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Mediterranean Slavery, New World Transformations: Galley Slaves in the Spanish Caribbean, 1578 1635
David Wheat

Beginning in the 1570s, the Spanish Crown dispatched approximately 20 to 25 Mediterranean galleys to the Caribbean in order to protect the empires maritime lifelines. In addition to convict rowers of widely varied origins, the galleys employed relatively small numbers of skilled oarsmen drawn from the Islamic Mediterranean, particularly North Africa and the Ottoman empire. While Spains Caribbean galley squadrons existed for only 60 years, their reliance on Turkish and Moorish galley slaves provides evidence of an overlooked, intermediate stage in the evolution of slavery within the early modern Iberian Atlantic world. In 1634, Spanish troops located and attacked the venerable palenque of el Limon, in the province of Cartagena de Indias, present-day Colombia. The well-known community of runaway slaves had never posed a serious threat until the year before, when maroons from El Limon conducted a series of violent raids, assaulting rural farms and a small Indian pueblo. The retaliatory expedition of 1634 led to the capture of over 70 Africans and Afro-Creoles, with more than 40 men and women returned to their owners, and 20 sold away into exile. Hoping to intimidate Cartagenas enslaved population, the citys governor ordered the public execution of 10 maroons known to have committed acts of violence against Spanish subjects and their properties. Of the 10 men scheduled to be executed, all but one were either West Central Africans or Afro-Creoles. The remaining maroon was Francisco de la Fuente, a 30-year-old morisco from Beniopa, a town near Ganda in eastern Spain. According to various witnesses, a shotgun-wielding de la Fuente had actively participated in the murders of Amerindians, rural black slaves, and Spanish overseers in Cartagenas hinterland. Questioned at length by authorities in Cartagena, de la Fuente stated that he knew he would be executed (ya save que ha de morir), but harboured no ill will towards his capturers. In a jail cell, he learned that he would be dragged through the citys
David Wheat is Assistant Professor, Department of History, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA. Email: dwheat@msu.edu ISSN 0144-039X print/1743-9523 online/10/030327 18 DOI: 10.1080/0144039X.2010.504541 # 2010 Taylor & Francis

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streets behind a mule and then, in a public plaza, hung by the neck until dead. His body would be quartered and placed at various points around the city; his head would be displayed in an iron cage alongside those of his fellow maroons. Unlike his cellmate Juan de la Mar negro criollo, de la Fuente made no attempt to appeal when notied of his death sentence. He was hung and dismembered in Cartagena on 19 June 1634.1 How can we explain this Spanish moriscos presence in a major maroon settlement outside Cartagena in the 1630s? The Turks and Moors who intermittently appear in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Spanish Caribbean sources present a similar problem.2 While their presence has been noted by several historians, little is known of the circumstances that brought them to the Caribbean.3 Thus far, our knowledge of Mediterranean inuences in the formation of Spanish Caribbean society is largely limited to the introduction of sugar cane.4 This essay addresses the direct transfer of a different Mediterranean institution galley slavery from Iberia to the Caribbean. From 1578 until the early 1630s, galley squadrons based in Cartagena, Santo Domingo, and Havana relied on the labour of several hundred Mediterranean Muslims (and a handful of moriscos). Viewed as skilled and experienced oarsmen, these Moors and Turks rowed alongside enslaved sub-Saharan Africans, and convicts drawn from various corners of the Iberian empires. Much like sugar cultivation, the galleys provide an opportunity to examine the genesis of Caribbean slavery in light of Mediterranean antecedents. Yet whereas sugar cultivation in the early colonial Caribbean may evoke unbroken continuities with late colonial plantation slavery, or static racial attitudes spanning centuries, Spains Caribbean galleys provide an alternative model depicting a transformation in Iberian slavery. The presence of North African, Ottoman, and morisco galley slaves in the Caribbean attests that for a brief period of perhaps 60 years, as in early modern Iberia, difference and enslaveability were measured not only in terms of skin colour, but also in terms of religious identity, political loyalty, and foreign status. In response to a royal cedula issued in Madrid in 1569 requesting information on the utility of galleys in the Caribbean, authorities in various circum-Caribbean ports unanimously petitioned for the dispatch of galleys from Spain to combat the growing presence of French and English corsairs.5 Though their proposed plans for organising the galleys differed, the Caribbeans main galley squadron (referred to in contemporary sources as the galleys of Tierra Firme) was soon established in Cartagena, beginning with the arrival of two galleys in 1578. Temporarily disbanded in 1613, Cartagenas galleys were revived in 1621, and continued to operate in some fashion for another decade.6 Additional galley squadrons were based in Santo Domingo from 1583 to approximately 1592, and in Havana from 1586 to approximately 1596. The dates at which Santo Domingo and Havanas galleys ceased to operate remain somewhat imprecise; when these squadrons were disbanded, the remaining vessels, oars, and artillery, and in some cases surviving galley slaves and convict oarsmen, were sent to reinforce Cartagenas galley squadron in piecemeal fashion.7 Each squadron was ideally composed of two galleys, though three or even four galleys may have been based in Cartagena from time to time. More often than not, rotting wood, mutiny,

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re, and natural disasters reduced squadrons to a single galley. At present, a total of 18 galleys, including two built in Cartagena, are known to have been used in the Spanish Caribbean during the quarter century from 1578 to 1603.8 Considering the arrival and/or construction of additional galleys in Cartagena during the years 16031613 and 16211631, one might reasonably estimate that Spains Caribbean galley squadrons consisted of a combined total of 20 to 25 galleys during the entire period under study. As in other regions of the Spanish empire during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, galleys ability to move quickly for short distances in shallow waters, independent of wind, meant that they were effective for a variety of purposes in the Caribbean.9 Just as Spanish galleys escorted Seville-bound Indies eets during the nal stage of their trajectory, galleys escorted Indies eets and other merchant vessels in the Caribbean, particularly those carrying valuable commodities such as silver or pearls. When galleons sailed from Cartagena to Nombre de Dios or Portobelo to retrieve the annual situado (i.e. Peruvian silver), they were accompanied by galleys; on at least one occasion, Cartagenas galleys carried out this important task alone.10 Galleys also transported passengers and correspondence, explored unknown coastlines, attacked maroons and autonomous Amerindian groups, deterred contraband trade, pursued corsairs, and prevented them from interacting with rural slaves.11 During the late sixteenth century, Spanish galley crews consisted of ofcers and mariners (gente de cabo and gente de mar), soldiers (gente de guerra), and oarsmen (gente de remo), with the latter comprising the largest group on any given galley.12 Oarsmen were further divided into three subcategories, with convicts (forzados) usually outnumbering all other rowers on Spanish galleys. Though most galley forzados were sent from Spain, their ranks were augmented by convicts from the Spanish Americas and other Iberian colonies. Those sentenced to row on Caribbean galleys included men of widely diverse origins, ranging from Iberian gypsies and mulatos to Amerindians to French and English caught interloping in the region.13 Most forzados served limited sentences, typically ranging from 2 to 10 years.14 In 1601, Cartagenas governor noted that after completing their sentences, 12 or 14 foreigners of different nations who came as forcados on the galleys had recently been given liberty, and have married, and have become citizens [vezinos] of this city.15 Occasionally, former convict oarsmen chose to remain on the galleys after the completion of their sentences, drawing pay as volunteer oarsmen or buenas boyas (an adaptation of the Italian term buona voglia). The two categories actually overlapped in more ways than one, since some convicts were forced to continue rowing as buenas boyas after their sentences had expired.16 This practice helps to explain the large number of buenas boyas on Cartagenas galleys in 1583, as seen in Table 1. Many of the 70 volunteer oarsmen may have been former convicts. If forzados and buenas boyas are combined, then both groups comprised approximately 80 per cent of all oarsmen both on Cartagenas galleys in 1583, and on Havanas galleys a decade later. Much like their counterparts on Spains galley squadrons, galley slaves generally comprised only about one fth of the oarsmen on Caribbean galleys.17 In accordance

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Table 1 Caribbean Galley Crew Composition during the Late Sixteenth Century (with Row Percentages)
Caribbean galleys (in pairs, combined) Santiago & Ocasion (Cartagena, 1583) Sn Agustn & Brava (Havana, 1593) Ofcers and mariners 49 12.5% 45 13.0% Soldiers 45 11.4% 46 13.3% Buenas Boyas 70 17.8% 13 3.8% Forzados 174 44.3% 192 55.7% Slaves 55 14.0% 49 14.2% Total crew 393 100.0% 345 100.0%

Sources: AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc.3; AGI-Patronato 270, n.3, r.10.

with the al scaloccio rowing system introduced in the Mediterranean in the mid-sixteenth century, galleys could be rowed effectively with a small number of skilled oarsmen, each directing other men who rowed the same oar. Differing from the earlier system known as alla sensile in which each oarsman rowed their own individual oar, the new al scaloccio system required a smaller number of specialists and could more easily incorporate inexperienced oarsmen.18 In the Caribbean, this specialised labour was carried out by Mediterranean Muslims. In the early 1580s, for example, Cartagenas galley commander requested more enslaved oarsmen from Spain, preferably Moors and Turks, who prove to be the best.19 Most of the additional muscle necessary to operate the galleys would be supplied by virtually anyone who could be coerced into serving aboard them. Unlike the arrival of galleys in the Caribbean, the arrival of Mediterranean galley slaves themselves is difcult to track; at present we can only speculate that Spains Caribbean galleys employed a total of somewhere from 250 to 500 galley slaves during the period under study.20 However, as property of the Spanish Crown, galley slaves treatment was highly regulated, and generated a great deal of documentation.21 A roster of oarsmen onboard the rst galleys sent to the Caribbean in 1578 lists more than 50 galley slaves by name and place of origin, and another 20 enslaved oarsmen sent from Seville to Cartagena along with two new galleys were likewise described in detail in 1583.22 Caribbean galley slaves existence is not completely unknown to modern historians, but previous analysis of them centres almost exclusively on those who ed the galleys of Santo Domingo and Cartagena when Francis Drake captured those cities in early 1586.23 Less attention has been given to the six new galleys sent to the Caribbean shortly after Drakes departure, with Cartagena, Santo Domingo, and Havana each receiving two galleys and presumbly a number of enslaved oarsmen.24 Cartagenas galleys employed 51 galley slaves in 1591 and 36 Moorish and mulato slaves in 1603.25 Havana ofcials listed nearly 50 Moorish and Turkish galley slaves by name and place of origin in 1593, and again in 1596.26 No comparably detailed roster has been located for Caribbean galleys in the seventeenth century, but there is evidence that two galleys arrived in Cartagena in 1622 accompanied by 100 forzados and 100 galley slaves.27 As Table 2 indicates, Spanish Caribbean galleys relied heavily on the labour of enslaved North Africans. Most had probably been captured in amphibious raids

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Table 2 Geographical Origins ascribed to 73 Moorish and Turkish Galley Slaves in Cartagena (1578 1583) and Havana (1593 1596)
Present country or region City or region as listed in galley rosters1 Anadolia Brussa Costantinopla/Estanbol Romeli/Urumele Aglipoli Chisme Fez Marruecos Mezquinez/Miquinaz Alcasar Cela Melilla Xafe Xexuan Velez de la Gomera Argel Bona Costantina Mostagani/Mostagen Xixar/Xijar El Col Meliana Teles/Telez Negroponte Rodas Cumbra Becar/Visarte Los Gelves Tunez Mar Negro Carandenguiz Escandaria Biscari Tripol Present-day nomenclature2 Anatolia Bursa Constantinople/Istanbul Rumelia Gallipoli Cesme Fez Marakech ` Meknes Alcazarquivir (Ksar-el-Kebir) Sela, Sala, Chellah Melilla (Sp) Sa Chefchaouen Penon de Velez de la Gomera (Sp) Algiers Bone (Annaba) Constantine Mostaganem Cherchell, Sharshal El Collo, Collo Miliana ` Tenes Euboea Rodos (Rhodes) Koumpara (Ios) Bizerte Djerba Tunis Black Sea Karadeniz (Black Sea) Al Iskandariyah (Alexandria) Acate (Sicily) Tripoli Number of people 12 2 2 2 1 1 6 4 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 3 3 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1

Turkey (20)

Morocco(19)

Algeria (18)

Greece (7) Tunisia (3) Black Sea (3) Egypt (1) Italy (1) Libya (1)

Sources: AGI-Contadura 1381; AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc.3; AGI-Patronato 270, n.3, r.10; AGI-SD 99, r.20, n.197b; AMN-VP serie 2, tomo 10-B, doc.1. 1 An additional 10 individuals are ascribed geographical origins which I have not yet been able to identify. These locations include Arax, Ben Arax, Casdaga/Caldaga, Drahaman, Metagara, Metexeli, Metixar/Metijar, and Celen/Selen. 2 In this table, (Sp) refers to cities afliated with present-day Spain. The region Rumelia in present-day Turkey could also refer to areas in present-day Greece and/or Macedonia. Also, while Escandaria (Al Iskandariyah) is listed here as Alexandria, Egypt, another important city of the same name is located slightly south of Baghdad in present-day Iraq.

conducted by Spanish naval forces, or in outright naval combat. Between 1613 and 1624, for example, Spain acquired 980 slaves from just 28 vessels captured in the Mediterranean.28 Initially forced to serve on Iberian galleys, some of these enslaved oarsmen were subsequently transferred to the Caribbean. Those who appear in

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Table 2 were far removed from their stated homes in areas corresponding to presentday Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, and Sicily. These men bore names written in Spanish as Alfala, Ali, Alillo, Almancor, Amar, Amarejo, Bujama, Cassimo, Genus, Hamete, Hamu, Hasan, Mami, Osman, Rahamon, Ucayn, Xarillo, and Zalen. When asked to identify themselves, many enslaved North African oarsmen gave their fathers names as well.29 While the Ottoman empire controlled a number of North African cities during the period under study, men associated with the region are identied in Spanish Caribbean sources as Moors.30 Of the 18 individuals listed in Table 2 who originated in the region of present-day Algeria (including 7 men from Algiers), 5 were specically described as Moors, but none as Turks. Two enslaved oarsmen from Fez, and one from Algiers, were each listed as black; another from Marrakech was described as mulato.31 In addition to enslaved North Africans, Spanish Caribbean galleys employed signicant numbers of oarsmen drawn from various regions of the Ottoman empire. Like many North Africans, these men were most probably captured from Ottoman vessels in the course of Mediterranean naval warfare, and forced into galley slavery. Prior to their capture by Spanish forces, some had been soldiers or free oarsmen; Ottoman galleys also employed convicts, and oarsmen from inland regions of the empire drafted into service without pay.32 While those who found themselves labouring on Caribbean galleys are described in Spanish sources as Turks, this term misleadingly ascribes a degree of ethnic homogeneity to residents of an expansive, cosmopolitan empire and its various borders.33 As seen in Table 2, geographical origins ascribed to enslaved galley oarsmen from Ottoman lands often refer to broad regions such as Anatolia or Rumelia, rather than to specic towns or cities in present-day Turkey or Greece. At least three oarsmen claimed the the Black Sea or Caradeniz as their homeland, and another man, probably from the eastern Adriatic, is identifed as Peri Bosno. Other enslaved Turkish oarsmens names are recorded in Spanish as Ali, Bali, Brahen, Dargud or Dargute, Garrucha, Hacan, Mahamete, Mostafa, Muca, Rexefe, and Yusufe. Like their North African colleagues, many also provided their fathers names.34 A number of Turks who ed the galleys during Drakes devastating tour of the Spanish Caribbean in 1586 were given passage to England, and at least 20 were delivered to Istanbul the following year.35 Perhaps some of the enslaved oarsmen who laboured on Cartagenas galleys in 1578 and 1583 were among them. One list of galley slaves composed in Seville in 1583, just before the galleys departed for Cartagena, provides detailed physical descriptions of 20 galley slaves; 11 were of North African origins, including 8 specically designated as Moors. Another 6 from Anatolia, Bursa, Romelia, Rhodes, and the Black Sea were each described as Turks. Among the North Africans, the youngest man was 24 years old; 4 others ranged in age from 30 to 45. The rest were 50 years old or more, with 2 men said to be 58, and another listed only as old (viejo). Of the Turkish oarsmen, one did not know his age, and the remaining ve were all between 25 and 46 years old. Several carried wounds or scars testifying to previous experiences of combat, illness, or violence inicted on them in captivity. Bujama from Constantine, son of Ali, was

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wounded on his right arm; a Sicilian-born Muslim named Hamete bore burn scars on his right wrist. Others were missing hands or thumbs, and one 50-year-old oarsman from Djerba had the upper parts of his ears cut off. An Ottoman oarsman from Bursa identied as Abrahen, son of Gotun, also had both ears mutilated, a punishment commonly meted out for attempted revolt.36 Iberians associated with the Islamic Mediterranean world also rowed on Spains Caribbean galleys, though in smaller numbers than their North African and Ottoman con temporaries. Along with enemy galley captains known as arraeces (i.e. ras) captured in naval combat, Iberian renegades former Christians who had converted to Islam were considered too dangerous to be ransomed, freed, sold, or exchanged for Christian captives; instead, they were to remain royal galley slaves for life.37 Iberian Christians placed a similar stigma on Iberians of Muslim ancestry known as moriscos, many of whom who had been forcibly converted. Even moriscos not captured at sea were seen as potential oarsmen for Spains galleys in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and at least eighty who resisted explusion during the 1610s were forced into galley slavery.38 While various royal decrees prohibited moriscos passage to the Americas (even as slaves), there were some exceptions to this rule.39 Spains Caribbean galleys represented one such exception. An enslaved oarsman identifed as Martin de Avalos de Vilar, son of Lorenco de Avalos, morisco served aboard the galley San tiago, one of the rst galleys to arrive in the Spanish Caribbean, in 1578. One of the galley slaves who accompanied him was Mami Calabres, renegade from Sa. Interestingly, despite his stated origins in Sa, formerly a Portuguese outpost in Morocco, Calabres was described as Turkish.40 During the 1590s, two moriscos named Lorenco Lanis and Alonso Gallego also served on Havanas galleys, along with a man identied as Mami, alias Antono Portugues, renegade.41 On Spains Caribbean galleys, North African and Ottoman oarsmen also worked shoulder to shoulder with Afro-Iberian and sub-Saharan African galley slaves. Approximately 15 Afro-Iberians are listed among other enslaved oarsmen aboard Cartagenas rst galleys, shortly before their departure from Seville in 1578. Eight or nine were natives of Seville and nearby areas such as Alans, Cantillana, and Castilleja de la Cuesta, and two others were from Cordoba and Sanlucar de Barrameda. Most of these Afro-Andalusians were described as mulatos. Additional black galley slaves included two men from Lisbon, one from Sao Tome, and a man named Francisco Duarte orig42 inally from Monicongo (Kongo). Spanish Caribbean ofcials frequently wrote to the Crown requesting authorisation to purchase or borrow enslaved sub-Saharan Africans for use on the galleys, but these efforts seldom bore fruit.43 By 1583, Cartagenas galley squadron had been reinforced by only 11 sub-Saharan African and Afro-Creole galley slaves. Evidently acquired in Cartagena, nearly all were natives of the Upper Guinea Coast, and several had formerly been maroons in Panama.44 An unspecied number of black slaves served as oarsmen temporarily when Cartagenas galleys patrolled the coasts of Santa Marta and Rio de la Hacha in October and November of 1603.45 Meanwhile, Cartagena ofcials also modied the traditional system of employing buenas boyas by allowing the citys residents to rent out black slaves as oarsmen in exchange for a daily wage.46

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The involuntary and oppressive nature of galley slavery during the early modern era is difcult to overemphasise, given the levels of violence deemed necessary in order to maintain control over galley slaves actions. They were probably kept in chains onboard the galleys, and possibly imprisoned while on land; one of Cartagenas bishops complained in 1591 that his nephew had been arbitrarily thrown into the dungeon with the galley oarsmen.47 Spanish Caribbean ofcials were especially keen to prevent and punish instances of sexual intercourse between men on the galleys. Like other early modern Europeans, Iberians generally associated Muslims and galley slaves with sodomy (known as el pecado nefando, or the abominable sin).48 In 1583, the commandor of Cartagenas galleys was instructed to punish any crimes or excesses [the oarsmen] may commit, at sea or on land, especially those of the abominable sin, blasphemy, refusals, disobedience and resistance.49 In Havana, a North African galley slave and a Spanish forzado were caught in the act of the abominable sin in 1588, but somehow managed to escape punishment.50 Others were less fortunate. Over the following decade in Cartagena, sentences were pronounced against nearly 30 galley slaves, convicts, galley soldiers, and sailors accused of various crimes including theft, sodomy, forgery, blasphemy, murder, assault, and attempted escape. Five men accused of committing el pecado nefando were tortured and burned to death, with the exception of one man identied as Juan Bautista of Tetuan who had already died at the oar. Those who lived long enough to be burned at the stake included one Moor and one mulato. In both cases, their partners were passed over the ames.51 In the Spanish Caribbean, as in the Mediterranean, enslaved oarsmen occasionally mutinied alongside forzados and galley soldiers, and others attempted to escape the galleys when the opportunity arose. In 1580 during Holy Week, oarsmen on both of Cartagenas galleys revolted en masse, but to little avail.52 Another galley revolt in Santo Domingo in 1583 was essentially a mutiny; Spanish and Portuguese convicts, with the aid of galley soldiers, murdered the captain and briey turned to piracy. Galley slaves participation in the revolt, however, was apparently minimal. Two Moors actually aided Spanish ofcials in their efforts to regain control of the galley.53 A third revolt took place in Cartagena in 1591. While out on patrol, careless galley ofcials at some point left most of the oarsmen unchained, with only two soldiers, one ofcer, and one sailor on board. The four hapless individuals were soon tossed overboard, along with fty-nine forcados and moros who elected not to partici pate in the revolt. The remaining oarsmen managed to escape, at least temporarily.54 During the same year, nine men described as Moors escaped from Havanas galleys in a somewhat different manner. When away from Havana, galley commander Cristobal Pantoja sometimes left convicts and galley slaves ashore to catch sh and turtles, and on one such occasion, nine Moorish oarsmen attempted to ee. Two were killed while resisting recapture, and to the others, justice was done for the crime they had committed.55 Beyond their involuntary service at the oars, galley slaves and forzados in the Spanish Caribbean performed a wide range of tasks comparable to the off-season and extracurricular labours of their Mediterranean contemporaries.56 During the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, galley oarsmen in Caribbean seaports could be found

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working as domestic servants, sherman, guards, cobblers, carpenters, caulkers, and salvage crews.57 Extant sources consistently depict galley slaves employed in the construction of public works, namely defensive fortications, labouring alongside subSaharan African royal slaves and convicts specically assigned to these projects. One report from Havana noted that the people from the galleys Brava and Serena worked on Havanas forts in 1592; four years later, one galley ofcial wrote that some of Havanas galley slaves remain serving your majesty [. . .] in this citys forts.58 Similar reports provide evidence of Cartagenas galley oarsmen helping to construct a new cathedral after the original one collapsed in 1600, and working on fortication projects in both Cartagena and Panama.59 Likewise in 1623, Cartagenas governor informed the Crown that some Moors from the galley had been sent to labour on the citys fortications.60 That year, the citys royal ofcials noted with greater precision that sixteen moros had earned a daily wage of one real each for their work on the fortications, with eight labouring on the city wall itself, and eight on the canoe that brings the stone.61 In addition to their diverse occupations ashore, galley slaves and forzados varied interactions with local seaport populations provide further evidence that they enjoyed some degree of physical mobility and independence while on land, despite severe limitations usually placed on their freedom of movement at sea. In 1583, a gambling dispute and violent altercation took place in Gethseman, a poor but impor tant neighbourhood just outside Cartagenas city centre. Galley slave Cristobal de Baena, one of the witnesses called to testify during the subsequent investigation, had been nearby in the house of the freed black Agustn at the time. When he heard a noise like knives in the street, he simply went out to see what it was.62 Three years later, one Cartagena ofcial lamented the apparently uid social relations that some galley slaves established with non-elite women in the city, ominously depicted as unrighteous intercourse between the Moors of these galleys and slave women and Christian Indians, and even other women of other sorts.63 In 1588, gov ernor Pedro de Lodena wrote that Cartagenas galley soldiers frequently deserted for lack of pay and rations, leaving the galleys guarded by only Moors and sailors.64 Several months later, he reiterated that with so few soldiers left to man the galleys, on most nights, the Moors keep watch.65 Lodena observed again in 1590 that Cartagenas galley commander permitted forzados to go about free on the land. Though ostensibly employed in the service of the Crown, the convict oarsmen took on a variety of other jobs, and allegedly committed acts of thievery and murder by night and by day. Even worse, according to Lodena, the Moors were allowed to roam about with such freedom of movement that their knowledge of the area could prove dangerous, should they decide to cooperate with an enemy in the event of an attack on the city.66 Yet Muslim galley slaves were not always perceived as such a threat. In 1591, the administrator in charge of Cartagenas galleys wrote that of the citys 51 enslaved oarsmen, ve of them, being old and sick, go about on shore begging for alms.67 For some enslaved Muslim oarsmen, conversion to Christianity or in some cases, reconversion represented one possible means of integration into Spanish Caribbean

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society, and at the very least, afforded them the protection of the Church. According to Cartagenas governor, by 1580, only two years after the arrival of the citys rst galleys, many of the Moors who came in the galleys have turned Christian, and have been baptised, having lost all hope of being able to return to their native land.68 During Lent of the same year, when an unspecied number of Cartagenas galley slaves went to church to take communion, one of them tried to remain in the church. Galley commander Pedro Vique had him removed by force promptly resulting in Viques excommunication by Cartagenas bishop in the middle of Holy Week. Unlike the failed galley revolt attempted the same week, the strategy of pursuing sanctuary in Cartagenas church worked. Vique quickly returned the galley slave, and his excommunication was lifted.69 As Vique notes elsewhere, by the following year most of Cartagenas earliest galley slaves have become Christians.70 A roster of oarsmen on Cartagenas galleys in 1583 lists no less than eight galley slaves described as New Christians.71 One of these men was Cristobal de Baena, who pointedly identied himself as a Christian galley slave in his testimony given later that year.72 A similar process may have taken place in Havana; four adults baptised in the citys cathedral during the 1590s were described as newly converted, including one man from Berbera.73 One such New Christian galley slave emphasised his new religious identity, and loyalty to the Spanish monarch, in an apparently successful effort to procure his freedom in 1592. As recorded by a notary in Cartagena, the man who called himself Miguel New Christian stated that for over 30 years, I am a slave of the King our Lord. After more than 16 years of service on Spains galleys, Miguel was among the rst group of enslaved oarsmen sent to the Caribbean in 1578. Some 15 years later, he was still a slave on Cartagenas galleys, having passed up an opportunity to escape when Drake captured the city in 1586. In his own words, When the English Lutherans, enemies of our holy Catholic faith, came to this city, they caught me and took me with them for more than 15 days. After two weeks with Drakes forces he managed to ee, not only to return to the service of the King, but also because, by the mercy of God, I am a Christian. Miguel had converted to Christianity in Rio de la Hacha the year before Drakes raid. He claimed to be over the age of 78 at the time of his petition in 1592, which would mean he had converted at the age of 70. Citing his advanced age and his many years of service, Miguel requested his liberty, offering to provide 200 pesos towards the purchase of a younger galley slave to take his place. Accompanied by the testimonies of a galley ofcer and two soldiers, each of whom conrmed his story, Miguels appeal was forwarded to Spain. Six months later, his petition was granted on the condition that he could provide 200 pesos, as promised.74 Alonso de Molina (alias Ali or Toledo) provides another detailed example of a Spanish Caribbean galley slave who experienced some degree of independence and mobility, mainly associated with his desire to be reintegrated into the Catholic faith. As he stated voluntarily before Cartagenas Ofce of the Inquisition in 1628, de Molina was born in Spain to morisco parents in approximately 1598, and raised as a Catholic. Like many other moriscos, they were forced to emigrate in 1609, and moved to Berbera when de Molina was only 10 or 11 years old. For the next decade

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he lived in North Africa, and in the city of Tunis, following his mothers counsel, he converted to Islam. De Molina further admitted that he eventually turned to piracy, but was himself captured at sea by a Spanish vessel, soon becoming a galley slave on Spains main squadron based in Puerto de Santa Mara. While his date of arrival in the Caribbean is unknown, he may have numbered among the one hundred galley slaves transported to Cartagena in 1622. According to de Molinas testimony, he reconverted to Catholicism in Cartagena in early 1628, 16 years after his conversion to Islam, and three months prior to appearing before Inquisition ofcials. Cartagenas Inquisitors accepted his reconversion as legitimate, but ordered him to seek religious instruction in the citys Jesuit college every day, if possible, over the following six months.75 Prior to his execution in Cartagena in 1634, the Spanish morisco-turned-maroon Francisco de la Fuente testied that he, too, had rst arrived in Cartagena as a royal slave on the galleys. His account provides further evidence that galley slaves were commonly allowed to move about freely in Cartagena without supervision, yet it also reveals that they were conspicuously branded in a way that would seriously undermine any effort to escape. In 1632 de la Fuente was a galley slave in Cartagena, in love with an enslaved black woman named Mariana. But one day when he found her talking with an Afro-Creole slave, de la Fuente impetuously killed the other man in a t of rage and jealousy. In order to avoid the punishment that he knew awaited him, de la Fuente ed the city, living as a fugitive in Cartagenas rural hinterland near several estancias (farms) for about 14 months. When a slave who worked on one of the estancias warned him that local landowners intended to apprehend him, de la Fuente responded that he had nowhere else to go: the brand on his face clearly marked him as a royal slave. According to de la Fuentes testimony, the estancia slave told him that he knew of a safe place, and soon afterwards introduced him to several maroons from the palenque of El Limon.76

While the testimonies of Francisco de la Fuente, Alonso de Molina, and Miguel the New Christian are compelling in their own right, their presence in the Spanish Caribbean, along with dozens and perhaps hundreds of other Moorish, Turkish, and morisco galley slaves, is most signicant as evidence of a missing link in the evolution of slavery within the early modern Iberian Atlantic world. As late as the 1630s, even in Cartagena de Indias, the Spanish Americas major transatlantic slave trade hub, race was not yet the unique, overriding factor in determining who could be enslaved. Despite their relatively small numbers, the existence of as many as several hundred enslaved Mediterranean oarsmen employed on perhaps 25 galleys indicates that the model of colonial Caribbean history traditionally viewed as normative racialised slavery on nineteenth-century sugar plantations is limited in its ability to describe slavery or slave labour in the same region prior to 1650. During the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, even as the forced migration of thousands of subSaharan Africans began to fundamentally shape the contours of Spanish Caribbean society, Iberian colonisation of the Caribbean continued to build on Mediterranean

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traditions, including multiple forms of slavery and servitude, in ways that remain to be explored. Acknowledgements Research for this paper was made possible by a Fulbright-IIE fellowship to Spain in 20052006, and the Conference on Latin American Historys Lydia Cabrera Award in 2006. The author is grateful to the staffs of the Archivo General de Indias (Seville), and the Archivo del Museo Naval (Madrid). Many thanks also to Asmaa Bouhrass, Giancarlo Casale, Kristen Block, Yacine Daddi-Addoun, and Karoline Cook for encouragement and helpful suggestions, and to Teolo Ruiz and Philip Morgan for insightful comments on earlier versions of this essay. Notes
[1] Archivo General de Indias [ AGI], Patronato 234, ramo 7, Papeles tocantes a la Alteracion de los Negros Zimarrones, y Castigos que en ellos hizo el Governador de Cartagena causados en el Ano de 1634, bloque 2, ff.167r194v (840r 867v), 459r 461v (1132r 1134v), 464r 466r (1137r1139r). The other nine men executed were Sebastian Angola a.k.a. Cachorro, Pedro Angola, Juan Angola, Lazaro Angola, Domingo Anchico, Sebastian Anchico, Lorenso Criollo, Juan Criollo, and Juan de la Mar negro criollo. For further discussion of this richly detailed, 990-page legajo, see McKnight, Elder, Slave, and Soldier. [2] In early modern Iberia, the terms morisco and cristiano nuevo (new Christian) were used to identify converts from Islam or Judaism, and people of Muslim or Jewish ancestry. Rather than markers ascribing religious heritage alone, terms such as moro and turco also designated geographical origins and political loyalties, with North Africans identied as Moors, and Ottomans as Turks. In this essay, the term sub-Saharan Africans will be used to distinguish Upper Guineans, Lower Guineans, and West Central Africans from North Africans (though some North Africans were also black). The term Afro-Creole (in Spanish sources, negro criollo) here refers to people of African descent born in the Americas; Afro-Iberian refers to people of African descent born in Spain or Portugal. [3] Quinn, Turks, Moors, Blacks, and Others; Landers, Black Society, 16; Matar, Turks, Moors, and Englishmen, 100; de la Fuente, Havana and the Atlantic, 102, 106. [4] See, for example, Deerr, History of Sugar, I: 73 157; Pike, Enterprise and Adventure, 12844; Moreno Fraginals, La introduccion; Rodrguez Morel, Sugar Economy; de la Fuente, Sugar and Slavery. For broader discussion of Iberian trajectories from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, see Verlinden, Beginnings of Modern Colonization; Fernandez-Armesto, Before Columbus; Abulaa, Discovery of Mankind. [5] AGI-Santo Domingo (hereafter SD) 193, Parezer del governador de Venecuela en lo tocante a las galeras que an de rresidir en las Yndias, Coro, 29 October 1572; AGI-Santa Fe (hereafter SF) 37, r.4, n.14a, Carta de Francisco Bahamonde de Lugo a S.M., Cartagena, 29 May 1573; AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.20, Carta de Pedro Fernandez de Bustos a S.M., Cartagena, 21 November 1577; AGI SD 99, r.14, n.59 and 65, Cartas de Francisco Carreno a S.M., Havana, 26 August 1577, 13 April 1578; AGI-Panama 40, n.12, Carta de Gonzalo Nunez de la Cerda, Panama, 18 February 1573; AGI-Panama 30, n.17, Carta del cabildo secular de Panama, 26 April 1577. [6] In Seville et lAtlantique, 1054, Chaunu writes that Cartagenas galleys ceased to exist in 1624, but other sources indicate that Cartagena maintained at least one galley up until at least 1631. Though the galley was no longer seaworthy, galley ofcers continued to draw pay through the mid-1630s. Meanwhile, with royal approval, galley slaves and forzados were

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[7]

[8]

[9]

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

temporarily put to work on the citys fortications. The last galley was nally and denitively reformed in 16331634, but the former galley slaves who survived evidently remained in the Caribbean. Several including Amar moro de nacion Abrahan moro, and Abraen moro were sold to private owners in 1633. See AGI-Panama 238, L.15, ff.99v 101r, Informe sobre traco por el Ro Chagres, Madrid, 31 March 1633; AGI-Contadura 1396, Caja de Cartagena, Cuentas de galeras desde 19 August 1621 hasta mayo de 1634; and AGI-Contadura 1399, Caja de Cartagena, Cuentas de Real Hacienda (16331636), section 2, pliegos 39 40, 50 9. For the transfer of a galley from Santo Domingo to Cartagena, see, for example, AGI-Indifer ente 541, L.1 P_Rico, ff.98v 100r, Real Cedula a Lope de Vega Portocarrero, San Lorenzo, 22 September 1590; and also, ff.108r109r, Real Cedula a los ociales de la Casa de la Contrata cion, Madrid, 28 January 1591. Known Cartagena galleys include the Santiago (arriving in 1578), Ocasion (1578), Patrona de Espana (1583), Santo Angel (1583), San Agustn (1585 1586), Marquesa (15851586), Santa Ana (1591), Santa Mara (1596), Santa Catalina (1603), and Santa Margarita (1603). Galleys based in Santo Domingo include the Santiago (1583), Leona (1583), Luna (15851586), and Ventura (15851586). Havana galleys include the Porriada (15851586), Brava (15851586), Serena (1592), and San Agustn (15931595). For broad discussion of Spains galley squadrons, see Olesa Munido, La organizacion; Guilmartin, Gunpowder & Galleys; and Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, 11 13, 55 61. On Spains Car ibbean galleys, see Wright, Further English Voyages, xxviii liii, lxv lxxxiv; Chaunu, Seville et lAtlantique, 103554; Olesa Munido, La organizacion, I: 515; Boulind, Shipwreck and Mutiny; Andrews, Spanish Caribbean, 101 5, 145, 150 4, 164, 2045; Borrego Pla, Cartagena de Indias; and Hoffman, Spanish Crown, 109 10, 17996, 221 2. For a brief history of Cartagenas galleys up to 1620, see AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.28, doc.10, Madrid, 19 abril 1620. AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.36, 47, and 58, Cartas de Pedro Fernandez de Busto, Cartagena, 25 June 1580, 15 November 1582, and 21 June 1584; AGI-SF 62, n.69c, Ynstruccion que se dio a Pedro Cor onado Maldonado [Cartagena, 1594], f.1r; AGI-Panama 237, L.13, f.17v, Envo a Portobelo de la galera de Cartagena, Madrid, 12 June 1598; AGI-Panama 229, L.1, f.136r, Ayuda para las for ticaciones de Portobelo, Madrid, 12 June 1598; AGI-SF 38, r.1, n.15, Pedro de Acuna y o ciales de las galeras a S.M., Cartagena, 18 January 1599; AGI-Panama 15, r.7, n.75, Carta del presidente Francisco Valverde de Mercado, Panama, 6 August 1606; Wright, Further English Voyages, xxxi ii, lxxvi lxxxiii, 263; Hoffman, Spanish Crown, 193. AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.26, Carta de Pedro Fernandez de Bustos, Cartagena, 27 January 1579; AGIPatronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc.1, Memorial de don Pedro Vichy Manrrique, [c.1581], f.32r; AGI-SF 228, n.24, Fray Juan de Ladrada a S.M., Cartagena, 28 June 1599, ff.1r v; AGI-SF 228, n.120, Informe del obispo de Cartagena, Cartagena, 25 September 1650, ff.3rv; Wright, Further English Voyages, lxviii lxix, lxxxiii lxxxiv; Chaunu, Seville et lAtlantique, 1037; Andrews, Spanish Caribbean, 145, 164; Hoffman, Spanish Crown, 18893. The soldiers listed in Table 1 only include those associated specically with the galleys. In Cartagena, their numbers may have been augmented by another 25 soldiers on the boat which accompanied the galleys. In 1589, some of Cartagenas residents were also recruited as galley soldiers. Soldiers from Cartagenas garrison may have also been employed on the galleys, as they were on patrol boats during the 1610s. See AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.86, Carta de Pedro de Lodena, Cartagena, 30 January 1589; AGI-SF 63, n.18 and 25, Cartas del cabildo secular de Cartagena, 20 July 1617 and 23 July 1620. AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc.3, Expediente de Pedro Vique y Juan Bautista Carrillo sobre Como estan las galeras de tierra rme, Cartagena, 25 May 1583; AGI-Patronato 270, n.3, r.10, Relacion de la gente de mar y guerra forcados y esclavos, Havana, 27 October 1593. Most of the forzados on Cartagenas galleys Santiago and Ocasion in 1583 were Spanish, but others included seven from France; three Portuguese; and four men from Genoa, Milan, or Sicily. Several forzados were from the Canary Islands or Spanish Americas (Puerto Rico, Santo

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Domingo, Cali, Lima, Quito). Nine men from Spain are listed as gitanos (Roma people). Others included an Amerindian from Venezuela, six mulatos, and two negros. Buenas boyas on these galleys presumably former convict oarsmen included two more gitanos; another Portuguese man, a mulato from Seville, and an Upper Guinean man identied as Anton Bran, native of Bran. Similarly, most of the 192 forzados on Havanas galleys San Agustn and Brava in 1593 originated in what is today peninsular Spain, but they rowed alongside two men from the Canary Islands, eleven men from Mexico, sixteen Frenchmen, ve Englishmen, two Portuguese, an Irishman, and one Teuton (tudesco). Five of Havanas galley forzados are described as gitanos; eight as mulatos, two as mestizos, and two as yndios. An additional convict oarsmen appears as Francisco de Palermo esclavo de particulares, i.e. an enslaved man owned by a private individual rather than by the Crown, and who would return to slavery after serving out his sentence on the galleys. For sentences of various lengths given to forzados, see AGI-SD 99, r.20, n.197b, Relacion de la gente de Remo forcados y esclavos y buenas boyas de la galera Capitana, 28 February 1596; and AGI-SF 38, r.1, n.27, ff.8r 10v, Testimonio de las condenaciones de penas corporales, Carta gena, 2 March 1598. While the majority of convict oarsmen served limited sentences, some were forcados perpetuos. Those with life sentences may have experienced treatment very similar to that of galley slaves (or even worse, since unlike galley slaves, they were not considered property of the Crown). AGI-SF 38, r.2, n.33, Jeronimo de Zuazo a S.M., Cartagena, 29 December 1601, ff.2r 3v. See AGI-SF 38, r.2, n.45b, Certicacion del Veedor y contador de las galeras, Cartagena, 8 February 1603, f.1v. For more information on forzados and buenas boyas, see Olesa Munido, La organizacion, II: 757 60, 760 76; Pike, Penal Servitude, 3 26; Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, 217 20, 289 90. See Table 1. For details on the crew compositions of galley squadrons based in Spain during the same period, see Archivo del Museo Naval [ AMN], Coleccion Sanz de Barutell, MS 389, ff.220r v, Relacion de la gente de cavo y remo y soldados de Ynfantera, Lisbon, 1 August 1585; and AMN-Coleccion Vargas Ponce (hereafter VP), serie 1, tomo XX, doc. 77 / f.177, Relacion de la gente de Cavo y Remo que Ay en las galeras de Spana, Puerto de Santa Mara, 26 March 1611. See also Guilmartin, Gunpowder & Galleys, 31718. Guilmartin, Gunpowder & Galleys, 116, 125, 128 32; Imber, Ottoman Empire, 289. AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc.1, ff.2r, 37r; and doc.6, Carta de Pedro Vique a S.M., Cartagena, 12 June 1585, f.1r. See also Bamford, Fighting Ships, 143; Fontenay, Lesclave galerien, 125 7. If 25 galleys defended the Spanish Caribbean between 1578 and 1635, with an average of perhaps 26 enslaved oarsmen employed on each, the total number of galley slaves could have been as high as 650. The overall number must have been considerably lower, however, since new galleys were surely crewed by the same oarsmen who had served on previous galleys if possible. Also, when the Santo Domingo and Havana squadrons were disbanded, some remaining oarsmen were probably sent to reinforce Cartagenas galleys. For regulations on galley slaves treatment, see Olesa Munido, La organizacion, II: 755, 77681. AGI-Contadura 1381, Caja de Cartagena, Cuentas de las galeras, Alarde de la gente de rremo que ay en la galera Santiago and Alarde de la gente de rremo que tiene la galera Occazion, 1578; AMN-VP, serie 2, Tomo 10-B, doc. 1, Testimonio de que Inigo de Lezama hizo entrega de las a y Santo Angel, Sevilla, 4 July 1583, ff.3v, 5v, 9r v, 12v 13r. See also galeras Patrona de Espan AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc.3, ff.9v 10r, 12v13r. Wright, Further English Voyages, xl xli, liii, lxiv, 7, 26, 31, 35, 42, 51, 54, 58, 77 9, 93, 95, 110 11, 122, 127, 134 5, 141 2, 156 9, 170, 173, 189, 206, 212; Andrews, Spanish Caribbean, 150; Quinn, Turks, Moors, Blacks, and Others; Matar, Turks, Moors, and Englishmen, 100, 217n75. AMN-VP, serie 2, tomo 6, doc. 17, Noticias sobre galeras que pasaron a America, 15856; and also tomo 9, doc. 6., fol. 45, Notizia de haver pasado a Yndias Galeras de Spana, 1585 6.

[14]

[15] [16]

[17]

[18] [19] [20]

[21] [22]

[23]

[24]

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[25] AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.101a:, Relacion de los forcados y esclabos, Cartagena, 26 August 1591; AGI-SF 38, r.2, n.45b, Certicacion del Veedor y contador de las galeras, Cartagena, 8 February 1603. [26] AGI-Patronato 270, n.3, r.10; AGI-SD 99, r.20, n.197b, ff.3v 4v. See also AGI-Patronato 270, n.3, r.11, Relacion de la gente de cavo, 17 August 1594; Wright, Historia documentada, II: 241 4; Garca del Pino, Documentos, 63 7; Landers, Black Society, 16. [27] Chaunu, Seville et lAtlantique, 1051. [28] Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, 216. For more information on galley slavery and related forms of captivity and servitude in the late medieval and early modern Mediterranean, see Verlinden, Lesclavage; Bamford, Fighting Ships; Friedman, Spanish Captives; Evans, Slave Coast of Europe; Bono, Corsari nel Mediterraneo; Fontenay, Lesclave galerien; Stella, Histoires and ` Les galeres; Davis, Christian Slaves; David and Fodor; Ransom Slavery. [29] Enslaved North African oarsmen identied their fathers by names including Aalafa, Abrahen, Adux, Alefe, Ali, Azam, Barq, Fala, Dayfala, Hajassi, Hamete, Huzabin, Huzayn, Macaut, Mis eyote, Mahamete, Mahamud, Masavi, Salem, Sassi, Sbarca, Ysman, Zalema, and Zalen. [30] See Abun-Nasr, History of the Maghrib, 144 205; Greene, Ottomans in the Mediterranean. [31] See Hunwick, Black Slaves. [32] Casale, Ethnic Composition, 127 36; Guilmartin, Gunpowder & Galleys, 1302; Imber, Ottoman Empire, 303 15; Faroqhi, Ottoman Empire, 1278. [33] Casale, Ethnic Composition; Stella, Histoires, 70. See also Bamford, Fighting Ships, 1435. [34] Enslaved Ottoman oarsmen identied their fathers by names including Ali, Amad, Amica, Cucule, Gotun, Hamete, Mahamete, Minat, Morato, Mostafa, Uzain, and Yocuf. [35] Quinn, Turks, Moors, Blacks, and Others. [36] AMN-VP, serie 2, tomo 10-B, doc. 1, Testimonio, ff.3v, 5v, 9r v, 12v 13r. On the mutilation of galley slaves ears as a punishment for revolt, see AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.33, Carta de Pedro Fer nandez de Busto, Cartagena, 15 April 1580. [37] Bennassar, Les chretiens dAllah; Olesa Munido, La organizacion, II: 780 1; Pike, Penal Servitude, 9; Guilmartin, Gunpowder & Galleys, 132. [38] Perry, Handless Maiden, 86, 145, 169 70; Goodman, Spanish Naval Power, 216. [39] Cook, Navigating Identities; Schwartz, All Can Be Saved, 128. [40] AGI-Contadura 1381, Alarde de la gente de rremo que tiene la galera Santiago. [41] AGI-Patronato 270, n.3, r.10; AGI-SD 99, r.20, n.197b, ff.3v 4r. [42] AGI-Contadura 1381, Cuentas de las galeras; AMN-VP, serie 2, tomo 10-B, doc. 1, Testimonio, ff.3v, 5v, 9r v, 12v 13r. [43] See, for example, AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.23, Carta de Pedro Fernandez de Bustos, 15 March 1578; AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.57, Carta de Pedro Fernandez de Busto, 9 June 1584; AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.100b, Las cossas que ay necesidad se procuren en Espana para las galeras, 15 January 1591, f.1r; AGI-SF 38, r.2, n.64, Jeronimo de Zuazo a S.M., Cartagena, 6 August 1604. [44] AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc.3, ff.9v 10r, 12v13r. [45] AGI-SF 38, r.2, n.61, Jeronimo de Zuazo a S.M., Cartagena, 22 January 1604, f.1r. [46] AGI-Contadura 1381, Alarde de la gente de rremo que ay en la galera Santiago (1578); AGI Contadura 1386, Cuentas de galeras (1604 1607), pliegos 12731; AGI-Contadura 1389, Cuentas de reformas de galeras (16131614), pliegos 224 6; AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.28, docs 3 and 10 (Madrid, 9 and 19 April 1620). [47] AGI-SF 228, n.20, Fray Antonio de Herbias a S.M., Cartagena, 11 May 1591. [48] Matar, Turks, Moors, and Englishmen, 109 28; Stella, Histoires, 87; Bamford, Fighting Ships, 188; Fontenay, Lesclave galerien, 138. [49] Zavala, Galeras, 122n11. [50] AGI-Patronato 270, n.3, r.9, f.5r. [51] AGI-SF 38, r.1, n.27, ff.8r10v. [52] AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.33. [53] Boulind, Shipwreck and Mutiny, 310, 328n74; Wright, Further English Voyages, xxviii xxix.

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[54] AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.101, Pedro de Lodena y los ociales de las galeras a S.M., Cartagena, 29 August 1591; AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.104 and 105, Cartas de Pedro de Lodena, Cartagena, 1 November 1591 and 28 July 1592. See also AGI-SF 232, r.1, n.15, El dean de la yglesia de Cartagena al Rey, Cartagena, 20 July 1591; AGI-SF 232, r.1, n.17, Dean y Cabildo de la yglesia de Cartagena a S.M., Cartagena, 18 February 1592; AGI-SF 91, n.38, Sancho de Guitar y Arze a S.M. y Consejo de Indias, Cartagena, 30 October 1591. [55] AGI-Escribana 962, Sentencias, Cristobal de Pantoja, cabo de las galeras de Habana, por excesos, 22 May 1599. [56] Faroqhi, Ottoman Empire, 131 4; Guilmartin, Gunpower & Galleys, 1223. [57] See AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.98, Carta de Pedro de Lodena, Cartagena, 16 November 1590; AGI-Con tadura 1383, Cuentas de las galeras (15871590); AGI-Escribana 962, Cristobal de Pantoja; AGI-Contadura 1386, Cuentas de galeras (16041607), pliegos 13244; Chaunu, Seville et lAtlantique, 10456. [58] AMN-VP, serie 2, tomo 6, doc. 17; AGI-SD 99, r.20, n.197b, Relacion de la gente de Remo, f.1r. [59] AGI-Panama 237, L.13, f.17v, Envo a Portobelo de la galera de Cartagena, Madrid, 12 June 1598; AGI-Panama 229, L.1, f.136r, Ayuda para las forticaciones de Portobelo, Madrid, 12 June 1598; AGI-SF 232, r.2, n.43d, Quentas que dio el senor thessorero de la obra de la yglesia, Cartagena, 30 August 1612, f.3r; Chaunu, Seville et lAtlantique, 1047 8. [60] AGI-SF 38, r.6, n.180, Garca Giron a S.M., Cartagena, 24 March 1623. [61] AGI-Contadura 1397, Caja de Cartagena, Cuentas de la Real Hacienda, 16231633, n.1, pliego 68; see also pliego 73. [62] AGI-SF 62, n.28, Memorial y testimonio de autos de la ciudad y provincia de Cartagena sobre los abusos y delitos que contra aquellos vecinos cometen los soldados de las galeras y otas, Cartagena, 11 May 1583, ff.36v 37r. [63] Wright, Further English Voyages, 197. [64] AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.76, f.4v. [65] AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.79, Carta de Pedro de Lodena, Cartagena, 13 July 1588, f.2r. [66] AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.98, f.3r. [67] AGI-SF 37, r.6, n.101a, Relacion, f.14r. [68] AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.33, Carta de Pedro Fernandez de Busto, Cartagena, 15 April 1580, f.3r. [69] AGI-SF 37, r.5, n.36, ff.3rv. [70] AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc.1, Memorial, f.37r. [71] AGI-Patronato 270, n.1, r.13, doc. 3, ff.9v 10r, 12v 13r. [72] AGI-SF 62, n.28, Memorial y testimonio, f.36v. [73] Sagrada Catedral de La Habana, Libro de Barajas: Bautismos (1590 1600), ff.26v, 35r, 146v. Accessible online at Ecclesiastical Sources for Slave Societies, http://diglib.library.vanderbilt. edu/esss.pl (last accessed 1 December 2009). [74] AGI-SF 91, n.43a, Peticion de Miguel Christiano nuevo, esclavo que sirve en las galeras de Cartagena, Cartagena, 31 January 1592. Petition granted 3 August 1592. For a similar case, see AGI Contadura 1389, pliego 9: in 1613, Cartagena ofcials recorded the receipt of 50 silver pesos for the resgate (redemption) of the galley slave Ajor moro [. . .] who having become Christian calls himself Diego, and to whom liberty was given for being old and sick, useless for service. [75] Splendiani et al., Cinquenta anos de inquisicion, tomo II: 2878. [76] AGI-Patronato 234, r.7, Papeles, bloque 2. See n1.

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