, J9O8 363 ff. The Skhyana Aranyaka, with an Appendix on the Mahvrata, 36. Notes (translated) by A. B . Keith, OTF., London, 1908. ) Ed. with Syana's Comm. in B ibl. Ind. and in An. SS No
3

) The Jaiminya or Talavakra Upanisad B rhmaa, Text, Translation and

by Hanns Oertel in JAOS , Vol. X V I . 1896.

236

INDIAN

LITERATURE

period, all the abovenamed Upaniads belong to the oldest works of this kind. In language and style they resemble the Brhmanas, component parts of which they are, or to which they are immediately attached. It is the same simple, slight ly clumsy prose, butespecially in the narrative portions by no means lacking in beauty. Only half of the Kena Upanis*id is metrical, and it is the latest of the Upanisads enumerated. Although each one of the great Upanisads contains, as Deussen says, " earlier and later texts side by side, hence the age of each individual piece must be deter mined separately," yet even the later portions of the above mentioned Upaniads mny claim great antiquity, if only on linguistic grounds. We may take it that the greater Upani sads, like the B hadvayaka and the ChndogyaLTpaniad, originated in the fusion of several longer or shorter texts which had originally been regarded as separate lpanisads. This would also explain the fact that the same texts are some times to be found in several Upanisads. The individual texts of which the greater Upiniads are composed, all belong to a period which cannot be very far removed from that of the Brhmaas and the vayakas, and is before B uddha and before Pirri. For this reason the six abovementioned Upanisads,Aitareya, B chadarariyaka, Chndogya, Taittirya Kautaki and Kena undoubtedly represent the earliest stage of development in the literature of the Upanisads. They contain the socalled Vednta doctrine in its pure, original form.
l) 2)

) AGPh., 1, 2, p. 22. ) On the language of the Upaniads see B ff. ; Otto Weaker, Der (Bezz B eitr.) ; W. Kirfel, B eitrge zur Liebich, der Panini Leipzig, 1891, p, 62 Nominalkomnosition in den Gebrauch der Kasus in der Upani?adliteratnr, Gttingen 1905 Geschichte

Upanisads und im Epos, Diss, B onn, 190S ; A. Frst, Der Sprachgebrauch der lteren Upam'sadi verglichen mit dem Sanskrit, Diss. (Tbingen), altindischen Prosa, pp. 28 ff. der frheren vedischen Perioden und des klassischen Zur Geschichte der Gttingen, 1915 ; also Oldenberg,

VEDIC

LITERATURE

237

A few Upaniads which are written entirely or for the most part in verse, belong to a period which is somewhat later, though still early, and probably preB uddhistic. These, too, are assigned to certain Vedic schools, though they have not always come down to us as portions of an Arayaka. In this category we may include the Katha or K t h a k a U p a n i ad * the very name of which points to its connection with a school of the B lack Yajurveda (see above p. 169). The vetvataraUpaniad, and the M a h N r y a a U p a n i a d which has come down to us as an appendix to the TaittiryaAiayaka, are also counted among the texts of the Black Yajurveda. The short, but most valuable I ^ U p a n i ad, which forms the last section of the VjasaneyiSahit, belongs to the White Yajurveda. The M u a k a U p a n i a d , and the P r a n a U p a n i a d , half of which is in prose, half in verse, belong to the Atharvaveda. Though these six Upani ads too, contain the Vednta doctrine, we here find it inter woven to a great extent with Sinkhya and Yoga doctrines and with monotheistic views. We must, however, leave it to future scholars to decide to what degree the various philo sophical doctrines mingled, and to what degree this mingling
1 2 ) 3) 4) 5)

) Edited with

Sakara's commentary by SrdharaSstr Phaka, Transactions of the American Philological ZDMG., 66, 1912,727 f.;

Poona 1919 j Association, ZDMG,

translated by W. Vol 21.

2

D. Whitney,

On textcriticism s. R. Fritzsche,

Hillebrandt,

68, 1914, 579 ff.; and Hertel,

Die Weisheit der Upanischaden, pp. 42 ff. Vaisavism,

) On this Up. see Weber, Ind. Stud I. 420 ff. and R. G. Bhandarkar,

aivism and Minor Religious S y s t e m s (Grundriss I I I , 6, 1913), pp. 106 ff.

3

) Translation (with text) and analysis b y Aurobindo Ghose Calcutta (Ideal and Metrical translation by H. Baynes Ind. Ant., 26, 1897, 213 ff. On Ausgabe, Leipzig, 1924) has tried to

Progress Series, No. 5). 4) J. Hertel

text criticism s Baynes 1 c , and Hertel, Die Weisheit der Upanischaden, pp. 25 ff. (MuakaUpaniad, kritische restore the original text of this Upaniad. Its connection with the Atharvaveda (X, 7 and Hertel (1 c., pp.

8) has been pointed out by Hertel, 1 c , pp. 45 ff The title probably means " the Upaniad of the baldheaded," that is, of some sect of ascetics with shaven heads. 64 ff ) suggests some connection between the Mud.Up , and the Jainas. 5) In this Upanisad the sage P i p p d l d a , the founder of the Paippalda school of the Atharvaveda, appears as teacher. On text criticism s. Hillebrandt, ZDMG., 68, 1914, 581 f.

238

INDIAN

LITERATURE

was consequent upon retouched versions of the text ; for all these texts show distinct signs of having been touched up. There are for instance, as many as three separate recensions of the MahNryaaUpaniad, and this shows how uncer tain the text is.* The A I a i t r y a y a U p a n i a d , which, by reason of its title, is attributed to a school of the Black Yajurveda, belongs to a considerably later period which must have been postBuddhistic. I t is again written in prose, like the earliest Upanisads. This prose, however, no longer shows any Vedic traces. On the grounds of language, style and contents, we may place the work in the period of classical Sanskrit litera ture. The M k y a U p a n i a d of the Atharvaveda probably also belongs to this same later period. akara, who quotes the twelve Upanisads previously enumerated as sacred and authoritative texts in his commentary on the
3) 4 0 2 )

C f. R. Zimmermann,

Die Quellen der MahnryaaUpaniad

und das Verhlt Jacob,

nis der verschiedenen Rezensionen zu einander, Diss., B erlin, 1913, and Ind. Ant., 44, 1915, 130 ff., 177 ff.; Barth., BSS Nr. 35, 1888.
2

RHR. 19, 1889, 150 f = Oeuvres, I I . 23. are : MaitryaaB rhmaaUp.,

Edition by G. A.

) Other titles The text

MaitryaaUp,

MaitryaUp., 2nd ed.

and MaitriUp., s. Mav Mller, the text.

S B E . , Vol. 15, pp. xliii ff. There are several ecensions of

C OWPII

(ed, with t h e commentary of Rmatrfcha, by E. B .

revised by Satischandra Vidyabhusan, B ibl. Ind 1913 ff.) which has hitherto been tran slated consists of 7 Praphakas. 8astri B ut t h e t w o last Praphakas (declared to b e supple mentary by Deussen, Sechzig Upanishads, p. 330) are missing in the edition of Mahadeva (Smnya Vednta Upanishads, pp. 388 ff.), where Prap., IV, 5 corresponds to the A different work is the metrical MaitreyaUpaniad I, pp 105 ff.), which only in the prose introduction partly 5th Praphaka of the older editions. (Minor Upanisads, ed. Schrder, agrees with our Maitry.Up.
s

) In some MSS. it is given as part of the MaitryayaSahit. ) On this Upaniad s. H. Baynes Vidhusekhara Bhattacharya Ind. Ant., 26, 1897, 169 ff. The Gauapdya

Kriks, one of t h e most important works of Indian philosophy, is based on the Md.Up. Pandit Up. (Sir Asutosh Mukherjee Silver Jubilee volume, pp 103 ff.) has proved that Sankara is not the author of the commentary ascribed to him on this The same learned Pandit thinks, as he writes to me ( i n a letter dated

27fch

August,

1924) and as he intends to prove, that the MdkyaUp. is later than Gaudaplda's Kriks,

and w a s even unknown to Sakara.

VEDIC

LITERATURB

239

Brahmastras, mentions neither the Maitryaya nor the M k y a Upan iad .

}

Though the two lastnamed texts must be among the latest offshoots of Vedic literature, they too may still be classed together with the twelve earlier texts as Vedic Upanisads; and these fourteen Upaniads only can be used as sources for the history of the earliest Indian philosophy. Though the remaining Upaniadsand there are over 200 texts which have come down to us either independently as Upaniads or in larger collectionsare also attributed by tradition to one or other of the Vedic schools, only a few of them have any real connection with the Veda. Most of them are religious rather than philosophical works, and contain the doctrines and views of schools of philosophers and religious sects of a much later period. Many of them are much more nearly related to the Purnas and Tantras chronologically as well as in content, than to the Veda. This latest Upaniad litera ture may be classified as follows, according to its purpose and contents : (1) those works which present Vednta doctrines,
2)

) C f. Deussen, akara. absolute As regards

System des Vedanta, the chronological

pp. 32 f., order of (The

on the Upaiads the fourteen Vedic

quoted

by

Upani'sads,

certainty cannot be obtained.

Keith

Aitareya rayaka, pp. 45 ff.) has oldest. S. Radhalcrishnan, Indian

tried to prove that the AitareyaUpaniad is the oldest, dating back to about 7OO6OO B .C. Others consider the B hadrayakaUp. to be the Philosophy, I. pp. 141 f., says that "the accepted dates for the early Upanids are 1OOO B.C. to 300 B .C." B y whom are these dates " accepted " P C f. Deussen 3rd International Congress for the Oldenberg, Upanisaden, p. 1 7 0 . Benimadhab History of Die Lehre der Upanishaden, pp. 288 f., 3 4 1 ; EUlebrandt, in Transactions of the Aus B rahmanas und Philosophy, successful, Religion, Oxford, 1908, II, pp. 19 ff. ;

Barua A History of PreB uddhistic Indian and creditable, though not always

Calcutta, 1921) has made a remarkable

attempt at establishing a chionology of the philosophical ideas contained in the Upanisads, apart from the chronology of the literary works. B ut his designation of the philosophy of the Upaniads as " postVedic" (pp. 39 ff.) is very confusing.
2

The Smnya Vednta Upanishads with the commentary of Sri

Upanishad Society),

BrahmaYogin ed. by Pandit A. Mahadeva 8astri. 1921.

Adyar Library (Theosophical

240

INDIAN

LITERATURE
1

(2) those which teach Yoga, ) ( 3 ) those which extol the ascetic life (sannysa), ( 4 ) those which glorify Viu and (5) those which glorify iva as the highest divinity, and (6) Upanisads of the ktas and of other more insignificant sects.) These Upanisads are written partly in prose, partly in a mixture of prose and verse, and partly in epic lokas. Whilst the latter are on the same chronological level as the latest Puras and Tant ras, there are some works among the former which may be of greater antiquity, and which might consequently still be associated with the Veda. The following are probably examples of such earlier Upaniads : the J b l a Upaniad which is quoted by akara as an authority, and which closes with a beautiful description of the ascetic named Paramahasa; the P a r a m a h a m s a U p a n i a d , describing the path of the Paramahasa still more vividly ; the very extensive SublaUpaniad, often quoted by Rmnuja, and dealing with cosmogony, physiology, psychology and metaphysics ;
2) s) 5 ) 6 ) 7 )

) The Y o g a Upanishads with the Commentary of Sri UpanishadB rahmaYogin, ed. by A. Mahadeva Sastri.
8

Adyar 1920. The Clik.Up., and AmtandaUp. have been edited Ind. Stud., 9, pp. 10ff., 23 ff. by F. Otto Schrder, Vol. I : Sanysa

and translated into German by A. Weber,

) The Minor Upanisads critically edited

Upanisads. The AdyarLibrary, Midras S. 1912. The MtyuliigalaUp. ( e d . by A.C. Burnell, Ind. Ant., 2, 1873, pp. 265 f.) is a purely Tantric work. ?) The VaishnavaUpanishads with Yogin, ed. by A. Mahadeva Sastri, t h e Commentary of Sri UpanishadB rahma The Rm iT ip;xniyaUpaniad, text and Weber, nd. Adyar 1923.

German translation by A. Weber, AB A., 1864, pp. 271 ff. ; the NrsinihaTapaniyaUp. by t h e same scholar, Ind. Stud., 9, 53 173. On NirlambaUp. and Garuda.Up. s. Stud., 3, 324 ff. ; 17, 136 ff., 161 ff. *) Edition of t h e aiva and Skta Upaniads by Pandit Mahadeva Sastri Adyar Library are in preparation. first proposed b y Deussen, Schrder. of t h e This classification of t h e nonVedic upanisads w a s form. It is useful for practical

Sechzig Upanishads, pp. 542 f., and then adopted by F . 0 .

Minor Upanisads, pp. ii I. in an amplified

purposes, though not always strictly applicable. For some Upani$ads teach brahmavidy by means of Yoga, and might be classified ) Minor Upaniads, ed. F. 0 . Schrder, pp. 706 ff. ) Minor Upaniads, I, pp. 43 ff. ; Deu*sen, 1. c , p p . 703 ff.
T

as well with the Vednta as with the Yoga I, pp. 57 ff. Deussen, Sechzig Upani'shads,

Upaniads ; and some Yoga Upaniads might as well be classified as Vainava, etc.

) Samnya Vedftnta Upanishads, ed. Mahadeva Sastri, pp. 460

ff.

VEDIC LITERATURE
1 }

241

the G a r b h a U p a n i g a d , part of which reads like a treatise on embryology, but which is obviously a meditation on the embryo with the aim of preventing rebirth in a new womb ; and the ivaite A t h a r v a i r a s U p a n i a d , which is already mentioned in the Dharmastras as a sacred text, and by virtue of which sins can be washed away. The Vajrascik Upaniad, which teaches that only he who knows the Brahman as the One without a second, is a Brahmin, is not of very late origin. Another factor which makes it difficult to determine the date of these Upaniads is the fact that they are often to be found in various recensions of very uneven bulk.)
2 ) 3) 4 )

These non Vedic Upanisads, as we may call them, have come down in large collections ) which are not ancient as such. For the philosopher akara (about 800 A.D.) still
6

) Sffmnya Vednta Upam'shads, pp. 168 ff.; Deussen, Sechz ig Upanishads, pp.605 ff. Deussen, 1. c , pp. 716 ff. See also Bhandarkar, ) Gautama X I X , Vaiavism, aivism, etc., pp. I l l f. 14 12 j B audhyana, III. 10, 10 : Vasiha, X X I I . 9 ; X X V I I I ,

Viu 56, 22. *) Smnya Vednta Upanishads, p. 416 ff. In some M S S . t h i s U p a n i a d i s ascribed to akara.
5

One version of it, expanded into an attack on the caste system, is ascribed to Cf. A. Weber, AB A. 1859, 259 ff. in the

the B uddhist poet Avaghoa.

) Thus Deuzsen, Sechzig Upanishads, pp. 743 ff, translates a MahUpaniad which

is so short, that it does not deserve its name " the Great Upanisad " at all, while longest Upaniads.
6

SouthIndian recension (Smnya Vednta Upanishads, pp. 234 ff ) it is indeed one of the ) The collection translated into Persian in 1656, called Oupnek'hat (s. above, p. 19) An analysis of these Upaniads from Duperron's Latin Misc. Essays, I. pp. 93 ff., and Bhandarkar, s. Weber, H S S . , Verz., p. 95. translation On a list of 52 Upaniads of the Report, 188384, pp. tharvaa Upam'sads by Editions : Eleven

contains 50 Upaniads.

h a s been g i v e n by A. Weber, Ind. Stud., Vols. I. 2 and 9 Atharvaveda s C olebrooke, 2 4 I. For another list

Upanishads, ed. by G. A. Jacob, B SS. Nr. 4 0 , 1 8 9 1 . At the N S P . , B ombay, a collection of 108 Upanisads has been published in 1913, one of 112 Upanisads in 1917, one of 28 in 1918, the eleven S w a m i Achintya Bhagawan, ib. 1910. (principal) Upanisads (Ekdaopauiadal;), with commentaries,

The most important Upaniads have been edited, translated into and

with Sakara's commentaries, in the B ibl. Ind. and in nSS Nos. 5l7 293 , 6264. BhadaranyakaUp. and ChndogyaUp. have been critically edited and German by 0 . B'htlingk, St. Petersburg and Leipzig, 1889, the Katha, Aitareya, KenaUp. with comm ed. by rdharasstr

PranaUp. by the same scholar in B SGW., 1890, and critical notes on these Upaniads by t h e same scholar in B SGW., 1891. Pahaka,

31

242

INDIAN

LITERATURE

quotes the Upanisads as parts of the Veda texts to which they belong ; and even Rmnuja (about 1100 A.D.) speaks of the " C handogas," the " Vjasaneyins " or the " Kauitakins ' when quoting the Upaniads of the schools in question : the SublaUpaniad is the only one which he quotes by this title. I n the MuktikUpaniad, which is certainly one of the latest, we read that salvation may be attained by the study of the 108 Upaniads, and a list of 108 Upanisads is set forth, classified according to the four Vedas : . 10 Upanisads coming under the gveda 19 under the White Yajurveda, 32 under the Black Yajurveda, 16 under the Smaveda and 31 under the Atharvaveda. This classifica tion, however, can scarcely be based on an ancient tradition.* All these Upaniads which are, properly speaking, nonVedic, are generally called " Upaniads of the Atharvaveda." They were associated with the Atharvaveda, because the authority of this Veda as sacred tradition was always dubious and it was therefore no difficult matter to associate all kinds of apocryphal texts with the literature belonging to the Atharva

Poona 1919. Vols. 1 and 1:5. in German

Translations : (Twelve principal) Upanisads translated by Max Muller, The Thirteen Principal by Upanishads translated by R. E P. Deussen, Aus B rahmanas PranaUp. und with Hume, Leipzig, 1897. 1921.

SB E , Oxford,

1921. Sechzig Upanishads des Veda bersetzt von translation A. Hillebrandt, and of Jh 1921 and J. Hertel, mentary Comm. Comm. by S. transi,

Selections

Upaniaden Jena Translations of Sakara's with with and com Sakara's akara's Kaivalya The

Die Weisheit der Upanischaden Mnchen, Kaha and 1898 ; Sastri, Madras,

I, Kena, and Muaka, 8ita7am by translated

tho ChndogyaUp. AitareyaUp. Amritabindu 1899. Sai>tri;

by Oanganath H. M.

Madras, 1 8 9 9 ;

Bhadkamkar, B ombay,

Upanishads with Comm. transi, by A. Mahadeva principal Upanisads with Madhva's commentary Vidyrnava, by Siddhevar Prasad Varma Sstri appeared

2nd ed., Madras, 1921.

transl. by Rai B ahadur Srsa Chandra in the Sacred B ooks of the Hindus,

I and Kena according to akara by the same, and vetvatara transl. A useful help for the study of the Upanisads is G. A. Jacob's A selected pp. 459 ff. and the Mantrik ( = Culika) U p . as and classified bibliography of the Upaniads is

Panii Office, Allahabad. Concordance, B S S . , 1891. g i v e n by ) R. E. Hume, I. c ,

Rminuja quotes the GarbhaUp.

AtharvavedaUpaniads,

although t h e list in the MuktikUp. counts the one as belong

ing to the B lack, and the other to t h e White Yajurveda,

VEDIC L I ! E RATURE

243

veda. Furthermore, the Atharvaveda, as we have seen, was above all the Veda of magic and the secretiveness connect ed with it.) The real meaning of " Upanisad "and this meaning has never been forgottenwas " secret doctrine." W h a t was more natural than that a large class of works which were regarded as Upaniads. or secret doctrines, should be joined to the Atharvaveda, which itself was indeed no thing but a collection of secret doctrines ! The word " Upanisad " is, in fact, derived from the verb " upanisad," " to sit down near some one," and it originally meant the sitting down of the pupil near the tea cher for the purpose of a confidential communication, there fore a " confidential " or " secret session." Out of thus idea of the " secret session,' the meaning " secret doctrine " that which is communicated at such a confidential session was developed. ) The Indians generally give as a synonym of the word " upanisad " the word " rahasyam" which means " mystery, secret." I n the Upanisad texts them selves the expressions " iti rahasyam" and " itiupanisad"
2

) See above, p. 149 f. ) See Deussen, AGPh I, 2, pp of Upanisad etc., pp. 36 f., 14 ff., with whom I fully agree in as "a form of rejecting worship." (ZDMG. 50, 1 8 9 6 , 4 5 8 ff. ; 155 ff., 348 f ) 54, 1900, 70 ff. ; Die but never synonymous not mean " to

01denberg's explanation Lehre der Upani'shaden,

Upanisad is used frequently enough as a synonym of rahasyam, with upsan. B esides, 575 ff.) has shown E. Senart (Florileginm verb upas in that even the

Melchior de Vogu, Paris, 1909, pp. the Upaniads does

worship," but " to have a profound knowledge, to know or to believe for certain." B ut even his translation of upanisad does not hit the meaning of ( J B R A S 22, pp. 6 9 f.) by " knowledge, belief " ( " connaissance, croyance ") the word as w e l l as " secret doctrine." M. R. Bodas to be " sitting down

takes the original meaning of upanisad

near the sacrificial fire," as the conversations contained in the Upaniads are said to have taken place at the great sacrifices. J. W. Hauer (Anfnge This is not more probable than the explanation of p. 27), w h o gives " mysterious wisdom connecting it " (a text) S E., Vol. B der Yogapraxis,

obtained by Tapas and meditation " as the original meaning of upani%ad, with the quiet sitting as part of t h e Yoga practice.

Nryaa in his commentary on

Manu, V I . 29, defines upanisad as " t h a t which is recited seated n e a r , " ie. which is recited (while the pupils are) seated near (the t e a c h e r ) " ; s. Bhler. 25, pp. 203 n. C f. also Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index, I, pp. 91 f.

244

INDIAN

LITERATURE

are frequently used^ide by side in the sense of " thus says the secret doctrine." Often enough we find in the Upaniads themselves the warning against communicating some doctrine to an unworthy one. " This doctrine of Brahman," it is said for example, * " may a father impart to his eldest son or to a trusted pupil, but not to another, whoever he may be, even if the latter should give him the whole earth, surround ed by the waters and filled with treasures." Very frequently it is also related in the Upaniads how a teacher is entreated to communicate some knowledge or other, but only after repeated entreaty and urging of the pupil, gives way and reveals his doctrine to him. According to this original meaning of the word " lpanu sad," the oldest Upaniads already contain very heterogene ous matters. An Upaniad was above all else a "mystery," and every doctrine which was not intended for the masses, but was only communicated within a narrow circle of privi leged personsbe it a profound philosophical doctrine or some futile symbolism or allegory, a symbolical sacrifice serving as magic, puzzled out by a Brahman, or some would be wisdom serving as a magic formulawas called Upaniad, All this we actually find already in the old Upaniads side by side and jumbled up but particularly so in the socalled " AtharvavedaUpaniads."
1 2) 3)

) ChndogyaUpaniad, III. 11, 5 f. C f. Deussen, loc. cit., pp. 12 f. ) The word upanisad occurs in the Upaniads themselves in three s e n s e s ; it (2) " secret means :(1) " mystic sense," e g., the secret significance of the syllable Om ;

word," certain expressions and formulae which are intelligible only to the initiated, as tajjalan, " in him growing, passing away, breathing," or satyasya satyam " the truth of truth," as designation of the highest being j ( 3 )
3

"secret text," i.e., "esoteric

doctrine"

and " s e c r e t knowledge," cf. Deussen, loc. cit, pp. 16f. ) According to valyanaGhyastra, I. 13, 1, certain rites connected with con The charm in ception, procreation of male children, etc., are taught in an " Upaniad. '

v. I. 191 is called an " Upaniad" by_ Ktyyana in his Sarvnukramaik. In the manual of politics (KauilyaArthastra, X I V ) all kinds of magic rites for the purpose of araon assassination, blinding, etc., and in the manuals of erotics all sorts of secret prescriptions relating to sexual intercourse and to cosmetics are taught in an " Upaniadic ohapter "

YEDIC LITERATURE

245

Thus the Kauslta"kiUpanisad contains, besides psycholo gical and metaphysical expositions and a detailed eschato logy, also descriptions of sacrificial rites, by which one can attain some good or other, or effect a love charm, ceremonies for the prevention of the death of children, and even an " Upa nisad," i.e., a secret doctrine, the knowledge of which serves as magic for the annihilation of enemies. Similarly the Chndogya Upanisad contains deep philosophical thoughts upon the creation, the universe and the soul, but among these also mystical speculations upon the syllable Om secret rites for the healing of diseases and so on. I n the Atharvaveda Upaniads, indeed, we find for instance a whole Upaniad " t h e Gar uda Upanisad" which is nothing but a snake charm that might just as well be included in the Atharva vedaSahit. This should be borne in mind when a "philosophy of the Upanisads" or even a "system of the Upaniads" is spoken of. A philosophy of the Upaniads exists only in so far as, in these collections of all sorts of mysteries, the teachings of the philosophers were also included. A system of the Upani sad philosophy can only be said to exist in a very restricted sensed For it is not the thoughts of one single philosopher or of one uniform school of philosophers, that might be traced back to one single teacher, which are before us in the Upani ads but it is t h e teachings of various men, even of various
} 2)

( s . KauilyaArthastra, X I V ; Vtsyyana's Kmasitra, V I I ; and R.Schmidt, B eitrge zur indischen Erotik, Leipzig 1902, pp,'8l7
1

ff.).

Ramnuja (on B rahmastra II, 2, 43, s.

S B E . ; Vol. 48, p 528) calls the Pcartrasstra " a great Upaniad." ) On this chapter of the KautakiUp . compared with another version of it in B SGW., 19O7, 111 ff. Deussen, Sechzig Upanishads des Veda, pp 627 f. Vaiav. the JaiminyaB rhmaa. s E. Windisch,
s

) " That the Upanisads teach not one but various systems, must follow from the S B E , Vol. 34, pp. ci ff.

fact that they are compilations just as the gvedaSamhit is, "R. G. Bhandarkar, i s m , aivism, etc., p. I. C f. G. Thibaut,
4

) H o w far the persons mentioned by name in the Upaniads, such as Yjavalkya,

Sailya, B lki Svetaketu and others, were really the teachers of the doctrines ascribed

246

INDIAN

LITERATURE

periods, which are presented in the single sections of the Upaniads. There are, it is true, a few fundamental doctrines, which lend an appearance of uniformity to the philosophical thoughts which stand out in the genuine Upaniads, and it is only of these that we wish to speak here : with respect to these funda mental doctrines alone is it possible to speak (as Deussen does)though always with reserveof a "system of the Upanisads." We must therefore not seek deep wisdom in every chapter of the Upaniads, or expect a Platonic dialogue in every Upaniad. I t is indeed remarkable enough that in the very oldest and most beautiful portions of the Upaniads we find the same form of dialogue as in the works of the great Greek philosopher.* And just as Plato's dialogues reveal to us a wonderfully lifelike picture of the life and doings of the Ancient Greeks, so the dialogues of the older Upaniads frequently afford us a surprising insight into life at the ancient Indian princely courts, where priests and famous wandering teachers, including learned women, flocked together, in order to hold their disputations before the king, who not infrequently entered into the theological and philosophical conversations and confounded the learned Brahmans by his knowledge ; as well as insight into the schoollife of those ancient times, when travelling scholars undertook long journeys in order to " hear " some famous teacher, to whom pupils came from all sides " a s waters precipitate themselves

to them (as Barua in his " PreB uddhistic Indian Philosophy" takes t h e m to be), is not quite certain. Yajnavalkya is said t o be the author of the B rhadrayakaUp, as of the whole White Yajurveda ( s . B h.Up, V I . 5, 3 and YjavalkyaSti I I I , 110) ; but in the B hUp. itself other teachers also are mentioned. B esides, so m a n y different doctrines both of ritual and of metaphysics are ascribed to Yajnavalkya, that it seems difficult credit him with all of them. On the other hand instance was really the teacher of the famous doctrine ascribed to him. ) On the dialogues of the Upaniads, cf. Oldenberg, pp. 160 ff. Die Lehre der Upanishaden, to it is quite possible that ailya for

VEDIC LITERATURE
1}

247

into the abyss and months sink into the year." But besides sections of deep philosophical content, and portions which very well bear comparison with Plato's dialogues, we also find in the Upaniads much that is inferior as philosophy or literature.

THE FUNDAMENTAL DOCTRINES OF THE UPANIADS.

2)

That which is of the greatest value in the Upanisads is those fundamental thoughts, on the basis of which we can speak of a " philosophy of the Upaniads," above all, the fundamental doctrine which pervades all the genuine Upanisads, and which can be summed up in the sentence : " The universe is the Brahman, but the Brahman is the tman" which in our mode of philosophical expression would be equal t o : " T h e world is God, and God is my soul." The entire thought of the Upanisad philosophers revolves around the two conceptions of Brahman and tman ; and it is necessary to get a clear idea of these conceptions, in order to be able to understand the philosophy of the Upanisads. The etymology of the word " Brahman " is doubtful. If we
3)

) TaittiryaUpaniad, I, 3.
2

) See A. E. Gough The Philosophy of the Upanishads, of the Upanishads.

theo3ophiques

London, 1 8 8 2 ; P. by A. S.

Deussen, Geden Oltramare

The Philosophy

Authorised English Translation

Edinburgh, 1919 (from AGPh., I. 2) ; G. Thibaut, L'histoire des ides II, p. 8 0 1 ; H. Oldenberg, Die

SB E , Vol. d4 pp. cxv ff. ; P.

dans l'Inde, t. I. Paris, 1906, pp. 63 ff. ; H. Jacobi, ERE.,

L e h i e der Upanishaden und die Anfnge des B uddhis Upauishads, Introduction ; S. 1922, pp. 28 ff. ; S. Radhakrishnan, Dasgwpta,K Indian

mus, Gttingen 1915; B . Barua, A History of PreB uddhistic Indian Philosophy, Calcutta, 1 9 2 1 ; R. E. Hume. The Thirteen Principal I, Cambridge, History of Indian Philosophy,
3

Philosophy, I, London, 1923, pp. 137 fiI ) The most probable etymology is that suggested by H. Osthoff 113 ff.) who connects brahman with Old Irish bricht, "magic, (B ezz. B eitr., 24, magic formula." 1899,

Oldenburg etymology. Hillebrandt

(Lehre der Upanishaden, pp. 4 4 ff., and "Zur Geschichte des Worts brahman," ( E R E , II. pp. 796 ff.) have also accepted this brh "to grow" (M. Haug). as " the A n older etymology is that from the root and Dasgupta

NGGW., 1916, pp. 715 ff.) and Hillebrandt

(l. c , p. 36) follow M. Haug in explaining brahman

248

INDIAN

LITRATURE

turn to the St. Petersburg Sanskrit Dictionary we find " Brahman " explained as " the devotion which appears as the craving and fulness of the soul," and strives after the gods, while according to Deussen, * the Brahman is supposed to be " t h e will of man, striving upwards to that which is sacred and divine." These explanations may correspond to Jewish Christian ideas of divinity, but are diametrically opposed to the Indian conception of the relationship between gods and men, as we know it in the Sahits and Brhmaas. What the word signifies etymologically is not certain. But in the Veda itself " B r a h m a n " occurs countless times in the meaning of " prayer " or " magic formula "; there is nowhere any thought of devotion or exaltation to the divine, b u t it always means mere formulae and verses containing secret magic power, by which man desires to influence divine beings, or to obtain, or even to force something from them. When a later period united these magic formulae and prayers in " books " or school texts as the three Vedas these were called trayl vidy or " threefold knowledge," also briefly " the Brahman." But as divine origin was ascribed to this Veda or Brahman the two words being used with exactly the same meaning and as the sacrifice, which, as we have seen, was itself conceived as a superhuman, nay superdivine power, was; according to the Indian view, derived from the Veda or contained in the Veda, so at last this Brahman or sacred knowledge, came to be called the first created thing (brahma
1 2) 3)

magical force which is derived from the orderly cooperation of the hymns, the chants, and the sacrificial gifts." J. Hertel ( " D a s B r a h m a n " in Indogerman. Forschungen, 4 1 , etymologically with Greek OAex^ua, Latin flagro t h e internal 1923, pp. 185 ff.) connects brahman fire in man and the cosmic
2

and tries to prove that the original meaning of brahman w i s " fiie" viz., both fire. ) System des Vedanta, p. 128. AGPh., I. 1, pp. 241 f. ) C f. above, pp. 79 f., 2OO f., 221.
3

I however, am nob convinced by his arguments.

) at. V 5 5, 10 j " The whole sacrifice is as great as the threefold Veda."

Accord

ing to GhndogyaUp V I I 4 I. " the sacrificial a c t s are contained in the mantras (i.e. in he Veda)."

VEDIC LITERATURE

249

prathamajam), and finally even to be made into the creative principle, the cause of all existence (brahma svayambhu). Thus the Brahman as divine principle is a conception of the priestly philosophy, and quite explicable in the light of the brahmanical views upon prayer and sacrifice.) The history of the word " tman " is simpler. The etymology of this word, too, is uncertain. Some derive it from the root an " to breath " (German "atmen) and explain it as " exhalation, breath, soul, self. Others, like Deussen, derive it from two pronominal roots, so that it would originally mean " This I. However that may be, tman is not only a philosophical conception, but a word which fre quently occurs in Sanskrit, and whose meaning is perfectly clear. I t signifies " self, is often used as a reflexive pronoun, and as a substantive denotes ones own person, one's own body in contrast to the outside world, sometimes the trunk in contrast to the limbs, but most frequently the soul, the true self, in contrast to the body.
2) 3)

These two conceptions Brahman and Atman have become united in the philosophy of Upaniads. Thus the famous doctrine of Sndilya begins with the words : " Truly, this All is Brahman," and ends, after a description of the

) C f. above, pp. 224 f.

A. Weber already has compared B rahman with the logosidea Thus also Bernsen, S y s t e m des Vedanta, p. 51 and

in NeoPlatonism and in Christianity. Max F. Heeler, desires to bring Brahman." Melanesians,

Schopenhauer und die indische Philosophie (Cologne, 1897), p. 3. Deussen Hrahman into accord with the " will " of Schopenhauer, but, as Hecker offer some violence to the conception of of the

(p. 82) mildly expresses it, is forced " to which has been

A comparison which is more justifiable is that with the "mana" emphasised by N. Sodeiblom,

in his " D a s Werden des

Gtterglaubens," 1916, pp. 270 ff. *) A G P h I. I. p. 285.

8

) On the term tman s. Bernsen, E R E . II. 195 ff. ; Jacobi,

ERE. II. 801 ;

Bsgupta,

History of Indian Philosophy, I, 25 f. theme." (Hecker, Schopenhauer named loc. cit., p 8.) his white

According to Deussen, poodle "tman,"

t m a n is " t h e most whereby, following the

abstract, and therefore the best name which philosophy has found for its sole and eternal Vedantic doctrine, he desired to acknowledge the inner being as equal in man and beast."

32

250 Atman with are one :

INDIAN

LITERATURE

the statement

that

Brahman

and t m a n

" This m y t m a n in m y i n m o s t heart is smaller than a grain of rice, or a barlevcorn or a mustard seed, or a millet grain. . t m a n in m y i n m o s t heart is greater than sky, greater than t h e heavens, greater than all spheres. This my the earth, greater t h a n the I n h i m are all

actions, all wishes, all smells, all t a s t e s ; he holds this A l l enclosed within h i m s e l f ; he speaks n o t , he troubles about n o t h i n g ;this my tman in my inmost heart is this Brahman, shall I be united. indeed, there exists no doubt. W i t h h i m , w h e n I depart o u t of this life, this k n o w l e d g e has come, for h i m ,
1

F o r him t o w h o m

T h u s spake Sailya y e a o i l y a . ' *

Deussen expresses this fundamental idea of the Upaniads briefly and pertinently in the words: " T h e Brahman, the power which presents itself to us materialised in all existing things, which creates, sustains, preserves, and receives back into itself again all worlds, this eternal infinite divine power is identical with the tman with that which, after stripping off everything external, we discover in ourselves as our real most essential being, our individual self, the s o u l . " This doctrine has found expression most pointedly and clearly in the Upaniad dictum which later became the confession of faith of millions of Indians, in the " tat tvam asi " (so often quoted by Schopenhauer), " that art thou, i.e., the universe and the Brahman, that art thou thyself, or in other words : The world exists only in so far as thou thyself art conscious of it. Let us hear in what manner the poetphilosophers of the Upanisads endeavour to make clear this doctrine of the unity of the world with the Brahman and of the Brahman with the tman :
2) 3 )

" v e t a k e t u was t h e son of U d d l a k a r u n i . ' v e t a k e t u , betake t h y s e l f

T o him said his father : For, m y dear

as a V e d a s t u d e n t to a teacher.

) ChndogyaUpaniad, III. 14. Cf. above, p. 225. " T h e Philosophy of the Upanihads," translated by A. S. Qeden

) Deussen,

Edinburgh, 1906, p 39.

8

) ChndogyaUpanisad, VI. 1 ff,

VEDC

LITERATURE

25l
only, years he w a s he had learnt and regard thyself

one, i n our f a m i l y initiated as a pupil.

i t is not customary to be a B rahmin in name S o at t h e a g e of t w e l v e homeproud, said haughty, A n d at t w e n t y f o u r years of a g e , after Then his father

w i t h o u t h a v i n g learnt t h e Veda.

e v e r y t h i n g in ail the Vedas he came i n g himself as a learned m a n .

to h i m : ' A s thou that doctrine b y unthought Venerable

art n o w , m y dear v e t a k e t u , so proud and h a u g h t y , as a learned m a n , tell m e , hast thou which that which is unheard b e c o m e s heard, t h a t

and regardest which is

also inquired into

becomes t h o u g h t , t h a t w h i c h is u n k n o w n becomes known ? ' one, of what does this doctrine consist ? one l u m p of clay e v e r y t h i n g t h a t is of c l a y as, m y dear one, through but i n truth

' J u s t as, m y dear one, through is k n o w n and t h e difference

lies o n l y in t h e word, is merely a n a m e b u t in truth it is c l a y ; a n d just one copper trinket e v e r y t h i n g w h i c h is of copper is k n o w n aud the difference lies only in t h e word, is m e r e l y a n a m e it is copper ; and j u s t as, m y dear one, t h r o u g h one pair i n truth it is i r o n ; so, m y dear teachers did not well, m y they n o t have told i t t o of nail scissors e v e r y t h i n g w h i c h is of iron is k n o w n and t h e difference lies only in the word, is merely a n a m e b u t one, it is w i t h me? t h i s doctrine. ' Surely m y honourable

k n o w this ; for if t h e y had k n o w n i t , w h y should dear one,' said his father.

T h e n , venerable one, do thou expound it to me. 'Very

' O n l y t h e existent, m y dear one, w a s here in t h e b e g i n n i n g , and t h i s only as O n e w i t h o u t a Second. the nonexistent was here T o be sure, some in t h e b e g i n n i n g , people have said : O n l y a n d this only as O n e B ut

w i t h o u t a Second, a n d out of this how, m y dear one, could of t h e nonexistent ? beginning, and this further, demonstrates existent, Only only

n o n e x i s t e n t arose t h e e x i s t e n t .

this be so ? as One

H o w could t h e e x i s t e n t arise o u t m y dear one, w a s here in t h e a Second! food ; and the ( H e then how the had created heat, w h i c h had material heat, existent which without had created elements,

t h e existent,

how this existent those three

created water, whit}h, in i t s turn, penetrating world out of itself. water, f o o d o r , has, with

developed

I n t h e phenomena of sleep, of hunger and of thirst, to t h e three e l e m e n t s , B u t as this that

he t h e n explains how e v e r y t h i n g leads back

as we would s a y : fire, water, e a r t h w h i l e these three

e l e m e n t s in their turn rest only upon the e x i s t e n t . soul in us. produced. W h e n , therefore, a m a n dies, N o w follow a number

t h e t m a n its soul, penetrated into all b e i n g s , so it is also the he becomes again was ; he unites again with t h e existent, o u t of which he was of similes which are all intended to

he originally

252
illustrate and preparing retain I

INDIAN

LITERATURE

t h e doctrine of the oneness of t h e world w i t h t h e A l o n e e x i s t i n g soul.) ' A s , m y dear one, t h e bees, w h e n they are honey, collect t h e juices of the m o s t diverse trees and then

the human

combine t h e j u i c e

in one u n i t y ; a s in this unity those juices do not so t h a t t h e y could say : I am t h e juice of this tree, have n o consciousness of Whatever they or bird, fly or very

a n y difference,

a m t h e juice of t h a t t r e e s o , m y dear one, all these creatures here,

w h e n t h e y have become absorbed in t h e existent m a y be here, w h e t h e r t i g e r or lion, gnat,this minute ( n a m e l y , t h e existent) which constitutes thing wolf they

t h e f a c t t h a t they have b e c o m e absorbed in t h e existent. or boar, worm become. of

A n d it is this

the being

the A l l , t h a t is t h e truth, 'Venerable ! ' H e r e it is, venerable ' What venerable that dost thou see Then figtree one, instruct

t h a t is t h e t m a n that art thou, O v e t a k e t u . m e y e t further. ' Fetch one. split. ' Split 'What it. ' V e r y well, m y dear o n e . . . from yonder figtree ' I t is split, tiny venerable one. m e a fruit

therein ? ' V e r y said t h e father quintessence stands that

grains, venerable one ! ' Split one of these ! ' ' I t is therein?' dost not 'Nothing, perceive, one.

seest t h o u which thou

t o h i m : ' M y dear one, it is as a result of t h a t very this b i g

here. B elieve m e , m y dear one, i t is t h i s very m i n u t e t h i n g w h i c h is t h e truth, t h a t is t h e A t m a n thou, O Svetaketu!' piece of salt ' Venerable one, instruct m e y e t further. in water and c o m e t o m e again tomorrow H e felt for it, b u t did n o t from one side. it taste?
3

c o n s t i t u t e s t h e b e i n g of t h e A l l , t h a t art ' Very well, m y dear one. ' Place t h i s morning. find H e did so.

T h e n his father said to h i m : ' B ring m e t h e salt ' J u s t taste t h e water How does How 'Salty.

w h i c h t h o u didst place i n water last n i g h t . i t ; i t had vanished. 'Taste from does i t t a s t e ? ' S a l t y . 'Salty.

' T a s t e from t h e middle, t h e other side.

H o w does i t t a s t e ? ' H e did so, b u t t h e s a l t y m y dear s o n ,

' E a t s o m e t h i n g w i t h i t and t h e n return to m e . taste still remained, here also there. (in t h e b o d y ) thou

T h e n his father said t o h i m : ' T r u l y , minute thing

dost n o t perceive t h e existent, a n d y e t it is i t is w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e s t h e b e i n g of

A n d t h i s very

t h e A l l , t h a t is t h e truth, t h a t is t h e t m a n , that art thou, O vetaketu.

W h a t inspires us with the highest respect for these ancient thinkers of India is the earnestness and the enthu siasm with which they endeavoured to fathom the divine principle, or what K a n t would call the thinginitself whether

VEDIC LITERATURE

253

they called it " the one " or " the existent," Brahman or tman. Thus we read in a dialogue, which recurs in two Upanisads in two different versions, how Grgya Blki a proud and learned Brahman, comes to Ajtaatru, the King of Benares, and pledges himself to explain the Brahman to him. One after another he explains the Purua i.e., the personal spirit, in the sun, in the moon, in the lightning, in the ether, in the wind, in the fire, in the water, then the spirit which appears as a reflected image or shadow, in the echo, in sound, in dreams, in the human body, or in the eye, as the Brahman. Ajtasatru, however, is not satisfied with any of these explanations, so that finally, the learned Brahman himself goes for instruction to the king, who then explains to him that the true Brahman is to be sought only in the intelligent spirit (Purua) in man, i.e., in the tman in the self. " As a spider spins her web out of herself, as out of a fire the little sparks fly in all directions, so out of this tman emanate all vital breaths, all worlds, all gods and all beings.
x) 5

Similarly, in a famous Upaniad passage, the difference between the true and the false tman is shown. There we read :
" ' T h e t m a n , from without thirst, who the whose has which all evil care, has fled, which is free from old which is w i t h o u t should one hunger endeavour This and to was a g e , free from death and free wishes from are

the true, w h o s e intentions are the true, t h i s t m a n attains to all worlds spake Prajpati. the said : ' I t is well, investigation Fiom came Virocana all desires. demons

t h a t t m a n should one i n v e s t i g a t e , t h a t t m a n k n o w : he and the by heard found of all and k n o w n wishes. fulfilment Thus

g o d s , as

well

as the d e m o n s , and t h e y tman through of the

w e will i n v e s t i g a t e among the

this t m a n t h e arose,

of w h i c h one obtains all worlds and the fulfilment gods, Indra both, without and from among arose, and having communicated

w i t h each other,

) KaustakiUp. I V and B hadrayakaUp. II. 1.

254

INDIAN LITERATURE
1

to Prajpati with firewood in their h a n d s . ) T h e y stayed with h i m as pupils for t h i r t y t w o years. T h e n said Prajpati to t h e m : ' W h a t is your desire care, true, in l i v i n g here as p u p i l s ? and t h e y said : ' T h e t m a n from w h i c h all evil has fled, which is free from old a g e , free from death which is without hunger and w i t h o u t thirst, w h o s e and free from wishes are the

whose intentions are the true, t h a t t m a n shall one endeavour to know : he w h o has found and k n o w n this t m a n , g a i n s all worlds and the of all desires. is for this This t h y speech, venerable one, w e have heard. we have lived with thee t m a n ; therefore fulfilment Our desire the

here as pupils.

(Prajpati now first explains to them that the P u r u a in the eye or in d e m o n s and proclaims to t h e m t h e doctrine t h a t the worlds. Indra, however, soon understands that the for body is t h e

reflected i m a g e is t h e t m a n . Virocana is satisfied w i t h t h i s , returns to t h e tman all given by Then the in that B ut ( in to and t h a t one has o n l y to please and care for the body in order to obtain explanation years.) Prajpati cannot have been m e a n t seriously. again s t a y s w i t h Prajpati as his pupil latter said
2

Dissatisfied thirtytwo roams the

he returns and

to

him :

' He

(the

spirit) is

who

about b l i t h e l y dangerless, t h e vision he returns true

dreams, )

he is the A t m a n t h a t

the Immortal,

is the B rahman.

Then Indra departed

thence w i t h a quiet heart. that Once again be the

even before he had reached the g o d s he comprehended dream could not be the true t m a n either.

Prajpati and s t a y s w i t h him as a pupil for t h i r t y t w o years. pati declares the soul in dreamless, profound sleep to W i t h t h a t also Indra is not satisfied, he returns, and Prajpati doctrine of the true t m a n . ) which death takes possession. incorporeal A t man. ' O Indra, mortal indeed of

N o w Praj tman. him the of suffers h i m

to live w i t h him for another five years, when at last he reveals t o I t is t h e d w e l l i n g p l a c e that

is t h i s body,

immortal, which

Possessed by pleasure and pain is the ( t m a n )

) The pupil has to live with the teacher and serve him, and especially tend

the

sacred fire. " To come with wood in one's h a n d " therefore means " t o go to someone as a pupil for instruction."
2

) As in the Upanisads the development of the t m a n

conception is traced to the

true mian through the preliminary steps often added, so we find in remarkable

of the purnsa in the eye, in the reflected agreement also among the primitive

image, in the shadow and in the dreampicture, to which the pra or breath of life is races, the breath, the " little dweller in the eye," the reflected image, the shadow, and visions, as preliminary steps to the belief in a soul. London, 1903. I. pp. 430 pp. 254 ff.) ff. Fritz Schnitze, C f. E. B . Tijlor " Primitive Culture," ( Psychologie der Naturvlker, Leipzig, 19OO,

VEDIC

LITERATURE

255

is united w i t h t h e body, for so l o n g as he is united w i t h t h e body, there is no defence for h i m a g a i n s t pleasure and pain. B u t w h e n h e is incorporeal, N o w when the in t h e e y e , w h o knows : A n d it then certainly pleasure a n d pain do n o t t o u c h him but the e y e serves o n l y for seeing.

eye is directed to yonder ether, t h e n he is the spirit ( P u r u a ) A n d it is t h e t m a n

" t h i s I will s m e l l " ; the organ of smell serves only for s m e l l i n g . is t h e t m a n who knows : " this will I s p e a k " ; speaking. of hearing serves only for hearing.

t h e voice serves only for

A n d it is t h e t m a n w h o knows ; " this will I hear " ; t h e organ A n d it is the t m a n w h o knows : H e it is w h o this divine e y e , he sees t h e desires

" this will I think ; the organ of t h o u g h t is his divine eye. is pleased w h e n , w i t h the organ of t h o u g h t , objects of his desires. are fulfilled. Prajpati." > Rim,

indeed, this t m a n do the gods worship in t h e and the fulfilment of all desires,

Brahmanworld ; therefore do t h e y possess all worlds and all their A n d he obtains all worlds w h o has found and recognises this t m a n .

Thus spake Prajpati, so spake

Thus here again the true tman is explained as the know ing and intelligent spirit in man. B ut the doctrine that this tman is one with the universe and that everything exists only in so far as it is in the cognitive self, is taught by the beauti ful conversation between Yajnavalkya and Maitrey1. Yajna valkya is about to leave home in order to conclude his life as a hermit in the forest. So he wishes to make a settlement between his two wives, and tells this to the one, Maitrey.
" Maitrey said : ' M y Lord, if this whole earth, full of w e a l t h , b e l o n g ed to m e , tell me, should I be i m m o r t a l b y i t ? ' ' N o , replied Y a j n a v a l k y a ; ' like t h e life of rich life. B u t there is no hope of i m m o r t a l i t y by wealth. And to me. Y a j n a v a l k y a replied: ' T h o u w h o art truly dear to m e , thou dear words. w h a t I say. Come, sit d o w n , I will explain it <o thee speckest well and mark Maitrey said : ' W h a t should I do w i t h t h a t b y which I do not W h a t m y Lord k n o w e t h (of i m m o r t a l i t y ) , tell that people will be t h y

become immortal ?

) CbSndogyaUpaniad, V I I I , 713

256
A n d he said : ' Verily,
s

INDIAN

LITERATURE

a husband

is not

dear, t h a t y o u m a y love the but that you you

husband ; but t h a t y o u m a y love t h e Self, therefore a husband is dear. Verily, ' Verily, Verily, 'Verily, a wife is not dear, t h a t y o u m a y love t h e wife ; therefore a w i f e is dear. m a y love the Self,

sons are not dear, that y o u m a y love t h e sons ; b u t t h a t t h e D e v a s are not dear, t h a t y o u creatures are n o t dear, t h a t that you you may love the

m a y love t h e Self, therefore sons are dear D e v a s ; but creatures; that y o u m a y love the Self, therefore the D e v a s are dear. m a y love t h e m a y love but t h a t you m a y love the Self, therefore are creatures dear, ' V e r i l y , e v e r y t h i n g is not dear ' Verily, the Self is to be e v e r y t h i n g ; but that y o u m a y love the Self, therefore e v e r y t h i n g is dear. seen, to be heard, to be perceived, t o be and know the
*

marked, O Maitrey !

W h e n w e see, hear, perceive;

Self,

t h e n all this is k n o w n ! " )

One of the most frequent appellations of the Atman in the Upaniads is the word " pra" i.e., " breath of life, life, lifeprinciple." And numerous portions of the Upaniads deal with this Prana which is one with the intelligent self ; or with the relations of the same to the organs of the soul, the socalled Pras (pr plural of pra). These organsspeech, breath, sight, hearing and the organ of thoughtcorrespond to five forces of Nature in the universe : fire, wind, the sun, the quarters of heaven and the moon. And the Upanisads often talk of the reciprocal action between the organs and the forces of Nature. That is to a certain extent the psychology, which indeed cannot be separated from the metaphysics, of the Upanisads. The oft related "psychological fable " of the dispute of the vital organs about rank, is very popular. I t is there told how the Pras or vital organs, once fought for precedence. They went to the father Prajpati, that he might settle their dispute.
" H e said to t h e m : ' T h a t one of y o u after whose g o i n g off the body appears as if i t were t h e very w o r s t offhe is t h e m o s t superior of you.

) B hadaranyakaUp , II. 4. Translated by Max Mller, S B E . , Vol. 15, pp. 1O811O,

VEDIC

LITERATURE

257
around seeing

8.

S p e e c h w e n t off.
1

H a v i n g remained a w a y a year, i t came with the breath, Thus.

a g a i n , and said :

H o w h a v e y o u been able t o l i v e w i t h o u t m e ? '

* A s t h e d u m b , not s p e a k i n g , b u t b r e a t h i n g S p e e c h entered in. 9. T h e E y e w e n t off.

w i t h the e y e , hearing w i t h the ear, t h i n k i n g w i t h t h e m i n d .

H a v i n g remained a w a y a year, it c a m e around

a g a i n , and said : ' H o w h a v e y o u been able to live without m e ? ' A s t h e blind, not s e e i n g , b u t breathing w i t h the breath, s p e a k i n g w i t h speech, hearing with the ear, t h i n k i n g w i t h t h e m i n d . T h e E y e entered in. 10.
1

Thus. a year, i t breath, Thus. a year, breath, it came

9

T h e Ear

went

off.

Having

remained with

away the

came

around a g a i n , and said : ' H o w have you been able to live w i t h o u t m e ? A s t h e deaf, not hearing, b u t breathing speaking w i t h speech, s e e i n g w i t h t h e e y e , t h i n k i n g w i t h t h e m i n d . T h e E a r entered in. 11.
c

T h e m i n d w e n t off.

Having

remained a w a y with the

around a g a i n , and said : H o w have y o u been able to l i v e w i t h o u t me ? A s s i m p l e t o n s , mindless, b u t breathing w i t h speech, s e e i n g w i t h the e y e , hearing w i t h the ear, Thus. T h e Mind entered in. 12. the N o w w h e n the B reath together. was about They
1

speaking

to

go

offas

fine

horse

m i g h t tear out t h e p e g s of his foottethers all together, t h u s did i t tear o u t other B reaths all 15. nor
1

all

c a m e to it, and said : ' S i r I D o not g o off.

1

Remain.

Y o u are the m o s t superior of us. Verily, they do not call t h e m

1

Speeches, nor ' E y e s , nor

Ears, is

Minds.

T h e y call t h e m

B reaths ( p r a ) , for t h e

vital breath

all these. >

J u s t as the doctrine of the Pra and the Pras is con nected with the fundamental doctrine of the tman the same doctrine also affords the poetphilosophers of the Upanisads a motive for magnificent philosophical poems, as they can best be called, on the fortunes of the individual tman i.e., the human soul, in the conditions of waking and of dreaming, of sleep and of death, and in its wanderings in the Beyond up to its final " emancipation," i.e., its complete absorption in the
) ChndogyaUp. V, I. Translated by R. E. Hume, " The Thirteen Prinoipa

Upanishads," pp. 227 f. C f. B rhadrayakaUp. V I , I. 714

33

258

INDIAN LITERATURE

Brahman. Thus, above all, t h e BhadrayakaUpaniad (IV, 34) sketches a picture of the fortunes of the soul, which, as Deussen rightly remarks, " for richness and warmth of expression surely stands alone in Indian literature, and per haps in the literature of all nations." Here we find also the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and in the closest con nection with it, developed clearly and distinctly for the first time, the ethical doctrine of Karman, action, which, with the unerringness of a law of Nature, must have its consequences. This great doctrine of action, which was later, especially in Buddhism, preached in every street and byway, is still a great mystery in the Upaniads. Artabhga asks Yajnavalkya :
1}

" ' Yajnavalkya, said he, w h e n after the death of this m a n here his voice his enters i n t o into t h e fire, his breath into t h e wind, his s i g h t i n t o t h e s u n , his organ of t h o u g h t into t h e m o o n , his hearing into the quarters of heaven, body t h e earth, his soul ( t m a n ) into t h e ether, the hairs of his b o d y into t h e herbs, t h e hairs of his head into t h e trees, a n d his blood a n d seed are laid d o w n in t h e w a t e r , w h e r e t h e n is this m a n ? ' ' T a k e m e b y t h e hand, m y dear one ! said Y a j n a v a l k y a . know spoke; of this ; l e t t h i s it was Action discussion they ' A r t a b h g a , let us t w o o n l y And the they good of w h i c h of ours n o t be in public. praised.
2 )

t w o w e n t o u t a n d discussed t o g e t h e r ; a n d i t was Action which Verily, t h r o u g h g o o d action, bad t h r o u g h bad action.'

he becomes

This doctrine is then treated in a more detailed manner along with the magnificent description of the departure of t h e soul out of t h e body. I t says there :
" T h e point of h i s heart b e g i n s to s h i n e , a n d b y this l i g h t departs, be it o u t of t h e eye parts of t h e body. (pra) cognitive Just as follows him ; all t h e vital t h e actions, a organs, A n d while or o u t of t h e head, he is departing also follows the d e p a r t i n g the tman other of life depart or o u t of t h e breath breath of them. life

a n d behind

t h e consciousness of

B u t he, t h e

one ( t h e t m a n ) t h e experiences grassleech, *

3

is e n d o w e d with when it has

cognition. Knowledge and a t the end of a

t h e former life, remain a t t a c h e d t o h i m . arrived

) Sechzig Upanishads, p. 4 6 3 .
2

) B rhadSrayakaUp., I I I . 2, 13 f. ) See Barua PreB uddhistio Indian Philosophy, p. 175,

VEDIC

LITERATURE

259

blade of grass, m a k i n g b o d y and has rid himself another b o d y ) , draws

another start of

(for another b l a d e ) , draws itself he has stripped off the Just and man, that a As he evil one.

t o g e t h e r towards (this blade), so himself

man, when

n o n k n o w l e d g e , m a k i n g another start (for t o g e t h e r towards ( t h a t other b o d y ) . a piece of himself of embroidery,

as a n embroideress undoes a s m a l l portion of w h e n he has stripped off his body and has of

o u t of it creates a different, quite n e w and more beautiful d e s i g n , so rid creates for himself a different, quite n e w and more beautiful Prajpati, of a g o d or of a m a n , or that of some other b e i n g a g a i n as a g o o d one, he who has done evil, is born again i t is said : ' M a n here is formed to his desire is his destiny. > resolve, and to t h e action, and according entirely out to of as an form,

nonknowledge,

t h e spirit of an ancestor or of a Gandharva, of a B r a h m a n or of

has acted, as he has lived, so he becomes ; he who has done g o o d , is born H e becomes good t h r o u g h good action, bad t h r o u g h bad action. desire, and he action of the according his resolve Therefore according perform* is his

the

performance

I n consequence of this doctrine of Karman the moral element plays a far greater part in the Upanisads than in the Brhmaas. Moreover, we should not ignore the fact that the metaphysical doctrine of the Atman for whose sake we love our fellowcreatures involves a deep ethical idea : as it is in reality the universal soul which we love in each individual, love for all creatures wells u p from the recogni tion of the tman. However, in the Upanisads, too, there is not much room left for actual moral teaching. C omparatively rarely do we meet with moral precepts, such as for example in the TaittiryaUpaniad (1,11) the teacher gives the scholar who is departing on his life's journey :
2) 3)

" S p e a k the t r u t h , do t h y d u t y , n e g l e c t not t h e s t u d y of After thou hast b r o u g h t t h y teacher the agreeable g i f t (after of the period of training) see t h a t t h e thread
) B fhadrayakaUp., IV, 4, 25. *) See above, pp. 249 f.
3

the

Veda. break

completion

of t h y race does not

) On t h e ethics of the Upani*ads, s. Bume

The Thirteen Principal

Upanishads, Indian

pp. 58 ff. John Mackenzie, Hindu Ethics, London, 1922, pp. 67 ff. ; S. Badhakrishnan, Philosophy, I. pp. 207 ff.

260
off

INDIAN LITERATURE
N e g l e c t n o t t h e ceremonies for the g o d s a n d F a t h e r s . be t o A god thy

b e to thee t h y mother, a g o d be t o t h e e t h y father, a g o d teacher, a god be to thee t h e guest, and so on.

thee

There is another passage referring to ethics which we find in the BhadrayakaUpaniad (V, 2) which is more interest ing and much more Upanisadlike than these moral precepts:
" Three k i n d s of s o n s of Prajpati, t h e g o d s , h u m a n d e m o n s , sojourned with their father Prajpati as pupils.
1 i

b e i n g s , and

the

A f t e r the g o d s O master ! ' (restrain the human ' We 'Yes, us 'rfa you

had sojourned there as p u p i l s , t h e y said : A n d he uttered t h e syllable yourselves). beings said to t h e same ' Yes, said him:
i

Tell us s o m e t h i n g ,

' da ' and said : he ; ' y o u

D i d y o u understand t h a t ? t o u s dmyata it. Then

' W e understood it, t h e y said : ' thou didst say 'Tell

9

understood you to

us s o m e t h i n g , O master ! A n d he uttered said : ' D i d didst say Then the understand t h a t ? us: said datta (give). syllable said he,'

syllable

da

and

understood it, t h e y said, ' thou said he, ' y o u understood it. s o m e t h i n g , O master ! and said: 'Did it. 'thou didst say t o
9

demons

t o him : ' Tell

A n d he uttered to t h e m the s a m e ' W e understood 'Yes, (have p i t y ) . datta,

y o u understand t h a t ? us ' dayadhvam

it, t h e y said,

understood

A n d it is just this which yonder divine voice, t h e thunder, dayadhvam. Therefore

proclaims : dadada, t h a t means d m y a t a ,

shall he learn t h e s e three t h i n g s : selfrestraint, g e n e i o s i t y and pity.

I t is easy enough to see why we meet but seldom with such ethical doctrines in the Upaniads. According to the doctrine of the Upaniads the highest object to be aimed at is union with the Brahman, and this union can be attained only by giving up nonknowledge, by C ognition. Only he who has recognised the oneness of the soul with the Divine will obtain deliverance, i.e., complete union with the Brahman. B u t in order t o attain this highest object it is necessary to give up all works, good as well as bad. For sacrifices and pious works only lead to new rebirths, knowledge alone leads from this maze to the One and Eternally True. " As no water remains attached to the leaf of the lotus blossom, so no bad deea remains attached to him who knows t h i s . "
1}

) OhAndogya.Up. 1V 14, 3. C f. KautakiUp. I. 4 j l i t , 8

VEDIC L TERATURE I

261

Already in the Brhmatjas and rayakas there is repeated mention of the advantages which accrue to him who knows some secret doctrine or other of sacrificial science," who knows this." Nothing is more characteristic of the Upanisads, however, than the everrecurring promise of happiness and blessedness, of earthly possessions and heavenly joys as a reward for him " who knows this." The idea that knowledge is not only power, but the highest object to be aimed at, is traceable throughout all the Upaniads. Not only Indra serves Prajpati for 10 i years as a pupil, but it is also often reported t h a t human beings serve a teacher for years as pupils in order to receive from him the transmission of some know ledge or other. Kings are prepared to present thousands of cows and piles of gold to the Brahman who can proclaim to them the doctrine of the true Atman or Brahman. But Brahmans also humble themselves before kings, rich people before beggars, when these, as is not seldom the case, are in possession of higher wisdom. This yearning for knowledge has found its most touching expression in the beautiful poem of Naciketas, which we find in the KthakaUpaniad. The youth Naciketas has descended into the lower world and the god of death has vouchsafed him three wishes. Naci ketas wishes, firstly, that he may return alive to his father, secondly he wishes for heavenly bliss. W h e p he is to express his third wish he says :
1)

" T h i s d o u b t t h a t there i s in regard to a m a n deceased : ' H e exists, say s o m e ; * H e e x i s t s not, s a y o t h e r s * T h i s would I k n o w , instructed b y thee ! O f the boons t h i s is boon t h e third.

Thereupon Yama replies that this question of what hap pens to man after death, is so difficult to investigate that even the gods were once in doubt about it, and he begs the youth to give u p his wish.
x

) C f. above pp. 227 ff.

262

INDIAN L TERATURE I
" Choose centenarian sons and g r a n d s o n s , M a n y cattle, elephants, g o l d and horses. Choose a g r e a t abode of earth. A n d t h y s e l f live as m a n y a u t u m n s as thou desirest. T h i s , if thou t h i n k e s t an equal boon, C h o o s e w e a l t h and l o n g life ! A g r e a t one o n earth, O N a e i k e t a s , be t h o u . T h e enjoyer of t h y desires I m a k e t h e e . Whateer desires are hard t o g e t in mortal w o r l d For all desires at pleasure m a k e request. T h e s e lovely maidens w i t h chariots, w i t h l y r e s S u c h ( m a i d e n s ) , indeed, are not obtainable b y m e n B y t h e s e , from m e b e s t o w e d , be w a i t e d on ! O N a c i k e t a s , question m e not r e g a r d i n g d y i n g (maraa) !

Naciketas, however, will not be deterred from his wish by these promises of earthly possessions :
" Ephemeral things ! T h a t w h i c h is a mortal's, O E n d m a k e r , E v e n t h e v i g o r (tejas) of all t h e powers, t h e y wear a w a y . E v e n a w h o l e life is slightfindeed. T h i n e be the vehicles (vha) ! T h i n e be the d a n c e and s o n g ! N o t w i t h w e a l t h is a m a n to be satisfied. S h a l l we t a k e w e a l t h , if we have seen t h e e ? S h a l l w e live so l o n g as t h o u shalt rule ? T h i s , in t r u t h , is t h e boon to be chosen by m e T h i s t h i n g whereon t h e y doubt, O D e a t h : W h a t there is in t h e great passingontell us t h a t ! T h i s boon, t h a t has entered into the h i d d e n N o other t h a n t h a t does N a c i k e t a s choose.

Then Yama, the god of death, praises Naciketas for hav ing chosen knowledge and not pleasures, and at last imparts to him the doctrine of the immortality of the tman.* B u t how this high esteem of knowledge leads not only to the disregard of earthly pleasures, b u t to contempt of the
) The above verses (Kh.Up., I, 20, 2325, 26, 27, 29) are given in the translation of Hume, Thirteen Principal Upanishads, pp. 344 f. A fine poetical, but Very free transla tion of the legend is given by J. Muir Metrical Translations from Sanskrit Writers, |>p. 5 4 ff.

VEDIC LITERATURE
1

263

world altogether, ) is shown us by another Upanisad, in which for the first time that pessimistic trait of Indian thought appears, which we will meet with again and again in the later Indian literature. There we read :
2 )

" A k i n g named B hadratha, after h a v i n g installed his eldest son on the throne, went sun. thinking into that his body is noneternal, turned to renunciation and There he g a v e himself up t o the severest and gazing into t h e upwards forth the forest.

mortification, s t a n d i n g w i t h arms stretched the t m a n k n o w i n g , venerable k y a n y a . a wish ! thus spake he to the king. said : ' O venerable one !

After one thousand days had elapsed there approached him ' Stand u p , stand up and chooee tman. Thou know (The
(

H e made his obeisance to h i m and thou explain this to us ! into the words :)

I a m not c o g n i z a n t of the him from king

est his nature, as we have heard ; m a y e s t B r a h m a n desires to dissuade for s o m e t h i n g else. venerable one ! Then In t h i s the

this wish and i n v i t e s him to wish forth O body, composed of bones, In

bursts

e v i l s m e l l i n g , pithless flesh,

skin, s i n e w s , marrow,

seed, blood, m u c u s , tears, g u m of t h e ey es, pleasure ! to that and that also cowardice, which such this such then also down

faeces, urine, bile and p h l e g m , h o w can one possibly enjoy e n v y , separation from t h a t is not whole beloved, can world like,how like, these g o d s and these! of the which is age, like beloved, death, pleasure ! these attachment disease, We flies, see

this body burdened w i t h passion, anger, desire, delusion, fear, hunger, thirst, one possibly trees, who trouble

enjoy

is transitory, j u s t

mosquitoes, and (There

herbs and demigods,

which rise and again decay.

follows an enumeration of a n c i e n t k i n g s and heroes w h o had t o perish, all fall v i c t i m s to annihilation.) There are y e t other t h i n g s , d r y i n g u p of great seas, f a l l i n g mountains, happen, feel s w a y i n g of the Pole Star,

' B u t w h a t of

s i n k i n g of t h e ^arth the which rescue such me! W h e n even he who Thou, O

fall of t h e g o d s from their p l a c e , i n the course of a world in things For I how indeed can one enjoy pleasure ! and again! is satiated with it, m u s t return again venerable one, art our refuge, Therefore

in this w o r l d c j c l e like t h e frog in a waterless well.

I t is noteworthy, however, that this passage, to which numerous parallels may be found in the Buddhist as well as
) C f. P. Regnaud, pp. 101 ff )
2

Le Pessimisme B rahmanique (Annales du Muse Guimet, t. I,

) MaitryanaUp , I. 24,

264

INDIAN

LITERATURE

in the later Sanskrit literature, belongs to one of the latest Upanisads. For the MaitryanaUpaniad is, in language and style, nearer to the classical Sanskrit literature than to the Veda and is decidedly postBuddhist. The old Vedic Upanisads contain but the germs of pessimism in the doctrine of the nonreality of the world. Only the Brahman is real, and this is the tman, the soul, " which passes beyond hunger and thirst, sorrow and delusion, old age and death. " That which is different from it is full of suffering."ato'nyad rtam. But " t h a t which is different from it, does not exist at all in reality, and therefore also the suffering and misery of the world are not real. The knowing one, who has comprehended the doctrine of the Unity, knows no fear, no pain. " H e who knows the joy of the Brahman, for him there is no fear. " W h e r e is delusion, where sorrow, for him who knows the Unity ? Joy (nanda) is a name of the Brahman. " C onsisting of joy (nandamaya) is the tman. And like a song of triumph of optimism sound the words of a n U p a n i ^ d : Joy is the Brahman. For truly, out of joy arise all these beings, by joy they live after they have arisen, and when they pass away they are again absorbed into joy.' Thus the doctrine of the Upaniads is at bottom not pessimistic. C ertainly it is only a small step from the belief in the nonreality of the world to contempt of the world. The more extravagantly the joy of the Brahman was praised, the vainer, the more worthless did earthly existence appear.* Therefore, after all, the pessimism of later Indian philosophy has its roots in the Upanisads. In fact the whole of the later philosophy of the Indians is rooted in the Upanisads. Their doctrines formed the
1) 3) s,

) MaitrUp., V I I . 8 f., contains distinct allusions to the B uddhists as heretics. the style of t h e MaitrayanyaUpanisad, Prla, p. 83.
9

On

se

Oldenberg, Zur Geschichte der altindischen

) B hadfirayakaUp, I I I . 5.

>) TaittiriyaUp., II. 9. I l l , f 6 ; Up., 7. *) C f. M. F. Kecker, Schopenhauer und die indische Philosophie, pp. 116130,

VEDIC LITERATURE

265

foundation for the VedniaStras of Bdaryana, a w ork of which a later w r i t e r says : " This textbook is the chief of all the textbooks. All other textbooks serve only as its complement. Therefore all who aim at deliverance, shall exalt it. The theologicalphilosophical systems of ankara and of Rmnuja, whose adherents at the present day are still counted by millions, are built upon this textbook. More over, all other philosophical systems and religions which have arisen in the course of the centuries, the heretical Buddhism no less than the orthodox Brahmanical religion of the post Buddhist period, have sprung forth from the soil of the Upanisad doctrines. On the other hand it proved fatal for the development of Indian philosophy that the Upanisads should have been pronounced to be " revelations," and sacred texts ; for in the Upaniads we still find vigorous, independent, creative philo sophical thought, which grew rarer and rarer in the later development of Indian philosophy for the very reason that progress was not only hindered at every step by the fetters of the dogmatism of the schoolswhich is the case in other lands as well as in Indiabut still more by the orthodox belief that every word of an (Jpaniad must be regarded as divine truth. However, it was not the belief in their divine revelation which gave these philosophical poems (there is hardly a better name for them) such enormous power over the minds of men : for even the silliest hymns and the most stupid Brhmaa passages were regarded as uttered by the deity : but it was rather the circumstance that, arrayed in the language of poetry, they appealed just as much to the heart as to the intellect. And it is not because, as Schopenhauer asserts, they present the " fruit of the highest human knowledge and
1}

) Madhus5dana Sarasvati

in his Prasthnabheda.

34

266
5

INDIAN L TERATURE I

wisdom, and contain "almost superhuman conceptions," " whose originators can hardly be regarded as mere men " that across the space of thousands of years the Upaniads still have much to tell us also ; not because, as Deussen thinks, these thinkers have obtained, " if not the most scienti fic, yet still the most intimate and immediate light upon the last secret of existence," and because (with which Deussen seeks to justify the belief of the Indians in revelation) in the Upanisads " t h e r e are philosophical conceptions unequalled in India or' perhaps anywhere else in the world." No, it is because these old thinkers wrestle so earnestly for the truth, because in their philosophical poems the eternally unsatisfied human yearning for knowledge has been expressed so fervently. The Upanisads do not contain " superhuman conceptions," but human, absolutely human attempts to come nearer to the truthand it is this which makes them so valuable to us. For the historian, however, who pursues the history of human thought, the Upaniads have a yet far greater signi ficance. From the mystical doctrines of the Upaniads one current of thought may be traced to the mysticism of the Persian Sufism to the mystictheosophical logosdoctrine of the NeoPlatonics and the Alexandrian C hristians down to the teachings of the C hristian mystics Eckhart and Tauler and finally to the philosophy of the great German mystic of the nineteenth century, Schopenhauer.* W h a t Schopenhauer owed to the I n d i a n s he has himself told us often enough. H e himself calls Plato, Kant and " the Vedas " (by which Schopenhauer always means the Upanisads) his teachers. I n his manuscript written for University lectures he wrote: " T h e results of that which I intend to present to you, agree
1 } 2)

Becker, loc. cit., p. 7. ) Deussen, S y s t e m des Vedanta, pp. 50, 99 . What exaggerations !

*) On Schopenhauer as a mystic, see Becker, loc. cit., pp. 86 f.

VEDIC LITERATURE

267

with the oldest of all views of life, namely, the Vedas." He calls the opening up of Sanskrit literature " the greatest gift of our century," and prophesies that Indian pantheism might become the popular belief in the Occident also. The agree ment of his own system with that of the Upanisads appears to him absolutely marvellous, and he tells us " that each of the separate and detached sayings which constitute the Upa nisads might be taken as a conclusion from the idea communi cated by himself, although on the other hand the same is by no means to be found there already. I t is well known that the Oupnek'hat used to lie open on his table and that before retiring to rest he performed his " devotions" in it. And he says of this book : " I t is the most satisfying and elevating reading (with the exception of the original text) which is possible in the world ; it has been the solace of my life and will be the solace of my d e a t h . " The fundamental doctrine of the Upaniads, however, is the same which, according to Schopenhauer, " was at all times the ridicule of fools and the endless meditation of sages," namely, the doctrine of JJnity^ i.e. the doctrine " t h a t all plurality is only apparent, that in all the individuals of this world, in whatever endless number they may present themselves after and beside one another, yet only one and the same, truly existing Being, present and identical in them all, manifests itself." And if Ludwig Stein, who once said : " The philosophy of the present is Monism, that is the interpretation of all that happens in the universe," as one u n i t y is right, then this " philosophy of the present" was already the philosophy of the ancient Indians three thousand years ago.
1} 2) 3)

) Parerga und Paralipomena, published by J. Frauenstdt, Becker, loc. cit., pp, 6 ff.
3

II, p. 427.

185)

Schopenhauer,

Grundlage der Moral. 22 (Works, publ. by J Frauenstdt, IV,

pp. 268 ff.). *) Supplement to the " Neue Freie Presse," July 10th 1904.

268

INDIAN LITERATURE

TflE VEDGAS.

I n one of the Upanisads we are told that there are two kinds of knowledge, a higher and a lower. The higher is that which teaches us to know the imperishable Brahman, but the lower consists of " gveda Yajurveda, Smaveda, Atharvaveda, phonetics, ritual, grammar, etymology, metrics and astronomy. This is the oldest enumeration of t h e socalled six Vedgas, i.e. the six " l i m b s " or supplementary sciences of the Veda. Originally this meant neither special books nor special schools, b u t only subjects of instruc tion, which had to be learned in the Vedic schools themselves, in order to understand t h e Vedic texts. The beginnings of the Vedgas may therefore already be sought in the Brhmaas and Arayakas, where along with the explanations of the sacrificial ritual we also occasionally find discussions on matters of phonetics, grammar, etymology, metrics and astronomy. I n the course of time, however, these subjects were treated more and more systematically, and separate special schools, though still within the Vedic schools, arose for each of the six supplementary sciences of the Veda. These then evolved special school texts, " m a n u a l s , " the S u t r a s , composed in a peculiar prose style intended for memorization. The word stra originally means " thread," then a " short rule," a precept condensed into a few words. As a fabric is made out of several threads (thus the transition of meaning might be explained), so a system of instruction is woven
l) 2) 3)

) MuakaUp., I, l. 5 : gvedo yajurveda s5mavedo 'tharvavedal vykaraarn nirukta chando jyoti?am. ||

2

iki kalpc

C f. above p. 56, and Ludwig, Der Rigveda, I I I , pp. 74 ff. originally signifies " web," then a s y s t e m of instruc I n Chinese, too, t h e word " king " means " originally tht

) Similarly, t h e word tantra

tion, a literary work, a book.

warp of a texture, then standard, canon, and finally, in a metaphorical sense, any book w h i c h is considered as a rule or canon," s. W. Grube, Geschichte der chinesischen Litteratur, Leipzig, 1902, p. 31.

VEDIC LITERATURE

269

together out of these short precepts. A larger work consist ing of a number of such stras strung together is then also called Sutras These works serve a purely practical purpose. They are to present some science systematically in concise brevity, so t h a t the pupil can easily commit it to memory. There is probably nothing like these stras of the Indians in the entire literature of the world. I t is the task of the author of such a work to say as much as possible in as few words as possible, even at the expense of clearness and intelligibility. The saying of the grammarian Patajali has often been quoted that the author of a stra rejoices as much over the saving of half a short vowel as over the birth of a son. An idea of the unique stra style, the aphoristic prose of these works, can only be given by means of examples. The words in brackets in the two following passages in our translation must be supplemented in order to make the sense of the detached words intelligible :

pastambyaD/iarmasutra I , l, I , 48 :
Stra 4 : (There are) four dras. STUra 5 : Stra 6 : O f these t h e preceding one (is) a l w a y s better, according to birth (than e v e r y succeeding o n e ) . F o r ( t h e m w h o are) n o t dras a n d have n o t c o m m i t t e d bad Vedastudy, fire (in this world actions, (is prescribed :) initiation as a pupil, and t h e n e x t ) . Stra 7 : Stra 8 : Obedience towards t h e other castes (is t h e d u t y ) of t h e dras. W i t h each preceding caste which he serves t h e bliss is greater (i.e. the h i g h e r t h e caste which a dra serves, t h e greater is t h e bliss w h i c h shall fall t o his share in t h e n e x t world). castes : B r a h m a n s , Katriyas, Vaiyas a n d

l a y i n g ; a n d (these sacred) acts (are) productive

) Compare the word br5hmana,

which originally means "dictum

of a t h e o l o g i a n " upamfad,

and is then used collectively for t h e collections of such doctrines. ( S e e above pp. 187 f. and 243 f )

dicta, and the word

w h i c h signifies first a secret doctrine, then later means a larger work, a collection of secret

570

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Gobkila~ Grhyastra, I , 5 , 15; 89.

Sutra 1 : N o w at t h e n e w and full are t o be performed) : Stra 2 : Stra 3 : Sutra 4 : Stra 5 : On t h e day of the full moon ( w h e n t h e moon rises) a t ( t h e t i m e of t h e e v e n i n g ) t w i l i g h t he shall fast. S o m e (teachers s a y ) ; on t h e f o l l o w i n g (day, i.e. when t h e moon rises shortly after s u n s e t , he shall f a s t ) . Furthermore ( h e shall fast) on t h e d a y on w h i c h A t t h e end of t h e h a l f m o n t h s one shall fast, of t h e h a l f m o n t h s o n e shall sacrifice t h e d a y oi t h e full m o o n ) . Sutra 8 : B u t the day on w h i c h t h e moon is n o t seen, day of t h e n e w m o o n (i.e. is to be celebrated new m o o n ) . Stra 9 : E v e n if (the m o o n ) is seen only (this d a y can be celebrated (a little) once (in the day), as the d a y of t h e n e w moon ; for shall be made t h e as t h e d a y of t h e the m o o n is not seen, (regarding) this d a y a s t h e d a y of t h e new moon. at the beginning or on (i.e. a d a y of f a s t i n g shall moon (i.e. on t h e d a y of the n e w ceremonies moon a n d on t h e d a y of the full m o o n the f o l l o w i n g

a l w a y s precede the sacrifices on t h e d a y of t h e n e w moon

t h e n one says) t h a t ( t h e m o o n has already) c o m p l e t e d her course.

The Sanskrittext, in the above, contains only the un bracketed words. The pupil memorised only these aphoristic sentences receiving the necessary explanations from the teacher. I n later times these explanations by the teachers were also written down, and we have them in the extensive commen taries on all the stratexts, without which the stras would mostly be unintelligible to us. This peculiar stra style originated in the prose of the Brhmaas. This prose of the Brhmaas consists almost exclusively of short sentences ; indirect speech is entirely absent ; the sequence of principal sentences is b u t rarely interrupted by a relative or conditional clause, and its monotony is only relieved to some extent by participial constructions. Furthermore, in spite of a certain prolixity showing itself especially in awk ward repetitions, much that is taken as a matter of course in oral presentation and instruction, remains unsaid, while we

VEDIC

LITERATURE
1}

271

have to complete it in our translations. Prose of this nature could easily, by more and more exaggerated simplifi cation, be turned into such lapidary, detached sentences, connected only by the most essential particles, as we find in the stras. For the purpose of the greater saving of syllables and still shorter summarising only one new element was introduced: the formation of long compound words, with which we meet for the first time in the Stras, and which then became particularly characteristic of the classical Sanskrit literature and gained ever greater ascendancy at later periods. The frequent quotations from the Brhmaas in the oldest Stratexts, and even when there is no direct quotation, the many Brhmaalike passages in the midst of the S u t r a s make it apparent that the strastyle was developed from the piose of the Brhmaas.
2)

THE

LITERATURE

OF

RITUAL.

The oldest Stra works are indeed those which even in contents are directly connected with the Brhmaas and Arayakas. The AitareyaArayaka actually contains passages which are nothing but Sutras, and which tradition itself ascribes to the composers of Sutras, valyana and aunaka, and designates as nonrevealed. Smaveda literature, too, comprises a few works erroneously termed " Brhmaas," which in reality are Sutras, and on the grounds of their contents must be included in the Vedga. literature. Ritual (Kalpa), which constitutes the chief contents of the
3)
1

) See ab ve p 203, Note I. ) Thus certain sections of the a k h y a n a r u t a s t r a HIL, p. 54. Hillebrandt are similar in style and in the preface to his edition

character to the B rhmaas (Weber, of the khyanaSrautastra).

In the B audhyanaKalpastra, too, there are numerous The rautastras were not however, written ber

passages which read just like B rhmaas.

on the basis of the B rahmans, but on that of a long oral tradition ; s. R. Lbbecke das Verhltnis der B rhmaas und rautastren Diss., Leipzig, 1908.
8

) C f. Max Mller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 314 f., 339.

272

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Brhmaas, is then the first Vedga to receive systematic treatment in special manuals, the socalled K a l p a s t r a s . They arose out of the need for compiling the rules for the sacrificial ritual in a shorter, more manageable and connected form for the practical purposes of the priests. Kalpastras dealing with the rautasacrifices taught in the Brhmaas are called rautastras, and those dealing with the domestic ceremonies and sacrifices of daily life, the Ghyarites, are called Ghyastras.) The rautastras thus contain directions for the laying of the three sacred sacrificial fires, for the firesacrifice (Agnihotra), the new and full moon sacrifices, ) the sacri fices of the seasons, the animal sacrifice and especially for the somasacrifice with its numerous variations.) They are our most important source for the understanding of the Indian sacrificecult, and their significance as sources for the history of religion cannot be estimated highly enough.) The contents of the Ghyastras are still more manifold, and in some respects more interesting. They contain direc tions for all usages, ceremonies and sacrifices by virtue of which the life of the Indian receives a higher " sanctity," what the Indians call samskra, from the moment when he is conceived in the womb, till the hour of his death and still further through the deathceremonies and the cult of the soul. W e thus find in these works a large number of genuine ly popular customs and usages treated in detail, which refer
2 3)

) See above, pp, 56 and 160 f.

2

) C f. A. Hillebrandt,

Das altindische Neuund Vollmondsopfer, Jena, 1879. et V. Henry, L'Agnioma, description the ritual itself, in the The

) C f. Julius Schwab, Das altindische Tieropfer, Erlangen, 1886.

*) See above pp. 172 ff., and C f. W. C aland

6

complete de la forme normale du sacrifice de Soma, I, Paris, 1906. ) The entire ritualliterature, besides the chief features of rauta a s well as Ghya ceremonies, has been treated in detail by A. Hillebrandt " Grundriss," I I I . 2 (Rituallitteratur. by H. Hubert and M. Mauss

Vedische Opfer und Zauber, Strassburg 1897).

significance of the rautasutras in the general science of religion w a s first fully appreciated in their " Essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice," (Anne Sociologique, Paris, 18971898, pp. 29138.)

VEDIC LITERATURE

273

to conception, birth, the mother and the newborn child, the namegiving, the first outing and the first feeding of the child ; we find exact directions for the shaving of the boys head, the introduction of the pupil to the teacher (Upanayana or " initiation of the pupil " ) , the mode of life of the Brahma crin or Vedastudent, the relationship between pupil and teacher, and the dismissal of the pupil from t h e service of the teacher. The customs at wooing, betrothal and marriage are presented in an especially detailed manner. Here in the Ghyastras, too, the " five great sacrifices " already mentioned in the atapathaBrhmaa ( X I , 5, 6) are minutely described. " These are indeed great sacrificial feasts," it is said emphatic ally in the Brhmaa, and they are called " great sacrifices " because their performance is among the most important reli gious duties of every head of a household, although in reality they consist only of small gifts and a few simple ceremonies. These are the daily sacrifices to the gods, demons and fathers, which need only consist of the pious laying of a log of wood upon the sacred fire of the hearth, a few scraps of food, a libation of water, further, hospitality to a guest (designated as "sacrifice t o m a n " ) and fifthly, the daily reading of a section of the Veda, considered as "sacrifice to the Brahman (or the is). The simple even ing and morning offerings, the new and full moon sacrifices, and the annual festivals connected with sacrifices (from which the Agnihotra, Darapramsa and C turmsya sacrifices under the category of the rautasacrifices may have proceeded) are also presented in the Ghyastras. I n addition, such customs and ceremonies are described as refer to house building, cattlebreeding and farming, also those of the magic rites which are to serve for averting diseases and unpropitious omens, as also exorcisms and rites for love magic and such like. Finally the Ghyastras deal also with the funeral customs and the ancestral sacrifice (rddhas), which, how ever, assumed such importance that they were soon treated 35

274

INDIAN LITERATURE
1

with their minutest details, * in special texts (rddha kalpas). Thus, then, these Ghyastras, insignificant though they may be as literary works, afford us a deep insight into the life of the ancient Indians. They are i n truth a real treasure for the ethnologist. One need only remember how laboriously the student of classical antiquity has to collect the reports on the daily life of the ancient Greeks and Romans from the most diversified works. Here in India we have the most reliable reports, we may say reports of eyewitnesses, upon the daily life of the ancient Indians, in the form of rules and precepts in these apparently insignificant stratexts. They are, as it were, the "Folklore Journals" of ancient India. I t is true, they describe the life of the ancient Indian father of the family only from the religious side, but as religion per meated the whole existence of the ancient Indians to such an extent that actually nothing could take place without an attendant religious ceremony, they are for the ethnologist most invaluable sources for the popular customs and usages of that ancient*period. The numerous parallels in the manners and customs of other IndoEuropean peoples, which have been discovered long ago, with the usages described in the Ghya stras make these documents all the more important. I n particular, the comparison of the Greek; Roman, Teutonic and Slavonic marriage customs with the rules contained in the Ghyastras, has shown that the relationship of the Indo European peoples is not limited to language, but that these peoples, related in language, have "also preserved common features <from prehistoric times in their manners and customs.
2)

) In the investigation of funeral customs and ancestorcult based on Indian ritual literature, W. Leyden, 1893. Cf. Winternz, Galand ha? rendered signal service by his works : Uber Totenverehrung Amsterdam, 1888. Altindischer Ahnenkult. 1896. Amsterdam, bei einigen der indogermanischen Vlker.

Die altindisohen Todtenund B estattungsgebruche, Notes on Srddhas, WB KM., 4, 1890, pp. 199 ff.

) C f. E. Haas and A. Weber, Die Heiratsgebruche der alten Inder, nach den Grihyit sntra (in Vol. 5. of " Indische Studien ") ; L, v. Schroeder, Die Hochzeitsgebr8uohe der

VEDIC LITERATURE k

275

No less important is a third class of textbooks, directly connected with the Ghyastras, and probably originating only as a continuation of them, namely the D h a r m a s t r a s , i. e. textbooks which deal with the J)harma. Dharma how ever, signifies "right, duty*, law," as well as "religion, custom, usage." Therefore these works deal with secular as well as religious law, which indeed are inseparable in India. They give rules and regulations for the duties of the castes and the stages of life (ramas). Through these works the Brahmans succeeded in transforming the law of ancient India to their own advantage, and in making their influence felt in all directions. We shall deal with these Dharmastras in detail in the section on legal literature. They are mentioned here only because, like the rauta and Ghyastras, they origin ated in the Vedic schools, and with these form a component part of the Kalpastras or textbooks of ritual. Lastly the u l v a s t r a s , which are directly attached to the rautastras, should be mentioned in connection with these Kalpastras. They contain exact rules for the measure ment (ulva means " measuringstring ") and the building of the place of sacrifice and the firealtars, and as the oldest works on Indian geometry, are of no little importance for the' history of science. The rauta and Ghyastras are also of great importance for the interpretation of the Vedas. They contain not only

Esten und einiger 1889; M. Winternitz, und einigen bei den brigen

anderer

finnischugrischer

Vlkerschaften

in Vergleichung mit denen Jena, pastambyaGfhyastra der kais. Akademie

der indogermanischen Vlker, B erlin, 1888. B . W. Leist, D a s altindische verwandten indogermanischen anderen Werken.

Altarisches Jus gentium.

Hochzeitsrituell nach dem Vlkern. (Denkschriften

Mit Vergleichung der Hochzeitsgobruche

der Wissenschaften in Wien, phil.hist. Kl., Vol. XL. Vienna, 1892) ; M. Wi ternit, ,On a Comparative Study of IndoEurope*n 1892, pp. 267291). 0 . Schrder, Customs, with special reference to the Marriage Altertumskunde, Customs (The International FolkLore Congress, 1891, Papers and Transactions, London, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Strassburg 1901, pp. 353 ff Th Zacharue, X V I I . pp. 135 ff., 211 ff. Zum altindischen Hochzeitsritual, WZKM., Vol.

216

INDIAN

LlTERATTJRE

the rules for the ritual, b u t also for the use (viniyoga) of the Mantras, i.e. of the prayers and formulas. They are mostly verses or Yajusformulas which occur in the Vedic Sahits; and for their correct explanation their use in the sacrificial rites is by no means insignificant. Often enough, indeed, the mantras have nothing to do with the sacrificial acts for which they are prescribed, and it is extremely interesting, from the point of view of the history of religion, to see how often prayers are used for purposes to which they are not at all suited, and how often they have been entirely misunderstood, wrongly interpreted, or even arbitrarily altered.* Some times, however, their ceremonial use does give the key to the explanation of a difficult passage in the Veda. As a rule the mantras are enclosed in the stras and are quoted there, now in their entirety, now only with the commencing words of t h e verses, which are assumed to be familiar. I t is the mantras too, which show most clearly the connexion of the Kalpastras with certain Vedic schools. Thus, for instance, the rauta and Ghyasutras of the Black Yajurveda, give the prayers in the form which they assume in the Sahits of the Black Yajurveda ; and they give only the first words of the verses or Yajusformulas, which are taken literally from the Sahit to which they belong, that is, taking for granted that they are known, while they give other mantras, for instance those out of the gveda or Atharvaveda, in entirety. There are, moreover, in all t h e stras also a number of mantras which do not occur in the Sahits. There are two Ghyasutras in which the mantras are altogether separate from the stra text and are combined in special prayerbooks; these are the M a n t r a b r h m a a ,
2 )

) See Winternitz

The Mantrapha, pp. xxix f. and Edwin W. Fay,

The RigVeda Calcutta by Hans

Mantras in the Ghya Sutras, Diss. Roanoke. Va. 1899. ) Edited, with commentary, by Satyavrata Smarami in the " US" 189O; the first Praphaka with German translation by Heinrich Stnner. Halle a S. 1901 ( D i s s . ) , the second Praphaka, with Syaa's Comm. and German translation, Jrgensen, Darmstadt 1911 (Diss. Kiel),

VEDIC LITERATURE

277

which contains the prayers for the GobhilaGhyastra, and the M a n t r a p t h a, * belonging to the Apastambya Grhyastra. Only in the Black Yajurveda schools of Baudhyana and of Apastamba do we find Kalpastras containing all the four kinds of sutra texts, rauta Ghya Dharma and ulvastras ; and in these cases it can also be proved that these works are indeed so interconnected that, to a certain extent, they can be regarded as the four volumes of a uniform work. I t is possible that Baudhyana and Apastamba were actually the authors of complete Kalpastras comprising all the four kinds of texts. But even if they were not the actual authors, at all events, the rauta Ghya Dharma and ulvastras of the Baudhyana and Apastamba schools are works composed in each case on a uniform plan, of these two schools of the Yajurveda.
1 2)

Closely related to the stras of the Apastamba school are those of the schools of Bhradvja and of Satysdha Hiranyakein. The rautastra of the Bhradvjas is only known in manuscripts, whereas the Ghyastra has been published. * Both the rauta and the Ghyastra * of the
3 4

) The Mantrapha, or the Prayer 3ook of Winternitz. Oxford (Anecdota Oxoniensia) 1897.

the pastambins.

Edited by M.

*) The B audhyanarautasotra has been edited by W. C aland B ibl. Ind., 19041924 ; the B audhyanaGhyastra by L. rimvscharya, Mysore 1904 (B ibliotheca Sanscrita, Amersfoort 1922 j the in the " Pandit, Garbe, G. Thibaut No. 3 2 ) ; selections from the Ghyastra translated by P. Harting, Baudhyanaulvastra has been edited and translated by Vols. I X ff. On the B audhyanaSutras s. C aland

Das rituelle Stra des B audhyana, Gttingen 1921 ;

Leipzig 1903 (AKM, X I I , 1),The pastambyaSrautastra has been edited by R, Bibl. Ind. 1882 1903, and B ooks 1.7 translated into German by W. C aland the ApastambyaGhyastra ed. by M. Winternitz, ApastambaParibhstras, by Oldenberg,

Vienna 1887, and translated, with the Critical and

S E., Vol. 30 ; the Apastambyaulvastra B

ed. and translated into German by Albert Brk, ZDMG., Vols. 55 56 19012

explanatory notes on t h e past. Sraut. by Oaland ZDMG. 72 1918 pp. 27 ff. On the rautasiltras of the B lack Yajurveda s. also A. B . Keith, HOS., Vol. 18 pp. xlii ff. s ) B y Henriette J. W. Salomons, Ley den 191.3. HirayakesiGrhya in SB E., Vol. 30. *) HirayakeSrantastra ed. with Comm. in A n S S No. 5 3 ; stra ed by J. Kirste Vienna 1889, and translated by Oldenberg

278

INDIAN

LTERATUB E

Hirayakeins have been published, whilst the Hirayakesi Dharmastra scarcely differs from the pastambyaDharma stra. All these stras to which we may add those of the hither to less known schools of the Vdhlas and Vaikhnasas, are closely associated with the TaittiryaSahit. There can be no doubt that Baudhyana is the earliest of these stra writers, his successors being Bhradvja, pastamba and Hirayakein in chronological order. The rauta Ghya and ulvastras of the Mnava school, and the K h a k a Ghyastra, which is related to the MnavaGhyastra, come under the MaitrayaSahit. W h e t h e r a Kalpastra embracing all four kinds of stras has always existed in every other Vedic school, as in the cases of the schools of Baudhyana and Apastamba, cannot be determined. Of those schools which do not belong to the Black Yajurveda we actually only possess here a rautastra, and there a Ghyastra, while the connection of a few Dharmastras with schools of the gveda or of the White Yajurveda is but a very loose one. To the White Yajurveda
1) 2) 3) 5 )

) On some fragments of the VdhlaStras, which are related to those of B audh yana s. Galand Acta Orientalia I, pp. 3 ff. ; II, pp. 142 ff,
2

) On the VaikhnasaStras s. Th. Bloch Ober das Ghyaund Dharmastra der The Vaikhnasadharmaprana has been published by Gaapati

Vaikhnasa, Leipzig 1896.

3

Sstr in T S S . N o . 28, 1913. ) This is also confirmed by B audhyana's style, w h i c h is sometimes intermediate and is the term for a literary type which forms a transitory stage WZKM 17, 1903, pp. 289 ff. F. Knauer, SI. Petersburg 19OO b e t w e e n B rhmaa and Stra style. B andhyana is sometimes called a pravacanakara, it seems that pravacana
4

between B rhmaas and 8tras ; s. Winternitz,

) Mnavarautastra, B ooks IV edited by by F. Knauer,

ff.; the Cayana of the Mnavarautastra by J. M. van Gelder, Leyden 1921 ( D i s s . ) ; the ManavaGhyastra St. Petersburg 1897. The Mnavarautastra is On t h e Mnava (ed. by R. Sama perhaps the oldest rautastra. Garbe (pastamba rauta Stra Ed., Vol. I I I , pp xxii The Vrahaghyastra

I.) has shown that it is certainly older than pastamba who refers to it. Ghyastra s. also P. v. Bradke ZDMG , Vol. 36. Maitryaya, is a late work,
5

Sastry Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. 18, B aroda 1921), belonging to a school of the ) An edition of the KhakaGhyastra hy W. C aland is announced as being in

the press by the D . A. V . College, Lahore.

VEDIC

LITERATURE
1 }

279

belong: a K a t y y a n a r a u t a s u t r a , a Praskara Ghyastra and a K t y y a n a u l v a s t r a , to the gveda aii As v a l y a n a r a u t a s t r a , and A v a l y a n a Ghyastra a rautastra and a Ghyastra of a k h yana; to the Smaveda the closely related rautastras of L y y a n a ^ and Drhyyaa, a rautastra and a GhyasHtra of the J a i m i n y a school, * and the Ghyastras of Gobhila * and Khdira. * Smaveda literature also includes the A r e y a k a l p a , also known as the Maakakalpastra, * which teaches which melodies are to be sung to the various stanzas at the soma festivals.
2 ) 3 ) 4 ) 5 ) 6 ) 8 ) 9 10 11 12

) Ed. by A . Weber, The White Yajurveda, Vol. III. ) Ed. w i t h a German tianslation by A. F. Stenzler, Indische Hausregeln, AKM. Sarman B ombay 1890; trans G Thibaut in " Pandit," L'Agnish

VI, 2 and 4 / 1 8 7 6 7 8 ; with Harihara's comm. by Ldhram lated by H. Oldenberg, S B E . , Vol. 29.
3

) A Parisia to this ( K t i y a m Sulbapariiam) ed, by

N.S., Vol. 4. *) Edition in B ibl. Ind. C f. Keith, HOS., Vol. 25, pp. 51 ff.; P. Sabbathier, oma d'aprs le rautastra d'Acvalyana, JA. 15, 1890, 1 ff., 186 ff.
5

) Ed. w i t h commentary of Grgya Nryaa in B ibl. Ind 1869; Indische Hausiegeln, AKM, I I I . 4, 1864 and IV, S B E., Vol. 29. ed. by A HiUebrandt

with commentary into

of Haradattcrya, by Qanapati A. F. Stenzler,

6

SUr in T S S . No. 78, 1923 ; witl German translation by 1, 1 8 6 5 ; translated 1888

E n g l i s h by H. Oldenberg,

) ankhyanarautastra

in B ibl. Ind.

ff. C f.

Kh, JRAS. 1907, pp. 410 ff. anu H OS., Vol. 25, pp. 50 f. khyanaGhyastra, Sanskrit and German by H. Oldenberg, Ind. Stud , Vol 15 ; English translation by the same scholar, SBE., Vol. 29 SmkhyyanegrihyasanigraLa by Pandita Vasudeva ed. by Somanthop by Ratna ZII., dhyfiya, Nyyopdhyya and Kvyatrtba, Gopia Bhuita B enSS. 1908.
7

and Kaushtakigrihyastras ed.

) Edition in B ibl. Ind. ) Ed. by J. N. Reuter,

A few chapters translated into German by R. Simon, Fart I, London 1904. van het vedische ritueel,

Vol. 2, 1923, pp. 1 ff.

8 9

) D, Qaastra, B ijdrage tot de Kennis i b . pp. 3660.

Jaiminyarauta

stra, Leyden 6rautakffrikfl,

1 0

1906, being text and translation of the Agnioma chapter ; text of the The Jaiminighyastra ed. and translated by W. C aland 2nd Ed., in B ibl. Ind., 1906 Dorpat 1884, 1886.

Lahore 1922 (Punjab Sanskrit Sories No. 2). ) Ed. with Comm. by Chandrakanta Tarkalanlcar, B E., Vol. 30. Maaka is the name of the 1908. Critically edited, with German translation, by F. Knauer,
1

Translated into English b y H. Oldenberg, ) Ed. by W. C alan)

) Text and English translation by t. Oldenberg in S B E . , Vol. 29, A S M. X'II. 8, Leipzig 1908.

VtJthr.

v% . ^

280

INDIAN LITERATURE

This stra is intimately connected with the Pacavia Brhmaa and is earlier than the Lyyanarautastra. Lastly, among Atharvaveda literature we have a Vaitna rautastra, a work which originated very late, and which was added to the Atharvaveda in order to make it of equal value with the remaining three Vedas and the much older and more important K a u i k a s t r a . This is only partly a Ghyastra, which, like the other Ghyastras, treats of domestic ritual ; but it is much more extensive and also contains the most minute directions for the performance of those magic rites for which the songs and spells of the Athar vaveda were used. This Kauikastra is thus a most valuable complement to the AtharvavedaSahita and an inestimable source for our knowledge of ancient Indian magic. The SmavidhnaBrhmana, too, attached to the Sma veda is an interesting book of magic, belonging, in spite of its title, to the Stra literature. The Ghyastras are followed up by the S r d d h a kalpas and P i r m e d h a s t r a s , which contain rules for the rddhas and the ancestral sacrifices. Some of these texts may be classed in the categories of the ritual texts of the Vedic schools after which they are named, whilst others are later productions.* The stra texts,
1 } 2 ) 3 )

) Edited and translated into German by R. arbe, London position of the

2

and Strassburg

1878; On the

the translation is superseded by that of W. C aland Amsterdam (Akad.) 1910. Vaitnastra in the Atharvaveda literature s. C aland GGA. 1912, No. I. Numerous extracts N e w Haven 1890, 185 ff; Keith, JRAS. 1910, 934 ff.j Bloomfield, ) Edited by M. Bloomfield,

WZKM. 18, 1904, from this

Stra have been given by the same soholar in the N o t e s to his English translation of selected h y m n s of the Atharvaveda ( S B E . , Vol. 42). Kausikastra referring to magic, have also been
3

The most important sections of the translated into German by W. C aland Konow,

in his work : Altindisches Zauberritual, Amsterdam, 19OO. ) Edited by A. C Burnell, ) Mnavasrddhakalpa London 1873. by Translated into German by Sten Das Smavidhnabrhmana, ein altindisches Handbuch der Zauberei, Halle a.S. 1893.
4

ed.

W. C aland,

Altindischer Ahnencult, pp. 228 ff., of a Paippaldarfiddhakalpa, Volg.

rddhakalpa of the Saunakins, ib. pp. 240 ff., fragments

ib. pp. 243 ff.. Ktyyanasrddhakalpa, ib. pp. 245 ff. On the Gautamarddhakalpa s. aland in B ijdragen tot de taal land en volkenkunde van Ned. Indi, 6e

deel

I,

VEDIC LITERATURE

281

however, do not exhaust the literature on ritual by any means. Just as the Upaniads of the Veda are followed up by the postVedic Upaniad literature, so the Vedic ritual literature is followed up by literary activity in the realm of ritual, which has continued down to the most recent times. Next after the rauta and Ghyastras follow the P a r i s i t a s or " addenda," in which certain things are treated in greater detail, which have merely been briefly indicated in the Sutras. The Pariitas appended to the Gobhilaghyastra are of importance, namely the G h y a s a g r a h a p a r i s i a of Gobhilaputra, and the K a r m a p r a d p a . The P a r i i t a s of t h e A t h a r v a v e d a , which throw light more especially on all kinds of magical practices, omens and portents and the like, are of great value from the point of view of the history of religion. One of the oldest Pariitas is the Pryacittastra, which has come down as part of the Vaitnastra and treats of the expiatory rites. Later ritual works are the P r a y o g a s , " practical handbooks," the Pad d h a t i s "outlines," and the K r i k s , versified presentations of the ritual. All these works deal either with the complete ritual of some Vedic school or, which is more often the
1} 2 ) 3 ) 4 )

1894.

The Pitmedhas5tras of B audhyana.

Hirayakein, Gautama

ed. W. C aland by C H. Raabe.

AKM. X, 3, 1896 ; the 2nd and 3rd

l

Pranas of B audh.Pitmedhastra

Bijdrage tot de kennis van het hindoesche toodenritueel. Leyden 1911. ) See M. Bloomfield in ZDMG., Vol. 35. Edited by Cb. Tarkalankar, B ibl. Ind. 1910. Other GobhilyaParisias (Sandhystra, Snnastra, rddhakalpa etc.), ed. by *) The first part of the Karmapradpa ed. and translated Halle
3

the same scholar, B ibl. Ind. 1909. into German by F. Halle a.S. 1900 Schrder (Diss.) Negelein, a.S. 1889, the second part by A.v. StalHolstein,

Cf. Hillebrandt,

Rituallitteratur, pp. 37 f., and C aland,

Altindischer Ahnencult pp. 112 ff. See also Jv. WZKM. 23, 1909, 401 ff., and (ed. by G. M B oiling, The

) Ed by G. M. Boiling and J. von Negelein, Leipzig 190910. JRAS. 1912, 757 ff. The Sntikalpa Philological of the Atharvaveda

Orientalististche Literaturzeitung 1908, 447 ff., Wintemite, Keith, Transactions of the American

Association, Vol. 35. 1904, 77 ff. ; JAOS. 33,

1913, 265 ff.) treats of rites for driving away the evil consequences of portents. where the KauikasStra fails ; s, F, Edgetton,
4

Ath..Pariias sometimes give a clue to the explanation of the hymns of the Atharvaveda Studies in Honor of M. B loomfield, p. 118. Negelein. New Haven 1915 WZKM. 18, 1904, 197 ff. ) The Atharvaprayacttt ini have been edited by J v See also C aland,

(reprinted from JAOS. 191314).

36

282

INDIAN

LITERATURE

case, with some special rites. The special works on marriage customs, burial of the dead and ancestral sacrifices (rddhas), are of particular importance, though most of these works are known only through manuscripts and Indian prints.
T H E EXEGETIC VEDGAS.

Those Stra texts which deal with iks or " phonetics " are at least as old as the Kalpastras. While the Kalpastras are supplementary works to the Brhmana portion of the Veda, the stras of the Vedga ik are very closely related to the Sarnhits of the Vedas. " Siks " actually means " instruction," then in particular " instruction in reciting,' i.e. in the correct pronunciation, accentuation, e t c , of the Sahit texts . The earliest mention of this Vedga is to be found in the TaittiryaUpaniad (I, 2), where the teaching of the letters, t h e accents, the quantity (of syllables) the stress, the melody and the combina tion of words in continuous recitation, are enumerated as the six chapters of the ik. Like the doctrine of the ritual, the ik also arose out of a religious need. For in order to perform a sacrificial act correctly it w a s not only necessary to know the ritual, but also to be able to pronounce the sacred texts accurately and recite them without errors, just as they were handed down in the Sahits. This presupposes that, at the time when the textbooks of the ik originated, the Vedic Sahits were already established as sacred texts, that they had already obtained a definite form by the agency of editors trained in phonetics. I t can actually be proved that, for instance, the gvedaSahit does not give the hymns in the form in which they were composed by the ancient singers. Though the editors did not alter the words themselves, yet in the matter of pronunciation, the initial and final sound of the words, the avoidance of the hiatus, and so on, they were led by their phonetic theories into deviating from the original manner of recitation. Thus, for instance, we read in our

VEDIC LITERATURE

288

Sahit tvam hyagne> but can prove (on the ground of metre), that the old singers said tuam hi agne. The Vedic Sahits themselves are then already the works of phoneticians. But beside the Samhit Pthas i.e. the Sahittexts, as they had to be recited according to the teaching of the ik there are also the socalled Pada Pthas or " wordtexts, in which the individual words appear separate from the phonetic connection in which they are presented in the Sahittext. One example will suffice to make the difference between Sahit Ptha and PadaPtha clear. A verse in our gvedaSahit runs :
a g n i purvebhiribhiridyo ntanairut J sa d e v i b vakati

I n the PadaPtha this verse runs :

a g n i | p r v e b h i i b h i | icjya | ntanai | u t | s | d e v n | ih | vakati. ||

These PadaPthas are, of course, t h e work of theologians trained in phonetics, in fact of grammarians, for they present the text of the verses in a complete grammatical analysis. Yet they must be fairly old. The PadaPtha of the gveda is ascribed to kalya, a teacher who is already mentioned in the Aitareyarayaka.* SahitPhas and PadaPthas, then, are the oldest productions of the ik schools. The oldest textbooks of this Vedga which have come down to us are, however, the Prtikhyas, which contain the rules by the aid of which one can form the SahitPtha from the PadaPtha. Hence they contain instruction upon the pronunciation, the accentuation, the euphonic alterations of the sounds in the composition of words and in the initial and final sound of words in the sentence, upon the lengthening of vowels, in short upon the whole manner of the recitation of
) On the Padapha of Skalya s. B . Liebich, Zur Einfhrung in die indische the

einheimische Sprachwissenschaft II. Heidelberg 1919 pp. 20 ff. On the Padapha of

TaittiryaSatphit s. A. Weber, Ind. Stud. 13 1.128 and A. B . Keith, HOS. Vol. 18 pp. xxx ff.

284

INDIAN

LITERATURE

the Sahit. Every kh or recension of a Sahit had a textbook of this nature, hence the name Prtikhyas, i.e. "textbooks, each intended for a kh." First of all we have a g v e d a P r t i k h y a , * which is ascribed to Saunaka, who is supposed to have been a teacher of Avalyana. This work is in verse, and is probably a later revision of an earlier tra text : it is even called " Stra " in manuscripts and quotations. The T a i t t i r y a P r t i k h y a s t r a , belongs to the TaittiryaSahit; a VjasaneyiPrtikhyaStra, ascribed to Rtyyana, belongs to the VjasaneyiSamhit, and the AtharvavedaSanihit has a n A t h a r v a v e d a P r t i k h y a s t r a which is supposed to be of the school of the aunakas. There is also a S m a p r t i k h y a , and the Pupastra is a kind of Prtikhya to the Uttaragna of the Smaveda. A further work dealing with the manner of singing the Smans at the sacrifice, is the P a c a v i d h a stra. These works are of twofold importance : firstly, for the history of grammatical study in India, which, as far as we know, commences with these Prtikhyas. Though they are
1 2 ) 3) 4 ) 5 ) 6 ) 7 )
l

) Edited, with a translation into German, by Max Mller,

Leipzig 185669.

On the

metrics of the gvedaPrtikbya, s. H. Oldenberg.

NGGW. 1919, pp. 170 ff. N e w Haven 187l (JAOS., Vol. 9 ) . Vol. 18, by

) Text, Translation and Note by W. D. Whitney, pp. xxxi ff. It is certainly older than Pini.
3

On the relation of the TaittiryaPrtikhya to the Taitt.Sahit, s. Keith, HOS, ) Edited by P. Y . Pathaka. B enares 188388; text

with German translation

A. Weber, Ind, Stud. 4, 65160, 177331. *) Critically edited by Vishva 1923.

The Pratijsutra Vidyrth

(edited and explained by Weber astr Part I, Punjab University and

in AB A. 187l, pp. 69 ff.) is an appendix to this Prtikhya. Bandhu This is different from the aunaky Caturdhyyik, which has been edited

translated as an " AtharvavedaPratiskhya " by W. D. Whitney, Vol. 7).

5

N e w Haven 1862 (JAOS.,

) Ed. by Satyavrata

8marami

in " U" Calcutta 1890. On the

) Ed. and translated into German by R. Simon, AB ayA. 1909, pp. 481780. ZDMG. 64, 1910, 347 f.

mutual relation between Pupastra, reyakalpa and Uttaragna, s. Simon, I.e. 499 ff; ZDMG, 63, 1909, 730 ff. and C aland
7

) Ed. and translated into German by R. Simon, B reslau 1913 (Indische Forschungen,

Nr. 5).

VEDIC

LITEATtfRE

2S5

not actually grammatical works themselves, they treat of subjects pertaining to grammar, and the quotations from so many grammarians prove that the study of grammar was already flourishing at their time. Secondly, they are still more important because they are pledges of the fact that the texts of the Sahits as we have them today, have remained unaltered through all the centuries since the time of the Prtikhyas. Thus the rules of the gvedaPrtikhya take for granted that, at the period of the latter, the gveda Sabita was not only firmly established in its division into ten Maalas but that even the order of the hymns in each Maala was the same as it is now. Indeed, the minute rules of aunaka leave no doubt that, at the period of the latter, the text of the gvedaSahit read, word for word and syllable for syllable, almost exactly as we find it at the present day in our printed editions. These Prtikhyas are the earliest representatives of the Vedga ik. Beside them we find more modern works, short treatises on phonetics, which claim the title of i k s and give famous names, such as Bhradvja, Vysa Vsiha, Yajnavalkya and so on, as their authors. They follow the Prtikhyas in much the same way as, at later periods, versi fied lawbooks followed up the ancient Vedic Dharmastras, also mentioning as their authors names famous in antiquity. Some of these iks are comparatively old and are more directly associated with some Prtikhya or other, e.g. the Vysaik with the TaittiryaPrtikhya, while others are of much later origin and of no importance either for grammar or for the history of the Vedic texts.
1} 2)

) C f. H. Lders, Die Vysaiksh Pratikhya, Kiel 1895.

2

besonders in ihrem Verhltnis zum

Taittirya

) On the

iks s, F. Kielhorn,

Ind. Ant. 5, 1876, 141 ff , 193 ff. On the Pinya Zur Einfhrung in die indische Samarami's " U" I, 4, Calcutta

ik s. A. Weber, Ind. Stud. 4, 435 ff. and B . Liebich, einheimische Sprachwissenschaft contents. The Nradiyaik is edited in 8atyavrata

II. p. 20, who says that though late in form, it is old in

286

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Saunaka and Rtyyana, who are mentioned as authors of Prtikhyas, are also considered to be the authors of works very closely connected with the Vedga literature because they deal also with the texts of the Vedic Sahits, though they are not called Vedgas. These works are t h e A n u k r a m a s , i.e. "catalogues,' "lists," "indexes," which give the contents of the Vedic Sahits with regard to different items. Thus aunaka composed a n Anukrama or a catalogue of the is of the gveda hymns, also a catalogue of the metres, one of the deities and a further one of the hymns. Ktyyana is the author of a Sarvnukrama i.e. a " catalogue of all things " for t h e gveda. This work gives, in the form of stras t h e first words of every hymn, then the number of verses, the name and family of the i to whom t h e hymn is ascribed, of the deities to whom the single verses are addressed, and the metre or metres in which the hymn is composed. The two metrical works B h a d d e v a t and g v i d h n a are again ascribed to aunaka. They are not, however, t h e work of aunaka himself, but that of his school. The B h a d d e v a t is an enlarged catalogue of the gods worshipped in the separate hymns of the gveda ; for it contains also myths and legends referring to these deities, and is therefore at the same time an important work from the point of view of Indian narrative literature. The Bhaddevat is obviously one of the earliest
} 2 ) 3)

1890 ; t h e BhradvjaSik (cum versione latina excerptis ex oommentario e t c . ) b y E . Sieg, B erlin 1892. 1893.
1

A collection of iksfls (Siksasagraha)

h a s been published in B e n S S . Lahore 1920) is an Smarami

) The Atharvavedyapacapaalik

(ed. by Bhagwaddatta>

Anukrama of the Atharvavedasamhit, (ed. b y A. C Burnell,

2

The socalled Areyabrhmaa of t h e Smaveda

Mangalore 1876, a n d with commentary by 8atyavrata Oxford (Anecdota Oxoniensia) 1886. Z I I . 1, 1922, 89 ff.

in " U" I I , 1, Calcutta 1892) is also an Anukrama. ) Edited by A. A. Mncdo7iell, On a Kashmirian recension of t h e Sarvnukrama s. Schefteloivitz,
3

) Ed. by Rajendralala Mitra in B ibl. Ind. 1892; critically edited and translated into H OS., Vols. 5 and 6, 1904.

English by A. A. Mncdonell.

VEDIC

LITERATURE

287

Indian narrative works, for its metres, the tritubh as well as the loka occupy a middle position in point of time between Vedic and epic metre ; and furthermore, those legends which are common to the Bhaddevat and the Mahbhrata, appear in a later form in the epic.* The gvidhana, * also in the form of a catalogue following the division of our gveda Sahit, states the magic power which can be obtained by the recitation of each hymn or even of single verses. I t is somewhat similar to the abovementioned Smavidhna Brhmaa. Of importance are the Anukramas and the works related to them, on account of their affording additional proof t h a t even in very early times the texts of the Vedic Samhits were in almost exactly the same form, with the same divisions, the same number of verses, and so on, as we have them at present. The same is true also of the N i r u k t a of Yska which has already been mentioned on another occasion. This work, too, the only one of the Vedga Nirukta which we possess, presupposes the gvedaSahit in essentially the same condi tion in which we know it today. Tradition erroneously ascribes also the N i g h a t u s or " lists of words " to Yska. I n reality, however, the work of Yska is only a commentary to these lists of words, of which Yska himself says, that they were composed by the descendants of the ancient sages, for the easier understanding of the transmitted texts. The Nighatus are five lists of words, which are divided into three sections. The first section (Naighatukaka) consists of
2 s) 9

) See A. Kuhn, Tnd. Stud. I. 101 ff.; Keith, J R A S . 1906, pp. 1 ff. : 1912, pp. 769 ff. Winternitz, II. 30 ff.
2

WZKM. 20, 1906, pp. 1 ff. j Liebich, Zur Einfhrung in die ind. einh. Sprachwiss.

) gvidhana edidit cum praefatione Rudolf Meyer, B erolini 1878. ) See above p. 69. The Nirukta was first edited by R.Roth, Gttingen 1852: in B ibl. Ind., 188291; with u S S . No. 88, 192I.

with commentaries and useful indexes by 8atynvrata~Srnarami On L. Sarup's edition s. above.

commentary of Durgcrya, Vol. I. Adhy 16, edited by V. K. Rajavade,

288

INDIAN LITERATURE

three lists, in which Vedic words are collected under certain main ideas. For instance, there are quoted 21 names for earth," 15 for " gold,' 16 for " a i r , " 101 for " water," 122 verbs for " to go," 26 adjectives and adverbs for " quick, 12 for " much," and so on. The second section (Naigama ka or Aikapadika) contains a list of ambiguous and particularly difficult words of the Veda, while the third section (Daivataka) gives a classification of the deities according to the three regions, earth, sky, and heaven. Vedaexegesis probably began with the compilation of such glossaries ; the composition of commentaries to these glossa ries after the style of our Nirukta, with explanations of diffi cult Veda verses interwoven, was a further step in the development, and, at a still later period, detailed and conti nuous commentaries to the Vedic texts were written. Certain it is that Yska had many predecessors, and that his work, though certainly very old and the oldest existing Veda exegetic work, can nevertheless only be regarded as the last, perhaps also the most perfect, production of the literature of the Ved2fa Nirukta. Of the Vedgas of metrics and astronomy, too, it is only the latest offshoots of an earlier scientific literature that remain. For the Smaveda there is the N i d n a s L t r a , containing not only metrical but other investigations into the various component parts of the Smaveda (Uktha Stoma Gna). I t is also important from the grammatical point of view, and some of the ancient teachers ascribe it to Patajali. The
1} 2)

) On these Nighaus as the beginnings of Indian lexicography see Th. Zachariae> (" Grundciss," I. 3 B ), Strassburg 1897, pp. 2 f. 8. K. (Proc. SOC pp. l l f f ) has shown that it is possible, with the help of the This is likely enough, though not

Die indischen Wrterbcher Belvalkar

Nighau8, esp. the Aikapadika list, to distinguish literary strata in the Rgveda. B elvalkar dates Yska's Nirukta from the 7th century B . C
a

certain. B ut w e have no idea how much earlier the Nighaus may be. ) C f. Weber HIL., pp. 81f., E. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des gveda Stuttgart 1902, ff. A Nidna of the Smaveda is quoted pp. 29, 35, 65 ; and C aland Areyakalpa, pp. xvii

VEDIC LITERATURE

289

textbook of Pingala on metrics, though regarded by the Indians as a Vedga of the gveda and Yajurveda, there being two recensions of it, is nevertheless the work of a later period ; for it deals also with metres which only belong to later Sanskrit poetry. The J y o t i a V e d g a is a small textbook of astronomy in verse ; in the Yajurveda recension it contains 43 verses, in that of the gveda 36. Its main contents are the positions of the moon and the sun at the solstices, as well as the new and full moon in the circle of the 27 Nakatras or stars of the zodiac, or rules are drawn up for their calculation. The very circumstance that it is not written in verse, refers this little work which, moreover, has not yet been sufficiently explained, to a later period. The old Vedga texts on grammar are entirely lost. This science, too, certainly originated in connection with the Vedaexegesis, and proceeded from the Veda schools. For already in the rayakas we find isolated grammatical technical terms. But the oldest and most important text book of grammar that has come down to us, that of Pini metes out to the Vedic language only casual treatment ; it no longer stands in close relation to any Veda school, and al together belongs to a period at which the science of grammar was already pursued in special schools, independent of theo logy. For in India also, as we shall see in the section on scientific literature, science has detached itself more and more from theology, within which it was originally included almost completely.
1} 2)

in the B haddevat, V, 23. the " Usa," Calcutta, Stud.

2

B ut the quotation is not found in the Nidnastra, printed in in Vol. 8 of 1862) Ind. and

1896.

) The Sutra of Pigala was edited and explained by A. Weber Cf. also A. Weber, HIL, p. 60. ) Cf. A. Weber, Uber den Vedakalender namens Jyotisham

(AB A

G. Thibaut,

Astronomie (in the " Grundriss," II I, 9), pp. 17, 20 and 28.

tharvaa Jyoti

am edited by B hagavad Datta Lahore, 1924 (Punjab Sanskrit Series, No. 6).

37

290

INDIAN

LITERATURE

THE

AGE

OF

TH E

VEDA.

We have traced the whole of Vedic literature to its latest offshoots and stragglers, and can now no longer evade the question of the age of the whole of this great literature. If it were possible to determine, even within a few centuries, the period into which the oldest hymns of the gveda and of the Atharvaveda reach back, then it were unnecessary to devote a special chapter to this question. I t would suffice to give, in a few words, the approximate age of the Veda. Unfortunately, however, it is a fact, and a fact which it is truly painful to have to admit, that the opinions of the best scholars differ, nob to the extent of centuries, but to the extent of thousands of years, with regard to the age of the gveda. Some lay down the year 1000 B.C. as the earliest limit for the gvedic hymns, while others consider them to have originated between 3000 and 2500 B.C. I n view of the very g reat divergence in the opinions of t h e specialists, it is not enough, even in a book intended for the general reader, merely to give some approximate date, for even the general reader must have an idea of the circumstances supporting the various opinions on the greater or lesser antiquity of the Veda, This is the more necessary, as the question of the period of the oldest Indian literature coincides with the question of the beginning of the IndoAryan civili zation, a question which is of the utmost importance to every historian, archaeologist and philologist. If, indeed, it is at all possible to determine the periods of the develop ment of IndoAryan culture, and, going still further back, those of IndoEuropean culture, it can only be done hand in hand with investigation as to the period of the earliest monuments of Aryan culture in India. Under these circumstances, then, it seems to me abso lu'ely necessary to render account of the whole question to

VEDIC LITERATURE

291

the aonspecialist also, and, as far as possible, to state the limits and the reasons both of our ignorance and of our knowledge. On first becoming acquainted with Indian literature, people were inclined to ascribe tremendous antiquity to all Indian literary works. Did not Friedrich Schlegel expect from India nothing less than "enlightenment upon the history of the primitive world, so dark until now " ? As late as in 1852 A. Weber wrote in his " History of Indian Literature " : " The literature of India passe3 generally for the most ancient literature of which we possess written records, and justly so," and it was only in 1876 in his second edition that he added : " I n so far as this claim may not now be disputed by the Egyptian monumental records and papyrus rolls, or even by the Assyrian literature which has but recently been brought to light.' The reasons for which, according to Weber " w e are fully justified in regarding the literature of India as the most ancient literature of which written records on an extensive scale have been banded down to u s " are in part geographical, in part pertain to the history of religion. I n the older parts of the gveda the Indian nation appears to us to be settled in the Punjab. The gradual spread eastwards across Hindustan towards the G anges can be traced in the later portions of Vedic literature. The G reat Epics then further show us the spread of Brahmanism towards the south. Centuries must have elapsed before such an enormous stretch of land, " inhabited by wild and vigorous tribes, could become brahmanized. Many centuries too, must have been required for the religious development from the simple nature worship of the gvedic hymns up to the theosophicalphilosophical speculations of the Upaniads, and again to such phases of mythology and cult as Megas thenes about 300 B.C., found prevalent in India. Weber did
1}

-) Cf. above, p. 14

292

INDIAN LITERATURE

not attempt a more exact determination of the Vedic period; in fact, he expressly declares any such attempt to be entirely futile.) The first, however, to make this attempt and to endeavour to construct a kind of chronology of the oldest Indian literaturer was Max Mller in his " History of Ancient Sanskrit literature " which appeared in 1859. Starting from the few definite clues to Indian chronology which we possess, the invasion of Alexander and the appearance of Buddhism, he argued further as follows. Buddhism is nothing but a reaction against Brahmanism, and it presupposes the exis tence of the whole Veda, i.e. the literature consisting of the hymns, the Brhmaas, Arayakas and Upanisads. The whole of this literature must therefore be pre Buddhist, i.e. it must have originated before 500 B.C . The Vedga or Stra literature might be approximately synchronous with the origin and the first spread of Buddhism. Now the origin of these Stra works, whose character is such that they necessarily presuppose the Brhmaa literature, falls approximately into the period from 600 to 200 B.C . (It is at the fixing on these purely arbitrary dates that the untenable part of Max Miillers calculations begins.) The Brhmaas, however, of which there are earlier and later ones, and which contain long lists of teachers, handed down by earlier Brhmaas cannot possibly be accommodated in less than 200 years. Therefore, argues Max Mller, we shall have to accept the period from 800 to 600 B. C . as the period of the origin of these prose works. The Brhmaas, however, for their part, again presuppose the Vedic Sa hits. But the composition of all these collections of songs and prayers would take at least 2o0 years ; hence the interval from roughly 1000 to 800 B. C . might be regarded as the
2)
l

)
a

Weber, HIL., pp. 2 ff., 6 f, ) Cf. above, pp. 27 f.

VDC LITERATURE

29

period in which these collections were arranged. However, before the compilation of these collections, which were already regarded as sacred sacrificial poetry and authorised prayerbooks, there must have been a period at which the songs and chants contained in them arose as popular or religious poems. This period, Max Mller concluded, must have been before 1000 B. C . And as he had already assumed 200 years for the " Brhmaa period " and 200 years for the period he called the " Mantra period," he now also assumed 200 years for the arising of this poetry (though without laying much stress on this figure), and thus arrived at 1200 to 1000 B. C . as the period of the beginning of Vedic poetry. Now it is clear that the supposition of 200 years for each of the different literary epochs in the origin of the Veda is purely arbitrary. Even Max Mller himself did not really wish to say more than that such an interval at least must be assumed, and that in 1000 B. O. at the latest, our gveda Sahit must already have been completed. He always considered his date of 12001000 B. C . only as a terminus ad quern, and in his Gifford Lectures on "Physical Religion " in 1889,* he expressly states " that we cannot hope to fix a terminus a quo. Whether the Vedic hymns were composed 1000, or 1500, or 2000, or 3000 years B. C , no power on earth will ever determine.' I t is remarkable, however, how strong the power of suggestion is even in science. Max Mller's hypothetical and really purely arbitrary determination of the Vedic epochs in the course of years, received more and more the dignity and the character of a scientifically proved fact, without any new arguments or actual proofs having been added. I t became a habit, a habit already censured by W. D. Whitney, * to say that Max Mller had proved 12001000 B. C . as the date of the gveda. I t was only timidly that a
2

) Published, London, 1901, p. 91. ) Oriental and Linguistic Studies, First Series, N e w York, 1872, p. 78.
9

294

INDIAN

LITERATURE
1)

few scholars like L. von Schroeder ventured to go as far back as 1500 or even 2000 B. C . And when, all at once, H . Jacobi attempted to date Vedic literature back to the third millenary B. C . on the grounds of astronomical calculations, scholars raised a great outcry at such heretical procedure, and even today most of the Western scholars shake their heads wondering how Jacobi could venture to assert so exaggerated an opinion on the age of the Veda. Strange to say, it has been quite forgotten on what a precarious footing stood the "opinion prevailing hitherto," which was so zealously defended. The idea of drawing conclusions on the chronology of the earliest Indian literature with the assistance of astronomical data, is no new one. A. Ludwig already undertook an attempt of this nature on the basis of the eclipses of the sun. The priests of ancient India, who had to determine the times of sacrifice, were, like t h e pontifices in ancient Rome, at the same time almanacmakers. They had to observe the firmament, in order to regulate and predetermine the times of sacrifice. Hence we find numerous astronomical and calendar data in the Brhmaas and Sutras. I n these, the socalled Nakatras or " l u n a r mansions " play a particularly prominent part. The ancient Indians had observed that the moon requires about 27 days and nights for its siderial orbit and stays in a different constellation every night of the sidereal month. These stars or constellations, which all lie not far distant from the ecliptic, were combined into a kind of zodiac, a succession of 27 Nakatras embracing the spheres, and this lunar zodiac was employed for the purpose of .estimating the position of the moon at a particular time.
2) 3)

) Indiens Literatur und Kultur, pp 291 f.

2

) Uber die Erwhnung von Sonnenfinsternissen im Rigveda.

(Sitzungsberichte

der Knigl. bhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissens*ctmfteh", Prag, 1885.

3

) The lunar zodiac has been preserved in India down to the present day, side

by side with the solar zodiac, which was probably not introduced into India until the

VEDIC

LIT F RATURE

295

Thus there are many passages in Vedic literature in which it is said that a sacrificial act is to take place " u n d e r such and such a Nakatra," i.e. " w h e n the moon stands in conjunction with this Nakatra." There are still more numerous passages in which the Nakatras are brought into definite relationship with the full moon and new moon. And already in the earlier literature there often appear only twelve of the 27 Nakatras connected with the full moon, from which may be traced the names of the months derived from the twelve Nakatras. These monthnames were originally used only for lunar months, but were later extended also to the twelve divisions of the solar year. But as already in Vedic times attempts had been made to bring the solar and lunar year into accord by some means or another, the question arises whether, out of the combination of certain fullmoon Nakatras with the seasons of the year and the commencement of the year, conclusions may not be drawn as to the period in which the respective calendar data originate. Such conclusions, which led to surprising results, were attempted in the year 1893, simultaneously and independently of each other, by H. Jacobi in Bonn and the Indian scholar Bl Gangdhar Tilak in Bombay. Both scholars by different ways arrived at the opinion that at the period of the Brhmaas the Pleiades
}

first century A,D. with the doctrines origin 'of this lunar zodiac, end of See especially

of the Greek astronomers.

The problem of the now.

the relationship between the Indian Nakatras and has not been solved even Nachrichten von den Naxatra, 1, 2, AB A 1860, and Keith, Vedic Index, I, 427 ff., plead for

the Menzil of the Arabs and the Sieou of the Chinese A. Weber, Die vedischen 1 8 6 2 ; G. Thibaut, Astronomie

(Grundriss III. 9 ) , pp. 12 ff. ; H. Oldenberg, Nakatra und (ZDMG 45, 1891, 592 ff.) has tried to prove; Report, Kttikas the Jacobi's The

sieou, NGGW 1909, 544 ff. Macdonell Babylonian origin, which F. Eommel but see B . V . Kamevara Aiyar ) A. Ludwig, heading the

Ind. Ant. 48. 1919, 95 ff. the

Der Rigveda III, Prag 187& pp. 183 ff. and R. G. Bhandarkar, the Naksatras in the B rhmaas. B ut B handarkar

188384, p. 39, have already pointed out the chronological significance of list of Brhmaas between 1200 and 900 B .C.

places

Violent discussions were aroused by H.

papers in " Festgruss an Rudolf von Roth,"

Stuttgart, 1893, pp. 6873, in NGGW, 1894,

pp. 105116, and in OC X, Geneva 1894, I. pp. 103108, and the book of B , G. Tilak.

296

INDIAN

LITERATURE

(Kttiks), which at that time formed the startingpoint of the Nakatra series, coincided with the vernal equinox, but that in the Vedic texts there are also to be found traces of an older calendar, in which the vernal equinox fell in Orion (Mgai ras). From the calculation of the value of the precession, however, it appears that about 2500 B. C . the vernal equinox lay in the Pleiades and about 4500 in Orion. But while Tilak goes so far as to date some Vedic texts back to the year 6000 B. C , Jacobi contents himself with placing " t h e beginnings of the period of civilization, as the mature, per haps even late production of which the songs of the gveda have come down to u s , " at about 4500 B. C . This period of civilization stretches, according to him, roughly from 4500 2500 B. C and he is inclined to ascribe " the collection of hymns which has come down to us, to the second half of this period." * Jacobi was confirmed in this opinion by a second astronomical observation. The Ghyastras tell us of a marriagecustom in ancient India, according to which the bride and bridegroom, after they had arrived at their new home, had to sit silently on the hide of a bull, till the stars became visible, whereupon the bridegroom showed his bride the Pole star, called dhruva " t h e constant one," and at the same time uttered a prayer, as for example, " Be constant, prospering in my house," whereto she replied : C onstant art thou, may I be constant in the house of my husband." This marriagecustom, in which a " c o n s t a n t " star figures as the symbol of unchangeable constancy, must have originated at a time in which a brighter star stood so near the celestial
1 a

Orion or Researches into the Antiquity of the Vedas B ombay 1893. Ant. 23, 1894, pp. 238 ff. ; W. D. Whitney III, 9) pp. 18 f. ; A. Barth,

Cf. G Bhler, Ind.

in JAOS Proceedings, March 1894 (reprinted Ind. S B A 1894,

Ant. 24, 1895, pp 361 ff.) ; G. Thibaut, Ind Ant, 24, pp. 85 ff. ; and Astronomie (Grundriss JA 1894, pp. 156 ff. ; Oeu*res II. 248 ff. ; A. Weber, pp. 775 ff. ; H. Oldenberg in ZDMG 48, 1894, pp. 629 ff. ; 49, pp. 470 ff. ; 50, pp. 450 ff. ;

Jacobi in ZDMG 49, pp. 218 ff. : 50, pp. 69 ff. ; E. W. Hopkins, The Religions of India, B oston 1895, pp. 4 ff. ; A. A. 3facdonell, History of Sanskrit Literature, London 19OO, p. 1 2 . ) Festgruss an Roth, pp. 71 I.

V E D I C

L I T E R A T U R E

297

pole that it seemed, to the observers of that time, to be stand ing still. Now it is again a result of the precession that, with the gradual alteration of the celestial equator, its North Pole also moves away, describing in about 26000 years a circle of 23^ degrees radius around the constant pole of the ecliptic. By this means, one star after another slowly moves towards the North Pole and becomes North Star or Pole Star; but only from time to time does a brighter star approach the Pole so closely, that it can, for all practical purposes, be regarded as "a constant one" (dhruva). At present Alpha, a star of the second magnitude, in the Little Bear, is the Pole Star of the Northern hemisphere. This star, of course, cannot be meant when the Pole Star is spoken of in Vedic times, because only 2000 years ago this star was still so far removed from the pole that it could not possibly have been designated as the "constant one." Not until 2780 B. C. do we meet with another Pole Star which merited this name. At that time Alpha Draconis stood so near to the Pole for over 500 years that it must have appeared immovable to those who observed with the naked eye. We must, then, place the origin of the name of Dhruva, as well as the custom of showing the " constant " star to the bride on her marriage evening as the symbol of constancy, into a period in which Alpha Draconis was Pole Star, that is, in the first half of the third millenary B. C. In the marriageverses of the gveda however, this custom is not yet thought of, wherefore Jacobi considers it probable " that the use of Dhruva in the marriage ceremony does not belong to the time of the gveda but to the following period, and that, therefore, the gvedic period of civilization lies before the third millenary B. C "
1}

As has been said, the assertions of Jacobi and Tilak met with violent opposition. The most serious objection to the argument about the Pleiades was that the Indians of the
) ZDMG Vol. 50, p . 7 l .

38

298

Indian

l i t e r a t u r e

most ancient times were concerned only with the position of the Nakatras in relation to the moon and not to the sun, and that there is not a single trace of any observation of the equinoxes to be found in the most ancient times. The passage in which we read that the Pleiades " d o not swerve from the E a s t " should probably not be interpreted as mean ing that they rose " d u e e a s t " (which would have been the case in the third millenary B. C , and would point to a knowledge of t h e vernal equinox): the correct interpretation is more likely that they remain visible in the eastern region for a considerable timeduring several hoursevery night, which was the case about 1100 B. C . C oming to the argument of the New Year in various millenaries, it is most difficult to decide these questions, primarily because in our texts the year sometimes begins with spring, sometimes with winter, and sometimes with the rainv season, and moreover the number of seasons varies between three, five and six. The argument of the Pole Star, too, provoked serious
1} 2) 3)

) at.B r, II. I. 2, 3. and 452.

See Oldenberg

and Jacobi, ZDMG 48, p. 631 n o t e ; 50, pp. 72 (The

Sankar B . Dikshit (Ind. Ant. 24, 1895, pp. 245 f.), B . V. Kamevara Aiyar

Age of the B rhmaas, in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society 1922, and previously in Proc. FOC I, pp. 1 ff. and Dhirendr<inath Mukhopadhyaya, The Hindu Nakshatras, pp. 41 about our f. (Reprint from Vol. VI of the Journal of the Department of Science, Calcutta University, 1923), have concluded from this passage, that the atapathaB rhmaa was written 3000 B . C *) I am indebted for this explanation to Professor A. Prey, University, who informs m e that, in about 1100 B . C the Pleiades it as late as 2
k

the astronomer of

rose approximately 13 a place situated to

to the north of the east point, approaching nearer and nearer the east line, and crossing 11* after their rise, at a height of They thus remain almost 29, when seen from at 25 North latitude. be the correct due east long enough to serve as Uber das rituelle

a convenient basis for orientation.

This interpretation of the passage is proved 27, 5 (cf. W. C aland

one, by B audh&yanarautastra

Stra des B audhyaua, Leipzig 1903, pp. 37 ff.), where it is prescribed that the supporting beams of a but on the place of sacrifice shall face the east, and that this direction shall be fixed after the Pleiades appear, as the latter " do not depart from the eastern region." It is true that, ation.
8

about 2100 B . C or about 3100 B . C , the Pleiades touched the east line

earlier, but they proceeded southwards so rapidly that they were not suitable for orient ) In the at.B r. X I I . 8,2,35, it is said: All seasons are the first, all are the

intermediate, all are the last."

VEDIC

LITERATUE

299

objections. W e cannot deny the possibility of one of the lesser stars in the Little Bear having been visible (about 1250 B. C . and even later still) as the Pole Star in the clear Indian firmament.* At any rate it is not permissible to draw any conclusion from the nonmention of this custom in the gveda : for by no means all of the marriagecustoms are mentioned in the marriage hymn in the gveda, and there is no reason why this particular custom should have been singled out for mention in preference to another. Though the astronomical arguments of Tilak and Jacobi did not succeed in proving what was to be proved, they have stimulated the enquiry whether there are no other grounds for assuming a greater antiquity of Vedic culture. And indeed, from the point of view of Indian history, nothing speaks against the assumption that Vedic literature extends back into the third millenary, and ancient Indian culture to the fourth millenary, while the supposition of 1200 or even 1500 B. C , traceable to Max Mller, for the commence ment of the Vedic period no longer agrees with the present day state of our knowledge of the political history, as well as of the literary and religious history of ancient India. This has, I believe, been convincingly proved, especially by G. Bhler.* Inscriptions prove that in the third century B. C Southern India was conquered by the Aryan Indians and invaded by brahmanical culture. The fact, however, that some Vedic schools, such as those of Baudhyana and Apas tamba originated in the south of India, makes it probable that the conquest of the south by the xVryans must have taken place much earlier, perhaps as early as in the 7th or 8th
l

Professor Prey believes that Groombridge 2001 and 2029, stars of the

fifth

to

the sixth magnitude in the Little B ear, t h e first of which approached the pole as far as 17, in about 1250 B . C , and the second of which approached the pole as far as 8' in 15OO B . C , are easily visible in v i e w of t h e favourable atmospheric conditions of India.
a

Ind Ant 23, 1894, pp. 245 ff.

300

INDIAN

LITERATURE

century B. O. For the whole country can hardly have been colonised and brahmanized immediately after the conquest to such an extent that Vedic schools could originate in the distant south. But, as Bhler says,) " with the conquest of Southern India about 700 or even about 600 B. C , the assumption that the IndoAryans inhabited about 1200 or even about 1500 B. C. the northern corner of India and Eastern Afghanistan becomes absolutely impossible. The dea that the Indo Aryan nation of the Vedic times, with its many clandivisions and its perpetual internal feuds, should have conquered the 123,000 square miles, which form the area of India (excluding the Punjab, Assam and Burma) and should have founded States, organised on the same model, all over this vast territory within the space of five, six or even eight hundred years, appears simply ludicrous ; espe cially if it is borne in mind that this territory was inhabited not merely by forest tribes, but in part by peoples possessing a civilisation not much inferior to that of the invaders. More than double of the longest period named was required for such achievements. Now it could be said, and it has been said by Oldenberg, that seven hundred years are a good span of time, in which much can happen. " One should consider, says Oldenberg, ) " what 400 years have meant for the enormous plains of Northern and Southern America." This, however, is a poor comparison. The races and civilizations which came into contact with one another in America were, after all, very different from those with which we have to deal in ancient India. As far as the political conditions of ancient India are concerned, we learn from some of the songs of the gveda and from the epics that, just as is shown by the later history of India, continuous fighting took place between the separate
2

) *)

ind. Ant. 23, 1894, p. 247. ZDMG, Vol. 49, p. 479.

VEt>IC

LITERATURE

301

Aryan tribes in ancient and even the most ancient times. Under such circumstances the conquest of India could only proceed step by step, extremely slowly. Actually we see also, if we com pare the two oldest strata of Indian literature with each other, that the advance of the Aryans towards the east and south proceeded only very slowly. In the hymns of the gveda we find the IndoAryan people still established exclusively in the extreme northwest of India, and in Eastern Afghan istan, and yet the period in which the hymns of the gveda originated, must have stretched over centuries. That is proved by the many different strata of earlier and later parts, which we find in these h y m n s ; it is proved, too, by the circumstance that the is who not only in the Anukrama s but already in the Brhmaas, were erroneously called " seers " or composers of the hymns, are in the hymns them selves regarded as seers of a remote a n t i q u i t y . The composers of the hymns, too, very often speak of "old songs," of " songs composed after the old manner," as though this poetry had been practised since time immemorial.* M. Bloomfield * has shown that, of the approximately 40,000 lines of the gveda, nearly as many as 5000 lines are repe titions. This proves that, at the time when the gveda was composed, the more modern poets would frequently borrow lines and expressions from older ones, and that there was actually in existence a large number of floating lines of verse, which any singer could incorporate in his song if he so fancied. But we have repeatedly seen how far, after all, the gveda lies behind all other literary works of the Veda. Even the language of the hymns is much more archaic than that of the Vedic prose works. The religious views and the conditions of civilization are quite different. The
j) 3
1

) ) )

Sec above pp. 57 f. See Ludwig, Der Rigveda, III. pp. 180 f. The Vedic Concordance, HOS Vol. 10, 1906; RigVeda Repetitions, HOS Vols.

20 and 24, 1916; JA OS 29, 1908, 287 f. ; 31, 1910, 49 ff

302

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Brhmaas, rayakas and Upanisads presuppose not only the hymns of the gveda but also the spells and prayers of the other Sahits as sacred texts of hoary age. Indeed, these old hymns and spells were often no longer understood. The old legends had fallen into oblivion. I will recall only the distance separating the unasepa legend of the Aita reyaBrhmaa from the hymns of the gveda.* Oral tradition, too, presupposes longer intervals of time than would be necessary, had these texts been written down. Generations of pupils and teachers must have passed away before all the existing and the many lost texts had taken definite shape in the Vedic schools. * On linguistic, literary and cultural grounds we must therefore assume that many centuries elapsed between the period of the earliest hymns and the final compilation of the hymns into a Sahit or "collection, for the gvedaSahit after all denotes only the elose of a period long past, * and again between the gveda Sahit and the other Sahits and the Brhmaas. The Brhmaas themselves, with their numerous schools and branch schools, with their endless lists of teachers and the numerous references to teachers of antiquity, require a period of several centuries for their origin.* This literature itself, as well as the spread of brahmanical culture, theological knowledge, and not least, the priestly supremacy which went hand in hand with it, must have taken centuries. And when we come to the Upaniads, we see that they, too, belong to different periods of time, that they, too, presuppose generations
2 3
1

) See above, p. 57, p. 60, pp. 62 ff., pp. 69 f., p. 75, pp. 79 f., p. 104, pp. 196 ff., pp. 215 f. written down w h e n they were no longer explains Sahits division and after a gap had occurred in the tradition, also

) The circumstance that the texts were completely understood the fact that so frequently and B rhmaas.
3

passages of diverse contents and different periods occur in

all Vedio texts, so that, for instance, some Upanisads are to be found among the See above pp. 124, 149 ff., 226. (Max Mller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 340 f.) ) The AitareyaArayaka already presupposed the gveda Sainhita in its

into ten books.

*) See above, pp. 194

VEDIC

LITERATURE

303

of teachers and a long tradition.* Yet we see that, during the whole of this time, which lasted from the first beginnings till the last offshoots of Vedic literature, the IndoAryan people conquered only the comparatively small stretch of land from the Indus as far as the Ganges, the actual Hindustan. If this advance from the extreme north west over into the eastern Gangesland already took so long, how many centuries must the conquest of the whole of Central and Southern India have taken ! If we consider this, 700 years will no longer appear to us a great period of time. There are other considerations besides this. It is indisputably to the credit of Max Mller to have shown that Buddhism at about 500 B.C . absolutely presupposes the existence of the whole of Vedic literature. In refutation of the view, held by some scholars, * that the earliest Upaniads should not be placed prior to the 6th century B. ., C Ohlenberg * has shown that centuries must have elapsed between the earliest Upanisads and the earliest Buddhist literature. Buddhist literature, however, presupposes not only the Veda but the Vedngas also, * and indeed brahmanical literature and science in a highly developed state. Today, too, more light has been thrown on the religious conditions of ancient India than was the case in Max Mller's day, when it was thought possible to squeeze the whole development of the religious history of India up to the appearance of Buddhism within the limit of 700 years. Even before the appearance of Buddhism, there were sects in India, as Bhler has pointed out, which denied the sanctity of the Veda. The tradition of one of these sects, the Jainas, has in other respects proved so
2 3 4

) See above, pp. 235 ff. ) Cf. Hopkins, JAOS 22, 336 u. ; Bapson Ancient India, p. 181. ) Die Lehre der Upanishaden und die Anfnge des B uddhismus, pp. 288, 357. *) It is noteworthy that the B uddhists, too, call their didactic texts " S5tras ", although these are by no means composed in the " S5 tra" style indicated above, on pp. 268 f. They took " Stra " to mean " didactic text."
2 3

304

I N D I A N

L I T E R A T U R E

reliable as to chronology, that we may regard with some confidence a report which places the life of the first founder of this sect about 750 B .C. B hler also thought he could prove that other sects antagonistic to the Veda and to B rahmanism went back to a much more hoary antiquity than had hitherto been supposed. * Unfortunately he did not live to demonstrate this proof. The discoveries made by Hugo Winckler in B oghazki in Asia Minor in the year 1907, gave an impetus to more recent discussions on the question of the age of the gveda and of Vedic culture. * The clay tablets from the archives of the capital of the ancient Hittite kingdom, which were found in B oghazki, included records of treaties concluded by the king of the Hittites and the king of Mitani at the beginning of the 14th century B .C. The gods of both kingdoms are invoked as guardians of the treaties, and in the list of gods there appear, beside numerous B abylonian and Hittite deities, the names of Mitra, Varuna, Indra and Nsatyau among the gods of Mitani. * How did the names
1 2 3

" ) R. Garbe too (B eitrge zur indischen Kulturgeschichte, pp. 27 ff ) is inclined to date the origin of the sect of the B hgavatas or Pcartras back to preB uddhist times,
2

) Cf. Ed. Meyer, SB A 1908, pp. 14 ff. ; Zeitschrift fr vergleichende J R A S 1909, 721 ff.;

Sprachwis 387;

senschaft, 42, 1909, pp. 1 ff. ; Geschichte des Altertums, 2. H. Jacobi,

Aufl., l. 2 (1909), 551, 5 7 4 ;

1910, 456 ff.; Internat. Wochenschrift, 5, 1 9 H ,

A. B . Keith, JRAS 1909, 1100 ff, : 1910, 464 ff. ; B handarkar, Com. Vol., pp. 81 ff. and HOS., Vol. 18 Introd. (where the whole development of Vedic literature is crammed in between 1200 and 350 B .C., see esp. pp. clxv f.); A . A . Macdonell Valle Pousst7i, Le Vdisme, 3 ime ed. in Vedic Index I, pp. viii f and ERE 7, 1914, pp. 49 ff. ; H. Ohlenberg, JRAS 1909, pp. 1095 ff. ; 1910, pp. 846 ff. ; L de la Paris, 1909, pp. 29 f. ; Winternitz, Oesterroichische Monatschrift fr den Orient, 41, 1915 pp. 168 ff. ; Calcutta Review, Nov., 1923, pp. 119 ff. ; 8ten Konow, The Aryan Gods of the Mitani People (Royal Fredrik University Publications of the
3

Indian

Institute, Kristiania, 1921); F. E. Pargiter, Winckler

Ancient Indian

Historical

Tradition, London, 1922, pp. 300 ff. ; P. GiUs Cambridge History of India, l. pp. 72 f. ) At least, nearly all scholars agree with (Mitteilungen der Deutschen f., OrientGesellschaft No. 35, 1907, p. 51, s. B oghazkiStudien V I H Leipzig 1923, pp. 32 54 t)

that these names of gods have to be recognised in the following cuneiform text : Doubts against this identification have

ilni Miitra assiil ilni Uruwanaasiel (in another t e x t . Arunaaiil) Indar (other t e x t : Indara) ilni Naaattiyaanna. only been raised by J. Halvy in Revue Smitique, 16. 1908, pp. 247 ff.

VEDIC LITERATURE

305

of these deities reach the Mitanis in Asia Minor ? Scholars diverge greatly in their reply to this question. The historian Ed. Meyer ascribes these gods to the Aryan period, i.e., the period when the Indians and Iranians as yet formed an undivided nation in language and religion *; and he assumes that, at the same time as these " Aryans " appeared in western Mesopotamia and Syria, the separate development of the Aryans in northwestern India had already begun : the Vedic hymns, the earliest of which arose " probably not later than about 1500 B.C ." bearing witness to this development. A similar opinion has been expressed by P . Giles. Oldenberg thinks it more likely " that these are the gods of some western Aryan tribe akin to the Indians, inherited from some common past, as the Indians on their part had inherited them from the same source." H e leaves the question open whether these were Iranians before Zoroaster's time, or whether a third branch of the Aryans is meant, and takes the view that this discovery does not justify us in assuming greater antiquity for the Veda. I t is a fact, however, that this particular grouping of the gods Varuna and Mitra, Indra and Nsatyau, with these forms of their names, can be traced only in the Veda. For this reason I agree with Jacobi, Konow and Hillebrandt in considering these gods to be Indian, Vedio deities and that there is no possible justification for any other view. W e shall have to assume that, just as there were Aryan immigrations into India from the west, there must have been isolated migrations back to the west. W e may think either of warlike adventurers or of connections by marriage. Nor should we forget that, at the time of the
1 2)
x

) H. Wincfcler (Orientalist.

Literaturzeitung, 13, 1910, 289 ff. ; Mitteilungen

der who

Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft 18, 1913, H. 4, pp. 75 ff.) even thinks that the Harri very " Aryans." B u t this is quite uncertain. CI. A. H. Sayce JRAS 1909, pp. 1106 t

in the inscriptions are mentioned as t h e ruling class in Mitani are identical with these ; ) NGGW, Geschftliche Mitteilungen, 1918, p. 91.

39

806

INDIAN

LITERAIURE

gveda the Aryan Indians were as yet much nearer the west from the geographical point of view.* As regards chrono logy, however, all that we can glean from the inscriptions at Boghazki is that, about the middle of the second millenary B.C. Aryan tribes which worshipped Vedic gods must already have been established in northwestern India for a very considerable time, as several of these tribes had migrated far back to the west as early as about 1400 B . C . This small but important fact would be supported still further, if it should prove to be true that also traces of Indian numerals are to be found in the Boghazki texts.* The idea of so early a date as the third millenary B.C . to? the Veda would certainly be out of the question, if it ~ e r e proved that the individual IndoEuropean peoples had upt yet separated from the primitive IndoEuropeans in the
2)

) See A. Hillebrandt, Book of the gveda. Bhandarhar,

2

Aus Altund Neuindien, B reslau, 1922, pp. 1 ff. and Z U 3, 1924

pp. 1 ff. who points out traces of relations to Western countries especially in the eighth For other views about the Aryan Indians in Asia Minor see R. G. J R A S 25, 1918, pp. 76 ff., and E. Forrer Die acht Sprachen der B oghazki B

Inschriften, S B A 1919, p p . 1036 f. ) Konow suggests that the Nfisatyas are mentioned in t h e Mitani treaty on account of their playing a role in the ancient marriagerites, because the treaty, following upon a war between the Hittite king Subbiluliuma and the Mitani k i n g Mattiuza, was confirmed by a marriage of the latter with the Hittite king's daughter. ooncludes " that the extension of IndoAryan As this connection of the A i vins with the marriageritual, however, occurs only in the late SSrys5kta, Konow civilization into Mesopotamia took place after the bulk of the gveda had come into existence " so that the oldest portions of the collection would " have to be considered as considerably older than the Mitani treaty." I cannot see the force of this argument, as Indra and the Nsatyau JhattQpdhyya (Indransaty) are K. invoked together in Rv. V I I I , 26, 8, where t h e y have nothing to do with marriage.

(Calcutta Review, May 1924, pp. 287 ff.) concludes from the mention of

Vedic gods in the B oghazki treaties that b e t w e e n 2OOO and 15OO 3 . 0 . there w e r e several arrivals of Aryan peoples in Asia Minor at the same time when other Aryan tribes entered India from Central Asia and became k n o w n as Vrtyas. This chronological combination of the Vrtyas with the Indians in Asia Minor has no foundation in fact whatsoever, hence Mr. Chaopdhyya's chronological conclusions (B rhmaa period from 2OOO B .C. to 14OO B.., Yajurveda and Atharvaveda about 2OOO B .C. and g v e d a before 3,OOO B .C.) are quite unfounded. ) Of. P. Jensen, Indische Zahlwrter in Keilschrifthittitischen Texten, SB A 1919
?

pp. 367 ff,

VEDIC
1

LITERATURE

30t

third millenary. ) This view which, in my opinion, is very unlikely and has not been satisfactorily proved, is welcomed by those who wish to assign as low a date as possible to the gveda and to the beginnings of Indian culture. Thus J . Hertel ) promises to demonstrate that the gveda originated, not in northwestern India but in Iran, and at a time not far distant from that of Zoroaster, who, according to Hertel, lived about 550 B.C . G. Hsing goes still further, and turns and twists certain of the names of kings occurring in the cuneiform inscriptions so long that they are metamorphosed into those of Indian kings. On the basis of these " facts," he then concludes that from about 1000 B.C . the Indians wandered from Armenia to Afghanistan, which was the scene of the gvedic period, and that it was only later that they were driven further towards India. Following a suggestion of H . Brunnhofer, he even assumes that the king Knta Pthuravas ) who is mentioned in the gveda is identical with a Scythian king Kanitas who is mentioned in a Greek inscription and on a coin, and who lived in the 2nd century B.C. This would mean " that the collection of these songs was not yet completed in the 2nd century B.C ." This must
2 8) 4

) ff.)

Gunther Ipsen

(Indogerman,

Forschungen 41, 1923, pp. 174 ff.: Stand und

1

Aufgaben der Sprachwissenschaft, F e s t s c h i f t fr W. Streitberg, Heidelberg 1924, pp. 200 endeavours to prove that the IndoEuropean words for " copper," ".cow " and " star * were borrowed from the Sumerian, and not earlier than between 3000 and 2100 B .C. However, when w e consider that the domestic cow and copper are among the most ancient of prehistoric finds, w e shall hesitate to accept Ipsen's theory.
a

Indogerman.

Forschungen 4 1 , 1 9 2 3 , p. 188 ; Die Zeit Zoroasters, Leipzig, 1924 ; A book by Hertel on the Zoroaster's See Religion,

D i e Himmelstore im Veda und im Avesta Leipzig, 1924, pp. 7 f.

a g e and home of the g v e d a is announced, but has not y e t been published. C. C lemen, Die griechischen und lateinischen Nachrichten ber die *) *)

date is still uncertain, but there are good reasons for placing him about 1000 B .C. persische Giessen 1920, pp, 11 ff. ; H. Reichelt i n Festschrift fur W. Streitberg, pp. 282 f.

Die Inder in B oghazki, in Prace linguistyczne ofiarowane Janowi B audouinowi v V I I I . 46, 2 1 ; 24. The story of this King Prthusravas is one of the old

de Courtenay...Krakow 1921, pp. 151 ff. tales which, like the khyfina of unasepa, were recited at the Puru?amedha, s. kh yana.rautasutra X V I , 11> 23.

os

INDIAN

LITERATURE

surely be the very latest date ever yet assumed as that of the gveda ! The strongest argument for a later dating of the Veda is undoubtedly the close relationship between the Veda and the Avesta with regard to language and religious views.* There are, however, very great differences to counteract the points of agreement in religion. Moreover the points of agreement can easily be explained, considering firstly that Indians and Iranians once formed one Aryan cultural unit at a preVedic and preAvestic period, and secondly that they remained neighbours even after the separation. As regards the kinship of the languages, it is quite impossible to state definite chronological limits within which languages change. Some languages change very rapidly, others remain more or less unaltered for a long period.* I t is true that hieratic languages, like those of the Vedic hymns and the Avesta, can remain unaltered much longer than spoken vernaculars. Nevertheless, all t h a t we know of the history of other languages and branches of languages compels us to say that languages do not remain unchanged for an indefinite number of millenaries, let alone tens of thousands of years. For this reason, the fantastic figures of 16000 or even 25000 B. C as the date of the Veda, built up on the basis of astronomical or geological speculations, are absolutely impossible. Figures like this imply, too, that scarcely any cultural progress worthy
3 )

Thus A. A. Macdonell

( E R E . Vol. 7, 1914, pp. 49 ff.) says, that " it seems impos Iranians

sible to avoid the conclusion that the Indians cannot have separated from the much earlier than about 1300 B . C "

*) Cf. A. C, Woolner (Proc F O 0 I, pp. xvii ff. ; II. p. 20 ff.) who rightly says " that as far as any philolog ical t h e earliest Mantra." Society X I I , I. p. 4, ") l a m thinking of Abinas Chandra Das, ig Vedio India, I, Calcutta 1921 (. Calcutta Review, March 1924, pp. 540 ff.) and D . N. Mukhopadhyaya
t

estimates g o , 2OOO B. C, remains quite as possible as 1200 B. C for See also B. V. Kamevara iyar
t

Quarterly Journal of t h e Mythic also

The

H indu

Nakshatras (reprinted from Vol. V I of Journal of the Department of Science, University, 1923).

Calcutta

VEDIC

LITERATURE

309

of the name was made in the whole course of that overwhelm ingly long aeon, which would be most surprising in the case of so talented a race as the Indians. These figures are impos sible, too, because the continuity between the Vedic and the later brahmanical culture, which cannot be explained away especially as regards religion, would then become utterly inexplicable. Moreover, classical Sanskrit, as fixed by Pini in his Grammar more especially on the basis of the language of the Brhmaas which still formed part of the Veda proper, and again the language of the inscriptions of King Aoka in the third century B. C , show too close a relationship with the language of the Veda for it to be feasible that a stretch of so very many thousands of years lay between. I n summing u p , we may say : 1. Attempts to determine the period of the Veda by the aid of astronomy come to grief owing to the fact that there are certain passages in the Vedic texts which admit of various interpretations. However correct the astronomical calcula tions may be, they prove nothing unless the texts in question admit of an unambiguous interpretation. 2. The historical facts and hypotheses, such as the mention of Vedic gods in the cuneiform inscriptions, and the relationship of Vedic antiquity to the Aryan (IndoIranian) and IndoEuropean period, are so uncertain in themselves that the most divergent and contradictory conclusions have been drawn from them. Nevertheless, we have now such likely evidence of relations between ancient India and western Asia penetrating as far west as Asia Minor in the second millenary B . C , that Vedic culture can be traced back at least to the second millenary B . C . 3. The linguistic facts, the near relationship between the language of the Veda and that of the Avesta on the one hand, and between the Vedic language and classical Sanskrit on the other, do not yield any positive results ;

INDIAN

LITERATURE

4. they serve as a warning to us, however, to refrain from dating the Veda back to an inconceivably distant period on the strength of astronomical or geological speculations. 5. As all the external evidence fails, we are compelled to rely on the evidence arising out of the history of Indian literature itself for the age of the Veda. The surest evidence in this respect is still the fact that Prva Mahvra and Buddha presuppose the entire Veda as a literature to all intents and purposes completed, and this is a limit which we must not exceed. W e cannot, however, explain the develop ment of the whole of this great literature, if we assume as late a date as round about 1200 or 1500 B. C . as its starting point. W e shall probably have to date the beginning of this development about 2000 or 2500 B. C , and the end of it between 750 and 500 B. C . The more prudent course, however, is to steer clear of any fixed dates, and to guard against the extremes of a stupendously ancient period or a ludicrously modern epoch.

S E C T I O N II. T H E POPULAR EPIC S AND THE PURANAS.

THE BEGINNINGS OF EPIC POETRY IN INDIA.

W e have already seen the first traces of epic poetry in India in the Vedic literaturein the dialoguehymns of the gveda as well as in the Akhynas, Itibsas and Puras of the Brhmaas.* Moreover we know from the Brhmaas and the ritualliterature, that the recital of such narrative poems formed a part of the religious ceremonies at the sacrificial and domestic festivals. Thus the daily recitation of legends of gods and heroes belonged to the preliminary celebration, which lasted a whole year, of the great horsesacrifice. I n a regular succession which repeated itself every ten days, stories of certain gods and heroes were related ; and also two luteplayers, a Brahman and a warrior, were present, who, in verses of their own composition (gths), glorified the generosity and the war like deeds, respectively, of the prince who was celebrating the sacrifice. The luteplayers, who sang to the accompaniment of the lute the praises of a real king or of Soma as the king of the Brahmans, had also to be present at the ceremony of parting the hair, which was performed on the expectant mother in the fourth month of pregnancy, with a sacrifice for the prosperity of the fruit of her womb. After a funeral, too, it was an old custom, to whose existence the poet Ba still testifies in the 7th century A.D., for the mourners to sit
) CI. above p p . 101 ff 208 ff., 226. The Indians are not consistent in their use of

the expressions khyna, itihsa and pur5a for they sometimes nse t h e m as synonyms, bnt at other t i m e s to m e a n various kinds of narratives. The epic " MahAbhrata," in the Introduction, is called alternately itihsa, purna and khyna. Emil Sieg, 1902, Introduction* On these terms, C f. also Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda und die indische Itih8J,satradition, I S t u t t g a r t

312

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

down in a shady place outside the house and to be diverted and consoled by the recitation of old Itihsas or Puras. And when, after a death or some other heavy loss, the fire of the hearth had been carried out of the house in order to avert further misfortune, and a new fire kindled in the house by means of the two churningsticks, then the members of the family, keeping the fire alive far into the silent night, sat listening to the tales of people who had reached a green old age, and Itihsas and Puras auspicious for the future. * There were not only single ballads (khynas, Itihsas) but also cycles of ballads. At least one cycle of this kind has come down to us in the Supcmkhyana, also called Supar dhyya or Supara.* This is an apocryphal work belonging to the later Vedic literature, the author trying his utmost to imitate the hymns of the gveda in language, accentuation and external form, so that his work should appear to belong to the gveda. The date of this work is quite uncertain, but on metrical grounds we may place it approximately in the period of the metrical Upaniads, such as the Kaha Upaniad.* I t is a cycle of ballads dealing with the legend
1

SatapathaB rhmaa, X I I I , 4, 3 ; ukhyanaGhyas5tra, I. 22, 11 f.; sva I, 14, 6 f., IV, 6, 6 ; PdtraskaraGhyasitra, I. 15 7 f. ; Apastamby

lyanaGhyasutra, H. Liiders,
8

Ghyasutra, 14 4 f. C f. also A. Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual ( S B A 1891) and i n ZDMG Vol. 58 pp. 707 ff At the Puruamedha too, the recitation of The text, which has come down in very bad condition, w a s first edited by E . Die Supirasage, Uppsala 1920, p p . 190 ff. ; khyuas forms part of t h e ritual, s. akhayanaSrautasutra 16 11. ) Qrtibe B erlin, 1875 (reprinted in Ind. Stud., Vol. 14) ; n e w l y edited, translated into German and annotated by J. C harpentier, Cf. J v. Negelein in GG A 1924 pp. 65 ff., 87 ff. J. Hertel considers this work to be a

dramatio poem after the style of the Swng described by R. Temple (WZKM 2 3 , 1909, 273 ff.; 24, 1910, 117 ff. ; Indisohe Mrohen, pp. 344, 367 f.) ; and he has translated it into German as a drama (Indische Mrchen, Jena 1919, pp. 344 ff.),?C f. Winternitz, Oester reichische Monatsschrift fr den Orient 4 1 , 1 9 1 5 , pp. 176 f., Oldenberg, Zur Geschichte der altindisohen Prosa, p p . 61 ff. and NGGW 1919, pp. 79 ff. This Supardhyya has no connection with the Supara songs belonging to the Khilas of t h e gveda which are also called " Supardbyya " (s. above p. 60, and Scheftelowitz, ) C harpentier, I. tion of Oharpentiers conclusions. ZDMG 74, 1920, p. 203). c. pp. 196 f., J. v. Negelein (1. c. pp. 196, f.) doubts the justifica

EPICS

AND

PURAS

313

of Kadr the snakemother, and Vinat the birdmother, and the enmity between Garua and the snakes, a legend which dates far back into Vedic times, * and which appears in epic form in the stkaparvan of the Mahbhrata. I n the later Vedic texts Itihsa and Purna are very frequently enumerated beside the Vedas and other branches of learning ; the study of them counts as a work pleasing to the gods : in fact the Itihsapurna is actually called " the fifth Veda." They are generally mentioned immediately after the Atharvaveda, to which they are said to be closely related.* This has led to the conclusion that, similar to the Vedic Sahits there existed one or several collections of Itihsas and Puras made up of myths and legends, legends of gods and tales of demons, snake deities, old sages (is) and kings of ancient times. There is no proof, however, that such collections actually existed in the form of " books " in Vedic times.) All t h a t we know is that there were professional storytellers (Aitihsikas, Paurikas) in very ancient times.
1 2)
1

) C harpentier, ) As

1. c , pp. 288 ff. ; atapathaB r. I l l , 6, 2. I. Das and 7. In the B uddhist Suttanipta III. 7 and the Vedgas C f.

ChndogyaUp V I I . I

(Selasutta), Itihsa is called " the fifth " after the three Vedas A. Weber, l. c , and J. Dahlmann, 1895, pp. 281 ff.
8

Mahbhrata als Epos und Rechtsbuch, B erlin Atharvaveda

According

to ChndogyaUp I I I , 3, 4, the magic songs of the

stand in the same relationship to the Itihsapura as the h y m n s (c) to the gveda the prayer formulae (yajus) to the Yajurveda, and the melodies (sman) to the Smaveda. According to the and M. Bloomfield,
4

KauilyaArtha'lstra, p. 7, the Atharvaveda and the " Itihsaveda" SB E., Vol. 42, pp. xxxvi f. Vedische Studien I, pp. 290 f. ; E. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des J. Hertel,

together with the tray " the threefold knowledge," form the Vedas. C f. above, p. 126, ) The theory that there was a book called " Itihsaveda " or " Itihsapura " is und die indische Itihsaradition I. p. 33 and E R E VII. 1914, 461 ff. ; SB A 1911, p. 969. B ut the very passage in Kauilya

advanced by K F. Geldner, gveda H. Jacobi,

WZKM 23, 1909, p. 295 ; 24, p. 4 2 0 , R. Pischel KG 1 6 8 ; H. Oertel WZKM 24, p. 1 2 1 ; I, 5, p. 10, which is quoted by these scholars, proves that " Itihasa " should be interpreted, not as a single work, but as a class of literary productions : for " Veda " o n l y means a certain kind of learning, not a book : Ayurveda is " medical science," Gandharvaveda is " music," Thus " Itihsaveda " is gveda Smaveda, etc., are classes of texts, and not single books.

not any particular book, but that branch of learning which consists of legends, stories, etc.

40

314

INDIAN

LITERATURE

I t is certain, moreover, that as early as the time of Buddha there was in existence an inexhaustible store of prose and verse narrativeskhynas, Itihsas, Puras and Gths, form ing as it were literary public property which was drawn upon by the Buddhists and the Jains, as well as by the epic poets. The "songs in praise of m e n " (gtk nraams) are often mentioned beside the Itihsas and Puras among the texts which are pleasing to the gods. These songs are connected on the one hand with the Dnastutis of the g veda and the Kuntpa hymns of the Atharvaveda, b u t on the other hand they are the direct precursors of the actual H e r o i c E p i c itself, for their contents are the glorious deeds of the warriors and princes. These " songs in praise of men " pro bably soon developed into epic poems of considerable length, i.e. heroic songs, and into entire cycles of epic songs, centring around one hero or one great e v e n t ; for the only two national epics which have come down to us, the MahbMrata and the Rrnyana, represent but the last remnants of a long past period of epic poetry. Long before these two epics existed as such, songs must have been sung of the great combat of nations around which the Mahbhrata centres, and of the deeds of Rma the hero of the Rmyaa. Neither is it conceivable that the battles of the Kauravas and Pavas and the adventures of Rma should have been the only subjects of poetry. Many other heroes and great events in other royal houses also must have been sung. These old heroic songs, whose existence we must take for granted, have not all vanish ed without t r a c e ; in remnants and fragments some of them have been preserved in our two epics.
l) 2)

) SatapathaB r. X l .

5 6 8 ; valyanaGhyas I l l , 3.

The fact that, in these Vedic

songs, panegyrics were more important than historical truth, Khaka 14, 5).
a

is evident from the

texts themselves, for they declare these Gaths to be " l i e s " (MaitryaSahit 1, 11, 5 : ) C f. H. Jacobi, Uber ein verlorenes Heldengedicht der SindhuSauvra, in

Mlanges Kern, Leide 1903, pp. 53 ff.

EPICS A N D

PURAS

35

The authors, reciters and preservers of this heroic poetry were the bards, usually called Stas who lived at the courts of kings and recited or sang their songs at great feasts in order to proclaim the glory of the princes. They also went forth into battle, in order to be able to sing of the heroic deeds of the warriors from their own observations. Thus, in the Mahbhrata itself, it is the Sta Sajaya who describes to King Dhtartra the events on the battlefield. These court singers formed a special caste,* in which the epic songs were transmitted from generation to generation. Epic poetry pro bably originated in the circle of such bards, who certainly were very closely related to the warrior class. Besides there were also travelling singers, called Kullavas, who memorised the songs and publicly sang them to the accompaniment of the lute, and to them th circulation of the heroic songs among the people was due. Thus it is related in the Rm yaa though in a late, interpolated song, how the two sons of Rma Kua and Lava, travelled about as wandering singers and recited in public assemblies the poem learned from the poet Vlmki. But what we know as the popular epics of the Indians, the M a h b h r a t a and the R m y a a , are not the old heroic songs as those courtsingers and travelling minstrels of
2) 3)

) According to the lawbook of Manu (X, 11 and 17), the SStas are a mixed caste descended from the intermarriage of warriors with B rahman women, while the intermarriage of Vaiyas with Katriya women. of the princes. Mgadhas, the who, as w e l l as the Stas are usually called singers, are said to be descended from

In war, the Stas are also the charioteers a country situated to the east of Tradition, London 1922, p. 16.

Originally the Mgadhas were undoubtedly bards from the land of Maga Ancient Indian Historical

dha and the Stas too, w ere probably inhabitants of Magadha. C f. F. E. Par gter,

J. J. Meyer, Das Weib im altindischen Epos, Leipzig, 1915, p. 62 note, compares the modern Bhts of the Rajputs to the S3tas. On the B hts and other kinds of singers in the India of haines, today, cf. R. C. Temple, the Legends of the Panjb, Vol. I (1884), p. viii; and A, Ethnography (Grundriss II. 5, 1912), pp. 85 ff.
2

) C f. A. Holtzmann, ) I. 4.

Das Mahbhrata I, p. 54 f., 65 f.

H . J(icobi, Das Rmyaa, pp. 67.

3

316

INDIAN LITERATURE

ancient India sang them, compiled into unified poems by great poets or at least by clever collectors with some talent for poetry, but accumulations of very diverse poems of un equal value, which have arisen in the course of centuries owing to continual interpolations and alterations. Though ancient heroic songs do indeed form the nucleus of both these works, the more devotional Itihsa literature was included in them to so great an extent, and such long poems of a religi ousdidactic nature were inserted, that the Mahbhrata, in particular, has almost completely lost the character of an epic.
WHAT IS THE MAHBHRATA ?
1 }

I t is only in a very restricted sense that we may speak of the Mahbhrata as an " epic " and a " poem." Indeed, in a certain sense, the Mahbhrata is not one poetic production at all, but rather a whole literature.
) For information on the contents of the epic, Bonn 1903. the best help is H. Jacobi, Mah

bhrata, InhaltsAngabe, Index und Konkordanz der Kalkuttaer und B ombayer Ausgaben. For the problems of the Mahbhrata see especially E. W. Hopkins, Trie Greac Epic of India, Its Character and Origin, N e w York 1901. Teile. I n 4 vols. Kiel 189295. A rich, though unfortunately not Das Mahabhrata und seine prejudiced Un Mahbhrata.

handy, collection of materials, is contained in A. Holtzmann,

The value of this great work is considerably

by the untenable theories of the author upon the remodellings of the Dahlmann

tenable, too, are the opposite theories upon the origin of the epic as one work, which Joseph has upheld in his books " Das Mahbhrata als Epos und Rechtsbuch," B erlin, The first of these books, No. 1 and 1899, Prague 1895, " Genesis des Mahbhrata," B erlin 1899, and " Die SmkhyaPhilosophie als Natur lehre und Erlsungslehre, nach dem Mahbharata," B erlin 1902. rise to a veritable " Dahlmanuliterature." C f. H. Jacobi in 1 8 9 6 ; C. H. Tawney however, has the great merit of having given new life to studies of the epic ; it has given GGA 1896. N o . 1 1 ; A. Ludwig in Sitzungsber. der kgl. bhmischen Ges. der Wiss. 343 f. A. Barth in the Journal des savants, April. June and July, 1897, cl. f. Phil

Asiatic Quarterly Review 1896, p p . 347 ff.; J. Jolly, Ind. Ant. 25, 1896, and RHR t. 45,

1902, pp. 191 ff. (Oeuvres II. 393 ff.) ; M.Wmternitzit in JRAS 1897, pp. 713 ff. and WZKM X I V , 19OO, pp. 53 ff., E. W. Hopkins in the American Journal of Philology, 1898, X I X , No. 1 , W. C artellieri in WZKM, 13, 1899, pp. 57 ff.; J. Kirste in Ind. Ant., 31, 1902, pp. 5 ff. loc. cit., Indian Wisdom, 4th Among the older literature on the Mahbhrata (it is summarized by Holtzmann, I V , pp. 165 ff.) the following deserve special notice : Monier Williams,

EPICS
1}

AND

PURAAS

Sll

Mahbhrata means " the great narrative of the battle of the Bhratas." The Bharatas are already mentioned in the gveda as a warlike tribe, and in the Bhmanas we encounter Bharata the son of Duanta and Sakuntal who is regarded as the ancestor of the royal race of the Bharatas. The home of these Bharatas or Bharatas was in the country of the Upper Ganges and the Jumn. Among the descendants of .Bharata a ruler named Kuru was specially prominent, and his descen dants, the Kauravas (Kuruides), were so long the ruling race of the Bharatas, that the name Kuru or Kaurava in the course of time assumed the character of a name for the tribe of the Bharatas, and their land is that Kuruksetra or " Kuruland " with which we are already acquainted from the Yajurveda and the Brhmaas. A family feud in the royal house of the Kauravas leads to a bloody battle, a truly internecine struggle in which the ancient race of the Kurus and with it the family of the Bharatas, is almost entirely ruined. The history of this bloody battle, which we shall probably have to regard as an historical event, though we hear of it only in the Mahbhrata, was told in songs, and some great poet whose name has been lost, combined these songs into an heroic poem of the great battle in the field of the Kurus. Thus, as in the Iliad and in the Nibelungensong, the tragedy of a terrible war of annihilation forms the actual subject of the heroic poem. This old heroic poem forms the nucleus of the Mahbhrata.
2)

edit. London 1 8 9 3 ; Sren SVense, Om Mahbhrata's stilling i den Indiske (with a " Summarium " in the Latin language), Copenhagen 1893 ; A. Ludwig, Ramayaa und die B eziehungen desselben zum Vereins f. Volkskunde und Linguistik in Prague 1894). Gttingen, 1922. ) B hrata means " battle of 2,56), the B haratas" (bhrata sagrmah, See also Hopkins,

literatur Uber das VIII. Wiss.

Mahbhrata ( I I . Jahresbericht des ERE

1915, 325 ff. and H. Oldenberg, Das Mahabharata, seine Entstehung, sein Inhalt, seine Form, Pini IV, great

In the Mahbhrata itself we find mahbhratayuddha

(XIV, 81, 8) " t h e

Bharata battle," and Mahabhratkhynam (I. 62, 39)," " the great story battle " the title " Mahbhrata " being an abbreviation of the latter.
2

of the B harata

) See above p. 196.

318

INDIAN

LITERATURE

I n the course of centuries, however, an enormous mass of the most diverse poetry has collected around this nucleus. First numerous legends whose connection with the old heroic poem is more or less casual, legends referring to the early history of the heroes, or giving reports of all kinds of adven tures of these men, without having any reference whatever to the great battle, were added to the poem. Then, too, fragments of other heroic legends and cycles of legends, which refer to various famous kings and heroes of primeval times, found their way into the poem, even though they had nothing at all to do with the song of the great K u r u battle. How much of this old bard poetry already belonged to the original poem as secondary tales {episodes) and how much was only added later, will probably never be determined. W e have reason to believe that in ancient times many of these episodes were recited by the minstrels as independent poems.* I n any case, our Mahbharata is not only the heroic poem of the battle of the Bhratas, but at the same time also a repertory of the whole of the old bard poetry. However, it is very much more than this. W e know that the literary activity of ancient India was for the most part in the hands of the priests, the Brahmans ; and we have seen how they brahmanised the old popular magic songs of the Atharvaveda, and how they intermingled with their priestly wisdom, t h e philosophy of the Upanisads which was really foreign, even antagonistic, to the priesthood. * The more the heroic songs grew in favour and the more popular they became, the greater the anxiety of the Brahmans to take possession of this epic poetry also ; and they had the art of compounding this poetry which was essentially and
2

) It seems that individual bards made a speciality of the recitation of poems ; for Patajali (Pini IV, 2, 60) teaches the formation of words like

certain

Yvakrtika,

" o n o who knows the story of Yavakrfca " Yytika, " one who knows the story of Yayti etc. C f. F. Lac6te Essai sur Gudhya et la B hatkath, Paris, 1908, pp. 138 f.
2

) See above pp. 123, and 231 ff.

EPICS A N D

PURAAS

319

purely secular in origin, with their own religious poems and the whole stockintrade of their theological and priestly knowledge. Thus it happens that legends of gods, mytho logical narratives of br^hmanical origin, and to a great ex tent even didactic sections referring to brahmanical philosophy and ethics and brahmanical law, were received into the Mah bhrata. This priestly caste welcomed the popular epic as the very medium for the propagation of their own doctrines, and thereby for the strengthening and consolidation of their influence. It was they who inserted into the epic all the numerous myths and legends (Itihsas) in which wonderful feats are related of the famous seers of ancient times, the is the ancestors of the B rahmans, how by dint of sacrifices and asceticism, they obtain tremendous power not only over men, but even over the gods, and how, when they are offend ed, their curse causes the fall of princes and great men, and even of the kings of the gods. The Mahbhrata was, however, too much of a popular book, too much the property of extensive circles of the people, in particular of the warrior caste, for it ever to have become an actual brahmanical work or the property of any one Vedic school. And it was not so much the Vedaknowing and learned B rahmans who took part in the development of the Mahbhrata; hence the noticeably scanty knowledge of actu al brahmanical theology and sacrificial science, which we find even in those parts of the epic in which brahmanical influ ence is unmistakable. It was the Purohitas, the courtpriests, who like the Stas (bards) were in the service of the kings, and on that account came more into contact with epic poetry. It was this less learned class of priests, too, which later on furnished templepriests at famous holy places and places
x)

) Some of these legends can still be traced.

In B rahmanic texts, for instance,

the story of B hagsvana who was changed into a woman, in Mah5bh. X I I I , 12, is found in the B audhyanaSrautastra; s. Winternitz and C aland in WZKM 17. 1903, 292 f.; 351 ff.

320

INDIAN

LITERATURE

of pilgrimage, mostly dedicated to the gods Viu or iva and devoted itself to the literary cultivation of local myths attached to such sacred spots, and the legends woven around the gods Viu and iva. This, as we shall see, was done chiefly in the Purnas, but also in the Mahbhrata, into which crept numerous local myths in true Purna style, Visnu and Siva myths, and Purnalike cosmologies, geographical lists and genealogies. But an epic poetry seems to have been cultivated more in those regions of India where the worship of Viu as the highest deity prevailed. This accounts for the fact that, in the religiousdidactic portions of the Mahbhrata, this god stands so prominently in the foreground, that the work at times gives the impression of a religious book dedicated to the worship of Visnu. I t is true, Sivalegends and passages referring to the iva cult are not wanting, but they are in every case easily recognisable as later additions. They were inserted as the epic was propagated also over regions in which iva worship had its home. * But there existed yet other religious circles in India which, already in early times, showed literary activity, and tried partly even more than the Brahmans, to win over the great masses of the people. These were the ascetics, forest hermits and mendicants, the founders of sects and monastic orders, which at the time of Buddha were already very numerous in India. These, too, had their own poetry; legends of saints, aphorisms, in which they preached their doctrines of renunciation and contempt of the world, of selfsacrifice and love for all beings, and also fables, parables, fairytales, and moral stories, which were intended to illus trate the philosophy and ethics of the ascetics by means of examples. This ascetic poetry, too, was incorporated into the Mahbhrata to a considerable extent.
1
l

) C f. H Jacobi in GGA J892 pp. 629 f.

EPICS AND PURAS

321

To such an extent had the Mahbhrata become a compendium of narratives of all descriptions rather than an epic, that even prose pieces, brahmanical legends and moral tales, some entirely in prose form and others partly in verse and partly in prose, were incorporated into the epic.> W e find, then, in this the most remarkable of all literary productions, side by side and intermingled, warlike heroic songs with highly coloured descriptions of bloody battle scenes ; pious priestly poetry, with dissertations, which are often tedious enough, upon philosophy, religion and law; and mild ascetic poetry full of edifying wisdom and full of overflowing love towards man and beast. Therefore the Indians themselves regard the Mahbh rata though always as an epic, as a work of poetic art (kvya), but also at the same time as a manual (stra) of morality, law and philosophy, supported by the oldest tradition (smti) and hence furnished with incontestible authority ; and since more than 1,500 years it has served the Indians as much for entertainment as for instruction and edification. At least 1,500 years ago, this Mahbhrata was already just as we possess it today in our manuscripts and editions or at least very similarone work which was of about the same extent as our epic of today. Like the latter, it already contained a long introduction with a framework, a story of the legendary origin of the poem and a glorification of it as a textbook of religion and morals; it was divided into eighteen books called Parvans, to which a nineteenth book Harivaa had already been added as a " s u p p l e m e n t " (Khila) ;
2)

1)

In the Pauyaparvan (Mahbh. I, 3 ) , in the Mrkadeya section of the Vanapar All these are pieces which are really outside the (Zur Geschichte Winter* I therefore cannot agree at all w i t h Oldenberg

van, and in tho sectarian Nryaya. scope of the e p c proper.

der altindisohen Prosa, pp. 65 ff. ; Das Mahabharata, pp. 21 ff.) in seeing an earlier stage of the epio in these very pieces. C f. Hopkins, The Great Epic of India, pp. 266 ff. ; nitz DLZ 1919, No. 44. *) S e e , further on, the chapter on the age and history of the Mahbhrata.

41

322

INDIAN

LITERATURE

and it attained the extent of about 100,000 verses (lokas). A n d up to the present day this gigantic work, in spite of all the diverse elements of which it consists, is regarded by the Indians as a unified work, complete in itself,* whose author is the most venerable i Kfsna Dvaipyana, also called Pysa. This same i is also said to be the compiler of the four Vedas and the author of the Puras. According to the legend, he was not only a contemporary, but also a close relative of the heroes of the Mahbhrata, and occasionally also appears in the action of the poem. His history is told us in great detail in the Mahbhrata. H e is the son of a famous ascetic, the i Parara. This great saint one day catches sight of Satyavat, who came into the world in a fish and was brought up by fisherfolk, and is so charmed with her beauty that he desires her love. But she will yield to him only on the condition that, after she has borne him a son, she may regain her maidenhood. The great saint grants her this wish, and also the wish that she may lose her fishodour and may diffuse a wonderful perfume. I m m e d i a t e l y after he has cohabited with her, she gives birth to a son, on an island in the J u m n , who is named Dvaip yana " t h e islandborn." The boy grows up and soon gives himself up to asceticism. W h e n taking leave of his mother, he tells her that h e will appear immediately at any time she, needing him, thinks of him. Satyavat, however, once more a virgin, later on became the wife of the K u r u king, Sntanu, and bore the latter two sons, C itrgada and Vicitravrya. After the death of Sntanu and C itrgada, Vicitravrya was appointed heir. H e died young and childless, but left two wives. I n order that the race may not die out, Satyavat
2)

)
2

Therefore, too,

it is called a samhit, i.e.

i.e.

"a

(complote)

compilation," " a of the Veda

connected text," t h u s Mahbh. I, 1, 21. ) Hence his name Vysa or Vedavyasa, " c l a s s i f i e r " "classifier This is the explanation of the n a m e given in the Mahbhrata itself ( 1 , 63, 88 : Vivyas vedn y a s m t sa tasmd Vysa iti srntah, of. I, 60. 5 ; 105, 13).

EPICS

AND

PURAS

32a

decides to call her illegitimate son Dvaipyana, so that, according to the legal custom of the Levirate he may beget descendants by his sistersinlaw. Now although this Dvai pyana is a great ascetic and saint, yet he is an extremely ugly man with bristly hair and beard and darkly rolling eyes, dark in complexion (hence probably his name Kra " t h e black o n e " ) and an evil smell emanates from him. Therefore, when he approaches the one princess she cannot bear the sight of him, and closes her eyes : the consequence of this is that her son is born blind. H e later became king Dhrtardstra. The saint then approaches the second lady, and she grows pale at sight of him. As the result of this she gives birth to a son who is pale, and is therefore called jPndu " t h e pale one." He is the father of the five principal heroes of the epic. Once again Dvaipyana is to approach the first woman ; but grown wiser, she sends her maid to the saint, who notices nothing of the substitution, and with the maid he begets Vidara> to whom in the epic is allotted the part of a wise and wellwishing friend of Dhrtarra as well as of the sons of Pu.* This saint, Kna Dvaipyana Vysa whom legend has made into a kind of grandfather of the heroes of the epic, is regarded by the Indians, up to the present day, as the author of the whole Mahbhrata. Only after his three " sons " had died, so says the introduction to the Mahbhrata, did Vysa publish among the people the poem composed by him. H e imparted it to his pupil Faiampyana, and the latter recited the whole poem in the intervals of the great snakesacrifice of King Janamejaya. On this occasion it was heard by the Sta Ugraravas, the son of Lomaharana ; and our Mahbhrata
2) 3)

)
2

Mahbh.

I, 63 ; 1OO ff. only the progenitor, not the The deceased husband of the two widows is regarded

According to the law of tho Levirate, Vyfisa is

father, of Dhtarra and Pu. as their father.

I.I.95ff.

324

INDIAN

LITERATURE

commences with the is who are assembled at the twelveyearly sacrifice of aunaka in the Naimia forest, en treating the Sta Ugraravas to tell them the story of the Mahbhrata as he has heard it from Vaisampyana. The Sta declares himself willing, and tells the story of the snake sacrifice of Janamejaya, before proceeding to the repetition of the narrative of Vaiampyana. The fact that the Mahbhrata consists almost entirely of speeches is certainly a trait of antiquity. * Ugraravas is the reciter of the outline story, and in the poem itself Vaiam pyana is the speaker. Within the narrative of Vaiam pyana innumerable inserted tales are put in the mouth of various persons, this insertion of stories within stories being a very popular device in Indian literature. In most cases the narratives, as well as the speeches of the persons appear ing, have no introduction but the prose formulae : " Vaiam pyana spake," " Yudhithira spaken " Draupad spake," and so on. Fantastic as is all the information imparted to us in the introduction to the Mahbhrata about its supposed author, yet we find a few noteworthy statements in it. Thus we are told that the i Vysa narrated his work in a short summary as well as in detailed presentation ; further, that different reciters begin the poem at three different places, and that its length was not always the same. Ugraravas says that he knows the poem as consisting of 8,800 verses, while Vysa declares that he composed the Sahit of the B harata poem in 24,000 verses, " and without the secondary stories
1

" We m a y observe in the Iliad, too, that the old epics all contain very much only in the later epics does this dramatic element recede further into the The final stage is Klasse der K.

dialogue; speeche Ernst

background... B ut the epic poem only reaches completion when, in addition to the the outline of the narrative, too, is composed in metrical form. Windi8ch, Mara und B uddha (Abhandl. der philolog.histor. t h e withdrawal of the speeches, and the narration of events only in the form of v e r s e . " schsischen Ges. der Wiss. Leipzig 1895), pp. 222 ff. The Mahbhrata is still a long w a y from that " final s t a g e . "

EtICS AND PURAtflS

325

the Bhrata is recited in this length by the experts." Imme diately afterwards it is said, rather fantastically, that Vysa also composed an epic of 60 hundred thousand verses, viz. 30 hundred thousand for the gods, 15 for the fathers, 14 for the Gandharvas and one hundred thousand for man. * Of course this only hints at the present extent of the Mahbhrata, which has also acquired for it the designation atashasrl samhit, " collection of one hundred thousand verses." One sees from these statements that the Indians themselves, in spite of their firm belief in the unity of the work, have at least retained a recollection of the fact that the Mahbharata only gradually grew, from an originally smaller poem, to its present extent. W h a t the Mahbhrata means to the Indians, the intro duction to the work tells us in the most extravagant fashion. I t is there said, for example :
1

" A s butter excels a m o n g

curds, as the B r a h m a n t h e Vedas

excels

among four

Aryans, as the rayakas a m o n g footed beasts, (Itihsas). " Whosoever has once heard
2 )

t h e drink of i m m o r t a l i t y

a m o n g m e d i c i n e s , t h e ocean a m o n g all waters, and t h e c o w a m o n g even

so t h e M a h b h r a t a is the best of all narrative works this story, can no longer take pleasure h e a r i n g ; j u s t as he w h o has no pleasure in t h e harsh voice

i n a n y other story t h o u g h it be w e l l w o r t h heard the s o n g of t h e k o k i l a of t h e c r o w . " "The thoughts can take

of t h e p o e t s arise from

t h i s m o s t excellent of all

narrative w o r k s , as t h e three realms of t h e universe from t h e five e l e m e n t s . " " Whosoever presents a vedaknowing and deeply learned B r a h m a n w i t h a hundred c o w s w i t h g i l d e d horns, a n d he w h o hears daily the sacred stories of t h e B hrata p o e m t h e s e t w o acquire equal (religious) merit. " Verily his enemies. this narrative work is a s o n g of victory : a k i n g w h o desires conquer t h e earth a n d t r i u m p h over victory, s h o u l d hear it, a n d he will

) Mahbh. I. 1, 51 ff.; 8 1 ; 101 ff.

8

) The Kokila the Indian cuckoo, is!to Indian poets what the nightingale is to our

poets.

326
" This

INDIAN

LITERATUR

is a sacred manual of morals (dharma) ; it is the best m a n u a l boundless wisdom, recited it also
1

of practical life (artha), and Vysa of as a manual of salvation ( m o k a ) . " All " The in to sins, w h e t h e r of thought,

word or deed, depart i m m e d i a t e l y

from the man w h o hears t h i s poem. s a g e K a Dvaipyana rising daily (to perform his devotional this marvellous story, the Mahabhrata, to salvation, ) be found
2

and ascetic exercises) composed three years. practical What we

find

in this book relating t o morals, relating relating is not written therein, can

life, relating to sensual pleasure and

3

can be found elsewhere ; but w h a t nowhere else in t h e world.

jpor ^s, however, who do not look upon the Mahbhrata with the eyes of believing Hindus, but as critical historians of literature it is everything but a work of art; and in any case we cannot regard it as the work of one author, or even of a clever collector and compiler. The Mahbhrata as a whole is a literary monster. Never has the hand of an artist attempted the wellnigh impossible task of combining the conflicting elements into one unified poem. I t is only unpoetical theologians and commentators and clumsy copy ists who have succeeded in conglomerating into a hetero geneous mass parts which are actually incompatible, and which date from different centuries. But in this jungle of poetry, which scholarship has only j u s t begun to clear, there shoots forth much true and genuine poetry, hidden by the wild undergrowth. Out of the unshapely mass shine out the most precious blossoms of immortal poetic art and profound wisdom. The very fact that the Mahbhrata represents

) Dharma,

" l a w and c u s t o m " or "morality,"

artha

" utility," " a d v a n t a g e s " The final

" practical l i f e " and kma " sensual gratification" are the three aims of life, to a certain extent the beall and endall of human existence, according to Indian ethics. losophical s y s t e m s indicate different paths. ) I, I. 261 f. : 2, 382 f., 393 ; 62, 20 f., 23, 25, 52 f. Bengali saying : vara " (i.e. in India). To the last verse compare the " Whatever is not in t h e Mahbhrata is not to be found in B harata aim of all striving, however, is moka, "deliverance," to which the various sects and phi

EPICS

A N D

P U R A S

327

a tvhole literature rather than one single and unified work, and contains so many and so multifarious things, makes it more suited than any other book, to afford us an insight into the deepest depths of the soul of the Indian people. This may be shown by the following survey of the con tents of the Mahbhrata and its various component parts. >
T H E P R I N C I P A L N A R R A T I V E OF T H E M A H B H R A T A .

Years ago Adolf Holtzmann (Senior) undertook the bold endeavour " to open u p for the first time for German poetry lovers, the essence of the Mahbhrata, the old Indian national epic itself." H e started from the undoubtedly correct point of view t h a t the Mahbhrata is not "the Indian epic," but that rather only " the remains, the ruins of the ancient Indian heroic songs , after much retouch ing, extension, and disfigurement, are contained in the Mahbhrata." But with enviable selfconfidence he believed
2)

) Tne whole of the Mahbhrata has been translated into English prose by Kisori Mohan Ganguli and published by Protap Chandra Roy Nath Dutt (Calcutta 18951905). (Calcutta 18841896), and by Manmatha A fine poetical rendering, partly in metrical transla Extracts from the

tions, partly in prose extracts, has been given by Romesh Dutt in his " MahaBharata, the Epic of Ancient India condensed into English Verse," London 1899. Mahbhrata will also be found in John Muir's and " Metrical Translations Williams, been given by from Sanskrit "Original Sanskrit Texts " (18581872), Writers" (London 1879), and in Monier A Summary of the 18 Parvans has

" Indian Wisdom," 4th ed., London 1893.

Monier Williams, Indian Epic Poetry, London 1863 ; an outline of the The Great Indian Epics, London 1899, pp. 93 ff. Paris, 18631870, a collection Pavolini, (s. R. II. by Le Mahbhrata, onze episodes tirs de ce pome (B erlin, 1824), by the poet Friedrich Riickert

story and extracts by J. C. Oman, of larger extracts by Ph. E. Foucaux, pique, Paris, 1862. Boxberger, 315 ff), 1902, and into Geiman by F. Bopp " RckertStudien," by A. Holtzmann,

Books IX have been translated into French by H Fauche,

Several episodes have been translated into Italian by P. E. 1878, pp.

84122 and " RckertNachlese" I. 270; Mrchen, Jena, 1919, No. 1014, and

Indische Sagen, 18451847 (new edition by M. Winternitz, Indische Erzhler " (Vols. 12 and 15, Leipzig 1923, 192 ff). The Strauss Texte des Mahbhratam : Sanatsujtaparvan,

Jena, 1912 and 1921), by J. Hertel, W. Porzig in the series " Indische and P. Deussen, Vier

philosophical texts of the Mahbhrata have been translated into German by 0 . philosophische Bhagavadgta, Mokshadharma, Anugta, Leipzig 1906.
a

) Indische Sagen.

Part 2 ; Die Kuruinge.

Karlsruhe 1846,

329

INDIAN L TERATURE I

himself to be endowed with the ability to reconstruct the ancient original heroic poem from these retouched and disfigured " r u i n s . " H e thought that by means of omissions, abridgments, and alterations, he had created in German verse an Indian heroic poem, which gave a better idea of the actual Mahbhrata as sung by the ancient Indian bards, than a literal translation of the existing original text would probably give. Now Holtzmann, with ingenious insight and deep poetic feeling, certainly often hit upon the right thing, but then he departed so arbitrarily from the Sanskrit text, that his work can only be regarded as a very free recast of the ancient Mahbhrata, but in no case as a faithful representation of it. I n fact Holtzmann attempted an im possible task. Every endeavour to reconstruct " the ancient Indian national epic itself' in its original shape will always be attended by so great an element of arbitrariness, that it can only have a purely subjective value. On the other hand, it is comparatively easy to extract a kernel from the enormous mass of songs of the Mahbhrata, namely, the na rative of the battle of the Eauravas and the Pndavas, which in any case formed the subject of the actual e p i c This shall be done in the following, necessarily short outline. W e trace the story of the great fight, taking into consideration also, as far as possible, the important secondary stories referring to the principal heroes. I n this we shall not digress into doubtful hypotheses upon the " original" epic, but faithfully follow the Mahabhrata text nom available to us, leaving aside, for the present, everything which has no refer ence to the principal narrative.
1

The Descent of the Kauravas and the I n t h e land of t h e B haratas of t h e Kurus n t a n u b y n a m e .

Pndavas.

there once ruled a k i n g of t h e house B y t h e goddess Gag *

1

w h o had

) Goddess of the River Ganges.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

329
B7iisma, w h o m he had t h e latter had virtues, her a n d would, b y his to B hma to with

become a mortal w o m a n , this k i n g had a son called appointed as his successor to t h e throne. already g r o w n u p into a superb desired her as a w i f e . hero endowed the king

One d a y , w h e n with

all warlike fisherfolk,

S n t a n u m e t t h e beautiful fisher girl S a t y a v a t , fell in love H e r father, of t h e would however, o n l y g i v e her to h i m on c o n d i t i o n d a u g h t e r should inherit t h e throne. this, though that

t h e son born Now

B ut ntanu

n o t consent

he found it difficult to g i v e up his beloved. of the

soon noticed h o w depressed his father w a s , and w h e n cause of this depression, he himself went to the k i n g woo S a t y a v a t on his father's behalf.

he had learned t h e fishermen

H e n o t o n l y announces his intention so as to Satyavat after this, whereupon t h e

to renounce his r i g h t to t h e throne, b u t takes a v o w of c h a s t i t y , m a k e i t impossible for a n y son of his to claim t h e throne, fisherman g l a d l y g i v e s h i m his d a u g h t e r . and So ntanu Vicitravirya. and has t w o sons b y her, Citragada marries Soon

n t a n u died a n d y o u n g C i t r g a d a was killed in battle b y a Gandharva : then B h m a as t h e senior of t h e f a m i l y , a n n o i n t e d Vicitravrya T h e latter, h o w e v e r , died y o u n g a n d w i t h o u t wives. issue, though I n order t h a t t h e race m a y n o t die o u t , S a t y a v a t as k i n g . he had t w o in accordance

b e g s B h m a to

b e g e t descendants b y t h e s u r v i v i n g w i d o w s of V i c i t r a v r y a , w i t h t h e a n c i e n t u s a g e of t h e L e v i r a t e .

B u t B h s m a m i n d f u l of his v o w of i t s rays, the god never Indra

of c h a s t i t y , declares that t h o u g h t h e sun m a y g i v e up its brilliancy, t h e fire its heat, t h e moon m a y g i v e up t h e coolness promise. as w e have his b r a v e r y , and t h e g o d D h a r m a ) his justice, be could T h e n S a t y a v a t remembers her i l l e g i t i m a t e son already seen,* the s a i n t Vysa break his And Pndu Pndu of

Fysa and w i t h

Bhma's consent i n v i t e s h i m to see t o t h e propagation of t h e race. b e g e t s DMarstra, brother daughter and V%dnra. A s D h t a r r a w a s born blind, t h e y o u n g e r became k i n g . Du,ryodhana. Dhtarra married GandAr, Gndhra, a n d she bore him a hundred sons, t h e eldest P a u had t w o w i v e s , Prtk sister of or Kunt the Ydavas and Mdr,

of the k i n g

of w h o m w a s named d a u g h t e r of a k i n g of K u n t bore w h o w a s born to t h e t w i n s

Salya k i n g of the Madras. and Bhma gave birth whilst Mdr

him three sons : Yiidhisthira,

the eldest, Arjuna

on t h e same d a y as D u r y o d h a n a ,

Nakula and Sahadeva.

Here the epic relates the f o l l o w i n g very fantastic according story (which to which these could five scarcely have belonged to t h e old p o e m ) ,

) The god of death, and at the same time the god of justice.

) See above, pp. 322f.

42

330

INDIAN

LITERATURE

principal heroes of t h e epic are supposed to have been b e g o t t e n not by, b u t on behalf of P a u . copulation. P a u killed a pair of antelopes a t t h e t i m e of a curse that I n r e a l i t y , however, i t w a s a i w h o had assumed the form of T h i s i n o w pronounces
7

an antelope in order to e n j o y love.

P u shall die d u r i n g t h e e n j o y m e n t of love. provide d e s c e n d a n t s , however, K u n t with her. the g o d of t h e w i n d , b e g e t s s t r o n g b e g e t s Ar j u n a .

Po u therefore determines I n order to children to b e g e t

to lead t h e l i f e of a n ascetic, a n d t o renounce sexual pleasures. invokes the gods

D h a r m a , t h e g o d of j u s t i c e , b e g e t s Y u d h i h i r a w i t h her, Vyu B h m a a n d Indra, the k i n g of t h e g o d s , cohabit with Mdrl A t K u n t s request, t h e t w o A v i n s

and b e g e t t h e t w i n s N a k u l a and S a h a d e v a w i t h her.

The Prtdavas and Kauravas at the Court of

W h e n P u died reins of g o v e r n m e n t . soon afterwards, blind

Dhftarastra.
assumed t h e their mother were

Dhtarra accompanied

T h e five sons of

Pa.u

KuntlPclu's second wife Mdr had t h r o w n herself p y r e t o t h e court of k i n g D h t a r a r a at educated with t h e princes, their cousins. Hastinpura,

on to his funeral where they

E v e n in their j u v e n i l e g a m e s , the sons of P d u excelled over those of Dhtarra a r o u s i n g t h e j e a l o u s y strength cousins which tumbled were down most of t h e latter. B hma, in particular, unruly For reason children. this evinced great exuberance of spirits and g a v e m a n y an e x h i b i t i o n of displeasing with t o Dhtarras their fruits. instance, if t h e children climbed a tree, he would together

shake i t so t h a t his For grew

D u r y o d h a n a hated B h m a i n t e n s e l y , a n d m a d e several a t t e m p t s on his life w i t h o u t however b e i n g able to harm h i m . e n g a g e d as their t u t o r s . T h e boys Krpa u p , and t w o were f a m o u s B rahmans, skilled in t h e use of w e a p o n s , Dhtarra a n d of Pu also Avatthman, and Drona

There were a m o n g their pupils besides t h e sons of one of D r o a s sons, and became B ut D u r y o d h a n a and B h m a soon i n chariot

Karna son of a S t a or charioteer. S a h a d e v a in sword respect. him. When and festive t h e princes assembly,

Droas best pupils w i t h t h e clubs, A v a t t h m a n in m a g i c arts, N a k u l a and exercises, and Y u d h i h i r a fighting. Arjuna w a s n o t only t h e best archer, b u t e x c e l l e d all t h e others in every

For this reason t h e sons of D h t a r a s r a were e x t r e m e l y jealous of had completed the k i n g , their s t u d i e s , D r o a organised a I t is a brilliant and numerous heroes are

tournament a t which his pupils were to ehow their skill. t h e queens

EPICS

AND

PURAS

331
of clubfighting have to B ut Kara

present. be

B hma

and

Duryodhana

give

a performance

w h i c h threatens to become so deadly earnest that t h e separated. also Kara and

combatants

A r j u n a is universally praised for his skill in archery. latter, whilst Duryodhana Kara joyfully embraces

enters the r i n g , and e x e c u t e s t h e same feats as Arjuna w h i c h friendship. challenges A r j u n a t o a duel, b u t

g r e a t l y angers t h e swears eternal

as t h e descendant of a charioteer he is l a u g h e d t o scorn by t h e P a v a s . Yudhisthira becomes heir to the throne. C onspiracy (The lac house?) throne, against him and

his brothers.

After a year had elapsed, Dhtarra appointed as heir t o t h e Yudhihira, the firstborn of the Kuru family, himself b y his bravery as well as b y all other virtues. ous c a m p a i g n s of conquest off their o w n bat. future of his

w h o had d i s t i n g u i s h e d T h e other Pavas on victori

perfected t h e m s e l v e s still further in a r m s , and e v e n w e n t forth

W h e n Dhtarra learned own his line. Therefore they when found At

of these exploits of the Pavas w h o were g r o w i n g m i g h t i e r and mightier, he felt s o m e a n x i e t y as t o the Duryodhana, a willing remove of set his younger in maternal uncle Sakuni supporter the Pavas of brother Dussana, king. on a skilful friend K a r a and his Pdavas, pretext or

concerted a plot a g a i n s t t h e the a g e d to Vranvata some

T h e y persuaded Dhtarra to other. builder t o construct a house

Vravata D u r y o d h a n a e n g a g e d lac and on fire, he were to live.

other h i g h l y inflammable materials, in w h i c h t h e Pdavas Pdavas would m e e t their doom. B u t Vidura communi to avoid with

A t n i g h t w h e n t h e y would all be asleep, t h e house was to be so t h a t t h e use of this Now

tells Yudhihira privately of the treacherous plan, and for cation makes suspicion, I n d i a n tribe, which was arousing the they not understood by the others.

a M l e c c h a l a n g u a g e , i.e. the l a n g u a g e of a n o n

as t h e y feared t h a t D u r y o d h a n a w o u l d otherwise have Vravata and o c c u p y t h e lac house. However, to the

t h e m killed in some other fashion b y assassins, t h e y pretend t o fall in plan, j o u r n e y to flee

i n t o the forest b y a subterranean passage w h i c h t h e y had previ addition

ously had d u g , after s e t t i n g fire to t h e house, in w h i c h , in sons. While everyone Kunt court, t h e believes and the five

builder, there is o n l y a drunken l o w c a s t e w o m a n l y i n g asleep w i t h her five t h a t t h e Pavas have been burned w i t h funeral ceremonies are b e i n g performed at brothers are wandering Ganges. about At dead w i t h their of night Kunt their mother Dhtarras they

mother in t h e forest on the other side of t h e

are in the m i d s t of dense j u n g l e , weary, h u n g r y and thirsty.

32
complains the of thirst,

INDIAN

LITERATURE

and B h m a c o n d u c t s his mother and .our brothers to water. Following He in

a b a n y a n tree where t h e y are to rest while he is s e e k i n g waterbirds, back, to his upper g a r m e n t s into t h e water, so as to" t a k e water hastens find

he comes to a lake, where he bathes and drinks a n d dips to t h e others. all his people asleep under t h e tree. A t the sight

of his mother a n d brothers l y i n g a s l e e p ^ h u s , he bemoans their sad fate bitter words.

Eidimba,

the giant, and his sister.

a horrible, maneating which giant, the

N e a r this b a n y a n tree there lurks Rksasa been fresh wards. on Hidimba. sleeping forms. denied human

H e smells h u m a n flesh, and from a h i g h tree sees the H i s m o u t h waters for t h e delicacy has so l o n g

to h i m , and he asks his sister, t h e g i a n t e s s H i d i m b , to g o flesh a n d blood t o g e t h e r , and dance and s i n g merrily after does she set eyes a n d steps she loves it would b y all b y v i o l e n t love for t h e s t r o n g y o u n g hero.

and see w h a t manner of people t h e y be ; t h e y would then enjoy a f e a s t of T h e g i a n t e s s approaches t h e m , b u t no sooner she is seized B hma

B hlma than

S h e therefore transforms herself into a beautiful h u m a n w o m a n smilingly Bhlma towards e a t i n g Rkasa her brother, w h o h a s sent and desires no other d e l i g h t in her, and that she will rescue h i m . in t h e lurch. her here, but that

tells h i m that t h i s forest is h a u n t e d b y a m a n m a n b u t h i m as her lord, t h a t he m a y take B h m a replies t h a t

not enter his head to yield to passion, a n d t o leave his m o t h e r a n d brothers H i i m b answers t h a t he m a y a w a k e n his relatives m e a n s , and she will save t h e m all. B h m a retorts, however, t h a t he would do n o t alarm that his sister fight.

not dream of a w a k e n i n g his m o t h e r and brothers f r o m their s w e e t slumber : Rkasas Yakas ( e l v e s ) , Gandharvas and s u c h l i k e riffraff him in t h e least, himself. A t this j u n c t u r e the g i a n t B u t B hima conflict, confronts during Hiimba, thinking a n d he will find a w a y of d e a l i n g w i t h t h e maneater

is too long a w a y , appears in person, and would slay t h e lovesick H i i m b in his anger. After exhorts the giant. him and challenges Hiimb h i m to a terrible w h i c h the brothers a w a k e , B h m a slays likewise, Yudhihira A t her earnest entreaties, he a t last Y u d h i h i r a arranges

W h e n he is about to despatch a woman.

h i m not to slay

a g r e e s t o be united to her until a son is born to her. return before sunset. So Hidimb flies through

t h a t B h l m a m a y s t a y with t h e g i a n t e s s all d a y , but that he must a l w a y s the air w i t h B h l m a to up to t h e pleasures of t h e pleasant hilltops, where t h e y g i v e t h e m s e l v e s

EPICS

AND

PUR$TAS

333
into a m i g h t y fight, he

love,

until

she conceives,

and bears a son, w h o g r o w s

Rkasa.

T h e y call h i m Ghatotkaca,

and later on, in t h e great

does g o o d service to the P c a v a s .

The giant Baka

and the Brahman

family.
forest, During

D i s g u i s e d as ascetics, the P d a v a s n o w wander from forest t o experiencing the the day they other many an adventure, and c o m e where, w i t h o u t b e i n g recognised, t h e y s t a y a t a B r a h m a n ' s house. b e g for their

a t last to a c i t y E k a c a k r

food a n d in t h e e v e n i n g t h e y bring it homo, O n e d a y K u n t is alone at h o m e w i t h B h l m a . proceeding from t h e apartments First of all they together they are e n j o y i n g .

where K u n t divides all t h e food i n t o t w o halves, the one for B h m a a n d for all t h e rest. L o u d groans and l a m e n t a t i o n s are heard of t h e B r a h m a n whose h o s p i t a l i t y

hear t h e B r a h m a n g i v e v e n t to bitter l a m e n t a t i o n s over t h e l o t of h u m a n i t y in general, a n d declare that i t w o u l d be best for h i m to perish with hand, wife, his beloved d a u g h t e r or h i s dear little were he to die alone, he w o u l d distress. Then the B rahman's wife borne h i m a begins his f a m i l y , for he w o u l d never have the heart to sacrifice his faithful son, and y e t on t h e other to speak, a n d says that he the be l e a v i n g his dear ones t o sure and to preserve Were t h e race :

m u s t live o n , so as to provide for his children she herself, h a v i n g purpose of her life, never give nourish be able neither take a second existence. cast a w a y , husband. a n d can die in peace. her t w o children her d a u g h t e r worthy

son and a daughter,

has fulfilled

he t o die, she could would nor t o h e could pitiable is of her who " Is it my into men but a

a n d protect to protect

singlehanded ; she unworthy lead Whereas

from

her s o n au education

of a B rahman.

wife, she herself, as a w i d o w , would do men abuse a woman said,

" A s birds s w o o p greedily d o w n thus Therefore she will sacrifice fitting

upon a piece w h o is her life. The

of flesh t h a t bereaved daughter,

has listened to what her parents have to prove that is misery. duty.' for her alone is i t

n o w has her s a y , a n d seeks to die for t h e f a m i l y .

not said : A son is as one's o w n self, a wife is a friend, b u t a daughter R i d thyself of t h i s misery, therefore, a n d let m e fulfil finally burst each
r

W h i l e these three converse in this fashion, and childish voice:

tears, the little son, his eyes w i d e open, approaches and says, s m i l i n g , in his sweet, D o n o t weep, m o t h e r ! D o n o t weep, sister !

one individually, father! gaily

' D o n o t weep, A n d the little feltow

takes a blade of grass from t h e ground, s a y i n g : " I a m g o i n g

to kill the

INDIAN

LITERATURE

m a n e a t i n g Rkasa w i t h this ! " their hearts were filled with

A n d in t h e m i d s t of their joy of the the of and

sore

distress, to

w h e n t h e y heard the boys s w e e t voice. Paavas, vicinity a of chooses the S h e is then told t h a t city, the c i t y are obliged t o human being by

I t is this m o m e n t which K u n t t h e mother

enter and t o enquire w h a t it is t h a t has g o n e w r o n g . a m a n e a t i n g Rakasa, the g i a n t B aka lurks in and that at certain intervals the inhabitants buffaloes supply him w i t h a cartload of rice, t w o w a y of tribute. of the f a m i l y in question. Brahman will not hear

T h e families are chosen in rotation, and i t is n o w the turn T h e n K u n t consoles t h e B r a h m a n and s u g g e s t s tribute to the Rakasa. B ut the hero, the of a B r a h m a n , and a g u e s t at t h a t , sacrificing his son is a great

t h a t one of her five sons shall pay t h e life for h i m . which f a c t next

T h e n K u n t explains to h i m t h a t her

is not to be disclosed, and t h a t he will surely slay the Rkasa. he drives i n t o t h e forest haunted b y t h e monster, w i t h t h e A s soon as he most reaches food himself (this is humorously hands,

B h m a is prepared t o carry out his mother's proposal i m m e d i a t e l y , and morning cart c o n t a i n i n g t h e food i n t e n d e d for the R k a s a . the forest, he b e g i n s to eat t h e

described), and is in no wise perturbed b y t h e s t o r m y approach of t h e g i a n t . E v e n when the infuriated Ilkasa showers blows on him w i t h both he c a l m l y c o n t i n u e s e a t i n g . he prepares for t h e combat. and hurl t h e m at each other, extracts a promise from that I t is not until he has eaten e v e r y t h i n g up t h a t T h e y uproot the m i g h t i e s t trees in t h e forest A stupendous s t r u g g l e t h e n ensues, the result in t w o across his knee. the in the B hma and remaining will never Rkasas, relatives

of which is t h a t B h m a breaks the g i a n t the s u b j e c t s of B aka he t h e n returns t o they

a g a i n kill a h u m a n b e i n g , and c i t y , but the

his brothers.

There is great j o y

Pavas preserve their i n c o g n i t o .

The selfchoice

and marriage of

Draupadl
to

After a t i m e t h e Pavas decide to leave Ekacakr and to m i g r a t e Pcla. i s about to hold a " selfchoice * for his d a u g h t e r .
1

O n the road thither t h e y hear t h a t Drupada, k i n g of the Pclas, T h e brothers decide

Svayamvara,

i.e.

" bride's selfchoice,"

is a form

of

engagement

or betrothal assembled While the

in which the king's daughter herself chooses her husband princes and heroes (after

from amongst

the

her father has issued a solemn invitation), placing a garland poetry, this custom is not mentioned at all

around the neck of the chosen one, whereupon the marriage take* place. Svayamvara is very frequently described in epic i n the brahmanical lawlooks,

which otherwise treat the various kinds of betrothal in great

detail. C f. J. J. Meyer, Das Weib im altindischen Epos, pp. 60 ff.

EPICS AND PURAS

:o take part in t h e festival, a n d , disguised

335

as B r a h m a n s , t h e y g o to t h e N o w Drupada had had a very of a only t h e hero w h o could them the Kauravas, invitation of a

residential t o w n of Drupada, where t h e y live unrecognised a t the house of a potter, and b e g for their food as Br a h m a n s . stiff b o w m a d e , and had had a t a r g e t set h i g h u p in the air b y means mechanical contrivance, and he proclaimed that at t h e S v a y a m v a r a , Princes

draw t h e bow and hit the mark, would be qualified to win his d a u g h t e r K of all lands, a m o n g Duryodhana and his brothers and K a r a , accept K i n g Drupada's husband is to take place.

and assemble in t h e f e s t i v e l y decorated hall i n w h i c h t h e selfchoice tors, and a m o n g t h e m are t h e five P a v a s . hospitality as g u e s t s .

I n n u m e r a b l e B r a h m a n s , t o o , flock in as specta There are brilliant festivities enjoy splendid into

for several d a y s , a n d t h e foreign k i n g s and t h e B r a h m a n s ceremonies, t h e radiant Krm

A t last, on t h e s i x t e e n t h d a y , attended b y t h e usual b e a u t i f u l l y dressed and adorned, steps H e r brother Dhr%ta

the hall, h o l d i n g t h e garland of flowers in her hand. dynmna proclaims in a loud voice :

" M a r k this b o w , assembled monarche, and t h e t a r g e t h u n g W h o s o born of noble lineage, hits t h e far suspended a i m . L e t h i m stand a n d as his guerdon Drupads beauteous

on h i g h .

T h r o u g h y o n w h i r l i n g pierced discus let five g l i t t r i n g arrows fly !

maiden claim ! " ) After this he tells his sister t h e names of all t h e k i n g s with Duryodhana. Krsn w i n her. All of t h e m are a t once enamoured each is jealous of t h e other, and every present, of t h e beginning charming

s i n g l e individual hopes to t h e b o w , b u t none

O n e after t h e other n o w a t t e m p t s t o bend

s u c c e e d . T h e n K a a steps forward ; he has already b e n t t h e b o w , and is prepared to h i t the mark, w h e n K calls o u t in a loud voice : " My ehoice shall n o t be a charioteer. W i t h a bitter l a u g h and a g l a n c e I n vain to bend Amid strive the bow. towards t h e kings Arjuna applause of dis Then sun, K a r a t h r o w s t h e b o w d o w n a g a i n . iupla, Jarsandha and a l y a arises from t h e midst of t h e B r a b m a n s . from those w h o admire the s t a t e l y ing t h e lists with warriors, do t h e m i g h t y

loud m u r m u r s of t h e sounds

youth,

a n d amid to

approval of those w h o are a n g r y a t t h e presumption of a B rahman in enter he strides t h e b o w , bends it i n t h e When K a sees the t w i n k l i n g of an e y e , a n d shoots the t a r g e t down.

) Translated by Romesh Vutt MahaB harata, p. 19,

336

INDIAN

LITERATURE

g o d l i k e y o u t h , she hands h i m the princess, Arjuna leaves the hall.

garland

joyfully,

and followed

by

the in for

H o w e v e r , w h e n t h e assembled k i n g s perceive

that Drupada warriors, and

really not

tends to g i v e his d a u g h t e r to the B r a h m a n , t h e y take it as an in their opinion, the selfchoice of a husband is for Brahmans. to bent a give his aid. as fight, the terrible hard up T h e y a t t e m p t to kill B hma the g o d of fights and Karna Kara fight, uproots death. with return Drupada b u t a mighty and Arjuna Arjuna, to tree, alya

insult ; for

but stands

B h m a and A r j u n a hasten there, the After kings house, of of of had the This be re in how how rest, the foot with falling that, beside him, with The

stands

bow.

with B hma. beaten. B ut the

and a l y a confess

themselves

their homes. their w a y will

Pavas presence

g o on their w a y w i t h Krn and w e n d where K u n t a n x i o u s l y a w a i t s t h e m . of his mother and his brothers that he

to the

potter's

A r j u n a n o w declares in t h e

not wed K d a u g h t e r common the (for one wife

Drupada, w h o m he has w o n , for himself alone b u t that, in accordance w i t h the a n c i e n t custom of their f a m i l y , she m u s t become the all five brothers. A m o n g those present at the selfchoice a clan of the Ydavas and the cousin of He Knas father, was K u n t s brother). was the was

Krsna
Poavas the

chieftain who at

Vasudeva, followed

only

recognised the Pn.avas, in spite of their d i s g u i s e . the P a v a s , accompanied b y his brother potter's house, and disclosed to them that g r e a t l y rejoiced the P a v a s , but in order Prince D h a d y u m n a was. the He conceals return himself home the had also in and the Baladeva, he that

H e therefore visited t h e m

was their they

relative. not

might the

cognised, K a and B a l a d e v a soon took their departure. secretly potter's followed house, greet betake of kua Pavas observes mother, to order to find out who the hero who had won his sister for his consort, really and their brothers respectfully meal in they

K u n t i n s t r u c t s Draupad r e g a r d i n g the t h e food, h o w after t h e y o u n g e s t brother five brothers evening spreading a mattress

preparation

and distribution of themselves glass whereon

stretch t h e m s e l v e s

t irn each

one on

his antelopeskin, another before

w h i l s t their mother and Draupad p u t up their beds at their head and respectively : and he hears how the brothers still r e g a l e one all kinds asleep. of conversation upon arms and warlike deeds Then D h a d y u m n a hastens back t o his

father, to tell h i m

) K " t h e black o n e " is usually called Draupad, i.e. "daughter of Drupada."

EPICS AND PURAS

j u d g i n g from their c o n v e r s a t i o n , the supposed B r a h m a n s m u s t be at which the king rejoices the exceedingly. palace, It is in only The next morning, his

337
warriors, Drupada daughter's informs dead; have

i n v i t e s the Piicavas t o

order now

to celebrate that people

w e d d i n g w i t h due f e s t i v i t y . h i m t h a t t h e y are t h e sons of

Yudhihira had thought

Pc!u,

whom

Drupada is m u c h rejoiced at t h i s , for i t had a l w a y s the brave A r j u n a as a t h e ceremonial soninlaw. his Just when with learn five he

been his is about he

wish to to is,

perform however, that

marriage of and

daughter to

Arjuna, from

somewhat astonished

disillusioned

Yudhihira The

Ka m u s t become t h e c o m m o n w i f e of

all

brothers.

scruples

w h i c h he p u t s forward are, h o w e v e r , a p p e a s e d w h e n he learns of t h e a n c i e n t f a m i l y c u s t o m of the fire first to P n a v a s , and D r a u p a d as

1

is wedded before t h e sacred and t h e n to the other and

Yudhihira

the

eldest Kuntl

brother, blesses

four brothers in order of a g e . )

her

daughterinlaw to the

K n a sends rich and m o s t c o s t l y w e d d i n g people.

presents

newlywedded

) In this marriage t o five husbands, t h e epic has indubitably faithfully preserved an old feature of the legend ; for polyandry, or rather groupmarriage, of which the marriage of the Pclavas affords an example, though still occurring in certain regions of India at the present day, was by no means attested as a legitimate form of marriage in ancient India, and is directly opposed to the brahmanical v i e w s . When Drupada says (I, 197, 27) : opinion. between " The law teaches that one man has many wives ; but one has never heard that one woman has many men as her husbands," he only gives expression to the general Indian When, in spite of this, the five principal heroes of the epic have only one wife

them, it is a proof that this feature w a s so closely interwoven with the whole legend and the ancient epic, that, even at a later time, when the Mah5bhrata acquired a more and more brahmanical character and became a religious text book, the elimination of this feature could not be dreamed of. All that was done w a s to try to justify the marriage Vysa to five husbands, b y means of several clumsily inserted stories. god iva to procure a husband for her. On one occasion

relates the silly story of a maiden w h o could not obtain a husband, and implored the N o w because she had cried five times " Give me a husband," iva promises her five husbandsin a future birth. A second story is not much more ingenious. This maiden is reborn as husbands. mother With Only enjoy

as K Drupada's daughter, and therefore receives the five Pdavas house as begging B rahmans, come home with Draupad, out looking up, Kunt says,

The Pdavas, who live in the potter's and announce to their

that they have brought " the a l m s " which they have collected while out begging. according to her custom, " Enjoy it all together." the five brothers must account,

then does she notice that " the a l m s " is a woman, and is very much perturbed ; but the word of a mother m a y not be made untrue, and therefore Draupad in common. A third story, which Vysa related to Drupada, is t h e ivaitic " Five according

Indra story" (pacendropkhynam), a most fantastic and confused

to which Tndra as a punishment for having offended iva is reborn on earth in five parts

43

338

INDIAN

LITERATURE

The Pndavas get their kingdom back.

T h e report t h a t t h e Pavas are still alive a n d t h a t w h o had w o n Draupad a t t h e selfchoice, is soon dhana a n d his friends return cast d o w n b y t h e P d a v a s
,

it was

Arjuna Duryo by their

noised abroad. and they allies

sadly having

to

Hastinpura,

are m u c h

gained

two mighty

marriage, n a m e l y , D r u p a d a a n d t h e Paclas, and Ka a n d t h e Ydavas. Duryodhana is of opinion that t h e y s h o u l d be on their Karna on t h e other hand, is for open combat. the Pavas and to live peaceably w i t h t h e m . ranged t h a t t h e y shall s e t t l e in the desert of hira guard against the treachery. Pavas, and s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e y should g e t rid of t h e m by

B u t B hlma supported b y Dhtarra agrees to this Khnavaprastha. Ksa the Yudhi Pavas

Vidura a n d D r o a , advises Dhtarra to cede onehalf of the k i n g d o m t o proposal a n d cedes onehalf of his k i n g d o m to t h e Pavas and i t is ar g l a d l y accepts t h e offer, a n d , accompanied b y (near modern D e l h i ) .

journey t o Khavaprastha, where t h e y found as their residence t h e great c i t y and fort of I ndraprastha

Arjuna's banishment and adventures.

T h e P a v a s live h a p p y a n d c o n t e n t e d common wife. In order to avoid m u t u a l l y agreed ( o n t h e advice of t h e divine the brothers w i t h Draupad, t h e former l e ; d a life of c h a s t i t y for t w e l v e years. lived a t peace w i t h one another. One d a y some robbers steal s o m e cattle from a B rahman, w h o comes should in Indraprastha among them, with their

any jealousy

t h e y had if a n y

sage Nrada) that g o into

one of t h e brothers should intrude on a private i n t e r v i e w of a n y other of banishment a n d O w i n g to this understanding t h e y

r u n n i n g into the palace v i o l e n t l y reproaching the k i n g for n o t protecting his

and an incarnation of Lakm or Sr (goddess of good fortune and beauty) is destined to be his wife. The five Pavas are incarnations of the one Indra Draupad is an incar There is not even an emphasized accord with one another or nation of Lakm so that Draupad has actually only one husband ! attempt made to bring t h e s e three justification stories into with the principal narrative. that it was an ancient family family usage of the Pavas. custom,

On the other hand, it is repeatedly distinctly

not indeed a general Indian custom, but a special

In B uddhist and Jain stories, Draupad's selfchoice of and

a husband is so described that she chooses, not Arjuna, but all the five Pavas simul taneously. justify Strangely enough, even a f e w European scholars have tried to interpret ( f. C the marriage to five husbands mythologically, allegorically and symbolically, in my " Notes on the Mahbhrata,"

stead of accepting it as an ethnological fact. J R A S , 1897, pp. 733 ff.).

EPICS

AND

PUR^A8

339

subjects sufficiently. Arjuna wishes to hasten to his aid immediately. Chance will have it t h a t the weapons are h a n g i n g in a room in which happens to be t o g e t h e r w i t h DraupadI. Arjuna is in a d i l e m m a . Yudhihira I s he to fail

in his d u t y of a warrior towards the B rahman, and to break t h e rule w i t h re gard to their c o m m o n wife, or is he to violate the former so as to be able to conform to the latter ? H e decides to enter the to Y u d h i h i r a room and f e t c h t h e t h a t , in accordance twelve no years. that wea Then with Though what is p o n s ; he pursues t h e robbers and restores t h e c a t t l e to the B r a h m a n . he returns home and announces the agreement, he will go into banishment forest, on for taken the

Yudhihira tries to restrain him, as he had Arjuna nevertheless retires to the right H e r e he has m a n y adventures. G a n g e s , and is about to come out fathers, w h e n Ulp of is right, w h a t e v e r the c i r c u m s t a n c e s .

offence whatsoever,

principle

O n one occasion he is b a t h i n g the water, after sacrificing him in of

in the to the into she B ut

the d a u g h t e r of a N g a k i n g , draws

down that

the k i n g d o m of the N g a s (snake d e m o n s ) .

S h e e x p l a i n s to h i m her. to vow

has fallen in love w i t h h i m , and begs h i m to take d e l i g h t replies that he cannot do t h i s , as he has taken the

Arjuna DraupadI,

chastity.

the snake virgin objects, s a y i n g that t h i s v o w can only refer

and t h a t , as a matter of fact, it is his d u t y as a warrior to aid t h e u n f o r t u nate ; and t h a t if he w o u l d not g r a n t her request, she would end her l i f e he m u s t therefore save her life. Arjuna is powerless a g a i n s t grants these argu Ulpl's m e n t s , and " k e e p i n g his eye on his duty, he request and spends a n i g h t w i t h her. O n another occasion his wanderings bring h i m to Citravhana k i n g of Maipra and he falls in love w i t h the k i n g ' s gad. B u t she is a "sondaughter, ) Arjuna agrees to this, and him on condition that a son born of nas) son. three years. her be lives beautiful d a u g h t e r C itrn gives her to as his (Citravha conti and the k i n g only accounted with leave beautiful

her in Maipra* for of her and

After she has borne a son, he takes

nues his w a n d e r i n g s . After h a v i n g visited various holy places and tures, he m e e t s K a and v i s i t s h i m in his c i t y of received w i t h g r e a t f e s t i v i t y . A few days later had m a n y Dvarak, there more a d v e n where he is feast

was a great

) A putriJc or " son daughter " is a daughter whose For if a man h a s

son does not belong to the no son, he can appoint his race,

husband, but to the father of the girl. daughter as putrik,

2

whereby a son born of her becomes the continuator of her father's

i.e. he is bound in duty to the ancestral sacrifice and entitled to the inheritance. ) We hear no more of the vow of chastity.

340
taka.

INDIAN

LITERATURE

of t h e V n i s and A n d h a k a s c l a n s of t h e Y d a v a s o n and there is g r e a t w i t h his w i f e thousand occasion latter Arjuna forth chase. to drives prevails them not like enamoured warriors, abduction wives, Arjuna merriment. B aladeva, king princes

t h e hill gets

Raiva drunk his

N o b l e m e n and citizens g o forth w i t h music, s i n g i n g Kna's brother, with their Revat; Ugrasena, and m a n y sees other Subhadr, H e asks is her

and d a n c i n g , with

of the V i s , comes wives.

O n this

K a s beautiful Ka off always by an force

sister, and becomes her, a n d t h e fashion

l

of her. as

h o w he can obtain after uncertain

advises

h i m to carry a selfchoice messenger

the affair

of

).

Then

sends a

to Y u d h i h i r a to ask his permission for t h e g i v e s his consent, and Arjuna g o e s

of Subhadr.

Yudhihira

in his chariot in full b a t t l e array, as t h o u g h he were g o i n g to t h e Subhadr is t a k i n g a stroll on R a i v a t a k a , and j u s t as s h e is about \rjuna seizes her, places her on h i s chariot and Great excitement off w i t h in her in t h e direction of Indraprastha.

return t o Dvrak,

Dvrak ; the drunken B aladeva is furious a t Arjunas h a v i n g B u t K n a pacifies his r e l a t i v e s by t e l l i n g O n the contrary, he had maiden so avaricious that t h e y would sell a A r j u n a has not offended t h e m a t all. the YJavas

violated t h e laws of hospitality. that a head considered

of c a t t l e , a n d he had not w a n t e d t o take t h e chance of an so his o n l y course had been to carry to the marriage H e stays in itself, Subhadr off. b u t t h e y should recall for a n o t h e r to year, Indra

uncertain Arjuna, and

selfehoice

There w a s no objection Subhadr are

a n d effect a reconciliation. married. of

T h i s a c t u a l l y t a k e s place, a n d A r j u n a Dvrak which H e spends t h e remainder of t h e t w e l v e he returns as a

e n j o y i n g t h e s o c i e t y of S u b h a d r . years a t t h e sacred place prastha. Draupad reproaches

Pukara, after

h i m for his m a r r i a g e w i t h Subhadr but to Draupad maidservant. Subhadr

is appeased when Subhadr offers herself bore Arjuna a s o n , Abhimanyit,

Thenceforth Draupad, Subhadr and K u n t live happily t o g e t h e r . his uncles, b u t Draupad bore one son to each of t h e five P a v a s .

w h o b e c a m e a favourite w i t h his father a n d

Yudhisthira

becomes the liuler

of the World

K i n g Y u d h i s h i r a reigned j u s t l y subjects, w h o loved h i m devotedly, k i n g ' s brothers, too, led a happy life.

a n d piously i n his k i n g d o m , and h i s lived in peace a n d happiness. enjoyed a still The more B u t Arjuna

) Obviously the Ydavas were a rough shepherdtribe, w i t h whom marriage

by

theft

was still legitimate.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

341

i n t i m a t e friendship w i t h K a . i n g in the groves by the J u m n m a n y beautiful w o m e n , cipated) the god Agni b e s o u g h t t h e m t o assist was that the god had some great sacrifice, forest to set if the Khava attempted and him in in

O n c e w h e n the t w o friends were convers (where they had veritable orgies with w h i c h even Draupad and Subhadr parti t h e m in t h e form of a B rahman, and The fact t h e numerous offerings at b u r n i n g the K h a v a forest. after e a t i n g

approached indigestion and

B rahman

had told h i m t h a t he m u s t burn the

he wished to recover from it : but every t i m e he had forest afire, the forest animals e x t i n g u i s h it a g a i n . bow Gva with two

A i j u n a and K a are to prevent t h i s , and A g n i procures h e a v e n l y weapons for t h e m for the purpose : for Arjuna the m i g h t y recognisable from afar b y a and an irresistible club. monkey With banner; inexhaustible quivers and a splendid chariot w i t h s i l v e r y w h i t e horses and and for K a a sure discus T h e y spare
1

these w e a p o n s t h e y support A g n i and kill

all creatures w h i c h a t t e m p t to escape from the b u r n i n g forest.

only the d e m o n M a y a , who is a great artist a m o n g t h e heavenly h o s t . ) In thankfulness a t the s p a r i n g of his life, t h e d e m o n M a y a builds for m o s t ingenious Ka devices. agreement of a with decided to offer N o w only

Yudhihira a m a r v e l l o u s palace w i t h all kinds of A f t e r some t i m e Yudhihira, in the great sacrifice for the consecration Magadha, H e is and

k i n g (rjasya).

a ruler of t h e world, a great conqueror, is e n t i t l e d to offer this sacrifice. B u t as Jarsandha, k i n g of b e i n g , he m u s t this, Arjuna, be removed. B hma is the killed m i g h t i e s t ruler for t h e t i m e After in a duel w i t h B h m a .

Sahadeva

N a k u l a g o forth on victorious c a m s o u t h a n d w e s t respectively, on t h e The and it is celebrated w i t h At B hma's king

p a i g n s of c o n q u e s t in the

north, east,

s t r e n g t h of w h i c h Y u d h i h i r a becomes possessed of a w o r l d k i n g d o m . k i n g s ' consecration sacrifice great p o m p . Numerous m a y n o w be offered, including first kings,

the Kauravas, are invited to it. of honour. iupla,

A t the close of the sacrifice, g i f t s of honour are distributed. s u g g e s t i o n , K n a is to receive the of Cedi objects to t h i s . at t h e hands of K a gift A quarrel ensues, e n d i n g

in the death of iupla

W h e n the sacrifice is accomplished, t h e foreign k i n g s t a k e their depar ture. ing Ka too, returns to his h o m e . the superb b u i l d i n g Duryodhana Only meets Duryodhana with and his uncle W h e n view a k u n i stay on in t h e palace of t h e Pavas for s o m e t i m e .

all kinds of mishaps.

>) Here ends the diparvan, or First book of the M a h b h r a t a .

342

INDIAN

LITERATURE

H e mistakes a crystal surface for a lake, and undresses in order to bathe ; on the other hand, he mistakes an artificial pond for dry land, and has an
1

involuntary dip, at which B h m a a n d A r j u n a burst out l a u g h i n g l o u d l y . * T h i s scorn wounded Duryodhana very deeply, for he was already consumed w i t h envy. I t is w i t h feelings of the deepest e n v y and hate that he takes leave of his cousins and returns to Hastinpura.

The game of dice.

Duryodhana tells his tale of w o e to his uncle a k u n i in bitter H e tells him that he cannot bear t h e disgrace by of seeing fire, his or celebrating such triumphs ; a n d that, as he c a n n o t see a n y w a y of at t h e Pava3, he will p u t an end to hi life Then akuni proposes poison words. enemies getting water. is t o repair at

that a g a m e o dice should be arranged, and that kingdom from him with ease. They

Yudhihira be invited to it ; and Sakuni w h o is a skilled player, win Yudhihiras forthwith the plan. whole

t o t h e a g e d k i n g Dhtarra, in order to obtain his consent to A t first t h e k i n g will have n o t h i n g to do w i t h i t , his w i s e brother him Vidura over, ; but when wishing Durvodhana of

all events to consult

points out to h i m t h a t V i d u r a a l w a y s takes t h e part of t h e Pdavas t h e feeble old k i n g allows t h e m to talk dice to be held. to t h e g a m e . himself Vidura and orders t h e g a m e H e sends Vidura in p e r s o n t o Yudhihira to invite this game of dice. him

warns the k i n g and does n o t conceal from h i m his Dhtarra t o o , b u t believes t h a t he m u s t l e t Fate have T h e latter, too, refers to t h e irresistible he

fear t h a t great mischief m a y arise from entertains this fear its course.

S o Vidura goes t o t h e court of K i n g Yudhihira to deliver the Accompanied

invitation to t h e g a m e of dice.

power of F a t e , and accepts the i n v i t a t i o n , t h o u g h reluctantly. b y his brothers and Draupad a n d t h e other w o m e n sets out for Hastinpura.

of the household,

I n D h tar* bra's palace t h e g u e s t s are greeted

affably b y their relatives and are received with g r e a t honours. T h e next m o r n i n g Y u d h i h i r a a n d his brothers repair to t h e hall where t h e Kauravas are already assembled. akuni garning challenges

) Duryodhana's adventures in the marvellous of water, and bares her legs. C /. Quran, 27, 38 ; (1905), p. 427 ; Grierson, JRAS 1913, 684 f. s lavische Philologie II, 310 ff., 321.

palace of Yudhihira W. Hertz Gesammelte

remind us of Abhandlungen,

the story of the Queen of Sheba who mistakes a glass floor in Solomon's palace for a sheet There is also a similar story i n the legend of s, A. Wesselofslcy in Archiv fr

the wonders of the new B abylon, built by Nebuchadnezzar;

EPICS

AND

PURAS

343
One

Yudhihira

to play, t h e lastnamed stakes s o m e t h i n g a n d loses. all his treasures, chariot, he loses every all his w e a l t h Then

after t h e other, he stakes precious stones, his state chariots and s t e e d s a n d Dhtarra of t h e g a m e . and advises

of g o l d and turns to

his male and female slaves, elephants, time. Vidura

h i m to sever from his son D u r y o d h a n a w h o bids to inveigh most bitterly of their against enemies. by

fair to bring on t h e ruin of the entire f a m i l y , and to forbid t h e continuation D u r y o d h a n a now begins Vidura c a l l i n g him a traitor, a viper w h i c h t h e Kauravas have nourished a k u n i scornfully asks Y u d h i h i r a Y u d h i h i r a is n o w possessed and stakes all his possessions, Nakula to that stakes

in their bosom, for he never speaks b u t in t h e interests Vidura turns in vain to Dhtartra. whether he has a n y t h i n g more to stake. the uncontrollable passion

for g a m b l i n g ,

his oxen and all his cattle, his c i t y , his land and t h e whole of his k i n g d o m and all is lost. H e stakes even t h e princes, and t h e n t h e brothers and he loses wins. even these. Finally he scorn and Sahadeva, and loses t h e m . stake Arjuna and B h m a himself, a of and akuni again I n c i t e d b y akuni he is even led away akuni remarks w i t h

Yudhihira has not done wisely in s t a k i n g himself, since he still treasure B hlma which Droa of t h e Pacla k i n g .

possesses
1

can be g a m b l e d a w a y , n a m e l y DraupadI, t h e d a u g h t e r A n d to t h e horror of all t h e aged people p r e s e n t , ) Kpa and V i d u r a , Yudhihira announces that he T h e dice are cast amid universal e x c i t e m e n t ,

will stake beautiful DraupadI.

and a k u n i g a i n s y e t another victory. L a u g h i n g , D u r y o d h a n a asks Vidura she m a y sweep t h e rooms a n d take Vidura admonishes him, and warns serve to b r i n g about t h e downfall matter of fact, DraupadI o n l y staked her when to b r i n g Draupad a l o n g , so that among the maidservants. will that, only as a Then her. gambled refuses, Dur force. his behaviour

her place him that

of the Kauravas ; he says longer master to of

has not become a slave at all, for he was no DraupadI,

Yudhihira

himself. to f e t c h

Duryodhana sends a sta as a messenger himself or her a w a y first. Duryodhana sends

The latter sends t h e messenger back to ask whether come to the g a m i n g h a l l a n d ask this question y o d h a n a calls on his brother Dusana

Yudhihira As she

the reply t h a t she was to herself. his task, her b y

and sends the messenger back each t i m e w i t h o u t fulfilling to g o a n d f e t c h

) It is very noteworthy that these impartial and welldisposed m e n accept so calmly wife.

the fact that Yudhihira has gambled away his brothers and himself, while it appears to them monstrous that he should stake their common

344

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Duasana repairs to the women's apartments, and soon d r a g s the s t r u g g l i n g Draupad into the assembly by She the h a i r ; laments she is unwell bitterly that and no their longer, and is therefore one takes glance with he re about one reply of to As clad o n l y in scanty g a r m e n t s . at the Pdavas. s h a m e and anger. to lay

her part, not even B h m a and Droa and she c a s t s does not pain them so deeply as this glance restrain of

a despairing filled

N o w the loss of their possessions and of T h e n B h m a can

1

kingdom

Draupad's, no

himself

proaches Y u d h i h i r a violently for h a v i n g bands on h i m . ) B ut a l w a y s be recognised and respected as the Duryodhanas y o u n g e s t brothers, calls Draupad's question whether s h e has been

staked Draupad, eldest. those Now

Arjuna a d m o n i s h e s h i m : Y u d h i h i r a m u s t Vikara, to by on assembled away

gambled

right.

t h e y are all silent, he himself answers t h e question in the negative. however, retorts that the Kauravas have w o n everything, the wife of the Pavas also b e l o n g s to t h e m . vas, and Draupad t o o , should be stripped of Kauravas have won their clothes from t h e m . Draupad's g a r m e n t from her. nation of the god V i n u and b y the terrible oath : " G i v e heed to m y oath, y e be uttered b y a man. warriors of the whole world, She, however, his help she
2

Kara therefore Pna as to the their tear incar

and t h a t clothes, proceeds

H e adds t h a t t h e their very

T h e P n a v a s t a k e off p r a y s to K n a , remains the

upper g a r m e n t s , while D u s a n a , at a s i g n from Kara

clothed,

however

many times D u s a n a seizes her draperies. )

B u t B h l m a n o w pronounces

an

oath

such as has never before been uttered by m e n , and such as will never again M a y 1 never a t t a i n to t h e r e s t i n g p l a c e of m y ances words which I have spokenif I do not in the tear fight, the B haratas tors if I do not fulfil t h e and drink his blood ! "

open the breast of this evil, foolish o u t c a s t of

) B hima says he will burn both of Yudhi?thira's arms, and bring fire for this purpose (II. 68, 6 ; 1 0 ) . p. 226) translates differently, burn his own hands, and aright). tion.
2

asks Sahadeva

to

J. J. Meyer (" Das Weib im altindi'schen the passage as meaning

Epos," and

interpreting

that B hma wishes to of revenge this

Meyer calls this " a typically Indian method

branding," similar to the " prdyopavesa " (threat of suicide by hunger, in order to force Nilakaha's commentary (te tava pura iti esah) would confirm Not only the Southern Indian manuscripts, but also the play Wintemitz in Festschrift Kuhn, pp. 299 ff. interpreta Even if the usual translation be accepted, B hma's threat sounds very strange. ) "Dtavkya" (" Das earlier

ascribed to B hsa make it seem probable that this miracle of the garments i s a very late interpolation ; s. Oldenberg the Mahabbarata," pp. 45 ff.) makes an attempt to distinguish generally between and later parts in the present narrative of the gambling scene.

EPICS AND PURAS

Horror seizes all t h e warriors and heroes a t these fearful vain docs Vidura remind those present of their duty question whether Draupad has been her question. words.

345
In In

to decide t h e legal

w o n b y t h e Kauravas or n o t .

vain does Draupad w e e p and l a m e n t , and implore her relatives to answer E v e n t h e pious B h m a learned in t h e law, can say no more than that justice is a ticklish matter, and t h a t m i g h t is r i g h t in this world. A s Yudhihira is a model of justice, he himself should decide. D u r y o d h a n a , too, scornfully asks Yudihira DraupadI has been to g i v e his opinion whether he considers sits there absent w o n or not. A n d as Y u d l m h i r a

minded, a n d makes no reply, Duryodhana goes so far as to offer t h e most unheardof insult to t h e Pncjavas : he bares his left t h i g h before Draupadls very fight!" W h i l s t still further speeches are b e i n g jackal and o t h e r upon t o intervene. sounds of ill o m e n Terrified b y these, t h e old k i n g Dhtarra exchanged, at last the loud c r y of a house. called himself are heard in Dhtarra's feels in violent H e grants words. eyes. Then B hma utters the terrible words: " M a y B hlma never be u n i t e d to his father?, if I do not crush t h i s t h i g h of yours in t h e

H e blames Duryodhana

Then he wish,

pacifies DraupadI, and tells her to wish t h e freedom of her husband Yudhishira.

for s o m e t h i n g .

S h e wishes for However, needful, that from

her a second

and she chooses t h e liberation of the four remaining

Pavas.

when he a s k s her t o wish a third t i m e , she savs that she has n o w no thins: more t o w i s h for, as t h e P a n ] a v a s themselves will win all t h i n g s as soon as they are s e t free. Karna n o w begins to mock, saying

DraupadI is t h e boat in which t h e Pncjavas have saved t h e m s e l v e s slay the Kauravas on the spot. forbids a n y fighting. King his k i n g d o m a n d exhorts

danger. B h l m a is c o n s u m e d b y rage, and is in doubt w h e t h e r he should n o t B u t A r j u n a c a l m s h i m , and Y u d h i h i a r however, returns Yudhihira Thus they be b y g o n e s . Dhtarasra,

him to let bygones

return t o Indraprastha in a calmer frame of mind.

The second game of dice and the banishment of the

N o sooner have t h e Pdavas departed, however,

Pndavas.
than Duryodhana,

Dusana a n d a k u n i again besiege t h e old k i n g , pointing o u t t o h i m t h e danger which threatens from t h e Pcjavas w h o have n o w been so grievous l y insulted, a n d persuade h i m to g i v e his consent t o a second sojourn s o m e w h e r e a m o n g people in t h e thirteenth g a m e of dice This t i m e t h e loser is to g o into b a n i s h m e n t into the forest for t w e l v e years, year i n c o g n i t o , and is only t o be allowed t o return in t h e fourteenth year. Should he be recognised

44

346

INDIAN

LITERATURE

in the thirteenth year, however, he would have to another t w e l v e years. that he m a y up not persuade h i m to sever himself from his w i c k e d son be g u i l t y the all B u t he is deluded, and g i v e s his c o n s e n t ; catches of dice. with

g o into b a n i s h m e n t for to Duryodhana, in order

I n v a i n does Gndhar, the kings consort, strive

of c a u s i n g the downfall of all the Kauravas. and a m e s s e n g e r is sent out, w h o game

P a n lavas, w h o are still on their h o m e w a r d journey. the the game begins afresh, and he a g a i n loses.

Bewildered b y fate, Y u d h i h i r a accepts t h e i n v i t a t i o n to the second They return, N o w t h e y m u s t all g o i n t o b a n i s h m e n t for thirteen years. Clad in but B hma antelopeskins, hurls terrible And

Pcjavas prepare to g o into t h e forest. them, A s D u r y o d h a n a pierces their will he pierce Duryodhana's the blood of akuni takes and leave stays With s w e a r s t o drink Sahadeva, B ut Yudhihira the

D u r y o d h a n a and Dusana rejoice in their t r i u m p h , and joke about threats at t h e m . says, once even again slay so he hearts w i t h sharp w o r d s , he heart in t h e Dusana. of fight. Arjuna

promises t o

Kara

N a k u l a , the r e m a i n i n g sons of Dhtarra. Dhtarra, in B hma of all, of wise, good Vidura. behind tearful Kunt

and the other K a u r a v a s , and m o s t affectionately the mother of Pavas, indeed. them

Viduras house, but Draupad f o l l o w s her husbands into banish Kuntl sees her children g o forth i n t o b a n i s h m e n t , of swear t o Omens messenger dice and

m e n t , and her farewell from her m o t h e r i n l a w is t o u c h i n g lamentations b u t , w i t h t h e exception of t h e g e n t l e of evil portent, announce and to the King prophetic Y u d h i h i r a , all words of the

have their bloody r e v e n g e on the Kauravas in the fourteenth year. heavenly of Nrada Dhtarra

t h e d o w n f a l l of his race, and he

feels bitter remorse for h a v i n g g i v e n his c o n s e n t t o t h e g a m e the b a n i s h m e n t . ) The twelve years forest Numerous t h e forest, return home. time. In and citizens it cost be filled of
9

life

of the

Pndavas.*) the Pavas into

Hastinpura

accompany trouble him for

Yudhihira able to feed he

some them,

to persuade t h e m t o some the considerable

Several B r a h m i n s s t a y e d with

order t o which

he practised a s c e t i c i s m , and latter a copper

prayed to the s u n g o d , whereupon cookingpot itself

received from

a t will.

H e fed t h e B r a h m i n s w i t h t h i s ,

) *)

Here ends the Sabh"zparvan, the second book. This forms the contents of the extensive third book, oalled Vanaparvan or

" forest section,"

EPICS AND PURtfAS

and then journeyed northward to the K m y a k a the maneating In effect always the rkasa Kirmra, H i i m b a , w h o haunted this forest. the meantime the k i n g the part a reconciliation takes Dhtarra had a consultation w i t h Vidura. to recall with them. Dhtarra is a n g r y that forest. B hlma soon

347
slew

a brother of B aka

a n d a friend of The

latter advises

the P a v a s from b a n i s h m e n t and to Vidura goes to the soon the

of the Pavas, and ungraciously dismisses h i m he likes. Vidura

w i t h words i n t i m a t i n g t h a t he m a y g o where Pdlavas The aged k i n g , charioteer however, soon repents of

in t h e K m y a k a forest, a n d tells t h e m w h a t has happened. his violence, Vidura recalled. and sends Vidura between t o have his brother

Sajaya

returns accordingly, and there is a c o m p l e t e t w o brothers.

reconciliation

W h e n t h e friends and relatives of the Pavas heard of their banish ment, they went t o them in the forest, to visit t h e m . of the g a m e have O n e of the first was, of course, K a . entangled H a d he been w i t h t h e m , ing Yudhihira A t the time he would of dice, he had been prevented the game.

i n a war, and t h u s

had b e e n unable t o stand b y his friends. certainly will

W h e n , however, K a s u g g e s t s m a k i n g war on Duryodhana and reinstat in power, Yudhihira n o t fall in w i t h it, t h o u g h which the Kauravas repeatedly and B hlma Draupad complains in bitter terms of the disgrace have b r o u g h t upon her. urge Yudhihira L a t e r on, too, Draupad

t o pull himself together and regain his throne b y force. B hma reproaches him w i t h unmanli

Y u d h i t h i r a declares each t i m e t h a t he m u s t remain true to his promise and spend t w e l v e years in the forest. ness t e l l i n g or t h a t dhana Kara. h i m t h a t t h e first d u t y of a warrior is to fight, t h a t thirteen up for the breaking of t h e promise b y performing Thereupon Y u d h i h i r a also objects that Duryo gives over

m o n t h s have n o w elapsed, w h i c h Y u d h i h i r a may c o u n t as thirteen years, he can m a k e has m i g h t y an expiatory sacrifice.

and unconquerable allies in B h s m a Droa K p a and and

A t this m o m e n t the old rsi Vysa appears once a g a i n

Yudhihira the

a c h a r m b y the help of which A r j u n a is to obtain h e a v e n l y a victory Soon afterwards, therefore, Yudhihira sends Arjuna t o T h e latter sends him to to be delivered whereupon 8iva Arjuna gets

weapons from t h e g o d s , which will assist t h e m in g a i n i n g Kauravas. Indra to obtain the h e a v e n l y weapons. where iva w h o m u s t first g i v e to Arjuna. involved Then Arjuna appears t o h i m in t h e form

Arjuna wanders to t h e H i m a l a y a s ,

he m e e t s Indra in the form of an ascetic. practises of a severe

his consent for the weapons asceticism, Kirta,

a wild hillman.

in a fierce fight w i t h t h e supposed Kirta until t h e latter reveals

348
himself worldprotectors celestial happily city, in Yama, he

INDIAN

LITERATURE

as the g o d i v a and

presents h i m with irresistible weapons. and still five Kubera more

The

Varua receives for

soon also appear, a n d lend Indra's very weapons. He lives

him their weapons, b u t M t a l i , Indra's charioteer, conducts h i m to where Indra's heaven years, and live wild in the animals, at Indra's forest by

command, a the chase, As

gandharva g i v e s h i m lessons in s i n g i n g a n d d a n c i n g . Meanwhile obtaining Arjuna and scanty the other Pavas from nourishment roots and fruits.

is so long absent, t h e y are them into by the telling

m o s t anxious a b o u t h i m .

Though the

i Lomaa w h o has j u s t been on a visit to Indra's heaven, consoles they forth by he t h e m t h a t Arjuna prepare to hills, Indra, wander terrified faints whom appears other them are unsatisfied, and g o and seek where t h e y

comes t o t h e m Arjuna. They

is d w e l l i n g safely w i t h are very m u c h Draupadl rkasa fetches son G h a o t k a c a , and this

Gandhamdana

a fearful s t o r m aud a w f u l t h u n d e r and begotten and carry who with takes the the g i a n t e s s Draupad Pavas

lightning.

from fear and f a t i g u e . had immediately

Then B h m a t h i n k s of his Hi:imb; on his on their

b a c k ; he also

rksasas,

backs, and t h u s all of

are carried to a h e r m i t a g e on t h e G a n g e s

near the divine m o u n t a i n

Kailsa, where t h e y rest under a m i g h t y B adar tree. As Draupad Bhma for another not ever, aside, to scours lion, the one he slays expresses mountain wild a longing with for the heavenly one, of his lotus flowers, lion w i t h

w i l d e r n e s s , to

t h e terror of t h e w i l d beasts, and one fist. H e r e he also B h m a how T h e ape does

elephant

another

or s i m p l y kills t h e m w i t h a b l o w the ape k i n g , who o b s t r u c t s o u t of

encounters tells

Hanumat, him

his path and warns him tread. his p a t h .

proceed

further, where o n l y i m m o r t a l s m a y w h o he is, and orders him In

not move, to raise Hanumat, rejoices the to

pretends the ape's

to be ill, and s a y s t h a t B h m a n e e d o n l y push his tail vain does B h m a n o w endeavour smilingly discloses that he is now the Rmyaa.") for both of with B hma him. tail. The latter n o w from his brother,

in order to be able to pass b y . "so very well k n o w n at seeing he engages the way whereupon

exceedingly shows flowers

t h e m are sons of Finally

wind g o d , and pluck

in a conversation they

Hanumat other.

B hma there, soon

t o Kubera's garden, b u t warns h i m not t a k e affectionate l e a v e of each lotus lake and garden of Kubera, where

B hma

reaches the

) Thus B h m a speaks of him, Mahbh, short extract from the Rmyaa.

III.

147, 11

H a n u m a t here gives a

EPICS

AND

PURAS

349

the to

divine pluck

lotuses g r o w . flowers, and permission.

H e is confronted w i t h rkasas w h o forbid him retorts flowers and fights with rkasas, the fifth year T h e brothers repair that He a warrior does not ask per w i t h t h e rkasas puts
r

inform h i m that, at a n y rate, he m u s t first obtain B hma he w a n t s . fights

Kuberas mission,

but

takes

what

them to flight, and plucks t h e After approaches, to the Bhlma of various when adventures Arjuna

is to return from heaven.

" w h i t e mountain (the heavenly mountain of Kailsa) to m e e t h i m . again engages garden, had in a fight w i t h y a k a s and rkasas, the guardians and slays many by the of si. their number, among others

Kuberas Kubeia from

Maimat, fore the Kubera

who had once spat on t h e head of the holy si A g a s t y a w h e r e been cursed B h m a s deed now released the curse, and for this reason he is by no means enraged a t caused a m o n g the d e m o n s ; on the contrary, he bids B h m a

bloodshed

and his brothers a very cordial welcome. O n t h e glorious m o u n t a i n t h e y at last meet A r j u n a a g a i n , who comes careering cordial demons The four not the of along in Indra's Arjuna by chariot driven by Mtali. After t h e m o s t Nivtakavaca Hirayapura, greetings, dwell tells them cf all his experiences and adven

tures, and especially h o w he has f o u g h t victoriously w i t h the who the sea. and with the inhabitants of the c i t y w h i c h flies t h r o u g h the air.

P i a v a s now live happily in the pleasure groves of Kubera, and pass, as regions. if they had been a single n i g h t . H o w e v e r , in order

years

to be diverted from their earthly cares and fights, they resolve to quit heavenly Here H a v i n g descended Kailsa, t h e y repair to the hills

and forests on t h e bank of t h e J u m n . B hma had an unpleasant adventure, and his life was saved b y in the woods, B hma espies an i m m e n s e snake Yudhihira. which hurls Roaming

itself a t h i m furiously, and c l i n g s around him so t i g h t l y t h a t himself. cast find H i s brother Yudhi's bira finds him in this than the f a m o u s old k i n g out from heaven as t h e result of a curse of H e is not to be released from answers to all his philoso released from H e r e t h e y are Now had the snake is none other been he can into a serpent.

he cannot extricate predicament. Nahusa, this who A g a s t y a , and curse w h i c h he phical

transformed

until puts.

somebody who can answer all t h e questions

Y u d h i h i r a g i v e s satisfactory

questions, whereupon he sets B h m a free, and himself after by this, t h e y Kna. return t o the K m y a k a forest. He brings

the condition of a snake, N a h u a returns t o heaven. Soon again visited DraupadI the desired n e w s of her

children, a r d exhorts Y u d h i h i r a to m a k e sure of allies for the fight against

350
the Kauravas, and to

INDIAN

LITERATURE

make assures

other him

preparations for the war. that he

As

usual, his

however,

Yudhihira

m u s t remain faithful to

promise, and t h a t

he does

not

wish to think of war until the t h i r t e e n t h in t h e forest. and O n e of especially wilder remorse, over their herds,

year shall have elapsed. Pious B r a h m i n s , too, often v i s i t the Pavas these B r a h m i n s goes straight from the much Dhtarra, where he relates h o w ness. the Paavas to t h e court of K i n g

Pavas,

Draupad, have to suffer in their s t r u g g l e w i t h the e l e m e n t s in the W h i l s t the old k i n g l a m e n t s at this, and is overcome w i t h and, incited b y so the forest, as to that gloat his son Duryodhana is much rejoiced, he decided to visit t h e Pavas in distress.

a k u n i and Kara they m u s t visit

A s a pretext t h e y represent to D h t a r r a

the cattlepens s i t u a t e d in t h e v i c i n i t y of the forest, to inspect t h e count the heads of cattle and mark the y o u n g calves. of t h e chase. of the spot gandharvas. prisoner b y H o w e v e r , w h e n t h e y w i s h t o proceed in where A the fight king the of Pdavas the ensues, and Duryodhana The Yudhihira shame and is g r e a t cavalcade, inspect the c a t t l e , and g i v e t h e m s e l v e s up to t h e the are s t a y i n g , t h e y are

T h e y ride forth in a pleasures up by taken After a of neighbourhood held

ignominiously not at refuse. this

gandharvas.

Kauravas hasten to t h e

Paavas for aid, which t h e noble the gandharva k i n g . Filled w i t h

does pain

hard fight, D u r y o d h a n a is liberated b y t h e P n d a v a s from the c a p t i v i t y

humiliation,

D u r y o d h a n a is about to end his life, and it is o n l y w i t h s o m e difficulty that his friends succeed in d i v e r t i n g him from his suicidal frame of m i n d . K a r a has n o w a new plan to a n n o y the Pava*. on a great c a m p a i g n of conquest in all t h e four able to offer a great k i n g ' s sacrifice. been brought to a successful regions He of sallies the forth to be has earth, may

win t h e rule over t h e whole earth for D u r y o d h a n a , so t h a t he too After t h e c a m p a i g n of a great conclusion,

conquest

sacrifice is indeed of is

performed ; b u t as the Rjasya sacrifice can o n l y be performed onee in one and the same f a m i l y , and as Y u d h i s h i r a has this k i n d , it has to be a different sacrifice, already the offered a sacrifice Vaiava, which called

supposed t o have been offered only by the g o d V i u himself. vex t h e Paavas, Duryodhana i n v i t e s t h e m to this g r e a t Yudhihira declines politely, while B hma sends a

I n order to feast. t h a t the

sacrificial

message

Pavas will pour o u t the sacrificial ghee of their a n g e r over the K a u r a v a s after t h e thirteenth year, in t h e sacrifice of battle. During the last year of their sojourn in the forest, the Paavas threatened b y a great loss. One day when all the brothers were h u n t i n g , their wife D r a u p a d , w h o had s t a y e d behind alone, was were out stolen

FPICS AND PURAS

a w a y b y Jayadratka, k i n g of t h e S i n d h u s , w h o passed b y . B h m a would fain have killed

351
T h e Padavas

i m m e d i a t e l y pursue h i m , and he is overcome, and chastised and humiliated by Arjuna and B h l m a . h i m , b u t as he is Though Dhtarara's s o n i n l a w , Y u d h i h i r a g r a n t s h i m his life. T h e Pcjavas are very sorrowful about t h e rape of DraupadI. Jayadratha has been punished, they nevertheless feel humiliated.

Y u d h i h i i a especially, is often in a sad mood, reproaches himself for t h e m i s f o r t u n e of which he is t h e cause, and l a m e n t s a b o v e all t h e sad f a t e of DraupadI. N o v Yudhihira into fears none of t h e K a u r a v a s a natural Kara I n order t o release before so greatly as Yudhihira Kara and the B y Kara who had come from his fear of t h e world with coatofmail and in t h e form of a

earrings w h i c h m a k e h i m invulnerable. Karna Indra appears

B r a h m i n , and b e g s h i m for t h e coatofmail earrings, w h i c h he c u t s f r o m his body

a n d t h e earrings.

w h o can refuse n o t h i n g to a B r a h m i n , g i v e s h i m t h e coatofmail

w i t h o u t b l i n k i n g an eyelash.

way of a return g i l t , Indra presents h i m w i t h a neverfailing spear, w h i c h , h o w e v e r , he is only t o use a g a i n s t one e n e m y and i n t h e case of emergency. Distressed b y t h e rape of D r a u p a d , t h e P a v a s left t h e K m y a k a forest and w e n t to D v a i t a v a n a . An antelope which Brahmin's firesticks There they m e t w i t h their last forest through t h e forest adventure is r o a m i n g happens to catch a The B rahmin, extreme

with hei a n t l e i s , and hurries a w a y .

w h o r e q u i r e s the sticks for t h e sacrifice, requests t h e Pavas to g e t t h e m for h i m , and t h e y pursue the a n i m a l in full chase, b u t c a n n o t c o m e up with it, and finally t h e animal vanishes from s i g h t . water. T h e y l a m e n t their bad luck. A t the He W e a r i e d by t h e b o o t l e s s chase a n d tortured b y t h i i s t they look around for N a k u l a c l i m b s a tree, and sees a lake in t h e distance. r e q u e s t of Y u d h i s h i r a , he g o e s thither, t o fetch w a t e r in t h e quivers. H o w e v e r , j u s t as he is about to drink, an invisible m y q u e s t i o n s , t h e n drink a n d take w a t e r ! " these w i r d s drinks away, who from Sahadeva vainly the and s i n k s to seek fight lifeless goes spirit ( y a k a )

c o m e s t o a pretty lake, w i t h beautiful, clear water, surrounded b y cranes. speaks from t h e air : " D o n o violence, O friend, this is m y p r o p e r t y ; first answer B u t N a k u l a g i v e s no heed to A s he is so l o n g finally B hma no good, t o the g r o u n d . no better, and

h i m , b u t he m e e t s w i t h t h e s a m e fate. w i t h t h e invisible y a k a . t o t h e ground. H e , t o o , drinks

Y u d h i h i r a n o w sends A r j u n a , w h o fares endeavours to lake, a n d falls he sees lifeless

B oding

Y u d h i h i r a at last goes Horrorstricken,

himself, them

t o see w h a t has become of his brothers. all l y i n g dead, and begins to l a m e n t and

352
complain. of questions. N o w when warning Yudhishira

I N D I A N

L I T E R A T U R E

he approaches him not to declares

the

lake, before

he too he has

hears the voice answered his

the y a k a

drink

himself

w i l l i n g to answer the questions, questions ethics is and answers, in Vedie recited. What is Only a higher

and there ensues a brahmodyas,i)

most

interesting whole of

play of Indian

w h i c h , with the exception of a f e w riddles in t h e s t y l e of t h e ancient a l m o s t the f e w e x a m p l e s w i l l be quoted here : The yaka : than the s k y ? than grass ? Yudhihira : " A h i g h e r than the s k y . mother is w e i g h t i e r than the earth. T h e spirit is swifter t h a n the wind. " W h a t is w e i g h t i e r than t h e earth ? W h a t is swifter t h a n the w i n d ? W h a t is more

numerous is are

T h e father Thoughts

more numerous than grass. T h e y a k a : " W h o is the friend of the traveller ? h i m who remains a t h o m e ? friend of the d y i n g ? " Yudhihira : " A caravan is t h e friend of the friend of him who remains at home. sick. Charity is t h e friend of the dying.' is is is W h i c h m a n is considered good, and w h i c h bad ?" Greed He w h o is friendly towards and
2

W h o is the friend of Who The is t h e wife of is the

W h o is the friend of the sick ? the traveller.

T h e doctor is t h e friend

T h e y a k s a : " W h o is the foe w h o is difficult to conquer and w h i c h the neverending disease? the neverending disease. Yudhihira : " A n g e r is the foe t h a t is difficult to conquer. considered g o o d ; he who k n o w s no mercy, is considered b a d . " T h e y a k a : " W h a t , O k i n g , is called delusion, to what is is

all creatures

pride?

W h a t do we m e a n b y idleness, and w h a t is sorrow ? " Yudhihira : " T o be deluded w i t h regard to be proud of oneself is pride. ness, and ignorance is true sorrow. T h e y a k a : " W h a t do t h e is call c o n s t a n c y , and w h a t bravery ? W h a t is t h e best bath ? W h a t is charity ?" of one's d u t y is con rid T h e best bath is g e t t i n g Yudhihira : " S t e a d f a s t n e s s in t h e fulfilment s t a n c y j bravery is t h e control of t h e senses. is k n o w n as Dharma, ) delusion; Inactivity with regard t o D h a r m a is idle

) C f. above pp. 183 f.

The riddle there quoted from the VjasaneyiSahit

XXIII,

45 I. here recurs (Mahabh. III. 313, 65 f.). ) There is no word in any European language which is quite synonymous w i t h the Sanskrit word dharma. conceptions " law and Dharma signifies " the norm of action," and includes religion, duty and virtue." the custom, morality and It is therefore

impossible to translate the word in the same way in each case. C f. above p. 326.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

353
to

of uncleanliness of t h o u g h t ; b u t charity consists of affording protection all creatures.

T h e y a k a : " Tell m e , O k i n g , of what does B rahmauhood really con sist, of d e s c e n t , of t h e way of life, of the reading of t h e Veda, erudition ?" Yudhihira : " L i s t e n , dear Y a k a ! B r a h m a n h o o d is based life; of this there can be no doubt. The B rahmin must neither on pay more good descent, on t h e r e a d i n g of t h e Veda, nor on erudition, b u t solely on a good attention to t h e ordering of his life t h a n to all else ; so l o n g himself is ruined. duty. dra. as his or of

life is unimpaired, he himself is unimpaired ; if his g o o d life is ruined, he Those w h o learn and teach and m e d i t a t e on t h e sciences, T h e wise m a n is he w h o does his is worse than a b u t curbs his senses, m a y are fools if t h e y h u m o u r the passions. H e w h o b u t offers
1

A scoundrel, t h o u g h he k n o w all the four Vedas the firesacrifice,

count as a B r a h m i n .

The y a k a is so pleased w i t h Yudhishiras a n s w e r s t h a t he is w i l l i n g to call one of his brothers back to life. Yudhiathira is to choose which of his H e chooses Nakula, right again. on the and fair N o w in the may their four brothers shall be b r o u g h t back t o life.

grounds t h a t his father had t w o w i v e s , and t h a t it is o n l y that a s o n of t h e second wife, Madr, b? alive too. reality the y a k a
2

T h i s a n s w e r pleases the himself, they of

y a k a so i m m e n s e l y t h a t he c a l l s all the brothers to life is none other than "father of Y u d h i h i r a , t h e g o d of r i g h t

the god Dharma favour with

and m o r a l i t y . B efore h e that the years

vanishes, he g r a n t s t h e Pnc'avas t h e additional remain unrecognised in t h e thirteenth life in the forest are n o w over, a n d , in accordance

year ; for t h e t w e l v e

arrangement,

they m u s t still spend t h e thirteenth year unrecognised a m o n g people.

The Pndavas
The Pndavas

at the court of King

Virata*}
of Viica k i n g in appropriate of the disguise.

decide t o g o t o the court there under false names

M a t s y a s , and to stay

) I I I , 313.

Similar

definitions of the " b r a h m a n " Mahvagga I, 2, 2 f.

are frequent in B uddhistic

texts, cf. for instance, Vinayapiaka, Milindapaha IV, 5, 26. pp. 58 ff).
8

Suttanipta, Vflsetthasutta and

A version of this story of Yudhihira and the Yaksa is found in

the Jaina Hemavijaya's " Katharatnkara," No. 21 (German translation by J. Hertel, Vol. I, ) See above p. 330. ) The events at the court of Virata form the contents of the fourth book, called

Vir2taparvan.

45

354

I N D I A N

L I T E R A T U R E

T h e y conceal their weapons near the cemetery outside the

c i t y on who

a is

tree, tell one goes turn. name

upon w h i c h t h e \ h a n g a corpse so that no one shall venture n e a r ; t h e y the herdsmen w h o watch t h e m do this, t h a t it is their mother hundred and e i g h t y years old, and whom t h e y are accordin g to the custom of their ancestors. t h e king's c o m p a n i o n and counsellor. Bhma takes the service as a cook, out as Bhannala g i v e s master to tamer, Sahadeva himself as an soon "burying all First of

in this w a y

Yudhihira

t o V i r a t a , g i v e s himself out as an excellent diceplayer, and is appointed as T h e others then come in their Arjuna, taking the feminine

an eunueh and is appointed as d a n c i n g Nakula is e n g a g e d as a horse

king's daughter

Uttar.

overseer of cattle, w h i l s t D r a u p a d is e n g a g e d b y g a i n great popularity at Virata's court, especi

the q u e e n as her chambermaid. T h e Pc.iavas ally as B h m a has d i s t i n g u i s h e d himself by k i l l i n g the w o r l d f a m o u s a t h l e t e J m t a at a w r e s t l i n g m a t c h organised in honour of the g o d B r a h m a n . D r a u p a d , on the other hand, a brotherinlaw of the king w i t h the beautiful chambermaid, t i m e of wife into of the five gandharvas hall, who where one had an unpleasant adventure. co m m a n d e r of his army her. her the Now out in had g i v e n that of for and accosts would protect B hma of her is on Kcaka and falls in love she was the need. him B y and the

Draupad, at the

her a p p o i n t m e n t by the queen,

case

p r o m i s i n g him a rendezvous, Draupad dancing and strangles him after a m i g h t y s t r u g g l e . watchmen says that cause he had persecuted hei w i s h t o burn Bhma again 105 stas zens of (for the comes to the

entices her pursuer a t dead of n i g h t watch Thereupon Draupad s u m m o n s gandharvas

has killed K c a k a be corpse ; b u t

with l o v e m a k i n g . rescue, and and the dismissal begs

Kcaka's m i g h t y relatives

chambermaid

on the funeral pyre with the releases and Draupad. the

in his g u i s e of a gandharva kills T h e n the citi of the chambermaid who is so king gives a command to let her remain for

K l c a k a is a sta) demand of

the t o w n

dangerous b y reason accordingly. another away. thirteen

her g a n d h a r v a s ,

H o w e v e r , Draupadl days,

the queen

after which t i m e the

gandharvas would fetch her

(For all but thirteen days of the thirteenth year has expired.) send is out spies to find out t h e whereabouts back the news t h a t K c a k a has as agreeable to D u r y o d h a n a ,

In vain does D u r y o d h a n a of t h e Pcavas. been killed by The spies gandharvas,

only b r i n g which

quite

the M a t s y a s are a hostile

nation.

Moreover

K e a k a had often oppressed J u s t as the

S u a r m a n , the k i n g of t h e T r i g a r t a s . thirteenth year of b a n i s h m e n t

N o w t h e Trigartas arrange w i t h the there is n e w s that the Trigarfcas

Kauravas to organise a j o i n t raid on the land of t h e M a t s y a s . expires,

EPICS

A N D PU R A N AS

355
Virata

have invaded

t h e country and have

stolen K i n g Virata's cattle.

prepares for the fight, provides w i t h weapons t o o , and sallies tas. A mighty battle immediately nised. While Virata the land city, cess, is fighting by B hrna, ensues.

Yudhihira,

B hma N a k u l a and Sahadeva

forth into t h e battlefield against t h e Trigar V i r a t a is taken prisoner, b u t is liberated are defeated, remain thanks unrecog w h o , nevertheless,

and finally the Trigartas

to the assistance

of t h e P d a v a s ,

a g a i n s t the T r i g a r t a s , the Kauravas invade point, and steal much cattle. The Now who has stayed behind in the t h e a g e n c y of t h e prin H e receives a U t t a r a sees the m i g h t y him back or. to the

of t h e M a t s y a s

at another

cowherds approach the y o u n g prince Uttara, and request persuades he has no charioteer. him Then to take DraupadI. Arjuna

h i m to g o forth t o battle a g a i n s t t h e Kauravas. through When as his charioteer.

suit of armour, and t h e y g o forth to battle. hosts of the K a u r a v a s , is about to flee ; b u t Arjuna tree on which the weapons W h e n he reveals himself mer takes courage again. catches

he is seized w i t h fear,

leaps from t h e chariot and Then t h e y drive t o the

him tip, drags

chariot by the hair, and exhorts him to courage. are concealed, to Uttara Uttara

and Arjuna fetches his weapons. Arjuna's ch.irioteer.

as t h e m i g h t y hero Arjuna, t h e for now becomes fights w i t h Dur} odhana and of course g a i n s a suspicion that did n o t recognise

A m i g h t y battle is n o w f o u g h t , in w h i c h Arjuna Kara B h m a and the other a glorious him. After he has w o n t h e victory, A r j u n a charioteer, having impressed upon Uttara takes victory. Though it was Arjuna who was t h e Kauravas against

heroes of t h e K a u r a v a s , harboured them,

fighting

they

t h e weapons back t o t h e

tree, and returns to t h e city as t h e d a n c i n g m a s t e r B hannal and U t t a r a s that he m u s t not betray h i m . I n t h e m e a n t i m e Virata the Trigartas. him. The king and t h e P(.avas have returned after d e f e a t i n g is v e r y a n x i o u s w h e n he hears t h a t his son has H e relates t h a t later i t is not he who of a beautiful b u t t h e n e w s of t h e victory soon reaches a g o d in the form

g o n e forth a g a i n s t t h e K a u r a v a s , U t t a r a is received him. has defeated t h e Kauravas, y o u t h has aided end. To the astonishment

in triumph. but that days Three

the thirteenth year comes to an V i r a rejoices greatly, Arjuna accepts for b y m a k i n g her his

of t h e k i n g , t h e five Pdavas appear in their identity. his d a u g h t e r as a wife,

true form in t h e hall,

a n d disclose their

and i m m e d i a t e l y offers A r j u n a d a u g h t e r i n l a w , he would

her, n o t for himself, b u t for his son bhimanyu> be t e s t i f y i n g lived in such close association w i t h

to t h e fact that, t h o u g h he had

her for a whole year, she had remained

356
pure.

INDIAN LITERATURE
T h e w e d d i n g of A b h i m a n y u and U t t a r whom is soon celebrated w i t h are, of course, Drupada

great p o m p , and numerous k i n g s

amongst

and Kna arrive w i t h costly presents.

Peace negotiations and preparations for war* }

A t this w e d d i n g feast t h e Pdavas and their friends consult as to w h a t attitude should be taken up w i t h K a proposes that an ambassador be sent to Duryodhana to g i v e back t o t h e P.avas their half k i n g d o m . it is then But accordingly before decided to send Drupada as an ambassador t o t h e K a u r a v a s . even the b e g i n n i n g of t h e n e g o t i a t i o n s , the Pavas are s i m u l t a n e o u s l y endeavouring as well as t h e Kauravas to are s e e k i n g to enlist as m a n y allies as possible on parties T h u s D u r y o d h a n a seeks to w i n K a the old f a m i l y together

regard to the Kauravas. to request him priest of K i n g A f t e r a l o n g consultation

their respective sides ; and both

win over several m i g h t y k i n g s . of the P w j a v a s .

himself over t o his side, w h o m we have hitherto k n o w n only as t h e i n t i m a t e friend A s chance will have it, D u r y o d h a n a comes to N o w as D u r y o d h a n a b y Kna Ka Kria while the l a i t e r is asleep, and A r j u n a arrives i m m e d i a t e l y after h i m . W h e n K s n a a w a k e n s , his eyes first l i g h t on Arjuna. had come first, b u t as A r j u n a thinks that he o u g h t whilst he will promises t h a t king dhana of to place he will refusal ; he therefore says Duryodhana chooses that has first been not to give an a r m y either beheld

of t h e m an answer c o n t a i n i n g a assist t h e one w i t h his advice, F o r this reason K a charioteer. is invited a l y a too, by Duryo

he will

of h e r d s m e n at t h e disposal of t h e other.

the latter, Arjuna the former.

n o t a c t u a l l y participate in t h e fight, b u t w i l l only w h o , accompanied by a host of warriors, is already

stand b y t h e P j a v a s as a counsellor, as Arjuna's the Madras, fight on his w a y t o Yudhihira in order to join his side, on t h e side of t h e Kauravas. of virtue, agrees on t h e side t h e chariot goes to Y u d h i h i r a nevertheless. represented ialya. as a model is to Salya fight

a l y a agrees to do so, but

T h e last named, w h o is otherwise a l w a y s upon disgraceful treachery with of t h e K a u r a v a s , b u t as Karas and t h u s cause Karas fall,

charioteer, he is to drive

badly

should there be s i n g l e c o m b a t b e t w e e n

h i m and Arjuna. war, Drupadas vener

W h i l e both sides are t h u s already t h i n k i n g of able priest comes to K i n g Dhtarra

as an ambassador,

and p u t s t h e

) These form tho contents of the fifth book

(Udyogaparvan).

PlCS AND PURtfAS

peace terms very w o r t h y H e does this of the Pavas but gives before him Sajaya him. The king

357
receives h i m in a Yudhihira. that There In

manner, after

no definite answer, s a y i n g that he as an ambassador to message to the is merely

himself will send his charioteer a few Dhtarstra desires peace, upon Yudhihira prastha and order t o accept the at his disposal. brings back. dhana to yield half peace to avoid

days ; but Sajayas and oo offer is made

Pavas.

sends back t h e reply that of the k i n g d o m back, on condition

he m u s t

either receive Indra

or the fight shall c o m m e n c e .

bloodshed a m o n g relatives, he even declares his willingness t h a t D u r y o d h a n a will place five villages which S a j a y a T h e Kauravas and n o w confer upon t h i s reply As Dhtarra

B h m a D r o a and Vidura m a k e peace. even

vainly strive to persuade D u r y o shows himself entirely

feeble and powerless, m e n t of any result. The of peace Bhma himself

this conference breaks up without the achieve debate on the peace, and Koa offers t o offer. whose Even the defiant mildness is so

Pacjavas too, a g a i n The speaks PiVaviS in favour On

m a k e another

a t t e m p t , and to g o in person to the Kauravas as a messenger gratefully of accept t h i s in words the peace

astonishing,

" as if m o u n t a i n s had g r o w n l i g h t and fire cold, t h a t K n a t h e other hand some of the heroes, and more of a n y negotiations war at once ; but Yudhihira

is surprised.

especially Draupad, the wife of heroes, are i m p a t i e n t for peace, and would m u c h prefer t o declare insists mother upon t h e Kuntl mes&age of and he begs peace. Ka to

I n tender words be remembers their visit her, as she is l i v i n g w i t h benedictions on his w a y . He The and

V i d u r a at the court of the Kauravas, and to ask after her welfare. K a repairs to the Kauravas, t a k i n g H e immediately mother but they of she of is still not visits Kunt laments more forget pained is received splendidly by Dhtarsra, but only accepts Vidura's hospitality, and g i v e s her Yudhihira's g r e e t i n g s . separation at the insult offered to Diaupadl, heroes the from her sons in bitter words,

reproaches Ytidhihra with w e a k n e s s . should stake their lives. which morning Ka

She asks K n a to tell her sons t h a t " f o r t h e sake T h e next in festive

their d u t y as warriors, and should not hesitate to brings children into t h e world.

S h e says t h a t the m o m e n t has n o w c o m e wife to the goes

a warriors makes

a s s e m b l y of the K a u r a v a princes as to p e a c e .

array, and do a n y t h i n g utmost

a speech

Dhtarra announces that he, Then the K a turns his peace The latter,

for his part,

desires n o t h i n g better than peace, b u t that he is powerless to against his son Duryodhana. to accept B h m a D r o a and Vidura also do their peace terms.

exhortations to Duryodhana, and to persuade Duryodhana

358

INDIAN

LITERATURE

however, announces t h a t he will not cede to the Pan(javas even as much land as will cover t h e point of a needle. D u r y o d h a n a and his associates does not agree to t h i s , but that she m a y endeavour Gndhr comes in, and j u s t as fruitless as of a powerful foe in those this After he has left the assembly in anger, among for the the Kauravas should deliver Dhtarara order peace. having are make his wife king the Gndhrl, in to v i o l e n t l y for to contrary, does K s n a proposes t h a t the welldisposed he sends the

as prisoners to the Pcjavas. obstinate son

to persuade reproaches of the

aged On Kna

abdicated in favour of his son ; but and his associates hatch a plan way.

her exhortations

Duryodhana so as to not After even

others. The plan,

Duryodhana dispose a Vidura B hma peace Kara. (sta). the had river who remain

to take

prisoner,

however, of of

secret, and Duryodhana is severely admonished by Dhtarra and for h a v i n g planned t h i s violation of t h e law embassy. peace, and Drona, too, have v a i n l y spoken in favour Before K a departs, he still this

embassy of Kas m u s t be regarded as h a v i n g failed. has a secret the son he w a s not interview of begotten by in a on with This brave hero is generally regarded as The story goes, however, that in reality fashion, so t h a t K u n t ' s v i r g i n i t y in a little w a t e r t i g h t basket. Ksria refers to t h i s , and was a charioteer

Srya she the

s u n g o d , and K u n t when the latter was as y e t a v i r g i n , violated.

marvellous

B u t after

g i v e n birth to Kara, she was a s h a m e d , and p u t the boy out There he was tries

found by a charioteer,

b r o u g h t him up. Karna is therefore really an elder brother to the Pfjavas. to persuade h i m to seize t h e throne and to to such Srya the now side want treachery himself, of she to the has be to appoint his y o u n g e r brother Y u d h i h i r a as his successor, as the Prjavas would agree to this. Kara however, refuses to listen him to go over to his friend D u r y o d h a n a ; and w h e n K u n t supported by tries in similar fashion to persuade

Pnc"avas, Kara only answers her in hard words : he says t h a t never been a good m o t h e r to h i m , and t h a t he does her son. K a therefore returns to t h e Pavas cry is raised when K a relates t h a t there him prisoner. B oth sides n o w a c t i v e l y B hsma. with his an war. battle mission not

unaccom take and up

plished, and reports on his vain a t t e m p t s to establish peace. was even for the as their prepare for

A wild battle a t t e m p t to The are Pavas drawn as

choose D h a d y u m n a son of K i n g Drupada, t h e Kauravas choose and arranged. fighters The ranks he places insult. B h s m a enumerates t h e

fieldmarshal,

heroes to

Duryodhana

chariot other will he

according to their r a n k ;

K a r r a lower t h a n all the K a r a swears that

heroes, therefore offering him deadly

EPICS

A N D PURAS

359
Then B hma enu

not participate in t h e fight until i n g t o fight with all of them,

B h s m a has fallen. except w i t h

merates t h e principal heroes of the Pcjavas,

and declares that he is will Sikhandin. T h e latter had and had only sexes with

c o m e into t h e world as a maiden, t h e daughter of Drupada, been transformed into a man later, when her. fight
1

a yaka

exchanged

B hlma

still

regards this

warrior as a w o m a n ,

and he will n o t

witn a w o m a n . W h e n t h e preparations for war have been completed, Ulka, t h e son sent

of a gambler,

is sent
7

to the camp

of t h e Pc.'avas b y t h e Kauravas insulting speeches. H e is and defiant words. There

w i t h a declaration of war in t h e form of back b y t h e Pr avas w i t h no less upon the t w o hosts march to Kuruketra.

insulting

The great eighteen day's

fights
auxiliaries on either side

T h e t w o hosts range t h e s e l v e s w i t h their of t h e great Kuru field. friend can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m foe. same kind of arms are to fight each o n l y chariotfighters, warriors w i t h o u t first h a v i n g c h a l l e n g e d riders w i t h riders, a n d footsoldiers

W a t c h w o r d s and signs are determined, by which T h e n certain covenants o t h e r ; chariotfighters only warriors with are agreed fight fight

on a m o n g the c o m b a t a n t s : o n l y opponents of equal birth and bearing the are to on elephants his opponent on elephants, w h o have are *lso and bes able to king.

footsoldiers ; no one is to to fight ; those and musicians

surrendered, or w h o are hors de c o m b a t , also the f u g i t i v e s , k i l l e d ; drivers, beasts of burden, armourbearets to be spared.

are n o t to be

Before t h e b e g i n n i n g of the battle, t h e saint V y s a appears t o w s on Savjaya

y

K i n g Dhtarras charioteer, t h e g i f t of being

see e v e r y t h i n g that takes place on t h e field of battle. The descriptions of the battle, w h i c h n o w follow, of Sajaya
3

H e also m a k e s him

i n v u l n e r a b l e , s o t h a t he m a y be able to report daily t o t h e old, blind as an e y e w i t n e s s , and this lends them a most

are p u t in t h e m o u t h realistic

vividness.

)
2

On this and similar changes of sex in fairytale literature cf. Th. Benfoy " D a s The sixth book (Bhtsmaparvan) Similarly the Langobardian begins here and ends with the fall of the leader poets frequently resort to the artifice "of observing

Pantschatantra," 1 pp. 41 ff. ) ) Bhrna.

s

the progress of t e battle through the eyes of a scout who is set on an eminence, and then

360
The venerable Bh^ra, of the battle.

INDIAN

LITERATUR

t h e greatuncle of the K a u i a v a s as armies the open during warriors today, the to first fight

well ten

as of days

the P a v a s , c o m m a n d s the Kaurava " T h e great g a t e of heaven in by this g a t e to the world is to seek death in the stands

In fiery speech he e x h o r t s wide of Indra fight.

1

bravely : right to the

O warriors ! Enter the warrior

and of

B rahman ! . . I t is not go forth courageously weapons,

for a warrior to die at home of a d i s e a s e ; the eternal d u t y of Thus they battle, and brilliantly adorned w i t h the s h i n i n g armour and t w o hosts face each other. Thundering warcries fight. for and loud

battle m u s i c g i v e the signal for the

c o m m e n c e m e n t of the conflict, w i t h o u t regard nor the brother friend his friend. bloody slaughter. single combat ; But when night

K a u r a v a s and P c a v a s now m e e t in terrible relationship, for t h e father k n o w s not the son, uncle k n o w s not his sisters son, nor the and there is in who is seen e n g a g e d

his brother, t h e

T h e elephants cause dreadful devastation, N o w it is this, n o w that hero falls, t h e

victory is now w i t h t h e P a v a s , n o w with t h e Kauravas. c o m b a t a n t s retire, and it is not until the next up again in fresh battle array, and the other repeatedly, conflict fight Ka Duryo again is to pain in

m o r n i n g that the armies are drawn fight b e g i n s anew, in astonishment. ing against the Arjuna

B h m a and A r j u n a encounter each go badly

and both of t h e m fight so bravely that gods and d e m o n s watch the B u t every t i m e t h a t t h i n g s D u r y o d h a n a reproaches reproaches for B h m a for s h o w i n g too m u c h regard whilst not s h o o t i n g direct a t B h m a . fight. M a n y of He

for the Kaurava,

P n d a v a s ; a n d w h e n the Paavas suffer losses, N o w Duryodhana Paavas. Overwhelmed by

dhanas brothers have already fallen in t h e defeat the foe, or else let Kara take

blames B h m a for s h o w i n g too much mercy to the command.

and a n g e r , B h m a promises to fight mercilessly n e x t day a g a i n s t all, w i t h the sole exception of Siihadin, peace, O son of GandhrJ, says w h o had once been a woman. he (VI, 99, 23), losses " Sleep " I shall g a i n a ninth day death, of great the

victory tomorrow, which shall be spoken of, as l o n g as t h e world T h e Padavas d o , indeed, suffer battle. heavy on t h e B h l m a rages in the host of the foe like the god of

endures. whilst

reports

w h a t he has s e e n ;

by t h n

means the artist avoids a tedious description, (R. Koegel Geschichte der deutsohen

and has t h e twofold advantage of being in a position to limit himself to the main inoidents, and of thrilling his hearers to a greater degree." Litteratur, I, I. Strassburg 1894, p. 120.) i) Vl,l7,8ff.

EPICS AND PURAS

Arjuna, much himself w h o still upon reveres in B hma as his " g r a n d f a t h e r , " ) W h e n K a observes fight.
1

361
shows too rushes forcibly, B hlma

consideration

fighting. to kill

this, he

B hlma

h i m , b u t A r j u n a holds him back P u t to wild flight b y

reminding

him of his oath not t o

t h e P.ava warriors return to their c a m p at n i g h t f a l l . T h e Padavas use the n i g h t for a council of war. A s t h e y k n o w that t o place the latter in B h l m a will n o t fight a g a i n s t i k h a i n , t h e y decide direct his arrows a g a i n s t B h m a . had played

the v a n the n e x t day ; b u t A r j u n a is to be concealed behind S i k h a i n , and I t is only u n w i l l i n g l y t h a t Arjuna agrees h i m " daddy. Ka however, to this treachery, a n d he remembers w i t h pain and s h a m e that, as a b o y , he on B h m a s lap and called succeeds in persuading h i m that o n l y he can conquer B h m a and it is only by k i l l i n g t h e m i g h t y opponent that he will fulfil his warrior's d u t y . Thus dawn placed breaks on t h e t e n t h day of the battle, and i k h a i n the Kauravas advance is in t h e van b y t h e Pfjavas, while with

B h m a at their head. ground on both sides. arrows, w i t h o u t hidden behind venerable hero.

A l l d a y long t h e conflict rages between the Pa Thousands and thousands sink to t h e A t last i k h a i n , behind w h o m Arjuna is concealed, T h e latter s m i l i n g l y awaits ikhariclin's against him. B u t however B u t soon arrow w h o is upon violently Arjuna, on t h e fighting my dis
3

vas and the Kauravas around B h m a . succeeds in c o m i n g u p with B b m a . defending himself begins

the latter aims a t B h m a t h e arrows do not hurt h i m . ikha(jin t o shower arrow turning which And B hlma t o Dusana

beside h i m , says : " These arrows, arrows, w h i c h Once more penetrate

are completely

destroying

lifespirits like messengers of Y a m a ,

are n o t ikharms

arrows ; these Jrjuna" ) Arjuna,

into m y limbs like r a g i n g , w r i t h i n g serpents together, and hurls an arrow at

tended with v e n o m , are not ikhamin's arrows, t h e y are shot b y he pulls himself

) The greatuncle
2

B h m a is usually called thus b y the sons of Pu. who gave this advice. T h e version given The sons of Pu we are told, betake

) I n the old poem it w a s probably Krma

in our present " Mahbhrata" is simply absurd. they can best kill him. B hma himself

themselves at night time to B hma in the hostile camp, and ask him quite naively how then advises them to place ikhadin opposite So it is narrated at the beginning of Canto VI, speeches in which Arjuna, him, and to let Arjuna fight behind h i m .

107; in the middle of the same Canto w e have the beautiful him on his knees as a child j and at the end of the same mann. " D a s Mahbhrata," II, 172 f. ) V I . 119, 63 f,

full of tenderness, lets his thoughts dwell on his "grandfather " B hma w h o had rocked Canto it is the same Arjuna C f Ad. Holtz. who comes forward with the plan of killing B h m a in so unfair a manner.

46

362

INDIAN

LITERATURE

which the latter catches and shivers sword and shield to defend himself, hundred pieces. until, j u s t before the Pavas rush from all sunset,
1

into three pieces. but Arjuna

T h e n he

takes

his

smashes who

his shield into a is s t a n d i n g wounds, in he alone, falls in but the the the

T h e n Y u d h i h i r a orders his people t o attack B h m a and sides on the from warrior bleeding innumerable the ground but

h e a d l o n g from his c h a r i o t . rests on a bed of arrows. Loud honour of is the

And there are so m a n y arrows not touch

sticking his fall,

his body on all sides t h a t he does jubilation of hero,

a m o n g the t h e Kauravas. who had

Paavas,

boundless both

lamentation in the c a m p t h e fallen filled belligerent parties. d y i n g hero, down. and tries to speak to waves t h e m aside And with

I t is agreed to call a truce in

been so closely related to H e greets d y i n g man the

Pavas admiration The

as well as K a u r a v a s stand around and sorrow. head of the hangs

warriors, feebly he his

them. smilingly.

He begs for a cushion.

T h e y hasten to bring fine cushions, but Then Arjuna takes three arrows from

quiver and supports B h m a ' s head on t h e m . B h s m a declares contentedly that this is w h a t he wanted, and t h a t this is a fitting bed for a hero. T h e d y i n g hero exhorts D u r y o d h a n a in impressive " Make refuses peace w i t h the Paavas. B u t like a man sick unto the wise counsel of words to conclude peace : ' L e t this battle end w i t h m y death, O m y s o n , " he says. Bhma. T h e defiant, t h e d y i n g hero. hand and exhorts but With him noble dim also Karna also approaches to pay eyes, to the aged chief make his respect to one death w h o medicine, Duryodhana refuses

embraces h i m w i t h

peace with the Paavas, t h e more B u t Kara declares t h a t Recon it is

so as, b e i n g t h e son of K u n t he is their brother. fight a g a i n s t the Pavas. ciled, B h m a gives

he m u s t remain faithful to D u r y o d h a n a and do his d u t y as a warrior in the He says that he cannot do otherwise. permission to fight, t h e brave warrior though

) The foolish tale ( V I . 1 1 6 ) in which B hma explains to Yudhihira in the of the battle that he is weary of life, whereupon the latter, with cheap courage, his men to fight against the hero, is just as much in contradiction with this and is appear in the sky and approve of B htma's determination to die. Bhma himself into a demigod.

midst exhorts

description

( V I , 1 2 0 , 58 ff.) as the childish story (VI. 1 2 0 , 3 2 ff.) w h i c h tells how Vasus (divine beings) These are later interpolations, which pursue the twofold aim of whitewashing t h e Pavas and making In the old poem B h m a was surely only a m i g h t y hero, B ut the story of V I . 1 1 6 , is whom the Pdavas brought low in an unchivalrous manner. k n o w n in t h e " Dtaghaotkaca " (v. 1 9 ) , ascribed to B hsa

EPICS

AND

PURTtfAS

363
peace have been in

truly vain.)

painful to h i m

that

all his

efforts

towards

N o w that

B h m a has fallen, K a m a the old teacher

again participates in t h e battle,

and a t his s u g g e s t i o n inchief.( till the On

Droiia is consecrated as commander command from the eleventh

T h e fight is carried on under his day. day of the battle

fifteenth the

thirteenth

there

is

a sad

e v e n t for the ventures

Pavas.

T h e y o u t h f u l , b u t valiant son of A r j u n a , A b h i m a n y u

too far into t h e ranks of the e n e m y , is separated S i n d h u k i n g J a y a d r a t h a , and

from his protectors b y t h e Arjuna swears Jayadratha.

is killed by D u s a n a ' s son.

to t a k e a terrible r e v e n g e on t h e So the principal e v e n t of

murderer of his son, m e a n i n g d a y of on

the f o u r t e e n t h

t h e battle is the c o m b a t all day, and ends in the At

b e t w e e n Arjuna death of the

and J a y a d r a t h a , As Arjuna

w h i c h drags

latter.

swore, he is killed before s u n d o w n .

the s a m e time B h m a has been of Dhtarsras s o n s . B u t on goes down. this The d a y the fight

r a g i n g in t h e K a u r a v a a r m y , k i l l i n g m a n y

is on

not both

interrupted sides

as usual

when the sun

combatants in spite

are so embittered t h a t t h e y darkness. They fight

can brook no interval,

of the

approaching

on, b y the l i g h t of torches and lamps. i n g feats. on B u t Kara bears down

Individual heroes perform astound especially hard on the Pndavas, and is s e n t out a g a i n s t Kara.
g

Knas advice t h e

rkasa

Ghaotkaca giant until

The hero wrestles m a n f u l l y fearful d a m a g e in t h e

with the

m o n s t e r , and t h e rkasa d o e he

Kaurava host, the g i a n t

is at last killed by K a r a .

B u t e v e n in his very fall

G h a o t k a c a tears an entire army of t h e T h e P n a v a s are very sorrowful

Kauravas to the ground and crushes it.

) In the old poem B h m a surely did not live longer after necessary to address a few words to Duryodhana and Kara. the curious story that B hima fell in the sun's southerly course (uttarciyana) pass t h e uttaryana

his downfall than was relates

Our Mahbhrata

course, i.e. in the halfyear northerly teach The Upanisads

before t h e winter solstice, but postponed his death until the time of the sun's i.e. t h e halfyear before the summer solstice. (Chnd. U p . V, 10, 1 ; B rh. U p . V I . 2, 15). (Thus B hagavadgta V I I I . 24.)

that t h e soul, which traverses along t h e path of the gods to the world of B rahman, must Out of this the theologians with the B rahman, The philosopher ankara have derived the rule that a saint or yogin w h o desires to be united must die in the uttaryana. uttaryaa for his death.
2

(on VedntasStra IV, 2 20 f ) already speaks of the fact that B hima had chosen the A t that time therefore, ( 8 t h century A.D.) the story of seventh Bhma's death must already have been related as in our present Mahbhrata. ) The battle under the leadership of Droa forms the contents of the (Droaparvan). book

364
at the death of up for The by sleep. Arjuna, fight

INDIAN

LITERATURE

B h m a s son G h a o t k a c a , only K a rejoices ; for the fact used the spear against the g i v e n him b y Indra w h i c h he had saved This was the very t h i n g that
1

is that K a m a had

rkasa.

K a had intended. rages o n , with up. until the warriors of both sides difficulty them, that weary the most are overpowered of the and time I t is only conscientious

warriors keep

M a n y of

and d r o w s y , drop on their ele reel about and in a

phants, chariots and horses, w h i l s t others, blinded b y sleep, even slay their o w n friends. resounding voice to sleep. gives the combatants words. permission to

T h e n A r j u n a the warrior takes pity,

devote s o m e

T h e foes, too, j o y f u l l y

w e l c o m e this proposal, and both g o d s and A n d in the m i d s t of t h e field of battle,

m e n bless A r j u n a for these (The following feeble impression "Then, silent. body of And their

steeds, elephants and warriors lie d o w n t o slumber. literal prose translation of a f e w verses can only g i v e a of t h e nocturnal scene here describ the the great necks chariotfighters grew of the poetic b e a u t y sleep, all on on the others on

ed ; the style recalls in some places the lyrics of a Klidsa.) overpowered by they lay chariots, yet down, some their steeds' backs, others in the of their elephants, and With lying their on the weapons, to ground hissed they lay d o w n snakes ground. elephants,

m a n y others stretched t h e m s e l v e s w i t h clubs, swords, battleaxes sleep, some breathing by repose, And he, heavily, this others looked there like

and lances, f u l l y The mounds, picture

armed,

over which g i a n t

slumbering a wondrous sublime light...In deep,

host,

l y i n g there

unconscious, in sped the

in its deep East with its flooded away...

resembled

painted on t h e c a n v a s b y a skilful suddenly an eye darkness of the earth was swiftly

artist...Then the ruddy b e a m s of with light,

moon the

appeared

t w i n k l i n g of this host

and the

unfathomable

But in t h e radiant And sea of as the the the day of tide fight

moonlight of

warriors a w o k e , as a grove of t o u c h of the sun's rays. B u t then,

hundredleaved day lotus blossoms troops a w o k e

a w a k e n s at the

the ocean arises w h e n t h e moon shines forth, so this at t h e rising of the constellation of n i g h t . the annihilation of t h e world began afresh a m o n g
3

0 King, And fifteenth

for

these people, w h o longed for the h i g h e s t region of heaven. > bloody strife lasts is at uninterrupted till t h e g r e y d a w n . The the battle band. T h e sun rises in the E a s t , and t h e

*) He might only use it once, see above p. 351.

2

) Even apart from a few verses inserted by a later writer of ornate poetry. ) V I I . 185, 37 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

365

warriors of both armies d i s m o u n t from their horses, elephants and chariots ; gazing tions upwards with towards hands. the s u n g o d , This t h e y perform their m o r n i n g d e v o on,y lasts a m o m e n t , however, folded fall b y knight. interlude

and the battle rages on. and Virata, down this An and

T w o of t h e m o s t excellent heroes, K i n g s Drupada hand. T h e P.ava heroes t r y in vain to cut handtohand even fight between Droa the celestial ones w a t c h w i t h astonishing pupil, I t is which the

Droas

and Arjuna, teacher

admiration, leads to no result, as a n y of his feats of arms. trick.

pupil is n o t inferior to his teacher in

n o w a g a i n K a w h o conceives a devilish

A t his i n s t i g a t i o n , B h m a kills an e l e p h a n t w h i c h happens to answer which is also the name of Droas son, has been killed. not y e t believe t h e report. love is compelled Drupada's son to believe I t is o n l y w h e n it. Overcome for his of truth, repeats t h e lie, a t the

to the n a m e of A v a t t h m a n , and then calls o u t loudly, approaching Droa that A v a t t h m a n , Yudhihira, who Droa is f r i g h t e n e d , b u t does is f a m o u s that persuasion of K a This is the the head

Droa by years

with sorrow, he casts his weapons aside and stands, lost in deep meditation. m o m e n t utilised eightyfive D h a d y u m n a to cut off V a i n l y does A r j u n a shout D h a d y u m n a has a c c o m flight. his I t is only n o w t h a t father, and he swears of the old Droa.

t h a t t h e venerable plished the of t h e Kauravas,

teacher m u s t n o t be slain. who, the horrorsticken, take n e w s of the death to of

deed, and thrown the hears

c o m m a n d e r i n c h i e f ' s head in t h e m i d s t

Avatthman

bloody v e n g e a n c e on t h e Paclas and the P.avas. After t h e fall of Droa Kauravas, but he is day of the battle, B h l m a seventeenth Madras, be a m a t c h for day of the to

Kama

is chosen as comrnanderinchief of the

1

in c o m m a n d for only t w o d a y s . ) and Avatthrnan, Kara Arjuna and

O n the s i x t e e n t h K a r n a perform

marvels of bravery, but there is no decisive result. battle, demands given him as his charioteer,

O n t h e m o r n i n g of t h e t h a t a l y a k i n g of the only t h e n could h e be A t first finally in It While for

A r j u n a , who

had so e x c e l l e n t a charioteer in K a . to say w h a t of and this

a l y a is u n w i l l i n g to render service Karas presence. H e then m a k e s is not

to a m a n of lower rank, b u t he full use concession.

consents on c o n d i t i o n t h a t he m a y be allowed he is d r i v i n g Karas chariot, he heaps is true t h a t K a r a addicted to people, in c u t t i n g words, and describes insult them

he pleases

scorn on the latter. false,

outdone by him : he abuses t h e M a d r a s , Salyas as b e i n g hypocritical, O n t h e other hand Salya

d r u n k e n n e s s , i m m o r a l i t y and incest.

This fight forms the contents of the eighth book

(Karnaparvan).

366
tells Kara
1

INDIAN

LITERATURE

that

the Agas,

over

w h o m he rules, sell

their w i v e s and

children. ^

A t length

D u r y o d h a n a restores the peace between the t w o , slaughter W i t h his at him,

and t h e y g o forth to t h e battle. W h i l e Arjuna seeks to g e t a t Karna B b m a causes dreadful a m o n g the sons of Dhtarra, a g a i n tears open his breast and drinks sworn. 1
2

killing

many

of t h e m . springs

w e i g h t y club he hurls Dusana d o w n from his chariot, his warm at lifeblood, this The foes retreat come shuddering to close

as he had once Meanwhile

sight.

Arjuna a n d K a r a Kara.

have

quarters,

a n d a terrible duel is their chariot tusks t h e begins to

f o u g h t , in w h i c h even the g o d s take part : Indra for Arjuna, a n d S r y a for L i k e t w o wild elephants g o r i n g each other w i t h T h e n one wheel Kara of Karas to pull t w o heroes shower each other w i t h arrows. to bring Kara t o earth. sink into the g r o u n d . )
3

I n vain does Arjuna endeavour t h e chariot o u t , with the

n o w tries

and asks A r j u n a t o m a k e a break in t h e c o m b a t , in accordance rules of warfare. Ka however, persuades t hi s ; a n d A r j u n a , generally a model of c h i v a l r y , kills Kara w h i l e t h e latter is still busy w i t h his chariot. A light

Arjuna to have n o regard t o treacherously, from t h e radiates

body of t h e fallen hero, and he retains his beauty even in death. There is g r e a t j o y i n t h e c a m p of t h e Prjavas, b u t t h e K a u r a v a s flee in fear. I t is only w i t h m u c h trouble t h a t D u r y o d h a n a succeeds in a n d inspiriting his troops for further undertake single combat at with alya. fighting.
4

assembling

Salya

is the c o m m a n d e r a n d fierce contest, flee. Only The resistance.

inchief on t h e e i g h t e e n t h day of the b a t t l e . < Y u d h i h i r a slays a l y a S a h a d e v a kills a k u n i . about midday.

Yudhihira is selected to

After a long

The Kauravas fearful

D u r y o d h a n a and akuni w i t h a small band still offer desperate Arjuna a n d B h m a cause h o s t of t h e K a u r a v a s is n o w e n t i r e l y a n n i h i l a t e d .

carnage.

) The whole of the very remarkable section ( V I I I , 3345) is extremely interesting from the point of view of ethnology and t h e history of civilization.
2

) See above, p. 344. ) Although w e already know ( s e e above p. 356) that this happens in, consequence

of t h e treachery of alya t h e matter is here presented as though this mishap had befallen Kara as the result of the curse of a B rahman whom he had offended ( V I I I , 42, 41 and 90, 8 1 ) , T h e entire narrative of the fight between Arjuna and Kara ( V I I I , 8694) h a s been touched up to a great extent. on t h e old theme."
4

C f. Oldenberg, Das Mahabharata, pp. 50 ff., where he

s a y s that in this instance nothing is left of the old poem, but that a n e w poem was created ) This day of battle forms the contents of t h e ninth book (alyaparvan).

EPICS AND PURAS

D u r y o d h a n a flees alone to a pond, him, there are only three Avatthman. where he hides himself.

367
B esides lies

surviving

heroes,

Ktavarrnan

Kpa and Duryodhana combat. following a n d he them. fight

T h e s u n has already set. Yudhihira

T h e c a m p of t h e Kauravas him to single fight until the

there, e m p t y and forsaken. and a t l e n g t h find h i m . Duryodhana says

T h e Pdavas seek t h e f u g i t i v e challenges to

t h a t he is n o t prepared

m o r n i n g , and that he has fled to the pond from f a t i g u e and n o t from fear. B u t Yudhishira insists upon t h e duel b e i n g f o u g h t on the spot, promises h i m that he shall remain k i n g , even if he kill o n l y o n e of T h e duel is to be f o u g h t between Duryodhana and B hma. duel The with clubs is introduced by the usual in order to be a spectator of the club

of words. B aladeva, Kas distance, other The gods, too, watch the butt each

brother, w h o had n o t taken part in t h e b a t t l e , comes from a l o n g fight. spectacle in a s t o n i s h m e n t a n d admiration. Covered of meat. indecisive. with blood A s t w o bulls

with their horns, so t h e t w o heroes rain b l o w s on each other w i t h their clubs. all over t h e y b o t h c o n t i n u e fighting. They lacerate each other w i t h their clubs like t w o cats which are quarrelling T h e y both a c c o m p l i s h marvels of valour, Then Kna tells Arjuna that B hrna over a piece

and t h e issue remains will never be able t o fighter,

defeat Duryodhana in fair fight, for t h o u g h Duryodhana is more skilful. smash Duryodhanas t h i g h . Bhmas eyes. B hma like

B h m a i s t h e stronger
1

B ut he reminds h i m of the words of B h m a Then Arjuna slaps his o w n left this smashes at thigh, before so that

when on the occasion of t h e insult to D r a u p a d I . ) t h e former had sworn to understands hint, and w h i l s t his o> p o n e n t is his thigh, B u t B aladeva, who a c c u s i n g him

t a k i n g a leap preparatory to s t r i k i n g , B h m a he breaks down of fighting has been w a t c h i n g t h e fight, hurls a n g r y dishonestly, below one's opponent the navel.

a tree uprooted by t h e storm. words

B hma

for iu an honest club fight i t is forbidden to strike H i s brother K n a has s o m e difficulty to that B hma has acted away, rightly. promising

in restraining him from c h a s t i s i n g B h m a ; but in vain does K a seek persuade that his brother b y his sophistry H o n e s t B aladeva m o u n t s his chariot in a n g e r and drives D u r y o d h a n a as an honest one. Thereupon Yudhihira sends

B h m a shall a l w a y s be k n o w n in t h e world as a d i s h o n e s t fighter, b u t

K1.sa t o Hastinpura t o console and his errand t o the

pacify Dhtarra and Gndhr, and K n a performs

) S e e above, p. 345.

368
best of No lament his ability. sooner do the

INDIAN

LITERATURE

The

Pdavas decide to spend the n i g h t outside the and his t w o companions hear the news fight, the and dying B ut Avatth

c a m p , on t h e bank of a river. Avatthman of the fall of D u r y o d h a n a , t h a n t h e y hasten to the scene of t h e hero, w h o lies there w i t h his t h i g h s smashed. solemnly appoints m a n swears t h a t he will annihilate all the P.avas, whereupon Duryodhana quite obvious os what, as there is no a r m y left.

him commanderinchief, t h o u g h it is not

The nocturnal The dhana, three

daughter

in the camp of the

Pndavas. )

surviving

Kaurava shade

heroes, h a v i n g t a k e n leave of D u r y o of a tree at s o m e distance from the there. nestling Kpa and in the in Ktavarman

have

repaired

to the

field of battle, in order to spend the n i g h t have fallen asleep, revenge. the night,
2

but A v a t t h m a n is kept a w a k e by rage and thirst for crows branches of the the middle of in and

T h e n he sees a flock of a dreadfullooking

tree beneath w h i c h t h e y are r e s t i n g , and how s u d d e n l y , owl birds. ) tells

cotres a l o n g and kills all t h e s l e e p i n g heroes,

T h i s s i g h t s u g g e s t s to him the idea of f a l l i n g upon his foes H e a w a k e n s t h e t w o other of his plan.

their sleep and m u r d e r i n g t h e m . them

Kpa seeks to dissuade h i m , as it is wrong to fall A v a t t h m a n , however, retorts t h a t the bridge of right out in a hundred his intention. the the keep flight. father) Then " broken him

upon t h e s l e e p i n g and t h e defenceless. the P.avas have l o n g a g o fragments, " I shall deed!" ) guard
3

that the

they

need

now only obey the dictates of r e v e n g e , and from carrying

that no man l i v i n g shall kill

prevent

Pacalas, the murderers of m y father, in t h e sleeptime this resolve, he mounts his chariot and drives to

of n i g h t , even t h o u g h I be reborn as a worm or as a w i n g e d insect for With hostile c a m p . L i k e a thief he creeps i n , whilst the t w o other Dhadyumna (who had killed heroes his

a t the g a t e of the c a m p , so as t o kill any who m i g h t a t t e m p t him with the a kick, and s t r a n g l e s him like a head of cattle. god the the sleeping and drowsy and

H e breaks into the t e n t of awakens murders he passes like

of death from t e n t to t e n t , from bed to bed, and heroes, one after five sons of Draupad, i k h a n d i n . B efore

without

mercy all

another, i n c l u d i n g

) This forms the contents of the tenth book

(8auptikaparvan).

*) C f. with this scene Th. Benfey Das Pantschatantra 1, pp 336 ff

) X, 5, 1827.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

369
Thousands are demons

midnight

all t h e

warriors

of

the hostile a r m y are dead. Picas, the

w a l l o w i n g in their gore. to feast on the flesh

Rkasas and

flesheating

w h o s w a r m in the n i g h t , come p r o w l i n g into t h e c a m p in their m u l t i t u d e s , and blood of t h e murdered. W h e n m o r n i n g li^ht dying Duryodhana appears, d e a t h l y stillness a g a i n reigns supreme far and w i d e over t h e c a m p . B u t the three heroes hasten to t h e spot where the When In secretly Duryodhana the has heard still lies, so as to tell h i m the n e w s of the slaughter of t h e hostile warriors. w h a t to h i m are g l a d t i d i n g s , he g i v e s up charioteer, t h e o n l y survivor, has terrible the news that host their and and is entire the annihilated. of the the spirit g r a t e f u l l y and j o y f u l l y . meantime the have Dhadyumna's Panc?avas of been murdered and informed loses the

Drupadas sons Yudhihira his brothers. family. meets his

consciousness,

only supported at s o m e pains by other women which

Then he sends for DraupadI and Then Draupad approaches,

He goes to t h e c a m p , and a l m o s t breaks down at the s i g h t eyes. on and in her

her o v e r w h e l m i n g husband B u t as

sorrow for her murdered sons and brothers, she c o n g r a t u l a t e s Yudhihira his splendid boundless as her m o u r n i n g is her hatred for the murderer

victory in words of bitterest irony.

Avatthman

and she refuses to take nourishment until this fearful deed be a v e n g e d .

Whether and how, in the original epic, the deed of Avatthman was avenged, is no longer evident from our Mahbhrata, owing to insertions and recastings. The following is related in a rather unintelligible and confused manner :
B h m a pursues worst of it. At voluntarily his head. gives Avatthman all him He events never is, and fights w i t h h i m , but really g e t s the not kill him, but of this is is, Avatthman has g r o w n on remarkable still l y i n g however, at first of been kind

he does any

a j e w e l desired by DraupadI, which previous in mention moreover,

( T h e r e was

headornament.) in the womb by

possession of a wonderful weapon, who which to

with w h i c h he destroy the last scion of the K u r u race, reason U t t a r a later on revived whose recited. him t o Ka K8na about snakesacrifice B ut wander g i v e s birth This the the is to a dead child,

of Uttar Arjunas d a u g h t e r i n l a w , as an e m b r y o ; for this Pariksit, the father of t h a t Janamejaya, have

Mahbhrata world

is supposed thousand

pronounces

a curse

on A v a t t h m a n ,

condemning

for three

yearsa

47

370

INDIAN

LITERATURE

A h a s u e r u s a l o n e , avoided b y

all

human

creatures, spreading the odour

of blood and f e s t e r i n g discharge, and laden w i t h all diseases.

I t is difficult to say whether any of all this belongs to the old poem. Jertainly the lament for the dead still belonged to it.
The women's lament for In again, funeral vain do and at Sajava and the dead.
1

Vidura endeavour to console t h e old, blind He breaks d o w n a g a i n and The The the also comes to g i v e h i m consolation. other ladies of

K i n g Dhtarsra in his unspeakable grief. length Vysa the ceremonies for

dead m u s t now, however, be performed.

k i n g therefore sends for his consort Gndhr and the t h e field of heroes, who battle.

court, and, l a m e n t i n g loudly, t h e y wend their way out of t h e o i t y towards O n t h e w a y t h e y m e e t the three s u r v i v i n g of They do not s t a y , Kaurava make Soon tell t h e m the terrible carnage which t h e y have made in however, b u t fear the sons of of v e n g e a n c e of the Pclavas.

the n i g h t in the hostile c a m p . good their escape, as t h e y afterwards, fall in indeed, the five

Pari(Ju come a l o n g w i t h K a and A f t e r some difficulty, K a Pcavas is very difficult for Gndhri of her hundred sons.

w i t h the procession of the mourners. kind king and queen, t h o u g h it

succeeds in effecting some and t h e aged But Draupad,

reconciliation b e t w e e n t h e

to f o r g i v e B h l m a w h o has n o t left alive a s i n g l e one too, has lost all tributes towards the reconciliation.

her sons, and c o m m u n i t y of grief con

Here follows the Lament of Gndhrl, which is one of the most beautiful parts of the whole epic, as a masterpiece of elegiac poetry, as well as for the clear descriptions of the battlefield, recalling the pictures of a Wereschagin. The whole scene becomes so much the more impressive, owing to the fact that the poet does not himself tell the story, but lets the aged mother of heroes recount what she sees with her own eyes.
2)
A

) It forms the contents of the eleventh

book

(8trparvan). womeu before them, yet it is related

) Although it is expressly stated ( X I .

16,10 I.) that Dhtarsra and the

have arrived at Kuruketra and see t h e bloody battlefield

EPICS

AND

PURAS

371
Awful of ;he also cooled of is the fallen espies with all birds of prey, jackals and and wives A l l this is seen by

T h e procession of the mourners reaches sight heroes of the m a n g l e d corpses, about, around flesheating Gndhr d e m o n s swarm w h i l s t t h e lamenting, w h o b e g i n s her l a m e n t and is now sons painfully battle. fanned lying hither " He, only in

t h e battlefield.

which mothers to

wander

a m o n g the corpses. addressed how once valiant he

Kna. . She women at

Duryodhana, their f a n s , her hundred who and

remembers whom by her the

had said farewell to her

on the eve of t h e

lovely son,

the birds of prey w i t h their wings. the s i g h t d u s t b u t nevertheless assured of a

B u t still more than at t h e s i g h t of there

place in heaven, she is m o v e d w i t h compassion toward her daughtersinlaw are r u n n i n g sons, in son sky.' wild and thither a m o n g t h e corpses of their husband and with with the not their hair flying. dark She sees in her the Hi's his to lying, she sees has dismembered limbs, in the m i d s t of clouds y o u t h f u l A b h i m a n y u , Arjuna's son, been able him, entirely strokes to destroy. him, removes begs him the despair,

intelligent autumnal whose heavy

Vikara Then wife his dead

slain e l e p h a n t s " a s w h e n the moon is surrounded by beauty armour, even binds death

unfortunate y o u n g and speaks to the remember who king had

draws hero in

near to the

bloody

curls t o g e t h e r , lays his head on her lap, tenderest her g a z e words : she rests on

her s o m e t i m e s , once

when he is t a k i n g d e l i g h t in beautiful heavenly Then Kara hero

w o m e n in t h e divine regions. tree brought l o w by the storm. Jayadratha, head wives whose

been so m u c h feared by all, and who now lies there like a T h e n she sees her soninlaw the vainly strive to chase t h e g r e e d y Dual she by is sees female She seeking again, eaten Sindhu birds her wives

of prey f r o m the corpse, whilst her o w n d a u g h t e r husband's Madra lamenting around an too, amid sit lamentations. tongue around has bed of and is j u s t him, sunk There, being "like into king, whose

alya the elephants

vultures, w h i l e his sees B h m a

passionate the mire.' sun

elephant t h a t on his sun sets in

reposing

arrows"this

a m o n g men g o e s to his she turns

rest, as the D r o a and

the sky.

A n d after she has lamented also for who h a v e fallen,

Drupada

all the great heroes

w i t h a n g r y words to K a

and reproaches him w i t h not h a v i n g prevented

at the beginning of the canto that Gndhr, by her pious austerities, has received divine vision by the mercy of Vysa onabling her to survey the battlefield from a great distance. This is certainly a feature which is foreign to the old poem, the clumsy idea of a later pedant.

372
the annihilation a curse of his o w n Then ceremonies

INDIAN LITERATURE
of the Panavas and that gives he and the Kauravas. himself for are the shall the perish A n d she pronounces miserably in the

upon him, race,

t h a t after t h i r t y s i x years he shall cause the destruction

wilderness. Yudhihira for all orders Pyres performance of the funeral and butter and oil are silk g a r m e n t s , broken After the rites and of the G a n g e s , the fallen. erected

poured over t h e m . chariots and

S w e e t s c e n t e d w o o d s and c o s t l y are burned w i t h

weapons

corpses.

lamentations for t h e dead have been c o m p l e t e d , t h e friendless are not f o r g o t t e n , in order t o offer the usual libations for the dead.

at which the strangers and

t h e y all repair to the bank

This is probably the point at which the old poem ended. Our Mahbhrata continues the story of the heroes.
The It horsesacrifice. ^
1

is o n l y on the occasion of t h e offering of the g i f t s to the departed, first tells him her son Y u d h i h i r a t h a t K a m a , too, w a s one of her t o offer not he the only at libation for K a m a as his eldest brother. at having caused the d o w n f a l l of so of fratricide i n t o the and K a of going h a v i n g been g u i l t y even his intention vain do his In brothers

that Kuntl Yudhihira to K a r a . forest and

sons, and asks m a n y relatives

is no v sad, and friends, Inconsolable, becoming until

but

announces

a n ascetic. at length

endeavour to persuade h i m to take over upon his resolve, horsesacrifice, on this advice. one year. thereby p u r g i n g himself

the reins of g o v e r n m e n t h e insists of all his s i n s . Y u d h i h i r a acts As required He

V y s a comes and advises h i m to offer a

A r r a n g e m e n t s are made for the great sacrifice. to accompany and protect

by t h e ritual, the

sacrificial horse is let loose, to wander about at will for the horse. I n these wander

A r j u n a is selected fight many

follows t h e horse from land to land t h r o u g h o u t the world. i n g s he has to a hostile avoids kings to a battle, for everywhere whose warriors have attitude the been defeated

he encounters tribes heroism, b u t w i t h the

in the Kuru b a t t l e , and w h i c h take up H e performs feats of great the end of a year

towards h i m . At

unnecessary bloodshed as far as possible, and invites all the defeated horsesacrifice. he returns

) This forms the contents of the fourteenth

book (Avamedhikaparvan).

Regarding

Books X I I and X I I I see below.

EPICS

AND

PURtfAS

373

sacrificial horse to Hastinpura, where he is received amid great rejoicings. Now the sacrificial with in t h e feast b e g i n s , a n d all t h e i n v i t e d k i n g s flock in. fire. The Pndavas breathe with The horse is killed is sacrificed marrow, latter e x a c t observance of all the sacrificial requirements and t h e s m o k e of t h e burnt After the completion The " the whole earth. given

whereby

all their sins are made as n o u g h t .

of the sacrifice, Y u d h i h i r a presents Vysa generously of g o l d priests much gold. quantities forward After

returns the g i f t to h i m , and exhorts him t o g i v e the Y u d h i h i r a has accordingly he is free away vast to the priests, of his sins, and thence

rules his k i n g d o m as a good and pious k i n g . Bhytam&tra? s end.

The old k i n g D h t a r r a , on esteem. Thus the old k i n g

1 (

as head of the f a m i l y , lives for fifteen

is still consulted

all matters, and he and his consort Gndhr still understanding

are a l w a y s held in h i g h years at the court of T h e k i n g could

Yudhishira in the best spoilt t o s o m e e x t e n t

w i t h the Pnavas which is only this m a n w h o had robbed the aged

by the king's

relation t o B h m a . hurt

never find it in his heart entirely only too often by his u n s e e m l y only u n w i l l i n g l y . pious k i n g s into time else as a hermit t h e forest,

to f o r g i v e

him of all his sons, and the defiant B h m a speech, k i n g resolved to retire into the forest to end their

his aged uncle's feelings Yudhihira consented on the field of battle or join them. After a

Thus after fifteen years

as a hermit,

B u t K a says that in the forest. visit

it has a l w a y s been the custom for

days either as a warrior

T h u s Dhtarra and Gandhar g o forth in t h e forest h e r m i t a g e , j u s t as fire,

and K u n t I . S a j a y a and V i d u r a their relatives T w o years is d y i n g .

the Pavas

the sage Vidura

later the P d a v a s receive t h e n e w s have lost their lives in a forest

t h a t Dhtarra, Gndhr and K u n t

whilst S a j a y a has g o n e t o t h e H i m a l a y a s . The destruction of Krsna and his race.

2 )

T h i r t y s i x years after t h e great battle in the K u r u field t h e Pavas receive the *sad news t h a t K a has perished with Gndhrl's c u r s e < has come true, and that A t a drinking b o u t t h e chiefs of
3

all his race.

) Here begins the fifteenth book

2

(Asramavsi'kaparvan). (Mausalaparvan).

) Related in the sixteenth ) See above, p. 372.

book

374
t w o c l a n s fall men snake of the

INDIAN

LITERATURE A

to quarrelling, in which t h e y are soon joined by others. Ksna kill transforming each other. and to w i t n e s s clans K a looks around
1

general club fight ensues, Ydava out by

s e d g e s into clubs, and t h e for his A white his d y i n g hour.

brother B a l a d e v a , b u t is j u s t in time runs i t is received is mistaken the m o s t f a m o u s named Jar

of B aladevas m o u t h ,

hastens to the o c e a n , ) where T h e n K a lies d o w n Here he

snake d e m o n s . (i.e.

in t h e desolate forest, and is s h o t and killed w h i c h he is vulnerable.

and becomes absorbed in deep m e d i t a t i o n .

by a hunter

" Old A g e ) for an antelope,

by an arrow in t h e sole of his foot, the o n l y spot at

The last journey The Pdavas and soon are inconsolable they and Parikit only falls

of the

Pndavas. their faithful friend,

2

for the death of

afterwards

resolve to g o forth upon their last j o u r n e y . ) as k i n g , wife and s a y s farewell to his Draupad, subjects. Himalayas On the w a y soon d r i v i n g in his their the all clothed in g a r m e n t s Meru.

Yudhihira appoints T h e n the five brothers of w h i c h t h e y ascend, t o heaven afterwards celestial does not without brothers Draupad Arjuna, chariot,

bast, and accompanied first and

by a d o g , wander forth to the divine mountain dead, t h e n

and reach

Sahadeva, n e x t N a k u l a ,
3

lastly B hma.

T h e n Indra comes

to fetch

Yudhihira to h e a v e n . ) Indra again promises in

T h e latter, however, see his

wish t o a c c o m p a n y h i m , as he does not desire to d w e l l in heaven his brothers. as well as Then Draupad him t h a t he shall heaven. B ut Y u d h i h i r a also as t h e g o d

insists upon his d o g Dharma, and

e n t e r i n g heaven At length his great

as well, and this I n d r a will not allow the d o g reveals himself

under a n y c i r c u m s t a n c e s . evinces T h u s t h e y reach heaven,

s a t i s f a c t i o n at Yudhihiras f a i t h f u l n e s s .

but Y u d h i h i r a b y no m e a n s w a n t s to s t a y there,

) A beautiful example of the idea of the soul prevalent among so many peoples.
2

assuming the form

of a snake, the

In the German legend, too, of King book (Mah5prasthnikaparvan), ii ff.) J. Darmesteter Khosru

Guntram,

soul, in the form of a snake, issues out of the mouth of the sleeping king into a hill. ) With this begins the seventeenth pp. 3 8 ff., cf. J B R A S
3

) I n an essay " Points de contact entre Mahbhrata et le S h h n m a h " JA. s. 8 t. X , 1 7 , P r o c e e d , pp. has compared flesh. that in the Persian

1887,

Yudhihira's ascent to heaven with the disappearance of Kai heroic epic. Like Yudhihira's perish on the way. brothers, the Pehlevans (heroes)

Kai Khosru, too, climbs a high mountain and reaches heaven in the accompanying Nevertheless the two episodes are fundamentally so different C f. also Barth in RHR t. 1 9 , 1 8 8 9 , pp. 1 6 2 ff.) (

Kai Khosru, also

I cannot believe in any connection

EPICS

A N D

P U R A S

375
N o w w h e n he even > to the give worlds him a
1

as he does not see either his sees D u r y o d h a n a has had e n o u g h of seated heaven,

brothers or DraupadI.

upon a heavenly throne, and honoured b y all, he and demands t o be conducted T h e n the gods

where his brothers and heroes like K a r a are. the d a m n e d . hears voices from him.

messer ger to accompany h i m to hell, where he sees the terrible tortures of H e is already t u r n i n g a w a y from this awful s i g h t , w h e n he is imploring him to stay, as a beneficent breath of air emanates Full of p i t y he asks t h e tortured souls w h o t h e y are, and he T h e n he is seized b y pain but will remain in hell.

informed that they are his brothers and friends. and anger at the injustice of g o d s to tell them t h a t he will not g o t o heaven,

Fate, and he sends the messenger back t o t h e

B u t soon t h e gods come down to h i m , and Indra explains to him t h a t those who have sinned m o s t are sent first t o heaven and t h e n to hell, whereas those who have first, only to committed his having a f e w sins, atone for these rapidly in hell, and heaven. He himself had to visit hell deceived D r o n a and find in the in same w a y his Soon, however, heaven, and then enjoy eternal blessedness in owing

brothers and friends had to be purged of their sins in hell. all the horror of hell vanishes ; t h e y all assume the form of g o d s . )
2

themselves

This principal story, which has here been briefly sketched, constitutes not quite onehalf of the eighteen books of the Mahbhrata. The other half consists of those parts of the work, partly narrative and partly didactic, which have no bearing, or only a very slight one, on the conflict of the Kauravas and the Pavas. An account of this will be given in the following chapters.
3)

ANCIENT

HEROIC

POETRY

I N

T H E

M A H B H R A T A .

Among the tasks of the ancient Indian bards was also that of tracing the genealogical trees of the kings, or, if
1

Here begins the eighteenth

(last) book

(Svargrohanaparvan). Leipzig, 2109

C f. with this episode the legend of Vipacit in the Mflrkaeya Pura ( b e l o w ) and Materialien zur Geschichte der indischen Visioiislitteratur, or books of the Mahbharata contain

see also L Scherman, 1892 pp. 48 ff.

3

The eighteen parvans

together

Adhyyas or cantos (in the B ombay edition) : of these about I.OOO deal with the principal narrative.

376

INDIAN

LITERATURE

necessary, of inventing them. Genealogical verses (anuvaa loka) therefore, form an essential part of the old heroic poetry. And the first book of the Mahbhrata contains a whole section, entitled S a m b h a v a p a r v a n or " section of the origins," in which the genealogy of the heroes is traced back to their first ancestors who were descended from the gods, and many interesting legends about these old kings of ancient times are related. Of course, among these ancestors of the Kauravas and Pavas belonging to the Bhrata race, that Bharata is not missing, from whom the Mahbhrata itself has derived its name. Bharata is the son of King Dusyanta and of akimtal, so famous from the drama of Klidsa, and whose story is also told in the Sambhavaparvan. Unfortunately, however, this very akuntal episode of the Mahbhrata has been handed down to us in a much deteriorated and probably also mutilated, form which seems to have retained only a few features of the old heroic poem and could hardly have formed the prototype of Klidsa's poem. The descriptions of the forest, the chase and the hermitages, are spun out not to " epic " but to pedantic length partly after the pattern of the later ornate poetry. The story itself is unattractive and has no artistic basis. The fact that akuntal is not acknowledged by the king is not accounted for, as in Klidsa's play, by a curse and the story of the lost ring, but by the king's desire to remove every doubt, on the part of his courtiers, as to the genuineness of the royal birth of his son. Therefore he provokes as it were, a divine judgment. He pretends not to know akuntal. and refuses to
1}
l

) I. 6875.

An English translation of the akuntal episode by Charles as an appendix to his edition of

Wilhins

appeared as early as 1794 in A. Dairy tuple's Oriental Repertory and separately, (London, 1795) ; a French translation by A. C hzy Klidsa's Graf The Sakuntal drama (Paris, 1830) ; German translations by B . Hirzel (1833), A. F. ff).

von Schach (1877, Stimmen vom Ganges, pp. 32 ff.), J. J. Meyer, Kumbhakonam M. Winternitz, edition has

Das Weib i m altindischen text still more, S.

Epos, pp. 68 ff., and W. Perzig (Indische Erzhler, Vol. 12, Leipzig 1923, pp. 50 enlarged and spoiled the traditional Ind. Ant. 1898, p. 136 ; J. J. Meyer, I.e., p. 76 note, a n d Porzig,

I.e., pp. 123 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

377

acknowledge his son, until a heavenly voice announces, before the whole court, that Sakuntal has spoken the truth and that her child is really the son of King Duyanta. Here we meet the two verses which we know for certain belong to the oldest part of the akuntal poem and are taken from the old bard poetry.
x)

" T h e mother is b u t the leathern b a g (for the preservation of the seed), it is to t h e father t h a t the child belongs ; t h e son, w h o m he is himself. ^ A son,
2 3

has

begotten,

C h e r i s h ) t h y s o n , D u y a n t a , do not scorn a k u n t a l ! O King, who begets offspring a g a i n , leads ( t h e fathers) up of this seed, A n d thou art the creator

(to heaven) out of Yamas abode. a k u n t a l has s p o k e n the truth.

There are very probably also many old and genuine verses preserved in the dialogue between akuntal, who stands up for her rights and those of her son, and the king who does not wish to acknowledge her. I n any case a dialogue of this kind must have formed one of the principal parts of the old narrative, and moralising maxims, like the following beautiful verse, may have occurred in akuntal's speech :
" N o n e sees me
99

: so w h e n bent on sin.

T h e fool i m a g i n e s , m a d l y bold ; For gods his evil deeds behold ; T h e soul, too, sees t h e m a n w i t h i n . )
4

akuntal also probably spoke of the happiness and blessing which a son brings to his father, as in the verses :
" He wise ones. himself has b e g o t t e n himself again as a s o n , ) the
5

t h u s say t h e of his

Therefore shall a man look upon his wife,

mother

sons, as upon his o w n mother.

) This is proved by their repeated occurrence, for we find the same verses ( I . 74109 f.) quoted again as "genealogical verses " (anuvamiaslokau) in the Mahbhrata (I, 95 29 f ) and they recur in the Harivaa (32, 10 ff.), ViuPura (IV, 19), VyuPuraa (99, 135 f. AnSS ed.), MatsyaPura (49, 12 f. n S S ed.) and B hgavataPura ( I X , 20, 21 f.).
2

) C f. the verses translated above, on pp. 211 t ) B ecause of this word " c h e r i s h " (bhara), the boy received the name Bharata. Translated by J. Muir Metrical Translations from Sanskrit Writers, p. 8.

*) I. 74, 17.
5

) Similarly AitareyaB rfihmaa V I I . 1 3 ; cf. above, pp. 211 f.

48

378
" Is there any

INDIAN

LITERATURE

higher

blessedness

than

t o see the little son return

from play, covered w i t h dust, and run to embrace his father's k n e e s ? " " H e has s p r u n g from t h y loins, from one soul another soul has sprung forth. B ehc Id thy son, like a second self in a lake clear as a mirror 1 >

Yet it is not probable that all the beautiful sayings which are placed in the mouth of akuntal really belonged to the old heroic poem, sayings which deal with the happiness of marriage, and the duties of husband and wife, with paternal duties, and with truthfulness. Some of the verses, which refer to matrimonial laws and right of succession and which have been taken directly from the legal literature, rather indicate that Brahmanical scholars utilised the speeches of akuntal for the purpose of bringing in as many sentences as possible on morality and law. This does not prevent our finding in these very speeches some of the most magnificent examples of Indian gnomic poetry, like the following :
" A wife is half t h e m a n , transcends I n value far all other friends. S h e e v e r y earthly b l e s s i n g b r i n g s . A n d even redemption f r o m her springs. " I n lonely hours, c o m p a n i o n s b r i g h t . These charming women give delight ; L i k e fathers wise, in d u t y tried, T o virtuous acts t h e y p r o m p t a n d g u i d e . W h e n e e r we suffer pain and grief, L i k e mothers kind t h e y bring relief. " The weary man w h o m toils oppress, W h e n t i a v e l l i n g t h r o u g h life's wilderness, F i n d s in his spouse a place of n s t
2

And there abides, refreshed and blest. )

Among the ancestors of the heroes of the Mahbhrata a king Yayti is mentioned, whose history is also related in
1

) )

I, 74, 4 7 ; 5 2 ; 64. I, 74, 40, 42 ; 49 translated by J. Muir I. c , pp. 134 f.

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

379

the " S'ambhavaparvan," the section of the genealogical bardpoetry.> But just as the old akuntal poem was uti lised for the purpose of pointing Brahmanical teachings on law and morality, so also the old Yayti legend, which seems originally to have been a kind of Titan legend, was trans formed into a moral narrative, whereby it became a popular subject for ascetic poetry. However, the traces of the old heroic poetry are by no means entirely effaced ; they are discernible particularly in a certain racy humour, with which the story of the two wives of the king is related. Out of the contents of the Yayti episode only the following extract can be given :
Devayn, leave t h e daughter becomes king. to the d a u g h t e r of the Asura priest ukra has been Now the latter, as King her insulted by

armih, d a u g h t e r of the A s u r a k i n g . Devayn wife of marries

For t h i s reason t h e priest wishes to Soon afterwards D e v a y n B ut the k i n g breaks The lose

in order to appease the priest, g i v e s his who has to promise to have no inter armih. and begets three sons w i t h her. to her father ukra he shall immediately

handmaiden. Princess

Yayti

course w i t h his promise, Jealous his y o u t h he tones

her " servant, finds it out,

Sarmisha upon

secretly, Yayti

Devayn

and complains that

latter pronounces

a curse

and become old and decrepit ; however,

at the request of Yayti,

t h e curse d o w n in as m u c h as Y a y t i m a y transfer his old a g e t o

someone else. Now grey, Y a y t i after h a v i n g become the other, suddenly old and wrinkled and N o n e of He

asks his sons, one after will Only

to relieve h i m of his old a g e and whereupon t h e y are cursed by declares his willingness.

to g i v e him their y o u t h , as he has nob y e t enjoyed life sufficiently. the elder sons their father. agree to this e x c h a n g e , the youngest, Pru

The story is first told briefly in 1, 75, then repeated with many details in I, 7693. in V, 120123. (Indische Sagen), J, J.

The last part of the legend, with a few additions, is then told once again The episode has been translated into German by A. Holtzmann

Meyer ( D a s Weib im altindischen Epos, pp. 8 ff) and W. Porzig (Indische Erzhler, Vol. 12, pp. 12 ff.). On the different versions of the story in Sanskrit literature, s. Porzig, l c , pp. 105 ff. On a mythological interpretation of the legend s. A. Ludtvig der K. bhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Prague 1898. in Sitzungsberichte

380
relieves his father of

INDIAN

LITERATURE

the burden of old a g e and g i v e s h i m his o w n y o u t h rejoiced the in another thousand years of t h e m o s t pleasures of life t o the very full. Not b u t also in a h e a v e n l y n y m p h , B u t however m u c h the t h o u s a n d years And when

in e x c h a n g e . blooming the

Then Yayti delight

youth,

and e n j o y e d

only did he t a k e beautiful he e n j o y e d ,

in his t w o w i v e s , satisfied.

Apsaras Vivc never f u l l y

( " gracious to all " ) .

he was

had elapsed, he came to the conclusion as expressed in the f o l l o w i n g verses :

" Truly, desire is not satisfied b y the gratification of desires ; N a y , it grows and w a x e s stronger, as t h e fire fed by sacrificial ghee. T h e earth filled w i t h treasures, g o l d , cattle and w o m e n t o o , I s not e n o u g h for one man : t h i n k on this, and seek t h y souls c o n t e n t m e n t . O n l y he w h o has never w r o u g h t evil to a n y creature, In thought, word or deed, only he m a y d w e l l with t h e Brahman. H e w h o is unafraid, and w h o is feared b y no creature, W h o has no desires and k n o w s no hate, o n l y he m a y dwell w i t h the B r a h m a n . " >

Then the forest,

he

returned

his son Pru his y o u t h , having On the instated hermit, strength Pru of

took up t h e burden of his on the throne, repaired to t h e severest austerities One he attained to heaven,

o w n old a g e , and after for a t h o u s a n d day, however, years. he boasted

where he lived as a

practising this

where he lived for a l o n g t i m e , during o u t from heaven for t h i s offence.

honoured b y all the g o d s and s a i n t s .

a conversation w i t h Indra, and was cast L a t e r on, however, he returns to heaven

w i t h his four pious grandchildren.

I, 75, 4952.

Only the first verse recurs literally in all the other places where ( I t also occurs in Manu II, 9 4 ) The remaining verses are

the YaySti legend is related. BhgavataPura IX, other places the

found again w i t h variations in I, 85, 1216, Hariva:ma 30, 16391645, ViuPura IV, 10, 19, 1315. B ut only in T, 75, 5152 and Harivaa 30, 1642 is In all there any talk of union w i t h the B rahman in the sense of the Vednta philosophy. corresponding

verses only talk of the curbing of desires as the worthy H e n c e we find quite similar sayings

aim of the morality of asceticism, and this morality is the same for B uddhists and Jainas as for the B rahmanical and Viuite ascetics. amongst all Indian sects which practise asceticism.

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

381

The legend of N a h u a the father of Yayti which is re lated in the Mahbhrata several t i m e s , is also a kind of Titan legend, which ends with a fall from heaven :
1]

Nahusa t a x e s on

a grandson of the Purravas of Vedic f a m e , )

2

was a mighty B u t he levied

k i n g , w h o annihilated t h e robber bands like beasts of burden.

(dasyusagh^n).

t h e sis too, and c o m m a n d e d t h e m to carry him on their backs, H e even overpowered the g o d s , and ruled the heavens He desired Indras wife ac as his he j o k e d the divine is t o his chariot, this g r e a t

for a l o n g t i m e in Indra's stead. w i f e , and g r e w so overbearing t h a t treading saint, heaven years.

3

on and

A g a s t y a s head. was obliged

N o w this w a s a bit too m u c h for

and

he cursed N a h u a , w i t h t h e consequence t h a t he fell out of to live on the earth as a snake for ten thousand

Some of the poems which have found admission into the Mahbhrata are of such proportions, and form a complete whole to such an extent, that we can speak of them as epics within the epic. Of this kind is above all the rightly famous poem of N a l a a n d D a m a y a n t i . While the Pavas are in banishment in the forest they receive a visit frem the i Bhadava. Yudhithira complains to him of his own mis fortune and that of his people, and asks him the question whether there has ever been a more unfortunate king than himself. Thereupon Bhadava relates the story of the unfor tunate king Nala, who loses all his possessions and his kingdom in a game of dice with his brother Pukara, and then goes forth into the forest as an exile with his beautiful and faithful wife D a m a y a n t ; pursued and blinded still further by the wicked demon of gambling, he deserts his
4 )

First in I, 75 as an introduction to the Yayti episode, then in greater detail A free poetical adaptation by Indische Sagen I, pp. 930.

in V, 1117 ; in a short extract also X I I , 342 and X I I I , 100 Ad. Holtzmann,

2

Purravas too (cf. above, pp 103 f., 209 f.) was like Nahua according to the Mah

bharata ( I , 75, 20 ff.) an e n e m y of the priests, oppressing the is and being annihilated by their curse. 3)
4

He was then redeemed by Yudhihira ( I I I , 179 f.), see above, p. 349. III, 5279 : Nalopkhyna.

382

INDIAN

LITERATURE

faithful wife in the midst of the forest, while she lies deep in slumber, fatigued from her wanderings. The adventures of King Nala and of Damayant, deserted by her husband, how they wander about in the forest separated from each other, how Damayant, after much sorrow and hardship, obtains a friendly reception from the queenmother of C edi how Nala after the snakeking Karkotaka has made him irrecognisable, serves King tupara as charioteer and cook, until finally the husband and wife, after a long and painful separation, are reunited in love, all this is related in the touchingly simple, genuinely popular, tone of the fairy tale, which also is not lacking in humour. Since the year 1819 when Franz Bopp first published this poem of King Nala together with a Latin translation, it is recognised as one of the gems of Indian literature, nay more, as one of the gems of universal literature. Bopp's edition and translation of the poem was welcomed by A. W. v. Schlegel with the words : " I will only say that, in my estimation, this poem can hardly be surpassed in pathos and ethos, in the enthralling force and tenderness of the senti ments. I t is made expressly to attract old and young, the highborn and the lowly, the connoisseurs and those who are merely guided by instinct. Also, the fairytale is tremen dously popular in India, there the courageous constancy and devotion of Damayant is equally famous as that of Penelope amongst us ; and in Europe, the gatheringplace of the productions of all continents and all ages, it deserves to become equally so." And indeed it has become so The German poet Friedrich Rckert, that past master in the art of translation, rendered the poem into German verse in the year 1 8 2 8 with his incomparable talent, making it as
1} 2)

) )

Indische B ibliothek, I. 98 f. N e w editions appeared in 1838, 1845, 1862 and 1873. A very free poetical in his " Indische Sagen."

rendering w a s given by Ad. Holtzmann

EPICS

AND

PURAS

383

popular in Germany as it has become famous in England by means of Dean H . H . Milmans version.) Nala Naiadha, the hero of the narrative, is surely no other than the Naa Naiidha, mentioned in the Satapatha Brhmaa, of whom it is there said, that " day after day he bears Yama (the god of death) to the South." He must therefore have lived at that time, and undertaken warlike expeditions towards the South. The name of the hero thus indicates high antiquity. The poem itself probably belongs among the old parts of the Mahbhrata, though not among the oldest. I n any case it is free from all puralike accesso ries, and only the old Vedic gods, like Varua and Indra, are mentioned, but not Viu or iva. The state of civilisation, too, described in the poem is, on the whole, quite simple and has the appearance of antiquity. On the other hand we find hardly anywhere in the oldest poetry such delicacy and so much romance in the representation of courtship and of love itself, as especially in the first cantos of the Nala poem. Only the very ancient poem of the love of Purravas and Urva allows us to suspect that loveromance was no stranger to India even in the most ancient times. But how very conge nial romance is to the Indian mind in general, is proved by the enormous popularity of this poem, which has again and again been imitated by later poets, in Sanskrit as well as in modern Indian languages and dialects.) Few Indian poems also suit European taste so extremely well as the Nala poem. I t has been translated into practically all the languages of Europe, and a dramatic adaptation by A. de Gubernatis
3)

Nala and Damayant and other Poems translated from the Sanskrit into English the enumeration in A. Holtzmann, Das Mahabharata, II, 69 ff. into German, English, I will (I860), Charles Bruce Modern Greek and Hungarian. Williams

verse, Oxford, 1835.

2

) C f. )

A. Holtzmann,

loc\ cit., II. 73 ff. mentions translations

French, Italian, Swedish,Czech, Polish, Russian, (1864), Edwin Arnold

only mention the translations into English by Monier (Indian Idylls, 1883, Poetical

Works, 1885); into German by E.

384

I N D I A N

L I T E R A T U R E

was even produced on the stage in Florence in 1869. And since a long time it has been the custom, at almost all Western universities, to begin the study of Sanskrit with the reading of this poem, for which purpose it is excellently adapted in language as well as c o n t e n t s . The R m a episode, too, is a kind of epic within an epic. But while the Nala poem (in spite of some disfiguring additions and insertions, from which indeed no part of the Mahbhrata is quite free) is a work of art and a valuable survival of the ancient bardpoetry, the narrative of R m a has only a purely literary significance for the history of the second great epic of the Indians, the Rmyaa. For the Rma episode can scarcely be regarded as anything but a rather inartistically abridged rendering of either the Rmyaa itself, or of those heroic songs from which Vlmki composed his great poem. I n no case is it these oldest heroic songs of Rma themselves, which we find in the Mahbhrata. The Rma episode is related by the rsi Mrkaeya to console Yudhihira, who is much depressed on account of the rape of D r a u p a d ; for Rama's wife, too, St was abducted, and was held in captivity for a long time by the demon Rvaa. References to the Rma legend are not rare in other parts
) 2 ) 3) 4)

Tibedanz 1920), )

(1863),

H.

C.

Kellner

(in

Reclams

Universal bibliothek), classtqies

L.

Fritze Paris

( 1 9 1 4 ) j into French by S. Lvi

(Paris, 1920 in

"Les

de l'orient,"

The text of the Nala story has often been published, with glossary and notes, (Third B ook of Sanskrit, B ombay, 2nd Ed. (Leipzig (London, 1879), J. Eggeling (London, 1913), H. C Kellner

for beginners in Sanskrit, e g, by G. Bhler 1877), Monier Williams 1885), W. C aland

a

(Utrecht, 1917). reasons

) )

III, 273290: Rmopkhyna. H. Jacobi ( D a s Ramayaa, (B onn, 1893), pp. 71 ff) has given such good

for this assumption that it seems to me the most probable one, in spite of the objections of A. Ludwig, pp. 34 ff. *) See above, pp. 350 f. Probably this story of the rape of Draupad is itself only a clumsy imitation of the stealing of St in the Rmyaa. Uber das Rmyana und die B eziehungen desselben zum Mahbharata, pp. 30 The Great Epic of India, pp. 63 I. C f. also A. Weber, Uber das Rmyaa, ff., and Hopkins,

EPICS A N D

PURAS

385

of the Mahbhrata either. I point out only the meeting of Bhma with the monkey Hanumat.> A much more valuable remnant of ancient Indian bard poetry, unfortunately preserved only as a fragment, is found in the fifth book of the Mahbhrata. I t is the episode of the heromother Vidul^ K u n t sends a message by Kra to her sons, the Pavas, telling them not to forget their duty as warriors, and on this occasion relates how the warrior's wife Vidul once urged her son Sajaya on to fight. The latter was quite discouraged after a shameful defeat which he had suffered at the hands of the king of the Sindhus, and lived with his wife and his mother Vidul in misery. Then, in extremely forceful language Vidul reproaches him with his cowardice and inactivity, and with fiery words spurs him on to new deeds of heroism. I n order to give an idea of the racy vigour of the language of this fragment of ancient heroic poetry, I give a few verses from this speech in literal prose translation :
3) 4 )

" U p , coward !

Lie not there so idle, w h e n thou hast suffered fist

defeat,

to t h e j o y of t h y foes, to the sorrow of t h y friends ! " " A s h a l l o w brooklet is soon filled, t h e of a mouse is easy to fill. serpent of its struck by T h e coward is soon satisfied, he is contented even w i t h little. " D i e not like a cur before thou hast at least robbed t h e fangs ! B e brave, t h o u g h it cost thee thy life ! ' U p , coward ! Sleep not, w h e n thou hast been defeated

" W h y liest t h o u there like a dead m a n , like one who has been by l i g h t n i n g ? t h e foe !

) Above, p. 348.
2

) V, 133136:

Vidulputrnusasana. C f. H. Jacobi, ber ein verlorenes

Helden

gedieht der SindhuSauvra (in Melanges Kern, Leyden, 1903, pp. 53 ff.). A free poetical rendering of the poem is given by J. Muir pp. 120133. (I.e., p. 132).
3

Metrical Translations from Sanskrit Writers, Mahbhrata.

He

justly refers to the women of Rjputnd who " maintain in more recent

times the character of heroism ascribed to Vidul in this passage of the ) See above, p. 357.

*) The translation by Muir l.c, pp. 121 . gives no sufficient idea of the raciness of the original.

49

386

INDIAN " Flare up like a torch of

LITERATURE tinduka wood, )

1

though

i t be

but

for a

m o m e n t , b u t s m o t h e r n o t like a fire of chaff, j u s t to prolong life ! " " B e t t e r flare up for a moment than smother for hours ! O that a

mild a t s should h a v e been born i n a royal house ! " T h a t m a n w h o s e deeds do n o t form the s u b j e c t of tales of wonder,
2

serves but to increase t h e great heap, he is n e i t h e r w o m a n nor m a n . " >

To all the admonitions and reproaches of his mother, the son, who is sharply characterised by his short speeches, has only the reply that he lacks the means for a victorious battle, and that, in any case, his death would not benefit her :
" T h o u h a s t a hard, an iron heart, A n d play'st no l o v i n g mother's p a r t , T r u e d a u g h t e r of a warrior line ; A fierce u n b e n d i n g soul is t h i n e . T o all t h y K s h a t r i y a i n s t i n c t s true, T h o u dost n o t y i e l d to love i t s due ; N o r seek t o g u a r d m e as t h y one S u p r e m e d e l i g h t , t h i n e o n l y son ! B u t spurr'st m e o n , devoid of r u t h , A s if I w e r e an alien y o u t h , T o join a g a i n in hopeless strife, A n d all in v a i n t o peril life. W h a t w o r t h w o u l d earth, i t s w e a l t h , its j o y s , I t s power, its state, i t s g l i t t e r i n g t o y s , W h a t worth w o u l d l i f e p o s s e s s for t h e e , M y m o t h e r , if t h o u h a d s t not m e ? "
3 )

But his mother always answers him again with fresh exhortations, that a warrior may not know fear, and must in any case fulfil his duty as a warrior. And at last she succeeds in rousing her son, " e v e n though he had little intelligence.'

- ) Tinduka, the Diespyros embryopteris

*) V , 132, 8-1O, 12, 15, 22.
3

tree.

) V , 134, l3.

Translated by J. Muir I.e., pp. 127 I

EPICS

A N D

P U R A S

387

" L i k e a noble steed w h e n i t is chastised, t h e son, goaded b y t h e shafts of his m o t h e r ' s words, did all she asked of him. >
1

This torso of a heroic poem is one of the few portions of the Mahbhrata which have remained almost entirely untouched by brahmanical influence. Only too often has the old bardpoetry, which was inspired by the warriorspirit, been quite watered down in form and contents under the influence of the Brahmin scholars. Thus we findthis is one of the many instancesan " old itihsa " quoted in the twelfth book of the Mahbhrata, which Nrada relates to Sjaya, in order to console him after the death of his son. Many kings of primitive times are named, who all had to die, though they were famous heroes. But of what do the " heroic deeds " of these kings consist ? They offered countless sacrifices, and what was still more important, gave enormous presents to the priests. One king, for example, gives the priests as sacrificial gift " a thousand times a thousand " maidens adorned with gold, each of whom sits on a fourhorse chariot ; each chariot is accompanied by a hundred elephants garlanded with gold ; behind each elephant follow a thousand horses, and behind each horse a thousand cows, behind each cow a thousand goats and sheep. I t is often difficult to say whether they are remnants of ancient heroic poetry, spoilt through the priests' attempts at recasting, or independent brahmanical compositions.
2)

B R A H M A N I C A L

M Y T H S

A N D

L E G E N D S

IN

T H E

M A H B

H R A T A .

The fact that the old Indian bardpoetry has not been preserved in its pure originality is due to the circumstance that the Brahmans took possession of the Mahbhrata. To the same circumstance, however, we are indebted for the
) V, 135, 12 ; 16.
8

) X I I . 29.

A similar list of ancient kings who were noted for their

generosity

is to be found in V I I . 5671.

388

INDIAN

LITERATURE

preservation in the Mahbhrata not only of numerous myths of gods, and legends, important for the history of mythology and tradition, but also of some remarkable creations of Brah manical poetic art and valuable specimens of Brahmanical wisdom. Interesting from the point of view of mythology and tradi tion is the framestory of the S n a k e s a c r i f i c e of J a n a m e 3 a y a ^ into which there is again interwoven a tangle of stories, snakelegends, myths of the bird Garua and others. But what is here called " Snakesacrifice " is in reality a snakecharm, i.e. an exorcism for the annihilation of snakes. Janamejaya's father, Parikit, had been bitten to death by the snakeking Takaka. I n order to avenge the death of his father, King Janamejaya arranges a great sacrifice, * at which all the snakes of the earth are compelled, by t h e ex orcisms of the priests, to come from near and far and cast themselves into the fire. This is described in our epic with great vividness :
2

" T h e sacrificial c e r e m o n i a l n o w b e g a n in accordance w i t h t h e ed rules for the snakesacrifice. Hither and thither

prescrib

hurried the p r i e s t s ,

each one e a g e r l y f u l f i l l i n g his a p p o i n t e d t a s k . their e y e s inflamed blazing fire, whilst by the saying smoke, the

W r a p p e d i n black g a r m e n t s ,

t h e y poured t h e sacrificial g h e e i n t o t h e They caused the h e a r t s of

incantations.

) I 3, 1 3 5 8 ; XV 35. hler, Vol. 15'Leipzig, 1924). cf. m y treatise " Das

a

Freely

rendered

in German

verses

by A.

Holtzmann,

" Indische Sagen" ; literally translated into German prose by W. Porzig Schlangenopfer des Mahbhrata

(Indische Erz aus

Similar legends also exist in Europe, especially in t h e T y r o l ; ( i n Kulturgeschichtliches

der Tierwelt, Festschrift des Vereins fr Volkskunde und Linguistik," Prague, 1904). ) The Mahbhrata is supposed to have been recited in the intervals of this sacri See above, p. 324. Porzig (I.e.) suggests that t h e Astkaparvan w a s originally fice.

much more closely connected with t h e Mahbhrafca as a framesiory and that it w a s not Vaiampyana but stka himself w h o related the whole of t h e Mahbhrata and thereby saved t h e snakeking Taksaka. There are but very weak grounds for this hypothesis. of the stkaparvan was originally an independent the recitation of the Mahbhrata. C f. V. I t is more probable that t h e wholo Venkatachellam

p o e m , which w a s only later connected with Madras, 1952, pp. 352 ff.

Iyer, Notes of a Study of the Preliminary Chapters of the Mahbhrata

EPICS

AND

PURAS

3S9
into t h e j a w s of the fire.

all snakes

to quake, fell on

and

called

them flaming

all

forth

T h e n the snakes calling piteously with into

into the one

furnace, distorting their bodies and Palpitating tails, and hissing, embracing

another.

one another their masses

their the

heads and their brightly

they fire

hurled

themselves in

glowing

great snakes and s m a l l

snakes, of a

many,

of m a n y full

colours, terrible biters of m i g h t y s t r e n g t h as t h a t of

1

club, snakes

v e n o m ; driven by the curse of the mother, t h e

snakes fell into the

fire." )

W i t h this legend of the snakesacrifice, the ancient myth of K a d r a n d Vinat occurring already in Vedic texts, is here combined. Kadr " the redbrown one," is the earth and the mother of the snakes, Vinat " the curved one," is the vault of heaven and the mother of the mythical bird Garua. And there is also interwoven the m y t h of the twir ling of the ocean, which occurs also in the Rmyaa and in the Puras, and is again and again related, or used for purposes of illustration and comparison by poets of later times. How gods and demons, united in ardent labour, twirl the ocean in order to obtain the draught of immortality, the mountain Mandara serving as a twirlingstick and the snake prince Vsuki as a rope, how the moon then arises out of the foaming mass, then Lakmi the goddess of good fortune and of beauty, the intoxicating drink Sur and other precious things, until at last the beautiful god Dhanvantari, holding the draught of immortality in a shining white goblet, appears from out of the ocean,all this is described, if one may say so, with " lifelike " graphicness. One more of the snakelegends interwoven into the framestory deserves mentioning, namely the story of R u r u partly only a duplicate of the legend of the snakesacrifice
2) 3)

) I. 52. ) Taittirya Satnhit, VI. 1, 6, i ; Kffhaka, 23, 1 0 ;

SatapathaB r. I l l , 6, 2.

The Die

m y t h of Kadr and Vinat from

8

the stkaparvan translated by J. C harpentier,

Suparasage, pp. 167 ff. On the same m y t h in the Supardhyya S. above, pp. 312 f.

) I, 1719.

390

INDIAN

LITERATURE

itself, for, like Janamejaya, R u r u snakes. This happens as follows :

R u r u , son daughter of an of a B rahman, once saw

vows to annihilate all

the l o v e l y v i r g i n Pramadvara, She becomes

A p s a r a s , a n d was seized w i t h love for her. before the

his bride, b u t a f e w d a y s snake while she lovely t h a n ever. is a t

w e d d i n g , she is b i t t e n b y a poisonous

play.

S h e lies there lifeless, as t h o u g h asleep, more by pity,

A l l t h e pious hermits approach, and, m o v e d Ruru g o e s he forth i n t o the

burst i n t o tears, b u t sorrow.

depth of t h e forest in his to have regard to his Then a

L a m e n t i n g loudly, pious life,

invokes the gods

penance and his messenger

and t o g i v e his and

beloved back to h i m .

from t h e

g o d s appears, will

announces that half of his

Pramadvara can o w n life for her.

o n l y be recalled t o life if R u r u R u r u agrees at o n c e , his c o n s e n t for and

yield of

the K i n g to be

L a w , i.e. t h e life.

g o d of d e a t h , g i v e s

Pramadvara are

recalled t o Now Ruru

S o o n afterwards, on a to destroy all t h e

happy day, the two . snakes in t h e it. world,

wedded.

vowed

and t h e n c e f o r t h , on

w h e n e v e r he s a w a snake, he killed

B u t one day

he happened

a nonpoisonous snake, w h i c h asked h i m i w h o w a s compelled t o l i v e as a snake

to spare it.

I t was

in reality a

in consequence of a meeting with

curse, and w h o w a s n o w released f r o m t h e curse b y h i s In his h u m a n form he a d m o n i s h e s h i m t o desist

Ruru.

f r o m d e s t r o y i n g l i v i n g creatures.)

Ruru, the hero of this legend, is a descendant of that C yavam of whom it is already related in the gveda, t h a t the A s vins made him young again. The story of this rejuvenation is told in detail in the Brhmaas, and a version of the legend is to be found in the Mahbhrata too. I t is instructive to compare the Vedic form of the legend with that in the epic. I therefore give below the contents
3) 4)

2)

) Extract from I, 812. Translated i n t o German b y A. Weber Indische

) Rv. 1, 116, 10, w h e r e h e is called Cyavna. ) atapathaB rhmaa I V , I. 5.

Btudyof

Streifen I (B erlin, 1868), pp. 13 ff. JaiminyaB rhmaa, I I I , 120 f. C f. t h e interesting E. W. Hopkins, " T h e Fountain of Y o u t h " (JAOS., Vol. X X V I . 1905, pp. 167, of youth is traced not only in India, but and 411 ff.), in which t h e legend of the fountain also among other peoples. *) I I I , 122125. References t o t h e last part of t h e narrative also X I I . 342 ; X I I I . 156 and X I V , 9.

EPICS

A N D

P U R A S

391

according to the Mahbhrata, and draw attention in the notes to the most important deviations of the Brhmaa narratives. Cyavana,
lake. a son of B h g u practised severe austerity on t h e shore of a t h a t a m o u n d of earth looked Saryati romj i n g H e stood m o t i o n l e s s as a post for so l o n g

formed over h i m , on w h i c h the a n t s crawled about, and he himself like an a n t h i l l . )

1

Into

t h e neighbourhood of this His young daughter

lake

King

o n c e c a m e w i t h m a n y followers. about i n t h e forest

8idany,

w i t h her p l a y m a t e s , c a m e upon t h e anthill, in w h i c h were visible like glowworms. O u t of

o n l y t h e t w o eyes of the ascetic wantonness things and curiosity

the y o u n g

g i r l poked about in the t w o s h i n i n g of t h e a s c e t i c . )

2

w i t h a thorn

a n d p o k e d out t h e eyes

Filled

w i t h a n g e r , t h e s a i n t caused retention of urine a n d constipation in t h e a r m y of a r y t i . )

8

T h e k i n g for a l o n g t i m e s o u g h t the cause of t h e misfor offended, he

t u n e , and w h e n i t transpired t h a t t h e great ascetic had been went t o h i m t o obtain his forgiveness.

T h e latter will only be reconciled S o t h e y o u n g girl becomes young

if t h e k i n g g i v e s h i m his d a u g h t e r as his wife. t h e w i f e of the frail old m a n . wife j u s t as s h e is s t e p p i n g

O n e d a y t h e t w o A s vins see t h e

o u t of her bath, a n d t r y t o persuade her t o instead of t h e u g l y old m a n . She, Then

choose one of t h e m as her husband

h o w e v e r , declares t h a t she wishes t o remain faithful to her husband. the two physicians

of t h e g o d s propose to her t h a t t h e y should m a k e her between them both and t h e also.

husband y o u n g , a n d she should t h e n choose rejuvenated Cyavana. As Cyavana

agrees t o this, she consents

Thereupon t h e A v i n s l e t the old ascetic step into the lake and t h e y t h e m selves also d i v e i n t o t h e water, whereupon t h e y alike a n d in t h e d a z z l i n g and after
4

all three

come

o u t quite

b e a u t y of y o u t h . she decides

N o w S u k a n y is t o choose, for her own husband promises

mature

consideration,

Cyavana. )

T h e latter,

in return for h a v i n g been rejuvenated,

) The Brhmaas know nothing of these ascetic practices.

Cyavna is there only

an " old, ghostlylooking " saint.

a

) In t h e B rhmaas it is the young lads in the retinue of the king who insult the ) According to the BrShmaas the punishment consisted in the arising of discord " The mother did not know h e r son, nor the son his mother " (JaimB r.) knows nothing of the fact that the Avins also step into the lake.

old i p e l t i n g him with lumps of earth,

s

i n t h e retinue of t h e king. " The father fought with his son, the brother with his brother." (SatBr.) *) The atB r.

But t h e Jaim.Br. records that Cyavana had already previously given Sukany a sign by which she would recognise h i m .

392
to the make gods, the A v i n s Indra, takes him.

INDIAN

LITERATURE

into

Somadrinkers. will of

A t a great sacrifice which he The king of

performs for a r y t i , he presents t h e A v i n s w i t h the S o m a . however, about as physicians a m o n g Cyavana b o l t upon virtue the of no notice At that sacrifice to the A s v i n s . mortals, can be w o r t h y of

not concede t h a t the Avins w h o wander of t h e S o m a . B ut Indra, a n d c o n t i n u e s to thunder by

the objections

T h e e n r a g e d Indra is about to hurl t h e him thoroughly,>

m o m e n t , however, t h e saint paralyses t h e arm he creates, Intoxication. W i t h his Trembling the

of t h e g o d ; and in order to h u m b l e

his asceticism, a terrible monster, Mada

h u g e m o u t h ( t h e one j a w touches t h e earth, w h i l e t h e other w i t h fear, t h e prince of gods

reaches u p to

s k y ) he approaches Indra and threatens to s w a l l o w h i m . vanish again, dividing

2

implores t h e saint to have m e r c y , and t h e him among

latter, satisfied, lets Intoxication

i n t o x i c a t i n g drink Sur w o m e n , dice a n d the c h a s e . >

W e see here clearly, as in many other cases, that the brahmanical poetry which is contained in the epic, represents a much later phase of development t h a n that of Vedic litera ture. The characteristic of this later brahmanical poetry, however, is exaggeration, lack of moderation in general, and especially immoderate exaltation of the saintsBrahmans and asceticsover the gods. Even in the actual Indramyths connected with the Vedic legends of the gods, Indra is no longer the mighty champion and conqueror of demons, as we knew him in the h y m n s of the gveda. I t is true that the old legend of the battle between Indra and Vrtra survives, it is even related twice in considerable detail in the Mahbhrata,
3) 4)

) In t h e at. B r. there is no question of any humiliation of the g o d ; Cyavna only I n the Jaim. B r. there is, it is true, a trial of B ut as Indra

provides the Avins with the means by which t h e y are voluntarily made participators in the Somadrink by Indra and the other gods. strength between is and gods, and the is create Mada to support them.

and the gods flee from the monster, t h e sacrifice threatens to become an Indraless and godless one, and the i begs Indra most politely, with prayers and invocations, to return. It is only in the version of t h e Mahbhrata t h a t the god i s completely humiliated by the saint.
a

) I n the JaimB r. the demon Intoxication is transferred only

to the Sur (brandy). The legend of

) C /. above, pp. 82 ff. The references to this fight are numerous.

*) I I I . 100 f.; V, 918.

the fight of lndra with Namuoi I X , 43, is a duplioate of that of t h e Vtrabattle,

EPICS A N D P U R A A S

393

but the main stress is laid upon the circumstance that Indra, by killing Vtra burdened himself with the guilt of Brhmanmurder. I t is related in great detail how he first had to free himself from this terrible guilt, suffering many humiliations. We have seen, that for a time he was even robbed of his heavenly throne, and Nahua occupied his place.) The belief that the supremacy of Indra may be shaken by the austerities of pious Brahmans is exemplified by numerous legends. I t is even said that asceticism can compel Indra himself to enter the home of Yama (the god of death). And often indeed does Indra have recourse to the proved expedient of allowing a beautiful Apsaras to seduce a saint who, through his severe austerities, threatens to become dangerous to the gods. Agni, too, the friend of Indra, has, in the myths of the Mahbhrata, lost much of his old glory as a god. Yet the myths related of him are still connected with the Vedic ideas of fire and of the god of fire. Already in the gveda he is called " the lover of maidens, the husband of w o m e n . " But the Mahbhrata tells of Agnis definite love affairs. Thus he once became enamoured of the beautiful daughter of King Mia, and the sacred fire in the king's palace would burn only if fanned by the beautiful lips and the sweet breath of the king's daughter. There was nothing for it but the king must give his daughter in marriage to Agni. I n gratitude for this, the god grants him the favour that he may become invincible and that the women of his town may enjoy complete freedom with regard to sexual intercourse.) The gluttony, too, of Agni, is already spoken of in the Veda. The legends of the Mahbhrata relate, however,that in consequence
2) 3) 4)

) See above, p. 381.

2

) Til, 126, 2J. in ZDMG. 32, 1878, pp. 290 ff., about Indra in the Mahbhrata,

) C f. A. Holtzmann,

*) See above, p. 88.

5

) I I . 31.

A similar lovestory of Agni, X I I I . 2,

50

394

INDIAN

LITERATURE

of the Ri Bhrgu's curse he became an " e a t e r of all things." That Agni has several brothers and that he conceals himself in the water or in the frictionsticks, are also Vedic ideas, which already in the Brhmaas led to the formation of myths ; but it is only in the Mahbhrata that detailed stories a r e told about the reason why Agni hid himself, and how the gods found him again. To the legends which are known already in the Veda and which recur in the Mahbhrata belongs also the floodlegend of Manu and the fish, which has been related above accord ing to the atapathaBrhmaa. The narrative of the Mahbhrata, the " fish episode,' as it is called, differs from the legend as it is related in the Brhmaa, in its greater detail and the poetical presentation, which is not lacking in poetic flightsas when it is described how the ship, " like a drunken wench," staggers to and fro on the agitated ocean. As regards the details of the story it is of importance that in the Mahbhrata, exactly as in the Semitic floodlegends, the taking of seeds in the ship is mentioned.) I see in this one of the strongest proofs that the Indian flood legend was borrowed from the Semitic one. The conclusion of the legend in the Mahbhrata differs from that in the Brhmaa. I n the epic the fish declares that he is the god Brahman, and
1] 2) 3) 4) 6)

) E. g. SatapathaB r. I. 2, 3, 1 ; TaittiryaSahit, II, 6, 6.

t 2

) C f. A. Holtzmann,

Agni nach den Vorstellungen des Mahbhrata, Strassburg,

1878. ) Pp. 209 f. ) and H. ) recurs. )

5 6

Matsyopkhyna, I I I . 187. German translations by F. Bopp (1829), F. Rchert, Jacobi (in H. Usenet, Die Sintflutsagen, B onn 1899, pp. 28 ff.). Similarly in the MatsyaPura and in the B hgavataPura, where the legend C f. m y treatise Die Flutsagen des Altertums und der Naturvlker in Vol.

X X X t of the Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien ( V i e n n a ) , 1901, esnecially pp. 321 f. and 327 ff. I do not know how those who, like R. Pischel, Der Ursprung des christlichen Fischsymbols ( S B A . , X X V , 1905) deny the connection b e t w e e n Indian and Semitic flooddegends, account for this remarkable agreement,

EPICS

AND

PURAS

395

invites Manu to create the world anew, which the latter does by means of undergoing severe austerities.* Less familiar is the profound and beautiful myth of the G o d d e s s D e a t h , which is related twice in the Mahbh rata. " W h o s e child is Death? Whence comes D e a t h ? W h y does Death sweep away the creatures of this world? " Thus asks Yudhithira, sorrowing at the departure of so many heroes who had fallen in the battle. Then Bhma (resp. Vysa) tells him the story which Nrada once re lated to King Anukampaka, when the latter was inconsol able at the death of his son. The contents of the narrative are briefly as follows :
2) 2)

When complained

Grandfather to B rahman

B r a h m a n had created t h e b e i n g s , t h e y multiplied T h e worlds became overfilled, and the Earth Then t h a t she could no longer bear her burden.

u n c e a s i n g l y and did not die. the Grandfather issued and at from all

considered h o w he could reduce the number of beings, b u t T h i s enraged h i m , and the fire of his wrath of his body, flames e n g u l f e d the world and the pores

he could thik of no remedy.

threatened to annihilate e v e r y t h i n g . B ut g o d S i v a felt p i t y for the beings, his intercession B r a h m a n w i t h d r e w into himself the fire which had from his so wrath, and ordered the origin and p a s s i n g a w a y of t h e while She to of d o i n g , h o w e v e r , there c a m e forth o u t of the pore& of his to g o on her w a y towards the S o u t h , but B r a h m a n For t h o u about worldannihilation and out of m y wrath, arisen beings; body, ment. called art born

a d a r k e y e d , b e a u t i f u l l y adorned w o m a n , draped in a dark red g a r wished my her and said: thought " D e a t h , kill t h e b e i n g s of this world !

) At the new creation of the world there is no longer any mention of the " seeds " which he took with him !
2

) V I I , 5254, where

Vysa comforts Yudhihira, ' w h o is in deep distress at the

death of Abhimanyu (see above, p, 363), w i t h the story ; and X I I , 256258, where B hsma again tells t h e same story of consolation to Yudhihira, who is lamenting at the departing of so many heroes w h o have fallen in the great battle. only in B ook the ones in plural number, Probably the story was originally X I I , for verses X I I , 256, 16, in w h i c h there is mention of the many fallen are found again literally in V I I , 5 2 , 1 2 1 8 , although here it is which provides occasion for the narration. The for Abhimanyu

really only the lament

poem has been translated into German by Friedrich Rckdrt (in Rob. B oxberger's "Rckert S t u d i e n , " Gotha 1878, pp. 114 ff.), and by Deussen, bhratam," pp. 404413. Vier philosophische Texte des Mah

396
therefore Then t h e tures annihilate the

INDIAN

LITERATURE
1

creatures, the fools and the s a g e s , all t o g e t h e r ! Goddess Death w e p t aloud, b u t the lord of

lotuscrowned

crea

caught " I bow

up her tears in his hands. to

She i m p l o r e d h i m to release her

from this gruesome task : thee, O lord of b e i n g s , be merciful t o m e , t h a t I m a y not friends, brothers, mothers and f a t h e r s ! Of this I am afraid. And sweep a w a y innocent creatureschildren, old m e n and people in the prime of life : beloved children, trusted be I shall I fear nity.' But but envy, may of the a decision Grandfather were shed of B rahman her the her. and is irrevocable. may S h e m u s t s u b m i t to it, ruin m e n and t h a t the grants by the favour t h a t greed, anger, jealousy, and which he holds in his hand, T h u s no blame for the death contrary, of the sinners sweeping perish away reproached if they die a w a y t h u s .

the tears of the u n h a p p y ones, whose moisture will burn m e in eter

hatred, become beings their

infatuation diseases rests own

shamelessness goddess On the

tears which the

t o kill t h e creatures. upon

through

sin.

B u t she, t h e Goddess D e a t h , free from love and j u s t i c e , )

free from hate, is justice itself and mistress t h e l i v i n g creatures.

A proof of the fairly high antiquity which must be as cribed to this myth, as well as to that of Manu and the flood, is the exalted position which is allotted to the god Brahman in them. I n the myth of the Goddess Death, the god iva is subordinate to Brahman, who addresses him as " little son." Myths in which the god Siva occupies a position far above all gods, indicate a much later stratum of brahmanical poetry in the Mahbhrata. The same is true also of the myths in which the god Pisnu plays the principal part. Frequently older brahmanical myths and legends were revised in accord ance with Viu or ivaworship, which is mostly not diffi cult to recognise. Such Viuite and especially ivaite additions often appear like blots on a painting. They are easy to distinguish, and their removal only enhances the value of the poetry. As poetical productions, the narratives

) V I I , 54, 41.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

397

which are dedicated to the glorification of the gods Viu and iva are quite inferior.* A Goddess Death plays no part elsewhere in Indian mythology.* But, just as, in the aboverelated myth, the goddess of death becomes the goddess of justice, so in the whole of the Mahbhrata the idea prevails that Yama the god of death, is one with Dharnia, the personification of Law.* B u t nowhere is t h e identification of the king of the realm of death with the lord of law and justice expressed so beautifully as in the most magnificent of all brahmanical poems which the epic has preserved, the wonderful poem of faithful S v i t r i . * The partly religious character of the poem, the intermingling of mythology, indeed of the ancient brah manical mythology, in which Grandfather Brahman deter mines the destinies of mankind, and neither iva nor Viu plays a partand the scenery of the forest hermitage in which the greater part of the action takes place, induce me to classify the Svitrepisode among the hrahmanical legend poetry. Yet I am not quite certain whether it may not be a pious legend belonging to the old bardpoetry. For the independent action of the princess Svitr, who goes forth in search of a husband, and remains steadfast to her choice, although the saint and her father raise warning protestations, the independence with which she practises asceticism,

) Devoted exclusively to t h e sectarian cult are portions such as t h e nmakathana Satarudriya 284, 16ff)
2

Visnusahasra Viu the

(XIII,

1 4 9 ) , the enumeration

of the thousand

names

of

( V I I , 202), " the hundred names of Siva," and the Sivasahasrammastotra ( X I I , " Praise of Siva in a thousand names." (Th. Aufrecht, C f. above, pp. 185 f.

) To m y knowledge it only recurs once again in the B rahmavaivarttaPura by Catalogus codicum MSS. Sanscriticorum in B ibl. Bod

the side of Y a m a leiana p. 22a).

3

) Concerning the god Dharma also see above pp. 330 and 374. " episode of Svitr " or Pativratamahtmya The story is told by the seer Mrkandeya, "the who, though

*) I I I , 293299: Savitryupkhyana song in praise of t h e faithful wife." regard to the fate of DraupadI.

many thousand years old, is eternally young, to Yudihira in order to comfort him with

398

INDIAN

LITERATURE
15

offers sacrifices, and takes vows upon herself, and above all, her courageous intercession for the life of her husband, as well as her knowledge of wise sayings, by means of which she even impresses the god of death all this recalls more the women of heroic poetry, such as Draupad, Kunt and Vidul than the brahmanical ideal of woman. But whoever it was who sang the song of Svitr, whether a Staor a Brahman, he was certainly one of the great est poets of all times. Only a great poet was capable of placing this noble female character before us so that we seem to see her before our eyes. Only a true poet could have described in such a touching and elevating manner the victory of love and constancy, of virtue and wisdom, over destiny and death, without even for an instant falling into the tone of the dry preacher of morality; And only an inspired artist could have produced as if by magic such wonderful pictures before us. W e see the deeply distressed woman walking by the side of her husband who is doomed to death ; the husband, mortal ly ill, wearily laying his head on his wife's lap, the dreadful form of the god of death, who binds the man's soul with fetters and leads it away ; the wife, wrestling with the god of death for the life of her husband; and finally, the happily reunited pair, wandering homewards in the moonlight with their arms around each other. And we see all these pictures in the splendid setting of a primeval Indian forest, whose
2) 3)

) According to brahmanical precept a woman as such (separate from her husband) ) This ideal is, in short, the " Griaelda i d e a l " t h e unconditionally obedient, sub ever

is not entitled to perform sacrifices nor to undertake fasts and other vows. (Manu, V. 155.)
2

missive wife, of whom Manu teaches, V, 154 : "Even if a husband is lacking in all virtues, only indulges in sensu il pleasure and possesses no good qualities of any kind, he must be honoured as a god by a virtuous w i f e . "
3

) The conversation between Svitr and

Yama the god of death, who is at the Some of the verses may have been verses by means of which clear; it is the doc

same time Dharma, forms the nucleus of the poem. badly transmitted

Yet the fundamental thought of all the

Svitr so greatly pleases the god and vanquishes him, is sufficiently trine of wisdom that is one with love and goodness.

EPICS AND PURAS

399

deep stillness we seem to feel, and whose delicious fragrance we seem to breathe, when we surrender ourselves to the magic of this incomparable poem. How well the Hindus themselves appreciate the treasure which they possess in this immortal poem, is shown in the closing words which have been added to the poem in our Mah bh rata :
" H e w h o has heard w i t h devotion the glorious story of Svitr, t h a t visit him. m a n i s f o r t u n a t e , his affairs will prosper, and never will sorrow

Still at the present day, Hindu women annually celebrate a festival (Svitrvrata) in remembrance of faithful Svitr, to secure married happiness for themselves, in which festival the recitation of this poem from the Mahbhrata, forms an essential part of the celebration.* The poem has frequently been translated into European languages including German.* But all translations, adapta tions and imitations can only give a feeble idea of the incom parable charm of the Indian poem. Not all brahmanical legends are so pious and moral as that of Svitr. Indeed, a whole volume could easily be filled with disgusting and obscene stories from the Mahbhrata which pleased the Brahmans. One of these legends has, however, rightly attained fame as a poem, and is, moreover, very important for the criticism of the Mahbhrata. This is the legend of Bsyarnga^ the i who had never seen a

) C f. Shib C hunder Bose The Hindoos as they are, 2nd ed., Calcutta, 1883, p p . 293 ff. ) English translations by R. T. H. Griffith (1852, and Idylls from the Sanskrit, German renderings by F. Bopp (Reclams Universal with Das Mahbhrata II, pp. 92 f. Allahabad 1912, pp. 113 ff.) and J. Muir (Edinburgh, 1880), bibliothek, 1895). For other translations s, Holtzmann,

( 1 8 2 9 ) , F. Rchert (in "B rahmanische Legenden," 1836), H. 0 . Kellner

The Svitr poem has also been adapted for the stage by Ferdinand Graf Spo7ch music by Hermann Zumpe and produced in German theatres.
3

) III,

110113.

Freely

rendered

into

German by

A. Holtzmann

in

"Indische dramatised in\

S a g e n , " and by J. V. Widmann by A. Christina Allers

B uddha, B ern 1869 pp. 101 ff.). Very freely ( Mysterium

in Calcutta Review, Nov. 1923, pp. 231 ff. (" The Great Drought " ) . und Mimug

J. Hertel (WZKM. 18, 1904, pp. 158 f ) and I., v. Schroeder,

400

INDIAN

LITERATURE

woman. The contents of this ancient Indian tale are briefly as follows :
yanga, )
1

born miraculously of an antelope, is the son in a forest, without has never of ever King will young A b o v e all, he

of a seen

saint, any Now and if t h e the

who g r o w s up in a h e r m i t a g e person besides his father.

having

seen a w o m a n . Lomapda, fall only

there was once a great d r o u g h t in the

kingdom

t h e sages declared : the g o d s are a n g r y , and the rain ter n t ) land. A

2

k i n g succeeds in b r i n g i n g R y a g a into his c o u n t r y . undertakes the t a s k of enticing the floating h e r m i t a g e is constructed of artificial

T h e kings d a u g h saint into and trees shrubs,

and in this n t sails to the d w e l l i n g place of y a s g a . v i c i n i t y of the forest hermitage, the k i n g ' s a d v a n t a g e of t h e absence of the father of youthful ascetic.

Arriving in the

d a u g h t e r steps ashore and takes

y a g a , in order to approach the who

S h e g i v e s h i m magnificent fruits and delicious wine, plays Thereupon the maiden the him hermitage. what has that asks

c o q u e t t i s h l y w i t h a ball, and c l i n g s in a tender embrace to t h e y o u t h , t h i n k s he sees before h i m a h e r m i t lad like himself. T h e old man notices t h e e x c i t e m e n t of happened. The latter then describes his his son, and returns to t h e s h i p , as t h e f a t h e r of y a g a approaches adventure

with

the beautiful

" youth and his rapture at m e e t i n g h i m , in g l o w i n g terms, and says

he would fain practise the same "ascetic discipline as yonder y o u t h , for t h e yearns to see h i m a g a i n . B u t the father warns h i m t h a t these are evil demons (rakas) w h o g o about in that shape to d i s t u r b t h e asceticism of pious m e n . B u t no sooner has the father departed a g a i n , than search of his y o u n g " friend. Soon he has found yaga beautiful goes nt, in is

Rigveda, pp. 292 ff., have tried to explain the Rsyanga poem as an ancient drama, a kind of ' mystery play." (NGGW., 1897, pp.
l

It is really a ballad of the type of the Vedic khynas. I ff. ; 1901, pp 1 ff.) has traced " the antelopehorned."

H.

Lders

the older forms of this ballad, by

comparing its different versions in Indian literature. ) The name means As he has one horn on his head, he is wh) seduces the saint. also in B uddhistic versions called Ekasrga, i.e. " Unicorn."

) In our Mahbhrata it is not SintS but a courtesan,

Lders (1. c.) has proved convincingly, however, that not only in the original form of the legend, as it has come down to us in the Jtakabook of the B uddhist Tipiaka but also Only have in an earlier form of the Mahbhrata itself, the princess nt was the seducer. some later rhapsodist or copyist took exception to a king's daughter being said to seduced yasga, and put a Holtzmann, yaga. king finally gives his daughter in marriage t o the saint.

courtesan in her place, so that we do not know w h y the It may be mentioned that

in his free rendering (1. c.) has already made the princess SntS the seducer of

EPICS e n t i c e d b y her into t h e pdas k i n g d o m . floating

AND

PURAAS into

401
Loma rain he

h e r m i t a g e , and is carried a w a y enters t h e his

T h e m o m e n t the y o u n g s a i n t The king makes him

land,

the after

b e g i n s t o fall i n torrents.

soninlaw,

has conciliated t h e old father b y m e a n s of rich g i f t s .

Various versions of this legend may be found in other Indian works of literature, especially in the Rmyaa, in th9 PadmaPura and in the Buddhist Jtaka book. I t is easy to recognize that though the ballad is based on a n old legend with a religious background, it was related in its origi nal form with a racy humour whose indecencies the various revisors endeavoured to mitigate. The scene in which the ascetic's son, who has never seen a woman, catches sight of the beautiful maiden, whom he takes for an ascetic, though her charms do not leave him unmoved, was certainly the central point of the story in the original version, and was described with a coarse humour, of whose rudeness some examples are still preserved in the Buddhistic Jtaka.* But how popular this humorous tale was, is shown by its being familiar in different versions in Tibet, C hina and Japan, and in its having left traces behind even in the unicornlegend of the West. The yagalegend is in the socalled Tirthaytr section. The i Lomaa who has come in order to console the brothers of Arjuna, makes a pilgrimage with them. At every sacred place (Trtha) which they visit, the i relates
2) 3) 4)

) In the Gths of the Jtakas N o s . 523 and 526. These Gths are, according to Luders (1. c , 1897, p. 3 8 ) , " t h e oldest remnants of a literary setting of the yasga legend" " and these verses were, a t any rate, partly known to t h e author of the Mah bhrata version, and, translated into Sanskrit and more or less transformed, were included in his work."
a

C f. F. W. K. Mller,

Ikkaku seunin eine mittelalterliche japanische Oper, trans fr Adolf pilgrimages

kribiert und bersetzt, Nebst einem Exkurs zur Einhorn sage (in t h e Festschrift Bastian zu seinem 70. Geburtstag, B erlin 1896, pp. 513538).
3

i.e.,

"section of pilgrimages," I I I , 80156. Trthas.

Sacred places to which

(yatr) are undertaken, are called ) See above, p, 348,

51

402

INDIAN LITERATURE

a story referring to that place. Thus there are collected in this section (certainly not belonging to the oldest parts of the Mahbhrata) numerous brahmanical legends. Here we find, for example, the aboverelated legend of C yavana, similarly the legends of the famous i Agastya. This great saint is asked by the gods, among other things, to dry up the ocean, so that they may fight against certain demons who dwell on the bottom of the ocean. The saint does this quite simply by drinking up the whole ocean. H e is also the hero of numerous other brahmanical legends. While these Agastyalegends are intended to show the tremendous ascendancy of the brahmanical saint over gods and men, we find in the Mahbhrata also a whole cycle of legends, the heroes of which are the famous is Vasistha and Vimmitra^ and in which, though in the end they also serve for the glorification of the Brahmans, there can still be perceived distinct traces of the struggle for supremacy between priests and warriors. The roots of these legends reach back far into the Vedic period, and they recur in various versions also in the Rmyana epic and in the Puras. The contents of the legend according to the Mahbhrata are briefly as follows :
1} 2)

Vivmitra (Kanauj). wishes. of i Vasiha. When

w a s a warrior, t h e

son

of

King

Gdhin of which

Kanykubja all his or

One day, i n the course of his h u n t i n g , he c a m e to t h e h e r m i t a g e T h e latter had a m a r v e l l o u s c o w he desired a n y t h i n g , he him. whether had fulfilled food or drink, j e w e l s saw the

g a r m e n t s , or w h a t e v e r i t m i g h t be, cow Nandin for it. granted i t t o

o n l y t o say : " G i v e , " a n d t h e Vivmitra excellent cows he ten thousand ordinary everything

When

c o w , h e desired to h a v e it, and offered Vasiha

B u t the latter w o u l d n o t g i v e it up, as i t g a v e h i m

) Pp. 3 9 1 1 l) I I I . 96.109. I X , 39 I.; 42 f.; X I I . 141 ; X I I I . 3 . C f. J. JftwV ) I, 177182; V, 106119; in J R A S . 1913, pp. 885 ff,

Original Sanskrit Texts. Vol. I, 3rd ed. (London 1890), pp. 388 ff., 411 ff, and F. E . Pargiter

EPICS AND PURAS

ever w a n t e d for sacrificial purposes. Vivmitra Vasiha, cow now wanted to steal

403
the

c o w , according to "warriors custom.

as a g e n t l e B r a h m a n , did itself b r o u g h t forth out of were sees that the power of in

not hinder h i m in this, but t h e marvellous defeated a n d p u t t o Brahmans is after flight. all

its body, m i g h t y hosts of warriors, b y w h o m the troops of Vivmitra T h e n the proud k i n g than t h a t of greater

warriors ; he g i v e s up his

k i n g d o m a n d performs severe austerities in order t o become a B r a h m a n , w h i c h he succeeds after unutterable efforts.

I may quote one other remarkable legend in this cycle of myths, because it recalls certain features of the Ahasuerus legend :
E v e n after Vasiha Vivmitra has become by of a B rahman, his Vasiha. down fire, B ut enmity with is continues. Instigated Vivmitra, Kalmapda, who

possessed b y a fikasa, kills t h e sons about t o end his life, and t h r o w s falls on a pile of wool. He

the latter is so H e is but Meru

full of mildness t h a t he w i l l rather die t h a n g i v e v e n t t o his anger. himself the from Mount enters b u t it does

not burn h i m . thrust B ut

W i t h a stone around his neck he t h r o w s himself i n t o the sea, b u t is w h e n he sees his home e m p t y of children, grief

out a g a i n l i v i n g . S o he returns w i t h a sorrowful heart to his hermitage. to t h o u g h t s of suicide.

brings h i m back a n e w

H e hurls himself i n t o a swollen m o u n t a i n stream, Wandering further, he comes from him. to a river

after h a v i n g tied his limbs fast w i t h ropes, b u t the current tears his fetters and t h r o w s h i m on to a bank. w h i c h is f u l l of crocodiles and horrible m o n s t e r s ; he t h r o w s himself i n , A s he sees that he

b u t t h e w i l d animals t i m i d l y shrink a w a y wandered over hills and countries. l a w A d y a n t , and he hears a voice hymns. mother's w o m b A d y a n t On the

cannot die b y his o w n hand, he returns a g a i n to his h e r m i t a g e , after h a v i n g w a y he m e e t s his d a u g h t e r i n of his son with singing Veda twelve like t h a t

I t is the voice of his as y e t unborn grandchild, w h o already in his has been p r e g n a n t h i m since A s soon as he k n o w s t h a t he is t o have

y e a r s h a s learned all the Vedas.

descendants, he g i v e s up his t h o u g h t s of suicide.

While the literary value of this kind of brahmanical legends cannot be gainsaid, there are also numerous stories in the Mahbhrata which are invented purely for the purpose of the glorification of the Brahmans or for the inculcation of some brahmanical doctrine or other. W e have, for instance,

404

INDIAN

LITERATURE

tales of pupils who go to the utmost extremes in obedience towards their teacher, like that Uddlaka rui who is commissioned by his teacher to block a leaking dam, and does this, as no other way presents itself to him, with his own body. Or the story is told of a king who, as a punishment for having given a Brahman's cow to someone else, was changed into a lizard. * Other stories are intended to prove that there is no greater merit than giving cows to Brahmans. I n a famous Upanisad the youth Naciketas, thirsting for knowledge, utilises his sojourn in the underworld to question the god of death about the Beyond. I n the Mahbhrata, the youth, who is here called Nciketa, asks to see the paradise of the cowgivers, and Yama delights him with a long lecture upon the merit which one acquires by presenting cows. I n order to prove that it is meritorious to give sunshades and shoes, it is related that i Jamadagni was once angry with the sun, and was just about to shoot it down from the sky, when the sungod pacified him in the nick of time, by giving him a sunshade and a pair of shoes. * Such stories are frequent especially in the didactic sections and books ( X I I and X I I I ) . I n these didactic portions of the Mahbhrata we find finally also numerous framestories called " Itihsas " which serve only to introduce and give a certain form to the talks upon law, morality or philosophy. I t is noteworthy that, in these Itihsas, we occasionally meet with the same personages as speakers whom we met in the Upaniads, e.g., Yja valkya and Janaka.* And as in the Upaniads and the Buddhistic dialogues, so in the didactic Itihsas of the
1 2) 3

) I , 3 ; X I I I . 7 0 I. ) X I I I , 71. C f. above, pp. 261 f.

8

) X I I I , 95 t

*) X I I . 1 8 ; 290 ; 31O32O.

EPICS AND PURAS Mahbhrata too, we meet learned women and sages.
2) l)

405 as well as kings

FABLES, PARABLES AND MORAL NARRATIVES IN THE MAHIBHRATA.

3)

These ItihsaSavdas, as we may call those discourses clothed in the form of narratives (savda), for the greater part no longer belong to the brahmanical legendpoetry, but to what, for lack of a better expression, we have called A s c e t i c poetry. The latter is clearly distinguishable from the brahmanical poetry connected with the ancient legends of the gods, which are already forgotten to a considerable extent among the people ; it is far more closely related to the popular literature of fables and fairytales, partly because it draws upon the latter, and partly because it approaches it as closely as possible. And while the brahmanical legends, like the brahmanical ItihsaSavdas, serve the special interests of the priests and teach a narrow priestly morality, reaching its climax in the sacrificial service and in the worship of t h e Brahmans (more than of the gods), the ascetic poetry rises to a general morality of mankind, which teaches, above all, love towards all beings and renunciation of the world. Traces of this literature are first to be found in the Upanisads, but later j u s t as much in the Mahbhrata and in some Puras, as in the sacred texts of the Buddhists and the
4 )

) King Janaka disputes w i t h the n u n Sulabh, X I I , 320. b y t h e verses of the courtesan Pigal, X I I , 174.
a

King Senajit is comforted

) Occasionally also gods, e.g., Indra and B haspati, X I I , 11 ; 21 ; 6 8 ; 84]; 103 j ) A selection of moral narratives, especially out of B ook X I I , from the Mah in French translation by A. Roussel, Lgendes Morales de l'Inde traduites du Sanskrit. (Les
t

X I I I . 111113.
8

bhrata, is g i v e n empruntes

au B hagavata Pura

e t au Mahabharata Paris 1900.

littratures populaires t. 38 et 39). D a s Mahbhrata, pp. 66 ff. *) See M. Winternit

On fables and parables s.

Oldenberg

in Calcutta R e v i e w , Oct. 1923, p p . 1 ff,

406

INDIAN LITERATURE

Jainas. Therefore it is not to be wondered at, that in these different literatures we often meet with the same legends of saints and the same maxims of wisdom and ethics, often literally the same. The oldest Indian f a b l e s are to be found, indeed, already in the actual epic, and they serve for the inculcation of rules of Niti i.e. worldly wisdom, as well as of Dharma or morality. Thus a minister advises Dhtartra to deal with the Pavas in a similar manner as a certain jackal, who utilised his four friends, a tiger, a mouse, a wolf and an ichneumon, for the purpose of obtaining his prey, but then cunningly got rid of them, so that the prey remained for him alone. I n another place isupla compares Bhrna with that old hypocritical flamingo, which always talked only of morality and enjoyed the confidence of all its fellowbirds, so that they all entrusted it with the keeping of their eggs, until they discover too late, that the flamingo eats the eggs. Delightful also is the fable of the treacherous cat, which Ulka in the name of Duryodhana, relates to Yudhihira, at whom it is aimed. W i t h uplifted arms the cat performs severe austerities on the bank of the Ganges ; and he is ostensibly so pious and good that not only the birds worship him, but even the mice entrust themselves to his protection. H e declares himself willing to protect them, but says that in consequence of his asceticism he is so weak that he cannot move. Therefore the mice must carry him to the riverwhere he devours them and grows fat. The wise Vidura, into whose mouth many wise sayings are placed, also knows many fables. Thus he advises Dhtartra not to pursue the Paavas out of selfinterest, that it may not befall him as it befell the king who, out of
15 2)

) I , 140. On similar fables, cf. Th. Benfey Pantschatantra I. pp. 472 I.

2

) 1 1 , 4 1 ; V , 160. Such fables, in which animals appear as hypocritical ascetics, JAOS. 4 4 , 1924, pp. 202 ff.

are not at all rare in Indian fable literature, cf. Th. Benfey l. c , I. pp. 1 7 7 f., 3 5 2 ; and M. Bloomfield,

EPICS AND PURAS

407

greed, killed the birds which disgorged gold, so that he then had neither birds nor gold. * I n order to bring about peace, he also relates the fable of the birds which flew up with the net w h i c h had been thrown out by the fowler, b u t finally fell into the hands of the fowler, because they began to quarrel with one another.* Most of t h e fables, as well as all t h e parables and moral narratives, are to be found in t h e didactic sections and in Books X I I and X I I I . Many of these recur in the Buddhistic and later collections of fables and fairytales, and some have been transmitted into European narrative literature. Thus Benfey has traced through the literature of the world a series of fables which all deal with the subject of the impossibility of friendship between cat and mouse.* Many a pretty p a r a b l e , too, is to be found in the didactic portions of the Mahbhrata. Thus " t h e old Itihsa, the conversation between the river and the ocean," is related in order to inculcate the wise theory that it is good to stoop :
1 4)

" T h e ocean trees Gang and bring

a s k s t h e rivers h o w i t is t h a t t h e y uproot s t r o n g

mighty reed.

t h e m to h i m , w h i l e t h e y never b r i n g t h e t h i n w e a k h i m : ' T h e trees s t a n d , each in i t s place, they oppose firmly

answers

rooted t o their

one spot. place.

B ecause Not

t h e current, t h e y m u s t m o v e f r o m the

so the reed.

T h e reed b e n d s as s o o n as i t sees

current

) I I . 62, Related who drops gold out of

t o this

is

the

fairytale

of King

Suvarahvin Srjaya,

(ie,

"he

his m o u t h " ) , the son of

The latter had

desired a son whose entire evacuations should be gold. accumulates in his palace.
a

The wish is fulfilled, and the gold

B u t finally t h e son is kidnapped by robbers (dasyus) and

murdered, and all t h e gold vanishes. V I I , 55. C f. Benfey, l. c , I, 379. ) V , 64. C f. also t h e fable of t h e crow which desires to enter on a flyingrace with the flamingo, V I I I , 4 1 , translated by Benfey, l. c , I. pp. 312 ff., where also other related fables are indicated.
8

) X I I , 111 ; 138 ; 139 (also Harivaa, 2 0 , 1117 ff.) translated and traced in other of the Mahbhrata 1. c ,

literatures by Benfey, I. c , I , 575 ff., 545 ff., 560 ff. Other fables I , 243 f )

which are part of universal literature, are that of t h e three fishes X I I , 137 {Benfey, and that of the saint's dog which is changed into a leopard, a tiger,

elephant, a lion, a Sarabha and finally again into a dog, X I I , 116 f. {Benfey, 1. c, I, 374 f). *) X I I . 113.

408
approachingnot

INDIAN

LITERATURE

so t h e

treesand

when

the

force of the current bas

passed b y , it s t a n d s erect again.

Great fame and almost universal propagation has been attained by the parable of the " M a n i n t h e w e l l " which the wise Vidura relates to King Dhtarra.* For its own sake as well as on account of its significance in universal literature, it deserves to be quoted in an extract and partly in translation :
A B rahman he sees t h a t embraced b y fiveheaded and a great forest.' creeping on caught the loses his w a y in a dense forest full of beasts of prey. In great terror he runs here and there, l o o k i n g in v a i n for a way out. both arms of a dreadfullooking w o m a n . which in reach And " Then

terrible forest is surrounded on all sides by traps and is G r e a t and terrible up like rocks to the s k y , surround this T h e B r a h m a n falls into i t and is " A s the g r e a t fruit of

dragons,

t h e middle of this forest, covered b y underwood

p l a n t s , there is a well. tree, held

the i n t e r t w i n e d branches of a creeper.

breadfruit

b y its stalk, h a n g s d o w n , so he h u n g there, feet A n d y e t another e v e n g r e a t e r danger threatens lid of t h e w e l l he s a w a black, s i x m o u t h e d and slowly approaching. I n t h e branches of dreadfullooking the well, s w a r m e d all kinds of

upwards, head d o w n w a r d s . h i m there. and the at tree the edge of the

I n the middle of the well he perceived a great, m i g h t y dragon, giant elephant

twelvefooted

which

covered honey.

bees, preparing not g i v e on w h i c h king who beasts of t h e body and the

T h e h o n e y drips d o w n and is greedily drunk b y For h e was not weary of e x i s t e n c e , and did the tree e x p l a i n s the metaphor t o t h e well is

t h e m a n h a n g i n g in the w e l l . he h u n g .

up hope of life, t h o u g h w h i t e and black mice g n a w e d T h e forest, so Vidura

w a s filled w i t h p i t y , is t h e sasra, existence in the world : t h e prey are t h e diseases, t h e hideous g i a n t e s s is old a g e , t h e of b e i n g s , which the dragon at the b o t t o m of t h e well is t i m e , t h e

creepers in

the m a n was c a u g h t , the hope of life, the s i x m o u t h e d elephant, t h e year w i t h six seasons a n d t w e l v e m o n t h s : and nights, and t h e drops of h o n e y are sensual

twelvefooted

mice are the days

enjoyments.

There can be no doubt that this parable is a genuine Indian production of ascetic poetry. I t has been called
) X I . 5.

EPICS AND PURAS

1}

409

"originally Buddhistic," but it does not correspond more with the Buddhists' view of life than with that of the Jainas and of other Indian ascetic sects. However, it probably was the Buddhistic versions of the parable which paved the way for it to the West ; for it penetrated into the literature of the West principally with that stream of literature which flowed to the West through the popular books " Barlaam and Joasaph " and " Kalilah and Dimnah" which originated in India, but later became absolutely international. But in Germany it is most familiar through Rckerts beautiful poem Es war ein Mann in Syrerland," whose immediate source is a Persian poem by Jelleddn Rm. Ernst K u h n has traced throughout all the literatures of the world the " circulation of this truly nonsectarian parable which has served equally for the edification of Brahmans, Jainas, Buddhists, Mohammedans, Christians and J e w s . " As with this parable, so with many moral narratives of the Mahbhrata, one might be inclined to trace them back to Buddhistic sources. On closer scrutiny, however, they could equally well have been drawn from that source of popular narratives which was alike at the disposal of Brah mans, Buddhists and other sects. Thus, for example, the stories of K i n g i b i not only look very Buddhistic, but, in a text belonging to the Tipiaka the legend is actually already related, how this selfsacrificing king tears out both his eyes in order to give them to a beggar. I n the Mahbhrata the
< 2) 8) 4)

) Thus Benfey 1887), pp. 209 ff.

a

1. c , I. pp. 80 ff., and M. Haberlandt, Der

altindische Geist (Leipzig The Persian poem

) Friedrich Rckerts Werke, publ. by 0 . B eyer, Vol. I. pp. 104 f.

from the second Diwan of Jelleddn Rm, translated by Joseph v. Hammer, der schnen Redeknste Studien, pp. 85 f., 94 ff.
3

Geschichte

Persiens, Vienna 1818, pp. 183. C f. also R. Bosoberger, Rckert

) In the " Festgruss an 0 , v. B htlingk," Stuttgart 1888, pp. 6876. IV, 401 ff.,

) Cariyfipiaka, I, 8. C f. also the SiviJtaka (Jfitakas ed. V. Fausbdll, No. 499) and Benfey l. c , 1 , 3 8 8 ff.

52

410

INDIAN

LITERATURE
1

story is told in three different versions, * how the king cuts the flesh from his own body piecemeal and gives up his life, in order to save the life of a dove which is pursued by a hawk. This same king ibi however, already plays a part in the old heroic legends of Yayti. H e is one of the four pious grand sons of this king, who offer him their places in heaven and finally ascend to heaven with him. The description, too, of the immeasurable riches and the tremendous generosity of ibi in another place, where he is glorified as a pious sacri ficer, who gives the Brahmans as many oxen as raindrops fall upon the earth, as there are stars in the sky and grains of sand in the bed of the Ganges, is distinctly brahmanical in colouring.* To the stories of selfsacrifice so popular in ascetic poetry, belongs also the touching narrative of the h u n t s m a n a n d t h e doves, * which has also been included in one recension of the Pacatantra. * Love of one's enemy, and selfdenial can hardly go further than in this " sacred, sin destroying Itihsa," which relates how the male dove burns himself in the fire for the wicked hunter, who has caught his beloved wife because he has no other food to offer the " guest ;" how the dove follows her husband into death, and how the wicked hunter, deeply touched by the great love and selfsacrifice of the pair of doves, gives up his wild
2) 4 5

) I I I . 1 3 0 f ; 197 X I I I . 32. S e e Griffith. Idylls from the Sanskrit, pp. 123 ff. (The Suppliant Dove). ) I, 86 and 9 3 . C f. above, p. 380. s ) VIT, 58. The legend of ibi too, w h i c h is related in I I I , 198, is quite brahmani cal. Here, at t h e wish of a B rahman, he unhesitatingly kills his own son andeven On the other hand the narrative eats him himself, because the B rahman commands it.

of King Suhotra and ibi ( I I I , 194) looks more B uddhistic, and, in fact, though no longer referring t o Sibi actually recurs in Buddhist literature (Jtaka N o . 151). C f. T. W, Rhys Davids, B uddhist B irth 20, 1906, pp. 320 ff. *) X I I . 143149. ) See Benfey, l. c , T, pp. 365 f., I I . 247 ff. Stories, London 1880, 'pp. xxxxvi, R. O. Franche, WZKM.

EPICS A N D

PURAAS

411

life, becomes an ascetic and finally also seeks death in the fire.> Another side of ascetic morality is illustrated by the story of the pious ascetic M u d g a l a , who does not want to go to heaven :
A s M u d g a l a is so wise and pious, a m e s s e n g e r of the gods order to lead him up to h e a v e n . first w h a t the heavenly life is like. pious. Karman appears, in

B ut M u d g a l a is careful e n o u g h t o enquire T h e m e s s e n g e r of t h e g o d s t h e n describes t h e bliss w h i c h actions. of there When a awaits once and deep the the

to h i m all the glories of heaven and all duration.

Certainly, he c a n n o t conceal the f a c t t h a t this bliss is not of eternal E v e r y o n e m u s t reap the fruits of his Then Mudgala and
2

is exhausted, t h e n one m u s t descend a g a i n from heaven will have none such finally through the

begin medi of

a new existence. tation

heaven ; he senseworld bliss

devotes himself afresh to ascetic practices and (dhynayoga) complete attains to t h a t h i g h e s t place of Viu N i r v a is t o be f o u n d .

indifference

towards

in which alone the

eternal

The doctrine of Karman, Action, which is the fate of man, the first appearance of which we observed in the Upaniads, forms the subject of many profound narratives in the Mah bhrata. One of the most beautiful is that of the S n a k e , Death, Fate and Action. The contents are briefly as follows :
3)

G a u t a m , an old and pious B r a h m a n w o m a n , dead. A snake has b i t t e n h i m . of her son. The grim snake a l o n g b y a rope and asks murderer Gautam how

one

day

finds kill the killing

her drags of

son the the from

hunter through

Arjunaka the

he shall

wicked

G a u t a m replies t h a t

snake her child will not be restored to life; nor would any g o o d arise i t ; for b y t h e k i l l i n g of a l i v i n g b e i n g one only burdens oneself w i t h T h e hunter objects, s a y i n g t h a t it is good to kill enemies, even as

guilt. Indra

) The story can hardly be B uddhistic, as B uddhism does not suicide.

2

advise

religious the

Other sects, e.g., the Jainas, recommend it. E. Windi8?h (Festschrift Kuhn, pp. 4 I.) sees in this Mudgala

) III, 260 f.

prototype of the B uddhist Maudgalyyana who visits the heavens and hells.
3

) See above, pp. 258 f.

412
killed Vtra. enemies. B ut

INDIAN

L I T E R A T U R E

Gautam

can

see boy.

no good It was

in t o r t u r i n g Mrtyu

and

killing

Then the snake also joins in t h e conversation. N o w , while the snake appears

I t s a y s t h a t it is D e a t h , w h o only hunter are that

not to blame for the death of t h e employed it as his instrument.

and t h e

in violent dispute as to whether the snake was to blame for the death of t h e child or not, the g o d of d e a t h , M t y u Fate (Kla himself the the and declares boys neither t h e snake nor he himself were to e v e r y t h i n g that e x i s t s , e x i s t s t h r o u g h W h i l e t h e hunter insists on t h e blame for " As that here cause. cause death, but driven of fate. and the it

" t i m e ) : for e v e r y t h i n g t h a t happens, happens t h r o u g h K l a ; Kla. clouds are the s w a y the and under

hither and thither b y the wind,'' so also death is point of view M t y u are g u i l t y of the child's d e a t h , Kla

both

snake

himself appears, Action of

declares :

" N e i t h e r I nor death ( M t y u ) nor this snake death of a n y b e i n g , O hunter, w e are not the is, which has driven us to it ; there is no o n l y t h r o u g h his o w n action was he killed he has prepared for himself by his action. other

are to blame for (Karman) his

destruction,

A s t h e potter shapes out A s l i g h t and shade himself are always are Then was

of a l u m p of clay e v e r y t h i n g he desires, so m a n a t t a i n s o n l y t h a t fate which m o s t closely c o n n e c t e d w i t h each other, so also the deed and closely connected t h r o u g h e v e r y t h i n g w h i c h he Gautarnl consoles herself with the t h o u g h t t h a t the death the necessary effect of his and her own K a r m a n . ) of the her doer son

has done.

How human beings are to behave towards death, is a question which Indian thinkers and poets have again and again treated in innumerable maxims, and also in many a consolatory story. One of the most beautiful of these stories is that of t h e Vulture and J a c k a l and the Dead C h i l d , the contents of which shall again only be briefly indicated :
2)

T h e only little son of a B r a h m a n had died. t h e relatives carried the corpse of

L a m e n t i n g and w e e p i n g , burial. and Attracted place,

the little c h i l d out to the place of comes flying to the

I n their grief t h e y could not bear to part from their dead darling. b y the sounds of lamentation, a vulture

>) X I I I . I.
2

) See above, p 313, and Luders in ZDMG, 58, 1904, pp 7O7 ff.

BfICS AND PURltfAS

explains to t h e m how futile are all lamentations for returns t o life w h e n b e g i n t h e homeward so quickly. them and Sadly reproves he has once succumbed Then back their a to should return home w i t h o u t delay. journey. of turn for they them reproaches t h e m w i t h w a n t the dead. Kla ;
1

4l3
No mortal they and child awaits mourn therefore mourners

Consoled to some e x t e n t , the jackal t h e y leave Here One the

c o m e s towards t h e m their own vulture not

love, because again.

weakness. This and the on. want so

should

for t h e dead, but for f r o m sin, not the poor o n l y on the K a r m a n . man, they of g o o d and bad do y o u deeds.

one's o w n self. " T h e wise man all What come into do you

one should the with not

above all cleanse man and Why turn love

w e e p for t h e dead ; for all the weal and woe of m a n depends fool, t h e rich Kla the power of Again with their

your m o u r n i n g ? mourners fate, to g i v e up their against

complain

death? and

homewards and a g a i n t h e j a c k a l e x h o r t s t h e m perhaps after all still be possible to restore dead person c o m e t o life a g a i n crime a g a i n s t morality. the

towards their offspring ; one s h o u l d m a k e efforts

for it m a y Whereupon mother who

child to life.

t h e vulture remarks : " A t h o u s a n d years o l d a m I , b u t I h a v e never seen a Those w h o do not care for their as they are alive, is absolutely and father, their relatives and friends so lo^g does not see w i t h his eyes, w h o does n o t m o v e commit a one dead ?

B u t of w h a t benefit is your w e e p i n g t o and

A g a i n a n d a g a i n does the vulture urge t h e mourners t o return home, w h i l s t t h e jackal tells t b e m to return to t h e burial place. times. V u l t u r e and jackal thereby pursue their and b o t h h u n g r y , and g r e e d y for the corpse. wife U m , has p i t y on the poor relatives again. *
2

T h i s is repeated several own ends, for they are his urged by

A t last g o d iva lets the

child become alive

But it is not only the morality of asceticism which finds expression in the moral narratives of the Mahbhrata. Many of them appeal to us particularly for the reason that they teach more the everyday morality which is rooted in the love between husband and wife, parents and children. One of the prettiest of these narratives is that of C i r a k r i n o r t h e Y o u t h P o n d e r w e l l , * who is instructed by his father to

) Kla is not only " t i m e " and " fate ", but also "destiny of death."
2

) X I I . 153.

414

INDIAN LITERATURE

kill his mother who has sinned grievously. As he is by nature slow and considers everything at length, lie delays the execu tion of the command, and considers from this and that point of view, whether he should carry out his father's command and burden himself with matricide, or neglect his duty to his father. While he is pondering so long, his father returns, and, as his anger has in the meantime vanished, he rejoices deeply that his son Ponderwell has, true to his name, pondered the matter so long. I n the centre of this narrative, which is presented in simple popular tone with a certain humour, stands the soliloquy of the youth. In beautiful words he speaks of paternal love and filial duties, and in still more beautiful words, of maternal love :
" S o l o n g as one has a m o t h e r one is well cared one is without protection. He who enters his ' O mother ! is oppressed by no were robbed of all his wealth. for ; w h e n she is lost, house with the though cry he even

sorrow, is undisturbed b y a g e T h o u g h one has sons and old, when he comes When

grandsons,

t h o u g h one is full a hundred years behaves like a twoyear old child

to his mother he

he has lot his mother, t h e n a

man becomes old, t h e n he becomes u n h a p p y , then the world is e m p t y for h i m . There is no cool shade like a mother, there is no refuge like a mother, there is no beloved like a m o t h e r '

The main point of all these narratives lies in the speeches of the characters. But I have already mentioned that many socalled Itihsas are actually only short introductions and frames of didactic dialogues, so that we can call them Itihsa sarpvdas. Some of these dialogues rank equally with the best similar productions of the Upaniadliterature and of the Buddhistic literature. The saying of King Janaka of Videha after he has obtained peace of mind sounds as though it had been taken from an Upaniad : " O, immeasurable is my

) X I I , 265, translated by Deussen, pp, 437444,

Vier philosophische Texte des Mahbhra tarn,"

EPICS

AND

FURAS

415

wealth, for I possess nothing. Though the whole of Mithil burn, nothing n f mine burns." And the verses of the courtesan Pigal, who is bereft of her lover at the trysting place and after overcoming her grief, attains to that deep calmness of soul which has always been the highest aim of all Indian ascetic wisdom, verses which end in the words : " C almly sleeps Pigal, after she has put nondesire in the place of wishes and hopes," recall the Buddhist nunsongs (Thergth). A s occasionally in the Upaniads, so also in the dialogues in the Mahbhrata, it is often people of despised caste and low rank, who are in the possession of the highest wisdom. Thus the Brahman Kauika is instructed by Dharmavyadh% the pious hunter and dealer in meat, upon philosophy and morality, and especially about the theory that not birth, b u t virtuous life, makes one a Brahman. Thus also the pedlar Tuldhra appears as the teacher of the brahmanical ascetic Jjali. This Itihsadialogue is so important in the history of Indian ethics, that it merits being given here in extract :
1] 2) 3) 4) 5)

The B rahman

J j a l i lived as a h e r m i t in t h e forest, and g a v e austerities.

himself

up to t h e m o s t irightful

C l o t h e d in r a g s a n d s k i n s , stiff w i t h and storm Once undertook he severe

d i i t he wandered t h r o u g h the

forest in rain

f a s t s , and defied e v e r y i n c l e m e n c y of t h e

weather.

stood in t h e

f o r e s t , deep in y o g a , l i k e a wooden post, w i t h o u t

moving.

There a pair of

) X I I , 178. J. Muir (Metrical Translations, p. 50) translates: " H o w vast m y wealth, what joy I taste. Who nothing o w n and nought desire ! Were this fair city wrapped in fire, The flame no goods of mine would waste."

Mithil

is t h e residence

of Janaka.

C f. Jtaka (ed. Fausbll), Vol. V , p. 252 (Verse R. 0 . Franke, WZKM., 20,

16 of t h e Sonakajtaka No. 5 2 9 ) , and Vol. V I . p. 5 4 ( N o . 539). 1906, pp. 352 f.

2

) X I I . 174 ; 178, 7 f. C f. O. BhtUngk, Indische Sprche, Nos. 1050 f. B uddhistic parallels are quoted by R. 0 . Franke, WZKM., 20, 1906, pp. 346 f. ) See above, pp. 228 f. *) I I I . 207216. ) X I I , 261264; translated by Deussen, ratam," pp. 418435,
6

V i e r philosophische Texte des Mahbh

416

INDIAN

LITERATURE

birds came flying towards him, and in the hair of his head, which was dishevel led by the storm and matted with the dirt and rain, they built a nest. When the yogin noticed this, he did not stir, but remained standing immovable as a pillar, till the female bird had laid eggs in the nest on his head, till the eggs were hatched and the young birds were fledged and had flown away After this mighty feat of asceticism, Jjali filled with pride, shouts exultingly into the forest : " I have reached the essence of all devotion. Then a heavenly voice answered him out of the regions of the air: " In devotion thou art not even equal to Tuldhra, O Jjali and not even this very wise Tuldhara, who dwells in B enares, may speak of himself as thou speakest." Then Jjali becomes very disheartened, and went to Tuldhra at B enares, to see in what manner the latter had advanced so far in devotion. Tuldhra, however, is a pedlar in B enares, where he keeps an open shop and sells all kinds of spices, healing herbs, and so on. To the enquiry of the B rahman Jjali as to whereof his renowned devotion consists, he replies in a long speech upon morality, beginning with the words : " I know, O Jjali the eternal law with all its secrets : it is known to men as the old doctrine, beneficial to all, the doctrine of love.D A manner of life which is combined with complete harmlessness, or only with slight harm, to all beings, that is the highest devotion ; in accordance with this I live, O Jja. With wood and grass which others have cut, I have built myself this hut. Red lac, lotusroot, lotusfibres, all kinds of sweet perfumes, many kinds of juices and drinks, with the exception of intoxicat ing drinks, I buy and sell without deception. He, O Jjali, who is a friend of all beings and always rejoices in the wellbeing of all in thought, word and deed, he knows the moral law. I know neither favour nor disfavour, neither love nor hatred. I am the same towards all beings : see, Jjali that is my vow. I have equal balances for all beings, O
2 5

Jjali

If one fears no being, and no being fears one, if one has

preference for nobody and hates nobody, then he becomes united with Brahman Then follows a long explanation of Ahimsa the commandment of nonviolence. There is no higher law than forbearance towards all living

) Maitra

(in the Pali of the B uddhists, metta)

means " friendship " and is the tech

nical expression for love towards all beings, which differs from the Christian brotherly love n extending beyond human beings to the animals also.
2

The name of the pedlar, Tuldhra,

signifies :

" H e who holds the scales."

EPICS AND PURAS

beings. and Therefore

417

the breeding of cattle is cruel, because i t involves the of animals. Cruel, Even many too, is the keeping of slaves, is full of sin, for t h e Jjali objects creatures. agriculture

t o r t u r i n g and k i l l i n g traffic in l i v i n g

p l o u g h w o u n d s the earth and kills

i n n o c e n t animals.

t h a t w i t h o u t agriculture and cattlebreeding people could n o t e x i s t and could n o t find food, and that sacrifices, too, w o u l d be impossible if a n i m a l s m i g h t not be killed and plants not be destroyed. Thereupon Tuldhra replies w i t h a l o n g discourse upon the true sacrifice, w h i c h should be offered w i t h o u t t h e desire for reward, without priestly deception, a n d w i t h o u t t h e k i l l i n g of l i v i n g b e i n g s . F i n a l l y Tuldhra calls on the birds which had nested in t h e hair of Jjalis head as witnesses for his doctrine, and t h e y , too, confirm t h a t t h e true religion consists in forbearance towards all h u m a n b e i n g s ,

The sharp contrast between the brahmanical morality and that of Indian asceticism can nowhere be so well observed as in the D i a l o g u e b e t w e e n F a t h e r a n d Son, in which the father represents the standpoint of the Brahman, and the son that of the ascetic who has severed himself from the priestly religion. The view of life represented by the son is that of the Buddhists and the Jainas, without, however, being limited to these. I t would be premature to declare the dialogue, of which a partial translation here follows, or even only single verses of it, to be " Buddhistic " or " burrowed from the Buddhists " :
1} 2)

A B r a h m a n , w h o took d e l i g h t in learning t h e g e n t son, Intelligent (Medhvin) by name.

Veda,

had an saw

intelli clearly

T h i s son, w h o w a s learned in all

t h i n g s pertaining t o salvation, morality and practical life, and d e l i g h t in learning the Veda: Son. " S i n c e soon the days of mortals e n d , H o w o u g h t t h e wise their lives t o spend ?

into t h e true nature of t h e world, spoke in t h i s w i s e to his father, w h o took

) X I I , 175, repeated in but slightly different wording in X I I . 2 7 7 ; translated " Vier philosophische Texte des Mahbhratam," pp. 118122.

into

English by J. 3fuir Metrical Translations from Sanskrit Writers, pp. 2832 ; into German by
Deus8em

) Almost every verse which is uttered by the son here in the Mahbhrata just as well occur in a B uddhistic or Jainistie text. A s a matter of fact X I I . 174,

could 7*9,

53

418

INDIAN L TERATURE I
W h a t course should I , to d u t y true, M y sire, from y o u t h to a g e pursue ? Father. " B e g i n t h y course w i t h study ; store T h e mind w i t h h o l y Vedie lore. That stage completed,seek a wife, A n d gain t h e fruit of wedded life, A race of sons b y rites to seal, W h e n thou art gone, t h y spirit's weal. T h e n l i g h t t h e sacred fires, and b r i n g T h e g o d s a fitting offering. W h e n a g e draws n i g h , the world forsake, T h y chosen h o m e t h e forest m a k e ; A n d there, a c a l m , ascetic s a g e , A war a g a i n s t thy passions w a g e , T h a t , cleansed from every earthly stain, T h o u m a y s t supreme perfection g a i n . ) Son. " A n d art t h o u t h e n , m y father, wise, W h e n t h o u d o s t such a life advise ? W h a t wise or t h o u g h t f u l m a n d e l i g h t s I n formal s t u d i e s , e m p t y rites ? S h o u l d such pursuits and t h o u g h t s e n g a g e A mortal more t h a n half his a g e ? T h e world is ever v e x e d , distressed ; T h e noiseless robbers never rest. Father. " Tell h o w the world is v e x e d , distressed ; W h a t noiseless robbers never rest ? W h a t m e a n s t h y dark, a l a r m i n g speech ? I n plainer words t h y m e a n i n g teach.
1

does recur in the Uttar-Xdhyyana-Stra (14, 21-23) of the Jainas, and X I I , 174, 13 corresponds almost literally w i t h the verses of the Buddhist Dhammapada, 47 f. A similar dialogue occurs also in the Jtaka No. 509, cf. J. Ch arpentier, -) ZDMG. 62, 1908, 725 ff, That is the brahmanical doctrine of the Asramas, see above, pp. 233 I .

EPICS

AND

PURAS

Son, " T h e world is vexed by death ; D o s t t h o u n o t note the circling decay flight

T h e frames of mortals wears a w a y . Of those still robbers, d a y and n i g h t , W i t h s t e a l t h y tread w h i c h h u r r y i n g p a s t , Steal all our lives a w a y at last ? W h e n well I k n o w h o w death infests T h i s world of w o e , and never rests, H o w can I still, in t h o u g h t l e s s m o o d , Confide in future earthly g o o d ? S i n c e life w i t h every n i g h t t h a t g o e s , Still shorter, and y e t shorter g r o w s , M u s t not the wise perceive h o w v a i n A r e all their d a y s that y e t remain ? W e , w h o m life's narrow bounds confine, L i k e fish in s h a l l o w water, pine. W h i l e men on of her t h o u g h t s are b e n t , L i k e those on g a t h e r i n g flowers i n t e n t , A s lambs b y w o l v e s are snatched a w a y , T h e y fall to death a sudden p r e y , Before t h e y y e t the good have g a i n e d For w h i c h t h e y every nerve had strained. N o m o m e n t lose ; in serious mood B e g i n a t once t o practise g o o d ; To-morrows task to-day conclude ; T h e e v e n i n g ' s work complete a t n o o n : N o d u t y can be done too soon. W h o k n o w s w h o m death m a y seize t o - n i g h t A n d who shall see th<- morning' l i g h t ? A n d death will never s t o p to ask, I f thou h a s t done, or not, t h y task. W h i l e y e t a y o u t h , from folly c e a s e ; T h r o u g h virtue seek for c a l m and peace. S o shalt thou here a t t a i n r e n o w n , A n d future bliss t h y lot shall crown.

IDIAtf LttERAtlBE
D e a t h interrupts t h e f u t i l e dreams O f men w h o , p l u n g e d in various schemes. Are t h i n k i n g : " This or that is d o n e ; T h i s still t o do ; t h a t j u s t begun. A s torrents undermine t h e ranks O f stately trees that c r o w n their b a n k s , A n d sweep t h e m d o w n w a r d s to the m a i n , D e a t h tears from earth t h o s e dreamers v a i n .

W h i l e s o m e are all on traffic bent, A n d s o m e on household cares i n t e n t , Are fighting hard w i t h pressing need, A n d s t r u g g l i n g w i v e s and babes to feed, Or w i t h some other ills of life Are w a g i n g an i n c e s s a n t s t r i f e ; D e a t h these hard t o i l i n g m e n uproots, Before t h e y y e t h a v e reaped the fruits Of all their labour, all their t h o u g h t , O f all the battles t h e y h a v e f o u g h t .

D e a t h spares no class, no rank, no a g e ; H e carries off the fool, t h e s a g e , T h e k n a v e , the saint, t h e y o u n g , the old, T h e weak, t h e s t r o n g , t h e faint, t h e b o l d .

A s soon as m e n are born, decay A n d death b e g i n t o h a u n t their w a y . H o w canst t h o u , t h o u g h t l e s s , careless, rest, W h e n endless w o e s t h y life infest ; W h e n pains and p a n g s t h y s t r e n g t h c o n s u m e , T h y frame to dissolution d o o m ?

Forsake the b u s y h a u n t s of m e n , F o r there has d e a t h his f a v o u r i t e den. I n lonely forests seek t h y h o m e , F o r there t h e g o d s d e l i g h t to roam.

EPICS A N D

PURAAS

421

F a s t bound b y old a t t a c h m e n t ' s spell, M e n love a m i d their k i n to d w e l l , T h i s bond t h e s a g e asunder t e a r s ; T h e fool to rend i t never dares.

T h o u dost advise t h a t I should please W i t h sacrifice t h e deities. S u c h rites I d i s r e g a i d as v a i n ; T h r o u g h t h e s e can n o n e perfection g a i n . W h y sate t h e g o d s , a t cruel f e a s t s , W i t h flesh and blood of s l a u g h t e r e d beasts ? F a r other sacrifices I W i l l offer u n r e m i t t i n g l y ; T h e sacrifice of c a l m , of t r u t h , T h e sacrifice of peace, of r u t h . Of life serenely, purely, s p e n t , Of t h o u g h t profound on B r a h m a b e n t . W h o offers these, m a y death d e f y , A n d hope for i m m o r t a l i t y .

A n d t h e n t h o u sayst t h a t I should wed, A n d sons should g a i n to t e n d m e , dead, B y offering pious g i f t s , to seal, W h e n I a m g o n e , m y spirit's weal. B u t I shall ask no pious zeal O f sons to guard m y future w e a l . N o child of m i n e shall ever boast H i s rites h a v e saved his father's g h o s t . '
i )

T h e r e is no greater treasure for t h e B r a h m a n t h a n solitude, e q u a n i m i t y , t r u t h , virtue, s t e a d f a s t n e s s , m i l d n e s s , u p r i g h t n e s s , of all dealings. How and the renunciation

shall treasures, relatives, or a w i f e , profit thee, O S e e k t h e self (the t m a n ) w h i c h is hidden

Brahman,

as t h o u m u s t d i e ?

w i t h i n thee ! W h i t h e r have t h y ancestors, w h i t h e r has t h y father departed ? "

Thus this dialogue, apparently moving entirely in Bud dhistic ranges of thought, leads into the tmantheory of the

>) Translated by J. Muir I.e.

422

INDIAN LITERATURE

Vednta, with which we became acquainted in the Upanisads. And this is by no means remarkable. The ancient Indian sects of ascetics hardly differed more distinctly from one another than, for instance, the various Protestant sects in Great Britain today. I t is therefore no wonder that, in the edifying stories, dialogues and maxims of the ascetic poetry which has been embodied in the Mahbhrata, there are to be found so many thoughts which are in accord with the Upaniads, as well as with the sacred texts of the Buddhists and the Jainas.
THE DIDAC TIC SEC TIONS OF THE MAHBHRATA.
1}

Most of the Itihsas and Itihsasavdas discussed in the preceding chapter are to be found in the numerous and extensive didactic sections of the Mahbhrata. Such sections, now shorter, now longer, are scattered in almost all the books of the Mahbhrata, and they deal with the three things which the Indians term iVti i.e. worldly wisdom, especially for kings, therefore also " politics," Dharma, i.e. systematic law as well as general morality, and Moksa i.e. " liberation/' as the final aim of all philosophy. These things are, however, not always presented in the form of pleasing narratives and beautiful sayings ; we also find long sections containing dry asdust discussions, especially upon philosophy in Book X I I and upon law in Book X I I I . I t may already be seen from our outline of the contents that Books X I I and X I I I have nothing at all to do with the actual epic, but that the events related in Book X I V are connected directly with the end of Book X I . The interpola tion of these two extensive books is made possible by the singular legend which we have already considered above. Bhma pierced by countless arrows, lies on the battlefield,

On the style and contents of these didactic sections cf. 0 , Strauss,

ZDMG. 62

1908, pp. 661 ff., and Ethische Probleme aus dem Mahbhrata, Firenze 1912 (from GSAI. 24,1911).

EPICS

AND

PURAS

423

but, as he can determine the hour of his death for himself, decides to die half a year later.* The intervening period is used by the mortally wounded hero, who is at the same time a lawyer, a theologian, and a yogin to lecture Yudhithira upon philosophy, morality and law. Book X I I begins with Yudhi thira being in despair because so many brave warriors and near relatives have been massacred. He bursts out into self accusations, and resolves, in his despair, to withdraw from the world and end his life as a forest hermit. The brothers try to dissuade him from it, and this gives rise to long detailed discussions whether renunciation and retirement from the world, or whether the fulfilment of the duties of a householder and king are right. The wise Vysa also is present, and declares t h a t a king should first fulfil all his duties, and retire into the forest only in t h e evening of his life. However, he refers Yudhithira to Bhma who will instruct him fully in all the duties of a king. So Yudhithira, after he has been consecrat ed as king, actually goes with a great retinue to Bhma who is still lying on the battlefield, in order to question him first upon the duties of a king, and further upon other matters. The speeches of Bhma upon law, morality and philosophy fill Books X I I and X I I I . The first half of Book X I I (nti Parvan), consisting of the two sections " Instruction in a king's duties " and " Instruc tion in t h e law in cases of distress and d a n g e r , " deals above all with the dignity and duties of a king, teachings of politics (nti) being occasionally inserted, and further also with the duties of the four castes and the four stages of life (sramas) generally, with duties towards parents and teachers, the right conduct in distress and danger, selfrestraint, asceticism and
2)

) C f. above, p. 363 Note 1. V. V. Iyer, Notes of a Study of the Preliminary of the Mahabharat9, pp. 271 ff. ; and Olderiberg, ) Rjadharmnusanaparvan (l13O)

Chapters

D a s Mahabharta, pp. 76 ff. Hopkins, Great (131173),

Epic of India, pp. 381 ff, applies to these books ( X I I . X I I I ) the term " pseudoepic" and Apaddharmnusanaparvan

424

INDIAN

I TERATURE L
1

love of truth, the relationship between the three aims of life, ) and so on. The second half of t h e book, containing the section of the " Instruction in the duties which lead to liberation," is principally of philosophical content. Yet we find here besides long, dry and often confused discussions upon cosmogony, psychology, the principles of ethics or the doctrine of liberation, many of the most beautiful legends, parables, dialogues and moral aphorisms, some of which have already been discussed in the preceding chapter. And though this Book X I I as a whole only presents an inartistically jumbled compilation, it yet contains many a priceless gem of poetry and wisdom. This book is of inestimable value, too, as a source for Indian philosophy. While Book X I I can be termed, in a certain sense, a " m a n u a l of philosophy," Book X I I I (AnusanaParvan) is essentially nothing but a manual of law. Indeed, there are large portions in this book which contain nothing but quota tions from, or exact parallels to, well known lawbooks, e.g. that of Manu. W e shall see in a later section that Indian legal literature, too, consists mainly of metrical textbooks and can be classed as didactic poetry. The only distinction between Book X I I I of the Mahbhrata and the lawbooks (Dharmastras) is that in the former the dry presentation is frequently interrupted by the narration of legends, which indeed are mostly extremely silly and insipid. While Book X I I , even though it did not belong to the original epic, yet was probably inserted at a comparatively early date, there can be no doubt with regard to Book X I I I , that it was made a component part of the Mahbhrata at a still later time. I t bears all the marks of a later fabrication. Nowhere in the
2) 5

) Dharma, artha and kma cf. above, p. 326 Note. ) Mokadharmnusana (174 ff.), completely translated in Deussen's " Vier

philosophische Texte des Mahbhratam."

3

) Of the kind quoted above, pp 402ff

EPICS A N D P U R A S

425

Mahbhrata, to mention only one thing, are the claims of the Brahmans to supremacy over all other strata of society vindicated in such an arrogant and exaggerated manner as in Book X I I I . A large part of the book deals with the Dnadharma, i.e. the laws and precepts upon generosity ; generosity, however, is always to be understood only in the sense of the giving of presents to the Brahmans. Besides in these two books, and apart from smaller passages not exceeding one or two cantos, we also find large didactic sections in Books I I I , V, VI, X I and X I V . W e find in Book I I I (2S33) a l o n g conversation between Drau padI. Yudhihira and Bhma upon ethical questions, in which Draupad quotes a dialogue between Bali and Prahlda and a " Niti of Bhaspati." I n the same book we find (205216) the dissertations of Mrkarideya upon the virtues of women (205 f), upon forbearance towards living beings (Ahis 206208), upon the power of destiny, renunciation of the world and liberation, upon doctrines of the Skhya philo sophy (210) and of the Vednta (211), upon the duties to wards parents (214 ff.) and others. Book V contains long lectures of Vidura upon morality and worldly wisdom (3340) and the philosophical doctrines of the eternally young Sanat sujta (4146). I n Book V I (2542) we meet with the famous B h a g a v a d g t , to which the Anuglt in Book X I V (1651) forms a kind of continuation or supplement.* The consolatory speeches of Vidura in Book X I (27) again move in the province of ethics.
1}

Of all these didactic portions of the Mahbhrata, none has attained to such popularity and fame as the B h a g a v a d g t
3 )

) III. 32, 61.

2

) The three philosophical poems B hagavadgt,

Sanatsujtya and A n u g t

have

been translated into English by KshinthlTrimbak Telang in SB E., Vol. 8, and into German by Deussen. " Vier philosophische Texte des Mahbhratam."
8

) The full title is Bhagavadgt Bhagavat

upaniadah,

" the esoteric doctrines delivered

by god

the Exalted One."

" the Exalted One, the Adorable," is the epith*t of the

54

426

INDIAN

LITERATURE

or the " L o r d ' s Song." I n India itself there is scarcely any book which is read so much and esteemed so highly as the Bhagavadgt. It is the sacred book of the Bhgava tas a Viuite sect, but it is a book of devotion and edification for every Hindu, to whatever sect he may belong. The historian K a l h a a relates of a king of Kashmir, Avanti varman who died in 883 A. D., that in the hour of his death he had the Bhagavadgt read to him from beginning to end, whereupon, thinking of Viu's heavenly abode, he gladly yielded up his spirit. And he was not the only Hindu to find consolation in this book in the hour of his death. There are many educated Hindus today who know the whole poem from memory. C ountless are the manuscripts of it which have been preserved. And since it was printed for the first time in the year 1809 in C alcutta, hardly a year elapses without a new reprint of the work appearing in India. C ountless also are the translations into modern Indian languages. Outside India, too, the Bhagavadgt has gained many admirers. The Arabian traveller Albrn knew the poem perfectly and appreciated it very highly. I n Europe the poem was first made known by means of the English translation by C has. Wilkins (London, 1785). The critical textedition by August Wilhelm von Schlegel, which appeared in 1823, with a Latin translation appended, was of great importance. I t was through this work that Wilhelm von Humboldt became acquainted with the poem, and his great enthusiasm about it has already been mentioned. He placed the Bhagavadgt far above Lucretius and even above Parmenides and Empedokles, and declared " t h a t this episode
15 5 5

VisQu incarnated as Ksa who recites to Arjuna the doctrines contained in the poem. Besides " B hagavadgit the short title " Gt " (i.e. " the song in India.
l

" par excetlence)

is current

) Rjataragii, V, 125. ) See E. C Sachau, Albernni's India, I, p. xxxviii ; II, Index s.v. Gt. ) See above, pp. 17 f. C f. Ges. Werke of W. v. Humboldt, I, pp. 96 and 11I.

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

427

of the Mahbhrata is the most beautiful, nay perhaps even the only truly philosophical poem which we can find in all the literatures known to u s . " Wilhelm von Humboldt dealt in detail with the poem in a long dissertation of the Berlin Academy (182526), " ber die unter dem Namen Bhagavad gt bekannte Episode des Mahbhrata," and in a lengthy review of Schlegel's edition and translation. * I t was trans lated repeatedly into European languages.* The poem is to be found in a place where one would least of all expect it, at the beginning of Book V I , where the descriptions of the great fight commence. All prepara tions for the battle have been made. The two armies con front each other ready for the fray. Then Arjuna lets his warchariot halt between the two armies and surveys the hosts of the Kauravas and Pavas armed for the fight. And as he sees on both sides " fathers and grandfathers, teachers, uncles and brothers, sons and grandsons, friends, fathersinlaw and companions," he is overcome by a feeling of deepest pity ; horror seizes him at the thought that he is to fight against relatives and friends; it appears to him sin and madness to intend to murder those for whose very sake one otherwise goes to war. When Ka reproaches him with weakness and softheartedness Arjuna declares that he is quite at a loss, that he does not know whether it is better to be victorious or to be defeated, and finally he implores Kra
J) 2

) Also Ges. Werke, I, 26109.

a

) In Schlegel's " Indische B ibliothek," Vol. II. 1824, pp. 218 ff., 328 ff. Also Ges. ) English translations b y J. C Thomson, Hertford, 1855 ; K. T. Telang (in verse,

Werke, I , 110184.
3

Bombay, 1875 ; prose in S B E . , Vol. 8) ; John Davies Caleb (1911) ; L. D. Barnett (1869) ; F. Lorinser (in Temple Classics). by Annie Besant and B hagavan Das, B enares, 1905.

(1882) ; Edwin Arnold (1885) ; C C Translation German translations by C. R. S. Peiper

Sanskrit text with English

(1869) ; R. Boxberger (187O); P. Deussen (in " Vier philosophische Texte vernaculars and in European languages s. Holtttmann,

des Mahbhratam ") ; R. Garbe (1905, 2nd ed. 1921) ; and L. v. Schroeder (Jena, 1912). For other translations both in Indian Das Mahbhrata, II, 129 ff.

428

INDIAN

L I T E R A T U R E

to instruct him as to what he should really do in this conflict of duties. Thereupon Ka answers him with a detailed philosophical discourse, whose immediate purpose is to convince Arjuna that it is his duty as a warrior to fight, what ever the consequences may be. Thus he says :
5

" Thou

hast

grieved

over t h e m for

whom

grief is u n m e e t , t h o u g h grieve not and for never when and is them have we old not

thou speakest words of understanding. " Never have I not been,

The learned never hast

whose lives are fled nor for t h e m whose lives are not fled. thou yet these princes of m e n n o t been ; and never shall not all be. A s t h e B ody's T e n a n t g o e s t h r o u g h childhood and a g e in t h i s body, so does it pass confounded therein I t is t h e s e bodies of Bharatas race. H e w h o d e e m s This to be a slayer, and he w h o thinks This to be slain, are alike w i t h o u t d i s c e r n m e n t ; T h i s s l a y s not, neither is it s l a i n . T h i s never is born, and never dies, nor m a y it after b e i n g c o m e to be not ; t h i s unborn, everlasting, the b o d y is slain A s a m a n lays aside o u t w o r n g a r m e n t s and takes others t h a t are new. W e a p o n s cleave not T h i s , w i n d dries it n o t U n s h o w n is T h i s called, u n t h i n k a b l e T h i s , unalterable T h i s ; therefore, k n o w i n g i t in this wise, t h o u d o s t not well to g r i e v e
2 5

shall t i m e

come

manhood wise man

to

other bodies ; t h e unperishing, Therefore,

the

everlasting,

incomprehensible fight, O thou of

B o d y D w e l l e r t h a t have an end, as it is said.

again

a b i d i n g A n c i e n t is n o t slain w h e n new,

so the B o d y D w e l l e r p u t s a w a y outworn bodies and g o e s to others t h a t are fire burns not T h i s , waters w e t not This,

So Ka says : There is no cause for mourning over the imminent murder, for man himself, i.e. the spirit, is eternal

) On the teaching of the B hagavadgt see R. G. Bhandarkar, etc (Grundriss I I I . 6 ) , pp. 14 ff. : and J. E. C arpenter,

Vaisavism, aivism, Pavolini,

Theism in Mediaeval India, London,

1921, pp. 250 ff. Some less known monographs on the Gt are discussed by P. E. GSAL 24, 1911, pp. 395 ff,
2

) II. 1113. 1820. 22. 23. 25, translated by L. D.

Bamett

EPICS

AND

PURAS

429
1

and indestructible, it is only the bodies which are destroyed. * And from this he leads on to exhort Arjuna to go forth into the righteous war in the spirit of his duty as a warrior. Happy the warrior to whose lot such a fight falls, which opens the gates of Heaven for him ! If he does not fight he burdens himself with shame worse than death. If he falls in the battle, he is assured of heaven ; if he is victorious he will rule the earth. Therefore he must in any case fight. However, all the subsequent explanations of the sage Ka and later of the god, for in the course of the poem it is more and more the god Ka who speaks to Arjuna, are in irreconcilable contradiction to this speech of the hero Ka. For all the other expositions of the Bhagavadgt upon the ethics of action culminate in the doctrine that man should, indeed, act according to his duty, b a t without any consideration for success or failure, without troubling about the possible reward. For it is only such desireless action which is to a certain extent compatible with the real ethical ideal which consists in the givingup of all works, in nonaction, in complete renunciation of the world. I n fact, in spite of this, there still runs through the whole poem an unsolved contra diction between the quietistic morality of asceticism which points to meditation pursued quite apart from the world and the striving for the highest knowledge as the way to salvation, and the morality of action which, at least among the philo sophers, has never been properly acknowledged in India. I t is true that Kra teaches that there exist two paths to salvation, the path of knowledge and the path of action. B u t so long as the spirit is bound to the body, it would only be hypocrisy to say that man can live without performing

) There is no murder or act of violence which could able sophistry.

not be justified by this miser On the

It is surprising that the pious readers of the Git do not see this.

unsolved and insoluble contradiction between the principles of the Gt and the morality of war forming the startingpoint of Ka's speeches, see W. L. Hare, and West, London, 1923, pp. 169 ff. Mysticism of East

430

NDIAN

LITERATURE
1}

actions. For matter is always connected with G u a s (constituents)sattva (lightness, goodness), rajas (energy, passion), tamas (darkness, heaviness, ignorance)through which of necessity actions arise. All that man can do, therefore, is to fulfil his duty without wishes, without desires. For " as the fire is concealed by smoke, as the mirror is covered by dirt, as an embryo is protected by the amnion so knowledge is surrounded by desire, t h a t eternal enemy of the knower." Therefore, he who acts without desire approaches the most closely to the real ideal, which lies on the path of knowledge. How high the Bhagavadgt places knowledge as a way to salvation is shown by these verses (IV, 86 f.) :
2)

" E v e n if y o u are the m o s t sinful of all sinful m e n , all trespasses b y means of the boat of kindled, all actions to ashes. >
8

y o u will cross over As a fire well

k n o w l e d g e alone.

O A r j u n a ! reduces fuel to ashes, so the fire of k n o w l e d g e reduces

And according to the Bhagavadgt, too, he who, turned away entirely from all earthly things, strives for knowledge in meditation only, is a yogin the ideal of the saint and the sage. The yogin maintains his calmness of soul " in cold and heat, in joy and sorrow, in honour and dishonour." A block of earth, a stone and a lump of gold are alike in value to him. He is one and the same to friends and foes, to strangers and relatives, to good people and bad. Sitting in a lonely place deep in contemplation, " he gazes without moving, at the tip of his nose." ' As a light does not flicker in a place where there is no wind ' : that is the simile, known from of old, for the yogin, who curbs his thoughts and yields himself entirely to absorption ( y o g a ) . " But while
4)
l

) On the Skhya doctrine

of

the three Guas see R. C a?be,

Die

Saipkhya of Indian

Philosophie,

2nd ed., Leipzig, 1917, pp. 272 ff, ; and S, Dasgupta,

History

Philosophy, I, pp. 243 ff. ) I I I , 38 f.

3

) Translated by K. T. Telang S B E . , Vol. 8, p . 62. In a letter to Gentz Wilh v. Humboldt writes that the former will

) V I , 719.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

431

in the Upanisads meditation and thought are regarded as the only path to knowledge and salvation, the Bhagavadgt knows yet another path, that of Bhakti i.e. love and devotion towards God.> I n answer to the question of Arjuna whether he who is unable to lend his spirit absolutely and entirely to abstraction is lost, Ka replies : " No one who

understand how deeply the Indian poem must have impressed him. unlike the absorbed ones (i.e. yogins) who are described in it." von Gentz published by G. Schlesier. Mannheim, 1840,
l

" For I am

not so

(Schriften von

Friedrich

V, p. 300.) else in the B hagavadgt, (B reslau the

) It is this idea of Bhakti

which, more than anything

reminds us of C hristian

ranges of thought.

Elsewhere too, the accord with Christian ideas in the appendix to his translation

is so marked that the attempt of F. Lorinser,

1869), to prove Christian influence in t h e B hagavadgt, must not be repudiated from development, highly interesting for the history of religion,

outset. B ut Lormser's thorough investigation in itself proves that this is parallelism of and not a case of borrowing. Christian Lorinser is convinced " that the author of the B hagavadgt not only knew and frequently utilised the scriptures of the N e w Testament, but also wove into his system ideas and views in general." and he wishes to prove " that this muchadmired monument of the ancient Indian mind, this most beautiful and most exalted didactic poem, which can be regarded as one of the most precious blossoms of heathen philosophy, owes its purest and most highly praised doctrines for the most part" to Christian sources. tendencies, Lorinser has compared everything Guided b y such with which in any way admits of comparison. B ut of

the more than a hundred passages from the Gospels which Lorinser quotes as parallel that a case of borrowing could be at all thought of. accidental agreement.

passages in the B hagavadgt, I have found twentyfive at the most that are of such a kind Not in one single instance, however, is I the resemblance such that the supposition of borrowing were more probable than that of an Mystical love towards God, too, is not limited to Christianity, need refer only to Sufism in which it plays no less a part than with the Christian mystics. The expositions of Lorinser have indeed convinced few Indologists up to the present. E. W. Hopkins, India, Old by Christianity. G. Even A. Weber, who himself (" Griechen in Indien," SB A., 1890, p. 930) traces B hakti back to Christian influences, is of opinion that Lorinser goes too far. in favour Howells and New, N e w York, 1902, 146 ff.) is the only scholar who has expressed a decided opinion of the theory that the B hagavadgt was influenced (The Soul of India, London, 1913, 425 ff ) compares the doctrines of the Gt with Most scholars agree that the doctrine of B hakti

those of the New Testament, and seeks to trace points of agreement, without asserting that the Gt w a s dependent on Christianity. can be explained by earlier Indian teachings, and that the hypothesis of Christian influence on the B hagavadgt is unlikely, on historical grounds. C f. J. Muir Ind. Ant, 4, 1875, pp. 77 ff.j A. Barth, RHR., 11, 1885, pp. 57 f. (Oeuvres I, 370 I) J. van den Gheyn and The Religions of India, transl., Sedgwick, London, 1889, 220 f.; Le Muson 17, 1898, pp. 57 ff. ; L. J.

J R A S 23, 1910, 111 ff.; A. B . Keith, B f.

JRAS. 1907, 490 ff.j Grierson, ERE. II

(1909), pp. 547 ff.; and esp. R, C arbe und das Christentum, 1914, pp. 227

Die B hagavadgt (2nd Ed.), pp. 66 ff., and Indien ^

432

INDIAN

LITERATURE

has done good is quite lost." He who has done his duty in this world, is after death born again according to his merits, in a good, pious family, and after several rebirths gradually obtains the capability of becoming a yogin. " A n d even among all devotees," says Ka * " h e who, being full of faith, worships me, with his inmost self intent on me, is esteemed by me to be the most devoted." Out of the love of God arises the knowledge of God, and true liberation. Kfa teaches this again and again :
1

" E v e n if a very illconducted m a n He

worships m e , not worshipping

any (You

one else, he m u s t certainly be deemed to be g o o d , for he has w e l l may) son of (need affirm, O Pth ! be said son even of)
2

resolved. For, O and then (my)

soon becomes d e v o u t of heart, and obtains l a s t i n g tranquillity. of K u n t l ! t h a t m y devotee is never ruined. those holy me, attain the supreme royal goal. who What are w h o are of sinful birth, w o m e n , Vaiyas, B rahmans and saints

dras likewise, resorting to devotees? >

The moral action and all the virtues of the yogin, too, gain their chief value through the love of God :
" Hateless t h o u g h t of a patient, ever c o n t e n t , t h e is dear t o M e . He before w h o m the world is n o t d i s m a y e d and w h o is not d i s m a y e d impartial, free from terrors, w h o renounces
3

toward and

all

born

b e i n g s , f r i e n d l y , and pitiful, void of t h e bearing indifferently pain and pleasure,

Mine

an I ,

M a n of the R u l e subdued of spirit and steadfast of on Me and worships Me,

purpose, w h o has set m i n d a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g

before t h e world, w h o is void of joy, i m p a t i e n c e , fear and d i s m a y , desireless pure, skilful, all u n d e r t a k i n g s and worships M e , is dear to Me. )

The kernel of all the ethical teachings of the Bhagavad gt however, is contained in the verse which the commenta tors rightly call the " quintessence verse " :

') VI, 47. Transi, by K. T. Telang, SB E Vol. 8, p. 73. ) IX, 3033. Transi, by K. T. Telang, SB E., Vol. 8, p. 85, ) XII. 1316. Transi, by L. D. Barnett,

EPICS " He who does M y work,

A N D PURAS who is g i v e n over to M e , w h o is to any born being, O

433
devoted son of

t o M e , void of a t t a c h m e n t , w i t h o u t hatred Pu c o m e s t o Me. >

Here is also expressed what, according to the Bhagavad gt constitutes liberation or the highest good : coming to, or union with, God. This is to be understood " as elevation of the soul to a godlike state, as individual perpetuation in the presence of God. There are, then, three paths which lead to this goal : the path of dutiful, desireless action, the path of knowledge, and the path of the love of God. And it is at least attempted, though not always successfully, to bring the three paths into harmony with one another. The first path can, indeed, be combined with the third, and the love of God leads to the knowledge of God, thus meeting the second path. Thus the contradictions in the ethical teachings of the Bhagavadgt can to a certain extent be overcome. There are, however, other contradictions in the poem staring us in the face at every turn. Kra invariably speaks of himself as a personal god, as the creator, who is eternal and imperishable, but is nevertheless born into the world or creates himself at such times when a decrease in religion is imminent ; this is especially the case in the passages dealing with bhakti (IV, 5 ff.). I n other places, again, he teaches that he is in all beings, and all beings in him (VI, 30 f.). " This All is strung on me, like pearls on a string. I am the taste in the water, O son of Kunt I am the light in the sun and moon, the syllable Om in all the Vedas, the sound in the atmosphere and the bravery in men," etc. ( V I I , 7 ff.). This doctrine, according to which God is separate from the
5 2) 5

>) X I . 55. Transl. by L. D.

2

Barnett.

Garbe, Die B hagavadgtt (2nd E d . ) , p. 65. Ethische Probleme aus dem " Mahbhrata," Firenze 1912 (GSAI.

) Otto Strauss,

2 4 , 1 9 1 1 ) , pp. 3 0 9 ff., gives a good summary of the ethics of the Gt which he presents as a compromise between the contradictory doctrines.

55

434

I N D I A N

L I T E

N A T U R E

world, though at the same time immanent in it, is taught as a great secret ( I X , 1 ff.). There is, however, a third cate gory of passages where Ka is not mentioned at all, but which speak quite abruptly of the brahman (neuter) as the sole and highest world principle in the sense of the monism of the Upaniads. Moreover, side by side with verses mentioning the Veda in an almost scornful tone ( I I , 42 ff.), we find other passages recommending the sacrifices prescribed in the Veda, and even describing the sacrifice as " a magic cow which fulfils all wishes " ( I I I , 10), which is difficult to reconcile with that " desireless action " that is so often praised. This doctrine of desireless action is sometimes described by the term Yoga, The same term is, however, used to denote various things. The usual meaning is what is generally understood by Yoga in Indian literature, i.e., the doctrine of absorption, and of the methods by which man can withdraw from the senseworld and become entirely absorbed in the deity. I t is in this sense t h a t the Bhagavadgt is sometimes called a Yooastra^ or manual of Yoga. This " practical philosophy " of the yoga has its psychological and metaphysical foundation in the Sdmkhya}i The Skhya, however, teaches differen tiation between spirit (purua) and matter (prakti), plurality of souls, and independence and eternity of matter, and explains the creation as an unfolding of the world from original matter. Now all these are doctrines diametrically opposed to the doctrine of unity taught by the Upanisads and the V ednta. I n spite of this, the passages dealing with the brahman, teach the doctrine of universal unity as well. How can all these contradictions be explained ? Scholars are by no means unanimous on this point. Some are content

) In V, 4 f., it is explained with great emphasis that Skhya and Yoga are one. In X V I I I . 13, skhye ktnte cannot mean anything but " i n the Saiukhyu, system." X V I I I . 19, guasainkhyna is explained by ankara as Kpila stra. of the San*,khya system, is called the first of the perfect sages, in X , 26. In Kapila the founder

EPICS

AND

PURAS

435

to say that all these contradictions simply result from the fact that the Bhagavadglt is not a systematic philosophical work, but a mystical poem, and that, in the words of Franklin Edgerton, the most decided and consistent exponent of this opinion, it is " poetic, mystical, and devotional, rather than logical and philosophical." W. von Humboldt had already said : " I t is a sage, speaking out of the fulness and inspira tion of his knowledge and of his feeling, not a philosopher trained in a school, classifying his material in accordance with a definite method, and arriving at the last principles of his doctrine by a skilful chainwork of ideas." On the other hand, other scholars maintain that there are limits even for mystical poetry, and that the contradictions in the Gt can better be explained by the assumption that the poem has not come down to us in its original form, but like most parts of the Mahbharata has only received its present form as a result of interpolations and revisions. Some scholars had assumed that the Bhagavadgt had originally been a pan theistic poem, which was remodelled later by the devotees of Viu into a theistic poem. This is very improbable, for in spite of all the contradictions the whole character of the work is predominantly theistic. God appears as an essentially personal god, who, as a teacher, and in human incarnation, requires devotion (bhakti) of his worshippers.
15

) "Ueber die unter dem Namen B hagavadgt bekannte Episode des Mahbhrata," Schriften V, p. 325). The following take up more or less the same transla

1825 (Gesammelte

point of v i e w : K T. Telang SB E., Vol. 8, pp. 11 ff.; E. W. Hopkins, Jit AS. 1905, pp. 384 ff.. and Cambridge History I, 2 7 3 ; L v. 8chroeder in the Introduction to his German tion; B , Faddegon, 1906, pp. 12 ff.; D. van Hinloopen Labberton, ZDMG. 66, 1912, 603 I.; R. G. anikara's Gtbhya, toegelicht en beoordeeld, Diss, Amsterdam Bhandarkar, Ethische Probleme aus dem Mahbhrata. JRAS. 1913, p. 197; 1915,

Vaisavism, aivi&m, etc., pp. 157 ff.; 0 . Strauss, p. 5 4 8 . H. Oldenberg, H. Jacobi, NGGW.

(GSAI. 24, 1911), p. 3 1 0 ; ZDMG. 67, 1913, 7 l 4 f f . ; A. B . Keith,

1919, 321 ff., and Das Mahabharata, pp. 39, 43, 7 0 f f . ; The B hagavad Gita interpreted,

J. N. Farqu,har, Outline of the Religions Literature of India, London 1920, pp. 90 f; DLZ. 1921, 7 l 5 ff.!j 1922, 266 ff.; F. Edgerton, Chicago 1925.

436

INDIAN LITERATURE
1

Taking this for granted, R. Garbe * made a direct attempt to reconstruct the original poem, by printing in small type in his translation all verses which he considers unauthentic i.e. interpolated from the viewpoint of the Vedanta philosophy and the orthodox brahmanical religion. I was formerly in entire agreement with Garbe.* However, after repeated readings of the Gt and the most thorough investigation of the passages cut out by Garbe, I have come to the conclusion that even the original poem did not teach pure theism, but theism tinged with pantheism. I do not now believe that we are justified in pronouncing as interpolated all those passages where Ka speaks of himself as immanent in the world, as for instance the beautiful verses VII, 7 ff. On the other hand, I still agree with Garbe that those passages where mention is suddenly made of the brahman (neut.) without any reference to Ka whatsoever, are interpolated (e.g. I I , 72; V, 6, 7, 10; VII, 2 9 V I I I , 4 etc.), as well as the passages where ritual and sacrifices are recommended or glorified (e.g. I l l , 918; I X , 1619 etc.). I think, too that the original Bhagavadgt was much shorter, and that the work in its present form contains many more interpolations and additions than are assumed by Garbe. The very fact that the Bhaga vadgt contains exactly 18 Adhyyas, just as the Mahbhrata is divided into 18 Parvans and as there are 18 Puras, is suspicious. * C anto X I , where Ka reveals himself to Arjuna in his godlike form, is of the nature of a Pura rather than like the work of the poet of the first sections.
3

) In his translation of the B hagavadgt, see also ERE. I I . 535 ff. and DLZ. 1922, 98 ff. ; 605 f. ) Also F. 0 . Schrder, with Garbe. the Gta. Garbe. 3 ) C f. Hophins, Great Epic, p. 37 I. ZDMG. 64, 340, and A. Rillebrandt, GGA. 1915, p. 628, agree Garbe Grierson, too ( E R E . I I , 540 f.; Ind. Ant. 37, 1908, 257) agrees with

in counting the passages where

" B r a h m a i s m " is taught, among the " l a t e r " portions of adopted by

The scholars mentioned in Note 2 are the opponents of the view

EPICS

AND

PURAS

437

I t is this very conviction of mine that the author of the original Gt was a great poet, that makes me hesitate to attribute to him such verses as X I , 26 ff., where the heroes of the epic are visioned as hanging between the teeth of the god,a vision by which a further excuse for the killing of the enemy is added to those already given in C anto I I : namely Arjuna need not hesitate to kill the enemies, because in reality they have "already been killed (by God)," There can hardly be any doubt that the Bhagavadgt did not belong to the original heroic poem. I t is scarcely imaginable t h a t an epic poet would make his heroes hold a philosophical conversation of 650 verses in the midst of the description of a battle. I n all probability the original epic included only a very short dialogue between Arjuna and the hero and charioteer (not the god) Kna. This dialogue was, as it were, the germ from which the present didactic poem grew. This didactic poem was originally, by its very nature, a text of the Bhgavatas, wherein the doctrine of bhakti in conjunction with the yoga doctrine of desireless action was taught on the foundation of the Skhya. There is evidence from inscriptions that, as early as the beginning of the 2nd century B. C . the religion of the Bhgavatas had found adherents even among the Greeks in Gandhra.
15 2) 5

) Those scholars, too, who reject Garbe's views, do not all believe in the of the Gt Hopkins (Great Epic, pp. 215, 234 f.) Oldenberg, speaks of the GtS as clearly rewritten by a modernising hand." (NGGW. 1919, 333 f., 336
2

unity

too, thinks it likely that the earliest Gt are an appendix or appendices

concluded with I I , 38, and that Adhyyas X I I 1 X V I I I f.). ) H. Jacobi (ZDMG. 72,

See also Strauss, Ethische Probleme, pp. 312 t 1918, 323 ff.) has endeavoured to trace in the poem those

verses (of Adhyyas I and I I ) which belonged to the old epic. B ut it is not impossible that there was no dialogue whatsoever between Ksa and Arjuna in the old heroic poem, and that the whole poem was originally a text independent of the epic, an Upaniad, which was inserted bodily into the epic.
3

) See J. H. Marshall,

J R A S . 1909, pp. 1053 ff.; J. F. Fleet, ib., 1087 ff.; D. R, G. Bhandarkar, Ind. Ant. 4 1 , 1912, pp. 13 ff.; Early History of the Vaishnava Sect,

Bhandarkar,

B R A S . 23, 1910, 1 0 4 f f ; R . J

Vaijavism, aivism, etc., pp. 3 f; H. Baychaudhuri, Calcutta 1920, pp 13, 52 I., 58 ff.

438

INDIAN

LITERATURE

I t is perhaps not too bold to assume that the old Bhagavadgt was written at about this time as an Upaniad of the Bhga vatas.> Its language, style and metre, too, prove the work to be one of the earlier parts of the Mahbhrata. There are references to the Gt in later sections of the epic, and the Anuglt (XIV, 1651) is surely nothing but a late imita tion and continuation of the Bhagavadgt, than which it contains a still greater variety of doctrines. The Bhagavadgt was already known to the poet Ba (in the 7th century A.D.) as a portion of the Mahbhrata, and side by side with the Upanisads and Vedntastras it formed one of the foundations of the philosophy of akara. Most likely it was already in the early centuries A.D. that it received its present form at the hands of orthodox Brahmans; in this form it became and has remained until today the most popular religious book for all Hindus. The work owes this great popularity to the very circumstance that the most conflicting philosophical doctrines and religious views are united in it, so that adherents of all schools and sects could make use of it, and even today the strictest Brahman is just as much edified by it as the adherent of the BrahmoSamaj and the believing theosophist under the leader ship of Annie Besant.
2) 3)

I t is scarcely possible, however, that the Bhagavadgt can have arisen from the start on the basis of syncretism, as the latter only made its appearance more and more in later times. I t is certain that the old and authentic Gt was the work of a true and great poet. I t is on the strength
l

) According to K. T. Telang

( SB E . . Vol. 8, p. 34) C."

the Gt is "earlier than the I agree with Edgerton when the

third century B .C.," according to R. G. fihandarkar h e says (1. c , p. 3) :

(Vaiavism, aivism, etc., p. 13) it is

"not later than the beginning of the fourth century B .

"All that we can say is that it was probably composed before ,

beginning of our era, but not more than a few centuries before it." ) XII. 346, 11 with " Hariglt " and XII, 348, 8. *) K . T. Telang, SB E, Vol. 8, p. 28.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

439

of its poetic value, the forcefulness of its language, the splendour of the images and metaphors, the breath of inspira tion which pervades the poem, that it has made such a deep impression on impressionable minds of all ages ; and I am convinced that the poetical beauties as well as the moral value of the poem would find still greater appreciation, had the poem not been mutilated by additions and interpola tions. Another textbook of the Bhgavatas is the N r y a y a ( X I I , 334351) ; this is certainly a later work than the Bhagavadgt, but even this has been augmented by addi tions. I t is a work in true pura style, which teaches t h a t perfection can only be attained by bhakti and the grace of God, who appears here under the name of Nryaa. Here, too, we find the Bhgavata religion and the philosophy of Sakhya and Yoga mingled with Vednta ideas. The paradise of the pious devotees of Nryaa, vetadvpa or " t h e white island," is described in very fantastical fashion:
15 5

The himself Meru. milk

sage aloft

Nrada by

desires to look upon the o n l y god N r y a a , whose his of original nature. He therefore of raises of On y o g a , and reaches t h e divine m o u n t a i n the ocean

faithful worshipper

he is, iu

the s t r e n g t h

G a z i n g thence to the n o r t h w e s t , he espies north the famous

" w h i t e island ' l y i n g 3 2 , 0 0 0 yojanas from Meru.

this island he sees " w h i t e men w i t h o u t sense o r g a n s , w h o take n o nourish m e n t , whose eyes do not blink, from w h o m a m o s t pleasant scent emanates, w h o are free from all sin, a t the s i g h t of w h o m evil m e n are d a z z l e d , w h o s e bodies are of bone hard as d i a m o n d , who are indifferent b o t h to honour and scorn, like unto t h e children of heaven in f o r m , endowed w i t h s h i n i n g

) Attention has of ten been called to the fact that, notwithstanding t h e m a n y beau ( SGW. B 1897); E. W. Hopkins, Religions cf India, pp. 390, 3 9 9 f

ties and lofty thoughts, the poem has many weak points. C f. 0 . Bhtlingk, B emerkungen zur B hagavadgt quoted in assent by R. Garbe, Die B hagavadgt, p. 16; and V. K. Rajwade, B handarkar Com. Vol., pp. 325 ff.
2

) See R. G.

Bhandarkar,

Vaiavism, aivism, etc pp. 4 ff., Grierson,

Ind. Ant. 37,

1908, 25lff., 373ff. 1896, pp. 162 ff.

Translated into German by Deussen,

Philosophische Texte des M aha

bhratam, pp. 748 ff, into Dutch by C, Lecoiitere in Mlanges Charles de Harlez, Leyden

440
strength, with r u s h i n g of leaves,

INDIAN

LITERATURE Their voice resembles the

heads in t h e s h a p e of s u n s h a d e s . of rain,

torrents white

t h e y h a v e four equal t e s t i c l e s , f e e t l i k e l o t u s e i g h t f a n g s ; t h e y lick t h e i r s u n l i k e faces

1 )

sixty

teeth

and

w i t h their t o n g u e s , a n d are full of love f o r G o d . '

I t seems evident that the " white i s l a n d " as well as the divine mountain Meru and the ocean of milk, belongs to the province of mythology, and not to that of historical geography. A few scholars have, however, tried to identify the ocean of milk with Lake IssykKul or Lake Balkhash, and t h e " white island " with a land of " white m e n " in the north, inhabited by Nestorian C hristians, so that we should have to assume that there was C hristian influence in t h e Nryaya. I n my opinion, the description of vetadvpa does not remind us of t h e C hristian Eucharist, b u t of heavenly regions such as Vaikuha, Goloka Kailsa and the Sukhvat paradise of the Buddha Amitbha. Though Skhya and Yoga stand in the foreground of most of the philosophical sections of the Mahbhrata, we nevertheless find everywhere interpolated passages where the Vednta is taught, and a few longer passages like t h e Sanat sujtya (V, 4146) have been inserted with an entirely Vedntist t e a c h i n g s However, as regards poetical value, there is none of t h e philosophical sections of t h e
2
x

) X I I , 335, 612. A tongue of this kind also belongs to t h e 32 characteristics of

a B uddha, w h o , however, has only forty white teeth, e.g., Suttanipta, Selasutta (SB E, Vol. 10, I I , p. 101).
a

C f. J. Kennedy,

JRAS. 19O7, 48lf., R. Garbe, AR. 16, 1 9 1 3 , 516ff and Indien und ERE. H , p. 5 4 9 . On t h e other hand, Monatsschrift fur den Orient, 4 1 , 1 9 1 5 , pp. 185 f., and H. Hopkins,

das Christentum, Tbingen 1914, pp. 192 ff., Grierson, s. Winternitz, Raychaudhuri, Oesterreich.

Early History of t h e Vaishnava Sect, p p . 79 ff. D i e SkhyaPhilosophie als Naturlehre

) For t h e philosophical doctrines contained in t h e Mahbhrata s. E . W. The Great Epic of India, pp. 85190, J. Dahlmann,

und Erlsungslehre nach d e m Mahbhrata, B erlin 1902, P. Deussen, AGPh I, 3, pp. 8144. Contrary t o Deussen and Dahlmann, I consider it wrong to speak of an "epic philosophy " as a "transition p h i l o s o p h y " between the philosophy of the Upaniads and that of t h e later systems. The epic proper has no connection with philosophy at all. and t h e "pseudo e p i c s " contains a mixture of philosophical doctrines belonging to widely different times.

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

441

Mahbhrata which could bear the least comparison with the Bhagavadgt. On the other hand, many a precious gem of Indian poetry is to be found in those didactic pieces which deal with ethical questions, e. g, the oftdiscussed question regarding the relationship of destiny and human action (karman), or con tain general ethical doctrineswithout regard to any parti cular philosophical or religious views. The following trans lations may serve at least as a small sample of the abundance of beauty and wisdom which lies hidden in these verses of the Mahbhrata:
" T h e w o u n d a foemans trenchant steel Inflicts, in t i m e again will h e a l ; T h e tree a w o o d m a n ' s a x e oerthrows Soon sprouts a g a i n , and freshly g r o w s ; B u t never more those w o u n d s are closed, W h i c h harsh and c u t t i n g words have caused. " T h e g o d s no c l u b , like herdsmen, wield To guard the man t h e y deign to shield : On those to w h o m t h e y grace will s h o w T h e y u n d e r s t a n d i n g sound b e s t o w ; B u t rob of sense and i n s i g h t all Of w h o m their wrath decrees the fall. These wretched m e n , t h e i r m i n d s d e r a n g e d , See all t h e y see distorted, c h a n g e d ; For good to t h e m as evil looms, A n d f o l l y w i s d o m ' s f o r m assumes.

" W i t h m e e k n e s s conquer wrath, and ill w i t h ruth, B y g i v i n g n i g g a r d s vanquish, lies w i t h truth. " R e v i l i n g m e e t w i t h p a t i e n c e ; ne'er T o m e n m a l i g n a n t malice bear. H a r s h tones and w r a t h f u l l a n g u a g e g r e e t W i t h g e n t l e speech and accents s w e e t . W h e n struck return n o t t h o u t h e blow.

56

442

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Even gods their admiration shew Of men who thus entreat a foe. " That foe repel not with a frown Who claims thy hospitable aid ; A tree refuses not its shade To him who comes to hew it down." " Thou markst the faults of other men, Although as mustard seeds minute; Thine own escape thy partial ken, Though each in size a Bilva fruit."
1 )

" A man should do with all his might The good his heart has once designed. Neer let him wrong with wrong requite. But be to others ever kind.'

" The good kind actions recollect, But base injurious deeds forget; On doing good to others set, They never recompense expect. " Tis not for gain, for fame, from fear. That righteous men injustice shun, And virtuous men hold virtue dear; An inward voice they seem to hear Which tells that duty must be done. " Wheneer thy acts the source must be Of good or ill to other men, Deal thou with them in all things then As thou wouldst have them deal with thee. -)

i) Matthew vii 3f. ) V, 33, 77, 80 f., 44, I I , 72, 7, 34,41, III. 194, 7, V, 35, I I . X I I . 146, 5, I. 74, 82, III. 206, Metrical X I I , 158, 58, V, 38, 72 (Roy's edition), translated by J. Muir

Translations from Sanskrit Writers, pp. 93, 9, 8 8 , 1 1 0 , 85, 81 and 84,

EtlCS

A N D

PURAS

443

THE

HARIVAMA,

A N APPENDIX

TO T H E

M A H B H I R A T A .

1 }

W h a t has been said in the preceding chapters must suffice to give an idea of the eighteen books (parvans) of the Mahbhrata. The Indians, however, regard also the H a r i v a a , a work which is in reality a P u r a and is also occasionally called " HarivaaPura " as part of the Mahbhrata. Yet the book is not even by the Indians termed a nineteenth " Parvan" but a Khila i.e. a supple ment or appendix to the Mahbbrata. This " appendix," it is true, is a work of 16,374 verses (lokas), that is, longer than the Iliad and the Odyssey put together. But its literary value is by no means in direct proportion to its size. I t is above all not a " poem," in no sense the work of any owe poet, but a jumbled or quite loosely connected mass of texts legends, myths and hymnsserving for the glorification of the god Viu. The Harivaa is not even the work of one compiler. The last third of it is surely only a later appendix to the appendix, and also in the remaining parts of the work many portions were probably inserted at quite different times, The connection of the Harivaa with the Mahbhrata itself is purely external and is limited essentially to the fact that the same Vaiampyana who is said to have recited the whole Mahbhrata to Janamejaya, is also regarded as the reciter of the Harivaa. I n connection with the frame story of the Mahbhrata, aunaka, at the beginning of the appendix, requests Ugraravas, after he has told him all the beautiful stories of the Bharatas, to relate something about the Vris and Andhakasthe families to which Ksna belongs.
2)

) C f. A. Holtzmann,

Das Mahbhrata, I I , pp. 272298, and E. W. Hopkins, Paris, 183435.

Glean

ings from the Harivania in Festschrift Windisoh, pp. 68 ff. The Harivaa has been translated into French by S. A. Langlois, ~) See above, pp. 323 f.

444

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Thereupon Ugraravas remarks that exactly the same request had been made by Janamejaya to Vaiampyana after the recitation of the Mahbhrata, and the latter had then related all that which he himself was now going to repeat. Thus all that follows is placed in the mouth of Vaiampyana. Besides this, in a few verses at the beginning and a complete lengthy song at the end of the appendix, the praise of the Mahbhrata including the Harivaa is sung in extravagant Verses, and the religious merit acquired by the reciting and hearing of the whole poem is emphasized. This exhausts practically everything whereby the Harivaa itself shows its connection with the Mahbbrata. As far as the contents are concerned, the Harivaa has no more in common with the Mahbhrata than the Puras ; for many legends, in particular brahmanical legends and myths, which occur in the Mahbhrata, reappear in different versions in the Harivaa as well as in the Purnas. The Harivaa consists of three great sections, the first of which is entitled H a r i v a a p a r v a n . The title " Harivaa," i.e. " genealogy of H a r i , " which was given to the whole appendix is in reality only applicable to this first book. I t begins in the manner of the Purnas with a rather confused account of the C reation and all sorts of mythological narratives, thus of Dhruva who became the Pole Star (62 ff.), of Daka and his daughters, the female ancestors of the gods and demons (101 ff.), and others. The story of Vena, the Titan who was opposed to the Veda and to sacrifice, and his son Pthu the first king of men, is narrated in detail. Numerous legends, for instance those of Vivamitra and Vasiha (706 ff.) are worked into the genealogy of the solar dynasty (545 ff.), i.e. of King Ikvku and his descendants,
15 2) 5

) Adhyya 323, see below.

s

) )

Han is one of the most usual of the innumerable names of the god Viu P thpkhyi
t f

Adhy. 46, vss 257405

EPICS

AND

PURl1srAS

445

who trace their origin back to the sungod. Regardless of any connection with this genealogy there is then inserted a ritual portion about the fathers and the sacrificial service due to them. Then follows (1312 ff.) the genealogy of the lunar dynasty, which sprang from Atri the son of the moon god (Soma). One of Soma's grandsons was the renowned JPurravas, whose love adventures with Urvasl are related in a very archaic form which rather closely approaches the atapathaBrhmaa. Among the descendants of Purravas are Nahua and Yayti. Yadu the son of the latter, is the ancestor of the Ydavas, to whom Vasudeva belongs, as whose son Ka the god Vinu is born on earth. After the genealogy of the human Kra has thus been given, there follow a series of songs (2131 ff.) dealing entirely with the god Visnu and thus, to a certain extent, containing the divine previous history of Kra. The second great section of the Harivaa, entitled Viuparvan, deals almost exclusively with Ka the god Vinu become mortal. All the stories of the birth and childhood, the heroic deeds and love adventures of the human, often alltoohuman, cowherdgod, are related here at great length ; they are also related in greater or less detail in some of the P u r a s , and have made the name Krsna one of the most familiar to every Hindu. While the best and wisest among the Viuworshippers honour Ka above all as the herald of the pious doctrines of the Bhagavad gt it is the Ka of the legends, as they are related in the Harivaa and in the Puras, who is now honoured and
5 2) 3 )

) Pitrkalpi,

"ancestral ritual." Adhy. 1624, vss. 8351311.

The story

of B rahma

datta who understands the languages of the animals, is inserted in Adhy. 2 1 , Vss. 1185 ff. ; this is translated and discussed by Th. Benfey in " O**ient und pp. 13317I. and]by Leumaim,
2

Occident," Vol. II, 1862,

WZKM., 6, 1892, pp. 1 ff.

) Adhy. 26, vss. 13631414, translated by K. Geldner in " Vedische S t u d i e n " I,

p. 249 ff. Of. above p. 209. *) Adhy. 57ff. = vss. 3180ff.

U6

INDAN

LTERAUR

worshipped as a lofty god, and now exalted as an ideal of the most perfect manhood, by the millions of Hindus of all classes throughout India till the present day. I t is this god of the legends, and not the Ka of the Mahbhrata, the cunning friend of the Pavas, of whom the Greek Megasthenes already talked as the " Indian Hercules." I n order to give at least an idea of these Ka legends which are important alike in the history of literature and the history of religion, the contents of the second section of the Harivaa shall here be briefly sketched.
I n t h e t o w n of M a t h u r there reigned son of l)evakly guarded as by t h e sister his servants, the of his a bad k i n g Kamm. To him Then closely known boy, was to of as the N r a d a announced t h a t he w o u l d m e e t his death at t h e hands of the e i g h t h father and the wife of Vasudeva. children. He has Devakl K a s a determines to kill all after birth. " Rma Devakls and six

of her children are killed i m m e d i a t e l y " B alarma, her and or " B aladeva, is the another order

T h e s e v e n t h child, t h a t brother of K a w h o is later with

1

ploughshare, goddess the of

rescued by N i d r , > the before he is born, from by wife of V a s u d e v a . exchanged rescue him wife Yasod

sleep, by however, immediately time.

transferring this was

w o m b of D e v a k

to t h a t of Rokin after So the the birth, in

T h e e i g h t h son,

Ka

V a s u d e v a himself,

from K a s a w i t h t h e d a u g h t e r of t h e cowherd Nanda w h o was born at the s a m e and grows by K a s a while K n a up a m o n g

and his

little d a u g h t e r is regarded and a

the latter is dashed a g a i n s t a rock the son of a cowherd

cowherds. Even his a as

Rma, too, suckling lets him

is entrusted to the protection of the cowherd f a m i l y b y Vasudeva, t w o boys g r o w up t o g e t h e r in the cowherds station. K a performs wait feet, and too l o n g and make finally wondrous miracles. sleeping the One child day, Yaod after h a v i n g laid the overthrows under when

fostermother

waggon,

for food, he b e g i n s to s t r u g g l e i m p a t i e n t l y w i t h hands and heavy w a g g o n w i t h one foot. through forest On one In mad and field, occasion

merriment the boys K a and Rma later rush

m u c h trouble for t h e simple cowherd's wife.

) Perhaps the circumstance that Nidr is also the name of DuryS gave rise to the interpolation of a hymn to this goddess, the rystava (Adhy. 5 9 v s s . 32683303). B ut the interpolation of such h y m n s (stotras) is characteristic of all Puras.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

447
Kas with body him, the foster

she hardly k n o w s w h a t to do, so she ties a rope round little and fastens him tightly if t h o u canst. m i g h t y t r e e s by mother see the B u t the boy not only drags a w a y their boy roots. sitting Horrified, laughing the the

to a heavy mortar, s a y i n g a n g r i l y : " N o w run, mortar

but as t h e mortar g e t s c a u g h t between t w o g i g a n t i c trees, he tears out cowherds and t h e

between the branches of the trees, the cowherds' to wander Here strolls

but he himself is uninjured. A f t e r seven years had elapsed, the boys g r e w tired of station. further. So Ka the caused innumerable so m u c h their wolves that to to they which frightened They cowherds with issue from his body, decided

wandered

flocks

the Vndforest. Ka

the boys now run happily t h r o u g h the forest. the cowhards poisons the unsafe. to overcome flutealong water of swift the and the

B u t one day Jumn who, the whole

a l o n e n o w p l a y i n g now s i n g i n g , now w h i s t l i n g on a leaf, n o w b l o w i n g on the banks of the river dwells, Jumna dragon. of and m a k e s Soon the and reaches t h e his retinue, neighbourhood firebreathing deep lake in w h i c h the s n a k e k i n g Kaliya With determination, a host with

K n a p l u n g e s into the lake, in order fiveheaded,

frightful

monster appears, hero, s u r r o u n d i n g

snakes rush furiously upon the y o u t h f u l B u t he soon frees himself, presses t h e himself conquered and retreats into the w h o , in demon, the the form giant the to

and b i t i n g h i m .

heads of t h e m o n s t e r on the ground, and j u m p s w i t h force on to the middle head, so t h a t t h e dragon confesses deep with t h e w h o l e brood of snakes. Soon afterwards he also slays the d e m o n Dkenuka, of an ass, guards the mountain Pralamba, brother of t h e latter. In the autumn the cowherds, Indra. according rain g o d to their Indra. who custom, wander the wish arrange a great feast in honour none of this worship of of the Ka will have deity, to the an Govardhana. Ka Another but does not venture to tackle

is slain b y Rama,

" W e are cowherds

through

t h e forests, who a l w a y s live by the wealth of c o w s , the c o w s are our t h e hills and forests. ( 3 8 0 8 ) cowherds do, storm. In such words he i n v i t e s the Indra arrange a mountainsacrifice instead of

cowherds a are

celebration, which

A t this Indra is so enraged t h a t he sends d o w n and their flocks, so that they

frightful entirely

B u t K a lifts up the mountain Govardhana and holds it like

umbrella over t h e cowherds sheltered.

After seven d a y s the storm ceases, K a restores the mountain

t o its place, and Indra h u m b l y recognises in K a the exalted god V i u . T h e n the cowherds praise and worship h i m as a g o d , but he smilingly

448

INDIAN

LITERATURE

declares t h a t he only desires to be their relative ; the when t h e y will recognise his true nature. herds, he lives in y o u t h f u l happiness. n i g h t s , however, his heart rejoiced in

time will

come among and which

later cow tour the

A n d , as a cowherd On the

H e organises bullfights the round dances, )

1

n a m e n t s w i t h t h e strongest a m o n g t h e cowherds.

lovely

autumn perform play, his

beautiful cowherdesses, w h o are all enamoured of the merry glance, his g a i t , his d a n c i n g and his s i n g i n g . Once, when Arista, Ka was enjoying himself

heroyouth,

in the m o o n l i g h t , s i n g i n g of his deeds and j e s t i n g l y i m i t a t i n g his with the

cowherdesses, tears out one

a demon in the form of a bullock, appeared.

Ka

of his horns and slays h i m w i t h it. T h e f a m e of all t h e heroic deeds of K a reaches t h e and causes h i m a n x i e t y . ears of Kasa are he I n order to g e t h i m out of t h e w a y , he sends for B ut no sooner has he arrived in the t o w n of in strength. bend, the twain. Thus with cannot such and with with upon the has him the

t h e t w o y o u t h f u l heroes to come to Mathur, where, at a f e s t i v a l , t h e y to fight w i t h his best wrestlers. than K a performs wonderful miracles and feats bends the k i n g ' s great b o w , w h i c h even t h e g o d s s t r e n g t h that, w i t h a t r e m e n d o u s crash, it breaks kills t h e e l e p h a n t w i t h it. The two powerful

K r a pulls youths, Filled wrestlers

out the tusk of an e l e p h a n t w h i c h K a s a lets loose upon w h o m K a s a confronts t h e y o u t h s are also killed rage, t h e k i n g n o w c o m m a n d s shall be driven out of his k i n g d o m . by

champion

them.

t h a t t h e c o w h e r d y o u t h s and all

cowherds

Then K a springs like a lion U j j e i n in order to learn

K a s a drags h i m by his hair i n t o the centre of t h e arena and kills h i m . After some t i m e t h e t w o brothers g o to art of archery from a famous teacher there. A son of this teacher

perished in the sea, and as his fee, he demands t h a t K n a shall bring back this son. T h e n K a descends into the underworld, overcomes g o d of death, Y a m a , and b r i n g s the boy back to his f a t h e r . In order t o a v e n g e t h e death of K a s a his f a t h e r i n l a w the Yadavas renews always

Jarsandha besieges his a t t a c k s , Jarsandha

goes forth w i t h m a n y allied princes to fight a g a i n s t M a t h u r is repeatedly repulsed by Ka b u t until a t last he is compelled to retreat, narratives. are described in a l o n g series of

T h e s e battles w i t h

) These

are the dances called Rsa or Halla,

accompanied by pantomimic repre C f. the (

sentations, and which still today take place in some parts of India, and, for instance, in Kathiawad are still known by a name corresponding to the Sanskrit " H a l l a . " Indian monthly magazine " East and West," Vol. I. 748 I, May, 1902.)

EPICS

AND

PURAS

449
is be but and is him for place.

I n the same spun o u t . ) celebrated.

way

the

following of

narrative of the rape of Rukminl has promised his to

King

B hlmaka

Vidarbha his

daughter marriage him, swears

R u k m i in marriage to K i n g i'supla, and the w e d d i n g was about Then K n a comes the bride. return to with brother R m a to t h e feast and kidnaps he will never T h e deeplyoffended princes pursue

are repulsed b y R m a . b r o u g h t his sister back. his life. In order

R u k m i n t h e brother of t h e kidnapped g i r l , A fierce fight takes place, in which Ka

his native t o w n , unless he has killed K a Rukmin grants takes

defeated ; b u t in response t o t h e entreaties of R u k m i himself. I n Dvarak the marriage of later

2

not to break his oath, R u k m i n founds a n e w t o w n K a with Rukmi marries s ven queens marries a d a u g h t e r of a

W i t h her he b e g e t s ten sons, but a son of Ka and Rukmil )

a n d sixteen Pradyumna, of Rukmin, At of the dice, glori Naraka gives him

t h o u s a n d other wives, with w h o m he b e g e t s thousands of sons. later a and their son Aniruddha marries and t h e latter is slain by R m a . fication of the deeds of R m a . ) of the slaying of Aaraka. )
4 3

granddaughter

Rukmin. game

marriage of Aniruddha, Hma and R u k m i n quarrel over

I n connection w i t h this there is a This

T h e n follows the story the g o d s m u c h trouble. and kills h i m . The Prijta, one of his will not next narrative )
5

is a d e m o n , who has stolen the earrings of Aditi and

also otherwise

A t the request of Indra Kna fights a g a i n s t shows us K a a in a battle against the Then sulks

ndra. tree

The seer N r a d a once b r o u g h t K a which K a g a v e to his other wives, grows

blossom jealous,

from and

heavenly until as to him

beloved R u k m i i .

Satyabhm, Ka Indra fight. how very

terribly the tree,

promises to b r i n g her the whole Prijtatree from heaven. willingly surrender Kna challenges

B ut

T h i s leads to a l o n g and violent battle between the t w o g o d s , ever, is finally settled peaceably by Aditi the mother of gods. There follows a rather extensive didactic portion, )
6

which, only

) Into the old legend, in which Ka appears as hero later portions are here interpolated, in which he appears as god Viu in his full divinity.
3

) H e is an incarnation of the god of love. ) Baladevamhtmyalcathana, Adhy. 120, 67666786. ) Narakavadha, Adhyfiyas 121123 = 67876988. ) Prijtaharana,
t

Adhy.

124140=69897956.

A hymn to Siva is inserted

(Mah5

devastavana) Adhy. 131 = 74157455. ) Punyakavidhi, Adhy. 1 3 6 1 4 0 = v s s . 77227956,

6

57

460

INDIAN

LITERATURE scientific however, and favour. a few

s l i g h t l y connected w i t h this l o n g section, and really b e l o n g i n g to eroticism, the Kmastra. refers to lima, the wife of sation b e t w e e n the w i v e s of K a and iva the wise Nrada who,

T h i s is an instruction (in the f o rm of a conver as his a u t h o r i t y ) upon assure for herself virtuous Punyakas of his

Vrataha%, i.e. ceremonies, f e s t i v a l s and v o w s , b y means of w h i c h a wife can m a k e her body p l e a s i n g to her husband and B u t as these ceremon'es T h e n e x t section T h e Asuras of the pious B r a h m a d a t t a . Then follows killed b y i v a . The following section
3 5 1

are efficacious

only Kas

wives, the

instructions upon the duties of wives (7754? ff.) are g i v e n at the b e g i n n i n g . ) again relates battles w i t h steal t h e kills demons. of the* the " six t o w n s (atpura) daughters

K a c o m e s t o his rescue and an entirely ivaite the passage,

2 5

Nikumbha,

k i n g of the Asuras, a n d restores the B rahman his d a u g h t e r s . w h i c h has n o t h i n g t o demon Andhaka is do w i t h K a , and relates h o w thousandheaded

reverts to K a and relates another story of T h e Ydavas, w i t h K a and K a w i t h his and y o u t h s up t o in t h e Rma si x t een of the and water son bathingplace

t h e k i l l i n g of t h e Asura N i k u m b h a .

a t their head, undertake a p i l g r i m a g e t o the sea to a sacred in order to celebrate a g r e a t j o y o u s festival there. thousand w i v e s , Rma with his only wife Revat

Ydavas w i t h t h o u s a n d s of courtesans g i v e t h e m s e l v e s s i n g i n g , f e a s t i n g and d r i n k i n g , and all kinds of and on the s e a s h o r e . kidnaps Bhanumatl,
45

playing

enjoyments the B hnu.

During & daughter

these of

festivities the Ydava

dem o n

Nikumbha Ka's Ka

P r a d y u m n a pursues t h e Asura a n d brings t h e stolen one back, while himself kills The Prabhvat, heavenly Nikumbha. cantos
5 )

following

deal

almost of the

exclusively marriage of

with

Pradyumna, with the as in and

t h e son of K a . flamingoes

F i r s t the story

Pradyumna

t h e d a u g h t e r of t h e Asura Vajranbha, flamingoes are t h e messengers of

is related, in which love between Nala

intervene in b r i n g i n g a b o u t the b o n d of love j u s t

the Nalasong

) )

at<puravadha, Adhy. 1 4 1 1 4 4 = v s s . 79578198. Adhy 145 I. = vss. 81998300. Adhy. 147149 = vss. 83018549. f." poem Bhnumaharana,

) Andhakavadha,
8

*) The brilliant description of these voluptuous scenes fills two cantos (147 83018470). 6) Adhy. 150 ff. = vss. 8550 ff. Freely rendered into German in the beautiful " Pradyumna " by Schach, " Stimmen vom Ganges," pp. 67 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

451
disguised as the Asuras for an are court of which nights have who Vajranbha. se3retly hears

Damayant. Then all

In order to w i n plays B ut

Prabhvat, actors
1

Pradyumna, to t h e with

actor, c o m e s w i t h a whole troupe of sorts of g r e a t l y charmed. Pradyumna

are p e r f o r m e d , ) uses he

the

lovely

e n j o y i n g the pleasures of love w i t h Prabhvat. of t h e loveintrigue, and, full of a n g e r , thrown i n t o fetters. beloved one. T h e second narrative ) treats of B u t the latter kills h i m , and the Asura k i n g himself. the

Finally Vajranbha warriors

is about to

Pradyumna rush towards with his : in

Thereupon he enters the youthful

Dvrak of of

love

Pradyumna up the

h o w he is kidnapped by Asuras seven days after his birth and g r o w s t h e house of t h e demon Sambara h e is not her son, but t h e son of then kills ambara after parents. For no reason at all, the daily prayer of Rma * a litany speeches "battle in
4

; how M y v a t , Kna and fight

3

t h e wife

latter,

burns w i t h love for the beautiful y o u t h and e n l i g h t e n s h i m on t h e f a c t t h a t Rukmin ; > and how Pradyumna united by with his a desperate finally,

M y a v a t , returns to his n a t i v e t o w n , w h e r e he is j o y f u l l y received

consisting Kna and the

of an enumeration of d i v i n e b e i n g s , is inserted here. After a f e w shorter pieces, l e g e n d s and the book concludes w i t h the love affair of Aniruddha, the Asuraking with B a. of comes fighting to t h e aid B na story of the praise of
6

of B na ) iva.

t h e son of Pradyumna, with Usa, the daughter of T h e latter is a favourite of the g o d Ka the by the Aniruddha, who is hard pressed by B 11a ; and Viu to B u t B rahman comes

leads to a violent battle b e t w e e n i v a and

w h i c h the whole world is seriously menaced. aid of the earth and creates peace

between the t w o g o d s , by declaring t h a t

) This (8672 ff.) is perhaps one of the oldest, certainly one of the most in Indian literature.

interesting Rmyaa mentioned. The Sanskrit

mentions of dramas and dramatic performances and of the story of yanga Unfortunately S y l v a i n Levi
2

Not only scenes

from t h e life of Ka are here produced, but dramatizations of the great epic (cf. above pp. 399 ff.) are also expressly

the age of this piece called " Pradyumnottara," is quite uncertain. C f. " Le thtre indien," Paris, 18&O, pp. 327 ff., and A. B . Keith. Adhy. 163167 = vss. 92089487. (Pradyumnakrta

Drama, Oxford 1924, pp. 28, 47 f. ) ambaravadha,

3

) In this he is helped by Durg whom he invokes in a hymn Adhy. 166 = 94239430). Adhy. l 6 8 = vss. 94889591. Adhy. 175190=980611062.

Durgastava,
6

*) Baladevhnika, ) Baayuddha,

452
i v a and V i u are o n e . t w o as i d e n t i c a l deities.)

INDIAN

LITERATURE a hymn (stotra) glorifying and these

Here follows With

t h e m a r r i a g e of

Aniruddha

w h i c h is celebrated w i t h g r e a t magnificence in D v r a v a t , t h e book ends.

The intermingling of stotras (hymns) as that of Viu iva here, shows particularly to how great an extent the Harivaa is a collection of texts for religious purposes, and not an epic poem. But while in Book I I there are still some remains of a Krsna epic which must certainly once have existed, Book I I I , called B h a v i y a p a r v a n (11063 ff.), is only a loose collec tion of Pura texts. The title Bhaviyaparvan, i.e. "section of the future " refers only to the first cantos of this book, which contain prophecies regarding the coming ages of the world. Here is r e l a t 3 d the story of a horsesacrifice which Janamejaya wished to offer ; but Vysa foretells him that this sacrifice would not be successful, for the godless age of Kali will dawn, which will be followed only a long time later by the Ktaage of virtue and piety. This section forms a complete whole and is even termed an independent poem. Then follow, without any connection, two diffrant accounts of the C reation. A third section deals in great detail with the incarnations of Viu as a boar, a manlion and dwarf.
2) 3) 5 5)

) Harihartmakastava, Adhy. 184 = vss. 1066010697. This is one of the fetv places in Indian literature where there is a mention of Trimrti. For Han (Viu) and Hara (Siva) are not only identical with each other, but also w i t h Brahman. ) How largely the Harivasa is regarded as a religious book, is proved by the circumstance that it is the custom in t h e courts of justice in Nepal t o place a copy of the Harivainsa on t h e head of the witness, if he is a Hindu, in the s a m e way as t h e Koran is placed upon the head of a Mohammedan. (A. Barth, Religions of India, p. 156 note).
2

) Adhy. 191196 = vss. 1106311278. The passage is commended, in 11270 ff., as a great ornate poem ( m a h k v y a m ) . B ut verses 11082 ff. already say clearly that the Harivaaa is concluded, and that t h e story of Janamejaya's horsesacrifice only forms an appendix to the Harivaina, The subsequent sections are most probably only later additions.
4

PauQkaraprdurbhva,

Adhy. 197222 = vs. 1127912277.

) Adhy. 223263 = vss. 1227814390. B rahman begins a hymn to Viu (Viu stotra) 12880 ff. (Adhy. 238). Kayapa utters a h y m n in prose to the Great Spirit " (Mahpuruastava) 14114 ff. (Adhy. 259).

EPICS

AND

PURAS

453

Next follows a section which, like the last one in Book I I , pursues the tendency to harmonise Viu and ivaworship. Alternately Viu sings a hymn to iva and Siva to Viu.* The next passage again deals with a heroic deed of Kna namely the slaying of King Paundra, who rises up against Kra.* The last longer section of the Harivaa is the legend (upkhyna) of the two ivaworshippers Kamsa and Dimbhaka, who are humiliated by KaViu.* There is appended yet another long canto which, in most extravagant fashion, tells of the merit of reading the Mah bhrata and the reward of heaven which awaits the reader, and further prescribes the presents which one should give to the readers (vcaka) after the close of every parvan and finally ends with a song in praise of the Mahbhrata as the most sacred and most exalted of all "textbooks " (stra). Above all, however, it is boasted that the work serves for the glorification of Vinu for: " I n the Veda, in the Rm yaa and in the sacred Bharata, O bravest of Bharata's des cendants, everywhere, at the beginning, at the end, and in the middle Hari is glorified.' * Strange to say, after all the glorifications of Viu and after the actual conclusion of the book, there still follows a canto * in which the god iva comes into his own, and it is related how he destroyed the three castles (Tripura) of the demons. Yet even here a final verse in praise of the " great yogin " Viu is added,
4) 5 6

; ) KasaytrU, 279 and 281.

8

Adhy. 264281 = vss. 14391.15O3I. Adhy. 282293 = vss. 1503215375.

>

Adhy. 2 7 8 ; varastuti,

Adhy.

Viustotra. Adhy. 294322 = vss. 1537616139. Sarvaparvnukirttana, The enumeration of the The contents of this adhyya Cf. above, p p . 325 f.

) Pamdrakavadha, )
4

Hamadimohakopkhyna

) A d h y . 323 = vss. 1614016238 :

parvans partly contains other names than our editions.

5

coincide with similar songs of praise in B ook I of the Mahbhrata. ) Verse 16232. ) Tripuravadha, Adhy. 324 = vss. 1623916324.
t

454

INDIAN

LITERATURE

The book finally concludes with a short summingup of the contends of the Harivaa and an enumeration of the religious gains one acquires by hearing this " Pura. The fact that the Harivaa is absolutely and entirely a Pur ana is also shown by the numerous, often literally identical, coincidences with passages in several of the most important Puras. Nevertheless, it was necessary to speak of the Harivaa here, and not only later in the chapter on the Puras, not only because this work is regarded by the Indians as belonging to the Mahbhrata, but also because this supple ment and the way in which it is added to the epic is pecu liarly adapted for throwing light on the history of the Mah bhrata itself. We will now turn to this history.
5

THE

AGE

A N D

HISTORY

OF

T H E

M A H B

H R A T A .

W e have now given a survey of all that has come down to us as " Mahbhrata " in manuscripts and editions, and are now faced with the question : How and when did this gigantic work originate ? Already in the short account of the contents of the actual heroic poem (pp. 328375) the reader must have noticed a contradiction, which is still more noticeable in the reading of the Mahbhrata itself. While the poem in its present form absolutely takes the part of the Pavas, and describes the Pavas as not only brave beyond measure, but also as noble and good, and on the other hand represents the Kauravas as treacherous and mischievous,the poem, in remarkable selfcontradiction, relates that all the heroes of the Kauravas fall through treachery or in unfair fight.
2)

) B rahma, extract.
2

Padma,

Visu, B hgavata,

and

especially

VyuPura.

The in

GaruaPura communicates the contents of the Mahbhrata and of the Hanvaa S e e A. Holtzmann, Das Mahbhrata, IV, pp. 32, 35, 37 ff., 40, 4 2 ff., 47 ff., 56. ) See above, pp. 361 f.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

455

I t is still more striking that all the treachery emanates from Krsa that he is always the instigator of all the deceit and defends the conduct of the Pavas. And this is the same Ka who in many parts of the Mahbhrata and more especially in the Harivaa, is praised and glorified as an incarnation of Viu the highest god, and as the ideal and prototype of every virtue. How can these remarkable contradictions be explained ? Upon this there can only be conjectures. First, there is probably justification for the supposition, although we have only the authority of the Mahbhrata itself for it, that a change of dynasty did actually once take place in the North west of India as the result of a great war, and that these quasi historical events form the foundation of the epic itself.* Start ing out from this, we can well imagine that the original heroic songs dealing with the fight between the hostile cousins, were sung among the bards who were still near Duryodhana himself or the house of the Kauravas, but that, in the course of time, as the rule of the victorious Pavas was more and more firmly established, these songs were transmitted to bards who were in the employ of the new ruling race. In the mouths of these bards those alterations were then under taken which made the Pavas appear in a favourable light and the Kauravas in an unfavourable one, without its being possible to eradicate completely the original tendency of the songs. I n our Mahbhrata the nucleus of the epic, the
l

) Even those who find a mythological

nucleus in the legend underlying the epic, Thus A. Ludwig " Uber das Verhltnis (Abhand Orierson and

admit that there are also historical elements in it. des mythischen (JRAS.,

Elementes zu der historischen Grundlage des Mahbhrata," Prague, 1884. Parg\ter ff)

lungen der k. bhmischen Ges d. Wissensch. VI. 12.) 19G8, pp. 309 ff., 602

have expressed the opinion that, underlying the war historical fact of a battle of Madbyadea and the other nations of India) and at

between the Kauravas and the Pavas there may be the nations (a fi^ht between the nations of the other.

the same time a fight between a warrior party on the one side and a priestly party on I do not consider that there is any justification of this historical construction. Cf. Hopkins, Cambridge History, I , p, 275.

456

INDIAN

LITERATURE

description of the great battle, is placed in the mouth of Sajaya, the charioteer of Dhtartra, that is, in the mouth of the bard of the Kauravas. I t is precisely in these battle scenes that the Kauravas appear in the most favourable light. The whole Mahbhrata, on the other hand, is recited, accord ing to the framestory contained in Book I , by Vysa's pupil, Vaiampyana at the snakesacrifice of Janamejaya. This Janamejaya, however, is regarded as a descendant of the Pndava Arjuna, which agrees well with the fact that, in the Mahbhrata as a whole, the Pavas are preferred to the Kauravas. As regards Ka the race of the Ydavas t o which he belongs, is described in several places in the Mahbhrata as a cowherdtribe of rough manners, and he himself is re peatedly scorned by hostile heroes as " c o w h e r d " and " s l a v e . " I n the ancient heroic poem, he was certainly nothing more than a prominent leader of that cowherdtribe and had nothing divine about bim. Even behind the Kalegends of the Harivaa there seems to be a foundation of older legends, in which Ka was not yet a god, b u t the hero of a rough tribe of cowherds. I t is difficult to believe that Krsna the friend and counsellor of the Pnavas, Krsna the herald
}

) I do not think

that there was a systematic remodelling J. v. Negelein

(as

is

the view

of

Holtzmann),

but that gradual changes were made.

(OLZ. 1908, 336 f.)

refutes this theory by observing that the ancient epic took no stock whatsoever of the moral point of view, that it portrayed both parties in almost equal light and shade, and that it merely rejoiced in the actual display of strength. A similar view is taken by Oldenberg that Hertel the (Das Mahbhrata, pp 35 ff.) who, like Hopkins (CambridgeJHistory, I. 265) believes " w h e n a finer morality had begun to temper the crude royal and military the Pavas and the poet's siding with them, by saying that the in or even in duty bound to the utilisation of cunning. that the speeches in which the Pdavas' manner of spirit."

the moral reflections cast on the conduct of the Pavas belong to a more modern age, (WZKM. 24, 1910, 421) seeks to explain the contradiction of the treacherous behaviour of Mahbhrata has character of a ntistra and that, according to the rules of politics, the king is justified These scholars, however, forget fighting is condemned as dishonour

able, do not belong tp the didaotic additions to the epic, but are interwoven w i t h the deosription of the fight itself, and do not in the least bear the stamp of later additions,

EPICS A N D

PURAS

457

of the doctrines of the Bhagavadgt, Ksa the youthful hero and demonslayer, rsna, the favourite and lover of the cowherdesses, and finally Krana^ the incarnation of the exal ted god Viu can be one and the same person. I t is far more likely that there were two or several traditional Kas who were merged into one deity at a later time. Krna the son of Devak is mentioned in the C hndogyaUpaniad ( I I I , 17) as a pupil of Ghora girasa, who expounds doc trines which at least in a few points coincide with those of the Bhagavadgt. For this reason we can scarcely separate this old sage of the time of the Upanisads from the Ka of the Bhagavadgt.* I t is possible that this Ka was the foun der of the Bhgavata religion, and that like so many other founders of religions in India, he was made into an incar nation of the god worshipped by his adherents.* I t is possible, moreover, that Ka did not figure at all in the original epic, and was introduced only later, perhaps with the express intention of justifying the actions of the Pavas, which were shady from the moral point of view, by representing them as inspired by the " god " Ka.* Much as has been written on the problem of Ka we must admit, nevertheless, that no satisfactory solution has been found.* I n any case, it is a far cry from Ka the friend of the Pavas, to the Ka of the Harivaa and the exalted god Viu.

) C f. H. Raychaudhuri, ) This pp. 27 ff. ) Thus Olderiberg, view is

Early History of the Vaishnava Sect, pp. 23, 30 f., 48 ff. especially by Garbe, Die B hagavadgt, 2nd Ed., 195 f.

advocated

Das Mahbhrata, pp. 37, 4 3 . C f. also Jacobi, E R E . V I I ,

and Sir Charles Fliot Hinduism and B uddhism (London, 1921), I I . 154, who emphasizes the point that Ka is not so essentially important in the story of the Mahfibhrata as is Rma in that of the Rmyaa. entirely without him. ) C f. Holtzmann, Das Mahbhrata I, 132 ff.j A. Weber, Zur indischen Religions JB RAS, geschichte (Sonderabdruck aus " Deutsche B e v u e " 1899), pp. 28 t ; L, J, Sedgwick, It seems to m e , however, that the warrior Ka not the god imaginable Ka is too closely bound up with the main narrative for t h e epio to be

58

458

INDIAN

LITERATURE

The political and religious development which is reflected in those songs of the Mahbhrata which refer to the great fightthe passing of the supremacy from the Kauravas to the Pavas, and the deification of Kna thus already presupposes a long period of time, and it is un thinkable t h a t even these songs only, which form the nucleus of the work, should originate with one single poet. Such an assumption becomes still more impossible if we consider the countless contradictions which occur in the details of the principal narrative. I will recall only the narratives of the marriage of the Pavas (see above, pp. 336 f.) and the adven tures of Arjuna (p. 339). I n Book IV we find a duplicate of the whole battle in the Kurufield: Bhma and all the other heroes of the Kauravas are put to flight by Arjuna almost in no t i m e ; which does not fit in well with the fact that later on it is only possible to overcome the Kauravas in eighteen days, and then only by the employment of guile on the part of the Pavas. There can scarcely be any doubt that the whole of Book IV (Virtaparvan) is a later production than the magnificent battledescriptions in the following books. But even in those books which unquestionably contain the oldest parts of the epic, there are constantly to be found contradictions which cannot possibly be explained by the "ingenious carelessness " of any one poet. Beside the most splendid descriptions full of raciness and vigour, there are also to be found long songs, in which the description of the
l) 2)

23, 1910, pp. 115 ff.j Grierson, ERE. I I , 539 ff: Jacobi, f, 8 ff., 33 ff. ; Raychaudhuri, Buddhism II, 152 ff. j Hopkins pp. 37 ff. ) Thus already Holtzmann,

E R E . V I I , 193 ff. and Streitberg Vaiavism, e t c , pp. 3 Hinduism and

Festgabe, p. 168 ; A. B . Keith, J R A S . 1915, 548 ff ; R. G. Bhandarkar,

1. c , pp. 18 ff. and passim ; Garbe, l. c. ; Eliot,

in Cambridge History I, 2 5 8 ; Oldenberg, Das Malbhrata, Mahabh*rata I I , p. 98, ond Hopkins, The Great Epic of

India, pp. 382 f. C f. N. B . Utgikar,

8

T h e Viraparvan of the Mahbhrata (Poona, 1923),

pp. xx I. and m y remarks in Ann. B h. Inst. V, I. p. 23. ) C f. above, notes on pp. 361, 362 f. j 366, 370 f.

EPICS A N D

PURAAS

459

eighteenday battle is spun out as long as possible with dull monotony and continual repetitions. Thus even what we can term the "actual epic," as it has come down to us, is certainly not the work of one poet. Even this " nucleus " of the Mahbhrata is no longer the old hero ic poem; but the latter is contained in it, in a much diluted condition. We have now seen that around this nucleus an enormous mass of the most miscellaneous poems has accumulated; he roic songs from various cycles of legends, brahmanical myths and legend poetry, ascetic poetry and didactic poems of all kinds from the simplest moral maxims to extensive philoso phical poems, formal lawbooks and complete Puras. Though J. Dahlmann has applied an enormous amount of erudition in an attempt to prove that the Mahbhrata is one unified work which was composed by one poet in preBuddhisfc times both as an epic and a lawbook, * only few scholars agree with him. Sylvain Lvi, too, has recently attempt ed to explain the Mahbhrata as " a deliberate composition organically and artistically spread around a central fact and inspired by a dominant sentiment which penetrates and per meates it." He compares the Mahbhrata with t h e Vinaya the code of discipline of the MlaSarvstivdin Buddhists,
1 2)

) In his book " D a s MahbhSrata als Epos und Rechtsbuch" (3erlin above, p. 3!6 note 1), Dahlmann,

1895)

(see

it is true, only speaks of a " unified diaskeuasis " but y e t

he ascribes to the " diaskeuast" an activity which could certainly stamp him as a poet ; and in conclusion (p. 302) he speaks of the Mahbhrata as the work of " one single poetical creative genius." In his book " Genesis des Mahbhrata " (B erlin, 1899) be says directly : It is noteworthy that even such a " The poet was a diaskeuast, the diaskeuast a poet." who

rather orthodox Indian as C V, Vaidya (The Mahbhrata : A Criticism, B ombay, 1905), speaks with reverence of Vysa the contemporary of Ksa as the " poet " of the in all Mahubhirata (whom he places high above Homer, Milton and Shakespeare) and

earnestness computes that Vysa and Ka might have lived at the time of the Mah. bharata war about 3101 B . C , y e t frankly admits that the Mahabhrata in its present form is the extension of an originally much smaller work and contains numerous additions and interpolations. *) B handarkar Com. Vol., pp, 99 ff, (English in Ann. B h. Inst. I. I. 13ff.)

460

INDIAN

LITERATURE

and is of opinion that the whole great epic " w i t h all its ex aggerations and episodes, with all its varied and luxuriant mass of d e t a i l " is based on nothing b u t " a code of Katriya discipline as practised by the Bhgavatas." Of course, if we take it that t h e nucleus of the epic is to be found in the Bhd gavadgt, Nryaya and Harivasa, such a point of view is justifiable. If, however, as I myself believe, the real nu cleus of the Mahbhrata is a heroic poem of the conflict be tween the Kauravas and the Pavas, Lvi's interpretation is just as impossible as t h a t of Dahlmann. Those scholars who see in the M a h l b h r a t a a " s c r i p t u r e of the warrior caste," forget that the Mahbhrata as we have it in our presentday text contains much which would be quite out of place in a work intended for warriors. The ascetic morality of ahis which is preached in so many passages in the didactic sections, of the love towards all creatures and complete resignation, is just as incompatible with the very sensual pleasures promised to the warrior in Indra's heaven, as with the eating of meat and the drinking of strong drinks in which the heroes and even their wives indulge, in many a vivid des cription of t h e warriors' life in the actual e p i c Anyone who has really read the whole of the Mahbhrata and not only the most magnificent portions of it, is bound to admit that our presentday t e x t of the epic contains not only much that is diverse in content, b u t also much that is diverse in value. I n truth, he who would believe with t h e orthodox Hindus and the abovementioned W e s t e r n scholars, that our Mahbhrata, in its present form, is t h e work of one single man, would be forced to the conclusion t h a t this m a n was, at one and the same time, a great poet and a wretched scrib bler, a sage and an idiot, a talented artist and a ridiculous
1} 2)

) Eliot,
s

Hinduism and B uddhism I, p p . xc f. C f. also Hopkins

in Cambridge

History I, p. 256. ) S e e Hopkins, Great Epic, pp. 373, 376 ff.

EPICS A N D

PURAS

461

pedantapart from the fact that this marvellous person must have known and confessed the most antagonistic religious views, and the most contradictory philosophical doctrines. * With regard to language, style and metre, too, the various parts of the Mahbhrata show absolutely no uniformity. I t is in only quite a general sense that one can speak of "epic Sanskrit " as the language of the popular epics. * I n reality the language of the epic is in some parts more archaic, i. e. more closely related to the Ancient Indian of the Vedic prose works, than in other parts. And beside linguistic phenomena which recall the Pali, and which can be called popular, there are others which one is compelled to call solecisms, such as are often committed by uneducated and inferior authors like the Pura composers. The style, too, can only in a general sense be said to be far removed from the socalled " Kvya style " i. e, the style of the later ornate poetry, which is characterised by the excessive use of embellishments (Alak ras), However, there is no lack of passages in the Mah bhrata which remind us of this Kvya style.* Beside these, we also find portions which retain the naive style of the old Itihsas, as they are related in the Brhmaas and Upaniads, while again in numerous other portions the most negligent Pura style prevails. As regards the metre, * the loka which originated in the old Anuubh is certainly the metre par excellence. B u t there are earlier and later forms of this
1 2 4

) Oldenberg
4

(Das Mahbharta, p. 32) calls it a " scientific monstrosity " to suppose

that the Mahbhrata was a unified composition. ) The epic language is treated by H. Jacobi, Das Rmyarya, pp. 112 ff. C f. also above, The Great Epic, p. 262. A. Ludwig, Mahbhrata als Epos und Altindische Grammatik I. pp. xliv ff? W. Kirf el, p, 44, and Hopkins,

Rechtsbuch, pp. 5 ff. ; J. Wackernagel,

Beitrge zur Geschichte der Nominalkomposition in den Upanisads und im Epos, B onn 1908 ; Keith, J R A S , 1906, pp. 2f ; Oldenberg, 1. c , pp. 129 ff., 145 ff.
3

) C f. above, p. 364. B ut these passages are

not numerous, at

all

events not

nearly as numerous as in the Rmyaa.

4

) See Hopkins, Great Epic, pp. 191 ff.j J. Zubaty', ZDMG, 43, 1889, pp. 619 ff.; Ludwig

1. c , p. 3 7 ; Jacobi in GurupSjkaumad, pp. 50 ff. ; Oldenberg, I. c , pp. 137 ff.

462

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Sloka which are all represented in the Mahbhrata. More over our epic also contains old prose passages, in which the prose is occasionally rhythmical, and sometimes alternates with verses. Also of the Tritubh metre which is often used in the Mahbhrata, though the Sloka is about twenty times as frequent as the Tritubh, we find the ancient form, still simi lar to the Vedic form, as well as later forms ; and even the elaborate metres of classical Sanskrit poetry are already to be found in certain parts of the Mahbhrata. Lastly, we must not forget that the opening sections of the Mahbhrata themselves give clear indications that the epic had not always its present form and extent. Even the tables of contents which we find in the first two adhyyas, are not always in agreement with our text. Thus everything indicates that the Mahbhrata is not the work of one single author or of one time, but consists of earlier and later portions which belong to different centuries. Contents and form alike confirm the fact that some parts of the Mahbhrata reach back to the times of the Veda, while others must be synchronous with the late productions of the Pura literature. Now it has been assumed, especially by A. Holtzmann, that an ancient heroic poem of the Kauravas existed, which was the "original Mahbhrata, that this later underwent a "revision with a tendency " in favour of the Pavas; and that it was then on several consecutive occasionsfirst by
5 2)

) C f. Hopkins,

Great Epic, pp. 266 ff. The view taken by Oldenberg

(Das Mah*

bharata, pp. 21 ff. and elsewhere) that these prosepoetry passages are the oldest portions of the Mahbhrata, is quite wrong in m y opinion, * ) See above, p. 271 ; V. V. 7yer Notes of a Stndy of the Preliminary Chapters of the Mahbhrata, pp. 17 ff. and p a s s i m ; Oldenberg, 1. c , pp. 33 ff., 43 ff. Though the Alb5runi mentions other titles of t h e ZDMG. 6, 1862, division into 18 parvans is traditional, it is not certain that the division was originally the same as we find it in our text at the present day. 18 parvans, s. E . Sachau, Alberuni's India, I, pp. 132 f. The Southern Indian MSS. and the Javanese translation also have other titles. C f. also Brockhaus, pp. 528 ff.
2

EPICS A N D

PURAS

463

Buddhists, then by Brahmans" revised with a tendency." The " s e c o n d Puralike revision" must have taken place, according to Holtzmann, about 9001100 A. D., "after which . followed, a few centuries later, the definite establishment and completion of the text." * I t is important to state at once that this last supposition, according to which the Mahbhrata received its present form only in the 15th or 16th century, is absolutely false. For it is proved by literary and inscriptional evidence, * that already about 500 A. D. the Mahbhrata was no longer an actual epic, but a sacred textbook and religious discourse, and was, on the whole, not essentially different, in extent and contents, from the work as we have it at present. The philo sopher Kumrila (about 700 A. D.) quotes numerous pass ages from almost all the books of the Mahbhrata, which to him was a great smti expounded by Vysa.* The poets Subandhu and Bna (about 600650 A. D.) knew the Mah bhrata chiefly as a poem, indeed Ba considered it as the culmination of all poet/y.* I n his romance " Kdambar," however, the latter also relates that the Queen Vilsavat was present at a recitation of the Mahbhrata on the occasion of a festival in a temple atUjjein. Such public readings of theMah bbrata still at the present day take place in India in temples on festive occasionsand naturally not only for entertainment, but also for edification and religious instruction.* As early
: 2

Holtzmann,

Das Mahbhrata, 1,194. JB R A S . 10, 187l2 pp. 81 ff. ; K. T. Telang, S BE . , Vol. 8,

) See R. G. Bhandarkar, ) See Bdhler 1. c , pp. 5 ff.

pp. 28 ff. ; and especially G. Biihler and J. Kirste Indian Studies I I . SWA. 1892. *) Haracarita, introductory verses 41O. B ut from this passage it does not follow,

as Peterson (Kdarabarl. Introd., p. 68) thinks, that in B a's time the Mahabhrata " w a s as yet comparatively a fresh wonder iu the world," but rather that its fame had already " penetrated the three worlds," as B a himself says. of Subandhu and B a s. W. C artellieri, ) In another place in the " Kdambari " (ed. On the Mahbhrata in the works Peterson, p . 209) we read that WZKM. 13, 1899, 57 ff.

Kdambar listens to a recitation of the Mahbhrata, Nrada's daughter reciting it " in %

464

INDIAN

LITERATURE

as about 600 A.D. an inscription from C ambodia testifies to similar public readings of the Mahbhrata, and this by utilising manuscripts, presented expressly for this purpose in this distant Indian colony in Further India. Finally, we also possess deeds of land grants from the 5th and 6th centuries, in which the sections of Book X I I I (see above, p. 425), dealing with the morality of giving (dnadharma) are quoted as sacred texts ; and in one inscription of this kind the Mahbh rata is already called the " collection of a hundred thousand verses." The number of a hundred thousand verses, however, is not even approached, unless Books X I I and X I I I and even part of the Harivaa are included. But if the Mahbh rata already in the 5th century received its unquestionably latest sections such as Book X I I I and the Harivaa, if it was at
5 2)

gentle singing voice," whilst a pair of Kinnaras seated behind her accompany the recita tion on the flute. ) In the Mahbhrata itself there is already mention made of its " hundred 1. c , p. 9 ) . The t h o u s a n d " verses ( I , I. 107; X I I . 343, 11 ; cf. above, p. 325 and Hopkins, fall to the share of B ook X I I and 7759 to B ook X I I I . number of verses is 106466.

18 books of the Mahbhrata have, in the Calcutta edition, 90,092 verses, of which 13935 With the whole Harivasa the If the B haviyaparvan (see above, p. 452) is omitted, differ

there remain 101,154 verses, which number best agrees with the round number of " a hundred thousand." B ut the different recensions of the Mahbhrata, which often from each other in that the one recension omits a number of verses which are included in another, but, on the other hand, in another place inserts just as many verses which are missing in the latter, prove that the contents of the Mahbhrata could vary without the extent being changed.
2

) We cannot form any definite conclusion as to t h e date of t h e Harivaa (" about Vaisavism, etc., p. 36) on the We m a y assume, however,

t h e third century of t h e Christian era," R. G. Bhandarkar,

basis of the occurrence of the word " dinfira" = denarius.

that this appendix to the Mahbhrata did not come into existence very long before the 4th century A. D. ; for though Roman gold coins were known in India as early as in t h e 1st century A. D. (s. E. J. Rapson Indian Coins, Grundriss II, 3 B . , pp. 4, 17 ff., 25, 3 5 ; R. 8ewell J R A S . 1904, 591 ff.), the Indian word dnra is only traceable from 400 A. D, JRAS, 1907, the If the B uddhist poet onwards in Gupta inscriptions (8ewell p p . 4 0 8 I.; A. B . Keith, I. c , p. 616). C f. B . C. Mazumdar,

J R A S . 1907, pp. 681 ff. ; 1915, pp. 504 f.

Avaghoa should really be t h e author of the Vajrasc whioh is ascribed to him, for two verses from the Harivaa (1292 f.)

'Harivaa would already have been a part of the Mahbhrata in t h e 2nd century A. D, are quoted in t h e Vajrasc 3 (s. Weber, Indische Streifen I, p, 189) w i t h the words for it is written in the B hrata,"

EPICS

AND

PURAS

465

that time already a religious textbook and discourse, and if, a hundred years later, manuscripts of the Mahbhrata had already reached F u r t h e r India and were read in temples there, then we are justified in concluding that at least one or two centuries earlier, that is, in the 3rd or 4th century A.D., it must already have received that form which it still has today. On the other hand,* however, it can only have received this form after the origin and spread of Buddhism, to which it contains many references, indeed, only after Alexander's invasion of India, as the Yavanas, i.e. the Greeks (Ionians), are frequently mentioned. According to this the Mahabhrata cannot have received its present form earlier than the 4th century B.C . and not later than the 4th century AD? Therefore, a great remodelling of the Mahbhrata, or even the addition only of one of the great Books, cannot have taken place after the 4th century A.D. I n fact, I cannot consider the hypothesis of one or indeed several remodellings to be either at all necessary or probable.* As in later periods the copyists deal rather arbitrarily with their text, so,

) See Hopkins,

Great Epic, pp. 391 ff. If Dio C hrysostomos*

statement that

even

the Indians sang Homer's poems and that they were well acquainted with the 161 ff. ; Holtzmann, Das Mahbhrata IV, 1 6 3 ; Pischel,

sufferings Inter

of Priam, etc., alluded to the Mahbhrata (as is the view of A. Weber, Ind. Stud. II, KG, 195; H. G. Raivlinson, course between India and the Western World, Cambridge, 1916, pp. 140 f, 171), then this statement would constitute our earliest external evidence of bhrata in the 1st century A.D. the existence of the Mah It is possible, however (in fact, according to Jacobi On various Greek words in

in Festschrift Wackernagel, pp. 129 f., probable), that Dio's statement, which was repeated by Aelian refers to an actual Indian translation of Homer. the Mahbhrata s. Hopkins,
a

1. c p 372 ; Rawlinson,

1. c p 1 7 2 note.

Hopkins,

Epic Mythology (Grundriss III. 1 B 1915 p. 1) considered 3OO10O B. C to 4th century A. D. between S. Levi (JA. s. 11, t. V 1915

to be the probable date of the Mahbhrata but in Cambridge History I p. 258 he also gives the limits 4th century B . C p. 122) concludes from the agreement myr with that of
3

the geography

of the B uddhist Mahfi

the Mahbhrata that the latter received its final redaction in the Viraparvan,

first three or four centuries A. D. ) B ut that does not say that separate parts, as for example, the have not been remodelled. C f. Hopkins in the JA OS. 24, 19O3, p. 54,

59

466

INDIAN

LITERATURE

in more ancient times, the rhapsodists, among whom the heroic songs must have been transmitted orally during centuries, probably took every possible liberty in the presen tation of their songs : they lengthened scenes which pleased their audiences, and abridged others which made less impression. But the greatest alterations, by means of which the ancient heroic poem gradually became a compilation, which offered " much " and therefore offered " everyone something," can probably be explained by the fact that the transmission and preservation of the ancient heroic songs passed from the original singers to other classes, that the songs themselves were transplanted to other regions, and adapted to other times and a changing public. Already in very early times, as we have seen, the songs must have passed from the bards who were connected with the race of the Kurus to such as had relations with the race of the Pavas. They spread from such districts where the Viucult prevailed to those where iva was worshipped as the highest god. The phases, too, through which the Kacult passed, left their traces in the epic poetry. As with other peoples, so with the Indians a time must have come when the creative poetic genius no longer manifested itself in works of heroic poetry, which latter ceased to be living poetry, and when only the ancient songs were still sung by the bards. The old heroic time, too, came to an end, the time when the bards went forth into battle with the warriors as charioteers, so that after the victory was achieved, perhaps at a great sacrificial feast, they could sing of the glorious deeds of the heroes. The epigones of these bards were an inferior class of literary menthe same who also devoted themselves to the handing down of the Puras. These people were probably neither proper warriors nor proper Brahmans ; it is not for nothing
5

) C f. H. Jacobi in GGA 1892, p. 632,

EPICS A N D

PURAAS

467

that the lawbooks describe the Stas as bastards, who were said to be descended from the intermarriage of warriors with Brahman women or of Brahmans with Katriya women. This very thing constitutes the peculiarity of the Mahblirata in its present form : it is neither proper warriorpoetry nor proper religious poetry ; it is no longer an epic, but not yet a real Pura. The Mahbhrata may not have received a final form of some kind until after centuries of oral tradition it was first written down. Probably only Brahmans, Paits, participated in this editing and writingdown. If, however, we have come to the conclusion that the Mahbhrata, even in the 4th century A.D. or still earlier, was not essentially different, on the whole, in extent and contents, from the work as we have it now, then the words " on the whole " and " not essentially" must be very strongly emphasized. For additions and alterations, and, in fact, additions not only of single verses, but also of whole songs (such as hymns to Durg and so on) have been made even during later centuries, * and a critically established text of the Mahbhrata does not exist at all. When we speak of the " Mahbhrata," we usually mean the text as we have it in the two standard editions which were published in India and were arranged by Indian paits, vis. the " alcutta E d i t i o n " of 18341839 and the C " Bombay Edition " with Nlakathas commentary. These
1 2) }

) R. G. Bhandarkar

( JB R A S . 20, 19OO, p. 402) points out that interpolations

were

made in the Anusanaparvan as late as at the Gupta period. ) This edition was begun by the Committee of Public Education and Harivaa.
3

completed the

under the auspices of the Asiatic Society of B engal, and contains also the text of ) It has appeared in several editions since (Calcutta, 1882 ff) 1862. editions. See Holtzmann, Das

Mahabhrata, This

III. pp. 2 ff., 9 ff., on this and other Indian Roy

The edition by Pratapa Chandra

is very handy, but is unfortunately spoiled by misprints.

edition is a work of true Indian piety and charity: it was printed by the aid of collections organised by the editor, for the purpose of free distribution, and 1OOOO copies were given away gratis.

468

INDIAN

LITERATURE

two editions differ but slightly, and may be regarded as good representatives of the text as commented by Nlakaha.* The Bengali and especially the Southern Indian manuscripts, however, often deviate from the latter text. A critical edition of the Mahabhrata made on the basis of all the various classes of manuscripts from all parts of India is one of the greatest desiderata of Indology, and we hope that this need may be supplied in the near future.* Not until the publication of a critical edition of this nature will it be possible to sift out many a passage at present included in our texts of the Mahabhrata as being certainly or at least very probably interpolations.* Moreover, apart from the
2)
1

) Nlakaha, one of the latest commentators,

worked on a text which

already

contained a strong admixture of earlier.

2

interpolations (s, Utgikar,

Viraparvan, pp. xii f.). with several commentaries " urdwan B

Arjunamira is earlier than Nilakaha, and the commentary Vi$amapadavivaraa is still Editions of the Viraparvan and Udyogaparvan have been published in B ombay, at the Gujarati Printing Press, 1915 and 1920. ) B engali MSS., though not only B engali ones, were used for the Edition." On the Southern Indian MSS., cf. M. Winternitz, Ind. Ant. 27, 1898, 67 ff., E d i t i o n " ; this is by no In the Sabhfiparvan of the

92 ff., 122 ff. and H. Lders, "Uber die Grantharecension des Mahabhrata," AGGW. 1901. Southern Indian MSS. were utilised for the " Kumbhakonam interpolations of the Northern as well as the Southern MSS. Southern recension there is a long inserted passage about many literal points of agreement with the Harivania.
3

means a critical edition of the Southern recension, but a mixed recension, containing the Ka a kind of Kaepic, in

which Hopkins (Festschrift Windisch, pp. 72 ff. cf. Cambridge History I. p. 255) has traced ) The preparation of a critical edition of the Mahabhrata w a s agreed upon in Association of Academies (cf. 1305

by the International

Almanach der Wiener Akademie 54,

1904, 248f., 267ff., 55, 1905, 2 3 8 f f ) , begun, w a s interrupted by the world war.

but the preliminary work which had already been A critical edition of the Mahabhrata is now Oriental Research Institute, Poona; s. A 1919;

in course of preparation by the Bhandarkar under the Auspices of Shrimant B alasaheb Pant R. Zimmermann original

prospectus of a N e w and Critical Edition of the Mahabhrata undertaken by the Institute Pratinidhi, B .A., Chief of Aundh and C V. Vaidya in J B R A S . 25, 1920, pp. 358 ff., N. B . Utgikar in Ann of the Mahabhrata edited from Ann. B h. Inst. IV. 2, Poona 1923; M. Winternitz,

Bh. Inst. II. 2, 1921, pp. 155 ff.; and the Viraparvan MSS. as a tentative work... 1923, pp. 145 ff.; V. I. 1924, pp. 19 ff.

*) E v e n now w e can say with certainty, on the basis of the MSS., that, for instance, the story of Gaea who writes down the Winternitz, Mahbhrata in the diparvan 1 (s. M. Preliminary Chapters of the Maha The JRAS. 1898 pp. 380 ff. and cf. V. V. Iyer,

bhrata, pp. 32 ff., 97 ff., 340 f.) and the Durgstotra in the Viraparvan 6 (s. Utgikar, Viraparvan Ed., p. xxii) are interpolations.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

469

manuscripts, it will be possible to distinguish with some degree of certainty between what is authentic and what is spurious. For this purpose the older translations in the vernaculars, as well as the Javanese and Persian translations of the Mahbhrata will have to be taken into account. As long as there is no such critical edition of the t e x t of the Mahbhrata available, the date of each section, nay sometimes of each single verse of the Mahbhrata must be determined separately, and there is very little meaning in, and no sort of justification for, saying, as it is so frequently said, that a certain name or subject " already " occurs in the Mahbhrata. So much the less justification is there for connecting definite dates with the Mahbhrata as a whole, as not only were later insertions made in decidedly " early " parts, but also, just as frequently, very ancient passages are found in the " later portions. Thus the whole of Book I of the Mahbhrata is certainly not " a n c i e n t " ; but that does not prevent many of the myths, legends and genealogical verses occurring in it from being very old. Even in the Harivaa, which was certainly only added late, we find very old verses and legends. But the expressions " early " and
15 25 5

) See above, notes to pp. 282, 305, 306, 310, 314 319 342 f.; and A. Ludwig

on

interpolations in the Rjasya and Jarsandha Parvans Paris, I, pp. 187 ff.
2

(Mahbh. II. 12 ff.) in 0 0 xii Das Mahbhrata,

) For vernacular versions of the Mahbhrata see Holtzmann, The

I I I . pp. 100 ff. On the Tamil translation said to belong to the 11th century A. D., s. V. V. Iyer, 1. c , p. 97 ff. and passim. old Javanic translation is dated 996 A. D . , s. K. Wulff, ff. On the Den old javanske Wirtaparva, Kopenhagen, 1917; D. van Hinloopen Labberton, JRAS. 1913, pp. 1 ff.; and H. Kern, Verspreide Geschriften, 1920, Vol. ix pp. 39 ff., 215 Mahbhrata on the island of B ali, s. R. Friederich, Persian translation s. Holtzmann,
3

J R A S . 1876, pp. 176 I, 179 ff. On the Das Mahbhrata als

1. c , I I I , p. 110, and A. Ludwig,

Epos und Reohtsbuch, pp. 66 ff., 93 ff. ) The Yayti legend, for instance, is surely at least a s early as Patajali, who he who knows the Yayti legend " in the (4, 2, 60). F. Lacte (Essai sur Guhya, p 138 f.) is most probably right were teaches the formation of the word Yyatika Mahbhya

in assuming that in olden times the episodes of the great epics were recited as independent poems, and I should like to add that this was most likely the case long before they inserted into the epic.

470

INDIAN

LITERATURE

" late " with reference to whole books and large portions of the Mahabhrata, must always be used with caution and reserve. This leads us to the most difficult question : W h a t do we mean when we speak of old " and " oldest " parts of the Mahabhrata ? I n other words : To what time do the beginnings of the Mahabhrata reach back ? Let us keep to facts. I n the whole of Vedie literature there is no mention of a Mahabhrata, though in Brhmaas and Upanisads there is frequent talk of khyna, Itihsa, Pura and Gth Nras (see above, p. 3L4). Even of the great, and probably historical, event which constitutes the central point of the epic, the bloody battle in the K u r u field, the Veda says not a word, though in the Brhmaas this very K u r u field is so often mentioned as a place where gods and mortals celebrated great sacrificial feasts, that this event, if it had already taken place, would most certainly have been mentioned.* I t is true that Janamejaya, the son of Pankit, and Bharata, the son of Duanta and of Sakuntal, already appear in the Brhmaas ; and already in a Kuntpa song of the Atharvaveda Parikit is praised as a peaceloving king under whose rule the land of the Kurus prospered. I n the works belonging to the Yajurveda there is frequent men tion of Kurus and Paclas or Kurupaclas ; and in connection with a sacrificial feast of the Kurupanclas a n anecdote is told in the Khaka (X, 6) of Dhtartra, the son of Vicitravrya. On the other hand, nowhere in the whole Veda is the name of Pu or of his sons, the Pavas, to be found, nowhere do such names as Duryodhana, Dusana, K a m a , etc., appear. The name Arjuna does, it is true, occur in a Brhmaa, but as a secret name of the god Indra. The SkhyanaSrautastra (XV, 16) is the first place where we find mention of a war in
t(

S e e A.

Ludwig,

ber

das Verhltnis

des mythischen

Elementes

zu der

historischen Grundlage des Mahabhrata, p, 6.

EPICS

AND PURAS
1

471

Kuruketra which was disastrous for the Kauravas. * I n the valyanaGhyastra, " Bharata and Mahabhrata" are mentioned in a list of teachers and sacred books which are honoured by libations at the end of the study of the Veda. P i n i teaches the formation of the names "Yudhihira," "Bhma" and "Vidura," and the accent of the compound word "Mahabhrata." Fatajali, however, is the first to make definite allusions to the story of the battle between the Kauravas and the Pavas. W h a t of Buddhist literature? I n the Tripiaka, the Plicanon of the Buddhists, the Mahabhrata is not men tioned. On the other hand, we find, in the oldest texts of the Tripiaka, poems after the style of the khynas with which we became acquainted in the Brhmaas as a preliminary step to the epic.> The Jtakas, whose metrical portions (the Gths) belong to the Tripitaka, betray an acquaintance
2) 3)

*) C f. E. Leumann,

ZDMG. 48, 1894, 80 ff. ; Ludwig, Das Mahabhrata als Epos und in Cambridge History I, 252 f, B . C Maaumdar ( J R A S .

Rechtsbuch, pp, 77 ff. ; Hopkins

1906, 225 f.) suggests that the author of the Mahbhrata grafted the KuruPava story upon a n older story of a war b e t w e e n Kurus and Paclas.
8

) I I I , 4, 4.

This passage has been much discussed.

C f. Hopkins,

Great Epic, Winternitz, Oldenberg, D a s

pp. 389 f. ; Dahlmann,

Das Mahabhrata als Epos und Rechtsbuch, pp. 152 ff. ; in Proc. I OC Vol. I I . pp. 46 ff. ;

WZKM. 14, 19OO pp. 55 f. ; utgikar

Mahbhrata pp. 18, 33. Utgikar is right in explaining the mention of the Mahabhrata in the valayanaGhyastra (and not in other Ghyastras) by the fact that Avaiayana counts as the pupil of aunaka, and, according to the framestory of the Mahbh, Ugraravas relates the Mahabhrata to Saunaka. The date of the Av.Ghyas i s , however, entirely unknown, and lists of this at any time in valyana's school, '
8

nature could easily have been enlarged

For this reason we are not justified in drawing a B ut these scanty references do not

chronological conclusion from this passage. ) V I I I . 3 95 I I I . 2 162 ; 4, 74 ; VI. 2, 38 admit of our drawing any conclusion as to the contents and extents of the epic known to Pini.
4

) See above, p. 311.

E. Windisch,

Mara und B uddha (ASGW., Vol. X V , Leipzig, India, London, 1903, pp. 180 ff.

1895), pp. 222 ff., and T. W. Rhys

Davids, B uddhist

Recitations of khynas are mentioned in the B rahmajlasutta, as w e l l as conversations and exhibitions which the monk is to avoid (Dialogues of the B uddha, translated from the Pli by T. W. Rhys Davids, London, 1899, p. 8 ) . If, as the commentator says, recitations of the Mahabhrata and of t h e Rmayaa were to be understood by this, the author would surely have mentioned them by name.

472

INDIAN

LITERATURE

with the Ka legend, but not with the Harivaa and the Mausalaparvan of the Mahbhrata. The names occurring in the Jtakabook, Pava, Dhanajaya (in the Mahbh rata an ordinary epithet of Arjuna), Yudhittila (Pali form of Yudhihira), Dhataratta (Pali form of Dhtarra), Vidhura or Vidhra (the Vidura of the Mahbhrata), and even the narrative, appearing in this work, of the selfchoice of a husband and the fivehusband marriage of Draupad, bear testimony only to slight acquaintance with the Mahbhrata. For Pava occurs in the Jtaka as the name of a horse, Dhtarra as the name of various kings, Dhanajaya and Yudhihira are only mentioned as K u r u kings who dwelt in Indraprastha, and Vidura is a wise man, who appears now as domestic priest, and now as a minister of the court of Dhanajaya or of Yudhithira. Draupad, however, one of the most magnificent female characters of the epic, appears in the Jtaka as an example of feminine depravity, as she is not content with her five husbands, but also commits adul tery with a hunchbacked servant.
5 2) 35 5 5
l

) The legend of Ka

(Kaha) is told in the Ghatajtaka (No. 454), allusions See Lders in ZDMG., 58, their religion, s. Jacobi in ZDMG., 5 3 , 1899, pp. 25 ff, The Jainas have already

t o it are found also in Jtakas No. 512 and No. 530 (gth 20). 1904, p p . 6 8 7 ff., also E. Hardy in the third or second century B . C made the Ka cult part of

in OC V I I , Vienna 1886, pp. 75 ff. and Z D M G , 42, 1888, pp. 493 ff.
a

) J t a k a N o . 185. ) Dhataraha is a king of the gods in Jt. No. 3 8 2 , a king of the Ngas i n Jt. I n Jt. No. 544 he heads a In the Mahvastu Dhytrra is the name of a B uddha, and once Indapatta his Yudhihila

No. 543, a king of the flamingoes in Jt. Nos. 502, 533, 534. list of righteous kings.

the name of a palace, s. E. Windisch, B uddhas Geburt (ASGW, 1908), pp. 101, 168. *) In Jtaka No. 413 Dhanajaya is a Kuru king residing in the city of (Indraprastha) purohita. of the family of Yudhihila ( Y u d h i h i l a g o t t a ) , In t h e and In Jt. No. 515 Dhanafijaya Korabya is a pious Kuru king, called Vidhra is

in the Gths while the sage Vidhura is living at B enares. jtakam " in a B harhut inscription, s. E. Hultzsch.

VidhurapaitaJtaka s In

( N o . 545, already mentioned in the second century B . C with the title " VituraPunakiya Ind. A n t , 1892, p, 234) Vidhura a minister of the Kuru king Dhanajaya w h o (like Yudhihira in the Mahbhrata) is fond of playing at dice. B ut there is no allusion at all to the story of the Mahbhfirata. Jt. No. 329 Dhanafijaya is a king of B enares.
6

Vidhura also oocurs as the name of a J R A S 1897, pp 752 ff.

wise monk in the Thergth 1188 and in the Majjhimanikya 50. ) Jtaka No, 536 (gthS 288). C f. Winternitz,

EPICS

AND

PURAS

473

From these facts we must conclude that, before the conclusion of the Veda, there could not have existed an epic Mahabhrata, i. e. an epic poem which dealt with the war with the Kauravas and Pavas and the battle on the K u r u field, and bore the title " Bharata " or " Mahabhrata" ; but that, on the other hand, such a poem must have existed already in the 4th century B. C , as the Stra works of khyana, Avalyana and Pini can scarcely be later. Now as the Plicanon of the Buddhists, which originated in the 4th and 3rd centuries B. C , betrays only quite a super ficial knowledge of the Mahabhrata, it was probably at that time still little known in the east of India, where Buddhist literature originated. We h a v e seen, however, that some elements of our present Mahabhrata reach back into the Vedic period, and that m u c h , especially in the didactic sections, is drawn from a literary common property, from which also Buddhists and Jainas (probably already in the 5th century B. C.) have drawn. * Finally, it must still be mentioned, that not only the events described in the epic, but also the innumerable names of kings and royal races, however historical some of the events and many names may appear, do not belong to Indian history in the true sense of the word. I t is true that the Indians set the reign of Yudhithira and the great war of the Mahabhrata at the beginning of the Kaliyuga, or Iron
1

) Verses Mahbh. X I , 7, 23 ff., which H. Raychaudhuri pp. 269 ff.) believes to literary common property, ~'se above, pp. 314, 409 f., 415,

(JAS ., N . S, 18, 1922, B to this 417. On the yasrga

be quoted in the B esnagar inscription, also belong

legend in the Jtaka cf. above, pp. 399 ff. and H. Lders

in the treatise there cited,

Another legend which the Mahabhrata ( I . 107 f.) has in common with the Jtaka (No. 444) is that of Mdavya, w h o , as a punishment for having in his childhood impaled a fly on a thorn, w a s taken for a robber and impaled. ( f. C L. Scherman, Materialien zur Utgihnr in Geschichte der indischen Visionslitteratur, Leipzig, 1892, pp. 53 f., and N. B i.e. of Ka Dvaipyana V y s a ) .

Proc. I I OC 1922, pp. 221 ff. In the Jtaka this Mdavya is a friend of Kahadpyana,

60

474

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Age, i. e. 3102 B. C . ; but this date for the beginning of the Kaliyuga is based upon the artificial calculation of Indian astronomers, and the association of this date with the conflict of the Kauravas and Pavas is, of course, quite arbitrary. The political history of India commences with the isunga kings Bimbisra and Ajtasattu of Magadha, who are known to us as contemporaries of the Buddha, and we may also ascribe historical character to the kings of the isunga and Nanda dynasties mentioned in the Puras. With the great King C andragupta (321 B. C ) , the founder of the Maurya dynasty, we step on to firm historical ground in India. Of all these historical personalities there is no trace to be found in the Mahbhrata. This " prehistoric " character of the narrative and of the heroes certainly indicates the great antiquity of the e p i c Summing up, we can say the following about the age of the Mahbhrata : 1. Single myths, legends and poems which are included in the Mahbhrata, reach back to the time of the Veda. 2. An epic " Bharata " or " Mahbhrata " did not exist in the Vedic period. 3. Many moral narratives and sayings which our Mah bhrata contains, belong to the asceticpoetry, which was drawn upon, from the 6th century B. C . onwards, also by Buddhists and Jainas. 4. If an epic Mahbhrata already existed between the 6th and 4th centuries B. C , then it was but little known in the native land of Buddhism.
15 5 5

) See R

Ramkrishna

Bhagwat,

J RAS., B

20, 1899, pp. 150 ff. and J. F. Fleet,

JRAS. 1911, pp. 479 ff., 675 ff. In a similar w a y the Arabian astronomers have connected the same era with the Deluge.
2

) These kings reigned between 642 (or 600) B . C . and 322 B . C . C f. Smith, ) E. W. Hopkins

Early

History, pp. 44, 46 ff., and E. J. Rapson Cambridge History, I, pp. 312 ff., 697.
8

(in Album Kern, pp. 249 ff.), it is true, believes to have found the Mahbhrata. B ut w h y

references to the

Mauryas, Asoka and Candragupta in

should these be so hidden ?

EPICS AND PURAS

475

o. There is no certain testimony for an epic Mahabh rata before the 4th century B. C . 6. Between the 4th century B. C . and the 4tli century A. D. the transformation of the epic Mahabhrata into our present compilation took place, probably gradually. 7. I n the 4th century A. D. the work already had, on the whole, its present extent, contents and character. 8. Small alterations and additions still continued to be made, however, even in later centuries. 9. One date of the Mahabhrata does not exist at all, but the date of every part must be determined on its own account.
T H E RMYAA, BOTH A P O P U L A R E P I C AND AN ORNATE P O E M .

The Rmyaa differs essentially from the Mahabhrata in more respects than one. Above all it is much shorter and of much greater uniformity. While the Mahabhrata in its present form can scarcely be called an actual epic, the Rmyaa, even in the form in which we have it today, is still a fairly unified heroic poem. Moreover, while indi genous tradition names Vysa an entirely mythical seer of ancient times, who was supposed to be at the same time the compiler of the Vedas and of the Puras, as the author or editor of the Mahabhrata, it attributes the authorship of the Rmyaa to a poet named Vlmki, and we have no reason to doubt that a poet of this name really lived and first shaped the ballads, which were scattered in t h e mouths of the bards, into the form of a unified poem. The Indians call this Vlmki " the first Kavi or author of ornate poetry " (dikavi) and like to call the Rmyaa " the first ornate poem " (dikvya). The beginnings of ornate epic poetry do indeed lead back to the Rmyaa, and Vlmki has always remained the pattern to which all later Indian poets admiringly

476

INDAN

LITERATURE

aspired. The essential factor of Indian ornate poetry, of the socalled " kvya" is that greater importance is attached to the form than to the matter and contents of the poem, and that socalled alamkras, i.e. " embellishments," such as similes, poetic figures, puns, and so on, are used largely, even to excess. Similes are heaped on similes, and descriptions, especially of nature, are spun out interminably with ever new metaphors and comparisons. W e find the first begin nings of these and other peculiarities of the classical ornate poetry in the Rmyaa. While we found in the Mah bhrata a mixture of popular epic and theological didactic poetry (pura), the Rmyaa appears to us as a work that is popular epic and ornate poetry at the same time. I t is a true popular epic, just like the Mahbhrata, because, like the latter, it has become the property of the whole Indian people and, as scarcely any other poem in the entire literature of the world, has influenced the thought and poetry of the nation for centuries. I n the introduction to the epic (a later addition) it is related that god Brahman him self invited the poet Vlmki to glorify the deeds of Rma in verse ; and the god is said to have promised him :
" A s l o n g as in this firmset land

T h e streams shall flow, t h e m o u n t a i n s s t a n d , S o l o n g t h r o u g h o u t t h e world, be sure, T h e great R m y a n shall endure.

1 5

This dictum has proved itself truly prophetic to the present day. Since more than two thousand years the poem of R m a has kept alive in India, and it continues to live in all grades and classes of the people. High and low, prince and peasant, nobleman, merchant and artisan, princesses and shepherdesses, all are quite familiar with the characters and
) 1,2,36 f. Translated by R. T. H, Grifith.

EPICS

AND

URAS

477

stories of the great epic. The men are elevated by the glorious deeds of R m a and are edified by his wise speeches, the women love and praise St as the ideal of conjugal fidelity, the highest virtue of woman. Old and young enjoy the wonderful feats of the truehearted monkey Hanumat, and they enjoy no less the gruesome tales of the maneating giants and the demons endowed with magic power. Popular sayings and proverbs bear witness to the familiarity of the people with the stories of the Rmyaa. But also the teachers and masters of the various religious sects refer to the Rmyaa and draw upon it, when they wish to propagate religious and moral doctrines among the people ; and the poets of all later times, from Klidsa down to Bhavabhti and their epigones, have ever again drawn their materials from the Rmyaa and worked them up anew.* When we come to the modern Indian literature of the vernaculars, we find a Tamil translation of the Sanskrit epic as early as in the 11th century, and soon there follow imitations and tran slations in the vernaculars from the North to the South of India. The religiousphilosophical Hindi poem R m c a r i t m n a s based on the ancient epic, and composed about 1574 A.D. by the celebrated Tulsl Ds has become almost a gospel for millions of Indians. Generations of Hindus in all parts of India have made the acquaintance of the old legend of Rma in such modern translations. I n the houses of the wealthy, recitations of the poem are arranged even in our own day. Dramatic versions, too, of the story of Rma as mentioned already in the Harivasa (see above p. 451 Note), may still be seen performed at religious festivals in villages and towns in India at the present day. Thus, in Northern India, e.g. in Lahore, the Dassara feast is celebrated annually by the " R m a p l a y " (Rm Lla), at which the most

) A. Baumgartner,

Das Rmyana

und

die Rmaliteratur

der

Inder,

Freiburg

. B , 1894, has given a survey of the whole Rma literature.

4?8

INDIAN

LITERATURE

popular scenes from the Rmyaa are performed before an enormous audience. Whether the worship of the monkey king H a n u m a t as a local deitywidespread over Indiaand monkeyworship in general can be traced back to the popu larity of the Rmyaa, or whether, on the contrary, the prominent part played by monkeys in the Rma legend must be explained by an older monkeycult, remains an open question. I t is certain, a t all events, that none of the larger villages of India is without its image of the monkeyking Hanumat, and that monkeys are swarming in many temples, and are treated with great forbearance and love. This is particularly the case in Oudh the ancient town of residence of Rma.
15 2)

Rma himself, the hero of the Rmyaa, was probably only later made into an incarnation of the god Viu and then worshipped as a god. The fact that the epic dealing with this divine Rma then assumed the character of a sacred book cannot surprise us. Thus it is said at the end of the first canto (certainly not composed by Vlmki) :
" W h o e e r t h i s noble p o e m reads T h a t tells t h $ tale of Rmas d e e d s , G o o d as t h e scriptures, he shall be

F r o m e v e r y sin a n d b l e m i s h free. W h o e v e r reads t h e s a v i n g s t r a i n , W i t h all his kin t h e Brahmans h e a v e n s shall g a i n .

w h o read s h a l l g a t h e r h e n c e

T h e h i g h e r praise for eloquence.

) A vivid description of this festival from personal observation is given b y J. C Oman, The Great Indian Epics, The Stories of the Ramayana and t h e Mahbhrata, London, 1899, pp. 75 ff. C f. M. M. nderhill. India series, 1921, pp. 79 I.
2

The Hindu Religious Year, Heritage of of Northern India, 2nd Ed.,

C f. W. C rooke

Popular Religion

and Folklore Mythology,

1896, I. p p . 85 ff., W. J. Wilkins, nderhill, l. c , pp. 119 f.

Hindu

2nd Ed., Calcutta, 1882, p 405,

EPICS

A N D

P U R A S

479

T h e warrior oer t h e l a n d shall r e i g n The merchant luck in trade o b t a i n ;

A n d d r a s l i s t e n i n g neer s h a l l f a i l T o reap a d v a n t a g e from t h e t a l e . *

1

Significant also is the legend of Dmodara I I , a king of Kashmir, who was changed into a snake through a curse, and could not be released from the curse until he had had the whole Rmyaa read to him in one single day. But it is the very popularity of the Rmyaa, as in the case of the Mahabhrata, which became a reason for the fact that the poem has not come down to us in its original form, but much increased and disfigured by additions and alterations. The work, as we have it before us, consists of seven books and contains about 2,000 couplets (lokas) : but which of these are early or late, genuine or spurious, we shall only be able to determine when we have given a short summary of the con tents of the poem.
2)

CONTENTS

O F T H E

RMYANA.

Book 7, called Blakanda (section of childhood), begins with an introduction upon the origin of the poem, and relates the story of the youth of Rma. P u t in this book, too, exactly as in the Mahabhrata, the course of t h e narrative

) Translated b y R. T. H. Griffith. ) Kalhaa's RjataragiT I. 166. ) Translated into English verse by R. T. H. Qnffith (in 5 vols. 18701874, in one 1895, new ed. with a memoir b y M. N. Venkataswami, B enares, Butt, Calcutta, 189294 ; condensed into Italian by G, Qorresio, Paris, 185458, and by A. Roussel, London, 19OO; translated Paris, 1915) ; into

vol., B enares, Romesh Dutt

English prose by Manmathanath French by H. Fauche,

into English verse by Parigi 184758, into s. Rickert Indian by the 19031909 ; only B ook I The Great

into German b y J. Menrad Epics, pp. 19 ff. ; a 1893.

Mnchen, 1897, and a f e w extracts b y J. C of the contents

b y Fr. Riickert, Oman,

Nachlese, I, 2 7 l ff. An outline of t h e story is given full account

b y H. Jacobi, Das Ramayaa, B onn, reprinted and published

Scenes from the Ramayan, by R. T. H. Griffith,

Panini Office, Allahabad, 1912,

480

INDIAN

LITERATURE

is interrupted by the insertion of numerous brahmanical myths and legends ; and some of these are the same which also appear in various versions in the Mahbhrata. Thus a mention of Bsyarnga serves as a pretext for relating the legend with which we are already familiar. The appearance of Vasistha and Vivmnitra gives rise to the narration of numerous legends referring to these ris famous from ancient days. Thus especially, the story of Vivmitras austerities, which he performed in order to become a Brahman, and of the temptations of this i by the Apsarases Menak and Rambh is told in detail. The cycle of Vivmitralegends also includes the ancient legend of unaepa. Of the other myths and legends we may mention those of the dwarf incarnation of the god Visnu (I, 29), the birth of the wargod Kumra or Krttikeya (I, 3537), the 60,000 sons of Sagara (the ocean) and the descent of Gag from heaven, and the twirling of the ocean by the gods and demons. From the introduction we shall call attention only to the pretty story of the invention of the loka :
5 5 35 45 5 Q)

Vlmki singing

was

w a n d e r i n g t h r o u g h the forest a l o n g the bank of a river, on the grass blood of god Suddenly for a wicked fowler him comes along and kills the in his the is seized w i t h words Then

w h e n h e noticed a pair of curlews w h i c h were h o p p i n g about sweetly. male bird w i t h his arrow. and his m a t e t h e curse of Brahman very metre. mourning N o w , w h e n t h e bird is weltering B ut a

in pitiful t o n e s , Vlmki fowler. of the form

the deepest pity, and he utters a curse on the their o w n accord t a k e and appears

loka.

bids t h e poet to s i n g of the deeds of R m a i n this

>) I , 911. ) I. 5l65.

3

See above, pp. (399 ff.) and Luders,

NGGW., 1897, I. pp. 18 ff.

) I, 62, cf. above, pp. 211 ff. A n outline of this story is given by J. C Oman, The Great Indian

*) I, 3844.

Epics, pp. 87 ff. It has been translated into German by A. W. von Schlegel in his Indische Bibliothek," I (1823), pp. 50 ff.
6

) I , 45. C f. above, p. 389. Translated by F . von Schlegel, Uber die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier, H. Jacbi ( D a s Rmyana, pp. 80 f.) suggests that the basis of this legend m a y b*

e) I. 2. p. 266.

t h e fact that the epic loka in its final form is to be traced back to Vaimki,

EPICS A N D P U R A S

481

Book I gives the following history of Rama's youth :

In the land of the Kosala (north of the Ganges), in the city of Ayodhy (the present Oudh), there ruled a mighty and wise king, named Baaraika. He was long childless. Then he resolved to offer a horse sacrifice. The seer Rsyarnga is engaged as the conductor of this great sacrifice, and he presents a specially powerful sacrificial offering efficacious in causing the begetting of sons. Just at that time the gods in heaven were much troubled by the demon Rvaa. They therefore turn to Viqnn begging him to become a mortal, and as such kill Ravaa. Viu agrees and resolves to be born on earth as the son of Daaratha. So, after the horsesacrifice was concluded, the three wives of King Daaratha bore him four sons: Kausaly bore Rama (in whom Viu had incarnated
himself), Kaikeyi bore Bharata, Sumitr bore Laksmana and atrughna,

Of these four princes Rama, the eldest, was the declared favourite of his father. B ut from his youth Lakmaa was deeply devoted to his elder brother. He was as his second self, and fulfilled all his wishes even before they were uttered. When the sons had grown to manhood, the great i Fivmitra came to the court of Daaratha. Rma and Lakmaa went forth with him to slay demons, for which they were rewarded by the i with magic weapons. Vivmitra also accompanies the princes to the court of King Janaka of Videha. The latter had a daughter named Seta. She was no common mortal, for once when the king was ploughing the field, she had come forth out of the earthhence her name " St " the fieldfurrow"and Janaka had brought her up as a daughter. B ut the king possessed a wonderful bow and had announced that he would give his daughter St in marriage only to the man who could bend the bow. Many princes had already tried in vain. Then Rma came and bent the bow, so that with a thundering crash, it broke in two. Highly delighted the king gives him his daughter in marriage. Daaratha is informed and fetched, and then, amid great rejoicings the marriage of Rma and Slt is celebrated. And for many years they both lived in happiness and joy.

The real story begins with Book I I , which describes the events at the royal court of Ayodhy, and is therefore entitled AyodhyaKnda.
l)

) A free poetical rendering of this B ook in German by A. Holtzmann, Sagen."

" Indische

61

482
When

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Daaratha felt old a g e approaching, he resolved to appoint his made by maid his of the now domestic priest of Vasiha. her Now own she cast hesi

favourite son R m a as heir to the throne, and caused all the necessary prepa rations for t h e consecration to be T h i s is noticed son B harata by the hunchbacked Q u e e n K a i k e y l , and she nomination kept The

urges her mistress to procure from the k i n g as heir to the throne. which king she that has he up will the her t w o w i s h e s , requests of till

T h e k i n g had once promised t o g r a n t pending. king banish Rma for fourteen years and is m u c h not

appoint her son B harata as heir to tate for a m o m e n t

the throne.

d o w n , but R a m a himself, as soon as he hears of the m a t t e r , does g u i l t y of breaking his word.

t o g o i n t o b a n i s h m e n t , so that his father m a y not be I n vain his m o t h e r K a u s a l y and his brother H e insists that it is his h i g h e s t d u t y into t h e forest. mothers) the duties to H e i m m e d i a t e l y also tells his wife S t H e asks her B ut that

L a k m a a t r y to keep him back. help his father to keep his word. to be friendly and to

t h a t he is determined to g o i n t o b a n i s h m e n t Daaratha to serve h is father and his

B h a r a t a , to live piously and c o n t i n e n t l y at the cc urt of obediently. of a wife,

S t answers h i m in a m a g n i f i c e n t speech on

n o t h i n g shall prevent her from f o l l o w i n g h i m into t h e f o r e s t :

" M y lord, the m o t h e r , sire and sou Receive their l o t s by merit won ; T h e brother and the d a u g h t e r find T h e portions to their deeds a s s i g n e d . T h e wife alone, whateer a w a i t , M u s t share on earth her husband's fate. S o now the k i n g s c o m m a n d w h i c h sends T h e e to t h e w i l d , to me e x t e n d s . T h e wife can find no r e f u g e , none, I n father, mother, self, or son : B o t h here, and w h e n t h e y v a n i s h hence, H e r husband is her sole defence. If, R a g h u s s o n , ) t h y steps are led W h e r e Da(;aks pathless wilds are spread,
2

) It is interesting to note that father as his " mothers."

a

Rma always speaks of all the

wives of

his

) Rghava, " descendant of Raghu" i.e. Rma.

EPICS

AND

PUiiAS

483

M y feet before thine own shall pass T h r c u g h t a n g l e d thorn and matted g r a s s . . . And as w i t h thee I wander there I will not b r i n g thee grief or care. I l o n g , when t h o u , wise lord, art n i g h A l l fearless, w i t h delighted eye. T o gaze upon the rocky hill, The lake, the fountain, and the rill ; To sport with thee, m y limbs to cool. I n some pure lilycovered pool. W h i l e the w h i t e swan's and mallard's w i n g s Are p l a y i n g in the watersprings. So would a t h o u s a n d seasons flee L i k e one s w e e t day, if spent w i t h thee. W i t h o u t m y lord I would not prize A h o m e w i t h gods above the skies ; W i t h o u t m y lord, m y life to bless, W h e i e could be heaven or happiness ? ' ) Rma describes to her all the terrors and dangers of the forest, in Satyavat, so, she says,

order to dissuade her from her resolve. B ut she remains firm and will hear n o t h i n g of a separation ; as Svitrl once followed will she not leave h i m . T h e n Rma at last consents t h a t S t shall g o forth with him into t h e forest. N o r will faithful L a k m a a , of course, be hindered from f o l l o w i n g his brother into banishment. Clothed only in g a r m e n t s of bark, t h e banished ones g o forth into t h e forest amidst the s y m p a t h y of the whole population. B u t K i n g Daaratha cannot overcome his grief at the loss of his A few days uneasy hermit sleep about by accident, midnight. T h e n he remembers a crime he son. had after Rma had g o n e into banishment, the k i n g awakes from

c o m m i t t e d in his y o u t h ; he tells K a u s a l y how he had once killed a y o u n g w h e n h u n t i n g , and how the blind father of the latter loss of his son. Now had cursed h i m , that he should die of grief at the this curse is b e i n g fulfilled : " ' I see thee not : these eyes g r o w blind. A n d m e m o r y quits m y troubled mind.

) I I . 27.

Translated by Griffith.

484

INDIAN

LITERATURE

A n g e l s of D e a t h are round m e : t h e y S u m m o n m y soul w i t h speed a w a y . W h a t woe more g r i e v o u s can there be, T h a t , when f r o m l i g h t and life I flee, I m a y not, ere I part, behold M y virtuous Rma true and bold ? Grief for m y s o n , the brave and true. W h o s e j o y it w a s m y will t o d o . Dries up m y breath, as s u m m e r dries T h e last drop in the pool t h a t l i e s . . . A h R a g h u s s o n , ah m i g h t y a r m e d . B y w h o m m y cares were soothed and charmed, M y son in w h o m I t o o k d e l i g h t , N o w vanished from t h y father's s i g h t ! Kausaly, ah, I cannot s e e ; S u m i t r , g e n t l e devotee ! A l a s , K a i k e y , cruel d a m e , M y bitter foe, t h y father's s h a m e ! ' K a u s a l y and S u m i t r kept Their watch beside him as he wept. A n d D a a r a t h a moaned and s i g h e d , And g r i e v i n g for his darling died.
1 5

After the death of the k i n g , B h a r a t a , w h o is s t a y i n g in sent for, to ascend t h e throne. bring him back. Rma B u t B harata will hear n o t h i n g of

Rjagha,

is

and i n v i t e d by his mother K a i k e y , as well as b y the counsellors, it, and his declares brother.

w i t h determination t h a t the s o v e r e i g n t y b e l o n g s to Rma and that he will W i t h a g r e a t retinue he sets out

2

to fetch

Meanwhile,

is sojourning in the Citraka hills, and is j u s t describ w h e n clouds of near. alone. He dust are seen believes He that L a k m a a climbs

i n g t h e beauties of t h e landscape to S t , > u p a tree and sees t h e army of B harata i t is a hostile a t t a c k , B h a r a t a leaves his army Rama, throws himself behind at and

to rise and t h e noise of an a p p r o a c h i n g a r m y is heard. drawing draws near and i s g r e a t l y enraged.

B u t he soon observes t h a t approaches

his feet, and t h e brothers embrace one another.

) II, 64.
2

Translated by Griffith. A magnificent description of nature, such as are not rare in the

) I I . 94.

Rmyaa.

EPICS

AND

P U R A N AS

485
himself and his

N o w B harata, with m a n y mother him now Kaikey,

'ears

and

reproaches a g a i n s t not

reports to R m a the death of his father, and asks him to R m a says he could reproach either

return and c o m m e n c e his reign. or his be dear to him offers in his speech

m o t h e r ; b u t t h a t which his father had c o m m a n d e d , m u s t even h i m , and he will never depart from his decision to spend In vain departure funeral are all of the for entreaties the of B harata, one, but of the the their father. Rma w i t h m a n y departed brother in a lament seem

fourteen years in the forest. w h o reminds lamentations, remains and the firm magnificent unreasonable.

libation

resolve. of

Rma comforts bis m o u r n i n g death, which makes every

on t h e natural, necessary transitoriness of existence,

inevitableness

" In scatterings end collections all ; H i g h t o w e r i n g piles at l e n g t h m u s t fall ; I n p a r t i n g every m e e t i n g ends ; T o death all life of creatures tends. T h e early fall to e a i t h is sure. Of fruits on trees that h a n g mature. Of mortals here behold a t y p e ; T h e y , too, s u c c u m b , for death when ripe. As houses fall when l o n g decay H a s worn the posts w h i c h formed their stay, S o sink m e n ' s frames, when age's course H a s undermined their vital force A s l o g s that on the ocean float. B y chance are into contact brought. B u t , tossed about by wind and tide, T o g e t h e r cannot a l o n g a b i d e ; So w i v e s , sons, k i n s m e n , riches, all Whateer our own we fondly c a l l , Obtained, possessed, enjoyed, today. Tomorrow all are snatched a w a y . A s , s t a n d i n g on t h e road a man W h o sees a p a s s i n g caravan. W h i c h slowly w i n d s across t h e plain. Cries, " I will follow in y o u r train, So men the beaten path m u s t tread O n which their sires of yore have led.

486

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Since none can natures course elude, W h y oer t h y doom in sorrow brood ? ) T h e counsellors, too, c o m e in order to invite R m a to b e g i n his reign. One of these, Jbli, need not a great heretic and representative of nihilistic views, his moral scruples. Everyone lives only for himself, trouble about father and mother, death is t h e end spread abroad by crafty priests, tries to drive a w a y he s a y s , one
1

of all t h i n g s , t h e talk of a B e y o n d is only sense and ascend of t h e n i h i l i s t .

25

in order to procure presents,therefore he should o n l y consult his c o m m o n the throne. Rma energetically rejects these t e a c h i n g s of the pious him priest his Vasiha as a A n d finally B harata is compelled to Rma gives sandals where Rmas E v e n the representations change
3

cannot make h i m

his m i n d .

c o n s e n t to conduct affairs for R m a . s y m b o l of s o v e r e i g n t y , ) while he h i m s e l f

and B harata returns to A y o d h y , his residence to

sandals are s o l e m n l y placed on the throne as t h e representatives of t h e k i n g , transfers N a n d i g r m a , in order from there to m a n a g e the affairs of the c o u n t r y for R m a , as his representative.

Beginning with Booh Il which describes the forestlife of the exiles, and hence is called Arayaka, " Forest section," we leave, as it were, the world of reality, and enter a miraculous fairytale world, from which we do not emerge before the end of the poem. While Book I I shows us the life at an Indian prince's court, and begins from a court
%

) II, 105, 16 ff. Translated by J. Muir Writers, pp. 41 f. which has already been mentioned

Metrical

Translations property

from

Sanskrit

Sayings of this kind belong to.the common several times.

of Indian poets,

We meet them again almost literally Rama's speech of teaches " Like Jacobi

in the Mahbhfirata, in Puras, in the legal literature (e g. Viusmti X X , 32), in the Buddhist proverbial wisdom, in the sayings of B harthari, and so on. consolation also forms the nucleus of the DasarathaJtaka,
2

cf. below p. " one who

) The expression corresponds exactly to the Sanskrit nstika,

that nothing exists (nsti)."

Here these words are placed in the month of Rma : Tathgata is a nstikn,"

a thief is the Buddha, and know thou that the

This verse, which A. Hillebrandt,

does not even appear in all the recensions, has long ago been proved spurious. (1. c , pp. 88 f.) considers the entire Jbli episode to be an interpolation. however, observes (Festschrift Kuhn, p. 2 3 ) : The

situation is described very well,

and such an effective contrast has been made between the materialist and the pious Rma that I cannot consider this passage as spurious."
3

) On the shoe as a symbol of law in old Norse and old German law, cf. Jacob has already

Orimm Deutsche Rechtsaltertmer, 4th Ed., 1899, I. 213 ff. A. Holtzmann compared the strikingly similar H e b r e w custom, Ruth 4, 7.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

487

intrigue, such as in reality occurred in India more than once, the only fabulous element in it being perhaps the exaggerated generosity of t h e two brothers R m a and Bharata, Book I I I begins the battles and adventures of R m a with fabulous and demoniacal beings.
W h e n the exiles had lived in the Dacjaka forest foresthermits Rkasas. Virdha with Rvaa. yet nose. living there besought Rma for for a l o n g t i m e , the against the giant protection

Rma promises this protection, and from that t i m e is incessantly The maneating Fateful for the exiles is t\ e as b i g with love Rma and makes meeting amorous Full sets of out slays a a the

e n g a g e d in b a t t l e s a g a i n s t these devilish monsters. is t h e first to be killed. (" h a v i n g falls claws in T h i s shedevil

2

Srpanakh

as w i n n o w s ), the sister of Lakmaa cuts The off but w h o is not

proposals to h i m . married. ) Howling

B u t he refers her to his brother Lakmaa she flees to scornfully her declines Lakmaa Khara.

her advances. latter

rage she is about to s w a l l o w St w h e n

her ears and Rma

brother

a g a i n s t Rma first w i t h 14, then w i t h 14OOO Rkasas t h e m all. fabulous A f t e r Khara land b e y o n d too has f a l l e n ,
3

rpaakh incites

hastens to Lanka, /vana At

the o c e a n , ) the

and

her brother

tenheaded m o n s t e r and ruler of L a k t o revenge a g a i n s t Rma. same t i m e she describes to h i m his wife. wondrous his beauty golden

of S t in the m o s t chariot through the

a l l u r i n g colours, and incites him to g a i n possession of her and to m a k e her T h e n Rvaa arises, drives in air across the ocean and there m e e t s his friend, t h e demon l i v i n g there as an ascetic. from her protectors and chariot t h r o u g h t h e air. Havana's chariot, but stealing her away. Mrtca w h o is

W i t h Mrca's aid he succeeds in S t cries l o u d l y for help. he himself is

parting S l t

H e bears her a w a y on his T h e vulture J a y u s , by with Ravaa. her. The

an old friend of Daarathas, comes flying a l o n g ; he succeeds in s m a s h i n g finally overcome demon a g a i n seizes S t w i t h his c l a w s and flies a w a y A s she

) Here again follow (in Cantos 814) all sorts of legends, e.6. of| the B i

Agastya

and others, just as in B ook I, and in the Mahabhrata. ) This passage is one of the many proofs of the spuriousness of the
3

first B ook,

in which it is related that the brothers of Rma were married at the same time as Rma. ) Not, as is usually assumed, Ceylon, It was not till a much later time that Lanka was identified with Ceylon. I.ak See Jacobi, Rmyana, pp. 90 ff. M. V. Kibe, Rawana's

Lanka Discovered, 2nd Ed , 1920. attempts to determine the geographical position of

488

INDIAN

LITERATURE

is borne flying t h r o u g h the air, the jewelled bands slip f r o m branches the w i n d her feet

flowers to the

fall

from

her The not

hair, and afraid !

the the Slt

ground.

trees, in whose beloved

rustles, s e e m to call

to her : " B e

lotuses droop their heads, as t h o u g h t h e y were m o u r n i n g for their

friend ; lions, tigers and other wild beasts run behind t h e s h a d o w of hands, i.e. the towering peaks, t h e hills

as if in rage ; w i t h tearwashed faces, i.e. t h e w a t e r f a l l s , and upstretched s e e m t o m a k e moan for St sight truth, Kama. across E v e n t h e g r e a t sun, w h o s e rays are darkened and w h o s e orb pales a t of the stolen Slt seems to l a m e n t : " There is no more j u s t i c e , no no righteousness, no innocence, if R v a a steals (Ill, 52, 3439). B ut Ravaa flies with St the wife of the stolen lady

the ocean to L a k where he a c c o m m o d a t e s her in his harem. H e conducts her round his palace, s h o w s her all its splendours, immeasurable riches and marvels over w h i c h words he tries to persuade her to become his w i f e . full of a n g e r , t h a t she will never break never allow herself to be touched by h i m . she does not y i e l d herself to h i m within her faith twelve and describes to her the he rules. with With Rma coaxing and will B ut Sta answers h i m

T h e n R v a a threatens that, if m o n t h s , he will have her breakfast. Thereupon his

cut in pieces b y the c o o k s and will eat her for the Rksasa w o m e n . M e a n w h i l e Rma and L a k s m a a find t h e h u t e m p t y . have

he has her taken t o a g r o t t o , and delivers her t o the strict guardianship of

returned, and, to their horror, forest. find of a R m a raises a the flowers and the fight. and in He ruins of Rama mad will the

I n vain t h e y seek S l t in t h e Slt. At last

bitter l a m e n t , he questions the trees, t h e rivers, the hills and t h e a n i m a l s but none can g i v e him n e w s of they traces by of ornaments w h i c h fell from S t in her c a n n o t b u t believe t h a t S t has been the flight, killed soon t h e y find

Rvaas chariot, scattered weapons and other

Rkasas, wind,

passion, he declares his i n t e n t i o n of d e s t r o y i n g the whole world. fill t h e air w i t h his arrows, s t a y course the rays of t h e sun and e n v e l o p t h e earth in darkness, hurl d o w n t h e

annihilate

summits Slt. raving

of t h e hills, d r y up t h e lakes, destroy t h e ocean, uproot the trees, nay more, even annihilate the g o d s t h e m s e l v e s if t h e y do not g i v e him back his O n l y w i t h m u c h trouble does Lakrnaa one and what in persuading but him in dies to his in renew blood. the vulture J a y u s towards the Kabandha, weltering succeed the in soothing the Then search. of

they find the Wandering monster, for this,

D y i n g , he still relates t o t h e m his story. a roaring, headless In g r a t i t u d e

has occurred, south

middle

t h e brothers

encounter

w h o m t h e y deliver from a h e a v y curse.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

489
Sugrlva, who will

he advises Rma to ally himself with the monkeyking be helpful to him in the recovery of St.

.Book 7V the Kiskindhka, tells of the alliance which Rma forms with the monkey, in order to win back St.
The brothers reach the lake Pamp the sight of which causes Rma to fall into a melancholy mood ; for it is spring, and the sight of the awakening of nature arouses in him great longing for the distant loved one. ) Here they soon meet with the monkeyking Sugrva. He tells them that he has been robbed of his wife and his dominion by his brother Vlin and driven from his kingdom. Rama and Sugrva now form a close bond of friendship. Rma promiees to help Sugrlva against Vlin while Sugrva promises to aid Rrna in the recovery of St. B efore Kiskindk, ) the residence of Vlin a battle takes place between the hostile monkey brothers. Rma comes to Sugrlva's aid and kills Vlin. The monkey Sugrva is consecrated as king, and Aiigada, the son of Vlin as heir to the throne.
1 2

Among the counsellors of Sugrlva, Hanumat,^ the son of the windgod, is the wisest. Sugrva has the greatest confidence in him, and commissions him to find St. Accompanied by a host of monkeys under the leadership of Agada the clever Hanumat starts on his way to the south. After many adventures they meet with 8ampti, a brother of the vulture Jayus. The latter tells them how once, when he wanted to fly to the sun in a race with his brother, ) his wings were scorched, so that he had now to stay helpless on the Vindhya hills. B ut he had seen how Ravaa had stolen Slt away and taken her to Lak. He describes to them the position of Lanka, and the monkeys descend to the ocean. B ut when they saw the immeasurable billowing sea before them, they simply despaired of getting across it. Agada however, tells them not to be despondent, " for despondency kills a man, as the angry snake kills a boy " (IV, 64,9). Then they take counsel together, as to who can jump the furthest, and it appears that none can jump so far as Hanumat. The
4

) The whole first canto is an elegy, which might be entitled " Longing for the ) Hence the title of B ook IV. ) Also Hanumat. The name signifies; " He with the jaws." According to

beloved in spring," quite in the style of the later ornate poetry.

2 3

IV, 66, 24, he is so called because Indra crushed his jaws w i t h the thunderbolt. *) Like Icarus. This myth is at first briefly touched upon ( I V , 5 8 ) , then (IV, 5963) related in puralike diffusiveness,

02

490
latter then ocean. ascends t h e

INDIAN

LITERATURE

hill

Mahendra

and

prepares

to leap across the

Book V describes the wonderful island of Lak the town of residence, the magnificent palace and harem of Rvaa and relates how H a n u m a t gives St news of her beloved Rma and at the same time finds out the strength of the enemy. The book may have received the title Sundara Mnia " t h e beautiful section," on account of the many poetical descriptions, or because it contains even more fabulous stories than all the other books. If the whole second half of the Rmyaa is already a " romantic " epic, then this fifth book is very specially " romantic," and for Indian taste the romantic is always the most beautiful.
5

W i t h a m i g h t y leap, w h i c h causes the hill M a h e n d r a to t r e m b l e in its depths and terrifies all t h e l i v i n g b e i n g s on t h e hill, t h e m o n k e y H a n u m a t rises into the reaches air and flies across t h e ocean. From a hill After a flight of four days, finally after the the on w h i c h he encounters various adventures and performs miracles, he Lak. almost impregnable. He m a k e s himself as s m a l l town. He views as a c a t ,
2 )

he looks at t h e t o w n , w h i c h seems t o him and which the w h o l e demoncity, on

sunset, penetrates i n t o t h e

palace of R v a a and t h e wonderful chariot called Pupaka, Rkasa is w o n t t o drive t h r o u g h t h e air. harem, where he sees t h e powerful his beautiful women. )
8

H e also penetrates into Rvaas prince r e p o s i n g in the m i d s t of finds s e a r c h i n g , he a t last

demon

After l o n g

fruitless

St c o n s u m e d b y grief, in t h e A o k a g r o v e .

H e m a k e s himself k n o w n as

*) Thus according to Jacobi, Rmyana, p . 124.

2

) According to another explanation: ) The nightly seraglioscene

"as

horsefly."

Hanumat

can change

his form at pleasure.

3

(V, 911) is described vividly in the style of ornate

poetry, and forcibly recalls the description in the B uddha legend, where Prince Siddhtha, surrounded by his wives, awakens at the hour of midnight, and is seized w i t h disgust at sensual pleasure. Buddhacarta The similarity of the situation and of the description is sufficiently Avagho8a's ff.). For as E. B . C owell rightly remarks (in t h e preface to his Of course w e striking to justify the supposition that it is an imitation of the description in ( V , 47 edition of the B uddhacarita), this scene forms must not ascribe the a later interpolator, piece to Vlmki himself,

an essential part of the B uddha legend, but the imitation must be ascribed to

while in t h e Rmyaa, it is only an entirely unnecessary embellishment.

EPICS

A N D

P U R A A S

491

a friend and messenger of Rma. n o t deliver her before then.

S h e tells him that Rvaa has threaten months, if Rma does Hanuniat assures her of the c e r t a i n t y of

ed to devour her, and that she m u s t die after t w o Kama's corning to deliver her.) Thereupon Hanumat he goes message. to returns to the hill,

flies

across t h e ocean and Then

relates his adventures in L a k to t h e m o n k e y s a w a i t i n g him there.

R m a reports to h i m how he found St and delivers h i m her

Book VJ which describes the great battle Rma and Rvaa hence called " Yuddhaknda" section,' is the most extensive of all.
R m a praises H a n u m a t for and heartily of embraces him. difficulty of g e t t i n g across the the successful he despairs Sugrva exact execution at the of B ut

between " battle

his errand, of the the city that

thought of

ocean.

advises the construction description

of a bridge to L a k . R v a a and its shall be

H a n u m a t gives an fortification,

and declares t h a t t h e principal heroes of So Rma soon commands the the march, and army of tremendous had reached urge much says,

t h e m o n k e y h o s t would be able to overcome it. the a r m y prepared for

m o n k e y a r m y sets out southwards towards the seashore. W h e n the n e w s of to a council. Rvaa Now the approaching all the other monkeys and Lak R v a a s u m m o n e d his counsellors, all g r e a t and powerful Rkasas, while relatives counsellors R v a a is he in b o a s t i n g speeches t o fight, Vibhsana, Rvaas brother, points bt.

t o unfavourable o m e n s and advises h i m to return enraged at this, and accuses him of e n v y and by his brother, are a l w a y s the worst enemies of a k i n g and hero.

ill will ; relatives,

F e e l i n g deeply offended

V i b h a n a renounces h i m , flies across the ocean with four

) With this, Hanumat's mission is fulfilled, and the following narrative is doubtless a later interpolation : in order to test the strength of the e n e m y , instigates a quarrel by destroying the Aokagrove. of Rkasas he alone remains the victor. B ut before the demonking. as an ambassador. In tremendous battles with finally

(4155) Hanumat

thousands

he is put into fetters and taken

Hanumat introduces himself

as the messenger of Rma and

demands the return of St.

Rvaa decides to kill him, but is persuaded to spare him St hears of it, and

However, in order to punish him, he causes cotton rags soaked in The monkey now leaps

oil to be wrapped round the monkey's tail and to be set alight. prays to Agni, the firegod, that he may not burn Hanumat. himself escapes uninjured. The spuriousness of this

with his burning tail from house to house, and sets the whole town on fire, while he passage has been indisputably proved by Jacobi, l. c , pp. 31 ff.

492

INDIAN

LITERATURE

other Rkasas and allies himself w i t h R m a . R m a appeals to the O c e a n g o d himself to a i d T h e latter mand, Lak. the calls the monkey Nala, the son the V i v a k a r m a n and instructs h i m to m o n k e y s bring rocks the built over the ocean, and bridge and of

O n the advice of him in crossing At

Vibhaa the sea. com to

of t h e divine masterbuilder ocean. in a few great army Rama's passes days a bridge is over

trees, the

whole

N o w Rvanas residence t o w n is surrounded by t h e a r m y Rvana g i v e s t h e c o m m a n d for a general also m a n y cases of s i n g l e fighting armies. his combat between Hanumat, Laksmaa, son Indrajit sortie. the A battle heroes and of chief

of m o n k e y s . takes of place, two on any and the

Agada

the

bearking

J m b a v a t are t h e most p r o m i n e n t Rvaas side, moment. T h u s , on one occasion, h e Lakmaa. B ut in the t h e m o n k e y H a n u m a t flies to

fellowcombatants

Rama, w h i l e invisible at

is t h e m o s t conspicuous.

The latter is

versed in all m a g i c arts and k n o w s h o w to m a k e himself inflicts Mount dangerous K a i l s a , in As

wounds on order to herbs the

Rma

night,

on the advice of the b e a r k i n g J m b a v a t , fetch thence it herbs. the these of are concealed, healing herbs,

four particularly powerful h e a l i n g to t h e battlefield, where, through

the m o n k e y s i m p l y takes the whole m o u n t a i n p e a k w i t h h i m and carries fragrance R m a , L a k m a a and all the w o u n d e d are i m m e d i a t e l y healed. H a n u m a t puts the m o u n t a i n back i n t o i t s place. O n another occasion, Indrajit, versed carrying monkeys. falls i n t o on illtreats and beheads a swoon. before the eyes of

Hereupon

in m a g i c , comes o u t of the c i t y Hanumat, Lakmaa lamentations by and and utters the a

his warchariot a m a g i c a l l y produced i m a g e of St w h i c h he

Horrified, H a n u m a t reports to R m a that S t is killed ; R m a Lak?rnana breaks 4 ff.) but he is soon is only a delusion into

blasphemous speech w i t h bitter c o m p l a i n t s a g a i n s t F a t e that has no regard to virtue ( V I , 8 3 , the whole affair enlightened produced by Vibhaa that Indrajit. Finally,

Indrajit is killed b y L a k m a a after a violent duel. Furious a t the death of his son, R v a a field of battle. especially At god last Indra c o n t i n u i n g day and n i g h t . with as R a m a strikes off Rvaa's B rahman himself. The gods himself n o w appears and Rvaa come to takes Rama's on the aid,

A dreadful duel b e t w e e n R m a

place,

themselves

his chariot and his projectiles. heads, so often is great a new in

B u t as m a n y t i m e s head g r o w s the army again. of the

he succeeds in piercing Havana's h e a r t w i t h a w e a p o n created b y There rejoicing

m o n k e y s , and wild flight of t h e Rkasas.

KPICS

AND

PURAS

493
in

N o w R a v a a is s o l e m n l y buried and V i b h a a is installed as k i n g L a k b y Rama. Only now does R a m a send for S t , and proclaim news the been of the v i c t o r y b u t her. had has then, in Rkasas, he rejects i g n o m i n y he looked at H e has (so he declares) to her the

joyous for more has

the presence of all the m o n k e y s and had his r e v e n g e have be no

to suffer, but w i t h her he will

to do ; for a w o m a n w h o has sat on the lap of another as a wife b y a Rma. u n j u s t suspicion consent, arises the of of n o w n o t h i n g remained pyre w i t n e s s of her out Then for Slt raises asks to a bitter enter the the

m a n , and who

w i t h lustful e3 es by another, could no longer complaint fire. R m a , and is erected Lakrnaa

received for his Agni her

a g a i n s t the

to erect a pyre : B ma g i v e s

her but and rushes

lighted,

and SIt, i n v o k i n g the fire as flames. she T h e n the g o d has a l w a y s kept

innocence,

into

the b u r n i n g pyre with t h e uninjured S t and delivers her to that even in the palace of the Rkasa remained pure and but that it was necessary to prove her

R m a , assuring h i m , in a solemn speech, faith w i t h innocent. concerning him, and Sts

Thereupon Rma declares that he himself never had any doubts innocence,

innocence before the eyes of the people. N o w Rma and his people, accompanied by H a n u m a t and the m o n k e y s , return to A y o d h y , where t h e y are received with a t r u g h n a , and t h e mothers. populace. welfare of his s u b j e c t s . They R m a is consecrated as king and open the arms by B harata, rejoicings and of the for t h e enter a m i d s t rules

happily

This really concludes the story of Rma, and there can be no doubt at all that the original poem ended with B ook VI and that the following .Book VII is a later addition. This seventh bookit is called Uttara knda " last section, again contains numerous myths and legends similar to those which also occur in the Mahabhrata and the Puras, which have nothing at all to do with the Rmalegend. The first cantos deal with the origin of the Rkasas and the battles of Indra with Havana^ after which the story of the youth of Hanumat is related (VI 35 f.). Only about a third of

) V I I . 134.

Jacobi calls the piece " Rvanes."

494

INDIAN

LITERATURE

the book deals with Rma and St and the following is related :
One day Rma is informed that the people are expressing their disapproval at his having received Slt back after she (during her abduction) had sat on the lap of Rvaa ; it was feared that this might have a bad effect on the morals of the women in the land. The model king Kama is very sad about this ; hejcaonot bear the reproach that he is setting the people a bad example, and requests his brother Lakmana to take St away and desert her in the forest. With a heavy heart Lakmaa takes her on his chariot, leads her to the Ganges and brings her to the further bank of the river, where he discloses to her that Rma has rejected her on account of the suspicions of the people. In deep grief, but yet full of submission to her fate, Slt only sends Rama friendly greetings. Soon after, some hermitboys find the weeping St in the forest and lead her to the hermitage of the ascetic Valmki. The latter delivers her into the protection of hermitwomen. After some time she gives birth, in the hermitage, to the twins Kma and Lava. Several years pass. The children have grown up and become pupils of the ascetic and singer Vlmki. At this time Rama organises a great horsesacrifice. This is also attended by Vlmki and his pupils. He instructs two of them to recite, in the sacrificial assembly, the Ramyaa composed by him. All listen with rapture to the wonderful recitation. But Rma soon discovers that the two youthful singers Kua and Lava, ) who recite the poem to the accompaniment of the lute, are sons of St Then he sends messengers to Vlmki and asks him to arrange that Slt may purify herself by an oath before the sacrificial assembly. The next morning Vlmki brings St and, in a solemn speech, the great ascetic declares that she is pure and innocent, and that her children, the twin brothers Kua and Lava, are the true sons of Rma. Thereupon Rma declares that, though he is satisfied with the words of Vlmki, he still desires that St shall purify herself by means of an oath. Then all the gods descended from heaven. B ut St with downcast glance and folded hands, said: "As truly as I have never, even with one thought, thought of another than Rmamay Goddess Earth open her arms to me ! As truly as I have always, in thought, word and deed, honoured only Rma
1

) Professional travelling singers," who sang epic songs to the

accompaniment

of the lute, were called kulava

; the names Kusa and Lava were invented as a kind of

etymological interpretation of the word kulava. C f. Jacobi, 1. c , pp. 62 I., 67 f.

EPICS AND PURAS

may Goddess Earth a n d never open her arms to m e !

495
A s I have here spoken Goddess E a r t h

the truth

k n o w n another t h a n Scarcely

Rmamay

open her a r m s t o m e ! " and give Mother Earth,

w a s t h e oath finished, than there arose

out of t h e earth a h e a v e n l y t h r o n e , borne on t h e heads of s n a k e d e m o n s , seated on t h e t h r o n e , embraced S t and vanished Only g o d B r a h m a n appears and comforts h i m Soon afterwards Rma g i v e s up w i t h her i n t o t h e d e p t h s . I n vain R m a n o w adjures t h e Goddess Earth t o h i m back his S l t . w i t h t h e hope of reunion in h e a v e n . heaven, where h e a g a i n b e c o m e s Viu.

t h e g o v e r n m e n t to his t w o sons K u a and L a v a , and himself enters

v The thread of this narrative in Book V I I is constantly interrupted by the interpolation of numerous myths and legends. There we find again the familiar legends of Yayti and IS ahum ( V I I , 58f.), of the slaying of Vrtra by Indra, who by this becomes guilty of Brahmanmurder ( V I I , 3487), of Urval the beloved of the gods Mitra and Varua who in a marvellous manner beget the is Vasistha and Agastya V I I , 56f.), of King lia, who as the woman 7l bears Purura vas ( V I I , 8790), and so on. Many truly brahmanical legends with an exaggerated tendency compare well with similar stories of Book X I I I of the Mahabhrata. Thus the story of the ascetic ambka, belonging to the dra caste, whose head Rma strikes off, for which he is commended by the gods, because a dra should not take it upon himself to practise asceticism ; or of the god who is compelled to eat his own flesh because, in a former incarnation, he practised asceti cism, but omitted to make presents to the Brahmans ( V I I , 7381), and similar " edifying " legends. The whole of the book bears the character of the latest parts of the Mahabhrata.
T H E G E N U I N E AND THE SPURIOUS I N THE RMYAA.
}

There can be no doubt that t h e whole of Book VII of the Rmyaa was added later to the work ; but it has also
l

) The problems of the Rmyaa have been fully dealt with first by A.

Weber,

" U b e r das Rmyana," (AB A., 187O).

The fundamental work on these problems is that

496

INDIAN

LITERATURE

long been recognised that the whole of Book I cannot have belonged to the original work of Vlmki. Not only are there numerous internal contradictions in the book, but the language and style, too, stand out as inferior to those of Books I I to V I . Moreover, in the genuine parts of the poem there is never any reference to the events in Book I, in fact there are details in this book which directly con tradict the statements of later books. Only in Books I and V I I is Rma throughout con ceived as a divine being, an incarnation of the god Visnu. In Books I I to V I , apart from a few passages which are doubtless interpolated, * he is always only a mortal hero, and in all indisputably genuine parts of the epic there is no indication whatever of his being conceived as an incarnation of Viu. Where mythology enters into the genuine parts of the poem, it is not Viu but the god Indra who, as in the Veda, is regarded as the highest god. I t is characteristic, too, of the two Books I and V I I that, as we have seen, the thread of the narrative is frequent ly interrupted, and, in the manner of the Mahabhrata and of the Puras, numerous brahmanical myths and legends are inserted. There are only very few passages in Books I I to V I (e. g. at the beginning of Book I I I ) where this kind of thing occurs also. The additions and extensions in these booksand they are numerous enoughare generally of quite a different kind. They consist chiefly of the spinning out of the most beautiful and most popular passages by the singers by means of their own additions. W e must imagine the Rmyaa as having been orally transmitted for a long time
} 2

of H. Jctobi, Das Ramayana Geschichte und Inhalt, B onn, 1893. The Riddle of the Ramayana, B ombay and London, 1906 ; and Bengali Ramayanas, Calcutta, 1920. ) E.g. the marriage of Lakmaa, see above p. 487 N o t e 2.

See also C. V. Dmeshchandra

Vaidya Sen, The

) Thus, for instance, at the end of B ook VI, where, at the moment when ascends the pyre, all the gods come on the scene and praise RSma as god Viu

St

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

497

perhaps through centuriesin the circles of travelling singers like the brothers Kua and Lava in the Uttaraka. These singers or minstrels regarded the epic songs as their property, with which they took every kind of liberty. If they noticed that the audience was 'deeply moved by the touching plaints of St Dasaratha or Kausaly, they would fabricate a number of additional verses, so that they could linger over it for a longer time ; if the battlescenes met with greater appreciation from a more warlike public, then it was easy for the singer to gather together more and more new heroes for duels, to have a few more thousands or tens of thousands of monkeys or Rkasas slaughtered or to relate again with a little variation a heroic deed which had already been related ; if the audience enjoyed comical scenes, especially those in which the monkeys appear, then it was tempting for the singer not only to spin out such scenes, but also to add new similar ones ; if he had a learned audience of Brahmans before him, he sought to win their favour by spinning out the didactic portions, adding new moral maxims or inserting aphorisms taken from elsewhere; especially ambitious rhapsodists would extend the descriptions of nature, probably already popular in the ancient and genuine poem, by means of additions in the style of the ornate court poetry. Pro bably the Rmyaa, like the Mahabhrata, only received a more or less definite form when it was written down? But this must have happened at a time when the poem was already so famous and so popular, that it was already regarded as of religious merit to read and to hear it, and that heaven was
}

) It was favourable for the amplifications, though unfavourable for the preserva To produce any amount of

tion of the genuine, that the loka is a metre easy to handle, Sanskrit.
a

lokas almost in no time, is an easy matter for a n y tolerably educated Indian who knows ) The activity of the commentators, by which the text was made still more secure,

began much later still.

63

498

INDIAN

LITERATURE
}

promised to him who copied it. The more one copied of so magnificent and so salutary a poem, " that imparts long life, health, renown, good brothers and intelligence," ) the more certain one was of entering heaven. Therefore the first compilers and editors to handle the written poem, did not regard it as their task to view the transmitted material critically, to distinguish the genuine from the spurious, but, on the contrary, welcomed everything which presented itself under the title of " Rmyaa." We can, however, only speak of a "more or less" definite form of the Rmyaa, for the manuscripts in which the epic has come down to us, differ greatly from one another, and there are at least three different recensions of the text, repre senting the transmission in different regions of India. These recensions differ from one another not only in reference to various readings of certain passages, but also in the fact that in each of them verses, long passages and even whole cantos occur, which are missing in others ; also the order of the verses is very frequently different in the different recensions. The recension, most widely spread (in the North as well as in the South of India), is the one which Jacobi designates as " C ," which has several times been printed in Bombay. ) The only complete edition which has appeared in Europe, by G. Gorresio, ) contains the Bengal recension. The text of the North Western Indian (Western Indian, Kashmiri) recension
2 3 4

) V I , 128, 1 2 0 : Those men who, full of ) V I . 128, 122. 1902. Also see above, pp. 478 f.

love towards R**ma, write down this

collection (sainhit) compiled by the si attain to a dwelling in Indra's heaven."

2 3

) I quote from this recension in the edition of

the N S P . by K. P. Par ab, Catalogue of South and A. B . Keith,

2nd for

Ed., B ombay,

It was a mistake to call this recension " Northern Indian," 1902, p. 67 5 M. Winternitz E.

the Southern Indian MSS. give the same text ; see Winternitz, Sanskrit Manuscripts, London, *) Turin, 18431867. Sanskrit MSS. in the B odleian Library, I I , pp. 145 f. See on this edition Windisch,

Indian

Catalogue of Sanskrit

Geschichte der

Philologie (Grundriss I , 1 B ) , pp. 145 f.

Only the two first B ooks have been edited (with

a Latin translation) by A. W. von Schlegel, B onnae 1829, 1838, on eclectic principles,

EPICS A N D

PURAS

499

is now being printed at Lahore.* The only explanation for the great differences between the recensions is the fact that the text of the epic was for a long period only handed down by oral transmission. I t is conceivable that the order of the verses became dislocated in the memory of the rhapsodists, that the wording must often have suffered considerable changes, and that the singers of different regions made differ ent additions and extensions respectively. All these recensions agree, however, in that they contain all the seven books, and that in all of them, spurious pass ages are side by side with genuine ones. For this reason none of the recensions represent an " original text " of the Rm yaa. But the omission of a passage in one of the recensions is always justifiable ground for suspecting its genuineness; and on the whole it is certainly easier to detect what is spu rious and later in the Rmyaa, than it is in the Mahbh rata. " As on many of our old, venerable cathedrals," says Jacobi "every coming generation has added something new and repaired something old, without the original construction being effaced, in spite of all the added little chapels and turrets ; so also many generations of singers have been at work at the Rmyaa; but the old nucleus, around which so much has grown, is to the searching eye of the student, not difficult to recognise, if not in every detail, yet in its prin cipal features." Jacobi himself, in his work " Das Rmyaa "
2)

An edition from a B engali Rasiklal Bhattachrya ) yaa.

MS. with comparative footnotes was published by Pandit A comparative study of the GSAI. 25, 1912, pp. 45 ff.

in the " Pandit," N. S., Vols. 2834.

recensions C and B (B engali) has been made by M. Vallauri, Critically edited by Pandit Ram Labhaya, D. A. V. College, Lahore, 1923 critical editions
9

published by the Research Department, Only when we shall have them

ff. C /. Hans Wirtz> Die westliche Recension des Rm

Diss. B onn, 1894 ; S. Lvi, JA. 1918, s I I . t. xi, pp. 5ff.

of all the three recensions, will it be possible to decide which of

contains the more authentic text.

Das Ramayaa, p. 60.

500

INDIAN

L I T E MATURE

]has indisputably proved a large number of additions and extensions to be such. The fact that, in an attempt at a critical reconstruction of the text, perhaps only a quarter of the transmitted 24,000 verses of the Rmyaa would prove to be " g e n u i n e , " does not speak against the justification of the criticism.* I t is only on account of the great mass of the " s p u r i o u s " in the Indian epics, that the reading of them, which often carries us away to the greatest admiration, still oftener disappoints us. And if a comparison between the Indian and the Greek epics with reference to artistic value must necessarily result unfavourably for the former, the blame rests far more with those versifiers who increased and disfigured the ancient songs with their own additions and alterations, than with the ancient Indian poets. The " form less fermenting verbiage, with which Friedrich Rckert reproaches the Rmyaa, is surely more often to be placed to the account of the imitators of Vlmki than to that of Vlmki himself. But on the whole the German poet is probably right when he seeks the beauty of the Indian epic elsewhere than that of t h e Greek, saying :
" Such f a n t a s t i c g r i m a c e s , such formless f e r m e n t i n g verbiage A s R m y a a offers thee, t h a t h a s H o m e r Certainly t a u g h t thee to d e s p i s e ; b u t y e t such lofty t h o u g h t s And such deep f e e l i n g t h e Iliad does n o t show thee. T H E A G E OF THE RMYANA. *
3 2 )

Closely conneoted with the question of the genuine and th3 spurious in the Rrnyaa is the question of the age of the poem. For in order to answer this question it is certainly of importance whether we can form some idea, at least, of
) I n Vol. 51 of ZDMG. (1897), pp. 605 ff., Jacobi made an attempt to deal critically

with a considerable conneoted portion of t h e Rmyaa, in which, o u t of 6OO verses, not quite a quarter remained.
a

F . Rckert, Poetisches Tagebuch, Frankfurt a. M., 1888, p. 99.

) C f. Jacobi, I.e., p. 100 ff.; A. B . Keith, JRAS 1915, p . 318 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

501

the interval of time which may have elapsed between the original poem, whose genuine parts are to be found in Books IIVI and the two added Books I and V I I . W e have now seen that in the genuine books Rma is merely a human hero, and that it is only in Books I and V I I (and in a few interpolated passages of the other books) that he appears as the incarnation of the god Viu. I t is the epic itself which has made Prince Rma a national hero. This transformation of Rma from a man into a semidivine national hero and finally into the Universal God Viu must necessarily bave taken a very long time. More over, the poet Vlmki appears as a pious forest hermit and i and a contemporary of the hero Rma in the first and last books of the Rmyaa. Thus Vlmki had already become a legendary personage in the minds of the poets of these later books. All this makes it seem likely that cen turies elapsed between the genuine and the spurious portions of the poem. W e should immediately add here, though, that also in our Mahbhrata, which knows not only the Rma legend, but the Rmyaa of Vlmki, Rma is regarded as an incarnation of Viu and Vlmki is mentioned as an ancient i. I t has already been mentioned above (p. 384) that the Bmopkhyna of the Mahbhrata is in all probability only a free abridged rendering of the Rmyaa, and we may add, of the Rmyaa in a very late form, fairly nearly approaching the present one. For, to the author of the Rmopkhyna Rma is already Viu become man, he knows that H a n u m a t " burned " Laka passage proved to be spurious, and he is already acquainted with that
5 2) 3)

) Jacobi, 1. c. p. 65. *) Mahbh. I l l , 147, 3 1 ; 275, 5 ff. ) Mahbh. I l l , 148, 9. C f. above p. 491 Note I.

502

INDIAN

LITERATURE
!)

part of Book V I I which refers to Rvaa. The story of R m a is related in the Mahbhrata in order to console Yudhithira for the stealing of Draupad. But this whole episode of the stealing of Draupad is surely only an imitation of the stealing of St in the Rmyaa. I n the latter, indeed, this abduction is the nucleus of the legend and of the poem, while in the Mahbhrata the abduction of Draupad has practically no significance for the course of the narrative. Other striking coincidences in single fea tures in the two epics have been pointed out, especially the resemblance between the heroes Arjuna and Rma. The banishment into the forest for twelve to fourteen years, the bending of the bow, and endowment of the heroes with divine weapons which they fetch from the gods these are points in which the influence of the one epic upon the other is possible, but can hardly be proved. Nevertheless it is more likely that the Mahbhrata borrowed motives from the Rmyaa than the reverse. For while the Rmyaa shows no kind of acquaintance with the Pdava legend or the heroes of the Mahbhrata, the Mahbhrata, as we have seen, knows not only the Rma legend, but the Rmyaa itself. In the Harivaa there is even already a mention of a dramatic representation of the Rmyaa (see above, p. 451 Note). I t is still more important, however, that the Mahbhrata ( V I I , 143, 66) quotes a " loka once sung by Vlmki," which is actually to be found in our Rmyaa, (VI, 81, 28). Vlmki is mentioned in several places in
2) 8)

) Jacobi, l. c , pp. 73 f.

Also in Mahbh., V I I . 59, and X I I ,

29, 51 ff., the Rma VI, 128, 95 ff.,

legend is briefly touched on, and a few verses partly agreeing with Rm. and ten hundred years."
2

refer to the paradisiacal condition of the subjects of Rma " w h o ruled for ten thousand ) C f A. Holtzmann, Das Mahbhrata, I V , 68 f. E. Windisch, LZB ., 1879, N o . 52,

col. 1709.
8

) It is true that the poet of the Rmyaa k n e w the poem of Svitr and the Great Epic, p. 78 n o t e ) .

song of Nala (Rm. II, 30, 6 ; V, 24, 12), but it is not certain that he knew them as parts of the Mahbh5rata (as is assumed by Hopkins,

EPICS

AND

PURAS

503

the Mahabhrata as a " great ascetic " and venerable i by the side of Vasitha and other is of ancient times.* On one occasion he tells Yudhithira that, in the course of a disputation with holy Munis he was once reproached with being a " Brahmanmurderer, and that through this reproach the guilt of Brahmanmurder had come upon him, from which he could only cleanse himself by the worship of Siva. All these facts justify our agreeing with Jacobi (1. c , p. 71) when he says that the Rmyaa must already " have been generally familiar as an ancient work, before the Mahabhrata had reached its final form." I t is quite in accord with this t h a t the " process of degeneration, if one may say so, i.e. the superseding of the genuine by the spurious, and the penetrating of later elements into the old parts has gone so far in the Mahabhrata as to pervade the whole work, while in the Rmyaa it was checked in the beginning and extends only to Books I and V I I and a few parts of the remaining books. But if the Mahabhrata already had, on the whole, its present form in the fourth century A. D. (see above, p. 465), then the Rmyaa must have received its " final" form (the word " f i n a l " is to be taken cum grano salis) at least one or two centuries earlier. However, this does not by any means answer the question as to which is the older of the two epics. After all that we have said about the history of the Mahabhrata as well as of the Rmyaa, it is clear enough that this question
2) 5

) Mahbh. 1, 2, 18; II. 7, 16; V, 8 3 , 2 7 ; X I I . 207, 4; Hariv. 268, 14539.

2

) Mahbh. X I I I . 18, 8,

According

to the AdhytmaRmyaa, RmSyana. C f Jacobi,

Valmki

lived D.

among robbers when he was a young man, t h o u g h he was a B rahman by birth. tradition is to be [found in the B engali lbbetson a n d A. K. Mojumdar in Ind. Ant., Sen, B engali

The same

I.e., p. 66 n o t e ;

24, 1895, p. 220; 3I. 1902, p. 3 5 1 ; D. Ch. Eastern

Ramayanas, p. 125 (a similar Mohammedan legend, pp. 127f.), B lmk i.e. The legends of the Punjab, 1 (1884), pp. 529 f.

VSlmki, is worshipped as a kind of saint by the caste of the scavengers in Punjab, s. R, C Temple.

504

INDIAN

LITERATURE

in itself has no sense at all, but naturally resolves itself into three different questions, namely : I. Which of the two works, in the form in which they are now before us, is the older ? I L W h a t relation does the period of time in which an original Mahabhrata epic gradually became the great compilation combining heroic songs and didactic poetry, bear to that period of time in which the ancient poem of Vlmlki became enlarged into the present Bmyana by means of greater or smaller additions in the older books, and finally by the addition of Books I and V I I ? I I I . Was there, generally speaking, a Mahabhrata epic or a Rmyaa epic first in existence? Only to the first of these three questions a definite answer could be given, namely that our present Rmyaa is older than the Mahabhrata in its present form. As regards the second question, we may assume that the Rmyaa, being so much shorter, required a shorter time for its gradual growth than the Mahabhrata. I t has already been pointed out that the character of the two spurious books of the Rmyaa is strikingly similar to that of the Mahabhrata, and that the same brahmanical myths and legends often recur in both. The stories which are common to both works are, however, told with such variations that we are compelled to assume that they are derived from the same source, the Itihsa literature orally transmitted in brahmanical circles, rather than that borrowing took place. Furthermore, all the books of the Rmyaa and of the Mahabhrata have numerous phrases, hemistiches, proverbial idioms and whole verses in common, * and in language, style and metre there is a farreaching conformity in the two works. * From
1 2

) This has been proved especially by E. W. Hopkins India, pp. 58 ff., 403 ff. ) On the Sloka in t h e pp. 60 ff.

in

the American Journal of The Great Epic of

Philology, Vols. X I X pp. 138 ff. and XX pp. 22 ff., and in his book,

two epics see Jacobi, 1. c pp. 24 ff., and Gurupjkaumud,

EPICS

AND

PURAS

505

these facts we conclude that the period of the growth of the Rmyaa falls within the longer period of the development of the Mahbhrata. The third and most important question, which of the two original epics is the earlier, can only be answered by way of hypothesis. The Hindus declare the Rmyaa to be earlier than the Mahbhrata, because, according to the tradi tional list of Viu's incarnations, the incarnation as Rma preceded that as Kna. This argument has no force, because in the old, genuine Rmyaa, as we have seen, Rma does not as yet appear as an incarnation at all. I t is a fact, however, that allusions to Vsudeva (Ka), Arjuna and Yudhithira already occur in Pinis gram mar, whereas Rma is not mentioned either by Pini or Patajali, nor in inscriptions of the preC hristian era. I t is likely, too, that the theory of incarnation arose out of the Ka cult, and that the transformation of the hero Rma into an incarnation of Viu resulted only later, by analogy to the Ka incarnation.) A few scholars ) have declared the Rmyaa to be the earlier of the two epics, because the burning of widows does not occur in it, whilst it is mentioned in the Mahbhrata. The fact of the matter, however, is that in the old, genuine Mahbhrata the burning of widows is just as much absent as in the genuine Rmyaa, whilst there are allusions to it in the later portions of the Rmyaa, though less frequent than in the Mahbhrata.)
} 2) 4

) According to the
8

PurSas,

R m a appears in the Krtayuga, but Ka not un 8vmin in JB RAS., 23, 191112, pp. 244 ff. Deccan 2nd Ed., B ombay, 1895, p.

til the Dvparayuga. C f. A. Qovindcrya ) C f. R. G. Bhandarkar, 10: Vaiavism, etc., pp. 46 f.

3

Early History of the

) Jacobi in ERE., VII, 194 f. pp. 107 f., Die

R. C handa The IndoAryan Races, 1, 1916, pp. 88 f., ^ A. W. v. 8chlegel and Monier Williams,

111 ff. ) Jacobi, 1. c , also J. Jolly,

5

and before him

Reoht und Sitte, p. 68. Winternit3, Frau in den indischen Religionen, I, 1920, pp. 58 f. ; J. J.

) C f.

Meyer, Das Weib im altindischen Epos, pp. 307 f.

64

506

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Jacobi (1. c , pp. 73, 81 ff.) is so sure about the Rmyaa being the older poem, that he even takes for granted that the Mahabhrata only became an epic under the influ ence of the poetic art of Vlmki. This seems to me to go far beyond what is warranted by facts, indeed it seems to be in contradiction with some facts. I n more than one respect the Rmyaa, as compared with the Mahabhrata, indicates progress in the art of epic poetry. I n the Mahabhrata we still have a distinct remnant of the ancient ballad form in the prose formulae such as " Yudhithira spake," " Kunt spake," "Duryodhana spake," and so on, introducing the speeches of the various characters, while in the Rmyaa the speakers throughout are introduced in verses.* I t has also already been pointed out to how great an extent the Rm yaa already shows the peculiarities of the style of ornate court poetry, the kvya. Of course it is hard to say which of it is old, and which parts have been added later. Never theless, this peculiarity of the Rmyaa which separates it considerably from the Mahabhrata and brings it nearer to the epics of Klidsa, must make us chary of assuming a greater antiquity for the Rmyaa.* There is a second point, too, in which the Mahabhrata makes a much more archaic impression than the Rmyaa. Throughout the Mahabhrataat least in the nucleus of the poem, which treats of the Pava story and the K u r u battle we encounter rougher manners and a more warlike spirit than in the Rmyaa. The battle scenes of the Mahabhrata read quite differently from those described in the Rmyaa.
2)

) See above, p. 324.

The Puras have always retained these prose formulas in

order to preserve the appearance of antiquity.

2

) See above, pp. 475 f., 489 note I. 490 and cf. p. 461. date of its germ as a story, as an artproduct it is later than the Das Mahabhrata, pp. 53 ff., and H. Raychaudhury in

) E. W. Hopkins (Cambridge History, I, p. 251) says of the Rfimyaa ' W h a t e v e r may have been the Mahabhrata." C f. also Oldenberg, Calcutta Review, Mar. 1922, pp. 1 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

507

Those in the Mahabhrata give the impression that the poet belonged to a rough race of warriors, and had himself seen bloody battlefields, while those in the Rmyaa sound rather as though a storyteller is relating battles of which his only source of information is the reports he has heard. There is not that embittered hatred, that fierce resentment be tween Rma and Rvaa Lakmaa and Indrajit, as in the Mahabhrata when we read of the battles between Arjuna and K a m a or Bhma and Duryodhana. The St of the Rm yaa when she is stolen, abducted and persecuted by Rvaa or when she is rejected by Rma, always maintains a certain calmness and meekness in her accusations and lamentations, and in her speeches there is not a trace of the wild passion which we so often find in Draupadi in the Mahabhrata. Kunt and Gndhar too, are true heromothers of a warlike race, while Kausaly and Kaikey in the Rmyaa can rather be compared with the stereotyped queens of the classical dramas. This seems to indicate that the Mahabhrata belongs to a ruder, more warlike age, while the Rmyaa shows traces of a more refined civilization ; unless, in order to ex plain this sharply marked difference between the two epics, we assume that the Mahabhrata reflects a rougher civiliza tion of Western India, while the Rmyaa reflects a more refined civilization of Eastern India, and that the two epics do not represent the poetry of different periods, but of differ ent regions of India. Even from this point of view, however, it is difficult to conceive that the Mahabhrata should only have become an epic under the influence of Vlmki's poetic art. There can be no doubt that the Mahabhrata belongs to the West of India, and the Rmyaa to the East. Western peoples play the principal part in the Mahabhrata, while the chief events of the Rmyaa take place in the the land of the Kosala where, according to tradition, Vlmki is said to have lived, and where, in all probability, he did

50

INDIAN

LITERATURE

really live.* But in Eastern India Buddhism originated, and in Magadha, as in the neighbouring Kosala land, it was first propagated. So much the more important is the question : W h a t is the relationship of the Rmyaa to Buddhism ? I t has already been pointed out above (p. 471) that, in the oldest Buddhist literature, we still find examples of the khyna or ballad poetry, in which we have recognised a forerunner of the epic. T. W. I2hys Davids has concluded from this that the Rmyaa could not have yet existed as an epic at the time of the origin of these Buddhaballads. Now it could be objected that perhaps the ancient khyna or ballad poetry might have lived on beside the new literary form of the epic which had developed out of it, in the same way as we find ballad and epic poetry side by side in modern literatures. I t is remarkable, notwithstanding, that we find nothing but Buddhaballads throughout early Buddhist liter ature, whilst a Buddha epic was not written until centuries later. I t is still more important that in the Tipitaka we find the DasarathaJtaka? which relates how Bharata brings the news of the death of Dasaratha, whereupon Rma tells Lakmaa and St to step into the water to offer the libations for the departed. This gives rise to a conversation, in which Bharata asks Rma how it is that he shows no sign of sorrow,
2) ]

) Jacobi, 1. c , pp. 66 ff., 69. ) B uddhist India, London, 1903, p. 183.

3

) The Pali text of this

Jtaka ( N o . 4 6 1 ) was first published with an English It has been treated in detail by Weber, 1. c ,

translation by V. Fausbll,

Copenhagen, 187l.

1 ff. ; Jacobi, 1. c , 84 ff. E. 8enart Essai sur la lgende du B uddha, 2nd Ed., Paris, 1882, pp. 317 f.; Lders, NGGW., 1897, I. pp. 40 ff : D. Ch. Sen, The B engali Ramayauas, pp. 9 ff.; G. A. Grierson, JttAS., 1922, 135 ff.; N . B . tgikar in Centenary Supplement to JRAS., 1924, pp. 203 ff. Only the gths of the Jtaka belong to the Tipitaka. The prose narrative is the fabrication of the compilers of the commentary (about the fifth century A. D.), and all conclusions drawn from this story, such as those of D. Ch. Sen and others, are faulty. *) Here we see that e e e n the Jtakagfiths were remodelled with a B uddhist ten dency. I n the Rmyaa Rma himself laments exceedingly at the new s of his father's
T

death, before making the speech of consolation, s. Rfm. I I . l 0 2 l 0 5 , and the same thing probably holds good for the ancient ballad too.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

509

and Rma replies with a lengthy speech of consolation, explaining how futile it is to lament over the dead, as death comes to all mortals. The fact that only one of the twelve ancient gths of the Jtaka appears in our Rmya a,> proves that our epic cannot be the source of these verses, but that the Jtaka is based upon an ancient Rma ballad. In the same Jtalca book there is also the Sma Jtaka, which we may probably consider as an older form of the tale about the hermitboy killed in the chase, which is told by Daaratha in Rmyaa I I , 63 f. There are a few other Jtakas, too, in which we find passages reminding us of the Rmyaa, but only very seldom literal agreement.* I t is striking, too, that in the whole of the Jtaka which tells so many tales of demons and fabulous animals, we hear not a word of the Rkasa Rvaa or of Hanumat and the monkeys. All this makes it seem likely that, at the time when the Tipi taka came into being (in the fourth and third centuries B.C .) there were ballads dealing with Rma perhaps a cycle of such ballads, but no Rma epic as y e t Another question is whether traces of Buddhism can be proved in the Rmyaa. I t can probably be answered with
2) 4)

) Parallels to other verses i n R a m a ' s speech of consolation (Rm. II, 105, 2 1 : 22) have been traced by Liiders (ZDMG., 58, 1904, 7 l 3 f . ) in Jtaka 328, g. 24. In the commentary on the DasarathaJtaka there is also a verse about the ten thousand years' reign of Rma which corresponds to Km. V I . 128 ; 104. also occurs in Jtaka 513, g. 17.
2

An allusion to the Rma legend WZKM., 24, 1910,

) Jtaka 540, also in Mahvastu II. 209 ff. C f. C harpentier, ) There are a few

397 ; 27, 1913, 94.

3

Oldenberg, NGGW., 1918, 456ff.; D. Ch. Sen, 1. c , pp. 15 ff. scenes and situations in the VessantaraJtaka which remind In Jtaka 519, however, there is a stanza in which a

us of the

Rmyaa, but there is not a single case of literal agreement between the

Rmyaa and th* Jtakagths.

demon tries to persuade faithful Sambul to desert her sick husband and to follow him, uttering the same threat a s is used by Rvaa to St in Rm. V , 22, 9, namely, that if she is not willing, he will devour her for his breakfast. C f. D. Ch Sen, 1. c , pp. 18 ff. The Jatakagths, too, contain than the Rmyaa. *) C f. T. W. Rhys Davids, B uddhist India, p. 183. earlier and later portions, and some parts may be later

610

NDIAN

LITERATURE

an absolute negative ; for the only place in which the Buddha is mentioned (see above, p. 486, Note 2) is decidedly spurious. However, there may be one, though very distant, relation to Buddhism. Weber had still believed that the Rmyaa was based on an " ancient Buddhist legend of the pious prince Rma in whom the legend glorified the ideal of Buddhist equanimity." That is surely not the case. Nevertheless, the idea of explaining the exceeding mildness, gentleness and tranquillity which are ascribed to Rma by Buddhistic under currents, should perhaps not be rejected. At the least, it is conceivable that, in a land strongly influenced by Buddhism, an epic was composed by a nonBuddhist, the hero of which, in spite of all his splendid demonbattles, is more a sage after the heart of the Buddha, than a hero of war. I t appears, then, that the authors of the ancient Buddhist texts in the fourth and third centuries B.C . had as yet no knowledge of the Rmyaa, but that they knew ballads utilised by Vlmki for his Rma epic, and that on the other hand the Rmyaa was influenced at least indirectly by Buddhism. From this we may probably argue that the Rmyaa came into being at a time when Buddhism had already spread in Eastern India and the Buddhist C anon was in course of formation. This is in harmony with the circumstance that the metre (the loka) of the Rmyaa appears to represent a later stage of development than that of the Buddhist Pali poetry, and that it approximates more nearly to the metre of the later portions of the Mahbhrata. H . Jacobi thought it possible to assume a preBuddhist time of origin of the epic on linguistic grounds. This epic language is a popular Sanskrit. About 260 B.C ., for his
l) 2)

) ber das Rmyaa," pp. 6 f.

2

) C f.

Oldenberg

in Gurupjkannmd, pp. 9 ff., and E. W. Hopkins,

Great Epic,

pp. 236 ff. Jacobi,

1. c , p. 93, and Keith,

JRAS., 1915, pp. 321, 324 ff., contest the

soundness of this argument.

EPICS A N D P U R A S

511

inscriptions addressed to his people, King Aoka used, not Sanskrit, but dialects similar to Pali. Buddha, too, as early as the sixth and fifth centuries B.C . preached, not in Sanskrit, but in the popular language. But popular epics, so he said, cannot be composed in an already " extinct " language, but must be composed in the living language of the people. Now, as in Aokas time and even already in Buddha's time, Sanskrit was no longer the language of the people, the popular epics (in their original form) must belong to an older pre Buddhist period when Sanskrit was still a living language. Against this, it may be urged that Sanskrit has always " lived " in 1 ndia as a literary language, side by side with the popular languages, and has also been understood in extensive circles in which it was not spoken. There is nothing strange in the fact that, at the same time as Buddhist and Jain monks composed and preached in popular dialects, Sanskrit epics also were composed and listened to. Down to the present day in India it is not at all unusual for two or more languages to be current side by side in the same district. And in a great part of Northern India there is current, even today, (besides Sanskrit) a modern Indian literary language, which differs strongly from the colloquial language.* Therefore, if we here and there encounter t h e same verses which we find in the Rmyaa or in the Mahbhrata, in Pali or in Prakrit, in Buddhist or in Jainistic texts, it does not always follow that the Sanskrit verses must have been translated from the popular languages. Still less justification is there for the view of some prominent scholars that the epics as a whole were originally composed in popular dialects and only tran slated into Sanskrit later. I t is highly improbable that such a translation could have occurred without any record of it
}

) Jacobi, 1. c pp. 116 ff. M C f. above p. 43 note, and Orierson in JRAS., 1906, pp. 441 f.

512

INDIAN LITERATURE
1

having been kept anywhere. Jacobi * has convincingly shown how unacceptable this hypothesis is on other grounds also. But when he here, in opposition to tho view that " a popular epic must be recited in (he language of the people," recalls the fact " that the songs of the Iliad and the Odyssey also were presented in the Homeric language, although the language of the audience differed considerably from it, and when he emphasizes the fact hat the conception " nation " could never, in India, have the meaning which we connect with the word, he refutes his own view that the Rmyaa must have been composed when Sanskrit was still the " popular language,' and that it must therefore be pre Buddhist.* During the first centuries of the C hristian era, Sanskrit was used by the Buddhists also. The Buddhacarita of the great Buddhist poet Avaghosa is an ornate epic (kvya) in

) ZDMG., 48, 1894, pp. 407 ff. The view that the epics were originally composed in Prakrit was first expressed by A. Barth (Revue Critique, 5 avril 1886) and later defend ed by him 152 ff., 397
a

in detail (RHR., t. 27, I.). C f. also Grierson,

1893, pp. 288 ff. ; t. 45, 1902, pp. 195 f. : Oeuvres II. Sanskrit was a living language at the time discussed. when

Ind. Ant., 2 3 , 1894, p. 55. It is a fact that all our ancient

) The question as t o whether

the epics were composed, has been much inscriptions (beginning approximately (Cf. R. 0 . Franke, ff)

about 3OO B . 0 . ) are written in popular dialects,

and that it is only inscriptions of the Christian era which are also written in Sanskrit. Pali und Sanskrit, Strassburg, 1902, and T. W. Rhys Davids, B uddhist However, the inscriptions only prove that, in those preChristian cen language. R G, Bhondarkar ( JB R A S . , 16, 1885, 268 ff., 327ff ) Patajali, Thomas, Fleet and India, pp. 148

turies, Sanskrit was not as y e t used as the language of the royal offices : they prove nothing against i t s use as a literary has already shown that, at t h e time of the grammarians Pnini Ktyyana and Sanskrit w a s by no means a " d e a d " language. J R A S . , 1904, pp. 435 ff. 460 ff., 747 ff. The objections of Rhys Davids, Grierson,

See also E J. Rapson and F. W.

(%b. pp. 457 ff., 471 ff., 481 ff.) prove nothing against the assumption that, at the time when the epics came into being, Sanskrit was a literary language understood in wide circles and spoken to some extent. C f. also Keith and Grierson, JRAS., 1906, pp. I ff., 441 f.; 1915, 318 f.; and Windisch in Sanskrit. in O C , XIV, Paris, I. 257, 266. The fact that in the drama the stas speak only Sanskrit, also tends to show that the suta poetry, i. e. the epic, was composed On archaisms in the language of the Rftmyaa s. T. Michelson, JAOS., 25' American Philol. Assoc. 34, pp. xl f.
;

1904, 89 ff. and Transactions and Proceed.

M. A.

Roussel, JA. 1910, s. 10, t xv pp. 1 ff. ; Keith. J R A S . , 1910, pp. 1321 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

513

Sanskrit, for which the poetry of Vlmki certainly served as a model. * On the other hand we find, in a spurious portion of the Rmyaa, a scene which is most probably an imita tion of a scene of the Buddhacarita. Now, as Avaghoa is a contemporary of Kaniska, we may conclude that at the begin ning of the second century A.D., the Rmyaa was already regarded as a model epic, but that it had not yet received its final form to such an extent as to exclude further interpola tions. Towards the end of the second century, however, it must have already had its final form, as follows from what has been said above concerning the relationship of the Rmyaa to the Mahbhrata.
1 2) 3)

A public recitation of the Rmyaa is already mention ed in Kumralta's Kalpanmaditik, * which was probably written towards the close of the second century A.D. I n Chinese translations of Buddhist tales, which are said to date back to the third century A.D., the Rma legend is related in a form prepared to suit Buddhist purposes. * We glean from C hinese sources, too, that, at the time of the Buddhist philosopher Vasubandhu (fourth century A.D.,) the Rmyaa was a well known and popular poem also among the Buddhists in India. * As early as in the second half of the first century A.D. the Jain monk Vimala Sri recast the Rma legend in his Prakrit poem Pamacariya (Padmacarita), bringing it
4 5 6

i ) C f. A. Gawronslci, Studies about the Sanskrit B uddhist Literature, w. Krakowie, 1919 (Prace Komiji Orj. Pol. Akad. Urn. No. 2), pp. 27 ff. *) The seraglio scene, above p. 490, note 3.
8

) Much as has been written about the period of Kanika, it is not y e t

definitely

settled.
4

However, there is ever increasing evidence for the theory that h e reigned during Strlamkra " by Ed. Huber

the first half of the second century A. D. C f. Smith, Early History, pp. 271 ff., 276n. ) Translated from the Chinese as " Asvaghoa's S. Lvi Paris, 1908 p. 126. *) C f. p. in Album Kern, pp. 279 ff. ; Ed. C havannes, J R A S . . 1907, pp. 99 ff. Cinq cents contes, I I I . f. ; Ed. Huber in B EFEO., 4, 1904, 698 ff. ) See K. Watanabe,

65

514

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

into line with the religion and philosophy of the Jains.> I t was obviously his intention to offer his coreligionists a substi tute for the poem of Vlmki which was already famous at that time. I n about 600 A.D. the Rmyaa was already famous in faroff C ambodia as a sacred book of Hinduism, for an inscription reports that a certain Somaarman presented " t h e Rmyaa, the Pura and the complete B h a r a t a " to a temple. The circumstance that the ancient poem already served as a model for Avaghoa, and hence must have been composed long before the time of the latter, agrees well with the entire absence, in the old and genuine Rmyaa, of any traces of Greek influence or of an acquaintance with the Greeks. For two allusions to the Yaoanas (lonians, Greeks) have been proved to be spurious. And it is quite out of the question that, as was once suggested by Weber, the Homeric poems should have had any sort of influence on Vlmki's composition. There is not even a remote similarity between the stealing of Slt and the rape of Helen, between the advance on Lak
2)

) According to the concluding verses belonging to the poem itself, it w a s in t h e year 5 3 0 after Mahvira (i.e. about 6 2 A.D.),

written H. The the is the

E. Lewntann (to whom I am indebted

for valuable information about the Pamacariya) considers this date as unassailable. Jacob* (ERE., V I I . p. 467) assumes that it was written in the third century A . D . later Jain recensions of t h e Rma legend (in the 68th Parvan of Guhya's and in the 7th Pamacariya. Parvan of Hemachandra's Sastisalkapuruacaritra) On Hemachandra's are based on

Uttarapura

" Jain Rmyaa " s. D. Ch. Sen, B engali Kamayanas, t h e B engali versions of the Rmyaa, as versions of ff.). H o w e v e r , the appearance of Rvaa a s a great

pp. 26 ff. (The Jain R m y a a influenced shown by D. Ch S e n , 1. c , pp. 204

sage and ascetic, and of B t as Rvaa's daughter in B uddhist and Jain done b y D. Ch. Sen. In the Adbhutottarakhan(fa,

poem of Rma should n o t be looked upon as traits pointing to ancient traditions, as is too. Stfi appears as the daughter of written Mandodarl. R4vaa's queen. This, however, is a late appendix to the Rmyaa. Ind. Off. Cat. V I . p. 1183 ; D. Ch. Sen,

in praise of S i t as akti and is popular H S S . , Verz. I. pp. 123 I., Eggeling, 227 t ; Qrierson, J R A S , 1921, pp. 422 ff. *) S e e A. Barth, Inscriptions Sanscrites

among the ktas in Kashmir. C f. Weber 1 o., pp. 3 5 , 59*

du

Cambodge

( N o t i c e s et extraits

des

MSS. de la bibliothque nationale, t. xxvii, I. Pan's, 1885), pp. 29 ff. On the Old Javanio Rra&yaa s e e R. Frtedench, Vol. 9, J R A S 1876., pp. 172 ff. ar.d H. Kern, Verspreide Geschritten,

pp. 251

ff., 297,

EPCS A N D

PURAAS

515

and that on Troy, and only a very remote similarity of motive between the bending of the bow by R m a and that by Ulysses.* As an epic the Rmyaa is very far removed from the Veda, and even the Rma legend is only bound to Vedic literature by very slender threads. W h e t h e r that King Janaka of Videha who is frequently mentioned in the Upaniads is the same as the father of St must remain an open question. Weber * has pointed out a few slight connec tions between the Rmyaa and the Yajurveda. St the heroine of the epic, probably belongs to the oldest elements of the Rma legend. Her name signifies "field furrow, she came forth out of the earth, and Mother Earth receives her again. Although the latter feature of the legend only occurs in the late Book V I I , yet it may be very old. The idea of a goddess of agriculture, Slt who is already invoked in a blessing on the land, in the gveda (IV, 57, 6) is extremely ancient, and certainly reaches back far into the Vedic period. The Gfhyastras have preserved for us prayerformulas, in which she is personified in an extremely lifelike manner " lotuscrowned, radiant in every limb ... blackeyed," and so on.* Yet Weber * is probably right when he remarks that this Vedic idea of St as the goddess Fieldfurrow is "separated by a wide gulf from the representation of her in the Rma legend." Neither is there anything to indicate that
2) 3 5

) See Jacobi, 1. c pp. 9 4 ff. The RmaptirvatSpanyaUpani'sad ... ed. by Mahndeva Rma (The VaiavaUpani'shnds

) RSma does not appear in the old Upaniads. and the RamottaratpanyaUpanic&d

Sastri Adyar 1928 pp. 305 ff., 326 ff. ; Deussen, Sechzig Upanishads, pp. 802 ff., 818 ff.) are very late fabrications, which are " Upaniads " only in name ; and in them is honoured as an incarnation of the god Viu. ) Uber das Rmyaa, pp. 8 I. *) Kaueikabtra 106. 368 ff.) ) " Episches im vedischen Ritual " ( S B A . , 1891., p. 818). See A. Weber " Omina und P o i t e n t a " (AB A. 1858, pp.

516

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

songs of Rma and St already existed in Vedic times.* Even if, with Jacobi, we were inclined to find in the legend of the battle of Rma with Rvaa another form of the ancient myth of the battle of Indra with Vtra, the " wide gulf," which separates the Veda from the epic, would still remain. If we briefly summarise the results of our investigations into the age of the Rmyaa, we can say the following : 1. The later parts of the Rmyaa, especially Books I and V I I , are separated from the genuine Rmyaa of Books I I to V I by a long interval of time. 2. The whole Rmyaa, including the later portions, was already an old and famous work when the Mahabhrata had not yet attained its present form. 3. It is probable that the Rmyaa had its present extent and contents as early as towards the close of the second century A.D. 4. The older nucleus of the Mahabhrata, however, is probably older than the ancient Rmyaa. 5. I n the Veda we find no trace of the Rma epic and only very faint traces of the Rma legend. 6. The ancient Buddhist texts of the Tipiaka betray no knowledge of the Rmyaa, but contain traces of ballads in which the Rma legend was sung. 7. There are no obvious traces of Buddhism to be seen in the Rmyaa, but the characterisation of Kama may possibly be traceable to remote Buddhist influence. 8. There can be no question of Greek influence in the Rmyaa, and the genuine Rmyaa betrays no acquain tance with the Greeks.
2)

I)

am

unable

to

follow

the

fantastic the "

expositions o u t l i n e of t h e

of

JuliuB

v.

Negelein,

who

t h i n k s h e is

able

t o discover in t h e

Veda

RffmaSt

legend

" (WZKM.,

16, 19O2, p p . 226 ff.)

) Jacobi, I. c , p . 131.

fiJPICS AND PURAS

617

9. It is probable that the original Bamyana was composed in the third century B. 0. by Vlmki on the basis of ancient ballads.

THE

PuRAs AND THEIR POSITION I N I N D I A N LITERATURE. *

1

I t is difficult to determine the exact position of the Puras in the history of Indian literature, both according to contents and chronologically. Actually they belong to the religious literature, and are, for the later Indian religion, which is generally called "Hinduism" and which culminates in the worship of Viu and Siva, approximately what the Veda is for the oldest religion or Brahmanism. On the other hand, how closely the Puras are connected with the epic compositions can already be deduced sufficiently from the fact that in the preceding chapters we repeatedly had to speak of them. Indeed, the Mahbhrata for the greater part and the Harivaa almost entirely, are nothing other
2)

) The first to make a thorough study of the Puras was II.

H,

Wilson, H.

in his Wilson,

' E s s a y s on Sanskrit Literature " which first appeared in 1832 ff. and in the Introduction and Notes to his translation of the ViuPnra (see Works by the late H. predecessor in Va?is Kennedy, ed. by R. Rost and Fitzedward Hall. Vol. III. pp. 1155, and Vol. V I . Preface). Hindu Mythology, London, 1831. Valuable services have also been He had a and the to

Researches into the Nature and Affinity of Ancient rendered

investigation of the Pura literature by Eugne Burnouf

(Preface to his edition and (Ind. Off

translation of the B hgavataPura) and by the compilers of the great catalogues of manuscripts, especially Th. Aufrecht (B odl. Cat, pp. 7 ff.) and Julius Eggeling Cat., Part VI. London, 1899). cf. Windisch, Geschichte der SanskritPhilologie, pp. 41 f., new ed. 1920, pp. 66 ff. ; W. Jahn Indian ff. For more recent For Wilson's services in the investigation of the Puras, researches A Peep into the Early History of India, J B R A S . , Festschrift Kuhn, pp. 805 ff. , F. E.. Historical Tradition, London. 1922, pp.

on the Puraas see R. G. Bhandarkar, 20, 1900 403 Pargiter,

ERE., X , 1918, 448 ff. ; Ancient

15 ff. and passim;

9

J. N . Farquhar, An Outline of the Religious Literature of India, London, Religions of India, 2nd e d London, 1889, pp. E . W. Hopkins,

1920, pp. 136 ff. ; E. J. Bapson Cambridge History, I. pp. 296 ff. ) On this religion cf. A, Barth, 153 ff. ; M. Monier Williams, B rahmanism and Hinduism, London, 1891 ; Religions of India, B oston, 1895, pp. 434 ff. ; London, 1921, Vol. II ; H, v. Qla$enapp
t

Sir Charles Eliot, Hinduism and B uddhism,

Der Hinduismus, Munich, 1922.

518

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

than Purnas, and even the later books and sections of the Rmyaa partake of the character of Puras. Furthermore, the Puras undoubtedly reach back to great antiquity and are rooted in Vedic literature ; many a legend, already familiar from gvedic hymns and from the Brhmaas, reappears in the Puras ; but, just as undoubtedly, those works which have come down to us under the title of " P u r a " are of a later date, and up to the present day books are fabricated which assume the proud title " Pura" or claim to be parts of ancient Puras. W h a t has been said in the Introduction (see above, p. 30) about " new wine in old bottles," applies especially to these works. Even the latest productions of this literature have the external form and the archaic frame of the oldest Puras. The word " p u r a " means originally nothing but purnam khynam, i.e. "old narrative. * I n the older literature, in Brhmaas, Upanisads and old Buddhist texts, we generally find the word in connection with itihsa. But it has already been remarked (see above, p. 314) that the " Itihsas and Puras " or " Itihsapura " so often men tioned in olden times, do not mean actual books, still less, then, the epics or Puras which have come down to us. On the other hand, definite works may have been thought of, when, in the Acharvaveda^ beside the four Vedas " the P u r a " also is enumerated. Only in the Stra literature is the existence of real Purnas definitely proved, i.e.
J ) 2

*) Instances

are

the

myths of Pururavas and Urva of Sarayu ( s . A.

Blau ,

ZDMG., 62, 1903, pp. 337 ff.), of Mudgala ( s . Pargiter, Vjakapi (s. Pargiter, JB AS., 1911, 803 ff.).

JRAS., 1910, pp. 1328 ff.), of enumerates

*) The KautilvaArthH&stra I, 5 ( p . 10) in its definition of itihsa, piirna and itivrtta as belonging to the content of itihsa. As itivrtta " historical event," pur5na probably means *) X I , 7, 24. mythological and legendary l o r e , "

can only mean a

I n the verse Ath. V. 19, 9 the i Nrada is addressed in such a

manner as to make one believe that the verse is taken out of a Pura dialogue. C f. M. Bloomfield, SB E., Vol. 4 2 , p. 435.

EPICS A N D

PURAS

519

of works whose contents approximately agreed with our present Pura texts. I n the GautamaDharmasutra^ which is regarded as the oldest of the preserved lawbooks, it is taught that the king is to take as his authorities on the
o

administration of justice, the Veda, the lawbooks, the Vedgas, and " the Pura." The expression " the Pura " can here, like " the Veda " only denote a species of literature. I t is still more important that another lawbook, the pastamblyaDlwrniasulra, contains not only two quotations from " the Puran%" but also a third quotation from a " BhaviyatPura." The latter quotation, it is true, is not to be found in the Pura which has come down to us under that title, neither can the other two quotations be found literally in our Puras. However, there certainly are similar passages in our texts. As there are good grounds for assigning the abovementioned Dharmastras to the fifth or fourth century B.C ., there must have been even at that early period works resembling our Puras. I t is indeed likely enough that our Puras are only recasts of older works of the name species, namely, of works of religious
2) 8)
l

) X I . 19.

Thus also in the lawbooks of Brhaspat, I. 3.

which are many 'centuries

later

( S B E . , Vol. 33, p. 280) and Yjavalkyn,

In still later lawbooks the Pur.as (Grundriss, II. 8) pp. 30 "The I. The

are not only enumerated generally among the sources of law, but also quoted as such in innumerable instances. C f. Jolly, lawyer Kullka Recht und Sitte (Manu I. 1) quotes " f r o m the Mahbhrata " the verse: Puraa I have

Mann's lawbook, the Veda with the Vedgas and the science of therapeutics are four things that a i e established by authority , they cannot be refuted with reasons." not found the verse in onr Mahbhrata editions. ) C f. G. Bhler, Ind. Ant., 25, 1896, pp. 323 ff. and SB E., Vol. 2 , 2nd ed., 1897, pp. xxix ff., and Pargiter, Anc. Ind. Hist. Trad., pp. 43 ff. at that time, as is the case with our present Puras; we *) It does not, however, follow from these quotations that the Puras contained separate sections on dharma need only assume that, in connection with the " ancient lore " they also hai,ded down all kinds of ancient legal principles and maxims. C f. Pargiter, A n a Ind. Hist. T r a d . , pp. 48 I. The KauiiliyaArthastra the court officials (V, 3, p. 247). lecommends that misguided princes be instructed by among However, I cannot agree with Pargiter (1. o., pp. 5 4 I.) moans of Puras (V, 6, p. 257), and counts pHiiraikas, i.e. " Pura specialists," in regarding this as a proof of the existence of definite
t

Puras in the fourth century

B C. as I consider the Kauilya as a work of the 3rd or 4th century A. D.

520

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

didactic contents, in which were collected ancient traditions of the C reation, the deeds of the gods, heroes, saints and ancient ancestors of the human race, the beginnings of the famous royal families, and so on. Also the relationship of the Mahabhrata to the P u r a s indicates that the latter reach back to great antiquity, and that Puras certainly existed already long before the final redaction of the Mahabhrata. Our Mahabhrata not only calls itself a Pura but also begins exactly as the Pura texts usually begin, Ugraravas, the son of the Sta Lomaharaa, appearing as narrator. This Ugraravas is called "versed in the Puras, and aunaka, when inviting him to narrate, says to him : " Thy father once learned the whole P u r a ; . . . in the Pura are told the stories of gods and the genealogies of the sages, and we heard them once long ago from thy father." Very frequently legends in the Mahabhrata are introduced with the words " it is heard in the P u r a " ; gths and lokas especially genealogical verses, " s u n g by those versed in the Puras," are quoted ; an account of the C reation, composed in prose (Mahbh. X I I , 342) is called " a Pura" the snakesacrifice of Janamejaya is taught " i n the P u r a " and those versed in the Puras recommend i t ; " i n remembrance of the Pura proclaimed by V y u " the past and future ages of the world are des cribed, and the Harivaa not only quotes a VyuPura, but in many places agrees literally with the VyuPura transmitted to us. Numerous myths, legends, and didactic passages are common to the Puras and the epics. L d e r s has proved that the yaga legend has an older
1} 2) s)

) C f. A. Holtzmann,

Das Mahabhrata, IV, pp. 29 ff. and

E. W. Hopkins,

The

Great Epic of India, pp. 47 ff. ) Mahbh. I l l , 191, 16. As Hopkins, l. c , pp. 48 f., has shown, the description in our VyuPura is more ancient than the one given in the Mahabhrata. ) NGGw!, 1897, p I . p . 8 f f .

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

521

form in the PadmaPura than in our Mahabhrata: I n a verse of the Mahabhrata, which, it is true, was added very l a t e , the "eighteen Puras" are already mentioned. From all this it appears that Puras, as a species of literature, existed long before the final redaction of the Mahabhrata, and that even in the Puras which have come down to us there is much that is older than our present Mahabhrata. I t is, however, only an apparent paradox, when we say that the Mahabhrata is older than the Puras, and that the Puras are older than the Mahabhrata. For the Puras are just as little unified works as the epic, and in them too, early and late portions are found side by side. In the numerous cases in which the Puras agree with each other, and with the Mahabhrata, more or less literally, it is more probable that they all are derived from the same old source, than that one work is dependent on the other. This old source was, on the one hand, oral tradition, compris ing Brahman traditions reaching back to Vedic times, as well as the bard poetry handed down in the circles of the Katriyas, and on the other hand, it was certain definite texts, probably far less in bulk than our present Puras. The number of these was probably not exactly eighteen from the outset. Perhaps there were only four, as indicated by the legendary report in the ViuPura. I t is, however, most unlikely indeed that, as is assumed by some scholars,
1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

) X V I I I . 6, 95.

Another verse, X V I I I . 5, 46, is not to be found in all editions. Pura may have the

) Of course w e do not wish to deny that, in isolated cases, one

copied from another.

3

) I doubt, however, whether we are justified in drawing the line between Pargiter. his ) I I I , 6. According to this, the SSta Romaharaa and three Purasahits (mlasahit). of

Katriya tradition and the brahmanical tradition as definitely as is assumed by

4

pupils

wrote t h e four fundamental X I I , 7. C f.

6

Similarly B hgavataPur. However, w e should not A. Blau, ZDMG.,

Burnouf, B hgavataPura, I, Prface, pp. xxxvii.ff.

place much reliance on these legends. ) A. M. T. Jackson, JB RAS., 21, 1905, Extra Number, pp. 67 ff. ; A n a Ind. Hist. Trad, 35 ff., 49 ff, 62, 1908, 337 ; Pargiter,

66

522

INDIAN

LITERATURE

all the Puras originated in a single original Pura. There was never one original Pura any more than there was one original Brhmaa whence all the Brhmaas sprang, or one original Upaniad whence all the Upaniads sprang. When, as we have seen above, ancient works here and there mention " the Pura" they only mean " the old tradition " or " Pura literature, in the same way as the expressions "Veda" or " r u t i " or " Smrti " are used in the singular. That our pre sent Puras are not the ancient works themselves which bore this title, can already be deduced from the fact that, in content, none of them agrees with the definition of the term Pura as given in themselves. According to this certainly very old definition, * every Pura is to have " five character istics " (pacalakaa) i. e. it is to treat five subjects: (1) Sarga "creation," (2) Pratisarga, "recreation," i. e. the periodical annihilation and renewal of the worlds, (3) Vaa " genealogy," i. e. the genealogy of the gods and Ris (4) Manvantari, " the Manuperiods of time," i. e. the great periods, each of which has a M a n u or primal ancestor of the human race, and (5) Vasnucarita, " the history of the dynasties, vis, " the early and later dynasties whose origin is traced back to the sun (solar dynasty) and the moon (lunar dynasty). These five things only partly form the contents of the Puras handed down to u s ; some contain much more than what is included in the " five characteristics," while others scarcely touch upon these subjects, but deal with quite different things. W h a t is especially significant of al most all our Puras, their sectarian character, i. e. their being dedicated to the cult of some god or other, of Viu or iva is completely ignored by the old definition.* I n most
1

) It is found in the more important Puras, also in the ancient Indian lexicon, the Amarakoa, as w e l l as in other lexicons.
2

) In the B rahmavaivartaPura it]is certainly said that the " five characteristics" while the mahpuranas ( the great P u r a s " ) have ten

are only for the upapurqnas,

EPICS

AND

PURAS

523

of these works there are also considerable sections on the rights and duties of the castes and of the ramas, on the general brahmanical rites, especially the funeral sacrifices (rddhas), as well as on particular ceremonies and feasts (vratas) in honour of Viu or iva and frequently also sec tions on Skhya and Yoga philosophy. I n such Puras as have preserved an old nucleus, we find sections on cosmogony and history of primeval times, corresponding to the "five characteristics." W e find, too, genealogical lists of the ancient royal houses, continued from the first kings, whose origin is traced back to the sun and moon, down to the heroes of the great war of the Mahabh rata. As our Puras are ascribed to Vysa who is said to have lived at the beginning of the Kaliyuga contemporan eously with the heroes of the Bharata battle, the history of " t h e p a s t " ends with the death of the Pavas or shortly afterwards. I n several of these Puras, however, the royal dynasties of the "past are followed by lists of the
} 2) 3)

" characteristics," including " praise of Viu and the gods individually."

The B hgavata

Pura likewise mentions " ten characteristics " of the " Pura " in two places ( I I , 10, 1 and XII. 7, 8 ff.). (See E. Burnouf, Le B hgavata Puraa t. I. Prf., pp. xlvi ff.) B ut these definitions, too, only partly correspond to the contents of the actually e x i s t i n g Puras, *) Here the Puras often agree literally with later lawbooks, C f. Altindischer Ahnenkult, pp. 68 79 112.
2

V7. C aland the need of

) When the Kaliyuga era the startingpoint

had become current of the era with

the some

Indians

felt

associating

important

" historical "

event, and they used the B harata battle for this purpose. agrees, which Mahabhrata,

There was, however, a school the

of astronomers, thus Varhamihira (died A. D, 587) with whom the historian Kalhaa does not date the beginning of the Kaliyuga from the battle of but reckons this battle as having been fought in the 653rd year of the In the Aihole inscription (634 A. D . ) the date " after the B harata

Kaliyuga (2449 B . C ) .

battle " is already mentioned. C f. J. F. Fleet, JRAS., 1911, 675 ff. Indian kings were just as fond of tracing their ancestry back to those who fought in the B harata battle as European princes were anxious to prove their descent from the heroes of the Trojan war. Cf. Rflpson, Cambridge History, I, p. 307. I consider it as entirely contrary to historical (Anc. Ind. Hist. Trad., criticism to draw chronological conclusions as is done by Pargiter of the Kaliyuga. f ) Matsya, Vyu, B rahmla, B haviya, Viu, B hgavata and GaruaPuraas.

pp. 175 ff.) from this fiction of the coincidence of the B harata battle with the beginning

524

INDIAN

LITERATURE

kings of the "future " in the form of prophecies^ I n these lists of kings of the Kali era, we meet, among others, the dynasties of the iungas, Nandas Mauryas, ugas Andhras and Guptas which are well known in history. Among the iungas are Bimbisra and Ajtaatru, who are mentioned in Jain and Buddhist writings as contemporaries of Mahvra and Gautama Buddha (6th to 5th century B. C .) ; and with the Maurya C andragupta, who came to the throne in 322 B. C we emerge into the clear daylight of history. Though these lists of kings of the Kaliyuga can only be utilised as historical sources, with caution and discrimination, * V. A. Smith has shown that the ViuPura is very reliable as regards the Maurya dynasty (326185 B. C ) and that the MatsyaPura is also very reliable as regards the Andhra dynasty (which came to an end about 225 A. D.) whilst the VyuPura describes the rule of the Guptas as it was under C andragupta I (about 320330 A. D.). At the end of the lists of kings, these Puras enumerate a series of dynasties of low and barbarian descent (Sdras and Mlecchas), such as Abhras, Gardabhas, akas Yavanas, Turas, Has and so on, which were contemporary with the former, and then follows a dreary description of the Kali age. This prophecy reminds us of the account given by the C hinese pilgrim S u n g y u n of the barbarian invasions in the northern Punjab in about 465 A. D.
2 3) 4)

) In Rmyaa IV, 62, 3 pu)Una means " a prophecy made in olden times."
a

) F. E. Pargiter

has rendered valuable services to t h e criticism of these lists of The Pura Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, London, 1913. " smta " in our texts, not

kings, by his book :

I t is probable that the sources of these prophecies are ancient annals and chronicles; for this reason we find occasional expressions such as " abhavat," in spite of the prophetical future therefore jump to the Prakrit.
8

tense (ci. Pargiter, 1. c , p. ix).

Pargiter gives good

reasons for the hypothesis that these sources were written in Prakrit ; but w e should conclusion that

the Puras as a whole were translated from the

Pargiter's views have been contested by A, B . Keith, JRAS., 1914, 1021 ff. ; 1915, f. C f. D. Early

328 ff. C f. the discussion ib. 141 ff., 516 ff., 799 ff. ) Early History, pp. 11 ff. ; ZDMG., 56, 1902, 654, 672 I ; 57, 1903, 607 J RAS, 22, 155 f. B Smith, R. Bhandarkar, History, p. 328.

*) C f. S. Real, B uddhist Records of the Western World, I, p . c ;

EPICS
1}

AND

PURtfAS

626

and of K a l h a a ' s vivid description of the rule of the H u n chieftains Torama (about 500 A. D.) and Mihirakula (about 515 A. D.) who ruled " like the god of death in the kingdom swamped by the barbarian hordes," and, surrounded day and night by thousands of murderers, took no pity even on women and children. Moreover, foreign dynasties ruled in India over and over again as early as in the first centuries of the C hristian era. I t is possible that we may have to inter pret the prophecies about the evil Kaliyuga as an echo of these various barbarian invasions and foreign rules. The data are, however, too confused to serve as a basis for safe conclusions as to the date of origin of the Puras. All that we can safely conclude is that the earlier Puras must have come into being before the 7th century, for neither later dynasties nor later famous rulers such as for instance Hara occur in the lists of kings. Another point which would seem to bear out the theory that the earlier Puras had come into being, with, to all intents and purposes, their present form, as early as in the first centuries of the C hristian era, is the striking resemblance between the Buddhist Mahyna texts of the first centuries of the C hristian era, and the Puras. The Lalitavistara not only calls itself a " P u r a " but really has much in common with the Puras. Texts like Saddharmapuarka, Kraavyha and even some passages of the Mahvastu, remind us of the sectarian Puras not only by reason of the boundless exaggerations but also on account of the extra vagance in the praise of Bhakti. The Digambara Jains too, composed Puras from the 7th century onwards. I t used to be the general opinion of Western scholars that our Puras belong to the latest productions of Sanskrit
2)

) Rjataragi I. 289 ff. C f.

Smith, Early History, 328 ff., 333 ff. See also Pargiter, Mrkaeya

I) Ravicea wrote the Padmapura in 660 A. D. PurSa Transi., p. xiv.

526

INDIAN

LITERATURE
1

literature and only originated in the last thousand years. * This view is certainly no longer tenable. For the poet Bna already (about 625 A.D.) knows the Puras well, and relates in his historical romance Haracarita, how he attended a reading of the YyuPura in his native village. The philo sopher Kumrila (about 750 A.D.) relies on the Puras as sources of law, while Sakara (9th century) and Bmnuja (12th century) refer to them as ancient and sacred texts in support of their philosophical doctrines. I t is also important that the Arabian traveller Alberunl (about 1030 A.D.) is very familiar with the Puras, gives a list of the " eighteen Puras," and not only quotes ditya Vyu Matsya and ViuPurna, but has also studied one of the later Pura texts, the Viudharmottara, very minutely.* The erroneous opinion that the Puras must be " quite modern " is alsb connected with the formerly prevalent notion that the Pura religion, the Viu and iva worship, was of a late date. More recent investigations have proved, however, t h a t the sects of the Viu and iva worshippers at all events

) This view was first exprossed by H. H. Wilson H e &aw references to the Vans Kennedy
2

and often repeated afte him.

Mahomedan conquest in the description of the Kaliyuga.

(see Wilson, Works X, 257 ff.) already advocated emphatically a greater System

antiquity of the Puras. ) C f. G. Bhler, Ind. Ant 19, 1890, 382 ff. ; 25, 1896, 328 ff.; P . Deussen, str des Vednta, Leipzig, 1 8 8 3 / p . 3 6 ; Smith, the middle of the 7th century. Early History, pp. 22 ff. A manuscript of the (JAS , 1893, p. 250) t o B century B . C verses

SkandaPura in Gupta script is assigned by Haraprasd are quoted, which, according to Pargiter

In records of landgrants of the 5th

(JRAS., 1912, 248 ff. Anc. Ind. Hist. Trad., p. It is more probable, however, that these

49), occur only in the Padma, B haviya, and B rahmaPura, and hence he concludes that t h e s e particular Puras are earlier. Cf. Keith, verses both in the inscriptions and in the Puras w e r e taken from earlier Dharmasstras. JRAS., 1912, 248 ff., 756, and Fleet, ib., 1046 ff. Fleet himself believes that chronological deductions could be made from the fact that in some of the Puras the planets, beginning with the sun, are enumerated in the same order in which t h e y appear in the days of the week, which points to t h e period after 600 A . D . Pura t e x t s . However, any arguments of this nature are conclusive merely for isolated ohapters, and not for complete

EPICS

AND

PURAS

527

reach back to preC hristian and perhaps preBuddhist times.* The orthodox Hindus themselves regard the Puras as extremely ancient. They believe that the same Vysa who compiled the Vedas and composed the Mahabhrata was also, in the beginning of the Kaliyuga the present age of the world, the author of the eighteen Puras. But this Vysa is a form of the exalted god Viu himself, " f o r (says the ViuPura) " who else could have composed the Maha bhrata ?" His pupil was the Sta Lomaharaa, and to him he imparted the Puras. Thus the Puras have a divine origin. And the Vednta philosopher akara, for a proof of the personal existence of the gods, turns to Itihsas and Puras, because these, as he says, rest not only upon the Veda, but also upon senseperception, namely on the percep tion of people like Vysa who personally spoke with the gods. The authority of the Puras certainly cannot be compared with that of the Vedas. Itihsa and Pura are, to a certain extent, merely a supplement to the Veda, principally intended for the instruction of women and dras who are not entitled to the study of the Veda. Thus already an ancient verse says : " B y Itihsas and Puras the Veda is to be strengthened : for the Veda fears an unlearned man, thinking that the latter might iiljure it." Only the Veda, says
2) 5 3) 4) 5)

) C f. G. Bhler, Ep. Ind. II, 1894, p. 95. Smith, 1. c , p. 318).

2

Kadphses II (about 78 A. D . )

was

so ardent a ivaworshipper that he had a picture of iva stamped on his coins ) Thus according te

(V. A.

Mahbh. X I I , 349 and akara in his commentary on the 6. The name Lomaharaa (or Romaharaa) is

VedntaStras III. 3, 32.

3

) ViuPura III, 4 and

explained etymologically in the VyuPura I. 16, as "one who, by his beautiful narrations, causes the hairs (loman) on the bodies of the hearers to stand on end
4

(haraa) with joy." From the fact that

) Ved.S. 1, 3, 33.

SB E., Vol. 34, p . 222.

Sankara adds :

men no longer today speak with the gods, it in no wise follows that this was not the case in ancient times.
6

) The verse is quoted by Rmnuja (SB E, Vol. 48, p. 91) as a Pura

text. 27, 6.

I t is to be found in VyuPur. 1, 201 ; Mahbhr. I, I. 267, and VsihaDharmas.

528

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Rmnuja^ serves for the attainment of the highest knowledge, the knowledge of Brahman, while Itihsa and Pura lead only to the cleansing from sins. The Puras, then, are sacred books of the second grade. This is easily explained, for originally the Puras were not priestly litera ture at all. The Stas or bards were undoubtedly the creators and bearers of the oldest Purna poetry as well as of the epic. This is also borne out by the circumstance that in almost all the Puras the Sta Lomaharaa or his son Ugraravas, " the Sauti" i.e. " the son of the Sta" appears as narrator. This is so much the case that Sta and Sauti are used almost as proper names in the Puras. But the Sta was certainly no Brahman, and he had nothing to do with the Veda. But when this old bard poetry ceased, we do not know when, this literature did not pass into the hands of the learned Brahmans, the Vedaknowers, but the lower priesthood, which congregated in temples and places of pil grimage, took possession of it ; and these rather uneducated templepriests used it for the glorification of the deities whom they served, and in later times more and more for the recom mendation of the temples and places of pilgrimage in which
2) 3) }

) S B E . , Vol. 48, pp. 338 f.

2

) This

is expressed

most clearly by Rmnuja

(on Ved.S.

II,

1, 3,

S E., B from

Vol. 48, p. 413) when he says that the Purfias have indeed been proclaimed by the Creator Hirayagarbha, but that they, just as Hirayagarbha himself, the qualities of passion (rajas) error.
3

are not free

and of darkness (tamas) and the

and are therefore subject t o the preservation of the

) According

to

the

Vyu

PadmaPura,

genealogies of the gods is and famous kings, is the duty of the Stas. C f. Anc. genealogies of the Katriyas ; see C Poona, 1924, pp. 260 ff. *) " The Sta has no claim V. Vaidya History of Mediaeval

Pargiter,

Ind. Hist. Trad., pp. 15 ff. Thus even at the present day the B htas preserve the Hindu India, II,

at all to the study of the Vedas" says the Vyu the

1

Pura I 33 and also according to B hg. Pur. I. 4 13, the S5ta is conversant " with Puraa I pp. xxix and liii ff.

whole realm of literature with the exception of the Veda. ' C f. E. Burnouf, Le B hgavata

EPICS AND PURlAS

1

529

they maintained and often enriched themselves. ) But how very strongly, nevertheless, even to the present day, the Hindus believe in the sanctity of the Puras, is best shown by a lecture delivered by Manilal N. Dvivedi at the C ongress of Orientalists in Stockholm (1889). As a man of Western education he spoke of anthropology and geology, of Darwin and Haeckel, Spencer and Quatrefages, but only in order to prove that the view of life of the Puras and their teachings upon the C reation are scientific truths, and he finds in them altogether only the highest truth and deepest wisdomif one only understands it all correctly, i.e. symbolically.
2)

The Puras are valuable to the historian and to the antiquarian as sources of political history by reason of their genealogies, even though they can only be used with great caution and careful discrimination.) At all events they are of inestimable value from the point of view of the history of religion, and on this head alone deserve far more careful study than has hitherto been devoted to them. They afford us far greater insight into all aspects and phases of Hinduismits mythology, its idolworship, its theism and pantheism, its love of God, its philosophy and its superstitions, its festivals and ceremonies and its ethics, than any other works.) As literary productions, on the other hand, they are by no means a pleasing phenomenon. They are in every respect regardless

) According to Manu III. 152, templepriests (devalaka)

cannot be invited to speaks

sacrifices any more than physicians and vendors of meat. of these priests with undisguised contempt. C f. M. A. Stein, translated...Westminster, 1900), Vol. I. Introduction, p. 19 f. Puras,
2

The historian Kalhana

Kalhaas Rjataragi The epics, as well as the or " narrators " (Phakas)

are

nowadays recited by

speoial

reciters "

(Kathakas) belonging to the B rahman caste. ) OC, V I I I Stockholm, II. pp. 199 ff. ) As historical sources they surely do not deserve such confidence as is placed (JRAS 1914, 267 ff. ; B handarkar Com. Vol., p. 107 ff., and passim). Outline of the Religious
3

in them by F. E. Pargiter *) C f. Pargiter,

Anc. Ind. Hist. Trad , 7 7 ff., 119 ff. and Literature of India, p. 136 ff. and passim,

ERE X, pp. 451 ff. and J. N. Farquhar,

67

580

INDIAN

LITERATURE

of form and proportions. The careless language and poor versification, in which the grammar often suffers for the sake of the metre, are just as characteristic of these works as are the confused medley of contents and the boundless exaggera tions. J u s t a few examples of the latter. While in the gveda Urva sojourns with Purravas for four years, the two lovers in the ViuPura spend 61,000 years in pleasure and delight. While even the older Puras know only seven hells, the BhgavataPura speaks of " hundreds and thousands " of hells, and the GaruaPura counts no less than 8,400,000.* The later the Pura this may be regarded as a general rulethe more boundless are the exaggerations. This, too, indicates that it was an inferior class of literary men, belonging to the lower, unedu cated priesthood, which was engaged in the transmission of the Puras. Yet, many of the old legends of kings and some very old genealogical verses (anuvamaloka) and song verses (gths) have been saved from the original bard poetry and incorporated into the later texts which have come down to us. Fortunately, too, the compilers of the Puras, who col lected their materials from anywhere and everywhere without choice, did not despise the good either, and received into their texts many a dialogue, in form and contents recalling the Upaniads, as well as some profound legends, taken from the old ascetic poetry. Thus the following short survey of the most important Puras and their contents will show that even in the desert of Pura literature oases are not wanting.

SURVEY O F T H E P U R A L I T E R A T U R E .

I n the Puras themselves which have come down to us, the number of existing Puras " composed by Vysa " is

) Scherman, Visionslitteratur, p. 32 f.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

531

unanimously given as eighteen ; and also with reference to their titles there is almost complete agreement. Most of the Puras also agree in the order in which they enumerate the eighteen Puras, viz. : 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Brahma Pdma Vaiava aiva or Vyavya Bhgavata Nradya Mrkaeya gneya Bhaviya or Bhaviyat 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. Brahmavaivarta Laiga Vrha Sknda Vmana Kaurma Mtsya Grua Brahma
1}

I t is peculiar that this list of " eighteen Puras " is given in each one of them, as though none were the first and none the last, but all had already existed when each separate one was composed. All these Puras point out in extra vagant terms the advantages to be attained both in this world and in the world beyond, by reading and hearing these

) The list is given thus in ViuP. I I I . 6 ; B hgavataP. X I I , 13 (varying the end of the MrkadeyaP. by putting 6 after 9.

only

slightly X I I , 7, 23 f ) ; PadmaP. I. 62 ; VarhaP, 112 ; MatsyaP. 53 ; AgniP 272 and at PadmaP. IV, IIT ; VI, 219 ; and K5rmaP. I, 1 only diverge SauraP. IX, PadmaP. IV, iii has also the order 16, 13, 12, 15, 14 instead of The LigaP. ( s e e Aufrecht, B odl. Cat., p. A list in which the order is (i.e. VSyu), NSradya,

1216, and PadmaP. VI. 263 has the order 17, 13, 14, 15, 16 instead of 1317. 6 f. has the order 5, 8, 7, 9, 6 instead of 59. 44) has the order : 15, 9, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 1417, 13, 18.

quite different, is that of the VyuP. 104, 1 ff. Matsya B havisya, Mrkadeya, B rahma vaivarta, B rahmclH, B hgavata, B rahma, Vmana dika Anila Vainateya (i.e. Garuda), Pdma Krma. aukara (Saukara ? Varfiha ?), Sknda (These are only 16, though " 18 Putnas ") are spoken about ; a verse has probably been omitted. For a similar list in the PurAnasaiphitnsiddhantasa*ra, see F. R Gambier.Parry, Catalogue of The Sanskrit MSS. purchased for the Max Mller Memorial Fund, also begins with the Matsya but otherwise diverges, Oxford, 1922, p. 4 3 )

list in the DevibhgavataP. (quoted by Burnouf, B hgavataPur, Prface, I, p. 1xxxvi) lbrn (Sachau, I, p. 130) gives a agrees A list list of the 18 Puras, which was read to him from the ViuPurSa, and which with our list, and also a second, widely diverging list, which was dictated to him.

which is very different from the usual one is given in the B rhaddharmaPura 26, 18 ff.

52

INDIAN
1}

LITERATURE

works. I n some places the length (number of lokas) of the various Puras is mentioned, but the texts which have come down to us are mostly shorter. I n one passage of the PadmaPura ( I , 62) all of the eighteen Puras are enumerated as parts of Viu's body (the BrahmaPura is his head, the PadmaPura is his heart, e t c ) , and are thus all stamped as sacred books. I n another text of t h e same work, on the other hand, we find the Puras classified according to t h e three G u a s from the standpoint of Viu ism. According to this classification, only the Viuite Puras (Viu Nrada Bhgavata. Garua Padma Varha) are of the quality of " goodness " (sttvika) and lead to salvation ; the Puras dedicated to Brahman (Brahma, Brahmavaivarta, Mrkaeya, Bhaviya, Vmana Brahma) are of the quality of " passion " (rjasa) and only serve to attain heaven ; whilst the Puras in praise of iva (Matsya Krma Liga iva Skanda Agni) are described as charged with " darkness " and as leading to hell. The texts which have come down to us, only partially agree with this arti ficial classification.* All this is additional confirmation of the fact that none of the Purnas has come down to us in its original form.
2) 3)

Besides t h e eighteen Puras, which are often called the " great Puras " (mahpura), some of the Puras them selves make mention of socalled Upapuras or " secondary

) MatsyaP. 5 3 , 13 ff. ; BhgavatuP. X I I . 13 ; VfiyuP. 104, 110 : AgniP. 272.

2

) In t h e Uttardhyflya of t h e PadmaP. 263, 81 ff. ) See above, p. 430. Viuite than

*) For instance, t h e MatsyaP., which is condemned as a tmasa has both

and Sivaite chapters in our text ; the B rahmavaivartaP. is dedicated rather to Kfa MrkaeyaP. and the B haviyaP. are not sectarian at all, and so on. Purnas " ( s , Farquhar, Purn as, cf. Pargiter,

to B rahman, t h e B rahmaP. teaches sunworship as well as Viu and Siva worship, t h e The above classi fication of t h e Puras also shows that w e can hardly talk of a " canon of e i g h t e e n Outline, p. 2 2 5 ) ; for the Purftas are n o t the books of one religion, For the religious views of t h e neither do t h e y form a unified whole in a n y respect. E R E X, 451 ff.

EICS

AND

PUR ANAS

533

Puras," whose number also is occasionally given as eighteen.* While, however, in the enumerations of the Puras there is almost complete agreement with regard to the titles, this is by no means the case with the titles of the Upapuras. Obviously there was a definite tradition about the existence of eighteen Puras, while any modern reli gious text could assume the title of an " Upapura," if the author did not prefer to declare his work as a part of one of the " eighteen Puras." The latter is the case especially with the exceedingly numerous Mhtmyas, i.e. "glorifica tions " of sacred places (places of pilgrimage, trthas). But also many Stotras> i.e. " songs of praise " (usually to Viu or iva but also to other deities), Kalpas i.e. " rituals " and Akhynas or Upkhynas, i.e. " legends, " give themselves out as belonging to one or the other of the ancient Puras.
2)

W e now give a short summary of the contents of the eighteen Puras, in which we can only dwell a little longer on the most important ones. 1. The Brahma or BrahmaParana^ This is given as the first in all the lists, and hence is sometimes called Adi Purna i.e. " the first Pura.' I n the introduction it is related that the is in the Naimiaforest are visited by Lomaharana, the Sta and they invite him to tell them of the origin and the end of the world. Thereupon the Sta declares himself prepared to impart to them the Pura which the creator Brahman once revealed to Daka one of the
4)

) B ut the MatsyaPura mentions only four Upapuras, P, without enumerating them, says that eighteen Upap. exist. them.
a

The B rahmavaivarta

The KrmaP. enumerates

) The " Mhtmyas " of sacred texts or of rites and festivals are not so numerous.
8

) i.e.

" T h e B rahmaic P u r a "

or " T h e Pura of B rahman"; all the other

double titles, e.g. Vaiava(" the Viuite") or VisuPura (" the PurSa of V i u " ) are similarly explained. pura." The B rahmaPura has been published in n S S No. 28. also which occasionally call themselves " di describes, for instance, an Upapura *) B ut there are other Purfias

Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat., VI, p. 1184 t,

whioh calls itself Adipura and is devoted to the praise of Ka and RdhS.

534

INDIAN

I TERATUR L B

primal ancestors of the human race. Then follow the legends, more or less common to all the Puras, of the creation of the world, the birth of the primal man Manu and his descend ants, the origin of the gods, demigods and other beings, about the kings of the solar and lunar dynasties, as well as a description of the earth with its various divisions, of the hells and heavens. By far the major portion of this Pura is devoted to glorifications (mhtmyas) of sacred places (trthas). Oradea or Utkala (the presentday Orissa) with its sacred places and temples is described in very great detail. As Utkala owes its sanctity to sunworship, we find here also myths of the origin of the dityas (the gods of light) and of the sungod Srya. The description of a forest sacred to iva in Utkala gives rise to stories of the birth of Um the daughter of the Himalaya, and her marriage with iva as well as other iva myths. A hymn to iva ( C hapt. 37) is also inserted here. Nevertheless the Pura is by no means ivaite, for the Mrkaeykhyna ( C hapt. 52 ff.) contains numerous Viu legends, and rituals and stotras of the Viu c u l t Here, too, (C hapt. 178) the charming legend of the ascetic Kandu is related, who spends many hundred years in sweet love dalliance with a beautiful Apsaras, and finally awaking from the intoxication of love, thinks that only a few hours of a single day have passed. A large section (C hapt. 180212) is devoted to Kra. The well known legends of Kra's childhood, adventures and heroic deeds are told in exact, often literal agreement with the ViuPura. The introduction to this passage mentions the incarnations of Viu which are then described in detail in Ohapt. 213. The last chapters contain rules for the
l)

) Printed in Ch. Lassen's "Anthologie Sanscritica," translated into German by A. W. v. Schlegel, Indische B ibliothek, I, 1822, p. 257 ff., and into French by A. L. C hzy in JAI, 1822, p. 1 ff. The legend is also related in the ViuP. I. 15.

EPICS

AND

PURA8

535

rddhas, for a moral life, the duties of the castes and ramas, the rewards of heaven and the punishments of hell, and the merit of Viu worship. Then come a few chapters on the periods of the world (yugas) and the periodical destruction of the world, and in conclusion explanations on Skhya and Yoga and the path leading to salvation. The Gautammhtmya, the glorification of the sacred places on the Ganges (C hapt. 70175), frequently appears in manuscripts as an independent text. The UttaraKhaa (i.e. " last section ") of the BrahmaPura, which occurs in some manuscripts, is nothing but a mhtmya of a sacred river Balaj (Bans in Marwar ?). Surely only a small portion of what has come down to us as the BrahmaPura can lay claim to be an ancient and genuine Pura. About the middle of the 7th century A.D. HsanTsang still found over a hundred Buddhist monasteries with a myriad monks, but he also already found 50 Deva temples in Orissa. Sivaism was introduced in Orissa in the 6th century, and Viuism still later.* As the sun temple of Konrka, which is mentioned in our Pura was not built until 1241, at least the large section on the sacred places of Orissa cannot be earlier than the 13th century.* I t is probable, however, that the Mhtmyas do not belong to the original Pura. The SauraPunma^ which claims to be a supplement (khila) of t h e BrahmaPura, but which is quoted as an authority by Hemdri as early as in the 13th century, proves
) See Th. Witters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India (London, 1905), I I . p. 193 ; W. C rooks, E R E , Vol. 9, p. 566. *) See Wilson, Works I I I , p. 18. ) Text published in nSS N o . 18, 1889. An analysis with extracts and partial translation of the work has been given by W. Jahn, Das Saurapuram, Strassburg, 1908. The SauraP. is sometimes also called dityaP. However, there is another dityaPura, which i s different from, though related to the SauraP. See Jahn, 1. o , pp. ix xiv and Festschrift Kuhn, p. 308 The B rahmaP, too, is sometimes called " 8auraP." C f. Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat. V I . p. 1185 fif
8

536

INDIAN

LITERATURE

that there must have been an earlier BrahmaPura. The SauraPura (the " P u r a of the sungod") which is mentioned in the lis! s of the Upapuras, is o f / g r e a t value as regards our knowledge of ivaism, especially of the Liga cult. I t s main purpose is to glorify god Siva. I n many places, however, Siva is identified with the sungod who reveals the Pura or else the sungod recommends Siva worship. The advantages of Siva worship are praised in the most extravagant terms, instructions are given for the worship of the god and the liga. and many Siva legends are told. A few chapters also deal with the genealogies ; in C hapter 31 on t h e descent of Yadu there is a version of the Urva legend.* In the philosophical sections the work takes up an inter mediate position between the orthodox systems. On the one hand Siva is explained as the tman. in accordance with the Vednta, and on the other hand the creation from the primal matter (prakti) is explained, as in the Skhya. Three chapters (3840) are devoted to polemics against the system of Madhva (11971276), which is important from the point of view of chronology. *
2

I I . The Pdma or PadniaPurna. There are two different recensions of this voluminous work. * The printed edition, * consisting of the six books di Bhmi Brahma,
3 4

) See P. E, Pavolini, lived from

GSAI 21, 1908,

p. 291 ff and Jahn, Das Saurapuram, p. 8 1 . 1896, p. 12 ff. As Madhva SauraPuraa Chapters Cat. VI, 1260 and 1309, the

*) See A. Barth in Melanges Charles de Harlez Leyden 11971276 and Hemdri wrote between

would have been compiled approximately between 1230 and 1250.

However, as Ind. Off

3840 do not occur in all the MSS. (s. Edition, p. 125 note, and Eggeling, Cf. Jahn, 1. c , p. xiv.
3

p. 1188), it is more probable that they have been interpolated, and that the work is earlier. ) In the Parana itself ( V , I. 5 4 ; V I . 219, 28) and in the lists, the number of However, according to Wilson, in n S S No. 28, 1894, 4 vols. MSS. the B engali recension only At the]:end of the B hSmi same itself

lokas is said to be 55,000.

4

contains nearly 45,000 sokas, whilst the edition contains 48,452. ) Edited by V.N Mandlick Khaa in this edition there is a verse which enumerates the Khaas" with the The printed recension 'thus Of. Luders, NGGW

titles and D the same order as in the B engali

proves that t h e B engali recension is the earlier one.

1897 I. P 8

EPICS

AND

PURAS

537

Ptla Si and UttaraKhaa, is a later recension. The earlier one, which has come down to us only in Bengali manuscripts, consists of the following five books or Khaas.* Book I, Srstikhanda, i.e. " section of the C reation," com mences with the usual introduction : Lomaharaa sends his son, the Sta Ugraravas, to the Naimia forest to recite the Puras to the is assembled there. At the request of aunaka he tells them the PadmaPura, socalled after the lotus (padma) in which the god Brahman appears at the creation. The Sta then reproduces the account of the creation as he has heard it from Brahman's son Pulastya. The cosmological and cosmogonie myths are here too related similarly as in the other Puras. But in this book, it is not Viu who is assumed as the first cause, but the highest Brahman in the form of the personal god Brahman. Never theless, even this book is Viuite in character, and contains myths and legends for the glorification of the god Viu. After the account of the C r ation come the usual genealogies of the solar dynasty, into which a section about the Pit*s, the " fathers " of the human race and their cult by means of rddhas has been interwoven, * and of the lunar dynasty down to the time of Ka. .1 yths are then told of the conflicts between gods and demons, followed by a chapter which is
2 ) 3

In the SiKhaa 1, 5360, the PadmaPura is described as consisting of five Parvans : ( 1 ) Paukaram, treating of the creation, (2) Trthaparvan, about mountains, islands and oceans, ( 3 ) a chapter on the kings who offered rich sacrifioial gifts, (4) a chapter on the genealogies of the kings, and (5) a chapter on salvation. arrangement in the B engali recension in all essentials. ) My account of the B engali recension Wilson,
a

This, too, corresponds to the on the Oxford manuscripts,

is

based

which I inspected in 1898, and on the descriptions by Aufrecht, B odl. Cat. 1, p. 11 ff. and Works III. p. 21 ff.; VI. p. xxix ff.
begin8

) In the nSS edition, too, the SiKhaa

as though it were the

begin

ning of the Pura but it has 82 Adhyyas here, whilst in the B engali recension i t only consists of 46 (Wilson) or 45 (Aufrecht).
3

) Chapt. 911 in n S S edition.

68

538

INDIAN

L I T E R A T U R E

of interest from the point of view of the history of religion, * and from which we here give a short extract.
A t first the g o d s were defeated by t h e d e m o n s . manner. Asuras, However, B haspati, to of the the t h e teacher of t h e g o d s , finally caused t h e g o d s to triumph in t h e f o l l o w i n g I n the g u i s e of ukra the teacher of t h e Asuras, he g o e s and by means the H e tells t h e m t h a t t h e V e d a aivas and the tenets of heretical s p e e c h e s , lures t h e m f r o m their pious are full of violence ( h i s ) , and t h a t t h e y are H o w t h e n can there be a n y g o o d in t h e m ? form can of and heaven of a semifemale who a uses of (ardhanrvara),
2

f a i t h in t h e Vedas. Vainavas and

preached b y married teachers. H o w can i v a , t h e g o d in surrounded by hosts of t h e path to of salvation ? If the stake evil path out salvation ? the How

spirits to

even adorned w i t h b o n e s , * tread violence, felling animal to attain to and attain consists a tree

Viu

m a k e a sacrificial

of it,

killing

sacrificial

c a u s i n g s l a u g h t e r , w h a t is t h e p a t h to hell ?

H o w is it possible

heaven b y sexual intercourse, or purity by earth and ashes ? S o m a seduced T a r a , the w i f e of B haspati B udha, t h e son w h o m she bore, violated her ; Indra Then safety. Viu Jain committed the demons B haspati monk to adultery beg with to in a Ahaly, tell them way what the wife he can of the R s i G a u t a m a . demoralise figures Jain and way of (raktmbara, them. a nude " red of life, him to w h i c h g o d t h e y can fly for phantom monk into

considers and

n o w comes t o his a i d , b y (digambara) appear, to After thus

causing the B uddhist the old

m a n t l e ) doctrines.

initiate

demons

B uddhist

giving

up their

(brahmanical)

t h e y yield d o m i n i o n to g o d Indra.

One of the principal parts of the book consists of the des cription of the lake Pukara (Pokher in Ajmir), * sacred to Brahman, which is recommended and glorified as a place of pilgrimage. Numerous myths and legends, many of which occur in different connections in other Puras, are told in praise of Pukara. Moreover various feasts and vows (vrata) in honour of the goddess Durg are mentioned here.
8

) V, 13, 316 ff. in A n S S edition.

CI. ViuPura I I I . 17 41.18, 33. halffemale. His adornment is a wreath of

*) One of ivas forms is that of the

3

human skulls, and his retinue is formed by the B htas or ghosts. ) The SiKhaa is therefore also called PaukaraKhaa.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

539

Thereupon the theme of the C reation is resumed. The book concludes with myths of Viu as the destroyer of demons, and the birth and marriage of Skanda.> Book I I , Bhmikhanda^ i.e. " section of the earth," begins with legends of Somaarman, who in a later rebirth became the famous Viu worshipper Prahlda. The aim of the legends is to explain why on the one hand he was born among the demons, and yet, on the other hand, was able to become so great a devotee of Viu. Besides a description of the earth, this book contains numerous legends which are intended to prove the sanctity of various trthas or holy places. Not only sacred places are regarded as trthas, but also persons, such as the teacher, the father, or the wife. As a proof of the fact that a wife can be a " trtha " there is told, for instance, the story of Sukal whose husband goes on a pilgrimage and leaves her behind in want and misery ; the lovegod Kama and the king of gods, Indra, try in vain to seduce her : she remains faithful to her husband, and when he returns from the pilgrimage, he (!) receives a divine reward on account of the virtues of his wife. Here, too, in order to prove that a son can be " a trtha" the story of Yayti and his son Pru already known to us from the Mahabhrata, is told. Book I I I , Svargakhanda^ i.e. "section of the heavens, gives a description of the various worlds of the gods, of the
3) 4)

) The contents of the SiKhaa are still more chapters to the cult of Durg

variegated in the nSS

edition, final

where among other things, Chapt 6163 are devoted to the cult of Gaea and the almost entirely of Mhtmyas of various Trthas.

The AdiKhaa, with which the edition begins, consists Only the last chapters (5O6O) deal

with Viubhakti and the duties of the castes and ramas. *) On the whole it corresponds to the B h5mikhaa in the n S S edition.
3

) I t is here taken for granted that the actual legend of Prahlda, as told in the

VisuPura (see b e l o w ) is known. *) Sukalcarita in nSS edition Adhy. 4160.

5

) There is an English translation of the Svargakhaua by Pancbnan Tarkaratna,

Calcutta, 1906, which I have not seen,.

540

INDIAN

LITERATURE

highest heaven of Viu Vaikutha, the worlds of the Bhtas Picas, Gandharvas, Vidydharas and Apsaras, the worlds of Srya Indra, Agni Yama, and so on, into which are woven numerous myths and legends. A mention of King Bharata gives rise to the narration of the story of Sakuntal, which is here not told as in the Mahbhrata, but more in agreement with the drama of Klidsa. A comparison of Klidsa's drama with the versions of the Mahbhrata and of the PadmaPura shows that in all probability Klidsa used the lastmentioned as a source.* A description of the world of the Apsaras is the occasion for narrating the legend of Purravas and Urva. Also numerous other legends, which are known from the epics, recur in this book. I t further contains instructions upon the duties of the castes and of the ramas, upon the modes of Viu worship and much upon ritual and morality. Book IV, Ptlakhanda, i.e. " section of the nether world," first describes the subterranean regions, in particular the dwellings of the Ngas or snakedeities. A mention of Rvaa is the cause of the narration of the whole Rama legend, which is here given partly in conformity with the Rmyaa, but also often in literal agreement with Klidsa's epic Raghuvaa.* Here we also find the yagalegend in a version which is older than that in our Mahbhrata. * The actual Rmalegend is preceded by a story of the forefathers of Rma beginning with Manu, the
3

) This has been

shown by arm

Padmapura MSS.

and Wilson

Kfilidsa, Calcutta, (Works III. p. 40)

1925 had

(Calcutta Oriental Series, N o . 17 E. 10).

Professor Sarm here also

gives the text of

the Sakuntal episode according to the B engali

2

maintained that the Pura utilised Klidsa's drama. ) H. arm . o., has made it appear probable that, in this case also, the Padma Wilson (Works III, p. 47) assumed, that the H. arm 1 c, has published ff. a Pura was Klidsa's source, and not, as

compiler of the Pura drew from the Raghuvaina.

3

critical edition of the text of this chapter (which is missing in the nSS edition). ) This has been proved by Lders, N G G W 1897, I. p. 8 This circumstance is farther proof of the greater antiquity of the B engali recension of the PadmaP.

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

541

son of the sungod, and his rescue from the flood. The slaying of Rvaa who was a Brahman, has laid the guilt of the murder of a Brahman on Rma. By way of expiation he arranges a horsesacrifice. I n accordance with the prescribed rules, the horse destined for the sacrifice is let loose to roam at will for the space of one year, accompanied by a host of warriors with Satrughna at their head. The adventures of the steed and his followers on their wanderings over the whole of India take up a considerable portion of the book ; many sacred places are described, and legends attached to them are told. At length the horse reaches Vlmkis hermitage, which is an occasion for narrating that part of the Hamalegend which concerns Slta.> Detailed instruc tion on the eighteen Puras then follows. Here it is said that Vysa first pioclaimed the PadmaPura, then sixteen others, and finally the BhgavataPura, which is glorified as the most sacred book of the Viuworshippers. The book ends with a few chapters, probably added at a very late date, on Ka and the cowherdtsses, with mention of Rdh on the duties of Viuworshippers, the sanctity of the lagrma stone and other details of the Viu cult. Book V, Uttarakhanda, i.e. " last section,' is a very long book expounding the Viu cult and the feasts and ceremonies connected with it, in the most impressive manner. A large portion is devoted to the glorification of the month Mgha which is especially sacred to Viu. The silliest of legends are related as evidence of the great merit of bathing during this
2)

) Wilson (Works, I I I , p. 51) says : " T h i s part of the work agrees in some with the UttaraRma Charitra, but has several gossiping and legendary
2

respects

additions." chapters Chapt. The

) The Ptlakhaa in the A n S S edition only partly agrees with that of the B engali The sequence of the chapters is different, and it also contains a few In the edition the Ptlakhada is preceded by the

recension.

devoted t o the iva cult (105111).

short B rahmakhaa, which consists mainly of descriptions of Viuite feast days. cult of Rdh is mentioned neither in Rmyaa or the earlier Pnras. the

7, treating of the birthday feast of Rdh (rdhjanmam), indicates late origin. See below (B rahmavaivartaPura)

Mahabhrata and the Harivarnsa, nor in the

542

INDIAN

LITERATURE

month. Another section glorifies the month Krttikeya, in which the giving away of lamps is especially meritorious. I n order to give especial prominence to the Viuite standpoint, the author causes iva himself, in a conversation with his wife Prvat, to declare the glory of Viu and to recite a long account of Viu's avatras, which involves a repetition of the entire Rmalegend in summary and the Kalegend with a fair amount of detail. I n answer to Prvat's question who the heretics are, it is iva himself who declares that the ivaite teachers and the adherents of the Sivaite Pupata sect are among the heretics. In another passage we find, curiously enough, the cruel goddess Durg holding forth upon Ahis. iva also explains what ViuBhakti is, and the various forms of the Viu cult. This book also contains a glorification of the Bhagavadgt, in fact there are legends to illustrate the merit of reading each single canto. One chapter contains the enumeration of the thousand names of Viu in another Rdh is identified with the great goddess Lakm and the celebration of her birthday is described The sectarian bias of this book cannot be better illustrated, however, than by the following legend :
1}

A quarrel once arose a m o n g t h e sis as t o w h i c h of gods, B rahman, to the gods and Viu or iva w a s himself d e s e r v i n g of order to dissolve their d o u b t s , t h e y request the g r e a t convince A c c o r d i n g l y B h g u at first repairs t o the love of his w i f e , and does
2

the

three

great In

g r e a t e s t worship. ascetic

B h g u to g o

personally w h i c h of t h e m is t h e best. mountain B ut K a i l s a to v i s i t i v a Thus insulted, by B rahmans, the but i v a is j u s t e n j o y i n g the

and is announced b y i v a s janitor N a n d i n . not and i pronounces a curse on i v a , the g e n e r a t i v e o r g a n s , *

a d m i t t h e R i at all. condemning to be worshipped not

h i m t o take on t h e shape of

) Gtmhtmya,

Adhy.

171188 in n S S edition, where a glorification

of

the

Bhgavatapura (Adhy. 189194) follows after it.

This B hgavatamhtmya also appears The Mghamhtmya and

as an independent work in MSS. as well as in printed editions.

2

other parts of the Uttarakhaa also occur as independent works. ) This refers to the worship of the Yoni and the Liga as symbols of the god iva.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

543
The R3i to

o n l y by heretics.

Thereupon B h g u goes to the world of B r a h m a n . lotusthrone, and to surrounded by the gods. The Spurred

g o d is seated upon his

bows before h i m in reverential silence, b u t filled w i t h pride. B rahman does not even rise to greet h i m all from the h u m a n race. ) in Vius his chest. world. Viu honour h i m as a guest, anger, B h g u pronounces a curse w h e r e b y B rahman is to enjoy no worship at T h e saint n o w g o e s to t h e m o u n t a i n the Mandara There he sees t h e g o d reposing upon worldsnake

while L a k m caresses his feet.

H e a w a k e n s t h e g o d r o u g h l y b y a kick on his foot. He and bows god,

a w a k e n s , g e n t l y strokes the sage's foot, and declares t h a t honour to the i w i t h divine V i u as the garlands,

he feels h i g h l y gratified and honoured by the touch of his wife hasten to rise, and do sandalwood oil, e t c .

Then t h e great ascetic bursts into tears of joy, praises highest alone shalt

before t h e " treasury of mercy, and w h e n he e x c l a i m s : " T h o u

be worshipped b y the B r a h m a n s , T h e y shall not be worshipped, are charged with with passion of endowed the quality heretics. they

none other of t h e gods is w o r t h y of worship. B r a h m a n , S i v a and t h e other g o d s , for alone, ( r a j a s ) a n d darkness ( t a m a s ) : t h o u

g o o d n e s s ( s a t t v a ) , shalt be worshipped by t h e firstborn (i.e. the B r a h m a n s ) . L e t h i m w h o honours other g o d s , be counted a m o n g t h e visit to the g o d s . )
2

Then

B h g u returns t o t h e a s s e m b l y of the Ris and tells t h e m the result of his

A kind of appendix to the Uttarakhaa is formed by the Kriyyogasra^ i.e. " the essence of Yoga by works," which teaches that Viu should be worshipped not by meditation (dhynayoga), but by pious acts, above all by pilgrimages to the Ganges and the celebration of the festivals dedicated to Viu. I n evidence of the fact that the fulfil m e n t of all possible desires can be attained by worshipping

) This is an allusion to the fact that there is scarcely any cult of B rahman in India.
2

) I n the B engali recension this legend is found in the middle, in the n S S edition

at the end of the Uttarakhacla which contains only 174 Adhyyas in the B engali recen sion, but 282 in t h e edition.
8

) Many extracts from

this book which is mentioned in the list of Upapuras, The same scholar has given an analysis of the

BhaddharmaP. 25, 24, have been translated into German by A. E. Wollheim da Fonseca, Mythologie des alten Indien, B erlin, s. a. book in the "Jahresbericht der deutschen morgenlndischen Gesellschaft;' 1846, p. 153 ff.

544

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Vinu on the bank of the Ganges, many silly legends are told, but also the beautiful love story of Mdhava and Sulocan. I t is quite impossible to say anything definite as to the date of the FadmaPura. I t is obviously a rather loose compilation, the parts of which belong to totally different periods, and are probably many centuries apart. The common characteristic of the five or six books is merely their rigidly sectarian character, for all of them inculcate the cult of Viu. Moreover, all these books contain references to fairly modern aspects of the Viu cult, such as the adoration of Rdh as a goddess, the sanctity of the Slagrma stone, of the Tuls plant, and the like. The latest portions are certain ly later than the BhgavataPura, which belongs to the latest works of Pura literature. Nevertheless there is sure to be an ancient nucleus at least in the Si Bhmi Svarga and Ptla Khaas. I t remains the task of future research to extract this ancient nucleus.
1} 2) 8)

I I I . The Vaisnava or ViswPetra. This is the main work of the Vaiavas or Viuworshippers, and is frequently quoted as an authority by the philosopher Rmnuja, the founder of the Viuite sect of the Rmnujas, in his commentary on the Vedntastras. I n this work Vinu is praised and glorified as the highest being, as the one and only god, with whom Brahman and iva are one, and as the creator and preserver of the world. Yet it is precisely this Pura which lacks all references to special feasts,
4)

) Freely rendered into German verse by Ganges, p. 156 ff.

A. F. Graf von Behack,

Stimmen

vom

) The Sikhaa, where B rahman is in the foreground, is an exception.

3

) An essential preliminary with

for this would be a critical edition of the commentary, B ombay Wilson, sake 1824. An

Padma older

Pura on the basis of the B engali manuscripts. *) Edited, Cat. V I , p. 1310. Ratnagarbha's commentary is that of Srdhara, from which Ratnagarbha has copied, s. Eggeling, Translated by H. H. by Manmatha N a t h Butt, Calcutta, 1894. Ind. Off.

London 1840 (and Works, Vols. V I X ) and

EPICS

AND

PURAS

545

sacrifices and ceremonies dedicated to Viu ; not even Viu temples are mentioned, nor places sacred to Viu. This already leads to an assumption of the great antiquity of the work. The ViuPura, too, approaches the most closely to the old definition of Pura (see above p. 522), contain ing but little that is not included in those " five characteris tics.' Its character is more that of a unified composition than of a mere compilation, which is the case with most of the other Puras. The fact that the title " ViuPura " was hardly adopted at all for later works, Mhtmyas and such like, * likewise indicates that we are here dealing with a work of the earlier Pura literature, which, on the whole, at least, has been preserved in its original form.* A more detailed summary of the contents of this Pura will best serve to give the reader an idea of the contents and significance of the Puras altogether. The work, which consists of six sections, begins with a dialogue between Parara, the grandson of Vasiha, and his pupil Maitreya. The latter asks his teacher about the origin and nature of the universe. To this Parara replies that this question reminds him of that which he had once heard from his grandfather Vasitha; and he prepares to
1

) Aufrecht C C I, 591 ; I I , 1 4 0 ; III, 124, mentions only a few stotras aud minor texts which claim to be parts of the ViuPura. aiid B hgavataPura give the number of pura Aufrecht, C C I. 591) is quoted.
2

Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Matsya

lokas of the ViuPura as 23,000, while in

reality it has not quite 7000 verses, and that also a " Great VicuPura " (B hadviu ) It U no more possible to assign any definite date to the ViuPurna than it is (Anc. Ind. Hist. Trad., p 80) may be right in thinki g that

for any{other Pura. Pargiter later. Cf. Farquhar,

it cannot be earlier than the 5th century. A. D. However, I do not think that it is much Outline, p. 143, O. V, Vaidya (History of Mediaoval Hindu India, I, VisuP. Poona 1921, p. 350 ff.; J B R A S 1925, 1, p. 155 f.) endeavours to prove that the

is not earlier than the 9th century, for he assumes that the Kailakila or Kaikila Yavanas mentioned in I V , 2 4 reigned in Andhra between 675 and 900 A . D , and were at the height of their power about 782 A.D. and not proven. This assumption is, however, purely hypothetical

69

546

INDIAN

LITERATURE

. repeat that which he had heard. C ontrary to the tradition (occurring, moreover, in the ViuPura itself), which ascribes all the Purnas to Vysa Parara is here directly called the author of the work. After he has first glorified Viu in a hymn, he gives an account of the creation of the . world, as it recurs, fairly uniformly, in most of the Puras.* Philosophical views, essentially belonging to the Skbya philosophy, are here in a remarkable manner mingled with popular mythical ideas, for which we can find many parallels among primitive peoples. Attached to the account of the creation of the gods and demons, of the heroes and the primal ancestors of the human race, are numerous mythological narratives, allegories and legends of ancient kings and sages of primeval times. W e have already become acquainted with many of these narratives in the Mahabhrata ; thus that of the twirling of the oceans There is here a particularly poetical description of the goddess of Fortune and Beauty, Sri, arising in radiant beauty out of the twirled milkocean, and throwing herself on Viu's breast. I n a splendid hymn she is glorified and invoked by I n d r a as the mother of all beings, as the source of all t h a t is good and beautiful, and as the giver of all happiness. J u s t as this piece serves, above all, for the glori fication of Visnu whose wife Sri is, so it is in all the other narratives always Viu whose praise is sung in an extra vagant manner. In the description of the power which can be gained by the worship of Viu Indian fancy knows no bounds. One example is the myth of the prince Dhruva, who, vexed by the preference shown to his brother, entirely gives himself up, still as a boy, to austerities and Viuworship,
l

) A

summary

of the accounts of the creation in the Puras is given by Wilhelm Diss.,

Jahn, Uber die kosmogonischen Grundanschauungen im MnavaDharmastram. Leipzig, 1904

*) See above, p. 389. A collection of all the passages that are common to the Viu Pura and the Mahabhrata is g i v e n by A. Holtzmann, Mahabhrata, I V , 36 fif.

EPICS A N D

PURAAS

so that Viu finds himself compelled to grant him his wish of becoming something higher than his brother, and even than his father ; he makes him the Polestar, which is higher and of greater constancy than all the other stars of the heavens.* The power of faith in Viu however, finds its most magnificent expression in the legend of the boy Prahlda (I, 1720), whom his father, the proud demonking Hirayakaipu, in vain tries to dissuade from his Viu worship. No weapon can kill him, neither snakes nor wild elephants, neither fire nor poison nor magic spells can harm him. Hurled down from the balcony of the palace, he falls gently on the bosom of the earth. H e is thrown fettered into the ocean, and mountains are piled upon himbut on the floor of the ocean he sings a hymn to Viu his fetters drop off, and he hurls the mighty hills from him. Questioned by his father whence his marvellous powers are derived, Prahlda replies :
"Whatever rites, nor is it which is meditates who power I possess, father, from my hearts is neither t h e result of is no more abides. not than He A c y u t a ) cause does magic that who he wish inseparable wrong nature; it

possessed by all in whose not of pain any, in

to others, b u t considers as t h e in

t h e m as himself, is free e x i s t ; but I

f r o m t h e effects of s i n , i n a s m u c h inflicts to upon others,

act, t h o u g h t , or speech, s o w s the seed behold Keava)in

of future birth, and the f r u i t t h a t a w a i t s h i m after birth is p a i n . no evil all suffering and do a n d speak no offence ; for I my own soul. by Whence Love, should then, inflicted elements or t h e b e i n g s , as

corporeal or m e n t a l all creatures will

or pain,

g o d s , affect m e , w h o s e for

heart is t h o r o u g h l y purified b y h i m ? be assiduously

3

cherished
4

by all those w h o are w i s e in the k n o w l e d g e t h a t

H a r i > is in all things. >

) I. 11 .

A more detailed version of the m y t h is to be found in the B hgavata Stimmen vom Ganges, p. 189 ff.

Purna ( I V . 8 f ) ; on this is based the poem by Schach,

8

) N a m e s of Viu. ) Also a name of Visu. Translated by H. H. Wilson. A version of the same legend is

*) I. 19, l 9 .

found in the B hgavataP. V I I . 46, on w h i c h t h e poetical rendering b y Schack Stimmen Vom Ganges, p. 1 ff. is based.

548

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Book II of the ViuPura first gives (C hapt. 112) a fantastic description of the world. The seven continents and the seven oceans are described, in the midst of which is situated Jambudvpa with the golden mountain Meru, the dwelling of the gods. I n Jambudvpa is Bharatavara, i.e. " India," whose lands, mountains and rivers are enumerated. After this description of the earth follows a description of Ptla the nether world, in which the snakegods dwell; next follow an enumeration and description of the still deeper situated Narakas or hells. As a contrast there now follows a description of the heavenly spheres, the sun, the chariot of the sun and the sunhorses, with astronomical expositions on the sun's course, the planetary system, and the sun as giver of rain and preserver of beings. Next follows a des cription of the moon, of its car, its horses, its course, and its relation to the sun and planets. The section concludes with the statement that the whole world is but Viu and that he alone is the only reality. I n connection with the name Bharatavara there is then related (C hapt. 1316) a legend of king Bharata of old, * which, however, only serves as an introduction to a philo sophical dialogue in which the ancient doctrine of the Unity of All, familiar from the Upaniads, is presented from the Viuite standpoint. The style of the whole section recalls that of the Upaniads in many respects. The substance of the legend is as follows :
1

King out with of the

B harata forest

w a s a d e v o u t worshipper of Viu. to drink. At the lion. same The

O n e day he w e n t antelope startled, came and,

to bathe in the river.

W h i l e he was b a t h i n g , a p r e g n a n t antelope is

m o m e n t there was heard in

close p r o x i m i t y , t h e loud roar of a a mighty leap, darts a w a y .

I n consequence of her leap, her y o u n g

*) Cf. E. Leumann,

Die B harataSage, ZDMG, 48 1894, p. 65 ff., and August

Blau,

Das B haratopkhjSna des ViuPuraa (B eitrge zur B cherkunde und Philologie August Wilrnanus zum 25 Marz 1903 g e w i d m e t , Leipzig, 1903, p. 205 ff.)

EPICS A N D one is born and she herself dies, and And reared when it at in his t h e antelope concerned last, him.

PURAS young thought, with the one his with one

549
him care.

B harata took t h e From was only his one but

hermitage. She as an this thinking In

t h a t t i m e onwards n o t h i n g but of t h e antelope, he died, he w a s remembrance worshipped into the also, he

still

soon afterwards born again of his former Viu existence.

antelope,

antelopeexistence

and practised austerities^ so t h a t , in his n e x t birth, he c a m e of the unity in it of all,

world as t h e son of a pious B r a h m a n . t h e h i g h e s t k n o w l e d g e , the doctrine about no Vedastudy, and u n g r a m m a t i c a l l y , w e n t e m p l o y e d in t h e low work On this

A l t h o u g h , as such, he had acquired y e t he troubled

performed no brahmanical rites, spoke disconnectedly about dirty He of a slave. and was Thus torn g a r m e n t s i n short universally despised, he and was happened t h a t the

he behaved absolutely like an i d i o t . >

once e m p l o y e d b y a servant of k i n g S a u v r a as t h e k i n g ' s palanquinbearer. occasion a conversation B harata great j o y of the t a k e s place between soon reveals apparent idiot a n d t h e k i n g , in which to the himself as a great s a g e , and :

k i n g , reveals t o him t h e doctrine of t h e u n i t y of

all. I n elucidation of t h i s he tells him t h e story of Rbhu and Nidgha The was wise and holy

b h u son of t h e creator B r a h m a n , had been t h e years and he once asked bhu visited where the his pupil, he dwelt, is his by him, he was

teacher of N i d g h a . hospitably whence he c a m e , for

After a thousand and where there

entertained

was going.

answered him t h a t tman) at

these were quite unreasonable q u e s t i o n s , for m a n everywhere, feet After him

(namely,

is no g o i n g and no c o m i n g , and he makes t h e

doctrine of t h e u n i t y so clear to h i m t h a t N i d g h a , enraptured, falls a n d asks w h o he i s . another t h o u s a n d R b h u w h o had c o m e in order to teach h i m years bhu N i d g h a lives. the true comes wisdom a once

O n l y n o w does he learn t h a t it is his old teacher again. where again to t h e t o w n

There he observes a crowd of

people a n d

k i n g , w h o is

) The corresponding story in the B hgavataP. V, 9 ; 10 has the title Jaabharata

carita " Life of B harata the Idiot," in the colophons. Jaabharata is mentioned, along with Durvsas, b h u Nidgha and other Paramahamsa ascetics, who " t h o u g h not m o d , behave like m a d m e n , " in the JblaUpaniad 6. Barth, Religions of India, p. 83. In VicuP. I, 9 a legend is related of t h e ascetic Durvsas (i.e. " Badly Clad ") " who observed the vow of a madman." Cf. also A. Similarly there were in the Middle Ages certain Christian Cf. H. Retch, saints, like St. S y m e o n Salos and St. Andreas, w h o wandered about like fools or idiots, exposing themselves to mockery and insults as a kind of asceticism. Der Mimus Berlin, 1 9 0 3 , 1 , 2 , p. 822 f., and J. Borovitz, Orient, B erlin, 1905, p. 3 4 ff. Spuren griechischer Mimen im

550

INDIAN

LITERATURE

entering the city with a great retinue. his former pupil Nidgha. thus stands apart. then, is the king ? stately elephant. above.
4

Far away from the crowd stands

bhu approaches him and asks him why he

Thereupon Nidgha replies : " A king is entering this Nidgha : " The king is he who sits on the great

city, there is a great crush, therefore I stand aside. Rbhu asks : " Which, " It is well, says bhu "but who is the elephant and Nidgha : " The elephant is below and the king is Then Nidgha jumps on the back of Rbhu and sys, " Very thou two art

who is the king? meaning of above ? "

bhu : ' Now, what is the meaning of below, and what is the

" I am above like the king, thou art below like the elephant. well, says Rbhu, " but now tell me, my dear one, which ofns and which am I?

Only now does Nidgha recognise his old teacher Then the

bhu for nobody is so filled with the doctrine of unity as he.

doctrine of the unity of the universe was so deeply impressed on Nidgha that from now on he looked on all beings as one with himself, and attained complete liberation.

Book III of the ViuPura begins with an account of the Manus (primal ancestors of the human race) and the ages (manvantaras) over which they ruled. Then follows a dis cussion on the four Vedas, on their division by Vysa and his pupils, and on the origin of the various Vedic schools. Then comes an enumeration of the eighteen Puras and a list of all sciences. Then the question is raised and discussed, how one may attain to liberation as a devout Viuworshipper. In a beauti ful dialogue (C hapt. 7) between Yama, the god of death, and one of his servants, it is explained t h a t he who is pure in heart and leads a virtuous life and has directed his mind to Viu is a true Viuworshipper and therefore is free from the bonds of the god of death. This is followed by an exposi tion on the duties of the castes and ramas, on birth and marriage ceremonies, ritual ablutions, the daily sacrifices, the duties of hospitality, conduct at meals, and so on. A long treatise (C hapt. 1317) on the funeral oblations and ceremonies
1}

On the A g e s of the World according to the Puras s.

Jacobi, E R E I , 200 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

551

for the worshipping of spirits of ancestors (rddhasf) concludes this section, in which the Vedicbrahmanical reli gious customs are represented as the right kind of Viu worship. The last two chapters of the book describe the origin of the heretical sects hostile to the Veda, whose adherents, especially the Jains, called Digambara, and the Buddhists known as " R e d m a n t l e s " (raktmbaras),* are represented as the worst evildoers. I n order to show how sinful it is to have any sort of intercourse with such heretics, the story of the ancient king atadhanu (C hapt 18) is told, who otherwise was a devout worshipper of Viu but once, out of mere politeness, exchanged a few words with a heretic, and in consequence was reborn consecutively as a dog, jackal, wolf, vulture, crow and peacock, till at lastthanks to the constant faithfulness and piety of his wife aibyhe again came into the world as a king. 2?ook IV of the ViuPura contains chiefly genealo gical lists of the ancient royal races, of the solar dynasty, which traces its origin back to the sungod, and the lunar dynasty, which traces its origin to the moongod. Long lists of ancient kingsmany cf them purely mythical, some probably historical are only occasionally interrupted in order to relate some legend about one or other of them. The marvellous plays a great part in all these legends. There is Daka who is born out of Brahman's right thumb ; Manus daughter Il who becomes transformed into a man ; Ikvku, who owes his existence to the sneezing of M a n u ; King Raivata, who, with his daughter Revat goes to heaven, in order to have a husband for his daughter recommended to him by god Brahman ; or indeed King Yuvanava, who
2 )

i ) Tfee rise of the heretical sects

is here

( I I I , 17 f.) explaired by Cf.

the legend

according t o which Viu sent a phantom figure to t h e demons in order to alienate them from the Veda religion, whereupon they can be defeated by the gods. above p. 536 ff. *) IV, I. A poetical rendering by Schack Stimmen vom Ganges, pp. 120 ff. PadmaPurna,

552

INDIAN

LITERATURE

becomes pregnant and brings a son into the world, whom Indra suckles with the drink of immortality, the child putting his finger into the mouth of the god and then sucking it. Because Indra said : " H e will be suckled by me " (man dhsyati), the child received the name Mndhtr. The latter became a powerful king and the father of three sons and fifty daughters. How he acquires a soninlaw, is related, with that peculiar humour which occasionally makes a pleasant break in the deep earnestness which usually prevails in t h e Indian legends of saints, in the legend of the pious ascetic Saubhari, who practises asceticism in the water for twelve years, until the sight of a fishking enjoying himself with his young ones, awakens in him the desire for paternal joys.* In this book we meet with many legends already familiar from the epics, for example, those of Purravas and Urvai * of Yayti and others. There is also here a short summary of the Rmalegend. There is an account of t h e birth of the Pavas, and of Ka and the story of the Mahbhrata is briefly touched upon. The conclusion of this extensive genealogical book is formed by prophecies concerning the " f u t u r e " kings of Magadha the aiungas Nandas Mauryas ugas Kvyanas and Andhrabhrtyas (see above, p. 523 f.), concerning the foreign barbarian rulers who will succeed them, and the terrible age brought about by them, an age without religion and without morality, which will only be ended by Viu in his incarnation as Kalki. Book V is a complete whole in itself. I t contains a detailed biography of the divine cowherd Ka in which practically the same adventures are told in the same order as in the Harivaa.*
2

) I V , 2.

A poetical rendering by Schach, 1. c , p. 87 ff. by A.

) Translated by Oeldner, Vedische Studien, I, p. 253 ff.

8

) See above p. 446 ff. This chapter has been translated into German

Paul, Krischnas Weltengang, Munich, 1905.

EPICS A N D

PURlAS

553

Booh VI is quite short. Once again the four consecu tive ages of the world (yugas)Kta Tret Dvpara and Kaliare recalled, and the evil Kaliyuga is described in the form of a prophecy, to which is attached a presentation of the various kinds of dissolution (pralaya) of the universe. Next are described in a pessimistic manner (C hapt. 5) the evils of existence, the pain of being born, of childhood, of manhood, old age and death, the torments of hell and the imperfection of the bliss of heaven, and from this the conclusion is drawn that only liberation from existence, freedom from rebirth, is the highest happiness. B u t for this it is necessary to know the nature of God ; for only that wisdom is perfect by which God is seen, all else is ignorance. The medium for obtaining this wisdom is Foga meditation upon Viu. The two penul timate chapters of the work give information on this medium. The last chapter recapitulates briefly the contents of the whole P u r a and ends with a praise of Viu and a final prayer. IV. The Vyava or 7yuPurana.v pp [ some lists under the name of aiva or waPwra, a title which is given to the work because it is dedicated to the worship of the god Siva. A " P u r a proclaimed by the Windgod," i.e. a VyuPura, is quoted in the Mahbh rata as well as in the Harivaa, and the Harivaa in many cases agrees literally with our VyuPura. I t has al ready been mentioned (see above p. 526) that the poet Ba (about 625 A.D.) had a VyuPura read to him, and that in this Pura the rule of the Guptas is described as
a e a r s n 2) 8)

*) Editions in B ibl. Ind. 18801889 and in nSS No. 49. 1905. *) Thus in the Viu and B hagavataP. B ut there is also a AvaPur5a, which is quite a different work and belongs to the Upapuras. It consists of 12 Sahitffs, including a V y a v y a a a d a Dharma8ahit. C t Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat. V I , p. 1311 ff. The BrahmaP. also i s called Vaiyavya, " proclaimed by Vyu" and Pargiter ( E R E X, 4 4 8 ) believes that Vyu and B rahma were originally one Purna and only differentiated later. ) Cf. Hopkins, Great Epic, p. 49. above, p, 520 I.
8

Holtzmann,

Das Mahftbhrata IV, p. 40 f. and

70

554

INDIAN

I TERATURE L

it was in the 4th century A,D. There certainly existed an ancient Pura under this name, and undoubtedly there is still preserved in our texts much of the ancient work, which is probably not later than the 5th century A.D. This work also deals with the same subjects, characteristic of the ancient Purascreation of the world, genealogies, etc., as the ViuPura. Only here the legends which are related serve for the glorification of Siva, not of Viu. Like the ViuPura, so also the VyuPura in its last part gives a description of the end of the world, and deals with the effi cacy of Yoga, but ends with a description of the splendour of Sivapura, " the city of Siva," where the Yogin arrives who has entirely lost himself in meditation upon Siva. Even in this Sivaite work two chapters are devoted to Viu. The Pura deals in detail with the fathers (pitrs) and their cult by means of rddhas. One chapter is devoted to the art of song. The Gaymhtmya printed at the end of the editions is certainly a later addition.* There are also other Mhtmyas, Stotras and ritualtexts, which claim to belong to the VyuPura. V. The BhgavataPurna. This is indisputably that work of Pura literature which is most famous in India. Still today it exerts a powerful influence on the life and thought of the innumerable adherents of the sect of the Bhgavatas (worshippers of Viu under the name of " B h a g a v a t " ) . The extremely numerous manuscripts and prints of the text itself, as well as of many commentaries on the whole work
} 2) 3) 4)

) Cf. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism etc., p. 47, Farquhar, Outline, p. 145. C, V. Vaidya'8 argument ( J B R A S 1925, 1, p. 155 t) for ascribing the VSyuP. to the 8th century is not convincing, *) Adhyftyas 96, 97. ) rSddhaprakriyrambha and Srddhakalpa, Adhy. 7I.86. *) Adhy. 87: gtfilakranirdea. ) Adhy. 104112. It is missing in some MSS. and appears as an independent text in MSS, as well as in Indian prints,
8

EPICS

AND

PURAS
1

555

and of separate explanatory writings on parts of it, * in addi tion to the many translations into Indian vernaculars, * bear witness to the enormous popularity and the extraordi nary reputation of the work in India. I t is in accordance with this its significance, that it is the first Pura that has been edited and translated in Europe. * Nevertheless it belongs to the later productions of P u r a literature. I n contents it is closely connected with the ViuPura, with which it often agrees literally, and it is undoubtedly depend ent upon the latter. Even in India doubts as to the " genuine ness" of the Bhgavata as one of the ancient eighteen Puras " composed by Vysa " have already been expressed, and there are polemic treatises * discussing the question whether the Bhgavataor the DevbhgavataPurna^ a ivaite work, belong to the " eighteen Puras." I n this connection the question is raised and discussed whether the grammarian Vopadeva is the author of the BhgavataPura.* Rather
2 3 4
l

) S e e Eggeling, Ind. Off, Cat. VI, p. 1259 ff., and Aufrecht

C C I, p. 401 ff. See. D.

) I n B engali alone t h e r e are 40 translations, especially of the Kabook. Ch. Sen, History of B engali Language and Literature, Calcutta, 1911, p. 220 ff.
z

) Le B hgavata Purna ou histoire potique de Krioha, traduit et publi par m. T. IV e t V publis par M. HauvetteBesnault et Paris 1884 e t 1898. A few legends from the B h&g.P. have been translated

Eugne Burnouf, t, l I I I , Paris 184047. P. Roussel*

into French by A. Roussel, Lgendes Morales de lTnde

Paris 1900, I , 1 ff. and II, 215 ff. A French translation of the

English translation b y Manmatha Nath Butt, Calcutta, 1895. dered into German, Zrich 1791 (s. Windisch,

Tamil version of the B hgavata was published as early as 1788 at Paris, and this was ren Geschichte der Sanskritphilologie, p, 47 f.). box and the " slipper in the face of *) Thus the " box on the ear for v i l l a i n s " (durjanamukhacapeikfi), the " b i g on the ear for villains " (durjanamukhamahcapeikfi) villains " (durjanamukhapadmapduk). p. lix ff. These are quite modern writings,
8

They are translated by Burnouf, 1. c , I , Prface Editions have

) This is also called simply

SrbhgavatamahSpura in the MSS.

been published in B ombay, and an E n g l i s h translation in t h e S B H . Pura differing from it, w h i c h is described b y Eggeling

Cf. Aufrecht, B odl.

O a t , p. 79 ff; Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat. V I . p. 1207 I. There is also a Mah B hgavata (1. c , p. 1280 ff.) as " a n apocryphal Pura recounting the story and exploits of D e v and urging her claims to being worshipped as the supreme deity."
6

) This supposition s e e m s to rest only on the fact that Vopadeva is the author of a work dependent on t h e B hgavata, and of the Harilll, an Anukrama

the Muktphala,

( i n d e x ) to the B hgavata.

556

INDIAN

LITERATURE

hastily C olebrooke, Burnouf and Wilson have concluded from this, that Vopadeva really was the author of the Pura and therefore that it only originated in the 13th century. I n any case the work cannot possibly be as late as that, as it already passed as a sacred book in the 13th century. There are good grounds for assigning it to the 10th century A.D. Rm nuja (12th century) did not yet recognise the Bhgavata as an authority, for he does not mention it, and only alludes to the ViuPura. But though it may have originated at a comparatively late date, it certainly utilised very ancient materials. Moreover it is the one Pura which, more than any of the others, bears the stamp of a unified composition, and deserves to be appreciated as a literary production on account of its language, style and metre. The work is divided into twelve books (skandhas) and consists of about 18,000 lokas. The cosmogonie myths agree on the whole with those of the ViuPura, but in some interesting details also differ from it. The incarnations of Viu are described in detail, especially that as a wild boar. I t is remarkable that Kapila the founder of the Skhya philosophy, is also mentioned as an incarnation of Viu and (at the end of Book I I I ) himself recites a long exposition on
1} 2) 3) 4) 5)

) Vopadeva was a contemporary of Hem3dri, who lived between 1260 and 1309. ) nandatrtha Madhva (11991278), who himself wrote a commentary on the Bhg.Pur., places it on a level with the Mahabhrata. ) C. V. Yaidya (JB RAS 1925, 1, 144 ff.) makes it seem probable that it is later than Sakara (beginning of the 9th century) and earlier than Jayadeva's Gtagovinda (12th century), Bhandarkar (Vainavism etc., p. 49) says that it " must have been composed at least two centuries before nandatrtha." Pargiter (Anc. Ind. Hist Trad , p. 80) places it " about the ninth century A.D.," Farquhar (Outline, p. 229 ff.) about 9OO A.D., C Eliot (Hinduism and B uddhism, II, p. 188 note) remarks that " it does not belong to the latest class of Puraas, for it seems to contemplate the performance of Smrta rites, not temple ceremonial." Vaidya (l. c, p. 157 f.) adduces arguments for the hypothesis that the author of the B hg.P. lived in the land of the Dravidas. Cf. Grierson, JRAS 1911, p. 8OO f. ) Side by side with the loka, metres of ornate poetry also appear. CI. Burnouf, I, Prface, p. cv f. *) See A. Roussel, Cosmologie Hindoue d'sprs le B hgavataPura, Paris, 1898.
2 8 4

EPICS A N D

PURtfAS

557

Yoga. Buddha, too, already appears among the incarnations of Viu.* The legends which are told for the glorification of Viu are numerous. Most of them, like those of Dhruva Prahlda and so on, are the same as are already familiar to us from the ViuPura. With the Mahbhrata, too, the work has much in common ; a few verses from the Bhagavad gt are quoted literally.* The Sakuntal episode is related in I X , 2D, in quite a short extract, but probably after a very ancient source.* Book X is the most popular and the most frequently read of all. I t contains the biography of Ersna which is here given in much greater detail than in the Viu Pura and in the Harivaa. I n particular the love scenes with the cowherdesses (gops) occupy a much larger space.* This book is translated into almost all the Indian vernaculars and is a favourite book with all classes of the Indian people. The annihilation of the Ydavas and the death of Ka are related in Book XI, while the last book contains the usual prophecies concerning the Kaliyuga and the destruction of the world. VI. The BrhannradyaPmria, i.e. " the great Pura of Nrada." I t is generally so called to distinguish it from the Nradaor NaradyaUpapura. I t is doubtful, however, whether even the BhannradyaPura * deserves to be
5

) Though he appears, " t o delude the foes of the g o d s " (I, 3, 24), he is

among

the avatras, and as such (in the Nryaavarman, VI, 8, 17) he is invoked, whilst in the ViuP. ( I l l , 17 f.), Viu in order to delude the Daityas, causes a phantom form to issue forth from himself, which comes into the world as B uddha. ) See Holtzmann, Das Mahbhrata, IV, 41.49, and J. E. Abbott, Ind. Ant. 2 1 , 1892, p. 94. ? ) In IX, 2 0 , 1 6 , om is used in the sense of " y e s , " which is very arohaic Cf. Ait Br. V I I . 1 8 ; Chnd.Up. I , I. 8 and above p. 185, note. In KurmaP. I, 23 (p. 248) and I, 27 (p. 294) om is also used in the sense of " y e s " in the style of the old legends, though t h e Korrna itself is a late work. *) Rdhfi however, does not appear, from which Vaidya l.c rightly concludes that the B hg.P. is earlier than the Gtagovinda. ) Edited by Pandit HrishVcea 5stri B ibl. Ind. 1891, who calls the work an " Upapurna." Cf. Wilson, Works, V I , p. li ff. ; Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat. VI. p. 1208 ff.
8 a

558

INDIAN

LITERATURE

counted among the ancient Puras ; for it is a purely secta rian text, wherein the Sta repeats a conversation between Nrada and Sanatkumra, and the sage Nrada appears in the character of a teacher of Viubhakti, the pious adora tion of Viu. The real themes of the Puras, the creation of the world, e t c , are not touched upon ; the main themes are descriptions of the feasts and ceremonies of the Viu cult illustrated by all manner of legends. Inserted in the legends we also find didactic sections upholding a rather intolerant brahmanical standpoint. C hapter X I V , a lengthy chapter containing a catalogue of the principal sins and the corresponding punishments of hell, is characteristic.
B y w a y of e x a m p l e , the f o l l o w i n g are i n c l u d e d a m o n g w h o m there is no a t o n e m e n t , a n d w h o hell : by a H e w h o venerates a L i g a or an i m a g e of Vinu heretic, or w h o himself becomes a heretic. t h e sinners for m u s t i r r e v o c a b l y be c o n d e m n e d t o w h i c h is worship dras uninitiated There is no t h o u g h he

ped by a d r a or a w o m a n ; he w h o b o w s d o w n before a L i g a worshipped persons, w o m e n , o u t c a s t s , w h o touch an i m a g e of Viu or iva g o to hell. H e w h o hates a B r a h m a n , c a n in no w i s e hope for a t o n e m e n t . expiation for t h e B r a h m a n w h o enters a no avail. Brahman The B uddhists are despisers B u d d h i s t t e m p l e , even of the are Vedas, not they did so in a g r e a t e m e r g e n c y ; even hundreds of shall not look at t h e m ,

e x p i a t i o n ceremonies are of and therefore a to the Vedas.)

if he is t r u l y d e v o t e d

T h e s e sinners for w h o m there is no e x p i a t i o n , in t h e enumeration of the tortures of

o n l y condemned t o are s u b s e q u e n t l y dras recites t h e Veda annihilates

roast in hell for hundreds and thousands of y e a r s t h e author actually revels hellbut reborn a g a i n and a g a i n as w o r m s and and M l e c c h a s . in t h e presence of w o m e n or Sdras. other a n i m a l s , as Cancjalas,

D r e a d f u l t o r m e n t s of hell a w a i t h i m w h o N e v e r t h e l e s s , in

contradiction to all

t h e s e d a m n a t i o n s , t h e same chapter teaches t h a t

Vinubhakti

all s i n s , and t h a t G a n g e s water, t o o , washes a w a y t h e blackest sins.

In the B haddharmaP. I, 25, 23 both the B hannradya and the Nradya are enumerat ed among the Upapuras. ) Pandit Hrishkea concludes from this passage that the work was compiled when B uddhism " was rooted out and was universally despised." I think, on the con trary, that such violent outbreaks against the B uddhists could only have a meaning at a time when B uddhism w a s still a living power in India.
l

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

559

Several chapters (2228) deal in detail with the duties of the castes and ramas, and with rddhas and the ceremonies of expiation (pryacitta). The last chapters deal with the misery of transmigration (sasra) and with salvation (moka) by me ans of Yoga and Bhakti. Devotion to Viu is again and again declared to be the only means of salvation. Thus we read (28, 116) : "Of what avail are the Vedas, the Sstras, ablutions in sacred bathingplaces, or austerities and sacrifices, to those who are without the worship of Viu (Viubhakti)?" The NradyaUpapurna includes the Rukrngadaca rita which also occurs as an independent book. The " edifying " legend of King Rukmgada is here told in 40 chapters. King Rukmgada has promised his daughter Mohin that he will grant her a wish, whatsoever it may be. She demands that he shall either break his fast on theEkda (the eleventh day of the halfmonth sacred to Viu) or slay his son ; the king decides upon the latter, this being the lesser of the two sins. VII. The MarkandeyaPuraria}i This is one of the most important, most interesting, and probably one of the oldest works of the whole Pura literature. Yet even this Pura is no unified work, but consists of parts which vary in value and probably belong to different periods. The work takes its name from the ancient sage Mrkaeya, who enjoyed eternal youth, and who also appears in a large section of the Mahbhrata (see above p. 397 Note 4 and p. 425) as a narrator. W e may probably regard those sections as the oldest, * in which Mrkaeya is actually the speaker and instructs his pupil Krauuki upon the creation of
2
l

) Edited by K. M. Banerjea, B ibl. Ind. 1862 and

translated into English by F. Cf. Pargiter, Introd, p. iv.

Eden Pargiter, B ibl. Ind. 18881905. ) These are chapters 4581 and 93136 (conclusion). Verse 45 , 6 4 is quoted twice by akara (VedntaS5tras I, 2, 23 and I I I , 3, 16, see P, Deussen, Die Stras des Vednta aus dem Sanskrit bersetzt, Leipzig 1887, p. 119 and 57O) ; but it is by no means certain that akara k n e w the verse from the Mrkaeya fura for he does no mention it, but only says " I t is said in the Smytl."

560

INDIAN

LITERATURE

the world, the ages of the world, the genealogies and the other subjects peculiar to the Puras. Special evidence for the great antiquity of these sections which contain the old Pura is found in the circumstance that in them neither Viu nor Siva occupies a prominent position, that, on the other hand, I n d r a and B r a h m a n are much in the foreground, and that the ancient deities of the Veda, Agni (Fire) and Srya (Sun) are glorified by hymns in a few of the cantos, and that a large number of sunmyths are r e l a t e d . This oldest part of the Pura as Pargiter considers, may belong to the third century A.D., but may perhaps be earlier. A large part of this section also consists of moral and edifying narratives. This is still more the case in the first sections of the work, which are closely connected with the Mahabhrata and have very much in common with the character of Book X I I of the epic. The Pura actually commences with Jaimini, a pupil of Vysa approaching Mrkaeya, and, after a few eulogies of the M a h a b h r a t a , asking him for the answers to four questions, which the great epic leaves unanswered. The first question is, how it was that DraupadI was able to become the common wife of the five Pavas, and the last, why the children of Draupad were killed at a youth ful age. Mrkaeya does not answer these questions himself, but refers him to four wise birds, in reality Brahmans who were born as birds in consequence of a curse. These tell
1} 2) 3)

) Chapters 99110.

A n impression of great antiquity is also created by t h e narra and The of

tive of Dama w h o , in order to avenge the death of his father, cruelly kills Vapusmat offers his flesh and blood to the spirit of his father, with the funeral cakes ( 1 3 6 ) . very fact that in the B engali manuscripts the narrative ceases without any mention be reconciled with the v i e w s of a later time. *) These partly agree literally (Cf. Pargiter, p. vii.)

the human sacrifice, is a proof of the great antiquity of traditions which could no longer with t h e praises at the beginning and end of the

Mahabhrata itself (cf. a b o v e p. 325 f. and 453). *) This is again a duplicate of a legend also occurring in the Mahabhrata (I. 229 ff.), w h e r e , however, one of the birds is called Droa while in the Mrk.P. the four birds are Droa's sons.

EPICS A N D

PURAAS

561

Jaimini a series of legends in reply to the propounded ques tions. I n reply to the last question it is related, how five angels (vive devs) once took the liberty of finding fault with the great saint Vivmitra, when he treated King Haricandra cruelly, for which they were cursed by the saint to be born again as human beings, which curse he mitigated so that they should die young and unmarried. The five sons of Draupad were those angels. I n connection with this is related the touching, but genuinely Brahmanical legend of King Ilaricandra, who, through fear of the wrath and curse of Vivmitra, suffers endless sorrow and humiliation, until at last he is taken into heaven by Indra himself.* After the answering of the four questions, there begins a new section (C hapts. 1044) in which a conversation between a father and his son is communicated; this is a very lengthy amplification of the dialogue between father and son which we met with in the Mahbhrata (see above, p. 417 ff.). I t is significant that the son, in the Mahbhrata, is called " Intel ligent" (Medhvin), while in the Pura he bears the nick name Jaa " t h e Idiot." * As in the Mahbhrata, here too, the son despises the life of the pious Brahman, which his father places before him as an ideal, he recalls all his previous births and sees salvation only in an escape from the Sasra. I n connection with this the " I d i o t " gives a
2

) Chapters 7 and 8.

This famous legend has been translated into English by J. JRAS 1881, p. the (ZDMG 13, 1859, 103 ff. ; RckertNachlese II. 489 ff.). subject of (10th or 11th century A.D.). It is also told in and Weber Pargiter,

Muir Original Sanskrit Texts, I, 3rd ed., p. 379 ff. and by B . H. Wortham, 355 ff., into German by F Rackert The legend was a favourite theme for later dramatists, thus it forms the Cadakauika by the poet Kemvara

a ballad that is still popular in the Punjab, s. R. C Temple : The Legends of the Panjb N o . 42 (Vol. I l l , p. 53 ff.). The Sunaepa legend, the B uddhist VessantaraJtaka, t h e Hebrew B ook of Job have been compared with S B A 1 8 9 I . p . 779 I. Ind. Stud. 15, p. 413 J R A S 1917, p. 37 ff.
3

the Haricandra

legend.

Of.

ff.

On the legends of Vivmitra,

Vasiha,

Haricandra, and unahepa in the B rfihmaas, Puras and Epics, see F. E.

) This " wise fool " also, like Jaabharata (see above, p. 549) is a proclaimer of

the Yoga.

7i

562

INDIAN

LITERATURE

description of the Sasra and of the consequences of sins in various rebirths, and especially of tlfe hells and the punish ments of hell, which await the sinner. I n the midst of this description of hell, magnificent of its kind, though not very enjoyable, stands one of the gems of Indian legend poetry, the story of the noble king Vipacit ( " t h e W i s e " ) , which well deserves to be briefly reproduced here.
15 2)

The t a k e n to to him

extremely hell by a

pious

and v i r t u o u s k i n g Vipascit of Y a m a .

is, after his d e a t h , explains suit

servant

I n a n s w e r to t h e k i n g ' s a m a z e d

q u e s t i o n as t o w h y he s h o u l d h a v e to g o t o hell, Y a m a s s e r v a n t able for c o n c e p t i o n , a n d he m u s t a t o n e for t h i s l i g h t offence religious gives the precepts, king for at least b y a very short stay in upon g o o d a n d bad hell. instruction

t h a t he o n c e n e g l e c t e d t o c o h a b i t w i t h his w i f e a t t h e t i m e

against the

Thereupon he

deeds (karm a n ) , w h i c h

m u s t i n e v i t a b l y h a v e their effects, and t h e laid d o w n to go, e v e r y s i n g l e sin.

p u n i s h m e n t s of hell w h i c h are The king turns as

A f t e r t h e s e e x p l a n a t i o n s the s e r v a n t of

t h e g o d of d e a t h i s about to t a k e h i m o u t of hell a g a i n . when t a n t s of hell assail h i m w i t h an i n e x p r e s s i b l y torments of hell which entreaties to stay

dreadful screams of a g o n y s m i t e on his ear, and t h e inhabi only a minute longer, A t his a m a z e d p l e a s a n t b r e a t h e m a n a t e s f r o m h i m , w h i c h alleviates t h e they are e n d u r i n g . question, of a hell

Y a m a s se r v a n t g i v e s h i m t h e e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t , from t h e good w o r k s pious m a n , a r e f r e s h i n g b r e a t h is w a f t e d t o w a r d s t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of Then says the king : a n d alleviates t h e i r t o r m e n t s .

" N o t in h e a v e n , nor in B r a h m a n ' s world, m e t h i n k s , D o e s m a n find s u c h bliss as w h e n H e can g i v e r e f r e s h m e n t to b e i n g s in t o r m e n t . I f t h r o u g h m y presence, r a c k i n g torture O f t h e s e poor ones is alleviated, T h e n w i l l I s t a y here, m y friend, L i k e a p o s t , I will n o t m o v e f r o m t h i s s p o t . '

i ) This is the most detailed description of hell in the Pura literature, but similar descriptions also occur in other Puras. They are discussed by L. Scherman, Visionslitteratur, p. 23 ff, 45 ff. ) Chapt 1 5 , Verses 4779 translated into 1858, p* 336 ff ; RckertNachlese I I , 485 ff). German by F. Buckert ( Z D M G 12,

EPICS AND PURAAS

Yamas servant spake : " Come, O King, let us go, do thou enjoy The fruits of thy good deeds and leave the torments To those who, through bad deeds, deserve them." The king spake: " No, I will not go hence, while these Poor dwellers in hell are happy through my presence. A disgrace and a shame is the life of a man Who feels no pity for the tortured, poor ones, Who implore him for protectioneven for bitter foes. Sacrifices, gifts, austerities serve neither here nor beyond For his salvation, who has no heart for protecting tortured ones, Whose heart is hardened to children, old men and the weak. Not as a man do I regard himhe is a devil. Even though, through the presence of these dwellers in hell I suffer the torment of purgatory, the stink of hell, And the pain of hunger and of thirst rob me of my senses Yet I deem it sweeter than the joy of heaven, To give them, the tortured ones, protection and help. If through my suffering many unhappy ones become glad, What more do I want?Do not tarry, depart and leave me." Yamas servant spake : " B ehold ! Dharma > comes, and akra to fetch thee hence. Thou must go indeed, King : up, and away from here ! "
1

563

Dharma spake : "Let me lead thee to the heaven which thou hast well deserved; Enter this chariot of the gods without delayaway from here ! " The King spake : " Here in this bell, Dharma, men are tortured a thousandfold ; ' Protect us ! full of agony they cry to me ; I will not move from here.

) On Dharma

as the name of the god of death" see above p. 397,

akra

is a name that the

of Indra, the king of the gods. i m m e d i a t e l y appear speaking.

In genuine old khynastyle, it is not related

t w o gods came there, but their coming is communicated in conversation, and they then

564
akra spake :

INDIAN

L TERATURE I

" T h e reward of their deeds, t h e s e e v i l ones receive i n hell ; Thou, prince, m u s t for t h y good deed ascend t o heaven. dwellers in hell are n o t sinners, only "as t h e sufferers.

B u t for t h e k i n g t h e And h i m s e l f replies t h a t only hell

as, in answer to his q u e s t i o n h o w g r e a t h i s g o o d w o r k s are, D h a r m a t h e y are as n u m e r o u s drops of water in t h e

s e a , t h e stars in t h e h e a v e n s , . . . t h e g r a i n s of s a n d in t h e G a n g e s , he has t h e one desire, t h a t , t h r o u g h these g o o d works of h i s , the dwellers in m a y be delivered f r o m their t o r m e n t s .
1

T h e k i n g of gods g r a n t s h i m released

t h i s w i s h , and as he a s c e n d s to h e a v e n , all t h e i n m a t e s of hell are f r o m their p a i n . *

I n language and style this splendid dialogue reminds one very much of the Svitr poem of the Mahbhrata. B u t just as in the great epic the most absurd productions of priest ly literature stand by the side of the most beautiful poems, so also in our Pura. Immediately after the abovetold legend follows that of Anamy which appears like a cari cature of the Svitr legend :
A n a s y * is t h e e x t r e m e l y rough ciple : the day the and vulgar B rahman. " The good faithful wife of a l o a t h s o m e , leprous, with One I n accordance w i t h the b r a h m a n i c a l prin

h u s b a n d is t h e d e i t y of t h e wife, his wife tends h i m

g r e a t e s t love and care, and bears his coarseness w i t h patience.

m a n , who is also a libertine, expresses t h e u r g e n t desire of A s he h i m s e l f is too

v i s i t i n g a courtesan w h o has e x c i t e d his a d m i r a t i o n .

) The story of Yudhihira's visit to hell and ascent to heaven in B ook 18 of The very fact that Yudhihira o n l y h a s a vision (mSy) fallingoff. I n the PtlaKhada of the PadmaPura not in the n S S edition) King Janaka g o e s to hell

the

Mahbhrata (see above, p. 374 f.) seems to me but a poor imitation of the Vipacit legend. of hell, shows a considerable (s. Wilson, Works, I I I , p. 49 f., A Jewish fairytale his

as a matter of form, because he has

struck a cow, and he releases the damned souls in a similar fashion. death refused to go to Paradise because there can help. ( I . L. Perez, Volkstmliche

tells of a selfless m a n w h o spent h i s whole life in succouring the distressed, and after

was nobody there in n e e d of aid ; he prefers ff.). The original source of all

to go to hell, where there are creatures with whom h e can feel sympathy and whom h e Erzhlungen, p. 24 these legends i s probably to be found in a B uddhist Mahyna legend of the B odhisattva Avalokitevara.
a

) The name signifies the " not jealous one."

EflCS ill to g o , his He

A N ) PtlRTAS him

565

faithful wife takes accidentally

on her back, in order t o carry h i m

there.

then

t o u c h e s a s a i n t w i t h his foot, a n d t h e l a t t e r Then Anasy says : "The

curses h i m t h a t he shall die ere t h e s u n rises. s u n shall n o t rise. not rise, which I n consequence

of her d e v o t i o n t h e

sun a c t u a l l y does

causes

the g o d s g r e a t

e m b a r r a s s m e n t , as t h e y r e c e i v e no

sacrifices.

T h e r e r e m a i n s n o t h i n g b u t for t h e m to a r r a n g e t h a t t h e c h a r m

i n g h u s b a n d of A n a s y r e m a i n s alive.

J u s t as in the Mahabhrata, so here too, there are besides legends purely didactic dialogues upon the duties of the householder, upon rddhas, upon conduct in the daily life, upon the regular sacrifices, feasts and ceremonies, and also (C hapts. 3643) a treatise upon Yoga. A work complete in itself, which doubtless was only later inserted into the MrkaeyaPura, though not later than the 6th century A. D, is the Deviwihtmya^ a glori fication of the goddess Durg who, till the most recent times, has been worshipped with human sacrifices. I n the temples of this terrible goddess the Devmhtmya is read daily, and at the great feast of Durg ( D u r g p j a ) in Bengal it is recited with t h e greatest of solemnity.
1} 3)

) Chapters 2935. Oautamasinrti, ) Chapts. 8193. Translated into

The Edited

chapter

on

Srddhas

partly agrees literally with the

according to W. Caland Altindischer Ahnenkult, Leyden 1893, p. 112. and translated into Latin by L. Poley B erolini 1831. Transi., pp. 465523; Extracts English b y Pargiter, MrkaneyaP.

rendered in French by Burnouf ( J A 4 , 1824, p. 24 ff.). As an independent work, also with t h e titles Ca Caimhtmya, Durgmhtmya and Saptaatl, it occurs in innu merable MSS., and has often been printed in India, sometimes with a B engali transla tion. On t h e numerous translations in B engali, s. D . Ch. Sen, B engali Language and C C I, Literature, p. 225 ff. There are also many commentaries on t h e text, s. Aufrecht, nated even earlier than t h e 7 t h century, for a verse from the D e v m h t m y a have been quoted in an inscription of t h e year Cf. G. P . Quackenbos, 1 5 0 ; Pargiter,
3

p. 261. One MS. of t h e Devmhtmya is dated 998 A . D . , and t h e work probably origi seems to 608 A.D. (D. R. Bhandarkar, J RAS 23, B

1909, p. 7 3 f ) ; and Ba's poem "Caataka " is perhaps based on the Devmhtmyaj The Sanskrit P o e m s of Mayra...together with the Text and Tran ff.297; Farquhar, Outline, p. Bose slation of B a's Caataka, N e w York 1917, pp. 249 MrkaeyaP, Transi., pp. xii xx.

) On this most popular of all religious festivals in B engal cf. Shib Chunder

The Hindoos as t h e y are, p. 9 2 ff.

566

INDIAN

LITERATURE
l)

VIII. The Agneya or AgniPurna, so called because it is supposed to have been communicated to Vasiha by Agni. I t describes the incarnations (Avatras) of Viu among them also those as Rma and Ka where it con fessedly follows the Rmyaa, Mahbhrata and Harivaa. Although it commences with Viu gives directions for the ritual of the Viucult and contains a DvdaasahasrlStotra to Viu (C hapt. 48), it is yet essentially a ivaite work and deals in detail with the mystic cult of the Liga and of Durg. I t also mentions Tantric rites, gives instructions for the pro duction of images of gods and their consecration, and refers to the cult of Gaesa ( C hapt. 71) and the suncult (C hapt. 73). A few chapters (368370) treat of death and transmi gration and Yoga (371379), C hapt. 380 contains a summary of the doctrines of the Bhagavadgt, and C hapt. 381 a Yamagt. But the cosmological, genealogical and geogra phical sections peculiar to the Puras are not missing. The especially distinctive feature of this Pura is, however, its encyclopaedic character. I t actually deals with anything and everything. W e find sections on geography, astronomy and astrology, on marriage and death customs, on omina and portenta, house building and other usages of daily life, and also on politics (nti) and the art of war, on law (in which it is closely connected with the lawbook of Yajnavalkya), on medicine, metrics, poetry, and even on grammar and lexicography. To which age this remarkable encyclopaedia or its separate parts belong, it is impossible to say. I n spite of the fact that the work itself contains so much that is heterogene ous, there are still many Mhtmyas and similar texts which claim to belong to the AgniPura, but do not occur in the manuscripts of the work itself.
) Editions in B ibl. Ind. 18731879, and A n S S No. 41, translation by M. N . Calcutta, 1901. It is also called VahniPura. with the same t i t l e , s. Eggeling, Ind. Off, Cat. VI, p, 1294 ff. Dutt

There is, however, also an Upapura

EPICS

AND

PURAS

567

I X . The Bhavisya or BhavisyatPnra. The title signifies a work which contains prophecies regarding the future (bhaviya). However, the text which has come down to us in manuscript under this title is certainly not the ancient work which is quoted in the pastambyaDharma sutra.> The account of the C reation which it contains, is borrowed from the lawbook of Mann, which is also otherwise frequently used. The greater part of the work deals with the brahmanical ceremonies and feasts, the duties of the castes, and so on. Only a few legends are related. A descrip tion of the Ngapacamfeast, dedicated to the worship of snakes, gives an opening for an enumeration of the snake demons and for the narration of some snakemyths. A consi derable section deals with the sunworship in " kadvpa " (land of the Scythians ?) in which sunpriests named Bhojaka and Maga are mentioned, and which undoubtedly is related to the Zoroastrian sun and fire cult.
2) }

The BhavisyottaraT?urana> which, though it contains a few ancient myths and legends, is more a handbook of religi ous rites, is a sort of continuation of this Pura. Very numerous are the Mhtmyas and other modern texts which claim to be parts of the Bhaviya and especially of the BhaviyottaraPura. X. The Brahmavaivarta or BrahmakaivartaBuraita^

) See above, p. 519 f. which Th. Aufrecht

2

There is still less claim to authenticity for the

edition

of the B haviyaPura which appeared in B ombay in 1897 in the Srvekata Press, and (ZDMG 57, 1903, p . 276 ff.) has unmasked as a " literary fraud." ) Cf. Wilson, Works, VI, p. 1xiii; G. Buhler SB E Vol. 25, p. cx f. ; 78 n ; W. Jahn, ) Cf. Aufrecht, B odl. Cat., p. 31 ff. ; Wilson, Works, X, p. 381 ff. We Jearn

Ueber die kosmogonischen Grundanschauungen i n MnavaDharmaatrara, p. 38 ff.

3

from an inscription written in 861 A.D., by one Maga Mtrava, that the Magas lived in Rjputna as early a s in the 9th century. " Maga " is a name for the Skadvpa B rahmins, See D, R. Bhanarhar, English translation Ep. Ind. in S H B w h o at the present day are still living in the district of Jdhpur, and trace their history back to t h e SryaPura and the B haviyaPura, I X , p. 279. *) Editions published a t Calcutta 1887 and 1888.

568

INDIAN

LITERATURE

The latter is the name current in Southern India. This extensive work is divided into four books. The first book, the BrahmaKhaa, deals with the creation by Brahman, the First Being, who is, however, none other than the god Ka.* Many legends, especially about the sage Nrada are included. One chapter (16) contains a treatise on medi cine. The second book, the PraktiKhaa, deals with Prakti, the original matter, which, however, here seems to be conceived quite mythologically, resolving itself, at the command of Kra into five goddesses (Durg Lakm Sarasvat, Svitr and Rdh). The third book, the Gaea Khaa relates legends of the elephantheaded god Gaesa who is unknown to the oldest Indian pantheon, but is one of the most popular of the more modern Indian deities.* I n a very curious way Gaea is here represented as a kind of incarnation of Ka. The last and most extensive book, the KajanmaKhada, " section of the birth of Ka" deals not only with the birth, but with the whole life of Ka especially his battles and his love adventures with the cow herdesses (gops). I t is the chief part of the whole Pura which throughout pursues no other object than to glorify the god Kfsna and his favourite wife Rdh in myths, legends and hymns. R d h is here Ka's akti. According to this Pura Ka is so much the god above all gods, that
8)

Brahmavaivartapurani specimen ed. by A. F. Stenzler, B erolini, 1829. of the work b y Wilson, Works, III, p. 91 ff. ) The title B rahmavaivartaP, which can be translated

A detailed analysis " Pura of the

transformations of B rahman," probably refers t o this. intelligible to me.

2

The Southern Indian title is not Vangadarana,

) B . C Mazumdar

says that he has proved in the B engali journal ( JB R A S 23, 1909, p. 82.) century, regards Rdh

" that the worship of Gaea 'ss an affiliated son of Prvat was wholly unknown to the Hindus previous to the 6th century A. D." ) Nimbrka, probably in (Cf. Farquhar, s. Qrierson, the 12th consort of Ka who, in Brahman fiakti arose, as the eternal that

his view, is not merely an incarnation of Viu but the eternal Outline, p. 237 ff.) It w a s not until the 16th century

t h e sect of the Rdhvallabhis, who attach great importance to the worship of Rfidh a s ERE X, p. 559 f. ; Farquhar, l. c. p. 318.

EPICS

AND

PURNAS

569

legends are related in which not only Brahman and iva but even Viu himself, are humiliated by Ka. A large number of Mhtmyas claim to belong to this Pura which is altogether a rather inferior production. X I . The Laiga or LigaPnrna^ The principal theme of the work is the worship of iva in his various forms, but especially in the Liga symbol. There is a somewhat confused account of the legend of the origin of the Liga cult : on the occasion of Siva's visit to the Devadru forest, the hermits' wives fall in love with the god, who is cursed by the Munis. I n the account of the creation iva occupies the position which is otherwise ascribed to Viu. C orres ponding to the Avatras of Viu legends of twentyeight incarnations of iva are told in. the LigaPura. Some passages show the influence of the Tantras ; this fact, and the character of the work as a manual for the use of Siva worshippers would seem to indicate that it can scarcely be a very ancient work. X I I . The Vrha or Varha Purm. The work owes its title to the fact that it is related to the goddess
2) 3) 4) 5)

) Editions have been published in Calcutta, B ombay, Poona and Madras, w i t h a commentary.
2

also

) The Liga ( t h e phallus), generally in the form of a small stone column,

is

for the worshippers of iva only a symbol of the productive and creative principle of Nature as embodied in Siva ; and it is worshipped by simple offerings flowers and the pouring of water. cult of an obscene nature. The Liga cult certainly bears no trace Wilson, Works, Vol. V I , p. l x i x ; Cf. H. H. of leaves and phallic MonierWilliams, Hinduism and as of any

Brhrnanisrn and Hinduism, 4th Ed., London 1891, pp. 83, 90 f. ; Eliot, about 550 A. D. ; s. Eliot, 1. c. p. 143 note 3.
3

Buddhism, I I , 142 ff. The Liga cult can be traced in Cambodia and Champa as early ) I, 2833, translated into German by W. Jahn, ZDMG 69,

1915, pp. 539 ff.

The same legend also occurs in other Puras, s. Jahn, l. c. pp. 529 ff.; 70, 1916, p. 301 ff. and 7I. 1917, 167 ff.
4

) Of. Farquhar,

Outline, p. 195 t astri B ibl. Ind. 1893. According to 218, 1 the Pura Mdhava B haa and Vrevara in B enares in the year 1621 of the However, this cannot be the date of the work itself, but only

) Ed. by Hrishiieea

was " written " by of a copy of it.

Vikrama era (1564 A. D ) .

72

570

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Earth (Pthiv) by Viu in his incarnation as a wild boar (varha). Though it contains brief allusions to the creation, the genealogies, e t c , it is not a Pura in the ancient sense of the word, but rather a manual of prayers and rules for the Viuworshippers. I n spite of the Viuite character of the work, it yet contains a few legends relating to iva and Durg. Several chapters are devoted to the Mothers and the female deities (C hapts. 9095). We find the story of the birth of Gaea followed by a Ganeastotra. Furthermore, it deals with Srddhas (C hapt. 13 ff.), Pryacittas (C hapt. 119 ff.), the erection of images of the gods (C hapt, 181 ff.), e t c A considerable section (C hapts. 152168) is nothing but a MathurMhtmya, a glorification of the sacred city which is Ka's birthplace. Another considerable section (C hapts. 193212) tells the legend of Naciketas, but the narrator is more concerned with the description of heaven and hell than with the philosophical ideas contained in the ancient poem in the KahaUpaniad.* X I I I . The Sknda or SkandaPurna. This Pura is named after Skanda son of iva and commander of the celestial armies, who is said to have related it and proclaimed ivaite doctrines in it. The ancient Pura of this name, however, is probably entirely lost ; for though there is a consi derable number of more or less extensive works claiming to be Sahits and Khaas of the SkandaPura, and an almost overwhelming mass of Mhtmyas which give themselves out as portions of this Pura only one, very ancient, manuscript contains a text which calls itself simply " Skanda
2) 3)

) See above, p. 261 I. Cf. ) MatsyaP. 53, 42 f.

L.

Scherman,

Visionslitteratur,

p. 11 f.

The name

is Nciketa here, as in the Mahbhrata X I I I , 71.

2

The length of the SkandaP. is here, as elsewhere, stated

as 81,100 lokas.
3

In PadmaP., V I . 263, 81 f., too, the SkandaP. is counted as among

the " tmasa" t.e the Sivaite Puras. ) Cf. Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat. VI. pp. 13191389.

EPICS A N D PURAS
l)

571

Pura." Even this text, however, is scarcely identical with the ancient Pura : for, though it contains all manner of legends of iva especially of his battles with Andhaka and other demons, a few chapters on the hells and Sasra, and a section on Yoga, there is hardly anything in it that corres ponds to the "five characteristics" of a Pura. Texts which are considered as belonging to the SkandaPura inform us that there are six Sahits, namely Sanatkuma ry Sta Brhm Vaiav, kar and Saur Sahit, and fifty Khaas of the SkandaPura. The StaSahit is a work of some bulk. I t consists of four Khaas, the first of which is devoted wholly to the worship of iva. The second section (jnayogakhaa) deals not only with Yoga, but also with the duties of the castes and ramas. The third section teaches ways and means of attaining salvation ; and the fourth section begins with rules about Vedicbrahma nical ceremonies, and then deals with " the sacrifice of meditation " and " the sacrifice of knowledge," as well as with devotion to iva (ivabhakti). A second part contains a ivaite Brahmagt and a Vedntist Stagt. The Sanat kumraSahit, too, contains ivaite legends, more especially relating to the sacred places of Benares. The SauraSahit, which is supposed to have been revealed to Yjavalkya
2) 3) 4) 5)

) This is the old manuscript in Gupta script, which w a s discovered in Nepal by Haraprasd stri and has been assigned to the 7th century A. D. by him and See Haraprasd Sstr Catalogue of Palm Leaf C. Bendall on palaeographical grounds. 141 ff.
2

and Selected Paper MSS. belonging to the Durbar Library, Nepal. Calcutta 1905, pp. Iii, ) According to the short table of contents given by Haraprasd, 1. c. As no

khaa is named in the colophons of the MS., Haraprasd considers the text to be the original 6kandaP. The supposition that it might be the AmbikKhaa (Haraprasd, The Ambikkhaa (Eggel%ng, I. c. p. 1321 Report I, p. 4 ) , turned out to be erroneous.
3

ff.) contains a collection of legends about Siva and Durg told by Sanatkumra to Vysa. ) Eggeling, 1. c , pp. 132I. 1362.
4

) Ed. with the commentary of Mdhavcrya in n S S No. 25, 1893 in 3 vols. ) The Sahydrikbada (publ. by J. G. da C unha B ombay 1877) belongs to the I. c , p. 1369 ff, The VekaesaMhtmya of t h e

Sanatkumara.saiphitS. Cf Eggeling,

572

INDIAN

LITERATURE

by the sungod, contains chiefly cosmogonie theories. The akaraSahit is also called AgastyaSahit, because Skanda is supposed to have communicated it to Agastya. I t is doubtful, however, whether this is the AgastyaSahit which teaches the cult of Viriu especially in his incarnation as Rrna.* There is a KKhaa, dealing with the ivatemples in the neighbourhood of Benares and with the sanctity of this city itself. A Gagsahasranman, a litany of the " thousand names of the Ganges " belongs to the same section. The abovementioned are only a few of the many texts which are said to belong to this Pura. XIV. The Vmana Parana.* This Pura too, has not come down to us in its original form, for the five themes of the Puras, i.e. C reation, etc., are scarcely mentioned, and the information given in the M a t s y a P u r n a as to the contents and length of the work does not tally with our text. The text begins with an account of the incarnation of Viu as a dwarf (vmana), whence it takes its name. Several chapters deal with the Avatras of Viu in general.* On the other hand, a considerable section
2) 4)

Sahydrikhatja, a glorification of t h e temple of Majgun, is translated by G. K. legend,

Betham

Ind. A n t . 24, 1895, p p . 231 ff. The same khaa probably also includes t h e yasga. which w a s transformed into a local legend, and which has been translated by (Ind. Ant. 2, 1873, pp. 140 ff.). \. c , p. 1319 ff. ; Laiga 1321. I n Vrha the givarahasyakhada of the Eggeling, V. N. Narasimmiyengar ) Cf. ankarasahit (aiva B haviya, Brahma)

( E g g e l i n g 1. c , p. 1363 f j the 18 Puras are enumerated, of w h i c h t e n Mrkaeya, Sknda Mtsya Kaurma Vmana (Vaifava, B hgavata, Nradya, Grua)

are declared to be ivaite, four

Viuite, whilst B rahma and Pdma Agni, B rahmavaivarta to Savit. iva. ) Published Bombay 1881.
8

are said to be dedicated t o B rahman, Agneya to I t is added, however, that t h e Viuite Puras teach

the identity of Siva and Viu and t h e B rahmaP., t h e identity of B rahman, V i u and (with commentaries) in B enares, 1868, Calcutta 187380 and

) Published, with B engali translation, Calcutta, 1885. Cf. Wilson, Works, Vol. V I , p. lxxiv f, (2432) are mainly taken ) According to Aufrecht ( B odl. Cat. p. 4 6 ) these chapters

*) 53 45 f.
6

from t h e MatsyaP.

EPICS A N D

PURAS

573

deals with Ligaworship, and in connection with the glori fication of sacred places, the ivaite legends of the marriage of iva and Um the origin of Gaea and the birth of Krttikeya are related. XV. The Kaurma or KrmaParana. I n the work itself we read that it consists of four Sahits, namely Brhm Bhgavat, Saur and Vaiav ; but the Brhm Sahit is the only one which has come down under the title " KrmaPura." This work begins with a hymn to the incarnation of Viu as a tortoise (krma) on which the mountain Mandara rested when the ocean was twirled. At that time Lakm arose from the ocean and became Vius consort. W h e n the is ask him who this goddess is, Vinu replies that she is his highest akti. The Introduc tion then relates further how Indradyumna, who in a former birth had been a king, but was born again as a Brahman by reason of his devotion to Viu desired to gain knowledge of the glory of iva. Lakm refers him to Viu. Then he worships Viu as the Universal God, the C reator and Preser ver of the universe, but also as " Mahdeva," " iva " and as " father and mother of all beings." At length Viu in his incarnation as the tortoise, imparts the Pura to him. As in this Introduction, iva is the Highest Being through out the work, but it is emphasized over and over again that in reality Brahman, Viu and iva are one. The worship of Sakti i.e. " E n e r g y " or " C reative force" conceived as a female deity, is also emphasized. Dev the "Highest Goddess" (Paramevar), the consort and akti of iva is praised under 8,000 names. I n like manner as Viu is none other than
1} 2) 3)

) Published by Nilmai Mukhopadhyya in B ibl. Ind. 1890. It contains 6OOO lokas. According to the statements made in the B hgavata ., VyuP. and MatsyaP., t h e KrmaP. contains 17OOO or 18OOO lokas. , In I. 6 (p. 56) B rahman is worshipped as Trimrti. the unity of the three gods. Cf. also I, 26.
2 3

I, 9 especially inculcates a male and a female, the

) I, 11 and 12,

iva divides himself into two parts,

574

INDIAN

LI1ERATURE

iva Lakm Viu's akti is in reality not apart from the Dev.* When the sons of Krttavrya, some of whom wor shipped Viu and the others iva could not agree as to which god was the more worthy of worship, the seven is decided the dispute by declaring that the deity worshipped by any man is that man's deity, and that all the gods deserve the worship of at least some beings. Notwithstanding, iva is the god above all gods to such a degree that, though Ka is praised as Viu Nryaa, he obtains a son for his wife Jmbavat only after strenuous asceticism and by the mercy of iva. Moreover, in spite of the tolerance as regards the recognition of all the gods, there are allusions in several places to the false doctrines which have been sent into the world to deceive mankind, and to false manuals which will come into existence during the Kaliyuga. The five themes of the Puras, namely the C reation, the genealogies, etc., are also treated in the KrmaPura, and in this connection a few of Viu's Avatras are touched upon. However, an entire chapter (I. 53) is devoted to the incarnations of iva. A considerable section of the first part consists of a description and glorification of the holy places of Benares (Kmhtmya) and Allahabad (Praygamht mya). The second part begins with an varaglt (a counter part to the Bhagavadgt), teaching the knowledge of God,
2) 3) 4)

former 195 f,

gives rise to the Rudras and the latter to the Saktis.

Cf. Farquhar,

Outline, p.

) I. 17 (p. 206 f.) PrahUda praises V i u and Lakm as Viu's akti.

2

) I. 22 (p. 239 ff.). ) I, 2527. Here (p. 269) there is also a reference to a Yogastra written by of

the great Yogin Yjoavalkya, which is perhaps an allusion to the Yjavalkyagt, where Y o g a is taught. Cf. F. E. Hall, A Contribution towards an Index to the B ibliography Systems, Calcutta 1859, p. 14. the Indian Philosophical In I, 26 Ka recommends t h e gstras of the Kplas, Bhandarkar, cult

Linga cult and explains its origin. *) This appellation is given to the ivaite sects and Bhairavas, Ymalas, Vmas rhatas, Nkulas (i.e. Vaiavism 137, 184, 305). etc., p. 116 f.), Pupatas and the Viuite LkulaPupata, cf.

Pcartra : I, 12 ; 1 6 ; 30 (pp.

The Vmas or " lefthand ones," are those akti worshippers whose See below in t h e chapter on t h e Tantras.

is connected with orgiastic rites.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

575

i.e. iva through meditation. This piece is followed by a Vysagt, a larger section in which Vysa teaches the attainment of the highest knowledge through pious works and ceremonies, and therefore delivers a lecture on the duties of the householder, the foresthermit and the ascetic. A few chapters deal with expiatory ceremonies for all sorts of crimes, where there is also mention of chastity. This gives rise to the narration of a story of St (not occurring in the Rmyaa), how she is rescued from the hands of Rvaa by the firegod. X V I . The Mtsya or MatsyaPurana}i This, again, is one of the older works of the Pura literature, or at least one of those which have preserved most of the ancient text, and do fair justice to the definition of a " Pura." I t com mences with the story of the great flood out of which Viu in the form of a fish (matsya) saves only Manu alone. While the ship in which Manu is sailing along is being drawn through the flood by the fish, there takes place between him and Viu incarnated as a fish, the conversation which forms the substance of the Pura. C reation is treated in detail, then follow the genealogies, into which is inserted a section about the F a t h e r s and their cult (C hapts. 1422). Neither are the usual geographical, astronomical and chronological sections, absent, and, according to V. A. Smith (see above, p. 524) the lists of kings in this Pura are particularly reliable for the Andhra d y n a s t y . I t has very much in common with the Mahabhrata a n d the Harivasa: thus the legends of Yayti (Chapts. 2443), Svitr (C hapts. 208214), the incarnations of Viu (C hapts. 161179, 244248) ; and there is often literal agreement. There are, however, very numerous later addi tions and interpolations. For instance we find a considerable

) Published in n S S No. 54. edition.)

(The quotations

are

given

according

to

this

Translated into English in S B H . Vol. 17.

The edition has 291 adhyfiyas, but the

MS. described by Aufrecht, B odl. Cat., p. 38 ff, has only 278,

576

INDIAN

LITERATURE

section about all manner of festivals and rites (Vratas C hapts. 54102), a glorification of the sacred places of Allahabad (Praygamhtmya, C hapts. 103112), Benares (Vrasi = and Avimuktamhtmya, C hapts. 180185), and of the river Narmad (C hapts. 186194); then sections on the duties of a king (C hapts. 215227), on omina and portenta (C hapts. 228238), ceremonies at the building of a house (C hapts. 252 257), the erection and dedication of statues of deities, temples and palaces (C hapts. 258270), the sixteen kinds of pious donations (C hapts. 274289), etc. As far as the religious content is concerned, the Matsya Pura might be called ivaite with just as much reason as it is classed as Viuite. Religious festivals of the Vaiavas are described side by side with those of the aivas and both Viu and ivalegends are related. I n C hapter 13 Dev ( "the Goddess, Siva's wife Gaur) enumerates to Daka the one hundred and eight names by which she wishes to be glorified. I t is obvious that both sects used the work as a sacred book. X V I L The Grucla or Garuda Purna. This is a Viuite Pura. I t takes its name from the mythical bird Garua to whom it was revealed by Viu himself, and who then imparted it to Kayapa. I t treats some of the five themes, viz. C reation, the ages of the world, the genealogies of the solar and lunar dynasties; but far more attention is given to the worship of Viu to descriptions of Viuite rites and festivals (Vratas), to expiatory ceremonies (Prya cittas) and glorifications of sacred places. I t is also cogni sant of aktiworship, and gives rules for the worship of the " five gods " (Viu iva Durg, Srya and Gaea). Moreover, like the AgniPura, it is a kind of encyclopaedia, in which the most diversified subjects are dealt with : thus,
l) 2)

) Published by Jibnanda

Vidyas'go.ra,

Calcutta 1890.

English

translation

by

Manmatha Nth Dutt Calcutta 1908 (Wealth of India, Vol. V I I I ) . ) Cf. Farouhar, Outline, p, 178 f.

EPICS

A N D

P U R A S

577

the contents of the Rmyaa, the Mahbhrata and the Harivaa are retold, and there are sections on cosmography, astronomy and astrology, omina and portenta, chiromancy, medicine, metrics, grammar, knowledge of precious stones (ratnapark) and politics (nti). A considerable portion of the YajnavalkyaDharmastra has been included in the GaruaPura. W h a t is counted as the Uttarakhaa or " second part " of the GaruaPura is the Pretakalpa, a voluminous though entirely unsystematic work, which treats of everything con nected with death, the dead and the beyond. I n motley confusion and with many repetitions, we find doctrines on the fate of the soul after death, Karman, rebirth and release from rebirth, on desire as the cause of Sasra, on omens of death, the path to Yama, the fate of the Prtas (i.e., the departed who still hover about the earth as spirits, and have not as yet found the way to the world beyond), the torments of the hells, and the Prtas as causing evil omens and dreams. Interspersed we find rules of all kinds about rites to be performed at the approach of death, the treatment of the dying and of the corpse, funeral rites and ancestor worship, the especial funeral sacrifices for a Sat i.e., a woman who enters the funeral pyre with her husband. Here and there we also find legends recalling the Buddhist Petavatthu, telling of encounters with Prtas who relate the cause of their wretched existence (sins which they committed during their lifetime).* An " e x t r a c t " (Sroddhra) of this work was made by Naunidhirma. I n spite of its title, this work
2)

) A detailed analysis of the contents of the Pretakalpa is given by E. Abegg Pretakalpa des GaruaPura (Naunidhirfima's Sroddhra). Eine hinduistischen
a

Der

Darstellung des Leipzig

Totenkultes und Jenseitsglaubens

bersetzt,.. B erlin und

1921, p. 8 ff. ; chapters X X I I translated p. 229 ff. ) This Sroddhra was published under the title " GaruaPura " in B ombay in S B H the There is a good German translation by Abegg Pretakalpa etc. (s. N S P in 1903 and with an English translation by E. Wood and S. V. 8ubrahmanyam Vol. I X , 1911. preceding N o t e ) .

73

578

INDIAN

LITERATURE

is not a mere extract from tbe Pretakalpa, for the author also utilised material from other Puras, and treated the subject more systematically. Among other works he drew on the BhgavataPura, whence it follows that he was later than this Pura. Among the Mhtmyas which claim to be parts of the GaraPura, especial mention should be made of a Gay mhtmya in praise of Gay the place of pilgrimage, where it is particularly meritorious to perform Srddhas. X V I I L The Brahmai}4aT?uranaP I n the list in the KrmaPura the eighteenth P u r a is called " Vyavya Brahma," the " Pura of the Brahmanegg proclaimed by Vyu" and it is possible that the original Brahma was but an earlier version of the VyuPura. According to the MatsyaPura (53, 55f.) it is said to have been proclaim ed by Brahman, and to contain a glorification of the Brahman e g g as well as a detailed account of the future kalpas in 12,200 lokas. I t appears, however, that the original work of this name is lost, for our manuscripts for the most part contain only Mhtmyas, Stotras and Upkhynas which claim to be parts of the Brahma. The AdhytmaBmyana^ i.e., " the Rmyaa in
2) 3)

) Published in B o m b a y , riVekatevara P r e s s , 1906.

a

) CI. Pargiter, Ano. Ind. H i s t . Trad., p. 77 f. f.) mentions a MS. of the B iahmdaP. rites.

H. H.

Wilson (Works, Vol. VI.

p.

lxxxv Durg

the first part of which agrees almost On the island of B ali a B rahmdaP. Cf. R. Friederich, JRAS egg 1876, out p. of in

entirely with the V y u P . , w h i l s t the second part is dedicated to Lalit Devi, a form of and teaches her worship by Tantric i s the only sacred book of the local ivaworshippers. 170 f.; Weber, Ind. Stud. II, p. 131 f.
8

) Even the B rhmaas I.

and Upanisads already tell of the golden

w h i c h the universe was created. Upaniad I I I , 9, and

Cf. SatapathaB r. X I , I. 6 (above p. 223) and Chndogya

According t o the cosmogony of t h e P u r a s B rahman (or V i s u

the form of B rahman) dwells in the e g g in which the whole of the universe is locked up, out of which it unfolds itself by the w i l l of the Creator. Cf. Vi?nuP. I, 2 : V y u P . recom 4, 76 ff.; Manu I , 9 ff. *) There are numerous Indian editions ( t h e B ombay N S P 1891 edition is m e n d e d ) and several commentaries, among them one by Sakara, Lla B aij Nath in S B H 1913. E n g l i s h translation b y

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

579

which Rma is the Supreme tman" in which Advaita (the monism of the Vednta) and Rmabhakti are taught as paths to salvation, is a very well known book, which is considered as a part of the BrahmaPura. As in the case of Vlmki's poem, the work is divided into seven books, bearing the same titles as in the ancient epic ; but it is only an epic in its external formin reality it is a manual of devotion, Tantric in character. Like the Tantras it is in the form of a dialogue between iva and his wife Um. Throughout the work Rma is essentially the god Viu and the St who is abducted by Rvaa is only an illusion, whilst the real St who is identical with Lakm and Prakti, does not appear until after the fire ordeal at the end of the book. The Rmahdaya (I, 1) and the Rmagt (VII, 5) are texts which are memorised by the devotees of Rma. The fact that the Marathi poetsaint Ekntha, who lived in the 16th century, calls it a modern work, proves that the work cannot be very ancient. *
1

The Nsiketopkhyana, which also claims to be a part of the BrahmaPura, is nothing but a most insipid, ampli fied and corrupted version of the beautiful old legend of Naciketas. *
2

As regards the Upapurnas, they do not in general differ essentially from the Puras, except inasmuch as they are even more exclusively adapted to suit the purposes of local cult and the religious needs of separate sects. Those of the Upapuras which claim to be supplements to one or other of the " great Puras " have already received mention. We shall now only refer to a few of the more important among the other Upapuras.

) Cf. Bhandarkar,
2

Vaiavism e t c . , p. 4 8 ; Farquhar, in GSAI 16, 1903 and

Outline, p. 250 f. 17, 1904 : Eggeling, Ind. Off.

) Cf.

F . BelloniFilippi

Cat. V I . p . 1252 ff.

580

INDIAN

LITERATURE

The Vinudharmottara is occasionally given out as a part of a Pura namely the GaruaPura, but generally it is counted as an independent Upapura. I t is repeatedly quoted by Albrn as the " Viudharma." I t is a Kash miri Vaiava book of encyclopaedic character in three sections. Section I deals with the usual themes of the Puras : the C reation of the world, cosmology, geography, astronomy, division of time, genealogies, Stotras, rules about Vratas and Srddhas. Among the genealogical legends, that of Purravas and Urva is also relatedmore or less in agreement with Klidsa's drama. Section I I deals with law and politics, but also with medicine, the science of war, astro nomy and astrology. There is here a prose section with the special title " PaitmahaSiddhnta." If, as is probable, this is an extract from the BrahmaSphuaSiddhnta written by Brahmagupta in 628 A.D., the Viudharmottara must have been compiled between 628 and 1000 A.D. Section I I I , too, is of a very miscellaneous character, treating of grammar, lexicography, metrics and poetics, dancing, singing and music, sculpture and painting (the making of images of g o d s ) and architecture (construction of temples). The BrhadJDharfnaPuria^ " t h e Great Pura of
1} 2) 3) 4)

) Edition of

the t e x t in B ombay, rVekatevara Press 1912. ff. According to B hler,

Analysis used

of two In

the contents according to Kashmiri MSS. and a comparison with the quotations of Albrn by G. Bhler, Ind. Ant. 19, 1890, p. 382 separate works AlbrSn with the same title, and mixed the two together. Eggeling, Ind. Off.

Cat. V I , p . 1308 f., describes a MS. which contains six chapters more than the edition. the MS. the title of the work is "Viudharm."
2

) As regards the rddhas, W. C aland

Altindischer Ahnenkult, Ley den

1893,

pp.

68, 112, has traced connections with the ViuSmti.

8

Of. Ahegg, Der Pretakalpa, The commentators Report I, p. 5. Calcutta R e v i e w , work consists of a

p. 5 f. ) Cf. G. Thibaut, Astronomie etc. (Grundriss I I I , 9 ) , p. 58. of B rahmagupta's work maintain that this author drew upon the Viudharmottara.

M S S . of the " V i s u d h a r m a " are dated 1047 and 1 0 9 0 ; see Haraprasad, *) On this extremely interesting section s. Dr. Stella Kramrisch, ) Edited by Haraprasad str in B ibl. Ind. 1897. The

Feb. 1924, p. 331 ff. and Journal of Letters, Calcutta University, Vol. X I . 1924. first," middle" and "last" khaa.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

581

the Duties," which appears as the eighteenth in a list of the Upapuras, * only devotes the beginning of its first section, and its last section to Dharma, with the glorification of which it begins. The greater portion of the first section is in the form of a conversation between the Dev and her two friends Jay and Vijay which gives it a Tantric stamp. I n the second section, too, the Dev appears as the Great Goddess, to whom Brahman, Viu and iva come singing her praises, and I I , 60 teaches that the universe and all the gods have their existence in iva and akti. The fact that it is not a Tantra is, however, shown by the contents of the work, which, by reason of its relations with the epic and the legal literature, is deserving of some interest, though the work cannot be a very ancient one.
1

In By way

the of

opening and the

chapters Gurus the

t h e duties towards one's parents, especially in general, are inculcated in of these great detail. to the in the this importance duties, a l e g e n d of a reference has little of

the m o t h e r ,

illustrating
2 )

" hunter Tuldhra is told, w h i c h , t h o u g h h a v i n g s o m e M a h a b h r a t a stories of D h a r m a v y d h a and c o m m o n with t h e m e x c e p t t h e name. Rmyaa. poem The latter work

Tuldhra,

T h e n c o m e sections on t h e

Trthas,

t h e incarnation of V i u as R m a the story of S l t and the origin is called t h e after Puras and S a h i t s . I t was only Vlmki had both

root of all K v y a s Itihsas, completed the

a t the c o m m a n d of the g o d B r a h m a n , and had declined t o write the set to work to compile Vlmki of the in his Mahabhrata, Mahabh with praised 30, with the Puras.
8 )

M a h a b h r a t a also, that Vysa rata a n d Vysa on the c o m p o s i t i o n

hermitage which

converses is t h e n

extravagantly. 41 ff.). The

A prayer, which also contains t h e titles of the m o s t impor is recommended as an mainly and legends are amulet (I, interwoven second section consists of l e g e n d s of t h e origin of

t a n t Parvans of t h e M a h a b h r a t a ,

G a g b u t all manner of other m y t h s

) I n the B hadDharmaP. itself ( I , 25, 26).

2

) S e e above p. 415 ff. ) There is here a list of the 18 Puras and the 18 Upapuras ( I . 25, 18 ff)

and also an enumeration of the Dharmastras ( I , 29, 24 f.).

582
them. Kapila Viu.* Among Vlmki the

INDIAN

LITERATURE

Avatras and of

of

Viu,

mention iva sings

is

made a song

of

those as rules section of the and

Vysa

B uddha.

in praise of

A section

considerable la st

length

(II 5458) (II 60). the

contains

for t h e cult of t h e G a n g e s ( g a g d h a r m a ) . origin of Gaea is told in the deals with chapter of

T h e legend of the miraculous T h e last worship of

t h e d u tie s of t h e castes and ramas t h e duties of w o m e n , t h e t h e year, Yugas the and the planets, world with the origin evil

adoration of various g o d s , t h e festivals s u n , the m oon w i c k e d n e s s in ( I I I , 1314). (III,

1 2 ) and

with t h e i n t e r m i x t u r e of castes

The ivaPurna, which is said to consist of no less than twelve Sahits, is one of the most voluminous Upapu ras. The GarieaPurna^ and the C andh or (7aik Pur7ia are also ivaite Upapuras. The mba Pur7ta is dedicated to the cult of the sun. The deeds of Viu in the future age at the close of the KaliYuga are described in the KalkiPurna. The KlikPurna treats of the deeds of the goddess Kl in her numerous forms, and of the worship dedicated to her. One chapter deals in detail with the animal and human sacrifices which should be offered to her. C uriously enough it also contains a chapter on politics. The majority of the Mhtmyas which are connected with or included in the Puras and the Upapuras, is, on
2)
4)

5)

6)

7)

8)

) ivagnam ( I I , 4 4 ) .
2

Previously Nrada delivers a lecture to Viu on

the

significance of the Rgas and Rgis in the art of singing. ) Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat. V I , p . 1311 ff. Editions of a ivaPura appeared in f.; Eggeling 1. c , p. 1199. An edition appeared in Bombay (1878, 188O, 1884).
3

Aufrecht, B odl. Cat,, p. 78 In the MaudgalaI>.,

Poona in 1876.

too ( E g g e l i n g , 1. c , 1289 ff), Gaea is worshipped as

the h i g h e s t deity. *) Eggeling h c , p. 1202 ff.

5

) )

Eggeling \. c , p . 1316 ff. A SambaPura w a s published in B ombay in 1885. Eggeling 1. c , p. 1188 f. Editions have appeared in Calcutta. C. Eggeling 1. c , p. 1189 ff. Edition B ombay, 1891.

) The " chapter of blood " (rudhirfidhyya) translated into English by W.

Blaquiere in Asiatick Researches, Vol. 5 (4th ed., London 18O7), p. 371 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

583

the whole, inferior literature. They arose as handbooks for the Purohitas of the Tirthas praised in them, and tell legends which in part belong to tradition, and in part are inventions, with the purpose of proving the holiness of these places of pilgrimage. They describe, too, the ceremonies which the pilgrims are to perform and the route they are to follow. For this reason they are not unimportant from the point of view of the topography of India. Thus in particular, the Ntla mata^ the Kmramhtmya, is an important work from the point of view of the history, legendary lore and topography of Kashmir.* The Nga king Nla is a kind of cultural hero of Kashmir, and the work contains " the doctrines of N l a " which he imparted to the Brahman C andradeva.* I t tells the legends of the primeval history of Kashmir (verses 1481), whereupon there is a description of the ceremonies and festivals prescribed by Nla. Many of these are the usual Brahmanical and Puranic rites, but we find some which are peculiar to Kashmir. Thus joyous festivals are celebrated with singing, music and drinking bouts at the New Year, on the first of the month Krtika, on which Kashmir is said to have arisen (v. 561 ff.), and then again on the occasion of the first fall of snow (v. 579 ff.). On the fifteenth day of the bright half of the month Vaikha, the birthday of Buddha as an incarnation of Viu is solemnly celebrated by t h e Brahmans ; a statue of Buddha is erected, Buddhist speeches are made and Buddhist monks are honoured (v. 809 ff.). The historian Kalhaa (about 1148 A.D.) drew on the Nlamata in his Rjatarangi for the ancient history of K a s h m i r ; and he regarded it as a venerable

) Nlamatapurfiam Kanjilal
2

(Sanskrit Text) edited with Introduction etc. by Ram Lai M. A. Stein, Kalhaa's Rjatarangi,

and Pandit Jagaddhar Zadoo Lahore 1924 (Punjab Sanskrit Series). ) Cf. Bhler, Report, p. 37 ff., LV ff. ;

Translated, I. p. 76 f.; I I , p. 376 ff.; Pandit nand Koul JASB 6, 1910, p. 195 ff.
3

) Cf. Nlamata, vss 424 ff.; Rjatarangi I, 182184,

584
r)

I N D I A N

L I T E R A T U R E

" Pura." I t must, therefore, be several centuries earlier than Kalhaas work. Among the offshoots of the Pura literature mention should also be made of the N e p a l e s e Vavalis ("Genealogies"), which are partly Brahmanical and partly Buddhist, the N e p l a M h t m y a and the Vgvat M h t m y a , which claims to be part of a PaupatiPura. Finally we here mention another work, which, though an epic and not a Pura nevertheless has the sectarian character of the Puras: this is the v a m e d h i k a p a r v a n of t h e J a i m i n i B h r a t a , i.e., of the Mahbhrata Sahit ascribed to Jaimini. This poem, written in the ornate style, describes the combats and adventures of the heroes Arjuna, Ka etc., who accompanied the sacrificial steed destined for Yudhihira's horsesacrifice, but it diverges greatly from the Mahbhrata story. Besides, the narrative of the horsesacrifice merely provides a welcome opportunity to insert numerous legends and tales of which there is not the slightest trace in the Mahbhrata. A considerable section (Kualavopkhyna, " the episode of Kua and Lava ") contains a brief reproduction of the entire Rmyaa. Among other lands the heroes go the realm of the Amazons
2) 3 ) 4)

) Kalhaa calls the work " N l a m a t a " (Rjatarangi I , (1. c. I, 178). Bhandarkar, described as a Kmramhtmya with the title N l a m a t a . usually call it "Nlamatapura."
8

1 4 ; 16) or " Nlapura" The pandits of Kashmir

Report 18838*, p . 44, mentions a MS. in which the work is

) See S.

Levi Le Npal. AMG Pan's 1905, I , 193 ff., 201 ff., 205 ff. There are numerous MSS. Das Mahbhrata, I I I , p. 37 ff.j Weber, Ind. Off. Cat. V I , p. 1159. taught the Mahbh. there this India, H S S . Verz I , p . I l l ff. Aufrecht,

) Editions published in B ombay, Poona and Calcutta.

Cf. Holtzmann,

Bodl. Cat., I, p. 4 ; Eggeling,

*) In the Mahbhrata (I, 6 3 , 89 f.) it is related t h a t V y s a of these published a was actually a Sainhita complete of it. It is open to doubt, by

rata to his five pupils Sumantu, Jaimini, Paila Suka and Vaiamp<"iyana, and that each one however, whether and whether The History of MahbhrataSahit Jaimini

vamedhikaparvan is the sole remnant of it.

Talboys Wheeler,

London 1 8 6 7 , 1 , 377, has unwittingly reproduced the contents of the Jaiminivamedhika parvan in the chapter on " The Horse Sacrifice of

Raja

Yudhishthira."

EPICS AND

PURAAS

585

(strrjya) and we hear of the adventures which happened to them there. The story of C andrahsa and Viay (C andra hsopkhyna) is of importance in the literature of the world. I t is a version of the story recurring so frequently in Indian (Buddhist and Jain) and in Western narrative literature, of a youth who has been born under a lucky star and always escapes the infamous machinations of the wicked adversary who seeks his destruction. Finally the persecuted young man is made to deliver a letter ordering his own death ; when a maiden alters or exchanges the fatal letter, and becomes the bride of the youth, who attains to wealth or power, whilst the fate which had been destined for him befalls the adversary or the adversary's son. Now the youth Candrahsa, in the JaiminiBharata was immune from all dangers solely because, from his childhood onwards, he was a devout worshipper of Viu and always carried a lagrma stone (the sacred symbol of Viu) about with him. The
1] 2)
l

) Told by T. Wheeler 1. c , p. 522

ff,

Text and German translation by A.

M

Weber Schick,

(Monatsberichte der preuss.

Akademie der Wissenschaften 1869, pp. 10ff

377 ff), w h o

w a s the first to call attention to the Western parallels, and more r e c e n t l y b y J. Berlin 1912, p. 167 ff. In this book Schick

Corpus Hamleticum I, I. Das Glckskind mit dem TodesbrieI. Orientalische Fassungen, deals in detail with the B uddhist and Jain versions of this story (which will be dealt with in Vol. I I ) , the popular modern Indian versions and the Western Asiatic adaptations through the medium of which the story reached Europe. Tales (cf. 0. In Europe w e find the story, among other places, in Chapter X X of ff), in Dasent's Norse in his in Ind. Ant. 10, 1881, p. 190 f.), in the French romance of the Joseph Jacobs the Latin " G e s t a Romanorum " (cf. M. Qaster J R A S 1910, p. 449 H. Tawney Emperor Constantino after whom Constantinople is named (cf. Introduction altered fatal p. viii ff.) and in the story of A m l e t h by Saxo Grammaticus. letter has been adopted in Shakespeare's narrative is best known through Schiller*s ff. ; E. C osquin, La lgende

to Old French Romances done into English by William Morris, London 1896, Only the motif of the In German the " Hamlet."

poem " Dei Gang nach dem Eisenhammer." Paris 1912

Cf. Th. Benfey, Pantschatantra, I, 321, 340; E . K u h n , in B yzantinische Zeitschrift IV, 242 du page de sainte Elisabeth de Portugal, (Extrait de la Revue des questions historiques). The earliest of all versions hitherto

known is that in the Chinese Tripitaka (Ed. C havannes, Who died in 280 A. D.
8

cinq cents contes et apologues Senghouei

ottraits du Tripiaka Chinois I , N o 45), which was translated into Chinese by

) A m o n g the B hgavatas Candrahsa became a Vaiava saint, and in Nbhdsa's

BhaktMla his story is narrated, as in the JaiminiB harata, as that of the thirtyfirst

74

586

INDIAN

LITERATURE

conclusion of the legend takes the form of a glorification of the sacred stone and the tulas plant, which is also sacred to Viu in the extravagant style of the later Puras. I n the whole poem Ka is not only a hero, but is honoured as the god Viu. H e appears, as a helper, to all who appeal to him with love (bhakti). He works all manner of miracles, he restores a dead child to life, he feeds multitudes of munis with a single leaf of a vegetable, and so on and whosoever beholds Ka's countenance, is freed from all his sins. Nothing definite can be said regarding the date of the Jaimini Bhrata, resp. its vamedhikaparvan. Judging by the nature of the Viuworship appearing in the work, it is probably not earlier than the later works and sections of of the Pura literature. At any rate it is later than the BhgavataPura quoted at the end of the C andrahsa legend.*
5

THE

TANTRALITERATRE.
G A M A S TANTRAS.

SAMHITS,

" T a n t r i c " influences have already been noticed in several of the later P u r a s , namely isolated allusions to the cult of the aktis the female deities, considerable sections in the form of dialogues between iva and Prvat and the occa sional use of mystic syllables and formulas (mantras) and
of the " fortytwo beloved ones of the Lord " ; s. Grierson, N. B . Godabole, JRAS 1910, p. 292 ff.). ff. Cf.

Ind. Ant. I I . 1882, p. 84 ff. The story also occurs in Krm's B engali The motif A. The A

version of t h e Mahbhrata (see Calcutta Review, December 1924, p. 480 Kashmir. Grierson.

of the changed " letter of death " alone occurs in folktales from B engal, the Punjab, and Cf. Hatim's Tales Kashmiri Stories and Songs by Sir Aurel Stein and Sir G, London 1923, p. 97, with N o t e s by W. C rooTce, ib. p. xliv ff.

) The astrologer Varhamihira (6th century A. D.) is mentioned in 55, 8. scene of the story of Candrahsa is laid in the South in the land of the Keralas. Canarese version of the JaiminiAvamedhikaparvan by the B rahmin most popular work in Canarese literature.

Lakma is the

Lakmsa lived after 1585 and before 1724.

Cf. E. P. Rice, Kanarese Literature (Heritage pf India Series), 1921, p. 85 ff. and H. F, mgling ZDMG 24, 1870, 309 ff. ; 25, 22 ff. ; 27, 1873, 364 ff.

EPICS

A N D PURAAS

587

diagrams (yantras). Whereas, however, the Puras always maintain a certain connection with epic poetry, and are, as it were, a repertory of Indian legend poetry, the Tantras, and the Sahits and gamas which differ from them but slight ly, rather bear the stamp of purely theological works teaching the technicalities of the cult of certain sects together with their metaphysical and mystical principles. Strictly speak ing, the " Sahits " are the sacred books of the Vaiavas, the " gamas " those of the aivas and the " Tantras " those of the ktas. However, there is no clear line of demarcation between the terms, and the expression " Tantra " is frequent ly used as a general term for this class of works.* As a matter of fact all these works really have character istic features in common. Though they are not positively hostile to the Veda, they propound that the precepts of the Veda are too difficult for our age, and that, for this reason, an easier cult and an easier doctrine have been revealed in them. Moreover these sacred books are accessible not only to the higher castes, but to dras and women too. On the other hand, it is true that they contain S e c r e t D o c t r i n e s which can only be obtained from a teacher (guru) after a ceremonial initiation (dk), and which must not be com municated to any uninitiated person . A complete Tantra (Sa hit gama) should consist of four parts according to the four main themes treated, vis., (1) J n a "knowledge,"
2)

) Thus t h e Viuite PdmaSamhit is also called PdmaTantra. The " sttvata t a n t r a m " mentioned in the B hgavataP. I. 3, 8 is probably the SttvataSahit. LakmTantra is a Viuite work, and PcartraAgama is spoken of as well as PcartraSanihitas. Cf. Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, I I , p. 188 f. Tantra means " a system of doctrines," "a book," i.e. "B ible ; " gama means " tradition " and Sainhit a " collection of sacred texts." ) " T h e Vedas Sstras and Purnas are like harlots accessible to all. but the ivaite science is w e l l concealed like a woman of good family." (Avalon, Principles of Tantra, I, p. ix) In the KulacmaiTantra, Chapt I , w e read that the doctrine is not to be communicated to a n y uninitiated person, not even to Viu or to B rahman. The KulravaTantra III, 4 says : Vedas, Puras and Sstras may be propagated, but the Saiva and kta A gam as are declared to be secret doctrines.

588

INDIAN

LITERATURE

comprising actual philosophical doctrines, sometimes with a monotheistic bias, and sometimes leaning towards monism, but also a confused occultism including the " knowing " of the secret powers of the letters, syllables, formulas and figures (mantrastra, yantrastra); (2) Y o g a , i.e., " m e d i tation, concentration, also more especially with a view to acquiring magic powers, hence also " m a g i c ' (myyoga); ( 3 ) K r i y , "action," i.e., instructions for the making of idols and the construction and consecration of temples; (4) C a r y "conduct," i.e., rules regarding rites and festivals, and social duties. Though in reality all these four branches are not treated in every single one of these works, they all contain a medley of philosophy and occultism, mysticism and magic, and ritual and ethics. Hitherto little is known about the a i v a g a m a s . * There are 28 gamas which are said to have been proclaimed by Siva himself after the creation of the world, and each gama has a number of Upgamas. As we know scarcely anything of the contents of these works, we are not in a position to determine their date. W e have a little more information about the S a h i t s of the Viuite Pcartra sect. Though the traditional
2) 3)

) Of. H. W. Schomerus, Der CaivaSiddhnta, Leipzig, 1912, p . 7 ff., a list of the 28 gamas ib. p. 14. Only fragments of 20 g a m a s have been preserved. Portions of t w o Upgamas, Mgendra and Paukara, are printed. Cf. Eliot, Hinduism and B uddhism, II. p. 204 f. *) According to Schomerus (l. c , p. 11 f.) the gamas were used by Tirumlr and other Tamil poets as far back as the first or second century A . D . , and would therefore originate in preChristian times. However, it is more likely that these poets should be assigned to t h e 9th century and the g a m a s to the 7th or 8th century A . D . Cf. Farquhar, Outline, p. 193 ff. ) Especially by the researches of F . 0 . Schrder, Introduction to the Pcartra and
3

t h e Ahirbudhnya Sahit, Adyar, Madras, S, 1916. Cf. A. Qovindacarya 8vamin J R A S 1911, p. 935 ff; Bhandarkar, Vaisavism, e t c , p. 39 ff.j Eliot, Hinduism and B uddhism, II. p. 194 ff.j Farquhar, Outline, p. 182 ff. There are various explanations of the name "Pacartra," it is probably connected with t h e PacartraSattra, a sacrifice lasting five days, which is taught in the SatapathaB rhmaa. Cf. Schrder, I.e., p. 23 ff; Oovindacarya I. c , p . 940 f.

EPICS

AND

PURAS

588

list enumerates 108 PcartraSahits, there is actually mention of more than 215, of which, however, only twelve have been published. One of the earlier Sahits is the A h i r b u d h n y a S a h i t , a Kashmiri work which probably originated not long after the fourth century A. D.
1] 2 ) 3)

The i.e., in

work takes

the

form

of

a conversation between Ahirbudhnya, the work is philosophical varied truth beings of another. interest and the pater Chapt.
4

i v a and N r a d a . content,
6

T h e smaller portion of

and t h e greater portion o c c u l t . ) the Creation, A h i r b u d h n y a it be the language to of

Several chapters deal w i t h hold such express the replies (Chap. 8 ) t h a t it

the Creation. ) opinions is due about the often vary take in to

W h e n N r a d a asks how i t is that m e n causes, ( 1 ) in t h e names is impossible to various deity

regarding various various Absolute

human beings, () human beings objects, ( 3 ) h u m a n an endless has number

intelligence,

and ( 4 )

forms, of w h i c h the philosophers usually comprehend only one or I n connection w i t h the Creation philosophy. ascetic Chapts. 1 2 and 13 g i v e the various systems of a very of i n g survey of t h e " sciences, i.e.,

religion The ff.). but

Then c o m e the rules for the castes and ramas. "is e x t i n g u i s h e d like a lamp ( 1 5 , 26

f a m i l i a s and t h e forest hermit attain t o the heaven (sannysin)

B rahman,

) See the lists in Schrder I.e., pp. 413. enumerated in the of access. in translation. On AgniPurna, Chapt. 39. the PdmaSanihit cf.

A list of 25 Pcartra

" T a n t r a s " is difficult

Most of the published texts are Ind Off.

A few extracts from the SfittvataSamhit are given by Schrder I.e., p. 149 ff. Eggeling, Cat. IV, p. 847 ff.j on and

t h e LakmTantra, in which Lakm is worshipped as the akti of ViuNryaa the final cause of the world, cf. Eggeling i b . , p. 850 f.
a

) Edited for the Adyar Library by M.D. Bamnujcrya, Adyar, Madras, S., 1916. This is the

under the supervision of critical edition of a

F . Otto Schrder, Sahit.

8

only

) A s it is acquainted with the three great schools of B uddhism, and as the astrological A.D. than the its presentation of the Sinkhya As system as a aitantra ( X I I , 18 ff.) Schrder concludes that it is describes the earlier himself Skhya as a

term hor occurs ( X I , 2 8 ) , it cannot possibly have originated before the 4th century From (ZDMG 68, 1914, 102 ff. ; 6varaka's Introduction, p. 98 f.) varaka

Sfikhyakrik.

a t i t a n t r a , w e might be justified in assuming that the AhirbudhnyaSahit and Skhyakrik belong to about the same period. *) Cf. the table of contents in Schrder, Introduction, p. 94 ff.
5

) On the philosophy of the P5ficar^tras as connected I.e., p. 26 ff.

with

the

theory

of

the

Creation, s. Schrder,

5O

INDIAN

LITERATURE

1 6 1 9 deal w i t h the mysterious significance of t h e letters Chapt. 2 0 on Dka begins w i t h a fine description teacher : H e is not only to k n o w t h e truth of t h e also he should be " a nonspeaker of evil speech, free from e n v y of t h e good misfortune of fortune of of t h e others, p i t y i n g all a of Veda

of and

the ideal the of

alphabet. Vaiava Vednta but the his the Yoga of the evil deeds, for j o y of

the

and be ever mindful of the ceremonies due to the g o d s and the fathers, nondoer of at others, full good man, sympathy the

creatures, rejoicing

neighbour, full of admiration

forbearing

towards

wicked, rich in asceticism, c o n t e n t m e n t and uprightness, rtra the Tantras, Mantras and Yantras, b u t also the and b o m of a g o o d f a m i l y . theory and practice of Y o g a ,

devoted to knowledge diagrams weapons, deal of

and s t u d y , " and he is not only t o possess a detailed k n o w l e d g e of t h e Pca H i g h e s t Soul, and m u s t be c a l m , passionless, h a v i n g control over his senses, C h a p t s . 2 1 2 7 then describe Further chapters A deal
( S

which the i.e., with war,

are also t o be used as a m u l e t s .

w i t h the

cult,

the hundred and t w o

magic

secret powers by which m i g h t can be attained. in order t o ensure chapters. victory. Sorcery f o r m s (Pariia)

f e w chapters

ceremonies to be performed by a k i n g w h e n in d a n g e r d u r i n g t i m e the subjectmatter of a hymn of the An Appendix contains

several thousand

n a m e s of t h e divine Sudarana.

Though the PcartraSahits probably originated in the North, the earliest of them perhaps dating from the 5th9th century A.D., * it is mainly in the South t h a t they circulated. One of the earlier of these Southern Sahits is the I v a r a s a h i t , quoted by Rmnuja's teacher Yamuna, who died in about 1040 A.D. Rmnuja himself quotes the P a u k a r a P a r a m a and S t t v a t a s a h i t s . On the other hand, the B h a d b r a h m a s a h i t , * which is supposed to belong to the Nrada Pcartra. already contains prophecies regarding Rmnuja, and cannot, therefore,
1 2 ) 3

) The Viuite Upaniads of those s e c t s w h i c h worship Viu as Nsiniha or Rma in Mantras and Yantras, such as the NsihatpanyaUpanisad by Gaudapda) and the RmatpanyaUpaniad, Outline, p . 188 ff. I n d . Off. Cat. I V , p . 864 I. *) On the PaukaraSatphit cf. Eggeling,
3

(already

commentated

possibly

belong to the same period.

Cf. Farquhar,

) Published in n S S N o . 6 8 .

EPICS

AND

PURAS

591

be earlier than the 12th century. The J n m t a s r a s a h i t , which is published with the title "Nrada P c a r t r a , " and is entirely devoted to the glorification of Ka and Rdh is quite a modern and apocryphal work. As the cult taught in this book agrees most with that of the Vallabhcrya sect, it appears to have been written a little before Vallabha at the beginning of the 16th century. However, when we speak of " Tantras,' we think prima rily of the sacred books of the S k t a s i.e., the worshippers of the aktis or " energies " conceived as female deities, or of the " G r e a t akti" the " Great Mother," the " G o d d e s s " (Dev), who, in spite of her countless names (Durg Kl Ca etc.), is only one, the one " Highest Queen (Para mevar). To an even greater degree than is the case with other forms of Hinduism, ktism, the religion of the ktas presents a curious medley of the highest and lowest, the sublimest and the basest conceptions ever thought out by the mind of man. I n ktism and its sacred books, the Tantras, we find the loftiest ideas on the Deity and profound philosophi cal speculations side by side with the wildest superstition and the most confused occultism ; and side by side with a faultless social code of morality and rigid asceticism, we see a cult disfigured by wild orgies inculcating extremely reprehensible morals. I n former years people laid stress only on the worst aspects of this religion or else deemed it best to enshroud this episode in the development of Indian religion in the charitable veil of oblivion.) I t is Sir John Woodroffe (under the
l) 2)

) Ed. by K. M. Banerjea, B ibl. Ind. 1865. Cf. A. Roussel, Etude p. 251 ff.
9

Translated in SB H Vol. 23, 1921. Charles de Harlez Leyde 1896,

du

Pfificartltra

in

Melanges

) See Bhandarkar,

Vaifavism etc., p. 4 0 I. Works, Vol. I. pp. 240265; M. MonierWilliams, B rhrnanisrn The Religions of India,
f

) Cf. H. H . Wilson,

and Hinduism, 4th Ed., London 1891, p. 180 ff.; A. Barth,

2nd

Ed., London 1889, p. 199 ff.; Bhandarl<ar, Vai^avism etc., p. 142 ff

592

INDIAN

LITERATURE

pseudonym of Arthur Avalon) who, by a series of essays and the publication of the most important Tantra texts, has enabled us to form a just judgment and an objective historical idea of this religion and its literature.* A few of the Tantras themselves say that there are 64 Tantras, or 64 Tantras each, in three different parts of the world. * However, the number of Tantras existing in manuscripts is far larger.* Their original home seems to have been Bengal, whence they spread throughout Assam and Nepal, and even beyond India to Tibet and C hina through the agency of Buddhism. I n reality they are known throughout the length and breadth of India, even in Kashmir and the South. As a rule the Tantras take the form of dialogues between iva and P r v a t ; when the goddess asks the ques tions like a pupil and iva replies like a teacher, they are called " garaas " : when the goddess is the teacher and answers ivas questions, they are called " Nigamas." The class of gamas includes the very popular and widely known M a h n i r v a t a n t r a , * in which we see
2 4

) A. Avalon,

Principles of Tantra, Part I, London 1914, Part II, 1 9 1 6 ; 1920, and the MahanirvvTantra and to the

Sir John by

Woodroffe, Shakti and Shakta 2nd E d . , Madras and London to the translation of t h e h i m . Cf. also N . Macnicol, II, p. 274 ff., and Farquhar,
2

Introductions

" Tantrik Texts " edited

Indian Theism, 1915, p . 180 ff.; Eliot, Outline, pp. 199 ff., 265 ff.

Hinduism and B uddhism,

Avalon,

Tantrik Texts, Vol. I , Introduction. and described by Haraprasd Durbar Library, Nepal. str Calcutta, XIII. Wilson, ff.;

) Numerous Tantras have been catalogued

Notices 1905, On

of Sanskrit MSS., Second Series I, Calcutta 1900, pp. xxivxxxvii ; Catalogne of pp. lviilxxxi; Report II, 7 ff., 11 f.; M. Rangacharya, Raja, Descriptive Catalogue of t h e X I I and

PalmLeaf and Selected Paper M S S . belonging to the

Sanskrit M S S . in the Government Oriental MSS. Library, Madras, Vols. the Tantras in Malabar s. K. Ramavarma Report 188384, p. 87 ff. Notices I, p. xxxiv. Several editions have Works, II. 77 ff.; Aufrecht, B odlCat. I. p . 88 ff.; Eggeling, Bhandarkar,
4

J R A S 1910, p. 636. Cf. also Ind. Off. Cat. IV,

p. 844

) The great work which enjoys a popularity next perhaps to the B hagavadgt," appeared in Calcutta, the Dutt A Prose English Translation by M. N. London 1913.

says Haraprasd, Calcutta 1900. the

first being in 1876 by the di B rhma Samj.

Tantra of the Great Liberation (Mahnirva Tantra), a Translation from The work

Sanskrit, w i t h Introduction and Commentary b y A. Avalon,

seems to have been written in B engal, because in V I , 7 3, it recommends three species of

EPICS

AND PURAS

593

the best aspect of ktism. Though it is not an ancient work, it is an example of the superior Tantras, and as such we may accord somewhat more detailed treatment to it, because the same thoughts also occur in the earlier works of this nature, and much has been taken literally from earlier Tantras.
This Tantra speaks of t h e B r a h m a n , the h i g h e s t divine principle, in the s a m e expressions as the U p a n i s a d s . Now according to the doctrines of

t h e k t a philosophers the B r a h m a n is n o t h i n g but t h e eternal and val force ( a k t i ) , out of which all t h i n g s have as grammar been created. is the

prime akti all

" E n e r g y , is not o n l y f e m i n i n e as far

concerned, for womb that of the

h u m a n experience teaches that all life is born from from the mother.

woman, concep

H e n c e these I n d i a n thinkers believed the loftiest creative

tion of the H i g h e s t D e i t y ,

principle, m u s t be made " Father but by the

comprehensible to t h e h u m a n m i n d , n o t b y t h e word word " M o t h e r .

J u s t as every h u m a n b e i n g calls upon his mother in his sole b e i n g who can

sorest distress, the g r e a t m o t h e r of t h e universe is the remove t h e great misery of e x i s t e n c e , to w h i c h l a n g u a g e has assigned
1 )

A l l the

philosophical

conceptions foremost as all

the f e m i n i n e identical

genderfirst with

and

p r a k t i , primeval matter, which is the mythological figures

S a k t i a s well

which popular belief i m a g i n e d as b e i n g f e m a l e U m D u r g Kl etc., and divine great Lakml mothers. universal Indian appears waters, may be

Prvat, Sivas Vius

consort, also called

consort, or ftdh the beloved of K a b e c o m e different names of all for the one

I n reality all these are but

mother, J a g a n m t , " the mother mind had l o n g been a c c u s t o m e d to in manifold forms. thus Dev is " the the

l i v i n g creatures.' the unity of

The

recognise

what

J u s t as one m o o n is reflected in Goddess, by of are all whatever the other

innumerable name all she

described,

embodiment In her

gods and the

the " e n e r g i e s ' and his S a k t i , too, is Siva as

(aktis) of the gods. in her are V i u the

B rahman, and

Creator, in her

Preserver,

his S a k t i ,

M a h k l a , " t h e great Father T i m e , " the g r e a t D e s t r o y e r ; as she

herself

fish for the sacrifice, w h i c h are found especially in B engal (s. Eliot, Hinduism and B ud dhism, II. 278 note 4 ) . Farquhar (Outline, p. 354 f . ) regards it as quite a modern work, l.c not earlier than the eighteenth century (?). The NirvaTantra, in which Rdh is glorified as the wife of Viu is an entirely different work, s. Harapmsad ) Avalon, Principles of Tantra I, p . 8,

75

594

INDIAN

LITERATURE

devours t h e latter, she is also d y K l i k as a " g r e a t sorceress, Creator, dances Mahayogin, female Preserver and before her.
1

"the

primeval same world.

Kl" and time the

she is wine the

at t h e

D e s t r o y e r of t h e 'Since

She is also t h e Madhka Dev " t h e is a w o m a n ,

m o t h e r of blossoms,

M a h k l a , w h o , drunk w i t h is regarded

pressed from the Highest Deity of this D e i t y .

every w o m a n

as an incarnation

Goddess, is in every f e m a l e creature.

T h i s conception it was w h i c h led t o

a cult of w o m e n , w h i c h , t h o u g h in some circles i t assumed t h e form of w i l d orgies, could, and no d o u b t did appear also in a purer and ennobled form. T h e c u l t of D e v i , t h e Goddess, who is the j o y o u s nature, includes (madya) the "Five Essentials" medicine for creative by principle of which man drink (Pacatattva) humanity, of

enjoys his existence, preserves his life and obtains issue : I n t o x i c a t i n g which is " t h e g r e a t helping deep sorrows, and is the cause of j o y e n e r g y and s t r e n g t h ; fish (matsya) (mudra) meat (mmsa)

it to f o r g e t

t h e beasts bred in and of of good taste, food of which or

v i l l a g e s , in t h e air, or forest, w h i c h is n o u r i s h i n g , and increases intelligence, w h i c h is " p l e a s i n g and increases the generative power of m a n " ; delicacies parched
2

w h i c h is " easily obtainable, g r o w n in the earth, and is t h e ) to all living things,

root

t h e life of t h e three worlds ' ; and fifthly sexual union (maithuna) is " the cause of intense pleasure end." ) (cakra)
8

is the origin of all circle

creatures, and t h e root of the world w h i c h is w i t h o u t either b e g i n n i n g H o w e v e r , these " f i v e essentials " m a y o n l y be used in t h e

of the i n i t i a t e d , and even t h e n o n l y after t h e y have been " purified m a n has his " a k t i " on his left h a n d , )
4

b y sacred formulas and ceremonies. I n t h e s e " circles of initiated men and w o m e n , in w h i c h each i n t o t h e " circle. He there are no distinctions of caste, b u t evil a n d u n b e l i e v i n g persons cannot be a d m i t t e d N e i t h e r is there to be a n y abuse of t h e " five e s s e n t i a l s . " of the DevI. (milk, In the If a sugar, the his o w n wife as a " S a k t i . " things who d r i n k s i m m o d e r a t e l y , is no true devotee to control his senses, s w e e t

sinful K a l i a g e a m a n is to e n j o y only householder is unable

h o n e y ) shall be used instead of i n t o x i c a t i n g drink, and t h e worship of

>) MahnirvaT. IV, 2931 ; V. 141.

2

) A s all the " five essentials " b e g i n with an " m," they are also called " t h e fivre ) MahnirvaT. V I I , 103 ff. (Avalon's Transl., p . 156). Detailed description of ( V I I I , 4 , 4, 11) w e already read that "the

m's."
3

the " five essentials," V I , 1 ff. *) Even in the SatapathaB rfthmaa woman's v5rnac5ra," place is on the left " of the m a n . Hence most probably c o m e s the term

lefthand ritual," for this kind of " c u l in the circle" (cakrapja).

EICS

AND

PURAAS

595
sexual u n i o n . ) I t is

l o t u s feet of t h e

goddess shall

take the

place

of

true t h a t t h e " hero " (vra),

i.e., he w h o has secret powers and is suited t o " circle " to

be a Sdhaka or " sorcerer' is entitled to unite himself in the a " a k t i w h o is not his wife. He i.e.,
2 )

has o n l y to m a k e her his " wife b y I t is o n l y in the h i g h e s t of the saint w h o has acts take the

a c e r e m o n y prescribed especially for this purpose. " heavenly state " (divyabva), in the

case

completely overcome earthly t h i n g s , t h a t purely s y m b o l i c a l place of t h e " f i v e essentials. The c u l t of the Dev

attaches especial importance to B jas

Mantras,

i.e., i.e.,

prayers and formulas, and such as " a i m , ' of

.e,, syllables of m y s t e r i o u s significance, as well as Yantras, paper or

" kli "

" bri " etc.; drawn

diagrams

mysterious

significance,

on metal,

other of

material, M u d r s i.e. especial positions of t h e hands, and N y s a s . The lastnamed

t h e fingers and m o v e m e n t s consist of placing the

finger

t i p s and t h e palm of the r i g h t hand on t h e various parts of the body, w h i l s t r e c i t i n g certain mantras, in order t h u s to i m b u e ones body w i t h t h e life of the Dev.) B y u s i n g all these m e a n s , t h e compels the Sdkana, worshipper causes the deity to deity into his service, one of and the

show goodwill towards h i m , he becomes a Sdkaka, a

sorcerer : for

" sorcery, is

principal a i m s , t h o u g h not t h e final goal of t h e worship of t h e D e v . This final goal namely Moka or the is t h a t of all the Indian sects and one s y s t e m s of religion, with perfect and the the deity in the in not,

salvation, "great

becoming

Mahnirva, Kaula who

extinction. in the

The

saint,

sees

everything

B rahman in

t h e B rahman Tantras though only be or

e v e r y t h i n g , w h e t h e r he fulfil the rites attains this state even in this life, (jvannrnkta).*)

laid d o w n and is of

" released can

living. found

However,

the path

salvation

t h r o u g h t h e Tantras ; for the Veda, the S m t i the Puras and t h e I t i h s a s ,

) MahnirvaT. VI. 14 ff; 186 ff. VIII. 171 ff., 190 ff.
2

) The distinction of the three classes of mankind : paiu

" the animal," " the a to

brutish man," vra " t h e hero" and divya "the heavenly in all the Tantras. stupid or bad man. comprehend p. 1xv ff.
8

o n e , " occurs very frequently

It is not quite clear what pau means ; for a pasu is not necessarily The term appears to be applicable to a person w h o is not suited Of. Avalon,

occult matters. Hinduism

Tantra of the Great Liberation, Introduction, the Nysa with the

) Eliot,

and B uddhism II, p. 275, compares

Christian sign of the Cross, and points out further analogies between the Tantric and the Christian ritual. *) MahnirvaT. X, 2 0 9 ff. Kaula or Kaultka is " one who belongs to the (kula) of the goddess KlI." Cf. Harapras5da family etri Notices of Sanskrit MSS. I. pp.

596

INDIAN

LtTER\TURE

all these were the sacred books of our present evil a g e , the K a l i and other rites a n d

bygone

periods of the world's existence, h u m a n i t y , for age Vedic cult ff.). in this w a y the Tantras In ff.). this only the mantras a n d J u s t as the

whereas t h e Tantras were revealed by Siva for the welfare of period of (I, 20 modern no describe t h e m s e l v e s as c o m p a r a t i v e l y prayers are works.

avail, b u t

ceremonies t a u g h t in the T a n t r a s are of value ( I I 1

of t h e D e v leads to t h e grossest material issues b y means of sorcery, as well as to the loftiest ideal of N i r v a even so t h e sensual and spiritual e l e m e n t s are well m i x e d in the c u l t itself. There is a meditation on the D e v l w h i c h is characteristic of t h e above. I t is t a u g h t in the f o l l o w i n g manner : T h e devotee first offers D e v i spiritual adoration b y b e s t o w i n g the lotus of his heart as her throne, the nectar w h i c h trickles f r o m the petals of this lotusflower as water wherein to w a s h her feet, his mind as a g i f t of honour, the restlessness of his senses and his t h o u g h t s as a dance, selflessness, passionlessness, etc., as flowers, but a f t e r w a r d s intoxicating dainties
1 )

sacrifices t o t h e D e v i an ocean of a n d fried fishes, a heap of parched t h e nectar of the been used for washing

drink, a m o u n t a i n of m e a t and the water which has "five essentials and

in m i l k with sugar and butter,

" w o m a n flower (strpusjoa) the a k t i . B esides t h e

other e l e m e n t s of a most sensual cult and one based upon t h e intoxication of t h e s e n s e s , from w h i c h e v e n bells, i n c e a s e , flowers, candles and rosaries are meditation on the d e i t y instance V art (dhyana). In like who n o t m i s s i n g , there is also c a l m such beautiful lines as for

manner, beside mantras w h i c h are devoid of all m e a n i n g and insipid, we find 156 : " O d y Kl t h o u the inmost light, d w e l l e s t in t h e i n m o s t soul of all, w h o A c c e p t this the prayer of m y heart. O Mother !

I bow d o w n before thee.'

Along with the Tantric ritual, the MahnirvaTantra also teaches a philosophy which is little different from the orthodox systems of the Vednta and Skhya, and
2)

xxvi xxxiii.

For a different interpretation s. Avalon,

Tantrik Texts, Vol.

IV,

Introduc of

tion, where Kaula is derived from Kitla in t h e sense of c o m m u n i t y " or ' combination soul, knowledge and universe." essentials."

The Tantras speak of the Kaula sometimes as the

loftiest sage and sometimes as a person to whom all is permitted as regards the " five The last verse of Chapt. X of the Jnatantra teaches that only B rahmins " t h e lefthand cult," whilst householders may perform (Haraprasda Sstr I. c , pp. xxxi 126). the Tantras see S. Das Gupta in Sir Asutosh Mookerjee of the fourth rama may fulfil only the "righthand cult."
2

) MahnirvaT. V, 139151. ) On the philosophy of Silver Juhilee Vol. III. I. 1922, p. 253 ff.

EPICS

AND

PURtfAS

597

which is at times recognisable even in that chaos of non sensical incantations. As regards the ethics, the doctrine of the duties in C hapter VIII of the MahnirvaTantra reminds us at every turn of Manu's Lawbook, the Bhagavad gt and the Buddhist sermons. Though there are no caste distinctions in the actual Skta ritual, all castes and sexes being accounted equal, the castes are nevertheless recognised in agreement with Brahmanism, except that in addition to the usual four castes a fifth one is added, namely that of the Smnyas, which arose through the mingling of the four older castes. Whilst Manu has four ramas or stages of life, our Tantra teaches that in the Kali epoch there are only two ramas, the state of the householder and that of the ascetic. For the rest, all which is taught here about duties to one's parents, to wife and child, to relatives and to one's fellow men in general, might be found exactly the same in any other religious book or even in a secular manual of mora lity. W e quote only a few verses from this C hapter VIII by way of example :
A householder should (23) (24) (25) be devoted to t h e contemplation of B rahman whatever and possessed of the k n o w l e d g e of B r a h m a n , and should consign he does to B r a h m a n . He should

not tell an untruth, or practise deceit, and should ever be his father and mother as t w o visible incarnate deities, were to reach his throat, ) the householder

e n g a g e d in t h e worship of the D e v a t s and g u e s t s , Regarding Even brother.

he should ever and b y every means in his power serve t h e m . if the vital breath (33)

should not eat w i t h o u t first f e e d i n g his mother, father, son, wife, g u e s t and T h e householder should never punish his wife, b u t should like a mother. If never forsake her even in times of greatest misfortune. ( 3 9 ) A father should fondle and nurture his sons until their fourth year, and then until their sixteenth they should be t a u g h t learning and their cherish her

she is virtuous a n d devoted t o her husband, he should

) i.e., even if he were about to die of hunger.

598
duties. (45)

INDIAN

LITERATURE

U p to their t w e n t i e t h year (46)

they

should be kept e n g a g e d

in

household duties, and thenceforward, considering t h e m as equals, he ever show affection towards t h e m . should be cherished and educated w i t h great care, (47) and then

should

I n the same manner a daughter given away

w i t h m o n e y and j e w e l s to a wise husband. The who man who has of dedicated

t a n k s , p l a n t e d trees, built resthouses

on the roadside, or bridges, has conquered t h e three worlds. ( 6 8 ) T h a t m a n is t h e (64) happiness his m o t h e r and father, to w h o m his friends are the three worlds is t r u t h , whose c h a r i t y is ever for t h e poor, anger, by him are the three devoted, and whose f a m e is s u n g by m e n , he is t h e conqueror of worlds. who H e whose a i m lust and (fi5) * king, as The
1

has

mastered

conquered.

T h e duties of t h e separate castes as w e l l as the duties of the value of shall the family life is p u t very h i g h .
2

prescribed here, d o n o t g r e a t l y differ f r o m t h o s e laid d o w n b y M a n u . that no m a n w h o has children, w i v e s or other devote h i m s e l f to t h e in the (samskras) ascetic l i f e . * texts, of from regulations brahmanical near relatives IX and the to

T h u s there is a strict i n j u n c t i o n support, the of I n complete agreement with Chapter the for dead which describes the cult

" sacraments "

conception till marriage, and Chapter X burial

similarly g i v e s instructions for t h e t h e departed (rddAas). is t h a t , in addition t o the rules provide, there
8

A peculiarity of the S k t a s as regards marriage Br5h^amarriage, brahmanical (cakra) of i.e., a kind of marriage for a marriages are n o t l e g i t i an extent brahma on civil with

is also a Saivamarriage,

certain t i m e , w h i c h is o n l y p e r m i t t e d to m e m b e r s of the circle the i n i t i a t e d . * mate nieal and Manu. Nevertheless the K a u l a d h a r m a t i o n of the Kula saint which is recited and law cannot is v a l i d law H o w e v e r , the children of such inherit. for in the S k t a s too. X I and T h i s s h o w s t o how g r e a t XII

T h u s also t h e section agrees in

criminal

Chapters

essentials

in the Tantra, is I n words " As

declared i n e x t r a v a g a n t t e r m s t o b e t h e b e s t of all r e l i g i o n s , and t h e adora is praised as s u p r e m e l y meritorious. our similar to those of a f a m o u s B u d d h i s t t e x t w e read in Tantra :

) Translated by Avalon, pp. 161 f., 163, 165 f.

2

) In the KauiliyaArthaSstra II, I. 19 (p. 4 8 ) a ) See above p. 595.

fine

is prescribed for him

who

becomes an ascetic w i t h o u t first having provided for his wife and children.
8

EPICS

AND

PURAS

599
elephant, so
l )

the footmarks of all animals disappear in the footmark of the do all other D h a r m a s disappear in the K u l a D h a r m a . "

One of the principal works of the Kaulas i.e., the most advanced of the Sktas is the KulravaTantra, which teaches that there are six forms of life (cra), which are but an introduction to the Kulcra, and that release from suffering, and the highest salvation can only be attained through the Kulcra or KulaDharma.
2) 8)

When

the

Devi

asks :

" W h e r e b y is release

from

suffering to be

attained ? ' Siva replies : fire yet of B rahman.

O n l y t h r o u g h the k n o w l e d g e of t h e U n i t y ; for who of boast of their k n o w l e d g e of but are " Asses in and other the hpuse for I n order to

the creatures, surrounded b y M y are but as sparks e m a n a t i n g from the There are people the pleasures Brahman, smear their bodies w i t h ashes, and practise asceticism, only devoted t o their senses. animals, g o about naked w i t h o u t s h a m e , w h e t h e r they dwell or in the f o r e s t : does this make them Y o g i n s ? " (I, 79).

become a K a u l a a m a n should avoid all external t h i n g s and strive only true k n o w l e d g e . has not y e t recognised the truth. T h e K u l a D h a r m a is Toga the m a n We

Kitual and asceticism are of value o n l y as l o n g as a m a n (meditation) state find, w h o has purified his

as well as Bhoga ( e n j o y m e n t ) , but only for mind a n d h a s control over his senses. ment, not also

can well understand the the s a m e book we

so often repeated in t h e Tantras, t h a t i t is easier to ride on a drawn doctrines on the true k n o w l e d g e of the B rahman and Y o g a , but details concerning the preparation of t w e l v e kinds of with the "five essentials,'
4

sword than to be a true Kaula, when in one and only the minutest

i n t o x i c a t i n g drinks a n d e v e r y t h i n g connected which bestow bhukti ( e n j o y m e n t ) and mukti

(salvation) at the s a m e t i m e . * warrior a t the

" T h e B r a h m i n , ' w e read, " should drink at all t i m e s , the b e g i n n i n g of t h e battle, the Vaiya

when purchasing c o w s , the Sdra when

') MahnirvT. X I V , 180, transi. beginning).

2

Avalon,

p. 356. CI.

Majjhimanikya 28 (at the

) Ed. by Trnth

Vidyratna

in Tantrik Texts, Vol. V , 1917.

*) These are Vedcra, Vaiavcra, aivcra, Dakicra, Vmcra, Siddhnt cra (or Yogcra). Cf. Avalon, Tantra of the Great Liberation, Introduction, p. lxxviii ff. The eating of meat at the Kulapuj is a permis *) Though the sur S drk is extolled in the most extravagant fashion (V, 38 f.), the others are also recommended (V, 30). sible exception to the rule of nonkilling (ahi71sa).

600
p e r f o r m i n g the funeral t h e s e and similar d r i n k i n g is t h e thought), and with a true others rules union

INDIAN

LITERATURE

sacrifices (V, have of K u a l i n merely he who

84). Sakti

On with of his

the other Ciccandra in t h e senses

hand,

when of the

been formulated, imbibers his curbs

we a g a i n read that true ("moon that intoxicants,

being

true " f l e s h e a t e r is he w h o m e r g e s " fisheater is

thought

highest

B eing, maithuna

and unites t h e m

t h e t m a n " o t h e r s m e r e l y kill animals " ; and t h a t true

is the union of t h e h i g h e s t a k t i or K u a l i n w i t h the t m a n " others are merely slaves to women. This c o m e s at t h e close of Chapter V . I n Chapter VII, however, t h e necessity of d r i n k in It is true that the cult of akti is a g a i n em phasized. one should o n l y drink in m o d e r a t i o n , but t h i s do n o t become u n s t e a d y , a man may continue

moderation is reckoned very liberally: " A s l o n g as t h e e y e , t h e understand i n g , speech and (VII, drink arisen, (VII, 97). and he 100). t h e body d r i n k i n g , b u t drink taken in excess of this is the d r i n k i n g of a brute beast ' T h o u g h it is true t h a t only t h e initiated are allowed to drink, is to addressed : " H e the ground, will there be is t o no drink, drink is to again, drink till yet he falls and w h e n he has rebirth " it is to t h e m t h a t t h e oftquoted m a x i m

againthen

Another oftquoted work of the Kaula School of the Sktas is the " H e a d jewel of the Kula" K u l a c m a i , an example of a Nigama in which Dev proclaims the doctrine and iva listens in the character of a pupil. In reality iva and Dev are one, and the latter says at the end of the book :
2 )

"Thou e x i s t s in

appearest world,

now

as t h e father, now in t h e f o r m of the teacher, Everything whatever T h o u , O G o d of g o d s , the teacher when I art of Siva and Sakti. Thou

then t h o u b e c o m e s t the son, then a g a i n a pupil the consists art all, and I , too, a m all to all e t e r n i t y .

) The saying occurs frequently in t h e Tantras. the Yoga. This, however, is difficult to believe Vedntatirtha,

According to Avalon

these

and

similar verses do not refer to actual drinking, but to the symbolical " drinking " of ) Ed. by Girsha Chandra Tantra, which is a part of the Advaracaritra, with an Introduction by A. K. Maitra

in Tantrik Texts, Vol. IV, 1915. The ritual of the Kaulas is also treated in the Vmakevaralantra an analysis of which is given by L. Sualt ( S I F I Vol. 7).

Nityaodai

(publ. in n S S Vol. 56, 1908) and the

EPICS

AND

PURAS

601
Therefore be t h o u

am

the The

pupil, work on He

but

then there shall be no d i s t i n c t i o n .

the teacher, O Lord, and I shall be t h y Pupil, O H i g h e s t Lord ! " begins the who w i t h an enumeration of the Kulasundars or D e v i s , of the Saktis with Yantias of rites, as well as of the Great M o t h e r . to the I n s t r u c t i o n s are g i v e n an outside m u s t first to Cakra and t h e n describes t h e worship meditations " Sakti. unity would

for the worship not only of ones own wife b u t also for that be admitted of have walked in the path of the love Vainavisrn, and he chapters deal solely with m a g i c God (bhaktimrga)

according

m u s t be good and patient to others.

T h e last thiee

One of the more important texts of the Tantras is the P r a p a c a s r a T a n t r a , * which is ascribed to the philosopher akara or the god iva in his incarnation as akara. Though the name akara appears not infrequent ly in the Tantra literature, it is by no means certain that the texts attributed to him were really his work. Prapaca means " t h e expansion, " t h e expanded universe, hence Prapancasara> " t h e Essence of the Universe.
1 5

The followed chapters

work by on

begins w i t h on which

an account

of

the

Creation. ) the

This

is

treatises the

chronology,

embryology, anatomy,

physiology succeeding

and p s y c h o l o g y ,

are no more "scientific than According to the a

occult doctrines of Ku.alinl and t h e secret significance general teach miniature which are copy some also

of the S a n s k r i t alphabet and the B jas.

i n g of the Tantras the h u m a n o r g a n i s m is a microcosm, of the universe, and contains countless canals secret power flows t h r o u g h t h e body. one The are s i x great centres (cakra) l y i n g furnished w i t h this L i g a occult powers.

(nad)

through

Connected w i t h these canals there above t h e other, lowest which and m o s t important of these a L i g a and coiled called Kun.alinI. )
3

centres contains the B rahman in the form of like a serpent, lies the a k t i

round This

) Ed. by Tfirntha Upaniad.

Vidyaratna

in

Tantrik Texts, Vol. I l l ,

1914.

The author

Sakara is supposed to be identical with the commentator of the Nrsinihaprvatpanya Cf. Vidhushekhara Bhattacha7ya, Ind. Hist. Qu. I. 1925, p. 120. *) On the Creation theories of the Tantras s. J. G. Woodroffe, Creation as explained in the Tantra (read at the Silver Jubilee of tbe Chaitauya Library, Calcutta, 1915)
3

) KunalinI." the coiled one."

The theory of the Ns and Cakras is also to be Upanishads

found in t h e VarfihaUpanisad V, 22 ff. and in the SdilyaUpaniad ( Y o g a ed. Mahadeva Sastri pp. 505 f 518 ff.).

76

602
Kualin and t h e n which,

INDIAN

LITERATURE

is forced u p i n t o t h e h i g h e s t salvation is attained. and the formulas t o an a n c i e n t

2

centre b y Sdhana a n d Y o g a , and M a n t r a s , * that is, the from t h e m , i n all of in the foreshadowed
1

The B jas

letters and syllables according Brhmaas perfections

composed

doctrine already

and U p a n i s a d s , ) (siddAi).

a potent

influence on the human organism

and the universe lies concealed, are means t o t h e a t t a i n m e n t of t h e h i g h e s t T h e chapters ficance from on t h e ritual for t h e consecration (dka), t h e worship signi of v i e w of the history of this of religion. T h e very

of t h e m o t h e r s and the m e d i t a t i o n s on t h e D e v i are of considerable the point prominent part played in the whole

cult by t h e erotic e l e m e n t h o w t h e w i v e s of t h e their of

is exemplified in I X , 2 3 ff., where it is described gods, demons " scattering silken flying and demigods, ornaments their

compelled b y M a n t r a s , c o m e to t h e sorcerer in t h e i n t o x i c a t i o n of love, l e t t i n g their forms with quivering in the n e t of their

draperies

slip d o w n , e n v e l o p i n g limb of s w e a t

tresses, their every

intolerable torments

love, t h e drops armpits,

falling like pearls over their t h i g h s , bosom a n d immersed of love, their lips tossed by the t e m p e s t of the Mantras and union of t h e by to of of t h e love g o d and his Saktis and as a h o l y act of sacrifice.

torn b y t h e arrows of the love g o d , their bodies Chapter X V I I I teaches

in the ocean of t h e passion their deepdrawn breath e t c Dhynas ego (meditations) with

for the worship knowledge (Buddhi)

and t h e u n i o n of m a n and woman is presented as a m y s t i c a l {ahamhara) I f t h e m a n honours his beloved w i f e the arrows the other of t h e love world ( X V I I I , is in t h e form XXXIII, with of 33).

in t h i s manner, t h e n , wounded Chapter is half XXVIII is dedicated right half

g o d , she will follow h i m as a shadow even i n t o femalethe

Ardhanrvara, his body man, Chapter and t h e left

the g o d w h o

i v a w h o is represented as a wildlooking

half is his ? a k t i , represented as a v o l u p t u o u s w o m a n . w h i c h t h e work originally seems to h a v e closed,

devotes its first part to a description of ceremonies to prevent childlessness,

) The monosyllabic meaningless sounds such as " hr" "r" " (siddhi) is produced, and because they are the " seed " of t h e Mantras. Tantra of the Great Liberation, Introd. p. lxxxiii ff.
a

kr2n"

"pha" The

etc., are B ja " s e e d s , " because t h e y are t h e seed from which the fruit of m a g i c powers Cf. Avalon, (in

) There is considerable truth in t h e contention of B . L. Mukherji

Woodroffe,

Shakti and Shktas, p. 441 f) that the occultism of the Tantras is already n t h e B rhmaas, and t h a t allusions t o sexual intercourse play a prominent s vmblism of the B hmanas as well as in the Tantrap.

foreshadowed part in t h e

EPICS

AND

PURAS

603
of the relationship between

which

is

the the

result wife.

of

carelessness in

the

worship of the gods and

scorning The also

The second part deals w i t h the

teacher and pupil, which is of paramount importance in the a k t i religion. ritual and Mantras described in this Tantra are not limited forms of Dev (" the and iva but of frequently the triple are referred to, Chapter X X X V I contains confounder to t h e worship of the various V i s u and his Viu and This suns avatras a reflection on world). millions of rests upon incomparably Viu full of

Trailokyamohana

description

is replete w i t h sensual fire : V i u shines like F u l l of kindness his g l a n c e him lovingly. and women She, too, press is demons their w i v e s do around who embraces and

is of supreme b e a u t y . All the g o d s

r his consort, beautiful. the fiery

honour to t h e lofty, divine couple ; but our refuge, O h i g h e s t Lord !

2)
1 )

the divine

l o n g i n g of love, and e x c l a i m :

" B e our consort,

The first part of the T a n t r a r j a T a n t r a bearing the proud title " king of Tantras " treats of the ryantra, the '* famous diagram," which consists of nine triangles and nine circles cleverly drawn one within the other and each one of which has a special mystical significance. By medi tation with the aid of this ryantra one attains knowledge of the Unity, i.e., the knowledge that everything in the world is one with the Dev1. The K l v i l s a T a n t r a , which belongs to the " prohibited " Tantras, i.e., those which are valid not for our age but only for a bygone period, is a later text. The attitude adopted towards the Pacatattva ritual is very ambiguous indeed. All that we can glean clearly from the text is that there were two different schools of ktas one of which condemned this ritual, while the other considered it as compulsory. A few chapters deal with Ka as the lover of Rdh who is identical with the
3 )

) X X X V I , 3547, translated by Avalon in the Introduction, p. 61 ff. ) This one alone (Part I, Chapters I X V I I I ) has been published by M. in Tantrik Texts, Vol. VIII, 1918. in Tantrik Texts, Vol. VI. 1917. One chapter ) Ed. by Pfirvat Charaa Tarkartha Lalc8mana

Shstri
3

contains a Mantra in a dialect which is a mixture of Assamese and East B engali, another contains Mantras with the words written backwards.

604

INDIAN

LITERATURE
n

goddess Kl. The J n r a v a T a n t r a deals with the various kinds of Tantra ritual and the meditations on the various forms of Dev1. The Kumrpjana, the worship of young maidens, is described as the highest sacrifice. The r a d t i l a k a T a n t r a , written by Lakmaa Deika in the 11th century, begins with a theory of the C reation and the origin of human speech, but treats chiefly of Mantras, Yantras, and magic. In addition to the actual "revealed " Tantras there are innumerable manuals on separate branches of Tantric r i t u a l and great collections compiled from the various Tantras. The earliest Nepalese manuscripts of Tantras date from the seventh to the ninth century, * and it is not very likely that this literature originated further back than the fifth or sixth century. Even in the latest portions of the Mahbh rata, with their frequent allusions to Itihsas and Puras, there is never mention of Tantras, and the Amarakoa, among the meanings of the word " tantm" does not give that of a
3) 4) 5

) Published in AfiSS No. 69, 1912.

2

) An analysis of its contents by A. H. Swing,

J A 0 S 2 3 , 1902, p. 65 ff. Cf.

k

Farquhar, significance

Outline, p. 267.
3

) Thus there are glossaries and dictionaries to explain the mysterious A few of these t e x t s (Mantrbhidhna from the

of the letters, B ijas and Mantras, as well as the Mudrs or positions of the fingers to be observed with the Yoga. Rudraymala, Mah by Ekkurakoa by Puruottamadeva, B janighau by B hairava, Mtknighaus by dhara and by Mdhava, Mudrnighau from the VmakevaraTantra) A. Avalon, Tantrik Texts, Vol. I, 1913. (Grundriss I, 3 B , 1897) para. 27, and Leumann, Srtattvacintmai by Prnanda S v m Trnfitha Vidyratna Avalon,
4

are published

Cf. also Th. Zacharias, Die indischen Wrterbcher OC VI. Leyden Vol. III. p. 589 ff. The Pdukpaficaka, both published b y into English by A.

s i x centres (cakra) and the Kudalin are treated in the Sacakranirpaa from t h e and the in Tantrik Texts, Vol. II, 1913 and translated

The Serpent Power, 2nd. ed, Madras 1924. very popular in Malabar, written by Nryaa of N Travancore about 1426 A.D., published by T. Gana>

) Thus the T a n t r a s a m u c c a y a ,

of the Jayantamangala family

5

pati str in TSS Nos. 67 and 71. ) A KubjikmataTantra is said to date from the 7th century, and a Nivsatattva A ParmesvaramataTantra was written in 858 A.D. Cf. Report I, p. 4. Samhit from the 8th century. Haraprasd,

EPICS

AND

PURAAS

605

religious book.* Neither do the C hinese pilgrims as yet mention t h e Tantras. I n the seventh and eighth centuries they began to penetrate into Buddhism, and in the second half of the eighth century Buddhist Tantras were translated into C hinese and in the ninth century into Tibetan also. The fact that the worship of Durg which plays so great a part in the Tantras, harks back to the later Vedic period, * does not prove that Tantrism and the Tantras are of an equally venerable age. There is no doubt that this goddess and her cult do unite traits of very different deities, Aryan as well as nonAryan. I t is probable, too, that the system of the Tantras adopted many characteristics from nonAryan and nonbrahmanical cults. On the other hand, some essential traits of the Tantras can be found as far back as in the Atharvaveda, as well as in the Brhmaas and Upaniads. ktism was prevalent from the twelfth to the sixteenth century in Bengal especially among the aristocracy, and even at the present day its adherents are to be found not in
2) 3 4)

) Amarakoa III. 182 gives for tan'ra

the meaning siddhnta,

which is really "a Cf. Wilson, Works, but not that of the

system of dootrines" in general, and not a particular class of texts. I, 250. The other Kolas, too, give all kinds of meanings for tantra, When mantra sacred book of a sect.

and tantra are mentioned side by side (Ahirbudhnya tantra means " m a g i c rite," The

8ahit XX, 5; Pacatantra, text, simpl., ed. F. Kielhorn I, v. 7 0 ; Daakumracarita II, N S P edition, p. 81 ; mudratantramantradhyndibhih), and mantra " incantation." ledge of Tantras. The passage in the Daakum. probably presupposes a know

Dadin however, did not live earlier than the 7th century A.D.

BhgarataPura (IV, 2 4 , 6 2 ; X I . 3 , 47 f., 5, 2 8 ; 31) is the first work to mention the Tantras as a class of works apart from the Veda. ) According to L. Wieger Histoire des croyances religieuses et des opinions philo sophiques en Chine, Paris 1917 (quoted by Woodroffe, early as in the 7 t h century. with the nirghantw Tantras known as
11

Shakti and Shkta, p. 119 ff.), as mentioned side by side are identical with the As

It is not likely that the nigamas

in Lalitavistara X I I (ed. Lefmann, p. 156) nigama" as is the view of Avalon

(Principles of Tantra I, p. xli).

in Manu IV, 1 4 ; I X , 14, texts of Vedaexegesis are no doubt meant. ) Jacobi in ERE V , 117 ff.
4

) In the Jayadrathaymala it is said that Paramevar

is to be worshipped in the Cf. Haraprasd, Report

house of a potter or oilpresser ( w h o belong to the lowest castes). I, p. 16 ; Catalogue of the Durbar Library, Nepal, p. lxi.

606

INDIAN

LITERATURE

the lower castes, but among the educated.* On the whole the Tantras and the curious excrescences and degenerations of religion described in them, are not drawn from popular belief or from popular traditions either of the aboriginal inhabitants or of the Aryan immigrants, but they are the pseudoscientific productions of theologians, in which the practice and theory of Yoga and doctrines of the monist (advaita) philosophy are seen mingled with the most extravagant symbolism and occultism. Neither the Puras nor the Tantras make enjoyable reading, and this is much more applicable to the latter. They are the work of inferior writers, and are often written in barbarous and ungrammatical Sanskrit. On the other hand neither the literary historian nor the student of religion can afford to pass them by in silence ; for during centuries and even at the present time these writings are the spiritual food of millions of Indians. " The P u r a s , " says a learned Hindu, * "form an important portion of the religious litera ture of the Hindus, and, together with the Dharmastras and Tantras, govern their conduct and regulate their religious observances at the present day. The Vedas are studied by the antiquarian, the Upanisads by the philosopher ; but every orthodox H i n d u must have some knowledge of the Puras, directly or vicariously, to shape his conduct and to perform the duties essential to his worldly and spiritual welfare." Whatever also may be our opinion of the literary, religious and moral value of the Tantras, the historian of Indian religion and culture cannot afford to neglect them, and from the point of view of comparative religion, too, they contain valuable material.
2

) The presentday ktas are probably for the most part such as will have none of the Pacatattva ritual.
s

At any rate I w a s assured in Kashmir in the Introduction to his edition of the

that the Sktas there KrmaPura (B ibl.

all abhor rites of this nature. ) N. Mukhopdhyya Ind.), p. xv.

C O R R E C T I O N S AND A D D I T I O N S . P. 1. i read more the. 1. 4 " But there. " 38 " 19 " seventh for tenth. " 48 note 1 add : Raraprasd astrl (Ind. Hist. Qu. I, 1925, p. 204 f.) thinks that it is not a Sanskritised vernacular, but " the spoken language of N. India." " 49 note 1, 1. 1 read Apabhramas see H. Pp. 53, 55 e t c , to 71 the head line should be " Vedie Litera ture " instead of " I ntroduction." P. 59 1. 9 read I and X for I to X. 6 0 note 1, 1. 3 read Z I I for Z I T . // "ZU " ZTT. " 63 " 3 1. 5 " nadstuti. " 71 1. 14 read therefore for moreover. " 76 " 4 " already " soon. " 81 note 2, 1. 2 read stormgods. 9S " 1 should be note 2 on p. H7 1. 21. " 99 1. 20 read for note 1, 1. I read Tapas for Tapa. " 100 notes, 1. 2, after V, p. 356, add : Metrical Transla tions from Sanskrit Writers, p. 188 f. " 102 " 4 1. 4 read Oldenberg for Oldenburg. " 117 line 7 from below, read Ve for Vac. " 120 " 1, 1. 2 read Cdik Upanisad. " 2 1. 3 after 1856 add : second edition by Max Lindenau^ Berlin, 1924. " 131 1. 5 from below read spell for verse. " l " " " apaeit " apakit. " 132 11. 3, 6 read apacit for apakit. " 134 1. 2 read indicate " indicated. 5
6 2 x 3) M)

608 P. " " " " " " " " " " " " " " "

CORRECTIONS

AND

ADDITIONS

" " " " " " " " "

138 1. 13 read conceptions of for conception. 152 note I the Greek quotation is hopelessly wrong. 154 " 1 add at the end of the note : ZB VI, 192425, p. 48 ff. 160 1. 6 read grhyakarmni. 163 " 18 " SmavedaSanihii. 167 11. 13, 15, 16 read Uhagna, Uhyagna. 179 1. 14 " lyu for yu. note 5, 1. 1, read atapatha for atapatha. 187 note 3, " brahman for brahman. 188 notes, line 1, " brahman for brahman. 190 1. 19 " khyana. 194 note, 1. 6 " Bhradvjl for Bhradvjd. 201 " 2 " 174 f for 147 f 215 1. 4 " unahepa for u7iahepa. 222 1. 12 " another for other. 225 1. 21 " Sriiilya for ailya. 232 1. 16 " ramas for Aram as note 1, 1. 7 " IM? for PicAl. 1. 12 " Vlnde for l, Inde. 235 11. 12 and 13 " TaittiryaUpanisad and Mah Nryana TJpanisad. note 1, 1. 4 " Friedlaender for Friedlander. 243 1. 13 " this for thw. 47 note 3 , 1. 3 " Oldenberg for Oldenburg, and brahman for brahman. 218 note, 1. 3 " phlegma for the Greek word. 259 note 3 Add. : E. W. Hopkins, Ethics of India, New Haven 1924, p . 63ff. 271 note 2, 1. 5 read Brhmanas for Brah wans. 238 " 1, l. 3 " Broc. If OC for Broc. SOG. 298 " 1, 1. 4 " Proe IOC for Proe. JFOC \ 299 " 1. " 17' and 8'. 3 0 0 " 1. 20 put the inverted commas (") after achieve ments.

CORRECTIONS

AND

ADDITIONS

P. " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " " "

302 1. o read unahepa. 302 note 4 read 194 f. 308 note 2, 1. 1 read Proc. IOC . for Proa. FOC . 312, note 1, 1. 2 read pastambya. 1. 5 " 3rautastra. 313, " 4, 1. 6 " Jtihsa. 316, " 1, 1. 5 from below, read Winternitz. 317, " 1. 5 read seine for seine. 319, " 1, line 1, " traced in for traced. In 320, " 1. " H. Jacobi. 322, 11. 5 and 3 from below, read ntanu for Sntanu. 3J2 note 2, 1. 2 read vivysa. 1.3 " smrtah cf. 324, 1. 17 " spake for sphen. 324, note 1, 1. 2 from below, read saechskchen for s^ehsisehen 325, 1. 5 read men for man. 327, 1. 6 " parts . 327, note 1, line 1 " Kisari for Kisori. . 4 from below, read 1924 for 192f. 329, 1. 4 read ntanu for Sntanu. 334, 1. 2 from below, " Paclas for Pnelas. 345,1. 12 from below, " Yudhisthira. 349, 1. 9 from below, " Nahusa for Nahusa. 359, 1. l'i " d^' for day's. 368, 1. 8 " of for os. 376, note 1,1. 6 " Porzig for Perzig. 379, 1. 19 " Sarmisth for Sarmistha. 385, note 2, 1. 5. put inverted commas (") after Mahabhrata. 386, note 1 read diospyros for diespyros. 389, " 2, 1. 3 " s. for S. 393, 1. 3 " Brahman for Brahman 397, 1. 12 " Svitr for Svitri. note 4, 1. 3 " Yudhisthira, 77
1}

610 P. " " " " " "

CORREC110NS

AND

ADDITIONS

" " " " " " "

" " " "

" " " " " " " "

read Franke for Francke. the reference is to note 1 on page 414. 417, note 2, 1. 2 read Jinistic for Jainistie. 418, " line 1 " Uttardhyayana. &26, " , 1. 2 " excellence for excellence. 431, " 1, 1. 2 from below, read Garbe for C are. 439, 1. 7 read disfigured for mutilated. 1. 16 " Smkhya for Sa7]nkhya. note 1, line 1 " /ate for ten. 440, " 3, last line " epic for epics. 443, " 1, add : and into English by Manmatha Nath Butt, C alcutta 1897. 444, note 3 read P?thupakhyana. 447, 1. 14 " cowherd for cowhard. *449, 1. 3 " 3iupla. 450, 1. 6 from below " Naraka for Nikumbha. 453, note 1 " Adhy. 278 : varastuti. Adhy. 279 and 281 : Visnustotra. " 3 " Harrisa for Hamsa. 470, 1. 2 from below " khyanarantastra. 471, lines 10, 13, 16 " Tipitaha for Tnpitaka. 471, note 3, 1. 2 " extent for extents. 472, 1. 4 " Yudhitthila. 1. 5 " Dhatarattha. note 4, 1. 6 " is. 478,1.4 " off or with. 1. 8 " valyana for Avalyana. 479, note 3 , line 1 " #ri/?/th for C rifith. 486, " 1, L 6 " below, p. 508f 487, line 11 " rpanakh. 489, 1. 4 " monkeys for monkey. 492, 1. 30 " 14ffAox4ff. 507, 1. 15 " Gndhrl. 511,1. 7 from below " Jinistic for Jainistic,

410, note 3, 1. 6 413, last line,

CORRECTIONS

AND

ADDITIONS

611

P. " " " " " " " " " " " "

A/

" " " " " "

that for hat. Pnini and Patajali. p. 1 f. Vrval read (cf. T. Michelson> JA OS 29, 284 f.) 522, 1. 20 read Varrinucarita. 1. 21 " dynasties" viz. "the 527, note 2 " to for te. 528, " 2 " the most clearly for most clearly. 540, " 1, line 1 " Haradatta Sarm. 553, " 2, 1. 4 " Vyavlya for Vaiyavlya. 557, 1. 20 " Purna for Pura. 562,1. 28 " the racking torture for racking torture. 566,1. 7 from below, read poetics for poetry. 576, note 1 " Jibanmda Vidyasagara for Jib nanda Vidysgara. " Nath for iVth. 580,1. 1 Vismdharmottara. 587, note 2, last line " #aiva for Saiva. 589, 1. 7 read iva and Nrada (comma after iva). 589, note 1,1. 5 read the for t e. 589, " 3, 1. 6 read Sastitantra. 590, 1. 4 from below, put comma after Pauskara. 593,1. 20 read Prakfti for prakfti.
;/

512, 1. 8 512, note 2, 1. 9 513, " 5 518, " 1

read " " After

tfoteIn

order not to swell the list of corrections, smaller errors such as s for i or

a for a, and the like, have not been mentioned in the above list.

INDEX.
C O M P I L E D B Y W. GAMPERT.

A b b o t t , J . E . , 557 n. Abegg E . , 577 n . , 580 n. Abhicriki, 142. Abhimanyu, son of Arjuna, 340, 355f.. 3 6 3 , 371, 395 n. Abhras, 524. AdbhutaBrhmaa, 191. Adbhutottarakhaa, 514 n. Adelung, Friedrich, 2 3 . Adhvaryu, priest, 161, 1 6 I . 169, 1 7 1 , 183, 194, 214 f. AdhytmaRnQyaa, 503 n., 78 f. A d i k a . P u r a , 531 n. dikavi, dikvya, 475. Adiparvan, 341 n., 468 n. diPura, 533. Ad'varacaritra, 600 n. Aditi 76 f., 178, 180 f., 449. ditya 194 n. AdityaPura, 526, 535 n . dityas. 534. A d v a i U , 579, 606. I d y K ikS Kl 594, 596. AeHan 465 n. . l l a m a s , 586 ff. A g a s t y a , a si 349, 3 8 1 , 402, 487 n., 495, 672. AgastyaSahit, 572. Ages of the world, s. Y u g a s . Aghny 65. AgneyaPura, s. AgniPura. Agni, 75, 80. 88 ff., 94 f., 97, 100. 124, 137, 141, 143, 156 f., 166, 173, 177 ff., 182, 194 n., 205, 218, 220 f., 225, 341, 393 f., 491 n., 493, 540, 560, 566, 572 n. Agnicayana, 1 7 2 , 1 9 3 . Agnihotra (firesacrifice), 67, 172, 177, 190, 209, 219 ff.,223, 272 f., 353. A g n i P u r a , 531 f., 566, 572 n., 576, 5 8 9 n . Agnirahasya, 193. Ahasuerus, 370, 403. Ahis 416, 425, 460, 542, 599 n. Ahirbudhnya, 589. AhirbudhnyaSahit, 589, 605 n. Ahura, 78, 196. Aitareyarayaka, 162 n., 235, 271, 283, 302 n. AitareyaBrhmaa, 51, 185 n., 190 f., 193 n . , 211, 215 f., 222 n 226 n , , 228 n 235, 302, 877 n,, 577 n. AitareyaUpaniad, 235 f., 230 n . , 241 n . , 242 n.

Aitihsika, 313. Aiyar, B . V. Kamevara, 295 n . , 298 n., 308 n. Ajag, 134. Ajtaatru, 2 5 3 , 524. Ajtasattu, 474. Ajgarta, a ri 213 f. khyna, 100 ff, 208, 2 1 1 , 214, 215 n., 218, 311 f., 314, 400 n., 470 f., 508, 518, 533, 563 n, ; . h y m n s , 100108 ; s. B allads. khynavidas, 226 n. Alakras, 461, 476. Albers A. Christina, 399 n. Albrn, 29, 426, 462 n., 526, 531 n., 580. Alexander the Great, 27 f., 74, 292, 465. Allgods, 218 ; s. Vive devs. Amarakoa, 13, 522 n., 604, 605 n. Amazons, 584. Ambikkhaa, 571 n. Ahas 137. Amitbha, a B uddha, 440. AmtabinduUpaniad, 242 n. AmtandaUpaniad, 240 n. Amulets, 136, 138, 143, 590. inandatrtha, s. Madhva. Anasy, 564 f. Anatomy, 601. Ancestorworship, 148, 160, 577; s. rddhas. Ancestral sacrifices, s. rddhas. Ancient H i g h I n d i a n , 41 f , 46. Andhakas, 443. Andhakavadha, 450 n. Andhrabhrtyas, 552. Andhras, 524, 575. Aftgada, 489, 492. Agiras, 58, 120, 1 7 8 ; = Athar?aveda, 126 n . , 142. AnilaPura, 581 n. Animal sacrifice, 95, 172, 272. Aniruddha, 449, 451 f. Anqnetil da Perron, 19 l. 175 n . , 241 n, Anugtt, 425, 438. Anukramas, 57 f. VJ ~<3 i. 301. AnusanaParvan, 42 7 n. Anuubh, 6 1 , 181 46... Anuvkys, 162. Anuvaalokas (genealogical verses), 376, 377 n., 520, 530. Anvkhyna, 224, Apabhraa, 49. paddharmnusanaparvan, 423 n.
x t

INDEX pas, 75. pastamba, 191 n., 278 , 299. pastambaParibhsutras, 277 n. pastambaSahit, 170. ApastambyaDharmastra, 168, 232 n., 269, 277 f., 519, 567. ApastambyaGhyastra, 277, 312 n. ApastambyaKalpastra, 277. Apastambyarautastra, 215 n.. 277 n. ApastambyaSulvastra, 277 n. Aphorisms, (maxims, gnomic poetry,) 2, 320, 377 f., 380, 406, 424, 441 f., 459, 485 f., 497, 504. prsktas, 94, 148. Apsaras, 78, 103 f., 134 f., 209, 380, 390, 893. 480, 534, 5 4 0 ; s. Urval.legend. Arais 90, 179 n. Arayagna, 167. Arayaka, 486. rayakas, 42, 53 f., 56, 167, 225217, 261, 268. 271, 289, 2l'2 3 0 2 , 325. Arbman E . , 77 n. Architecture, 580. rcika 164 ff. Ardhamgadh, 48. Ardhanrvara, 538, 602. 1 r h a t a s , 574 n. Arithmetic, 4 12. Arjuna, 329374, 401, 426 ff., 436 f., 456, 458, 472, 502, 505, 607, 5 8 4 ; name of Indra.47O. Arjunamira, 468 n. Arnold, Edwin, 383 n., 427 n. Arnold, E . V., 63 n. Arrowsmith, R., 72 n. ra 48. reyaBrhmaa. 286 n. reyakalpa, 279, 284 n. rtabhga, 258. Artha 326, 424 n. Arthavda, 202, 208. Arui a priest 231 n. ; s. Uddlaka Arui. AruiUpaDiad, 234 n. Aryaman, 108. Aryans. 63, 68, 84, 233. rystava, 446 n Cha Svayasa, 202. Asai the Nonexistent, 124, 150, 224, 251. Ascetic, ascetics, 53, 212 n., 231, 233, 392. 406 n. ; ascetic morality, 380 n., 4 H . 413, 417, 429, 4 6 0 ; ascetic poetry, 320 f., 379, 405, 408, 410, 422. 459. 474. 530. Asceticism, 2 0 1 , 212, 380 n , 417, 423, 508. Asiatic Society of B engal. 11. Aoka 28, 81, 309, 474 n., 511. ramas, stages of life, the four. 232 f, 275, 418 n , 423, 523, 535, 533 n., 540, 550, 559, 5 7 I . 582. 589, 597. ramaUpaniad, 233 n. ramavsikaparvan, v78 n. stikaparvan, 313. 888 n, 389 n, Astro'sgy, 4 , 566, 577, 580. Astronomy, 4, 12, 56, *26, 268, 288 f., 809, 566, 575, 577, 5 8 0 ; and age of Veda, 294 299.

613

Asura Asuras, 78, 196 f., 207, 224, 379, 450 f., 538. Avaghoa, 241 n., 464 n., 490 n., 512 ff. valyana, 271, 284, 473. 5valyanaGbyasutra, 160 n., 2 i 4 n, 279, 312 n., 314 n., 471. valyanarautastra, 279. Asvamedha, s. Horse sacrifice. vamedhikaparvan, 372 n., 584, 586. Avapati Kaikeya, 231. Avatthman, son of Drona 330. 865, 367 ff. Avins 76 I., 94, 107, 157, 173, 7 6 , 179 I., 305 n.33O 390 ff. Atharvan, magi's formula, 54, 120, 1 5 6 ; fire priest, 119 f. Atharvgirasah, 120. Atharvapryacittni, 281 n. AtharvasirasUpam'sad, 2 4 1 . Atbarvaveda, A.Sarphit, 42, 54, 56, 111,

118, 119158, 159, 162 n., 163, 182 f., 195 f., 198, 242 f., 245, 268, 276, 280 f.,
284, 286 n., 306 n., 313 f., 318, 470, 518, 605 ; language and metre. 42, 122 ; prose in the A., 121 f. ; translations, 119 n. ; date, 122 ff., 195, 2 9 0 ; cultural conditions, 123 f.; religion and mytho logy, 124 ; 8ACREDNESS 125 f. ; name, 119 f. ; spells for healing of diseases, 120 137; prayers for health and long life, 136; benedictions, 136 f., 1 5 9 ; expiatory spells for cleansing from puilt and sin, 137 f. ; spells for restoration ol harmony, 138 ; magi's songs referring to marriage and love, 139142, 1 5 9 ; curses and exorcisms, 142146 ; magic s : n g s for the king, 146 I. ; exorcisms in the interest of the B rahmans, 147 f. ; songs and charms composed for sacrificial purposes, 148 f. ; theosophical and cosmogonie h y m n s , 149158, 227 ; B: h m a a s of the A., 1 9 0 ; Upani?ads of the A , 237245 ; A. and Kausikasutra, 280. AtharvavedaParii9tas, 281. A tharva vedaPrtikhy a stra, 284. Atharvavedyapacapaalik, 286 n. Atharvaveda.Upaniads, s. Atharvaveda. thravans, 119 I. tman 229, 2 3 1 , 247 ff., 421, 536, 549, 579, 6OO; and B rahman, 247 ff. ; etymology, 249. Atri a si 57, 445. Aufrecht, *Jheodor, 2 1 , 2 3 , 119 n . 140 n., 154 n . , 164, 190 n , 397 n . , 517 n., 531 n . . 537 n . , 545 n . , 555 n . . 565 n . 567 n , 572 n., 575 n., 582 n , 584 n . , 5fl2 n. Avalokitevara 564 n, Avalon, Arthur, 592 and notes to 587, 593 596, 5986CO. 602605 ; s. Woodroffe. Avantivarman, 426. AvatSras, s. Viu iva. Avesta, 41 n., 76, 78,119, 80S f. Avimuktamhtmya, 576. Ayastha, 228. AyodhyaKda, 48I.
f

Ayurveda, 313 n.
Ayuyi sktni, 136.

614

INDEX 549 n., 553 n . , 554557, 572 n . , 573 n . , 578, 586, 587 n . , 605 n. Bhgavata religion, 457. B h g a v a t a s , 304 n., 426, 437 ff., 460, 654, 585 n B h a g a w a n , S w a m i Achintya, 241 n . Bhagwaddatta, 286 n, Bhaiajyni, 1 2 9 . Bhairava, 604 n . Bhairavas. 574 n , Bhakti, 431, 433, 435, 4 3 7 , 4 3 9 , 5 2 5 , 559, 586, Bhaktimrga, 6 0 1 . B h a k t M l a , 685 n. Bhandarkar, D . R . , 437 n , 524 n , 565 n . , 567 n. Bhandarkar, R. G., 40 n . , 46 n., 69 n., 237 n . , 241 n., 245 n., 295 n . , 306 n . , 428 n . , 435 n., 437 n , 438 n , 439 n . , 458 n . , 463 n., 4 6 4 n , 467 n., 505 n., 512 n 517 n , 554 n., 556 n., 574 n., 579 n . , 584 n . , 588 n , 591 n , 592 n. Bhnumat, 450. Bhnumatiharaa, 450 n. Bharadvja, a i 57. Bhradvja, 277 f., 285. Bhradvjaik, 285, 286 n. Bharata, the k i n g , 317, 376, 377 n , 453, 470, 540 ; Bh l e g e n d 548 f. Bharata, brother of Rma 481487, 493, 5 0 8 . Bhrata, 317 n . , 325, 376, 453, 4 7 1 , 473 f., 514. Bharatas, B haratas, 317 f., 328 ff., 443. Bharatavara, 548. Bharthari, 9, 18, 486 n. Bhsa 344 n , 362 n. Bhts B htas 315 n., 528 n. Bhattacharya, Rasikial, 499 n. Bhattacharya, Vidhushekhara, 601 n . Bhava 137. Bhavabhuti, 477. Bhaviyaparvan, 452, 464 n. Bhaviya/t/Pura, 519, 523 n . , 526 n . , 531 f., 67, 572 n. BhaviyottaraPura, 567. Bhma 329374, 385, 425, 471, 507. Bhema 329, 338, 341, 343 ff., 355, 357 ff., 371, 395, 406, 422 f., 458. B h m a k a , 449. Bhmaparvan, 359 n. Bhoja king of Dhr 40. Bhojaka, 567. Bbgu a i 391, 394, 542 f. ; B h g u s 1 2 0 n . Bhguvistara, 120 n. Bhgvagirasa, 120 n. Bjanighau, 604 n. B j a s 595, 601 f., 604 n. Bimbisra, 474, 524. Biography, 3 . Blaquiere, W . C , 582 n, B l a u , A . , 518 n . , 521 n , 548 n. Bloch T h . , 278 n. Bloomfield, Maurice, 110, 144, 146, 301 and notes to 59, 7 2 , 1 0 2 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 1 3 I . 1 3 3 , 1 3 5 , 1 4 0 1 4 2 , 149, 151 f., 154, 168, 190, 280 f., 313, 406, 518.

B d a r y a a , 265. BahvcaBrhmaa, 191 n. Baines A., 315 n. Baka a giant, 333 f., 3 4 7 . Baladeva or B alarma or R m a with the ploughshare, 336, 340, 367, 374, 446 f., 44945I. Baladevhnika, 451 n. Baladevamhtmyakathana, 449 n. Blakana, 479. Blki s. Grgya B lki. Balarma, s. B aladeva. Bali and Prahlda, 425. B a l l a d s , ballad poetry, 102 f., 113 n., 312, 400 n., 506, 508, 516 f., s. khyoa. BSa 40, 811, 438, 451, 463, 526, 553, 565 n. BSayuddha, 451 n. Bandhu = B rahmaa, 188 n. Banerjea, K. M . , 559 n . , 591 n. Bard poetry, 318, 377, 379, 387, 397, 5 2 1 , 528, 530. Barlaam and Joasaph, 409. B a r n e t t , L D . , 427 n , 48 n , 432 n . , 4 3 3 n . Barret, L e Roy Carr 121 n. Barth, Auguste, 34 n., 59 n., 68 n . , 70 n., 102 n., 238 n., 296 n . , 316 n . , 374 n . , 431 n., 452 n., 512 n . , 514 n . , 517 n., 536 n., 549 n . , 591 n. Barua, B enimadhab, 239 n . , 246 n . , 247 n , , 258 n. B a t t l e c h a n t s , 146. B a t t l e charm, 109 f. Baudhyana, 278, 299. BaudhyanaDharmastra, 234 n . , 241 n, BaudhyanaGhyastra, 277 n. BaudhyanaKalpastra, 271 n , 277. BaudhyanaPitmedhastra, 281 n. Baudhyanarautastra, 105 n . , 215 n . , 277 n . , 2 9 8 n . , 319 n. Baudbyanaulvastra, 277 n. Baumgartner, A . , 477 n . B a y n e s H . , 237 n . , 238 n . B e a l . S., 524 n. BelloniFilippi, F . , 579 n. Belvalkar, S. K., 288 n. Bendall, C , 571 n. Benedictions, 107, 136 f., 1 4 6 , 1 5 9 . Benfey Theodor, 2, 407 and notes to 163, 359, 368, 406, 409 f., 445, 585. Bengali, 50. Bergaigne, Abel, 59 n., 77 n. B e s a n t Annie, 427 n., 438. Betham G. K., 572 n Bhadkamkar, H . M . , 242 n. Bhaga 94, 108. Bhagavadgt, 11, 15 ff., 363 n . , 425439, 4 4 1 , 4 4 5 , 467, 460, 542, 557, 566, 574, 592 n . , 597. B h a g a v a t = V i ? n u , 425 n., 554. Bhgavat, Rjrm RSmkrishna, 154 n . , 474 n. Bhgavatamhtmya, 542 n. BhgavataPura, 377 n , 380 n., 394 n . , 454 n., 517 n . , 521 n . , 523 n 528 n., 530 ff., 541, 542 n , 644, 545 n . , 547 n ,

INDEX Bodas, M.R., 243 n. Boghazki, 304, 306. Bhtlingk, Otto, 22, 241 n . , 415 n., 439 n. B o i l i n g , G. M. 281 n. Books, written, 33 f. Bopp, Franz, 16 f., 327 n., 382, 394 n., 399 n. Bose, Shib Chunder, 399 n., 565 n. Boxberger, R . , 327 n., 409 n., 427 n. Bradke, P . v., 278 n . Brahmacrin, 154, 233, 273. Brahmadatta, 445 n., 450. Brahmagt, 571. Brahmagupta, 580. Brahmajlasutta, 471 n. BrahmakaivartaPura, 567. BrahmaKhaa, 541 n., 568. Brhmamarriage, 598. Brahman, philosophical term, 150 f., 154 ff., 175, 183 f., 186, 223 ff., 233, 241, 244, 247 ff., 253 f., 258, 260 f., 264, 268, 363 n . , 380, 416, 434, 436, 528, 537, 568, 593, 595, 597, 599, 6 0 1 ; etymology, 247 f.; sacrifice to the B rahman, 273. Brahman, the god, 3 1 , 36, 55, 174, 193 f., 2 5 9 , 3 4 1 , 3 5 4 , 360, 394 ff., 451, 452 n . , 476, 480, 492, 495, 532 f., 537 f., 542 ff., 549, 551, 560, 562, 569, 572 n., 573, 578, 581, 587 n., 589, 593. Brahman, the high priest, 160 ff., 184. Brbmaa/one who k n o w s the B rahman/, 229 n. ; s. B rahmans. Brhmanas, 42, 46, 53 I., 56 f , 62, 70 n , 101, 121, 126, 167, 171, 173, 183, 184 n., 187225, 226 f., 233 ff., 248, 259, 265, 301 f., 309, 317, 522, 6 0 2 , 6 0 5 ; meaning of the word, 187 f., 269 n. ; period of development of B . literature, 195 f., 201, 292 f., 295 f., 302, 306 n. ; religious and social conditions, 196201 ; science of sacrifice, 161, 189, 195, 208, 225 ff., 261 ; their contents, 201 ff. ; narratives, m y t h s and legends, 103 f., 208 ff., 226, 3 I . 317, 390 f., 394, 461, 470 f., 518, 561 n . , 578 n. ; creation legends, 219 ff. ; B . and rayakas, 233 f., 236, 261, 268 ; B . and Sutras, 270 ff., 278 n., 282, 2 9 4 ; Upaniads in B . , 235, 302 n. Brahmaaspati, 100. BrahmndaPurna, 523 n., 531 I., 553 n , 572 n . , 578 f. " Brahmanical m y t h s and legends, 321, 387 405, 410, 444, 459, 474, 480, 496, 504, 521. Brahmanism, 55, 291 f., 304, 517, 597; brahmanical morality, 417. Brahmans/brahmins, priestly caste/, 32, 42, 88, 109 f., 123 f., 147 f., 152, 160,198 ff., 211, 214, 218 f., 227 f., 230 ff., 246, 253, 259, 261, 275, 3 1 1 , 318 ff., 325, 335 f., 338 f., 353, 387, 392 f., 402 ff., 410, 415, 4 2 5 , 4 3 2 , 4 6 3 , 467, 480, 495, 497, 528, 529 n 541 ff., 558, 560, 564, 573, 583,

615

599,

BrahmaPura/BrhmaP./, 454 n., 526 n,, 531 f., 833336, 572 n. BrahmaSphuaSiddhnta, 580. BrahmavaivartaPura, 397 n., 522 n , 531 f., 533 n . , 541 n., 567569, 572 n. Brahmvarta, 196. B r a h m a v e d a , 162 n. Brahmodya, 183, 228, 352. Brahmo Samj 20, 438. Brandes, G., 7. BhadrayakaUpaniad, 62n., J85n., 194, 229, 2 3 l n . , 235f., 2 3 9 n . , 2 4 l n . , 246n, 253n., 256n, 257n., 258260, 264n., 363n. Bbadava, 381. Bhadbrahmasanihit, 590. Bhaddevat, 105n., 286f., 289n. BrhaddbarmaPura, 5 3 i n . , 513n, 558n., 580ff. Bhadviupura, 545n. Bhannal, 354f. BhannradyaPura, 557559. Brhaspati, god, 100 180, 4O5n., 425, 538. Brhaspati, author of a lawbook, 519n. ; N i t i of B . , 425. Bhat a melody, 153, 167, 181. Bhat 6 2 . Bhatkath, 49. Brockhaus, 462n. Bruce, Charles, 383n. Brune, J . , 164n. Brunnhofer, H . , 74n., 307. Bcher, K., l l l n . Buddha, 7, 47, 52, 201, 236, 310, 314, 320, 44On., 474, 486n., 510f., 524, 557, 582f. ; B . legend, 49On. ; B .ballads and epic, 508. Buddhacarita, 49On., 512f. Buddhism, 24, 27f., 51f., 2OI. 231, 258, 265, 292 3O3 4 U n . , 465, 474, 5O8ff., 516, 558n., 589n., 592, 605. Buddhist literature, 18, 2 1 , 24, 27, 29, 33, 36, 39, 47, 5 1 , 101f 126, 2OI. 22On., 263, 3O3,353n., 409, 41On., 486n., 508, 510f 516, 518, 524, 585, 597f. ; and the epics, 353n., 414, 471473, 5 1 1 ; canon, 32, 473, 5 1 0 ; B . Sanskrit literature, 4 7 ; B. Mahyna texts, 34, 525, 564n. ; B. Stories, 338n., 407, 409, 4 l l n . ; s. J t a k a ; B , Tantras, 6 0 5 ; B . dia logues, 404 ; s. Tipiaka. Buddhists, 27, 47I., 55, 125, 231, 264n., 314, 38On., 405, 409, 417, 422, 459, 463, 473I., 512f, 551, 558i; missionaries in China, 29. Bhler, Georg, 24, b l 34n., 40, 45n., 243n., 296n. 299f., 3O3I., 384n, 463n., 519n., 526n., 527n., 567n 58On 583n. Burial. 82n., 95f, 282; s. Funeral rites. Burk, Albert. 277n. BurnelI. A. C , l67n.> 192n, 24On., 28On., 286n. Burnouf, Eugene, 2Of, 517n., 5 2 l n . , 523n., 528n., 5 3 l n . , 555n., 556, 565n
t

616

INDEX Cowell E . B . , 235n., 2 3 8 n . , 490n. Creation (legends). 98ff., 208, 218225, 2 4 5 , 4 3 4 , 4 4 4 , 4 5 2 , 5 2 0 , 5 2 2 , 529, 534, 536I., 539, 546, 554, 558f., 567ff., 572, 574ff., 580, 588f., 60 I. 604. Crooke W 478n., 535n., 586n. ClikUpaniad, 120n., 240n., 242n. Cunha J. G. da, 5 7 i n . Curses, 125, 128, 140, 142146,182, Cyavana, 390ff., 402.

Cakra, 594f., 598, 6 0 1 , 604n. ; cakrap]a, 5'J4n, Caland W On., 13n, lUn, 96n., 1 0 2 n . , lO5n., 163n., I66Q., 167n., 169n 170n., 1H0n 191n., 102n., 272n., 2 7 4 n . , 2 7 7 n . , 2 7 8 D . , 279n., 28On., 2.sln., 284n., 2 8 8 n . , 2 9 8 n 319n, 384n., 523n., 565n., 58On. Caleb, C C , 427n. Cambodia, 464. Camp 101. Ca 591. Oadakauika, 5 6 l n . Cadi 565n. C a d m h t m y a , 565n. CaCudikPura, 582. Cadisataka, 565n. Candradeva, 583. Candragupta (Maurya), 2 8 , 474, 524. Candraguipta I (Gupta d y n a s t y ) , 524. Candrahsopkliyna, 585f. Cariypiakii, 409n. Carpenter, J . E . , 428n. Cartellieri, W , 316n., 463n. Cary, 588. Castes, 66. 1 2 I . 198, 218, 2 4 l n . , 269, 275, 415, 423, 523. 535, 5S9n 540. 550, 559, 567. 571, 5S2 589, 597I. Cattle, s. Cow. Caturdhyyik, 284n. Catnrmsya (sacrifice of the s e a s o n s ) , 172, 190, 207, 272f. Chanda R., 505n. Chaudas, 168n., 268n. Chandoga. 168n. ChndogyaUpaniad, 54, 162n., 185n., 22iin, 230n., 2 3 l n . , 2M3n, 235f., 2 4 l n . , 2 4 2 n . , 2 4 4 n . , 2l.5, 2 4 8 n . , 2 5 0 n . , 255n., 2 5 7 o . , 260n., 313n., 363n., 457, 557n., 578n. Charms, s. Magic. Charpentier. Jarl. 102n., 106n.. llln., 1 1 3 U . , 154n., 2 1 1 n . , 312n., 313n., 389n., 4 1 8 n . , 509n. Chaopdhyya, K., 306n. Chavaanes, E d . , 5L3n, 585n. Chzy, A. L . , 1 5 f . 3 7 6 n . , 534n. Chinese pilgrims, 29, 605. Chiromancy, 577. Christian Eucharist, 4 4 0 ; m y s t i c s , 266, 4 3 l n . ; influence, 266, 4 3 l n . Chronology, 575, 601 ; of Indian litera ture, 2530, 290ff. Cirakrin, 413. Circle, s. Cakra. Citrgada, 322, 329. Citrgad and Arjuna, 339. Clemen, C , 307n. Cotebrooke, H e n r y T h o m a s , 12f., 16, 19, 40, 9 9 n . , 2 4 l n . , 556. Commentaries, 4, 3 8 , 270, 497n. Comparative philology, 16f. Cosmogony, 149158, 240, 424, 523, 537. Cosmography. 577. Cosmology, 320, 537, 566, 580. Cosquin, E . , 585n. Cow, 64f., 153f., 1 8 1 , 1 8 4 , 2 2 I . 404.

I D a h l m a n n , Joseph, 3 1 3 n . , 316n., 440n., 459f.,47ln. Dak?a, 444, 533, 551, 576. Daki, priestly fee, 114, 148, 160, 175, 181, 188, 199. Dakicra. 599n. D a m a , 560n. Damayant, s. N a l a and D . Dmodara I I , k i n g of K a s h m i r , 479. Dnadharma, 445, 464. Dnastutis, 114117, L49 314. D a n c i n g , 4, 448, 580. Dadin 605n. Dara Shakoh Mohammed, 19. Darrnesteter, J . , 374n. Darapramsa (new and full moon sacri fice), 172, 190, 202, 272I. D a s , Abinas Chandra, 3 0 8 n . Das, B h a g a v a n , 427n. Daakumracarita, 605n. Daaratha, D a s a r a t h a , 48lff., 487, 497, 508f. DasarathaJtaka, 486n, 508, 509n. Dsas 6 3 , 78. Dsgfiipta, S., 2 3 2 n . , 247n., 2 4 9 n . , 480n., 596n. Dassara feast, 477. Dasyu 6 3 , 78. D a t t a , B h a g a v a t , 289n. Davids, s. l i h y s Davids. Davies J o h n , 427n. D e a t h , 97, 174, 2 2 l n . , 395ff.. 411L 417ff., 484f., 553, 566, 577 ; s. B urial. Funeral rites. D e u s s e n , P a u l . 150, 155f., 236, 246, 248ff 258, 266 and notes to 45, 99f.. 110, 115, 117I.. 175, 218, 2 2 3 , 232234. 238245, 247, 327, 395, 414f., 417, 424I., 427, 439f., 515, 526, 559. Devak 446, 457. Devas 7 8 , 1 9 7 . Devi, 5 5 5 n . , 573f., 576, 5 8 1 , 5 9 1 , 693ff., 599ff. D e v b h g a v a t a P u r a , 5 3 l n . , 555. Devmhtmya 565. Dhammapada, 418n. Dbanafijaya=Arjuna, 472. D h a n v a n t a r i , 389. D h a r m a , right and morals, 275, 326, 352, 406, 422, 424n., 519n., 5 8 1 , 5 9 9 ; god of justice and death, 329I., 353, 374, 390, 397, 398n., 563I. Dharmastras, 2 3 3 n . , 4 2 4 , 526n, 5 8 l n . , 606,

INDEX Dharmastras, 56, 241, 275, 277f., 285. Dharmavydha, 415, 581. Dhartar, 94. Dhtar 94, 156f. Dhataraha, 472. Dhadyumna, 335f., 358, 365, 368f. Dhtarra, 315, 323, 329ff., 338, 342f., 345ff., 35Of., 356ff., 363, 366f., 370, 373, 406, 408, 456,470, 472. Dhruva, 296f., 444, 546, 557. Dhyna 596, 602. Dhynayoga, 543. Dialogue h y m n s , 1OO1O8, 311 ; d. between father and son, 417, 561 ; dialogues, 246, 404, 4l4f., 421, 424, 530, 518, 5 5 0 : s. Itihsasavda. Dice, game of, 112ff, 172, 342, 345ff., 381, 449. Didactic poems, 459. Digambara J a i n s , 525, 538, 551. Dk 587, 590, 602. Dikshit, Sankar B . , 298n. Dnra 464n. Dio Chrysostomos, 465n. D i s e a s e s , 129137. Divination, 4. Drhyyanarautas5tra, 279, Drama, 2, 4, 39, 43, 45, 48f., 101ff., 312n., 4 5 1 n . , 4 77, 507, 512n. Draupadl. 334357, 367375, 384, 397n., 398, 425, 472, 502, 507, 56Of. ; s, K. Dravidian languages, 5 1 . Droa 330, 338, 343f., 347, 357f., 363, 365, 371, 375, 560n. Droaparvan,363n. Drupada, 334ff., 356, 358f., 365, 369, 371. Duhanta (Duyanta), 317, 470. Duperron, s. Anquetil du Perron. Durg 446n., 451n, 467, 538, 539n., 542, 565I.,568, 570, 5 7 l n . , 576, 578n., 591, 593, 605. Durgmhtmya, 565n. Durgpj, 565. Durgstava, 4 5 l n . Durgstotra, 468n. Durjanamukhacapeik, omahcapeik opad mapduk 555n. Durvsas 549n. Duryodhana, 329375 4O6 455 470 507. Dusana, 331 343ff., 361, 3 6 3 , 366, 470. DuyantaDuhanta, 376f. Dtaghaotkaca, 362n. D 5 t a v k y a , 344n. Dutt Manmatha Nath 327n., 479n., 544n., 555n., 566n., 576n., 592n. Dutt Romesh 327n., 335n., 479n. DvdaasahasrStotra, 566. Dvaipyana, s. Vysa. Dvrak, 449, 451. DvravatI. 452. DvipadVirj62. Dvivedi, Manual N . , 529. Dyaus 75, 222.

617

E a r t h , 87, 91, 137, 1511., 157, 175, 178, 183, 494f., 515, 5 7 0 ; s. Pythiv. Eckhart, 266. Economics, 4. Edgerton, Franklin, 119n., 121n., 149n., 28ln.,435,438n. E e l s i n g h , H . F . , 191n. E g g e l i n g , Julius, 193n., 198n., 2O2n., 2O3n, 2O4n., 2O5n, 2O7n., 2O9n., 2lOn., 217n., 218n., 384n., 514n., 517n., S33n., 535n., 536n., 544n., 553n., 55n., 557n., 566n., 57On., 5 7 l n . , 572n., 5 7 9 n 58On., 582n., 584n., 589n., 59On, 592n. Ehni J . , 107n Ekkarakoa, 6O4n. Ekaga, 4OOn ; s. Unicornlegend, Ekntha, 579. Eliot, Sir Charles, 457n, 458n., 46On., 517n., 556n, 569n, 587n, 588n, 592n., 593n., 595n. Embryology, 241, 601. Encyclopaedia, 566, 576. Epic poetry, Epics, 2, 18, 3 5 , 37, 431., 46, 48, 1OI. 103, 226, 291, 3OO 311316, 319, 324n., 334n., 497,506, 552, 587 ; beginnings of, 101,226,311ff., 324n. ; e. in B rhmaas, 208218; language of, 44, 46, 461, 51Off. ; Indian and Greek e. 5OO ; their age, 512n. ; ornate e., 21., 512. Erotics, 4, 244n. : s, Kmastra. Eschatology, 245 ; s. H e a v e n , Hell. Ethics, 2O7f., 258260, 319, 352, 406, 415, 4241., 429, 529, 540, 588, 597 ; ethical maxims s. Aphorisms. Etymology, 56, 70, 146, 203, 220, 268. Ewing A. H . , 6O4n. Exorcisms, 109, 125, 132, 136, 140, 142146, 1821., 273, 388 ; for B rahmans, 1471. Expiatory ceremonies, s. Prayascitta. Expiatory formulae, 137f. Ezourvedam, 13n. F a b l e s , 2, 6 , 1 0 I . 320, 4O5ff. Faddegon, B ., 435n. F a H i e n , 29. Fairytale, 2, 320, 405, 407. Farquhar, J . N . , 435n., 517n., 529n.. 532n., 545n., 554n., 556n., 565n., 568n., 569n., 574n., 576n., 579n., 588n., 59On., 592n., 593n., 6O4n. F a t e , 342, 375, 411f., 492. Fathers, s. Pitaras. Fauche, H . , 327n., 479n. Fausbll. V., 4O9n., 415n., 5O8n. F a y , Edwin \V,, 72n., 276n. Felber E . , 169n. Fick Richard, 232n. Firealtar, 173, 181, 193, 205. Firecult, 90, 1191., 172n. Firedrill. 179. Fire priest, s. Atharvan. Firesacrifice, s. Agnihotra. Fleet, J . F . , 28n, 437n., 474n, 512n., 523n 526n. Floodlegend, 210, 394, 396, 541, 575.

78

618

INDEX Gawronski, A . , 513n. G a y m h t m y a , 554, 578. Gyatr, 6 1 , 6 3 , 153, 164, 179ff, 217. Geiger, B ernhard, 169n. Geiger, W i l h e l m , 5Ln. Gelder, J. M. van, 278n. Geldner, Karl F . , 67, 7 1 , 72n., 74, 1 0 2 n . , 105n., 209n., 3 l 3 n 445n., 552n. Genealogies, 820, 444I., 520, 522f., 528n., 529, 586f., 551, 554, 560, 566, 570, 574ff., 580, 584 ; genealogical verses, s. A n u vaalokas, Vaas. Geography, 320, 534, 548, 566, 575, 5 8 0 ; of the Veda, 63f., 123, 195f, 299I. ; ot the epics, 5O7f. Geometry, 4 , 275. German and Indian, 68, 132ff. Gesta Romanorum, 585n. Ghatajtaka, 472n. Ghaotkaca, 333, 48. 363f. Gheyn J. van den, 4 3 l n . Ghora Agirasa, 457. Ghose Aurobindo, 237n. Gildemeister, J . , 23n. Giles, P . , 3 0 4 n . , 305. Gta, s. B hagavadgt. Gtagovinda, 556n., 557n. Gtlakranirdi.a, 554n. G i t m h t m y a , 542n. Glasenapp, HelmutL von, 1 8 n . o . 7 n . Gnomic poetry, s. Aphorisms. GobhilaGbyasutra, 160n., 2 7 . " 7 , 273, 281. Gobhilaputra, 2S1. GobhilyaPariKas, 2 8 l n . God, 553, 574 ; s. Love of God. Godabole, N . B . , 58Cn. Goethe, 11, 200n. Goloka 440. Gopla B hatta Ratna 279n. GopathaBrhmaa. 70n, 190. Gorresio, Gaspare, 479n, 498. Gospels, s. N e w T e s t a m e n t . Gough A. E . , 247n. Govardhana, 447. Govindcrya Svmin A., 505ri, 538n. Grmageyagana, 167. Grammar, 3f., 8, 12, 35, 56, 226, 268. 2 8 4 , 289, 566, 577, 580. Grammarians, 32, 283, 285. Grassmann, H , 71. Greeks, 27, 295n., 437, 446, 465, 514, 51 I. Grbastha, 233. Ghyakarmi, 160. Ghyasacrifices, 162n. Ghyasagrahapariia, 2 8 1 . Grhyastras, 56, 1 0 7 , 1 2 6 , 160, 272fl'., 280f 296, 515. Grierson, G. A , 40n., 43n., 47n., 49n., 51n., 342n., 4 3 l n . , 436n., 439n, 440n., 4 5 5 n . , 458n., 508n.. 511n., 512n 514n., 556n., 568n., 586n. Griffith, Ralph T. H . , 81f., 92, 112, 157 and notes to 7 1 , 9 8 , 104, 107f., I l l , 119, 129131, 137, 141, 144, 147, 153, 170, 399, 410, 476, 479, 483f

Florenz, C A . , H 9 n . Foresthermits, 53, 175, 2 l 2 n . , 231, 234, 255. Forrer, E . , 8O6n. Forster, Georg, 11. F o u c a u x , P h . E . , 327n. Frank, Othmar, 2On. Franke, R. Otto, 2 7 n . , 410n., 415n., 5 l 2 n , Friederich, . , 469n. 514n, 578n. Friedlaender, W . , 233n. Fritze, L . , 384n. Fritzsche, R., 237n. F r o g song, 109f. Funeral h y m n s , songs, 9597, 107, 122, 148, 160, 176. Funeral rites, death ceremonies, 148, 160, 193, 272, 811, 566, 577 ; s . B urial. F o r s t , A , 236n. G a a s t r a , D , 190n., 279n. GambierParry, F . R., 5 3 l n . Gaapati str T., 278n., 279n., 604n. GSnas 16, 169. Gandhra, 437. GSndhr, 329, 346, 358, 860, 367, 370f., 373, 507. Gandbarvas, 78, 104, 1 3 i f , 209, 217f., 259, 325, 332, 348, 350, 354, 540. Gandharvaveda, 319n. Gaeia 468n., 539n., 566, 568, 570, 573, 576, 582. GaeaKbaa, 568. GaeaPura, 582. Ganeastotra, 570. G a g ( G a n g e s ) , 64, 123, 328n., 480, 535, 543f., 558, 58lf. Gaftgdharm. 682. GasahasranSman, 572. G a n g e s , s. Gag. Ganguli, Kisori Mohan, 327n. Garbe, Richard, 225, 436 and notes to 121, 232, 277f., 280, 304, 427, 430L . 3 3 , 437, 439f, 457f. GarbhaUpaniad, 2 4 I . 242n. Gardabhas, 524. Grg 229. Grgya B lki 245n., 253. Garua 388f., 576. GarudaPura(GaruaP), 454n., 523n., 530ff., 572n., 576578, 580. GaruaUpaniad, 210n, 245. Garutmat, 100. Gaster, M . , 585n. Gths 47, 2 H , 2 1 4 n 215, 226, 3 1 1 , 314, 471, 520, 530 ; s. Jtaka ; g. nras, 226, 314, 470. Gauapda, 590n. GauapdyaKariks, 238n. Gaur 576. Gautama, father of Svetaketu, 230. Gautama B uddha, s. B uddha. GautamaDharmastra, 35, 2 4 l n . , 519. Gautama Hridrumata, 230. GautamaPitmedhas5tra. 2 8 l n . Gautamasmti, 565n. Gautamarddhakalpa, 280n. G a u t a m m h t m y a , 535,

INDEX Grill, Julius, 119n. Grimm, Jacob, 486n. Grohmann, J . V . , 13On. Grtsamada, a l. 57f. Grube, E , , 3 l 2 n . Grube, W . , 268n. Gubernatis, A. de, 383. Guhya, 49, 514n. Guas 430, 532. G u n e , P . D . , 7On. Guptas, 524, 553. H a a s , E . , 21 in. Haberlandt, M . , 4O9n. H a l v y , J . , 3O4n. H a l h e d , Nathaniel B rassey, 10. H a l l . F. i l . , 574n. Hallieadauces, 448n. H a m i l t o n , Alexander, 13f 15n. H a m m e r , Joseph v.. 4O9n. Hatnsaimbliakopkhyna, 453n. H a n u m a t , 348, 385, 477f., 489ff., 501, 509. H a n x l e d e n , Johann E r n s t , 9. Hara=Siva, 452D. Harapra>ada astr 526n., 5 7 l n . , 58On., 592n., 53n., 595n., 596n., 6O4n., 6O5n. Hardy. Edmund, 176n., 472n. Hare, W . L . , 429n. H a r i = V i ? n u , 444, 452n., 453, 547. Harigt. 438n. Harihartmakastava, 4 5 2 D . Harilil, 555n. Hariscandra, 211214, 5 6 1 . Harivama, 105, 321, 377n 38On., 4O7n., 44354, 455ff , 460, 464, 467n., 468n., 469, 4 7 2 , 4 7 7 502, 5O3n. ; 5 4 l n . , a religious book 452 ; a Pura 443f 454 ; H . and Purnas, 517f., 520, 552f 557, 566, 575, 577. " HarivaaPura, 443. Hara 525. Haracarita, 463n., 526. H a r t i n g , P . , 277n. H a s t i n g s , W a r r e n , 9f. Hauer, J. W , 110n., 154n., 243n. H a u g Martin, 110n, 118n., 19On, 211n., 247n. H a u v e t t e B e s n a u l t , M., 555n. H e a v e n , h. and earth, deities, 87, 92, 137, 151f, 175 ; s. Dyaus ; world or worlds of h. 348f., 374f., 381, 497, 532, 534I., 538, 548, 553, 563f. Hecker Max F . , 249n., 264n., 266n., 267n. H e g e l , 18. H e i n e , Heinrich, 7, 64. H e l l . 174, 375, 532, 534I., 538, 548, 553, 558, 562ff., 571, 577. Hemacandra, 514n. Hemdri, 535, 5 3 6 n . , 5 5 6 n . Hemavl.'sya, 353n. H e n r y , V . , 1 1 8 n . , 119n, 272n., Herder, 9, 11,14. H e r e t i c s , 542f., 5 5 1 , 558. Herodotus, 63n. Heroic e p i c Heroic poetry, 314, 3 2 1 , 875ff., 459, 466.

619

Hertel. Johannes, 102, 307, and notes to 46, 63, 105, 237, 242, 248, 312f 327, 353, 399, 456. Hertz, W . , 342n. Hesiod 152n. Hiimba, 332, 347. Hidimb, 332, 348. Hillebrandt, Alfred, 77, 79, 84, 305 and notes to 16, 59, 7 1 , 74, 76. 86, 102. 105, 154, 166, 168, 175f., 232, 237, 239, 242, 247, 27lf., 279, 281, 306, 436, 486.

Hindi, 49f.
Hindustani, 50. Hinduism, 517, 529, 5 9 I . H i r a y a g a r b h a = B r a h m a n , 528a. Hirayakaipu, 547. HirayakeiDharmastra, 278. HirayakeiGhyastra, 277n. HirayakeiPitmedhastra, 2 8 l n . HirayakeSi rautastra, 277n. Hirayakein, Satvdlha, 277f. Hirzel B . , 376n. History, 3 , 29I., 529. Hitopadea, 11, 13, 18. H i t t i t e s , 304. Hoffmann, P . T h . , 14n. H o l t z m a n n , Adolf /Senior/, 327 f. 379n., 3 8 l n . 382n., 3 8 8 D . , 399n., 4OOn., 4 8 l n . , 486n. H o l t z m a n n , Adolf /the nephew of the for mer/, 462f., and notes to 315f., 361, 383, 393f. 399, 427, 443, 454, 456458, 465, 467, 469, 502, 520, 546, 553, 557, 584. Homer, 458n., 465n., 500 514. H o m m e l . F . , 295n. Hopkins, E . W a s h b u r n , notes to 63, 191, 2 9 6 , 3 0 3 , 316f., 321, 384, 300, 423, 431, 435437, 439f., 448, 455I., 458, 460462, 464f., 468, 471, 474, 502, 504, 506, 510, 517, 520, 553. Hor 589n. Horovitz, J . , 549n. Horse sacrifice /avamedha/, 173ff., 180, 1 8 3 , 1 9 3 , 3 1 1 , 372, 452, 481, 494, 5 4 1 , 584. H o t a r , 8 9 , 1 6 O n . , 161I., 163n., 183I., 194, 214, 215n. H o w e l l s , G., 431 n. Hrishkea str 557n., 55 n., 569u. H s a n T s a n g , 29, S9 535. Huber, E d . , 513n. Hubert, H . , 272n. H u l t z s c h , E u g e n , 472n. H u m a n sacrifice /puru9amedha/, 174f., 192f. 2Oln., 215, 56On., 565, 582. Humboldt, Wilhelm von, 17, 426I., 43On., 435. H u m e , R. E , 242n 247n, 257n, 259n., 262a. Has 524. H s i n g , G., 307. I b b e t s o n , D . , 5O3n. Icarus, 489n. I daughter of Manu, 210f. ; s. IJ. Identifying, 203. Ik?vSku, 444, 551.

620

INDEX JaiminyaUpauiadBrhmaa, s. Jaiminya Brhmaa. Jaina literature, 2 4 , 27, 48f., 338n, 511, 524, 585. JainaMhrr, 48. Jainas 24, 27, 48, 125, 237n, 303, 314, 380n, 406, 409, 411n, 417, 418n, 422, 472n, 473f., 514, 5 5 1 . Jjali 415f'. J a m a d a g n i , 404. Jmbavat, 492. Jambudvpa, 548. Janaka. king, 227f, 404, 405n, 414, 415n., 481, 515, 564n. Janamejaya, 323f., 369, 388, 390, 443I., 452, 456, 470, 520. Jarsandha, 335, 341, 448. ' ' Jtaka 400n., 401, 4 1 0 n . , 415n., 418n., 471 I., 473n., 5 0 9 ; gths 401n., 508n., 509n. J a y u s , 487ff. J a y . 581. Jayadeva, 556n. Jayadratha. 3 5 1 , 363, 3 7 1 . Jayadratbaymala, 605n.' Jelleddn R m 409. J e n s e n , P . , 306n. Jh G a n g a n a t h , 242 n. J m 5 t a 354. Jna 587. Jnmtasrasambit, 591. J n r a v a T a n t r a , 604. Jnatan'tra, 596n. Job, 5 6 l n . Jolly, J u l i u s , 3 1 6 n . , 505n., 519n. Jones, W i l l i a m , 1114. Jrgensen, H a n s , 276n. J y o t i a V e d g a , 268n., 289. K d a m b a r , 463. Kadr5 313, 389. Kaegi Adolf, 71n, 72. Kaikey, 481 f., 484f., 507. Kai Khosru, 374n. Kailsa, 348f., 440, 492, 542. Kailsaytr, 453n. KaivalyaUpaniad, 242n. Kla 150f., 412f. Kalhaa, 426, 479n., 523n., 5 2 5 , 5 2 9 n 583f. Kl 582, 591, 593f., 595n., 604. Kali a g e , s. Kaliyuga. Klidsa, 11, 26ff., 64, 1 0 5 , 3 6 4 , 3 7 6 , 4 7 7 , 506, 540, 580. Kali era, s. Kaliyuga. KlikPura, 582. Kallah and D i m n a h 409. KlvilsaTantra, 603. Kaliyuga, 452, 473f., 523ff., *526n., 527, 553, 557, 574, 582, 594, 596f. Kalki 552. KalkiPura, 582. Kalmapda, 403. Kalpa 226, 2 6 8 n . , 271, 533 ; s. Ritual. Kalpanmaditik, 513. Kalpastras, 56, 272, 275ff., 282.

l i a , 495. I l a = I d a , 55I. Immortality, 2 1 1 , 255, 262, 389. Incarnations, s. Viu iva. Incubi and Succubi, ] 3 4 . IndoEuropean, I . l a n g u a g e s , 5f., 41, 51f, 68, 7 4 f . , 8 4 , 96, 108, 136, 1 8 3 n . , 200, 274, 290, 306, 309. IndoIranian language, 41 ; prehistoric period, 59, 78, 119, 309. Indra, 59, 65, 7 6 I . , 8 0 , 8288, 94f., 98, 100, 108, 111I., 114, 124, 1 3 2 , 1 3 7 , 153, 156I., 160, 166, 173, 177f., 184, 197, 201, 2 0 3 , 213, 216, 218f., 227, 253f., 2 6 1 , 304f., 306n., 329f., 337n, 338n, 347ff., 3 5 1 , 3 6 0 , 3 6 4 . 3 6 6 , 374f., 380I., 3 8 3 , 392f., 4 0 5 n 412, 447, 449, 460, 470, 489n., 4 9 2 I . , 4 9 5 f . , 4 9 8 n . , 516, 538ff, 546, 552, 560f., 563n. Indradyumna, 573. Indrajit, 492, 507. Inscriptions, 11,13, 2732 47, 299, 463f., 512n. Ipsen Gunther, 307n. IUpaniad, 176, 237, 242n., 264n. varagt, 574. Isvaraka, 589n. IvarasaiphitS, 590. Ivarastuti , 453n. Istibsa, 126n., 208, 218, 224, 226, 311ff, 316, 319, 325, 387, 404, 407, 410, 414, 422, 461, 470, 504, 518, 527f., 581, 595, 604. Itihsapura, 126, 3 1 3 , 518. Itihsasavda, 405, 407f 414f, 422. Itibsaveda, 313n. I t i v t t a , 518n. I1sing, 29, 36n. Iyer, V . Venkatachellam, 388n., 423n., 462n., 468n., 469n. J a b l 229I. JblaUpaniad, 240, 549n. Jbii 486. Jackson, A. M. T . , 5 2 l n . Jacob, G . A . , 238n., 2 4 l n . , 242n. Jacobi, H e r m a n n , 294297, 299, 305, 498I., 503, 506, 510, 532, 516 and n o t e s to 44, 48f., 233, 247, 249, 298, 304, 314316, 320, 384I., 394, 435, 437, 457I., 4 6 1 , 465L 472, 479I., 486f., 490f., 493f., 496, 500502, 504f., 508, 5 1 1 , 514I., 5 5 0 , 605. Jacobs, Joseph, 585n. Jaabharata, 549n., 5 6 l n . Jagannit, 593. Jagat 62, 164, 179, 181. J a h n , W i l h e l m , 517n., 535n., 53Gn, 5 4 6 n . , 567n, 569n. Jaimini, 5G0f, 584. JaiminiBhrata, 584fT. JaiminyaBrhmaa, 190u., 1 9 1 , 192u., 235, 245n., 390n., 3 9 l n . , 392n. JaiminyaGhyastra, 279. J a i m i n i y a . S a h i t , 163n. Jaiminyarautastra, 279.

INDEX K a m a , 99, 14Of., 326n., 424n, 539. Kmasstra, 450; s. Erotics, V u t s y y a n a . Kasa 446, 448. Kau 534. Kanika, 39, 5 1 3 . Knta Pthuravas, 307. Kanjilal, R a m l a l . 583n. Kant, 252,266. Kava a i 58. KvaschooI. 170, 192. K v y a n a s , 552. K p l a s , 574n. Kapila 434n., 556, 582. Kpila stra 434n. K a p i b a l a K a h a S a h i t , 170. Kraavyha.525. Kriks, 281. K a r m a n , 2 5 8 f , 411ff, 4 4 1 , 562, 577. Karmapradpa, 281. Kara 33Of., 335f., 338, 344ff 35OI., 855f., 358, 360, 362ff., 3 7 l f . , 375, 470, 507. Karaparvan, 365n. Krttavrya, 574. Krttikeya, 480, 573. KKhaa, 572. Kmhtmya, 574. Krm, 586n. Kmramhtmya, 5 8 3 , 584n. Kmn', 50. Kayapa, 142, 452n., 576. Kayapa Naidhruvi, 194n. Khaka, 104, 169, 314n., 389n., 470. KhakaGhyastra, 278. Khaka or KahaUpaniad, 186, 237, 2 4 1 n 2 2 n , 261, 312, 570. K a t h a k a s , 529n. Kathsaritsgara, 105. K t y y a n a , 2 4 4 n . , 284, 286, 512n. Ktyyanarddhakalpa, 28On. Ktyyanarautastra, 215n., 279. Ktyyanaulvas5tra, 279. Kaula, 595, 596n., 599f. ; Kauladharma, 598. Kauravas, 314, 317, 328, 330, 335, 34I.372, 375I., 427, 454ff., 458, 460, 462, 471, 473f. KaurmaPura, s. K o r m a P u r a . Kausaly, 48lff., 497, 507. Kauika, 415. Kauikastra, 129, 139, 280, 2 8 l n . , 515n. Kautakirayaka, 235. KautakiBrhmaa, 19Of., 227, 235. Kauctakigfbyas5tras, 279n. KautakiUpaniad, 231n, 235f., 2 4 5 , 2 5 3 n . , 26On. Kauthumas, 163. KautilyaArthastra, 2 4 4 n . , 245n., 3 1 3 n 518n., 519n., 598n. Kavaa a rl. 228. Kvya s. Ornate/court/poetry, Keith, Arthur B erriedale, notes to 60, 63, 6 5 , 72, 75, 102, 154, 169171, 175177, 190193, 2 1 1 , 215, 232, 235, 239, 243, 277. 279281, 283f., 287, 295, 3 0 4 , 4 3 1 , 4 3 5 , 4 5 1 , 458, 461, 464 498, 510, 512, 524, 526. Kellner, H . C , 384n., 399n. KenaUpaniad, 235f., 2 4 l n . , 242n. Kennedy, J . , 44On.
f

621

Kennedy, V a n s , 517n, 526n. Kern, H . , 469n., 514n. KhdiraGhyastra, 279. Khclava forest, 341. Khilas 59f., 174, 312n., 321, 443. K i b e , M. V . , 487n. Kcaka 354. Kielhorn, F r a n z , 24, 3 9 n . , 285n., 605n. King/Chinese books, 268n. K i n g , magic songs and rites for, 146f. ; sacrifices for, 172f. ; K. and B r a h m a n s , 2 6 1 , 3 8 7 ; duties of t h e K . , 423, 5 7 6 ; s. Rjasya. Kirta 347. Kirtrjunya, 13. KirfeI. W . , 2 3 6 n . , 4 6 l n . Kirste J . , 2 7 7 n . , 316n., 463n. Kiskindhkda, 489. K l e m m , Kurt, 191n. Knauer, Friedrich, 278n., 279n. Koegel. Rudolf, 183n, 36On. Konow, Sten 4 7 P . , 77n., 28On., 304n., 305, 3O6n. Koul nand 583n. Kramrisch, Stella, 58On Krishnavarm, Shyamaji, 34n., 46n. Kriy 588. Kriyyogasra, 543. Krpa 330, 343, 347, 367f. Kna, 336ff., 344, 347, 349, 356ff., 36OI., 363ff., 369ff., 385, 426n., 427ff., 43lff., 436f., 443, 455, 457f., 4 5 9 D 468n 505, 532n., 533n., 534, 537, 541, 566, 569I., 574, 584, 586, 591, 593, 603 ; K.cult, 466, 472n., 5 0 5 ; K.epic, 452, 4 6 8 n . ; K.legend, 445451, 453, 4 5 6 , 4 7 2 , 5 4 2 , 552, 557, 568. K = DraupadI. 335ff. Kca Dvaipyana, s. V y s a . KcajanmaKhaa, 568. Ktavarman, 367f. Katrivas, s. Warriors. Kemvara, 5 6 l n . Kubera, 348f. KubjikmataTantra, 6O4n. Kuhn, Adalbert, 135, 287n. K u h n , E r n s t , 409, 585n. Kula 598 Kulcra, 599. Kulacmai, 6OOf. KulacmaiTantra, 587n. KulaDharma, 599. Kulapj, 599n. KularavaTantra, 587n., 599f. Kulasundars, 601. Kullka, 519n. Kumra 480. Kumralta, 513. Kumrila, 463, 526. Kumrpjana, 604. Kualin akti 6OOff, 6O4n. Kuntpa h y m n s , 149, 314, 470. Kunti 329I., 333f., 336I., 340, .346, 357I., 362, 372f., 385, 398, 432I., 507. K r m a P u r a , 53lf., 533n., 557n., 572n., 73575, 578, 6O6n.

622

INDEX Lomaa a ?i, 348, 401. Lorinser F . , 427 n., 431 n. Lotusflower, 64. L o v e , magic songs and rites referring to it, 139142, 2 4 5 , 2 7 3 ; L . towards all beings, 201, 416 ; L . of God, 432 f., 440, 529. Lovegod, s. K a m a . Lders, H . , 2 4 , 520 and notes to 3 8 , 229 f., 2 8 5 , 3 1 2 . 400 f., 412. 468, 472 f., 480. 508 f., 536, 540. L u d w i g , Alfred, 60, 7 1 , 294 and notes to 5 8 , 1 1 5 , 1 1 9 , 1 8 3 , 2 6 8 , 2 9 5 , 3 0 1 , 3 1 6 f., 79 384, 455, 461, 469471. Lunar dynasty, 445, 522, 534, 5 5 1 , 576. Lyric poetry, 2 , 48, 1 3 I . M a c d o n e l l . A. A . , 85, 90, 93, 115 and notes to 65, 71, 77, 83, 96, 100, 109, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 , 154, 243, 286, 295 1., 304, 303. Mackenzie, J o h n , 259 n. Macnicol. N . , 592 n. MSdhava, Mdhavcrya, 571 n , 604 n. Mdhava B h a a 569 n. MSdhava and Sulocan, 544. Madhusdana Sarasvat, 265 n. Madhva 242 n . , 536, 556 n. Mdhyandinaschool, 170, 192. Madras, the people, 329, 356, 365, 371. Mdr 329 I., 353. Maga, 567. Magadba, 474, 508. Mgadhas, 315 n. Mgadh, 47, 49. M g h a m h t m y a , 542 n. M a g i , 120. Magic, m. rites, 4, 120, 125 f., 128 f., 139, 143, 146, 168 f., 172, 244 f., 2 7 3 , 280, 287, 588, 6 0 1 , 604 ; m. songs (spells, formulas, i n c a n t a t i o n s ) , 1 0 9 l l l , 119 1., 123 ff., 127 1., 131133, 135 1., 146, 182, 186, 244, 248 ; m. songs for healing, 129136, l 4 2 < ; o f w a r , 146 ; for k i n g s , 146 f. ; for B r a b m a n s , 147 f. ; for sacri ficial purposes, 148 f. Magician, priest of magic, wizard, 120, 125, 142, 168. MahBhgavataPura, 555 n. Mahabhrata, 2 , 1 1 , 15 ff., 26, 196, 233 n . , 311 n., 313 ff., 316475, 519 n., 541 n. ; public readings of, 45, 463 f., 471 n. ; w h a t is the M . ? 316327 ; is a poetical work and a manual. 3 2 1 , 453, 459, 504 ; age and history of, 3 2 1 , 454475, 503 ff. ; historical foundation of, 455, 470 1. ; extent of, 321 f., 324 f., 375 n . , 463 ; P a r v a n s of, 313, 3 2 1 , 341 n . , 346 n . , 353 n., 356 n . , 359 n . , 363 n., 365 n . , 366 n . , 368 n . , 370 n . , 372 n , 373 n., 374 n , 375 n . , 388 n . , 389 n., 423 1.; Vysa the author, 322 ff., 527 ; consists almost entirely of speeches, 324 ; lang uage, style and metre, 101 f., 461 ff., 504 ; supposed revisions, 463 ff. manus cripts of, 464 f., 468 ; recensions, 464 n., 468 n. ; editions, 467 ff. ;

Kuru, 317. Kuru battle, 318, 372, 470, 473, 506. Kuruketra, 196, 209, 317, 359, 370 n., 471. Kurupaclas, 470 ; s. Kurus, Paclas. Kurus, 195f., 328ff., 466, 470. Kusa and L a v a , 315, 4941., 497, 584. Kualavopkhyna, 584. Kulavas, 315, 494 n. Labberton, D . van Hinloopen, 435 n., 469 n. L a b h a y a , R a m , 499 n. Labour song, 1 1 1 . Lacte F . , 318 n., 469 n. L a i g a P u r a , s. L i n g a P u r n a . L a k m a a , 48lff., 487f, 492ff., 496n., 507f. L a k m a a Deika 604. Lakmana Shstr, M , 6O3n. Laksm. 338n., 389, 542f., 568, 5731., 579, 589n., 593. Lakma, 586n. LakmTantra, 587n., 589n. LSkuliaPupata, 574 n. L a l i t D e v i , 578 n. L a l i t a v i s t a r a , 525, 605 n. L a n g l s , L . , 15 n. L a n g l o i s , S. A . , 443 n. L a n g u a g e s of I n d i a , 4051. Lak 487 ff., 501, 514. L a n m a n C. R , 119 n . , 121 n . , 122 n . , 154 n. L a s s e n , Christian, 21 f., 534 n. LyayanarautasStra, 279 f. L a Valle P o u s s i n , Louis de, 75 n . , 304 n. L a w , 12, 172, 275, 319, 321, 326 n., 378, 424, 566, 580. L a w b o o k s , 3 , 10, 12, 56, 125, 168, 275, 334 n , 378, 424, 459, 467, 486 n . , 519, 523 n. ; s. Dharmastras, Dbarmas tras. Lecoutere, C , 439 n. L e f m a n n , S., 48 n. L e g e n d s of origin, 218 ; s. B rahmanical m y t h s and legends. L e i s t , B . W., 275 n. L e n a u , Nikolaus, 7. L e u m a n n , E . , 445 n., 471 n , , 514 n., 548 n . , 604 n. L v i , S y l v a i n , 102, 18? n . , 206 n . , 208 n., 384 n . , 451 n . , 459 1., 465 n., 499 D . . 513 n . , 584 n. Levirate, 823, 329. Lexicography, 3 , 288 n . , 566, 580. Libraries, I n d i a n , 39 I. Liebich, B runo, 70 n 190 n , , 191 n., 236 n,, 283 n . , 285 n., 287 n. Lindner, B . , 191 n. L i g a cult, 536, 542 n . , 558, 5 6 6 , 5 6 9 , 573, 574 n . , 6 0 1 . LigaPura, 531 f., 569, 572 n. L i t a n i e s , 73, 9 3 9 5 . L b b e c k e , R 191 n., 271 n. Lobedanz, E., 384 n. Logos, 249 n., 266. Lomaharsaa, 323, 520, 527 f., 533, 537. LomapSda, 400 f.

INDEX translations, 327 n. ; Javanese and Persian, 462 n . , 469 ; literature on M . , 316 n. ; additions and insertions, 327 f., 337 n . , 3 6 l n . , 362 n., 364 n . , 366 n., 3 7 l n . , 3 8 4 , 3 9 8 n . , 435 ff., 467 ff.,474 I.>; contradictions, 458 f.; outline story, 323 f. ; principal narrative, 327375 ; ancient heroic poetry, 317 f., 375387 ; Brabmanical myths and legends, 287, 319, 387405, 459, 493, 495 f., 504 ; obscene stories, 399401 ; ascetic poetry, 321, 459 ; fables, parables and moral narratives, 405422 ; didactic sections, 319, 422442, 459 ; books X I I and X I I I , 404, 407, 422425, 464 ; M. and Hari vaa 443454 ; M. and Rmyaa, 476, 479., 486 n . , 487 n . , 493, 495 ff., 499, 501 ff., 510 f., 513, 516 ; M. and Purnas, 320, 517 f . 5 2 0 f f 539 f., 546, 552 f., 5 5 6 n . , 557,559 ft'., 564 ff., 5 7 0 n . , 575, 577, 581, 584, 586 n. ; M. and Tantras, 604 ; praise of M., its holiness, 325 f., 444, 453, 560 ; belongs to the W e s t of India, 507. Mahbhya, 35, 169 n 469 n, Mahdevastavana, 449 n, Mahadeva Sastri, A, 238 n., 239 n, 240 n., 242 n 601 n . Mahkla, 593 f. Mahkvyam, 452 n. MahmAyr, 465 n. MahNrayaaUpaniad, 235, 2 j 7 f. Mahnirva, 595. MabnirvaTantra, 592599. Mahpakti, 6 1 . Mahprasthnikaparvan, 374 n. Mabpuras, 522 n., 532. Mahpuruastava, 452 n. Mhrr, 48. Mbtmyas, 533 ff., 539 n 545, 554 ; 566 f, 569 I., 578, 582. MabUpaniad, 241 n. Mahvastu, 472 n 509 n , 525. Mahvra, 310, 524. Mahyna t e x t s , s. B uddhist literature. Mahyogin, 594. Mahid8a Aitareya, 190. Mahdhara, 604 n. Maitra (friendship), 416 n. Maitra A. K., 600 n. Maitra, S., 232 n. MaitryanSabit, 5 4 , 1 7 0 , 182, 186 n., 206 n., 219, 238 n 278, 314 n. MaitryanyaUpaniad, 233 n 238 f., 263 n , 264. Maitreya, 545. MaitreyaUpaniad, 238 n. Maitrey, 229, 255 f. Majjhimanikya, 472 n., 599 n. Man in the well. 408. Mana 249 n. Manas, mind, 150, 257. MnavaGhyastra, 278. Mnava school. 278. Mnavarddhakalpa, 280 n. MnavaSrautastra, 278 n.

623

Maalas of the gveda, 57, 285. Mavya, 473 n . Mndhtr, 552. Mandlick, V . N , 536 n. MdkyaUpaniad, 238 f. Mantrbhidhna, 604 n. Mantrabrhmaa, 276. Mantrapha, 277. " Mantra period, " 293. Mantras, 42, 46, 107, 170 I., 186, 189, 248, 276, 586, 590, 595 f., 602 ff., 605 n. ; s. Prayers. Mantrastra, 588. MantrikUpaniad, 242 n. Manu (ancestor of the human race), 210, 394396, 522, 534, 540, 550 I., 575. M a n u S m t i 1 2 , 14 f., 18, 6 7 , 1 2 5 n . , 1 4 7 , 200 n., 234 n , 243 n 315 D 380 n., 398 n., 424, 519 n., 529 n., 567, 578 n . , 597 f . , 6 0 5 D . Manuscripts, 13, 1 5 , 2 3 , 3 2 , 34, 38 ff., 464. Manvantari, 522, 550. Manyu 78. Mrca 487. Mrkaeya, a i 384, 397 n., 425, 559 f. Mrkacleykhyna, 534. MrkaeyaPura, 375 n., 525 n . , 531 f., 5596, 572 n. Mrkaneya section of the Vanaparvan, 321 n., 559. Marriage, magi's songs (prayers) referring to it, 88, 109, 122, 139142, 159, 297 ; m. rites and customs, 107, 212 n . , 2 7 3 f., 282, 296, 299, 550, 566, 598 ; Indo European, 108, 274 ; m. to five hus bands, 337 n. Marshall, J. H . , 437 n. Maruts 75, 77, 8 1 , 9 1 , 93, 1 3 7 , 1 4 1 , 174, 180. Maakakalpastra, 279. Mtali 348 I. Mtarivan, 100, 181. Mathur, 446, 448. MathurMhtmya, 570. Mtknighaus, 604 n. MatsyaPura ( M t s y a P ) , 377 n., 394 n., 523 n 524, 526, 531 I., 533 n 545 n., 570 n., 572, 573 n., 575 I., 578. Matsyas, 353 ff. Matsyopkhyna, 394 n. MaudgalaPura, 582 n. Maudgalyyana, 411 n. Mauryas, 28, 474. 524, 552. Mausalaparvrn, 373 n., 472. Mauss Marcel. 272 n . M a x i m s , s. Aphorisms. Maya, 341. My 564 n., 599. Myyoga, 588. Mazumdar, B . C , 464 n., 471 n., 568 n. Medicine, 4, 129 f., 566, 568, 577, 580. Megasthenes, 28, 291, 446. Menander, 29. Menrad J . , 479 n. Meru, 374, 439 I., 548. Metaphysics, 240,

624

INDEX N b h d s a , 585 n. Nciketa, 404, 570 n. N a c i k e t a s . 261 f., 404, 570, 579. Nag's Naiidha, 383. Ngapaficamfeast, 567. N g a r script, 8 1 . Ngas snakedemons, 339,382, 447, 495, 540, 548, 583. Nahua 349, 381, 393, 445, 495. Nakatras, 294 ff. Nakula, 329 f., 341, 343,346, 351, 353 ff., 374. Nkulas, 574 n. Nala and D a m a y a n t 16 f., 113 n., 381384, 450 f , 502 n. N a l a , a monkey, 492. Nalopkhyna, 381 n. Namuci 392 n. Nandas 446, 474, 524, 552. Nrada 211, 338, 346, 387, 395, 439, 446, 449 f., 518 n., 558, 568, 582 n., 589. Nrada Pcartra, 590 f. NradyaPura or NradaPura, 531 f.. 572 n. Nradyaik, 285 n. Nradiya/Nrada/Upapura, 557, 558 n . 559. Narakavadha, 449 n. Nras, s. Gth nras. N a r a s i m m i y e n g a r , V . N , 572 n . Nryaa. s.Viu. Nryaa/commentator of M a n u / , 243 n. N r y a a /of the J a y a n t a m a n g a l a family * 6O4n. N r y a y a , 321 n., 439 f., 460. N a r m a d , 576. Narrative literature, 6 , 2 8 6 , 3 2 4 ; n. prose, 211. N s a t y a u , 304 f., 306 n. Nsiketopkhyna, 579. N s t i k a , 486 n. Nath L l a B aij 578 n. Nannidhirma, 577. Negelein, Julius von, 281 n., 312 n., 456 n . , 516 n. NeoPlatonics, 266. N e p a l , 38, 50, 452 n 571 n , 592. N e p l a M h t m y a , 584. Nestorian Christians, 440. N e w Testament, 55, 431 n. Nidgha, 549 f. Nidnastra, 288, 289 n. Nidr 446. N i g a d a s , 163 n. N i g a m a s , 592, 6OO 605 n. N i g h a u s , 69, 287, 288 n. N i g h t , 219. N i k u m b h a , 450. N i l a, 393, 583. N l a k a h a , 467 f. Nlamata / N . P u r a / , 5 8 3 , 584 n. Nimbrka, 568 n. NirlambaUpaniad, 240 n. N i r g h a n u , 605 n. Nirti 117, 206 n. Nirukta, 69, 268 n., 287 f. Nirva, 411, 596.
f

Metres, 60 ff., 179, 287, 4 6 1 , 510. Metrics, 56, 268, 288 f., 566, 577, 580 : s. Prosody. Mett/friendship/, 416 n. Meyer, Eduard, 304 n., 305. Meyer, J . J . , 315 n., 334 n . , 344 n., 376 n., 379 n., 505 n. Meyer, Rudolf, 287 n. Michelson, T , 4 5 n . , 512 n. Middle Indian languages, 41, 4649. Mihirakula, 525. Milinda, 29. Milindapaha, 29, 353 n. Milman Dean H. H . , 383. Mind and Speech, 217. Mitani, 304 f., 306 n. Mithra 76. Mitra, 76, 80, 94, 1OO, 137, 141, 304 f., 495. Mitra, Rajendralala, 2 6 n. Mleccha, barbarian, 524, 558 : M. language, 331. Mgling, H . F . , 586 n. Mojumdar, A. K., 503 n. Moka / liberation/, 326, 422, 424 f., 432 f., 559, 595. Mokadharmnusana, 424 n. M o m m s e n , Theodor, 119 n , 198 n. M o n i s m , 267, 434, 588. Monkeyworship, 478. Mooney J a m e s , 133 n. Moral m a x i m s , s. Aphorisms. Moral narratives, 320 f., 405422, 474, 56O564. Morality, s. E t h i c s , Karman, Ascetic m. Mother, 337 n., 352, 377, 414 : = D e v i , 591, 593, 596, 601 ; Mothers, deities, 570, 602. Mountains, winged, 219. Mgarasktni, 137. MgendraUpgama, 588 n. Mtyu s. D e a t h . MtyulgalaUpaniad, 240 n. Mudgala, 411, 518 n. M u d r n i g h a u , 604 n. Mudi rkasa, 45. Mudrs 595, 604 n. Muir J o h n , 144 and notes to 100 109, H I . 113, 115, 139, 2<% 327, 377 f., 385 f., 399, 402, 415, 417, 421, 431, 4 4 2 , 486, 561. Mukherji, B . L . , 602 n. Mukhopadhyaya, Dhirendranath, 298 n. 308 n, Mukhopdhyya, N l m a i , 573 n., 606 n. Muktphala, 555 n. MuktikUpaniad, 242. MlaSarvstivdin B uddhists, 459. Mller, F . Max, 2 1 , 3 1 , 67, 71 n., 100 n., 102, 187, 211 n., 226 n., 230 n., 234 n., 238 n., 242 n., 256 n., 271 n., 284 n., 292 f., 299, 302 n., 303. Mller, F . W . K., 401 n . MuakaUpaniad, 237, 242 n., 268 n. Munda l a n g u a g e s , 5 1 . Music, 4, 167 n., 169, 580. Mystical syllables, 186, 586. Mysticism 150 ff., 167, 173, 175, 233 f., 266, 588. Mythology. 1 2 , 75,

INDEX Nirva/Tantra, 593 n . NivsatattvaSaipbit, 604 n. Nti, 406, 422 f., 566, 577; ofB haspatl. 425 ; B . Politics. Ntistra, 456 n. NHya9oCah"Tantra, 600 n. Nivtakavaca, 349. Nividas, 60. ' Nobili \ Roberto de, 13 n. Novels, 3. N s i h a , 590 n. NsihaprvatpanyaUpanisad, 601 n. NsihaTpanyaUpaniead, 240 n., 590 n. Numbers, 62, 205. N y s a s , 595. O a t e n , E . F . , 11 n. Occultism, 588, 591, 606. Ocean, twirling of, 389, 480, 546, 573. Oertel H a n n s , 192 n . , 235 n., 313 n. Oldenlerg, H e r m a n n , 73, 77, 96, 100 f., 103, 115, 127, 300, 303, 305 and note t o 33, 5 8 , 6 0 , 68, 71, 78 f., 8 6 , 1 0 2 , 1 0 5 , 1 0 7 , 111, 119, 163167, 169, 175.177, 187 f., 1 9 3 , 2 0 3 , 206 f., 2 2 0 . 2 3 2 , 234, 2 3 6 , 2 3 9 , 243, 246 f., 264, 277, 279, 284, 295 f., 298, 304, 312, 317, 321, 344, 366, 405, 423, 435, 437, 456458, 461 f., 471, 506, 509 f. Oltramare, Paul. 193 n,, 232 n , 247 n. Om, 185 f., 214 f., 244 n., 245, 433, 557 n. Oman, J . C , 827 n., 478 n 479 n., 480 n. Omina and portenta, 138, 191, 273, 345, 491, 566, 576 f. Oral tradition, 33 f., 36 f., 39, 203 n 209 n., 234, 270, 302, 315, 466 f., 496, 499, 504, 521. Ornate /court/ poetry, 321, 364 n., 376, 452n., 461, 476, 489 n., 490n., 497, 506,512, 556 n., 581 ; s. Epic / ornate/. Osthoff, H . , 247 n. Oupnekhat, 19, 241 n . , 2 6 7 . Ox, 153f. F a d a Phas 2 8 3 . Pfidas 61 f. Paddbatis, 281. Padmacarita, 513. PadmaPura /PdmaP./, 40I. 454 n 521, 525 n., 526 n., 528 n., 531 f., 536544, 551 n . , 564 n. 570 n., 572 n. PdmaSahit, 587 n., 589 n. PdmaTantra, 587 n. Pdukpacaka, 604 n. Paila 584 n. P a i n t i n g , 580. Paippalda recension of the Atharvaveda, 120 n. Paippaladasrddhakalpa, 280 n. PaiicPrkrit, 47 n., 49. Pait&mahaSiddhnta, 580. Pfili 2 1 , 41, 47, 461, 511 ; Pli Text Society, 2 4 ; P.canon, P . literature, s. B uddhist literature. Pacalakcaa, 522. Paclas, 195f., 334, 388, 843, 365, 368, 470.

625

Pcaratragama, 587 n, Pficartras, 304 n 574 n., 588, 589 n., 590 PcartraSahitSs, 587 n . , 588 ff. PficarStrastra, 245 n. Paficatantra, 2, 410, 605 n. Pacatattva, 594, 608, 606 n. Paocavidhastra, 284. PaficaviaBrhmaa, 191, 193 n , 280. Paucendropkhynam, 337 n. Padavas, 314, 328376, 381, 385, 406, 427, 446, 454 ff., 460, 462, 466, 470 ff., 502, 506, 523, 552, 560. Pandit, Shankar P . , 120 D Pndu 323, 329f, 337, 361 n . , 3 7 0 , 4 3 3 , 470. Pim 13, 42, 44, 46, 69, 236, 284 n . , 289, 309, 317 n., 318 n., 471, 473, 5o5 512 n. Pinyaikc, 285 n. Pakti 6 1 . Pantheism, 7, 124, 267, 436, 529. Paolino de St. B artholomeo, 9, 14. Parab K. P . , 498 n. Parables, 320, 405, 407 f., 424. ParamahasaUpaniad, 240. Paramasamhit, 590. ParamevaramataTantra, 604 n. ParameSvar, 573, 591, 605 n. Parara, 22, 545 f. PraskaraGhyastra, 279, 312 n. Pargiter, F , Eden, 560, and notes to 304, 315, 402, 455, 517519, 521, i,23526, 528 f., 532, 545, 553, 556, 559, 561, 565, 578. Prijtaharaa, 449 n. Parikit, 369, 374, 388, 470. Pariias, 281. Parjanya, 76, 91, 110 n., 137, 174. Prsva 310. Parvata, 21I. Prvat, 542, 568 n., 586, 592 f. Pupatas, 542, 574 n. PaupatiPura, 584. Ptla 548. Paliputra, 28. Patafljali, 35, 42 f., 169, 269, 288, 818 n . , 469 n . , 471, 505, 512 n. Pathaka, P . Y . , 284 n. Pthaka, SrdharaSstrI. 237 n . , 241 n. Phakas, 529 n. PativratmShtmya, 397 n. Paul. A . , 552 n. Pamacariya, 513, 514 n. Paura, 453. Paurakavadba, 4 5 3 n . Paurikas 313, 519 n. Paukaraprdurbhva, 452 n. Paukarasanihit, 590. PaukaraUpgama, 588 n, Pauikni, 136 f. Pauyaparvan, 321 n. Pavolini, P . E . , 327 n . , 428 n . , 536 n . Peiper C . R . S . . 427 n. Perez, I . L . , 564 n. Pessimism, 263 f., 553. Petavatthu, 577. Petersen, W . , 45 n. Peterson, P . , 463 n.

79

626

INDEX Prophecies, 524, 552 f., 557, 567, 590. Propitiatory formulae, 138. P r o s e 3 ; of the B rhmanas, 211, 270 f., 321 ; of the Upaniads, 236 ff., 2 4 0 ; of the Stras, 268 ff., in the Mahabhrata, 462, 5 0 6 ; mixture of p. and verse, 3 , 101, 163, 211, 210. Prosody, 4. Prostitution, 67. . Protagoras, 152 n. Proverbs, s. Aphorisms. P t h = K u n t i , 329, 432. Pthiv, 75, 157 f., 5 7 0 ; s. Earth. Pthu 444. Pthpkbyna, 444 n. P s a l m s , 57, 81 Psychology, 240, 424, 6OI. P u l a s t y a , 537. Puyakas 450. Puyakavidhi, 449 n. P u r a s , 30, 34, 1 0 2 , 1 6 3 , 1 7 1 n., 239 f., 389, 402,405, 4 3 6 , 4 7 4 , 486 n., 489 n . , 4 9 3 , 496, 505 n., 506 n , 514, 617586, 587, 595, 604, 6 0 6 ; meaning of the word, 218 n . , 518, 524 n. ; P . m the B r h m a n a s , 2 0 8 , 2 1 8 , 2 2 6 , 311 ff , 470 ; V y s a the author, 3.22, 475 ; P. and Mahabhrata, 320, 459, 461 ff., 4 6 7 , 4 7 6 ; Harivaina and P . , 443446, 452, 454 ; l a n g u a g e , style and metre, 461, 5 3 0 ; transmitted by Stas 4 6 6 ; their position in the liteiature, 517530; age, 517 ff.; their sectarian character, 517, 522 ; their contents, 520, 522ff ; definition, 522, 545, 572, 574 f.; of d n i n e origin, 527 529 ; the eighteen P., 5 2 1 , 526 f., 531 ff , 541, 550, 555, 572 n., 581 n.s survey of P . literature, 530586 Puinasahitsiddhntasra, 531 n. Purandhi, 94 108. Pirnnanda Svm 604 n. Pnrhita, 66, 88, 146 f., 319, 583. P r u , 379f 539. Purnavas and Urva 102 n . , 103 f., 105 n., 179, 209, 2 1 1 , 381, 383, 445, 495, 518 n., 530, 540, 552, 580. Purua 175, 184, 204 n , 218, 224, 253 ff , 484. Puruamedha, 174, 192 f., 215 n., 307 n 312 D . ; s. H u m a n sacrifice. Puruaskta, 175, 218. Puruottaroatteva, 604 n. Pan, 76, 94 179 f. Pupastra, 284. Puyamitr i, 28 Putrik. 33') n.
r

Philology, 8. Philosophy y 3 , 1 2 , 5 3 , 55, 97100, 124, 149 157, 175, 218, 226 f., 239, 265, 319, 321, 422, 424 ff., 5 8 8 ; of the Upani?ads, s. Upaniads ; priestly p h . , 233, 249. Phonetics, 35, 56, 226, 268, 282 ft. P h y s i o l o g y , 240, 6OI. Pinapityaia, 172. P i g a l a , 289. P i g a l , 405 D 415. Pippalda, 237 n. Pica l a n g u a g e s , 50. Picas, 49, 133 f., 369, 540. Pischel, Richard, 48 n., 67, 71, 74, 102 n . 107 n . , l l l n 171 n . , 219 n., 313 n., 394 n., 4Co n. Pitaras, fathers, 78, 96 f., 172, 203, 212 n . 377, 445, 537, 554, 575, 590. Pitkalpa, 445n. PitmedhasStras, 280, 281 n. Plato, 246 f., 266. Poetics, 4, 566, 580. Poley L . , 565 n. Politics, 4, 244 n., 566, 577, 580, 582 ; s. N t i . Popley H . A., 147 n. Porzig, W . , 327 n., 376 n., 379 n . 388 n. Prabhvat, 450 f. P r a d y u m n a . 449 ff. Pradyumnottara, 151 n. Pragtha, 164. Prablda, 425, 539, 547, 557, 574 n. Praiasktni, 60. Prajpati, 6 3 , 7 8 , 98, 100, 150 I., 175, 180, 194, 196 f., 204 n . , 205, 216 ff., 253 ff 259 ff. Prkit, 43 f., 48 f., 511, 512 n. Prakti, 434, 536, 568, 579, 593. PrakrtiKhaa, 568. P r a a l y a , 553. P r a m a d \ a i a and Ruru, 390. Pra 150 f., 224, 254 n., 256If. PrapacasraTantra, 6Ol6O3. Prasad Varm Sstri Siddbevar, 242 n. PrainaUpaniad, 237, 241 n , 212 n. Prasthnabbeda, 265 n. Pratardana, 227. Pratijstra, 284 n. Prtikhyas, 37, 70 n, 283 ff. P r a t i s a r g a , 522. Pravacana, 278 n. Pravhaa, 230. Pravargya, 176, 193. Praygamhtmya, 574, 576. PrSyacitta, 137, 559, 570, 575 f. Pi^yacittastra, 2 8 1 . Prayerbooks, 55, 107, 159, 169, 171, 276, 293. Prayers, 72, 136, 140 146, 148, 159, 163, 170188,195, 248, 276 f., 292 ; s. Mantras. Prayogas, 281. Pretakalpa, 577f. P r t a s , 577. Prey, A . , 298 n , 299 n. Priesthood, 187. P r i e s t s , s. B rahmans ; p. and magicians,
r t t

Quackenbos, G P., 565 n. Qaeen of Sheba 342 n. B a a b e , C. H . , 281 n . Rdh 533 n 541 f , 544, 557 n 568, 59I. 593, 603. RadhianmamI. 541 n. R a d h a k n s h n a n , S., 239 n., 247 n., 259 n. Rdhvallabhis, 568 n. Raghava = B a m a , 482 n.

INDEX

627

f Rvaa 384, 481, 487 ff., 502, 507, 509, Raghuvaa. 540, 514 n., 516, 540 f., 575, 579. Raha8yam, 243. | RvaneYs, 493 n. Raikva 229. Rainmagic, r.spell. 1.song, 110, 136I. R a v i e a , 525 n. R a w l i n s o n , H . G . , 465 n. Raivata, 551, Raychaudhuri, H . , 437 n., 440 n . , 457 n . , Raja, K. Ramavarma, 592n. 458n., 473 n 506 n. Ra]adharmanusasanaparvan, 423n. Rbhu and Nidgha, 549 I. Rjakarmi, 146. Rjasya (consecration of the king) 123, 146, bhus 78. ca 54, 161 ff., 165, 176. 1 7 2 , 1 7 8 , 190, 214f., 341, 350. Rjatragii, 426n., 479n., 525n 583, Reconciliationspells, 139. Regnaud, P . , 263 n. 584n. Reich, H . , 549 n. Rajwade, V . K . , 78 n. 287 n., 439 n. Reichelt, H . , 307 n. Rakas, 78,131, 400. Rkasas, 78,133, 332 ff., 347 ff., 363 f., 369, Remy A. F . J . , 1 3 n. Repetition, 131. 403, 487 I., 490 ff., 497, 509. Reuter, J. N . , 279 n. Raktmbara /a B uddhist monk/, 538, 551. Rma 314 f., 384, 457 n . , 476496, 498 n., RevatI. 450, 551. 501 f., 505, 507 ff., 514 n . , 515 f., 540 f., Rgveda R. Samhit, 54 ff., 57119, 126, 159, 162, 179, 195, 212 n., 214, 216, 566, 572, 579, 581, 590 n. ; R. episode in 219 n., 226, 244 n., 24J n., 268, 276, Mahbhrata, 384 f. ; R. ballad, 509 ; 282 f., 285287, 288 n., 300 f., 311 f., R . legend, 501 f., 509 n., 5 1 3 , 514 n . , 313 n., 314, 317, 390, 392 f., 515, 5 1 8 ; 515 f., 510 ff., 5 5 2 ; Rma with the transmission, 37 ; language, 42, 46, 57 P l o u g h s h a r e , s. B aladeva. 60, 74 ; revealed, 55 f. ; age of the Rmabhakti, 579. h y m n s , 57 ff., 63, 69, 73 f., 195 f., 201, Rmagit, 579. 215 f., 290 f., 293, 301 f., 304, 306 ff., Rmahdaya, 579 the is or authors of the h y m n s , 57 f. , Rmnuja, 234 n, 240, 242, 245n., 265, 526, 228, 3 0 1 ; t h e " fauiily books," 57, 5 9 ; 5 2 7 n 528, 544, 556, 590. metres, 60 ff. ; cultural conditions, 63 Rmnujas, a sect, 544. 68, 7 4 ; religious development, 74 ff., RLnnujcrya, M . D . , 589n. 137 n 196 f. ; invocations or songs of Rma/Rmaprva, Rmottara/Titpanya praise to the gods, 80 ff. ; sacrificial songs Upaniad, 240 n., 515 n., 590 n. and litanies, 93 ft'.; funeral s o n g s , 95 Rmatrtha, 238 D . 97, 159 I., 1 7 6 ; philosophical hymns, Ramayaa, 2, 15 f , 26,314 f., 389, 401 f., 97100, 155, 175, 218, 226 ; Samvda or 457 n, 475517, 584 ; a popular epic and dialogue hymns /Akhyan<i h y m n s / , 100 an ornate poem, 475479; a romantic 1 0 8 , 2 0 9 , 2 1 1 311, 5 3 0 ; marriage songs, epic, 4 9 0 ; language, style and metre, 107 ff., 140, 159, 297, 299 ; magic s o n g s , 461 n., 496, 504, 510, 512 n. ; contents, 109111 ; secular poems, 111114 ; 479495 ; m y t h s and legends in R., 493, Dnastutis, 114117, 149, 3 1 4 ; riddle 495 f., 504 ; genuine and spurious in R . , poetry, 117 f., 183 ; popular and priestly 487 n., 495500, 5 1 6 ; age, 5 0 0 5 1 7 ; poetry, 79 ; composed of earlier and later belongs to the E a s t of India, 507 ; portions, 73 f. ; editions, 20 f, ; transla serves for the glorification of Viu tions, 70 f. ; interpretation, 6 8 7 4 ; R. 453 ; holiness, 478, 497 f. ; recitations, and Atharvaveda, 121124, 127, 140 1 4 3 , 471 n., 477, 4 9 4 ; dramatic representa 148 f., 1 5 8 ; . and Smaveda, 163 f.. tion oi it, 451 n., 477 f , 502 ; commenta 167 f. ; . and Yajurveda, 175 ff. ; tors, 497 n . ; recensions and editions, Brhmaas of the ., 1 9 0 , 1 9 4 ; rayakas 498 f. ; R. and Mahbhrata, 348, 384, and Upanifads of the ., 235, 2 4 2 ; 475 f., 4 7 9 ; R. and Veda, 515 ; R. and Vedgas to the , 278 f., 2 8 2 f . ; 2 8 5 ff., Puras, 518, 524 n., 540, 541 n., 566, 288 n . , 289. 575, 577, 581 ; JR. and B uddhism, 508 gvedaPrtikhya, 284 f. 514, 516 ; Old Javamc R., 514 n. ; Greek gvidhna, 286 I. influence, 514 ff. Rhys D a i d s , T. W , 24, 3 6 n . , 41 n . , 4 1 0 n . , Rmcaritmnas, 477. 471 n . , 508, 509 n., 512 n. Rm LUa 477. Rice, E P . , 586 n. Rmopkhyna, 384 n 501. Riddles, 117 f., 149, 183 f., 342. Rayanyas, 163 n. Ritual, r.literature, 167, 202, 268, 271282, Rangacharya, M , 592 n. 311, 540, 554, 5 8 8 ; s. Kalpa. Rapson E . J . , 49 n., 303 n., 464 n., 474 n., Roger, Abraham, 9. 512 n . , 5 1 7 n . , 5 2 3 n. Rohi 446. R8a/dance/448 n. Rohita, 151.154. Rathantara_, a melody, 153, 107, 181. Rohita, Haricandra's son, 213. Ratnugarbha, 544 n. Komaharaa, 521 n., 527 n. $atnapark, 577. Rosen, Friedrich, 2 0 .
M

628

INDEX aktis 514 n., 568, 573 f. 576, 581, 586. 589 n , 591, 593 ff., 600 ff. k t i s m , akti religion, 591, 593, 6 0 3 , 605. akuni 331, 341 ff., 345 f., 350, 366. akuntal, 317, 376 ff., 470, 540 ;S.drama, 11, 14, 18, 376, 5 4 0 ; S. episode, 1 1 , 15 376379, 540, 557. Slagrma stone, 5 4 1 , 544, 585 f. Salomons, Henriette J . W 277 n. alya 3 2 9 , 335 f., 356, 365 f., 371. alyaparvan, 366n. S m a J t a k a , 509. Sman 54, 161f., 165, 167I., 169n 284. S m n y a s , 597. Smaprti8khya, 284. Sama Sastry R., 278n. Smaramin, Satyavrata, 7 0 n . 1 6 3 n . , 276n., 284n., 285n., 286n 287n. Smaveda, S.Sahit, 54, 56, 126, 159, 163169, 19?, 268, 313n. ; the B rhmaas of the S., 191, 192n., 1 9 4 ; the so called " B r h m a a s " of the S., 189, 194 n., 2 7 1 , 280, 286n. ; the Upanisads of the S . , 2 3 5 , 2 4 2 ; the Vedgas of the S., 271, 279I., 284, 286n., 288. SmavidhnaBrhmaa, 168, 280, 287. mbaPura, 582. ambara, 87, 451. ambaravadha, 4 5 l n . Sambhavaparvan, 376, 379. amboka, 495. Samhit P h a s 283. Sahits of the Veda, 53L 158163, 195, 201, 248, 270, 282ff., 292, 302, 3 1 3 ; liturgical S., 163, 195, 201 ; of t h e M a b ^ bharata, Rmyaa, Puras and T a n tras, 322n., 498n., 52ln., 57Of., 573, 581I., 584n., 586606. Sakhya, 237, 425, 43On 434, 437, 439f., 523. 535 f., 646, 556, 589n., 596. Smkbyakrik, 589n. Sampti, 489. S a m s a r a / 4 0 8 , 559, 5 6 l f . , 571, 577. Saskras, 272 598. Savda h y m n s , Savdas, 100108, 405. Sanatkumra, 558, 5 7 l n . SanatkumraSaiphit, 571. Sanatsujta, 425. Sanatsujtya, 425n, 440. Sandals /symbol of sovereignty / , 486. ailya, 193, 225, 2 4 5 n . , 246n., 249f. dilyaUpan3ad, 6Oln Safijaya, 315, 347, 357, 359, 370, 373, 456. akara, 2 3 7 n 238, 239n., 24Of, 242n., 265,363n., 434n438, 526f.,556n., 659n., 578n., 6 0 1 . ankaraSahit, 572. nkhayana, 473. khyanarayaka, 285n. khyanaBrbmaa, 190. Skh/y/yanaghyasagraha, 279n. SukhyanaGhyastra, 126n., 279, 312n. khayana0rautas5tra, 215n, 27ln., 279, 3O7n.. 312n, 470.

R o t h , Rudolf, 21 f., 7 1 , 96 n , , 118 n 120 n., 145, 211 n . , 287 n. Roussel, A . , 405 n , 479 n., 512 n., 555 n., 556 n., 591 n. Roussel, P . , 555 n. R o y , Pratapa Chandra, 327 n,, 467 n. R o y , RSmmohun, 2 0 . is seers, s a i n t s , 57 f., 211 n., 224, 228, 273, 286, 3 0 1 , 3 1 3 , 319, 362 n . , 381, 390 ff., 494, 601503, 522, 528 n., 533, 537, 542 f., 573 f. 9yafiga. 399401, 451 n., 473 n., 480 f., 520, 540, 572 n . ta 154. tusahra, 11. Rckert, Friedrich, 18, 327 n . , 382, 394 n. 395 n., 399 n., 409, 479 n . , 500, 561 n., 562 n. Rudra, 76 I. 137 n., 1 5 4 , 1 8 5 , 196, 2 2 2 ; Rudras, 574n. Rudraymala, 604 n. Bukmgadacarita, 559. R u k m i , 449, 451. Ruru, 389 f. R u t h , 486 n. S a b b a t h i e r , P . , 279 n. Sabhparvan, 346 n . , 46S n. Sachau, E . C . . 29 n., 426 n., 462 n. Sacred syllables, 185, 223 n. Sacrifice, 65 ff , 72 ff., 158163, 169, 172 185, 187 f., 190, 195 ff., 201, 205, 208, 233, 215, 248, 260, 272 f., 417, 434, 550, 5 6 5 ; science of, 161, 189, 195, 208, 225, 227, 231, 261, 319, Sacrificial fee, s. DakiS. Sacrificial songs and formulae, 73, 90, 9395 1 1 0 , 1 1 4 , 118 I., 127, 148, 176 ff., 184 f., 293. Saddbarmapuarka, 525. aguruiya, 105 n. dhnka, 595. Rdhana, 595, 602. aviipaBrShmaDa, 1 9 1 , agara 480. Sahadeva, 329 f., 341, 343, 344 n., 346, 3 5 1 , 354 I., 366, 374. Sahydrikhada, 571 n. SaibyS 551. gaiungas, s. iun"ga k i n g s . aivagamas, 588. gaivcra, 599 n. aivamarriage, 598. aivaPurSa, 531, 553, 572 n. ; s. V8yu PurSa. aivas 538, 576, 587. kadvpa, 567. gkalakaSchool of the Rgveda 57 n. k a l y a , 283. akas 524. k y a n y a , 263. akhs 53, 189, 284 ; s. Vedic schools. a k r a o i n d r a , 663 f. aktas24O, 5 1 4 n 587, 591, 5 9 3 , 597 ff., 6OB 666 n.

INDEX Sannysa240. S a n n y s i n , 23L>, 589. Sanskrit, 12, 41ff., 510ff. ; epic S., 44, 46, 461, 510ff. ; classical 6 . , 44ff. ; 271, 3 0 9 ; mixed S , 4 8 ; S. type, 11. nt400. ntanu, 322, 328f. ntikalpa, 2 8 l n . Santiniketan, 45. nti Parvan 423. Saptaati, 565n. radtilakaTantra, 604. Saray, 518n. Sarasvat, 173, 228, 568. Sarga 522. arm H . , 540n. arman Ldhram, 279n. Sarup Lakshman, 69 n. arva 137. Sarvamedha, 1 7 5 , 1 9 3 . Sarvnukrama, 105n., 244n., 286. Sarvaparvnukrttana, 453n. aryti, 39lf. Satitantra, 589n. astras, 162. Sstras, 321, 453, 559, 587n. str Vishva B andhu VidyrthI. 284n. atadhanu551. atapatbaBrbmaa, 54, 63n., l 0 2 n , 103n., 104, 162n., 171n 176n., 179n., 184n., 188n., 190n., 192f., 194n., 197n., 198n., 199f., 202, 203n., 204n., 205n., 206, 207n., 209, 210n, 217n 218n 220n., 2 2 l n . , 222, 224f., 226n., 227, 228n., 2 3 0 n . 2 3 1 n . , 235, 248n 273, 298n 312 n., 313n., 314n., 383, 389n., 390 n., 39ln., 392n, 394, 445, 78n., 588n, 594n. atarudriya, 185, 397n atashasr Sahit, 325, 464. acakranirpaa, 604n. Satl 577. apuravadha, 450n. atrughna, 481, 493, 54I. 8ttvataSahit, 587n., 589n., 590. Satyakma Jbla 229f. Satyavat, 483. Satyavat, 322, 329. yyanaBrhmaa, 192n. S a u b h a r i , 552. aukaraPura, 5 3 l n . Saulvyana, 228. 8aunaka, 120 n . , 271, 284ff., 3 l , 448, 471n, 520, 537 ; school of the atma kas 284. aunakins, 280n. auptikaparvan, 368n. SauraPara, 531 n., 585f. SauraSahit, 5 U . aurasenI. 48. 8auti 528. Sautr5ma, 173. 8avitar, 76, 108, 114, 187, 179L 5T2n. &vitrI. 397399, 488 , 502n., 564, 568, 57S. 8vitrvrata, 899. S&v?tryup5khyftna, ^ 9 T D .

629

Syana, 2 1 , 70f. 120n., 170n., 190n., 191n.. 192n., 226, 228, 2 3 5 n 276n. Sayce A. H . 305n. Schack A. F . Graf von, 376n., 450n., 544 n . , 547n., 5 5 l n . , 552n . cheftelowitz, I . , 60n., 286n., 812n. Scbelling, 19. Scherman, Lucian 100n., 155n., 375n., 4 7 3 n . 5 3 0 n . , 562n., 570n. Schick, J . , 585n. Schiller, 585n. Schlegel. August Wilhelm von, 14ff., 22f., 382, 426f'., 480n., 498n., 505n., 534n. Schlegel, Friedrich von, 13ff., 16n., 2 9 1 , 480n. Schmidt, Richard, .45n. Schomerus, H . W . , 588n. Schools, 37 ; s. akbs Vedic schools. Schopenhauer, 19f., 99n, 249n., 250, 265ff. Schrder, F . , 2 8 l n . Schrder, F . Otto, 150n., 234n., 2 3 n . , 24On., 436n., 588n., 589n. Schrder, 0 . , 275n. Schroeder, Leopold von, 7, 1 9 n . , 9 6 n . , 102, 106n., 110n., H i n . , 113n., 169n., 7 0 n . , 1 8 1 f . l 8 7 n , 274n 2J4, 399n., 427n., 435n. Schultze, Fritz, 254n. Schurtz, H . , 131n. Schwab, Julius, 272n. Sciences, scientific literature, 3, 12, 289, 550, 589 ; s. Sacrifice. Script, s. Writing. Sculpture, 580. Secret doctrines, 243ff., 261, 5 8 7 . Sedgwick, L . J . , 4 3 l n . , 457 n. Self, s. tman. Sen, Dineshchandra, 496n., 503n., 508n., 509n., 514n, 555n., 565n. Senajit, 405n. Benart E , 48. 243n, 508n. SewelI. R 464n. Sexual morality, 207, 365, 398. Shakespea're, 585n. Sibi 409 f, Siddhntcra, 599n. Sieg, E . , 286n., 288n., 311n., 313n. ikhain, 859ff., 368. Sik?a, 268n., 282f., 285 ; s. Phonetics. Simon, R., 168 n , 167 n . , 169 n., 279 n., 284 n. Sindhus, 385. Singhalese, 51. Singing, 4 , 1 6 2 ff., 680, 582 n. Sias 42. gi*un&ga k i n g s , 474, 524, 552. iupla, 835, 3 4 1 , 406, 449. Sitft 884, 477, 481 ff., 487 ff., 496 n . , 497, 602, 507 f., 509 n., 614 ff., 541, 575, 679, 681. Sitaram Sastri, S., 242 n. iva legends and worship of, 77 n , 186, 196, 240, 320, 337n.. 347I., 383, 395 ff., 418, 449n., 450ff., 466 , 608 , 617, 622f., 62fft 537n., 632ff., 586, 58, 541n, 642ff
3

630

INDEX Stein, M. A. (Sir Aurel), 38, 63 n., 529 n., 583 n . , 586 n. Stenzler, A. F . , 2 7 9 n, 568 n. Stevenson, J . , 163 n. Stobhas, 166, 168. Stokes, W h i t l e y , 40. Stonner, Heinrich, 276 n. Stotras, 162, 165 f., 446 n.. 452, 5 3 3 , 545 n., 554, 578, 580. Strauss, Otto, 327 n, 422 n , 433 n., 435 n., 437 n. Strkarmi, 139. Strparvau, 370 n. Strrjya, 585. Stumme, H . , 118 u. S a a h . L , 6OO n . SublaUpaniad, 240, 242. Subandhu, 463. Subhadr. 340 f. Subrahmayam, S. V., 577 n. Succubi, 134. Sudarana, 590. Sdra 35, 218 f., 229, 353, 432, 479, 495, 524, 527, 558, 587, 599. Sufism 266, 431 n. Sugrva, 489, 491. Suhotra, 410 n. uka 584 n. Sukal 539. SukbvatI. 440. gukra 538. Sulabh, 405 n. Sulocan, 544. ulvastras, 275, 277. Sumantu 584 n. Sumitr, 481, 484. S u n , 75 f., 118, 151 f., 171 n., 176, 183, 194 ; s.god, 75 ff., 445, 536, 541, 5 5 I . 572 ; s . m y t h s , 560 ; s.worship, 532 n.. 534, 566 f., 582 ; s. Srya. gunal?8epa, 175 n., 211, 213ff., 226, 302, 307, 480, 561 n. Sundarakcla, 490. ugas 524, 552. Sungyun, 524. Supara h y m n s , 60, 312 n. Supardhyya, Suparkhyna, 3 1 2 , 3 8 9 n. S5rpaakb, 487. SSrya 75 f., 81, 9 1 , 1 5 8 , 1 7 7 , 220 I., 2 2 5 , 358, 366, 534, 540, 560, 576 ; s. Sun. Sry, 107. SryaPura, 567 n. Srysukta, 107, 306 n. S i t a 3 1 5 , 3 1 9 , 3 2 3 , 3 3 0 , 354, 358, 467, 512n., 520, 528, 558. Sutagt5, 571. SutaSahit, 571. Strlainkara, 513 n. Sutras, 42, 46, 56, 268 ff., 276, 278 n., 280 ff., 284, 286, 292, 294, 303 n., 518. Suttanipta, 126 n . , 313 n , 353 n . , 440 n. Suvarahvin, 407 n, Svadb185. Svb 185. 8viirgfirohaaparvan, 375 n,

553f., 558, 560, 569ff., 579, 58lf., 586, 588f., 592f., 596, 599ff., incarnations of 569, 574, 6OI. ivabhakti, 571. i v a g n a m , 582 n. i v a i s m , 535 f. ivapura, 554. ivaPura, 532, 553, 582 ; s. VyuPura. Sivarahasyakhacla, 572 n. ivasahasranmastotra, 397 n. ivasakalpa, 6 0 n . ivasakalpaUpaniad, 175. SiviJtaka, 409 n. Skanda 539, 570, 572. SkandaPura / S k n d a P . / , 526 n., 531 f., 570572. Sleepingspells, 140 n. loka 6 1 , 461 f., 480, 497 n , 504 n., 51 520, 556 n. Smith, V. A., 474 n., 513 n., 524, 525 n., 526 n . , 527 n., 575. Smti 16I. 321, 463, 522, 595. Snakes, 136, 178, 349, 574, 381, 388 ff.,411, 447, 5 6 7 ; s.charm, 245, 388, s . sacrifice, 323 f., 369, 388 f., 456, 520 ; s. N g a s Vtra. Soderblom, N . , 249 n. Solar dynasty, 444, 522, 534, 537, 551, 576. Sorna, 58 f., 6 3 , 67, 75, 83 ft., 94 f., 107, 109, 111, 156 f., 160, 166, 172 f., 178 ff. 199, 217, 311, 392, 445, 538 ; ; Ssacrifice, 73, 94 f., 109, 111 n 148, 162, 172, 178 f., 190, 205, 214, 272. Somaarman, 514, 539. Somauma, 228. Son, 211 f. Songbooks, 159, 166 f. S o n g s of victory, 114. Sooner at, 13 n. Sorcery, 590, 595 f. Srensen, Sren, 317 n. Spells, s. Atharvaveda. Sporck Ferdinand Graf, 399 n . raddh, 78. Srddhakalpas, 274, 280, 554 n. rddhaprakriyrambba, 554 n. rddbas, 273, 280, 282, 523, 535, 537, 551, 554, 559, 565, 570, 578, 580, 598, ; s. Ancestorworship, Ancestral sacrifices. ramaa, 220 n* rautakarmi, 161. Srautasacrifice, 162 n., 272 I. rautastras, 56, 2 1 5 , 2 7 1 n., 272, 275 ff., 281. Sr 546, 603 ; s. L a k m i . Srbhagavatamahpura, 555 n. rdhara, 544 n. rnivscharya, L., 277 n. itattvacintmai, 604 n. ryantra, 603. Srn]aya, 407 n. ruti 55, 161, 522. StalHolstein, A. v., 281 n. Stages of life, s. ramas. Stein, L u d w i g , 267.

INDEX
Svayamvara, 334 n., 335, 340. vetadvpa, 439 f. vetaketu, 227, 230, 245 n., 250 ff. vetvataraUpanifad, 237, 242 n. SwSng, 312 n. Symbolism, 1 6 7 , 2 0 3 , 205, 233, 244, 529. Taittiryarayaka, 235, 237. Taittiriya.Brhmaa, 192, 193 n., 212 n.. 235. TaittiryaPrtikhyas5tra, 284 f. TaittiryaSabit, 54, 126 n., 170, 183 n., 185, 190 n., 192, 193 n., 198 n., 199 n., 200 n., 211 n., 219 n., 278, 283 n., 284, 389 n., 394 n. TaittiriyaUpaniad, 235 f., 247 n., 259, 264n, 282. Takakusu, J . , 36 n. T a k m a n , 130. Takaka, 388. TalavakraUpaniad, 235. T a l e s , 101. Talmud, 208. T y a M a h . B r h m a a , 191, 219n., 23o. TantrarjaTantra, 6 0 3 . T a n t r a s , 166, 239f., 268n., 569, 574n., 579 581, 586606. Tantrasamuccaya, 604n. Tantric rites, 566, 578n., 596, 604. Tantrism, 605. T a p a s , 99, 150f, 154, 220n, 223n, 243n. Tarkalankar, Chandrakanta, 279n., 2 8 l n . Tarkaratna, Panchnan, 539n. Tarkatrtha, Prvat Cbaraa, 6 O 3 D . Tat t v a m asi 250, 252. Tauler 266. Tawney C H 316n., 585n. Telang Kshinth Trimbak, 425n., 427n., 430n., 432n., 435n., 438n., 463n. Temple, R. C , 102n., 312n., 315n., 503n., 56ln. Templepriests, 528, 529n Theosophical hymns, 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 , 149158. Thergth, 415, 472n. Thibaut, G., 245n., 247n., 277n, 279n., 289n., 2 9 5 n . , 296n., 580n. Thomas, E . J . , 45n, 71n, 100n. Thomas, F . W . , 512n. Thomson, J . C , 427n. TibetoBurmese languages, $1. Tilak, B l Gangdbar, 295ff., 299. Tipiaka, 1, 52, 409, 471, 508f., 5 1 6 ; s. Buddhist literature. Tirtha 401. 583I., 539, 581, 583. Trthaytrsection in the Mahbhrata, 401. Tirumlr, 588n. Torama, 525. Transmigration, 79, 231, 258, 566. Tray vidy 126, 224, 248. Trigartas, 354f. Trimurti, 452n., 573n. Tripiaka, Chinese, 585n. Tripuravadha, 453n. Triubh, 61, 179, 181, 462. Tuldbra, 415ff., 581. Tuls D , 50, 477. Tulsi /tulas/ plant, 544, 586. Turas, 524. Tvatar, 83, 90, 156f. Tylor E . B . , 2o4n.
s

631

U d d l a k a Arui 194n., 231, 250, 404. Udgtar, 161ff., 166, 169, 184, 194. Udyogaparvan, 356n., 468n. Ugrasravas, 323f., 443f., 471n, 520, 528, _ 537. Uhagna, 167. Tjhyagna, 167. Ulka 406. Ulp 339. U m 450, 534, 673, 579, 593. Underhill, M . M . , 478n. Unicornlegend, 401 ; s. Ekaga. U n i t y , s. Universal U n i t y . Universal soul, 97. Universal Unity. 100, 156, 247ff, 260, 264, 267, 43I. 548ft*., 599, 603. Upgamas, 588. Upkbjnas, 533, 578. Upanayana /introduction of the pupil to the teacher/, 36f, 136, 193, 269, 273. Upaniad, "Secret doctrine", 175, 243245, 261, 269n., 425n. Upam?ads, 19f., 30, 42, 53ff., 60n., 62, 67, 70n., 101, 126, 167, 175f 186f., 194n., 215n., 225267, 268, 281, 291I., 302I., 312. 363n., 404f., 414f., 422, 437n., 438, 457, 461, 470, 515, 518, 522, 530, 578n., 590n., 602, 605f. ; editions and transla tions, 19f., note to 237 2 4 2 ; philosophy of the U . , 100, 1 2 4 , 150, 183, 193n., 228f., 23I. 233f., 239n., 245267. 318, 4 1 1 , 4 2 2 , 4 3 1 , 434, 548, 593, Vedic U . , 239, 2 6 4 ; nonVedic U . , 241. Upapuras, 522n., 532f, 536, 543n., 553n, 557, 558n., 566n., 579ff. Urdu, 50. Urvalegend, 5 3 6 ; s. Purravas. U9 45lf. U?as, 75, 91, 214, 222. Usener H . , 394n. Uih (52. Utgikar, N . B . , 458n., 468n., 4 7 l n . , 473n., 508n. Uttara 355. Uttar 354, 356, 369. UttardhyayanaStra. 418n. Uttaragna, 284. Uttaraka of R m y a a , 493, 497. Uttarapura, 514n. Uttararmacarita, 45, 5 4 l n . Uttarrcika, 164166. V c /Goddess of Speech/, 117, 194fi., 2l?f. Vcaka 453. V d h l a s , 278. VgvatMhtmya, 584. VahniPura, 566n.

632

INDEX
VyuPura, 377n, 454n., 520, 523n., 524, 526, 527n., 528n., 531, 532n., 553I. 573n., 578. Veda, 1, 1 2 , 1 6 , 18, 20f., 37, 56, 222, 225, 234, 239, 248, 264, 266ff. 276, 280ff., 288, 292, 325, 433f, 444, 519, 522, 527f., 538, 551, 558ff., 587, 590, 595, 605n., 6 0 6 ; i t s age, 27, 60, 63, 69, 2 9 0 3 1 0 ; w o m e n and dras excluded from, 35, 230, 5 2 7 ; i t s language, 27, 41f, 46 ; what i s the V . ? 5256'; reveal ed, 55f., 70n. ; V . and B r a h m a n i s m 55, 5 1 7 ; three V s . , 126, 162, 248, 2 8 0 ; four V s . , 54ff 322, 518, 5 5 0 ; the fifth V . , 313 ; V . study and reciting, 109, 168, 193, 212n., 218, 224, 233L 251, 259, 269, 273, 353, 417 ; epic poetry in the V . , 311ff.i compiled by V y s a 322, 475, 527, 550 : serves for the glorifica tion of Viu 453 ; V . and t h e epics, 462, 470, 473I., 496, 515f. ; V . e x e g e s i s , 275, 288f 605n. Vedcra 599n Vedga'42, 56, 126, 189, 191, 226, 268 289, 292, 3C3 3 1 3 n 519. V e d n t a , 234ff., 239, 3 8 0 n . . 4 2 2 , 425, 434, 436, 439f., 536, 579, 590, 596. V e d n t a S t r a s , 265, 363n., 438, 527n., 528n., 544 559n. Vedntatrtha, Gin'sha Chandra, 600n. Vedi 206. Vedic l a n g u a g e , 41f., 309. Vedic literature, 27, 82, 52ff., 470, 515, 518, Vedic m y t h o l o g y , 77n. Vedic schools, 56, 235, 237, 239, 268, 276f., 278, 280I., 289, 299, 302, 5 5 0 ; s. Skhs. V e n a , 444. Venkataswami, M . N . , 479n. VekaeaMhatmya, 5 7 l n . Vernaculars, s. L a n g u a g e s . VessantaraJtaka, 509n., 5 6 l n . Vibhaa, 49lff. Vicitravrya, 322, 329, 470. Vidhi 202. Vidhura, 472. Vidbusekhara B hattacharya, 238n. Vidul. 385, 398. Vidulputrnussana, 385n. Vidura. 323, 329, 3 3 1 , 338, 3421., 345ff., 357f., 870, 7 3 , 406, 408, 425, 471I. V i d y a b h u s a n , Satischandra, 238n. Vidyratna, Trntha, 599n., 6 0 1 n . , 604n. Vidyrnava, Rai B ahadur ra Chandra, 242n. Vidysgara, Jibnanda, 576n. Vijay 581. VikaTa, 344, 371. Vimala Sri 513. Vinat, 3 1 3 , 389. Vinaya 459. Vinayapiaka, 353n. Viniyoga, 276. Vipacit, 375n., 562, 564n. Virj 62, 204. Vira353ff., 365. Vir&aparvan, 3 5 3 n . , 458, 465n., 4 6 8 a .

Vaidya, C. V . , 459n., 468n., 496n., 528n., 545n., 554n., 556n., 557n. Vaikhnasadharmaprana, 278n. V a i k h n a s a s , 278. Vaikuha, 440, 540. VainateyaPura, 5 3 l n . Vaiampyana, 323f., 388n, 443f, 456, 584n. Vaiava /sacrifice/, 350. Vaiavcra, 599n. VainavaPura, s. ViuPura. Vaicavas, 538, 544, 576, 587, 590. Vaiavism, 601. Vaitnastra, 190n., 280f. Vjapeya, 172, 206. VjasaneyiPrtiakhyaStra, 284. VajasaneyiSahit, 54, 170185, 188, 192, 2 0 1 n . , 2&7 284, 352n. Vajrasc, 464n. VajrascikUpaniad, 2 4 1 . Vkovkya, 126. Vala 86. Vlakhilya h y m n s , 60. Vlin 489. V a l l a b h a , 591. Vallabhcrya sect, 591. Vallauri, M . , 499n. V l m k i , 315, 384, 475L 478, 480, 490n., 494, 496, 500ff., 503n., 504, 506f., 510, 513I., 517, 541, 579, 58lf. Vmcra, 594n., 599n. Vqmadeva, a .?i, 57. VmakevaraTantra, 600n., 604n. V m a n a P u r a , 531f, 572f. V m a s 574n. VaaBrahmaa, 194n. Vamnucarita, 522. Vaipas /genealogies/, 194, 230n., 292, 302, 522. Vavalis, 584. Vanaparvan, 3 2 l n . , 346n V n a p r a s t h a , 233. Vapumat, 560n. Varhaghyastra, 278n. Vrhamihira, 523n., 586n. VarhaPurna / V a r h a P . / , 5 3 l f . , 569f., 572n. VarhaUpaniad, 601n. V r n a s i m b a t m y a , 576. Varua 76f., 80ff 94, 100, 137, 141, 144ff., 152, 196, 207, 212ff., 216, 304f, 348, 383, 495. Vasitba, 58, 402f., 444, 480, 482, 486, 495, 503, 545, 5 6 l n . , 566. VsithaDharmas5tra, 62n, 2 4 l n . , 527n. Vsihaik, 285. Vasubandhu. 513. V a s u d e v a , 836, 445f. V s u d e v a , 505 ; s. Ka. V a s u d e v a , P a n d i t a , 279n. Vsuki 389, Vta 98. V&tsyyanaS K m a s 5 t r a , 245n Vyava /Vyavya/ P u r a s , VyuPur fina Vyu 75, 137, 220f., 225, 830, 620,

INDEX Vrevara, 569n. Virocana, 253f. Viamapadavivaraa, 468u. Viay 585. Vicu legends and worship of, 76, 157, 178ff., 185, 196, 205, 2 4 0 , 3 2 0 , 344, 350, 383, 396f., 411, 426, 435, 443, 444n., 4 4 5 , 4 4 7 , 449n., 45lff., 455, 457, 466, 478, 48OI., 495f., 501, 505, 517, 5221., 5261., 532ff., 537ff., 557n., 558ff., 566, 5691., 572ff., 78n., 579, 5811., 5851., 587n., 59On., 593, 6 0 3 ; incarnations (avat*rasl. 452, 478, 496, 501, 515n., 5 3 4 , 5 4 2 , 5 5 2 , 5561., 566, 568n., 5691., 572ff., 58lff., 6 0 3 ; V.Nryaa, 439, 574, 589n. ViubhaktI. 539n., 542, 5581. Viudharmottara, 526, 580. Viuism, 532, 535. Viuparvan, 445. ViuPura, 105, 171n., 377n., 38On, 454n., 517n., 521, 523n., 524, 5261., 53Off , 533n., 534, 538n., 539n., 544553, 554ff., 5 7 2 n . , 578n. Viusahasranmakathana, 397n. ViuSmti, 125n., 2 4 l n . , 486n., 58On. Viustotra, 452n., 453n. Vivakarman, 78, 1OO, 492, V i M m i t r a , a ri 57f., 214, 4O2f., 444, j_8O1., 561. Visve devs 561 ; s. Allgods. Vivdravasetu, 10. Vivasvat, 76. V o l t a i i e , 13n. Vopadeva, 555f. Vratakas, 450. Vratas 523, 576, 580. Vrtya 1 5 4 , 1 9 I . 3O6n. Vrtyastomas, 191. Vkapi, 518n. Vis 443. Vtra 83f., 197, 392f., 412, 495, 516. Vykaraa, 268n. Vysa Kra Dvaipyana, 285, 322ff., 329, 337n., 347, 359, 370, 3 7 l n . , 3721., 395, 423, 452, 456, 459n., 463, 473n., 475, 523, 627, 530, 541, 546, 550, 555, 560, 5 7 l n . , 575, 5811., 584n. Vysagits, 575. Vysaik, 285. Wackernagel. Jakob, 24, 57n, 193n., 4 6 l n . W a l l i s , H . W . , 100n. W a r , art of, 566, 5 8 0 ; w.song, 110. Warriors, 66, 146, 214, 2271., 23Off., 311, 3141., 319, 3351., 360, 385ff 4O2f., 429, 460, 521, 528n., 599. Watanabe, K., 513 n. W a t t e r s , Th., 535n. Weber, Albrecht, 22ff., 291, 510, 514f. and notes to 621., 305, 107, 119, 137, 140, 154, 1691., 1 7 9 , 1 8 8 . 3911., 194, 201, 2 1 1 , 219, 237, 2401., 249, 2 7 1 , 274, 279, 283 285, 2881., 292, 2951., 3121., 384, 890, 431, 457, 4641., 495, 508, 661, 678, 584f.

633

Wecker, Otto, 236n. Weller, H . , 6 2 n . " W e l t s c h m e r z , " 7. Wessdin, J. P h . , 9. Wesselofsky, A., 342n. W h e e l e r , Talboys, 584n., 585n. W h i t e island, 440. W h i t n e y , W i l l i a m D w i g h t 25, 293 and notes to 74, 96, 100 J19f., 122, 140, 142, 145, 192, 237, 284, 296. Widmann, J. V., 399n. W i d o w s , burning of, 330, 505 ; position of, 333. Wieger L . , 6O5n. Wilkins, Charles, 10, 376 n, 426. W i l k i n s , W . J . , 478 n. W i l l i a m s , Monier M . , 316 n., 327 n., 3 8 3 n . , 384 n . , 505 n., 517 n., 569 n . , 591 n . W i l s o n , H . H . , 70, 74, 556 and notes to 517, 526, 535537, 540 f., 544, 547, 557, 564, 567569, 572, 578, 591 f., 605. Winckler, H u g o , 304, 305 n. Windisch, Ernst, notes to 8, 19, 4547, 101 f., 118. 245, 324, 411. 471 f., 498, 502, 512, 517, 555. W i n t e r , A,, 105 n, W i n t e r n i t z , Moriz notes to 68, 102, 106, 154, 206, 212, 274278, 283, 287. 304, 312, 316, 319, 321, 327, 344, 376, 388, 394, 405, 440, 468, 471 f., 498, 505. W i r t z , H a n s , 499 n. Witchcraft, 125, 129. Wizard, s. Magician. Wollheim da Fonseca, A. E 543 n. W o m a n , 43, 48, 58, 66 f., 104, 206 f., 212, 217 f., 228, 246, 333, 343 n., 398, 405, 425, 432, 450, 482, 494, 507, 527, 558, 564 f., 582, 587, 5 9 4 ; w . ' s rites, 139. Wood, E , , 577 n. Woodroffe, Sir John G 591, 592 n., 601 n 602 n., 6C5 n. ; s. Avalon, Arthur. Woolner, A. C . 3 O 8 n. Worldliterature, universal 1, 2, 382, * 407 ff., 585. Worldsorrow, 7. W o r m s , 132 f. Wortham, B . H . , 564 n. W r i t i n g in India, 28, 8140. Writingmaterials, 38 f. Wulff, K., 469 n. Y d a v a s , 329, 336, 338, 340, 374, 445, 448, 450, 456, 557. Yadu, 445, 536. Yajamna, 160. Y]navalkya, 170, 171 n., 193, 194 n , , 203, 228 f., 245n., 246n., 255, 258, 285, 404, 571, 574 n. Yjfiavalkyagta. 574 n. Yiuavalkyaik, 285. Y:avalkyaSmrti, 246 n . , 519 n., 566, 577. Yajurveda, Y.Sabits, 13 n., 42, 54, 66, 118, 126, 148, 159, 163, 168, 169187, 189, 195 f., 203, 227, 268, 277, 289, 306 n., 318 n., 817, 470, 515 ; B lack Y.,

634

INDEX 565 f., 571, 574 n., 588, 590, 599, 600 n., 602, 604 n., 606. Yogcra, 599 n. Yogastra, 434, 574 n. Yogin, 363n., 416, 4 2 3 , ' 4 3 0 , 431n, 432, 453, 554, 599. Yonis (tanzas), 165 f. Yoniworship, 542 n. Yuddhakda, 491. Yudhihira, 113 n., 329374, 381, 384, 395, 397 n., 406, 423, 425, 471 ff., .*02 f., 505, 564 n., 5S4. Yudhihila, 472. Yugas (ages of the world), 535, 553, 560, 576, 582. Yuvanava, 551. Zachariae, T h . , 13 n . , 19 n , 275 n , 288 n., 604 n. Zadoo Jagaddhar, 583 n. Zimmer, Heinrich, 68, 123 n. Z i m m e r m a n n , R., 238 n., 4G8 n. Zoroaster, 305, 307 ; Zoroastrian cult, 567. Zubaty', J . , 461 n. Zumpe H e r m a n n , 399 n.

5 4 , 1 2 6 , 170 f., 176, 177 n., 189, 192, 235, 237 f., 242, 276 ff. ; W h i t e Y . , 54, 170, 171 n . , 192, 235, 237, 242, 246 D . , 2 7 8 ; B r h m a a s of the Y . , 192 ff.; Upaniads of the Y . , 235 ff. ; Sutras of the Y , 276 ff. Yajus 54, 1 6 1 , 1 6 3 , 1 7 6 , 184. Yjys 162. Yak?as, 33S 349, 351 ff., 359. Yama 78, 96, 1 0 0 , 105 ff., 1 4 2 , 1 7 4 , 219, 261 f., 348, 361, 377, 383, 393, 397, 398 n., 404, 448. 540, 550, 562 f., 577. Yamagt, 566. Y m a l a s , 574 n. Yaml. 105 ff., 219. Yamuna 590. Yantras, 587, 590, 595, 601, 604. Yantrastra, 588. Yska 69 f , 77, 287 f. Yasod 446. Yavanas, 465, 514, 524, 545 n. Yayti 378381, 410, 445, 469 n. 495, 539, 552, 575. Year, N e w Year, 118, 205, 298. Yima 78. Yoga, 237, 240, 243 n , 415, 430, 434, 437, 439 f., 523, 535, 553 f., 557, 559, 561 n . ,

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BRIEF RECORD Author: Title: Publ.: Description: Winternitz, Maurice [= Winternitz, Moriz] A History of Indian Literature. [= Geschichte der indischen Litteratur <Engl.>] Vol. I: Introduction, Veda, National Epics, Puras, and Tantras. Calcutta : University of Calcutta 1927 xix, 634 p.

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