HISTORY 1 Prof.

. Benjamin Mangubat AKIAT, Louie Francis BAYONA, Howell Henrian LOBEDERIO, Lileth NERI, Karla Patricia PACALDO, Josyne Rochelle PINSON, Raisa Adrienne _______________________________________________________________________ _ Thesis Statement: Jose P. Laurel was pro-Filipino. I. Introduction (1) Significance of the topic Among all Filipino Presidents that have ruled the country, Jose Ponciano Laurel was noticeably one of, if not the most, unpopular because his government was always associated with the idea of a puppet administration controlled by the Japanese and did not have its own sovereignty. In grade school history books and even in some high school and college textbooks, very little description was given about him and his programs, and he was also identified as one of the collaborators who willingly served the Japanese. The topic is significant because it gives us a clearer view of former President Jose P. Laurel's real stand during his time, clarifies some of the issues associated with him, and his major accomplishments---whether they were for the good of the Filipinos or not, and his role as President during Japanese invasion. (2) Why the topic is argumentative The topic is argumentative since it goes against the views of our classmates, and of many students, history books, and other people who believe that Jose P. Laurel willingly gave his support to the Japanese Empire and that he was pro-Japanese. (3) Definition of Terms i. Jose P. Laurel He was the President of the Second Republic, which was initiated under the Japanese occupation in the Philippines ii. collaborator one who serves the enemy; one who sides with the invaders of his country iii. pro-Filipino one who supports and believes the Filipino

II. Hypotheses 1. Did Laurel want Japanese assistance or interference in his policies? 2. Was Laurel supportive of guerrilla movements and American forces? 3. Was Laurel against the MAKAPILI and the Japanese rule? 4. Did Laurel promote nationalism and implement pro-Filipino programs? 5. Was Laurel unwilling and insincere in his collaboration with the Japanese Empire? Sub-theses 1. Laurel did not want Japanese assistance as much as possible. 1.1 Laurel, in a bid to prove to the Japanese and doubting Filipinos that his government had muscle and could enforce its own laws, tried to strengthen the Bureau of Constabulary (BC). He planned to increase the BC force to 40,000 (larger than the regular force of the Prewar Philippine Army), and by doing so, Laurel felt that he could reestablish peace and order, win the loyalty of the people, and prove that he no longer needed the Japanese forces to maintain security (Pobre, 2000) 1.2 When the Japanese began to push for a stronger role in maintaining peace and order, Laurel tried to put them off. He instead established Constabulary districts and returned military ranks to BC men. (Pobre, 2000) 1.3 Technically, under the Second Republic, the BC was supposed to operate on its own, calling on Japanese assistance only as deemed necessary. When the Japanese renewed their offers to assist Laurel in combating the guerrillas, Laurel insisted he could do it with the BC men. (Pobre, 2000) 1.4 The Laurel government, under great duress, attempted to exercise its sovereignty by removing Japanese advisers and other personnel from Malacanang Palace. (Cortes et al, 2000) 1.5 The non-collaboration attitude almost reached the point of explosion when Laurel turned down the Japanese idea of creating the ministry of national defense. Because of Laurels refusal to dance to the Japanese music, the collaborators Republic was looked upon with suspicion that led to the Japanese to form the MAKAPILI. (Liang, 1970) 2. Laurel was supportive of guerrilla movements and American forces. 2.1 With the return of the Americans, the guerrillas sprang into action. The Japanese prodded the Laurel government to declare war against the United States. Instead, Laurel declared a state of war with the U.S., without conscription. (Cortes et al, 2000) 2.2 It was Laurel and his government that actually protected so many guerrillas from the Japanese, and complained in protest against the Japanese brutality and interference in the judiciary. On one occasion Laurel was so bold as to prepare his palace guards with the best weapons available to resist the Japanese from arresting his aide, Maj. Jesus Vargas whom the Japanese Kempetai (military police) did not trust. (Liang, 1970)

2.3 President Laurel even allowed as many as seventy-five percent of the constabulary force, including officers as well as enlisted men and members of his own presidential guards, to desert and join the guerrillas carrying away with them a large quantity of firearms and ammunition withut doing anything to stop or prevent further desertions and without punishing the officers guilty of negligence or connivance. Muntinglupa Bilibid Prison was twice allowed to be raided by the guerrillas in order to liberate the political prisoners. (Liang, 1970) 3. Laurel was against the Makapili and the Japanese rule. 3.1 Laurel declared during the inauguration of the Makapili:
There is only one Republic of the Philippines, to which we owe allegiance, and which we must defend with our sinews and blood. This Republic is the one of which I happen to be President. As long as I hold and exercise the authority, I cannot consent or permit any organization, political in character, by individual Filipinos of groups of Filipinos, to exist unless that organization is subject to the authority and control of that Republic. In the interest of self-preservation, and even in the conservation of the joint understanding of Japanese and Filipinos in establishing that Republic, we cannot afford to permit the existence of any Filipino organization which should be beyond the control of, or independent from, the overwhelming authority of the independent government of that Republic.

3.2 The Japanese authorities might not have known it, but the last sentence of Laurels inaugural address was pregnant with resolve to demolish all barriers, including Japanese interference, standing in the way of real independence. (Agoncillo, 1965).
Every drop, every trickle of individual effort shall be grooved into a single channel of common endeavor until they grow into a flowing stream, a rushing cataract, a roaring torrent, a raging flood, hurdling all difficulties and demolishing all barriers in the way of our single purpose and common determination to make our independence stable, lasting and real.

3.3 The Japanese were not even observant enough to understand the meaning or the suggestive nature of the Kalibapi flag which, according to Claro Recto, was purposely illustrated with a white circle against a red background showing a clear contrast to the Japanese flag as a red bal against a white background. (Liang, 1970) Laurel was one of the leaders of the Kalibapi. (Maguigad, 2004) 4. Laurel promoted nationalism and implemented pro-Filipino programs. 4.1 Laurel encouraged the propagation of Tagalog as the national language by using it as the official language. The teaching of Tagalog, Philippine History, and character education was reserved for Filipinos. Laurel also required that majority of the teachers should be Filipinos, and for the first time in Philippine history, the aliens were barred from teaching the Filipinos their own history that had been hitherto interpreted according to alien points-ofview. (Agoncillo, 1990)

4.2 Laurel ordered a change in the BC insignia from the prewar U.S.-based design to one of more Filipino character. (Pobre, 1999) 4.3 In his inaugural address, Laurel advocated that:
I shall stand for no political party while I hold the rudder of the Ship of State. We must serve only one master---our country; we must follow only one voice---the voice of the people. We must have only one party, the peoples party, a party that would stand for peace, for reconstruction, for sound national economy, for social reform, for the elevation of the masses, for the creation of a new world order. At no time in our history is the demand for unity amongst our people more urgent or more compelling. Only by presenting a compact and undivided front to all vital images of the day can we hope to erect the foundations of a strong and enduring Republic. I consider as rallying centers of our national unity: The Flag, the Constitution, the National Anthem and the President of the Republic. The Flag, be cause it symbolizes the sacrifices of our heroes and synthesizes our common imperishable tradition. The Constitution, because it expresses our collective ad sovereign will and embodies the sum of our political philosophy and experience. The National Anthem, because it epitomizes the trials and tribulations and crystallizes the longings and aspirations of our race. The President, because he is the chosen leader of our people, the directing and coordinating center of our government, and the visible personification of the State.

4.4 As an elected senator and later delegate to the Constitutional Convention, he distinguished himself for his advocacy of womens suffrage and his sponsorship of the Bill of Rights of the Constitution. (Maguigad, 2004) Laurel was undoubtedly a devout nationalist and a man of character. (Liang, 1970) 4.5 After taking his oath of office as president of the Republic, Laurel proclaimed that:
We have adopted a Constitution providing for a republican form of government. The Republic of the Philippines is to be run by Filipinos for Filipinos. In assuming the office of President of the Republic, I appeal to you, my countrymen, to help me in the great task of establishing the Philippines for the Filipinos in accordance with the cherished dream of our people. For my part, I solemnly pledge to you all the strength of which I am capable, my whole heart, even to the last drop of my blood, to serve you always, to foster and protect your interests, and to uphold the honor and freedom of our Fatherland. (Liang, 1970)

5. Laurel was unwilling and insincere in his collaboration with the Japanese Empire. 5.1 Drawing on their own colonial experience, the Japanese utilized the services of the leaders of the newly-conquered peoples like Jose P. Laurel and Jorge Vargas. These leaders were cajoled and pressured to serve the new colonial master. (Constantino, 1969) 5.2 As the facts of collaboration came into light, the people, who were at first swayed by passion in their judgment of the issue, now slowly realized that the collaboration of many of the officials in the Laurel government was intended to soften the impact of the Japanese military administration. (Agoncillo, 1990)

5.3 When Laurel, Aquino, Vargas and Osias were brought back to the Philippines from Japan on July 23, 1946, the people forming the crowd simply ignored the fact that these men were prisoners charged with treason and shouted Mabuhay to them as if they were returning heroes. (Liang, 1970) Laurel found circulars which read:
Laurel has returned to his beloved country. In times of stress, he stood for us and with us. He fought for us in every step when the Japs would have totally destroyed us. When all seemed to be lost he still tried to defend us against great odds. He did all within his power to prevent a greater evil upon his beloved country and his beloved people. Most of us are alive today because Laurel was the wall that delayed our wholesale martyrdom. He is back. The best we can do is to show appreciation for him.

5.4 Laurel told the court that for 37 years he had faithfully served his people, so half of his life was spent in public service, forgetting personal ambitions, doing what he believed to be the best for his country. He wanted to come to Corregidor with President Quezon in December 1941 but he was advised to remain and do the best he could to serve the people and alleviate their sufferings. In his address to the court Laurel uttered with eloquence: let it be recorded, Gentlemen of the Court, no longer with tears because I have no
more tears to shed, but let it be recorded with the black ink, the very black ink with which these proceedings shall be taken down, with the black ink of passion, that a Filipino, whose only fault was doing his best in the most crucial days of our existence on earth to tide over his people that they might yet survive another day that this nation might yet survive

5.5 President Quezon wrote to General MacArthur a letter in which he said: In refernce to the men who have accepted positions in the commission established by
the Japanese, every one of them wanted to come to Corregidor, but you told me that there was no room for them there. They are not quislings. The quislings are the men who betray their country to the enemy. These men did what they have been asked to do, while they were free, under the protection of their government. Today, they are virtually prisoners of the enemy. I am sure they are only doing what they think is their duty. They are not traitors. They are the victims of the adverse fortunes of war and I am sure they have no choice (Liang, 1970)

LITERATURE CITED

Agoncillo, Teodoro A. The Fateful Years, Japans Adventure in the Philippines, 1941 -1945, Volume 2, 1965 Constantino, Renato. The making of a Filipino, 1969. Pobre, Cesar. The History of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, 2000 Maguigad, Rogelio B. Peoples History of the Philippines, 2004 Agoncillo, Teodoro A. The Fateful Years, Japans Adventure in the Philippines, 1941 -1945, Volume 1, 1965 Agoncillo, Teodoro A. History of the Filipino, Eighth Edition, 1990 Liang, Dapen. Philippine Parties and Politics : A Historical Study of National Experiences in Democracy, 1970 Cortes, Rosario Mendoza. The Filipino Saga, 2000